a sermon preached at the consecration of the right reverend father in god ambrose lord bishop of kildare in christ-church, dublin, june , / by the right reverend father in god, henry, lord bishop of meath. jones, henry, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing j estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : , : ) a sermon preached at the consecration of the right reverend father in god ambrose lord bishop of kildare in christ-church, dublin, june , / by the right reverend father in god, henry, lord bishop of meath. jones, henry, - . [ ], [i.e. ], [ ] p. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : . errata: p. [ ] at end. reproductions of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jones, ambrose, d. . bible. -- n.t. -- titus i, - -- sermons. church polity -- sermons. episcopacy -- sermons. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - simon charles sampled and proofread - simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur mich. dublin . canc. a sermon preached at the consecration of the right reverend father in god ambrose lord bishop of kildare in christ-church , dublin , june . . by the right reverend father in god henry lord bishop of meath . dublin , printed by john crook , printer to the king 's most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castle-street . . to the most honourable james , duke , marquess , and earl of ormond , earl of ossory and brecknock , viscount thurles , lord baron of arklow and lanthony , lord of the regalities and liberties of the county of tipperary , chancellor of the universitie of dublin , lord lieutenant general , and general governour of his majesties kingdom of ireland , lord lieutenant of the county of somerset , the city and county of bristol , and the cities of bath and wells , one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy councils of his majesties kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland , lord steward of his majesties household , gentleman of his majesties bed-chamber , and knight of the most noble order of the garter , his grace , my lord , what of ecclesiastical government in the christian church , hath passed our fore-fathers unquestioned more than one thousand five hundred years , from the apostles downward , that , is become the unhappy dispute of this last age , both as to pen and sword. this had its rise at geneva , anno . a the people having thence tumultuously expelled their bishop , and being thereby without government , and to seek for the way toward it , thereupon did calvin put himself on them , finding , in that , a fit introduction to greatness , and by his prudence , and learning , ( in both which he excelled ) became he there an oracle , and his will a law . of that made he use in meditating , forming , and proposing a model of church-government , ( it being desired of him by the people ; ) which he well ordered to his ends , and interests ; intermixing church , and lay-elders ; ( those fixed , these yearly elected ) appointing a double number of the laity , to what was of the other ; that is , six ministers , and twelve others , chosen out of their three councils of state , viz. six out of their council of two hundred , and four out of that of sixty , and two out of the twenty five ; wherein ( for pleasing the people ) the advantage of major votes was given them in decisions ; and in that , most of power in them ( seemingly ) placed ; whereas , indeed , all was thereby in himself , and in his church-elders principally , well judging , that the fewer ( being learned , leading , and lasting ) might easily influence , and overbear a greater number not so reaching , and changing , whose election also might be by the other so ordered , as to serve a church-interest . and least ( on consideration , ) this might be ( over-soon apprehended and avoided . therefore had calvin ( undertaking that form of government , desired of him ) first , politickly , obliged that people by oath to receive and submit to what should be so proposed ; provided , it were agreeable to gods word , and to the approbation of such of the reformed churches as should be thought fit to be therein consulted . and accordingly , did he carefully hold , in that , to scripture-names and words , knowing , that this could not but sound well howsoever , and that it might take with the less discerning , and would certainly pass with those , whose interest it was to be so satisfied . in which , he fixed principally on the name of elders ; a scripture-name , of which much is spoken in both testaments , but in the new testament sounding toward the frame of government in the christian church : yet , in the new testament was found the word bishop also : and this , as considerable , for church government as could be pretended to , in that other of elders ; and yet , must not ( notwithstanding ) the name of bishop be in this new model mentioned : for , the name would mind the injurious casting off of their bishop , and the thing stood in the way to other grandeures ; therefore with the person must the name of bishop be shut out also . but how may that be without force and wrong to scripture ? where , of the name and office of bishops , is mention frequent and honourable ; as to that , the expedient is readie and easie . it is but ordering the text to the gloss , and framing such an interpretation for that scripture-name bishop , that thenceforth ( although never till then ) by bishops , elders be understood : so as , whatsoever is in the new testament said of bishops , should be of elders onely , & that bishops and elders be as the same , not distinguished in office or work . but such avoiding of express scriptures by private constructions , could not satisfie all : therefore , what is short in that , is to be supplied otherwise ; that is , by the sense and approbation of other reformed churches : and to that is this new law-giver put ( unexpectedly ) by a reluctancy found in the people , they beginning to resent the design , and desiring ( if possible ) to get off , and loose from that , in which they now saw , ( but too late ) themselves intangled . and whereas their late obligation of an oath , could not but stick close , it behoved to seek their libertie some other way , and no other way appeared so ready , as that part of the mentioned proviso , the sense of other churches in the case , by which was hope for evading , it being observed , that no other church was then so modelled in government ; and therefore , was it hoped they might be inclined not to favour this , being new and strange . this , the people now press , and to four of the helvetian cities and churches is by them addressed , with which calvin closeth readily ; that being what he expected , and for what he was prepared , and of which he had already assurance . for , ( all that having been foreseen ) he had before ( underhand ) by letters , dealt with the principals of those churches , that they would not fail to declare for that form of government , in which he had so laboured for geneva , ( saying ) that religion , and piety , and the welfare of that church and people depended on it . whereby when that business was by all parties laid before those churches , the answer was readie ; which was , that they had heard of those consistorial laws , which they acknowledged for godly ordinances , and drawing towards the prescript of gods word : therefore did they think it good for the church of geneva , not to change the same , but rather to keep as they were . thus , is calvins work done , and setled , and the people brought to a succumbency ; onely , it remained , that whereas it had been by those compromising churches , more warily delivered concerning those laws of government , that they were godly ordinances ( which might seem a lean expression ) and that they did draw toward the prescript of gods word , ( which was short and diminishing ) therefore was something to be declared more absolute and positive in the case . and seeing it was not to be expected from other churches , it was thus therefore otherwise ordered ( and as effectually ) first , that this discipline be cried up ( as it was industriously ) for ancient , apostolical , and wholly scriptural ; and so , above all other forms whatsoever , and therefore , to be that to which other churches should conform ; and geneva ( as to church and government , ) to be esteemed of all , and above all best reformed : unto which , in that cursed national covenant in england , was respect had particularly . wherein is to be observed the prodigious growth of this last nights mushrom ; that this , but just now , standing on its good behaviour , and beholding to others votes and approbation ( and that begged ) for introducing it , and needing an oath ( slily imposed , and inconsiderately taken ) for holding the people to it , it self also looking on it self jealously , whether to be or not ; yet should it now from a politick government start up in a moment , and be transformed to what is divine . and therefore no longer begging , but commanding ; nor to be now confined to geneva , ( where first imposed , ) but geneva in that , giving laws to the world , and expecting from other churches conformity to that as the principal . by all which ( notwithstanding ) although other reformed churches had been in all this time , little influenced ; yet ( surely by some fatality ) hath it been with us in these kingdoms otherwise . for this geneva form well pleasing our english , fled to geneva in q. mary's persecution was by them brought thence in their return ; by whom it having been for a time hatched in private conventicles , at length was it brought forth , and after by strong hand imposed on our churches for imitation : as was that idol-altar at damascus patterned for jerusalem . b this began in scotland , where episcopacie was cast off by the reformers ( geneva principled ) and that ( as in geneva , ) in a way popular and tumultuary so imbibing reformation with schism . and although in th● other kingdoms episcopacy still held , and many years flourished after the reformation , ( to the glory of our church above all others reformed ) yet was that sacred hierarchy , in that time , by that party oft pushed at ; and at length , ( they getting head and power in our late dismal times ) our very foundations of government , civil , and ecclesiastical , regal , and episcopal , ( as by a general earthquake ) were at once , and together , overturned , and in their ruins buried : under which universal desolations lay these kingdoms , miserably , when ( as by miracle ) all were again raised and restored to their former beauty and lustre , by his sacred majesties glorious and happy restauration . ( and next and unto his majesty ) doth ireland own your grace in its settlement , both as to church and state , our general settlement of the kingdom by your great hand , speaking your glory to generations . and whereas all these mentioned evils and miseries , had been occasioned by schism , and by that particularly concerning church-government , and that this present generation hath been ( in a great measure ) bred and educated in an age , where that truth hath been silenced , and nothing heard but what hath been loudly against it , and the contrary magnified , as what only is according to scripture : and considering , that this , ( we must now say ) controversie , being cleared , mens minds ( or some of them ) might be satisfied in the truth , and thereby setled in obedience ; therefore ( occasion being for it ) did i take up this subject , in which episcopacy is asserted as apostolical , and the contrary examined , so far , as the short time then allowed me would admit ; which being by your grace commanded from me , it is thus in due obedience presented ; yet in some particulars here and there enlarged , above what was in publick delivery , what is so added , being what was intended to have been then spoken , had i not been enforced by the time , and work of the day , to contract . all which is now laid at your excellencies feet , and under your great and piercing judgment , there , leaving it humbly , and ever praying for your lordships happiness every way ; and that the lord would remember you according to the good by you done for the house of our god , and for the offices thereof . your graces in duty and service . henry midensis . dublin , . aug. . my lord , i have more than once read your lordships very excellent sermon , and do think it not only so convincing in what it aims at , but so prudent and seasonable , that with your good leave , i wish it may be printed , and to that end have left the copy you sent me in my lord chancellors hands . what you are pleased to say of me , in your epistle to me , is the only questionable part of the work ; and if i have not been what you say , you teach me what i should be , and i receive the instruction as i ought , and remain . your lordships most affectionate humble servant , ormonde . for the right reverend father in god the lord bishop of meath . these . the preface to the reader . what is here withall now published , was at first intended to have been no farther publique , then as spoken . but it being since then , otherwise ordered , and concieving that so necessary a truth ( now dark and controversal , ) might require more for its explication and proof , then was , or could ( circumstances considered ) be , at that time , in speaking allowed . therefore is this intended in way of supplement at present , which may be hereafter farther enlarged , as opportunity shall be for it ; if not , perhaps , thereunto provoked by gain-sayers , whom i expect and provide for . the asserting the episcopal office and calling , and in that , the government ecclesiastical of the christian church , is that now before us , concerning which that may be found true , which god speaks of some other his truths , in corrupt times . i have ( saith he ) written to them the great things of my law , but they were counted as a strange thing . a and what is now so strange , as to hear of episcopacy , that it is the true , ancient , and apostolical government of the church ? and on the contrary , that the government without elders ( lay or others ) is but feigned , and novel ? yet , is this a great truth , episcopacy having been received , both in profession and practice in all ages of the church , from the first of christianity unto 〈◊〉 last age , whereas now we find this truth , not so much antiquated or forgotten , as utterly denied . but comparing scripture , and authentick records of ancient times 〈…〉 evident , that episcopacy is so far apostolically divine , . that bishops were in the 〈◊〉 times of the apostles . . and they by the apostles themselves ordained and appointed . . and that in those very times of the apostles , in the apostolical churches ( such as were by the apostles themselves planted , and setled , ) there had been an approved succession of bishops . . and that in all the following p●●●●tive ages of the church , the 〈◊〉 by bishops , so apostolically ordered , had been accordingly received , and continued , no one church contradicting in word , or practice . . lastly , nothing heard , in all that time , of a government by elders , lay , o● other . for manifesting which , briefly , in particulars , it appears , 〈…〉 ( taking that unto the death of 〈◊〉 john , an . 〈◊〉 ) . that st. james , ( not the son of 〈◊〉 who was killed by herod b but 〈…〉 killed the 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 brother c or kinsman ) was ( it may be on such respect● ) appointed by the apostles , bishop of jerusalem . he was there , therefore resident , while other the apostles were other where on their work . and on that account might he be ( probably , ) pointed 〈…〉 as principal among the 〈◊〉 d 〈◊〉 ( faith he ) show these things unto james , and to the brethren , speaking of his miraculous deliverance from herod , and from his prison . and after , in the great council 〈◊〉 hierusalem ( the greatest that ever was in the christian world , all the apostles being present ; ) st. james appears there as principal and president , by whom ( as 〈◊〉 by such usual ) the resolve of the council is last , and definitively declared . e also to st. james , is by st. paul at hierusalem expresly addressed . f and again , and again is he honourably mentioned among , and above others , g in which he was considered as bishop of hierusalem , which i need not prove , it being by the other 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ●ledged , & proved also , although with some tenderness , as to be willingly passed over . it seemeth ( say the authors of the annot. on the bible printed an . . ) that he was assigned to stay at jerusalem . h but on what account was that ? they test us , i antiquity ( say they ) took him , ( james ) to be superintendent , or bishop of the church of jerusalem , chrys. hom . . in act. jerom. to catal. ser. eccles. these are their words and proof for it , of that therefore i need not ( i hope ) say more . after st. james ( who governed that church thirty years ) his brother simon or simeon succeeded in that bishoprick ; k he , living until he was years old , suffered under 〈◊〉 . . by appointment of st. peter , st. mark was appointed bishop of alexandria , and the first there . he died five or six years before s. peter or s. paul , and almost years before s. john : him succeeded anianus , then abilius , and after cerdo , all in the apostles time . l . by s. paul was timothy made bishop of ephesus , and titus bishop of crete . the postscripts to those epistles stile them bishops ; which beside the antiquity of that testimony , is otherwise averred , for the authors of the centuries m say , that it is evident that paul appointed timothy pastor , and that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or president , which is with beza a bishop . n timothy had first the bishoprick of the church of ephesus , and titus of the churches in crete : so eusebius , o also jerome , p timothy was ordained of s. paul the bishop of the ephesians , and titus bishop of crete : and oecumenius on these words , tim. . . i be sought thee to abide still at ephesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . here ( faith he ) he appointed him bishop . q and of titus , r that paul left him to ordain bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having first made him bishop . as for timothies successors in the apostles times ; you have the angel of that church mentioned by s. john , re● . . . also polycrates bishop of ephesus contemporary to polycarpus bishop of smyrna , ordained by s. john. and of others his successors after , we read in the council of chalcedon ; where stephanus bishop of ephesus being deposed , and it being debated by whom the new bishop should be appointed , whether by the council , or by the provincial synod of asia ; thereupon leontius bishop of magnesia ( of the province of asia ) said , thatfrom s. timothy to that time , there had been bishops of ephesus , all ordained in the province . s as to crete , and of bishops , succeeding titus ; we read , that basil bishop of gortyna ( the metropolis of crete ) was present at the council of trullo . t . the apostles s. peter , and s. paul , about the year . appointed evodius bishop of antioch , who continued there bishop years . him ignatius succeeded , and sate there years ; both of them in the times of the apostles . u . in the year . the same apostles ordered linus bishop of rome , who is mentioned tim. . . after whom followed anacletus , and clemens , w in the apostles times also . clemens did see the apostles , and conversed with them , saith irenaeus ( l. . c. . ) . s. john ordained polycarp bishop of smyrna . x and after his return from exile , he appointed several bishops in divers places . y and as we finde it thus in those apostolical churches ( by themselves , ordered ) so in others also hath it been in like manner , as to apostolical ordination and succession : of which tertullian : as the church of smyrna had polycarpus placed there by s. john , and the church of rome clement ordained by s. peter , so the rest of the churches also did shew what bishops they had received by the appointment of the apostles , to traduce the apostolical seed to them . z in all which are seen , bishops ordained by the apostles ; with their succession , and that , even in the times of the apostles , together with their times and places , ascertaining the truth of it . adde , the universal practice after , of all churches , both orthodox , and heretical ; ( for even the novatians , arians , and donatists , &c. retained the true government of the church by bishops . ) but on the contrary , no instances out of councils , fathers or histories , can be given ( in all that time ) of churches ordered without bishops by elders , of which kind soever ; allowing the time when churches were first constituted ; they being then under the immediate tuition and care of the apostles themselves respectively , until by their removal or otherwise , they found it necessary to appoint others in their places , in which case , the apostles being themsel●es bishops , they then stood in that capacity , which bishops after supplied . that general consent therefore of all churches from the beginning , evidenceth the truth in this undeniably ; if it be not supposed , that all those holy fathers and councils should joyn in one , throughout all those ages , ( no one contradicting , ) in setting up a government in the church ( episcopal , ) contrary to what was by the apostles appointed ; and utterly silencing ( without the least memory ) what the apostles had ordered ( if so it were ) of a government by elders without bishops . but that , were to suppose a conspiracy and combination , as to those holy men uncharitable , and in it self irrational and impossible . this i rather chuse to give in the very words of his late majestie charles i. ( the royal martyr for this church truth , as for the essential priviledges of his crown and kingdoms ) that , being by him delivered in answer to certain papers of the divines attending the commissioners of parliament at the treatie of newpors in the isle of wight anno . . a he that shall find by all the best records extant , that the distinction of bishops from , and the superiority over presbyters was so universally and speedily spread over the face of the whole world ; and their government submitted to so 〈◊〉 by the presbyters that there never was any considerable opposition made there against before aerius ( and that cried down as an hereste ) nor since till this last age , and shall duely consider withall that if episcopal government had not had an indubitable institution from the authority of christ and his apostles ; or if any other forme of church government could have pretended to such instruction , it had been the most impossible thing in the world , when their neither was any outward certain power to enforce it , nor could be any general council to stablish it , to have introduced such a forme of government so suddenly and quietly into all christian churches , and not the spirit of one presbyter for 〈◊〉 that appeareth for above . years to 〈◊〉 been provoke either through zeal ; ambition or other motive to stand up in the just defence of their own and the churches libertie against such usurpation . these are his majesties words . thus doth episcopacy derive from the first times , and shews it self generally received , and continued by a succession of after ages , in the christian church . which that by elders without bishops , cannot shew . by this tertullian concludes for the catholick church against heretiques . let them ( saith he ) shew the beginning of their churches , let them run over the succession of their bishops , so as the first of them , may have one of the apostles , or apostolique men , to be a founder , or predecessor . so apostolique churches derive themselves ; so doth the church of smyrna shew policarpus placed there by john : and rome , clements , ordained by peter ; so have other churches those , who were by the apostles appointed bishops by whom the apostolique seed ( or race ) is derived , or continued ( so tertullian , de praescript . advers . haeretic . c. . ) thus was it of old , and from th beginning , unto these later times ; when the change of that ancient forme of church government began ; that being occasionally brought in ( it troubles to say it ) with the reformation . ( then i say ) was that occasioned , rather than designed , or approved by the first reformers . for , the truth and puritie of the gospel , being then opposed and persecuted by popish bishops , thereby were those reformers enforced to act in that work of reformation without those bishops , whom they could not gain , and who were to them so contrary . yet did not those reformers in that , cast off episcopacy , with aversness to the order ; but onely in respect of those individual persons of the popish bishops oppressing , they the reformers in the mean time professing for episcopacy , and greatly desiring it , if it might be . it is 〈◊〉 by us endea●oured ( say they ) that bishops be deprived of government , or power , but it is desired , that they suffer the gospel to be purely preached : b and we have oft protested , that we do greatly approve the ecclesiastial politie and degrees in the church , and as much as in us lieth , we desire to preserve them . we do not dislike the authority of bishops , so that they would not compel us to do against gods commandments : c and yet again , we do here protest , and we would have it to be recorded , that we would willingly have the ecclesiastical and canonical politie , if the the bishops cease to tyrannize over our churches . this our desire shall excuse us with all posterity , both before god and all nations . d all which we have in that famous augustan confession of the reformers , who from the word protest , so frequent there , had then and thence the name of protestants , they being there first called protestants , as first christians at antioch e this augustan confession , or profession , or protestation , was signed by the more eminently learned in that age , and work of reformation : among whom , even calvin was a subscriber . yet did others of the chief reformers , adhere to their professions made concerning the right of episcopacy , both as to order and jurisdiction , concluding , that in justice it ought not to be violated . f by what right or law ( saith melan●thon to camerarius ) may we dissolve the ecclesiastical politie , if the bishops will grant us what in reason they ought to grant : and though it were lawful , yet surely it were not expedient . and he writing to luther , you will not believe how they of noricum and others hate me , propter restitutam episcopis jurisdictionem , for restoring the jurisdiction of bishops . g and camerarius in the life of melancthon ▪ saith thus of him , ( h ) melancthon non modo adstipulatore sed etiam authore ipso luthero &c. ) melancthon not onely by the consent , but even by advice also of luther perswaded , that if bishops would grant free use of the true doctrine , the ordinary power , and administration of their several diocesses should be restored to them ; and even beza who succeeded calvin in geneva for the space of ten years in like authority , duering which time , he was strict in his judgment as to his discipline ; yet after danaeu's his comeing thither , whereby that course of continueing long in that place , was altered , and beza laid by ; then could he find those inconveniences in that course , which he could not now remedie , onely , wishing it were otherwise . so speaking of the th canon , of those called , the apostles canons , concerning the power of metropolitans over bishops , quid aliud ( saith beza ) hic statuitur , quam ordo ille , quem in omnibus eccles●is restitutum cupimus : what is in this appointed , but that order , which we wish maybe restored , in all the ghurches ? f i shall but add that of zanchius , ( one of the most learned of that side . ) he in a confession , or profession of faith by him composed , speaking of church orders , and saying that arch bishops and patriarchs may be defended , k and sending that his confession to others for their approbation , and consent in it ; he found exceptions taken at that said by him concerning those church orders : his words are . l a certain eminent person , did write to me thus : what you write of your confession , hath been by me , and by n. and others received with great delight ; it being learnedly written , and in an accurate method , with which i was greatly pleased , if you except what in the end you add of archbishops and that hierarchy . on which zanchius maketh for himself this apologie ; when ( saith he ) i wrote this confession of faith : i did write all things out of a good conscience , and as i believed so did i freely speak . now my faith is grounded chiefly and simply on the word of god ; something also , in the next place , on the common consent of the whole ancient catholique church , if that be not repugnant to the scriptures . i do also beleive , that what things were defined in councils and received by the godly fathers , gathered together in the name of the lord , by common consent of all , without any gainsaying of the holy scriptures , that those things also , ( though they be not of the same authority with the holy scriptures ) proceeded from the holy ghost . hence it is , that those things that ●e of this kind , i neither will , nor dare with a good conscience dislike . but what is more certain out of history , councils , and writings of all the fathers , then that those orders of ministers , whereof i speake , were established , and received by the common consent of all christendom ( quis autem ego ? &c ) and who am i , that i should disallow , what the whole church approveth : nor date all the learned men of our times oppose it ; knowing that it was both lawfull for the church so to order it : and that those things proceeded , and were ordained for the best ends , and for the edifying of the elect. ( so zanchius ▪ ) he , in that , agreeing with the sence of the moderate sort of reformers . notwithstanding which , as a little stepping out of the right way , and so proceeding , makes ( in long running ) the return more difficult , so those reformers stepping so , out of the right path of truth , in acting ( as they did ) without bishops ( although thereunto enforced ) thereby was occasion given to those following , to proceed in that error , and so farre , as not onely to be without bishops , but to be also to them ill spirited ; which their leaders , were not , and that , at length , ending in schisme , and seperation . but let such consider , that for that very thing was aerius by the fathers branded with haeresie ( as was before mentioned ? he , as an arian first opposed christ ; and after , his church , in its government ; and that obstinately , and schismatically ; the occasion whereof would be considered . it was his standing for a bishoprick , in competition with eustathius , both of them arians , and in an arian church ; ( for very arians also held the true government of the church by bishops ) but aërius being put by what he so ambitiously desired , and eustathius preferred to the bishoprick , thereupon discontented , ( discontent proyeing oft , a rise to haeresies , and schismes ) aërius did first , set himself against eustathius : and after against the whole episcopal order ; teaching ; that between a preshiter , and a bishop there is no difference : that the order is the same , and the honour alike in both &c ) ( the very doctrine of our late aëriaus ) but in that was he opposed by st. augustin m and by epiphanus . n both censuring that his opinion for heresie ; nor was he by them alone oppugned , but ( as epiphanus , who lived in the same times with him , addeth ) all churches both in city , and country , so detested him , and his followers , ( which were many ) that being abandoned of all they were forced to live in open fields , and woods o which opinion of aërius against bishops being so by the fathers adjudged heresie it was , in that , judged to be contrary to gods word ( for there is no heresie ) that is not contrary to gods word . ) and let those in his case among us , se to this : and how farre they are gone in this seperation , casting of the sacred order of bishops utterly , contrary to the sence of the first reformers , who would have bad bishops if they might , but these will not , though they may ; and those such bishops as are affectionate to them in the truth . and readie to receive them , ( returning ) with embracements of love in christian communion . which spoken of the reformed churches , acting in the first reformation without bishops , is not to be understood , as if they after continued without bishops ; for as soon as could be , they did , ( many of them ) set up that holy order of bishops and archbishops in their churches , yet ( i know not why ) with change of those good ancient names for worse ; in ecclesijs protestantium non desunt reips● episcopi , & archiepiscopi , quo● mutatis●onis graecis nominibus in male latina , vo●ant superintendentes , & generales superintendentes , ( saith zarichius ) the protestant churches , ( understand many of them . ) want not bishops and archbishops , haveing them in effect ; whom changing good greek names , into bad latine names , they call superintendents and general superintendents . p and when it is said , that of the reformed churches , retaineing episcopal government , there are many ; understand those many , for the more considerable . some of them holding to that order , in substance , but under varied names , ( as was said ) others , under the proper appollations of archbishops and bishops and that in their primitive lustre and dignity . among these , and above all , are the churches of great brittaine and ireland , in this , emmently glorious ; where , that apostolical government is here held up , in name , and forme , in title , and substance ; to the lasting honour of those our princes : who in that , as otherwise , well merited the title of defenders of the faith ; ( a glorious gemme in the royal diadem ) an honour ( i may say it ) peculiar to his sacre●d majesty charles the 〈◊〉 above all his 〈◊〉 progenitors they having but maintained what of this they found , and had been delivered into their hands in a long settlement , but he restoring what had 〈◊〉 by a stoole of iniquitie , as by ( a law , ) q 〈◊〉 out ( as they intended ) root and branch . the praise of the reforming princes of juda ( such were asa , jehosaphat , hezekiah , and josiah ) was next those , by whom gods worship was first setled ( david and solomon ) and in that above all others , although other ways good , in maintaining gods worship as they found it delivered to their hands . among these , hezekiah was eminent ; for he found all in confusion ( 〈…〉 . ) the temple defiled , prophaned , and shut up , and its service neglected , and interrupted . he opened the doors of the house of the lord. ( v. . ) and ordered the carrying out the filthyness out of the sanctuary ( v. . . . ) after , setling those , appointed for the holy service , together with then worke ( v. . &c , ) and all that by him early begun , and soon perfected . for the first 〈◊〉 and first month of his reign ( v. ● ) and the first day of the month ( v. . ) he immediately on his comeing in , was this begun ▪ and so was it industriously followed , as that in sixteen days the work was finished ▪ ( v. . ) that expedition , shewing it to be from the ( lord , so is it observed ( v. . ) that god prepared the people , for the thing was done suddainly : and ( ch●●●● 〈◊〉 it is said , that in judah , the hand of god was to give the● one heart , to do the commandement of the king , and of the princes , by the word of the lord : on all which followed , great joy in salem ; for since the time of solomon , the son of david king of israell , there was not the like in hierusalem ( . chr. . . ) so was it in hezekiahs reformation . in which we see his sacred majestie our dread soveraign , in his glorious work of reformation , lively portrayed . . as to the greatness of the work all was among us in greatest confusion , and deformation , by a pretended reformation ▪ gods houses prophaned , his holy service neglected , interrupted , and despised ; and the sacred office , and officers of the church cast off , and 〈…〉 on : and ( in order to their 〈…〉 ) were the ample 〈◊〉 of the church ( the lords portion ) ●acrilegiously invaded , and designedly alienated into 〈◊〉 , great , and many thereby ingaged to oppose the very office for ever . . and as wene the proceedings in hezekiahs reformation , so were they 〈◊〉 of his majesties , answereably 〈◊〉 that work did he set himself early , even the first year , the first month , and the first day of the month , that is , immediately after his majesties happy entrando among his people , and before his own solemn settlement on his royal throne , then , were the doors of the lords house by him opened , and the sanctuary purged from filth , and prophanation ! then the holy offices of the church in gods service setled . and our apostolical church officers , ( arch-bishops and bishops ) set in their respective places . and soon after , were also restored the just possessions of the church , for support of those attending that sacred work . and all this done , as it were , on a suddain silently , and cheerfully , even to astonishment that , shewing it not to be from men , but from god ▪ who , as he ●owed the hearts of the people as one man to his majesties own royal person ; as to david r so the hand of god was on the people , that he gave them one heart , to do the commandement of the king , and of the princes towards this royal reformation as in hezekiah ( s ) and that as there , 〈…〉 with a general rejoyeeing : for the like thing had not been in england since the beginning of christianity . in all which , as we have to bless god greatly for such his goodness to his people : so to begg daily his preserveing to us his sacred majesty ( as our nursing father of his church , ) together with such of the princes , who ( under his majesty ) have been in this great work , eminently instrumental . tit. . ver . , , , , . ver. . for this cause left i thee in crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every city , as i had appointed thee . . if any be blameless , the husband of one wife , having faithful children , not accused of riot , or unruly . . for a bishop must be blameless , as the steward of god : not self-willed , not soon angry , not given to wine , no striker , not given to filthy lucre . . but a lover of hospitality , a lover of good men , sober , just , holy , temperate . . holding fast the faithful word , as he hath been taught , that he may be able by sound doctrine , both to exhort and to convince the gainsayers . that , is here verified , which the great apostle of the gentiles s. paul speaketh of himself , his being daily pressed with the care of all the churches ; a that his care began in planting ; and was followed in watering , and continued in settling the churches planted and watered . first , planting where yet none were : in which his pains were great , labours indefatigable , and endeavours succesful ; so that from jerusalem , and round about unto illiricum , i have ( saith he ) fully preached the gospel of christ. b in which round about , are arabia , damafeus , antiochia , seleucin , cyprus , ●amphilia , pisedia , licaonica , siria , cilicia , ●hrygia , galatia , misia , troas , achaia , epirus , and many more ; over all which he passed in few years , in all , powerfully and effectually preaching the gospel of christ ; so were those churches planted . secondly , after that , was his care also in watering and confirming the churches so planted . and that did he : . by personal visits ( where it might be ) and staying with them also ( while it was permitted him ; ) so find we him wintering at nicopolis of macedonia , whence this epistle is sent , c and continuing about ephesus the space of three years . d . also , sending others for that work , where he himself could not be : so in corinth , where himself had planted , there apollo after watered e and thither sent he also timotheus , that ( saith he ) he should bring you into remembrance of my ways which be in christ , as i teach every where in every church . f . further also confirming , in appointing some to be more constant and resident , for instructing and ordering the churches ; so timothy at ephesus , g and titus in crete . h . that also by writing , where there was occasion : such are his epistles , whether to those appointed in chief over the churches respectively , as to timothy and titus , or to the churches themselves ; so to the romans , &c. hereby confirming the souls of the disciples , and exhorting them to continue in the faith , and that we must through much tribulation enter into the kingdom of god. i thirdly and lastly , his care was in setling the church planted and confirmed . in that , was his care ( as was said ) continued . this settlement of the church , was . by order and government there appointed ; ( without that , were no settlement ) for that , is titus left in crete , to set in order the things there wanting , &c. . in appointing persons fitly qualified for that work ; for which is here also provided ( v. , , , . ) where you see those qualifications in such required . . in both , providing for the future , as for the present ; and that , by ordination , ordaining elders in every city . ordination is a standing church ordinance ; answering mortality , supplying vacancies , and extending to all in holy orders ; not to those of lower rank onely , to whom ( in common speaking ) ordination seemeth to be now almost rest ained ; but rising to the higher also , even to bishops , in respect of whom , it is now termed , commonly , consecration . consecration is the highest act of ordination . ordination includeth consecration ; so are bishops ordained , as timothy ordained bishop of ephesus ; k and , titus ordained bishop of crete . l this is the work of this day ; for which , and for what concerns it , are these words now chosen . in which words you have the persons in this sacred ministration considered , . in their place , order and work , ( v. . ) . in their qualifications , apting and fitting for that work ( v. , , , . ) . as to the persons in this great work of church settlement ; see them here considered as chief and subordinate : first , the apostle , next , and under him , titus ; and by titus , others ordained and ordered : so was it there , so in other churches ; so was it then , and to be so in the church successively for ever ; which gives us this doctrinally , that in order and church-government , is church-settlement . in which , speaking of order , are excluded parity and community . . parity ; that , and government , are inconsistent ; for , if all equal , who then ruling ? who ruled ? who ordering ? who ordered ? inter pares non est potestas ; government there ceaseth . . community : that also is here excluded : community as to government , is but confusion . let quakers , and such , see to this ; among whom ( in divine things ) is no distinction of offices , or persons , no , nor of sexes , even very women ) to whom it is not permitted , but expresly forbidden , to speak in the church , the apostle crying shame on such so speaking , m yet even women so speaking , are among these allowed . lastly , all with them depending ( in divine duties ) on uncertain impulses , whensoever , and from whomsoever : wherein , let them see , if such impulses be ( what they pretend ) from god ; god disowning confusion , and that in the church especially : god is not the author of confusion , but of peace , as in all the churches of the saints . n and what greater confusion , than for a body to be all in a heap and lump , without head or foot , or distinction of members ? so is it there . levelling parity therefore , and confused community , are in this , excluded , as contrary to order , government and settlement . therefore order here intended , is that wherein is distinction of offices and persons , and degrees , in way of superiority and subordination : this nature , and reason , and scripture shew to be necessary . . so is it in the body natural ; where the the members are distinguished in order and use ; which is by the apostle excellently expressed , o shewing , that the body is not one member , but many ; p and , if the whole body were an eye , where were the hearing , and if the whole were hearing , where were the s●elling , q and if they were all one member , where were the body ? but now are they many members , yet but one body ; r shewing after , the use of that distinction , in the usefulness thereby of each member to other , and of all , to the body ; s and that thereby , there should be no schism in the body t applying all that to us ; that as the body is one , and hath many members , and all the members of that one ●od● being many , are one body ; so also ( saith the apostle ) is christ ( ver . . ) that is , christ mystical , considered as compleat in head and body , he the head , we ( taking in the church catholick , or universal ) being his body , and each of us distinct members in that body under him the head . lastly , all that , is applied to the present business ; god ( saith he ) hath set some in the church , first , apostles , secondarily , prophets , thirdly , teachers , after that , miracles , then gifts of healings , helps , governments , diversities of tongues ? ( adding ) are all apostles , are all prophets , are all teachers , are all workers of miracles , have all the gifts of healing ? do all speak with tongues , do all interpret ? ( ver . , . ) so there . in all , you see a distinction of members in the body natural , distinct in order and use ; and that , every way , necessary . . see it so also in the body politique , in all civil societies of men in every condition , whether in families or corporations ( a word borrowed from the body ; ) or in states . in any of which , if no distinction of persons , or of callings , if not difference in place or degrees , how , in reason , can that family , city or kingdom subsist ? . and if so elsewhere generally , ( in the body natural and politick ) then so in the church , ( christs mystical body ) and there especially , the church being in this , leading to others . god ( saith the apostle ) is not the author of confusion , but of peace , as in all the churches of the saints w and in that , hath gods care appeared particularly , as is evidenced . . in the former ministration and government of the church under the law ; where god appointed , . one in chief , an high priest , superior to all in divine things ; he overseeing , ruling and judging gods house . x gods house is his church . y . vnder him the high priest , were levites , the lowest in that ministration , and more restrained in duty and at distance in the service of the tabernacle . z . from among the levites were priests chosen : who were , as to order , higher than levites , and in service more full , and nearer the altar , tabernacle or temple . . and whereas there were of these priests several courses ( in number ) we find each of these courses of priests to have had an overseer a or chief priest ; of which chief priests , much is spoken in the new testament . these chiif priests were in degree and dignity , next the high priest , and above all others . thus , and so , was the church then ordered , in way ( you see ) of preheminsnee and subordination : god himself so appointed it . but is it not now , under the new testament , otherwise ? is not that distinction now removed , all gods people being holy , b and all now a royal priesthood ? which is spoken of saints in a generality . c it is indeed what some would have ; therein , giving a general liberty to all , for acting in holy things in common , one as another ; or where that is by others restrained , they notwithstanding allow not in the church , government in chief , but taking that from others , that they themselves might rule . in which , as to that general liberty for acting in way of parity or community ; that is already cast off , it being inconsistent with order or government ( as hath been shewed . ) and as to that said of all the lords people being holy , therefore none to assume a propriety in divine offices more then others ( which is the consequence by such contended for ) there needs no more to be said of that , but to know whose reasoning that was ; was it not corah and his factious crew , by whom that was urged , against aaron and his d priesthood , which had been by god himself appointed ? that , therefore i ( hope ) will not be now again insisted on . lastly , to what is said of all gods people , that all are a royal priesthood e therefore all to act accordingly ; ( which is by some inferred ) . what priviledge is in that now , which had not been before , under the old testament ? for of them also is that spoken , f and yet none then so acted notwithstanding , who had not been thereunto peculiarly called . . all gods people are said to be kings also , as priests ; ( a royal priesthood , or a kingdom of priests . ) g and are all kings ? in a sense they are so ; and in that sense and not otherwise , are all priests also . all , that are truly gods , are kings , but that spiritually , and in a private capacity , as to our selves onely ; so are we kings ●ver our selves , ruling over our own hearts and passions , the greatest rule ; h he that is slow to anger , is better than the mighty ; and he that ruleth his spirit , than he that taketh a city ; so , are we all kings . and so , are all of us , priests also ; that is , spiritually ; so as are our sacrifices , an holy priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifices , acceptable to god by jesus christ. i all of us are also priests in our private capacities , all praying for our selves and others , and exhorting each other to good : this is incumbent on all christians , as christians , in way of private duty , not of office : for as to publick office , that appertaineth to such only as are thereunto expresly called , and peculiarly appointed ; no man taketh this honor to himself , but he that is called of god , as was aaron : so also even christ glarified not himself to be made an high priest , but he that said unto him , thou art my son , to day have i begotten thee ( as saith the apostle , hebr. . , . and if not christ , until called to it , then surely none other ; therefore , was king vzziah sacrificing , justly of the high priest reproved , and by god himself punished : k to all it is given to be priests in way of private priviledge , not as to office publiquely . such were gods appointments in this , under the old testament ; nor is it now under the new testament otherwise : and so far is it from such a change now , that the new testament ministration may be observed , to be modelled to that of the old testament ; yet , with allowance of necessary variations , according to the change of times and things : this appears in both testaments , both as to service and government . i. as to service : see ours under the new testament , answering that of old ( although not the same . ) . for as there was then a priesthood , so now also : so was it prophesied of the gentile christian church , k i will take of them for priests , and for levites , saith the lord : the admitting gentiles into the priesthood was new , to what was formerly ; that is here promised . and see that expressed in an old testament stile , by priests and levites , shewing a conformisy in both testaments , in that , to each other . . as then were priests , so an altar , at which those priests officiated ; so now also have we our altar . let not this offend any ; it should not , they being the apostles words : we have ( saith he ) an altar , whereof they have no right to eat , which serve the tabernacle : l the words we , and they , distinguish persons , and times , and service ; yet both agreeing in an altar for each : but not now as then ; for otherwise , the right of those priests would be to this altar , as to that , but in that , the former priesthood is here excluded . . and as to the sacrifices on that altar ; bullocks , &c. were then offered ; m so have we ours also : but , the calves of our lips n prayer and praise , the fruit of our lips ( that is our sacrifice to god ) giving thanks to his name . o . maintenance also for those serving at the altar , is new , from what was formerly : do ye not know ( saith the apostle ) that they which minister about holy things , live of the things of the temple ; ( so then : ) even so hath the lord ordained , that they which preach the gospel , should live of the gospel . p . and even our very sacraments also are ( in matter ) from the old testament , although not now as then ; . our baptism is borrowed from their legal washings . . and our bread and wine in the lords supper , from the passeover rites ; but , as to nature , use and efficacy . vastly differing : so , have you seen the new t●stament service ( as to so much , and so far ) ordered and conformed to that before under the old testament . ( the time will not allow me to instance further in it . ) ii. see it so as to church-government also , ours and theirs : ours being now , in substance , modelled to the form of the old testament . . for as then there was an high priest over the house of god , supreme and ruling all there ; so is it now ; and such to us , is jesus christ our great high priest ; q of him , and of his priesthood and work , were those high priests , in their person , office and work , types and shadows ; therefore , they , and all that , to cease and give way , christ , the true high priest being manifested , and his work finished . . under that high priest were levites ( as you heard ) and they , lowest in that service , and more at distance , and short in ministring . to these answer our deacons , an office apostolically appointed , r and a name from ministring ; these , are with us lowest in office , and restrained in work , not admitted to all sacred duties ( for a time ) as it was with the levites of old . . as out of those levites , priests were called ; these being in degree higher and neerer the altar in their ministrings : so among us , are also priests ; ( called so as formerly ) or if called elders ( a name by some rather delighted in ) yet is even that , an old testament name also , s thence borrowed , and derived , and continued to us . these our priests , or elders , are ( as those before ) chosen out of our levite-deacons ; ( so from their conformity may i call them : ) and these our priests , as the other , are in order above deacons , and more enlarged in work and duty . . and as there , among those priests , there were some above others , who although of the same order ( both being priests ) yet were they in degrees differing , one being to the other superiour ; therefore termed overseers , and chief priests : these were as to place , next to the high priest , and above all others : and such with us were the apostles of our lord , they being ( in the rule and government of the church ) next unto christ the high priest , and above all others : hence , first apostles , is the place given them , t they are first , and among all other officers in the church the principal . in which apostolick order and work , were some things extraordinary , and some things ordinary . . extraordinary : ( for among the extraordinary offices in the church are apostles reckoned v that ( i say ) in this their office extraordinary , was their measure of gifts , infallibility of their doctrine , and the extent of their charge , their universal care of all the churches throughout the whole world ; for although some of them were for the circumcision , or for the jews principally ; and others for the vncircumcision , or gentiles more especially , w yet was not the extent of the apostolick power of either , in that limited , neither their universal care of all the churches ; the care of all the churches was on s. paul the apostle of the gentiles : x these things in the apostolick office extraordinary , were fix'd to their persons , and with themselves expired and determined . in that had they no successors ; therefore romes pretence to an universal bishoprick , and supremacy of care , and rule over all the churches in the world , and that , as s. peters successor , is but vsurpation , as the pretence to infallibility is also evidenced to be otherwise . . but in the apostolick office and work , was something also ordinary : such was their overseeing , ordering , ordaining , preaching and baptizing . this part of the work is lasting ; this is now , and ever holding in the church to all generations ; which is intended in their commission given them by our lord , y go ye and teach all nations , baptizing them , &c. and teaching them to observe all things whatsoever , i have commanded you , and lo i am with you alway ( saith christ ) to the end of the world . but how that to the end of the world ? of the prophets it is said , that they are dead , z and that is true of the apostles also . s. paul the aged , a had his time at hand in which he was to be offered up ; b so was s. peters tabernacle to be put off shortly ; c how then to the end of the world ? both are true ; for that which failed with their persons , lasts in their office , and in their work , and successors : so had the apostles successors . and accordingly do we finde them providing for succession , both as to persons and work . for that , were timothy and titus drawn in , and ordained by the apostle s. paul , to be then , his assistants , and to be after , his successors , for supplying his place , care , and work in their churches respectively ; he appointing them also to ordain others with , and under them , and others after to succeed these ; so , to generations unto the end of the world : of which , and of the correspondence of both testaments s. hierom speaks thus , d that we may see apostolical traditions to be taken out of the old testament , look what aaron and his sons , and the levites were in the temple , the same let the bishops , priests and deacons challenge in the church : and e we know bishops and priests to be what were aaron and his sons ; and s. cyprian calleth bishops the apostles successors : f all bishops are the apostles successors , saith s. hierom. g and as so , do we finde the apostles name , place and work , to have been by the apostles given to these their successors . ii. as to the name : the very name of apostle is so given to epaphroditus bishop of the philippians , as bullinger calls him ; h him doth s. paul call their apostle , philip. . . so is it in the original , whereas in our english ( it would be enquired how well ) it is rendred messenger . for s. ambrose on those words , i he ( epaphroditus ) is by the apostles made their apostle . and s. hierome writing on those words , my fellow souldier , and your apostle : fellow souldier ( saith he ) by reason of his honor , because he also had received the office of being an apostle among them k again , by those chosen by our lord , were others ordained apostles , as appears , in that to the philippians ( phil. . . ) epaphroditus your apostle , so s. hierom. ( coment . in gal. . . ) but that name apostle was not intended for a lasting name , as theodoret observeth , l in time past they called the same men presbyters and bishops , and they who are now called bishops , they named apostles ; but in process of time they left the name apostle to them properly called apostles , and the name of bishop they gave to them who had been apostles . apostle was their name , and even that name of bishop ( now more fixed ) is what they had from the apostles ; from whom they derive their office , that of bishop , was the apostles own name of office. so judas numbred with the apostles , and obtaining part of the same ministry with them the apostleship m that his apostleship is called his office ( so we read it ) but by the lxx , it is rendred , his bishoprick ) let another take his office or bishoprick ; n which word bishoprick is is used by the apostle s. peter , citing that in psalm . . according to the lxx , o and what is there called by the name of bishoprick , is after called apostleship : p the apostles were bishops , which are the words of s. ambrose ( in ephes. . . & cor. . . ) and that name of bishop was derived to the apostles from those from whom ( under the old testament ) they derive ( if i may so say ) i mean these chief priests , called in our english , overseers , but by the lxx bishops : q overseers and bishops are the same ; r the holy ghost hath made you overseers , ( so in our english ) but in the greek , bishops : which the apostles name bishop is thus given ( you see ) to their successors bishops to this day . thus as christ the high priest hath the name of apostle ( heb. . . ) and bishop ( pet. . . ) and as they sent by him ( his apostles ) were so also called ; so are in like manner they who are by the apostles substituted , as you have seen . ii. and as the apostolick name , so , the same work also , ( as , teaching , ordering , ordaining , &c. is by the apostles committed to their successors ; for this cause left i thee in crete , that thou shouldst set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every city , as i had appointed thee , saith the apostle here to titus his successor . s the same work being in all others in like place and trust in the church for ever . iii. and for carrying on that great work and name , had these , the apostles succssors , the apostles place and degree also in the church ; in being above others , and to be accordingly respected and esteemed . t among us ( saith s. hierome ) bishops have the place of the apostles : which his expression , among us , sheweth how bishops were esteemed among oxthodox christians ; other , than was among hereticks , such as montanus , and his followers , against whom he there writes ; blaming them , for so depressing and vilifying that sacred and high order , as they did ; and what is among us , chief and first ( speaking of bishops ) that is ( saith he ) last with them : ( with montanus and his faction ; ) with them bishops are in the third and last place . so , s. hierome ; on whom i fix rather then on many other , to that purpose , he being understood by the contrary side , not to have been of the best friends to bishops , yet in this , is the priviledge and preheminence of bishops by him acknowledged , asserted , and even ( you see ) contended for . thus was it in s. hieromes time , years after christ ; it having been so continued to his days from the times of the apostles : so also after s. hieromes time , through all ages of the church , until that schism raised about years since , in geneva , an. ( a year to us , in the next century , . on the same account fata● : ) whereby , we find this sacred hierarchy trampled on by inferio● elders , by whom ( although the name of bishop would be forgotten ) yet is the place & power , and work of bishops by them notwithstanding ambitiously sought after , & sacrilegiously usurped , & to themselves alone appropriated ; affirming , all spoken of bishops to be intended onely of elders , and making elders and bishops the same , without difference of degree , or preheminence in any kind . some community there is indeed between bishops and elders , yet so , as that even in that , there appears sufficient to preserve to bishops their being , work and dignity , distinct and above those , who would themselves have all without sharing . let this be considered distinctly in that community , which is by these elders challenged with bishops both in name and work ; by which they conclude bishop and elders the same , and themselves all . as to the names of bishops and elders promiscuously used : for that , are these places of scripture , among others , by them , insultingly , insisted on particularly , acts . . where the elders of the church of ephesus ( v. . ) are v. ) called overseers , or bishops ( so in the greek . ) also phil. . . the apostle saluteth the saints at philippi , with the bishops and deacons : see ( say they ) bishops ( plurally ) many of them in the same city ; therefore intended of elders , not bishops , and that there also bishops and deacons onely are named , not elders ; elders notwithstanding being intended ; therefore concluding , that in that of bishops , elders are understood , and not bishops . and even this text also ( tit. . , . ) is by them urged to that purpose : where are elders in every city ( v. . ) and those elders ( v. . ) called bishops ( v. . ) . therefore ( say they ) to be meant of elders properly , and not of bishops ; on all , concluding that elders and bishops ( so promiscuonsly vsed ) are therefore the same , and not distinguished ; and therefore no preheminence in bishops over elders : these are the allegations and inferences , in this ; which are to be examined . but , the promiscuous using of those two names of bishops and elders ( the principal ground of these reasonings ) is far from such conclusions ; that because elders are called bishops , or bishops elders , both therefore to be the same , without priority or subordination ; whereas on the contrary , we find usually in scripture , the names of one degree given to another , without confounding them as the same ; or , in that , abating any way the dignity of the higher . see this in the name of deacons ( a name from ministring ; ) and that an order lowest in our ministration : yet , is that given to higher orders : so of timothy , bishop of ephesus , saith s. paul. if thou put the brethren in remembrance of these things , thou shalt be a good ( deacon ; ) we render it minister : v so speaks the apostle of himself , i paulam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a minister ( col. . & the whole apostleship is also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a deaconship , or ministry w ; and even jesus christ himself the great high priest , is called a deacon : jesus christ was ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a minister of the circumcision ; x or , ministring to those of the circumcision . y but because our english readings in this , and in the original are diverse ; therefore not so clear to every apprehension ; let this therefore be considered in that other of elder , where it is more plain . in that , we finde the apostle s. john terming himself an elder , more than once , the elder to the elect lady , z and the elder to the well beloved gaius a : so s. peter of himself , the elders which are among you , i exhort , who am also an elder b . you see in that , the apostles called elders ; yet doth not that conclude , apostles and elders to be the same . for how oft do we read of apostles and elders as distinct . c nor doth it conclude , apostles and elders to be equal , because apostles are elders ; but , this it shews , that all apostles are elders ; not , all elders apostles , and that notwithstanding that community of names , they still are distinguished in degree and dignity . so is it as to bishops and elders in like manner , the name of elders is given to bishops , and of bishops to elders , both are true ; for in the bishop ( saith s. ambrose ) are all orders , because he is the first priest , that is , the prince of the priests d . again , e of a bishop and presbyter , there is one order for either of them as a priest , but the bishop is the first ; so that every bishop is a presbyter , but not every presbyter a bishop . so s. ambrose . thus all bishops are granted to be elders , and some elders are bishops , but all elders are not bishops . they who say they are , must prove it , before they can conclude any thing to purpose : nor will that do it , which they alledge out of acts . where the elders of the church of ephesus , ( v. . ) are termed overseers , or bishops : ( v. . ) for those elders were indeed bishops ; if not all , yet some of them , and to those some for all , is there spoken as bishops . this appears in that , ephesus was a see metropolitical , comprehending asia the less ( a large jurisdiction . ) so in the sixth general council of constantinople , theodorus bishop of ephesus thus subscribes , f theodorus by the mercy of god , bishop and primate of ephesus , the metropolis of the asian province , or diocess : g also of polycrates bishop of ephesus , eusebius saith , that he was ruler or chief of the bishops of asia ; h and that by his authority he did assemble a provincial synod to discuss the question about easter ; i and that he did write a synodical letter to victor bishop of rome ( euseb. l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) we find also in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or distribution of churches by leo the emperor , that ephesus was a metropolis , having suffragane bishops ; k and so is ephesus to be understood in acts . as metropolical ; and that meeting of elders , or bishops there as provincial : for it is there called not the churches , but the church of ephesus , metropolitically ; yet , elders ( plurally ) implying . more than of one church : and as in a provincial meeting of the bishops of asia , together with other elders , ( both usually conveening on such occasions , ) might the apostle call those elders , litterally , bishops . irenaeus saith as much , that bishops and presbyters were there convocated from ephesus , and other adjoyning cities , &c. l and ( acts . . ) the holy ghost hath ( saith the apostle ) made you bishops ( so in the original ) or overseers ( so in our rendring : ) if therefore the holy ghost had made them bishops ; and the apostle call them so accordingly , we may then acquiesce in it , rather than to mince the matter according to pe●verse glossings , it being to so great a prejudice as the disturbance of the peace of the church ; ( so precious ) in this , have we to answer , what is alfo objected out of phil. . . the apostle sa●nting the saints at philippi , with the bishops and deacons , wherein the authors of the larger annotations on the bib●e , busie themselves exceedingly m in proving out of the second council of nice , and by cornelius bishop of rome ( there cited ) that there should be but one bishop in one city ; thence concluding , in favour of those times , that there being many bishops in philippi , therefore were not they bishops , but elders . but all this is grounded on a supposition , that philippi is restrained to that city of macedonia so called , whereas philippi was a metropolis in macedonia ; n and we read of the churches of macedonia ; o and of the brethren in all macedonia ; p and why may not philippi a metropolis , include its province ? and this epistle to the philippians be to that church at large , where many bishops were to be saluted , without those narrow inferences in confining philippi to a city within its walls , and the bishops and deacons at philippi , to those onely in that city inhabiting ; as to that farther objected from that text , phil. . . of bishops and deacons onely named ; and that elders being intended ▪ therefore , by bishops , ( say they ) elders are to be understood , and not bishops . but how follows that ? for , . may not elders be as well included in , and with that of deacons ? you have seen the name of deacon to have been sufficiently comprehensive of more , and greater than they . . or if elders be supposed to be included in that of bishops : let that suffice and satisfie , without excluding bishops : for shall elders included , and not named , exclude bishops , which are expresly named ? . or if presbyters be there signified in those many bishops yet was there one chief bishop over all , which was epaphroditus their apostle ( phil. . . ) of which theodoret q he calleth him apostle , to whom the charge of them was committed ; wherefore ( saith he ) it is manifest ) that they who in the beginning of the epistle were called bishops , were under him , they having the place of presbyters . but this text also , ( pit. . . . ) is pressed in favour of elders against bishops ; for elders ( so named , v. . ) are ( v. . termed bishops , adding , that there being elders in every city , therefore is that intended of elders properly , and not of bishops , who are not for every city . ( thus they ) . it is true , that in every city are to be elders , wheresoever is a meeting of people to be provided for ; so , are elders properly to be understood ; and the word city to be , in that case , strictly taken . . but as referring to bishops seats , the word city is to be understood more enlargedly ; not for every city , but such onely as are fit for it ; as places of note , and such as are extended in jurisdiction : we use to say ( traditionally ) that a bishops seat should be a city ; i. e. a place of note : so doth leo expound this very text , writing to the bishops of africa , r to appoint bishops in every city or town , is , ( saith he ) in the greater citres to place bishops , in the less to place priests : he in that , speaking according to the council of sardis ; it is not allowed saith that council ) that a bishop be appointed in every village , or smaller city , where one presbyter may suffice , for there , a bishop needs not be , that the name and authority of a bishop be not vilified : ( con. eard . c. . ) in every city , therefore , are to be elders ; and in every city fitting for it , a●e be to bishops . so , hath this been understood in the practice of the church accordingly . and well might crete be capable of many bishops , being an island of great extent , and populous . and titus his enlarged jurisdiction there , over many bishops , ( ordaining and appointing them where necessary , ) sheweth his power to have been archiepiscopal , a though he be stiled onely bishop of crete , as timothy bishop of ephesus ; ( so , in the poscript to those epistles ; ) and usual it is in the councils and elsewhere , to finde archbishops and patriarchs , under the name of bishops . and that cre●e had its archbishop and suffragans we also find . the archbishop of crete was nominated from gortyna its metropolis . dionysius of corinih ( who lived in the next age to the apostles ) writing to the church of gortyna , together with the rest of the churches of crete , commendeth philip 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their bishop , for his singular piety and virtues s . the city of gnossus in crete , had pintus its bishop : and ( saith theodorus balsamo ) i have perused the ancient code of councils , and defind by the subscriptions , that basiil bishop of gortyna was present at the council of tru●lo . on the whole , therefore , from the community of the names between bishops and elders , is no ground for what is thence inferred , that therefore bishops and elders are the same , without dictinction of persons , offices , or degrees ; for , bishops are elders , and some elders are bishops , and both distinct , in degree , and dignity . but the the strength of the objection is it what concerns the work , common to bishops and elders : for if the same work be common to both , so as , what a bishop doth , that an elder doth also ; then what needs a distinction of persons and and offices ? these are not to be multiplied without necessity . and that the work is common , and the same , both to bishops and elders , is ( by that side ) instanced , in . ordination . . in overseeing , ( under this of overseeing , all the other pa●ts of the work are comprehended , as preaching , baptizing , &c. ) let these two , be therefore distinctly considered and examined ; whether in the work common to both bishops and e●ders , there be not sufficient to differente each from other . . as to ordination : to this , elders or presbyters pretend ; grounding on that , tim. . . where the apostle exhorts timothy , not to neglect the gift which was given him by prophesie , with the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie . here ( say they ) presbyters ordain . . but ●et them take all together ; for doth not the same apostle say also to timothy , i put thee in remembrance , that thou stir up the gift of god which is in thee by the putting on of my hands ? ( tim. . . ) here , we finde another hand ( the apostles ) beside those hands of presbyters imposed on timothy ; therefore , not the hands of presbyters alone : where therefore their hand onely is in the work , there is another yet wanting ; and the work short without it ; ( the case of necessity excepted . ) . ordination , must be granted to have been in the apostles primarily , and principally ; and not in elders or presbyters principally ; ( they but acting with the apostles , and that but subordinately : ) by my hand , saith the apostle ( ( tim. . . ) with the hands of the presbytery ( tim. . . ) it is by the apostles hand principally , and but with the other , in way of approbation . therefore , is the charge of oedination given principally to timothy , that he lay not hands suddenly on any ; so not to be partaker of other mens sins t : there , presbyters are not named , not as not assisting , but as onely assisting , and not as principals . it is , be not thou partaker of other mens sins ; not , be not ye , ( speaking of presbyters . ) so , you finde it here also as to titus ; to him is that work committed principally and in chief : i left thee ( titus ) in crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and that thou shouldest orvain elders in every city , as i have appointed thee v . so is it to be understood , as to others , in like place with timothy and titus . bishops ordain others joyning with them . bishops will not do it without others ; and others must not do it without bishops ; concur elders may , but act in it alone , they must not : the contrary ( where necessity is not ) is an unwarranted usurpation . yet in giving but an hand in the work , they will have all. such notwithstanding are to know , that there is another hand in that work , as beside theirs , so before theirs , and above them : theirs is onely with , not without bishops ; and bishops in that principally . so , for ordination : in which work ( common both to bishops and elders ) is ( you see ) sufficient , notwithstanding , ) to difference both , in degree and office. ii. see it also in the other part of the work , in which bishops and elders act also in common ; as preaching , baptizing , and ordering the flock committed to them ; so , are both overseers . this is granted in common to both bishops and elders ; yet so , as that this is in both , differently : and , so in bishops , as not in others . . it is true , that preaching , baptizing , ordering , and overseeing the flock , are incumbent on all ; but in inferior elders more restrainly ; with respect to place and persons ; they acting within precincts , and parishes , among their own people , and within their own districts onely . to these , and there , are they overseers ; and not otherwise : so as , for any such to take on him to oversee , and see what others without , do , or do not , is to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x a bishop in anothers d●ccess , or a busie body in other mens matters ( so is that in our english rendred ; ) whereas , the same work is in the hands of bishops far otherwise ; who as they do it themselves , so is it in them , in way of superintendency , to see it done by others also . so the chief priests under the law ( whom the apostles , and afther them , bishops , represent ; ) they were overseers to others , that the work be done in manner and order , as did become . thus are bishops overseers to those other overseers ; the care of many churches being on them , as was the cure of all churches on the apostles ; whereas the care of particular churches ( this or that ) is onely on others . . although presbyters have power to preach , and do what belongs to their function , yet are they in acting that power , limited and ordered by the bishop . wherein , we are to distinguish ( as in the schools ) between power of order , and of jurisdiction ; power of order , presbyters receive in their ordination , to do what belongs to their function , to which they are thereby qualified : but the power of jurisdiction to act that their power of order as ●astors , that , a presbyter hath in his institution from the bishop , being , thereby , appointed to a charge and place , and licensed to discharge the duty of his calling , to which he was before qualified , and now enabled . tertullian saith , y that the chief priest ( which is the bishop ) hath the right of giving baptism , and then the presbyters and deacons , but yet not without the authority of the bishops . so also s. hierome ; z without power from the bishop , neither presbyter nor deacon hath right to baptize . every presbyter therefore hath power in common with a bishop , to preach and administer the sacraments in fulness , ( which an inferior order , a deacon cannot do ; ) yet , the exercise of that power , is subjected to , and regulated by the bishops authority , to be permitted , directed , restrained or suspended , as should be necessary . in which the bishops priviledge of jurisdiction over elders , is he from them eminently differenced . it was said of elders , that they have a power of jurisdiction ; ( understand it , of a power of spiritual and inward jurisdiction , in foro conscienciae , in the court of conscience ) so , as pastors of the flock , is committed to them , the seeding , ruling , teaching , reproving , binding sinners notoriously scandalous ; by denouncing gods judgements in the word , and ( while unreformed ) excluding from the sacrament ; and again loosing , and releasing penitents , by applying the gracious promises of the gospel , and readmiting them to the use of the ordinances . but , that jurisdiction which is in bishops , is more extended , and that , even over elders themselves . for as presbyters are in their ordination , qualified , and by their institution authorized , to their work ; so , are they , after , to behave themselves in that as becometh . it is in bishops ( who are overseers of those overseers ) to expect and exact that from them authoritatively ; and on failing in duty , or manners , ( as to life , and conversation , ) to reprove and punish also . in this , is episcopal jurisdiction given them apostolically , and over inferior elders particalarlarly , to which they are subjected . such was timothies power in ephesus ; a rebuke not an elder ; and , against an elder receive not an accusation , but before two , or three witnesses , them that sin rebuke before all , that others may fear : which words , rebuke not an elder ; is not a restraining , but an ordering that rebuke , that it be not lightly , or on slight grounds ( as in tim. . , . ) by which appears a jurisdiction in bishops , above elders , directive , coercive , and corective : which is epiphanius his interence on these words , against a presbyter , &c. therefore ( saith he ) presbyters are subject to the bishop as to their judge b . he is their judge , as to doctrine ; that thou mayest charge some that they teach no other doctrine , saith the apostle to timothy , tim. . . ) and to titus ( tit. . . ) a man that is an heretick ofter the first and second admonition , reject ; judge also , as of their doctrine , what they teach ; so of their conversation , how they live , as you have heard in that of tim. . , , , . therefore is the angel of the church of ephesus ( timothies successor ) commended , that he could not bear with them that are evil , and had tryed them which say they are apostles , and are not , and had found them lyars ( rev. . . ) on the contrary , the angel of the church of thyratira is reproved for suffering such ( rev. . . ) so as , although there be a community of names , ( in some cases ) between bishops and elders ( bishops are called , elders and elders bishops ; ) and notwithstanding that the worke also , be ( in a kind ) common ; yet is that community so differenced in both , that all pretences of elders , in that , for casting of bishops , as to their office , or divesting them of jurisdiction and dignity , is apparently inconsequent , and evil . for although the names of bishops and presbyters were confounded , and the work ( in a sort ) common to both , yet were not the offices of bishops and presbyters ever confounded until now . . and now to sum up al● ; you see the church under the new testamen ordered as before , in way of superiority and subordination ; and that apostolically appointed . so timothy in ephesus ; and titus in crete ; and others elsewhere in like manner ; they ordering persons and things appertaining to that sacred work , within their respective jurisdictions . . see those apostolically ordered to that care and charge in the church above others , to be by the apostles , dignified with their own name , ( that standing name of bishops . ) they standing also in their place and stead , and acting in their work , ( ordaining , overseeing , ordering , and correcting as is necessary . ) . what hath been by the apostles so ordered in the church , ( whose words christ would have to be observed as his own ; if they have kept my saying , they will keep yours also , john . . ) that , in this particularly , hath been by christ himself , the high priest approved . for , as the high priest , did christ appeare habited , being cloathed with a garment down to the feet , and girt vbout the paps with a golden girdle , c and also visiting his church ecclesiatim : each of the seven churches particularly , being by him inspected : d in that reproving what was amiss in any , and allowing , what was right . particularly , see that government which was ordered in each of those eminent churches , ( in ephesus and the other six ) under their respective angels , or chiefs , or bishops ; see that order ( i say ) in the church , approved of christ : for , the seven stars , ( the seven angels angels of those churches , their bishops ) were in christs right hand ( rev. . . . ) that is , under his care , and protection . and to those angels of the churches doth our lord direct himself principally in behalf of all under their charge ; expecting from them an accompt of the churches within their respective jurisdictions , each of them being responsible for all that was there , well , or otherwise . . lastly , what had been so ordered by the apostles , see it by the church received , and after continued throughout all ages from the beginning : whereby , what might ( seem ) doubtful in the first institution , may be cleared by observing what was of that understood , and after practised by the church accordingly : the church is the pillar and ground of truth ; e and what ( grounding on the scripture ) the church in all ages hath held from the beginning , that we may rely upon for truth . and how did the church understand the apostles appointing bishops and elders in the church for its government ? did they not understand it of bishops distinct from elders , and superior to them ? did they ever understand it of elders without bishops ? or of elders ruling in chief ? much less of lay-elders ? ( of which , is nothing to be found any where , in scripture or antiquity . ) let the constant practise of the church throushhout all ages be judge in that , how the apostles were therein understood . in which i shall use the words of judicious mr. hooker , f very strange it is ( saith he ) that such a discipline as ye ( elders ) speak of , should be taught by christ and his apostles in the word of god , and no church have found it out , nor received it till this present time ; contrariwise , the government against which ye bend your selves , be observed every where throughout all generations and ages of the christian world , no church ever perceiving the word of god to be against it ; ( adding ) we require you to finde out but one church upon the face of the whole earth , that hath been ordered by your discipline , or hath not been ordered by ours , ( that is to say ) by episcopal regiment sithence the time that the blessed apostles were 〈◊〉 conversant . this was mr. hookers challenge to that side in this case , and that , many years since : which hath never been to this day answered , onely by the sword ; and so , was it , indeed , put home to us perilously : antiquity is not to be despised , but that to be advised with , and submitted to in such cases . enquire of the former age and prepare thy self to the search of their fathers ( for we are but of yesterday and know nothing ) shall not they teach thee and tell thee , and utter words out of their hearts : said bildad , to job . . . . . so the lord directs by the prophet , thus saith the lord stand ye in the way and see , and ask for the old paths , where is the good way and walk therein and ye shall find rest for your soules : but they said we will not walke therein g which is even what these say in this ; refusing any such tryall in this dispute , well knowing themselves cast in it . but in matters of antiquitie to denye the credit of antiquitie in what is not contradicted by scripture , discovers one addicted to noveltie and singularity rather then to truth . let therefore our church levellers se to this ; who in such their schisme teare and rend the seamless garments of the church , and as a generation of vipers eat out , and through the bowels of their mother ; disturbing church unity and peace , drawing into factions , and filling all with confusions . herein let them see themselves in their forefathers ; for , such there were of old , under both testaments . se some under the old testament setting themselves even against what god himself had expresly ordered concerning the high priest-hood in aron h there , corah of the tribe of levy , raised a partie and faction of princes of the assembly against moses and aron , having the confidence thus to tell them , yee take too much upon you , seing all the congregation are holy every one of them , and the lord is among them , wherefore then lift you your selves above the congregation of the lord ; but moses returns it to them again : yee take too much upon you yee sons of levy , seemeth it but a small thing unto you that the lord god of israel hath separated you from the congregation of israel to bring you near unto himself to do the service of the tabernacle of the lord , to stand before the congregation to minister unto them : and he hath brought thee neer unto him : and all thy brethren , the sons of levi with thee and seek ye the priest-hood also , so was it then . . and such corahs we find under the new testament also , of whom the apostle s. jude speaks with a woe i woe to them for they have gone in the way of cain and ran greedily after the error of balaam and perished in the gainsaying of core. where se them ranked with three notoriously wicked ; cain , and balaam , and corab : with cain for blood ; with balaam for covetousness , and with corah for faction , cain the accursed murderer of his brother , righteous abel : so was he the first persecuter of the church k balaam called on to curss the people of god. l and corah , a factious schismatique , to corahs schisme , are they moved , by balaams covetousnesss and ambition ; and to that , going on in the way of cain , in blood and cruelty . and for that see woe , and destruction ; begining with woe ( judgment denounced ) and ending with destruction ( judgment executed ) perishing in the gainsaying of core ; core ( or corah ) of all that faction , is alone mentioned ; others being but his followers in that wicked cause : his destruction being also more remarkable , whether as to those with him in that rebellion ; or as to those other two , notoriously wicked , ( balaam and cain , ) whose ends were not as of others , corah and his followers perishing not by an ordinary judgment like other men , the earth opening its mouth and swallowing up them , and theirs alive , in sight of all the people . m by the dreadfulness of the judgment , let the hainousness of the sin be estimated . . and , such have been our corah● also , ( authors of our late confusions and evills in church and state. ) by whom hath been in the church , and inlet and overflowing of blasphemies and of monstrous and pernicious doctrines ( horrible to be mentioned and not , in very confutations , to be remembred ) as if hell it self had broken loose ( the title of a book in which many of those abhominations are collected . ) and no wonder it should be so , church order and government having been , ( as it was ) cast off and trampled on . while that stood , all was well withus ; the face of our church was comely : and truth and peace secured , and the enemies to both , error , and schisme , not daring to shew themselves among us , the church is here militant ; so is it described n terrible as an army with banners ; with banner i. e. in order : so it is by the lxx . rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an army under its banners is in order : and in that order is both beauty and terror , and in that , security ; ( church security and church beauty is in order : ) thou art beautifull o my love as tirza , comely as ierusalem terrible as an army with banners ( cant. . . ) how pleasant is an army ranged under its banners ! so the church under its colours , leaders and officers , each in their place order , and degree . and as in that is beautie , so also , securitie ; securitie is implied where it is said to be terrible , that is , to enemies , ( to errors and heresies , enemies to truth ; and to schisme and faction , which are contrary to order and vnitie : ) these dare not appear while the church is under its government and in order ; each under his banners , in their order and place , being thereby ready to oppose what shall be contrary . it is otherwise , where order is not in the church but our banners cast down , and our chief leaders taken off ; what can be then 〈◊〉 deformitie for beautie and for order 〈◊〉 on ? what then but terror ? terror to our selves : ( so is , an army , in confusion , to it self terrible ; ) and thereby have enemies their advantages , about , and within ; therefore saith s. ierome . o the safety of the church dependeth on the dignity of the chief priest ( meaning the bishop ) to whom if power be not given , there must be as many schismes in the church ●s there are priests . so s. cyprian . p heresies or schismes have no other beginning but this , that gods priest ( meaning bishop ) is not obeyed . again ; q these be the beginnings of heretiques , these the risings and endeavours of ill minded schismaticks , that they please themselves and contemn their bishops with swelling pride , so do men depart from the church &c. and r hence do men rush into heresies and schismes when they speak evil of priests , and envy their bishops . all which we have found sadly in our late miserable church distractions . . and by those evils in the church did follow on our state also confusion and destruction . if the church be borne down , let not the state think to stand ; and we have seen evils designed to the state , carried on by attempting , first , on the church corahs opposition pretended principally against aron , rests not there , for others with corah , had their designes in that , against moses also : and in that against aron , came in moses immediately , they gathered themselves against moses and aron . and ( say they ) to moses ( even in a breach ) wilt thou make thy self altogether a prince over us : s therefore are both joyned by the apostle s. jude t with the gainsaying of core is a speaking evill also of dignities . in both , have we seen and felt the dismall effects of this church schisme . but blessed be god by whom : these breaches are now all made up and repaired both in church and state , by the happy restauration of his sacred majesty to his royall throne and government . . hereby , is settlement to the kingdoms . our judges being restored as at the first and our councellors as at the beginning . u . and thereby is our church also setled : so as at this day ( even this very day ) we have , and our eyes do behold among us here , such in the church , who sit and rule in chief , setting in order the things that are wanting and ordaining elders , ( bishops ) successively , as hath been apostolically appointed . in that , see we our church settlement . in church order and government , is church settlement ; which was that , in the words , first propounded with which i have now done . as to what remains of the text ( the qualifications of those persons to be called forth to this high and sacred calling and work ; ( of which you have much here v. . , , . ) of that i may not now speak ; time will not admit it nor needs it at present ; where , in the person now before us , and to be admitted into this sacred function , these qualification ; are already ; nor were it for me ( for me i say ) to shew it so . w i shall therefore conclude with the apostles clerum ( acts . ) wherein we have ( to our purpose , ) both exhortation and valediction . first exhortation : you have heard your place and honour asserted , see now your office and work : and in that your care and charge . x take heed unto your selves and to all the flock , over the which , the holy ghost hath made you overseers ( or bishops ) to feed the church of god which he hath purchased with his own blood . in that you have your charge ; ( see you now to the discharge . ) next , and last , follows an apostolical valediction , benediction , and prayer ; which shall be mine also , and with that i now conclude ; y and now brethren i commend you to god and to the word of his grace , which is able to build you up , and to give you an inheritance among all which are sanctified . finis . errata . epistle . p. . margin ep . p. . dele . p. . line . first dele p. . line . and dele p. . line . for the read this preface . p. . marg . ( z ) for contra marcione . . r. contra marcion . c. . p. . l. . for bishops r. being bishops p. . l. . for theire r. there p. . l. . for policarpus r. polycarpus l. . for clemets r. clemens p. . marg . ( g ) for . r. . ibid. marg . r. ( h ) camorar . in vita phil . molaneth sermon . p. . l. . for licaonica r. lycaonia ibid. marg . for act. . . r. tit. . . p. . marg . ( x ) for zech. . r. zech. . . p. . marg . ( d ) for nunb . . . r. numb ; . . ibid. marg . ( g ) for rev : . . . . r. rev : . : p : . l. . legal dele p. . marg . ( r ) for acts. . . r. acts. . . p. . marg . ( a ) for phile . r. philem v. . p. . l. . for ii. r. i. p. . l. . sor for r. so l. . for apostles r. apostle l. . for is is r. is p. . l. . for in r. on p. . l. , for as r. 〈◊〉 p. . marg . ( f ) for synod r. : synod p. . l. . for conveening r. convening p. . l. . for conc . eard . 〈◊〉 . conc . sard. l. . for be to r. to be p. . l. . for nominated r. denominated p. . l. . for ofter r. after . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a ric. hookers eccles. pol. pref. ep. p. ● beza de grad . min. c. . b kin. . , . neh. . . notes for div a -e a hos. . . b acts . . c gal. . . d acts . . e acts . , &c. f 〈…〉 g 〈…〉 h annot. on acts . . i annot. on acts . ● . k hiero. catal. scrip. in sim. l niceph. l. . 〈…〉 euseb. l. . c. . doroth. in synop. hie. proëm . in math. & in catalog 〈◊〉 marco , & ad evagr. m cent. . l. . c. . in joh. evang. n beza in tim. . o euseb. l. . c. . p hier. catal . sc. q oecum . in tim. . r oecum . in tit. . s conc. chalce . act . . t theod. balfamo . u euseb. l. . c. . ignat. ad anti ch . w euseb. l. . c. . & l. . c. . &c. . &c. . iren. l. . c. . hie. cata . in clement . x iren. l. . c. . euseb. l. . c. . hier. in catal . sc. y euseb. l. . c. . z tertul. de praescrip . c. . & l. . contra marcione . . a his majesties final answer concerning episco pac i. nov. . p. . b hist. confess : august per ●hytraeum c ibid pa. , d apolog , confes , august per pap p , , e acts , . . f hist. august . confess . per chytr . p. . g hist. august . confess ; p. . f beza de gra●minist . c. . k hier. zanch. de relig . cap. . l observat in c. . apho. . . m aug. haeres . . n epiph. haeres . . o id. ibid p zanch. observ . in c. . aphor. . . q psal. . . r . sam. . . notes for div a -e a cor. . . b rom. . . unto . c acts . . & in the proscript . d acts . . e cor. . . f cor. . . g tim. . . h tit. . . i act● . . k tim. postscript . l tit. postscript . doctr. m cor. . , . n cor. . . o cor. p ver. q ver. . r ver. . s ver. . t ver. . w cor. . . x zac. . y tim. . . z chro. . , , , , . a chro , . . to . num. , b numb . . . c pet. . . d numb . . : e pet. , . f exod. . . g exod. . rev. . . . . h prov. . . i pet. . . k chro. , , , , , , . k isa. . . l heb. . . m psal. . . n hos. . . o heb. . . p cor. , , . q heb. . r acts . . . to . 〈◊〉 tim. . . s ki. . ita. . . t cor. . . v cor. . . w gal. . x cor. . . y mat. . , . z zech. . a phile. . b tim. . . c pet. . . d hi●r . ad evagr. e idem ad nepotianum . f cypr. l. . epist. . g hier. ad evagr. h bulling . in philip. . i ambros. in phil. . k hier. in phil. . l theod. in . tim. m acts . . n psalm ● . . o acts . ● . p acts . . q nehem. . . r acts . . s t it . t apud nos apostolorum locum tenent episcopi , apud eos , tertius est episcopus ; quod apud nos primum , apud illos est novissimum . hieronim . ep. . ad marceliam adversus montanum . . v tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . w acts , . x rom. . . y math. . . z john. v. . a john v. . b pet. . c acts . , , , , & . . d ambr. in ephes. . e id. in tim. . f s●n●d . constantin● . actione . g act. . h euseb. l. . c. . i ib. c. . k iur. 〈◊〉 . l iraen . l. . c. . m annat . on phil. . . n acts . . o cor. . p thess. . . q theod. in phil. . r leo ad episc. afric . epist. . c. . s euseb. l. . c. . & & . t tim , . . v tit. 〈◊〉 . . x pet. . . . y tertul. de bapt. z hier. adver . lucif . a tim. . , , . b epiphan . haeres . . c rev. . . d rev. . e tim. . . f rich-h●oker , of eccles. pol. preface n. . g jer. . . h numb . . , , , , , , . i jude . k math. . . l nam . . . m num. . , , , , , . n cant. . , . o here advers . lucifer . p cypr. 〈◊〉 . . epist. . q id. l. . epist. . r id. scr. . de zel● & li 〈◊〉 . s numb . . . . . t jude v. . . u is. . . w flaternam ut propriam tacere gloriam est modestie senec. x acts. . . y v. . a pacifick discourse of the causes and remedies of the differences about religion, which distract the peace of christendom smith, thomas, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a pacifick discourse of the causes and remedies of the differences about religion, which distract the peace of christendom smith, thomas, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for sam. smith ..., london : . errata: p. . advertisement: p. [ ]-[ ] at end. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur , ●●g . . . guil. needham . a pacifick discourse of the causes and remedies of the differences about religion , which distract the peace of christendom . london , printed for sam. smith at the prince's-arms in st. paul's church-yard . . a pacifick discourse of the causes and remedies of the differences about religion which distract the peace of christendom . how much the saving doctrine of the christian religion doth conduce to the establishment of an universal peace in the world , beyond the utmost force and reach of humane wit and policy , it were to be wisht , it could be as clearly made out by fit and suitable events , and by the lives and behaviour of christians , as it is most justly demonstrable from the design of christ , and the proper and genuine ends of such an holy institution . for with what just severity doth that most perfect rule of life require of us to lay restraints upon our passions , and to stifle and suppress the first motions of them , lest our ill will and dissatisfactions break forth into enmity , and our enmity soon improve into downright malice and hatred ! how doth it give and restore to the mind a full power of reducing unto reason all those tumults and disorders , which either anger or lust are wont to raise ! with what great ●●re , even a care worthy of god , is it there provided for , that no one should deserve ill of his neighbour , nor so much as treat his enemy , as his enemy , that is , in a furious , disdainful , and hostile way , but rather forgive him , and shew him kindness and mercy : that we should be more afraid to do , or return , and revenge an injury , than undergo death it self : that we endeavour to the utmost of our power to do good to all , and in several cases have less regard to our own than anothers advantage , and sacrifice our lives and dearest interests to the publick peace ! under what terrible sanctions , and with what fulness and clearness of expression hath the divine author and establisher of the christian law enacted , that the rights of every one , whether founded in nature , or introduced by custom and the common usages of life , or by civil and municipal laws , should in no wise , and upon no pretense whatever be violated , but be preserved in their full extent and vigour ! how had the world been blessed with a solid and lasting peace , if these excellent rules had been observed , and if no unjust force had been used ; if men had religiously and conscientiously abstained from invading the right and property of others , and had been content with that state and condition of life , in which providence had placed them , without having recourse to fraud and evil arts , or to violence and arms ! thus we see christ hath consulted most wisely and effectually the peace and benefit of all mankind in general , beyond the institutions of the most famous law-givers whatever . but how more deeply and zealously concerned , and fuller of holy care was our blessed saviour for all such , as should believe in his name , and make profession of his religion in all ages of the world , that the mutual love , which the acknowledgment of the same faith , which the partaking of the same holy rites and mysteries , and which the hope of the same immortal happiness and glory to be enjoyed in the other world justly challenged , and required , and obliged them to upon so many excellent accompts , should be continually kept up , and made appear at all times by an hearty desire and readiness of doing good in their several stations , and whensoever an opportunity presented it self , by all offices of love and kindness ! he was so intent upon this necessary and essential part of christianity , in the last stage of his life , that in that divine discourse , which he made to his apostles , st. john chap. . just before he was to leave the world , and offer up his most pretious blood , as a just price and satisfaction for the sins of mankind , he commends nothing more to their imitation , and makes this the great characteristick of his religion : and shews , that nothing could be more dear and grateful to him , and more advantagious and beneficial to them , or could more powerfully and evidently shew their love to him , and better deserve their care , than their punctual and diligent observance of this new command , that they should love one another , as he had loved them . now this command being grounded on the greatest authority , and the highest reason , and equity imaginable , and which cannot be violated without the imputation of impiety and folly , and without great hazard of salvation , who would believe , that christians should be so unmindful either of god or themselves , as to dare to contravene it , as if they were not any longer to be known to be of that denomination , by reciprocal affection and charity , and by unity and harmony of mind , and by the most endearing acts of generous friendship , but by bitter invectives and reproaches , by siding with parties , and by disagreement and hatred one of another ? it is a long time since , that the catholick church of christ hath felt the sad effects and consequences of this foolish and mad perfidiousness , even almost soon after she was blest with peace , and freed from the horrid butcheries and cruel persecutions of the heathen roman emperours , ( who made it their business to keep up their idolatrous worship , with all the arts of subtilty and furious rage , and exterminate the very name of christian out of the world ) and hath been forced to endure and suffer far worse things from her own children , hurried on with the excesses of mad zeal , and all the bitterness of enraged passion : by reason of which unchristian misbehaviour she soon perceived , that she had but little reason comparatively to complain of the proceedings of nero , decius , diocletian , and the rest of her merciless persecutors . for this was the sad case and temper of those times , that they , whom fear , and modesty , and a due regard to , and reverence of the name of christianity , and whom common dangers and sufferings had endeared to each other , to the great astonishment of their enemies , now when they no longer stood in awe of the tribunals of the gentile magistrates , and of the pursuit and arrest of soldiers and officers of the civil courts ; when they were no longer in danger of being dragged to prison , or condemned to crosses , stakes , gibbets , and wild beasts in their amphitheaters ; when by the protection of the civil power they might profess christianity with all possible security , the whole empire becoming christian , and embracing that faith , which it had for some ages before endeavoured with so much fury and madness to root up ; these very persons , abusing this wonderful change , that god had brought about , when they had no enemies to exercise their faith and their patience , soon grew peevish , and froward , and insolent towards one another . the doctrine of faith , as it is proposed in the holy gospels , was slighted and carelesly past over , and fierce contests arose about matters of opinion and ceremony , as if nothing less than eternal salvation had been concerned in these niceties ; whence charity being wholly forgot and lost in these disputes , whilst each strove , not so much for truth as victory , evil suspicions and animosities took place , and opened a wide gap for schism to enter . hereupon altar was erected against altar , and contrary episcopal sees established in the same cities ; and furious and seditious preachers sounded in the pulpit an alarum to a holy war , as if they had been ready to engage with the professed enemies of christ in defence of the chief articles of religion . hence they first lookt upon it as a piece of becoming zeal , and as a mark of godliness to abstain from all external communion with each other : as if the danger and the guilt had been less to have been present at the heathen and jewish assemblies : afterwards followed odious crimes laid to each others charge , and most abusive and execrable titles and appellations , as if there had been a total apostasy and defection from the christian faith ; from which most unjust and scandalous censures there arose at last an irreconcileable enmity and hatred , which no art , no compliance in other matters , whilst these evil and perverse opinions were rooted in their minds , could be able to remove or mollify . but alas ! so far are these dreadful and fatal heats , with which the church for so many ages has been enflamed , from being abated , that upon the addition of fresh matter they have burst out with greater violence , which is almost irresistible . who is there so far forsaken and devoid of good nature , mercy , and pity , who is not filled with horror , when he reflects upon those horrid tumults and distractions , with which christendom is torn asunder at this very day ? i do not mean those distractions the natural effects of war , wherein thousands are daily sacrificed to ambition and other brutal passions , but such , as different opinions about matters of religion have brought upon the world , in which no mercy and charity are shewed to the souls of the adverse party , which , as far as furious zeal takes place , are consigned over to hell by peremptory sentences of excommunication : it being accounted a very godly and justifiable pretension , to think and judge amiss of those , who differ from them in lesser matters . in the mean time , whilst every one doth foolishly indulge to his ambition , same , and wit ; whilst they most partially favour that side , which either chance has cast them upon , or prejudice , education , and interest have recommended to their choice ; whilst the love of the world , and a fear arising thence , lest there should be any abatement and diminution of their secular pomp and advantage , shut out truth ; and whilst perversness and obstinacy of mind set a bar against mutual forbearance and condescension : altho out of modesty each may pretend to wish , that an happy end were put to these disputes , and endeavour with great earnestness to wipe off the envy of such a charge : yet it is too too evident , that they are kept up and maintained by pride and peevishness and base interest , whilst they do not follow , according to the excellent and wise advice of st. paul , after the things which make for peace , and things wherewith one may edify another . romans . . it is the design of this paper briefly to enquire , first into the reasons and causes of these differences arising about religion , which are still maintained with so great heat , to the great scandal of so holy and venerable a profession , and how it comes to pass , that the mild , the sweet , the merciful temper and genius , which christianity inspires her true votaries with , seems utterly lost , amidst the noise and fury of those hot debates , that prevail between parties of different communions : and then , secondly ; into the proper remedies of these horrid confusions and distractions , and see if there be any just reason and ground to hope for the restoring of ecclesiastical peace and unity to the divided countries of christendom . as to what concerns the first part of my enquiry , i shall comprehend the original and causes of the divisions among christians , and which hinder them from uniting in the same common worship and service of god , under these four following heads ; all others being of lesser moment , or else easily reducible to one of them . the first and principal is this , a manifest and great departure from the simplicity of faith . in the first beginnings of christianity , when the apostles , every of them in their distinct provinces , declared to the world the revelation of god our saviour , it was not , as to what concerns the doctrine of faith , any great matter of difficulty , nor required any great study or deep research to be a christian. the mysteries of it , as to their number , were but few , as is evident from the creed , which contains a brief form of words , clearly and nakedly proposed without any perplexity or ambiguity of expression ; so that although the matter of some of them do transcend the utmost strength and force of humane understanding , and cannot be comprehended by the most sublime and subtle wit whatever : yet persons of the meanest capacities and most ordinary understanding cannot complain , that they were neglected . now this doctrine of faith was at first one & the same every where , even in the most distant countries , which had no commerce one with another . at that time they believed no otherwise at rome , ephesus , alexandria , or corinth , than at jerusalem . the apostles being guided by the same infallible spirit , taught the same necessary articles of faith every where : whence arose that admirable concent and harmony of doctrine , as if that great work of the conversion of the world to the faith of christ had not been done apart , but had been jointly carried on by the common advice and direction of the college of apostles remaining in a fixed place . for then those here in britain agreed in judgment with those who were in india , when there was no passage through the great and vast ocean known , or so much as attempted : the polarity of the magnet being then unknown and undiscovered : and the like is to be said of the other parts of the world , as irenaeus shews in his first book against heresies chap. . where being about to evince the truth of the catholick faith from the agreement of so many nations , differing in language , and manners , and customs of living , so many seas running between , he adds , that there is the same force of tradition , notwithstanding this great variety of language , and that the churches in germany , spain , gaule , in the east , in egypt and lybia neither believed nor delivered down contrary doctrines : but as the sun , the creature of god , is one and the same in the universe , so the light and doctrine of truth shines every where , and enlightens all men , who are willing to come to the knowledge of it . so that all being admitted by the sacrament of baptism to the profession of the same faith , if chance or business , or curiosity of travelling brought christians of different nations together , upon the first acknowledgement of this faith , which shewed , that they were christians , they run into each others embraces , and found , that they agreed in the same points of religion , as if they had been bred up under the same masters , and had spent their whole time together . and indeed it could scarce be otherwise through the piety , innocence , zeal , and constancy of those times , not as if there were no opinions started , about which they might have different sentiments ( for that in such great variety and disproportion of understanding and temper was scarce possible ) but they held fast to the apostolical doctrine and tradition : and provided , that their faith in christ was entire and orthodox , in lesser matters liberty of judgment was allowed without censure . no one was oppressed with unjust suspicions and prejudices : they shunned not such an ones company , as if he had been excommunicated , but received and embraced him as a brother and fellow christian. the holy apostles , who by their unwearied diligence and preaching had form'd and establisht churches every where , that they might make just provisions for the christians of all ages after their decease , thought it highly concerned them to commit to writing the doctrine of faith , which they had taught ; that in case any doubt should arise in aftertimes , and new doctrines should be introduced by wanton and over curious wits , desirous and over apt to innovate in matters of religion under a pretense of apostolical tradition , these infallible oracles might be consulted , as the measure and standard of divine truth . accordingly to these sacred writings they had recourse as to the only rule of faith : they derived all the streams of saving truth from these uncorrupt springs ; here was the tryal , whether any one was sound or reprobate concerning the faith : so the great truths of religion were preserved entire , there was no trouble given to any one upon the accompt of any subtle or nice questions . all equally enjoyed the same right of communion ; they were present at the same holy offices of religion with a most agreeable piety ; they all were partakers of the same holy sacrament ; from which if any were by the strict discipline of the church debarred , it was wholly to be imputed to the miscarriages of life , whereof they were guilty , which the church desired to amend and make them sensible of by this severe course and method . but when the pertinaciousness of hereticks , relying upon the quirks and subtilty of unsound wit , would in no wise acquiesce in scriptural propositions of faith ; when with a sacrilegious boldness they would break into the very secrets of heaven , which were above the capacity of humane understanding fully to make out and comprehend ; when despising and rejecting the revelations of scripture , they disclaimed the profession and acknowledgment of the truths and mysteries of the christian religion ; and when by their evil designs , arts , and practices , the weaker sort of christians , whom they had infected with their corrupt and poisonous doctrine , were drawn away from the profession of the true faith ; it then became necessary and most worthy the serious thoughts and care of constantine the great , and the other pious emperors , to call general councils , in order to prevent those disturbances and breaches of the churches peace , which were likely to arise from the change and alteration of faith : and all the industry of those great men , who were summoned to attend and assist at those solemn and venerable assemblies , was laid out and imployed , not in inventing and making new articles , but in interpreting and explaining the old ones : for both their zeal and piety forbad , that they should give way to any innovation , or suffer the ancient catholick faith , which was at first delivered , to be antiquated , and the profession of it disused . for to use the words of a vincentius lirinensis , what other thing has the church of christ designed and effected by the decrees of councils , but that that which was before simply believed , might now be believed with greater diligence : that , which before was more rarely and gently preached , might now be preached with greater zeal and concern : and that , which was held and maintained more securely , might now be studied and maintained with greater care and solicitude ? so that to stop the mouth of heresy , and to give it its deaths wound , those heroes , mostly and chiefly relying upon the authority of the sacred scripture , and calling in to their aid and assistance the constant practice and consent of the orthodox christians of the preceding ages , and antient and catholick tradition , made a most excellent provision for the security of the christian faith , which arius , macedonius , nestorius , and the other infamous haeresiarchs had with their false glosses perverted , by laying down short forms and professions of faith : that so the several mysteries of it , upon the belief of which the true religion and the happiness of its professors depend , might be better and more easily admitted and understood . by this test the catholick church distinguished those of her communion from the hereticks , and by this unity of faith united their hearts in love and affection ; all who made profession of her doctrine , in what part of the world soever they were , being acknowledged and received for friends , for brethren , for catholicks . for there was no need of any other character or recommendation : and hence that pious and laudable custom and practice of keeping up and maintaining this ecclesiastical communion by the epistolae formatae , which were usually sent from one bishop to another ( nor did the bishop of rome exempt himself ) upon their instalment , had their original : nor was there any other proof exacted or demanded of their retaining the profession of the true christian faith , than a firm and hearty assent to those antient creeds . how happy it had been for the catholick church , if the terms of communion had continued thus enlarged , the meanest capacity may easily be sensible of ; for most assuredly , if the antient faith , the profession of which has saved so many myriads of christians , had been preserved uncorrupt and entire from the encumbrance and addition of novel opinions , which owe their original and propagation to meer phantasy , and superstition , and secular interest ; and if all , who acknowledge that faith , might have been present at the publick worship and service of god upon the same conditions , as in the first ages , according to the rules established by the supream ecclesiastical authority ; there had not been that great confusion every where in the world , as now there is . by this just and easy method , schism might have been prevented , and a liberty of judgment being allowed in matters no way fundamental and essential to faith , an eternal peace had been established . of the violation of which we justly accuse the roman church , which , having wholly neglected and laid aside the rules of primitive antiquity , has , as mistress of the faith of all christians , obtruded new articles , under the specious pretense and title of declaration , upon their consciences and understandings . but what injustice , what arbitrary proceeding , what tyranny is this , that the faith of the christian world should depend upon the humor and pleasure of the roman court , and the opinions of the schoolmen , without any regard to scripture and antiquity : and that all other churches should be excommunicated , unless they enslave themselves to her tenents , and that all should be branded with the odious name of schismatick and heretick , who dare maintain and defend their rights against the imposition of their novelties ! let the true faith be examined by the rule of scripture : let the doctrine of the first times be consulted in the proof and tryal of it : let the antient canons be restored : let no force be put upon the conscience ; and let all unjust conditions cease , and be for ever abrogated ; the peace of the church will then return , and we may hope to see good days in christendom . which suggests to me an other hindrance of ecclesiastical peace and unity , which ariseth hence , . that several opinions and tenents , which without prejudice to the true faith , we may be ignorant of , are too highly valued and esteemed , and by an overhasty and inconsiderate zeal are lookt upon as fundamental points , necessary to salvation . the apostle saint paul takes a particular and wise care in the th chapter of the epistle to the romans , lest they , who agreed in the faith of the eternal son of god , the true messias and redeemer of mankind , and were called by his blessed name , should upon some little differences in trivial matters , break out into hatred and ill will one to another . for there was not the same opinion among them about the ceasing of the mosaical institutions . they who had arrived to a greater degree of faith and maturity of judgment , very much rejoyced in their happy change and condition of life , that they were delivered from the grievous burden of the jewish rites and ceremonies , whilst others , who were not so well instructed and satisfied in the privileges and liberties of the christian religion , very fiercely contended , that no one , at least no jew , was exempt and freed from those observances . hence proceeded bitter and severe censures one against another , as transgressors of the divine law ; and hereupon they entertained those unjust opinions of one anothers condition as to the other world , as if one heaven could not hold two such contrary parties . but what says the apostle to all this ? he plainly shews , that this sharp , censorious , and fierce temper of mind is most displeasing to him , as being most disagreeable to the very rules of christianity : that in an affair of so slight a nature , no one runs the hazard of his salvation ; that the strong were herein to indulge and yield somewhat to the weak in faith , who were not so fully enlightned , as they were ; that they who thought that there was an obligation still lying upon them to observe the law of moses , had not upon this accompt abjured the faith of christ , and that they , who on the contrary thought that there was no obligation lying upon them , had not been guilty of the breach of a divine law : that they were not to abstain from communicating with each other : that in these matters a liberty of judgment was not to be denyed , so they had a right faith in christ ; that this common faith , in which both parties agreed , was a sufficient ground of christian communion : and lastly , that they were to be more studious of peace and mutual edification , than of useless controversies , which contributed little or nothing to the advancement of christianity , or to their own mutual benefit and advantage , or to the encrease of piety , and good manners . with what greater modesty and moderation had such , as having laid aside all thoughts of peace for the sake of opinions of far lesser moment , have gone about to make divisions in the catholick church , have carryed themselves , if they had imitated this apostle in this his most exemplary meekness and lenity ! hast thou faith ? sayes this wise and excellent person ; have it to thy self before god. let every one enjoy his own private opinions , of which sort there may be many , for the sake of which we cannot , without the highest injustice , give way to furious passion and strife : at least , if they cannot retain them in their breasts , but have an itch of venting them ; let them not impose them upon others , as oracles , as if all , who do not assent to them , were in a deplorable condition . the case is the same about particular churches , as about private men : whilst each retains the entire doctrine of the catholick church , let them make what laws , articles , and constitutions they shall think fit , to oblige their own members to uniformity ; this certainly being a privilege , which is essential to every national church in order to its better establishment . if these controversies concerning private and particular opinions had been confined to the schools , with a salvo to conscience and free judgment , by the fierce disputants on either side , the church might have received no prejudice and damage by them , and have been wholly uninterested in their quarrels . for this is to be allowed and permitted to humane wit , to be naturally prying into secrets and mysteries , and mostly to please it self in new speculations : and this it may do lawfully enough , so it doth not pass those due boundaries , which scripture , the creeds of the catholick church , and sober reason have set and fixt . let the schoolmen , over-run with the itch of curiosity , wrangle eternally , if they please ; seeing they not onely delight in it , but make it their trade and business to perplex and entangle the most obvious truths : although it is very apparent , that in these eager and sharp contentions , they aim more at victory and reputation than at truth : and let them enjoy the fame and credit of being accounted great sophisters and wits : let them flatter themselves , that they can explain the most difficult problem , and satisfy the most confounding objection with their nice and subtil distinctions : let them enjoy their phansy or their judgment , without the least disturbance and censure : seeing some are so in love with their errors , that they hate to be better instructed ; and to go about to convince them , is the way to disoblige them : provided all this be done as a tryal of wit , and as an exercise of a plodding brain . i add further , let any particular church , to prevent all disputes , which may have an influence upon its peace , and which , by the cunning contrivance of designing men , may introduce schism and disorder , make a body of articles and canons to be subscribed by all , who are entrusted with the administration of holy things , as an instrument of peace and concord : and where they pretend to state and determine controversial points , let them be esteemed by those of that church never so pious , never so credible , never so probable , no harm can possibly arise , so long as the summary of the christian doctrine is not violated ; so long as they are not ranked with the fundamental articles of faith ; so long as they do not impose them upon other churches , who are no way subject to a forraign jurisdiction ; much less upon the whole body of christians in all the parts of the universe , under the pretence of apostolical authority , and under the heavy penalty of an anathema . but that there should be no difference put between the novel opinions of the schoolmen , and the oracles of scripture ; that the same deference and honour should be paid to humane authority , very obnoxious to passion and error , which only infallible truth can justly challenge ; that the phansies of private men , as they were at first , should , many ages after , by a pretended church-power , be reckoned as fundamentals : and lastly , that we should be obliged to profess our assent to rash sanctions and definitions , which a corrupt part of the church for secular ends and advantages hath decreed and established ; this , this is that , which scandalizeth christendom , and obstructs its peace . this was the just complaint of the former century , which made way for the reformation , and which a conviction of the truth and reasonableness of it extorted from the mouths of several romanists , who yet had not the courage to relinquish the communion of that church , though confessedly corrupt in matter of doctrine , discipline , and worship . this was the trouble and heart-breaking of several excellently learned and pious persons in those times , and doth still distract the minds of all good men , even of considering romanists , not infatuated with superstition and furious bigotry , who pray for the restoration of catholick unity among all christians . but such a schism , so detestable , so deplorable , and so big with dismal effects , consequences , and events , has been brought into the church by corrupt interest , by base and disingenuous artifice and subtilty , and by the highest immodesty , and by downright force and violence , and this , confirmed by the free , holy , oecumenical council of trent , as they call it , when god knows it was neither free , nor holy , nor oecumenical , as that all hope of reconciliation among the different professions and perswasions of christians is taken away , unless the authors of this schism shall offer terms of an accommodation fit to be accepted , that is , by annulling or suspending for ever the authority of the tridentine council , which is a thing not to be expected from them , or rather , unless the princes of the roman communion shall force the pope to call another council , and in case of refusal , shall assemble several bishops and doctors of their respective countries to debate the controversies , which are now on foot , and to determine them by scripture , primitive antiquity , and apostolical tradition . it will yield just matter of astonishment to the serious reader to consider , that the institution of the holy sacrament of the eucharist , which christ left to his church in remembrance of his passion and death , and for a pledge of his love , and as a mark and token of the mutual love of christians , and of their faith in him crucified : whom that sacrament does truly and efficaciously represent and exhibit , should by the subtilty of the devil , and the perverse disputings of interested persons , be so far abused and perverted , that they should hence take occasion of envying eternal salvation , purchased by his precious bloud , and of denying it too , as much as in them lyes , to such , as are partakers of those holy mysteries according to his original institution . for what other reason can be alledged for that fury , which under the notion and pretext of zeal , has taken up arms ; as if the cause of god were concerned in it , and has brought that great confusion upon the world , unless because they have different notions and sentiments about this tremendous mystery , and disagree somewhat in their explications of it ? what great quantity of christian bloud has been spilt by an enraged party upon the accompt of these unhappy sacramentary quarrels , which have ended in bloudy wars and massacres ! what great havock and wast have they made , both by fire and sword , of thousands of their fellow christians , beyond the fury and madness of the heathen persecutions , who were in all other points innocent , and were therefore burnt , and had their throats cut , only for this one great crime , because they would not admit , believe , and acknowledge , contrary to scripture , reason , sense , and experience , the portentous and extravagant fiction of transubstantiation ! there is no christian , but believes christ to be really and truly , that is , spiritually , and to all the real effects and benefits of his passion and death , and by the efficacy of his grace and spirit , present under the sacred symbols , which yet retain their true and natural substance , as well as qualities , and that he receives the mystical body of christ after the consecration , according to the words of the institution , upon which the faith of all christians is founded , and what has been professed in all ages , and justly esteemed the badge of christian communion by all sober persons , whose judgments have not been perverted by passion and unjust prejudice . if every one , without any curious enquiry into this mystery , had contented himself with the plain and simple belief of it , and with all due care had intended the worthy partaking of it ; if the church of rome had not first of all in the lateran council , and after that in the council of trent , rashly determined the manner of the presence of christ in the sacrament : if the lutherans and others had onely determined for themselves , without prescribing to , or condemning others ; and if an explicite belief of this monstrous opinion had not been made a necessary term and condition of communion ; how might we have adored before the same altars , ( from which we are now excluded as profane , unworthy and excommunicate persons ; and from which we have reason to abstain and fly , as the primitive christians did from the sacrifices of idolaters ) and have been present at the most solemn services of religion with the same zeal , to the great advantage of christian charity and devotion . no priest would then have been afraid to admit any devout lay-person , approaching the holy sacrament with due preparation ; and no lay-person would then also have been afraid to receive it from the hand of such a priest , rightly ordained and constituted . the like may be said of many other points of religion , which without any prejudice to the doctrine of faith , are disputed and controverted : but whilst , all other interpretations and expositions being laid aside , men boldly decree and determine this or that opinion to be de fide ; whilst the niceties of the schoolmen , and the positions of contentious and polemical theology , which idle men , relying too much upon their subtil wit , and false and sophistical way of arguing , have introduced , are in such esteem and vogue with some , as to be lookt upon , as necessary appendages of the christian religion ; and whilst articles of faith , which were altogether unknown to the first ages , are hugely encreased and multiplied , as is too too manifest from the present state and condition of the roman church , and the obscure confessions of other churches ; what other effect can we expect should proceed from this mighty industry and zeal , but that christendom being divided into so many parties and factions , all just hope of union should be wholly removed and taken away , when the effecting of it hereby seems to be rendred morally impossible ? . the arrogant pretensions of the popes unbounded power contributes not a little to the heightning and augmenting the difference in christendom . it does not seem at this day to comport with the greatness of the roman church , to be content to be included within the antient limits of the suburbicary regions . for not satisfied with a primacy of order , or with her antient patriarchate , ( to whose jurisdiction the britannick churches were not of right subject ) or with her other privileges , conferred upon her out of a respect to the imperial city ; as if the spirit of the old romans were infused into her , she proudly affects an empire over the whole body of christians throughout the world . if the other patriachs , who owe that honour and dignity to the same original , the favour of princes , and the decrees and constitutions of general councils ( in the assignment of which , as it is most evident from the th canon of the council of chalcedon , they had onely a regard to the privileges and dignities of cities , to which the ecclesiastical government was accommodated ) defend their rights and liberties against the attempts and encroachments of the bishop of rome ; if they will not submit to a forraign yoke ; unless they with a base and a most unbecoming flattery adore rome , as their mistress and patroness , and obey her decrees and orders ; presently there is an end of them : they are arraigned and accused as guilty of schism ; nor shall they be thought worthy of the honour and favour of her communion . when some time after the empire was divided into east and west , there seemed to be a kind of agreement at least , and a fair and amicable correspondence kept up , the ambition and pride of the bishops of rome , who would needs busy and interest themselves in the affairs of the greek church , spoiled all . for to no other cause can the original of that sad and fatal separation be ascribed , altho it was afterward heightned , and the wound festered more and more , when the article of the procession of the holy spirit from the son was added to the constantinopolitan creed , without ever so much as consulting the oriental bishops , who upon the knowledge of it soon after vehemently opposed it ; justly alledging , that it was utterly unlawful so to do , it being expresly against the th canon of the council of ephesus . but things were more securely advanced and carryed on in the western empire , by the artifice and policy of the popes of rome : for the opposition , which was made now and then by two or three honest and stout men , to their tyrannical and arbitrary proceedings , signified little or nothing , and was run down with noise , violence , and power . when then they had no regard to the canons of antient councils , by which the catholick church was formerly governed ; when they had trodden under their feet all divine and humane law and right ; when they had arrogated to themselves the disposition of all church-affairs , and had usurpt a power over all christians ; and nothing for the future was to be admitted and believed , but what was agreeable to the bulls and decrees of the roman court ; can any one wonder , when things were brought to this pass , that christendom should at last awaken from its deep lethargy , and grown sensible of the miserable slavery of its condition , should complain of the exercise of this usurped , unjust , and tyrannical power , and seriously think of recovering its true , antient , original ( hristian liberty ? in the mean time , what did they at rome ? did they enter upon serious counsels and resolutions honestly and effectually to satisfy the requests and demands of kings , princes , and republicks concerning a reformation , which were continually sent thither by their ambassadors and agents ? did they restore their ill-gotten goods , which they had seized upon most unjustly , and as unjustly had detained by force and violence , i mean , the common rights and privileges , belonging to the bishops ; and to all christian people ? nothing less : they exclaim , they rage , they are furious and mad , and let fly their thunderbolts of excommunication from the vatican hill , and devote men to hell and damnation , only for this unpardonable fault , because they were at last quite tyred with , and weary of the slavery , which they had laboured under for so many years . this is that , which troubles and grieves them now at rome , and which they are endeavouring with so much art and policy to effect and bring about ; and this is that , which unless god shall vouchsafe to avert the omen , and open the eyes of all such , who are deluded by the witchcrafts and sorcery of rome , to forsake her communion , which is so dangerous to their salvation , will make the schism irreconcileable and eternal . for , as things stand at present , there can be no peace and accommodation with rome , unless we part with our liberties , and our laws , and our consciences , and our religion , the true christian religion , and every thing , which is dear to us : nor yet , such is the restlesness of that party , and especially of the jesuits , that if the counsels of such fiery bigots may prevail , we shall never be at quiet , unless we submit our necks once more most stupidly to the roman yoke , which our popish ancestors , even both before and after they were enlightned with the knowledge of the truths of god , threw off with great indignation , as not being able to bear it . lastly , we are convinced by sad experience , that these differences about religion , which have divided christendom into so many sects , to the great disturbance of its peace and quiet , owe no small part of their original to the great decay of true solid piety through idleness and carelesness , and to the departure from the most holy rules of living , which christ our blessed lord and master has prescribed us , which is every where so visible . i need not here labour in the proof of this by heaping up arguments , when the fact is so evident ; nor shall i tragically exclaim or inveigh against the unmanly softness , the luxury , the prophaneness , the wickedness of the age , and the evil lives of christians ; this reflexion deserving our sighs and tears rather than satyre and invective . i do not here mean so much those , whose wicked & corrupt principles and most scandalous lives sufficiently shew , that they have no sense of any religion , but i chiefly intend such , as make a fair shew of christianity ; how little of true piety is found about them ! but how much of superstition , and immoderate zeal for the peculiar tenents of their sect , by which they would be distinguished one from another ! in compliance of the genius of the age , which is concerned more for ingenuity , and learning , & the inventing new hypotheses , and satisfying curious enquiries into nature , than for the practices of moral honesty and christian vertue , and how we may foyl and baffle our adversaries by our wit , rather than adorn our holy profession with suitable lives . but alas ! by how much less pious we are , so by degrees we become more and more censorious and uncharitable . we bestow all our zeal in lesser matters , and lay the great stress of our duty upon it , being little solicitous about the ornaments of a christian life , as if by this fallacious and flattering kind of artifice we would compound with god for the want of them . it is in vain to complain of , and cry out upon the wickedness of the times , when we our selves are to blame , that they are no better , and if we would our selves , we might make them so . for if the true christian piety , and strict discipline , and integrity of manners , were but once restored ; and if we throughly minded the great duties of christianity , which consist in unfeigned devotion and holiness , in charity , and meekness , and patience , and forbids all bitterness , and wrath , and evil speaking , and hatred , and malice , and abstracts from all niceties and subtilities of disputation , and quarrels about scholastick notions and opinions , in which the essence of faith is no way interested ; it will be no vain , idle , or ill-grounded expectation , that we might live to see the different parties of christendom united , and ecclesiastical peace and unity restored . but whilst ill manners and a careless way of living prevail ; whilst charity and modesty are laid aside , and men grow over-wise and conceited in their opinions , and despise all others of a contrary judgment ; whilst to be of a party , and to maintain private phansies with fierceness and heat , is accounted a good argument of their being godly ; whilst being too much concerned for the externals of religion , and controversial points , we over-look our duty , and growing secure and careless , seem to have little or no regard to what christ and his apostles command us to look after with all possible care and diligence , and make our most serious study and business ; who can be so void of sense or good nature , as not to observe with grief and sorrow of mind , that by this ill imployed industry , and by these furious quarrels , christianity suffers , and that , new prejudices arising continually , the evil distemper grows worse and worse , and will soon become desperate and incurable ? no serious and honest reader can be so unjust , as to imagine , that i plead for a toleration of vile sects and opinions , or that i think it a matter of meer indifference , to what communion of christians we betake and joyn our selves . we of the church of england are obliged to render unfeigned and hearty thanks to almighty god , for his great mercy and goodness towards us , that he has made us members of such an eminently pure and apostolical part and branch of the catholick church ; that we were born and baptized , and live in the communion of a church , whose doctrine is truly christian and catholick ; government primitive and apostolical ; and liturgy conformable to the antient standard , and agreeable to the uses of true devotion , without the least mixture of superstition and foppery ; and where the sacraments are administred according to christs holy institution : and where all things necessary to make a true orthodox catholick christian , and to render him eternally happy in the other world , are to be found and met with . it highly becomes us in point of duty to be very sensible of this great blessing : and it ought to be the great comfort of our lives and deaths too : yet i cannot but oppose to all unjust censure that expostulation of saint paul , romans . . who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? to his own master he standeth or falleth : yea he shall be holden up : for god is able to make him stand : and will further add , that i doubt not in the least , but that at the dreadful day of judgment a virtuous , honest , and sober life will be more esteemed by christ himself , than niceness of knowledge and opinion , be it never so true ; that no one who has adorned his christian profession with an agreeable conversation ; notwithstanding his errors and misperswasions , if they be not aggravated and made pernicious by obstinacy of mind , and a wilful resisting and refusing the truth , will be rejected , and that those who now out of a furious zeal , ( if yet there be any who do this , besides some of the fiery men of the church of rome , who arrogantly call themselves religious , and their credulous & infatuated proselytes ) deny or scarse own salvation possible to others , who are not of their communion : which is a most unwarrantable , impudent , scandalously false , and unchristian opinion , the wickedness of which cannot be sufficiently aggravated : of what party of men soever , and are thus uncharitable one to another , if an holy and virtuous life be superstructed upon the foundation of faith , in which they all agree , by the grace and mercy of god , and the all-sufficient merits and satisfaction of christ , will be happy hereafter for ever in heaven . hitherto of the causes of those quarrels about religion which distract the quiet and peace of christendom . let us now briefly consider the remedies . in general , it is most evident , that all endeavours about composing these differences , are in vain and to no purpose , and that we cannot entertain the least ground of hope , to attain to the unity of the primitive church , unless all parties relax their censures , which have hitherto excluded love and charity , and make use of the same means in restoring it , as the christians of the first times did in retaining it . if with composed and settled minds and affections we would agree in this excellent method , we have no reason to despair , but that the pacifick counsels and pious endeavours of honest men , who labour after the blessed work of union and reconciliation among christians , might be very successful . now the means of obtaining this ecclestastical peace , consist in the removal of the causes above-mentioned , which have obstructed it , and are these . whereof the first is , that the antient , simple , christian faith , as it is contained in the scriptures , summed up in the creeds of general councils , and received in all the churches of christ , be only urged as necessary to be believed in order to salvation . for seeing that this common faith was made use of by the catholick church , as a tye and bond of holy communion ; seeing the catechumens , after praevious instruction , upon their profession of this faith , no other condition being exacted , were admitted to baptism , and had a right to partake of the holy mysteries of the eucharist ; seeing that in the profession of the same faith , all true christians do fully agree ; ( for the socinians , who go about to overthrow the whole frame of the christian doctrine , by arrogant presumptions of false reasonings , and by sophistical arguments , and by their blasphemies against christ , the eternal son of god , and turn the grace of god into the lasciviousness of humane wit , and deny the divinity of our saviour , are not to be honoured with this name : ) why should not the foundation and ground-work of ecclesiastical peace and unity , after the example and practice of the primitive church , be laid in the same faith ? with what pretense of reason ought any opinion , after the first preaching and establishment of the faith all the world over , after the conveyance of it down to so many ages , be superadded as a necessary point of faith , which was unknown to all antiquity ? by what right can such a number of articles be obtruded upon the understandings and consciences of christians , and especially such , as have been invented and propagated for base and secular interests and advantages , and to maintain worldly grandeur and reputation ? that christians do so little agree in some of their sentiments about religion , as if there were not the same rule of faith , equally and under the same obligation proposed to all ; this must not be imputed either to our b. saviour , or his apostles , or to the nature of his religion , which proposes in easy terms and propositions , to the most ordinary and less intelligent christians , enough to conduce to their obtaining eternal salvation , but to certain fiery zealots , who venting their beloved tenents and notions for oracles , impose them upon others under direful curses and anathema's . what fuller proof and argument can there be of this surious zeal , than what the romanists are guilty of , in inveighing against us , as they do most falsly and unjustly , for not receiving several tenents , which are but of a few ages standing , and which are destitute of all authority , whether of scripture or antiquity ? but this is our comfort , ( if yet it be any comfort to persons in distress , to have any to share with them in it ) we shall not be condemned alone : but at the same time they condemn us , they must draw into the guilt of the same heresy , as they are pleased most civilly to word it , all such , as have a true and just veneration of uncorrupt antiquity : and for this reason among others , reject the creed of pope pius the fourth . but if we are to think well of the condition of those , who in the first ages preserved the integrity and purity of the christian faith with creeds , and other holy writings , as so many sacred amulets and preservatives against the infection and poison of heresy truly so called ; who were ambitious of dying , and lost their lives for the profession of that faith , and embraced the flames rather than dissemble or disown it ; if the primitive saints and martyrs be happy and blessed ; we need not fear the noise of their thunder , which can do no execution upon us , and which are meer bug-bears to affright persons of weak and childish phansies : we tread in the steps of those holy saints and martyrs ; we are safe , we are secure ; provided we copy out their lives , and imitate those glorious examples they have set up of consummate piety as well as profess the same faith . wherever the christians were dispersed , whether in the patriarchate of rome , or alexandria , or any other ; by virtue of this profession of faith , they were received into communion and admitted to the common rights of religion , not denying or envying to each other salvation in the world to come , but by joint exercises of devotion mutually promoting and advancing it : nay their , charity was so great , that notwithstanding the most unchristian censures and unjust schism of the donatists , they lookt upon them as brethren still , though horribly perverted by a false and ignorant zeal to make a separation from them ; nay they did not pass a damnatory sentence upon a the arians , nor altogether despair of their s●●●ation , but left them to stand or fall to their own master . . upon and after a ready acknowledgment of the articles of faith , without which no one can pretend to be a christian , let a liberty of judging in other less material points of doctrine be allowed and indulged : for variety of opinions does no more dissolve the unity of faith , than variety of rites and ceremonies . how had that wide wound , which schism has made in the body of the church , been long since closed and perfectly healed , if this soveraign medicine had been applyed , and if they had not proceeded so dogmatically and boldly , by confessions of faith , and by new and unheard of canons to determine points uncertain and doubtful ! by which way of procedure the minds of christians are oppressed , and the doctrine of faith rendred perplext and obscure by scholastick subtilties and niceties . it were to be wisht indeed , that all christians , and especially those , who , for most just and weighty and indispensable reasons and motives , have relinquished the roman communion , could agree in a general systeme of theological opinions : but because this is not to be hoped for , considering the different apprehensions , tempers , inclinations , interests , judgments , way of education , method of study and arguing , and interpreting scripture , and consequently there not being the same light of knowledge , the same force and sharpness of wit and understanding , the same industry and impartiality ; why should we not for peace and quiet sake bear with others , who , though they may differ from us in some particulars , agree with us in fundamentals , as they are contained in easy texts of scripture , and in the ancient creeds , with all christian charity , and compassion , and moderation ? let that evil custom of reviling , which is almost become habitual and natural , and that odious calling of names and branding private notions with ill characters , if they may admit of a more favourable interpretation , without prejudice to the essential truths of the gospel , for ever cease , and be totally laid aside . for by this mutual indulgence and condescension , which all lovers of peace cannot but acknowledge to be most fit and equitable , there is no one whatever , be his capacity never so mean and dull , but he will foresee and presage , that a mighty benefit would redound to christendom , and a happy stop would be put to the disorders and confusions of it . . let the antient canons about church-government be restored to their full vigour , and every national church enjoy its just rights , and the bishop of rome be reduced to his original jurisdiction , and all pretensions to an oecumenical power for ever be abolished and annulled . for the romanists , in the height of all their pride and usurpations , which have violated the peace of the church , of which they cannot but be convinced in their consciences , may remember , that communion with their church was never held necessary , but onely , as it was a part , and branch , and member of the catholick church . besides , who can be ignorant of the great disputes maintained with the see of rome in antient and latter times , by the christians of other communions , in defense of their rights ? the churches , both in the east and south , divided into several patriarchates and bishopricks , vindicated their privileges , which they enjoyed according to the decrees of the council of nice , in their several limits and districts . the title of universal bishop was not then known or pretended to : no one had either the vanity or the ambition to usurp such an unlimited power . this honour was reserved for pope boniface the third , and his successors , as if all the world hence forward were to be included within the walls or pomoeria of the city of rome . the world was astonished at this procedure , and could not with any patience admit and suffer so great an imposition . christian carthage despised the insults of the bishop of rome , as much as their heathen ancestors did the senate : and although constantinople , unwillingly enough , allowed the honour of the first , and chief see to rome , yet it ever maintained its own liberty : and though now horribly oppressed and sadly groaning under turkish tyranny , is not so forgetful of its ancient honour , as basely to submit to the claims of rome . they would very willingly retain communion with her , and with all the branches of the catholick church , if the hinderances of that communion were once removed , and that pretended universal authority laid aside : in which holy desire we join with them . let the bishop of rome be the first of that order ; provided , that he be not lookt upon , as the sole universal bishop ; and that all others be deemed to be , as indeed they are , by the constitution of christ and his apostles , independent , and not his vicars and deputies : and provided also , that their rights , which rely upon the same ecclesiastical laws , be reserved to them in their full and just extent ; and that the decrees of the roman court be not imposed upon the world with a non obstante to apostolical constitutions ; and that its jurisdiction be contained within the limits of the antient canons . if this bar were removed , a way would quickly be opened to let peace into the most divided parts of christendom . this all good christians , all but such worldly-minded men , whose interest it is to keep up these differences , earnestly wish , sigh , and pray for , and would readily unite upon these honest and just conditions , if truths necessary to salvation were only proposed to be believed , according to the antient forms ; if all fiery censures and excommunications were utterly condemned and abolished ; and if superstition were removed from the service of god , and the publick offices of religion . unless this be done , we must , as in the presence of god , and his holy angels , and all mankind , lay the schism at the romanists door , and wholly impute it to them , that the catholick church does not enjoy the great blessing of ecclesiastical peace . in the mean while , we of the church of england , are very ready to admit of any conditions of obtaining this most blessed and glorious end , provided that by them the peace of our consciences be not violated and disturbed ; that they do not contradict and thwart the principles and analogy of faith ; that the scripture , and its best and most genuine interpreter , antiquity , be admitted to have the highest and only lawful authority in determining controversies of faith ; that no prejudice be done to ecclesiastical government ; and lastly , that all things be tryed by the rules and canons and customs , which were in use in the first ages of christianity , by which the catholick church was then governed . o happy , o blessed , o glorious day , in which all these confusions , which no good man can think of without great disorder of mind , shall be removed , and all , who worship the same crucified saviour , shall unite in brotherly love , charity , and communion ! but the wicked lives of christians , and base secular interest will not permit us to expect so great a blessing . we must first endeavour to restore the piety , the strictness , the humility , the disinterestedness of the antient christians , before we can pretend to the same hearty unity . but alas ! we degenerate from their examples : religion is no longer lookt upon as a rule and institution of life and manners , but is turned into an art of disputing , and our vices alienate our minds from all thoughts and designs of union : pride , and malice , and naughty affections , and love of worldly splendor and greatness shut out all hope of peace . it must be the work of almighty god , and the wonderful effect of his providence and grace , to dispose the hearts of the christian princes , and great ecclesiasticks of the roman communion , to set upon this great design of reforming in order to a perfect union and agreement : and i doubt not , but thousands of that communion , especially in the gallican church , where they have set bounds to the exorbitant power of the pope by their late decrees , in compliance with the antient canons , and in vindication of their own privileges , and where they begin to be ashamed of several gross errors , which have hitherto passed for good , wholsome , catholick doctrine , as appears by their new expositions , and interpretations , and catechisms , long to see this happily effected : for which purpose it becomes us all , to put up incessant prayers to god , that all , who call , and own , and profess themselves christians , may remember from whence they are fallen and repent , and ever after exercise themselves in the practices of all christian virtues , and in the acknowledging of the truth , which is after godliness , that laying aside all vain jangling about lesser matters , they may follow after things , which make for peace and mutual edification , and that being guided and governed by the good spirit of god , they may be led into the way of truth , and hold the faith , the truly christian , the truly apostolical , the truly catholick faith , in unity of spirit , in the bond of peace , and in righteousness of life . may the god of all mercy and comfort at last restore unity to his church , now labouring under grievous distractions , for the merits and intercession of our blessed lord and saviour jesus christ. amen . finis . errata . page . line . for contributes read contribute l. . for difference r. differences . books printed for sam. smith at the prince's-arms in st. pauls church yard . concio ad clerum habita coram academia cantabrigiensi junii . an. . pro gradû baccalaur . in s. theologia . ubi vindicatur vera & valida cleri anglicani , ineunte reformatione , ordinatio . cui accessit concio habita julii . . de canonicâ cleri anglicani ordinatione , latinè reddita & aucta . a t. browne , s. t. b. coll. d. joh. evang. soc. annexum est instrumentum consecrationis matth. parker archiepiscopi cantuariensis ex ms. c. c. c. cant. the state of the church of rome when the reformation began , as it appears by the advices givento paul iii. and julius iii. by creatures of their own. with a preface leading to the matter of the book . remarks upon the reflections of the author of popery misrepresented , &c. on his answerer , particularly as to the deposing doctrine ? in a letter to the author of the reflections . together with some few animadversions on the same author's vindication of his reflections . jacobi usserii archiepiscopi armachani , opuscula duo , nunc primùm latinè edita : quorum alterum est de episcoporum , et metropolitanorum origine : alterum de asia proconsulari . accessit veteris ecclesiae gubernatio patriarchalis , ab e. b. descripta . interprete r. r. e. b. p. praetereà accedit appendix , de antiquâ ecclesiae britannicae libertate , & privilegiis , miracles work 's above and contrary to nature ; or , an answer to a late translation out of spinoza ' s tractatus theologico-politicus , mr. hobb ' s leviathan , &c. published to undermine the truth and authority of miracles , scripture , and religion , in a treatise entituled miracles no violation of the laws of nature . the difference between the present and future state of our bodies considered in a sermon , by jeremy collier , m. a. the life of st. mary magdalene of pazzi , a carmelite nunn . newly translated out of italian by the reverend father lezin de sainte scholastique , provincial of the reformed carmelites of touraine . at paris , for sebast. cramoisy in st. james ' s street , at the sign of fame . . and now done out of french : with a preface concerning the nature , causes , concomitants , and consequences of ecstasy and rapture , and a brief discourse added about discerning and trying the spirits , whether they be of god. the vanity of all pretences for tolleration , wherein the late pleas for tolleration are fully answered ; and the popular arguments drawn from the practice of the united netherlands are stated at large , and shown to be weak , fallacious & insufficient . the duty of servants , containing first , their preparation for , and choice of a service . secondly , their duty in service , together with prayers suited to each duty . to this is added a discourse of the sacrament suited peculiarly to servants . by the author of practical christianity . the history of the original and progress of ecclesiastical revenues : wherein is handled according to the laws , both ancient and modern , whatsoever concerns matters beneficial , the regale , investitures , nominations , and other rights attributed to princes . written in french by a learned priest , and now done into english. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a commonitor . cap. . a v. salvian . de gubernat . dei lib. . p. . ex editione baluzii . communion of churches, or, the divine management of gospel-churches by the ordinance of councils constituted in order according to the scriptures as also the way of bringing all christian parishes to be particular reforming congregationall churches, humbly proposed as ... a means of uniting those two holy and eminent parties the presbyterians and the congregationals ... / written by john eliot. eliot, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) communion of churches, or, the divine management of gospel-churches by the ordinance of councils constituted in order according to the scriptures as also the way of bringing all christian parishes to be particular reforming congregationall churches, humbly proposed as ... a means of uniting those two holy and eminent parties the presbyterians and the congregationals ... / written by john eliot. eliot, john, - . [ ], p. printed by marmaduke johnson, cambridge [mass.] : . reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity. christian union. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion communion of churches : or , the divine management of gospel-churches by the ordinance of councils , constituted in order according to the scriptures . as also , the way of bringing all christian parishes to be particular reforming congregationall churches : humbly proposed , as a way which hath so much light from the scriptures of truth , as that it may lawfully be submitted unto by all ; and may , by the blessing of the lord , be a means of uniting those two holy and eminent parties , the presbyterians and the congregationals . as also to prepare for the hoped-for resurrection of the churches ; and to propose a way to bring all christian nations unto an unity of the faith and order of the gospel . written ▪ by iohn eliot , teacher of roxbury in n. e. psal. . ●… that ye may try the things that are excellent . john . try the spirits . cambridge : printed by marmaduke iohnson . . preface . although a few copies of this small script are printed ; yet it is not published , onely committed privately to some godly and able hands , to be viewed , corrected , amended , or rejected , as it shall be found to hold wright in the sanctuary ballance , or not . and it is the humble request of the author , that whatever objections ; rectification , or emendati●…ns may occurre●… , they may be conveyed unto him ; who desireth nothing may be accepted in the churches , but what is according to the will and minde of god , and tendeth to holiness , peace , and promotion of the holy kingdome of iesus christ. the procuring of half so many copies written and corrected , would be more difficult and chargeable , then the printing of these few . i beg the prayers , as well as the pains of the precio●…s servants of the lord ▪ that i may never have the least singer in doing any thing that may be derogatory to the holiness and honour of iesus christ and his churches . and to this i subscribe my self , one of the least of the labourers in our lords vineyard , john eliot . communion of churches : or , the divine management of gospel-churches by the ordinance of councils . chap. i. prolegomena ; or , things premised . i. there be two holy publick societies famous in the gospel : . a church of believers . . a council of churches . a church of believers , is a company of visible sainte combined together , with one heart , to hold communion in all the instituted gospel-worship , ordinances and discipline , which christ hath sitted for , and given unto a particular church . such a company are frequently called a church . see a few places : acts . , & . . & . , . cor. . , , , &c. a council , is a society of particular churches in communion , by their representatives , for their well-being , and well-ordering all things among them , by mutual , counsel , in truth , peace , and holiness . our pattern is , that great council , acts . which consisted of two churches , in an ordinary way expresly agreed , to give and take counsel : and it is le●… as a standard and pattern , ●…ow the great ordinance of counsel is to be used and managed for the well-being of churches , to the worlds end . ii. the constitution of both these buildings or societies , are eminent and observable in the gospel . the first of these , viz. a church of believers , is first instituted by christ himself , and afterward put in practice by the apostles ; matth. . . thou art peter , and upon this rock i will build my church the rock confessed is christ : christ confessëd , is the foundation of the visible church ⸫ peter confessing , is an hewn stone , squared to the foundation * ; a believer made ecclesiastically visible , sitted for church-building and fellowship . a company of such confessors , or a company of these confessing believers , . have power to joyn together into a gospel church-state , as they did acts . , . continued with one accord : so acts . . . they have power to call officers , by whom they become an organick body , and sitted to administer and enjoy all instituted worship : acts . , . peter stood up in the midst of the disciples ; and they appointed two . acts . . brethren , look you out men . acts . . by bolding up bands made elders . . by the ministry of these officers , the church doth actually enjoy such ordinances as are instituted by christ , for their edisication ; both directive , in word , sacraments , prayer , singing of psalms , and collections : acts . . they continu●…ct stedfastly in the apostles doctrine , and sellowship , and in breaking of bread , and in prayers . col. . . teaching one another in psalms and hymns ▪ &c. ; ●… cor. . , . every first day lay by it self , &c. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the neuter gender , as well as masculine , and is so to be read , because they had two distinct collections ●…t that time ▪ the collection for ierusalem was by it self , a publick , not a private collection . corrective : cor. ●… . . when gathered together , deliver to sa●… . iii ▪ the administration of , and participation in all these ordi●…ances , ( while we are in this flesh , and state militant ) are in full of variety of difficulties and temptations , especially where churches are numerous , that the work cannot long be carried on ( a while it sometimes may , viz. while the churches are under the eye of an adversary , and when there be elders eminent in piety , humility and ability ) without stated help . the help which the lord hath instituted , is counsel . when antiech had trouble in some points of doctrine , the remedy which the holy ghost applied , was counsel ▪ given them by a formall council , acts . when corinth wanted help in a point of discipline , the apostle doth help , by ministring counsel unto them , cor. . , , . and he counselleth the church to excommunicate the man , the sinner . excommunication is a sharp rod , made up of seven most severe and terrible twigs ; or a strong purgation , compounded of seven violent ingredients ; viz. . he is cut off from visible communion with christ in the church . . he is cut off from familiar communion with the saints in worship . . he is cast out of the usual walk of the spirit . . he is cast out of the house of god , as unsavoury salt , or a loathsome thing that doth offend . . he is thrust out of the paradise of god , from eating the tree of life , viz. christ in the sacrament of the supper , where the spirit sitteth as in his sealing-office . . he is cut off from familiar civil communion with the saints ; he may not be invited to eat with them . . he is delivered to satan , and that by the sentence of christ , through the hand of his spouse the church and all this to be inflicted upon a brother . ah! who trembles not to minister such a pill , to lay on such a rod ? and therefore it had need to be managed and administred with all care , fear , and clearness . and all this sheweth , and much more might be produced to shew , what need there is of counsel ; which , after thirty or forty years experience in the way of congregational churches , in fulness of liberty , we finde more and more need to insist upon , and that in such a fixed and ordered way , as that thereby men may be tyed to attend unto counsel . iv. a council is constituted acts. . where the wisdome of the holy ghost hath given us a pattern of the least , and of the greatest councils , as our n. e. divines have well observed . there cannot be a less council then that was , for there were but two churches mentioned ; and there cannot be a greater , and more compleat one , because there were the greatest counsellors , a most compleat pattern , even the apostles of jesus christ ; teaching , that if there be but two churches , they may enjoy the ordinance of mutuall counsel , though more incompleatly . but if there he many churches , then they are to be ordered according to the pattern of comblning churches into compleat councils . of which in the next chapter . v. christ , who hath all power , mat. . . hath derived all ecclesiastical power first unto the apostles , that they by institution mi●…ht distribute the same unto several offices in the church . hence ▪ as all church-officers , especially elders , and more especially teaching elders , are ordinary successors of the apostles , in their several branches of church power : so councils of churches are their eminent ordinary successors , in point of counsel , and that in several respects . first , because in councils there is most light , and nearest to infallibility : and the more compleat , the better ; though the most compleat council may erre , because they have not a promise of infallible assistance . secondly , because when the apostles themselves had constituted churches , they did guide and counsel them how to use their power ; as paul did the church of corinth , cor. ●… , . the apostle did not act the censure himself : and so is that of paul to be interpreted , tim. . . i have delivered to satan ; viz. as i did the incestuous corinthian , by giving such counsel to the church , whereof they were members . in thus doing , councils succeed the apostles . vi. inasmuch as councils are publick assemblies , and that not onely ecclesiastically publick , but civilly also , when they are held with openness and boldness . hence , civill authority hath influence , by law and command , to give allowance unto such assemblies ; and so they have an extrinsecall efficiency in calling councils : but the intrinsecall and proper efficients of a council , are the churches , who elect and send messengers to that end . vii . the members constituent of a council , are church-messengers . the persons sent ought to be elders , of both orders , teaching and ruling ▪ to represent the whole church ; or in defect of ruling elders to represent the people , faithful brethren ▪ eminent in holiness and wisdome , who are as elders : acts . . certain other of them ver. . chosen men , chief men among , the brethren . ver. . being prophets also themselves . and the reason hereof is , because , as the temptation of learned men , is to affect a prolacy over the people : so the temptation of the fraternity , is to affect a morellian democracy . and therefore the wisdome of god hath by institution ballanced all ecclesiastical councils with members of both sorts , that may ballance each other , by number at least , though not in weight , yet enough to prevent any prevalency of a temptation , either to subjugate the churches under any prelatical usurpation of the learned ; or to elevate and intoxicate the fraternity , to affect any inordinate power : which rather , and more effectually te●…ds to enervate and evacuate government , then to preserve any lawful and just liberty of the brotherhood . the end of the churches sending these messengers , is to manage the ordinance of counsel in due order . viii . the organick parts of a council , whereby they are enabled to manage their affairs in prudence and order , are moderators , ●…nd notaries : the choice of whom is the first act they do , to compleat themselves to be fit for action . it may sometimes edifie , to change moderators every new session , part●…ly to train up each other unto that special work of christ , in the management of the affairs , and in caring for the publick welfare of all the churches ; and also to take trial of mens gifts , spirit and abilities unto that high service ; that so , when there may be special need , they may know who is most fit to manage the council at such ●… time , for the glory of god , and for the most effectual edification , and publick well being of the churches . though moderators may be often changed , it is not fit : that the notaries should be so often changed . ix . the power of ecclesiastical councils is onely dogmatical , or doctrinal : power of censure is by the lord fixed in the church ; and hence , when any appeal unto a council , it is for further and more clear light from the scripture , and for conviction thereby , but not for the exercise of any juridical power . chap. ii. of the gospel-measuring-reed by the number twelve . i. seeing particular congregations in gospel-order , are churches ; and these churches , for their well-being , need to hold and exercise communion by councils : and one church ( as antioch ) may need the greatest and highest counsel . hence in such places where , through the riches of the grace of christ , churches are numerous , it will be necessary , that the management of these councils should be in order , according to the pattern of compleat councils , acts . for multitude unordered , by ●…ow much the greater they are , the greater is their cumber , and unaptness to operate in order unto their end . lesser bodies are more readily ordered , and have a greater aptitude to be active in their order unto their end . ordo anima rerum . ii. order is one of the beauties of heaven , and so it is of the churches . let all things be done in order , cor ▪ . . ierusalem is a city compacted , psal. . . and the more orderly bodies are , the better are they compacted . bodies that are compacted , are so ordered by number and measure : the new ierusalem is the most glorious city that ever shall be on earth ; and we see that it shall be compacted by number and measure , rev. . , to . and the foundation number is twelve , as appeareth ver . . the wall of the city had twelve foundations . and this number twelve is multiplied by twelve , as appeareth ver . , . it is square , twelve every way , which amounteth to one hundred forty and four . iii. the twelve tribes in the old testament , and the twelve apostles in the new , do make that number famous in the churches , and fundamental in ordering and compacting of churches into ecclesiasticall combinations of councils . the twelve tribes compacted in order , was the most beautiful , and heart-ravishing camp , that ever the worlds eye did look upon , numb . . , , . the twelve loaves of shew-bread , did represent the whole visible church before god in the temple . the twelve precious sta●…s in the breast-plate of the high priest , shew , that i●… such a number christ is pleased to order and represent the whole militant church before his father in heaven . and according to this type , rev. . . the whole visible church is ordered , multiplied , and ●…ealed in this number . and rev. . , . the twelve tribes are the twelve gates , and the twelve apostles are the twelve foundations of the new ierusalem . ●…hat glorious visible gospel-church , ezek●… ●… . which is called iehovah-shamniah , is ordered by the number twelve , according to the twelve tribes of israel , as the typicall and of canaan was . iv. in the perfect pattern ( f●…r the word is a perfect rule ) which the holy ghost ▪ hath left us , acts . as there is a ground ▪ work for the least of councils , in the two churches ; so of compleat councils , in the twelve apostles . for , though herod had killed iames with the sword , acts●… ●… . ●… . his martyrdome did not remove him out of the foundation , but rather six him in it : and the apostles were most of them killed for the testimony of iesus , before iohn had his revelation , and yet we finde them all written in the foundation of the new ierusalem . and therefore what should hinder , but that in the ordering of compleat councils , we should lay our foundation in the number twelve ? and all the orders of councils should be raised and compacted by that number , even from the bottom to the top . v. and unto this order and number we may the ●…ather be induced , because here will be the twenty four elder●… , who do wait upon , and worship the holy majesty of god in all the churches upon earth , as he hath pleased to reveal himself , rev. . where the presence of god among the churches is reve●…led : first , with his glorious angels next him , represented by the four living creatures , according to ezek. . & . and secondly , with the communion of churches about him , represented by the twenty four elders , who do represent all the churches on earth , in communion : as will anon appear . vi. for when twelve churches are combined to hold communion together , the least number that one church must ( by institution ) send forth to that first council , must be one teaching elder , and one ruling elder ; and then , this society of churches is represented by twenty four elders strictly . and when twelve of these first councils shall , with consent of the particular churches , elect and send forth ▪ one teaching , and one ruling elder , the ablest and fittest among them , to constitute a provincial council ; that council will be strictly the twenty four elders , representing all the churches in that province , concurring in the election . and when twelve provincial councils shall , with like consent , send forth from each of them one teaching , and one ruling elder , the most holy and able among them , to constitute a national council , they will still be strictly the twenty four elders , representing the whole nation , in their ecclesiastical state , before the lord. and when twelve national councils shall send forth , in like manner , from each of them , one teaching , and one ruling elder , the most holy and fit among them , to constitute a●… oecumenic●…l council ( or by what other less term it may be thought meet to call it ) they will still be strictly the twenty four elders , representing before the lord all the churches in all those nations , concurring in the election . and why may not this ascent , and representation of all before the lord , be part of the meaning of that text , rev. . , , , , ? vii . and this point is the more to be ●…eeded , because gods visible respect unto , and acceptation of any people , is according to the good aspect and condition of their representatives ▪ there may be much ▪ drose in a parish , a province , a nation , and in the world ; yet if they have good representatives before the lord , and if they carry the lords matters well , in his sight , that doth obtain , through christ , a favourable acceptation of , and dispensation towards all that are so represented . and he hath instituted representatives of the church on earth : aaron represented all israel on his breast before the lord , exod. . . and a council consisting of messengers of churches , the glory of christ , do represent the churches who send and constitute that council , acts . oh! how happy were it for any people , to be in such visible instituted order on earth , as that they may be ( through christ ) acceptably represented before the lord ! for god is so well pleased to see his people in order , as that he will dwell in that place , and call it by his own name . iehovah-shamniah ; especially when they are civilly , as well as ecclesiastically in good order represented before him. viii . furthermore , this is to be considered , that though the twenty four elders are so called , by the least number that they can be , by this constitution ; yet , according as the riches of gods grace is more abundantly poured out , they may be more in number , though under this constituting denomination . for , one church may send forth ●…ing elders , as antioch sent forth paul and barnabas , and ruling elders , or brethren proportionably . so likewise upon the same ground , when there be more eminent lights in any of the councils ( as through grace it is like often to be ) they may send more then one to the provincial , or national , or oecumenical councils ▪ but still they are the twenty four elders , because that is the foundation number . ix . what if i should illustrate this point by that of the apostles ? who are often in scripture called the twelve apostles , and yet there were more apostles then twelve : for who doubteth but that paul , who was none of the twelve yet he was an apostle , and a chief apostle , a great foundation ; and barnabas was an apostle also , acts ▪ . and cor. ●… . . but twelve is the foundation number , and therefore they are so denominated . x. again , though twelve churches be the lowest number of the first combination , yet they may be more then twelve , when the pourings out of gods grace shall be inlarged ; yea , they may be any number under twenty four churches . if then twenty three churches should be in a combination , their messengers sent to the first council will be a great number ; but still they are the twenty four elders before the lord , by their fundamental constitution . so a like number of provincial councils , and a like number of national councils , though their messengers are many , yet they are still the twenty four elders , growing up , through grace , and increasing unto more orders of councils , for the greater glory of christ. and when ( through grace ) there shall be twenty four churches , or first councils , or provincial , or national councils ▪ then they must be compacted into two orders of those councils , because twelve is the foundation number , by which they are multiplied , and compacted . and when this is done , they are reduced to be twenty four elders strictly ; the foundation number . as in the order of that civill government set up by moses ; the orders of ten , and of fifty , &c. are denominated b●… the least and constituting number : though those orders may consist ( when they are full of people and blessing ) of many more , even any number under twenty and an hundred , &c. but when ten are become twenty , and when fifty are become an hundred , then they must be multiplied into more orders , because these numbers are foundation numbers , by which the orders of the government are multiplied and compacted ; and when that is transacted , they are reduced unto their foundation numbers . so it is here in the ecclesiastical orders of government , the least number of a compleat stated first council , is twelve churches , whose least number of messengers are twenty four ; and by these numbers they are denominated , though they may be more churches in a combination , and more messengers from some of the churches : and so it is in all the other orders of councils . for a little further illustration of this point , i shall propose and answer six questions , which may let in a little further light into this frame , and remove some objections . quest. . may a church perform any ecclesiastical acts by messengers , or representatives in their name ? answ. yea. doubtless they may ; they may consult , and agree to give counsel , in such cases as may be presented for that end , touching either faith or order , as it appeareth acts . quest . may a church elect by messengers or representatives , when themselves cannot be present where such election is performed ? answ. a●… act of election may be transacted by some of a society ; yea by a few in behalf of the rest , when they have their consent , and a calling so to act . for instance , if a lesser number of a church be necessarily absent from an act of election performed in a lawful assembly , they are all involved in the act of the major part : this is without controversie fo●… here some onely elect , and all are engaged . again , if the major part be necessarily absent , and fond a lesser part , or a ●…ew , with their express consent to do an act o●… election , it hath the like force and validity . the royal ar●… which chose david to be their king , ●… chron. . were farre the lesser part of the people , but they were 〈◊〉 , and elected for them , and did perform it as affectually as if the whole people had been present ; and david was king , not onely over the representatives , who did actually chuse him , but over all the people , who did elect him by their representatives . if the parties s●…nt to transact an election , do act according to their heart who sent them , they will not object , for had they been there present , they would have done the same : but if the parties sent to elect , do not elect according to their heart , they may justly question their act , and consider of their apologie ; but that doth not nullifie the act in point of order . when political bodies , whether civil or ecclesiastical , are multitudinous , and remote from the place of action , either all cannot act , or if they do , it must be by representatives . quest. . may a church elect elders or messengers out of another church , unto a publick and common service of christ and of the churches ? answ. yea , they may : for the great collection of the gentile churches , which paul carried up to ierusalem at his last going thither , was an act of many churches : and paul , with those that went with him to present it , were chosen by the churches unto that service , cor. . . and there were many more churches contributors , then there were messengers sent to carry it . acts . . there were but seven or eight in pauls company , but all the churches of galatia , corinth , asia , and macedonia , were contributors . therefore many churches chose messengers who were none of their own particular churches , unto that publick and common service of christ , and of the churches . again , the ready subjection of all the churches about antioch , and other places , acts . . unto the decrees of the council at ierusalem , doth probably speak , that , as the trouble by those questions , was a common case in all the churches ; so they had some fore-knowledge , concurrence , and consent ( after consent sure enough they h●…d ) in the mission of paul and barnabas ( teaching elders of antioch , acts . . ) unto ierusalem , to the apostles and elders about that matter . again , seeing the rule of communion of churches doth impose upon elders a degree of care of all the churches , especially of those within their ordered communion ; it doth also give unto all the churches , a mutual interest in each others elders , hence , when they chuse any of the elders within the compass of their order , they chuse those , who , in some respect , are their own , in whom they have an ecclesiastical interest , especially unto this publick service of counsel . quest. . may many churches elect a ●…ew of their elders unto some publick and common service ▪ wherein all the churches so electing are interessed ? answ. yea , they may : for all the churches of asia , galatia , macedonia , &c. did elect a few to accompany paul in carrying their contributions unto ierusalem : and it is expresly said , that from the churches of asia there were but two sent ▪ acts . . and we know there were at least seven churches in asia , rev. ●… . quest. . when two , or a few elders are chosen by many churches unto some publick and common service of the churches , do they represent all the churches who did elect them unto that service ? answ. yea , they do so : for when many churches ( by paul's ordering ) sent a few messengers to corinth , cor. . . to fetch their contribution , to be carried ( among the contribution of many other churches ) unto ierusalem , by the hands of paul , and a few others , chosen by the churches unto that service , ●… cor. . . these few messengers did represent all the churches who sent them : so as that what the church of corinth should transact afore them , is expresly said to be afore all the churches , viz. who sent them , cor. . . quest. . these orders of councils , first , second , third , representing fewer or more churches , are they a divine institution ? answ. touching the first councils , consisting of immediate messengers of churches sent for that end , it is out of question that these are a divine institution , acts . the great difficulty is ▪ touching the second and third orders of councils , and so higher , unto the highest oecumenical council , whose members are chosen immediately by councils , yet with the express consent of every particular church : not immediately by the churches , but by their representatives . touching these , in way of humble proposal i affirm , that they are a divine institution . . because their foundation , formation , and constitution , is deducible from the word of god , as appeareth by laying together the foregoing questions , and answers thereunto , with what hath been said before . . because this multiplying of order upon order , seemeth to be typified in the ascents and degrees in ezekiels temple ; and by the multiplication of the number twelve in the new ierusalem , rev. , &c. . because if there be not this multiplying of council above council ( above , i say , not in any ●…●…cal power , but in order and extent ) then it doth not yet appear that there is any way or expedient , whereby there should be a general and equal communion of all the churches in a nation , wherein every church shall be , by their own act and consent , interessed and concerned . much less can there be a●… equal communion of churches , of several nations . for , if several nations should need and desire to hold communion of councils , who shall chuse the persons or instruments , by whom this communion shall be held and acted ? if princes chuse them , it is not a regular ecclesiastical council . if churches chuse ▪ and send them ▪ shall some churches onely chuse them , or all the churches ? ●…f some onely ; who ? and why they , and not others ▪ and how can their act interest and oblige all ? if all the churches must chuse , then immediately , or ●… delegates : immediately , it is unfeizible , especially to act in knowledge and prudence ; but mediately by their confidents and representatives they may . the same may be said of the communion of all the churches in a nation or province , where elections must ●…e performed by representatives . in which way , a general and equal election is attainable ; and without it , it doth not yet appear that it is attainable . now that several nations ought to hold communion , and also all the churches in a nation , it doth appear in these scriptures : isa. . , , . zeph. . . cor. . ●… . & . , . of which see more in synod at boston . this being commanded by god , and as yet no way or expedient appearing , whereby it may be duely acted , we are at a great loss . therefore the lord opening this way , which is so attainable ▪ and not without scripture light , what i●… the churches should set upon the tryall of it , and see how the lord may appear unto his servants therein ? as for the episcopal way of government , alas ! that is most remote from this ordinance of communion of churches . chap. iii. of the constitution of four orders of councils . i. when twelve churches , or any other number under twenty ●…our ▪ shall agree to hold communion in a council for mutual help , and shall send forth messengers at least two from every church , and they of both orders of elders , or in defect of ruling elders , brethren eminent in piety and wisdome , who are as elders , to manage the ordinance of counsel in the behalf , and for the benefit of all the churches herein combined . these do constitute the first order of a compleat council ; the first ascent of the glorious temple ; the first row in compacting the new ierusalem . these are the twenty four elders before the lord , representing all the congregations which sent them . it is both needful and attainable , that these councils should meet once every moneth . ii. when twelve of the first order of councils , or any other number under twenty four , shall , with the express consent of all their particular churches , agree to hold communion in a council for mutual help , and for the benefit of all the churches combined ; and to that end , shall send forth from among themselves , at least one principal and eminent teaching elder , and one ruling elder , to manage the ordinance of counsel , in a provincial synod , in the behalf , and for the benefit of all the churches herein combined : these do constitute the second order of councils . these are a provincial council ; these do represent very many churches , and all the people in them , with their express consent , and yet they are but twenty four elders , so denominated by their least and constituting number , though the numbers represented be very great ▪ according to rev. . , , &c. these all are church-messengers , sent forth to manage the ordinance of counsel , though immediately sent forth by the first councils , with the express consent of all the churches combined . these are the second row of churches compacted by the number twelve ; the second row of 〈◊〉 in the temple , of equal dimensions to the ▪ first , and built upon the first , standing upon the same bottom and foundation , the twelve apostles . it is both needfull and attainable ▪ that these should meet quarterly ▪ iii. when twelve provincial councils , or any other number under twenty four , shall , with the explicite consent of the first councils , and with the explicite consent of the churches , who are in this combination ▪ agree to hold communion in a council for mutual help ; and to that end , shall send forth from among themselves at least one principal teaching elder , and one ruling elder , both eminent in holiness , wisdome , and all fitting abilities , to manage the ordinance of counsel in a national synod , in the behalf , and for the benefit of all the provinces , first councils , and particular churches herein combined : these do constitute a third order of councils . these are a national council ; these do represent a whole nation of churches , and all the people of the land ; and yet they are but twenty four elders , as rev. ▪ ●… , , . though all creatures concurre , and are combined in the work ; all are represented before the lord in twenty four elders . these are all of them church-messengers , sent forth to manage the ordinance of counsel ; but they are immediately sent forth by the provi●…iall councils . iv. as the first councils consist of the most choyce persons in all the churches ; so the provincial councils do consist of the most choyce instruments in the respective provinces ; and the national council doth consist of the most choyce persons in all the nation : who pass through so many ecclesiastical elections , before they arrive unto this high and ●…oly service . they pass under an opportunity of being called out from among all the choyce iewels of the nation , who are in ●…n ecclesiastical order and capacity . it will be both needful and attainable , that these should meet once in a year . v. when twelve national councils , or any number under twenty four , shall agree , with the explicite consent of all the churches , passing and arising through all the orders of councils , to hold communion in councils for mutual help ; and to that end shall send forth , at least one teaching , and one ruling elder , men eminent in holiness and abilities for so high a service , to constitute an oecumenical council ▪ and there to manage the ordinance of counsel ▪ in the behalf , and for the benefit of all the churches and councils herein combined : these do constitute a fourth order of councils . they are an oecumenical council , and represent all the churches in those nations before the lord vi. twenty three nations met in one council , will be a great glory to christ , and by what hath yet been in the world ▪ may be called oecumenical . yet when the kingdomes of this world , shall become the kingdomes of our lord , and of his christ , i know not but there will be councils above this . nay ; why may there ▪ not be twelve ascents in combining all the world ? rev. . , . but i leave it to the lord. at present this is the top , and uppermost order of councils ▪ and somewhat higher then we can yet well descry : but faith in the promise can see all the world in the gospel order of iesus christ. and now the lord jesus is triumphing in his militant glory upon earth , with his twenty four elders about him , in ecclesiastical visible order . and now the whole militant body , fitly joyned together , and compacted by that which every joynt supplieth , according to the effectual working of the measure of every part from christ , maketh increase of the body , unto the edifying of it self in love , ephes. . . vii . furthermore consider , that though i have proposed but three orders of councils within the nation ; yet in populous nations there may be a 〈◊〉 of provinces , into chief provinces and sub-provinces . if a nation be divided into ( at least ) twelve ecclesiastical provinces , and every one of these divided into ( at least ) twelve sub-provinces , and every one of these into ( at least ) twelve precincts of first councils ; then they will have four orders of councils within the nation . and three such ascents will combine all the world into the holy breastplate of our great high-priest the lord jesus , in an oecumenical council ; or three ascents in one nation , and four such ascents in the combination of all the world , doth in li●…e manner make up the holy breastplate of christ : which council may meet in ierusalem , if the lord will ; and if that be so literal a meaning of sundry texts that way looking . and when that council shall agree of universal dayes of fasting or feasting before the lord , upon iust occasion ; oh! what glorious dayes will those be , when all the world shall appear together before the lord in such acts of worship ! viii . and as an eminent preparatory to these glorious dayes ( when christ shall be king over all the earth , when there shall be one lord , and his name one , zech. . . and when the lord shal accomplish that prophesie e●…e . . , . and i will set up one shepherd over them , and he shall feed them even my servant david , he shall feed them , and he shall be their shepherd ; and i the lord will be their god , and my servant david a prince among them : 〈◊〉 lord have 〈◊〉 it . when christ shall rule all the world , both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs , by the word of his mouth ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the hand of saints , even holy and religious kings , princes , and chief rulers ) oh that the lord would p●… it into the heart of some of his religious and learned servants , to take such pains about the holy hebrew language , as to fit it for this universal glorious use ! considering , that above all languages spoken by the lip of man ( by reaso●…●…f i●… trigra●…macall foundation , and other regular cons●…erations , for the multiplications of all sorts of words ) it is most capable to be enlarged , and fitted to express all things and action●… , all motions and notions that our human●… intellect is capable of ( to speak no higher of i●… ) . in this ●…ortall life . considering also , that it is the invention of god himself , and it is the purest language on earth , not as yet defiled with the scurrilo●… froth and some of carnal wits in writings . considering also , what is promised to be in th●…se dayes , that way looking , zeph. ●… . ●… . i will turn to the people a pure language : and when egypt is converted , it is expressed by this , that they shall speak the language of cana●… ▪ isa. . ▪ when all the world do obeisance to christ disjunction , then all languages shall see my glory . isa. . . but when they do it conjunctim , in what language better then in it , in which god first spake unto man ? how shall all flesh see the glory of the lord together , isa. ●… . . unless there be an universal language ? and what one fitter then that , which it pleased our lord jesus to make use of , when he spake from heaven unto paul●…o ●…o his first conver●…ion , acts●… ●… . ▪ ●… . i saw a light from heaven ; and heard a voice speaking unto me , and saying in the hebrew tongue , saul , saul , &c. chap. iv. the order of electing all th●…se councils ; with consideration of the time of their duration , and of the times and place of meeting . i. the election of the first council is severally performed in euery particular church combined in 〈◊〉 society ; wherein there seldome is any variety of choice , and therefore no difficulty in the action : so that it may be performed either by lifting up of hands , or by a silent vote , when their silence is the sign of their concurrence . i●… there be two teaching elders , the church may send them ●…oth , if they see good , as antioch sent paul and 〈◊〉 , who were two teaching elders of that church , acts ▪ . ●… . and according to the number of teaching elders , whom they send , the like number of ruling elders , or 〈◊〉 brethren ▪ they are to send , and astociate with them . ii. this act of the churches election must be diligently , religiou●…y and sol●…nly attended and performed , a●… being 〈◊〉 and esse●…tially requisite , both for the constitution of all councils , and for the obligation of all churches unto obedience ▪ this act of the church hath reference ▪ not onely to the constitution of the first council , but also of all the rest . for 〈◊〉 ▪ churches are the efficient causes of council●… ▪ none are to be chosen 〈◊〉 a prouincial , national , or oecumenical synod , but such as were first chosen by some particular 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a first 〈◊〉 ▪ and ●…o 〈◊〉 on the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to order . hence 〈◊〉 it must be carefully and expressedly put into th●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the churches election . that 〈◊〉 are chosen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the ordinance of 〈◊〉 in all the orders of it , both in provincial , national , and oecu●…e ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even unto th●… highest point : for though all that are th●…s elected and sent by the churches ; are not to be elected and sent to provincial , national , and oecumenical councils , yet some of them are to be sent , and all of them are to elect and send . and therefore when the church doth elect and send them to this first council , they are , by this act of the church , impowered to carry on the ordinance of counsel , through all the orders thereof , ev●…n to the top branch , either by electing others , or being ●…ected themselves , unto those services of christ , and of the ●…ches . iii. the time of this election , is to be upon the sabbath immediately preceding the stated time of the first councils ▪ monethly meeting : and then are they to be sent forth with the prayers and blessing of the church . iv. the provincial council doth consist of the choycest instruments in all the first councils , by whom they are chosen and sent with their prayers and blessing : every first council electing the most holy , learned , and able elders , both teaching and ruling , tha●… they have , who are most fit to promote and attain the end●… they are sent for , viz. so carry on the ordinance of counsel in a provincial synod , both by themselves , and by chusing such as may further promote the same in a national council , &c. v. the time of this election , is to be in that session of the first councils , which doth immediately precede the stated quarterly time of the provincial councils meeting . vi. the order and manner of this election may be this : the moderator of that session may first put this to vote , whether they will send bu●… one ▪ or more then one teaching elders ▪ for by the good providence and rich grace of christ ▪ there may be s●…ndry able and eminent lights in one first council , and such , as that it were a publick injury and detriment to the cause of christ , if they be not sent . this provided , that according to the number of teaching elders , a like number of ruling elders be also sent with them . the manner of election may be by papers , if they see meet ; which the moderator and notary are to take , and number , and manifest who are chosen : and such as are chosen , are by the notary to be recorded . vii . the national council doth consist of the most choice , ●…oly , able , and eminent lights in all the provincial councils , by whom they are chosen , and sent forth with their prayers and blessing . every provincial council chusing the most holy and able elders , both teaching and ruling , that they have among them , to constitute a national council , and to carry on the ordinance of counsel , in that high and holy service of christ , and of all the churches in the nation ; ye●… and among other nations if need be , and when there is a calling thereunto . viii . the time of this election , is to be in that session of the provincial councils , which doth immediately precede the stated time of the annual session of the national council . the order and manner of their election , may be in all respects according to the forementioned election in the provincial synod . ix . an oecumenical council , is to consist of the most holy and eminent lights in all the national councils , combined in this holy ordinance of mutual counsel ; and may readily be ordered by this standard , when the lord shall in the riches of his grace , give opportunity to exercise the same . touching the duration of these councils . x. every one of these councils doth continue in being , until , according to order , a new election be made ; the new election doth antiquate the old . hence , as the primitive church had apostles alwayes in being , for their help ; so there be at least three orders of ecclesiastical councils , ever in being in every populous christian nation , who must at the stated times , and may at any ●…it time meet , when the affairs of christ , and of any of the churches do need , and duely call for the same . and when christian nations shall be thus combined , there will be an oecumenical council ever in being : yea , and when all the world shall be combined , there will be a great oecumenical council ever in being ▪ to order all ecclesiastical affaires , in unity , holiness and peace , all the world over . xi . a principal objection ariseth against this fixing and stating of councils ; viz. that although pro-renascent councils are a divine ▪ remedy , when troubles arise , as it was at antioch , who also then finished the council , when the present work was finished : but of fixed , stated , and permanent councils we have no example , nor doth there appear any ground i●… scripture to bottom them upon . ans. the primitive churches had a stated and perm●…nent way of counsel eminently , and more then our stated and permanent councils can be , for they had the apostles and evangelists constantly among them . and though they had fixed elders in every church , yet they did need the visitations , and frequently made use of the counsel of the apostles and evangelists , who were the permanent councils of the primitive churches . and though it hath pleased the wisdome of our great lawgiver , to give us but one example of an ordinary council , and that he hath done , to be our perpetual guide in our ordinary way ; yet there be many examples of the churches need of , and frequent use of the apostles and evangelists counsel , whom they had alwayes with them , or knew when and where to repair unto them for their help . and we finde by much and long experience , that our reforming churches do stand in as much ( if not more ) need of constant and stated councils , as the primitive churches did ▪ of the constant presence of the apostles and evangelists , alwayes for their directive , and often for their corrective ●…elp . we finde by experience , that our churches do oftener need the directive help of councils , then the corrective , and in both respects together we need them to be always in being . many good works for the promotion of the gospel and kingdom of jesus christ do stick long in the birth , and languish : yea , oft miscarry and vanish for want of the help of councils . sundry churches also , and remote places , ly long in the dark , without food and help , for want of the orderly care of setled councils ; every bodies work is no-bodies . but when all churches are in order , all know where their work lyeth . disorders likewise , and insuperable distempers , by long ●…retting and burning in the bosom of sundry churches , to the great dishonour of god , and scandal to the saints , for want of stated councils : some or other refusing ( in the time of their temptations ) to submit themselves unto the remedy , especially having that advantage , that without their consent , a pro-renascent council may not be called ; or if called by some onely , they have the less opportunity of doing good , and are in the more danger of doing hurt . nor can it be said that there is no example nor ground of stated and permanent councils in the holy scriptures , seeing the apostles and evangelists were so , and more , unto the primitive churches . hence also it was enough to give us one p●…tern of an ordinary council , there was no need for the continuation thereof , whilst the apostles and evangelists did survive . object . but doth not this strengthen the argument for bishops , and such like superintendents over the churches ? for so they a gue . ans. were there a like example in an ordinary way , set down in scripture , for this work to be done by any one man not extraordinarily called , as there is for a council , then their argument would have force with it ; but such ●… pattern , or precept for it , is not to be found . and the way of councils , ( which is clearly instituted ) is sufficient to attain the end , as we have found by pracious and pienteous experience : though we are still defective , in that we have not our councils stated , and we do finde great inconvenience by reason of that defect . xii . these councils , in the time of their duration , may multiply or cut short their sessions , as need may require , according as the business of the churches , and affairs of christ may be more or less pressing and urgent . xiii . there be two sorts of their meetings , sta●…ed ▪ occasional . the stated meetings of the first councils are every moneth ▪ and what if it should be on the ●…irst third day of the week , in every month , through the year ? the stated meeting of the provincial councils , are once every quarter : and what if two of them be the first third day after the sun touches the middle point of the summer and winter solstices ? and the other two , the first third day after the sun is in the vernal and autumnal equin●…ial ▪ with this consideration , that if the sun touch any of these points upon the third day of the week , then that is the day of meeting ; if on any other day , then the third day after . the stated meeting of the national council , is once a year , and best in the spring : and what if it be the last third day of the first moneth called march ? xiv . the law of the constitution doth call all these councils to meet at the stated times , without any other order or appointment . xv. it is very requisite that some eminent man preach a publick lecture , on the day of the meeting of every council , ●…o draw many saints together , and to raise a strong breath of prayer , and to put the greater solemnity upon so holy a work . xvi . occasional meetings may be multiplied either by intricacy of cases , variety of opinions , troublesomeness of persons , danger of churches , gross scandals that cannot proceed to censure , because of some obstruction , without the help of counsel . such occasional meetings ▪ if foreseen , may be appointed by the council before they rise ; if not foreseen , then they must be called by the moderator then in being , and the notary , by letters under either of their hands , where distance of place requireth it . xvii . the place of meeting for these councils , and especially of the first councils is not to be limited , or tyed to any one place , because there be sundry considerations about the place , whereof one may be prevalent at one time , and another time another : sometimes the age , and unfitness for travel of some eminently useful person ; sometimes the common conveniency for all : sometimes it may edifie to meet in that church where the chief trouble may at the present be , ard yet this not alwayes so , because the troubles of antioch were heard and setled at ierusalem , where the best and ablest counsel was to be had , with the least trouble and inconveniency unto any . chap. v. the generall work of all ecclesiasticall councils . these ecclesiastical councils are to do for all the churches in an ordinary way , what the apostles were to do in an extraordinary way . the care of all the churches doth lye upon them , which appeareth both in the manner of their constitution , and end of their meeting . yea , they are to do for all the world what lyeth in them , as the apostles were to do , matth . go , and teach all nations , &c. i. hence , first , if there be any heathen people that yet know not christ , it is a work well-becoming any of these orders of councils , and all of them in their harmony , to seek out , and send forth sit labourers to such a work and service of christ , to carry the gospel , and preach jesus christ unto them ; to gather and plant churches amongst them . and it is the duty of particular churches , unto whose society such instruments , chosen by the councils , do belong , by fasting and prayer , and imposition of hands , to send them forth unto that work ; as the church of antioch did unto barn●…bas and saul , when they were extraordinarily called , and sent forth unto such a work as we are now speaking of , acts . , . and this will be one holy way of improvement of church-treasuries raised by voluntary contributions , to spread and propagate the gospel to all the world. ii. if there be any among the professing nations that sie in darkness , and in the region of the shadow of death , and see no light , ( and too many such dark corners there be , in the land of zebulon and naphthali , mat. ▪ , . ) who have none to bring the glad tidings of light and life unto them , at least , none that do it : it well becometh the vigilance of these councils , to provide and send ●…it instruments unto them , by whose labours , the light ( through grace ) may arise , and shine among them . and it is the duty of the churches to send forth such persons with their prayers and blessing , as abovesaid . iii. if there be any sister-church that hath no breasts , ( which , by death or other means oft falleth out , where churches are numerous ) it is a special and proper care of the ecclesiastical councils , to take a prudent , pious , and speedy course for their supply : it being a matter that hath a great tendency to the well-being not onely of that church , but of the councils also , into whose communion ●…ll elders are received . and unto this point of their care and duty it doth belong , sometimes to remove lights from one candlestick to another , where the gifts and labours of some special instruments may be most fruitful , to the glory of god , and the publick good of religion , and all the churches . but this is to be done with all wisdome , tenderness , and evidence of scripture-light , that it is the will of god , and for his glory so to be ▪ that so the church concerned may yield it as an act of obedience to christ , for whose sake they should be willing to pluck out their right eyes , and give them unto christ , in obedience as unto the apostles , so unto coun●…ils their ordinary successors . iv. as the care of all the churches dyeth on the ecclesiastical councils , so especially the care of those churches which are in combination together , and whose communion they do act , and towards whom their first trust and care is to be exercised , for their well-being on earth , and for the furtherance of their eternal being in the kingdome of heaven , and in all for the glory of christ : and in particular to take care that there be general directions for publick worship , and all other ecclesiastical administrations , and conversation ; and for catec●…ism , and platform both of doctrine and discipline . v. if any errour or heresie arise , or be by any evil instruments openly or secretly buzzed and infused , or any way ●…ented and diffused , to ●…azard the infecting and poisoning any of the people : it is a special care of these councils to take up the matter , to clear up the light of the case by the word of god , and in due order to settle the cause . and suppress the errour , by counselling the church to whom the person belongeth , to a due exercise of discipline , if need be . vi. if any controversie , or doubtful disputation arise in any of the churches , about any point of religion ▪ either in faith or order ; because all difference of opinion is apt to breed aliemtion of affection , and give entrance to satan , and grief to the spirit of love and peace : it concerneth the councils , with all care and prudence , in due order to settle and si●…nce such a controversie . vii . if any strife or division arise among any , either person●… , or parties , or churches , or towns , or magistrates ; because all strife is of satan , and dangerous , and the higher the worse : therefore it ought to be the care of all the councils , speedily to reconcile ( in an ecclesiastical way , as to their spirits and affections ) all such strife ▪ with all care refusing to in●…erpose , o●… meddle with the civil cause , if any be , leaving that to be decided in civil order , according to the ordinance of god. viii . if there arise any difficulty in any of the churches about election of officers , administration of censures , admission of members , education of youth , or in such like cases ; ( and when do all these vigorously proceed without difficulty ? ) it is the duty and care of these councils , by the evidence of the light of the word of god , so to advise and counsel these churches , as that they may proceed to act in due unity , good order , and in the power and peace of the gospel . ix . because the pious and prudent management of the publick stock of prayers and pra●…es , is a point that greatly doth concern the church militant : and because all the great motions in the world are steered and man●…ged by divine providence , according to the prayers of the churches , and of the saints ; hence it is a great service of christ , and of the churches , for all the councils to order and present matter of prayers and thanksgiving , and also to order and guide the times and seasons of publick fastings and thanksgivings . the management of the great wheel of publick prayers ▪ as to the presenting of matter , and ordering of seasons , lyeth within the care and guidance of the councils , by whose pious prudence , all the churches will be led on in an united spirit of prayer , both for matter and seasons ▪ but abandoning the an●…ichristian stinted forms and ti●…es . x. if colonies , or new towns are to be erected in wildernesses , or any unhabited places in the world ; and people appear ready in their mindes to undertake such a design : it is a singular point of wisdom and love , to manage such a design religiously , so as that god may go with them , and dwell in the midst of them . and therefore it is necessary that they have the ministry of gods word , and some other godly persons with them , who ●…ay carry on church-work among them . and this care belongeth to the councils , to order , guide , and provide for them . xi . when parishional congregations are to be called up unto reformation ; and when officers are to be ordained among them , where none were before ; and when , by addition of churches unto the communion , councils are to be multiplied : these ( and such like ) are blessed births , and very well-pleasing to christ ; and o●… how well it becometh these ecclesiastical councils to midwife forth such births as these ? xii . when a whole church or the major part thereof , do remove their dwelling●… , and transplant themselves into some other pl●…ce ; great care is to be had , that christ may go with them that go , and that christ may tarry , and not depart from them that tarry : the care of the holy and ●…oving management of such a design , doth much concern , and well become the holy care of the ecclesiastical councils . chap. vi. concerning the particular works of all the orders of councils : and first of the first order . when a council of the first order is met at the stated time , and in the place agreed on , and have compleated themselves by chusing moderator and notáries , and have commended their work , their churches , and all the government , civil and ecclesiastical , &c. unto god in prayer ; then i. the moderator , with the co-attestation of his associate ruling elder , doth first declare the present state of the church where they do minister , and who have sent them , to act communion of councils with the sister-churches here represented , in this council . the present state of the church he doth declare , in these five points , in answering to these five questions : . whether they walk together in truth and love ? truthing it in love , eph. . . . whether peace ruleth in their hearts , and braves it among them ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , col. . . . whether they walk in holiness of life , evangelically unblameable ? luk. . . . whether the lambs of the flock be diligently ●…ed , and trained up for christ , in the nurture and admonition of the lord ? joh. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , my little lambs . the care of the lambs , is one third part of the charge over the flock of god. . whether the lords-day be reverently , religiously and strictly observed by all ? rev. . . isai. . . the affirmative of these questions , ( in gospel measure , and endeavour , though not without infirmities ) declared by him , and co-attested by his associate ruling elder , is to be accepted , with all thankfulness unto god , for the present good estate in christ , of that church ; and the notary is to record the same to the praise of christ jesus . ii. the moderator is to call upon all the elder●… in order , to declare , with the co-attestation of their associate ●…uling elders , the state of all the churches , touching the same five questions . all whose reports are distinctly to be recorded , as the present good estate , in christ , of all those churches , to stand as a monument of gods mercy to future ages : and to be presented upon record unto the provincial and national councils . iii. if all the churches walk in an evangelical measure of truth , peace and holiness , and have no cause that laboureth among them , for want of help●…d ●…d counsel ; then the moderator is to declare to ●…e praise of god , that the work of this present session , as touching their own churches , is finished . iv. but if there be any difference ▪ or strife , or any difficul●… case in any of the churches , there opened by the elders : the matter is first to be put , and resolved into a question or questions , according as the state of the case doth require : and those questions recorded , as matter for the council to give advice in , unto that church from whence they came . also it must be provided , that the party , or parties concerned in the case , or cases , be present , both at the ●…ating of the questions , and discussion thereof , and at the application thereof unto the particular case ; and that he or they have competent liberty to discuss , argue , answer , or wha●… ever is requisite , to finde out and clear up the truth . the answer to the questions , and the application thereof ( so far as may stand with due reverence to the church and glory of christ ) are to be recorded . v. if there be any case which the elders see cause not to produce themselves , or do refuse , th●… any broth●…r concerned may , yea though it reflect upon the elders themselves . or in case of male-administration : or if any already censured appeal for further light and conviction : or if any deserving ce●…sure , do appeal from the church for cle●…er conviction , and the church seeth cause to defer proceeding unto censure , ( as sometimes it may be ) upon his appeal : or whatsoever the case or trouble be ; only all such proposals by any of the ●…ernity , must be with due reverence , humility , and in the fear of god. vi. if any other person or persons whatever , have any question or case , in matters of religion , to propose unto the council , they in the next place may have liberty in a reverent and orderly manner , to propose the same , and it is to be considered and answered . also any other matter concerning the publick good of the churches , and promotion of religion , may be discussed and ordered , as fastings , feastings ●…ropagation of the gospel , and the like . vii . if business so multiply , that one day sufficeth not to fi●…ish the work , the council have liberty to appoint other times , so of●… a●… they need , within the moneth : and if they finish not in that moneth , it must be left on record how the case standeth , and so to be presented to the council that shall be chosen for the next moneth , which ordinarily , in this order , will be the same persons , or ( at least ) most of them . viii . if any case prove too hard for them to resolve , or if they be con●…iderably divided in judgement , then the case is to be transmitted to the next provincial council , and ●…ecorded so to be , with the reasons of transmitting the sa●… . ix . if they agree in counsel about any case or point of religion , in faith or order : and if any person or persons , or church concerned therein , do not accept of their counsel and judgement ; he , or they , have liberty to appeal to the next provincial council ; provided , that if the council advise the church to proceed to ce●…re , they are to follow that counsel , notwithstanding his appeal , and not to 〈◊〉 sin to ly upon their brother ; for if it were in the appeala●… power to stop the clear process of a gospel-medicine to his soul in gross scandals , some would never come under the soul-medicine of christ jesus , or not so soon as were meet : but he may appeal higher , for all actions of the churches and councils , are ●…ble to a review , until it come unto the highest . and his appeal ▪ with the reasons and manner thereof , are to be recorded . x. every first council , in the sessions immediately foregoing the quarterly time of the provincial councils meeting , must chuse from among themselves , at least one teaching elder and one ruling elder , to be sent unto the provincial synod , as members of the same , there to represent the first councils ( who chose and sent them ) and all the churches with them combined : and to carry on the ordinance of counsel among them , according to due order . xi . unto these thus chosen for the provincial council , are to be delivered in writing , first , a note of the present state of all the churches combined with them . secondly , a note of such cases as are transmi●…ed to the provincial council , if any such be . and thirdly , a note of such appeals as are made unto them , if any such be : all these , being first read , are then delivered unto them . and thus they are sent with their prayers and blessing . xii . when all these elders do return to their own churches , they ●…re ( so far as in prudence is meet ) to relate the particular state of all the churches , the acts of the council , the persons chos●…n for the provincial council , the cases transmitted , and appeales ; or so much as may give them a general view of the publick state of the churches and affaires of christ , as matter of continual prayers , praises and obedience in all the churches . the particular works of the provincial council , the second order of councils . the provincial council being met at the stated time , and in the place agreed on , moderators and notaries chosen , the work blessed , as in the council of the first order ; then . the moderator , with the co-attestation of his associate ruling el●…er , declareth the present state of the first council that sent them ; as also the present state of all the churches combined in that council , which he delivereth in writing , and may be now read in this council . then he delivereth in writing such cases as are transmitted to them , and such appeales as are made unto them , if any such be ; these being also read in the council , are kept in order by the notaries . the notaries are to record the present state of that council , and the general good estate of all the churches , referring unto the records thereof now presented . . the moderator is to call upon all the elders , in order , with their associates , delegated from all the first councils , who are all to do as the moderator did , declaring the state of the councils , and of the churches , delivering their writings to the notaries , which are all read , and recorded . . the notaries are to produce , when called for , all the papers which present any business or work unto the council , either by transmission , or by appeals : which are orderly to be discussed . care being taken , that all persons concerned be present , and have free and competent liberty to argue , answer , object , dispute , or what else may be requisite for finding out of the truth . . if there be no cases transmitted , nor appeals from any first councils , then the business of the lord , touching all their churches , is ( with glory and praise to christ ) so soon finished as mentioned . . if any person or persons whatsoever , have any questions or cases concerning religion , & ecclesiastical affairs of christ , now they have liberty , in due reverence and order , to propose the same to be discussed and answered . and if work multiply , the council may either tarry together , or multiply their sessions , so oft as they see cause , in their quarter . and what cases they have unfinished , they are to leave them upon record for the next council . . if there be any case too difficult for them , or that they be considerably divided in judgement in , then that case is to transmitted to the national council . the notary is to record it , with the reasons thereof . . if any counsel or judgement agreed on by this council , be not accepted or acquiesced in , by the party or parties concerned ▪ he or they may appeal unto the national council , for further light ; and the notaries are to record it , and the reasons thereof . provided , that if this council advise the church to proceed to censure , they may so do , if they see cause , notwithstanding his appeal . . those provincial councils which do immediately forego the stated time of the national councils meeting , are each of them to chuse , at least , one teaching , and one ruling elder , according to the manner aforesaid , who are to be representatives of these provincial councils , and of all the first councils , and churches with them combined , in the national council ; who are chosen to carry on the ordinance of counsel in that order . . the notaries are publickly in the presence of every council , to deliver in writing unto them who are chosen for the national council , . the present state of all the first councils , and of all the churches combined with them . . all the causes that are transmitted by them unto the national council . . the appeals , if any such be . all these , being first read , are delivered to them : and so they are sent with their prayers and blessing . . if these councils foresee any future sessions this quarter , they may now agree upon the same : if any fasts or feasts are to be kept by all their churches , they may now agree upon it , and propose the causes thereof . . when these elders do next meet in their first councils , they must prudently and faithfully report the good state of all the rest of the first councils in the province , and of all the churches combined with them , and all other weighty affairs fitting to be communicated , that so they may relate them to their churches , that these things may be mutter of joy , praise thanksgiving , prayer , and obedience in all the churches . the particular works of the national and highest ecclesiastical council within the nation . the national council being met at the stated time , and place agreed on , compleated and blessed ; then . the moderator , with the co attestation of the ruling elder his associate , is to declare unto them the present good estate of that provincial council which sent them , as also the state of all the first councils , and particular churches with them combined ▪ also he declareth such cases●…s ●…s are transmitted by them unto this council ; and such appeals as are made unto them , as part of the present●… business of this council . all these things to be delivered in writing distinctly , unto the notaries , who reade them all , and then record the present good estate of that province , and all the councils and churches therein combined ; as also the matters that are from them dilated unto the present council . . the moderator calleth all the rest of the provincial representatives in order , who are to make the like declaration ●…s the moderator hath done , with the co-attestation of their associate ruling elders . all their papers are to be delivered to the notaries , who are to reade , and then record them distinctly , with the present ecclesiastical state of all the provinces in the nation , whose representatives do there appear , & make declaration thereof before the national council . . the notaries are orderly to propose all the matters ▪ presented by the provincial councils , when the moderator requireth the same . care being had , that the persons concerned be present , and have free and competent liberty to argue , answer , object , in due , reverent , and modest manner , and to do what may be necessary for the finding out of the truth . . if there be no cases transmitted to them , nor appeals , the affairs of all the churches in the nation are presently issued , with glory and praise to the lord iesus , the king of peace . . if any other person or persons within the nation , or of any other nation , have any cases or questions about religion , they may now have liberty of proposing the same , to receive an answer . . if any cases of difficulty be such , as that they cannot obtain an issue , and resolution satisfactory , then the case must be recorded , and stay untill by further consideration and discussion , god shall please to reveal further light therein , because there is no higher council to appeal unto for light , within the nation . and in such casés , so the apostles did walk , and teach the churches to walk , phil . , . let us therefore as many as be perfect , be thus minded : and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveal even this unto you . nevertheless , whereunto we have already attained , let us walk by the same rule ▪ let us minde the same things . but if the matter be of due weight and worth , then either by transmission or appeal , it may ascend unto an occumenical council . . if any person or persons , whose opinion or practice receiveth a judgement , with counsel and advice in reference to the person or persons concerned , and he or they rest not therein , as to peace and order ; then if he or they ( be they many or few ) be not already under church ▪ censure ; the church to which they belong , are to proceed ( according to the determination of this council in the case ) unto their censure , as the church of corinth did upon the advice of paul , cor. . , . for the healing of their soules , and bringing of them unto repentance , and good order . which being effected , the end of all this acting , both in conviction and correction , is attended . and thus , within the compass of one year , the whole order of ecclesiastical discipline hath its course , and that in a most difficult case . . but yet if he or they rest not , such are high disturbers , and must be suppressed by civil power . and in civil order , he that doth not submit unto and rest in ( as to peace and order ) the sentence of the supreme power , is guilty of a capital offence , and ought to be put to death , by the law of god , deut. . , , , . and the reason is ; because order is better then any of our lives . it is a greater good to preserve order , then to preserve the lives of the wilfull and obstinate violaters thereof . and the loss of order and peace in ecclesiastical government , in the way of the churches , is of greater consequence , then the loss of their lives . zec. . , . . all things that are to be commended or committed to civil authority , either from the churches , or in behalf of the churches , and religion , are to be resolved , and acted by the national council . where great care is to be had , to keep a clear distinction , betwixt civil and ecclesiastical power , and not to meddle , or in the least , intrude or intrench upon civil authority . the usurpation of antichrist upon the civil authority , must ever keep the ecclesiastical councils in a vigilant fear of that aspiring pride : a worm too apt to breed and grow in the breasts of learned , and eminently gifted men , if there be not a vigilant spirit of mortification , and humble subjection unto order . it will be necessary that an appointed committee of this national council be alwayes ( some or other of them ) resident near unto the supream civil authority ; that they may speedily have notice of all occurrences , that may have respect unto , or concern the ecclesiastical affaires of the churches : and may receive commands from authority , about fastings or feastings , according to the well or ill being of the affaires of the nation , or the churches , either at home or abroad ; and may call together the whole council , if there be any cause that it should be so , &c. . such publick fasts and feasts as concern all the churches in the nation to solemnize , which are not first commanded by civil authority , why may they not be appointed and agreed on by the national council●… such publick sins as are to be bewailed ; such mercies as are to be i●…plored for our churches , or for the nation , or for forreign churches and nations ; such motions and designes of spreading and propagating religion as are in hand , &c. these are to be presented to all the churches as matter of prayer , both ordinary and extraordinary . . when these members of the national council return unto the provincial councils , whose delegates they ( immediately ) are , they are to report unto them the state and affaires of all the churches in the nation , and in forreign nations also and they are to report them to all the first councils . and they unto all the churches , as matters of prai●…e , and prayer to god , and of incouragement to obedience unto government . and that this communication of ecclesiastical affaires may be the more readily expedited : . all the first councils , or some one of every council , may meet that day seven night after the provincial councils meeting to hear the affaires of all the province . and some of the provincial council may be there , to declare the affaires of all the churches in the province . . so likewise the provincial councils ( or some of every provincial council ) may meet that day seven-night after the session of the national council , to hear the affaires of the whole nation , and some of the national council may be there to give information of all things ●…ing to be communic●…ted . but experience will put men upon the best w●…y of order in these things . the p●…rticular duties of the oecumeni●…al council i pass in silence ; i leave them to their consideration , whose happy 〈◊〉 it shall be , to see those gl●…rious times , when such councils shall be called . notwithstanding these publick orders of councils , it is lawful for any person , or parties , or church , to take any private ●…unsel , that he or they will or c●…n obtain , according to god , 〈◊〉 they ●…ay have occ●…sion . chap. vii . concerning the way to bring every christian parishional congregation to be an explicite reforming congregational church . i. every parishional congregation , who solemnly renouncing all their sins and evils , both personal and ●…cclesiastical , shall willingly ( by what wayes , means , or motives soever thereunto induced ) submit themselves and their children to the government of christ , in gospel-order ; and particularly to be guided in the common concernments of religion , by the holy advice of the forenamed orders of councils ; and do ( by their pious and prudent counsel and concurrence ) orderly elect all officers , both elders and deacons , among themselves , and promise for themselves and their households , to walk in the christian exercise of all gods ordinances , according to rule , in the faith and order of the gospel : that parish , or so many of them as shall herein concurre . is to be owned a particular reforming congregational church ; and is to be received into the communion of the churches in this order of government . they delivering this act of theirs in writing , unto that first council with whom they associate , there to be recorded . ii. it may , by the good blessing of god , greatly promote rel●…gion , and the reformation of particular churches , if such of the godly gentry of the land , who are not in civil authority , would please to do that honour to christ , to subject themselves to his service , in accepting of the offices of ruling elders and deacons , in the ●…urches of jesus christ. it would much strengthen the hands of church-government , and be no small honour to themselves ; and they will hereby render themselves great in the kingdome of heaven . iii. by the ordinance o●… 〈◊〉 prudentl●… exercised , both publickly in the church , and in private houses , all t●… church are to be trained up unto a competency of knowledge in jesus christ. iv. special ●…are is to be had in the training up of youth in the good knowledge of god , made manifest to the church by their publick account , answer , or confession thereof ; a●…d unto an explicite acknowledgement of christ , with sub●… and engagement of themselves unto the c●…urch , wherein they give up themselves and their children unto god , to be ruled by religion , in the faith and order of the gospel . which done , their children are to be baptized . v. upon the due evidence of some hopeful reall work and change of heart by faith and repentance , duely manifested to the church , whereby the persons concerned may be in charity conceived able to examine themselves , & ●…o discern the lords body in the sacrament , and spiritually to judge of a spiritual cause , such ought , by the church , to be received unto communion in the sacrament of the lords supper , and such males unto voting in the church ; because ordinarily , such as are able to discern christ in the sacrament , are also able spiritually to discern of a spiritual cause , and thereby capable to vote , in such cases wherein the fraternity is called to voting in the church . chap. viii . touching the maintenance of these councils . i. though it be meet that all their necessary charges be born for them ; for who goeth on a warfare at his own charge ? yet it is in no wise meet that any profits or revenues should be annexed unto any of the councils , from the lowest unto the highest . worldly profit , power and splendor , are beneath the spirit and aim of the gospel of jesus christ. onely the notaries place , being a service of much ●…bour , pains and diligence , it is me●…t that some consideration be had for some convenient recompence for their labour . ii. if any godly minded christian , out of a love unto , and zeal for the honour of the kingdome of jesus christ , should desire to give , and annex maintenance unto any of these forenamed councils , more then conveniently to bear their charges ( as noble constantine did for the worldly splendor of the bishops ) it ought not to be permitted , but religiously opposed : for it will certainly prove an inlet of great corruption , ambition , avarice , and strife , unworthy and unfit persons will endeavour to br●…be themselves into places , more for the wages , then for the work. iii. the honour of the service , and the glory of christ that is upon the messengers of the churches , these are i●…separable from the work , and are as much as flesh and blood ( we being in the flesh , and state militant ) will be able to weather , and keep from running ●…ground upon . but revenue and profit are separable from the work , ●…d must be religiously and earnestly ▪ kept off ▪ it being a wor●… that will surely ▪ corrupt ● this blessed work , and glorious service of iesur christ. iv. a small revenue will maintain the government of churches by councils , even in a great nation , in comparison of the vast revenues which the antichristian hierarchy hav●… fa●…ed and inriched themselves withall : which also hath advantaged them to arrogate unto themselves , and 〈◊〉 civil authority . and by these carnal 〈◊〉 unto the church , religion hath been corrupted , most men have been damned , and ●…ew saved . therefore the church ought now , in our reformation and res●…rection , to despise the world , and ▪ not to suffer great revenues to be annexed unto this part of the kingdome of christ especially . v. the religious meetings of councils , must be 〈◊〉 of all meetings of all men , throughout the nation : for they are many shining lights met together , and all men will mark what they do , and one inch of ex●…ss in them who a●…e the center , will be an ell in the people . hence they must strive to be patterns to all men . . in gravity : not full of mi●…th , laughter and jesting . ●… . in sobriety : no excess in drinking wine and strong drink . . in moderation of diet , ornaments , or any pomp. . in sedu●…ity , and diligence : it is the lords work , and cursed be he that doth the work of the lord negtigently . . in all holiness of discourse and behaviour . . in patience and meekne●… of spirit , in all matters . . in care for the publick cause of christ , and welfare of 〈◊〉 the churches , the chief care of all which doth firstly and chiefly ly upon the moderators . vi. great care is to be had of the first councils , that there may be some grave and exemplar e●…ers in every one of them , because according to ou●… custom , there may be sundry that are young , raw , and weak , and need to be trained up unto the gravity , prudence , and holiness of the affaires of christ his ecclesiastical kingdome . care is also to be had , that grave , sober , and pruden●… ruling elders may be sent , such as may be an awe unto gr●…en and young schollars , where need may be . care is also to be had , that they stay no longer then necessary business , and just imployment holdeth them , that there may be no temptations like company-keeping in vanity , and smoaking away their precious time . vii . their entertainment may be d. ordinary at ●…oon , and d. at night , provided they be necessita●…ed to tar●…y ●…ll night , otherwise their charges are but their dinner and horse ▪ mea●… . for the defr●…ying of which charge , the deacons of that church where they meet , may be authorized so to order the matte●… with the deacons of all the churches in that combination , as that the charge shall be by them defrayed , and not put to the accompt of any of the elders . and by the same hands some recompence may be given to the notaries , for their labour and service . for the supply of which charge , the voluntary contributions of every church will be such a treasury , as will never know want , so long as religion , and love to christ remain and rule among them . viii . the provincial councils will be more choice and grave assemblies , and their treatment must be with more respect and reverence : but their expences with the like moderation and sobriety . it is to be supposed that these dwell more remote , are fuller of work , and must tarry longer . if the state entertain these , and allow them li. a session for their four stated sessions in a year ; and li. for the notaries , it will not be a great charge . and if the national council have li. per annum for their attendance and notaries . one thousand pound per annum will suffice for a great nation where they may be in twenty ecclesiastical provinces . and this charge will be less then the the revenues of some one bishoprick . the design of antichrist was to pamper the flesh ; the design of christ is to morti●…ie it , and to honour grace . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e ⸫ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a briefe catechisme concerning church-governemnt. by that reverend divine mr. iohn robinson, and may fitly be adjoyned to mr. perkins six principles as an appendix thereto. robinson, john, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing r thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a briefe catechisme concerning church-governemnt. by that reverend divine mr. iohn robinson, and may fitly be adjoyned to mr. perkins six principles as an appendix thereto. robinson, john, ?- . perkins, william, - . foundation of christian religion. [ ] p. [s.n.], london : printed in the yeare, . signatures: a. annotation on thomason copy: an "x" above robinson in title; "x a separatist at leyden" written beneath the author statement. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catechisms, english -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no a briefe catechisme concerning church-governemnt.: by that reverend divine mr. iohn robinson, and may fitly be adjoyned to mr. perkins six robinson, john d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - pip willcox sampled and proofread - pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a briefe catechisme concerning chvrch-government by that reverend divine mr. iohn robinson , and may fitly be adjoyned to mr. perkins six principles as an appendix thereto . tim. . . these things i write hoping to come unto thee shortly . tim. . . but if i tarry long , that thou mayst know how thou oughtest to behave thy selfe in the house of god , which is the church of the living god , the pillar and ground of the truth . london , printed in the yeare , . an appendix to mr. perkins his six principles of christian religion . vnto the former principles published by that reverend man mr. william perkins , fully containing what every christian is to beleeve touching god and himselfe , i have thought it fit for the good , especially of those over whom i am set , ( the younger sort of whom i have formerly catechised in private , according to the same principles ) to annex a few other , touching the more solemne fellowship of christians , the church of god , as being a divine institution , the spirituall paradise and temple of the living god ; in which his most solemne services are to bee performed : and to which he addeth daily such as shall be saved ; promising to dwell in the middest of them by his most powerfull and gracious presence . question . vvhat is a church ? ans. a company of faithfull and holy people ( with their seed ) called by the word of god into publick covenant with christ , and amongst themselves for mutuall fellowship in the use of all the meanes of gods glory and their salvation . qu of what sort or number of people must this company consist ? a. it is all one whether they be high or low , few or many , so as they exceed not such a number , as may ordinarily meet together in z one place for the worshipping of god , and sanctification of the lords day . qu. what are the reasons why the church must consist of faithfull and holy persons ? a. . first the * scriptures every where so teach . . the * church is the body of christ , all whose members therefore should be conformable in some measure to him their head . onely such * worshippers please god as are accepted of him and have right to the covenant of grace and seales thereof . qu but are not hypocrites mingled with the faithfull in the church ? a. none ought to bee by the word of god : and where such are they are not truly added by the lord to the church , but doe a creepe in through their owne hypocrisie , and not without the churches sin also , if they may bee discerned to be such . qu. by what meanes is the church gathered ? a. b by the word preached and by faith received of them that heare it . qu. is every beleever a member of the visible church ? a c no d , but he must also by his personall and publick profession adjoyne himselfe to some particular fellowship and societie of saints . qu. how prove you the seed of the faithfull to be of the church with them ? a. by the e covenant which god made with abraham and his seed : which was the covenant of the gospell and confirmed in christ ; the † seale thereof circumcision , being the seale of the righteousnesse of faith . qu. what are the essentiall markes of the church ? a. f faith and order , as the church in them may be scene and beheld to walke in christ iesus whom shee hath received : faith professed in word and deed , shewing the matter to bee true : and order in the holy things of god , shewing the forme to bee true , which are the two essentiall parts of the church . g qu. are not the preaching of the word and administring of the sacraments certain marks of the true church ? a. no : for the word may ( and that rightly ) be preached to assemblies of unbeleevers for their conversion h : as may the sacraments also ( though unjustly ) bee administred unto them i , and so be made sying signes . besides , the true church may for a time want the use of divers ordinances of god , but hath alwayes right unto them ; as may also the false church usurpe and abuse them but without right . qu. what are the meanes in and by which christ and the church have fellowship together ? a. k . in the gifts of the spirit of christ . . in the offices of ministery given to the church . . in the workes done in and by those gifts and offices . qu. wherein standeth this communion of the spirit ? a. l in the in-dwelling and operation of the gifts and graces thereof conveyed from christ as the head , unto the church as his body , and members one of another : whence ariseth that most streit and divine conjunction , by which , as by the civill bond of marriage , the man and wife are one flesh : so they who are thus joyned to christ are one spirit m . qu. how many are the offices of ministery in the church ? a. five : ( besides the extraordinary offices of apostles , prophets and evangelists , for the first planting of the churches , which are ceased , with their extraordinary gifts . ) qu. how is that proved ? a. partly by the n scriptures , which both mention them expresly , and describe them by their principall gifts , and workes : and partly by reason agreeable to the scriptures . qu. shew me which those officers bee , with their answerable gifts and workes . a. . * the pastor , to whom is given the gift of wisedome for exhortation . . the teacher , to whom is given the gift of knowledge for doctrine . . the governing elder , who is to rule with diligence . . the deacon , who is to administer the holy treasure with simplicitie . . the widow , or deaconesse , who is to attend the sick and impotent , with compassion and cheerefulnesse . qu. what is the reason for the proving of these ministeries ? a. because all these are usefull and necessary , and these alone sufficient for the church ; as being the most perfect societie and p body of christ , which neither faileth in that which is necessary , nor exceedeth in any thing superfluous . qu. whence ariseth the usefulnesse and sufficiency of these ministeries in the church ? a. from the condition partly of the soules , and partly of the bodies of the members . qu. how doth that appeare ? a. . in the soule is the facultie of understanding , about which the teacher is to be exercised for information by doctrine . . the will and affections : upon which the q pastor is especially to work by exhortation and comfort . . because that doctrine and exhortation without obedience , are unprofitable , the diligence of the ruling elder is requisite for that purpose . qu. how are the other two ministeries to be exercised ? a. as the church consisteth of men , and they of soules and bodies , so are the deacons out of the churches treasure , and contribution to provide for the common uses of the church , reliefe of the poore , and maintenance of the officers ; as are the widowes to afford unto the sick and impotent in body ( not able otherwise to help themselves ) their cheerefull and comfortable service . qu. wherefore call you those offices by the name of ministeries , or services ? a. for two causes : . for that they are no lordships , but services of christ , and of the church . . because they consist in administring only of those things which are christs , and the churches under him . q. by whom are these officers to have their outward calling ? a. by the church whereof they are members for the present , and to which they are to administer . q. how doth that appeare ? a. . the apostles who taught onely christs commandements , so directed the churches p . . the people amongst whom they have been conversant can best judge of their fitnesse , both in respect of their persons and families . it furthereth much the diligence and saithfulnesse of the minister , that they whose minister hee is have freely chosen him , as unto whom under christ they commit the most pretious treasure of their soule : as also it binds the people to greater love and conscience of obedience of him and his ministry , whom themselves have made choyce of . . the church being a most free corporation spirituall under christ the lord , is in all reason and equity to chuse her ministers and † servants under him unto whom also shee is to give wages for their service and labour . qu. is this outward calling of simple necessity for a true church officer ? a. yea , as for the magistrate in the city and common-wealth ; or steward in the family : without which they usurp their places , how excellent soever , whether in their gifts or workes . q. what if the officer bee found unfaithfull in his place ? a. he is by the church to bee warned to take heed to his ministery hee hath received , to fulfill it ; which if he neglect to doe , by the same power which set him up , he is to be put downe and deposed . * q. vvhat are the outward workes of the churches communion with christ a. these six : . prayer . . the reading and opening of the vvord . . the sacraments . . singing of psalmes . . censures . . contribution to the necessity of the saints . qu. wherefore put you prayer in the first place ? a. because by it all the rest are sanctified to the faithfull . for prayer see the end of the fifth principle with the exposition : onely adde this , that in the act of our speaking unto god by prayer , wee are not to use the helpe of any booke , beades , crucifixes or the like , to teach or provoke us , but onely the helpe of the spirit of adoption , and prayer , working in our hearts effectually , and teaching us both what and how to pray as we ought . qu. what believe you touching the word ? a. besides the things observed in the fifth principle and exposition ; that the whole written word , and it alone is to be read and opened in the church . qu. wherefore are the whole scriptures to be read and opened ? a. * because the whole word of god is pure , written for our learning and comfort , given by divine inspiration , and is profitable for doctrine , reproofe , correction and instruction , and from which nothing may be * diminished , qu. how prove you that the scriptures only are to be read , and opened in the church ? a. s because they alone are sufficient for faith , and the obedience which is of faith , and able to make the man of god perfit , throughly furnished unto all good workes , and unto which nothing may t be added . qu. who are to open and apply the scriptures in the church ? a. principally the bishops or u elders , who by the word of life are to feed the flock , both in teaching and government . secondly , such as are out of office , in the exercise of prophesie . qu. how is that exercise proved in the scriptures ? a. by f examples in the iewish church , where men though in no office , either in temple or synagogue , had liberty publiquely to use their gifts . g by the commandement of christ and his apostles . by the prohibiting of h women ( not extraordinarily inspired ) to teach in the church : herein liberty being given unto men their husbands , or others . by the excellent ends , which by this meanes are to be obtained : as i the glory of god in the manifestation of his manifold graces . . that the gifts of the spirit in men be not quenched . . for the fitting and triall of men for the ministery . . for the preserving pure of the doctrine of the church , which is more endangered , if some one or two alone may onely be heard , and speake . . for debating and satisfying of doubts , if any doe arise . . for the edifying of the church , and conversion of others . qu. vvho is a prophet in this sence ? a. he that hath the gift of the spirit to speake unto edification , exhortation and comfort . qu. vvhat is the order of this exercise ? a. that it be performed af●er the publique ministery by the teachers , and under their direction and moderation : whose duty it is , if any thing be obscure to open it : if doubtfull to cleare it : if unsound to refuse it : if unperfit to supply what is wanting , as they are able . qu. what believe you touching the sacraments further then is observed in the former principles ? a. that they are to be dispensed according to the tenure of the covenant of grace , whereof they are seales : in respect both of the persons to whom , and of the ends for which they are to be administred . qu. vvhich are those persons ? a. the faithfull and their seed . qu. may all the faithfull partake in the sacraments ? a. * no , except they be also added to some particular congregation , unto which the publique ordinances and ministery doth appertaine . qu vvhich are the ends and uses of the sacraments ? a. the first is from god to the church , opened in the exposition of the fifth principle , where it is shewed what a sacrament is . the second is from the church to god , in which it testifieth the acceptance of the covenant , and bindeth it selfe to the performance of the conditions . the third is in respect of the members themselves mutually , as being badges of their association . the fourth in respect of all other assemblies , betweene whom and the churches , they are notes of distinction . qu. vvhat is required touching singing of psalmes in the church ? a. that they be such as are parts of the word of god , formed by the holy ghost into psalmes or songs , which many may conveniently sing together , exhorting and admonishing themselves mutually with grace in their hearts . qu. vvhat believe you touching the censure of excommunication ? a. that it is to be used by every particular church , according to the rules of christ . qu. how prove you this power to be in every particular congregation ? a. . by the donation and gift of christ the lord . . the particular church of corinth had this power , for the neglect whereof it is reproved by the apostle . . every particular church hath right to the vvord , sacraments and prayer , within it selfe , which are greater , and therfore to this which is lesser then they . qu. vvhat are the rules of christ for excommunication ? a. . the sin thus to be censured must be scandalous , and the person obstinate after due conviction and patience used . . the church excommunicating must bee that particular congregation gathered together in the name of christ , whereof the sinner is a member . qu. how prove you that by the church math. . is not meant the bishop , or presbytery representing the body ? a. . one man cannot be a church , which as christ teacheth , vers. . . must be a company , how small soever , gathered together in his name . . the word there used never signifieth in the scriptures , an officer or officers , excluding the people . . the apostle . cor. . expounds christs meaning to be of the whole body come together . . the elders being publique officers , are to exercise the solemne workes of their office , and particularly the worke of rebuking them that sinne , openly and before the church , both that others may feare , and the church of faith consent to the excommunication : and therefore cannot represent the church being actually present . . a representative church in a case of faith and conscience without the consent of the represented in the particular decree establisheth the popish doctrine of implicit faith . qu. what is the order of proceeding in this censure ? a. that the brother offending privately be admon●shed privately , and after ( without his repentance ) with a witnesse or two who may give testimony both of the offence and admonition and lastly , that by the brother admonishing with his witnesses , the sinner ( remaining obstinate , ) complaint be made to the church : which last complaint alone is sufficient in publike offences . qu. vvhat order is to be observed after complaint thus made ? a. the elders as the govenours of the church , are by the scriptures clearely to convince , and seriously to admonish and exhort the offender : and upon his impenitency ( with due conviction and patience : ) to decree against him the sentence of excommunication : and lastly , with the peoples free consent to pronounce and execute the same . qu. how appeareth the necessity of this ordinance ? a. many wayes . . by the commandement of christ , and practise of the apostolicall churches . . for the glory of christ , which is much impeached by the prophanesse of those who profesle his service . . for the humbling of the sinner , and for the salvation of his soule . e . to prevent the infection of others . f . that by the zeale and holinesse of the church , they without may be gayned to the gospell . qu. how is the church to walke towards a person excommunicated ? a. so as they may make him ashamed by withdrawing from him in all spirituall communion , and ciuill familiarity also , so farre as may be , without the violation of any naturall or civill bond . q what is to be observed for the churches contribution ? a. that in their publique meeting every first day of the week , they contribute , as god hath prospered them , to the publique treasury , by the deacons to be received and distributed , as there is need , to the reliefe of the poore , maintenance of the ministery , and other necessary uses of the church first , and after of others also , as need requireth . and whosoever will walke according to this rule , peace be upon them , and mercy , and upon the israel of god , galath. . . . cant. , , . looke not upon me because i am black , because the sun hath looked upon me : my mothers children were angry with me , they made me the keeper of the vineyards , but mine owne vineyard have i not kept . tell me ( o thou whom my soule loveth ) where thou feedest , where thou makest thy flock to rest at noone : for why should i be as one that turneth aside by the flocks of thy companions ? if thou know not ( o thou fairest amongst women ) go thy way forth by the footsteps of the flocke , and feed thy kids beside the shepheards tents . isa. . , . the nation and kingdome that will not serve thee , shall perish . i will beautify the place of my sanctuary , and will make the place of my feet glorious . psal. . . one thing i asked , &c. i. robinson . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- rev. . . cor. . . rom. . . act. . . mat. . . . . cor. . . z m. . . matth. . . . * cor. . . . . &c. . . act. . . * levit. . . rom. . . cor. . . phil. . . to vers. . ●h eoh. . ●col . . . * iohn . prov. . . hob , . . . &c. a iude. v. . eze. . . b mat. . . act . . &c. & cap. . . . . rom. . . cor. . . c act. . . and . . d act. . . . & cap. . . & . . . . & . . act. . , , , . with thes. . . e gen. . . &c. luk. . . . gal. . . , . † rom . f col. . , . pet. . . with . . . g as true matter and forme , or two essentiall parts of other things . as of a house , temple , tabernacle . exod. . . . to . h mat. . . mar. . . act. . . . & . . &c. i gen. . . sichemites . kings . . . &c. hos. . . with psal. . . rom. . . . k cor. . . . . . l eph. . . & chap. . . . col. . . m cor. . . eph. . . to , , . n rom. . . ti. . . with . . . . * eph. . . or the exhorter . rom. . . or the exhorter . cor. . rom. . . tim. . . act. . . tim. . . ● . & cap. . . . . rom. . . p cor. . . eph. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} vers. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . rom. . . . q or exhorter , ibidem . act. . . and . . gal. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . tim. . . tim. . . . mat. . , , . cor. . . cor. . . & cap. . , , . p act. . . . & cap. . . . . . & cap. . . greek . act. . . & . . tim. . , , , . heb. . . eph. . . . † co. . . cor. , . tim. . . cor. . . . heb. . , col. . * being dealt with as a brother , math. . . . . tim. . . & , . iude vers. . zach. . . rom. . . . * prov. . . rom. . . tim. . * deut. . . rev. . . rom. , . heb. . . ioh. . . . tim. . , . t prov. . . deut. . . rev. . . u act. , . tit . , . f luke : . , , & cap. . , , . act. , , & cap. . , , , & cap. , , , . & cap. . , , . g luke . . & cap. . . g rom. . . , pet. . , . . cor. . . h . tim. . , , , cor , . , . . pet. . , . i thes. . . tim. . . cor. . . act. , . luke . , . . cor. . . , . cor. . . . act. . . gen. . . cor. , . * act , , , . . act. . . , rom , . , deut. , , . gen. , , . cor , , . iudg. . . iudg. . . math , , . eph. , . col. . . math. . , , . cor. . rev. , & . math. . . cor. . . math. . , , . . cor , . . . . tim. . . mat. . . mar. . cor. . . rom. . . e cor. . . vers. . . f heb. . . thes. . . . cor. . cor. . . act. . . gal. . . rom. . . a discourse concerning the power of excommunication in a christian church, by way of appendix to the irenicum by edward stillingfleet ... stillingfleet, edward, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a discourse concerning the power of excommunication in a christian church, by way of appendix to the irenicum by edward stillingfleet ... stillingfleet, edward, - . stillingfleet, edward, - . irenicum. [ ], p. printed for henry mortlock ..., london : . reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- government. excommunication. church polity. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - melanie sanders sampled and proofread - melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse concerning the power of excommunication in a christian church ▪ by way of appendix to the irenicum . by edward stillingfleet , rector of sutton in bedfordshire . london , printed for henry mortlock , at the sign of the phoenix in st. pauls church-yard , neer the little north-door . . a discourse concerning the power of excommunication in a christian church . it is a matter of daily observation and experience in the world , how hard it is to keep the eyes of the understanding clear in its judgement of things , when it is too far engaged in the dust of controversie . it being so very difficult to well manage an impetuous pursuit after any opinion , nothing being more common then to see men outrun their mark , and through the force of their speed to bee carryed as farr beyond it , as others in their opinion fall short of it . there is , certainly , a kind of ebriety of the mind , as well as of the body , which makes it so unstable and pendulous , that it oft times reeles from one extream unto the quite contrary . this , as it is obvious in most eager controvertists of all ages , so especially in such , who have discovered the falsity of an opinion they were once confident of , which they think they can never after run farr enough from : so that while they start at an apparition they so much dread , they run into those untroden paths , wherein they lose both themselves and the truth they sought for . thus wee find it to be in the present controversie , for many out of their just zeal against the extravagancies of those who scrued up church power to so high a peg , that it was thought to make perpetuall dis●ord with the common-wealth , could never think themselves free from so great an inconvenience , till they had melted down all spiritual power into the civil state , and dissolved the church into the common-wealth . but that the world may see i have not been more forward to assert the just power of the magistrate in ecclesiasticalls , as well as civills , then to defend the fundamental rights of the church , i have taken this opportunity , more fully to explain and vindicate that part of the churches power , which lies in reference to offenders ? it being the main thing struck at by those who are the followers of that noted physitian , who handled the church so ill , as to deprive her of her expulsive faculty of noxious humours , and so left her under a miserere mei . i shall therefore endeavour to give the church her due , as well as caesar his , by making good this following principle or hypothesis , upon which the whole hinge of this controversie turnes , viz. that the power of inflicting censures upon offenders in a christian church , is a fundamentall right , resulting from the constitution of the church , as a society by jesus christ , and that the seat of this power is in those officers of the church , who have derived their power originally from the founder of this society , and act by vertue of the laws of it . for the cleare stating of this controversie , it will bee necessary to explain , what that power is , which i attribute to the church , and in what notion the church is to be considered as it exerciseth this power . first , concerning the proper notion of power , by it i cannot see any thing else to bee understood , then a right of governing , or ordering things which belong to a society . and so power implies only a moral faculty in the person enjoying it , to take care ne quid civitas detrimenti capiat , whereby it is evident that every well constituted society must suppose a power within its self of ordering things belonging to its welfare , or else it were impossible , either the being or the rights and priviledges of a society could bee long preserved . power then in its general and abstracted notion , doth not necessarily import either meer authority , or proper coaction , for these to any impartial judgement , will appear to bee rather the severall modes whereby power is exercised , then any proper ingredients of the specifick nature of it ; which in generall , imports no more then a right to govern a constituted society , but how that right shall bee exercised , must bee resolved not from the notion of power , but from the nature and constitution of that particular society in which it is lodged and inherent . it appears then from hence to bee a great mistake and abuse of well natured readers , when all power is necessarily restrained , either to that which is properly coercive , or to that which is meerly arbitrary and onely from consent . the originall of which mistake is , the stating the notion of power from the use of the word , either in ancient roman authors , or else in the civil laws , both which are freely acknowledged to bee strangers to the exercise of any other power , then that which is meerly authoritative and perswasive , or that which is coactive and penal . the ground of which is , because they were ignorant of any other way of conveyance of power , besides external force and arbitrary consent , the one in those called legal societies or civitates , the other collegia and hetaeriae . but to us that do acknowledge that god hath a right of commanding men to what duty hee please himself , and appointing a society upon what terms best please him , and giving a power to particular persons to govern that society , in what way shall tend most to advance the honour of such a society , may easily bee made appear , that there is a kind of power neither properly coactive nor meerly arbitrary , viz. such a one as immediately results from divine institution , and doth suppose consent to submit to it as a necessary duty in all the members of this society . this power , it is evident , is not meerly arbitrary either in the governours or members , for the governours derive their power , or right of governing from the institution of christ and are to bee regulated by his laws in the execution of it , and the members , though their consent bee necessarily supposed , yet that consent is a duty in them , and that duty doth imply their submission to the rulers of this society : neither can this power bee called coactive , in the sense it is commonly taken , for coactive power , and external force are necessary correlates to each other , but wee suppose no such thing as a power of outward force to bee given to the church as such , for that properly belongs to a common-wealth . but the power which i suppose to bee lodged in the church , is such a power as depends upon a law of a superiour , giving right to govern , to particular persons over such a society , and making it the duty of all members of it to submit unto it , upon no other penalties , then the exclusion of them from the priviledges , which that society enjoys . so that supposing such a society , as the church is , to bee of divine institution , and that christ hath appointed officers to rule it , it necessarily follows , that those officers must derive their power , i. e. their right of governing this society , not meerly from consent and confederation of parties , but from that divine institution , on which the society depends . the want of understanding the right notion of power in the sense here set down , is certainiy the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of erastianisme , and that which hath given occasion to so many to question any such thing as power in the church , especially , when the more zealous then judicious defenders of it have rather chosen to hang it upon some doubtful places of scripture , then on the very nature and constitution of the christian church , as a society instituted by jesus christ. this being then the nature of power in general , it is , i suppose clear , that an outward coactive force is not necessary in order to it ; for if some may have a right to govern , and others may bee obliged to obedience to those persons antecedently , to any civil constitution ; then such persons have a just power , to inflict censures upon such as transgress the rules of the society , without any outward force . it is here very impertinent to dispute , what effects such censures can have upon wilful persons without a coactive power ; if i can prove , that there is a right to inflict them in church officers , and an obligation to submit to them in all offenders , i am not to trouble my self with the event of such things as depend upon divine institutions . i know it is the great objection of the followers of erastus , that church censures are inflicted upon persons unwilling to receive them , and therefore must imply external and coactive force , which is repugnant to the nature of a church . but this admits ( according to the principles here established ) of a very easie solution ; for i deny not , that churchpower goes upon consent , but then it s very plain here was an antecedent consent to submit to censures in the very entrance into this society , which is sufficient to denominate it a voluntary act of the persons undergoing it ; and my reason is this , every person entring into a society , parts with his own freedome and liberty , as to matters concerning the governing of it , and professeth submission to the rules and orders of it : now a man having parted with his freedome already , cannot reassume it when hee please , for then hee is under an obligation to stand to the covenants made at his entrance ; and consequently his undergoing what shall bee laid upon him by the laws of this society , must bee supposed to bee voluntary as depending upon his consent at first entrance , which in all societies must bee supposed to hold still , else there would follow nothing but confusion in all societies in the world , if every man were at liberty to break his covenants when any thing comes to lye upon him according to the rules of the society , which hee out of some private design would bee unwilling to undergo . thus much may serve to settle aright the notion of power ; the want of understanding which , hath caused all the confusion of this controversie . the next thing is , in what notion wee are to consider the church , which is made the subject of this power ? as to which wee are to consider ; this power either as to it 's right or in actu primo , or as to it's exercise , or in actu secundo : now if wee take this power as to the fundamental right of it , then it belongs to that universal church of christ , which subsists as a visible society , by vertue of that law of christ , which makes an owning the profession of christianity the duty of all church members . if wee consider this power in the exercise of it then ( it being impossible that the universal church should perform the executive part of this power relating to offences ) i suppose it lodged in that particular society of christians , which are united together in one body in the community of the same government ; but yet , so as , that the administration of this power , doth not belong to the body of the society considered complexly , but to those officers in it , whose care and charge it is , to have a peculiar oversight and inspection over the church , and to redress all disorders in it . thus the visive faculty is fundamentally lodged in the soul , yet all exterior acts of sight are performed by the eyes , which are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 overseers of the body , as the other are of the church , so that the exercise and administration of this power , belongs to the special officers and governours of the church , none else being capable of exercising this power of the church as such , but they on whom it is setled by the founder of the church it 's self . this society of the church may bee again considered , either as subsisting without any influence from the civil power , or as it is owned by , and incorporated into a christian state . i therefore demand , whether it bee absolutely necessary for the subsistence of this christian society , to bee upheld by the civil power or no ? and certainly none who consider the first and purest ages of the christian church , can give any entertainment to the affirmative , because then the church flourished in it's greatest purity , not only when not upheld , but when most violently opposed by the civil power ; if so , then it 's being united with the civil state is only accidental , as to the constitution of a church ; and if this bee only accidental , then it must bee supposed furnished with every thing requisite to it 's well ordering , antecedenty to any such union , and abstractly from it . for can wee imagine our blessed saviour should institute a society , and leave it destitute of means to uphold it's self , unless it fell into the hands of the civil power ? or that hee left every thing tending thereto , meerly to prudence , and the arbritrary constitutions of the persons joyning together in this society ? did our saviour take care there should bee a society , and not provide for means to uphold it ? nay , it is evident , hee not only appointed a society , but officers to rule it ; had those officers then a right to govern it or no , by vertue of christs institution of them ? if not , they were rather bibuli than caesares , cyphers than consuls in the church of god. if they had a power to govern , doth not that necessarily imply a right to inflict censures on offenders ? unless 〈◊〉 will suppose that either there can bee no offenders in a christian church , or that those offenders do not violate the laws of the society , or there bee some prohibition for them to exercise their power over them ( which is to give power with one hand , and take it away with the other ) or that this power cannot extend so far as to exclude any from the priviledges of the church , which is the thing to bee discussed . having thus cleared our way , i now come to the resolution of the question its self , in order to which i shall endeavour to demonstrate with what evidence the subject is capable of these following things . first that the church is a peculiar society in its own nature , distinct from the common-wealth . secondly , that the power of the church over its members doth not arise from meer confederation or consent of parties . thirdly , that this power of the church doth extend to the exclusion of offenders from the priviledges of it . fourthly , that the fundamental rights of the church do not escheat to the common-wealth upon their being united in a christian state. if these principles bee established , the churches power will stand upon them , as on a firm and unmoveable basis . i begin with the first . that the church is a peculiar society in its own nature , distinct from the common-wealth , which i prove by these arguments . those societies , which are capable of subsisting apart from each other , are really , and in their own nature , distinct from one another , but so it is with the church and common-wealth . for there can bee no greater evidence of a reall distinction than mutual separation ; and i think the proving the possibility of the souls existing , separate from the body , is one of the strongest arguments to prove it to bee a substance really distinct from the body , to which it is united ; although wee are often fain to go the other way to work , and to prove possibility of separation from other arguments evincing the soul to bee a distinct substance ; but the reason of that is for want of evidence as to the state of separate souls , and their visible existence which is repugnant to the immateriality of their natures . but now , as to the matter in hand , wee have all evidence desirable , for wee are not put to prove possibil●●y of separation , meerly from the different constitution of the things united , but wee have evidence to sense of it , that the churh hath subsisted when it hath been not onely separated from but persecuted by all civil power . it is with many men as to the union of church and state , as it is with others , as to the union of the soul and body , when they observe how close the union is , and how much the soul makes use of the animal spirits in most of its operations , and how great a sympathy there is between them , that , like hyppocrates his twins , they laugh and weep ' together , they are shrewdly put to it , how to fancy the soul to bee any thing else then a more vigorous mode of matter ; so these observing how close an union and dependence there is between the church and state in a christian common-wealth , and how much the church is beholding to the civil power in the administration of its functions , are apt to think that the church is nothing but a higher mode of a common-wealth , considered as christian. but when it is so evident that the church hath , and may subsist supposing it abstracted from all civil power , it may bee a sufficient demonstration that however neer they may be when united , yet they are really and in their own nature , distinct from each other . which was the thing to bee proved . those are distinct societies , which have every thing distinct in their nature from each other , which belong to the constitution or government of them ; but this is evident , as to the church and common-wealth , which will appear , because their charter is distinct , or that which gives them their being as a society : civil societies are founded upon the necessity of particular mens parting with their peculiar rights , for the preservation of themselves , which was the impulsive cause of their entring into societies , but that which actually speaks them to bee a society , is the mutual consent of the several parties joyning together , whereby they make themselves to bee one body ; and to have one common interest . so cicero de repub. defines populus , to bee caetus multitudinis , juris consensu et utilitatis communione sociatus . there is no doubt , but gods general providence , is as evidently seen in bringing the world into societies and making them live under government , as in disposing all particular events which happen in those societies ; but yet the way , which providence useth in the constitution of these societies , is by inclining men to consent to associate for their mutual benefit and advantage : so that natural reason consulting for the good of mankinde , as to those rights which men enjoy in common with each other , was the main foundation upon which all civil societies were erected . wee finde no positive law enacting the beeing of civil societies , because nature it's self would prompt men for their own conveniencies to enter into them . but the ground and foundation of that society , which we call a church , is a matter which natural reason and common notions can never reach to ; and therefore an associating for the preserving of such , may bee a philosophical society , but a christian it cannot bee : and that would make a christian church to bee nothing else but a society of essens or an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of pythagorians , who do either not understand or not consider whereon this christian society is founded ; for it is evident they look on it as a meerly voluntary thing , that is not at all setled by any divine positive law. the truth is , there is no principle more consistent with the opinion of those who deny any church power in a christian state , then this is , and it is that , which every one , who will make good his ground must bee driven to ; for it is evident , that in matters meerly voluntary , and depending only on consideration , such things being lyable to a magistrates power , there can be no plea from mutual consent to justifie any opposition to supream authority in a common-wealth . but then , how such persons can bee christians , when the magistrates would have them to bee otherwise , i cannot understand ; nor how the primitive martyrs were any other then a company of fools or mad-men , who would hazard their lives , for that which was a meer arbritrary thing , and which they had no necessary obligation upon them to profess . mistake mee not , i speak not here of meer acts of discipline , but of the duty of outward professing christianity ; if this bee a duty , then a christian society is setled by a positive law , if it bee not a duty , then they are fools who suffer for it : so that this question resolved into it's principles , leads us higher than wee think for , and the main thing in debate must bee , whether there bee an obligation upon conscience for men to associate in the profession of christianity or no ? if there bee , then the church , which is nothing else but such an association , is established upon a positive law of christ ; if there bee not , then those inconveniencies follow , which are already mentioned . wee are told indeed by the leviathan with confidence enough , that no precepts of the gospel are law , till enacted by civil authority ; but it is little wonder , that hee , who thinks an immaterial substance implies a contradiction , should think as much of calling any thing a law , but what hath a civil sanction . but i suppose all those , who dare freely own a supreme and infinite essence to have been the creator , and to bee the ruler of the world , will acknowledge his power to oblige conscience , without being beholding to his own creature to enact his laws , that men might bee bound to obey them . was the great god fain to bee beholding to the civil authority hee had over the jewish common-wealth ( their government being a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to make his laws obligatory to the consciences of the jews ? what , had not they their beings from god ? and can there bee any greater ground of obligation to obedience , than from thence ? whence comes civil power to have any right to oblige men more , than god , considered as governour of the world , can have ? can there bee indeed no other laws according to the leviathans hypothesis , but only the law of nature and civil laws ? but i pray whence comes the obligation to either of these , that these are not as arbitrary , as all other agreements are ? and is it not as strong a dictate of nature as any can bee ( supposing that there is a god ) that a creature which receives it's being from another , should bee bound to obey him , not only in the resultancies of his own nature , but with the arbitrary constitutions of his will : was adam bound to obey god or no , as to that positive precept of eating the forbiden fruit , if no civil sanction had been added to that law ? the truth is , such hypotheses as these are , when they are followed close home , will bee found to kennel in that black den , from whence they are loath to bee thought to have proceeded . and now , supposing , that every full declaration of the will of christ , as to any positive institution , hath the force and power of a law upon the consciences of all , to whom it is sufficiently proposed : i proceed to make appear , that such a divine positive law there is , for the existence of a church , as a visible body and society in the world ; by which i am far from meaning such a conspicuous society , that must continue in a perpetual visibility in the same place ; i finde not the least intimation of any such thing in scripture ; but that there shall alwaies bee some where or other , in the world , a society owning and professing christianity , may bee easily deduced from thence ; and especially on this account , that our saviour hath required this , as one of the conditions in order to eternal felicity , that all those who beleeve in their hearts , that jesus is the christ , must likewise confess him with their mouths to the world : and therefore , as long as there are men to beleeve in christ , there must bee men that will not bee ashamed to associate , on the account of the doctrine hee hath promulged to the world . that one phrase in the new testament , so frequently used by our blessed saviour , of the kingdome of heaven ( importing a gospel state ) doth evidently declare a society , which was constituted by him , on the principles of the gospel covenant . wherefore should our saviour call disciples , and make apostles , and send them abroad with full commission to gather and initiate disciples by baptism ; did hee not intend a visible society for his church ? had it not been enough for men to have cordially beleeved the truth of the gospel , but they must bee enter'd in a solemn visible way , and joyn in participation of visible symbols of bread and wine , but that our saviour required external profession and society in the gospel as a necessary duty , in order to obtaining the priviledges conveyed by his magna charta in the gospel . i would fain know , by what argument wee can prove , that any humane legislator , did ever intend a common-wealth to bee governed according to his mode , by which wee cannot prove that christ by a positive law , did command such a society , as should be governed in a visible manner , as other societies are ? did he not appoint officers himself in the church , and that of many ranks and degrees ? did hee not invest those officers with authority to rule his church ? is it not laid as a charge on them , to take heed to that flock over which god had made them overseers ? are there not rules laid down for the peculiar exercise of their government over the church in all the parts of it ? were not these officers admitted into their function by a most solemn visible rite of imposition of hands ? and are all these solemn transactions a meer peece of sacred pageantry ? and they will appear to bee little more , if the society of the church bee a meer arbitrary thing , depending onely upon consent and confederation , and not subsisting by vertue of any charter from christ , or some positive law , requiring all christians to joyn in church society together . but if now from hence it appears ( as certainly it cannot but appear ) that this society of the church doth subsist by vertue of a divine positive law , then it must of necessity be distinct from any civil society , and that on these accounts , first because there is an antecedent obligation on conscience to associate on the account of christianity , whether humane laws prohibit or command it . from whence , of necessity it follows , that the constitution of the church is really different from that of the common-wealth ; because whether the common-wealth bee for , or against this society , all that own ir are bound to profess it openly , and declare themselves members of it . whereas were the church and common-wealth really and formally the same , all obligation to church society would arise meerly from the legislative power of the common-wealth . but now there being a divine law , binding in conscience , whose obligation cannot bee superseded by any humane law , it is plain and evident , where are such vastly different obligations , there are different powers ; and in this sense i know no incongruity in admitting imperium in imperio , if by it wee understand no external coactive power , but an internal power laying obligation on conscience , distinct from the power lodged in a common-wealth considered as such . an outward coactive power was alwayes disowned by christ , but certainly not an internall power over conscience to oblige all his disciples to what duties hee thought fit . secondly i argue from those officers , whose rights to govern this society are founded on that charter , whereby the society its self subsists . now i would willingly know why , when our saviour disowned all outward power in the world , yet he should constitute a society and appoint officers in it , did hee not intend a peculiar distinct society from the other societies of the world . and therefore the argument frequently used against church-power , because it hath no outward force with it by the constitution of christ , is a strong argument to mee of the peculiarity of a christian society from a common-wealth , because christ so instituted it , as not to have it ruled at first by any outward force or power . when christ saith his kingdome was not of this world ; hee implies , that hee had a society that was governed by his laws in the world , yet distinct from all mundane societies : had not our saviour intended his church to have been a peculiar society , distinct from a common-wealth , why our saviour should interdict the apostles the use of a civil coactive power : or why instead of sending abroad apostles to preach the gospel , hee did not imploy the governours of common-wealths to have inforced christianity by laws and temporal edicts , and the several magistrates to have impowred several persons under them to preach the gospel in their several territories ? and can any thing bee more plain , by our saviours taking a contrary course , then that hee intended a church society to bee distinct from civil , and the power belonging to it , ( as well as the officers ) to bee of a different nature from that which is settled in a common-wealth . i here suppose , that christ hath by a positive law established the government of his church upon officers of his own appointment ; which i have largely proved elsewhere , and therefore suppose it now . thirdly , i argue from the peculiar rights belonging to these societies . for if every one born in the common-wealth , have not thereby a right to the priviledges of the church ; nor every one by being of the church , any right to the benefits of the common-wealth ; it must necessarily follow , that these are distinct from one another . if any one by being of the common-wealth , hath right to church priviledges , then every one born in a common-wealth may challenge a right to the lords supper without baptism or open professing christianity , which i cannot think any will bee very ready to grant . now there being by divine appointment the several rights of baptisme and the lords supper , as peculiar badges of the church as a visible society , it is evident , christ did intend it a society distinct from the common-wealth . fourthly , i argue from the different ends of these societies , a common-wealth is constituted for civil ends , and the church for spiritual : for ends are to be judged by the primary constitution , but now it is plain , the end of civil society is for preservation of mens rights as men ( therefore magistracy is called by st. peter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but this christian society doth not respect men under the connotation of men but as christians . the answer given to this is very short , and insufficient when it is said , that every man in a common-wealth , is to act upon spiritual accounts and ends : for there is a great deal of difference between christianities having an influence upon mens actings in a common-wealth , and making a society the same with a common-wealth . to argue therefore from one to another , is a shortness of discourse i cannot but wonder at : unless it could bee proved , that christianity aimed at nothing else but regulating men in the affairs of a common-wealth , which is a taske i suppose will not bee undertaken . lastly , i argue from the peculiar offences against this society , which are , or may bee distinct from those against a common-wealth , i deny not , but most times they are the same ; but frequently they differ , and when they are the same , yet the consideration of them is different in the church and common-wealth , for which i shall suppose the six arguments produced in the last chapter of the first part to stand good , which will strongly hold to excommunication in the christian church , though there produced only for the jewish . i would fain know what is to bee done in many offences , known to bee against the laws of christ , and which tend to the dishonour of the christian society , which the civil and municipal laws , either do not , or may not take cognizance of ? thus much may serve , as i think to make evident , that the church in it's own nature is a peculiar society distinct from a common-wealth , which was the first proposition to bee proved . the second is , that the power of the church over it's members in case of offences , doth not arise meerly from confederation and consent , though it doth suppose it . this church power may bee considered two waies . either , first , as it implies the right in some of inflicting censures . or secondly , as it implies in others , the duty of submitting to censures inflicted ; now as to both these , i shall prove that their original is higher than meer confederation . . as to the right of inflicting censures , on these accounts . first , what ever society doth subsist by vertue of a divine constitution , doth by vertue thereof derive all power for it's preservation , in peace , unity , and purity ; but it is plain , that a power of censuring offenders , is necessary for the churches preservation in peace and purity ; and it is already proved , that the church hath it's charter from christ , and therefore from him it hath a power to inflict punishments on offenders , suitable to the nature of the society they are of . i am very prone to think that the ground of all the mistakes on this subject have risen from hence , that some , imprudently enough , have fixt the original of this power on some ambiguous places of scripture , which may , and it may bee , ought to bee taken in a different sense ; and their adversaries , finding those places weak and insufficient proofes of such a power , have from thence rejected any such kinde of power at all ; but certainly if wee should reject every truth that is weakly proved by some who have undertaken it , i know no opinion would bid so fair for acceptance as scepticisme , and that in reference to many weighty & important truths ; for how weakly have some proved the existence of a deity , the immortality of the soul , and the truth of the scriptures , by such arguments , that if it were enough to overthrow an opinion to bee able to answer some arguments brought for it , atheism it's self would become plausible . it can bee then no evidence , that a thing is not true , because some arguments will not prove it ; and truly , as to the matter in hand , i am fully of the opinion of the excellent h. grotius , speaking of excommunication in the christian church : neque ad eam rem peculiare praeceptum desideratur , cum ecclesiae caetu , a christo semel constituto , omnia illa imperata censeri debent , sine quibus ejus caetûs puritas retineri non potest . and therefore men spend needless pains to prove an institution of this power by some positive precept , when christs founding his church , as a particular society , is sufficient proof hee hath endowed it with this fundamental right , without which the society , were arena sine calce , a company of persons without any common tye of union among them ; for if there bee any such union , it must depend on some conditions , to bee performed by the members of that society , which how could they require from them , if they have not power to exclude them upon non-performance ? . i prove the divine original of this power from the special appointment and designation of particular officers by jesus christ , for the ruling this society . now i say , that law which provides there shall bee officers to govern , doth give them power to govern , suitable to the nature of their society : either then you must deny , that christ hath by an unalterable institution appointed a gospel ministry , or that this ministry hath no power in the church , or that their power extends not to excommunication . the first i have already proved , the second follows from their appointment , for by all the titles given to church officers in scripture ; it appears they had a power over the church , ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) all which as you well know , do import a right to govern the society over which they are set . and that this power should not extend to a power to exclude , convict offenders , seems very strange , when no other punishment can bee more suitable to the nature of the society than this is ; which is a debarring him from the priviledges of that society , which the offender hath so much dishonoured . can there bee any punishment less imagined towards contumacious offenders then this is , or that carries in it less of outward and coactive force , it implying nothing but what the offender himself freely yeilded to at his entrance into this society ? all that i can find replyed by any of the adversaryes of the opinion i here assert , to the argument drawn from the institution and titles of the officers of the church , is , that all those titles which are given to the ministers of the gospel in the new testament , that do import rule and government , are all to bee taken in a spirituall sense , as they are christs ministers and ambassadors to preach his word and declare his will to his church . so that all power such persons conceive to lye in those titles , is onely doctrinal and declarative ; but how true that is , let any one judge , that considers these things . . that there was certainly a power of discipline then in the churches constituted by the apostles , which is most evident not only from the passages relating to offendors in saint pauls epistles , especially to the corinthians and thessalonians , but from the continued practice of succeeding ages , manifested by tertullian , cyprian , and many others . there being then a power of discipline in apostolical churches , there was a necessity it should be administred by some persons who had the care of those churches ; and who were they but the several pastors of them ? it being then evident that there was such a power , doth it not stand to common sense it should be implyed in such titles which in their natural importance do signifie a right to govern , as the names of pastors and rulers do ? . there is a diversity in scripture made between pastors and teachers , ephes. . . though this may not ( as it doth not ) imply a necessity of two distinct offices in the church , yet it doth a different respect and connotation in the same person ▪ and so imports that ruling carries in it somewhat more then meer teaching , and so the power implyed in pastors to be more then meerly doctrinal , which is all i contend for , viz. a right to govern the flock committed to their charge . . what possible difference can be assigned between the elders that rule well , and those which labour in word and doctrine , ( tim. . . ) if all their ruling were meerly labouring in the word and doctrine ? and all their governing nothing but teaching ? i intend not to prove an office of rulers distinct from teachers from hence ( which i know neither this place , nor any other will do ) but that the formal conception of ruling , is different from that of teaching . . i argue from the analogy between the primitive churches and the synagogues , that as many of the names were taken from thence where they carried a power of discipline with them , so they must do in some proportion in the church ; or it were not easie understanding them . it is most certain the presbyters of the synagogue had a power of ruling ; and can you conceive the bishops and presbyters of the church had none , when the societies were much of the same constitution , and the government of the one was transcribed from the other , as hath been already largely proved ? . the acts attributed to pastors in scripture , imply a power of governing , distinct from meer teaching ; such are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used for a right to govern , matth. . . revel . . . — . . which word is attributed to pastors of churches in reference to their flocks . acts . . pet. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is applyed to ministers , when they are so frequently called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which notes praesidentiam eum potestate ; for hesychius renders is by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at athens had certainly a power of government in them . . the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is attributed to those who have over-sight of churches , cor. . . by which it is certainly evident , that a power more then doctrinal is understood , as that it could not then be understood of a power meerly civil . and this i suppose may suffice to vindicate this argument from the titles of church-officers in the new testament , that they are not insignificant things , but the persons who enjoyed them had a right to govern the society over which the holy-ghost hath made them over-seers . . i argue that church power ariseth not meerly from consent , because the church may exercise her power on such who have not actually confederated with her ; which is in admitting members into the church : for if the church-officers have power to judge whether persons are fit to be admitted , they have power to exclude from admission such whom they judge unfit , and so their power is exercised on those who are not confederated . to this it may be answered , that the consent to be judged , gives the church power over the person suing for admission . i grant it doth , as to that particular person , but the right in general of judging concerning admission , doth argue an antecedent power to an actual confederation . for i will suppose that christ should now appoint some officers to found a church , and gather a society of christians together , where there hath been none before : i now ask , whether these officers have power to admit any into the church or no ? this i suppose cannot be denyed , for to what end else were they appointed ? if it be granted they have power to admit persons , and thereby make a church , then they had power antecedently to any confederation ; for the confederation was subsequent to their admission ; and therefore they who had power to admit , could not derive their power from confederation . this argument , to me , puts the case out of dispute , that all church-power cannot arise from meer confederation . and that which further evidenceth that the power of the church doth not arise from meer consent , is that deed of gift whereby our blessed saviour did confer the power of the keyes on the apostle peter , as the representative in that action of the whole colledge of the apostles and governours of the church , of which power all the apostles were actually infeoffed , john . . by which power of the keyes is certainly meant some administration in the church , which doth respect it as a visible society , in which sense the church is so frequently called , as in that place , the kingdom of heaven ; and in all probability the administration intended here by the power of the keyes , is that we are now discoursing of , viz. the power of admission into the church of christ in order to the pardon of the sins of all penitent believers , and the shutting out of such who were manifestly unworthy of so holy a communion . so that the power of the keyes doth not primarily respect exclusion out of the church , and receiving into it again upon absolution , but it chiefly respects the power of admission into the church , though by way of connotation and analogy of reason it will carry the other along with it . for if the apostles as governours of the church were invested with a power of judging of mens fitness for admission into the church as members of it , it stands to the highest reason that they should have thereby likewise a power conveyed to them , of excluding such as are unworthy after their admission , to maintain communion with the church . so that this interpretation of the power of the keyes , is far from invalidating the power of the church , as to its censuring offendors ; all that it pretends to , is only giving a more natural and genuine sense of the power of the keyes , which will appear so to be , if we consider these things . . that this power was given to saint peter before any christian church was actually formed , which ( as i have elsewhere made manifest ) was not done till after christs resurrection ; when christ had given the apostles their commission to go preach and baptize , &c. matth. . . is it not therefore far more rational that the power of the keyes here given , should respect the founding of a church and admission into it , then ejection out of it ( before it was in being ) and receiving into it again ? and this we find likewise remarkably fulfilled in the person of the apostle peter , who opened the door of admission into the christian church , both to jews and gentiles . so the jews by his sermon at pentecost , when about . souls were brought into the church of christ. so the gentiles , as is most evident in the story of cornelius , acts . . who was the first fruits of the gentiles . so that if we should yield so far to the great inhancers of saint peters power , that something was intended peculiar to his person in the keyes given him by our saviour , we hereby see how rationally it may be understood without the least advantage to the extravagant pretensions of saint peters pretended successors . . the pardon of sin in scripture is most annexed to baptism and admission into the church , and thence it seems evident that the loosing of sin should be by admitting into the church by baptism , in the same sense by which baptism is said to save us , and it is called the washing of regeneration , respecting the spiritual advantages which come by admission into the church of christ ; and so they are said to have their sins bound upon them , who continue refractory in their sins , as simon magus is said to be in the bonds of iniquity . . the metaphor of the keyes referrs most to admission into the house , and excluding out of it , rather then ejecting any out of it , and re-admitting them . thus when eliakim is said to have the keyes of the house of david , it was in regard of his power to open and shut upon whom he pleased . and thus cyprian , as our learned mr. thorndike observes , understands the power of binding and loosing in this sense , in his epistle to john , where speaking of the remission of sins in baptism , he brings these very words of our saviour to peter as the evidence of it ; that what he should loose on earth should be loosed in heaven ; and concludes with this sentence . vnde intelligimus non nisi in ecclesiâ praepositis & in evangelicâ lege ac dominicâ ordinati●ne fundatis licere baptizare , & remissam peccatorum dare ; foris autem nec ligari aliquid posse nec solvi , ubi non sit qui ligare possit aut solvere . that which i now inferr from this discourse is , that the power of the church doth not arise from meer consent and confederation , both because this power doth respect those who have not actually consented to it , and because it is settled upon the governours of the church by divine institution . thus it appears that the right of inflicting censures doth not result meerly ex confederatâ disciplinâ , which was the thing to be proved . the like evidence may be given , for the duty of submitting to penalties or church-censures in the members of the church : which that it ariseth not from meer consent of parties , will appear on these accounts . . every person who enters this society , is bound to consent , before he doth it , because of the obligation lying upon conscience to an open profession of christianity , presently upon conviction of the understanding of the truth and certainty of christian religion . for when once the mind of any rational man is so far wrought upon by the influence of the divine spirit , as to discover the most rational and undoubted evidences which there are of the truth of christianity , he is presently obliged to profess christ openly , to worship him solemnly , to assemble with others for instruction and participation of gospel-ordinances ; and thence it follows that there is an antecedent obligation upon conscience to associate with others , and consequently to consent to be governed by the rulers of the society which he enters into . so that this submission to the power of church-officers in the exercise of discipline upon offendors , is implyed in the very conditions of christianity , and the solemn professing and undertaking of it . . it were impossible any society should be upheld , if it be not laid by the founder of the society as the necessary duty of all members to undergo the penalties which shall be inflicted by those who have the care of governing that society , so they be not contrary to the laws , nature , and constitution of it . else there would be no provision made for preventing divisions and confusions which will happen upon any breach made upon the laws of the society . now this obligation to submission to censures , doth speak something antecedently to the confederation , although the expression of it lies in the confederation its self . by this i hope we have made it evident that it is nothing else but a mistake in those otherwise learned persons , who make the power of censures in the christian-church to be nothing else but a lex cenfederatae disciplinae , whereas this power hath been made appear to be derived from a higher original then the meer arbitrary consent of the several members of the church associating together : and how far the examples of the synagogues under the law , are from reaching that of christian churches in reference to this , because in these the power is conveyed by the founder of the society , and not left to any arbitrary constitutions , as it was among the jews in their synagogues . it cannot be denyed but consent is supposed , and confederation necessary , in order to church power , but that is rather in regard of the exercise , then the original of it ; for although i affirm the original of this power to be of divine institution , yet in order to the exercise of it in reference to particular persons ( who are not mentioned in the charter of the power its self ) it is necessary that the persons on whom it is exerted , should declare their consent and submission either by words or actions , to the rules and orders of this society . having now proved that the power of the church doth not arise from meer consent of parties , the next grand inquiry is concerning the extent of this power , whether it doth reach so far as to excommunication ? for some men who will not seem wholly to deny all power in the church over offendors , nor that the church doth subsist by divine institution , yet do wholly deny any such power as that of excommunication , and seem rather to say that church officers may far more congruously to their office inflict any other mulct upon offendors , then exclude them from participation of communion with others in the ordinances and sacraments of the gospel : in order therefore to the clearing of this , i come to the third proposition . that the power which christ hath given to the officers of his church , doth extend to the exclusion of contumacious offendors from the priviledges which this society enjoyes . in these terms i rather choose to fix it , then in those crude expressions , wherein erastus and some of his followers would state the question , and some of their imprudent adversaries have accepted it , viz. whether church-officers have power to exclude any from the eucharist , ob moralem impuritatem ? and the reasons why i wave those terms , are , . i must confess my self yet unsatisfied as to any convincing argument , whereby it can be proved that any were denyed admission to the lords supper , who were admitted to all other parts of church-society , and owned as members in them . i cannot yet see any particular reason drawn from the nature of the lords supper above all other parts of divine worship , which should confine the censures of the church meerly to that ordinance ; and so to make the eucharist bear the same office in the body of the church , which our new anatomists tell us the parenchyme of the liver doth in the natural body , viz. to be colum sanguinis , to serve as a kind of strainer to separate the more gross and faeculent parts of the blood from the more pure and spirituous ; so the lords supper to strain out the more impure members of the church from the more holy and spiritual . my judgement then is , that excommunication relates immediately to the cutting a person off from communion with the churches visible society , constituted upon the ends it is ; but because communion is not visibly discerned but in administration and participation of gospel ordinances , therefore exclusion doth chiefly refer to these , and because the lords supper is one of the highest priviledges which the church enjoyes , therefore it stands to reason that censures should begin there . and in that sense suspension from the lords supper of persons apparently unworthy , may be embraced as a prudent , lawful and convenient abatement of the greater penalty of excommunication , and so to stand on the same general grounds that the other doth ; for qui potest majus , potest etiam minus , which will hold as well in moral as natural power , if there be no prohibition to the contrary , nor peculiar reason as to the one more then to the other . . i dislike the terms ob moralem impuritatem , on this account , because i suppose they were taken up by erastus ▪ and from him by others as the controversie was managed concerning excommunication among the jews , viz. whether it were meerly because of ceremonial , or else likewise because of moral impurity . as to which i must ingenuously acknowledge erastus hath very much the advantage of his adversaries , clearly proving that no persons under the law were excluded the temple-worship because of moral impurity . but then withall i think he hath gained little advantage to his cause by the great and successful pains he hath taken in the proving of that ; my reason is , because the temple-worship or the sacrifices under the law were in some sense propitiatory , as they were the adumbrations of that grand sacrifice which was to be offered up for the appeasing of gods wrath , viz. the blood of christ ; therefore to have excluded any from participation of them , had been to exclude them from the visible way of obtaining pardon of sin ( which was not to be had without shedding of blood , as the apostle tells us ) and from testifying their faith towards god , and repentance from dead works . but now under the gospel those ordinances , which suppose admission into the church by baptism , do thereby suppose an alsufficient sacrifice offered for the expiation of sin , and consequently the subsequent priviledges do not immediately relate to the obtaining of that , but a grateful comemmoration of the death of christ , and a celebration of the infinite mercy and goodness of god in the way of redemption found out by the death of his son. and therefore it stands to great reason that such persons , who by their profane and unworthy lives dishonour so holy a profession , should not be owned to be as good and sound members of the society founded on so sacred a foundation , as the most christian and religious persons . to this , i know nothing can be objected , but that first , the passeover was commemorative among the jews ; and secondly , that the priviledges of that people were then very great above other people , and therefore if god had intended any such thing as excommunication among his people , it would have been in use then . to these i answer . . i grant the passeover was commemorative as to the occasion of its institution ; but then it was withall typical and annunciative of that lamb of god who was to take away the sins of the world , and therefore no person who desired expiation of sins , was to be debard from it ; but the lords supper under the gospel hath nothing in it propitiatory , but is intended as a feast upon a sacrifice and a federal rite , as hath been fully cleared by a very learned person in his discourse about the true notion of the lords supper . . i grant the jews had very many priviledges above other nations : nay so far , that the whole body of the people were looked upon as gods chosen , and peculiar and holy people ; and from thence i justly infer that whatever exclusion was among the people of the jews from their society , will far better hold as an argument for excommunication under the christian church , then if it had been a meer debarring from their levitical worship . and that i should far sooner insist upon , from the reason assigned , as the ground of excommunication , then the other infirm and profligated argument ; and so the exclusion out of the camp of israel and the cerith among the jews ( whatever we understand by it ) may à pari hold to a ground of exclusion from the christian society : in imitation of which , i rather suppose that exclusion out of the synagogues was after taken up , rather then as a meer out-lawry , when they were deprived of civill power . the question then being thus clearly stated , it amounts to this , whether under the gospel , there be any power in the officers of the church by vertue of divine institution to exclude any offenders out of the christian society , for transgressing the laws of it ? and according to our former propositions , i suppose it will be sufficient to prove that power to be of divine institution , if i prove it to be fundamentally and intrinsecally resident in the society its self . for what ever doth immediately result from the society it self , must have the same original which the subject hath , because this hath the nature of an inseparable property resulting from its constitution . for the clearing of which , i shall lay down my thoughts of it as clearly and methodically as i can ; and that in these following hypotheses . . where there is a power of declaring any person to be no true member of the society he is in , there is a formal power of excommunication : for this is all which i intend by it , viz. an authoritative pronouncing virtute officii , any convict offender to have forfeited his interest in the church as a christian society : and to lose all the priviledges of i● : so that if this power be lodged in any church officer , then he hath power formally to excommunicate . . where the enjoyment of the priviledges of a society is not absolute and necessary , but depends upon conditions to be performed by every member , of which the society is judge , there is a power in the rulers of that society to debarr any person from such priviledges , upon non-performance of the conditions . as supposing the jus civitatis to depend upon defending the rights of the city ; upon a failing in referente to this in any person admitted to citizen-ship , the rulers of the city have the same power to take that right away , which they had at first to give it ; because that right was never absolutely given , but upon supposition that the person did not overthrow the ends for which it was bestowed upon him . . the church is such a society in which communion is not absolute and necessary , but it doth depend on the performance of some conditions , of which the governours of it are the competent judges : and that appears , . because the admission into the church , depends upon conditions to be judged by pastors , as in case of adult persons requiring baptism , and the children of infidels being baptized : in both which cases it is evident that conditions are prerequisite , of which the pastors are judges . . because the priviledges of this society do require a separation from other societies in the world , and calls for greater holiness and purity of life ; and those very priviledges are pledges of greater benefits which belong only to persons qualified with suitable conditions ; it would therefore be a very great dishonour to this society , if it lay as common and open as other societies in the world do , and no more qualifications required from the members of it . . we have instances in the sacred records of apostolical times , of such scandals which have been the ground of the exclusion of the persons guilty of them from the priviledges of the christian society . and here i suppose we may ( notwithstanding all the little evasions which have been found out ) fix on the incestuous person in the church of corinth . as to which i lay not the force of the argument upon the manner of execution of the censure then , viz. by delegation from an apostle , or the apostolical rod , or delivering to satan ; for i freely grant that these did then import an extraordinary power in the apostles over offenders ; but i say the ground and reason of the exercise of that power in such an extraordinary manner at that time , doth still continue , although not in that visible extraordinary effect which it then had . and whatever practice is founded upon grounds perpetual and common , that practice must continue as long as the grounds of it do , and the churches capacity will admit ; ( which hypothesis is the only rational foundation on which episcopal government in the church doth stand firm and unshaken , and which in the former discourse i am far from undermining of , as any intelligent reader may perceive ) now i say that it is evident that the reasons of the apostles censure of that person , are not fetched from the want of christian magistrates , but from such things which will hold as long as any christian church : which are the dishonour of the society . corinth . , . the spreading of such corruptions further , if they pass uncensured . corinth . . . and amendment of the person , cor. . . upon these pillars the power of censures rests it self in the church of god , which are the main grounds of penalties in all societies whatsoever , viz. the preservation of the honour of them , and preventing of further mischief , and doing good to the offending party . and that which seems to add a great deal of weight to this instance , is , that the apostle checks the corinthians that before the exercise of the apostolical rod , they were not of themselves sensible of so great a dishonour to the church as that was , and had not used some means for the removing such a person from their society . and ye are puffed up , and have not rather mourned that he that hath done this deed may be taken away from among you , corinth . . . therein implying , that whether there had been such a thing in the church , or no , as the apostolical rod , it had been the duty of a christian society to have done their endeavour in order to the removing such a person from their number . but further , i cannot understand , how it should be a duty in christians to withdraw from every brother who walketh disorderly , and church-officers not to have power to pronounce such a person to be withdrawn from , which amounts to excommunication . it is not to me at all material , whether they did immediately relate to civil or sacred converse , ( concerning which there is so much dispute ) for in which soever we place it , if church-officers have a power to pronounce such a person to be withdrawn from , they have a power of excommunication ; so we consider this penalty as inflicted on the person in his relation to the society as a christian ; and withall , how nearly conjoyned their civil and spiritual eating were together , corinth , . , . and how strongly the argument will hold from civil to sacred , viz. à remotione unius ad remotionem alterius , not from any fancyed pollution in sacris from the company of wicked men , but from the dishonour reflecting on the society from such unworthy persons partaking of the highest priviledges of it . thus from these three hypotheses this corollary follows , that where any persons in a church do by their open and contumacious offences , declare to the world that they are far from being the persons they were supposed to be in their admission into the church , there is a power resident in the pastors of the church to debar such persons from the priviledges of it , and consequently from communion in the lords supper . . because this expresseth the nearest union and closest confederation , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the grecian common-wealths did . . because this hath been alwayes looked on with greatest veneration in the church of god ; and therefore it is least of all fit those persons should be admitted to the highest priviledges of the church , which are unworthy of the lowest of them . there remain only some few objections which are levelled against this opinion concerning the power of excommunication , which from the question being thus stated and proved , will be soon removed . the first is that this excommunication is an outward punishment , and therefore belongs not to church-officers , but to the magistrate . . because it neither is nor ever was in the power of any church-officer to debar any offending member from publick worship , because any heathens may come to it . . it cannot lie as to exclusion from the lords supper , because christ is offered as spiritual food , as well in the word preached as in the sacrament . to these i answer . . i do not well understand what the objectors mean by an outward punishment ; for there can be no punishment belonging to a visible society , ( such as the church is here considered to be ) but it must be visible , i. e. outward , or a thing to be taken notice of in the world ; and in this sense i deny that all visible punishment belongs only to the magistrate ; but if by outward , be meant forcible punishment , then i grant that all coactive power belongs to the magistrate ; but i deny that excommunication formally considered , is a forcible punishment . . because every person at his entrance into this society , is supposed to declare his submission to the rules of the society ; and therefore whatever he after undergoes by way of penalty in this society , doth depend upon that consent . . a person stands excommunicate legally and de jure , who is declared authoritativly to be no member of the society , though he may be present at the acts of it ; as a defranchised person may be at those of a corporation . . a person falling into those offences which merit excommunication , is supposed in so doing , voluntarily to renounce his interest in those prviledges , the enjoyment of which doth depend upon abstaining from those offences which he wilfully falls into ; especially if contumacy be joyned with them , as it is before excommunication ; for then nothing is done forcibly towards him ; for he first relinquisheth his right , before the church-governour declares him excluded the society . so that the offendor doth meritoriously excommunicate himself , the pastor doth it formally , by declaring that he hath made himself no member by his offences and contumacy joyned with them . to the second i answer , that i do not place the formality of excommunication in exclusion from hearing the word , but in debarring the person from hearing tanquam pars eoclesiae , as a member of the church , and so his hearing may be well joined with that of heathens and infidels , and not of members of the church . to the third i answer , that exclusion from the lords supper is not on the accounts mentioned in the objection , but because it is one of the chiefest priviledges of the church , as it is a visible society . having thus cleared and asserted the power of excommunication in a christian church , there remains only one enquiry more , which is , whether this power doth remain formally in the church , after its being incorporated into the common-wealth , or else doth it then escheate wholly into the civil power ? the resolution of which question mainly depends on another spoken to already ; viz. whether this power was only a kind of widows estate , which belonged to it only during its separation from the civil power , or was the church absolutely infeoffed of it as its perpetual right , belonging to it in all conditions whatsoever it should be in ? now that must appear by the tenure of it , and the grounds on which it was conveyed , which having been proved already to be perpetual and universal , it from thence appears that no accession to the church can invalidate its former title . but then as in case of marriage , the right of disposal and well management of the estate coming by the wife , belongs to the husband ; so after the church is married into the common wealth , the right of supream management of this power in an external way doth fall into the magistrates hands . which may consist in these following things . . a right of prescribing laws for the due management of church-censures . a right of bounding the manner of proceeding in censures , that in a settled christian state , matters of so great weight be not left to the arbitrary pleasure of any church-officers , nor such censures inflicted but upon an evident conviction of such great offences which tend to the dishonour of the christian church , and that in order to the amendment of the offendors life . . the right of adding temporal and civil sanctions to church-censures and so enforcing the spiritual weapons of the church , with the more keen and sharp ones of the civil state . thus i assert the force and efficacy of all church-censures in foro humano to flow from the civil power , and that there is no proper effect following any of them as to civil rights , but from the magistrates sanction . . to the magistrate belongs the right of appeals in case of unjust censures ; not that the magistrate can repeal a just censure in the church , as to its spiritual effects ; but he may suspend the temporal effect of it : in which case it is the duty of pastors to discharge their office and acquiesce . but this power of the magistrate in the supream ordering of ecclesiastical as well as civil causes , i have fully asserted and cleared already . from which it follows , that as to any outward effects of the power of excommunication , the person of the supream magistrate must be exempted , both because the force of these censures doth flow from him in a christian state , and that there otherwise would be a progress in infinitum , to know whether the censure of the magistrate were just or no. i conclude then , that though the magistrate hath the main care of ordering things in the church , yet ( the magistrates power in the church being cumulative , and not privative ) the church and her officers retain the fundamental right of inflicting censures on offenders : which was the thing to be proved . dedit deus his quoque finem . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . apud . agust . de civit. de l. . c. . §. . §. . §. . §. . iren. p. . c. . iren. p. . c. . §. . §. . in luk. . §. . §. . matth. . . iren. p. . ch . §. . p. . acts . . pet. . . tit. . . acts . . isa. . . cypr. ep. . sect . . §. . §. . heb. . . §. . cor. . . thess. . . §. . iren. p. . c. . sect . . the agreement of the associated ministers & churches of the counties of cumberland, and vvestmerland: with something for explication and exhortation annexed. gilpin, richard, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason e _ this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the agreement of the associated ministers & churches of the counties of cumberland, and vvestmerland: with something for explication and exhortation annexed. gilpin, richard, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by t.l. for simon vvaterson, & are sold at the sign of the globe in pauls church-yard, and by richard scot, bookseller in carlisle, london : . attributed to richard gilpin. titlepage in red and black. annotation on thomason copy: "august. ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church polity -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century -- early works to . great britain -- history -- commonwealth and protectorate, - -- early works to . a (thomason e _ ). civilwar no the agreement of the associated ministers & churches of the counties of cumberland,: and vvestmerland: with something for explication and e gilpin, richard d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the agreement of the associated ministers & churches of the counties of cumberland , and vvestmerland : with something for explication and exhortation annexed . cor. . , , , . now i beseech you brethren , by the name of our lord iesus christ that ye all speak the same thing , and that there be no divisions among you : but that ye be perfectly joyned together in the same minde , and in the same judgment , &c. cor. . , . vvhereas there is among you envying , and strife , and divisions , are ye not carnal , and walk as men ? for while one saith , i am of paul , and another , i am of apollo ; are ye not carnal ? rom. . . let us therefore follow after the things which make for peace , and things wherewith one may edifie another . phil. . . look not every man on his own things ; but every man also on the things of others . rom. . , . now i beseech you brethren , mark them which cause divisions , and offences , &c. and avoid them , &c. london , printed by of for ● vvaterson , & are sold at the sign of the globe in pauls church-yard , and by richard scot . bookseller in carlisle ▪ . propositions agreed upon by the associated ministers of the covnties of cumberland , and vvestmerland . when we compare the present miseries and distempers with our former confident expectations of unitie , and reformation , our hearts bleed , and melt within us ; we are become a by-word to our adversaries , they clap their hands at us , saying , is this the city that men call the perfection of beauty ? piety is generally decayed , most men placing their religion in doting about questions which they understand not : prophaneness thrives through want of discipline ; error and blasphemie domineers ; jealousies , divisions , unmerciful revilings , and censurings , are fomented among brethren of the same houshold of faith ; the weak ones are discouraged and distracted by the multitude of opinions , and fierce opposition of each party , and that which is worst of all , gods honor suffers deeply , and the credit of religion is brought very lowe ; is this nothing to you , all yee that pass by ? though these things can never be sufficiently lamented ; yet seeing it is not sufficient barely to lament them , without indeavouring to heal them : and considering , that it is a duty incumbent upon all christians , ( according to their several places and abilities ) to promote the welfare of sion ; especially when wee have tasted so much of the bitterness of our divisions : and because a brotherly union hath so much of god in it , and consequently gives so much hope that god will take that course in establishing his church , when he shall arise to build ierusalem ; and seeing it is an unjustifyable pettishness and peevishness of spirit , to be averse from joyning together in any thing , because we cannot joyn in all things ; therefore we resolve ( setting aside all carnal interests , and casting our selves , with all our concernments , at the lords feet ) to walk together as far as we can for the present , not resting here , nor tying our selves from further progress in union , ( as the lord shall give light and satisfaction ) much less binding our selves from a submission to , and compliance with a more general accommodation , ( if any such thing should hereafter be agreed on ) which might be more sutable and fitted for the composure of the different principles of brethren throughout the nation . in order to the carrying on of this great work , wee lay down and assent unto these general rules , as the basis and foundation which must support and bear up our following agreement . . that in the exercise of discipline , it is not onely the most safe course , but also most conducing to brotherly union and satisfaction , that particular churches carry on as much of their work with joynt and mutual assistance , as they can with conveniency and edification , and as little as may be in their actings , to stand distinctly by themselves , and apart from each other . . that in matters of church discipline , those things which belong onely † ad melius esse , ought to be laid aside , both in respect of publication and practice , rather then that the churches peace should be hindered . . that where different principles lead to the same practice , wee may joyn together in that practice , reserving to each of us our own principles . . that where we can neither agree in principle , nor in practice , we are to bear with one another's differences , that are of a less and disputable nature , vvithout making them a ground of division amongst us . yet notwithstanding , we do not hereby binde up our selves from endeavouring to inform one another in those things wherein we differ , so that it be done with a spirit of love and meekness , and vvith resolutions to continue our brotherly amity and association , though in those particulars our differences should remain uncomposed . upon these grounds we agree as followeth . . seeing the lord hath called us out of his work , and hath imployed us as ambassadors , stewards , watchmen , and overseers , in his church , we resolve through his assistance , to endeavour the discharge of our duty and trust herein , unreservedly , and with all faithfulness , to the utmost of our power , though hereby vve hazard reproach , revilings , contempts , injuries , loss of friends , and maintenance , or whatsoever else may be dear to us . . to this end we resolve in the course of our ministery , to observe the temper , disposition , and capacity of the generality of the people , and to suit our selves not onely in our matter to the people's conditions , but also in our expressions to the people's apprehensions , that so our sermons may bee plain , piercing , seasonable , and profitable . . particularly , we resolve undauntedly ( and yet according to the rules of christian prudence ) to reprove the sins that most abound in our people , and shall mainly bend the force of our endeavours to convince men of their carnal security , to discover the rotten and deceitful props on which it is built , and to press them to the acceptance of christ according to the proffers of the gospel . . we will lay out our selves in keeping lectures ( as the seasons of the yeer will permit ) wherein we will more especially have regard to those places that are destitute of preaching . . we resolve to catechise and instruct the people committed to us , explaning to them the grounds of religion , that knowledge may increase among them ; and to this purpose we conceive it most fit to make use of the assemblies larger and shorter catechisms . . we resolve , besides the work of publike preaching , and catechising , to instruct them privately from house to house , ( so far as our publike work will permit ) that so we may have an opportunity of being more throughly acquainted with their state and condition , and of dealing with them more closely , and particularly , as occasion shal require , striving alwayes to improve our occasional discourses and commerce with them to that end , having our words seasoned with salt , that they may administer grace to the hearers . . forasmuch as affliction and sickness doth not onely call for ministerial help and advice in a more especial manner ; but also gives opportunity and advantage for counsel or reproof ; therefore wee resolve to be as diligent in visiting the sick and afflicted , as other labours , greatness of our charge , and ability to go abroad will suffer us ; and that not only the rich , and those that desire us , but also the poor , and those that send not for us . . seeing we are in scripture commanded to love all men , and as much as in us lieth , to follow peace with all ; and yet warned to reserve our brotherly kindness and delight for those that walk holily ; therefore we resolve in our society , as well as in dispencing of ordinances , to put a difference between the precious and the vile ; and though we intend not to deny that charity , help , civility and duty that we owe unto the scandalous , yet will we bestow our love of complacencie onely on those that order their conversations aright , lest by intimacie with wicked men , we strengthen the hands of evill doers , grieve the hearts of the godly , and ensnare our own souls . . seeing the sins of sabbath-breaking , swearing , fornication and drunkenness are so abominable in the sight of god and men , and yet so frequent , we resolve , besides the reproving of these sins in publike and private , to endeavor to bring such offenders to the punishment of the law , in thosed cases provided . . we will instruct our people publikely , concerning the nature of the discipline of christ , & shal press the necessity of their submission to it , according to the rule of scripture . because it hath been the commendable practise of the saints of old , in order to the reformation of the churches , publikely and solemnly to renew the covenant with god ; and because in this age , temptations to apostacie , and back-slidings from the faith are strong and frequent , and because our hearts are so ready to start aside from the power of discipline , that we daily stand in need of all possible obligations to submission ; therefore we resolve to require from our people an assent to the truths of christ , ( contained in a short confession of faith hereunto annexed ) and a profession of their consent to submit unto , and accept of the terms of the covenant of grace , to take the lord for their god ; to walk in his wayes ; to fear , love , honor and obey him with all their heart , and with all their might , and to submit to discipline and government . yet . we are so far from resolving to satisfie our selves with the bare recital and repetition of the words of the profession , &c. that we shall endeavour to make the people not onely to profess with understanding , but ( so far as we can ) with feeling apprehensions of what they speak . . neither do we intend strictly to bind all to the same circumstances of professing their consent , but ( if any professing & owning the substance ) shall scruple at any particular circumstance , we resolve to use towards such , all possible meekness and condiscention . . besides a professed competent knowledge of the fundamentals of religion , we resolve to require an unblameable conversation in all those whom we shall admit to the sacrament of the lords supper , both these being necessary for the discovery of peoples present fitness and right , * in foro ecclesiae , to the actual enjoyment of that ordinance . . because the ordinances of god may , on the one hand , be prophaned , by the sinful neglect and carelessness of the church-guides ; and because on the other hand , people may be wronged by a rash and groundless exclusion ; therefore in the judging and determining of peoples present fitness for that sacrament , we resolve to set before us these following rules , both in point of knowledge and scandal . in point of knowledge . . because the truth of grace is utterly inconsistent with a total ignorance of the fundamentals of religion ; and because such persons , not being able to discern the lords body , would eat and drink judgement to themselves ; therefore we resolve , not to admit any that upon trial shall be found to be such , to the sacrament of the supper . . we shall not reject any as ignorant that have a competent knowledge of those heads of divinity , mentioned by the assembly in the form of church-government , pag. . all such persons who shall be admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper , ought to know , that there is a god ; that there is but one everliving and true god , maker of heaven and earth , and governor of all things ; that this onely true god , is the god whom we worship ; that this god is but one god , yet three distinct persons , the father , son and holy ghost , all equally god . that god created man after his own image , in knowledge , righteousness , and true holiness ; that by one man sin entred into the world , and death by sin , and so death passed upon all men , for that all have sinned ; that thereby they are all dead in trespasses and sins , and are by nature the children of wrath , and so lyable to eternal death , the wages of every sin . that there is but one mediator betwixt god and man , the man christ iesus , who is also over all , god blessed for ever ; neither is there salvation in any other . that he was conceived by the holy ghost , and born of the virgin mary ; that he died upon the cross to save his people from their sins ; that he rose again the third day from the dead , ascended into heaven , sitteth at the right hand of god , and maketh continual intercession for us ; of whose fulness we receive all grace necessary to salvation . that christ and his benefits are applied onely by faith ; that faith is the gift of god , and that we have it not of our selves , but it is wrought in us by the word , and the spirit of god . that faith is that grace whereby we believe and trust in christ for remission of sins and life everlasting according to the promises of the gospel ; that whosoever believes not in the son of god , shall not see life , but shall perish eternally . that they who truly repent of their sins , do see them , sorrow for them , and turn from them to the lord ; and that except men repent , they shall surely perish . that a godly life is conscionably ordered according to the word of god , in holiness and righteousnses , without which no man shall see god . that the sacraments are seals of the covenant of grace in the blood of christ ; that the sacraments of the new testament are baptism , and the supper of the lord ; that the outward elements in the lords supper are bread and wine , and do signifie the body and blood of christ crucified , which the worthy receiver by faith doth partake of in the sacrament , which christ hath likewise ordained for the remembrance of his death ; that whosoever eateth and drinketh unworthily , is guilty of the body and blood of the lord ; therefore that every one is to examine himself , left he eat and drink judgement to himself , not discerning the lords body . that the souls of the faithful after death doe immediately live with christ in blessedness ; and that the souls of the wicked do immediately go into hell torment ; that there shal be a resurrection of the bodies both of the just and unjust at the last day , at which time all shall appear before the judgement-seat of christ , to receive according to what they have done in the body , whether it be good or evil ; and that the righteous shall go into life eternal , and the wicked into everlasting punishment . . we must not expect from the ordinary sort of people , ( who through want of breeding , and other natural defects , are usually unable well to express their mindes ) a distinct or continued discourse of these things , and therefore we shall be satisfyed , if we can but perceive that they understand the substance . . we must take care not to make a question more difficult by our dark and cloudy expressions ; but must endeavor to propound things in the plainest terms we can . . though we may propound higher and more difficult questions , for discovery of , and provocation to growth in knowledge ; yet we wil always ( as neer as we can ) make their knowledge or ignorance in the points mentioned , the rule of our discerning and determination . . and in case any give not that satisfaction we desire , we will endeavour to discover whether it be , first , from their unacquaintedness with the terms & words of the question ; or secondly , from bashfulness or shamefacedness ; or thirdly , from natural impediments ; or fourthly , from ignorance of the thing it self ; and accordingly we wil propound the question in other words , or fetch a compass , to see if they can take a hint from something introductory ; however in case no satisfactory account can be given , we wil not set the parties aside , as if we took no further care , but shall endeavour to instruct them with all meekness and patience . . because we finde by experience , that many people speak of the fundamentals of religion in a meer form of words by roat , without understanding the sense and meaning thereof ; in propounding our questions we will of purpose forbear the words and method of ordinary catechisms . in point of scandal . . forasmuch as scandalous sinners cannot be admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper without great dishonor to god , defiling and abusing of that holy ordinance , sin and judgement to themselves , the indangering of the leavening the whole lump , & uncharitable unfaithfulness in those that knowingly admit them ; therefore we resolve not to receive any ( of what degree , quality or relation soever ) to this ordinance , that can be proved to be scandalously sinful . . in regard we can only take cognizance of peoples outward and ecclesiasticall right to ordinances ; therefore we resolve in matters of scandal , not to proceed against any according to our private satisfactions , suspitions , dis-satisfactions , or rumours ; but according to outward , visible , and full proof of the matter of fact . . because all sins are not alike heinous & scandalous , some being such in one single act ; others only in respect of continuance , & other aggravating circumstances ; thereforefore we resolve to distinguish betwixt sin and sin ; wherein that we may proceed both more unanimously and safely , we shall take the assemblies direction for our rule , looking upon those sins mentioned by them in the form of church government as scandalous , though but once committed . their words are these : all scandalous persons hereafter mentioned , are to be suspended from the sacrament of the lords supper : that is to say ; all persons that shall blasphemously speak or write any thing of god , his holy word or sacraments ; all renouncers of the true protestant religion professed in the church of england ; & all persons who shall by preaching or writing , maintain any such errors as do subvert any of those articles , the ignorance whereof doth render any person excluded from the sacrament of the lords supper ; an incestuous person , an adulterer , a fornicator , a drunkard , a prophane swearer or curser ; one that hath taken away the life of any person maliciously ; all worshippers of images , crosses , crucifixes , or reliques ; all that shall make images or pictures of the trinity , or of any person thereof ; all religious worshippers of saints , angels , or any meer creatures ; any person that shal profess himself not to be in charity with his neighbor ; all persons in whom malice appeareth , and they refuse to be reconciled ; any person that shall challenge any other person by word , message or writing to fight , or that shall accept such challenge , and agree thereto ; any person that shall knowingly carry any challenge by word , message or writing ; any person that shall upon the lords day use any dancing , playing at dice , or cards , or any other game , masking , wakes , shooting , bowling , playing , playing at foot-ball , stool-ball , wrestling ; or that shall make resort to any playes , interludes , fencing , bull-baiting , bear-baiting ; or that shall use hawking , hunting , or coursing , fishing or fowling ; or that shall publikely expose any wares to sale otherwise then is provided by an ordinance of parliament of the th . of april , . any person that shall travel on the lords day without reasonable cause ; any person that keepeth a known stews , or brothelhouse , or that shall sollicite the chastity of any person for himself , or any other : any person , father or mother , that that shall consent to the marriage of their children to a papist , or any person that shall marry a papist ; any person that shall repaire for any advice to any witch , wizard , or fortune-teller ; any person that shall menace or assault his parents , or any magistrate , minister , or elder in the execution of his office ; any person that shall be legally attainted of barrotry ; forgery ; extortion or bribery . . much tenderness is to be used in judging of less sins that have more then ordinary advantage against men by sudden surprisal ▪ as passion ; &c. and in the out-breaking of sins that have formerly been customary , but are now striven against and weakned ; in such ordinary failings as are daily incident to the servant of god , in matter of debt , titles or particular interests ; & in all other things wherein the sinfulness is dubious and disputable . we resolve in less sins to have regard to the constant tenure of the parties life and carriage ; as whether he be ordinarily otherwise strict or careless ; and to the circumstances of frequency , obstinacy , company , provocation , &c. which might either aggravate or lessen the offence . . in case the party offending upon reproof , shall manifest repentance by a serious profession of sorrow , ( not sleight and meerly verbal ) he ought to be received again . . and if the party professing repentance , shall readily return to the same sin once , and again ; or to any other scandalous sin , though he again profess repentance , yet we will defer his re-admission til we have trial of his reformation for some competent time . . because it often falls out , that mens actions are lyable to mis-constructions , and mis-apprehensions , especially amongst the weaker sort of christians , and when the party lieth under prejudice ; and lest brotherly inspection degenerate into an unbrotherly prying into , and discovering of other mens actions ; and generally for the avoiding of disorder , and other inconveniences , we resolve not to encourage any private christian , immediately to acquaint the church with the private failings of a brother , till he have first admonished him privately , and ( in case he hearken not ) before witnesses , and when the fruitlessness of these endeavours shall necessitate the publication of the fact , yet will we not countenance the bringing of the matter before the congregation , until the church-officers be first acquainted with it . . forasmuch as in the business of scandal it is unreasonable and uncharitable to take up against men old offences of any considerable distance from the time present ; and because in some cases it will be necessary to require some testimony of humiliation , even for sins of ancient date ; and in regard we cannot punctually determine how far back into the time past we may look for laying scandals to mens charge ; therefore we resolve to proceed warily in such cases , and not to do any thing without the advice of the association . . we shall do the like in those sins that render men obnoxious to the law , either in regard of life , liberty or estates , as also in any other case not foreseen , or provided for , in the foregoing rules . . vve agree , not to press a declaration of the time and manner of the work of grace upon the people , as a necessary proof of their actual present right to the lords supper , nor to exclude persons meerly for want of that , yet will we accept it , if any will be pleased to offer it freely . . vve agree , not to rest satisfyed with the bare exclusion of an obstinate scandalous sinner from the sacrament of the supper , but shall endeavour faithfully and sincerely ( as god shall enable us ) to prosecute the rule of christ , matt. . . against any such offender ; and if he refuse to hear the church , he shall be to us as an heathen , and a publicane , . because members living much distant from their pastors , and from one another , must unavoidably be ( in great part ) deprived of the priviledge , and come short of the duty , both of constant inspection , and mutual edefication ; and also for the preventing of disorders and offences , both in ministers and people , we agree , that we will not admit into any of our churches , those that live in other congregations ; execept , first , they haue no minister at all ; or secondly , one that is scandalous ; or thirdly , one that hath not competent abilities for the vvork of the ministry . yet . in case afterwards a godly able minister be established where there was none , or such as were scandalous and unfit ; then we will seriously advise those , whom in the cases aforesaid we have admitted , to joyn themselves to that minister . . we resolve to consult with the association concerning the justness or unjustnefs of exceptions in point of scansdal , or inabilitie of ministers , made by those that desire to be entertained in other congregations , because we conceive , that neither the people that desire to depart from such ministers , nor the ministers with whom they desire to joyne , are competent judges in such an interested case ; yet if the exceptions be such as are approved of by the association , we conceive it fittest for the reasons abovesaid , that they joyne themselves to the neerest congregation , where a godly and able minister is setled . . neither do we intend hereby to debar people from the occasional hearing of other ministers or from the occasional partaking of other ordinances in another congregation , so that this liberty be not used to the apparent prejudice of the ministry and discipline of their own congregation . . when a minister is to be ordained unto a congregation , we agree , that godly and able ministers of neighbor congregations , be called to be employed in the examination and trial of the fitness of the party to be set apart to that weighty office , and in the act of ordination . . though we differ about the first subject of the power of the keys , yet forasmuch as we all agree , that the affairs of the church are to be managed by the officers thereof , therefore we conclude that the examination and determination of things in cases of admission and rejections , and other church acts , shall be permitted by the officers ; yet so that the people have notice of what they resolve and conclude upon , in matters of moment , that in case any thing be done against which the people may ( upon probable grounds at least ) object from the word of god , it may either be forborne , or their satisfaction endeavoured . . and forasmuch as we cannot all proceed according to the ordinary rules in managing of the affairs of our particular congregations , through the want of fit persons to be made church-officers , and for other causes ; therefore we resolve by our mutual assistance to supply the want , because we may have ( according to scripture warrant ) recourse to an extraordinary expedient , the ordinary rule failing , and because this seems to us to come neerest the ordinary rule . yet . vve intend not that this should be perpetual , but only during the present want , and in order to the setling of our churches according to the rules of the gospel . . neither intend we hereby , to put into any ministers hand , a superior power over his brethren . . nor would we be understood , as making our many churches to be but one particular church , or giving the pastor of one church a true pastorall power and charge over other churches . . albeit we differ as to the power of associated churches over particular congregations ; yet , we agree that it is not only lawful and useful , but in many cases necessary , that several churches should hold communion and correspondency together ; and to that end we resolve to associate our selves , & to keep frequent meetings for mutual advice and help , as occasion shall require . . vve take our selves and our churches bound to follow whatsoever advice , direction or reproof , ( being agreeable to the word ) any of us shall receive from the brethren in association with us . . and in case it should so fall out , that our brethren in association should advise that which might seem less convenient in the judgement of the parties immediately and specially concerned , in the advice or reproof , or to the particular apprehensions of any other of us , ( it being of less moment , and not apparently contrary to scripture ) then we resolve to submit to it , rather then to endanger the peace of the churches , and to become examples and encouragers of disorder by our dissent and refusal . . particularly , forasmuch as the censure of excommunication is of great weight and concernment , wherein we are sure we can never be too ciruspect and careful ; therefore we resolve , first to advise with the association , before we proceed , by that sentence , to cast any out of our particular churches ; and whosoever shall thus be cast out of one church , wee wil repute him equally cast out of all , and avoid communion with him accordingly . . if it should so fall out , that any minister or particular church , should obstinately and wilfully , after many endeavours , and much waiting , reject the direction and counsel of the association , in things apparently agreeable to the word of god , then we resolve to draw the right hand of fellowship from such minister or church . . for the better carrying on of our intended association , we resolve to observe these following rules . . we judge it convenient to divide our selves into three associations , ( viz. ) at carlile , at penrith , and cockermouth , and shall meet once a moneth , or more or less , as occasion shall require , and the major part of the association shall think fit ; yet in this we do not intend to exclude any minister ( not being scandalous ) from any of the associations , that will be pleased to take the pains to be present there , nor yet the ministers of other counties that shall desire to joyne with any of them . . at these meetings we shall hear and determine things of common concernment , endeavour to resolve doubts , compose differences , consider the justness & weight of the grounds and reasons of ministers removals from any place , when such cases shall fall out , consult and advise about special emmergencies that may happen to our ministry or congregations in particular . . because ministers being men of like passions with others , can claime no exemptions from humane frailties and infirmities ; and in regard their miscarriages are more dishonorable to god and the gospel , more offensive and hurtful to private christians , therefore we resolve , impartially to hear complaints made against any minister in association with us ; and to this end we do all and every one of us ( in case any exception or complaint against any of us shall be made ) freely profess our resolution to submit to the admonition , reproof , censure or advice of our brethren ; yet we would not be here mistaken , as if we intended the encouragement of groundless and frivolous quarrels and exceptions , either in people against ministers , or in one minister against another ; for as we purpose ( the lord assisting us ) not to be too backward to reprove and rebuke when there shall be just cause , so shall we endeavour to be mindefull of that wariness which the scripture enjoyneth , in receiving an accusation against an elder . . though for conveniencie we divide our selves into three associations , yet we resolve sometimes to meet all together , especially when there shall fall out any thing of more extraordinary and publike nature or difficulty , which cannot be easily & satisfactorily decided in any of our particular associations . . if any that shall offer to ioyn with us in our association , lie under the common repute of scandal , then we will deferr his admission till he have cleared himself , or otherwise given satisfaction ; and for the prevention of offences , we resolve not to admit any into our associations without the consent of the whole or major part of them . . lastly , we will endeavour a closure of affection , as well as judgement and practise , and to that end we resolve , wholly to lay aside , and bury all names and terms of difference , to carry our selves each to other as brethren , forbearing ( as much as we can ) whatsoever might , either in word or action , occasion mis-reports and offences , or raise up grounds of iealousie and exception one against another . omnibus hisce consentimus , &c. the ministers of westmerland gave their consent in these words : we , whose names are here under-written , do subscribe to the forementioned propositions , except what concerns the county of cumberland in particular . the confession of faith . i believe that there is one only a living and true god , b who is a most pure spirit , c infinite in being and perfection d . and that in the unity of the godhead there are three dictinct persons , the father , the son , and the holy ghost ; and these three are one god , the same in substance , equal in power , and glory e . . i believe that god hath revealed his whole counsel , concerning his own glory , and mans salvation , in the scriptures of the old and new testament , which were given by divine inspiration f to be the perpetual and onely rule of our faith and obedience g . . i believe that in the beginning god created the heavens and the earth , h and all things in them of nothing , in the space of six dayes , and all very good ; and that he upholdeth i all things by the word of his power , and governeth k all things according to the counsel of his own will l . . i believe that god created man after his own image , in knowledge , righteousness , and true holiness ; m and that he gave him a law , n promising life upon perfect obedience , and threatning disobedience with death o . . i believe that man having broken this law , lost the image of god , and communion with him , p and brought himself & his whole posterity into an estate of sin and misery q . . i believe that man not being able to deliver himself from the curse , r god so loved the world , s that he promised , t and accordingly when the fulness of time was come , sent forth his son jesus christ u who took to him our nature , w and became man , x being conceived by the holy ghost in the wombe of the virgin mary , of her substance , and born of her , y yet without sin , z who having fulfilled all righteousness a was made a curse for us , b suffered death upon the cross , c was buried , and the third day he rose again , d ascended into heaven , e and sitteth at the right hand of god f making intercession for us g . . i believe that all the fruits of christs mediatorship shall be effectually communicated to all , h and onely i those who in him were elected unto salvation , before the foundation of the world , k which the holy ghost doth certainly apply by working faith in them , l thereby uniting them in their effectual calling to christ theirhead , m and into one church which is his body , n justifying , o adopting , p sanctifying q and bringing them into communion with him in all spirituall blessings r . . i believe christ hath appointed that those who profess his name , should for the begetting s and increase t of grace and knowledge , exercise an holy communion together , u under the administration of all his ordinances , w which they are carefully to observe till his second coming x . . i believe that christ shall come again at the end of the world ; y and that then the bodies of all those that shall bee found dead , shall bee raised , and the rest z changed , and all brought before him to judgement , which he shall pass upon them according to their works , † whereby the righteous shall be adjudged to eternal life in heaven , and the wicked to eternal death in hell * . i do heartily take the lord to be my god a and chief good , b and iesus christ to bee my onely saviour and redeemer , c and the holy ghost to bee my sanctifier , d giving my selfe up wholly to this one god , to love him with all my heart , with all my soule , and with all my might , e to obey him sincerely , and faithfully f in all his lawes contained in the holy scriptures , g though never so cross to my desires , or interest of credit , pleasure , and profit , h and all this to the death : i and in particular , i consent and resolve , in the strength of christ , to hold constant communion with the church of christ in the publike vvorship of god , k and to submit unto the discipline and government which christ hath ordained l for his own glory , and his peoples good , m and that i may have the opportunity of the injoyment of these priviledges , for the advancement of mine obedience , i resolve and promise to submit n to the ministeriall guidance and oversight exercised according to the rules of the vvord , in this congregation , and to the brotherly advice and admonition o of fellow-christians here . to all that proses the name of the lord jesus , in the counties of cumberland , and westmerland , both magistratates , and people . they that shall appear against the carnal interests and corruptions of men , in the confident expectation of a calm sea , and a generall acceptance , do forget that they deal with men whose distempers usually are awakened to the most vigorous angry opposition , by the sma●● of a searching ( though never 〈◊〉 and necessary ) medicine . or , that they deal with english men , ( pardon the expression ) whose former contentions and dis-satisfactions make their passions the more ready to take up armes , and become quarrelsome . or , that they deal with satan , who will the more best it himselfe to kindle and blow the fire , because hee knowes such undertakings are principally against his interest are kingdome : yet they who shall be affrighted from their duty by the report of giants and walled cities , ( difficulties that attend it , ) shew so much unfaithfulness in regard of their duty ; so much blockish regardlessness of gods honour , and the churches good ; [ which are of far more value then all our lives , if it should cost us so much , ] so much sordid basenese of spirit , as not daring to disquiet those humours , which if reuzed , might hazard them in their esteem , peace or maintenance ; so much atheisme and unbelief , as if the great jehovah were not able to bear them out , and to give unexpected success to contemptible beginnings ; or at least , to reward them plentifully for their toyle and care : that they declare before all the world , their unworthiness of that high trust , and those honourable titles of overseer , guide , ambassador , steward , stars and angells , which are then most glorious to a spiritual eye , when most scorned and vilified by the world . upon these and such like considerations , we have put our selves upon these resolutions , which herewith are presented unto you . we , who have engaged our selves in this undertaking , have ( we hope ) throughly considered , what in all probability it may cost us , that while we look for reproach & contradiction , which yet we would not willingly finde , our opposers may find that undaunted courage in our prosecution of this work , which they would not readily have looked for . the great distance of this from the first undertaking , and report of our agreement , doth necessarily draw forth this brief account of its birth and progress . about three yeers ago some of us joyned together in an expedient much of this nature , which we propounded to some of our brethren of different perswasions in these things , but it took not ; whereupon we resolved to prosecute it among our selves , and made some progress in it : at which time vvorcestershire association ; with mr. baxters explication , came forth : upon this we began to conceive more probability of some reconciliation ( at least ) of different judgements , in matters of church-government , then formerly , because we hoped , the prejudice which possibly might arise from our single attempt , ( in a business of that nature ) would be much removed , when they saw we were not alone , and that the way was led by others of so much worth and ability ; we therefore resolved to take up our former design again , and to propound it to the whole ministry of the county in general . to that end several meetings were desired ; and at last we agreed in these following propositions , which were cheerfully subscribed by several , both of the presbyterian , and congregational judgement . during the agitation of these things , some of us were much affected to observe : . the assent of men both able and judicious , and such as had throughly studyed the congregational way , and from whom ( in proprobability ) opposition might have been expected , in case these things had been inconsistent with these principles . . that prejudice ( which like a hateful monster , impoysons the best things , seeks fuel from its own ignorance and blindness , and from the very distance which it self caused ; like a fiery oven devours all that 's cast into it , and musters up all the passions to fight against it knows not what ) hath the greatest hand in hindering the unity and and concord of brethren . . that the best way to cure it , is friendly and brotherly debates , especially after it hath tyred it self with its own activity , and evaporated something of its fury . . that the churches peace ( if by all parties seriously laid to heart ) is a very forceable medium to infer a conclusion of unity . yet all was not done when we had proceeded thus far ; action ( the life of all ) was yet behinde ; satan is enraged , ( and surely that must needs be good which he so furiously opposeth ) and endeavours to stiffle it in the birth ; to effect which , he disgorgeth from his hateful stomack , a swarm of quakers ; these , at that very time , when all things were ready for practice , come upon us like a furious torrent ; all is on fire on the sudden , many are unsetled , the foundations shaken , and some apostatize ; here we are beaten off , and are forced to lay other things aside , that we might more fully binde our selves to quench these flames . after a while this storm abates , and we begin to think of our former work . but the last parliament was then sitting , and because something of that nature was expected from them , it was advised we should yet a little forbear , till we might see the issue . the parliament being ended , we encountered with an other demurrer which was this : the providence of god so ordered things , that many ministers in this county were unfixed , supposing they should be necessitated to remove ; and several did remove to other counties , so that we were again forced to let all alone , expecting what way things would be cast . and now all these things being over , we have once more re-assumed our ancient resolutions , casting our selves upon the lord , and looking up to him for assistance , that things concerning his honor and house , with so much difficulty now brought to the birth , may not miscarry . when these were now ready , it pleased the lord to give us this encouragement ; our brethren , the ministers of our neighbor-county of vvestmerland , desired of us a copy of our propositions and confession ; and after they had among themselves considered and debated them , they signified to us their free consent to all , except what concerned the county of cumberland in particular . these things we speak from the press ; . because we suppose it necessary that you have copies of these propositions , and this is the readyest way to procure them . . for prevention of mistakes and mis apprehensions , which might arise either from corrupt copies , or from report of our bare actions , while men only hear what we do , but are not acquainted with our grounds and principles . . that this may stand upon record as a testimony of our desires of , and endeavours for the healing of sion . we know not what success the lord may be pleased to give to this : when we look upon our selves , we profess our selves unworthy of that honour , of being imployed in any part of gods work , and unable of ourselves to do any thing in it ; and it may be the lords time of building ierusalem , is not yet come , or who knows but he may exclude you from such a priviledge , while he grants it to others ? yet when we look upon his power , his word , and his work upon some of you , we are not without hope : how ever it please the wise god to dispose of this , we are sure it is our duty to do our utmost in the prosecution of concord : and though our souls shall mourn in secret , if our dis-union and distractions continue ; yet it will be no grief of heart to us ( especially in our dying hour ) to consider that we did what we could to prevent them . it will not be requisite to speak much in explanation , or vindication of what we propose ; because in most things it is fully done to our hands , by judicious and learned mr. baxter , in his explication of the vvorceste-shire association , unto which we refer you for satisfaction , whiles we give a brief touch upon something in the general . . know that several things , as to method , phrase , and omissions , ( which those that are versed in the controversies about government , will readily observe ) were not done altogether upon neglect , or inadververtency , but on design . . that these were not calculated for every meridian ; we were forced to have an eye to the general temper of our people , as well as the differing judgements of one another : and therefore let it not be blamed , if it be found not suitable in all things to other places . . let it be carryed in your minde all along , that through the contexture of the whole work , our debates were , what we ought to do for the churches peace , and not what each of us might do , according to the latitude and utmost extent of the usual practice of different judgements . . in all this agreement there are no principles broken on either side ; and nothing condescended unto by any , which hath not the subscription and assent of eminent men on both parties in their writings . the chief corner-stones of this fabrick , are four , which present themselves in the entrance , whereof the first and last propositions neither fear opposition , nor require explication ; if any should question them , such evidence and general acception doth accompany them , that they will finde advocates in every place . the second ( we hope ) will not be accused ( by any that shall seriously consider all ) for entrenching too much upon the interest of truth . we acknowledge every truth to be precious in it self , and profess our selves unfeigned lovers of it ; neither are we ignorant how much those overtures of union , ( such as charls his interim , and cassanders designe ) wherein the difference is compremised with the loss of truth , are generally and justly distasted : neither can we blame those primitive fathers for sticking so peremptory to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , refusing concord , rather then admitting one iota more to that word , where such a little litteral addition would make so great an alteration in sense and faith ; neither do we forget how apt the best men are ( with bucer haurire faeces ) to suck in the dreggs out of an eager thirst after peace . but no such thing can be fastned on what we assert ; we are not engaged to deny or renounce the least truth , much less any fundamental : all that the proposition speaks of , is onely a silencing and forbearing some truths . and this condiscention is , . terminated only on government . . on the confessed lower , and most questionable points thereof . and . this only so long , and so far as the churches peace requires it . if any think that union and peace should be hazarded , nay lost , rather then so great an injury done to truth ; let them consider , whether they be so great friends to truth as they pretend ; if the church be broken through dissention , we suppose truth will bleed and groan under its ruines . if the pillar shake or fall , truth that hangs on it , will be involved in the same fate . what if peace borrow something of truth ? will it not by that loane be enabled to repay all with advantage ? truth indeed is the way to peace , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} greg. naz. orat. . de pace : ) yet when truth is questioned , then peace is the way to truth ; and the main thing to be looked at for the securing of its interest , is union ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . greg. naz. ibid. in so narrow a point doth truth lye , that men are not likely to have any full or certain view of it , till their spirits be calmed , and their eyes be freed from that dust which their contentious bickerings have raised . but have not the guides of the church in all ages been forced to make use of this plaster to heal the churches wounds ? did not the apostles betake themselves to this expedient , acts . . to allay the difference betwixt the christian iews and gentiles ? and were not circumcision and mosaicall ceremonies of greater moment then our differences ? and were not those truths , about our freedom from that yoke , silenced for that time , and the contrary practised even by themselves ? act. . . & . . . this is so clear an instance , that it is frequently urged in this case ; and indeed , so strong for us , that we doubt of being acquitted by it in the judgement of understanding men . consider , . that the laws concerning mosaical observations were abrogated at the death of christ , and therefore in regard of their present state ( or else as some call it ) neither lawful nor indifferent . . the apostle of the gentiles had laid them aside as useless , nay had spoken against them ; and hence arose the contest about them . . when the matter was referred to the synod of ierusalem , ( though before he had preached publikely against them ; yet ) he is so far from asserting , that every truth must be published what ever become of peace , that he forbears to speak publikely , and applies himself particularly ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) to those that were pillars , and of reputation , viz. peter , iames , iohn , &c. for dr. lightfoot , harm. n. t. p. . makes it the same journey with that mentioned gal. . . . the synod doth determine not only the silencing of this truth , viz. the abolition of ceremonies , and christians freedom from them ; but also permits the exercise of these to the jewes , and injoynes the practice of some of them to the gentiles . . the ground of the determination was the churches peace , acts . . . and in this regard they enjoyn them as necessary things , which they should do well to observe , acts . , . till the church might have a competent time and means of satisfaction . the sum is this : the silencing of some truths for peace sake ( both in regard of publication and practice ) was by them judged necessary . since the apostles dayes , those who have most earnestly contended for the foundations , and things neer the foundation , have alwayes advised to condescention for peace sake . to recite all instances that might be given , would be tedious : we shall content our selves with two or three in stead of many . basil . ad presb. tarsenses epist. . adviseth to concord as necessary for the establishment of the church , and propounds condescention as a necessary means of it ; there is need ( saith he ) of a great deal of care and diligence for the helping of the churches , which cannot be but by uniting those that differ ; which union will be effected ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) if we condescend to the weak in things not prejudicial to the soul . luther gives the same advice in an epist. to the divines assembled in a synod at norimberge [ meum consilium fuerit ( cum nullum sit ecclesiae periculum , ut hanc causam sinatis , vel ad tempus sopitam ( utinam extinctam ) jacere donec tutiore & meliore tempore animis in pace firmatis & charitate ad unatis , eam disputetis ] my advice is that ( seeing no hurt can accrue to the church by it ) this difference might sleep , at least for a time , ( or rather indeed dye out ) till your mindes were confirmed in peace , and united in love , then might you more safely enquire into it . greg. nazi . is as peremptory as any against purchasing peace with the loss of truth ; witness his expressions [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . orat. . ] contention for piety is better then a vicious peace . and again , let none conjecture that i think all peace ought to be loved and embraced ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) for i know that as some kinde of disagrement is good , so some agreement is pernicious . ibid. and more fully , orat. . p. . let us not prosecute peace to the prejudice of truth . ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) nay , in such cases he tells us , we should contend as much , as if it were against fire and sword , and that hee that in other things is most milde and gentle , should here be most violent and pugnacious [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] orat. . p. . . and yet he is as zealous for making way for peace , by silencing lesser truths , as any : how earnestly doth he urge a necessity of distinguishing of truths ? some are ( saith he ) sutable to our capacities , some above them ; some ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) concern the time present , others the world to come , &c. and then applies all thus : some things are not at all to be enquired after , others with moderation . some truths are to be contended for earnestly ; in others ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) condescention and forbearance to be used , &c. orat. . p. . and afterwards he exhorts those that worship the same trinity , to cut off and avoid superfluous questions , as the common disease of that time , and as so many ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) suckers , which rob the tree of its sap and fruit , or crooked windings , which lead the traveller into a maze and confusion ; and in the close of that excellent oration adds , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . let us yeeld a little in smaller truths , that we may receive that which is greater , viz. concord : let us yeeld that we may overcome . and much to the same purpose also he hath , orat. . p. . but we forbear . to this purpose we might urge the example of constantine the great , who in matters of greater consequence , ( viz. the difference betwixt arius and the orthodox ) propounds the forbearance of asking or answering questions concerning that difference as a necessary means to peace ; which he did as supposing it to be of lower concernment , vide soc. eccles. l. . c. . to the third we need say little ; onely to explain our meaning , know , that there are several things which both parties practise upon different grounds : as in matters of appeal , where one party gives power authoritative ; the other fraternal onely ; yet both own the thing : so in the exercise of the power of the keyes , where though the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( i. e. ) the first subject be questioned , yet all agree , that ( in churches organical at least ) the officers are to manage them . to these may be added ordination by pastors of other churches , and the church-covenant , &c. now all we say here is this , that the difference of principles by which both parties are carried to the same thing , doth not make our conjunction unlawful . the th . proposition we hope will not be quarrelled with by sober minded men . . none will say that 't is unlawful to renew covenant with god . . nor will any deny the expediency and usefulness of it in reformation of churches . . nor that our particular churches ( so overgrown with ignorance and prophaneness , so beset with heresies , so weakned ( as to discipline and government ) through licencious liberty ) have no need of it . . in this we cross not any presbyterian principle . those that have most opposed an explicite church-covenant as the form of a church , do not deny the lawfulness and usefulness of the thing , but only the necessity of it , in reference to such an end ; and the extent of it , as to some particular articles ; vid. ruther . due right , p. . an explicite vocal covenant , saith he , we deny not , as if the thing were unlawful , &c. p. . nor deny we , that at the election of a pastor , the pastor and people tye themselves by reciprocation of oaths , &c. p. . nor do we question whether such a covenant may be lawfully sworn ; we think it may , &c. so also apollonius , p. . . the grounds and ends mentioned , and only imposed in the proposition , and the draught of the profession it self , will ( as we hope ) sufficiently clear us from the two fore-hinted exceptions . . the mentioning only of those grounds wherein all are agreed , doth not exclude a reipsa , any other further end of covenanting , ( if it have any such , ) nor bereave it of any of its proper effects : for so long as the thing is done , it will reach all its ends of institution , whether we particularly discover them or no . divine institutions , in respect of the effects immediately resulting ab earum positione & usu , are not enlarged , or narrowed , according to the largeness or straightness of our apprehensions , no more then our not apprehending the sun to be appointed to concurre to the production and growth of vegetables , will hinder its effects that way . so that the congregational brethren , being condescended unto in the practice of the thing , need not press the disputable ends and grounds of it : and the prebyterian brethren need not refuse the thing , they being not urged to do it upon those questionable grounds . the twelfth proposition shews our rule of admission , and the rules which we have propounded to our selves for our safer proceeding : we know that two parties will take exceptions against what we propound : some thinking us too strict ; others too open-handed . those that think this rigid and harsh dealing , let them be pleased to consider ; . that 't is none but the ignorant and scandalous , which we shall desire to debar from that ordinance . . that by putting bounds to our selves , we take away the aspersion of an indefinite , unlimited , arbitrary and uncertain government . . that in debarring such , the church-guides go not beyond their commission , but only execute that office , and discharge that trust that god hath laid upon them : are those not rulers and governors ? and doth not this engage and authorize them , to prevent and hinder the polluting and prophanation of his ordinances ? have those that are charged with holy things , a charge to give onely and not to debar ? the officers of the old-testament , were to exclude the unclean actually ; the porters of the temple were not to suffer the unclean to enter the temple , chr. . . & in eze. . , . shall we think that when god prohibits the unfit , he leaves the execution of this prohibition solely to every mans particular perswasion concerning himself , and leaves only a doctrinal declarative power to the officers ; and that though they may declare a person unfit , yet they may not refuse to give the ordinance to him whom they declare unworthy ; is the juridical , decisive power in every person for himself ? doth not this as much disable them from debarring and men , or men actually drunk ? if such intrude , can he do no more then declare them unfit ? or if he may debarr these juridically , because they are not in a capacity of improving the ordinance , * though from other causes , as ignorance , &c. and indeed , that the officers may juridically debar from the lords supper , cannot be denyed , by those that will acknowledge that the offended brother must tell the church ; the church then hath power to examine ; else , to what purpose is it to make known the grievance to it ? and doth not examination infer more then a declarative power ? neither can it be denyed by those that will grant excommunication ; if they can juridically cast out of the church , then it must be granted , they can juridically exclude from the supper , for this reason at least , because the former includes the latter . . the exclusion of ignorant and scandalous persons , is not a novel invention , or new device , but that which carries the stamp of antiquity upon it . the very light of nature seems to have hinted such a thing to the heathens ; as their proculite propahni at sacrificings testifieth . but if we look within the church , we have abundant evidence . dionysius areop. . an ancient writer ( though perkins and illyricus give sufficient reasons to evince that it was not he that was paul's schollar ) in eccles. hierar . cap. . p. . tells us , that the catechumeni , & energumeni , and others under penance ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) were admitted to hearing of scripture , &c. yet they were excluded these mysteries , and the perfect onely admitted . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . and afterwards p. . & . extends this exclusion , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to the less perfect and unholy , and gives this reason for it , because it admits not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that which is not altogether holy , or that which in some respect comes not up to the image of god . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. iustin martyr , apol. . is more express , and requites , . professed knowledge : it is not to be given ( saith he ) to any but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to him that believes the doctrine of the gospel to be true , which includes professed knowledge . and secondly , holy life , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . if we should search the decrees of counsels , we might shew you much to the same purpose ; but testimonies of this nature are collected by gillaspie , rutherford , and others , and therefore we forbear . neither are our proceedings herein different from what was prescribed and enjoyned by the episcopal divines ; knowledge was alwayes presupposed as a necessary qualification for the lords supper , and therefore catechising was to be used . and as for scandal , the canons of the church of england took care that it should exclude , can. . enjoynes , that no minister shall in any wise admit to the receiving of the holy communion , any of his cure or flock , which be known to live in any notorious sin without repentance , or who have maliciously and openly contended with their neighbours , untill they shall be reconciled . the same thing also was expressed in the rubrick of the common-prayer ; where the minister was not only to disswade persons in malice to come to the lords table , but not to suffer them : and not only such , but also whosoever shall be found to be an open and notorious evil-liver , * or such as wronged their neighbor in word or deed . there is then no difference 'twixt them and us in the rule , but only in the practice , in that they come not up to their own rule . so that if you will be finding fault , you must blame them for their neglect , not us for our strictness . we might also shew ( against the charge of novelty ) the papists asserting the same thing ; though of all men it might least be expected from them , seeing they affirm the lords supper to confer grace . aquinas part . q. , in art. . * concludes thus ; divina majestas & evangelica disciplina exigit , ut manifestis ac publicis peccatoribus , ctiam petentibus sacra denegetu communio . and for this cites cyprian lib. . epi. . advising not to give the supper to stage-players , &c. as being contrary to the discipline and honor of the church . nay , those that plead most for a free admission , are so far from taxing this practice with novelty , that they yeild it to be a piece of the ancient and usual discipline of the church , to exclude the notorious and open scandalous , though not excommunicate ; neither do they so much plead for the admission of the scandalous , as for the excommunicating of them first , before a debarment from the sacrament . . if there were no such power , yet so long as 't is granted , that officers have charity , & may , & must use it to prevent our brothers danger , so long surely may we do all this ; if we had nothing else to bear us out , would not this engage us to help you to examine your selves ? ( & is the matter of so small moment , that you need no help ? ) nay , and to refuse to give you that which we see would hurt you ? will real love satisfie it self with a bare warning , without endeavouring to prevent ? will it only tell him 't is poyson he drinks , & not also take it out of his hand ? & have you any cause to be angry when we tel you the truth concerning your estates , or hinder you from destroying your selves out of love to you ? that when we love our peace or maintenance less then your good , you should so op-pose . when the physician puts the patient to some grief , in the application of a necessary medicine , is it reasonable either to refuse his medicine , or to abuse his person ? that the medicine is so sharp , is your fault , not ours . the lord knows we delight not in excluding , if we could admit you without your own hurt ; & if god laid not this duty upon us , can you imagine that men that know what they do , would unnecessarily provoke your hatred and opposition , when they might have love and good will ? but when we consider the weight of the blood of souls , and how bitterly many a poor creature shall in hell curse his man-pleasing minister , we are afraid . those that think us too large , let them be pleased to consider . . that god would not have the door so strait as many suppose ; we know that purity is amiable , and required of all in the church , and that it hath such a lovely aspect , that many so fix their eyes upon it , as if that were only to be attended and prosecuted in the constitution and reformation of churches ; yet with some confidence we dare affirm , . that the strictest way of admission is not therefore best , because strictest . . that 't is much safer , in the management of admissions , and more acceptable to god , to be so facile , as to hazard the admission of many unfit , rather then to exclude one that ought not to be excluded : mr. cotton saith , rather ninety nine should perish through presumption , then one humble soul belonging to christ , should sink under discouragement : way . p. . . that the admission of some less fit , can neither defile the ordinances to others , nor hinder their spiritual communion : non polluitur communio , licet minuitur solatio . . that censoriousness , revilings and contempt of weaker christians , errors , aversness to concede and yeild to brethren of different judgement in less things , for peace sake , ( though they make not so great a noise in the world ) are sins of a more dangerous consequence , more pernicious to the church , in themselves more infectious , and against which there lies more just exceptions , as to admission , then many other failings which usually are excepted against in the weaker sort . . that those churches have most of gospel-order , where unity and encouragement of the weak is equally regarded and prosecuted with purity , going hand in hand , but one not justling out another . . that if the best of men would but impartially weigh their private failings in the same scale in which they usually weigh other mens , with the application of matt. . , . and would put on charity , cor. . , , . with humility , they would not be so severe against others . . we cannot see any ground or scripture-warrant , for a stricter rule then this we walk by : . the fitness which comes under our cognizance , is only outward ; whether they that are only outwardly qualified , have a real interest in the seals of the covenant , before god , or not ; we think it unseasonable now to dispute ; that which we assert , is granted by all of both parties , ( that understand their principles ) that the seals are given to such ; and that in our enquiries and determinations , we are to go no higher , least we be guilty of prying into things secret , and of usurping the throne and scepter of the almighty . . the rule which must direct us to judge aright of this fitness , must of necessity have these properties ; first , it must be general ; or else , how shall it reach all men ? if it should be so short , or so narrow as to exclude any admissable , it could not be acknowledged to be true . secondly , it must be publike ; the officers are publike , and so is the act of admission , and so are the ordinances admitted to : and therefore it cannot be granted , that officers must manage these things by private instructions , and let in by a private door . thirdly , it must be a standing rule ; for if it be uncertain , unconstant , and bending , how shall it direct us to make any steady or certain tryal ? . the satisfaction wherein we are to acquiess , ought to be publike and ecclesiastical ; for if we were to admit only according to our private satisfactions or dis-satisfactions , who almost then could be admitted with some ? who sees not the uncertainty of such a rule ? if this were true , the same parties , under the same qualifications , without any alteration , might be lawfully admitted , and rejected by several churches , nay , by the same church at several times , some being more easily satisfyed then others . not that the use of charity in this case is denyed , when we have made as impartial a trial as we can ; the standing rules of charity must be made use of : but yet god hath not so referred the matter to charity , as if none were to be admitted , where our charity would not bring us up to a perswasion , or belief of regeneration ; we suppose this therefore to be a standing truth , that we may lawfully , and with peace of conscience , nay we ought to admit one , ( if coming up to the rule ) of whose integrity we may have particular dis-satisfactions . if this were well considered , the difference about rigid admissions would not be so great . mr. noton , cont. apoll. pag. . is full in this point , distinguishing 'twixt fideles {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or ecclesiastice fideles , believers that are really such , and those that are reputed to be such : and plainly asserts , that we ought to carry our selves toward those , as if they were really godly ; and that we are not bound positively to believe every one admissable into the church to be regenerate : nay , that the church may sin in not admitting one ecclesiastically fit , although not really a believer ; and that the judgement of charity , is not a perswasion of the integrity of a man ; but , in doubtful facts where the evil is not evident , an inclining to judge the best , negative & practice , as he speaks . or if any shall not be satisfied with this , let them be pleased to consider , whether mr. burrows ( gospel vvorship p. ) doth not speak more largely then we in the instance of iudas ; where he affirms our resting in ecclesiastical satisfaction so necessary , that though we had a private revelation from heaven , that such a one were an hypocrite , yet we are to communicate with him still , till he so far discover himself , that his evill can be proved publikely by witnesses . if any rule shall come short of these , we doubt not to call it defective ; and if any shall go further , we as little doubt to call it a strictness above what is written . that our rule is adaequate to outward fitness , hath the three forementioned qualifications , and affords sufficient ground of ecclesiasticall satisfaction , seems very clear to us , neither is it charged by any with defect , saving that it speaks not of the declaration of the work of grace , ( which is further required by some ) which how far it suits with what we have now hinted , we leave to the judicious to consider : and shall only add a word or two concerning the fifteenth proposition , which expresly relates to this . wherein take notice : . that it is not denyed , but that men converted may lawfully and profitably declare what the lord hath done for them . . that therefore we shall accept it where offered . . but the pressing of this as a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} upon all , is that wherein we are not satisfied . . because some of us see neither scripture-precept , nor president for it : if the apostles had either pressed this themselves in their admissions , or prescribed it to us , good reason had it been we should have done . the most probable place for countenance of this practise , is pet. . , . which yet speaks nothing to a declaration of the work of grace ; but only that in those persecuting times , they should have so much knowledge of the principles of religion , as might enable them to justifie their profession , by giving a reason of the doctrine thereof , which he calls hope , as paul frequently doth , act. . . & . . & . . and that this is the meaning , appears from the context , v. , , , which shews he speaks of giving this reason of their hope to persecutors dissatisfyed with their doctrine , ( not with their integrity and truth of conversion ) and therefore not a declaration of the work of grace to church-officers for admission . to this some add mat. . . which indeed speaks of confession of sins , but nothing of a declaration of the work of grace ; they might acknowledge the sinfulness of their former estate , or acknowledge particular offences , and yet be far from that , for which some produce this text : or if this text would prove such a thing , it would only prove it voluntary on their part , but not enjoined by iohn ; nay , what ever it was , it will be very hard to prove that it was publike , or to iohn at all ; and as hard to prove it to have been before their admission by baptism , and not after , vid. dr. lightfoot , harm. evan. in loco . . though it should be granted ( which yet all wil not ) that the invisible church is the prime , and proper only subject to whom the seales belong ; and that saving qualifications are requisite to give a real interest in them ; and that we are to admit onely upon such evidences , as may give proof of interest ; yet there are other more satisfactory evidences , viz. from the tenour of a christians life , then this ; which would sufficiently demonstrate , ( so far as we either can , or are concerned to know ) though this were laid aside . if we had no mark but this , or none so demonstrative as this , or none sufficiently demonstrative without this , or none less questionable , or less open to inconveniences , we conceive much might have been said . . this is so inconsiderable an evidence , that it seems scarce any at all ( beside so much of it as is included in the former ) to some of us ; if there be any thing in it , it must be from the parties own word , that is , his own affirmation that he is converted ; which we suppose to be no proof in this particular . if you say there is more , it must be either from the thing spoken in the matter , or in the manner , viz. the affectionateness of utterance . for the former , we suppose none will say , that he only that hath the real experiences of grace and conversion , can declare such things , at least , as are ordinarily spoken and accepted in such cases . as for the latter , we suppose it will scarcefinde a patron for its evidenceship : and if his expression and affectionateness should , yet still it rests upon his own his word , whether it be so with him as he speaks . we intreat those that think this so full a proof , to consider how frequent it is , since this came into fashion , for vile men ( some of us could give instances , if it were convenient ) to speak so affectionately of their conversion , and tell you how they were cast down , and comforted , &c. that as to expression , they would match the holyest saint in the world . . 't is not adaequate to saint-ship , ( at least as 't is pressed and urged by some ) and therefore unfit to try by , as not reaching all admissable , according to the rule of christ . who knows not how secret a thing the work of grace is upon a soul , and how hardly discernable ? the gradual , and still proceedings , the long intervals of the spirits acts , the different method , the darkness and fears upon peoples hearts ; all these make it hard to be discovered . . we have seen some printed books of confessions , &c. which have as much satisfied us against it as any thing . we are afraid of putting our people upon these temptations and inconveniences , which in that course others have fallen upon . . there is a holy modesty and bashfulness , which either doth , or ought to attend those passages and transactions ( we mean the work it self , and not the shameful miscarriages of our lives ) 'twixt god and out souls , which may justly excuse them from publike view . . those of our brethren of the congregational way , do not press this as necessary to membership . mr. norton is full , cont. apoll. p. . non necessario quaerendum , &c. it is not necessary ( in admission into the church ) to require men to give a particular account of the signes of true grace , or the work of faith , and true repentance : mr. cotton , hol. ch. memb. pag. . admits those , . that profess ( publikely ) faith and repentance . . subjection to ordinances . . inoffensive conversation . and excludes , . the ignorant . . those that deny the faith . . the scandalous . mr. hooker insists only on these two , part . p. . persons , though they be hypocrites inwardly , yet if their conversations and expressions be such , so blameless and inoffensive , that according to reason , directed by the vvord , we cannot conclude , but in charity there may be , and is some special good in them ; these are fit matter of a visible church , &c. and , part . p. . ; he that professing the faith , lives not in the neglect of any known duty , or in the commission of any known evill ; and hath such a measure of knowledge , as may in reason let in christ into the soul , and carry the soul to him ; these be grounds of probabilities , by which charity , poized according to rule , may , and ought to conceive there be some beginnings of spiritual good . and more fully , part . p. . speaking of admissions , and of private members repairing to them , to enquire the time and manner of their conversion , he saith , i am afraid it is a presumed kinde of liberty , which wants precept and example , for any thing that ever appeared to me in scripture . and that not onely because it entrencheth upon the office of the elder ( as he saith ) but because the thing it self is inconvenient . hear his own words : all such pains misseth the end and fruit of it ; for the stress of the tryal lyes not there , nor can the last resolution of judicious and reasonable charity issue there : whether the person be a visible saint or no ? for there be many truly and savingly called , who never knew the time and manner of their conversion , and therefore cannot relate it to others , and yet express the power of grace in their lives , &c. and afterward , to that question ; what is the rule according to which satisfaction is to be regulated ? he answers thus : in a word , if a person live not in the commission of any known sin , or in the neglect of any known duty , and can give a reason of his hope towards god ( he means a professing of faith , as before he expressed himself ) this casts the cause with judicious charity , to hope and believe there is something of god and grace in the soul ; and therefore fit for church-society . so that the question is , whether such a mark which is questionable in its warrant , accompanyed with inconveniences , more open to counterfeiting , flexible , not general , and not insisted on as necessary by our brethren , ought to be rigidly pressed , to the hinderance of the churches peace ; when other sufficient , more certain , evidential , and generally agreed on evidences may be had : and seeing it is put to this issue , we hope our congregational-brethren will not take offence at any condescention herein . what we lay down , propos. . wherein we confine our selves to our own parish-bounds for membership , we hope wil not provoke the distaste of any brother . some of us cannot behold the different practice of our brethren in this point , without amazement : alas ! that men should no more lay to heart the divisions of the church , the disorders , and other inconveniences which arise from this liberty , that men are so ready to take to themselves ! how great a hand this hath in keeping of a closure of brethren , we need not tell ; look about , and see it . ingenuous and moderate mr. firmin , ( a new-england man ) calls this a dividing principle , in his epistle to his serious question , and the practisers of it , seekers of division ; and for the regulating of it , propounds the same that we do , in the forementioned proposition ; and supposeth , that if congregational men would but yeild in this one thing , it would much tend to the healing of our breaches . we earnestly beseech the contrary-minded , to consider seriously : . that the presbyterians never pleaded for local limits , or parish-bounds in this sense , as if church-membership did arise from thence : they are as ready as any to say , that co-habitation makes not men members of a church ; though ( it cannot but be observed ) that they are ( by several ) spoken against , as if this had been their assertion . surely ingenious men will not threap that upon them , which they with one voice do so much disown . . all that they say , ( in this case ) is this , that it is necessary that church-members do co-habit ; and that for order sake , it is fit that bounds be set and observed . and doth not scripture and reason say the same ? . in the new-testament , did not the people of god , living in a town or city , alwayes joyne together among themselves in a church-way ? for why else are churches denominated from places ? as the church of rome , corinth , &c. when will it be proved , or what scripture speaks it , that any lived in a neighborhood or town , where there was a church , and yet was a member of a church in an other town ? . is not this ( as 't is usually practised ) inconsistent with the ends of church-membership ? church-members may so live together , . that their pastor and officers may reside among them for inspection and rule . . that they may meet commodiously and frequently together for the enjoyment of ordinances . . that they may maintain communion for help and advice among themselves , &c. and all this with ease and conveniency . now how this can be done as it ought , where the members live so much distant , ( as is usual in many gathered churches ) let the moderate judge ? . how will contention , confusion and disorder be avoided , if this be kept up ? is it nothing for one minister ( by the invitation of such a proclaimed liberty ) to deprive another of the comfort of his prayers , tears and labours ? or for one church to bereave another of its help and comfort , in bereaving it of its choicest members ? or is it nothing to set such an example before the eyes of the weaker sort ? may not the pulling out of one pin endanger the ruine of the whole fabrick ? make the case your own , and then judge . would you be willing to be so dealt withall ? would you not think your selves wronged , if others should go about to withdraw from you the members of your churches ? it is wondered by some , how men can so confidently appropriate the title of gospel-order to their way , ( but that glorious pretences , and high words are more hopefull to prevail with the greater part of men , then solid arguments , ) when 't is so apparently peccant against the gospel rules of the god of order ? yet let not this be thought an accusation of all the congregational brethren . many there are ( we know ) that judge these proceedings irregular as well as we ; and that are afraid to boast in another mans line , of things made ready to their hand , choosing to wait with hope for the enlargement of their churches and comfort , from the reformation and growth of those that are under their own ministry , rather then to make up their churches by entring upon other mens labours , cor. . , . . that the principles of the congregational brethren come up so far , that we think there would be no difference in this point , if they were practised . . they say , co-habitation of members is necessary , upon many spiritual accounts . vid. hooker survey , part . p. . such co-habitation ( saith he ) is required , which is necessary for the dispensation of gods ordinances , and the administration of church-censures ; for otherwise the end of the covenant would be made frustrate , and the benefit of the whole prejudiced ; and hence there must needs be such a co-habitation of officers , and a convenient company of members , that they comely and conveniently meet together , to the exercise of all gods ordinances , act. . . cor. . . & . . . to the same purpose , norton contr. apoll. p. . . they acknowledge our churches ( at least , most of them ) to be true churches . mr. hooker rejects the denyal of this with abhorrency . . that therefore 't is unlawful to separate from them , either for the want of some ordinances , or for the fin of some worshippers . vid. hookker preface to the survey : and norton , p. . that these three principles are owned by them , will not be denyed ; and that they are inconsistent with the common practice of gathering churches out of other parishes , is too evident . will they call our churches true , and yet unchurch them , by taking our members against our consent ? will they say , that 't is unlawful to separate from our churches , and yet entertain and encourage those that separate ? will they say , co-habitation is necessary , and yet receive those that live many miles distant ? if any seek to evade this by saying , that though many , yet not all congregations in england are true churches . we answer , . it should then first be proved , ( and not taken for granted ) that such a congregation as they desire to receive members from , is no true church . . but who ( of all that take this liberty ) doth make a difference 'twixt one congregation and another , and forbears to take ( if opportunity serve ) from a congregation , reputed a true church . . how easily will this be objected against any church whence members be had , that 't is no true church ; and how must the controversie be decided ? facile credimus quod volumus . if it be further urged , that though our churches be true , yet are they corrupt : so that it may be lawfuli to withdraw communion from the same ; as in the ans. of elders of new-england , to the . quest . pag. . answ. we acknowledge with grief , that many of our congregations are corrupt . yet [ . ] this doth not in any wise justifie the gathering of members that inhabit not within convenient limits . [ . ] nor the gathereing out of those congregations which are more purged , though not according to the hight of strictness which some require . ames ( usually cited by our brethren in this point ) cas. consc. lib. . cap. . q. . mentions but three causes of separation from a true church : . participation of their sins . . eminent danger of seduction . . persecution . and yet these are not applicable to many presbyterian churches , from whom nevertheless members are withdrawn . true indeed , mr. norton adds a fourth ; separation may be ( saith he , p. . ) for purer worship and edification , no great inconvenience ensuing . but there lies much weight in the last words ; otherwise upon this ground men might shift from one congregational-church to another for purer worship , as well as from a presbyterian to a congregational-church . but ( . ) is it the best , most warrantable , and most effectual course of curing a corrupt church , to take away from it the best christians it hath ? or are you sure that you can justifie before the lord , your weakning the hands and hearts of other ministers , that are upon the reformation of their more corrupt churches , which you unavoidably do by this practice . many have thought , that it were a better expedient to disperse good members into less pure churches , that so there might be most help , where there is most need . if any say , this is a grievous yoke for tender consciences . we answer : . tender consciences ought to be universally tender ; why also are they not tender of breaking rule , and of being examples of disorder , and introducing the many inconveniences that attend this practice ? . we think we have provided as much for a tender conscience , as a truly tender conscience can require . do we engage them to be without ordinances or membership , in case there be no minister of their own ? or do we engage them to scandalous and insufficient ministers ? if any will desire to depart when they can plead none of these ; we fear it be humor , or ignorance , more then tenderness of conscience , to those that would plead that we may tye them from church-ordinances , ( as in case the minister where they live forbear them upon the general unfitness of his people . ) 't is readily answered , we provide help for that , he may enjoy them for the present in other congregations . they that say , by this means they shall be hindered from some minister with whom they can most profit ; may be pleased to answer these questions : whence is your profiting ? is it from the minister and his ability , or from god ? is it likely that god will give the success you , expect out of his own way ? we deny not but the god of order may overlook your irregularities , and give divine influence while ye seek it in a disorderly way . but what reason have ye to expect it in your way ? do ye certainly know that ye have profited , or that all your joy which you have got in this course is solid ? are there not sensible consolations , even in holy men ? and do not these run with a violent stream ? may they not mistake their own spirits upon that account ? may you not profit more , for ought you know , in humble waiting on god where he hath set you ? and might you not more cheerfully expect it here then elsewhere ? many serious christians have thought , and found it to be the most hopeful , ready , certain way of a speedy increase of grace , and of attainment of more real and lasting comfort , for a man to bestirre himself in the instruction , reproof , and reformation of the people with whom he lives ( this affords opportunity and advantage for the exercise of grace ; and exercise is one of the best wayes to increase it ) rather then to remove to the ministery of a man of quicker and abler parts . some may ( possibly ) except against the condescention of our brethren of the congregational-judgement , in point of ordination , mentioned prop. . let such consider : . that ordination by the people is one of the main occasions of offence to the presbyterian brethren , who in this regard do not know how to own men , so ordained , for ministers ; and then surely , if it were possible , this offence should be removed . . this proposition doth not take away the election from the people , which the congregational-brethren look upon as the chief thing . . we are agreed , that such ordination shall be performed in the congregation , unto which the person is to be ordained . . albeit , the congregational brethren affirm , that an inorganicall church , and homogeneal , may ordain ; yet 't is not against their principles , that ministers of other churches do it for them . mr. hooker affirms as much out of didoc . survey part . p. . ( speaking of those that are to ordain ) by eldership then is meant the officers ; but whether they were the pastor and teacher , and the ruling elders of one congregation , called a consistory ; or whether they were the officers of many congregations together , termed a classis : i could never yet hear any arguments that could evince either by dint of undenyable evidence . and more fully , p. . though it be most comely that those of the same congregation should exercise it , yet the elders also of other congregations may be invited hereunto , and interested in the exercise of it , in an other church where they have no power . and the liberty which they allow to ministers of preaching and administring the seals in other congregations besides their own , as also the requiring of the counsel and help of other ministers for the tryal of a person to be ordained over an other church ( which is allowed and advised too by ames . bellar. enerv. tom. . & norton p. . ) will also prove this condescention sutable to their principles . mr. allin , and mr. shepheard in the defence of the . positions , p. . grant , that a minister may put forth an occasional act of power , or precariam potestatem to those in an other church , over whom he is no officer ( though it be not towards them as over his own flock ) and that though an officer of one church , is no officer over an other church , yet such an officer may put forth acts of his officer towards those that are not of his proper flock . and if so , why not this act of power as well as an other ? why may they not ordain , as well as administer sacraments in another church ? mr. firmin ( a congregational-brother , and one thus ordained ) in his epist. before his serious question , gives us the report , that of late this is practised in new-england ; which also we have had confirmed to us by others . and should not this then be yeilded unto for the churches peace ? . although the congregational-brethren should think the peoples election greater then ordination , yet if they yeild to ordination as aforesaid , the presbyterian-brethren can comfortably own them as ministers of the gospel ; for so long as they have both , there is no doubt to be made , but that they have all essentials of an outward call to the office of a minister ; though we run up severall lines , yet we all meet in the same point . one thing more there is which some may peradventure stumble at , which is the supplying the want of elders by the assistance of neighbouring-ministers , of which in prop. . the reasons of which practice are hinted in the proposition ; and the cautions for the right understanding of it , are subjoyned to it , so that we may say the less . we would not have adventured upon any thing not ordinary ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did not compel us . they that understand the controversse about government , know , . that all are not satisfied concerning ruling elders . . and others are not satisfied concerning the power of a minister to act alone in these things , where elders are not to be had . and such is the general state of our people , that in case we were all satisfied in the first , yet can we not at present act in that course , for want of fit men to be imployed in that office . so that such of us as are not satisfied concerning the ministers sole power , must either take some such course , or do nothing . if our present case then be well considered , we hope men will not be so ready to except against it . that in such a case , where the ordinary course cannot be followed , some extraordinary way may be taken , is not only our assertion , but the assertion and practice of others ( in other cases ) whose authority we suppose will not be slightly overlooked by pious and intelligent men ; we mean the assembly , who in their advice concerning ordination , lay this down as a certain conclusion , which they prove chron . , . where the levi●●s ( which was beside the ordinary rule ) helped the priests to slay the burnt offerings , they being too few to do it by themselves . and also chr. . , . which proposition will as much justifie us in this particular , as them in an extraordinary expedient for ordination ; which as things then stood , was necessary ; and for which this was produced by them . that this course is neerest to the ordinary rule , we think is apparent . . the work is done by ministers , of which number the minister of the congregation is one : here is one part of the ordinary rule kept up . . the end may be as well attained in this , as in the ordinary course : none ( we hope ) will say this is a less safe proceeding , in reference to the justness of admission and rejection . . many suppose , that as in the planting of the first churches , all things were managed by ministers in common , till the churches were setled ; so in the reformation of corrupt churches , things cannot be carried on any other way , till the churches be brought into some order . . this is no other then what the assembly advise , in the form of church government , where in the want of an ordinary elder-ship , they direct , that such a congregation should be under the inspection of the associated neighbouring-officers . many other things there are which we would have insisted on , but others having writ so fully of them , we shall pass them over in silence . many exceptions also we foresee , some of ignorant & wilful men , which we conceive not worthy to be taken notice of ; others of learned men , which we apprehend not fit to trouble the weak withal . we are not ignorant , that the distinction of forum ecclesiae & dei ( which we make use of ) is questioned by some ; as mr. blake cov. sealed p. . but the sense in which we use it , lies not open to his exceptions . we deny not but that forum ecclesiae is a court of gods constituting , and in that regard , 't is also forum dei ; but we only use it to express that external right which professors have , by vertue of those directions which god hath given for the regulating of church-affairs ( whether this be a real , or onely an analogicall right we meddle not ) as it stands in opposition to the internal and gracious acceptance of god . the usual exceptions about scandals not enumerated , need not trouble us . when we assent to the assemblies directions , about sins scandalous in one single act , though we say that we look upon all the sins mentioned by them as such ; yet we say not that we look upon them only as such . so that when any thing of that nature falls out , we are agreed to consult the association about it . some may likewise think our using the assemblies direction ( in those principles of religion set down by them ) for tryal of knowledge , to be superfluous , seeing we might have made use of our confession for that end . but we have not done this without weighty reasons ( as seems to us ) which for brevitie sake we mention not . and seeing the worst that can be said against this , is but to charge us with an unnecessary redundancy ( which yet judicious men will not do ) we are the less careful to spend time about it . as for the confession it self , we have added it as an exposition to the creed ; and yet not out of any affectaion of novelty or singularity . they that know any thing of the history of the church , know that it hath not been unusual to compose and recommend several forms of confessions of faith ; and that in such cases those things were most insisted on , which were then most questioned and opposed ; wise men ( we know ) will not take exceptions against the thing it self . 't is not a new faith that we propound , but that which was of old delivered unto the saints ; none ( surely ) but blind and perverse men will think to bring it into contempt by calling it a new creed . if the exceptions lie against our persons , as unfit to compose or recommend such a thing ; we have this to say , that as we conceived such a thing necessary , ( as the case of the church now stands ) so were we most desirous to have used what others have done before us , rather then by our example to encourage a rash , indeliberate , or perverse undertaking of men in this kinde , or whatsoever inconveniences might follow the common practise hereof . yet while some confessions ( which others use ) pleased not all , as to method , and form , and the like : it was propounded that we should set the assemblies confession and catechism before us , as our rule , that a short confession should be drawn out of them , and as near as could be in their very words . and this course accordingly was agreed on : so that we would not have you to look upon it as ours , but the assemblies , onely epitomized by us . having put you in minde of these things , we shall now conclude with exhortation . . we beseech you brethren , in the name of our lord jesus , prosecute union and concord : let the peace of the church lie very neer your hearts . this is so much in mens mouths , prayers and wishes , that it would seem not to stand need of many arguments to inforce it : and indeed it would not , if mens endeavours were but answerable to their expressions ; but the thing is so precious , and men ( notwithstanding their complemental pretences ) so really backward , that it requires more then at present we can say . . our profession is a profession of peace ; concord is a necessary ingredient of religion , both in respect of its preservation and propagation . the scripture telling us of the bond of peace , and calling love the bond of perfectness , doth more then hint how much religion is beholding to it , both as to life and growth . the gospel indeed doth occasion wars , and thrives by them , while her professors are at peace among themselves : but if dissention among brethren arise , ruin hastens on , a kingdome divided cannot stand . so much of religion is wrapt up in it , that god stiles himself by that name . and christ looks upon it as one of his honourable titles , [ king of peace . ] and that we may know how much he delights to have us resemble him in this , he puts that name upon his gospel , and children . it runs through all the veins of religion , and is as inseperable from it as holiness , the wisdome from above is peaceable , as well as pure , sam. . . how many ingagements hath the lord laid upon us for unity ? would he have inculcated his exhortations to amity and peace so often , if it had been a superfluous , unnecessary , indifferent accident of religion ? what book almost of the new testament is there that recommends it not ? read rom. . , . and . , , . cor. . , . with many places more ; or would he have pressed it so earnestly , if he would not have had us forward in it ? paul exhorts and conjures the philippians chap. . ver. . by all the ingagements of love betwixt christ and them , and by all the bonds of affection , pitie and duty betwixt himself and them , to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} unanimous of the same soul ; his words are affectionate and pressing ; if there be therefore any consolation in christ ; if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels of mercies , fulfil ye my joy , that ye be like minded , &c. and in eph. . . , , , . he urgeth it by seven strong motives : david in psal. . calls it not onely good in it self , but also pleasant in its fruits and exercise . christ makes it the great character of his disciples , and annexeth large and glorious promises to it . and besides all these , our own confessions of the happiness and necessity of concord ( wrung from our own lips , by the smart of our divisions ) and our prayers for it , as a choice blessing , are strong obligations upon us for the prosecution of it . . why is the rod yet upon our backs ? is not this one main cause , that we know not how to agree among our selves ? doubtless our falling out by the way is displeasing to the lord : when the lord was about to heal us we have fallen together by the ears , and set up altar against altar ; church against church : the lord hath seen it , and hath turned us back into the wilderness : shall wee not learn yet to be friends , when the lord hath been forced to whip us for our contention ? doubtless we cannot expect the healing of the land till our mindes are more peaceable , and the noise of the axe and hammer cease ; the house of god will not be built , till the materials be fitted for a close and orderly conjunction . . is it seasonable now to contend when we are upon the very brink of ruine ? if we were not asleep , or if god had not besotted and benummed us , in order to destruction , ( for quos perdere vult dementat ) would we not be more sensible of our danger then to trifle and contend when the ship is now almost overwhelmed with the waves ? what greater advantage can wee give to the common adversaries ? who looks upon our divisions as the hopefullest stratagem to further their design ? how easie is the conquest when wee have weakned our selves ? what will they have to do more then to look on , and gather the spoil ? forrain invasions is usually a means of cementing a nation , under civil contests : and why do not we see this necessary upon the churches account ? is it not enough for moab and ammon and mount seir to be against us , but we must needs be one against another ? true , divine anger hath stirred up the waves , and made the sea boisterous , and now ( as basil epist. . makes the comparison ) we are ready to bee destroyed , not so much from the violence of the storm , as our clashing one against another . oh! remember it 's easie to break a divided church ; but if once broken , who knows whether ever it may be made up again . basil in epist. . compares the church to an old garment which is soon torn , but not so soon mended ; he saith not at all , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and speaks of its recovery as hopeless . see how our strifes gratifie our adversaries ! . while we are busie one against another , we give them opportunity to undermine us ; the dust we have raised , gives incouragement to them that work unseen , and also afford tools to work withall , and advantages to work upon . . the scoffs they cast upon us keep off many , and so weakens us by with-drawing a party ; which though it close not with them directly , yet they serve as a blinde to cover their secret contrivances against us . . we put an argument into their mouths against our selves ; they conclude against the truth of our churches from our disagreement . the papists , as bellarmine , and all of that way that speak of the notes of a church , as also quakers make use of this to prove us no true church . how quarrels and divisions among christians occasioned the persecutions of the heathen emperors , and were made use of to justifie their cruelty , is too apparent . . we not onely hazard all for the future ; but at present we taste so much of the bitter fruits , as may make us lay aside our contendings : who sees not how much the honor of religion , the glory of the christian name , and of gods name too , is wounded by it ? we have striven so long about smaller matters , that others begin to question all , and with a daring hand to shake the main pillars of religion . and these strivings about government gave the first hint of takeing up notions , and encouragement to those errors to appear boldly with open face , which otherwise would not have dared to have peeped out of their graves . and those that adhere to the truth , are not a little prejudiced by it , as to piety and growth in grace : if that heat and diligence which hath been spent in the pursuance of these questions , had been laid out for the improvement of godliness , oh! what glorious christians should we have had ! how wearisome and tedious are these civill broyles ? what mistakes , revilings , and unseemly expressions have they occasioned ? how much hath our communion with god been interrupted by them ? and how much of our sweetness and inward peace , while we were necessitated to study , and dwell upon such unpleasing subjects ? o ye sons of peace ! why do ye so forget your name , your fathers name , the gospels name ? why are you so pitiless to the distracted church , your distressed mother ? hath custome so naturalized you to contention , that you will rather venture the reputation of religion , weaken your own graces , abate your comforts , straighten the passages of intercourse 'twixt god and your own souls , then be perswaded to bee at peace ? doubtless , if we hold long at this , we shall have cause to value peace at a higher rate than many of our questionings , when perhaps we cannot so easily obtain it . but this is a thing which ( by vertue of divine authority ) will claim a greater interest in our endeavours then our bare wishes and prayers will amount unto ; in rom. . . we are bid ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) to prosecute it while it flies from us ; not barely to meet and accept it , when it comes to us ; 't is a sad contradiction ( nay a self-conviction and condemnation ) to pray for it , and yet not to pursue it . true , all would have peace ; but then they would have others to come up to their terms , while they in the mean time refuse to descend to others ; so that the hinderance is from hence , not that peace is not desired , but not rightly prosecuted . there are fit mediums and foundations for peace , which we are ingaged to look after as well as peace it self ; in the fore-mentioned place the apostle bids us follow not barely {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} things that concern it , and may conduce thereunto ; would but men consider that they are ingaged to this , and conscienciously obey the divine command herein , peace would not long be a stranger to us . we know some that eagerly press peace , propound no other foundation for it then union of affection , with a mutual toleration of differences : but alas , this will not heal the wound , nay scarce skin it over , so long as no course is taken to heal our differences ( especially in those things wherein we intrench upon one anothers interest ) it will be found a task next to an impossiblity to cement affections : we know when all is done , there will be a need of that principle ; but yet it must be condescention in the smaller things of difference , that must do the work they that will not sacrifice their punctillo's for the churches peace , do not value peace of the church as they ought . the great controversie 'twixt believing jews and gentiles was thus composed by the synod of the apostles , act. . the gentiles were so far to condescend , on their part , as to submit to the four precepts of noah : and the jews so far to condescend to the gentiles , as not to press circumcision and other ceremonies upon them . neither do we see how peace can be setled in these churches upon other terms ; shall the presbyterian and congregational brethren stand at a distance still ? then they mutually hinder one anothers work , and betwixt them endanger the interest of the gospel : would you have either of them to drive on their way to the overthrow of the other ? that 's unchristian , unbrotherly , unmerciful : is there hope of convincing each other , and so of one party to come over to the other ? that 's not to be expected : is there a probability of union of affection while the difference stands as wide as before ? experience teacheth the contrary ; alienation of affections is the onely issue of different judgement and practice . what other thing then can be thought of , besides mutual condescention in less things ? and if both parties would but stand to what hath been written on either side , and improve their mutual concessions , the composure of the difference would in a great part be effected . and as for the remaining differences , if they were put to this issue , how far we ought to yeeld for peace ? it would ( through gods blessing ) be quickly compleaed . the greatest difficulty is from the distemper of mens heads and hearts ; the distance of principles is not half so great as the distance of affections . the due respect that ( for conscience sake ) is to be had to the common lafety and welfare of the church , together with what is already yeilded unto by the several parties , will take away a great part of the difference ; the disagreement in several other principles ( though it should continue ) need not hinder union in the practice of those very things about which the disagreement is , and an agreemen thus far is the most hopeful course to satisfie one another in other things ; to debate things in such a calm way , gives more hope of divine approbation and blessing , and less advantage to satan of working upon the humors and passions of men , which usually darken the judgement , even of those that seek the truth , and hinders satisfaction . if a composing designe prosper not , we suspect the hinderance will chiefly arise from some of these evills . . some are pleased with nothing which themselves propound not ; many are so desirous to be leaders , and have such an immoderate ambition after an ego primus inveni , that they think it a disgrace to be followers , though in a necessary work . this thistle will grow sometime in good ground , and good men have cause to watch against it : the disagreement of luther from oecolampadius in the business of pulling down of images , is said to have sprung from this root . . ignorance ( we fear ) will prove as great an enemy to peace , as any thing else : many understand only the practike part of their own way , not fully knowing the extent , limits , necessity , and indifferencie of their several principles : these even out of a zeal to truth , will stand off , as not knowing how far they may safely yeild . . many are engaged , and they will finde it a hard task to deny themselves in point of honor and credit , which they will think must be lost if they alter their course ; this will stick in the heart many a time , when the mouth will be ready to proclaim it to be the highest honor for any man to be conquered by truth and peace . . many ministers ( and yet they must be leading-men , if such a thing as this go on ) are so over-driven by their friends and members of their congregations , that they dare do little for fear of displeasing them ; an unworthy spirit in a minister of the gospel . . some are so imbittered and exasperated , that their blood is not easily cooled , to condescend to those whom but now they opposed . . some delight in quarrels , and are only whetted up to embrace a way , or to continue in it because of opposition ; their zeal is not so much from love or conviction of the truth , as from an angry desire to contradict ; like souldiers of fortune , who , because they live by the wars , are unwilling to hear of peace . . some want publike spirits ; others want publike principles ; the former care not , so much as they should , what becomes of other churches , so long as they have the ball at their own foot , and things go with them as they would have it . the latter are so straitned and pinioned in themselves , that , if they would , they cannot be very serviceable , these having but some one thing in their eye , ( as suppose purity or peace ) prosecute that to the ruine and neglect of other things necessary . . some have drunk in such strong prejudices against their brethren , that fancying the difference to be greater then it is , and supposing a closure either unlawful , or scarce possible , they are the more backward to hearken to any thing tending to a composure . . some place too much of their religion in standing off from others , as if the excellency & height of christianity lay in a rigid seperation from those professors which are of a lower size ; and therefore will be more hardly drawn to remit any thing of their supposed necessary strictness , rather desiring to please themselves , then to bear the infirmities of the weak , suspecting even necessary provisions for the admission of such as favouring too much of looseness , and that which may bring upon them a participation of other mens sins . . some ( it may be ) think , an utter refusal of peace with the presbyterians is but a just requital of that rigour and harshness which they used to others when they had the chair . we do not justifie the failings and irregularities of any ; all parties ( we think ) have too much cause to acknowledge themselves guilty before the lord , and to be humbled ; but if any make this a ground of distance , let him call to minde that , in so doing , he becomes guilty of that which he condemns in them : nay , let him know , that whatever were the miscarriages of some particular men at that time ; yet the assembly were even then no less desirous of concord with the dissenting brethren , then others are at this present : they that will read the papers of accommodation annexed to the reasons of the dissenting brethren , may sufficiently satisfie themselves in this . so powerful and so frequent are these distempers in many of all parties ( we intend them not as an accusation of any particular man ) that except the lord command these proud waves to be still , and take down the loftiness of all our hearts ( which is the root whence all these evils spring ) we cannot hope for any great success in this designe of concord , notwithstanding that our several principles make so fair a way for it . if it would please the lord to do this for us , & withal to stir up a constantine or a theodosius , that might rigorously press on this work , by countenancing it where it is endeavoured , by calling the godly ministery of the land to consultation , by charging them to agree , and holding them to it , we should quickly see the face of things altered ; ephraim would not any more envy iudah , and iudah would not vex ephraim . . we exhort you to submit to the discipline and government of christ : obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves ; for they watch for your souls , as they that must give account , that they may do it with joy , and not with grief , for that is unprofitable for you . heb. . . the great quarrel that carnal hearts have against christ , is about the laws and scepter of his kingdom : this is that that renders him so unlovely to them . to such men we shall propound four things , which we desire they should seriously weigh . . the government and discipline is not ours , but christs : true indeed , he hath appointed his officers to manage it , and for that end hath made them rulers over you , but yet they are over you in the lord , thes. . . and as those that must give an account for you , and therefore charges you to obey and submit to such ; not only to obey their doctrine , but also to submit to their reproof and censures , heb. . . and because the consideration of their inspection may be a means to prevent sins in you , therefore he commands you to remember them which have the rule over you , v. . and in thess. . , . know them which labour among you ; that is , acknowledge ( for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} non est simpliciter cognoscere sed agnoscere . zanch. ) them as rulers appointed over you by god , obeying and reverencing them accordingly ; and that not only in their teaching when they labour among you , but also in their ruling-work when they admonish you . and though the effect of this might be sometime displeasing to you , yet notwithstanding he chargeth you to esteem them very highly in love , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) very abundantly , more then exceedingly for their work sake . oh! then take heed of that rebellious voice , which cost korah and his company so deer , numb. . . ye take too much upon you ; wherefore lift you up your selves above the congregation of the lord ? . if ye refuse and rebell , you do not so much despise us as christ , who hath imployed us ; the cause is not ours , but his ; and the contempt is principally against the king of peace : he fully tels you all this , luk . that heareth you , heareth me ; and he that despiseth you , despiseth me ; and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me . say not in your hearts as those wicked ones , vve will not have this man to rule over us . . consider the issue ; will ye think to gain any thing by rejecting his government ? do you not remember that he hath an iron rod , as well as a scepter of mercy ? if ye refuse the yokes of wood , can he not put an iron yoke upon your neck ? think not to bear out in a bravado against god , though like the wilde ass in the wilderness , you should snuff up the winde , and traverse on your way , or bend your brow against him ; yet , will the almighty be afraid of your frown ? or will he make supplications to you ? oh vain man ! bethink thy self how thou wilt answer thy contempt if thou dost continue . . there is nothing in the government of christ , that should make a rational man refuse it , ( we speak of government and discipline in the main , and not of the controverted points of it ) that there must be rulers and ruled in the church , is not questioned ; and that the ruled must submit to the direction , admonition and reproof of their rulers ; and that in some cases sinners must be sharply dealt withall by publike rebuke , tim. . . and sometimes by excommunication , matt. . . cor. . , , . all these are evident . now though these thwart the carnal interests of men , and are no wayes pleasing to flesh and blood , yet seeing all is for edification , and not destruction , cor. . . & . . for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord iesus , cor. . . what man is there , that prefers heaven before hell , or the safety of his soul before bodily ease and credit , that will turn his back upon these necessary , though sharp medicines ? how then can you profess christ , and yet refuse to submit to the righteous scepter of his kingdom ? . beware , lest you also being led away with the error of the wicked , fall from your own stedfastness ; be not children tossed to and fro with every winde of doctrine , by the slight of men , and cunning craftiness , whereby they lie in wait to deceive . 't is the glory of a christian to be steady and unmoveable , holding fast the faith once delivered to the saints . we would not be over-tedious , and therefore shall set before you but some of those many considerations which might here be urged . . god doth permit these swarms of errors for the tryal of his people , and the discovery of hypocrites and rotten professors . paul ( in cor. . . ) tells us , heresies must be , ( they are not only possible but necessary ) that they which are approved might-be made manifest ; and that they that went out from us might be made manifest that they were not all of us , joh. . . . do you not see it frequently , that they who make shipwrack of faith , make also shipwrack of a good conscience ? do not erroneous principles in wicked and licencious practices ? it is too visible in the carriage of many already , and of others , you may easily guess what will follow , when they are more hardened in error . and dare you take that for truth which hath a natural tendencie to looseness and liberty ? how far these principles of following the light within , and of absolute perfection , ( which will at last bring in either a denyal of fornication and lying , &c. to be sins , or to be theirs that act them ) and several others are directly improveable this way , we need not tell you . . have you not observed how fickle and uncertain error is ? when once men are turned off from the truth , they readily fall into a dislike of the errors , which at first they doted on , ( after they are stale ) for the entertainment of a new error , when grown into fashion ; and so from one error to another , till they arrive at atheism , if god in pitty stop them not ; like a stone , when once set a going down the hill , it rowles still till it come to the bottom . . consider the dreadful threatning of the lord against those that received the truth , but not in the love of it : read and study wel that text of thess. . . for this cause god shall send them strong delusions , that they should believe a lye , that they all might be damned who believed not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousness . and forget not the danger of apostacie : see heb. . , , . & . . 't is a sad sentence , ( though we should take the most favourable construction that is given of it ) to say , there remains no more sacrifice for sins , and that 't is impossible to renew them again by repentance . . the hand of god is so visibly against them , that they that will not see it , are inexcusably blind . what god hath done in germany , and of late in new-england , ought not to be slightly passed over . and how heavy spiritual judgements are upon apostates , several of our own counties are sad and sufficient examples : when god suffers error to draw men beyond the bounds of reason , modesty and natural conscience ; when that which they seemed to have is taken away ; their gifts withered , and their former seeming religious observation of duty quite dryed up by the roots : surely his minde is , that we should take warning by their dreadful fall . as for the quakers , one would think their actions and principles would make a man that had any of common reason left , to abominate and abhor them : sure we are , the prevalency of that madness , is not from any strength of rational , or scriptural satisfaction , ( we have seen many strongly and passionately possessed with that , who yet neither understood it , nor could give a reason for it ) but from an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the efficacie and strength of delusion , through divine judgement upon them : shall we need to put you in minde of that which your selves know so well , and are eye and ear-witnesses of , as well as we ? how visible is the devils 〈◊〉 in the beastly nakedness of men and women in our assemblies ? in what a strange unchristian temper of railing , reviling , 〈◊〉 , and lying do they appear in publike , insomuch that a scold with a stento●●an voice , is the fittest antagonist to undertake a dispute with them . what gross principles do they maintain ? as of setting up their conceits and experiences , as being of equal authority with the scriptures ; and that the scripture bindes not them , if not let on their hearts by a present impulse : their denying interpretations of scr●pture , under the name of meanings and additions : their following the light within : their pleading for a necessity of being saved , as adam should have been , by an absolute perfection : their grievous conceits concerning christ , to the subverting of the doctrine or his nature , offices and satisfaction : their neglect and denial of the observation of the lords day and ordinances , as baptism , and the lords supper , &c. we might tell you of their ridiculous interpretations of scripture , ( interpretation of scripture is a fault in other men , but none in them ) of their placing their religion in trivial things , as thou-ing , and keeping on the har , when yet the weightier matters of communion with god , are neglected . as also we might reckon up their self-contradictions , their ignorant and sottish conceits about the unlawfulness of using words which the scripture useth not , ( as trinity , sacrament , &c. ) or habits which the scripture speaks not of , when yet they cannot excuse themselves from what they condemn in others ; neither is it to be forgotten , that when they have stuffed a paper as full of lying and non-sense as it can hold , ( and we have many of them in our hands ) they blush not to father all upon the spirit of god . consider we pray you the case of those that have been entangled , and yet are pluck'd out as a brand out of the fire . consider the relation of iohn gilping well , ( you see what pittiful shifts they are put to , when they would seem to say something in answer to it ) observe what a favourable aspect all their opinions have to popery , and how visibly those poor creatures are acted by the jesuits , as by relation of the man of bristol , and others , it appears . what progress in grace , and true religious walking can you observe in them since their apostafie ? where is now their constant family and private prayers ? where is that conscientious fear ( which sometime they seemed to have ) of speaking evill of what they know not ? lastly , doth not all that they say against us ( under the reviling terms of baals priests , or priests of the world ) strike also against all those martyrs , which in queen maries time , and before , have laid down their lives for the testimony of jesus ? oh! then beware , if you love your own souls ; what is there here that can be called christian ? we could tell you of some christians in cumberland , that have thought it their duty to humble themselves solemnly before god for their inclinations this way ( when the error first appeared , and was not then well known ) and also to return thanks to god for preserving them from the infection ; and the reasons of their dislike of the quakers ( given in writing ) were most of these that we have hinted to you . 't is good to learn the danger of the snare from other mens dear-bought experience . mark therefore them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which yee have learned , and avoid them : for they that are such serve not the lord iesus , but their own belly , rom. . . we shall conclude this with that of tim. . , , . if any man teach otherwise , and consent not to wholesome words , even the words of our lord jesus christ , and to the doctrine which is according to godliness , he is proud , knowing nothing , &c. from such withdraw thy self . . lastly , walk worthy of the vocation wherewith you are called , and let your conversation be such as becomes the gospel of christ ; ye cannot be happy without holiness ; except you be redeemed from your vain conversation , and have crucified the old man with his deeds , the flesh with the lusts thereof , and be renewed in the spirit of your mind , ye shal perish , and shal not enter into his rest . ye are sure that you can never be too holy , or that you can never do too much for god . gird up therefore the ioyns of your minde , and run the race that is set before you : be not affraid of being too precise , or of being reviled and hated for a puritane : take courage ; you are unworthy of such a prince of righteousness , if ye dare not own him ; how wil you deny your selves , & take up his cross , and follow him ( & upon other terms you cannot be his disciples ) if a word or a frown of man do discourage you ? be not ashamed of christ & his ways , even in their strictness , lest he be ashamed of you in his kingdom , mar. . therfore walk circumspectly ; avoid the appearances & occasions of evil . sanctifie the sabbath conscientiously : set up prayer and instruction in your families : deal uprightly with all men . set a watch over your lips . take heed of giving offences . let your zeal and moderation be known to all . forget not to do good , and to distribute . do not satisfie your selves with a form of godliness , but labour after the power of it . endeavour to grow in grace , and knowledge . edifie one another ; warn the unruly ; comfort the feeble-minded ; support the weak ; consider one another , to provoke unto love and good works . keep up christian communion and society : let those that fear the lord speak often one to another , mal. . . but yet manage it wisely ; let other mens miscarriages in this kinde be a warning to you . keep within your sphere ; take heed of pride , and contempt of the weaker sort . lose not the end of christian society , by doating about questions and strifes of words , whereof cometh envy , strife , railing , evill surmises , perverse disputings of men of corrupt mindes , and destitute of the truth , tim. . , . let your discourses be sober , tending to the promoting of grace , duty and assurance . these counties of cumberland and vvestmerland have been hitherto as a proverb and a by-word in respect of ignorance and prophaneness ; men were ready to say of them as the jews of nazareth , can any good thing come out of them ? let us now labour to become a blessing and a praise , that people may say concerning us , behold in the vvilderness waters have broken out , and streams in the desart ; the parched ground is become a pole , and the thirsty land springs of water ; it doth rejoyce and blossome as the rose . therefore beloved brethren , be ye stedfast , unmovable , alwayes abounding in the work of the lord ; for as much as you know that your labour is not in vain in the lord . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- † things not essential . * in respect of the church . notes for div a e- a deut. . . chron. . . . i believe in god , the father almighty , maker of heaven and earth . and in iesus christ his onely sonne our lord , which was conceived by the holy ghost , borne of the virgin mary , suffered under pontius pilate , was crucified , dead , and buried . he descended into hell . the third day hee pose againe from the dead . hee ascended into heaven , and sitteth at the right hand of god , the father almighty . from thence he shall come to iudge the quick and the dead . i believe in the holy ghost . the holy catholike church . the communion of saints . the forgiveness of sins . the resurrection of the body , and the life everlasting . amen . b thes. . . ier. . . c io. . . d iob . , , . e ioh. . . cor. . . mat. . . f pet. . . g tim. . , . eph. . . rev. . , . h gen. . i heb. . . k ps. . . & . . l eph. . . mat. . , . m gen. . , . col. . . eph. . . n rom. . , o gen. . . gal. . . p gen. . , , q gen. . . with rom. . . , . eph. . , . . r rom. . . & . . s io. . , . t gen. . . u gal. . . w heb. . x tim. . . rom. . . y luk. . , , , . & . . gal. z heb. . . cor. . i . a mat. . . & . . b gal. . . c luk. . ph. . . d cor. . . e acts . , . f eph. . . rom. . g heb. . . h act . . i rom. . . k eph. , . l eph. . . ioh. . . m eph. . . cor . . col. . n eph. . . . & . , . o rom . . p io. . . eph. . . q co. . . eph. . . r co. . . eph. . . s rom. . . t pet. . . u act . . . w neh. . , . acts. . . mat. . , tim. . . acts . . col. . . cor. . , , . heb. . . levit. . . mat. . , . cor. . ult. x cor. . . eph , . . . heb. . . matth , . , . cor. . . tim. . . y acts . . thes. , , , z cor. . . to the end . † cor. . . * mat. . to the end . a deut. . b psa. . . to the end . & . , . c phil. . , . d psal. . eph. . . e deut. . . mat. . luk. . . f iosh. . . g numb. . , . deu. . . h mat. . . . luk. . . & . . i rev. . . mat. . . k acts . . . heb. . . l mat. . , , . m cor. . . & . n thes. . , . heb. . . o heb. . . lev. . . eph. . . notes for div a e- * may he not then juridically debar others that are in a like capacity of improving the ordinance ? * by whom the congregation might be offended . * art. , . notwithstanding this , calls the scandalous mans receiving , sacrilegii crimen , peccatum multis al●is gravius , and affirms the party mortaliter peccare , & sacramentum violare , & in art. &c. a just apologie for the church of duckenfield in cheshire against certain slanderous reports received by mr. edwards his overmuch credulite of what may tend to the reproach of those that differ from himselfe in judgement (though but concerning matters meerly of externall order, and things of inferior ally to the substantiall doctrines of faith, and manners) rashly and without further examination of the truth of them, (together with an overplus of his own censures, and uncharitable animadversions) divulged by himselfe in a !--- book of his, intituled, the third part of gangræna / by samuel eaton, teacher & timothy taylor, pastour of the church of god at duckerfeild ; whereunto also is annexed a letter of a godly minister, mr. henry rootes ... in vindication of himselfe against a sinister and dangerous (yet false and groundlesse) insinuation, contained in the copie of a letter out of yorkshire, sent unto the aforesaid mr. edwards, and by him published to the kingdome. eaton, samuel, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing e ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a just apologie for the church of duckenfield in cheshire against certain slanderous reports received by mr. edwards his overmuch credulite of what may tend to the reproach of those that differ from himselfe in judgement (though but concerning matters meerly of externall order, and things of inferior ally to the substantiall doctrines of faith, and manners) rashly and without further examination of the truth of them, (together with an overplus of his own censures, and uncharitable animadversions) divulged by himselfe in a !--- book of his, intituled, the third part of gangræna / by samuel eaton, teacher & timothy taylor, pastour of the church of god at duckerfeild ; whereunto also is annexed a letter of a godly minister, mr. henry rootes ... in vindication of himselfe against a sinister and dangerous (yet false and groundlesse) insinuation, contained in the copie of a letter out of yorkshire, sent unto the aforesaid mr. edwards, and by him published to the kingdome. eaton, samuel, ?- . taylor, timothy, or - . [ ], p. printed by m.s. for henry overton, and are to be sold at his shop ..., london : . reproduction of original in cambridge university library. eng edwards, thomas, - . -- gangraena. -- part . rootes, henry. church polity. sects -- great britain -- controversial literature. great britain -- church history -- th century. a r (wing e ). civilwar no a just apologie for the church of duckenfeild in cheshire: against certain slanderous reports received by mr. edwards his overmuch creduliti eaton, samuel c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - taryn hakala sampled and proofread - taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a just apologie for the church of duckenfeild in cheshire : against certain slanderous reports received by mr. edwards his overmuch credulitie of what may tend to the reproach of those that differ from himselfe in judgement ( though but concerning matters meerly of externall order , and things of inferior alloy to the substantiall doctrines of faith , and manners ) rashly and without further examination of the truth of them , ( together with an overplus of his own censures , and uncharitable animadversions ) divulged by himselfe in a late book of his , intituled , the third part of gangraena . by samuel eaton , teacher & timothy taylor , pastour of the church of god at duckenfeild . whereunto also is annexed a letter of a godly minister , mr henry rootes , pastour of the church of sowerbie in yorkshire , in vindication of himselfe against a sinister and dangerous ( yet false and groundlesse ) insinuation , contained in the copie of a letter out of yorkshire , sent unto the aforesaid mr. edwards , and by him published to the kingdome . cor. . . by honour and dishonour , by evill report , and good report , as deceivers , and yet true . luk. . . in your patience possesse yee your soules . adeo satis idoneus patientiae sequester deus ▪ si iniuriam deposueris , penes eum ultor est ; si damnum , restitutor , si dolorem , medicus , &c. tertul. london ; printed by m. s. for henry overton , and are to be sold at his shop in popes-head-alley . . to the christian reader ; grace and peace be multiplied . christian reader ; the apostle paul exhorts titus , to speake sound words in doctrine , that cannot be condemned ; and there is a proportionable equitie , that all men ( ministers especially ) should write and print sound words , that cannot be condemned . if mr. edwards had kept himselfe to this rule , our labour at this time might have been spared . our work in this narrative , is to rectifie his errours . he hath led many from the truth , so farre as concernes duckenfeild church ( for saving that there is an epistle of our brother roots annexed , there is nothing els medled with in this apologie ) and our undertaking is to reduce them to the truth . should we suffer all to passe for truth , which he publisheth concerning us , wee should betray the truth , and our own innocency . these faults may be justly charged upon him from the way he takes of blazoning the supposed failings of all other men , that differ from him , though but in the most controverted , dim , and disputable points ; and instances may be given ( if need require ) in passages that relate to us , and our church . first , he hath abroad in the kingdome factors that trade for him in the good names , and reputations of precious men , and orderly walking churches , ( who are not inferiour to the very chiefest of his presbyterians , whether men , or churches , though they be nothing ) which they and he sell over to be mancipated to infamy and disgrace , for supposed crimes falsly suggested against them by himselfe , and his creatures . secondly , he takes reports ( especially flowing ( as it is said ) from godly persons ) upon trust , and without any further examination , or inquisition after the truth of them , issues them abroad ( with a great measure of confidence ) into the kingdome , as if so be , his supposed godly persons , were arrived at an absolute incapacitie of hearing an untruth , and when they have heard it , reporting it for a truth . thirdly , he doth not consider that that malignant spirit , that in all preceding ages of the church hath bent mens tongues for lies , and slanders , against the saints of the most high god , is most industriously active at this day to render those men odious , whose conversation imports strictnesse of a more then ordinary elevation in the wayes of god . so that it is no securitie against the perill of false witnesse-bearing against the people of god , to say , such a godly man told me so ; especially when that that godly man was neither an eye , nor eare-witnesse of the thing , nor hath trac'd the report upward from man to man , to the first reporter , who had need to be godly , and an eye or eare-witnesse of the thing . our selves can speake experimentally of the failings of divers presbyterians formerly , whom we judged godly , that have taken up things against us by heare-say , for which they have seene cause afterwards to be ashamed ; which we desire rather to cover with the mantle of brotherly love , then like flies to fall upon their sores , and unnecessarily to uncover their nakednesse , and rake in their infirmities , as mr. edwards professedly deales with us . fourthly , mr. edwards runs the more desperate adventure , to split his reputation , and wound his conscience upon the innocency of traduced saints , because he takes not onely the testimony of one ingaged party against the other , but even of the most precipitate , fiery spirits of that partie , the strength of whose phansie is enough to multiply a mole-hill of srailtie in the saints , into a mountaine of obstinary ; yea , can make things that are not , appeare as though they were . and yet if the case were altered , mr. edwards possibly would thinke the testimonies of twenty of those whom he calls sectaries , incompetent to take away the good name of one godly presbyterian . fistly , the irregularitie of mr. edwards his proceeding , is the more inexcusable in this , that whereas there should be two or three witnesses for the confirmation of every matter , that is not of notorious cognizance ; and whereas the accused ought to come face to face before the accusers : mr. edwards publisheth things of a private nature , upon the bare report of some one man , who is not in the capacitie of being a competent witnesse in that matter whereof he is the relator . and so the good names of innocent , and some of them eminent persons in the kingdome , come to be blasted by the misprision of his supercilious , and unhallowed pen . instance pag. . in what is related concerning two gentlemen , persons of great worth and honour . sixtly , adde to this , that the impatience of his zeale in defaming the servants of god , holds no correspondence with principles of common prudence . for who but mr. edwards , knowing that the deacon of duckingfeild , pag. . was speedily to be brought upon the stage before the civill power , would not have expected the issues of his aay of audience , rather then by an hastie anticipation pre-judge ( as in his marginall note he doth ) a person not yet heard nor condemned by the civill state . and indeed a little patience ( comparatively to much ) might have served the turne . for not long after mr. thomas smith , bookseller of manchester , [ who ( as we coneeive ) was both mr. edwards intelligencer , and soone after the deacons accuser ] had a faire , and free hearing , before the committee against the deacon . yet the committee found not him guiltie of the supposed knavery in couzening the state , the discovery whereof was prophecied in the letter of august . . published by mr. edwards , but dismissed him from their board without any censure . would mr. smith have thought it well , and if he should have approved of it , yet wee could not have avoyded the regreet of our own consciences , when he being nominated for an elder of manchester , and accusation upon accusation from parts nearer and more remote , were brought in against him , if wee should have writ up to london , that ere long mr. smiths knavery would be discovered , and such a one as he , is a fit man to be an elder in a presbyterian church ; even then when the businesse was depending , and unproved before the triars ? seventhly , nor can it well be omitted , ( and as little justified ) that from one act ( and that injuriously represented ) a judgement should be made upon a person ; a gentleman of worth must passe under the name of a great zelot for independents , from the evidence of one false instance , which is given in to prove it . would mr. edwards be well pleased to have such measure measured unto himselfe againe , and that because there are some slanderous reports published in mr. edwards booke , therefore the whole booke is a booke of slanders ? eightly and lastly , the scope and drift of mr. edwards is , to make the world beleeve , that such as those sectaries ( so by him called ) are , whose personall failings he divulgeth , such are ( or at least in time are like to be ) all that are of that sect respectively . now if the sectaries ( so called ) were baptized into the same uncharitable spirit , and would whet their style against the personall faults of presbyterians , with a desire to charge all upon the professors of that way , doubtlesse the volumes that might be written , would be far more voluminous then a compleat decade of gangraena's . as for thee ( christian reader ) wee hope we shall easily obtaine so much justice at thy hands , as not to be measured by mr. edwards reed ; but such as our doctrine , manner of life , patience , peaceablenesse , painfulnesse , are , ( be they more or lesse ) such let us be in the ballance of thy estimation . wee are abundantly sensible of the growth and increase of errours and heresies in the kingdome ; wee desire according to the measure of grace received , to pray against them , fast against them ; wee labour in the course of our ministry by preaching against them ; and as god gives us opportunitie in disputation , we labour to beat them downe ; and we trust god in his own time will dispel them . the premises are sufficient for thy premonition , not to take all for truth , that mr. edwards , or any other in this calumniatory age , shall rashly and uncharitably broach against any godly man , whether of the classicall or congregationall way . but first to try and trace reports , importing scandall to the fountaines of them , their first broachers ; by this meanes a great deale of uncharitable misprision will be prevented , and thou wilt have no occasion to mourne at the last . wee remaine thine , whilst thou art a friend to truth , samuel eaton , timothy taylor . a just apologie for the church of duckenfeild . master edwards amongst many other letters , and relations , which have been sent him from all parts of the kingdome , hath received ( it seemes ) some from the northerne parts , from lancashire , and cheshire : and in some of them there are passages that reflect upon the church of duckenfeild , and the officers thereof , with reproach and scorne , with falshood and slander ; and where any truth is , it is with an injurious intent manifested . we shall direct to the pages , transcribe the substance of the words , and make answer thereto . in pag. ● ▪ are these words ; mr. eaton , of whose activity to promote that way , ( that is , th●●ongregationall , which is the truely-so called presbyteriall way ) i doubt not you have heard , hath been the great apostle to promote their designe in these parts . answ. it may be a great question whether scoffing or irrationalitie be the 〈◊〉 predominant in this invective charge ▪ for it is without all bottom , unlesse activitie ( which he onely mentions ) he the bottom of it . and then all the clergie in lancashire are great apostles ; for he calls them pag. . an active clergie , that is , in promoting the presbyterian designe . and this is all the reason mr. edwards can shew , of inserting mr. eatons name among the principall independents and sectaries in his booke . but how comes it about , that mr. eaton is the great apostle in this place , who pag. . is but a pastor or teacher of the church of duckenfeild ? if mr. eaton be the grat apostle , who are teh lesser ? wee had thought among the apostles there had not been greater , and lesser . if he be the great apostle , what , or who are they that have sent him ? they must doubtlesse be greater then apostles ; for greater is he that doth send , then he that is sent . if he promote designes as an apostle , then the designes are preaching of the gospel up and downe , and gathering of churches , &c. now apostolicall preaching of the gospell in all places up and downe the countrey , is a good designe , especially at this time , when there is such want of preaching . but this designe , mr. eaton could not heretofore , nor can at this day attend upon , being a prefixed officer at duckenfeild , as is acknowledged pag. . and as for the designe of gathering churches , ( which is an apostles worke ) what one church hath mr. eaton gathered ? true it is , that he , with many others , wearied out with the long want of some of gods ordinances , and with corruption in other of gods ordinances , did at length ( for their better spirituall accommodation ) joyne together in fellowship , that they might injoy all gods ordinances . yet herein he no more gathered them , with whom he joyned , then they him . but be it that he promotes these designes , yet sithence these designes are of no worser import and contemplation then they are , neither they that sent him , ( if any such there be ) nor he that is sent , have cause to be ashamed . but his activitie is great . and wherein appeares this his great activitie , unlesse it be in entertaining now and then one call of many , to preach a sermon abroad , as occasions will permit ? or unlesse it be that in defence of the way he professeth , he answereth some of the many challenges brethren make in opposition against it . in which also he is rarely ingaged alone , and lesse active then his opponents shew themselves to be . in pag. . the extract of a letter written from the northerne parts , speakes thus ; i shall hereafter give you a particular account of the church of duckenfeild . answ. it had been safer for the author of this letter to look into his own heart , and see what is amisse there , that he may be able to give a particular account to god of all his wayes , when he shall be called thereto ; then to spend his time in observing duckenfeild , and medling with account of things that concern him not . is not this to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a busi-body in other mens matters ; and if he suffer as such a one , what glory or comfort can he have at the last ? notwithstanding let him be sure his account be just , and it will prove no disadvantage to duckenfeild that he makes it . the ruling elder is a sequestrator in cheshire . answ. if the ruling elder be an honest man , and sequestratorship an honest imployment , we hope it is no disparagement to duckenfeild church , that their ruling elder is a sequestrator . their deacon is a sequestrator in lancashire ; the deacon i shall speedily being upon the stage , and make a notable discovery of his knavery in cou 〈…〉 ening the state . answ. as concerning the deacon , we shall give a true relation of the carriage of that matter . m. taylor preaching at shrewsbury the last summer , ( in the beginning of the moneth of august , as he remembreth ▪ had discourse with a religious gentleman ( a friend of his , and of the classicall way for matter of judgement ) concerning the different church-ways , that are now matters of such hot digladiation amongst many in the kingdome . the gentleman by way of discourse told him , that there were some in the church of duckenfeild , as bad as were to be found in the parish assemblies , and named laurence owen , a deacon of our church , and referred mr. taylor for further satisfaction to mr. thomas smith , book-seller in manchester , and to thomas hartley , for proofe of his dishonest dealing with the state . mr. taylor at his returne communicated this businesse to the elders of the church , and in a short time after wee both conferred with thomas hartley , and received from him a report that he was not satisfied that l. owen had carried the matter well , and gave some instances . hereupon wee resolved , ( so soon as possibly we could get a convenient time , ) to call laurence owen before us , and to require an account of him concerning his negotiation for the state : and to desire mr. smith , thomas hartley , and whomsoever els might fall under our intelligence , as a person able to witnesse any thing materiall concerning l. owen his proceeding , to give us the meeting . that if it might appeare that l. owen had done any thing to the prejudice of the state , or peace of a good conscience , wee might use our best endeavours to bring him to the sight of his sinne , and repentance for it , and also to make due satisfaction to the state . but many importune occasions falling in , in that conjunction of time , deferred the execution of our determinations for a short time , till a fit season was by the good hand of providence opened unto us . but when wee were fully ripened by a universall conflux of all conce●●●ring requisites for the issuing of this businesse , ( which had not suffered the least delay , but that we had probable , and promising grounds of hope , that the charges against him were founded upon mistakes in his accusers ) wee resolved to bring it under examination , with a most requisite and impartiall endeavour of discovering ( so far as god should help us ) the whole truth . now in this juncture of time , mr. smith had drawne up a charge , and brought it before the committee of lancashire , who upon a full , and impartiall hearing of the cause , did not find him guiltie of the things charged upon him , and so dismissed him from their board , without any censure . and this was the issue of mr. smiths confidence that he should speedily discover the knavery of the deacon , in his first attempt . and though this businesse issuing before the gentlemen , according to our former ( then present ) apprehensions , might have given reasonable satisfaction to us in point of the deacons innocency ; yet because wee understood that mr. smith was not herewithall satisfied , wee resolved ( as unforestalled in point of the innocency of the accused by any thing that passed before the gentlemen , or fell otherwise under our observation , ) to give mr. smith a full and faire hearing ; that so if he could make any reall discovery , wee might improve it to the glory of god , the states satisfaction , and our brothers spirituall good : and accordingly desired mr. smith , when he was ripe for the purpose , to let us understand . after some weekes past , mr. smith sent a declaration to mr. taylor , subscribed with his own hand , and the hands of george jackson , and tho : hartley ; containing divers charges against l. o. upon the receipt hereof , the church assembled to fast and pray before god , to seek assistance of grace on the behalfe of the brother that was afresh accused , that he might carry it candidly , and sincerely in his answer , as in the presence of god , and be as ready to take shame to himselfe , if any thing were justly charged , as to stand upon the defence of his innocency , in things wherein his conscience bore witnesse to the integritie of his actions : as also that the elders might be inabled to conceive aright of things , and to make report of them accordingly to the church . the dutie being ended , the severall charges were drawne out of the declaration [ the most materiall of them being the same ( as we have been informed ) that were agitated formerly before the committee ] and l. o. required to make answers to them : which accordingly he did . after we had thus heard both parties severally , wee desired to heare them joyntly , and that they might come face to face , for which purpose , mr. taylor writ a letter to mr. smith , and his two friends , desiring them to give us the meeting at some convenient place , and to bring with them such persons as might give in evidence against l. o. concerning any thing contained in the declaration , that might stand in need of further proofe . he also desired that mr. johnson of ashton , and mr. angier of denton ( two godly , and grave ministers of the classicall way ) might be present as witnesses of what passed on both sides . this desired meeting mr. smith and his two friends thought fit to decline for these two reasons , as they pretended . first , that matters of fact were laid downe with that distinctnesse , and clearenesse in the declaration , that they needed to adde no more words for the satisfaction of any ingenuous reader . secondly , ( and that by way of implication ) that wee were not authorized to take their examination upon oath . to which m. taylor in his letter to them answered , that our designe was ( according to our dutie ) to endeavour to bring our brother to the sight of his sinne , and repentance for it , in case he should prove guiltie , according to the severall charges contained in the declaration , or any of them . that this we could not doe , except wee could convince him . that we could not convince him , and upon conviction proceed against him , but by the proofe of two witnesses at the least , since he confidently denied divers things contained in the declaration , and in his answer avoyded the dint , and scope of the rest . that he desired to have his accusers come face to face , and that he might have libertie to answer for himselfe : and that this justice neither they , ( since they had laid a charge against him , nor wee ( if wee would carry it righteously a ) could deny him . that wee desired to know whether they did joyntly attest all , and every of the miscarriages charged in the declaration , or severally . if not all joyntly , but some severally , then we desired to know which of the particulars were attested by one onely witnesse , and which by two or more , since we could not proceed upon a single testimony , but must desire further proofe . that l. o. had brought a certificate b under the hand of a man beyond exception faithfull , ( who spake not by hearesay , but as an eye and eare witnesse , point-blank , contrary to one maine thing charged in the declaration , and also another man ( that had great reason to know the state of the businesse to which he spake , attesting that which is contrary to the maine thing charged by them , as we should give them fully to understand , if they pleased to give us the meeting . that there was also one thing mentioned in the declaration in generall termes , viz. certaine summes of money received that were not given in in his accounts , but no particulars specified , and we desired that the particulars might be given in , and so attested by themselves , or otherwise . that these things considered , they could not righteously deny us the meeting , notwithstanding the distinctnesse , and clearnesse in matter of fact pretended to be in their declaration . and as for the second , it was answered in mr. taylors letter aforesaid ; that if they did not judge it unfit to give in their accusation in their declaration , though they did not look upon us as authorized to administer an oath to them ; why might they not corroborate , and make out their accusation before us ( in things wherin there should be need of further light , ) though we were not in a capacitie to administer an oath unto them ? these were the most material ▪ p ssages in mr. taylors letter . mr. smiths answer in the most considerable pertinent passages was ; that he would have appeared before us , if he had believed us invested with any lawfull power by god● to have taken his examination ▪ that to comply with us in thi 〈…〉 way , would be a remedy worse then the disease . that if l. o. desired is accusers to come face to face , why according to his counsell had he not brought his accusers before the committee ? that he would not trouble himselfe with 〈◊〉 certificate he 〈…〉 ve , or from whom procured , since he 〈…〉 to make out the maine particulars of his 〈…〉 wn accounts and confession and by sufficient 〈…〉 ony upon oath ▪ that he 〈…〉 not the declaration to one church , nor in any of his letters had acknowledged mr. taylor a minister . that if we desired a meeting in a christian way , and not in a church-way , and pleased to let manchester be the place , he would meet us , and endeavour to ingage his two friends , and such other witnesses as should be necessary . that for other particulars in the letter , ( i. e. whether they did attest the things charged in the declaration severally , or joyntly , and if not all joyntly , but some severally , then which were attested by one witnesse , and which by two or more ) wherein we desired satisfaction , he conceived it would be fitter to give in account to the committee for sequestration then to us . to which mr. taylor replyed , that whether he acknowledged the church of duckenfield a church , the elders a presbyteris , or himselfe a minister , neither the one , nor the other , nor himselfe did regard . for with them it was a small thing to be judged of him , or of mans judgement . to their own master they must stand or fall . that the scope of this desired meeting ( on our part ) was not to steale from him an acknowledgement of the truth of our church , or ministries , but an improvement of it to this end , that our brother might be healed in his conscience , if he had done any iniquitie , and in his reputation ( so far as in us lay ) if none of those things whereof he was accused were found in him . and forasmuch as a meeting of them in the capacitie of christians , would be of equivolent conducency to the attainment of our end , wee should as willingly meet them under that notion , as in the capacitie of a presbytery . this answer being thus returned , we were in plenary expectation , that this businesse would speedily be issued one way or other . but though we condescended to meet mr. smith upon his own termes , yet in his answer to mr. taylor , he totally ( contrary to his own ingagement , and promise under his own hand , ) refused to meet us , and not onely so , but expressed himselfe resolved to forbeare all further intercourse with mr. taylor in writing about this matter . the reason alledged by him of his refusall to meet us , was , that he was inhibited by the committee of accounts , who were resolved to take the full examination of the businesse themselves , conceiving that our private debates , would no way advantage the publick , and might prejudice them in their proceedings . assuring us that if we would have but a little patience , things would be discovered to our full satisfaction , out of the examination taken upon oath . when we were thus deserted by mr. smith , and his two confederate friends , refusing to tell us which of the charges were attested by one onely witnesse , and which by two or more , or to give any particulars attested where the charge was generall , refusing also to give us the meeting for the making out of his charge , where it needed proofe , viz. in such things , whereof he , and his two friends , were onely the relators , and accusers , but could not possibly be the attestors or witnesses : when wee were thus deserted , ( wee say ) yet wee left no stone unmoved , further to informe our selves concerning this businesse . and having notice that l. o. was to come to his answer before the committee of accounts for lancashire , upon tuesday the second of febr. . ( to our best remembrance ) in manchester : wee both came thither , and sent to the gen gentlemen of that committee , to desire libertie that wee might sit by and heare what passed that day for our further satisfaction . but this libertie was denied us by the gentlemen at that time . after this mr. taylor having intelligence of the meeting of the committee upon a tuesday , came to manchester to desire a copie of l. o. his charge , the better to enable them to discover the truth of this matter . but after he had come twice or thrice to the place where usually they sate , he was informed , that the countrey people came not in , and so they would not sit that day , and so lost his labour at that time . after this he applied himselfe to one of them particularly , expressing the desire that himselfe , and his brethren had to be throughly possessed of the state of that businesse , and that it would be a very great courtesie to us , if wee might but have a copie of the depositions . the gentleman answered , that it was resolved at their board , that l. o. should not onely be allowed breviates , but also copies at large of the depositions , and there was but onely one thing undetermined , and that was , whether since all the examinations were not taken , he should have the depositions piece meale , or the whole together . mr. taylor went away well satisfied in the candor , and impartialitie of the gentlemens proceedings in that matter . and so wee hope that in due time we shall enjoy the advantage of those depositions , to enable us to make a judgement of the cause , and till then wee shall suspend our thoughts and determinations about that matter . onely this wee cannot but take notice of ; that mr. smith after some depositions were taken , before l. o ▪ had answered for himselfe , ( for that is not yet done ) or the gentlemen had passed any censure against him , ( which also is not yet done ) he writ up to a gentleman a friend of his in london ; that the deacon of duckenfield his knavery is proved before the committee upon oath , and be turned out of his place . his letter bore date , jan. . . who reading this letter , would not conclude , that the committee , after a full hearing of both sides , had found l. o. guiltie ? and for his guilt ( or knavery , to speake in mr. smiths dialect ) had turned him out of his place ? and so his friend in london took it up . whereas the truth is , the examinations are not yet all taken , neither to this day of our present writing , hath l. o. a copie of any one deposition , nor have the committee of accounts passed any censure at all against him , much lesse put him out of his place . but the committee of the countie to ease the publick charge , did diminish the number of the agents for sequestration , and ( without any character of disgrace at all ) did suspend him from the execution of his place ; as they did also many other persons of unspotted side litie to the state . a copie of which suspension is as followeth . at the committee , january . . for as much as by reason of the many and great sequestrators within this county , which have lately been suspended , and taken off , by the compositions at goldsmiths-hall : this committee doe conceive it necessary to reduce the agents employed in the sequestrations in the severall limits , and divisions , hereafter particularly expressed ; viz. oliver edge in manchester divisiou : isaack dehoo , in middleton division : richard bradshaw , in bolton division : william kindsly and william parr , in the parishes of warrington , winwick , wiggan & leigh ; and peter ambrose , and john case in the remainder of the hundred of derby , william eccleston and thomas jackson , for ●●yland hundred : charles gregory , and john haworth , in blackhurne hundred : james smith , richard whitehead , and william audeland , in amundernesse hundred : and thomas towlinson , thomas gardner , adam sands , and john sawry , in lonisdale hundred . and that all other agents employed in the sequestrations in this countie , shall from and after the first day of march next , suspend and forbeare the execution of their places or employments as agents . and in the meane time they are to perfect their accounts , and deliver the same to mr. okey upon such penalties as are imposed by the ordinance of parliament . and the collectors for sequestrations in lonisdale hundred are from hence forward to forbeare the execution of their employments . and the agents of that hundred are to performe the same accordingly . j. bradshawe . john starkie . thomas birche . robert cunliffe . william knipe . n. rigbie . vera copia examinat . per me oliver edge . and yet even since that time , that committee that put him out , hath put him in againe ; which doubtlesse they would never have done , had they judged him unfaithfull to the state . a copie of which order for re-execution of his place is as followeth . at the committee , march . . it is ordered , that william kindsly , william parr , and john hampson , shall be employed for the sequestration in the parishes of warrington , winwicke , leygh , and wiggan , and that they shall have one collector to assist them . and that richard bradshaw shall act as agent for sequestrations in the parishes of bolton , deane , bury , and ratliffe , and that he shall have one collector for his assistance therein ; and that isaac dehoo , and edward dutton shall be agents in the parishes of ashton under line , ouldham , middleton , and rachdale , and one collector to assist them . and that oliver edge , and laurence owen , shall be agents in the parishes of manchester , eccles , drestwich , and flixton , and that the parties aforenamed , shall doe , execute , and performe all things pertaining to that employment , as by ordinance of parliament is appointed . and that for their care and paines to be taken therein , they shall all of them receive the usuall salarie , and pay , as hath been accustomably used to have been allowed , and paid to others of the like employment : saving that there shall be allowed to mr. dutton , and mr. dehoo , the weekly pay of twenty-foure shillings , onely untill further order . j. bradshawe . john starkie . thomas birche . n. rigbie . h. eleetwood . vera copia examinat . per me oliver edge . farre be it from us , to bring any rayling accusation against mr. smith , but let the tree be judged by its fruits , the man by his actions . as for laurence owen , and his businesse , we shall leave it in the middle , and neither cleare him , nor condemne him , ( further then matters of fact ▪ reported in this narrative are of a tendency one way or other ) till the businesse be issued before the committee of accounts . onely hereby it doth appeare , that the church , and the elders , have laboured in some good measure to doe their duty . now we passe to the prodigious story of the invisible drumme . in pag. . there is the story of a drumme , and mr. edwards makes a godly minister of cheshire to be the reporter of it to him , but his name is concealed ; wee may not know him , yet we may aske mr. edwards whether the minister were an eye or eare witnesse of it ? if he were not , nor yet asserted so much to mr. edwards , how comes it that mr. edwards saith in his preface ; for other relations ( alludeing to relations of fact ) i have them from such knowne godly ministers , and christians , being eare and eye witnesse thereof . this will be found a monstrous untruth in mr. edwards : however , because there was no such minister , an eare , or eye-witnesse of this matter , it will be found a loud lye betwixt them , upon which of them soever it will fall . but because there is great enquiry made in some parts of the kingdome about this matter , wee thinke it necessary for the satisfaction of all that would be informed in the truth of it , to give a briefe relation of it , as it was at duckenfeild , and afterwards to manifest what a bundell of untruths were knit up together in the story , as it is represented to the kingdome . and for the truth of what we say , wee shall appeale to many impartiall auditors , who ( as they sometimes repaire to the chappell ) so they were eare and eye-witnesse of the whole matter that very day . their testimony ( they being neither members of our church , nor of our opinion ) wee hope will currantly passe with all rationall men . which is as followeth . upon one lords day , while mr. eaton was preaching in duckenfeild-chappell , there was the noyse of rapping or striking upon one of the pewes or seates in the chappell , and ( they being made of thin wainscoate , and standing hollow from any wall ) the sound was the greater , but continued not long . upon the first hearing of it , mr. eaton turned his eare towards the place whence he conceived the sound came , and after he had finished the sentence he was speaking , he made a short pause , as his manner hath often been to doe , and the noyse immediately ceased ; and he began againe to speake , and so continued to the end , both of prayer and sermon , as at other times , without any further interruption . in the place , whence the noyse proceeded , there was a dogge which lay under the seate , and it was then , and still is supposed , that the dogge in scratching of his eare , struck upon the wainscoate with his foote , which in so little a place as duckenfeild chappell , might well cause as great a noyse , as was there heard : but before it could certainly be knowne what caused it , the noyse was ended , and the dogge was immediately put forth from the seate upon it . in witnesse to the truth of this we set to our hands . robert duckenfeild . william bardsley . george hurst . henry aritage . henry hurst . john taylor . william hampson . thomas ouldham . joseph ashton . william aritage . joseph andrew . having thus brought the truth to light , the untruths , that have been most maliciously and unrighteously forged upon it , will more easily be manifest to all mens eyes . first , that the noyse was like the beating of a march upon a drumme . secondly , that the noyse came in at the doores , and passed up the isle , and so compassed about the chappell . thirdly , that it interrupted mr. eaton , in such manner , that it caused him to desist from preaching , and to betake himselfe to prayer . fourthly , that at length ( the noyse continuing so long ) it caused the dissolution of the assembly , and forced all to flee from the chappell . these are foure desperate malicious untruths , by whomsoever first devised , and each untruth is more horrid and wicked then other . whereas mr. edwards doth comment upon it , and to make it the more remarkeable , would have it observed , that this was the first visible framed independant church that was set up in england , and before the apologists came from holland , &c. answ. wee answer , visible it hath been from the first day it was a church , for wee have carried all things publickly in the face of the world , to prevent the many foule aspersions which have been wont to be cast upon domestick and clandestine meetings ; that with christ wee might be able to say to all malicious false witnesse bearers , wee speake openly daily , in secret have wee said nothing , if therefore wee have done evill , beare witnesse of the evill , if not , why smile you us ca●s●esly ? but whether we were visible , and framed before the apologists came from holland , ( seeing that it is not yet full three yeares since the constitution of our church , and little above two yeares since it was compleated with officers , ) let mr. edwards himselfe ( who knowes the time of their coming from holland ) more considerately compute : and finding it false , ( as we are confident he will ) let him retract so bold an assertion . the conclusions which mr. edwards builds upon it , are foolish , cruell , and absurd , as may appeare from what hath been presented in the premisses ; and let it be considered , whether he hath not dipped his pen deeply in bloud , while he would prophesie what should become of the independants ? and whether he hath not shewed himselfe a bloudy man , and hath already in his heart split a great deale of innocent bloud : as for us , the prayers that wee have put up day by day in places where we preach , for peace betwixt us and our brethren of scotland , will cleare us that we are not the men he chargeth us to be : and wee commit it to god to have our innocency cleared to all mens consciences in his time . in the interim , wee are contented that those foule and hatefull charges , that mr. edwards hath made against us , may passe with the world upon such evidence , as they are presented , and that they may be received and credited upon those grounds upon which they are built , which are most impudent falsities , viz. for [ certainly , and assuredly , ] as there was a drumme heard , beating a march in duckenfeild chappell , so [ undoubtedly ] doe the independants delight in warre . againe , [ so surely , and unquestionably ] as the beating of this drumme , drove us out from the chappell , and brake up our meeting , so [ certainly and infallibly ] shall the warre which wee have sought , overthrow all our opinions , and meetings , and cast us out of england , as an abominable branch for ever : and so [ infallibly ] shall some of our heads be served up by the presbyterians , and put into bloud , as king cyrus his head was by tomyris . in pag. . and . there is a letter , in which the sectaries are charged to have promoted a petition for toleration , the members of duckenfeild to have framed it , the subscribers to be seekers , soule-sleepers , anabaptists , &c. and amongst others , one common drunken minister : it is styled , the petition of the peaceable and well-affected , who desire liberty of conscience , as was promised by the house of commons in their declaration . answ. truth it is , there was a petition on foote , both in cheshire , and lancashire : the fiercenesse of some presbyterians in their petitions in both counties against their brethren ( who would have lived peaceably by them ) was the cause of it . it was not for toleration , but against violence , where moderation and forbearing ought to be : it carried no such title , as the letter imports . some presbyterians were at the framing of it with independants ; many presbyterians employed in the promoting of it . the greater part of the subscribers were presbyterians ; the minister that is said to be a common drunkard , and yet signed it , is one who is entertained by a very godly people in lancashire , who have spoken very hopefully of him to one of us . however it prove , a classicall man he is , or was , a little after he had subscribed it , and therefore not for the honour of the informer , to mention him as a drunkard . if any young schollar which subscribed it , said he would defend independency with his bloud : the speech was rash , but may admit of as favourable a construction , as that somewhat like expression of a presbyterian , who said , he would burne at a stake , before he would reade the house of commons declaration of the th of aprill . but how many untruths have been written in these informations given in about this petition , may be worth the observation of the considerate reader . in this extract also some gentlemen of noble qualitie , are most unworthily and falsly charged ; and though they be not nominated , yet being it is notoriously known who are intended , the injury is not the lesse , but the greater ; for they might vindicate themselves from such aspersions had they been nominally mentioned . the one of them is said to be become a great zealot for independants , for no other reason , but because he is not causlesly transported , with that rage and fury against them , as the author of this letter is , and many other of the pre byterians are in that county ; that he threatned any godly minister to make their places too hot for denying their pulpits to mr. eaton , is most calumniously asserted against so honourable a person . the one of us was an eye and eare witnesse , when this man ( not a godly as it is said ) but an unworthy scandalous minister behaved himselfe insolently and audaciously against this gentleman ; and yet he bore it with remarkable patience , onely told him his own unworthy intemperate offensive carriage in his function , might ere long be brought against him , to cast him out . the other gentleman is said to have incouraged sectaries , discouraged and borne downe the orthodox well affected gentlemen and ministers , that they could never to this day , get any thing done against them . answ. but this is a most ingratefull accusation against so deserving a gentleman , who hath done his countrey , and the kingdome , such noble service , and it is full of malicious slander . for , first ; the persons that he is said to have incouraged , are knowne to be as godly and as orthodox ( independency excepted , which in point of oxthodoxnesse is under doubtfull disputation ) as any other . and what hath his incouraging been , but his entreating them to take their turnes in preaching with others : which service also the parliament hath required from some of their judgement . secondly , what instance can be given of any one orthodox gentleman , or minister , that he hath discouraged and borne downe ? thirdly , when were there ever any attempts made , and set afoote by any of the gentlemen or minister against such person , and he opposed them therein , and ingaged himselfe for the other party ? if none of these , then is he unworthily dealt with . and let it be observed , that whereas there is an implication in his words of a forwardnesse among the gentlemen and ministers to suppresse independency , there is an untruth closely wrapped up in it ; for no such thing hath appeared from the gentlemen , nor generally from the ministers . it is also considerable , how to usher in , what ( by way of defamation ) he would have the world to take notice of concerning this gentleman , he takes upon him to discover the state of cheshire , and therein his own horrid apprehensions of the independents , ( for he instanceth onely in them ) and he compares them ( by way of implication ) to some hideous devouring monster , and all that are taken with them he resembles to a miserable prey ; as if independency were mortiferous and deadly to all the imbracers of it , poysonous and destructive to mens soules . it is of sad consideration to thinke unto what an unjudiciousnesse of mind , and to what moastrous conceptions men are left , through want of charity . and then to confirme what he had asserted of cheshire , he strengthens it with a notorious untruth ; there are ( saith he ) two or three independent churches , set up by them already , and they are setting up two or three more ; the latter part of this relation is totally false . having done with cheshire , he proceeds to lay his defaming pen , upon some parliament-members , and delivers himselfe in such language , as if some abominable thing might be laid to their charge , which it would be lesse safe for men to mention , then to blaspheme all the persons in the trinity ; and by and by he addes words , which reflects upon the whole assembly of parliament : his expressions are these ; the suffering of the church of god to be rent and torne in pieces by heresies , schismes , and divisions , the retarding reliefe for poore bleeding ireland , the grieving and sadding the hearts of our brethren of scotland , &c. the words need no comment upon them who can permit and suffer ought , which the parliament will inhibit , and so of the rest it may be said ; therefore the parliament is struck at , but most unjustly ; for , how they have carried it in all these things , is abundantly evidenced to all that will open their eyes . there are other passages in these very letters , and in other letters which wee have read , which reflect upon some independent churches in these parts , and wee are able to contradict those things , wherewith they , and their officers are aspersed , and to declare the falsitie of them . and if we conceived , that themselves would be silent , we should thinke our selves bound to say somewhat ; but it is probable , the sense of injuries done them , will lie upon them , as well as upon us , and put them also upon vindication of themselves in due time . wee therefore shall rest satisfied in pleading our own innocercy , and shall intreat the impartiall reader , to consider with what dishonest and deceitfull stuffe , both relations and letters are filled , which will not abide tryall . our request to god shall be , that he would teach them , ( who thinke they doe god good service , in beating and baiting their brethren , ) more love , candidnesse , and ingenuity in all their relations of others , and all those who are the subjects of all their exclamations and oppositions , more innocency , and integritie in all their demeanor , that thence it may come to passe , that all that would accuse their good conversation , may be ashamed . the copie of a letter from mr. henry rootes , pastor of the church of sowerbie in yorkshire , in vindication of himselfe against a sinister and dangerous , yet false and groundlesse insinuation , conteined in the copie of a letter out of yorkshire , divulged by mr. edwards in the third part of gangranna . pag. . to his loving brethren , mr. eaton or mr. taylor , these be presented . dearely beloved brethren ; having received intelligence from my brother taylor , of your purpose of answering some slanders of mr. edwards , i desire to give you a true and faithfull accompt of what i delivered in that sermon , which is toucht upon in that letter of james robinsons , which is printed , and of the unchristian dealing in that particular . first , i exhorted all godly men to joyne themselves to some visible church , if they have opportunity . i explained my selfe , i say to some visible church ; not this or that , but some , i say , if they have opportunitie ; for if god take away their opportunitie , they must wait gods time : these cautions premised : these motives were added ; first , whosoever joynes not to some , sinneth , heb. . . jude ver. . secondly , god will punish such , zach. . , , . secondly , i exhorted all godly men , being joyned to some visible church , to strive to walke in some neernesse of communion with that church : as , . in love ; . peace ; . watchfulnesse ; . christian toleration of infirmities ; . seeking one anothers welfare ; . defending one another from common enemies , gen. . . act. . . act. . , . where you may see a mistake in the relator of this last quotation ; this is the real truth , as i can produce mine own notes , and skores of witnesses to atrest the same . first , observe that this relation which now is printed , was carried on the sabbath day to another chappell , a mile distant , and there written downe in all hast , and the next morning posted away to manchester , and that week to yorke : spread fifty miles distant in a few dayes : the next weeke i hearing of it , both from yorke and manchester , i took occasion to speake with mr. hollingworth about it , who said he had seene such a letter , and i related unto him mine own expressions , and sense , who said after he heard me , that i had a deale of wrong done unto me ; i desired to know the party that did write the letter , that i might vindicate my selfe ; but he desired to be forborne in that ; i intreated him then to doe mee that brotherly office , as to deale with the party himselfe ; who promised he would , yet after all this , the letter is sent to london , and printed . secondly , the next lords day after i heard of this , i publickly before all the congregation , related what i had heard was written to yorke and manchester , ( the writer being present ) i then desired to repeate what i had delivered , and did so ; and shewed before all , my sense , that i meant it of the common enemy of the kingdome , ( we being at that time imbroyled in civill warre , ) and i added , that i was so farre from judging it lawfull , for the congregationall men to take up armes against the presbyterians , that i held it unlawfull for any private man to take up armes , except he was backed by publick authoritie . yea , i thought this warre , now in being , could not be justified , but that it hath the authoritie of the state to mannage it . thirdly , diverse weekes after this , ( learning who was the writer of this letter ) i dealt with him about it before one of his intimate friends , paul greenwood , shewing him how unchristianly he had dealt with mee in it : paul answered , indeed he should have knowne my sense before he had divulged it : and for his part , he observed the passages of that sermon as diligently as he could , and did not finde any thing of just exception against it : and i judge this paul , as judicious a christian as most about us , yet all this would not cause the letter to be recalled , or stayed from printing . fourthly , it may clearely be discerned by this relation , and the circumstances here set downe , that divers sinnes , divers wayes have been committed . first , by the first relator , who upon the lords day leaving his owne chappell , in the midst of the day , to goe to carry a piece of a relation , which proves the seed of slander ; if wittingly he minced the relation in the limitation , there 's doegs sinne in it , yea if he related it in that sense which the scribe , and publisher in print seeme to import , ( as it is very probable , by his hasty telling of it , and the others hasty writing of it abroad ) it was in that sense then the like sinne , to their's that were the false witnesses against our saviour , mat. . , . cum joh. . . . but if it was rashly done , without any sinister intention , ( which is much to be doubted , ) yet there was evill in it , to relate a passage , and to leave out principall circumstances for the understanding of it . secondly , sinnes committed by the writer , and divulger were . first , a receiving an accusation against an elder upon one witnesse , without enquiring of the elder , whether it were so , though he might have done any day , and then divulging of it , behinde the backe , and never to the face , in a slanderous manner . secondly , impenitency , and hardnesse of heart , for when he was shewed his sinne , and could not but see it , yet to this day , he never gave any satisfaction , or testimony of repentance to the party wronged ; neither did he suppresse the divulging and printing of it , which he might easily have done , had he timely improved his endeavours , which in godlinesse he ought to have done ; but it appeares in this particular act , he loved evill more then good , and slandering more then speaking righteousnesse , psal. . . thirdly , the sinne of him that published in print these things was , his printing slanderous relations upon so sleight grounds , without enquiring into the certain truth ; yea having been admonished before of such dealings by mr. burroughs , mr. saltmarsh ; and mr. john goodwin , and found faulty in the same kinde , and yet goes on in the same trade ; surely the wise man layes a heavy doome on such , pro. . . all this shews by wofull experience , that there is a spirit of malice workes in the hearts of brethren against some of their brethren more virulent in this kinde , then the spirit of episcopacy , striking not only at our peace , libertie , and livelihood , but at our good names and reputations unjustly : which the bishops never could so touch : but i hope , god will in his time cleare us ; as in this particular by his goodnesse he hath done , and all the world may see it , if they will but view this . brethren , thus i have given you the truth , which i will avow ; if you please to adde any thing within these bounds which is defective ; to blot out any thing redundant or unnecessary , or alter any phrases which are harsh or unpolished , i give you free libertie , nay i intreate you as brethren to doe it , and insert it with your owne , and i will acknowledge my selfe much obliged unto you . i salute you both in the lord , and desire to be remembred to all the brethren , and so remaine sowerbie march . . your truely loving brother in christ , henry roote . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- titus . ▪ gangrae . p. . ibid. ibid. . gangr . pag. . & . act. . . pag. . the marginal note . pag. . notes for div a e- d. gang. gangrae . gangrae ▪ pag. . a acts . . & . . b the same certificate was since subscribed by another godlyman ▪ ☜ preston in com : lane . wiggan in com : lane . d. gang. pag. . a treatise of miscellany questions wherein many usefull questions and cases of conscience are discussed and resolved ... / by mr. george gillespie ... ; published by mr. patrik gillespie ... gillespie, george, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a treatise of miscellany questions wherein many usefull questions and cases of conscience are discussed and resolved ... / by mr. george gillespie ... ; published by mr. patrik gillespie ... gillespie, george, - . gillespie, patrick, - . [ ], [i.e. ] p. printed by gedeon lithgovv ... for george svvintoun, and are to be sold at his shop ..., edinburgh : . errata: p. . pages - have print missing; p. is stained in filmed copy. pages - and -end photographed from cambridge library copy and inserted at the end. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -- early works to . ordination -- early works to . sacraments -- early works to . heresy -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise of miscellany questions : wherein many usefull questions and cases of conscience are discussed and resolved : for the satisfaction of those , who desire nothing more , then to search for and finde out precious truths , in the controversies of these times . by mr. george gillespie , late minister at edinburgh . published by mr. patrik gillespie , minister at glasgovv . edinburgh , printed by gedeon lithgovv , printer to the university of edinburgh , for george svvintoun , and are to be sold at his shop at the kirk style , at the signe of the angel. . the publisher to the reader . it hath been a grand designe of the devil and instruments acted by him , with much controversie to darken the light in the very breaking up of this present reformation , and to hide the precious truth that the simple should not finde it , such pure malice doth he carry against the high way of the lord , and so afraid he is , that the way-faring men shall not erre therein : but they know not the counsel of the lord , nor the thoughts of his heart , who is about to clear the truth , by the manifold errours which have risen in these late times , to work his peoples hearts to a deep detestation of errour , as well as ungodlines , and to declare his truth , to be proofe of all the controversie that can be moved against it , when every work shall be tried by the fire . there must be heresies , for making manifest who are approved , and what is precious and praise-worthy truth , but at the evening time it shall be light , and the lord shall make truth shine the more brightly , that it hath been for a time darkned and born down , this cloudie morning shal end in a clear day . this litle treatise doth help to blow away and dispell the mists ▪ of errour , and clear many questioned truths , beside some points which are practically handled therein . if god had been pleased to lengthen the author his life for longer serving his generation , i am confident it would have come abroad better polished , if he had compleated it and there survayed the whole work , when set together . but although this peece be unperfect , yet having the authors leave , i have adventured to make it publick , without any addition or alteration , the christian reader will correct the errata , and look upon it as it is his opus posthumū , whom god made very serviceable in his work , in a very short time : i shall only wish that it may prove as useful and acceptable to the iudicious and godly , as other peeces which came from his pen. i am thy servant , pat ▪ gillespie . the contents . cap. i. that the ministery is a perpetuall ordinance in the church , and that ministers are to be received as the ambassadours of christ , now as well as in the primitive times . pag. . an erastian lately published the negative , which also the sect of the seekers hold . pag. . the affirmative is proven from scripture by eight arguments . pag. . . three objections answered . pag. , , . how believers are an holy priest-hood . ibid its proved against that erastian , that the ordinary ministry have an embassy ▪ from christ , as well as the apostles had . pag. . cap. ii. of the election of pastors with the congregations consent . pag. . . the question is stated . ibid. the affirmative is proven from scripture by three arguments pag. , , , . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acts ▪ . is exponed . ibid. it s proven also from antiquity . pag. , . it s also the judgement of sound protestant churches and writters . pag. , , , . it s confirmed by five reasons , pag. . . the confession of adversaries proves it . pag. . seven objections answered , pag. . . . . . . . . how we differ from the independents in this point . pag. . . what is due to the people , and what to the magistrat , and what to the eldership in this point . ibid. the elderships votes , and the peoples consent or dissent are free , and there needs not be given a reason for them . pag , . a schismaticall church hath not just right to the liberty of a sound church . pag. . how the congregation is to judge if a man be qualified and fit for the ministry pag. . incommodities may be on both hands , but fewer on this . pag. . . cap. iii. whether ordination bee essentiall to the calling of a minister . pag. . four distinctions are premised for the right stating of the question . pag. . . . the affirmative is asserted and confirmed by ten arguments from nature and scripture to the end . there should be as much order in the church , as in any politick republick . pag . . that place rom : . . exponed and the socinian exceptions discussed . pag. , . . : . . . how the office of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , belongs to ordinary pastors . pag. : . how the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for an office and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differ . pag. . what a mission expectants , and probationers have . pag. . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of church officers cleared . pag. . . ordination of ministers was a catecheticall head in the primitive times . pag. . the diverse names the ministers of the gospell gets in scripture . pag. . the place tim : . . opened up . pag. . . what lawfull ordination contributes for the peoples good . pag. . cap. iv. objections against the necessity of ordination answered . pag. . how the peoples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is consistent with the elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and both necessary . pag. . how election and ordination differ . pag. . the prophets mentioned cor : . . were extraordinarly inspyred , and so no ordinary rule . pag. . how the ordination of our reformers by the church of rome is lawfull , and how not . pag , . these who reject their ordination , must all unchurch themselves and turn seekers . pag. . vvhat may be done in extraordinary cases , and what must be done in ordinary in a constitured church pag. . vvhen the church of rome was most corrupt , there was alwayes a true church in it . cap. v. whether these prophets and prophesyings in the primitive church cor : . and cor. . . eph : . . were extraordinary , and so not to continue : or whether they are presidents for the preaching and prophesying of such as are neither ordained ministers , nor probationers for the ministry . pag : . there are three opinions concerning these prophets , the last whereof is that they were extraordinary prophets , which is holden for true , and proven by . reasons . pag. . ad . prophets in the apostles enumeration , are preferred to pastors and teachers , yea to evangelists pag. . the difference between prophets and pastors and teachers is set down . pag. . . three senses only of the word propbesying in the new testament . pag : . prophesie is distinct both from the word of knowledge and the word of wisedome . pag. . in the prophet there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. . how the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is often used for the new testament . pag. . prophesie is a speciall gift of an apostle . pag. . prophesie and the gift of tongues of the same kinde . ibid. even prophetesses were not allowed to speak in the church pag. , . that place cor. . . exponed and vindicated . pag. , , . how prophesie might be desired . pag . how prophets were subject to tryall . pag . how the word bretbren is sometimes taken . pag. . cap. vi. whether any but a minister , lawfully called and ordained , may administer the sacraments , baptisme , and the lords supper . p. . the negative is justly held by reformed churches against erastians and socinians , and is proven by eight arguments . much of the feeding of the flock confists in the dispensation of the sacraments . pag. what ezekiels vision concerning the new temple means . pag. . none without a calling should make bold with christs broad seals . pag . whom the commission to teach and baptize is given to . ibid. christ hath distinguished between magistracy and ministery , between sacred and civile vocations . ibid. what comfort it is for minister and people if the minister be lawfully ordained . pag. . that one text eph. . , , . is enough to put to silence these gainsayers . pag. . . cap. vii . of prophets and evangelists in what sense their work and vocation might be called extraordinary . and in what sense ordinary . p. their work and vocation is mixed . pag the higher degrees eph : . . are comprehensive of the lower , not contrarywise . ibid. what is the proper work of a prophet , ibid. vvhat is the proper and distinguishing work of an evangelist . pag. . how the word evangelist is taken , ibid. their works how , and in what sense extraordinary , pag. . vvhat kinde of vocation and mission they had , pag. . . timothie had a vocation partly ordinary , partly extraordinary . ibid. cap. viii . that the primitive apostolicall pattern holds foorth unto us for our imitation , a presbyterie , i. e. an assembly of elders having power of ordination , with laying on of hands . pag . how 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ tim : . . is to be taken , and that place vindicated from false glosses . pag. , , , . the change of the phrase in that place is observeable : pag. . imposition of hands is in scripture an authoritative act : pag. . how timothie might be ordained both presbyter and evangelist at one time , in one action . pag. . how timothie might be ordained evangelist by the presbyterie . ibid. in what sense peter calls himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pet : . , . pag. , , , . how imposition of hands is necessary for ordination , and what kinde of rite it is . pag. . . cap. ix . what is meant in scripture by the word heresies , and how we are to understand , that there must be heresies for making manifest the godly partie , or those that are approved , cor. . . p. heresie is more nor divisions and schismes pag. . vvhat heresie is not , answered in two things pag. , , six things do concurre to make a heresie , pag. , , . a description of heresie . pag. . vvhy heresie must bee , and how . ibid. vvho are the approved , cor , . . and who not . pag. . . how we should look upon gods suffering heresies in the church . p. how a child of god may be drawn over to heresie . pag : . . how heresies makes manifest them , who are approved , pag. . chap. x. of new lights , and how to keep off from splitting either upon the charybdis of pertinacy and tenaciousnesse , or upon the scylla of levity , wavering , and scepticisme . pag. . five concessions for clearing the question . pag. . . the greatest deceits of satan have come under the name of new light. pag. many things cried up as new lights , which are neither lights nor new. pag , . it s a false new light that expelleth much good old light. pag. , . balaam seeks a new light and gets it in wrath . pag. . many of our new lights bring in egyptian darknesse . pag. . it s not good light that makes certain truths uncertain . ibid. scepticisme is no good new light . pag. . beware of new lights which come not from the sun of righteousnesse pag. . the vveigelians wilde fancy . ibid. take heed of proud and self-conceited new lights . ibid. beware of separating new lights pag. . beware of new lights that dare not be seen . ibid. refuse such lights as have fellowship with the works of darknes . p ▪ . they are no new lights which bring no edification . pag. . take good heed of new lights which follow new interests ibid. cap. xi . of stability and firmnesse in the truth . pag. scepticisme is a sin , and stability in the truth a dutie proved from natures light and scripture . pag. . seven reasons confirmed with scripture proved . pag. . . some errours in their own nature damnable . pag. . nine preservatives against wavering , and helps to stability in the truth . pag : . . . pertinacy and levitie both to be shunned . pag. . the sectaries word is yea and nay , ibid. seekers should be called atheists , because nullifidians ibid. cap. xii . whether a sound heart and an unsound head can consist together , & vice versa ? or whether truth and holines be not inseparable companions . pag. . every error is not inconsistent with holynesse , yet pro tanto it retards and hinders it . ibid. dangerous errours can no other wayes consist with true grace , no●… dangerous sins . ibid. what are the roots of heresies and errors in the hearts of corrupt men . pag. . . all opinions and practises in the world are reduced to three heads , john . . ibid. there is a reciprocall influence of the will and understanding , and how it is . pag. as the infection of sin is universall , so is the work of gods spirit in the soule . pag. . soule and spirit , reasons and affections compared together , ibid. both doctrinals and practicalls make up a perfect christian , pag. ▪ to be led in all truth , is a work of the spirit of truth . ibid. truth and grace compared . ibid. how erroneous men are distinguished from the elect , pag : . a holy heretick is a chymaera , and a prophane believer is another . pag. . an ungodly mans knowledge , is but a forme of knowledge . ibid. no sin in the will without some error in the understanding . pag . all professed and mantained errors are but manifestos of the corrupt principles secretly lurking in the judgements of all unrenewed men . pag. , . many hold fast the truth , because not yet tempted , ibid. eleven practicall conclusions drawn from the former principles , pag. , , , , , . . every religion and faith will not save men . pag. . how heresies are damnable . pag. . . church censures should strike both against hereticks and profane men . pag. . there is cause to fast and pray when heresies abound , ibid. we must not converse with false teachers . pag. . opinions are not free more then practises . pag. . hee who would keep his head , let him keep his heart . ibid. the approved in triall are these only who have both true piety and a sound judgement . pag. . cap. xiii . whether conscionable christians and such as love the power and practice of piety , can without defileing their own conscience , or without a destructive wounding of the power of godlinesse , imbrace and hold the principles of these who call themselves the godly partie ? or whether they ought not rather to avoid these who do now pharisaically and donatistically appropriat to themselves the name of the godly partie , as being indeed such , who under the pretence of zeall for the power of godlines , hold diverse ungodly principles . pag. . diverse who now pretend to be the godly party hold many ungodly principles . that none ought to be punished for preaching or publishing an error in faith , except it be contrary to the light of nature . ibid. there is need of some oedipus to loose this , how these who decline natures light in lesser things , should appeal to it in sublimer things . pag. . that in questions of religion we must only argue from the new testament . ibid. this is shortly refuted . pag , . . that sectaries and hereticks peaceable in the state ought to be tolerated and foreborn . pag. . toleration is the sectaries holy of holies . ibid. it s shortly refuted . pag. . that none should believe more nor by reason he can comprehend , this is not good divinity . pag. . . the only gospell reformation , is the destroying of sin out of the elect , and that this work belongs to christ alone . ibid. this is a destructive and injurious doctrine . pag. . . diverse arminian and antinomian tenents are maintained by them , which strengthen the hands of the wicked . pag. other tenents are current among them which are apt to weaken the hearts and hands of the godly . pag. . cap. xiv . another most usefull case of conscience discussed and resolved , concerning associations and confederacies with idolaters , infidels , hereticks , or any other known enemies of truth and godlinesse . pag. three kind of covenants distinguished , civil , sacred , and mixed , the last two are unlawfull to be made with wicked men , and these who differ in religion . ibid : civil covenants called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for peace or commerce are lawful . ibid. civil covenants called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to joyne in military expeditions together , is unlawfull ibid. this is proved from scripture . pag. . three objections from abraams , and the maccabees covenants , and davids associating with broken men , answered . pag , , . five particulars which god hath forbidden his people in reference to heathen or wicked persons . pag. . . . religious covenants and familiar conversation is forbidden pag. . conjugall covenants is forbidden , pag. faedus deditionis , or , pactum liberatorium forbidden , . david did not right in sparing ioab and shimei , ibid. civil covenants of war was forbidden , ibid. this is confirmed more . pag. , . the objection taken from jehosaphats joyning with ahab , proves nothing . pag. , two other objections answered by scripture . pag. . five distinctions to take off all other objections , pag. . three uses of this point pag. . six motives and reasons to drive home this naill to the head . pag. . another objection from davids confederacy with abner and amasa answered fully . pag. , . . what can be drawn from the example of christian states and common-wealths . pag. . an objection of malignants answered . pag : . how men may be forced into the covenant . pag. . how neglect and contempt of a dutie may be censured , and wihall wickednesse in the person who hath taken up the practise of the dutie . pag. another objection removed . ibid wee may no more associat with the wicked of the same kingdome , then of another kingdome . pag. . cap. xv. of uniformity in religion , worship of god , and church government . why luther declined a generall synod for unity in ceremonies , ibid. there is great difference betwen the prelatical conformity and the presbyteriall uniformitie ibid. this is branched out in seven particulars . pag. . . both nature and scriptures gives presidents for uniformity p. . . the church in the old testament was very uniforme both in the substantials and rituals of their worship . ibid. it was also prophecied to be under the new testament , and commended and commanded in it . pag. ibid. the church in the ancient times had a great uniformity pag. . cap. xvi . whether it be lawfull , just and expedient that the taking of the solemne league and covenant be injoyned by the parliament upon all persons in the kingdome under a considerable penalty . pag. nine particulars to be remembred for the right deducing and stating the matter of fact . pag. . . the grounds and reasons of such an ordinance and appointment may be eleven . pag. . . . . four objections answered . pag. . how this ordinance would not bee tyrranny over mens consciences . ibid the covenant is no temporary obligation . pag. . if such an ordinance to the army be scandalum acceptum , then the not making of it is scandalum datum . pag. . cap. xvii . of infant-baptisme . pag. baptisme hath succeeded in the roome of circumcision against mr. tombs opinion ibid. baptizing with water is a divine institution proved from scripture . p. both hebrews and heathens , had a custome of washing infants soone after their birth ibid unto what the institution of baptisme by water related . pag. . the manna and water out of the rock , was the same in substance with the lords supper ; and the cloud in the red sea , was the same with our baptisme in eight respects p. ibid & . this infant-baptisme of theirs is a good warrant for us . p. , . the originall of baptisme is not derived from the baptisme used in the admission of proselyts . p. . another text , ephes : . . proves that baptisme belongs to infants . p. cap. xviii . of the use of a table in the lords supper , and of the communicants there comming to , and receiving at the table . pag. . the first guests our saviour intertained , received at the table . ibid. this sitting was not occasionall only , but had a standing reason for it ▪ p. . successive tables and repeating the words is no deviation from the rule : p. . . another argument taken from the generall notion and nature of the lords supper , as it is a banquet and feast p. ibid. . . a third reason taken from the name table which the apostle uses , p. . . . the sitting at table together , sets foorth the communion of saints with christ and among themselves . p. . the words of distribution proves there must be a table , all must sit at . p. ibid : & ▪ . antiquitie proves it . ibid. cap. xix . that there was among the iews a jurisdiction and government ecclesiasticall distinct from the civill pag. . the jews had ecclesiasticall elders or church governours which proves the point . ibid. even under the roman emperour they had their presbyteri and arcbisynagogi . it s proved out of mr. selden , that their elders received a judiciall degree , and were not civil magistrats . ibid. . the jewish ordination of elders with imposition of hands proves it also . pag. . . a third argument is taken f●…om the synag●…ga magna , pag. . the hebrews triple crown proves it . ibid. the jews exercised ecclesiastical discipline , since their dispersion which is a fifth reason . pag. . . cap. xx. that necessary consequences from the written word of god do sufficiently and strongly prove the consequent or conclusion , if hereticall , to be a certain divine truth which ought to be believed ; and if practicall , to be a necessary dutie which we are obliged unto jure divino . pag ▪ the assertion is cleared by some premisses . ibid humane reason drawing the consequence , is not the ground of our beliefe ▪ pa. . there is a difference between corrupt and renewed reason , ibid. two sorts of consequences distinguished . pag. the assertion is proved , first by the example of christ and his apostles . ibid. in the old testament as well as in the new , some necessary things were left to be drawn by necessary consequence from the law of moses . pag. . two sorts of necessary consequences from the law , a sortiori and a pari pag. ibid & : a third reason from the infinite wisedome of god , who must foresee all things that followes upon his words pag. . diverse absurdities will follow , if this truth be not admitted . pag. . these who most cry down this assertion , yet themselves can bring no other , but consequentiall proffes to proove their tenents pag. . if this be denied , we deny to the great god what is granted to the litle gods or magistrats . ibid. cap. xxi . of an assurance of an interest in christ by the marks or fruits of sanctification , and namely by love to the brethren . also how this agreeth with , or differeth from assurance by the testimony of the spirit ? and whether there can be any wel grounded assurance without marks of grace . pag. . three cautions for right understanding the question , that is , marks are not to be separated , either from the free grace , or from christ , or from the spirit . ibid. it s a sure way to seek after assurance of our interest in jesus by the marks of sanctification proved by five reasons . p. . a twofold certainty of the mind distinguished , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and a twofold uncertainty opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pag. . the evidence of marks gives the first kinde of certainty , the testimony of the spirit , gives the second . ibid. this is illustrat by a simile of believing the scriptures . p. ibid. & . and by another of the disciples going to emma●…s . ibid. the assurance of justification is virtually done in a syllogistical way . the spirit works the firme belief of the proposition , a twofold testimony concurre to the assumption . pag. . none should divide these testimonies , they are joyned in three texts of scripture pag. . d. crisps objection against assurance from the love of the brethren , propounded . pag. for answer three things are demonstrat . ibid. this objection militateth as much against their own interpretatiō . p. . the antinomian way of setling assurance , is an inextricable labyrinth . pag. . the testimony of the spirit must be an evidence according to the word of god. pag. . . wee say the evidence of marks is privative , they say , it is at most cumulative . pag ; . the spirit of god is a spirit of revelation , but not beside or contrary to the word . ibid. another objection of crispe removed . pag. . . how the spirit and word concurre to this assurance . ibid. the word is more sure nor any voice within or without . pag. . crispe his way of assurance by the testimony of the spirit received by faith resuted . pag. : . he grosly mistakes faith . ibid. mr. eton brought against him . pag. . a sad lamentation of a poor soul holding foorth what miserable comforters these antinomians are . pag. , , . the love of the brethren is a sure and clear mark of one being past from death to life . ibid , four things observed touching the brethren pag. . it s not necessar to have a infallible knowledge of their regeneration how far particular saints may be known by their fruits . pag. . antinomians expone cor : . legally , pag. . marks and tokens of true and sincere love of the brethren . p. , no marks h●…eraway without some mixture of contrary corruption : p. there is alwayes bellum , though not alwayes proelium , between the flesh and the spirit . pag. . cap. xxii . of the true real and safe grounds of incouragement to believe in iesus christ or , upon what warrands a sinner may adventure to rest , and rely upon christ for salvation ▪ pag . to say christ died for all men conditionally , is not the way to ease troubled consciences . pag. ibid ▪ & the true and sa●…e grounds of incouragement to believe in christ , are , first christ his alsufficiency , pag. . it s a great part of true faith ▪ to believe christ is able to save to the uttermost . ibid. . christs intention to die for all men , . all sorts of sins or sinners of any kinde . pag. . all men exponed ibid. to pray for all men , and to pray in every place exponed . pag. . . every man , heb. . ●… hath the same sense . pag : . all men can only be all men who are in christ. ibid : & the whole world ioh. , . exponed . ibid. . the world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ioh. . . is no larger nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. iesus christ hath died for expiation of all forts , and all manner of sins , pag. . the sin against the holy ghost only excepted , what it is . ibid : how a blasphemer against the holy ghost may repent . pag ▪ . christ receives all who come unto him and excluds none , but such as by their unbelief excludes themselves pag. . chap. i. that the ministery is a perpetuall ordinance of christ in the church , and that ministers are to bee received as the embassadours of ▪ christ , now aswell as in the primitive times . that which hath long lurked in the hearts of many atheists , is now professed and argued for , by that sierce furious erastiane , whose book was published the last year at franeker . he cryes out that the world is abused with that notion of a pretended sacred ministerial calling , that though the apostles and others who first preached the gospel , were indeed sent and set apart for that holy calling , which was also confirmed by signes and miracles , and they were therefore to bee received and submitted unto , as the embassadours of christ , yet ministers and pastours now are not to be acknowledged , as the embassadours of christ , neither is there any such thing now to be acknowledged , as a speciall distinct sacred calling , or solemne setting apart of men to the ministerie of the vvord and sacraments , but any who is fit and gifted , though not called or ordained , may both preach and minister the sacraments , baptisme and the lords supper . the sect of seekers also hold that there are not at this time , neither have been for many ages past any true ministers or embassadours of christ. now for confutation of these errors , and for the confirmation and setlement of such as are any way shaken or troubled therewith , i have thought good here in the first place , to make sure this principle that the ministery as it is distinct both from magistracy , and from private christians , is a perpetuall standing ordinance of christ in his church to the end of the world . this i prove first from , mat. . , . that commission , goe ye and teach all nations , baptising them , &c : could not be meant of the apostles onely or other ministers of christ at that time , respectively and personally , but must needs be extended to true preachers and baptisers in all ages to the end of the world , as is manifested by the promise added : and loe i am with you alway even unto the end of the world . . from eph. . , , . where the ordinance of pastors and teachers , for the work of the ministery reacheth as farre as the perfecting of the whole body of christ , and the gathering in of all the elect , and consequently as far as the end of the world . . from those evangelicall prophesies and promises of pastors and teachers , ier. . . and . . isa. . . and . . . and . . ezekiell . . which are not restricted to the churches of the primitive times , but the true churches of christ in all ages interested therein . . christ hath appointed his gospell to bee preached to all nations , mat. . . luke . . and all the world over , mat. . . and to every creature under heaven , mark . . the preaching of the gospell is the meane and way ordained of god to save them that beleeve , rom. ▪ . cor. . . now although there was a large spread of the gospell in the apostles times through so much of the world as was then knowne , yet that universall commission was not then so perfectly performed and fulfilled as it shall bee before the end be . and however all the elect were not gathered in at that time , but many of them to be yet gathered in , which must bee done by preaching . and who can 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who shall do the office of a herauld , but he that is an herauld ? the holy ghosts word used for preaching , is borrowed from herauldry . . christ hath appointed faithfull and wise stewards to bee rulers over his houshold , to give them their portion of meat in due season , luke . . which was not appointed for the primitive times onely , but till he come again , as appeareth by verse . . blessed is that servaut whom his lord when he commeth shall finde so doing , and verse . . but and if that servant say in his heart , my lord delayeth his comming , &c. more of this scripture afterwards . . from tim. . . the apostles having in that epistle given direction concerning church officers , bishops , elders , deacons , with many other particulars belonging to the ministery , when he comes to the close of the epistle , hee gives a strict and solemne charge to timothie to keep this commandement , without spot , unrebukable , untill the appearing of our lord iesus christ , which cannot be understood of timothy personally , but 't is a charge given in his person to all the ministers of the gospell , who shall live till the appearing of christ. . from revel . . , . there is a charge , that which ye have alreadie hold fast till i come , and this charge is given to two sorts of persons . first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vobis , to you bishops or pastors , for there were more of them then one in thyatira , as likewise in philippie , phil. . . antioch , act. . . and . . ephesus , act. . . . . . the like may be observed of other primitive churches . secondly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the rest of you , viz. of the flock and body of the church . as the charge cannot be restricted to the church of thyatira , no more can it bee restricted to the ministery in thyatira . but in them christ chargeth all both ministers and church members to hold fast the jewell of the gospell till he come again . . it is the priviledge of the new jerusalem which is above , that there is no temple therein , revel . . . no ministery , no preaching , no sacraments in heaven , but god shall be all in all . an immediate enjoyment of god in this world without ordinances is but a delusion . in the church triumphant prophecies shall faile , cor. . . but in the church militant , despyse not prophesyings , thes. . . if any object ( as some fanatick persons have done ) ier. . . and they shall teach no more every man his neighbour , &c. ioh. . . and ye need not that any man teach you . i answer first , these scriptures are to be understood comparatively , in the same sence as god said , he would have mercy and not sacrifice , hos. . . the spirit of illumination and knowledge shall be so aboundantly powred forth under the gospell , and god shall so writ his lawes in the hearts of his people , that there shall be almost as much difference between those under the old covenant , and those under the new covenant , as there is between those that need a teacher , and those that need not a teacher . . as the law is not made for a righteous man , tim. . . viz. to compell him as with a bitte and bridle , for hee needeth no such compulsion , but obeyeth filially and willingly , yet the law is made for a righteous man to bee a rule of obedience to him . so beleevers under the gospell need not to bee taught by men as ignorants are taught , they are not without understanding as the horse or the mule ; for they shall all know me , saith the lord , ier. . . and ye know all things . ioh. . . yet they need a teaching ministery for growing in knowledge ; for their edification building up , for strengthning and confirming them , and for putting them in remembrance and stirring them up , ephes. . . pet. . . and . . phil. . . there shall ever bee need of the ministery , both to convert such as are not yet converted , and to confirme such as are converted . the apostle thes. . . thought it necessary to send timothy to the church of the thessalonians to establish them , and to comfort them . . as long as we are in this world , that promise that wee shall not need any man to teach us , is not perfectly fulfilled , for we know but in part , cor. . . . we shall ever need a teacher til we be in heaven and see christ face to face . . and thus we must needs understand these scriptures objected , unlesse we will make them to contradict other scriptures , ier. . . rom. . . cor. . . and how can a man understand without a teacher , acts . . object . but if we beleeve the ministery to bee a perpetuall ordinance , and if there be a promise that christ will bee with the ministery to the end of the world , then wee must also beleeve a succession of ministers since the apostles dayes , and that in the midst of popery it self , christ had a true ministery . answer , if our beleeving the holy church universall , and that in all ages christ hath had and shall have a true church , doth not inferre that wee must beleeve the church either alwayes visible , or alwayes pure , so our beleeving a perpetuall ministery , doeth not inferre that therefore wee must beleeve either a lineall or visible succession of ministers , or their purity and preservation from error . there is nothing of this kinde can bee objected against our beleeving a perpetuall ministery , but it falleth as heavy upon our beleife of the perpetuity of the church . object . . the multitude of beleevers are under the new testament made a royall priest-hood , pet. . . and christ hath made us kings and priests unto god , revel . . . answer , first peter explaineth himself , pet. . . ye are anholy priesthood to offer up spirituall sacrifices acceptable to god by iesus christ. vvhat these spiritual sacrifices are we may finde in other scriptures , the mortification of the flesh and offering up of our selves to god , rom. . . contrition psal. . . prayer and supplications , psal. . . heb. . . rev. . . thanksgivings , psal. . . . heb. . ▪ almes deeds , phil. . . heb. . . as to these all beleevers are indeed an holy preist-hood , but not as to publick ministeriall administrations . . this objection drives at the taking away of magistracy and civill government , aswell as of the ministery , for christ hath made beleevers kings aswell as priests , and if kings then not subjects . . the same thing was said to the people of israel , exod. . . and ye shall be unto me a kingdome of priests , yet god appointed the sonnes of aaron onely to be priests , as to the publick administration of holy things ▪ . the same god who hath made christians an holy priesthood , hath promised to the church of the new testament , that he will set a part and take from among them , or of them ( by way of distinction and speciall calling ) priests who shall minister before him in the holy things , isa. . . ezek. . . . &c. whom hee calleth priests not in the jewish nor popish sence , but for their offering up of the gentiles to god by the preaching of the gospel , and sanctified by the holy ghost , rom ▪ . . or wee may conceave they are called priests by the prophets , that they might be the better understood , speaking in the language of those times : even as for the same reason when the prophets spake of the church of the new testament , they mention mount zion , jerusalem , sacrifices , incense , the feast of tabernacles , &c. but i must not forget what the erastian grallator with so much spite and derision rejecteth , viz. that there is not onely a perpetuall ministery in the church , but that ministers lawfully called , are to be receaved as the embassadours of christ , and as sent of god. if there must be a perpetuall ministery yet . that child of the devill and enemy of christ ( for hee can be no other who is an enemy to the ministery of the word and sacraments ) ceaseth not to pervert the right wayes of the lord. he will by no meanes acknowledge any ministers in the reformed churches to be the embassadours of christ , though the apostles were . it seemes he hates this name the more , because embassadours by the law of nations are inviolable persons , how much more the embassadours of christ ? but let us now see whether the word of god gives not as high a rise and authority even to the ordinary ministery of the gospell , as an embassadour from christ. when paul saith , wee are embassadours from christ , cor : . . he speaks it not in reference to any thing peculiarly apostolicall , or any thing incompetent to ordinary ministers , the contrary is most plain from the text it self , he hath committed unto us the word of reconciliation . now then wee are embassadours for christ , as though god did beseech you by us , wee pray you in christs stead , be yee reconciled to god. now if paul was the embassadour of christ , because he had committed unto him the word of reconciliation , then all true ministers of the gospell are also the embassadours of christ for the same reason . see the like eph : . . for which i am an embassadour . for what ? not for working miracles , casting out devills , planting churches in severall kingdoms , or the like , but for opening my mouth boldly , to make knowne the mistery of the gospell , vers . . wherein he desires to be helped by the prayers of the saints . by the same reason all faithfull and lawfully called ministers are the embassadours of christ , as well as the apostles : even as under the old testament , the priests who were ordinary teachers , and called in an ordinary mediat way , were the angels or messengers of the lord of hosts , mal : . . as well as the prophets . . chron ▪ . ▪ so wise men and scribes are said to be sent of god as well as prophets , math. . . and the ministers of the seven churches in asia are called angels , revel : . . and an interpreter of the word of god is a messenger , iob . . now christ hath given to the church pastors and teachers , as well as apostles , prophets , and evangelists , all these are from heaven , not from men , ephes : . . chap. ii. of the election of pastours with the congregations consent . the question is not , whether the power of ecclesiasticall government , or jurisdiction belong to the people , or body of the church ▪ ( for the tenents of brownists and anabaptists , concerning popular government , we utterly abhorre ) nor whether the whole collective body of the church ought to be assembled , and their voi es severally asked in elections , for all may consent when none vote in elections , but the representative body of the church , nor whether the consent of the people to the admission of a pastor is to be sought and wished for , it being generally acknowledged by all , and denyed by none , that it is better to enter with the peoples consent then against it : nor whether liberty ought to be granted to the whole congregation , or any member thereof to object against the mans life or doctrine , or against his qualificatiō for such a particular charge , for it is certain that not only the congregation , but others who know any just impedimēt against his admissiō , have place to object the same , nor whether the churches liberty of consent be inconsistant with , or destructive unto the presbyteries power of examinatiō and ordination , for these may stand together : but the question is whether it be necessarily required to the right vocation of a pastor , that he be freely elected by the votes of the eldership , and with the consent ( tacite or expressed ) of the major or better part of the congregation , so that he bee not obtruded , renitente , & contradicente ecclesia . the affirmative part of this question is proved from scripture , from antiquity , from protestant writters , yea churches and from sound reason , and from the confessions of opposites . to begin with scripture , and with the primitive paterne , the apostles themselves would not so much as make deacons till all the seven were chosen , and presented unto them by the church , ast , . , , , : the author of the historie of episcopacy , part , . pag. . to cut off our argument from acts . saith . that the seven were to be the stewards of the people in disposing of their goods , good reason that the election should be made by them , whose goods and fortunes were to bee disposed of , this answer was made by bellarmine before him : but walaeus tom . . pag. . reasoneth other wayes : the feeders of the peoples soules , must bee no lesse ( if not more ) beloved and acceptable then the feeders of their bodies ; therefore these must be chosen with their own consent , as well as these . secondly , elders ( both ruling and preaching ) were chosen by most voices of the church : the suffrages being signified , per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , by lifting up , or stretching out of the hand , act. . . where the syriak version doth insinuate , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not to be understood of the apostles ordination of elders , but of the churches election of elders , thus , moreover they made to themselves , that is , the disciples mentioned in the former verse , made to themselves , for they who were made , were not elders or ministers to paul and barnabas , ( but to the multitude of the disciples ) in every church elders while they were fasting with them and praying , and commending them , &c. now how could this election be , but after the graecian forme by the churches lifting up , or stretching out of hands . but because some doe still stick at this place , it may bee further cleared , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; it may be understood three wayes , and all these wayes it saveth the peoples right . it may be either the action of the church onely , as the syriak maketh it , or a joynt action both of the churches , and of paul and barnabas , as iunius maketh it ; or an action of paul and barnabas , in this sense that they did constitute elders to the churches , by the churches own voyces . however , the word relateth to election by stretching out , or lifting up of hands , not to ordination by laying on of hands , which is the sense followed by the italian version , and diodati authorising and ordaining such a one only to bee an elder as was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i prove , . from the native signification of the word , where iulius pollux hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . gualther and wolf seberus render it manuum extensio , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manus levare , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , manibus refragari , budaeus interpreteth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be plebiscitum , suffragium , h. stephanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manum protendo ; & attollo manum porrigo : and because , saith he , in giving votes , they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thence came the word to be used , for scisco , decerno , creo , but properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is ( saith he ) as it were , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iustin martyr , quaest. & resp. ad orthod . resp. ad quaest . . doeth expressely distinguish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as words of a most different signification ▪ where cedrenus anno. . saith euphranius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pilander , the interpreter rendereth , episcopatui , communibus suffragiis deligitur . scapula , and arias montanus also in his lexicon tells us , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is manus porrigere , or elevare , eligere , or creare magistratum per fuffragia , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is most different from laying on of hands , which is not a stretching out or lifting up , but a leaning or laying down of the hands on some thing . wherefore the hebrews note laying on of hands by samak , inniti chrysostome saith the roman senat , did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which d : potter himselfe turneth , did make gods by most voices ; charitie mistaken , pag . . the use of the word in this sense , and in no other sense , either in scripture , cor. . . or greek authors that wrote before the new testament . so that luke could not be understood , if he had used it in another sense , but he wrote so that he might be understood : if he had meant ordination , he would have used the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as acts . . tit. . . or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as acts . . . the manner of the elections among the graecians testified by demosthenes , cicero , and others , cleareth the meaning of the word . so they had a phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , omnium suffragiis obtinet , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no man giveth a contrarie vote . when the grecians choised their magistrates at their comitia held solemnely for that end : he that was nominated , was brought into the threater before the people , so many as aproved of him , held forth , or stretched forth , or lifted up their hands : if the major part did thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee partly was then said to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a magistrate created by suffrages . so elias cretensis in greg. nazianz. orat . . i finde also in aeschines orat ▪ contra cetesipont , some decrees cited which mention three sorts of magistrates , and among the rest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . those that were made by the peoples suffrage . in the argument of demosthenes his oration , advers . androtion , these magistrates are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , magistrates made by the peoples suffrage , fronto ducaeus in his notes upon the fifth tom . of chrysostome pag . confesseth that with heathen writters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is per suffragia creare , and therefore the word is rendered in the tigurine version , and by calvin , bullinger , beza , and so doth erasmus , upon the place understand the word : ut intelligamus , saith hee , suffragiis delectos . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth not at all make against that which i say , as some have conceaved it doth , but rather for it , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here is to bee rendred , ipsis not illis , and so pasor ▪ in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rendereth , acts . . quumque ipsis per suffragia creassent presbyteros . so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here is used for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the grecians sometimes use the one for the other . so h : stephanus , thes. ling. gr. in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where he referreth us to budaeus , for examples to prove it , see the like , matth. . : iohn . . thus therefore the text may be conceaved , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , and when they ( the disciples of lystra , iconium and antioch ) had by votes made to themselves elders in every church , and had prayed with fasting , they commended them ( to wit , paul and barnabas ) to the lord in whom they beleeved . it needeth not seeme strange , that here in one verse i make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be ipsis , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be illos , and meant of different persons , for the like will frequently occurre in scripture , mark . . as iesus sate at meat in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is levies ) house , &c. . and they watched him , and they followed him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is iesus , mark . whether he would heal him , here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for iesus , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the man , which had the withered hand , gal. . . to reveal his sonne in me , that i might preach him , here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipsius , for god the father , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illum for christ. so then the churches of lystra , iconium , and antioch , after choosing of elders , who were also solemnly set a part with prayer and fasting , were willing to let paul , and barnabas goe from them to the planting and watering of other churches , and commended them unto god , that would open unto them a wide and effectuall doore , and prosper the work of christ in their hands , ephes. . . . or they commended them unto god for their safety and preservation , as men are said to commend their owne spirits to god , luke . . pet. . . this sense and interpretation which i have onely offered to bee considered , doth not bring any harshnesse , and much lesse , offer any violence , either to the text or context in the greek . but if another sense be liked better , whether to understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the elders ordained or the churches commended to god by paul and barnabas , or to understand all the particulars mentioned in that . verse to bee common and joynt acts done by paul , barnabas and the churches , that is , that they all concurred in making them elders by suffrage , in prayer and fasting , and in commending themselves to the lord ; i shall not contend so long as the proper and native signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is retained , yea ; although wee should understand by this word , an act of paul , and barnabas alone , distinct from the churches suffrage and consent even in that sense , we lose not the argument ; for first it cannot be supposed that the businesse was put to the lifting , or strething out hands in signum suffragii , between paul and barnabas , as if it had been put to the question between them two alone ; whether such a man should bee elder in such a church . but how then can it be an act of paul and barnabas ? thus if you will , thir two did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 creare suffragiis , vel per suffragia , id est ; they ordained such men to bee elders as were chosen by the church . they two made or created the elders , but the people declared by lifted up hands whom they would have to be elders . so calvin instit. lib. . cap. . § . even as saith he , the roman historians often tells us , that the consull who held the court , did creat new magistrates , id est , did receave the vo●…es and preside in the elections . . luke doeth usually mention the churches suffrage in making church officers , or in designing men to sacred employments , as acts . . . acts . . acts . . so doth paul , cor. . . . cor. . . tim. . . so that it is not likely there should bee no mention of the churches election here , where pro●…essedly and intentionally mention is made of planting elders , the prayer and fasting , as acts . , . so likewise , acts . . was common to the church ; they prayed and fasted cum discipulis , jej●…nantibus saith the glosse ) all being one work , why was not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common to the churches also . . protestant writers draw from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the churches suffrage ; magdebur : cent . . lib. . cap : . zanchius in . prae. beza , cartwright and others , on the place , bullinger decad : . ser. . iunius contro : lib. cap. . and others against bellarmine , de cler cap. . gerhard , tom . . pag. . brochmand : systhem : tom : . pag. . danaeus in tim. . walaeus in his treatise , quibusnam competat vocatio pastorum , and loce : pag. . of papists , also salmeron expondeth this place by , acts. . and saith the apostles gave the election to the churches , here of elders , as there of deacons , bel : de cler : cap. . and esthius in . cor. . . confesse that if wee look either to the etimologie of the word , or the use of greek authors , it is to choose by votes . if it be objected to me that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being referred to the people , will invest them with a judiciall power ; and a forensicall , or juridicall suffrage ; and where is then the authority of the eldership . ans. 't is like enough ( though i confesse not certain ) that no elderships were yet erected in those churches , acts. . . but put case they had elderships , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might well be referred to the people , to signifie their good liking and consent , for in athens it self the people did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they did but like well the persons nominated , as when a thesaurer offered some to be surety , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom the people shall approve . demosthenes advers . timocr . in which oration 't is also to bee noted that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the assemblie , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the judiciall court or assembly of judges are plainly distinguished , so farre that they might not be both upon one day ; and that , though the people did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet not they , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or judges , did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ordaine , or appoint a magistrate , see ibid jusjurandum heliastarum . as for the objection from acts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but as it were the preventing of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a prior designation . . it is there attribute to god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that in the councell of god the apostles were in a manner elected by voices of the trinitie , as faciamus hominem , gen. . and hindereth no more the proper signification of the word applyed to men , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ascribed to god , can prove , that there is no change in men when they repent , because there is none in god. as for that objection made by a learned man , that even the septuagints isay . . have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not for extensio or elevatio manuum , but for that which is in the hebrew immissio or innixus digiti or manus . answer , . it is not put for innixus digiti , but for extensio digiti , for so is the text . . sanctius following cyrill , tells us that the sense of the . turning the text so ; was this , nempe hic intelligi suffragia quibus magistratus creantur , a quibus raro solet abesse munerum largitio & corruptio juris . so that his argument may be retorted , i do not say that this is the prophets meaning , but that it is the . their sense of the text in using that word , for the most interpreters understand by putting forth the finger there , derision , and disdain . . the . certainly did not intend the putting on , but the putting out of the finger , so the chaldee hath annuere digito , heirome , extendere digitum , which well agreeth with the hebrew shekach digitum extendere . i. e. malum opus perlongare , saith hugo cardinalis . it is saith emanuel sa , minando , aut convitiando , ( which seemeth the true sense ) the jesuits of doway read , and cease to stretch out the finger . gualther readeth emissionem digiti , and expondeth thus medij digiti , ostensio erat contemptus iudicium , digitis item minitamur , suppose none of all these signifie the laying on of the hands , or finger , but suppose that it is not laid on , and so much shall suffice concerning these scriptures , acts . , , . . and acts . : a third argument from scripture shall be this . if the extraordinary office bearers in these primitive times were not chosen , nor put into their functions without the churches consent , far lesse ought there now to bee any intrusion of ordinary ministers without the consent of the church ; iudas and silas were chosen with consent of the whole church unto an extraordinarie embassage , act. . . so were pauls company chosen by the church , cor. . . the commissioners of the church of corinth , were approved by the church , cor. . . yea mathias , though an apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , was together chosen by suffrage , namely of the disciples , simul suffragiis electus est , as arias montanus , rightly turneth the word ▪ act. . . . bell. de cler. cap. . acknowledgeth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est dare suffragium , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est ipsum suffragium , paul and barnabas were extraordinarily , and immediatly called of god , yet when they were to be sent to the gentiles , god would have the consent and approbation of the church declared , act. . . i conclude this argument from scripture , with the magdeburgians cent . . lib. . cap. . neque apostolos , neque alios ecclesiae ministros sibi solis , sumpsisse protestatem eligendi & ordinandi presbyteros & diaconos , sed ecclesiae totius suffragia & consensum adhibuisse ; tum ex , cor. . . patet , tum exemplis probatur , act. . . act. . . act. . . the next argument is taken from antiquity , cyprian lib. . epist. . is very full and plain , for the churches right and liberty in elections . d. feild lib. . cap. . citeth and englisheth the words at large , leo. epist. . cap. . requireth in the election of bishops : vota civium , testimonia populorum , epistola synodalis concilii . car : bar . sussitani apud augustinum , enar i●… psal : . saith , necesse nos fuerat primiani causam , quem ple●…s sa●…cta ecclesiae carthaginensis ▪ episcopum fuerat in ovile dei sortita , seniorum literis ejusdem ecclesiae postulantibus audire atque discutere . the fourth councell of carthage , can. . requireth to the admission of every clergie-man , civium assensum , & testimonium & convenientiam . socrates lib. . cap. . recordeth that ambrose was chosen bishop of millane with the uniforme voice of the church ; and lib. . cap. . he recordeth the like concerning the election of chrysostome , to be bishop of constantinople . moreover , i finde in the pretended apostolicall , but really ancient constitutions , collected by one under the name of clemens , lib. . cap. ▪ 't is appointed to ordain a bishop , thus qualified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in all things unblamable , one of the best and chosen by all the people , unto whom let the people , being assembled together on the lords day , with the presbyterie , and the bishops then present give their consent . then immediatly one of the bishops askes the eldership and people , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if they desire that man to be set over them , which if they consent unto , he next asketh them ( as a distinct question ) whether they all give him a good testimonie for his life , &c. greg : nazianz. orat . . commendeth athanafius his calling , as being after the apostolicall example , because he was chosen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the suffrage of all the people . the councell of nice in their epistle to them of alexandria appoint some to succeed into the vacant places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so that they appear worthie , and the people chose them , greg : mag : epist. lib. . cap. . clerum & populum singularum civitatum hortari festina , ut inter se dissentire non debeant , sed uno sibi consensu , una quaeque civitas consecrandum eligat sacerdotem , he that would have greater store of antiquity for this , may read blondel . apol . pag. . to . . gerhard citeth for the peoples right , ambrose , chrysostome , origen , isidore , yea twelve popes , and diverse ancient examples , as the election of sabinianus of athanasius , peter the successor of athanasius , of eradius , the successor of augustine , of nectarius , of ilavianus , and others chosen with the consent of the whole church ; gerhard . loc : com. tom : . sect . , , . what need we to say any more of this , bilson himself confesseth it , de gubern : eccles. cap. . pag. . he saith the ancient forme was , totam ecclesiam nominationi & probationi pastoris sui prius consensisse , quam pro electo haberetur : and he observeth ( which another of his minde saith with him , hist : of epistopacy part . . pag ) that the people did more willingly receave , more diligently heare , and more heartily love these in whose election their desires were satisfied , bell : de cler : cap. . confesseth that in the time of chrysostome , ambrose , augustine , leo , and gregory , the receaved forme of elections was , that both the clergie and the people should choose . ancient testimonies for the peoples election , see also smectimnus , pag . thirdly , we argue from the judgement of sound protestant churches and writters ; the helvetik confession tells us that the right choising of ministers , is by the consent of the church : the belgick confession saith , we beleeve that the ministers , seniors , and deacons ought to be called to these their functions , and by the lawfull election of the church to bee advanced into these rooms : see both in the harmony of confessions , secl . . the french discipline we shall see afterwards : the tenent of protestants , which bell : de cler : cap. . undertaketh to confute , is this ; ut sine populi consensu , & suffragio nemo legittime electus , aut vocatus ad episcopatum habeatur . and though our writers disclame many things which he imputeth unto them , yet i finde not this disclamed by any of them , who write against him : it is plainly maintained by luther , lib. de potest : papae ▪ calv ▪ in acts . . beza confess . cap. . art . . musculus in loc : com . zanchius in . praecept : iunius animad : in bell : contro . lib. . cap . cartwright on acts . . osiander . hist : eccles : cent . lib. . cap. . gualther on acts , stutonius fazius in tim. . . morney de eccles : cap. . balduin : de instit : ministrorum cap. . bruchmand : systhem : tom ▪ . pag . . walaeus de vocatione pastorum , & in loc : com : pag . bullinger decad . . ser. . pag. . smectymnus , pag. . . whittaker in his manuscript : de clericis , which was never printed ; ascribeth election to the people . so festus homius speginen controv : belgick . art. . and many others whose testimonies wee can produce if need be , let five onely speak for the rest ; calvin in one of his epistles , though writing against the itching eares , and groundlesse conceits of some people , yet asserteth this for a certaine truth . sane oportet ministrum a populo approbatum esse , antequam i●… ministerii possessionem mittatur , quod si quis seipsum intrudit aliâ viâ , ubi in ecclesia ordo jam constitutus est , legittima vocatione destituitur , see the book of spiles , pag . edit . genev : . gerhard tom : . pag . vt ecclesiâ consentiente pastores vocentur , neve quis invitae ecclesiae obtrudatur ; habet expressa in scripturis testimonia , & perpetuâ ecclesiae primitivae praxi , comprobatum est , zanchius in . praecept : col . . saith , est igitur manifestum nunquam apostolos quempiam ad ministerium e●…egisse & ordinasse suâ tantum authoritate , sed semper id solitos facere consentiente & approbante ecclesiâ , and col : . servatur haec eadem consuetudo etiamnum in mult is ecclesiis reformatis , and col : . eligere pastores sine plebis consensu , primum non est apostolicum , neque legittimum , eoque talis minister , legittimus non fuerit minister , deinde pugnat cum libertate ecclesiae , eoque adimitur ei quod christus donavit , quantum autem est hoc crimen ? tertio non conducit pastori , quia nunquam bonâ conscientiâ poterit suo fungi officio , neque etiam conducit ecclesiae , quia libenter non audiet , neque etiam amabit eum , qui sibi non consentienti obtrusus est , danaeus in tim. . . quemadmodum totius ecclesiae pastor est futurus , ita ab omnibus debet approbari , nè quisquam gregi invito pastor obtrudatur . and after he hath cleared the whole matter at length , hee concludeth , ex his autem omnibus apparet , quam nulla sit vel non legittima eorum dei ministrorum vel ecclesiae , pastorum vocatio , qui solius regis vel reginae , vel patroni , vel episcopi , archi episcopi authoritate , diplomate , bullis , jussu , & judicio fiunt vel eliguntur , id quod dolendum est adhuc fieri in iis ecclesiis , quae tamen purum dei verbum habent , & sequuntur , velut●… in mediâ angliâ . the professors of leyden in synops : pur . theol : disp : . thes. . ius pastores eligendi , est penes ecclesiam , ac proinde plebi commune , cum presbyteris : jus eos ordinandi soli presbyterio est proprium . i must not forget to mention the order of the church of scotland , the first book of discipline in the fourth head , saith , this liberty with all care must be reserved to every severall kirk , to have their votes and suffrages in election of their ministers , the second book of discipline , cap. . saith , in the order of election it is to be eschewed that any person be intruded in any offices of the kirk , contrarie to the will of the congregation to which they are appointed , or without the voice of the eldership : the generall assemblie at edinburgh , in decemb : . sess : . made this ast , that inhibition shall be made to all and sundry persons , now serving in the ministery that have not been presented be the people , or a part thereof to the superintendent : the generall assemblie at edinburgh , may . sess. . requireth the consent of the whole parish to a ministers election , the wordsare these ; anent the doubt moved if it be lawfull to any towne , or city , where there is an vniversitie , and a part of the parish of the same towne lying to landward , without their consent and votes to elect a minister to the whole parish and vniversitie , pretending the priviledge of an old use and custome . the kirk hath voted thereto negative , that it is not lawfull so to do : the generall assemblie at perth , in march . sess. . doth forbid the choosing of ministers without the consent of their owne flocks : the generall assembly at glasgow , sess. . art . o. doth revive the ancient order thus , anent the presenting either of pastors , or elders and school-masters , to particular congregations , that there be a respect had to the congregation , and that no person be intruded in any office of the kirk contrarie to the will of the congregation to which they are appointed in the treatise called , the order and government of the church of scotland ( published anno . for information of the english , and for removing and preventing all prejudices which the best affected among them had , or might conceave against our church government ) we have these words , pag . so that no man is here intruded upon the people against their open or tacite consent and approbation , or without the voices of the particular eldership , with whom he is to serve in the ministery . and now if in any congregation of scotland , the practise should be contrarie to the profession , and rule established ( which god forbid , and i hope it never shall ) it were a double fault and scandle . finally , the order of the church of scotland is strengthened by the civil law of the kingdome : for the second parliament of king charles , act . did ordaine presbyteries to plant vacand kirks with consent of the parishes . and act . anent the presbyteries providing and admitting ministers to the kirks which belonged to bishopricks ; it is alwayes provided , that this be without prejudice of the interest of the parishes , according to the acts and practise of the kirk since the reformation : in the . act of the last session of the same parliament , presbyteries are appointed to plant vacand churches upon the sute and calling of the congregation . in the fourth place , the point is confirmed from sound reason . for , . it is very expedient for the credite and better successe of the ministery , that a bishop have a good name and testimony even among them that are without , as the apostle teacheth , tim. . . it is much more necessary , that he bee well lyked and approved of them that are within the church . . it is a common maxime among the fathers , schoolmen , and summists , quod ad omnes pertinct ommium consensu siere debet . . as the free consent of people in the election , is a great obligation and ingagement , both to them , to subject themselves in christian and willing obedience to him , whom they have willingly chosen to be over them in the lord , and to the person elected to love them , and to offer up himselfe gladly upon the service and sacrifice of their faith : so where this obligation or mutuall union of the hearts of pastor and people is wanting , mutuall dueties are not done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but as it were by constraint and necessity , they in the mean time drawing back from the yoke , and hee , at the best watching over them , not with joy , but with grief and sorrow of heart . . in stead of peace and harmony , there shall be contention and contradiction , gerhard . tom : . pag : . ministros vocaricum consensu & suffragiis ecclesiae cui praeficiuntur , alit mutuam concordiam inter auditores & pastores , summe necessariam , a movet etiam dissidia ex neglectu hujus ordinis metuenda . . it breadeth great peace and confidence when one is thus called . whittaker de ecclesiâ quaest : . cap : . defendeth the calling of luther , zuinglius , oecolampadius , &c. upon this ground , quia sunt a populis & gregibus vocati . . experience hath made men to know the comfortable fruits of free election , and the unhappie successe of violent intrusion . constantius the sonne of constantine , did put orthodox bishops from their places , and substitute arrians in their roome , with the contradiction and reluctation of the churches . the like did papists in the palatinat , and other places where their dagon was set up againe . so did the authors and urgers of the interim in germany . so did the prelats in scotland , england , ireland . upon all which intrusions many unspeakable evils did follow . if wee after a second reformation should now permit violent intrusions , this might well be a prologue to much co●…fusion and disorder . lastly , i argue from the confessions of adversaries themselves , we have cited before the confession of bilson , and of the author of the history of episcopacy , and of salméron , i will adde peresius de traditionibus , who undertaketh to confute the protestant tenent , that it belongeth to the people to elect or reject their ministers ; hee argueth from antiquity , and yet in that same argumentation , he is constrained to speak for us . for speaking of the three bishops which by the ancient canons might ordain a bishop , he sayeth , verum tamen est quod episcopi isti qui ad electionem congregabantur , consensum expectabant cleri & populiut in concilio carthaginensi quarto refertur , qui consensus magis erat testificatio vitae ejus qui erat ordinandus , & signum quoddam expressivum ejus desiderii , quod volebat paulus quando bonum testimonium populi dicebat expectandum ante ordinationem . et infra . hoc enim modo magis pretiosus esset illis praelatus , magisque amabilis , ne cogerentur inviti inutiles homines , & inter dum perniciosos suis sudoribus alere . and answering to the passage of cyprian lib : . epist ▪ . he sayeth ; that tho hee hath not read of it , yet forte erat mos tempore ejus in ecclesiis hispaniarum ( for they were two spanish bishops of whom cyprian writs in that epistle ) ut aliqui ex populo vocem haberent , electivam . quod vero dicit populum posse recusare indignos , etiam fassi sumus , quantum ad electionem si indignitas ordinandi sit not a & populo perniciosa . but what sayeth the canon law it selfe , decr : part : . dest : . electio clericorum est petitio plebis . he was a popish archbishop who condescended that the city of magdeburg , should have jus vocandi & c●…nstituendi ecclesiae ministros : neither would the city admit of peace without this condition . thuan hist : lib : . pag . i had almost forgot d : feild of the church lib : . cap : . confessing plainly that each people and church stand free by gods law , to admitte , maintain , and obey no man as their pastor without their lyking : and that the peoples election by themselves , or their rulers dependeth on the first principles of humane fellowships and assemblies : for which cause , tho bishops by gods law have power to examine and ordain before any man be placed to take charge of souls , yet bave they no power to impose a pastor upon any church against their wills . hee citeth diverse testimonies of antiquity to shew that the ancient elections were by the church or the greater part thereof . it remaineth to answer some objections . and first it is objected , that this is a tenent of anabaptists , independents , and separatists . ans : . but shall we condemne these truthes which either they , or papists , or arrians doe hold ? quid est , saith cyprian , quia hoc facit novatianus ut nos non putemus esse faciendum ? we may goe one myle with the scriptures , though we goe not two myles with the independents , or three myles with the anabaptists , or separatists . . neither in this same point of elections doe we homologat with them , who give to the collective body of the church ( women and children under age onely excepted ) the power of decisive vote and suffrage in elections , we give the vote onely to the eldership or church representative , so that they carrie along with them the consent of the major or better part of the congregation . gamachaeus in primam secundae quaest : tells us out of thomas this difference betwixt consent and election : that though every choosing bea consenting , yetevery consenting is not a choosing : the liberty of consent is one thing ; counsell or deliberation another thing : the power of a decisive voice in court or judicatory a third thing . i speak of a constituted church ( for where there is not yet an eldership , there can be no such distinction : yet however bee there an eldership or bee there none , the churches consent must be had . ) the first of these we ascribe to the whole church , without whose knowledge and consent ministers may not be intruded . the second to the ablest and wisest men of the congregation , especially to magistrates , with whose especiall advice , privity , and deliberation the mater ought to be managed . the third which is the formall , and consistoriall determination of the case of election , consisteth in the votes of the eldership : their way is much different from this , who would have the matter prepared by the conference , and deliberation of the eldership , ( as wee use to doe in committees ) but determined and decided by the votes of the whole congregation . . let them speak for us who have particularly written against the separatists and independents . laget in his defence of church-government , part . . cap : , in the stating of the question about popular government , declareth that the question is not , whether in maters of greater importance , and more publick concernment , ( as admissions , excommunications , and absolutions of members , elections , and depositions of officers ) the case ought to bee made known unto , and determined with the free consent of the people ( for all this he willingly granteth . ) but whether every cause to be determined , ought to be brought to the multitude , or body of the congregation , and they to give their voices therein together with the officers of the church . mr. herle the reverend and learned prolocutor of the assembly of divines at westminster in his treatise , intituled , the independency on scriptures , of the independency of the churches , pag : . while he stateth the question , saith , we acknowledge that the pastors and other officers were ancientlie , and it is to be wished they still were chosen ( at least ) consented to by the members of each respective congregation : but that they are to bee ordained , d●…posed , or excommunicated by the presbyterie , &c. moreover they of the separation , and if not all , yet ( sure ) some independents place the whole essentiality of a calling in election , accompting ordination to be no more but the solemnization of the calling . we say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the missio potestativa , or the power and commission given to a man , by which hee is made of no minister to be a minister , is not from the churches electing him , but from the lawfull ordaining him : and that election doth but designe such a person to the ministery of such a church . for as gamachaeus sayeth in tertiam partem thomae do sacr : ordin : cap : . the people cannot give spirituall authority which themselves have not : et quamvis fateamur , saith hee , laicos saepissime vocatos ad electionem ministrorum ecclesiae , tamen longe est aliud loqui de ordinatione , quam de electione , &c. object : : this liberty granted to congregations prejudgeth the right of patrons ? ans : : if it were so , yet the argument is not pungent in divinity , for why should not humane right give place to divine right ? nec episcopale nec patronatus jus ecclesiasticis canonibus introductum praejudicare potest potestati jure divino toti ecclesiae in ministrorum electione competenti , saith gerhard tom : . sect : . the states of zeeland did abolish patronages , and give to each congregation the free election of their own minister , which i take to be one cause why religion flourisheth better there then in any other of the united provinces . object . . the churches liberty of consenting or not consenting , asserted by the arguments above mentioned , must ever be understood to be rationall , so that the church may not disassent without objecting somewhat against the doctrine or life of the person presented . answ : . the author of the historie of epistopacy part : . pag : . . tells us out of the book of ordination , that the people are free to except against these that are to be ordained , and are required if they know any crime , for which they ought not to be receaved unto the ministery , to declare the same . he saith further , that presbyters are elected by the patrons , for and in the name of the rest of the people . pag : . so peresius de tradit : part : . pag : . confesseth that people should be required to object what they can against the fitnesse of the man to be ordained . now then if this be all , that people may object , it is no more then prelats , yea papists have yeelded . answ. . this objection cannot strike against the election of a pastor , by the judgement and votes of the particular eldership of that church where he is to serve : for it is evident by the scriptures , testimonies , and reasons above specified , not onely that the church hath liberty of disassenting upon grounds and causes objected , but that the eldership hath power and liberty positive to elect ( by voyces ) their ministers . now men vote in elderships , ( as in all courts and consistories ) freely according to the judgement of their conscience , and are not called to an accompt for a reason of their votes . . as the vote of the eldership is a free vote , so is the congregations consent , a free consent , and the objection holdeth no more against the latter then against the former , for they are both joyntly required by the church of scotland as appeareth by the citations foresaid . . any man ( though not a member of the congregation ) hath place to object against the admission of him that is presented , if hee know such an impediment as may make him uncapable , either at all of the ministery , or the ministery of that church to which he is presented : so that unlesse the congregation have somewhat more then liberty of objecting , they shall have no priviledge or liberty , but that which is common to strangers as well as to them . in this fourth answer , i am confirmed by blondellus a man intrusted , and set apart by the nationall synod of the reformed churches of france , for writing and handli●…g of controversies . in his apologiâ prosententia hieromini , pag : . replying to bellarmine who would enervate cyprians testimonies ( for the peoples right to choose their ministers ) by this evasion which now i speak to , saith , nec pu●…idum in gravi scriptore commentum ferendum , populum habere potestatem eligendi & suffragium ferendi , quia potest dicere siquid noverit boni v●…l mali de ordinando , & sic testimonio suo efficere ut non eligatur : quasi vero is eligendi & suffragium ferendi potestate praeditus eaque usus dici debeat , qui id tantum prestat , quod omni electionis & suffragii jure absolute carens praestare ( quandocunque libet ) potest , autoris quisquam adeo duri reperiatur ut infidelium pessimos quicquid boni vel mali de ordinando noverint dicere , & sic testimonio suo ut nō eligatur efficere posse negare audeat , habe●…unt scilicet ex adversarii hypothesi aequo cum sidelibus jure eligendi & suffragium ferendi potestatem . . though nothing be objected against the mans doctrine or life , yet if the people desire another better or as well qualifyed , by whom they finde themselves more edified then by the other , that is a reason sufficient ( i●…a reason must bee given at all ) and it is allowed by danaeus in . tim : . . and by the first book of discipline in the fourth head , . it being condescended upon in the parliament of scotland that his majestie with consent and advice of the estates , should nominate the officers of estate . the estates of parliament were pressed to give a reason of their disassenting from his majesties nomination , but they refused . and i am sure consenting or not consenting in a matter ecclesiasticall , ought to be as free , if not more free , then in a matter civill . object . . this course may prove very dangerous for an apostatizing congregation , for a people inclining to heresie or schisme , will not consent to the admission of an orthodox and sound minister . answ. . the intrusion of ministers against the congregations will , doth more generally and universally draw after it , great evils and inconveniences , . the corruptions of many patrons , and peradventure also some presbyteries may be more powerfull to intrude insufficient or unsound ministers , then the unsoundnesse or errour of this or that particular congregation , can be to hinder the admission of them that are sound . . we shall heartily accord that a hereticall or a schismaticall church , hath not just right to the liberty and priviledge of a sound church . . zanchius in . praec : col : . would have a congregation infected with heresie or superstition , before there bee a ministery setled among them , to be first convinced of their error , by some other pastor sent unto them by the christian magistrate for a time , and extraordinarly as a kinde of evangelist . at vero saith he , cum constitutae sunt & formatae verae ecclesiae , cur tune saltem non relinquitur illis libertas eligendi suos pastores ? object : . people do often erre in their choise , and cannot judge of the qualifications and abilities of pastors , but follow blindly the humors of their lords or leaders . answ : . we must beleeve what christ saith , iohn , , . that his sheep know his voice , and a stranger they will not follow , but will flee from him . . there are also in presbyteries and in all judicatories , some leading men whose judgement is much respected and hearkened unto . . hee that followeth another is ever blind : a people may follow leading m●…n ; and yet see with their own eyes too . . when bellarmine objecteth that a people cannot judge , whether a man be fit for the ministery , iunius animad : contr : . lib : . cap : . not : . answereth that the congregation judgeth not simply and absolutly whether one be fit for the ministery , but whether he be fit to serve in the ministery among them . vvhich two are so different , that of two men offered to a congregation , he that is absolutely and simply the best qualifyed for the ministery , is not to bee for that cause admitted hic & nunc , but hee who is fittest for that congregation . now a rude and ignorant people can judge which of the two speaketh best to their capacity and edificatition . . vvhen any congregation makes choise of an unfit or dangerous person , against whom there is just exception to be made , they must not therefore be robbed of their right , but called upon to make a better choise : this right people had from a pope , greg : mag : epist : lib. . epist : . habitatores lucensis civitatis quendam ad nos presbyterum adduxerunt , quì eis debuisset episcopus ordinari , sed quia mimine dignus inventus est nec diu sine proprio possunt consistere sacerdote : a nobis admoniti in se●…inio promiserunt alium studiose qu●…rere , &c. object : . seldome or never shall a congregation bee found all of one minde , and because this might bee answered in the words of gregorius de valentia in tam secundae disput : . quaest : . punct : . nam moraliter loquendo illud tota communitas facere censetur quod facit major ipsius pars . therefore to make the objection stronger , it may be further added , that oftentimes the greater part shall overcome the better part , because in every corporation there are more bad then good , more foolish then wise : this inconveniencie is objected by bellarmine de clericis , cap : . who tells us further that popular elections are subject to tumults and seditions . we answer with iunius ubi supranot : . . first inconveniences do also follow upon elections made by presbyteries and patrons without the peoples consent . . de incommodis prudenter curandis , non dere sanctâ mutandâ temere , sapientes videre opportuit . . for avoiding inconvenience of this kinde , it is to be remembred , that the congregation ought to be keeped in unity and order ( so far as may be ) by the directions and precedence of their elders , and by the assistance of brethren chosen out of other churches , when need so requireth . . zanchius ubi supra , col : . answereth out of calvin ; praesideant plebi in electione alii pastores , & cum ipsis etiam magistratus conjugatur , qui compescat tumultuantes & seditiosos . vvherein there is great need of caution , lest under pretence of suppressing tumults , the churches libertie of consenting or not consenting be taken away ; as upon the other part , the election is not to be wholly and solely permitted to the multitude or body of the church , which is the meaning of the . canon of the counsell of laodicaea , as it is expounded by osiander . gerhard , iunius and oth●…rs . . when a congregation is rent asunder , and cannot agree among themselves , this evill may b●…e helped in subordinate , though not in independent churches , for the higher consistories , the presbyteries and assemblies of the church , can end the controversie and determine the case , after hearing of both si●…es . object : . as for that which may reflect on ministers , that have not the peoples consent . . answ : it is ordination that maketh men ministers . and the want of the churches suffrage cannot hinder their being ministers , it concludeth onely that they did not ritè and ordinatè enter into their ministery hic & nunc in such a church . . this also is helped by a posterior approbation of the church , as a woman marrying a man unwillingly , yet after loving him as her husband , removeth that impediment . i conclude with a passage out of the ecclesiasticall discipline of the reformed churches in france , cap : . the silence of the people , none contradicting , shall be taken for an expresse consent , but in case there aryse any contention , and hee that is named should be lyked by the consistory , and disliked by the people , or by most part of them , his reception is then to be delayed , and report of all to bee made unto the conference or provicniall synod , to consider aswell the justification of him that is named , as of his rejection . and altho he that is named , should there be justified , yet is he not to bee made or given as a pastor to the people against their will , nor to the dislike , displeasure , and discontent of most of them . nay the popish french church , hath no lesse zealously stood for their liberty in this point in so much , that the intrusion of men into ec●…lesiasticall charges by the pope himself , hath been openly opposed , as shall most fully appeare to any who shall read the book intituled . pro libertate ecclesiae gallicanae adversus romanam aulam defensio , parisiensis curiae , lodo vico undecimo gallorum regi , quondam oblata . in which they do assert against the papall usurpations , the liberty of elections both by clergie and people , their reasons are these among others ; cum episcopus ecclesiae sponsus sit , & matrimonium quoddam spirituale inter ipsum & ecclesiam contrahatur , necessario consensus ecclesiae in●…ervenire debet . and after , cum episcopus solemniter a collegio eligitur , confirmaturque servatá programma●…um & inquisitionum forma , eò certe ma , or est populi de eo existimatio , magisque eum venerantur , observant & diligunt populares , quam siipsis invitis obtrudatur . ideoque doctrina ejus l●…nge sructuosior est , & ad aedificandum multo efficacior . hinc tametsi petrus christi vicarius esset , & caput ecclesiae : tamen mortuo iuda qui unus apostolorū erat caeteri omnes pariter eligerunt , & sors cecidit super matthiam ut in actis apostolorum legitur . lucius pontifex romanus vir sanctus , & martyr , qui ecclesiae romanae praesuit anno , . ita decrevit : nullus in ecclesiae ubi duo vel tres fuerunt in congregatione , nisi eorum electione canonca presbyter eligatur , &c. the same thing doth duarenus de sacr : eccles : minist : lib : . cap : . confirme , not on●…y from the ancient canons , but from the election of matthias act : . and that of the deacons act : . chap. iii. whether ordination be essentiall to the calling of a minister . this question hath been thus stated in a little book intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein the judgement of the reformed churches and protestant divines is shewed ; concerning ordination , &c. the negative part is there mentioned , also in the queries touching the ordination of ministers , written in opposition to the learned and much approved book intituled . ius divinum regiminis ecclesiastici , the same contraversie is touched upon frequently with more railing then reason by that furious erastian who composed the gralloe against apollonius and cryes out that the world is abused with an empty notion of a pretended sacred ministeriall calling , which may be exercised by none but such as are thereunto called solemnly set a part , and ordained . this is the same thing which hath been formerly debated by protestant divines against the anabaptists and socinians . see p. martyr . loc : com : class : . cap. . aretius probl : theol : loc : . the professors of leyden , synops : pur : theol : disp : . wal●…us in loc : com : tom : . pag : . . festus hommius specim , controv : belgic . artic : . of the lutherans , gerhard in loc : com : tom : . cap : . lib : . balduin de institutione ministrorum , cap : . & lib : . de cas : consc : cap : . brochmand synt : theol : artic . de minister , eccles. cap : . quaest : . stegmannus in sphotinianismo disp : . the sociniane tenent against the necessity of ordination , see in socin : tract : de eccles : nicol : and tract : de eccles. & missione ministi . yet the socinans acknowledge it is fit for order , and decency to retaine ordination in the church . peradventure many of the sectaries of this time will hardly acknowledge this much : i shall first of all premise some distinctions and considerations for the better opening of the true state and nature of this contravesie . next i shall bring the positive arguments , and lastly , answer the contrary objections . the particulars to be premised are these . first the question is not whether ordination be the only thing essentiall , or necessary to the right calling of a minister ? i have before pleaded for the necessity of the churches consent , i now plead for the necessity of ordination ; that ought to be no impediment to this , nor this to that . . neither is the question , whether imposition of hands be essentiall and necessary to the calling of a minister . imposition of hands is a rite used in ordination , after the example of the primitive churches ( of which more anone ) but the substance , essence , and formall act of ordination is another thing . therefore not onely the lutheran divines , but calvin in tim : . . iunius animad : in bellar : contr : . lib. . cap : . bucan●…s loc : com : loc : . gersomus bucerus and others distinguish between the act of ordination , and the rite used in that act . m. antonius de dominis , lib : . de repub : eccles : cap : . § . & cap : . § . . & lib : . cap : . § . doth also distinguish between the rite or ceremony of laying on of hands , and the essentiall act of ordination which he rightly calls missio potestativa , a sending of one with power and authority : vvhich agreeth well with matth. . . mark . , , . where we have first the election of the apostles to their office ; he calleth unto him whom he would , and they came uuto him , matthew sayeth , he called unto him his twelve disciples , luke . . he called his twelve disciples together . here was an antecedaneous election or designation of the persons . thereafter followes the ordaining or constituting of them in their office 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith mark , and hee ordained ( or made ) twelve that they should be with him , and that bee might send them forth to preach , and to have power to heal , &c. luke addeth after the calling together of the twelve , that he gave them power and authoritie over all devils , and to cure diseases , and he sent them to preach , &c. vvhich sets forth the true nature and essence of ordination , that it consists in a sending forth of chosen persons with power and authority . and this potestative missioun of the twelve is applyed , not onely to power over devils and diseases ( which was extraordinary and apostolicall ) but to power of preaching which belongeth to the ordinary pastor to call , charge . pastors and teachers are messengers , iob . . and god hath committed unto them the word of reconciliation , . cor : . . . neither is the question , what may be done in extraordinary cases when ordination cannot be had , or where there are none who have power to ordaine . vvee read that aedesius and frumentius being but privat men , became preachers of the gospell , and converted a great nation of the indians : likewise that when the iberians were converted by a captive woman , their king and queen became teachers of the gospell to the people . there may be an extraordinary calling from god where religion is not yet planted , nor churches yet constituted . it is altogether another case in a constituted reformed or reforming church : i adde with peter martyr , that even those persons who set about the work of the ministery extraordinarly or among infidels , if they can come at any who may ordain them in the usuall and right way , they ought not to neglect the seeking of ordination . . nor is the question of teaching , exhorting , admonishing , reproving , comforting one another , or praying for , or with one another , in the way of a private christian fellowship , and and brotherly love . for this belongs to the generall calling of christians as they are christians , observing therein the rules of the word , and there is no need nor use of ordination in all this . but the question is of the particular , speciall , sacred calling of the ministers of the gospell to preach and administer the sacraments , whether ordination be not essentiall and necessary to this calling . the privat christian dueties of teaching one another , reproving , exhorting , &c. are to be conscionably and carefully performed by privat christians , ioh. . , . acts . . eph. . . col. . . heb : . . but this the apostle plainly distinguisheth from the speciall ministeriall function , thess : . , . with vers : , . the affirmation of this question in hand , viz. that ordination is necessary and essentiall to the calling of a minister , may bee confirmed by these arguments . . doeth not nature it selfe teach you : as the apostle sayeth in another case , shall the visible politicall church of christ , which is the purest and most perfyt republick in the world , have lesse order and more confusion in it nor a civill republick . embassadours , commissioners , officers of state , judges , generals , admirals , with the subordinate commanders in armies and navies , do not runne unsent , nor act without power authority and commission given them . how much more unbeseeming , and disorderly were it in the church , ( which nicolaides himself , even where he disputeth against the necessity of ordination , refut : tract : de missione minister , cap : . pag : . ) acknowledgeth to be more perfite then any politick republick in the world ) for any man to assume to himselfe power and authority which is not given him , or which he hath a non habente potestatem , or to intrude himself into any publick administration unto which he is not appointed . it was justly complained of , as a great disorder under the prelates , that midwives were permitted to baptize upon pretence of a case of necessity , yea that deacons were permitted to baptize , because the administration of baptisme , doeth neither belong to deacons , nor to private persons . but that railing rabshaketh , the anonymous erastian before mentioned , goeth so far as to cry down all necessity of ordination or any speciall call to the ministery of the word and sacraments , and alloweth any christian , whether magistrate or subject , both to preach , baptize , and minister the lords supper , having no ordination or speciall mission to that effect . 't is a sufficient answer to him , offer it now unto thy governour , will he be pleased with thee ? mal : . . who will endure such a confusion in a state , that any man may assume publick offices and administrations , not being thereunto called and appointed ? and shall the church ( which must go a great deal further than the law and light of nature , ) come short of that which nature it self teacheth all humane societies ? 't is both a naturall and a scriptura●…l rule , let all things be done decentlie and in order , cor : . : for god is not the author of confusion , but of peace , ibid. vers . . if it were an intollerable usurpation in a mans own family , if any man should take upon him the stewards place to dispence meat to the houshold , not being thereunto appointed . how much more were it an intollerable usurpation in the church , the house of the living god , for any to make themselves stewards of the mysteries of christ , not being appointed ▪ ●… i argue from , rom : . . and how shall they preach except they be sent ? suppose they bee well gifted , yet they may not preach except they bee sent and appointed thereunto . this sending must needs bee ordination , not the churches election : a people may choose to themselves , but cannot send to themselves : the choosing of an embassadour is one thing , the sending him , another thing : the embassadour nominated and elected by the king , may not goe to his work and act as an embassadour , till he bee sent forth with his commission and power delivered to him . there have been severall exceptions made , and more may be made against this argument ; yet all of them may bee rationally taken off . except : : the socinians reply , that the apostle speaketh this of his ownetime when the doctrine of the gospell was new , and did therefore require a speciall mission : but that now ministers being to preach no new doctrine , need not such a speciall call . answ. this is not only , not grounded on the text , but is contrary both to the metaphore and to the context : 't is contrary to the metaphore which the apostle taketh from the sending of embassadours , heraulds , and other publick ministers . these are sent not onely to propound that which was never before propounded , but also oft times to revive and renew a thing before propounded and known . if either embassadour , or herauld run unsent , and goe out without his commission and appointment , it will be no excuse to him , that he hath declared no new thing , but what was declared by other embassadoures , or heraulds before him , for still hee may be challenged as one who runne unsent , and it may bee said to him : by what authoritie doest thou these things ? 't is contrary to the context too , vers . . . . there are five necessary means and wayes which must bee had and used by those who look to be saved . . calling upon the name of the lord. . beleeving on him . . hearing his word . . a preaching ministery . . mission or ordination . if the first foure be perpetually necessary to the end of the world , so must the fifth be , for the apostle layeth al 's great necessity upon this last as upon the rest . if none can be saved who do not pray , and none can pray who do not beleeve , and none can beleeve who doe not hear the word , and none can hear the word without a preaching ministery , the last followeth hard in the text , there can be no ministeriall office without a mission or ordination . i have before excepted extraordinary cases , where there is yet no church nor no ministery : even as the deaf may beleeve who cannot hear , although the apostle say , how shall they beleeve on him of whom they have not heard ! except . . nicolaides addeth that the apostle speakes not of what is unlawfull to be , but what is imposible to bee , namely , it is impossible that any man can preach , that is ( saith he ) declare a new thing except god send him . answ. . if preaching here in this text must bee restricted to the preaching of a new thing , hearing must bee also restricted to the hearing of a new thing , and beleeving to the beleeving of a new thing , and so they who do not hear and beleeve some new doctrine , cannot bee saved . . it is very possible to preach a new thing , when god hath not sent one to preach it : when the jesuits first preached their scientia media , they preached a new thing , yet god sent them not . . let us consider what the apostle means here by preachiug 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith hee , 't is from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praeco , caduceator . the offices and functions of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . h. stephanus in thes : l. gr : tom : . pag : . . describeth out of homer . they called together the people to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or publick assembly : they injoyned silence , and called for audience and attention : they were sent in time of warre to aske leave to bury their dead : they were sent with messages from princes and great men : they attended princes and great men to serve them upon occasion : they served also at the sacrifices : they prepared beasts and receaved the guests : what is there in all this , which in a spirituall and ecclesiasticall sence is not competent and incumbent to ordinary pastors and teachers aswell as to the apostles : and if wee will have the holy ghost to expound himself as ordinary preachers do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in all ages and all the world over , aswell as those who first preached the gospell , mat : . . & . . mark . . & . . luke . . phil : . . tim : . rom. . . thou that preachest a man should not steal , dost thou steal ? . i hope 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here doth not signifie one that preacheth a new thing , cor : . . it pleased god by the foolishnesse of preaching ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to save them that beleeve . will any who hopes to be saved , deny that this extends to preaching in all ages ? except . . that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before cited , in the second part of it pag : . . sayeth that the sending which the apostles means of , is not a ministeriall or ecclesiasticall sending , for then none could be an instrument to convert another but a minister or preacher sent . neither could a man be sure whether he have faith or no , till he be sure his faith was wrought in him by a minister lawfully called . it remaines therefore ( saith he ) that the apostle speaks of a providentiall sending , by giving men gifts , and working with them in their use and exercise . answ. : the giving of gifts and powring out the spirit of a calling , is plainly distinguished from the mission or sending ; yea , in christ himself who had receaved the spirit , not by measure , but above measure , yet his having the spirit of the lord upon him , was not his mission , but is plainly distinguished from his mission and ordination to his office which he had from god , luke . . the spirit of the lord is upon me , because he hath anointed me to preach the gospell to the poor , he hath sent me , &c. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ability of gifts to the office is one thing : the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or authority to it , is another thing . . his first reason to prove that the apostle speaks not of a ministeriall sending , because thence it would follow that none could convert another but a minister , hee groundeth thus : for ' its said , none can beleeve but by hearing a preacher sent . now this falls al 's heavie upon his own interpretation , for still this will follow , that no man can be converted but a preacher sent providentially with gifts and assistance , when hee shall loose the knot for himself , he shall loose it for us too . . so likewise for his other reason , if the apostles scope be ( as he glosseth ) to take away doubting from men , he doeth by his interpretation split upon the same rocke which he thinks wee have run upon , for a man must still doubt whether hee hath faith or no , and so whether he shall be saved or no , till he be sure his faith was wrought in him by a preacher sent providentially with working gifts : now the description which hee makes of the providentiall sending , involveth a man in greater doubting then before , for either it agreeth to false and hereticall teachers the ministers of sathan , or not . if he sayeth it doth agree to them , and that false seducing preachers ( pretending to be true , sound , and orthodoxe ) are providentially sent with gifts effectuall , viz. to deceave in the secret judgement of god , according to ezek. . . king. . . then how he will recon●…ile his interpretation with isa. . . . let him see to it . and withall he leads a man upon this opinion , that hee may have faith wrought in him , and so bee saved under any ministery , true or false , orthodoxe or hereticall . he must also justifie the sinne so often condemned in the false prophets , that they run unsent , for ( by his principles ) they are sent , as well as the true prophets . if he will say that his description of the providentiall sending agreeth not to false or hereticall preachers , but to the true ministers of christ , then hee leads a man into this doubt , that hee cannot bee sure that he beleeves and shall bee saved , unlesse hee bee sure that the preacher providentially sent to him , is a true minister of christ , and not a minister of sathan transformed into a minister of righteousnesse . cor. . . or a wolfe in sheeps cloathing , matth. . . but . if this providentiall sending be enough , it takes away the necessity , not onely of ordination , but of the peoples choosing or consenting . it shall bee enough that god give a man a gift , and work by them , whether the church consent or not : yet as i take it , he that makes this objection , holds it necessary , not onely that pastors bee chosen by the church , but that gifted brethren bee allowed by the church to prophesie , else that they must not prophesie . . his objections doth strike against that connexion and concat●…nation of the means of salvation , which the apostle holdeth forth , and there is no more strength in that which he objecteth , then as if one should argue , the deaf may beleeve , therefore faith may be without hearing . look how hearing is necessary , in the same sence , is preaching , and the sending of the preacher necessary , neither doeth it make any thing against our sence of the text , that some may be converted , by those who are not ministers , for tho preaching of the word by those that are sent to the ministery of preaching , is the standing ordinance and ordinary mean of conversion and faith by this text : and even those who perhaps have been first wroght upon by prayer or conference with other christians , are hearers of those who are ministerially s●…nt : it will bee hard to prove that any beleeve , who can hear the word preached by ministers lawfully called and sent , and doe not hear it . except . . that erastian before cited , the composer of the grallae , expoundeth ( as i remember ) this text of an extraordinary mission or calling from god , not an ordinary mission from men : denying the pastors of churches and ministers of the gospel in our dayes to be sent of god and that although the apostles might shew their mission and commission from christ , yet ordinary ministers cannot do it : therefore this sending belongeth not to the ordinary ministers . answ. this text doth certainly hold forth the necessity of an ordinary and mediat mission , when the extraordinary and immediat mission is ceased , which i prove this : if a preaching ministery be a perpetuall and standing ordinance , then mission is a perpetuall and standing ordinance ▪ but a preaching ministery is a perpetuall and standing ordinance , therefore so is mission . the preposition is manifest , both from the kniting together of the parts of this text , in which the apostle screweth up the necessity of mission as high as the necessity of preaching : as likewise from matth. . . . which doeth not onely prove a perpetuall ministery in the church alway even unto the end of the world , but also that this perpetuall ministery is authorized by mission or commission from christ. for reference to this perpetuall ministery , christ saith , goe , teach and baptize , and loe i am with you alway , even unto the end of the world : so that who ever doeth lawfully exercise the office of teaching and baptising , is certainly sent : he cannot be immediatly and extraordinarly in the reformed churches , ther●…fore it must be in a mediat and ordinary way . the assumption is before proved . . as the preaching so the sending is common to ordinary ministers with the apostles . if ordinary ministers be preachers ex officio , as well as the apostles , which ha●…h been before proved , then ordinary ministers are sent as well as the apostles , for how shall they preach except they be sent , and how shall they be sent in our dayes , except in a mediat and ordinary way , by those unto whom the power of ordination belongeth ? except . : but if this text , rom. . . be expounded of ordination , then expectants or probationaries may not preach , because not yet ordained . answ. . they neither preach ordinarly , nor ex officio . they preach occasionally , and without a pastorall or ministeriall office . . neither may these sonnes of the prophets runne to such occasionall work , without approbation and licence , for which cause the directory of worship established in both kingdoms , puts in this caution , that such as intend the ministery , may occasionally both read the scriptures , and exercise gifts in preaching in the congregations , being allowed thereunto by the presbyterie . and so the text will hold true in all cases , extraordinary preachers , apostles , evangelists , prophets , must have an extraordinary mission . ordinary pastors and teachers , must have a mission with power and authority to that effect . probationers , and occasionall preachers must have a proportionable kinde of mission , that is , not to the pastorall office , but to preach upon occasion . the third argument shall bee taken from that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that constituting , appointing or making of church officers which is plainly held forth in scripture . the seven deacons being elected by the multitude of the disciples , were appointed , set and constituted over that businesse by the apostles , acts . . pastors and teachers have much more need to be appointed to their office , and for them let us note two scriptures , one is luke . . who then is that faithfull and wise steward , whom his lord shall make [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ruler over his houshold , to give them their portion of meat in dew season ? grotius upon the place noteth , that the former parable concerning watching is intended for all christians , so mark. . . but this of stewards belongs to the pastors of churches , for ' its upon occasion of peters question concerning the former parable , ( lord speakest thou this parable unto us , or even unto all ? ) christ answeres by this parable of stewards , appointed or ordained over the houshold , whom he distinguisheth from other servants by their ruleing power , verse ▪ . by their greater knowledge , and consequently greater guiltinesse , if wicked , vers . . and by the greater trust committed to them , vers . . now least it should bee thought , that this making or appointing of stewards over the houshold of christ , is onely meant of the apostles , as it were of purpose to discover the vanity of that socinian error , 't is said , vers . . blessed is that servant whom his lord when he commeth shall finde so doing . till christ come again , and at his comming , there shall be stewards appointed and set over his house : which cannot be without the mediate and ordinary way of making , appointing , and ordaining . the bishops or elders , as well as apostles are the stewards of god , tit. . . and so i come to the other scripture concerning those teaching and ruleing officers . the apostle left titus at crete that he might ordain elders in every city , vers . . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned in the beginning , replyeth to this text , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie●…h to fixe , settle , establish one who was in office before as appears by psal ▪ . . see now with how little reason this man oppugneth the receaved principles . the septuagint ( sayeth he ) readeth psal : . . thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but david was a king many years before he took in the hill and fort of zion . i shall not stand here upon this erroneous transcribing of the words of the septuagints : i might tell him again that symmachus readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have an●…inted my king , having respect to the very first making him king , and this is the ne●…rest rendering of the originall . but i will stand to that of the septuagints : even their reading ( without the least violence to their words ) may be understood , not of the setling of david after he took in the fort of zion , but of gods appointing and ordaining him to rule in , upon , or over zion , which i doe not doubt was their meaning , neither doeth the prepositions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at all hinder , but help this interpretation of the septuagint . see the like mat. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this is not the fixing and setling of that good servant in that ruleing power , but 't is the first giving of it to him , the first making him ruler over many things , having before had but a few things , luke . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so isocrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i may confu●…e him from the septuagint themselves , psal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dan. . : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. will hee say that the septuagint meant that god setled and fixed the dominion which man had before over the creatures , or that the prince of the eunuches did but settle and fixe that government which melzar had before over daniel ? if they meane in those places constituting and appoynting ( as it is most manifest they doe ) why not also psal. . ? god appointed david to be a king upon the holy hill of zion , which is all that can be made out of the septuagint . well , but i will goe yet further with him , to discover the futility of his exception : 't is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometime used for restoring and setling that which is out of ' its course , but how did he imagine that this sence of the word could agree to tit. . ? thought hee that titus was left in crete , for restoring , setling , and fixing those elders who had left their station , or had been cast out , or persecuted , or the like ? doeth not the apostle plainly speak of supplying and making up such things as were yet wanting to those churches , and of ordaining elders to churches which wanted elders . wherefore the ordinary reading and interpretation is retained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be understood of making , or ordaining elders , even as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the like , constituere , praeficere , to make or appoint rulers and judges , by giving them power and authority to rule or judge . so asts. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was not a setling and fixing of ioseph ; in the government of egypt , as if he had been governour of it before , for that was the first time he was made governour . the fourth argument is taken from heb. . . and no man taketh this honour unto himself , but he that is called of god as was aaron . if yee would know what this calling was , see vers . . hee was taken from among men , and ordained for men , in things pertaining to god. the socinian exception against our arguments , from the example and practice of ordination in the apostles times , ( namely that there is no such necessity of ordaining those who are to teach doctrines formerly delivered , and receaved , as there was , for ordaining those who bring a new doctrine ) cannot here help them ; yea , is hereby confuted , for none of the priests under the law , no not the high priest , might teach or pronounce any other thing , but according to the law and the testimony , deut. . . mal. . . yet the priests were ordained to their office , and might not without such ordination enter into it . and this was no typicall thing proper to the old testament , but hath a standing reason . the socinians therefore have another evasion from the words , this honour restricting the apostles meaning , to that honour of the priesthood onely . answ. . the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 need not to be understood demonstratively , or signanter , but indefinitly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the prepositive article , and so both the syriak interpreter : hierome , arias montanus , and the tigurin version r●…ad it indefinitly , honorem , not hunc honorem , no man taketh honour unto himself , but he , &c. see the very same words in the same sence , rom. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , honour to whom honour , not this honour . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , revel . . . is not rendered , this honour . . suppose it bee meant signanter , yet our argument is valid . although the apostle give instance only in the high priesthood , yet by analogie of reason , the axiome will hold in reference to the ministery of the new testament , upon which god hath put so much honour , that it is called a worthie work , tim : . . and worthie of double honour . tim : . . and to be esteemed very highly , thess : . . the ministers of the gospell are the embassadours of christ , cor : . . and the angels of the churches , the starres in christs right hand , revel : . . & , . &c. yea , the glory of christ , cor : . . and if ( comparing state with state ) the least in the kingdome of god , be greater then iohn baptist , and iohn baptist greater then any either priest or prophet in the old testament . then ' its not onely as great , but a greater usurpation , for a man to take this honour of the evangelicall ministery to himself , then it had been of old , for a man to take that honour of the legall high priest-hood to himself . the fifth argument i draw from heb : . . . where wee have an enumeration of the generall catecheticall heads , which was necessarly required in catechumens , before they were baptized and receaved as church members , and where there was yet no church planted , these heads were taught , learned , and professed , before there could be a visible politicall ministeriall church erected , that the apostles sp●…aks to the hebrews as visible ministeriall churches is manifest , both from the particulars here enumerat , and fr●…m chap. . . . & . . . now he exhorteth them to goe on unto perfection , and not to be ever about the laying of foundations , or about the learning of these catecheticall principles , the knowledge and profession , whereof did first give them an enterance , state , and standing in the visible church of christ , viz. . the foundation of repentance , i. e. conviction and knowledge of sinne by the law , humiliation and sorrow for it , with a desire of freedome for it . . the foundation of faith in christ for our wisdome , righteousnesse , sanctification and redemption . . the foundations of baptisme , i. e. the abolishing of these diverse legall washings , hel. . . and the ordinance of the christian baptisme for sealing the covenant of grace , and for initiation in church membership : others say he speaks in the plurall , because in those times many were baptized at once usually . . the foundation of laying on of hands , that is ( saith bullinger on the place ) of the ministery , and of their vocation , mission , and authority given them . so also gualther in his archetypes upon the place , tossanus pointeth at the same thing , as principally intended in the text , which agreeth well with that which diverse divines make one of the marks of a true visible church , namely , a ministery lawfully called and ordained , and professed subjection thereunto . . the foundation of the resurrection from the dead . . the soundation of the last judgement , in which christ shall adjudge the righteous to life everlasting , and the wicked to everlasting punishment , matth . ult . that which hath obscured and cast a mist upon this text , was the popish and prelaticall confirmation , or bishopping of children , which they grounded upon this same scripture . and this way goe the popish interpreters , expounding it of their sacrament of confirmation : others understand the gifts of the holy ghost , which in those dayes were given by laying on of hands . but it hath never been , nor can never bee proved , either that hands were layd upon all baptized christians who were growen up to yeares of knowledge in these apostolicall times , or that the gifts of the holy ghost were given with every laying on of hands in those times . for the laying on of hands , ( tim. . . and . . ) was not for giving the holy ghost , but for ordination . wherefore i conceave that the laying on of hands , heb. . . pointeth at the ministery , and their ordination , which was accompanied with that rite . many interpreters who extend the text further , doe not yet acknowledge that the ordination of ministers is a thing intended by the apostle . which is the more probable , if you read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dividedly with a comma betwixt , which erasmus inclineth most unto , following the greek scholiasts . so the tigurin version , baptismatum , doctrinae , ac impositionis manum . so you shall finde seven of these catecheticall principals , and after baptisme , adde doctrine , that is , a preaching or teaching ministery , and then the next head containes the necessity of a speciall calling and ordination to this ministery . however read it conjunctly or dividedly , it makes a true and good sence to expound , laying on of hands ( here ) of the ordinance of a preaching ministery lawfully called and ordained , for this ordinance and a professed subjection thereunto , may justly be reckoned among the catecheticall points , and among the marks of a true visible ministeriall church . whereas it were a dangerous and unsafe interpretation , and i beleeve that which cannot be made out , to say , that any of the catecheticall heads enumerate by the apostle , was proper to that primitive age , and doeth not concerne after ages : or yet to affirme that the giving of the holy ghost by the laying on of hands , was extended to all catechumens baptized in those times , or that the knowledge or profession of the doctrine concerning the giving of the gifts of the holy ghost , by such laying on of hands was s●…ch a principle , as that none ignorant thereof , though insttucted in all the other articles of christian faith , could be receaved as a church-member grounded in catecheticall points . i shall adde a sixth argument from the example and practise of the apostles and others who did ordaine church officers in their dayes , the example is binding in such things as were not onely lawfull and good , but have a standing and perpetuall reason . the seven deacons were ordained with prayer and laying on of hands , act : . . . elders were ordained in every city , tit : . . although those elders were not to preach any new gospel , gal : . . paul warneth timothy , tim. . . lay hands suddenly on no man. i. e. be not rash in ordaining any to the work of the ministery , let them be well examined and approved . this is the receaved sence of interpreters following chrysostome , ambrose , hierome , and others of the fathers , yet nicolaides refut . tract . de missione ministr ▪ will have the text understood , not of ordaining ministers , but of admitting penitents , which was done with imposition of hands . but is this to expound scripture by scripture ? or is it not rather to forsake an interpretation confirmed by scripture , and to follow one which is grounded upon no scripture ? for wee read nothing in scripture of laying on of hands in the receaving or restoring of penitents . of the laying on of hands in ordination , wee doe read in scripture , and least it should bee thought the act of one man onely , it is mentioned as the act of the presbyterie , tim. . . with the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie . a place which gualt●…er , bullinger , tossanus and diverse other good interpreters thinke to hold forth the way which paul would have observed in the calling and appointing of men to the ministery : some understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the office it self ▪ dignity or degree of an elder which was given to timothy by the laying on of hands : others understand a company of bishops who were elders and more too : i confesse it doth not ; o●…hers an assembly of elders , without any prelaticall disparity . now neither o●… these interpretations can strike against that point which now i plead for , viz. the point of ordination , but rather make much for it , yea even they who understand the office of a presbyter , doe thereby confirme that which i assert in as much as timothy was not made an elder , but by imposition of hands , as these hold . if so , then certainly ordination is essentiall to the calling of a presbyter . so that what ever come of the word presbytery , the laying on of hands which made the presbyter , will conclude against them who deny the necessity of ordination . the seventh argument shall bee drawn from the denominations of the ministers of the gospell in scripture . . they are called pastors or shepheards , ier : . . eph : . . hee that is not called and appointed by the lord of the flocke , he that entereth not by the doore , but breaks in surreptitiously , and makes himselfe sheepherd at his own hand , is not a sheepherd but a thief , ioh. . . . next they are angels or messengers , mat : . . rev : . : and cor : . . with . . and the embassadours of christ , cor : . . eph. . . therefore they are sent and appointed , and do not run unsen●… . . they are called rulers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thess : . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb : . . . do men make themselves rullers , magistrates , captains at their owne hand , or are they not thereunto appointed by others ? . they are called ●…ishops , or overseers , act. . . tim ▪ . . the athenians give the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to one whom they appointed , ordained , and sent forth to be magistrate or praetor in any of the townes , subject to their jurisdiction . see h. steph. thes : ling. gr : in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stewards , luke . . cor : . tit. . . who dare make himself a steward in a kings house ; yea , or in a more private house , not being thereunto appointed and ordained ? . they are servants who invite and call in guests to the weding , to the marriage supper , mat : . . luke . . will any ( except a fool , or a knave , ) go and invite guests to a mans table , when he is not sent nor appointed : . they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , preachers , heraulds , tim : . . and tim : . . will a herauld go and proclaime the kings edicts , or the ordinances of parliament , if hee be not thereunto appointed ? in both these texts last cited , the apostle speaking of the gospell , sayeth , whereunto i am ordained a preacher , and an apostle , and a teacher of the gentiles . mark , hee is ordained not an apostle , but a preacher , as hee could not bee an apostle without ordination , so he could not bee so much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a preacher without ordination . now ordinary pastors are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as the apostles which hath been before shewed . an eight argument i collect from tim : . . and the things that thou hast heard of me among many witnesses , the same commit thou to faithfull men , who shall be able to teach others also . which is a most considerable place against the socinians , anabaptists , &c. for it teacheth us these five particulars . : that the apostles would not have a teaching or preaching ministery to end with that time , but was carefull to have pastors or teachers provided for the succeeding generation also . . thes : teachers of others who were to labour in the word and doctrine , were to teach no new doctrine , but the very same things which they receaved from timothy , and timothy from paul , and which paul receaved from the lord . it was in sence no new doctrine , when it is taught by paul , much lesse when taught by timothy , and least of all when taught by these who receaved it from timothie . so that the socinian distinction of the necessity of a speciall calling to the ministery when the doctrine is new , not so when the doctrine is not new , cannot here help them . . thes : teachers are distinguished from those who are taught : every man may not be a teacher . it is a peculiar and particular calling , and it is no part of the generall calling of christians : therefore both here , and gal : . . there is such a distinction ●…n the church , some are teachers , some are taught in the word . . fitnesse and abilities ; yea , both grace and gifts together , cannot warrant a m●…n to assume to himself the function of teaching or preaching to others , except he be thereunto allowed , and appointed , and entrusted . the apostle sayeth not , the things that thou heard of me , the same i will that faithfull and able men , who ever shall be willing to the work , teach others also , faithfulnesse , and fitnesse , or ability cannot make a sufficient calling , but qualifie a man for that which he shall be called unto . aptitude is one thing : to be cloathed with a calling , power and authority is another thing . . there is more that belongs to the calling of pastors and teachers , than the churches electing , or choosing of them : for those unto whom the power of ordination belongeth , do also commit unto them that which they are entrusted with , the same commit thou , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which ( as h : stephanus in thes : ling : gr : tom . . pag . noteth ) not seldome in the new testament doeth signifie , depositum alicujus fidei committere , fiduciarium tradere alicut , where he citeth this very text , and i shall clear it yet further from luke : . . and unto whom men have commited much 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of him they will ask the more , which is the conclusion of the parable concerning a faithfull and wise steward , appointed by his lord to be ruler over his houshold ; to give them their portion of meat in due season , and that parable is meant of pastors or ministers lawfully called and sent , as hath been before cleared . ninthly , as we are obleidged by our covenant to endeavour such a reformation , as is most agreeable to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches , so in this particular of ordination , and a speciall call and setting apart of men to the ministery , we have not onely the example of the ancient and reformed churches , but the word of god it selfe directeth us this way . . before the law when the first borne in families ( not all promiscuously ) acted the part of priests or publick ministers . whereof there are some expresse examples in enoch a prophet , gen. . . iude epistle , vers . . noah , heb : . . by whom god preached to the old world , pet : . . and so are we to understand gen : . : abraham a prophet , gen : . . melchisedeck the priest of the most high god , is thought by many learned men ( following both ionathans targum , and that of ierusalem ) to have been shem , the first born of noah : of iacob also ( who got the birth-right from esau ) we read that he built altars , and called , upon the name of the lord , and he was a prophet , gen : . and it is often mentioned by moses , that the sons of aaron were taken in stead of the first borne . . under the law , when not onely the prophets , but the priests also who were ordinary ministers , had a speciall ordination to their office . . under the gospell in the primitive times , for the socinians themselves do not deny that ordination or speciall mission was used in the apostles times . tenthly , and lastly without a clear calling , and lawfull ordination , how shall people receave the word from the mouths of ministers , as gods word , or as from thos●… who are sent of god ? or how shall people reverence and highly esteem their ministers who labour among them , obey them , and submit unto them , as they are commanded , thess : . , . heb : . ? and since he that is taught ought to communicat unto him that teacheth him , in all good things , gal : . . and god will have those who labour in the word and doctrine to be maintained , and that they who sow spirituall things , reap temporall things , cor. . , , , . tim : . . yea , the apostle puts the stamp of a ius divinum upon it , cor : . , . having mentioned the priests maintainance in the old testament , he addeth : even so hath the lord ordained that they which preach the gospell , should live of the gospell . so that socinians and anabapt●…sts will finde themselves puzled mightily with this dilemma , either it is the will of god , that none preach the gospell , but such as are called , appointed , and ordained thereunto , or otherwise it is his will , that those who preach the gospell , not being thereunto chosen , called and ordained , must be maintained as well as ministers lawfully ordained and cal●…ed , and if so , it s like enough people shall have good store of preachers , and their purses shall pay well for it . chap. iiii. objections against the necessity of ordination answered . i come now to answere the strongest objections of those who hold ordination not necessary , nor essentiall to the calling of a minister . obejct . . from acts . . they that were scattered abroad , went every where preaching the word . so acts . . apollos also taught boldly in the synagogues , acts . , . yet no word of their mission or ordination . the jews esteemed christ himself but a private man , not ordained nor authorized to any office in the church , yet they permitted him to preach in their synagogues . answ : . those that after stephens death , were scattered abroad , and preached the word , must needs have been called , sent , and ordained ( by the principles of the socinians themselves , ) for the doctrine which they preached , was a new doctrine , both to samaria , acts . . and to those dispersed jews , acts . . themselves confesse , that they who preach a new doctrine , must have a speciall mission and ordination . . philip was one of those who went abroad preaching the word , acts . . now hee is expressely called an evangelist , acts . . therefore no president for private christians to preach . . it is a bad argument luke mentioneth , not their ordination , therefore they were not orda●…ned . they may aswell argue thus . luke mentioneth not that they prayed when they preached , therefore they did not pray when they preached . or thus : the scripture mentioneth not ioabs father , but onely his mother zerviah , therefore he had not a father . . and suppose they preached the word without mission or ordination , this is but like that which chrysostome , lib : ad eos qui scandalisati sunt , cap : . recordeth as a marvelous extraordinary benefit , which did accrew from the bloody persecutions of those ancient times , viz. that in such times , the sheep acted the parts of shepheards , being driven away to deserts and mountains , where ( by the spirit of god speaking in them ) they converted unbeleevers , and gathered churches : which concludeth nothing against the necessity of ordination , in constituted and reformed churches , for they who were scattered abroad , being driven away in the heat of persecution , might not have the opportunity of ordination , and they went forth to gather christians to plant churches , to lay foundations where christ was not known . such cases were in the beginning excepted from the sta●…e of our present question . . if apollos preached without ordination , when he knew onely the baptisme of iohn , and withall when he had to do with those jews , who were yet to be convinced that jesus was the christ , acts . , , . it is no good argument against the necessity of ordination , where the doctrine of christ is known and receaved , and churches constituted . and withall how will it be proved , that apollos having been one of iohns disciples , had not some commission from iohn to preach the word ? or if apollos was but a gifted brother without any publick calling or authority in the church , how came he to be so much esteemed , as to be compared with peter and paul , cor : . . lastly as touching christs preaching in the synagogues , hee was lookt upon as a prophet extraordinarly r●…ised up in israel . luke . , . and the jews say of him plainly , a great prophet is risen up among us luke . . iosephus his testimony given to christ , as a great prophet , is known . object : . the church doeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by their voices in election , make , creat , constitute or ordain elders , acts . . therefore elders need no other ordination , but are sufficiently ordained or made by the church , if elected , and receave their power from the people see this objection prosecuted in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag : . . . and in the queries touching ordination , pag : . tom : . answ : . there is no cogent reason brought by these men , why 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if rendered thus as they would have it , when they had by voices ordained , must bee therefore understood of ordination by the people , and not by paul : and barnabas , for as i have before noted out of calvìn : instit. lib : . cap : . § . . the sence may bee this , paul and barnabas did make and ordain elders according to the voices of the churches themselves , that is , they ordained such as the church desired . if so , they are double loosers by this their objection . . if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be meant of the churches act , then it is not ordaining , but choosing by voices . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought not to hinder the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . election with the churches consent , and ordination are both of them necessary , not inconsistent . in athens it self , although the people did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 choose by voyces their magistrates or rulers , yet the persons so elected were not ordained , and solemnly set apart , appointed and authorized by the people , but by the judges called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of whom dem●…sthenes orat . advers : timo●…r : tels us that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , took an oath to be faithfull in their constituting or ordaining of mag strates . . in scripture we finde election and ordination frequently distinguished , not only as distinct acts , but oft times in distinct hands , deut. . . moses said unto all israel , take yee wise men and understanding , and known among your tribes , and i will make them rulers over you . the people choose them who shall be rulers , but moses maks them rulers , acts . . wherefore brethren look yee out among you seven men of honest report , full of the holy ghost and wisdome , whom we may appoint over this businesse . the people choose , the apostles appoint the deacons . the choosing of a person to an office , is not the authorizing of the person elected , but the designation of the person to be authorized . 't is here with a person chosen , as with a thing chosen : ezra was to choose , and to designe , when , and how much silver , wheat , wine , oyle , should be taken for the house of the lord , not exceeding the proportion of a hundreth , but the power and authority by which these things were given forth by the thesaurers , to be applyed to such uses , was from the decree of artaxerxes , ezra . . , . so ester choosed what to make request for , but the thing was to be performed by authority of the king , 〈◊〉 . . , . so a man may be chosen to an office by some , and authorized to act in that office by others . how many subordinat offices , ( civill and military ) are there , in which men act by the power and authority , derived from the ordinances of parliament , although not nominated and chosen by the parliament ; but by others , intrusted by the parliament to choose . . even where election and mission , are in the same hands , yet they are not confounded , but are lookt upon as two distinct acts : christ first choosed the twelve , and pitched upon such as he would , and then ordained them , and sent them forth , mark : . . . the synod of the apostles and elders first choosed , then sent iudas and silas , acts . , . where you may observe also by the way , that the mission of a man to the ministery , or pastorall charge of a congregation , doeth not belong to the people who choose him , they cannot send him to themselves . when election and mission are in the same hands , 't is in such cases as th●…se two last cited , when men are sent abroad to others , then indeed they who choose them , may also send them : but when they are sent to those who choose them , then they are sent by others , a minister is sent to the congregation , therefore he is not sent by the congregation , and so that place , rom : . . how shall they preach except they be sent ? cannot be understood of the peoples election , but of ordination , or mission from the presbytery appointed to ordain . . the same apostolicall patterne which holds forth unto us the choosing of elders in every church , acts . . doeth also hold forth unto us the ordaining of elders in every city , tit : . . and these acts in different hands , therefore not the same ; yea , as many conceave in that same text , acts . . beside the election by voyces , th re is a distinct ordination expressed under the adjuncts thereof , prayer , and fasting . object : . the apostle saith , cor : . . when yee come together every one of you hath a psalme , hath a doctrine , hath a tongue , hath a revelation , hath an interpretation , vers . yee may all prophesie one by one . therefore all that preach or proph●…sie , need not to be ordain●…d answ : what those prophets were , and what is meant by prophesying there , all are not of one opinion . i hold that these prophets were in mediatly and extraordinarly inspyred , and i reckon them among these other administrations , which w●…re not ordinary , or ever to continue in the church , apostles , evangelists , workers of miracles . but of this i am to speak distinctly , and by it selfe afterwards . mean while , th●…y that make the objection , must prove two things , else they conclude nothing against the necessitie of ordination . . that these prophets were not sent and ordained , but that their gifts and parts , gave them a sufficient calling to interpret in the church . . that although they had no ministeriall sending , or vocation , yet they were not extraordinary prophets , but that such prophets are to continue ordinarly in the church , i beleeve it will trouble them to prove either . object . . 't is said of the house of stephanus , cor : . . they have addicted ( or ordained ) themselves to the ministerie of the saints , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they were not ordained by others , but they ordained themselves . answ : : this may well be understood ( as 't is by diverse ) of their devoting themselves to minister to the necessities of the saints , by their works and labour of love. which is else where called , ministering to the saints , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor : . . yea , 't is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . the administrations of service . see also , ibid. vers : . and rom. . . where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alone is used in the same sence . . others give this sence , that they did willinglie and zealously desire to do service to christ in the ministery of the gospell , according as they should finde a calling . in which sence , if a man desire the office of a bishop , he desireth a good work , tim : . . so isa : . . here am i , send me . he is very willing to the work , yet hee dare not runne , except he bee sent , and get a commission . object . . he that digged in the earth , and hid his talent , is condemned for it , mat. . . . therefore he that hath gifts for preaching , and administering the sacraments , cannot answere it to god , except he improve and use those gifts . ans. . if that parable be applyed to ministeriall talents , then it will prove , not onely a perpetuall ministery , because the lord saith to his servants , occupie till i come , luke : . . but likewise , that none ought to intrude themselves into that holy function , except they have a calling as well as gifts , for mat : . , . that lord called his owne servants ( luke saith , hee called his ten servants ) and delivered unto them his goods : and unto one he gave five talents , to another two , to another one , to everie one according to his severall abilitie : where wee have a distinction of the calling and ability , suppose another man had been able enough , yet if he bee none of the called ones , that parable cannot be applyed to him . . this objection may be made in the behalfe of women also ; many of whom receave excellent gifts from god , yea , it was foretold by ioel , and applyed by peter : that women as well as men should prophesie , acts . . . which being misunderstood , gave some colour to the old pepuzian heresie . object : . if we hold ordination necessary , and essentiall to the calling of a minister , wee bring our selves into this snare , that either the ministers in the reformed churches , are not true ministers , but falsely pretended to be so , or otherwise we must hold that those in the church of rome , from whom the protestant ministers , in the beginning of the reformation , had their ordination , were true ministers of christ. for if those in the church of rome who did ordaine , were not true ministers of christ , then they had no commission from christ to make ministers for him . and who can bring a clean thing out of that which is unclean : if so , then the protestant ministers , who first ordained other protestant ministers ( from whom ordination hath come to us downwards ) having no ordination , but what they receaved in the church of rome , they had not power to ordain others with such an ordination , as hath a divine stamp and character upon it . this argument is much insisted upon by the author of the queries touching ordination : if it can do any thing , yet it is no new light , but the very same which hath been formerlie objected by papists , and answered by protestant writers . whereof see one instance in gerhard , loc : com : tom : . de minist : eccles : § . and now that those who drive so furiouslie after this popish argument , may forever be ashamed of it : i returne these answeres . . by retortion , the argument will conclude as much against the baptisme , and church estate of independents , anabaptists , and who ever they bee that make any use of this way of arguing against us . for by this argument , those who first gathered their churches , bap●…ized , and incorporated them into the body of christ , were not only no true ministers , but no true church-members , having no other baptisme , but what was receaved , either in the church of rome , or from those who were baptized in the church of rome : but who can bring a clean thing , out of that which is unclean . where note by the way , that this argument of theirs , will also make the scripture it self unclean now , because we have it out of an unclean thing , ( the church of rome ) : so that all that will stand to this argument , must unchurch , unbaptize , unchristen themselves : if they will have their recourse to that promise , where two or three are met together , there am i in the midst of them , and think to lay the foundation of their churches there , without any derivation from the church of rome , they must allow us to ●…o so too , but then they must passe from their argument . what will they say then ? either , there can bee in our dayes atr●…e church with all the ordinances of christ in it , independent upon the church of rome , and without building or leaning upon a lineall succession , or derivation from the church of rome , or there cannot . if they hold the affirmative , their argument is not worth a straw , for ordination being one of the ordinances of christ ( which is here to be supposed , and hath been in the precedent chapter proved ) the reformed churches had power to set it up , and restore it by vertue of christs own institution . if the negative , our opposits , must all turne seekers , their churches are no churches , their baptisme no baptisme , &c. . suppose those protestant ministers , who first ordained other ministers , were themselves ordained by such as had no power to ordain them . nay suppose the first reforming ministers , to have been at the beginning of the reformation , no ministers , but private persons , not pretending to be ordained . what will they conclud from this ? it proves nothing against that which wee hold concerning the necessity of ordination : for we plainly say , that in extraordinary cases when ordination cannot be had , and when there are none who have commission and authority from christ to ordain , then , and there , an inward call from god enlarging the heart , stirring up , and assisting with the good will and consent of a people whom god makes willing , can make a minister authorized to ministeriall acts . suppose this to have been the case at the first comming out from popery , yet here was a seed for more churches , and more ministers . at the first plantation of churches , ordination may bee wanting without making void the ministery , because ordination cannot be had , but in constituted churches , the want of ordination doth make a minister no minister . . touching the church of rome ; i answer as a learned country man of mine answered nere . yeares agoe . although it was a church miserably corrupted and defaced , y●…t it was even then a church , wherein he professeth to follow luther , oec lampadius , zuinglius , bucerus , calvin , musculus , bullinger , and the generall sence of the protestant writers . see the smetonii respons ; ad hamilton . apostat . pag. . if there was not a true church , when popery and antichristianisme had most universally spred it self , why is it said that antichrist sitteth in the temple of god , . thes : . ? and if god had not a people in babylon , why is it said , come out of her , my people rev. . ? and if there were not all that time , even before the reformation , true ministers of christ , why are the two witnesses said to prophesie . dayes ( compting dayes for years ) in sackcloath . rev : . . . sure the time of the witnesses , their prophesying in sackcloath , where ever we fix the beginning and ending of it ( which is contraverted ) it doth certainly comprehend those ages before the reformation , as a part of this time . therefore christ had his witnesses and ministers all that while . protestants as well as papists , hold the perpetuity of the true church and ministery , though not ever visible or alike pure . and otherwise , how shall we understand christs owne word , mat : . . loe , i am with you alway , even unto the end of the world . . wherefore i conclude that those who were ordained in the church of rome before the reformation , in so far as they were ordained in the name of christ , by these who had been themselves ordained presbyters as well as bishops , and authorized to preach the gospel , and administer the sacraments ; this far they were true and lawfull ministers , truely and lawfully ordained . but in so farre as they were ordained according to the popish statutes and canons , for teaching and maintaining the traditions of the church of rome , and for offering up the body of christ in the masse , in this consideration ; their calling and ordination was impure and unlawfull , like pure water flowing out of a clean fountain , which contracts impurity from a filthie channel it runs through . see synops : pur : theol : disp. . thes : . and diverse others who might be cited to this purpose . chap. v. whether these prophets and prophesyings in the primitive church , cor. . and cor. . . ephes : . . were extraordinarie , and so not to continue : or whether they are presidents for the preaching or prophesying of such , as are neither ordained ministers , nor probationers for the ministery . there are three opinions concerning these prophets mentioned by the apostle , . that they had neither extraordinary and immediate inspirations of the spirit , nor yet were ordinary ministers called to the office of teaching , but church-members out of office , having good gifts of opening and interpreting the scriptures , for the edification , instructioun , and comfort of the church , and hence is the warrant taken , for the preaching or prophesying of such church-members as are well gifted , being neither ministers , nor intending the ministery : neither doe the independents onely , but socintans , and arminians also cry up that libertas prophetandi . . that these prophets were church officers , and no more but ordinary teachers or interpreters of scripture in the church : without excluding the sons of the prophets , or probationers from their assembly , and from exercising their gifts in preaching upon occasion , and fortryall of their gifts , or of the grouth and encreas thereof , yet i remember no place in the new testament , where ordinary pastors are said to prophesie , except revel : . . where notwithstanding , prophesie is ascribed unto them in no other sence , than the working of miracles , vers : . those have power to shut heaven , that it rain not in the dayes of their prophesie , and have power over waters to turne them into blood , and to smite the earth with all plagues as often as they will. all which ( prophesying and miracles ) is spoken by way of allusion to moses and elias . . that they were extraordinary prophets , immediatly and extraordinarly inspyred by the holy ghost ; and that they are to be reckoned among these other administrations which were notto continue , or be ordinary in the church . synop : pur : theol : disp : . thes : . martyr , loc : com : class : . cap. . aretius , probl : theol . loc : . calvin . instit. lib : . cap. : § . diodati on cor. . . the late english anotations on cor. . . mr. baine on ephes : . . together with two learned country men of mine , mr. david dikson , on cor : . . and mr : rutherfurd on his peaceable plea : c●…p . . apostles , evange ists , workers of miracles : i know many protestant writers of very good note , are of the second opinion . but with all due respect unto them : i hold the third opinion , with gerhard , loc : com : tom : . pag : . and diverse others ; the reasons which move me are these . . the apostle distinguisheth the prophets from the pastors and teachers ; cor : . , . ephes : . . the prophets are enumerate among the publike ministers which christ hath given to the church ; yet distinct from the ordinary pastors and teachers , . they are not onely distinguished from pastors and teachers , but seem also to be set before them ; yea , before the evangelists , ephes : . . and he gave some apostles , and some prophets , and some evangelists , and some pastors and teachers , or as the syriak readeth , and some pastors and some teachers , so distinguisheth pastors from teachers , as mr. bayne also doth : understanding here five , degrees of those who labour in the word and doctrine , the first three extraordinary , the last two ordinary . i know 't is not alwayes preferred in honour and dignity , which is first mentioned : yet i think our dissenting brethren would not think it fit , nor suteable to enumerate their gifted and pro. phesying members , next to the apostles , and before pastors much lesse evangelists , neither do i ground my argument simply and meerly upon the enumeration , but upon such an enumeration as is noted , with first , second , third , cor : . . and god hath set some in the church , first apostles , secondly prophets , thirdlie teachers , where he puts upon the prophets the highest eminency and chiefest dignity next to the apostles , which i thinke the prophesyi●…g b●…ethren of this age doe not look for ; chrysostome , de divers : nov : test : locis : serm : . proves the chief dignity of apostleship from these words : first apostles : is it not as good an argument to prove the next dignitie , to belong to prophesie from these words , secondarilie prophets . 't is true helps are mentioned before governments in that same text. but the apostle hath left o●… his numericall order , before he come at these , and besides , both the deacon and the ruling elder , are church officers , and neither of them preachers , so that the difproportion is not so great when the deacon is named before the ruling elder : but that such preachers or interpreters who had no office at all in the church , should be enumerate , not onely among officers and ministers of the church , but before teachers , and that in foure texts , acts . . cor. . . ibid. vers : . ephes : . . and next to the apostles too , and that with an order , of first , second , third , is to me utterly improblable and uncredible . . the apostle mentioneth prophets with a note of singularity , as not common , but more speciall , cor : . , . are all apostles ? are all prophets ? are all teachers ? are all workers of miracles ? have all the gifts of healing ? do all speak with tongues ? do all interpret ? here the apostle maketh a second enumeration of such administrations as were more rare ; singular , speciall , dignified , and priviledged , and not competent to all church officers , much lesse to all church-members : therefore here he omitteth the ruling elder and deacon ; hee saith not are all helps ? are all governments ? as if he had said ; there are some officers appointed onely for ruling , some appointed onely for helping and overseeing the poore ; these officers are neither apostles nor prophets , &c. and if prophesying be not a priviledge of all church-officers , how much lesse of all church-members : i might adde here , 't is most agreeable to the native signification of the word prophesie , that we understand it to be an extraordinary and rare thing ; for if you consider the very notation of the word prophesie is prediction , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i foretell , of which more hereafter . . one of the prophets of that time , is plainly described to have been inspired with extraordinary revelations , acts . , . there came down from iudea a certain prophet , named agabus , and when he was come unto us , he took pauls girdle , and bound his owne hands and feet , and said ; thus saith the holie ghost , so shall the iews at ierusalem bind the man that oweth this girdle , and shall deliver him into the hands of the gentiles . there were other prophets of the same kinde with agabus , for so runnes the text , acts . , . and in those dayes came prophets from ierusalem to antioch , and there stood up one of them named agabus , and signified by the spirit , that there should bee great dearth in all the world . . that these prophets spake in the church from extraordinary revelation and inspiration , appeareth by cor : . . when they came together , they had a psalme , a doctrine , a tongue , a revelation , an interpretation , not onely a doctrine , and an interpretation , but a revelation , and vers . . after hee hath said , let the prophets speak , two or three ; he addeth , if any thing be revealed to another that sitteth by , let the first hold his peace : upon which text gualther , salmeron , and others who understand by prophesying in that chap : the ordinary ministeriall teaching , are yet made to acknowledge , that this revealing of somewhat to another , was extemporary and extraordinary , and that it is no president for our times . p. martyr , puts this difference between teachers and prophets , that teachers were educated and instructed by masters : prophets , without all humane help ; spake as they were on a suddain moved by the inspiration of the holy ghost ; yea , although he takes the office and functions of prophets and teachers , to have been one and the same ; yet he thus distinguisheth between them . so aretius , speaking of those that bare office in the primitive church , distinguisheh the prophets from the pastors and teachers in this , that the prophets had not onely greater gifts for opening hard scriptures , but that they did interpret scripture with the same propheticall spirit , by which it was dictat and written , and likewise foretell things to come . . it hath been observed by mr. bayne on ephes : . . and others that these degrees are capacious and comprehensive one of another downwards , not upwards , that is ; an apostle might prophesie , and doe the work of an evangelist , pastor , and teacher : a prophet might do the work of an evangelist , pastor , and teacher : the evangelist might do the work of a pastor and teacher . but every pastor and teacher could not do the work of an evangelist , or of a prophet , &c. if this observation hold , which hath pleased many , then we cannot understand those prophets to have been no more but pastors and teachers , much lesse to have been any thing lesse than pastors and teachers , viz. church-members , well gifted for exponding scripture edifyingly , chrysostome de divers : n. t. locis serm : . leaneth very much toward that same notion , for he calls apostles the root , which was comprehensive of all the rest ; a prophet ( saith he ) might not be an apostle , but an apostle was a prophet , evangelist , &c. to prove that an apostle did prophesie , hee cites these propheticall praedictions , tim : . . thess. . . whereby 't is manifest that he understands the prophesie mentioned by paul to be extraordinary . . unlesse we understand those prophets which christ gave to the church , cor. . . and cap. . ephes : . . to have been extraordinarly inspired by the spirit , then we shall not be able to prove from scripture , that christ hath given to the church of the new testament , any extraordinarie prophets to foretell things to come . but 't is certain that christ hath given such extraordinary prophets to the church of the new testament , such as agabus , and the daughters of philip : eusebius tells us there were such prophets in the church , till the dayes of iustin martyr ; which we have also from iustinus himselfe . and now having the occasion , i must say it to the glory of god , there were in the church of scotland , both in the time of our first reformation , and after the reformation such extraordinary men , as were more then ordinary pastors and teachers , even holy prophets receaving extraordinary revelations from god , and foret●…lling diverse strange and remarkable things , which did accordingly come to paste punctually , to the great admiration of all who knew the particulars , such were mr. wishart the martyre , mr. knox the reformer ; also mr. iohn welsh , mr. iohn davidsoune , mr. robert bruce , mr. alexander simson , mr. fergusson , and others : it were too long to make a narration here of all such particulars , and there are so many of them stupendious , that to give instance in some few , might seem to derogat from the rest . but if god give me opportunity , i shal think it worth the while to make a collection of these things : mean while although such prophets be extraordinary , and but seldome raised up in the church , yet such there have been : i dare say , not onely in the primitive times , but amongst our first reformers , and others . and upon what scripture can we pitch for such extraordinary prophets . if not upon those scriptures which are applyed by some to the prophesying brethren , or gifted church-members ; . there are but three senses of the word prophesying , which i can finde any where else in the new testament . . for such prophesying as is competent to all converted and gifted persons , when they are filled with a spirit of illumination , and speak with other tongues as the spirit gives them utterance : in which sense ioel foretold , that daughters as well as sonnes , hand maids as well as men-servants , young and old should prophesie , acts . , . which was accordingly fulfilled upon the day of penticost , for acts . . and . . . this spirit of prophesie was powred out upon all the disciples , men and women . . for such prophesying , ●…s is the preaching of ordinary ministers , although i know no text where without any controversie , the word is used for the ordinary ministeriall preaching ; yet i understand the word to bee used , in this sence , ( though by allusion onely where of before ) . revel . . . and i will give power unto my two witnesses , and they shall prophesie a thousand two hundreth and threescore dayes cloathed in sackcloath . . for extraordinary prophesying from immediate and miraculous inspiration , in which sence it is often used in the new testament , as i shall shew anone . but a fourth sense , viz. the prophesying of gifted brethren , ( not sisters ) out of office , and that publickly , and by an ordinary gift , i can finde no where ; and if we goe either higher or lower , then the ordinary pastorall preaching , women as well as men might prophesie . in the scripture language , prophetesses , as well as prophets . . the apostle plainly distinguisheth , prophesie , both from the word of knowledge , and from the word of wisdom , cor. . . . for to one is given by the spirit , the word of wisdome , to another the word of knowledge by the same spirit , to another prophesie ; now what is that gift and manifestation of the spirit , which is supposed to be given to gifted and prophesying-members , must it not fall under that enumeration , cor : . , , , , . is it then the interpretation , o●… opening of scripture , that is the teachers part , the word of knowledge : is it both to interpre●… , and apply scripture , that is the pastors part , the word of wisdome ; is it to prophesie , that is more nor either the word of 〈◊〉 , or the word of wisdome , and is therefored 〈◊〉 from both . . in that text last cited , prophesie is mentioned , not only as a gift by which the spirit worketh , for the profite and edification of the church , but as a ministery , function , and ad●…inistration in the church , for ve●…s . . , . the apostle teacheth us , that there are diversiti●…s . of gifts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . of administrations , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . of operations , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thereafter in reference to all these three , he addeth the enumeration of the particulars , ver . . , . in a prophet hterefore there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ministerium , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is frequently used in the new testament for the ministery , not onely of ruling elders and deacons , rom : . . of pastors and teachers ; yea , of evangelists and apostles , ephes : . . col : . . tim : . . . acts . . . and . . and . . and ●… . . rom. . . cor : . . and . . and . . and . . and else where the english translators in these places render it sometimes ministerie , sometimes office , sometimes indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in the new testament for any ministring to the necessities of the poore saints , by charity and almes . but no body that i know doth imagine or can imagine that this is the sense of the word , cor : . where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . therefore i conclude that the prophets in these primitive times , had an office or ministery in the church . . the word prophesying is often used in the new testament , for that which is extraordinary , and by revelation , mat. . . rev : . . acts . . luke . . revel . . . . revel . . . mark : . . peter . . jud : . john baptist is called a prophet , luke . . and . . matth : . . and . . christ himselfe is called a prophet , matth. . . luke . and . . john . . and . . elymas the sorcerer is called a false prophet , acts. . . prophesying in the name of christ , is joyned with other miraculous , gifts , mat : . . many will say to me in that day , lord , have we not prophesied in thy name ? and in thy name have cast out devils , and in thy name done many wonderfull workes , acts . . and when paul laid his hands on them , the holy ghost came on them , and they spake with tongues , and prophesied . in this sence is the word used , when 't is said that cajaphas prophesied , john . . the same word is used for propheticall prediction , tim : . . according to the prophesies which went before on the rev. . . jezebel did call her selfe a prophetesse . prophecy ( as paul speakes of it ) is so farre from being a common priviledge of gifted saints out of office , that it is one of the speciall and rarest gifts which the apostles themselves had or could have , cor. . . and though i have the gift of prophesie , and understand all mysteries , and all knowledge , which stands there between the gift of tongues , and the faith of miracles : again , cor : . . now brethren , if i come unto you speaking with tongues , what shall i prosite you , except i shall speak unto you , either by revelation , or by knowledge , or by prophesying , or by doctrine . the first two , revelation , and knowledge are immanent in the apostle : the other two prophesying and doctrine ; are transient from the apostle to the church . what shall my gift of tongues profite you , saith he ; or how shall you be edified or satisfied thereby , unlesse , either i utter some revelation unto you by prophesying , or utter my knowledge unto you by doctrine , so distinguishing prophesying from doctrine as greater then it ; because prophesying proceeds from revelation , doctrine from knowledge , in him that teacheth . . i have yet another reason , which i think will be a hard knot to our dissenting brethren , the apostle compareth in that . chap : the gifts of tongues , and the gifts of prophesie . he commendeth both , as desirable , vers : . and wisheth to them all both these gifts , vers : . but rather prophesie as comparatively the better for edifying the church . et magis & minus , non variant speciem . there are both good and desirable gifts of the spirit , given to profite withall , cor. . , , . the apostle also alloweth as many to speak with tongues in the church , as hee alloweth to prophesie in the church ; that is , as two or three of the prophets may speak by course in one assembly , so may two or three speak by course in a strange tongue , so that one interpret , cor : . , . moreover , whereas it is supposed by our dissenting brethren , that all or most of the church , women excepted , did prophesie ; they must upon the very same ground , suppose that all or most of the church , women excepted ; spake strange tongues in the church . for in the same place where 't is said , that every one of them had a doctrine and revelation , 't is said also that every one of them had a tongue and an interpretation , . cor : . . which tongues considered and compared together , it will be found , that if the reasons hold good , and the consequences be valid , which are brought for the prophesying of gifted members out of office , and that therein they have the church of corinth a president , the like reasons , and al 's strong consequences will prove , that any two or three of a church , who shall happilie have the gift of strange tongues , may speak by course in the church , so that one interpret , and that the church of corinth is as good a president for this , as for the other ; let our brethren therefore , either make both these gifts ( prophesie , and tongues ) in the church of corinth , to bee extraordinary and miraculous , and so neither of them to bee an ordinary president : or otherwise , they must make them both to be set forth for ordinary patterns and presidents , and so begin to cry up tongues , as well as prophesying , for if the gift of prophesie , be such as men may attaine by industrie and study , so is the gift of tongues : i know no way to loose the knot without acknowledging , that both the gift of tongues and that of prophesie , were extraordinary and miraculous , which is the truth . these are the reasons which i lean to in this matter . i come next to answere , objections . the first three objections i finde in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning ordination : but i shall answere other objections also omitted there , but which have been objected by others . object . . the prophets , cor : were not immediatlie inspired with prediction ; for women that were so inspired , might deliver their prophesie in the church , but there women are forbidden to speak , vers : . answ : . but where finde we that women which were prophetesses , and immediately inspired , were allowed to deliver their prophesie in the church . i suppose he had a respect to cor : . . but every woman that prayeth or prophesieth with her head covered , dishonoureth her head , which is meaned of the publicke assemblie , for the apostle is speaking of covering , or uncovering the head in the church . but diverse interpreters understand here by a woman , that prayeth or prophesieth , a woman that joyneth as a hearer in the publicke assemblie , and so vers : . by a man that prayeth or prophesieth , a man that is a hearer , and joyneth in the ordinances . so that the geneva annotation upon verse . gives a good sence of that text : that women which shew themselves in publick and ecclesiasticall assemblies , without the signe and token of their subjection , that is to sa●… , uncovered , shame themselves . see more for th●…s in junius his annotations on the arabike version in that place . ●… . if the apostle by prophesying , cor : . . . understand prophesying by immediate inspiration , then the objection may bee retorted and turned into an argument against the objectors : for the sence of the word prophesying in the . chap : may give light to the word prophesying in the . chap. . peter martyr , loc : com : eccles : . cap : . is indeed of opinion , that women which were prophetesses , and extraordinarly inspired , might sp●…ak in the church , provided that their heads were covered , in token of foeminine subjection , and that the forbidding of women to speak in the church , extendeth to such , and so hee reconcileth , cor. . . tim. . . with cor : . . i doubt his opinion in this particular is not well grounded , onely so farre i make use of it , that if cor : . . be meant of prophetesses , praying or prophesying in the church , ( which the objector hath to prove ) . then certainely the forbidding of women to speak in the church , cannot be understood universallie , but with a reserve and exception of extraordinary cases : but how can this exception of prophetesses consist with with the text , let your women keep silence in the church , why 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , your women , they had prophesying women , as is supposed by these of the other opinion , from cor : . . nay , even your women must be silent saith the apostle ; and the reasons which he addeth , are so universall as to comdrehend even prophetesses , they are commanded to be under obedience , and to be in subjection , which martyr himselfe noteth , holds true of prophesying women , as well as others , and that for that cause their heads were to be covered : another reason is added , tim. . . adam was not deceaved , but the woman being deceaved , was in the transgression : it might be feared , saith p. martyr , if women were permitted to speak in the church , sathan should returne to his first wyle , and deceave the man by the woman . surely he that made use of evah , might also make use of a prophesying woman to deceave , and so much the more , because , now since the fall , both man and woman are more subject to tentation . so that both the apostles command , and the reasons of it seem plainly to exclude , even prophesying women from speaking in the church , and if they be allowed to deliver extraordinary prophesies and revelations in the church ; why not also to prophesie as other gifted members . if that which is greater be allowed them , why not that which is lesse ? and if prophetesses be excepted from the rule , cor : . . why not also other women of excellent gifts . object : . the apostle , cor. . , . speaks of prophesie as a gift in all , or most of the members of the church , and forbids it to none , but women . answ : . i have already proved from , cor : . , . and . . and . . that prophesie even in those dayes , was not a common , but a rare and singular gift . so , ibid : vers . when he saith , i would that all spake with tongues , but rather that yee prophesied ; hee intimateth that all of them did not prophesie . . when the apostle speaks by way of supposition , vers ; : but if all prophesie , this proves not that all did prophesie , neither can the very supposition bee understood universally : for if an unbeleever had come into their assembly , and heard all , and every one of them prophesying ; sure he had been so farre from being wonne thereby , that he had been more alienated from such a confusion . . that which gives greatest collour to the objection , is vers : . when yee come together every one of you hath a psalme , hath a doctrine , hath a tongue , hath a revelation , hath an interpretation : i shall freely offer my judgement concerning this text to be considered . i hold the first hint from cajetan upon the place ; it is not said , every one of you can speak a strange tongue , or can utter a revelation , &c. but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath ●… . g. every one in the church hath these things for his good and benefite , when one prophesieth , or two , or three , every one in the church hath that prophesie , the like of psalmes , tongues , &c. even as cor : . . . all things are yours , whether paul or apollo , &c. where it may bee truely added , or psalmes , or tongues , or doctrines , or revelations , or interpretations , all these are yours , all these hath christ given to the church for her good , men are said to have these things of which they have the good fruit , use , benefite , at least are allowed to have , and may have the benefite thereof , luke . they have moses and the prophets , ephes : . . and col. . . in whom we have redemption through his blood , cor. . . but we have the minde of christ ; philip. . . ye have us for an example , heb : . . we have an altar , pet. . . we have a more sure word of prophesie , and the like . and thus i understand the text now in controversie , the apostle having from the beginning of that . chap : perswaded that the gifts of tongues and prophesie might be used , not so as the men might be most admired , but so as the church might be most edified , and that not so much the gifts , as the profitable use of the gifts was to be desired , he concludeth this point , vers : . making a transition to certain canons , for order in the use of tongues and prophesie , as if he had said , if these gifts be thus improved to edifie , then although every one of you hath not the gifts of tongues , prophesie , &c. yet when yee come together , every one of you hath all these tongues , prophesies , &c. they being yours , for your good and edification . . but if our dissenting brethren will not receave this sence , ( which is quite contrarie to theirs ) . yet in this text , here , they can no more extend to all or most of the members of the church , one of these branches , then another : if all or most of them did prophesie , then all or most of them had the gift of tongues , and the interpretation of tongues , and revelations , and the ●…ift of composing psalmes , and so the same president shall bring in strange tongues , as well as prophesying , ( of which more before ) beside that of composing psalmes . i shal hardly beleeve that our dissenting brethren themselves will say , that all or most of the church of corinth had the gift of tongues . let us see then , how they will restrict the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every one of you in reference to tongues , they must allow us to make the same restruction in reference to prophesie : but if they will say at large , that all or most of the church of corinth , had the gifts of tongues , as well as that of prophesie , then they are loosers another way , by yeelding the president of the church of corinth ( in that very place upon which they build their prophesying ) to be extraordinary and miraculous . . whereas the objection saith , that all or most of them did prophesie , this addition , of most of them , is fictious and fallacious to hide weaknesse , for the text hath no such thing , but saith , every one of you : themselves dare not understand every one of you , universally , but in a restricted sence , for then prophets , and brethren should bee acciprocall , and convertible names in the epistles to the corinthians , and when 't is said , the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets , cor. . . the sence should bee no more , but equivalent ( upon the matter ) to this , the spirits of all the brethren are subject to the brethren . . wherefore , every one of you , vers : . ( if extended to prophesying ) can be no more , but every one of you prophets , even as isa : . . every one . i. e. every one of the princes ; heb : . . jesus tasted death for every man ; i. e. for every man whom the father had given him , or chosen to be redeemed , cor : . . but the manifestation of the spirit is given to every man ; i. e. that is , to every gifted man in the church , to profite withall ; ephes. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let every one of you in particular , so love his wife ; that is , every one of you husbands , isa : . . every one is a hypocrite , that is ; every wicked person who cometh to worship before me ; luke . . doeth not each one of you on the sabbah , loose his oxe or his asse , that is , each of you who hath an ox or an asse : many other such instances might be given from scripture . . bullinger noteth out of the greek scholiast , that the apostle here , cor : . . useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , one of you hath a psalme , another a doctrine , another a tongue , &c. beza gives us the same sence , and refers us to cor : . . which is a notable clearing of this text , for the very same phrase : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is there used : every one of you saith , i am of paul , and i of apollo , and i of cephas , and i of christ , yet every one of them did not say all this , but one said , i am of paul , another said , i am of apollo , &c. the syriak confirmeth the same sence , for cor : . . he rendereth thus : whosoever of you hath a psalme , let him say on , and he who hath a doctrine , and he who hath a revelation , and he who hath a tongue , and he who hath an interpretation : so the arabik version ( which iunius on his marginall annotations upon it here commendeth ) runnes thus . if any of you hath a kinde of psalme to say , and he that hath a doctrine , aud he that hath a revelation , and he that hath a tongue , and he that hath an interpretation , let all this be done to edifying . object : . these gifts which are required in a prophet , cor : . . . are such as men ordinarly may , and do attain by industry and study answ. . the contrary hath been clearly proved , and that wery text , vers : . proveth it ; the more strange it is , that a text which mentioneth revelation , tongues , should be cited for ordinary study and industrie . . 't is said indeed , vers : . he that prophesieth , speaketh unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort . what then ; did not an extraordinary prophet , an apostle , an evangelist speak unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort ? no man dare deny , but they did , yet this cannot prove that apostles and evangelists were not extraordinary ministers : the edification and fruit which come to the church by these prophets , is one thing , the way of revelation and inspiration by which the prophesie came , another thing : the apostle is there onely comparing two extraordinary and miraculous gifts together , tongues and prophesie : of the two , prophesie is rather to be desired , for the edifying of the church , for he that speaketh a strange tongue , cannot edifie the church , except it be interpreted , but he that prophesieth , edifieth the church by his very gift of prophesie , with lesse businesse , and without an interpreter ; this being the scope and sence of the text , it may discover the weaknesse of that ground , upon which many have supposed that the apostle means nothing by prophesie , but the ordinary gift of expounding , and applying scripture ; yea , vers : . prophesie and revelation , are at once held forth , both as edifying , and as distinct from doctrine , and revelation distinct from knowledge , must needs be taken a gift , and not to be numbred among ordinary gifts ( as iunius upon the arabike , in the place noteth ) what ever acceptions of the word , we may finde else where in scripture . object . . but the apostle bids them desire that they may prophesie , vers : . how can one desire , or pray in faith for a miraculous and extraordinary gift of the spirit . answ : . he bids them not onely desire , that they might prophesie , but that they might have other spirituall gifts , such as the gifts of tongues , so vers : . and the interpretations of tongues , and hee wishes to them all the gift of tongues , now the gift of tongues was extraordinary and miraculous , as acts . , , . they might desire both the one gift and the other , to glorifie god , and to profite withall . cor : . . yea , they might pray for it in faith for these ends , and so much the more , because mark. . . the promise is made to beleevers of that first age . and these signes shall follow them that beleeve , in my name shall they cast out devils , they shall speak with new tongues , &c. and why might not the prayer of faith obtaine the gift of prophesie , as well as recover the sick , iam : . . although neither the one nor the other might be prayed for , with that absolutenesse , and peremptorinesse of desire , as saving mercies and graces necessarie to salvation , which is intimated in part by the different phrase , noted by erasmus , and others to be used , cor : . . follow after charity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pursue it , or as ( the syriak ) runne after it , so follow after love , as never to be satisfied till ye overtake it , be earnest in the pursuite of it . but concerning tongues , prophesie , and the like , he addeth ; and desire spirituall gifts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a word which falleth short of the other , not signifying any affecting of any thing with all our endeavour ( as the other word doth ) but only a high esteeming , valuing , admiring , wishing of a thing which , yet , if it be denyed to us , we must sit down satisfied without it . object : . but these prophets were to be judged , examined and tryed , cor : . . . therefore it seemes they were not extraordinary prophets infallibly inspired . answ : . if those who came under the name of extraordinary prophets , might not be tryed and examined , why are there so many caveats in the new testament , to beware of false prophets , mat : . . and . , . iohn . . did not the lord admit of moses his objection , that peradventure the children of israel would not beleeve him , that god had appeared unto him , and sent him , wherein god will have him to satisfie them by signes and miracles , exod. . . to vers : . are not the bereans commended , acts . . for proving and trying the doctrine of the apostles themselves by the scriptures ? . although such as had the gift of prophesie , did not , nor could not erre , so farre as they were inspired by the holy ghost in prophesying , much lesse in writing scripture , yet they might have , and some had their owne mistakes and errors in particular cases ; whereof i shall have one instance in elias , who said , he was left alone : but what saith the answere of god unto him , i have reserved to my selfe seven thousand , &c. he spake from his own spirit , when he said he was left alone , but the answer of god corrects his mistake . another instance in those prophesying disciples , acts . . who said to paul through the spirit , that he should not goe up to ierusalem . therefore foretelling and foreknowing of pauls danger at jerusalem , was from the spirit of prophesie , but the consequence they did draw from hence , that therefore paul should not go up to jerusalem . this interpreters conceave , was only from their own spirits , though they misfathered it upon the spirit of god. . 't is well observed in the english annotations upon cor. . . that although those prophesies were infused by the holy ghost , that cannot erre , yet all things are not alwayes revealed to one , and that which is not revealed to one , is oftentimes revealed to more , and sometimes in clearer manner . there might be also some thing mingled with that which the prophets receaved , and it might fall out , that that which they added of their own , by way of confirmation , illustration or application , might be justly subject to censure , wheher it must be tryed and judged by others , whether the prophesies proceed from the inspiration of the holy spirit , and according to the rule of faith , esa. . . object : . the apostle distinguisheth prophesie from ministery , rom. . , . therefore they who prophesied , were gifted persons out of office . answ : . diverse resolve that text thus , that first the apostle maketh a generall division of ecclesiasticall offices , prophesie , comprehending these that labour in the word and doctrine , ministery comprehending those that labour not in the word and doctrine , and that thereafter the apostle subdivideth prophesying into the pastorall and doctorall function : and ministery , he subdivideth into the office of the ruling elder , deacon , and the other of shewing mercy , which was committed sometimes to old men , sometimes to widows . . when i look again and again unto that text , i rather incline to understand by prophesie there , the extraordinary prophesie , and by ministery , the ordinary offices in the church . having then gifts saith the apostle , and differing according to the grace that is given to us , whether prophesie , let us prophesie according to the proportion of faith ▪ that under the colour of prophesie and revelation , wee bring nothing which is not agreeable to the rule of faith , or ministery , let us wait on ministery . if our office and administration be ordinary , let us attend it ; and not slight it , because it is ordinary . then he enlargeth this last by an enumeration of the ordinary offices in the church , pastors , teachers , ruling elders and deacons . while i am writing these things , i finde gomarus upon rom. . , . of the same opinion , that prophesie is meant here of that which is extraordinary , ministery of that which is ordinary . object . . but that text , the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets , is applyed by many presbyteriall writers , for the upholding the authority of classes , and synods , which is not a good argument of these prophets , if these prophets were extraordinary . answ. this makes the argument nothing the weaker but so much the stronger . for if prophets who were immediatly inspired , were to be subject to the examination , and judgment , ●…nd censure of other prophets , and if paul and barnabas gave an account , before the apostles and elders at jerusalem of their doctrine , so much opposed by some at antioh , acts . and if peter being accused for going in to the uncircumcised , was put to make his defence to them at jerusalem , acts . then à fortiori , it doth much more become ordinary pastors and teachers , to submit to the judgment of an assembly of pastors and teachers ; and generally as in civil justice , 't is a good and equall rule , that a man be judged per pares , so proportionably in church censures , it will hold among church officers or ministers , that they should be judged per pares , an apostle by the apostles , a prophet by the prophets , an elder by the elders . object . . iudas and stlas are called prophets , acts . . and they exhorted the church , yet they were out of office , for they are distinguished from the apostles and elders , and said to be chiefe men among the brethren , vers : . answ : . this president will carry the prophesying brethren very high , for silas is reckoned by divines to have been an evangelist , which may be collected from his travelling through so many places with paul , for spreading the gospell , acts . . act : . , . , . act. . . others think hee had a ministeriall charge at jerusalem , but the former opinion seems to be better grounded . . the word brethren and brother , does not ever note such as were out of office in the church , but 't is diverse times used , ( and so i take it here ) of such as were neither fixed as elders nor so eminent in the church as apostles , but had speci●…l and extraordinary employments , or administrations in the church , as cor : . . , cor : . . cor : . . heb : . . cor : . . pet : . . ephes : . . col : . . philem : . . from which places it is manifest , that the apostles fellow labourers in their extraordinary administrations , are often called brethren , and among these brethren , iudas and silas were chiefe men , either for the greatnesse of their gifts , or more aboundant labours . and now in the close , my advise and exhortationis unto such brethren as take upon them to preach , or prophesie , neither being nor intending to be ordained to the ministery , that they would yet take them to serious second thoughts of this businesse , and seeing that prophesying which they take for their president , hath been so clearly proved to have been extraordinary , seeing also christ hath appointed pastors and teachers for the ordinary work of the publicke teaching , edifying the church , and perfecting the saints , ephes : . . . ( which ordinance is sufficient for that end ) , those brethren should do well to improve their gifts in another way , by writing , and by occasionall exhorting , admonishing , instructing , reproving , comforting others , in that fraternall manner , which is sutable to christians out of office : if they desire any other work in the church , let them desire the pastorall office , and offer themselves to tryall in order thereunto , for as greg : nazianzen saith , orat : . christ hath appointed this order in his church , that the flocke may be one thing , pastors another thing ; and again , 't is a great businesse to teach , but it is safe and harmlesse to learn , why makest thou thy selfe a pastor , when thou art one of the flock . chap. vi. whether any other but a minister , lawfully called and ordained , may administer the sacraments , baptisme and the lords supper . the socinians and the erastian crutch-maker before mentioned , so plead against the necessity of ordination , that they held it lawfull and free to gifted persons not ordained , not onely to preach , but to administer the sacraments whether they extend this to women as well as men , i know not . peradventure they will borrow from the pagans those shee priests whom gellius out of cicero , cals antistitas , not antistites , or happilie they hold with the old pepuzians , that women may both preach and administer the sacraments , at least , if they may not speak in the church , ( because that is forbidden , cor. . . although some are so bold as to restrict that prohibition to married women , whereof they think they have some colour from the context ) that yet they may both preach and administer the sacraments in private places . and if there be no more necessary to one that preacheth or ministereth the sacraments , but onely gifts and abilities , how can they avoid to allow gifted women , as well as gifted men to performe these holy things ? but it is justly held by the reformed churches , and ordered in the directorie of worship agreed upon by both kingdoms , and mentioned also in the late confession of faith , chap : . that neither baptisme nor the lords supper may be dispensed by any , but by a minister of the word lawfullie ordained . nay ( say the soundest protestant writers ) not upon pretence of whatsoever necessitie be it among iews , turks , pagans , or to children dying , or the like . the arguments i lean to , are these . . god hath appointed the minister of the word , lawfully called and ordained , and no other to bee the stewards and dispensers of the mysteries of christ , cor : . . let a man so account of us , as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god. moreover it is required of stewards , that a man be found faithfull . which the apostle doeth not onely apply to himselfe and apollo , vers : . ( where by the way it may be remembred that apollo was neither an apostle , nor evangelist , but a powerfull minister of the gospell ) and to sosthenes ( as appeareth by comparing the text new cited with cor : . . ) but he also applyeth the same to every lawfull bishop , or ordinary minister , tit. . . for a bishop must be blamelesse as the steward of god , and this steward is ordained , vers : . so luke . . who then is that faithfull and wise steward , whom his lord shall make ruler over his houshold , to give them their portion of meat in due season . 't is not christs will that any one of the houshold , who is faithfull , wise , and discreet , may take upon him the stewards office , to dispense meat to the rest . but there is a steward constituted and appointed for that purpose . there are stewards appointed in the church , which is the house of the living god , and those to continue till the coming of christ , ibid : vers : . . and there is nothing which more properly belongeth to the ecclesiasticall stewards , then the dispensation of the sacraments . . ministers lawfully called and ordained , and none other hath christ appointed to bee pastors or sheepherds , to feed the flocke of god , ier : . . eph : . . act : . . pet : . . much of this feeding consisteth in the dispensation of the sacraments . and hee who hath appointed this food to be receaved by some , hath also appointed to be given , and administred by others . surely hee who is so much displeased with pastors , who feed themselves and not the flocke , will not be well pleased with the flocke which will be their owne feeders onely , and will not be fed by the pastor . grotius had an extravagant notion of communicating , where there are no sacramentall elements , or where there are no pastors to administer , yet although he went too farre , those against whom i now argue , doe farre outreach him , for where there are both elements and pastors to administer , they hold there may be a sacrament without any pastor ; yea , this socinian and anabaptisticall way , takes away the very distinction of pastor and flocke in the church , as if any of the sheep were to feed the sheepherd , as well as he them . . ezekiels vision concerning the new temple , is generally acknowledged to bee an evangelicall prophesie , which i have also else where demonstrate by infallible reasons : but i conceave the sectaries of this time , who cry downe the ministery and ordination , doe not nor will not deny it . sure i am such a materiall temple as is described in that vision , never yet was . now among other things , it is there prophesied concerning the ministers of the gospell , ezek : . . they shall enter into my sanctuarie , and they shall come near unto my table to minister unto me ; and they shall keep my charge . whereof we can make no gospell sence , except it belong to the charge of ministers , lawfully called and entered into that work , to administer the sacraments , and namelie that of the lords supper at his table . these ministers are also in that chapter plainly distinguished from the people , or children of israel , vers : . , , , . . the sacraments are seals of the righteousnesse of faith , or covenant of grace , as divines commonly speak , borrowing the phrase from rom : . . this truely hath been justly accounted so necessary , that both the houses of parliament after consultation , had with the assemblie of divines , did by the ordinance dated , octob : . . appoint that who ever doth not know that the sacraments are seals of the covenant of grace , shall not be admitted to the lords-supper , but shall be suspended from it , as an ignorant person . now if it were an intolerable usurpation among men , if a privat person should take the broad seal of the kingdome , and append it to such signatures as he thinks good ; yea , ( put case ) to these signatures onely , whereunto it is to be , and ought to be put by those who are intrusted with the keeping of it : now much more were it a provoking sinne , and usurpation against jesus christ ( who is jealous of his glory , and tender of his ordinances ) to make bold with his seals , without being called , and appointed thereunto . . christ gives a commission to the apostles , to teach , and baptize , and extends the same commission to all teaching ministers , to the end of the world , mat : . . . from which place 't is plaine ; . that jesus christ would have the distinction of teachers and taught : baptizers and baptized to have place in the church alway , even unto the end . . that the commission to teach and baptize , was not given to all who beleeve in jesus christ , but to some onely . . that these some who receaved this commission , are not only the apostles , but ordinary ministers , as is manifested by the explaining of the commission , and promise to the end of the world . . christ hath distinguished between magistracy and ministery , between civil and sacred vocations , mat : . . mat : . . &c. . , &c : . . ioh : . . rom : . . . tim : . . pet : . , . compared with rom : . , , . cor : . . eph : . . thes : . . heb : . , . so that as ministers may not assume civil dignities and administrations , nor exercise seculare power , luke . . &c. . . . ioh : . . cor : . . tim : . . it is no lesse contrary to the ordinance of christ , that magistrates ( or any other civil persons ) stretch themselves beyond their lyne , and get ( with pompey ) into the holy of holies , or with vzziah to the burning of incense , in both which examples , such intrusion was examplarily punished . as it may be said to a secularized minister , who made thee a judge , or a civil magistrate ? so it may be said , to a ministerialized civil person , who made thee a dispenser of the word and sacraments ? . wee have cleare and convincing examples in the new testament , that the sacraments were administred by publicke ministers , called and appointed thereunto , as baptisme by iohn , ( ioh : . . he hath sent me to baptize ) and frequently by the apostles in the story of the acts. the lords supper administred by christ himself , ( whose example in things imitable we are bidden follow , who also himselfe then commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this doe ) . and by the apostle paul , acts . , . so the breaking of bread is joyned with the apostles doctrine and fellowship , acts . . ministers being also called the stewards and dispensers of the mysteries of god , where of before : so that a lawfull minister may in faith administer , and the receavers receave from him in faith the sacraments , having scripture warrands for so doing . but there is neither any commission from christ , to such as are no church officers , to administer the sacraments : nor can there any cleare example be found in the new testament , of administering either the one sacrament or the other , by any person who can be proved , not to have been a minister lawfully called & ordained . therefore such persons cannot in faith administer , nor others in faith receave from them , either baptisme or the lords supper . . that one text , eph : . . , . is enough to put to silence these gainsayers . and hee gave some apostles , and some prophets , and some evangelists , and some pastors and teachers , for the perfecting of the saincts , for the work of the ministery , for the edifying the body of christ , till wee all come , &c. is not the administration of the sacraments a part of the perfecting of the saints , of the work of the ministrie , of the edifying of the body of christ ? and are we not told that this shall continue till the whole number of the elect be fulfilled ? and whom hath christ given here to his church for this work ? hath he given any other but pastors and teachers ( setting aside the extraordinary officers ) and who are the pastors and teachers appointed hereunto ? all , or whosoever will ? nay not all , but some , saith the text. chap. vii . of prophets and evangelists , in what sense their work and vocation might be called extraordinary ; and in what sense ordinary . this question appeareth to be very perplexed and thornie , yet i am led upon it both by the contraversies of the times , concerning the necessity of mission and ordination unto all ministers of holy things , and likewise by occasion of that which is maintained by some men of learning that there are still or may be evangelists in the church . calvin holds indeed that in that age of his , god raised up evangelists to rescue the church from popery instit lib. . cap. . § . and mr. hooker in his ecclesiasticall policie , lib. . sect : . tels us out of eusebius eccles : hist : lib. . cap : . that in trajans dayes many of the apostles disciples and scholers who were then alive , sold their possessions , which they gave to the poor , and betaking themselves to travel , undertook the labour of evangelists , that is , they painfully preached christ , and delivered to them who as yet never heard the doctrine of faith. concerning prophets , i have before shewed out of iustine martyr dial : cum tryph : iud. that in his dayes there were still some in the church , who had an extraordinary gift of prophesie , and such there have been also in other places , and at other times . of which there might be diverse instances given , i shall here speak somewhat , first of the work of prophets and evangelists . their work and administration , i conceave to be partly ordinarie , partly extraordinarie . ordinarie , because the higher degrees . eph. . . are comprehensive of the lower , not contrariwise , a pastor doth the work of a teacher , an evangelist doth the work of a pastor and teacher , a prophet doth the work of an evangelist , pastor and teacher , an apostle the work of all those , which i have also before touched , following chrysostome , and mr. bayne . prophets and evangelists edifie the church by preaching as well as ordinary pastors , cor. . . eph. . . . tim. . . . from which scriptures and others of that sort , as tit. . . tim. . . some have collected that evangelists had a fixed charge in some cer●…aine church , which they attended and took the oversight thereof for the work of the ministerie al 's often , and al 's long as other pressing and publick occasions of the church could permit . see zeperus de polit : eccl : lib : . cap : . aret : probl : theol : loc : . i say again the work of prophets and evangelists was extraordinarie , for the distinguishing or characteristicall propertie of a prophet , i. e. the outmost he could do , which the ordinary officers could not do , nor any other , but an apostle , is the opening of great secrets or foreshewing things to come , by the speciall and extraordinarie inspiration of the holy ghost . their verie name intimateth so much for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 come from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i foretell . according to which sense of the word , all these were called prophets of old , who foretold things to come , as magitians , astrologians , prognosticators , nativitie or figure-casters , &c. see olivarius de prophetia pag : . . the priests and interpreters of the oracles were also called prophets , and the apostle tit : . . calls epimenides a prophet of the cretians , qui quasi praesenserit futura , saith erasmus . as likewise saith he , because that book of epimenides out of which that verse is cited hath its title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de oraculis . but in the church notion of the word which the fathers took from scripture : prophecy is a prediction of things to come from a special inspiration of the holy ghost . but what is the distinguishing work and characteristicall property of an evangelist , i. e. that which an ordinary pastor and teacher might not do , and which none else could do but an apostle or a prophet ? that i may speak to this more clearly , 't is to be remembred , that the word evangelist is not heere taken in that restricted vulgar sense , for a pen-man of the holy ghost writing gospell ; for in that sense there were but foure evangelists , and two of them apostles . but this is not the scripture notion of the word , which tels us that philip and timothie were evangelists , act. . . tim. . . and that christ hath given evangelists to his church for the work of the ministery . eph. . , . now if we take the word as the scripture doth , the proper work of an evangelist i. e. that which none but an evangelist as an evangelist , or he who was more then an evangelist could do , i conceave to stand in two things : the first is , to lay foundations of churches , and to preach christ to an unbelieving people , who have not yet recieved the gospell , or at least who have not the true doctrine of christ among them . so philip the evangelist preached christ to the citie of samaria , and baptized them before any of the apostles came unto them . act. . . . and if the disciples luk were evangelists ( as many think , and calvin instit : lib : . cap : . . thinks it probable ) their proper work as evangelists , was to preach the gospel to those cities which had not received it . their second work is a traveling and negotiating as messengers and agents upon extraordinary occasions , and speciall emergencies which is oft times between one church and another , and so distinct from the first which is a traveling among them that are yet without . of this second there are diverse examples in scripture , as cor. . . phil : . . . tim : . . tit : act : . in this last example , although some are of opinion that silas was of jerusalem , and had an ordinary ministeriall function there , yet the best writers do commonly reckon silas among the evangelists , and i do not doubt but as he was a prophet , act. . . so also an evangelist , which may appeare by his traveling through many places , in the work of preaching the gospel , sometimes with paul , as his fellow labourer and helper : act &c. . . . sometimes with timothy , act : . . . & . now when i call these works and administrations of prophets and evangelists extraordinary , my meaning is not , that they are altogether and every way extraordinary even as apostleship . for i dare not say that since the dayes of the apostles there hath never been , or that to the end of the world there shall never be any raised up by god with such gifts , and for such administrations , as i have now described to be proper to prophets and evangelists , i. e : the fore telling of things to come , the traveling among unbelievers to convert them by the preaching of the gospell , and between one church and another , upon extraordinary errands . but i call the work of prophets and evangelists extraordinary in calvins sense ( expressed by him in the place before cited ) i. e. it is not ordinary like that of pastors and teachers , which hath place constantly in the best constituted and setled churches . shortly , i take the word extraordinary here , not for that which ceased with the first age of the christian church , but for that which is not , neither needeth to be ordinary . and so much of their work : as for the vocation of prophets and evangelists , . i cannot passe without an animadversion , a passage in mr. hookers ecclesiasticall policie . lib : sect : . where he will not have the prophets mentioned , cor. . to be reckoned with those whom he calleth ( after the then common idiome ) the clergy , because no mans gifts or qualities can make him a minister of holy things , unlesse ordination do give him power ; and we no where finde prophets to have been made by ordination . if we shall take the word prophets so largely as to comprehend all who have any gift of prophesie , and so prophetesses also , i shall not contend against that which he saith , but if we shall understand that the apostle in that place doth enumerat not only diversities of gifts , but diversities of administrations , which god hath appointed in the church ( and this may easily appeare by comparing v. . with v. . . ) and so take prophesie for an administration or service in the church al 's well as a gift ; surely it was not without a mission or vocation thereunto . for as they were extraordinary ministers , so they had an extraordinary mission or ordination al 's well as the apostles , luke . . christ saith , i will send them prophets and apostles , and cor : . god hath set or appointed prophets in the church . yea as their work was partly ordinary and common to pastors and teachers , so a prophet was examined and allowed by an assembly of prophets , as well as an elder by an assembly of elders , which i gather from cor : . and the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets . touching the vocation of an evangelist , the author of the queries concerning ordination , quest . . to elude our argument for the standing ordinance of christ , for ordination of ministers drawne from tim. . . answereth among other things , that timothy being an evangelist , and evangelists being ( by common consent ) extraordinary by calling , he had no need to passe through the common doore of ordination . the extraordinarinesse of evangelists is not so much without controversie , as he would bear his reader in hand , as may appear by what i have but now said : neither can he prove that at that time , when the presbytery laid hands on timothy , he was even then an evangelist or more then a presbyter . however this i will say , that as the work , so also the vocation of evangelists , was partly extraordinary and partly ordinary , and as there may be still occasion for some of their extraordinary work , so there ought to be a speciall mission and vocation thereunto , not only inwardly from the spirit of gods stirring up unto and en●…bling for the work , but outwardly also and orderly in the church the disciples were ordained by christ himself , luke . . the lord appointed other seventy also , and sent them two and two . an angell of the lord spake unto philip and called him from one place to another , acts . . the apostle paul sent epaphroditus and resolved to send timothie to the church of the philippians , phil : . . . these are examples of extraordinary mission , such i mean as ceased with that age , none being now immediatly sent by christ or his apostles . but there are other examples of a mission or calling to somewhat of the proper work of evangelists , which are not to be restricted to that age only ; for they who were agents and did travell and negotiat in the great and speciall affaires of the church , had a speciall delegation and orderly call thereunto . so i understand that of the messengers of the churches , cor : . . and epaphroditus being sent from the church of philippians to paul , is called there apostle or messenger . phil ▪ . . so iudas and silas who went out for the setlement of the distracted churches , had a speciall commission and delegation thereunto from the synod of the apostles and elders . 't is therefore most agreeable to the primitive pattern , that where synods or at least classes may be had , and are not by persecution scattered or hindred to meet , such as undertake either to goe & preach the gospel to infidels , papists , turks or the like , or go about any negotiation abroad in any common bussines of the church ought to be approved , and authorized by a nationall synod , or ( when that cannot be had , & if there be withal great danger in the delay ) by a provinciall synod , or at least , ( where this cannot he had ) by a classis . chap. viii . that the primitive apostolicall pattern holdeth forth unto us for our imitation , a presbyterie . i. e. an assembly of elders , having power of ordination , with laying on of hands . this i gather from . tim : . . neglect not the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by prophesie , with the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie , i have already evinced from this text , the necessity of ordination . let us now see , whether it doth not also shew us the right hands , unto which christ hath committed this power . it is a text most miserably darkened and obscured by controversall glosses , put upon it by popish and prelaticall writers : some would have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here to bee a company of bishops , who were both elders , and more then elders as they hold . this interpretation had so little probability of reason to strengthen it , that it was abandoned by some of the ablest friends of episcopacy ; camero : praelect : in mat : . . dr. forbesse irenic : lib. . cap : . pag : . and why should wee understand by presbyterie , a company of bishops , when it is yeelded even by writers of that side , that in these cities where the apostles planted the gospel , there was collegium presbyterorum , a colledge or company of presbyters . so mr. thorndike , of the government of churches , cap. . the author of the history of episcopacy , part : . pag : . &c. both of them in this following hooker . it was also acknowledged by them , that this colledge of presbyters did together with the apostles lay on hands in ordination , thereby contributing their blessing and assisting with their prayers , whence ( as was alledged ) came the custome of the presbyters , their laying on of hands in the ordination , together with the bishop , conc : carthag : . can : . so that even themselves say as much as may make us understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this text , concessus presbyterorum as camero cals it . the footsteps of ordination by presbyteries might be seen , not onely in that canon of carthage , but in the canon law it self , which appointeth the same thing , dist : . cap : . both ambrose in ephes : . and augustine in quaest : ex utroque test ▪ . . bear witnesse that presbyters did ordaine in egypt , when a bishop was not present , dr. forbesse irenie : lib : . pag. . citeth out of panormitan , olim presbyteri in communi regebant ecclesiam & ordinabant sacerdotes . there is another glosse which the erastians ( who love not the name of presbytery , with any power at all jure divino ) are glad to take hold off . 't is that which bilson , stutlivius and other episcopall writers made use of , distrusting ( as it should seeme ) that other interpretation last mentioned : and they had it from bellarmine , and some popish expositors . see gorranus upon the place : i confesse it was also one of calvins few ( for they were but very few ) mistakes , and 't is diligently catcht at by those who set at nought calvins judgement in other things . but quandoque dormitat homerus . i think it worth the while to examine this glosse . and i shall offer these reasons following , to make it appeare that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not here the office of an elder , but the assembly of elders , commonly called the presbytery . . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no where used by the holy ghost , for the office it self , or degree of an elder : but 't is used in two other places in the new testament , for an assembly or counsell of elders , luke . . acts . . in which places arias montanus ▪ rendereth it by senatus . beza in the first of these places , retaineth the word presbyterium . in the other place , both his version and the tigurine hath totus seniorum ordo . but the old english translation , readeth the company of elders . however both places are clearly meaned of the company of elders , not of the office it selfe , for the office of elders could not meet together , as in that place of luke : neither could the office of elders bear witnesse to paul , as in that place of the acts. mr. selden in his upon ebraica , lib : . cap : . understands the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in both these places to be used by luke , for the great sanhedrin , the highest assembly of elders . now then , why shall we not understand the same word , tim : . . to be the assembly , not the office it selfe of elders . and i shall aske those who think the apostle means the office of elders , upon what imaginable ground can they conceave that this is the apostles meaning , or how come they to divine this thing , or how could the apostles words be understood in that sense ? the holy gh●…st never useth the word in that sence . the septuagint never use the word in that sense , for they use it not at all . no greek author that lived before paul , can be found to have used the word in that sense , for the word it self is not found in heathen writers . i finde onely one place where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is conceaved to be used for the office of an elder . and that is in the apocrypha story of susanna vers : . but h : stephanus , tom : . pag : . makes a doubt whether it should not bee written in that signification 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and suppose it be to be read there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet that geek is not so old as paul , for it is ascribed to theodotio , as mr. seldon tells us in that place last cited out of him . yea , the jesuits of the english colledge of doway in their bible acknowledge , that this story is translated out of theodotions edition , and this is the oldest originall which they can alledge for it . and besides this it may be understood of the assembly of elders , when the elders say to daniel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which those jesuits of doway render thus , because god hath given thee the honour of old age . others the honour of an elder , or an ancient . but i know no reason why the word may not here signifie there assembly of elders . god hath given thee the assembly of elders , that is , god hath given thee thy petition , and thy desire , which was the meeting again of the assembly of elders , as is plaine by the verses preceeding : even as god gave to his praying children this present parliament , . if the apostle had meant to expresse the dignity or degree of an elder , hee would rather have used the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which greek writers use pro senum honore vel dignitate , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is not used in that sence . . and if he had meant to stirre up timothy from the honour or dignity of that office and degree , which was conferred upon him he had rather mentioned the degree of an evangelist , than of an elder . even as he saith to him else where , doe the work of an evangelist . . the very popish interpreters are forced to confesse that the apostle means an assembly of elders , plurium presbyterorum , saith mariana : caetus presbyterorum , saith salmeron ▪ esthius upon the place noteth , that imposition of hands , was à pluribus adhibita , according to that canon of carthage . hugo cardinalis , noteth here the great honour of presbyters , that three of them at least , laid on hands in ordination . wherefore i can see no sense which can agree to the text , but that which is the ordinary and known sense of the word ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is an assembly of elders . in which sense it is also frequently used by ancient writers , whereof , he that will , may read good store of examples in d. blondelli apollogia pro sententia hieronymi . pag : . it hath been objected by some , that tim : . . holds forth no president for ordinary presbyteries , because . here is mention of prophesie which was an extraordinary thing , . timothy , was ordained by the laying on of the apostle paul his hands , . tim : . . lastly timothy was an evangelist , and how could a presbyter ordain an evangelist ? answ : . those very things which are objected , to depresse the presbyterie , doe put upon it so much the more aboundant honour . altho prophesies had gone before concerning timothy , and some extraordinar predictions , tim : . . altho likewise the apostle paul himself is supposed to have been present , and to have laid on hands at the sametime , yet neither the extraordinary prophesies , nor the laying on of the hands of an apostle , did swallow up , take away or hinder the ordinary power and right of the presbyterie , to be acted and put forth in the ordaining of timothy , or did exempt timothy from entring by that ordinary doore , and passage , through those ordinary hands of the presbytery . . 't is not certaine , that either the propheticall predictions concerning timothy , ( which the apostle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praegress as , or quae praecesserunt ) or the laying on of pauls hands , was at the same time with the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie . but whether these things were done together , or at severall times , 't is very observable , that to these the apostle prefixeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by , but to the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with , tim : . . that thou stirre up the gift which is in thee , by the putting on of my hands . tim : . . the gift which was given thee by prophesie : then he addeth with ( not by ) the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie : by this change of the phrase on purpose intimating , that the prophesie and laying on of pauls hands , were things extraordinary , because by these the gift , aptitude , and ability of parts , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was given to timothy , but the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie , was according to the ordinary rule then and there setled , being a rite used in ordination , so that timothy had not by the act of the presbyterie , any gift or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a potestative , authoritative ministeriall mission ( for to what other use or end could there bee a laying on of the hands of the presbyterie ? ) therefore athanasius in apologia ad imper : constantium citing this text , and applying it to ordinary ministers , he lives out that part concerning prophesie , and the rest of the text he applies thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the apostle paul hath commanded each one of us in his disciple , saying , neglect not the gift that is in thee , which was given unto thee with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . . if it be said that the laying on of the hands of the presbytery was onely to shew their consent , and joyning in prayer , and hearty wishes with the apostle for timothy : the answer is ready ; let these who alledge this shew us from scripture , where laying on of hands was ever used , for a bare testimony of consent , or of joynt prayers and wishes . i know imposition of hands hath been used in prayers , of blessing , or benediction by such as had a speciall power , authority and priviledge , as gen : . iacob when hee blessed the sonnes of ioseph , laid his hands upon them , but we read not that ioseph , or any other , whose heart joyned in prayer and hearty wishes for them , did therefore lay on hands together with iacob , mat. . . mark : . . when christ blessed the little children , he laid his hands upon them : but will any man imagine , that they who brought the children to be blessed by him , did together with him lay their hands upon them ? and generally if we consider the use of laying on hands in scripture , wee must conclude that the laying on of the hands of the presbytery , was an authoritative act , not a testimony of consenting and joyning onely . . 't is thought by some episcopall writers , that timothy was twise ordained , first to be a presbyter , and after to bee a bishop . see the history of episcopacy , pag , . i should rather say , peradventure he was first ordained a presbyter , by the presbyterie . and after ordained an evangelist by the apostle paul. however the presbyteries act needs to be extended no further , but to the ordaining him a presbyter , what was more , ( viz. ordination to the office of an evangelist , ) might proceed from the apostle : i mean , suppose he was ordained once , both presbyter and evangelist , and that both the apostle , and presbyter did lay on their hands together , in this mixed action , we may very well distinguish what was ordinary , what was extraordinary , ascribing that to the presbytery , this to the apostle . . and if the presbyterie had ordained , and sent forth timothy as an evangelist , what inconsistency , or absurdity had been in it ? you will object the lesse is blessed of the greater , and not the greater of the lesse , heb : . . i answer , although timothy as an evangelist , was greater then a single presbyter , yet that proves not , that he was ( even in that capacity , ) greater then the whole presbytery , one of the house of lords , is greater then one of the house of commons , but he is not therefore greater then the house of commons . when a king and his people is compared together , we use to say , that he is major singulis , minor universis . moreover , he that blesseth , is not every way greater then he who is blessed , but he is greater qua talis , in so far as he blesseth . and why might not the presbytery be greater then an evangelist , not simply and absolutly , but in so farre as they blessed and ordained him . so ananias put his hands upon paul , acts . . and afterwards certain prophets and teachers at anti●…ch laid hands on him , and barnabas , acts . , . and in so farre there was a majority and preeminence in those who laid on their hands though simply and absolutly they were the greater , on whom the hands were laid . this takes off some of the chief exceptions brought by the author of the queries concerning ordination , quest : . which done , his other exceptions are the more easily mastered . he himself passeth from one of ●…hem , as not being very considerable , viz. that presbyterie there is used to signifie not a company of elders , but the ordinance or office it self . of which before . there are but two other answers of his . one is that timothy being an evangelist had no need to passe through the common door of ordination . of which hereafter . the other is a conjecture of his own , which if it be a light , i confesse it is a new light . it seemes more probable ( saith he ) be farre that when paul on●…imothy ●…imothy , tim : . . there were some other apostles , or apostles fellowes that joyned with him in that action . and that apostles should be called presb●…ters or elders , and a company of them a presbytery or eldership , is an expression consonant to other scriptures where the appellation of elder is attributed unto them , pet : . . epist : ioh : . &c. epist : . ans : in the last two scriptures which he citeth , the word elder is a name of age not of office , and we are to understand , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in those places to be only a degree more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : epist , to philemon . v. . paul the aged , so iohn the elder . i. e. now full of yeares and very old . for which reason also some have noted that frequently in his first epistle he useth this compellation , my li●…le children . . peter indeed speaketh of himself as one of the elders by office , wherein we ought rath●…r to observe his humility , condescension , and prudent insinuation , then make any such use of it as this querist doth . it had been more for his purpose if another had said it of peter , and not he of himself . for as o●…cumenius upon the place te●…s us , peter cals himself so for modesties cause , and the better to enforce the following exhortation , that the elders should not lift up themselves above others , as he did not lift up himself above them . sure apostles and elders were ordinarly distinguishing names , as it is manifest from act. . . . . : . why then would the querist leave the ordinary scripture notion of the word , elder , and ground his own interpretation of the word presbyterie , upon peters calling himself an elder : he might al 's well argue , that the believing romans who are called the servants of god , rom : . . or these believing strangers who have the same name , pet : . . were apostles , and that we are to understand by the servants of god in these texts , apostles , because tit : . . the apostle paul calleth himself a servant of god. by the like logick he may argue that the ordaining of elders , act : . . tit : . is meant of ordaining apostles , because the scripture calls the apostles elders . . peter calls not himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an elder , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the sense of the word is explained two wayes , both are mentioned by h. stephanus in thes : ling : gr : tom : , pag : . and both of them make against that which this querist drives at . first the sense is conceived to be this , qui sum & ipse presbyter : so the tigurine , who am also an elder so the english ●…ranslators . now the text running thus , the elders who are among you i exhort , who am also an elder , i. e. i who give this exhortation unto you elders , as i am an apostle , so my apostleship doth not exclude me from being one of you , for i am also an elder : thus ( i say ) this very text makes against the querist , for even here we see that they who were commonly called elders , were not apostles . but there is a second sense , which maks yet more against the querist : for h. stephanus expresseth the sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus , qu●… & ipse è seniorum & presbyterorum collegio est , he who is of the assembly or colledge of elders commonly called the presbytery : hierome did happily intend the same thing by the word compresbyter . and likewise beza by his rendering ego una presbyter , i. e. i who am together with you a presbyter , or you and i being presbyters all of us together . and so the text may be red thus , the elders who are among you i exhort , who am also of your presbyteries . there were presbyteries among them , or assemblies of elders properly so called , and of these presbyteries peter was also a member , and when he was present in any of the presbyteries in pontus , gallacia , capadocia , asia , a●…d ●…ythinia , he joyned and acted as an elder , and as in a presbytery . this sense i preferre to the other . for if he had intended no more but to tell them that he also was an elder , i should think he wold have chosen another & plainer expression as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the elders who are among you i exhort , for i also am an elder . or thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the elders who are among you i exhort , as being my self also an elder . or thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the elders who are among you i exhort , i my self also being an elder . but now when he purposely chooseth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he intimateth somewhat more then that he was an elder . viz : that he was presbyterated together with them , as being also of their presbyteries , or assemblies of elders . words of the like composition in the greek tongue , may help to give us light in this particular , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which pollux useth for contubernalis , is not simply , he who is also a guest , or who is also a companion but he who is a guest in the same inne , or a chamber fellow ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not any who ever he be , that doth also lodge , live , & eat , but he who liveth together & eateth together : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may not be rendered , he who is also an ambassadour , but he who is a collegue in the same embassy , ●…ollega in legatione . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not simply he who also is a witnes ( for then he who is a thousand miles off being witnes in another cause is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but he who bears witnesse together in the same thing , or he who joyneth in the same testimony , as rom : . pollux hath also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui est ejus dē decuriae , not he who is also of a band or company , but he who is of the same band or company , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not he who is also a disciple , ( for then a scholler among our antipodes is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but a condisciple in the same schoole . and if we speak properly we will not call every minister of holy things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , symmista , but he who is our collegue , or associat or a minister of our owne company . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h. stephanus well explaineth complures simul collecti , non sigillarim , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not used for a counsell which is also taken , but for a counsel taken joyntly or together . many like instances might be given both in the greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and such like ; and likewise in the latine , compotator , compransor , combennones , commolitor , commurmuratio , compatior , competitor , compingo , comp●…icatio , comploratio , compossessor , compromitto , comprovincialis , concivis , concriminatio , concolor condiscipulus , confabulatio , confaederatio , congener , congerminalis , congenitus , c●…ngerminasco , conjubilatio , conjurati , connutritus , conservus , consedeo , consocer , consorbio , conterraneus , contemporaneus , contribulis , convelificor , converberatus , conviv●… , convictus , and i know not how many more of that kinde , in which words the preposition cannot be rendered by also , but by together in the same thing joyntly or of the same : and now i hope it may appear that the scripture , objected by the querist doth not hurt but help the presbytery . suppose the presbytery , tim : . . to be an assembly of apostles , as the querist would have it , what shall he gaine thereby ? for the name presbyterie being purposely chosen in this text , which mentions laying on of hands in ordination , will prove that the apostles did these as elders , and as an act of one assembly of elders , not as any thing peculiar to the apostles . for no rationall man will imagine , that the holy ghost intending to expresse some extraordinary thing , which the apostles did as apostles , and which belongs not to ordinary elders , would in that very thing purposely call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or an assembly of elders . . that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here is not an assembly of apostles , but of elders who were not apostles may appear plainly by comparing the text now in controversie with tim : . . the gift of god which is in thee by the putting on of my hands . if an assembly of apostles had laid hands on timothy , and so joyned in that action with paul , as the querist supposeth , paul had not thus distinguished his laying on of hands , from that of his fellow apostles , as if the gifts of the holy ghost had been given to timothy only by the laying of his hands , and not by , but with the laying on of the hands of his fellow apostles ▪ of this difference of the phrase in the one text and in the other , i have spoken before , which indeed fitly expresseth the difference betwixt the laying of pauls hands , and the laying on of the elders hands , but there could be no such difference among the apostles themselves , or apostles fellowes . but i have not yet done with the vindication and clearing of this text , which holds forth a president for ordination by a presbytery . it may bee further objected , . if this text must be understood of ordination by a presbytery , then the laying on of the hands of the presbytery is necessary to ordination ; and then , what shall become of th●…se who were not ordained by a pressbytery ; and what shall also become of that which so many protestant writers have pleaded against the popish sacrament of orders : viz. that the rite or signe in ordination , i.e. imposition of hands , is not instituted or commanded by christ or his apostles ? to the first i answer , . although i hold the imposition of the hands of the presbytery to be no sacrament , nor efficacious and operative for giving of the holy ghost , as the laying on of the apostles hands was : nor , . necessary to ordination , necessitate medii vel finis , as if ordination were void and no ordination without it , or as if they who were not ordained with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery , were therefore ●…o be thought unordained , or unministeriated : although likewise . i do not hold the laying on of hands to be the substantiall part or act of ordination ( which i have before prooved to be essentiall to the calling of a minister ) but only the rituall part in ordination . and although , . i hold the laying on of hands to be such a rite , whereunto we ought to be very sparing to ascribe mysterious significations , wherein some have gone too farre , and taken too much liberty , yet i hold ( with the generality of prot●…stant writers , and with the best refo●…med churches ) that the laying on of hands is to be still retained in ordination . i hold also that this laying on of hands is an ordinance of the new testament ( and so do our dissenting brethren of the independent way hold also ) and that 't is necessary by the necessity of precept , and institution , and in point of duety . for although there is no certain precept extant , concerning laying on of hands , yet because we see the apostles did alwayes use it , their so ac●…urat observing of it ought to be unto us in stead of a precept , ●…aith calvin instit. lib : . cap : , § . for the examples of the apostles or apostolike churches , in approved things which have a standing reas●…n , are binding , and in stead of institutions . the laying on of the hands of the apostles in so far as the holy ghost was given thereby , was extraordinary , and ceased with themselves , yet in so far as the apostles , yea and the presbytery too , laid on hands in their ordaining of ministers , there is a standing reason why we should do in like maner : the laying on of hands being a rite properly belonging to the praying over these whom we blesse in the name of the lord , with an authoritative benediction , as is manifest by these examples of laying on of hands , in iacobs blessing of ephraim and manasseh . gen : . and in christs blessing and praying over the little children , mat : . . mark : . looking thus upon laying on of hands ; . as a rite in blessing and prayer over ; . as a rite for publik designation and so emne setting apart of such a person ; and if you will , . as a rite of giving up , dedicating and offering unto the lord , of which use of laying on hands there are diverse examples in the books of moses : in these respects and under these considerations we use laying on of hands in ordination , and ought to do so in regard of the primitive pattern . wallaeus tom : . pag. . thinks that the negative precept . . tim : . . lay hands suddenly ●…n no man , doth also containe an affirmative , to lay hands upon such as are worthy and approved . chap. ix . what is meant in scripture by the word heresies , and how we are to understand , that there must be heresies , for making manifest the the godlie parti●… or these that are approved . cor : . . for there must be also heresies among you , saith the apostle , that they which are approved may be made manifest among you , or as others read , that they which are approved among you may be manifest . by heresies here some understand no more but divisions and sects , and conceave that heresies in point of opinion or doctrine , are not here meant . so chrysostome , erasmus and others . if so , then the very divisions and sects , will make a discovery who are approved , who not , before it come to hereticall opinions , i. e. sectaries are not approved , and these who are indeed approved , are none of theirs , but keep themselves unspotted , and free from them . so tit. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendered in the tigurin bible , sectarum authorem , and in the margin f●…ctiosum , i. e. a man that is an author of sects ( or factions ) after the first and second admonition , reject , and cor : . they read , opportet enim & sectas in vobis esse . sometimes the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken in the new testament for a sect , yet ( to note that by the way ) onely for such a sect , as either was indeed , or was esteemed to be of some hereticall opinion , as act. . . and . . and . . and . . and . . the apostle hath the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , twise in his epistles , and in both places he makes some difference , and distinction between heresies , and divisions , or strifes and variance , cor : . , . gal : . . for every division , strife , or variance , is not heresie . therefore in the text which i now speak to , i understand heresie to be some what more then division . the arabick cor : . . that is in the greek , and our translations , cor : . . repeateth the word schismes out of the precedent vers : & addeth moreover the word heresies , reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for there most arise schismes and heresies among you , that these of you who are godly may be known : it seems that they who understand , only divisions to be meant by the word heresies , do not observe the rising of the apostles speach , for after he hath spoken of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or schismatical divisions contrary to the rule of love ; he addeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for there must bee also heresies among you . i partly beleeve it , saith he , that there are divisions among you , for there must be , not onely schismes , but worse then that , there must bee heresies also ! if you aske now , what is heresie ? i shall without any implicit following of writers , ground my answer on scripture it self . and i answer first negativelie , then positively . negatively , . heresie is neither to be so farre taken at large , as to bee extended to every error , which may be confuted by scripture , although happily such an error be too tenaciously maintained . nor yet is it to be so farre restricted , as that no error shall be accounted hereticall , but that which is destructive to some fundamentall article of the christian faith , if by a fundamentall article , you understand such a truth without the knowledge and faith whereof , 't is impossible to get salvation . when peter martyr defines heresie , he makes no mention of a fundamentall error , but of an error contrarie to the scriptures , loc : com . class : . cap : . § . so calvin : instit : lib : . cap : . § . understands all such to be heretiks , as make a breach in the church by false doctrines . walaeus , tom : . pag : . saith , hereticall churches do either erre in the foundation , or onlie in some other things built upon the foundation . when peter speaks of such heresies , as take away the very foundation , iesus christ , he thinks it too little to call them simple heresies , but he cals these damnable heresies . but if you understand by fundamentall truths , all the chief and substantiall principles ( i do not mean onely the first rudiments , or a , b , c , of a catechisme , which we first of all put to new beginners , but i mean all such truths as are commonly put in the confessions of faith , and in the more full and large catechismes of the reformed churches , or all such truths , as all and every one who live in a true christian reformed church , are commanded , and required to learn and know , as they exspect in the ordinary dispensation of god to be saved , ) in this sense , i may yeeld that heresie is alwayes contrary to some fundamentall truth . 't is one thing to dispute of the absolute soveraigne power of god , and what are the truths , without the beleif whereof 't is absolutly , and altogether impossible that one can be saved : which question ( i doubt ) is hardly determinable by scripture , nor do i know what edification there is in the canvassing of it ▪ sure i am 't is a question much abused . 't is another thing to dispute what are these truths , which in a church where the gospell is truely preached , all and every one , ( come to years of knowledge and discretion ) and having means and occasions to learne , are bound to know , ( and according to the revealed will and ordinary dispensation of god ) must learne , as they desire or exspect to have a true fellowship with christ in the sacrament of the lords supper , or to bee accepted of god , and saved eternally : . we must not think that no man is a heretick , but he who is consistorially or judicially admonished , and thereafter continueth pertinaciously in his error . for where 't is said tit : . a man that is an heretick after the first and second admonition , reject : 't is intimated that he is an heretick before such admonition . positively , i concieve that these six things doe concurre to make a heresie . . t is an error held by some minister or member of a church , i mean either a true church or an assembly pretending and professing to be a true church . for both peter and paul where they foretell that heresies were to come , pet : . . cor : . . they adde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among you , i.e. among you christians . so act : . . also of your owne selves shall men arise , speaking perverse things . therefore the scripture gives no●… the name of hereti●…ks to these who are altogether without the visible church , but it calleth such by the names of heathens or unbel●…evers , or they that are without , or the like . . t is an error volunntarlie and freely chosen , both in the first invention and broaching of it , ( which is proper to the heresiarchs , ) and in the maintaining of it , or adhering to it , ( whic●… is common to all hereticks . ) this i collect from the very name which the scripture gives to it for , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i choose . therefore we give not the name of hereticks to such christians as are compelled in time of persecution to profess such or such an error , which peradventure were a formal ▪ heresie , if voluntarly and without compulsion professed . they ought indeed to die , and to indure the greatest torments , before they professe what they know to be an error : but this their sin is not properly called heresie , for an heretick doth freely and voluntarily hold that which is his error . and in this respect and consideration , tertullian thinks that an heretick is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , condemned of himself . tit : . . because he hath of himself choosed that which doth condemne him . the apostle there hath commanded to reject an heretick . if i reject him ( might one say ) then i loose him , i destroy his soule . nay ( saith the apostle ) his perdition is of himself , for he hath chosen his own wayes , and his soul delighteth in his abominations . this interpretation is much surer and safer , then to say that a heretick is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or self-condemned , because he goes against his own light , and against the principles received and acknowledged by himself : which sense is accompanied with many dangerous consequences . . 't is such a choosing of error as is accompanied with a rejecting of truth . a hereticke puts light for darknesse , and darknes ●…or light ; good fo●… evill , and evill for good , he chooseth e●…ror as truth , and ref●…seth truth as error , they that give heed to seducing ●…pirits and doctrines of devils , do also depart from the faith , tim. . . resist the 〈◊〉 , tim . , and turne away their ears from the truth , tim : . . their course hath a te●…minus a quo al 's well as ad quem . 't is an error professed and maintained , and which ●…y that means becomes a scandal and snare to others . for although there may be heresie ( a●…s well as other kinds of sin●…urking and hid in the thoughts , yet that belongs to gods judgement only , not to mans . the heresies which are spoken of , cor : . ●… . are certainly known and apparently discriminative ; even among men . and heretic●…s are scandalous persons to be avoided and rejected , rom : . . tit : . . which could not be , except their errors were known . . 't is an error contradictory to some chiefe and substantial●… truth grounded upon , or be necessary consequence drawne from , the holy scripture . there was never yet any heretick in the christian world who contradicted that whi●…h is literally and syllabically in scripture . the most damnable hereticke will offer to subscribe to the scripture in stead of a confession of faith , who yet will not subscribe to all truths , which necessarily follow from the words of scripture . but i call not every error heresie which is contrary to any consequentiall truth , grounded upon scripture . as the scr●…pture reckons not all who sin , to be workers of iniquitie , so it reckons not all who erre to be hereticks . although there is not any , either sin or errour , in the own nature of it veniall , yet every sin is not a grosse and hainous sin , and every errour is not heresie . heresies are mentioned as greater evills then schismes . cor : . . . which could not be so , if every errour were an heresie . . 't is an errour factiously maintained , with a renting of the church , and drawing away of disciples after it . in which respect augustine said , errare potero , haereti us non ero , i may e●…re , but i shall not be an hereticke . hereticks are deceivers and seducers who endeavour to pervert others , and to overthrow their faith , tim : , . act. : . tim. . . . rom : . , , . pet : . . all known and noted hereticks are also schismaticks who make a rupture , and strengthen their own party by drawing after them , or confirming unto them disciples and followers ( in so much that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is often used for a sect , as act. , . and . . and . . and . . ) for this cause , the donatists were condemned , as hereticks , without imputation of heresie to cyprian . and o strange turning about of things ! ( saith vincentius lirinensis advers : haeret : cap : . ) the authors of the same opinion are judged catholiks , but the followers hereticks . the masters are absolved , the disciples are condemned . the writers of these books are the children of the kingdome , but hell shall receive the assertors or mantainers . this last ingredient which is found in heresie , is hinted by the arabick interpreter , cor : . . where he joyneth schismes and heresies as was noted before . and indeed in the originall , the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the rising of the speech , sets forth heresie as carying schisme with it in its bosome : i believe saith the apostle in part , what i hear of your schismes , for there must be also heresies , i.e. both schismes and somewhat more . calvin institut . lib : . cap : . § . . makes the breaking of church communion & the making of a rent , a thing common both to hereticks , and schismaticks : for hereticks break one band of church communion which is consent in doctrin : schismaticks break another , which is love , though sometimes they agree in the like faith . from all which scripturall observations we may make up a description of heresie , to this sense . heresie is agrosse and dangerous errour voluntarily held , and factiously maintained by some person or persons within the visible church , in opposition to some chief or substantiall truth or truths grounded upon and drawn from the holy scripture by necessary consequence . but next , why saith the apostle that there must be heresies ? this is not a simple or absolute necessity , but ex hypothesi . i mean , not onely upon supposition of sathans malice , and mens corruption , but upon supposition of gods eternall , and infallible foreknowledge : and not only so , but upon supposition of the eternall decree of god , whereby he did decree to permit sathan , and corrupt men , to introduce heresies into the church , purposing in the most wise , and most holy counsell of his will , to disabuse ( as i may so say ) his church by these heresies , that is to order and over-rule them , for the praise of his grace and mercy , to manifest such as are approved , and from the glory of his justice , in sending strong delusion upon such as received not the love of the truth , but had pleasure in unrig●…teousnesse . these things being so , i. e. sathans malice , and mens corruption being such , and there being such a foreknowledge ; yea , such a decree in god , therefore it is , that there must be heresies , and so we a●…e also to understand , mat : . . it must needs be that offences come : these things i doe but touch by the way . that which i here aime at , is the good use which god in ●…is most wise and soveraigne providence , can , and doth make of heresies : 't is , that they which are approved , may bee made manifest . whereby 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they which are approved , we can understand nothing but such as are true and sincere saints , approved and accepted of god , or ( as bullinger on the place ) vere pii , truely godly : in which sense the same word is used , rom : . . cor : . . tim : . . ia●… . . the word is properly used of good money , or silver well refined , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is transferred to saints with speciall reference to their mortification , or to the refyning of them from the drosse of their corrup●…ions , and so noteth such as walk in the spirit , and not in the flesh . the contrarie word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reprobate , rejectaneous , naughty , or to bee cast away like the drosse of silver , cor : . . cor : . , . but how is it that by means , or occasion of heresies , the godly party is made manifest ? surely the meaning of the apostle is not , that the authors , and followers of heresies are the godly party , for he calls heresie , a work of the flesh . gal : . and will have an heretick to be rejected , as one who is of himself condemned , tit : . . therefore most certainly his meaning is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they which are approved , are known by this ; as one of their characters , they hate , avoid , and resist heresies , and earnestly contend for the faith , they hold fast the truth of christ without wavering . and those who broach , or adhere unto heresies , are thereby known to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unapproved , and such as are like reprobat silver . whosoever therefore sideth , or ingadgeth with heresies , or hereticks ; yea , whoever stands not fast in the faith , doth ipso facto declare himself to be none of pauls godly party . so contrary is the holy ghosts language to the tone of sectaries in these day●…s . neither is it in this scripture alone , but in diverse other scriptures , that the holy ghost distinguisheth those that are approved of god , from such as turne away from the truth after false doctrines , and beleeve seducing spirits , as well as from those who are of an ungodly life . so deut : . . when a false prophet arose , and the signe or wonder came to passe , what was gods meaning in permitting these things ? the lord your god proveth you to know whether ye love the lord your god , with all your heart , and w●…th all your soule . they therefore that hearkened to the false prophet , even when his signe or wonder came to passe , made themselves known thereby , that they had not been lovers of god with all their heart . again matth. ▪ . those that are elect , are not deceived by false christs , and the false prophets : and by the rule of contraries , they who are deceived by them , and go in their errour to the end , are not elect , but reprobat , gal : . . . heresie is a work of the flesh , and is reckoned among these things which render a person uncapable of inheriting the kingdome of god. they therefore who walk in the spirit , and not in the flesh , and are made meet to be partakers of the inheritance of the saints in light , are not onely no hereticks , but resist and oppose heresie , as being a work of the flesh . ioh. . . they who are christs discples indeed , continue in his word . they who continue not in his word , are not his disciples indeed , ioh : . . with ●… . epist. of iohn , vers : . they who have fellowship with the father and the son , abide in the doctrine of christ : they who abide not in the doctrine of christ , have no fellowship with the father and the son , the like in divers other scriptures . if therefore they must be heresies even for this reason , to make more manifest who are approved , who not : then let no thoughts arise in our hearts , toward the accusing of divine providence in this particular . iustin martyr . quaest , & respons : ad orthod . quaest . . answering this doubt : if god hath taken away the idolatries , superstitious , and false religion of heathens , and hath also abolished the jewish worship , why hath he suffered heresies to enter into the christian church ? hee gives this solution , that although heresies come into the church through mens negligence , and flothfulnesse , ( for while men slept , the enemy sowed the ●…ares among the wheat , mat : . : ) yet the providence of god was no way slothfull in the businesse , for he foresaw , and foretold that heresies should come , and hath given plaine warning in his word concerning the same . he addeth that the s●…me god who did destroy the heathenish and the jewi●…h religion , will also destroy heresies , after hee hath suffered them for a time . although wee had no distinct knowledge , what god intends to work out of heresies , yet we ought not to censure , but humbly , and reverently , to adore gods most wise , and most holy , ( though secret and un●…earchable ) dispensations . if wee should see somewhat which is deadly poyson among some drugges , which a skilled and approved physitian is making use of , wee must not rushly censure the phisitian , for hee knowes how to disabuse that which is in it self poysonable , and to make it one of the ingredients in a most soveraigne medicine . or if we should come into the shop of a curious artificer , or i●…geneer , and there see some ugly and ill favoured instruments , which we think can serve for no good but for evill , yet it were foolishly done to censure the artificer , who knowes to make an excellent good use of these things , though we know not . how much more foolish and sinfull is it , to suffer thoughts to rise in our hearts against the wisdome and providence of god , even alth●…ugh wee know not what he intends to work out of such things ? we were most of all inexcusable to accuse his providence , now when he hath made known in his word to us , that by occasion of heresies , he will make manifest who are approved , who not . wherefore ( saith chryso●…ome , de divers ▪ &c. tom : loc : ser : . ) that no man might say , why hath christ permitted this , paul saith , this permission shall not hurt thee , if thou art one who are approved , for by this means thou shalt be made more manifest . yet all this cannot excuse , either the hereticks , or sectaries themselves , or these who connive at them , for that which christ saith in genere of scandals , is true in specie of heresies , it must needs be that heresies come , but woe be to him by whom they come , i adde , and woe also to him who doth not according to his place and calling , endevour the extirpation of them . the text which i now speak to , cor : . . hath not reference to the will of gods commandement , which is the rule of our duty , but to the will of gods decree , or the secret counsell of his will. 't is gods purpose to permit heresies , and to over rule them for this end ; that his graces in his children may the more shine forth , and that even heresies ( contrarie to the intentions of sathan and hereticks ) may make manifest who are approved , scilicet quos non potuerint depravare , saith tertullian , opening this scripture . de praescr : adv : haer : to wit ( saith he ) such as heresies could not pervert and deprave , no other are the approved ones . but there are two things may be here objected : . may not one chosen and justified , and regenerat be drawn away , and infected with heresie through the flight of men , and cunning craftinesse , whereby they lie in wait to deceave ? if so , then heresies , doe not make manifest who are approved . who not . ▪ may not many who are not approved of god be preserved from the infections of heresies ; yea , be forward in resisting and opposing them ? if so , then preservation from , and resisting of heresies cannot make manifest that one is approved of god. these objections are no more against mee , then against the text of scripture . to the first , i answere , a regenerat person may be tempted and drawn over to heresie , as he may be tempted and drawen over to other great sins . heresie doth no otherwise consist with the state of grace in any person , then other works of the flesh , adultery , fornication , drunkennesse , or the like . look upon an elect and justified person , while lying in some great sinne , for instance , noah , lot , david , peter , even so must ye look upon an elect and justified person poysoned with heresie . but then that person being elected , justified and regenerate , cannot be supposed to live & die in that sinfull estate , but god will certainely heal his backslidings , and rescue his soul out of the snare of the devill by repentance , for the elect cannot be deceived , so as to continue and die in a heresie , mat : . . and while he continueth in such a grosse sin or heresie , you may truely say , that for that time he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unapproved , or like drosse and unrefined silver , in which sens the word is used by the apostle , where he speaks of his bringing his body into subjection , lest he himself should be found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where the old english translation readeth , lest i my self should be reprooved , which is too soft a word . the new translation hath , lest i my self should be a cast away . beza , ne ipse rejectaneus fiam . in the same sense t is used , cor. . . know you not your own selves , how that iesus christ is in you except ye be reprobats . beza , nisi rejectanei estis . h. stephanus expones , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , minime probus non probandus : item adulterinus non sincerus , and he cites aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in this sense even an elect and regenerat person supposed to be a maintainer or follower of here●…e ( while such ) is certainly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unapproved , greatly reproveable , to be rejected and cast away to the fornace like drossie and unrefined silver , and no marvel , for in that estate he doth not act his graces but his corruptions , and by his great sin doth extreamly grieve and dangerously quench the holy spirit once given to him . to the other objection i answer , first , although the full and perfect discovery ( who are approved , who not ) is reserved to the great and last day , and there is no company , assembly , nor visible church in this world , without a mixture of hypocrites , yet surely the word of the lord hath been and shall be so far fulfilled , that in a great measure and according to the knowledge which the church can have of her members in this life , there is in times of heresies and schismes a discovery made who are the approved ones , who not . . we must remember t is not the scope of this text to give us a note of distinction between these who are approved , and all counterfits or unapproved christians , but between these who are approved , and these who are the fomenters or followers of heresies . thus they who are indeed approved of god continue in the truth of christ , grounded and setled , and stand fast in the faith and contend for it : and this is one of the characters , found in all such as are approved . and thus far , saith augustine , are hereticks profitable to the church , for by their meanes , those who are approved of god and spiritual men , are stirred up to vindicat , open , and hold foorth the truth , whereby they become more manifest then otherwise they could have been . upon the other part , who ever turne away from the truth , and from the doctrine of christ , and turne aside after heresies , do thereby infalliblely declare themselves to be unapproved , whatsoever profession or shew of holine ●…e they have : whatsoever become of the white mark of these who are approved ( which also holds true as i have explained it ) most certainly , this black mark cannot fail upon the other side , and he who supposeth any person who is of a hereticall belief and faction , to be holy , spirituall , mortified , and approved , or one that walketh in the spirit , and not in the flesh , doth but suppose that which is impossible . and i do not doubt , but god is ( by the heresies and schismes of these times ) making a discovery of many unapproved , unmortified professors , who pretended to piety . so that i may transferre to our time what chrysostome observed of his owne , lib. ad eos qui scandali●…ati sunt . cap. . how many are there clothed with a shadow and shew of godlinesse , how many who have a counterfit meeknesse , how many who were thought to be some great ones , and they were not so , have been in this time ( when so many fall off and make defection ) quickly manifested , and their hypocrisie detected , they have appeared what they were , not what they feigned themselves ; and most falsly pretend to be ? neither is this a small matter , but very much for the profite and edification of these that will observe it , even to know distinguishingly these who are clothed in sheeps clothing , & not to reckon promiscuously those woolves ( so hid ) among the true sheep . for this time is become a fornace discovering the false copper coyne , melting the lead , burning up the chaffe , making more manifest the precious mettals . this also paul signified when he said : for there must be also heresies , that they who are approved , may be made manifest among you . vincentius lirinensis doth also record to this purpose , that when almost the whole world was infected with the arrian heresie , some being compelled to it , others cheated into it , yet every true lover and worshipper of christ was preserved pure from it . chap. x. of new lights , and how to keep off from splitting either upon the charybdis of pertinacy and tenaciousnesse , or upon the scylla of levity , wavering and scepticisme . t is pleaded by some who pretend to more tendernesse of conscience then others , that to establish by the law of the land a confession of faith , or a directory of the worship of god , and of the government of the church , and to appoint penalties or punishments upon such as maintaine the contrary doctrines or practises , is to hold out and shut the doore upon new light. that as the state and church hath discovered the evill of diverse things , which were sometime approved and strengthned by the law of the land , so there may be afterwards a discovery made by the light of experience , and a further search of the scripture , to make manifest the falshood of those doctrines which are now received as true , and the evil of that government and way which is now imbraced as good , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for satisfaction in this difficulty , first of all , i do not deny but most willingly yeeld , yea assert as a necessary truth , that as our knowledge ( at its best in this world ) is imperfect , ( for we know but in part ) so it ought to be our desire and endeavour to grow in the knowledge of the minde of christ , to follow on to know the lord , to seek after more and more light , for the path of the iust is as the shyning light , that shineth more and more unto the perfect day , prov. . . secondly , i acknowledge that this imperfection of our knowledge , is not only in degrees , but in parts , that is , we may know afterwards not only more of that good , or evill , or truth , or error , of which we knew somewhat before , but we may happily come to know the evill of that whereof we knew no evill before , or the good of that in which we knew no good before , so may we come to know diverse truths which before we knew not . thirdly , i acknowledge there is not only this imperfection , but oft times a great mistake , misunderstanding , error , and unsoundnesse in the judgement of christian persons or churches , so that godly men and true churches may come to know that to be evil which they sometime thought good , and that to be false which sometime they thought true , or contrariwise . which experience hath taught , and may teach again . fourthly , i confesse it is no shame for an augustine to writ a book of retractations . it is the duty , not only of particular christians , but of reforming , yea reformed , yea the best reformed churhes , whensoever any error in their doctrine , or any evill in their government or forme of worship , shall be demonstrated to them from the word of god , ( although it were by one single person , and one perhaps of no great reputation for parts or learning , like paphnu●…ius among the many learned bishops in the counsell of nice ) to take in and not to shut out further light : to imbrace the will of christ held foorth unto them , and to amend what is amisse , being discovered unto them . fifthly , i also believe that towards the evening of the world , there shall be more light , and knowledge shall be increased , dan : . . and many hid things in scripture better understood , when the jewes shall be brought home , and the spirit of grace and illumination more aboundantly powred foorth . we have great cause to long and pray for the conversion of the jewes , surely we shall be much the better of them . but on the other hand , the greatest deceits and depths of sathan have been brought into the world , under the name or notion of new lights . did not the serpent beguile evah with this notion of a new light , gen : . ? which example the apostle setteth before our eyes , cor : . plainly warning us that sathan is transformed into an angell of light , and his apostles into the apostles of christ , vers . . . so rev : . . did not ieroboam make israel to sin by a false new light ? it is too much for you to go up to ierusalem , behold thy gods , o israel , &c. . kings . . . he would shew to the ten tribes , how they might in all matters of religion be independent upon jerusalem ; howbeit ( to note that by the way ) he did not erect independent churches , without an independent common-wealth . he would shew them also that they were abused with a pretended sacred order of the priests , the ministers of the lord , therefore no jure divino men , but ministers dependent , chron : . . . and so he would needs make priests of the lowest of the people , vers . . for all which he had a pretence of power or liberty from god , kings , . . his new light made an independent church , and a dependent ministery . the gnosticks had their name from the profound knowledge and greater light which they pretended to , above all others , yet the ancient writers tell us they were but a prophane sect. maho●…et himself pretended that the angel gabriel taught him his alcoran , that so he might purchase the greater credit to it . now t is to be observed , there are many cautions necessary , and that there is much to be said against many of these things which now goe under the name of new lights among those who plead for liberty of conscience . new light is now become a beguiling word , as once among the graecians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a new swallow . a beguiling word , i may wel cal it , for most of those things which are now cried up as new lights , are neither lights nor new . not lights , because not according to the word from whence all true light must be derived . not new , because the very same things have been before moved and maintained , antinomianisme , anabaptisme , universall atonement by the death of christ , universall salvation , a temporall and earthly kingdome of christ , and the saints liberty of conscience &c. have been maintained and confuted also before this age . independency it self , if it be a light , yet it is no new one lately struck out , for it was long since a known tenent of the arminians , that synods or counsels ought only to debate , deliberat , consult , and advise , but not to exercise any jurisdiction , to inflict any censure , or to injoyn any thing under pain of censure . see the propositions offered by the arminians in the th session of the synod of dort. see also episcopii disp : theol : part : disp : . thes : , . & part , disp : , thes : . , . but i come to the particular cautions concerning new lights . first , it is but a false new light which expelleth not only the old darknesse , but much of the good old light . as in medecins the paracelsian way is most dangerous when it is destructive to the galenik way , and overthroweth the old approved principles , yet t is of very good use when prudently , and skilfully managed , for perfecting the galenik way , and for doing things more speedily , easily , and pleasantly , than the galenik way could doe : so in divinity , such new lights as do not expell , but retaine , improve , and perfect the old , may be of singular good use : but those new lights which are destructive and expulsive of the old true lights , those new wayes which lead us away from the old and the good way , are to be utterly disliked and avoided , epist : of iohn vers : . look to your selves , that we lose not th●…se things which we have gained . hee speaks it against those deceavers who would have seduced them from the doctrine of christ , as is evident both from the preceeding vers and from that which followeth : whosoever transgresseth and abideth not in the doctrine of christ , hath not god , &c rom. . . now i beseech you brethren , mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned , and avoid them . a bishop , saith paul , must hold fast the faithfull word , as he hath been taught , ●…it ▪ . . phil. . . neverthelesse , whereto we have already attained , let us walk by the same rule , let us be of the same minde . this he addes as a prevention of a dangerous mistake , and abuse of that which he had said immediatly before : and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveale even this unto you . behold , a reserve for any new light , might some say : nay but take ●…eed saith the apostle , you do not shut forth , but keep fast the light you have already attained unto , you must not under pretence of new light , loose what you have gained , col. . , , . as ye have therefore receaved christ iesus the lord , so walk ye in him , rooted and built up in him , and stablisht in the faith , as yee have been taught , abounding therein with thanksgiving : beware least any man spoil you through philosophie , and vain deceit ; &c. these apostolicall rules , are very far contrary to the accademicall ; yea , pyrrhonian demurre and dubitation , by which some call in question the most received doctrines in the christian church . if skepticisme bee tollerable in the christian faith , why are we bidden stand fast in the faith , cor : . . and again heb. . . let us hold fast the profession of our faith without wavering ? and why did jesus christ himselfe write to those who had not receaved the false doctrines of that time , that which ye have already , hold fast till i come , rev : . ? it was a fowle error in balaam the false prophet , that after god had said to him concerning balaks messengers , thou shall not goe with them , thou shall not curse the people , for they are blessed , num : . yet at the next sending of messengers , he would needs seek ( forsooth ) a new light from god , vers : . . if balak would give me his housefull of silver and gold , i cannot goe beyond the word of the lord my god , to do lesse or more now therefore i pray you , tarry yee also here this night , that i may know what the lord will say unto mee more . god gave him a n●…w light indeed , but in wrath and judgement , quite extinguishing and expelling judicially that light which the false prophet himself had not intertained , but wickedly forsaken , vers : . and god came to balaam at night , and said unto him , if the men come to call thee , rise up and goe with them . behold the fruit of not entertaining light , once received from god. so likewise the young prophet , kings . for not holding fast what he had receaved from god but taking in a new false light from the old prophet , was most exemplarly and severly punished for it . this is the first caution most necessary for the sectaries of this time , whose new lights are such , that among them vetera deperdita , and nova reperta , go hand in hand together , and are almost convertible termes , as if a man should not keep what he had , because he finds somewhat which he had not . secondly , many of those new lights which some brag off , not onely expell much of the good old light , but bring in grosse egyptian darknesse . there is a woe denounced against those who put darknesse for light , as well as against those who put light for darknesse , isay . . i may well say , that grosse darknesse is introduced , when the fundamentall articles of faith are called in question , denied , and oppugned , as the godhead of jesus christ , the divine authority of the scriptures ; the immortality of the soul , the eternity of glory to the elect , and of torments to the reprobate , &c. if the foundations be shaken , what can the righteous doe ? if wee hold not fast this gospell , if we embrace not this saviour , we cannot have another , cor : . . for other foundation can no man lay , then that is laid , which is iesus christ , gal : . . i marvell that ye are so soone removed from him that called you into the grace of christ , unto another gospell , vers , . but though we or an angel from heaven preach any other gospell unto you , then that which wee have preached unto you , let him be accursed . thirdly , beware of those new lights , which make any certain truth ( although neither fundamentall , nor circumfundamentall ) to be uncertaine , as wee ought not to say of any sin , so neither of any truth : is it not a little one ? let every truth be highly valued . buy the truth , and sell it not ; say not , this truth is but a matter of discipline , let it goe , 'ts not worth the buying ? he that is faithfull in that which is least , is faithfull also in much : and he that is un●…ust in the least , is unjust also in much , luke . . melchior adamus , both in the life of carolostadius , and in the life of luther , observeth the great evill which grew out of luthers dislike of carolostadius , his strictnesse , zeal , and forewardnesse , in abolishing auricular confession , and difference of meats , and casting out images out of churches , at which things luther was the more offended , because done by carolostadius in wittenbreg , during luthers absence , and without his knowledge and counsell . luther did also alledge that carolostadius , his strictnesse and zeal in these lesser things , hindered and retarded the reformation in more substantiall points of doctrine . however the story noteth , that hence was the first rise of that deplorable sacramentarian controversie , which hath ever since made so great a rupture in germany . i could never yet observe , or read , or hear of controversies about discipline in any christian church , but still they grew higher and higher , and those who rejected , or slighted the will of christ in smaller things , did afterwards slight it in greater things . fourthly , beware of those new lights , which not only refuse to admit some certaine truths , but refuse to admit any truth , now held or professed in the reformed churches , as sure and certaine and infallible , as if , because mens judgements are not infallible , but subject to error , therefore , wee cannot be sure , nor infallibly perswaded of this or that article . the holy scripture will teach us , that beleevers may attaine to a certaine and infallible knowledge of some truths , for it was no impossible thing that paul prayed for , when he prayed that the colossians might have all riches of the full assurance of understanding , to the acknowledgement of the mystery of god , and of the father , and of christ. the mystery of god that he is , and that he is eternall , invisible , omnipotent , &c : his nature , and attributes , the mystery of the father , or that there is a distinction of persons in the holy trinity , and an eternall generation , the mystery of christ , his person , natures , offices , birth , passion , death , resurrection , ascension , and intercession : these are things of which the apostle would have us most fully and certainly perswaded . timothy was assured of the things he had learned , tim. . . so was theophilus , luke . . . a mariner is not infallible in his judgement , yet hee may bee assured infallibly , that such a thing is a rocke which he must avoid , and such a way , is the way he must direct his course : a physitian is not infallible in his judgement concerning the symptomes , causes and cures of diseases , yet he may be most certainly perswaded , such a disease is deadly , and there is no cure for it , or such a thing may be cured , and this is the cure . so in divinty the obnoxiousnesse of mens judgement to error hindereth not , but they may be infallibly perswaded of this , and this , and the other truth . fifthly , beware of those new lights , which come not from the sunne of righteousnesse : to the law and to the testimony , if they speake not according to this word , it is , because there is no light in them , isa. . . when men walk in the light of their owne sparkes , they shall lye down in darknesse : new fancies are not new lights , 't is no truth , which cannot bee grounded upon the word of truth ? it was a wilde fancy of the weigelians , that there is a time to come ( which they cal seculum spiritus sancti , ) in which god shal by his spirit reveal much more knowledge and light , then was revealed by christ and his apostles in the scriptures . there is so much revealed in scripture , as the apostle calls the wisdome of god , and the hidden wisdome of god , cor : . . the things which are preached and written to us , are the things which the very angels desire to look or pry into , pet. . . and saith not christ ; that which ye have already , hold fast till i come , revel : . ? more of this error , see in brochm and system . theol : com : . article . cap : . quaest : . sixtly , take heed of proud , and lofty , and self conceited new lights , cor : . , . and the spirits of the prophets , are subject to the prophets ; for god is not the author of confusion , but of peace . if the spirits of the prophets must be so subject , how much more the spirits of private persons ? wherefore in a reformed church , all pretended new lights , which are against the receaved doctrine , government , or forme of worship , ought to be in all humility and submission , offered to be tryed by a learned and godly synod . the lo●…rean severity was such , that no man might move for a new law , but with a rope about his neck , that if his motion were thought good , he might be spared : but if bad , hanged . so demosthenes advers : timocr : tells us . i will not allow this severity against such as offer new lights , or move for new changes in the church . but i may well applie here , the athenian law recorded by demosthenes in the same oration . the athenians went not so farre as the locri , yet no man might move for a new law in athens , unlesse the motion were offered and submitted to the senat , who were to judge , whether the old or the new were better . seventhly , beware of separating new lights , to separat from , or gather churches out of the true reformed or reforming churches , hath not the least warrant from the word of god. when we see this or that amisse in a church , wee are bidden exhort one another , and provoke one another to good , but not to separate , heb. . , . zuinglius conferred amicably with the anabaptists in zurik , as with dissenting brethren , and no course was taken to suppresse or restraine them by the secular power , till they grew to gather churches out of the true reformed churches , but when it came to that , they could not be suffered or forborn , it was thought necessary to restrain them . eightly , beware of those new lights which dare not be seen , and are kept up in corners . truth seeks no corners : light doth not shun light : a candle is not lighted to be put under a bushel , but on a candlestick , matth : . . ioh : . , . every one that doeth evil , hateth the light , neither commeth to the light , lest his deeds should be reproved , but he that doth truth , commeth to the light , prov. . . the way of the wicked , is as darknesse : they know not at what they stumble . i adde to make up the antithesis to vers : . their way is darkened more and more untill the dark night . i have heard when the arminians were p●…tto it in the synod of dort , to declare their judgement and sense which they would hold at , they declined it , and episcopius answered in the name of the rest , dies diem docet . and is it not so with the sectaries of this time , from whom you cannot draw a clear modell of what they hold ? ninthly , refuse such new lights as have fellowship with the unfruitfull work●… of darknesse , eph . . 't is a deceitfull new light , which makes men forbear to reprove , speak , or petition against those evills in a state which their consciences know to be sinfull , and to wink at such things , as publikly dishonour god in a nation , upon hopes that themselves shall be winked at and tollerated . but what communion hath light with darknesse , cor. . . there are some who pretend to new light , and to tendernesse of conscience , who yet are content , to combine and associat themselves with those of another and different way , ( which themselves condemn as a sinfull way ) in that common cause of theirs , for crying up their great diana , liberty of conscience , and for opposing the church government by presbyteries and synods . how they who would not assist the presbyterians , for the purging of their congregations , and keep off all scandalous persons from the sacrament , and yet do assist and strengthen separatists , anabaptists , antinomians , socinians , erastians , s●…ekers , in seeking after tolleration , how ( i say ) they will answer this to god and their own consciences , let them look to it . again , many of the pretended new lights : have communion with darknesse in another respect , because they are borrowed from heresies , buried in darknesse . how many new lights are now brought from the arrians , manichees , novatians , donatists , the contemplative monkes and friars , the photinians , socinians , arminians , &c. these are no more new lights , then a beggars cloak is a new garment , being newly made up , out of many old riven and rotten clo●…ts sowed together . tenthly , away with those new lights which let men see nothing better , which bring no edification , those baeoti●… aenigmata , those none sense and naughty high notions , in which some frothie spirits evanish . let all things bee done unto edifying , cor : . . there are vaine bablings , and science falsly so called , which hath made men erre from the faith , tim . , . lastly , take good heed of those new lights , which follow new interests . such was that of ieroboam , kings . . to the end ; and that of balaam ; num : . , , , , , . there are some who suppose that gaine is godlinesse , saith the apostle , tim : . . and so there are some who suppose new interests , to be new lights . chap. xi . of stability and firmnesse in the truth . it is good divinity to maintaine that skepticisme , fluctuation and wavering concerning those things which god hath revealed , to be beleeved or done by us , is a sinne : and to bee firme ●…xed and established in the truth , to hold fast the profession thereof , to stand fast in the faith , is a duty commanded . i shal first prove it to be so ; then give reasons for it , and thirdly , some helps to this duty , and preservatives against this sinne . for proof of the thing , somewhat might bee said from the very light of nature , for h●…th a nation changed their gods , ●…er : . . religion hath the very name of it , a religando , so farre it is , a relaxando . the heathen greeks cald a ●…ubricus and inconstant man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they said also , that he who erres or miscarries in his religion , doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , drink out of a bored or foraminous cup. how firme and constant have heathen philosophers been in maintaining their opinions ? they could not onely displease their friends , amicus plato , &c. but suffer the heaviest things for their opinions . and shall not we much more hold fast the profession of the true faith ? zonaras annall , tom : . in the raign of michael the emperour , the son of theophilus , tels us ▪ that when the sister of the prince of bulgaria became a christian , and the prince also by her means converted , the ●…ulgarians conspired against him for this change of religion . this diabolicall stedfastnesse of theirs , provoked him to a true christian stedfastnesse , till by gods assistance and blessing , they were made to turne to him , but he turned not again to them . the athenians impeached socrates upon his life , for going about to innovat and change their religion . but to set aside natures light , there is not any of the primitive churches , to which the apostles wrote epistles , but they were expressely warned either positively to stand fast in the faith , to hold fast their profession , or negatively to beware of and to avoid false teachers , and not to be carried about with diverse and strange doctrines . now it must needs be , not only a truth , but a most speciall and necessary truth , which the apostles thought fit , thus to presse upon the churches in all their epistles writen to them . see rom : . , . cor : . cor. : , . gal : , . eph : . . phil. . . . col : . . , . thess. . . . hebr. . and . . iames . , . pet. . , , . and . , , . ioh. . . iude ep : vers : . . all these texts are full and plain , as to this point which i speak to , and in that respect most worthie of our frequent thoughts and observations , especially at such a time when this corner of the world is so full of new and strange doctrines . as for the reasons , take these . . if we be not stedfast and unmoveable in the profession of our faith , we frustrat ( as to us ) the end for which the scriptures were written . luke gives this reason to his theophilus , why he wrote the story of christs birth , life and death . that thou mightest know the certainty of those things wherein thou hast been instructed , luke . . . when peter hath mentioned the voice which came from heaven concerning christ , hee addeth the certainty of the scripture as a greater certainty . we have also a more sure word of prophesie , whereunto ye doe well that yee take he●…d , as unto a light that shineth in a dark place , . pet : . . a voice from heaven might sooner deceive us , then the written word of god. . to maintaine and professe the true doctrine , and the true faith is by all protestant orthodoxe writers made one , ( yea the principall ) marke of a true visible church . christ himself ▪ ioh. . , . gives us this mark of his sheep , the sheep follow him ( their shepherd ) for they know his voice , and a s●…ranger will they not follow , for they know not the voice of strangers . . if once we forsake the way of truth , and goe into an erroneous way , wee shall not know where to finde our paths , we shall wander from mountain to hill , & forget our resting place as one wave comes after another , so doth one error come after another . as a canker spreadeth , so doth error , . tim . , evill men and seducers , shall waxe worse and worse , deceiving and being deceived tim : . . which hath made some , and i hope will make more , who were too inclinable to the new doctrine and practises of sectaries at first , now to fall off from them , when they increase unto more ungodlinesse , & unto more errour , and there is no end , one error breedeth a hundreth , and a hundreth will breed ten thousand . what was it that made so many fall off from the prelats , who once joyned with them ? was it not , because they were growing from the old ceremonies to many new ones , and each year almost , brought in some new superstition , and from popish rites , they grew to popish doctrines ? . if w●…e waver , and be led about with diverse and strange doctrine ; , then the prophesies which have gone before of the true church , shall not be made good in us . it was promised concerning the church and kingdome of christ , isa. . , . the heart also of the rash , shall understand knowledge , and the tongue of the stammerers shall be ready to speak plainly , the vile person shall be no more called liberall , &c. that is those who simply and rashly were led about with every winde of doctrine , shall be so wise and knowing , as to distinguish between truth and error , between vertue and vice , and call each thing by its right name . so , isa. . . and wisedome and knowledge shall be the stability of thy times , and strength of salvation . . instability and forsaking the way of truth , maks us losse much that we had gained , ep . of iohn , vers . . all the comfort we enjoyed , all the good that ever our souls received of such a truth , such a cause , such a ministery , all that ever we did or spake or suffered for the truth , all this we losse when we turn aside after an erroneous way . . it greatly hindereth our spirituall comfort and contentment , col : , . to be knit together in love is one mean , and to have all riches of the full assurance of understanding to the acknowledgement of gospel truths , is another mean , by which the apostle wisheth the hearts of christians to be comforted . it addeth much to pauls comfort that he could say , i have kept the faith , henceforth there is laid up for me a crown , &c. tim. . . . . we run a great hazard of our soules and our sa●…vation , when we turn aside from truth to error . it is said of the unstable , that they wrest the scriptures unto their own destruction , pet : . , like a man fallen into quick sands , the more he wrestles out , the more he sinks . when the apostle hath spoken of christs purchasing of our reconciliation , justification and sanctification , he addeth an if , col : . : if ye continue in the faith grounded & setled and be not moved away from the hope of the gospel which ye have heard . not that our persevering in the true faith was acondition in christs purchasing of these blessings , but it is a condition without which we cannot possesse & enjoy what christ hath purchased ; that is , he that falls away from the true doctrine of the gospel , proves himself to have no part of the benefits of christ. some errors are in their own nature damnable and inconsistent with the state of grace , or a fellowship with god , pet : . . so ep ▪ iohn v. . whosoever transgresseth and abideth not in the doctrine of christ , hath not god. sure it may be said , of arrians , socinians , papists , libertines , they have not god , because they abide not in the doctrine of christ , so gal : . . other error , there are , of which i may say , whatsoever they are comparatively , impenitency and continuing in them , doth condemne : whence it is that the apostle iames reckoneth him who erres from the truth , to be in a way of death and danger of damnation , ia ▪ . . . now the preservatives against wavering , and helps to stedfastnesse in the faith , are these : . grow in knowledge and circumspection ; be not simple as children in understanding . there is a slight of men and cunning craftinesse whereby they lye in wait to deceive : so speaks the apostle of these that spread diverse and strange doctrines , eph : . . and rom ▪ . . he warres us that they do by good words and fair speaches deceive the hearts of the simple . thou hast therefore need of the wisedom of the serpent that thou be not deceived , as well as of the fimplicity of the dove , that thou be not a deceiver , phil : . : . do not rashly ingage into any new opinion , much lesse into the spreading of it . with the welladvised is wisedome : pythagoras would have us schollers only to hear , and not to speak for five years . be swift to hear but not to speak or ingage : prove all things , and when thou hast proved , then be sure to hold fast that which is good , thess. . . mat : . . . there was never an heresie yet broached , but under some faire plausible pretence ; beguiling unstable souls , as peter speaks , pet. . . pro : . . the simple believeth every word . be not like the two hundreth that went in the simplicity of their hearts after absolom in his rebellion , not knowing any thing , but that he was to pay his vow in hebron , sam : . . . grow in grace and holynesse , and the love of the truth , for the stability of the minde in the truth , and the stability of the heart in grace , go hand in hand together , heb : . . davids rule is good , ps. . . what man is he that feareth the lord , him shall he teach in the way that he shall chuse . which is also christs rule , ioh. . . if any man will do his will he shall know of the doctrine , whether it be of god , or whether i speak of my self . see also deut : . , . elisha healed the unwholesome waters of iericho by casting salt into the fountain , , kings . , so must the bitter streams of pernicious errors bee healed by geting the salt of mortification , and true sanctifying grace in the fountain . be sure to cleave to thy faithfull and sound teachers , the sheep that followes the shepherd , are best keeped from the wolfe . i finde the exhortation to stability in the faith , joyned with the fruitfull labours of faithfull teachers , phil. . . . heb : , . so the apostle eph : . from the work of the ministry verse . , . draweth this consequence v. . that we hencefoorth be no more children tossed to and fro , and carried about with every winde of doctrine . the galatians were easily seduced , al 's soon as they were made to disgust paul. watch and be vigilant against the first beginnings of declining , against the first seeds of error , gal : . . it was while men flept , that the enemy came and sowed tears among the wheat , and when he had done , went his way , mat. . . therefore watch ye , stand fast in the faith , cor. , . go hand in hand together . . avoid and withdraw from the authors and fpreaders of heresies and dangerous errors , rom. . . tim : , . . epist. iohn . . . phil. . . he that would be godly should not use ungodly company , and he that would be orthodox should not use hereticall company , unlesse he have some good hopes to convert some who have erred from the truth , and come into their company only for that end , ia : . , : i remember chrysostome in diverse places warneth his hearers how much they indangered their soules by going into the jewish synagogues , and there was a great zeale in the ancient church to keep christians that were orthodox from the assemblies and companie of hereticks . . get church discipline established & duely exercised , which is ordained to purge the church from false doctrine . rev . . . . leane not to thy own understanding , and be not wise in thine owne eyes , prov. . . . let reason be brought in captivity to the obedience of christ , cor : , . that which made the antitrinitarians and socinians fall away from the belief of the trinity of persons in the godhead , and of the union of the two natures of god and man in the person of christ , was because their reason could not comprehend these articles : which is the ground of their opinion professed by themselves . when i speak of captivating reason , i do not mean implicite faith : the eyes of my understanding must be so far opened by the holy ghost , that i may know such an article is held forth in scripture to be believed , and therefore i doe believe that it is , though my reason cannot comprehend how it is . . count thy cost , and be well resolved before hand what it will cost thee to be a disciple of christ , to be a constant professor of the truth . luk : . . to vers : . act . . confirming the souls of the disciples , and exhorting them to continue in the faith , and that we must through much tribulation enter into the kingdome of god. this is surer then to confirme our selves with the hopes of a golden age of prosperity in which we shall feel no affliction . . search the scriptures , ioh. . , act , . . do not take upon trust new lights from any man , be he never so eminent for parts or for grace , but to the law and the testimony . the up shot of all is that we ought to hold fast the profession of our faith without wavering , and be stedfast and even unmoveable in the truth , and not to give place to the adversaries , no not for an houre , gal : , , . i do not mean pertinacy in the least error , nor a vain presumptuous overveening conceit of our knowledge , to make us despise any light which others may give us from scripture : pertinacy is an evill upon the one hand , and to be too tenacious of our own opinions . but that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that levity , inconstancy , wavering , scepticisme is an evill upon the other hand , thess : , , be not soone shaken in minde , &c. and this is the epidemicall disease of the sectaries of this time , which i have now been labouring to cure , their word is yea and nay , and not unlike to that which salust objected to cicero , that he said one thing sitting , another thing standing , yet it may be sometimes observed that these who are the greatest sceptiks and pyrrhonians in reference to the common and received tenents , are the most pertinacious and tenacious in tenents invented by themselves . i have read it observed of socinus , that as he set at nought fathers , counsels , and the whole current of ancient and moderne interpreters of scripture , so vain glory made him to maintaine stiffely and tenaciously any opinion or invention of his owne , as if he had been infallible , men are sooner drawne from truth then from error . some are unstable in the truth , and unstable in error too , you may finde among them annuas atque menstruas fides ( to use hilaries phrase ) they are of a new faith , and a new religion , every year , if not every moneth . remember reubens reproach , gen , . . unstable as water , thou shall not excell . one sort of the sectaries there is indeed , which will not ingage to hold any thing , but are known by believing nothing , these passe now under the name of seekers : yet if one of the ancient fathers , or of the reformers themselves who lived an hundreth years agoe , were now alive , they could tell us that these seekers ▪ were in their dayes called atheists , and in deed what other name is due to these nullifidians who are of no religion ? chap. xii . whether a sound heart and an unsound head can consist together , & vice versa ? or whether truth and holynesse be not inseparable companions . t is one of the greatest objections against the suppressing and punishing of heresies , errors and schismes . o say they , this is a persecuting of those that are godly , this is a wound to piety , and the power of godlynesse . i do not denie but there may be , and is true piety in many who are somewhat infected with the leaven of false doctrine , & live in some erroneous opinion , i dare not appropriat the name of the godly party to those who are free from any of the errors of the times : those that are truely godly may in diverse things differ in opinion , every error is not inconsistant with holynesse , yet every error doth pro tanto , and proportionably , retard , hinder , and prejudge holynes , and although the devill sow his tares among christs wheat ( i mean in the same persons al 's well as in the same church ) yet who will say that a field of wheat is nothing the worse of the tares , for then to what end did the enemy watch an opportunity of that malicious hostile act , to sow the tares among the wheat ? . dangerous and damnable errors can no otherwise consist with true grace , then dangerous and damnable sins , and this i will hold as a good rule in practicall divinity , that as the want of true piety maks a person ( if tempted ) apt to be infected with error , so error of judgement , if continued in , doth not only hinder growing , but maks a dangerous decreasing and falling short in true piety , or thus , the stability of the mind and judgement in the faith of the gospel , and in the true reformed religion and the stability of the heart in grace , and true piety ; stand or fall together ; floorish or fade away together , lodge or 〈◊〉 together , live or die together . first of all ( to make good what i assert ) let it be wel observed that the scripture finds out the roots of heresies and errors in the corrupt hearts of men , in some raigning unmortified lust , an unstable heart maks an unstable head , and a corrupt affection maks a corrupt judgement . this may appeare in the generall from gal. . . where heresies are reckoned among the works of the flesh , col : , . where a superstitious minde is called a fleshly minde ; tim : . . where faith is compared to a precious treasure caried in a ship ; a good conscience to the ship that caries it , the losse of the ship is the losse of the loadning . tim : . . thes : ●… . , . gal. . . tim : . . joh , . . it is therefore a good argument that protestant writers have used against the popes infallibility . the pope hath been and may be impious , prophane , sensuall , carnall , proud , covetous . therefore he may dangerously erre in his inditement ▪ and decrees . some have derived the originall of all the popish errors from ambition and avarice , or ( as others ) from the cardinalls caps , and the monks bellies . the apostle iohn reduceth all the cares , courses , studies , endeavours , opinions or practises , of the children of this world , to one of these three , ioh. , . the lust of the flesh , peculiarly so called , uncleannesse , wantonnesse , gluttony , drunkennesse . the lust of the eyes , when the soule is catched with something from without in the world which tempteth , such a thing is goodly to the eye , it entreth in upon the soul by the senses , riches , houses , lands , brave apparell , ornaments , &c. the pride of life , so called , because where pride raignes , a man will al 's soon quite his life , as that thing which his proud spirit loves , he had rather be dead before he get not his pride satisfied , so that his pride and his life are all one to him , and as it were things convertible . you shall find many who have embraced new and erroneous wayes , have been led away with the lust of the flesh , rom. , ▪ philip , : . p●…t , , , . numb ▪ . , , , kings . . , . it was the sensuall pleasantnesse of the groves , and high places which made the jews in so much love with them , that e●…en in the times of reformation , yet the people still sacrificed in the high places . the lust of the eyes hath drawn away others from the way of truth , and from the true faith , pet : . . tim : . , , luke . . tit ▪ . . tim : ▪ , these count gain to be godlynesse , and have mens persons in admiration for advantage : they will no longer adhere to the profession of the truth then they may enjoy the world withall , tim ▪ : . such a one was that eccebolus , who under constantius seemed to be a precise christian , but afterwards under iulian the apostate , he fell away and became a pa●…an , yet after all this turned christian again under the next christian emperour . the pride of life hath corrupted the judgement of others , and p●…rverted them in the way of religion , it was the love of preheminence whi●…h perverted diotrephes , ●…o . . . . it was pride which made coreth , dathan and abiram cry down the magistracie of moses , and the priesthood of aaron , a●…d cry up the whole congregation as holy , it was the love of a crown that made ieroboam set up his calves , and make another a'tar , and other priests , and erect that independent church of his , which should not go up with their hard cases to the sanhedrin at jerusalem henry the fourth of france , who was once a protestant , changed his religion for the same cause ▪ that he might get a crown : so did iulian the apostate once a christian ▪ porphyrius forsook the christians , that he might be the better avenged upon some christian in c●…sarea of palestina , who had done him a wrong , yea there is an innate pryd in all men by nature against jesus christ , psal. . . luke . . which pryd must be mortified , cor : . . secondly , there is a reciprocall influence , as of the will and affections , upon the understanding , so of the understanding upon the will and affections , the will determines the understanding , quo ad exercitium , but the understanding determines the will , quo ad specificationem actus , that is ; the will applyes the understanding unto , or hindereth it from the discerning of good , and evill ; yet the will it selfe hath not light in it selfe , but is guided by the light of the understanding ; wherefore , as the raine makes vapoures , and the vapoures make raine , so a bad understanding , makes a bad will , and a bad will : makes a bad understanding , if the eye be single , the body is full of light , matth. . . which makes good what the schoolmen tells us , that bonitas voluntatis dependet à rectâ ratione velut regula , the goodnesse of the will depends on right reason as ' its rule . see aquinas , qu : ae quest , . art : . and the commentators upon that place . 't is to be observed , that sometimes the scripture speaketh of an error of the judgment concerning the faith , as a fountaine and cause of ungodlinesse , prophannesse , atheisme , tim : . , , , . gal : . . epist : of iohn . as contrarie wise , there is a light and knowledge , which preserveth from sin and ungodlinesse , and leadeth the soul in wayes of holynesse and obedience , psal : . . and . . iohn . . if the knowledge of god , of his christ , and of his word , and will , and name , and statutes preserve us from sinne , and lead us in the wayes of obedience , then by the rule of contraries , error of judgement in these things , will insnare us in sinne and wickednesse , for instance , an error concerning god ; whether father , ioh. . . sonne cor : . . ioh ▪ . . epis : vers : . or holy ghost , ioh : . . thirdly , as the infection of sinne spreadeth it self , throughout the whole soule , and all the faculties and powers thereof , so doth the worke of the spirit of god. wee finde light and holinesse , pet. . . joyned together like the vrim and thummim . see also thes : . . here is both soul and spirit sanctified , which two are plainly distinguished , heb. . . the word of god is so quick and powerfull ▪ as that it pierceth even to the dividing asunder of the soul and spirit , if either the intellectuals be not sound , or if the vitals and animals bee not right , the word will finde it out . a well meaning pious soul ; a good heart and affection , which perhaps , a person may sit down satisfied with , will not excuse a corrupt minde , an erroneous spirit ; neither will a sound and orthodox judgement excuse a corrupt heart , and inordinat affections : aristotle himself could distinguish art and knowledge from vertue , because the most excellent intellectuals , cannot make a man so much as morally vertuous , without the practise and exercise of vertue . both soul and spirit , both the inferior and superior part of the soule ▪ must be sanctified . reason is as the helme , the affections as the sailes , let the helme bee stirred never so right , if the winde either blow not at all , or blow crosse in the sailes , the ship makes no speed in her way , let the winde blow never so faire , and fill all the sailes , yet if the helme be off ' its hingers , or be not rightly stirred , the ship may quickly run upon a rock , or run a shore where 't is not saife : so he that hath a sound judgement without good affections , cannot move heaven ward . he that hath good affections , without a sound judgement , will make more haste than good speed : reason is as the rider : affections as a nimble horse , a man is but in an ill taking , if either this rider mistake his way , or the horse run away with him out of the way , having no raines to governe him , or if the horse be lame and cannot ride . fourthly , consider what the apostle saith , tim. . . . he tels us of foure ends and uses of scripture , the first two are commonly referred to doctrinals , the last two to practicalls , the scripture is profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction , in righteousnesse , that the man of god may bee perfect , throughly furnished unto ali good works . if any of these be wanting , a christian is not perfect , so much as in the perfection of parts . he is but halfe a christian , who is an orthodox beleever , if he be not practicall also : and he is but halfe a christian who is practicall , if he bee not an orthodox beleever . these ends of scripture do not consist , nor stand sure one without another . fifthly , to bee led into all truth , and preserved from error , is a work of the spirit of truth , and this spirit of the truth is the comforter , and the spirit of sanctification , which spirit the mediator prayeth the father to give unto those that are his , ioh : . , . and . , . ioh : . . no promise of being led into all truth , but to those that receave the anoynting of the holy ghost . isa. . psal : . . sixthly , by how much a man falls from the truth , by so much he falls from grace , and by how much a man falls from grace , by so much he falls from the truth , for stability in the stat●… of grace , dependeth in a manner upon stability in the truth , for proof whereof mark three ifs , christs , ioh. . . pauls , col . . iohnes , ioh. . . again , stability in the truth , dependeth upon stability in grace : for proof whereof , marke a fourth if , ioh. . . these scripturall ifs have much in them , and should make us very cautious and headfull , that we do not so farre deceave our selves , as to divide what god hath joyned together , a sound head and a sound heart , chrysostome exhorteth his hearers , to joyn christian vertues , and purity of doctrines together , for saith he , it profiteth us nothing to be orthodox , if the life be vitiated : as upon the other part , a uncorrupt life profiteth nothing without soundnesse of faith , licentiousnesse of judgement in doctrines , will certainly introduce licentiousnesse of heart and life , in practicalls . arminius himself ( although many of his followers have cryed up , septicisme in religion , ) could say that different doctrines produce in a people , a dubitation , or hesitation concerning religion ▪ that this doubting of the truth produceth ▪ despairing to finde the truth , and thence followes atheisme and epicurisme , yet when heresies and false doctrines introduce atheisme & epicurisme , they do but discover those roots of bitternes which were before in the heart . therefore as christ tells those jews that beleeved on him , if they continue not in his word , they are not his disciples indeed , ioh : . . so the apostle ioh●… gives this reason , why simon mag●…s , hymeneus , alexander , philetus , me●…ander , carpocrates , basilides , ebion , cerinthus , and such like , went out and separated from the church , and from the profession of the truth , because saith he , they were not of us ▪ meaning , in respect of lively faith ; true grace and regeneration , therefore they went out from us , ioh : . . which text in iohn , hierome in the close of his first book upon ieremiah , applyes to hereticks in this respect , when they fall away openly , they doe but shew those very idols of their hearts , which in their in ward parts they worshipped before . i will adde a seventh reason , look how the scripture distinguisheth the elect from those who are of an ungodly life , in the same manner it distinguisheth them who are of an erroneous beleif , cor : . : the apostle . thes : . , . tells us that these who perish , beleeve a lie : i. e. an error pretending to be a truth , but vers : . he gives thanks for the beleeving thessalonians , because god had chosen them to sa●…vation , through sanctification of the spirit , and beleif of the truth : so that they who beleeve not the truth , are no more elected , then the uns●…nctified . our saviour , mat : . . intimateth , that it is impossible that the elect should be deceaved by false prophets , that is , in the same sense , as he that is borne of god , doth not commit sin , ioh : . . christ characterizeth his true disciples , and distinguisheth them from others , not onely by obedience and a good life , mat : . . . and . . ioh : . . but also by light in the eye of the understanding , matth ▪ . . . with ephes . . . by continuing in his word , ioh : . . by knowing his voice , and fleeing from a stranger , ioh : . . . i hope i have aboundantly proved what i undertook , and so i conclude that he said right , who compared truth to the teacher , holinesse and righteousnesse to the ruling elders : i adde where heresie is the teacher , ungodlynesse and unrighteousnesse , are the ruling elders , a holy hereticke is a chimera , and a prophane person , beleeving a right is another . but here peradventure some will think , that the great objection lyes , may not a prophane person have a sound or orthodox judgement in all controverted truthes ▪ may not a man understand all mysteries and all knowledge , who yet hath no love , nor true sanctification ? cor : . . may not a person hold fast the profession of the true faith without wavering , whose heart not withstanding , is not right with god nor stedfast in his covenant ? i answer first , where there is but a forme of godlynesse , there is but aforme of knowledge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word no where used by the holy ghost , but in two places , a forme of knowledge , rom : . . and a forme of godlinesse , tim. . . it is not the true and reall forme , either of knowledge or godlinesse , which as they have a true matter , so a true forme . he saith not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( which had been the proper word for a true forme , ) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speciem scientiae , speciem pietatis . if wee have respect to the notation of the word , 't is a formation or forming , i may call it a forming without mattering , so that the forme of knowledge , more then which an ungodly man hath not , bee hee never so learned ) hath not the truth substance , and reality of knowledge , theophilact saith , some understand it to be the image , and false resemblance of knowledge , so hesychius and suydas understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an image of a thing . secondly , there is no sinfullnesse in the will and affections without some error in the understanding , all lusts which , a naturall man lives in , are lusts of ignorance , pet , . . the sins of the people are called the errors of the people , heb : , : and the wicked person is the foole in the proverbs , the naturall man receives not the things of the spirit of god , and what is the reason , because they are foolishnesse unto him , neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned , cor : , . the world cannot receive the spirit of truth , because it knoweth him not , ioh : , . the ●…opish doctrines of free will , of justification by works , of meat , of implicite faith , of believing the scriptures because the church receiveth them , ( & what marvel that they do so whose eyes are not opened to see the sun beame of divine light in the scripture it self , which is spiritually discerned . ) of the sacraments conferring of grace , and the like , also the so●…inian tenents that a man is no●… bound to believe any arti●…le of faith , nor any interpretation of scripture , except it agree with his reason , that pastors and ministers of the word have not now any distinguishing sacred vocation , authorizing them to be the ambassadours of christ , to preach and minister the sacraments more nor other christians ( which is also maintained by a late erastian writer in the netherlands . ) these and the like errors professed and maintained by them , what are they but so many legible commentaries and manifest interpretations of those corrupt and erroneous principles , which are lurking and secretly seated in the judgements and understandings of naturall and unregenerated persons , al 's well learned as uulearned : these hereticks do but bring foorth to the light of the sun , what is hid within the mynds of other unregenerat persons , as in so many dark dungeons : the like i say of t●…e arminian doctrine of universall grace ; and universall atonement by christs death and of originall sin , that it is not properly sin , ( which doctrines are common to many anabaptists , with the arminians , ) the like i say also of the antinomian doctrines , that christ hath abolished not only the curse and rigour and compulsion , but the very rule it self of the morall law ; so that they who are under the covenant of grace , are not bound to walk by that rule , that they ought not to repent and mourn for sin , that god doth not aff●…ict them for sin , that faith without the evidence of any marks , or fruits of sanctification doth assure the soul of its interest in christ , and what is that scientia media which the iesuits glory of as a new light , but the very old error of naturall men , which looks upon things contingent as not decreed and determined by the will of god , and what is the erastian way which oppugneth suspension from the lords table , excommunication , and all church government . . what is it but a declaration or manifesto of the proud imaginations of mens corruptions , which say within themselves , let us break their bands asunder , and cast away their cords from us : and y e take too much upon you moses and aaron , seeing all the congregation are holy every one of them , and the lord is among them . i conclude this point , every naturall man hath in his heart , somewhat of popery , somewhat of socinianisme , somewhat of arminianisme , somewhat of anabaptisme , somewhat of antinomianisme , somewhat of erastianisme , ( and i cannot bu●… adde ) somewhat of independency too , so farre as it pleadeth for more liberty then christ hath allowed , and if every man hath a pope in his belly , as luther said , then every man hath an independent in his belly , ( for the pope is the greatest independent in the world ) and t is naturall ( i think ) to every man to desire to be judged by no man. thirdly , when an unregenerat or unsanctified person holds last the profession of the faith , take heed it be not , because he is not yet tempted , nor put to it in that thing which is the idol of his heart , let him bee brought to this , either to quite the truth and the faith , or to quite what is dearest to him in the world , and see what he will doe in that case . his fruit is but such a●… growes upon the stony ground , but stay till the sun of persecution arise and scorch him . i have the more fully and strongly asserted the inconsistencie of heresie , and holinesse , as likewise of sound beleeving , and prophane living , and have shewed the joynt fading or flourishing of true grace and true holynesse , that this being demonstrated and laid down for a sure principle , may lead us to many practicall and usefull conclusions and corrolaries which i will onely here point at , first , it cuts off the exception of those who cry out against the censuring , suppressing and punishing of hereticks by the christian magistrate , as if this were a persecuting of pietie or pious persons , when it is indeed a suppressing of a work of the flesh ●…for heresie is no other , gal : . . ) and of that which is either the cause or effect , either the usher or page of someimpiety . secondly , it confuteth that most pernic●…ous and cursed opinion , that if a man live well , he may be saved in any religion or any faith. socinus did hold , that all , whether lutherans , or calvinists , or anabaptists , or arians , so that they live well , shall be saved ( as hath been observed ) he was a follower of mahomet , for machomet having compyled his alcoran , partly out of the jewish , and partly out of the christian tenents , and made it an hotch potch out of both , that he might concili●…t favour unto it among both , hee held that every one ▪ who lives well , whether jew or christian shal be saved , he that holds a man may be saved what ever he beleeve , may with as much truth hold that a man may be saved what ever he doe , or howev●…r helive . thirdly , it stoppeth the mouthes of hereticks and sectaries , who call themselves the godly party , arrius , photinus , socinus , arminius , and generally the chief heresiarches , which ever rose up in the church , have been cryed up by their followers , for men of extraordinary piety , as well as parts , all are not sheep that comes in sheeps cloathing , a false prophet is a wolfe in sheeps cloathing , math. . . but it is added , ye shall know them by their fruits , mark by their fruits , not by their green leaves , nor faire flourishes , let them pretend what they will , we must beleeve the word of the lord , that one of the marks of those who are approved , is to hold fast gospell truths against heresies , cor. . . and by the rules of contraries , those infected with heresie , are made manifest , not to be approved . if that which i have formerly asserted and cleared from scripture be a truth , as most certainly it is , then it is no truth , but a most dangerous and grace-destroying doctrine which some hold : . viz. that it is to be much questioned ; whether any opinions or heresies ( as they are called ) be absolutly inconsistent with beleeving in jesus christ ( and so damnable , that is , accompanied with eternall damnation ) but only that which is formerlie contradictorie to such a beleeving . this writer ( who is one of the fomenters of the scepticisme of this time ) makes much question , whether any error or heresie be damnable , which doth not formally contradict this proposition , that whosoever beleeves in jesus christ shall not perish , but have everlasting life , but i have shewed elsewhere that heresies denying the god-head of jesus christ , are accompanied with damnation ( and no marvell ) for whosoever beleeveth in christ , and yet beleeveth not him to be eternall god , doth but believe in a creature , and no creature can redeem us from hell , nor satisfie infinite justice , so are the heresies concerning justification ( which hold that something besides christs righteousnesse , whither our faith , or works is imputed to us to justification ) damnable , if continued in , gal. . . that if by damnable heresies we mean , such errours as are of dangerous consequence , and in this respect , justly and deeply condemnable , or censurable by men , many who hold , and publicklie maintaine damnable heresies , in this sense may have , yea , and some ( as farre as men are able to discerne , de facto ) have true grace and goodnesse . if he mean that such have true grace and goodnesse , in that sense , as david , during the time of his continuing in the sinne of adultery , or peter , during the time of his denying christ , had true grace and goodnesse ; that is , that such doe not totally fall away from true grace , but have the seed of god abidi●…g in them : then hee pleadeth no better , then as if one should say , the sin of adultery , the sin of denying of christ , are not damnable sinnes , at least , not inconsistent with true grace and goodnesse , but if he will yeeld that errours of dangerous consequence , which are justly and deeply condemnable , are inconsistent with true grace and goodnesse in the same sense , as grosse sinnes are inconsistent therewith ; that is , that grosse and condemnable errors are inconsistent with the soules growing , thriving , prospering , & flourishing , yea , with any lively acting , and putting foorth of true grace , yea , that grosse errors doe greatly and dangerously impare , abate , diminish , weaken , wound , hurt and blast true grace and goodnesse , and doe extremly grieve , and in a great measure quench the spirit of grace : then he must also grant , that to bear with , or wink at grosse er●…ors , is to bear with , or wink at such things as are extremly prejudiciall , obstructive , and impeditive to true grace and goodnes . . it is but an ignorant mistake , and a dangerous soul deceaving presumption , for a prophane loose-liver , or for a close immortified and rotten hearted hypocrite , to thinke or promise , that he will stand fast in the faith , and hold fast the truth without wavering . whosoever maketh ship wracke of a good conscience , cannot but make shipwracke of faith too . hee that is overcome of a sinne , may be overcome of an error too , when he is tempted in that which is the idol of his heart . therefore let him who would have light from christ , awake from his sinnes , eph. . . hee that hath not pious affections , and thinkes his orthodoxe judgement will make him stedfast in the faith , is as great a fool , as he that thinkes to ride without a horse , or a captain that thinks to fight the enemy without souldiers , or a mariner that thinks to make out his voyage when his ship wants sailes . . they that would have church censures , put forth only upon hereticks , apostats , or such as are unsound in the faith , but not upon prophane livers in the church ( which was the error of erastus , and before him , of the princes and states of germany , in the . grievances , the originall of which error , so farre as i can finde , was from the darknesse of popery , for there was an opinion that the pope might be deposed for heresie , but not for a scandalous life which opinion aeneus sylvius , de●…gest is concilii basil , lib : . confuteth , they also upon the other hand , that would have the censure of excommunication put forth upon loose and scandalous livers within the church , but not for those things , which the reformed churches call heresies . so ( grotius annot : on luke . . and diverse arminians , diverse also of the sectaries in england . ) these i say , both of the one and of the other opinion , do but separat those things which ought not , cannot be separated . . there is cause to set a part dayes of fasting and prayers , when heresies and errors abound , as well as when prophannesse , and grosse wickednesse aboundeth in the lives of people , christ doth in five of his epistles to the churches of asia ( to ephesus , smyrna , pergamos , thyatyra , philadelphia ) take notice of false teachers , sects , and erroneous doctrines , commending the zeal in ephesus against them , blaming those in pergamos and thyatira , for tollerating such amongst them , incouraging those in smyrna and philadelphia , by expressing his displeasure against those sects . no mention of loose and scandalous livers , distinguished from the sects in those churches . either there were such scandalous livers in those churches at that time , or not . if there were , then observe , christ mentions not them , but the false teachers and sectaries , for although both are condemnable , yet he takes speciall notice of scandals in doctrine , and profession , as being matters of the highest treason against him , and the most provoking sinnes in a church , as being also the more deceitfull , and secreet poyson honeyed over with plausible pretences , and therefore the more needing a discovery ? if there were no such scandalous and prophane livers in these churches . then note , that christ will have a great controversie against a church , which hath false doctrin●…s , and pernitious sects in it , although there were never a scandalous person more in it . there is therefore cause to fast and pray , for which christ makes a matter of controversie against his churches : if we have prayed away popery , prelacy ; the old superstitious ceremonies , the malignant armies , &c. o let us cry mightily for this also , see if wee can pray away heresies , and pernitious doctrines , sects and schismes . . we must turne away from , and avoid the fellowship of false teachers , and the spreaders of dangerous doctrines , not only that we may bee stedfast in the truth , but that our hearts may be established with grace , for there are such reasons given in scripture , for avoiding the company of that kinde of men , as highly concerne piety , avoid them , because they serve not christ , but their owne bellies , rom. . , . from such turne away , because they are men of corrupt minds , supposing gaine to be godlinesse , and their disputings breed envy , strife , railings , evil surmisings , tim : . , . receave them not into your houses , who bring not the doctrine of christ , because such have not god , epist. of iohn vers . . , . . let no man think that opinions are free , more then practises , or that a man runnes no hazard of his salvation , by erroneous and hereticall opinions . error of judgement , as well as wickednesse of practise , may bring death and destruction upon the soul , iam : . . . pet : . . and . . gal. . . hereticks as well as murderers and drunkards , are there excluded from the kingdome of heaven . . if thou wouldest keep thy head from erring , bee sure to keep thy heart from erring , psal : . . it is a people that do erre in their heart , and they have not known my wayes , as thou desirest not to be a backslider in the profession of the true faith , be not a backslider in heart , prov. . . if thou wouldest be preserved from erroneous opinions , pray for the mortification of thy corruptions , gal. . . with . . if thou wouldest be firme and stable in the truth , thou must not onely have grace in the heart , but bee established in grace , heb ▪ . . bee not carryed about with diverse and strange doctrines , for it is a good thing that the heart ( hee saith not have grace , but ) be established 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in grace , hee that is not established in the present truth : i. e. in the truth of the times , proves himself ( or otherwise makes himself ) to bee unstable in grace . if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if he that is no prophane one ; be yet an unstable one , what doth it profite ? it is plainly intimated to us , pet : . . . that such as are not sted fast in the faith , doe not resist sathan , but are devoured by him , and pet. . . the apostle thinks it not enough that christians be established in the present truth , if they bee not also growing in grace , and making sure their calling and election , and adding one grace to another , wherefore , saith he , i will not be negligent , to put you alwayes in remembrance of these things , ( ●…to wit , which belong to the establishing of the heart in grace ) though yee know them , and bee established in the present truth . now that the heart may be established in grace , ( and so also in the truth , ) let us endeavour to walk alwayes , as under the eye of god , psal : . . heb ▪ . . to improve the promises , and rest upon christ for stability of heart , cor : . . for he is our wisdome and sanctification , as well as righteousnesse and redemption , ibid. vers : . let us intertaine the spirit of grace , and not grieve him , nor quench him , for by the spirit of the lord are we upholden , stablished , strengthened , psal : . , . eph. . ▪ . when it comes to a time of try all , and to the sifting of the whole house of israel , as corne is sifted in a sive , amos . . they onely are made manifest to be approved , in whom there is both sanctification of the spirit , and beliefe of the truth , both true piety , and sound judgement , if either of these be found wanting , bee sure the other is wanting too ; what ever shew there may be to the contrary . there is a text , cor : . . worthy to bee much and often thought upon in these dayes ; for there must be heresies , ( or sects ) among you , that they which are approved , may be made manifest among you : of which text moreanone . now then for as much as the church is sometimes tried by heresies , sometimes by persecutions , sometimes by both , sometimes by other tentations , and for our part , we know not what further tryalls we must endure , before this work be at an end , or before we go off the stage . as we desire to hold out in a time of tryall , let us hold fast truth and holinesse together , and cast away from us whatsoever maketh us to offend , whether it be the right eye of an erroneous opinion , or the right hand of a sinfull will , or the right foot of a carnall affection . chap. xiii . whether conscionable christians and such as love the power aud practice of piety , can without defiling their conscience , or without a destructive wounding of the power of godlinesse , embrace and hold the principles of these who call themselves the godly party ? or whether they ought not rather to avoid those who doe now pharisaically and donatistically appropriat to them selves the name of the godly party , as being indeed , such who under pretence of zeal , for the power of godlinesse , hold diverse ungodly principles . let no man here stumble in the threshold , or bee scandalized at the case i put : i intend nothing , either against piety , or truely pious persons , but to vindicat both from those principles of impiety , which some maintaine and adhere unto , under colour of piety . the arrians , ebionites , and socinians in poland , have pretended to bee the godly party there , in so much that faustus socinus wrote a book entituled thus , that the men of the kingdome of poland , and the great dutchy of lithuania , commonly called evangelicks , who were studious of solid piety , ought altogether to adjoyne themselves to the assembly of those , who in the same places are falsely and undescrvedly called arrians and ebionites . there is as little truth in that pretence , which diverse sectaries now make to the way of godlinesse , observe but these principles of theirs . . that none ought to be punished for preaching , printing , or maintaining any error in faith or religion , except it be contrary to the very light of nature . hence it will follow , that none is to be punished for preaching or publishing these errors : that the scripture is not the word of god. that jesus christ was an impostor or deceaver , for the light of nature will never serve to confute these or such like errors concerning the scriptures , the truths concerning them , being wholly supernaturall . mr. i : goodwin in his hagiomastix sect : . holds , that he who will hold that there is no christ , is not so pernicious nor punishable , as that man who lives , as if there were no christ , and one of his reasons is this , because , saith he , the sinnes mentioned , adultery , theft , &c. are clearly , and at first sight against the light and law of nature , but the denyall of the being of such a person as christ , who is both god and man , is not contrary to any law or principle in nature . i desire that the reader may here observe the words of mr. burroughes , in the epistle dedicatorie of his sermon preached before the house of peers , novemb : . . for connivence at blasphemies , or damnable heresies ; god forbid , any should open his mouth , these who are guilty herein against the light of nature , should be taken off from the face of the earth ; and such as a●…e guilty against supernaturall light , are to be refrained and kept from the society of men , that they infect not others . the latter part of that which he saith , i accept , and i would to god , that so much were put in execution . but why no other hereticks , or blasphemers should be taken off from the face of the earth , but those onely who are guilty against the light of nature : i finde no reason brought for it , and i doe not understand how it comes to passe , that any who look so much forward to new lights , should herein fall so farre backwark as to the light of nature ; or that those who decline the light of nature in matter of church government , subordination , appeals , and the like , should nothwithstanding in matters of faith , which are much more sublime , appeal to the light of nature : there is need of some oedipus here . . that in controversies or questions of religion , we must not argue from the old testament , but from the new . hence are these exclamations against old testament spirits , &c. which might indeed beseem the manichees , who denyed and acknowledged not the old testament . but to bee heard in a reformed church , among those who acknowledge the old testament to be the word of god , as well as the new , 't is most strange . our orthodox protestant writers , condemne as well the anabaptists , who reject and s●…orne at arguments brought against them from the old testament , as the manichees who did repudiat the old testament , as having proceeded from an evill god. see p ▪ martyr in cor. . . aret : proble : theol : loc . . by this principle they shall not hold it contrary to the will of god under the new testament , that a man marry his fathers brothers wife , this not being forbidden in the new testament , but in the old . some indeed of this time have maintained , that it is not unlawfull to us to marry within these degrees which are forbidden , lev : . see mr. edwards in the third part of gangraena , pag . these hold , 't is onely forbidden to commit fornication with such as are within these degrees , not being married , as if 〈◊〉 were not unlawfull to commit fornication with any , be they never so farre without these degrees . by the same principle which rejecteth old testament proofs , they must deny the duty of children under the new testament , to marry with their parents consent , and this is one of the foule errors of some sectaries now adayes , that though consent of parents unto childrens marriage , was commanded under the law to them that lived then , yet because that was but a ceremonie , 't is now lawfull to marry without their consent , because we live under the gospell . see that same third part of gangraena , pag : . by the same principle they must deny that an oath ( be it never so just and necessary ) may be imposed by authority ▪ or that the magistrat ought to put to death , a blasphemer , an incestuous person , an adulterer , a witch , or the like , ( the scripturall warrants which make these crimes capitall , being in the old , not in the new testament . ) saith not the apostle , tim : . . all scripture ( and consequently the lawfull examples , and la●…dable presidents of the old testament , ) is given by in spiration of god , and is profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousnesse , rom. . . whatsoever things were written aforetime , were written for our learning . is not our justification by faith proved , by the example of abrahams justification by faith ? rom : . doth not christ himself defend his disciples there , plucking the ears of corne upon the sabbath day , by the example of davids eating the shew bread , and by the example of the priests killing of sacrifices upon the sabbath day , matth : . yea , those that most cry out against proofs from examples of the old testament , are as ready as others to borrow proofs from thence , when they think to serve their turne thereby , which aretius , probl : theol : loc . . instanceth in the anabaptists , who would not admit proofs from examples of the old testament , yet many of them justified the bowrs bloudy warre , by the example of the israelits rising against pharaoh . . that if sectaries and heretickes make a breach of peace , disturbe the state , or doe evill against the common-wealth in civil things , then the magistrate may punish and suppresse them . but sectaries and heretickes , who are otherwise peaceable in the state , and subject to the lawes , and lawfull power of the civil magistrate , ought to be tollerated and forborne . this is their kodesh hakkodashim , their holy of holies : indeed their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see the compassionat samaritan , pag : ▪ iohn the baptist , pag : ▪ the bloudy tenent , chap : . m. s ▪ to a. s. pag ▪ . . the ancient bounds , chap : . see now how farre this principle will reach . a man may deny , and cry down the word of god , sacraments , ordinances , all the fundamentals of faith , all religious worship . one may have leave to plead no church , no minister , no ordinances ; yea , to blaspheme jesus christ , and god himself , and yet to escape the hand of the magistrate , as being no troubler of the state. this i gather from mr. williams himself in his bloudy tenent , chap. . where hee distinguisheth between the spirituall and the civill peace , and cleares in the instance of ephesus : n●…w suppose ( saith he ) that god remove the candlestick from ephesus : yea , though the whole worship of the city of ephesus should be altered . yet ( if men be true and honestly ingenuous to city covenants , combinations , and principles ) all this might be without the least impeachment or infringment of the peace of the city of ephesus . so that by their principles , if the city of london were turning peaceably to mahumetanisme , or paganisme , the parliament ought not to apply their power for reducing them . if this be not to care for mens own things , not for the things of christ , what is ? and must the magistrat purchase , or hold them quiet of the state at so dear a rate , as the lose of many soules ? what saith mr. williams himself bloudy tenent , chap. . it is a truth , the mischief of a blinde pharisie , blinde guidance , is greater then if he acted treasons , murderers , &c. and the lose of one soule by his seduction , is a greater mischief , then if he blew up parliaments , and cut the throats of kings or emperours , so precious is that invaluable iewel of ●… soule . i could wish this written in marble , or recorded upon the parliament walls , as the confession of one who hath pleaded most for liberty and tolleration from the magistrat , to soule murthering hereticks and deceavers . but if any magistrates will not have respect to the honour of god , and salvation of soules , let them take heed to their own interest ▪ when the church of christ sinketh in a state , let not that state thinke to swimme : religion and righteousnesse must flourish or fade away , stand or fall together . they who are false to god , shall not be faithfull to men . it was a pious saying of constantine , quomodo fidem praestabunt imperato●…i inviolatam , qui deo sunt persidi ? 't is more then paradoxall , and i fear no lesse then atheisticall , which mr. williams chap. . of the bloudy tenent , holds , viz. that a false ▪ religion and worship will not hurt the civill state , incase the worshippers break no civill law. . that socinian principle , doth now passe for●… good among divers sectaries , that a man is bound to believe no more then by his reason hee can comprehend . mr. i : goodwin , in his . quaerees concerning the ordinance , for the preventing of the growing and spreading of heresies , quaest : . tells us , that if reason ought not to regulat , or limit men about the object , or matter of their believing , then are they bound to believe these things , concerning which there is no ground or reason at all , why they should be believed . as if this ( being understood of humane or naturall reason ) were an absurdity ▪ divine revelation in scripture , or thus saith the lord , is the ground or reason of believing , or as school men speak , the objectum formale fidei . but wee are bound to believe , because of thus saith the lord , some things which we are not able to comprehend by our reason ; for instance , the trinity of persons in the god ▪ head , the incarnation of the sonne of god , his conception of a virgin , the union of two natures , of god and man in one person . it is therefore a question tending of it self to the subversion of the christian faith , and so of piety , which that quaerist there propoundeth , viz. whether ought any man ( at least in sensu comsito ) to beleeve the deepest or highest mysterie in religion , any further or any otherwise , then as , and as farre as , hee hath reason to judge it to be a truth ? the same writer in his hagiomastix , sect . . tells us , that this is sound divinitie , that reason ought to be every mans leader , guide and director in his faith , or about what he is , or ought to beleeve : and that no ma●… ought to leap wit●… his faith , till he hath looked with his reason , and discovered what is meet to be beleeved , what not . if this be good divinity , then pauls divinity is not good , rom. . . cor : . . cor ▪ . . . that the onely right reformation under the gospell , is the mortifying , destroying , and utter abolishing out of the faithfull and elect , all that sinne , corruption , lust , evill , that did flow in upon them , through the fall of adam . this is true gospel reformation , saith mr. dell : serm. on heb. . . and besides this i know no other . and after , pag. ▪ christ dying for us , is our redemption , christ dwelling and living in us , is our reformation . again , pag : . for the taking away transgression for us , and from us , which is the onlie reformation of the new testament , is a work agreeable to none , but the son of god , as it is written , his name shall be called jesus , for he shall save his people from their sinnes ; whereupon all alongs he speaks much against ecclesiasticall reformation , and pag : . he adviseth the parliament to lay aside their intentions ( how pious soever ) of the work of church reformation , because they are men of war , and the care of this work belongs onely to christ , the prince of peace . this doctrine , . is destructive to the solemn league and covenant of the three kingdomes , obligeing them to endeavour the reformation of religion in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government . . 't is destructive to the reformation begun by luther , continued and prosecuted by all thereformed churches , and by the independent churches as well as others . . 't is contrary to the example of the apostles themselves , and condemneth them as well as us , for they did not only teach and commend to the churches , that reformation which mr. dell calls the mortifying , or destroying of corruption and lust , or christ dwelling and living in us , but likewise an externall ecclesiasticall reformation , and severall canons concerning the reformation of externall abuses ▪ and scandals in the church : as for instance , that the churches should abstaine from bloud , and things strangled ; that two or three at most should prophesie in the church at one meeting ; that the men should pray with their heads uncovered , the women covered ; that young widows should be no longer admitted to serve the church in attending the sick ▪ and that such widows must be at least . years old , and the like ▪ . this doctrine puts jesus christ himself in the wrong , because he challenged the churches of pergamus ▪ and thyatira , for suffering and having amongst them these that taught the doctrine of b●…laam . ●… . mr. dell , his doctrine openeth a wide doore to the tolleration of the grossest and most horrid idolatries , blasphemies , abominations . i●… thousands in the kingdome should set up the masse , and bread worship , or should worship the sunne , or should publickly maintain that there is no god , nor any judgement to come , nor heaven , nor hell , the parliament ought not , may not , ( by his doctrine ) endeavour the reducing and reforming of such people , or the suppressing of such abominations : these offenders must bee let alone till christ reforme them , & mortify sin in them , which is to him the only reformation now under the gospell . . and while hee appropriateth this reformation to the time of the gospell since christ came in the flesh , hee doeth by necessary consequence hold , that there was no godly or mortifyed person in the old testament , and that we must not take abraham , moses , david , iob , &c. for examples of a personall reformation , or of true holinesse and mortification . as this doth necessarily follow from this doctrine , so it seems to have been not far from his meaning and intention . for pag : . . speaking of the time of the old testament , he saith ▪ there was no true reformation , but under all that outward religion , men were inwardlie as corrupt and wicked as the very heathen , and without any true reformation before god , till christ who was god in the flesh came with the ministration of the spirit , and then indeed was the time of reformation . then hee comes to explaine what this true reformation is , viz. the taking away and destroying of the body of sinne out of the faithfull , &c. whence it cannot but follow , that there was no such thing before the comming of christ , as the taking away and destroying the body of sinne out of the faithfull . . there are divers arminian and antinomian tenents , which very much strengthen the hands of the wicked in his wickednesse , yet such tenents are maintained by many of these , who call themselves the godly party , for instance that of universall atonement , and christ dying for all men , mark but the title of mr. moores book : the universality of gods free grace in christ , to mankinde proclaimed and displayed , &c. that all might be comforted , incouraged , every one consirmed , and assured of the propitiation and death of christ for the whole race of mankinde , and so for himself in particular . hereby the same sweetnesse of gospell comforts , and the same assurance of an interest in jesus christ and his death , is imparted and extended to the humbled , and the unhumbled , to the convinced , and to the unconvinced , to the wounded , and to the unwounded , to beleevers , and to the unbeleevers , to the converted , and to the unconverted ; as if all and every one were fit to be comforted and capable of an assurance , that jesus christ hath redeemed them , and made satisfaction to the divine justice in their behalfe . if this bee not to sow pillows , which sinners may securely lye down and sleep upon , what is ? the like i say of that position which mr. sam : lane in his vindication of free grace hath oppugned , as an arminian position , preached and asserted by mr. j. goodwin , naturall men may doe such things , as whereunto god hath by way of promise annexed grace and acceptation . which takes away the necessity of preventing grace , and the impotency of nature unto , yea , ' its aversnesse from any true spirituall good , which can be acceptable unto god : every such exalting of nature , is a depressing of grace , and ministereth occasion to unregenerat persons to please themselves too much with their present naturall estate . . other tenents are current among many of that party , which are apt to weaken the hearts and hands of the godly in the exercises of humiliation , repentance , mortification , and fruits of sanctification , by holding that god doth not chastise his children for sinne ; that there is not so much as a fatherly displeasure , or anger in god against the faults of his children ▪ that god seeth no sinne in israel , so much as to afflict them for it in this world ; that beleevers are not bound to live according to the rule of the morall law ; that beleevers are not to be terrified , or at all wrought upon by any threatnings , or by danger and punishment of sinne ; that beleevers ought not to trie their spirituall estate , or seek assurance of their interest in jesus christ , and the covenant of grace , by any gratious signes or qualifications , or by any fruits of sanctification in themselves , but onely by the inward testimony of the spirit and light of faith , which ( say they ) are of sufficient credit by themselves , without the help of any markes of grace . it is informed , that among some of the sectaries of this time , are found these tenents , that adultery is no sinne , and that drunkennesse is none neither , but a help to see christ the better ; that there is no resurrection of the dead , nor no hell . see mr. edwards , in the third part of gangraena , pag : . . chap. xiv . another most usefull case of conscience discussed and resolved , concerning associations and confederacies with idolaters , infidels , h●…reticks , or any other known enemies of truth , and godlinesse . while i have occasion to speak of humane covenants , it shall not be unprofitable to speak somewhat to that question so much debated , as well among divines , as among polititians and lawyers , whether a confederacy and association with wicked men , or such as are of another religion , be lawfull , yea , or no. for answer whereunto shortly , let us distinguish , . civill covenants . . ecclesiastical , sacred or religious covenants . . mixed covenants , partly civill , partly religious . the last two being made with wicked men , and such as differ in religion from us , i hold to be unlawfull , and so do the best writers . when the israelites are forbidden a covenant with the canaanites , speciall mention is made of their gods , altars , images , exod. . . and . . . iud. . . that no such superstitious , unlawfull worship might beetolerated . as for civil covenants , if they be for commerce or peace , which were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they are allowed according to the scriptures , gen. . . gen. . . kings . . ier. . . rom. . . such covenants the venetians have with the turke , because of vicinity : such covenants also christian emperours of old , had sometimes with the pagans . it was the breach of a civill covenant of peace with the turke , that god punished so exemplarly in vladyslaus king of hungary : but if the civill covenant be such a covenant as the grecians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to joine in military expeditions together , of this is the greatest debate and controversie among writers ; for my part , i hold it unlawfull with divers good writers ; and i conceive that exod. . god forbiddeth not only religious covenants with the canaanites , but even civill covenants , vers . . and conjugall covenants , vers . . which is also iunius his opinion in his analysis upon that place . the reason for the unlawfulnesse of such confederacies are brought . . from the law , exod , . . and . . . deut. . . yea god maketh this a principall stipulation and condition upon their part , while he is making a covenant with them , exod. . . . iud. . . . and lest it should be thought that this is meant only of these seven nations enumerate , deut. . the same law is interpret of four other nations , . kings . , . so that t is to be understood generally against confederacies with idolaters and those of a false religion : and the reason of the law is morall and perpetuall , viz. the danger of ensnaring the people of god : therefore they were forbidden to covenant either with their gods , or with themselves , for a conjunction of counsels , and familiar conversation ( which are consequents of a covenant ) draweth in end to a fellowship in religion . . from disallowed and condemned examples , as asa his covenant with benhadad , . chron. . to vers . . and ahaz , his covenant with the king of assyria , kings . . . chro. . . to . and if it should be objected , these are but examples of covenants with idolatrous heathens , there is not the like reason to condemne confederacies , and associations with wicked men of the same religion ; i answer . . it holds à fortiori against confederacies with such of the seed of jacob as h●…d made defection from true religion , for grotius de jure belli & pocis lib. . cap . num. . noteth , god would have such to be more abominated then heathens , and to be destroyed from among their people , deut. . . besides this i adde . . we have in other scriptures examples , which meet with that case also ; for iehosaphats confederacy with ahab , chron. . . with chron. . and after with ahaziah . chron. . . are condemned , which made iehosaphat ( although once relapsing into that sin ) yet afterwards mend his fault , for he would not againe joyne with ahaziah , when he sought that association the second time , kings . . . so amaziah having associate himself in an expedition with the israelites , when god was not with them , did upon the prophets admonition disjoin himself from them , and take his hazard of their anger : chron. . , , , . lavater upon the place applying that example , noteth this as one of the causes why the christian wars with the turke had so ill successe , why saith he , consider what souldiers were imployed , this is the fruit of associations with the wicked . . these confederacies proceed from an evill heart of unbelief , as is manifest by the reasons which are brought against ahaz his league with benhadad , chron. . , , . and by that which is said against the confederacy with the king of assyria , isay . , . for as calvin upon the place noteth , the unbeleevers among the people considering their own inability for managing so great a war , thoght it necessary to have a confederacy with the assyrians ; but this was from faithlesse feares , from want of faith to stay and rest upon god as all-sufficient . if we must avoid fellowship and conversation with the sons of belial , ( except where naturall bonds or the necessity of a calling tyeth us ) psal. . . prov. . and . . cor . , . and if we should account gods enemies ourenemies , psa. . . then how can we joyne with them , as confederates and associates , for by this means we shall have fellowship with them , and looke on them as friends . now as to the arguments which use to be brought for the contrary opinion , first 't is objected that abraham had a confederacy with aner , eschol , and mamre , genesis . . abraham with abimelech , genesis . . and isaac with abimelech , gen. . iacob with laban , gen , . . solomon , with hiram , kings . . answ. it cannot be proved that these confederates of abraham , isaac , and solomon were either idolaters or wicked ; laban indeed was an idolater : but there are good interpreters who conceive that abrahams three confederates feared god ; and that abimelech also feared god , because he speaketh reverently of god , and ascri●…eth to god the blessing and prosperity of those patriarchs . 't is presumed also that hiram was a pious man , because of his epistle to solomon , chron. . , . however , . those confederacies were civill , either for commerce , or for peace and mutuall security that they should not wrong one another , as that with laban , gen. . . and with abimelech . gen. . . which kinde of confederacy is not controverted . 't is objected also that the maccabees had a covenant with the romans and lac●…monians , macca . , and . , . answ. . that covenant is disallowed by many good writers ; yet 't is observed from the story that they had not the better , but the worse successe , nor the lesse but the more trouble following it . . the story it selfe , macc. . . tells us that the first motion of a confederacy with the heathen in those times proceeded from the children of belial in israel . lastly , it may be objected that persons discontented , and of broken fortunes were gathered to david ; and that he received them , and became a captaine unto them , sam. . . answ. . some think ( and 't is probable ) they were such as were oppressed and wronged by sauls tyranny , and were therefore in debt and discontented , and that david in receiving them was a type of christ who is a refuge for the afflicted , and touched with the feeling of their infirmities . . whoever they were , david took care that no prophane nor wicked person might be in his company , psal. . yea , psal. . . ( which was penned at that same time when he departed from achish and became captaine of those men ) he saith to them , come ye children harken unto me , i will teach you the fear of the lord. . i shall bring a better argument from davids example against the joyning with such associates in wa●… as are known to be malignant and wicked , psal. . . the lord taketh my part with them that help me , therefore i shall see my desire upon mine enemies , psal. . . the lord is with them that uphold my soul. upon this last place , both calvin and gesnerus observe , that although davids helpers were few and weak , yet god being in them , and with them , his confidence was that they should prove stronger then all the wicked ; hee intimateth also , that if he had not known that god was with his helpers , leading and inspireing them , he had looked for no helpe by them : chron . , . that davids helpers in the war were lookt upon as sincere , cordiall , and stirred up of god , may further appear from chron. . where david joyneth with himself fidos homines qui idem cum eo senti●…ent , saith lavater on the place , faithfull men of his own minde : hee addeth , that they were such as hated sauls impiety and in●…ustice , and loved davids vertue . vict. strigelious calls them , fideles amicos , faithfull friends . the text it self tells us , that divers of them joyned themselves to david while he was yet in distresse and shut up in zicklag : vers . . ( which was an argument of sincerity ) also , that some of benjamin ( sauls own tribe ) adjoyned themselves to david , and the spirit came upon amasai , who by a speciall divine instinct spake to assure david of their sincerity , vers . . , . they also who joyned themselves with david after sauls death , vers . . were not of a double heart , but of a perfect heart , vers . . . and they all agreed that the first great businesse to be undertaken , should be religion , the bringing back of the arke : chron. . , . this point of the unlawfulnesse of confederacies with men of a false religion is strangely misapplyed by lutherans , against confederacies with us , whom they call calvinists : so argueth tarnovius tract . de foederib . but we may make a very good use of it : for as we ought to pray and endeavour that all who are christs may be made one in him , so we ought to pray against and by all means avoide fellowship , familiaritie , marriages , and military confederacies with known wicked persons , and such as are of a false or hereticall religion : i shall branch forth this matter in five particulars , which god forbade to his people in reference to the canaanites and other heathens , which also ( partly by parity of reason , partly by concluding more strongly ) will militate against confederacies and conjunctions with such as under the profession of the christian religion do either maintain heresies and dangerous errors , or live a prophane and wicked life . first , god forbade all religious covenants with such , and would not have his people to tolerate the gods , images , altars or groves of idolaters : exod. . . and . . deut. . . iudg. : . and although the letter of the law mention this in reference to the canaanites , yet the best reforming kings of iudah applyed and executed this law in taking away the groves and high places abused by the iewes in their superstition : and what marvell ? if such things were not to be tollerated in the canaanites , much lesse in the iewes . theodosius is comm●…nded for his suppressing and punishing hereticks . . god forbade familiar conversation with these heathens , that they should not dwell together with his people , nay , not in the land with them , exod . . lest one of them being familiar with an israelite , might call him to a feast , and make him eat of things sacrificed to idols , exod. . , compare this with iud. . . psal . . now the apostle layeth much more restraint upon us , from conversing , eating and drinking with a scandalous christian , cor. . . then with a pagan or unbeleever , cor. . . there is a conversing and companying with wicked persons , which is our affliction , not our fault , that is when we cannot be rid of them , do what we can , cor. . . which is an argument against separating and departing from a true church , because of s●…andalous persons in it . the apostle gives this check to such , go where they will , they shall finde scandalous persons all the world over . there is again a conversing and companying with wicked persons , which naturall and civill bonds , or near relations , or our calling tyeth us unto , as between husband and wife , parent and child , pastor and people , magistrate and those of his charge . but wittingly & willingly to converse & have fellowship either with hereticall or prophane persons , whether it be out of love to them and delight in them , or for our owne interest or some worldly benefite this is certainly sinfull and inexcusable . if we take care of our bodily safety , by flying the company of such as have the plague , yea if we take care of the safety of our beasts , and would not to our knowledge suffer a scabbed or rotten sheep to infect the rest , shall we not much more take care of our own and neighbours souls , by avoiding and warning others to avoide the fellowship of the ungodly , whereby spiritual infection comes . remember it was but a kinde visite of iehosaphat to ahab which was the occasion of ingageing him into a confederacy with that wicked man , chron. . ▪ . god forbade conjugall covenants or marrying with them . exod : , . deut : , . the rule is the same against matching with other wicked persons , whether idolaters or professing the same religion with us . we read not of idolatry or any professed doctrinall differences in religion between the posterity of seth and the posterity of cain , yet this was the great thing that corrupted the old world and brought on the flood , that the children of god joyned themselves in marriage with the prophane , gen : , , , . iehoram married not an heathen , but the daughter of ahab ; but 't is marked , he did evill as did the house of ahab ; and what is the reason given for this ? for the daughter of ahab was his wife , kings , , and by and by , vers : . the like is marked of ahaziah the son of iehoram , who did evill in the sight of the lord as did the house of ahab , for he was the son in law of the house of ahab . the apostle peter supposeth that christians marrie such as are heirs together of the grace of life , peter , . see also , pro : . . . god forbade his people to make with the canaanites foedus deditionis or subactionis , ( or as others speak ) pactum liberatorium , he would have his people shew no mercy to those whom hee had destinate to destruction , deut. . . herein ahab sinned , making a brotherly covenant of friendship with benhadad , when god had delivered him into his hand , kings . , , . so in all christian common-wealths , the magistrate , gods vicegerent ought to cut off such evill doers , as gods word appointeth to be cut off . davids sparing of ioab and shimei , being partly necessitate thereto , partly induced by politicall reasons , ( whereof he repented when he was dying , nor could his conscience beat-ease , till he left a charge upon solomon , for executing justice upon both ioab and shimei , kings . , , , , . ) are no good presidents or warrands to christian magistrates , to neglect the executing of justice . 't is a better president which david resolveth , upon more deliberatly , psal. . . i will early destroy all the wicked of the land , that i may cut off all wicked doers from the city of the lord. marke this all , of what degree or quality soever , without respect of persons , and that early , and without delay . lastly , and even ioab himself was so far punished by david , that hee was cast out of his place and command , sam. . . & . . . the law is also to be applyed against civill covenants , not of peace , or of commerce , but of warre ; that is , a league offensive and defensive , wherein we associate our selves with idolaters , infidels , hereticks , or any other knowne enemies of truth or godlines , so as to have the same friends or enemies . a covenant of peace or commerce with such may happen to be unlawfull in respect of some circumstances as when peace is given to those rebells , murderers , incendiaries in the kingdome , who by the law of god ought to be destroyed by the hand of justice , or when commerce with idolaters is so abused , as to furn sh them with the things that they are known to make use of in their idolatry . but as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a confederacy ingageing us into a warre with such associats , t is absolutely and in its own nature unlawfull : and i finde it condemned by good writers , of the popish party , of the lutheran party , and of the orthodoxe party . some of all these are before cited . what holynesse god required in the armies of israel , see deut : . , , , , : we may well argue as isidorus p●…lusiota doth , lib. epist. . if the law was so severe against such uncleannesses as were not voluntarie , how much lesse would god suffer such as did voluntarily and wickedly defile themselves . t is marked as a part of a●…imelechs sin , iud : . . that he hired vain and light persons which followed him . god would have amaziah to dismisse an hundred thousand men of israel being already with him in a body , and told him he should fall before the enemy if these went with him , because god was not with them , chron. . . &c. if they had not yet been gathered into a body , it had been much to abstain from gathering them , upon the prophets admonition , but this is much more , that he sends them away after they are in a body , and takes his hazard of all the hurt that so many inraged souldiers could do to him or his people , and indeed they did much hurt in going back , vers : , yet god rewarded amaziahs obedience with a great victory . in the last age shortly after the begun reformation in germany , this case of conscience concerning the unlawfulnesse of such confederacies was much looked at . the city of strassburg , anno , . made a defensive league with zurik , berne , and basil , qui & vicini erant , & dogmate magis conveniebant , saith sleidan , they were not onely neighbours , but of the same faith and religion , therefore they made a confederacy with them . about two yeares after the elector of saxony refused to take into confederacy those eelvetians , because although they were powerfull , and might be very helpfull to him , yet they differing in religion , concerning the article of the lords supper , he said , he durst not joyne with them as confederats , lest such sad things might befal him , as the scripture testifieth to have befallen those who for their help or defence took any assistance they could get . the rule was good in thesi . although in that particular case misapplyed . the very heathens had a notion of the unlawfulnesse of confederacies with wicked men , for as victorinus strigelius on chron : . noteth out of aeschylus his tragedy , intituled , seven to thebe , amphiaraus a wise vertuous man was therefore swallowed up in the earth with seven men , and seven horses , because he had associat himself with tydeus ; capaneus , and other impious commanders marching to the siege of thebe . lastly , take this reason for further confirmation , as wee must doe all to the glory of god , so wee must not make warres to our selves , but to the lord ; hence the booke of the warres of the lord , num : , , and , the battel is not ours , but the lords . sam : , , chron : , . now how shall we imploy them that hate the lord , to help the lord ? or how shall the enemies of his glory do for his glory ? shall rebels & traitors be taken to fight in the kings wars ? offer it to thy governour , as it is said , mal. . see if he would take this wel . as for the objections from scripture , they are before answered . there are many other exceptions of mens corrupt reason , which yet may be easily taken off , if wee will receive scripture light . that very case of iehosophats confederacy with ahab , taketh off many of them ; for although , . iehosophat was a good man , and continued so after that association , not drawn away into idolatry , nor infected with ahabs religion , but onely assisting him in a civil businesse ▪ . ahab lived in the church of israel , which was still a church , although greatly corrupted , and hee was no professed hater of god , ( only he had professed to hate micajah the man of god , ) yea , lately besore this he appeared very penitent , and some think iehosaphat now judged charitably of ahab , because of that great humilation and repentance of his , which god did accept , so far , as to reward it with a temporall sparing mercy , kings . at the end : then followes immediatly , chap : . iehosaphats association with him . although iehosaphat was also joyned in affinity with ahab , ahabs daughter being married to his sonne . . the enemy was the king of syria ; and iehosaphat doth not joyne with a wicked man against any of gods people , but against the infidell syrians ; even as amaziah was beginning to joyne with those of the ten tribes against the edomites . . the cause seemes to have been good , as carthusian on kings . . and lavater upon chron : . . note . for ramoth-gilead was a city of refuge , pertaining to the levites in the tribe of gad , and should have been restored by the king of syria to ahab , according to their covenant , kings . . daneus ▪ brings that same example of ahabs going up against ramoth-gilead , to prove that 't is just to make warre against these who have broken covenant with us . , iehosaphats manner of proceeding , was pious in this respect , that he said to ahab , enquire i pray thee of the word of the lord to day , and again , is there not here a prophet of the lord besides , he enquireth ultrà , and seeks all the light he could there have in point of conscience from prophets of the lord , which makes it probable , that those . prophets did not professe , or were not known to iehosaphat to be prophets of baal ; but were lookt upon as prophets of the lord , as cajetan thinketh . therefore they answer also in the name of the lord , the lord shall deliver it . 't is not likely that iehosaphat would desire the prophets of baal to be consulted , or that hee would hearken to them more , then to the prophet of the lord micajah , yet in this he failed extremly , that he had too far engaged himself to ahab , before the enquiring at the word of the lord. how ever it seemes , he was by this enquiring , seeking a faire way to come off againe . . iehosaphats end was good , martyr on kings . thinkes iehosaphat entered into this confederacy with ahab , for the peace and safety of his kingdome , and to prevent a new war between iudah and israel , such as had been between asa his father , and baasha king of israel , for which end also carthusian ibid. thinks that iehosaphat took ahabs daughter to his son . yet notwithstanding of all this , the prophet iehu saith to him , chron. . . shouldest thou help the ungodly , or love them that hate the lord. the lxx : read , hated of the lord , which comes all to one thing . and least it should be thought a veniall or light matter , headdeth , therefore is wrath upon thee from before the lord. so that from this example we learn ; that let us keep our selves unspotted of the false religion , or errors of those with whom we associate , let wicked men seem never so penitent , and our relations to them be never so near , let the common enemy be an infidell , let the cause be never so good , let the manner of proceeding be never so pious , and the end also good ; yet all this cannot excuse , nor justifie confederacies and associations with wicked and ungodly men . and if god was so angry at iehosaphat , when there were so many things concurring , as might seem to excuse or extenuate his fault , it being also in him a sin of infirmity only , and not without a reluctation of conscience , and a conflict of the spirit against the flesh ( which pareus upon kings . doth well collect from his desire of enquiring at the word of the lord , that hee might have occasion to come off ) how much more will god bee angry with such as go on with an high hand in this trespasse , casting his word behind them , and hating to bee reformed . if it be further objected , that we are not able without such confederacies , and help to prosecute a great war alone . this also the holy ghost hath before hand answered , in the example of ahaz his confederacy with the king of assyria ; for he had a great warre to manage , both against the syrians , and against the king of israel , kings . . also against the edomites and philistims , chron : . , , . yet although he had so much to do , this could not excuse the confederacy with the assyrian : he should have trusted to god , and not used unlawfull means . god can save by few , as well as by many ; yea , sometimes god thinks not fit to save by many , iud. . it shall not be the strength of battell , to have unlawfull confederats , but rather to want them , exod. . . if it be said , it is dangerous to provoke , and incense many wicked men by casting them off . this is plainly answered from the example of amaziah , and the . men of israel with him , of which before . if furthermore objection bee made , that he must be gentle and patient towards all , and in meeknesse , instruct those that oppose themselves , tim. . , . answ : . yet hee bids us turne away from the wicked , ibid : chap : . . wee ought in meeknesse to instruct , even him that is excommunicate , thess : . . yet wee are there warned , vers : . to have no company with him . . the angel of the church at ephesus , is at on ecommended , both for his patience , and that he could not bear them which were evil . i shall adde five distinctions which will take off all other objections that i have yet met with . . distinguish between a confederacy , which is more discretive , and discriminative and a confederacy which is more unitive . and here is the reason why covenants of peace and commerce , even with infidels and wicked persons are allowed , yet military associations with such , disallowed : for the former keeps them , and us still divided as two : the latter unites us and them , as one , and imbodieth us together with them : for thucidides defines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be such a covenant , as makes us and our confederates to have the same friends and enemies , and 't is mentioned by writers , as a further degree of uniou then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or covenants of peace . . distinguish between endeavour of duty , and the perfection of the things , which answeres that exception . o then , we must have an army all of saints ( it should be said , without any known wicked person in it ; ) now even as 't is our duty to endeavour a purging of the church , from wicked and scandalous persons , yet when we have done all we can , the lords field shall not be perfectly purged from tares , til the end of the world , matth. . so when wee have done all that ever we can , to avoid wicked persons in an expedition , yet we cannot be rid of them all ; but we must use our utmost endeavours , that we may be able to say , 't is our affliction , not our fault . . distinguish between some particular wicked persons , here and there mixing themselves with us ; and between a wicked faction , and malignant party : the former should be avoided as much as is possible , but much more a conjunction with a wicked faction . david would by no means meet and consult with the kahal meregnim , the assembly of malignants ; neither did he onely shunne to meet and consult with vaine persons ; who openly shew and bewray themselves ; but even with dissemblers , or ( as the chaldee ) with those that hide themselves , that they may do evill , psal. . , . we can know better how to doe with a whole field of tares , in which is no wheat , then we can do with tares growing here and there among the wheat . . distinguish between such a fellowship with some wicked persons , as is necessary ( which is the case of those that are married , and of parents and children ) or unavoidable , which is the case of those , whose lot is to cohabite in one town , or in one family , in a case of necessity , travelling or sailing together ; distinguish , i say , between these and an elective , or voluntary fellowship with wicked men , when love to them , or our owne benefite draweth us thereunto . we neither loose naturall bonds , nor require impossibilities , but that we keep our selves pure , by not choosing or consenting to such fellowship . . distinguish between infidels , hereticks , wicked persons repenting , and those who go on in their trespasse : what ever men have been , yet as soone as the signes of repentance , and new fruits appeare in them , we are ready to receave them into favour and fellowship : then indeed the wolfe shall dwell with the lambe , and the cow and the bear shall feed , their young ones shall lye down together , meaning , such as were wolves , leopards , bears , and now begin to change their nature ▪ not so with the obstinate , contumacious , and impenitent , who still remaine wolves , &c. let us now , : examine our selves , whether there bee so much tendernesse of conscience in us , as to close with those scripture truths , or whether we are still in a way of consulting with flesh and blood . . be humbled for former miscarriages , and failings in the particulars , and for not walking accuratly , according to these scripture rules . . beward for the future : remember and apply these rules , when we have to do with the practise of them : and that i may drive home this naile to the head : i adde , ( beside what was said before ) these reasons and motives . first , 't is a great judgement when god mingleth a perverse spirit in the midst of a people , isay . . shall we then make that a voluntary act of our own , which the word mentioneth as a dreadfull judgement ? with this spirituall judgement , is oftentimes joyned a temporall judgement , as chren : . : and . . and ▪ . so hos : . . , . compared with hos : . , . where their judgement , soundeth forth their sinne as by an eccho : the chaldee paraphrase in the place last cited , saith , the house of israel is delivered into the hands of the people whom they loved . secondly , remember what followed upon gods peoples mingling themselves with the heathen , psal. . . they were mingled among the heathen , and learned their works , hos : . . ephraim , he hath mixed himself among the people , that is , by making confe deracies with the heathen , ( as luther exponds the place ) and by seeking their help and assistance , hos : . . but what followes , ephraim is a cake not turned , hote and overbaken in the nether side , but cold and raw in the upper side . this will prove the fruit of such confederacies and associations , to make us zealous for some earthly or humane thing , but remisse and cold in the things of christ ; to be too hote on our nether side , and too raw on the upper side . whereas , not mingling our selves with the wicked : we shall through gods mercy be like a cake turned , that heat and zeal which was before downward , shall now be upward , heavenward , godward , let it also bee remembred , how both ahaz , . kings . . and asa himself , chron : . . ( though a good man ) were drawn into other great sinnes , upon occasion of these associations , with the enemies of god and his people : this sinne will certainly ensnare men in other sinnes . 't is well said by calvin upon ezek : . . that as we are too prone of our selves to wickednesse , so when wee enter into confederacies with wicked men , we are but seeking new temptations , and as it were a bellows to blow up our own corruptions , as wine being mixed with water loseth of its spirits , and white being mixed with black , loseth much of its whitenesse : so the people of god , if once mixed with wicked enemies , shall certainly losse of their purity and integrity . thirdly , as these unlawfull confederacies draw us both into great judgements and great sins , so into a great security and stupidity under these great plagues and sins , which will make the estate of such to be yet worse , hos : , , after ephraims mixing himself among the people , t is added , strangers have devoured his strength , and he knoweth it not , yea , gray hairs are here and there upon him , yet he knoweth it not : although his confederats have distressed him , and not strengthned him , and although there may be observed in him diverse signes of a decaying dying condition , yet he knowes it not , nor takes it to heart ; the same thing is insisted upon vers : . ephraim also is like a silly dove without heart ; they call to egypt , they go up to assyria . he is as voide of understanding as a silly dove , whose nest being spoiled , and her young ones taken from her ( which the chaldee paraphrase addeth for explications cause ) yet she still returneth to those places where , and among those people by whom she hath been so spoiled ; so israel will still be medling with those that have done him great hurt . fourthly , we finde that such confederacy or association either with idolaters or known impious persons , is seldome or never recorded in the booke of god , without a reproofe , or some greater mark of gods displeasure put upon it . if it were like the polygamie of the patriarchs , often mentioned and not reproved , it were the lesse marvell to hear it so much debated . but now when god hath so purposely set so many beacons upon those rocks , and shelves that we may beware of them , o why shall we be so mad , as stil to run upon them ? it was reproved in the time of the judges , judg : , , , . it was reproved in the time of the kings ; ahabs covenant with benhadad , asa's covenant with benhadad , ahaz his confederacy with the assyrian ; iehosophats association , first with ahab , then with ahaziah : amaziahs association with those . men of ephraim , when god was not with them , all those are plainly disallowed and condemned . moreover that reproofe , ier : . : and now , what hast thou to do in the way of egypt , to drink the waters of sihor ? or what hast thou to do in the way of assyria , to drink the waters of the river ? the chaldee hath thus ; what have yee to do to associat with pharaoh king of egypt — and what have ye to do to make a covenant with the assyrian ? again after the captivity , ezra : . the jewes mingling of themselves with the heathen is lamented . fifthly , the great and precious promises of god , may encourage us so , as we shall never say to the wicked , a confederacy : for upon condition of our avoiding all such confederacies & conjunctions , god promiseth never to break his covenant with us , iudg : : , . and to receive us as his sons and daughters , cor : . , , , . sixthly , t is one of gods great mercies which he hath covenanted and promised , i will purge out from among you the rebels , and them that transgresse against me , ezek. , . why should we then forsake our own mercy , and despise the counsell of god against our own souls . seventhly , as it was in asa his experience , chron , , , , so it hath been in our own , god hath done his greatest workes for us , when we were most unmixed with such men . there is another objection , which at the writing hereof i have met with : t is davids confederacy and association , both with abner , sam. . , . and with amasa , sam : . . whom according to agreement he made generall of his hoste , sam : , . although both of them had been davids enemies , and born armes against him , abner being also scandalous , both for his whoredome , sam. , . and his treachery against ishbosheth in aspyring to the crown ( which is collected from his going in unto sauls concubine , as absolom did unto davids afterward ) yea for that he had born arms against david , when he knew that god had sworne to make david king , and so against the light of his conscience , sam : , . answ : peter martyr commenting upon those places , dissaloweth davids practise in both these cases , especially his league with abner . should we follow these two examples , not being allowed or commended in scripture ? or should we not rather avoid such confederacies , because of many examples thereof , plainly condemned in the word of god ? . what soever may ●…e conceived to be allowable or excusable in these examples of david , yet it cannot be applied , except in like cases . when david covenanted with abner , he was but king of judah , abner undertakes to bring about all israel to him , and that he should make him reigne over all the tribes , whereas otherwise there was no appearance of davids subdueing of all the other tribes ; but by a long and bloody warre . again , when david covenanted and capitulated with amasa , he was in a manner fled out of the land for absalom , sam : . . and was forced to abide in the land of gilead beyond jordan , fearing also ( as interpreters observe ) that the men of iudah having strengthned ierusalem and kept it with a garison for absalom , and having done so much in assisting absalom against david , should grow desperat in holding out against him , hoping for no mercy , therefore he is content to make amasa generall of his army , upon condition that he would cause the men of iudah to bring him back to ierusalem , which amasa moves the men of iudah to do , sam : , ; for it was done by his authority , as iosephus also writeth , nor could it be done without his authority , for absalom and ahitophel being dead , amasa had the whole power and sole headship of that army and of all that faction that had followed absalom . now then let them that will plead for the lawfullnesse of confederacies with wicked persons from these examples of david , first make the case alike , that is , that the wicked one have power of an army , and of a great body of the kingdom , to make them either continue in rebellion and enmity , or to come in and submit . next let it be remembred that both abner and amasa did a great service , ( which was most meritorious at the hands of men ) for the good , peace , and safety of king and kingdom , and they did it at that time also when david was but weak , & they had power enough to have continued a war against him . which is a very rare case , and far different from the case of such as have done and are doing all that they can to pervert and mislead many thousands of the people of god , instead of reducing many thousands to obedience ; as abner and amasa did . . there are some other answers proper to the one case and the other . there is nothing in the text to prove , that david made such a covenant with abner , as the grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or that he covenanted to make him generall of his army , ( as afterwards he covenanted with amasa , ) for at that time he could have no colour of reason for casting ioab out of his place , as afterwards he had ; therefore i understand with sanctius that the league which abner sought from david , was foedus pacis , a covenant of peace . hierome readeth , fac mecum amicitias , make friendship with me , for before they had been enemies : so that this league is not of that kind which is chiefly controverted . as for amasa , i shall not go about ( as some have done ) to excuse or extenuate his fault in joyning with absalom , as not being from any malice or wicked intention against david his uncle ; but there is some probability that amasa was a penitent and hopefull man. sure david had better hopes of him , then of ioab : and if it be true which iosephus writeth , that before david sent zadock and abiathar to the men of iudah , and to amasa , frequent messages came from them to the king , desiring to be received into his favour ; how ever amasa being so willing and ready to do so much for david , when he might have done so much against him , david as he could not doe his businesse without him , so hee had some ground to hope well of him ; considering withall , that amasa was not set upon this business by any offence or displeasure at the other party , as abner was . . even as this example , so far as concerneth the laying aside , and casting off of ioab , and not preferring his brother abishai in his room ( both of them being gui●…ty of abners bloud , sam. . . and both of them being too hard for david ) helpeth to strengthen that which i have been pleading for . the point being now so fully cleared from scripture , here is the lesse reason to argue contrariwise from human examples in christian states and common-wealths . the word of god must not stoupe to mens practises , but they to it . yet even among those whose examples is alledged for the contrary opinion , there want not instances for cautiousnesse and conscientiousnesse , in choosing or refusing confederats . as namely among the helvetians or suitzers . they of zurik and berne , when once reformed , renounced their league made before with the french king , for assisting him in his wars , and resolved onely to keep peace with him ; but would not continue the league of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or joyning with him in his wars . and whatsoever were the old leagues about . years agoe , mutually binding those cantons each to other for aid and succour , and for the common defence of their country , and for preservation of their particular rights and liberties , and for a way of decideing controversies and pleas , between men of one canton and of another ( which leagues are recorded by those that write of that common-wealth ) yet after the reformation of religion , there was so much zeal on both sides , that it grew to a war between the popish and the protestant cantons , wherein as the popish side strengthened themselves by a confederacy with ●…erdinand the emperours brother , so the protestant side , zurik , berne , and basil entered into a confederacy , first with the city of strasburgh , and shortly thereafter with the lantgrave of hesse , that thereby they might bee strengthened , and aided against the popish cantons . the differences of religion put them to it , to choose other confederates . neverthelesse , i can easily admit what lavater judiciously observeth , upon ezek. . , , , . that covenants made before true religion did shine among a people , are not to be rashly broken ; even as the beleeving husband , ought not to put away the unbeleiving wife , whom he married when himself also was an unbeleever , if she be willing still to abide with him . whatsoever may be said for such covenants , yet confederacies with enemies of true religion , made after the light of reformation , are altogether unexcusable . peradventure some have yet another objection : this is an hard saying ( say divers malignants ) we are looked upon as enemies , if we come not in and take the covenant , and when we are come in and have taken the covenant , wee are still esteemed enemies to the cause of god , and to his servants . answ. this is just , as if those traitors , covenant breakers , and other scandalous persons , from which the apostle bids us turne away , tit. . . had objected , if we have no forme of godlinesse , we are looked upon as aliens , and such as are not to be numbered among gods people , yet now when wee have taken on a forme of godlinesse , we are in no better esteem with paul , but still he will have christians to turne away from us : yea , 't is as if workers of iniquity living in the true church , should object against christ himself , if we pray not , if wee hear not the word , &c. we are not accepted , but rejected for the neglect of necessary duties , yet when wee have prayed , heard , &c : we are told for all that : depart from me yee workers of iniquity , i never knew you . men must bee judged according to their fruits , according to their words and works , and course of living ; and if any who have taken the covenant , shew themselves in their words and actions , to be still wicked enemies , our eyes must not bee put out with their hand at the covenant . if any disaffected shall still insist and say ; but why then are we receaved , both to the covenant and to the sacrament , nay , why are wee forced and compelled into the covenant . answ. . if any known malignant , or complier with the rebels , or with any enemy of this cause hath been receaved , either to the covenant or sacrament , without signes of repentance for the former malignancy , and scandale ( such signes of repentance , i mean , as men in charity ought to be satisfied with , ) 't is more then ministers and elderships can answer , either to god , or the acts and constitutions of this nationall church . i trust all faithfull and conscientious ministers have laboured to keep themselves pure in such things . yea , the generall assembly hath ordained , that known compliers with the rebels , and such as did procure protections from the enemy , or keep correspondence and intelligence with him , shall be suspended from the lords-supper , till they manifest their repentance before the congregation . now if any after signes , and declaration of repentance , have turned again to their old wayes of malignancy , their iniquity bee upon themselves , not upon us . . men are no otherwise drawn or forced into the covenant , then into other necessary duties . nay it ought not to be called a forceing or compelling . are men forced to spare their neighbours life , because murther is severly punished ? or are men compelled to be loyall , because traitors are examplarily punished ? there may , and must be a willingnesse and freenesse in the doing of the contrary duty ; although great sinnes must not go away unpunished . men are not compelled to vertue , because vice is punished , else vertue were not vertue . those that refuse the covenant , reproach it , or rail against it , ought to be looked upon as enemies to it , and dealt with accordingly : yet if any man were knowne to take the covenant against his will , he were not to be receaved . . these two may well stand together , to censure the contempt or neglect of a duty , and withall to censure wickednesse in the person that hath taken up the practise of the dutie . if any israelite would not worship the true god , hee was to be put to death , chron. . . but withall , if worshipping the true god , hee was found to bee a murtherer , an adulterer , &c. for this also hee was to bee put to death . the generall assembly of this church hath appointed , that such as after admonition , continue in an usuall neglect of prayer , and the worship of god in their families , shall bee suspended from the lords-supper , till they ●…mend : yet if any man shall be found to make familie worship a cloak to his swearing , drunkennesse ; adultery or the like , must these scandalous sinnes be uncensured , because hee hath taken upon him a forme of godlinesse ? god forbid . 't is just so here , refusers of the covenant , and railers against it , are justly censured : but withall , if wickednesse and malignancie , be found in any that have taken the covenant ; their offence and censure is not to be extenuated , but to be aggravated . i had been but very short in the handling of this question , if new objections coming to my eares , had not drawn me forth to this length . and now i finde one objection more . some say , the arguments before brought from scripture , prove not the unlawfulnesse of confederacies , and associations with idolaters , heretickes , or prophane persons of the same kingdome , but onely with those of another kingdome . answ. . then by the concession of those that make the objection , 't is at least unlawfull , to associate our selves with any of another kingdome , who are of a false religion , or wicked life . . if familiar fellowship , even with the wicked of the same kingdome be unlawfull , then is a military association with them unlawfull ; for it cannot be without consulting , conferring , conversing frequently together . it were a prophane abusing , and mocking of scripture to say , that we are forbidden to converse familiarly with the ungodly of another kingdome , but not with the ungodly of the same kingdome , or that we are forbidden to marry with the ungodly of another kingdome , but not with the ungodly of the same kingdom , for what is this , but to open a wide gate upon the one hand ; while wee seem to shut a narrow gate upon the other hand ? . were not those military associations , chron ▪ . . and . , . condemned upon this reason , because the associats were ungodly , haters of the lord , and because god was not with them . now then , à quatenus ad omne , the reason holds equally against associations with any , of whom it can be truly said , they are ungodly , haters of the lord , and god is not with them . . god would have the camp of israel altogether holy and clean , deut. . . to ▪ clean from whom ? not so much from wicked heathens ( there was not so much fear of that ) as from wicked israelites . . saith not david , i will early destroy all the wicked of the land , psal. . . and , depart from me all ye workers of iniquity , psal. . . how can it then be imagined , that he would make any of them his associats , and helpers in warre . amandus polanus comment , in ezek : ▪ , , . qui ecclesiae scortationem , hoc est idololatriam vel falsam doctrinam , & confederationes cum impiis reprehendit , non est hereticus , non est schismaticus , non est ingratus adversus matrem eccelesiam : alioqui●… etiam ezekiel cum jeremiâ , aliisque prophetis , fuisset hereticus , aut schismaticus , aut ingratus . chap. xv. of uniformity in religion , worship of god , and church government . the word vniformity is become al 's odious to divers who plead for liberty and tolleration , as the word conformity was in the prelats times . hence proceeded mr delles book against uniformity , and mr burtons book , intituled , conformities deformity . i confesse my love and desire of uniformity hath not made mee any whit to depart from my former principles against the prelaticall conformity , or the astricting of mens consciences ( at least in point of practise and observation ) to certain rites , whether unlawful or indifferent in their own nature , under pain of censure . yet i must needs justifie ( as not only lawfull , but laudable ) what the solemne league and covenant of the three kingdoms , obligeth us unto , namely to endeavour to bring the churches of god in the three kingdomes to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in one confession of faith , one directory of worship , one forme of church government and catechisme . it is alwayes to be remembred , that good things , yea the best things may be dangerously abused by the corruptions of men , especially when the times are generally corrupted . luther had reason in his time , and as the case stood then , to decline a generall synod of protestants for unity in ceremonies ( which some moved for ) before the doctrine of faith , and the substance of the gospell was setled . he said the name of synods and counsels was almost al 's much suspected with him , as the name of free will , and that he would have the churches freely and voluntarly to comply and conforme in externall rites , by following the best examples in these things , but by no means to be compelled to it , or snares prepared for the consciences of the weak . see melchior adamus in vit : lutheri pag : , . but if luther had found al 's good opportunity and al 's much possibility of attayning a right uniformity in church government and worship , as god vouchsafeth us in this age , i do not doubt , but he had been more zealous for it , then any of us now are , or if hee had been in calvins stead , i make no question he had done in this businesse as calvin did . so that we ought to impute it rather to their times and places in which they lived , then to the difference of their spirits , that luthers zeal was wholly spent upon the doctrine of free grace . calvins zeal did also extendit self to discipline , about which luther was unwilling to make any busines at all . but for further satisfaction to truly tender consciences , and that they may not fear we are leading them back again to egypt , i desire that these particular differences between the prelaticall conformity , and the presbyteriall uniformity according to the covenant , may be well observed . first , they did after the heathenish and popish maner affectat ceremonies , and a pompous externall splendor and spectability , and made the kingdome of god come with observation . we desire to retain only the ancient apostolicall simplicity and singlenesse , and we conceive the fewer ceremonies , the better , knowing that the minds of people are thereby inveagled and distracted from the spirituall and inward duties . . much of the prelaticall conformity consisted in such things as were in themselves & in their own nature unlawful , and contrary to the word . shew us the like in any part of our uniformity , then let that thing never more be heard of . uniformity in any thing which is unlawfull is a great aggravation of the sin . they conformed to the papists , we to the example of the best reformed churches , which differeth al 's much fr●…m their way , as she that is dressed like other honest women distereth from her that is dressed like a whore . . the prelatical conformity was for the most part made up of sacred ceremonies , which had been grossely and notoriously abused either to idolatry or superstition , and therefore being things of no necessary use , ought not to have been continued , but abolished as the brazen serpent was by hezekiah . but in our uniformity now excepted against , i know no such thing ( and i am confident no man can give instance of any such thing in it ) as a sacred religious rite or thing which hath neither from scripture nor nature any necessary use , and hath been notoriously abused to idolatry or superstition , if any such thing can be found , i shall confesse it ought not to be continued . . they imposed upon others and practised themselves ceremonies ( acknowledged by themselves to be in their own nature meerly indifferent , but looked upon by many thousands of godly people , as unlawfull and contrary to the word ) to the great scandall and offence of their brethren . our principle is , that things indifferent ought not to be practised with the scandall and offence of the godly . . their way was destructive to true christian liberty both of conscience and practise , compelling the practise and conscience it self , by the meer will and authority of the law-makers . obedite praepositis was the great argument with them to satisfie consciences , sic volo , sic jubeo , sit pro ratione voluntas . we say that no canons nor constitutions of the church can bind the conscience nisi per & propter verbum dei , i.e. except in so far as they are grounded upon and warrantable by the word of god , at least by consequence , and by the generall rules thereof . and that canons concerning things indifferent bind not extra casum scandali & contemptus , i , e. when they may be omitted without giving scandall , or shewing any contempt of the ecclesiasticall authority . . the prelaticall ordinances were after the commandements and doctrines of men , as the apostle speaks , col : , . compare mat : . . but in vain do they worship me , teaching for doctrines the commandements of men . where doctrines may fitly expresse the nature of significant mysterious ceremonies ( such as was the pharisaicall washing of hands , cups , tables , &c. to teach and signifie holines ) all sacred significant ceremonies of mans devysing , we condemne as an addition to the word of god , which is forbidden no lesse then a diminution from it . let many of those who object against our uniformity , examine whether their own way hath not somewhat in it , which is a sacred significant ceremony of humane invention , and without the word ; for instance , the anointing of the sick in these dayes when the miracle is ceased , the church covenant , &c. for our part , except it be a circumstance , such as belongeth to the decency and order , which ought to appear in all humane societies and actions whether civill or sacred , we hold that the church hath not power to determine or enjoyne any thing belonging to religion : and even of these circumstances we say that although they be so numerous and so various , that all circumstances belonging to all times and places could not be particularly determined in scripture , yet the church ought to order them so , and hath no power to order them otherwise , then as may best agree with the generall rules of the word . now setting aside the circumstantials , there is not any substantiall part of the uniformity according to the covenant , which is not either expresly grounded upon the word of god , or by necessary consequence drawn from it , and so no commandement of men , but of god. other differences i might adde , but these may abundantly suffice to shew that the prelaticall conformity and the presbyterian uniformity are no lesse contrary one to another , then darknes and light , black and white , bitter and sweet , bad and good . and now having thus cleared the true nature and notion of uniformity , that it s altogether another thing from that which its opposers apprehend it to be , the work of arguing for it may be the shorter and easier , m ● , dell in his discourse against uniformity , argueth against it both from nature and from scripture . i confesse if one will transire de genere in genus , as he doth , its easie to find a disconformity between one thing and another , either in the works of creation , or in the things recorded in scripture . but if one will look after uniformity in uno & eodem genere , in one and the same kind of things ( which is the uniformity we plead for ) then both nature & scripture giveth us presidents not against uniformity , but for it . it is a maxime in naturall philosophy , that motus coeliest semper uniformis velocitate , the heavens do not move sometime more slowly , sometime more swiftly , but ever uniformly . god himself tels us of the sweet influences of pleiades , of the bands of orion , of the bringing foorth of mazaroth in his season , and of the other ordinances of heaven , which all the power on earth cannot alter nor put out of course , iob , , , . of the sea which is shut up within the decreed place , & within the doors and barres which it cannot passe , vers : , . and generally all the great works which god doeth there discourse of , each of them in its own kinde is uniforme to it self : so likewise , psal : . hath not god said , that while the earth remaineth , seed time and harvest , and cold and heat , and sommer and winter , day and night shall not cease , gen ▪ , . if there were not an uniformity in nature , how could fair weather be known by a red sky in the evening , or foul weather by a red and lou●…ing sky in the morning ? mat : , , . if there be not an uniformity in nature , why saith salomon , the thing that hath been , it is that which shall be , and there is no new thing under the sun ? eccl. . . is it not an uniformity in nature that the st●…rk in the heavens knoweth her appointed times , and the turtle , and the cran , and the swallow observe the time of their comming , ier. . . is not that an uniformity in nature ? io. . . there are yet foure mone hs and then cometh harvest ? as the apostle saith of the members of the body which we think to be lesse honourable , upon these we bestow more abundant honour , cor. . , so i may say of these things in nature which may perhaps seem to have least uniformity in them ( such as the waxing and weaning of the moon , the ebbing and flowing of the sea , and the like ) even in these a very great uniformity may be observed . as for scripture presidents , there was in the old testament a marvelous great uniformity both in the substantialls and rituals of the worship and service of god. for instance , num. . . 't is said of the passeover , ye shall keep it in his appointed season : according to all the rites of it , and according to all the ceremonies thereof shall ye keep it . exod. , . one law shall be to him that is homeborn , & unto the stranger that sojurneth among you . another instance see in the sacrifices , levit , first . chapters . another instance act. , . for moses of old time hath in every city them that preach him , being raed in the synagogues every sabboth day . a fourth instance in the courses and services of the priests and levits , chron , , , , & . luke . , . the like in other instances . of the church of the new testament , it was prophesied , that god would give them one way , aswell as one heart , ier : . . that there shall not onely be one lord , but his name one , zack : . . wee are exhorted to walk by the same rule , so farre as we have attained , that is , to study uniformity , not diversity in those things which are agreed upon to bee good and right , phil. . . doeth not the apostle plainly intimat and commend an uniformity in the worship of god , cor. . . if any man speak in an unknown tongue , let it beby two , or , at the most , by three , and that by course , and let one interpret , vers . for god is not the author of confusion , but of peace , as in all the churches of the saints , vers . . let all things bee done decently and in order . hee limiteth the prophets to that same number , of two or three ; even as he limiteth those that had the gift of tongues , vers , . and was it not a great uniformity , that he would have every man who prayed , or prophesied , to have his head uncovered , and every woman covered , cor. . doeth not the same apostle , besides the doctrine of faith , and practicall duties of a christian life , deliver severall canons to bee observed in the ordination and admission of elders and deacons , concerning widows , concerning accusations , admonitions , censures , and other things belonging to church policy , a , appeareth , especially from the epistles to timothy and titus ? and cor : . , . hee will have an uniformity between the churches of galatia , and of corinth , in the very day of putting forth their charity . now concerning the colection for the saints , as i have given order to the churches of galatia , even so doe you , upon the first day of the week , let every one of you lay by him in store , &c. in the ancient church , although there was not an uniformity in all particulars among all the churches ; for instance in the point of fasting , some fasting on the sabbath , some not , some taking the lords-supper fasting , some after meals , which differences in fasting , gave occasion to the old rule : dissonantia ●…ejunii non dissolvit consonantiam fidei . although likewise , there was a great difference between the custome of one church and another , in the time and manner of celebrating the lords-supper . and in other particulars , as augustine , socrates and the author of the tripartite history , record unto us . yet the centuryes and other ecclesiasticall historians , shew us in every century , a great uniformity in those ancient times , even in very many things belonging to church government , and forme of worship . neither can any man doubt of the great uniformity in the ancient church : who is not a stranger to the canons of the ancient councells . and although irenaeus and others justly blamed victor bishop of rome , for excommunicating the churches of asia , and the quartodecimans , because of their disconformity , in keeping of easter , yet the endeavoring of the nearest uniformity in that particular , was so farre from being blamed , that it was one cause ( though neither the sole nor principall ) of the calling and conveening the councell of nice , which councell did not leave it arbitary to every one , to follow their owne opinion concerning easter , but by their canon determined , that it should not be keept upon the same day with the jews , that is , upon the . day of the moneth . chap. xvi . whether it be lawfull , just , and expedient , that there be an ordinance of parliament , for the taking of the solemne league and covevenant , by all persons in the kingdome , under a considerable penaltie . or an answer returned to a gentleman , who had consulted a friend concerning this question . first of all , that i may rightly deduce and state the matter of fact , 't is to be remembred . that the solemne league and covenant hath been the strongest band of union in this common cause of religion and liberty , and that which the common enemies , have mainly endeavoured with all their might to overthrow . that the chief motive to engage scotland , was professed to be the reformation of religion , and uniformity according to the covenant . that the league and treaty between the two kingdomes , is in pursuance of the ends of the covenant , especially the aforsaid ends of religion . that the declaration of both kindomes , emitted to other nations , doeth hold forth to the world , that our war is for the ends of the covenant , and that we should never lay down armes , till these were obtained . that by order of parliament , the covenant was turned in latine , and sent abroad to the reformed churches , with letters from the assembly of divines . that upon the former assurances , the church and kingdome of scotland , the parliaments of both kingdomes , the assembly of divines , the city of london , and many thousands in england , have taken the covenant , and have sworne most solemnly , that they shall constantly , really , and sincerly , during all the dayes of their lifetime , with their lives and fortunes , stand to the performance of it . and both kingdomes have suffered the losse of their goods chearfully , laid out their means , and laid downe their lives resolutly in pursuance thereof . at the treaty of vxbridge , the propositions for religion ( of which the confirming of the covenant , is the first and chiefest ) were acknowledged to be of such excellency , and absolute necessity , as they were appointed to be treated of in the first place , and that no peace nor agreement should be , till they were first agreed unto . the same propositions for religion , are yet set down in the first place amongst the propositions sent last to the king , as being agreed unto by the parliaments of both kingdomes . and that now the kings answer to the propositions is delayed , the house of commons have thought fit , to turne the propositions into ordinances , to shew their constant resolution of adhering thereto , and that they may be of greater force , and receave the better obedience from the subjects , have converted the propositions for civill matters into ordinances , and ( that their zeal and constancy may appear for religion , which is of greatest moment , and wherein the glory of god , and the good of his church is most concerned ) it is desired , that the propositions concerning the covenant , may be likewise turned into an ordinance , with a considerable penalty , that so we may give some reall evidence , that we do not s●…ek the things of this world in the first place , and the kingdome of heaven , and the righteousnesse of it in the last ; much lesse , that demas ▪ like we forsake it as lovers of this present world . now the grounds and reasons for such an ordinance may be these . . it were a great unthankfulnsse to god , if after sacred and solemne vowes made in time of our greatest dangers , and when after our vowes , god hath begun to deliver us , and hath dissipated our enemies , we should now grow wearie of paying , and performing those vowes . we may say of the covenant , as the prophet said of the laying of the foundation of the second temple . consider whether from that very day god did not sensibly blesse us , and give a testimony from heaven , to his own cause and covenant . and now shall the covenant which was our glory and ornament before god and men , be laid aside as a worne or moth-eaten garment ? god forbid . . if the taking of the solemne league and covenant , bee not enjoyned by authority of parliaments , under a penalty , but left arbitrary , this were an opening in stead of shutting of the doore unto as many as are apt and inclinable ●…o refuse and oppose the covenant , yea , to as many as write or speak against it , and maintaine opinions or practises contrary to it . the impiety and obstinacy of such persons , if not punished , but connived at , or tacitely permitted by the parliaments , involveth them and the nation as partakers of the sinne , and so consequently of the judgement . although the oath which ioshua and the princes of israel made to the gibeonites , was made unadvisedly , and without asking counsell from the mouth of the lord , yet some hundred yeares after being broken , that breach brought a nationall judgement , till justice was done upon the offenders . how much more may a nationall judgement bee feared , if even in our dayes the contempt and violation of a most lawfull and sacred oath , bee winked at ? surely god will not wink at their sinne , who wink at his dishonour . better not to have vowed , then not to pay and performe . . when king iosiah made a solemne covenant ( the effect whereof was a through reformation , the taking away of the ancient and long continued high places , the destroying of baals vessels , altars , priests , &c. kings . through out ) he did not leave this covenant arbitrary : but he caused all that were present in ierusalem , and benjamine to stand to it , chron. . . in all which he is set forth as a president to christian reformers , that they may know their duety in like cases . . all who did take the solemne league and covenant are thereby obleiged in their severall places and callings ( and so the houses of parliament in their place and calling ) to endeavour the extirpation of popery , prelacy , heresie , schisme , superstition , and prophannesse . how is this part of the oath of god fulfilled , if the covenant it selfe , made for the extirpation of all these , be left arbitrary ? . the vow and protestation was not left arbitrary . for by the vote , iuly . . it was resolved upon the question , that whosoever would not take that protestation , are declared to be unfit to bear any office in the church or state , which was accordingly published . but the solemne league and covenant must be at least more effectuall then the protestation , for the narrative , or preface of the covenant , holdeth forth the necessity of the same , as a more effectuall means to be used , after other means of supplication , remonstrance , and protestation . . this same solemne league and covenant was not in the beginning left arbitrary , for some members were suspended from the house , for not taking it . and in the ordinance , feb. . it is ordained and enjoyned , that it be solemnly taken in all places throughout the kingdome of england , and dominion of wales . and withall , in the instructions and orders of parliament , then sent into the committees , it was appointed that the names of such as refuse it , should be returned to the parliament , that they may take such further course with them , as they shall thinke fit . in the ordinance of parliament , for ordination of ministers , ( both the first and the last ordinance ) the person to be ordained , is appointed and obleiged to addresse himself to the presbyterie : and bring with him a testimony of his taking the covenant of the three kingdomes . again , by the ordinance for election of elders , dated the . of aug : . no member of any congregation , may concurre or have voice in the choosing of elders , but such as have taken the nationall covenant . . in the first article of the treaty between the kingdomes , signed novemb : . . 't is agreed and concluded , that the covenant bee sworne and subscribed by both kingdomes , not that it shall bee taken by as many as will in both kingdomes , but that it shall bee taken by both kingdomes . how shall this be performed , if it bee still left arbitrary ? . in the propositions of peace , 't is plainly supposed and intimated , that the taking of the covenant shall bee enjoyned under some penalty . otherwise we have not delt faithfully , neither with god nor man , in tendering that second proposition to the king , concerning his consent to an act of parliament in both kingdomes respectively , for the enjoyning the taking of the covenant , by all the subjects of the three kingdomes with such penalties as by mutuall advice of both kingdomes , shall be agreed upon . . if other propositions of peace be turned into ordinances , and this of the covenant not so , it will strengthen the calumnies cast upon the parliament by the malignant party , that they have had no intention to setle religion according to the covenant , but that they entred into the covenant for bringing in the scots to their assistance , and for gaining the good opinion of the reformed churches . . it will also be a dangerous president to separat between the legislative power , and the corrective or punitive power . for if after the ordinance of parliament injoyning and ordaining that the covenant be taken universally throughout the whole kingdome , there be no sanction nor penalty upon these who shall refuse it , let wise men judge , whether this may not expose the authority of parliament to contempt . i shal conclud with this syllogisme , that which is not only sinful in it self , but a great dishonour to god , a great scandall to the church , & with all a disobedience to the lawfull ordinance of authority , may and ought to be punished , by this christian and reforming parliament . but their offence which still refuse to take the covenant , is not only sinfull in it self , but a great dishonour to god , a great scandall to the church , and with all a disobedience to the lawful ordinance of authority . therefore the offence of these who still refuse to take the covenant , may and ought to be punished by this christian and reforming parliament . objections answered . . object . the covenant ought not to be compulsory but free : good things grow evill when mens consciences are thereunto forced ▪ answ. . an ordinance injoyning the taking of it under a certain penalty , were no other compulsion , then was used by king iosiah and others , yea by this present parliament upon their own members , and upon ministers to be ordained , as is evident by the passages above expressed . the parliament hath also by their ordinance dated the . of august . imposed the directory of worship under certain mulcts and penalties to be inflicted upon such as do not observe it , or preach or write against it . . t is no tyranny overmens consciences , to punish a great and scandalous sin ( such as the refusing and opposing of the covenant , or a divyding from it ) althogh the offender in his conscience believe it to be no sin , yea peradventur believe it to be a duety . otherwise it had been tyranny over the conscience to punish those who killed the apostles , because they thought they were doing god good service , ioh : , . thirdly , if they who make this objection be so tender of mens consciences , why would they keep up an army when there is no enemy , and continue taxes and burthens upon the exhausted counties , which are altogether against the consciences of the generality of people in the kingdome . if in these things they will have the conscience of any to be forced , and in the covenant the consciences of some left at liberty , this is not fair and equall , and it will be generally apprehended , that such men study their own interest more then the publick . . object : the covenant was occasionall , and temporary , being made upon the occasion of the prevalency and growing power of the enemy ( as is mentioned in the narrative ) which fundation being taken away , the superstructure cannot stand . answ. . ex malis moribus bonae nascuntur leges . shall wee therefore be no longer bound to obey and maintaine good lawes , because the evils which gave occasion to their making have ceased . . the covenant doth in expresse words oblige us constantly , and all the dayes of our lives , to pursue the ends therein expressed . so that to hold it but a temporary obligation is a breach of covenant . . there is not any one of the ends of the covenant which is yet fully attained . the very directory of worship is not observed in most places of the kingdome . neither is the abolitione of prelacy , and of the book of common prayer yet established by act of parliament . . if we had attained the ends of the covenant ( which we have not ) yet non minor est virtus quam quaerere parta tueri , and the recidivation may prove worse then the first disease . . object . some things in the covenant are disputable , for instance , good and learned men differ in their opinions about prelacy . answ : . the oath of supremacy was much more disputable , and great disputs there were among good and learned men about it , yet it hath been imposed upon all members of parliament . . if the very materials of the covenant be stuck at , whether they be good in themselves , there is the greater danger to leave all men to abound in their own sense , concerning things of the highest consequence . . object : the army which hath served us so faithfully and regained our liberties , shall by this ordinance loose their own greatest liberty , which is the liberty of their consciences ▪ answ : . in the ordinance and instructions of parliament dated the feb : . it was ordained that the covenant should be speedily sent to my lord generall , and the lord admirall , and all other commanders in cheiff , governours of towns , &c. to the end it may be taken by all officers and souldiers under their command . i hope the parliament did not here take from their army the liberty of their consciences . . the army must either take lawes from the parliament , or give laws to the parliament . if they will as the parliaments servants , submit themselves to the ordinances of the parliament ( which hath ever been professed they would doe ) then the objection is taken away . but if they will be the parliaments masters or fellows , and independent upon the parliament it self , and at libertie to reject as they list so good or wholesome an ordinance a●… the taking of the covenant , then god have mercy upon us , if the parliament doe not preserve their owne rights and priviledges , with which the kingdome hath entrusted them . . if an ordinance imposing the taking of the covenant under a considerable penaltie , be to the army scandalum acceptum . the not passing of such an ordinance will be scandalum datum to the city of london , and to many thousands of the godly and well affected of the kingdome , both ministers and people , who have faithfully adhered to , and served the parliament , and will still hazard their lives and fo●…tunes in pursuance of the ends of the covenant ; yea , a horrible scandall to the reformed churches abroad , whose hearts were once comforted and raised up to expect better things . . god forbid , there be any such in the houses of parliament , as would admit of deformation instead of reformation , and all maner of confusion in place of government . would not this be the ready way to banish all religion , and open a door for all sorts of schisme and haeresie ? and shal this be the fruits of the labours , blood and expences of the three kingdomes , in place of reformation and uniformity , to admit of such a liberty and horrible confusion ? let it not be told in gath , nor published in askelon , least the philistims rejoice , least the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph . chap. xvii . of infant baptisme . master tombes in his apology for the two treatises , and appendix concerning infant baptisme , inserts a letter to mr. selden , pag. . in which he intimateth his opinion , that paedobaptisme did not succeed into the roome of circumcision , wherein he saith , hee was the more confirmed , having read of baptisme , used among the jews before the time of iohn baptist , in their admitting of proselytes , and that therefore iohn was not accused for baptizing , as if that had been a novation or new rite introduced , but for baptizing without authority . i do not marvell that mr. tombes is so cautious , that baptisme should not be thought to succeed into the roome of circumcision , for so he should make baptisme more like to the circumcision of the arabians , who are not circumcised , till they be . years old ( as zonaras annal. tom . . de rebus iudaicis , pag : . tels us ) because their forefather ishmael was circumcised about that age , then to the circumcision of the eight day , ordinarly used among the people of god under the old testament . for my part , i think the apostle , col. . , , doth plainly hold forth , that baptisme hath succeeded into the roome of circumcision : which is also the common and receaved opinion of divines . however , because mr. tombes doth rather think that the christian baptisme , succeedeth to that baptisme used among the jews in their admission of proselytes , this hath ministred occasion to mee , to apply my thoughts , to search a little into the originall of baptisme by ●…ater , and whether the originall thereof , or that which god had respect unto in the institution thereof , maketh any thing against , or for infant-baptisme . that baptizing with water is a divine institution , is plaine from iohn . . hee that sent me to baptize with water , the same said unto me , upon whom thou shalt see the spirit descending , &c. as for that which this institution had reference unto in the old testament , or jewish customs , first of all consider ezech. . . as for thy nativity in the day thou wast borne , thy navell was not cut , neither was thou washed in water to supple thee , &c. where the chaldee saith , the congregation of israel was like unto a childe cast out into the open field , whose navell is not cut , and it is not washed in water , that it might be cleansed . the septuagint whom hierome followeth , and thou art not washed in water unto salvation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in salutem . hierome applyeth it to baptisme , as being necessary even to infants who are in their bloud and siufull pollution , and have therefore need to bee washed in the laver of regeneration , and baptized . not onely the hebrews , but the heathens had a custome of washing infants soon after their birth , in those hote countries . hence that of virgil. lib. . aeneid . — durum à stirpe genus , natos ad flumina primum deferimus , saevoque geluduramus , & aestu . pineda de rebus solomonis , lib . cap : . noteth that from the hebrews and egyptians , this custome of washing new born babes was derived almost to all nations , for which purpose , he citeth many testimonies . in the next place consider , that as the institution of baptisme by water related to that in ezech : . . so also to the typicall baptisme of all the children of israel , men , women , and children in the red sea , and in the cloud , cor : . . . moreover brethren , i would not that ye should be ignorant , how that all our fathers were under the cloud , and all passed through the sea . and were all baptized unto moses in the cloud and the sea . the apostle speaking there of the church which was brought out of egypt ( whom he calls our fathers , because they were the people and church of god long before us , and from them the law and service of god was transmitted and propagated to us ) sheweth that as their sacraments could not profit them to salvation , they living in sinne and provoking god after they had receaved those sacraments , no more can our sacraments profit us , if wee sinne as they did . for their priviledges were the same with ours . the manna and water out of the rocke was the same for substance and signification to them , which the supper of the lord is to us ; the same spirituall meat , the same spirituall drinke was given both to them and us . so likewise their passing through the sea , and under the cloud was the very same for substance and signification with our baptisme , and they were externally baptized with a true sacrament of baptisme , as well as wee . that baptisme of theirs , did fitly resemble this baptisme of ours in diverse respects . for instance . . they were first brought out of egypt before they were brought through the sea , so we are first redeemed by christ , and finde grace and favour in his eyes , before we receave the seals of the covenant of grace . baptisme is intended onely for the redeemed of the lord. . they were baptized unto moses , ( or as the syriak , and arabik , as likewise augustine , by moses ) that is , moses was the leader and commander of the people , ( so theophylact ) and hee the captaine of their salvation , or rather moses was a typicall mediatour typifying christ ; or they were baptized unto moses , that is , they were by baptisme dedicated and consecrated to that doctrine , covenant , promise of life , faith and obedience , which god revealed by the hand of moses . so are we baptized unto christ , or unto his death , and the benefits and fruits thereof . the same covenant of grace for substance , was sealed by their baptisme and ours . . that baptisme of theirs did visibly separat between them and the egyptians : for the cloud divided them from the egyptians , and the sea drowned the egyptians . so our baptisme , which is unto us a token of salvation , is unto aliens and those without , a token of perdition , and distinguisheth between the church and the rest of the world . . their baptisme was by water , both in the sea and cloud ( it being also probably conceaved that they were sprinkled with drops both of the sea and cloud ) so is ours by water . . the sea resembleth the water , the cloud resembleth the spirit in our baptisme . so athanasius . that is beside the water in baptisme , the spirit is also powred out from on high , and there is an influence of grace from above , according to the good pleasure of gods will , upon so many as are ordained to eternall life . that the cloud did typifie the spirit was damascens observation , who is herein followed by some interpreters . . they passed but once through the red sea ; but the cloud continued alwayes with them in the wildernesse . so the externall baptisme is a transient action , and but once used to one person , not reiterated ; but the spirit and gracious presence of god continueth ever with them in this world . . they passed through the sea , and were under the cloud , and so baptized , before they did eat of the manna , or drink of water out of the rocke , so must wee bee baptized , before we be fit to receave the lords supper . . all that were baptized in the sea and cloud , were not acceptable to god , for with many of them god was not well pleased , and he sware in his wrath , that they should not enter into his rest ; so of those that are now baptized , many are excluded from the heavenly canaan . for these and the like respects the apostle compareth , paralelleth and equalleth their sacramentall priviledge of baptisme with ours . and as p. martyr observeth upon the place , the apostle doth not give instance in their circumcision , but in their baptisme , that his paralell and comparison with our baptisme might be the more evident . now therefore if this paralell hold so fully , then adde two considerations more to make it yet more full ; they are both of them against the anabaptists . first they were truly baptized with water , when but wet or besprinkled under the cloud , ( and therefore the apostle saith , they were baptized in the cloud ) so are we and our children truly baptized with water , when sprinkled as well as dipped , which is not at all inconsistent , but most agreable to the signification of the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for althogh it signifieth immergere , tingere in which sense iulius pollux , lib : . cap , . reckoneth among the passions of a ship , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , submergi to be drownd or run under water ( and if any shall contend that the native significatiō of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is mergo , or tingo , i neither think it can be convincingly proved , nor that it maketh against sprinkling ●…hough it were proved ) this i hope cannot be denied that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth also signifie abluo , lavo and so is used for any maner of washing by water , which whosoever will deny shall contradict hesyclius , budaeus , stephanus , scapula , arias montanus , pasor in their lexicons , and the holy ghost himself , cor : . . heb : . luke . . with mark. . , . secondly i observe , that though the infants of the people of israel were not fitt to eat of the manna and drink of the water out of the rock , as those of some age did , yet the youngest of their infants were baptized and received a sacramentall seal of their interest in christ and the covenant of grace , which is a notable president to our infant-baptisme , and it must needs hold , unlesse we weaken , yea subvert the apostles argumentation in that place . for what more certain then that among so many hundreth thousand people , there were diverse infants who had not yet the use of reason , nor were able to give an account of their faith ? what more uncontravertable then that these infants were with the rest of the congregation baptized in the sea and under the cloud , being externally incorporated in the common-wealth of israel , and the seed of abraham ? what more manifest then that the apostle holds foorth to us that their baptisme was materially or substantially the same with ours , both for the grace signified and sealed , and for the very element of water ? so that this infant-baptisme of theirs , is ( upon the matter and according to the apostles doctrine ) a good warrant for infant-baptisme among us , as well as if the new testament had expresly told us that some infants were baptized by christ or his apostles . this argument hath taken deep impression in my thoughts , and while i look after the suffrage of divines , i finde some of very good note have had the same notion from this text against the anabaptists , shewing also that their objections against infant-baptisme fall as heavy upon that baptisme of the children of israel . my reverent brother mr. baillie , hath drawn an argument from the same text for infant-baptisme . see anabaptisme . p. , . but now thirdly whereas t is stood upon that the originall of baptisme was derived from the baptisme used among the jews in the admission of proselytes , first it must be proved by these who are of this opinion , that the jewish custome of baptizing with water the proselytes whom they received , is older then iohn baptist , which i finde supposed , yet not proved . mr. ainsworth on gen : . . is indeed of that opinion that the custome of baptizing proselytes , is older then iohn baptist , but he ●…rings no testimony for this , older then moses maimonides . mr marshall in his defence of infant baptisme pag. . yeeldeth to mr. tombes , that baptisme was a knowne rite among the jews at their admitting of proselytes , long before it begun to be a sacrament of divine institution . and so from mr. tombes his own supposition , he argueth for infant-baptisme , which he had reason to doe . neverthelesse i have never yet read any proofor . testimony brought to prove the baptisme of proselytes , which is not far short of iohn baptist or christs dayes . the scripture mentions no signe or seal or ceremony of the initiation of proselytes , but circumcision , after profession of their faith and desire to worship the true god and to be of his people . the baptizing of proselytes was one of the jewish traditions and inventions in their later and declining times . when it began i have not yet found , neither have i yet seen any proof which can make that custome older then iohn baptist , or as old as christs baptisme . next let it be proved to be as old as it can , yet the greatest searchers of the jewish antiquities have observed that the baptisme of proselytes was administred not only to those who were grown up and of age , but to children also under age . so dr buxtorf . and mr selden . such a proselyte under age the hebrew writers call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ger katan : and they reckon a sonne to be minor & puer , from his nativity till he be thirteen years old ( for which see buxtorf in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) so that by their principles a child of one year or two years old might bee baptized as a proselyt upon the consent of the father or of the court . i conclude , that since the institution of baptisme by water hath respect unto those baptizings or washings in the old testament , which are mentioned ezek : , . cor , . . . whereof infants as well as aged persons were partakers ; and since the very talmudists admit the infants of proselytes al 's wel as themselves to baptisme , surely mr. tombes hath gained nothing , but loosed much by starting this question . i adde another text , eph : . . where the apostle ( having respect as i conceive to those passages in the old testament ) saith , that christ loved the church and gave himself for it , that he might sanctifie and cleanse it with the washing of water by the word , that he might present it , &c. are not the children of the faithful parts of this church , which christ loved , and for which he gave himself , that he might sanctifie and cleanse it , and that he might present it to himself a glorious church , not having spot or wrinkle ? if so , then remember that whole text is copulative ; and none that belong to the church and bodie of christ may be secluded from any part of the text. we may al●… well hold that the children of beleivers not yet grown up to knowledge and the use of reason , are incapable of the love of christ , or of justification , sanctification and glorisication by christ , as to hold that they are uncapable of the washing of water by the word , i.e. of baptisme , which cannot be made void , but is efficacious to all the members of christ , young and old , by vertue of the word of promise and covenant of grace sealed in that sacrament ; according to that of augustine , accedit verbum ad elementum & fit sacramentum : the washing of water , by the word , can no more be restricted to the church of aged or actuall beleevers , then christs love and death with the ends and effects thereof , can be restricted to such . the complication of these benefites , is clearer in the originall ; the the nearest rendering , whereof is thus , that cleansing it with the laver of water , by the word , he might sanctifie it . the tigurine version thus , ut illam sanctificaret , mundatam lavacro aquae , &c. chap. xviii . of the use of a table in the lords supper . and of the communicants their coming to , and receaving at the table . that a table ought to be so farre used , as that the elements of bread and wine ought to be set upon it , is not ( i think ) controverted ; but whether therebe so much light from scripture , as that all the communicants ought to come to , and receave at the table ; this i conceave to be the question . for resolution whereof , i humbly offer these following considerations . first of all it may easily appeare , that the first guests whom our saviour intertained at this sacrament of his body and bloud , receaved at the table . chrisostome de proditione iudae , serm. . comparing the eucharisticall supper with the passeover , saith , that both of them was celebrated , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at or on the very same table . the common supper , the paschall and the eucharisticall were all at the table , luke . . but behold , the hand of him that betrayeth me , is with mee on the table . john . . now no man at the table knew , &c. which texts i do not understand of the lords supper ( as some do ) but of the common supper . but i suppose no man did ever imagine , that the apostles being before set at the table , did remove from it when they were to receave the lords table . peradventure it will be replyed ( for so it hath been replyed by some ) that the first communicants their sitting and receaving at the table , was occasionall , in respect that they had been sitting before at the common and at the paschal supper , so that in this particular , we are no more bound to follow christs example , then in the other occasionall cicumstances , the upper chamber , unleavened bread , after supper , &c. beside , christ had but twelve communicants , unto whom he was to give the sacrament , and so might conveniently make them all sit at the table , which now in many churches cannot conveniently be done . finally , that it is as great a deviation from christs example to have divers successive tables , without which innumerous congregations , all the communicants cannot receave at the table . i answer . . 't is gratis dictum , that sitting at the table was occasionall , or such as hath not a standing , but a temporary reason for it , and there is this reason to the contrary : occasionall circumstances in that action , which are not to be imitated by us , were such as christ was limited unto by the law , or by the providence of god , so that therein he was not left at a liberty or latitude to choose to doe otherwise . for instance , it was not allowed by the law to have any other bread in ierusalem , during the feast of passeover , but unleavened bread onely . the upper room was the place assigned by the master of the house , god so ordering . after supper it must be , because it must succeed to the passeover , being also the testament , or latter will of jesus christ. there was also a providentiall limitation , to such and so many communicants , that is , not exceeding the number which was allowed to eat the passeover together . let some such reason be brought to prove that sitting at table , was occasionall , else let it not be called so . sure if christ had not thought it fittest , and choosed it as the best way , that his disciples should receave his last supper at the table , it was free to him to have changed their posture without encroachment upon any law of moses , or upon any providentiall limitation . secondly , i am herein the more confirmed , because christ himself , as it were on purpose to shew , that the sitting and receaving at table was not occasionall , but such a thing as he meant to commend unto us for our imitation , he gives this standing and permanent reason for it , that it is a peice of honour that he will have put upon those whom he inviteth , calleth , and alloweth to eat and drink with him , luke . . for whether is greater , he that sitteth at meat , or he that serveth ? is not he that sitteth at meat ? this at meat is not in the originall , where wee finde onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that sitteth , wee may aswell and better supply at table , from vers : . adde vers : . that yee may ( here i supply from vers : . and matth. . . sit downe and ) eat and drinke at my table in my kingdome , and sit on thrones , judging the twelve tribes of israel . here is an honour of communion , and an honour of iurisdiction : the honour of communion , is to eat and drink at his table in his kingdome , and this honour ( signified by their sitting , eating and drinking at his table in his last supper ) he puts upon them as beleeving communicants , so that it belongs to all such . there is another honour joyned with a speciall judiciall prerogative , to sit on thrones , and judge the twelve tribes of israel , and herein there is somewhat meant peculiarly of the apostles , which is notwithstanding mentioned else were in a different phrase , as a prerogative of all the saints , cor : . . thirdly , it cannot be denyed , but that the first communicants who receaved from christ , might with more ease and conveniency be placed at the table , then can bee now in many churches , which have been accustomed to another way . but we must not bring down our rule to our conveniences , rather bring up our conveniencies to our rule . it is no hard matter to alter pewes and such like things in churches , where the present posture is inconsistent with following the patterne : and a lesse alteration will serve then is apprehended . fourthly , the flux and reflux ( so to speak ) of severall successive tables , where there is a great number to communicat , and the repeating , or pronouncing , and applying to those severall tables of receavers , the words , take ye , eat ye , which christ pronounced but once in one act of distribution , these things ( i say ) cannot be justly charged as deviations from the example of christ , when the same providence which limited him to a fewer number , calls us to distribute to a great number : neither can they who so charge us , ever make good what they alledge , unlesse they prove that although christ had been distributing this sacrament to all the . disciples , to whom hee appeared after his resurrection ( suppose i say , there had been so many communicants ) yet he had given them all at once the elements , and had said but once , take ye , eat yee , and that there had been no intermission at all , nor no partition into severall successive companies . if this can be proved , then they say much against the use of successive tables , otherwise not . fifthly , our dissenting brethren of the independent way , who dislike our severall and successive tables in one congregation , as a dividing of those who ought to communicat all together , ( for they would have none of the communicants receave the cup , before all of the congregation who communicat , have receaved the bread ) these brethren , i say , may satisfie themselves from their owne principles ; for they hold , that although a congregation encrease so much , as that they cannot , or be so persecuted , that they may not meet safely in one place , for the word and sacraments , and supposing the church of ierusalem before the dispersion , acts . . to have been so numerous , and to have accressed to so many thousands , as could not receave the sacrament of the lords supper , nor ordinarily assemble into one place for the worship of god , ( that they receaved the lords supper in severall companies , and severall houses , is ordinarily collected from acts . . and breaking bread from house to house , which the syriak expoundeth expressely of the eucharist . ) yet all this ( say they ) breaks not the church , but they are still one particular church . now if severall companies of the same church assembled , and receaving the lords supper in severall places , be not a breaking or dividing of the congregation , nor a deviation from the example of christ , much lesse can they with any reason , charge our communicating by severall companies at successive tables , in the same meeting place or assembly , to be a breaking of the congregation , or a deviation from christs example . if one of their congregations may receave the sacrament in severall houses , when ( by reason of numerousnesse ) they cannot all receave it together in one house , i cannot conceive why they may not much more allow us severall successive tables in the assembly , when the whole cannot communicat at one table , so much for my first argument taken from christs example . the second argument , i shall take from the generall notion and nature of the lords supper , as it is epulum , a banquet or feast . as those things which are competent to every humane society , or lawfull assembly , are also competent to the church and people of god ; and that which every speaker which speaks in any publik audience ought to doe , the same ought a preacher who speaks to the church , doe ( for instance the posture of his body , and the extension of his voice , ought to be such as he may be best seen and heard ) so likewise those things that are competent , and convenient to every feast or banquet , ought not to be wanting in the lords supper , which is the marriage feast of the kings sonne , matth : . , . a great supper , luke . . the feast , cor. . . prov. . . cant : . . whatsoever is more meant in these texts , sure the lords supper is one thing , and a principall thing which is intended . the lords supper is not onely a feast , but a type , and representation of the everlasting feast and communion with christ in glory , luke . . rev. . . 't is true the marrow and fatnesse , the substance and sweetnesse of this feast in the lords-supper , lies in the spirituall and invisible part , yet ( as irenaeus said ) a sacrament consists of two parts , one earthly and visible , another heavenly and invisible , so that in the very externall part , although there is that which may difference it from a carnall feast , yet there is that which hath a resemblance of a feast , viz. the eating and drinking of many together in a publick place , a table covered , comely vessels , &c. otherwise if in the externall dispensation , there were no resemblance of a feast , then we should take away the analogy betwixt the signe and the thing signified . now among other things which are suteable to every feast or banquet , even ex more recepto apud omnes gentes , one is , that the guests come to , and sit at the table ; which by the very light of nature , and generall consent of the nations , is a token of respect , dignity , and honour put upon the guests . as likewise of friendship and commaradship , or sodalitium . thence the greek proverbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to violat the salt and table . i.e. friendship , whereof eating at one table was a symbole . thence also that plautin phrase , communicabo te semper mensa mea . it is aggravation of falshood , and treachery they shall speak lies at one table , that is , under a profession and signe of friendship , dan. . . when david said to mephibosheth , thou shalt eat bread at my table continually , sam : . . doe wee think that david meant no more , but that mephibosheth should eat of the kings meat , and be maintained by his favour ? nay mephibosheths servant had so much . but there is an emphasis put upon eating at the kings table , more then upon eating of the kings meat : so the king expoundeth himselfe , vers : . as for mephibosheth said the king , he shall eat at my table , as one of the kings sonnes , so also doth mephibosheth interpret it , sam , . . another example ( though perhaps it rise not so high ) see kings . . but shew kindnesse to the sons of barzillai the gileadite , and let them be of those that eat at thy table . it was an argument of iezebels favour to the prophets of the groves , that they did eat at her table , kings . . so did nehemiah , expresse his friendship , to the jewes and rulers who did eat at his table , neh. . . peradventure in the two last examples , there were some successive ( at least severall tables : ) however , eating at any mans table was ever a symbole of friendship with him . wherefore looking upon the lords supper as a feast or a great supper made by the great king , it ought not to be without this friendly respect , dignation , and honour , which hath been universally among the nations signified and expressed by placeing the guests at the table . and i can esteem it no lesse then an erring toto genere , when the order and decency , which is universally observed in all other feasts , ( as such , that is , not as lavish , excessive , disorderly , but as feasts ) is not observed in the church-feast , the lords supper . when the old prophet did invite the young prophet to eat bread , and drink water with him , common civility made a table necessary in this single intertainment . kings . . and it came to passe as they sat at the table , &c. if it were a disrespect to invite friends to eat & drink with us , & yet when they come , not to place them at a table ( where a table may be had ) i know no reason why it ought not also to be conceived a wronging of christs guests , when they are not placed at his table . thirdly , i argue from the name table , which the apostle makes use of in this ordinance . cor. . . ye cannot be partakers of the lords table , and of the table of devills . the table of divells was that which they did sit at , and eat at , in the idols temple , cor. . the lords table was that which they did sit at , and eat at in the church , and in those times ( to note that by the way ) they did eat their love feasts before the lords supper in imitation of christ , who had the sacrament after supper , which doth to me put it the more out of doubt , that those primitive christians received the lords supper at the table . the name table is also used ( not without respect to the lords supper ) prov. . . wisedome hath killed her beasts ( or according to the hebrew , her killing●… she hath mingled her wine , she hath also furnished her table , where there is another distinct emphasis upon the furnishing of her table , beside the preparing of meat and drink . again cant : . . while the king sitteth at his table , my spiknard sendeth foorth the smell thereof . it appear●… by this smell that she was also at table with the king : for the words intimat that , when the church is nearest to christ , even sitting at table with him , then her graces send foorth the most pleasant smell , and then doth christ sup with the church upon her graces , al 's well as she with him upon his mercies and comforts , so that here is a mutuall intertainment and communion in that evangelicall vision of ezekiel concerning the second house , which is the church of christ , there is also mention of a table and of comming to it , ezek. . . & they shall come near to my table . it hath been alledged by some , that the name table is but figurative when the scriprure useth it in reference to the sacrament , & that to partake of the lords table is no more but to partake of the body and blood of the lord. so psalme . . can god furnish a table in the wildernesse i. e. give us flesh . to this i answere , when the name table is used for meat and drink , this very use of the word doth not exclude but plainly suppose a materiall table , at which men use to eat and drink , and so a table is used promensâ dapibus instructâ , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , secundae mensae : auferre mens as , or the like , though not meant of the wooden table , yet do suppose the wooden table . i do not doubt , but they in the wildernesse lusted after a perfect furnisht table , and not meerly after flesh , though that was the cheife thing they desired ▪ and i make al 's little question , but there were both tables and beds in the wildernesse , such as might be had , and such as armies use when they encampe and pitch their tents . but i ask , ought there to be a materiall table in the lords supper , or ought there not , or is it indifferent ? i never yet read it , or heard it doubted by any , but there ought to be a materiall table . all that have been zealous for throwing down altars , would yet have a table . if so , by vertue of what warrant ought there to be a table , and for what use ? first by vertue of what warrant ? is it by vertue of christs example , or any other scripturall warrant ; or is it because of a naturall conveniency and decency ? if by a scripturall warrant , i have what i desire . the same scripturall warrant which will prove that there ought to be a table , will also prove that the communicants ought to come to it , and communicat together at it . for the scripture alloweth not a greater honour to be put upon some communicants , that they eat of the kings meat , and at the kings table too , and a lesser honour to be put upon other communicants , that they eat of the kings meat , but not at the kings table . if it be said , that a materiall table hath not its rise from any scripturall warrant , but from naturall conveniency or decency , then it shall be no trespasse against the word of god , to have no materiall table at all , otherwise then as a naturall indecency . and beside , i still urge the same argument which i was even now hinting , be it by vertue of a scripturall warrant , or be it by vertue of a naturall conveniency , the argument is the same , how ever ▪ all the communicants should come to it , or none at all , for if some come to the table , and some come not , this is not agreeable to that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or equall honour and dignation , which all the communicants ought to have . naturall decency a's well as scripturall warrants are of equall concernment to all the communicants . the second quaere was , for what end and use ought there to be a materiall table ? is it meerly to be a cupboard for holding the vessels and cups which containe the elements , and that the minister may cary them from the table to those who are to receive ? then it is no table , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a table which we dine or sup at , no by-boord for holding things which servants are to present unto those who sit at the table . what then ? is the table of the lord in the new testament intended for the same end and use as the table of the lord in the old testament , mal : . . the table of the lord is centemptible ? if so , then we make the table an altar , and the sacrament a sacrifice . for the sacrifice was gods meat eaten up by fire from heaven , and the altar gods table , because it contained his meat . but now the table of the lord must have another sense in the new testament ; the lords supper being no sacrifice , but epulum ex oblatis , a feast upon the body and blood of christ offered upon the crosse for us . of this nature of the lords supper , mr cudworth hath learnedly discoursed in a treatise printed anno . i conclude the table which we speak of , is not for a sacrifice , but for a sacrament , for a feast , for meat which god offers to us not wee to him . therefore we ought to come unto the table of the lord to receive the mysticall food in the sacrament , al 's well as we come to our ordinary table for our ordinary food . otherwise what ever use we may devise for a table in the sacrament , sure it serves not for the use of a table , at least not to all the communicants . fourthly , i offer also this argument . the comming to and receiving at the table serveth to set foorth the communion of saints with christ and among themselves , which is a principall thing intended in this sacrament , and without such a symbole as i now plead for , is not plainly and clearly set foorth in this ordinance . to eat in the same house , and of the same meat , is nothing near such a signe of fellowship or communion , as to eat at the same table . this difference is noted between martha and lazarus , ioh. . . when they made a supper to jesus in bethany , martha served , but lazarus was one of them who sate at the table with him . lazarus therefore had more fellowship with christ at that time . peter martyr on cor : . noteth out of chrysostome that communicare doth imply sodalitium , and is more then participare , to communicat is more then to partake , for one may partake of the same bread , who doth not communicat in the same bread . hee ha eateth of the same thing , but not at the same table , cannot be altogether or properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you shame them that have not , ( or them that are poore ) saith the apostle . what shall i say to you ? shall i praise you in this ? i praise you not . cor : : . so say i those that receive the sacrament in their pewes , shame the poor that have no pewes , wherein they are not to be praised . sure it were more cōmunion like to sit & receive at one table . it is the most suteable & significant setting foorth of the communion of saints , when the children of god are like olive plants round about his table , psal : . . therefore the apostle having mentioned our partaking of one bread , cor. . . addeth verse . our partaking of one table , which is the lords table . when communicants come not to the table , but abide in their pewes , some here , some there , this is indeed a dividing of the congregation in varias partes partiumque particulas : neither can they be said to divide the cup amongst themselves , ( which by the institution they ought to doe in testimony of their communion ) when they are not within reach , yea oftentimes not within sight of one another . there is nothing like a dividing it amongst themselves , where they come not to the table , and there give the cup each to other . i know some have scrupled whether our saviours words , luke . . take this and divide it amongst your selves ; be meant of the eucharisticall cup , or of the paschall . but they goe upon surer reasons who put it out of question , that it is meant of the eucharisticall cup ( which is there mentioned by luke by way of anticipation , i shall for the present give but this reason , which i know hath satisfied some who were of another opinion ( although much more might be said ) that which luke recordeth to have been spoken by christ concerning that cup , which he bade them divide amongst themselves , the very same doe matthew and mark record to have been spoken by him , concerning the eucharisticall cup , which was drunk last of all , and after the paschall supper , viz. that thencefoorth he would not drink of the fruit of the vine untill he should drink it in the kingdome of god , which doth not hold true if understood of the paschall cup , therefore those other evangelists plainly apply it to the eucharisticall cup , and there withall they close the historie of the sacrament , adding only that a hymne was sung , math : . , , . mark , . , , . with luke . , . and if notwithstanding some will not be perswaded that the words , divide it amongst your selves , were meant of the eucharisticall cup , as i am confident they are in a mistake , so i hope they will at last yeeld this argument , a fortiori . if there was such a symbole of communion in the pascall cup , that the receivers were to divide it amongst themselves , sure this ought to have place much more in the eucharisticall cup , for the lords supper doth more clearly and fully set forth the communion of saints , then the passeover did . the fifth argument i shall draw from the words which christ used in the distribution , take ye , eat ye , this is my body which is broken for you , and of the cup , drink ye all of it . the institution is our rule and patterne , and t is high presumption for any man to be wiser than the sonne of god , or to speak to the communicants individually in the distribution , take thou , eat thou , this is the lords body broken for thee , &c. when christ thought fit in the distribution to speak in the plurall , take yee , eat ye , &c. 't is no answer to say , that the words , take ye , eat yee , &c. are used in the consecration , for then they are but related historically . here is the strength of the argument , christ spoke so in the act of distribution , and by way of application to the communicants in a demonstrative enunciation , therefore so should we . but now this cannot be , where the communicants do not receave at the table , but in their severall pewes : this very thing hath occasioned the change of the words of the institution , from the plurall to the singular . sixthly , we have some light from antiquity also in this particular , for which purpose there are some notable passages in chrysostome , tom : . de divers . nov. test. locis . ser : . where opening these abuses in the matter of love-feasts , reproved in the corinthians , who joyned together with these the sacrament , cor : . this he much insists upon as a principall abuse , that they did eat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by themselves , or severally : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the table is not made common , for the rich did eat by themselves , not together with the poore . christ did not so with his disciples in his last supper , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for in that supper , both the master and all the servants sate together . chrysostome sheweth further from the churches custome and forme observed in the administration of the lords supper , how justly the apostle challengeth that abuse in the love feasts . for in the lords-supper all approach unto , and receave at the same table for , saith he , that spirituall and holy table is common to all , both rich and poore — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is the same honour , the same accesse and approach for all . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and untill all doe partake of this spirituall and holy table , the things which are set upon the table , are not taken away , but all the priests , ( or ministers ) stand expecting even him who is the poorest , or smallest of all . so that according to this form and custome which he holdeth forth unto us , the ministers did not goe about with the elements unto the severall pewes of the communicants , but they stood still at the table , and all the communicants , both poore and rich come to the table . chap. xix . that there was among the jewes a jurisdiction and government ecclesiasticall , distinct from the civill . first , they had elders who were spirituall or ecclesiasticall ( not civill ) rulers . whence it is that salmasius de primatu papae , pag : . and long before ambrose in tim : . doeth paralell the jewish elders not to the christian magistrate , but to the elders of the christian church ordained by the apostles . i do not say that they had no elders who were civill magistrates ; but they had some elders who were church governours , or had an ecclesiastical jurisdiction . which i prove . by the arguments brought before , book chap : . pag : . . . the jewes when they had lost their state , power , and civill government , had still under the romane emperours their presbyteri and archisynagogi . whereof mr. selden in eutych : pag : . . brings cleare instances under arcadius and honorius . now the romane emperours did not permit to the jewes their owne civill government , but onely an autonomy in religion . so ibid : pag : . he sheweth us that the kings of england have permitted to the jewes in england their presbyteratus , which he doth not deny , but halfe yeeld , to have been the same with their sacerdotium . . although mr. selden , comment : in eutych : orig : pag. . &c. to . and in his vxor ebraica . lib. . chap. . holdeth that the jewish elders or presbyters , were such as were created by impositione of hands , receaving thereby a judiciall facultie or degree , so that thence forth they were capable of membership in the sanhedrim , either of . or . and were fit to preside in judging of civill causes : and so endeavoureth to shew that it was a civill , not a sacred or ecclesiasticall dignity and preferment ; yet he furnisheth me with some considerable arguments to confirme my opinion , beside that which was last mentioned . as . he tells us in eutych . pag. . that nomina officiorum sacrorum , ut patriarcha , pr●…byter , apostolus , diaconus , primas et episcopus , in christianismum ex iudaismi veteris usu , &c. manarunt . but if the jewish elders were not promoted to a sacred , but to a civill jurisdiction , that name should have been transferred to magistrates , judges , parliament men , rather then to church officers . . he tells of a divided , distinct , bounded & particular ordniation of the iewish elders , some of them being ordained to a faculty or power of judging , but not to judge of lawfull or unlawfull rites , others of them being ordained to judge of rites , but not of pecuniary causes . the forme of words which he citeth , is this , et sit tibi sacultas judicandi , sed ita ut minime sit tibi facultas decernendi quinam ritus illiciti , quinam liciti , aut sit tibi hujusmodi facultas decernendi , ita tamen ut causas pecuniarias non sit tibi facultas judicandi . behold a sacred and a civill jurisdiction distinguished . mr. selden himself , uxor . ebr. lib. cap. . tells us that the word presbyters or elders , is by the talmudicall writers used no only for those who were created by imposition of hands to a magistraticall or judiciall facultie , such as the members of the sanhedrim , or such as were candidats in that facultie , and as it were expectants of a place , and memberships in their courts of justice , but also for other fit and idoneous persons , who might be called for counsell or advice . therefore all their elders were not civill magistrates . my second argument shall be taken from the jewish ordination of elders , ( ordination being an act of the power of jurisdiction , not of order ) with imposition of hands , from which mr. selden , eutych . pag. . . tells us , the christian ordination and imposition of hands upon presbyters , was bo rowed ( even as the christian baptisme from the jewish baptisme at the admission of proselytes , and the lords supper from what was used in the passeover , ) whereunto hee saith , any man will assent , if he consider what is found in the talmudicall writers of the number of three , ( which was the least number which could suffice to the ordaining of a jewish elder ; and the same was the least number which the ancient church thought sufficient for ordination : ) also of the internall effect of that jewish ordination , with laying on of hands , which effect was the resting of the holy ghost upon the elder so ordained . and this was drawen from num. . . deut. . . see ibid. . . there is so much of the christian ordination borrowed from the jewish , that d. buxtorf : lex : rabbin . pag : . where he speaks of the jewish ordination , referrests to tim. . . i will adde other three cited by mr. selden , ibid : pag : . first , i. scaliger , elench ▪ triher : cap : . when i turne to this place , i finde scaliger moves the question , how it came to passe that christ was permitted to sit , and to teach among the doctors in the temple , not being ordained . ( marke here an ordination which was for publick teaching , not for a power of civill judicature , which christ never assumed ) and how it came that both hee and iohn baptist were called rabbi : also he paralells one newly ordained among the jewes , with a young bishop in the ancient canons . the next shall be , h. grotius annot . in evan. pag : . when i turne hither , i finde grotius speaking thus , manuum impositio apud iudaeos indicabat invocationem divinae potentiae : ut alibi diximus . unde factum est ut munia publica eo ritu conferentur , etiam civilia ut senatorum . sed & in archisynagogis & senioribus synagogae , idem observatum , unde mos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad christianos transiit . here is an ecclesiasticall ordination to offices in the synagogue , which he distinguisheth from civill offices . lastly i turne to itiner beni . pag : . . where i read of one d. daniel filius husday , called caput exulum , unto whom the dispersed jewes in severall provinces , have their recourse for ordination of their preachers or teachers . hi omnes israelitarum caetus ab exulum capite potestatem accipiunt , sibi in singulis congregationibus professorem & concionatorem praeficiendi . nam ipsum conveniunt , ut manuum impositione potestatem accipiant . was this ordination now to a civil rule or judicature ? a doctor or professor in the schoole , and a preacher in the synagogue , are here joyned as the common and ordinary rulers in the particular assemblies of the jews , as l' empereur noteth , not . in benjam : . . where he also cleareth , that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chazan mentioned there by benjamin was not a civill ruler , but praelector & concionator , a reader & expounder of scripture . see buxtorf : lex : rabbin . at the same word . hic maxime oratione sive precibus & cantu ecclesiae praeibat , praeerat lectioni legali , docens quod & quomodo legendum , & similibus quae ad sacra pertinebant . and after he sayeth of this word , pro ministro sacrorum passim usitatissimum . t is a rabbinicall word , sounding somewhat near chozim , seers , which was a name given to the prophets , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vidit . moreover observe this passage of elias in tisbite , at the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cuicunque manus imposita est ad magisterium , sed non dum idoneus est ut doceat dogma , quo vocetur doctor noster magister , eum magistri socium seu familiarem dicunt . this is cited by scaliger , elench triher . cap : . and by l' empereur not . in benjam : pag : . where he illustrateth it by the fellowes in the english universities , who though not yet masters , yet are diverse times promoted to the degree of batchellours ; yea , doctors of divinity . so then hands were laid on such a person as intended to be a teacher , and if hee had not yet a dogmaticall facultie for teaching , he was counted but a fellow . a third argument i take from the synagoga magni , see aarons rod , pag. . . . . adde mr. selden in eutych ▪ pag : . where he tells us out of the ierusalem gemara , centum & viginti presbyteri , è quibus octoginta prophetae fuere aut instar prophetarum , hanc precandi formulam institueruut . marke they were elders , and that an assembly was an eldership or sanhedrim . but is it credible that ezra zerubbabell , haggai , zechariah and malachia would consent that such an assembly , for which there been neither institution nor president before , should assume that great power in church affaires ? salom. glassius phil. sacr : lib. . tract . . pag : . . rectius est originem ejus ( masorae ) ad veros synagogae seu consistorii magni ( cujus praeses ezra sacerdos , legis divinae peritissimus , ezra . . symmistae & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , haggaeus , zacharias , malachias , nehemias , zorobabel , sacerdos , jehoshua , aliique primarii sacerdotes & levitae , ducis zorobabelis ex babylonia comites , numero centum viginti ) reducere , ezra . . & haec communis hebraeorum est sententia . following the most receaved opinion of the hebrews themselves , ascribes the making and composing of the masora ( a most ingenious and laborious critical doctrine upon the hebrew text ) to the men of the great synagogue . fourthly , consider the triple crowne which the hebrewes speak of pirke aboth , cap. . sect : . tres sunt coronae , corona legis , sacerdotii , & regni . here is an ecclesiasticall and civill government , and jus divinum over both . pirke aboth . cap. . sect . . major est lex sacerdotio aut regno . see aarons rod , pag : . philo saith , moses divided the civill and ecclesiasticall administration . the fifth argument i shall take from that ecclesiasticall government and discipline which the jewes since their dispersion and the destruction of ierusalem and of the temple , have exercised , where they had at all liberty to exercise their religion . i read much in itinerarium benjaminis of the antistites , praepositi , praesides , praefecti , moderatoris synagoga , synedria & capita synedriorum , among the dispersed iewes . pag. . decem in istâ civitate ( in bagdado ) sunt concessus sive synedria , chrisost. lib. , quod christus sit deus , makes mention of a patriarch of the dispersed iewes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he had a great power and rule among the iews , as may be collected from that and other places of chrysostome . this can be no civill government or magistraticall courts ( though benjamine is too vain-glorious that way ) as const. l' empereur in his preface to the reader , proves from the testimonies of iewes themselves , kimchi , abrabaniel , maimonides , and the chaldee paraphrase on hos. . all making it manifest , that after their second dispersion , they had no magistraticall nor judiciall power : see also for this , l' empereur his annotations in benjam . pag : . . which answereth that of mr. selden in prolegom . ante lib. de success : nullo adeo in aevo fere non erat hoc nationi huic ( judaeorum ) singulare , suis fere legibus alieno in regno seu republica uti . well , what then was the power of those rulers and courts of the iewes in benjamins observation , who wrote in the twelfth century ? he tells pag : . of their excommunicating of epicurean iews , and pag : . . . of their ordaining of rabbies , readers and preachers . from pag. , he tells a story of one david alroi , who being a witty sorcerer , rebelled against the king of the persians , called himself the king of the iewes , and got some followers . after he was in the hands of this king of the persians , he escaped by his magicall arts , and though pursued , could not be overtaken and catcht , whereupon this persian king , writes to caliphas a machumetan prince residing at bagdadum , that he would deale witt d. daniel filius has dai caput exulum , and with the capita synedriorum , there also residing , to forbid this david al●…ci , and to restraine him , otherwise said the persian king , i will kill all the iewes whom i finde in my kingdome , which put all the iewes throughout persia in great sea●…e , so that they wrote ad exulum principem & synedriorum capita qui bagdadi habitabant , to their pope , as i may so sa●… , and heads of the courts at bagdadum , that they would by their authority prohibite that man , through whom they were in danger of their lives . after this , the heads of those sanhedrims at bagdadum by their auctority gave forth letters to this purpose . scito redemptionis tempus nondum advenisse , necdum signa nostra à nobis conspecta : nam inflato suo animo nemo praevalebit . itaque jubemus ut te cohibeas , quo minus talia in posterū moliaris : quod si non pareas , esto excommunicatus a toto israele . observe here when the jewish government and discipline at that time , was driven to the height , even for preventing the destruction of many of their brethren , they had not a magistraticall secular power ; but they did dogmatically declare against that man , and ordained him to be excommunicated in case of his obstinacy , which maketh manifest these two things , that they had not a magistraticall power , and that they had an ecclesiasticall power of government and censures . but all this preveiled not with david alroi , who still persisted in his course , till zin al-din a turkish king sent against him some who killed him . and if we will learn from chrysostome what the patriarchs of the dispersed jews were in those dayes , see him , tom : . orat : . adversus iudaeos . will thou that i rehearse unto thee lawes concerning the priesthood , that so thou mayest understand that they who are now among you called patriarches , are not priests , but hypocritically act the part of priests ; &c. a litle after he concludes , because they had not sacrifices , nor sprinkling of blood , nor the anointing of oyle , &c. t is manifest that the priest which is now among them ( meaning their patriarch who pretended to be a priest ) is impure unlawfull , and prophane . whence it appears , that among the dispersed iews there remained a shadow and footstep of ecclesiasticall governours and government . chap. xx. that necessary consequences from the written word of god , do sufficiently and strongly prove the consequent or conclusion , if theoreticall , to be a certain divine truth which ought to be beleived , and if practicall , to be a necessary duty , which we are obleidged unto , jure divino . this assertion must neither be so farre inlarged as to comprehend the erroneous reasonings and consequences from scripture which this or that man , or this or that church , apprehend and believe to be strong and necessary consequences . i speak of what is , not of what is thought to be a necessary consequence , neither yet must it be so far c●…arctat and straitned , as the arminians would have it , who admit of no proofes from scripture , but either plaine explicit texts , or such consequences as are nulli non obviae , as neither are nor can be contraverted by any man who is rationis compos . see there praef ante exam : cens : and their examen . cap : . pag. . by which principle , if imbraced , we must renounce many necessary truths which the reformed churches hold against the arians , antitrinitarians , socinians , papists , because the consequences and arguments from scripture brought to prove them , are not admitted as good by the adversaries . this also i must in the second place premise , that the meaning of the assertion is not that humane reason drawing a consequence from scripture can be the ground of our belief or conscience . for although the consequence or argumentation be drawn foorth by mens reasons , yet the consequent it self or conclusion is not believed nor embraced by the strength of reason , but because it is the truth and will of god , which camero prael : tom : . p. . doth very well clear . ante omnia hoc tenendum est , aliud esse consequentiae rationem deprehendere , aliud ipsum consequens ; nam ut monuimus supra saepenumero deprehenditur consequentiae ratio , cum nec comprehendatur antecedens nec deprehendatur consequens , tantum intelligitur hoc ex illo sequi . i am hoc constituto dicimus non esse sidei proprium sed rationis etiam despicere consequentiae rationem , dicimus tamen fidei esse proprium consequens credere nec inde tamen sequitur sidem ( quia consequens creditur ) niti ratione , quia ratio non hic argumentum sed instrumentum est , quemadmodum 〈◊〉 sides dicitur esse ex auditu , auditus non est argumentum fidei , sed est instrumentum . thirdly let us here observe with gerhard , a distinction be-between corrupt reason , and renewed or rectified reason : or between naturall reason arguing in divine things from naturall and carnall principalls , sense , experience and the like : and reason captivated and subdued to the obedience of christ , cor : . , . judging of divine things not by humane but by divine rules , & standing to scriptural principals , how opposite so ever they may be to the wisedome of the flesh . t is the latter not the former reason which will be convinced & satisfied with consequences and conclusions drawn from scripture , in things which concerne the glory of god , and matters spirituall or divine . fourthly , there are two sorts of consequences which aquìnas prima part : quaest . . art . . um . distinguisheth . . such as make a sufficient and strong poof , or where the consequence is necessary and certaine , as for instance sayeth he , when reason is brought in naturall science to prove that the motion of the heaven is ever of uniforme swiftnesse , not at one time slower and another time swifter . . by way of agreablenesse or conveniency ▪ as in astrology ( saith hee ) thi reason is brought for the excentricks or epicycles , because by these being supposed ) the phoenomena , or appa entia sensibila in the coelestiall motions may be salved which he thinks is no necessary proof , because their phoenomena may be salved another way , and by making another supposition . now the consequences from scripture are likewise of two sorts , some necessary , strong , and certain , and of these i here speak in this assertion ; others which are good consequences to prove a sutablenesse or agreablenes of this or that to scripture , though another thing may be also proved to be agreable unto the same scripture in the same or another place . this latter sort are in diverse things of very use . but for the present i speak of necessary consequences . i have now explained the assertion , i will next prove it by these arguments . first , from the example of christ and his apostles , christ proved against the sadduces the resurrection of the dead , from the pentateuch , which was the only scripture acknowledged by them , as many think , though some others hold there is no warrant for thinking so , mat. , . luke . , . now that the dead are raised , even moses shewed at the bush , when he calleth the lord the god of abraham , and the god of isaac , and the god of jacob , for he is not a god of the dead but of the living : for all live unto him . again , ioh. . , , . is it not written in your law , i said ye are gods. if hee called them gods unto whom the word of god came , and the scripture cannot be broken ; say ye of him whom the father hath sanctified , and sent unto the world , thou plasphemest , because i said , i am the sonne of god ? the apostle paul proved by consequence from scripture christs resurrection , act : . , . he hath raised up iesus again , as it is also written in the second psalme , thou art my sonne this day have i begotten thee . and as concerning that he raised him up from the dead , now no more to returne to corruption , he said on this wise , i will give you the sure mercies of david . his god head is proved , heb : . . from these words , let all the angels of god worship him . divine worship cannot be due , and may not be given to any that is not god. . argum : although hooker in his ecclesiasticall policy , and other prelaticall writers did hold this difference between the old and new testament , that christ and his apostles hath not descended into all particularities with us as moses did with the jews , yet upon examination it will be found that all the ordinances and holy things of the christian church are no lesse determined and contained in the new testament , then the ordinances in the jewish church were determined in the old , and that there were some necessary things left to be collected by necessary consequences , from the law of moses , as well as now from the new testament , if we consult the talmud , we find there that the law , num : . . concerning the soul to be cut off , for despysing the word of the lord is applied to those who denied necessary consequences from the law , and ( saith the talmud ) if a man would acknowledge the whole law to be from heaven , praeter istam collectionem amajori aut minori , istamve , à pari , is notatur illâ sententiâ quia verbum domini aspernatus est , exc. gem ar . senhedrin . cap : . sect . . so that here are two sorts of necessary consequences from the law , one is a majori aut minori or if ye will , a fortiori : another a pari either of which being refused , the law it self was despised , yea t is further to be observed with mr. selden in his vxor haebraica lib : . cap : . that the karaei or iudaei scripturarii who reject the additaments or traditions of the talmudicall masters , and professe to adhere to the literall and simple sense of the law , without adding to it , or diminishing from it , yet even they themselves do not require expresse words of scripture for every divine institution ; but what they hold to be commanded or forbidden by the law of god , such commandment or prohibition they draw from the law three wayes , either from the very words of the scripture it self , or by argumentation from scripture , or by the hereditary transmission of interpretations , which interpretations of scripture formerly received , the following generations were allowed after to correct and alter upon further discovery or better reason . the second way which was by argumentation , was by the principles of the karaei themselves of two sorts , a pari or a fortiori . which agreeth with the passage of the talmud before cited . and herein our writers agree with the karaei , that all kinds of unlawfull and forbidden mariages are not expresly mentioned in the law , but diverse of them to be collected by consequence , that is , either by parity of reason , or by greater strength of reason : for instance , levit ▪ . . the nakednesse of thy sons daughter , or of thy daughters daughter , even their nakednesse thou shalt not uncover : for theirs is thine own nakednesse . hence the consequence is drawn a pari . therefore a man may not uncover the nakednesse of his great grand-child , or of her who is the daughter of his sonnes daughter . for that also is his own nakednesse , being a discent in linea recta from himself . from the same text , 't is collected à fortiori , that much lesse a man may uncover the nakednesse of his own daughter , which yet is not expressely forbiden in the law , but left to be thus collected by necessary consequence from the very same text , 't is likewise a necessary consequence that a man may not uncover the nakednesse of her who is daughter to his wives sonne , or to his wives daughter . for here the reason holds , 't is his owne nakednesse , his wife and he being one flesh , which gives ground to that generall receaved rule , that a man may not marry any of his wives blood , nearer than he may of his own , neither may a wife marry any of her husbands blood , nearer then she may of her owne . again , levit : . . thou shalt not uncover the nakednesse of thy fathers brother , &c. hence it followeth à pari , that a man may not uncover the nakednesse of his mothers brother , and by parity of reason ( ever since that law was made , ) 't is also unlawfull for a woman to marry him who hath been husband to her father sister , or to her mothers sister , the nearnesse of blood being alike between uncle and neece , as between ant and nephew . other instances may be given , but these may suffice to prove that what doeth by necessary consequence follow from the law , must be understood to be commanded , or forbidden by god , as well as that which is expressely commanded or forbidden in the text of scripture . . argument , if we say that necessary consequences from scripture prove not a jus divinum , we say that which is inconsistent with the infinite wisdome of god , for although necessary consequences may bee drawen from a mans word which do not agree with his minde and intention , and so men are oftentimes insnared by their words ; yet ( as camero well noteth ) god being infinitly wise , it were a blasphemous opinion , to hold that any thing can bee drawne by a certaine and necessary consequence from his holy word , which is not his will. this were to make the onely wise god as foolish man , that cannot foresee all things which will follow from his words . therefore wee must needs hold , 't is the minde of god which necessary followeth from the word of god. . argument , diverse other great absurdities must follow , if this truth be not admitted . how can it be proved that women may partake of the sacrament of the lords supper , unlesse wee prove it by necessary consequence from scripture ? how can it bee proved that this or that church , is a true church , and the ministery thereof , a true ministery , and the baptisme ministered therein true baptisme ? sure no expresse scripture will prove it , but necessary consequence will. how shall this or that individuall beleever , collect from scripture , that to him , even to him the covenant of grace and the promises thereof belong ? will scripture prove this otherwise , than by necessary consequence ? how will it be proved from scripture , that the late warre against the popish and prelaticall party , in desence of our religion and liberties , was lawfull , that the solemne league and covenant was an acceptable service to god ? necessary consequence from scripture will prove all this ; but expresse scriptures will not . the like i say of fastings and thansgiving now and then , upon this or that occasion , god calls us to these dueties , and it is his will that we performe them , yet this cannot bee proved from scripture , but by necessary consequences . this fourth argument will serve for the extension of the present assertion ( which i now prove ) to ' its just latitude , that is , that arguments from scripture by necessary consequence , will not onely help to prove and strengthen such things which may bee otherwise proved from expresse and plain scriptures , but will be good and sufficient to prove such things to be by the will and appointment of god , or as we commonly say , iure divino which cannot be proved to be such , from any expresse text of scripture . . argument , i shall here take notice of the concession of theophilus nicolaides , the socinian in his tractat , de ecclesia & missione ministrorum , cap. . pag : . although hee professeth his dissent , both from the reformed and romane churches thus far , that he doeth not beleeve things drawen by consequence from scripture to be equally necessary to salvation , as those things contained expressely in scripture , yet he yeelddeth the things drawne by consequence to be as certaine as the the other , quantumuis , saith he , aeque certa sint quae ex sacris literis de ducuntur atque ea quae in illis expresse & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habentur . and generally it may be observed , that even they who most cry downe consequences from scripture , and call for expresse scriptures , do notwithstanding , when themselves come to prove from scripture their particular tenents , bring no other but consequentiall prooffs . so farre is wisdome justified , not onely of her children , but even of her enemies . neither is it possible that any socinian , erastian , &c. can disput from scripture against a christian , who receaveth and beleeveth the scripture to be the word of god , but hee must needs take himself to consequentiall prooffs : for no christian will deny what is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 literally and syllabically in scripture , but all the controversies of faith or religion in the christian world , were and are concerning the sense of scripture , and consequences , drawne from scripture . . argument . if wee do not admit necessary consequences from sripture to prove a jus divinum , wee shall deny to the great god that which is a priviledge of the little gods or magistrates . take but one instance in our own age ; when the earle of strafford was impeached for high treason , one of his defences was , that no law of the land had determined any of those particulars , which were proved against him to be high treason . which defence of his was not confuted by any law , which literally and syllabically made many of those particulars to be high treason , but by comparing together of severall lawes , and severall matters of fact , and by drawing of necessary consequences from one thing to another , which made up against him a constructive treason . if there be a constructive or consequentiall jus humanum , there must be much more ( for the considerations before mentioned ) a constructive or consequentiall jus divinum . chap. xxi . of an assurance of an interest in christ , by the marks and fruits of sanctification , and namely by love to the brethren . also how this agreeth with , or differeth from assurance by the testimony of the spirit ? and whether there can bee any well grounded assurance without marks of grace . t is a right , a safe , a sure way to seek after , and to enjoy assurance of our interest in christ , and in the covenant of grace , by the marks and fruits of sanctification . which ( before i come to the proof of it ) that it may not be mistaken , but understood aright , take these three cautions ; first , our best marks can contribute nothing to our justification , but onely to our consolation , cannot availe to peace with god , but to peace with our selves ; gracious marks can prove our justification and peace with god , but cannot be instrumentall towards it , that is proper to faith . faith cannot lodge in the soule alone , and without other graces , yet faith alone justifies before god. secondly , beware that marks of grace doe not lead us from christ , or make us looke upon our selves , as any thing at all out of christ. thou bearest not the root ; but the root beares thee . christ is made unto us of god , sanctification as well as righteousnesse . thy very inherent grace and sanctification is in christ , as light in the sunne , as water in the fountaine , as sap in the roote , as money in the treasure . 't is thine onely by irradiation , effluence , diffusion , and debursement from jesus christ. 't is christs by propriety , thine onely by participation . 't is thy union with christ , which conveighs the habits of grace to thy soule . 't is thy communion with christ , which stirs up , actuateth , and putteth forth those habits into holy dueties and operations . 't is no acceptable duetie , no good fruit , which flowes not from the inward acting and exerciseing of grace in the soule . 't is no right acting of grace in the soule , which floweth not from habituall grace , and a new nature . 't is no new nature which floweth not from christ. thirdly , all thy markes will leave thee in the darke , if the spirit of grace do not open thine eyes , that thou mayest know the things which are freely given thee of god. hagar could not see the well , though she was beside it , till her eyes were opened . markes of grace are uselesse , undiscernable , and unsatisfactory , to the deserted and overclouded soule . these cautions being in our eye , that we may not separat our markes , either from the free grace of god , or from christ , or from the spirit : i proceed to the proof of that point , which i propounded in the beginning . first , it may bee aboundantly proved from these texts , psal : . . and . . cor : . . john . , . and . . and . , , . secondly , our passing from the state of nature and wrath , into the state of grace , and to bee in christ , is compared in scripture to such things as are most decernable , and perceptible by their proper markes . 't is called a passing from death to life , from darknesse to light , from being farre off , to be near , &c. all which things are known by manifest and certaine evidences . the spirit of grace is compared to fire , water , winde , which are known by sensible signes . conversion is a returning of one who had turned away , and is not returning discernable by certaine tokens ? the new creature is a good tree , and is not a good tree known by good fruits , matth. . , . thirdly , both in philosophy and divinity ; yea , in common sense 't is allowed to reason from the effects to the causes , here is burning , therefore here is fire ; here is the blossoming of trees and flowers , therefore it is spring , and the sunne is turning again in his course ; here is perfect day light ▪ therefore the sunne is risen ; here is good fruit growing , therefore here is a good tree . 't is a consequence no lesse sure and infallible , here is unfeigned love to the brethen , therefore here is regeneration ; here are spirituall motions , affections , desires , acts and operations , therefore here is spirituall life . fourthly , the markes of grace have so much evidence in them , as formeth in others of the saints and servants of god , a well grounded judgement ; yea , perswasion of charity , that those in whom they behold these markes , are in the state of grace and regeneration . if they could see into the hearts of others , to bee sure of the sincerity and soundnesse of their graces , they could have a judgement of certainty concerning them . but this they cannot , for who knowes the things of a man , save the spirit of a man which is in him . sure a saint may know more of himselfe then another saint can know of him , for hee is conscious to the sincerity of his owne heart in in those things , whereof another saint sees but the outside . and unlesse one will say , that a saint can know no more of himself by marks , then another saint can know of him by the same markes , it must needs be yeelded that , a saint may certainly and assuredly know himselfe by the marks of grace which are in him . fifthly , without a tryall by markes , wee cannot distinguish between a well grounded and an ill grounded assurance , between a true and a false peace , between the consolation of the spirit of god , and a delusion . how many times doth a soule take sathan for samuell ; and how shall the soul in such a case be undeceived without a tryall by markes ? but it may bee objected that this remedy may prove , and doth often prove no remedy ; for may not sathan deceive the soule in the way of markes , as well as without it ? can hee not deceive the soule syllogistically by false reasonings , as well as positively by false suggestions ? i answer , no doubt he can , and often doth , yet the mistaking of marks may be rectified in the children of god : wisdome is justified of her children ; but the rejecting and slighting of all markes cannot bee rectified , but is a certain and unavoidable snare to the soule . if marks of grace become snares to the reprobate , that proves nothing against the use of markes . the word of god is a snare and a gin to the reprobate , that they may goe and fall backward , and bee broken and snared and taken : yet the word is in it self the power of god to salvation . so , the way of markes is a sure and safe way in it selfe , and to every well informed conscience : when any conscience through errour or presumption mistakes the marke , that is the fault of the person , not of the way of markes , and the personall errour may be helped by personall light and information , if the partie wil receave it . whereas to make no tryall by markes , and to trust an inward testimony , under the notion of the holy ghosts testimony , when it is without the least evidence of any true gracious marke , this way ( of its own nature , and intrinsecally , or in it self is ) a deluding and insnaring of the conscience . but it may be asked , and 't is a question worthie to bee looked into , ( though i must confesse i have not read it , nor heard it handled before ) how doth this assurance by marks agree with , or differ from assurance by the testimony of the holy ghost ? may the soule have assurance either way , or must there be a concurrence of both ( for i suppose they are not one and the same thing ) to make up the assurance ? for answere whereunto , i shall first of all distinguish a twofold certainty , even in reference to the minde of man , or in his conscience , ( for i speak not heare de ●…ertitudine entis , but mentis ) the one may be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when the conscience is in tuto , may be secure ; needeth not feare and be troubled . the graecians have used the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they were speaking of giving security and assurance by safe conducts , or by pledges , or by sureties , or the like . the other is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a full perswasion , when the soule doth not onely stirre a right and safe course , and needeth not feare danger , but saile , before the winde , and with all it's sailes full . so there is answerably a double uncertainty , the one may be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when a man is in himselfe perplexed and difficulted , and not without cause , having no grounds of assurance ; when a man doth doubt and hesitate concerning a conclusion , because hee hath no reasons or arguments to prove it , when a man is in a wildernesse where he can have no way , or shut up where hee can have no safe escaping . the other is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is a doubting that ariseth not from want of arguments , or from the inextricable difficultie of the grounds , but from a disease of the minde , which makes it suspend or retaine it's assent , even when it hath sufficient grounds upon which it may be assured . now 't is the evidence of signes or markes of grace , which giveth that first kinde of certainty , and removeth that first kinde of uncertainty : but 't is the testimony of the spirit of the lord , which giveth the second kinde of certainty , and removeth the second kinde of uncertainty . take a simile two or three for illustration . the scripture is known to bee indeed the word of god , by the beames of divine auctority which it hath in it selfe , and by certaine distinguishing characters , which doe infallibly prove it to be the word of god , such as the heavenlynesse of the matter ; the majesty of the style , the irresistible power over the conscience ; the generall scope , to a base man , and to exalt god , nothing driven at but gods glory and mans salvation ; the extraordinary holinesse of the penmen of the holy ghost , without any respect to particular interests of their owne , or of others of their nearest relations , ( which is manifest by their writings ) the supernaturall mysteries revealed therein , which could never have entered inthe reason of men , the marvailous consent of all parts and passages ( though written by diverse and severall penmen ) even where there is some appearance of difference ; the fulfilling of prophesies , the miracles wrought by christ , by the prophets and apostles ; the conservation of the scripture against the malice of sathan , and fury of persecuters . these and the like are characters and markes , which evidence the scriptures to be the word of god ; yet all these cannot beget in the soule a full perswasion of faith , that the scriptures are the word ; this perswasion is from the holy ghost in our hearts . and it hath been the common resolution of so●…nd protestant writers ( though now called in question by the scepticks of this age ) that these arguments and infallible characters in the scripture it selfe , which most certainly prove it to be the word of god , cannot produce a certainty of perswasion in our hearts , but this is done by the spirit of god within us , according to these scriptures , cor : . , , , . thes : . . iohn . . and . , , , . ioh : . . in like manner , a scholler or a young disputant may argue and dispute ( be it in philosophie or divinity ) upon very right and sure principles , yet perdventure , not without great feare and doubting in his own thoughts , till he be put out of that feare , by the approbation and testimony of his learned master who presideth in the dispute . the evidence of good markes while it is opened unto us , may make our hearts to burne within us , as those disciples said , which were going to emmaus , but yet our eyes are held ( as it was with them ) that wee doe not know christ in us , or talking with us , untill our eyes be opened by the spirit . no doubt they had much light breaking in upon their understandings , while christ expounded unto them the scriptures by the way , and this light was with life and heat in their hearts : but after they knew christ in breaking of bread , then , and not till then , came the fulnesse of perswasion , and then they could say , the lord is risen indeed . luke . , , , , , . our inward evidence of graces or use of signes may bring the children to the birth ( i mean in point of assurance ) but 't is the evidence of the spirit of god , which giveth strength to come forth . without this evidence of the spirit of god , the soule doth but grope after a full assurance , as it were in the dark ; but when the holy ghost commeth to do the office of a comforter , then there is light and liberty . our assurance of justification , adoption , grace and salvation , is virtually in a syllogisticall way : whoever beleeves on the sonne of god , shall not perish , but have life everlasting . but i beleeve on the sonne of god. therefore , &c. whoever judge themselves shall not be judged of the lord. but i judge my self . therefore , &c. whoever loveth the brethren , hath passed from death to life . but i love the brethren . therefore , &c. in these or the like proofes , 't is the spirit of grace which gives us the right understanding , and firme beliefe of the proposition . as for the assumption which hath in it the evidence of graces , 't is made good by a twofold testimony , the testimony of our consciences , cor : . . iohn . . , . and the testimonie of the spirit it selfe , bearing witnesse together with our consciences . and although both propositions be made good , yet we are so slow of heart to beleeve , that we cannot without the speciall help of the comforter the holy ghost , freely , boldly , joyfully , and with a firme perswasion , inferre the conclusion as a most certain truth . so that in the businesse of assurance and full perswasion , the evidence of graces , and the testimony of the spirit are two concurrent couses or helps , both of them necessary without the evidence of graces , 't is not a safe nor a well grounded assurance , without the testimony of the spirit , t is not a plerophory or full assurance . there were two evidences of purchase in use among the jewes , one sealed , another open , ier : . . which custome hierome saith , was continued till his time . the evidence of the spirit is like that which was sealed ; the evidence of markes , like that which was open . therefore let no man divide the things which god hath joyned together . see them joyned in three texts of scripture , rom : . . neither our spirit alone , nor the spirit of the lord alone beareth witnesse that we are the children of god ; but both these together beare witnesse of this thing . the spirit it self beareth witnesse with our spirit , cor : . . . we read , that the spirit revealeth unto us , and makes us to know the things which are fre●…ly given to us of god. but withall vers : . there is a comparing spirituall things with spirituall , and so among other things compared together , there is a comparing of spirituall markes , with a spirituall state , of spirituall fruit , with a spirituall tree , &c. iohn . . the spirits witnessing , is joyned with the witnessing of the water and blood , that is with the evidence of grace , the evidence of justification , and a pacified conscience sprinkled with the blood of christ : and purged from the guilt of sinne , also the evidence of sanctification and a pure conscience , purged from the inherent filth and staine of corruption ; the former of these is the testimony of the blood ; the latter is the testimony of the water , and both these not enough ( as to the point of assurance ) without the testimony of the spirit , nor it enough without them . in the next place let us take a tryall of this way of assurance , so far as concerneth the evidence of graces , so much opposed by the antinomians . let us take that notable evidence , iohn . . and now heare the antinomian objections against this assurance , from the evidence of love to the brethren . 't is objected , that a soule must be exceedingly puzled with this marke of love to the brethren , before it can clear the case that it belongs to christ , for if you will try your selfe by this marke , you must know first what it is to love the brethren , secondly , that they are the brethren whom you love . the nature of love is described , cor : . , , , . charity , ( or love ) suffereth long , and is kinde : charity envieth not ▪ charity vaunteth not it selfe : is not puffed up , doeth not behave it selfe unseemly , seeketh not her own , is not easily provoked , thinketh no evill , rejoyceth not in iniquity , but rejoyceth in the truth : beareth all things , beleeveth all things , hopeth all things , endureth all things . come now , and bring your hearts to these particulars in your examination .. is there no envying in mee at all towards the brethren ? is there no thinking evill of any of the brethren ? is there no seeking my selfe , or my owne good in my love to them ? is there a bearing all things for their sakes ? is there no being puffed up , or vaunting above the brethren ? is there no thinking better of my selfe , then of them ? — so that a soul must attaine to a mighty high measure of sanctification and victory over a mans self , before it can reach to this to say , i love the brethren . but suppose you finde all this love in your selves , doe you know they are the brethren you love ; you know the brother-hood consi●…s in being united unto christ , that is an invisible thing , none can know it but god onely ; no man can say , such a one is a brother . and if you say , though i am not certaine that he is a brother , yet i love him under the notion of a brother : to this it is replyed : take all the sects in the world , they will love their owne sects as brethren : and after a description of the antinomians , 't is added , these are the brethren ; do you love these men ? oh , there are many that goe by signes and markes , that cannot endure the brethren , they goe with them under the name of libertines . i have now the objection before me , as full and strong as one of the best gifted antinomians of this age could make it . for answer whereunto i will demonstrate these three things . . that this objection destroyes as much and more , their own exposition of this text in ioh. . that the antinomian way of removing scruples and doubts of conscience , and setling a soule in peace and assurance , is a most inextricable labyrinth , and layeth knots faster upon the conscience , in stead of loosing them . . that this way of assurance by the marke of love to the brethren , is a sure and safe way , and hath no such inextricablenesse in it , as is here objected . first i say , their objection militateth as strongly , yea much more strongly against their own interpretation of my text : for the same antinomian in that same sermon , and others of that way understand the scope of this text to be for comforting the brethren against the difesteem the world had of them ; the world hates them , vers : . but we know ( saith he ) that we are translated from death to life , because we love the ●…rethren ; that is , whatever the world judgeth of us , we perceive and know one another by this mark , that we love the brethren . in short , they say , this seemes rather to be a marke how my brother may know me , then that by which i should know my self . which interpretation , how ill grounded it is , and how inconsistent with vers . , , , . who seeth not ? only i now observe that they cast down what themselves build : for if i cannot know my self by the inside of love , much lesse can my brother know me by the out side of love : and if i cannot have any solid or safe comfort from this , that i love the brethren ; how much lesse can this comfort me that others judge me to be a lover of the brethren ? and how do i know them to be the brethren who judge so of me ? for ( by their rule ) no man can say such a one is a brother , so that they do but tye themselves with their own knots , and must therefore either quite their sense of the text and take ours , or else hold that this text hath no comfort at all in it , which yet is most full of comfort , and sweet as the honey and the honey combe . but secondly will you see these men falling yet more foully in the ditch they have digged for others ? while they object so much against a believers examining or assuring his conscience by fruits of sanctification , sincerity of heart , hatred of sin , respect to all the commandements , love to the brethren ; while they tell us that none of these can be sure evidences to the soule , and while they pretend to shew other soule satisfying evidences , which can resolve , quiet , comfort , and assure the conscience , they do but more and more lead the soule into a labyrinth , and make the spirits of men to wander from mountain to hill , and to forget their resting place . i might here take notice of the six remedies against doubting , which one of them offereth , as an antidote and preservative against all objections whatsoever , yet all the six put together cannot resolve nor clear the conscience in the point of a personall or particular interest in christ ; i heare much ( will the perplexed soule say ) of the nature of faith , of free justification , of the things sealed in baptisme , &c. but oh i cannot see that i have any interest for my part in these things . not to insist upon these six remedies , which are indeed most insufficient as to this point , my present work shall be , to speak unto those personall and particular evidences of an interest in christ , which are held foorth by their chief writers . do but observe their way , and you shall see that either they fall in at last into our way of gracious marks and qualifications , or otherwise leave the conscience much more perplexed and unsatisfied , then they found it . they tell us of two evidences , a revealing evidence , and a receiving evidence : that by the spirits testimony , this by faith . the revealing evidence of interest in the priviledges of christ , which will put an end to all objections , is the voice of the spirit of god to a mans own spirit . this is the great evidence indeed and the evidence which at last doth determine the question , and put an end to all objections . well : but doth the spirit of god give testimony to the soule , any otherwise then according to the word of god ? no , saith the same writer , by no means , for it is most certainly true , ( saith he ) that every voice in man speaking peace , being contrary to the word of grace , that voice is not the voice of the spirit of the lord , — it is the voice of the spirit of delusion . immediatly he moves this doubt , but how shall i know that this voice , though it be according to the word of grace , is indeed the voice of the spirit of the lord , and be satisfied that it is so . he might have moved this doubt , which is greater , how shall i know that this voice or this testimony doth indeed speak according to the word , or whether it speak contrary to the word , & so be the voice of the spirit of delusion . peradventure he had found it difficult , and even impossible to answer this doubt , without making use of and having recourse unto the way of signes or marks , such as the word holds foorth : and this agreeth to that twofold joint witnessing , rom : . . the spirit of god is not simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a witnesse , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui simul testimonium dicit , he bears witness not only to , but with our spirit , that is , with our conscience , so that if the witnesse of our conscience be blank and can testifie nothing of sincerity , hatred of sin , love to the brethren , or the like , then the spirit of god witnesseth no peace nor comfort to that soul , and the voice which speaketh peace to a person who hath no gracious mark or qualification in him , doth not speak according to the word , but contrary to the word , and is therefore a spirit of delusion . i shall not contend about the precedence or order between these two testimonies in the soul , so that we hold them together , and do not separat them in our assuring or comforting of our hearts before god. and here i must take notice of another passage , where he whose principles i now examine saith , i do not determine peremptorily , that a man cannot by way of evidence receive any comfort from his sanctification , which he thus cleareth . the spirit of the lord must first reveal the gracious minde of the lord to our spirits , and give to us faith to receive that testimony of the spirit , and to sit down as satisfied with his testimony before ever any work of sanctification can possibly give any evidence ; but when the testimony of the spirit of the lord is received by faith , and the soule sits down satisfied with that testimony of the lord , then also all the gifts of gods spirit do bear witnesse together with the spirit of the lord , and the faith of a believer . surely such a testimony or voice in the soul , as the soul sits down satisfied with before ever any work of sanctification can possibly give any evidence , is not an evidence according to the word , but contrary to the word , and therefore not the revealing evidence of the spirit of god , so that in this i must needs dissent from him , for he casts the soule upon a most dangerous precipice , neither is the danger helped , but rather increased by that posteriour evidence , or after comfort of sanctification , which he speaks of , for the soule being before set down satisfied with the testimony of the spirit of the lord , and faith receiving that testimony ( so he supposeth ) it cannot now examin whether its sanctification be sound or not sound , whether its graces be common or speciall , seeming or real : it implyes a contradiction if i say that i am assured by the evidence of the spirit of god , and by the evidence of faith that i am in christ , and in covenant with god , and that notwithstanding i sit down satisfied with this assurance , yet i am not sure of the soundnesse of my sanctification . therefore to put the soule upon a looking after the evidence of graces , and the comfort of sanctification , when the soule is before hand fully assured and satisfied against all objections and doubtings , is not onely to lay no weight at all upon these marks of sanctification , in the point of resolving or clearing the conscience , but it is much worse then so , it is a confirming or strengthning of the soule in such a testimony or assurance , as it hath setled upon contrary to the scripture . and here is a great difference between these antinomian principles and ours : we hold the assurance or evidence of marks to be privative , they yeeld no more but that it is at most cumulative to the evidence of the spirit of god and of faith. for my part i dare not think otherwise , but that person is deluded who thinks himlseffully assured of his interest in christ by the voice of the spirit of the lord , and by the evidence of faith , when in the mean time his conscience cannot beare him witnesse of the least mark of true grace or sanctification in him . and i must needs hold that whatsoever voice in man speaking peace to him , is antecedaneus unto , and separated or disjoyned from all or any evidence of the marks of true ( although very imperfect ) sanctification , is not the voice of the spirit of the lord , neither speaketh according , but contrary to the written word of god. i heartily yeeld that the spirit of the lord is a spirit of revelation , and it is by the spirit of god , that we know the things which are freely given us of god , so that without the comforter , the holy ghost himself bearing witnesse with our spirit , all our marks cannot give us a plerophory or comfortable assurance . but this i say , that which we have seen described by the antinomians as the testimony of the spirit of the lord is a very unsafe and unsure evidence , and speaks beside , yea contrary to the written word . the word speaks no peace to the wicked , to the ungodly , to hypocrits , to morall christians , to the presumptuous , to the self ▪ confident , to the unmortified carnall professours , to temporary believers . christ and his benefits are indeed offered and held foorth unto all that are in the church , and all cal'd upon to come unto christ , that they may have life in him , and whoever cometh shall not be cast out , this is certain : but yet the word speaks no peace nor assurance , save to the humble and contrite , to those that tremble at his word , to those that are convinced of sin , to those that do not regard iniquity in their hearts ; but hate sin with sincere hatred ; to those that believe on the son of god , that love the brethren , &c. now therefore the spirit of the lord which speaks not to the soul , but according to the word of grace ( as is confessed ) doth not speak comfort or assurance to any others , but these only . and if a man would know certainly whether the voice or testimony which speaks to his spirit be a delusion or not , he must to the law and to the testimony , and search whether it speak according to this word . t is granted to us that if the voice which speaks peace in man be not according to the written word of god , it is not the spirit of the lord. but withall t is cautiously declined by these men , that the voice which speaks in the soul be tryed by the written word . they tell us , it is not the word that maks us believe the spirit , but it is the spirit that makes us give credit to the word : that it is only the spirit of god that can truely satisfie the spirit of a man , that it is his own testimony ; and not the spirit of delusion . that as , in all arts and sciences there are some principles — beyond which there must be no inquiry , so also in divine things . — is there any thing in the world of better credit , or that may rather be believed with men then the spirit himself ? nay can any believe , but by this spirit ? if not , then nothing else is able satisfyingly to bear witnesse to the spirit , but it self . this is as if we should receive the testimony of the spirit upon the credit of some other thing . whereunto i answer first , t is to be remembred , the question is not whether the word of the lord can satisfie or pacifie a sinners conscience without the spirit ; for we say plainly that as the best marks of grace , so the richest and sweetest promises and comforts of the word cannot make the soule sit down satisfied , till the spirit of the lord himself speak peace and comfort within us . whence it was that after nathan had said to david in the name of the lord , the lord hath put away thy sin , thou shalt not die , yet even then david prayed , make me to hear joy and gladnesse , that the bones which thou hast broken may rejoice . restore unto me the joy of thy salvation and uphold me with thy free spirit . psal. , : . with sam. : : but t is another thing which is here in question , for clearing whereof , observe that the efficient cause , or revealing evidence which maks us believe and be assured is one thing : the objectum fomale fidei or that for which we believe and are assured , is another thing . in humane sciences a teacher is necessary to a young student , yet the student doth not believe the conclusions because his teacher teacheth him so , but because these conclusions follow necessarily from the known and received principles of the sciences , and although he had never understood either the principles or the conclusions , without the help of a teacher , yet he were an ill scholler who cannot give an accompt of his knowledge from demonstration , but only from this that he was taught so . in seeking a legall assurance or security we consult our lawyers , who peradventure will give us light aud knowledge of that which we little imagined : yet a man cannot build a wel grounded assurance , nor be secure because of the testimony of lawyers , but because of the deeds themselves , charters , contracts or the like . so we cannot be assured of our interest in christ , without the work of the holy ghost , and his revealing evidence in our hearts ; yet the ground and reason of our assurance , or that for which we are assured , is not his act of revealing , but the truth of the thing it self which he doth reveal unto us from the word of god. secondly , this is not to receive the testimony of the spirit upon the credit of some other thing , for the spirit that speaketh in the word , is not another thing from the spirit that speaketh in our hearts , and saith , we are the children of god , when we receive the testimony or evidence in our hearts , upon the credit of the word , we receive it upon the holy ghosts own credit , comparing spirituall things with spirituall , as the apostle saith . the holy scripture is called a more sure word then that voice of god which came from heaven concerning his welbeloved sonne , pet. . , , . and so by parity of reason , if not a fortiori , the written word of god , is surer then any voice which can speak in the soule of a man , and an inward testimony may sooner deceive us , then the written word can , which being so , we may and ought to try the voice which speaks in the soule by the voice of the lord which speaks in the scripture . if it agree not , then we have not losed , but have made a right discovery and found out a depth of sathan , and so gained by the tryall . if it do agree , so likewise we are gainers , being confirmed in the assurance , not upon the testimony of another , but upon the surest and best known testimony of the holy ghost himself . thirdly , if these things be not admitted , and if the antinomian argument which now i speak to , stand good , then it shall be easie for any deluded person to repell the most searching convictions which can be offered to him from scripture , for he shal still think with himself , ( though unhumbled and unregenerat ) it is the voice of the spirit of the lord , which speaks peace to my soule , and this voice i know is according to the word , because i am assured by the same spirit that it is indeed according to the word , and other evidence i will not look after , because i am to receive the testimony of the spirit upon his own credit , and not upon the credit of some other thing : the voice of the spirit which speaks in my soul is that , beyond which there must be no inquiry . i ask now , how shall the antinomians convince such a one from scriptur ? nay how can they choose but ( according to their principles ) confirme him in his delusory , imaginary assurance ? fourthly , the very same antinomian author , who speaks of the testimony of the spirit of god in the soul , as that beyond which there must be no inquirie ; and which puts an end to all objections , even he himself doth by and by tell us of aliquid ultra , and puts the soul upon a further inquiry , ( which as i said before ) shal either resolve into our way of assurance by marks , or otherwise leave the soul overclouded , & more in the dark then at the beginning . and so i come to his secōd evidence , which he cals the receiving evidēce . though the spirit of the lord ( saith he ) doe reveal the minde of the lord to men , yet they are not fully resolved concerning this mind of the lord to their own spirits , till by faith they do receive it — now till men do receive this testimony and believe it , they are never resolved ; but when men do receive it and believe it , that it is a true testimony , then they sit down satisfied . again , faith is an evidence as it doth take possession of that which the spirit of the lord reveals , and manifests and gives to a person . — the spirit indeed makes the title good , but faith maks good the entry and possession , and so clears the title to us , though good in it self before : — is there a voice behind thee , or within thee , saying particularly to thee in thy self , thy sins are forgiven thee ? doest thou see this voice agree with the word of grace ? — if thou doest receive the testimony of the spirit according to that word . if thou doest indeed receive it , here is thy evidence . thereafter he moves this objection . but you will say , if there be not fruits of faith following , that faith is a dead faith , and therefore there must be something to evidence with it . for answer whereunto , first he rejects this as a great indignity to faith , if faith be not able of it self to give testimony , or must not be credited , when it doth give testimony , except something will come and testifie for it , to give credit unto it . next he answereth thus , that which hath the whole essence of faith , is not a dead , but a living faith : now the whole essence of faith is nothing else but the eccho of the heart answering the foregoing voice of the spirit , and word of grace , thy sins are forgiven thee saith the spirit and word of grace , my sins are forgiven me , saith faith. if therefore the eccho to the voice of spirit and word of grace , be the essence , nay be the whole essence of believing , this is certain , where there is receiving or beleiving , there cannot be a dead faith . now behold him at a losse , all resolves into this issue , no assurance by the testimony of the spirit and word of grace , unlesse this testimony be received by faith , no entry and possession , no clearing of the title to the soule , no resolution or satisfaction to the conscience till it beleive . but then while the soule examines it self , whether it have a true lively faith , or only a dead faith , he dare not admit the tryall of faith by the fruits of it , as if it were an indignity to the tree to be knowen by the fruit , or to the fire to be knowen by the heat . faith purifieth the h●…art , saith the scripture . faith workes by love . faith shewes it self by works . this antinomian durst not adventure upon this tryall by the scripture markes of faith : yea , to avoid this , he runnes into a great and dangerous errour , that the whole essence of faith is nothing else , but the eccho of the heart answering the voice of the spirit , and saying , my sinnes are forgiven me , as if there were no faith where there is no assurance of the forgivenesse of sinnes , and as if faith were quite lost , as often and as long as the soule cannot say with assurance , my sinnes are forgiven me . again , may there not bee a false eccho in the heart : may not a temporary beleever who receaves the word of grace with joy , say within himself , my sinnes are forgiven me ? where is the clearing of the conscience now ? is it in that last word , where there is receaving or beleeving , there cannot be a dead faith ? but how shall i know that there is indeed a receving and beleving ? the essence of faith is the receaving of christ in the word of grace , and a ●…esting upon him for righteousnesse and life . now another antinomian tells us , that to receave christ and his benefites truely , doth necessarily include in it these foure particular points . , to know our lost state by the least sinne , our misery without christ , and what need we have of him . . to see the excellency and worth of christ and his benefites . . a taking and having of christ and his benefites to ones owne self in particular . . to be filled with great joy and thankfull zeal . if these things be so , then i am sure , many doe imagine they have receaved christ and his benefites by faith , who have not truely and really receaved him : so that the ( soul searching it self in this point , whether have i any more then a dead faith , or a counterfeit faith ? ) dare not acquiesce nor sit down satisfied with that resolution , where there is receaving or beleeving , there cannot be a dead faith . for the soule must still enquire , whether is my receaving or beleeving true , reall , sound , lively , and such as cannot agree to a dead faith ? the same author whom i last cited , where he putteth a difference between a counterfeit faith , and a true faith , he saith , that the counterfeit faith neither reneweth nor changeth the heart , it maketh not a new man ; but leaveth him in the vanity of his former opinion and conversation . whence i inf●…r that he who wil throughly & rightly examine himself in this particular , have i true faith , yea or no ? must needs ( before he have a solid resolution ) be put upon this further inquiry , is there any heart-renewing or heart-changing work in me ? or am i still in the vanity of my former opinion and conversation , yea or no ? i shall now after all this , appeall to any tender conscience which is sadly and seriously searching it self , whether it be in the faith , whether christ be in the soul and the soul in christ , let any poor wearied soul which is longing and seeking after rest , refreshment , ease , peace comfort and assurance , judge and say whether it can possibly , or dare sit down satisfied with the antinomian way of assurance , before largely declared , which yet hath been held foorth by those of that stamp , as the only way to satisfie and assure the conscience , and to put an end to all objections . i begin to hear as it were sounding in mine ears the sad lamentation of a poor soule which hath gone along with their way of comfort , and assurance , and hath followed it to the utmost , as far as it will go . oh ( saith the soul ) i have applyed my self to search and find out , and to be clearly resolved in this great and tender point , whether i bee in christ or not ? whether i have passed from death to life , from the state of nature into the state of grace , or not ? whether i be acquit from the curse and condemnation of the law , and my sins pardoned , or not ? when , o when shall i be truly , clearly , and certainly resolved in this thing ? t is as darknesse and death to me , to be unresolved and unsatisfied in it . i refused to be comforted without this comfort . is id , go to now and prove & see this antinomian way , and when i had proved it , i communed with mine own heart , and my spirit made diligent search . then said i of it , thou art madnesse and folly . their doctrine pretendeth to drop as the honey comb , yet at the last it byteth like a serpent , and stingeth like an adder , i find their words at first to be soft as oyle and butter , yet i find them at last as swords and spears to my perplexed heart . i am forbidden to try my spirituall condition , or to seek after assurance of my interest in christ , by any mark or fruit of sanctification , be it sincerity of heart , hatred of sin , love to the brethren , or be what it will be : i am told it is unsafe and dangerous for me to adventure upon any such marks ; i do not mean as causes , conditions , or any way instrumentall in my justification , ( for in that consideration i have ever disclaimed my graces ) nay i do not mean of any comfort or assurance by my sanctification , otherwise then as it flowes from christ , who is made unto me of god sanctification al 's well as righteousnes . but i am told by these antinomians , that even in the point of consolation and assurance , t is not safe for me to reason and conclud from the fruit to the tree , from the light to the sun , from the heat to the fire , from the effect to the cause , i love the brethren with true and unfeigned love , therefore i have passed from death to life . they say , i dare not , i cannot have any true comfort or assurance grounded upon this or any such mark . they promised me a shorter , an easier , a surer , a sweeter way to come by the assurance which i so much long after . they put me upon the revealing evidence or testimony of the holy ghost , which i know indeed to be so necessary , that without it , all my marks will leave me in the dark ▪ but as they open and explain it unto me , i must not try by the written word , whether the voice or testimony that speaks in my heart , be indeed the voice of the spirit of the lord , yet they themselves tell me that every voice in man which speaketh peace to him , and speaketh not according to the word of grace , is a spirit of delusion . again they tel me this testimony of the spirit of the lord will put an end to all objections , and is that beyond which there must be no inquiry , yet by and by they tell mee there must there must be more then this , there must be a receiving evidence of faith , and till i believe , i do not possesse christ or his benefits , neither can sit down satisfied and assured . oh then said i , how shall i know that i have true faith ? shall i try faith by the fruits of faith ? no , say they , by no means , but try it by the eccho in the heart which answers the voice of the spirit , as face answers to face in water . but what if there be no such eccho in my heart ? what if i cannot say with assurance my sins are forgiven me ? must i then conclude i have no faith ? and what if there be such an eccho in mine heart ? how shall i know whether it be the voice of a true faith , or whether it be a delusion ? hath every one a true faith whose heart suggesteth and singeth , my sins are forgiven me ? but where there is a receiving and believing said they , there cannot be a dead faith . alas , said i , they leave me where i was : how shall i know whether there be a believing or receiving ? doe not themselves tell me , there is a great difference between a true faith , and a counterfeit faith ? are not these miserable comforte●…s who tell mee that true faith hath fruits , and yet will not give me leave to try it by its fruits ? they teach me that iustification is like the fire , so that he that is not zealous in holynes and righteousnes by sanctification , t is to be feared that he never had the fire of iustification . another of them s●…ith , doth not love manifested as truly and infallibly kindle love again , a fire kindleth fire . sure then if i doe not love god and his children , the eccho in my heart which saith , my sinnes are forgiven me , is but a delusion . oh how have these men been charming and cheating me out of the right way ? they have unsetled mee , and frighted me out of all my marks of grace , or fruits of faith , and when they have promised me a clear resolution , behold they leave me much more unsatisfied : they have deceived me and i was deceived . when all comes to all in their way , i must either conclude ( which i dare not ) that i have true faith , because my heart suggesteth , and saith my sins are forgiven mee , without any tryall of faith by the fruits thereof , or otherwise i am left in a labyrinth , believe i must , and they will allow me no markes to know whether i believe or not . wherefore i will not come into their secret , i will come out of their paths which lead downe to the chambers of death , i will return to the good old way , the scripture way , christs way , the apostles way , in which i shall finde rest to my soule . the third point now remains , viz. that there is no such inextricable difficulty , darknesse or mist in this mark , the love of the brethren ; but that the children of god may , and sometimes do clearly and safely assure their hearts by this mark , that they have passed from death to life . which that it may appeare , i shall speak first to the object , the brethren , then to the act , which is love . touching the object , let foure things be observed . first . this we certainly know , that there are saints on earth , we believe the holy universall church : now all who have passed from death to life , those and none but those have a true and sincere love to the saints in generall , praying heartily for them , sympathizing with their suffering , and rejoycing at their felicity . none but a saint can say in truth , and with a sincere selfe-denying affection , if i forget thee o ierusalem , let my right hand forget her cunning ; if : i do not remember thee , let my tongue cleave to theroof of my mouth ; if i preferre not ierusalem above my chief joy . ps. . . . the apostle commends praying for all saints , eph : . . and love to all the saints . col : . . i conceive he means , not only all the saints known to us , but the whole invisible church of saints on earth . that prayer and protestation , psal. . , . when uttered in spirit and truth , can proceed from no other , but a gracious renewed heart ; peace be within thy walls , and prosperity within thy palaces . for my brethren and companions sake , i will now say ▪ peace be within thee . this very love to the saints in generall as to the excellent and precious ones of the earth , is a fruit of sanctification , and a mark of a renewed and gracious estate ; even as contrary wise they that have no love to the saints in their species or kind , that love and esteem men only for some earthly respect and consideration , the rich , the honourable , the mighty , &c. or for some particular humane relation , parents , wives , children , kindred friends , benefactors , &c. much more they that delight in the company and fellowship of the prophane and ungodly , prove themselves to be such as have not yet passed from death to life . secondly , t is neither necessary nor possible that we have a a certain and infallible knowledge of the true saintship and regeneration of these particular persons whom we love , under the notion of brethren and saints . the apostles themselves did once look upon and love some as saints , who were no saints , iudas , simon magus , ananias , and saphyra , and others of that kind . it is gods own prerogative to know certainly the hearts of men . to require a certain knowledge of the saintship of others , before we can say , we love the brethren , doth not only strike at the mark of love , but at the duty of love , and makes the yoke of christ heavy , yea unsupportable , and the very evangelicall commandment of love to be most grievous , yea impossible : and if the antinomian objection hold good , no man on earth can performe acceptably this duety of love , except he know the hearts of those whom he loves under the notion of saints . if it be replyed that the commandement of christ is acceptably performed , when to my best knowledge and observation , and according to the best tryall which one christian is allowed by christ to take of another , they are saints whom i love under that notion , and that ti●… not necessary to the acceptable p●…rformance of the duty of love , that i know infallibly such a one to be a true saint : then it will follow by the like rule and by parity of reason , that comfort and assurance may be had from this mark , i love the brethren , although i cannot certainly and infallibly say , these whom i love are true saints . for if i can be cleare in point of the duety , and that my obedience to the new commandement of christ , love one another , is acceptable to god , then may i also be clear in point of the mark or signe , this proposition , i love the brethren , being a necessary consequent from that proposition , i have , through the grace of christ , so far performed the duty of love , as that it is acceptable to god in point of new obedience , and this leads me to a third answer . . particular or individuall saints may be so farre known by their fruits , and are so farre discernable and visible , as that our love to them under that notion may be known to be an acceptable service to god , and so a comfortable mark or evidence to our selves . which plainly appears from what christ saith math : . . . he that receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet , shall receive a prophets reward ; and he that receiveth a righteous man in the name of a righteous man , shall receive a righteous mans reward . and whoever shall give to drink unto one of these little ones , a cup of cold water onely , in the name of a disciple , verily . i say unto you , he shall in no wise lose his reward before verse . into whatsoever city or town ye shall enter , enquire who in it is worthy , and there abide till ye goe thence . heb : . . for god is not unrighteous to forget your work and labour of love which ye have shewed towards his name , in that ye have ministred to the saints , and do minister . these believing hebrews did not infallibly know that they were saints to whom they ministred , yet the apostle tels them , their worke was acceptable to god , and made himself to be perswaded of them things that accompany salvation . they to whom he writes , being conscious to themselves of the truth and sincerity of their love , might much more be perswaded of themselves things that accompany salvation from this mark of love , although they could not know infallibly the hearts of those whom they loved , as saints . we may without either revelation or infallibility of judgement , by the marks which the word gives us for judging and discerning of others , so farre be perswaded in a judgement of charity , that this or that person is a saint , a brother , a sister , one in christ , as that our love to the person under that notion , is according to the rules of christ , flowes from faith which worketh by love , and is acceptable to god as a part of our new obedience . if it were not so , this absurdity would also follow , there could be no communion of saints one with another , at least no such thing done in faith . do not believers act in faith , and not doubtingly , when they have communion one with another , when they exhort and comfort one another , when they pray one with another , when they sympathize one with another ? if they do not act these things in faith , they sinne , for whatsoever is not of faith , is sin . . it is to be observed that he who objects to others , they cannot know whether this or that man be a brother , even he himself akes upon him to judge , who are the brethren . he makes a description of the antinomians , under fair and plausible expressions , and then concludes , these are the brethren , do ye love these men ? it seems , if it had been condescended upon , that the antinomians are the brethren , there had been an end of his objection . but is not this popish , donatisticall , pharisaicall , to appropriat to themselves the name of the brethren , the godly partie , the true church , excluding many thousands of those who are truly godly , and dear to jesus christ , although different in opinion from them ? and what if one should fancy that the antinomians are only the brethren , yet how should one know that this or that antinomian is a brother ? doth not his own objection fall upon him , the brother-hood consists in being united unto christ , that is an invisible thing , none can know it , but god only , no man can say such a one is a brother ? so much of the certainty of the object , the brethren . now to the certainty of the act , which is love. the nature of love was described out of cor. . , , , . then to fright the soul from examining it self by this mark , it was added , is there no envying at all towards the brethren ? is there no thinking evill of any of the brethren ? is there no seeking my self or my own good , in my love to them ? &c. who is the legal preacher now ? here is a racking of the conscience with necessity of egall perfection in our sanctification and evangelicall graces ? do not themselves say that our iustification is perfect , but our sanctification unperfect ; why then wil they not suffer the soul to take any comfort from the fruits of sanctification , except they be perfect ? when iohn saith , hereby we know that we have passed from death to life , because we love the brethren ; i ask , doth he mean , perfect love which is every way what it ought to be ? if so , then they put a false sense upon the text ; for there neither is now , nor was then any such love in the world . doth he mean of true unfeigned sound love , although imperfect ? then there is no place for their objection . for a true believer hath in himself a true love to the brethren , which love putteth forth and exerciseth it self in a sincere and conscionable indeavour of all those duties which are reckoned forth , cor : . as effects , or ( if you will ) acts of love. this soundnesse and sincerity of love may be a sure mark to the soule , although i confesse without this sincerity , the very work and labour of love is no sure mark to the conscience to examine it self by ; for as the apostle there teacheth us , a man may give all his goods to the poore , and yet not have true love . o but how shall i know ( saith the doubting christian ) that my love to the brethren is a true , sincere , sound love ? to that i say , thou mayest know it by these tokens . first , if thou lovest the saints as saints , and because they are saints , not for their excellent gifts or parts so much as for their graces , not for any relation to thy self so much as for relation to christ. t is true repentance when we sorrow for sinne as sinne : t is true love when we love the saints as saints , that is , for this cause and consideration chiefly , because the image of god appears in them . papists pretend that with one act of adoration they worship christ and his image . but we say with more truth and reason , with one affection and one act of love we love both christ himself and those who bear his image , both god and his children . i mean , t is christ himself whom we love in his saints . secondly , thy love , when thou lovest all saints , col : . . epist : to philemon v. . and this followeth necessarily from the first mark . for a quatenus ad omne . if as saints , then all saints . lovest thou all the saints in general praying for them all ? lovest thou all the saints in particular whom thou knowest , that is , thou darest not confine or limit this love to those saints only who are altogether of thy opinion ( which , it appears from the objection before mentioned , the antinomians have dared to do ) or who have some intimacy of friendship with thee , nay nor to these who never wronged thee , never strov●…with thee , who never spake evill of thee ; but all whom thou hast reason to judge to be saints , thou lovest them , wishest well to them , art ready to do them good according to thy power , and if thou be at variance or difference with any of them , tho ●… prayest god to make them and thy self of one heart , and of one minde , and it is an affliction of spirit to thee to be at variance with any that are christs : canst thou thus clear thy self in thy conscience , and darest thou say these things before the searcher of hearts ? then is thy love a true love. thirdly , thou art a sincere lover of the brethren , when thou lovest them in all their different estats and conditions , the poor as well as the rich , them of low degree , as well as them of high degree , the persecuted , as well as the prospering , the reproached as well as the commended . this is also a necessary consectary upon the first mark : for if thou lovest saints as saints , the variation or difference of their outward condition , will not make thy love towards them to cease . obadiah was a sincere lover of the brethren , and he gave this good testimony of it , he was a kinde friend to the prophets of the lord , when they were persecuted by ahab and iezabel . foorthly , thy love to the brethren is true and sincere , when it puts forth it self in all thy relations , when a man desires to choose a wife that fears god , and a woman desires to marie none who is not godly ; when a master seeks godly servants , and a servant seeks a godly master ; when a people choose godly ministers , and godly magistrats , godly commanders and officers of armies , &c. and again , magistrats , commanders , ministers , love , countenance , encourage and strengthen the hands of such under their charge , as are godly : when a man if he be to choose a friend to consult with , yea if he were but to choose a lodging where he is a sojourner , he desires and seeks after a godly friend , a godly family , &c. fifthly love is true and sincere , when the action of love is not without the affection of love , cor. . . and when the affection of love is not without the action of love , iohn . when love openeth both the heart and the hand , both the bowels and the bosome . i do not mean that all or any of these marks can be found in any saint on earth , without some mixture , of the contrary corruptions ; for we must not look that an imperfect grace ( such as love to the brethren is in this world ) must needs be proved by such marks as have no imperfection in them . if the marks be true , then is the grace true , and that is enough to the point which i now assert . but as the grace is not perfect , no more are the marks of it perfect . and as there is no faith here without some unbelief , no repentance without some impenitency , no watchfulnesse without some security , no contrition without some hardnesse , no self-denyall without some self-seeking ; so no love to the brethren without some want of love to the brethren , no marks of true love without some imperfection and falling short , and no marvell , because no spirit without flesh , no grace without corruption . feelest thou then those contrary corruptions , those roots of bitternesse in thy heart , if thou warrest against them through the strength of jesus christ , and endeavourest to have thy love every way such as hath been described , then god looks upon thee , and would have thee to look upon thy selfe as a lover of the brethren . as long as thou art in this world , thou shalt have cause to walk humbly with thy god , because of the great imperfection of all thy graces , and of thy love to the brethren among the rest , and still thou shall have flesh and corruption to war against all the powers , parts , & acts of thy inward man. let there be but a reciprocall warring of the spirit against the flesh , gal. . , so shall thou passe in christs account for a spiritual , not for a carnall person . neither do i say , that thou must alwayes finde a perpetuall conflict or battell between the flesh and the spirit , or otherwise no ground of assurance . the apostle speaks of warring , not of conflicting or fighting : there is alwaies bellū , though not alwaies praeliū , between the flesh & the spirit . the new man dare not make peace with the old man , nay nor agree to a cessation of armes with him , dare not allow or approve corruption , nor allow the neglect of means and endeavours . yet the new man is sometimes taken napping and sleeping , sometime assaulted and spoiled , and bound hand and foot , he may be carried away as a poor prisoner ; but christ will again relieve his own prisoner , and set him in a fresh military posture against sathan and sin . i hope i have now so far scattered those mists & clouds cast by antinomians , and so farre extricated a poore soul out of those doubtings into which they would drive it , as that a beleever may knowingly and confidently say , i love the brethren sincerly and unfeignedly , and hereby i know that i have passed from death to life ; which is a good and sure argument , whether we consult scripture or the experience of saints . chap. xxii . of the true , reall and safe grounds of en●…uragement to believe in iesus christ. or , vpon what warrants a sinner may adventure to rest and rely upon christ for salvation . there are some divines abroad who condemning arminianisme ( and much more pelagianisme ) yet have not adhered to the orthodox doctrine asserted by the most approved protestants writers and received by the best reformed churches against the arminians , in the article concerning the death of christ. these have found out a midle and a singular way of their owne , that christ died for all men conditionally , viz , if they shall believe in him , that he hath redeemed all upon condition of faith. one of their arguments is because otherwise we cannot encourage sinners to believe nor satisfie a troubled conscience , nor keep it from desparing . upon the like ground that all may be comforted ( every man being assured that christ died for all men and so for himself ) mr moore hath written a tractat of the universalitie of gods grace , and of christ dying for all men as himself expresseth in the title of his book . t is also one of mr saltma●…sh his encouragements which he gives to sinners , that christ died for sinners as sinners , as hee speaks , whereupon it followeth ( according to the rule , à quatenus ad omne ) that he died for all sinners . surely this is not the way ( as is pretended ) to ease and encourage the troubled and terrified conscience : neither can they by their principles minister solid comfort to a sinner , tempted to despair of mércy . all the scrupulosity and unsatisfaction of conscience which they object against our doctrine ( that christ died not for all , but for the elect only whom the father gave him ) followeth as much yea more ( as i shall shew afterwards ) upon their own way . first of all when they give comfort and encouragement to sinners upon this ground , that christ hath dyed for all upon condition of faith , t is to be remembred that conditio nihil ponit in re , the generality of men can draw no result from the death of christ ( as it is set forth by their doctrine ) but that christ hath by his death made sure this proposition , that whoever believes on him shall be saved , or that all men shall be saved , if all men believe : now a conditionall proposition is true in the connexion of one thing to another , ( if this be that shall be ) although neither the one nor the other shall ever have an actuall existence . if sathan and wicked men get their will , christ shall have no church on earth , if the elect fall away from faith and obedience they shall perish , if the damned in hell had place and grace to repent and to believe in christ , they should be saved , or the like . so what solid comfort can the soul have from that conditionall proposition ( which is all the encouragement they do or dare give from the death of christ , to all men ) all men shall be saved by christ if they believe on him . is it not as true and as certain , ( may a sinner think with himself ) that no man on earth shall be saved , if no man on earth believe , and for my part , if i believe not i shall be damned ? if all this hang upon the condition of my believing ( saith the troubled conscience ) why then , hath not christ merited to m●…e , and will hee not give me the grace of believing ? that new doctrine answereth that christ hath merited faith and gives the grace of believing not to all , but to the elect only , that god hath in his eternall decree , in●…ended to passe by in the dispensation of his grace the greatest part of mankinde , and to keep back from them that grace without which he knowes they cannot believe on jesus christ : that though christ meant that all men should have some sort of call to believe on him , and should be saved upon condition of their believing ; yet he had no thought nor intention by his death to procure unto all men that grace without which they cannot believe . this doctrine of theirs while it undertaketh to comfort all men and to encourage all to believe , it tels them withall upon the matter that all cannot be saved because all cannot believe , that god will not give faith , and so not salvation either , unto millions of sinners . what comfort is it then to know that all shall be saved , if all believe , when men are told withall , that all shall not , cannot believe , and so shall not be saved ? this latter they hold as well as we , therefore their universall comfort taken from christs dying for all men upon condition of faith , amounts to as much as nothing . the true and safe grounds of encouragement to faith in christ are these . first , christs all-sufficiency , if he will he can , he is able to save to the uttermost , heb : . . art thou a sinner to the uttermost , his plaister is broad enough to cover the broadest sore . as gods mercy , so christs merit is infinite , and the reason is , because the blood is the blood of god as well as of man , act : . . this is a good strong foundation of comfort , if a soule convinced of its own sinfull estate , and of the vanity of creature comforts , doth so farre settle its thoughts upon christ that as he is the only saviour so an alsufficient saviour . then is the sinner so far encouraged ( which is no smal encouragement ) as to resolve there is vertue enough in the blood of christ to cleanse my crimson sins , even mine . there is no help for me out of christ , but in him there is help for all that come unto god by him . t is a great part of true faith to believe that christ is able and all-sufficient . therefore he himself said to the blind men , mat. . , . believe ye that i am able to do this ? they said unto him , ye a lord , then touched he their eyes saying according to your faith , be it unto you . he that said , lord if thou wil●… thou canst make me clean , was not rejected by christ as an unbeliever , but he got from him a good answer , i will , be thou clean , mat : . , . so every poor sinner that comes unto christ alsufficient , and believing that christ and christ only can purge him from all sin and save his soul , hath a true , though imperfect faith , and is in a faire way for salvation there is many a true believer , whose faith cannot as yet rise so high as to stay and rest upon the good will and love of jesus christ to him in particular : but the soul believes the alsufficiency of christ , and that he only is the saviour , and so cometh and draweth near unto god by and in christ , as the summum bonum which he values above all things ; and this his faith , although it hath not yet attained to a particular recumbency on the love of christ to him is a true faith , which christ will not despise . secondly , christs intention to die for all men and for the whole world , that is for all sorts of sinners in the world , and so for sinners of my kind , may every poor sinner in particular think with himself . here is an universall encouragement unto all from a true and real ground , and drawn from the will and intention , as well as from the power and alsufficiency of christ , which i shall make good from scripture , for he hath died for all sorts of persons , there is no condition excluded . for this i take the tim : . . who gave himself a ransome for all ; so ver . . who will have all men to be saved . the meaning must needs be of all sorts , not of all persons . for besides that the apostles all can be no more then christs many . mat. . . the sonne of man came to give his life a ransome for many , this very text hath aboundance of light to give it self , if we look to the context either before or behind ; before there is an exhortation to pray for all men , vers . . which although the arminians make an argument that all men is meant of all persons and not only of all sorts , both in that verse and vers : . & . because say they we ought to pray for all men universally pro singulis generū , & not only for all sorts ; yet t is indeed an argument for the contrary . for to pray for all men without exception of any person is not commanded , but we find the contrarie commanded . ieremiah was forbidden to pray or make intercession for the obstinat , incorrigible jews , ier : . . & . . & . . god would not have samuel to mourn for saul , after he was rejected of the lord , sam : . . and we ought not to pray for such as sinne unto death , i. e. the sin of bl●…sphemy against the holy ghost , io : . . paul is so far from praying for alexander the copper-smith , that he imprecats the vengeance of god upon him , tim : . . wee may not pray for the pope who is the great antichrist and sonne of perdition ; neither may we pray for , but against babylon , especially after the people of god are out of her . we are bidden pray for our enemies , but not for the malicious incorrigible enemies of christ. wh●…refore when the apostle bids us pray for all men . his meaning is , that we should exclud no degree nor kind of ●…en great o●… smal , jew or gentile , bound or free , &c. and so he doth upon the mater explain himself in the very next words , for kings and for all that are in authority , he saith , not for all kings , but he will not have us exclude kings nor queens as such from our prayers , nor any other subordinat rulers : when he saith all that are in authority , he means any kind of lawfull authority ; for we may not pray for those who are in any unlawfull or usurped authority in the church , archbishops , bishops , deans , archdeacons , &c. which prayer were an approbation of their unlawfull callings in the church . i doe not say that we may not pray for the persons of any archbishops , bishops , &c. but we may not pray for them as clothed with such an office or authority , as we are there bid pray for kings quatenus kings , that we may live under them a quiet and peaceable life in all godlines and honesty : so that a king or emperour as he is clothed with such authority may not be excluded from our prayers : but if we look upon all kings and emperours personally , individually or num●…cally , so it cannot hold true that we ought to pray for all that are in authority , otherwise the ancient church had been bound to pray for iulian the apostate . again , if we look to that which ( there ) followes after we find vers : . i will therefore that men pray every where ( or in every place ) lifting up holy hands . what means he by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? he means not in every individuall place without excepti●…n , for this were neither possible ( because there are many places in which there are not , neither can be any to pray ) nor fit , because we ought not to pray with lifted up hands in the streets or in the mercat places , there are fit places both for publick and privat prayer , and there are also unfit places either for privat or publick prayer . the meaning therefore is , that the worship of god is not restricted to jerusalem , now under the new testament . ●…o : . . . but that any place being otherwise convenient and fit for prayer , is sanctified for prayer , and that prayer made in any such place is no lesse acceptable to god then the prayer which was made in the ●…emple of jerusalem . and now why should we not understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vers : . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v : . even as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vers : . and the rather if we consider what is interlaced , for the text runs thus , who gave himself a ransome for all to be testified in due time , whereunto i am ordained a teacher of the gentil●…s in ●…aith and verity . i will therefore that men may pray every where . whereby it appears that the apostles plain scope is to take away that difference between jew & gentile , and to intimate that we must pray for all sorts of persons , b●…ause christ died for all sorts of persons , and will bee worshipped in every nation under the heaven . so that beza did fitly expresse the sense when he rendered vers : , . . pro quibusvis , vers . . quosvis , and vers . . in quovis loco , to note an universality of kinds , not of individualls . grotius also on mark ▪ . . noteth the same thing , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is used for quivis , not only in the new testament , but by aristophanes and sophocles . lastly , i know no reason but our translatours should have rendered , tim : . . who will have all manner of men to be saved , and vers : who gave himself a ransome for all manner of men , as well as mat : . . they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all manner of sickness , mat ▪ . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all maner of sin , and acts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all maner of foure-footed beasts . in the same sense i understand heb. . . that he by the grace of god should taste death for every man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which phrase the apostle rather useth to the hebrews , to wear out that common opinion of the jews , that the messias was only to be a saviour to them , as under the law the sacrifices were offered only for the sins of the congregation of israel . howbeit i may further adde for clearing this text. . seeing the text hath no more but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , ( as the tigurine rightly rendereth the letter of the text ) pro omni , we may well supply it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pro omni filio , not for every man , ( which though it be the expres●…on of the english translators cannot be necessarily drawn from the originall ) but for every son , whether jew or gentile , i. e. for every one predestinated to the adoption of children , which i confirme from the two next verses ( both of them having a manifest connexion with v : ) ●…or these all for whom christ tasted death are called many sons v : . and they who are sanctified , also brethren , vers . see the like phrase mark . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for every one shall be salted with fire , i. e. every one who shall enter into life : for this sense is to be gathered from the v. , . . and when it is said , epist : iohn v. . demetrius hath good report of all men , we must either understand all the brethren , or make some such restriction of that universall expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for most men in the world knew not demetrius . so luke . . from that time the kingdome of god is preached , and every man presseth unto it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now therefore there can be no further of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that text to the hebrews , then in these other texts here cited . . it may be also supplyed thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and t is in it self true that christ tasted death for every nation , or for every people , for in him are all the nations and kind●…eds of the earth blessed , act : . . gal. . . that is , the elect of all the nations , which upon the matter comes to one and the same thing with the ●…ormer sense , although the former expression suteth better to the context : yea although it had been said that christ tasted death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for every man , ( which is not said ) yet every man could be here no more then all men , rom. . . as by the offence of one , judgement came upon all men to condemnation ; ev●…n so by the righteousnesse of one , the free gift came upon all men unto iustification of life . wherein the second branch , all men , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is no more , and can be no more , but all who are in christ , or all regenerat and justified persons . for . by these all men the apostle understands ( as is manifest by comparing this with the precedent verse ) they which receive aboundance of grace and of the gift of righteousnesse , and he addeth concerning them , that they shall reigne in life by one iesus christ. . the comparison between christ and adam clears it , for they are both set forth as publick persons , all who are in adam a●…e actually involved into the sentence of condemnation , and all who are in christ are actually translated from the state of condemnation into the state of justification . but i proceed . another scripture which hath been understood for christs dying for all men , being indeed meant of all sorts , is io. . . and he is the propitiation for our sins , and not for ours only , but also for the sins of the whole world : which is to be expounded by that promise made to abraham , that in his seed all the families or kinreds of the earth should be blessed , act. . . gal : . . and by rev. . . thou wast slain and hast redeemed us to god by by thy blood , out of every kindred , & tongue , and people , and nation . so rev. . . after the sealing of a hundreth fourty and four thousand out of all the tribs of israel , 't is added , after this ibeheld and lo , a great multitud which no man could number of all nations , and kindreds , and people and tongues stood before the throne and before the lamb , clothed in white robs , and palms in their hands . for which cause also the news of a saviour are called good tydings to all people , or to every people , luke . . so the apostle iohn who was of the jews , tells us there that christ is a propitiation , not only for the sinnes of himself , and of others of his nation , who were then believers , but likewise for the elect of all nations and all the world over . to the same purpose t is said , ioh. . for god so loved the world that he gave his only begotten son : that whosoever believeth in him should not perish , but have everlasting life . where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is of no larger extent then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the tigurine rendereth , omnis qui credit , not quisquis , that every one who believeth in him should not perish , so that every one who believeth is an exegesis or explanation of the word world. howbeit if any like better the ordinary reading , that whosoever believeth , it comes in the issue to the same thing . for t is a great mistake to think that the world here is a genus , which is divided in believers and unbelievers , and that the word whosoever is added in reference not to the world before mentioned , but only to one kinde or sort of the world . which ( by the way ) is also inconsistent with their principles who hold that christ dyed for all , to purchase life to all , upon condition of believing ; for if so , there can be no partition here of the world but the latter branch as large as the first . but if there be any partition here of the world , ( i say if there be , for the text may be understood , exegetice , not partitive , as i have shewed already , it is not partitio generis in species , but totius in partes , that is , the world which god loved is not divided into believers and unbelievers , but by the world is meant the elect of all nations , and this whole world is subdivided into its parts by the word whosoever , that is , whether jew or gentile , whether barbarian or scythian , whether bound or fre●… &c. for this , the apostle explaineth the very same words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rom. . , . whosoever believeth on him shall not be ashamed , for there is no difference between the iew and the greek : for the same lord over a●…l is rich unto all that call upon him . so gal. . . col : . . act. . , . and though some have with much scorn set at nought that expression , the world of the elect , i. e th●… elect of all the world , yet it will puzle them to give any other sense to io : . . where t is said , that christ giveth life unto the world , or to io. ●… . . where the spirit is said to convince the world of sin , of righteousnes & judgement , or io : . . where christ prayeth , that the world may believe , and the father hear●…th him alwayes as in other petitions , so in this . the third incouragement to believing is , that jesus christ hath died , as for persons of all sorts and conditions , so for the expiation of all so●…ts , and all manner of sins , and hath plainly assured us , that all manner of sin and blasphemy shall be forgiven unto men . mat : . . he excepteth only one kinde , but the blasphemy against the holy ghost shall not be forgiven unto men . where exceptio firmat regulā in non exceptis ; this being the sole exception , maketh the general promise the surer , that not some sorts only , but all sort of sins , yea of blasphemies , not only may , but shal be forgiven unto men . now to be clear concerning that one sin excepted . . t is not properly any sin of the second table , but of the first , & is therefore called blasphemy , . t is not every blasphemy , for any other blasphemie is declared in that text to be pardonable . . t is a wilfull blasphemy contrary to the illumination of the holy ghost and knowledge of the truth once received , heb : . . & . . fo●… which reason pauls sinne when he blasphemed the name of christ and was exceedingly mad against it , was not the blasphemy against the holy ghost , because he did it ignorantly . if p●…ter had at that time sinned pauls sin , it had been the blasphemy against the holy ghost and so unpardonable , for it wanted nothing , but knowledge and illumination to make it that unpardonable sin , which the apostle himself , tim. . . doth intimat . . neither is it every blasphemy against knowledge , but such as is joyned with a hatred of christ , so farre that if they could they would pull him down from heaven and crucifie him again . there was mercy for these who crucified christ ignorantly , but no mercy to those who would do it knowingly . moreover , although they cannot get christ himself again crucified , yet they revile , reproach , disgrace and p●…rsecute him in his members , ministers , ord●…nances , and all the wayes they can put him to shame and dishonour . now there are two sorts of these who sin by blasphemy against the holy ghost . some do not professe christ and the truth of the gospell , yet maliciously and against their knowledge reproach or persecut it . so the pharisees mark : . , , . in saying that christ had an unclean spirit , did blaspheme against the holy ghost . others do professe christ and his gospell , and truth , yet fall away to be malicious enemies thereunto , against their knowledge . such a one was iudas , neither is there any thing to move us to think that iudas did not blaspheme the holy ghost , except that he repented himself afterward : but there is nothing in scripture against the possibility of a desperat repentance in these who blaspheme the holy ghost , but only that they can never so r●…pent as to be renewed againe , h●…b : . . that all sin , ioh. . . i , e. all manner of sin is purged away by the blood of christ , and atonement made for all sorts of sinners , was also signified , both by christs healing all maner of diseases among the people , mat : . . and by peters vision of all manner of four footed beasts , and creeping things , and fowls of the aire , let down as it were in a sheet from heaven to be killed , and eaten , act ▪ . , . so that as the promise of mercy and free grace comes home not only to thy nation and to persons of thy condition , state and degree , yea and to thy kindred and familie , but also to thy case in respect of sinne , it comes fully home to sinners of thy kind or case , it tendereth christ even to such a sinner as thou art . fourthly christ receiveth all who come unto him , and excludeth none but such as by their unbelief exclude themselves . joh : . . fifthly it is an incouragement to believing , that we are commanded to believe ▪ john. . . and this is his commandement , that we should believe in the name of his son iesus christ , and love one another as he gave us commandement observe the sa●…e authoritie that commands us to love one another , injoynes also that we believe on christ. but if any shall say , i cannot believe , i have no strength nor grace to believe , i answer , ( and let this be the sixt incouragement to believing ) that god sets foorth himself to be the giver of faith eph. . . phil. . . and his son to be the author and finisher of our faith . heb. . . if it be objected , i know it is so indeed . but god works faith only in the elect , and i know not whether i be elected or not . i answer , thou art discharged ( in this case ) to run back to election ( which is gods secret ) and art commanded to obey the revea●…ed command , according to that of deut : . . the secret things belong un●…o the lord our god , but these things which are revealed , belong unto us and to our children , that we may d●…e all the words of this law. and therefore seeing ye are commanded to believe in god , and hears that he is the author and finisher of faith ; say with augustine , da domine quod jubes & jube quod vis . and with the disciples , lord increase our faith , luk : . . or with that man in the gospell , i believe , lord help my unbelief , mark . . and request him who hath promised to give the spirit of grace and supplication , that yee may look on him whom you have pierced , zech ▪ . . to lighten your eyes , lest yee sleep unto death , psal. . . for this looking on christ ( promised in zecharie ) is nothing else then believing on him . as the looking on the brazen serpent which was the tipe of christ , is accomplished when we believe in christ who was typified thereby , as is to be gathered by comparing iohn . . . with numb : . . errata . page , . for spegmen , read specimen . pag. . for autoris , read aut oris . pag. . for is ever blinde , read is not ever blinde . p. . for object . . read object . . p. . for ecclesiae and canonca , read ecclesia and canonica . p. . for improblable , read improbable . p. . for but a preacher , read but by a preacher . p. , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p . ●…or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e isa. . ●… . mich. . ●… cor. . zech. . . notes for div a -e refut . ract . de ●…issione sinistroum , cap. . non um eiam sen. 〈◊〉 esse ●…emini liere , do . 〈◊〉 nisi ●…ittatur , 〈◊〉 nemiem ulla 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prae●…care , hoc 〈◊〉 , rem ●…vam an●…ntiare 〈◊〉 mitta●…r , hoc 〈◊〉 , nisi à 〈◊〉 dei unus im●…natur . notes for div a -e loc. com . class . . cap. . sed in primitiva ecclesia cum prophetia vigeret , quid discriminis erat inter prophetam & doctorem ? respondeo , quamvis idem fuerit utriusque munus , tamen doctores instituebantur a praeceptoribus : prophetae verò , ●…ine omni ope humana , repente afflatu spiritus sancti concitatiloquebantur , probl : theol : loc : . prophetae ampliora habebant dona ideo scripturae obstrusiora loca illustrabant eodem spititu , quo scripta fuerunt — ideo de scripturis rectius praedicabant . so calvin . instit : loc : . cap. . § . opening that text , ephes. . . understands by prophets , such as had extraorinarie revelations . justin martyr , dial . cum . tryph. iud. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for even to this present time , there are propheticall gifts , so that we ought to understand that the gifts which were of old in your nation are transferred unto us . notes for div a -e tertull. de praescript . advers : haeret . cum ideo credidisse se dicat ( apostolus ) de schismalibus & dissensionibus quia scilicet etiam haereses op●…orteret esse . ostendit enim gravioris mali respectu , de levioribus se facile credidisse . tertul de praescrip : advers : haeret . haereses dictae graeca voce ex interpretatione electionis , quia quis sive ad instituendas siv ad suscip●…endas ●…as utitur . ideo & sibi ●…amnatum dixit haereticum : quia & in quo damnatu●… sibi elegit august . tom. . lib de vera relig . cap. . sunt enim innumerabiles in ecclesia sancta , deo probati vi●…i , sed ma nifesti non fiunt inter nos , quam diu imperitiae nostrae tenebris delectatidormire malumus , quam lucē veritatis ●…ntueri . vin. lirin . advers . haer . cap. tunc quisquis verus christi amator & cultor exstitit antiquam fidem novellae perfidiae praeferendo , nulla contagii ipsius peste maculatus est . notes for div a -e de verbis apost . ser. . ●…rat . de ●…ompon . ●…elig : dissilio . vide ora●… ▪ in au abrah : calov●…i . anno. . mr. j. goodwi●… hagioma stix sect : . ▪ notes for div a -e zeperus . de pol. mos. lib ▪ . cap. ▪ pelargus in deut. . , , par●…us i●… gen. . ●…ivetus in exod. . . tarnovi us tract . de foede●… bus . see vict●… srigel . in paralip ●… . ▪ also zep●…erus , 〈◊〉 , tarnovi●… , ubi su●… . lava●… in paralip . ▪ ●… . & in ezek. . . p ▪ martyr loc. com. clas . . cap . num. . & comment . in reg. . ●… . &c. the same ●…hing is ●…olden by tostatus in . reg. . quest . corn. 〈◊〉 lat pide in . pag. . . socrat. hist : lib. cap. . sleid. com . lib. . pag. . ibid : lib : pag. , de helvetiis infoedus recipiendis ▪ quod civitates valde cupiebant , sáxo per legatos respondet , quoniam de coena dom. diversum sequantur dogma non sibi licere societatem cum ipsis ullam coire : quanti sit ipsorum conjunctio , propter vires atque potentiam , non se quidem latere , sed eo sibi minime respiciendum esse , ne tristis inde sequatur exitus , quod iis accidisse scriptura testetur , qui muniendi sui causa , cujusque modi praesidiis usi fuissent . vide etiam pag. . quod si zuingliani faterentur errorem atque desisterent , comprehendi etiam in hac pace sin minus , tum deserendos , nec auxilii quicquam cis communicandum , neque foedus ullum cum ipsis faciendum esse . et infra lib. . pag. . et recipiendos esse placet in hoc foedus ( smalcaldicum ) qui velint atque cupiant modo , doctrina augustae propositam in comitiis profiteantur , & sortem communem subeant . polit. christ. lib . cap. . keckermde repub. spart . disp . . lib. . cap. . sanctius & corn. a lapide in sam. . antiq. jud. lib. . cap. . ●… see mr. fox . acts and monuments , vol. pag. . . . edit . . see the estates principalities and empires of the world , translated by grimston , pag : . to . acts and moun . ments , ubi supra pag. . sleid. com. lib. . pag. ▪ . notes for div a -e mentes humanae mirifice c piuntur & fascinātur ceremo nialium splendore & p●…mpa hospin : epist : ante lib de orig : monacho . notes for div a -e hier. in ezech. . & in aqua non es lota in salutem . cruenta infantium corpora , statim ut emittuntur ex utero lavari solent . ita ut generatio spiritualis , lavacro indiget salutari . nullus enim mundus à sorde nec si unius quidem diei fuerit vita ejus , & in psalmis legitur : in iniquitatibus conceptus sum , & in delictis concepit me mater mea . secunda nativitas solvit primam nativitatem . scriptum est enim . nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua & spiritu sancto , non potest intrare in regnum dei . multaque sunt lavacra quae ethnici in mysteriis suis , & haeretici pollicentur , qui omnes lavant , sed non lavant in salutem . propterea additum est , & aqua non es lota in salutem . quod quidem non solum de haereticis , sed de ecclesiasticis intelligi potest ; qui non plena fide accipiunt baptismum salutare . synops. purior . theol. disp. . thes. . item exempla infantium israeliticorum , qui non minus quam israelitae adulti , sub nube & in mari rubro fuerunt baptizati , teste apostolo cor. . gualther . archetyp . in cor. . , . confutantur anabaptistarum errores . negant infantibus baptismum , quia nuspiā legatur esse baptizatos , & quia mysterium non intelligant . at baptizati sunt omnes qui mare transierunt , inter quos infantes quoque fuerunt . exod. . deinde neque isti intellexer unt mysteria , nec ideo symbola prophanata sunt . buzt . lex . chald. rabb . & talumd . pag. . proselyto minorem ; conferunt baptisrum ex decreto domus judicii , hoc est , senatus . m. selden de jure nat . & gent. lib. . cap. . ut gentiles majores ad hunc modum exanimi sui sententia proselyti fiebant , ita minores ( masculi ante annum decimum tertium praeter diem unicum , foeminae ante annum duodecimum & diem insuper expletum ) ex sententia sive patris sive fori cui suberant in judaismum pariter cooptati . atque actus tam forensis quam paternus assensum eorum tum in circumcisione & baptismo , tum in sacrificio offerendo quod sequebatur , supplebat . si verò minor , simulac aetatem compieverat , judaismo renunciasser , nec eum omnino postquam major erat , fuisset amplexus , ita dem evanuit , quicquid per initiamenta quibus ex assensu sive paterno , sive forensi cooptatus est , ut in gentilis plane conditionem rediret . filius ex quo natus est , dum fuerit tredecim annorum vocatur minor et puer . notes for div a -e vide. h. grotii annot . in matth. . . notes for div a -e loc. thè : de eccl. num . . distinguēdum igitur est inter rationem sibirelictā ac solutam quae sine froeno discurrit , ac suis fertur logismis , quae judicat ac statuit ex suis principiis , quae sunt communes notiones , sensus , experientia , &c. & inter rationem per verbum dei refrenatam & sub obseqnium christi redactam , quae judicat an statuit ex proprio theologiae principio , viz. ex verbo dei in scripturis sacris proposito . notes for div a -e isi. d. hispal . de differ . spirit . diff . . dilectio in deum origo est dilectionis in proximum ; & dilectio in proximū , cognitio est dilectionis in deum . quest. answ. h. steph. in thes . ling. gr. tom . . pag. . mr. i. goodwi●…l in his haglomastix . dr. crispes sermons , the . volum , serm : . iohn eaton his honey combe of free ▪ justification . cap. . dr. crisp. in the . volume of his sermons . ser. . ibid. pag . ●… ibid. se●… . . pag. . dr. crisps ibid. serm . . pag. . . . . dt. crisp. ibid. serm . . pag. . ibid. pag. . ▪ . ibid. pag . . i. eaton in the hony combe , chap. . honey combe . chap. . p ▪ , ▪ honey ●…ombe chap. . p. . rob. lansaster praef ●…efore dr. crisp. sermons . honey combe , chap . pag. notes for div a -e this chapter was left by the author not perfected . yet so much as is in the copie is printed for the readers aedification , and to stirre up others to pros●…cnte the like purpose , and in the meantime to make the best use of these . a summarie view of the government both of the old and new testament whereby the episcopall government of christs church is vindicated out of the rude draughts of lancelot andrewes, late bishop of winchester : whereunto is prefixed (as a preamble to the whole) a discovery of the causes of the continuance of these contentions touching church-government out of the fragments of richard hooker. andrewes, lancelot, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing a ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a summarie view of the government both of the old and new testament whereby the episcopall government of christs church is vindicated out of the rude draughts of lancelot andrewes, late bishop of winchester : whereunto is prefixed (as a preamble to the whole) a discovery of the causes of the continuance of these contentions touching church-government out of the fragments of richard hooker. andrewes, lancelot, - . hooker, richard, or - . [ ], p. printed by leon lichfield ..., oxford : . reproduction of original in cambridge university library. eng church polity. a r (wing a ). civilwar no a summarie view of the government both of the old and new testament: whereby the episcopall government of christs church is vindicated; out andrewes, lancelot f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a summarie view of the government both of the old and new testament : whereby the episcopall government of christs church is vindicated : out of the rude draughts of lancelot andrewes , late bishop of winchester . whereunto is prefixed ( as a preamble to the whole ) a discovery of the causes of the continuance of these contentions touching church-government : out of the fragments of richard hooker , oxford , printed by leon lichfield , anno dom , . the causes of the continuance of these contentions concerning church-government . contention ariseth , either through errour in mens judgements , or else disorder in their affections . . when contention doth grow by errour in judgement ; it ceaseth not till men by instruction come to see wherein they erre , and what it is that did deceive them . without this , there is neither policy nor punishment that can establish peace in the church . the moscovian emperour , being weary of the infinite strifes and contentions amongst preachers , and by their occasion amongst others , forbad preaching utterly throughout all his dominions ; and in stead thereof commanded certain sermons of the greeke and latine fathers to bee translated , and them to be read in publique assemblies , without adding a word of their owne thereunto upon paine of death . hee thought by this politique devise to bring them to agreement , or at least to cover their disagreement . but so bad a policy was no fit salve for so great a soare . we may think perhaps , that punishment would have beene more effectuall to that purpose . for neither did solomon speak without book in saying , that when folly is bound up in the heart of a child , the rod of correction must drive it out ; and experience doth shew that when errour hath once disquieted the minds of men and made them restlesse , if they doe not feare they will terrify . neither hath it repented the church at any time to have used the rod in moderate severity for the speedier reclaiming of men from error , and the reuni●ing such as by schisme have sundred themselves . but we find by triall , that as being taught and not terrified , they shut their eares against the word of truth and sooth themselves in that wherewith custome or sinister persuasion hath inured them : so contrariwise , if they be terrifyed and not taught , their punishment doth not commonly worke their amendment . as moses therefore , so likewise aaron ; as zerubabel , so iehoshua ; as the prince which hath laboured by the scepter of righteousnesse and sword of justice to end strife , so the prophets which with the booke and doctrine of salvation have soundly and wisely endeavoured to instruct the ignorant in those litigious points wherewith the church is now troubled : whether by preaching , as apolloes among the iewes ; or by disputing , as paul at athens ; or by writing , as the learned in their severall times and ages heretofore ; or by conferring in synods and councells , as peter , iames , and others at ierusalem ; or by any the like allowable and laudable meanes ; their praise is worthily in the gospell , and their portion in that promise which god hath made by his prophets , they that turne many unto righteousnesse shall shine as the starres for ever and ever . i say , whosoever have soundly and wisely endeavoured by those meanes to reclaime the ignorant from their errour , and to make peace . want of sound proceeding in church controversies hath made many more stiffe in errour now then before . want of wise and discreet dealing , hath much hindred the peace of the church . it may bee thought , and is , that arius had never raised those tempestuous stormes which we read he did ; if alexander , the first that withstood the arrians heresy , had born himselfe with greater moderation , and been lesse eager in so good a cause . sulpitius severus doth note as much in the dealings of idacius against the favourers of priscillian , when that heresy was but green and new sprung up . for by overmuch vehemency against iactantius and his mates , a sparke was made a f●ame : insomuch that thereby the seditious waxed rather more fierce then lesse troublesome . in matters of so great moment , whereupon the peace or disturbance of the church is knowne to depend , if there were in us that reverend care which should be ; it is not possible wee should either speak at any time without feare , or ever write but with a trembling hand . doe they consider whereabout they goe , or what it is they have in hand ; who taking upon them the causes of god , deale only or chiefly against the persons of men ? we cannot altogether excuse our selves in this respect , whose home controversies and debates at this day , although i trust they be as the strife of paul with barnabas and not with elymas ; yet because there is a truth , which on the one side being unknown hath caused contention , i doe wish it had pleased almighty god , that in sifting it out , those offences had not grown , which i had rather bewaile with secret teares then publick speech . neverthelesse as some sort of people is reported to have bred a detestation of drunkennesse in their children by presenting the deformity thereof in servants : so it may come to passe ( i wish it might ) that we beholding more foule deformity in the face and countenance of a common adversary , shall be induced to correct some smaller blemishes in our owne . yee are not ignorant of the demaunds , motives , censures , apologies , defences , and other writings which our great enemies have published under colour of seeking peace ; promising to bring nothing but reason and evident remonstrance of truth . but who seeth not how full gorged they are with virulent , sl●nderous and immodest speeches , tending much to the disgrace , to the disproofe nothing of that cause which they endeavour to overthrow ? will you speake wickedly for gods defence ? saith iob. will you dipp your tongues in gall and your pennes in blood , when yee write and speak in his cause ? is the truth confirmed , are men convicted of their errour when they are upbrayded with the miseries of their condition and estate ? when their understanding , wit and knowledge is depressed ? when suspitions and rumours , without respect how true or how false , are objected to diminish their credit and estimation in the world ? is it likely that invectives , epigrammes , dialogues , epistles , libells , loden with contumelies and criminations , should bee the meanes to procure peace ? surely they which doe take this course , the way of peace they have not knowne . if they did but once enter into a stayed consideration with themselves what they doe ; no doubt they would give over and resolve with iob. behold i am vile , what shall i answer ? i will lay my hand upon my mouth . if i have spoken once amisse , i will speak no more ; or if twice , i will proceed no further . ii. but how sober and how sound soever our proceedings be in these causes ; all is in vaine which wee doe to abate the errours of men , except their unruly affections be bridled . selfe-love , vaine-glory , impatience , pride , pertinacy , these are the bane of our peace . and these are not conquered or cast out , but by prayer . pray for ierusalem ; and your prayer shall cause the hills to bring forth peace : peace shall distill and come downe like the raine upon the mowen grasse , and as the showers that water the earth . we have used all other meanes , and behold wee are frustrate , wee have laboured in vaine . in disputations ; whether it be because men are ashamed to acknowledge their errours before many witnesses , or because extemporality doth exclude mature and ripe advise without which the truth cannot soundly and throughly bee demonstrated , or because the fervor of contention doth so disturbe mens understanding , that they cannot sincerely and effectually judge : in books and sermons ; whether it be because we doe speak and write with too little advise , or because you doe heare and read with too much prejudice : in all humane means wch have hitherto been used to procure peace ; whether it be because our dealings have been too feeble , or the minds of men with whom we have dealt too too implacable , or whatsoever the cause or causes have been : for as much as wee see that as yet wee faile in our desires , yea the wayes which we take to be most likely to make peace , doe but move strife ; o that we would now hold our tongues , leave contending with men , and have our talke and treaty of peace with god . we have spoken and written enough of peace : there is no way left but this one ; pray for the peace of ierusalem . the forme of government in the old testament : and first , under moses . the common-wealth of israel was considered , either as personall , containing all the whole people , not a man left : or representative ; in the estate , tribes , cities ; whose daughters the townes adjacent are called . i. the estate had ever one governour , . moses . . iosua . . iudges . . kings . . tirshathaes , [ or , vice-royes , ezra . . . ] with whom were joyned the lxx . elders . ii. the tribes had every one their prince , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} phylarcha . ( num. . ) with whom were joyned the chiefe of the families , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} patriarchae . ( num. . . ) iii. the cities had each likewise their ruler . ( iud. . . . king. . . . king. . . ) with whom were joyned the elders or ancients . ( ruth . . . ezr. . . ) these last , not before they came into canaan , [ and were setled in their cities . ] it appeareth , that moses sometime consulted only with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( the heads of the tribes ; ) and then one trumpet only sounded : ( num. . . ) in some other causes with the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( the congregation ; ) and then both trumpets called . ( num. . . ) the highest bench or iudgement , for causes of greatest difficultie , was that of the lxx . who at the first , were the fathers of each familie that came down to egypt . ( gen. . ) which number did after that remaine ; ( exod. . , . ) and was at last by god himselfe so appointed . ( num. . . ) see . chron. . . the inferiour benches , for matters of lesse importance , were erected by iethroes advice of rulers of thousands , hundreds , fifties , tithings . exod. . , . and after established by gods approbation . ( deut. . . ) in every city ( as * iosephus saith ) were seven iudges ; and for each iudge , two levites : which made together the bench of each city . the forme of the ecclesiastical government under moses . the priesthood was setled in the tribe of levi by god . levi had three sons : cohath , gershon , and merari . of these , the line of cohath was preferred before the rest . from him descended four families : amram , izhar , hebron , and vzziel . of these the stock of amram was made chiefe . he had two sons : aaron and moses . aaron was by god appointed high priest . so that there came to be foure distinctions of levits : . aaron , as chiefe . . cohath . . gershon . . merari . the commonwealth of israel was at the beginning in the desert a camp . in the midst whereof the arke and tabernacle were pitched : and according to the four coasts whereof , they quartered themselves ; on every side three tribes . on the east side : iudah . issachar zabulon , on the south side : reuben . simeon . gad. on the west side : ephraim . manasses . benjamin . on the north side : dan. aser . napthali . num. . v. . . . . these foure quarters were committted to those foure divisions of levits : the east quarter , to aaron , and his family . the south quarter , to the cohathites . the west quarter , to the gershonits . the north quarter , to the merarits . num. . vers. . . . . who lodged among them , and took charge of them , as of their severall wards . but there was not a parity in these foure : for . aarons family , which bare the ark it selfe , was chiefe . . cohaths , which bare the tabernacle and vessels , next . . gershons , which bare the veile and hangings of the court , third . . meraries , which bare the pillars and posts , last . neither were all the levits of each of these severall houses equall ; but god ordeined a superiority among them : over the priests , eleazar . over the cohathits , elizaphan . over the gershonits , eliasaph . over the merarits , zuriel . num. . v. . . . whom he termeth nesiim , that is , prelats or superiors . no more did he permit these foure to be equals among themselves : but appointed ithamar ( exod. . . ) to command over eliasaph , with his gershonits . ( num. . . ) zuriel , with his merarits . ( num. . . ) eleazar ( num. . . ) to have jurisdictio over his own family . elizaphan , with his cohathites . yea he maketh not eleazar and ithamar to be absolute equals : but giveth eleazar preeminence over ithamar ; and therefore termeth him nasi nesiim , princeps principum or praelatus praelatorum . ( num. . . ) and all these under aaron the high priest . so that , . aaron was the high priest . . under him eleazar : who , as hee had his peculiar charge to look unto , so was he generally to rule both ithamars jurisdiction and his owne . . under him ithamar , over two families . . under him the three prelats . . under each of them , their severall chiefe fathers ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as they are termed exod. . . ) under elizaphan foure , under eliasaph two , under zuriel two . ( num. . , &c. ) . under these , the severall persons of their kindreds . this is here worth the noting , that albeit it bee granted that aaron was the type of christ , and so we forbeare to take any argument from him : yet eleazar ( who was no type , nor ever so deemed by any writer ) will serve sufficiently to shew such superiority as is pleaded for ; that is , a personall jurisdiction in one man resiant over the heads or rulers of diverse charges . the forme of government under joshua . the common-wealth being changed from the ambulatory form into a setled estate in the cities of canaan : as before , the levits were divided according to the severall quarters of the camp ; so now were they sorted into the severall territories of the tribes . so god commanded ; num. . , . the lot fell so , that the foure partitions of the xii . tribes were not the same , as when they camped before together ; but after another sort . for the tribes of . iuda , simeon and benjamin made the first quarter . . ephraim , dan , and halfe of manasses the second . . issachar , asher , napthali , and the other halfe of manasses the third . . zebulun , reuben , and gad the fourth . now in these foure ; . the charge or oversight of the first was committed to aaron and his family : and they had therein assigned to them xiii . cities . in iudah and simeon , ix . and in benjamin , iv. ( ios. . , , &c. ) . of the second , the care was committed to the family of the cohathits : and they had assigned to them x. cities . in ephraim , iv. in dan , iv. and in the halfe of manasses , ii. ( ios. . . ) . the third was committed to the family of gershon : and they had therein assigned to them xiii . cities . in issachar , iv. in asher , iv. in naphtali , iii. in the other halfe of manasses , ii. ( ios. . . ) . the oversight of the fourth partition was committed to the merarits : and they had therein assigned to them xii . cities . in zebulun , iv. in reuben , iv. in gad , iv. ( ios. . . ) these were in all , xlviii . cities : whereof the chiefe ( as may appeare ) were cities set on hills ; and all so situate , in such proportion and distance , as that they most equally parted their tribe among them , to performe unto them their duties of attendance and instruction . further , there were in ioshuahs time added , by the decree of the princes , the nethinims of the people of gibeon ; for the lowest ministeries , and for the service of the levits . ( ios. . . ) so that now the order was thus : . eleazar . . phineas . . abisua . . the three nesiims . . the rase aboth , [ or , heads of the families . ] . the levits . . the nethinims . if this power and superiority was necessary , when all the people and priests were within one trench , even within the view of aarons eye : much more in canaan , when they were scattered abroad in divers cities farre distant , was the retaining of it more then necessary . the forme of government under david . albeit in sauls government small regard was had to the church : yet david found at his comming a superiority amongst them . for besides the priests , hee found six princes or rulers over six families of the levits . ( . chron. . , , &c. ) vriel over cohath . asajah over merari . ioel over gershon . shemajah over elizaphan . eliel over hebron . amminadab over vzziel . likewise between the two priests an inequality : one abiathar , attending the ark at ierusalem , the higher function ; the other , zadok , the tabernacle at gibeon . ( . sam. . . . chron , . , . ) but after the ark was brought back ; he set a most exquisite order among the levits : and that by samuels direction ; . chron. . . so that he is there reckoned as a new founder . of them he made six orders : . chron. . . priests , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . vers. . . ministers of priests . iudges , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . vers. . . officers , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . singers , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . verse . . . porters , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . . of priests , zadok was the chiefe of the family of eleazar ; and ahimelech the second , of the family of ithamar . ( . chron- . . ) under these were xxiiii . other courses . of the posteritie of eleazar , xvi . ithamar , viii . . chr. . . which xxiiii . are called ( in the . verse ) rulers of the sanctuary and rulers of the house of god : and to whom the learned interpreters thinke the xxiiii . elders , apocal. . . have relation . ii. of levits that ministred to the priests in their function , likewise xxiiii . courses ; out of the * viii . families , the heads of whom are set downe in . chron. . . and . . over all which , jehdeiah was chiefe . iii. of iudges , that sate for causes aswell of god as the king , there were appointed : . on this side iordan , upwards toward the river ; ashhabiah the hebronite . ( . chr. . . ) . on this side iordan , downwards towards the sea ; chenaniah the isharite . ( . chr. . . ) . beyond iordan , over the two tribes and the halfe ; ierijah the chiefe of the hebronites . ( . chron. . . ) iiii. of officers . scribes . shemaiah . ( . chron. . . ) seraiaeh . ( . sam. . . ) shevah . ( . sam. . . ) scribes of the levits . ( . chron. . . ) temple . ( . king. . . ier. . ) people . ( mat. . . ) king. ( . king. . . ) v. of the singers likewise he set xxiv courses : over which he placed three chiefe , out of the three families . ( . chron. . . & . , , . ) out of cohath ; heman samuels nephew . ( . chr. . ) gershon ; asaph . ( . chron. . . ) merari ; ethan or ieduthun . . chron. . . of these , heman was the chiefe . ( . ch. . ) vnder these were diverse others . ( . chr. . . vi . of porters , who were divided into the keepers of the watch of the temple : ( mat. . . psal. . . ) who were placed on each quarter of the tabernacle . ( . chr. . , , &c. ) on the east side vi . over whom was shelemiah . south iiii. ( for the tabernacle ii. and ii. for asuppim ) over whō was obed. west iiii. over whom was hosa . north iiii. over whom was zechariah . over all these it seemeth benajah , the son of iehoiada the priest , was the chiefe . ( . chron , . . ) treasurers : for the revenues of the house of god ( . ch. . . ) for things dedicated by vow ; shelomith . . chron. . . ) cohath ; shebuel of moses ofspring . gershon ; iehiel . merari ; ahiah . over all the porters was chenaniah . ( . chr. . . & . , . ) it is to be remembred that , beside zadok the high priest and ahimelech ( the second ) we finde mention of hashabiah the son of kemuel chiefe of the whole tribe of levi . ( . chron. . . ) so that there was one over the ark ; zadok . the second over the tabernacle ; ahimelech . the third over the tribe ; hashabiah . as over the levits ministers ; iehdeiah . iudges ; chasabiah . officers ; shemaiah . singers ; heman . porters ; chenaniah , or benaiah . agreeable to this forme we read that under iosias there were three : that is , hilkiah , zachariah , and iehiel : ( . chron. . . ) and that the levits had six over them . ( . chron. . . ) againe under zedekiah ; that there were carried into captivity seraiah [ the chief priest ] and zephaniah [ the second priest . ] . king. . . likewise under ezekiah , at the provision for the levits portions , there were ten of the levits ; over whom was cononiah and shimei : and so kore over the voluntary offrings ; and six levits under him . ( . chron. . , . &c. ) the forme of government under nehemiah : of whom and esdras it is recorded , that they did all according to moses institution . ( ezr. . . nehem. . , . ) there was then eliashib . nehem. . . seraiah . . . zabdiel . . . the courses were then but xxii . ( neh. . . ) there was then vzzi . ( neh. . . ) iezrahiah . ( neh. . . ) shallum . ( . chron. . . ) under zabdiel , at his hand adaiah . nehem. . ver. , . amasai . nehem. . ver. , . vnder vzzi shemaiah . neh. . , . shabbethai . neh. . , . iozabad . neh. . , . vnder iezrahiah mattaniah . neh. . . bakbukiah . neh. . . abda . neh. . . vnder shallum akkub . . chron. . . nehem. . . talmon . . chron. . . nehem. . . so that there was . the high priest . . the second & third , overseers of the priests . . the princes of the priests . . the priests . . the overseer of the levits . . the princes of the levits . . the levits . . the heads of the nethinims . . the nethinims : of the gibeonits . . the nethinims : of salomons servants . [ a briefe recapitulation of the degrees observed under the government of the old testament : with an accommodation thereof unto the new ] out of these we gather this forme to have been . i. moses : [ in whom was ] the supreme jurisdiction , to visit aaron . ( num. . . ) ii. aaron : the high priest . ( levit. . . num. . . nehem. . . ) head . ( . chron. . . ) prince of the house of god . ( . chron. . ) iii. eleazar : the second . ( . king. . . ) prelate of prelats . ( num. . . ) chiefe overseer , or bishop ( ier. . . ) at his hand , ithamar . iv. prince of the tribe . ( . chron. . . ) v. elizaphan . eliasaph . zuriel . prelats . ( num. . , &c. ) overseers or bishops . ( neh. . , . ) vi . [ in ] the xxiv . courses set by david ; the princes of the priests . ( ezr. . . ) the princes of god . . chr. . . the princes of the sanctuary . . chr. . . elders of the priests . ( ierem. . . . king. . . ) heads of the families . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( nehem. . . ) chiefe priests . ( act. . . ) vii . the priests themselves : whether at ierusalem ; or in the countrey townes . ( . chron. . . ) viii . the overseer of the levits . ( nehem. . . ) ix . the princes of the levits . ( . chron. . . . chron. . . nehem. . . ) x. the head of the levits officers . the scribe . the singers . ( . chro. . . neh. . . ) the porters . ( . chron. . . & . . ) the treasurers . ( . chron. . , . chr. . . ) [ xi . the levits themselves . ] xii . the chief of the nethinims . ( nehem. . . ) xiii . the nethinims : of the gibeonits . ( ios. . . ) salomons servants . ( . king. . . nehem. . . ) it is not only requisite that things be done , and that they be diligently done ( against sloth ; ) but that they be done continually , and constantly . to this end it is , that god appoints overseers : . to urge others , if they be slack . ( . chron. . . & . . ) to keep them in course , if they be well . ( . chr. . . and . . and . , . ) . to punish , if any be defective . ( ierem. . . ) for which , a power of commanding was in the high priest . ( . chron. . , . and . . and . . ) a power iudiciall , if they transgressed : ( deut : . . zach : . . ezech : . . under paine of death . ( deut : . . ) punishment in prison , and in the stocks : ( ier : . . ) in the gate of benjamin . ( ier : . . ) officers to cite and arrest : ( ioh. . . act : . . ) this corporall . to suspend from the function : ( ezr : . . ) to excommunicate . ( ezr : . . ioh. . . and . ) . and . . ) [ this spirituall . ] why may not the like be , [ for the government of the church : ] there is alleaged one only stop . that the high priest was a figure of christ : who being now come in the flesh , the figure ceaseth , & no argument thence to be drawne . [ for answer whereunto , we are to consider ; that ] i. this is the anabaptists only shift . that we are to have no warres : for the warres of the iewes were but figures of our spirituall battell . no magistrate : for their magistrates were but figures of our ministers , pastors , and doctors . and , all by christs comming abolished . ii. christ , being as well king as priest , was as well fore-resembled by the kings then , as by the high priest . so that if his comming take away the one type , it must also the other . if it be said , there was in the king somewhat else beside the representation : the like is and may bee truely said of the high priest . and that some such thing there was , it is plaine by s. paul , who yeelded his obedience to the high priest ; appearing before him , and acknowledging him a governour of the people ( act. . . ) & that , after the type was expired . which had been meerely unlawfull ; if there had not remained in him somewhat besides the figure . iii. there is no necessity we should presse aaron . for eleazar being princeps principum , that is , having a superiour authoritie over the superiours of the levits [ in aarons life time ] was never by any [ in this point ] reputed a type of christ . so that though aaron be accounted such ; yet eleazar will serve our purpose . as also , . chron. . . we read of three at once : one only of which was the high priest , and a type of christ ; the rest were not . let them answer then to the other twaine , who were rulers or chiefe over the house of god . why it may bee . i. out of dic ecclesiae , [ the new reformers ] ●ell us , we are to fetch our pattern from the iewes : and therefore it seemes they are of opinion , that one forme may serve both us and them . ii. except there should be such a fashion of government , consisting of inequality : i see not in the new testament , how any could perish in that contradiction of core , which s. iude affirmeth . for his plea was for equalitie ; and against the preferring of aaron aboue the rest . iii. the ancient fathers seem to be of minde , that the same forme should serve both . so thinketh s. cyprian , l. . ep. . ad rogatianum . so s. hierom , ep. . ad evagrium . traditiones apostolicae sumptae sunt de veteri testamento . & ad nepotianum , de vitâ clericorum . so st leo . it a veteris testamenti sacramenta distinxit ; ut quaedam ex iis , sicut erant condita , evangelicae eruditioni profutura decerperet : ut quae dudùm fuerant consuetudines iudaicae , fierent observantiae christianae . so rabanus , de institutione clericorum , l. . c. . they ground this their opinion upon that they see , . that the synagogue is called a type or shadow , and the church the very image of the thing . ( heb. . . ) . that god himselfe saith of the christian church under the gentiles ; that he will take of the gentiles , and make them priests and levits to himselfe . ( esai . . . ) there calling our presbyters and deacons by those legall names . . that there is an agreement , in the numbers : xii . num. . . and luk. . . lxx . num. . . & luk : . . names : angel . malach. . . and revel. . . and their often enterchange and indifferent using of priest or presbyter , levite or deacon , sheweth they presumed a correspence & agreement between them . [ thus then ] aaron [ should be answerable unto ] christ . eleazar [ should be answerable unto ] archbishop . princes of priests [ should be answerable unto ] bishops . priests [ should be answerable unto ] presbyters . princes of levits [ should be answerable unto ] archdeacons . levits [ should be answerable unto ] deacons . nethinims [ should be answerable unto ] clerks and sextons . the forme of church-government in the new testament : and first in the dayes of our saviour christ . i. the whole ministery of the new testament was at the first invested in christalone . he is termed our apostle . ( hebr. . . ) prophet . ( deut. . . act. . . ) evangelist . ( esai . . . ) bishop . ( . pet. . . ) doctor . ( mat. . . ) diaconus . ( rom. . . ) ii. when the harvest was great , ( matth. . . ) that his personall presence could not attend all ; he took unto him xii . apostles : as the xii . patriarchs , or xii . * fountaines ( as s. ierom ) or the xii . princes of the tribes . ( num. . ) gathering his disciples , ( matth. . . ) choosing out of them ( luk. . . ) whom he would ; ( mark . . . ) called them to him , ( luk. . . ) made them , ( mark . . . ) named them apostles . ( luk. . . ) these he began to send : ( mark . . . ) gave them in charge , ( mat. . . and . . ) to preach the gospell . ( luk. . . ) to heal . ( matth. . . luk. . . ) to cast out devills . ( matth. . . ) gave them power , ( mat. . . luk. . . ) to take maintenance , ( matth. . . ) to shake of the dust for a witnesse . ( matth. . . ) so he sent them . ( matth. . . luk. . . ) they went and preached . ( luk. . . ) they returned , and made relationwhat they had done . taught . mark . . . iii. after this , when the harvest grew so great as that the xii . sufficed not all ; ( luk. . , . ) hee took unto him other lxx . ( as the . palme-trees , num. . . the fathers of families , gen. . the elders . num. ) these he declared : ( luk. . . ) sent by two and two into every city and place , whither he himselfe would come . lb. gave them power , as to the apostles , to take maintenance . ( luk. . . ) shake off the dust . ( luk. . . ) heale the sick . luk. . . preach . luk. . . tread upon serpents and scorpions , and over all the power of the enemy . ( luk. . ) these two orders ( as me thinketh ) s. paul , ephes. . . doth comprehend under the name of apostles and prophets ; by the lxx . understanding prophets : as usually next to the apostles he placeth prophets ever . ( . cor. . . ephes. . . ) none ofthe of the fathers ever doubted , that these two were two severall orders or sorts : nor that the apostles were superiour to the lxx . it appeareth also , that [ the apostles ] had in them power to forbid to preach : ( luk. . . ) and that matthias was exalted from the other order to the apostleship . this was then the order , while christ was upon the earth . i. christ himselfe . ii. the xii . ( whose successours were bishops . ) iii. the lxx . ( whose successours were priests . ) iv. the faithfull people or disciples : of whom . and more are mentioned , in . corinth . . . and cxx . in act. . . [ the forme of government , used in the time of the apostles . ] albeit christ saith , the people were as sheep without a shepheard : ( matth. . . ) yet he tearmeth his apostles haruest men , not shepheards . for while he was in person on earth ; himselfe only was the shepheard , and they but arietes gregis . but at his departure he maketh them shepheards : ( iohn . . ) as they likewise at theirs . ( . pet. . . act. . ) of the apostles themselves : and first , of their name . shelicha , which is the syrian name , was the title of certaine legats or commissioners sent from the high priest , to visit the iewes and their synagogues which were dispersed in other countries ; with authority to redresse things amisse . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , among the greekes , were officers of great credit : as by herodotus and demosthenes appeareth . secondly , of their forme ; what it is . not to have been with christ all his time . ( acts . . ) so were others moe . not to be sent immediately of christ . ( gal. . . ) so were the lxx . ( luk. . ) not to be limited to no one place . ( matth. . . ) so were others ( luk. . , . ) and s. iames went no whither . not to be inspired of god ; so that they did not erre . so were marke and luke . not to plant churches . so did philip the evangelist . ( act. . . ) not to work signes and miracles . so did stephen ( acts . . ) and philip . ( acts . . ) but over and above these , and with these , that eminent authority or iurisdiction which they had over all ; not only joyntly together , but every one by himselfe : i. of imposing hands in ordination . ( acts . . ) confirmatiō . ( act . , . ) ii. of commanding . ( the word of the bench . acts . . and . . ) . thess. . . . thess. . , . philem. . coloss. . . . cor. . . . peter . . titus . . . cor. . , . and . . & . . iii. of countermanding . ( luke . . acts . . . tim. . . ) iv. of censuring . ( . cor. . . . cor. . . gal. . . . tim. . . . cor. . , . . thess. . . matth. . . with . . and iohn . . ) in this power it is , that the bishops succeed the apostles . irenae . lib. . cap. . tertull. de praescript . cyprian . ad florent . . . epiphan. haeres . . ( romae fuerunt primi petrus & paulus , apostoli ijdem ac episcopi . ) chrysost. in act. . ( iacobus episcopus hierosolymitanus . ) hieronym . epist. . & . ad marcellam : & de scriptorih . ecclesiast . in petro & iacobo . ambros : in . corinth : . ( de angelis : ) & in ephes. . ( apostoli . angeli sunt . ) of deacons . at the beginning , the whole weight of the churches affayres lay upon the apostles . the distribution as well of the sacrament . ( act. . . ) as of the oblations . ( act. . . ) the ordination . ( acts . . ) the government . ( acts . . ) [ but ] upon occasion of the greeks complaint , whose widowes were not duly regarded in the dayly ministration ( which was as well of the sacrament , as of the oblations : otherwise the apostles would not have left out [ the mention of ] the sacrament , in acts . . ) they transferred that part upon the vii . [ deacons . ] whom they had ordayned for distribution [ of the sacrament , ] not for consecration . act. . . tim. . , . iustin. apolog. . ignatius ad heronem . tertull : de baptismo . cyprian de lapsis : & lib. . epist. . chrysostom . hom. . in matth. hieron. ep : . ad sabinianum : & contra lucifer . ambros. offic. lib. . cap. . gregor. . . concil. nicaen . . can. . of evangelists . they grew upon occasion of the scattering of the disciples by means of the persecution after the death of s. stephen . ( acts . . ) of which number s. philip is reckoned : ( acts . . ) and diverse others . ( acts . . ) of whom eusebius maketh mention , lib. . cap. . and lib. . cap. . upon these was transferred that part of the apostles function , which consisted in preaching from place to place . of priests . vvhen the churches were in some sort planted by the preaching of the apostles , prophets , and evangelists : that they might be continually watered , and have a standing attendance ; the apostles ordained priests by imposition of hands in every church . ( acts . . and . . and . . ) and they made choyce of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rather then of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( more in use with the greeks : ) because it includeth an embassie , and that chiefly of reconciliation . which is the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , expressed by s. paul , in . corinth . . . ( with luke . . ) of bishops . last of all , that the churches thus planted and watered , might so continue , the apostles ordained overseers , to have a generall care over the churches , in stead of themselves who first had the same , which is called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , acts . . and containeth in it , as a strengthning or establishing that which is already well ; ( acts . . and . . revel : . . ) so a rectifying or redressing , if ought be defective or amisse . ( tit : . . ) these are called , acts . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the syrian , that is , episcopi . by s. iohn , revel. . . the angells of the churches . [ these were set over others , both to rule and teach . ] . tim: . . . pet : . . upon these was transferred the chiefe part of the apostolick function : the oversight of the church . power of commanding , correcting , ordaining . the occasion which caused the apostles to appoint bishops , [ besides the patterne in the time of the law , ] seemeth to have been schismes . such as were in the churches of rome . rom. . . corinth . . cor. . . [ and . , . ] galatia . gal. . . ephesus . ephes. . , . philippi . phil. . . colossi . coloss. . . thessalonica . . thess. . . the hebrews . hebr. . . iam. . . for which s. cyprian , s. hierome and all the fathers , take the respect to one governour to be an especiall remedy . [ for which also see ] calvin . instit. lib. . cap. . § . . this power even in the apostles time was necessary . for god chargeth not his church with superfluous burdens . yet had they such graces ( as power of healing , doing signes , sundry languages , &c. ) that they of all other might seem best able to want it . for by these graces they purchased both admiration and terrour sufficient for crediting their bare word in the whole church . if necessary then in their times , that were so furnished : much more in the ages ensuing , when all those graces ceased , and no meanes but it to keep things in order . so that , were it not apparant to have been in the apostles : yet the necessity of the times following , destitute of these helps , might enforce it . seeing then god hath no lesse care for the propagation and continuance of his church , then for the first setling or planting of it : ( eph. . . ) it must needs follow , that this power was not personall in the apostles , as tyed to them only , but a power given to the church ; and in them for their times resident ( but not ending with them , as temporary ) but common to the ages after and continuing ( to whom it was more needfull then to them ) to represse schisme and to remedy other abuses . so that the very same power at this day remaineth in the church ; and shall to the worlds end . of the persons , [ that executed these offices . ] i. albeit the commission were generall over all nations , which was given to the xii . yet was that generality only by permission , not expresse mandatory . else should they have sinned that went not through all nations . therefore howsoever the commission was to all nations : yet was it left to their discretion , how and in what sort they would dispose themselves , as the holy ghost should direct them . so that the partition , gal. . . betwixt s. peter and s. paul , was lawfull and good , and no wayes derogatory to ite , praedicate . [ goe , teach all nations . ] further , the ecclesiasticall history doth testify , that they parted the coasts and countries of the world among them by common advise : and so severed themselves ; peter , to pontus , galatia , cappadocia . iohn , to asia , parthia . andrew , to scythia , [ pontus ] euxinus and byzantium . philip , to upper asia , and to hierapolis . thomas , to india , persia and the magi . bartholmew , to armenia , lycaonia , india ●iterior . matthew , to aethiopia . simeon , to mesopotamia , persia , aegypt , afrique , britany . thaddaeus , to arabia , idumaea , mesopotamia . matthias , to aethiopia . ii. againe , albeit their preaching was for the most ambulatory : yet doe the same histories witnesse , that having setled religion , and brought the church to some stay ; toward their end they betook themselves to residence in some one place , diverse of them . as , s. iames at ierusalem . ( euseb. lib. . cap. . epiphan. haer. . hierome . ) s. iohn at ephesus . ( euseb. lib. . cap. . tertullian . lib. . contra marcion . hierome . ) s. peter , first at antioch ; and after at rome . which places were more especially accompted their sees : and the churches themselves , after a more especiall manner , were called apostolick . sedes apostolorum . augustin . epist. . ecclesiae apostolicae , tertullian . iii. thirdly , it is also plaine , that the apostles chose unto them as helpers ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) divers , who were companions with them in their journies , ministred unto them , & supplyed their absence in diverse churches , when they themselves were occasioned to depart . such were : apollos . ( act. . . . cor. . . ) aquila . ( rom. . . ) archippus . ( philem. . colos. . . ) aristarchus . ( act. . . ) clemens . ( phil. . . ) crescens . ( . tim. . . ) demetrius . ( . iohn . . ) epaphras . ( colos. . . & . . & philem. . ) epaphroditus . ( ph. . . ) epaenetus . ( rom. . . ) erastus . ( act. . . ) gaius . ( act. . . ) iesus iustus . ( col. . . ) iohn mark . ( act. . . & . . & philem. . ) lucas . ( philem. . col. . . ) secundus . ( act. . . ) silvanus . ( . pet. . . . thess. . . . thess. . . ) sopater . ( act. . . ) sosthenes . ( . cor. . . ) stephanas . ( . cor. . . ) timotheus . ( act. . . & . . ) titus . ( . cor. . . ) trophimus . ( act. . . ) tychicus . ( act. . . ) vrbanus . ( rom. . . ) of whom , eusebius , lib. . hist. cap. . euthymius , in tertium iohannis ; isidorus , de patrib . and dorothei synopsis . to two of these , timothy and titus , the one at ephesus the other at crete , ( euseb. lib. . cap. . ) the apostles imparted their owne commission , while they yet lived , even the chiefe authority they had . to appoint priests . ( tit. . . & hieron. in eum locū . to ordaine them by imposition of hands . ( . tim. . . . tim. . . ) to keep safe and preserve the depositum . ( . tim. . , . . tim. . . ) to command not to teach other things . ( . tim. . . tit. . . . tim. . . ) to receive accusations . ( . tim. . , . ) to redresse or correct things amisse . ( tit. . . ) to reject young widowes . ( . tim. . . ) [ to censure hereticks and disordered persons , tit : . . and ] . . . tim: . . . tim. . . and these , after the apostles deceased , succeeded them in their charge of government , which was ordinary , successive and perpetuall : their extraordinary guifts of miracles and tongues ceasing with them . [ so ] irenaeus , lib. . cap. . quos & successores relinquebant ; suum ipsorum locum magisterii tradentes . [ of the promiscuous use of their names . ] these were they whom posterity called bishops . but in the beginning , regard was not had to distinction of names . the authority and power was ever distinct : the name not restrained , either in this , or other . the apostles were called priests or seniors . ( . pet. . . ) deacons or ministers . ( . cor. . . ) teachers or doctors . ( . tim. . . ) bishops or overseers . ( acts . . ) prophets . ( acts . . revel. . . ) evangelists . ( . cor. . . ) the name of apostle was enlarged , and made common to more then the xii . to barnabas . ( act. . , . . ) andronicus . ( rom. . . ) epaphroditus . ( phil. . . ) titus and others . ( . cor. . . ) timothy . ( hieron in cant. chr. euseb. ) the priests were called prophets . ( . cor. . . ) bishops . ( philip . . . tit. . . ) so chrysostom , in philip . . [ quid hoc ? an unius civitatis multi erant episcopi ? nequaquàm : sed presbyteros isto nomine appellavit . tune enim nomina adhuc erant communia . ] hierome : hîc episcopos presbyteros intelligimus ; non enim in unâ urbe plures episcopi esse potuissent . theodoret : non fieri quidem poterat , ut multi episcopi essent unius civitatis pastores ; quo fit , ut essent soli presbyteri , quos vocavit episcopos . & in . tim. . eosdem olim vocabant episcopos & presbyteros : eos autem qui nunc vocantur episcopi , nominabant apostolos . oecum●nius : non quòd in unâ civitate multi essent episcopi , &c. for in the apostles absence in churches new planted , the oversight was in them ; till the apostles ordained and sent them a bishop , either by reason of some schisme or for other causes . the bishops ( as the ecclesiasticall history recounteth them ) were called apostles . ( philip . . . ) evangelists . ( . tim. . . ) diaconi . ( . tim. . . ) priests . ( . tim. . . ) [ for it is plaine by the epistle of irenaeus to victor , in ] eusebius , lib. . cap. . that they at the beginning were called priests , that in very truth and propriety of speech were bishops . and by theodoret [ in . tim. . ] that they which were bishops , were at the first called apostles . the name {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith suidas , was given [ by the athenians to them which were sent to oversee the cities that were under their jurisdiction . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . suid. in {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ] the name episcopus was given among the romans to him , qui praeerat pani & vaenalibus ad victum quotidianum . ff. de munerib . & honorib . cicero , ad atticum lib. . epist. . vult me pompeius esse , quem tota haec campania & maritima ora habeat episcopum . the name in hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} gen. . . seemeth to have relation to the second use . for they were such as had charge of the graine laying up , and selling under ioseph . [ the necessary use of the bishops office , and the charge committed to him . ] the party , who in the new testament is called episcopus , is in the old called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( psal. . . with act. . . ) in a house or familie , it is first affirmed of ioseph , gen. . , who had the oversight and government of the rest of the servants . in a house there may be many servants , which have places of charge : but there is one that hath the charge of all ; that is , oeconomus , the steward . so doe the apostles terme thēselves . ( . cor. . . ) and their office . ( . cor. . . ) and their successours the bishops . ( tit. . . ) vid. hilar. in matth. . . in a flock , the pastour . ( ioh. . . act. . . mat. . . . pet. . . ephes. . . ) in a camp , the captaine . ( matth. . . hebr. . , , . ) in a ship , the governour : ( . cor. . . ) under whom others . ( act. . . ) in the common-wealth , they be such as are set over officers , to hasten them forward , and see they doe their duties . as in . chron. . . and . . nehem. . . and . . so that , what a steward is in a house , a pastour in a flock , a captaine in a camp , a master in a ship , a surveiour in an office : that is a bishop in the ministerie . upon him lieth , [ to take care of the churches under him . ] . cor. . . philip . . . . pet. . . concil. antiochen . can. . [ and for that end to visit them . ] act. . . and . . [ and to be observant ] of that which is well and orderly ; [ to confirme it . ] act. . . revel. . . otherwise ; [ to redresse it . ] tit. . . to him was committed ; . authority of ordeyning : ( tit. . . ) and so of begetting fathers . ( epiph. haeres . . ) see ambrose , theodoret and oecumenius , in . timoth. . damasus , epist. . hierome , epist. . ad evagr. leo , epist. . concil. ancyran . can. . al. . for though s. paul should mention a companic with him at the ordeyning of timothie : ( . tim. . . ) yet it followeth not , but that he onely was the ordeyner . no more , then that christ is the onely iudge : although the xii . shall sit with him on thrones . ( luc. . . ) ii. authority of enjoyning or forbidding . ( . tim. . . ignat. ad magnesian . cyprian . epist. . ) iii. authority of holding courts , and receiving accusations . ( . tim. . . . cor. . . revel. . . augustin . de opere monachor . cap. . ) iv. authority of correcting . ( . tim. . . tit. . . hieron. contra lucifer . cap. . & epist. . ad riparium . cyprian . ep. . ad rogatianum . ) v. authority of appointing fa●●s . ( tertullian advers. psychicos . ) finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- prov. . . . cor. . . dan. . . iob. . rom . . iob. . , . psal. . , . psal. . . notes for div a e- * antiquit. l. . c. . * ix . notes for div a e- * exod. . . num. . . act. . , . . . . . . . . . . . . , . vid. ●ieronym . epist. . ad rusticum ( cap. . ) & epist. ● . ad evagrium . independency examined, vnmasked, refuted, by twelve new particular interrogatories: detecting both the manifold absurdities, inconveniences that must necessarily attend it, to the great disturbance of church, state, the diminution, subversion of the lawfull undoubted power of all christian magistrates, parliaments, synods: and shaking the chiefe pillars, wherwith its patrons would support it. / by william prynne of lincolnes inne, esquier. prynne, william, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) independency examined, vnmasked, refuted, by twelve new particular interrogatories: detecting both the manifold absurdities, inconveniences that must necessarily attend it, to the great disturbance of church, state, the diminution, subversion of the lawfull undoubted power of all christian magistrates, parliaments, synods: and shaking the chiefe pillars, wherwith its patrons would support it. / by william prynne of lincolnes inne, esquier. prynne, william, - . p. printed by f.l. for michael sparke senior, and are to be sold at the blew-bible in green-arbour., london, : . annotation on thomason copy: "sept: ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church polity -- early works to . government, resistance to -- religious aspects -- early works to . independent churches -- england -- early works to . congregationalism -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no independency examined,: vnmasked, refuted, by twelve new particular interrogatories: detecting both the manifold absurdities, inconvenience prynne, william d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - angela berkley sampled and proofread - angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion independency examined , vnmasked , refuted , by twelve new particular interrogatories : detecting both the manifold absurdities , inconveniences that must necessarily attend it , to the great ▪ disturbance of church , state , the diminution , subversion of the lawfull undoubted power of all christian magistrates , parliaments , synods : and shaking the chiefe pillars , wherewith its patrons would support it . by william prynne of lincolnes inne , esquier . rom. . . be of the same minde one towards another : minde not high things , but be contented with meane things : be not wise in your owne conceits . pet. . . likewise ye younger , submit your selves unto the elder ; yea all of you be subject one to another , and be cloathed with humility : for god resisteth the proud , and giveth grace to the humble . ephes. . , . henceforth be no more children , tossed to and fro , and carried about with every winde of doctrine , by the slight of men , and cunning craftinesse , whereby they lye in wait to deceive : but speaking the truth in love , grow up into him in all things , which is the head , even christ . london , printed by f. l. for michael sparke senior , and are to bee sold at the blew-bible in green-arbour . . independency examined , unmasked , refuted , by twelve new particular interrogatories . courteous reader , it being expected by some , that i should ( upon second thoughts ) render ) a more particular account of my disapprobation of the independent platforme , then i have lately done in my twelve considerable serious questions touching church-government , wherein i propounded my reasons against the same , but in a generall manner : i shall for thy further satisfaction , and our churches peace ( most necessary and desirable in these dangerous times ) propose by way of interrogation , my more particular exceptions , against this new form of government , with all ingenuity and freedome , without reflection upon any particular persons , or just disgust ( unlesse * truth displease ) to those who are contrary-minded : my only aim being to convince , reconcile , not irritate or disaffect them . the reason why i thus write by way of question , not descision , is , because ( for ought i finde ) the independents have not yet dogmatically , in direct termes ▪ discovered to the world the ful truth of what they assert , but politikely conceale the principall grounds , and more deformed parts of their church-platforme , till a further opportunity , for feare their very discovery at the first should cause their new building to miscarry . whereupon i have rather chosen to pump out their determinations by the ensuing questions to avoid mistakes then to refute them upon ba●e conjectures ; following the apostles seasonable advise , thes. . . prove all things , hold fast that which is good . . whether the independent former of church-government , now so much contended for as the a only church-government of divine institution , which all ( say they ) are bound to submit unto , be anywhere to be found in the old or new testament ? what texts or presidents ( if so essentiall and necessary as it pretended ) doe either directly prescribe or delineate it unto us ? vnder what dark cloud or vaile hath it layn totally obscured , for hundreds yea thousands of years that it never appeared in any church nation , republike in the world from adams dayes till ours ? and whether it be yet so clearly revealed to those who pretend best knowledge of it , as to be positively resolved on amongst them what it is , or what the benefits or mischiefes of it may prove to be ? if not , i shall conclude of this new-government , as our saviour doth in his parabolicall speech concerning new-wine , b no man having drunke old wine streightway desireth new for he saith , the old is better : old presbytery , old unlordly episcopacy , are ( no doubt ) far better for us then new independency . . whether some independents do not extraordinarily eclipse , impeach , if not absolutely deny and subvert the lawfull power of civill magistrates , all former parliaments ▪ and the present too , in all matters of church-goverment and potlesiasticall affaires , contrary to their solemne covenant and protestations , ●o defend the ancient priviledges & authority of parliament , and even quite blow ●p all their ecclesiastick authority ( by a new kinde of gun-powder ) at one breath : yea lay most foul , scandalous , uncharitable censures upon the honourable members of this parliament , who deserve far better language from them ▪ witness this most observable dangerous passage , lately dropped from their pens , in a reply of two of the brethren to a. s. ( newly printed ) pag. , . thirdly , if the law of the state be the first and most considerable band or tye upon men , to submit unto the power of your combined eldership , ( as you seeme here to imply , in saying , that all men and all churches thereof are bound by law , &c. ) then you must acknowledge , that the root and base of your government is * potestas secularis , secular authority : and then how is it ecclesiastick or spirituall ? a man may as well bring a cleane thing out of an uncleane ( in jobs expression ) as make a spirituall extraction out of a secular root . secondly , it will rest upon you to prove , that the civill state hath a power to forme and fashion the government of the churches of christ . yea , thirdly and lastly , it will be demonstratively proved against you , that you resolve the government of the churches of christ ( in the last resolution of it ) into the humours , wills , and pleasures of the world , yea of the vilest and most unworthy of men . brethren , bona verba quaeso : is this your printed , publike , avowed language of parliaments and the members of it , even to the very face of the most religious , best-deserving parliament that ever sate , which hath been most indulgent to you hitherto ? is this your so much boasted c preaching , writing , fighting for the priviledges and rights of parliaments , which ever since the first planting of religion among us to this present , haue framed and fashioned the government of our churches in all ages , as i can demonstratively manifest by good antiquities ? certainly this language of yours ( with sundry other like passages in this your much-applauded d reply ) cause intelligent men to suspect , that the designe of some of your party is , to hugge embrace the parliament , in shew , just as the yvie doth the tree , thereby to advance your selves ( the onely absolute ecclesiasticall dictators , law-givers ) and your independent churches by degrees above the parliament , and then to over-top , suppresse its power in the end ; or else to ruine it & us for the present , by endeavouring to raise schismes among us , both in parliament , city , country , and our armies , because they now discerne the major part of both houses and the synod inclined against your independent novelties . if this be the accursed project of any of you , ( for i dare not harbour so ill a thought of the greatest part ) the lord will both discover and avenge it to their infamy , in due season : in the meane time , to answere the substance of this most derogatory scandalous passage against parliaments ; i sadly referre it to all rationall mens judgments in the world , whether a parliament of the most eminent , religious , learned , grave , zealous wisest peeres and commons of this realme ( the representative body and grand councell of the kingdom ) assisted with the advice judgment of an assembly of the most orthodoxe pious consciencious ▪ learned ministers in our church , specially selected for this purpose , & of the chiefest of your independent party ▪ be not more fit to form , & fashion the government of the churches of christ , and better able to resolve , determine upon long and serious debate , what church-government is most agreeable to the word of god , and fittest for every particular parish-church throughout this island , for the advancement of gods glory , the peoples salvation , the generall peace and tranquillity of church and state then any one or two independent ministers , with five or sixe of their illiterate , impolitick , and perchance inconsiderate members ( to use no harsher epithite ) assembled in a private conventicle , can doe in two or three houres space ? and whether it bee meeter that these should prescribe a church-government , discipline to themselvs the parliament , synod , and whole kingdome to boot ; or the parliament and assembly to them , who deeme themselves e wiser , holier in their owne vaine conceits , then a thousand parliaments , synods put together ? i doubt not they wil all confesse , that in their congregationall debates about any point of order , discipline government or doctrine , in any of their independent churches , the f major voice or party ought to over-rule and binde the lesse ; and if so , let them yeeld me a solid reason , when they are able , why the ecclesiasticall constitutions , resolutions , orders , edicts of the greatest part of an whole nationall parliament , synod , kingdome , should not much more binde both them and all their independent churches as well as others , as they have ever hitherto done ? and why a combined presbytery , of many , learned ministers , lawyers , gentlemen of best judgment , quality , should not be fitter to decide all church-controversies and affaires of moment within their prefixed limits , by generall laws and canons setled in parliament by common consent , then any independent or popular tribunall of lesser judgement and experience , by their owne arbitrary privat edicts ? else they must deny what the holy ghost informs us , g that two are better then one ; h that in the multitude of counsellours there is safety : or that the pious i kings in the old testament , or a nationall councell , or parliament of their princes , nobles , elders , captaines , and people of best quality , had any lawfull power to reforme or settle all weighty ecclesiasticall church-affaires ; as they ever did by gods owne command and approbation . . whether it be not the independents professed tenet , if truely and positively laid downe , that * every minister hath a divine right and liberty , to gather to himselfe an independent church , not of pagans , infidels converted by himselfe alone , but of all the eminentest christians formerly converted , and regenerated by the ministry of others ( especially if rich or potent persons , able to give them large contributions and support ) who shall voluntarily submit themselves to his ministry , and such a church-government as he shall dictate to them : though by our established lawes and customes , ( which our solemne vow and covenant obligeth us to maintaine ) they be parishioners to twenty other godly ministers , by whose ministry they were first regenerated and built up in grace ? that every christian hath a free liberty , by the law of god , to unite himselfe to what independent congregation hee pleaseth ; the husband to one congregation , the wife to another , the children to a third , the servants to a fourth ; nay , every distinct person in a family to a severall church , ( and that not onely without , but against the consents of their owne magistrates , ministers , husbands , parents , masters , who have no jurisdiction ( as some say ) over their consciences herein ; so as one great family shall be divided into members of twenty or thirty severall independent churches , if they please , and those perchance different one from another in their government , opinions , discipline , ceremonies ? that those whose consciences or judgments will not permit them to joine with their independent churches , ( which they * professe to be canonicall ( though guided by no canons ) and of divine assertion , denying all other church-government to be so ) must be wholly excluded ( as heathens and reprobates ) from being members of any church ; or rather ( by the self-same christian liberty as independents plead for ) they may unite themselves into presbyteriall or hierarchicall churches , or what other forme they please to elect : and so we shall have an independent church-government in one part of a family , parish , town , county , kingdom ; a presbyteriall in another ; an episcopall in a third : and by this means if the husband bee a great stickler for episcopacy , and member of a prelaticall church ; the wise a fierce zealot for independency , and a member of such a congregation ; the children or servants stout champions for presbytery , and members of such assemblies , what confusion distraction , implacable contestations , * schismes , tumults this licentiousnesse ( for i cannot stile it freedome of conscience ) would soone inevitably engender in all families , villages , cities , counties , kingdomes , to their utter ruine and desolation , the meanest capacity may with ease divine ; without the help of an oracle . however , it would unavoidably subvert all ancient bounds of parishes , all setled maintenance for the ministry by tithes or otherwise and put all ministers into the condition of friars mendicants , to live ( as independents do ) upon the almes or voluntary contributions of their severall congregations , to whose humours , errours , opinions , they must either readily conforme , or else starve for want of subsistence , in case of their displeasure , being subject to casheering upon every small dislike . . whether independents must not necessarily grant from their owne principles , that as every minister hath free liberty to congregate what church hee pleaseth , of men suitable to his own opinions , practise ; so also particular persons have a like liberty to unite themselves together into a church , to elect what minister they thinke best , and prescribe to themselves what government they shall conceive to be most sutable to the scriptures ? and if so , then every man will * heap to himselfe teachers , and erect churches after his own lusts : meer papists ▪ and popishly affected persons , will set up popish churches and priests ; arminians , arminian churches and preachers ; anabaptists , anabaptisticall ministers and assemblies ; arrians , anti-trinitarians , such conventicles and pastors ; libertines , a licentious church and ministry ; yea , every heretick , sectary , or guidy-pated enthusiast , upon pretext of new revelations and discoveries of concealed evangelicall truths , ( though when exactly scanned they may oft times prove old errors or meer diabolicall delusions ) will erect new independent churches of their own ( and that for succession and perpetuity to the perverting of infinit soules ) , uncontroulable , unsuppressible by any ecclesiasticall or civill authority : and thus in few moneths , or yeares space at least , through satans instigations , our owne depraved judgments , ( a verse to unity , piety , purity , but † prone to errour , heresie , schismes , lyes yea lying phantasies ) and through defect of a severe coercive power , in ecclesiasticall synods-parliaments , temporall magistrates , ( who as * some new independent lights informe us , have no coercive power to suppresse these springing heresies , but onely by a non-communion with or refuting them by the word to which they will obstinatly * refuse to hearken , as deeming their own opinions most divine : ) we shall have almost as many severall heresies , sects , churches , as there are families , persons ; ( quot homines tot sententiae , tot ecclesiae : ) yea , if they thus admit every minister , or secular person , to have a divine right , freedom , to set up such an independent church and government as he pleaseth ; then by the self-same reason , they must have a like liberty to elect erect , what civill forme of government they please ; to set up a new independent republike , corporation kingdome , magistracy , in every family , parish , city , county , and to cast off all former civill governours , governments , lawes at pleasure , as well as ecclesiasticall ; there being the selfe-same grounds both of obligation , obedience to , and exemption from the one as other . and if men by their christian liberty shall thus be wholly exempted at their pleasure , as well from all temporall as ecclesiasticall lawes and formes of government , ( as grant me but the one , they must of necessity yeeld the other ; the same texts , reasons obliging us equally in both , and * kings , parliaments having the self-same jurisdiction in and over all † ecclesiasticall matters , which are not positively of divine institution and injunction , as in and over temporall ) what an anarchy and ataxy this will suddenly introduce , to turn all kingdomes , republikes , nations , corporations , churches , families , and the world it self , quite upside down , and ruine them by schisms ; i tremble to imagine . . whether the minister alone , or the congregation without the minister , or both conjoined , have power in their independent churches to make and prescribe particular formes of church-covenants , orders , conditions , to all who are or shall be admitted members of their new erected congregations ? if the minister alone , without the people , ( which i suppose they grant , because he is the principall actor in gathering their new churches to himselfe , and the sole person who must first admit them to be members of his flock , upon his own conditions : ) i would then demand ; whether every independent minister arrogates not as much or more power to himselfe , in making , prescribing lawes and covenants to his congregation by his own inherent authority , without consent of king , parliament , synod , or people , as the pope himselfe usurpeth , and farre more power , authority , then independents either do or dare ascribe to christian princes , magistrates , councels , or the parliament ? to all and every of which they absolutely * deny any power of making or prescribing ecclesiasticall lawes , covenants , canons , to binde them , or their independent churches or any members of them ; yea any sufficient coercive power to restrain or punish hereticks , schismaticks , or broachers of heterodox novell opinions , to disturb the churches or republikes tranquillity . if the people alone without the minister , or both conjoyned , then you invest every independent conventicle , consisting of never so few inconsiderable ignorant members , with a greater legislative power , and ecclesiasticall authority , then you allow to whole nationall parliaments , councels , consisting of most eminent , learned , pious persons of all sorts ; who by your new doctrine have no jurisdiction at all to make or enjoyne any forme of church-government , covenant , ecclesiasticall lawes or canons , to any particular churches : as if the eminentest ministers and members of churches , by becomming members of parliaments or councels , did thereby forfeit and lose the right or exercise of that power , in those great representative bodies of the whole kingdome and church of england , which you readily allow both them and others in every private church or conventicle : a most strange and senselesse whimsie . . whether it be lawfull or justifiable by the word of god , for any independent minister of england , contrary to the lawes of the realme and inhibitions of parliament , of his owne bare authority to congregate and erect an independent congregation ; or to prescribe a particular forme of church-government , together with a church-covenant ( in nature of a solemne oath ) to which euery particular member of his new congregation must subscribe before admission into his church ? whether there bee any the least precept , president in scripture , or antiquity to warrant such an irregular usurped authority and power among christians ; which the verie apostles themselves never claimed ? whether all the particular churches in any nation , kingdome , city , republike professing the same orthodox faith , though divided ( for more conveniency ) into severall congregations , be not all members of , and constitute but * one intire nationall church , or common christian society , as they did at first , before thus multiplied , augmented ? ( even as all the particular houses , parishes , societies in london are members of and make but one city and corporation ; all the families , parishes , townes , counties in england , but one kingdome or republike ; and as all particular and nationall churches in the world , make up but one entire catholike militant church : ) whence both in scripture phrase , and common speech in all authors . languages whatsoever , they are commonly called by the name of one church , in the singular number ; as , the church of england , france , scotland , ireland ; the eastern , westerne , greeke , latine church ; the church of the jewes , gentiles , &c. and if so , then let our independents shew me , if they can , the least colour of scripture or reason , why the parliament and assembly ( chosen to assist them by publike consent ) representing our whole church , state , may not as lawfully set up and prescribe a new church-government , discipline , lawes and canons , agreeable to and not discrepant from gods word , to binde all particular churches and persons within our realme , as well as pull downe and demolish the old , or make temporall lawes and ordinances to binde all persons , societies , members of the realm , ( and independents too as well as others ) both to obedience and punishment ; or else for ever disclaim their new-minted government , their declamations , arguments against the power of nationall synods parliaments in ecclesiastical matters and church-government , as most ridiculous and absurd . . whether the members of every independent church , may at their owne free liberty , when ever they please , desert their owne particular church , and become members of other independent or presbyteriall congregations , without the licence or dispensation of their owne church or minister first obtained ? if yea , then why oblige they them to the contrary by particular church-covenants ; or refuse to admit any members of one independent church into another , without such consent or licence first obtained ; or at least repute it a grand injury in that church or minister who admits them ? ( especially if they be wealthy members , for some say poore ones , and persons of meaner condition , are not much regarded by independents , no more then poore or contemptible offices . ) if nay , then by what law or conscience doe , or can they congregate their independent churches out of twenty or thirty severall parishes and congregations , not onely without any authority of the state , or licence of the ministers or whole churches in those parishes ; but even against their expresse wills and desires ; yet thinke they doe god good service ; these ministers , parishes , no injustice by it , though it be directly contrary to their owne principles , and these common dictates of god and nature ; quod tibi non vis fieri alteri ne feceris : and , * all things whatsoever ye would that men should doe unto you , doe yee even so unto them , for this is the law and the prophets ? . whether independents peremptory refusall , to admit any to be member , of their churches , to receive the sacrament of the lords supper , or to have their children baptized among them , unlesse they will first subscribe to such particular church-covenants ; orders as they shall prescribe ; and their rigid excommunication , rejection of such members who have taken their covenants , in case they subscribe not to all their further dictates and opinions , without any re-admission , till they shall promise an universall conformity in opinion and practice to whatever is required by their independent minister or congregations ; be not an usurpation of as great yea greater coercive power over the consciences , persons of christians , as presbyterians , parliaments claime , or as the bishops themselves in the height of their pride and tyranny ( as bishops ) ever challenged or usurped ? notwithstanding christian liberty of conscience , in opinions , practice , ( which they pretend to leave arbitrary to every mans free election ) be the principall pillar to support , the sweetest inescating bait to entice men to embrace their independency ? if they say , they imprison enforce no mans person or conscience , but leave all persons , consciences free : i answer , that the excluding men from their church-assemblies , sacraments , christian communion , yea their very innocent infants from baptisme itselfe in their independent churches , unles they will conforme to their arbitrary church-covenants , dictates , prescriptions ( warranted by no scripture or divine examples ) is a farre greater * greivance , violence , coertion to the persons , conscience of christians , then all imprisonment , racks and corporall tortures in the world : yea an unjust exclusion of them from that undoubted right to the ordinances and church of christ wherewith god himselfe hath invested them . . whether independents refusall to admit such christians , who are not notoriously scandalous in their lives , nor grossely ignorant in the principles of religion , to the sacrament of the lords supper , when they earnestly desire to receive it , or professe a cordiall present remorse of all their former sinfull courses , with an unfained resolution to live a pious holy life for the future , onely upon this suspicion or apprehension , that they are but carnall men , not truly regenerated or sanctified by gods spirit , ( though they cannot certainly judge of their present spirituall conditions , † infallibly known to god alone ) be not a very uncharitable , arrogant , yea unchristian practice , contrary to our saviours owne immediate example , who at the first institution of this sacrament admitted * judas to his last supper as well as his fellow-disciples , though he certainly knew him to be both a traitor and devill ; opposite to the injunction of † paul himselfe , who though he disswades unworthy receivers from eating and drinking the lords supper without due preparation and examination , for feare of eating and drinking damnation or judgment to , and drawing downe temporall diseases on themselves ; yet he simply excludes none from receiving it , at their owne perils , who are willing , or desirous to participate of it , nor gives any authority to ministers absolutely to seclude them from it , unlesse excommunicated and notoriously scandalous . and whether their present deniall to administer the sacrament in their churches to those who are truely religious , earnestly longing even frequently to receive it for their spirituall comfort , according to christs own institution , only for fear lest some unregenerate persons should communicate with them , and depriving their whole congregations of this most comfortable necessary ordinance for sundry months , nay yeares , ( as some have done ) upon this groundlesse , unwarrantable reason● , refuted by christs owne example , who administred the sacrament to the other disciples though there were a judas amongst them ; by the practice , doctrine of paul himself cor. . . to . and the usage of all christian churches throughout the vniverse , be not an over-rigid , uncharitable , unjust ( that i say not impious ) action , injurious to christ himself , to the soules and spirituall estates of those good christians secluded from the sacrament , and a more transcendent strain of tyrannicall usurpation over the soules , the consciences of christians , and ordinances of god himself , than ever our most domineering lordly prelates exercised , or any presbyterians have hitherto pretended to lay claim unto ? if this proceed not from a domineering spirit , and be not an excessive * lording of it over the lords inheritance , yea over christ himself in this his ordinance , i professe i am much mistaken : yea , i feare this spirituall pride and excessive uncharitablenesse of some , who take upon them by their owne inherent power to erect new congregations , and set up new formes of church-government , discipline , &c. in christian states , churches , already planted , without , yea against their parliaments , or † christian magistrates authority , when as the very apostles did never by their owne ordinary jurisdiction , as private ministers , but onely by their extraordinary calling , as apostles ; or in and by their canonicall epistles , dictated by gods spirit prescribe any matters of church-government , discipline , rites , or order to the particular churches first gathered and planted by themselves alone , as is evident by acts , . to . c. . , . tit. . . cor. c. . & . & . & . c. . . . jam. . . . c. . . . . . except in and by a publike synod , acts . ) and thus debarre others from the sacrament , as unmeet receivers , upon such unwarrantable grounds , do make themselves far more uncapable , unmeet to receive it , than those they thus exclude . . whether that noted text of matth. . , , . if thy brother shall trespasse against thee , goe tell him his fault between thee and him alone ; if he will heare thee , then thou hast gained thy brother : but if he will not heare , then take with thee one or two more , that in the mouth of one or two witnesses every thing may be established . and if he shall neglect to heare them , tell it to the chvrch ; but if he neglect to heare the chvrch , let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican ; be meant of any independent or ecclesiasticall consistorie , excommunication , or church-censures properly so called ? or not rather of the iewish synedrium , councell , or civill court of justice , and of a civill excommunication , like to an outlawry at the common law , as * mr selden with others more t●uely interp●t●t ? since our saviour speaks there , . of a private trespasse done to a private person , of which no church , classes , or ecclesiasticall consistorie , hath proper conusance ; not of a publike scandal to the congregation , or any scandalous crime or vice as is evident by the very first words , and by luk. . , . compared with ●●n ▪ . . king . . . of a demand of private satisfaction , first personally , next in presence of witnesse , before any complaint to the church or councell . . of no censure or judgment passed , but barely of an admonition given by the church to the partie offending ; which if neglected and not heard , then . not the church , councell , and all other persons , but onely the partie offended was to repute ( but not excommunicate out of the church or congregation ) him as an heathen , and a publicane , ( which were both odious to the iewes , who had no civill conversation with them , and were no members of the iewish church except proselites ) as the expresse words , let him be to thee ( not any others ) as an heathen and a pulican , ( that , is converse no more with him , but avoid his company , thes. . . ) resolve , which reasons , compared with matth. . , . c. . . c. . . c. . . c. . , . acts . , , , , . c. . , . c. . . c. . . , . c. . . to . c. . & . infallibly evidence , the church or assembly in this text to be meant onely of the temporall court , councell , or sanhedrin of the iewes , not of any ecclesiasticall or church-iudicatory , or excommunication , as papists anciently , with some others now determine . . whether the apostles and members of the first evangelicall synode , we read of acts . sate and voted in it as apostles onely , indued with a spirit of infallibilitie ( which was a peculiar priviledge to them alone , ) or else in their ordinary capacity , as elders and chief members of it ? if as apostles only , and in that extraordinary capacitie , as * independents assert : then . paul and barnabas being apostles as well as they , might have decided that controversie at antioch , without sending to jerusalem to determine it : . the church at antioch would have sent to none but the apostles to resolve their doubts , and not to the elders at jerusalem as well as to the apostles , as they did vers. . thirdly , paul and barnabas would have put the question to the apostles onely , not to the elders and church as well as to them , which they did vers. , , . fourthly , the apostles would not have called a synod of all the apostles elders and brethren at jerusalem to consider of or consult about this thing vers. . but have determined it presently by their infallible spirit without consultation , or a synods assistance . fifthly , peter and james would not have argued the case so largely , and proved it by arguments and scriptures as they did , one after another , vers. to . but have peremptorily resolved it without dispute , had they sate and determined it by their extraordinarie infallible power . sixtly , the finall resolution , letters , and canons of this synod had run onely in the apostles names , had they proceeded onely by their apostolicall infallible authoritie , and not in the names of the elders and brethren too , ( coupled together with theirs both in the letters and canons , vers. , , , , , . c. . . c. . . . ) who were not all endued with the self-same infallibility and power as the apostles were , for ought can be proved ; therfore their assembling in this councell , not in their extraordinary capacity as apostles only , but as elders , ministers ; and the elders , brethrens sitting together in councel with them , upon this controversie and occasion , is an undeniable scripture-authority for the lawfulnesse , use of parliaments , councels , synods under the gospel , upon all like necessarie occasions ; and for their power to determine controversies of religion , to make canons in things necessary for the churches peace and government , ( there being no one place in scripture against it , but many texts in the old testament to backe it , elsewhere quoted ) mauger all evasions , exceptions to elude it . . whether the temporall magistrate , parliament , and civill state , have not a lawfull coercive power , though * not to restraine the preaching of the gospel and truth of god , yet to suppresse , restraine , imprison , confine , banish the broachers of any heresies , schismes , erronious seditious doctrines , enthusiasmes , or setters up of new formes of ecclesiasticall government without lawfull authoritie , to the endangering of the peoples soules , or disturbance of the churches , kingdomes peace , as well as ministers and particular churches christians , power to * reprove , refute , avoid , excommunicate or anathematize them , notwithstanding † some independents new-minted objections against it : and that by virtue of deut. . . to . lev. . . to . num. . throughout , josh. . . . c. . . to . psal. . , . , , . king. . . king. . , to . c. . . . chro. . . . rom. . . to . pet. . . gal. . . rev. . . c. . . . cap. . . and the ten hornes ( interpreted to be ten kings v. . ) shall hate the whore ( with all her panders ) and shall make her desolate and naked , and shall eat her flesh , and shall burne her with fire : for god hath put it into their hearts to fvlfill his will , ezra . . and whosoever will not doe the law of thy god , let judgment be executed speedily upon him , whether it be unto death , or unto banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment , with sundry * other texts . hence * christian princes , magistrates , parliaments , in all ages and churches in the world have made severe temporall lawes , edicts against , and inflicted corporall punishment , banishment , confiscation of goods , ( and in some cases death it selfe ) upon hereticks , schismaticks , disturbers of the churches peace with erronious or seditious doctrines : which lawfull power of theirs hath ever bin asserted by the most † orthodox churches , writers in all ages , and never oppugned by any but anabaptists , who deny all civill magistrates , or such licencious hereticks , schismaticks , or false teachers , who would spread their pestilent errours , and seditious novell positions without restraint ; or durst never suffer martyrdome for , or seale them with the losse of their liberties , lives , estates , which godly orthodox martyrs and christians have cheerfully undergone , under pagan , hereticall , and popish kings , magistrates . and if we either deny , abolish , eclipse , diminish , or suspend this necessary coercive power ( the principall meanes under god to suppresse , extirpate all growing errours , schismes , which disturbe the churches trantranquilitie , seduce unstable soules ) our church and realmes will be soone overgrowne with dangerous errours , heresies , schismes , and brought to speedy desolation ; the contemptible sword of excommunication , or non-communion , and the bare preaching of gods word to obstinate hereticks , papists , schismaticks , ( who will * contemn the word , and excommunicate all other churches dissenting from them , as hereticall , schismaticall , as fast as they excommunicate or discommon them , and so propagate , perpetuate their heresies , schismes , without redresse ) being unable to suppresse such peremptory offendors , without the temporall magistrates sword of justice added to them ; who having a lawfull jurisdiction derived to them in the gospel , * to punish and suppresse all evill doers , without distinction , have doubtlesse an unquestionable authority to punish obstinate heretickes , schismaticks , false teachers , with temporall censures , who are the greatest malefactors , sinning against the word and truth of god , disturbing the peace of church , state , seducing and destroying peoples soules ; a far greater crime then to murder their bodies , or rob them of their estates . in briefe , all protestant churches whatsoever , in their publike * confessions acknowledge , that the care of preserving , propagating true religion ; of suppressing , extirpating heresies , errours , schismes , superstition , idolatry , and the fautors of them , by temporall punishments and censures of all sorts , doth principally belong to christian magistrates , kings , princes : ( which duty they can in no sort execute , if now ( with the anabaptists ) ou deny them this most just coercive power : ) that all lawfull civill magistrates and powers whatsoever , though instituted by men , are even in the new testament expresly resolved , to be the * ordinances of god , and all their just commands , lawes , edicts , ( not repugnant to gods word ) readily to be obeyed and submitted to , even for conscience , and for the lords sake , under paine of sinne and condemnation : therefore what ever our pious parliament , the supreme power , by advice of the assembly , after much fasting , prayer , disputes , advice , and serious consultation , shall order , decree touching church-government or discipline , as most consonant and not repugnant to gods word , ought in point of conscience to be submitted to by independents and all others , as to a government , discipline , ordinance approved of by god ; and if any heretickes , false teachers , schismaticks obstinately refuse conformity after due admonition , and all good means used to reclaim them the poets divinity and policy must then take place , as well in eclcesiasticall as civill and naturall maladies : * cuncta prius tentanda , sed immedicabile vulnus ense rescidendum est , ne pars syncera trahatur . deut. . . ye shall not doe after the things that we doe here this day , every man whatsoever is right in his owne eyes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * gal. . . a reply of two of the brethren to a. s. p. . b luk. ● . . * i pray informe me why an whole parliament and assembly of godly christians and divines , wherein are many of your owne chiefe independent ministers , members , should be more secular , unclean , filthy , or unable to make a spirituall extraction of church-government , then one of your independent churches or conventicles ? c a reply to a. s. p. . d page . to . e pro. ●●● cap. . ● . ●●● . . 〈◊〉 . . . to . f chron. . , . act. . , &c. g eccles. . , , : h pro. . i chro. , , . &c. . 〈◊〉 . chro. ● . & . & . c. , . c. . . to . c. ● . ●isth . , . 〈◊〉 . ezra . . c. . . &c , ●eh . . , &c. * they should ●owell to define , . of how many members , every independent congregation should consist ? . within what precincts they should live ? . what set stipends they shall allow them , and how raised when ascertained ? . when and where their churches should assemble ? . who shall prescribe extraordinary 〈◊〉 of fasting or thansgiving to them upon just occasions ? . who shall rectifie their church-covenants , discipline , censures , government , if erronious or unjust ? . shew us a sufficient satisfactory commission from gods word for all they doe or desire , before they gather any churches . * reply of two of the brethren , , , &c. * cor. . . . . cap. . , . mat. . . . . * tim. . ; a proplaesse which concerns our present times . † gal. , , . c. . , , . act. . . ● thes. . . rom. . . c. . . tim . , . tit. . * reply of two of the brethren pag. . ● . * tim . * see chro. . to . chro. . & , & . c. . . to c. . to . c. . . c. . , , , . ezra . . cap. . to . esth. . . to . † . h. c. . . h. . c. , . h. . c. . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . e. . c. . . eliz. . c. , . . eliz. c. . . h. . c. , . . h. . c. , , . . h. . c. , . & . h. . c. . . . h. . c. . . * reply of two of the brethren p. . to . * as one and the same city , kingdom , nation , encreased with new houses , parishes , streets , territories , and generations of people , continue still but one and the self-same city , kingdom , nation : so the first christian church planted in any city , kingdome , nation , when spread over all that city , kingdome , nation , and distributed into severall particular congregations , continues but one and the self-same generall church of which all particular churches are members , and not independent absolute in themselves , divided from , or vnsubjected to the intire common nationall church . cor. . , to . ep●● . . , , . c. . , to . acts . . * matth . . 〈◊〉 c. . . * psal. . . to . psal. . psal. . , . psal. : . † chro. . . ier . . . act. . * m●●● . . to . mark . , &c. luke . . to . iohn . , . † cor. . . to . * pet. . . † moses the chief temporal magistrate under the law , together with david , solomon , and other godly kings , did by gods owne direction , and approbation , direct , order , and settle all particulars in and about the altar , tabernacle , arke , temple , consecrating both them and the priests too , appointing all officers about them , together with the courses of the priests , singers ; & that by cōmon advice of the princes , captains , elders of the people , & not by the votes or directions of the priests , who had no ruling voice herein : which authority being no where revoked nor denied christian princes , magistrates , parliaments , under the gospel , they no doubt enjoy it still . and therefore these ministers who thus erect new churches usurp on their authority . * de anno civili , &c pr●satio p. . ● &c . p , and d jure natura & gent●um l. . c. . * reply to a. s. p , . * mat. . , mar. . , acts . . to . c. . . to the end . * tim. . , . cor. . . to . rom. . . tit. . , . ioh. , . † reply of two of the brethren p. . to . * matt. . , , . c. . , to . c. . , to . acts . , to c. , to . c. . , . c. . , , . c. . , , . c. . , to . c. . . &c. c. , & & , & , & . rightly understood . * iustinian . codic . l. . tit. . . and our lawes against iesuits , priests and recusants . † see the harmony of confessions sect. . * psal. . , . ier. . . c. 〈◊〉 . . isa . ● , . tim. ▪ , . * rom. . , 〈◊〉 . pet. . , , . tit. . . * see harmony of confessions sect. . * rom. . , to . pet. . , , . tit. ● , , , . ● pet. . , iude , * ovid me 〈…〉 master grimstons argvment concerning bishops with mr. seldens answer also severall orders newly made in parliament concerning chvrch government. grimston, harbottle, sir, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing g ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) master grimstons argvment concerning bishops with mr. seldens answer also severall orders newly made in parliament concerning chvrch government. grimston, harbottle, sir, - . selden, john, - . [ ], p. s.n.], [london? : . reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng church of england -- bishops -- th century. church polity. a r (wing g ). civilwar no master grimstons argument concerning bishops: with mr. seldens answer. also severall orders newly made in parliament concerning church gover grimston, harbottle, sir c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion master grimstons argvment concerning bishops : with mr. seldens answer . also severall orders newly made in parliament concerning chvrch government . printed . master grimstons argument concerning bishops . . that bishops are iure divino is a question . . that arch-bishops are not iure divino is out of question . . that ministers are iure divino there is no question . now if bishops which are questioned whether iure divino , and arch-bishops which out of question are not jure divino , should suspend ministers that are iure divino , i leave it to you master speaker . master seldens answer . . that the convocation is iure divino is a question . . that parliaments are not iure divino is out of question . . that religion is jure divino there is no question . now master speaker , that the convocation which is questioned whether iure divino , and parliaments which out of question are not iure divino , should meddle with religion , which questionlesse is iure divino , i leave to you master speaker . master grimstons reply . but arch-bishops are no bishops . master seldens answer . that 's no otherwise true then that the iudges are not lawyers , and aldermen are not citizens . severall orders concerning church government . . every severall shiere of england and wales to be a severall circute or diocesse for the ecclesiastick iurisdiction excepting yorkshiere , which is to be divided into three . . a constant presbitry of twelve choyce divines , to bee selected in every shiere or diocesse . . a constant president to bee established as a bishop over this presbitry . . this bishop in each diocesse to ordaine , suspend , deprive , degrade , and excommunicate by and with the consent and assistance of seaven divines of his presbitry , then present and not else . . the times of ordination throughout the land to be foure times in the yeare , viz. . may . august . november , . february . . every bishop constantly to reside within his diocesse , in some one prime or chiefe city or towne within his diocesse as in particular . . every bishop to have one speciall particular congregation to be chosen , out of the most convenient place for distance from his chief residence , and the richest in valew that may be had , whe●e he shall duely preach , unlesse he be lawfully hindred , and then shall take care his cure be well supplyed by an other . . no bishop shall romove , or bee translated from the bishopricke which hee shall first undertake . . vpon every death , or other avoydance of a bishop , the king to grant a conge de cleire to the whole clergy of the whole diocesse , and they to present three of the presbitry aforesaid , and the king to choose and nominate whom he pleaseth of them . . the first presbiters of every shiere to be named by the parliament , and afterwards upon the death or other avoydance of any presbiter , the remaining presbiters to choose one other out of the parish ministers of that shiere , and this to bee done within one moneth next after such death or avoydance . . no bishop or clergy man to exercise or have any temporall office , or seculer imployment but onely for the present to hold and keepe the probate of wills , untill the parliament shall otherwise resolve . . the bishop once a yeare ( at midsomer ) to summon a diocesan synod , there to heare , and ( by generall vote ) to determine all such matters of scandall in life , and doctrines amongst clergy men , as shall be presented unto them . . every three yeares a nationall synod to bee , which ( for persons ) shall consist of all the bishops in the land , and of two presbiters to bee chosen by the rest out of each presbitry , and of two clerkes to be chosen out of every diocesse by the clergy thereof . . this nationall synod to make and ordaine cannons , for the goverment of the church , but they not to bind untill they bee confirmed by parliament . . every bishop to have over and above the benefice aforesaid , a certaine constant rent allowed , and allotted proportionall to the diocesse wherein hee is to officiate . that is to say — . every presbiter to have a constant yearely profit above his benefice . as for the revenew of the bishops , deanes , and chapters , &c. a strict survey to be taken of all their rents and profits , and the same to bee represented at the beginning of our next convencion , and in the meane time no lease to be renewed , nor timber to bee felled . finis . noah's dove, or, an epistle of peace directed to his intirely affected brethren, the presbiterians and independants as a probable means for their agreement and vnion / from sir iames harington, knight. harrington, james, sir, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) noah's dove, or, an epistle of peace directed to his intirely affected brethren, the presbiterians and independants as a probable means for their agreement and vnion / from sir iames harington, knight. harrington, james, sir, - . [ ], p. printed by t.w. for ed. husband ..., london : . erroneously attributed by wing to james harrington, - . reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library. eng church polity. a r (wing h ). civilwar no noah's dove, or, an epistle of peace, directed to his intirely affected brethren, the presbiterians, and independants. as a probable means, harrington, james, sir b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion noah's dove , or , an epistle of peace , directed to his intirely affected brethren , the presbiterians , and independants . as a probable means , for their agreement and vnion . from sir iames harington , knight . imprimat . joseph carill . london , printed by t. w. for ed. husband , printer for the honourable house of commons . . noahs dove , or an epistle of peace , directed to his intirely affected brethren , the presbiterians , and independants : as a probable means , for their agreement and union . sincerely beloved , i read of two children contending in the wombe of their mother , the one beloved , the other hated , but ye are both jacobs , both the israel of god . o farre be it from such brethren to rend and lacerate their mothers bowels , or to fall out in the way . are we not one body , and have we not all one spirit , one lord , one faith , one baptisme , one god and father of all , who is above all , and through all , and in you all , i beseech you by the mercies of god , by the excellent effects of charity , by the fruits of the spirit , by the examples and command of the lord jesus , and the character of his disciples , bee meeke and lowly , and love one another ; so shall the plots of rome and hell be prevented , and all malignants shut their mouthes . why should it be spoken to our shame , that there is not a wise man amongst us ? no , not one that is able to judge between his brethren : but brother asperces and declaimes against brother , and that before the antichristians . now therefore there is utterly a fault amongst you , know yee not that revilers shall not inherit the kingdome of god ? but some will answer , that they have received a new light , o be cautious that noveltie eclipse not truth , since the last dayes foretold and fore-warnd of by our saviour , are at hand , wherein iniquity abounds , and the love of many waxes cold , hence , father against sonne , and sonne against father , betraying one another , and hating one another ; hence the judgements of famine and pestilence ; nation rising up against nation . so that the whole world seemes to be on fire before its time ; these dayes not i , but the lord jesus , the great prophet of his church , dictates and points out to be the time , when many false christs , and prophets ( or teachers of christianity ) shall arise ; who by their applause , excellencie of parts , and externall holinesse , by which they shall shew forth , as it were , signes and wonders , and gather a multitude of disciples , declaring that in such a meeting , be it in woods , or deserts , or in secret chambers , the true way of christ is to be found , deceiving if it were possible , the very elect . our lord teaching us from hence , how neere a similitude , these new doctrines shall have to truth , and true holinesse . but be they as paul , or cephas in the church , or as angels from heaven , believe them not ; for as the lightning comes out of the east , and shines even to the west , so shall also the glorious comming of the son of man be ; that is , ( as i humbly conceive ) that his gospell which at first broke out like lightning in the east , shall in this last age , upon the ruins , and through the clouds of spirituall babilon , dart it selfe , and shine gloriously in our westerne churches even to the indies ; that th'other paralell prophesie may be fulfill'd , by the subjecting , and uniting the kingdomes of the earth , unto the kingdome of the lord , and of his christ . let us not then be carried about with every wind of doctrine , but hold fast the gospell delivered to us by christ , and his apostles , in the unity of the spirit , and the bond of peace , since other foundation can no man lay , it being a sinne , so much as to doubt , much more to defend , that the fundamentalls of our religion , some of which are mentioned by the author to the * hebrews , and received by the church in all ages , are not to bind , as de futuro , as having a possibilitie upon new notions , to be nuld or chang'd , which is to make god a lyer , to undermine his church , and to pull downe the pillers thereof ; for if the foundations bee destroyed , what shall ? * nay , what can the righteous doe ? wherefore my humble suit unto our master builders is , to keepe the foundation unmoveable , not permitting a resurrection to ancient heretiques before their time , that so whatsoever men build thereon , whether it be gold or stubble , may be brought to the test , in this fiery triall . stand fast therefore brethren in that libertie , wherein christ hath made us free , not making your libertie a cloake for malitiousnesse , not for an occasion to the flesh , but by love serve one another , judging thus of one another that he that loves his brother , abides in the light , but * he that hates his brother ( whatsoever he may boast of new discoveries , ) walkes in darknesse , and knowes not whither he goes , because that darknesse hath blinded his eyes , and that whosoever seemes to be religious , and yet bridles not his tongue , he deceives his owne heart , and his religion is vain . * but that i may not only perswade , but offer my mite , i shall in all humilitie propose a medium , which if found agreeable to the word of god , may through the blessing of the almighty make up the breach , and reconcile your greatest difference . i conceive you both agree in these particulars . that all that shall be members , and have right to vote in your churches , ( from which votes women are excepted ) shall not only be free from just scandall , that is prophannesse , and the impenitent practise of any knowne sinne , but be indued with a sufficiencie of knowledge , to which end ( since you accord in the principles of religion ) i hope there will speedily be set forth , and establisht one short catechisme for information , and examination . next in condiscention to the independants , i heare it is mutually resolved , that the government of their respective members , reconciling of inferiour differences , and ordering their conversations , even as farre as ordination , and the censure of excommunication , ( respect being had in appeals to the advice and results of the classes and provinciall synods , and saving to the presbyterians their right ) be ordered by their paricular congregations . thus farre we are knit together in one spirituall building and temple of god . the great difference if i understand it , is in the tegument and covering , which is indeed , the ornament , coupling , and strength of the whole aedifice : as where shall rest ( as to us ) under the same scepter , the determinative and concluding power , the end of appeals , the regulation of that unlimited plea , and over-much extended libertie of conscience , that so we may be one , as christ and his father are one ; this , some of you fixe in a generall assemblie , others , limit to a particular congregation ; the first pleads not only scripture analogically , but prudence for preserving union , and preventing of tumults , as also antiquitie , from the paralell in generall counsells and parliaments , affirming that the other way , hath no grounds in scripture : since churches were necessarily independant , no state being then christian that this way ( by reason that our corrupt nature hath no check ) is destructive to the unitie of religion . since according to the number of the congregations will be their opinions , as also pernitious to common-wealths ; their being no feuds so bloody and irreconciliable , as those that breake out about points of faith , instance , in the wars betweene the turke and persian , papists and protestants , in the lutheran contestations , and arian persecutions . lastly , they conclude an inconsistencie in this way , with relations and callings , disaffection and departure from bed , board , families , and imployments , being experimentall consequences of religious differences . on the other side , the contradicting partie affirme , that a generall assembly differs but in name from a conclave of cardinals , or prelaticall synod , that every member of the church is free , and ought not in matters of faith , to conclude himselfe by proxie , that no church hath power over another , or brethren ( since the apostles , ) have dominion over the consciences of their brethren , that their platforme of church government ought to be , and is jure divino , that the eavngelicall scripture sets foorth theirs , and no other . now deare brethren , give me your pardon and leave with moses , to step in betwixt your combatings , with his and abrahams words , why doe ye contend being ye are brethren , it may be god giving a blessing , and each of you in his hand , i shall in my proposition be a medium to unite you , ( only dispise not my indeavours , ) since the lord hides many things from the wise and prudent , and reveales them to babes . but to proceed , i observe neither of you arrogate to your selves an infallability but piously seeke , an orthodox and prudentiall way of government , for the attaining and preserving , gods truth ; blessed are your indeavours , yea they shal be blessed . wherefore i aske the presbiterians why doe ye extoll and lift up a generall assemblie , above the rest of the flocke of christ : to the independants i say why doe ye preferre the judgement of one particular congregation , before the ioynt votes of all the refined christian churches of the kingdome , surely the first will yeild to me , that where most of gods people are in their judgement , there is the greatest measure of his spirit , and to such assemblies principally , and to their votes , are made all those gratious promises ( i neede not coate the places ) concerning christs spirit and presence i mean to such a multitude not of men only , but of purged and visible believers . the other i presume both from grounds of scripture and reason , will grant , that could the votes of all the reputed and received members of christ , of their severall churches , be joyntly taken and in one place , they must be accepted , and are but as the vote of one great congregation , which though it have an increase of ministers and elders , yet according to a true difinition for essence is a church , and that more eminently , though not more truely then the particular congregations of whom it consists , even as an assembly made up of many families , called by the * apostle churches of god , is more excellent , then its subdivisions . but that i may make good by scripture , this incorporating of churches , conjuncture and union of votes , i shall remember you of those three chiefe proofes , and lights of church governmrnt , both for doctrine and manners . the first shewes the primitive and apostolique way , of ending controversies in doctrine , by the summoning of that great assembly , of the members of the churches of ierusalem and iudea of which churches , read . acts. . . and galat : . . therefore called a multitude . acts. . . in which the apostles , ( although indued with an infallible spirit , ) and the elders of the churches did not alone vote , and decree matters ( though that in many cases , wherein the people consents , such votes , may be and are necessary expedient & lawfull ) but the whole church . verse . which compar'd with . acts. . verse . wherein three thousand are said to be converted , and with acts. . verse . wherein five thousand , were by one sermon converted , clearely demonstrates , that this assembly was composed of many congregations , as further appeares from the apostles teaching and preaching in every house . acts. . . how else could eight thousand men , besides women and children , be taught and edified . the like is proved , from the election and choise of the seaven deacons by the vote of the multitude . acts. . . where the apostles , and elders also were present , yea those whom the holy ghost . acts. . . calls a church in a nationall respect , he calls churches . acts. . . in a congregationall consideration , and lastly in corinth there more then probably appears to be many * congregations , else whence or where , were these discentions , and divisions some saying , i am of paul : others i am of apollo , of cephas , . cor. . . all the members of which were commanded to meete in one assembly for the excommunication of the incestuous person . cor. . . where note they were to meete , to whom the epistle was directed , & who are admonished to mourn : but the epistle and exhortation was directed to the whole church of corinth , and not to the elders only ▪ ergo the whole congregation , when they shall desire it , have a right to vote , and censure . having thus fully proved by scripture , that in cities and provinces , and consequently in kingdoms , the members of particular congregations may and were by command to meete for the deciding of any great difference , yea the apostles though of an infallible spirit , did not contradict , but give both approbation and institution to that liberty . i shall with humblest submission , offer this following proposition , as a right and fit medium of reconciliation . that in all great scisms and heresies , over spreading whole churches , if the breach cannot be made up by advice , argument , and subordinate discipline either congregationall or presbiteriall ; an appeale be made to a generall assembly , who after the stating , disputing and voting , such points in difference together with the merrit of the offence ( the recusant church or churches , notwithstanding continuing unsatisfied ) that then the assembly adjourne that sessions for three moneths , in which time , the assembly , members of each congregation , to be ordered after fasting and prayer , to state the question and declare the arguments and judgement of the generall assembly to their particular churches , and so accordingly at that meeting receive , and bring up each churches vote and sentence with the number ( because of the disproportion of parishes ) sum'd up of those that affirme , and those that discent , that so at the next session the question may be decided and concluded , by the major vote , both of churches and members which scripture way will not only by a religious policy from time to time discover the temper , pulse , & inclination of the whole kingdome , and consequently administer a great help and direction to government , but will give full satisfaction to all , ( unlesse to obstinate heritickes ) as being the judgement and vote ( even by the poale ) of all the visible and individuall christians of the kingdome politically united , as in one congregation , yea the disobedient wil be left without excuse , and justly liable to their sentence of excommunication . but put the question a considerable number of the churches in the kingdome , give in their vote with a new opinion , hazarding a rent and division in the nation . i answer , that upon so sad an occasion our church ( in imitation of the ancient callings of generall counsels , upon the over flowing of heresie , ) ought to desire the judgement and assistance , and that by additionall votes ( if it may be ) of all the reformed churches in the world , which comes neerest to the judgement of the holy catholicke church , the body of christ , to which he hath promised his presence , and spirit of truth to the end , and therefore must as to each particular state or church , though not infallibly , yet prudentially , end and conclude by obedience either active or passive the discenting churches , whom the civill magistrate after the churches excommunication , is to order by banishment or lesser punishment , according as their doctrines , shal be more or lesse prejudiciall to the state , wherein they live . which since they suffer as evill doers , is ( as to that common-wealth ) a civill and necessary act of preservative justice , not an inforcing of conscience or persecution . thus fervently beseeching the blessing of the all-wise god , upon my poore and weake indeavours , trusting that in the bowells of love , and charity , i have in sincerity and plainnesse declared unto you the mind of christ , in all humility i conclude . the unworthiest of the servants of the lord iesus . j. h. finis . imprimatur joseph carill . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- gen. . . malach. . gen. . . eph. . , , rom. . . cor. . . galat. . . math. . . john . , & . cor. . , . . . math. . . vers . . vers. . and . vers. . and . vers. . gal. . . cor. . . rev. . . eph. . . eph. . . cor. . . rom. . . * heb. . . . * psal. . . cor. . . gal. . . & . * joh. . . . * jam. . . cor. . . tim. . . cor. . . cor. . . . ephes. . . joh. . . exod. . . gen. . . mat. . . * colos : . . rom. . . * compare rom. . . with the postscript of that epistle . acts . . . act. . . math. . . chro. . verse . . . matthew . verse . . the nature of church-government freely discussed and set out in three letters. burthogge, richard, ?-ca. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the nature of church-government freely discussed and set out in three letters. burthogge, richard, ?-ca. . [ ], p. printed for s.g., london : mdcxci [ ] attributed to burthogge by wing and nuc pre- imprints. imperfect: pages cropped with loss of print. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the nature of church-government , freely discussed and set out . in three letters . london , printed for s. g. in the year mdcxci . to my noble friends , svv . y.b. t.r. en me. sirs , i present you in the following letters , the true idea ( as i take it ) of church-government ; which could it be received by all others , with the same degree of candour i assure my self it shall by you , would be of infinite advantage to end those fatal controversies that for many ages have perplexed , and , in this last , almost destroyed the church . i prefer the way of letters to set out the notion , for two reasons : one , because it is the more insinuative , and a way that is much taken , at this time ; the other , because really there were letters sent by a non-con . to a conf. in which most of the things were said that are in these ; only now they come refined from all the reflections that were personal , and from some mistakes . for my own part , i have nothing of fondness in me for any opinions ; nor do i hold my self obliged unto these in the letters , further than as they shall endure the tests of truth : i am very willing they should undergo them all , by strict examination ; though , i confess , i am as loth they should be put to torture . if upon the severest enquiry any thing can be found in them , or duly inferred from them , as to the main , that will not stand with good authority , sound reason , good order of policy , or christian piety , i shall soon shake hands with them : but till then i cannot believe it any crime to own what i am fully perswaded of , and what i am sure is no popery , that ecclesiastical government is a prudential thing and alterabl● ; and that the only true english of [ jure divino ] in the present case , is [ by law established . ] i am , iune th . . sirs , your most humble and obliged servant . the first letter . sir , it must be acknowledged that you took a very right method in the business of church government , to search , ( as you say you did ) into its very original ; and had not some of the prejudices of your education , or of your circumstances ; stuck too fast to you , i suppose that way you would at least have discovered the institution of the twelve apostles at first , before our lord's passion , and of the seventy disciples to have been only temporary ; as well as in accommodation to the mosaical policy , in which were twelve philarchs or heads of tribes , and seventy elders . after our lords passion , when he was risen again from the dead , and about to ascend into heaven , concerning himself no further with the seventy ( of whom under that denomination , we read nothing afterwards in the christian church ) he gives a new and large commission to the twelve apostles , and assigns them two works . the first , the making of disciples or christians all the world over , by declaring and publishing every where , what , upon their own knowledge , they were certain of , in reference to christ , that so , by being witnesses unto him , they might both aver the truth of christianity , and ( being many ) even compel belief of it . and after they had made christians , to put them under orders , according to the rules which christ had given them , acts . . in two words the apostles were first to make christians , and then to frame them into churches . in this properly the nature of an apostle consisted , that he was a person authorized to preach the gospel of christ upon his own knowledge , as being himself a witness of him ; and in this his office differed from that of an evangelist ; for though an evangelist , as such , did preach the gospel where it was not heard of before , and consequently made christians and planted churches , in which his office agrees with that of an apostle ; yet herein it differs , that to be an evangelist ▪ it was not necessary ( as it was to be an apostle ) that he should be a witness to christ ; it was enough to qualifie an evangelist , for evangelizing that he had certain tradition ; but to be qualified for an apostle , he must , by the evidences of his own senses have had certain knowledge of christ. this notion of the apostleship is not only couched by our saviour in what he tells the apostles , iohn . . and at his ascension , acts. . . but is intimated also in the history of the election of matthias unto the apostleship , acts . from to the . and most plainly set out in all of them taken together in conjunction , for so they make it demonstrable . iudas was once numbred with the apostles , as being one of the twelve , but he fell from that degree and honour by his transgressions , and therefore that the scripture might be fulfilled , which had said another should succeed him , peter at an assembly of the believers proposes the ordination of one in his room . and the better to regulate the election , he first instructs them in the nature of the office , and work of the apostleship , to which that ordination was to be made , and this he says , is , with the rest of the apostles , to be a witness unto christ , and particularly to his resurrection ; and then informs them , how a person must be qualified to become capable of being ordained to this office , to wit , that he must be one of those that had accompanied with them , all the while the lord jesus went in and out among them , even from beginning to end , from first to last , beginning from the baptism of john , unto that same day that he was taken up from them ; he must , it seems , be such an one as had always been with the lord , or else he could not be qualified to be one of the twelve 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says peter , therefore must one of these men that have accompanied with us , &c. and why must one of these ? but that it was the proper business and work of such an apostle , as was one of the twelve , to be a witness of christ to all that he had said , and done , and suffered ; and none could be such a witness but one that had been always with him , from first to last . and if the former is the true idea of an apostle ( as you may plainly see it is ) then no diocesan bishop or any body else indeed can be one now , for whoever is an apostle must be a witness to christ , and must have seen him , and that too after his resurrection : and to be one of the twelve , must also have been always with him from first to last , even to s. paul himself , who having not conversed with christ upon the earth , and therefore could not properly be one of the twelve , our lord appeared in an extraordinary manner to qualifie him for the apostleship ; so that as all the apostles were extraordinary officers , it might be said of paul , that he was an extraordinary superadded apostle . it is true the apostles were called bishops by s. cyprian , but it had been more ( though even then not much ) to your purpose if he had called bishops apostles ( as somewhere he does : ) christ is called a bishop , and that by a greater man than cyprian , and yet i believe you will not infer from thence , that the bishops are christs , or are the successors of christ. i acknowledg also , that the apostleship is stiled an episcopacy or a bishoprick , acts . but then it is called in the same chapter a deaconry too , verse . and therefore i hope you will no more infer , that an apostleship and a bishoprick are the same thing from the communication of the names , than for the same reason , that the apostleship and a deaconry are so . the apostleship was an episcopacy , but not such an episcopacy as that is which you contend for , any more than because it was called a deaconry , it was such a deaconry as that which was not instituted till some time after , acts . episcopacy is a word of ample signification ; for , not to mention prophane authors , as homer , plutarch , cicero , &c. in which we read the word : it is certain basil applies it often unto god ; peter in his first epistle applies it unto the elders , and here in the acts . it is applied unto the apostles ; and therefore being a word of so general signification , nothing is deducible from it , as to the special nature of any office , except by way of analogy . to be plain with you , the writers of the first century ( cyprian was in the third ) had no thoughts that appear of any such succession of bishops in the office of the apostleship , as you imagine ; even that ignatius you so much admire and who pleads so much for the prelacy of bishops , though he compares them sometimes to god , and other times to christ ( which i believe you insist not upon , because you thought it a little too much ) , yet he never that i can find compares them to the apostles : their college , if you will believe ignatius , was imitated , not to say succeeded by the presbytery . i add , that eutichius in his annals of alexander tells us , as hierom also does , that st. mark ordained , that the presbytery of the church of alexandria should consist of . and no doubt in imitation of the college of the apostles , the presbytery of that church did very early consist of that number , though possibly not so early as to be an institution of the evangelist mark. in fine , not one word in clemens romanus ; a writer of the first age , of any such succession of bishops distinct from presbyters , in the office of the apostleship ; he knew but two orders of apostolical institution , to wit , the bishops and deacons ; of which more hereafter . now if the proper work and office of the apostles consisted in their being , by office , the first preachers , and witnesses of christ , by whom they were immediately sent for that purpose , then certainly that work and office , as well as their mission to it , was extraordinary , and but temporary . and if after they had made christians by their preaching , and had framed them under perpetual standing orders , they did on some occasions interpose their own authority , either by way of direction upon new emergences , or else for reformation of abuses and miscarriages ; that was extraordinary too , and by vertue of a jurisdiction naturally arising , and remaining in them , ( as also in the evangelists ) as they were the fathers and founders of churches . but that this authority which was paramount and extraordinary , is devolved upon any other persons , as successors of the apostles , lyes on you to evince ; and i think it is an hard province : for either the apostles instituted such successors which you call bishops , ( and i for distinction-sake will call prelates ) while themselves were living ; or else they did not institute and induct them while themselves were living , but only ordained , that after their decease there should be such prelates in the church , as their successors , but not before . if you say the apostles instituted and inducted prelates as their successors while themselves were living , i demand how that could be ? can any come into the places of others , even while these others possess them ? and again i demand , whether there were , or could be any officers instituted by the apostles over whom themselves retained not jurisdiction ? for if the apostles retained their jurisdiction ( which i suppose you will not deny ) over the prelates they instituted ( if they instituted any ; ) then they trans●erred not their jurisdiction to these prelates , that is , the prelat●s were not such successors of the apostles as you conceit them ; for none does give that which he keeps . i believe therefore you will say , the apostles did not institute and induct the prelates while themselves were living , but ordained , that after their decease there should be such in the churches , as their successors . but where i pray you is the ordinance recorded ? in what scripture , in what fathers of the first age ? or how came you to know of such an order ? if no tradition either of the holy scripture , or of the most ancient and primitive fathers transmits it ? all of any aspect this way , in any father of the first age , is in clemens romanus , and he is against you ; for having premised what is very remarkable , and much to our purpose , that the apostles knowing through our lord jesus christ the strife that would one day be about the business or name of episcopacy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he adds , that for that cause ( to wit , to end such strife ) they ordained bishops and deacons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they appointed the forementioned officers , and the officers forementioned were only bishops and deacons , of whom he had said before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they , ( namely the apostles ) appointed the first fruits ( of those cities and countries where they had preached ) approving of them by the spirit for the bishops and deacons of those that should afterward believe . this is a plain testimony ( so plain , that i see not how it can be evaded ) that the holy apostles instituted only two orders of officers in the church , of which one indeed was that of the bishops : but this order of bishops being the order that is contradistinguisht unto that of the deacons as well in this father and in others , as in the sacred scriptures , it must be understood of the presbyterian , and not of the prelatical orders . and when intimated that the two orders of bishops and deacons were the fixed standing orders , which the apostles had instituted , to continue in the church from time to time , i did it with good authority ; for clement having asserted that the apostles instituted bishops and deacons , to put an end to all contentions about the office of episcopacy ( which would have been endless had not the apostles thus provided against it : ) he adds , and moreover they gave it in direction , that as often as it should happen that those persons whom they had appointed should decease , others that were approved and worthy should receive their charges . by this time you may see how little that transaction about the incestuous corinthian on which you insist so much , does serve your purpose : for s. paul his interposition in that business was purely apostolical and extraordinary , from beginning to end , the cognisance he took was extraordinary , by his apostolical spirit or revelation , as hierome interprets it ( absent in body , but present in spirit ; ) the censure extraordinary , which was to give the incestuous up unto satan , as to a tormentor : so hierome carries this also ; and the manner of the execution extraordinary too , to wit , by delegation of his apostolical spirit , to the church of corinth , ( when you come together and my spirit . ) so that the whole proceeding was extraordinary ; and though you are pleased to call it an act of episcopal or prelatical authority , and to make an argument of it for diocesan jurisdiction ; yet , unless you can find diocesans now that have the spirit , that can have a cognisance of things at distance by revelation , that can give up persons to satan as to a tormentor , and that can delegate their spirit to a congregation , the exception lying against it will still continue in force . wherefore as yet i see no other prelacy instituted by the apostles , but that of the presbyters over the people ; nor are there any officers now of any denomination , which ought to have ( though you seem to intimate that some ought ) a mission like to that of the apostles ; for as they were ambassadours , that were sent immediately by christ , as he was by god , and brought their credentials with them , sealed by the holy ghost ; so i will not scruple to call them extraordinary upon this account too , any more than to call the presbyters and deacons ordinary , even though the papists and the socinians do so : the first missions were extraordinary , whiles the church was to be constituted ; but in a constituted setled church , in which the officers are ordinary , their calling is so likewise . but to let you know what standard there is of extraordinaries , ( for this you demand ) i believe i have no more to do but to remind you of what you already know , that the use of speaking or common language is that standard ; for certain , you that have read so often in cicero ( not to mention livy , suetonius and others ) of honores extraordinarii , praesidium extraordinarium , potestas extraordinaria , cannot be ignorant that that is extraordinary , which being not the setled standing perpetual order and use , is only for some certain time , and on some particular special occasion or accident . and it is in this sense of the word that the roman magistrates , in respect of time , are distributed by lipsius into extraordinary and ordinary , when he says , aut enim ( magistratus ) à tempo●ibus dividuntur , ut ordina ii extraordina●ii . illi dicti qui statis temporibus , & semper in republicâ essent , u● consul●s , praetores , ediles , tribuni , quaestores ; isti qui nec eodem tempore , nec semper , ut dictatores , censores , inter-reges , &c. it is true you tell me , that the commission , matth. . is not peculiar to the apostles , and that therefore it does not evidence , they were extraordinary officers ; for ( say you ) there is indeed a charge given them to baptize and teach , but it seems a wonderful way of proving them to be extraordinary officers , from the authority they had to do that which any ordinary minister may do : and that by vertue of this commission . by vertue of this commission ! excuse me as to that , every body will not yield it ; some think , that this commission was personal , given only unto the apostles . go ye ; and inforced with a promise that related only to them directly , lo i am with you to the end of the world ; that is , to the consummation of the mosaical seculum ; for so they understand that phrase , and apprehend , they have sufficient reason to do so , upon comparing it with matth. . , . but let that be as it will. indeed ! is the commission given to the apostles , matth. . not peculiar to them ? are they empowered by it to do no more than every ordinary minister may ? i had thought that ordinary ministers had been limited and local , not unlimited and oecumenical officers ; and that , by their institution , they were confin'd to teach and rule the particular churches over which they were appointed , and not to teach and rule the whole world , or ( as the apostles had ) to have care of all the churches . i pray tell me , is a parish-priest of as great authority , as a diocesan ? and yet a diocesan compared with an apostle , is less than a parish-priest : the whole world was the diocess of the apostles . go ye , teach all nations . i profess i am much surprized to find you deny , without distinction , that the apostles were extraordinary officers ; especially after dr. cave in his history of the lives of the apostles ( which i believe you have read ) distinguishes their work , and shews what was extraordinary in it , and what was ordinary . but possibly you foresaw , that should you have spoken plainly , and have said as he does , that their ordinary work [ the standing and perpetual part of it , was to teach and instruct the people in the duties and principles of religion ; to administer the sacraments ; to institute guides and officers , and to exercise the discipline and government of the church . ] i would easily reply , that the apostles had provided themselves of successors , as to all this work , but that these successors were the presbyters which they instituted in every church , to feed and govern it ; and that having ordained no others , it looks as if they saw no need of others . but having this occasion , i beg your pardon if i use it , to set out more fully the institution which the apostles made , for the government and edification of the churches , and how that institution came to be altered , and by what steps . first then the apostles instituted a senate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a college of presbyters in every church , to feed and govern it ; and this is evident from acts . , . where paul and barnabas are said not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the churches but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — in every church to have ordained elders ; a college of elders , not a single elder or bishop . and as they are not said to have ordained a single bishop or elder in any church , so much less are they ( said ) to have ordained any prelate or intendant over many churches ; every church , as a body politick compleat , had sufficient power within it self , for all its ends : they ordained elders in every church . and to me it is plain that clement had regard to this practice of the apostles , when , in the place i cited before upon another occasion , he says of them , that going through countries and cities preaching the gospel , they appointed the first fruits of them to be bishops and deacons , having approved or confirmed them by the spirit . that the apostles instituted many presbyters , and not a single presbyter , in every church , is further confirmed , not only from the frequent mention of a presbytery found in ignatius , which ( as i shall shew hereafter ) was congregational , but by the express testimony of clement , who blames the church of corinth for raising a sedition and stir against their presbyters , ( and therefore there were many in that church ) only upon the account of one or two persons ; so that it is plain , there was a college of presbyters in the ancient apostolical church of corinth again , in the presbytery or college , which was ordained in every church , though all the presbyters were equal , the institution making no difference ; for paul and barnabas are said to constitute elders , but not to constitute elders and a bishop , as a superiour over them ; yet it being requisite for order-sake , that some one in every assembly should have the direction , and that honour naturally falling on the eldest presbyter unless some other course be resolved ; it is most probable , that at first , the eldest presbyter as he had the first place , so he had the first direction of matters : but afterwards , it being found by experience , that the eldest was not always the worthiest and fittest for that purpose , it came to pass , that the place devolved not any longer by seniority , but was conferred by election : and in this s. ambrose ( if it be he , and not rather hillary ) in his comment on the fourth to the ephesians is plain . vid. sixt. senens . bibl. sanct. l. . annot . . and admitting that all the presbyters were called bishops , as undoubtedly at first they were , it is easie to conceive how the first presbyter came to be called the bishop , and at last , for distinction-sake , to have the name of bishop so appropriated to him , that the rest retained only the denomination of presbyters . but all this while the bishop was but the first presbyter , and had no more authority in the college of presbyters , than is allowed to s. peter in the college of the apostles , by all protestants . even epiphanius himself ( if we may believe danaeus ) was at last compelled to confess , that in the time and age of the apostles , no such distinction [ as that is which you contend for , ] was to be found between the bishops and presbyters . again , though all the presbyters in every church had like authority to preach and rule , ( both functions being comprehended in the episcopacy assigned to them , pet. . , . ) yet some of them being better qualifyed for the one , and some for the other , it is probable , that they exercised their different talents accordingly ; some of them more in the one , and some more in the other . this ( as strange as you may make it ) seems plainly intimated in that injunction of the apostles , tim. . . let the elders that rule well be accounted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and doctrin : for here is a plain distinction of elders , of which some being better at ruling , and some at preaching , they exercised themselves according to the talent they had ; those that were better at ruling , in ruling , and those that were better at preaching , in labouring in the word and doctrin . and since labouring in the word and doctrin had the special honour , no question but the first presbyter , as most honourable , was always of the number of those that laboured that way ; so that the bishop was the pastour also , or preaching elder , that is , the preaching spiritual work became appropriated to him , at first eminently , but afterwards entirely ; and then nothing lay in common between him and the presbyters but only rule . and this is what i can gather from scripture of the apostolical settlement . upon the whole it is evident , that a diocesan bishop was unknown in the first age of the church , and the only bishop to be found then , was the presbyter ; which is further confirm●d , in that the scot● , who received the knowledg of christianity very early , even in that age , had not any knowledge for many ages after , that appears , o● any but presbyterian jurisdiction . even bishop spotiswood , in his history of the church of scotland , tells us out of boethius , and boethius from ancient annals , of the culdees , or ancient scottish priests and monks ( who , he believes , were called culdees , not because culteres dei , as most think , but because they lived in cells , their names , as he says , being kele-dei and not culdei , in old bulls and rescripts . ) he says of these culdees , that they were wont for their better government to elect one of their number by common suffrage to be the chief and princip●l among them , without whose knowledge and consent nothing was done in any matter of importance , and the person so elected was called scotorum episcopus , a scots bishop ; and this was all the bishop that he could find in the first times : but b●cha●an is plainer , who tells us , that no bishop ( to wit an order superiour to that of the presbyters ) ever presided in the church of scotland before paliadius his time ; the church ( says he ) unto that time was governed by monks , without bishops , with less pride , and outward pomp but greater simplicity and holiness thus i have e●idenced what the s●a●e of things was in the first times of the christian churches , to wit , that those were governed by presbyteries , in which all the presbyters were equal , and all bishops , only , for order-sake , there was a first presbyter , who having more care and more work , had yet no more authority and power than any other ; but as the best men are but flesh and blood , and the best institutions lyable to rust and canker , so these were not exempted ; there was a diotrephes in the apostles own times , and those that followed him improved upon the example : the first presbyter soon became advanced into another order , and from being first , commenced prince of the presbyters . we are told by d●naeus , who citeth epiphanius ( and he might have cited others ) that this departure from the primitive institution began in alexand●ia ; and it is very probable , that the appointment of twelve presbyters , besides a president ( for so eutichius assures us it was there ) did give occasion to the president , who easily took the hint , to challenge to himself the place and authority of christ , when the very number of presbyters , over whom he presided , made it manifest that they were an imitation of the apostles . but whether other churches took their pattern from that of alexandria or no , 't is easie to conceive in what manner , and by what means the mistake might gain upon them : for after the first presbyter became elected , and consequently was separate by prayer and imposition of hands , no wonder he was ●oon taken for an officer of another order , much superiour unto that of the presbyters , who was distinguished from them by that token of a new ordination , and was in place above them . ay , it is highly probable , that the first recess from the primitive institution , even in alexandria , began this way , if that be true that grotius hath observed , that the election of the president presbyter came not in use there but after the death of mark : so that it was not ( as eu●ichius reports it , ) an institution of this evangelist . but what way soever this alteration had its beginning , one may be tempted ( if the epistles going under the name of ignatius be indeed his ) to think that it had it very early ; for this father doth every where speak of the bishop in respect of the presbyters , as of god in respect of christ , and of good or christ in respect of the college of the apostles ; and these are such magnificent expressions of superiority , that though they proceeded not from any elation of mind in him that used them at first , and used them perhaps but as rhetorick , yet they could not but occasion other sentiments in others , viz. as of the bishops being of a superiour order , so , of something of domination and lordship in his office. and yet how great soever the degeneracy was in the time of ignatius , or very near it , it was not so great then as in the following ages ; ignatius his bishop for all the gawdiness in which he dresses him , was only a congregational , not a diocesan bishop ; those first times knew nothing of the diocesan princely prelate , even the president , that iustin martyr mentions , was but a congregational pastour . that ignatius his bishop was only pastour of a single congregation is evident in many passages , but i will cite but two or three to evince it . the first is in his epistle to the ephesians , where he speaks of the prayer of the bishop , and the whole church , ascending in consort unto god ; so that the bishop was the mouth of the congregation . and afterward , in the same epistle , in an exhortation to these ephesians , when he presses them to obey their bishop , he speaks of them , as of a single congregation , that could meet together for acts of worship . again , in his epistle to the magnesians , whom he also presses to obey their bishop ( for this indeed is the burthen of all his epistles , ) he plainly speaks of them as of a single congregation ; do you all assemble and meet ( saith he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , together , for so that expression is rendred cor. . i have shewed what the primitive institution was , as to church-orders , and have shewed also how and how early , the alteration that was made in congregations came on ; it was first a presbytery , and the senior presbyter the president ; then a presbytery , and the president elected , but still a presbyter ; afterward a president and no presbyter , not an ab beth din , but a nasi ; not a senior presbyter , but a prince , or chief over the presbytery . and certainly one need to have but a little experience , in the course of things , to make a clear and distinct conception of what hath been said upon this subject . that which remains to compleat the discourse , is to shew the same way , from common principles , how the ecclesiastical prelate , ( or that bishop over several congregations ) of the better fort , such as cyprian , augustin , &c. ( if indeed they were such ) did first spring up . i conceive ( with submission to better judgments ) that this bishop ( of whom we read nothing that i know of in the first age , or till towards the end [ if then ] of the second , ) arose from the large progression , and spreading of christianity ; for then in great cities , and their appendages , the number of professors grew so great , that all could no longer meet together in one place , to celebrate divine offices , so that necessity compelled them to divide into several congregations ; which , if settled , must have several officers , as bishops , presbyters and deacons ; yet still the bishop of the mother congregation as he had the main hand ( which is to be presumed ) in forming and settling the daughter churches , so he still pretended to keep an authority and jurisdiction over them . and this indeed had something of a resemblance unto the apostles ; who as they planted many churches , so they had always a care of them ; but how far the analogy will hold , or where it strikes out , i shall not trouble you now to say ; it is enough for the present to have shewed , that ecclesiastical prelates had not apostolical institution , and that , at best , they arose but by occasions , and prudentially only , upon the increase of believers . what confirms this notion is , that we never read in the first age , and but rarely ( if ever ) in the second , of bishops that pretended it of themselves , or that were affirmed by others , to be the successors of the apostles . in those first times , no such pretentions had place ; but afterwards , when necessity arose in the churches of sending out their colonies , then the bishops of those churches , that sent them out , soon found , in the jurisdiction of the apostles , something , that by way of analogy , and with a little stretching might serve to countenance theirs , over those that they had settled . these are the sentiments i have as to the ius divinum of episcopacy ; in which i have made evident what episcopacy it is i do believe is ●ure divino , and what not : but i intend not to discourse now of the ius ecclesiasticum , by which only a diocesan bishop , or of the ius civile , by which the lord bishop is constituted . my province now , is only to shew , what i have shewed , that the presbyter is the only bishop iure divino & apostolico ; and that prudential considerations only made the prelate , first the congregational , and afterward the diocesan prelate , of the better sort . and in these assertions i have my vouchers , and those fathers , and fathers as learned , and as pious as any churches ever owned , and cited too by bishop iewell . verily ( saith he ) chrysostom saith , inter episcopum & presbyterum interest fermè nihil , between a bishop and a priest ▪ in a manner , there is no difference . s. hierom saith somewhat in a rougher sort : audio quendam in tantam erupisse vecordiam , ut diaconos , presbyteris , id est , episcopis anteferret , cum apostolus perspicue doceat , ●osdem esse presbyteros quos episcopos . i hear say there is one become so peevish , that he setteth deacons before priests , that is to say , before bishops : whereas the apostle plainly teacheth us , that priests and bishops are all one . s. augustin saith , quid est episcopus nisi primus prepbyter , hoc est , summus sacerdos ? what is a bishop but the first priest , that is to say , the high priest ? so saith s. ambrose , episcopi & presbyteri una ordinatio est : vterque enim sacerdos est , sed episcopus primus est . there is but one consecration of prie●● , and bishop , for both of them are priests , but the bishop is the first . and to what these fat●ers say , we may add the testimony of learned grotius , who , for the reputation he hath justly gained in the world , o● great knowledge , and exact criticism , may possibly signifie somewhat with you . he in his epistle to bigno●ius commending that of cl●ment , which i have often cited ; among other considerations that induced him to approve thereof , as genuine , notes this as a main one , quid ●us●qu●m me●●nit exortis iliius episcoporum auctoritais quae ecclesiae consuetudine post marci mortem alex n●●iae , atque ●o exemplo alibi introduci coepit , sed-pla●è ut paulus apostolus , ostendit ecclesias communi prisbytero●um , qui iidem omnes & episcopi ipsi pauloque dicuntur consi●io ●uisse gubenatas . that clement no where makes any mention in his epistle , of that eminent authority of bishops , that by the custom of the church , began when mark was dead , to be introduced at alexa●d●ia , and after that example in other places ; but he plainly shews , as the apostle paul also does , that the churches were [ then ] governed by the common council of the elders , all of which are stiled bishops by him , as well as by s paul. by what i have said you may see how little satisfaction i received in the proofs you gave me of the early distinction between bishops and presbyters , for none of them do reach home unto the first age , and to the d●ocesan prelatical bishop ; and if they did , would move me but little . for as for tertullian , he more than seems to be on my side , when speaking of the christian congregations , both as to their discipline and government , and to their worship , he says , praesident probati quique seniores , hon remistum non pretio , sed testimonio adepti ; that the presbyters have the rule and government in them . as for clemens alexandrinus his imitations of the angelical glory [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] , in which you do imagine you have found the orders of the celestial hierarchy , imitated in the bishop , presbyter and deacon ; this is but a flourish of rhetorick in that father ; who though in his pedagogue he speaks of bishops , presbyters and deacons , as also of widows ; yet in his stromata ( lib. . & . ) where he treats of the ecclesiastical orders more at large , he mentions but two , the presbyters , and deacons , and plainly intimates , that the bishop was only a presbyter honoured with the first seat. but i am much surprized at your citation of the emperor adrian his epistle to servianus recorded by phlegon , and related by vopiscus ; for certainly it appears by that epistle that adrian had but little acquaintance with the egyptian christians , and then , his authority is of as little moment ; or else , these christians were of the worst of men ; for he represents them , as well as the other inhabitants of egypt , to be a most seditious , vain , and most injurious sort of men , and particularly says , that those which worship serapis were christians , and that the bishops of christ were devoted unto serapis : he adds , that the very patriarch ( ipse ille patriarcha ) coming into egypt , was constrained of some to worship serapis , and others ( to worship ) christ. was ever any thing more virulently said of christians ? and indeed more mistakingly ? for as for the devotion of their bishops to serapis , i cannot imagine any occasion that these christians should give , which , with any colour , should render them suspected of that idolatry , but their signing with the sign of the cross ; and this might , it being a way of professing christianity , that at that time was newly become the mode , and probably it had the fate of new modes , which is , to be approved of by some , and be rejected and nick-named of others . i am the more inclined to think that this story of serapis had some relation to the christian bishops , who signed with the sign of the cross , because i find in pignorius , in his exposition of the mensa isaica , that serapis was used to be denoted by a cross , vrceo ( says he ) superne infixa crux serapidem notat . and says rhodiginus , lect. ant . l. . c. , . figuram ejusmodi ; ( speaking of the cross ) serapidis pectori insculp●bant egyp●ii : adding , out of suidas , that in the time of the emperour theodosius , when the temples of the greeks were destroyed , there were found in the sacrary of serapis certain hieroglyphic letters which resembled a cross. but to let this pass , i see no cogency in the citation you make from the emperour adrian to evidence any such distinction between a bishop and a presbyter to have been in that time as is in ours , and as you do plead for ; for in that epistle there is only the name of bishop and presbyter , without any specification of office signified by it , either as to its nature or limits ; a●d possibly some will tell you , that by the coherence of t●e epistle , it is not so clear , but that adrian might intend the same officers by bishop and presbyter . but i have no list to engage in such a dispute ; and therefore hasten to tell you what is above any , that i am , sir , your humble servant . the second letter . sir , i expected , that as i had essayed to set out a scheme of church-government , and such a one as i believed and do still believe , to have been the primitive and original , and of apostolical institution ; so you likewise would have given a scheme according to your sentiments ; and then , by comparing scheme with scheme , and each with the account of the scriptures , and other undoubted accounts of the first century , we might at last come to have made a surer judgment , which was the right and which the wrong , than now , in the parcelling and retailing way you take , it is possible to do . indeed , to gain a true light into the nature and frame of church-government , in the whole extent of it , one ought to distinguish the several states and circumstances in which the church hath been , and accordingly consider the several orders , which were in it , in those several states , and the grounds and reasons of those several orders . now the church ( i speak of the catholick or evangelical church ) may be considered , either as it was a constituting , before it had received external form and shape , as to orders : or after it was constituted ; and that the apostles , who had not only received instructions from their master what to do in things pertaining to the kingdom of god , but were likewise invited by the concidence of events , had put their last hand unto it . again , the church , after its being constituted and clothed with orders , undergoes a double consideration , for it may be considered , either as it subsisted and stood alone , singly , in a state of separation from secular governments of the world , or as it is united to them by the laws and ordinances ( that in several countries are several ) which they have enacted and established about it . whosoever considers the church whilst constituting , before it had received its external form and orders , ought at the same time to acknowledg , that of necessity there must be persons to constitute it , and cloth it with these orders ; which persons , if vested with authority so to do , are properly officers : but yet , in that performance , cannot be conceived to be or act as ordinary officers , these being permanent and standing , and belonging to the church as constituted ; whereas that office had its place before the constitution of the church , as being ordained to constitute it . this office ( as i evinced in my former paper ) appertained to the apostles , it being their work to lay the foundation of the christian church , by preaching the doctrin of christ , as true upon their own knowledg , and consequently making believers or disciples , which was to gather the church ; as also by instituting of officers , and giving rules about them ; which was to put the church under orders , and to settle its government . on this account the church is said to be built upon the foundation of the apostles and the new jerusalem , the city of god , ( or the evangelical church in its most reformed state ) is described in the revelations to have twelve foundations , answering to the twelve apostles ; who by the doctrin which they preached and witnessed , and the order which they setled , did indeed lay the foundation of the christian church , and set it on foot . it is true , the evangelists as well as the apostles were ( in part at least ) the founders of particular churches ; but the apostles only ( with the prophets ) have the honour of being stiled founders of the church ; these being the only persons that were commissioned by our lord christ for that end : he immediately sending and directing his apostles , but these sending and directing the evangelists , who are therefore called by some ( and not unfitly ) apostoli secondarii , apostles of the second order : so that i do distinguish between the founding of the church which was done by the apostles only ; and that of particular churches , which was performed by the evangelists as well as by the apostles . by the church , which for distinction sake i call essential , to discriminate it from particular constituted churches , i mean nothing but the whole multitude or company of the faithful , as they are united to christ , and hold communion with him , as well as one with another , by one common faith , and by the participation of the holy spirit . and of this church all that do believe in , and make a true profession of christ ( though as yet they are not ranked in any particular one ) are members , and have their several uses , according to the measure of the dispensation given them ; from which measure some are principal and some are less principal members ; he gave some apostles , and some prophets , &c. this essential church , though it is a kind of a body , society and city , yet it is not a secular politick body ; i mean not a body , united in it self , under one external visible head , by any universal politick orders and dependencies that run throughout it , such as are in secular governments , whether monarchical , aristocratical or democratical , to make them one . but it is a spiritual mystical body , a body united unto christ the head by the spirit of faith and love , under the laws and rules of christianity ; a religion which obliges all its members to communion one with another ( as much as is possible ) for mutual edification and comfort . could all the members of the christian church have held communion one with another , and ordinarily have met together for the discharge of common duties and offices ; and all have been subject unto one external government , common to them , there would still have been but one congregation of them , as there was at first , and consequently but one church , as to external orders . but the christian church , in the nature of it , being catholick and univers● , that is , not walled in and confined by distinguishing rites and customs , as the jewish was , unto a particular people , but lying in common to all nations , as much as unto any ; so that such external communion and government was absolutely impracticable in the whole , as taken together ; therefore it was necessary that it should be practised ( as indeed it was ) only by parts , each of which parts was to bear the denomination of the whole , as being the whole in little. this is the original of particular churches ; in reference to which churches it may be observed , that as the jewish church ( which some call the synagogue ) was founded in a nation , so the christian church , eminently stiled the church , was founded in a particular assembly ; the mother church at ierusalem was only a single congregation . it was for the former reason , as well as for others , that the apostles , when they instituted church-government , did not give any general scheme that should relate to the catholick church , as to an external body , or to provincial , or to national churches ; but they only setled particular churches , as homogenecal parts of the whole : and these in this order , that as the whole church was a free people that had not one only , but many apostles , who , by the original institution , were to take the care of it ; so in every particular church ( which was to be a vicinage under orders , or a company of professing people , that could conveniently meet together for the discharge of christian offices ) there should be not one only , but many presbyters ( a college of presbyters answering to the college of the apostles , ) who should rule and govern , but as over a free people , and therefore , in all material businesses , with their approbation and suffrage . thus in the mother-church at ierusalem , besides the apostles , which were extraordinary , there was a senate or college of elders , as the ordinary standing officers ; and these , with the whole church , or body of the people and brethren , are convented upon the business of antioch , and thus the apostles paul and barnabas , every where , in every church or congregation , are said to have established a senate or presbyters , and that too by the suffrage or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the people . so that the original government of the church , of apostolical institution , was only congregational ; which congregational government consisted of the people or brethren , and of the presbyters or senate ; in which senate he that presided , tho' in process of time he was called bishop , by appropriation of the name which all the presbyters enjoyed at first in common , yet , in the original institution ( he ) was no more than the first-named presbyter , and so no otherwise distinguished in it , than as peter ( was ) in the institution of the college of the apostles , who is still first named in it . and such a bishop i do acknowledg to have been from great antiquity , namely , a congregational bishop , that had the first direction of matters , a person that was primus , presbyter , a presbyter only in order , and the first of that order in the college of presbyters : but a diocesan bishop invested with the power of sole ordination and jurisdiction , and he a suffragan too ( for this is the bishop that is in controversie between us , ) this bishop you must prove , if you can , and nothing is done if you do not prove him to be apostolical . sure i am that s. cyprian considered himself but as a first presbyter ; and therefore as his name for the bishop is always prepositus , in respect of the people : so he calls the presbyters his compresbyters , ep. l. . ep . . [ ques ed primitivum compresbyterum nostrum : et l. . ep . . literae tuae per quintum compresbyterum missae . ay! the th epistle of the d book is directed to ( his ) compresbyters . and in the th epistle of the same book he calleth rogatianus his compresbyter ; but he no where calls the deacous ●●s condeacors ; clearly implying by that denomination , that when he was made bishop he ceased not to be a presbyter , as not become of another order , only he was now a president in it , and possessed of the first chair . i do not find you deny the institution of the presbytery ( the which i have abundantly evinced , ) or so much , that in the first times , the bishop was only the president of it , or the first presbyter , which yet is the main of the cause : and you can as little deny , if you will be just , the power and interest of the people , who are called in scripture sometimes the church and sometimes the brethren , and in tertullian and cyprian the phbs. thus you find in the acts of the apostles , the people concerned in the election of matihias [ peter spake to the whole assembly , men and brethren , &c. ] so in that of the deacons [ wherefore brethren look you cut among you seven men of honest report , &c. ] and in the ordination of the presbyters , for paul and barn●bas , ordained with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the people , acts . . again , they are concerned in the censure of the incestuous corinthian , not only by way of approbation , as where it is said , when you are gathered together , &c. cor. . . but by way of judgment and ex●cution , verfe , . in fine , even in the debate and decision of controversies ; for the brethren were together with the apostles and elders , and there was much disputing , ( which , i should think , was rather among the people than among the apostles and elders : ) and the decretal epistle goes as well in the name of the brethren as in that of the apostles and elders , , acts . , , , . nor were the people entirely deprived and outed of their original power or interest in elections and censures , even in the time of s. cyprian ; for he plainly asserts to them the chief share , both in the election of the praeposii , or bishops that are worthy , and in the rejection of the unworthy ; and this he doth both by the congruity of the old testamet , and the practice recorded in the new ; not only allowing to them ( as some would have it ) a presence in all transactions , but affirming their power ( cypri n's word is potestas ) and their suffrage . propter quod , plebs obsequens praecepiis dominicis & deum metnens , à pectore praeposio separare se debet , cum ipsa maxime habeat potestatem v●l eligendi dignos sacirdotes , vel indignos recusardi . for which reason a people that observes the lord's commands and fears god , ought to separate themselves from a bishop that is wicked , in as much as they , principally , have the power both of electing worthy priests , and of rejecting the unworthy . this is further evident in the resolve , that cyprian ( as himself professes ) assumed at his coming first to the bishoprick , which was , that he would do nothing of business by himself , and singly without the counsel of the elders , and deacons , nor without the consent of the people : solus rescribere nil potui , cum à primordio episcopatus mei statu rim nil sine concilio vestro , ( writing unto the elders , and deacons ) & sine consensu plebis , meâ privatim sententiâ gerere . in fine , in clemins romanus , who preceded cyprian , as living in the age of the very apostles themselves , we have a plain intimation of the interest and right of the people , in the election of presbyters , and in their rejection ; from which also we may conclude the share they had in other matters ; for in his epistle to the corinthians , he says , those who were appointed by the apostles , or by other excellent men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the consent and approbation of the whole church , and who lived worthily , ought not to be ( injuriously ) deprived of their ministration . [ and , by the way , this te●imony of clement shews in what senfe it is said , that paul and barnabas did chirotonize elders , it being evident that it relates to that which stands upon record in the acts of the apostles , of what was done by those two in that kind of business . ] after the former evidences , i do not see how it can be questioned , that the government of particular churches was at first ( what i have affirmed it ) popular and democratical , as consisting of the authority of a senate , and of the power of a people , or in s. cyprian's language , of the majesty of the people , and the authority of priesthood : thus resembling the greek republicks and their ecclesiae , or popular assemblies , which , at athens , were composed of proedri , who directed and ordered matters , and of the people who voted . and even origen against celsus , l. . as mr. thorndike tells me ( for i have not origen at present by me ) compares the government of the churches of christ , as i have , to the republicks of the cities of greece . but possibly you will grant me , that congregational government was of apostolical institution ; but it will be a matter of too hard a digestion to yield , there was no other government that was likewise so : and yet , if you cannot give me an apostolical draught of any other church-government , nor one instance ( as i believe you cannot ) of any church in the first century , or till toward the end of the second , ( if then ) but what was congregational , nor of any officers ( besides the apostles , evangelists , and prophets , ) which were not local , and limited to particular congregations : it must then be acknowledged , that no other government ( intended for after times ) but the congregational was absolutely primitive , and of apostolical original ; say not , it might be , though not recorded ; for eadem est ratio non apparen●●um & non existentium ; to us it was not , if it appears not ; perhaps but one church in one city or town at first ; but no instance can be given of one pastor over divers cities and towns. the former ●truth is so great a one , that even in the time of s. cyprian ( when yet too many novelties , not to say corruptions , had invaded the church ) the usurpation that was then begun upon the rights of the people , had not prevailed so far , but that as the bishop of that time was congregational only , and local , ( to speak generally ; ) so he was not ordained at large , but to a certain people , and cure. thus , saith s. cyprian , was sabinus ordained . the passage is very remarkable , and since it not only evidences the point i have asserted , but does also vindicate the presbyterian way of ordination used now , as a way that was used at that time , to wit , by the concurrence of preaching ministers , prepositi , or bishops of several congregations , and the laying on of their , or one of their hands , for this reason i will cite it at large . propter quod ( saith he ) diligenter de traditione divinâ & apostolicâ servandum est & tenendum , quod apud nos quoque , & fere per provincias universas tene●ur , ut ad ordinationes rise celebrandas , ad eam plebem cui praepos●us ordinatur , episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & episcopus delegatur plebe praesente , quae singulorum vitam plenissimè novit & uniuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione perspexit ; quod & apud vos factum videmus in sabini collegae nostii ordinatione , ut de universae fraternitatis suffragio , & de episcoporum qui in praesentia convenerant , quique de eo ad vos litteras fecerant iudicio , episcopatus is deferretur , & manus ei in locum basilidis imponeretur [ or imponerentur . ] wherefore it ought diligently to be observed , and maintained as a thing of divine tradition , and of apostolical practice , the which also is observed by us , and almost in all the provinces , that to the end ordinations may be rightly made , the bishops of the same province , which are nearest to that people for whom , a minister is ordained , do all meet , and that the bishop be chosen , the people being present , who have a perfect knowledge of the life that every one hath led , and also do throughly understand his ability by his conversation . and this we see you also have observed in the ordination of sabinus , our colleague , on whom , as well by the suffrage of the brotherhood , as the judgment of all the bishops , both those that were then present , and those that sent you their letters about him , the bishoprick was conferred , and hands imposed in place of basilides . those learned men that have told us that the christian church was formed after the fashion of the synagogues and not of the temple , or rather the tabernacle , did certainly own a true idea of this business : there was but one temple in all iudea , as but one church , and one high priest , to whom the other priests , as also the levites , in severel orders , were subordinated , as well as one to another , in a certain line of dependance . but the synagogues were many , and many in one city , even some hundreds in ierusalem , and in every synagogue , ( if all had one form ) there were many rulers : now particular churches are unto the catholick church , the same , in proportion , that synagogues were to the jewish . to be sure , this is manifest to whosoever considers it , that christ and his apostles did carefully avoid the imitation and similitude of the tabernacle in all their institutions , and all their orders : the apostles were never called chief priests , nor the presbyters priests , the ministers the clergy , nor the people the laity ; no national form of church government was ever established , no consecration of officers ; no garments or holy days , or other such like observances , were ever appointed by them , in conformity to those of the tabernacle . but when the judaizing opinion , which prevailed mightily even in the days of the apostles , had , after their decease , diffused and spread it self farther , so that christians came into an admiration of the orders , beauty and pomp of the temple , which was but a fixed tabernacle , and christianity it self became considered ( as by some it is this day ) but as another kind of judaism , then ministers were turned into priests , deacons to levites , and ordination to consecration ; the sacrament of the lord's supper was turned into a sacrifice , the table to an altar . the tabernacle , times and seasons of easter and whitsuntide , became generally observed , ( only with some little bowing , and bending of themselves to christianity , ) and the tabernacle maintenance in time became insisted upon also , as well as the tabernacle title . thus began the defection , which upon the tabernacle grounds , and by pretences of some analogy unto the orders of that fabrick , did afterwards grow up to a great height in most countries , in a national form and dependance , but in none to that perfection , as under the papacy ; which as it doth divide its rites and observances ( almost all ) from the tabernacle , so it can pretend to very little authority for them , but what conceited analogies , and some congruities of reason , taken from the tabernacle orders , and the tabernacle worship , do afford unto them ; but christ and his apostles appointed not any national forms , as that under the tabernacle was . indeed , had the apostles owned any pretentions of a design to erect a national ( much more an universal ) hierarchy , or form of external government in the church , or had they done any thing to occasion a just suspition of such a design , it would have much obstructed the true design and end of their mission , which was the planting and spreading of christianity . for then , magistrates and rulers , in their own defence , and for preservation of their own inherent prerogatives and rights , must have always opposed it ; since the permission of such an authority , such a power over their subjects , that would not only possess an interest in their consciences , but be strengthened , as a secular empire , by a close connection of all the parts of it , and an exact dependance and subordination , would render their own precarious ; such a pretence must needs have awakened the jealousie of kings , as indeed it did , when christ but spake of a kingdom , though spiritual , and but in hearts ; much more then , had it been an external and visible kingdom , for then , reason of state , would for ever oppose christianity . but notwithstanding all that i have said , i doubt not but you will tell me , that the government of the church is universal , and that there is a catholick hierarchy ; that the apostles were ordinary standing officers , and that , as apostles , they were the very same in the primitive church , that diocesan bishops are now ; and dioccsan bishops , the same now the apostles were then ; that the apostles exercised juridiction over the particular churches which they instituted ; and that timothy and titus , who were bishops ( not congregational , but diocesan bishops ) were ordained such by s. paul. and as you will tell me these and the like , very plausible things , of bishops ; so i make no question but others will tell me as plausible of the council at ierusalem , and of the government of the catholick church by councils and synods of bishops , in correspondence to that ; that the apostles , as apostles , should be diocesan bishops , and that diocesan bishops , as such , should be apostles , seems so strange an assertion , and so much against the common sense of most believers , that i would rest the controversie on that issue . sure i am , nilus archbishop of thessalonica tells us expre●ly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. the pope is no apostle , for the apestles did not make or ordain apostles , but pastors or teachers ; much less the chief of the apostles : thus he . and indeed there were but twelve apostles originally , which number was so stated that it gave denomination to their order , they were called the twelve . as for paul , who also was an apostle , and not of the twelve , he was the minister of the gentiles ; and as these were a kind of proselytes to the jewish church , so he was a kind of proselyte or super added apostle : himself expresses it , that he was one born out of due season , cor. . . and for the offices of apostleship and episcopacy , i have shewed in my former letter how much they differ . 't is true , you say , that bishops are sometimes called apostles , and that too by the fathers ; but , you may remember , i acquainted you they were not stiled so by any fathers of the first century , or till towards the latter end ( if then ) of the second : else , that bishops are sometimes called apostles i know , and dr. cave hath many citations to that purpose , to which you have added some , and might have added more : but the sense in which they were called apostles , is that only which is of any concern to us : and certainly , notwithstanding all that you have said to the contrary , it doth not as yet appear , that those bishops that were called by the antient fathers , apostles , were diocesan bishops ; for they might be , and really , for all that glorious denomination , they were but congregational prelates , who , because in a sense they were successors of the apostles , and the same , in some proportion , unto particular churches , that the apostles themselves were to the general , even for that reason they were called apostles , and all as well as any diocesans . that the bishops compared to the apostles by s. cyprian ( who is one of the first that compares them so , ) were only presbyterical and congregational bishops , is evident , in that , even there where he so compares them , he doth plainly contradistinguish them to the deacons ; for even there he mentioneth but two orders , as s. paul to timothy doth ; and therefore must be understood to mean as he doth , the one of the bishops , and praepositi , which he compares to apostles , and the other of the deacons , who , he saith , were appointed by the apostles , as indeed they were , acts . to be their , and the churches servants , meminisse autem diaconi debent , quoniam apostolos , id est , episcopos & praeposi●os dominus eligit , di●conos autem post assensum domini in coelos , apostoli sibi constituerunt episcopatus sui & ecclesiae ministres . and 't is plain in that citation , which i made before from s. cyprian , that his bishop or praepositus ( for both in him are expressions of one and the same office ) was a preaching minister , ordained unto a certain people [ ed eam plebem cui praeposi●us ordinatur , &c. ] again , that the preaching ministers or pastors of congregations were considered , as in a sense , successors of the apostles , and compared to them on that account , is farther evidenced from the testimony of nilus , who , in his book of the primacy of the pope of rome , hath these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and what then may one say ? is not the pope entirely the successor of peter ? yes he is , but 't is as he is a bishop , and is no more than what every bishop that was ordained by peter may easily challenge . but there were may that by his ( namely peters ) hand received this grace of episcopacy ; ay , every priest this way is a successor of that apostle , from whom , by tradition , he received priesthood , and thus there are many successors as well of peter as of other apostles ; but in other respects they have no successors . thus he speaketh plainly , that bishops and pastours succeeded the apostles , but not in the apostleship ; of this there is no succession : and dr. reinolds is fully of the same opinion , and speaks home . indeed it is a point ( saith he ) well worth the noting , that as you do notoriously abuse the church of christ ( speaking to hart ) for you perswade the simple , and chiefly young scholars , who trust your common-place books , that chrysostom spake of peter and peter's successors , in the same meaning , that the pope doth , when he saith , that peter and peter's suceessor is the head of the church , and bindeth by solemn oath to be obedient to the bishop of rome , the successor of peter , whereas s. chrysostom meant by peter's successors them whom christ doth put in trust to seed his sheep , as the master of the sentences and thomas of aquin do give the name of peters successors to all priests and prelates ( as they term them ) that is , to all pastors and doctors of the church ; as s. augustin teacheth , that it is said to all when it is said to peter , dost thou love me ? feed my sheep . as s. ambrose writeth , that he and all bishops have received the charge of the sheep with peter ; as the roman clergy apply it to the rest of the disciples of christ , and the clergy of carthage too . thus dr. reinolds . but i stay too long on a matter that in no degree deserves it ; for to inferr , that all bishops are properly apostles , because they have the name of apostles , is to imply , that identity of names , will inferr an identy of offices , at which rate ioseph the mittendary in epiphanius , whom he calleth an apostle , would have the honour of being a bishop , and indeed , on that account his title is all as good as bishop epaphroditus's . 't is true , you tell me , you believe as s. hierome likewise did , that epaphroditus was really the bishop , because he is called the apostle of the philippians , phi. . . but as it is true , that in the greek it is [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] your apostle , so it may well be acknowledged , that our english translators do render that expression very well [ your messenger ] since nothing is more evident than this , that the coherence and connexion of the text will carry it to that sense . i suppose it necessary to send to you epaphroditus my brother and companion in labour , and fellow soldier ; but , your messenger [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and minster of my necessities ; which indeed he was , as appears by chap. . , . now the philippians know that no church communicated with me , as concerning giving and receiving , but ye only ; i am full , having received of epaphroditus the things ( which were sent from you , ) but my god shall supply all your need , &c. to wit , as you by him have supplied mine . that the apostles exercised a jurisdiction over particular formed churches , and over those particularly , which themselves had founded , is as little to your purpose , if bishops are not ( which they are not ) either of the order of the apostles , or else founders of churches , as these were ; as in it self it is a truth , and not to be questioned . the jurisdiction of the apostles over particular churches undergoes a double consideration , in neither of which it symbolizeth with the diocesan or episcopal ; for it may be considered , either as it was an appurtenance and incident to the office of the apostleship , to wit , as the apostles were founders of the church essential and thus all the apostles , as they had one commission , so they had equal authority , equal jurisdiction over all the churches . or it may be considered as accruing to the apostles from more particular respects , to wit , as they were the fathers and founders of particular churches : the former i call essential , the latter accidental jurisdiction of the apostles . take the jurisdiction of the apostles in the first consideration , and then diocesan bishops can no more pretend thereto , than they can to the office of the apostleship [ which was oecumeuical for its extent , as well as infallible for its execution , ] it being an appurtenance and incident only unto this , and dyed with their persons ; or , take it more particularly , for that authority which they assumed , and were understood to have , in a more particular manner , over the persons they had converted , and the churches they founded , ( between which and themselves on that foot , there was a more particular relation than between others and them ) although in this consideration the jurisdiction of the apostles was no other than what was common to them , with the evangelists or any other persons that planted christianity , made conversions and setled churches in any particular regions or places ; yet even this is as far from being diocesan as from being ordinary . a founder that institutes a college , settles orders and makes statutes , though he doth not constitute himself ( as rarely any does ) a visitor , yet , on extraordinary occasions , and in difficulties arising about the meaning of statutes , or their application , upon incident emergencies he would think it but a duty , while himself lived , and the founded should think it theirs , to have recourse unto him and to take his directions ; but he dying , that authority , as being incident only unto his person , dyes with him ; founders , as such , have no successors . i touched in my former letter on this latter jurisdiction , in respect whereof , in a right sense , one apostle may well be affirmed to have had an authority and power , in some places , and over some persons , more than another ; for thus , in a particular manner , paul was stiled the apostle of the uncircumcision , as peter was of the circumcision . the apostle paul , cor. . expostulates with the corinthions on this account ; he assereth the authority he had over them , and shews the ground of that authority ; for he affirms , that as he was their father in christ , so he had an authority over them , as a father over his children , ver . , , . i write not these things to shame you , but as my beloved sons i warn you ; for though you have ten thousand instructors in christ , yet have you no : many fathers ; for in christ iesus i have begotten you through the gospel . thus he claims an authority over them as being their father , or one that had converted them , which authority he plainly distinguishes from theirs , who were only instructors . now bishops as such , are but instructors of churches , not fathers ; they may convert and proselite single persons , but as bishops they do not found churches , but only feed the churches already founded . in vertue of this authority , as he was their father and founder , the apostle exercised that jurisdiction over the church at corinth , which you call episcopal ; a thing so evident , that nothing can be more , to one that observes the connexion : for in the latter end of the fourth chapter , he evinced ( as i said ) that he had a paternal authority over them , as well as care for them ; and immediately in the beginning of the th . as an instance of that authority , he gives them that direction about the incestuous person , upon which you i● sist. so that in this transaction ( with the corinthians ) the apostle acted not as an ordinary bishop , but acting by vertue of that authority which he had over them , as he was the person that had converted them , and was their father and founder . the quality he acted in was extraordinary , and particular . again , the cognisance he took was extraordinary too , he was present in spirit , and not in care and affection only , [ affectu et sollicitudine ] as , by a supposed parallel in the expression , coloss. . . you would have me believe ; for he makes his presence the ground of his proceeding in the censure or judgment which he pronounced , for i verily as absent in body , but present in spirit , have iudged already , and all judgment must proceed upon evidence , by view , or proof , not affection , and therefore his presence , which is the ground of his proceeding , must be a spiritual view . the report or general scandal , which is mentioned ver . . on which you insist , was but a motive ( to the apostle ) to invite him to consider the matter , it was not the ground on which he proceeded in his censure : this , as he plainly affirms , was his spiritual view , or presence in spirit . and what spirit ? but that same spirit mentioned afterwards in the same text ; ( which spirit you must yield to be extraordinary , and apostolical ; ) when you come together , and mr spirit ; it being but reason , that the same spirit which gave in evidence , should also assist at the execution . but this latter spirit ( you say ) was but a letter , or authority , conveyed by the apostles letter ; and why ( say i ) the latter spirit not the same with the former ? and where , i pray you , is ( spirit ) taken for a letter , or for anthority conveyed by it ? i am sure this same apostle distinguishes letter , word , and spirit , thess. . . and therefore , [ and my spirit ] should not be [ and my letter , ] especially when joyned in the manner it is here with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mighty power of our lord jesus christ ; which , what it is , may more particularly be understood by act. . . but you shall receive the power of the holy ghost coming upon you . and the sentence passed by s. paul , was as extraordinary as the cognisance whereon he grounded it : for [ to deliver to satan ] was not to excommunicate , either with the lesser excommunication , which is suspension from the sacrament , or with the greater , which is a solemn excision from the church . some will tell you it was a censure wholly unknown unto the jews , who yet had all the forms of excommunication , nidui , cberem and maranatha ; and that in the whole new testament , nothing in the least is said to support this thought , that tradition to satan is excommunication . the delivery to satan ( as many of the the antient fathers believed , some of whom your self do cite ) was certainly a judiciary giving the dilinquent to the devil , as to a tormentor , for so the apostles phrase doth carry it , when he saith it . it was done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the destruction of the flesh ; and it was practised only by the apostles , by their apostolical power , of which see petrus molineus in his vates , l. . c. . you do indeed acknowledg at last , that corporal asfliction , or pains inflicted by the devil as by a tormentor , had place in the first times , and by virtue too of apostolical censure ; but then , by way of qualification , you say also , that it was a consequent of excommunication : but this is a thing that will not be received mee●ly upon your authority , or upon the authority of any men , that lived in times remote from the first ; for it requires a proof , either from some text of the holy scriptures , or from some other record of that same time. it is clear to me , that the exaresis , the separation or taking away from among them , is the only excommunication that is mentioned by the apostles in cor. . and yet i fancy , since it answered to the jewish nidui which excluded not from the temple , it is not that which you intend . however , it is plain that this exeresis was not a delivery unto satan ; for the apostle speaks of the separation or taking away of the man from among them , as of a thing they ought to have done of themselves , without any interposition of his , verse . and you are puffed up , and have not rather mourned , that he that hath done this deed night be taken away from among you ; to wit , according to the purport of a former epistle v. . whereas the delivery unto satan was the apostle's own proper act , effected by his apostolical spirit , and by the mighty power of the lord jesus christ , verse , , . again , it is plain that this exaresis was nothing but their noncommunicating and nonconversing with the incestuous , the corinthians being obliged in point of duty , to have excluded him from their society , so as ordinarily not to keep him company ; for such a direction had bin given to them by the apostle in a former epistle , v. . as a rule of their deportment towards the ungodly , which rule he yet found himself obliged to explain and qualifie in thi , as which was only to be understood of their demeauour towards professou●s , and indeed , ( unless they would go out of the world ) practicable only towards these , and so , not to be understood absolutely and unlimitedly , of all , verse . and having touched their remisness , verse . and reinscrced his direction with its due limitation and qualification verse , . ●e presses them to follow it in their carriage towards this incestuous person , verse . therefore put away from among your selves , that wicked person ; therefore , to wit , because i did write unto you in a former epistle , not to accompany with fornicators , which now i tell you must be understood of professors that are such , therefore put away from among your selves that wicked fornicator ( and so purge out the old leaven ) by avoiding conversation and society with him , as much as is posfible . the connexion sheweth , that not accompanying with this wicked one , is the same with purging out the old leaven ; and not accompanying with him was their putting him away from among themselves : not accompanying with him was their judgment upon him , but the delivery of him unto satan was the apostle's ; no instance can be given of any persons that gave up any unto satan but the apostles . thus , if you please to take the trouble of reviewing the text , a second time , with its intire coherence , you cannot but observe , that it shews , that something must be done by the apostle's own power , and something by the people's : in what relates unto the apostle's , there is first the motive or inducement he had to consider the matter , and this was the general scandal of it , verse . secondly , the evidence whereupon he did proceed to pass this sentence , which was his own spiritual view , though he was absent in body , yet he was present in spirit ( the antithesis must be marked ) and therefore he judgeth , verse . thirdly , the sentence which he passed , and that was , that the criminal should be delivered to satan , verse . fourthly , the manner how this sentence was to be executed , and that was , in a full congregation , in the name of christ , with the apostolical spirit , and by the mighty power of the lord iesus christ , verse● . and shew me the diocesan that can do all this . what follows in the chapter relates to the judgment of the people , and their putting of the incestuous away ; which ( as i have shewed , and that by the reference and coherence ) is quite another thing than the delivery of him to satan . by this time i believe it is very manifest , that diocesan jurisdiction cannot be founded with any clearness of title upon the instance alledged , this being plainly apostolical , and grounded on that authority which s. paul had in a particular manner over the church of corinth , both as he was an apostle , and as their apostle and founder ; and no example must be pressed further than the ground and reason thereof will carry it . as for timothy and titus , who are honoured by you ( as well as by other . ) with the title of bishops , there is fo● much said toward the unbishoping of them by mr. prinne and by smectymnuus , &c. that i need say nothing ; wherefore i will only offer , that neither of them is stiled a bishop in the holy scripture ( for the epistolary postscripts are none ) when-ever it mentions the being of them at their reputed bishopricks ; the one at ephisus , the other at crete . again , timothy in effect is stiled an evangelist by s. paul ; for when this apostle exhorts timothy to make a faithful discharge of the office committed to him , his expression is , do the work of an evangelist , tim. . . and indeed as an evangelist was a secondary apostle , that is , not a settled standing officer , fixed in any one planted constituted church , but an assistant to the apostles in planting and settling churches ; so we find timothy , as an itinerant officer , often going from place to place upon occasion , as he was invited or imployed by paul. the stay he makes even at ephesus , was only upon the desire of that apostle , and not from any obligation arising from the duty of his place , as had he been a bishop it would certainly have been ; for tim. . . paul is said to request timothy to stay at ephesus , but is not said to have ordained him bishop there . in short , the tenor of the epistle , that mentions the being of timothy at ephesus , as it directs him in the choice of officers , and gives him disciplinary rules , so it sheweth plainly , that his business there was to perfect the work of the settlement of the church begun by paul ; and this is the more probable , because his stay and business is limited to that apostle's return , tim. . . compared with chap. . , . chap. . . and for titus , it is as evident that all his business at crete was that of an evangelist as that timothy's was so at ephesus , for he was left at crete ( that is the expression ) he is not said to be ordained bishop or metropolitan there , no more than timothy is said to be ordained the bishop of ephesus , but as the latter is affirmed to be requested to stay , and not to have been settled as bishop there , fo the former is only said to be left at crete . and what for ? but to do the work of an evangelist , for so it was , to assist and help the apostles in the work of founding and settling the churches ; for this cause left i there in crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , or left undone ( to wit , by paul ) and ordain elders in every city , t it . . in the acts of the apostles paul and barnabas are said to ordain elders in every church , and here titus is said to be left in crete to do it . indeed both timothy and titus in what they did , the one at ephesus the other at crete , were only deputies that acted as by delegation of s. paul , according to the instructions which he gave them ; for this apostle saith to titus , i left thee in crete to ordain elders , as i had appointed , and sets out the qualifications that titus must observe in the elders he ordained , tit. . verse , , &c. in like manner he instructs timothy , how he was to behave himself in the house of god , in settling elders and deacons , tim. from , to . so that if bishops be not evangelists , as well as apostles , i do not see of what advantage timothy and titus their business at ephesus and at crete can be to your cause . 〈…〉 of our lord was bishop of ierusalem , 〈…〉 and that he is stiled bishop by s. luke , who yet had a fair occasion 〈◊〉 it in his acts of the apostles , had iames been indeed such a bishop ; nor is he so styled by any other of the sacred writers ; and if we except the r●● clement ( in an epistle said to be his ) the first that stiled him so was hegesippus , who lived at least a whole century after . another clement , he of alexandria , is also cited by theodorus mitochita and by others , to prove it ; but really the story as clement tells it , ( if they represent him right ) carries its own confutation ; for they make him say , that iames , by divine appointment , was ordained to be the first bishop of ierusalem , to prevent any emulation and dispute , that peter , iohn and the other iames might otherwise have had for that honour . but however that was , i do acknowledge for my own part , that iames was bishop of ierusalem , but i acknowledge it only in the sense in which he was bishop of all the other churches , and he was no more in the opinion of the first clement , if we credit bishop iewell ; for this bishop in the defence of his apology , part . page . brings in clement speaking thus , i send greeting unto iames the brother of our lord , and the bishop of bishops , governour of the holy church of the jews at ierusalem , and also of all the churches , that by gods providence are every where founded ; here , faith bishop iewell , iames is the head of all churches whatsoever . by this testimony it plainly appears , that iames the reputed bishop of ierusalem , as he was iames the apostle , so he was no otherwise bishop of that city , than as peter was of rome , and how that was , dr. reinolds has told us in his conference with hart , where he saith , but whether eusebius , or hierom , or damasus , or whosoever have said that peter was a bishop , either they use the name of [ bishop ] generally , and so it proves not your purpose , or if they meant it , as commonly we do , they missed the truth : for generally a bishop is an overseer , in which signification it reaches to all who are put in trust with oversight and charge of any thing , as eliazer is called bishop of the tabernacle , and christ the bishop of our souls . but in our common use of speech it notes him to whom the oversight and charge of a particular church is committed , such as were the bishops of ephesus , philippi , and they whom christ calls the angels of the churches : now peter was not bishop after this latter sort : for he was an apostle , and the apostles were sent to preach to all the world ; wherefore when the fathers said he was a bishop , either they meant it in the former sense , or ought to have meant it . in fine , it may not be amiss on this occasion to take notice of an observation made by a learned man ( and he too a bishop ) in reference to the testimony of fathers , to wit , that they wrote things they saw not , and so fram● matters according to their own conceits ; and many of them were taint● with partial humours ] : which another , more softly , expresseth thus ; t●● they , ( namely the fathers ) finding the name of bishop continued in the 〈◊〉 cession of one paster after another , judged 〈…〉 according to them that lived in their times ] an observa● 〈…〉 use , with respect to the fathers , that lived at a greater distance than 〈◊〉 be of clement did , from the apostolical time . thus i have briefly touched the arguments offered by you in affirmance of diocesan episcopacy ; only to that , which is taken from the angels of the churches in the revelation , i have said nothing , because i do not think it worthy of a particular consideration : for since these angels , for ought we know , might be only so many several presidents of the presbyteries in congregational churches , the instancing of them makes but little for your purpose , who do affirm diocesan prelacy . but as you have argued for diocesan authority , which you would have of apostolical institution , so others do for the synodical , which ( as they apprehend ) is grounded upon the synod ( so they call the assembly ) at ierusalem , that was convened upon the appeal made by the believers at antioch . for , say they , this controversie was absolutely and finally decided by that synod , and a decree or canon made , and this sent not only to the church at anticch , but to all the churches besides , of syria and cilicia . i deny not that the former practice was the occasion of synods , or assemblies of bishops ; but i affirm that that assembly , though it had something in it of more resemblance to a synod properly so called , than is in meer convocations , of the clergy , the brethren ( as well as the apostles and elders ) being in that assembly , who generally are excluded from convocations ; yet it was not properly a synod . a synod properly , whether diocesan , provincial or national , being but an ecclesiastical parliament , of the one sort , or of the other ; in which all that are obliged by the determinations and resolutions of it , must be understood to be in person , or by representation ; as either being there themselves , or else electing those that do compose it , to represent and stand for them . the controversie at antioch was about a doctrinal subject , of great concernment , whether circumcision and obedience to all the mosaical laws was necessary to salvation ; for this some of iudea taught the brethren , and were opposed for it by s. paul and barnabas ; but the contention running high , and neither side yielding , all agreed to send to ierus●lem to the apostles and elders , ● to the original deliverers of the christian doctrin , which being a doctrin ●f faith , and not of discourse and ratiocination , they rightly judged that it ●ust be resolved at last , into the testimony and witness of those who had re●ived it from christ , and those particularly , whose office it was to transmit it ●to others , and to vouch it . so that in this respect the case is particular , the ●peal was made unto the apostles and elders , or old disciples , as those ●o having conversed with our lord , had immediately received the christian ●trin from him ; which reason for the appeal was peculiar to those persons ●made and received it , and therefore can be none for others , taken either in the private , or in representative capacities . further , there is something else in this business that was very peculiar ; i know it is affirmed , that the holy ghost did assist in this assembly in a special manner , and that the same assistance and guidance is promised to all others that convene in christ's name , either for the decision of controversies , or for government of the church ; and that any synod lawfully called , and proceeding lawfully , may say in their decrees , as the apostles , and elders , and church do hear , it seemed good to the holy ghost , and to us . i acknowledge them very learned and worthy men that think so , but i must beg their pardon if i differ from them ; for , with submission , i conceive that the phrase [ it seemed good to the holy ghost ] hath no relation to any assistance and guidance of the holy ghost that was afforded by any extraordlnary illumination of mind , to them that met on that occasion , and so it makes nothing for infallible direction in council ; rather , it relates unto the decision which the holy ghost in effect had already made of that controversie , by his descending upon some of the gentiles , who had believed in christ as peter preached him , without any mention of moses , or of his law , acts . from . to . for it was the descent of the holy ghost upon the believing gentiles , who were strangers to the law [ a descent that was not transacted immediately by the laying on of the hands of any apostles , but was an immediate descent , such an one as that was which had been made before upon the apostles themselves on the day of pentecost , ] it was this descent that ( being a sealing of them by the holy ghost , ephes. . . ) was urged by the apostle peter as an argument against the imposition of the mosaical yoke , which argument was confirmed and strengthened by barnabas and paul , and at last by iames , ( who doth not give a difinitive sentence as the translation carries it , and you somewhere say , but only gives his judgment . ) and this , in fine , did carry the matter ; so that it is evident , that no council , synod , or assembly of men may say , [ it seemed good to the holy ghost , and to us ] in their decisions , as the apostles and elders did , and because they did , if that council , synod , or assembly has not such a particular manifestation of the holy ghost , to bottom their decisions , as the apostles and elders had ; when the apostles and elders said [ it seemeth good to the holy ghost , and to us , ] they meant , it seemed good to the holy ghost by his descent , and to themselves upon full debate . but to return ; the church wilest it stood in its state of separation from secular government , must be considered to have been in a double condition ; the first while the apostles were living , who as they had an extraordinary charge , so they had a proportionable power over all the church ; the second , after the decease or other removal of the apostles , when the church was left to it self : for in these different circumstances , the proceedings were very different , both as to the punishing of offenders , and to the ending of controversies . whilst the apostles ( who had an extraordinary and supernatural rod ) were living , and in a condition to use that rod , as there needed no other discipline but that , to terrifie flagitious and great offenders ; so i find no other used , and that too , but rarely ; the greater excommunication had no place , that i can find , ( unless where diotrephes ruled ) in that state of the church : besides the apostolical rod , it was only non conversing with , or abstaining from the society of offenders , that was used as a remedy for the reducing of them ; and this by apostolical order . indeed , the apostles were not so much for cutting off from the church , as for inviting and calling men into it : the kingdom of heaven is compared to a dragnet . but after the decease or other removal of the apostles , when the terrour of their rod was vanished , and when god himself did no longer ( as at first he seem'd to have done ) in extraordinary manner , particularly punish for particular sins , as in the case of the corinthians , [ for this cause many are sick and weak among you , &c. ] and no assistance could be had from the sword of the magistrate without scandal ; in that state , necessity grew upon the church to make its discipline straighter and more awful , that so , having something in it of severe and rigorous , the terrour ( of it ) might restrain , and the execution reform . hence came the church-covenant or voluntary subjection , which ( saith lewis du moulin ) is intimated by pliny in his epistle to trajan , in his sacramento obstricti ; and ( says mr. selden ) by origen contra celsum , when he spake of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the christians . and hence , by degrees , and as occasions obliged , it came to pass , that excommunications , the greater and the lesser , grew into use ; the former not so much by a positive institution , as by the common law of society ; and the latter by congruity to the apostles direction , cor. . . both which though they carryed terrour in themselves , yet , to add , to it ( as the estimate of the privation ever doth depend upon that of the possession ) admission into the church , and consequently to the lord's table , were practised with more formality than in the apostles times . now comes in a solemn distinction of chatechuneti and fideles , and the candidates of christianity must take time before them , must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must pass through many degrees before they can attain to the happiness of being admitted to a participation of the priviledges and rights of the faithful . it was now also that the notion of a catholick vnity obtained , which was not understood at that time to be internal and spiritual , an unity of faith and charity only . but to consist in something external , relating unto order and discipline ; as being an unity that was to be maintained by communicatory , and other letters , and by orders , and ( that ) was intended to support the notion of but one bishoprick in the church , and that every bishop participated of that one bishoprick in solidum . a notion , that was of great use to make their dicipline and power the more pointed ; for if but one church , then to be cast out of any part of the church , was indeed to be ejected out of the whole ; and if but one bishoprick to be participated by all the bishops , what was done by one , was done by all ; all did censure , if one did ; the expulsion made by one bishop , out of any church , was in effect , an expulsion from all the churches ; and so a cutting off entirely from christianity , and all communion of saints . thus they aimed in a general bishoprick , at what the church of rome doth in a personal ; in affirming which i do not impose upon you ; for s. cyprian is plain , hoc ●rant utique ( says he in his tractate de simplicitate praelatorum ) & caeteri apostoli quid fuit petrus , pariconsoriio praediti , & honoris & potestatis ; sed exordium ab unitate proficiscitur , ut ecclesia una monstretur , &c. quam unitatem firmiter tenere & vindic●re debemus , maximè episcopi qui in ecclesia praesidemus , ut episcopatum , quoque ipsum unum utque indivisum probemus . thence also came the rails about the table , i mean , the differences of communions , clerical and laical , ( to wit ) to raise the reputation and credit of the clergy , and withal to make their ceusures the more solemn and awful ; as also that the clergy , who were obliged to a stricter and more exemplary life , if they did not live it , might have a peculiar punishment ; which was to be thrust from the clerical communion , and be degraded to that of the laity . in fine , hence publick confessions and rigorous shaming penances in all the decrees of them [ fletus , auditio , substractio , consistentia ] had their beginning ; and also solemn absolutions , by the imposition of the hands of the bishop and of the presbyters ; which things , as being only human and politick , tho' not unnecessary for the time , are all of them alterable , and some actually altered . again , as controversies arose in the churches , either about matters of doctrin or of discipline , the apostles , while they lived and were in a condition ( those especially which founded such particular churches where they arose ) did take care to end such differences , and were accordingly repaired unto for that purpose . thus , in the business of antioch appeal is made unto all the apostles , and for the corinthians , galatian , &c. s. paul particularly cared . but after the decease of the apostles , or a failure of the apostolical infallible guidance by other means , the controversies that arose in any church , became determined by the common counsel and advice of other churches , either by their letters , or by a solemn discussion and debate in an assembly of bishops and elders in provincial councils . we do not read indeed of any rule for this practice ; but the light of nature or common reason directed it ; and there was something too that did lead unto it in the first assembly at ierusalem : for as the apostles and elders were appealed unto by them of antioch , so the whole church was convented , and the business considered and debated by the whole , and by the whole resolved . in sum , the churches of christ in this separate state subsisted by themselves , like so many little republicks , as being only in the world , but not of it , and therefore concerned not themselves in any business with the secular powers : and yet seeing their members were men as well as others , and in the world as well as others , and consequently liable to passions and misgovernment , to common accidents of providence , and to differences too , arising in worldly matters , it was absolutely necessary that some provision should be made , in all these respects , in the church it self , by officers on purpose , or else ( since there was no other remedy ) all would run to confusion . hence , as the ancient christians had deacons for the poor , so they had wisemen ( as the apostle calls them ) or elders , who , to prevent the scandal of their going to law before the heathen , determined matters by way of arbitration ; and likewise restrained and suppressed exorbitant and evil manners , by censuring them : out of the church , to provide for the poor , to end controversies between man and man , and to punish evil doing , was the business of the magistrate . and this reminds me of the third state of the church , when magistrates and powers becoming christians , the christian religion was taken by them into civil protection , and became incorporated into the laws , as that of israel was into theirs , so that now states became churches ; a state professing christianity being a national church , and a national church nothing but a christian nation ; in a word , a holy commonwealth . great was the alteration that was made in the government and face of the church in this condition , from what it was before ; for after the time that emperours became christian , and that they shewed kindness to the church , the hierarchy became a secular thing , it being in this state , that that and the power of councils attained to their full growth ; but yet , in several countries , by several steps and occasions . lavius in his commentary of the roman commonwealth , lib. . fol. . tells us , that the episcopal diocesses of the christian religion , do , by many very great tokens represent the roman antiquity ; and well he might , for it is plain the form of civil administration after the roman empire became christian ( and in some degrees before , ) was imitated in the church , and that both in the provinces and bounds of the empire , and in the city it self . for as the roman empire was divided into several pretories , which pretories were called pretorian diocesses or sees , and these pretories again ( were ) subdivided into provinces ; and that in every pretory there was a prefect ( of the pretory ) who resided in the metropolis , called sedes prima , to administer and rule the diocess ; and under the prefect , in the several provinces , there were other principal officers , called presidents , to rule and govern them ; so in the church there were the metropolitan primates , or archbishops , who were seated in the metropolis or capital cities , and answered to the prefects of the pretories ; and there were bishops that resided in the inferious citie , who were called suffragan bishops , and those resembled the presidents of the provinces : l , and the parallel holds out further , since a person ( as ioseph scaliger observes ) might be a bishop with archiepiscopal ornaments , and yet not be an archbishop , in like manner as one might be an officer with consular ornaments and yet not be a consul . the same scaliger , in his epistles , hb. . ep . . also acquaints us , that , in the time of constantine the great , there were four prefects , of pretories , the prefect of the pretorium of constantionople , the illirian prefect , the prefect of the pretorium of rome , and the prefect of the pretorium in the gallia ; adding , that seeing the prefect of the pretorium was of the same degree that at this day a vice-roy is , he had under him vicars , and the vicar , he saith , was the governour of a diocess , or one that had under him a whole diocess , and a diocess was a government that contained under it several metropolies or capital cities , as a metropolis had under it several cities . he further adds , that the ecclesiastical bishop of a diocess , who was in the same degree with an imperial vicar , was called by the greeks a patriarch , and among the latines was a primate of primates , as the bishop of vienna , who had under him two primates , the primate of aquitain and the primate of narbona ; igitur ( saith scaliger ) codem ordine & gradu patriarchs , quo & vicarius praefectus , imperatoris , uterque enim diaecosios est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut canones loquintur , ille 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and ( says barlaam , and indeed the whole greek church ) the deference and respect that was rendred to the see of rome , by the fathers , was so , in this regard ( and only in this , ) because that city was the principal seat of the empire . mr. thorndick , in his book de rat . & jure fin . controv . c. . agrees in this sentiment , and is very particular . regiminis forma ( saith he ) quam in imperium à constantino introductam diximus , in praefectorum praetorio potestate iuris dicundi supremo loco à principali , sita fuit . nam praefecto praetorio galliarum suber at galliarum vicarius , qui treviris sedebat . vicarius hispaniarum , qui ut videtur tarracone : vicarius britannarum , qui eboraci ; proprerea enim concilio arelatensi primus subscribit eboracensis , &c. the sense of which i find in dr. stilling fleet , ( now bishop of worcester ) when he says , in his rational account , part . ch . . f. , . for our better understanding the force and effect of this nicene canon , we must cast our eye a little upon the civil disposition of the roman empire by constantine , then lately altered from the former disposition of it under augustus and adrian . he therefore distributed the administration of the government of the roman empire under four praefecti praetorio , but for the more convenient management of it , the whole body of the empire was cast into several jurisdictions , containing many provinces within them , which were in the law called diocesses , over every one of which there was appointed a vicarius or lieutenant , to one of the praefecti praetorio , whose residence was in the chief city of the diocess , where the pretorium was , and justice was administred to all within that diocess , and thither appeals were made ; under these were those pro-consuls or correctores , who ruled in the particular provinces , and had their residence in the metropolis of it , under whom were the particular magistrates of every city : now , according to this disposition of the empire , the western parts of it contained in it seven of these diocesses , as , under the praefectus praetorio galliarum , was the diocess of gaul , which contained seventeen provinces , the diocess of britain , which contained five ( afterwards but three , in constantine's time ; ) the diocess of spain seven . under the praefectus praetorio italiae , was the diocess of africa , which had six provinces ; the diocess of italy , whose seat was millain , seven ; the diocess of rome ten . under the praefectus praetorio illyrici , was the diocess of illyricum , in which were seventeen provinces . in the eastern division were the ciocess of thrace , which had six provinces , the diocess of pontus eleven , and so the diocess of afia , the oriental , ( properly so called ) wherein antioch was , fifteen : all which were under the praefectus praetorio orientis . the aegyptian diocess , which had six provinces , was under the praefectus augustalis ; in the time of theodosius the elder : illyricum was divided into two diocesses ; the eastern , whose metropolis was thessalonica , and had eleven provinces ; the western , whose metropolis was sy●mium , and had six provinces according to this division of the empire , we may better understand the affairs and government of the church , which was modelled much after the same way , unless where ancient custom or the emperour's edict did cause any variation . for as the cities had their bishops , so the provinces had their archbishops , and the diocesses their primates , whose jurisdiction extended as far as the diocess did ; and as the convenius iuridici were kept in the chief city of the diocess for matters of civil judicature , so the chief ecclesiastical councils for the affairs of the church , were to be kept there too ; for which there is an express passage in the codex of theodosius , whereby care is taken that the same course should be used in ecclesiastical which was in civil matters ; so that such things which concerned them should be heard in the synod of the diocess . this adjustment of the church to the civil state in those times , might happily be furthered by a consideration , that even in the first and best there was something that resembled it ; for what the apostles paul and barnabas are said to do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in every church , titus , when he did the same , is said to do it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in every city ; as if to ordain presbyters in every church , and to do it in every city , was but one thing , and that churches , at that time , were only settled in cities , and but one church in one city ; as indeed at first before the enlarging and spreading of christianity , it seems to have been ord●narily . but whatever induced it , it is certain that christian emperours and kings ( particularly the famous constantine and charles the great ) did out of a pious zeal incorporate the church into the state , strengthen it with laws , and accomodate it and conform it ; but yet so , that notwithstanding that incorporation , the two jurisdictions were still kept too much divided ; the church had officers of its own linked each to other by a mutual dependance , courts of its own , and councils of its own too , as well as the state. i say too much divided , for as it is true , that the church at first did hold its politick administration in some subordination unto emperours and kings ; that these both called and directed councils , gave investiture to bishops , and at last claimed homage from them . and that archbishops that received their palls from the pope , did yet receive their ferulae . ( the ensigns of their jurisdiction ) from the emperours : so , tho' this were something , it seems however to have been an errour in the first projectors , that they made not this subordination and dependance greater , since by this omission empires and kingdoms were in a manner put into a state of war , by setting up in them divided separate jurisdictions . i acknowledg the errour though great , and pardonable only to the zeal and unexperience of the times , remained undiscovered for a while , to wit , till the church had found its own legs ; but then , changing tenure , and claiming iure divim , the hierarchy began to strike at the heads of those who had raised and exalted it , and then emperours and kings themselves must be bearded , and threatned too on all occasions with the spiritual sword , by men , who , but for the temporal , might still have lived upon alms. in fine , the kingdom and priesthood every where contended for superiority , and not a government but had its guelfs , and its gibellines , and then no wonder if iure divino for the most part did carry the point , especially before the reformation . this error was the less excusable , because it was a departure from the great , and in truth , the only example of a holy kingdom , which such pious politicians could propose to themselves , i mean , that of the hebrews , in which , though matters that were purely mattes of religion , were distinguisht from matters purely civil ; the matters of god , from the matters of the king ; yet the jurisdictions that related to them were not divided ; the same senate ( only in distinct capacities ) as it was composed of fathers , as well as of priests and levites , so it had the cognizance of all matters ; nothing distinguished the court in respect of the two kinds of causes , religious , and secular , but that it had two presidents , ( which possibly were to take the chair as the nature of the cause required , ) am●ziah was over them in matters of the lord , and zebadiah in matters of the king , and all by an authority and power derived from the king as sovereign , and supream in all , moreover in ierusalem did iehosaphat set , &c. in truth , the church having submitted to receive incorporation into the civil state , or being favoured with it , ( for you may take it either way ) , it was no longer obliged to continue a divided separate jurisdiction ; for the reason of the churches separate jurisdiction now failing , ( the magistrate being become christian , and consequently ayding , ) the jurisdiction that it had before must fail with it , and so revert to the magistrate . and reason good it should , and that by a reason taken even from the nature of government ; for there ought to be , and indeed there can be , but one spring and fountain of jurisdiction , in one kingdom and government . besides , ecclesiastical government cannot reach but to the external actions of men , and therefore is very improperly called spiritual , since it is not internal ; and the external actions of men , as such , do properly come under the cognisance of the magistrate , [ he being ordained to be the avenger of all evil doing , as well as for the praise of them that do well ; ] and then nothing can remain for the church to do , unless the same actions must be subjected to the cognisance of divided unsubordinate jurisdictions ; which should they be , would breed a great confusion , ( which i must insist upon ; ) and be a great injustice . breed great confusion , for that a person in the same cause , should be absolved by one jurisdiction , and be condemned by another , and this without any means of composure ; for example , that he should be acquitted at the assizes by twelve of the neighbourhood , and yet be convicted in the bishops court , ( which may well happen where the jurisdictions are divided , and then no means is left neither of any composure , if they are also unsubordinated , ) this is confusion : as , that he should be twice condemned , and punish'd twice for one fact , would be great injustice . as for single congregations , they are only as so many little fraternities , gilds , or corporations , and consequently may have constitutions and by-laws of their own , as these have , without the least danger or other prejudice that can be thought of to the states that permit , or protect them . certainly the kingdom of christ , the true hierarchy , is a kingdom that is not secular , or of this world , that is , it is not an external but a spiritual kingdom , a power erected in the hearts and consciences of men , in which he rules and governs by his word and spirit ; and therefore it doth not , it cannot as such , pretend to any jurisdiction ( properly so called ) , there being no jurisdiction ( properly so called ) without coercion and compulsion , and coercion and compulsion is a way that is not used by christ. all the subjects of christ are volunteers and freemen , whom as he brings into his kingdom , so he keeps in it , only by perswasions , exhortations , counsels , and such like methods . and this tertullian believed , who , in l. ad scap. says , humani iuris & naturalis est unicuique quod put averit colere , nec aliis aut obest aut predest alterius religio : sed nec religonis est cogere religionem , quae sponte suscipi debeat , non vi , &c. it is the first and chief right of humane nature , for every man to worship what he thinks he ought ; nor does the religion of one , either hurt , or profit another , nor can it be any religion to compel religion ; religion ought to be taken up of choice , and not by force or constraint , &c. ] so far gone was that father for liberty of conscience ; however , it must be confessed , that if any persons refuse to observe the rules of christian society ( and particularly the rules of that society of which they are members ) it is but reason that they should leave it ; and if otherwise they will not , that they be constrained to leave it : but this by the by . to be sure , the essential church hath no one form of external government assigned to it in the whole ; and it was as great wisdom not to settle any in particular , for national churches : for seeing the church must be extended into all nations , the government and policy of it must be of a nature either ambulatory , so as to be accommodated upon occasion , or ( it must be ) such an one as without interfering with them , can consist with all the several forms of civil and secular government . in my judgment the lord bacon speaks excellently well to this matter , when he says , i for my part do confess , that in revolving the scriptures , i could never find any such thing [ as one form of discipline in all churches , and that imposed by necessity of a commandment and prescript out of the word of god , ] but that god had left the like liberty to the church-government , as he had done to the civil government , to be varied according to time , and place , and accidents , which nevertheless his high and divine providence doth order and dispose : for all civil governments are restrained from god to the several grounds of justice and manners , but the policies and forms of them are left free ; so that monarchies and kingdoms , senates and signories , popular states , and communalties are lawful , and where they are planted , ought to be maintained inviolate . so likewise in church matters , the substance of doctrin is immutable , and so are the general rules of government ; but for rites and ceremonies , and for the particular hierarchies , policies , and discipline of churches , they be left at large ; and therefore it is good , we return unto the ancient bounds of unity , in the church of god , which was one faith , one baptism , and not one hierarchy , one discipline ; and that we observe the league of christians , as it is penned by our saviour , which is in substance of doctrin , thus : he that is not with us is against us ; but of things indifferent , and of circumstance , he that is not against us is with us . bacon's considerations touching pacification , in resuscit . fol. , this sentiment of that excellent person will be much confirmed , if we consider church policy but in one important instance , the calling of bishops ; for this as it has received frequent alteration , and been very different in different times and countries , so it was all upon prudential regards : in cyprian's time , as in that of the apostles , it was as it were iussu populi , authoritate senatus ; by choice of the people , and appointment of other bishops ; how it is now , all know ; and in the intermediate times it has not always been after one manner but various , according unto various times and occasions . in short , the business of pastors and teachers , who are permanent and standing officers in the church of christ , is to feed the flock , by preaching and administring the sacraments , and , on occasion , to denounce eternal torments ( the true spiritual censure ; ) and this will be their business to the worlds end● ▪ but for external rule and jurisdiction , this being but accidental to their office , and arising only from the particular circumstance in which the church was , while separate from the state , now that the magistrate is christian , it doth entirely devolve upon him ; the christian magistrate is the ruling presbyter , and whom he appoints as overseers of the poor , may be called the deacons . it is certain , that in our english constitution , ( not to speak of the french , and that of other foreign kingdoms , ) however some may talk of iure divino , all government or jurisdiction , the spiritual ( as they call it , ) as well as the temporal , is derived from the king ; who , in this sense , is supream ordinary , bishop , and governour , in all causes , and therefore in all courts and jurisdictions . this is evident both as to the legislative part of the government , and to the strictly jurisdictive ; for , as my author tells me , out of the british councils , all the church laws in the time of the saxons were made in the micklemote : and indeed it were easie to evince , that most of the ancient synods and councils in england , as well as in other countries , were meer parliaments . as for the consistory court , which every archbishop and the bishop of the diocess hath , as holden before his chancellor or commissary , this seems not to have been divided from the hundred or county court , before a mandate was given to that purpose by william the conqueror , the exemplification of which mandate is in mr. dugdale , in his appendix ad hist. eccles. cathol . st. pauli , f. . before the normans entrance , says mr. dugdale , from sir h. spelman , the bishops sate in the hundred court with the lord of the hundred , as he did in the county court with the earls , in the sheriffs turn , with the sheriff . but to set out the matter by more authentick records ; in the statute of provisors it is affirmed , that the church of england was founded in the state of prelacy by edward the first , ( grand-father to edward the third ) and his progenitors . and in th of henry the eighth , chap. . in the submission of the clergy , these acknowledge , ( as they say ) according to truth , that the convocation of the same clergy is , always hath been , and ought to be assembled , only by the king 's writ , and farther promise in verbo sacerdo●is , that they will never from henceforth presume to attempt , alledge , claim or put in ure , enact , promulge , or exact any new canons , constitutions , ordinances , provincial , or other , or by whatsoever name they shall be called in the convocation , unless the king 's most royal assent and licence may to them be had , to make , promulge , and exact the same , and that his majesty do give his most royal assent and authority in that behalf . and it was then enacted , that the king should at his pleasure assign and nominate persons of his subjects , whereof . to be of the clergy , and of the temporality , of the upper and lower house of parliament , who should have power and authority to view , search and examine the canons , constitutions and ordinances provincial and synodal heretofore made , and with his majesty's assent under his great seal , to continue such as they judge worthy to be kept , and to abolish , and abrogate the residue , which they shall judge and deem worthy to be abolished . it was also provided in the same act , that no canons , constitutions , or ordinances shall be made or put in execution within this realm by authority of the convocation of the clergy , which shall be contrary to the king's prerogative royal , or to the customs , laws or statutes of this realm ; [ there the ecclesiastical legislation is subjected to the king. ] and enacted , that it shall be lawful for any party grieved in any of the courts of the archbishops of this realm to appeal to the king's majesty in the court of chancery , upon which appeal a commission is to be directed under the great seal , to persons named by the king , his heirs or successors , which commissioners have full power to hear , and finally determine upon such appeal ; [ and here the jurisdiction of the church is acknowledged to be originally in the king , and derived from him ; for there the sovereign supream power lodges , where the last appeal , the last resort is . ] add , that in the first year of edward vi. in an act entituled an act for election of bishops , it was enacted , that none but the king by his letters patents shall collate to any archbishoprick , or bishoprick . it was also declared , that the use of archbishops , and bishops , and other spiritual persons to make , and send out summons in their own names , was contrary to the form , and order of the summons and process of the common law used in this realm , seeing that all authority of jurisdiction , spiritual and temporal , is derived , and deducted from the king's majesty , as supream head of these churches and realms of england and ireland , and so justly acknowledged by the clergy of the said realms . it was therefore enacted , that all courts ecclesiastical , within the said two realms , be kept by no other power or authority either foreign , or within this realm , but by the authority of the king's majesty , and that all summons and citations , and other process ecclesiastical be made in the name , and with the style of the king , as it is in his writs original and judicial at the common law. and it is further enacted , that all manner of persons that have the excercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction , shall have the king's arms in their seals of office , &c. this act was passed in a parliament of the profession of the church of england in eward th . and though it were repealed by one of another character in mariae ; yet this repealing statue being again repealed in st of iames . . it seems plain that that of the first year of edward the sixth is revived : but supposing it is not ; yet , in that case , though , the constitutive part remain void , the declarative will still stand good , as shewing the common law. nor doth the late act of car. . ch . . that restored the bishops only to their ordinary and lawful jurisdiction , invest them in any new , or any that is unlawful at the common law , or that is contrary to the prerogative of our kings . all that i have said on this occasion might receive a further confirmation ( were there need of more ) by the famed character of king kenulphus made to the abbot of abington , in which was a grant of exemption from episcopal jurisdiction ; as there also was in that of king off a made to the monastry of s. albans ; by the title of king edgar , who stiled himself vicar of god in ecclesiasticals , by the offering that wolstan made of his staff and ring ( the ensigns of his episcopacy ) at the tomb of edward the confessor ; by the petition of the archbishop and clergy at the coronation of our kings ; by the form of the king 's writ for summoning a convocation , and of the royal licence that is commonly granted before the clergy and convocation can go upon any particular debates . in fine , by the statutes relating to excommunication , that do both direct and limit the execution of that censure , and the proceedings upon it , as to capias's , &c. and thus much for church-government , in the third state of the church , as it is become incorporated by civil powers : in discoursing of which i have made it plain , that as no national draught is of our lord christ's , or his apostles designing ; so that national churches are all of human institution , and their government ambulatory , that is , alterable according as times and occasions , and as the forms of civil governments in states , that do incorporate the church , oblige it to be , to make it fit and suitable . i am , sir , your humble servant . the third letter . sir , i have always acknowledged some episcopacy to be of primitive antiquity ; but you will please to remember , i have likewise shewed , that that episco pacy was presbyterial not prelatical ; congregational not diocesan ; and that the primitive bishop was only a first presbyter , that is , a chairman in the college of presbyters , and not ( as in the diocesan hierarchy , ) a prelate of a superior order that presided over several congregational churches , and was invested with the power of sole ordination and jurisdiction ; much less was he an officer that kept courts , that had under him chancellours , commissaries , officials , registers , apparitors , &c. and that judged [ per se aut per alium ] in certain reserved cases . to make this out , i presented to you a scheme of the government of the church , both as it was established and settled by the apostles , and as it was afterwards : i shewed , that the apostles in all their institutions did carefully avoid any imitation of the temple-orders , to which orders the prelatical hierarchy doth plainly conform . i shewed also , that the government settled by the apostles was only congregational , the apostles in planting of churches proceeding only after the model and way of the synagogues . ay! all the churches that we read of in scripture , that were constituted by the apostles , were only congregational , not national or provincial ; that is , they were as so many little republicks , each consisting of a senate or eldership , with the authority , and of a people with the power ; but all independant one of another , and all possessed of all that jurisdiction and authority over their members , that was to be standing and ordinary . for this reason , tho' every congregation was but a part , and a small one , yet it had the denomination of the whole , every particular congregation was stiled a church . this will appear more evident , if we consider , that the interest of the people had at first , and long after , ( for above years ) in the ordination of officers , was very great . it is true , the word [ ordination ] or that which answers to it in the greek , is never used throughout the whole new testament , for the making of evangelical officers , nor did it , in this sense , come into use among christians till after the christian church began to accommodate to the language , as well as to the orders of the jewish . but then , as the people was called laity and plebs , so the clergy was called ordo , and this in the same sense of the word , as when we read of the order of aaron , and of that of melchisedeck ; and then too , the calling of any person to the ministry , as it was a calling of him to be of the clergy or order , so it was stiled an ordination , ordination being nothing but the placing of a person in the order of the clergy . but tho' the word [ ordination ] was not as yet in use , in the first times , the thing was , which is the creation of officers in the church ; and in this the people possess'd so great a share ( which is a very good argument of the church's being framed at first after the model and way of republicks ) that even the action it self is called chirotonia by s. luke in the acts of the apostles , , and ever since by the greek fath●rs . ay , the creation of officers is not usually called chirothesia ; for this with the greek fathers was the word that was mostly , if not always , used for confirmation , not for ordination , tho' imposition of hands , the ceremony signified by that word , was the rite which was used by the jews in creating of rabbies and doctors : the act of ordination is usually , if not always denominated chirotonia , or extension of hands , which , in the greek republicks , was the name or word for the popular suffrage . indeed paul and barnabas are said to chirotonize , or , as our translators render the word , acts . . to ordain them elders in every church . but ( says mr. harrington ) they are said to do so , but in the same sense that the proedri , who were magistrates , to whom it belonged to put the question in the representative of the people of athens , are , in demosthenes , said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to make the suffrage ; and the thesmothetae , who were presidents in the creation of magistrates , are in pollux said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to chirotonize the strategi , who yet , ever since the institution of cliethenes , that distributed the people into ten tribes , were always used to be elected and made by the popular suffrage . nor was this manner of speaking peculiar unto the greeks , but , as calvin , in his institutions l. . c. . f. . observes , it was a common form used also by the roman historians , who say , that the consul created officers , when he only presided at the election , and gathered the votes [ of the people . ] et c'est uniforme commune de parler : comme les historiens disent quun consul creoit des officiers , quand il recevoit le voix du peuple , & presedoit sur l' election . so plain it is that s. luke , in saying that paul and barnabas did chirotonize the elders , intended to signifie no more , but that the elders were made by the suffrage of the people , paul and barnabas presiding at the election , and declaring or making the crisis : and so the new latin translation in beza and piscator renders the text , , qu●mque ipsis per suffragia creassent , &c. i know that some have told us , that iosephus uses the word with reference unto god , he saying , that god did chrirotonize aaron thrice , and therefore to chirotonize is not always to be taken for the popular suffrage ; nor is chirotonizing always taken so . but supposing that the word [ chirotonize ] was used by iosephus , as afterwards it came to be by others , in a second sense , for any creation of officers in general , yet in the primary and proper use it signifies the popular suffrage ; for chirotonia in suidas is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . election , ratification made by all. and this also was the common use of the word at that time when , and in the places ( most of them republicks ) where the apostles are said to chirotonize : and certainly no man can imagine with reason , that the making of elders in its first institution should be called chirotonia , and bear the name of the suffrage of the people , especially in that time , and in such places , had these elders been made in any other manner than by the popular suffrage ; for then the name of the action would have been distinctive or proper , as all original names of things are used to be . besides , what if it should be said , ( as indeed it is by mr. harrington ) that when the congregation or people of israel , upon the several miraculous appearances in favour of aaron , did recognize him again and again for high priest , this chirotonia of the people was the chirotonia of god ? why might not god as president of the congregation in that theocracy , as well be said ( as he is by iosephus ) to chirotonize when the people did , as the proedri who presided in the assembly of the people at athens , be said , by demosthenes to make the diachirotonia ; the thesmothetae by pollux , to chirotonize the strategi ; and the consul who presided at the election of officers at rome , be said by the roman historians , to create these officers ? as for the diachirotonia , tho' you think it the act only of the magistrates , not of the people , because hesychius says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you will give me leave to acquaint you , that the diachirotonia was as much the act of the people , or of those suffrage● , as the chirotonia it self ( was . ) for those that suffraged or made the chirotonia , are said , in cases of competition , to diachirotanize , because then , by their suffrages , they did distinguish one of the competitors from the other , and he of the competitors that was distinguished to his advantage , as carrying the office by most voices , was said to be diachirotonized ; and a declaration was made , that he was elected , which declaration was called crisis . all this is evident from plato , who treating ( l. . de leg . ) concerning the election of the strategi , in case of competition , says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whoever appears to be diachirotonized , [ or to have most voices ] be it declared [ let the crisis be ] that he is elected . here he distinguishes very plainly between the diachirotonia , which he attributes to those that suffraged , and the crisis or declarative judgment , which was the act of those that presided : but he does it afterward more plainly , whe● ordaining that the same rule that was observed in the making of the strategi , should be also observed in that of the taxiarchi , he says , let the same be observed both as to the epichirotonia and the crisis ; that is , as to the suffrage and to the resolve : so that hesychius his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must be interpreted a discrimination , or preference made by suffrage . as for the jurisdiction of the apostles , i make no doubt but that the apostles , who were elders as well as apostles , pet. . . acted in setled congregations , where any of them happen'd to be or to reside , with the elders of such congregations , in that capacity of elders ; but as this authority was not properly or purely apostolical , so that which was , both that i call the essential , that was incident to the apostles , as they founded the church , and the accidental , that was incident to them , as they founded particular churches , was extraordinany and peculiar , as being only for that emergent occasion , and not for continuance . to speak generally , governing the churches was as much an ordinary work as ●reaching , and was common to all the elders , whether apostles or not ; but to do it in such a particular manner , with such a rod , and with so large a superintendence , as , in some cases , the apostles did , was extraordinary and peculiar to them . no officers that are now can pretend to a rod like that of the apostles , acts . , , , &c. cor. . : and therefore none that are now can exercise such a discipline as they did . those that will truly evidence that the prelatical hierarchy is apostolical , ought to demonstrate , that besides the officers setled in all particular churches , to feed and govern them , the apostles and evangelists setled others , as a kind of visitors general , over all , or over many churches together , with the same authority that themselves had exercised , and this for continuance ; without this nothing is done to any purpose . as for the transaction cor. . i am still of the mind it was wholly extraordinary , and that it cannot be drawn into example . the apostle says , when you are gathered together , and my spirit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ not with the authority , but ] with the ( mighty ) power of the lord christ , [ to the end ] to deliver such an one unto satan . whence it follows very clearly , that without the apostles spirit , and the mighty power of christ , the corinthians were unable to deliver that incestuous to satan ; for else i see no reason why they should have the conjunction and assistance of these , [ the apostles spirit and christ's power ] for that end , since then there would be no need of it . and if they could not deliver the incestuous to satan without the assistance of the apostolical spirit , and the mighty power of christ , it also follows , that to deliver to satan , was not meerly to excommunicate , eject or suspend him , since this was so much in their own power , that they might have done it of themselves , without such extraordinary and miraculous aids . to be sure , this effect , whatever it was , if it bore ( as every effect must do ) proportion unto its cause , it must be something that was extraordinary ; for it came not only from the spirit of the apostle , but also from the miraculous power of christ , for such a power that is , which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , as is evident , acts . . 't is true , you infer from cor. . . that the corinthians could not put away the incestuous without a new commission from the apostle , who was their bishop , and consequently you understand the power was given to them , only of a commission or authority . but on the contrary , the word used for power is ( as i have said before ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) a word that commonly signifies strength , not authority . besides , if this putting away v. . must be understood ( as certainly it must ) of the same putting away with that v. . nothing can be plainer than that it was a censure the people could and ought to have made of themselves , without expecting any new commission ; as being in a matter that by the apostles own concession , they had a proper cognisance of , and over a person too , whose competent judges they were ; as the same apostle tells them , do not you judge them that are within , therefore put away , &c. putting away is grounded on the peoples judgment , but delivery unto satan upon the apostles . and yet however putting away may well be called an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rebuke , and be a kind of punishment ; for to be excluded from the common society and conversation of the faithful , cannot deserve a milder expression . you still insist , that there is and ought to be a disparity of ministers , because there was a disparity between the apostles and the disciples , and with blondel think , that the continued in the same office after the ascension of our lord , that they had before ; for you say , you cannot believe they withdrew their hands from the plow , or that our saviour deposed them from their office , or depressed them into the rank of private men. but tho' you do not believe ( as i know no need you should ) that the withdrew their hands from the plow , or that our saviour deposed them from their office , or depressed them into the rank of private men , yet , if their office was only occasional , that is , if they were sent by our saviour to the house of israel , as messengers upon some particular occasions , and about a particular business ; then their office ceased of course at their return , like that of a prince's envoy , whose office ends with his business , that is , as soon as his message is done , and he returned with the account of it . i know of no jurisdiction the apostles had over the , but am sure , the office and work of the ( whatever it was ) related but to the jews , as being a business only for that time , a time that was the crepusculum or twi-light between the law and gospel , judaism and christianity , while as yet the kingdom of heaven was only at hand , but not come , luke . . i add , that the office of the is not reckoned in the number of the ascension gifts , eph. . . and , which is more , that the apostles themselves , had they not received another , a new commission after the re●urrection of christ , they , by their former old one ( which confirmed them unto iudaea , as that of the also did them , and which was only for a preliminary work , matth. . . as that of the also was , ) could not have had an authority to preach the gospel unto the gentiles , and so to lay the foundation of the catholick church and therefore the first commission as it was limited , so it was temporary , and expired ( at furthest ) when a second was given them , matth. , , . acts . . not but that the as well as the had business in the kingdom of heaven , or the evangelical state ; but they had it not under the denomination of the , or in vertue of their first commission or mission , but only as they came to be officers in this kingdom , by being constituted evangelists , or prophets , or pastors and teachers , or deacons , &c. you offer again in confirmation of your notion of the apostleship of bishops , that timothy and titus , and the angels of the churches in the revelation were bishops , constituted by the apostles with the same authority themselves had ; and that the twelve apostles and paul were not all the apostles that the scripture speaks of , for barnabas and others were apostles too as well as they . ] i acknowledge barnabas to be an apostle , but i cannot acknowledge that he was an apostle of the same rank with the twelve , and paul ; for as paul himself distinguishes , gal. . . all apostles were not of the same rank , but some were in the first , some in the second order ; that is , some were apostles sent immediately by christ himself , and so were legates à latere , and some were sent , not immediately by christ himself , but by men. now paul insists , that himself was an apostle of the first order , and in the same rank with the twelve , gal. . . whereas it is plain , that barnabas and all the others who are called apostles , can pretend to be but of the second ; they being sent , not immediately by christ himself , as those of the first were , but only by man ; either by the apostles that were of the first order , as timothy and titus by paul , or by some church , as barnabas , acts . . for here the church is said to send forth barnabas as their apostle ; and not barely to dismiss him , as the word imports that is used , acts . apostles of the second order are called also evangelists , and it was their business to be assistant unto those of the first , if not always to their persons , yet , at least , to their work , which was to plant churches , by making of conversions , and setling orders : and of this sort of apostles i again acknowledge timothy and titus to have been . i proved in my former paper , that timothy and titus were evangilists ; but it seems , the argument i used loses all its force with you , because its strength , like that of the arch-work , lies in the combination and concurrence , and you consider it only in pieces ; not as a whole , and all its parts together and united , but only separately , and part by part . as for timothy , methinks we do too often find him with s. paul in his perambulations , to have any reason to conceive that he was resident bishop of ephesus ; and for titus , his diocess seems too large for any ordinary bishop . crete is famed to have had an hundred cities in old time , and pliny assures us , ( l. . c. . ) that in his there were forty , which were enough for so many bishopricks . titus had it in charge , tit. . . to ordain elders in every city , and to ordain elders in every city , was to settle a church in every city ; so that if every church must have a bishop ( as some are confident it must , ) then every city in crete that had a church , had also a bishop , and so possibly there were as many bishops and bishopricks in crete , as there were cities . this consideration , if well weighed , will much abate of the authority of the postscript of the epistle to titus , in which this evangelist is stiled the ordained bishop in the church of the cretians ; for according to the language of that time , had titus been indeed the bishop of that whole island , he ought to have been stiled bishop of the churches ( and not of the church ) of the cretians . but it seems it is taken for granted , that a bishop must have but one church , and therefore , that titus may be a bishop of the cretians , all the churches of crete must be consolitated into one ; else among all the churches in crete , i would fain know , which was the church of the cretians , where titus resided . if titus was bishop over all the churches in crete , he was a bishop of bishops , and at least a metropolitan , which indeed would be most in favour of the hierarchy , could it be evidenced . but this could not be the settlement that was made in crete . for it would be strange , that the apostle should appoint a hierarchy in crete , that should differ from the form of government setled upon the continent by himself and barnabas , who constituted elders in every church , without appointing ( that we read ) of any superiour bishop or metropolitan that should have a general care and inspection over the several churches . for my part , i could not see how titus should understand his commission , which was to ordain elders in every city , to carry any other intention with reference to crete , than the very same words do , when they are used to signifie what paul himself , who gave him this commission , had done upon the continent , where he and barnabas ordained elders in every church . and therefore as paul and barnabas established single congregations only , and organized them with elders , and then left them to govern themselves by their own intrinsick powers ; so in the like manner , titus established churches in every city , and organized them with elders , which having done , it is very probable that he returned again unto s. paul , to give an account of his commission . thus titus his business in crete , has the very idea and signature of that of an evangelist , or a secundary apostle , without the least mark of an ordinary bishop ; nor is there any hint in all the authentick scriptures , of his being ordained bishop of crete , or indeed of any place else . and the like must be said of timothy , with reference to ephesus , who was sent to the church there as a visitor only , with apostolical authority , and so as s. paul's delegate . nor it titus his ordaining of elders , a good argument for sole ordination ; for the word , tit. . . is the same that is used in acts . . in the matter of the deacons , who were appointed by the apostles ( not one of the apostles , but all ) and chosen by the people . and one might well admire that the same word which is translated [ appointed ] in one place , should be rendred [ ordained ] in another , but that titus is said to ordain , and not to appoint only , that it might look as if there were a plain text for sole ordination . but what if timothy and titus had a power of sole jurisdiction ? and a power too of making canons , for the government of the church ? ( which latter yet is an authority that every bishop will not pretend unto , after their example . ) the church then , was in a state of separation from secular government , and among heathen , just as the jews are now , among christians ; so that all it could do at that time , was to perswade ; it could not compel : and therefore it will not follow now that the church is protected , and not only protected by , but incorporated into , the state , that the officers of it must have the same powers , and exercise them in the same manner , as before , or ( as mr. selden expresses it ) that england must be governed as ephesus or crete . it is certain that kings would gain but little by the bargain , not to say , they must depart with their sovereignty to incorporate the christian religion , should this be admitted , that church-authority , church-power must be still the same after such incorporation , as before . for a separate national jurisdiction exercised by one or many , is a solecism in state , especially if it claim by the title of iure divino , a title that renders it independent upon , as well as unboundable and uncontroulable by all that is human . such a jurisdiction would weaken that of kings ; and other states . all their subjects would be but half subjects , and many none at all ; and it is no more nor less but that very same thing , that heretofore was found so inconvenient and burden some under the papacy , and that made the best and wisest , and greatest of our kings so uneasie . a clergy imbodied within it self , and independent on the state , is in a condition of being made a powerful faction upon any occasion , and easie to be practised upon , as being united under one , or a few heads , who can presently convey the malignity to all their subordinates , and these to the people . so that i lay it down as a maxim , that nothing can be of greater danger to any government than a national hierarchy , that does not depend upon it , or is not in the measures and interests of it . fresh experience has learned us this . i know not with what design it was said by padre paulo sarpio of venice , but his words are very remarkable , as i find them cited from an epistle of his to a counsellor of paris , in the year . [ i am afraid ( says he ) in the behalf of the english , of that great power of bishops , though under a king. i have it in suspicion when they shall meet with a king of that goodness , as they will think it easie to work upon him , or shall have any archbishop of an high spirit , the royal authority shall be wounded , and bishops will aspire to an absolute domination . methinks i see a horse sadled in england , and i guess that the old rider will get on his back : but all these things depend on the divine providence . ] thus he , very prudently as to the main , though perhaps with some mistake as to his conjecture . for my part , i think it but reason that such persons as have the benefit of human laws , should in so much be guided by them ; and that the sword which owns no other edge but what the magistrate gives it , should not be used but by his direction ; as indeed the practice in england has always been . for as mr. selden observes , whatever bishops do otherwise than the law permits , westminster-hall can controul , or send them to absolve , &c. he also says very well , that nothing has lost the pope so much in his supremacy , as not acknowledging what princes gave him ; 't is a scorn ( says he ) on the civil power , and an unthankfulness in the priest. but , adds he , the church runs to iure divino , lest if these should acknowledge what they have by positive laws , it might be as well taken from them , as given to them . ] ay , this excellent person goes further , so much further as to tell us , that a bishop , as a bishop had never any ecclesiastical jurisdiction [ in england ] ; for as soon as he was electus confirmatus , that is , after the three proclamations in bow-church , he might exercise jurisdiction before he was consecrated , and yet till then [ that he was consecrated ] he was no bishop , neither could he give orders . besides , says he , suffragans were bishops , and they never claimed any jurisdiction . ] as for the angels in the revelation , i see no evidence in what is said ( tho' much is said ) to prove them to have been diocesans . it will not follow they were single persons , because they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as who would say they are compared to stars , and not to constellations ; for the truth is , both these words are used promiscuously , as well for the constellations as for the single stars , so that no stress is to be laid upon the word that is used , for either side . besides , some are of the opinion , that to the making of it clear that these angels were only single persons , and for that cause compared but to single stars , and not to constellations , sufficient reason ought to be given why the holy ghost , who expresly limits the number of the churches , doth not in like manner limit the number of the angels belonging to them : for , say they , when the holy ghost said , the seven candlesticks are the seven churches , had he intended to signifie that the angels were but seven , as the churches were , he would in like manner have said , the seven stars are the seven angels of those seven churches . but as i am not satisfied that any great stress should be laid , in things of moment , upon such critical nicities , so , should i yield , without granting that these angels were stars or single persons , yet i should also think it but equal to demand , what reason there is to perswade , that these stars were other than the seven president presbyters , who were chair-men in the several presbyteries of those seven churches ? which churches i take to be single congregations . for i see as yet no reason , but that as a letter intended for the honourable house of commons , may be directed to the speaker , so these epistles intended for the seven churches ( for that they were , rev. . , , , &c. ) might be superscribed [ for the chief pastor or president presbyter ] who probably at that time was stiled the bishop , by way of appropriation . in fine , what if by the name of angel , an angel properly so called should be understood ? and that the epistles intended for the churches [ pastors and people , ] were sent to them under the name of their guardian angels ? should this ●e so , then farewel to any ground for diocesan bishops in the directions of the epistles to the angels . and that it should be so is very agreeable to the prophetical spirit in the revelation : for the revelation goes much upon the hypothesis and language of daniel , and in daniel we read of the guardian angels of nations , and in such a manner , that what refers to the nations , or to their governours , is said of the angels themselves , dan. . , , . which is further confirmed , in that it seems to have been an hypothesis , obtaining in the first age of christianity , that the several churches or assemblies of christians had their guardian angels ; for it is very probable that in relation and aspect unto this hypothesis , the apostle paul does tell women , cor. . . that they ought to have power over their heads , because of the angels ; the expression seems to imply , that there were angels , guardians of the assemblies ; who observed the demeanour of all , and therefore they ought to be circumspect , modest and decent in their behaviour and in their fashions and garbs , out of respect to those guardians . and indeed the former account of the title of angels , is a more agreeable and easie one than that which some others give , who by angel understanding a bishop in the modern sense of that word , believe the denomination given with reference to a practice among the jews , who ( they say , as from diodorus ) attributed to their high priest the title of angel. but should it be yielded that the jews had any such practice [ to attribute the title of angel to their high-priest ] what could this amount unto in our case , since every bishop is not an high priest , in the sense of the jews ? for in their sense there could be but one , and then , that one among christians must be a pope , or a sovereign bishop over all the bishops ; as , among the jews , the high priest was over all the priests . but in reality the jews had no such practice , nor does the alledged diodorus say they had , [ to call their high priest angel ] they called him high priest [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] that was his name ; but indeed , he adds , that they had a belief of him , that he was ( often ) made a messenger or angel of god , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] as really he was , when he had the urim on him ; and this is all that diodorus affirms . your other argument ( for diocesan episcopacy , ) which you ground upon the traditional succession of bishops in several sees , down from the times of the apostles , and in the seats of the apostles , has no more of cogency in it than the former . i know tertullian l. de praescript . adv . hae etieos , says , precurre ecclesias apostolicas apud quas ips● adhus cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesidentur , &c. and i acknowledg , the apostles may well enough be said to have sate in chairs , and others to succeed in them , if the chairs be understood of chairs of doctrin , in the same sense in which the scribes and pharisees are said to sit in moses's ; for in this sense , all those churches were apostolical , and had apostolical succession , which being founded upon the doctrin of the apostles , had such perso●s only in any authority over them , as did continue therein . but else , i cannot believe my self obliged to assent that the apostles had chairs in particular churches , tho' tertullian's words at first sight may seem to sound that way , than to believe the story of the cells of the translators ; a story that s. hierom not only confutes but ridicules , tho' it has this to be said for it , that iustin martyr affirms he saw the ruins of those very cells , and that they were in the pharos of alexandri , tertullian flourished but in the beginning of the third century , by which time many fob traditions past current ; of which truth too many instances are obvious in the writings of that father , as well as of other fathers . indeed eusebius has given us catalogues of the succession of bishops in several churches , but these catalogues are only conjectural and traditionary . himself , in the proem of his ecclesiastical history , tells us of a great chasm that was in that kind of history for the three first centuries , and that being alone and solitary in this kind of performance , he had nothing but fragments here and there to help him , from any of those who preceeded ( him . ) ay , in the third book of that history , chap. . he says expresly , as to the persons that succeeded the apostles in the government of the churches , that it is hard to tell particularly and by name , who they were [ quorum nomina non est facile explicare per singulos . ] and that in making his catalogues he went by way of collection and inference , from what is written by s. paul ; [ ex apostoli tamen pauli sermonibus colligere possumus , &c. ] so that the catalogues of bishops deduced from the apostles , for ought i see , deserve but little more of credit , as being but little better ascertained than the catalogue of the british kings , deduced from brute . in truth , the task is a little uneasie to make it clear , that the apostles were properly bishops , in the modern sense of the word , and that they had fixed seats , which yet is the basis upon which such catalogues must stand ; sure i am , athanasius in his comment upon the epistle to the romans , ad c. . v. . affirms their office to have been to go up and down and preach , circumvagari ( as his translator renders him ) & evangelium praedicare ; so that in the judgment of this so celebrated a father , the apostles ( as such ) were but itinerant preachers , a sort of officers that were unfixed . as for epaphroditus , i cannot be peswaded by the bare authority of s. hierom ( whom yet i take for a very learned as well as pious father , ) much less by that of walo messalinus , to believe against the analogy of the text , that he was bishop of the philippians , only because he is called by s. paul their apostle , phil. . . the observation walo has made of the word [ apostle , ] that it is never used by the evangelists , by s. paul in any other place , or by the other apostles , but only de sancto ministerio , will hold no water ; for i take it that iohn . in which place the word is used in a common promiscuous sense , and rendred so by our translators , stands impregnable , as a plain , direct and unavoidable instance against him . irenaeus is also cited , to prove that such a superiority as the apostles themselves had in the church , was transmitted by them unto bishops ; for , say you , this father , who distinguishes between the bishops and presbyters , affirms , that the apostles delivered to the bishops , suum ipsorum locum magisterii , their own place of magisteriality or government . irenaeus flourished towards the end of the d century , and yet so near as he was to the apostles own times , if he affirmed , as he is ageed by the most ( tho' not by all ) to have done , that our lord christ did undergo his passion in the fiftieth year of his age , we shall have little reason to be fond of his authority , in matters which he takes upon trust , and by meer report . but admitting irenaeus's authority ( which i am unwilling to lessen ) to be as unblemished and as tight as one could wish it , yet on this occasion it will do you but small service ; for the force of the testimony which you cite from him , depends on the word magisterium ; and magisterium signifies not , as you understand it , [ a masterly authority ] but [ teaching and doctrin ; ] for in this latter sense the word is often used by other fathers , and particularly by s. cyprian , as you may see l. . ep . . and in other places ; but this is a sense that maketh nothing for you , for then irenaeus means no other than what tertullian also affirms , and none will deny , that the apostles delivered over to the bishops their own chairs of doctrin ; so that succeeding bishops or pastors were obliged to deliver no other doctrin unto their flocks , but that same which themselves had first received from those that were the founders of christianity . in fine , as to what you mention ( but somewhat invidiously ) concerning the judgment of the assembly of divines , the gangrene of mr. edwards , and the overflow that was of sects and heresies in the late times ( of the interreign ) which you would insinuate to be occasioned by the intermission of episcopacy . i answer , that there were sects and heresies even in the times of the apostles , and that irenaeus , s. ausrin , philastrius and epiphanius have furnished the christian world with large catalogues of them , and of some in their own times ; and yet i doubt not you will acknowledge , there were bishops in the church , even in those times ; so that episcopacy , if it be not coercive , is no such remedy against sects and heresies , as you would have us believe ; and if it be coercive , it is not purely christian and spiritual , but , in so much , has something in it of secular and worldly . thus i have reinforced my main argument , and removed such exceptions as you take against it ; and now i shall not make your trouble much longer , but to elucidate some incident and by passages , which i will do with all the brevity i can , and without formality of method , only as they come to my mind peter is first named where ever the whole colledge of the apostles is called over ; but i do not in●er , nor does it enforce , that any primacy was due unto him , other than that of precedence , which all protestants ( generally speaking ) allow him . it doth not appear that iames at the council of hierusalem , spake with more authority than the other apostles , as bishop of the place and president of the synod . iesephus indeed takes notice of him under an eminent character , for piety ; but not a word in that author of his eminent dignity , as a prelate . as for paul , he calls him but plain iames , not bishop iames ; and though he put him before peter and iohn , gal. . . that preference might be only in respect of his being the lord's brother , gal. . . and consequently is no great argument of his prelacy , in the modern sense of that word . so zomen's censure of the practice of having more bishops than one in one city , does prove that practice ; though he did not approve it ▪ epiphanius also is cited by many to evidence that practice . i yield not that cor. . . which may be translated [ in the assemblies , ] will demonstrate , that there were , at that time , several separate meetings for christian offices in one city or town , where was but one church ; and yet i grant it might happen to be so , upon occasion ; for our experience evinces it has been so of late , in a time of persecution , among the dissenting churches , and what has been in our time , might on like occasions have been before it . however , this accident would not prove , nor indeed do i find any other proof , that there were in the first times of christianity , pastors who had the care of several churches ; or , that any church at that time did take in several cities or towns , which were remote ; a church properly being a coagregation , and consequently the people of a vicinage or neighbourhood , under orders . cenchrea , though one of the ports of corinth , had a church of its own , distant from that at corinth ; and none , i think , will say , that that church was diocesan . the council of chalcedon prohibited absolute ordinations . that the end of the world , matth. . . is literally to be understood of the end of the jewish policy , or the mosaical seculum , seems evident , by comparing that text with the . chapter of the same evangelist , ver ▪ , , and . the meaning of mat. . . is , that ioseph did not know his wife till she had brought forth her first-born , and that it will not follow , that he knew her afterward ; and in this sense of [ until ] i make it parallel with mat. . . so that when christ says , he would be with his apostles , until the end of the jewish world , he is plain , he would be with them so long , but doth not imply by that [ until ] that he would be with them no longer . without the favour that we commonly allow to popular expressions , what is said , mat. . . will not hold in the usual sense that is given it , as to the apostles successors , and with that favour , i see no strength in any arguments against mine , which carries it , in the letter unto the apostles . if the apostles must not be understood to stand personally , and only for themselves in that commission , mat. . they must be understood to stand in it representatively , for the whole church , or body of christian people , in that same manner as they stood for them in the istitution of the lord's supper , when it was said to them [ do this in remembrance of me . ] these words being said to them , not as they were ministers , but as communicants , take ye , eat ye , take , drink , do this in remembrance of me ; for else there is no canon of communion for the common people , or laity . now i pray tell me , which of these notions did the apostles stand in when they received that commission , mat. . was it given to them as they stood personally , for so many single men , or as they represented the whole community and body of christians ? in one of these two , they must necessarily stand ; for the apostles collectively and all together , as a body are never taken but in one or the other sense ; they no where representing only the ministers or pastors ; so that , by the letter of the commission , which is directed to the body of the apostles , either all christians are impowered to baptize and preach , which i suppose you will not say , or else only the apostles . i acknowledge that cyprian , though he calls the presbyters his compresbyters , yet never calls them his colleagues ; he does not call them fellow bishops , tho he calls them fellow presbyters because tho every bishop was a presbyter , yet every presbyter was not a bishop , in the appropriate sense of that word . however , tho he does not say of presbyters in so many words , that they are the colleagues of a bishop , yet he comes very near it , when he tells them they are compresidents with him , which he does l. . ep. . when writing to cornelius that was a bishop , he has this expression [ florentissim● clerotecvm praesidenti ] . to the most flourishing clergy that presides together with thee . and in truth , one must have read but little in s cyprian , to be ignorant that in his time the presbyters or clergy were joyned with the bishop in acts of jurisdiction ; and that not only the clergy , but even the people too , had a great share therein , as well as the bishops . and this , as in other matters , so even in those that related unto bishops themselves . no 〈◊〉 than all this is implyed in that expostulation of cyprian● : an ad hoc frater carissime deponenda ecclesiae catholicae dignitas , & plebs int●s positae fidelis atque in corrupta maiestas , & sacerdotalis queque avthoritas , ac potestas , iudicare vell● se dicant de ecclesiae praeposito ex●●● ecclesiam constituti ? what most dear brother , is the dignity of ( a ) ( or the ) catholick church , the faithful and uncorrupt majesty of the people that is in it , and also auhority and power of the priesthood to be brought to this , that such must talk of judging concerning a bishop of the church , who themselves are out of the church ? to conclude : that alterations have been often made in the church , both as to government and discipline , is so great and plain a truth , that none that knows the history can doubt of it some of these came in early , by several steps , and others afterwards upon occasions that could not be foreseen . some things in the church are fundamental , and of an immutable nature . but there are 〈◊〉 that relate to government , discipline and administration , which depending upon the variable circumstances of times , places , and occasions , are , and must be , left to christian prudence . the grounds i go upon in my scheme , in which i have set out the principal alterations that have been made , are owned by the church of england , as to one instance , ( and the reason of that one will hold in more . ) when in its canons and constitutions , agreed an. dom. . can. . it says , the power to call and dissolve councils both national and provincial , is the true right of all christian kings , within their own realms , and teritories ; and when in the first times of christ's church prelates used this power ; 't was therefore only , because in those days they had no christian kings ] but it is time to end your trouble , and therefore i will add no more but to own my self , june th . . sir , your humble servant . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e basil in rom. in plat. . & alibi . ignat. in epist. ad smyrn . & alibi . clem. epist. ad corinth . clem. ep. ad corinth . cipryan ep. l. . ep. . clem , ●bi supra . hierom. com. in ep. . ad cor. lips. tract . de magist. vet. pop. rom. c. . clem. epist. ad . corinth . dan. com. in august . de haeres . c. . spotiswood hist. b. . f. . dan. com●men ; ad august . de aeres . gr●● . epist. . ad gall. notes for div a -e cyp. ep. l. . ep . . vid. & ep . l. . ep . ep . . . l. . ep . . cypr. epist. l. . ep. . cypr. ep. l. . ep. . bact . lex c. rab. advoc . 〈◊〉 mark . . acts . . nil . l. de papa primatu . riensid's conf. with har● . f. , . vid. bu●t . lexis . rab. ad voc . nidui . selden de jur . uat . & gent. l. . ● . . theod. motech 〈◊〉 r m. p. . lud. molin . in paraen . c. . vid. cypria . ep . l. . ep . . loz . com . reip . rom. l. . f. , &c. ios. scal. ep . l. . ep . . barlaem de papae princip . c. . see dr. burnel's abridgment of the hist. of the reformation b. l. f. . and his hist. of the rights of princes spain gl●ssat . ad v. c. bomag . vid. albert. cra●zia . metrop . l. . c. , & . l. . c. , . & . . . c. , &c. 〈◊〉 schel . bist . 〈◊〉 l. . ● . . vid. buat . lexie . rab. ad voc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chron. . , &c. socrat. in proem l. . hist. ecel . nath. bacon , histor. disccurs . part. . ● . . see dugdale's antiquities of warwickshire in the preface . notes for div a -e vb. em● . in descr . reip . athen. plut. in vit . p●oc . five disputations of church-government and worship by richard baxter. baxter, richard, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) five disputations of church-government and worship by richard baxter. baxter, richard, - . [ ], , [ ], , p. printed by r.w. for nevil simmons ..., london : . reproduction of original in cambridge university library. each part except the first, has special t.p., dated . i. whether it be necessary or profitable to the right order or peace of the churches of england, that we restore the extruded episcopacy? neg.--ii. assert. those who nullifie our present ministry and churches, which have not the prelatical ordination, and teach the people to do the like, do incur the guilt of grievous sin.--iii. an episcopacy desirable for the reformation , preservation and peace of the churches.--iv. whether a stinted liturgie or form of worship be a desireable means for the peace of these churches?--v. whether humane ceremonies be necessary or profitable to the church? created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- government. church polity -- early works to . episcopacy -- early works to . ordination. liturgics. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion five disputations of church-government , and worship . i. whether it be necessary or profitable to the right order or peace of the churches of england , that we restore the extruded episcopacy ? neg. ii. assert . those who nullifie our present ministry and churches , which have not the prelatical ordination , and teach the people to do the like , do incur the guilt of grievous sin. iii. an episcopacy desirable for the reformation , preservation and peace of the churches . iv. whether a stinted liturgie or form of worship be a desireable means for the peace of these churches ? v. whether humane ceremonies be necessary or profitable to the church ? by richard baxter . london , printed by r.w. for nevil simmons , bookseller in kederminster , and are to be sold by him there , and by thomas iohnson at the golden key in st. pauls church-yard , . at . s. . d. bound . to his highness richard lord protector of the common-wealth of england , scotland and ireland . sir , these papers are ambitious of accompanying those against popery into your highness presence , for the tender of their service , and that upon the same account . the controversies here decided , are those that have had a hand in most of the great transactions that of late years have here past ; and that still have a hand in the differences that hinder our desired peace . i observe that the nation generally rejoyceth in your peaceable entrance upon the government . and are affected with indignation , if they hear but any rumors that troublesom persons would disturb their hopes . and many are perswaded that you have been strangely kept , from participating in any of our late bloody contentions , that god might make you an healer of our breaches , and imploy you in that temple●work , which david himself might not be honoured with , though it was in his mind , because he had shed blood abundantly , and made great wars , chron. . , . i perceive also that some settlement of church-affairs will be expected from you by the most . and therefore it concerneth all our welfare that you be well acquainted with the state of those differences , about which all will expect your judgement . for my own part i think not that matters are half so far out of order in the churches , as most discontented men imagine : but yet i know there is much to be mended , wherein both god and most good men expect you should contribute a considerable part . some think there is no settlement in the church , till they are in the saddle , and all their brethren are become their servants , and do them obeysance . and alas , we have those that take it for no settlement , till they have the sword in their own hands , or have engaged you to use it at their discretion , and may again fill the prisons or other lands , with their brethren that are far better then themselves ▪ those i mean that in their writings so glory that their predecessors hang'd the puritans , and lament that of late they were but silenced , as being a less effectuall means . some would have no other settlement then we have , or else would have licentiousness settled by a law , and have unlimited liberty in religion . doubtless these are conscious what it is that they have need of : if heathens , infidels and papists be but excepted out of the toleration , it displeaseth them : and we can easily conjecture why . if we grant them all the liberty of their consciences ( that is , of their mis-belief , because , alas , we cannot cure it ) it satisfieth them not , unless they may have also liberty of tongue and practise . when i have heard and read the reasonings of some of them against the immortality of the soul , and the christian religion it self , i have wondered why they should take it for such a point of liberty , to have leave to draw others to their opinion , when they seem to think that mens happiness or misery is no more concerned in it . these are the men that tell the world that magistrates have nothing to do with religion , but only with our peace and bodily welfare , contrary to the fullest testimony of the scriptures : which is but to perswade men to esteem you as the dirt of the earth , and to value the ministry above the magistracy , as much as the soul is better then the body , and as heaven is better then this dunghill-world . and for this odious doctrine , they have no stronger reason , then because that heathen princes are uncapable of deciding matters about religion . as if mens wilfull and wicked indisposition would change the office , and disoblige both them and those that are guilty of no such unfitness , from the obligations laid upon them by the lord : they may as wisely say that a sober physitian is obliged to no more then a drunken one can perform ; or that a seeing man may do no more then the blind can do : or that a learned prince may not meddle with learning , because an unlearned prince is unfit for it . but any man that hath read bellarmine , parsons , gretser , or such like jesuites , may know the fathers of this doctrine : nothing more familiar with them , then that princes have nothing to do but for our bodies , and the common peace : but forsooth it is the pope that must rule all about our souls . the libertines know whose cause they plead . but verily men that regard the interest of christ and their salvation , would set light by princes , if they believed them to be such terrestriall animals as papists and libertines would make them . some also there be , that would have a settlement upon too rigorous terms , though they would not have it executed with cruelty . most men would fain have their own opinions prevail , and too many place too much of their religion in censuring as heterodox all that differ from them , and think it an evidence of their godliness that they are uncharitable ; and seeing many minds and waies , they think that punishment must heal them all : not that they would be driven to their brethren , but all their brethren must be driven unto them . in the midst of all these cross expectations , if you will consult with , and obey the lord , i dare boldly tell you , it is past all doubt , that you must avoid extreams , and keep as tenderly the golden mean , in this point , as in any that concerns you . if you give liberty to all that is called religion , you will soon be judged of no religion , and loved accordingly . if you so far close with any party of them that walk in the faith of christ , and the fear of god , as to deal rigorously with the rest , you will be hated by them as a persecutor . and if men be oppressed in that which they value above their lives , it will tempt them to neglect their lives for their relief . if you joyn with no church in the lords supper and other holy communion , lest you seem to espouse the party that you joyn with , you will by most be judged to be carnally wise , self-seeking and irreligious , or one that is yet to seek for your religion . if you restrain all that are against the great undoubted truths of christ , from infecting others , and own all that hold the necessary truths in godliness and charity , you will please both god , and most good men . and if you hold your personall communion with those that are of your own judgement in lesser differences , this will not lose you the affections of the godly ( though of a few factious persons it may ) as long as you are a tender father to them all , though you communicate but with some . the godly emperours that supprest the arrians and many heresies , maintained the novatians in the liberty of their churches , and were beloved both by the novatians and the orohodox . but if you cou●● be the happy instrument of taking away the divisions of the godly , that there might be no such thing as parties or separations known among them ( though diversity of opinions there will be ) ( and if you could give all the ministers of the nation a pattern of such union of the tolerable dissenting parties in your own pastors , with whom you shall communicate ) this would be the way to lift you highest in the esteem and love of all your people , and make them see that you were appointed of god to be a healer and restorer ; and to glory in you , and bless god for you as the instrument of our chiefest peace . and o what a precedent and preparative it would be , for the healing of all the protestant churches through the world ! and certainly your highness hath a fair opportunity for this happy work ▪ you enter in a season when we are tired with contention , and sensible of our loss and danger , and tenderer then formerly of one another , and the most angry parties are much asswaged , and there is not so much reproach and bitterness among the godly , as lately there hath been . a spirit of peace and healing is lately risen in the hearts of many thousands in the land , and ministers that differed , do lovingly associate , and most do feel the smart of our divisions , and are so prepared for a perfecter closure , that they wait but for some leading hand . i am certain that there are healing principles before us , and a temperament is obvious to judicious charitable men , upon which we might accord . and , though some are too rough to lie in any building , yet moderate men are to be found of every party , that deserveth your encouragement , whom you may use as a precedent to the rest , and instruments to promote this work . it is you that have those great advantages that can facilitate that which to others were impossible : and from you it is expected . in this book , and one of confirmation , which i lately published , i confidently affirm , is contained much of that reforming , reconciling truth which must heal us if ever we be healed . and though the study of such matters require much time , yet seeing god commandeth princes that the book of his law depart not out of their mouthes , but that they meditate in it day and night , that they may do according to it , iosh. . . i may suppose that they will be willing also to meditate on such books as help them to understand it . i should have been as ready as another to censure such an address as this , as guilty of presumptuous boldness , but that i consider what is the work of my calling , and what it is to be faithfull to the eternall god , and am conscious of fidelity to your highness in my boldness , and know that these are necessary truths , and that to the counsellors of peace is joy , prov. . . and have no interest in this world that i regard , in comparison of the churches happiness . my earnest prayers for your highness shall be , that your own soul being first subjected and devoted wholly unto god , you may rule us as one that is ruled by him , and never know any interest but his , and that which is subservient to him , and may escape that stumbling stone , on which the princes of the earth do commonly dash themselves in pieces , even by espousing an interest contrary to christs , and so growing jealous of his holy waies , and falling out with them : and that god would endue your highness with that heavenly wisdom , that is first pure , and then peaceable , jam. . . and you may escape the flattering suggestions of the wisdom of the flesh , and serious piety may be the first part of your policy , that so the eternall god may be engaged in the protection of your dominions and you : that you may alwaies remember , that you are christs and your peoples , and not your own : and that the diligent promoting of godlyness and concord may be the study and resolved work of your life . this is the way , and only this , ( let flesh and blood say what it will ) to make you truly great and happy . god is the center and common interest of all his servants . keep close to him , and they will all keep close to you . there is no other common interest , nor any thing that the godly do so highly value . if they see that it is indeed for god , they can bear any thing , or do any thing ; for they are wholly devoted to him alone . the more of god appeareth on you , and the more you promote his interest in the world , the highlyer will you be advanced , and the dearer will you be to all that love him . and even with the ungodly multitude , that piety is honoured in princes , that is despised in their neighbours ; and the hand of god is plainly demonstrated in their surviving honour ; the names of pious princes being great , when the greatest leave a name that is vile , even in the mouthes of common worldly men , who are ready to keep a holy-day for a saint when he is dead , though they hate or will not imitate the living . your zeal for god will kindle in your subjects a zeal for you . the mo●e your life and government is divine , the more divine will you appear , and therefore the more amiable and honourable to the good , and reverend to the evil . parliaments will love and honour you , and abhor the motions that tend to a division , or your just displeasure . ministers will heartily pray for you , and praise the lord for his mercies by you , and teach all the people to love , and honour , and obey you . the people will rejoyce in you ; and you will be loved or feared of all : such happiness attendeth serious piety , when impiety , selfishness , and neglect of christ is the shame and ruine of prince and people . i crave your highness pardon of this boldness , and your favourable acceptance of the tendered service of a faithfull subject to your highness , as you are an officer of the universall king. richard baxter . a preface to those of the nobility , gentry , and commons of this land , that adhere to prelacy . honourable , worshipful , and beloved country-men . it being much for your sakes that i have published the following disputations , it behoveth me here to address my self to you , in a few preparatory words . what distance there hath long been , and still continueth between you and your brethren ( for so they are ) is too much known to friends and foes , at home and abroad , and too much daily manifested by each side . shall it still continue , or would you have it healed ? if it must continue , tell us how long , and tell us why ? would you have it go with us to eternity ? and will you not be reconciled , nor dwell with us in heaven ? it is not in your power to shut us out ; and will you not be there , if we be there ? or do you think there will be any discord where love is perfected , and we are one in god ? if you can be content to be saved with us , and believe that all of both opinions , that truly love and fear the lord , shall live there in dearest love for ever ; how can you chuse , when you forethink of this , but love them now , that you must for ever love ? and long to be reconciled to them , with whom you must there so harmoniously accord ? you know that earth is our preparation for heaven : and such as men would be there , they must begin to be here : as they must be holy here , that ever will there see the lord in holiness ; so must they here be loving and peaceable , that ever will live in that perfect heavenly love and peace . and why is it that the distance must be so great ? are we not all the children of one father ? have we not all the same god , the same redeemer , the same spirit in us ? ( if we are christians indeed , rom. . . ) are we not in the same baptismal covenant with god ? have we not the same holy scripture for our rule ? and are we not in the same universal church , and of the same religion ? some of you say , no ; to the grief of your friends , and the shame of your own understandings , and uncharitableness . i beseech you bear it , if i touch the sore : for my work is healing ; and therefore though it must be touch't , it shall be as gently as the case will bear . if i may judge by such as i have had any opportunity to know , i must say , that the distance on your part is continued in some by confused apprehensions of the case , and not distinguishing things that differ ; in some by discontents of mind , and too deep a sense of worldly losses , and the things that you take as injuries from others : in some by the advantage of a co-interest and consociation with those divines that are of your way , and so by a willingness to think them in the right , and those in the wrong that you take for adversaries : in some by a stiffness and stout●ess of disposition , that cals it constancy to hold your own , and manliness not to stoop to others , and takes it as dishonourable to seek for peace , even in religion with your supposed adversaries ; or to yield to it , at least without much importunity : with too many ( miserable souls ! ) it is meer ungodliness , and enmity to that way of piety , that in many that you differ from , appears : and in the best of you it is a remissness of charity , and want of zeal for the churches peace , and the love and vnity of brethren . to confute the reasonings of all these sorts , would draw out this preface to too great a length . the first sort my experience hath caused me to observe . oft have i faln into company with men that pour forth bitter odious words against presbyterie : and i ask them what that presbyterie is that they speak of with so much abomination ? is it the name or the thing , which they so abhor ? if the name , is it not a term of scripture used by the holy ghost ? tim. . . are not the pastors of the church most frequently called the presbyters , or elders ? tit. . . act. . . & . , , , , . tim. . . act. . . james . . pet. . , &c. it must needs then be the thing , and not the name which they abominate . and what is that thing ? most of them cannot tell me . some presently talk of the disuse of the common prayer ; as if that were a part of presbyterie ; and government , and the form of worship were all one . some presently run to scotland , and talk of forcing men to confession of sin , and of their secular enforcement of their excommunications . but . if this be odious , why was it used by the bishops ? is it good in them , and bad in others ? . and why plead you for discipline , and against toleration , if you so loath the things you plead for ? . but will you not , when it s known so openly , distinguish the ministerial power from the secular ? it s known by their laws and constant practice , that all the power that was exercised by violence , on body or estate , by the assemblies , was derived from the magistrate , whose commissioners also sate among them . and the bishops in england were seconded by the sword , as much as they . it s known that the presbyterians commonly maintain in their writings , that pastors have no coercive or secular power , but only the keys of the kingdom of heaven , to exercise on the conscience , committed to them by christ. . and the writings and practice of those in england , openly manifest it : and its them with whom you have most to do . some tell me that presbyterie is the government of the church without bishops : and is it only the negation of your prelacy that is the odious thing ? is there nothing positive odious in presbyterie ? thus our belief is condemned by the papists , even because we believe not so much as they ; when in the positives of our faith there is nothing that they can blame . some make it the odious thing that they have lay-elders ; but . the presbyterians account them not lay , but ecclesiasticks . . and what is the odious harm that these men do among them ? they are present , and consent to the admonishing and censuring of offendors . and what great harm doth that to the church ? is it because they do not preach ? no sure ; in that your readers are much like them . what work can you name that these elders are appointed to , that by your confession is not to be done ? it is not the work then , that you blame , but that these men do it . . but what is this to all that are in this point of your mind , and think that unordained elders wanting power to preach , or administer the sacraments , are not officers in the church of gods appointment ? as far as i can understand , the greater part , if not three for one of the english ministers that you stand at a distance from , are of this mind , and so far against lay-elders as well as you ; of whom i confess my self to be one. ( and that m r vines was one , i have shewed you in the end. ) surely then all we are none of the odious presbyterians in your eyes . why then is there such a distance ? and are lay-elders as bad as lay-chancellors ? so also when some have been hotly condemning us as being against bishops , i ask them what a bishop is ? and what sort of bishops it is that they mean ? and most of them are unable to give me a rational answer to either of the questions ? but some that are wiser , though they know no more sorts of bishops but one , yet they can say , that by a bishop they mean an ecclesiastick governour of presbyters and the people . and if so , then why do they vilifie bishops under the name of presbyters ? i have here shewed you that if this be all , then every parish hath a bishop where there is a pastor that hath chappels , and curates under him : or any two ministers that will subject themselves to a third , do make a bishop . you delude your selves and others , while you plead only in general for bishops : we are all for b●shops as well as you . all the question is , what sort of bishops they must be ? whether only episcopi gregis , or also episcopi episcoporum gregis ? and if so , whether they must be bishops of single churches , as our parishes are , or a multitude of churches , as diocess●s are ? and if the last were granted , whether these be not properly archbishops ? in all other parts of the controversie i find , that the followers of each party go much in the dark , and take much upon trust from the teachers whom they value , and little understand the true state of our differences : so that it is more by that common providence , commonly called good luck , that some of them are protestants or christians , then from any saving grace within them . had papists or mahometans but as much interest in them , as the bishops , it is like they would have been as much for them . as for those of you that know your own opinions , and the reasons of them , you must needs kn●w that the divines called episcopal in england , are of two sorts , that very much differ from one another : and therefore supposing you to be the followers of these differing divines , i shall accordingly furthe● speak to you as you are . i. the bishops of england , and their followers from the first reformation , begun by king edward the sixt , and revived by queen elizabeth , were s●und in doctrine , adhering to the augustinian method , expressed now in the articles and homilies : they differed not in any considerable points from those whom they called puritans : but it was in the form of government , and liturgy , and ceremonies that the difference lay . ii. but of late years a new strain of bishops were introduced , differing much from the old , & yet pretending to adhere to the articles and homilies , and to be fathers of the same church of england as the rest . i know of none before b p mountague of their way , and but few that followed him , till many years after . and at the demolishing of the prelacy , they were existent of both sorts . would you know the difference ? if you have read the writings of b p jewel , pilkington , alley , parry , babbington , baily , abbot , carlton , morton , usher , hall , davenant , with such like on one side ; and the writings of the new episcopal divines that are now most followed , on the other side , i need not tell you the difference . and if you will not be at the labour to know it by their writings , its like that you will not believe it if i tell you . for if you will take all on trust , i must suspect that you will put your trust in them to whom you are addicted . the new party of episcopal divines are also subdivided : some of them are ( if their defence of grotius , and grotius his own profession may be believed ) of grotius his religion , that is , papists : others of them , though they draw as neer the grotians as protestants may do , yet own not popery it self . so that we have three notable parties of episcopal divines among us . . the old orthodox protestant bishops and their followers . . the new reconciling protestant party . . the new reconciling papists , or grotians . a brief taste of the difference i will give you . . the old episcopal party , as i said , in doctrine agreed with the non-conformist , and held that doctrine that now we find in the articles , and homilies , and in the synod of dort , where b p carlton , b p hall , b p davenant , and three more divines of this nation were , and had a great hand in the framing of those canons , and by consenting , did as much to make them obligatory to us in england , as commonly is done in general councils by the delegates of most nations . but the new episcopal divines , both protestants and papists , do renounce the synod of dort , and the doctrine of our articles and homilies , so far as it is conform thereto , in the points of predestination , redemption , free-will , effectual grace , perseverance , and assurance of salvation : following that doctrine which is commonly maintained by the iesuites and arminians in these points . . the old episcopal divines did renounce the pope as antichrist , and thought it the duty of the transmarine churches to renounce him , and avoid communion with his church , as leprous and unfit for their communion . but the new episcopal divines do not only hold that the pope is not antichrist , but one part of them ( the protestants ) hold that he may be obeyed by the transmarine western churches as the patriarch of the west , and be taken by us all to be the principium unitatis to the catholick church , and the roman determinations still may stand , except those of the last four hundred years , and those , if they obtrude them not on others . so b p bramhall , and many more : and m r dow , and others tell us that the canon law is still in force in england , except some parts of it which the laws af the land have cast out . and the grotians teach , that the church of rome is the mistris of other churches , and the pope to stand as the head of the vniversal church , and to govern it according to the canons and decrees of councils : and they receive the trent-creed and council , and all other councils which the pope receives , excepting only against some school-points , and abuse of manners among the papists , which their canons and decrees condemn . . the old episcopal divines did take episcopacy to be better then presbyterian equality , but not nec●ssary to the being of a church , but to the better being where it may be had . but the new prelatical divines of both sorts , unchurch those churches that are not prelatical . . the old episcopal divines thought that ordination by presbyters without prelates was valid , and not to be done again , though irregular . but the new ones take it to be no ordination , nor those so ordained to be any ministers , but lay-men . . and accordingly the old episcopal divines did hold the forrein protestant churches , of france , savoy , holland , geneva , helvetia , &c. that had no prelates , as true churches , and their pastors as true ministers of christ , and highly valued and honoured them as brethren . but the new sort do disown them all as no true churches , though they acknowledge the church of rome to be a true church , and their ordination valid . . the old episcopal divines thought it lawful to joyn in actual communion with the pastors and churches that were not prelatical . but the new ones separate from their communion , and teach the people to do so , supposing sacramental administrations to be there performed by men that are no ministers , and have no authority . . the old episcopal divines thought it meet to suspend , silence , imprison , or undo those godly divines that did not bow towards the altar , or publish to their people declarations or instructions for dancing on the lords day , or that did preach twice a day . but many of the new ones practically told us , that this was their judgement . of these differences i have given you some proof hereafter : and would do here in the express words of the authors on both sides , were it not that i should be needlesly tedious , and that i should unnecessarily offend the particular divines of the new party who are among us , by reciting their words . more of the differences i pass by . i. and now i would know of those of you that follow the ancient episcopal divines , what hindereth you from a charitable , peaceable communion with those orthodox ministers now in england , that some of you stand at a distance from ? doctrinal differences ( at least , requiring such a distance ) you cannot pretend . b p hall tels you in his peace-maker ( after cited ) that there is none between you and the forrein ( presbyterian ) churches . and as for the matter of episcopacy , if you will insist upon the late english frame as necessary , viz. [ that there be but one bishop over many hundred churches , and that he have the sole power of excommunication , and that he rule by a lay●chancellor , &c. and be a lord , and seconded with a forcing power , &c. ] then you will forsake the iudgement of your leaders : for they will tell you that some of these are but separable appurtenances , some of them corruptions and blemishes , and some not necessary . what need we any more ado ? you see in the published iudgements of b p hall , b p usher , d r holdsworth , forbes , and others , ( after cited ) that they would have all presbyters to be governors of the churches , one of them having a stated presidency or moderatorship , and this will content them . and are we not then agreed ? i am confident most of the ministers in england would be content to yield you this : but what if there be some that are not of your mind concerning the stated presidency which you desire ? will you therefore uncharitably refuse communion with them ? so would not your leaders ! in this therefore you will forsake them , and forsake many holy churches of christ , and forsake charity , and christ himself that teacheth you another lesson . will it not content you that you have freedom your selves to do that which seemeth best in your own eyes , unless all others be of your opinion ? but perhaps you will say that you have not liberty your selves to practise according to this your judgement . to which i answer , . your brethren of the ministery have not the power of the sword , and therefore do neither deny you liberty , nor can give it you : it is the magistrates work . and will you separate from us for other mens doings ? for that you have no rational pretence . if you know of any that perswade magistrates to restrain your liberty , that 's nothing to others : censure none but those that you know to be guilty . . i never knew that you were deprived of the liberty of exercising such an episcopacy as the forementioned bishops do desire . i do not believe you could be hindered , and we that are your neighbours never hear of it . i know not of either law or execution against you . if you think that the clause in the covenant , or the ordinance against prelacy , or the late advice that excepts prelacy from liberty , are any restraint to you , i think you are much mistaken . it is only the late frame of prelacy as it stood by law , exercised by archbishops , bishops , deans , chancellors , &c. and that by force upon dissenters , that is taken down . you have not liberty to force any by corporal punishment to your obedience . but you have full liberty ( for ought that ever i heard ) to exercise the meer episcopacy desired by hall , usher , and such like , on all that are of your judgement , and will submit to it . that we may hold constant assemblies of pastors we find by experience : and in these assemblies if you will choose one for your stated president , who will hinder you ? no one i am confident ; tell us whoever suffered for so doing ? or was prohibited , or any way hindered from it by any force ? nay more , if you will give this president a negative vote , in ordination and iurisdiction , who will hinder you ? yea who can ? if twenty ministers shall resolve that they will never ordain , or excommunicate any without the consent ( yea or command if you must have it so ) of such a man whom they take for their president , who can or will compell them to the contrary ? and all the people that are of your mind , have liberty to joyn themselves with such pastors on such terms , and submit themselves to you , if they will. but you will say , that this is no setting up of episcopacy , while every one that is unwilling to obey us , may refuse it . i answer , this is all that the nature of episcopacy requireth : and this is all that the church saw practised ( even rome it self ) for above three hundred years after christ. and is not that now tolerable for your communion with us , which served then for the communion of all the churches on earth ? is the primitive pattern of purity and simplicity become so vile in your eyes , as to be inconsistent with christian communion ? let not such principles be heard from your mouths , or seen in your practises . whether the magistrate ought to compell us all to be of your mind or way , i will not now meddle with : but if he will not , will you therefore separate from your brethren ? or will you not exercise the primitive episcopacy on consenters ▪ because you have not the sword to force dissenters ? and are you denied your liberty , because you are not backed by the sword ? this concerneth other mens liberties , and not yours . you have the liberty of episcopal government , ( though not of smiting others with the magistrates sword ) and as much liberty for ought i know as presbyterians or independents have ( though not so much countenance ) and how comes it to pass that the other modes of government are commonly exercised upon meer liberty , and yours is not ? is it because you have no confidence in any arm but flesh ? if your episcopal power be of divine appointment , why may you not trust to a divine assistance as well as others , that you think are not of god ? if it can do nothing without the sword , let the sword do all without it , and retain its proper honour . if it can do less on voluntary subjects , then other ways of church-government can do , say so , and confess it most infirm , and give place to them . but if yours have most authority from christ , and spiritual force upon the conscience , exercise it , and let us see it by experience ; or else expect not that any should believe you , or take you to be resolute servants of christ , and true to your ministry . but perhaps you will say , that you cannot have communion with us , because we are schismaticks : for so much b p usher himself doth seem to charge us with . ] to which i answer , . b p usher chargeth none with schism , but those that cast off bishops to whom they had sworn obedience . but if i may judge of other counties by this , there are so few of those , that they can afford you no pretence of scruple against the communion of our assemblies . i know not ( to my remembrance ) of one minister in this county liable to this charge : but most never swore to them , and the rest had no hand in their exclusion . . whoever among us did either swear to , or disobey such bishops as bishop usher there assureth us were the bishops of the antient churches ? if they set up another ( intolerable ) sort in stead of the bishops which he himself requireth , judge whether it were a greater sin to swear to them , or to disobey them . . and the schism which he mentioneth is not such in his own judgement as makes men uncaple of your communion . this pretence therefore is frivolous . especially considering that most of us have no prelates that so much as claim a government over us . in this county since b p prideaux died ( who was one of the ancient moderate sort ) we know of none that ever made a pretence to the place . and are we schismaticks for not obeying a bishop when we have none ? and surely none can justly lay a claim to such a superiority , even according to the ancient canons , unless he be first chosen by our selves , yea and the people , as a reverend bishop ( i hope yet living ) of the ancient sort hath told you , morton apolog. cathol . part. . cap. . p. . bellarmine himself confessing that ut clerus & populus episcopumeligeret , hic modus fuit in usu tempore chrysostomi , ambrosii , augustini , leonis , gregorii . bellarm. l. . de clericis cap. . and other of our bishops say the same . i conclude therefore that we are not only of one faith and church w●th you , but differ so little in our opinions about lower things , that you can thence have no pretence for an alienation : and therefore with those of you that are godly and peaceable , i take it for granted that we are actually agreed . but if any will sacrifice the churches peace ▪ their charity , their souls to their parties , or passions and discontents , i leave them to god , and to the reading of other kind of books , that tend to change an unrenewed mind . ii. and to those of you that follow the newer strain of prelatical divines , i shall adventure a few words , how small soever the probability is of their success . and . to those of you that are not departed from the communion of all protestants ; nor gone with grotius over to the romanists . i beseech you , as before the lord , proceed not in your bitterness , uncharitableness , or separation from your brethren , nor your hindering the work of god in their ministration , till you are able to produce such solid grounds for what you do , as you dare stand to at last , before the iudgement-seat of christ. . some of you charge us with no less then heresie , as following aerius in the rejecting of bishops , or equalizing presbyters with them : and can you hold communion with hereticks ? i answer , . all is not heresie that every angry man hath called so , no not of the venerable ancients . do you indeed take your dignity and preheminence to be an article of our faith ? why then was it never in the creed ? . many among us are for episcopacy , that are not for your sort of prelacy . it is that species that our controversie is about . . i shall answer you in the words of our reverend morton ( a prelate , though not of the new strain ) apolog. cathol . par. . cap. . pag. , . who answereth the papists that use against us the same objection [ non de differentia omni , sed de differentia ordinis , seu potestate ordinandi ( nb ) quaestio est instituenda . adversar . aerius haereticus ordinis differentiam negabat esse jure divino ; idem protestantes : resp. quod idem forte sanctus hieronymus , nec aliud patres alii asseverarunt : hoc scholae vestrae doctor primarius non ita pridem facile largiebatur : mich. medina , lib. . de sac . orig . affirmat , non modo s. hieronymum idem in hoc cum aerianis haereticis sensisse , verum etiam ambrosium , augustinum , sedulium , primasium , chrysostomum , theodoretum , oecumenium , theophylactum . bellarm. lib. . de eccles. milit . c. . ita , ( inquit valent. jesuit . tom. . disp . . qu. . punct . . ) isti viri alioqui sanctissimi & orthodoxi — at ( inquit id . ibid. ) non est tolerabilis haec responsio . probabo vero hoc non modo ferendum , sed etiam omnibus aliis responsis praeferendum esse . advocatus . erasmus annot. in tim. . [ antiquitas inter praesbyterum & episcopum nihil intererat , ut testatur hieronymus : sed post propter schisma à multis delectus est episcopus , & quotquot presbyteri , totidem erant episcopi . ] tua , erasme , apud jesuitas sordet authoritas ( but not with you that i write to ) — advocat . alphonsus à castro advers . haeres . tit . episcop . [ hieronymus in ea opinione fuit , ut crederet episcopum & presbyterum ejusdem esse ordinis & authoritatis ] ecce etiam alterum : bellarm. lib. . de rom. pontif. c. . [ videtur revera hieronymus in ea opinione fuisse . ] an ille solus ? [ anselmus & sedulius opinionem suam ad hieronymi sententiam accommodarunt . ] quam eandem sententiam medina vester patribus pariter omnibus tribuit — quid ex his , inquies ? ostendam ; si cognovissent patres hanc in aereo haeresin damnatam esse , tantum abest ut ei errori verbis suffragari viderentur ; ut potius in contrarium errorem abriperentur : si non cognoverunt hanc opinionem in aereo damnatam , cur vos eam hoc nomine in protestantibus damnandam esse contenditis ? cassander lib. consult . art . . [ an episcopatus inter ordines ecclesiasticos ponendus sit , inter theologos & canonistas non convenit : convenit autem inter omnes in apostolorum aetate inter episcopos & presbyteros nullum discrimen fuisse ; sed postmodum schismatis evitandi causa episcopum presbyteris fuisse praepositum , cui chirotonia ▪ id est ordinandi potestas concessa est ] if you will not keep company with reverend morton , i pray you go not beyond these moderate papists . . but you say , that at least we are schismaticks , and you must not hold communion with schism . and how are we proved schismaticks ? why , [ . because we have cast off bishops . . because we now obey them not . ] i have answered this already ; to which i add : ] . it s a fine world , when men will separate themselves from the churches of christ to avoid schism , and they that are against separation , and offer communion to the separatists , must be taken to be the schismaticks themselves . it is schism that we detest , and would draw you from , or else what need we say so much for concord and communion ? . i have told you already , that it is not one minister of a multitude in our communion that did cast off the prelates ; half of them did nothing to it , and the other half were ordained since . . nor can you truly say , that now they refuse obedience to bishops , where there are none to obey , or none that command them . . again i tell you , it is not episcopacy , but only the sinful species of prelacy , which the parliament , and assembly , and covenanters did cast off . and what if you think this species best ? must all think so , or else be schismaticks ? and why not all schismaticks then that are against the papacy , which is thought by others the best form ? i have here given you some arguments to prove your prelacy which was cast off , to be against the will of christ , and the welfare of the churches . and i shall not believe that its schism to be against sin and the churches ruine . and i cannot but admire to read in your writings , that discipline and piety are pretended by you , as the things which you promote , and we destroy , when i am most certain that the destruction of piety and discipline are the very things by which you have so much offended your brethren ; and we would heartily come as near you as we can , so that piety and discipline may not be destroyed . had we not known that the able faithful preachers whom you called puritans ( conformable and not conformable ) that laboured in the word and doctrine , were fitter to promote piety then the ignorant , drunken , worldly readers , and lazy preachers , that once a day would preach against doing too much to be saved ; and had we not known , that piety was better promoted by learning the will of god , and praying , and meditating on the lords day , then by dancing ; and by cherishing men truly fearing god , then by scorning , imprisoning , persecuting and expelling them ; we would never have been so much against your doings as we have been . but mens salvation is not so contemptible a thing , as to be given away to humour the proud , that cannot live in communion with any , unless they may drive them to destruction . we will not sell mens souls to you at such rates , nor buy your communion , nor stop the reproachful mouths of any by such horrid cruelties . we talk not now to you of matters that are known by hear-say only : we see which way promoteth piety , and which destroyeth it : we see that most of the ungodly in the land , are the forwardest for your wayes . you may have almost all the drunkards , blasphemers , and ignorant haters of godliness in the country , to vote for you , and if they durst , again to fight for you at any time . i cannot be so humble as to say , i am blind , and see not what indeed i see , because another tells me , that his eyesight is better then mine , and that he seeth things to be other then i see them to be . i doubt not but there are some pious persons among you : i censure you no further then experience constraineth me . but i know that the common sense of most that are serious in practical christianity , is against your formal wayes of worship , and against the course that you have taken in this land ; and the spirit of prophaneness complyeth with you , and doteth on you , in all places that ever i was acquainted in . bear with plain truth : it is in a cause of everlasting consequence . there is somewhat in a gracious soul , like health in the body ▪ that disposeth it to relish wholesom food , and perceive more difference between it , and meer air , or toyish kickshaws , then it can easily express . in abundance of your most applauded preachers , the things of god were spoken with so little life and seriousness , as if they had not been believed by the speaker , or came not from the heart ; yea godliness and diligence for heaven , was the thing that they ordinarily preached against under the name of preciseness , and being righteous overmuch . and the puritans were the men that pulpits rendered most odious to the people , and your preachers exercised their wit and zeal against ; while almost all their hearers through the land did take a puritan to be one that was seriously religious . many a place have i lived in , where there was not a man that ever spoke a word against bishops or ceremonies ; but a few there were ( alas , a few ) that would sometime read a chapter in the bible , and pray with their families , and speak of the life to come , and the way to it , and for this they were commonly called puritans . if a man had but mildly askt a swearer why he swore , or a drunkard why he would be drunk , or had once named scripture , or the life to come , unless prophanely , the first word he should hear , was , [ o you are one of the holy brethren ! you would not drink or swear , but you will do worse in secret ! it was never a good world since there was so much talk of scripture and religion : but the king and the bishops will take an order with you , and all the puritans and precisians in the land ] i profess upon my common sad experience , that this was the common language of the people that were ignorant and prophane in all parts of england that ever i came in ( which were not a few ; ) and these were the men that they called puritans , and on such accounts . and what could the prelates and preachers of the land have done more to mens damnation , then to preach them into an hatred of puritanism , when it was known by all that lived among them , that piety was puritanism in their account , and no man was so free from it , as he that would scorn at the very name of holiness , and drink and swear , as if he had defyed god. this is true , and england knows it : and if you will after this think that you have wiped your mouths clean , by saying as m r pierce , that by puritans , he means none but [ men of blood , sedition , violence , despisers of dominion , painted sepulchres , protestants frightened out of their wits , &c. ] the righteous god that loveth righteousness , and hath said , be ye holy for i am holy , will make you know to your penitent or tormenting sorrow , that the thing which commonly was reputed puritanism in england , was no such thing as you describe : and that it s none of your wisdom to ●ick against the pricks , and play with the apple of gods eye , and bring men to hate the members of christ , and then tell them you meant the members of the devil , and to thrust men into hell in jest : i have heard before the king many a sermon against puritans , which i judged impious , but yet had this excuse , that much of the auditory partly understood , that it was not piety as such , that was directly reviled : and so perhaps it might be in the vniversities , and some few intelligent auditories : but so it was not among the common people through the land. a puritan with them was of the same signification as a serious christian is with me . and if you bring the land to an hatred of such as are called christians , and then say that by christians you meant none but mad men , seditious , bloody , &c. you shall answer in earnest for spitting in the face of christ in jest ; and that before him that will not take your jears or jingles , or adding reproach unto reproach for a sufficient excuse . i know also that the casting out of the ministers of your way , i● much that offendeth you : concerning which i shall only say , that i meet with none , or very few that profess not their willingness that all men of your mind that truly fear god , and are able and diligent , should be kept in . and if you be angry for the casting out of the ignorant , insufficient , negligent or scandalous , there 's no remedy . but be ashamed to reproach us for casting out such from the service of christ , as julian the apostate would have cast out from the priesthood of his idols : and let us crave your leave to expect as much devotion in the servants of christ , as he expected in his enemies . vid. iulian. oper. pag. , , , &c. fragment . [ facessant itaque procul à nobis illeberales joci , ac petulans omne colloquium — in his occupanda sunt studia , & cum privatim , tum publice diis sa●pe supplicandum est ; maxime quidem ter de die : sin minus , saltem diluculo ac sub vesperam . neque enim sacerdotem decet , diem ullum ac noctem sine sacrificio transigere . est autem ut initium diei diluculum , ita noctis vespera . itaque rationi consentaneum est , ut amborum intervallorum , velut primitiae quaedam diis consecrentur — equidem sic statuo , sacerdotem oportere noctes atque dies puru● se ab omnibus & integrum servantem — p. . non enim mediocriter adversus deos delinquimus cum sacras vestes ostentamus , & omnium oculis tanquam miru● aliquid objicimus . ex quo id accidit , ut cum multi ad nos impuri homines accedant , sacra illa deorum symbola contaminentur . at vero nos sacerdotali uti veste , nisi ut sacerdotibus dignum est vitam instituamus , id ipsum noxas omnes criminum , ac deorum maxime contemptum in sese continet . — ad obscaena illa theatrorum spectacula nullus omnino sacerdos accedat — neque cum histrione ullo vel auriga , vel saltatore sit amicitia conjunctus , ad eorumve foras accedat . — placeat eos ex omnibus constitui qui in civitatibus optimi sunt , & imprimis quidem dei , deinde vero hominum amantissimos quosque , sive pauperes sint , sive divites . — p. . duobus hisce praeditus sit ornamentis , religione erga deum , & in homines benignitate — et epist. . p. . [ sed velim omnes nostros sacerdotes omnino , qui galatiam incolunt , vel minis impellas , vel ratione persuadeas , ut sint honesti ; vel sacerdotali ministerio abdices , si non una cum uxoribus , liberis , & famulis diis colendis sedulo animos attendant — deinde sacerdotem quemque hortare ne accedat ad spectacula , neve in taberna bibat , neu ' artem aliquam aut opificium turpe in ●ameve exerceat . et qui tibi in his rebus morem gerunt , eis honorem tribuito : qui autem resistunt expellito . ] leg. & fragm . epist. . we crave your leave to use the presbyters as strictly as julian did these priests , and to expect as much piety and sobriety in them ; and that you will not condemn all those for puritanism , that will not be worse then this apostate pagan . and for discipline , could we have any from your episcopacy worth the naming , we should be the more reconcilable to it : but it hath not been , nor it cannot be . common drunkards that were for twenty or thirty years together drunk usually once or twice a week , and abundance as prophane in other kinds , were the stated members of this parish church where now i live , in the bishops dayes ; and were safer from any trouble then the puritans among them that would not imitate them . let me here mind you of two of the following arguments , which perswade us that your prelacy is not of god , because it is destructive of discipline . . when episcopacy was first known in the church , every presbyterie , or consessus presbyterorum had a bishop ; and every presbyter had right to be a member of some such presbyterie . and seriously would you have all the presbyters in a diocess to be a presbyterie , where your bishop must preside for the ordinary government of the diocess as one church ? are you strangers in england ? or do you not know what abundance we have that in one parish are every week scandalous , by drunkenness , cursing , swearing , railing , or such like ? and can all the pastors travail so far to the presbyterie so frequently without neglecting their pastoral work ? or can all these people be perswaded without the magistrates sword to travail so far to answer for their impiety ? will they not tell us , we have somewhat else to do ? are we not like to make them wait seven years and seven , before the most of them can have a tolerable tryal , when so many hundred parishes , of which some one may have hundreds of obstinate scandalous persons , must all go so far , and have but one iudicature ? . i beseech you give me leave but from scripture , and from dr. hammonds paraphrase , to lay before you the work of a bishop , and then tell me whether one man , or ten , or an hundred can do this work for one of our ordinary diocess , any more then one man can build a city ? . a bishop must be the publick teacher of all the flock which he is to oversee . and can one man undertake this for many score or hundred churches ? . a bishop must personally oversee and take care of all the flock , as ignatius speaks , enquiring of each one by name ; and can a bishop know and personally instruct so many hundred parishes ? these two parts of his office i prove together : act. . . [ i taught you publickly , and from house to house . . take heed therefore to your selves and to all the flock , over which the holy ghost hath made you overseers , to feed the church of god which he hath purchased with his own blood . . therefore watch , and remember that by the space of three years , i ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears . see dr. hammond on the text , who tells you that it is spoke to bishops . pet. . , , . the elders which are among you i exhort , who am also an elder — feed the flock of god which is among you , taking the oversight thereof , not by constraint , but willingly , not for filthy lucre , but of a ready mind ; neither as being lords over gods heritage , but as ensamples to the flock ] see dr. hammond expounding it as spoken to bishops , q. d. [ the bishops of your several churches i exhort — take care of your several churches , and govern them , not as secular rulers by force ( nb ) but as pastors do their sheep , by calling and going before them , that so they may follow of their own accord . ] heb. . . remember them that have the rule over you , who have spoken unto you the word of god ] dr. hammond paraphr . [ set before your eyes the bishops and governors that have been in your church , and preached the gospel to you — ] o all you inhabitants of yorkshire , lincolnshire , norfolk , suffolk , essex , middlesex , kent , worcestershire , &c. how many of your parishes did ever hear a bishop preach the gospel to them ? vers. . obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls as they that must give account ] d. h. [ obey those that are set to rule you in your several churches , the bishops , whose whole care is spent among you , as being to give account of your proficiency in the gospel . ] o dreadful account , for him that must give it for so many thousands whose faces he never saw , and whose names he never heard , much less did ever speak a word to them ! tim. . . let the elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and doctrine ] see dr. h. expounding it of bishops . thes. . . and we beseech you brethren to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you , and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake ] dr. h. [ pay all due respects to the bishops of your several churches — ] tell us ye parishes of england , what labours have bishops bestowed among you ? or how many of you have they admonished ? and which of them are you hence obliged to honour for their works sake ? and is it them , or is it the presbyters ? i mention none of this as blaming bishops for negligence ; but as blaming them that will plead for , and undertake an impossible task ; and after all with an hardened forehead will defend it with violence and separation from dissenters , when so many ages have told the world to their faces , that the undertaken task was never done . . it is the work of bishops to confirm the baptized : and is now made peculiar to them . d. h. [ on heb. . a. to teach , exhort , confirm , and impose hands , were all the bishops office in that place ] and if so , then the examining all the persons in a diocess , till they have just satisfaction that they are fit to be confirmed , and the actuall confirmation of them all , will be a considerable task of it self . . it is the bishops work to exercise discipline in the church , by admonishing the unruly and disorderly , and hearing the case when the church is told of those that have continued impenitent , and openly to rebuke them , and to cast them out by excommunication , if they remain impenitent and unreformed . dr. h. on tit. . . [ it is thy office and duty toward such an one , first to admonish him once or twice , and if that will not work upon him or reduce him , then to set a mark upon him , to inflict the censures on him , and to appoint all men to break off familiar converse with him . ] and o what abundance of work is this in the several parts , even in one parish , much more in a diocess , see dr. h. on mat. . , . . it is the bishops work to take the principal care of the poor , and their stock , or the contributions for them , which contributions were made at every assembly . see dr. h. on cor. . . e. [ the supream trust and charge was reserved to the apostles and bishops of the church . so in the . canon of the apostles : a bishop must have the care of the monies , so that by his power all be dispensed to the poor by the presbyters and deacons ; and we command that he have in his power the goods of the church . so iustin martyr apol. . that which is gathered is deposited with the prefect or bishop , and he helps , relieves the orphans and widdows , and becomes the curator or guardian to all absolutely ( nb ) that are in want . so ignatius to polycarp ; after the lord thou shalt be the curator of the widdows . and polycarp himself speaking of the elders or bishops , they visit and take care of all that are sick , not neglecting the widdow , the orphan , or the poor . ] so dr. h. read him further . remember this , all you that are for our english prelacy . see that the bishop be at once in every parish in his diocess to receive the contributions . or see that you put all into his hands and custody : see that he take care of all the poor , and widdows , and orphans , in all your country , and that all their monies be disbursed by him , or his special appointment , and be the common overseer of the poor for his diocess . and when you and he have tryed this one seven years , come then and tell us , whether he will be any longer a prelate , or you will any longer be for prelacy . in the mean time judge in your consciences by these passages of antiquity cited by d. h. whether the antient bishops had one congregation , or many score or hundred to be their pastoral charge ? . also it is a part of the bishops work to visit the sick , and pray with them , and for them , iam. . . is any sick among you ? let him call for the elders of the church , and let them pray over him ] see dr. h. that by elders is meant the bishops ▪ e. [ because there is no evidence whereby these ( inferiour presbyters ) may appear to have been brought into the chur●h so early , and because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plural , doth no way conclude that there were more of these elders then one in each particular church ( any more then that the sick man was bound to call for more then one ) and because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders of the church was both in the scripture stile , and in the first writers the title of bishops : and lastly , because the visiting of the sick is anciently mentioned as one branch of the office of bishops ; therefore it may very reasonably be resolved , that the bishops of the church , one in each particular church , but many in the universal , are here meant ] so far dr. h. remember all you that are all for prelacy , to send for the bishop when you are sick , every person in the diocess , according to this express command : and if he would do his work by a deputy , remember , that in all that diocess which was the bishops charge in the scripture-times , there was no presbyter existent but himself , as is here confessed . so in the following words the same learned dr. further proveth from antiquity , [ that one part of the bishops office is set down , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that visit all the sick ] let us have such bishops as can and will do this , and our controversie will soon be at an end about episcopacy . were it not that i have spoken of these things afterwards , and fear being tedious , i should have shewed , that . baptizing , . congregating the assemblies , . administring the lords supper , . guiding the assembly in the whole publick worship , . blessing the people at the dismission , and . absolving the penitent ; and more then all these were the works of the ancient episcopal function . and now i leave it to the conscience of any man that hath a grain of conscience left him , whether one man be able , were he never so willing , to do any one of all these duties , much less to do all of them for many hundred parishes ? can a bishop teach them all , and catechise ●nd confer with all , and counsail , and comfort , and admonish all , and govern all , and try all cases of every scandalous impenitent person of so many thousand , and censure , and absolve , and confirm , and try them for confirmation , and receive all the churches stock , and be the overseer of all the poor , and take care of all the orphans and widdows , and visit , counsail , and pray with all the sick , and guide every congregation in publick worship , and give the sacrament to all , and pronounce the blessing in every assembly , &c. and this for a whole county or more ? o wonderful , that ever this should become a controversie among men , that vilifie others as unlearned and unwise in comparison of them ? i must lay by respect to man so far , as plainly to profess , that i take these for such errors as must need proceed from want of piety and conscience , and practice of the duties that are pleaded for . if these men did not talk of governing a church , as those talk of governing a navy , an army , or a commonwealth , that never set their hand to the work , it is not possible sure that they should thus err . o how many bishops never tryed what it is to govern the church , or faithfully perform any one of all these works ! i solemnly profess , that with the help of three more fellow presbyters , and three or four deacons , besides the greater help of abundance of godly people here in their places , i am not able to do all this as it should be done , for this one parish . and y●t the greatest part of our trouble is taken off , by the refusal of the multitude of the ungodly to come under discipline , or be members of our pastoral charge . sirs , these are not scholastick speculations ! the everlasting ioy or torment of our people lyeth upon the successful performance of these works ( as we that are christians verily believe ) and therefore to dispute , whether one man should do all this for a diocess , is all one as to dispute , whether it shall all be undone or no ? and that is , whether we shall give up our countries to the dev●l or no ? and shall the prelatical controversie come to this ? you have no way to avoid it , but by delegating your power to others , and casting your work upon them . but you confess that this was never done in scripture-times , there being then no subject pesbyters to whom it might be committed . and by what authority then can you do it ? can episcopacy be transferred by deputation to another ? this is long ago confuted by many writers , popish and protestant . do the work by another , and you shall have your wages by another . and what is your office , but your authority and obligation to do your work ? he therefore that you commit this to is a bishop . so that this is but to make us deputy bishops : and if so , let us call them bishops . i have read many of your writers of late , that say we have no government , and saith one of them , the presbyterian government was never yet set up in any one parish in england ] these are strange things to be reported to english men . perswade the world next that no man in england hath a nose on his face . is it not known that the presbyterian government hath been exercised in london , in lancashire , and in many counties , these many years ? and what government is it that you think we want ? the people are guided in the matters of god by their several pastors . the pastors live in concord by associations in many countries . both pastors and people are governed by the magistrate : and what need we more ? look into this county where i live , and you shall find a faithful , humble , laborious ministry , associated and walking in as great unity as ever i read of since the apostles daies . no difference , no quarrels , but sweet and amicable correspondency , and communion , that i can hear of . was there such a ministry , or such love and concord , or such a godly people under them in the prelates reign ? there was not : i lived where i do : and therefore i am able to say , there was not . through the great mercy of god , where we had ten drunken readers then , we have not one now : and where we had one able godly preacher then , we have many now : and in my own charge , where there was one that then made any shew of the fear of god , i hope there is twenty now : and the families that were wont to scorn at holiness , and live in open impiety , are now devoted to the worship and obedience of the ●ord . this is our loss and misery in these times which you so lament . . but perhaps you will refuse communion with us , because of our differences from you in doctrine about the controversies called arminian . but the fierceness of many of you hereabouts doth serve but to discover your ignorance and uncharitableness . the papists that differ among themselves about these points , can yet hold communion in one church : and cannot you with us ? will you be fiercer against us then the iesuites against the dominicans ? nay we go not neer so far as they . we cleave to augustine , and the synod of dort , who own not physical predetermination , and meddle not with reprobation antecedent to foresight of sin , and who confess a sufficiency in christs satisfaction for all . and yet must we have those impotent clamors , with which the writings of mr. pierce and other such abound ? why then do you pretend to follow the church of england , which mr. hickman hath shewed you plainly that you desert ? many of the highest meer arminians are charitable peaceable men , that hate separation from their dissenting brethren . curcellaus is one of the most eminent men living of that way . and how charitable and peaceable an epistle hath he writ before d. blondels book de papissa joanna ? and i hear that mr. hoard , the author of the book called gods love to mankind , lives in peaceable communion with the neighbour ministers in essex . and i have had letters from many of that way with whom i correspond , full of christian love and piety , and hatred of calumny and separations . but verily i must tell you , that when we find any of you in your writings and sermons making it your work to vilifie the ministry , and with the quakers to make them odious to the people , and making your jeers , and railing , and uncharitableness the life of your sermons , we cannot but suspect that you are popish emissaries , while we find you in their work , or else that you are malignant enemies , and of the s●●pentine brood , whose heads shall shortly be bruised by the lord. . and if it be the disuse of your common prayer that you separate from us for , i would know of you , wh●ther you would have denyed communion with all that lived before it had a being . if this be your religion , i may ask you , where was your religion before luther ? before king edwards daies ? if you say in the mass book ( and what else can you say ? ) i ask you then , where was it before the mass book had a being ? would you have denyed communion to the apostles and all the primitive church for some hundreds of years , that never used your book of common prayer ? will you still make things indifferent , necessary ? . one word to those of you that follow grotius : i have shewed that he professeth himself a papist , even in that discussion which m r pierce so magnifieth as excellent . i hear mr. thorndike and others defend him : and some think i injure him by calling him a papist . wonderful ! what will not be a controversie among learned men ? are we faln among such that deny him to be a papist , that professeth expresly to be satisfied , if evil manners be but corrected , ( and school-opinions not imposed ) which are contrary to tradition and all councils ? and that professeth to own the creed and council of trent , and all the popish councils whatsoever , and the mistriship of rome , and the catholick mastership of the pope governing the catholick church according to these councils ? what is a papist if this be none ? i refer you to my evidence in the discovery of the grotian religion , and the first chap. of the second part of my catholick key , replying to mr. pierce . confute it rationally if you can . i shall now only desire you when you have read rivet , to read a book called grotius papizans , and to hearken to the testimony of an honest , learned senator of paris , that admired grotius , and tells you what he is from his own mouth : and that is , claud. sarravius , who saith in his epistol . pag. , . ad gronov. [ de ejus libro & libello postremis interrogatus , respondit plane milleterio consona , romanam fidem esse veram & sinceram , solosq●e clericorum mores degeneres schismati dedisse locum ; adferebatque plura in hanc sententiam . quid dicam ? merito quod falso olim paulo agrippa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — deploro veris lachrymis tantam jacturam ] here you have a credible witness , that from his own mouth reporteth it , that our reformation was to grotius a schism , and nothing but the ill manners of the clergy gave us the opportunity . and pag. . epist. ad salmas . [ vis ergo me exerte dicere quid sentiam de postremo grotii libro ? & an omnia mihi in eo probentur ? rem rogas non magnam , nec adeo difficilem , quemque expedire promptum est . tantum abest ut omnia probem , ut vix aliquid in eo reperiam , cui sine conditione calculum apponam meum . verissime dixit ille qui primus dixit , grotium papizare . vix tamen in isto scripto aliquid legi quod mirarer , quodve 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurreret . nunquid enim omnes istiusmodi ejusdem authoris lucubrationes erga papistarum errores perpetuam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , erga jesuitas amorem , erga nos plus quam vatinianum odium produnt & clamant : in voto quod ejus nomen praeferebat , an veritus est haec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 profiteri ? ] had none of you owned grotius his popery , i would never have charged it on you . but when grotius himself glorieth of his adherents in england , and so many of you plainly defend him , and profess your owning of those books , and those doctrines in which his popery is contained , ( if ever popery were known in the world ) i must then crave your pardon , if i think somewhat the worse of popery , because they that hold it are ashamed of it . for i abhor that religion which a man hath cause to be ashamed of , and will not save him from being a loser by it , that owneth it , and standeth to it to the last . and i think that man hath no religion , who hath none which he will openly profess and stand to . i have at this time but these few requests to make to you , which i beseech you to answer without partiality . . that you will seriously consider , whether it be truly catholick , to unchurch us , and so many churches of christ as are of our mind , as your partakers do ? because catholicism is your pretense , consider whether you be not further from it then most people in the world ? . because i conceive this book is not suited to your great objections , i desire your perusal of another that comes out with it , called a key for catholicks , especially the second part , and if you cannot answer them , take heed how you continue papists . . while you hold us for no ministers or churches , or capable of your communion , it is in vain for us to hope for communion with you : but we desire that you will consider of those terms of a more distant sort of communion , which there i have propounded in the end of the first and second part : and deny us not that much . . at least we beseech you , that while you are papists , you will deal openly , and no worse with us then sober papists that speak according to their consciences use to do . do not let it ( as the lord falkland speaks ) be in the power of so much per annum ( nor of your factious interest ) to keep you from professing your selves to be what you are ; and do not make the protestant name a meer cloak to secure you in the opposing of the protestant cause , and follow not the example of spalatensis , and the counsel of campian and parsons , in feigning a sort of doctrinal puritans , and railing at protestants under that name . deal with us but as sober papists do , and we shall take it thankfully . how highly doth bodin a learned papist extol the presbyterian discipline at genevah from its effects , when among many of you it hath as odious titles as if it were some blasphemous damning thing . what sober papist would talk as mr. pierce doth [ p. . of the great abomination of the presbyterian directory , ] and not be able to name one thing in it that is abominable . is it a great abomination to exhort and direct men to preach , and pray , and praise god , & ? if it be the omission of his forms and ceremonies , that is no part of the book ; and if it be some directions that are against them , they that revile the common prayer book , as most papists have done , or they that count such ceremonies and forms indifferent things , as others have done , have little reason to account that so great an abomination that directeth men to omit them . what abominable thing is imposed by the directory ? tell us if you can . what excellent things doth thuanus speak of the presbyterians or calvinists ? and how highly doth he extol the most of their leaders or teachers whom he mentioneth ? but to mr. pierce ; what a bloody perfidious sort of men are they , unfit to live in a commonwealth ? and to grotius ; the protestants are not only of bad lives , but by the power of their doctrine they are such . i have shewed you in my key for catholicks how great the praises of calvin are in the mouth of papir . massonius , and other sober papists : and the same may be said of others of our divines , who are mentioned by you with most calumniating odious words . even maldonate the jesuite , when he is rail●ng at the calvinists , confesseth of them , ( in matth. . . ) that [ nothing was in their mouths but , the lord , and our heavenly father , and christ , and faith ; an oath was not heard : nothing appeared in their deeds , but alms-deeds , and temperance , and modesty ] is this like your language of them ? nay , if satan had dictated to him , how could he have uttered more falshood and detestable calumniation then mr. pierce hath done , p. . when he saith [ were hacket , lancaster , arthington and others hanged for non-conformity ? or was it nothing but ceremonial which coppinger , &c. designed against the lives of the whole privy council , and against the person of the queen ? were not cartwright , and travers , and wentworth , and egerton , and other presbyterian ministers privy to the plot ? ] the lord will rebuke this slanderous tongue . did ever cochlaeus , or bolseck go beyond this man ? how fully is it known that hacket and his companions were grundl●tonians or familists , just such as james nailor , and the quakers , ( who are far nearer the papists then the puritans or presbyterians ) and that they madly came into london , coppinger and arthington , as his two prophets , proclaiming hacket to be iesus christ ; and that for obstinate insisting on this blasphemy , hacket was hanged , and dyed blaspheming , and arthington upon his repentance published the whole story of the begining and progress of the business , as you may see it in the book called arthingtons seduction . in which their madness , blasphemy , or any treason of theirs or others , this man might as honestly have said , that augustine , or luther , or cranmer had an hand , or were privy to the plot , as cartwright , travers , and such presbyterian ministers . what he hath read in bancroft , i know not , nor much regard , till bancroft himself be better cleared of what he is by writers charged with , concerning ficlerus , dolman , &c. and while he was known to be the most violent persecutor of the puritans . but i see as the papists will take it for a currant truth , that luther was fetcht away by the devil , and that calvin was stigmatized for sodomy , and dyed blaspheming , &c. if they can but say , that one cochlaeus or bolseck of their own hath spoke it ; so such men among us dare tell the world the most odious falshoods of cartwright , travers , and the presbyterian ministers , if they can but say , that bancroft said it before them . and now the rest may take it as unquestionable , when mr. pierce hath said it . do these men believe that there is a day of iudgement ? if they do , they make but lamentable preparation for it . and his assertion pag. . that [ excommunicating kings and killing them is the doctrine of the presbyterians ] and much more of his writing is of the same kind . to this i have given him an answer in my key for catholicks , where he shall see whether papists or protestants are for king-killing ? had you not gone so far beyond such moderate papists as cassander , hospitalius , massonius , bodin , thuanus , &c. in your enmity and bitterness against the protestants , as clearly to contradict them , and to speak blood and venom , when they speak charitably , and honourably , we might have had more peaceable neighbours of you , though none of your communion . and i suppose that those who separate from us , as having no true ministry or churches , would have all these ministers that they take for none , to be silenced and cast out . i do not think you will deny this to be your desire , and your purpose , if ever you should have power ? and if so , what men are you ? and what a case would you bring this nation in ? to your objections i have answered in this book , and said somewhat more to you in another preface . and upon the whole matter am forced now to conclude , that it is an enmity to holiness in unsanctified hearts that is the principal cause of our distance and divisions ; and that the way to convince such men , as too many are that we deal with , is not disputing , but praying to the lord to change their hearts : and that if we could once perswade them but to the love of god and holiness , and to a serious practice of christian religion , and ( if they be bishops ) to a faithful practice of those works of a bishop which they confess are his duty , and to try church-government before they plead for what was never tryed by them , our controversies would then be ended ▪ they would never more plead for such a prelacy that destroyeth piety , and discipline , nor never revile the servants of the lord : nor never desire so much to promote the work of hell , as the casting out all that they account no ministers , and the casting off of all that they account no ordinances or valid administrations , would be . farewel disputing with such men , in order to their conviction , and an healing peace . hoc non est artis , sed pietatis opus . postscript . what the publisher of dr. stewards sermon doth mean by his commmending it to my consideration , when there is not a word in it that i am concerned in more then he , i understand not . if he thereby intimate , that i charged dr. steward to be of grotius's religion , or any other that disowneth it , he egregiously abuseth his reader and himself . if he intend to argue that none of the prelatical party were grotians , because dr. steward was not : let him prove his consequence ; i disprove it , . from the testimony of grotius himself . . from the mouths and books of those that have owned grotius among us , even since they were acquainted with his judgement , and have owned his votum & discussio in particular . if his meaning be that [ dr. steward was a grotian , and yet no papist : therefore grotians are no papists ] one branch of his antecedent is false : either he was no grotian , or he was a papist . again i profess , that it is far from the desire of my soul , to raise so much as the least suspicion on any that own not the doctrine and design of grotius . disclaim it , and we are satisfied . dr. heylin was taken for as hot an antipuritan as most in england : and yet ( in a moderate letter to me ) he disclaimeth grotianism : which i mention , partly lest any , by my naming him on another occasion in that book , misconceive me to have accused him of this , and principally to discourage the defenders of grotius , when such men as dr. heylin and dr. steward are against them . the contents . dispuation . whether it be necessary or profitable to the right order or the peace of the churches of england , that we restore the extruded episcopacy ? neg. peace with episcopal divines to be sought , pag. , . the nature of church-government opened , pag. . to . twelve sorts of bishops to be distinguished , pag. , . which of these may be admitted for peace , pag. . vnfixed general ministers to do the ordinary part of the apostles work , are to be continued : proved , pag. , . what power apostles had over other ministers , p. , to . the authors concessions for episcopacy , pag. , . arguments against the english prelacy . . it destroyeth government and its end , pag. . . it gratifieth satan and wicked men , pag. . . it unavoidably causeth divisions , pag. . . it suspendeth or degradeth all the presbyters , pag. . . it maketh lay men church-governors . . and oppresseth the bishops with guilt , pag. . . it is the product of pride , pag. . . it gratifieth lazy ministers , pag. . . it is not of gods institution , pag. . . 〈◊〉 is contrary to gods word , pag . . it is unsafe , as never used in scripture times . how fully the supposition is granted us , pag. , . many reasons proving that the apostles ( who de facto are confessed by dr. h. to have setled no subject presbyters in scripture times , but one bishop over one stated congregation ) intended not the changing of this order afterwards , pag . to , &c. more arguments that diocesan bishops are no scripture-bishops , pag . they are contrary to the iewish and apostolical government , pag. , . proved by two arguments more , pag. , . the confession of episcopal writers , pag. , . against diocesan bishops ( of many churches ) the testimony of clemens romanus , p. . ( with grotius's exposition , pag . of polycarps and ignatius ( who is full against them ) pag. . of iustin martyr , and gregory neocaesa●iensis , pag. , . tertullian , pag. , . of clemens alexandr . and from the late division of parishes , pag. . ninius testimony cited by mr. thorndike of . bishopricks planted by patrick in ireland , pag. , . more cited by usher , pag. . the testimonies of councils , pag. . to . many weighty consequents of the proved point , pag. . disputation . those who nullifie our present ministry and churches which have not the prelatical ordination , and teach the people to do the like , do incur the guilt of grievous sin . a preface to the dissenters , pag. . one letter of a minister of another county that openeth the necessity of this disputation , pag. . chap. . a minister of christ defined , pag. . whether special grace be necessary to the being of a minister , pag. , . what qualifications are necessary , pag. . ministers christs officers , pag. . must be separated to the work , pag. . who are the true objects of the ministry , pag. , &c. whether the pastors or church be first , p. . whether a particular church or the vniversal be first , ibid. the pastors work in a particular church , p. . how far intention is necessary to the validity of an administration , p. . a call to exercise after a call to office , p. . chap. . of the nature and ends of ordination , shewing what it is that is the ordainers work , and what not , p. . chap. . humane ordination not of constant necessity to the being of the ministry , fully proved , p. . chap. . an uninterrupted succession of regular ordination is not of necessity , p. . proved . chap. . ordination by such as the english prelates , not necessary to the being of the ministry , proved , p. . objections answered . chap . ordination especially at this time by english prelates is unnecessary , p. . chap. . the ordination used now in england , and in other ●rotestant churches is valid and agreeable to scripture , and the practice of the antient church , p. . fully proved : and so our ministry vindicated , by twenty arguments . chap. . the greatness of their sin that are now labouring to perswade the people of the nullity of our ministry , churches and administrations : manifested in forty aggravations , p. . chap. . the sinfulness of despising or neglecting ordination , p. . the distinct power of pastors , people and magistrates to our call , p. . approbation of pastors must be sought , p. . what pastors should be sought to for ordination , p. . disputation . an episcopacy desirable for the reformation , preservation , and peace of the churches , p. . chap. . of general unfixed bishops or ministers , p. . chap. . of fixed pastors , that also participate in the work of the unfixed , p. . chap. . it is lawful for the several associations of pastors , to choose one man to be their president durante vita , if he continue fit , p. . what power shall such have ? p. . chap. . it is lawful for the presbyters of a particular church to have a fixed president for life , p. . chap. . objections against the forementioned presidency answered , p. . chap. . the summ of the foregoing propositions , and the consistency of them , with the principles of each party , and so their aptitude to reconcile , p. . chap . some instances proving that moderate men will agree upon the forementioned terms , p. . bishop h●lls full consent , p. , . dr. hide ( of the new party ) stigmatizeth his book with the brand of irrational separatism and recusancy , p. , . bishop ushe●s full consent to us , p. . with dr. hold●worths , and dr. forbs . the presbyterians consent to the same terms . mr. ga●akers , mr. gerees , the london province , beza's , calvins , mr. rich. vines in two letters : bishops can have no other power over pastors of other churches , then the synods have , p. , . presbyterians for a church of one congregation , p. . the polonian protestants government , p. . disputation . whether a stinted liturgy or form of worship be a desirable means for the peace of these churches ? proposition . . a stinted liturgy is in it self lawful , p. . prop. . a stinted liturgy in some parts of publick holy service is ordinarily necessary , p. . prop. . in those parts of publick worship where a form is not of ordinary necessity , but only lawful , yet may it not only be submitted to , but desired , when the peace of the church doth accidentally require it , p. . prop. . so great is the difference between men and men , times and times , that forms may be a duty to some men , and at some times , and a sin to other men , and at other times , p. . prop. . the ministers and churches that earnestly desire it , should not by the magistrate be absolutely and generally prohibited the use of a convenient stinted liturgy , p. . prop. . to prescribe a form of prayer , preaching ( or other service where is no necessity of it ) and to lay a necessity on it , as to the thing it self , or the churches peace , &c. and to punish , silence , suspend , excommunicate , or reproach as schismaticks the able , godly , peaceable ministers or people that ( justly or unjustly ) dare not use it , is so great a sin , that no godly ministers should desire or attempt it , nor any godly magistrate suffer it , p. . prop. . the safest way of composing a stinted liturgy , is to take it all , or as much as may be , for words as well as matter , out of the holy scripture , p. . prop. . yet is it lawful to use a liturgy that is not so taken out of scripture as to words , p. . prop. . the matter of a liturgy in which the concord of many is expected , must not be doubtful or unnecessary things , ibid. prop. . humane forms of publick prayer or other worship ( excepting the fore-excepted necessary cases , as psalms , &c. ) should not be constantly used by ministers that have liberty , and are able to pray without them : nor should any ( ordinarily ) be admitted into the ministry ( except in great necessities of the church ) that are not able to pray without such forms , p. . objections on both sides , p. . the summ of this dispute , p. . disputation . . qu. whether humane ceremonies be necessary or profitable to the church ? p. . chap. . distinctions and propositions in order to the decision , ibid. chap. . ceremonies forbidden , or which man hath not power to institute , are not to be imposed as profitable or lawful , p. . which those be . instances of all our commonly controverted ceremonies considered , p. . chap. . in such unlawful impositions it is an aggravation of the sin , if ceremonies are pretended to be divine , p. . chap. . if things unlawful are commanded as indifferent , or things indifferent as necessary , they are sinfully imposed : and the more , because of such pretenses , p. . chap. . a lawful and convenient thing is sinfully imposed , when it is imposed on a greater penalty then the nature and use of it doth require , or then the common good will bear , p. . chap. . it is not lawful to make any thing the subjects duty by a command , that is meerly indifferent antecedently , both in it self and as cloathed with its accidents , p . chap. . some things may be lawfully and profitably commanded at one time and place , and to one sort of people , that may not at , or to another , no nor be obeyed if commanded , p. . chap ▪ . those orders may be profitable for the peace of the churches in one nation , that are not necessary to the peace of the churches of many nations , p. . chap. . there is no meer humane vniversal soveraign , civil or ecclestastical over the whole church , and therefore none to make laws obligatory to the whole , p. . chap. . if it be not our lawful governors that command us , but usurpers , we are not formally bound to obey them , though the things be lawful which they command , p. . chap. . the commands of lawful governors about lawful ceremonies , must be understood and obeyed with such exceptions as do secure the end : and not to the subverting of it , p. . chap. . it may be very sinful to command some ceremonies , when yet it may be the subjects duty to use them when they are commanded , p. . chap. . the constant use of things indifferent should not be commanded ordinarily ( see the exceptions ) but they should be sometimes used , sometimes not , p. . chap. . thirty reasons against the imposing of our late controverted mystical ceremonies , as crossing , surplice , &c. p. . chap. . reasons perswading to obedience in lawful things , p. . errata . page . l. . r. had not been by themselves . p. . l. . for philetas , r. alexander . p. . l. penult . for perfect , r. president . p. . l. , . r. the th . or th . person . p. . l. . for it , r. is . p. . l. . r. presbyterie . p. . l. ult . for that , r. the. p. . l. . r. occasioning . p. . l. . r. had in it . p. . l. . blot out any . l. . for at all , r. all . l. . blot out the. p. . l. . for had r. have . marg. l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . for prelacy , r. policarpe . l. . for there that , r. that there . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p . l. . r. he was , and l. . for ad , r. at . p. . l. . r. we well . p. . marg. l. . r. blondel , and l. . for yet , r. and. p. . l. . r. churches . p. . l. . for scholarum , r. scotorum . p. . marg. l. . for no , r. on . p . l. . for i mean , r. i wave . p. . l. . for that , r. the. disp. . pref. p. . l. . for pass , r. pas● . p. l. . blot out and. p. . l. . r. bishop . p. . l. . r. iansenius . p. . l. . r. members . p. . l. . for men , r. run . p. . l. . & . r. pleasure & pastors , & l. . r. and. p. . l. . r. will. p. . l. . for proctors , r. doctors . p . l. . r. sin in the. p. . l. . blot out upon . p. . l. . r. owed . p. . l. . r. and yet . p. ● . l. ult . for as , r. at . p. . l. . for art. . r. act. . p. . l. . for he , r. the , & l. . for decase , r. depose . p. . l. . for and , r. &c. p. . l. . for art. . r. act. . p. . l. . r. arrianus . p. . l. . for three and four , r. third & fourth . p. . l. . for name , r. main . p. . l. . for davenant , r. davenport . p. . l. . blot out do . p. . l. . blot out to . p. . l. . r. one & the. & l . r. works . p. . l. . for the , r. that . p. . l. . r. as their . p. . l. . for overseers , r. others . p. . l. . r. b●hmenists . p. . l. . r. had no other . p. . l. . r. the least . p. . l. . r. add to . p. . l. . for h● , r. the. p. . l. . r. but what was . p. . l. . r. of the will. p. . l. . for them , r. than . p. . l. . r. law. an advertisement to prevent misunderstanding . my exceeding scarcity of time , constraining me to write these papers in much haste , and allowing me but a cursory perusal of them when written , and the like after the printing , for the collecting the errata of the press , i find by this hasty review , and by some observation of mens readiness to misunderstand me , that it is necessary to speak a little more about the following particulars , that i may be understood by such as are willing to understand me : and the mistakes of others i shall easily bear . sect. . pag. . there is somewhat that requireth correction of the pen , and somewhat that requireth explication . in translating that passage of ignatius , [ unus panis qui pro omnibus fractus est ] must be written next [ effusus est ] before [ & unus calix . ] and for the following objection , though it was made by a discreet person , yet i know no ground for it : unless is. vossius his edition leave out [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ( which i have not now at hand , but is likelyest ) i know not of any greek copy that leaves it out . indeed bishop ushers latine doth , and the vulgar latine leaves out the translation of the next words before it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] of which saith bishop usher [ ex interpretatione hac excidisse videantur . ] and noting the corruption of the vulgar translation in this very place , i there premised to my answer , that it might occasion a change in the text : that it hath done so in many places , i think is easie to prove ; but that it hath done so here , there is no probability , ( if any greek copy be as is objected : ) and the reasons of my conjecture of the possibility , are so little for a probability , that as i express them not , so i think them not worth the expressing , but rather bid you take that as non dictum . though of the general i find bishop usher himself saying , both of his latine version [ ex eâ solâ integritati suae restitui posse ignatium , polliceri non ausim , ] and of the first greek edition [ hanc reliqui sequuti sunt editores ; non ex graco aliquo codice alio , sed partim ex ingenio , partim ex vetere vulgato latino interprete , non paucis in locis eandem corrigentes ] epist. ad lect. ante annot. & pag. . dissert . sect. . i must intreat the reader to observe that my drift in this writing is not so much to oppose any form of government meerly as contrary to the institution or apostolical rule , as to plead against that which i take to be destructive to the ends of government : not that i desire not a careful adhering to the sacred rule , but . because i suppose that many circumstantials of discipline undetermined in the word are feigned by some to be substanstantial necessary things : and that many matters are indifferent that some lay the peace if not the being of the church upon . . because i so far hate contention , that if any government contrary to my iudgement were set up , that did not apparently in the nature of it wrong the church , i would silently live under it in peace and quietness : and accordingly would be now loth to enter a quarrel with any writers that differ from us in tolerable things : but if i know that their judgement reduced to practice is like to be the undoing of many souls , and to cast discipline almost wholly out of the church , i think it better to displease them , then let them undo the church without contradiction . the best is , the serious christians of this age have experience to help them to understand the case , and i suppose my disputation to be unto them as if i disputed before a man that is restored from want , or banishment or sickness , whether he should be reduced to the condition from which he is restored ? sect. . some passages here will occasion the question ( as p. . ) whether and how far church government is jure divino ? ] but of this , in the main i am agreed with them that i dispute . to speak further , my own judgement is , . that the spirit of god hath established all the officers and worship-ordinances of his church ; and that no new church-office or ordinance of worship ( as to the substance ) may be instituted by man ; . but that there are many circumstantials about the exercise of those offices and ordinances , that are not determined particularly by a law , but are left to humane prudence to determine of , by the general directions of the law. and so i suppose that bishops and presbyters are but one office , of gods institution ; but in the exercise of this office if one for order be made a moderator or president of the rest , or by agreement ( upon a disparity of parts or interest ) do unequally divide their work between them , in the exercise , it is a thing that may be done , and is fit where the edification of the church requireth it , but not a thing that always must be done , nor is of it self a duty , but a thing indifferent . the following case therefore i hence resolve . sect. . quest. [ whether the order of subject presbyters might lawfully be created by bishops or any humane power ? and whether the order of bishops might lawfully be created for the avoiding of schism by the consent of presbyters ? or metropolitans by bishops ? ] answ. if you understand by the word [ order ] a distinct office , none may create any of these but god. but if by [ subject presbyters ] be meant only men of the same office with bishops , that do for the churches benefit subject themselves to the direction or presidency of another , ( upon some disparity in their gifts or the like ) in the exercise of that office , i suppose that this is a thing that by consent may be lawfully done . and so i verily believe that betimes in the church it was done , ( of which anon . ) so if by [ bishops ] be meant no distinct office , but one of the presbyters chosen from among the rest , to exercise his ministery in some eminency above the rest , by reason of his greater gifts , or for peace and order , i doubt not but it is a thing that consent may do : ( and accordingly the canon law defines a bishop that he is [ unus è presbyteris , &c. ] so if by [ a metropolitan ] be not meant another office , but one in the same office , by reason of the advantage of his seat , chosen to some acts of order for the common benefit , i doubt not but it may be done : but every such indifferent thing , is not to be made necessary , statedly and universally to the church . sect. . when i do in these papers plead that the order of subject presbyters was not instituted in scripture times , and consequently that it is not of divine institution , i mean as aforesaid , that as a distinct office , or species of church ministers , as to the power from god , it is not of divine institution , nor a lawful institution of man ; but that among men , in the same office , some might prudentially be chosen to an eminency of degree as to the exercise ; and that according to the difference of their advantages there might be a disparity in the use of their authority and gifts , i think was done in scripture times , and might have been after , if it had not then . and my judgement is , that ordinarily every particular church ( such as our parish churches are ) had more elders then one , but not such store of men of eminent gifts as that all these elders could be such . but as if half a dozen of the most judicious persons of this parish were ordained to be elders , of the same office with my self , but because they are not equally fit for publick preaching , should most imploy themselves in the rest of the oversight , consenting that the publick preaching lie most upon me , and that i be the moderator of them for order in circumstantials : this i think was the true episcopacy and presbytery of the first times . from the mistake of which , two contrary errors have arisen : the one of those that think this moderator was of another office in specie , having certain work assigned him by god , which is above the reach of the office of presbyters to perform ; and that he had many fixed churches for his charge . the other of them that think these elders were such as are called now lay-elders , that is , vnordained men , authorized to govern , without authority to preach , baptize , or administer the lords supper . and so both the prelatical on one side , and the presbyterians and independents on the other side , run out , and mistake the ancient form , and then contend against each other . ( this was the substance of what i wrote to mr. vines , which his subjoyned letter refers to , where he signifieth that his judgement was the same . ) when paul and barnabas were together , paul was the chief speaker , and yet barnabas by the idolaters called jupiter . nature teacheth us that men in the same office should yet have the preheminence that 's due to them by their age , and parts , and interests , &c. and that order should be kept among them , as in colledges and all societies is usual . the most excellent part of our work is publick preaching , but the most of it for quantity is the rest of the oversight of the church ( in instructing personally , admonishing , reproving , enquiring into the truth of accusations , comforting , visiting the sick , stablishing the weak , looking to the poor , absolving , answering doubts , excommunicating , and much more . ) and therefore as there is a necessity ( as the experienced know ) of many elders in a particular church of any great number , so it is fit that most hands should be most imployed about the said works of oversight , yet so as that they may preach as need and occasion requireth ( and administer sacraments ) and that the eminent speakers be most employed in publick preaching , yet so as to do their part of the rest as occasion requireth : and so the former elders that rule well shall be worthy of double honour , but especially these that labour in the word and doctrine , by more ordinary publick preaching : and such kind of seldom-preaching ministers as the former , were in the first times , and should be in most churches yet that are numerous . sect. . when i speak in these papers therefore of other mens concessions that there were de facto in scripture times , but one bishop without any subject presbyters to a particular church , remember that i speak not my own judgement , but urge against them their own concessions : and when i profess my agreement with them , it is not in this , much less in all things , ( for then i needed not disspute against them , ) but it is in this much , that in scripture times there was de facto , . no meer bishop of many particular churches ( or stated worshipping congregations , ) . nor any distinct office or order of presbyters , that radically had no power to ordain , or govern , or confirm , &c. ( which are the subject presbyters i mean. ) sect. . specially remember that by [ bishops ] in that dispute , i mean , according to the modern use , one that is no archbishop , and yet no meer presbyter , but one supposed to be between both , that is , a superior to meer presbyters in order or office , and not only in degree or modification of the exercise ; but below archbishops ( whether in order or degree : ) these are they that i dispute against ; excluding metropolitans , or archbishops from the question , and that for many reasons . sect. . if it were proved or granted that there were archbishops in those times , of divine institution , it would no whit weaken my arguments ; for it is only the lowest sort of bishops that i dispute about : yea it confirmeth them . for if every combination of many particular churches had an archbishop , then the governors of such combinations were not meer bishops , and then the meer bishops were parish bishops , or bishops of single churches only : and that is it that i plead for , against diocesan bishops , that have many of these churches ( perhaps some hundreds ) under one bishop of the lowest rank , having only presbyters under him of another order . sect. . if any think that i should have answered all that is written for an apostolical institution of metropolitans , or of archbishops , or of the subject sort of presbyters , or other points here toucht , i answer them , . in the former my work was not much concerned ; nor can any man prove me engaged to do all that he fancieth me concerned to do . . few men love to be contradicted and confuted , and i have no reason to provoke them further then necessity requireth it . . i take not all that i read for an argument so considerable , as to need replyes . if any value the arguments that i took not to need an answer , let them make their best of them : i have taken none of them out of their hands by robbing them of their books ; if they think them valid , let them be so to them . every book that we write must not be in folio ; and if it were , we should leave some body unanswered still . i have not been a contemner or neglecter of the writings of the contrary-minded . but voluminously to tell the world of that i think they abuse or are abused in , is unpleasing and unprofitable . sect. . and as to the jus divinum of limited diocesses to the apostles as bishops , and of archbishops , metropolitans , &c. i shall say but this : . that i take not all for currant in matter of fact , that two , or three , or twice so many say was done , when i have either cross testimony , or valid reasons of the improbability : i believe such historians but with a humane faith , and allow them such a degree of that , as the probability of their report , and credibility of the persons doth require . . i take it for no proof that all that was done in all the churches , that i am told was done in some . . i take the law of nature and scripture to be the entire divine law , for the government of the church and world. . and therefore if any father or historian tell me , that this was delivered by the apostles as a law to the vniversal church , which is not contained in scriptures , nor to be proved by them , i will not believe them ; no more then i would have believed papius and all his millenary followers , that pretended tradition from saint john ; nor any more then i would have believed the asians or romans that pretended different times for easter , as a tradition apostolical binding the whole church . . if it were proved that de facto the apostles did thus or thus dispose of a circumstance of government or worship , which yet is undetermined in scripture , i take it not for a sufficient proof , that they intended that fact for an universal law , or that they meant to bind all the churches in all ages to do the like : no more then christ intended at the institution of his supper to tie all ages to do it after supper , in an upper room , but with twelve , and sitting , &c. . yea if i had found a direction or command from the apostles , as prudential determiners of a circumstance pro tempore & loco only ( as of the kiss of love , hair , covering , eating things strangled , and blood , &c. ) i take it not for a proof that this is an universal standing law. one or two of these exceptions wil shake off the proofs that some count strong for the universal obligation of the church to diocesans or metropolitans . sect. . that the apostles had episcopal power ( i mean such in each church where they came , as the fixed bishops had ) i doubt not . and because they founded churches according to the success of their labors , and setled them , and if they could , again visited them , therefore i blame not the ancients for calling them the bishops of those churches . but that each man of them was really a fixed metropolitan , or patriarch , or had his proper diocess , in which he was governor in chief , and into which no other apostle might come as an equal governor without his leave , this and such like is as well proved by silence as by all that i have read for it of reason or history , that is , the testimonies of the ancients . i find them sometime claiming a special interest in the children that they have begotten by their ministry : but doubtless when paul & barnabas or silas went together , some might be converted by one , and some by another within the same diocess or city . if any man shall convince me , that any great stress doth lie upon this questiō , i shal be willing to give him more of my reasons for what i say . sect. . and as to them that confidently teach that the apostles suited the ecclesiastical government to the politick , and that as by a law , for the church universally to obey : all the confutation at present that i will trouble them with , shall be to tell them , that i never saw any thing like a proof of it , to my understanding , among all the words that are brought to that purpose : and to tell them , . that if paul chose ephesus , corinth , and other the most populous places to preach in , it was but a prudential circumstantiating of his work , according to that general law of doing all to edification : and not an obligation on all the pastors or preachers of the gospel to do the same where the case is not the same . . and if paul having converted many in these cities do there plant churches ( and no other can be proved in scripture times ) it follows not that we may plant no churches but in cities . . and if the greatest cities had then the most numerous churches and the most eminent pastors fitted to them , and therefore are named with some note of excellency above the rest , it followeth not that the rest about them were under them by subjection . . yea if the bishops of the chief cities for order sake were to call provincial assemblies , and the meetings to be in their cities , and they were to be the presidents of the rest in synods , with such like circumstantial difference , it followeth not that they were proper governours of the rest , and the rest to obey them in the government of their proper charges . nor that they had power to place and displace them . . much less will it prove that these metropolitans ▪ taking the name of diocesans , might put down all the bishops of two hundred churches under them , and set up none but presbyters ( in order distinct from bishops ) over the flocks , besides themselves ; and so the archbishops having extinguished all the first order of bishops of single churches , to take the sole government of so many churches , even people as well as presbyters into their own hands . . and i do not think that they can prove that the apostles did institute as many sorts of church-government then , as there were of civil ●olicy in the world . all the world had not the roman form of government : nor had lesser cities the same dependence upon greater , in all other countryes . . was it in one degree of subordination of officers only , or in all , that the apostles suited the ecclesiasticall government to the civil ? if in one , how is it proved that they intended it in that one , and not in the rest ? if in all , then we must have many degrees of officers , more then yet we have ▪ inferiors very many , and superiors some of all conscience too high : then we must have some to answer the correctors , the consular presidents , and the vicars , and lieutenants , the pro-consuls and prefects , and the emperor himself : even one to be vniversal in the empire ( that 's yet some limit to the pope , and will hazzard the removing of the supremacy to constantinople , by the rule that the apostles are supposed to go by . ) and great variety must there be in the several diocesses of the empire ( which blondell hath punctually described de primatu in eccles. pag. . to . shewing the causes of the inequality of bishopricks and churches . ) . according to this opinion the form of church must alter as oft as emperours will change their policy , or wars shall change them : and upon every change of the priviledges of a city , the churches preheminence must change , and so we shall be in a mutable frame : which if basil and anthymius had understood , might have quicklier decided their controversie . yea according to this opinion , princes may quite take down metropolitans at pleasure , by equalling the priviledges of their cities . the best is then , that it is in the power of our civil governours to dissolve our obligation to metropolitans , yea and to all bishops too , if cities must be their only residence , as i have shewed . sect. . as for them that pretend humane laws for their form of government , that is , the decrees of general councils ; i answer , . i disown and deny all humane laws as obligatory to the church vniversal : it is the prerogative of god , yea the greatest point of the exercise of his soraignty to be the law-giver to his vniversal church . there can be no vniversal laws without an vniversal law-giver : and there is no vniversal law-giver under christ in the world . . and for general councils ( since scripture times at least ) there have beeen no such things nor any thing like them , unless the roman empire , yea a piece of it , be the whole world . i know therfore no humane vniversal laws , whether it be for forms of government , liturgies , holy dayes , or any thing else . sect. . but the principal matter that tends to end our d●fference , is , the right understanding of the nature of that government that is properly ecclesiastical : what is it that we must have diocesans and metropolitans to do ? ( besides what i have granted to apostolical bishops in the third dispute ? ) is it to teach or rule the people of the particular churches ? they cannot do it at so great distance , not knowing them nor conversing with them ; at least so well as they that are on the place , as the ancient bishops were . is it to rule the presbyters only ? why then hath not every church a bishop to rule the flock , but a presbyter that is forbidden to rule them ( in all that which they call iurisdiction themselves ) ? and how is it that presbyters shall be ruled by diocesans , and the diocesans by provincials ? not by force : for the pastors have no coercive power by violence , or touching mens bodies or estates . is it by bare commanding ? why what will that do on dissenters that disobey ? shall they depose the bishops or presbyters that disobey them ? but how ? not by any force , but command , or exhortation , or excommunication . they can do no more that i know of . and what if they excommunicate a pastor ! let the case be supposed as now it is among us : what if a bishop with the few that adhere to him , excommunicated all the pastors in the county that are not satisfied of the divine right of diocesans , or of the lawfulness of all his imposed ceremonies and forms ? the people will take it to be their duty ( most generally where the ministry hath been savingly effectual ) to own their pastors notwithstanding such an excommunication , and the pastors will take it to be their duty to go on with their work : and the excommunication will do no good ( unless perhaps to make some division , and make both parties the scorn of the ungodly , or procure the rabble to rail more bitterly at their pastors , and hate all their advice , be a desireable good . ) and as when the pope excommunicated them , some bishops again excommunicated the pope ; so some of these pastors its like would excommunicate their metropolitans : and why a bishop , or at least a synod of bishops may not cast a wicked metropolitan out of their communion , is past my understanding to conceive . synods are for communion of churches ; and if we had a monarchical , national church in conformity to the common-wealth , i know not how it would stand with the law of god , for the whole nation to hold communion with an heretical primate . a roman synod deposed john the thirteenth , and other popes have been deposed by councils . i conclude therefore , that what ever power men claim , if the magistate interpose not ( which is extrinsick to the church-government in question ) it will work but on mens judgements , call it deposing , excommunicating , or what you please : and this power no man can take from you but by hindring you to speak . you may now depose thus and excommunicate whom you please , and when they have sleighted it , or excommunicated you again , you will have done . nay i think you do excommunicate us already : for you withdraw from our communion , and draw many with you , and so you exercise your power ( i mean it of that party that in the second disputation i have to do with . ) sect . much of my opposition to the english prelacy dependeth on the supposition , that they took all the people , and not only the presbyters for the objects of their government , or for their charge : and i find some of the younger sort that are sprung up since their fall , do doubt of this . but . all men in england that knew but twenty year ago what belonged to these matters , are past doubt of it . and i have no mind to dispute against them that contradict the common knowledge of the nation : as if they should doubt whether we had ever a king in england . . read over the canons , and the yearly visitation articles ( which the church-wardens ordinarily sware to present by , before they had ever read the book , or heard what was in it ) and then judge . . their arguing for the sole iurisdiction of bishops , and that they only were properly pastors , and that presbyters had not the key of discipline , but of doctrine , is some evidence . . it is known to the nation , that the pastors of the parish churches had no power by their laws ( or sufferance ) to cast out any the most enormous sinner or heretick from the church , nor to bring them to open confession of their sin , nor to absolve the penitent , but by reading of their sentence , and publishing what they sent from their courts ; and consequently could do nothing of all the means in order hereto : ( for the means cannot be used where the end is known to be impossible . ) all the obstinate scandalous persons , and scorners at a holy life , we must take as members of our churches , having no power to cast them out . indeed we had the same power as the church-wardens , to put our names to their presentments . but a power of accusing to a chancellors court is not a power of governing ; especially when piety under the name of preciseness and puritanism , was so hated and persecuted , that to have accused a man for meer prophaness would have been so far from obtaining the end , as that it was like to have been the undoing of the accuser , except he had been out of the suspicion of preciseness ( as they called it ) himself . but i need not dispute the with any but those that being bred i● better times ( though far from what we desire ) are unacquainted with the cas● of their predecessor . sect. . object . but do you not contradict your self , in saying the pastors were degraded or suspended , as to the exercise of so great a part of their work , and yet say here , & pref. to the reformed pastor , that the power of discipline was given them ? ] answ. . in their ordination the bishops said to them [ receive the holy ghost : whose sins thou dost remit they are remitted ; whose sins thou dost retain they are detained . ] and in the book of ordination it was asked of them [ whether they would give their faithful diligence always to administer the doctrine and sacraments , and the discipline of christ as the lord hath commanded , and as this realm hath received the same according to the commandements of god ? ] and the rubrick of the common prayer book enableth the curate to admonish open and notorious evil livers by whom the congregation is offended , and those that have wronged their neighbors , that they come not till they have openly declared that they have repented and amended . ] but . this doth but serve to leave them unexcusable , that acknowledged discipline to belong to the office of a presbyter , when yet he might not exercise it . the bishops in the ordination of presbyters enabled them to preach the gospel : and yet they were after that forbidden to preach till they had a license ; and it was put into the visitation articles , to present those ministers that preached without license . if they will deny us the exercise of the power that they first confess belongeth to our office , we are not answerable for their self-contradictions . . by discipline i suppose they mean but our instruction , and our publishing their orders for penance , excommunication , or absolution . . they were the judges of the sense of the laws , as far as the execut●on required : and the vniversal practice of england , with their writings , shewed us , to our cost , their judgement . what good would it do us , if the law had been on our side , while the concurrent iudgement and practice of the governors denyed it , and went against it . . he that had kept a man from the sacrament , according to the plain words of the rubrick , was to have been accountable for it at their courts , and so likely ( if he had been a man of serious piety , and not a persecutor of puritans ) to have been undone by it , and was like to make so little of it , as to the ends of discipline ( all men being compelled by the presentments to receive the sacrament ) that i never knew one ( to my best remembrance ) in years time that i lived under the bishops , that was kept from the sacrament , except a puritan that scrupled to take it kneeling . and what was this to true church-government ? sect. . object . but either they did it according to the established law , or not : if they did , the fault was in the law , and not in them : if they did transgress the law , then the fault was in mens abuse , and the law and order cannot be blamed . answ. a sad case to poor ignorant miserable souls , that they must be left in obstinacy , and deprived of gods means of reformation without remedy , because either the law or iudges must be excused . the iudges are the mouth of the law to us : that is law in the issue to us which they unanimously call law. if the fault were in the law , it was time it should be altered : if it was in the bishops universally , it was time they should be altered . let us but have a remedy , and enjoy gods ordinances , which he that is the churches head and king hath appointed for our benefit , and we have done . sect. . object . but may not bishops when they ordain , delegate what measure of ministerial power they please ? and if you never received more , why should you use it ? ] answ. a poor relief to the forsaken church : deprive her of government , and then tell us that we had no power ! is the power desirable to us , if the ordinance were not desirable to the church ? . what power have bishops , and whence did they receive it , to change the office of christs institution , or his apostles ? if so , they may turn the three orders ( which the papists themselves say the pope cannot alter ) into as many more . then they may create an office for baptizing only , and another for the lords supper only , and another for praying only , and so of the rest ; which is worse then making lay-elders , or then taking away the cup in the sacrament . hath christ by his spirit instituted church-offices , and are they now at the bishops power to transform them ? . if they had power to distribute the work in the exercise , part to one , and part to another , yet they have no power to deprive the particular churches of the whole or any part ; but one or more must do it , and the office must be the same , and the power exercised to the edification , and not the confusion and corruption of the church . sect. . object . but the keys were given only to the apostles , and not to the seventy disciples nor to presbyters . ] answ. . if the seventy were only disciples , and not church-officers , the ancients and the english bishops have been much mistaken , that have so much urged it , that presbyters succeed them as bishops do the apostles : but if they be officers , then they have the keys . . the episcopal divines , even the papists , commonly confess that part of the keys are given to the presbyters : and christ gave them together . . were they given only to apostles for themselves , or to convey to others ? if to themselves only , then no one hath them now . if to convey to others , then either to apostles only as their successors ( but there 's none such ) or to patriarchs or primates , or metropolitans , or archbishops only : ( but none of this will please the bishops ) or to bishops only ; which i grant , taking bishops in the scripture sense . and i desire to see it proved , that it was not a presumptuous innovation in them whosoever they were , that after the days of the apostles ordained a new sort of presbyters in the church that should have no power of the keys . . they that must use the keys , must have power to use them . but parish bishops must use them ( as the nature and necessity of the work doth prove : ) therefore parish bishops must have the power . if only one man in a diocess of an hundred or two hundred churches shall have the power of the keys , we may know after all the talk of discipline , what discipline to expect . sect. . object . why blame you lay-chancellors , registers , proctors , &c. when you set up lay-elders ? we are as well able to call chancellors ecclesiastical , as you can call lay-elders so . ] answ. i never pleaded for lay-elders : if other men erre , will it justifie your error ? but i must tell you , an unordained man in a single parish , having power only to assist the pastor in government , is far unlike a lay-court to govern all the churches of a diocess . sect. . object . do not your arguments against bishops for excluding discipline , make as much for the casting out of ministers , of whom you complain in your reformed pastor for neglect of discipline ? ] ans. . the nature of prelacy as set up in england , ●here only one man had the government of so many churches , unavoidably excludeth it , if the best men were bishops ( till it be otherwise formed : ) but the nature of a parochial episcopacy is fitted to promote it . . those presbyters that i blamed for neglecting the higher acts of discipline , do yet keep away more prophane persons from the lords supper in some one church , then ever i knew kept away in all places under the prelates . . if ministers sinfully neglect discipline , yet as preachers and guides , in publick worship , &c. they are of unspeakable need and value to the church : but few bishops of england preached ordinarily : and . we are desirous that bishops shall continue as preachers , but not as diocesan excluders of parochial church-discipline . sect. . object . by pretending to agree with them that say there were no presbyters in scripture times , you would put down presbyters , and then the government of the church will be such as you blame . ans. it is the thing i plead for , that every church may have such bishops as they had in the apostles days , and not meer ( new devised presbyters ) that are of another office and order . sect. . object . bishops had deacons to attend them in the scripture times , though not presbyters ; therefore it follows not that bishops had then but one congregation . answ. yes beyond doubt : for deacons could not , and did not perform the pastoral part in the whole publick worship of any stated churches . they did not preach ( as deacons ) and pray and praise god in the publick assemblies , and administer the sacraments : it 's not affirmed by them that are against us : therefore there were no more churches then bishops . sect. . object . but what doth your arguing make against the other episcopal divines that are not of the opinion that there were no meer presbyters in scripture times ? answ. . other arguments here are as much against them , though this be not ( if they maintain that sort of episcopacy which i oppose . ) . they also confess the smalness of churches in scripture times : ( as i have shewed out of bishop downam ; ) and that is it that i plead for . sect. . object . but if you would have all reduced to the state that de facto the church government was in in scripture times , you would have ( as but one church to a bishop , so ) but one bishop to a church ; as dr. h. dissert . c. , , , . hath proved copiously , that is , that scripture mentioneth no assistant presbyters with the bishop : and would that please you , that think a single congregation should have a presbyterie ? you should rather as he teacheth you , c. . p. . be thankful to ignatius , and acknowledge the dignity of your office , ab ●o primario defensore astrui & propugnari . ] answ. as we make no doubt from plain scripture to prove , ( and have proved it ) that single churches had then many presbyters ( some of them at least : ) so having the greatest part of fathers and episcopal divines of our mind herein , ( even epiphanius himself ) we need not be very solicitous about the point of testimony o● authority . . we had rather of the two have but one pastor to a congregation , then one to a hundred or two hundred congregations , having a presbyter under him in each , authorized only to a part of the work . . either the distinct office of the presbyters is of divine institution , to be continued in the church , or not . if not , bishops or some body it seems may put down the office. if it be , then it seems all gods vniversal standing laws ( even for the species of church officers ) are not contained in scripture . and if not in scripture , where then ? if in the fathers , . how shall we know which are they , and worthy of that name and honor ? . and what shall we do to reconcile their contradictions ? . and what number of them must go to be the true witnesses of a divine law ? . and by what note may we know what points so to receive from them , and what not ? but if it be from councils that we must have the rest of the laws of god ( not contained in the scripture . ) . is it from all or some only ? if from all , what a case are we in , as obliged to receive contradictions and heresies ? if from some only , which are they , and how known , and why they rather then the rest ? why not the second of ephesus as well as the first at constantinople . but this i shall not now further prosecute , unless i were dealing with the papists ( to whom have said more of it , in another writing . ) . ignatius his presbyters were not men of another office , nor yet set over many churches that had all but one bishop : but they were all in the same churches with the bishop , and of the same office , only subject to his moderation or presidency for vnity and order sake : and this we strive not against , if limited by the general rules of scripture . sect. . object . those that you have to deal with say not , that [ there were no presbyters in the apostles days , but only that in the apostles writings , the word [ bishops ] always signifies bishops , and the word elders either never or but rarely presbyters . but it is possible for them to be in the time of those writings that are not mentioned in those writings ; and the apostles times were larger then their writings , as you are told vind. against the lond. minist . p. . ] ans. . the words i cited ( from annot. in act. . ) faithfully , which you may peruse : which say that there is no evidence that in scripture times any of the second order were instituted . ] so that it is not scripture writings only , but scripture times that 's spoken of . and . if there be no evidence of it , the church cannot believe it or affirm it ; for it judgeth not of unrevealed things ; and therefore to us it is no institution that hath no evidence . . the apostles were all dead save john before the end of scripture times : so that they must be instituted by john only : and john dyed the next year after scripture times , as the chief chronologers judge : for as he wrote his apocalypse about the th year of domitian , so his gospel the year before trajan , and dyed the next year , being after the commoner reckoning , an. d. . and some think more . and what likelihood , or proof at least , that john did institute them the year that he dyed ? when the same men tell us of his excursion into asia to plant elders ( b●fore that year , it 's like . ) . and if they were not instituted in scripture time , then no testimony from antiquity c●n prove them then instituted . but indeed if we had such testimony and nothing of it in the scripture it self , we should take it as little to our purpose . for . doth ant●quity say that the institution was divine , of universal obligation to the church , or only that it was but a prudential limitation of the exercise of the same office ( the like i demand of other like testimonies in case of diocesses , metropolitans , &c. ) if only the later , it binds us not , but proveth only the licet , and not the oportet at least , as to all the church . and then every countrey that finds cause , may set up another kind of government : ●ut if it be the former that is asserted as from antiquity , then the scripture containeth not all gods vniversal laws ; which who ever affirmeth , must go to fathers or councils instead of scripture to day , and to the infallibility of the pope , or a prophetical inspiration to morrow , and next — sect. . once more to them that yet will maintain that the apostles modelled the ecclesiastical form to the civil , and that as a law to the whole church , we take it as their concession , that then we ow no more obedience to the archbishop of canterbury , then to the civil magistrate of canterbury , ( and especially london sure is exempted from his superiority . ) and i yet know not that any civil magistrate of canterbury , or york , or london , or worcester , hath any government in this countrie , except the soveraign rulers at westminster be meant . and i hope our itinerant course of iudges , will prove the right ( to the objectors ) of itinerant apostolical overseers of the churches , for settlement at least . sect. . object . but parishes being not divided till long after the apostles days , there might be then no ordinary assemblies but in the city ; and yet the whole territory adjacent be the diocess . ] answ. were there in the territories persons enough to make many assemblies , or only so few as might travel to , and joyn with the city assembly ? if the latter , it 's it that i assert , as usual in the first age at least ; if the former , then either all those in the territories met for publick worship and communion , or not : if not , they sinned against the law of god that obliged them thereto as well as citizens : if they did , then they must have either bishop or presbyter with them , for the due performance of that worship . sect. . if any think all these stragling objections and advertisements here unseasonable , i render him this true account of them : this first disputation was prepared only for our ordinarily monthly exercises here , and so written long ago , before the london ministers book , or the answer to it , and the rest that have followed , and therefore could not take notice of much that hath since passed , and withal was not intended for publick view : but when i saw s● many of the gentry and commonalty withdraw from the publick worship , and the ignorant and prophane had learnt to refel their pastors instructions , by calling him a lay-man , and saw how the new separation threatned the perdition of multitudes of the people , & especially was awakened by the calls of ministers in other countries that were far more troubled with them then we , i thought meet to prefix this to the second disputation , which was it that was desired of me : and therefore to take notice of those things so late . sect. . and the common experience tells you that it is not a few that go the way that lately was singular even among the episcopal ; to which i may add the testimony in vindic. against the london ministers , p. . [ and though i might truly say that for those more minute considerations or conjectures , wherein this doctor differs from some others — he hath the suffrages of many of the learnedst men of this church at this day ( and as far as he knows , of all that embrace the same cause with him ) &c. — ] sect. . and this at least i may expect from the reader , that if he think we argue weakly , he will confess that we argue not for worldly greatness , but go against our carnal interest . we contend against bishopricks of the english mode , as desiring no such wealth or honour . some of us have as good opportunities to have a part in that kind of greatness if it were again introduced , as they : but i am not able alone for a parish charge , and am loth to have more on my hands , and my accounts ; which is i suppose the mind of my brethren also . sect. . one more advertisement i owe the reader , that this being written so long since i was made confident by bishop usher , de primordiis eccl. brit. that ireland was the ancient scotia where palladius , &c. planted the gospel , which pag. . i have signified . but i should wrong scotland , if i should not tell thee , that i have received such arguments to the contrary since then , from the right honourable , and my highly valued friend , the earl of lawderdail , that i am forced to suspend my judgement in that point , till i have leisure better to study the point , being yet unable to answer the said arguments . whether it be necessary or profitable to the right order or the peace of the churches of england that we restore the extruded episcopacy ? in this question here are these three things supposed . . that there are yet particular churches of christ in england : and therefore those that conclude that there hath been no church among us since the diocesan bishops were laid by , are none o● them that we are now disputing with : and indeed we think so gross a conceit unworthy of a confutation . . it is supposed that both the right order and the peace of these churches are matters highly to be valued . . and also that its our duty for the obtaining of it , to do that which is necessary or profitable thereto . but the doubt is ▪ whether the episcopacy in question be necessary or profitable thereto ? for the decision whereof i shall briefly tell you my judgement , in these propositions , whereof the two first are but preparatory . proposition . a peace with the divines of the episcopal judgement , is much to be desired and earnestly to be endeavoured . prop. . a certain episcopacy may be yielded to , for the peace ( if not for the right order ) of the church . prop. . the diocesan episcopacy which was lately in england , and is now laid by , may not lawfully be re-assumed or re-admitted , as a means for the right order or peace of the church . . for the first of these , i think it easie to prove that we ought to seek an agreement in the episcopal controversie , with those that differ from us in that point . for , . they are brethren , of the same faith with us , whom we are bound to love and honour , and therefore to use all just means for peace with them . if we must as much as in us lyeth , if possible , live peaceably with all men , rom. . . much more with brethren of the same family and profession . . they are very many ; and the far greatest ( though not the purest ) part of the church is of their mind : all the greek church , and the ethiopian church , and the jacobites , armenians , and all other parties without the verge of the reformation from popery here in the west , that ever i read or heard of , are all of that way , besides all the romane church : and , though i know that much ignorance , and imperfection , if not superstition and fouler errors may be justly charged on the greek , ethiopian , &c. churches , as well as on rome ( though not popery it self ) yet i think there is scarce a good christian that is not unwilling to cast off so great a part of the church of christ , as these are indeed , he that dares so far despise all the churches of christ on earth except these few that are happily reformed , as to think that it is no duty of ours ▪ to seek unity and peace with them , by all just means , i think is no meet person for us to dispute with . it is the hainous sin of rome , to despise and unchurch greeks , ethiopians , and all save themselves , which i hope protestants will never imitate , who have justly condemned them so deeply for it . let the donatists shut up the church of christ in afr●ca , and call the rest cecilians ; and let the papists reduce it to the subscribers to their trent confession , or to them only that believe in the popes universal headship and government , and call all others hereticks : yet will all true catholicks imitate augustine and the councils that were called against the donatists , who still described the catholike church to be that which was dispersed over the world , having begun at ierusalem : and though to gods praise we dare rejoycingly affirm , that the most illustrious and the soundest part of it is in europe , among the reformed , yet dare we not say that it is all or the greatest part here ; nay we confess that we are but a small part of christs church . and therefore common sobriety may tell us , that the peace of so great a part of christs church as is in all the rest of the world , is highly to be valued , and sought with all our might , in righteousness . moreover , even among the reformed churches there are many for some episcopacy or superintendency : as the church of england and ireland was lately for diocesan episcopacy : so the churches in denmark , sweden , saxionie , and other parts of germany , transilvania , &c. are for a lower sort of episcopacy , called superintendency among them . . and the quality of many of the divines of that way , is such as bespeaks our greatest reverence to them , and should move us to thirst after unity and reconciliation with them . many of them are men of eminent learning and godliness , and sound in the faith . i know that it is commonly objected , that they are generally ungodly men that are that way ; and though some of them are learned men , yet they are all , or almost all , of careless and carnal lives , or meerly formal and superstitious , and therefore their communion is not much to be desired . to which i answer . . the plain undenyable truth is that it was so here with the most of them in the bishops dayes , where ever i was acquainted : there were more ministers in many places that would have scorned , threatned or troubled a man for a godly diligent life , then that would lead him that way by a good example . we must speak that truth that cannot be hid , whoever be displeased . to this day , too many of that way are careless and scandalous . but then consider withall , . that it is but too common for the common sort even of ministers as well as people , to be careless and bad , what ever opinions they are of : especially if the times do discountenance practical religiousness , the greater part are likely to follow the times , being that way also so strongly enclined by nature . . consider also that we have had , and have men of that judgement that have been excellent instruments of the churches good , and so eminent for gods graces and gifts , that their names will be pretious whilest christ hath in england a reformed church : were there in all england but one such man dissenting from us , as hooper , farrar , latimer , cranmer , ridley , iewel , abbot , davenant , vsher , hall , &c. what sober godly man would not be exceeding solicitous for a reconciliation ? i am sure ( besides the godliness of their lives , and painful preaching ) one iewel , one vsher , one davenant , hath done so much against the roman usurpers , as they will never well claw it off them to the last . moreover who knoweth not that most of the godly able ministers of england since the reformation , did judge episcopacy some of them lawful , and some of them most fit ( for the non-conformists were but few : ) and that even before this late trouble and war , the most , even almost all , of those that were of the late assembly at westminster , and most through the land , did subscribe and conform to episcopal government , as a thing not contrary to the word of god : so that it is evident that it is very consistent with a godly life to judge episcopacy lawful and fit ; or else we should not have had so many hundred learned and godly men of that mind . and i am not altogether unapt to believe , that many of them yet are so far reconcileable to it ( moderated , ) that if it were again established , they would submit to it as they did : for i hear but of few that have made any recantation of their former conformity ; but contrarily have known divers of them profess a reconcilableness as aforesaid , as mr. gataker doth in one of his books express his own judgement . if i have proved this preparatory proposition ( which i think needeth but litle proof , ) then have i also proved . that they have sinned much who have hitherto forborn the use of any means for peace , which was in their power . . and that we are bound our selves to desire and seek after a peace with such men : and that we cannot discharge a good conscience while we neglect such means as is within our reach , and fit for us to use . the second proposition is , that [ a certain episcopacy may be yielded to , for the peace , if not also for the right order of the church ] in the declaration of my judgement concerning this , i make no doubt but i shall displease both sides ; the one for yielding so much ; the other for yielding no more . but jacta est alea : i live not upon mens favour , nor the air of their applause : that truth which displeaseth at present , may tend to peace , and produce it at the last , when the angry humour is allayed , or at least , when the angry age is gone . for the clearer determination of this and the main question following it is necessary that i here stay . to open the nature of church-government in general : . to open the sence of the word [ episcopacy ] and the several sorts of bishops . and then . i shall tell you what sort of episcopacy it is that i could yield to for the churches peace . . i must confess i think that the greatest part of the controversie by far , is in this first question , of the nature of ecclesiastical government , strictly so called , which is only in the hands of christs ministers , bishops or whomsoever , commonly called , clergy men . a●d concerning this ( having written my thoughts more largely el●ewhere ) i shall now lay down these few propositions . prop. . all this power ecclesiastical is jure divino , given from god himself ; and that either immediately , or by the mediation only of the ap●stles . i mean as to the determination in specie , what it shall be , and the constitution of that order and power in the church , though perhaps some other causes , at least * sine quibus non may intervene for the reception of this power by an individual person . these therefore that plead only the laws of the land , or only canons of former bishops for their standing or authority , do say nothing that as to our controversie is regardable . wh●t men do , they may undo , if there be reason for it , and if it depend on their authority , we must submit to their reason . prop. . this divine constitution of the species of church-power and government , is to be found wholly in the written word of god , called the holy scriptures . this we are agreed on against the papists , who would supply the supposed defects of scripture by their unwritten traditions , which they call the other part of gods word . church canons and laws of men may determine of some modes and circumstances for the better execution of the laws of god , by the people whom they are over : but they cannot make new church ordinances or governments , nor convey a power which god the fountain of power did not ordain and convey : nor can they give what they themselves had not . the church-office and authority therefore that is not proved from the holy scripture , is to be taken as the fruit of humane arrogancy and presumption . yet i deny not but that we may find much in antiquity , in fathers and councils about matters of fact to help us to understand some scriptures , and so to discern the matter of right . prop. . the scripture doth not contradict , but suppose and confirm the light of nature ; nor doth it impose upon any man natural impossibilities , nor constitute offices which cannot be executed , or which would destroy that end to which they are supposed to be constituted . prop. . ecclesiastical authority comprehendeth not the power of the sword , nor any power of using violence to mens bodies , or laying mulcts or confiscations on their estates . the ecclesiastical power which christ ordained , was exercised for the first three hundred years without any touching of mens bodies or purses , before there were any christian princes . prop. . magistrates are not eo nomine obliged to punish men because they are excommunicated ( whether upon every just excommunication they should punish , i will not now dispute ) but they are bound to know that their penalties be deserved , before they inflict them ; and therefore must themselves take cognisance of the cause , and as rational agents , understand before they act ; and not blindly follow the judgements of the bishops , as if they were but as executioners where the bishops are judges . prop. . * the power of the highest church-governours is but an authority of directing in the way to salvation : it is but directive : but then there is no room for the common objection , that [ then it is no greater then any other man may perform ; ] for it is one thing to direct occasionally from charity , and another thing to direct by authority in a standing office , as purposely appointed hereunto . † the power of church-governors is but of the same nature as is the power of a physitian over his patients , or of a school-master over his schollers , supposing he had not the power of the rod or actual force , but such a power as the professors of philosophy or other sciences had in their several schools upon the adult ( nor all so great neither ; because the laws by which we must rule , are made to our hands , as to the substantials . ) hence therefore it is plain , that as we can bind or force no man to believe us , or to understand the truth , and to be christians , but by the power of demonstrated evidence , and by the light which we let in ( through gods grace ) into their consciences , so neither can we cause any to execute our sentences against offenders further than by light we convince them that it is their duty : so that if all the bishops or presbyteries in the land should judge such or such an opinion to be heresie , and should excommunicate those that own it as hereticks , in this case if the church do believe as the pastors believe , they will consent and avoid the excommunicate person ; but if they take it to be gods truth which the pastors call heresie , they will not take themselves bound by that sentence to avoid him : nor will the offender himself any further be sensible of a penalty in the sentence , then he shall be convinced that he hath erred ; and if the church avoid him , he will justifie himself , and judge that they do it wrongfully , and will glory in his suffering : so that it is on the conscience that church-governors can work ; and no otherwise on the outward man , but mediante conscientiâ . prop. . the ground of this is partly because no church governors can bind any man contrary to gods word : clave errante , & ita apparente , if the people know that he erreth , they are not to obey him against god. yet in the bare inconvenient determination of some circumstantials , by which the duty is not destroyed , but less conveniently performed , the people are bound to obey their governors , because it is not against gods determination , and because he erreth but in an undetermined point , of which god appointed him to be the orderly determiner . but if god have once determined , no mans contrary determination can oblige ; nor yet if they go beyond the sphere of their own work , and determine of an aliene subject , which god did never commit to their determination : else a minister , or bishop , might oblige every taylor how to cut his garment , and every sho●-maker how to cut his shoe , so that they should sin if they did disobey , which is ridiculous to imagine : and if they go about to introduce new stated ordinances or symbols in the church which they have nothing to do with , or in any other work shall assume to themselves a power which god never gave them , it doth no more oblige then in the former case . prop. . another reason of the sixth proposition , is , because the people have a iudgement of discerning , whether the governors do go according to gods word or not : else they should be led blindfold , and be obliged by god to go against gods word , whensoever their governors shall go against it . it is not bruits or infants , but rational men that we must rule . prop. . the three things which church power doth consist in , are ( in conformity to the three parts of christs own office ) . about matter of faith , . about matter of worship , . about matter of practice in other cases . . church-governors about doctrine or matters of faith , are the peoples teachers , but cannot oblige them to err , or to believe any thing against god , nor make that to be truth or error that is not so be●ore . . in matter of worship , church-guides are as gods priests , and are to go before the people , and stand between god and them , and present their prayers and prayses to god , and administer his holy mysteries , and bless them in his name . . the commanding power of pastors is in two things : . in commanding them in the name of christ to obey the laws which he hath made them already . and this is the principal . . to give them new directions of our own , which as is said , . must not be against gods directions . . nor about any matter which is not the object of our own office , but is without the verge of it . . but it is only in the making of under laws , for the better execution of the laws of christ ; and those under-laws must be only the determination of ci●cumstances about gods service which scripture hath made necessary in genere , but left to the governors determination in specie ; and they are such as are al●erable in several ages , countries , &c. so that it had been unfit for christ to have determined them in his word , because his word is an u●iversal law for all ages and countries ; and these circumstances will not bear an universal determination : else why could not christ have done it ? nay how is his law perfect else that doth omit it ? for example , god hath commanded us to read the word , preach , hear , sing , which must necessarily be done in some time , place , gesture , number of words , &c. but he hath not commanded us on what day of the week our lecture shall be , or at what hour of the day , nor what chapter i shall read , nor how many at once , nor what text i shall preach on , nor what psalm i shall sing , nor in what words i shall pray , whether imposed by others , or not , whether with a book , or foreconce●ved form , or not ; nor whether i shall read with spectacles or without , or whether i shall discern how the time p●sseth by an hour-glass , or by the clock , or by conjecture without them . these therefore and other such like , must humane prudence determine of . but with these cautions . . these are mostly matters that require a various determination in several places according to the great variety of circumstances ; and therefore it is for the most part fitter for the particular pastor of that church , who is upon the place , and seeth the case , to determine them pro re nata , * then for synods , or distant prelates , to do it by general laws or canons binding all . . though upon a small misdetermination of such a circumstance ▪ the people must obey , yet if it be so grosly misdetermined as to destroy the duty it self circumstantiated , or to be notoriously against the end which it is pretended for , then they are not to obey it . as if a pastor would appoint the people to hear in the night only , or at such unseasonable times that they cannot come , or in many the like cases . note also tha● it is one thing to prescribe these matters in a direct regimental respect , and that belongeth to him upon the place ▪ and its another thing to prescribe them for common vnion or con●ord among many churches , and that belongs to a synod , ( of which a●on . ) and it is most certain by sad experience , that scarce any thing hath broken the uni●y and peace of the church more , than unnecessary determinations pretended to be for its ●nity and peace . could men have been content to have made gods laws the center and touchstone of the churches unity , all had been well : but when they must make canons for this vesture , and that gesture , and the other ceremony , and determine in what words all men shall pray , and how many words he shall say , or how long he shall be , and so make standing laws upon mutable circumstances , and this without any necessity at all , but meerly to domineer , as if they had been themselves ordained and entrusted with gods worship and mens souls ; such sottish presbyters , that know not how to speak or do any thing but as it is prescribed them , nor how to carry themselves soberly or reverendly without being obliged which way to bow , and when and how oft , with the like . unnecessary things made necessary have destroyed the churches peace ; and so blind are the authors of it , that yet they will not see their errour , though the cries , and groans , and blood of the churches have proclaimed it so long . the church historie of these one thousand and three hundred years at least doth tell us that it is the church governours by their too much business and overdoing in such wayes , even by too bold and busie determinations about doctrines or ceremonies , that have broken all in peices and caused that confusion , dissention and seemingly remediless divisions in the church . prop. . in cases which are beyond the present understanding of the people , they are bound as learners , to submit to the judgement of their guides : if they see no sufficient cause , either in the matt●r to cause them to suspect that their teachers are mistaken , or in their teachers to cause them to suspect them to be seducers , they owe them ●o much credit and respect as their guides , as to believe them fide humanà , or to suppose that they are likelier to be in the righ● then themselves ; and therefore in matters of doctrine not to contradict them , but to submit to learn of them , till by learning they come to that ripeness of understanding , as to be capable of discerning the errors of their guides , and so to contradict them groundedly , if indeed they err : so also i● the order of variable ●ircumstantials about the service of god , though the people ought not to obey their governours , if under tha● pretence they should command them things sinful ; yet when they are not able to see any certain evil in the thing commanded , nor so strong a probability of evil as should cause them to suspend obedience while they take better advice , in such a case it is their duty to obey the guides of the church . for they are certain that they are commanded to obey them that rule over them , and watch for their souls , heb. . . but they are not certain that in such a case it is an evil that is prescribed by them , nor is it supposed to be much probable ; therefore a certain evil of disobedience must be avoided before an uncertain and improbable evil . this the very office of church governours doth plainly import . object . then if the minister mistake , all the people that understand not the grounds of the matter , must err for company . answ. if by must , you speak of their duty , i deny the consequence : for their duty is to be men of understanding , and to see the truth in its own evidence , and so not to err ; but if by must , you only express a necessity of infirmity which they have sinfully contracted themselves , then i yield all : but i say , that it is a greater sin to disobey their guides , without known reason , and consequently never to obey them in any case beyond the present knowledge of the people , then it is to follow them fide humana in such mistakes as we have no sufficient means at present to discover . for the former will overthrow almost all ministration and church-government . obj. then it is no sin for an ignorant man to err with his teacher for company . answ. i deny that consequence : for it is his sin to be an ignorant man : and consequently to have any error . but supposing him already ignorant by his own sinfulness , and that the ministers of the gospel come to heal it , we may well say that it is his greater sin to disbelieve and disobey them without apparent cause , then to mistake with them where he is not able to discern the mistake . prop. . he that disobeyeth the word of god in the mouth of a minister or church governor , committeth a double sin , in comparison of him that disobeyeth the same word in the mouth of a private man : for bsides the sin which he first committeth , he breaketh also the fifth commandment , and despiseth christ in his messenger : as a man that shall refuse to worship god , to use his name reverently , &c. when a private man telleth him that it is his duty , doth sin by that refusal : but if he refuse it when his own father or mother , or minister command him , he also breaks the fifth commandment besides the rest . ministerial authority therefore doth aggravate the sins of persons that are disobedient . prop. . yet for all this , one private man that evinceth out of scripture a sin or a duty contrary to the doctrine or commands of our guides , must be regarded in that before them ; and the evidence and divine verity which he bringeth must not be refused , because church governors are against it . otherwise we should make gods officers to be greater then himself ; and the promulgators and preachers of his law , to have power to null or frustrate the known law which they should proclaim , and that the means is to be preferred before the end , and when it destroyes the end , and so ceaseth it self to be a means , which are things not to be imagined . prop. . yet is it a great sin for any men lightly and rashly to suspect their teachers and rulers , and much more councils or the whole church ; and too easily to credit the singular opinions of any private man or dissenting pastor . but we should be very suspicious of the private man rather , and of the singular man ; and therefore should search well , and see good reason for it before we credit them , though we may not refuse any truth which they shall bring . prop. ● . the uses of synods or councils , is not directly to be superiour governours of particular pastors and churches ; but it is directly . for the information and edification of the pastor● themselves by the collation of their reasons and mutual advice ; . for the vnion and communion of the said pastors , and of the particular churches by them : that they may agree in one , and go hand in hand to do gods work ; and so may avoid the crossing and hindering of each other , and one may not receive those to communion without satisfaction , who are excommunicated by others , and so that by this concord of pastors they may be strengthened to a more successfull performance of their duties . but then , these direct ends of synods being presupposed , indidirectly they may truly be said to be for government ; because god in general having commanded us to carry on his work as much as we can in unity and peace , and it being the proper work of councils to agree upon wayes of unity , it followeth that for unity sake it becomes our duty to submit to their just agreements ; and so that the forming of such agreements or canons , is consequently or indirectly a part of government , though directly it is but for unity and concord . pastors in synods have the same power over their people as they have out : and therefore what canons they make justly for the government of the people , as pastors , are directly acts of government : but as assembled pastors , and also as to the canons by which they bind each other , they act but by consent or contract in order to concord and communion , and not by a superiour ruling power . so that synods as synods are directly only gratiâ vnitatis & communionis , and not gratia regiminis ; but indirectly and by consequence from the first use , they are after a sort regimental . to conclude this about the nature of church-government , in the two former similitudes it is somewhat apparent : for christ calls himself the physitian that comes to heal diseased souls : and his church is also a school , and his people are all schollars or disciples , and ministers his ushers or under-schoolmasters . now the physitian may prescribe to his patient the times , the quantities of taking medicines , and what diet to use , and what exercise in order to his health ; and also physitians may make a colledge , and frequently meet for mutual edification , and agree what patients to meddle with , and what not , and that they will not receive those patients that run from one to another to their own hurt , and that they will use none but such and such approved medicaments , with divers the like circumstances . but yet no physitian can either compell men to be their patients ; nor compell them ( any otherwise then by perswasion ) to take their medicines , when they are their patients ; nor can they corporally punish them for any disobedience to their directions : but this they may do : they may tell them first that if they will not be ruled , they shall be without the physitians help , and then their desease will certainly kill them , or endanger them ; and if the patient continue so disobedient as to frustrate the means of cure , the physitian may give him over , and be his physitian no more ; and this is the power of a church guide , and this is his way of punishing : only he may further acquaint them with a divine commission , then a physician can do to his patient , ( at least gradually ) and so press obedience more effectually on their consciences . so a schoolmaster may make orders for the right circumstantiating of matters in his school ( supposing one grammer enjoyned by superiour authority , ) and he may order what authors shall be read , and at what hours , and how much at a time , and dispose of the seats and orders of his schollars : but yet if he be a teacher of the adult , according to our case , he cannot corporally punish those that either refuse to be his schollars , or to learn of him or obey him ; but the utmost that he can do is to put some disgrace upon them while they abide in his school , and at last to shut them out . and then all the schoolmasters in the countrey may well agree upon one method of teaching , and that they will not receive those without satisfaction into one school , who are for obstinacy and abuse cast out of another . but such agreements or meetings to that end do not make either one physitian or schoolmaster to be the governour of the rest , or above another , nor yet to have the charge of all the schollars or patients of all the rest ; so is it in the case of ecclesiastical assemblies . having said this much concerning the nature of church-power and government , i come to the second thing promised , which is to enumerate the several sorts of bishops that are to fall under our consideration , that so we may next consider , which of them are to be allowed of . and here i suppose none will expect that i shew them all these sorts distinctly existent ; it is enough that i manifest them to be in themselves truly different . . and first the name [ bishop ] may be given to one , that is only the overseer or ruler of the people of one particular church , and not of any church-rulers themselves : that ruleth the flock , but not any shepherds . . those also may be called bishops , who only are ioint-rulers with others of a particular church , and presidents among the elders of that one church for vnity and order sake , without assuming any government over those elders . . a third sort there are that are presidents in such an eldership , and withal do take a negative voice in the government , so that nothing shall be done without them in such affairs . a fourth sort are the sole pastors of such a particular church that have many ministers under them as their curates , who are properly to be ruled by them alone ; so that the pastor is the sole ruler of that church , and the curates do only teach and otherwise officiate in obedience to him : which is the case of divers ministers of great parishes , that keep one curate at their parish church , and others at their chappels . yet it s one thing to be the sole ruler of the parish , and another to rule the rest of the elders . . a fifth sort of bishops are those that are the fixed presidents of a classis of the pastors of many particular churches ; who hold the title durante vitâ , or quàm diu bene se gesserint , though they are in use only while the classis sitteth , and have only a power of moderating and ordering things , as the foreman of a jury , or a double or casting voice , as the bayliff in elections in most corporations , or as the president in some colledges ; but no negative voice , which maketh a power equal with all the rest . . a sixth sort are the heads of such classes , having a negative voice , so that the rest can do nothing without them . . a seventh sort are the presidents of provinces or diocesses containing many classes , which have only a moderating power , but no negative voice . . an eighth sort are the bishops of particular cities with all the rural parts that are near it , containing many churches ; who assume the power of governing that diocess to themselves alone without the presbyters of the particular churches , either not using them at all in matter of government , or only consulting with them in assemblies , but giving them no determining votes . . a ninth sort is a diocesan bishop of such a city , who doth not take upon him the rule of the people of the diocess ( beyond his own congregation ) but only of the pastors ; supposing that the several pastors or presbyters have power to rule the several congregations , but withall that they themselves are to be ruled by him . . a tenth sort are such bishops as assume the government of these diocesan bishops , which are common●y called archbishops : to which also we adjoyn metropolitans , primates , and patriarchs , who assume the power of governing all below them : as under the seventh rank i do also for brevity comprehend metropolitans , primates , and patriarchs , who assume no governing power over other bishops , but only the primam sedem , and the moderating power in councils . . the eleventh sort are unfixed general pastors , called ambulatory , or itinerant , that have a care of all the churches , and are no further tyed to any particulars , then a● the necessary defect of their natural capacity ( seeing they cannot be in all places at once , ) or else the dispatch of that work which they there meet with , before they go further , and some such occasion doth require : and being excluded out of no part of the church , further then by consent for the common good , they shall exclude themselves ; such , i mean , as the apostles were . . the twelfth and last sort is the judas that goes under the name of st. peters successor , and christs vicar general , or the vice-christ , who claimeth a power of governing the whole universal church as its head , having infallible power of determi●ing controversies , and matters of faith , and whose office must enter the definition of the catholick church , and those that separate from him are no catholikes , or true christians . this is he that beareth the bag , and maketh the twelfth sort . . i come now in the third place to tell you , how many and which of these sorts of episcopacy i think may be admitted for the peace of the church : and , . of the first sort ●here is no controversie among us : few will deny the ius divinum of presbyters , as having the rule of the people of a particular church , and the sole rule , supposing that there is no other pastor over that church but himself . . of the second sort of parish bishops ( who are meer presidents over the whole eldership of that particular church , and that continually , or fixedly . ) i think there is little question will be made by any , but they also will easily be admitted . . the third sort ( a parochial bishop , having a negative voice in a parish eldership ) i should be content to admit for the peace of the church : but whether of it self it be desirable , i do not dispute : for if one pastor even in a parish may have a negative voice among two or three curates , it will follow that the thing it self is not unlawful , viz. for one minister to have a negative vote among many , and so among an hundred , if there be nothing else to forbid . . the fourth sort ( for brevity ) comprehendeth two sorts . . such pastors of a single congregation , which having diverse curates under them who are presbyters , do yet themselves take upon them the sole government of the people and of their curates . i think this is intolerable , and indeed a contradiction , or a nulling of the presbyters office : for it is essential to the presbyter of any church to be a guide or ruler of that church : to put them out of all rule therefore is to null , or suspend the exercise of their office ; which cannot statedly be done without destroying it . but then . if we speak of the second sort , that is , such pastors of particular churches , as have curats who are presb●ters , and they govern their curates , but take the curates as true governors of the flock , these as i dare not simply defend , ( for if it be lawful for one pastor to rule two or three in a parish , then why not twenty or an hundred , if nothing else forbid ? ) so i confess i should be ready to admit of them , if it might attain the churches peace : for i see many godly divines that are against episcopacy , yet practice this ; and will have no curates in their parish , that will not be ruled by them . and there is a certain obedience which juniors and men of weaker parts , do owe to their seniors and men of far greater knowledge , though the office be the same . and the nature of the government being not compulsive and coercive , but only upon the voluntary , whose judgements approve and their wills consent , its considerable how far even a ruler of others may voluntarily consent and so oblige himself to be ruled by another , that could not have any power to rule him , without that consent of his own , and voluntary condescension . . as for the fifth sort , that is , [ the standing president of a classis , having no negative voice ] i should easily consent to them for order and peace : for they are no distinct office , nor ass●me any government over the presbyters . and the presbyterian churches do commonly use a president or moderator pro tempore . and doubtless if it be lawful for a month , it may be lawful for a year , or twenty years , or quam diu se bene g●sserit : and how many years had we one moderator of our assemblies of divines at westminster ? and might have had him so many years more if death had not cut him off ? and usually god doth not so change his gifts , but that the same man who is the fittest this month or year , is most likely also to be the fittest the next . . and for the sixth sort , viz. [ a president of a classes having a negative voice , ] i confess i had rather be without him , and his power is not agreeable to my judgement , as a thing instituted by god , or fittest in it self . but yet i should give way to it for the peace of the church , and if it might heal that great breach that is between us , and the ep●scopal brethren , and the many churches that hold of that way ; but with these cautions and limitations . . that they shall have no negative in any thing that is already a duty or a sin : for an angel from heaven cannot dispense with gods law. this i doubt not will be yielded . . that none be forced to acknowledge this negative vote in them , but that they take it from those of the presbyters that will freely give or acknowledge it . for its a known thing that all church-power doth work only on the conscience , and therefore only prevail by procuring consent , and cannot compell . . nor would i ever yield that any part of the presbyters dissenting should be taken as schismaticks , and cast out of communion , or that it should be made the matter of such a breach . this is it that hath broken the church , that bishops have thrust their rule on men whether they would or not , and have taken their negative voice at least , if not their sole jurisdiction , to be so necessary , as if there could be no church without it , or no man were to be endured that did not acknowledge it ; but he that denyeth their disputable power must be excommunicated with them that blaspheme god himself . and as the pope will have the acknowledgement of his power to be inseparable from a member of the catholike church , and cast out all that deny it , so such bishops take the acknowledgement of their jurisdiction to be as inseparable from a member of a particular church , and consequently ( as they suppose ) of the universal : and so to deny them shall cut men off , as if they denyed christ. this savoureth not of the humility that christ taught his followers . nor would i have any forced to declare whether they only submit for peace , or consent in approbation : nor whether they take the bishops negative vote to be by divine institution , and so necessary , or by the presbyters voluntary consent & contract , as having power in several cases to suspend the exercise of their own just authority , when the suspension of it tendeth to a publike good. no duty is at all times a duty . if a man be to be ordained by a presbytery , it is not a flat duty to do it at that time when the president is absent , except in case of flat necessity ; why may not the rest of the presbyters then , if they see it conducible to the good of the church [ resolve never to ordain ( except in case of such necessity , ) but when the president is there , and is one therein ; ] which is indeed to permit his exercise of a negative vote , without professing it to be his right by any institution ? it is lawful to ordain , when the president is present ; it is lawful ( out of cases of necessity ) to forbear when he is absent : according therefore to the presbyterian principles , we may resolve to give him de facto a negative voice , that is , not to ordain without him , but in necessity : and according to the episcopal principles , we must thus do : for this point of ordination is the chief thing they stand on . now if this be all the difference , why should not our may be , yield to their , must be , if the peace of the church be found to lye upon it . but . i would have this caution too , that the magistrate should not annex his sword to the bishops censure , without very clear reason : but let him make the best of his pure spiritual authority that he can : we should have kept peace with bishops better , if they had not come armed , and if the magistrates had not become their executioners . . as to the seventh sort , viz. [ a president of a province fixed , without any negative voice ] i should easily admit of him , not only for peace , but as orderly and convenient , that there might be some one to give notice of all assemblies , and the decrees to each member , and for many other mattters of order : this is practised in the province of london pro tempore , and in the other presbyterian churches . and as i said before in the like case , i see not why it may not be lawful to have a president quam diu se bene gesserit , as well for a moneth , or a year , or seven years , as in our late assembly two successively were more , ( as i remember ) so that this kind of diocesan or provincial bishop , i think may well be yielded to for the churches order and peace . . as to the eighth sort of bishops , viz. [ the diocesan who assumeth the sole government of many parish churches both presbyters and people ] as ten , or twelve , or twenty or more , as they used to do , even a whole diocess , i take them to be intolerable , and destructive to the peace and happiness of the church , and therefore not to be admitted under pretence of order or peace , if we can hinder them . but of these we must speak more when we come to the main question . . as for the ninth sort of bishops , viz. [ a diocesan ruling all the presby●ers , but leaving the presbyters to rule the people ] and consequently taking to himself the sole or chief power of ordination , but leaving censures and absolution to them , except in case of appeal to himself ; i must needs say that this sort of episcopacy is very ancient , and hath been for many ages of very common reception , through a great part of the church ; but i must also say that i can see as yet no divine institution of such a bishop taken for a fixed limited officer , and not the same that we shall mention in the eleventh place . but how far mens voluntary submission to such , and consent to be ruled by them , may authorize them , i have no mind to dispute . only this i will say , that though i allow not in my judgement this sort of episcopacy , yet i think it incomparably more tolereable than the eighth sort , which taketh the whole government of the people from the presbyters to themselves ; and if i lived in a place where this ●overnment were established , and managed for god , i would submit thereto ▪ and live peaceably under it and do nothing to the disturbance , disgrace or discouragement of it . my reasons i le not stay to produce . . as for the ten●h sort of bishops , viz. archbishops , metropolitans , primates and patriarchs , having not only the moderation of synods , but also either the sole government of all the clergy , and cheif government of all the people , or a negative voice in all , i am much more in judgement against them , then the former , and so much the more against them , by how much the larger their jurisdiction is , for reasons which i shall anon have occasion to produce . . as for the eleventh sort of bishops that is [ such as succeed the apostles in the office of preaching and governing , to wit as unlimited universal officers ] it is a great doubt among many whether any such should be ? for though it be certain that such were , yet we are in doubt whether they have any successors . for my own part , i confess my self satisfied in this , that the apostles have successors , though not in their extraordinary immediate manner of mission , nor in their extraordinary gifts of the spirit , yet in all that part of their office which is of standing necessity to the church : and i am satisfied that their general ministry , or ambulatory p●eaching as unfixed officers , and their government of the church by office ( such as they did then use ) are of standing necessity to the church : and therefore that as such unfixed general officers , the apostles de jure have successors . and this i have formerly proved to you in my theses de polit. ecclesiast . briefly thus . argument . christ promised when he instituted this general office to be with them to the end of the world : therefore it was his will that it should continue to the end of the world , ( mat. , . ) it was to a ministry that were sent to preach the gospel to every creature , or to all the world , and to disciple nations , that this promise was expresly made ; therefore such a ministry is to be continued . argum. . the same work and necessity still continueth : fo● , . there are still most of the nations on earth unconverted . . the converted and congregated to be confirmed and governed , therefore the office continueth . argum. . we can fetch no argument from the apostles example or from any precept or promise to them , to prove the succession of fixed pastors , which is stronger then this by which we prove the succession of general unfixed officers : therefore either we must yield to this , or by the same reasons as we deny it , we must deny the ministry too : which is not to be done . argum. . the apostles had many associates in this general office in their own times : therefore it was not proper to them , ☞ nor to ce●se with them . barnabas , sylas , timothy , titus , apollo , with multitudes more in those times , were unfixed general officers , that went up and down to convert the world , and staid only to order and confirm the new gathered churches , and then went further ; sometimes returning to review , preserve , and strengthen their converts . argum. . if we can prove that such unfixed general officers were by christ settled in his church , and that by such the churches were in any sort then to be governed , then our cause is good , till the repeal or revocation of this office and order be proved . let them therefore that affirm such a revocation prove it : for till then , we have proved enough , in proving that once it was instituted . but they cannot prove that revocation , i think , nor yet any cessation , or that the institution was but pro tempore . argum. . it is not a tolerable thing to charge god with such a sudden mutation of his law or order of church government without very certain proof . if we find christ setling one way of church-government , in his own time , and presently after , for the first age , it is a most improbable thing that he should take that down again , and set up another kind of government to continue ever after . this seems to charge christ with so great mutability , that it is not to be done without very clear proof . but such proof is not produced . i know it is easily proved that the immediate mission , and extraordinary measure of the spirit , for miracles , ●nogues , infallible delivery of the doctrine of christ are ceased : but this is nothing to the general office of preaching or governing the church , which is of standing use . so that i am satisfied of this , that the apostles as general preachers and governours have successors . but then i must confess my self not fully satisfied , what governing power it was that the apostles had over the pastors of the church . i find that when saravia , and after him , the disputants in the isle of wight , do insist on this argument from the way of church government by the apostles , that their antagonists do presently grant the minor [ that the government of the church at first was by men authorized to rule the presbyters and their churches . ] but they deny the major , that [ the government which was then in the church should continue till now , ] because it was by apostles , whose office they think ceaseth . whereas i must confess i am unavoidably forced to yield the major , that we must have the same kind of government that was at first instituted , unless we had better proof of a change : for the stablishment of particular churches and presbyters was no change of the apostles power , seeing they gave not away their power to the presbyters nor ceased to have the same apostolical power which they had before . only the apostles extraordinary mission , gifts and priviledges , i confess are ceased . but then i conceive that the minor which is so easily granted , viz. [ that the apostles had the government of the particular presbyters ] will hold more dispute , at least as to the nature and degree of their power : and were i as fully satisfied about the minor as i am of the major , i must by this one argument be forced to be for the ius divinum of ep●scopacy . what at present seems truth to me , i shall lay down in these propositions . prop. . it is certain that the apostles were general unfixed officers of christ , having the care of the whole world committed to them within the reach of their natural capacity : and that their business was to take that course in the particular management of their work , as is most conducible to the propagation of the fa●th through the whole world : and that in all places where they came , they had the same power over the churches gathered , as the fixed pastors of those churches have . this much is past doubt . prop. . it is as certain that common prudence required them to make a convenient distribution of the work , and not go all one way , and leave other places that while without the gospel . but some to go one way , and some another , as most conduced to the conversion of all the world . prop. . it is certain that the apostles were not armed with the sword , nor had a compulsive coercive power by secular force ; but that their government was only forcible on the conscience , and therefore only on the conscientious , so far as they were such ; unless as we may call mens actual exclusion by the church and their desertion and misery the effect of government . prop. . it is most certain that they who had the extraordinary priviledge of being eye-witnesses of christs miracles and life , and ear-witnesses of his doctrine , and had the extraordinary power of working miracles for a confirmation of their doctrine , must needs have greater * authority in mens consciences then other men , upon that very account , if there were no other . so that even their gifts and priviledges may be ( and doubtless were ) one ground at least of that higher degree of authority , which they had above others . for in such a rational perswasive authority which worketh only on the conscience , the case is much different from the secular power of magistrates . for in the former , even gifts may be a ground of a greater measure of power , in binding mens minds . and here is the greatest part of the difficulty that riseth in our way , to hinder us from improving the example of the apostles , in that it is so hard to discern how much of their power over other presbyters or bishops was from their supereminency of office and imperial authority , and how much was meerly from the excellency of their gifts and priviledges . prop. . it s certain that the magistrates did not then second the apostles in the government of the church , but rather hinder them by persecution . the excommunicate were not punished therefore by the secular power , but rather men were enticed to forsake the church for the saving of their lives : so that worldly prosperity attended those without , and adversity those within : which further shewes that the force of apostolical government was on the conscience , and it was not corrupted by an aliene kind of force . prop. . yet had the apostles a power of miraculous castigation of the very bodies of the offenders , at least sometimes : which peter exercised upon anania● and sapphyra , and paul upon e●●mas , and some think upon hymenaeus and philetas , and those other that were said to be delivered up to satan : certainly paul [ had in readiness to revenge all disobedience ] cor. . . which its like extendeth somewhat farther than to meer censures . but it s most certain that the apostle used no● this power o● hurting mens bodies ordinarily , but sparingly as they did other miracles ; perhaps not according to their own wills , but the holy ghosts . so that this did not corrupt their government neither , and destroy the spirituality of it . yet this makes it somewhat more difficult to us to improve the apostles example , because we know not how much of their power upon mens consciences might be from such penal miracles . prop. . the apostles had power to ordain and send others to the work of the ministry . but this only by the consent of the ordained , and of the people ( before they could be compleat fixed p●stors ) for they forced not any to go , or any people to entertain them . and it seemeth they did not ordain singly , but many together , acts . . * timothy had his gift by the laying on of pauls hands and of the hands of the presbyterie , tim. . . and tim. . . prop. . it seems that each apostle did exercise a government over the churches which were once planted : but this was principally in order to well setling and confirming them . prop. . no one apostle did appropriate a diocess to himself , and say , here i am sole governor , or am chief governor ; nor did they or could they forbid any others to govern in their diocess : though , as is said , they did agree to distribute their work to the publike advantage , and not to be all in one place at once : but yet successively they might . prop. . nay it s certain that they were so far from being the sole bishops of such or such a diocess , that they had usually some more unfixed general officers with them . paul and barnabas went together at first : and after the division , barnabas and mark , paul and silas , and sometimes timothy , and sometime epaphroditus , and sometime others went together afterward . and others as well as iames were usually at ierusalem : and all these had a general power where they came . and it cannot be proved that iames was ruler of peter , paul and the rest when they were at ierusalem , nor that he had any higher power then they . prop. . yet it seems that the several apostles did most look after those same churches which themselves had been the instruments of gathering , and that some addition of respect was due to those that had been spiritual fathers to them , above the rest , cor. . . prop. . it was therefore by the general commission of apostleship that they governed particular churches pro tempore while they were among or neer them , and not by any special commission or office of being the diocesan or metropolitane of this or that place . . it was below them , and a diminution of their honor to be so affixed , and take the charge of any particular churches . . we find not that ever they did it . . if they had , then all the disorders and ungovernedness of those churches would be imputable to them , and therefore they must be still with them as fixed bishops are , seeing they cannot govern them at such a distance as make● them uncapable . . when peter drew barnabas and many more to dissimulation , and almost to betray the liberties of the gentiles , paul doth not say , this is my diocess , and i must be the ruler here : nor doth peter plead this against him , when paul and barnabas fell out , whether mark should be taken with them or not ; neither of them did plead a ruling authority , nor say , this is my diocess , or i am the superior ruler , but they produced their reasons , and when they could not agree concerning the validity of each others reasons , they separated and took their several companions and waies . prop . it was not only the apostles , but multitudes more that were such general unfixed ministers : as the seventy , barnabas , silas , epaphroditus . timothy and many others . and all these also had a power of preaching and ruling where they came . prop. . none of these general officers did take away the government from the fixed presbyters of particular churches ; nor kept a negative vote in their own hands , in matters of government : for if no fixed bishop ( or presbyter ) could excommunicate any member of his church without an apostle , then almost all churches must remain polluted and ungoverned , through the unavoidable absence of those twelve or thirteen men . the apostles therefore did admonish pastors to do their duties , and when themselves were present had power to do the like , and to censure pastors or people that offended : but they did not take on them the full government of any church , nor keep a negative vote in the government . prop. . it seems utterly untrue that christ did deliver the keyes only to the twelve apostles as such , and so only to their successors , and not the seventy disciples or any presbyters . for . the seventy also were general unfixed officers , and not like fixed presbyters or bishops : and therefore having a larger commission must have equal power . . the apostles were not single bishops as now they are differenced from others : but they were such as had more extensive commissions , then those now called arch bishops or patriarchs . if therefore the keyes were given them as apostles , or general officers , then they were never given to bishops . for bishops as fixed bishops of this or that diocess are not successors of the apostles , who were gene●al unfixed officers . . it is granted commonly by papists and protestants , that presbyters have the power of the keyes , though many of them think that they are limited to exercise them under the bishops , and by their direction and consent , ( of which many school-men have wrote at large ) . the key of excommunication is but a ministerial authoritative declaration , that such or such a known offendor is to be avoided , and to charge the church to avoid communion with him , and him to avoid or keep away from the priviledges of the church ; and this a meer presbyter may do : he may authoritatively declare such a man to be one that is to be avoided , and charge the church and him to do accordingly . the like i may say of absolution : if they belong to every authorized pastor , preacher and church guide , as such , then not to a bishop only , but to a presbyter also . and that these keyes belong to more then the apostles and their successors , is plain , in that these are insufficient naturally to use them to their ends. an apostle in antioch cannot look to the censuring of all persons that are to be censured at athens , paris , london , &c. so that the most of the work would be totally neglected , if only they and their supposed successors had the doing of it . i conclude therefore that the keyes belong not only to apostles and their successors in that general office , no nor only to diocesan bishops : for then presbyters could not so much as exercise them with the bishops in consistory , which themselves of late allow . prop. . the apostles were fallible in many matters of fact , and consequently in the decisions that depended thereupon ; as also in the prudential determination of the time and season and other cirumstances of known duties . and thence it was that paul and barnabas so disagreed even to a parting , where one of them was certainly in the wrong . and hence peter withdrew from the uncircumcision , and misled barnabas and others into the same dissimulation so far that he was to be blamed and withstood , gal. . prop. . in such cases of misleading , an apostle was not to be follownd : no more is any church-governor now : but it is lawful and needful to dissent and withstand them to the face , and to blame them when they are to be blamed , for the churches safety , as paul did by peter , galatians . . prop. . in this case the apostles that by office were of equal authority , yet were unequal when the reasons and evidence of gods mind which they produced was unequal : so that a presbyter or bishop that produceth better reasons , is to be obeyed before another that produceth less reason , or that erreth . and the bishop of another church that produceth better evidence of gods mind , is to be obeyed before the proper bishop of that same church that produceth weaker and worse evidence . yea a private man that produceth gods word is to be obeyed before bishops and councils that go against it , or without it ( in that case , where the word bindeth us : ) so that , in all cases where scripture is to determine ▪ he that bringeth the best scripture proof , is the chief ruler , that is , ought chiefly to prevail . though in the determination of meer circumstances of duty , which scripture determineth not , but hath left to church-guides to determine pro re natâ , it may be otherwise , so that the apostles power in determining matters of faith , was not as church-governors , but as men that could produce the surest evidence . prop. . it is not easie to manifest , whether every presbyter in prima instantia be not an officer to the church universal , before he be affixed to a particular church ; and whether he may not go up and down over the world to exercise that office , where ever he hath admittance . and if so , what then could an apostle have done by vertue of his meer office , without the advantage of his extraordinary abilities , and priviledges , which the presbyter may not do ? may an apostle charge the people where he comes to avoid this or that seducer or heretick ? so may any preacher that shall come among them , and that by authority . may an apostle excommunicate the very pastor of the place , and deprive him ? why what is that but to perswade the people , and authoritatively require them , to avoid ▪ and withdraw from such a pastor , if the cause be manifest ? and so may any pastor or preacher that comes among them . for if ( as cyprian saith ) it chiefly belong to the people even of themselves to reject and withdraw from such a pastor , then a preacher may by authority perswade and require them to do their own duty . yet i shall acknowledge , that though both may do the same duty , and both by authority , yet possibly not both by equal authority , but an apostle majore authoritate , and so may lay a stronger obligation on men to the same duty ; but the rest i determine not , but leave to enquiry . prop. . in making laws or canons to bind the church which are now laid down in scripture , the apostles acted as apostles , that is , as men extraordinarily commissioned , illuminated and enabled infallibly to deliver gods will to the world . and therefore herein they have no successors . in conclusion therefore seeing that matters of meer order and decency depending on circumstances sometime rationally mutable , sometime yearly , daily , hourly mutable , are not to be determined vniversally alike to all the church , nor to all a nation , nor by those that are at too great a distance , but by the present pastor , who is to manage the work , and being intrusted therewith , is the fittest judge of such variable circumstances : and seeing for standing ordinances that equally belong to all ages and places , gods word is perfect and sufficient without the bishops canons ; and seeing that scripture is a perfect law of god , and rule of christian faith ; and seeing that in the expounding of the scripture , they that bring the best evidence will beget the most knowledge , and they that produce the clearest divine testimony , will beget most effectually a divine belief , and those that are known to be of far greatest abilities in learning , experience and grace , and consent with the most of the church , will procure more effectually an humane belief , then a weak unlearned unexperienced pastor of our own ; therefore the jurisdiction of supereminent bishops , metropolitans , primates and patriarchs , will appear to be reduced into so narrow a room , and written in so small a character , that he hath need of very quick sight that can read it , and humble men may be easily drawn to think , that the unity , happiness , and safety of the church lyeth not in it , and that if it had been only for christ and not their own greatness , there had not been such contention and division made about it in the church , as there hath been ▪ to draw some of this which i have said into a narrower room , i shall briefly tell you what i could heartily wish both magistrates and ministers would speedily accomplish for the order and peace of the church in these matters . . i could wish that they would choose out the ablest godly men , and let them be appointed general teachers , and guides , to call the uncalled , and to order , confirm , and so take care of the churches that are gathered : and if by the magistrates consent and their own , they divide their provinces , it will be but meet . these i would have to go up and down to the several parishes in their provinces , and to have no particular parishes of their own , nor to take the fixed pastors power from them , but to take care that it be by themselves well exercised : and i would have the magistrate keep his sword in his own hand , and let these prevail with mens consciences as far as they can ; and in that way , if they would exceed their bounds , and arrogate any unjust power to themselves , we shall dissent and deny it them , and stand upon our ground , and deal with them upon equal terms , and so need not to fear them . and i have cause to think that neither presbyterians nor all the independents will be against such general officers ( successors of the old ones ) as i here describe : not the presbyterians : for in scotland they appointed and used such in the beginning , of their reformation when they made visitors of the particular churches , and assigned to each their limited provinces , and so they were commissioners , to cast out ministers , put in others , and plant kirks , and they had several superintendents , all which is to be seen in the doctrine and discipline of the kirk of scotland ( printed not long agoe again . ) and the itinerant comm●ssioners in wales that were set there to go about preaching and reforming , doth shew that their judgements were not against the power . . i could wish that every parish church may have one eldership ( where they may be had ) or some elders and deacons , with one constant fixed , perfect for order and unity . . i could wsh that ordination and constitutions for unity and communion may be done only in synods , less or greater : and that of many presbyteries there may consist a classis , as commonly called , and of many of those a province : and that the classical meeting may be frequent , and that some one , the fittest man , may be standing president of that classis during life , except he deserve removal . . i could wish also that the provincial assembly ( to be held once a quarter or half year in each county ) may have the most able , discreet , godly minister chosen to be the standing president also during life ▪ unless he deserve removal . so that here are four several sorts of bishops that for peace and order i could consent to : to wit , . a general unfixed superintendent . . a fixed parochial bishop president of that particular presbytery . . a classical bishop , president of that classis . . a provincial bishop , president of the provincial assembly . but there is no necessity of these . . of the degree of their power i said enough before . it is intolerable they should have a negative vote in excommunications and absolutions and such government of the people ( except the parochial bishop ) save only in case of appeals , and there i leave it to each mans consideration , though i had rather they had none : but whether they should be admitted a negative in ruling the pastors , i determine not . only in case of ordination , i would have all resolve to do nothing ( except in a case of necessity ) but when the president is one : and stop there ; which will permit him de facto the use of his negative , and yet trouble no mans conscience to acknowledge de jure that it must so be ▪ for to that none should be forced . this much i could willingly yield to for reconciliation and unity : and i doubt not but i shall be sufficiently reproached by some for yielding so far , and by others for yielding no further . and now at last after these ( not needless ) preparations , i come to the main question it self , whether it be necessary or profitable for the right order or peace of the churches , to restore the extruded episcopacy ? and this i deny , and having said so much already for explication , shall presently give you the reasons of my denyal ; in which the rest of the necessary explication will be contained . argument . that sort of prelacy or other government which destroyeth the end of government , and is certainly inconsistent with the necessary government and discipline to be exerci●ed in the churches , is not to be restored , under pretence of the churches order or peace ( nor can be consistent with its right order and peace . ) but such is the episcopacy which was of late exercised in england , and is now laid by . therefore , &c. the major needs no proof ; for few christians i think , will deny it . if episcopacy as lately here exercised , be the certain excluder of government it self and christs discipline , while it only retains the empty name , then doubtless it is not to be restored . the minor i prove thus . if there be a very natural impossibility that the late english episcopacy though in the hands of the best men in the world , should govern the churches as christ hath appointed , and as they should and may otherwise be governed ; then the foresaid inconsistency and destructiveness is apparent . but that there is such a natural impossibility for the late english episcopacy to govern the church , thus i shall prove . . by shewing you what is undoubtedly necessary in christs government ; . and then what was the late english episcopacy ; and then . the impossibility will appear of it self when both these are opened and compared together without any more ado . . and . it is past controversie among us , that church governours should watch over each particular soul in their flock , and instruct the ignorant , admonish the faln , convince gainsayers , counterwork seducers among them , seek to reclaim the wandring , strengthen the weak ▪ comfort the distressed , openly rebuke the open obstinate offendors , and if they repent not , to require the church to avoid their communion , and to take cogniscance of their cause before they are cut off : as also to absolve the penitent , yea to visit the sick ( who are to send for the elders of the church ▪ ) and to pray with and for them , &c. yea and to go before them in the worship of god. these are the acts of church government that christ hath appointed , and which each faithful shepherd must use , and not excommunication , and other censures and absolution alone . . but if they could prove that church government containeth only censures and absolution , yet we shall easily prove it impossible for the late english episcopacy to do that . for , . it is known to our sorrow that in most parishes there are many persons , and in some greater parishes very many , that have lived , common open swearers , or drunkards , and some whoremongers , common scorners of a godly life , and in many more of those offences , for which scripture and the ancient canons of the church do excommunicate men , and we are commanded with such no not to eat . and it s too well known what numbers of hereticks and seducers there are , that would draw men from the faith , whom the church-governours must after the first and second admonition reject . . and then it s known what a deal of work is necessary with any one of these , in hearing accusations , examining witnesses , hearing the defendants , searching into the whole cause , admonishing , waiting , re-admonishing , &c. . and then it s known of how great necessity , and moment all these are to the honour of the gospel , the souls of the offendors , to the church , to the weak , to them without , &c. so that if it be neglected , or unfaithfully mannaged , much mischief will ensue . thus in part we see what the government is . next let us see what the english episcopacy is . and . for the extent of it , a diocess contained many score or hundred parishes , and so many thousands of such souls to be thus governed . perhaps some diocesses may have five hundred thousand souls , and it may be london diocess nearer a million . and how many thousand of these may fall under some of the forementioned acts of government , by our sad experience we may conjecture . . moreover the bishop resideth , if not at london ( as many of them did ) yet in his own dwelling , many miles , perhaps twenty or thirty from a great part of his diocess , so that most certainly he doth not so much as know by face , name , or report the hundreth , perhaps the thousandth , or perhaps the second or third thousandth person in his diocess . is it possible then for him to watch over them , or to understand the quality of the person and fact ? in church cases the quality of the person is of so much moment , that without some knowledge of it , the bare knowledge of the fact sometimes will not serve . * . and then it is known that the english episcopacy denyeth to the presbyters all power of excommunication and absolution , u●less to pronounce it as from the bishop when he hath past it : and they deny him also all power so much as of calling a sinner to open repentance , which they called imposing penance : and also they denied all power of denying the lords supper to any without the bishops censure , except in a s●dden case , and then they must prosecute it after at the bishops court ; and there render the reason of that suspension : so that the trouble , danger , labour , time would be so great that would be spent in it , that scarce one minister of a hundred did venture on it once in seven and seven years , except only to deny the sacrament to a man that would not kneel , and that they might do easily and safely . . and then consider further , that if the minister should be one of an hundred , and so diligent as to accuse and prosecute all the open scandalous offendors of his parish , before the bishops court , that so he might procure that act of government from them , which he may not perform himself , it would take up all his time , and perhaps all would not serve for half the work , considering how far he must ride , how frequently he must attend , &c. and then all the rest , or most of the pastoral work must be neglected , to the danger of the whole congregation . . it is a great penalty to an innocent man to travail so far to the trial of his ●ause . but the special thing that i note is this , that it is naturally impossible , for the bishop to hear , try and judge all these causes , yea or the fifth or hundredth of them , or in some places one of five hundred . can one man hear so many hundred as in a day must be before him , if this discipline be faithfully executed ? by that time that he hath heard two or three causes , and examined witnesses , and fully debated all , the rest can have no hearing ; and thus unavoidably the work must be undone . it is as if you set a schoolmaster to teach ten or twenty thousand schollars ? must they not be needs untaught ? or as if you set one shepherd to look to two or three hundred several flocks of sheep , that are every one of them three or four miles asunder , and some of them fourty miles from some of the rest . is it any wonder th●n if many of them be lost ? . but what need we further witness then the sad experience of the church of late ? are we not sure that discipline lay unexercised , and our congregations defiled , and gods laws and the old canons were dead letters , while the bishops keep up the lame and empty name of governours ? how many drunkards , swearers , whoremongers , raylers , extortioners , scorners at a godly life did swarm in almost every town and parish ? and they never heard of discipline , except it were one adulterer or fornicator once in seven years within twenty miles compass ( where i was acquainted ) that stood in a white sheet in the church : we know that there was no such matter as church government exercised to any purpose , but all left undone , unless it were to undoe a poor disciplinarian ( as they therefore scornfully called them ) that blamed them for neglect of discipline . for my part , the lord my judge knows , that i desire to make the matter rather better then it was , then worse then it was ; and i solemnly profess that for the peace of the church , i should submit to almost any body that would but do the work that is to be done . here is striving between the episcopal , presbyterian and independent , who it is that shall govern. i would make no great stirr against any of them all that would but do it effectually . let it be done , and it s not so much matter by whom it is done , as it is to have it lie undone . but i can never be for that party that neither did the work , when they might , nor possibly can do it . to be for them , is to consent that all should be undone ; and that drunkards and railers and all wicked persons shall continue so still , or continue members of our churches in all their obstinacy : and that there shall be nothing but the name of government and censure without the thing . it s hard making men of conscience believe the contrary that have had the triall that we have had : if where good men were bishops thus it was , what hope of better by that way ? we cannot shut our eyes against so great experience . and certainly those learned men among us that think so much discipline may serve turn to all the congregations in the whole diocess , as the bishop can perform or have a negative vote in , do too manifestly shew that they * are less friends to real godliness , and greater friends to sin , and care too little for the matter it self while they contend about the manner or agent , then serious christians should do . if men once plainly shew themselves meer formalists , and would set up a scarecrow , and pull down all true discipline , by setting up one man to do the work of five hundred , and making the exercise of it impossible , what serious christian will ever take their part ? not i while i breath : who can choose but see that such do seek their dignity , and lordships , and worldly mammon more then the kingdom of christ. i know they will be angry with me for this language ; but so are most impenitent persons with reproofs . i would advise all of them that survive to lay to heart before the lord , what they did in undertaking such an impossible task , and leaving so many souls and congregations without christs remedy , and suffering the churches to be so foul , while they had the beesom in their hands . this being so manifest that it is impossible for an english bishop to govern as they undertook so many congegations , i may well next argue from the mischiefs that follow . argum. . that government which gratifieth the devil and wicked men , is not to be restored under any pretence of the order or peace of the church : but such was the english episcopacy ; therefore , &c. the major is un●enyable , supposing that it do not this by an avoidable accident , but by natural necessity , as i have proved , i confess some of the men were so learned and good men , that i think few men honour their names more then my self . but it is the way of government that i have spoke of . and for the minor , it is as plain from experience , and the argument before used . if it necessarily exclude the exercise of christs discipline from most congregations , then doth it gratifie satan : but , &c ▪ and if it keep wicked obstinate sinners from the power of discipline , then doth it gratifie sinners in their sins , and consequently please satan . but this it doth : therefore , &c. who knows not ( for it cannot be denied ) that the generality of the rabble of ignorant persons , worldlings , drunkards , haters of godliness ▪ &c. are very zealous for episcopacy , whilest multitudes of truly conscientious people have been against it ? and who knows not that they both fetcht their chief motives from experience ? the ungodly found that bishops let them keep their sins , and troubled them not with this preciseness , but rather drove away the precise preachers and people whom they abhorred . and the godly people that disliked ep●scopacy , did it principally on the same experience , observing that they befriended the wicked , at least by preserving them from the due rod of discipline ; but exercised their zeal against them that scrupled or questioned at least their own standing or assumed power , or the abuse of it . and then further , argum. . that government which unavoidably causeth separations and divisions in the church , is not ●o be restored under any pretence of its order and peace ? but such is the english episcopacy ? therefore ; &c. i know the clean contrary is strongly pretended , and they tell us that we may see how episcopacy kept men in unity , by the many sects that since are risen . but let it be observed , . that these sects were hatched in the separation which was caused by themselves . . that the increase hath been since there was no government at all . . it was not episcopacy , but the magistrates sword whose terror did attend it , that kept under heresies in that measure that they were : had episcopacy stood on its own legs , without the support of secular force , so that it might have workt only on the conscience , then you should have seen more sects then now . do you think that if episcopacy were in scotland in the case as presbytery is now , without the sword to enforce it , that it would keep so much unity in religion as is there ? it s known in france and other places that presbytery hath kapt more unity , and more kept out heresies and schisms , even without the sword , then episcopacy hath done with it . . but the thing that i speak of it undenyable ; that it was the pollution of our churches that caused the separatists in the bishops dayes to withdraw . this was their common cry against us , your churches bear with drunkards , whoremongers , railers , open scorners at godliness , with whom the scripture bids us not eat ; and we could not deny it : for the bishops did keep it so , by keeping out all effectual discipline . only we told them , that it was the prelates sin , and not theirs that could not help it , and that a polluted church might be a true church . and so the disciplinarian non-conformists were fain by many painful writings to suppress the spirit of separation , or else it had been like to have overwhelmed all ; mr. iohn paget , mr. bradshaw , mr. arthur hildersham , mr. iohn ball , mr. brightman , mr. paul bains , mr. dod , mr. parker , dr. ames , and many other such , were fain to make it a great part of their business , to quench the fire of separation , which even their persecutors kindled by the exclusion of discipline . and yet the sense of the churches uncleanness was so deep in mens minds , that it had bred such abundance of discontended humors , that they easily broke out , and turned into this disorderly swarm which we have seen , as soon as the wars had but given them liberty . and even to this day it is the uncleanness of our churches , ( wherein i would the pastors were wholly innocent ) which maintaineth much of the separation , among many sober godly men . for the churches were left so polluted by the bishops , that in most places the presbyters dare scarce go roundly about the cure , unless they had the help of the sword , wherein yet for my part i think them deeply sinful . argum. . that episcopacy which degradeth all the presbyters in the diocess , or causeth them to suspend the exercise of an essential part of their office , is not to be restored under any pretence of right order , or peace . but such was the late english episcopacy : therefore . i confess this is the second inconvenience which followeth it , which i think utterly intolerable , where there is any possibility of a remedy . the major i suppose will be granted . for though an office may be unexercised for a time on some special reason , yet if it be statedly suspended , and that suspension established by law or custom , during the life of the minister , this is plainly a destroying or nulling of the office it self , and not to be endured . and that it is not to be endured appeareth thus ; . because the office of the presbyter is of divine institution , and therefore not to be nulled by man. i never yet read or heard of any more but one divine of any reputation who denyed that presbyters as now called are appointed in the scriptures , and i think , that one hath destroyed his cause by it , of which more anon . . because the church cannot with any safety spare the office of the presbyters , because they are many , perhaps many hundred to one prelate : and if so many of christs officers be laid by , it is easie to see what loss the vineyard and harvest may sustain . the minor i prove thus . that episcopacy which taketh from the presbyters the power of church-government , and alloweth them only the power of preaching and administring sacraments , and those other parts of the work which they distinguish from government , do thereby destroy the very office of the presbyters ( and so degrade or suspend them ) but the late english episcopacy taketh from the presbyters the power of church-governing ; &c. therefore . the antecedent is well known by those that know their canons , claim and constant practice in england , till the time of their exclusion . that the consequence is currant appeareth thus . church-government is as real and as essential a part of the presbyters work and office as any other whatsoever . therefore they that take this from him , do destroy his office. the antecedent is proved thus : if those texts of scripture which mention the office of presbyters , acts . and . . and many other places do speak of presbyters as now understood , and not of prelates , then ruling is as much essential to their office as preaching . this is proved ▪ . from the express wo●ds of the several texts , which make them overseers of the flock , acts . . and to be over the people in the lord , to whom they are to submit , thes. . , . and rulers of them , whom they must obey , as well as preachers to them , heb . , ▪ . t●m . , ▪ . . it s proved from common consent . for , . those that think these texts speak of presbyters as now understood , do most commonly confess this sense of the text , v●z . that it makes them rulers ; only some of them add , that themselves must be ruled by the bishops . . he that denyeth these texts to speak of such presbyters , doth confess that those of whom it doth speak , are certainly rulers of the church . and then i assume : but the general vote of almost all expositors old and new , episcopal and others from the apostles daies till now , as far as we can know by their writings , did take these texts , at least many of them , to speak of such presbyters : and i think the new exposition of one man , is not to be taken against the exposition of the whole stream of expositors in all ages , without better reason to evince them to have erred , then any i have yet seen produced . at least , all the episcopal divines except that one man , and those that now follow his new exposition , must yield to what i say , upon the authority of these texts . but if this divine were in the right , and none of these texts be spoken of presbyters , yet i make good my antecedent thus . for . if presbyters be of humane institution , then neither preaching or ruling is any essential part of their office by divine institution ; because they have none such : and therefore i may say one is as essential as the other : that is , neither is so . but yet of their humanly instituted office , it is as essential a part still : for if it be true , that there were no presbyters in the church till about ignatius his daies , yet its certain that when they were instituted ( whether by god or man ) they were as truly made rulers as preachers . and therefore we find their ignatius still calling on the people to obey the presbyters as well as the bishops . and hierom tells us , ( epist. ad evagr. ) how long the presbyters governed the churches communi consilio , by common counsel or consent , and how themselves at alexandria chose our one and made him their bishop : and cyprian tells us enough of the presbyters ruling in council or consistory with the bishop in his time : so that he would do nothing without the presbyters . much more proof may easily be brought of this , but that i find it now acknowledged , and so it is needless . i will not go far , but only note a few canons , especially of the fourth council of carthage . can. . is , vt episcopus nullius causam audi●t absque praesentia clericorum suorum ; alioquin ir●ita erit sententia episcopi , nisi clericorum praesentia confirmetur . can. . episcopus sine consilio clericorum suorum clericos 〈◊〉 ordinet ; ita ut civium assensum , & conniventiam , & testimonium quaerat . can. . episcopus si clerico vel laico crimen imposuerit , deducatur ad probationem in synodum . can. . irrita erit donatio episcoporum , vel venditio , vel c●mmutati● r●i ecclesiasticae , absque conniventia & subscriptione clericorum . can. . vt episcopus in quelibet l●co sedens stare presbyterum non patiatur . can. . vt episcopus in ecclesia in consessu prsebyterorum sublimior s●deat : intra domum verò collegam se presbyterorum esse cognoscat . can. . presbyter qui per dioeceses ecclesias regunt , non à quibuslibet , &c. can. . diaconusita se presbyteri ut episcopi ministrum esse cognoscat . here you see that bishops may not ordain , hear any cause , accuse a clergy man or lay-man , not give , sell , or change any church goods , without the presbyters : and that he is their collegue , and must not let them stand if he sit , and that they rule the churches through the diocesses , and that the deacons are servants as well to them as to the bishop . aurelius and augustine were in this council . if they that think it uncertain whether presbyters be mentioned in the new testament , and that think they began about ignatius his time , do mean that yet they were of divine apostolical institution , then they strike in with the papists in making the scriptures to be out part of gods word , and insufficient to reveal all divine institutions about his church-government , and worship , and so we must look for the rest in uncertain tradition . nay i know not of any papist to my best remembrance that ever reckoned up the office of presbyters under their meer unwritten traditions . if they say that they are of ecclesiastical episcopal institution , not by inspired apostles , but by ordinary bishops , then . they make all presbyters to be jure episcopali , and bishops only and their superiours to be jure divino , as the italians in the council of trent would have had all bishops to depend upon the pope : but in this they go far beyond them ; for the italian papists themselves thought presbyterie jure divino . . either they may be changed by bishops who set them up , or not : if they may be taken down again by man , then the church may be ruined by man ; and so the bishops will imitate the pope ▪ either they will reign , or christ shall not reign , if they can hinder it : either they will lead the church in their way , or christ shall have no church : if man cannot take them down , then . it seems man did not institute them ; for why may they not alter their own institutions ? . and then it seems the church hath universal standing , unchangeable institutions , offices and binding laws of the bishops making : and if so , are not the bishops equal to the apostles in law making , and church ordering ? and are not their laws to us as the word of god , and that word insufficient ? and every bishop would be to his diocess , and all to the whole church , what the pope would be to the whole . . moreover , how do they prove that ever the apostles gave power to the bishops to institute the order of presbyterie ? i know of no text of scripture by which they can prove it and for tradition , we will not take every mans word that saith he hath tradition for his conceits , but we require the proof . the papists that are the pretended keepers of tradition , do bring forth none as meerly unwritten , but for their ordines inferiores , and many of them , for bishops as distinct from the presbyters ; but not for presbyters themselves . and scripture they can plead none ; for if they mention such texts where paul bids titus ordain elders in every city , &c. they deny this to be meant of elders as now , but of prelates whom titus as the primate or metropolitane was to ordain : and if it be meant of elders , then they are found in scripture , and of divine apostolical institution . . if they were instituted by bishops after the scripture was written , was it by one bishop , or by many ? if by one , then how came that one to have authority to impose a new institution on the universal church ? if by many , either out of council , or in ; if out of council , it was by an accidental falling into one mind and way , and then they are but as single men to the church : and therefore still we ask , how do they bind us ? if by many in council , . then let them tell us what council it was that instituted presbyterie , when and where gathered , and where we may find their canons , that we may know our order , and what au●hors mention that council . . and what authority had that council to bind all the christian world , to all ages ? if they say it bound but their own churches , and that age ; then it seems the bishops of england might for all that have nulled the order of presbyters there . but o miserable england and miserable world , if presbyters had done no more for it , then prelates have done ! i conclude therefore that the english prelacy either degraded the presbyters , or else suspended to ally an essential part of their office : for themselves called them rectors , and in ordaining them said , [ receive the holy gh●st : whose sins thou dost remit they are remitted , whose sins thou dost retain they are retained ] and therefore they delivered to them the power of the keyes of opening and shutting the kingdom of heaven ; which themselves make to be the opening and shutting of the church , and the governing of the church by excommunication and absolution : and therefore they are not fit men to ask the presbyters ; by what authority they rule the church , by binding and loosing , when themselves did expresly as much as in them lay , confer the power on them : and we do no more then what they bid us do in our ordination ; yea they thereby make it the very work of our office : for the same mouth , at the same time that bid us [ t●ke authority to preach the word of god ] did also tell us that whose sins we remit or retain they are remitted or retained : and therefore if one be an essential , or true integral part at least of our office , the other is so too . from all which it is evident , that if there were nothing against the english prelacy , but only this that they thus suspend or degrade all the presbyters in england , as to one half of their off●ce , it is enough to prove that they should not be restored under any pretence whatsoever of order or unity . argum. . that episcopacy which giveth the government of the chu●ch , and management of the keys of excommunication and absolution into the hands of a few lay●men ▪ while they take them from the presbyters , is n●t to be restored under any pretence of vnity or peace : but such was the english prelacy : therefore , &c. the major is plain : because it is not lay-men that are to be church governours , as to ecclesiastical government : this is beyond question with all save the congregational , and they would not have two or three lay men chosen , but the whole congregation to manage this business . the minor is known by common experience , that it was the chancelor in h●s court , with his assi●●ants and the register , and such other meer lay-men , that managed this work . if it be said , that they did it as the bishops agents and substitutes , and therefore it was he that did it by them ▪ i answer , . the law put it in the chancellors , and the bishop● could not hinder it . . if the bishops may delegate others to do their work , then it seems preaching and ruling , excommunica●ing and ab●olving may as well be done by lay-men as clergy men : then they may commission them also to administer the sacraments : and so the ministry is not necessary for any of these works ▪ but only a bishop to depute lay-men to do them ; which is false and confusive . argum. . that episcopacy wh●ch necessarily overwhelmeth the souls of the bishops with the most hainous guilt , of neglecting the many thousand souls whose charge they undertake , is not to be restored for order or peace ( for men are not to be ove●whelmed with such hainous sin on such pretences ) but such is the english prelacy : and that not accidentally , through the badness of the men only , but unavoidably through the greatness of their charge , and the natural impossibility of their undertaken work . how grievous a thing it is to have the blood of so many thousands charged on ●hem , may soon appear ▪ and that man that undertakes himself the government of two or three , or five hundred thousand souls that he never seeth or knoweth , nor can possibly so govern , but must needs leave it undone ( except the shadow of a government which is committed to a lay chancellor , ) doth willfully draw this fearful guilt upon himself . argum. . that episcopacy which is the product of proud ambi●ion and arrogancy , contrary to the express command of christ , is not to be restored for order or peace . but such is the late english prelacy : therefore , &c. the major is undoubted . the minor is proved thus . were it not for p●oud ambition men would not strive to have the doing of more work then an hundred times as many are able to do , and the answering before god for as many souls : but the english prelates did strive to have the work and account of many hundreds : therefore , &c. the minor is proved and known by experience . and the major is proved thus . . from the common aversness that all men have to labour , excessive oppressing labour , and that spiritual too . . from the self-love that is naturally in all : no man can naturally and rationally desire that which would tire him , oppress him , and finally damn him , without great repentance , and the speciall mercy of god , unless by the power of some lust that draweth him to it . . and common prudence wi●l teach men not to thrust themselves into impossible undertakings . if we see a man desirous to have the rule of a whole county under the prince , and that there should be no justice of peace , or other magistrate to rule there but he , though he know that he must answer it upon his life , if the county be no● well ruled , as to the punishing of all the known drunkards , swear●rs , adulterers &c. in the county ; may not any man see that ambition makes this man in a manner besides himself , o● e●se he would never set so light by his own life , as certainly and willfully to cast it away , by undertaking a work which he knoweth many men are unable to perform : and ambition it must needs be ▪ because honour and preheminency is the bait and thing contended for , and there is no●hing else to do it . and how expresly do●● christ forbid this to his apostles , telling them , [ with you it sh●ll not be so : but he that will be the greatest shall be the servant of all ] luke . . as the old rimer hath it [ christus dixit quodam lo●o ; vos non sic , nec dixit j●co : dixit sui● ergo isti cujus sunt ? non certè christi ] speaking of the prelates . i own not the censure , but ● own christs prohibition . certainly the honour is but the appendix for the work sake , and the work is the first thing and the main of the office . and i would know whether they would strive thus for the work and the terrible account , without the honour and worldly gain . nay do they not destroy the work , wh●le they quarrel for the doing of it , for the honor sake ? if it were the churches good and the work that they so much minded , they would contend that so many should have the doing of it as are necessary thereto ▪ and not that none should do it but they . he that would turn all the labourers out of the harvest saving himself , in all this county , that he may maintain his own priviledge , i should think doth not much mind the good of the owner , or the well doing of the work , or his own safety , if he were to answer for all upon his life . argum. . that episcopacy which so far gratifieth lazy mi●isters as to ease them of the most p●inful , troublesom and hazardous part of their work , is not to be restored for order or unity : but such was the late english prelacy : therefore , &c. the major is undoubted . the minor is before proved as to the work it self . and as to the quality and consequents , experience putteth it past all doubt , that the work of government and oversight , is incomparably more troublesom then the preaching of a sermon , baptizing , administring the lords supper , and praying with them . when we come to touch men by personal reproof , and make that publike , and that for disgraceful sins , and suspend or excommunicate them if they be obstinate , usually we do not only turn their hearts against us , but they rage against us , and could even be revenged on us with the cruellest revenge . we find that all the preaching in the world doth not so much exasperate and enrage men , as this discipline . i can preach the most cutting and convincing truths , in as close a manner as i am able , to notorious wicked livers , and they will bear it patiently , and say it was a good sermon , and some of them say that they care not for hearing a man that will not tell them of their sins . and yet call them to an open confession of these sins in the congregation , or proceed to censure them , and they will rage against us as if we were their mortal enemies . the bishops let all these men ( almost ) alone ; and therefore never exasperated them : and so now they rage the more against us , and love the bishops the better , because they were never so troubled by them . and here i cannot but note , how groundless that accusation is of some prelatical men against the conscionable adversaries of their way , when they say , the presbyters would fain have the reins of government in their own hand : which may be true of the unconscionable , that know not what it is that they undertake : but for others , it is all one as to say , they would fain have all the trouble , hatred and danger to themselves . these objecters shew their own minds , and what it is that they look at most themselves and therefore think others do so : its dear bought honour that is purchased at such rates of labour and danger . i here solemnly profess for my own part , that if i know my heart , i am so far from thinking it a desirable thing to rule , much less to rule a diocess , that if i might so far gratifie my carnal desires , and were not under the bond of gods commands , and so were it not for fear of sinning and wronging mens souls that are committed to my charge , i would give , if i had it , many thousand pounds , that i might but preach , pray , read , baptize , administer the lords supper , though i did more then i do in them , and be wholly freed from the care and trouble of oversight and government of this one congregation , which is further required . o how quiet would my mind be , were i but sure that god required none of this at my hands , nor would call me to any account for the neglect of it ! and that this is not my case only , but the common case to find discipline so troublesom , is apparent in this ; that the whole body of the nation ( for the generality ) have contended against it these many years , and in almost every congregation in england , the greater part do either separate from the ministers , and forbear the lords supper , or some way oppose it and withdraw , that they may avoid it . and most of the ministers in england , even godly men , do much , if not altogether neglect it . so that some through a carnal indulging of their own ease and quiet , and to avoid mens ill will ; and some through the great oppositions of the people , or for one such cause or other , do let all alone . in so much , as even here in this county where we have associated and engaged our selves to some execution of discipline , this work goes on so heavily as we see , and need not mention further : when yet there is not a daies omission of sermons and other ordinances : so that its apparent that its it which all lazie , carnal , man-pleasing ministers may well comply with , as that which suites their carnal interests , to be free from the toil and care of discipline . if you say , why then do the bishops desire it , if flesh and blood be against it ? i answer ; experience and the impossibility of performance tells us , that it is not the work , but the empty name and honour that they took up : and that indeed the flesh doth much more desire . had they desired or been willing of the work , as they were of lordships and riches , they would have done it . argum. . no episcopacy , ( at least which hath so many evils as aforesaid attending it ) which is not of gods institution , should be admitted into the church . the late english prelacy , as to the disapproved properties before mentioned , is not of gods institution : therefore it is not to be admitted into the church . the major is confessed by all that plead for the ius divinum of episcopacy , or most : and with the qualification , from the ill consequents , will be yielded by all . the minor i prove by parts : . that the exclusion of presbyters from rule , and the putting the government from them into a lay-mans hand , with the rest before mentioned , are not of divine institution , is proved already , as much as needs . . if at the present we yield a superintendency or preheminence of one pastor before others , yet the controversie remaineth , whether a prelate should be only parochial , that is , only the president of the elders of one particular church , or at the utmost of that with two or three , or a few neighbour small parishes which he may well oversee , without the neglect of the discipline . now i know not how any man of that way can prove out of scripture , that a bishop must have more then one parish , much less more then three or four , or a few . for it is confest by them , for ought i know , that scripture doth not determine how many presbyters , or churches a bishop must have under him , ( only we say he must have but one : ) for the main thing that they labour to prove is , that a bishop is above presbyters as to ordination and jurisdiction : and so he may be if he be a parish-bishop : for a parish-church may have a curate , and or chappels with curates at them , besides deacons ; and according to the old course , perhaps many presbyters more that did not publikely preach ( though they wanted not authority ) but oversee the flock . now one man may have all that most of their arguments require , if he be but the chief over this parish presbytery . but perhaps they will say , that according to scripture , every city only must have a bishop , and therefore all the country about must be his diocess , though the number of churches and presbyters under him be not determined . to which i answer , that the word only , is not in scripture : no text saith that it was only in cities that churches or bishops were to be seated . there is no prohibition of setling them in villages . it will be said , that there is no example of any bishop but in a city . to which i answer . . themselves ordinarily tell us in case of sacrament gesture , and many other things , that examples do not alway bind affirmatively ; much less can they prove that they bind negatively ; i mean , not to do that which was not done . can you prove in scripture that there were any particular churches or assemblies for sacraments and other worship in villages ? if not , then is it lawful now to have any ? if not , then all our parish churches in the country are unlawful . if yea , then why may we not have bishops in the countreys without scripture example , as well as churches ? for we shall prove that the reasons why there were none or few bishops in the country , was for want of churches for them to oversee . the gospel was not then preached , nor any bishops placed in many nations of the world : it doth not follow therefore that there must be none since . . the reason is evident why churches and bishops were first planted in cities ; because there was the greatest concourse of people ▪ not that god loves a citizen better then a countrey-man , or that he will have his churches so limited to soil , or place , or scituation : it is the number of persons where-ever they live , that must be regarded , that the church be not too great nor too small : but if there be the same number of people cohabiting in the countrey , as one of the apostolical churches did consist of , then there is the same reason to have a church and bishop in that country village , as was then for having one in a city . . elders should be ordained in every church , and therefore bishops ( for some of them say that these were bishops ) but churches may be in country villages ; therefore elders and bishops may be in country-villages . . i prove from scripture that there were bishops in villages , or out of cities , thus . where there was a church , there was a bishop . but in a village there was a church ; therefore . the major i prove from act. . . compared with tim. . they ordained them elders in every church , or church by church : but these elders are called bishops in tim. . ( and by some of that way maintained to be such ▪ ) for the minor i prove it from rom. . . where there is mention of the church at cenchrea : but cenchrea was no city , but as grotius speaks , portus corinthiorum , ut piraeus atheniensium , viz. ad sinum saronicum : apparet ibi ecclesiam fuisse christianorum . grot. in act. . . & in rom. . . vide et downam , defens● pag. . who out of strab● saith , it was the port that served most properly for asia . but bishop downam saith ( ibid. ) that cenchrea was a parish subordinate to the church of corinth , having not a bishop or presbytery , but a presbyter assigned to it : so before he saith , by a church , he means a company of chr●sti●ns ha●ing a bishop and presbytery . ] but if he will so define a church as that the prelate shall enter the definition , then he may well prove that every church had a prelate . and so a patriarch may be proved to be necessary to every church , if you will say , you mean only such congregations as have a patriarch . but it was denominated a church , act. . . before they had presbyters ordained to them , and so before fixed bishops : when the apostles had converted and congregated them , they were churches . and the text saith that they ordained them elders in every church , or church by church ▪ and therefore cenchrea being a church , must have such elders ordained to it , according to the apostles rule . and that it was a parish with one presbyter subject to corinth , is all unproved , and therefore to no purpose . . yet i prove that the english prelacy on their own grounds , is not iure divino in that it is against the word of god , according to their own interpretation ; of which next . argum. . that episcopacy which is contrary to the w●rd of god , or apostolical institution , according to their own interpretation , is not to be restored . but such is the late english episcopacy : therefore , &c. i prove the minor ( for the major needeth none : ) according to their own interpretation of tit. . . and other texts ; every city should have a bishop , ( and if it may be , a presbytery ) ( and so many councils have determined , only when they grew greater , they except cities that were too small : but so did not paul ) but the late episcopacy of england is contrary to this : for one bishop only is over many cities . if therefore they will needs have episcopacy , they should at least have had a bishop in every city : and though we do not approve of confining them to cities , yet this would be much better then as they were : for then . they would be nearer their charges , and within reach of them . . and they would have smaller charges , which they might be more capable of overseeing ; for there would be ten or twenty bishops ●or one that be now . if they say that except bath and wells coventry and lic●fi●ld , or some few , they have but one city . i answer , it s not so . for every corporation or burrough-town is truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and therefore should have a bishop let them therefore either prove that a market-town , a burrough , a corporation , is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or else let every one of these towns and burroughs have a bishop , to govern that town with the neighbouring villages by the consent and help of the presbyters of these vil●ages , ( according to their own grounds . ) and if it were so , they would be no more then classical bishops at most . perhaps they 'le say that , while we pretend to take down bishops , we do but set up more , and would have many for one , while we would have every corporation or parish to have a bishop . to which i answer , its true : but then it is not the same sort of bishops which we would exclude and which we would multiply : we would exclude those bishops that would undertake two or three hundred mens work themselves , and will rule a whole diocess alone ( or by a lay chancellor ) when every conscionable man that hath faithfully tryed it , doth feel the oversight of one congregation to be so great a burden , that it makes him groan and groan again . we would exclude those bishops that would exclude all others in a whole diocess , that they may do the work alone , and so leave it undone , while they plead that it belongs to them to do it . if they will come into the lords harvest , and exclude from the work of government , the labourers of a whole county or two , we have reason to contradict them . but this is not to bring in more such bishops as they that will shut out others , but to keep in the necessary labouring bishops whom they would shut out . nor do we shut out them themselves as labourers or rulers , but as the excluders of the labourers or rulers . if we have a church to build that requireth necessarily two hundred workmen , and some pillars in it to erect , of many hundred tun weight , if one of the workmen would say , that it belongs to him to do it all himself , or at least when the materials are brought to the place prepared , to rear and order and place every stone and pillar in the building , i would no o●herwise exclude the vain pretender then by introducing necessary help that the work may be done ; and i should think him a silly civiller ●hat would tell me , that while i exclude him , i do ●ut multiply such as he ; when his every fault consisted in an hinderance of that necessary multiplication . i know that some will say , that we feign more work then is to be done ▪ and we would have the sentence of excommunication pass upon every light offence . i answer ; that its a thing that we abhor : we would have none excommunicated but for obstinacy in hainous sin ; when they will not hear the church after more private admonition . but there 's much more of the work of government to be done on men that are not excommunicable , to bring them to repentance , and open confession , for man●fe●●a●ion of that repentance to the satisfaction of the church : but what need we plead how great the work is which every man may see before his eyes , and experience putteth beyond dispute ? furthermore that the english episcopacy is dissonant from all scripture episcopacy , i prove thus . the scripture knoweth but two sorts of episcopacy : the one general , unfixed as to any church or country or nation ; which was not called episcopacy in the first times : the other ●ixed overseers of determinate churches appropriated to their special charge : these were called bishops in those times : whereas the former were , some called apostles , from their immediate mission and ex●raordinar● . priviledges ; or evangelists , or fellow labourers and he●pers of the apostles , or by the like titles signifying their unlimited indeterminate charge . but our english bishops are neither of these : therefore not any of scripture appointment but different from them . . they are not of the apostolical order of general ministers : for . their principal work was preaching to convert , and congregate , and then order churches but our bishops seldom preached , for the most part . . they were not tyed to any particular church more then other , save only as prudence directed them p●o tempore & re nat , for the succe●s of their work for the church un●ve●s●l ▪ nor were they excluded or restrained from any part of the world as being another mans diocess ; save only as prudence might direct them for the common good , to distribute themselves pro tempore . this is apparen● . by christs commission , who sendeth them into all the world , only by certain advantages and particular calls , sitting pe●er more for the circumcision , and paul for the uncircumcision , when yet both pet●r and paul and all the rest , did preach and look to both circumcision and uncircumcision . . by the history of their peregrinations and labours , which shew that they were not so fixed , whatever some writers may ungroundedly affirm . eus●bius ( discrediting by fabulous mixtures the lighter sort of his testimonies , and censured by some rejection by gelasius and others ) and some with him , do tell us of some such things , as some apostles being fixed bishops , but with no such proofs as should satisfie a man that weighs the contrary intimations of scripture , and the discord of these reporters among themselves . only it is certain , that nature it self would so restrain them that as they could be but in one place at once , so they could not be in perpetual motion : and prudence would keep them longest in those places where most work was to be done . and therefore pauls three years abode at ephesus and the neighbouring parts of asia , did not make him the fixed diocesan bishop of ephesus . and what i say of the apostles , i say also of many such itinerant unfixed ministers which were their helpers , as silas , apollo , barnabas , titus , timothy , &c. for though timothy be called by some an●ients the first bishop of ephesus , and titus of crete ; yet it is apparent they were no such fixed ministers , that undertook a diocess durant● vita as their proper charge , which were then called b●shops ; but they were ●tinerant helpers of the apostles in gathering , planting and first ordering of churches . and therefore titus was left in a whole nation or large island , to place bishops or elders in each city , and set things in order , and this but till paul come , and not to be himself their fixed bishop : and timothy is proved by scripture to have been unsetled and itinerant as a helper of paul , after that he is by some supposed to be fixed at ephesus . i will not needlesly actum agere : let any man that is unsatisfied of this , read impartially mr. prins unbishoping of timothy and titus , and note there the itinerary of timothy from scripture texts . if therefore our bishops would have been of the apostles and their general helpers race , they should have gone up and down to gather and plant churches , and then go up and down to visit those which they have planted ; or if they live where all are enchurched already , they should go up and down to preach to the rud●r sort of them , and by the power of the word to subdue men further to christ , an● to see that all ministers where they come do their duty , reproving and admonishing those that neglect it , but not forbidding them to do it , as a thing belonging only to them . and by spiritual weapons and authority should they have driven ministers to this duty , and not by meer secular force ( of which more anon . ) . and as for the fixed bishops of apostolical institution , our english prelacy are not like them . for the fixed bishops established by the apostles were only overseers of one particular church : but the english prelates were the overseers of many particular churches . therefore the english prelates were not the same with the old bishops of the apostles institution . the course that the prelates take to elude this argument is by giving us a false definition of a particular church . that we may not therefore have any unprofitable strife about words , i shall signifie my own meaning . by a particular church i mean an associated or combined company of christians , for communion in publick worship , and furtherance of each other in the way to heaven , under the guidance of christs church officers , ( one elder or more ; ) such as are undivided , or churches of the first order commonly called ecclesiae primae , as to existence , and which contain not divers political churches in them . a family i mean not : for that 's not a political church , having no pastor . an accidental company of christians i mean not . for those are no association , and so no political church : nor do i mean a national , or diocesane or classical church , or any the like ; which are composed of many particular churches of the first order , conjunct . it is not of necessity that they alway or most usually meet in one congregation : because its possible they may want a capacious convenient room , and its possible they may be under persecution , so that they may be forced to meet secretly in small companies ; or there may be some aged weak people or children that cannot travail to the chief place of meeting ; and so may have some chappels of ease , or smaller meeting . but still it must be a number neither so big , nor so small as to be uncapable of the ends of association , which enter the definition ; how ever weakn●ss , age or other accidents may hinder some members from that full usefullness as to the main end , whith other members have . so that they which are so many , or live at such a distance as to be uncapable of the ends , are not such a church , nor are capable of so being : for the number will alter the species . in a word , it cannot , i think , be proved that in the primitive times , there was any one fixed bishop that governed and oversaw any more then one such particular political church , as was not composed of divers lesser political churches : nor that their churches which any fixed bishop oversaw were more then could hold communion in worship in one publick place , for so many of them as could ordinarily hear at once ( for all the families cannot usually come at once : ) they were not greater then some of our english parishes are , nor usually the tenth part so great . i have been informed by the judicious inhabitants , that there are fourscore thousand in giles cripple-gate parish in london : and about fifty thousand in stepney , and fourty thousand in sepulchres . there cannot any church in scripture be found that was greater , nor neer so great as one of these parishes . no not the church at ierusalem it self of which so much is said : no not if you admit all the number of moveable converts and sojournours to have been of that particular church , which yet cannot be proved to have been so . i know bishop downam doth with great indignation dispute that diocesses were be●ore parishes , and that it was more then one congregation that was contained in those diocesses ; we will not contend about the name diocess and parish , which by the ancients were sometime used promiscuously for the same thing : but as to the thing signified by them , i say that what ever you call it , a diocess , or a parish , there were not near so many souls as in some english parishes ; nor take one with another , their churches commonly were no more numerous then our parishes , nor so numerous . a diocess then and a parish were the same thing , and both the same as our particular churches now are ; that is , the ecclesiae primae , or soceities of christians combined under church-rulers , for holy communion in worship and discipline . and there were no otherwise many congregations in one church , then as our chapples of ease , or a few meeting in a private house because of rainy weather , are many congregations in one parish . the foresaid learned and godly , ( though angry ) bishop downame , saith def. li. . cap. . page . that [ indeed at the very first conversion of cities , the whole number of the people converted , being some not much greater then the number of the presbyters placed among them , were able to make but a small congregation . ] call that church then a diocess or a parish , i care not , so we come near an agreement , about the proportion of members that the definition be not overthrown , and the ends of it made impossible by the distance , number , and unacquaintedness of the members that cannot have any church communion immediately one with another . if there be no communion , how is it a church ? nay or if there be no such communion as consists in mutual assistance and conjunction in worship , and holding familiarity also in our conversation ( which the excommunicated are excluded from ) and if a communion there be , it is either immediate by the members themselves assembled , or else but mediately by their officers or delegates . if it be only by the latter mediately , then it is not the ecclesia prima , but orta : it is an association of several political churches : for that is the difference between the communion of a single particular church , and many combined churches , that as the first is a combination of persons and not of churches , so the communion is held among the members in common , whereas the other being a combination of churches , the communion is maintained orderly by officers and delegates , joyning in synods , and sent from the congregations . if therefore it be an immediate ordinary communion of members in ecclesiastical affairs , viz. worship and discipline , that is the particular church that i intend , call it what you will else , and whether there may be any private meetings in it besides the main body , or not , as possibly through some accidents there may be ; and yet at sacrament and on the most solemne occasions , the same persons that were at chappels or less meetings , may be with the chief assembly . but i shall proceed in the proof of this by the next argument , which will serve for this and the main together . argum. . that sort of church government may most safely be now practised which was used in the scripture times , and that 's less safe which was not then used . but the government of many elders and particular churches by one bishop ( fixed , and taking that as his proper diocess , such as the english bishops were ) was not used in scripture times . therefore it is not so safe to use it or restore it now . the major is proved hence : . in that the primitive church which was in scripture times , was of unquestionable divine institution , and so most pure . and it is certainly lawful to practice that church-government which alone was practised by all the church in the scripture times of the new testament . . because we have no certain law or direction but scripture for the frame of government as jure divino . scripture is gods sufficient and perfect law. if therefore there be no mention of the practice of any such episcopacy in scripture , no nor any precept for the practice of it afterwards , then cannot we receive it as of divine institution . the objections shall be answered when we have proved the minor. and for the minor i shall at this time argue from the concessions of the most learned and reverend man that at this time hath deeply engaged himself in defence of episcopacy , who doth grant us all these things following . . that in scripture times they were the same persons , and of the same office that were called bishops and presbyters . . that all the presbyters mentioned in scripture times , or then instituted ( as far as we can know ) had a power of ordination . . and also a power of ruling the church , excommunicating and absolving . . that there was not then in being any presbyter ( such as the bishops would have in these times ) who was under the bishop of a particular church or diocess . his words are these [ and although this title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders , have been also extended to a second order in the church , and is now only in use for them , under the name of presbyters , yet in the scripture times it belonged principally , if not alone to bishops ; there being no evidence , that any of that second order were then instituted , though soon after , before the writing of ignatius epistles there were such instituted in all churches . ] . it is yielded also by him that it is the office of these presbyters or bishops to teach frequently and diligently , to reduce hereticks , to reprove , rebuke , censure and absolve , to visit all the sick and pray with them , &c. and therefore it must needs follow that their diocess must be no larger then that they may faithfully perform all this to the members of it : and if there be but one bishop to do it , i am most certain then by experience that his diocess must be no bigger then this parish , nor perhaps half so big . . and it must needs follow , that in scripture times a particular church ▪ consisted not of seve●al churches associated , nor of several congregations ordinarily meeting in several places for christian communion in the solemn worship of god , but only of the christians of one such congregation with a single pastor ( though in that we dissent , and suppose there we●e more pastors then one usually , or often . ) that this must be granted with the rest is apparent . . the reverend author saith as bishop downam before cited [ that when the gospel was first preached by the apostles and but few converted , they ordained in every city and region , no more but a bishop and one or more deacons to attend him , there being at the present so smal store out of which to take more , and so small need of ordaining more , that this bishop is constituted more for the sake of those which should after believe , then of those which did already . ] . and it s proved thus : if there were in scripture times any more ordinary worshiping assemblies on the lords dayes then one under one bishop , then either they did preach , pray , praise god , and administer the lords supper in those assemblies , or they did not : if not , then . they were no such worshipping assemblies as we speak of . . and they should sin against christ who required it . . and differ from his churches which ordinarily used it . but if they did thus , then either they had some pastor ( presbyter or bishop ) to perform these holy actions between god and the people , or not : if not , then they suppose that lay-men might do all this ministerial work , in word , sacraments , prayer , and praise in the name of the assembly , &c. and if so , what then is proper to the ministry ? then farewell bishops and presbyters too . if not , the●●●her the bishop must be in two assemblies at once performing the holy worship of god in their communion ( but that 's impossible : ) or else he must have some assisting presbyters to do it ; but that 's denyed : therefore it must needs follow that the church order , constitution and practised government which was in scripture times , was this ; that a single worshipping congregation was that particular church which had a presbyter or bishop ( one or more ) which watched over and ruled that only congregation as his diocess or proper charge , having no government of any other church ( congregation ) or elders . de facto this is plainly yielded . well : this much being yielded , and we having come so far to an agreement , about the actual church constitution and government of the scripture times , we desire to know some sufficient reason , why we in these times may not take up with tha● government and church order which was practised in the scripture times ? and the reason that is brought against it is this ; because it was the apostles intention that this single bishop who in scripture times had but one congregation , and governed no presbyters , should after scripture times , have many settled congregations , and their presbyters under them , and should have the power of ordaining them , &c. to this i answer , . the intentions of mens hearts are secret till they are some way revealed . no man of this age doth know the apostles hearts but by some sign : what then is the revelation that proveth this intention ? either it must be some word or deed. for the first i cannot yet find any colour of proof which they bring from any word of the apostles , where either they give power to this presbyter or bishop to rule over many presbyters and congregations for the future : nor yet where they do so much as foretell that so it shall be . as for those of paul to timothy and titus ▪ that the● rebuke not an elder , and receive not accusation against them but under two or three witnesses , the reverend author affirmeth that those e●ders were not presbyters under such bishops as we now speak of , but those bishops themselves , whom timothy and titus might rebuke . and for meer facts without scripture words , the●e is none that can prove this pretended intention of the apostles . first , there is no fact of the apostles themselves or the churches or pastors in scripture time to prove it . for subordinate presbyters are confessed not to be then ●nstituted , and so not existent : and other fact of theirs there can be none . and no fact after them can prove it . yet this is the great argument that most insist on , that the practice of the church after scripture times , doth prove that intention of the ●p●stles which scripture doth not ( for ought is yet proved by them that i can find ) at all express . but we deny that , and require p●oo● of it . it is not bare saying so that will serve . is it not possible for the succeeding bishops to err and mistake the apostles intentions ? if not , then are they infallible as well as the apostles , which is not true . they might sin in going from the institution : and their sin will not prove that the apostles intended it should be so de jure , because their followers did so de facto . if they say that it is not likely that all the churches should so suddenly be ignorant of the apostles intention , i answer , . we must not build our faith and practice on conjectures . such a saying as this is no proof of apostolical intentions , to warrant us to swerve from the sole practised government in scripture times . . there is no great likelihood that i can discern that this first practised government was altered by those that knew the apostles , and upon supposition that these which are pretended were their intents . . if it were so , yet is it not impossible , nor very improbable , that through humane frailty they might be drawn to conjecture that that was the apostles intents which seemed right in thier eyes , and suited their present judgements and interests . . sure we are that the scripture is the perfect law and rule to the church for the establishing of all necessary offices and ordinances : and therefore if there be no such intentions or institutions of the apostles mentioned in the scripture , we may not set up universally such offices and ordinances , on any such supposed intents . de facto we seem agreed , that the apostles settled one pastor over one congregation having no presbyters under his rule : and that there were no other in scripture time : but shortly after when christians were multiplied , and the most of the cities where the churches were planted , were converted to the faith , together with the country round about , then there were many congregations , and many pastors , and the pastor of the first church in the city did take all the other churches and pastors to be under his government , calling them presbyters only , and himself eminently or only the bishop . now the question between us is , whether this was well done or not ? & whether these pastors should not rather have gathered churches as free as their own ? & whether the ●hristians that were afterward converted should not have combined for holy communion themselves in particular distinct ●hurches and have had their own pastors set over them , as the first churches by the apostles had ? they that deny it , and justifie their fact , have nothing that we can see for it , but an ungrounded surmise , that it was the apostles meaning that the first bishops should so do : but we have the apostles express institution , and the churches practise during scripture times , for the other way . we doubt not but christians in the beginning were thin , and that the apostles therefore preached most , and planted churches in cities because they were the most populous places , where was most matter to work upon , and most disciples were there ; and that the country round about did afford them here and there a family which joyned to the city church : much like as it is now among us with the anabaptists and separatists , who are famed to be so numerous and potent through the land , and yet i do not think that in all this county , there is so many in number of either of these sects as the tenth part of the people of this one parish ; nor perhaps as the twentieth part . now if all the anabaptists in worcestershire , or at least that lived so neer as to be capable of church communion , should be of mr. t 's . congregation at bewdley , or of a church that met in the chief city , worcester ; yet doth not this intimate that all the space of ground in this county is appointed or intended for the future as mr. t 's . diocess ; but if the successive pastor should claim the whole county as his charge , if the whole were turned to that opinion , no doubt but they would much cross their founders mind . and ( if the comparison may be tolerated ) we see great reason to conceive that the ancient bishops did thus cross the apostles minds . when there were no more christians in a city and the adjoyning parts , then half some of our parishes , the apostles planted fixed governours called bishops or elders over these particlar churches , which had constant communion in the worship of god : and when the cities and countreyes were converted to the faith , the frailty of ambition co-working thereto , these bishops did claim all that space of ground for their diocess where the members of their church had lived before ; as if churches were to be measured by the acres of land , and not by the number of souls ; whereas they should have done as the bee-hives do , when they are ready to swarm , so that the old hive cannot contain them all , the swarm removes and seeks them another habitation , and makes them a new hive of their own . so when a church grows big enough for two churches , one part should remove to another meeting place , and they should become two churches , and the later be of the same sort as the former , and as free , and not become subject to the former , as if men had right to be rulers of others , because they were converted before them , or because they dwell in a walled city , and others in the villages . this error therefore was no contrived or suddain thing , but crept on by degrees , as countries were converted and churches enlarged ; we are agreed therefore de facto , that it was otherwise in the apostles daies , and that soon after , in some places , it came to that pass as the prelates would have it ( in some degree . ) but whether the apostles were willing of the change , is the question between us ; we deny it , and expect their better proof . and till they prove it , we must needs take it for our duty to imitate that government which themselves confess was only practised in scripture times ; supposing this the safest way . but yet , though the proof lye on their part , who affirm the apostles to have had such intentions , that pastors of single congregations should afterward become the pastors of many , i shall ex super abundanti give them some reasons for the negative . . and first we are most certain that the holyest pastors of the church , had so much pride and ambition , that might possibly make them guilty of such a mistake as tended to the ●ncrease of their own power and rule . we find even the twelve apostles contending in christs own presence for the primacy , till he is put sharp●ly to rebuke them , and tell them the necessity of humility , and teach them better the state of his kingdom . paul met with many that contended against him for a preheminence , and put him upon all those defences of the dignity of his apostleship● which we find him using . peter found it necessary to warn the pastors that they should not lord it over gods heritage . and iohn did meet with a lording diotrephes , that loved to have the preheminence . while they lay under the cross , the bishops were aspiring , and usurping authority over one another ; or else victor of rome had not presumed to excommunicate the asian bishops for not conforming to his opinion : what abundance of unworthy contentions did the bishops of the first ages fill the churches with ? and much about superiority , who should be greatest ; what should be the priviledges of their several seas ; &c. their pride no doubt was a great cause of their contention ; and those contentions necessitated the interposition of emperors to reconcile them that could not agree of themselves . if the emperors called a council to that end , even the council it self would fall to pieces , and make all worse , if the magistrate did not moderate them . had not constantine burnt the nicene schedules , and done much to maintain an union among them , the success of that council might have been such as would have been no great encouragement to succeeding ages to seek for more . what bitter quarrels are there between the most eminent of all the fathers and bishops of the church ? between chrysostom and epiphanius ; chrysostom and theophilus alexandrinus ; hierom and iohn of ierusalem ; ierome and ruffinus ; besides his quarrels with chrysostom and augustine . i open not the concealed nakedness of the saints ; but mention those publike doleful tragedies which made the church an amazement to it self , and a scorn to the heathens that lived about them ; witness the well known censure of ammianus marcellinus : when so many people shall be murdered at once in contention for a bishoprick as were at the choice of damasus ; ambition was too predominant . the mentioning of the contentions of those most excellent bishops , and the first four general councils , makes luther break out into so many admiring exclamations , in his treatise de conciliis , that ever such men should so ambitiously quarrel about toyes and trifles , and childish things , and that even to the disturbing of all the churches , and setting the christian world on a flame . of the two churches of rome and constantinople he saith , ita hae ●uae ecclesiae ambitiose r●●atae sunt , de re nihili , vanissimis & nugacissimis naeniis , done●●●ndem utraque horribiliter vastata & deleta est . pag. . this caused nazianzen ( who complaineth so much himself of the ●dium or displeasure of his fellow bishops ) to profess himself to be so affected , that he would avoid all assemblies of bishops , because he had never seen a good end of any synod , and which did not rather increase the evils than remove them ; and his reason is not as b●llarmine feigneth , only because they were all arrians ; but because , the desire of contending , and of preheminency or principality , and their emulation , did overcome reason , ( which luther mentioning ib. pag. . wondereth that for these words he was not excommunicated as an arrant heretick ) who knoweth not , that knoweth any thing of church history , how the church hath been torn in pieces in all ages except the first , by the dissention of the bishops , till the pope drew part of them to unite in him ? and who knoweth not , that knoweth any thing of the present state of the christian world , into how many fractions it is broken at this day , and almost all through the division of these guides ? if therefore we shall imagine that the pastors of the church could not be tainted with so much ambition as to inlarge their own diocesses , and gather the new chuches under themselves , when they should have formed them into the same order and freedom as were the first , we shall shut our eyes against the most full experience of the christian world ▪ especially when the change was made by degrees . . the second reason that perswadeth me to stick to the sole practised government in scripture times , and not to alter it upon pretended intentions of the apostles , is this : nothing that intimateth temerity , or mutability , is to be charged upon the holy ghost but to institute one frame or species of church-government for scripture times , and to change it presently into another species to all succeeding ages , doth intimate temerity or mutability ; or at least , is so like it , that therefore without good proof it is not to be charged on the holy ghost . that they are two distinct species of government is plain : one is the government of a particular congregation , without any other congregations or elders under that government : the other is the governing of many elders and churches by one supereminent prelate : and if these be not two differing sorts of government , then let the prelates confess that the government which we would continue is of the same sort with theirs : for ours is of the first sort ; and if theirs be of the same , we are both agreed . and that the lord jesus christ should settle one kind of government de facto during scripture time , and change it for ever after , is most improbable : . because it intimateth levity , or mutability in a law-giver , so suddenly to change his laws and form of government ; either something that he is supposed not to have foreseen , or some imperfection is intimated as the cause . or if they say , that it was the change of the state of the body governed , viz. the church : i answer , . there was no change of the state of the church to necessitate a change of the kind of officers and government : for ( as i shall shew anon ) there was need of more elders then one in scripture times ▪ and the increase of the church might require an increase of officers for number , but not for kind . there was as much need of assisting presbyters , as of deacons . i may well conclude therefore , that he that will affirm a change of the government so suddenly , must be sure to prove it ; and the rather , because this is the bishops own great and most considerable argument on the other side , when they p●ead that the apostles themselves were rulers of presbyters , therefore rulers over presbyters ( and many churches ) should continue as gods ordinance : many on the other side answer them , ( though so do not i ) that this ordinance was temporary , during the apostles times , who had no successors in gove●nment : to wh●ch the prelates reply , that it s not ●●agi●ab●e that christ should settle one sort of church-governme●t for the first age , and another ever after , abolishing that first so soon : and tha● they who affirm this , must prove it . for my part , i am overcome by this argument , to allow all that the apostolical pattern can prove , laying aside that which depended on their extraordinary gifts and priviledges ; but then i see no reason but they should acknowled●e the ●o●ce of their own medi●m : and conclude it s not im●ginable that , if god set●led ●ixed bishops only over particular congregations , without any such order as subject pre●byters , in the first age , he should change this , and set up subject presbyters and many churches under one man for ever after . if they say , that this is not a change of the spe●ies , but a growing up of the church from infancy to maturity : i answer ▪ it is a plain change of the species of government , when one congregation is turned into many , and when a new order of officers , viz. subject presbyters without power of ordination or jurisdiction , is introduced , and the bishops made governours of pastors , that before were but governours of the people , this is plainly a new species . else i say again , let them not blame us for being against the right species . . the third rea●on is this : they that affirm a change ( not of the governours , but also ) of the very nature or kind of a particular governed or political church , from what it was in scripture times , do affirm a thing so improbable ▪ as is 〈◊〉 without very clear proof to be credited . but such are they that affirm that congregational bishops were turned to diocesan : therefore , &c. the church that was the object of the government of a fixed bishop in scripture times , was , [ a competent number of persons in covenant with christ ( or of christians ) co-habiting , by the app●intment of christ and their mutual expressed consent , united ( or associated ) under christs ministerial teachers and guides for the right worshipping of god in publick and the edification of the body in knowledge and holiness , and the maintaining of obedience to christ among them ▪ for the strength , beauty and safety of the whole and each part , and thereby the pleasing and glorifying god the redeemer , and creator , ] i● would be too long , rather then difficult to stand to prove all the parts of this definition , of the first particular political church . that part which most concerneth our present purpose , is the ends , which in relations must enter the definition : which in one word is , the communion of saints personally , as associated churches consisting of many particular churches , are for the communion of saints by officers and delegates . and therefore this communion of saints is put in our creed , next to the catholick church , as the end of the combination . i shall have occasion to prove this by particular texts of scripture anon . a diocesan church is not capable of these ends. what personal communion can they have that know not nor see not one aonther ? that live not together , nor worship god together ? there is no more personal communion of saints among most of the people of this diocess , then is between us and the inhabitants of france or germany : for we know not so much as the names or faces of each other , nor ever come together to any holy uses . so that to turn a congregation into a diocesan church , is to change the very subject of government . obj. this is meer independency , to make a single congregation , the subject of the government . answ. . i am not deterred from any truth by names . i have formerly said , that its my opinion that the truth about church-government , is parcelled out into the hands of each party , episcopal , presbyterian , independents , and erastian : and in this point in question the independents are most right . yet i do dot affirm ( nor i think they ) that this one congregation may not accidentally be necessitated to meet in several places at once , either in case of persecution , or the age and weakness of some members , or the smalness of the room : but i say only that the church should contain no more then can hold communion when they have opportunity of place and liberty ; and should not have either several settled societies or congregations , nor more in one such society then may consist with the ends. and that these assemblies are bound to associate with other assemblies , and hold communion with them by the mediation of their officers ; this , as i make no doubt of , so i think the congregational will confess . and whereas the common evasion is by distinguishing between a worshipping church and a governed chuch , i desire them to give us any scripture proof that a worshipping church and a governed church were not all one , supposing that we speak of a settled society or combination . i find no such distinction of churches in scripture . a family i know may perform some worship , and accordingly have some government : and an occasional meeting of christians without any minister , may perform some worship without government among them . but where was there ever a society that ordinarily assembled for publick worship , such as was performed by the churches on the lords dayes , and held communion ordinarily in worship , and yet had not a governing pastor of their own ? without a presbyter they could have no sacraments and other publike worship ▪ and where was there ever a presbyter that was not a chu●ch governour ? certainly if subject presbyters were not till after scripture times , nor any settled worshipping church without a presbyter ( unless the people preached and administred the sacraments , ) then there could be no worshipping church that had not their own proper governour , nor any such governour ( fixed ) that had more churches then one . reason . the contrary opinion feigneth the apostles to have allotted to each bishop a space of ground for his diocess , and to have measured churches by such spaces , and not by the number of souls : but this is unproved , & absurd . . unproved , for there is no place in scripture that giveth the bishop charge of all that space of ground , or of all the christians that shall be in that space during his time . indeed they placed a bishop in each city , when there was but a church in each city : but they never said ▪ there shall be but one church in a city , or but one bishop in a city ; much less in all the country region . . and its absurd : for it s the number of souls that a church must be measured by , and not a space of ground , ( so they do but co-habite : ) for if in the same space of ground , there should be twenty or an hundred times as many christians , it would make the number so great as would be uncapable of personal communion , and of obtaining church ends. if a schoolmaster have a school in the chief city or town of this county , and there come as many from many miles compass as one school can hold , and there be no more there : so long all that space may belong to his school , not for the space sake , but the number of schollars : for if there be afterward an hundred times as many in that space to be taught , they must set up more schools , and it were no wise part in the old schoolmaster to maintain that all that country pertaine●h to his school , because that it was so when there were fewer . so that to measure our the matter of churches by space of ground , and not by number of souls , is plainly against the reason of the relation . reason . the opposed opinion doth imply that god more regardeth cities then country villages , or that churches are to be measured according to the number and greatness of cities rather then according to the number of souls . for they suppose that every city should have a bishop if there be but twenty , or fourty , or an hundred christians in it : but if there be five hund●ed country parishes , that have some of them many thousand souls in them , these shall have no bishops of their own , but be all ruled by the bishop of the city . now how unreasonable this is , methinks should not be hard to discern . for , . what is a city to god any more then a village , that for it he should make so partial an institution ? doth he regard rome any more then eugubium , or alexandria more then tanis , for their worldly splendor or priviledges ? no doubtless it is for the multitude of inhabitants . and if so , its manifest that an equal number of inhabitants elsewhere , should have the same kind of government . . is it probable that god would have twenty thousand or an hundred thousand people in a diocess ( and in some a million ) to have but one church-ruler , and yet would have every small congregation in a city to have one , though there be none else under him ? what proportion is there in this way of government , that an hundred or fifty men shall have as many governours as a million ? as if ten thousand or an hundred thousand schollars ou● of a city shall have no more rulers , then an hundred in a 〈◊〉 ; and all because one part are in a city , and the other not ? or a physitian shall have but an hundred patients to look to in a city , and if there be a million in that city and country , he shall also upon pain of gods everlasting wrath undertake the care of them all ? let them that strive for such a charge look to it ; i profess i admire at them , what they think . of the needs of men souls : . of the terrours of gods wrath . . and of their own sufficiency for such a work ? were it my case , if i know my own he●rt at all ▪ i should fear that this were but to strive to damn thousands , and to be damned with them , by undertaking on that penalty to be their physitian ( under christ ) when i am sure i cannot look to the hundreth man of them , and i had rather strive to be a gally-slave to the turks , or to be preferred to rid cha●els , or the basest office all my dayes . reason . according to the oppos●d opinion , it is in the power of a king to make bishops to be either congregational or diocesan , to make a bish●p to ha●e a million of souls or a whole nation in charge , or to have but a● few . for if a king will but dissolve the priviledge and title , and make that no city wh●ch was a city , though he diminish not the number of souls ; and if he will do thus by all the cities , save one in his dominion , then must there be but one bishop in his dominion . and if he will but make every countrey town , that hath four or five hundred or a thousand inhabitants to be incorporate , and honour it with the title and priviledges of a city , th●n shall they have a bishop . moreover , thus every prince may de jure banish episcopacy out of his dominions , without diminishing the number of christians , if he do but defranchise the cities , and be of the mind as i have heard some men have been , that cities are against the princes interest , by strengthening the people , and advantaging them to rebellions . also if there be any indian nations so barbarous as to have no cities , though they were converted , yet must they have no bishops : also it would be in the princes power de jure to depose any of those bishops that the ap●stles or their successors are supposed to set up : for the r●man emperour might have proclaimed antioch , alexandria , or any of the rest to be no cities , and then they must have no longer have had any bishops . and what bish●ps shall antioch have at this day ? now how absurd all this is , i need not manifest : that whole contre●e● sh●ll have no government for want of 〈◊〉 , that kings shall so alter church officers at their ple●sure ●hen they intend it not , meerly by altering the civil priviledg●s of their people ; that a king may make one diocess to become an hundred , and an hundred become one , by such means . and yet all this doth unden●ably follow , if the law be that every city and only every city shall be a bishops sea where there are christians to be governed . reason . there is no sufficient reason given , why subject p●●s●byters should not have been set up in the scripture times ▪ as well as after , if it had been the apostles intent that such should be instituted . the necessity pretended , was no necessi●y , and the non-necessity is but pre●ended . first it is pre●e●●ed that there were so few fit men that there was a necessity of forb●arance . but this is not so : for , . the church had larger gifts of the spirit then , then now , and therefore proportionable to the flocks they might have had competent men , then as well as now . . they had men enough to make deacons of , even s●ven in a 〈◊〉 : and who will believe then that they could find none to make such elders of ? was not stephen or philip sufficiently qualified to have been a subject elder ? . they had many that prophesied , and interpreted , and spake with tongues in one assembly , as appears , cor. . and therefore its man●f●st that there were enough to have made ruled elders : at least sure the church at ierusalem , where there were so many thousands , would have afforded them one such , if it had been requisite . but secondly , its pretended not to have been necessary , because of the fewness of the people . but i answer , . the same persons say that in ignatius his time all churches had such presbyters : and its manifest that many churches in the scripture times , were more populous or large , then many or most beside them were in ignatius time . . did the numerous church at ierusalem ordinarily meet on the lords dayes for holy communion , or not ? if they did , then it was but a church of one congregation ( which is by most denyed ) if not , then the several assemblies must have several presbyters ( for several bishops they will not hear of , ) doubtless they did not celebrate the holy communion of the church and ordinances of god , by meer lay-men alone . . what man that knows the burden of pastoral oversight , can say that such churches of thousands , as ierusalem , rome , alexandria , &c. had need of no more than one man , to teach them , and do all the pastoral work ? and so that assisting ruled presbyters were then needless ? if they were needless to such numerous churches then ; let us even take them for needless still , and set up no new orders which were not seen in scripture times . reas. . the apostles left it not to the beshops whom they established to make new church-offices and orders quoad speciem , but only to ordain men to succeed others in the offices and orders that themselves had ( by the inspiration of the holy ghost ) appointed , or else christ before them . a bishop might make a bishop or a deacon perhaps , because these were quoad speciem made before , and they were but to put others into the places before appointed . but if there were no such creature in scripture times as a subject presbyter , that had no power of ordination and jurisdiction , then if the bishops afterward should make such , they must make a new office , as well as a new officer . so that either this new presbyter is of the institution of christ by his apostles , or of episcopal humane institution . if the former , and yet not institututed in scripture times , then scripture is not the sufficient rule and discoverer of divine institutions and church ordinances : and if we once forsake that rule , we know not where to fix , but must wander in that romane uncertainty . if the latter , then we must expect some better proof then hitherto we have seen , of the episcopall ( or any humane ) power to make new offices in the church of christ , and that of universal and standing necessity . till then we shall think they ought to have made but such presbyters as themselves . reason . if there be not so much as the name of a ruled presbyter without power of ordination , or iurisdiction , in all the scripture , much less then is there any description of his office , or any directions for his ordination , or the qualifications prerequisit in him , and the performance of his office when he is in it : and if there be no such directory concerning presbyters , then was it not the apostles intent that ever any such should be ordained . the reason of the consequence is , . because the scripture was written not only for that age then in being , but for the church of all ages to the end of the world : and therefore it must be a sufficient directory for all . the second epistle to timothy was written but a little before pauls death . surely if the churches in ignatius daies were all in need of presbyters under bishops , paul might well have seen some need in his time , or have foreseen the need that was so neer , and so have given directions for that office . . and the rather is this consequence firm , because paul in his epistles to timothy and titus doth give such full and punctual directions concerning the other church-officers , not only the bishops , but also the deacons , describing their prerequisite qualifications , their office , and directing for their ordination , and conversation : yea he condescendeth to give such large directions concerning widows themselves , that were serviceable to the church . now is it probable that a perfect directory written for the church to the worlds end , & largely describing the qualifications and office of deacons , which is the inferiour , would not give one word of direction concerning subject presbyters without power of ordination or rule , if any such had been then intended for the ●hurch ? no nor once so much as name them ? i dare not accuse pauls epistles written to that very purpose , and the whole scripture , so much of insufficiency , as to think they wholly omit a necessary office , and so exactly mention the inferiour and commonly less necessary , as they do . reason . the new episcopal divines do yield that all the texts in timothy , titus , and the rest of the new testament , that mentitn gospel bishops or presbyters , do mean only such as have power of ordination and iurisdiction , without the concurrence of any superiour bishop . the common inerpretation of the fathers , and the old episcopal divines of all ages , of most or many of those texts , is , that they speak of the office of such as now are called presbyters . lay both together , and if one of them be not mistaken , they afford us this conclusion , that the presbyters that now are , have by these texts of scripture , the power of ordination and iurisdiction without the concurrence of others . and if so , then was it never the apostles intent , to leave it to the bishops to ordain a sort of presbyters of another order , that should have no such power of ordination or jurisdiction , without the bishops negative . reason . we find in church history that it was first in some few great cities ( especially rome and alexandria ) that a bishop ruled many settled worshipping congregations with their presbyters ; when no such thing at that time can be proved by other churches : therefore we may well conceive that it was no ordinance of the apostles , but was occasioned afterwards , by the multiplying of christians in the same compass of ground where the old church did inhabite ; and the adjacent parts , together with the humane frailty of the bishops , who gathered as many as they could under their own government when they should have erected new churches as free as their own . reason . if the description of the bishops settled in the new testament , and the work affixed to them , be such as cannot agree to our diocesan bishops ▪ but to the pastors of a single church , then was it never the mind of the holy ghost that those bishops should degenerate afterwards into diocesan bishops : but the antecedent is certain ? therefore so is the consequent . i here still suppose with learned dr. h annot. in act. . & passim , that the name presbyter in scripture signifieth a bishop , there being no evidence that in scripture time any of that second order , ( viz. subject presbyters ) were then instituted . though i am far from thinking that there was but one of these bishops in a church at least as to many churches . now as we are agreed de facto that it was but a single church that then was under a bishop and not many such churches ( for that follows undenyably upon the denying of the existence of subject presbyters ; seeing no such churches can be , nor the worshipping assemblies held without a bishop or presbyter ; ) so that it was the mind of the apostles that it should so continue , is proveed by the desciption and work of those scripture bishops . argument . from acts . , , . the bishops instituted and fixed by the holy ghost were and are to take heed to all the flock over which the holy ghost hath made them overseeers , to feed the church of god , and to watch against wolves , and to warn every one night and day ] but this cannot be done by diocesan bishops , nor any that have more then one church : therefore diocesan bishops are not the bishops that the holy ghost hath so fixed and instituted , such as paul describeth were to continue : and that 's such as can do that work . argument . the bishops that the holy-ghost settled and would have continue , ( and had the power of ordination given them , ) were such as were to be ordained in every city and every church , acts . . tit. . , , . see dr. hammonds annotat. but it is not diocesan bishops that are such ( for they are over many churches and cities ) therefore it is not diocesan bishops that were settled by the holy ghost , nor meant in those texts . ar. . the bishops which were instituted by the holy ghost , and are meant in scripture , were to watch for their peoples souls as those that must give account , ruling over them , and to be obeyed by all , and speaking to them the word of god , heb. . , , . but this cannot be done by a bishop to a whole diocess , ( nor will they be willing of such an account if they be wise : ) therefore it is not diocesan bishops that are meant in scripture . argument . the bishops settled for continuance in scripture were such as all the people were to know as labouring among them , and over them in the lord , and admonishing them , and to esteem them very highly in love , for their work sake , thes. . , . but this cannot be meant of our diocesan bishop , ( whom the hundreth part of the flock shall never see , hear , nor be admonished by : ) therefore it is not such that were settled for continuance in the church . argument . the bishops settled by the holy ghost , must by any that are sick be sent for , to pray over them . but this a diocesan bishop cannot do , to the hundreth or thousandth person in some places ; therefore it is not diocesan bishops ( but the bishops of a single church that are capable of these works that are meant by the holy ghost , to continue in the church , and consequently to whom the power of ordaining was committed . if any question whether the texts alleadged do speak of subject-presbyters , or bishops , i refer them to the foresaid reverend doctor , with whom i am agreed , that there were no subject-presbyters instituted in scripture times . reason . it was not one or two or all churches for a year or two or more in their meer fieri or infancy before they were well formed , that consisted only of one settled worshipping assembly and its guides ; but it was the formed and stablished state of the particular churches . to prove this i shall briefly do these three things . . i shall shew it in respect to the jewish synagogues . . as to the churches in the apostles dayes after many years growth ; even of every church that 's mentioned in the new testament , as a particular political church . . as to some of the churches after the apostles dayes , mentioned by the ancients . . it is apparent that the jews synagogues were particular congregational churches , having each one their several rulers , and as many learned men suppose , they had an ecclesiastical judicature of elders , belonging to each of them , where fit men could be found , and this distinct from the civil judicature : or as others think , they had a sanhedrim which had power to judge in both causes , and one of these was in every city , that is , in places of cohabitation . for in every city of israel which had one hundred and twenty families ( or free persons say others ) they placed the sanhedrim of twenty three . and in every city which had not one hundred and twenty men in it , they set the smallest judicature of three judges , so be it there were but two wise men among them , fit to teach the law and resolve doubts . see a●nsworth on numb . . . citing talmud . bab. & maimonides , more at large . and doubtless many of our country villages , and almost all our parishes have more then . and every country village may come in , in the lesser number below . which are to have three elders : and that say some , was every place where were ten men . and that these were under the great sanhedrim at ierusalem , is nothing to the matter ; for so we confess that such particular churches as we mention , have some such general officers over them de jure , as the apostolical men were in the primitive church ; but not that any of these synagogues were under other synagogues ; though one were in a great city , and the other but in a small town . and that these synagogues were of divine institution , is plain in divers texts , particularly in lev. . , , . where a convocation of holiness , or a holy convocation is commanded to be on every sabboth in all their dwellings , which most plainly could be neither the meeting at ierusalem at the temple , nor yet in single families : and therefore it is not to much purpose that many trouble themselves to conjecture when synagogues began , and some imagine it was about the captivity : for as their controversie can be but about the form of the meeting place , or the name , so its certain that some place there must be for such meetings ; and that the meetings themselves were in the law commanded by god : and that not to be tumultuary confused ungoverned assemblies . if the scourging in the synagogues prove not this power ( which is much disputed , ) mat. . . and . . luke . . and . . and . . acts . . and . yet at least , excluding men their synagogue communion , may iohn . , . and . . and . . but because this argument leads us into many controversies about the jewish customes , lest it obscure the truth by occasion in quarrels , i shall pass it by . . i find no particular political church in the new testament , consisting of several congregations , ordinarily meeting for communion in gods worship ; ( unless as the forementioned accidents might hinder the meeting of one congregation in one place , ) nor having half so many members as some of our parishes . when there is mention made of a country , as iudea , galile , samaria , galatia , the word [ churches ] in the plural number is used , gal. . . acts . . and . . cor. . . but they 'l say , these were only in cities : but further consid●r , there is express mention of the church at cenchrea , which was no city ; and they that say that this was a parish subject to corinth ▪ give us but their words for it , without any proof that ever i could see : and so they may as well determine the whole cause by bare affirmation , and prevent disputes . the apostle intimateth no such distinction , rom. . . cor. . , , . . [ when ye come together in the church , i hear that there be divisions among you . — when ye come together therefore into one place , this is not to eat the lords supper . ] — . [ we have no such custome , nor the churches of god ] here the church of corinth is said to come together into one place : and for them that say , this is per partes , and so that one place is many to the whole ; i answer , the apostle saith not to a part , but to the whole church , that they come together in one place , and therefore the plain obvious sence must stand , till it be disproved . and withall he calls the christian assemblies in the plural number [ churches : ] for its plain that it is of assembly customes that he there speaks . so cor. . there is plainly expressed that it was a particular assembly that was called the church , and that this assembly had it in many prophets , interpreters , & others that might speak . verse . [ he that prophesieth , edifieth the church ] that is , only that congregation that heard . and verse . [ except he interpret that the church may receive edifying ] and verse . [ seek that ye may excell to the edifying of the church . ] verse . [ in the church i had rather speak five words with my understanding , that i may teach others also . — ] and verse . [ if therefore the whole church be come together into one place , and all speak with tongues — ] one would think this is as plain as can be spoken , to assure us that the whole churches then were such as might , and usually did come together for holy communion into one place . so verse . [ if there be no interpreter , let him keep silence in the church : ] and which is more , lest you think that this was some one small church that paul speaks of , he denominateth all other particular congregations , even ordered governed congregations , [ churches ] too . verse . for god is not the author of confusion but of peace , as in all the churches of the saints . ] so that all the congregations for christian worship , are called , all the churches of the saints . and it seems all as well as this , so stored with prophets and gifted men that they need not take up with one bishop only for want of matter to have made subject elders of : and verse . [ let your women keep silence in the church ] for it is a shame for a woman to speak in the church . ] so that so many assemblies , so many churches . obj. but it seems there were among the corinthians more then one congregation by the plural [ churches . ] answ. . many particular seasons of assembling , may be called many assemblies or churches , though the peoole be the same . . the epistle was a directory to other churches , though first written to the corinthians . . those that say , it was to corinth , and other city-churches that paul wrote , need no further answer : it seems then each city had but a congregation , if that were so . cenchrea was a church neer to corinth , to whom paul might well know his epistle would be communicated : and more such there might be as well as that , and yet all be entire free churches . so in col. . . [ and when this epistle is read among you , cause that it be read also in the church of the laodiceans , and that ye likewise read the epistle from laodicea . ] this church was such as an epistle might be read in , which doubtless was an assembly . the whole matter seems plain in the case of the famous church at antioch , acts . . a whole year they assembled themselves with the church , and taught much people ] here is mention but of one assembly , which is called the church ; where the people , it seems , were taught . and its plain that there were many elders in this one church ; for acts . . it said [ there were in the church that was at antioch certain prophets and teachers ] and five of them are named , who are said to minister there to the lord ▪ and though i do not conclude that they were all the fixed elders of that particular church , yet while they were there they had no less power then if they had been such . in the third epistle of iohn , where there is oft mention of that particular church , it appeareth verse . that it was such a church as before which the ●rethren and strangers could bear witness of gaius charity : and it s most probable that was one assembly ; but utterly improbable that they travailed from congregation to congregation to bear this witness . and vers. , . it was such a church as iohn wrote an epistle to , and which diotrephes cast men out of : which is most likely to be a congregation , which might at once hear that epistle , and out of which diotrephes mig●t ●asilier reject strangers , and reject the apostles letters , then out of many such congregations , gal. . . when paul saith , he was vnknown by face to the churches of iudea , it is most likely that they were churches which were capable of seeing and knowing his face not only by parts , but as churches . and its likely those churches that praised luke , and sent him with paul as their chosen messenger , were such as could meet to choose him , and not such as our diocesses are , cor. . , . paul gives order both to the church of corinth , and the churches of galatia , that upon the lords day at the assembly ( as it is ordinarily expounded ) they should give in their part for the relief of the churches of iudea . so that it seems most likely that he makes [ churches ] and such assemblies to be all one , acts . . they ordained them elders , church by church , or in every church . here it is confessed by those we plead against , that elders signifie not any subject elders having no power of ordination or government : and to say that by elders in each church is meant only one elder in each church , is to forsake the letter of the text without any proved necessity : we suppose it therefore safer to believe according to the first sence of the words , that it was elders in every church , that is , more then one in every church that were ordained . and what sort of churches these were , appears in the following verses , where even of the famous church of antioch its said , verse . when they were come , and had gathered the church together , they rehearsed all that god had done by them — so that its plain that this church was a congregation to whom they might make such rehearsal . and chap. . . it s said that they were brought on their way by the church : and if it be not meant of all , but a part of the church , yet it intimateth what is aforesaid . to conclude , though many of these texts may be thought to speak doubtfully , yet consider . that some do most certainly declare that it was particular stated assemblies that were then called churches , even governed churches , having their officers present . . that there is no certain proof of any one particular political church that consisted of many such stated assemblies . . that therefore the texts that will bear an exposition either way , must be expounded by the certain , and not by the uncertain texts ; so that i may argue thus . if in all the new testament , the word [ church ] do often signifie stated worshipping single assemblies , and often is used so as may admit that interpretation ; and is never once used certainly to signifie many particular stated worshipping assemblies ruled by one fixed bishop , then we have any just cause to suppose that the particular political churches in scripture times consisted but of one such stated congregation . but the antecedent is true , therefore so is the consequent . as for the new episcopal divines that say there were no subject presby●ers in scripture times : i suppose according to their principles , they w●ll grant me all this , as is aforesaid and for others , the instances that they bring to the contrary should be briefly considered . the great swaying instance of all ( which did sometime prevail with me to be my self of another mind ) is the numerous church at ierusalem : of which its said that three thousand were converted at once , and five thousand at another time , and the word mightily grew and prevailed , and daily such were added to the church as should be saved : to wh●ch some add the mention of the miriades of believing jews yet zealous of the law , which the brethren mentioned to paul , acts . . and the instance of ephesus and rome come next . but i remember how largely this business is debated between the late assembly at westminster and the dissenting brethren , that i think it unmeet to interpose in it any further then to annex these few considerations following . . that all that is said on that side , doth not prove certainly that that one church at ierusalem was the eighth part so big as giles cripple-gate parish , or the fifth part so big as stepney or sepulchres , nor neer so big as plimoth or some other country parishes . . that it is past doubt that the magnitude of that body of believers then at ierusalem , was partly acccidental , and the members cannot at all be proved settled cohabitants , nor that church as in its first unordered mass be the proved to be the fittest pattern for imitation . . that christ hath not punctually determined how many members shall be in a particular church . . but the ends ( being personal holy communion ) are the rule by which humane prudence must determine it . . that its fitter one church instance give way to many in point of our imitation , then of many to that one , caeteris paribus . . that it s known among us that more then are proved to have been members of that church , may hear one man preach at the same time . i have none of the loudest voices , and yet when i have preached to a congregation judged by judicious men to be at least ten thousand , those farthest off said they could well hear ( as i was certainly informed . ) . that its certain by many passages historicall in ●cripture that men did then speak to greater multitudes , and were heard at far greater distance then now they can orderly be : which i conjecture was because their voices were louder , as in most dryer bodies ( which dryer countreys have ) is commonly seen , when moister bodies have of●er hoarser voices ; and other reasons might concur . . that it is confessed or yielded that the church at ierusalem might all hear at once , though not all receive the lords supper together . and if so , then they were no more then might at once have personal communion in some holy ordinances , and that the teachers might at once make known their minds to . . and then the reason of receiving the supper in several places seems to be but because they had not a room so fit to receive all in , as to hear in . and so we have now in many parishes assemblies subordinate to the chief assembly : for divers families at once may meet at one house , and divers at another , for repetition , prayer or other duties ; and some may be at chappels of ease that cannot come to the full assembly . ▪ they that are for presby●erial churches of many congregations , do not say , that there must be many , to make the first political church , but only that , there may be many ? if then there be no necessit● of it , . should it not be forborn when it appeare●h to prudence most inconvenient ( as frequently it will no doubt . ) . and when it is necessary for a peaceable accommodation , be●ause others think it a sin , should not a may be give place to a must not be , in pacificatory consultations , caeteris paribus ? . it is granted also by them , that the pastors of one congregation have not a charge of governing other neighbour congregation in consistory , ( one rather then another , which they g●vern not , though perhaps as neer them ) but b● con●ent . and therefore as there is but a licet , not an oportet ▪ of such consent pleaded for : so while no such consent is given , we have no such ch●●ge of governing neighbour congregations ; and none may force us to such consent . . and lastly , that if a si●gle congregation with it own officer , or officers , be not a true particular political church ; then our ordinary parish assemblies are none ; and where the presbyterian government is not set up ( which is up but in few places of england ) it would then follow that we have no true political churches left among us ( & perhaps never had : ) which i meet yet with few so uncharitable as to affirm , except the papists and the separatists and a few of the new sort of episcopal divines , who think we have no churches for want of ●ishops , ( except where bishops yet are retained and acknowleged . ) for my part i would not lay too great a stress upon any forms or modes which may be altered or diversified . let the church have but such a number of souls as may be consistent with the ends and so the essence of a particular church , that they may held personal holy communion , and then i will not quarrel about the name of one or two congregations , nor whether they must needs all meet together for all ordinances , nor the like . yea i think a full number ( so they be not so full or distant , as to be uncap●ble of that communion ) are desireable , for the strength and beauty of the church ; and too smal churches , if it may be , to be avoided . so that all the premises being considered , out difference appears to be but small in these matters between the congregational and presbyterian way , among them that are moderate . i shall not presume more particularly to enter into that debate , which hath been so far proceeded in already by such reverend men , but shall return to the rest of the task before promised against the diocesan churches as the supposed subject of the bishops government . as for scripture times and the next succeeding together , i shall before i look into other testimonies , propound these two arguments . . from the bishops office , which was before mentioned . if the office of a bishop in those times , was to do so much work as could not be done by him for a church any greater than our parishes , then were the churches of those times no greater then our parishes : but the antecedent is true ; therefore so is the consequent . the works are before mentioned , preaching , praying , administring the lords supper , visiting the sick , reducing hereticks , reproving , censuring , absolving : to which they quickly added too much more of their own . the impossibility of a faithful performance of this to more is so undenyable , that i cannot suppose any other answer but this that they might ordain presbyters to assist them in the work , and so do much of it by others . but . i before desired to see it proved by what authority they might do this . . their office and work are so inseparable that they cannot depute others to do their work ( their proper work ) without deputing them also to their office . for what is an office but the state of one obliged and authorized to do such or such a work ? a presbyter may not authorize another to preach as the teacher of a congregation , and to administer the sacraments , without making him a presbyter also : nor can a bishop authorize any to do the work of a bishop in whole or by halves without making him a presbyter or half a bishop . and he is not authorized either to make new officers in the church , or to do his work by deputies or substitutes . . i argue also from the identity of that church to wh●ch the bishops and deacons were appointed for ministration . it was not a church of many stated congregations , or any larger than our parishes for number of souls that the deacons were made ministers to : therefore it was no other or bigger which the bishops were set ove● . the consequence is good : because where ever deacons are mentioned in scripture or any writer that i remember neer to scripture times , they are still mentioned with the bishops or presbyters as ministers to the same church with them , as is apparent b●th in the seven chosen for the church at ierusalem , and in phil. . , . and in the direction of paul to timothy for ordaining them . and the antecedent is proved from the nature of their work : for they being to attend on the tables at the love feasts and the lords supper , and to look to the poor , they could not do this for any greater number of people then we mention ; whether they had those feasts in one house or many at once , i determine not ; but for the number of people , it was as much as a deacon could do at the utmost to attend a thousand people . i shall proceed a little further towards the times next following ; and first i shall take in my way the confession of one or two learned men that are for prelacy . grotius in his annotat. on tim. . . saith [ sed notandum est in una vrbe magna sicut plures synagogas , ita & plures fuisse ecclesias , id est , conventus christianorum . et cuique ecclesiae fuisse suum praesidem , qui populum alloqueretur , & presbyteros ordinaret . alexandriae tantum eum fuisse morem , ut unus esset in tota urbe praeses qui ad docendum presbyteros per urbem distribueret , docet nos sozomenus . . & epiphanius , ubi de ario agit , dicitque alexandriae nunquam duos fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voce ●a sumpta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ita ut significat jus illud quod habebat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] so that grotius affirmeth that bishops had not then so much as all the converted persons of a great city under their care , but the churches and assemblies were the same , and each assembly had a prelate , and in the great cities there were many of these churches and prelates , and that only the city of alexandria had the custom of having but one such bishop in the whole city . . those learned men also must grant this cause who maintain that peter and paul were both of them bishops of rome at once , there being two churches , one of the circumcision under peter , the other of the uncircumcision under paul : and that one of them had linus , and the other cletus for his successor , and that this church was first united under clemens : and the like they say of two churches also at antioch , and elswhere . if this be so , then there is no law of god that bishops should be numbred by cities , but more bishops then one may be in one city , and were , even when christians comparatively were a small part of them . . also mr. thorndike and others affirm that it was then the custome for the bishops and presbyters to sit in a semicircle , and the bishop highest in a chair , and the deacons to stand behind them : this he gathereth from the apost . constitut. ignatius , dionysius arcop . and the jews constitutions , ( in his apost . form page . and right of the church , &c. p. . , . ) and if this were so , it seems that bishops , presbyters and deacons were all the officers of one such stated congregation , and had not many such congregations under them : for the bishop could be but in one place at once , and therefore this could be the custome but of one church in his diocess , if he had many , whereas it is made the form of the ordinary christian assemblies . the same learned man ( right of church p. . ) saith that [ about saint cyprians time , and not af●re , he finds men●ion of setled congregations in the country ] by which it may be well conjectured what a small addition the bishops had out of the countreys to their city chu●ches , and how many congregations they governed in the apostle dayes and after . he affirmeth also that [ the power of the keyes belongeth to the presbyters , and that its convertible with the power of celebrating the eucharist , and that 's the reason why it belongs to them , page . ibid. and that [ the power of the keys , that is , the whole power of the church whereof that power is the root and sourse , is common to b●shops and presbyters ] page and that to this all sides agree , page . and that by their grant deacons and others may preach , but not rule or administer the lords supper : see page . . and he is far from being of their mind that think in scripture times there was but one single bishop without other presbyters in a diocesan church : for he supposed many in a congregation . page he saith [ you see by st. paul , cor. . that one assembly whereof he speaks there , furnished with a great number of prophets , whether presbyters , or over and above them . in the records of the church , we find divers times a whole bench of presbyters presiding at one assembly . ] and before he had shewed how they sate about the bishop , and the congregation stood before them . and page . he saith that [ clemens the disciple of the apostles , in his epistle to the corinthians to compose a difference among the presbyters of that church partly about the celebration of the eucharist , adviseth them to agree and take their turns in it . ] i confess i knnw not whence he hath this ( doubtless not in the true approved epistle of clement ; ) but it shews in his judgement , . that there were then many presbyters in the church of corinth . and that that church was but one congregation , or not very many : else what need the presbyters take their turns , when they might have done it at once ? . that the word presbyter in clemens signifieth not a prelate . . and it seems this intimateth there was then no bishop in corinth : else no question but clemens would have charged these disagreeing presbyters to obey their bishop , and used some of ignatius language : . nay if bishops had been then known in the world , is it not likely that he would have charged them to get a bishop if they had not , to govern such a disagreeing presbytery ? and page , , . he shews that [ the condemning of marcion at rome , and of noelus at ephesus , are expresty said by epiphanius , haeres . . num . . & . haeres . num . . to have been done and passed by the act of the presbyters of those churches — and which is of later date , the excommunication of andronicus in s●nesius . epist. i find reported to have passed in the same sort , and all this agreeable to the practice recorded in scripture ] alledging , . tim. . . acts . . citing cyprian ep. . and the apost . constit. and saith , bloudell in this might have spared his exact diligence , it being granted , &c. mr. thorndike also tells us pag. . of the words of ninius , that [ in ireland alone , saint patrick at the first plantation of christianity founded three hundred and threescore and five bishopricks ] and can any man believe that all these had cities or more then one of our parish churches , when all ireland to this day hath not seven cities ? and when all this was done at the first plantation of the gospel ? i think we had this sort of episcopacy . even since the reformation there is reckoned in ireland but four arch-bishops , nineteen bishops . what think you then were . bishops at the first plantation of the gospel ? to proceed to some further evidence . . it s manifest in clemens rom. epist. to the corinthians there is mention of no more but two orders ; the one called sometime bishops , sometime presters , the other deacons , page . . * and this he saith the apo●●les did as knowing that contention would arise about the name of episcopacy , and that they so se●led the ministerial offices that others should succeed in them when some were deceased . for my part i cannot see the least reason to be of their mind that think clemens here doth speak only of prelates or supereminent bishops , ( of which i refer the reader to mr. burtons notes in his english translat●on of clemen● ) but suppose it were so : if at that time the churches had none but single bishops , it is plain then that they were but single congregations : for no other congregations having communion in the●r-then-ordinary , publike worship , could be managed without a bishop or presbyter to do the work . but for them that sleight mr. burtons & other mens plain reasons concerning the judgement of clem. romanus , and force his words to speak what they mean not , i desire them to observe the judgement of grotius whom they profess so much to value : who in his epistol . ad ▪ bignon . gives this as one reason to prove this epistle of clemens genuine [ quod nusquam meminit , exsortis illius episcoporum autoritatis , quae ecclesiae consuetudine post marci mortem alexandriae , atque eo exemplo alibi , introduci cepit , sed planè ut paulus apostolus ostendit ecclesias communi presbyterorum qui iidem omnes & episcopi ipsi pauloque dicuntur , consilio fuisse gubernatas . nam quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nominat , omnia ista nomina non ad ecclesiam sed ad templum hieros . pertinent : unde infert omnia recto ordine agenda , si iudaeis , tanto magis christianis ] you see that grotius ( then , ) and clemens , in his judgement , were against prelacy . . the very same i say of prelacie , epist. ad philip. which mentioneth only two sorts , presbyters and deacons . . and though ignatius oft mention three , it seems to me that they were all but the governours or ministers of one congregation , or of no more people then one of our parishes . in the epist. ad smyr● . he saith [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. vbi episcopus praesens fuerit , illuc & plebs congregetur , sicuti & ubi christus est omnis militia coelestis a●est ] as the common interpreter translateth it , [ ut vid. est in edit . perionii & vsherii , ] &c. [ vbi comparuerit episcopus , ibi & multitudo sit ; quemadmodum ubi christus , ibi omnis astat exercitus coelestis ] as hier. vairlenius & videlius translate it : or , [ vbi utique apparet episcopus , illic multitudo sit ; quemadmodum utiq , ubi est christus iesus , illic catholica ecclesia ] as vshers old tranlation . and by the context it appeareth that this pl●bs , or multitudo is the church which he ruleth , and not only one congregation among many that are under him : for this doth without distinction bind all the people one as well as another , to be where the bishop is or appeareth , viz. in the publick assembly for communion in worship . it is plain therefore there that were not then many such assemblies under him : otherwise all save one must have necessarily disobeyed this command . and in the epistle to the philadelphians he hath [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] i. e. [ vna enim est caro domini nostri iesu christi , & unus illius sanguis qui pro nobis effusus est , & unus calix qui pro omn●bus nobi● distributus est , unus panis qui omnibus fractus est , unum altare omni ecclesiae , & unus episcopus cum presbyterorum collegio & diaconis conservis meis . ] here it is manifest that the particular church which in those dayes was governed by a bishop , presbytery and deacons , was but one congregation ; for every such church had but one altar . object . but some greek copies leave out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . answ. . the corrupt vulgar translation might occasion the change of the text , saith bishop vsher ( annot. in loc . page . ) [ intermedia illa , ex interpretatione hâc excidisse videantur . ] . the old translation of bishop vsher which leaves it out , yet hath vnum altare & unus episcopus , &c. and the sence is ●he same if the other words were out . . ignatius hath the like in other places , as we shall see anon ; which forbiddeth such quarrels here . object . but saith the learned and godly bishop downame , ( def. li. . cap. . page . ) the word altar being expounded for the communion table , is not likely , a●d too much savoureth of popery : but by one altar is meant christ who sanctifieth all our sacrifices and oblations and maketh them acceptable to god ; as ignatius expoundeth himself in h●s epistle to the magnesians : all as one run together into the temple of god unto one iesus christ as it were unto one altar . ] to this i answer , that it is some confirmation to me , that the words are so express , that so learned a man hath no more to say by way of evasion . for doubtless this is too gross and palpable to satisfie the judicious impartial reader . . that the very text which he citeth of the epistle to the magnesians doth make fully against him ▪ i shall shew anon . . that it is not christ that is meant here by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is evident , . in that christ his flesh and blood are before distinctly mentioned : . in that the word is put in order among the external ordinances : . in that it is so usual with other ancient writers and ignatius himself to use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the sence as we now take it , that it will be plain violence to imagine that it is christ that was meant by it . and for popery , there is no such matter of danger , in using a word metaphorically : otherwise we we must make the ancients commonly to be friends to popery ; for they ordinarily call the lords table and the place where it stood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i say the table and the sacrarium or place of its standing : for this seems plainly the meaning of ignatius : so saith bishop vsher annot. in loc . ubi sup . [ altare apud patres mensam dominicam passim denotat apud ignatium & polycarpum ; sacrarium quoque . so h. stephens altarium sacrarium . see what learned mr. thorndike himself in his right of the church , &c. page . saith to this purpose more largely ; where concerning ignatius his use of the same word to the ephesians he saith [ where it is manifest that the church is called a sanctuary or place of sacrificing : mr. mead in his discourse of the name altar page . sheweth that ignatius by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 means the lords table , and takes videlius his concession , as of a thing that could not be denyed . in the epistle of ignatius ( or whoever else ) to polycarp bishop of smyrna he saith , crebrius celebrantur conventus synodique nominatim omnes inquire . servos & ancillas ne fastidias ( as vairlenius translateth ) or ( as bishop vshers old translation ) saepe congregationes fi●nt . ex nomine omnes quaere : servos & ancillas ne despicias . — ] whether this were ignatius or not , all 's one to me , as long as i use it but historically to prove the matter of fact in those times . but surely no man should marvail if i hence gather that great polycarp was bishop but of one congregation , when he must enquire or take notice of every one of his congregation by name , even as much as servants and maids . i would every parish minister were so exactly acquainted with his flock ! another passage there is in ignatius to the same purpose epist. ad magnes . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] i. e. omnes adunati ad templum dei concurrite , sicut ad unum altare ▪ sicut ad unum iesum christum , as the vulgar translation . or as vairl●nius , [ omnes velut unus quispiam in templum dei concurri●● , velut ad utum alnare ; ad unum iesum christum ] so the old latine in vsher to the same purpose . and in the words before going he bids them [ come all to one place for prayer ] here is no room for bishop downams conceit , that its christ that 's meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for they are plainly put as distinct things : as if he should say , come all to one altar , as to one christ. i. e because it is but one christ that is there to be partaked of . all this doth so evidently prove that in those dayes a bishop with his presbytery and deacons , had but one congregation meeting at one altar for church communion in the eucharist , that it caused mr. mead ( in his discourse of churches pag. , , . cent. . ) to say as followeth , having cited these words of ignatius [ loe here a temple with an altar in it , whether the magnesians are exhorted to gather themselves together to pray : to come together in one place , &c. for it is to be observed that in these primitive times they had but one altar in a church , as a symbole , both that they worshipped but one god through one mediator iesus christ , and also of the vnity the church ought to have in it self . whence ignatius not only here , but also in his epistle to the philadelphians urgeth the unity of the altar for a motive to the congregation to agree together in one : for unum altare ( sai●h he ) omni ecclesiae , & unus episcopus cum presbyterio & diaconis conservis meis . this custome of one altar is still retained by the greek church : the contrary use is a transgression of the latines , not only symbolically implying , but really introducing a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — &c. nay more then this it should seem that in those first times , before diocesses were divided into those lesser and sub●rdinate churches , we ca●l now parishes , and presbyters assigned to them , they had not only one altar in one church or dominicum , but one altar to a church , taking church for the company or corporation of the faithfull , united under one bishop or pastor , and that was in the city or place where the bishop had his see and residence , like as the iews had but one altar and temp●e for the whole nation united under one high priest. and yet as the iews had their synagogues , so perhaps might they have more oratori●s then one , though their altar were but one ; there namely where the bishop was . die solis saith justin martyr , omnium qui vel in oppidis vel ruri degunt , in eundem locum conventus fit : namely as he there tells us , to celebrate , and participate the holy eucharist . why was this , but because they had not many places to celeb●ate in ? and unless this were so , whence came it else , that a schismatical bishop was said constituere or collocare aliud altare ? and that a bishop and an altar are made correlatives ? see s. cyprian epist. . , . de unit . eccles. and thus perhaps is ignatius to be understood in that forequoted passage of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unum altare omni ecclesiae , & unus episcopus cum presbyterio & diaconis ] so far mr. mead. i hope upon the consent of so admirable a critick and learned man , it will not be so much blame-worthy in me , if i speak somewhat the more confidently this way ; and say , that i think that the main confusion and tyranny that hath overspread the churches , hath been very much from the changing the apostolical frame of churches , and setting up many altars and congregations under one bishop in one ( pretended particular ) church . i had three or four passages ready to cite out of ignatius , but these are so express , that i apprehend the rest the less necessary to be mentioned . the next therefore that i shall mention shall be the forementioned words of iustin martyr apol. , cited by mr. mead , and by others frequently to this purpose : in which i observe all these particulars full to the purpose . . that they had but one assembly each lords day for church communion for one church . . that this was for reading and prayer and the eucharist . . that the president ( who is commonly by those of the episcopal judgement said to be here meant the b●shop ) did preach and give thanks and administer the supper : so that it was administred but to one congregation as under that bishop of that church , for he could not be in two places at once . . that to the absent the deacons carried their portion after the consecration : so that they had not another meeting and congregation by themselves for that end . this is all so plain that i shall think it needeth no vindication . so that were there but these two testimonies , i should not marvail if bishop downam had extended his confession a little further , when he acknowledgeth ( d●f . li. . cap. . page . that [ at the first and namely in the time of the apostle paul , the most of the churches so soon after their conversion , did not each of them ex●eed the proportion of a populous congregation , ] ( and then we are not out in so interpreting the words of paul and other writers of the holy scripture . ) the next that i shall mention ( whoever was or when ever he lived ) is dionys. de eccles. hierarch . cap. . where he tells us that the praefect ( who was the bishop , if there were any ) did baptize those that were converted , and the presbyters and deacons did but assist him : and abundance of work he mentioneth wh●ch they had with all that they baptized , and they called all the congregation together who joyned in prayers with the bishop at the baptism . all which shews that he was then the bishop but of one particular church , which ordinarily assembled together for publick worship . for , . if he had many such churches or congregations under him , he could not be thus present to celebrate baptism in them all . nor would one only be mentioned as his charge . . nor is it possible that one bishop should with so long a way of baptisme as is there described , be able to baptize all the persons in a diocess such as ours , or the twentieth part of them , much less in those times , when besides the infants of believers , the most eminent sort of baptism , and greatest labour , was about the multitudes of adult converts , that by the gospel were daily added to the church . gregory thaumaturgus was as by force made bishop of neocesarea : and yet his whole diocess or city had but seventeen ●hristians in it at his entrance , though when he died he found upon enquiry but seventeen pagans , so great a change was made by the gospel and by miracles : but by this diocess of seventeen souls we may conjecture what the churches were in those times ( though we should allow others to be an hundred times as great , they would not be so great as the tenth part of many parishes in england . ) see the truth of this passage in greg. nissen oratio in greg. thaumatur . twice over he recites it . and basil. mag. l. de spir. sanc. c. . and roman . breviar . die . novemb. and the menolog graec. mentioned before greg. neocesar . works printed ad paris . but i shall return to some before gregory . the next that i shall cite is tertullian , that well known place in his apolog. c. . [ corpus sumus de conscientia religionis & discipline unitate & spei federe . coimus in coetum & congregationem ut ad deum quasi manu facta precationibus ambiamus orantes . — cogimur ad div●narum literarum commemorationem — certè fidem sanctis vocibus pascimus , spem erigimus , fiduciam figimus , disciplinam praceptorum nihilominus inculcationibus densamus : ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes , & censura divina : nam & judicatur magno cum pondere ut apud certos de dei conspectu ; summumque futuri judicii praejudicium est siquis ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione orationis , & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . praesident probati quiq , seniores , &c. ] if i be able to understand tertullian , it is here plain that each ●hurch consisted of one congregation , which assembled for worship , and discipline at once or in one place , and this church was it that had presidents or seniors to guide them both in worship and by discipline . so that if there were any more of these assemblies in one particular political church , then there were more bishops then one , or else others besides bishops exercised this discipline : but indeed it s here plainly intimated that bishops were then the guides of congregations ( single , ) and not of diocess●s consisting of many such . i shall put tertullians meaning out of doubt by another place , and that is , de corona militis cap. . [ eucharistiae sacramemtum & in tempore victus , & omnibus mandatum à domino , etiam antelucanis ritibus , nec de aliorum manu ●uam praesidentium sumimus . ] and if they received this sacrament of none but the presidents , ( and that every lords day at least , as no doubt they did ) then they could have no more congregations in a church then they had presidents . and ( though pamelius say that by presidents here is meant also presbyters , yet ) those that we now dispute against , understand it of the prelates . and if they will not so do , then may we will interpret the foresaid passage apol. to be meant of the same sort of presidents ; and then you may soon see what bishops were in tertullians dayes . for we have no reason to think that they are not the same sort of officers which he calleth presidents , and of whom he there saith , praesident probati seniores . so in the foregoing words in tertullian , ibid. it s said [ aquam adituri ibidem , sed & aliquando prius in ecclesia sub antistiti● manu contestamur nos renunciare diabolo , & pompae & angel●s ejus ] where it seems that there were no more thus initiated then the antistes himself did first thus engage in the congregation ; and i believe they take this antistes for a bishop . and here by the way let this argument be noted . seeing its past doubt that the first sence of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the catus or holy assembly it self , why should the meeting place be so often called also ecclesia in those times , in the borrowed sence , but only in relation to the people there assembled ? and it s plain that it was but one congregation and not many that assembled in that place : and therefore it was from that one that the place is called ecclesia . that it is oft so called , besides this place of tertullian ( which seems so to use the word ) i refer you to mr. meads exercitation of temples , who proves it distinctly in the several centuries . that saying of theophilus antiochenus ad antolychum seems to intimate the whole that i intend [ sic deus dedit mundo qui peccatorum tempestatibus & naufragiis jactatur , synagogas , quas ecclesias sanctas n●minamus in quibus veritatis doctrina ferv●t , ad quas confugiunt veritatis studiosi , quotquot s●lvari , deique judicium & iram evitare volunt . ] so that the churches of those times which were as noahs ark , and where safety was to be found for the soul , were synagogues or assemblies . so tertul. de idololatr . c. . pag. ( mihi ) . tota die ad hanc partem zelus fidei peroravit , ingenuū christianum ab idolis in ecclesiam venire , de adversaria officina in domum dei venire . — ] see more places of tertullian cited by pamelius on this place num . . page . specially see that de virg . veland . cap. . p. . * clemens alexandrinus hath divers passages to the purpose now in hand . stromat . li. . in the beginning , he mentioneth the church and its officers , which he divideth only into two sorts , presbyters and deacons . but i will name no more particular persons , but come to some intimations of the point before us from customes or practices of the church and the canons of councils . and it seems to me that the dividing of parishes so long after ( or of titles as they are called ) doth plainly tell us that about those times it was that particular pol●cical church did first contain many stated congregations . and though it be uncertain when this began ( mr. thorndike as we heard before , conjectureth , about cyprians dayes ) yet we know that it was long after the apostles , and that it was strange to less populous places long after it was introduced at rome and alexandria , where the number of christians , & too much ambition of the bishop , occasioned the multiplication of congregations under him , and so he became a bishop of many churches ( named as one ) who formerly was bishop but of a single church . for if there had been enough , one hundred or fifty or twenty or ten years before , to have made many parishes or stated assemblies for communion in worsh●p , then no doubt but the light o● nature would have directed them to have made some stated divisions before ; for they must needs know that god was not the god of confusion but of order in all the churches : and they had the same reasons before as after : and persecution could no● be the hindrance any more at first then at last : for it was under persecuting emperours when parishes or titles were distinguished , and so it might , notwi●hstanding persecutions have been done as well at first as at last , if there had been the same reason . it seems therefore very plain to me that it was the increase of converts that caused this division of titles , and that in planting of churche● by the apos●les , and during their time , and much af●er , the chu●ches consisted of no more then our parishes , w●o being most inhabitants of the cities had their meetings there for full communion , though they might have other subor●inate me●tings as we have now in mens houses for repenting ser●●ons and prayer . and as mr. thornd●ke out of n●nius tells us of . bishopricks in ireland planted by patrick , so other authors tell us that patrick was the first bishop there ; or as others and more credible , palladius the first , and patrick next : and yet the scots in ireland had churches before palladius his dayes , ( as bishop vsher sheweth de primordiis eccles. britan. , , , &c. ) iohannes major de gestis scholarum li. . cap. . prioribus illis temporibus per sacerdotes & monachos , sine episcopis scotos in fide eruditos fuisse affirmat . et ita sane ante majorem scripsit johannes fordonus scotichron . li. . cap. . [ ante palladii adventum habebant scoti fidei doctores ac sacramentorum ministratores presbyteros solummodo vel monaches , ritum sequentes ecclesiae primitivae ( n. b. ) of which saith usher [ quod postremum ab iis accepisse videtur qui dixerunt ( ut johan . semeca in glossa decreti dist . . ca. legimus ) [ quod in prima primitiva ecclesia commune erat officium episcoporum & sacerdotum : & nomina erant communia , & officium commune ; sed in secunda primitiva caeperunt dinstigui & nomina & officia . ] so that it seems that some churches they had before ; but palladius and patrick came into ireland , as augustine into england , and abundantly increased them , and settled withall the roman mode ▪ so that it seemed like a new plantation of religion and churches there . yet it seems that the bishops setled by patrick ( save that himself an archbishop was like our bishops ) were but such as were there before under the name of presbyters , saith fordon , after the rite or fashion of the primitive church . and saith vsher ibid. p. . [ hector boethius fuisse dicit palladium primum omnium qui sacrum inter scotos egere magistratum à summo pontifice episcopum creatum : quum antea populi suffragiis ex monachis & caldeis pontifices assumerentur . boeth . scotorum histor. lib. . fol. . b. and he adds the saying of balaeus , ( scriptor . britanic . centur . . cap. . ) [ a caelestino illum missum ait johannes balaeus , ut sacerdotalem ordinem , inter scotos romano ritu institueret . habebant ( inquit ) antea scoti suos episcopos ac ministros , ex verbi divini ministerio plebium suffragiis electos , prout asianorum more fieri apud britannos videbant : sed haec romanis , ut magis ceremoniosis atque asianorum osoribus , non placebant ] by these passages it is easie to conjecture whether they were bishops of a county , or bishops of a parish that were there in those daies . for my part i heartily wish that ireland had three hundred sixty five good bishops and churches at this day , even when the whole nation profess themselves to be christians , ( which then they did not . ) to this purpose runs the . canon concilii agath . ( and if it were so then , much more long before ) [ si quis etiam extra parochias in quibus legitimus est ordinariusque conventus oratorium habere voluerit reliquis festivitatibus , ut ibi missam audiat , propter fatigationem familiae , justa ordinatione permittimus . pascha vero , natali domini , epiphania , ascensione domini , pentecoste , & natali sancti johannis baptistae , & siqui maxime dies in festivitatibus habentur , non nisi in civitatibus , aut parochiis audiant ] here it appeareth that there was but one legitimus ordinariusque conventus in a parish ; though they tolerated an oratory or chappell of ease . and that a parish here is taken for a diocess , or such a church as had proper to it self a bishop and presbyterie , as it is probable from the ordinary use of the word by eusebius and other antients in that sence , so also from what is further said in the following canons of this council : and so the word parish here may be expository of the word city , or else denote a rural bishoprick . for can. . saith [ benedictionem super plebem in ecclesiâ fundere aut paenitentem in ecclesia benedicere presbytero penitus non licebit . ] and if a presbyter may not bless the people or the penitent , ( when the blessing of the people was part of the work in every solemn assembly for church communion ) then it is manifest that a bishop must be present in every such assembly to do that part which the presbyter might not do : and consequently there were no more such assemblies then there were bishops . and to prove this more fully mark the very next canon of that council , viz. the . [ missas die dominico secularibus totas audire speciali ordine praecipimus , ita ut ante benedictionem sacerdotis egredi populus non praesumat . quod si fecerint , ab episcopo publicè confundatur ] so that its plain that on every lords day all the people ( for here is no distinction or limitation ) were to be present in the publick worship to the end , and the bishop to pronounce the blessing ( whoever preached ) and openly to rebuke any that should go out before it . from whence it is evident that all such church assemblies for communion every lords day were to have a bishop present with them to do part of the work : and therefore there were no more such assemblies then there were bishops . in the . canon of the same council we find this written [ cives qui superiorum solennitatum , id est , paschae & natalis domini , vel pentecostes festivatibus cum episcopis interesse neglexerint , quum in civitatibus commnionis vel benedictionis accipiendae causa positos se nosse debeant , triennio communione priventur ecclesiae . ] so that it seems there were no more church-members in a city then could congregate on the festival daies for communion and the bishops blessing : therefore there were not many such congregations : when every one was to be three years excommunicate that did not assemble where the bishop was . moreover all those canons of several councils that forbid the presbyters to confirm by chrysm , and make it the bishops work , do shew that the diocess were but small when the bishop himself could do that besides all his other work . in the canons called the apostles , cap. . it is ordained thus [ omnium ali●rum primitiae episcopo & presbyteris domum mittuntur , non super altare . manifestum est autem quod episcopus & presbyteri inter diaconos & reliquos clericos eas dividunt . ] by which it appeareth that there was but one altar in a church to which belonged the bishop , presbyterie , and deacons , who lived all as it were on that altar . and can. . runs thus [ si quis presbyter contemnens episcopum suum , seorsim collegerit , & altare aliud erexerit , nihil habens quo rebrehendat episcopum in causa pietatis & justitiae , deponatur quasi principatus amator existens — haec autem post unam & secundam & tertiam episcopi obsecrationem fieri conveniat . ] which shews that there was then but one convention and one altar to which one bishop and presbyters did belong : so that no other assembly or altar was to be set up apart from the bishop by any presbyter that had nothing against the bishop in point of godliness or justice . and i believe if bishops had a whole diocesse of two hundred or three hundred or a thousand presbyters to maintain , they would be loth to stand to the fifty eighth canon which makes them murderers if they supply not their clergies wants : but let that canon pass as spurious . and long after when concilium vasense doth grant leave to the presbyters to preach , and deacons to read homilies in country parishes as well as cities , it shews that such parishes were but new and imperfect assemblies . in the council of laodicea the . canon is [ non oportet presbyteros ante ingressum episcopi ingredi ecclesiam , & sedere in tribunalibus , sed cum episcopo ingredi : nisi forte aut aegrotet episcopus , aut in peregrinationis commodo eum abisse constiterit . ] by which it seems that there was but one assemby in which the bishop and presbyters sate together : otherwise the presbyters might have gone into all the rest of the churches without the bishop at any time , and not only in case of his sickness or peregrination . the fifth canon of the council of antioch is the same with that of can. apost . before cited , that no presbyter or deacon contemning his own bishop , shall withdraw from the church and gather an assembly apart , and set up an altar . by which still it appears that to withdraw from that assembly , was to withdraw from the church , and that one bishop had but one altar and assembly for church communion . so concil . carthag . . can. . which order the sitting of the presbyters and bishop together in the church : and many decrees that lay it on the bishop to look to the church lands and goods , and distribute to the poor the churches alms , do shew that their diocesses were but small , or else they had not been sufficient for this . all the premises laid together me thinks afford me this conclusion , that the apostolical particular political churches were such as consisted of one only worshipping congregation ( a congregation capable of personal communion in publick worship ) and their overseers ; and that by little they departed from this form , each bishop enlarging his diocess , till he that was made at first the bishop but of one church , became the bishop of many , and so set up a new frame of government , by setting up a new kind of particular churches . and thus was the primitive government corrupted , while men measured their charge by the circuit of ground , thinking they might retain the old compass when they had multiplied converts , and therefore should have multiplyed churches and bishops . * to all this i add these observations . . that the very nature of church government tels us that a governour must be present upon the place , and see to the execution : for god hath made us the laws already , and synods must in way of vnion determine of the most advantagious circumstances for the perfo●ming of the duties which god imposeth : and particular bishops are to guide their particular congregations in gods worship , and in order thereto ; their guidance is but a subservient means to that worship : and therefore they must rule the church as a captain doth his company in fight , or a physitian his patient , or a schoolmaster his school , by his own presence , and not at many miles distance by a surrogate . . the doctrine which makes the first particular political church to consist of many stated worshipping churches like our parishes , doth set on the saddle , if not also hold the stirrup for a diocesan bishop to get up , to head those prepared bodies . . seeing the presbyterians do confess that it is not necessary ( but lawful ) for a particular political church to consist of many worshipping churches , and say , it may consist only of one : common reason and experience will then direct us to conclude that its best ordinarily take up with that one : seeing people that know one another , and live within the reach of each other for common converse ▪ and ordinarily meet and join in the same publick worship , are most capable of the ends of church policy ; and a pastor capable of guiding such , better then other parishes that he knows not . . he that makes the pastor of one parish the ruler of the rest adjoining , doth lay upon him much more duty then sitting in a presbyterie to vote in censures . for those censures are a small part of church government , comparatively ( else most congregations in england have little or no government ; for they have little or none of these censures . ) yea indeed true church guidance or government contains a great part , if not most of the pastoral work , which a man would be loth to undertake over too many distant unknown congregations : though he may well undertake in synods to promote unity , and to do the best he can for the whole church of christ. if therefore those of the congregational way , were as neer us in other things , as in this before insisted on , ( especially if they would renounce * that great mistake of the peoples having the power of the keys or government , and take up for them with a iudicium discretionis , and just liberty ) we need not stand at so great a distance . and lastly , if ministers of the gospel would tenderly weigh the greatness of their work and charge , and the dreadfulness of their account , the worth of souls , the power and prevalency of sin , the rage of all the churches enemies , and the multitudes of them , they would sooner tremble to think of the difficulties in governing or guiding one congregation in the way to heaven , than grasp at more , and think themselves able to be the guides of many , and draw such a heavy burden on themselves , and prepare for such a reckoning . lest they be offended with my words , i will say the like in the words of chrysostom ( or whoever else was the author of the imperfect work ) on matth . hom. . pag. ( mihi ) . [ si haec ergo ita se habent , secularem quidem primatum desiderare , et si ratio non est , vel causa est : quia etsi justum non est , vel utile est . primatum autem ecclesiasticum concupiscere , neque ratio est , neque causa : quia neque justum est , neque utile . quis enim sapiens ultro se subjicere festinat servituti , labori , dolori , & quod majus est , periculo tali ut det rationem pro omni ecclesia , apud justum judicem ? nisi forte qui non credit iudicium dei , nec timet , uti abutens primatu suo ecclesiastico seculariter , convertat ●um in secularem . sed ne forte qui talis est in appetendo primatum , profectum pietatis pie praetendat , dico , nunquid qui in ordine prior est ▪ jam & meritis est melior ? ] and of the ministerial honours he saith ( ibid. ) d●niq , ipsi honores in christo in prima quidem facie videntur honores , revera autem non sunt honores diversi , sed sunt diversa ministeria : ut puta honor oculi videtur , quia illuminat corpus : sed ipse honor illuminandi non est ei honor sed ministerium ejus . — ] so much to prove the proposition , that the late english episcopacy is not to be restored , under any pretence of order or peace . wherein i have purposely forborn the mention of its abuses , and doleful consequents , because they may suppose that abuse to be separable from the thing . consequents of that which is already proved . to save the debating of many great controversies that break the peace and destroy or diminish the charity of many , i may abbreviate the work , by giving you some of the true sequels of what hath been sufficiently proved . cons. i. the taking down of the english episcopacy was ( as to the thing ) so far from being evil , and deserving the accusations that some lay upon it , that it was a matter of necessity to the reformation and well being of the churches of christ in these nations . it was no worse a work in it self considered , then the curing of a grievous disease is to the sick , and the supply of the necessities of the poor in their indigence . what guilt lieth upon that man , that would have all the sick to perish , for fear of injuring one physitian , that had undertaken the sole care of all the county ? or that would have all the county to have but one schoolmaster : or an hundred ships to have but one pilot , and consequently to perish : how much greater is their guilt , that would have had the forementioned episcopacy continued , to the hazzard of many thousand souls , and the abasement and ejection of holy discipline , the pollution of the churches , and the hardening of the wicked , and the dishonour of god ? i mention not this to provoke any to dishonour them , but to provoke the persons themselves to repentance . and i intreat them to consider , how sad a thing it is , that without any great inducement , they should draw such a mountain of guilt upon their souls . the bishops had the temptation of honour and riches : but what honour or gain have you to seduce you , to choose a share with other men in their sin and punishment ? i meddle not here with the manner of demolishing episcopacy , but with the matter : because i would not mix other controversies with this . but i am confident those men that usually own the late episcopacy , and revile them that demolisht it , shall one way or other feel ere long , that they have owned a very unprofitable cause , and such as they shall wish , they had let alone , and that it made not for their honour to be so much enemies to the welfare of the church , as the enemies of the abolition of that prelacy will appear to be . cons. ii. the matter of that clause in the national covenant , which concerneth the abolition of this prelacy before mentioned , was so far from deserving the reproaches and accusations that are bestowed on it by some , that it was just and necessary to the well being of the church . in this also i purposely mean the civil controversie about the authority of imposing , taking , or prosecuting the covenant , and speak only of the matter of it : ( to avoid the losing of the truth by digressions , and new controversies ) they that by reproaching this clause in the covenant , do own the prelacy which the covenant disowneth , might shew more love to the church and their own souls , by pleading for sickness , and nakedness , and famine , and by passionate reproaches of all that are against these , then by such owning and pleading for a far greater evil . cons. iii. those of the english ministry , that are against the old episcopacy , and are glad that the church is rid of it , are not therefore guilty of schism , nor of sinfull disobedience to their spiritual superiours . if any of them did swear obedience to the prelates ( a tyrannicall imposition that god never required , nor the primitive church never used ) that 's nothing to our present case , which is not about the keeping of oaths , but the obeying or rejecting the prelacy in it self considered . it is not schismatical to depart from an ●●●rpation that god disowneth , and the church is endangered and so much wronged by , and to seek to pull up the roots of schism , which have bred and fed it in the churches so long . cons. iv. those that still justifie the ejected prelacy , and desire the restauration of it , as they needlesly choose the guilt of the churches desolations , so are they not to be taken for men that go about to heal our breaches , but rather for such as would widen and continue them , by restoring the main cause . cons. v. if we had had such an episcopacy as bishop hall and bishop vsher did propound as satisfactory , ( and such men to manage it , ) episcopacy and peace might have dwelt together in england to this day : it is not the the name of a bishop that hath been the matter of our trouble , but the exorbitant species introducing unavoidably the many mischiefs which we have seen and felt . cons. vi. ordination by the ejected prelacy , in specie , is not of necessity to the being or well-being of a presbyter or deacon . if the species of prelacy it self be proved contrary to the word of god , and the welfare of the church , then the ordination that is by this species of prelacy , cannot be necessary or as such desirable . cons. vii . a parochial or congregational pastor , having assistant presbyters and deacons , either existent or in expectance , was the bishop that was in the dayes of ignatius , iustin , tertullian , and that dr. hammond describeth as meant in many scriptures , and existent in those dayes . i speak not now to the question about archbishops . cons. viii . the ordination that is now performed by these parochial bishops ( especially in an assembly , guided by their moderator ) is , beyond all just exception , valid , as being by such bishops as the apostles planted in the churches , and neerer the way of the primitive church , then the ordination by the ejected species of prelates is . cons. ix . as the presbyters of the church of alexandria did themselves make one their bishop , whom they chose from among themselves , and set him in a higher degree ( as if deacons make an archdeacon , or souldiers choose one and make him their commander , saith hierom ad evagr. ) so may the presbyters of a parochial church now . and as the later canons require that a bishop be ordained or consecrated by three bishops , so may three of these ( primitive ) parochial bishops , ordain or consecrate now another of their degree . and according to the canons themselves , no man can justly say that this is invalid , for want of the consecration by archbishops , or of such as we here oppose . cons. x. those that perswade the people that the ordinanation of those in england and other churches is null that is not by such as the english prelates were , and that perswade the people to take them for no presbyters or pastors , that are not ordained by such prelates , and do make an actual separation from our churches and ministers , and perswade others to the like , upon this ground , and because the ministers have disowned the english prelacy , and withal confess that church of rome to be a true church , and their ordination and priesthood to be just or true , are uncharitable , and dangerously schismatical ( though under pretence of decrying schism , ) and many wayes injurious to the church and to the souls of men and to themselves . this will not please ; but that i not only speak it but further manifest it , is become necessary to the right information of others . finis the second disputation : vindicating the protestant churches and ministers that have not prelatical ordination , from the reproaches of those dividers that would nullifie them . written upon the sad complaints of many godly ministers in several parts of the nation , whose hearers are turning separatists . by rich. baxter . london , printed by robert white , for nevil simmons bookseller in kederminster . . the preface . christian reader , if thou be but for the interest of christianity , more than of a party , and a cordial friend to the churches peace , though thou be never so much resolved for episcopacy , i doubt not but thou and i shall be one , if not in each opinin , yet in our religion , and in brotherly affection , and in the very bent of our labours and our lives : and i doubt not but thou wilt approve of the scope and substance of this following disputation , what imperfections soever may appear in the manner of it . for surely there is that of god within thee , that will hardly suffer thee to believe , that while rome is taken for a true church , the reformed that have no prelates must be none : that their pastors are meer lay-men , their ordination being null : and consequently their administrations in sacraments , &c. null and of no validity . the love that is in thee to all believers , and especially to the societies of the saints , and the honour and interest of christ , will keep thee from this , or strive against it , as nature doth against poyson or destructive diseases . if thou art not a meer opinionist in religion , but one that hast been illuminated by the spirit of christ , and felt his love shed abroad in thy heart , and hast ever had experience of spiritual communion with christ and his church , in his holy ordinances , i dare then venture my cause upon thy judgement : go among them that unchurch our churches , and degrade our ministers , and perswade all people to fly from them as a plague , and try their doctrine , their spirits , their publick worship , their private devotion , and their whole conversation ; and when thou hast done , come into our assemblie● , and spare not , if thou be impartial , to observe our imperfections : judge of our order and discipline and worship , together with our doctrine and our lives : and when thou hast done un●church us if thou darest , and if thou canst . we justifie not our selves or our wayes from blemishes : but if thou be but heartily a friend to the bridegroom , offer us then if thou darest a bill of divorce , or rob him if thou darest of so considerable a portion of his inheritance . surely if thou be his friend , thou canst hardly find in thy heart to deliver up so much of his kingdom to his enemy , and to set the name of the devil on his doors , and say , this is the house of satan and not of christ. if thou have received but what i have done ( though , alas too little ) in those societies , and tasted in those ordinances but that which i have tasted , thou wouldst abhor to reproach them , and cut them off from the portion of the lord. remember it is not episcopacy nor the old conformity that i am here opposing . ( my judgement of those causes i have given in the foregoing and following disputation : ) but it is only the new prelatical recusants or separatists , that draw their followers from our churches as no churches and our ordinances of worship as none , or worse then none , and call them into private houses , as the meetest places for their acceptable worship . who would have thought that ever that generation should have come to this , that so lately hated the name of separation , and called those private meetings , conventicles , which were held but in due subord●nation to church meetings , and not in opposition to them , as theirs are ! who would have thought that those that seemed to disown recusancy , and persecuted separatists , should have come to this ? yea that those that under catholick pretences can so far extend their charity to the papists , have yet so little for none of the meanest of their brethren , and for so many reformed protestant churches ? yea that they should presume even to censure ut out of the catholick church and consequently out of heaven it self . i have after here given thee an instance in one , dr. hide , who brandeth the very front of his book with these schismatical uncharitable st●gmata . the sensless queres of one dr. swadling , and others run in the same channel , or sink . if these men be christians indeed , me thinks they should understand , that as great ( that i say not greater ) blemishes , may be found on all the rest of the churches , as those for which the reformed are by them unchurched : and consequently they will deliver up all to satan ; and christ must be deposed : and how much doth this come short of infidelity ? at least me thinks their hearts should tremble least they hear at last , [ in not loving the●e you loved not me : in despising and reproaching these , you despised and reproached me . ] and yet these men are the greatest pretenders next the romanists , to catholicisme , vnity , and peace ! strange catholicks that cut off so great and excellent a part of the catholick church ! and a sad kind of vnity and peace which all must be banished from , that cannot unite in their prelacy , though the episcopacy which i plead for in the next disputation they can own . the summ of their offer , is , that if all the ministers not ordained by prelates , will confess themselves to be meer lay-men , and no ministers of christ , and will be ordained again by them , and if the churches will confess themselves no churches , and receive the essence of churches from them , and the sacrament and churh assemblies to be null , invalid , or unlawfull till managed only by prelatical minister● , then they will have peace and communion with us , and not till then . and indeed must we buy your communion so deer ? as the anabaptists do by us in the point of baptism , so do these recusants in the point of ordination . you must be baptized saith one party , for your infant baptism wat none . you must be ordained saith the other sort , for your ordination by presbyters was none . the upshot is , we must be all of their opinions and parties , before we can have their communion , or to be reputed by them the ministers and churches of christ. and on such kind of terms as these , we may have vnity with any sect. if really we be not as hearty friends to order and discipline in the church as they , we shall give them leave to take it for our shame , and glory in it as their honour . but the question is not , whether we must have church-order ? but whether it must be theirs , and none but theirs ? nor whether we must have discipline , but whether it must be only theirs ? nay , with me , i must profess , the question is , on the other side whether we must needs have a name and shew of discipline that 's next to none , or else be no churches or no ministers of christ ? the main reason that turneth my heart against the english prelacy is because it did destroy church discipline , and almost destroy the church for want of it , or by the abuse of it , and because it is ( as then exercised ) inconsistent with true discipline . the question is not , whether we must have bishops and episcopal ordination . we all yield to that without contradiction . but the doubt is about their species of episcopacy , whether we must needs have ordination by a bishop that is the sole governour over an hundred , or two hundred , or very many particular churches ? or whether the bishops of single churches may not suffice , at least as to the being of our office ? i plead not my own cause , but the churches ▪ for i was ordained long ago by a b●shop of their own with presbyters . but i do not therefore take my self to be disengaged from christianity or cathol●cism , and bound to lay by the love which i owe to all christs members , or to deny the communion of the churches , which is both my duty , and i am sure an unvaluable mercy . and i must say , that i have seen more of the ancient discipline exercised of late , without a prelate , in some parish church in england , than ever i saw or heard of exercised by the bishops in a thousand such churches all my dayes . and it is not names that are essential to the church , nor that will satisfie our expectations . we are for bishops in every church ; and for order sake , we would have one to be the chief . we dislike those that disobey them in lawful things , as well as you . but let them have a flock that is capable of their personal government , and then we shall be ready to rebuke all those that separate from them , when we can say as cyprian ( epist. . ad pupian . ) [ omnis ecclesiae populus collectus est , & adunatus , in individua concordia sibi junctus . soli illi foris remanserint , qui etsi intus essent , ejiciendi fuerant — qui cum episcopo non est , in ecclesia non est ( that is , in that particular church . ) cyprian had a people that could all meet together to consult or consent at least about the communion or excommunication of th● members . epist. . cornel. he tells cornelius how hard the people were to admit the lapsed or scandalous upon their return if the manifestation of repentance were not full . the church with whom the person had communion , was then it that had a bishop , and was no greater then to be capable of the cognizance of his cause , and of receiving satisfaction by his personal penitence . brethren ! ( for so i will presume to call you , whether you will or not ) some experience hath perswaded me , that if we had honestly and faithfully joyned in the practice of so much of discipline , as all our principles require , it would have helped us to that experimental knowledge ( by the blessing of god ) which would have brought us nearer even in our principles , then our idle disputations , separated from practice will ever do . as augustine saith of the disputes de causa mali ( lib. de utilitat . credendi , cap. . ) dum nimis quaerunt unde sit malum , nihil reperiunt n●si malum ] so i may say of these disputes , while we thus dispute about the causes of disorder and division , we find nothing but disorder and division . it is easie to conjecture of the ends and hearts of those that cry down piety as preciseness , while they cry up their several wa●es of order : it seems they would have ordered impiety : and their order must be a means to keep down holiness , which all just order should promote . those men that can fall in with the most notoriously ungodly , and favour and flatter them for the strengthening of their interest , do tell us what discipline we may expect from them . if they tell us that our churches also are corrupted , and all are not truly or eminently godly , we can say to them as augustine ( lib. de utilitat . credend . cap. . ) [ pauci hoc faciunt , pauciores bene prudenterque faciunt : sed populi probant , populi audiunt , populi favent ] yea we can say much more . but f●r those that go further , and clap the prophanest railers on the back , and hiss them on to hiss at those that diff●r from them , and are glad to hear the rabble revile our m●nist●y and our churches , in taking part with their prelacy and liturgy , they tell us lowder what unity and order they desire , and what a mercy of god it is , that such as they have not their will : and though among themselves the slanders and reproaches of such men may go for credible or be accepted as conducing to their ends ; yet in the conclusion such witnesses will bring no credit to their cause , nor with just men much discredit ours ; at least it will not diminish our reputation with god , nor abate his love , nor hinder his acceptance and then we have enough . saith ( cyprian epist. . ad pupian ) quasi apud lapsos & prophanos , & extra ecclesiam positos , de quorum pectoribus excesserit spiritus sanctus , esse aliq●id possit nisi mens prava , & fallax lingua , & odia venenata , & sacrilega mendacia , quibus qui credit , cum illis necesse est inveniatur , cum judicii dies venerit . ] that is [ as if with the scandalous and prophane , and those that are without the church , from whose brests the holy spirit is departed , there could be any thing but a naughty mind , and a deceitful tongue , and venemous hatred , and sacrilegious lies ; and those that bel●eve them must needs be found with them when the day of judgement comes . ] me thinks rather the hatred , and railing of the ungodly should intimate to you that our ministry is of god! why else do all the most obstina●ely wicked maligne us as their enemies , though we never did them wrong ? why seek they our destruction , and are glad of any learned men that will encourage them in their malignity , and to strike in with any party that are against us ; when all the harm we wish or do them , is to pray for them ▪ and perswade them , and do our best to save them from damnation ! as cyprian ( ubi sup . ) said to pupian [ ut etiam qui non credebant deo episcopum constituenti , vel diabolo crederent episcopum proscribenti ] so say ● [ they that will not believe gods testimony of our ministry , let them believe the devils testimony , as the confession of an enemy , that by the mouths of the wicked revileth us as ministers , and persecut●ti●us for doing our masters work . another reproach is commonly laid upon our min●stry by those that vilifie them in order to their end● , viz that they are boyes , and raw and unlearned , and manage the work of god so coursely as tends to bring it into contempt . i would there were no ground for this accusation at all : but i must needs say , . that no men are more unmeet then you to be the accusers . have you so corrupted the ministry with the insufficient and ungodly , that we are necessitated to supply their places with men that are too young ; and now do you reproach us , because we imperfectly mend your crimes ? yea because we work not in possibilities ? it is the desire of our souls , that no able useful man may be laid by , however differing in smaller matters , or controversies of policy ? but we cannot create men , nor infuse learning into them ; but when god hath qualified them , we gladly use them ; the b●st that can be had are chosen ; and what can be done more ? and i hope y●u will acknowledge , that godly and tolerably able young men are fitter then impious , ignorant readers . we excuse no mans weakness : but to speak out the truth , too many of the adversaries of our ministry accuse our weakness with greater weakness ▪ when they are unable or undispos●d themselves to manage the work of god with any of that gravity , and seriousness as the unspeakable weight of the business doth require , they think to get the reputation of learned able men , by an empty childish , trifling kind of preaching ; patching together some shreds of sentences , and offering us their centons with as much ostentation , as if it were an uniform , judicious work . and then they fall a j●ering at plain and serious preachers , as if they were some ignorant bawling fellows , that were nothing but a voice , and had nothing to produce but fervent nonsence . brethren , will you bear with us a little , while we modestly excuse our simplicity which you contemn . we will not say , that we can speak wisedom to the wise , nor make ostentation of our oratory : but we must tell you that we believe what we speak ▪ and somewhat feel it ; and therefore we endeavour so to speak wh●t we believe and feel , that others also may bel●eve and f●el us . if a man speak smilingly , or not affectionately of very great affecting things , the hearers use to say , you are but in jeast ; and they believe him not , because he speaks as one that doth not believe himself . it is not wit but levity and stupidity that we renounce . as seneca saith , we refuse not an eloquent physitian : but it is not eloquence , but healing that we need : the easing of our pains , and saving of our lives , and not the clawing of our ears . we dare not speak lightly or triflingly of heaven or hell. we more condemn our selves when we find within us but a dull apprehension of th●se exceeding great eternal things , then we do for want of neat expressions . a vain curiosity in attire , doth shew that substantial worth is wanting . we most abhor the preaching of false doctrine : and next , that manner of preaching truth that causeth an airy levity in the hearers ; and when the manner seemeth to contradict the matter . one taste or sight of heaven or hell would put you into another pass your selves . truly brethren ( though i am one my self , that have the least advantages to vie with you in that wherein you glory ▪ yet ) there are many among them whom you thus despise , that have wits inclined to as much unruliness and luxuriancy as yours : but being ballanced with the sense of everlasting things , and seasoned with the light and life of christ , they are as careful to keep under and rule their wit , as others are diligent to feed its wantonness , and make ostentation of it to the world . it will shortly appear but ingenious folly which was not animated and regulated by christ. the wisedom of the world is foolishness with god : and the foolishness of god is wiser then men , cor. . . &c. we find the most experienced learned divines betake themselves to the plainest stile ; and much more addicted to the ancient simplicity , then green , inflated , empty brains . when we displease both our selves , and ou● queasie ▪ co●e and acry auditors by the hom●lyness of our style , w● usually hear more of the success of those sermons , then of those wherein by a wordy curiosity , we procure from the acry more applause . saith augustine ( de catechiz ▪ ●ud●b cap. . ) [ na● & mihi semper prope sermo me●s di●plicet sic & tu eo ipso quod ad te saep●us adducu●tur baptizandi — deb●s intelligere n●n ita displicere aliis sermonem tuum ut displicet tibi : nec infru●tuosum ●e debes puta●e , quod ea quae cernis non explicas ita ut cupis ; quando fo●te ut cupis nec cernere valeas ] our business is to teach the ignorant , to convert the impen●tent , and to edifie and confirm the weak ; and therefore if repetitions , and homely expressions , with all the seriousness we can use , be found the fittest means to attain these ends , we shall study them and not decline them , though some dislike them . augustine de doctrin . christ lib. . cap. . qui ergo dicit cum doc●re vult , quamdiu non intelligitur , nondum se existimet dixisse quod vult e● quem vult docere : quia etsi dixit quod ipse intelli●it , nondum ille ( illi ) dixisse putandus est , a quo intellectus non est : si vero intellectus est , quocunque modo dixerit , dixit . ] i confess when i heard a through pased preacher in the prelates re●gn , experience taught me presently to expect three great infirmities in him , viz. stumbling , spotling , and tiring : stumbling either in doctrine , conversation , or both ; especially in a stony way : spotling even the clearest of his br●thren , and that both in the pulpit , and behind their backs . for most of the wounds we have from s●ch are in our back parts , though we never fled . they can most effectu●lly confute us when we do not hear them . as one of them that i knew , divided his text into one part , and so do many of them their disputations : they are best at disputing alone , when there is none to contradict them . they are better gun-men then sword-men : eminus fortissimi ; cominus — more valiant a far off than neer at hand : and making more use of powder then of bullet ; the noise exceeding the execution : and being nearest themselves , it is a wonder that their consciences start not at the report . it is the reward of these pugnacious souls , to be cryed up as victorious , and to have th●ir triumph attended by their like : and it is enough to prove them victors that th●y can but crow and erect the crist . and if they are soon ti●ed we must not wonder ; for they preach at too high rates to hold out long . iunkets are not for full meals ; and feasting must not be all the year . when they preacht but seldom , they justified it by telling us , that one of their sermons was worth ten of theirs that preach●d so often : and half a crown was as good as ●iv● six pences . for my part , i do not undervalue their w●t , nor envy them the honour of it : but i would fain have things divine to be divinely handled ; and the weightiest matters to be spoken off in the most serious weighty manner . and i would not have a school boy when he hath said a declamation , to thin● that he is more learned then scotus or ockam , because he hath a smoother style : nor to think that he hath done a gallanter piece of work , then he that hath read a lecture in metaphysicks . i am much inc●ined to honour their parts ; i value the wit of a comaedian , when i value not the employment of it . i have often hea●d a rustical iustice call a f●dler a rogue , that cal●ed hims●lf a musician ; and perhaps he puts him in the ●locks , that thinks he deserves a princes ear : when i hav● thought of their art , a●d forgotten the abuse , i have be●n 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 their case . i could be well content that so 〈…〉 as nero perish not : le● him live a● an artist 〈…〉 as an emperour . i honour and lo●e the learning and 〈◊〉 of the iesuits : l●t 〈◊〉 be encouraged as 〈…〉 not as jesuits . let them a●l be used ●n that which they are 〈◊〉 for . but a 〈◊〉 wit is not enough to make a minister of the gospel of salvation . counters can jingle as well as gold . if such must be bishops , let them be diocesans , ( so t●ey be ●ept without a sword ) for when they have an hun●red chur●he● ▪ they will trouble them but seldom , with their preaching : and that may be endured for a day that cannot for a year . if you think i have turned my excuse of a plain and serious ministry into a recrimination , or seemed guilty of what i blame , consider of what and to whom i speak . i am far from a contempt of learning , or encourageing ignorant insufficient men , or justifying any ridiculous unseemly deportment , or any rash , irrational expressions , in the work of god. and i earnestly intreat the servants of the lord to take heed of such temerity and miscarriages , and remember what a work they have in hand , and how much dependeth on the success , and that the eyes of god and men are on them , and that it is no light matter to an honest heart , that christ and his cause should be dishonoured by our weaknesses , and our labours should hereby be frustrated , and sinners hardned in their impiety . but yet i must say , that many that are but low in learning , have greater abilities ( by grace and use ) to manage the great essentials of christianity , and set home a necessary truth upon the heart , and deal with ignorant dead-hearted sinners , then many very learned men did ever attain to . and i confess i could wish for the service of the church , that some such ( now private ) less-learned men , in great congregations were yoaked with some learned men that are less fit for lively rouzing application ; that they might lovingly go together , the one confessing his defect in learning , and the other his defect in application , and the unlearned depending for guidance from the more learned , in cases of difficulty , where his abilities fall short ; that so they might be both as one able minister , communicating the honour of their several abilities to each other to supply and cover each others defects . but if such a thing should be attempted ( though agreeably to the churches practice for many hundred years after christ ) what an out-cry should we have from the men now in hand , against mechanicks and unlearned men ! and how many would reproach their work that cannot mend it ! i have been long on this subject : i will end it with this story . gregory nysen tells us in his relation of the life of gregory thaumaturgus , that this holy man then bishop of neocaesarea , was so famous by his miracles and successes that the neighbour countreys sent to him , to preach and plant churches among them . among others comana a neighbour city sent to him to come and plant a church and bishops among them . when he had stayed a while , and preached and prepared them , and the time was come that he was to design them a chief pastor ( or bishop ) the magistrates and principal men of the city were very busie in enquiring anxiously and curiously , who was of most eminent rank and splendour , excelling the rest , that he might be chosen to the office ▪ and dignity of being their bishop . for gregory him●elf had all these ornaments , and therefore they thought their pastor must have them too but when it came to choice they were all to pieces , some for one and some for another : so that gregory looked to heaven for directions , what to do . when they were thus taken up with proposing men of splendor and eminency . gregory ( remembring samuels anointing david , ) exhorted them to look also among the meanest : for possibly there might be found among them some of better qualifications of mind : whereupon some of them signified , that they took it as a contumelie and s●orn , that all the chief m●n for eloquence , dignity and splendor should be refused , and that mechanicks and tradesmen that labour for tehir living should be thought fitter for so great an office . and saith one of them to him in derision , if you will pass by all these that are chosen out of the best of the citizens , and go to the scum and basest of the people for a pastor for us : its best for you even to make alexander the collier a priest , and lets all agree to choose him . the good man hearing these scornful words , it struck into his mind to know who that alexander the collier was ? whereupon they brought him presently with laughter , and set him in the midst of them collowed and half-naked , and ragged and sordid , and thus stood alexander among them . but gregory suspected somewhat better by him , then they that laught at him ; and thereupon taking him out of the company , and examining his life , he found that he was a philosophick man , that being of a very comely person , and loth it should be any occasion of incontinency , and also renouncing the vanities of the world , had addicted himself to the life of a collier , that his person and worth might be hid from men , and his mind be kept in an humble frame . whereupon gregory appointeth some to take away alexander , and wash him and cloath him with his pastoral attire , and bring him into the assembly as soon as they had done . in the mean time gregory goes to the assembly , and fals a preaching to them of the nature of the pastoral office , and the holiness of life required thereto , entertaining them with such speeches , t●ll alexander was brought , and comely adorned in gregories garm●nts was set before them . whereupon they all fell a gazing and wondering at alexander : and gregory falls a preaching to them again of the deceitfulness of judging by outward appearances , about the inward worth of the soul , and that satan had obscured alexander , lest he should subvert his kingdom . to be short , he ordaineth alexander their bishop ( a pastor of a single church . ) and when they desired to bear him preach , he shewed that gregory was not deceived in him : his sermon was sententious and full of understanding : but because he had no flowers of oratory , or exactness and curosity of words , one that was a curious hearer derided him , who it is said was by a vision brought to repent of it . and thus despised alexander the collier was made bishop ( or pastor ) of comana , when the great ones were rejected : and afterward proved a champion for christ , to whom he passed in martyrdome through the flames . i have recited this for their sakes that deride the gifts of god in men whom they account unlearned : but not to encourage any to thrust themselves on so great a work without ordination and due qualifications . object . but it is ordination it self that is wanting to the pastors of the reformed churches , and therefore they are no pastors , &c. answ. the contrary is manifested in this ensuing disputation . this separating principle is it that i here purposely contend against . for it is cast in to divide and to destroy : and to quench such granado's and fire-works of the devil , is a necessary work for them that will preserve a churches peace . i read in thuanus of a bishop in france that turning protestant , took his popish consecration for insufficient , and was again elect , and ordained by the protestant minsters , without a prelate , to be a prelate . but that presbyters ordained by a presbytery of protestants should be reordained by a prelate , and that as necessary to the being of their office , is strange doctrine to all the protestant churches . it was rejected commonly by the english bishops , even by a. b. bancroft himself . saith firmilian ( inter epist. cypriani ) [ omnis potestas & gratia in ecclesia constituta est , ubi praesident majores natu , qui & baptizandi , & manus imponendi & ordinandi poffident potestatem ] i. e. all power and grace is placed in the church where elders do preside , who possess the power of baptizing ▪ imposing hands , and ordaining . ] i know it will be said that firmilian speak of bishops only . but i believe not that he spoke of such bishops only as we have in question , or that he did not plainly speak of presbyters as such . for he speaks of the plenitude of power and grace in the church : and therefore intended more then what was proper to a prelate . . he mentioneth elders , majores natu , in general without distinction . and . his praesident is plainly related to the church ( as the ubi shews : ) it being the people and not the elders over whom these elders are said to preside . and . baptizing is first instanced , which was known to be commonly the work of presbyters , and never appropriated to the prelate . so that the same persons that did baptize , even the elders of the church , according to firmilian , did then possess the power of laying on hands and of ordaining . but these things are more fully discussed in what followeth . and if any either adversary or friend would see the reformed churches ministry and ordination more fully vindicated , i refer them to voetius against jasenius desperata causa papatus : which if i had read before i had written this disputation , i think i should have spared my labour . reader , if others are too busie to misled thee , i may suppose thee unwilling to be misled , especially in a matter of so great concernment : for saith blessed agustine , multos invenimus qui mentiri velint , qui autem falli ●eminem : de doctrin . christ. l. . cap. . ) and therefore as thou lovest christ , his church , and gospel , and the souls of others and thine own , take heed how thou venturest in following a sect of angry men , to unchurch so great and excellent a part of the catholich church , and to vilifie and depose so great a number of able faithfull ministers of christ , as those that had not prelatical ordination . and if you are gentlemen , or unlearned men , that for want of long and diligent studying of these matters , are uncapable of judging of them , and therefore take all on the authority of those whose learning and parts you most esteem ▪ i beseech you before you venture your souls on it any further ; procure a satisfactory answer to these questions . . whether the reformed churches that have no prelates , have not abounded with as learned men as any one of those that you admire of a contrary judgement ? . if you are tempted to suspect men of partiality , whether they that plead for lorship , honour and preferment , or they that plead against it , and put it from them , are more to be suspected , ca●teris paribus ? . if you will needs suspect the protestant ministers of partiality : what ground of suspicion have you of them that were no ministers ? such as the two scaligers , whose learning made them the admiration of the christian world , even to papists as well as protestants : and yet were cordial friends to those reformed churches which these men deny and draw men to disown . such also as salmasius , that hath purposely wrote about the subject : with abundance more . . if these are not to be trusted , why should not bishops themselves be trusted ? were not bishop usher , andrews , davenant , hall , and others of their mind , as learned pious men as any whose authority you can urge against them ? . if all this be nothing , i beseech you get a modest resolution of this doubt at least : whether the concurrent judgement of all the protestant churches in christendom , even of the english bishops with the rest , should not be of more authority with any sober protestant , then the contrary judgement of those few that are of late risen up for the cause that you are by them solicited to own . it is a known truth that the generality of the bishops themselves and all the protestant churches in the world , have owned them as true ministers that were ordained by presbyteries , without prelates : and have owned them as true churches that were guided by these ministers , and have taken them for valid administrations that were performed by them . and are your few recusants that would draw you to separation of greater learning , authorty and regard , then all the protestants in the world besides ? i beseech you , if you will needs take things upon trust , consider this , and trust accordingly . though i must say it is pitty that any truely catholick christian should not have better grounds than these , and be able himself in so palpable a case to perceive his duty . for my own part , my conscience witnesseth that i have not written the following disputation out of a desire to quarrel with any man , but am drawn to it , to my great displeasure , by the present danger and necessity of the churches , and by compassion to the souls that are turned from the publick ordinances , and engaged in the separation , and also of the churches that are divided and troubled by these means . the sad complaints of many of my brethren from several parts have moved my heart to this undertaking . through gods mercy , i have peace at home : but i may not therefore be insensible of the divisions and calamities abroad . i shall adjoin here one of the letters that invited me , and no more ; because in that one you may see the scope and tenour of the rest , and that i rush not on this displeasing work , without a call , nor before there is a cause . the passages that intimate an ever-valuing of my self , you may charitably impute to the authors juniority and humility , with some mistake through distance and disacquaintance . one of the letters that invited me to this task . reverend sir , understanding by the preface to the reader before your gilda● salvianus , that you intend a second part , wherein you promise to speak of the way how to discern the true church and ministry , i make bold to present you with the desire of some godly ministers : viz. that if you see it convenient , you would do some thing towards the vindication of the present churches and ministers from the aspersions of the new prelatical party in england . it is a principle much made of by many of the gentry and others , that we are but schismatical branches broken off from the true body ; and this by faithfull tradition is spread amongst them : the learning of some rigid prelatical schollars is very prevalent with them to make them thus account of us . with these men we must be all unchurched for casting off diocesan episcopacy : though we be found in the faith , and would spend our selves to save souls , and the main substance of our ordination ( at least ) cannot be found fault with ; yet because we had not a bishop to lay his hands on us , we are not sent from god. of what consequence this opinion may prove , if it spread without being checked , an ordinary apprehension may perceive . i can guess something from what i observe from those of this leaven already , that our most serious pains will be little regarded , if our people take this infection ; when we would awaken them , we cannot , because they take it that we have no power to teach them . it must not be men of mean parts that must undertake more fully to wipe off this reproach : for the learned adversaries are tall cedars in knowledge in comparison of many of us : and if men of parts do not grapple with them herein , they will easily carry the vote in many mens judgements ; for they judge that the greater schollars by far certainly have the better in the contest . sir , we beseech you that you would improve your acquaintance in antiquity for our help in this case . not that we would engage you in wrangling with particular men by name , who will not want words : but however you would evidence it that our ordination by presbyters is not void , and of no effect . i have this reason ready to give for this request : for ( besides what i had formerly heard ) i was lately with some of those not of the meanest influence , who urged episcopacy as of absolute necessity , affirming that this order the church of god ever observed : and that it was doubtless of apostolical institution , being a thing of catholick tradition , and that 's the best standard to intepret scripture by . what then are we arrived at , that have forsaken the whole church herein ? though i am little versed in the ancients , yet i tell them we acknowledge that soon after the apostles times the name bishop came up as distinct f●om the presbyters ; but then i call for their proof that the primitive bishops had the power of jurisdiction over presbyters , or that to him only ordination was appropriated . i tell them also that we have certain evidence that in some churches these bishops were made by presbyters , so was the custom in alexandria ▪ and when did ever the church judge them to be no bishops or ministers ? and also of tertullians praesident probati quique seniores , and of cyprians salvo inter collegas pacis & concordiae vinculo : and that doubtless if cyprian be to be believed , the church was then ruled by the joint consent of its pastors , of whom one was indeed the president or moderator , who yet called himself compresbyter , and the presbyters s●atres ( not filios as it was of l●te . ) this answer i have had from some of them , that the church in those times was much under the clo●d , being persecuted , and had not that liberty to settle diocesan episcopacy in that glory , which the apostolical institution aimed at , and that the church was then what it could be , and not what it would be . do you judge of its weight . for my part , i am most stumbled at the reading of ignatius ( whom dr. h. so strenuously d●fends ) and cannot tell how to evade that testimony in the behalf of episcopacy , if it be indeed the testimony of the true ignatius . but methinks his phrase is much unlike either that of clemens , or of cyprian in this case . it s great pity that dr. bloudel wants his eyes , and so we are hindred of enjoying of more of his labours in this point . his notion of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a very pretty on , and it were well if we had fuller evidence added to that which he hath endeavoured after in his preface , to his apology for hierom. or if your judgement about the power of every single pastor were fully improved , it would conduce much to the clearing of these controversies . i could methinks be glad of the practice of those proposals which bishop usher hath made in a late printed sheet : but these angry brethren who now oppose us are of a higher strain . but i run out too far and forget whom i am writing to . truly i am deeply sensible , what mischief those seeds which are as yet but thin-sown ( as i may say ) may grow up to in time : i know not how it is with yo● ; but with us , i fear 〈◊〉 for one at least would be easi●y drawn to ●uch an opinion of us , if the temptation were but somewhat stronger ; multitudes observing how c●vil transactions have 〈◊〉 in a round , begin also to think we shall also arive at our old church-customs again : now ●f th●se episcopal 〈◊〉 judgement should but be dispersed mo●e abroad , how easily would it make these people think that we have d●luded them all this whi●● ? and so will not regard us . alas ▪ that a sad thought is it if i should study and preach and pray for mens souls ▪ and yet be re●ected as one that had no cha●ge of them as a m●nister , laid on me for god ▪ we thank you for what you said in your christian concord : and 〈◊〉 you would enlarge further on this subject , as you see convenient : that the striplings in the ministry may be furnished with arguments against our 〈…〉 such able hands as yours are . i have do●e ; only i shall desire your pardon for my interrupting you in your other business ; and if i shall hereafter crave your assistance and direction i● some cases , i pray you excuse me if uncivil , and vouchsafe to let me hear from you ▪ for i am about to settle where the charge is great . the lord continue you 〈◊〉 us , that you may be further an instrument of good . i rest , ian. . . your affectionate friend and weak brother m. e. assert . those who nullifie our present ministry and churches , which have not the prelatical ordination , and teach the people to do the like , do incur the guilt of grievous sin . chap. i. sect. . for the making good this assertion , . i shall prove that they groundlesly deny our ministry and churches ; and . i shall shew th● greatness of their sin . in preparation to the first i must . take some notice of the true nature of the ministerial function : and . of the nature and reasons of ordination . sect. . we are agreed ( ore tenus at least ) that the power and honour of the ministry is for the work , and the work for the ends , which are the revelation of the gospel , the application or conveyance of the benefits to men , the right worshiping of god , and right governing of his church , to the saving of our selves and our people , and the glorifying and pleasing god. sect. . so that [ a minister of the gospel is an officer of iesus christ , set apart ( or separated ) to preach the gospel and thereby to convert men to christianity , and by baptism to receive disciples into his church , to congregate disciples , and to be the teachers , overseers , and governours of the particular churches , and to go before them in publick worship and administer to them the special ordinances of christ , according to the word of god ; that in the communion of saints , the members may be edified , preserved , and be fruitful and obedient to christ ; and the societies well ordered , beautified and strengthened ; and both ministers and people saved ; and the sanctifier , redeemer and the father glorified and pleased in his people now and for ever ] sect. . in this definition of a minister , . it is supposed that he be competently qualified for these works : for if the matter be not so far disposed as to be capable of the form , it will not be informed thereby . there are some qualifications necessary to the being of the ministry , some but to the well being . it s the first that i now speak of . sect. . before i name them , lest you misapply what is said , i shall first desire you to observe this very necessary distinction : it s one thing to ask , who is to take himself for a called and true minister ; and to do the work , as expecting acceptance and reward from god : and it s another thing to ask , whom are the people ( or churches ) to take for a true minister , and to submit to as expecting the acceptance and bl●ssing of god in that submission from hi● admin●stratio●s . or its one thing to have a call which wil before god justifie his ministration and another thing to have a call which will before 〈◊〉 justifie the peoples submission , and will justifie in foro ecclesia , both him and them . and so it s one thing to be a minister whom god and conscience will justifie and own , as to himself and another thing to be a minister to the church , whom they must own , and god will own and bless only as to their good . in the first sence , none but truely sanctified men can be ministers ; but in the latter an unsanctified man may be a minister . as there is a difference among members between the visible and mystical , ( of which i have spoken elsewhere . * ) so is there between pastors . some have a title that in foro ecclesiae or ecclesia judice will hold good , that have none that is good in foro dei : in one word ▪ the church is bound to take many a man as a true minister to them , and receive the ordinances from him in faith , and expectation of a blessing upon promise ; who yet before god is a sinful invader , an usurper of the ministry , and shall be condemned for it . as in worldly possessions , many a man hath a good title before men , and at the bar of man , so that no man may disturb his possession , nor take it from him , without the guilt of theft , when yet he may have no good right at the bar of god to justifie him in his retention . so it is here . sect. . it is too common a case in civil governments ( the ignorance of which occasioneth many to be disobedient . ) a man that invadeth the soveraignty without a title , may be no king as to himself , before god , aod yet may be truly a king as to the people . that is , he stands guilty before god of usurpation , and ( till he repent , and get a better title ) shall be answerable for all his administrations as unwarrantable : and yet , when he hath settled himself in possession of the place , and exercise of the soveraignty , he may be under an obligation to do justice to the people , and defend them , and the people may be under an obligation to obey him and honour him ▪ and to receive the fruits of his government as a blessing . mens title in conscience and before god ( for magistracy and ministry ) themselves are most to look after , and to justifie ; and it s often crakt and naught , when their title in foro humano may be good ; or when the people are bound to obey them . and those miscarriages or usurpations of magistrates or ministers which forfeit gods acceptance and blessing to themselves , do not forfeit the blessing of christs ordinances and their administrations to the church : for it is the guilty and not the innocent that must bear the loss . a sacrament may be as effectual , and owned by god , for my benefit , when it is from the hand of a man that shall be condemned for administring it , as when it is from the hand of a saint that hath a better call ; supposing still that i be innocent of his usurpation or error . this necessary distinction premised , i say , that special grace is necessary to that call of a minister that must be warrantable and justifyable to himself before god ; but it i● not necessary to that call that 's justifyable before the church , and is necessary to our submission and to the blessing of the ordinances and their validity to our good . sect. . but yet here are some qualifications essentially necessary , to dispose the man to be receptive of the ministry , coram ecclesia ( though saving grace be not . ) as . it is of necessity that he be a christian by profession ; and so that he profess that faith , repentance , love , obedience , which is saving . for the minister in question is only a christian minister : and therefore he must be a christian , & aliquid amplius by profession . . it is therefore necessary that he profess and seem to understand and believe all the articles of the faith , that are essential to christianity , and do not heretically deny any one of these ( what ever he do by inferiour articles . ) . he must be one that is able to preach the gospel : that is , in some competent manner , to make known the essentials of christianity : or else he cannot be a minister at all . . he must be one that understandeth the essentials of baptism , and is able to administer it ( though the actual administration be not alway necessary . ) . he must understand the essentials of a particular church , and profess to allow of such churches as gods ordinance , or else he cannot be the pastor of them . . he must profess to value and love the saints , and their communion : or else he cannot be a minister for the communion of saints . . he must profess and seem to understand , believe , and approve of all the ordinances of christ which are of necessity to church-communion . . and he must be tolerably able to dispense and administer those ordinances : or else he is not capable of the office . . he must profess and seem to make the law of god his rule in these administrations . . and also to desire the saving of mens souls , and the wellfare of the church , and glory and pleasing of god. if he have not beforehand all these qualifications , he is not capable of the ministry , nor can any ordination make him a true minister . sect. . if you demand my proof , it is from the common principles that . the form cannot be received but into a disposed capable matter : but such are no disposed capable matter : therefore , &c. — . the office is for the work ▪ and therefore presupposeth a capacity and ability for the work . the office containeth . an obligation to the duty : but no man can be obliged to do that which is naturally impossible to him ( though a moral impossibility may stand with an obligation to duty , and a natural only as founded in the moral ) . it containeth an authority or power to do the work : but such power ( which is but a right of excercising naturall abilities ) doth presuppose the abilities to be exercised : natural power , is presupposed to civil authority . . it is essential to such relations that they be for their ends : and therefore where there is an apparent incapacity for the end , there is as apparent an incapacicy of the relation . but enough of this . sect. . . a minister is [ an officer of christ , ] and therefore receiveth his authority from him , and can have none but what he thus recieves . and therefore . he hath no soveraignty or lordship over the church , for that is the perogative of christ. . he hath no degree of underived power , and therefore must prove his power , and produce his commission before he can expect the church to acknowledge it . . he hath no power to work against christ , or to destroy the souls of men , or to do evil : though he hath a power by which occasionally he may be advantaged to evil , yet hath he no authority to do it : ) for christ giveth no man power to sin , nor to do any thing against himself . . he deriveth not his authority from man ( though by man , as an instrument , or occasion , he may ) the people give him not his power : the magistrate gives it not : the ordainers ( bishops or presbyters ) give it not , any further then ( as i shall shew anon ) by signifying the will of christ that indeed giveth it , and by investing men in it by solemn delivery . the choosers may nominate the person that shall receive it ; and the magistrate may encourage him to accept it ; and the ordainers may approve him and invest him in it : but it is christ only that gives the power as from himself . as in marriage , the persons consent , and the magistrate alloweth it as valid at his bar ; and the minister blesseth them and declareth gods consent : but yet the power that the husband hath over the wife is only from god as the conferring cause ; and all that the rest do is but to prepare and dispose the person to receive it ; save only that consequently , the consent of god is declared by the minister . of which more anon , when we speak of ordination . sect. . . a minister is a man [ separated , or set a part ] to the work of the gospel . for he is to make a calling of it , and not to do it on the by . common men may do somewhat that ministers do , even in preaching the gospel : but they are not [ separated or set apart to it , and so entrusted with it , nor make a calling or course of employment of it . ] ministers therefore are holy persons in an eminent sort , because they have a two-fold sanctification . . they are as all other christians sanctified to god by christ through the spirit , which so devoteth them to him , and brings them so neer him , and calls them to such holy honourable service , that the whole church is called a royall priesthood , a holy nation , &c. to offer spiritual sacrifice to god. and christ hath made them kings and priests to god. but . they are moreover devoted and sanctified to god , ( not only by this separation from the world , but ) by a separation from the rest of the church to stand neerer to god , and be employed in his most eminent service ! i mention not mans ordination in the definition , because it is not essential to the ministry , nor of absolute necessity to its being ( of which anon . ) but that they be set apart by the will of christ and sanctified to him , is of necessity . sect . . these ministers have a double subject to work upon , or object about which their ministry is employed . the first is [ the world , as that matter out of which a church is to be raised ] the second is , believers called out of the world ] these believers are , [ either only converted , and not invested in a church state ; or such as are both converted and invested : ] these later are either [ such as are not yet gathered into a particular church , or such as are . ] for all these are the objects of our office . sect. . . accordingly the first part of the ministerial office is to preach the gospel to unbelievers and ungodly ones for their conversion . this therefore is not , as some have imagined , a common work , any more then preaching to the church ▪ occasionally ex charitate , only another man may do it . but ex officio , as a work that we are separated and set a part to and entrusted with , so only ministers may do it . no man hath the power of office ; but he that hath the duty or obligation , to make it the trade or business of his life , to preach the gospel ( though bodily matters may come in on the by . ) sect. . . hence it appears that a man is in order of nature a preacher of the gospel in general , before he be the pastor of a particular flock : though in time they often go together : that is , when a man is ordained to such a particular flock . sect. . . and hence it follows that a man may be ordained sine titulo or without a particular charge , where the converting preparatory work is first to be done . sect. . . and hence it appeareth that a minister is first in order related to the unbelieving world , as the object of his first work , before he be related to the church existent : either catholick or particular : and that he is under christ first a spiritual father , to beget children unto god , from the unbelieving world , and then a governour of them . if others have already converted them to our hands , and saved us that part of our work , yet that overthroweth not the order of the parts and works of our office , though it hinder the execution of the first part ( it being done to our hands by others in that office . ) sect. . . the second part of the ministers work is about believers meerly converted , together with their children , whom they yet have power to dedicate to god : and that is to invest them in the rights of a christian , by baptism in solemn covenanting with god the father , son and holy spirit . and these are the next material objects of our office. many of the ancients ( tertullian by name , and the council of eliberis ) thought that in case of necessity , a lay-man ( though not a woman ) may baptize : if that be granted , yet must not men therefore pretend a necessity where there is none . but i am satisfied . that baptism by a a private man , is not eo nomine a nullity , nor to be done again : . and yet that it is not only a part of the ministers work to baptize and approve them that are to be baptized , ex officio , but that it is one of the greatest and highest actions of his office : even an eminent exercise of the keyes of the kingdom , letting men into the church of christ : it being a principal part of their trust and power to judge who is meet to be admitted to the priviledges and fellowship of the saints . sect. . . the third part of the ministers work is about the baptized , that are only entred into the universal church ( for many such there are , ) or else the unbaptized that are discipled , where the former work and this are done at once : and that is , to congregate the disciples into particular churches for holy communion in gods worship , &c. they must do part of this themselves in execution . but he leads them the way , by teaching them their duty , and provoking them to it , and directing them in the execution , and oft-times offering himself or another to be their teacher , and leading them in the execution . so that it belongeth to his office to gather a church , or a member to a church . sect. . . hence is the doubt resolved , whether the pastor , or church be first in order of time or nature ? i answer : the minister as a minister to convert and baptize and gather churches , is before a church gathered in order of nature and of time . but the pastor of that particalar church as such , and the church it self whose pastor he is , are as other relations , together and at once ; as father and son , husband and wife , &c. as nature first makes the nobler parts , as the heart and brain and liver ; and then by them as instruments formeth the rest ; and as the philosopher or schoolmaster openeth his school , and takes in schollars ; and as the captain hath first his commission to gather soldiers : but when the bodies are formed , then when the captain or schoolmaster dieth , another is chosen in his stead ; so is it in this case of pastors . sect. . . hence also is the great controversie easily determined , whether a particular church or the universal be first in order , and be the ecclesia prima : to which i answer . the question is not de ordine dignitatis , nor which is finally the ministers chief end : for so it is past controversie that the universal church is first . . as to order of existence , the universal church is considered either as consisting of christians as christians , converted and baptized : or further as consisting of regular ordered assemblies , or particular churches . ( for all christian● are not members of particular churches : and they that are , are yet considerable distinctly , as meer christians and as church-members ( of particular churches ) and so its clear , that men are christians in order of nature , and frequently of time , before they are member of particular churches : and therefore in th●s re●pect the universal church ( that is , in its essence ) is before a particular church . but yet there must be one particular church , before there can be many . and the individual churches are before the association or connection of these individuals . and therefore though in its essence and the existence of that essence the universal church be before a particular church ( that is , men are christians before they are particular church-members ; ) yet in its order , and the existence of that order , it cannot be said so : nor yet can it fitly be said that thus the particular is before the universall . for the first particular church and the universal church were all one ( when the gospel extended as yet no further ) and it was simul & semel an ordered universal and particular church : ( but yet not qu● universal ) but now , all the vniversal church is not ordered at all into particular churches : and therefore all the church universal cannot be brought thus into the question . but for all those parts of the universal church that are thus congregate ( which should be all that have opportunity ) they are considerable , either as distinct congregations independent ; and so they are all in order of nature together ( supposing them existent : ) or else as connexed and asso●iated fo● communion of churches , or otherwise related to each other : and thus many churches are after the individuals & ●he single church is the ecclesia prima as to all church forms of order ; and associations are but ecclesiae ortae , arising from a combination o● relation or communion of many of these . sect. . the fourth part of the ministerial work is about particular churches congregate , as we are pastors of them . and in this they subserve christ in all the parts of his office . . under his prophetical office , they are to teach the churches to observe all things whatsoever he hath commanded them : & deliver & open to them that holy doctrine which they have received from the apostles that sealed it by miracles , and delivered it to the church . and as in christs name to perswade and exhort men to duty , opening to them the benefit , and the danger of neglect . . under christs priestly office they are to stand between god and the people , and to enquire of god for them , and speak to god on their behalf and in their name , and to receive their publick oblations to god , and to offer up the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving on their behalf , and to celebrate the commemoration of the sacrifice of christ upon the cross ; and in his name to deliever his body and blood , and sealed covenant , and benefits to the church . . under his kingly office ( a paternal kingdom ) they are to proclaim his laws , and command obedience in his name , and to rule or govern all the flock , as overseers of it , and to reprove , admonish , censure and cast out the obstinately impenitent , and confirm the weak , and approve of professions and confessions of penitents , and to absolve them , by delivering them pardon of their sin , in the name of christ. sect. . . this work must be done for the ends mentioned in the definition . to his own safety , comfort , and reward , it is necessary that those ends be sincerely intended . for the comfort and satisfaction of the church and the validity of the ordinances ( sacraments especially ) to their spiritual benefit , it is necessary that these ends be professed to be intended by him ; and that they be really intended by themselves . sect. . . by this the popish case may be resolved , whether the intention of the priest be necessary to the validity and success of sacraments ? the reality of the priests intention is not necessary to the validity of them to the people : for then no ordinance performed by an hypocrite were valid ; nor could any man know when they are valid and when not . but that they may be such administrations , as he may comfortably answer for to god , his sincere intention is necessary . and that they be such as the people are bound to submit to , it is necessary that he profess a sincere intention : for if he purposely baptize a man ludicrously in professed jest or scorn , or not with a seeming intent of true baptizing , it is to be taken as a nullity and the thing to be done again . and that the ordinances may be blessed and effectual to the receiver upon promise from god , it is necessary that the receiver have a true intent of receiving them to the ends that god hath appointed them . thus and no further is intention necessary to the validity of the ordinance and to the success . the particular ends i shall not further speak of , as having been longer already then i intended on the definition . sect. . but the principal thing that i would desire you to observe , in order to the decision of our controversie , hence , is that the ministry is first considerable as a work and service , and that the power is but a power to be a servant to all , and to do the work . and therefore that the first question is , whether the great burden and labour of ministerial service may be laid on any man without ordination by such as our english prelates ? or whether all men are discharged from this labour and service on whom such prelates do not impose it ? if magistrates , presbyters and people conspire to call an able man to the work and service of the lord , whether he be justified for refusing it , what ever the church suffer by it , meerly because the prelates called him not ? sect. . though the forementioned works do all belong to the office of the ministry , yet there must be opportunity and a particular call to the exercise of them , before a man is actually obliged to perform the several acts . and therefore it was not without sence and reason that in ordination the bishop said to the ordained [ take thou authority to read or to preach the word of god , when thou shalt be threunto lawfully called ] not that another call of authority is necessary to state them in the office , or to oblige them to the duty in general : but we must in the invitation of people , or their consent to hear us , or other such advantagious accidents , prudently discern when and where we have a call to speak and exercise any act of our ministry . even as a licensed physitian must have a particular call by his patients before he exercise his skill . this call to a particular act , is nothing else but an intimation or signification of the will of god , that hic & nunc we should perform such a work : which is done by providence causing a concurrence of such inviting circumstances that may perswade a prudent man that it is seasonable . sect. . a man that is in general thus obliged by his office to do all the formentioned works of the ministry , ( that is , when he hath a particular call to each ) may yet in particular never be obliged to some of these works , but may be called to spend his life in some other part of the ministry , and yet be a compleat minister , and have the obligation and power to all , upon supposition of a particular call ; and not be guilty of negligence in omitting those other parts . one man man may live only among infidels , and uncalled ones , and so be obliged only to preach the gospell to them in order to conversion , and may die before he sees any ready to be baptized : ano●her may be taken up in preaching and baptizing , and congregating the converted , and never be called to pastoral rule of a particular church . another may live in a congregated church where there is no use for the discipling-converting-preaching of the gospel , and so may have nothing to do but to oversee that particular church and guide them in holy worship . and in the same church if one ministers parts are more for publick preaching , and anothers more for private instruction , and acts of guidance and worship ; if one be best in expounding , and another in lively application ; t●ey may lawfully and ●itly divide the work between them : and it shall not be imputed to them for unfaithfulnss and negligence that one forbeare●h what the other doth . for we have our guifts to the churches edification ▪ thus paul saith he was not sent to baptize , but to preach the go●pel : not that it was not in his commission , and a work of his office : but quoad exercitium he had seldome a second particular call to exercise it , being taken up with that preaching of the gospel , and settling and confirming churches which to him was a greater work . sect. . this ministry before des●r●bed ( whether you call it episcopatum , sacerdotium , presbyteratum , or what else is fit ) is but one and the same order ( for deacons are not the ministers defined by us : ) it is not distinguished into various species : even the patrons of prelacy , yea the schoolmen and other papists themselves , do ordinarily confess , that a prelate and presbyter differ not ordine , but only gradu . so that it is not another office that they ascribe to prelates , but only a more eminent degree in the same office. and therefore they themselves affirm , that in officio the power of ordination is in both alike ( the office being the same ) but that for the honour of the degree of prelacy , for the unity of the church , presbyters are hindered from the exercise of that ordination , which yet is in their power and office sect. . as far as ordination is a part of the ministerial work it is comprised in the forementioned acts , [ of congregating , teaching , ruling , &c. ] and therefore is not left out of the definition , as it is a duty of the office : though it be not exp●essed among the efficient causes , for the reason above mentioned : and because i am now more distinctly to treat of it by it self , and to give you fu●ther reasons hereof in the explication of the nature and ends of this ordination . chap. ii. of the nature and ends of ordination . sect : . that we may know how far the ordination in question is necessary to the ministry , and whether the want of it prove a nullity , we must first enquire what goes to the laying of the foundation of this relation , and how many things concur in the efficiency , and among the rest , what it is that the ordainers have to do as their proper part ; and what are the reasons of their power and work. sect. . as all that deserve the name of men , are agreed that there is no power in the world but from god the absolute soveraign , and first cause of power : so all that deserve the name of christians are agreed that there is no church power but what is from christ the head and soveraign king of the church . sect. . as the will of god is the cause of all things ; and no thing but the signification of it is necessary to the conveying of meer rights : so in the making a man a minister of the gopel , there needeth no other principal efficient cause then the will of jesus christ ; nor any other instrumental efficient , but what is of use to the signifying of his will : so that it is but in the nature of signs that they are necessary . no more therefore is of absolute necessity , but what is so necessary to signifie his will. if christs will may be signified without ordination , a man may be a minister without it : ( though in other respects he may be culpable in his entrance , by crossing the will of christ concerning his duty in the manner of his proceedings . ) sect. . there is considerable in the ministry , . beneficium . . officium . . the gospel , pardon , salvation-ordinances are those great benefits to the sons of men , which the ministery is to be a means of conveying to them : and is it self a benefit as it is the means of these benefits . in this respect the ministry is a gift of christ to the church , and his donation is the necessary act for their ministration . but of this gift the church is the subject . he giveth pastors to his church . . but in conjunction with the churches mercies , the minister himself also partakes of mercy : it is a double benefit to him to be both receptive with them of the blessing of the gospel , and to be instrumentall for them in the conveyance , and to be so much exercised in so sweet and honourable , though flesh-displeasing and endangering work . as in giving alms , the giver is the double receiver ; and in all works for god , the greatest duties are the greatest benefits ; so is it here . and thus the making of a minister is a donation or act of bounty to himself . christ giveth to us the office of the ministry , as he giveth us in that office to the church . as a commanders place in an army is a place of trust and honour and reward , and so the matter of a gift , though the work be to fight and venture life . sect. . the duty of the minister is caused by an obligation ; and that is the part of a precept of christ : and thus christs command to us to do his work doth make ministers . sect. . from the work which the ministers are to perform , and the command of obedience laid upon the people , ariseth their duty , in submission to him , and reception of his ministerial work ; and in relation to them that are to obey him , his office is a superiour teaching ruling power , and so is to be caused by commission from christ , as the fountain of power that is to command both pastor and people . sect. . so that the ministry consisting of duty , benefit , and power , ( or authority , ) it is caused by preceptive obligation , by liberal donation , and by commission . but the last is but compounded of the two first , or a result from them . the command of god to paul , e. g. to preach and do the other works of the ministry , doth of it self give him authority to do them . and gods command to the people to hear and submit , doth concur to make it a power as to them . and the nature and ends of the work commanded are such as prove it a benefit to the church ; and consequentially to the minister himself . so that all is comprehended in the very imposition of the duty : by commanding us to preach the word , we are autho●ized to do it , and by doing it we are a benefit to the church , by bringing them the gospel and its benefits . sect. . our principal work therefore is to find out , on whom christ imposeth the duties of church ministration : and by what signs of his will , the person himself and the church may be assured that it is the will of christ , that this man shall undertake the doing of these works . sect. . and therefore let us more distinctly enquire , . what is to be signified in order to a ministers call ; and . how christ doth signifie his will about the several parts ; and so we shall see what is left for ordination to do , when we see what is already done , or undone . sect. . . it must be determined or signified that a ministry there must be . . and what their work and power shall be . . and what the peoples relation and duty toward them shall be . . what men shall be ministers , and how qualified . . and how it shall be discerned by themselves and others which are the men that christ intends . sect. . now let us consider what christ hath done already in scripture , . and what he doth by providence , towards the determination of these things . and . in the scripture he hath already determined of these things , or signified that it is his will , . that there be a standing ministry in the church to the end of the world : . that their work shall be to preach the gospel , baptize , congregate churches , govern them , ad●inister the eucharist , &c. as afore-mentioned . . he hath left them rules or canons for the directing them ( in all things of constant universal necessity ) in the performance of these works . . he hath described the persons whom he will have thus employed , both by the qualifications necessary to their being , and to the well-being of their ministration . . he hath made it the duty of such qualified persons to desire the work , and to seek it in case of need to the church . . he hath made it the duty of the people to desire such pastors , and to seek for such and choose them or consent to the choice . . he hath made it the duty of the present overseers of the church to call such to the work , and approve them , and invest them in the office ( which three acts 〈◊〉 are called ordination , but specially the last . ) . he hath made i● the duty of magistrates to encourage and protect them , and in some cases to command them to the work , and set them in the office by their authority . all these particulars are determined of already in the laws of christ , and none of them left to the power of men . sect. . the ordainers therefore have nothing to do to judge . whether the gospel shall be preached or no , whether churches shall be congregate or no , whether they shall be taught or governed or no ? and sacraments administred or no ? . nor whether there shall be a ministry or no ministry ? . nor how far ( as to the matter of their work and power ) their office shall extend , and of what species it shall be ? . nor whether the scripture shall be their constant universal canon ? . nor whether such qualified persons as god hath described , are only to be admitted , or not . . nor whether it shall be the duty of such qualified persons to seek the office ? or the duty of the people to seek and choose such , or of pastors to ordain such ? or of magistrates to promote such and put them on ? none of this is the ordainers work . sect. . if therefore any man on what pretence soever , shall either determine that the gospel shall not be preached , nor the disciples baptized , the baptized congregated , the congregations governed , the sacraments administred , &c. or that there shall be no ministers to do those works ; or if any man determine that which will infer any of these ; or if he pretend to a power of suspending or excluding them , by his non-approbation , or not-authorizing them ; he is no more to be obeyed and regarded in any of this usurpation , then i were if i should make a law , that no king shall reign but by my nomination , approbation or coronation . and if any man under pretence of ordaining , do set up a man that wants the qualifications which christ hath made necessary to the being of the ministry , his ordination is null , as being without power , and against that will of christ that only can give power . and so of the rest of the particulars forementioned : where the law hath already determined , they have nothing to do but obey it . and though the miscarriages of a man in his own calling do not alwaies nullifie his acts , yet all that he doth quite out of the line of his office are nullities . sect. . we see then that all that the law hath left to the ordainer is but this : in general , to discern and judge of the person that is qualified according to the description of the law ; and particularly to call him out to the work , if he need excitement , and to try and approve him , before he be admitted , and to invest him , or solemnize his admittance , at his entry . so that the sum of all is , but to find out the qualified person , because he is not named by the law. sect. . and even in this the ordainers are not the only discerners or judges ; but the person himself , the people and the magistrates , have all the forementioned parts in the work . and god himself goes before them all , and by providence frequently points them out the man whom they are bound to choose , ordain , accept and submit unto : and that by these particular acts . sect. . . as god doth plainly describe the persons in the word , so he doth qualifie them accordingly by his guifts : and that of three sorts : even , his special graces ( necessary so far as was before mentioned ) ministerial abilities of knowledge and utterance , and a desire after the work , for its ends . . god useth to qualifie so small a nu●ber thus , compared with his churches mecessities , that whether they should be ministers ( in general ) or not , is seldom matter of controversie to prudent men , or at least a doubt that 's more easie to decide . . god useth by providence to give some one man , by advantage of parts , acquaintance , opportunity , interest , &c. a special fitness for one place and people above other men , and so to facilitate the decision . . god useth to stir up the hearts of the church to choose or consent to the person thus qualified . . and he useth to stir up desires or consent in the heart of the person to be the pastor of that particular flock . . and he useth oft times to procure him liberty , if not some call from the magistrate . . and also to remove impediments in his way . . and to assist ordainers in discerning the qualifications of the person , when the work comes to their hands . all this god doth providentially . sect. . by this much it appeareth , that the ordainers do not give the power as from themselves to others ; nor doth it pass through their hands . they are but the occasions , and the instruments of inauguration or solemn possession , when their interposition is due . it is the standing act of christ in his law that giveth the power immediately , i say immediately , as without any mediate receiving and conveying cause , that is directly efficient of the power it self , though not so immediately as to exclude all preparations , and perfecting instruments , accidentall causes & other means . as in case of marriage , it is the womans consent that is of necessity to the designation of the person that shall be her husband . but it is not her consent that properly giveth him the power of an husband over her . for that is done by god himself , in that law by which he constituteth the husband to be head of the wife , and determineth in specie of his power , which one determination immediately conferreth the power on all individual persons , when once they are chosen and named : so that the elector of the person doth but prepare and dispose him to receive the power , and not give it . he doth but open the door and let men in to the ministry , & not give it . it s one thing to bring the person to the pool that healeth , that he may be the man that first shall enter : and it s another thing to heal him : it s one thing to judge of the person that shall receive the power immediately from god , and another thing to give it him our selves . sect. . it s thus in the case of magistrates power , in which mens interest hath ever been more discernable to the world and beyond controversie then in the power of ministers . though here there be a certain specification that dependeth on the will of man , yet the power it self is immediately from god , and men do but choose the person that shall receive it , and present him to god , and solemnly inaugurate him . and for my part , i think i shall never consent to any side that will needs give more to men ( whether presbyters , prelates , or people ) in making a minister , then in making a king. all power is of god ; the powers that be are ordained of god. sect. . if any doubt of this ( as i perceive by many writings , they do ) i shall , to spare the labour of a digression , refer them to the copious unanswerable labours of abundance of protestants that have written in england for the royal power : but instead of more , let them but read spalatensis , and saravia and bilson , and rest satisfied , or confute them before they expect any more from me . sect. . as in the making of bayliffs for our corporations , either the people , or the burgesses , have the power of choosing , and the steward or recorder hath the power of swearing him , and performing the ceremonies : and yet none of these confer the power , but only design the person , who receives the power from the prince alone , by the charter of the cities or towns , as his instrument : so is it in the ordaining of ministers . the people may choose , and the pastors may invest , but its god only by the gospel charter that confers the power from himself . sect. . hence it is pla●n that the argument is vain that 's commonly used by the prelates , from nemo dat quod non habet . for it falsly supposeth that the ordainers are the givers of power ( the master-error in their frame . ) christ hath it , and christ giveth it . men give it not , though some of them have it : for they have it only to use and not to give . when the people choose a king , they give him not the power , but god giveth it to the man whom the people choose . when our corporations choose their bayliff , the choosers give him not the power ; for they had it not themselves ; but they determine of the man that immediately from the princes charter shall receive it : nor doth the recorder or steward give it primarily , but only instrumentaliter & perfective by a ceremonial inauguration . so the people give not pastors the power : nor the ordainers , but only complementally . sect. . from what is aforesaid also it appeareth , that the work of the ministry is founded first in the law of nature it self , which upon supposition of mans misery and his recovery by christ , and the promise and means appointed for application , requireth every man that hath ability and opportunity , to do his best in the order appointed him by god , to save mens souls by proclaiming the gospel , and using gods appointed means , for the great and blessed ends that are before us . sect. . hence it also appeareth that gods first command ( partly in nature and partly in the gospel ) is that [ the work shall be done , the gospel shall be preached , churches gathered and governed , sacraments administred : ] and that the precept de ordine is but secundary and subservien● to this . and if at any time , alterations should make ordination impossible , it will not follow that the duty ordered ceaseth to be duty , or the precept to oblige . sect. . the scriptures name not the man that shall be a pastor , yet when it hath described him it commandeth the described person duely to seek admittance , and commandeth the people , ordainers and magistrates to [ choose and appoint these men to the ministerial work . ] now these precepts contain in each of them two distinct determinations of christ. the first is [ that such men be ministers . ] the second is [ that they offer themselves to the office , and that they be accepted and ordained . ] for the first is implyed in the latter . if the soveraign power make a law , that there shall be physicians licensed by a colledge of physitians to practice in this common-wealth ] and describe the persons that shall be licensed ; this plainly first concludeth that such persons shall be physitians , and but secondarily de ordine that thus they shall be licensed : so that if the colledge should license a company of utterly insufficient men , and murderers that seek mens death , or should refuse to license the persons qualified according to law , they may themselves be punished , and the qualified persons may act as authorized by that law , which ●indeth quoad materiam , and is by the colledge ( and not not by them ) frustrate quoad ordi●em . so is it in this case in hand . sect. . hence it appeareth that [ ordination is one means conjunct with divers others , for the designation of right qualified persons , described in the law of christ ) for the reception and exercise of the ministerial office . and that the ends of it are . to take care that the office fail not : and therefore to call out fit men to accept it , if modesty or impediments hinder them from offering themselves , or the people from nominating them . . to judge in all ordinary cases of the fitness of persons to the office , and whether they are such as scripture describeth and calls out . . and to solemnize their admittance , by such an investiture , as when possession of a house is given by a ministerial tradition of a key ; or possession of land by ministerial delivery of a twig and a turf , or as a souldier is listed , a king crowned , marriage solemnized , after consent and title , in order to a more solemn obligation , and plenary possession ; such is our ordination . sect. . hence it appeareth that as the ordainers are not appointed to judge whether the church shall have ordinances and ministers , or not ( no more then to judge whether we shall have a christ and heaven , or not : ) but who shall be the man ; so it is not to the being of the ministry simply , and in all cases that ordination is necessary , but to the safe being and order of admittance , that the church be not damnified by intruders . sect. . ordination therefore is gods orderly and ordinary means of a regular admittance ; and to be sought and used where it may be had ( as the solemnizing of marriage . ) and it is a sin to neglect it wilfully , and so it is usually necessary necessitate praecepti , & necessitate medii ad ordinem & bene esse . but it is not of absolute necessity necessitate medii ad esse ministerii , or to the validity or success of our office and ministrations to the church ; nor in cases of necessity , when it cannot be had , is it necessary necessitate praecepti neither . this is the plain truth . sect. . there are great and weighty reasons of christs committing ordination to pastors . . because they are most able to judge of mens fitness , when the people may be ignorant of it . . because they are men doubly devoted to the church and work of god themselves , and 〈◊〉 may be supposed ( regularly ) to have the greatest 〈◊〉 and most impartial respect to the church and cause of god . and they must ( regularly ) be supposed to be men of greatest piety and and holiness ( or else they are not well chosen . ) . and they being fewer , are fitter to keep unity , when the people are usually divided in their choice . . and if every man should enter the ministry of himself that will judge himself fit , and can but get a people to accept him , most certainly the worst would be oft forwardest to men , ( before they are sent , ) and for want of humility would think themselves fittest ( the common case of the proud and ignorant ) and the people would be too commonly poisoned by heretical smooth-tongue'd men ; or more commonly 〈◊〉 please and undoe themselves , by choosing them that have most interest in them , by friends or acquaintance , and them that will most please and humour them , and instead of being their teachers and rulers , would be taught and ruled by them , and do as they would have them . order is of great moment to preserve the very being of the societies ordered , and to attain their well-being . god is not the god of confusion but of order , which in all the churches must be maintained : no man therefore should neglect ordination without necessity : and these that so neglect it , should be disowned by the churches , unless they shew sufficient cause . chap. iii. ordination is not of necessity to the being of the ministry . sect. . having shewed what the ministry is , and what ordination is , and how the work is imposed on us , and the power conferred , i may now come up to the point undertaken , to shew the sin of them that nullifie all our ministers calling and administrations , except of such as are ordained by the english prelates . and for the fuller performance of this task , i shall do it in these parts . . i shall shew that ordination it self by man is not of necessity to the being of a minister . . i shall shew that much less is an uninterrupted succession of regular ordination ( such as either scripture or church canons count valid ) of necessity to the being of church or ministry . . i shall shew , that much less is an ordination by such as our english bishops necessary to the being of the ministry . . i shall shew that yet much less is an ordination by such bishops rebus sic stantibus , as now things go , of necessity to the being of the ministry . . i shall shew that without all these pretences of necessity for a presbyterian ordination , the present way of ordination by this & other reformed ▪ churches is agreeable to the holy scripture , and the custome of the ancient church , and the postulata of our chief opposers . . i shall then shew the greatness of their sin that would nullifie our ministry and administrations . . and yet i shall shew the greatness of their sin that oppose or wilfully neglect ordination . . and lastly i shall return to my former subject , and shew yet how far i could wish the episcopal brethren accommodated , and propound somewhat for a peace . sect. . i shall be much briefer on all these , then evidence would invite me to be , because i apprehend the most of them to be of no great necessity to our cause , we having enough without them , and lest men should think that we need such mediums more then we do ; and because of my exceeding scarcity of time which forceth me to do all hastily . and for the first that [ humane ordination is not of absolute necessity to the being of the ministry ] i argue as followeth . arg. . if the necessity of ordination may cease ( as to single persons ) and the necessity of ministration continue ( or if the obligations to each are thus separable ) then is not ordination of necessity to the being of the ministry . but the antedent is true : which i shall prove by parts ( for the consequence is past all doubt , nor will any i suppose deny it . ) sect. . that the obligation to be ordained may cease to some persons , i prove by instances in certain cases . and . in case of a mans distance from any that should ordain him . as if one or many christians were cast upon the coasts of any indian heathen or mahometan nation , as many have been . there is no ordination possible : and therefore not necessary or due . and to return for it to the christian part of the world , may be as impossible : and if not , yet unlawfull by reason of delay . sect. . and . in case of the great necessity of the people that cannot bear the absence of such as are able to teach them so long as while he travaileth many hundred or thousand miles for ordination ; as basil in another case writes to the bishops of the west , that if one of them ( the eastern bishops ) should but leave their churches for a very small time , much more for a journey into the west , they must give up their churches to the wolves to be undone before they return ; and this case is ordinary abroad . sect. . and . that in case by civil wars or enmity among princes , men be unable to travail from one of their countries into the other for an ordination ( which else oftimes cannot be had ) so the turks and persians , and the indian mogol , and the tartarians and many other princes , by such wars may make such passage an impossible thing : nor is it like they would suffer their subjects to go into the enemies country . sect. . and . in case that princes ( infidels or others ) should persecute ordination to the death : i do not find that it were a duty to be ordained , if it would cost all men that seek it their lives , and so made them uncapable of the ends of ordination : ( for the dead preach not ) if we were all forbid to preach on pain of death , i know we should not forbear , unless our places were so supplied , that mens souls were not apparently endangered by our omission . but he that may preach without ordination , can scarce prove it a duty to seek ordination when it would cost him his life . or if he will plead it in paper , he would soon be satisfied in tryal . sect. . and . in case that the generality of bishops within our reach turn hereticks , ( as in many parts of the east in the arrian revolt , when scarce seven bishops remained orthodox ) or in case of a national apostacie , as in the kingdomes of nubia , tenduc , and many more that by the conquest of infidels have revolted . sect. . and ordination is no duty in case that bishops confederate to impose any unlawfull oaths or other conditions on all that they will ordain . as the oath of the roman prelates containing divers falshoods and unlawful passages doth make all roman ordination utterly impious and unlawfull to be received ; and therefore not necessary . sect. . and . in case that bishops themselves ( whom those that we now speak to do suppose to have the whole power of ordination ) should either have a des●gn to corrupt the church , and ordain only the unworthy , and keep out such as the necessities of the church requireth , or set up a destructive faction , or by negligence or any other cause should refuse to ordain such as should be ordained ; in all these cases ordination is impossible to them . sect. . and . in case that death cut off all the bishops within our reach , or that the remnant be by sickness , or banishment or imprisonment hindered , or by danger affrighted to deny ordination , or by any such means become in accessible , ordination must here fail . sect. . and in case that bishops through contention are unknown , as bellarmine confesseth it hath been at rome , that the wisest could not tell which was pope : especially if withall both parties seem to be such as are not to be submitted to , ordination fails . sect. . and . in case of prophetical immediate calls from god , which many had of old , and god hath not bound himself from the like again , though none have reason to expect it , and none should rashly presume of it : in all these ten cases ordination faileth . sect . and that it doth so , needs no proof : the instances prove it themselves . briefly . nemo tenetur ad impossibile : but in many of these cases ordination is impossible : therefore , &c. sect. . and . nemo tenetur ad inhonestum : no man is bound to sin : for turpe est impossibile in law. but in many of these cases or all , is plainly sin : therefore &c. sect. . and cessante fine cessat obligatio . the means are for the end : but in many , if not all these cases , cessat finis , & ratio medii : therefore cessat obligatio . sect. . and . cessante materia cessat obligatio . but here aliquando cessat materia : as in case of the apostacy , death , banishment , concealment of bishops , therefore , &c. — sect. . and now i am next to prove that when the obligation to ordination ceaseth , yet the obligation to ministerial offices ceaseth not , but such must be done . and . i prove it hence , because the obligations of the common law of nature cease not upon the cessation of a point of order : but if the ministerial works should cease , the obligations of the law of nature must cease . — here i have two points to prove . . that the law of nature ( supposing the work of redemption already wrought ; and the gospel and ordinances established ) obligeth men that are able and have opportunity to do the work of ministers . . and that this law is not ceased when ordination ceaseth . sect . the law of nature prohibits cruelty , and requireth charity , and to shew mercy to men in greatest necessities according to our ability : but to suspend the exercise of the ministerial office , were the greatest cruelty , where there is ability and opportunity to exercise it : and to exercise it is the greatest work of mercy in all the world. nature teacheth us to do good to all m●n while we have time , and to save them with fear , pulling them out of the fire , and to love our neighbours as our selves ; and therefore to see a man , yea a town and country and many countries , lie in sin and in a state of misery , under the wrath and curse of god , so that they will certainly be damned if they die in that condition , and yet to be silent , and not preach the gospel to them , nor call them home to the state of life , this is the greatest cruelty in the world , except the tempting and driving them to hell . to let the precious things of the gospel lie by unrevealed , even christ and pardon and holiness , and eternal life , and the communion of saints , and all the church ordinances , and withal to suffer the devil to go away with all these souls , and christ to lose the honour that his grace might have by their conversion , certainly this in it self considered is incomparably more cruelty to men , then to cut their throats , or knock them on the head , as such : and as great an injury to god as by omission can be done . i need not plead this argument with a man that hath not much unmand himself , much less with a christian. for the one is taught of god by nature , to save men out of a lesser fire then hell , and a lesser pain then everlasting torment , to the utmost of his power : and the other is taught of god to love his brother and his neighbour as himself . if the love of god dwell not in him that seeth his brother in corporal need , and shutteth up the bowels of his compassions from him ; how then doth the love of god dwell in him , that seeth his brother in a state of damnation , cursed by the law , an enemy to god , and within a step of everlasting death and desperation , and yet refuseth to afford him the help that he hath at hand , and all because he is not ordained ? sect. . let this be considered of , as in any lower case . if a man see another fall down in the streets , shall he refuse to take him up , because he is no physician ? if the country be infected with the plague , and you have a soveraign medicine that will certainly cure it with all that will be ruled , will you let them all perish , rather then apply it to them , because you are not a physitian , and that when the physitians are not to be had ? if you see the poor naked , may no one make them cloaths but a taylor ? if you see the enemy at the walls , will you not give the city warning , because you are not a watch-man , or on the guard ? if a commander die in fight , any man that is next may take his place in case of necessity . will you see the field lost for a point of order , because you will not do the work of a commander ? a hundred such cases may be put , in which its plain , that the substance of the work in which men can do a great and necessary good , is of the law of nature , though the regulating of them in point of order is oft from positive laws : but the cessation of the obligation of the positives about order , doth not disoblige us from the common law of nature : for then it should allow us to lay by humanity . sect. . to this some may say , that [ its true we may preach in such cases , but not as ministers , but as private men : and we may baptize as private men in necessity : but we may do nothing that is proper to the ministry ] to this i answer . god hath not made the consecration of the bread and wine in the eucharist , nor yet the governing of the church , the only proper acts of the ministry . to preach the word as a constant service , to which we are separated , or wholly give up our selves , and to baptize ordinarily , and to congregate the disciples , and to teach and lead them in gods worship , are all as proper to the ministry as the other . and these are works that mens eternal happiness lieth on . if you would have an able gifted christian in china , tartary , indostan , or such places , ( supposing he have opportunity ) to speak but occasionally as private men , and not to speak to assemblies , and wholly give up himself to the work , and gather churches , and set a foot all church ordinances among them , you would have him unnaturally cruell to mens souls . and if you would have him give up himself to these works , and yet not be a minister , you speak contradictions . for what 's the office of a minister , but [ a state of obligation aod power to exercise the ministe●ial acts ? ] as it s nothing else to be a physitian , supposing abilites , but to be obliged and impowred to do the work of a physitian ] the works of the ministry are of necessity to the salvation of mens souls ; though here and there one may be saved without them by privater means , yet that 's nothing to all the rest : it is the salvation of towns and contreyes that we speak of . i count him not a man , that had rather they were all damned , then saved by an unordained man. sect. . the end of ordination ceaseth not , when ordination faileth : the ministerial works and the benefits to be thereby conveyed , are the ends of ordination : therefore they cease not . this is so plain that i perceive not that it needs explication or proof . sect. . nature and scripture teach us , that ceremonies give place to the substance , and matters of meer order give place to the duty ordered ; and that moral natural duties cease not when meer positives cease : but such is the case before us . ordination is the ordering of the work : if that fail , and the work cannot be rightly ordered , it follows not that it must be cast off , or forborn . on this account christ justified his disciples for plucking ears of corn on the sabbath day . necessity put an end to the duty of sabbath keeping ; but the duty of preserving their lives continued . on this account he justifieth his own healing on the sabbath day ; sending them to study the great rule . go learn what this meaneth , i will have mercy and not sacrifi●e : ] so here , he will have mercy to souls and countreyes , rather then ordination : on this account he saith , that [ the priests in the temple break the sabbath and are blameless ] and he tells them [ what david did when he was hungry , and they that were with him , how he eat the shewbread , which ( out of necessity ) was not lawfull for him to eat , but only for the priests ] and yet he sinned not therein . sect. . moreover , the church it self is not to cease upon the ceasing of ordination , nor to hang upon the will of prelates . christ hath ●ot put it in the power of prelates , to deny him a church in any countries of the world . for he hath first determined that particular churches shall be ( and that determination ceaseth not , ) and but secondly that they shall have pastors thus ordained : he is not to lose his churches at the pleasures of an envious or negligent man : but so it would be if pastor must cease when ordination ceaseth : for though w●thout pastors there may be communities of christians , which are parts of the universal church , yet there can be no organized political churches . for . such churches consist essentially of the directing or ruling part , and the ruled part ) ( as a republick doth . ) . such churches are christian associatio●s for communion in such church ordinances which without a pastor cannot ( ordinarily at least ) be administred : and therefore without a pastor the society is not capable of the end , and therefore not of the form or name ; ( though it be a church in the fore-granted sence . ) nay indeed , if any should upon necessity do the ministerial work to the church , and say he did it as a private man , it were indeed but to become a minister pro tempore , under the name of a private man. if paul had not his power to destruction but to edification , neither have prelates : and therefore the acts are null by which they would destroy the church . their power of ordering it ( such as they have ) occasionally enableth them to disorder it ( that is , if they miss in their own work , we may submit : ) but they have no authority to destroy it , or do any thing that plainly conduceth thereunto . sect. . the ceasing of ordination in any place , will not either disoblige the people from gods publick worship , word , prayer , praise , sacraments ; neither will it destroy their right to the ordinances of god in church communion . but this it should do , if it should exclude a ministry ; therefore , &c. — the major is proved , . in that the precept for such publick worship , is before the precept for the right ordering of it . he that commandeth the order , supposeth the thing ordered . . the precept for publick worsh●p , is much in the law of nature and therefore indispensable : and it is about the great and necessary duties that the honour of gods add saving of men , and preservation of the church lieth on : it is a standing law to be observed till the coming of christ. and the rights of the church in the excellent benefits of publick ordinances and church order , is better founded then to depend on the will of ungodly prelates . if prince and parliament fa●l , and all the governours turn enemies to a common-wealth , it hath the means of preservation of it self from ruine lest in its own hands ; or if the common-wealth be destroyed , the community hath the power of self-preservation , and of forming a common-wealth again to that end . the life and being of states , specially of mens eternal happiness , is not to hang upon so slender a peg as the corrupt will of a few superiours , and the mutable modes and circumstances of government ; nor a necessary end to be wholly laid upon an uncertain and oft unnecessary means . the children lose not their right to food and rayment , nor are to be suffered to famish , when ever the steward falls out with them , or falls asleep , or loseth the keyes . another servant should rather break open the doors , and more thanks he shall have of the father of the family , then if he had let them perish , for fear of transgressing the bounds of his calling . if incest ( that capital disorder in procreation ) were no incest , no crime , but a duty , to the sons and daughters of adam in case of necessity ( because order is for the end and thing ordered ) then much more is a disordered preservation of the church and saving of souls and serving of god , a duty , and indeed at that time , no disorder at all . sect. . . moreover , if the failing of ordination , should deprive the world of the preaching of the word , or the churches of the great and necessary benefits of church ordinances and communion , then one man ( yea thousands ) should suffer ( and that in the greatest matters ) for the sin and wilfulness of others , and must lie down under such suffering , lest he should disorderly redress it . but the consequent is against all justice and reason : therefore the antecedent is so to . sect. . in a word , it is so horrid a conclusion , against nature , a●d the gospel , and christian sence , that the honour of god , the f●uits of redemption , the being of the church , the salvation or comfort of mens souls , must all be at the prelates mercy , that a considerate christian cannot ( when he is himself ) believe it : that it should be in the power of heretical , malicious , or idle prelates to deny god his honour , and christ the fruit of all his sufferings , a●d saints their comforts , and sinners their salvation , and this when the remedie is before us , and that it is the will of god that all these evils should be chosen before the evil of an unordained ministry ; this is an utterly incredible thing . sect. . argument . another argument may be this : if there may be all things essential to the ministry without humane ordination , then this ordination is not of necessity to its essence ; but the antecedent is true ; therefore so is the consequent . that there be a people qualified to receive a pastor , and persons qualified to be made pastors , and that god hath already determined in his law that pastors there shall be , and how they shall be qualified is past all dispute : so that nothing remains to be done by man ( ordainers , magistrates or people ) but to determine who is the man that christ describeth in his law , and would have to be the pastors of such a flock , or a minister of the gospel , and then to solemnize his entrance by an investiture . and now i shall prove that a man may be a minister without the ordainers part in these . sect. . if the will of christ may be known without ordination , that this man should be the pastor of such a people , or a minister of the gospel , then may a man be a minister without ordination . but the will of christ may be known , &c. ergo . — sect. . nothing needs proof but the antecedent ( for it is but the signification of the will of christ that conferreth the power , and imposeth the duty ; ) and that his will is sometime signified concerning the individual person without ordination , is apparent hence : . the description of such as christ would have to preach the gospel , is very plain in his holy canons ( in the scripture . ) . his gifts are frequently so eminent in several persons , as may remove all just occasion of doubting , both from the persons themselves and others . . their suitableness to a people by interest , acquaintance , &c. may be as notable . . the peoples common and strong affection to them , and theirs to the people , may be added to all these . . there may be no competitor at all ; or none regardable or comparable ; and so no controversie . the necessities of the people may be so great and visible , that he and they may see that they are in danger of being undone , and the church in danger of a very great loss or hurt , if he deny to be their pastor . . the magistrate also may call and command him to the work . . the people and he may consent and they may unanimously choose him , and he accept their choice . and in all these the will of christ is easily discerned , that this is the person whom he would have to undertake the ministry . sect. . for . where ●●ere are so many evident signs of his wills and characters agreeing to the description in the law , there the will of christ ma● be discerned , and it may be known that this is the described person . but these are here supposed ( o● enough of these : ) and indeed it is no very strange thing for all or almost all these to co●cur , where there are persons of excellent qualifications . sect. . and . where there is no controversie , or room for a controversie , the determination may be made without a judge : ( the principal reason and use of ordainers is , that there may be standing judges of the fitness of men , to prevent the hurt of the church by the withdrawing of the worthy , and the intrusion of the unworthy : ) but here is no controversie , or place for controversie : therefore , &c. — sect. . but i suppose some will say that [ though the approbation of the ordainers be not alwaies of necessity : because the person may be easily known without them ; yet their investing the person with the power i● of necessity , because without that he is but a person fit for the office , but cannot receive it till some authorized person shall deliver it ] because the great mistake is involved in this objection , i shall answer it fully . sect. . the law it self is it that directly gives the power , and imposeth the duty , when the person is once determined of that falls under it : there needs no more but the signification of the w●ll of christ , to confer the power or benefit , or impose the duty . as an act of oblivion pardoneth all the described persons ; and an act that imposeth any burden or office upon every man of such or such an estate or parts , doth immediately by it self oblige the persons ; though some judges or others may be appointed to call out the persons , and see to the execution ( who do not thereby impose the duty ) so is it in this case . gods law can authorize and oblige without an ordainer sometimes . sect. . the investiture performed in ordination by man , is not the first obligation or collation of the power , but only the solemnization of what was done before . and therefore though it be necessitate praecepti a duty , and ordinarily necessary to church order and preservation , yet is it not necessary to the being of the ministerial office or power . sect. . and this will be made apparent , . from the common nature of all such subsequential investitures and inaugurations , which are necessary to full possession and exercise of power sometimes , but not to the first being of it , nor to the exercise neither in cases of necessity , when the investiture cannot conveniently be had . sect. . ordination ( as to the investing act ) is no otherwise necessary to the ministry , then coronation to a king , or listing to a souldiour , or solemn investiture and taking his oath to a judge , or other magistrate , &c. but these are only the solemn entrance upon possession and exercise of power , supposing a sufficient title antecedent ; and in cases of necessity , may be unnecessary themselves ; and therefore so is it here as a like case . sect. . . if want of investiture in cases of necessity , will not excuse the determinate person from the burden of the ministerial work , then will it not prove him destitute of the ministerial authority : ( for every man hath authority to do his duty , in that he is obliged to it ; ) but the antecedent is plain ; if once i know by certain signs , that i am a man that christ requireth to be imployed in his work , i durst not totally forbear it , in a case of such exceeding moment , for want of the regular admittance , when it cannot be had ; while i know that the work is the end , and the ordination is but the means ; and the means may promote the end , but must not be pleaded against the end , nor to destroy it ; it being indeed no means , when it is against the end . ordination is for the ministry , and the ministerial office for the work , and the work for gods honour and mens salvation : and therefore god must be served , and men must be saved , and the ministry to those ends must be used , whether there be ordination to be had or not . necessity may be laid upon us , without ordination , and then woe to us if we preach not the gospel . the law can make duty without an ordainer . sect. . if this were not so , a lazy person that is able for the ministry , might by pleasing or bribing the ordainers , be exempted from abundance of duty , and escape the danger of guilt and judgement upon his omission . and truly the burden is so great to flesh and blood , if men be faithful in their office , the labour so uncessant , the people so unconstant , ungrateful and discouraging ; the worldly honours and riches so tempting which may b● had in a secular life , with the study and cost that fits men for the ministry , and the ene●ies of our work and us a●e so many and malicious , and times of persecution so frequent and unwelcome , that if it were but in the prelates power to exempt all men at their pleasure , from all the trouble and care and danger and sufferings of the ministery , they would have abundance of solicitors and suitors for a dispensation ? especially where the love of god and his church were not very strong to prevail against temptations ( for this would free them from all fear . ) sect. . . if a man and woman may be truly husband and wife without a solemn marriage , then a minister and people may be truly conjoined in their relations and church-state without his solemn ordination . for these are very neer of a nature . a private contract between themselves may truly make them husband and wife : and then the standing law of god conveyeth to the man his power , and obligeth him and the woman to their duties , without any instrumental investiture : and yet if there be opportunity it is not lawful for any to live together in this relation , without the investiture of solemn matrimony , for order sake , and to prevent the fornication and bastardy , that could not be avoided if marriage be not ordinarily publick . just so it is a very great sin to neglect ordination ordinarily , and where it may be had , and tendeth to the bastardy of the ministry , and of churches , and soon would most be illegitimate if that course were taken . and yet if pastor and people go together without ordination , upon private contract , in case of necessity , it is lawful : and if there be no necessity , it is sinful , but yet doth not null the baptism , and other ministerial administrations of any such person , to the church of christ , or the upright members . sect. . . if a man may be a true christian without baptism , and have christ and pardon and justification and eternal life without it ; then may a man be a true minister without ordination . for no man can reasonably plead that ordination is more necessary to a minister then baptism to a christian. even the papists that make a sacrament of it , and ascribe to it an indelible character , must needs set it somewhat lower then baptism . baptizing is commonly called our christening , as that in some sort makes us christians . and yet for all that the true use of baptism is but to solemnize the marriage between christ and us , and to invest and inaugurate them in a state of christianity solemnly , that were indeed christians before . and the papists themselves confess that when a man first repenteth and believeth ( with a faith formata charitate ) he is pardoned , and in a state of salvation before baptism , and shall be saved upon the meer votum baptismi , if in case of necessity he die without it ( though the partial proctors will damn the infants for want of baptism , that never refused it , when they save the parents that have ●ut the desire . ) no doubt but constantine , and many other , that upon mistake deferred their baptism , were nevertheless christians ; and judged so by the church both then and now . and yet to neglect it wilfully were no smal sin . so if in our case , men want ordination , they may be really ministers , and their ministrations valid ; but it is their very great sin , if their wilfull neglect be the cause that they are not ordained . sect. . as baptism is the open badge of a christian , so ordination is the open badge of a minister : and therefore though a man may be a christian before god without baptism , yet ordinarily he is not a christian before the church without baptism , till he have by some equivalent profession given them satisfaction : and therefore if i knew men to be utterly unbaptized , i would not at first have communion with them as christians . but if they could manifest to me that necessity forbad them , or if it were any mistake and scruple of their consciences that hindered them from the outwa●d ordinance , and they had without that ordinance made as publick and bold a profession of christianity , and satisfactorily declared themselves to be christians by other means , i would then own them as christians , though with a disowning and reprehension of their error ; even so would i do by a minister : i would not own him as a minister unordained , unless he either shewed a necessity that was the cause , or else ( if it were his weakness and mistake ) did manifest by his abilities and fidelity and the consent and acceptance of the church , that he were truly called : and if he did so , i would own him , though with a disowning and reproof of his mistake , and omission of so great a duty . sect. . . there is not a word of god to be found that makes ordination of absolute necessity to the being of the min●stry : therefore it is not so to be esteemed . the examples of scripture shew it to the regular way , and therefore ordinarily a duty : but they shew not that there is no other way . sect. . object . it is sufficient that no other way is revealed ; and therefore till you find another in scripture , this must be taken for the only way . answ. . scripture is the rule of our right performance of all duties : we cannot imagine that in the rule there should be the least defect ; and therefore no precept or imitable pattern of sin in the smallest matter is there to be found . and yet it followeth not that every sin doth nullifie a calling , because there is no scripture warrant for that sin . all that will follow is , that no other way is innocent or warrantable : and that only when necessity doth not warrant it . . i have shewed already that there are other wayes warranted in some cases in the scripture : and i shall shew anon that as great omissions nullifie not the office . sect. . object . but how shall they preach unless they be sent ? saith paul , rom. . answ. but the question is , whether no man be sent that have not humane ordination ? the text doth not affirm this . let that be god● ordinary way : but yet it followeth not there is no other . if god send them however , they may preach ; as edesius , frumentius , origen , and others did of old . sect. . argument . he that hath the talents of ministerial abilities , is bound to improve them to the service of his master and best advantage of the church : but such are many that cannot have ordination : ergo — concerning the major , note that i say not that every man that is able is bound to be a minister , much less to enter upon the sacred function without ordination : for . some men that have abilities may want liberty and opportunity to exercise them . . others that have ministerial abilities , may also have abilities for magis●racy , physick , law , &c. and may live in a country where the exercise of the later is more necessary and useful to the good of men , and the service of god , then the exercise of the ministry would be . for these men to be ministers , that either want opportunity , or may do god greater service other waies , is not to improve their talents to their masters chiefest service : but still the general obligation holds , to improve our talents to the best advantage , and do good to as many as we can , and work while it is day . and therefore . such a man is bound ( if he be not otherwise called out first ) to offer his service to the church and seek ordination : and if he cannot have it upon just seeking , in case of necessity , he is to exercise his talents without it : lest he be used as the wicked slothful servant , that hid his talent , mat. . sect. . if this were not so , it would follow that the gifts of god must be in vain , and the church suffer the loss of them at the pleasure of ordainers : and that the fixed universal law that so severely bindeth all men , as good stewards to improve their masters stock ( their time , abilities , interest , opportunities ) might be dispensed with at the pleasure of ordainers . and that god hath bound us to seek in vain , for admittance to the exercise of the talents that he hath endowed us with : and that even in the necessities of the church . which are not things to be granted . sect. . object . by this doctrine you will induce disorder into the church , if all that are able must be ministers when they are denyed ordination : for then they will be the iudges of their own abilities , and every brain-sick proud opinionist , will think that there is a necessity of his preaching ; and so we shall have confusion , and ordination will be made contemptible by pretences of necessity ! sect. . answ. . god will not have the necessities of mens souls neglected , nor allow us to let men go quietly to damnation , nor have his churches ruined , for fear of occasioning the disorders of other men . it s better that men be disorderly saved , then orderly damned : and that the church be dissorderly preserved , then orderly destroyed ! god will not alllow us to suffer every thief and murderer to rob or kill our neighbours , for fear lest by defending them , we occasion men to neglect the magistrate : nor will he allow us to let men perish in their sickness , if we can help them , for fear of encouraging the ignorant to turn physitians . . there is no part of gods service that can be used , without occasion of sin to the perverse : christ himself is the fall as well as the rising of many ; and is a stumbling stone and rock of offence : and yet not for that to be denyed . there is no just and reasonable cause of mens abuse in the doctrine which i here express . . true necessity will excuse and justifie the unordained before god , for exercising their abilities to his service . but pretended counterfeit necessity will not justifie any ; and the final judgement is at hand , when all things shall be set strait , and true necessity and counterfeit shall be discerned . . until that day , things will be in some disorder in this world , because there is sin the world , which is the disorder . but our remedies are these , . to teach men their duties truly , and not to lead them into one evill to prevent another , much less to a mischief destructive to mens souls , to prevent disorder . . the magistrate hath the sword of justice in his hand , to restrain false pretenders of necessity ; and in order thereto , it is he , and not the pretender that shall be judge . and . the churches have the power of casting the pretenders ( if the case deserve it ) out of their communion ; and in order thereto , it is not he but they that will be judges . and other remedies we have none till the last day . sect. . quest. but what would you have men do that think there is a necessity of their labours , and that they have ministerial abilities ? answ. . i would have them lay by pride and selfishness , and pass judgement on their own abilities in humility and self-denyal . if their corruptions are so strong that they cannot ( that is , they will not ) do this , that 's long of themselves . . they must not pretend a necessity where is none . . they must offer themselves to the tryal of the pastors of the church that best know them . . if in the judgement of the godly able pastors that know them , they are unfit , and there is no need of them , they must acquiesce in their judgement . for able godly men are not like to destroy the church or envy help to the souls of men . . if they have cause to suspect the pastors of corruption , and false judgement , let them go to the other pastors that are faithfull . . if all about us were corrupt , and their judgements not to be rested in , and the persons are assured of their ability for the ministry , let them consider the state of the church where they are : and if they are sure ( on consultation with the wisest men ) that there is a necessity , and their endeavours in the ministry are like to prevent any notable hurt , without a greater hurt , let them use them without ordination , if they cannot have it . but if they find that the churches are so competently supplied without them , that there is no necessity , or none which they can supply without doing more hurt by offence and disorder then good by their labours , let them forbear at home , and go into some other countries where there is greater need ( if they are fit there for the work . ) if not , let them sit still . sect. . argument . if unordained men may baptize in case of necessity , then may they do other ministerial works in case of necessity : but the antecedent is the opinion of those that we now dispute against . and the consequence is grounded on a parity of reason : no man can shew more for appropriating the eucharist , then baptisme to the minister . chap. iv. an uninterrupted succession of regular ordination , is not necessary . sect. . having proved the non-necessity of ordination it self to the being of the ministry , and validity of their administrations , i may be the shorter in most of the rest , because they are sufficiently proved in this . if ordination it self be not of the necessity which the adversaries do assert , then the regularity of ordination cannot be of more necessity then ordination itself : much less an uninterrupted succession of such regular ordination : yet this also is asserted by most that we have now to do with . sect. . by regular ordination , i mean in the sence of the adversaries themselves , such as the canons of the church pronounce not null , and such as by the canons was done by such as had authority to do it : in special , by true bishops ( even in their own sence . ) sect. . and if the unin●errupted succession be not necessary , then neither is such ordination at this present necessary to the being of the ministry : for if any of our predecessors might be ministers without it , others in the like case may be so too . for we live under the same law , and the office is the same thing now as it was then . sect. . argument . if uninterrupted regular ordination of all our predecessors be necessary to the being of the ministry , then no man can know that he is truly a minister of christ. but the consequent is false , and intolerable ; therefore so is the antecedent . sect. . the truth of the minor is apparent thus . . if we could not be sure that we are true ministers , then no man could with comfort seek the minstry , nor enter into upon it . for who can have encouragement to enter a calling when he knows not whether indeed he enter upon it or not ? and whether he engage not himself in a course of sin , and be not guilty as vzza of medling with the ark unlawfully ? especially in so great and tender a case where god is so exceeding jealous . sect. . and . who can go on in the calling of the ministry , and comfortably do the work , and bear the burden , that cannot know through all his life , or in any administration , whether he be a minister or a usurper ? what a damp must it cast upon our spirits , in prayer , praise , administration of the eucharist and all publick worship , ( which should be performed with the greatest alacrity and delight ) when we remember that we are uncertain whether god have sent us , or whether we are usurpers , that must one day hear , [ who sent you ? whence had you your power ? and who required this at your hands ? sect. . and the consequence of the major ( that we are all uncertain of our call and office , both papists and protestants ) is most clear ( in case of the necessity of such successive ordination ) for . no man ever did , to this day demomstrate such a succession , for the proof of his ministry . nor can all our importunity prevail with papists ( italians or french ) to give us such a proof . . it is a thing impossible for any man now alive , to prove the regular ordination of all his predecessors , to the apostles daies , yea or any ordination at all . how can you tell that he that ordained you , did not counterfeit himself to be ordained ? or at least that he was not ordained by an unordained man ? or that his predecessors were not so ? it is a meer impossibility for us to know any such thing ; we have no evidence to prove it : sect. . object . but it is probable though not certain : for the church proceedeth by such rules , and taketh the matter to be of so great weight , that there is no probability that they would suffer any to go for pastors or bishops that are unordained , in so great a case . answ. . all this is no certainty : and therefore no proof : and no satisfaction to the mind of a minister , in the forementioned doubts . . yea we have so great reason to be suspicious in the case that we cannot conclude that we have so much as a probab●ly . sect. . for , . we know that there is so much selfishness and corruption in man as is like enough to draw them to deceit . ordainers may be bribed to consecrate or ordain the uncapable , and the ordained or consecrated may be tempted to seek it in their incapacity ; and many may be drawn to pretend that they were ordained or consecrated when it was no such matter . and so there is not so much a a probability . sect. . . and we know that there were so many heresies abroad , and still have been , and so much faction and schism in the church : that we cannot be sure that these might not interrupt the succession , or that they drew not our predecessors to counterfeit a consecration or ordination when they had none , or none that was regular . sect. . . and we know our selves that the thing hath been too usual . when i was young , i lived in a village that had but about twenty houses . and among these there were five that went out into the ministry . one was an old reader whose original we could not reach . another was his son , whose self●ordination was much suspected : the other three had letters of orders , two of them suspected to be drawn up and forged by him , and one that was suspected to ordain himself . one of them , or two at last were proved to have counterfeit orders , when they had continued many years in the ministry . so that this is no rare thing . sect. . among so many temptations that in so many ages since the apostles dayes , have befallen so many men , as our predecessors in the ministry , or the bishops predecessors have been , it were a wonder if all of them should scape the snare : so that we have reason to take it for a thing improbable , that the succession hath not been interrupted . sect. . and we know that in several ages of the church the prelates and priests have been so vile , that in reason we could expect no better from men so vicious , then forgery and abuse , he that reads what gildas and others say of the brittish , and what even baronius , much more espencaeus , cornelius mus. and others say of the romanists ; yea he that knows but what state the bishops and priests have been in and yet continue in , in our own dayes , will never think it an improbable thing that some of our predecessors should be guilty either of simony or other vice that made them uncapable , or should be meer usurpers under the name of bishops and ministers of christ. sect. . argument . if uninterrupted regular ordination of all our predecessors be necessary to the being of the ministry , then can no bishop or pastors whatsoever comfortably ordain : for who dare lay his hand on the head of another , and pretend to deliver him authority , in the name of christ , that hath no assurance ( nor probability neither ) that he hath any commission from christ to do it ? but the consequent will be disowned by those that dispute against us ? therefore so should the antecedent be also . sect. . argument . if there be a necessity of an uninterrupted succession of true regular ordination , then no man can know of the church that he is a member of , or of any other church on earth , that it is a true church . ( by a church i mean not a community , but a society : not a company of private christians living together as christians neighbours , but a politick church consisting of pastor and people associated for the use of publick ordinances and communion therein : ) but the consequent is false ; — &c. sect. . the major , or consequence is certain : for no man can know that the church is a true political organized church , that knows not that the pastor of it is a true minister of christ. because the pastor is an essential constitutive part of the church in this acceptation . and i have proved already that the truth of the ministry cannot be known upon the opponents terms . and for the minor , i think almost all church members will grant it me . for though they are ready enough to accuse others , yet they all take their own churches for true , and will be offended with any that question or deny it . sect. . argument . if there be a necessity of an unin●errupted succession of true ordination , then cannot the church or any christian in it , know whether they have any true ministerial administrations , whether in sacraments or other ordinances . for he that cannot know that he hath a minister , cannot know that he hath the administration of a minister ) but the consequent is untrue , and against the comfort of all christians , and the honour of christ , and is indeed the very doctrine of the infidels and papists , that call themselves seekers among us . sect. . argument . if the churches and each member of them are bound to submit to the ministry of their pastors without knowing that they are regularly ordained , or that they have an uninterrupted succession of such ordination , then are they quo ad ecclesiam , true pastors to them , and their administrations valid , though without ordination or such a succession . but the antecedent is true , and granted by all that now we have to deal with . though they will not grant a known unordained man is to be taken for a minister , or one whose succession had a known intercision ; yet they will grant that if the nullity be unknown , it freeth not the people from the obligation to their pastors . sect. . bellarmine ( lib . de eccles. c. . ) was so stalled with these difficulties that he leaves it as a thing that we cannot b● resolved of ; that our pastors have indeed [ potestatem ordinis & iurisdictionis ] that is , that they are true pastors . and he saith that [ non habemus certitudinem nisi moralem , quod illi sint vere episcopi . ] but when he should prove it to us that there is a moral certainty , he leaves us to seek and gives us not so much as a ground to conjecture at any probability . sect. . but he saith that we may know that [ some pastors at least are true : or else god had forsaken his church . ] a●sw . but what the better are we for this , if we know not , which they are that are the true pastors , nor cannot possibly come to know it ? sect . but he saith that [ quod christi locum tenent , & quod debemus illi● obedientiam may be known : and thereupon he saith tha● certe sumus certitudi●● infallibili quod isti quos videmus sine veri episcopi & pastores nostri : nam ad hoc non r●quiritur , nec fides nec character ordinis , nec legitima electio , sed solum ut habeantur pro talibus ab ecclesia . ] from all this you may note . that they are veri episcopi & pastores nostri , that were never ordained , if they are but reputed such by the church , . that we may know this by infallible certainty , . and that we owe them obedience as such . so that as to the church they are true pastors without ordination , and consequen●ly to the church a succession is unnecessary . sect. . yet of such usurpers he saith [ eos quidem non esse in se veros episcopos , tamen donec pro talibus habentur ab ecclesia , deberi illis obedientiam , cum conscientia etiam erro●●a obliget . ] so that they are not veri episcopi in se : and yet they are veri episcopi & pastores nostri , if bellarmine say true ; and the words have some truth in them , understood according to the distinction which i before gave , chap. . sect. , . he hath no such call as will save himself from the penalty o● usurpation ( if he knowingly be an usurper ) but he hath such a call as shall oblige the church to obey him as their bishop or pastor . sect. but his reason ( cum conscientia etiam erronea obliget ] is a deceit ; and neither the only , nor the chie● reason , no● any reason . not the only nor chief reason ; because the obligation ariseth from god , and that is the greatest . not any reason ; . because indeed it is not an erroneous conscience , that tells many people that their usurping bishops or pastors are to be obeyed as true ministers . for as it is terminated on the pastors act or state , it is no act of conscience at all ▪ and therefore no error of conscience . for conscience is the knowledge of our own affairs . and as it is terminated on our own duty of obeying them , it is not erroneous ; but right ; for it is the will of god , that for order sake we obey both magistrates and pastors that are setled in poss●ssion , if they rule us according to the laws of christ ; at least , if we do not know the nullity o● their call . . and its false that an erroneous conscience bindeth , that is , makes us a duty ; for at the same instant it is it self ● sin and we are bound to depose it , and change 〈◊〉 , and renounce the e●ror . it doth but intangle a man in a necessity of sinning till it be laid by . but it is god only that can make our duty , and cause such an obligation . sect. . from the adversaries concessions then an uninterrupted succession , or present true ordination is not of necessity to the being of the ministry , church or ordinances quoad ecclesiam : for the church is bound to obey the usurpers , and that as long as they are taken for true pastors . which is as much as most churches will desire in the case . sect. . and the consequence is easily proved : for where god obligeth his churches to the obedience of pastors ( though usurpers ) and to the use of ordinances and their ministration , there will he bless the ministry and those ordinances ( to the innocents , that are not guilty of his usurpation ) and that obey god herein . and consequently the ordinances shall not be nullities to them . god would never set his servants upon the use of a means which is but a nullity ; nor will he command them to a duty , which he will blast to them when he hath done without their fault . it s none of the churches fault that the bishop or pastor is an usurper , wh●le they cannot know it , and that any of his predecessors were usurpers since the apostles dayes . and therefore where god imposeth duty on the church and prescribeth means , ( as baptism , prayer , the lords supper , church-government &c. ) it is certain that he will not blast it , but bless it to 〈◊〉 obedient , nor punish the church so for the secret sin of i know not who , committed i know not where nor when , perhaps a thousand years ago . sect. . argument . as other actions of usurpers are not nullities to the innocent church , so neither is their ordinanation : and consequently , those that are ordained by usurpers , may be true ministers . if their baptizing , preaching , praises , consecration and administration of the eucharist , binding and loosing , be not nullities , it follows undenyably on the same account , that their ordinations are not nullities : and consequently , that they are true ministers whom they ordain ; and succession of a more regular ordination is not of necessity , to the ministry , church or ordinances . sect. . argument . if such uninterrupted succession be not necessary to be known , then is it not necessary to the being of the ministry or validity of ordinances administred ; but such a succession is not necessary to be known : therefore — the consequence of the major is plain , because the being or nullity of office and administrations , had never been treated off by god to men , nor had it been revealed , or a thing regardable , but that we may know it : nor doth it otherwise attain its ends . and that it is not necessary to be known , i further prove . sect. . if this succession must be known , then either to the pastor , or to the church , or both : but none of these : therefore — . if it must be known only to the pastor , then it is not necessary as to the church . and yet it is not necessary to be known to the pastor himself neither . for ( as is shewed ) its impossible for him to know it , so much as by a moral certainty . his predecessors and their ordinations were strange to him . . not to the church . for it is not possible for them to know it : nor likely that they should know as much as the true ordination of their present pastor according to the prelatical way , when it is done so far out of their sight . sect. . if the foresaid uninterrupted succession be necessary to the being of our ministry , or churches or ordinances , then is it incumbent on all that will prove the truth of their ministery , churches or ordinances , to prove the said succession . but that is not true ; for then none ( as is aforesaid ) could prove any of them . either it is meet that we be able to prove the truth of our ministry , churches and administrations , or not . if not , then why do the adversaries call us to it ? if yea : then no man among the churches in europe ( on their grounds ) hath any proof ; and therefore must not pretend to the ministry , churches or ordinances , but we must all turn seekers to day , and infidels to morrow , by this device . sect. . argument . the ministry of the priests and levities before the incarnation of christ , and in his time , was not null , though they wanted as much or more then such a succession of right ordination : therefore it is so still with the gospel ministery . the antecedent i shall more fully manifest neerer to the end : only now observe , that when abiathar was put out by solom●n ; and when such as were not of the line or genealogie of the priests , were put as polluted persons from the priesthood ( neh. . , . and , . ezra . . ) yet were not any of their administrations taken to have been null . sect. . argument . if the ministration or governing acts of vsurping princes may be valid , and there need no proof of an uninterrupted succession to prove the validity , then is it so also in the ministry : but the antecedent is certain ; therefore , &c. the validity of the consequence from the parity of reason i shall manifest anon . sect. . argument if an uninterrupted succession of canonical or true ordination be necessary to the being of the church , ministry and ordinances , then rome and england have lost their ministry , churches , and ordinances . but the consequent will be denyed by the adversaries ; therefore so also must the antecedent , if they regard their standing . sect. . though this be the argument that i have the greatest advantage to press the adversary with , yet because i have made it good already in two or three other writings ( in my key for catholicks , and my safe religion , and christian concord ) i shall say but little of it now . but briefly this may suffice : . for the church of rome , if either heresie , infidelity , sodomie , adultery , murder , simony , violent intrusion , ignorance , impiety , want of due election , or of due consecration , or plurality of popes at once , can prove an interruption of their succession , i have shewed them already where it s proved ; but if none of these prove it , we are safe our selves . sect. but grotius ( in discus . apolog. rivet . ) pleads for them , that if any intercision have been made at rome , it hath been made up from other churches . ] answ. . that is not proved , but nakedly affirmed . . nor will it serve the papists turn , that must have all churches hold from rome and her succession , and rome from none , nor to be patcht up from their succession . . de facto the contrary is certain : for . those other held their ministry as from the universal headship of the pope ; and therefore had themselves their interruptions in the former interruptions of rome ( as being but her members : ) and therefore were not capable themselves of repairing of her breaches , . the successors of the illegitimate popes ( such as deposed eugenius , &c. ) and men as bad as they , have continued the succession : and t●e bishops that were consecrated by power received from the illegitimate popes , were the only persons that were the repairers of the breach . and yet the pope will hardly yield that he receiveth his power from any of these . there have been greater defects in the succession then this of consecration , even of due election , capacity , yea of an office it self which christ will own . the vicechristship of the pope is no office of christs planting . sect. . and for the english prelates , as they are unable to prove their uninterrupted succession , so the interruption is proved , in that they derived and held their power from the vicechrist of rome , and that qua talis , for so many ages . this was their own profession : and all that they did was as his ministers by his authority , which was none . sect. . object . but this nulled not the true authority which they received from the pope or prelates as prelates . answ. the pope was uncapable of giving them authority ( and whether the prelates as such were so too , we shall enquire anon . ) and though i grant that ( where the person was fit ) there was yet a ministry valid to the church ( and perhaps to themselves in the main ) yet that is because canonical ordination is not of necessity to the being of the ministry ; ( but by other means they might be then ministers , though this corruption was conjunct , that they received their power imaginarily from r●me ) but that the said canonical succession was interrupted , by this papal tenure , and many a delinquency , is nevertheless sure , and sufficient to inforce the argument as to them that now are our adversaries . but so much shall suffice for the non-necessity of this succession of a true and regular ordination . chap. v. ordination by such as the english prelates , not necessary to the being of the ministry . sect. . i have made this work unnecessary by the two former chapters : for if no ordination be of necessity to the being of the ministry , nor an uninterrupted succession necessary , then doubtless an ordination by these prelates in specie is not necessary at present , or as to succession . but yet ex abundati i add . sect. . argument . ad hominem , i may well argue from the concession of the english prelates themselves and their most zealous adherents ; and their judgements were . that such a succession as aforesaid of right ordination was not of necessity ; and for this they that write against , the papists do commonly and confidently dispute . sect. . and . they maintained that the protestant churches that had no bishops were true churches , and their ministers true ministers , and so of their administrations . this was so common with them that i do not think a dissenting vote can be found , from the first reformation , till about the preparations for the spanish match or little before . sect. . i have in my christian concord cited at large the words of many , and the places of the writings of more , as . dr. field , . bishop downam , . bishop iewel , . saravia , . bishop alley , . bishop pilkinton , . bishop bridges , . bishop bilson , . alexander nowel , . grotius ( their friend then ) , mr. chysenhal , . the lord digby , . bishop davenant , . bishop prideaux , . bishop andrews , . chillingworth , . ( to which i now add ) bishop brom●all ▪ ( of schism ) . dr. fern , . dr. steward ( in his answer to fountains letter ( these of the later , or present sort ) . and bishop vsher ( whose judgement of it is lately published by dr. bernard at his own desire ) . and mr. mason ( in a book of of purpose for justification of the reformed churches ) hath largely pleaded this cause . . and dr. bernard saith that dr. overall was judged not only to consent to that book , but to have a hand in it . . and no wonder when even bancroft himself ( the violentest of all the enemies of them called puritans in those times ) is said by spotswood ( there recited by dr. bernard ) to be of the same mind , and to give it as his judgement , that the scotch ministers ( then to be consecrated bishops ) were not to be reordained , because the ordination of presbyters was valid . sect. . these novel prelatical persons then , that so far dissent frrom the whole stream of the ancient bishops and their adherents , have little reason to expect that we should regard their judgement above the judgement of the english clergy , and the judgement of all the reformed churches . if they can give us such reasons as should conquer our modestie , and perswade us to condemn the judgement of the plelates and clergy of england ▪ & all other churches of the protestants , and adhere to a few new men of yesterday , that dare scarcely open the face of their own opinions : we shall bow to their reasons when we discern them : but they must not expect that their authority shall so far prevail . sect. . and indeed i think the most of this cause is carried on in the dark : what books have they written to prove our ordination null ? and by what scripture reasons do they prove it ? the task lieth on them to prove this nullity , if they would be regarded in their reproaches of the churches of christ. and they are not of such excessive modesty , and backwardness to divulge their accusations , but sure we might by this time have expected more then one volume from them , to have proved us , no ministers and churchess if they could have done it . and till they do it ; their whsperings are not to be credited sect. . argument . if that sort of prelacy that was exercised in england was not necessary it self , yea if it were sinfull , and tended to the subversion or exceeding hurt of the churches ; then is there no necessity of ordination by such a prelacy . but the antecedent is true : therefore so is the consequent . the antecedent hath been proved at large in the foregoing disputation . such a prelacy as consisteth in the undertaking of an impossible task , even for one man t● be the only governour of all the souls in many hundred parishes , exercising it also by lay men , and in the needful parts , not exercising it all all ▪ a prelacy not chosen by the presbyters whom they govern ; yea suspending or degrading ●he presbyters of all those churches , as to the governing part of the●● office , and guilty of the rest of the evils before mentioned , is not only it self unnecessary , but sinful , and a disease of the church which all good men should do the best they can to cure . and therefore the effects of this disease can be no more necessary to our ministry , then the bur●ing of a feaver , or swelling of a tympany , is necessary to the body . sect. . no bishops are necessary but such as were in scriture times : but there were none such as the late english bishops in scripture times : therefore the english bishop● are not necessary . he that denyeth the major , must go further in denying the sufficiency of scripture ▪ then i find the papists ordinarily to do : for they will be loth to affirm that any office is of necessity to the being of the church or of presbyters , that is not to be found in scripture , or that was not then in being : therefore so far we are secure . sect. . and for the minor , i prove it thus . if the english bishops were ●either such as the unfixed general ministers , nor such as the fixed bishops of particular churches , then were they not such as were in scripture times . but they were neither such as the unfixed general ministers , nor such as the fixed bishops of particular churches : therefore , &c. sect. . bes●des these two sorts of ministers , there are no more in the new testament . ( and these a●e diversified but by the exercise of their office , so far as they were ordinary ministers to continue . ) the unfixed ministers ( whether apostles ▪ evangel●sts or prophets ) were ●uch as had no special charge of any one church as their diocess , but were to do their best for the church in general , and follow the direction and call of the holy ghost for the exercising of their ministry . but it s known to all that our engsish bishops were not such . they were no ambulatory itinerant preachers : they went not about to plant churches , and confirm and direct such as they had planted : but were fixed to a city , and had every one their diocess , which was their proper charge ( but oh how they discharged their undertaking ! ) sect. . object . the apostles might agree among them selves to divide their provinces , and did accordingly , james being bishop of jerusalem , peter of rome , &c. answ. no doubt but common reason would teach them when they were sent to preach the gospel to all the world , to disperse themselves , and not be preaching all in a place , to the disadvantage of their work : but . it s one thing to travail several ways , and so divide themselves as itinerants ; and another thing to divide the churches among them , as their several diocesses to wh●ch they should be fixed ▪ which they never did , for ought is proved . . and its one thi●g prudently to disperse themselves for their labour , an● another thing to claim a special power over a circuit or diocess as their charge , excluding a like charge and power of others . so far as any man , apostle or other , was the father of souls by their conversion , they owned him a special honour and love , which the apostles themselves did sometimes claim : but this was nothing to a peculiar diocess or province . for in the same city ( a ierusalem ) some might be converted by one apostle , and some by another . and if a presbyter convert them , i think the adversaries will not therefore make them his d●ocess , not give him there an episcopal power , much less above apostles in that place . nor was this the rule that diocesses could be bounded by , as now they are taken . sect. . nor do we find in scripture the least intimation that the apostles were fixed diocesan bishops , but much to the contrary . . in that it was not consistent with the general charge , and work that christ had laid upon them to go into all the world , and preach the gospel to every creature : how would this stand with fixing in a peculiar diocess ? sect. . and . we find them answering their commission in their practice , going abroad and preaching and planting churches , and sometimes visi●ing them in their passage , but not s●tling on them as their diocesses ; but going further , if they had opportunity , to do the like for other places . yea they planted bishops in the several cities and churches which they had gathered to christ. though paul staid three years at ephesus and other adjacent parts of asia , yet did not all that abode prove it his peculiar diocess : ( and yes its hard to find again so long an abode of paul or any apostle in one place . ) elders that were bishops we find at ephesus , acts . and some say timothy was their bishop , and some say iohn the apostle was their bishop : but its clear that it was no peculiar diocess of paul. sect. . and . we still find that there were more then one of these general itinerant ministers in a place , or at least that no one excluded others from having equal power with him in his province , where ever he came . barnabas , silas , titus , timotheus , epaphroditus , and many more were fellow-labourers with paul in the same diocess or province , and not as fixed bishops or presbyters under him , but as general ministers as well as he . we never read that he said to any of the false apostles that sought his contempt [ this is my diocess , what have ●ou to do to play the bishop in another mans diocess ? ] much less did he ever plead su●h a power , against peter , barnabas or any apostolical minister : nor that iames pleaded any such prerogative at ierusalem . sect. . and therefore though we reverence eusebius and other ancients , that tell us of some apostles diocesses , we take them not as infallible reporters , and have reason in these points partly to deny them credit from the word of god. the churches that were planted by any apostle , or where an apostle was longest resident , were like enough to reckon the series of their pastors from him : for the founder of a church is a pastor of it , though not a fixed pastor , taking it as his peculiar charge , but delivering it into the hands of such : and in this sence we have great reason to understand the catalogues of the antients and their affirmations that apostles were bishops of the churches . for pastors they were : but so that they had no peculiar diocess , but still went on in planting and gathering and confirming churches : whereas the bishops that were setled by them ( and are said to succeed them had ) their single churches which were their peculiar charge ; they had but one such charge or church , when the apostles that lead in the catalogues had many ; & yet none so as to be limited to them . and why have we not the diocess of paul and iohn , and mathew and thomas , and the rest of the twelve , mentioned , as well of peter and iames ? or if paul had any , it seems he was compartner with peter in the same city ( contrary to the canons that requireth that there be but one bishop in a city . ) sect. . it s clear then that the english bishops were not such apostolical unfixed bishops as the itinerants of the first age were . and yet if they were , i shall shew in the next argument that it s nothing to their advantage ; because archbishops are nothing to our question . and that they were not such as the fixed bishops of scripture times , i am next to prove . sect. . the fixed bishops in the scripture times had but a single congregation , or particular church for their pastoral charge : but our english bishops had many ( if not many hundred ) such churches for their charge : therefore our english bishope were not of the same sort with those in scripture . the major i have proved in the former disputation . the minor needs no proof , as being known to all that know england . sect. . and . the fixed bishops in the scripture times had no presbyters , at least , of other particular churches under them , ( they governed not any presbyters that had other associated congregations for publick worship . ) but the english bishops had the presbyters of other churches under them ( perhaps of hundreds : ) therefore they are not such as the scripture bishops were . there is much difference between a governour of people and a governour of pastors ; episcopus gregis , & episcopus episcoporum , is not all one . none of us saith , cyprian in concil . carthagin . calleth himself , or takes himself to be episcopum episcoporum . no fixed bishops in scripture times were the pastors of pastors , as least , of other churches . sect. . this i suppose i may take as granted de facto from the reverend divine whom i have cited in the foregoing disputation , that saith ( annotat. in art. . ) that [ although this title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , have been also extended to a second order in the church ; and now i● only in use for them , under the name of presbyters ; yet in the scripture-times it belonged principally , if not alone to bishops ; there being no evidence that any of that second order were then instituted ; though soon after , before the writing 〈◊〉 ●gnatius epistles , there were such instituted in all churches ] so that he granteth that de facto there were then no presbyters but bishops , and that they were not instituted : and therefore bishops had no such presbyters to govern ; nor any churches but a single congregation : for one bishop could guide but one congation at once in publick worship ; and there could be no worshipping congregations ( in the sence that now we speak of ) without some presbyter to guide them in performance of the worship . sect. . so saith the same learned man , dissertat . . de episcop . page , . [ in quibus plures absque dubio episcopi ●uere , nullique adhuc quos hodie dicimus presbyteri and therefore he also concludeth that the churches we●e then governed by bishops assisted by deacons without presbyters , instancing in the case of the church of ierusalem , act. . and alledging the words of clem. roman . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( how grotius was confident that clemens was against their episcopacy , ( shewed before ) to the same purpose he citeth the words of clemens alexandrinus in euseb. of iohn the apostle ▪ concluding [ ex ●is ratio constat quare sine pres●yterorum mentione intervenient● , episcopis diaconi immediate adjiciantur , quia scilicet in singulis macedoniae civitatibus , quam vis episcopus esset , nondum presbyteri constituti sunt ; diaconis tantum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubique episcopis adjunctis ] dissertat . cap. . sect. , , . so also cap. . sect. . & alibi passim . sect. . object . but though de facto there were no bishop●●uling presbyters then , nor ruling any more then a single worsh●p●ing church , yet it was the intention of the apostles that they should afterwards enlarge their diocess , and take the care of many churches , and that they should ordain that so●t of subject presbyters that were not instituted in scripture-times . answ. do you prove the secret intention of the apostles to be for such a mutation , and then we shall be satisfied in that . but till then it is enough to us that we have the same government that de facto was set up by the apostles , and exercised in scripture times . and that it s granted us that the office was not then instituted which we deny : for it is the office of such subject presbyters having no power of ordination that we deny . sect. . object . but though in scripture times there were no bishops over many churches and presbyters , yet there were archbishops that were over many . answ. because this objection contains their strength , i shall answer it the more fully . and . if there were no subject presbyters in those times , then archbishops could rule none . but there were none such , as is granted : therefore , &c. and what proof is there of archbishops then ? sect. . their first proof is from the apostles : but they will never prove that they were fixed bishops or archbishops . i have proved the contrary before . but such an itinerant episcopacy as the apostles had ( laying by their extraordinaries ) for my part i think should be continued to the world and to the church ( of which after . ) another of their proofs is from timothy and titus ● who , thy say , were archbishops . but there is full evidence that timothy and titus were not fixed bishops or archbishops , but itinerant evangelists , that did as the apostles did , even plant and settle churches , and then go further , and do the like . see and consider but the proofs of this in prins unbishoping of timothy and titus . such planters and itinerants were pro tempore the bishops of every church where they came , ( yet so as another might the next week be bishop of the same church , and another the next week after him , yea three or four or more at once , as they should come into the place ) and therefore many churches as well as ephesus and creet its like might have begun their catalogue with timothy and titus : and many a one besides rome might have begun their catalogue with peter and paul. sect. . another of their proofs is of the angels of the seven churches which they say were archbishops . but how do they prove it ? because those churches or some of them were planted in chief cities , and therefore the bishops were metropolitans . but how prove they the consequence ? by their strong imagination and affirmation . the orders of the empire had not then such connection and proportion , and correspondency with the orders of the church . let them give us any valid proof that the bishop of a metropolis had then ( in scripture times ) the bishops of other cities under him , as the governor of them , and we shall thank them for such unexpected light . but presumption must not go for proofs . they were much later times that afforded occasion for such contentions as that of basil and anthymius , ( whether the bounds of their episcopal jurisdiction should change as the emperours changed the state of the provinces ? ) let them prove that these asian angels had the bishops of other churches , and the churches themselves under their jurisdiction , and then they have done something . sect. . but if there were any preheminence of metropolilitans neer these times , it cannot be proved to be any more then an honorary primacy : to be episcopus primae sedis , but not a governour of the rest . how else could cyprian truly say ( even so long after ) as is before alledged , that none of them was a bishop of bishops , nor imposed on others , but all were left free to their own consciences , as being accountable only to god ? sect. . yea the reverend author above mentioned shews ( d●ssertat . de episcop . . cap. . sect. , , & alibi ) that there were in those times more bishops then one in a city , though not in una ecclesia aut coe●u . and the like hath grotius oft . so that a city had oft then more churches then one , and those churches had their several bishops : and neither of these bishops was the governour of the other , or his congregation : much less of the remoter churches and bishops of other cities . and this they think to have been the case of peter and paul at rome , yea and of their immediate successors there . and so in other places ( lege dissert . c , . ) sect. . when the great gregory thaumaturgus was made bishop of neocaesarea , he had but seventeen christians in his city ; and when he had increased them by extraordinary successes , yet we find not that he had so much as a presbyter under him . and if he had , it s not likely that musonius , his first and chief entertainer , would have been made but his deacon , and be the only man to accompany him and comfort him in his retirement in the persecution , and that no presbyter should be mentioned : which shews that bishops then were such as they were in scripture-times ( at least in most places ) and had not many churches with their presbyters subject to them , as d●oc●san bishops have . and when comana , a small place not far off him , received the faith , gregory ordained alexander the colliar ) their bishop , over another single congreg●tion , and did not keep them under his own pastoral charge and government : vid. greg. nys●n in vita thaumat . ) sect. . but because that our d●ocesan bishops are such as the archbishops that first assumed the government of many churches , and because we shall hardly drive many from their presumption , that timothy and titus were archbishops ( besides the apostles , ) i shall now let that supposition stand ; and make it my next argument that , ( argument . ) ordination by archbishops is not necessary to the being of ministers or churches . our english bishops were indeed archbishops : therefore ordination by them is not necessary — ] it is not the name , but the office that is pleaded necessary . sect. . and for the major , i think it will not be denyed . all that i have to do with , protestants and papists , do grant the validity of ordination by bishops . and for the minor , it is easily proved . the bishops that are the governours of many churches and their bishops , are archbishops . the bishops of england were the governours of many churches with their bishops : therefore they were archbishops . the major will be granted . and for the minor i prove it by parts : . that they were ( by undertaking ) the governours of many churches . . and of many b●shops . sect. . he that is the governour over many congregations of christians associated for the publick worship of god and holy communion and edification , under their proper pastors , is the governour of many churches . but such were our english bishops : therefore , &c. that such societies as are here defined are true churches , is a truth so clear , that no enemy of the churches is is able to gainsay with any shew of scripture or reason , they being such churches as are described in the scriptures . and . that our ministers were true pastors , if any will deny , ( as the papists and separatists do ) i shall have occasion to say more to them anon . sect. . argument . if ordination by such as the english bishops be of necessity to the ministry and churches , then was there no true ministry and churches in the scripture times , nor in many years after : but the consequent is false ; therefore so is the antecedent . the reason of the consequence is because there were no such bishops in those times ; and this is already proved , they being neither the itinerant apostolical sort of bishops ▪ nor the fixed pastors of particular churches ; besides which there were no other . sect. . argument . if ordination by such as the english prelates be necessary to the being of the ministry and churches , then none of the protestants that have not such prelates ( which is almost all ) are true churches or have true ministers : but the consequent is false : therefore so is the antecedent . of this i shall say more anon . sect. . if none of the protestants churches that have not such bishops are true churches , and have not a true ministry , then neither roman , greek , armenian , aethiopian , &c. or almost any through the world are true churches : for they are defective in some greater matters , and chargeable with greater errors then these . but the consequent is false ; therefore so is the antecedent . he that denyeth all these to be true churches , denyeth the catholick church : and he that denyeth the catholick church , is next to the denying of christ. sect. . having thus proved that there is no necessity of ordination by such as the english prelates , i have withall proved that men are not therefore ever the less ministers , because they have not their ordination , nor our churches or ordinances ever the more to be disowned . sect. . yet where there is no other ordination to be had , it may be a duty to submit to theirs : not as they are episcopi exortes ( as even grotius calls them ) or of this species ; but as they are pastors of the church , notwithstanding such superfluities and usurpations . sect. . it is not the duty therefore , but the sin , of any man that was ordained by such prelates to a lawful office , to disclaim and renounce that ordination ( as some do . ) for it is not every irregularity that nullifieth it : there may be many modal circumstantials , or accidental miscarriages that may not null the the substance of the ordination it self . sect. . yet it must be concluded , that we may not be wilfully guilty of any sin in the modes or accidents : but that may be a sin in the ordainer , which the ordained may not be guilty of , as doing nothing that signifieth an approbation of it , but perhaps disowning it . sect. . if we have been guilty of submitting to a corrupt ordination , as to the accidents , we must disown and repent of the sinfull mode and accidents , though not of the ordination it self in substance . as we must bewail the errours and infirmities of our preaching , prayer , and other holy duties , without renouncing the duty it self , which is of god , and to be owned . sect. . as to the question of some , whether a man may be twice ordained , in case he suspect his first ordination : i answer , . you must distinguish between a general ordination to the office of the ministry , and a special ordination to a particular church . ( as the licensing of a physitian ; and the setling him over a city or hospital ) the first may be done but once , in case it be truely done : but the second may be done as oft as we remove to particular churches : though yet both may be done at once , at our first ordination ; they are still two things ; even as baptizing a man into member-ship of the universal church , and taking him into a particular church . it s not like that the separation and imposition of hands on paul and barnabas , act. . , . was to their first apostleship . sect. . if a man have weighty reasons to doubt of his first ordination , his safest way is to renew it , as is usuall in baptim , with a [ si non baptizatus es baptizo te ] if thou be not ordained i ordain thee . this can have no danger in such a case . chap. vi. ordination at this time , by english prelates especially , is unnecessary . sect. . besides what is said against the necessity of such prelatical ordination in it self , i conceive that more may be said against it as things now stand from several accidental reasons , which make it not only unnecessary but sinful , to the most . sect. as . the obligation that was upon us from the law of the land , is taken off ( which with the prelates themselves is no small argument when it was for them ) so that we are no further now obliged , then they can prove us so from scrip●u●e evidence ; and how little that is , i have shewed before . the english prel●cy is taken down by the law of the land : we are left at liberty ●rom humane obligations at least . sect. . if any man say , that it is an unlawful power that hath made those laws by which prela●ical government is taken down . i a●swer , . it is such a power as they obey themselves , and therefore they may permit others to obey it . they hold their estate● and lives under it , and are protected and ruled by it ; and profe●s submission and obedience , for the generality of them . and when another species of government was up , that commanded 〈◊〉 to ●ake an engagement , to be true to the government as 〈◊〉 without a king and house of lords , when our 〈◊〉 refused that engagement as unlawful , the generality of the contrary minded took it ( even all that i was acquainted with , that were put upon it ) so that i may take it for granted that they judge the power which they obey themselves , to be obeyed by others . sect. . and . i would be glad to hear from them any regardable proof that those that governed when paul wrote the th chapter to the romans had any better title to their government ; let them review their own late writings on that subject , and they may have arguments enough that are valid ad hominem at least . sect. . the laws of the land do make the acts even of an usurper valid while he is in possession , and make it treason to them that do against him that which is treason if it were against a lawfull prince : and therefore if we granted them what they here affirm , it would be no advantage to their cause . subjects must look at the present governours with peaceable subjection : for if they be left to try their princes titles , and suspend obedience upon their single opinions , you know what will follow . sect. . and . it will be hard to prove that many a prince that hath ruled in england , had a better title : it s known that many of their titles were naught ; and yet their lawes are valid still , or were so to posterity . and how can they convey a better title to their heirs then they had themselves ? if you say that the consent of the people gave them a better , i must return that if that will serve , the people in parliaments ( more then one ) and in their real subjection , have consented to this . but this is a subject that requireth much more to be said of it , or nothing at all : and therefore i shall take up here , with this little which he present cause makes necessary . sect. . and i may add a further reason ; that we are not only disobliged by the laws from former prelacy , but we are obliged against it . the rulers have deposed and forbidden it , and in lawful things it is a duty to obey our governours . and that the demolishing of the prelacy , is a lawful thing ( in it self considered : for i meddle not with the manner at this time . ) i have said enough before to prove . it hath been usual for princes to decase bad priests , and heretical or contentious bishops , and to correct disorders , and restrain usurpations of prelates among themselves . and if any such thing be now done by our present governours , i know not any thing of that necessity in the english species of prelacy , as will warrant us to d●sobey them . sect. . and it is a thing that is inconsistent with the peace and unity of these churches : which is another reason . for . we have seen the ill effects of it ( which i am not willing to open to the worst ) . and the multitude of the most conscientious people are against it . . and the generality of the most conscionable faithful ministers are against it ; so that it could not be restored , without the apparent ruine of these churches . . and a learned reverend assembly of divines , chosen out of the several counties by a parliament , were against it . . and many parliaments have been against it . . and the generality of their adherents in the two nations , that then lived in their power , have taken a solemn covenant against it . not against all episcopacy , but against the english sort of prelacie . so that it cannot be restored , without incomparably much more hurt , then the continuance of it would have done good , and without setting all these churches on a flame : so far is it now from being a likely means of unity or peace among us . sect. . and if yet they plead the obligation of the ancient laws ( which is most insisted on by many ) i must by way of just excuse , remember them of one thing , which its like they do not forget : that if those laws are still in force to oblige us to seek ordination from the prelates , and to authorize the prelates to ordain , notwithstanding the laws of later powers that have repealed them , then it must needs follow that those later powers are taken for no powers : and consequently that the same laws do oblige the prelates to put the oath of allegiance and supremacy , as to some other power , upon the o●dained before they lay hands upon them , and oblige the ordained to take those oaths , as well as to be so ordained . for if they be yet of force in one , they are of 〈◊〉 in both . and so no man can be ordained by you 〈…〉 guilty of that which the present lawes make 〈…〉 forfeiting his life : which i know nothing in the 〈…〉 him to do . 〈…〉 think i may conclude that it is your own judgement , that men should rather forbear your ordination , then hazard their lives , or violate the present laws , because when a declaration or order came forth not long ago , prohibiting men of your perswasion that had been sequestred to preach or administer sacraments , the generality of you presently obeyed it , and some wrote for the forbearance that they practised . and if an ordained man should obey the present power , by forbearing to preach and administer sacraments , or may forbear these to escape a temporal danger ; much more may men do so about your sort of ordination . sect. . moreover . we shall be guilty of a fixed schism among the refo●●ed church●s , and of making the healing of our breaches impossible , if by our compliance we own your dividing principle , that [ no other are true ministers or churches but such as have your manner of ordination ] for by this rule all the ministers in these and other protestant nations must be degraded , or taken for no ministers , and all the churches for no true churches ( though perhaps they may be confessed christian communities , ) nor the ordinances and administrations true . and do you think these are likely terms for peace ? will they ever be yielded to by so many churches ? or is it a desirable thing ? should rome be so much gratified ? and our churches ruined ? and the souls of millions cast away , and sacrificed to your opinions , or peace ? while your prelacy pretended to no more , but to be the best sort of government , and your church to be the best of churches , we could submit to you in all things that were not flatly sinful : but when you will be the only churches , and unchurch all others , even the most flourishing churches for knowledge and holiness , and when you must be the only ministers , and others must be none , unless they will be ordained by you ; this is enough to put a sober man to a stand , whether he shall not be guilty of notorious schism , by complying with so schismatical a principle , if he subject himself voluntarily to a prelacy that hath such principles and pretences , and to an ordination that is administred on these grounds and terms . this was not the ground , nor these the principles of the former english prelates : and therefore we were more capable of subjection to them or communion with them . we could have lived in their communion and in the communion of the rest of the protestant churches that have no prelacy . but if by innovation , you have made such a change , as that we must separate from all the reformed churches and ministers that have not your kind of ordination , if we will be your subjects or be ordained by you according to your grounds , its time for us to look about us , that we escape that separation and schism , that you would lead us into and engage us in by your way of ordination . sect. . among your selves there are many that affirm that if the pope would have been content with his old patriarchal power , and principium unitatis , or primacy of order , and wave his last four hundred years determinations , or at least not obtrude them on other churches ( as bishop bromhall speaks ) they could have held communion with him , that now cannot ; if rome would have been content to be a member of the catholick church , though pretendedly the noblest , they could have owned it : but when it will be the catholick church , and separate it self from all the rest , unchurching all that are not subject to them , and united in their government , they then drive us further from communion with them . imitate them not in any degree in this notorious schi●m and separation . be contented to be ministers and churches ; and tell not christ , he hath none but you , and such as you ; and tell not satan , that the kingdom of christ is thus cut short , to the honour or rejoycing of his adversary . sect. . it was not so ridiculous as sad to me , to read in mr. t. ps. self-revenger against mr. barlee , pag. . and ordination called a [ notorious comoe tragedie , equally sad and ridiculous , which he and others lately acted in daintry church , intituled by the actors , an ordination of ministers , but by many of the spectators , an ordination of lay-preachers to be lay-preachers still , and ( without repentance ) for ever uncapable of the priesthood , by being ordained by such priests as were uncapable of ordaining . ] thus mr. p. sect. . and it seems he was of the same judgement , ( whoever he was ) that would have abused bishop vsher , by giving out that he told him , that [ as for holland , he questioned if there was a church among them , or not , or words fully to that purpose ] against which abuse of the dr. the bishop was fain to vindicate himself , see page , . of his posthumous judgement . sect. . moreover , . we know not of almost any bishops in england , by whom men may be ordained . four or five reverend learned men of that degree are commonly said to survive among us ( whom we much honour and value for their worth ) but as these are so distant , and their residence to the most unknown , so the rest ( if there be any ) are known to very few at all , that i can hear of : it s famed that many bishops there are ; but we know it not to be true , nor know not who they be : and therefore it cannot well be expected , that their ordination should be sought . if they reveal not themselves and their authority , and do not so much as once command or claim obedience from the generality of ministers , how can they expect to be obeyed ? if they plead the danger of persecution , i answer , . what persecution do they suffer that are known ( above others of their way ? ) . if that will excuse them ( when we never heard of any that suffered the loss of a penny for being known to be a bishop , since the wars were ended ) then it seems , they take the being of the ministry and churches to be but of small moment , that are not worthy their hazzard in a manifestation of their power : and if this excuse them from appearing , it must needs in reason excuse others from knowing them , obeying them , and submitting to them . sect. . and when they shall declare themselves to be our bishops , they must in all reason expect that the proof of it as well as the naked affirmation , be desired by us . for we must not take every man for a bishop that saith he is so . they must shew us according to the canons that the clergy of the diocess lawfully elected them , and bishops consecrated them ; which are transactions that we are strangers to . if they take the secret election of six or seven or very few in a diocess , to be currant , because the rest are supposed to be uncapable by schism ; . then they shew themselves so exceedingly unjust as to be unmeet for government , if they will upon their secret presumptions , and unproved suppositions , cut off or censure so many parts of the clergy , without ever accusing them , or calling them to speak for themselves , or he●ring their defence . . and if upon such presumptuous censures you make your selves bishops besides the canons , you cannot expect obedience from those that you thus separate from , and censure unheard . sect. . it s known that the english bishops ( as grotius himself affirmeth ) were chosen by the king according to the custom here , the chapter being shadows in the business : and if the king may make bishops , he may make presbyters ; and then ordination is unnecessary . but if you say that the consecrators make them bishops , and not the kings election , then rome had many bishops at once , when ever three or four popes were consecrated at once ( which marrs all succession thence dirived , ) and then if some bishops consecrate one , and some another , both are true bishops of one diocess , and many pastors may be thus ordained to one church . sect. . and it concerneth us before we become their subjects , to have some credible evidence that they are so orthodox , as to be capable of the place . and the rather because that some that are suspected to be bishops ( how truly i know not ) have given cause of some suspicion : either by writing against original sin , or by owning grotius's religion , ( which what it was i have shewed elsewhere , ) or by unchurching the protestant churches , and nullifying their ministry that have not their kind of ordination , while they take the roman ordination to be valid , and their church and ministry to be true , with other such like . sect. . and . if we should now , when better may be had , subject our selves to the ordination and government of the abolished prelacy , we should choose a more corrupt way of administration , and prefer it to a more warrantable way : ( that this way is corrupt , is proved in the former disputation . that a way more warrantable may be had , i shall prove anon . ) though submission to a faulty way in some cases of necessity is excusable , yet when we have our choice , the case is altered . sect. . and a tender conscience hath very great reason to fear lest by such voluntrary subjection , they should incur moreover this double guilt : . of all the hurt that this corrupt sort of episcopacy did , before the abolition . . and of all the hurt that it might do again if it were introduced : which is neither small , nor uncertain : he that hath seen the fruits that it brought forth but for a few years before the abolition , and weighs the arguments brought against it , methinks should fear to be the restorer of it . sect. . if any man ( as mr. thorndike and others do ) shall write for a more regular sort of episcopacy , it s one thing to find a tolerable bishop in his book , and another thing to find him existent in england : for we know not of any new sort of regulated episcopacy planted : and therefore must suppose that it is the old sort that is in being . let them bring their moderate forms into existence , and then its like that many may be more inclined to submit to their ordination : but their moderate principles having not yet made us any moderate episcopacy , i see not how we should be ever the more obliged for them to submit to the old : but rather are the more justified in disowning it , when their own reformed modell is against it . chap. vii . the ordination used now in england and in other protestant churches , is valid , and agreeable to scripture and the practice of the ancient church . sect. . having already proved that the late english bishops ordination is not of necessity ; it is satisfactory without any more ado , to them that would nullifie our ministry and churches that have not their ordination . but because we may meet with other adversaries , and because in a case of so much weight , we should walk in the clearest light that we can attain , for the satisfaction of our own consciences , i shall further prove the validity of our ordination , and the truth of our call , and minstry , and churches . sect. . argument . the ordination is valid which is performed by such bishops as were instituted and existent in scriture times . but our ordination ( used in england and other refo●med churches ) is performed by such bishops as were institut●d and existent in sc●●pture times : the refore such ordination is valid . th● major will not be denyed ( being ●●derstood with a supposition of other requisites that are not now in controversie : ) for those that we have to deal with do grant , that such bishops as are mentioned , acts . tim. . tit. . phil. . . and in other passages of scripture , had the power of ordination , and that it belonged not only to the apostles and evangelists , and ( such as they call ) archbishops ; but that the fixed bishops of particular churches had it . sect. . the minor i prove thus ( that our ordination is by scripture bishops . ) the scripture bishops were the pastors of particular churches , having no presbyters subject to them . most of our ordainers are such pastors : therefore most of our ordainers are scripture bishops . sect . the major is asserted at large by the foresaid 〈◊〉 dr. h. h. annot. in art. . b. p. . where he shews 〈◊〉 though this title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders have been also 〈◊〉 second order in the church , & is now only in use for them , under 〈◊〉 name of presbyters , yet in the scripture times , it belonged princ●pally if not only to bishops , there being no evidence that any of 〈◊〉 second order were then instituted — ] so that the scripture bishops were the pastors of single churches having no presbyters under them ; for there were no inferiour presbyters ( that had not the power of ordination ) instituted in those times . this therefore may be taken as a granted truth . sect. . and that our ordainers are such , is commonly known : . they are pastors : ( it is but few of the prelates that denyed this : ) they are * rectors of the people , and have the pastoral charge of souls . . they are pastors of particular churches . . they have ( for the most part at least ) no subject or inferiour presbyters under them : therefore they are scripture bishops . sect. . object . the difference lyeth in another point : the scripture bishops had the power of ordination : your pastors have not the power of ordination : thereefore they are not the same . answ. that is the thing in question . i am proving that they have the power of ordination , thus : in scripture times all single pastors of single churches had the power of ordination , there being no other instituted : but our ordainers are the single pastors of single churches , ( and of christs institution : ) therefore they have the power of ordination . if the pastors now are denyed to be such as were instituted in scripture times , . let them shew who did institute them , and by what authority . . the sole pastors of particular churches were institu●ed in scripture times : but such are ours in question , therefore , &c. sect. . there is no sort of pastors lawfull in the church but what were instituted in scripture times : but the sort of pastors now in question are lawfull in the church : therefore they were instituted in scripture times : the minor will be granted us of all those that were ordained by prelates : they would not ordain men to an office which they thought unlawful . the major is proved thus : no sort of pastors are lawful in the church but such of whom we may have sufficient evidence that they were instituted by christ or his apostles : but we can have sufficient evidence of none but such as were instituted in scripture times , that they were instituted by christ or his apostles : therefore no other sort is lawfull . the major is proved in that none but christ and such as he committed it to , have power to institute new holy offices for worship in the church ; but christ hath committed this to none but apostles ( if to them , ) therefore , &c. whether apostles themselves did make any such new office , i will not now dispute ; but if they did , . it was by that special authority which no man since the planting of the churches by them can lay claim to , or prove that they have . . and it was by that extraordinary guidance and inspiration of the holy ghost , which none can manifest to have been since that time communicated . sect. . moreover , if there were a power of instituting new offices in the church since scripture times , it was either in a pope , in councils , or in single pastors . but it was in none of these : not in a pope ; for there was no such creature of long time after , much less with this authority : not in a council : for . none such was used : . none such is proved . . else they should have it still . not in every bishop , as will be easily granted . sect. . if such a power of instituting new church-offices were after scripture times in the church , then it is ceased since , or continueth still ; not ceased since . for . the powers or officers then l●●t continue still ; therefore their authority continueth still . . there is no proof that any such temporary power was given to any since scripture times . nor doth any such continue still ; otherwise men might still make us more new offices , and so we should not know when we have done , nor should we need to look into scripture for christs will , but to the will of men . sect. . argument . no men since scripture times had power to change the institutions of christ and the apostles , by taking down the sort of pastors by them established ; and setting up another sort in their stead . but if there be lawful pastors of particular churches that have not power of ordination , then men had power to make such a change . for the sort of pastors then instituted were such as had but one church , and were themselves personally to guide that church in actual worship , and had the power of ordination , and there was no subject presbyters , nor no single pastors that had not the power of ordination : all single pastors of particular churches had that po●er then : but all , or almost all such single pastors of particular churches are by the dissenters supposed to be without that power now : therefore it is by them supposed that christs form of church government and sort of officers are changed , and consequently that men had power to change them , for they suppose it lawfully done . sect. . argument . the pastors of city churches may ordain ( especially the sole or chief pastors : ) many of our present ordainers are the pastors of city churches ( and the sole or chief pastors in some places : ) therefore they may ordain . the major is proved from the doctrine of the dissenters , which is , that every city church should have a b●shop , and that every bishop is the chief ( and sometimes only ) pastor of a city church . if they say that yet every pastor ( though the sole pastor ) of a city church is not a bishop . i answer , that then they will infer the same power of changing scripture institutions , which i mentioned , and disproved before . let them prove such a power if they can . sect. . the minor is undenyable , and seen de facto , that many of our ordainers are such pastors of city churches , and that of two sorts : some of such cities as have both the name and nature of cities : and some of such cities as have truly the nature , but in our english custom of speech have not the name : such as are all corporations , in the several market towns of england . sect. . argument . those pastors that have presbyters under them , have power of ordination : but very many english pastors at this day have presbyters under them : therefore they have power of o●dination : by presbyters i mean not men of another office , but gradually inferiour in the sa●e office . the major is proved ad hominem from the concessions of the dissenters : for ( though i rarely meet in their disputations for bishops , with any definition of a bishop , yet ) this is it that they most commonly give us as the essential difference of a bishop , that he is one that is over presbyters . yea this ag●eeth with their higher sort of bishops that they say were in the church in ignatius daies , when subject presbyters were instituted : and therefore those pastors may ordain that are of that higher sort of bishops . sect. . the minor is notorious : many of our pastors in market towns and other large parishes have a curate with them , in the same congregation , and one or two or more curates at several chappels of ease , that are in the parish . and these are under them . de facto , being chosen and brought in by them , ruled by them , and paid by them and removed by them . . de jure , the bishops and laws of the land allowed this . sect. . argument . the stated or fixed president of a presbyterie may ordain ( with his fellow presbyters ) but many of our parish pastors are the fixed presidents of presbyteries : therefore they may ordain . the major i take for granted by all that stand to the ordinary descriptions of a bishop : for the stated president of a presbyterie , is not only a bishop , in the judgement of forbes , bishop hall , bishop vsher and such other , but is indeed the primitive bishop in their judgement , and such a bishop in whom they would rest satisfied , and do propose such for the churches peace ▪ sect. . and the minor is notorious : for . in the most of our ordered churches there is a presbyterie of ruling ecclesiastick elders . . in many there are divers preaching presbyters ( which may satisfie them that are against meer ruling elders ) as i shewed before . and if these be not inferiour to the chief pastor in ecclesiastical degree , yet they are his compresbyters , and he is ( in all parishes that i know where curates or assistants are ) their stated president or moderator , so that we have in all such congregations ( according to the doctrine of the bishops themselves ) not only such bishops as were in the apostles days when there was no subject presbyters , but also such bishops as were in ignatius daies , when the fixed president or bishop had many presbyters , to whom he was the president or moderator . sect. . yea if you will make his negative voice essential to a bishop ( which moderate episcopal men deny ) yet commonly this agreeth to such parish bishops as have curates under them : for in the presbyterie they have ordinarily a negative voice . sect. . yea where there are no such presbyteries with a president , it is yet enough to prove him a bishop , that he hath deacons under him , or but one deacon : saith dr. h h. annotat . in act. . b. [ when the gospel was first preached by the apostles , and but few converted , they ordained in every city and region , no more but a bishop , and one or more deacons to attend him , there being at the present so small store out of which to take more , and so small need of ordaining more — ] sect. . argument . the moderator or president of many pastors of particular churches assembled , may ordain , and his ordination is valid . but such a moderator or president is ordinarily or frequently one in our ordinations : therefore they are valid . the major is granted by many of the dissenters , and all their principles , i think , do infer it : for such a one is a bishop , not only of the apostolical institution : nor only such as was in ignatius days , but such an archbishop as next afterward sprung up . when it is not only one church and its presbyters that are under him , but the presbyters ( or bishops ) of many churches that he is moderator or president of , methinks those that are for the highest prelacy , should not deny the validity of his ordination . sect. . but two things will be here objected : the one is , that he was not consecrated to this presidency or ▪ moderatorship , by bishops . to which i answer , . that consecration is not of necessity to such a bishop according to the principles of episcopal divines ; it being no new office or order that they are exalted to , but a new degree ; ordination ( which was received when they were made presbyters ) may suffice , and is not to be iterated . . the election of the presbyters served ( as hi●rom testifyeth ) in the church of alexandria : therefore it may serve now : ( of which more anon . ) . he is chosen by true bishops , as is shewed . sect. . the other objection is , that our presidents are but pro tempore , and therefore are not bishops . to which i answer , . that in some places they are for a long time , and in some for an uncertain time . dr. twiss was moderator of the synod at westminster , for many years together , even durante vita ; and mr. h●rle after him was long moderator : the london province hath a president for many moneths ; even from one assembly to another . . i never yet met with an episcopal divine that maintained that it was essential to a bishop , to be such du●rante vita : i am sure it is not commonly asserted . if a man be made the bishop of such or such a diocess , for one and twenty years , or for seven years , it will be said to be irregular ; but i know none of them that have averred it to be so great an error as nullifieth his power and administrations . and if it may stand with the being of episcopacy to be limited to seven years , then also to be limited to seven moneths , or seven weeks , or days : especially when ( as usually with us ) they fix no time at the first election , but leave it to the liberty of the next assembly to continue or to end his power . let them prove that affirm it , that duration for life is essentiall to a bishop . sect. . argument . . where all these forementioned qualifications of the ordainer do concur , ( viz. . that he be the pastor of a particular church , and the chief pastor of it , and the pastor of a city church , and have deacons and presbyters under him , and be the fixed president of a presbyterie , and the moderator or president of a larger presbyterie of the pastors of many churches , ) there ( according to the principles , even of the r●gider sort of dissenters ) the ordination is valid : but all these forementioned qualifications do frequently concur to some of our present ordainers in england : therefore even according to the more rigid dissenters , their ordination is valid : the premises are so plain that they need no confirmation . sect. . argument . ordination by a presbyterie is valid . but in england and other reformed churches we have ordination by a presbyterie : therefore our ordination is valid . the major is proved from . tim. . . [ neglect not the gift that is in thee which was given the● by prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the pres-presbyterie . also from act. . , , . they were the prophets and teachers of the church of antioch that imposed hands on barnabas and saul , ( whether it were for their first ordination to the office , or only for a particular mission , i now dispute not . ) the church of antioch had not many prelates , if any : but they had many prophets and teachers , and these and none but these are mentioned as the ordainers . as for them that say these were the bishops of many churches of syria , when the text saith they all belonged to this church of antioch , they may by such presumptuous contradictions of scripture say much , but prove little . sect. . as for them that grant us , that there were no subject presbyters instituted in scripture-times , and so expound the presbyterie here to be only apostles and bishops of the higher order , i have shewed already , that they yield us the cause : though i must add , that we can own no new sor● of presbyterie , not instituted by christ or his apostles . but for them that think that prelates with subject presbyters were existent in those times , they commonly expound this text of ordination by such subject presbyters , with others of a superior rank or degree , together ▪ now , as to our use , it is sufficient , that hence we prove that a presbyterie may ordain : and that undeniably a presbyterie consisted of presbyters , and so that presbyters may ordain . this is commonly granted us , from this text. that which is said against us by them that grant it , is , that presbyters did ordain , but not alone , but with the bishops . sect. . but , . if this were proved , it s nothing against us : for if presbyters with bishops have power to o●dain , then it is not a work that is without the reach of their office , but that which belongeth to them : and therefore if they could prove it irregular for them to ordain without a bishop , yet would they not prove it null . otherwise they might prove it null , if a bishop ordain without a presbyterie , because according to this objection they must concur ▪ . but indeed , they prove not that any above presbyters did concur in timothies ordination , whatever probability they may shew for it . and till they prove it , we must hold so much as is proved and granted . sect. . as for tim. . . it is no certain proof of it . it may be imposition of hands in confirmation , or for the first giving of the holy ghost after baptism ( ordinarily used by the apostles ) that is there spoken of : which also seemeth probable , by the apostles annexing it to timothies faith , in which he succeeded his mother and grandmother ; and to the following effects of [ the spirit of power , and of love , and of a sound mind , ] which are the fruits of confirming grace : admonishing h●m , that he be not ashamed of the testimony of our lord which is also the fruit of confirmation . however the p●ob●bility go , they can give us no certainty , that paul or any apostle had an hand in the ordination here spoken of : when the text saith that it was [ with the laying on of the hands of the presb●terie ] we must judge of the office by the name : and therefore . we are sure that there were presbyters . . and if there were also any of an higher rank , the phrase encourageth us to believe , that it was as presbyters , that they imposed hands in ordination . sect. . argument . if bishops and presbyters ( as commonly distinguished ) do differ only gradu , non ordine , in degree and not in order , ( that is , as being not of a distinct office , but of a more honourable degree in the same office ) then is the ordination of presbyters valid , though without a bishop ( of that higher degree ) but the antecedent is true : therefore so is the consequent . the antecedent is maintained by abundance of the papists themselves ; much more by protestants . the reason of the consequence is , because ad ordinem pertinet ordinar● . being of the same office , they may do the same work . this a●gument bishop vsher gave me to prove that the ordination of meer presbyters without a prelate is valid , when i askt him his judgement of it . sect. . argument . if the prelates and the laws they went by did allow and require meer presbyters to ordain , then must they grant us that they have the power of ordination : but the antecedent is true , as is well known in the laws , and common practice of the prelates in ordaining : divers presbyters laid on hands together with the bishop : and it was not the bishop but his chaplain commonly that examined and approved : usually the bishop came forth , and laid his hands on men that he never saw before , or spoke to , but took them as he found them presented to him by his chaplain : so that presbyters ordained as well as he , and therefore had power to ordain . sect. . if it be objected that they had no power to ordain without a bishop : i answer , . nor a bishop quoad exercitium , without them , according to our laws and customs , at least ●●●ually . . ordaining with a bishop proveth them to be ordainers ; and that it is a work that belongeth to the order or office of a presbyter : or else he might not do it at all , any more then deacons , or chancellors , &c. may . and if it be but the work of a presbyters office , it is not a nullity , if presbyters do it without a prelate , if you could prove it an irregularity . sect. . argument . if the ordination of the english ●relates be valid , then much more is the ordination of presbyters , ( as in england and other reformed churches is in use . ) but the ordination of english prelates is valid , ( i am sure in the judgement of them that we dispute against : ) therefore so is the ordination of english presbyters much more . sect. . the reason of the consequence is , because the english prelates are more unlike the bishops that were fixed by apostolical institution or ordination , then the english presbyters are , as i have shewed at large in the former disputation : the scripture bishops were the single pastors of single churches , personally guiding them in the worship of god , and governing them in presence , and teaching them by their own mouths , visiting their sick , administring sacraments , &c. and such are the english presbyters : but such are not the late english prelates that were the governors of an hundred churches , and did not personally teach them , guide them in worship , govern them in presence , and deliver them the sacraments , but were absent from them all save one congregation . these were unliker to the scripture fixed bishops , described by dr. h. h. then our presbyters are : therefore if they may derive from them a power of ordination , or from the ●aw that instituted them ; then presbyters may do so much more . sect. . argument . if the ordination of papist bishops be valid , much more is the ordination of english pre●byters so : but the antecedent is true , in the judgement of those against whom we dispute : therefore the consequent must be granted by them on that supposition . sect. . the reason of the consequence is , because the popish bishops are more unlike to the scripture bishops , and more u●capable of ordaining , then the presbyters of the reformed churches are . for . the papist prelates profess to receive their power from a vice-christ , at least quoad exercitium , & media conserendi , which protestant presbyters do not . . the papist bishops profess themselves pastors of a new catholick church ▪ which is headed by the papacy as an essential part ; and which christ will not own ( as such : ) but so do not the protestant presbyters . . the papist prelates ordain men to the false office of turning bread into the body of christ by the way of transubstantiation , in their consecration , and offering it as a sacrifice for the quick and dead , and delivering this as the very body of christ , and not bread to the communicants , and perswading them that it is such , and holding and carrying it to be worshipped by them with divine worship , and the like : but the protestant presbyters are ordained , and do ordain others , to that true office of a presbyter or pastor , or bishop which christ hath instituted . . the papist prelates have abundance of false doctrines , and practices in worship , which the protestant presbyters have not . . and they have no more to shew for a power of ordination , then our presbyters have : so that these with many the like considerations , will prove , that if the papists ordination be valid , that of the protestant churches by presbyters is so much more . and doubtless , they that plead for a succession from the papist prelates , do hold their ordination valid . sect. . argument . if the protestant churches that have no prelates be true churches ( in a political sense , ) and the ordinances among them valid , and to be owned and received , then are the pastors of those churches true pastors , though they have no ordination but by presbyters . but the antecedent is true : therefore so is the consequent . the reason of the consequence is clear , and granted by them that we have now to do with : because the pastors are essential to the church as political , and the said ordinances of publike worship , ( as the lords supper , ) and government , cannot be allowable without them , nor such as the people should submit to or receive . this therefore we may take as granted . sect. . and for the minor , that the protestant churches are true churches that have no prelates . . there are so few of them that have prelates , that he that will unchurch all the rest , i suppose ( when he playes his game above board ) would take it for an injury , to be accounted a protestant himself . . if the churches of the west called papists , and the churches of africa , asia , and america , be true churches of christ , and have true administrations , then ( much more confidently may we affirm that ) the protestants are so too . but the antecedent is maintained by those that we now dispute against , ( excepting the papists , who yet maintain it as of their own church ) therefore , &c. sect. . the reason of the consequence is , because the papists , greeks , armenians , georgians , syrians , aegyptians , abasines , &c. have much more to be said against them then we have : and if the lesser ( or supposed ) imperfection of the protestant churches do unchurch them , ( for wanting prelates , ) then the many great , and real defects of the other churches will unchurch them much more . especially this holds as to the church of rome , which yet is taken by the dissenters to be a true church , and by some of them , at least , denyed to be the seat of antichrist . their vicechrist and usurping head , and all the ministry that hold by him , afford us other kind of arguments against their church , then want of prelates can afford them or others against our churches . sect . and if any will deny the antecedent so far as to unchurch all the churches in the world , that are more defective then the protestants , he will blot out of his creed the article of the catholick church , and being a seeker or next one to day , is like to be an infidel ere long , as i shall further shew , when i speak of the sinfulness of such . sect. . argument . if the administrations of a usurping presbyter to an innocent people are valid ( and not nullities , ) then the ordination of an usurping ordainer to an innocent expectant , is valid : ( and consequently the ordination of presbyters is valid , if they were usurpers , as they are unjustly said to be . ) but the administrations of usurping presbyters to an innocent people are valid : therefore , &c. sect. . the antecedent is granted by bellarmine himself ( in the place before cited ) who saith that no more is required to oblige the people to obey him , and submit , then that he be reputed a pastor : and all must say so , . that will not rob the innocent of the benefit of gods ordinances , because of an usurpers fault . . and that will not leave the people , almost commonly , in an utter uncertainty , whom they should take for a pastor and obey ; and when the ordinances are valid for their good . sect. . the consequence is made good by the parity of reason that is in the two cases . if usurpation cause not a nullity , invalidity or unprofitableness in one case , to the innocent receiver , no nor make it his sin to receive , no more will it in the other : for there is no reason for any such difference . nay i● it be a duty to submit to an unknown usurper , in several cases , in receiving the sacraments , hearing , praying , &c. so is it a duty in such cases to receive ordination . sect. . object . but the usurping presbyter doth nothing but what belongeth to the office of a presbyter : but the usurping ordainer doth that which belongs not to the office of a presbyter : and therefore his action is a nullity , as being extra proprium forum . sect. . answ. . it is proved before to belong to the office of a presbyter to ordain : . but suppose it were not ; yet the objection is vain : because it is the office of a bishop that the ordaining presbyter doth pretend to , and which you imagine that he doth usurp . they say that subject presbyters ( quoad ordinem vel officium ) are no creatures of gods appointment ; and therefore they renounce that office ; and claim that office which you call episcopacy , and hath the power of ordination . the quarrel between us is not about meer bishops ( such as dr. h. h. describeth as aforesaid ) these are not denyed : but the parish ministers profess themselves such bishops : but it is about the other sort of presbyters , subject to bishops , that the quarrel is : for they say , that the church should have none such , and dr. h. h. saith there is no evidence that any such were instituted in scripture times . now as a pretended presbyters administrations are valid to the innocent receiver of the sacrament , so a pretended bishops administration in ordination is as valid to the innocent , caeteris paribus . sect. . argument . they that have the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , have the power of ordination : but parochiall pastors called presbyters have the keyes of the kingdom of heaven : therefore they have the power of ordination . sect. . the minor is granted commonly by papists and protestants , as to some of the keyes , but it is by many denyed as to other . they say that every pastor hath the key of doctrine and of order , but not the key of jurisdiction . but . christ gave the keyes of the kingdom of heaven together and never divided them . therefore they are not to be divided . he did not give one key to one , and another to another , but all to the same men : and what god hath joyned together , let no man put asunder . . the apostles in delivering these keyes to others , are never found to have separated them . for subject presbyters were not instituted in scripture-times : therefore all that were then ordained presbyters had all the keyes together , and so that of iurisdiction ( as it is called ) with the rest . . that presbyters had the key of order , will prove that they may ordain , as is aforesaid . . but that english presbyters had the key of iurisdiction is proved , . in that they were with the bishops to ordain by imposition of hands . . in that they were by the book of ordination charged to administer discipline : though this was disused , and the prelates frustrated their power . sect. . i shall recite the words of reverend vsher for the proof of this , reduction of episcopacy , &c. [ by order of the church of england all presbyters are charged ( in the book of ordination ) to administer the doctrine of sacraments and the discipline of christ , as the lord hath commanded , and as this realm hath received the same ; and that they might the better understand what the lord hath commanded therein , the exhortation of st. paul to the elders of the church of ephesus is appointed to to be read unto them at the time of their ordination , take heed unto your selves and to all the flock , among whom the holy ghost hath made you overseers . to rule the congregation of god which he hath purchased with his blood . of the many elders who thus in common ruled the church of ephesus , there was one president , whom our saviour in his epistle unto this church in a peculiar manner stileth the angel of the church of ephesus . and ignatius in another epistle written about twelve years after unto the same church , calleth the bishop thereof . betwixt the bishop and the presbyterie of that church , what an harmonious consent there was in th● ordering of the church government , the same igna●i●● doth fully there declare , by the presbyterie with st paul , understanding the community of the rest of the presbyters or elders who then had a hand not only in the delivery of the d●ctrine and sacraments , but also in the administration of the discipline of christ : for further proof of which we have that known testimony of tertullian in his general apology for christians : ●n the church are used exhortations , chastisements and divine censure , for judgement is given with great advice as among those who are certain they are in the sight of god ; and it is the chiefest foreshewing of the iudgement which is to come , if any man have so offended that he be banished from the community of prayer , and of the assembly , and of all holy fellowship . the presidents that bear rule therein are certain approved elders , who have obtained this honour not by reward , but by good report , who were no other ( as he himself intimates ) elsewhere , but those from whose hands they used to receive the sacrament of the eucharist . for with the bishop who was the chief president , ( and therefore stiled by the same tertullian in another place , summus sacerdos for distinction sake ) the rest of the dispensers of the word and sacraments joyned in the common government of the church ; and therefore where in matters of ecclesiastical judicature , cornelius bishop of rome used the recieved form of gathering together the presbyterie , of what persons that did consist , cyprian sufficiently declareth , when he wisheth him to read his letters to the flourishing clergy which there did preside or rule with him . the presence of the clergy being thought so requisite in matters of episcopal audience , that in the fourth council of carthage it was concluded , that the bishop might hear no mans cause without the presence of the clergy ; and that otherwise the bishops sentence should be void , unless it were confirmed by the presence of the clergy : which we find also to be inserted into the canons of egbert , who was archbishop of york in the saxon times , and afterwards into the body of the canon-law it self . true it is that in our church this kind of presbyterial government hath been long disused , yet seeing it still professeth that every pastor hath a right to rule the church ( from whence the name of rector also was given at first unto him ) and to administer the discipline of christ , as well as to dispence the doctrine and sacraments , and the restraint of the exercise of that right proceedeth only from the custom now received in this realm ; no man can doubt but by another law of the land , this hinderance may be well removed ] sect. . and indeed the stream of antiquity , and the authors that are principally rested on for episcopacy , are full against them that deny the government of the people to the presbyters ; and it is the principal mischief of the english prelacy , thus to degrade ( or quoad exercitium to suspend at least ) all the presbyters from their office : not as it is a denying them any part of their honour ( that 's not to be much regarded ; ) but as it is a discharging them of their work and burden , and consequently leaving the churches ungoverned . and for the government of presbyters themselves , in cyprians dayes the bishop did not , could not , ordain , or censure any presbyter without his clergy , and councils have decreed that so it should be . yea and the plebs universa also was consulted with by cyprian . sect. . and now i come to the major of my arrgument , which i prove thus . either ordination is an act of the exercise of the power of the keyes , or of some other power : but of no other power : therefore of the keyes . if it be the exercise of any other power , it is either of a secular power , or an ecclesiastick : but neither of these , therefore of no other . not of another ecclesiastick power : for there is no ecclesiastical power , ( at least which ordination can be pretended to belong to ) but the power of the keyes ; not of a secular power ; for that belongeth not to ministers , nor is it here pretended . sect. . and i think it will appear that the power of baptizing , and judging who shall be taken for christians , and who not , and the power of administring the eucharist and eucharistical actions in the church , is as great as this of ordination , especially supposing that a presbyterie must concur in this , and a single pesbyter may do the other . and therefore the one being granted them , the other cannot be denyed . sect. . argument . if the administrations of the priests and teachers in christs dayes among the jews was valid to the people , then the ordination of our presbyteries , and the administrations of our presbyters so ordained are valid to the people and receivers now : but the antecedent is true : therefore so is the consequent . this argument is managed so frequently and copiously by our ministers heretofore against the separatists , that i shall need to say but little of it . sect. . the antecedent is proved easily from scripture . acts . . & . . shew that moses and the prophets were read in the synagogues every sabbath day , and luke . . shews that it was the peoples duty to hear them , mat. . , , . then spake iesus to the multitude and to his disciples , saying , the scribes and the pharises sit in moses seat : all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe , that observe and do : but do not ye after their works : for they say and do not . ] mat. . . mark . . luke . . but go thy way , shew thy self to the priest , and offer for thy cleansing those things which moses commanded , &c. so that it was the peoples duty to hear , and submit to the teachers and the priests . sect. . the reason of the consequence is , because these priests and teachers had not so good a call as our presbyters , to their office , but were lyable to far more exceptions . the priests were not of the line that god had by his law appointed to succeed in the priesthood : the succession had long failed , as to the just title of the successors . the priesthood was bought for money of the civil powers : and instead of being the priest for life , he was oft changed every year : chosen by a pagan prince , and by him displaced : and most think there were two at once . the scribes and pharises had abominably corrupted the law by their traditions and false expositions ; and their calling was much more defective then ours : so that if they must pass yet for ministers of god , and their administrations be valid , then so must presbyters and their administrations be esteemed much more . i know we need not this odious comparison of our ministry with the priests or pharises , but to shew the adver●●ries the odiousness of their accusations , and grossness of their 〈…〉 〈…〉 presbyters may make a bishop ▪ 〈◊〉 they may make a 〈◊〉 . but they may make a bishop : 〈◊〉 they may make ( 〈◊〉 ordain ) a presbyter . the 〈◊〉 of the major is proved thus . . they that may ●onfer 〈…〉 d●gree ▪ may confer the lower : the place of a bishop is supposed the higher degree , and the place of a presbyter the lower . . ●he bishops themselves require more power in or to the consecration of a bishop , then to the ordination of a minister , called a presbyter . the later may be done , according to their canons , by one bishop ( with assisting presbyters , ) but the former must have three bishops at the least . sect. . to this it is commonly answered , that praecise the ordination of a presbyter , is a greater work then the making of a bishop ▪ and therefore the major is denyed . to which i reply . . i speak not of a greater work , because the word greater is ambiguous , and may signifie the greater change in regard of the terminus a quo , which is not it that i intend . but the addition of an higher degree of power , may require more power to the effecting it , then the giving of the lower degree , though the lower be praecise the greater change : for the higher is the greater change as to the terminus ad quem ; and as episcopacy comprehendeth or supposeth presbyterie , so the power of making a bishop comprehendeth or supposeth the power of ordaining presbyters . it may be praecise , ( or cum praecisione , as the schoolmen speak ) it may be a greater work to make a beggar to be the chief prince next to the king in a kingdom : and yet sin● praecisione and in regard of the terminus ad quem it is a greater work to make him afterward a king ; and doubtless the addition of this power requireth the greater power to effect it . sect. . otherwise , if the dissenters will stand to their answer , we shall from their own grounds infallibly overthrow their cause thus . it is a greater work to baptize then to ordain or confirm : therefore he that may baptize , may ordain and confirm . just as making a presbyter is cum praecisione , and in respect to the terminus a quo , a greater work then consecrating or making a bishop ; so baptizing is cum praecisione and in respect to the terminus a quo , a far greater work then ordination ; the one making a christian , and the other a minister of a christian . see aquil. in scotel . in . sent . d. . q. . pag. . of confirmation . sect. . it is only the minor therefore that will hold dispute , which i prove from the well known words of hierom to evagrius ( which bishop vsher told me he alleadged to king charls at the isle of wight to this end , when he was asked by him for an instance of presbyters ordaining ) [ quod autem postea unus electus est , qui caeteris praepone●etur , in schismatis remedium factum est , ne unusquisque ad se trahens christi ecclesiam rumperet . nam & alexandriae à marco evangelista usque ad heraclam & dionysium , episcopos , presbyteri semper unum ex se electum , in excelsiori gradu collocatum , episcopum nominabant : quomodo si exercitus imperatorem faciat : aut diaconi eligant de se , quem industrium noverint , & archidiaconum vocent . ] presbyters then made the first bishops at alexandria . sect. . to this it is answered , that it was only election of bishops that hierom ascribeth to the alexandrian presbyters , and not ordination of them ; for that was done by some other bishops : and that it is ordination that makes a man a bishop . sect. . to this i reply : . hierom here undertakes to tell us , how bishops were made at alexandria ; but maketh not the least mention of other ordination or consecration , then these words express as done by the presbyters : and therefore till they prove it , we must take the affirmation of another ordination to be but the groundless presumption of the assertors . . hierom doth purposely bring this as an argument , to prove the identity first , and the neerness afterward , of bishops and presbyters , that [ presbyters made bishops : ] which would have been no argument , if it was not presbyters but prelates that made them , and if the presbyters only chose them ; for , . the people may choose a bishop , as well as the presbyters , and ordinarily did it : and yet this proveth not that the people were neer the bishop in degree ; that which the people themselves may do , and frequently did , is not the only thing that hierom here ascribeth to the presbyters : but such is the election of a bishop : therefore , &c. . it is the original or first making of prelates at alexandria that hierom here speaks of ▪ which he shews was from the presbyters consent . this appeareth plainly in his words ( though some can make the plainest words to signifie what they would have them ) for . he begins with a [ presbyteris , id est episcop●s , ] and . proceedeth from many scripture passages , to prove them in scripture times the same : and that not only quoad nomen , but officium ; for . when he had done with the testimonies of saint iohn in his two epistles , he immediately addeth [ quod autem postea unus electus est , qui caeteris praeponeretur &c. ] where note , both that [ unus qui caeteris praeponeretur ] is more then the bare name : and also that [ postea ] referreth to the date of iohns epistles , and therefore he plainly averreth , that it was after iohns epistles , that [ one was chosen to be before the rest . ] . and to the answer i further reply , that here is all that was done , and all that was needfull to be done , ascribed to the presbyters : for . they elected one . . they did in excelsiori gradu electum collocare , place him in an higher degree , and . episcopum nominabant : they named him the bishop ( by way of excellency . ) and if election and placing him in the degree , and giving him peculiarly the name , be not ordination , then ordination is but some ceremony ; for these contain the substance . . and hierom expresly resembleth this action of the presbyters to an armies making an emperour or general ; as if he had said , as the army makes an emperour ( imperatorem faciat ) so presbyters made the bishop : but the army so made the emperour , that they left it not to another power to make him ( and to them only . ) so that it is both [ making a b●shop ] that is here ascribed to the presbyters , and [ such a making ] as leaveth him not unmade , to the making of another . . and he resembleth it to the making of an arch-deacon , supposing that the deacons do . elect. . judge of the person ( quem industrium noverint . ) . and give him the name ( & archi-diaconum vocent . ) . and he affirmeth this to be ( semper ) the constant custom of the alexandrian presbyters , till the dayes of heraclas and dionysius : intimating that then the custom changed : but what custom was then changed ? not the election of a bishop by the presbyters , ( with the people ) for that continued long after : and therefore it must be the constitution , which afterward was done by neighbour bishops in consecration , but till then by the election , collocation , and nomination of the presbyters of that city-church . . having shewed thus , that bishops and presbyters were the same , and in the beginning called them by the same name , he affirms that [ omnes apostolorum successores sunt ] that is , all these bishops . . and he plainly affirms that the difference is made by riches and poverty : he is the greater that is the richer , and he is the inferiour that is the poorer . [ potentia divitiarum & paupertatis humilitas , vel sublimior●m , vel inferiorem episcopum facit . ] let any impartial reader peruse the epistle it self , and conside● of these ten passages , and then believe if he can , either that hierom did imply that other bishops made these alexandrian bishops , and not the presbyters , or that these presbyters altered but the name , and gave not the bishop his new degree , or that this was not a thing that was now de novo in remedium schismatis contrived or performed by them . there is evidence enough against these conceits . sect. . and further , for them that think it was but the name that was now changed , i would ask them these few questions , ( supposing them to be of their mind , that tell us that inferiour presbyters were not instituted in scripture-times , and that it was only prelates that are called bishops and presbyters in scripture . ) . is it not strange , that when after scripture-times , a new office was made , it should not have a new name also ; but should have the same name with the old superiour office ? . and is it not strange that both names of the superior office ( bishop and presbyter ) should be commonly given to the new inferior office , at the first ? . and strange that the church must afterward be put to change the names , and retrench or recall the name of a bishop from the new sort of presbyters , and confine it to the old , leaving ( as old ) the name of a presbyter to the new inferior office. . and if in scripture-times ( in the dayes when iohn wrote his epistles and revelation ) the names of bishop and presbyter were both appropriated to prelates , there being no inferiour presbyters then instituted ; and yet from mark the evangelist , the alexandrian presbyters brought back the name of a bishop to the prelates , retaining the name presbyter themselves , quaero how long time was there after the institution of inferiour presbyters , till the regulating of their names , from the dayes of mark ? about thirty four years backward . mark dyed in the eighth year of nero , and the presbyters made arianus bishop after his death , who continued twenty two years , even from the eighth of nero , to the fourth of domitian , as eusebius in histor. eccles. l. . cap ▪ . & lib. . cap. . & in chronic. & hieronym . in catalog . & ex illis usher annal. vol. . ad an . dom. . pag . and helvicus and others are neer the same time . and saith helvicus , iohn wrote the revelations about the fourteenth year of domitian , and wrote his gospel about the first year of his successor nerva . so that mark dyed about thirty six years ( or thir●y four at least ) before iohn wrote his gospel ; so that here you have your choice , whether you will believe , that subject presbyters did regulate the names of themselves and bishops , and did elect ( or make , bishops thirty six years before they were instituted themselves ; or whether you will believe , that yet at the death of mark there were no inferior presbyters at alexandria , and so no superior bishops , for all this that hierom doth report . sect. . as for the episcopal divines that dissent from the principle of the forecited learned author ( who saith that there is no evidence that any of the second sort of presbyters were instituted in scripture times ) i need not deal with them in th●s disputation : for all of them that ever i yet met with , do grant the validity of presbyters ordination , and the truth of the reformed churches and their ministry , and ordinances : otherwise it were easie enough to vindicate all these from them also , if they denyed them . sect. . argument . ad hominem . if the late english prelates had a lawful call to their prelacy , then much more have ministers ordained by presbyters a lawfull call to their ministry . but the prelates say that they had a lawfull call to their prelacy : therefore , &c. the reason of the consequence ( which only will be denyed ) is , . because the presbyters are ordained to an office that is of christs institution ; but the prelates are consecrated to an office that is not of christs institution , but against it , and against the light of nature ( in taking on them the impossible government of an hundred , or many hundred churches ) as was shewed in the former disputation . . because the prelates hold an uninterrupted succession of legitimate ordination necessary to the being of their prelacie ( i mean , such as now we dispute against , hold this ) but so do not the presbyters . the said dissenting prelates are still upon their n●mo dat quod non habet ; which therefore we may urge upon them . and . they cannot prove an uninterrupted succession themselves , on whom it is incumbent , according to their principles , if they will prove their call. . we can prove that they are the successors of such as claimed all their power from the roman vicechrist , and professed to receive it from him , and hold it of him as the catholick head , and so that their ordination comes from a seat that hath had many interruptions , and so had no power of ordination , by their rule : for when the succession was so oft and long interrupted , nemo dat quod non habet : and therefore all that followed must be usurpers and no popes : and those that received their offices from them must be no officers : but the presbyters that ordain will give a better proof of their call then this . sect. . argument . where the office is of gods institution , and the persons are endued with ministerial abilitities , and are orderly and duly designed and separated to the office of the sacred ministry , there are true ministers , and valid administrations . but all these are found in the reformed churches that have ordination without prelates : therefore , &c. the major is undenyable , as containing a sufficient enumeration of all things necessary to the being of the ministry . sect. . the minor is proved by parts . . that the offi●e of a presbyter is of divine institution , is confessed by most : and i suppose those that deny it to be of scripture ins●i●ution , will yet have it to be divine : but if they deny that , yet it sufficeth us , that it is the same officer that they call a bishop , and we a presbyter ; that is , the chief pastor of a particular church . sect. . . and that the persons are duly or competenly qualified for the ministry , nothing but ignorance , faction and malic● , that ever i heard of , do deny . ( supposing the humane frailties , that make us all insufficient gradually for these things ) the ignorant that know not what the ministerial qualifications are , do judge as carnal interest leadeth them . the factious rail at all that be not of their mind . grotius thought the opinions of the calvinists made them unfit materials for the catholick edifice that by his pacification he was about to frame . so do most other sects , reject those as unworthy that suit not with their minds . and malice ( whether ●n●mated by heresie , prophaness or carnal interest ) will easily find faults , and unweariedly slander and reproach : but besides such i meet with none that dare deny the competent abilities of these ministers sect. . and . that the persons are orderly and duly separated to the work of the ministry is thus proved . where there is a separation to the ministry by mutual consent of the person and the flock , and by the magistrates authority , and by the approbation and investiture of the fittest ecclesiastical officers that are to be had , there is an orderly and due separation to the ministry ; but all this is to be found in the ordination used in england and other reformed churches , without prelates : therefore &c. this proves not only the validity of their ordination , but the full regularity . sect. . god himself ( as hath been shewed ) doth by his law appoint the office of the ministry , imposing the duty upon the person that shall be called , and giving him his power , by that law. and then there is nothing to be done , but to detertermine of the person that is to receive this power and solemnly to put him in possession by investiture . now the principal part of the former work is done also by god himself : by his qualifying the person with his eminent gifts ▪ and giving him opportunities and advantages for the work. so that the people and odainers have no more to do , but to find out the man that god hath thus qualified , and to elect , approve and invest him ; and usually he is easily found out , as a candle in the night . so that the two great acts by which god maketh ministers , is his instituting law that makes the office , and his spiritual and naturall endowments given to the person ; which the church is but to find out , and call into use and exercise . and therefore we may still truly say , that the holy ghost maketh pastors or overseers of the church , as well as formerly he did act. . . ) because he giveth them their gifts , though not such miraculous gifts as some then had ; by his common gifts of knowledge and utterance , and his special gifts of grace , it is the spirit that still makes ministers , and still christ giveth pastors to the church . sect. . it is therefore to be noted that , eph. . , , , the way of christs giving officers to his church is said to be by [ giving gifts to men ] and the diversity of offices is founded in the diversity of the measure of grace , ( or these gifts ) [ to every one of us is given grace according to the measure of the gift of christ. therefore he saith , ascending on high he led captivity 〈◊〉 , and gave gifts to men ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) — and he gave some apostles , some prophets , some evangelists , and some pastors and t●●chers ] so that giving gifts , and giving apostles , prophets ▪ &c. are here made the same work of god : not that 〈…〉 and approbation of these gifts is hereby made unnecessary , but 〈◊〉 this is gods principal act by which ●e giveth pastors and teachers to the church , and by which the officers a●e distinguished . for the church is to discern and submit to those that are thus gifted ; and to follow the spirit , and not either contra●ict or lead him . when god hath thus gifted men , the main w●rk is done , for making them ministers ( i● withall he give t●em opportunities and advantages for the work ) and it is the churches duty ●o own and approve these gifts of god , and to do their parts to introduce the person : and if the ordainers refuse this , in case of necessity , the gifted person is bound to improve his gifts without them . i say [ in case of necessity ] using the best order that is left . sect. . this being premised , i come to the argument ( § . . ) and the major is undenyable , because there are all things enumerated , that are necessary to the determination of the person qualified , that is to receive the power from christ ▪ sect. . and the minor i prove by parts , . that our ministry have usually the peoples consent , is a known case that needs no proof : . so is it that they have the magistrates allowance , and his authority appointing approvers for their introduction , and allowing ordination and commanding ministerial works . sect. . and doubtless the magistrate himself hath so much authority in ecclesiastical affairs , that if he command a qualified person to preach the gospel , and command the people to receive him , i see not how either of them can be allowed to disobey him : ( though yet the party ought also to have recourse to pastors for ordination , and people for consent , where it may be done . ) and grotius commendeth the saying of musculus , that would have no minister question his call , that being qualified , hath the christian magistrates commission . and though this assertion need some limitations , yet it is apparent that magistrates power is great about the offices of the church . for solomon put out abiathar from the priesthood , and put zadeck in his place , kings . , . david and the captains of the host separated to gods service those of the sons of asaph and of heman and of ieduthun who should prophesie with harps , &c. chron . . and so did solomon , chron. . , . they were for the service of the house of god , according to the kings order , chron. . , . and methinks those men should acknowledge this , that were wont to stile the king [ in all causes , and over all persons the supream head and governour . ] sect. . but . we have moreover in the ordination of the reformed churches , the approbation and solemn investiture of the fittest ecclesiastical officers that are to be had . and no more is requisite to an orderly admission . there being nothing for man to do , but to determine of the qualified person , and present him to god to receive the power and obligation from his law ; it is easie to discern , that where all these concur ( the peoples election or consent , the magistrates authority , the determination of fit ecclesiastical officers , and the qualification and consent of the person himself , ) there needs no more to the designation of the man. nor hath god tyed the essence of the church or ministry , to a certain formality , or to the interest or will of prelates ▪ nor can any more ad ordinem be required , but that a qualified person do enter , by the best and most orderly way that is open to him in those times and places where he is . and that we have the fittest approvers and ordainers , i prove . sect. . if the most of the protestant churches have no other ecclesiastical officers to ordain but presbyters , then is it the most fit and orderly way to enter into the ministry in those churches by their ordination , and those presbyters are the fittest that are there to ordain . but the antecedent is a known truth . if any in denyal of the consequence say , that the churches should rather be without ministers then have ordination by such , they are confuted by what is said before . sect. . and if you say , that they should have bishops , and it is their own fault that they have not ; i answer , suppose that were a granted truth , it can reach but to some that have the rule : it is not the fault of every congregation , or expectant of the ministry : it is not in their power to alter laws and forms of government : and therefore they are bound to enter by the fittest way that is open to them . sect. . moreover , even in england ; the presbyteries are fitter for ordination then the present bishops : ( as to the nation in general ) therefore the ordination by presbyteries is done by the fittest ecclesiastical officers , and is the most regular and desireable ordination . sect. . i prove the antecedent by comparing the ordination of the presbyteries and the present prelates . . i have before shewed that the english prelacy is more unlike the primitive episcopacy , then our parochial presbytery or episcopacy is ; and therefore hath less reason to appropriate to themselves the power of ordaining . . the ordaining presbyters are many , and known persons ; and the prelates few , and to the most ( and except three or four , to almost all that i am acquainted wi●h ) unknown . . the presbyters ordain openly where all may be satisfied of the impartiality and order of their proceedings : but the prelates ordain in private , where the same satisfaction is not given to the church . . hereupon it is easie for any vagrant to counterfeit the prelates secret orders , and say he was ordained by them , when it is no such matter ; and who can disprove him ? but the publick ordination of presbyters is not so easily pretended by such as have it not , and the pretence is easily discovered . . the prelates for ought i hear , are very few , and therefore few can have access to them for ordination : but presbyteries are in most countreyes . . the prelates , as far as i can learn , ordain ministers without the peoples consent over whom they are placed , and without giving them any notice of it before hand , that they may put in their exceptions if they dissent : but the presbyters ordinarily require the consent of the people ; or at least will hear the reasons of their dissent . . the presbyteries ordain with the magistrates allowance , and the prelates without and against them . those therefore that are ordained by prelates usually , stand on that foundation alone , and want the consent of people and magistrates ; when those that are ordained by presbyteries have all . . ordination by prelates is now pleaded for on schismatical grounds , and in submitting to it , with many of them , we must seem to consent to their principles ( that all other ordination is null , and the churches are no true churches that are without it . ) but presbyteries ordain not on such dividing terms . . we hear not of neer so much care in the prelates ordinations in these or former times , as the presbyteries ; i could give some instances even of late of the great difference , which i will not offend them with expressing . . most of them that we hear of , ordain out of their own diocesses , which is against the ancient canons of the church . . some of them by their doctrines and their nullifying all the reformed churches and ministry that have no prelates , do shew us that if they had their will , they would yet make more lamentable destructive work in the church then the hottest persecutors of their late predecessors did . for it is plain that they would have all the ministers disowned or cast out , that are not for the prelacy . and what a case then would this land ( and others ) be in ? ( of which more anon . ) so that we have reason to fear that these are destroyers , and not faithful pastors . i speak not of all , but only of the guilty : for again i say , we very much reverence such learned , worthy men as bishop morton , bishop brownrigg , and some others yet surviving are . . the ordination by prelates , as things now stand , endangereth mens liberty in the exercise of the ministry , by some things in the manner which i shall not mention . review the rest that i said before in cap. . and . and then judge , whether he that in these dayes is ordained by a learned grave presbytery ( and perhaps where a city pastor is moderator or president , and many of the ordainers are the fixed presidents or bishops of a parochial church , having a presbytery where they preside , ) i say , whether such be not separated to the ministry in the most orderly way that is now to be found existent ? and come not in at the door that god would have them to enter at . sect. . it is strange that those men ( among the papists ) that allow of the cardinals choosing a pope , and exercising so much government as they do over all the christian world , and all this under the name of presbyters of rome , should yet be against ordination by such presbyters as are indeed parochial bishops , and accuse it to be a nullity . i see not how these things cohere . sect. . but yet many papists are more moderate in this ▪ then those at home that we now deal with . that erasmus , richardus armachanus , gui●el . durantes , and many more of them , were on our side in this point , is commonly known , and manifested by abundance of our writers , some of them bishops , and some episcopal divines themselves . sect. . and divers of their schoolmen do maintain that the [ ord● episcopalis non differt à caracthere sacerdotali , nisi sicut forma intensa a se ipsa remissa ] as soncinas relateth ( in . sent. d. . ) the sentence of paludanus , which voetius recites . and the same soncinas , and voetius after him do cite aureolus , proving that gradus episcopalis & sacerdotum non sunt distinctae potestates , &c. quia sacerdos authoritate papae potest sacerdotem instituere . ergo non differunt potestas episcopalis & sacerdotis , nisi sicut potestas impeditae & non impedita : quae tamen est eadem . antecedens probatur , quia omnis virtus activa , non impedita , potest transfundere seipsam ] to the same purpose cusanus and many more . sect. . hence it is that presbyters have of old had a place in councils , yea and a suffrage too : and the council of basil did decide and practise it : which is allowed by many of the papists . and hence it is that divers of the papists do make episcopal preheminency to be but of ecclesiastical institution . sect. . that the chorepiscopi did ordain , and their ordination was valid , though they were not accounted bishops ( any otherwise then our parochial bishops are ) is a thing that hath been spoken of so oft , and by so many , even bishops themselves , that i shall pass it by . sect. . and saith voetius , even among the papists , the abbots and such regular prelates that are no bishops , and the chapter of canons may ordain ; yea and exercise other acts of jurisdiction , as excommunicating , &c. it is not therefore proper to the bishops . sect . it is therefore as hierom speaks of confirmation by a bishop only , in honorem sacerdotii , a matter of ecclesiastical institution for order , and not of divine institution that presbyters without prelates should not ordain : as leo first bishop of rome saith ( epistol . . ad episcop . gall. & german . ) there are quaedam sacerdotibus prohibita per canones ecclesiasticos , ut consecratio presbyterorum & diaconorum . ] it is the canons that forbid presbyters to ordain , and not the scriptures that never knew a presbyter without the power to ordain . sect . were there no ordainers to do that office , or none but such as would oblige us to sin , it were gods regular way to enter by the peoples choice and the magistrates authority without them , this being in such case the open door : therefore it is more evidently gods regular way , when we have both these and the best ministerial ordination besides , that is on good terms to be had . i do not only here plead that such a ministry is not null ( as i did before ) but that the entrance in such a case is not sinfull . sect. . there being nothing left to men herein , but the due designation of the person ( before the reception of his power from god ) the peoples election it self may serve for that designation , where ministerial approbation is not to be had . but the ordinary course , where necessity doth not prohibit us , is that all three concur , viz. the consent of the people , because we cannot teach and rule them against their wills : . the approbation of the ministry , because they are best able to judge of mens abilities . . the allowance of the magistrate , for the orderly and advantagious exercise of our office . but the first is of the greatest necessity of the three . sect. . that the people have power of election , when just authority ( civil or ecclesiastical ) doth not suspend it or limit it , is so easily proved that it is commonly confessed . it s well known that for many hundred years the people had in most or many churches the choice of their bishops or pastors , or joyned with the presbyterie and ordainers in the choice . blondellus , voetius and many more have sufficiently proved this and other parts of the peoples interest , by unanswerable evidence . sect. . cyprian saith that this is by divine ordination . epist. . ( edit goulartii ) p. . [ propter quod plebs obsequens praeceptis dominicis , & deum metuens , à peccatore praeposito separare se debet , nec se ad sacrilegi sacerdotis sa●crificia miscere , quando ipsa maxime habeat potestatem vel eligendi dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi : quod & ipsum videmus de divina authortate descendere , ut sacerdos plebe praesente , sub omnium * oculis deligatur , & dignus atque idoneus publico judicio ac testimonio comprobetur — coram omni synagoga jubet deus constitui sacordotem , id est , instruit & ostendit ordinationes sacerdotales non nisi sub populi assistentis conscientia 〈◊〉 oportere , ut plebe praesente vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur : & sit ordinatio justa & legitima , quae omnium suffragio & judicio fuerit examinata . quod postea secundum divina magisteria observatur in actis apostolorum quando de ordinando in locum judae episcopo petrus ad plebem loquitur , surrexit inquit petrus in medio discentium ; fuit autem turba in uno : nec hoc in episcoporum tantum & sacerdotum , sed in diaconorum ordinationibus observasse apostolos animadvertimus , de quo & ipso in actis eorum scriptum est : et convocaverunt , inquit illi duodecim totam plebem discipulorum — quod utique idcirco tam diligenter & caute convoata plebe tota gereb●tur , nequis ad altaris ministerium , vel ad sacerdotalem locum indignu , obreperet . ordinari enim nonnunquam indignos non secundum dei voluntatem , sed secundum humanam praesumptionem , & haec deo displicere , quae non veniant ex legitima & justa ornatione , deus ipse manifestat per osee prophetam dicens , sibi ipsi constituerunt regem , & non per●me . propter quod diligenter de traditione divina & apostolica observatione observandum est & tenendum , quod apud nos quoque & fere provincias universas tenetur , ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad eam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & episcopus deligatur plebe praesente , quae singulorum vitam plenissime n●vit , & u●iuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione perspexit . † quod & apud vos factum videmus in sabini collegae nostri ordinatione , ut de universae fraternitatis suffragio & de episcoporum qui in praesentia convenerant , quique de eo ad vos literas fecerant judicio , episcopatus ei deferretur , & manus ei in locum basilidis imponeretur . ] and so he goes on to shew that even the bishop of romes restoring of basilides , was not valid to rescind the foresaid ordination of sabinus , which was thus made by the bishops on the peoples suffrages . and yet our diocesans have , alas , too commonly thrust on the people against their consent , such unworthy persons , as of whom we may say as cyprian ( ibid. ) of these , [ cumque alia multa sint & gravia delicta quibus basilides & martialis implicati tenentur ; frusta tales episcopatum sibi usurpare co●antur , cum manifestum sit ejusmodi homines nec ecclesiae christi posse praeesse , nec deo sacrificia offerre debere . ] i have cited these words at large , because they are full and plain to shew us the practice of those times , and are the words of an african syrod , and not of cyprian alone , and shew that then the people had the chiefest hand in the election or designation of the person , which is it that i have now to prove . sect. pamelius himself while he seeks to hide the shame of their prelates ordination , from the light of these passages of cyprian , doth yet confess and say , [ non negamus veterem electionis episcoporum ritum , quo plebe praesente , immo & suffragiis plebis eligi solent . nam in africa illum observatum constat ex electione eradii successoris d. augustini , de quo extat epistola ejus . in gracia aetate chrysost. ex lib. . de sacer. in hi●pa●is ex hoc cyprian● loco , & isidor . lib. de officiis . in galliis , ex epist●l . celestin. pap. . romae , ex iis quae supradiximus , epist ad ant●n vbique etiam alibi ex epist. leonis , et perdurasse eam consuetudinem ad gregor . . usq ex ejus epistolis : immo & ad tempora usque caroli & ludovici imperatorum , ex . lib. capitulorum eorundem satis constat . ] this full confession from the mouth of an adversary , may save me the labour of many more allegations concerning the judgement and practice of the ancients . sect. . he that would see more may find enough in vo●tius de desparata causa papatus lib. . c. . sect . & passim . and in blondel . de jure plebis : & goulartius on the foresaid notes of pamelius on cyprian , p. among others he there citeth those known canons of the carthage councils , three and four out of gratian [ nullus ordinetur clericus nisi probatus , vel examine episcoporum , vel populi testimonio ] et. [ episcopus sine concilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet , it● ut civium conn ventiam & testimonium quaerat ] ( what and where is that clergy without whose council our prelates ordain not ; and that people whose suff●ages they require ? ) and saith goula tius , observanda est car●li ut & ludovici constitutio [ sacrerum camnum non ignari , ut dei nimine sacrosancta eccl●sia suo liberius patiatur honore , assensum ordini ecclesiastico praebemus , ut episcopi per electionem cleri & p●puli , secundum statu●a canonum eligantur . ] it s certain then that the people were sometime the sole choosers , and the pastors the approvers ; and sometime the people and the pastors joynt electors ; and sometime the pastors chose , but forced none on the people , against or without their consent ( as pamelius confesseth ) till popular tumults , divisions , and other reasons occasioned the change of this ancient custome . and therefore it is most certain , that an election by the people may be a valid determination of the person . sect. . and the person being once sufficiently determined of , the power and obligation doth fall upon him immediately from god ; so that were it not that the pastors approbation is part of the determination , there would be nothing left for ordination , but the solemnizing of their entrance by investiture , which is not essential to the ministerial office , but ad bene ●ss● , makes to a compleat and orderly possession , where it may be had , and where it cannot , election may suffice . sect. . voetius , de desperata causa papatus , lib. . sect . cap. . doth by seven arguments prove against iansenius , electionem tribuere ministerium : & esse proprie ejus fundamentum . the first argument is from the definition of election : the second from the canon law , which giveth a bishop his power before consecration , and gives the pope a power of governing the church before he is inthroned or consecrated . the third is à similibus , in oeconom●e and policie : the foundation of marriage union is mutual consent , and not solemnization . coronation ( saith he ) doth not make a king ( he means , not fundamentally , but compleatively , ) but hereditary succession or election . he may well be a king without coronation , as ( saith he ) the custom is in castile , portugal , &c. the king of france dependeth not pro jure regni on the archbishop of rhemes , but saith barclay , hath the right and honour of a king before his coronation . an elect emperour governeth before his coronation . quoad potestatem administrandi regni ( galli●i ) unctio & coronatio nihil addunt inquit commentator sanctionis pragmat . fol. . his fourth argument is from the nature of all relations , quae posito fundamento & termino , in subjecto dicuntur existere : atqui solemnizatio , seu consecratio , seu ordinatio , seu investitura ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v●cant patres graeci ) illa externa quam nos confirmationem dicimus , neque est fundamentum , neque terminus ministerii , aut ministri ; sed legitima electio & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ecclesiae est fundamentum ministerii , & ista vel illa particularis ecclesia est terminus , in quo est correlatum oves seu discipuli , ad quod refertur relatum doctoris seu pastoris . ( though some of this need explication and limitation , yet its worthy consideration . ) his fifth argument is from the confessions of the adversaries , citing sylvest . prieras , immanuel sa , onuphrius , navarrus , yea bellarmine and pope nicola● , who maintain that [ in summo pontifice p●st electionem nulla alia requiritur confirmatio ; quia statim ut electus est suscipit administrationem . and to this agreeth their practice , who at the council of trent had many bishops meerly elect , and elect cardinals are admitted to elect a pope . his sixth argument is [ quod consecratio seu investitura potest ab●sse aliquo in casu : electio autem nunquam : ergo fundamentum ministerii seu potestatis ecclesiasticae est electio & non consecratio ; which he endeavours to confirm . my opinion of the fundamentum potestatis , i have expressed in my christian concord othrrwise : but yet i consent , as is there expressed , to the necessity of the peoples consent to our office. sect. . argument . if those in the reformed churches that are ordained by presbyters , have as good a call to the ministerial office , as the princes of the nations ( yea any one of them ) have to their soveraignty or power , then are they true ministers of christ , and their administrations valid to the churches , and their ministry to be received . but the antecedent is true : therefore so is the consequent . and i prove them both . sect. . the secular power will be granted , as to the most ( at least ) of christian princes and other soveraigns : when the holy ghost commandeth subjection to the higher powers , even when they are heathen , and come in as ne●o did , rom. . we may well take it for granted that christian magistrates , that have no better title then he , are such as we must be subject to : even those that have not so lawful an entrance , as may justifie their possession , or free them from the guilt of flat usurpation , before god , may yet ●e such while they are in possession , as we must be subject to for conscience sake ▪ and all their administrations are ●s valid to the innocent subjects , as if they had as good a title as the best . they that deny this , must overthrow almost all the common-wealth's on earth , and turn subjection into rebellion . sect. . the consequence then is proved from the parity of reason , in both 〈◊〉 ▪ the title of such princes is so far good , as that subjection is due to them , and their government valid : our title to the ministry is at least as good as theirs : therefore submission or obedience is due to us , and our administrations valid to the church . and that our title is as good as theirs , will appear by a due comparison . sect. . . god is equally the author of our office , and of theirs . he that appointed the magistrate to rule by force , appointed the ministry to teach , and guide , and worship publikely before the church . there is no power but of god : even magistrates could have none , unless it were given them from above . . usurpation therefore is a sin in magistrates as well as ministers . and there is the same reason , why it should invalidate their actions , as ours , if we were guilty of it . . the dissenters rule [ nemo dat quod non habet ] concerneth the magistrate as much as the minister , and somewhat more . a man may do more in works of service to others without a special office , then in magisterial government . magistracy is a relation that must have a foundation or efficient cause , as well as ministry . if a giver that himself hath the power given , is necessary to make ministers , then also to make magistrate , ( which yet is false in both , if you speak of humane donation to the soveraign ) the effect can no more be without a cause in them then in us . . i● the election or consent of the people be enough to make a magistrate , or to be the foundation or donation ( as they suppose ) of his authority , then much more may the election or consent of the people , with the approbation and investiture by presbyters , and allowance of the magistrate , prove those in question to be true ministers . . no prince on earth that ever ● heard of , can prove any thing like an uninterrupted succession of legitimate princes from a predecessor immediatly authorized by god. if hereditary princes that are the successors of usurpers are not to be obeyed , it will be hard to find an hereditary prince that is to be obeyed : so that their case is worse then the case of ministers . sect. . for , though . no pastors on earth can prove an uninterrupted succession of persons lawfully ordained . . nor is it necessary to prove a local succession ; because god hath not tyed his church to towns or countries , and a church and pastor that are banished into another land , may there be the same church and pastor , though in and of another place : yet . we have a succession of possession in the office itself . . and a succession of actual ordination in great probability : no man can prove against us that we receive our ministrie from any that were not actually ordained . yet this much is not necessary to our office. sect. . object . but christ hath tyed the office of the ministry to a legitimate ordination ; but he hath not tyed the magistracy to a lawful title . answ. here are two falshoods barely affirmed , or implyed . one is that a just title is less necessary to the magistrate then the minister ; when the reason of both is the same . title is the foundation of right . magistracie is a right of governing . no relation can be without its foundation . the other is , that god hath tyed the office of the ministrie to a legitimate ordination . this is unproved , and i have proved the contrary before . it is our duty to enter by legitimate ordination where it may be had ; and thus we do . but if any of our predecessors ( perhaps a thousand or five hundred years ago ) did enter otherwise , that doth not invalidate our ordination or ministrie , nor is it any of our sin . sect. . as ministers were at first ordained by imposition of hands , so kings were chosen by god , and ( in the church ) anointed by a prophet , or special officer of god ; and sometime by the people ( that is , by their suffrages appointing it , or consenting to it ) as appeareth , sam. . . & . . & . . & . . sam. . , . & . . & . . & . . king. . . & . . king. . . & . . chron. . . so that there is as much in scripture for this manner of their investiture , as there is for ministers ordination by imposition of hands ; yet may they be kings that have no such investiture ; much less all their predecessors . we then that have a due investiture , may prove our ministry , whatever our predecessors had . sect. . i come now to the arguments of the adversaries of our ministrie , which i need not stand long on , because they are few and scarce considerable , and sufficiently answered in what is said . and first its said by a learned man ( diss●rta● . de episcop . contra blondel . praemoni● . ad l●ctor . sect . . . ) [ nos illud in hac disc●ptatione pro concesso positum cens●bimus , nemin●m rect● dare quod non habet : eumque aut e●s qui hac potestate indu●i nunquam fuerint sine vi●latione aut sacrilegio qu●d●m sibi arrogare aut assumere aut aliis aeque à deo non vocatis , aut missis communicare neutiquam posse . [ illud hic nobis unicum m●minisse sufficiet , unumquemque in anglicana ecclesia ab epi●copis ordinatum presbyterum , nulla ordinandi alios facultate ( aut per se , aut quà quolibet comparium caetu munitum ) praeditum esse , nec igitur ●am sibi rectius arrogare posse , quam si diaconorum , immo laicorum unus , aut plures , tali potestate nullatenus induti , idem ausursint . ] the summ is : presbyters have not this power ▪ therefore they cannot give it . sect. . answ. if the argument run thus [ no man can give that which he hath not : presbyters have not the office of a presbyter : therefore they cannot give it . ] i then deny the minor : they are not presbyters , if they have not the office of a presbyter : that therefore which they have ( to speak in the dissenters language ) they may give . sect. . but if the argument be this [ no man can give that which he hath not : presbyters have not a power of ordaining : therefore they cannot give a power of ordaining ] i answer as followeth . . we receive not our office by the gift of man , whether presbyters or prelates . the power is immediately from christ , and men do but open us the door , or determine of the person that shall from christ receive the power , and then put him solemnly into possession . it is the first error of the adversaries , to hold that this power is given by men as first having it themselves . in the popes case bellarmine himself will grant us this ( respons . ad theolog. venet. p. . . ) [ saepe ( inquit ) jam dictum est , electionem cardinalium non conferre potestatem , sed designare tantummodo personam , cui deus potestatem tribuit . ] and yet that [ in summo pontifice post electionem nulla alia requiritur confirmatio , quia statim ut electus est , suscipit administrationem , ut declarat nicol. papa can. in nomine , di● . . ] pag. . and of the power of princes , the dissenters will grant it ( for we have it in their writings ) that the power is from god immediately , though the people may elect the person . you will thrust out all princes of the world by this argument , and say ▪ [ no man giveth that which he hath not : the people have not a power of government : therefore they cannot give it . ] i would answer you as here : god hath the power , and he giveth it : but the people that have it not , may design the person that shall receive it from god : as the burgesses of a corporation may choose a major or bayliff to receive that power from the soveraign ( by the instrumentality of a law or charter ) which they had not themselves to use or give . and so a presbyterie ( and sometime the people alone ) may design the person that shall receive the office of the ministrie from god , though they had it not themselves to use or give . sect. . resp. . by this argument and its supposition , none are true ministers that are ordained by prelates : for they have not the power of the ministrie to give , but only to vse : no ordination is a giving of the power , save only by way of ●nvestiture , which supposeth a title and right before , and is not of absolute necessity to the possession : for in several cases it may be without it . sect. . respons . . a man may instrumentally give or deliver both right and investiture in that which he hath not himself , nor ever had . your servant may by your appointment , deliver a lease , a deed of gift , a key , or twig and turf , for possession of house and lands , though he never had house or lands or possession himself . it is sufficient that the donor have it , that sends him . sect. . resp. . presbyters have the power of presbyters , or the ministerial office : and if they can give that ( which certainly they have , ) then they can give a power of ordaining other presbyters . for to ordain others , is no more then they do themselves in giving the power or office which they have : therefore if they may do it , those that they give their power to may do it ; that is , may also give others that power which they have . sect. . but as to our case in hand , it sufficeth that we prove , that presbyters may give others the office of presbyters ; whether this office contain a power of ordaining , is another question , but soon dispatcht , if this be granted : because ( as is said ) to ordain is nothing else but to invest others with the office or power which we have our selves . sect. . resp. . the argument maketh more against the prelates ordination , on another account ; because that ( as is proved already ) that species of prelacie that was exercised in england ( the sole governours of an hundred or two hundred churches ) is so far contrary to the word of god , that we may boldly conclude , that as such , they have no power to use or give : their very office is humane , and destructive of the true pastoral office : and therefore as such , they have less pretence of divine authoritie , then presbyters , whose office is of god. yet do i not make their ordination null , because they were presbyters as well as prelates , and also were in possession of the place of ordainers , and had the magistrates authority . sect. . resp. . presbytrrs have a power of ordaining : it is already proved . and to your confirmation ( where you say that the bishops gave them no such power : therefore they have it not : ) i answer : . i deny the consequence . god gave it them : therefore they have it without the bishops gift . . if by [ giving ] you mean but an accidental causation , or the action of a causa sine qua non , or a designation of the person that shall receive it , then i deny the antecedent . the prelates ( and electors ) designed the person , and also invested him solemnly in the office , which containeth this power of ordination which you deny them . sect. . obj. the prelates expressed no such thing in their ordination . ans. . it being not the prelates but christ that makes the office , we must not go to the words of the prelates , but of christ to know what the office is , though we may go to the prelates ( while the work was in their hands ) to know who the person is . if a prelate consecrate a prelate , and yet mention not particularly the works that are pretended to belong to a prelate , you will not think him thereby restrained or disabled to those works . he that crowneth a king , and they that choose him , though they name not the works of his office and power , do thereby choose him to all those works that belong to a king. god hath set down in his word , that the husband shall be the head or governor of his wife : if now the woman shall choose a certain person to be her husband , and the minister or magistrate solemnize their marriage , without any mention of such governing power , the power doth nevertheless belong to the man ; because god hath specified by his law the power of that relation , and the man is lawfully put in the relation that by the law of god hath such a power : so is it in the case in hand . sect. . but yet . i add , that the prelates and the laws of england gave to presbyters a power of ordination . for in all their ordinations , the presbyters were to lay on hands with the prelate ( and did , in all ordinations that i have seen . ) and if they actually imposed hands and so ordained , it was an actual profession to all that they were supposed to have the power of ordination , which they exercised . sect. . obj. but they had no power given them to do it without a prelate . answ. . by christ they had . . you may as well say , that bishops have no power to ordain , because they were not ( ordinarily at least ) to do it without the presbyters . sect. . obj. saith the foresaid learned author ( dissert . praemonit . sect . . . ) [ vnum illud lubens interrogarem , an hieronymus , dum hic esset , & presbyteratu secundario fungeretur partiariâ tantum indutus potestate , praesente , sed spreto & insuper habito episcopo , diaconum aut presbyterum ordinare ( aut presbytero uni aut alteri adjunctus ) recte potuerit ? si affirmetur , dicatur sodes , qua demum ratione ab eo dictum sit , episcopum sola ordinatione ( & ergo ordinatione ) à presbytero disterminatum esse ] sin negetur , quomodo igitur presbytero anglicano , cui nullam , quae non hieronymo potestatem , &c. — ] answ. . this is none of our case in england : we ordain not , praesente sed spreto episcopo : but most countreyes know of no bishop that they have , but presbyters . . hierom might have ordained with his fellow-presbyters , according to the laws of christ , but not according to the ecclesiastical canons , that then obtained , or bore sway . . hierom plainly tells you , that it is by ecclesiastical appointment for the prevention of schisme , that bishops were set up so far as to have this power more then presbyters , in the point of ordination . . the english presbyters are parochial bishops , and have an office of christs making , and not of the prelates ; and are not under those ecclesiastical canons that restrained hierom from the exercise of this power . and therefore whereas it is added by this learned author [ quid huic dilemmati reponi , aut opponi possit , fateor equidem me non adeo lynceum esse ut perspiciam ] he may see that he could scarce have set us an easier task then to answer his dilemma . sect. . the second and their principal objection is , that we have no precept or example in the church for presbyters ordaining without prelates : therefore it is not to be done . answ. . i told you before how bishop vsher told me he answered this objection to king charl● . viz. from the example of the church of alexandria where presbyters made bishops , which is more . sect. . but . i answer , you haue no example in scripture or long after that ever prelates of the english sort , did ordain , nor any precept for it , nor was such a prelacy then known , as is proved ; and therefore their ordination hath less warrant then that by pretbyters . sect. . and . i have told you before of scripture warrant for ordination by a presbyterie , and also by the teachers and other officers of a single church , as was the church of antioch . prove that there was any bishop . sect. . lastly , it is confessed by the dissenters that such presbyters or bishops as are mentioned , act. . phil. . . tim. . tit. , &c. had power of ordination : but according to the judgement of most of the fathers ( that ever i saw or heard of that interpret those texts ) it is presbyters that are meant in all or some of those texts . it is granted us also by the dissenters that the chief or sole pastors of single churches in scripture-times did ordain ▪ and had the power of ordination : but the presbyters of england , and other protestant churches are the chief or sole pastors of single churches ; therefore , &c. sect. . object . . but the english presbyters have broak their oaths of canoical obedience , and therefore at least are schismatical . answ. . many never took any such oath , to my knowledge : for my part i did not . . the particular persons that are guilty must be accused : and neither must they be judged before they speak for themselves , nor yet must others be condemned for their sakes . in these parts , there is not one presbyter i think of ten , who differs from the prelates about ordination , that ever took that oath . and therefore it is few that can be called schismaticks on that account . yea . and those few that did take that oath , have few of them that i know of , done any thing against the prelates . sect. . object . . the english presbyters have pull'd down the prelates , and rebelled against them , and therefore at least are guilty of schism . answ. . the guilty must be named and heard : their case is nothing to the rest . it is not one often i think , perhaps of twenty , that can be proved guilty . . it was not the scripture bishops that they covenanted against or opposed : but only the irregular english prelacy before described : and the endeavour of reforming this corrupted pre●acy , and reducing it to the primitive frame , is in it self no schism . sect. . object . . ignatius commandeth them to obey the bishops and do nothing without them . answ. . ignatius also commandeth them to obey the presbyters as the apostles of christ , and to do nothing without them . . the bishops that ignatius mentioneth were such as our parish bishops or presbyters are , that have a presbyterie to assist them : they were the chief pastors of a single church , as is before proved out of ignatius , and not the pastors of hundreds of churches . sect. . i shall trouble the reader with no more of their objections , seeing by what is said already , he may be furnished to answer them all : but i shall now leave it to his impartial sober consideration , whether i have not proved the truth of our ministry and of the reformed churches , and the validity of our administrations , and of our ordination it self ? chap. viii . the greatness of their sin that are now labouring to perswade the people of the nullity of our ministry , churches and administrations . sect. . having laid so fair a ground for my application , i think it my duty to take the freedom to tell those reverend persons that oppose us in this point , the reasons why i dare not joyn with them , and the guilt that i am perswaded they heap upon their own souls ; wherein i protest it is not mine intent to make them odious , or cast disgrace upon them ( for i do with great reluctancy obey my conscience in the performance of this task : ) but my intent is , if it be the will of god to give success so far to these endeavours , . to humble them for their great and hainous sin and save them from it ; . and to save the church from the divisions and disturbances that is already caused by them and their opinion ; . however to discharge my conscience and tell them plainly , what frightneth me from their way . sect. . and . it seems to me ( upon the grounds before expressed ) that those men that would nullifie all the protestant ministry , churches and administrations , that have not prelates , are guilty of schism , and are plain separatists . they depart from truly catholick principles . that man hath not the just principles and spirit of a catholick , that can on such a pretence as this degrade or nullifie so many learned , godly ministers , and unchurch so many excellent churches of christ ; they make a plain schism , and separate from us on as weak grounds as the ancient separatists did , whom yet they account an odious generation . and the writings of paget , ball , bradshaw , hildersham , bernard , and the rest that defend our ministry and churches against the old separatists , will serve in the main to defend them against these new ones , which therefore i refer the reader to peruse . many of the same arguments are as forcible against this adversary . sect. . . and by this means they condemn themselves that have spoken so much against the separatists , calling them brownists , schismaticks , and the like ; and now take up the cause ( in the name ) that in them they so condemned . will they turn schismaticks that have spoken against schismaticks so much ? sect. . . by this means also they exceedingly wrong the lord jesus christ , by seeking to rob him of his inheritance : by telling him that his churches are none of his churches , and his ministers are none of his ministers , and his ordinances are not his ordinances indeed . let them first prove that christ hath renounced these ministers , or unchurched or denied these churches , or given them a bill of divorce : and then let them speak their pleasure . but till then they were best take heed what they do , lest they have not the thanks from christ which they expect . sect. . . they go against the plain commands of christ , and examples of his servants : christ himself bid concerning such as cast out devils in his name , but followed him not [ forbid him not ; for there is no man that shall do a miracle in my name that can lightly speak evil of me : for he that is not against us is on our part , mark . , , . he liked not their humour that would have the substance of so good a work forbidden , for want of a due circumstance , mode , or accident . he commandeth us to pray the lord of the harvest to send labourers into his harvest , because the harvest is great , and the labourers are few : and these men would have multitudes of labourers thrust out , in the necessity of the churches . paul rejoyced that christ was preached , even by them that did it in strife and envy , thinking to add affliction to his bonds . but these men would silence them that preach in sincere compassion of mens souls . moses would not forbid edlad and medad prophecying , but wisht that all the lords people were prophets . while men do good and not harm , or more good then harm in the church , i should see very good grounds , yea and necessity for it , before i should silence them , or be guilty of silencing them . sect. . . they manifest a great deal of selfishness and pride , that dare thus consent to the injury of christ , and the church and souls of men , because they may not bear that rule which is according to their principles and spirits . self-denial would do much to cure this . sect. . . and yet they do as self-seekers commonly do , even seek after misery and destruction to themselves . while they look ( its like ) at the honour , and forget the work , they plead for such a load and burden , as is enough to break the backs of many , even for the doing of a work that is so far beyond their strength , that its a meer impossiblity : how can one man do the works which scripture layeth on a bishop , for a hundred or two hundred churches ? and for thousands that he never sees or hears of ? sect. . . and above all , i admire how the heart of a considerate christian , can be guilty of so great cruelty to the souls of men , as these men would be , if they had their will , in the practice of their principles ? what if all the churches that have no prelates were unchurched ? the ministers cast out as no true ministers , or the people all prevailed with to forsake them , what would be done for the thousands of the poor ignorant careless souls that are among us ? when all that all of us can do is too little , what would be done if so many and such were laid aside ? how many thousands were like to be damned , for want of the means , that according to the ordinary way of god , might have procured their conversion and salvation ? sect. . if they say , that others as good as they should possess the places : i answer , they speak not to men of another world , but to their neighbours , that well know that there are few to be had of tolerable worth to possess one place of very many , if all that they oppose were cast out or forsaken . do we not know who and what men they are that you have to supply the room with ? sect. . if they say that more obedient men would soon spring up , or many of these would change their minds , if they were forced to it ; i answer , . so many would be unchanged as would be a greater loss to the church ( if it were deprived of them ) then ever prelacy was like to repair . . and what should become of poor souls the while your young ones are a training up ? . and in all ages after , the church must lose all those that should dissent from your opinion . sect. . if you say that , it is not your desire to silence all these preachers that you disown : i answer , how can that stand with your doctrine or your practice ? your doctrine is , that they are lay-men , and no true ministers , nor to be heard and submitted to as ministers , nor sacraments to be received from them . and would you not have them then cast out ? . your practice is to disswade the people ( especially the gentry that are neer you ) to separate and disown them accordingly ; and it is done in many places . and would you not cast them out , whom you would have forsaken ? sect. . if you say , it is your desire that they should forsake their error and obey you , and so be continued and not cast out : i answer , . but that is not in your power to accomplish , nor have you reason to expect it . they are willing to know the mind of god as well as you , and perhaps search as diligently , and pray as hard as you ; and yet they think that its you that are in the wrong ; you see that for many years the reformed churches have continued in this mind : and it appears that if they will not turn to your opinion , you would have them all cast out or forsaken . christ shall have no servants , nor the church any pastors that will not be in this of your opinion . sect. . . hereby also you would run into the guilt of a more grievous persecution , when you have read so much in scripture against persecutors , and when you have heard of and seen the judgements of god let out upon them . it is an easie matter for any persecutor to call him that he would cast out , a schismatick , or heretick , but it is not so easie to answer him that hath said , he that offendeth one of these little ones , it were better for him , &c. god will not take up with fair pretences or false accusations against his servants , to justifie your persecution . sect. . . yea you would involve the people of the land , and of other nations , in the guilt of your persecution ; drawing them to joyn with you , in casting out the faithful labourers from the vineyard of the lord. this is the good you would do the people , to involve their souls into so deplorable a state of guilt . sect. . if you say , it is you that are persecuted , as i read some of you do : i answer . . if it be so , you are the more unexcusable before god and man , that even under your persecution , will cherish , defend and propagate such a doctrine of persecution , as strikes at no less then the necks of all the reformed ministers , and churches that are not prelatical , at one blow . . for my part , i have oft protested against any that shall hinder an able godly minister from the service of christ and the church , if he be but one that is likely to do more good then harm . but i never took it to be persecution to cast out drunkards , scandalous , negligent , insufficient men , where better may be had to supply the place : no more then it is persecution to suppress an abusive alehouse , or restrain a thief from making thievery his trade . . the present governors do profess their readiness to approve and encourage in the ministry any godly , able , diligent m●n that will but live peaceably towards the commonwealth . and i am acquainted with none ( as far as i remember ) of this quality , that have not liberty to preach and exercise the ministerial office. . but if you think you are persecuted , because you may not rule your brethren , and persecute others , and take upon you the sole government of all the churches in a county , or more , we had rather bear your accusations , then poor souls should bear the pains of hell , by your neglect and persecution : if you are persecuted when your hands are held from striking ; what are your brethren , that cannot by your good will have leave laboriously to serve god in a low estate , as the servants of all , and the lords of none ? sect. . by this means also you shew your selves impenitent in regard of all the former persecutions that some of you and your predecessors have been guilty of . abundance of most learned godly men have been silenced , suspended , and some of them persecuted to banishment , and some to death . the world hath had too few such men for exemplary abilities , diligence and holiness , as hildersham , bradshaw , bay● , nicols , brightman , dod , ball , paget , hering , langley , parker , sandford , cartwright , bates , ames , rogers , and abundance more , that some suffered unto death , and some were silenced , some imprisoned , &c. for not conforming to the ceremonies : besides eliot , hooker , cotton , norton , cobbet , davenant , parker , noyes , and all the rest that were driven to new england ; and besides ward and all that were driven into holland : and besides the thousands of private christians that were driven away with them : and besides all the later more extensive persecution of such as were called conformable puritans , for not reading the book for dauncing on the lords day , and for not ceasing to preach lectures , or on the evening of the lords day , and such like : all this i call to your mind , as the sin that should be lamented , and heavily lamented , and not be owned , and drawn or continued on your own heads by impenitencie ; and how do you repent , that would do the like , and take your selves to be persecuted , if your hands are tyed that you may not do it ? for my own part , i must profess , i had rather be a gally-slave , or chimney-sweeper , yea or the basest vermine , than be a bishop with all this guilt upon my soul , ( to continue , ) how light soever many make of it , and how impenitently soever they justifie themselves . sect. . . yea more , after all the warnings you have had , in the waies and ends of your predecessors , it seems that you would yet incomparably outstrip the most of them in persecution , if you had your way . for few of them did attempt , or make any motion , for degrading or denying most of the protestant ministers in europe , or such a number as in england and scotland are not ordained by prelates , and to unchurch all their churches . this is far higher then these before you . sect. . . and take heed lest continuing in such a sin , after both prohibitions and judgements , you should be found fighters against god. if those that despise the ministers of christ , despise christ himself , what shall we think of them that do it themselves , and teach men so to do , and have pleasure in them that do it ? it s fearful to draw near that forlorn condition of the jews , thes. . , . [ — and have persecuted us : and they please not god , and are contrary to all men ; forbidding us to speak to the gentiles that they might be saved , to fill up their sins alway : for the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . ] sect. . . it is apparent that your doctrine and practice tendeth to let in the old ejected rabble of drunken , ignorant , ungodly persons into the ministrie . ( and what can be more odious to the most holy god! ) for if once you cast out all those that have not prelatical ordination , or all that are against it , ( especially after a former ordination , ) you must take in such as these , and with ieroboam , make priests of the vilest of the people , or else the places must be vacant : for we know that there are not able godly men to be had of your mind to supply the vacant places . sect. . . your doctrine doth tend to harden malignant wicked men in their enmitie against a faithful ministrie : and we see this unhappy success of it by experience . our doctrine is so much against the inclination and interest of the flesh , and men are by corrupted nature at such an enmity to god , and all that is truly spiritual and holy , that we have as many enemies as hearers , till grace do either restrain or change them . but when they have such an irritation and encouragement as this , and that from men that would be reputed as godly as the best ; then no wonder if they are hardened in their malignity . when we would instruct them and mind them of their everlasting state , and help to prepare them for their latter end ; they are told by learned men , that we are no ministers but lay-men and schismaticks , and that it is their sin to own us , or receive the ordinances of christ from us as ministers : and so the poor people turn their backs on us , and on the assemblies and ordinances of god ; and being taught by wise and learned men to disown us and despise us , they follow their drunkenness , and worldliness , and ungodlyness with greater security , and with less remorse : for now they have a defensative against the galling doctrine of those precise preachers , that would not let them alone in their sin : they were wont to be disturbed at least by sermons , and sometime they purposed to return , and were in the way of grace , and in some hope : but now they are taught by learned godly divines to keep out of hearing , they can go on and sin in peace . sect. . . by this means also you rob god of his publike worship : people are taught to turn their backs on it : you teach them that it is better that god have no publike ministerial worship at all , in prayer , praises , sacraments , &c. then that he should have it from any but prelatical ministers ! o sacred doctrine ! and if you had your wills for the silencing or ejecting of all that are not ordained by prelates , how many hundred church-doors must be shut up in the christian world , or worse ! sect. . . by this means all impiety would be cherished and let loose . when once the mouths of ministers were stopped , the mouth of the swearer , and curser , and railer , and scorner at godliness would be open : and so would be the mouth of the drunkard and glutton . if all that can be done , be so much too little , as experience tells us , what a case would the nations be in , and how would iniquity abound , if ministers were cast out ? sect. . . yea it might endanger the churches , by the introduction of infidelity or heathenism it self . for nothing is more natural as it were , to corrupted man : and if once the ministry be taken down , and they have none , or those that are next to none , infidelity and atheism will soon spring up : and it will be a more dangerous sort of infidelity , then is among many of the open infidels , because it would be palliated with the name of christianity , and leave men further from conviction , then some that never heard of christ. sect. . . and it is a temptation to infidelity and contempt of the church and ministrie , when men shall ●ee that one party of christians doth thus unchurch another . they will think that they may boldly say that of us , which we say of the another ; one party unchurcheth all the papists : these that we are now speaking to , do unchurch all the protestant churches that are not prelatical . the papists unchurch all but themselves , and so among them , they leave christ but a very small part of his inheritance . sect. . . yea i fear that by consequence ( and too near and pla●n a consequence ) they dissolve the catholike church it self . and if it be so , let them judge whether their doctrine subvert not christianitie ? i use no violence for the inference . if want of prelatical ordination do null the protestant ministrie and churches , then it must needs follow that far greater defects ( and more against the vitals of the church ) will do as much to unchurch the romanists , the greeks , armenians , syrians , ethiopians , egyptians , &c. but alas , how easie is it to prove that all these have far greater defects then the presbyterian protestant churches ! and so the whole must fall together . sect. . . by all these means they joyn with the quakers , and seekers , and drunkards in opposing the same ministrie that they oppose . you are no true ministers of iesus christ , say the quakers , seekers , and other sects ; so also say these that now we are speaking of : and if they preach their doctrine , and side with them against the servants of christ , let them be afraid lest they partake of their spirit and reward . sect. . . their doctrine and practice tendeth to grieve the hearts of the most experienced gracious souls . should all the ministers be cast out that are not prelatical , and the places supplyed , as they m●st be in their stead , with such as can be had , o what a day would it be to honest humble souls , that were wont to delight themselves in the publike worship of god , and to find instruction , and admonition , and consolation sutable to their necessities ! if now they should have all turned to what the doctrine of these men portends , their souls would be as in a wilderness , and famine would consume them , and they would lament as david in his banishment , and the jews in their captivity , to think of the daies that once they saw . sect. . . and doth it not imply a great deal of unholiness and enmitie to reformation , when men dare thus boldly unchurch the most of the reformed churches , and pass such desperate nullifying censures on the most holy , able , painful ministers of the gospel ? o how many of them are studying , and watching and praying for their people day and night , and teaching them publickly and from house to house , and that sometimes with tears , willing to spend and be spent fo their salvation , not seeking theirs but them ; and when they have done all , they are reproached as no ministers of christ , and the people taught to disown them and forsake them . is this a sign of a son of god , that is tender of his honour and interest ? or of a holy gracious soul ? sect. . . at least by this means the hands of ministers are weakned in their work , and their difficulties increased , and their hearts grieved , because of their peoples misery . o if they could have but a free unprejudiced hearing with poor sinners some good might be done ! but they will not hear us , nor come neer us , or speak to us : especially when they are taught to forsake us by such men . i would not be the man that should thus add burden and grief to the faithful ministers of christ , upon such an account , for all the bishopricks on earth . sect. . they also distract the minds of christians , when they hear men thus degrading and unchurching one another ; so that weak persons are perplexed , and know not what to think nor what church or religion to be of : yea it is well if many be not tempted hereby to be of no religion at all : when they hear them condemning one another . sect. . . these shew too much formality and ceremoniousness , when they so much prefer their own opinon , about a circumstance , ceremony or mode , before the very being of the churches and ministry , and the substance of worship it self , and the salvation of men souls : as if it were better for churches to be no churches , then not prelatical churches : or for souls to be condemned , then to be saved by men that are not prelatical . i speak not these things to exasperate them ( though i can expect no better : ) but in the grief of my soul for the sad condition that they would bring men into . sect. . . they lay a very dangerous snare , to draw ministers to be guilty of casting off the work of god. flesh and blood would be glad of a fair pretence for so much liberty and ease . o how fain would it be unyoakt , and leave this labourious , displeasing kind of life ! and when such as these shall perswade them that they are no ministers , they may do much to gratifie the flesh . for some will say , i am at a loss , between both wayes ; i cannot see the lawfulness of prelacy : and yet they speak so confidently of the nullity of all other callings , that i will forbear till i am better resolved another will say , i find my self to be no minister , and therefore free from the obligation to ministerial offices ; and i will take heed how i come under that yoak again , till i have fuller resolution . another will scruple being twice ordained , and so will think it safer to surcease . at least they tempt men to such resolutions , that would discharge them from so hard a work . sect. . . by this means also they make the breaches that are among us to be uncurable , and proclaim themselves utterly unreconcileable to the most of the protestant churches . for if they will have no reconciliation or communion with them , till they shall confess themselves no churches , and cast off all their ministers , they may as well say flatly , they will have none at all . for no reasonable man can imagine or expect that ever the churches should yield to these terms . when they are declared no ministers or churches , you cannot then have communion with them as ministers or churches . sect. . . and it is easie to see how much they befriend and encourage the papists in all this . is it not enough that you have vindicated the pope from being the antichrist , but you must also openly proclaim that rome is a true church , their priests true priests , their ordinances and administrations valid , but all the protestant churches that are not prelatical are indeed no churches , their ministers no ministers , &c. who would not then be a papist rather then a member of such a protestant church ? how can you more plainly invite men to turn papists , unless you would do it expresly and with open face ? or how could you gratifie papists more ? sect. . . and truly if all these evils were accompl●shed , the ministers forsaken , iniquity let loose , the ordinances prophaned by unworthy men , &c. we could expect nothing but that the judgements of god should be poured out upon us for our apostacy : and that temporal plagues involuntary should accompany the spiritual plagues that we have chosen ! and that god should even forsake our land , and make us a by word and an hissing to the nations : and that his judgements should write as upon our doors , this is the people that wilfully cast out the ministers and mercies of the lord. sect. . . and if all this were but accomplished , in the conclusion i may be bold to ask , what would the devil himself have more , except our damnation it self ? if he were to plead his own cause , and to speak for himself , would he not say the very same as these learned , reverend disputers do ? would he not say to all our graceless people , hear n●t these ministers : they are no true ministers : ioyn not in communion with their churches , they are no true churches ? i doubt not but he would say many of the same words , if he had leave to speak . and should not a man of any fear be afraid , and a man of any piety be unwilling to plead the very cause of satan , and say as he would have them say , by accusing so many famous churches and ministers , as being none indeed , and drawing the people so to censure them and forsake them ; this is no work for a minister of christ. sect. . besides what is here said , i desire those whom it doth concern , that are afraid of plunging themselves into the depth of guilt and horror , that they will impartially read over my first sheet for the ministry , which further shews the aggravations of their sin that are now the opposers and reproachers of them . consider them , and take heed . sect. . but again i desire these brethren to believe , that as it is none of the prelatical divines that i here speak of ▪ but those that thus nullifie our church & ministry , while they own the ministry and church of rome ; so it is none of my desire to provoke even these , or injure them in the least degree : but i could not in this sad condition of the church , but propound these hainous evils to their consideration , to provoke them to try , and to take heed lest they should incur so great a load of guilt , while they think they are pleading for order in the church . how can there be any charity to the church , or to our brethren in us , if we can see them in such a gulf of sin as this , and yet say nothing to them , for fear of provoking them to displeasure ? sect. . and i think it necessary that all young men that are cast by their arguings into temptations of falling with them into the same transgressions , should have the case laid open to them , that they may see their danger ; and not by the accusations of schism be led into far greater real schism , with so many other sins as these . sect. . yet is it not my intent to justifie any disorders or miscarriages that any have been guilty of in opposition to the prelacie . and if they can prove that i have been guilty of any such thing my self , i shall accept of their reproof , and condemn my sin as soon as i can discern it . only i must crave that the usual way of presumption , affirmation , or bare names of crimes be not supposed sufficient for conviction , without proof , and before the cause is heard . and also i do profess that for all that i have here said against the english prelacy , and though i earnestly desire it may never be restored , yet were i to live under it again , i would live peaceably and submissively , being obedient , and perswading others to obedience , in all things lawfull . chap. ix . the sinfulness of despising or neglecting ordination . sect. . it is a thing so common and hardly avoided , for men in opposing one extream , to seem to countenance the other and for men that are convinced of the evil of one , to run into the other as the only truth , that i think it necessary here to endeavour the prevention of this miscarriage : and having said so much against the necessity of prelatical ordination , and in some cases of any , i shall next shew the greatness of their sin that despise or neglect ordination when it may be had . sect. . for the right understanding of what is to be said , i must again remember you , that though it be not at the ordainers will to deprive the church of ministers , and it is none of the question which they have to resolve , whether the church shall have ministers or none ( and therefore there may be ministers without them , if they would hinder or refuse ; ) and though it be not the question which is put to their decision , what kind of ministers the church shall have ( for that christ hath determined of ; ) nor yet what qualifications are necessary to them , ( for that also christ hath already set down ; ) yet is it a great and weighty case that is put to the decision of ordainers , that is , whether this man be thus qualified as christ hath described and required in ministers ? and whether he be the fittest person ( or fit at least ) for the particular charge to which he is called ? and the right determining of this question is a thing that the churches welfare doth very much do depend upon . sect. . and therefore it is the decision of this one question , that ministers , people and magistrates themselves , must all contribute their powers and endeavours too in their several places . all that they have to do is but to see that the churches have fit men , even such as are qualified as god requireth . the people must choose fit men : or consent to them when chosen for them : the pastors must try them , and approve them , and only them that are fit : the magistrate must encourage , assist and defend fit men , and forbid such as are intolerably unfit , and not permit them to abuse the name and ordinances of christ , and wrong his church . sect. . this treble guard at the door of the church doth much tend to its security , and preservation from the great evils that intruders may introduce . and each party of the three hath a special interest which should make them carefull of the business . . the people have great reason to have a hand in it , and to be carefull : for it is their souls for which their overseers watch , and their salvation that is concerned in it . and he that will not trust his son with any tutor without due choice , nor his state with every lawyer , nor his body with every physician , no nor his land , or cattle with every servant , but will choose the best , hath reason to know upon whose care he trusteth his soul. for though it may be some excuse , it will be no justification of them that lie in sin and misery , to say , our teachers did mislead us . for if the blind lead the blind , it is both that fall into the ditch : and as cyprian saith ( with the rest of his collegues , ) epist. . ( alias li. . ep. . ) [ propter quod plena diligentia , exploratione sincer● oportet eos ad sacerdotium delegi , quos a deo constet audiri . nec sibi plebs blandiatur , quasi immunis esse a contagio delicti possit cum sacerdote peccatore communicans , & ad injustum atque illicitum praepositi sui episcopatum consensum suum commodans , &c. — ] besides the work of the ministry is teaching and perswasive , and the success is only on the willing : and seeing we can do nothing on them for their good against their wills , or without their own consent , it is needfull therefore that some way or other their consent should be procured , unless we would frustrate all our labour , and miss our end . and also , a church is a society voluntarily conjoined for holy worship and living : and therefore it is contrary to the nature of it , that they should have pastors , or be members and not consent . sect. . and . for the magistrate , there is great reason that he have his part also in the work : for the honour of god must be his end ; the law of god his chiefest rule ; ●he church of christ his chiefest subjects ; and the work of christ , his chifest care and business . and seeing he ruleth from christ , and by christ , and for christ , it is necessary that he take care of the quality , and enterance , and carriage of ministers , on whom christs work and honour doth so much depend . sect. . yet is there here a special difference between the works of these several parties in admitting men into the ministry . the proper or necessary work of the people , is but to discern and consent : whether they be the first electors , is a matter of indifferency in it self , & is sometime fit , and sometime unfit . the magistrates work is not to ordain ministers ; but carefully to oversee the ordainers and the people , that they put in none but worthy men : and if he find that they miscarry , he is not ( ordinarily at least ) to take the work upon him , and ordain fitter men himself : but to correct them to whom the work belongs , for their male-administration , and restrain them from misdoing , and urge them by due means to do it better , or cause them to be displaced that are unreformable , that better may be chosen in their stead , that will be faithfull . sect. . and . the reason of the ministers interest in the work , i shall more at large lay down anon . and though there be a possibility of frequent differences arising , through disagreement of these three several parties , yet christ would rather use this treble guard for caution , then for the preventing of division , lay open his church to the injury of intruders . sect. . and remember again , that it is not in the power of magistrates , ordainers , people and all to make a minister of christ , of a man that wanteth the essential qualifications : ex qu●vis ligno non fit mercurius . he that is not qualified for the works essential to a minister , cannot by ordination be made a minister : no more then the bare stamp can make currant money of a piece of lead , when the law makes the mettal essential to currant coin : and no more then a license will make him a school-master that cannot read : or him a pilot , that knows not how to rule the ship : saith cyprian ubi sup . [ sed enim desiderio huic vestro , non tam nostra concilia , quam divina praecepta respondent ; quibus jampridem mandatur voce caelesti , & dei lege prescribitur , quos & quales oporteat deservire altari , & sacrificia divina celebrare . ( here he citeth scripture ) quae cum praedicta & manifesta sint nobis praeceptis divinis necesse est obsequia nostra deserviant : nec personam in ejusmodi rebus accipere , aut aliquid cuiquam largiri potest humana indulgentia ubi intercedit , & legem tribuit divina praescriptio . ] god gives not men authority to contradict his law , or to ordain a man uncapable of ordination ; nor introduce the form , where the matter is undisposed for it . sect. . perhaps some will ask , what should be done , in case that these three parties disagree : if the magistrate would have one man , and the ordainers another , and the people a third , or if two of them go one way , and the third another ? to which i answer , there are many things that must be taken into consideration for the right resolving of the case . either the persons nominated are equal or unequal : either they are all capable , or some of them uncapable : either the welfare of that church dependeth on the choice : or else it may be somewhat an indifferent case . ● . if there be but one minister to be had , and the dissenters would have none , then it is past controversie , that the dissenters are to be disobeyed . . if one party would have a godly , able minister , and the other would have an incapable , intolerable person , then it is past doubt , that the party that is for the worthy person ought to prevail , and it is his duty to insist upon it , and the duty of the rest to yield to him . . if any will make a controversie in this case where there is none , and say , [ you say this man is fittest , and i say the other man ( that is uncapable ) is fittest , and who shall be judge ? ] the party that is in the right must hold to their duty , till they are persecuted from it , and appeal to god , who will judge in equity . if a blind man say to a man that hath his eye-sight [ you say that you see ; and i say that i see ; you say that it is day , and i say it is night ; who shall be believed ? ] it is not such words that will warrant a wise man to renounce his eye-sight . god will judge him to be in the right that is so indeed . . but if really the several parties are for several ministers that are all tolerable , yet if there be any notable difference in their fitness , the parties that are for the less fit , should yield to the party that is for the more fit . if you say , they discern it not , i answer , that is their sin , which will not justifie them in a further sin , or excuse them from a duty . they might discern , if they were not culpable , in so great a difference , at least whom they are bound to take for the most fit . . but if there be no great inequality , then these rules should be observed . . the magistrate should not deny the people their liberty of choice , nor the ministers their liberty in approbation or dissallowance : but only oversee them all , that they faithfully do their several duties . . the ministers should not hinder the people from their choice , where both parties nominated are fit , but content themselves with their proper work . . the people should not insist upon their choice , if the ministers to whom it belongeth , do disallow the person , and take him to be unmeet , and refuse to ordain him : because obedience in such cases is their duty , and a duty that cannot tend to their loss : at least not to so much hurt to them as the contrary irregular course may prove to the church . . if magistrates or ministers would make the first choice , and urge the people to consent if the person be fit , it is the safest way for the people to obey and consent , though it were better for the rulers to give them more freedom in the choice . . if a people be generally ignorant ( in too great a measure , ) and addicted to unworthy men , or apt to divisions , &c. it is their safest way to desire the ministers to choose for them . or if they will not do so , it is the safest way for the ministers to offer them a man : yet so that magistrates and ministers should expect their consent , and not set any man over them as their pastor without consent some way procured . . but if they are no church , but unc●lled persons , and it be not a pastor of a church , but a preacher to convert men , and sit them for a church-state , that is to be settled , then may the magistrate settle such a man , and force the people to hear him preach . . if necessity require not the contrary , the matter should be delayed , till magistrate ▪ ministers and people do agree . . the chosen pastors should decide the case themselves : they should not accept the place , and consent , till all be agreed , unless there be a necessity . and if there be , then the greatest necessity should most sway . if the magistrate resist , he will forcibly prohibite and hinder you from preaching . if the ministers resist , they will deny you the right hand of fellowship . if the people resist , they will not hear nor join in worship nor obey . all these if possible should be avoided . the peoples consent ( to a pastor of a church ) is of necessity . we cannot do the work of pastors without it . and therefore neither magistrates or ministers can drive us on where this is wanting ( unless it be only to seek it , or only to do the work of preachers to men without . ) unity and communion with neighbour-churches is so much to be desired , that nothing but necessity can warrant us to go on without it . and the magistrates restraint is so great a hinderance , that nothing but necessity can warrant us to cast our selves upon it . and therefore out of cases of necessity , the ministers nominated should not consent till all agree : but in cases of necessity , the souls of men and the worship of god , must not be disregarded or neglected , though neighbour-churches or ministers disown us , or magistrates persecute us . sect. . remember these distinctions for the understanding of what follows . . it s one thing to be approved , and another thing to be solemnly invested . ordination consisteth of these two parts . . we must difference between ordination , by one pastor , and by many . . between ordination by pastors of the same church , or of many churches . . between ordination by sufficient or insufficient ministers . . and between ordnation by neighbour ministers or strangers . . and between ordination by divided ministers , and concordant . on these premised i propose as followeth . sect. . prop. . approbation by ministers is ordinarily to be sought and received by all that will enter into the ministry . i gave some reasons before , chap. . which here i shall enlarge , by which the sinfulness of neglecting this approbation may appear . sect. . reas. . it is the way that god hath appointed us in holy scripture , and therefore to be followed . they that ordained elders or bishops in the churches , did more then approve them , but could do no less , tim. . . timothy was ordained by the imposition of the hands of the presbyterie , tim. . . paul giveth timothy the description of bishops and deacons , that he may know how he ought to behave himself in the house of god , which is the church , &c. that is , that he may know whom to approve of or ordain , tit. . . titus was to ordain elders in every city , acts . , , . the prophets and teachers in the church at antioch did separate barnabas and paul to the work , with fasting and prayer , and imposition of hands . it was the apostles that ordained them elders in every church , acts . . suppose it must be read [ by suffrages ] as many would have it , that proveth no more but that the people did consent : but still it is paul and barnabas that ordained them elders , though with the peoples suffrages , and it is they that are said to fast and pray in the next words . act. . . expresly shews that the people chose the deacons , and the apostles ordained them [ look ye out among your selves seven men of honest report , full of the holy ghost and wisdom whom we may appoint over this business . but i shall cut short this part of my task , because so much is said of it already by many that have written for ordination , to whom i shall refer you . sect. . reas. . if there be not a standing regular way for trying a●d approving such as enter into the ministry , then men will be left to be their own judges , and if they can but get the consent of any congregation , will presenty be pastors . but this course would tend to the ruine or confusion of the church , as i shall manifest by evidence . sect. . . if all men may enter into the ministry that will , upon their own perswasion that they are fit , the most proud , self-conceited , worthless men will be the readiest to go , and if they can get hearers , will most abound in the church ; and the people will quickly have heaps of teachers . for we all know that many of the ignorant are least acquainted with their ignorance : and commonly the proud have the highest thoughts of themselves , and think none so fit to teach and rule as they . and what could be more to the shame and hazzard of the church , then to have it taught and guided by such ignorant unworthy men ? sect. . . moreover , humble men are so conscious of their weakness , and sensible of the burden and greatness of the work , that they think themselves unworthy , and therefore would draw back ; and so by their forbearance would give way to the foresaid proud intruders . and thus the church would soon be darkened , defiled , and brought low , if all men were their own judges . sect. . . moreover , it is the common disposition of erroneous and heretical persons to be exceeding zealous for the propagating of their errors , and bringing as many as is possible to their mind . so that if all be left to themselves , the most heretical will run first , and carry their filth into the house of god , and seduce and undo men instead of saving them . sect. . . by this means also the covetous and sordid worldlings will crowd in : and men will do by preaching , as they do by ale-selling , even make it their last trade when others fail : and he that breaks in any other trade , if he have but any volubility of speech , will presently turn priest ; till the office and ordinances of god seem vile , and be abhorred by the people . this must be the consequent if all be left to their own judgement . sect. . . and it is too known a case , that the people will bid such persons welcome , and so they will make a match . the erroneous and giddy party will have such as are sutable to them . and the covetous party will have him that will do their work best cheap : if they will preach for nothing or for little , he shall be a man for them , though he would lead them to perdition . if it be poyson , they'● take it , if it cost them nothing . and many there be that will have their own kindred or friends to make priests of ; and all that they have interest in must joyn with them on the account of friendship . and the childish injudicious sort of christians will follow them that have the smoothest tongues , or best opportunities and advantages to prevail with them . and so they will be tossed up and down , and carryed to and fro with every wind of doctrine , according to the cunning sleight and subtilty of men , by which they lie in wait to deceive . ] eph. . . and they will be carried about with divers and strange doctrines , heb. . . sect. . reas. . and when the ministrie is thus corrupted ( by making every man judge of his own fitness ) the church will be corrupted , and degenerate into a common state , and cease to be a church ( if reformation do not stop the gangrene . ) for it commonly goeth with the church according to the quality of the ministrie . an ignorant ministrie , and an ignorant people ; an erroneous ministrie , and an erring people ; a scandalous ministrie , and a scandalous people commonly go together . like priest , like people is the common case . sect. . reas. . and by this means christianity it self will be dishonoured , and seem to be but a common religion , and so but a deceit , to the great dishonour of jesus christ ; for the world will judge of him and his cause , by the lives of them that teach it and profess it . sect. . reas. . and by this means god will be provoked to depart from us , and be avenged on us for our dishonouring him . if he would spew out of his mouth lukewarm laodicea , what would he do to such degenerate societies ? if most of the seven churches , rev. & . had their warnings or threatnings for smaller faults , what would such corruptions bring us to , but even to be plagued or forsaken by the lord ? sect. . reas. . if you should be men of ability and fitness for the work your selves , that enter without approbation and ordination , yet others might be encouraged by your example that are unfit : and if you once thus set open the door , you know not how to keep out woolves and swine : all the persons before described will take the opportunity , and say , why may not we enter unordained , as well as such and such ? sect. . reas. . by this means also you will leave many sober godly persons unsatisfied in your ministry , as not knowing whether they may own you as ministers or not : & how much you should do to avoid such offence , me thinks you might perceive . sect. . reas. . by this course also you will walk contrary to the catholike church of christ , and that in a cause where you cannot reasonably pretend any necessity of so doing . ever since christ had a ministry on earth , the constant ( ordinary ) way of their admittance hath been by ministerial ordination . if any man despise this , and be contentious , we have no such custome , nor the churches of god. is it a design beseeming an humble man , a christian , a sober man , to find out a new way of making ministers now in the end of the world ? as if all the ministers from the apostles dayes till now , had come in at a wrong door , and wanted a true calling ? this is too near the making a new ministry , and that 's too near the making of a new church : and that 's too near the feigning of a new christ. the church hath many promises , that the gates of hell shall not prevail against it ; that christ will be with her ministers to the end of the world , they being given by him for the perfecting of the saints , and edifying of the body of christ , till we all come in the unity of the faith , and knowledge of the son of god , to a perfect man , &c. eph. . , . and therefore we must not easily believe , that the ministry of the universal church have been falsly called or admitted untill now , and you have found out a better way at last . sect. . reas. . you would bring that irrational confusion into the church of the living god , which is not to be introduced into the basest commonwealth or society in the world . you have more wit then to let all men play the physitians : but will first have them tryed by men of their own profession : or else the lives of many may pay for your licentiousness . you will have schoolmasters approved by them that have learning , before you will commit your children to their trust . and shall every man be a teacher and ruler that will in the church of christ , as if it were the only confused contemptible society in the world ? god is not the god of confusion , but of peace , as in all the churches , saith the apostle , cor. . . sect. . reas. . do but consider how high , and holy , and honourable a calling it is to be a minister of the gospel ▪ and then it will appear , that it is horrible profanation of holy things , to suffer all that will , to invade it . they are to be the embassadors of christ , and speak as in his name , and to be stewards of his mysteries and houshold , and to stand near him , as at his altar , and to dispense his treasure , to magnifie and praise his name , and to administer his holy sacraments , &c. and should all that will , be taught to usurp or invade such an holy calling ? sect. . reas. . consider also , how great a trust it is that is committed to all that are ministers of the gospel . the souls of men are committed to them : the mysteries of god , the precious promises and glad tidings of salvation are committed to them : the order and affairs of the house of god are committed to them : those that are christs sheep , his jewels , his friends , his brethren , his spouse , his members , and as the apple of his eye , are committed to them . and is it sutable to so great a trust , that men untryed , unapproved , that do but think well of themselves , and their own doings , shall at their pleasure take so great a charge ? what man of honour and wit among you , will give every man leave to be your steward , that hath but folly and pride enough to think himself fit for it ? and will not rather choose your stewards your selves ? sect. . reas. . and is it not evidently notorious cruelty to the souls of men , to cast them upon every unworthy fellow that will but be impudent enough to undertake the charge ? do you set so light by mens everlasting joy or torment ? you would not so contemptuously cast away mens lives : and will you so contemptuously cast away their souls ? and what a contempt is it of the blood of christ , that the purchase made by it should be thus neglected ? you will look up your money , and look to your goods , and take care of every groat of your estates : and shall the souls of men , and the blood and the inheritance of christ be no more regarded ? this is unjust . sect. . reas. . yea and it is a way of cruelty to the men themselves , if every man that is sick of self-conceit , or pride , shall have leave to exercise it , and run themselves into unspeakable guilt , by undertaking such works as they are no way able for : alas , have not these poor sinners trangressions enough of their own already , but you must encourage them to draw the blood of souls , and the sins of so many others upon their heads ? o what a burden do they take upon them ▪ and what a dreadful danger do they run into ? had you faith and any pitty of souls , you would rather study to do your best , to prevent mens destroying of themselves and others , and falling altogether into the ditch . i know you 'l say , that you are guilty of no such thing : it is the saving , and not the destroying of souls that you intend by being ministers unordained : but your intentions will not justifie your cruel and destructive practices . it s plain that you teach men by your doctrine and example to be their own judges of their fitness for the ministry , or to neglect the judgement of the pastors of the church : and what better can this course produce ? sect. . reas. . either you are fit for the ministry , or unfit : if fit ; why should you be afraid of tryal ? he that doth evil comes not to the light : it is a sign of an ill cause that cannot endure a just tryal . but if you are unfit , is it not better to forbear ? sect. . reas. . your very refusing of a tryal doth give the people sufficient reason to question your call and fitness for the work , or your humility at least : for humble men think meanlyer of themselves , then to judge themselves meet for such great employments , when they have not the encouragement of men that are more fit to judge : the good men of old were wont to run away from a bishoprick , or pastoral dignity in the sense of their unfitness : so that the bishops were fain to seek and send after them : and gregory of neocesarea was ordained by phedimus when he was three daies journey from him , even against his will ; and then charged by him in the name of christ to yield unto the call. and what then shall we think of that sort of men , that think themselves so good and worthy , as to run on their own heads , without due approbation ? sect. . reas. . it is natural for man to be partial in his own cause : insomuch as no law or equity will allow men to be witnesses or judges for themselves in the smallest civil controversie : and shall they be judges of themselves in so great a cause ? are not others more impartial ? sect. . reas. . you cast away your own encouragement and support , and create vexation to your own consciences . there are so many difficulties to be conquered in this work , and so many sufferings to be endured , that if a man be not clear that his call was good , he is like to be left to great discomforts . we have exceedi●g great labours to undergo : we have abundance of enemies and impediments to strive with : we have many a scorn and unthankful return , and perhaps imprisonment or death to undergo : we are our selves , alas , too weak and insufficient , and must depend on god for daily helps . and with what confidence can you expect his help , if you call your selves , and enter not by his approbation ? and how will you ever go through all this , and suffer so much with christian comfort , when you cannot say that you are sent of god , and have nothing but your own overweening conceits of it ? could you but say , [ i entered by the way that god appointed , and was not my own judge ] you might have some more boldness and confidence of gods assistance . sect. . reas. . the most that plead against ordination , that are worthy the name of sober christians , do plead but against the necessity of it , and cannot deny it to be lawful : and should not all the reasons before mentioned prevail with you to submit to a lawful thing ? sect. . reas. . and if it be thus undenyable , that men must not be their own judges , it will soon appear that ministers are the standing judges of mens fitness for this work , because no other judges are appointed to it , or capable of it . it must be an ordinary stated way of approbation , that can give us satisfaction : for if god had left the case at large , for men to go to whom they will , it would be all one as to go to none at all , but to be judges themselves . and if a standing way of approbation must be acknowledged , let us enquire where it is to be found : and look which way you will , and you shall find no other , but this which is by men of the same calling with them that are to be ordained . sect. . for . magistrates it cannot be : none that i know pretend to that . magistrates in most of the world are infi●els : and therefore cannot there be ordainers : and none of them hath the work committed to them by christ , nor do any that i know , assume it to themselves . sect. . and . the people it cannot be : for . no man can shew a word of precept or example for it ; nor prove that ever god did give them such a power : consent or election is all that can be pretended to by them . . it is a work that they are commonly unable for : the schollars may as well try and approve of their schoolmaster . we confess the people must by a judgement of discretion , endeavour to find out the best they can : but if they had not helps , and if they were also called to a judgement of direction and decision , what work would they make ? do the major vote , ( or the minor either ) in most or almost any congregations , understand whether a man know the meaning of the scripture , or to be able to defend the truth , or whether he be heretical or found in the faith , & c. ? god would not set men on a work that is thus beyond the line of their capacity . it is a thing not to be imagined , that they that call us to be their teachers , should already be common●y able to judge whether we are sound or unsound , and able to teach them or not : for this importeth that they know already as much as we ( for wherein they are ignorant , they cannot judge of us . ) and if they know as much already , what need have they of our teaching ? . and it is contrary to the subjection and inferiority of their relation : they that are commanded to learn and obey us as their guides , may yet consent or choose their teachers , when approved , or to be approved by abler men ; but they cannot be imagined to be appointed by god to ordain their own overseers : this is a most ungrounded fiction . sect. . reas. . on the other side , it is the pastors of the church , and only they that are fitted to be the standing approvers or ordainers , as will appear in these particulars . . it is they that are justly supposed to be of competent abilities to try a minister . if here and there a gentleman or other person be able , that is a rarity , and therefore no standing way for the church in ordaining ministers can be gathered thence . . ministers are doubly devoted to god and to his church : and therefore should have , and ordinarily have , the tenderest care of the church . . it is justly supposed that ministers are ordinarily the most pious and conscionable men that are to be had ( or els they are too blame that choose them to be ministers ) and therefore they may be expected to be most faithful in the work . . and they are fewer , and have lesser perverting interests , and therefore are like to be less divided in such determinations , then the people that are so many , and of so many interests and minds , that if it were not for the moderation of magistrates and ministers , they would almost everywhere be all to pieces , one being for one man , and another for another ; some for one of this mind and way , and some for one of another ; some for the orthodox , and some for the heretical . . lastly , it is ministers , whose office god hath tyed ordination to , and who have time to wait upon it as their duty : so that lay all this together , and i think the first proposition is proved , for the necessity ( ordinarily ) of the pastors approbation , and the sinfulness of neglecting it . sect. . prop. . it is only the pastors of one particular church , but also the pastors of neighbour chu●ches that hold communion with that church , that should regularly approve or ordain ministers : though i deny not but he may be a minister that hath no ordination but by the pastors of a particular church , yet i conceive that this is not a regular course . sect. . my reasons are these . . because if it be ordinarily tyed to the pastors of the same church only to ordain , then it will be done ordinarily without any pastors at all . for most particular churches in the world have but one pastor : and when he is dead , there is none left to ordain ; and therefore others or none must do it in such cases . sect. . and . if there be one left , and all the power be left in him , the welfare of the church would run too great an hazzard : if every man shall be ordained a minister that can procure the approbation of a single pastor , the church will be subjected to most of the lamentable miseries before mentioned , supposing that men were judges for themselves . sect. . and . we find in scripture , that it was not the way appointed by the holy ghost , for single pastors to ordain . the forecited texts and examples are a sufficient proof . sect. . if any say , that the ruling elders may concur , i answer . though i make no great matter of it , nor would not raise a contention about it , yet i must say , that i never yet saw any satisfactory proof , that ever god did institute such elders as this objection meaneth , in the church : that is , . such as are not ordained , but come in by meer election . and such as have the power of discipline and oversight without authority to preach or administer the sacraments . i think these are but humane creatures ; though i doubt not but there may be such as actually shall forbear preaching and administration of the sacraments , when some of their colleagus are fitter for it . sect. . but . if such an office can be proved , i despair of seeing it proved from scripture , that they have authority to ordain . . and how can they have authority , when most of them have not ability ? and i think it is supposed that they have not ability to preach , in them that deny them authority : and if they want ability to preach , it s two to one but they want ability to try and approve of preachers . . and how come they to have power to ordain others , that are not ordained themselves , but are admitted upon bare election ? . and this course would prostitute the churches to unworthy men , as aforesaid . sect. . and . it is not a contemptible consideration , that the chief pastor of every particular church , hath ever since the second century at least , been ordained by the pastors of other churches . and how it was before , we have but very defective evidence , except so much as is left us in the holy scriptures , of which we have spoke before . sect . and . the church of christ is a chain of many links : a society united in christ the head , consisting as a republike of many corporations , or as an ac●demy of many colledges : and a greater union and communion is requisite among them , then among the parts of any other society in the world . and therefore seeing it is the duty of neighbour pastors and churches , according to their capacity to hold communion with that particular church and its pastors , it seems reasonable , that they have some antecedent cognisance and approbation of the persons that they are to hold communion with . sect. . and . it is considerable also , that whoever is according to christs institution ordained a minister of a particular church , is withall ( if not before ) ordained a minister simply ; that is , one that may as a separated messenger of christ , both preach for the conversion of those without , and gather churches where there are none , and pro tempore do the office of a minister , to any part of the catholike church , where he cometh and hath a call. and therefore as he is simply a minister , and the unconverted world , or the universal church are the objects of his ministry , the pastors or members of that particular church where he is settled , have no more to do in ordaining him then any other . as a corporation may choose their own physitian ▪ schoolmaster , &c. but cannot do any more then other men , in licensing a man to be in general a physitian , schoolmaster , &c. so may a church choose who shall be their teacher , but not who shall be simply a teacher or minister of christ , any more then an other church may do , that 's further from him . sect. . and . it is also considerable , that it is the safest and most satisfactory way to the church and to the minister himself , to have the approbation of many . and it may leave more scruple concerning our call , when one or two or a particular church only do approve us . sect. . and . it is granted in their writings by those that are for ordination by a particular church only , that the concurrence of more is lawful : and if lawful , i leave it to consideration , whether all the forementioned accidents make it not so far convenient , as to be ordinarily a plain duty , and to be preferred where it may be had . sect. . yet do i not plead for ordination by neighbour pasto●● , as from a governing authority over that particular church : but as from an interest in the church universal , and all its officers within their reach , and from an interest of communion with neighbour churches . sect. . and it is observable in scripture , that the itinerant ministers , that were fixed and appropriated to no particular church , for continuance , ( such as the apostles and evangelists were , and titus , timothy , and such others ) had a principal hand in the work of ordination whereever they came . it was they that ordained elders in every city , in every church . sect. . prop. . if any shall cull out two or three or more of the weakest injudicious , facile ministers , and procure them to ordain him , his course is irregular , and his call unsatisfactory , though the formal part be obtained to the full . for it is not for meer formality , but to satsfie the person called , and the church , and to secure the ministry and sacred works and souls of men , from injury by usurpers , that god hath appointed the way of ordination : and therefore it is fraud , and not obedience , for any man so to use it , as to cheat himsef and the church with a formality , and frustrate the ordinance , and miss its ends . sect. . prop. . if any man , avoiding the orthodox and unanimous ministry , shall apply himself for ordination to some divided schismatical or heretical persons , that will approve him , and ordain him , when the others would reject him , this also , as the former , is fraud and self-deceit , and not obedience ; upon the last mentioned grounds . it is the basest treacherous kind of sinning , to turn gods ordinances against himself , and to sin under the shelter and pretence of an institution . by using the means in opposition to its end , they make it no means , and use it not as a means at all . though pastors must ordain , yet is it not all kind of pastors ordination that should satisfie an honest meaning man ; but that which hath the qualifications suited to the rule and end . sect. . in such cases of unjust entrance , if the people sinfully comply , and the man have possession , it may be the duty of some particular persons , that cannot help it , ( having done their own parts in disowning it ) to submit , and not therefore to separate from the church , except in desperate extraordinary cases ( not now to be enumerated ) and all the administrations of such a man shall be not only valid to the innocent , but without any scruple of conscience may be used and received , with expectation of a promised blessing . sect. . but yet quoad debitum it is the churches duty ( except in cases of necessity ) to disown such intruders , and to suspect and suspend obedience , to those that indirectly enter , ( by a few ignorant , or schismatical ordainers , refusing the tryal of the unanimous abler orthodox ministry ) till they have either perswaded the man to procure their approbation , or have themselves sought the judgement of the said united ministers concerning him . and seeing all the churches of christ should be linkt and jointed together , and hold communion and correspondency , according to their capacities , the members of a particular church are bound in reason , and to those ends , to advise in such suspicious cases with neighbour churches , and not to receive a pastor that comes in by way of discord , or that neglecteth or refuseth the concordant way . for he that entreth in a divisive way , is like to govern them accordingly , and still to shun the communion of the brethren . sect. . this cyprian fully shews in the fore-mentioned ep. . p , . perswading the people to shun the unworthy though they were ordained by bishops , adding [ ordinari nonnunquam indignos , non secundum dei voluntatem , sed secundum humanam praesumptionem ; & haec deo displicere , quae non veniant ex legitima & justa ordinatione , deus ipse manifestat , &c. — ] necessity may justifie some things that otherwise would be irregularities : but when [ per urbes singulas ( that is , in every church ) ordinati sint episcopi , in aetate antiqui , in fide integri , in pressura probati , in persecutione proscripti , ille super ●os creare alios pseudo-episcopos audeat ] this is a fact that the poeple should disown . and [ qui neque unitatem spiritus nec conjunctionem pacis observat , & se ab ecclesiae vinculo , atque à sacerd●tum collegio separat , episcopo nec potestatem potest habere , nec honorem , qui episcopatus nec unitatem voluit tenere , nec pacem . cyprian epist. . ad antonian . sect. . prop. . solemn investiture is the last part of ordination , by which the man that by consent of the people and himself , and by the pastors approbation , had received from christ a right to the power and honour , and priviledges , and an obligation to the duties of the office , is solemnly introduced and put in possession of the place . sect. . though in some cases a man may exercise the ministry upon the foresaid approbation and election ( which are most necessary ) without this solemn investiture , yet is it ordinarily a duty , and not to be neglected : and the people should require the performance of it : i need not stand upon the proof : for it is proved before by what was said for approbation , seeing they have ever gone together . though fundamentally he be a christian that hath entered covenant with christ : yet before the church he is visibly no christian that hath not been baptized , or at least made open profession of that covenant . though fundamentally they are husband and wife that are contracted , or knit together by private consent ; yet in foro civili , in law sence , and before men , they must be solemnly married , or else they are judged fornicators . and should any fantastical persons seek to cast by this publick investiture or solemn marriage , as unnecessary , he would but let in common whoredoms : the solemnity or publication in such cases is of great necessity . and it s much conducible to the greater obligation of pastor and people to be solemnly engaged together : and to have solemn prayer for gods blessing , tendeth to their prosperity . sect. . when men are ordained only to the ministry in general , it may be done in one place as well as another , ( that is otherwise convenient . ) but if they are also ordained to be pastors of a particular church , it is the fittest way by far , that they be ordained in the face of the church , that the people and they may be mutually engaged , &c. though yet this be not absolutely necessary . sect. . and thus i have dispacht , with the brevity intended , this weighty point , concluding with these two requests to my brethren that shall peruse it : . that before they let out their displeasure against me for contradicting any of their conceits , they would humbly , impartially , and with modest self-suspicion , both study and pray over what they read , and not temerariously rush into the battell as pre-engaged men . . that they will alway keep the faith and charity , and self-denyal and tenderness of christians upon their hearts , and the great ends and interest of christ and christianity before their eyes ; and take heed how they venture upon any controverted points or practice , as a means that certainly contradicteth the spirit of christianity , and the great ends ( the churches unity , peace and holiness , &c. ] which all true means are appointed , and must be used to attain . and whereunto we have already attained , let us walk by the same rule , and mind the same things , phil. . . remembring that in christ iesus neither circumcision availeth , nor uncircumcision , but a new creature . and as many as walk according to this rule , peace be on them and mercy , and on the israel of god , gal. . , . finitur , may . . the third disputation : for such sorts of episcopacy , or disparity in exercise of the ministry , as is desirable or conducible to the peace and reformation of the churches . by richard baxter . london , printed by robert white , for nevil simmons , bookseller in kederminster , anno dom. . an episcopacy desirable for the reformation , preservation , and peace of the churches . chap. i. of general unfixed bishops or ministers . § . . it is but delusory dealing of them that make the world believe that the question between the prelatical divines and the rest of the reformed churches , is , whether the church should be governed by bishops ? this is a thing that is commonly granted : but the controversie is about the species of episcopacy : not whether bishops , but what sort of bishops should be the ordinary governours of the church of christ ? § . . and therefore it is also very immethodical and unsatisfactory of most that ever i read for episcopacy , that plead only for episcopacy in general , but never once define that sort of episcopacy which they plead for , but go away with it as smoothly when the question is unstated , as if they understood themselves , and others were capable of understanding them ; and so they lose their learned labours . § . . i have already in the first disputation told you among ten several sorts of episcopacy , which they be that i think desirable , and which i judge tolerable , aad which intolerable . and i have there already given you the reasons why i judge such a general unfixed bishop to be of standing use to the church and world , as here we are speaking of : and therefore i shall forbear here the repeating of what is said already . § . . that the world and church should still have such a general itinerant unfixed ministry , as that was of the apostles , evangelists and others , having there already proved , i have nothing to do more but to shew the use of it , and to answer the objections that some very learned reverend divines have used against it . § . . the principal use of a general ministry , is for the converting of the unconverted world , and baptizing them when converted , and congregating their converts into church order , and setling them under a fixed government . and the next use of them is , to have a care , according to the extent of their capacity and opporunities , of the churches which they have thus congregated and setled , and which are setled by other ministers . § . . let it be remembred that we are not now disputing of the name , but of the thing : it is not whether such an officer of christ be to be called an apostle or an evangelist , or a prophet , or a bishop , or a presbyter : but whether unfixed general ministers , to gather churches and settle them , and take the care of many , without a special pastoral charge of any one above the rest , were appointed by christ for continuance in his church : this is it that i affirm , and have already proved . § . . nor yet is it any of our question , whether the difference between these general unfixed ministers and ordinary fixed presbyters , be in point of authority or of exercise only . whether they are two distinct species of the ministry , or but one of the same office in specie , variously exercised : i have given in my thoughts of this before , so far as i can yet reach : but if it be granted that some should ordinarily exercise their office generally and ambulatorily over many churches , as others ordinarily must exercise it fixedly in one particular church , i shall not contend whether they are to be called one office or two : nor yet whether the fixed minister may not extraordinarily upon a special reason , do the same work as the itinerant minister in the same way . but ministers there must be for both these work . § . . and that some should make the general work before mentioned their ordinary business , and not take the pastoral charge of any particular church , i conceive ( besides the former proofs ) is further manifest , . in that the work of converting unbelievers , and bringing them into a fitness for church communion , is the work that is to go first , and is the greatest work : it s the greatest in weight ( praecisively considered , and as to the terminus à quo of the change that it effects : ) and it is the greatest in regard of opposing difficulties : the winning of a soul , which rejoyceth angels , and rejoyceth jesus christ himself , will have so much of satans malice to oppose it , and hath so much resistance in the heart of the sinner , that it requireth the whole work ( in ordinary ) of those ministers that are specially called hereunto . § . . and . withall it commonly falls out , that there are far greater numbers to be converted , then to be governed after conversion : if it be not so in some countries ( where the face of god hath shined most effectually ) yet in others , and in most it is : even in the far greatest part of the world . o how many millions of souls are there that perish for lack of knowledge , and know not for want of teaching ; and never heard of jesus christ in any likely manner to prevail , in all their lives ? surely such multitudes of miserable souls , yea nations , require ministers wholly set upon this work . § . . and . it ordinarily falls out too , that the unconverted unbelieving part of the world do live at a great distance from the churches of christ : and therefore the same man that is pastor of a church hath not opportunity to speak to them . or if they live in the same country , they seldom meet in greatest numbers in the same assemblies : and therefore when the pastor is upon his own work , it is requisite that there be some to speak to the rest . § . . and yet i doubt not but as there are hypocrites in most churches , and among us many that by their ignorance , or impiety we have cause to judge to be yet no christians , are our ordinary hearers , so the pastors of the churches may and must endeavour their conversion , and much suit their preaching to the condition of such souls . but yet those millions that in other parts of the world ( and perhaps in ireland , wales and the highlands of scotland , too many such may be found ) that neither know what christianity is , nor are the ordinary hearers of a fixed ministry , and live not within the reach of such , should have a converting itinerant ministry for themselves . § . . moreover , . the pastoral work is it self so great , and the charge that we take of particular churches , and our obligation to them so strict , that it will usually it self take up the whole man , and will not allow a pastor time for the other work on those at a distance yet uncalled , without neglecting the souls that he hath undertaken to oversee . § . . and . for want of such general ministers , the state of persons is in some places confounded , and the world and the church are thrust together , as if there were no difference to be made . because there are no ministers known but pastors , therefore there are no people known but as christians , where yet the very knowledge of christianity is too rare . whereas if ( where numbers and distance make it necessary ) the preparing ministry had first done their part , it would have prevented much dangerous confusion , and self-deceit that followeth hereupon in many places . § . . and . by the mistaken supposition , that such generall or unfixed ministers are ceased , men have been drawn to set lay-men upon the greatest and noblest work of the ministry : and a conceit is hence risen among some , that because this is not proper to the pastors of a church , therefore it is not a ministerial work , but the work of gifted brethren : and hereupon uncalled men are tempted to exercise it : and by laying aside the officers appointed hereunto by christ , the burden is cast on the weakest men . § . . yea . by this means many ministers themselves understanding not the nature and extent of their own office , when they do but preach to any that are not of the church that they have charge of , imagine that they preach but as meer lay-men ; and if they preach for the conversion of unbelievers , they profess it to be no act of their office : which is an act that hath more inconveniences then i shall now express . § . . and . which is worst of all , by supposing that no ministers are now to be appointed for the conversion of infidels , and gathering and planting churches , it is come to pass that the most necessary work in all the world is neglected , cast off , and almost quite unknown in the world : except mr. eliots and a few with him in new england , and some of the jesuites and fryars in the east-indies and america , who have been sent , or have adventured themselves for the converting of the nations . were it but known and considered , how much of the will of jesus christ is to be fulfilled by this most blessed work , princes would have studied it , and contributed their assistance ; and many would have been ready to have offered themselves to god for the work , when now it is looked on as no part of our duty , not only because that sluggishness and cowardize calleth it impossible , and the adventure unreasonable ; but also because we think it was a work that was proper to apostles and evangelists ; and ministers are now tyed to their proper flock . and thus the poor unbelieving world is left in their sin . § . . and . i doubt by this mistake and neglect we forfeit the benefit of that special promise , in too great a measure . mat. . . and miss of that eminent assistance and presence of christ with our ministry , that otherwise we might expect . if we did go into the world , and preach the gospel to the nations ( having used our industry first to learn their languages , ) we might expect that christ would alwayes be with us to the end of the world , in a way of assistance and owning of our labours , answerable to our engagements for him , and service to him . were we deeplier engaged for christ , and did with peter cast our selves into the sea , or walk on the waters at his call , we should find christ acting as if he were answerably engaged for our indemnity , or at least for our eminent encouragement and reward . if ever we might expect miracles again , it would be upon our engagement in the antient work ; though i know that even for this they are now no more necessary , nor i think , promised . § . . and . we do hereby seem to accuse christ unjustly of mutability , supposing that he had setled one sort of ministry and government in his church for one age only , and then changed it for another , that is ever after to continue alone . i know the extraordinary work of that age ( to plant churches by new doctrine and miracles , and reveal the new articles of faith and practice in scripture to the world ) did require such enablements thereto , which ordinary works do not require : and therefore the apostles , as immediatly sent , and as inditing scriptures , and working miracles , and prophetically bringing new revelations , have no successors . but the apostles as preaching to the nations , and as planting churches , and as setling them , and taking care of their prosperity after they had planted them , and as exercising their ministry itinerantly , as not fixed to a special charge , thus they have successors , the work being ordinary , and such as should be done now as well as then ; and must continue while the necessity of it doth continue . § . . there needeth no other proof of this , then by observing that it was not apostles only , but all the ministry at first , that was thus unfixed and itinerant ; and that the apostles assumed such to their assistance , and employed them all their dayes in this work . § . . the seventy disciples as well as the apostles were at first by christ sent forth in this itinerant way , for the conversion of the inhabitants of iudaea . and thus iohn the baptist had preached before them . and after christs resurrection and ascension , it was not only the apostles , but it was they that were scattered abroad , that went everywhere preaching the word , act. . . and who were these ? [ act. . . they were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of judaea and samaria , except the apostles . ] and the evangelists of those times are confessed to have exercised this itinerant ministry : so did barnabas , silas , mark , epaphroditus , tychicus , trophimus , timothy , titus , luke , and others ordinarily . it was the first and most ordinary way then of exercising the ministry . § . . and if we lived our selves in heathen or infidel countreys , we should be soon taught by experience , that this must be still an ordinary work . for what else is to be done till persons be converted and brought into the church ? they must be made disciples before they can be used as disciples , and caught to observe all things that christ hath commanded . § . . but against this it is objected , . that the apostles were extraordinary officers , and therefore have no successors . to which i answer , . that i have before shewed in what they were extraordinary , and in what not : in what they have no successors , and in what they have . as apostles sent immediatly by christ to reveal a new doctrine , and confirm it by miracles , they have no successors : but as general ministers of christ to convert souls , plant churches , and take a care of many , they have successors ; call them by what name you please . . and what if the apostles have no successors ? had the seventy disciples none ? had apollo , titus , timothy , silas , barnabas , &c. none ? had all the itinerant converting ministers of those times none , that were not affixed as pastors to a particular church ? § . . obj. . but at least in the extent of their charge the apostles were extraordinary , in that they were to preach the gospel to all nations . i answer ; in point of exercise , being furnished with tongues and miracles for the work , they were obliged to go further , or to more nations then most particular ministers are now obliged to go : but that is not because we want authority , if we had ability and opportunity , but because we want ability and opportunity to exercise our office. the apostles were not bound to go into every nation of the world , inclusively ; but to avoid none , but go to all , that is , to as many as they could . otherwise they had sinned in not going to mexico , peru , brasile , the philippine or molucc● islands , to iapon , china , &c. and it is our duty to extend our ministry for the conversion of as many as we have ability and opportunity to do . that which was common to the planting and waetering ministry in the apostles dayes , was not proper to the apostles : but to go up and down the world to convert , and baptize , and plant , and water churches was then common to such ( as apollo , silas , &c. ) therefore , &c. § . . obj. . but ( say others ) the apostles were not at last such unfixed ministers as you imagine , but fixed diocesan bishops . peter was bishop of antioch first , and of rome after : paul was bishop of rome : james of jerusalem , &c. — ans. that any apostle was a fixed bishop , taking on him durante vita the special pastoral charge of one particular church or diocess , as his peculiar , is . barely affirmed , and therefore not to be believed . . and is contrary both to the tenor of their commission , and the history of their ministrations . and . is also contrary to charity it self , and therefore is not worthy of any credit . the apostles were not so lazy or uncharitable , as to affix themselves to parishes or diocesses , and leave the nations of the world in their unbelief ; and to cease the work that they were first sent out upon , before the necessity of it ceased . peter and paul were bishops of rome , as they were of other churches which they planted and watered , and no more : even as paul was bishop of ephesus , philippi , corinth , &c. and iames was either no bishop of ierusalem , or no apostle ( but as many think , another iames. ) indeed pro tempore not only an apostle , but other itinerant ministers were bishops of the places where they came ; that is , were officers of christ , that might exercise any act of their office ( teaching , governing , administring sacraments , &c. ) to any people that gave them a call , or so far as opportunity and need required . and so i doubt not but every minister now may do in any church on earth . if he be invited to stay a day , or week , or month among them , and do the work of a minister , yea or if he be invited but to preach a sermon to them , he may do it , not as a private man , but as a minister in general , and as their teacher or pastor pro tempore , & ad hoc , that give him the invitation . for though the first call to the ministry , separating us to the gospel of god , do give us our authority in general to perform any ministerial act ; yet i have before shewed that a further call is neeedfull for the particular exercise of this power : and this is usually by the people : who may sometime call a man to be their stated pastor , and sometime but to exercise some one pastoral act , or else to exercise all but pro tempore , as there is need . § . . and by this means it came to pass that the line of succession in many churches is drawn down from the apostles , by eusebius , hierom , and other antient writers . not because the apostles were the stated fixed bishops of those churches , as the successors were ; but because they first planted and governed them , and were their bishops pro tempore till they had setled bishops over them ; and then went and did the like by other places : so that one apostle , or evangelist , or unfixed minister , might be the root of succession to many churches , even as many as they first planted : but their successors had but one church . § . . object . . but what use is there among us for such ministers as these , when all the nations are converted from infidelity already ? answ. . if there were no use of such with us , we must not forget the lamentable necessity of them abroad in the world . . as i before said , experience of the ignorance and unbelief of many about us in the best parishes , doth cause me easily to believe that in ireland , and part of scotland , and wales , and other places where setled ministers are few , such an itinerant ministry is of necessary use among us . . but yet where there are setled teachers enough , they may be spared : for if we had parishes that had not the knowledge of christ , it is a greater work of mercy to such a parish , to settle a converting teacher among them to fit them for a church-state , that so they may have frequent teaching , then to send them but now and then a sermon . but where ministers are not so plentiful , it were a great sin for an able man to confine himself to one town or parish , and neglect the countrey round about . . and also there is use for itinerants to water and take care of the churches which are planted , as the apostles and others formerly did . § . . concerning these unfixed ministers , i add these following propositions . . that such ministers may not deprive the fixed pastors of any of their power : they may not disable them from governing their own churches as fully as if there were no itinerant ministers . if they are admitted pro tempore to assist the churches where they come , that will not enable them to hinder them , or assume a lordship or a rule over the pastors of the churches . § . . . these itinerant unfixed ministers , are not so obliged to perpetual motion , but that they may reside for a considerable time in a place , either for the following on the work of conversion , where they find a plenteous harvest , or for setling churches , or surpressing heresies or disorders , or because of their own disability to travail . and thus paul staid at and about ephesus in asia three years , act. . . their stay must be prudentially apportioned to their work and opportunities . § . . . no itinerant minister can ( of himself ) exclude another from his province , and appropriate it to himself , and say , here i will work alone , or here i have greater authority then you : nay it was usual for these ministers to go by companies , or more then one ( as paul and barnabas , paul and silas , paul and timothy , titus , &c. ) so that it was no mans province or diocess where they came . for they that convert souls to christ and not to themselves , and baptize into his name and not in their own , do know the greatness of the work and burden , and therefore are glad of all the assistance they can get : when those that do nothing , are the men that thrust others out of the vineyard , and say , this is my diocess or province ; you have nothing to do to labour here . ] § . . . yet may there lawfully and fitly be a prudential distribution or division of their provinces among such unfixed converting ministers : for to be all together and go one way , must needs be a neglecting of most of the world , and so not a wise or faithful performance of the work of christ. and therefore some should go one way , and some another , a● may most promote the work . § . . and ordinarily it is most convenient , that there go more then one to the same people , ( and therefore they will not be like a fixed diocesan bishop ) for they have many wayes need of mutual assistance : one would be oppressed with so great a work , and have many disadvantages in the performances . pau● used not to go alone . § . . the persons to be exercised in this ambulatory ministration , may be determined of , and their provinces distributed any of these three wayes , or all together . . by the judgement and consent of pastors . if many shall choose out one , or two , or more , as ●it for such a work , the persons chosen have reason to obey , unless they can prove , or know the pastors to be mistaken , and to have been misguided in their choice . the prophets and teachers of the church at antioch must send or separate saul and barnabas , for the sp●cial work in which the holy ghost would imploy them , act. . , . which seems to me , to be but a secondary call to some special exercise of their former office , one way rather then another . thus also by mutual agreement their provinces may be allotted and divided . § . . . by the magistrates appointment and command also , may this be done . though he make not ministers , yet may he do much in assigning them their provinces , seats , and stations : and it is our duty to obey his commands in such cases if they be not plainly destructive to the church : much more if they are beneficial to it . § . . . also by a ministers own discerning of a fit opportunity to do good , either by the magistrates bare permission , the peoples invitation , or their willingness , or not opposing ; or though they do oppose , yet some other advantages for the work may be discerned , or hopes at least . now though the call of ordination must be from the pastors of the church , and neither magistrates nor people can make us ministers , yet the call of opportunity may be from the people and magistrate , more commonly then any . and he that is already a minister , needs not alwayes another call for the exercising of his ministry , save only this call by opportunity . he had his authority by that call that placed him in the office ; which was done at first , and must be done but once . but he hath his opportunity and station for the exercise of that authority by the people and magistrates , and perhaps may receive it over and over many times . § . . . this way of exercising the ministry is not alike necessary in all times and places ; but with great variety ; it is exceeding necessary in some countreys , and not in others , but useful in some degree in most as i conceive . § . . if the question be , whether such a ministry be useful in these dominions , or not ? i have answered before , that in some darker and necessitous parts , where ignorance doth reign , and ministers ( or able ones at least ) are scarce , there such a● exercise of the ministry is necessary : but in other parts it is not of such necessity : yet much work there may be for such , or for those in the next chapter mentioned , in most countreys of them therefore i shall next speak . chap. ii. of fixed pastors that also participate in the work of the unfixed . § . . it is not only the unfixed ministers that may lawfully do the fore-described work , but the fixed pastors of particular churches may take their part of it ; and ordinarily should do somewhat toward it : though not so much as they that are wholly in it . § . . i shall here shew you , . what such may do . . on what terms . . and then i shall prove it . and . they may as ministers of christ , go abroad to preach where there are many ignorant or ungodly people in order to their conversion . . they may help to congregate believers into holy societies , where it is not already done . . they may ordain them elders in such churches as they congregate . . they may oft enquire after the welfare of the neighbour churches , and go among them , and visit them , and strengthen them , and admonish the pastors to do their duties . . they may instruct and teach the pastors in publike exercises . . they may exercise any acts of worship or discipline upon the people of any particular church , which giveth them a due invitation thereto . . they may publikely declare that they will avoid communion with an impious or heretical church or pastor . § . . but . as to the mode or terms , it should be thus performed . . no pastor of a single church must leave his flock a day or hour without such necessary business as may prove his call to do so . we must not feign a call when we have none ; or pretend necessities . he that knows his obligations to his particular charge , and the work that is there to be done , methinks should not dare to be stepping aside , unless he be sure it is to a greater work . § . . and . no pastor of a church should be busie to play the bishop in another mans diocess , nor suspect or disparage the parts or labours of the proper pastor of that church , till the sufferings or dangers of the church do evidently warrant him , and call him to assist them . § . . . no minister of christ should be so proud as to overvalue his own parts , and thereupon obtrude himself where there is no need of him ( though there might be need of others ) upon a conceit that he is fitter then other men to afford assistance to his brethren . when the case is really so , he may judge it so : especially when his colleagues or fellow ministers judge so too , and desire him to the work : but pride must not send out ministers . § . . . a minister that hath divers fellow presbyters at home , to teach and guide that church in his absence , may better go out on assisting works then other men . and so may he that hath help that while from neighbour presbyters , or that hath such a charge as may b●ar his absence for that time , without any great or considerable loss . § . . . and a man that is commanded out by the magistrate , who may make him a visiter of the churches near him , may lawfully obey ; when it would not have been fit to have done it without such a command , or some equivalent motive . § . . . a man that is earnestly invited by neighbour-ministers or churches , that call out to him , come and help us , may have comfort in his undertaking , if he see a probability of doing greater good then if he denyed them , and if they give him satisfactory reasons of their call. § . . . men of extraordinary abilities , should make them as communicative and useful to all as possibly they can : and may not so easily keep their retirements , as the weak may do . § . . . and lastly , no man should upon any of these pretences usurp a lordship over his brethren , nor take on him to be the stated pastor of pastors , or of many churches as his special charge . it is one thing to do the common work of ministers abroad , by seeking mens conversion , and the planting of churches , or else to afford assistance to many churches for their preservation , establishment or increase : and it s another thing to take charge of these pastors and churches , as the proper bishop or overseer of them . the former may be done ; but i know no warrant for the later . § . . that fixed ministers may do all these forementioned works , with the aforesaid cautions , i shall briefly prove . . by some general reasons , speaking to the whole ; and . by going over the particulars distinctly , and giving some reason for each part . § . . and . it is certain that a minister doth not cease to be a minister in general , nor to be an officer authorized to seek the discipling of them without , and congregating them , by his becoming the pastor of a particular church : therefore he may still do the common works of the ministry where he hath a call , as well as his pastoral special work to them that he hath taken special care of . as the physitian of an hospital or city may take care also of other persons , and cure them , so he neglect not his charge . § . . . a minister doth not lay by his relation or obligations to the unconverted world , nor to the catholike church , when he affixeth himself to a special charge . and therefore he may do the work of his relations and obligations , as aforesaid . yea those works in some respects should be preferred , because there is more of christs interest in the universal church , or in many churches then in one ; and that work in which the most of our ultimate end is attained , is the greatest work : that in which god is most honoured , the church most edified , and most honour and advantage brought to the gospel and cause of christ , should be preferred : but ordinarily these are more promoted by the communication of our help to many ( as aforesaid ) then by confining it to one particular church . the commonest good is the best . § . . . oft-times the necessity of such communicative labours is so apparently great , that it would be unmercifulness to the churches or souls of men to neglect them . as in case of reforming and setling churches ( upon which luther , melanchthon , chytraeus , bugenhagius , pomeranus , calvin , and others were so oft imployed . ) as also in case of resisting some destructive heresies : in which case one able disputant and prudent adviser , and person that hath interest in the people , may do good to thousands , even to many countries , and more then multitude● of others could do . and god doth not set up such lights to put under a bushell , nor warrant any man to hide his talents ; nor doth he bestow extraordinary gifts for ordinary sevice only , but would have them used to the utmost advantage of his cause , and for the greatest good of souls . § . . . and it is not the taking up of another calling or species of ministerial office : for the ministry is one office ( distinct from that inferiour sort of ministry of deacons ) and containeth the power and obligation of doing all this , when we have particular cals : it is but the exercise of the same office which we had before : we do but lay out our selves more in some parts or acts of that office , then more retired pastors do . § . . and . it belongeth to the magistrates to take care of the church and the right exercise of the gifts of their subject ministers : and therefore if they command one man more labour then another , even the planting , or visiting of churches , it is our duty to obey them . § . . more particularly : . that a fixed pastor may preach abroad among the unconverted , i hope none will deny . it was the ancient custom of the fixed bishops , besides the feeding of their flocks , to labour the conversion of all the countries about them that were unconverted : the example of gregory of ne●cesarea may suffice , who found but seventeen christians in the city , but converted not only all that city ( except seventeen ) but also most of the countries about , and planted churches , and ordained them bishops . and so have abundance others done , to the increase of the church . § . . and . that fixed bishops may congregate new churches where there are none , of such as they or others do convert , is in the foresaid constant practice of the pastors of the ancient churches , put past doubt . but so , as that they ought not to congregate those churches to themselves , and make themselves the bishops or archbishops of them , when they have a special charge already ; but only settle them under bishops of their own : and this is but by directing them in their duties , and trying the person , and investing him that is to be their pastor . whether one or more must do this work , i have spoken already in the former disputation . § . . . and that such as thus convert a people , or congregate them , may ( according to the fore-mentioned rules ) ordain them pastors , by the peoples suffrages or consent , is also sufficiently proved in that foregoing disputation : and therefore may be here past by . § . . . and that such may take care of all the churches within their reach , so far as to do them what good they can , is plain in the l●w of nature that requireth it ; and in the general commands of the gospel seconding the law of nature ; while we have time we must do good to all men ; especially to the houshold of faith . and its plain in the nature of the catholick church and of its members , and in the nature of the work of grace upon the soul. we are taught of god to love one another : and the end of the catholick society is , ( as of all societies ) the common good , and the glory of god : and the nature of true members is to have the same care one for another , that so there may be no schism in the body , and that they all suffer and rejoice with one another , in their hurts , and in their welfare , cor. . , . it is therefore lawfull for pastors to improve their talents upon these common grounds . § . . . that such settled pastors may teach or preach to one another , is a thing not doubted of among us . for we commonly practice it at lectures and other meetings of ministers , as formerly was usual at visitations , and convocations . and if it be lawful to teach ministers , then also to do those lesser things before and after mentioned . yet do we not preach to one another as rulers over our brethren , but as ministers of christ , and helpers of them in the work of grace . as when one physitian healeth another , he doth it as a physitian , helping and advising a brother in necessity : but when he cureth one of his hospital , he doth it as a physitian performing his trust to one of his charge . so when a pastor preacheth to pastors , he doth it not as a private man , but as a pastor obliged to help his brethren : but when he preacheth to his people , he doth it as one that hath the charge of their souls , and is their guide to life everlasting . § . . . and that pastors may exercise acts of discipline and administer the sacraments to other congregations , upon a sufficient call , is evident from what is said already . if they may preach to the pastors themselves , they may help to rule the flock : for , as is said , they cease not their relation to the church of christ in general , by being engaged to one church in particular . if general ministers , such as apostles , evangelists , &c. might administer the sacraments where they came in churches that were not any of their special charge above others , then may other ministers of christ do it upon a sufficient invitation , though the congregation be none of their special charge : and in so doing , they act not as private men , nor yet as the stated pastors of that flock , but as pastors , assistant to the stated pastors , and ruling pro tempore the people under them in that assisting way : even as a physitian helpeth another in his hospital , when he is desired , and the neither as a private ordinary man , nor as superiour to the physitian of the hospital , nor as the stated physitian of it himself , but as the temporary assistant physitian of it . or as a schoolmaster helpeth another in his school for a few dayes in necessity , as his temporary assistant . § . . . and upon the same grounds it will follow that one church or pastor on just occasion may avoid communion with another , and declare that they so resolve to do ; and this without usurping any jurisdiction over them , it being not the casting out or excommunicating of a member of our charge , as the rulers of that church , but the obeying of a plain command of the holy ghost , which requireth us to avoid such , and have no company or communion with them , and with such no not to eat : and therefore it is a fond argumentation of the papists , that would conclude their pope to be head and governour , as far as they find he ever did excommunicate . § . . he that doubteth of any of this , must not first enquire , whether a minister have so much power , but first whether he may be obliged to so much work and suffering as his duty . and then he shall find that if there were no special examples or commands , yet the general commands , which require us to do good while we have time to all , to be the servants of all , and seek their salvation , &c. do as certainly oblige us to particular duties , as if they were named . § . . object . that cannot be : for , a general command of doing good to all , obligeth not a minister any more then another man : but it obligeth not another man to preach , administer sacraments , &c. therefore it obligeth not a minister . answ. to the major i answer , that . it may oblige to more , where it obligeth not more , as to the essence of the obligation . . the general command obligeth several men to several acts according to their several abilities , opportunities and capacities . if all be required to improve their masters flock or talents , yet all are not required to improve the same talents , because they have not the same : but one hath riches to improve , and the general command obligeth him to improve that talent : and another hath strength , another interest and friends , another wit , and another learning , and every man is bound to improve what he hath , and not what he hath not . the command of doing good to all doth oblige a physitian to help to cure men , and a magistrate to benefit them by government , and a lawyer by counsell for their estates , and a minister by the works of a minister , for their salvation . if you should say that [ this general command doth bind a magistrate , or a physitian no more then another man : but it bindeth not another man to do good by ruling or by physick , therefore neither doth it bind them ; ] would not the fallacy be obvious ? so is it here . § . . it being proved that such assistant ministerial works may be performed by a fixed pastor to those about him , and within his reach , it will clearly follow that convenient means may be used to bring this to performance , and help the churches to the actual benefit of such assistance . and by the three forementioned wayes it may be done . as . if the pastor and people of any neighbour church , or the people alone , where there is no church , do invite such men to come and help them . § . . and . the neighbour pastors may agree together for the perswading of the fittest men among them to undertake such assistances : as is usual in the setling of lectures ; and as in this county we have successfully for above these two years used the help of four itinerant lecturers , that have taken their several circuits , one lords day in four , ( which was every lords day among them all ) to help their neighbours . § . . and if the invitation of a people , or the agreement of pastors may do this , no doubt then but the prudent government of a magistrate may do it . and he may appoint certain pastors their bounds and circuits , and appoint them to afford convenient assistance to the pastors and people within those bounds . and thus he may make them visitors of the churches and country about them , in which visitation , they may teach and do other ministerial offices by consent ; and may by the magistrates command , take notice whether the churches be duly constituted and governed , and may acquaint the magistrate how things are ; and may fraternally reprove the negligent pastors and people where they come ; and also may provoke them to reformation , both of church-constitution and church-administrations ; and these visitors may give notice to the neighbour churches , of such pastors as they find unfit for the ministry , that by consent they may be disowned by the rest . § . . and though one pastor have not of himself ( as a pastor ) so much power over any of his brethren , as to require him to come to him to give him an account of his wayes , yet . the associated pastors may desire him to appear among them to give them satisfaction , when there is matter of offence : ( for one may better travail to many , then many to one . ) and . the magistrate may lawfully command ministers to appear before such pastors as he hath appointed to be visitors ; and then it will be their duty in obedience to the magistrates command . § . . yet magistrates must take heed that they put not the sword into the hands of ministers , nor enable them with coercive power , by touching mens bodies or estates : we do not only forbear to claim such a power , but we disclaim it , yea and humbly and earnestly beseech the princes and senates of christian common-wealths , that they would keep the sword in their own hands , and not put it into the hands of any ministers , and then we could better bear the claims and usurpations , not only of exorbitant or transcendent prelates , but of the pope himself . let them come unarmed , and have no weapon but spiritual , the word of god , and then we shall less fear them . the divisions , and tyranny , & bloodshed through the churches hath been by trusting coercive magisterial power in the hands of ministers of the gospel . though i confess i think it not a thing unlawfull in it self for a minister to be a magistrate also , yet i think that nothing but necessity can warrant it ; and so much as hindereth him from the work of his calling ( which requireth a whole man ) without this necessity , is utterly unlawfull . were there a country that had no other persons tolerably fit , i doubt not but the same man that is a minister or pastor , might be a justice of peace , parliament man , or a prince : but while there are others that are capable of bearing these burdens , he is not worthy to be a minister of the gospel , that would wish the least of them upon his shoulders . either magistracy or ministry is enough for one . had the english prelates been armed with none but spiritual weapons , they had never appeared so terrible or so odious . § . . it seemeth a course that suiteth with the state of the present churches among us , to have in every county , three or four such able , faithfull pastors to be by the magistrate made visitors of the rest , not giving them any power of medling with mens bodies or estates , but joining with them a magistrate as a justice or commissioner , that one may perswade , and the other constrain , as far as the soveraign power shall think fit . this is not to set up any new office or the least part of an office in the church . as it is meerly accidental to the being of a physitian , whether he be tyed to a city , or to an hospital , or to a county , or to no place , but practice as he findeth opportunity ; these being but the various modes of using the same * office and works ; so may we truly say of the ministry . § . . yet is there no such necessity of this appointment of visitors or superintendents , or assistants by the magistrate , or by agreement of ministers , or any such course , as if the being , or the welfare of the church were laid upon it . for without any such elections or appointments , the graces and gifts of the spirit of christ will shew themselves , and be communicative for the edification of the churches . we see by common experience , that where no one man is commanded or commended by the magistrate to the care of many churches , above his brethren , yet some men are as diligent and faithfull in doing good to all within their reach , as if they had been chosen and nominated to the work . many able painfull ministers of christ , that thirst for mens salvation , do go up and down among the ignorant , or weak , and preach in season and out of season , notwithstanding the burden of their particular flocks , which they faithfully bear . § . . and the parts and graces of these men do win them audience and respect where they come , without any humane authority to awe men . in almost all parts of our countrey we have either settled or movable lectures : and when do we see a thin congregation before a lively rowsing minister , or any man of great ability in the work ? no , but we see the temples crowded ; and find that the people reverence and hearken to such men as these , in whom the spirit of god appears . § . . yea and the ministers themselves will consult with the wise , and love the good , and learn of those that are ablest to teach them : and imitate the ablest preachers as neer as they can . so that i may truly say , that there is a certain kind of natural , or rather , spiritual episcopacy everywhere exercised in the church . a great light that burneth and shineth above others , will draw the eyes of many to it : and if it be set on a hill it will hardly be hid . calvin was no prelate ; and yet his gifts procured him that interest , by which he prevailed more then prelates for the conformity of the minds of many to his own . there is scarce a country but hath some able judicious minister , who hath the interest of a bishop with the rest ; though he have no higher an office then themselves . gods graces deserve and will procure respect . even in civil councils , courts , committees , we see that some one of leading parts , is the head of the rest though their authority be equal . § . . and indeed the conveniences and inconveniences are such on both sides , that it is not an easie matter to determine , whether appointed visitors or superintendents , be more desirable then these arbitrary visitors that have the natural episcopacy of interest procured by their meer abilities . on the one side , if magistrates appoint such visitors , the people , yea and many ministers will the more easily submit , and hear , and obey , and more unanimously concur , then if we offer our assistance without any such appointment : that 's the convenience : but then here 's the inconvenience : the magistrate may choose an unworthy man , and then he may be feared , but not honoured nor loved ; but greater lights will be greater still , let the magistrate set the lesser on never so high a candlestick : and then the ministers and people will measure their esteem of the man according to his worth , and that will irritate his displeasure ; for when he is lifted up he either looks to be valued by his height , and not his light or worth , or else that his light should be judged of by his height . and as this will turn to heart-burnings and divisions , so the esteem that is procured by humane constitution , will be more humane , and ordinarily less divine then the calling and work of a divine requireth . on the other side , if none be appointed by the magistrate , but every man go forth in the strength of his zeal and abilities ; we are like to be cast on many disadvantages with carnal temporizing men , and to have less unity among our selves : but then that unity , and peace , and respect , and success that we have will be more voluntary and pure . § . . the best way then , if we could hit it , seems to be the joining of both these together . to have such magistrates as will appoint only the most judicious , able , faithfull ministers to be visitors of the churches , that shall go forth both in the strength of the spirit of christ , with eminency of gifts , and also in the strength of the magistrates commission . but if this cannot be attained , i shall not long for constituted visitors or superintendents ; but shall be content with the holy ghosts appointment . § . . it is therefore the most christian course to lay no greater stress on these modes and forms of ministration then they will bear ; and therefore to live obediently and peaceably under either of them ; obeying such visitors as are appointed by the magistrate , and honouring the graces of the spirit , where there is no such appointment ; and not to think the church undone when our conceits about such things are crost . chap. iii. it is lawfull for the several associations of pastors to choose one man to be their president , durante vita , if he continue fit . § . i come next to speak of a third sort of ministry , which hath a greater resemblance to the ancient episcopacy , then any of the rest : yea indeed is the same that was exercised about the second or third century after christ. and that is , the fixed presidents of the presbyters of many churches associated . in the first settlement of churches , there was either a single pastor to a single church ; or many pastors , in equality , at least of office : and whether from the beginning or afterward only , one of them became the stated president , is very uncertain : of which anon . but when the churches encreased in magnitude , and many congregations were gathered under one presbyterie , then that presbyterie also had a stated president , as the congregational presbyteries perhaps had before . and thus he was an archbishop under the name of a bishop , that awhile before was either unknown , or else must needs be es●eemed an archbishop . § . . that these men should take the pastoral charge of many churches , or that they should suspend the governing power of the presbyters , upon pretence of a presidency , or superiority , is i think , a matter not warrantable by the word of god. § . . but that such associations of the pastors of many churches should ordinarily be , for the sake of union and communion ; as also that it is lawfull for these associatied ministers to choose one among them to be their president , is granted by all . § . . but all the question is , whether these presidents should be only pro tempore , or durante vita , supposing that they forfeit not the trust ? i shall not say much of the point of convenience ; but i affirm , that of it self it is lawful to choose a president that shall be fixed durante vita , si tam diu bene se gesserit . yea it is lawfull now in england , as things stand . § . . and . it may suffice for the proof of this , that it is nowhere forbidden in nature or in scripture ; directly or by consequence : and therefore it is lawfull : where there is no law , there is no transgression : they that say that it is a thing forbidden , must prove it from some word of god ; which i think , they cannot do . § . . . if it be lawfull to choose a fixed president for half a year , or a year , or seven year , then is it lawfull to choose and fix such a president for life ( on supposition still of a continued fitness ) but it is lawful to choose such a one for a year , or seven year : therefore also for life . § . . the antecedent is granted by the presbyterian , congregational and erastian party , ( which are all that i have now to do with : ) for all these consented that d. twiss should be president of the synod at westminster , which was till his death : or else was like to have been till the end ; and so another after him . and ordinarily the provinces and presbyteries choose a president till the next assembly . and i remember not that ever i heard any man speak against this course . § . . and then the consequence is clear , from the parity of reasons : for . seven years in contracts is valued equal with the duration of a mans life . . and no man can give a reason to prove it lawfull to have a president seven years , or a quarter of a year , that will not prove it lawfull in it self to have a president during life . and accidents must be weighed on both sides , before you can prove it accidentally evil : and if it be but so , it may be one time good , if by accident it be another time bad . the weightiest accident must preponderate . § . . . order is a thing lawful in church assemblies and affairs : the sta●ed presidency of one , is a stated order in church assemblies : therefore it is lawful that all things be done in order , is commanded , cor. . . and therefore in general order is a duty , which is more then to be lawful . and though the particular wayes of order may yet be comparatively indifferent , yet are they lawful , 〈◊〉 the genus is necessary . § . . and that this presidency is a point of church order , is apparent in the nature and use of the thing : and also in that it is commonly acknowledged a matter of order in all other societies or assemblies , though but for the low and common affairs of the world : in a jury you will confess , that order requireth that there be a foreman : and in a colledge that there be a master : and that an hospital , a school , and all societies , have so much order at least as this , if not much more . and why is not that to be accounted order in the church , that is so in all other societies ? § . . ▪ that which maketh to the unity of the churches or pastors ( and is not forbidden by christ ) is both lawful and desirable : but such is a stated presidency : therefore , &c. the major is grounded . on nature it self , that tells us how much of the strength , and beauty , and safety of the church , and of all societies doth consist in unity . the minor is apparent in the nature of the thing : . that presidency makes for unity , is confest by all the churches that use it to that end . . and the continuance of the same makes somewhat more for unity then a change would do : there being some danger of division in the new elections : besides other and greater inconveniences . § . . . the person that is most fit ( consideratis consid●randis ) should be chosen president : but one and the same person ordinarily is most fit durante vita : therefore one and the same person should be continued president . god doth not use to change his gifts at every monethly or quarterly sessions of a classis or provincial synod . either the president chosen was the fittest at the time of his choice , or not : if he were not , he was ill chosen : if he were so then , its like he is so still , at least for a long time . and a mans ability is so great and considerable a qualification for every imployment , that it must be a very great accident on the other side that must allow us to choose a man that is less able . a change cannot be made in most places , without the injury of the assembly and of their work . the worthiest person therefore may lawfully be continued for the work sake . § . . . that way is lawful that conduceth to the reconciliation of dissenting and contending brethren ( supposing it not forbidden by god. ) but such is the way of a stated presidency , durante vitâ : therefore , &c. though the major be past doubt , yet to make it more clear , consider , that it is . a learned party ( as to many of them ) with whom this reconciliation is desired : and therefore the more desirable . . that it is a numerous party : even the most of the catholike church by far . all the greek church , the armenian , syrian , abassine , and all others that i hear of , except the reformed , are for prelacy : and among the reformed , england and ireland had a prelacy ; and denmark , sweden , part of germany , transilvania , have a superintendency as high as i am pleading for at least . and certainly a reconciliation , and as near a union as well may be had , with so great a part of the church of christ , is a thing not to be despised ; nor will not be by considerate moderate men . § . . and it is very considerable with me , that it is the future and not only the present peace of the churches that we shall thus procure . for it is easie to see that episcopacy is neither such an upstart thing , nor defended by such contemptible reasons , as that the controversie is like to die with this age : undoubtedly there will be a learned and godly party for it , while the world endureth ; unless god make by illumination or revelation some wonderful change on the sons of men , that i think , few men do expect . and certainly we should do the best we can to prevent a perpetual dissention in the church . were there not one prelatical man now alive , it were easie to foresee there would soon be more . § . . ye● do i not move , that any thing forbidden by god should be used , as a means for peace or reconciliation with men . it is not to set up any tyranny in the church , nor to introduce any new office that christ hath not planted : it is but the orderly disposal of the officers and affairs of christ , which is pleaded for . § . . object . but ( some will say ) your minor yet is to be denyed ; for this is not a way to reconciliation . a stated presidency will not please the prelates that have been used to the sole iurisdiction of a whole county , and to sole ordination . answ. . we know that the moderate will consent . . and some further accommodation shall be offered anon ; which may satisfie all that will shew themselves the sons of peace . . if we do our duty , the guilt will no longer lie on us , but on the refusers of peace : but till then , its as well on us as on them . § . . . that which is lawfully practised already by a concurrence of judgements , may lawfully be agreed on : but the presidency ( or more ) of one man in the assemblies of ministers , is in most places practised ( and that lawfully ) already : therefore , &c. there is few associations , but some one man is so far esteemed of by all , that they give him an actual or virtual presidency , or more : why then may they not agree expresly so to do ? § . . . lastly , the so common and so antient practice of the churches , should move us to an inclination to reverence and imitation , as far as god doth not forbid us , and we have no sufficient reason to deter us : of which more anon . § . . yet are not they to be justified that raise contentions for such a presidency , and lay the churches peace upon it . i see not yet but that it is a thing in it self indifferent , whether a man be president a moneth , a year , or for his life : and therefore i plead only for condescending in a case indifferent , for the churches peace : though accidentally order may make it more desirable in one place : and jealousies , and prejudice , or danger of usurpation , may make it less desirable in another place . but none should judge it necessary or sinful of it self . § . . if you ask , what power shall these stated presidents have ? i answer , . none can deny , but that it is fit that in every association of churches , there should be a certain way of communication agreed on . and therefore that some one should be chosen to receive such letters or other matters that are to be communicated , and to send them , or notice of them unto all . this is a service , and the power of doing such a service cannot be questionable while the service is unquestionable . § . . . it is meet that some be appointed to acquaint the rest , as with business , so with times and places of meeting : the nomination of such times and places , or the acquainting others with them when agreed on , is a service that none can justly question : and therefore the lawfulness of the power to do it , may not be questioned . § . . object . but what 's this to government ? this is to make them servants , and not governors . answ. it is the more agreeable to the will of christ , that will have that kind of greatness sought among his ministers , by being the servants of all . § . . but . he may also be the stated moderator of their disputations and debates : this much i think will easily be granted them ; and i am sure with some ( as i shall shew anon ) this much would seem satisfactory . the principal president or master of a colledge is thought to have a convenient precedency or superiority , though he have not a negative voice . and why the president in an association of pastors should have a greater power , i see as yet neither necessity nor reason . § . . but . if peace cannot otherwise be obtained , the matter may be thus accommodated , without violation of the principles or consciences of the episcopal , presbyterian , or congregational party . . let it be agreed or consented to , that no man be put to profess , that it is his judgement , that bishops should have as jure divino a negative voice in ordination . this was never an article of faith : it is not necessary to be put among our credenda . it is only the practice that is pretended to be necessary , and a submission to it . seeing therefore it is not to be numbred with the credenda , but the agenda , let action without professed belief suffice . . yea on the same reasons , if any man be of a contrary judgement , and think himself bound to declare it modestly , moderately , and peaceably , let him have liberty to declare it , so his practice be peaceable . . this being premised , let the president never ordain , except in case of necessity , but with the presence or consent of the assembly of the associated pastors . . and let the pastors never ordain any , except in cases of necessity , but when the president is there present , nor without his consent . and in cases of necessity ( as if he would deprive the churches of good ministers , or the like ) the episcopal men will yield it may be done . § . . if some think the president must be one , and others only think he may be one ; it is reasonable , if we will have peace , that our may be yield to their must be . for so we yield but to what we confess lawful : but if they should yield , it must be to what they judge to be sinful . if it be not lawful to hold their must , that is , that a bishop hath a negative voice , yet is it lawful to forbear de facto to ordain till he be one , except it be in case of necessity . § . . if in an association there be a company of young or weak ministers , and one only man that is able to try him that is offered to the ministry , as to his skill in the greek and hebrew tongues , and his philosophy , &c. is it not lawful here for all the rest to consent that they will not ordain any , except in cases of necessity , but when the foresaid able man is one ? who can doubt of this ? and if it be lawful in this case , it is much more lawful , when both the ability of the said person , and the peace of the churches doth require it : or if it be but the last alone , i think it may well be yielded to . § . . but ( the episcopal men will object , ) if every man shall have leave to believe and profess a parity of ministers , the president will but be despised , and this will be no way to peace , but to contention . answ. you have but two remedies for this , and tell us which of them you would use . the first is , to force men by club-law to subscribe to your negative voice , or not to hold the contrary : the second is , to cast them all out of the communion of the churches , that are not in judgement for your negative voice , though they be moderate , peaceable , godly men . and he that would have the first way taken , is a tyrant , and would be a cruel persecutor of his brethren as good as himself . and he that would take the second way , is both tyrannous , and schismatical , and far from a catholike peaceable disposition ; and if all must be cast out or avoided by him , that are not in such things of his opinion , he makes it impossible for the churches to have peace with him . § . . but they will further object : if in necessity they shall ordain without the president , this necessity will be ordinarily pretended ; and so all your offers will be in vain . answ. prevent that and other such inconveniences , by producing your weightiest reasons , and perswading them ; or by any lawful means : but we must not have real necessities neglected , and the churches ruined , for fear of mens unjust pretences of a necessity : that 's but a sad cure. § . . but on the other side it will be objected , this is but patching up a peace . if i think that one man hath no more right then another to a negative voice , why should i seem to grant it him by my practice ? answ. as when we come to heaven , and not till then , we shall have perfect holiness ; so when we come to heaven , and not till then , we shall have perfect vnity and peace . but till then , i shall take that which you call patching , as my duty , and our great benefit . if you think one man have not a negative voice , we neither urge you to say that he hath , nor so much as to seem to own his claim . you shall have leave in the publike register of the association , to put it under your hand , that [ not as owning the claim of the presidents negative voice , but as yielding in a lawful thing for peace , you do consent to forbear ordaining any without him , except in cases of necessity . ] this you may do , without any shew of contradicting your principles , and this is all that is desired . § . . quest. and may we not for peace sake , grant them as much in point of iurisdiction , as of ordination , and consent to do nothing without necessity , but when the president is one , and doth consent ? answ. either by iurisdiction you mean law making , or executive government . the first belongs to none but christ , in the substance of his worship ; and the circumstances no man may vniversally and vnchangeably determine of but pro re nata , according to emergent occasions , the magistrate may make laws for them , and the pastors may make agreements for concord about them : but none should determine of them without need : and therefore here is no work for legislators ( the usurpers that have grievously wronged the church . ) and for executive government , either it is over the people , or over the pastors . to give a negative voice to the president of an association of the pastors of many churches , in governing the people of a single church , is to set up a new office ( a fixed pastor of many churches ) and to overthrow government , and introduce the noxious sort of prelacy , which for my part , i intend not to be guilty of . and for proper government of the pastors , i know none but god and magistrates that have that power . every bishop , saith cyprian , and the council of carthage , hath power of his own will , and is responsible for his actions to god , and none of us are episcopi episcoporum , bishops of bishops . but there is a communion among pastors and churches to be exercised , and so an avoiding or rejecting from communion : and this some call ( improperly ) a government . and in this , for my part , i should consent , where peace doth require it , that we will not agree upon the rejecting of any pastor of our association ( no more then to the accepting or ordaining of them ) without the president , but in cases of necessity : and that just on the terms exprest about ordination . § . . as for instance , in a particular church , there is a communion to be held among all the members , though none of them but the officers are governors of the church . and in many cases where the peoples consent is needful , its common to stand to a major vote : and so great a stress is laid on this , that by many of the congregational way the government of the church is said to be in the major vote of the people : and yet . this is indeed no government that belongs to them ; but consent to communion or exclusion ; and . no scripture doth require a minor part to stand in all cases to the decision of a major vote , nor give a major vote any rule over the consciences of the minor part ( shew us this voting power in scripture ) and yet . all agree , that upon natural reasons and general rules of scripture , the churches are allowed , yea obliged , in lawful things , for maintaining vnity and peace , to stand to the judgement of a major vote , ( in cases that belong to them to vote in ) though there be no particular word for it in the scripture : even so associate pastors have not a proper government of one another , neither by presidents or major votes , ( though over the people they have , ) but are all under the government of god and the magistrate only . and yet they may in acts of consent about communion or non-communion with one another , prudentially agree , to take the consent of the president , or of the major vote of pastors , or of both , where peace , or order , or edification requireth it : except in cases of necessity . § . . quest. but what will you take for a case of necessity ? which you will except ? answ. . if the president be dead . . or sick , or absent and cannot come . . or if he be malignant , and wilfully refuse to consent that the church be well provided for , or governed . . and withall supposing that without the great hurt or hazzard of the churches , we cannot delay the business , till he be one , or do consent . . especially if he be set in enmity against the welfare of the church : and by pretence of a suspending vote would destroy the church , and bring in unworthy hurtful persons or things . in all such cases of necessity , its time to lay by our humane rules for peace and order . § . . object . but who shall be judge of this necessity ? answ. the magistrate only shall be the compelling iudge . the people shall be the discerning iudges : the pastors shall at least have as much power as the people : each of them shall discern , so far as they must obey and execute . and god only shall be the final iudge . § . . object . but this will but cause divisions and confusions ; while the president thinks one thing necessary , and the pastors another , and the people another . answ. i answered this before . reason must not be cast by , and the churches ruined , and poyson and destruction taken in , on pretence of such inconveniences . if such a case of difference fall out , each man will execute as he discerneth or judgeth , ( being to answer for his own actions , and having none that can undertake to answer for him ) and when we all come to the bar of god for final judgement , he that was in the right shall be justified , and he that falsly pretended necessity against duty shall bear the blame . § . . object . but in the mean time , the churches will be divided . answ. . i told you there is no more hope of ● perfect vnity on earth , then of perfect holiness . . when two evils are before us , ( though neither must be chosen ; for evil is not an object of choice , unless as seeming good , yet ) the greater evil must be first and most studiously repelled . and the deformity and destruction of the churches , and the casting out of the gospel and worship of god , is a greater evil then disorder about good actions , and differences about some circumstances of necessary works . § . . all this that i have said about the negative ( de facto , though not de jure ) that i would have consented to for peace , i intend not to extend to those cases and countries where peace requireth it not , but rather the contrary : much●less to encourage any to think such a negative necessary in it self . some things may be lawfully granted that are unlawfully and upon mistake desired . § . . lastly understand also , that when i speak of yielding to this negative voice in ordination , to the president of such an association , i intend not to exclude the presbyterie of a particular church ( where it is sufficient ) from the said power and exercise of ordination : of which i am to speak , in the the following chapter , which is of the president of such a presbyterie . chap. iv. it is lawful for the presbyters of a particular church , to have a fixed president , during life . § . . i come now to the most ancient fixed bishop that the church was acquainted with , except the meer episcopus gregis , the overseer of the flock ; and that is , a president of many elders in one particular church . the diocesan bishop was long after this : the first bishops ( if you will call them so ) in the church were the first mentioned itinerant bishops that were sent abroad to convert souls and gather churches , and afterward took care to water and confirm them . the next sort of bishops ( and the first so called ) were the fixed pastors of particular churches , that cannot be proved to have any superiority over presbyters . the third sort of bishops ( in time , and the first fixed bishops that were superiours to other pastors ) were these presidents of the presbyteries of particular churches . and these are they that now we have to speak of . and i shall prove that it is not unlawful to have such . § . . but first i must tell you what i mean ; and shew you that such may be had among us . i have in one of the former disputations , defined a particular c●urch . it should ordinarily consist of no more then may hold personal communion together in gods publick worship . but yet take notice , . that it tendeth to the strength and honour of it , that it be not too small ; but consisting of as many as are well capable of the ends. ▪ and it is lawfull for these to have some other meeting places for part of the church , besides the principal place which is for the whole . chappels of ease may lawfully be made use of , for the benefit of the weak , and lame , and aged , that cannot alwayes or often come to the common assembly . and where such chappels are not , it is lawfull to make use of convenient houses . yea if there were no place to be had , sufficiently capacious of a full assembly , or else if persecution forbad them to meet , it might still be but one church , though the members met in several houses ordinarily : as five hundred in one , and three hundred in another , or one hundred only in several places , every one going to which house he pleased , and having several pastors that in society and by consent did guide them all . but though somewhat disorderly may be born with in cases of necessity ; yet . as it is necessary to the ends , and so to the being of a particular church that they be a society capable of personal communion ; and the personal teaching , guidance and oversight of the same pastors , so . it is desirable , as much tending to order and edification , that all of them that are able do frequently meet in one assembly , for the worshipping of god with one heart and mouth . and this is the church i speak of . § . it is not of necessity to the being of such a particular church that it have more pastors then one : and when one only is the pastor or governour , that one alone may do all the works of a pastor or governour ( for what else is his office , but the state or relation of a man obliged and authorized to do such works ? ) the learned dr. h. h. thinketh that the apostles planted none in scripture times but single pastors or bishops ( called also presbyters ) in every church , with deacons under them , without any other presbyters ( subject or assistant ) over that church . this i conceive cannot be proved , nor so much as the probability of it ; nay i think , at least a probability , if not a certainty of the contrary may be proved , of some churches . but yet it is most likely that it was so with many churches . and reason tells us , that the thing being in it self indifferent , was suted by the apostles to the state of the particular churches that they planted . a small church might well have a single pastor , when a large church , especially in times of persecution , when they must assemble in several houses at once , required more . some places might have many persons fit for the office , and some but one : which cases must needs have some variety . § . . where there are more pastors in such a church , then one , i know of no necessity that one should have any superiority over another : nor can i prove that it was so from the beginning . some divines of the prelatical judgement think that this was an ordinance of the apostles , at the first planting of such churches ; others of them think that it was of their appointment , but not actually existent till after scripture times . others of them think , that as hierom saith , it began when factions rose in the church , not by divine ordination , but ecclesiastical agreement , for the preventing or cure of schism . § . . the first church that we find it in , in history , is that of alexandria . and alexandria was a place exceedingly given to sedition , tumults , and divisions : the contentions between cyril and orestes , the murder of hypatia by peter and his company , the assault made upon orestes by ammonius & the other nitrian monks , and many such feats in the dayes of theophilus , dionysius , and up to the beginning , do shew what they were . and socrates saith of them expresly , li. . cap. . that [ the people of alexandria above all other men , are given to schism and contention ; for if any quarrel arise at any time among them , presently hainous and horrible offences use to follow , and the tumult is never appeased without great blood-shed . ] such were the alexandrians . § . . but yet it is certain that the original of this custom , of setting up one as president or chief presbyter in a particular chur●h , cannot be found out , so as to say , by whom and when it was first brought in . but if it began upon the death of mark at alexandria ▪ it must needs be long before the death of iohn the apostle , ( in that church , what ever other churces did . ) but it seems that there was then a difference and indifferency in this point , and that other churces did not presently imitate the churches of alexandria and rome herein . he that reads clemens epistle to the corinthians without partiality , i think will be of grotius mind ( before cited , epist. ad gal. ad bignon . ) that clemens knew not any such prelacy among the corinthians , when he wrote that epistle : and so we may say of some other witnesses and churches in those times , and afterwards in many places . § . . it is not another order of ministers , or office , that was in such churches distinct from the presbyters that assisted them . their presidents or eminent bishops were not made then episcopi episcoporum , vel pastores pastorum , as having an office of teaching and governing the other pastors , as pastors have of teaching and governing the flock . but they were only the chief presbyters , or chief bishops or pastors of that church , as an archdeacon is to the deacons when he is made such by their choice , as hieroms comparison is ( ad evagr. ) § . . nor is it lawfull now , even in the smallest parish , for any one to assume such a superiority over any presbyters ( though such as have their maintenance from him , and are chosen by him , and are called , his curates ) as if he were of a superiour order or offi●o , and so the governour of the other as his inferiours . § . . but yet that a primacy of degree , or presidency , or stated moderatorship of one in such a church and presbyterie , is lawfull , i think with small labour may be evinced . and . all the arguments before used , for the presidency of one in an association , will prove this parochial presidency with advantage . § . . . it is a thing that is constantly or very ordinarily practised among us already , with common approbation , or without contradiction , as far as i have heard . many places have one minister only that is presented by the patron ; and this one pastor hath divers with him ( or as the common saying is , vnder him : ) if it be a great congregation , many have a curate or assistant in the town with them , and other curates at chappels that depend on that town . though there be but one chappel in this parish where i live , yet this church hath three or four presbyters , and three or four deacons . and the law of the land doth give one minister only the maintenance ( called the benefice ) and the power of the temple , and the calling of assemblies , and the choice of curates , whom he is to maintain . and they that are chosen and maintained by him , must and will be ruled by him ; at least in all circumstantial things . it belongs not to them to rule even the people contrary to gods word ; nor in substantials to institute new ordinances of worship : but in circumstantials which are left to humane determination ( as time , place , particulars of order , decency , &c. ) no doubt but the chief pastors in each parish , do exercise actually a negative vote , and the curates do nothing without their consent . so that this sort of presidency being common among us , without contradiction i may take it for granted that it hath the common consent . and if any allow not of so much as is commonly used , yet a presidency is a far lower thing . § . . . this sort of presidency , ( yea with such a negative voice as in the foregoing chapter is granted ) is usually grounded on nature and the general rules of scripture , and warranted by them . nature teacheth us , that the younger and more ignorant and unlearned , should ( proportionably ) submit to the elder and wiser , and in a sort be ruled by them . and scripture saith the same , pet. . . [ ye younger submit your selves unto the elder . ] even the aged woemen ( that were no officers ) must teach the younger , tit. . . now it common●ly falls out that in every parish that hath many minister , there is but one that is aged , or grave , and that one commonly is more learned and judicious then the rest , who are usually some young unexercised men . now in such cases . ( which is common ) no man can deny that authority to age or wisdom that is naturally due to it , nor exempt the younger ignoranter men from that submission which naturally they are bound to . equality of office may stand with inequality of gifts and ag● , and consequently of duty . § . . . the good of the church requireth it that this disproportion of ministers gifts in one and the same congregation should be the ordinary case ( and rules must be fitted to ordinary cases , rather then to extraordinary . ) for god doth not ( as we see by long and sad experience ) bestow his excellent gifts so commonly , as that one church ( ordinarily ) should have many learned able men : there are but few that are of eminency for judgement and other ministerial abilities : not one for many parishes : if therefore many of these should be placed together in one church , it would be against the common good , and an unjust ingrossment , and injurious unto others . providence therefore by the rarity of eminent parts , doth teach us to make it the ordinary course , that in every congregation where there are many pastors , some one of chiefest parts be chosen to be standing moderator of the rest . § . . . that which is lawfull for private men to do towards one another , is lawfull prudentially for pastors that are conscious of their own imperfection , to do towards one that they think more able then themselves . but it is lawful for private men to be subject one to another in humility : therefore it is lawfull for such pastors , pet. . . [ yea all of you be subject one to another , and be cloathed with humility ] a voluntary subjection to another , in lawfull actions , is nowhere forbidden , but here commanded ▪ and is a great part of christian self-denyal : and therefore lawful . § . . . and it is a thing that dependeth so much on the wisdom and will of presbyters , that no man can hinder it . i can make another minister a bishop to me , whether other men will or not . honor est in honorante . i can . in judgement esteem him more able , yea or more authorized , then other men . . and i can have recourse to him for advice . . and i can give him a negative vote in all my ministerial actions , so far as they are left to humane determination : i can resolve to do nothing in such matters , but by his consent . and if i find reason for this in his abilities , and my disabilities , it is lawful . the thing therefore being lawfull , and such as none can hinder me from , i see not why it may not be made the matter of consent , when the churches peace requireth it . § . . . moreover , as divisions justly provoked the churches at first to think of such lawful means , for the cure ; so our divisions , or danger of them , do make it as necessary , or convenien● , now as then . we see to our shame , that in most or many congregations , ministers that are equal or neer to an equality in parts and place , can hardly agree and live in peace : but they are jealous of one another , and envying each others esteem and interest ( though i confess this is so odious a vice ▪ that its an abominable shamefull thing , that any minister of christ should be tainted with it : but so it is ▪ we cannot hide it . ) and therefore it is our ordinary course to have such a disparity of age , and parts , and interests , that one may have the preheminence , and some rule , and the rest be ruled by him . § . . . lastly , the antiquity and speedy universality of this course , is a strong argument to make men moderate in the point . for . it seemeth a most improbable thing that all the churches , or so many , should so suddenly take up this presidency , prelacy , or disparity without scruple or resistance , if it had been against the apostles minds . for it cannot be imagined that all these churches that were planted by the apostles , or apostolical men , and had seen them and conversed with them , should be either utterly ignorant of their minds , in such a matter of publike practice , or else should be all so careless of obeying their new received doctrine , as presently and unanimously to consent to a change , or endure it without resistance . would no church or no persons in the world , contend for the retention of the apostolical institutions ? would no chu●ch hold their own , and bear witness against the corruption and innovations of the rest ? would no persons say , [ you go about to alter the frame of government newly planted among us by the holy ghost ; it was not thus in the dayes of peter , or paul , or john ▪ and therefore we will have no change . ] th●s see●s to me a thing incredible , that the whole church should all at once almost so suddenly and silently yield to such a change of government . and i do not think that any man can bring one testimony from all the volumes of antiquity to prove that ever church or person resisted or disclaimed such a change , in the times when it must be made , if ever it was made ▪ that is , in the first or second ages . § . . yea . it is plain by the testimony of hierom before mentioned and other testimonies of antiquity , that in alexandria , at least , this practice was used in the dayes of the apostles themselves . for they testifie that from the dayes of mark the evangelist till the days of heroclas and dionysius , the presbyters chose one from among them , and called him their bishop . now it is supposed by the best chronologers that mark was slain about the sixty third year of our lord , and the tenth of nero ; and that peter and paul were put to death about the sixty sixth of our lord , and thirteenth of nero , and that iohn the apostle died about the ninety eighth year of our lord , and the first of trajan , which was about thirty five years after the death of mark. now i would leave it to any mans impartial consideration , whether it be credible that the holy apostles , and all the evangelists or assistants of them , then alive , would have suffered this innovation and corruption in the church without a plain disowning it and reproving it : would they silently see their newly established order violated in their own dayes , and not so much as tell the churches of the sin and danger ? or if they had indeed done this , would none regard it , nor remember i● , so much as to resist the sin ? these things are incredible . § . . and i am confident if the judicious godly people had their choice , from the experience of what is for their good , they would commonly choose a fixed president or chief pastor in every church . yea i see , that they will not ordinarily endure that it should be otherwise . for when they find that god doth usually qualifie one above the rest of their teachers , they will hardly consent that the rest have an equal power over them . i have seen even a sober unanimous godly people , refuse so much as to give their hands to an assistant presbyter whom yet they loved , honoured and obeyed , though they were urged hard by him that they preferred , and all from a loathness that there should be a parity . i know not one congregation to my remembrance , that hath many ministers , but would have one be chief . § . . object . but , ( the prelatical men will say ) our pari●shes are not capable of this , because they have commonly but one pastor , nor have maintainance for more . answ. . though the gre●ter number have but one yet it is an ordinary case to have two , or three , or more , where there are chappels in the parish , and the congregations great , as in market towns. and if ever we have peace and a setled faithfull magistrate that will do his part for the house of god , we shall certainly have many ministers in great congregations : or else they are like to be left desolate ; for ministers will over-run them , for fear of undertaking far more work then with their utmost pains they are able to perform . § . . and . there are few congregations , i hope , of godly people , but have some private men in them that are fit to be ordained assistant presbyters , though not to govern a church alone ( without necessity ) yet to assist a learned , judicious man , such as understand the body of divinity , ( as to the great and necessary points ▪ ) and are able to pray and discourse as well as many or most ministers , and to exhort publickly in a case of need . he that would imitate the example of the primitive church ( at least in the second century ) should ordain such as these to be some of them assistant elders , and some of them deacons in every church ( that hath such ; ) and let them not teach publickly , when a more learned , able pastor is at hand to do it ; but let them assist him in what they are fittest to perform ; yet let them not be lay elders : but authorized to all pastoral administrations , and of one and the same office with the pastor , though dividing the exercise and execution according to their abilities and opportunities ; and not comming in without ordination , nor yet taking up the office only pro tempore . and thus every parish , where are able godly men , may have a presbyterie and president . § . . till then . it is granted by the learned dr. h. h. that it is not necessary to the being of a bishop that he have fellow presbyters with him in that church : if he have but deacons it may suffice . and this is easie to be had . § . . and indeed . the parts of many very able christians , are too much buried and lost as to the church , for want of being drawn into more publick use . . and it is it that tempteth them to run of themselves into the ministry , or to preach without ordination . . and yet few of these are fit to be trusted with the preaching of the word , or guiding of a church alone , no nor in equality with others : for they would either corrupt the doctrine , or divide the church . but under the inspection and direction of a more learned judicious man , as his assistants , doing nothing against his mind , they might be very serviceable to some churches . and such a bishop with such a presbyterie and deacons ( neither lay , nor usually very learned ) were the ancient fixed governours of the churches , if i can understand antiquity . chap. v. objections against the presidency forementioned , answered . § . . but it is not likely but all these motions will have dissenters on both sides ; it were strange if in a divided age and place , and among a people engaged in so many several parties , and that so deeply as now men are , there should any healing remedy be propounded , that should not have abundance of opposers : most men are prejudiced and affected at their education ; or opportunities , or parties , or several interest sway them . and therefore i expect that most should reject all that i say , and some of them with much reproach and scorn . our disease were not so great and dangerous , if it could but endure the remedy . but let us consider some of their objections . § . . object . . the unpeaceable men of the prelatical way will say [ this is but to turn a bishop into a parish-priest ; and to make him the ruler of a parish and a curate or two , and in many places , of no ministers at all : a fair promotion . it seems you would leave them but a name and shadow , and make them to be contemptible . § . . answ. . remember that i grant you also the presidency of associations , &c. which you may call an archbishoprick if you please . . is it honour that you contend for , or labour and service to the church ? if honour , you must get it by being the servants of others , and not by being lords of the clergy or heritage of god. if you are seeking honour of men , and founding office● in the church , by such directors as ambition , you are not the men that we can hope for peace or holiness from , and therefore can have little treaty with you , but to lay by your wickedness . but if it be service that you contend for , in order to the churches good , try first whether a parish will not find you work enough . i have tried it , and find that if i were ten men , i could find as much as i am able to do , in this one parish . though i do as much as i am well able night and day , and have so many helpers , yet it is so great a trouble to me , that my work and charge is quite too great for me , that i have been often tempted to desert it , and go to a smaller place : and nothing stayes me but this consideration , that god requireth no more then i can do , and that its better do what i can then nothing : and that if i leave them , the next is like to do no more . could i but speak with each man in my parish by personal instruction , once a moneth , or once a quarter , or half year , it would put me into high expectations of making a very great change among them , by this means : but when i am not able to speak to them past once a year , or two years , i must needs fear lest the force of former words will be lost before i come again . and yet must you needs have more work and service , and more souls to answer for ? to deal plainly and faithfully with you , brethren , impartial standers by conceive that its time for you rather to be more diligent in a smaller charge , and to lament your negligence in your parishes , and publickly to bewail that you have by your idleness betrayed so many souls : letting them alone in their ignorance and ungodliness , and commonly doing little in your charges , but what you do at church in publick . overseers think that most of you are fitter for smaller charges rather then for greater . i doubt this will offend many . but you were better use it to your repentance and reformation , then your offence . § . . and . i pray you consider how your passion and partiality maketh you contradict your selves . do you not use to 〈…〉 the presbyters , that they would all be bishops , and they would have a bishop in every parish , and so are against bishops , that they may be bishops themselves ? and what ! is a parish bishoprick so great a prize for our ambition , and yet is it so contemptible to yours ? are we proud for seeking to be parish bishops , and do you take it as an empty name or shadow ? at least then confess hereafter , that your pride is so much greater , then ours , that the mark of our ambition is taken by you to be a low dishonourable state . § . . and . i would intreat you impartially to try , whether the primitive apostolick episcopacy fixed in particular churches were not a parochial episcopacy ? try whether i have not proved it before ? and if it were , will you pretend to antiquity , and apostolick institution , and yet despise the primitive simplicity , and that which you confess was settled by the apostles ? let the eldest carry it without any more ado . § . . and . at least say no more that you are for episcopacy , and we against it : when we are for episcopacy as well as you . it is only your transcendent , or exorbitant sort of episcopacy that we are against . say not still that we have no power of ordination , because we are not bishops ; but because we are only bishops of one church . put the controversie truly as it is , whether it be lawful for the bishop of one church with his prebytery to ordain ? yea or whether many such associated may ordain ? or rather , whether it be tyed to the bishop of many churches ( as you would have it : ) that is , whether ordination belong to archbishops only ? is not this the controversie ? § . . and then . why do you in your definitions of episcopacy ( which you very seldom and sparingly give us ) require no more then a parochial episcopacy , and yet now despise it as if it were no episcopacy at all ? tell us plainly what you mean by a bishop ? i thought you meant a primus presbyterorum , or at least , a ruler of people and presbyters ? and is not this to be found in a parish bishop , as well as in a bishop of many parishes , or churches ? change your definition from this day forward , if you must have a change of the thing defined , as it seems you must . § . . and i wou●d know whether you can prove that it is essential to a bishop to have more churches or parishes then one ? prove it if you are able . was not great gregory of naocesarea a bishop with his seventeen souls ? and was not alexander ( the colliar ) whom he ordained at comana , a bishop , though but of a small assembly ? do not some of you confess , that bishops in scripture-times had no subject presbyters , and consequently had but a single congregation ? if then a parish or congregational bishop were a true bishop , why may he not be so still ? § . . object . . but the church under christian princes should not be conformed to the model of the church under persecution : shall bishops have no more power and honour now then they had then ? we see in constantines dayes a change was made . must they be tyed to a parish now , because they were bishops only of a parish in scripture-times ? § . . answ. . we would not have them persecuted now , as they were then , nor yet to want any due encouragement or assistance that a christian magistrate can afford them . but yet we would have gods word to be our rule , and bishops to be the same things now as then , and we would not have men make the prosperity of the church a pretence for altering the ordinances or institutions of christ , and making such changes as their conceits or ambitious minds incline them to . we shall never have a rule nor fixed certainty , if we may change th●ngs our selves on such pretences . pretend not then to antiquity , as you do . § . . and . i have in the former disputation proved by many reasons , that it was not the mind of the apostles themselves , that the parochial or congregational churches which they planted , should be changed into another sort of churches . nor is there any reason for it , but against it , in the prosperity of the church , and piety of magistrates . for . pious magistrates should help to keep , and not to break apostolical institutions . . and pious magistrates should further the good of the church , and not hurt it to advance ambitious m●n . § . . for . ministers are for the churches , and therefore no change must be made on such pretences that is against the good of the churches . if every parish or congregation then , were meet to have a bishop and presbyterie of their own , why shall the church be now so abused , as that a whole county shall have but one bishop and his presbyterie ? if every hospital or town had a physitian with his apothecaries and mates , in your fathers dayes , would you be their benefactors , by procuring that all the county shall have but one physitian with his apothecaries ? or if every school had a schoolmaster in your forefathers dayes , will you say , there shall be but one in your dayes , in a whole county ? do you thus think to honour physitians and schoolmasters , to the ruine of the people and the schools ? so do you in your advancement of bishops . upon my certain experience i dare affirm it , that every parish of four or five thousand souls , yea of a thousand souls , hath need of such a presbyterie for their oversight . and is not he that hath a county on his hands , like to do less for this town or parish , then if he had no more then this ? if your bees swarm , you will not keep them all still in an hive , nor think of enlarging the hive to that end : but you will help the swarm to an hive of their own . if your children marry , you will rather settle them in families of their own , then retain all them and all their children in the family with your selves . so if a bishop of one church should convert all the countrey , he should rather settle them in several churches , proportionable to their numbers and distances , then to call them all his own church . § . . object . . but by this means the church wou●d be p●stered with bishops . what a number of bishops would you have , if every parish-priest were a bishop ? we read not of such numbers as this would procure , in the antient times . § . . answ. . i find where christ commandeth us to pray the lord of the harvest to send forth labourers ( that is , more labourers ) into the harvest , because of the greatness of the harvest . but i find not where ●e once requireth us to pray or wish that there may not be too many , for fear of pestering the church , or diminishing the honour of the clergy . mens purses , i warrant you , will hinder the over-abounding of them ; a●d gods providence doth not enrich too many with abilities and willingness for the work . do you undertake that they shall not be too bad ; and i dare undertake they will not be too many . § . . and . is it not the felicity and glory of the church which you object as an inconvenience or reproach ? o blessed time and place that hath but enow that are able and faithfull ▪ but i never knew , nor heard , nor read of the age that had too many that were good and faithfull in the work . would you not have a chief schoolmaster in every school , or town , for fear the land should be pestered or overwhelmed with school-masters ? why how can there be too many , when people will imploy no more then they need ? o miserable church that hath such bishops , that are afraid gods vineyard should be furnished with labourers , lest their greatness and honour should be diminished ! do you not see how many thousand souls lie still in ignorance , presumption and security for all the number of labourers that we have ? and see you not that six parts of the world are infidels , and much for want of teachers to instruct them ? and yet are you afraid that there will be too many ? what could the enemy of the church say worse ? § . . object . we do not mean too many teachers , but too many bishops ; that is , too many governours of the church . answ. . god knoweth no governours ministeriall but teachers : it seems you would have somewhat that you call government , and leave the labour of teaching to others : as if you knew not that it is they that are especially worthy of the double honour that labour in the word and doctrine , tim. . . or as if you knew not that even the government of pastors is mostly by teaching . . government and teaching go together , and are both necessary to the church ; and the diminishing the number of governours and of teachers is all one : as a physitian doth govern all his patients in order to their cure , and a schoolmaster all his schollars in order to their learning ; so doth a pastor all his flock , in order to their sanctification and salvation . and for the government of the ministers themselves , the number shall be increased as little as may be . parish bishops will govern but a few ; and therefore they can wrong but few , by their mis-government . § . . object . . but by this means we shall have unworthy , raw , and ignorant men made bishops : what kind of bishops shaell we have , if every parish priest must be a bishop ? some of them are boyes , and some of them empty , silly souls to make bishops of . § . . answ. i shall lay open the nakedness of this objection also , so that it shall be no shelter to domineering in the church . . awake the sparks of humility that are in you , and tell us openly , whether you think your selves more able worthy men to govern a county , or a hundred parishes , then such as we are to govern one ? though i have been many and many a time tempted with ionas to run away from the charge that is cast upon me , as a burden too heavy for me to bear , and i know my self to be lamentably insufficient for it : yet i must profess , that i am so proud as to think my self as able to be the pastor or bishop of this parish , as most bishops in england , yea or any one of them , to be the pastor and governour of a county , or an hundred or two hundred parishes . were you humble , or did you dwell at home , or take an account of your own abilities , when you reproach others as unable to be the bishops of a parish , and think your selves able to be the bishops of a diocess and contend for it so eagerly ? § . . and . i further answer you : we will leave you not a rag of this objection to cover your nakedness . for if any pastors or parish bishops be more ignorant then others , and unfit to teach and rule their flocks without the assistance , teaching or direction of more able me● , we all agree that its the duty of such men to learn while they are teachers , and to be ruled while they are rulers , by them that are wiser . for as is said , a parity in regard of office , doth not deny a disparity of gifts and part●● and we constantly hold , that of men that are equal in regard of office , the younger and more ignorant should learn of the aged that are more able and wise , and be ruled by their advice , as far as their insufficiency makes it necessary . and will not this suffice ? § . . and . if this suffice not , consider that associated pastors are linked together , and do nothing in any weighty matters of common concernment ( or of private , wherein they need advice ) without the help and directions of the rest . and a young man may govern a parish by the advice of a presbyterie and also of associated able pastors , as well as such bishops as we have had , have governed a diocess . § . . and yet . if all this suffice not , be it known to you that we endeavour to have the best that can be got for every parish : and novices we will have none , except in case of meer necessity : and we have an act for rejecting all the insufficient , as well as the scandalous and negligent : and any of you may be heard that will charge any among us with insufficiency . sure i am we are cleansing the church of the insufficient and scandalous that the prelates brought in , as fast a we can : if any prove like them , that since are introduced , we desire that they may speed no better . what side soever they be on , we desire able faithfull men , and desire the ejection of the insufficient and unfaithfull . and youth doth not alway prove insufficiency . witness timothy , whose youth was not to be despised . at what age origen and many more of old began , is commonly known . vigelius was bishop at twenty years of age ( the tridentine bishop ) we will promise you that we will have none so young to be parish presbyters , as rome hath had some popes and cardinals and archbishops and bishops . nor shall any such ignorant insufficient men , i hope , be admitted , as were commonly admitted by the prelates . § . . object . . but the apostles and evangelists had a larger circuit then a parish , and therefore so should their successors have ? answ. i grant you that they had a larger circuit , and that herein , and in their ordinary work they have successors : and we consent that you shall be their successors . gird up your loins , and travail about as far as you please , and preach the gospel to as many as will receive you ( and sure the apostles forced none ) and convert as many souls as you can , and direct them when you have done in the way of church-communion , and do all the good that you can in the world , and try whether we will hinder you . have you not liberty to do as the apostles did ? be ye servants of all , and seek to save all , and take on you thus the care of all the churches , and see who will forbid such an episcopacy as this ? § . . object . . but it seems you would have none compelled to obey the bishops , but they only that are willing should do it : and so men shall have liberty of conscience , and anarchy and parity and confusion will be brought into the church . answ. . i would have none have liberty for any certain impiety or sin : and yet i would have no sin punished beyond the measure of its deserts . and i would not have preachers made no preachers ( unless the church may spare them ) because their judgements are against diocesan bishops : and therefore i would have none silenced or susspended for this . . and what is it that you would have that 's better ? would you have men forced to acknowledge and submit to your episcopacy ? and how ? small penalties will not change mens judgements , nor consciences . silencing or death would deprive the church of their labours : and so we must lose our teachers lest they disobey the bishops . if this be your cure , it disgraceth your cause . we desire not prelacy at so dear a rate . it s a sad order that destroyes the duty ordered . § . . object . but this is to take down all church-government , if all shall have what government they list . answ. . was there no church-government before the dayes of constantine the emperour ? . do you pretend to antiquity , and fly from the antient government as none ? you shall have the same means as all the bishops of the church had for above three hundred years to bring men to your obedience : and is that nothing with you ? why is it commonly maintained by us all , that the primitive state was that purest state , which after times should strive to imitate , if yet it was so defective as you imagine ? . and why have you still pretended to such a power and excellent usefulness in the prelatical government , if now you confess that it is but anarchy , and as bad as nothing , without the inforcement of the magistrate ? what magistrate forceth men to obey the presbyteries now in england , scotland , or many other places ? . yet it is our desire , that the magistrate will do his duty , and maintain order in the church , and hinder disorders , and all known sin : but so , as not to put his sword into the hand or use it at the pleasure of every party that would be lifted up . let him prudently countenance that way of government , that tendeth most to the good of the churches under his care ; but not so as to persecute , silence , or cast out , all such as are for a different form , in case where difference is tolerable . . and in good sadness , is it not more prudent for the magistrate to keep the sword in his own hands if really it be the sword that must do the work ? if episcopal government can do so little without the compulsion of the magistrate , so that all the honour of the good effects belongeth to the sword , truly i think it prudence in him to do his part himself , and leave bishops to their part , that so he may have the honour that , it seems , belongs unto his office , and the bishop may not go away with it , nor the presbyterie neither . let the secular bishop have the honour of all that order and unity that ariseth from compulsion : and good reason , when he must have the labour , and run the hazzard if he do it amiss : and let the ecclesiastical bishops have the honour of all that order and unity that ariseth from their management of the spiritual sword and keyes . . and lastly i answer , that this is not the subject that you and we have to dispute of . it is ecclesiastical government by ministers , and not secular by magistrates that is our controversie . it is of the power left by christ to pastors and not to princes . § . . object . but at least those should be excommunicated that deny obedience to their bishops : that is a power that is left in the bishops themselves , whether the magistrate consent or not . answ. . excommunication is a sentence that should fall on none but for such gross and hainous sin , if not also obstinacy and impenitency in them , as is mentioned in scripture : using it in cases of controversie and tolerable differences , is but a tearing and dividing the church . . we take it not for our duty to excommunicate you , because you are for diocesan prelacy : therefore you should not take it for yours to excommunicate others because they are against it . for . if your species of episcopacy be such as i have proved it , you have more need to repent and amend , and ask forgiveness of god and men , then to excommunicate them that are not of your opinion , and for your sin . . but if you take this to be your duty , who hath hindered you from it these twelve years ? you had liberty , for ought i know , to have discharged your consciences , and to have excommunicated us all . . but you might so easily see what was like to come of it , that it is no wonder that you forbore . if such a ministry and such a people as are now your adherents ( whose description i forbear ) should execute your sentence , and cast us and our adherents out of their communion , what contempt would it bring upon you in england ? the ale-houses would be shut up for the most part , against u● : but that and the rest , would be easily born : i think this is not your way . § . . object . . but what need you form us a new sort of episcopacy ? were we not well enough before ? why did you pull down that which was well planted , and now pretend to commend a better to us ? we were well if you had let us alone . § . . answ. . but we were not well , because you would not let us alone . the ministers that were silenced , and imprisoned , and banished , and the thousands of people that were fain to follow them , and all those that were undone by your prosecutions in england , were not well . but this is a small matter : the ignorant congregations that had ignorant and drunken guides , where piety was scorned as puritanism , and impiety made a thing of nothing , and where satan was so commonly served ; the many hundred congregations in england that never knew what true discipline meant , nor never saw in all their lives , a drunkard , oppressor , railer , blasphemer , either cast out , or penitently confess his sin , before the church , all these were not well , though you were well . . whether we were well before , i have shewed in my first disputation , and thither i refer you . . and whether we have brought in a new episcopacy , or only cast out a new one , and desire to bring in the old , we are content to put it to an equal tryall . we all concurr in offering you this motion . let the oldest stand , and the newest be cast out . § . . object . . iudge now by the effects : the episcopacy which you blame , did keep up order and vnity in the church : it kept under those weeds of heresie and error that since sprung up : we had then no quakers , nor seekers , nor such other sects as now abound : this swarm of errors shews which government is best . § . . answ. this is a gross fallacy , à non causa pro causa : to which i return you my answer in these seven considerations . . you tell us of the good that you think you did : but you tell us not of the hurt . i hope i love divisions or heresies as little as ever a bishop in england : and yet i must profess that i had rather an hundred times , have things continue as they are with all our swarms of heresies , then to be restored to their ancient pass . our loss i● as great as iosephs in being removed from the prison to pharaohs ungodly family : i mean in spirituals ( of seculars anon . ) i know not of an anabaptist , separatist , quaker or any other sectary in the town that i live in , for all this noise ; unless you will take a few infidels for sectaries , or a few ignorant papists , or those of your own way . but on the other side , i hope there are many hundreds that truly fear god , that formerly were drowned in ignorance and ungodliness . the families that were wont to curse and swear and rail at godliness , do now worship god , and set up holy instructions , and cast out sin : and this is our change : and in some measure , i have reason to believe that it is so in other places also . § . . . the errors of the times are many of them your own , and therefore you exclaim against your selves . it is of your own selves that men arise , that write against original sin , and for liberty of prophecying , ( which is more then liberty of believing ) and for a kind of limbus patrum and infantum , and for humane satisfactions for sin to god , and for the primacy of the pope , and that all our protestant churches are no churches , or ministers no ministers , that have not prelatical ordination , yea and a succession of it ; with many the like ( to say nothing of other pelagian weeds . ) it doth not therefore become you to reproach us with our swarms of errors while you introduce them . § . . . there were heresies and sects even in the dayes of prelacy . had you not then the familists , the grundle●onians , ( such as hacket , and coppinger , and arthington ) and the anabaptists , and separatists , and antinomians , and papists , and such like ? besides the contentions between the arminians and antiarminians ▪ and the contentions raised by episcopacy it self , and the ceremonies that it upheld ? who were they that rose up against the bishops , and pulled them down , if there were unity under them , as you pretend ? § . . . the truth is , it was the magistrate and not episcopacy that kept that unity and peace among us which we had ; and that kept under heresies so much as they were kept under . take not therefore the magistrates honour to your selves . who would have attended your courts , or submitted to your censures , had it not been for fear of the secular power ? i think but few . you know the hereticks themselves obeyed you not for conscience sake . nor would they have regarded your excommunication , if the magistrate would have let them alone . if it was the spiritual sword in your hands that kept out heresies , why did you not keep them out since , as well as then ? you have the same power from christ now as ever you had . and i hope the fears of persecution will not hinder you from your duty : especially when you can name so few that have suffered for exercising church-discipline by episcopal power ! at least this was no hinderance a few years ago . for my part , i heartily wish you free from persecution , if you are not . but again i tell you , that which i suppose you know ; that as free a toleration of prelacy in england as there is of presbyterie , were the likelyest way to bring you into perpetual contempt . for we cannot but know , that besides a few civil engaged gentlemen , ministers , and others , your main body would consist of those that for their notorious impiety , scandal or ignorance , are thought unmeet for church-communion by others : and that when you came to exercise discipline on them , they would hate you and fly from you as much as ever they did from puritans : and if you did indulge them , and not reform them or cast them out , your church would be the contempt of the sober part of the world ▪ and your own sober members would quickly relinquish it for shame . for [ the church of england ] if you would needs be so called , would be taken for the sink of all the other churches in england . this is a clear and certain truth that is easily discerned , without a prophetick spirit : and the dishonour of all this would reflect upon your prelacy . § . . . and further , i answer your objection ; that it is not the insufficiency of other church-government in comparison of prelacy , that was the inlet of our heresies and divisions ; but it was the licentiousness of a time of war , when all evil spirits are turned loose , and the subtilty of the papists that have taken advantage to spawn among us the quakers , and levellers , and behemists , and other paracelsians , and the seekers to confound and dishonour us if they could , and to promote their cause . and in times of war , especially when such changes in the civil state ensue , and so many adversaries are watching to sow tares , such things are common . § . . . and you cannot say , that it comes from the insufficiency of other government in comparison of yours , because you see no other government setled instead of yours , so far as to be seconded by the sword or secular power ; no nor so far as to have a word of command or perswasion to the people to obey it , ( except an ordinance that in most places was hindered from execution : ) nor is there any one government so much as owned alone by the magistrate . besides , that the civil power it self restraineth not those that you speak of , as to the most of them . § . . . lastly , if you would compare your prelacy with other government , compare them where the case is equal . hath not presbyterie in scotland , and in france ( with much less help and countenance from the magistrate ) kept out heresies and divisions , as much at least , as ever prelacy did ? it is certain that it hath . § . . and yet i must add , that the multitude of sects and heresies that sprung up in the first , and second , and third ages , was no such dishonour to the form of government then used in the church , as should encourage any man to dislike or change it . if it was prelacy that was used , then swarms of sects and heresies may come in notwithstanding prelacy ( even in better hands then yours . ) but if it were not prelacy that was then the government , heresies are no more a shame to that government now . § . . i know many readers will think , that this writing that purposely comes for peace , should not be guilty of repeating and remembring the faults of others , nor speak to them so plainly as is liker to exasperate then pacifie . but to these i say , . their objections which they insist on cannot be answered but by this opening of the truth . and . the truth is , those men that own all the abuses and persecutions of the late prelates , and are impenitent as to their guilt , and wish and would have the same again , are no fit materials for a concordant frame . if their business be destroying , they will never well joyn with us in building and in healing . repentance is the best ingredient in our salve . we consent to the same conditions that we propose , and will thank them if they will help us to repentance ; especially of such sins as are destructive to the churches peace . § . . and the godly moderate episcopal men do concur with us in the blaming of the abuses of their party . saith that good and peaceable bishop hall in his modest offer to the assembly , pag. . [ i should be a flatterer of the times past , if i should take upon me to justifie or approve of all the carriages of some , that have been entrusted with the keyes of ecclesiastical government : or to blanch over the corruptions of consistorial officers : in both these there was fault enough to ground both a complaint and reformation : and may that man never prosper , that desires not an happy reformation of whatsoever hath been , or is amiss in the church of god. ] § . . object . . but it is not only the abuses of episcopacy , but the thing it self that hath been covenanted against in england , and opposed : nor is it only the english prelacy , but all episcopacy : and therefore your motion for another species is like to find but small acceptance . § . . answ. it is not true that all episcopacy hath been covenanted against or taken down in england . nor is it true of any of the sorts of episcopacy which i have here mentioned . it was only that which was then existent that was taken down , and only the english frame of arch-bishops , bishops , deans , and the rest , as here they governed , that was covenanted against . of which i shall speak more anon in answer to the objections of others . § . . object . . you haue covetously seized on the revenues of the bishops , and made your selves fat with their possessions , and this was the prize that you aimed at in taking them down . answ. the world seeth the falshood of this slander , in the open light ; and therefore for your credit sake , you were best recant it . england knoweth that the bishops lands were sold , and given to the souldiers , and not to the presbyters . it maintained the army , and not the ministry . and that the dean and chapters lands is gone the same way , or the like , to pay the debts of the state. and that presbyters have none of them all , save that here and there one that had about ten , or twenty ▪ or thirty pound a year ▪ have somewhat in augmentation , that the churches may not be left to readers , and blind guides , as they were in the prelates dayes . i that have a fuller maintenance then most in all the country where i live , do receive but about eighty pound and sometimes ninety pound per annum : and did i need to pull down prelacy for this ? § . . i come now to the objections of the other side , who will be offended with me for consenting for peace , to so much as i here do ? and . some will say , that we are engaged against all prelacy by covenant , and therefore cannot yield to so much as you do , without the guilt of perjury . § . . answ. that this is utterly untrue , i thus demonstrate . . when the covenant was presented to the assembly , with the bare name of [ prelacy ] joyned to popery , many grave and reverend divines desired that the word [ prelacy ] might be explained , because it was not all episcopacy that they were against . and thereupon the following concatenation in the parenthesis was given by way of explication : in these words , [ that is , church-government by arch-bishops , bishops , their chancellors and commissaries , deans , deans and chapters , arch-deacons , and all other ecclesiastical officers , depending on that hierarchy . ] by which it appeareth that it was only the english hierarchy or frame , that was covenanted against : and that which was then existent , that was taken down . § . . . when the house of lords took the covenant , mr. thomas coleman that gave it them , did so explain it and profess , that it was not their intent to covenant against all episcopacy : and upon this explication it was taken : and certainly the parliament were most capable of giving us the due sense of it ; because it was they that did impose it . § . . . and it could not be all episcopacy that was excluded , because a parochial episcopacy was at the same time used and approved commonly here in england . § . . . and in scotland they had used the help of visitors for the reformation of their churches , committing the care of a county or large circuit to some one man , which was as high a sort of episcopacy at least , as any i am pleading for . besides that they had moderators in all their synods , which were temporary bishops . § . . . also the chief divines of the late assembly at westminster , that recommended the covenant to the nations , have professed their own judgements for such a moderate episcopacy as i am here defending : and therefore they never intended the exclusion of this by the covenant . § . . object . . by this we shall seem mutable , while we take down episcopacy one year , and set it up again the next . answ. we desire not the setting up of that which we have taken down : and therefore it is no mutability . § . . object . . but this will prepare for the restauration of the old episcopacy . by such degrees it invaded the church at first : and if we let in the preparatory degree , the rest in time is like to follow ; all that we can do is little enough to keep it out . § . . answ. . if we had no other work to do , we would do this as violently as you desire : but we have the contrary extream to take heed of and avoid ; and the churches peace , if it may be , to procure . . as we must not take down the ministry , lest it prepare men for episcopacy , so neither must we be against any profitable exercise of the ministry , or desirable order among them , for fear of introducing prelacy . . nor is there any such danger of it , as is pretended : as long as the magistrate puts not the sword into their hands , and no man can be subjected to them , but by his own consent , what need we fear their encroachments on our liberties . . it is not in your power to hinder the species of episcopacy that is pleaded for , from being introduced : but only to with-hold your own consent , and hinder peace and unity . for any minister that will , can esteem another his superiour , and be ruled by him , and do nothing without his consent : these are the actions of his own free-will . . as long as you are free from violence , if you find an evil or danger , you may draw back . § . . object . . have we not smarted by them late enough already ? shall we so soon be turning back to aegypt ? answ. that which you have smarted by , we desire you not to turn back to ; but that which is apostolical , pure , and profitable to the church , and that 's not aegypt . § . . object . . you do all this for peace with episcopal divines : and where is there any of them that is worthy so studious a pacification ? do they not commonly own their former impieties and persecutions ? 〈◊〉 they not meer formalists and enemies to practical godliness ? would they not ruine the church and do as they have done , if they had power ? hath god brought them down for their own wickedness , and shall we set them up again ? § . . an●w . . all are not such as you describe : many of them are godly able men , that desire and endeavour the good of the church . . if there were none in this age worthy of our communion ; yet , if we will have a lasting peace , we must extend the terms of it so far as to comprehend all that are fit for communion . and such we may easily know , there will be of this opinion throughout all ages . . and most of the churches in the world being already for a higher prelacy then this , we should agree with them as far as well we may . § . . object . . but the ●arliament have enacted in the settlement of the civil government , that popery and prelacy shall not be tolerated . answ. that is , the english prelacy excluded by the covenant , and that , as it would be exercised by violence , and forced upon dissenters . it s known what prelacy was in england ; and they cannot rationally be interpreted to speak against any but what was among us , and taken notice of under that name . you see the same power allow a parochial episcopacy , and also approvers of all that are admitted to publick preaching ; and you see they allow an itinerant ministry in wales : and they join magistrates and ministers for the ejecting of the insufficient minister : and they never forbad or hindered a stated presidency , or any thing that i have pleaded for : yea they continued a moderator of the assembly at westminster for many years , even to his death . and what fuller evidence would you have that it is not any such episcopacy whose liberty they exclude , under the name of prelacy ? only they would not have the hierarchy by law-chancellors to govern the church , and that by force of the secular power annexed unto theirs : and so they deny them liberty to deprive all other men of their liberty . but this is nothing to the matt●r in hand . § . . to conclude , let it be noted , in answer to all other objections , that the presidency , or preheminence pleaded for , doth enable no man to do harm ; but only give themselves advantage to do good . they can hinder no man from preaching , or praying or holy living , or improving his abilities to the good of the church : nor can they govern any man further then they have his own consent . all which being well considered , i may conclude that this much may be granted in order to the healing and reforming of the churches . chap. vi. the sum of the foregoing propositions , and the consistency of them with the principles of each party , and so their aptitude to reconcile . § . . the summ of all that i have propounded is , that though we cannot , we may not embrace the government by prelacy , as lately exercised here in england ( how confidently soever some appropriate the title of the church of england to the adherents of that frame , ) yet would we not have the church ungoverned , nor worse governed , nor will we refuse for peace such a kind of episcpacy as is tolerable in the church . and there are four sorts of exercise of the ministry , which if you please , you may call episcopacy , which we shall not refuse when it may conduce to peace . § . . i. we shall consent that the ancient parochial episcopacy be restored : that is , that in every parish that hath a particular church , there may be a pastor or bishop setled to govern it , according to the word of god : and that he may be the chief among the presbyters of that church , if there be any : and may assume fit men to be assisting presbyters to him , if there be such to be had . if not , he may be content with deacons . and these parochial bishops are most antient , and have the power of ordination . § . . yet do we not so tye a church to a parish , but that in places where the ignorance , infidelity , or impiety of the people , or the smalness of the parishes is such , as that there are not fit persons enough in a parish to make a convenient particular church , it may be fit for two , or three , or four ( in necessity ) neighbour parishes to joyn together , and to be formed into one particular church . the several ministers keeping their stations , for the teaching of the rest as catechumens , but joyning as one presbyterie , for governing of that one particular church , that is congregate among them . and having one president , without whom nothing should be done in matters left to humane determination . yet so , that the presbyters be not forced to this , but do it freely . § . . ii. we shall consent that these parish churches be associate , and that in every market town ( or such convenient places as shall be agreed on ) there may be frequent meetings of the pastors , for communion and correspondency ; and that one among them be their standing moderator durante vita , or their president ( for so i would call him rather then bishop , though we would leave men to use what name they please ) and to him should be committed the communicating of times and places of meeting , and other businesses and correspondencies . and the moderating of the debates and disputations . § . . and for my part i would consent for peace that de facto no ordination be made in either of the foresaid presbyteries , without the president , but in cases of necessity : so be it . that none be compelled to own any other principle of this practice , then a love of peace ; and none be compelled to profess that he holdeth the president to have de jure a negative voice : yea that all have liberty to write down on what other principles they thus yeild , that the practice only may suffice for peace . § . . iii. we shall consent also , that one in a deanry or hundred , or other convenient space , may by the magistrate be chosen a visitor of the churches and countrey about him ; having power only to take notice of the state of things , and gravely to admonish the pastors where they are negligent , and exhort the people , and provoke them to holiness , reformation and unity , only by perswasions from the word of god. which is no more then any minister may do that hath opportunity : only we desire the magistrate to design a particular person to do it ( requiring ministers and people to give him the meeting , ) because that which is every mans work is not so well done , as that which is specially committed to some . and we desire that he may acquaint the magistrate how things are . § . . and to avoid the inconveniences of dividing these works , we are desirous that these two last may meet in one man : and so he that is chosen by the pastors , the president of their association , may be chosen his visitor by the magistrate , and do both ; which may be done by one in every market-town ( which is truly a city in the antient sense ) and the circumjacent villages . yet this we cannot make a standing rule ( that one man do both ) because the pastors must choose their president , and the magistrate his visitor ; and its possible they may not alwayes concur . but if the magistrate will not choose such a visitor , the pastors may . but then they can compel none to meet him or hear him . § . . iv. besides these three ( or two , whether you will ) before mentioned , we shall consent that there be a general sort of ministers , such as the apostles , evangelists , and others in those times were , that shall have no special charge , but go up and down to preach the gospel , and gather churches where there are none , and contribute the best assistance of their abilities , interest and authority for the reforming , confirming , and right ordering of churches . and if by the magistrates command , or ministers consent there be one of these assigned to each county , and so their provinces prudentially distinguished and limited , we shall not dissent . yet we would have such but where there is need . § . . v. besides these four sorts of bishops , we are all agreed on two sorts more ; . the episcopi gregis , or pastors of every congregation , whether they have any assistant presbyters or no , or being themselves but such assistant presbyters . . the magistrate , who is * a secular bishop , or a governor of the church by force . and we desire the magistrate to be a nursing father to the church , and do his duty , and to keep the sword in his own hand ; and for forcible deposing ministers , or any punishment on body or estate , we desire no bishops nor other ministers may be authorized thereto : but if pastors exclude an unworthy pastor from their communion , let the magistrate only deprive him forcibly of his place and maintenance , if he see cause . when the council of antioch had deposed paulus samosatenus , he would not go out of the house : and all the bishops in the council could not force him out , but were fain to procure the heathen emperor aurelian to do it . it lyeth as a blot on cyril of alexandria that he was the first man that arrogated and exercised there a secular coercive power , under the name of a bishop of the church . § . . there is enough in this much to satisfie any moderate honest men for church-government , and for the healing of our divisions thereabout : and there is nothing in this that is inconsistent with the principles of the moderare of any party . § . . . that a church organized , called by some ecclesia prima , should be no greater then i have mentioned , is not contradictory to the principles of the episcopall , presbyterians , congregationall or erastian . indeed the two first say , that it may be bigger : but none of them say , it must be bigger . the presbyterians instances of the church of ierusalem ( which s●rued to the highest , cannot be proved neer half so great as some of our parishes ▪ ) and such other churches , are but for the may be , and not for the must be . and therefore if they be peaceable , this will make no breach . § . . . that parochial churches and associations have fixed presidents , is nothing contrary to any of their principles , as far as i am able to discern them . § . . . that pastors may be lawfully appointed to visit and help the country and the neighbour churches , and exhort them to their duty , and give the magistrate information of their state , is a thing that none can justly blame , any more then preaching a lecture among them . nor do i know any party that is against it , ( of these four . ) § . . and . that there may be more general ministers to gather , and take care of many churches , i think none of them will deny . sure the ●tinerant ministers in wales will not : nor yet that these may have their provinces distinguished . if i could imagine which of all these sorts would be denied , i would more fully prove it , yea and prove it consistent with the principles of each party ; but till then its vain . § . . the only point that i remember , like to be questioned , is , the consenting to forbear ordination in several presbyteries , till the president be one , except in case of nec●ssity : and nothing is here questionable , that i observe , but only whether it be consistent with the principles of the congregational party , seing they would have all ordination to be by the elders of their own church , and where there are none , that it be done by the people without elders . to which i answer , . that we here grant them that a congregational presbyterie with their president may ordain an elder for that congregation . . the moderate congregational men do grant us that the elders or pastors of other churches may lawfully be called to assist them in ordination , though they think it be not necessary . it is not therefore against their principles to do so . for sure they may do a lawful thing , especially when the churches peace doth lie so much upon it as here it doth . § . . i conclude therefore that here are healing principles brought to your hands , if you have but healing inclinations to receive them . here is a sufficient remedy for our divisions , upon the account of church-government , if you have but hearts to entertain them , and apply them . but if some on one side will adhere to all their former excesses and abuses , and continue impenitent , unchurching the best of the protestant churches that are not prelatical ( while they unchurch not the church of rome : ) and if others on the other side will stifly refuse to yield in things that cannot be denied to be lawfull , yea and convenient for the churches , and set more by all their own conceits then by the peace of brethren , and consequently the prosperity of the church , we must leave the care of all to god , and content our selves that we have done our duty . chap. vii . some instances to prove that moderate men will agree upon the foregoing terms . § . . lest any think that it is a hopeless work that i have motioned , and the parties will not agree upon these terms , i shall shall next prove to you that the godly and moderate of each party , are agreed already ( at least the episcopal and presbyterians , and i think the rest : ) and that its in practice more then principles that we disagree . § . . i. i will begin with the episcopal divines , of whom there ate two parties , differing much more from one another , then the one of them doth from the presbyterians . the ancient bishops and the moderate of late , did maintain the validity of ordination by presbyters , and own the reformed churches that had other , supposing their episcopacy usefull to the perfection or well being of a church , but not necessary to the being of it . and this sort of men ( who also agree with us in doctrine ) we could quickly be reconciled with . but of late years there are many episcopal divines sprung up , that embracing the doctrine called arminianism , do withal deny the being of the ministry and churches that want prelatical ordination : and with these there is no hope of concord , because they will have it on no other terms then renouncing our churches and ministry , and being again ordained by them , and thus coming wholly over to them . these separate from us , and pretend that our churches have no true worship ( wonderous audacity , ) and our ministers are no true ministers , and call the church into private houses ( as d. hide expresly in his [ christ and his church ] in the beginning of the preface ; and many others . ) of whom i spoke before . § . . that the ancient english bishops that hold to the doctrine of the church of england , and are peaceable men , are easily agreed with us , i first prove from the example of reverend bishop hall. in his peace-maker he hath these words , [ pag. , , , . the divisions of the church are either general betwixt our church and the other reformed ; or special with those within the bosome of our own church ; both which require several considerations . for the former , blessed be god , there is no difference in any essential matter betwixt the church of england and her sisters of the reformation : we accord in every point of christian doctrine without least the variation . ( n b. ) their publike confessions and ours , are sufficient convictions to the world , of our full and absolute agreement ; the only difference is in the form of outward administration : wherein also we are so far agreed , as that we all profess this form not to be essential to the being of a church ( n. b. ) though much importing the well or better being of it , according to our several apprehensions thereof ; and that we do all retain a reverent and loving opinion of each other in our own several wayes : not seeing any reason why so poor a diversity should work any alienation of affection in us , one towards another : but withall , nothing hinders but that we may come yet closer to one another , if both may resolve to meet in that primitive government ( whereby it is meet we should both be regulated ) universally agreed on by all antiquity ; wherein all things were ordered and transacted by the consent of the presbyterie , moderated by one constant president thereof : the primacy and perpetual practice whereof no man can doubt of that hath but seen the writings of clemens and ignatius , and hath gone along with the history of those primitive times — we may well rest in the judgement of mr. john camero , the learnedst divine , be it spoke without envy , that the church of scotland hath afforded in this last age : [ nullus est dubitandi , locus , &c. there is no doubt at all saith he , but that timothy was chosen by the colledge of the presbyters , to be the president of them , and that not without some authority over the rest , but yet such as have the due bounds and limits ] and that this was a leading case , and common to other churches , was never denyed by any author . words may not break square , where the things are agreed . if the name of a bishop displease , let them call this man a moderator , a president , a superintendent , an overseer ; only for the fixedness or change of this person , let the ancient and universall practice of gods church be thought worthy to oversway . and if in this one point ( n. b. ) ( wherein the distance it so narrow , we could condescend to each other all other circumstances and appendances of varying practices or 〈◊〉 , might without any difficulty be accorded . but if there must be a difference of judgement in these matters of outward policy , why should not our hearts be still one ? why should such a diversity be of power to endanger the dissolving of the bond of brotherhood ? may we have the grace but to follow the truth in love , we shall in these several tracts overtake her happily in the end , and find● her embracing of peace , and crowning us with blessedness ] so far bishop hall ; so that you see that only the fixing of the moderator or president will satisfie such as he : and so with him and such as he , for my part i am fully agreed already . § . . and here by the way , because there are so many episcopal separatists of late , that hazzard the souls of their partial followers , and because the right habituating of the mind with peace is an excellent help to a sound understanding , and the escaping the errors and hainous sins that faction engageth too many in , i therefore make it my request to all that read these lines , but soberly to read over that * one book of bishop halls , called the peace-maker , once or twice : which if i could procure , i think i should do much to the peace of these churches , and to the good of many endangered souls , that by passionate and factious leaders are misguided . § . . the same reverend man in his humble remonstrance hath these words , pag. , ▪ . [ the second is intended to raise envy against us , as the uncharitable censurers and condemners of those reformed churches abroad , which differ from our government : wherein we do justly complain of a slanderous aspersion cast upon us : we love and honour those sister churches , as the dear spouse of christ ; we bless god for them ; and we do heartily wish unto them that happiness in the partnership of our admin●stration , which i doubt not but they do no less heartily wish unto themselves , good words you will perhaps say ; but what is all this fair complement , if our act condemn them ? for if episcopacy stand by divine right , what becomes of these churches that want it ? ma●ice and ignorance are met together in this unjust aggravati●n : . our position is only affirmative , implying the justifiableness and holiness of an episcopal calling , without any further implication : next , when we speak of divine right , we mean not an express law of god requiring it upon the absolute necessity of the being of a church ( what hinderances soever may interpose ) but a divine institution warranting it where it is , and ●equiring it where it may be had . every church therefore which is capable of this form of government , both may and ought to aff●ct it — but those particular churches to whom this power and faculty is denyed , lose nothing of the true essence of a church , though they miss some thing of their glory and perefection — and page . [ our form of government — differs little from their own , save in the perpetuity of their ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) moderatorship , and the exclusion of that lay-presbyterie which never till this age had footing in the christian church . ] — and page , . [ alas my brethren , while we do fully agree in all these , and all other doctrinal and practical points of religion , why will you be so uncharitable , as by these frivolous and causeless divisions to ●end the seamless coat of christ ? it it a title , or a retinue , or a ceremony , a garment , or a colour , or an organ pipe , that can make us a different church , whiles we preach and profess the same saving truth , whiles we desire ( as you profess to do ) to walk conscionably with our god according to that one rule of the royall law of our maker , whiles we oppose one and the same common enemy , whiles we unfeignedly endeavour to hold the unity of the spirit in the bonds of peace ? — for us , we make no difference at all ( in the right and interest of the church ) betwixt clergy and laity , betwixt the clergy and laity of one part and of another : we are all your true brethren ; we are one with you , both in heart and brain , and hope to meet you in the same heaven : but if ye will needs be otherwise minded ▪ we can but bewail the churches misery and your sin . — ] you hear how this good bishop was far from a separation . § . . how contrary to this , is the foresaid writing of dr. hide ( which i instance in , because it is come new to my hand ) who stigmatizeth the front of his book with the brand of separation , and that of one of the most rigid and unreasonable kinds . thus he begins , [ when conscientious ministers cannot associate in the church , and conscientious christians cannot go to church ; and customary christians go thither , either to little purpose , because to no true worship , or to great shame , because to no true ministers , t is fit the church should come to private houses ] — doth he not begin very wisely and charitably ? what could the most schismatical papist say more ? what! no true worship ! no true ministers ! and but customary christians that come thither ? yes , and that 's not all : he pursues it with an exprobration , that we are faln from our religion , ( p. . ) and yet that 's not all : he adds , [ here seems yet to be a very bad certainty of their religion ; and how can there be a better certainty of their salvation ? unless ( that we may gratifie their singularity more then our own veracity ) we will say , there may be a company of good christians out of the communion of saints , or a communion of saints out of christs catholike church . ] should we laugh or weep at such a man as this ? what! no communion of saints , but with the separating party of the prelates ? unhappy we that live in england , and can meet with so small a number of these saints . is the catholike church confined to this party ? and salvation to this chunch ? transcendent papal arrogancy ! it s well that these prelates are not the only key-keepers of heaven ! for we see how we should then be used . i must tell this dr. and all of his mind , that it is an easier way to heaven , then we dare hope to come thither by , to joyn our selves to their separating communion of saints , and live as the most that we are acquainted with , that are of that saint-like communion . he had been better have talked at these rates to men of another age or nation , then to us that see the lives of their adherents . we never changed our religion nor our church . what if he read his prayers , and i say mine without book ; or what if he pray in white , and i in black ? or what if he kneel in receiving the eucharist , and i sit or stand ? or what if he use the cross in baptisme , and i baptize no better then the apostles did without it ; do these or such like make us to be of two religions ? do i change my religion , if i read with a pair of spectacles , or if i look towards the south or west , rather then the east & c. ? we see what these men would make the christian religion to be . were the apostles no christians , because they had no kneeling at the eucharist , nor cross in baptism , nor surplice , nor ( at least our ) common prayer-book , & c ? dare you say they were no christians ? or yet that christian religion was one thing then , and another thing now ? and for our churches , we do not only meet in the same places , but we have the same doctrine , the same worship ( in every part , though he talk of our no true worship ; as if praying , praising god , &c. were no true worship : ) the things changed were by the imposers and defenders ( see dr. burgess rejoynder ) professed to be no parts at all of worship , but meer accidents ; we have the same people , save here and there a few that separate by yours and others seducement , and some vile ones that we cast out ; we have abundance of the same ministers that we had . and yet must we have no worship , ministry , communion of saints , or salvation , because we have only a parochial and not a diocesan episcopacy ? forsooth we have lost our religion , and are all lost men , because our bishops have but single parish-churches to oversee ( which they find a load as heavy as they can bear , ) and we have not one bishop to take the government of an hundred or two hundred churches . at rome he is a damned man that believeth not in the pope : and is out of the catholike church , because he is out of the subjection of the pope : and with these men , we are lost men , if we never so much believe in christ , because we believe not in an archbishop , and are out of the catholike church and communion of saints , because we will not be ruled by such rulers as these . and what 's all this , to such counties as this where i live , and most else in england that i hear of , that know of no bishop they have ( and they rejected none , ) nor doth any come and command them any obedience ? must we be unchristened , unchurcht and damned , for not obeying , when we have none to obey , or none that calls for our obedience ? but i shall let these men pass , and leave them in their separation , desiring that they had catholike spirits and principles . this much i have said to let men see , that there is no possibility of our union with this sort that are resolved on a separation ; and that it is not these novelists and dividers , but the antient episcopal party of england that we can easily agree with . § . . the next that i shall instance in , that was agreed with these principles of ours , is the late reverend and learned bish●p vsher , of whose concord with us , i have two proofs . the one was his own profession to my self . the other is his own writings , especially his propositions given in to king charls , now printed ▪ called [ the reduction of episcopacy to the form of synodical government , received in the ancient church ] which consisteth of four propositions ( having first proved that all presbyters have the power of discipline and church-government : ) the first alloweth the single rector of the parish to take notice of the scandalous , reprove , admonish , and debar them from the lords table . the second is , that in every rurall d●anry , all the pastors within the precinct , may by the chorepiscopus or suffragan , be every month assembled in a synod , and according to the major part of their voices , he conclude all matters that shall be brought into debate before them , as excommunication &c. the third is , for a diocesan synod once or twice a year , where by the consent of the major part of the rectors , all things might be concluded by the bishop or superintendent , call him whether you will , or in his absence , by one of the suffragans , whom he deputes to be moderator . the fourth is for provincial and national synods in like sort . § . . and when i had perused these papers ( in m. s. ) i told him that yet one thing was left out , that the episcopal party would many of them stick at more then he , and that is , a negative voice in ordination in the president , to which and the rest i proposed this for accommodation in brief [ . let every particular or parish church have a bishop and presbyters to assist him , where possibly they can be had . . let all these associate and their several associations have a stated president . . let all men be at liberty for the name , whether they will call him a bishop , president , moderator , superintendent , or the like . . and for the negative voice in ordination , let all ministers of the ass●ciation agree that de facto they will not ordain without him , but in cases of necessity ; but let every man be left free to his own principles on which he shall ground this practice , and not be bound to consent , that de jure a negative vote is due to the president . ] these terms did i propose to the bishop for accommodation , and intreated him to tell me plainly his judgement , whether they are satisfactory and sufficient for the episcopal party to yield to for peace and communion ? and his answer was this [ they are sufficient , and mod●rate men will accept them , but others will not , as i have tryed : for many of them are offended with me for propounding such terms . ] and thus this reverend bishop and i were agreed for peace in a quarter of an hour ; ( the truth of wh●ch , i solemnly profess : ) and so would all the ministers and christians in england , if they were not either wiser or foolisher , honester or dishonester then he and i. and this i leave on record to posterity , as a testimony against the dividers and contenders of this age , [ that it was not long of men of the temper and principles of this reverend archbishop and my self , that the episcopal party and their dissenting brethren in england , were not speedily and heartily agreed : for we actually did it . ] to no honour of mine , but to the honour of this peaceable man , and the shame of the unpeaceable hinderers or refusers of our reconciliation , let this testimony live , that posterity may know whom to blame for our calamities ; they all extoll peace when they reject it and destroy it . § . for a third witness of the reconcileableness of the moderate episcopal party on these terms , i may well produce dr. holdsworth ; who subscribed these same propositions of bishop vsher to the king : and therefore was a consenter to the same way of accommodation . § . . a fourth witness is dr. forbs of scotland , who having written purposely a book called his irenicon , for accommodation on such terms , i need to say no more of him , but refer you to the book . i shall name no more of the episcopal party . these four are enow to my purpose . § . . that the presbyterians ( of england specially ) are willing to close upon these terms of a fixed moderator , i prove , . by the profest consent of that reverend learned servant of christ mr. thomas gataker , a member of the late assembly at westminster , who hath professed his judgement of this matter in a book against lilly. i refer you to his own words , for brevity sake . § . . my next witness , and for brevity , many in one , shall be mr. geree , and the province of london , citing him in their ius divinum ministerii , pag. append. . the words are these [ that the ancient fathers in the point of episcopacy , differ more from the high prelatist th●n from the presbyterian : for the presbyterians alwayes have a president to guide their actions , which they acknowledge may be perpetual durante vita modo se bene gesserit ; or temporary to avoid inconvenience , which bilson takes hold of as advantagious , because so little discrepant , ( as he saith ) from what he maintaineth . ] see the rest there . § . . . beza ( the leader against prelacy ) saith , de grad . minist . evang. instituti divini est , ut in omni coetu presbyterorum unus sit qui ordine praeat & praesit reliquis . it is of divine institution that in every assembly of presbyters , there be one that go before and be above the rest . ] and dividing bishops into divine , humane , and diabolical , he makes the humane tolerable prelacy to be the fixed president . § . . . calvin ( who is accused for ejecting episcopacy ) besides what he writes of it to card sadolet , saith in his institut . lib. . cap. . § . . [ ea cautione totam suam oeconomiam composuerunt ( ecclesiae veteris episcopi ) ad unicam illam dei verbi normam , ut facile videas nihil fere hac parte habuisse à verbo dei alienum . ] § . . [ quibus ergo docendi munus inju●ctum erat , eos omnes nominabant presbyteros . illi ex suo numero in singulis civitatibus unum eligebant , cui specialiter dabant titulum episcopi : ne ex aequalitate , ut f●●ri solet , dissidia nascerentur . neque tamen sic honore & dignitate superior erat episcopus , ut dominium in collegas haberet : sed quas partes habet consul in senatu , ut referat de negotiis , sententias roget , consulendo , monendo , hortando , aliis prae●at , authoritate sua totam actionem regat ; & quod decretum communi consilio fuerit , exequatur : id munus sustinebat episcopus in presbyterorum coetu ] & § . . fine [ gubernationem sic constituti nonnulli hierarchiam vocarunt , nomine ( ut mihi videtur ) improprio , certe scripturis inusitato : cavere enim voluit spiritus sanctus , nequis principatum aut dominationem somniaret , quum de ecclesiae gubernatione agitur . verum si rem , omisso vocabul● , intueamur ( n. b. ) reperiemus veteres episcopos non aliam regendae ecclesiae formam voluisse fingere ab ea quam deus verbo suo praescripsit ] this he writes after the mention of archbishops and patriarcks , as well as of bishops governing in synods . § . . where by the way let me give you this observation , that bishops governing but in synods can have no other power of government then the synods themselves have : but synods themselves as such are not directly for government , but for concord and communion of churches , and so consequently for well-governing the several flocks : nor hath a synod any governing power over a particular pastor , as being his superiour appointed to that end : but only a power of consent or agreement : to which for unity , and communion sake , he is consequentially obliged ; not by virtue of gods command , that requireth us to obey the higher power ( for three pastors are not made so the rulers of one ) but by virtue of gods commands that require us to do all things in unity , and to maintain the peace and conco●d of the churches , and to avoid divisions and discord . § . . if any think that this doth too much favour the congregational way , i must tell him that it is so true and clear , that the episcopal men that are moderate acknowledge it . for instance : the reverend bishop vsher did , without asking , of himself profess to me that it was his judgement [ that certainly councils or synods are not for government but for vnity , and that a bish●p out of council hath the same governing power as all the council , though their vote may bind him for vnity to consent . § . . this being so , it must needs follow that an archbishop , or the president of a national , provincial , diocesan , or classicall assembly , or of any association of the pastors of many churches , hath no superiour governing power over the parochial or congregational bishop of one church ; but only in concurrence with the synod , a power of determining by way of agreement , such points as he shall be obliged for unity and communion to consent to and perform , if they be not contrary to the word of god. this evidently follows from this reverend archbishops doctrine , and the truth . § . . and if any shall think that the presbyterians will not yield that a particular church do ordinarily consist but of one full congregation , i confute them by producing their own concessions : in the london ministers ius divinum ministerii . append . pag. . they plainly say , that [ the later ( bishops ) were diocesan , the former ( that is the bishops of the first or ancient times ) were bishops only of one congregation ] and pag. . they say [ these angels were congregational , not diocesan : in the beginning of christianity , the number of believers , even in the greatest cities were so few , as that they might well meet , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one and the same place . and th●se were called , the church of the city , and therefore to ordain elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all one in scripture ] thus far they yield to the congregational men . § . . . one other witness of the presbyterians readiness to accommodate on these terms , i shall give , and no more , and that is mr. richard vines , a man that was most eminent for his management of the presbyterian cause in the assembly , and at vxbridge treaty , and in the isle of wight ; the papers there presented to the king are to be seen in print . when we did set up our association in this county , i purposing to do nothing without advise , and designing a hearty closure of all sober godly men , episcopal , presbyterian , congregational and erastian : did consult first about it by letters with mr. vines , and in his answer to mine , he approved of the design , and thought our distance very small , and yielded to a fixed presidency , though not to a negative voice : ( which i would have none forced to . ) because they are too long to put into this section , i will adjoyn that part of his letter that concerns this subject , prefixing one that went next before it , against the selling of the church lands , that the bishops may see how little such men as he consented to it or liked it ; and may take heed of charging them with sacriledge . § . . lastly the erastians are known to be for episcopacy it self , so be it , it come in by the power of the magistrate . and that nothing proposed crosseth the principles of the congregationall men , i have shewed before : but whether really we shall have their consent to a peace upon these proposed terms , i know not ; because their writings that i have seen , do not meddle with the point , save only one congregational man , mr. giles firmin , hath newly written for this very thing , in his treatise of schism against dr. owen , page , , . i desire you to read the words to save me the labour of transcribing them . in which he giveth us to understand , that some of the moderate congregational party , will joyn with us in a reconciliation on these terms : whether many or all will do so , i know not . let their practise shew whether they will be the first or the last in the healing of our divisions . but if they refuse ▪ we will not for that refuse to love them as brethren , and study to perform our duty towards them : as knowing that we suffer much more when we come short of our duty and love to others , then when they come short of their duty and love to us . mr. richard vines his letters before mentioned as a testimony that the presbyterian ministers are not against a fixed president , or that episcopacy which bishop hall , &c. would have been satisfied with . reverend friend , i received your two last ; and as for a schoolmaster i shall do the best i can to propound one to you , &c. as for your question about sacriledge , i am very near you in present opinion . the point was never stated nor debated in the isle of wight . i did for my part decline the dispute : for i could not maintain the cause as on the parliaments side : and because both i and others were unwilling , it was never brought to any open debate : the commissioners did argue it with the king : but they went upon grounds of law and policy ; and it was only about bishops lands : for they then averred the continuance of d. and chapiters lands to the use of the church . some deny that there is any sin of sacriledge under the gospel : and if there be any , they agree not in the definition : some hold an alienation of church goods in case of necessity ; and then make the necessity what and as extensive as they please . the most are of opinion that whiles the church lies so unprovided for , the donations are not alienable sine sacrilegio . if there were a surplusage above the competent maintenance , it were another matter . it s cleer enough that the d●nors wills are frustrated , and that their general intention and the general use , viz. the maintenance of gods worship and ministers , should stand , though the particular use might be superstitious . i cited in my last sermon before the parliament ( unprinted ) a place touching sacriledge out of mr. hildersham on psal. . it did not please . you may find the words in his book by the index . if his description of it be true , then you will still be of your own mind . i dare encourage no purchasers ; but do desire to have some more of your thoughts about it , and i shall return you mine : as i do my thanks for your excellent and worthily esteemed treatise which you vouchsafed to prefix my name before : sir , i have no more time or paper but to subscribe my self your truly loving friend r. vines . london , july . sir though i should have desired to have understood your thoughts about the point of sacriledge , that so i might have formed up my thoughts into some better order and cleerer issue then i did in my la●t : yet to shew unto you how much i value this correspondence with you , i am willing to make some return to your last . and first touching the schoolmaster intended , &c. — the accomodation you speak of is a great and a good work for the gaining into the work such useful parts and interests as might very much heal the discord , and unite the strength of men to oppose destructive ways , and in my opinion more feasible with those men then any other , if they be moderate and godly : for we differ with them rather about some pinacles of the temple then the foundation er abbuttresses thereof . i would not have much time sp●ut in a formula of doctrine or worship : for we are not much distaxt in them and happily no more then with one another : but i would have the agreement attempted in that very thing which chiefly made the division , and that is government ; heal that breach and heal all : there begin and therein labour all you can . what influence this may have upon others i know not in this exulceration of mens minds : but the work speaks it self g●od , and your reasons for the attempting of it are very considerable . for the assembly , you know , they can meddle with just nothing but what is sent u●to them by parliament or one house thereof ( as the order saith ) and for that reason never took upon them to intermedle therein . what they do in such a thing , must be done as private persons , and not as in the capacity of assembly men , except it come to them recommended by the parliament . the great business is to find a temperament in ordination and government , in both which the exclusion or admittance of presbyters ( dicis causa ) for a shadow , was not regular : and no doubt the presbyters ought and may both teach and govern , as men that must give account of souls . for that you say of every particular church having many presbyters , it hath been considered in our assembly , and the scripture speaks fair for it , but then the church and city was of one extent : no parishes or bounds assigned out to particular men ( as now ) but the ministers preacht in circuitu or in common and stood in relation to the churches as to one church , though meeting hapl● in divers houses or places ( as is still the manner of some cities in the low cou●tries . ) if you will follow this model , you must lay the city all into one church particular , and the villages half a dozen of them into a church : which is a business here in england of vast design and consequence . and as for that you say of a bishop over many presbyters , not over many churches ; i believe no such bishops will please our men : but the notion as you conceive it , hath been and is the opinion of learned men . grotius in his commentary on the acts in divers places and particularly cap. . saith , that as in every particular synagogue ( many of which was in some one city ) there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; such was the primitive b●shop : and doubtless the first bishops were over the community of presbyters as presbyters in joint relation to one church or region ; which region being upon the increase of believers , divided into more churches , and in after times those churches assigned to particular men : yet he the bishop continued bishop over them still . for that you say , he had a negative voice , that 's more then ever i saw proved , or ever shall , i believe for the first two hundred years ; and yet i have laboured to enquire into it . that makes him angelus princeps , not angelus praeses at dr. reignolds saith calvin denies that , & makes him consul in senatu . or as the speaker in the house of parli●ment , which as i have heard that d. b. did say , was but to make him fore-man of the iury. take heed of yeilding a negative voice . a● touching the introduction of ruling elders , such as are modelled out by parliament , my judgement is sufficiently known : i am of your judgement in the point . there should be such elders as have power to preach as well as rule : i say power ; but how that will be effected here i know not , except we could or would return to the primitive nature and constitution of particular churches : and therefore it must be helped by the combination of more churches together into one as to the matter of government , and let them be still distinct as to word and sacraments . that is the easiest way of accommodation that yet occurs to my thoughts . sir i fear i trouble you too long , but it is to shew how much i value you and your letters to me : for which i thank you , and rest yours in the best bonds r. vines . septemb. . though mr. vines here yield not the negative voice to have been de facto in the first or second age , nor to be de jure , yet he without any question yielded to the stating of a president , durante vita , if he prove not unworthy , ( which was one chief point that i propounded to him . ) and i make no doubt but he would have yielded to a voluntary consent of presbyters de facto not to ordain without the president , but in case of necessity : but th●t i did not propound to him . and the difficulties that are before us de facto in setting up a parochiall episcopacy which he mentioneth , i have cleared up already in these papers , shewing partly that the thing is already existent , and partly how more fully to accomplish it . all would be easie , if holy , self-denying , charitable hearts were ready to entertain and put in execution the honest , healing principles that are before us , and obvious to an ordinary understanding : or ( if still the pastors will be contentious ) if holy , peaceable magistrates would seriously take the work in hand , and drive on the sloathful and quarrelsome ministers to the performance of their duty . the episcopacy of the protestant churches in poland . adrian . regenvolscius histor. ecclesiast . sclavonicar . provinc . lib. . page . n. b. quoniam à prima ecclesiarum in minoris poloniae provincia , r●formatione , usu & consuetudine receptum est , ut è senioribus his●e omnium districtuum , quorum nomina . recensuimus , unus primarius , sive in ordine primus , qui vulgo superintendens ecclesiarum min●ris poloniae vocatur , synodisque provincialibus praesidet ; totius synodi provincialis authoritate , consensu ac suffragiis eligatur , ac , non quidem per impositionem manuum , ( propter evitandam primatus alicujus suspicionem , aut juris ac potestatis alicujus in caeteros seniores speciem , ) benedictione tantum , fraterna apprecatione , officiorum quae hocce concernunt munus praelectione , piisque totius synodi precibus , regiminis duntaxat & ordinis boni in ecclesia dei causa , inauguratur ad declaratur , nomina primariorum ●orum seniorum , sive minor. polon . ecclesiarum superintendium . ] — the churches of the bohemian confess . called vnitatis fratrum , have among the pastors of the churches , their conseniors , and seniors , and one president over all . id. regen . vols . p. . [ seniores sive superattendentes ecclesiarum bohemicarum & moravicarum , &c. — plerumque è consenioribus eliguntur , ac per impositionem manuum publicamque inaugurationem , in munus senioratus ordinantur ac consecrantur . et longa consuetudine in ecclesiis trium harum provinciarum receptum est , ut è senioribus unus primarius ( sive in ordine primus ) quem vulgo illi praesidem vocant , non eligatur quidem , nec peculariter ordinetur , sed post decessum aliorum , ipso ordinationis tempore prior succedat ] finis . the fourth disputation : of a form of liturgy : how far it is necessary , desirable , or warrantable ; in order to a peace between the parties that differ herein , and too uncharitably prosecute their difference . by richard baxter . london , printed by robert white , for nevil simmons , bookseller in kederminster , anno dom. . qu. whether a stinted liturgy , or form of worship , be a desirable means for the peace of these churches ? unnecessary prolixity is not so acceptable to the reader that loves both truth and time , but that i may take it for granted that you desire me to leave out superfluities in this dispute . . the etymologists shall be better agreed among themselves of the derivation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before i will trouble you with their judgements . but we are commonly agreed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is oft used for any ministration , but more strictly , and usually for a publick ministration , or any work of publick office ; and yet more strictly from the septuagint , ecclesiastick writers have almost confined it to holy ministration , or publick service or worship of god. the several uses of the word in scripture , and prophane and ecclesiastick writers , you may find in so many lexicons at pleasure , that i shall pass by the rest . bellarmine doth too grosly pretend that when it s applied absolutely to holy things , the word is taken alwayes in the new testament , for a ministration in sacrificing . a little observation may confute that mistake . nor is it agreeable either to scripture or the use of the antient church , to call only forms of publick worsh●p that are written , by the name of a liturgy . whether it were form , or no form , writren or not written , premeditated or extemporate , words or actions , all the publick holy ministration or service of god , was of old called the churches liturgy : and so men may be for a liturgy that are not for a prayer book . but latter times have most used the word for those stinted forms , that some call offices containing both the rubrick or directory , and the form of words prescribed as the matter of the service . and seeing that those that now we speak to , understand it in this sense , we must speak as they do , while we are speaking to them . . note that it is not any one part of publick worship that we speak of alone , either prayer , praise , or other part , but we speak of the whole frame , and therefore of a liturgy , or prescribed words in general , because that is the controversie that the times call us to decide . that which i take to be the truth , and usefull to our healing , i shall lay down in these ten propositions following . prop. . a stinted liturgy is in it self lawfull . . a stinted liturgy in some parts of publick holy service is ordinarily necessary . . in the parts where it is not of necessity , it may not only be submitted to , but desired when the peace of the church requireth it . . there is so great d●fference between ministers , and people , and times , that it may be convenient and eligible to some , at some times , and unfit and not eligible to others , and at other times . . the ministers and churches that earnestly desire it , should not by the magistrate be generally or absolutely forbidden the use of a convenient prescribed liturgy . . to prescribe a frame of stinted service , or prayer , &c. and lay a necessity , or the peace of the church upon it , and to punish , si●ence , suspend , excommunicate , or reproach the able , peaceable , godly ministers , or people that ( justly or unjustly ) scruple the using of it , is so great a sin , that no conscionable ministers should attempt it , or desire it , nor any godly magistrate suffer it . . the safest way of composing such a publike form , is to take it all , for matter and words , out of the holy scriptures . . yet is not this of such necessity , but that we may join in it , or use it , if the form of words be not from scripture . . the matter of a common liturgy , in which we expect any general concord , should not be any unnecessary things , much less things doubtfull , or forbidden . . forms of publick prayer should not be constantly used by m●nisters that are able to pray without them : and none else should be admitted ordinarily to the ministry , but such as are able competently to pray without such forms ; unless in great necessities of the church . these ten propositions are the summ of all that i shall trouble you with , which i shall now review , and prove in order . prop. . a stinted liturgy is in it self lawful . this is thus proved : argument . that which is not directly or consequentially forbidden by god , remaineth lawfull : a stinted liturgy is not directly or consequentially forbidden by god : therefore it remaineth lawfull . the major is undoubted , because nothing but a prohibition can make a thing unlawfull . sin is a transgression of a law : where there is no law , there is no transgression : and yet i have heard very reverend men answer this , that it is enough that it is not commanded , though not forbidden . which is plainly to deny both scripture and civil principles . precept makes duty , or a necessity ex praecepto : prohibitions make an action sinfull , which is prohibited , as precepts prove an omission sinfull of the duty commanded . but licitum which is between duty and sin , is that which is neither commanded nor forbidden . and such an act is not actus moralis , being neither good nor evill . here note these two things . . that though we say that a liturgy is in it self lawfull , and that all things not forbidden are lawfull ; yet in the actuall exercise hic & nunc , it will be hard to find one actuall use of it , which is not a duty , or a sin ( for though i am not of their mind that think every act both simply and respectively considered is a duty , or a sin ( for . then every act must be actus moralis , and so deliberate and chosen , which is not true ; as for instance , the winking of the eye , &c. . then nothing were indifferent . . then every act must have a reason for it . . and the consciences of christians must be perpetually tormented : as e. g. to give a reason when i walk , why i set the right foot forward before the left ; or when two eggs of a bigness are before me , why i take one rather then the other : these are not moral acts . ) yet i must needs think that in the worship of god , its hard to imagine such a case , in which the using of a liturgy will do neither good nor harm : or in which a man cannot discern , whether it be like to do more good or harm : and so make it the matter of election or refusal . and therefore as paul makes marriage indifferent in it self , when its hard to find a case , in which it shall not be a duty or a sin to particular persons , so say i of the point in question : and yet possibly sometime such cases there may be . a man sometimes in prudence may find that constantly to use a form would be to him a sin , by reason of the ill consequents , and so it would be constantly to disuse it : and therefore may find himself bound ( by accident ) sometimes to use , and sometimes to disuse it : and yet may see no reason at all , as to the particular day and hour , why he should use or disuse it this day rather then another , or in the the morning rather then the evening . . note also that god being the supream lawgiver of the church , having by moses given a law to israel , did in general command , deut. . . that they should add nothing thereto , nor take ought therefrom : and consequently , we may conclude it prohibited under the gospel ; nay indeed the very prohibition of self-idolizing makes it a sin for any man to arrogate that legislation which is the prerogative of god. for that were to deifie himself . and so this general prohibition doth make all unwarrantable additions to be sinfull , that is , all additions which god hath not authorized men to make . but then , such additions are not sinfull formally , because not commanded , but because forbidden by the general prohibition of [ not adding . ] now for the minor , that a stinted liturgy is not forbidden , we need no other proof then that no prohibition can be produced . if it be prohibited , it is either by some special prohibition , or by the general prohibition of not adding : but it is by neither of these , therefore not at all . speciall prohibition i never yet saw any produced . god hath nowhere fo●bidden a form of prayer . and the general prohibition of not adding , extends not to it . for . it is the worship of god which is the matter that we are there forbidden to add : but the praying with a form , or without a form , as such , are neither of them any part of the worship of god ; nor so intended ( as we now suppose ) by them that use it : it is but an indifferent mode or circumstance of worship , and not any part of worship . . if prayer with a form be an addition to gods worship , then so is praying without a form ( for god only commands prayer , but neither commands a form , nor that we forbear a form ) but the consequent is false , as the opponents will confess ; therefore so is the antecedent . . undetermined mutable modes and circumstances are none of the prohibited additions , but left to humane determination . but such is the form in question . god hath bid us preach , but not told us whether we shall study a form of express words alwayes before hand , but left that to prudence : more instances will be added under the next argument ; and therefore i shall now forbear them . argum. . the prudential determination of such modes and circumstances of worship as god hath left to humane determinanation , is lawfull . a stinted form or liturgy may be such a determination ; therefore a stinted form or liturgy may be ( or is in it self ) lawfull . the major is past doubt , if the hypothesis be first proved , that some modes and circumstances of worship are left to humane prudential determination . and that 's easily proved thus . those modes or circumstances of worship which are necessary in genere , but left undetermined of god in specie , are left by god to humane prudential determination : ( else an impossibility should be necessary . ) but many such there are that are necessary in genere , but left undetermined of god in specie , therefore many such are left to humane prudential determination . the minor is sufficiently proved by instances . god hath made it our duty to assemble for his publick worship : but he hath not told us in what place ; nor in what seats each person shall sit . yet some place is necessary : and therefore it is left to mans determination : nor hath he tied us for weekly lectures to any one day ; nor on the lords day , to begin at any one certain hour : and yet some day and hour is necessary ; which therefore man must determine of . so god hath commanded us to read the scriptures : but hath not told us whether they shall be printed or written ; whether we shall read with spectacles or without ; what chapter we shall read on such or such a day ; nor how much at a time ; minist●rs must preach in season and out of season : but whether they must stand or sit , or what text they shall preach on , or how long , and whether in a prepared form of words or not , whether they shall use notes , or not , or use the bible , or recite texts by memory , &c. none of these things are determined by god ; and therefore are left to humane prudential determination . abundance of such undetermined circumstances may be enumerated about singing , praying , sacraments and all duties . now that the form of liturgy is of this nature is manifest ; god hath bid us pray ; but whether in fore-conceived words , or not , or whether in words of other mens first conceiving or our own , or whether oft in the same words or various , and whe●her with a book or without , these are no parts of prayer at all , but only such undetermined circumstances or modes as god hath left to our prudential determination : and the forementioned instances , about reading , preaching singing , &c. are as pertinent to our question as this of prayer , they being all parts of the liturgy , or publick service , as well as this . argum. . there are many express examples in scripture for forms of gods service : therefore they are unquestionably lawful . the psalms of david were of common use in the synagogues and temple-worship , and also in private ; and indited to such ends . hezekiah commanded the levites to sing praise unto the lord , with the words of david and of asaph the seer , chron. . . ▪ the . psalm is entitled [ a psalm or song for the sabbath day ] psal. is entitled , a prayer of the afflicted when he is overwhelmed , and poureth out his complaint before the lord. ] the rest were of ordinary publike use . psalms are prayers and praises to god for the most part : and both as prayers , and praises , and as psalms , they are part of the liturgy . chron. . . [ on that day david delivered first this psalm , to thank the lord , into the hands of asaph and his brethren . ] the song of moses is delivered in form , exod. . and the saints in the revelations . . are said to sing the song of moses , numb . . , . there is an oft-repeated form of moses prayer . there is a form for the people , deut. . , . iudg. . there is deborahs song in form . there is a form of prayer , ioel . . abundance more may be mentioned but for tediousness . i shall now only add , . that the lords prayer is a form directed to god as in the third person , and not to man only as a directory for prayer in the second person : it is not [ pray to god your father in heaven that his name may be hallowed , his kingdom come , &c. ] but [ our father which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name , &c. ] and it seems by the disciples words that thus iohn taught his disciples to pray , luk. . . so that we have in the scripture the mention of many set forms of service to god , which therefore we may well use . argum. . it is lawful to pray to god in the set words that we find in scripture : but so to pray ( in the set words of scripture ) is a form ; therefore a form is lawful . i do not here plead example , as in the last argument , but the lawfulness of praying in scripture words . they that deny this , must be so singular and unreasonable , as that there is no need of my confutation for the manifesting of their error . and that it is to us a set form if we take it out of scripture , as well as if we compose it , or take it out of another book , is past all question . a multitude of the prayers of holy men are left on record in the scripture , beside those that were the prescribed forms of those times : he that will but turn to his concordance to the word [ o lord ] and then to all the cited texts , shall find many score , if not hundred texts that recite the prayers of the saints ; which when we use , we use a form , which we there find written . argum. . christ hath left us his approbation of such forms : therefore we may use them . his approbation is proved , . by his owning and citing davids psalms , luk. . . & . . &c. . by his using a hymn with his disciples at the passover or eucharist , which we have great reason to think was a form that had been of use among the jews . but however , if christ had newly then composed it , yet was it a form to his disciples . . by his thrice repeating the same words in his own prayer . . by his teaching his disciples a form , as iohn taught his . . by his never expressing the least disl●ke of the old jewish custom of using forms : nor doth scripture anywhere repeal it , or forbid it . . the apostles command the use of psalms and hymns , which cannot be ordinary in the church without forms . all this proveth christs approbation . argum. . if it be lawful for the people to use a stinted form of words in publike prayer , then is it in it self lawful for the pastors : but it is lawful for the people : for the pastors prayer ( which they must pray over with him , and not only hear it ) is a stinted form to them , even as much as if he had learnt it out of a book . they are to follow him in his method and words , as if it were a book prayer . argum. . it is lawful to use a form in preaching : therefore a stinted liturgy is lawful . . because preaching is a part of that liturgy . . because the reason is the same for prayer , as for that in the main . now that studyed formed sermons are lawful , is so commonly granted , that it shall save me the labour of proving it ( which were easie . ) argum. . that which hath been the practice of the church in scripture times , and down to this day , and is yet the practice of almost all the churches of christ on earth , is not like to be unlawful : bu● such is the use of some stinted forms of publick service : therefore , &c. that it was so in the jews church , and approved by christ , i have shewed . that it hath been of antient use in the church since christ , and is at this day in use in africk , asia , europe , even among the reformed churches in france , holland , geneva , &c. is so well known , that i think i need not stand to prove it : yea those few that seem to disuse it , do yet use it , in psalms , and other parts of worship , of which more anon . prop. . a stinted liturgy in some parts of publick holy service is ordinarily necessary . this proposition is to be proved by instances , and the proof of the parts . the parts where a set form is usually necessary , i shall enumerate : desiring you by the way to understand , . that i speak not of an absolute necessity ad finem , as if no other could be accepted ; but a necessity of duty : it ought to be done , as the best way . . that i say but [ ordinarily ] as excepting some unusual cases . . the communication or revealation of the will of god to the church by reading of the holy scriptures , is part of the publick service of god. as moses and the prophets were read every sabbath day , so by parity of reason should the gospel ; and paul required the publick reading of his epistles , act. . . & . . cor. . . luk. . . col. . . thes. . . rev. . . but this reading of the scriptures is the using of a set form in publike service . for they are the same words that we read from day to day , and usually must read . . the publick praysing of god by singing of palms , is a part of publick worship : and a most excellent part , not usually to be omitted . but this part of worship is ordinarily to be used in a stinted form : because the gift of composing psalms ex tempore without a prepared form , is not usual in the church : and if it were so to one , it is not to the rest that must use this worship . had we not stinted forms of psalms , we should have ill-favoured work in the church . . baptisme is usually to be administred in a form of words : for christ hath prescribed us a form , matth. . . [ baptizing them in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost ] i think few sober men will think it ordinarily meet to disuse this form . . the use of a form in the consecration and administration of the lords supper ( though not through the whole action ) is ordinarily most fit : for christ hath left us a form of words , take ye , eat ye , &c. ] which are most exact , and safe , and none can mend . and paul reciteth his form , cor. . and small alterations in the very words of baptisme , or delivering the lords supper , may easily corrupt the ordinance in time . . the very sacramental elements and actions are stinted forms of administration , which none may alter . as the washing with water , the breaking of bread , and powring out of wine , and giving them , and taking them , and eating and drinking , &c. these are real forms , not to be changed , at least without necessity , if at all . . the blessing of the people in the name of the lord , was done by a prescribed form of old , num. . . and is usually to be done in a form still . for in all these forementioned parts of worship , should we still use new expressions , when so few and pertinent must be used , we should be put to disuse the fittest , and use such as are less fit . . in our ordinary preaching a form ( not imposed , unless in cases of great necessity and unfitness , but ) of our own premeditating , is usually fittest : i think few men are so weak as to prefer ( with most preachers ) unprepared sermons , before those that have more of their care and study . and then at least , the text , method , and somewhat of the words must be premeditated , if not all . . ordinarily there should be somewhat of a form in publick confessions of the churches faith . for how else shall all concur ? and it is a tender point to admit of great or frequent mutations in : so that in baptisme , and at other seasons when the christian faith is to be openly professed by one , or more , or all , a form that is exact , is usually meet to be retained ; though in many personal cases , explicatory enlargements may do well . . if there be not a frequent use of many of the same words , and so somewhat of a form , in marriage , confirmation , absolution , excommunication , the danger will be more , then the benefit by mutation will be . . and with some ministers ( of whom anon ) even in prayer , especially about the sacraments , where there must be great exactness , and the matter ordinarily , if not alwayes the same , the ordinary use of a form may be the best and fittest way . in the most of these cases . the nature of the thing sufficiently proves the ordinary fitness of a form . . the constant practice of almost all churches ( if not all ) is for it : even they that scruple forms of prayer , use constantly forms of praise , of reading , of sacraments , &c. . the rest are proved fittest as aforesaid by the apostles generall rules , cor. . , . let all things be done to edifying : and let all things be done decently and in order . now in the cases before mentioned , the edification of the church ( to say nothing of order ) requireth the ordinary use of forms . prop. . in those parts of publick worship where a form is not of ordinary necessity , but only lawfull yet may it not only be submitted to , but desired , when the peace of the church doth accidentally require it . this proposition needs no proof , but only explication . for he is far from the temper of a christian that sets so light by the peace of the church , that he would not use a lawfull means for the procurement of it , when paul would become all things to all men to save some , and would eat no flesh while he lived rather then offend his weak brother . but here you must take these cautions , lest you misunderstand this proposition . . the peace of the whole church must be in our eye , before the peace of a part ; and of a great and more considerable part , rather then of a smaller , caeteris paribus . . it is supposed that ( besides the simple lawfulness of the thing ) there be also no other accidental inconveniencies on the other side ( that will follow the use of a form ) that is of sufficient moment to weigh down the argument from the churches peace . for when a thing is only good or evil , ( i mean , necessary or sinfull , ) by accident , and not in it self , we must consider which side hath the most weighty accidents , and accordingly must choose or refuse it . . it is not the fullfilling of the humours of every unreasonable expectant , or every proud magisterial usurper that is the peace of the church , that now we speak of : if a few proud men will hold no peace with us , unless we will serve god in their unnecessary forms , as if none had wit enough but they , to know in what words the churches should serve god : and all must speak but what they teach them , it is not the humoring of these proud usurpers that is the peace thus to be bought . . we must look to the future as well as the present peace of the churches : and therefore if any will hold no peace with us now , unless we will own some formal engine that is like to make hereafter more division then unity in the churches , ( by laying the unity or peace of the church on things that will not bear it , and making thi●gs necessary , that are not necessary , nor to be made so ) in such cases , it is not our duty to betray the geneneral or future peace of the church for our private or present peace . . the desireableness of this peace of the church which we must seek , must be much judged of by its tendency to the promo●ing of holiness , the saving of mens souls , the furthering of the gospel , and prosperity of the church in spiritual respects : for a peace that undermineth and betrayeth these , is not desireable . the means is to be valued by its tendency to the attainment of the end. . there is need therefore of very great prudence , to compare things with things , for a man to know how to carry himself in such cases . for imprudent oversights , or laying greatest stress on smallest things , and slighting greater , will make men live in constant sin by abusing things indifferent . but still the proposition holds good with these cautions , that forms and such like indifferent things are to be used or disused much with respect to the churches peace . prop. . so great is the difference between men and men , times and times , that forms may be a duty to some men , and at some times , and a sin to other men , and at other times . as to private men in their families , it may be one mans duty to use a form , or book , and another mans sin , so is it with ministers also in the assemblies . three distinctions ( among others ) are obvious , in which this is manifest . . some ministers are better able to perform gods publick worship ( except in the fore-excepted cases ) without a form : and some are better able to do it by a form . . some ministers have a people that are scrupulous of using forms , and some have people that scruple the disusing them , and some have both sorts mixt . . some churches live under magistrates that command a form , or with churches that unanimously agree on a form ; and others live in times and places where there is no such commands or agreements ▪ and according to these differences it may be one mans duty , and anothers sin to use some forms . . gods work should be done in the most edifying manner . where ministers are able to perform the publick prayers of the church in the most profitable manner without a form , there it is their duty to disuse a form , unless some other greater accident preponderate . still remember that for psalms and other fore-excepted parts , i take it for granted that ordinarily a form is necessary . but our main question now is of praying and preaching , and that especially with respect to one standing form that is not usually varied in prayer , and an imposed form , or composed by others , in preaching . it should be the ordinary case of the church that ministers should be able to do these without a constant form of words , to the peoples greater edification . but yet it is not alway so . and where it is not , it is better for ministers to use a form , then to do worse , and dishonour the work of god , and wrong the church by their erroneous or over-rude defective management . i know the great objection will be , that such men are not fit to be ministers , and that its better to have none . but this is sooner said then proved . i am far from desiring any man to undervalue the precious mercy of an able ministry , and from wishing for formalities and reading pastors instead of the learned able guides that we here enjoy . i hope i should do or suffer as much as another to prevent so great a calamity as an ignorant , unable , or negligent ministry . but yet i am fully satisfied of it , that its better for the church to have readers then none . . consider that there have been some very learned able divines ( doctors of divinity ) that by age , or other decay of memory , or natural impediments disabling them from extemporate performances , cannot do any thing in the worship of g●d without the help of notes or books ; or at least without preparation for expressions ; when yet upon preparation , and by convenient helps , they excell many extemporate men . . the necessities of the church may require an allowance or toleration of such as have not ability to compose extemporate prayers , or sermons , no nor to prepare such upon deliberation neither , but meerly read the sermons and prayers composed by others . i know some will not believe that such should be ministers ; but they would have them only read as private men , rather then the people should have nothing : for they think that a man that cannot preach or pray is no more capable of being a minister , then a man that cannot command an army is capable of being a commander , &c. but . let such brethren consider that there may be all abilities essentially requisite to a pastor , without the ability of praying or preaching without a form ( though still i pray god to save us from a necessity of such . ) a man that can teach men the substance of the christian religion , and administer the sacraments , and oversee and govern the flock , hath as much ability as is necessary to the being of a pastor . but those may have all this that cannot fitly preach or pray without a form . they may be godly men , able in conference to instruct the people in the substance of religion , and to read the scriptures , and the holy writings of godly men , and to administer sacraments , and prudently and diligently guide the people . and by the same rule as you will conclude it better that ( e. g. ) wales , ireland , &c. have private men to read good books , rather then none , lest they turn heathens ; i may also conclude that it is better for them to have churches and pastors of this weaker sort , then to have none , and leave their children unbaptized , and live without the sacraments , and church-communion , and government . . consider i beseech you ( which moves me more then any thing else ) the state of the christian world . in aethiopia , syria , armenia , russia , grecia , and abundance of other churches of christ ●here are very few preachers , but meer readers . and can any man think that it is best for all these churches to be without ministers , and sacraments , rather then to have such ? o that god would give them better ▪ but till then i shall pray that he will continue these among them , rather then leave them destitute . i know many godly judicious men , of able parts for conference , that yet are unable to compose a sermon ( though if they could , it were a form ) that yet i am confident by reading such practical books as are now extant , and by prudent oversight , might be tolerable pastors for many a congregation in wales , that now have none . . in a time and place where no obligation by magistrates commands , or churches agreements is laid upon us for the use of forms , i am fully perswaded we should make no more use of them , then necessity compelleth us to do : but the thing being lawfull , the command of a magistrate , or the agreement of the churches may go far in moving us ; and indeed must prevail with us , unless in cases where there are weightier accidents to weigh down on the other side . for obedience and agreement or concord in lawfull things is our duty , where we have not some greater reason to forbid it . there is much difference between men that are left at liberty , and men that are bound by lawfull governours . yea though they do not well in commanding , yet may we be bound to obey , when the matter is such as belongeth to their jurisdiction , and not forbidden by god. . a man is also much to regard the minds of his people : not out of man-pleasing disposition , but in order to their good . prudence will tell us which way is likest to attain our ends. food is to be fitted to mens tempers and stomacks , and physick , to their diseases . if a church be so weak that they cannot bear the disuse of forms , and others so weak that they cannot bear the use of them , the pastor must fit his practice to their edification , till he can bring them to a wiser judgement , that so they may receive that which indeed is most fit to edifie them . prudence must guide us in the circumstantials of worship , which are left to our determination ; that we may vary them as the condition of our flock requireth , to their good ; ( of which more anon : ) prop. . the ministers and churches that earnestly desire it , should not by the magistrate be absolutely , and generally prohibited the use of a convenient stinted liturgy . note here that i speak not of the desires of any inconsiderable persons , contrary to the desires of that whole church . if a few ignorant or wilfull people should be eager for a form , when the pastor is able and willing to manage the work of god without it , and the congregation professeth that it hindereth their edification ( by what accident soever , i am not now questioning , ) it is fit that those unreasonable persons should be denyed their desires ( in that church ) rather then the whole congregation . also if the magistrate should perceive that a whole congregation , or many , or the pastors themselves are eager for some one particular form , out of a corrupt humour , and in any ill design to the disturbance of the churches peace , or that they will needs have an unlawfull form , that for matter is erroneous , or for manner absurd , or apt to breed unreverence , or hinder edification , the magistrate should prohibite this : yet so , that prudence and moderation measure out his penalties in such a sort , as that he churches edification be not hindered by his over-rigorous correcting mens distempers . but out of these and such like cases , when it is meer weakness that causeth pastors or people to be set upon a ( lawfull ) form , the magistrate ought not to prohibite them by such restraints , as shall deprive them of the liberty of worshipping god , or hinder their edification . the reasons of this proposition are these . . because the thing being lawfull , no power should causelesly restrain men from the use of lawfull things . god having left men to their liberty , none should without great reason deprive them of it . . the magistrate should not hinder the peoples edification in the manner of gods worship : but in many places a stinted liturgy is most for the peoples edification . therefore ▪ &c. whether it be the ministers weakness , or the peoples , that makes it most usefull to them , yet when the magistrate cannot cure that weakness , he must bear with them . it was the weakness of nicodemus that made him he could not bear the day-light , in coming to christ ; yea and such a weakness , as shewed , or was joyned with an unregenerate state , and yet christ would rather teach him privately then not at all . . where consciences are scrupulous , and think it a sin to worship publikely without a form , ( though it be their error yet ) the governors are not to drive them away from it ; because then they will not publikely worship god at all : and no worship is worse then a lawful form of worship . . a minister that is for the necessity of a form ( though erroneously ) may be in other respects so usefull to the church , that he should not be laid by and lost to the church for such a thing as this . . the use of some forms ( as aforesaid ) being necessary , and of other forms , not only lawfull , but of almost common reception through all the churches on earth , governors should be very cautelous in denying men liberty in that which almost all the churches have liberty in , and more ; even that which is their constant use . prop. . to prescribe a form of prayer , preaching ( or other service where is no necessity of it ) and to lay a necessity on it , as to the thing it self , or the churches peace , &c. and to punish , silence , suspend , ex●ommunicate , or reproach as schismaticks , the able , godly , peaceable ministers or people , that ( justly or unjustly ) dare not use it , is so great a sin , that no godly ministers should desire or attempt it , nor any godly magistrate suffer it . this was the great sin of the late magistrates and prelates in england ; and it is the main difference between their party and others at this day . the magistrate doth not forbid men using a form or liturgy ( though they forbid one particular liturgy more strictly then i could wish : ) but there is a very few of these men that i know of , that can be contented with a liberty of using it themselves , if they may not have all others compelled to do as they do , and go to god with the words that they have formed for them , or that are best in their esteem . they must be all schismaticks that will not use their form , and the churches peace must be laid upon it , and no man must be thought meet to preach or pray that will not be of their opinion , but the ablest pastors of the church must be silenced and cast by , if they will not use the common-prayer . the sinfulness of this practice shall be manifested in the next dispute more fully , to which i reserve the most of my reasons against it : in the mean time let these few be well considered . . it is a certain way to the division of the church : when men will lay its unity or peace on that which will not bear it , they are the most desperate disturbers and dividers of it . if one form of prayer or preaching had been necessary to the churches unity or peace , christ or his apostles might as easily have composed it , as they did other necessaries . nay experience tells us , that it is not held necessary by men themselves : for the romanists use one or more forms : and the grecians another , and the ethiopians another ▪ and so of other churches . in the bibliotheca patrum how many liturgies have they given us ? and if no one of all these is necessary to all churches , then not to any one church , further then accidents , and mens impositions make it necessary . and no man should make that necessary , that is not some way necessary before . it is easie to know that either the form as such , or somewhat in the form , is like to be scrupled by some , even godly , able men : and so it will prove an engine of division . the church hath been brought to that torn divided condition that it is in , by this arrogancy of domineering imposers , that must lay its peace on their unnecessary devices : and will not let us have unity in christ and his institutions and peace upon his terms . . by this means the people will be involved in the guilt of bitter contending , and hating all that conform not to their way , and uncharitably reproaching them as schismaticks , and consequently of disliking the very doctrine that they preach , or hold , and the way they take ; and thus if uncharitableness , and all this sin , the off-spring of it ▪ be the way to hell , then you may see what a notable service they do to satan , and how they ensnare and undo mens souls , that make such forms of common necessity to the unity or peace of the church . . by this means they will involve themselves and the magistrate in the guilt of persecution : for no better will it prove , even in many cases where the refusers scruples are unjust . . by this means they will hinder the edification of the church . what if a minister have a congregation that ( suppose upon mistakes ) do scruple these forms , and by prejudice or weakness are hindered from serving god with cheerfullness and profit , where they are used ; must we be bound to deny them that mode of worship which their weakness doth require ? and to force them to that which will not down with them ? must a physitian be bound to give all his patients one kind of dyet ? what if it be wholesome ? will you say , if that will not down with him , he shall have none : let him die ? this is contrary to the end of our office : we are commanded to do all to edification , which this doth contradict . . it is contrary to the office , power and trust of the particular pastors of the church , to be thus compelled in variable things . as it is the office of a physitian to judge what dyet and physick to prescribe his patients , and to vary it as persons do vary in their tempers and diseases , and to vary it with the same persons , as their condition changeth and requireth it : and as it would be foolish tyranny against the very office of the physitian to restrain him from this exercise of his prudence by a law , and to tye him to give one kind of food or physick to all ; so is it in our present case . what is a pastor , but the guide of a congregation in the worship of god ? &c. and if magistrates and bishops take this work out of their hands by their unnecessary prescriptions , they so far prohibite him to do the work of a pastor . what a grief is it to a minister ( that being in the place , and knowing the people , is the most competent judge what is fit for them ) to be constrained by men that know not the state of his flock , to cross their edification , and to be forbidden to use his prudence and due power for their spiritual good ? . and what a sinful arrogant usurpation is this , for any man to be guilty of ? it is christ that hath given his ministers their power , and that for edification : and who is he that may presume to take it from them ? if they are unworthy to be ministers , let them not be ordained , or let them be degraded or deposed . but if they must be ministers , let them do the work of ministers ; lest as he that despiseth them , despiseth christ , so he that restraineth them from their duty , and depriveth them of the exercise of their power unjustly , be found one that would arrogate an authority over christ. . and what intolerable pride is this , for a few bishops to think so highly of themselves , and so basely of their more ●udicious brethren , as if no man must speak to god but in their words ? these forms of prayer are conceived and invented by some body . a●d why should the co●ceiver think so highly of his own understanding , as if he were fit to teach a whole nation what they must daily say to god ? and why should he think so unworthily of all o●hers in comparison of himself , as if none but he ( and his companions in this usurpation ) knew how to pray or utter their minds , but by his dictates or prescriptions ? is this humility ? . moreover this imposition of forms ( as before described ) doth discover too much cruelty to the church : when they had rather ministers were cast aside , and the people left in darkness , then ministers should teach them , and worship god with them , that will not tye themselves to the very words that they devise for them . what abundance of ignorant , drunken readers and other ministers were suffered in england , while the learned , godly , painful ministers were cast out , and silenced , or persecuted , because they would not conform to all the forms and ceremonies imposed by the bishops ? and so how many thousand souls may we think are gone to hell , through the ignorance or ungodliness of their guides , as if their damnation were more desirable , then their salvation by the teaching of ministers that dare not use the common prayer book and ceremonies ? i know they will say , that such schismatical preachers do more hurt by breaking the churches peace , then they do good by converting souls . but who was it that laid these snares in their way ? who laid the churches peace upon your inventions ? had not the church a sure rule , and an happy order , and unity , and peace , before your common prayer book or ceremonies were born ? why must the church have no peace but upon such terms ? who made this necessity , that all men must be taken for intolerable schismaticks that dare not stint themselves in the publick worship by your impositions ? will you not be confounded before god , when these questions must be answered ? the church might have kept both peace and her pastors , if you had let all alone as the apostles left it , and had not turned the forms of your devotions to be a snare for others . . and it is great unmercifulness to the souls of particular men , when you will drive them into such snares , and c●mpell them to go against their consciences in indifferent things : what ever is not of faith is sin . and whether they believe it good or bad , you will compell them to practise all that you impose . have you not consciences your selves ? do you not know what it is for a man to be driven against his conscience ? if not , you are no christians : and then no wonder if you want the charity and compassion of christians , and so easily for nothing , abuse and injure the christian cause . . and in thus doing , you deal unjustly , and do not as you would be done by . you would have liberty your selves now to use a liturgy : and why should not others have liberty to disuse it ? either you take it for a thing necessary in it self , or for indifferent . if as necessary , then you are so much the more arrogant and injurious to the churches , and your usurpation is the more intolerable , and you do much to justifie them that deprive you of your own liberty : for i know no liberty that you should have to make universal laws for the church : or to make new duties by your own meer wills , or turn indifferent things into necessary , and so to multiply our work , and burden , and danger ; and to silence , suspend or excommunicate all that dare not submit to your usurped dominion . but if you take it for a thing in it self indifferent , whether we pray in a form of prescribed words , or not , then as we are content that you have your liberty on one part , you have as just cause to allow us our liberty on the other , and to do as you would be done by . . and by these impositions , you set up a new office or power in the church , consisting of a new legislation , and a government of the church by such new humane laws . we know no law-giver but . christ as to universal laws of standing necessity to the churches , in the matters of salvation . and . magistrates to make by-laws under christ for a just determination of those mutable circumstances that ought to be determined by humane prudence ; and . the ministers or pastors of particular churches to direct and guide the people as there is cause . as for bishops or councils , we know of no legislative power that they have over their brethren , though agreements they may make , which may be obligatory , . by consent , as other contracts , . and in order to unity , where the case requireth such agreements . but to set up a new sort of jurisdiction in the church , by legislation to make forms and ceremonies obligatory , and by executions to punish pastors that will not practise them , is a dangerous device . . lastly by this means you will harden the papists , that by their inventions and impositions have divided the church , and been guilty of so much usurpation and tyrannie ; for how can we condemn that in them that is practised by our selves ? and though in number of inventions and impositions they exceed , yet it is not well to concur with them in the kind of unnecessary impositions , and so far to justifie them in their injury to the church . if none of these or other reasons will alloy the imperious distemper of the proud , but they must needs by a usurped legislation be making indifferent things become necessary to others , and domineer over mens consciences , and the church of god , we must leave them to him , that being the lord and lawgiver of the church , is jealous of his prerogative , and abhorreth idols , and will not give his glory to another , and that delighteth to pull down the proud , and humble them that exalt themselves . but yet how far an agreement or voluntary consent of the churches is desirable as to a liturgy , i shall shew more anon . prop. . the safest way of composing a stinted liturgie , is to take it all , or as much as may be , for words as well as matter , out of the holy scriptures . reas. . this way is least lyable to scruple , because all are satisfied of the infallible truth of scripture , and the fitness of its expressions , that are not like to be satisfied with mans . and it is a laudable disposition in the creature to prefer the words of god before all other , and therefore not to be discouraged in any . reas. . this way tends most to the peace of the church . all will unite in the words of god , that will not unite in the forms and words of men . if they understand not a word of god , yet knowing it to be true , they will not quarrel with it , but submit : but if they understand not the words of men , they will be ready to suspect them , and so to quarrel with them , and so the churches peace will be broken . besides , the judgements of men being fallible , many will suspect that its possible there may be some error in their forms , though we see them not , and god should be worshiped in the surest way . reas. . there is no other words that may be preferred before the words of god , or stand in competition with them : and therefore me thinks this should easily be decided . object . but the scripture hath not forms enough for all the churches uses . answ. it hath matter and words for such forms . without any additions , save only terms of connection , the sentences of holy scripture may suffice the church for all its uses , as to forms . object . but men may speak untruths in scripture words if they will , and by misplacing and misapplying them , may make them speak what was never meant in them . answ. but . when they use no expository terms of their own , but meerly recite the words of scripture , the perverting them will not be so easie or common : and . when they have placed them how they please , the people are left at liberty 〈…〉 to the sence they have in the 〈…〉 to what mens misplacing 〈…〉 put upon them ▪ when we professedly make our forms out of gods word , we do as it were tell the people that they must give each sentence its proper interpretation as it s meant in scripture , because we pretend not to change it , but to use it . but when it s our own words that we compose our own imposed forms in , the people are left more uncertain of the soundness . for the maker is the interpreter . object . but the church hath antient venerable fo●ms already ; and who may presume to alter them ? answ. . hath it any that are more ancient or more venerable then the scripture ? undoubtedly it hath not ; nor any but must stoop to scripture . . all that is in the words of scripture , we are contented be continued ( at least . ) . if it were lawful for the first devisers or compilers of these forms , to make a new liturgy , when the church had so many before , then is it lawful for others to do the like . and if the compilers of the first of those liturgies , might make a new one in their own words , why may not others make a new one in the scripture words , that will be new only as to the connexion of sentences ? . the church of rome that is most for their forms , have yet so often innovated , that they have no reason to condemn it in others . prop. . though it be safest and most venerable in scripture words , yet is not this of so great necessity , but that we may lawfully use a liturgy that is not thus taken out of scripture . as long as the matter is agreeable to scripture , it is more for conveniency , then necessity , that the words be thence , as is easily proved . . in our preaching we judge it lawfull to speak words that are not in the scripture : therefore by parity of reason , we may do so in prayer . . in our extempora●● prayers we judge it lawfull to use our own words that are 〈…〉 out of scripture : therefore we 〈…〉 〈…〉 strange to scripture language , that 〈…〉 phrases may be more edifying to 〈…〉 . words are but to express our minds : if therefore our words are congruous expressions of sound and well ordered conceptions , they are not only lawful ▪ but convenient . and therefore it is not warrantable for any man to quarrel with expressions because they are not scriptural , nor to scruple the use of liturgies , because the forms are not in the words of scripture . prop. . the matter of a common liturgy in which we expect any general concord , should not be any doubtfull or unnecessary things . . it should impose no doubtfull or unnecessary ceremonies , ( of which i shall speak by it self in the next disputation . ) . it should not restrain men needlesly in things indifferent , by determining of mutable circumstances , as time , place , gesture , vestures , words , &c. ( of which also in the next . ) . it should not make those things to be of general indispensable immutable necessity , that are but sometimes necessary , or meet ; but pastors should have their liberty to vary them as there is occasion . . much less should any thing materially dubious and uncertain be put in . for god will be worshipped in knowledge and faith . and , as is said before , the church will be divided , and the consciences of men ensnared , by laying so much on unnecessary things . and therefore though such imposers pretend to a perfecter unity and concord , then in a few generals or necessaries can be had , yet they will find they miss their mark . prop. . hvmane forms of publick prayer , or other worship ( excepting the fore-excepted necessary cases , as psalms , &c. ) should not be constantly used by ministers , that have their liberty , and are able to pray without them : nor should any be ordinarily admitted into the ministry ( except in the great necessities of the church ) that are not able to pray without such forms . in this proposition are these considerable points implyed , and expressed . . that it is not unfit to have forms by the common agreement of the pastors , to be used when its meet ( as is before and after expressed . ) there are few nations in the world , so well provided for with able ministers , but that some places must be supplied with men that have need of forms of prayer , if not of preaching , composed by others . and therefore it is fittest that such should have forms that are agreed on by all . and therefore i doubt not but when we came newly out of popery , and had not a full supply of preachers , it was a wise and lawfull course to compose a common form of prayer . for , . it will be the surest way to keep out unsoundness and abusive passages , when nothing is allowed as a publick form but what hath obtained the common consent . . it will be the way of fullest concord : when forms are necessary , there is more of concord in it , to have one ●that is approved sound ) then to have as many as men please . the churches may the better know whom to hold communion with in prayer , ( though the pastors may be unable to pray without forms ) when they know the substance of their prayers . . the magistrate may the better do his duty and be responsible for the service that is offered to god , even by the weakest pastors , and see that gods name be not abused . it is therefore desirable that a common liturgy be extant . . and for the use of it , let these rules contained in the proposition be observed . . ●et no man be ordained a minister that is not able to pray without a form , in such a manner as is not dishonourable to the worship of god , unless the necessity of the churches shall require it . all friends of the church will agree to this , that the church have the ablest pastors that can be got . . but because it is not to be hoped for that all the churches can be thus supplied ( at least in haste , ) if the or●●iners or approvers shall appoint any to the work in wales or other necessitous places , that are not able competently to administer sacraments , &c. without a form of prayer , let them tye such to use the form agreed on . . if they approve only of such as are able to do it without a form , but yet so weakly ( some of them ) as is less to the churches edification , then the form would be , let such be advised , sometimes to use the form , and sometime to forbear it , till they are more able . . and that it may be no dishonour to the publick form , that it is used only by the weak , let the ablest ministers sometime use it , but with these cautions : . let them not be compelled to it against their judgements , but perswaded . . let not the ablest use it so frequently as the weak , ( unless their own judgement require it . ) let the weaker use it ofter , and the abler more seldom . . let neither of them ( that can competently worship god without it ) use it constantly ; but sometime use it , and sometime forbear it . and this is the main point that i intend in this proposition , and therefore shall now briefly give my reasons for . reas. . the constant use of forms ( and so of ceremonies and any indifferent things ) doth potently tend to perswade the people that they are matters of necessity , and not indifferent . all the words that you can use will not satisfie them that it is indifferent , if you use it not indifferently . we see by experience the power of custome with the vulgar . but you will say , what if they do overvalue it as necessary , what danger is in that ? i answer very much . . they will offer god a blind kind of service , while they place his worship in that which is no part of worship ( as forms are not , as such ) but an indifferent circumstance . . they will be hereby induced to uncharitable censures of other churches or persons that think otherwise , or disuse those customs . . they will be strongly induced to rebell against their magistrates and pastors , if they shall judge it meet to change those customs . . they will turn that stream of their zeal for these indifferent things , that should be laid out on the matters of necessity : and perhaps in vain will they worship god , by an outside hypocriticall worship , while they thus take up with mens traditions . . they will forsake gods own ordinances , when they cannot have them cloathed with their desired mode . all this we see in our dayes at home . the most ignorant and ungodly do by hundreds and thousands , reject church discipline , and sacraments , and many of them the prayers and assemblies themselves , because they have not the common prayer , or because the churches kneel not at the lords supper in the act of receiving , and such like . so that it is a grievous plague to our peoples souls to be led into these mistakes , and to think that circumstances and things indifferent , are matters of necessity . and yet on the other side , lest the constant disuse of all convenient forms , should lead the people into the contrary extream , to think them all unlawfull ( and so to be guilty of the like uncharitable censures and evils as aforesaid ) i think it safest , that the ablest men should sometime use them . and this indifferent use of them , will lead the people to indifferent thoughts of them , and so they will not provoke god by blind worship , nor be so ready to fly in the faces of their ministers when they cross them herein , as now they are . for example , what a stir have we if men may not kneel at the sacrament , or if the dead ( in case of ministers absence , or other hinderance ) have not somewhat said over them at the grave ; and in some places , if ministers go not in procession in rogation week , and many such like customs . if these were sometime used ( in a good and lawfull way ) it would keep men from mistaking them to be unlawfull ; and if they were sometime disused , people would not take them as things necessary , nor so hate and reproach both ministers and brethren that neglect them , or do not alwayes humour them herein , yea or that were against them : nor would men separate on these accounts . reas. . the constant use of forms of prayer depriveth people of their ministers gifts , and potently tendeth to work the people into a dull formality , and to a meer outside heartless k●nd of service , which is as great an enemy to serious devotion , and consequently to mens salvation , as almost any thing that 's to be found among professed christians in the church . how dangerously and obstinately do such delude themselves , and think that they are as uprightly religious as the best ? and so refuse all the humbling convincing light that should bring them to a change , and blindly misapply the promises to themselves , and go on in meer presumption to the last : and all because they thus draw neer to god with their lips , and say over a form of words , when their hearts are far from him , and they know not , or observe not what they say . and that constancy in forms doth potently tend to this dead formality , we need no other proof then experience . how hard doth the best man find it to keep up life and seriousness in the constant hearing or speaking of the same words ? if you say that it is our fault ▪ i grant it : but it is an uncurable fault while we are in the flesh : or at least its few that ever are very much cured of it , and non wholly . there 's much also in nature it self to cause this . a man that delighteth in musick is weary of it , if he have constantly the same instrument and tune : or at least cannot possibly have that delight that variety would afford him . so is it in recreations , and oft in dyet , and other things . novelty affecteth : variety pleaseth : commonness dulleth us . and though we must not therefore have a new god , or a new christ , or a new gospel ( the fulness of these affordeth the soul a daily variety : and also their perfect goodness is such as leaves no need of a variety in kind , ) yet is it meet that ministers should have a gratefull variety of manner , to keep up delight and desire in their people . a sick stomack cannot take still the same physick , nor the same dish . i know that an ancient prudent man , especially the learned pastor himself , that better comprehendeth what a form of words contains , can make a much better use of forms , then younger christians can do . but i think with all , i am sure with the generality , ( to whom we must have respect ) a constant form is a certain way to bring the soul to a cold insensible formal worship . and on the other side , if a form be constantly disused , and people have no● sometimes a recitall of the same , again and again , it may tend to breed a childish levity , and giddyness in religion ; as if it were not the matter , but meer novelty and variety that did please ; and so it may also easily make hypocrites , who shall delude themselves with conceits that they delight in god and in his word , when it is but in these novelties and varieties of expression , that they are tickled and delighted ; and their itching ears being pleased , they think it proves a work of saving grace on the heart . and therefore to fix christians and make them sound , that they grow not wanton in religion , and be not as children carryed up and down with variety of doctrine● or of modes , i think it would be useful to have a moderate seasonable use of some forms as to the manner , as well as often to inculcate the same matter ; avoiding still that constancy that tends to dull their appetites , and make them weary or formal in the work . reas. . the constant use of a stinted liturgy , or form of prayer , doth much tend to the remisness and negligence of the ministry . when they know that the duty requireth no exercise of their invention , and that before the church they may as well perform it with an unprepared as with a prepared mind , it will strongly tempt them ( and prevail too commonly ) to neglect the stirring up of their gifts , and the preparing of their minds . when they know that before men they may ( in reading a prayer ) come off as well without any regard to their hearts , as with the greatest seriousness of devotion , we must expect that most should do accordingly : for we see that ministers are men , and too many are carryed as well as others , with the stream of temptation . but those prayers and other duties that depend upon their parts , require preparation , or at least some present care and diligence for the awakening of their hearts , and excitation of their faculties . reas. . but the principal danger of a constant use of prescribed forms , is , lest it should let in an unworthy ministry into the church . for though i had rather have as weak ministers as i before described , then none ; yet it will be very dangerous when such are tolerated because of necessity , lest the neglige●ce of ordainers and approvers will take advantage of this , and pretend necessity where there is none , or hearken to them that come with such pretences , and so undo the church by an ignorant insufficient ministry ; so hard is it for men to avoid one extream without running into another . now the utter prohibition of stinted forms will prevent this , but not without an evil on the other side . and therefore to avoid the evils on both sides , me thinks it would be best to let such forms be used , but unconstantly , unless by men that will lie under the dishonour of being able to do no better . and that dishonor will hinder men from resting in them , and the frequent exercise of other mens gifts , will awaken them to their duty , and the necessity of it will as well keep out insufficient men as if there were no form at all . for an insufficient man can no more perform the work once a day without a form , then twice a day . i shall add no more reasons , because they that write against forms of prayer , though they run too far , have said enough of the inconveniences . the motion that i make being for a voluntary and an unconstant use of them , i must expect to meet with objections on both sides , which i shall briefly answer . object . . those that are utterly against forms , will say that i am opening under pretence of peace and liberty a way to let in an unlawfull worship and a lazy insufficient ministry . to which i answ . . for them that take all forms to be unlawfull , i think them fitter for compassion then disputes , and judge their reason to be as low as the quakers that cry down the use of hour-glasses , and sermon-notes , and preaching on a text of scripture . . and for the rest of the objection , it s answered before . the use of a liturgy in the way described , will not more countenance a lazy insufficient ministry , nor hurt the church , then if there were none . object . . but what need is there of it ? are we not well without it ? why would you disturb our peace , to please the adversaries ? answ. . we are not without a liturgy , as shall be further shewed , and therefore you cannot say we are well without it . . some yong weak ministers ( we must speak the truth ) do wrong both baptism and the lords supper by many miscarriages , for want of further helps . . wales and many parts of england must be supplyed with forms , or be without , wh●ch is worse . . the consciences of many of those that you call adversaries ( and i call brethren ) must be indulged with the liberty of a convenient form , or else we shall not walk charitably . on the oth●●side it will be objected , by them that would have all men forced to the constant u●e of forms , . that if we have not forms , men may vent what they please in prayer : some raile in prayer , and some vent error , and some rebellion , &c. answ. . this argument makes against all prayer of ministers , but what is prescribed . for if you force them to a form , and yet give them leave with their sermons to use also either extemporate or formed prayers of their own , they may as well vent rebellion , heresie or malice in them , as if they had no liturgy at all . and if you would have ministers use no prayer but what they read out of the imposed books , for fear of these inconveniences , you will shew your selves enemies to the church , and cure an inconvenience with a mischief . . and if men were forbidden all prayer but by the book , yet it is more easie to vent error or malice in a sermon . so that unless you tie them also to forbear preaching save out of an imposed book , you are never the better . and if you would do so , you are sorry helpers of the church . . you have a better remedy then these at hand . put no such insufficient men , or hereticks into the ministry , that will so abuse prayer : or if they be crept in , put them out again , and put better in their places , that will not abuse it . if some physitians kill men by ignorance or malice , will you tie them all to go by a book and give but one medicine , or will you not rather cast out the unworthy , and licence only abler men ? object . . but how can i ioyn with a minister in prayer , if i know not before hand what he will say , when for ought i know he may pray blasphemy or heresie ? answ. . by this objection , you take it to be unlawful to joyn with any prayers at all , whether publick or private , but what you know before : and so it seems you think all prayer but what 's by the book , unfit for any but a solitary person . and if this be your mind , that your book-prayers must needs shut out all others , blame not men so much to shut out your book , when you so far provoke them . . according to this objection you must not send for the minister to pray with you when you are sick , or in trouble , unless he tye himself to your book . and why then may not another do it as well as he ; or at least , the sillyest man that can read as well as the most able ? . it is the work of the minister , to be the peoples mouth in prayer to god , and therefore if he fail in the manner of his own work , it is his sin , and not yours , and you may no more refuse for that to joyn with him , then subjects may refuse to obey the soveraign power because of some miscarriages , yea or to fight for them , and defend them . . your presence signifieth not your consent to all that you hear from a minister : and your heart is not to follow him in evil , but in good : and therefore seeing you are at liberty , what cause of scruple have you ? . it is supposed that no man is ordinarily admitted , or tolerated in the ministry , that will so abuse prayer that men may not lawfully joyn with them . if they are such , cast them out : if you cannot cast them out , if they are hereticks or blasphemers , come not neer them . but if ●●ey are men fit for to be tolerated in the ministry , you have reason to trust them so far in their office , as not to expect heresies or blasphemies from them , till you hear them : and if you hear them guilty of such , after a first and second admonition avoid them . but let not wicked uncharitable censures be an argument against the worship of god. you know not but a physitian may poison you , and yet you will choose the best you can , and then trust your lives with him . you may much more do so by a minister , because you proceed not by so implicite a faith in the matters of your salvation . you may refuse any evil that the minister offereth . object . . but many of them speak nonsence and unreverent words , and abuse gods worship . answ. get better in their stead , that are able to do gods work in a more suitable manner . but see that your quarrelsome capricious wits , do not odiously aggravate imperfections , or make faults where there are none . and remember that you have not angels , but men to be your pastors ; and therefore imperfections must be expected : but a blessi●g may accompany imperfect administrations . but if people , patron , and ordainer will choose weak men , when they may have better , they may thank themselves . a common prayer book will make but an imperfect supply , instead of an able minister : though in some cases i am for it , as aforesaid . object . . but prayer is a speaking to god : and therefore men should say nothing but what is exactly weighed before hand . answ. . we grant all this . but men may weigh before hand the matter of their requests , without preparing a form of words : or a man may fore-consider of his words , without a prayer-book . . preaching is a speaking in gods name , as though god speak by us , and as christs embassadors in his stead . cor. . , . and to speak as in christs stead , and gods name , requireth as great preparation , as to speak to god in the peoples name . it seems more , as it were to represent christ in speaking ▪ then to speak to christ while we represent but the people . and therefore by this argument you should let no man preach neither , but by a book prescribed . . god is not as man , that looks most at oratory and fine words . it is an humble , contrite , faithfull , honest heart that he looks at : and where he sees this , with earnest desires , and that the matter of prayer is agreeable to his will , he will bear with many a homely word . one cold request , or the lest formality and dulness of affection , and carelesness and disesteem of the mercy , is more odious with god , then a thousand barbarisms , and solaecisms , and unhandsome words . yet the tongue also should carefully be lookt to : but men should not mistake themselves , and think that god judgeth by the outward appearance , and as man judgeth ▪ . still i say , get ministers that are able to do better if you have insufficient ones . a man on a common prayer-book is likelier to provoke god , by a careless , heartless , customary service , and meer lip labour , let the the words be never so exact , then another ( that fears god ) is like to provoke him by disorderly or unhandsome words : though both should be avoided . object . . our minds are not able to go along with a min●ster on the sudden , unless we knew what he will say before hand . answ. a diligent soul that marketh what is said , may with holy affections go along with a minister without knowing what he will say before hand . the experience of christians confuteth this objection . . and this would not only plead for a form , but shut out all other prayer : which is sufficient to disgrace it with any understanding man. object . . the publick prayers of the church are they that we must own by our concurrence : his own conceived prayers are but the private prayers of the minister . answ. the minister is a publick person , and his prayers publickly made for and in the church , are as much the publick prayers of that church as if they were read out of an imposed book : but indeed when many churches agree in a form , that form may so far be called the common prayers of all those churches : but it s no more the publick prayers of any one church then sudden conceived prayer is . and when there is no form , yet the matter may be the common prayer of all churches . object . . but what confusion will it ●ake in the church if one congregation shall have a form , and another none , and every man shall be left to do what he list in prayer ? answ. this is the voice of that ignorance , pride , and dividing usurpation that hath caused all the schisms and troubles of the church . must the churches have no peace but on your imposed terms ? must none be endured , but all cast out of the church of god that dare not say your forms of prayer , though they are as wise and pious and peaceable as you ? nothing but proud arrogancy and uncharitable cruelty will say so . . but if we must needs all agree in the manner of our prayers , we must shut out all forms , and agree all to be without them ( which yet i consent not to . ) for there is no one form that you can expect that all should agree in , that 's of humane invention : not but that we may well do it : but it will not be . . how had the church unity before any of your forms were known ? . if it be no blemish for several nations to have several forms , and manners , it is tolerable for several congregations ▪ . how did the ancient churches maintain th●ir unity , when liturgies were in use , and the variety was so great as is commonly known ? many churches had no singing of psalms ( vid. pamel . in cyprian . de orat. dom. not. . ) others used it by the whole assemblies ( see ball 's friendly tryal , page . citing the authors that attest it ) other churches did use to sing by course , or two at a time . ( see it proved by ball ibid. out of many witnesses . ) this variety and much more consisted then with unity , and may do now , when forced uniformity will not . . we are all now at liberty what gesture we will use in singing psalms , &c. and is here any discord hence arising ? but men were forced to kneeling only in receiving the lords supper , and there came in discord . mens fancies makes that seem confusion that is no such thing . no more then that all that hear or pray , have not the same coloured cloaths , complections , &c. object . . but should not men obey authority in forms and m●●ters of indifferency ? answ. they should , if they be indeed indifferent . but should authority therefore ensnare the church with needless impositions ? all men will not be satisfied of the indifferency . i have heard many say that they would preach in a fools cap and coat if authority command them . but is it therefore fit that authority should command it ? all men will not judge it lawfull to obey them in such cases , and so there will be needless snares laid to intrap and divide men . object . . but antiquity is for set forms , and therefore novelty , must not be permitted to exclude them . answ. . let scripture be the rule for deciding this , which is the chief witness of antiquity : and let the oldest way prevail . . forms were at first introduced in variety , and not as necessary for the churches unity to agree in one : and they were left to the pastors liberty , and none were forced to any forms of other mens composing . when basil set up his new forms of psalmodie and other worship , which the church of neocaesarea were so offended at , he did not for all that impose it on them , but was content to use it in his church at caesarea . object . . no man can now say what is the worship of god among us , because there is no liturgy , but its mutable as every person pleases . answ. we have a liturgy , and are agreed in all the parts of worship . to have forms or no forms is no part of it , but a circumstance or mode . the summ is this ; . we have already a stinted liturgy . . a form of doctrine in scripture , . real forms in sacraments . a verbal form in baptizing , . a form in delivering the lords supper . . a creed ( used at baptism ) as a form of confession . . we read the psalms as liturgical forms of praise and prayer . . we have forms of singing psalms . . we have a form of blessing the people in the end. . and of excommunication ( see the government of the church , &c. ) . and of absolution . . and of marriage . . and ministers preparation makes much of their sermons a form . . and they are at liberty to pray in a form if they please . . no more is necessary ( of it self ) unless ( accidentally ) authority or peace , &c. require it . . if peace , &c. require a form , let it be one , by common agreement as neer as may be taken out of scripture , even in words , and as much of the old as is consistent with this rule retained . . let it not contain any doubtfull or unnecessary things , but be as much certain and necessary for the matter as may be . . let none be forced to use it , but such as by ordainers or approvers , are judged insufficient to worship god without it , and yet are allowed or tolerated in the ministry . . let no tolerated ministers be absolutely forbidden to use it . . let none be suffered to lay the vnity and peace of the church on it , and suspend , excommunicate or reproach all that dissent from them in using or not using it . . in times of liberty , let none use it constantly ( but the unable before excepted . ) but let the weaker use it of●●er , and the abler seldomer , yet sometimes ( voluntarily , and caeteris paribus , still looking to the state of their flocks , and fitting all to their edification . ) . when magistrates command it , or the agreement of pastors and peace of the churches ( though accidentally by mens infirmity ) require it , let none refuse the frequent use of lawfull forms . . but let none desire or endeavour the introducing of any such necessity of this or any indifferent thing , that is not first necessary by some considerable antecedent occasion to the edification of the church . this much will please the moderate , but not the self conceited . finis . the fifth disputation : of humane ceremonies : whether they are necessary , or profitable to the church , and how far they may be imposed or observed ? by richard baxter . london , printed by robert white , for nevil simmons , bookseller in kederminster , anno dom. . qu. whether humane ceremonies be necessary or profitable to the church ? chap. i. distinctions and propositions in order to the decision . § . . the discussion of the controversie about the etymologie of the word [ ceremony ] is unnecessary to our ends , and would be more troublesome then usefull . whether it be derived ab oppido caere , or à carendo , or à caritate , or à cerere , as several mens conjectures run , or rather as scaliger and martinius think , from cerus , which in veteri lingua erat sanctus ; it sufficeth us that it signifieth a sacred rite . servius saith that all sacred things among the greeks were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and among the latines ceremoniae : but by ceremonies we mean only external rites or orders in or about the worship of god. and by humane , we mean such as are devised and appointed to be used , by men , without any special revelation from god , or any extraordinary inspiration of his spirit , by which the institution might have been justly ascribed to god as the certain principal cause . § . . there is so much ambiguity partly in the terms , and partly in the supposed or implyed passages that will rise before us in the dispute , that i judge it necessary to make the way to the true decision of the controversie , and your right understanding of it by these distinctions following , and then to lay down the truth in certain propositions . § . . dist. . we must distinguish between such ceremonies as god hath left to humane determination in his worship , and such as he hath not so left ; but hath either . expresly forbidden them in particular . . or in a general prohibition forbidden them , or . hath given no man authority to institute them . so great difference is there between things that commonly go under the name of ceremonies , that they are not in this controversie to be confounded , if we would not lose the truth . § . . dist. . we must distinguish between ceremonies commanded by man as in gods name , and by pretence of a commission from him ; and such as are only commanded in mens own names , or at least on pretence of nothing but a general power . § . . dist. . we must distinguish between ceremonies commanded by men as necessary duties or means of worship , and such as are only commanded as indifferent things . § . . dist. . we must distinguish between ceremonies imposed by a lawfull magistrate , or church-governours , and such as are imposed by usurpers , or men without authority . § . . dist. . we must distinguish between ceremonies imposed as vniversally to be practised by all ages , or all people , in the church at least , and such as are imposed only on some one congregation or nation by their proper governours , and that as things mutable , that upon special occasion were taken up , and may so be laid aside again . § . . dist. . we must distinguish between ceremonies commanded as things necessary to the being of the church or worship , or only necessary to the order and convenient administration , and better being of them ( in the judgement of the imposers . ) § . . dist. . we must distinguish between the absolute command of governors imposing such ceremonies , upon grievous penalties , or without tolerations ; and the simple recommending them , or requiring them to be used with ( expressed or implyed ) exceptions . § . . dist. . we must very much difference the several countreys where such things are imposed , and the several sorts of people on whom , and the several seasons in which they are imposed , and thence foresee the effects or consequents that are like to follow . § . . dist. . we must distinguish between the commanding of such ceremonies , and the obeying of such commands . it s one thing to ask whether it be necessary , profitable , or lawfull to impose them ? and another whether it be necessary or lawfull to use them when commanded ? § . . dist. . we must distinguish between that which is necessary or profitable to the order or peace of one church or nation : and that which is necessary or profitable to the order , peace or unity of many churches or nations , among themselves : or supposed to be so . § . . these distinctions premised to remove ambiguity ; i lay down that which i conceive to be the truth in these propositions following ; which having mentioned , i shall re-assume and confirm such of them as seem of neerest concernment to the question . § . . prop. . such ceremonies as god hath wholly exempted from humane power to determine of , or institute , or hath given man no power to institute , are not necessary , or profitable to the church , nor may they lawfully be instituted by man. § . . prop. . in such unlawfull impositions , it is a great aggravation of the sin , if men pretend that they are the institutions of god , or that they have a commission from god to institute or impose them , when it is no such matter ; and so pretend them to be divine . § . . prop. . if things unlawfull ( either forbidden , or that want authority ) are commanded as indifferent , it is a sinfull command , but if commanded as parts of gods worship or necessary to the being or well being of the church , it is an aggravation of the sin . § . . prop. . things indifferent , lawfull and convenient , are sinfully commanded when they are pretended to be more necessary then they are , and as such imposed . § . . prop. . a thing convenient and profitable , is sinfully commanded ▪ when it is commanded on a greater penalty , then the nature and use of it doth require , and the common good will bear . § . . prop. . it is not lawfull to make any thing the subjects duty by a command , that is meerly indifferent , antecedently both in it self , and as cloathed with all accidents . § . . prop. . some things may be lawfully and profitably commanded at one time and place , and to one sort of people , that may not be lawfully commanded at another time , or to another people : no nor obeyed , if so commanded . § . . prop. . those orders may be profitable for the peace of the churches in one nation , or under the government of one prince , that are not necessary or profitable in order to the unity or peace of the churches under divers princes . § . . prop. . there is no meer humane vniversal soveraign civil , or ecclesiastical over the catholick church , and therefore there is no power given to any from god , to make laws that shall universally bind the catholick church . § . . prop. . if it be not our own lawfull governors civil or ecclesiastical , but vsurpers that command us , we are not therefore b●und to obey them , though the things be lawfull . § . . prop. . the commands of lawfull governors about lawfull ceremonies are ordinarily to be understood with exceptions , though there be none exprest , as that in certain cases it is not their will that such commands should bind us . § . . prop. . it may be very sinful to command some ceremonies , which may lawfully , yea must in duty be used by the subject when they are commanded . § . . prop. . though they are not commanded , nor called necessary , but professed to be indifferent , yet constantly to use indifferent things , doth breed that custome which maketh them to be taken as necessary by the people , and usually doth very much hurt . § . . prop. . yet certain things that are commonly called ceremonies may lawfully be used in the church upon humane imposition , and when it is not against the law of god , no person should disobey the commands of their lawfull governors , in such things . § . . having laid together these propositions , i shall review them , in a very short explication and confirmation , and insist more largely on those of chief concernment . chap. ii. such ceremonies as god hath forbidden , or given man no power to institute , are not to be imposed on the church , as profitable or lawfull . § . . that some ceremonies ( things commonly so called ) may lawfully be commanded , and some not , me thinks should easily be yielded . i meet with none t●at are against all indeed , though some think the name [ ceremony ] unfitly applyed to those circumstances which they consent to : and that any should think that the wit and will of ceremonie-makers hath no bounds imposed by god , is most unreasonable . all the business therefore is to know what god hath authorized governors to institute , and what not ? § . . and here they that claim a power of introducing new institutions , must produce their commission , and prove their power if they expect obedience . for we are not bound to obey every man that will tell us he hath such power . § . . for the right understanding of this , it must be supposed , as a truth that all protestants are agreed in , that the written word of god is his law for the government of the universal church to the end of the world ; and consequently that it is sufficient in its kind , and to its use , and consequently that nothing is to be introduced , that shall accuse that law of imperfection , or which did belong to god himself to have imposed by his law . if we once forsake the scripture sufficiency ( what ever the papists or infidels vainly say against it , ) we have nothing left in which we may agree . § . . god hath already in his written laws , instituted his publick worship-ordinances : and therefore he hath done it perfectly : and therefore he hath not left it unto man to come after him and mend his work , by making other ordinances of worship , as to the substance of them . he hath given us one faith , and no man may preach another , and one baptism , and no man may institute another : and so of the like . if any one bring another gospel , though an angel , he is to be accursed , gal. . , . § . . yet is it in the power of man to determine of such modes and circumstances as are necessary to the prrformance of that worship which god hath instituted in his word : and therefore lawfull governors may in such cases bind us by their commands . § . . the things that are committed to humane determination , are such as are commanded in general by god himself ( either in scripture or nature , ) but are left undetermined in specie , vel individuo : so that it is not a thing indifferent , whether a choice or determination be made or not , but only whether it be this or the other that is chosen by the determination . but where the thing it self in genere is not necessary , or no humane election or determination necessary , because god himself hath determined of it already , there men are not to meddle , as having no authority from god. § . . i shall first give some instances of the former sort ( the lawfull ceremonies ) and then name the latter ( that are unlawfull , ) which i shall afterward give my reasons against . and . it is left to humane determination what place the publick assemblies shall be held in . god having commanded us to frequent such assemblies , and not forsake them , doth oblige us to some place in general , and to a fit place . he that bids us preach , and hear , and pray , and assemble to these ends , doth plainly bid us , do this some where . it is impossible to meet , and not in a place . and in that he hath not determined of any place himself , he hath left it to our reasons to determine of as occasion shall require . god hath not commanded to build a temple in such a place rather then another : or to go thither to worship rather then another place ( but by consequence and generall directions : ) nor hath he determined what place the minister shall stand to preach in , or where all the people shall have their seats . all these are but the circum●●●nces of a holy action , which are left to humane prudence . § . . . it is left to man to determine of the time of holy duties , except only where god hath determined of it already . as that the lords day shall be the day for publick holy assemblies , is a thing that god himself hath determined ; and here we have nothing to do but to discern his determinations and obey them . but withall he hath in generall commanded us to preach in season and out of season , and to assemble frequently , on severall great occasions : and here he hath not determined of the time , but left it to humane prudence upon emergent occasions , and according to their several cases , to determine of what hour on the lords day we shall begin ; how long the sermon shall be ; what hour the assembly shall be dismist : what daies the lords supper shall be administred , and how oft : when any shall be baptized : what day the lecture shall be on , or any more private meetings for edification : what hour , or just how oft men must pray in secret , or with their families : these with the like are undetermined by god ( and good reason , as i shall shew anon , ) and left to our selves and to our governors : some time or other we are commanded by god himself to choose . § . . . it is left to the determination of humane prudence , what vtensils to imploy about the publick worship of god. for these in generall are commanded by god , and so made necessary ; as also in the nature of the thing . he that commanded us to do the work , that is not to be done without convenient vtensils , doth thereby command us virtually the use of instruments fit for the work . what form and proportion the temple where we meet shall have , is left to men : whether we shall preach in a pulpit ? and what shall be its shape ? where we shall read ? whether we shall baptize in a river , or pond , or spring , or font , or bason , and what materials , whether stone or silver , or pewter , &c. they be made of ? whether we shall receive the lords supper at a table , or in our seats , and whether the table shall be of wood or stone ? whether it shall be round , or long , or square ? whether it shall stand in the east or west end of the temple , or the middle ? whether it shall have rails , or no rails ? whether the bread be of wheat or other convenient grain ? what vessel the bread shall be put in ? and what grape the wine shall be made of ? and what vessell it shall stand in ? and be delivered in ? whether a cup , or other like vessel ? whether of silver , wood , or pewter , & c ? all these are left to humane prudence . in general , it is necessary that some such utensils in each case there be : but the special sort is left indifferent to our choice so also the bibles themselves , whether they be printed , or written , and in what hand , or colour ? whether bound , or in a role ? are things indifferent in themselves , and left to humane reason to determine . the like may be said of other utensils of worship , necessary in genere . § . . . god hath not determined in what language the scripture shall be read or preacht to such or such a congregation ( though by the generall rule , that all be done to edification , and that we speak to the understanding , there is sufficient direction for it ) but he that commandeth us to preach , implyeth that we translate the scripture , and preach and read in a language fittest for the peoples edification . and if ( as in many places of wales ) there be two languages equally understood , we may indifferently choose that which we think most agreeable to the generall rules . § . . . the scripture hath commanded us in generall to sing psalms : but it hath not told us whether they shall be in r●thme , or meeter , or in what tune we shall sing them . these modes are left to humane prudence to determine of . § . . . when there are divers translations of the scripture in the same language ▪ or divers versions of the psalms in the same language ( as in england , here are the old version , the new-england version , mr. rous's first , and his second ( or the scots , ) mr. white 's , bishop kings , sands's , mr. bartons , &c. ) god hath not told us which of all these we shall use , but given us generall directions , according to which our own reason , or our governors should make choice . § . . . god hath commanded us to read the holy scriptures , and to expound them to the people , that they may understand and practise them : but he hath not told us what book of scripture , or what chapter we shall read at such a day , or on such or such occasions ; nor yet what order we shall observe in reading ; whether we shall begin the scripture , and go on to the end ; or whether we shall read more frequently some subjects of greatest use , and which ? these therefore are left to humane prudence to determine of by generall rules . § . . . though god hath commanded us to read the scripture , and to sing psalms , &c. yet hath he not told us just how much we shall read at a time , or sing at a time : and therefore this also is a matter left to humane determination . § . . . though god hath commanded us to preach the gospell , and told us what to preach , and given us generall rules for our direction , yet hath he not told us what text , or subject we shall preach on such or such a day : nor yet what method we shall follow , there being various methods , sutable to severall texts and people : it is left therefore to humane prudence to choose both subject , text and method . § . . . god that hath commanded us to pray , and praise him , and preach , &c. hath not told us just what words we shall use in any of these holy exercises . he hath indeed given us the lords prayer , which is our rule for matter , and method , and a lawfull form for words : but he hath not tyed us to this only , nor told us what words we shall use besides this : whether we shall use words long before premeditated ( call'd a form ) or only such as are immediately or neer before our speaking premeditated , or in speaking , adapted to the matter in hand ? whether our premeditated prayers shall be expressed in our own words , or such as are prescribed us by others ? whether such forms shall be expressed in scripture words or not ? whether we shall sing the psalms of david , or compose any evangelical hymns our selves ? whether many churches shall use one and the same form of words , or various ? whether our sermons , and catechisms , and confessions of faith , shall be a studied or prescribed form of words , or the matter and method only studied ? &c these , with many other such like , are left by god , as things undetermined , that men may determine of them prudentially as occasions require , according to his directions . § . . . he that hath commanded us to express our minds in severall cases about his worship , ( as in confession of our sins , in profession of our faith , in choosing of our pastors , in consenting to the casting out , or taking in , or restoring of members , in renewing promises of obedience , and the like ) hath hereby made a profession necessary in general , and so hath made it our duty to signifie our consent in all these cases , by some convenient sign : for mans mind is not known to others , but by signs . but he hath not tied us absolutely to any particular sign . if a confession of faith be read , and we are called to signifie our consent , or if we are called to signifie our consent to be church members , or to be guided by our pastors , or submit to discipline ; god hath not tyed us in such cases , whether we shall signifie this consent by speaking , or by subscribing our names ( isa. . , , . ) or by lifting up the hand , or by laying it on a book , ( as in swearing ) or by standing up , or such like . a sufficient signification or profession of our minds is necessary ; but the special sign is left to our own , or our governors determination . of which i shall speak more anon . § . . to this end , and on these terms was the sign of the cross used heretofore by christians , and to this end they used standing in publick worship every lords day ( forbidding kneeling , ) and afterward standing up at the creed : as also adoring with their faces towards the east , &c. they used these only as significations of their own minds , instead of words ; as the prophets of old were wont by other signs , as well as words to prophesie to the people . and as eusebius tells us how constantine measured the length and bredth of a man on the earth with his spear , to tell the covetous how little must serve them ( only a grave place ) after death . and i dare not condemn the cautelous use of such professing signs as these : though the tongue be the chief instrument , yet not the only instrument to express the mind ; and though words be the ordinary sign , yet not the only sign . dumb men must speak by other signs : and usually more silent signs are fitter for assemblies , to avoid disturbance : and sometimes more permanent signs ( as subscription , or a stone or pillar of remembrance , as iosh. , &c. ) are more desirable . and this is left to humane prudence . § . . and therefore i durst not have reproved any of the ancient christians , that used the sign of the cross , meerly as a professing signal action , to shew to the heathen and jews about them , that they believed in a crucified christ , and were not ashamed of his cross. the occasionall , indifferent use of this , when it is meerly to this end , i durst not have condemned . nor will i now condemn a man , that living among the enemies of a crucified christ , shall wear a cross in his hat , or on his breast , or set it on his doors , or other convenient place , meerly as a professing sign of his mind , to be but instead of so many words , q. d. [ i thus profess my self the servant of a crucified christ , of whom i am not ashamed . ] whether these things be fit or unfit , the time , place , occasion , and other circumstances must shew : but the lawfulness i dare not deny . § . . . he that hath commanded us to celebrate the publick worship , and to preach , pray , praise god , &c. doth imply in this command that we must do it in some gesture or other : for it is impossible otherwise to do it . but he hath not tied us to any one : in prayer we may kneel or stand : in singing praises ( and petitions ) to god , we may kneel , stand , or sit : at the lords table , though we have an exmaple of sitting at the celebrating and receiving that sacrament , yet no express command , nor a certain obligation . it is therefore left to humane prudence , to order our gestures by the general rules , of order , decency , edification , &c. in preaching , praying , hearing , singing , receiving , &c. for god hath not tied us himself to any one particular gesture . § . . . god that hath required us to celebrate his worship , doth imply that we must do it in a decent habit : nakedness is a shame : cloathing we must wear : but he hath not told us what it must be : whether linnen or woollen : whether black or white : or of what shape and fashion ; this therefore is left to humane prudence . § . . . god that hath commanded us to celebrate his praise and other publick worship , hath left it to our liberty and prudence to make use of such helps of nature , or of art , as may most conduce to further our obedience , and stand in a due subserviency to his institutions . as for instance : he that hath commanded us to study his word and works , hath not prescribed me a certain method for my studies , nor told me what languages or sciences i shall learn , or first learn : nor what authors i shall read in logick , physicks , metaphysicks , &c. it is implyed that in all i use the best helps , and in the best order that i can . so he that bids me read the scripture , hath not tyed me to read only a printed , or only a written bible ; nor to read with spectacles or without . he that hath commanded me to preach , hath not told me whether i must write my sermon before or not : or use notes for the help of my memory , or not ; but hath left these to be determined as general rules , and emergent accasions and circumstances shall direct us . and he that hath commanded us to preach and pray , hath not told us whether we shall use the help of a book , or not : nor whether we shall use an hour-glass or a clock to measure our time by . he that hath commanded us cheerfully and joyfully to sing his praises , hath not told us whether we shall use the meeter , or any melodious tune to help us : or whether we shall use or not use a musical instrument : or the help of more artificial singers , or choristers ? these are left to our reason to determine of , by general rules which nature and scripture have laid down . § . . . in civil actions , that are religious only finally , and by participation , and not any acts of special worship , it is lawfull to use symbolical rites , that are in their kind neer of kin to sacraments in their kind , and may be called , civil sacraments : such 〈◊〉 the sealing and delivery of indentures , or other covenant writings : and the delivery of possession of a house by a key , and of the temple by a book and bel-rope , and of land by a twig and turf ; and of civil government by a crown , or scepter , or sword , &c. and such is the use of a ring in marriage . § . . . though god hath commanded that certain persons thus and thus qualified shall be elected and ordained ministers of christ , and separated to the gospel of god ; yet hath ●e not nominated the individual persons , but left it to man to choose them , according to the directions that he hath given them : prudence therefore is here the judge . § . . in all these cases , it is no usurpation , nor addition to the word or institution of god , for man to determine : it is but an obeying of gods commands : all these are necessary in their genus , and commanded us of god , and the species ( or individuals in the last case ) no where by the word of god determined of : so that if we must not determine of them our selves , the scripture should contradict it self , or oblige us to natural impossibilities . had god said , [ thou shalt pray , at some time , place , in some habit , gesture , &c. but neither i , nor thou shall determine what , ] this had been no better . § . . most of these forementioned particulars , are but abusively or improperly called ceremonies , they being only the determination of circumstances and modes , and subservient common helps , which are religious only relatively and by application , being in themselves but such common modifications as are necessary in civil and common moral actions . yet because the word [ ceremonie ] is an equivocal , let them be so called . § . . though all these things are left to humane determination , and so are indifferent in themselves , before ; yet may they become accidentally necessary or unlawfull . and though man must determine of them , yet not as he list , without a rule : but by those sufficient general directions which god hath given in scripture , and the end and nature of the work . and to cross these directions is a sin in him that doth determine . § . . though all these are left to humane prudence , yet not alwaies to the governors to be passed into laws , and forced on the subjects . most of the points forementioned , ought not to be statedly determined by law , but left to him that is upon the place to determine of , according to variation of occasions ( of which anon . ) § . . yet if just authority shall ( injuriously ) determine of them , it may be the subjects duty to obey ; except in some cases to be after mentioned ; because they are not matters aliene to their power , and without their line : but only its an imprudent over-doing in a work that is belonging to them , in its manner and season to be done . § . . having shewed you what man may determine of , in worship : i shall next shew you what he may not determine of : or what is exempted from his power . and . some things as to the substance . . other things only as to the manner , are out of mans power . § . . . no man may bring a new revelation , which he received not from god , ( whether it be about greater or smaller points , ) and say to another , or himself , this you or i are bound to believe , by a divine faith : for nothing but a divine revelation can be the material object of a divine faith . § . . . and as far is it from the power of this man , to say [ i received not this from god , but yet you are bound to believe it as from me , with a faith as certain and confident , as a faith divine . ] for this were to equall man with god. § . . . and far is it from the power of man to obtrude at all upon another any supernatural matters , and command him to believe them , though but with a humane faith , when he cannot prove that the things are committed to him , nor give men an evidence of their credibility . he may not say [ though god revealed not these supernatural matters to me , yet hath he given me authority to command you to believe them , or made it your duty to believe them , when i speak them , though without evidence of credibility . ] so that here are three sorts of things about matters of belief that man may not do . the first is , that he may not counterfeit a divine revelation : and the . is , he may not command men to believe his lawfull humane testimony , with a faith equall to divine : and . he may not command so much as a humane faith to supernatural assertions which he had no authority to utter . i speak this about mens power in matters of faith , as preparatory to that about worship . § . . in like sort , . man may not say [ this god hath commanded you in or about his worship ] when it is not so : for this were to belie god , and to add to his law , as if it said that which it doth not say . here none i hope will gainsay me . § . . and . no man may of his own head command any thing in or belonging to the worship of god : but he must have either a special or general warrant and command from god himself to do it . gods law must either make the thing necessary in specie , and so leave man nothing about it but to second it by his law , and see it executed : or else gods law must make the thing necessary in genere , and so leave man to determine of the species ( as is oft said . ) but where neither of these are done by god , man hath no power for the imposing of that thing . § . . more particularly , . god hath not left it to the power of man to add to the ten commandments any universal precept for obedience . . nor to add to the lords prayer and other holy scripture , any general article of request to god. . nor to add any officers to his church , that are strictly divine , or for divine uses . . nor to add any substantial ordinance of worship . . nor to add any substantial part of holy discipline . . nor to institute any new sacrament in the church , or any thing that hath the nature of a sacrament , though it have not the name . § . . it seemeth to me that mystical signs stated by man in gods publick worship , directly to work grace on his soul from god , and that as instituted , and also to oblige man to god again , are unlawfully brought into the church . § . . by what hath been said , you may see which of the late english controverted ceremonies , i take to have been lawful , and which unlawfull . too many years did i spend long agoe about these controversies ; and the judgement that then i arrived at , i could never find reason since to change , notwithstanding all the changes of the times , and the helps i that have since had ; and it was and is as followeth . § . . . about episcopacy ( which was the principal point , concomitant with the ceremonial controversie ) i have given you my thoughts before . . the ceremonies controverted among us , were especially , the surplice , the gesture of kneeling in receiving the lords supper , the ring in marriage , laying the hand on the book in taking a● oath , the organs and church musick , holy daies , altars , rails , and the cross in baptism . ( to say nothing of the matter or form of the prayers . ) § . . and . if the surplice be imposed by the magistrate ( as it was ) who is a lawfull governor , and that directly but as a decent habit for a minister in gods service , i think he needlesly strained his power , and sinfully made an engine to divide the church , by making such a needless law , and laying the peace of the church upon it ; but yet he medled with nothing but was within the reach of his power in the general . some decent habit is necessary ; either the magistrate or the minister himself , or the associated pastors must determine what . i think neither magistrate nor synod should do any more then hinder undecency : but yet if they do more , and tye all to one habit , ( and suppose it were an undecent habit ) yet this is but an imprudent use of power . it is a thing within the magistrates reach ; he doth not an aliene work , but his own work amiss : and therefore the thing in it self being lawfull , i would obey him , and use that garment , if i could not be dispensed with . yea though secondarily the whiteness be to signifie purity , and so it be made a teaching sign , yet would i obey : for secondarily , we may lawfully and piously make teaching signs of our food and rayment , and every thing we see . but if the magistrate had said that the primary reason or use of the surplice was to be an instituted sacramental sign , to work g●ace on my soul , and engage me to god , then i durst not have used it , though secondarily it had been commanded as a decent garment . new sacraments i durst not use , though a secondary use were lawfull . § . . . and for kneeling at the sacrament , i doubt not at all , but the imposing it , and that on such rigorous terms , tying all to it , and casting all out of the communion of the church , or from the participation of the sacrament that durst not use it , was a very grievous sin , and tended to persecution , injustice , and church-dividing . it is certainly in a doubtful case the safest way to do as christ and his apostles , and the universal church did for many hundred years . that none should kneel in publick worship on the lords day , no not in prayer , much less in receiving the eucharist , was a custome so ancient and universal in the church , that it was everywhere observed before general councils were made use of ; and in the first general council of nice , it was made the last canon ; and other general councils afterward renewed it ; so that i know not how any ceremony can possibly pretend to greater ecclesiastical authority then this had . and to cast out all from church communion in sacraments that dare not go against the examples of christ and his apostles , and all the primitive church , ( who long received the eucharist in another gesture ) and against the canons of the first and most famous , and other succeeding general councils , this is a most inhumane part . either the gesture is indifferent in it self or not : if it be , how dare they thus divide the church by it ▪ and cast out christians that scruple it , when they have these and many other reasons of their scruples ( which for brevity i omit . ) if they say that kneeling is of it self necessary , and not indifferent , because it is reverent &c. then . they make christ an ●mperfect law-giver : . they make himself , or his apostles , or both to have been sinners . . they condemn the catholick church of sin . . they condemn the canons of the chief general councils . . and then if the bishops themselves in council should change the gesture , it were unlawfull to obey them . all which are consequents that i suppose they will disown . what a perverse preposterous reverence is this ? when they have leave to lie in the dust before and after the very act of receiving , through all their confessions and prayers , yet they will at other times stand , and many of them sit at prayer , and sit at singing psalms of prayer and praise to god , and yet when christ doth invite them to a feast , they dare not imitate his apostles and universal church in their gesture , lest they should be sinfully unreverent . § . . but yet , as sinfully as this gesture was imposed , for my part i did obey the imposer●●nd would do , if it were to do again , rather then disturb the peace of the church , or be deprived of its communion . for god having made some gesture necessary , and confined me to none , but left it to humane determination , i shall submit to magistrates in their proper work , even when they miss it in the manner . i am not sure that christ intended the example of himself and his apostles as obligatory to us that shall succeed . i am sure it proves sitting lawful : but i am not sure that it proves it necessary : ( though very convenient ) but i am sure he hath commanded me obedience and peace . § . . . and for the ring in marriage , i see no reason to scruple the lawfulness of it : for though the papists make a sacrament of marriage , yet we have no reason to take it for any ordinance of divine worship : any more then the solemnizing of a contract between a prince and people . all things are sanctified and pure to the pure : but that doth not confound the two tables , nor make all things to be parts of worship that are sanctified . the coronation of a king is sanctified as well as marriage , and is as much a sacrament as marriage , and the ceremonies of it might as well be scrupled : especially when god doth seem to go before them by the example of anointing , as if he would confine them to that ceremonie ; which yet was none of his intent , nor is it much scrupled . § . . . and though the taking of an oath be a sort of worship , yet not the natural worship of the first commandment , nor the instituted of the second , but the reverent use of his name in the third ; so that it is not primarily an act of worship , but reductively , and consequentially : it being the principal use of an oath to confirm the truth , and end strife , by appealing to god , which appellation is indeed an acknowledgment of his government and justice . and the laying the hand upon the book , or kissing it , is but a professing sign of my own intentions , such as my words themselves are : and therefore is left to humane choice , and a lawfull thing . and i have met but with very few , among all our ceremonies , that questioned this . § . . . and for organs or other instruments of musick in gods worship , they being a help partly natural , and partly artificial , to the exhilarating of the spirits , for the praise of god , i know no argument to prove 〈◊〉 simply unlawfull , but what would prove a cup of wine unlawful , or the tune and meeter , and melodie of singing unlawful . but yet if any would abuse it , by turning gods worship into carnal pomp , and levity , especially by such non-intelligible singing , or bleating as some of our choristers used , the common people would ▪ have very great reason to be weary of it , a● accidentally evil . § . . . and as for holy daies , there is great difference between them : those are lyable to most question that are obtruded on the church with the greatest confidence ▪ as for such daies as are appointed upon some emergent occasions , that arose since scripture was indited , and are not common to all times and places of the church , there is no more question whether the magistrate may command them , or the pastors agree upon them , then whether a lecture-day , or fast-day , or thansgiving-day may be commanded , or agreed on : some time for gods worship , besides the lords day must be appointed : and god having not told us which , the magistrate may , on fit occasions ▪ and this is no derogation from the sufficiency of scripture : for the occasion of the day was not ex●stent , when the scripture was written : such occasions are various according to the various state of the church in several ages and countries . and therefore to keep an anniversary day of thanksgiving , such as we keep on the fifth of november for our deliverance from the papists powder plot , is no more questionable then to keep a ●ecture . nor for my part do i make any scruple * to keep a day in remembrance of any eminent servant of christ , or martyr , to praise god for their doctrine or example , and honour their memorial . but the hardest part of the question is , whether it be lawfull to keep daies , as holy , in celebrating the memorial of christs nativity , circumcision , fasting , transfiguration , ascention , and such like ? and the great reasons of the doubt are , . because the occasions of these holy daies was existent in the apostles daies : and therefore if god would have had such daies observed , he could as easily and fitly have done it by his apostles in the scripture , as he did other the like thing● . . and this is a business that if it were necessary , would be equally nec●ssary to all ages and parts of the catholick church . and therefore it cannot be necessary , but it must be the matter of an universal law. and god hath made no such law in scripture : and ●o scripture sufficiency , as the catholick rule of faith and universal divine obedi●nce , is utterly overthrown : which if we grant , and turn papists to day ; we shall have as strong temptations to make us turn infidels to morrow , so poor is their evidence for the supplemental traditional law of god. . and god himself hath already appointed a day for the same purposes as these are pretended for . for the lords day is to commemorate the resurrection , as the great triumphant act of the redeemer , implying all the rest of his works : so that though it be principally for the resurrecti●n , above any single work of christ , yet also for all the work of redemption : and the whole is on that day to be commemora●ed with holy joy and praise . now when god himself hath set apart one day in every week to commemorate the whole work of redemption , it seems an accusing of his institutions of insufficiency , to come after him to mend them , and say we must have an anniversary day for this or that part of the work . . the fourth commandment being one of the decalogue , seems to be of so high a nature , that man is not to presume to make the like . else why may we not turn the ten commandments into twenty or a hundred ? but it seems a doing the same or of like nature to what god hath done in the fourth commandment , if any will make a necessary sta●ed holy day to the universal church . . and it seems also that these holy daies ( excepting easter and whitsontide and other lords daies ) are but of later i●troduction . many passages of antiquity seem to intimate , that christmas day it self was not of many hundred years after christ. i remember not any before gregory n●zianzene that seem to speak of it . the allegations out of spurious authors , and that of later date , such as the counterfeit clement , dionysius , cyprian , &c. are brought to deceive and not to convince . . yea more , the time was a matter of controversie among the churches of the east and west , for many ●undred years after christ ▪ epiphanius ▪ and the churches of iudaea and all those eastern parts , took the sixth of ianuary to be the day ( see casaubones exercitat ▪ on this , and cloppenburgius more fully in th●s . chrysostome saith , it was but ten years before he wrote that homilie that the church at constantinople was perswaded by them at rome to change their account of the day : and is it possible that , when for about four hundred years or more the churches were utterly disagreed of the day , that it was then commonly kept as an holy day ? the keeping o● it would sure have kep● a common knowledge of the day : or at least , the difference of observation would have raised con●ention , as the difference about easter did : can any believe that the famous council of nice , and the vigilant emperour , that were so exceeding impatient of a diversity of observations of easter , would have let a diverse observation of christmas alone , without once thinking or speaking of it , when they were gathered about the like work , if the church had commonly observed it then as a holy day ? or was the church of iudaea where christ arose , in any likelyhood to have lost the true account of the day , if it had been observed by apostolical tradition from the beginning ? . and it seems that god did purposely deny us the observation of this day , in that he hath certainly kept the time unknown to the world . the confidence of some bewrayes but their ignorance . chronologers are never like to be agreed of the year , much less of the moneth or day ; some think we are four years too late ▪ some two years , &c. many think that christ was born about october ( as scaliger , broughton , beroaldus , &c. ) and many still hold to the old eastern opinion , for the epiphany being the nativity , on ian. . and others are for other times ; but none are certain of the time . . sure we are , where there is no law , there is no transgression : but here is no law of god commanding christmas day or the other holy daies ; therefore there is no transgression in not keeping them . and then . it is not so sure that there is no transgression in keeping them : therefore the surer side is to be taken . . and it seems strange that we find not so much as any ancient * general council making any mention of christmas or such daies ( though of the martyrs daies some do . ) all these reasons ( which i run over hastily ) and many more ( which for brevity i pretermit ) do seem to make it a very hard question , whether the keeping of this sort of holy daies be lawfull . § . . and it is not to be much stuck at , that a day to christ doth seem more necessary and pious , then a day in commemoration of a martyr , or a particular mercy : for in the highest parts of gods worship , god hath left man least to do , as to legislation and decisions : and usurpations here are far most dangerous . a weekly day is somewhat more then an ann●versary : and yet i think there is few of the contrary minded , but would doubt whether man might impose on the church the observation of another weekly holy day , in commemoration of christs nativity . the worship of god is a more excellent and necessary thing , then the veneration due to a worthy person ; and yet we have not so much liberty to make new waies of worshiping god , as of veneration to men . so is it here , though even the daies that are for the memorial of the saints , are ultimately for the honour of god ; yet those that are set apart directly and immediately to commemorate the work of redemption , are relatively much higher , and therefore seem to be more exempted from the determination of humane laws . § . . by this and much more , i am fully satisfied , . that the keeping of these daies is a thing of it self unnecessary : . and that there being none on earth that can justly pretend to a power of universal government over the whole catholick church , it is certain that none on earth can bind the catholick church to such observances ; ( the canons of pastors are authoritative directions to their own flocks that are bound to obey them , so it be in lawful things ; but to other churches , or to their fellow pastors they are but agreements , and how far they bind , i shall shew anon . ) . and even in a single church , or a province , or nation , i am satisfied that it is a great sin for magistrates or pastors to force all that scruple it , to the observation of these daies , and to lay the unity or peace of their churches on it , and to cast out , censure , reproach , or punish them that dare not obey such impositions for fear of sining against god. and it is a most dsingenuous thing to insinuate and put into the minds of men accusations of the impiety of the dissenters ; and to perswade the world that it is irreligiousness , or humorous singularity , when it is so known a thing to all that know them , that the persons that scruple or disown these daies , do ordinarily walk in uprightness and the fear of god in other matters , and profess that it is only a fear of breaking the laws of god that keeps them from conformity to the will of others : and that they are reproached by the multitude of the observers of these daies , for their spending the lords day in holy exercises , which the reproachers spend too much in idleness , sensuality or prophaness ; and it is not long since many of them were cast out of the ministerial service or suspended , for not reading a book authorizing dancing and other recreations on the lords day . in a word , to reproach them as precisians and puritans , for the strictness of their lives , and yet at the same time to perswade men that they are ungodly for not keeping holy daies , or not kneeling at the sacrament , is not ingenuous dealing , and draws too neer the manners of the pagans , who called the christians ungodly , because they durst not offer their sacrifices , and when they dragd them to the judgement-seats , they cryd tollite impios , as i● themselves were the godly men : i compare not the matter of the causes here , but only the temper of the persons , and manner and justice of proceedings . § . . and yet for all this i am resolved , if i live where such holy daies as these are observed , to censure no man for observing them , nor would i deny them liberty to follow their judgements , if i had the power of their liberties ; provided they use not reproach and violence to others , and seek not to deprive them of their liberties . paul hath so long agoe decided these cases , rom. . & . that if men would be ruled by the word of god , the controversie were , as to the troublesome part of it , at an end . they that through weakness observe a day to the lord , that is not commanded them of god , should not judge their brethren that observe it not : and they that observe it not , should not despise or set at naught their weaker ( though censorious ) brethren that observe it ; but every one should be fully perswaded in his own mind . the holy ghost hath decided the case , that we should here bear with one another . § . . yea more , i would not only give men their liberty in this , but if i lived under a government that peremptorily commanded it , i would observe the outward rest of such a holy day , and i would preach on it , and joyn with the assemblies in gods worship on it . yea i would thus observe the day , rather then offend a weak brother , or hinder any mans salvation , much more rather then i would make any division in the church . i think in as great matters as this did paul condescend when he circumcised timothy , and resolved to eat no flesh while he lived rather then offend his brother , and to become all things to all men for their good . where a thing is evil but by accident , the greatest accidents must weigh down the less . i may lawfully obey and use the day , when another doth unlawfully command it : and i think this is the true case . § . . . and for the next ceremony , the name and form of an altar , no doubt it is a thing indifferent , whether the table stand this way or that way : and the primitive churches used commonly the names of sacrifice , and altar , and priest , and i think , lawfully : for my part , i will not be he that shall condemn them . but they used them but metaphorically , as scripture it self doth , heb. . , , . rom. . . ephes. . . phil. . . & . . all believers are called priests , and their service , sacrifices , pet. . , . rev. . . & . . & . . i conceive that the dislike of these things in england ( the form and name of an altar , and the rails about it ) was not as if they were simply evil : but . because they were illegal innovations , forced on the churches without law , or any just authority . and . because the way of those times did cause men to suspect , that somewhat worse was intended to be brought in by such preparatives ; especially when the ministers were cast out . § . . . but of all our ceremonies , there is none that i have more suspected to be simply unlawfull then the cross in baptism . the rest , as i have said , i should have submitted to rather then hinder the service or peace of the church , ( had i been put to it : for living in those daies in a priviledged place , i had my liberty in all save daies and the gesture . ) but this i durst never meddle with . and yet i know that many think it as reasonable , and more venerable then any of the rest . yet dare i not peremptorily say that it is unlawfull : nor will i condemn either antients or moderns that use it : nor will i make any disturbance in the church about it , more then my own forbearance will make : only my own practice i was forced to suspend , and must do if it were again imposed on me , till i were better satisfied . the reasons that most move me , i shall give you in the end , but some of them take at the present . § . . . this is not the meer circumstance of a duty , but a substantial humane ordinance of worship : nor is it necessary in genere that man ordain any such symbolical mystical signs for gods worship : and therefore it is a matter totally exempt from humane power . there must be some time , some place , some gesture , some vesture , some utensils , &c. but you cannot say that , there must be some teaching symbols , or mystical signs , stated by humane institution in gods worship : there is no command to man in scripture de genere to institute any such thing . and therefore in the case of circumstantials i shall usually ( of which more anon ) obey the magistrate , even where he doth mistake , because it is his own work , though he misdoe it : but here his action is like that of a judge in alieno foro , in another court , where he hath no power , and therefore his judgement is null . it is not an act of authority to make and state new mystical signs ( that are such in their primary use , ) in gods worship : for there is no power but of god : and god hath given no such power : they that say , he hath , let them prove it if they can . natural and artificial helps we disallow not ▪ but instituted signs , that have what they have by institution , and that as a solemn stated ordinance , i know not that ever god required or accepted from the invention of man. i doubt this will prove a meer usurpation , and nullity , and worse . § . . . yea i suspect it will prove a humane sacrament : either fully a sacrament , or so neer a kin to sacraments , as that man hath nothing to do to institute it . the common prayer saith , that [ a sacrament is an outward visible sign of an inward spiritual grace , given to us , ordained by christ himself , as a means whereby we receive the same , and a pledge to assure us thereof ] ( in the catech. ) let us try by this definition whether the cross in baptism as used in england , be a sacrament . § . . and . i may take it for granted that the want of the name , makes it not to be no sacrament . and . whereas in the definition , it is said that it is [ ordained by christ himself ] that belongs to a divine sacrament only , and not to a humane sacrament devised by usurpers . otherwise you must say , that there is no such thing possible as a humane sacrament imposed by usurpers on the church : what if all the essentials of a sacrament , such as are found in baptism and the lords supper , be invented by man , and forced on the church , is it therefore no sacrament ? or only , no divine sacrament ? however , let us not differ about bare names and words : it is the same thing that you call a sacrament , when god is the ordainer : and sure it will not prove it lawfull because man is the ordainer ; that 's it that makes it unlawfull , because he wants authority , and acts as an usurper . the papists affirm that man hath not power to make new sacraments ; no not the pope himself . let not us go further . § . . and . the outward visible sign here is the cross made in the fore-head : . the inward and spiritual grace is , a holy resolution to fight manfully under the banner of christ , and to persevere therein . the cross signifieth the instrument of the sufferings of christ , aad that we do own this crucified saviour , and are not ashamed of him , and will manfully fight under him . so that here is . a signification of grace to be wrought on the soul , and given us by god. . an engagement to perform the duties of the covenant our selves . on gods part , we are to receive by this sign , both qualitative or actual grace , and relative grace . . the cross is to teach our understandings , and help our memories , and quicken up our dull affections , by minding us of a crucified christ and the benefits of his cross. § . . that it is ordained for this use , appeareth from the words ( anon to be recited ) in the use of it , and by those words prefixed before the the common prayer-book , [ of ceremonies ; why some are abolished , and some retained ] where they say that they [ be not darke and dumb ceremonies , but are so set forth that every man may understand what they do mean , and to what use they do serve : ] and [ that they are such as are apt to stir up the dull mind of man , to the remembrance of his duty to god , by some notable and special signification , whereby he might be edified . ] so that this and such other ( if there be more such ) are appointed by their signification to teach the understanding , and stir up the dull mind of man to the remembrance of his duty to god : which are good works , but to be done only by good means . § . . and that this is a way of working grace in the same kind as gods word and sacraments do , is undeniable . for the word and sacraments do work grace but morally , by propounding the object , and so objectively teaching , remembring , and exciting , and thus working on the understanding , memory , and will , and affections . however the spirit may work within , its certain that the ordinances work no otherwise . and not only protestants are agreed on this , but one would think that the jesuits and all of their mind should be most of all for it . for faculties , they that will not confess any physical determination of the but make all operations both of word , sacraments , and spirit it self , to be but suasory or moral , one would think should hold more tenaciously then others , that sacraments work grace but morally . and if no sacraments do more then objectively teach and excite ; and the cross is appointed to do as much in this , then there is no difference between them to be found . § . . and then for relative grace , it is plain , that by the sign of the cross as well as by baptism , we are entred into a state of christianity ; and so it is an investing sacramental sign ; it listeth us under the banner of christ crucified : and that is the very essential nature of the sacrament of baptism it self . as listing investeth the soldier in his relation , and consequently in his priviledges , so doth baptism by gods appointment ; and crossing is supposed by mans appointment , to invest men in the relation of the soldiers of jesus christ. § . . yea ( more then is expressed in the definition of a sacrament in the common prayer-book ) if you judge it essential to a sacrament to be an engaging covenanting sign , the cross is instituted to this end . yea more then that ; if you judge it essential to a sacrament , to be an engaging sign in the very covenant of grace it self ▪ and not only in some particular promise , this also is the end of its appointment . it is to engage our selves to a crucified christ as our captain and saviour by his cross , and to bind our selves to the duty of soldiers or christians to our lives end : a●d consequently to teach us to expect the priviledges of faithfull servants and soldiers from a crucified christ. § . . all this is expressed in the very words of ministerial application , in the common prayer-book : which are these [ we receive this child into the congregation of christs flock , and do sign him with the sign of the cross , in token that hereafter he shall not be ashamed to confess the faith of christ crucified , and manfully to fight under his banner , against sin , the world , and the devil , and to continue christs faithfull soldier and servant unto his lives end , amen . ] so that you see here it is used as a listing , investing , covenant sign , engaging us to be christs soldiers , and not to be ashamed of his cross , or to confess his faith , and manfully to fight , &c. and to persevere . what 's wanting here to make a sacrament ? § . . yet had it been but a bare professing sign , like writing or lifting up the hand , to signifie consent , instead of words , i durst not have concluded so hardly of it : and thus it seems in ancient times it began to be brought into use : and the voluntary use of the cross on several occasions , in many countries at this day , doth seem to be no other . but , for my own part , i dare not be guilty by consent , of making a humane sacrament , or stating such an engaging sacramental sign , to all these uses , in the publick worship of god. i had rather suffer or leave my ministry , them venture on this , while i see so much to make me fear that it is a sin . but again i say , as i reverence the ancients that used the cross ( i think amiss , and yet more warrantably then we , ) so i presume not to censure them that judge it lawfull ; but only give the reasons that make me doubt , and rather think it to be unlawfull , though still with a suspicion of my own understanding , and a love and honour to dissenters . § . . as for the common prayer it self , i never rejected it because it was a form , nor thought it simply unlawfull , because it was such a form , but have made use of it , and would do again in the like case . but i must needs say , . that the shreding it into such abundance of small parcels seemeth to me very inconvenient . it seems too light and ludicrous to toss sentences so formally between the priest and clerk , and to make such a multitude of prayers consisting but of a sentence , or two at most : and it seemeth to be tautologie and vain repetition to repeat over the same word so oft : and a taking of gods name in vain , or too unreverently , to begin with his titles and attributes , and end with his name again , and the merits or sake of christ , and this at almost every sentence : as if we had done with him , and were taking our leave , and had forgot somewhat that called us to begin again : and thus we begin and end , and begin and end again , it may be twenty times together . . but the enforcing imposition of these prayers , is most to be condemned ; of which i have spoken , in the former disputation . but for my part , i censure none that use them , nor take them to be therefore men of another religion or worship : it is but a modal difference in the same worship . § . . the emperor constantine was very much for liberty for dissenters , and against persecution of them , upon tolerable differences : yet he himself was wont to write prayers and orations or sermons of his own making ( euseb. in vita constant. l. . c. . & . & . ) and readeth some common prayers himself to the congregation in his house , c. . ( for he made his house a church , and preached in it ordinarily himself , though he was both a lay-man , and unbaptized ; his sermon about christianity to the clergie is published by eusebius : and he preached a funeral oration about the immortality of the soul in his ordinary preaching place , a little before his death : euseb. ib. c. . &c. . &c. . ) he giveth his soldiers a form of prayer , ib. c. . commanding them that were christians to observe the lords day , and spend it in holy exercises , and not to labour on that day , ( ib. c. . . . ) and also to honour the holy daies consecrated to the martyrs , ( c. . ) that is , to their memorial . and commanding the very heathen soldiers to pray as they could , though not in the church but in the fields together . and in none of this dare i condemn him . § . . the summ of all that i have said , is this ; that man may determine of modes and circumstances of worship , necessary and commanded in genere , but not determined by god in specie . but to make new worship-ordinances , or institute sacraments , or sacramental signs , or any thing else , for which in genere he hath no commission , this is simply unlawfull . § . . but this is not all : there is a second thing unlawfull also ; and that is the misdetermining of those same modes and circumstances , which he is authorized to determine . for he is ( as is said ) to do it by gods general rule . here therefore we must thus conclude . ▪ that every misordering of such great affairs , is the sin of them that do it . . but yet that the subject is not exempted from obedience by every such mistake of the governor : but by some , he is . § . . if the mischoosing of such circumstances by church-governors , be but an inconvenience , and do not destroy the ordinance it self , or frustrate the ends of it , we are to obey : . for he is the judge in his own work , and not we : . the thing is not sinfull , though inconvenient . . obedience is commanded to our lawfull governors . of this we shall say more in the last chap. § . . but if a governor so misdetermine but a mode or circumstance , as will overthrow the substance and ends of the worship , i would not obey , except some greater evil were like to follow my not obeying at that particular season , then the frustrating of the duty it self would come to : as for example ; if a governour make a new sacrament , i will not obey , because his command is null , and the thing simply evil . if he miscommand a circumstance of time , or place , or gesture , i will consider the consequents . if he command the solemn assemblies to be held a mile or two or three from the people , i will obey him , if it be but as far as i can go without frustrating the work it self . but if he command us all to go ten miles or twenty miles to worship , i would obey for some time to avoid a greater evil ; but ordinarily i would no more obey , then if if he forbad all christian assemblies ; for it comes all to one . so if he command the assemblies to be at break of day , or after sun setting , i would obey . but if he command that we assemble only at midnight , what should i do then ? the thing is not simply unlawfull : he doth but misdo his own work . and therefore for some times i would obey , if it were necessary , to avoid a greater evil . but if he make it the ordinary case , i would not obey : because it destroyeth the worship it self in a manner , as if he simply forbad it , and this he hath no power to do . an inconvenient gesture i would use in obedience , and to avoid a greater evill : but i would not obey him that would command me to stand ●n my head alwaies in hearing . an unhansome vesture i would use in obedience to a lawfull governour , and to avoid a greater evil : but not so ridiculous a vesture as would set all the people on laughing so as to frustrate the work that we assemble for . § . . in all such cases where governors act not as usurpers in a matter that they have no authority in , but only misdo their own work , it much concerneth the subjects to foresee what 's like to be the consequents of their obeying or disobeying , and accordingly to do that which tendeth most to the ends of the work : still holding to this rule , that we must obey in all things lawfull . § . . and when we do obey in a case of miscommanding , it is not a doing evil , that good may come of it , as some do misconceive : but it is only a submitting to that which is ill commanded , but not evil in him that doth submit . it is the determiner that is the cause of the inconvenience , and not the obeyer . nor is it inconvenient for me to obey , though it be worse perhaps to him that commandeth . while he sinneth in commanding , he may make it my duty to obey . chap. iii. prop. . in such unlawfull impositions ( as aforementioned ) it is an aggravation of the sin , if governors pretend that their ceremonies are divine . § . . i shall be brief in the rest , having been so long on the former . the reason of this proposition is clear : because . as is aforesaid , such pretenders do falsly accuse the lord , and corrupt his word , and add to it their own inventions : contrary to those severe prohibitions , deut. . . rev. . . § . . . because it shews that man to be a false prophet , or false teacher , that will say , thus saith the lord , when god hath not spoken it : and that will take the name of god in vain , affixing it to a lye . and as many judgements are threatned to such , so people are commanded not to hear them . § . . . it tendeth to the destruction of all divine faith and obedience : while the fixions of men are pretended to be doctrines or laws of god , it tendeth to confound things divine and humane ; and so to bring the people to a loss , that they shall not know what is the will of god , and what the will of men . § . . let men therefore take heed how they affirm their ceremonies to be divine : as the papists do , that feign them to be of apostolical tradition . some presume to tell the world , that it is god by apostolical tradition that hath instituted christmas day , or other such holy daies , ( besides the lords day , ) or that hath instituted the cross in baptism , or the fast of lent , yea and some of their common prayers ; abundance of humane inventions are thus audaciously fathered on god , which is enough to make people the more cautelous in receiving them : and i am sure makes it a more hainous sin in the imposers . we justly take it to be an odious thing of hereticks and papists , to affix the names of clemens , dionysius , ambrose , austin , and other holy ancient writers , to their forgeries , and corrupt writings : and how much greater is their sin , that dare affix the name of god himself to their ceremonious inventions or traditions ? § . . such persons forsake the doctrine of the common prayer-book , where the ceremonies are confessed to be humane inventions . the foresaid preface [ of ceremonies , &c. ] begins thus : [ of such ceremonies as be used in the church , and have had their beginning by the institution of man ; some at the first were of godly intent and purpose devised , and yet at length turned to vanity and surperstition : some entred into the church by indiscreet devotion , and such a zeal as was without knowledge : and because they were winked at in the beginning , they grew daily to more and more abuses ; which not only for their unprofitableness , but also because they have much blinded the people , and obscured the glory of god , are worthy to be cut away , and clean rejected . other there be , which although they have been devised by man , yet it is thought good to reserve them still — ] so that you see here is no pretence to a divine institution , or apostolical tradition , but all is the devices of man. § . . and after it is there said [ that the ceremonies which remain are retained for a discipline and order , which upon just causes may be altered and changed , and therefore are not to be esteemed equal with gods laws . ] and i hope the justness of the cause by this time is apparent . chap. iv. prop. . & . if things unlawfull are commanded as indifferent , or things indifferent as necessary , they are sinfully imposed , and the more , because of such pretenses . § . . the calling things indifferent , that are unlawfull , will not make them indifferent . if men will invent and introduce new sacraments , and when they have done , say [ we intend them not for sacraments or necessary things , but as indifferent accidents of other duties , ] this will not make them things indifferent : for it is not the altering of a name that maketh it another thing . § . . if things indifferent be imposed as necessary , they become a sin to the imposer , and oft-times to the practiser . for . it is a falsification , when the thing is pretended to be necessary that is not : and untruths in laws , are far from being commendable . . it tends to deceive mens understandings , to esteem things necessary that are not . . it tends to draw men to vain endeavours : while they use those things as necessary ( duties or means ) that indeed are none , they lose their labour by the mistake . . it tendeth to corrupt mens affections , by breeding in them a false kind of zeal for the things that they mistake to be so necessary . § . . yea worse ; it tends to engage men in parties and devisions , and persecutions against dissenters : or at least , to destroy their charity , and make them have contemptuous thoughts of their brethren , and perhaps censorious bitter words ; when all is false , and founded in their mistakes . for who will not think hardlier of him that differeth from him , or opposeth him in a necessary point ( or that he takes for such ) then in a thing indifferent ? the greater the matter , the greater will be your distaste . § . . yea more , it will make men impenitent in such sins . for if once they think their ceremonies to be necessary , they will think it no sin , but a service of god , to vilifie them that are against them , as schismaticks , and singular , and proud , and humorous , and what not ? § . . as therefore it is a haynous sin of the papists , to impose their ceremonies , on pain of damnation ( if they were the judges , wo to others , ) so is it no small aggravation of their sin , that pretend a necessity ( of duty or means ) of any their ceremonies , when there is none such . multitudes take the keeping of christmas day , and such other , the kneeling in receiving the lords supper , &c. to be things of themselves necessary , so that a governour should sin that should alter or dispence with them , or the persons sin that do not use them . what , say they , shall we not keep a day for christs nativity ? shall we be so unreverent as not to kneel when we receive , & c ? and thus they alter the things to themselves , by feigning them to be in themselves necessary , which are not so . § . . yet doth not every such mistake of another , no not of the imposers , make that a sin to me which was indifferent . otherwise all my liberty were in the power of another mans conceits : and he might make all my meat , drink , cloaths , time , place , gesture , &c. in specie , to be unlawfull , by commanding them as necessary , or under some unsound notion : but this is not so . § . . but in such cases , though they cannot so destroy our liberties , yet may they make it our duties sometime to forbear that which else we need not to forbear , lest our practice make others take it as a necessary thing ; and sometime though we must obey or do the action , yet may it become our duty , to signifie ( in a convenient way ) that we disclaim the conceit of a necessity . chap. v. prop. . a lawfull and convenient thing is sinfully commanded , when it is commanded on a greater penalty then the nature and use of it doth require , or then the common good will bear . § . . when the penalty exceedeth the crime , it is injustice . there may be injustice as well in punishing an offender too much , as in punishing him that is no offender , with a smaller punishment . but if the penalty be destructive to the church or common good , it is an aggravated injustice . § . . when magistrates therefore are disposed to punish men for crossing their wills in the matters of god , it neerly concerns them to look about them , and take heed first what they punish them for , and then , with what kind of punishment they do it . if it be good and not evil that men are punished for , it is persecution . if it be really evil , either its great or small , publick or private , &c. if it be an evil that endangereth the commonwealth , or church , or the souls of men , let them punish men in such a way as best tends to the security of the society or souls of men that are endangered . but if the person in his calling or station be usefull to the church , or common-wealth , let him not be so punished as to be made unusefull . if the bishops had punished non-conformists as recusancy was punished , with paying twelve pence a day &c. i should , comparatively , scarce have blamed them : for it had been but to make ministers fare harder , or live poorlier , or work for their livings , or to pay their penalties , and the church might still have had their labours : but to silence and suspend them , and that when there were no better to supply the room ( then such as were put in , ) this was to punish the church of christ , and the souls of men ( and that with everlasting punishment ) for the ( real or supposed ) faults of the particular ministers : which was not just . § . . object . but ( saith the preface to the common prayer-book ) though the keeping or omitting of a ceremony in it self considered , be but a small thing ; yet the wilfull and contemptuous transgr●ssion and breaking of a common order and discipline , is no small ●ffence before god. § . . answ. . you should therefore put no such snares on men by your commands , as to impose upon them needless thing● , when you think the penalty of disobeying you will be damnation . . but how came you to see into the hearts of men , that their non-conformity is wilfull and contemptuous ? when they themselves profess that they would obey you if they durst . they think they stand at the brink of hell , and should wilfully sin against god if they did obey you : and you come behind them , with silencing and imprisonment , and drive them on , while they cry out to you for compassion , and protest that they are ready to obey as far as they can see the lawfulness of the thing : and yet you say , its wilfulness and contempt . . and why doth not your laws except from punishment all those that conformed not , that were not wilfull or contemptuous ? the act for conformity makes the penalty to be imprisonment half a year for the first fault : a year for the second , and during life for the third , beside deprivation : and imprisonment during life for the second offence , if the person have no benefice : and this is besides the ecclesiastical censure . . if the work of church governors be to make small matters great , and make that damnable that before was lawfull , and this without any necessity at all , it will tempt the people to think such governors to be the plagues of the earth . § . . i confess it is lawfull for me to wear a helmet on my head in preaching : but it were not well if you would institute the wearing of a helmet to signifie our spiritual militia , and then resolve that all shall be silenced and imprisoned during life that will not wear it . it is lawfull for me to use spectacles , or to go on crutches : but will you therefore ordain that all men shall read with spectacles , to signifie our want of spiritual sight : and that no man shall go to church but on crutches , to signifie our disability to come to god of our selves ? so in circumstantials , it is lawful for me to wear a feather in my hat , and a hay-rope for a girdle , and a hair cloth for a cloak . but if you should ordain that if any man serve god in any other habit , he shall be banished , or perpetually imprisoned or hanged , in my opinion you did not well : especially if you add , that he that disobeyeth you must also incur everlasting damnation . it is in it self lawfull to kneel when we hear the scriptures read , or when we sing psalms : but yet it is not lawfull to drive all from hearing and singing , and lay them in prison t●at do it not kneeling . and why men should have no communion in the lords supper that receive it not kneeling ( or in any one commanded gesture , ) and why men should be forbidden to preach the gospel , that wear not a linnen surplice , i cannot imagine any such reason as will hold weight at the bar of god. § . . if you say , why should we not be obeyed in ind●fferent things ? and why should men trouble the peace of the church ? i answer . . subjects must obey in all things lawfull . . but your first question should be , why you should command , and thus command unprofitable things ? will you command all men to wear horns on their head in token of pushing away their spirituall enemies ; and will you resolve that god shall have no service , nor men any sacraments or church communion , no nor the liberty of the common air , nor salvation neither , unless they will obey you ? and then will you condemn them , and justifie your selves by saying [ why should not the church be obeyed ? ] . you govern not perfect but imperfect men ; and therefore you must rule them as they are , and fit your laws about things indifferent to their state , and not expect perfection of understanding and obedience from them , when god himself expecteth it not : suppose therefore they manifest their imperfection in not discerning the lawfulness of your commands , professing that they are ready to obey them , if they durst ; the question that neerlyer concerneth your own consciences ( that are the imposers ) to discuss , is , what reason you have to drive all men from gods church and service , that ( suppose through their imperfection ) dare not conform themselves in worship to your pleasure ? where hath god set you on such a work , or given you any such commission ? . and where you say , they should not disturb the church ; i answer , are you so blind that you see not that it is you that disturb the church ? if you will make such laws without necessity , which common wit and reason may tell you , all men are never like to be satisfied in and obey , and then cast out all that will not obey them , as the disturbers of the church , this is but an aggravated self-condemning . if they be guilty , you are so much more : if they sin and disturb the church by disobedience , you disturb it much more sinfully , by laying such snares as shall unavoidably procure it , and then taking occasion by it , to make a greater disturbance by your cruel execution . if the fly offend and deserve death by incautelous falling into the spiders web , what doth the spider deserve , that out of her own bowels spred th● net in the way , and kils the fly that 's taken in it ? ( yet draw no venom from the similitude , for it runs not on all four , nor is it my meaning to apply the venom to you . ) your own actions most concern your selves . t●y whether you do well in commanding and punishing , as well as whether others offend in disobeying . i shall provoke all to obedience in things lawful : but if they should obey you ( more perfectly then god , ) you may yet be condemned for your wicked cruel laws . chap. vi. prop. . it is not lawfull to make any thing the subjects duty by a command , that is meerly indifferent antecedently , both in it self , and as cloathed with its accidents . § . . the reason is evident : because nothing but good can be the just matter or object of the governours desire : and therefore nothing but good can be the just matter of his laws . by [ good ] i mean , moral , or civil good , or relative physical good : the good of profit , or honesty : and by [ indifferent ] i mean not [ that which is neither a flat sin , nor a flat absolute duty . ] for so an indifferent thing may be sometime commanded . nor do i mean any middle thing between bonum metaphysicum and non bonum : for there is none such . but i mean by indifferent , that which is not antecedently appetible , a desirable good , though it be not it self an evill to be avoided , or a hurtfull thing . bonum publicum , the common good is the end of government , and therefore it must be somewhat conducing to the common good , ( or at least to the good of some particular person ) that is the just object of the governours desire , and matter of his law . for nothing but good , doth conduce to good , of it self . nay it is therefore good , bonitate medii , as a means , because it conduceth to that which is good , bonitate finis , as an end ; or that is desirable for it self . desire hath no object but quid appetibile , a desirable good. and a governour should make no laws but for somewhat that is desirable to himself as governour . § . . and . nothing should be made the matter of a law but what is desirable to the common-wealth , as well as to the governour . for men must be gover●ed as men . punishments indeed are not desirable for themselves : but yet by accident they are desirable to the common good : and the matter of precepts should be much more d●sirable then punishment . § . . and . if unprofitable things be made the matter of laws , it will tend to the contempt of laws and government : and people will think it a burden and not a benefit , and will desire to be freed from it ; and this will tend to the dissolution of societies . § . . and . all government is from god , and for god , and should be by him : god is the beginning and end , the first efficient and ultimate final cause of all just government : and therefore all the parts of it must favour of the goodness of the first efficient , and be levelled at god as the ultimate end , which nothing but good is a means to . of him , and by him , and for him are all things , rom. . . § . . moreover . if idle words and idle thoughts be sins that must be accounted for , then idle laws much more . and idle they must be if they be about unprofitable things . and they are not only idle themselves , but occasion idle words and actions in others . § . . moreover . it is the judgement of the imposers that disobedience to their laws is a sin against god , which deserveth condemnation ; ( for protestants know no venial sins , and papists take sins against the popes and councils decrees to be mortal . ) but it is a cruelty next to diabolical , to lay before men an occasion of their damnation for nothing . when they first make their laws , they know ( or else they are unworthy to be governours ) that some will obey them , and some will not . if therefore they think that some ( and many ) will incur the guilt of sin unto damnation by their disobedience , they must have somewhat of greater worth then the souls of those men to encourage them to make those laws . for had there been no such laws , there would have been none of that transgression , and consequently no damnation for it . § . . yea . it is sufficient to prove that nothing but some good may be the matter of a law , in that they inflict penalties , and so great penalties upon the breakers of them . there must be a proportion between the precept and the sanction . the commination or penal part of the sanction , depriveth men of some good : and therefore it should command , as great a good at least as it depriveth men of : especially when the penalty is to be cast out of the church and service of god , this is not to be done for nothing . § . . quest. but is it not the law that is the rule of moral good ? and consequently nothing good or evill , but as conform or disconform to the law ? and if so , then nothing but things indifferent must be commanded . for all things are morally indifferent , till the law take away the indifferency , by its precepts or prohibitions . § . . answ. you must distinguish between divine and humane laws , and primary and subservient laws , and between the several sorts of good before mentioned . and so i answer , . the law is not the rule of natural good , though it be of moral . and therefore that which is commanded , is supposed to have some natural good or aptitude to be a means of good , that so it may be the fit matter of a command . . gods laws are the primary laws , which are the first rule of moral good. mens laws are but 〈◊〉 , to procure the due execution of gods laws . and 〈◊〉 in the greatest cases the indifferency is taken off before by the law of god : and mens laws are to second gods laws , and rather to drive men on to that which already is their duty , then to make them new duties : though new duties also they may make in subserviency to , and for the performance of the old. but there must be a physical goodness , which is the aptitude of the matter to attain the end as a means , before that matter can justly receive the impress of a command , and be made a duty . gods own law of nature is antecedent to his positive laws : and in supernatural positives , there is a supernatural adapting of the matter before it receive the supernatural stamp of a duty . § . . object . but if a magistrate may not make laws about indifferent things , then may he not make any laws at all : for evill may not be commanded : and that good which god hath commanded already , having a higher stamp then mans authority , needs no such law. § . . answ. i have heard this argument insisted on in the reign of the ceremonies , above any other : but it deserveth not such high esteem . for . the work of the magistrate , at least about the worship of god ( and so of the pastors ) is not directly to make new duties : but to procure obedience to the laws of god. and therefore they are to command the same things again that god hath commanded , and to forbid the same that he hath forbidden . if a magistrate make a law , and see it disregarded , he may make another to quicken men to obedience and execution of the former . . and this is not vain , though it have the stamp of a higher authority before ( unless you will say that humane government is vain ; ) for magistrates are seen when god is unseen ; corporal penalties are felt , when hell fire is unseen , unfelt , and too little believed . present things have an advantage for operation . . and we grant that some things neither commanded nor forbidden before , may be commanded or forbidden by a magistrate , so they be not indifferent as to their vsefulness and aptitude , to be a means for the obtaining of that which is the end of the command . § . . it is charged on mr. iacob by dr. iohn burgess and others , as an error , that he thought nothing indifferent at all : and dr. burgess confuteth him by instancing in various gestures in hearing , where it is indifferent which we use ; and if i have two eggs of a quality and quantity equal , before me , it is indifferent which i eat : therefore , &c. — § . . to this i say , . many things simply considered are indifferent ( as to marry or not marry , which paul disputeth of , ) which yet being cloathed with accidents , or circumstances , shall ordinarily be a duty , or a sin in the vse to a particular person . . nothing is indifferent between lawfull and vnlawfull ; but many things are indifferent between a duty and a sin. . i conceive that where any thing is indifferent between duty and sin , in the vse , as circumstantiated , it is not actus humanus , a proper morall act . but as permission is vainly numbred with proper acts of law , it being but a non impedire , a negation of an act ; so indifferency is as vainly annumerated to the products of a law. for there needs no act of law to make a thing indifferent , that is neither commanded nor forbidden . for instance , it is indifferent for me to wink with my eyes ordinarily , because it is not a moral act that a man is to use his reason about , to bring every twink of the eye to an election , or refusal ; but we may leave it to natural instinct . so in dr. burgesses instances , whether i sit or stand at sermon , ( if i be equally disposed , & caeteris paribus ) is not a humane moral act : whether i eat this egg or that when they are equal , is not a moral act : nor do i properly choose , but take indifferently without choice . and where there is no use of choice , the act is not moral , except in the intention of the end , or in deliberating accesses . ) yet i grant that moral acts may be exercised about these objects : a scrupulous mind may be put to consider , whether this gesture or that , this egg or that is to be chosen : but it must conc●ude , that neither is to be chosen , but either to be taken indifferently . which is but to say , that the deliberation was a moral act ; but the choosing was not , for it was but a taking , and not a choosing : and the deliberation stopt before it came to a choice , yea and purposely avoided it , concluding that the object was not a matter of choice , and the act was not to be a moral act : morality hath but two species , good and evil : and indifferency is no third species , but a negation of morality : viz. of good or evil. § . . yet may one accident take off the indifferency , and make the action good or evil. and though the governours themselves should well weigh accidents , and prefer the chief , and lay no more upon them then they deserve : yet because the accidents are oft distant , and unseen , and the ruler is the judge of them , therefore the people should ordinarily obey , when they see them not themselves . § . . object . but in case the genus is commanded by god , and the species are equal , may not the governour limit us to one of the two ? especially in case the people are d●vided about them , or else will do nothing , because they cannot resolve which way to do it . for instance : if sitting , standing and kneeling be equally convenient at the singing of gods praises , if the people be in a doubt which to use , or at least if they fall into contention about it , may not the governours interpose , and limit them to one ? if you be the conductor of travailers or souldiers , and they come to a place where the way divideth , though both wayes are equally good and neer , yet you must command them one way , and choose for th●m , because else they will go no way at all . § . . answ. . in this case you are not to choose one gesture or one way rather then another , unless they make it necessary by accident . but tell them of the indifferency and equality , and drive them on to action . and so you only choose and cause them to choose action before cessation , but not this way before that . . if this will not serve , but they will do nothing , unless you determine of their gesture or way , you must then command one rather then another , because they can use but one , and some one they must use . but in thus doing , your comparing , taking this rather then the other , is not to be done by election , nor be a humane act , there being no more reason ( that 's supposed ) for one then for the other . but though you name them one way or gesture only ( when they necessitate it , ) you do it but as choosing their action before their cessation ; this therefore is all that is moral in your act : and that you determine them to action by naming this way and not the other , is good ( for the determination for duty sake was eligible : ) but that it was rather to this then the other , was indifferent , and not moral : for of that you had no reason : and where there is no reason , there is no morality . § . . all this considered , i leave it to the consideration of common reason , and of men that have any pitty for the church or their own souls , whether it be a prudent or christian course to make laws for the church about things indifferent , that have nothing in the nature of them to induce them hereunto : and then to cast out ministers and other christians for not obeying them , and deprive men of the greatest blessings , on the account of things indifferent . § . if god have left us at liberty by not commanding or forbidding , then man should not take that liberty from us without great cause , and without some accidental good that is like to come by depriving us of that liberty , and the good must be greater then the accidental evill . why should any man on earth deprive the church of liberty in that thing where god thought not meet to deprive him of it , unless he ca● prove that time , or place , or some special accident hath altered the case ? in any case which standeth with us just as it did in scripture times , we must no more be deprived of our freedom by man , then we are by god : had it been best for us , god would have done it . chap. vii . prop. . some things may be lawfully and profitably commanded at one time and place , and to one sort of people , that may not at or to another ; no nor obeyed , if commanded . § . . the case is so plain in point of commanding , that it is past all doubt . many accidents may make that destructive at one time and place , that would be profitable at another . pauls precepts and pract●ce in becoming all things to all men , do manifest this . § . . * the papists themselves are convinced of this : and therefore sometime granted the bohemians the use of the cup for the laity in the lords supper : and profess that it is in the power of the pope and council to do the same by other places . yea when they burn men for the protestant religion in one countrey , they tolerate it in another , for fear of a greater evil . and when they torment men in one age and place for using a bible in the vulgar tongue , in another place or time , they themselves translate it . § . . it is therefore a very great sin in governours , unnecessarily to make such things the matter of a common standing law which is so variable , yea and must be varied according to diversity of times and places : these things should be left to the prudence of the governours that are on the place . no wise general will take a commission for the command of an army , if he must be tied up before hand , when to march , and when to stand still , and which way to go , and how to ●ight in all the variable circumstances . shall governours pretend to be so much wiser then god , as to make a standing law for that which god thought best to leave at liberty , to be varied as occasions vary ? § . . the english church laws do tie the ministers to a particular habit , and to the particular chapters of scripture that we must read : and if the law-givers had pleased , they might as well have tied us to that particular text which they will have us preach on , and forbid us to choose a text as a chapter : and they might have as well tyed us to particular psalms in singing , as in reading . but all this is against the nature of our office , and the good of the church : and therefore it is not fit matter for a law. if i know my hearers to be most addicted to drunkenness , must i be tyed up from reading or preaching against that sin , and tyed to read and preach only against covetousness or the like , because it seemeth meet to governours to tye me to a constant course ? if i have a tractable people , it may do them no harm to limit them to this or that gesture , vesture ▪ &c. but what if they be prejudiced against a thing that in it self is lawfull , and take it to be a sin , and resolve that they will rather forbear gods ordinances then use a thing that their consciences are against ? must i needs exercise or press a gesture , vesture or such ceremonie , when i see it tendeth to the destruction of my flock ? must i needs deny the lords supper to all my flock , if they dare not receive it in this or that gesture ( let it be sitting or kneeling , ) and all because i am commanded to do so ? § . . suppose it here granted that the thing being lawfull , it is the peoples sinful weakness that causeth them to refuse it ; and that the power commanding me no otherwise to deliver it , is such as in things lawful i am bound to obey ▪ yet is it not a thing lawfull to punish the peoples infirmity in a circumstance so severely as with an excommunication , or a denying them the communion of the church in the lords supper . in such a case my first duty is , to tell the magistrate that such a law is sinfully cruel and destructive to the churches peace . if that will not prevail with him to repeal or suspend such an unrighteous law , my next duty is , yet to perswade the people to obey him : ( for we suppose the gesture or ceremony commanded now to be lawfull : ) but if i can neither prevail with the magistrate to forbear his imposition , nor with the people to obey him ; my next duty is to forbear the execution of his unrighteous penalty : i dare not be his executioner , in excluding all christs servants from his house or holy communion , that dare not do every circumstantial action that is imposed on them : for the penalty is flat contrary to the commands of christ. yet would i not resist the magistrate , but lay down my office , if the churches necessity did not forbid me to lay it down : but if it did , i would do my office , and suffer what the magistrate should inflict upon me . § . . and indeed , i might else be obliged by a magistrate to excommunicate or deny communion to all christians within my reach : for all christians are imperfect ; and there is not one but is liable to error in a greater matter then a gesture or circumstance , such as we have now before us : no nor one but doth actually err in as great a matter : and therefore one as well as another , on this account may be cast out : but christ would not have this dealing in his church . § . . how tender are his own expressions , his practise and his laws towards those that are infirm ! he came to preach the gospel to the poor , and heal the broken-hearted , and lay upon them an easier yoak and lighter burden . he will not break the bruised reed , nor quench the smoaking fl●x : he carryeth the lambs in his arms , and gently driveth those with young : the little ones that believe in him must not be offended : it were better for him 〈◊〉 offendeth one of them ( by injurious persecution ) that a milstone were hanged about his neck , and that he were cast into the sea : him that is weak ( even ) in in the faith , we must receive ( and therefore must not cast him out that doubteth of a ceremony . ) and they that are strong must bear with the infirmities of the weak , and not to please our selves , but every one to please his neighbour for his good to edification . no man should put a stumbling block , or occasion to fall in his brothers way . if we grieve our brother by our meats ( or other indifferent things ) we walk uncharitably : we must not for such things destroy them that are the work of god , and for whom christ died . it is good neither to eat flesh , nor to drink wine , or any thing whereby he stumbleth or is offended , or is made weak . he that doubteth is condemned if he eat , because he eateth not of faith . and we must not be too forward in damning men for a morsel of bread , or a garment , or a gesture . § . . moreover , the ministry hath a certain end , to which all our administrations are means : even the saving of our flock , and the pleasing of god thereby : and if magistrates will commands us to order but a lawful circumstance so as shall not only cross , but destroy these ends , we must as soon leave our m●nstry as obey him : our power is given us to edification and not to destruction : not only those things that of themselves destroy , but those that are like to be the occasions of such an event , through the infirmity of the people , must be by us avoided . to command us a way of m●nistration that shall ( though but accidentally ) damn men , and that unnecessarily , is to destroy our office , by destroying the end , which is mens salvation . if men will destroy themselves by the only means of salvation ( christ and the gospel ) this will not excuse us from preaching that gospel : but if men will destroy themselves by a ceremony , or unnecessary circumstance , i will take it out of their way if i can . it is a lawfull thing for all sick people in england to eat of one pa●ticular dish of meat , as well as on others : but if the law-givers command that all physicians shall give no man physick that will not be tyed only to such or such a dish , i would not be a physician , if i must obey that command ; what if my patient have a weak stomack and cannot eat of that dish , or be peevish , and will not ? must i therefore be guilty of his death by denying him my necessary help , because the magistrate forbiddeth me ? he may as well forbid us all to visit the sick , or relieve the poor , or cloath the naked , if he can but find the least infirmity that they are guilty of . and i think that christ will not take it for an excuse in judgement if any man say [ lord , i would have relieved them , cloathed them , healed them , but that the magistrate forbad me ; and i thought it the part of a seditious rebell not to obey my governors . ] yet i should much less desire to be in that ministers case ( whose labours are necessary to the church ) that had no better an excuse for his denying to preach the gospel , or to admit the servants of christ to holy communion , then that the magistrate forbade him : our ministration is a work of charity , to be exercised upon voluntary receivers : and if a magistrate have power to forbid us to preach or grant the sacraments and communion of the church to any that wear not black or blew , or white or red , or that kneel not at the sacrament , or such like , then may he as well or much better forbid us to give alms to any that wear not a horn on their backs , and an iron ring about their arms as bedlam● do : no magistrate can dispence with charity , especially in so great a case as mens salvation : no more then the pope can dispence with oaths and covenants . § . . we have therefore ▪ the use of our reason left us to weigh the tendency of a magistrates commands , even where the act commanded is in it self indifferent : for the magistrates power , and the ministers , are from one fountain , and are but means to one and the same end : and neither of them hath any power to destroy that end : and therefore if by accident , through the weakness of my flock , the observation of a trivial circumstance would undo them , i would not use it , no not in obedience to the magistrate : but would resolve with paul never to eat flesh while i live rather then to offend or destroy my brother . but if i find by the weighing of all accidents , that my obedience will do no such hurt to the church and souls of men , but as much good as my not obeying , then ( in such indifferent cases ) i would readily obey : but otherwise i would appeal to god , and bear the magistrates persecution . no means can be justly pleaded against the end ( and least of all , a bare ceremony . ) for it is no means when it destroyeth the end . § . . on this account it is that it hath alwaies by wise men been reckoned a tyrannical unreasonable thing , to impose all the same ceremonies and circumstances upon all places as upon some ; and it hath been judged necessary that every church have their liberty to ●iffer in such indifferent things , and that it hath been taken for a wise mans duty , to conform his practice in such indifferent circumstances , to the several churches with which he shall have communion , as ambrose professeth he would do , and would have others do the same . § . . if any think ( as too many do ) that such a diversity of circumstances is a disorder and confusion , and not to be endured , i shall further tell these men anon , that their opinion for an hypocritical unity and uniformity , is the true bane of christian unity and uniformity , and that which hath brought the confusion and bloody wars into the christian world , and that our eyes have seen , and our ears have heard of : and it were as wise an objection for them , if they should charge us in britanie with confusion , and drive us to a separation or division , because the scots wear blew caps , and the english hats : or because some english wear white hats and some black ; and so of other circumstances . § . . did i live in france or other popish countries , or had lived in england at the abolition of popery , i should have thought it my duty in many indifferent circumstances to accommodate my self to the good of those with whom i did converse ; which yet in another countrey , or at another time , when those things were as offensive as then they were esteemed , i durst not have so done . and therefore our common prayer-book it self with its ceremonies might be then commendable , in many particulars , which now are reformable . and so in ethiopia , greece , or spain , those things would be very laudable , that are now in england deservedly vituperable . and several ceremonies in the primitive times had such occasions and concomitants , that made them tolerable that now seem less tolerable : the case is not the same , though the materials be the same . chap. viii . prop. . those orders may be profitable for the peace of the churches in one nation , that are not necessary to the peace of the churches in many nations . § . . i mention this . because the romanists are so peremptory for the necessity of their ceremonies through all the world : as if the unity , peace , or well being of the church , at least , did hang on these . and yet sometimes they could dispence with the different rites of the greeks , if they could but have got them under their power by it . § . . also . because the protestants called lutherans , stick so rigidly on their ceremonies ( as private confession , exorcism , images , vestments , &c. ) as if these had been necessary to the unity of the churches . and the pacifiers find a difficulty in reconciling the churches of several nations , because these expect an uniformity in ceremonies . § . . and so necessary doth it seem in the judgement of some deluded souls , that all churches be one in a visible policy , and uniformity of rites , that upon this very account they forsake the protestant churches and turn papists . as if christ were not a sufficient head and center for catholick union , and his laws and waies sufficient for our terms of uniformity , unless we are all of a mind and practice in every custome or variable circumstance that god hath left indifferent . § . . i need no other instance then . what grotius hath given of himself * ( in his discuss . apologet. rivet . ) who professeth that he turned off upon that account , because the protestants had no such unity : and . what he said before of others ( by whom he took no warning , but did imitate them ) in his epist. to mr. dury ( cited by mr. barksdale in his memorials of grotius life ) where he saith [ many do every day forsake the protestants , and joyn with the romanists , for no other reason but because they are not one body , but distracted parties , separated congregations , having every one a peculiar communion and 〈◊〉 — ] and they that will turn papists on such an inducement , deserve to take what they g●t by their folly . § . . did not these men know that the church hath alwaies allowed diversity of rites ? did not the churches differ till the n●cene council about easter day , and one half went one way , and another half the other way ? and yet polycarp and the b●shop of rome held communion for all their differences ? and ireneus pleads this against victors temerity in excommunicating the asian churches ? d●d they not know that the greek , and armenian , and romane churches differ in many rites , that yet may be parts of the catholick church notwithstanding such differences ? yea the romanists themselves would have allowed the greeks , and abassines , and other churches a difference of ceremonies and customes , so they could but have subjugated them to the pope . § . . yea more , the several orders of fryars and other religious men among the papists themselves are allowed their differences in rites and ceremonies ; and the exercise of this allowed difference doth make no great breach among them , because they have the liberty for this variety from one pope in whom they are all united . what abundance of observations do the iesuites , franciscans , dominicans , benedictines , carth●sians , and others differ in ? and must men needs turn papists because of the different rites of protestants , when they must find more variety among them that they turn to ? the matter 's well amended with them , when among us , one countrey useth three or four ceremonies which others do disuse : and among the papists , one order of fryars useth twice as many different from the rest ; yea in habit , and diet , and other observances they many waies differ . what hypocrisie is this , to judge this tolerable , yea laudable in them , and much less so intolerable in us , as that it must remove them from our communion ? § . . and how sad a case is it that the reconciliation between the lutherans and other protestants should in any measure stick at such ceremonies ? what if one countrey will have images to adorn their temples , and will have exorcism , and other ceremonies , which others do disallow and desire to be freed from ? may we not yet give each other the right hand of fellowship ? and take each other for the churches of christ ? and maintain brotherly charity , and such a correspondency , as may conduce to our mutual preservation and edification ? § . . yea in the s●me nation , why may not several congregations have the liberty of differing in a few indifferent ceremonies ? if one part think them lawfull , and the other think that god forbids them , must we be forced to go against our consciences , for a thing of no necessity ? if we profess ou● resolution to live peceably with them that use them , and only desire a toleration our selves , because we dare not wilfully sin against our light , will charity deny us this ? if men forbear a thing ( suppose ) indifferent for fear of gods displeasure and damnation , and profess that were it not for this they would conform to the wills of others , are those christians or men that will come behind them and drive them into hell without compassion , and that for things indifferent ? chap. ix . prop. . there is no meer humane vniversal soveraign , civil or ecclesiastical , over the whole church , and therefore none to make laws obligatory to the whole . § . . i add this , because of the specious pretences of some , that say we are bound to an uniformity in ceremonies by the church : and call all schismaticks , and such as separate from the catholick church , that disown and disuse such ceremonies as on these pretences they obtrude . and by the church that thus obligeth us , they mean , either some universal soveraign power : or else an universal consent of the church essential ( as they call it . ) and that soveraign must be the pope or a general council . § . . if it be universal consent of all believers , that they suppose to be the obliging power , i shall answer them , . that believers are not governours and law-givers to the universal church , no nor to a particular church . if that point of the separatists be so odious that asserteth the multitude of believers to be the governours of a particular church , and to have the power of the keyes : what then shall we think of them that give them , ( even to such as they call the laity themselves ) the government , yea in the highest point even legislation , over the universal church it self . § . . and . i add , that the dissent of those churches that refuse your ceremonies , doth prove that there is no universal consent : if all must consent , we must consent our selves before we be obliged . we are as free as others , we gave none power to oblige us by their consent . if we had , it had been null : because we had no authority so to do , and could not have obliged our selves , by a universal law , or perpetual contract . or if we had , we had also power , on just occasion to reverse a self-obligation . but no such thing de facto can be pretended against us . § . . and if such an obligation by consent should be pretended , . i would know whether it was by this or by some former generation ? not by this as is certain . nor by any former : for former ages had no power to bind all their successors in ceremonies about the worship of god. shew whence they had such a power , and prove it , if you can : we are born as free men , as our ancestors were in this . § . . and . i would be satisfied , whether every mans consent in the world be necessary to the vniversality , or not ? if it be ; then there are no dissenters : or no obligation because no universal consent . if not ; then how many must consent before we are obliged ? you have nothing to say , but [ a major part ] where you can , with any shew of reason , rest : and . how shall we know in every parish in england , what mind the major part of the christians through the world are of , in point of such or such a ceremony ? . yea by this rule , we have reason to think that both papists and protestants must change their ceremonies , because the greater part of christians ( in east and south , and some in the west ) are against very many of them . § . . but if it be the authority of a soveraign head that is pleaded as obliging the universal church to an uniformity in rites and ceremonies , we must know who that soveraign is . none that we know , pretend to it but the pope and a general council . and for the pope we have by many volumes proved him an usurper , and no authorized head of the church universal : the pretended vice-christ , is a false christ. the first usurpers pretended but to a soveraignty in the roman world , but had never any shew of government over the churches in ethiopia , india , and the many churches that were without the verge of the roman emp●re . § . . and as for general councils , . they are no more the visible head and soveraign of the church then the pope is , this i have proved in another disputation by it self . . there neither is nor can be any council truly universal , as i have there also shewed . it s but a delusory name . . there never was any such in the world , since the church ( which before was confined to a narrow room ) was spread over the world . even at nice , there was no proper representative of almost any but the churches under the roman emperours power : few out of the west , even in the empire : and none out of almost any of the churches without the empire : ( for what 's one bishop of persia , or such another of another countrey , and perhaps those prove the roman subjects too , that are so called ? ) if there was but one from spain , and only two presbyters of rome from italy , and one from france ( if any ) and none from many another countrey in the empire , no wonder if there was none from england , scotland , or ireland , &c. and therefore there can be no universal obligation on this account . § . . councils are for concord by consultation and consent , and not a soveraign or superiour sort of governing power . and therefore we that consented not are not obliged : and if we had consented , we might on weighty reasons have withdrawn our consent . § . . the orders established by general councils have been laid aside by almost all , and that without the repeal of a council : yes such orders are seemed to presuppose the custom of the universal church , if not apostolical tradition , to have been their ground . § . . among many others , let us instance only in the last canon of the nicene council , that forbidding kneeling , commandeth all to pray only standing on the lords dayes , &c. and this was the common use of the church before , as tertullian and others shew , and was afterwards confirmed again in a general council : and yet even the church of rome hath cast it off ; much more the protestant churches . no general council hath been of more authority then this of nice : no ceremony of more common use then this standing in prayer on the lords dayes : so that it might as much as any , be called the constitution and custom of the catholick church . and yet we suppose not these now to bind us to it : but have cast it off without the repeal of any other general council . and why are we more bound then by the same authority to other ceremonies then to this ? and if to any , then to which , and to how many , and where shall our consciences find rest ? § . . even the jesuites themselves say that the general disuse of a practice established by pope and council , is equall to an abrogation , without any other repeal , so it be not by the said powers contradicted . and certainly all such disuse began with a few , and proceeded further : we are allowed then to disuse such things . § . . it would grieve a man that loves the church to hear the name of the church abused by many dark , though confident disputers , when they are pleading for their ceremonies , and holy dayes , and laying about them with the names of schismaticks against all that will not do as they do [ o ( say they , ) these men will separate from the catholick church , and how then can they be the children of the church ? ] and . which is it that is called by them the catholick church ? little do i know , nor am able to conjecture . did the catholick church make the english common-prayer book ? what ! were the then bishops in england that consented in that work , the whole church of christ on earth ? god forbid . or did ever any general council authorize it ? i think not . and if they would tell us what general council commanded christmas day , or kneeling at the sacrament , &c ▪ they would do us a pleasure : but i think they will not . § . . and . what if these things had all been commanded by a general council ? may not a man disuse them without separating from the church ? i think , as good as you are , you do some things your selves that god himself hath forbidden you to do ; and yet will be loth to be therefore taken for men that separate either from the church or god. and when you read the books of heathen [ philosophers ; when you adore not toward the east , or when you pray & receive the sacrament , kneeling on the lords dayes , would you be taken to separate from the catholick church , for crossing its ancient customs , or canons ? but these perverse and factious reasonings we must hear to the dishonour of christianity and reason it self , and that from men that scorn the supposed meanness of others ; yea and see poor souls seduced into separation by such empty words ! and this is one of the present judgements on this land . chap. x. prop. . if it be not our lawfull governours that command us , but usurpers , we are not formally bound to obey them , though the things be lawfull which they command . § . . we may be bound by some other obligation perhaps , to do the thing which they command us , but we are not formally ( though sometime materially ) bound to obey them : for it is not formally obedience unless it be done eo nomine because commanded , or for the authority of the commander . if the pope or any usurper should command me to pray or to give alms , i will do it , but not because he commandeth me , but because god commandeth me : and therefore i will not obey him but god : but if a parent or magistrate or pastor command it me , i will do it both because it is commanded me , by god and them , and so i will obey both god and them . if an usurper command me to do a thing in it self indifferent , i will not do it because he commandeth it : but yet if accidentally it become my duty , by conducing to anothers good , or avoiding their offence or hurt , or any other accident , i will use it for these ends , though not for his command . § . . the pope . as the vice-christ or universall head , is an usurper ; and therefore hath no authority to command me or any man ( in that relation ) the smallest ceremony . . the pope as patriarch of the west , is an humane creature , and not of divine institution , and was indeed a sinfull institution from the first of his creation ; but if it had been otherwise , yet since is that patriarchship become unwarrantable , since he hath forfeited it , and the world hath found the mischiefs of it . so that no man is therefore bound to use one lawfull ceremony because the pope as patriarch of the west commandeth it . . if this were not so , yet brittain and ireland were from the beginning none of his patriarchate , nor did at nice consent to it : and therefore have the less appearance of any obligation . § . . the authority of general councils cannot be pretended as obliging men in conscience to the english ceremonies . . because indeed general councils are not a superiour power for proper government of the church having authority to command particular bishops , or synods , as their subjects ; but they are only necessary for union and communion of churches and mutual assistance thereby : and so their canons bind but by virtue of the general commands that require us to maintain the unity and communion of the churches . § . . and . if it were otherwise , there is few , if any of these ceremonies that are commanded by any true general council . they that can prove any such thing , let them do it : but till we see it , we will not be forward to believe it . yea . some of them , general councils have made canons against ; as i before shewed in the case of kneeling at the sacrament on the lords dayes . and therefore the neglecters of our ceremonies sin not against a general council . § . . the common plea is , that we are bound to use these ceremonies in obedience to the church of england ; and that we are not true sons of this church if we refuse it . but what is it that is called by them [ the church of england ] in a political sense , i know no such thing as a church of england , or of any nation on earth ; that is , there is no one society united in any one ecclesiastical soveraign , that can truly be called [ the church of england ] or of any other nation . the whole catholick church is one , as united in christ the head : and every particular chu●ch , associated for personal communion in gods worsh●p , is one ; being a part of the catholick church , and united in , and individuated by their relation to their several pastors . but a national church under one chief ecclesiastick government , i find no mention of in scripture ; but contrarily , [ the churches of judaea , galatia , &c. ] or any other countrey where there were many , are alway mentioned in the plural number ; and never called one church . § . . yet will we quarrel with no men about meer names or words . if by [ a national church ● be meant any of these following , we acknowledge that there is such a thing . . if all the particular churches in a nation do associate , for communion and mutuall assistance , and so use to meet by their officers in one national assembly ; i confess the association usefull , if not necessary , and the assemblies to be maintained , and for unity sake obeyed in things lawfull : and though scripture call not such national associations by the name of [ a church ] in the singular number , yet we shall leave men to their liberty in such names . if all the schoolmasters in england should hold general assemblies , to agree what books to read in their schools , &c. if any man would therefore call all the schools in england in the singular number , by the name of [ the school of england , ] i would not differ with him for a word . . or 〈◊〉 the churches are all called one that are under one christian magistrate , i will confess the thing to be true that is pretended to be the reason of the name : all the churches do owe obedience to the magistrate . but he is no essential part or ecclesiastical head of the church : and therefore it is very improperly denominated from him ; or called [ one ] on that account : no more then all the schools are one because he is their soveraign . it is the common-wealth that is specified and individuated by the magistrate as the soveraign power ; and not the churches . but yet it is but an improper word , to call all the churches one church on that account , which we contend not about . § . . but it is the thing that we stick more at then the name . a general head doth properly specifie and individuate the body . prove either , . that the archbishop of canterbury or any other . . or an assembly of bishops or presbyters , is properly an ecclesiastical head , having authority from jesus christ to be the chief ruler of all the churches in the land and then i will confess that we have properly and strictly a national church . but no such thing can be proved . § . as for an assembly , i have already shewed ( which bishop vsher asserted to me ) that they are not superior governors , nor instituted gra●ia regiminis , but gratia unitatis ; having no more rule over particular bishops , then a convention of schoolmasters over a particular schoolmaster . if they say that kings and parliaments give power to convocations , i answer , that can be but such as they have themselves : which we shall speak of anon , and is nothing to this place . § . . and as for a primate or archbishop ( of canterbury , e. g. ) . it will be a hard task to prove archbishops , as such , to be of divine institution . . and it will be harder , even impossible , to prove archbishops of the english species , as such , to be of divine institution . . and certainly christ hath nowhere told us , that every nation shall have such a head , nor every province , nor every county : nor told us whether there shall be one over ten nations , or ten over one : their limits are not to be found in scripture ( supposing there were such an office there known . ) . nor is it anywhere determined , that such a city shall have the preheminence , and canterbury , v. g. be ruler of all the rest . all these are of meer humane institution : and therefore that which the imposers of ceremonies call [ the church of england ] is a meer humane thing , which therefore can bind us no further then the magistrate can authorize them to do . § . . but the stronger pretence will be , that the particular bishops of england were severally officers of christ , authorized to govern their several flocks , and therefore a conv●cation of these bishops binds us in conscience gratia unitatis . the people they oblige as their rulers : and the several presbyters also as their rulers , and the several bishops , gratia unitatis , for avoiding of schism . § . . answ. this also is an insufficient evidence to prove our consciences obliged to their ceremonies , eo nomine , because of their canons or commands . for though we acknowledge a sort of episcopacy to be warrantable , yet that this sort that made the canons in question , is not warrantable , i have proved at large in the former disputation on that question . such pastors of a diocess as our bishops were , have no word of god to shew for their office ( further then as they are presbyters , ) but we have shewed already , that their office is unlawfull . and therefore though their actions as presbyters may be valid , yet their actions are null which were done by pretence of this unlawfull sort of office , ( they being no other way enabled thereto . ) on this ground therefore we are not bound . § . . if it could be pretended that at least as presbyters the convocation represented the presbyters of england , and therefore thus their canons binds us to the use of ceremonies , common prayer , &c. i should answer , that . even synods of presbyters or the lawfullest sort of bishops , oblige but gratia unitatis . . that the late synod at westminster was as truly a representative of the presbyters of england , as the convcaotion ; where such consent , if any were given , was retracted . . by actuall dislike signified by disuse , the presbyters of england , for the most part , have retracted their consent . . yea most that are now ministers never gave such consent . . even ●ll particular pastors and churches are free , and may on just reason deny consent to such impositions . § . . there remains nothing then , that with any shew of strength can be pretended , as continuing our obligation to ceremonies , from authority , but that of the civil power that commanded them . but to that i say , . so much as was lawfull , we confess that we were bound to use , while we had the command of the civil power : but nothing unlawfull could be made our duty by them . . the civil power hath repealed those laws that bound us to these ceremonies . the parliament repealed them : the late king consented , at least , for the ease of tender consciences ( as he spoke ) that men should have liberty to forbear them . and the present rulers are against them ▪ whom we see even the ceremoniou● obey in other matters . § . . let those then that would subjugate our consciences to their ceremonies , make good their foundation , even the authority by which they suppose us to be obliged , or they do nothing : if all their impositions were proved things indifferent and lawfull , that 's nothing to prove that we must use them , till they prove that lawfull authority commandeth them . the civil powers do not command them : and the ecclesiasticks that command them , prove not their authority over us . in the matters of god , we will yield to any man that bids us do that which god hath bidden us do already : but if they will exercise their power by commanding us more then god commands us , and that unnecessarily , we must crave a sight of their commission . § . . and if men that have no authority over us , shall pretend authority from god , and go about to exercise it by ceremonious impositions , we have the more reason to scruple obeying them , even in things indifferent , lest we be guilty of establishing their usurpation , and pretended office in the church , and so draw on more evils then we foresee , or can remove . chap. xi . prop. . the commands of lawfull governors about lawfull ceremonies , must be understood and obeyed with such exceptions as do secure the end ; and not to the subverting of it . § . . the proof of this is obvious . these humane ceremonies are appointed but as means to a further end . but that which would cross and overthrow the end , doth cease to be a means ; and cannot be used sub ratione medii . § . . order , and decency are the pretended ends of the imposed ceremonies ; and the right worshiping of god , and the good of mens souls are said to be the greater and remoter ends , ●nd the glory of god the ultimate end . if then i have good assurance that i cannot use such or such a ceremony but it will prove the subversion of order , or edification , ( though it should be by accident , through the infirmity of men , ) i know no reason i have to use them , when such a mischief would follow , unless they can shew me some greater good that also will follow , which may recompence it . § . . therefore the commanding of unnecessary ceremonies , on such penalty , as was done in england , and scotland , to the silencing of the preac●●rs , and dissipating of the flocks , and casting out that worship , or hindring that edification that was pretended to be their end , was preposterous both in the commanders and obeyers ; and proved not convenient means to the ends pretended . § . . if i be enjoyned by the magistrates ( whom i mention as of more undoubted authority then our bishops , ) to read such and such chapters , and preach on such and such texts through the year ; i am in reason to interpret their commands with this exception [ when it doth not apparently cross the main end . ] so that if in my course i should be commanded to read and preach of an aliene subject , when my hearers are running into schism , sedition , heresie , &c. i will suppose that if the magistrate were present , he would allow me to read or preach according to the matter of present necessity . and if i were commanded to read the common prayer in a surplice and other formalities , i hope if the church were all in an uproar , and the stools flying about my ears , as the women at edinburgh used the bishop , i might think it would not tend in that congregation to order or edification , to use such ceremonies . were they things of gods institution , they would not edifie the people till they were prepared to receive them ; and therefore that preparation should go first . § . . indeed it is the pastors office to be the guide of his flock in the worship of god , and therefore to judge pro re nata , what subject to speak on to them , and what circumstances to choose , that may be most suitable to time , and place , and persons , to promote his ends , even the good of souls : and therefore no magistrates should take the work or power of pastors from them ; though they may oversee them in the use of it . chap. xii . prop. . it may be very sinfull to command some ceremonies , when yet it may be the subjects duty to use them when they are commanded . § . . i add this proposition as necessary both for rulers and for subjects : for rulers ; that they may not think that all may be lawfully commanded which may be lawfully done when it is commanded . and for subjects ; lest they think that all things are unlawfull to be done , which are sinfully commanded . § . . some governors think , that the sermons and arguments that charge the people with sin for disobeying them , do all justifie them for making the laws , which others should obey : and all the words that are spent in aggravating the sin of the disobedient , they think are spoken in justification of their commands . and on the contrary , many people think that all that is said against the laws or penalties , is said in justification of their disobedience . and they are so lamentably weak that they cannot discern , how that can lawfully be obeyed , that is sinfully commanded : when yet the case is very plain . § . . if a thing be simply unlawfull , as being forbidden by god himself , there no command of man can make it lawfull . but if it be but inconvenient or evil only by some accident or circumstance , it is possible for the commands of governors to take off the accidental evil , and make it become a duty . for example , it is not lawfull for me to travail one mile in vain : nor is it lawfull for a prince to command me to travail a mile in vain : and yet if he send me such a command , to appear before him at such a place , ( yea though it be many miles ) it may become my duty to obey him . otherwise subjects should not be bound to appear before any judicature , till they were satisfied of the cause , which is absurd . i a prince command his officers to execute some unjust sentences , if they know it not , at least , it may be no sin of theirs , ( in many cases ) though it be his . every war that is unlawfully undertaken by the prince , is not unlawfull in all his souldiers : some of them that have not opport●nity to know the evil of his undertaking , may be bound to obey ( the case of others i determine not . ) § . . so if a pastor call the assembly at an inconvenient hour , or to an inconvenient place , though it be his sin to do so , yet is it their duty to obey . if in the manner of prayer he ( tolerably ) miscarry , they may not therefore refuse to join with him . if of two translations of scripture , or two versions of the psalms , he use the worser , ( so it be tolerable ) they must obey . § . . yet if the miscarriage be so great in the ordering even of these circumstances , or in the manner of duties , as shall overthrow the duty it self , and be inconsistent with the ends , or bring greater evils upon the church , then our refusing to obey the pastors ( in those cases ) can do ; then ( as i have before shewed ) we are not bound to follow him in such a case : but otherwise we are . § . . the reasons of this are obvious and clear . even because it is the office of the governours to determine of such circumstances : it is the pastors office to guide and ove●see the flock . and so the determining of time and place of wo●ship , ( that 's undetermined ) belongeth to his office : and the choice of the subject on which he shall preach , the leading them in prayer , and praise , and choice of versions , translations , and other ordinary helps in his work . and therefore when he determineth these , he is but in his own way , and doth but his own work : and therefore he is therein the judge , if the case be controvertible . if none shall obey a magistrate or pastor in the works of their own office , as long as they think he did them not the best way , all government then would be presently overthrown , and obedience denyed . we are sure that god hath commanded us to obey th●m that are over us in the lord , ( thes. . . heb. . , , &c. ) and therefore a certain duty may not be fo●born upon uncertain conjectures , or upon every miscarriage in them that we owe it to . this would unchurch a●l churches ( as they are political societies ) for if pastors be taken down , and the work of pastors , the church is taken down : and if government and obedience be taken down , then pastors and their work is taken down ; which will be the fruit of this disorder . § . . and the things in which the pastor is now supposed to err , are not of themselves unlawfull ; but only by such an accident , as being over-weighed by another accident , shall cease to make them unlawfull . for instance : if the pastor appoint a more imperfect version of the psalms to be sung in the church ( as is commonly done in england , ) the obeying of him in the use of this , will not bring so much hurt to the church as the disobeying on that account would do : for besides the sin of disobedience it self , the church would be in a confusion , if they forsake his conduct that preserves the union ; and some will be for this , and some for that , and so the worship it self will be overthrown . but if the pastor would command a version so corrupt as would overthrow the duty it self , or be as bad as non-performance , the church is then to seek redress , and not obey him . so if he command a time inconvenient , but tolerable ( as to meet at sun rising or sun setting ) it were better obey then dissolve the church ( if we cannot be otherwise relieved ) but if he appoint a time that 's intolerably unfit ( as at midnight ) i would not obey ( except in s●ch necessity , as leaves to that time or none ) the same i spoke before of other circumstances . § . . on the other side , if magistrates or pastors shall think their imposition lawfull , because the people may lawfully obey them , they are as much mistaken . even many of those divines that wrote for conformity to the late ceremonies , did take it to be 〈◊〉 sin of those that imposed them , as they were imposed , and would have written as much against the imposition , if they 〈◊〉 but had liberty : i m●an such writers as mr. sprint , mr. paybody , dr. iohn burgess ( who told the king of pollio's glasses that were broken by caesar , that no more anger and danger of mens lives should follow ; and would have had him so to have used our ceremonies . ) so zanchy that judged the ceremonies such as might lawfully be used , did write to the queen to take them down , and not leave them as snares to cast out the ministers , and at the same time he wrote to the ministers to use them , in case the queen would not be perswaded to forbear the imposing and urging of them . § . . if i be bou●d to obey a governour if he set me to pick straws , or to hunt a feather , it followeth not that he may lawfully command it . i have heard many pleading for ceremonies say , that if the magistrate commanded them , and would not otherwise permit them to preach the gospel , they would preach in a fools coat , and a fools cap with a feather , rather then forbear . but i do not think that any of them would justifie that ruler that would make such a law , that no man should preach or celebrate the sacraments , but in a fools coat and cap : such might expect to be judged by christ , as the scorners of him and his ordinances . chap. xiii . prop. . the constant use of things indifferent should not be ( ordinarily ) commanded ; but they should be sometimes used , and sometimes disused . § . . i will say but little of this , because i have opened it before in the disputation about liturgies . the reasons of it are plain . . indifferent things should be used as indifferent things , and therefore with some indifferency . § . . and . the people else will be brought to think them necessary , if they be constantly used , and custome will grow to a law : and no contradicting this by doctrine will serve turn to rectifie the mistake : for we cannot be alway nor oft preaching on such things : and if we were , yet practice is much more observed by them then doctrine ; which commonly they understand not , or forget . § . . and . hereupon their minds will receive a false impression about the nature of their religion , and they will be brought to worship they know not how , and to set a high value on that which is not to be valued ; and consequently it will kindle a false zeal in their affections , and corrupt all their devotions . § . . and . it will make them disobedient against magistrates or pastors that would take them off from their false apprehensions , and misguided practices : and if they live in a place where the governours are against their customs , they will disobey them on pretence of duty to god , and think that they do him service in it . § . . yea . they will be uncharitably censorious against their brethren that are not of their mind ▪ and ●oo● on them as men that are self-conceited or irreligious , as the papists do by all that do no entertain every opinion which they 〈◊〉 with the articles of their faith , and every practice which they place their religion in . § . . we see all this by sad experience among our selves . the imposers of our ceremonies and the maintainers of them , did still profess that they were no parts , ●ut accidents of worsh●p ; and they pleaded for them but as things indifferent . and yet now the magistrate , and their lawfull acknowledged pastors , would bring the people in some of these ceremonies to change their customs ; they will not do it , in many places , but make conscience ( as they profess ) of gestures , and forms and d●yes , and such like , as if they had been of divine institution . if they be things indifferent , why may not they disuse an holy day one year as they use it another or disuse a form of prayer one day , as they use it another , or recieve the lords supper one time sitting , as they do another time kneeling ? but this they will not endure to yield to : so that you see that constant uninterrupted use , hath made custome a law with them , and given the lie to the doctrine of the bishops themselves , that called them but indifferent things ; and caused the people to place gods worship in them . § . . and on the other side a constant purposed disuse of convenient modes and circumstances of worship , may draw people to think them things unlawfull , and to rise up against them as innovations , and strange things , when they are imposed . § . . yet here we must distinguish of ind●fferent things . some are so convenient , that we cannot frequently vary , but with great inconveniency and wrong to the church ( as a due hour for assembling , and a convenient place , and the best translations , and versions of the psalms , the fittest utensils for worship , &c. ) in all these cases it were giddiness to vary frequently and without need ; and yet worse to tie men up from varying when they find need . other things are of ordinary inconvenience , which therefore ordinarily should be disused : though in some cases of necessity they must be allowed . other things depend upon the will of men , and there is no great difference in point of convenience between the using and disusing them , but what the will of man doth cause : ( as in our vestures , our gestures in some of the ordinances , as in hearing , singing psalms , and in abundance of ceremonies or circumstances , this is the case . ) these are they that i say should be used , but unconstantly . § . . as for them that cry out of confusion and sacriledge , and irreligiousness , and i know not what , if ceremonies be not constantly used , and all forced to them , but be used with an indifferency ; the distempers of their own souls contracted by such customs , is a sufficient argument to move a sober considerate man , to desire that the church may be delivered from such endangering customs . they do but tell us that custom hath made cer●monies become their very religion ! and what a kind of religion is that ? chap. xiv . reasons against the imposing of our late controverted mysticall ceremonies , as crossing , surplice , &c. § . . how far ceremonies are lawfull or unlawfull to the users , i have shewed sufficiently already : and therefore may omit the fourteenth proposition as discussed before : but so eager are the minds of men to be exalting themselves over the whole world ▪ and puting yoaks on their brethrens necks , even in the matters of god , and setting up their own wills to be the idols and law-givers to all others , that i take it for the principal part of my task , to give in my reasons against this distemper , and to try if it be possible to take men off from imposing or desiring , the imposition of unnecessary things . i durst not desire the imposing of our mysticall ceremonies , but had rather they were abolished , or left indifferent , for these followings reasons . § . . reas. . to impose 〈◊〉 symbolical rites upon the church which christ hath not imposed , doth seem to me to be an usurpation of his soveraign power . it belongeth to him to be the law-giver of his church . no man hath power to make him a new worship . officers are but to see his laws executed : and to determine only of such circumstances , as are needfull for the well executing them . to make new symbols or instituted signs to teach and excite devotion , is to make new humane ordinances : whereas it belongs to us only to use well such as he hath made : and to make no laws but such as are thus needfull for the executing of his laws . but of all this i have more largely spoken already . § . . reas. . the imposing of these mystical rites doth seem to accuse christ of ignorance or negligence , in that he hath not himself imposed them , when he hath taken upon him that royall office to which such legislation doth belong . if christ would have such rites imposed on the churches , he could better have done it himself , then have left it to man. for . these being not mutable circumstances , but the matter of standing laws , are equa●ly necessary or unnecessary to this age of the church as to that in which christ lived upon earth , and to those countreys in which he conversed as to these . if images , crossing , significant garments , &c. be needfull to be imposed in england , why not in iudaea , galatia , cappadocia , 〈◊〉 , &c. and if they are needfull now , why not then ? no man can give a rational cause of difference , as to this necessity ▪ if therefore christ did neither by himself nor by his apostles , ( who formed the first churches , and delivered us his mind by the spirit ) institute and impose these rites , then either the imposing of them is needless , and consequently noxious : or else you must say that christ hath omitted a needfull part of his law and worship , which implies that he was either ignorant what to do , or careless and neglective of his own affairs , which are not to be imagined . moses left nothing out of the law that he delivered , that was to be the standing matter of the law : nor omitted he any thing that god required in the instituting of the legal worship . but christ was faithfull to him that appointed him as moses was in all his house , heb. . . . therefore certainly christ hath omitted nothing that was to be a standing gospel law and worship nor done his work imperfectly . § . . reas. . and as this imposition of mystical rites doth imply an accusation of christ , so do●h it imply an accusation of his laws , and of the holy scriptures , as if they were insufficient . for if it belong to scripture sufficiency to be the full revelation of the will of god concernng ordinances of worship and duties of universal or stated necessity , then must we not imagine that any such are left out . if scripture be gods law , it is a perfect law : and if it belong to it as a law to impose one stated symbol , ordinance , or matter of worship , then so it doth to impose the rest of the same nature that are fit to be imposed . if we will do more of the same that scripture was given for to do , we accuse it , while we seem to amend it . § . . reas. . and by this means we shall be brought to a loss for the rule of our religion . for if once we leave the holy scriptures , we shall not know where to fix . if god have not instituted all the ordinances of worship ( such as sacramental , or mystical rites , &c. ) that are meet to be statedly imposed on the churches , then we are uncertain who is to be the institutor of them . the pope will claim it : and general councils will claim it : and provincial councils , and particular bishops will claim it : and princes will claim it : and we shall be at a loss for our religion . § . . reas. . but whoever it be that will be the master of our religion they will certainly be men , and so it will become a humane thing . whereas divine worship supposeth a divine institution : and it is an act of obedience to god , and therefore supposeth a law of god : for without a divine law there cannot be obedience to god. § . . reas. . these impositions seem to be plain violations of those prohibitions of god , in which we are forbidden to add to his worship , or diminish from it . as deut. . . [ what thing soever i command you , observe to do it : thou shalt not add thereto , nor diminish from it . ] object . but we add nothing to the word of god , though we impose such mystical rites as he imposeth not . answ. the text doth not say thou shalt not add to my command ] but [ thou shalt not add to the thing that i command thee . ] it is the work , worship , or ordinances that you are forbidden to add to , or diminish from , and not the word or law it self only . § . . reas. . it seemeth to be a very great height of pride that is manifested in these impositions . . when men dare think themselves wise enough to amend the work of christ and his apostles , and wise enough to amend the holy scriptures : is not this exceeding pride ? how can man more arrogantly lift up himself , then by pretending himself to be wiser then his maker and redeemer ? is it not bad enough to equalize your selves with him , unless you exalt your selves above him ? if you do not so , what mean you by coming after him to correct his laws , or mend his work , and make better laws and ordinances for his church then he himself hath done ? . and i think it is no better then pride for men so far to exalt themselves above the church of god , as to institute new signs and ordinance● , and say , [ i command you all to worship god according to these my institutions and inventions : and he that will not thus worship him , shall not have liberty to worship him at all , nor to live in the communion of christians . ] what 's pride and arrogancy , if this be not ? § . . reas. . none knoweth the mind of god concerning his worship , but by his own revelation : if therefore he have not revealed it to man , that he would be served by such mystical rites , and ceremonies , then no man can know that it will please him . and if it please him not , it will be lost labour and worse : and we may expect to hear [ who requireth this at your hands ? ] how do you know that it pleaseth him to be served by images , exorcisms , crossings , and many pompous ceremonies ? he hath nowhere told you so . and your will is no proof of the will of god. § . . reas. . god would not have taken down the legal ceremonies , and delivered us from them as a burden , and commanded us to stand fast in the liberty with which christ hath made us free , and not again to be entangled with the yoak of bondage gal. . . if he would have given men leave to have imposed the like burdensome observances at their pleasure . if you say that these present ceremonies are not burdensome ; i aske , why then were those of gods institution burdensome ? that yoak was streight and burden heavy ; and christ hath called us to take upon us his yoak that is easy , and his burden that is light . matth. . . it was not only the threatnings conjunct against the disobedient , that made the jewish ceremonies to be a burden , which they were not able to bear , act. . nor yet because they were but types ( for to be types of christ , was their highest honour : ) but also because they were numerous , and required labour and time , and were unnecessary ( when christ was come ) and so against the liberty of the church , as col. . . &c. and is it a likely thing that god would take down his own institutions when they became unnecessary , and at the same time give commission to the pastors of the church to set up unnecessary ce●emonies of their own ? yea or give them leave to do it , without his commission ? if it be such a mercy to be delivered from divine ceremonies , when they grew needless , and a liberty which we are commanded to stand fast in , i know not why men should impose on us unnecessary ceremonies of their own , and rob us of our mercies . § . . reas. . the imposition of unnecessary ceremonies , is a certain means for the d●vision of christians , and therefore is but an engine of the devill , the great divider . as the papists set up a vicechrist and false center of union , under pretence of the unity of christians , when nothing is so great a cause of their division ; so usually the imposers of ceremonies pretend the unity and peace of christians to be their end , when they are most effectually dividing them . they are preserving the house by casting fire into the thatch . there is no more effectual means of division , then to set up impossible terms of unity , and tell men , that they must agree upon these or none . all christians will unite in christ , and agree in all the essentials of christianity , and all that is the known word of god : but no wise man will expect that all christians should ever unite and agree about the mystical signs and ceremonies of mans invention and imposition . come to a congregation that walke in unity and holy order in the simplicity of faith and scripture ordinances , and make laws to this church , that no man shall joyne in the worship of god that will not cross himself , and be sprinkled with holy water , and bow toward the altar , and wear a sword and helmet , to signifie the spiritual warfare , and such like , and try whether this course will not divide the congregation ; men are like● to agree in few things then in many ; in certain truths , then in uncertain controversies ; in divine ordinances , then in humane inventions . undoubtedly if you impose such ceremonies , multitudes of honest christians will dissent . and if they dissent , what will you do with them ? if you leave them to their liberty , then your ceremonies are not imposed . if you do not , you will drive them to a separation , and break all in pieces by your violence , and exasperation of mens minds . § . . reas. . and by this means you will be led , and also l●●d others into the haynous guilt of persecuting the members of christ. for when you have m●de laws for your ceremonies , you will expect obedience , and take all for schismaticks or disobedient that refuse them ; and it s like your laws will be backt with penalties ; you will not be content to have the liberty of using these ceremonies themselves , and to leave all other to their liberties . we hear ( and formerly heard it more ) how impatient almost all of this way are of diversity in circumstances and ceremonies . they take it to be intolerable confusion to have diversity in these things : what say they ? shall one use one gesture , and another use another ? what confusion will this be ? or if a few of the wiser sort have more wit , yet custome will bring the multitude to this pass . we see now , they will not endure to joyn with those that sit at the lords supper , though they may kneel themselves . if they see but two or three shops in a town open on christmas day , they throw ston●s at them and break their windows , where they dare , and are ready to rise up against such as enemies in war. besides you will take it as a contempt of your laws , if men do not conform to them : and if you use the ceremonies , and others disuse them , you will think they censure your practice by their forbearance . and its like they will be forced to give some reasons of their forbearance : and those reasons must needs be against your way , and consequently seem to disparage you , so that i may take it for granted , that those that would have ceremonies , would have them forced on the church , and so would raise a persecution to maintain them . § . . and then this persecution when it s once begun , its never like to stay till it reach to the height of cruelty . for . when you have begun , you will think that you are engaged in honour to carry it on , and not to suffer every poor man or woman to disoby you , and disparage your wisdom . . and if you lay but a gentle penalty on dissenters , ●t will do no good on them ( but perhaps excite them to the more opposition ▪ ) when conscience is engaged against you , it is not small mul●ts nor imprisonment neither that will alter the judgements or the waies of such . and therefore you must either proceed to blood or banishment , or you miss your ends , and will but be opposed with greater animosity . § . . reas. . and then this will raise an odium upon your government , and make men look upon you as tyrants : for naturally men pitty the suffering party , especially when it is for the cause of god , or profession of more then ordinary exactness in the obeying of gods commands : and then mens minds will by this be tempted to disloyal jealousies , and censures , if not to the opposition of the rulers . § . . reas. . and it were an evil which your ceremonies will never countervail , if it were but the uncharitableness that will certainly be raised by them . when you will persecute men , and force them against their consciences in such indifferent things ( as you call them ) you will occasion them to judge you persecutors , and cruel , and then they will censure you as ungodly , yea as enemies to the church : and then you will censure them for schismatical , and self-conceited , and refractory disobedient people . and so christian love , and the offices of love will be extinguished , and you will be mutually engaged in a daily course of hainous sin . § . . reas. . and it will be the worse , in that your persecution will oft fall on the most consciencious persons . hypocrites and temporizers dare do any thing ; and therefore will follow the stronger side , and obey him for their worldly ends . but the upright christian dare not do that which is displeasing to god , for a world : he is the man that will be imprisoned , or banished , or rackt , or slain , rather then he will go against his conscience . and is it not a horrid thing to make such laws , that the most conscionable are likest to fall under , and to perish by ? may it not make you tremble , to read that god himself doth call such his jewels ( mal. . ; . ) and saith , he that toucheth them , toucheth the apple of his eye , and that it were better for him be cast into the depth of the sea with a m●lstone about his neck , that offendeth one of these little ones ? away with the ceremonies that are unnecessary , and yet have such effects , and bring you into such danger . § . . reas. . and then a more grievous evill wil●●follow : the ceremony will devour the substance , and shut out the preachers , and consequently the word and worship of the lord. for you will never give men liberty to forbear them . and when godly ministers will not be conformable to your will , you must silence them , lest they draw the people from you . and so the ignorant must be left in their ignorance , and the prophane in their prophaness , and the godly in their sorrows for want of their faithful teachers , and the ordinances of grace . § . . reas. . and then it will follow , that ignorant , idle , ungodly ministers must be taken in to supply their rooms : for if the best disobey you , you will think your selves necessitated to take such as will obey you . and so god shall be dishonoured , his word and work abused , his people grieved , his enemies encouraged , the wicked hardened , and the unworthy ministers themselves undone and destroyed ; and all for a few unnecessary ceremonies of your vain invention . § . . reas. . and now it were more unexcusable then ever before , to impose such unnecessary burdens on the churches , when we have so lately seen and felt the sad and miserable effects of such impositions . we are scarce out of the fire , that this straw and rubbish kindled in this land . we are the men that have seen the churches divided by them , and the preachers cast out for them , and persecution occasioned by them , and the nation hereupon corrupted with uncharitableness , the bishops against the people , and the people against the bishops ; and war and misery hence arising . and ye● shall we return to the occasion of our misery , and that while we confess it to be a needless thing ? § . . reas. . yea this course is like to kindle and maintain divisions between the churches of several nations , as well as among those that are under the same government . for either you will have all the christian world to join with you in your mystical and unnecessary ceremonies , or not : all cannot be expected to join with you : for . the world will never agree in such humane unnecessary things . . there is no universal governor to impose one law of ceremonies on all the churches . christ only is the universal king and head : and he hath done his part already . if you will have more universal laws , you must first have another universal king or head. and there is none such . only the pope and a general council pretend to it ; and they are both deceived ( in this ) and would deceive us . they are none of our lords , as i have elsewhere proved . but if you expect not universal concord in your mystical signs and ceremonies ; then . why should you cast out your preachers and brethren , for those things which other nations may be so well without : and hold communion with forreigners that avoid them , and deny communion to neighbors as good , that are of the same mind ? and . this will make forreign churches and you to grudge at one another , and the diversity will cause disaffection : especially when you persecute your members for the cause that 's theirs . we find now by experience , that the images , exorcism , crossing , &c. of the lutherans doth exceedingly hinder their peace with other churches , while others censure them as superstitious ; and they by custome are grown so highly to value their own ceremonies , as to censure and disdain those that are not of their mind . § . . reas. . it easily breedeth and cherisheth ignorance and formality in the people . you cannot keep them from placing their religion in these ceremonies : and so from deceiving their souls by such a pharisaical religiousness , in washings and observances : and so in vain will they worship god , while their worship is but a conformity to the doctrines , traditions , and inventions of men . mat. . § . . reas. . to prevent these evils ( and yet in vain ) your rites and signs must bring new doctrines , and new labours into the church , which will exceedingly hinder the doctrine and work of christ. the ministers must teach the people the meaning and use of all these ceremonies ( or else they will be dumb signs , contrary to your intent , and the use of them will be vain ) and if we must spend our time in opening to our people the meaning of every ceremony that you will impose : . it will be but an unsavoury kind of preaching . . it will divert them and us from greater and more needful things . yea we must teach them , with what cautions , in what manner , to what ends , &c. to use all these ceremonies ; or else they will turn them all to sin ; if not to popish , yea to heathenish formalities . and alas , how much ado have we to get our people to understand the creed , and the kernel of the gospel , the essentials of christianity , and the two sacraments of christs institution , and some short catechism that containeth these ? and when we have done our best in publick and in private , we leave many of them ignorant what these two sacraments are , yea or who christ himself is . and must we put them to so much more labour , as to learn a rationale or exposition of all the ceremonies , holy dayes ▪ & c ? we shall but overwhelm them , or divert them from the essentials . and here you may see the unhappy issue of humane wisdom and false means . it is to be teachers of the ignorant that men pretend these signs , images and ceremonies to be usefull . and yet they are the causes of ignorance , and keep men from necessary knowledge . if you doubt of this , do but open your eyes , and make use of experience : see whether among the common people the most ceremonious are not commonly the most ignorant ? yea and the most ungodly too ? it is a truth so notorious , that it cannot be denyed . who more ignorant of the sacraments , then they that rail at them that fit in the act of receiving ? who more ignorant of the doctrine of the gospel ? who more obstinate enemies of a holy life , more worldly , self-conceited , licentious , prophane , despisers of their faithfull teachers , then the most zealous persons for all these ceremonies ? § . . reas. . moreover these new laws and services introduce also a new office into the church . there must be some of pretended power to impose all these ceremonies , and see them executed : or else all is vain . and no such office hath christ appointed . because men thought it necessary that all the christian world should have but one way and order in the ceremonious worship which was commonly approved , therefore they thought there was a necessity of one head to maintain this unity of order : and so came up the pope , ( as to one cause . ) and so in a nation , we must have some one or more masters of ceremonies , when ceremonies are kept a foot . and so whereas christ hath placed officers in his church to teach and guide them , and administer his own ordinances , we must have another sort of officers , to make laws for mystical signs and ceremonies , and see them executed , and punish the neglecters , and teach the people the meaning and the use of them . the primitive bishops had other kind of work ; we find directions to the pastors of the church containing the works of their office ( as to timothy , titus , &c. ) but we no where find that this is made any part of their work , to make new teaching signs and ceremonies , and impose them on the church , nor have they any directions for such a work : which surely they much needed , if it had been their work indeed . § . . reas. . when we once begin to let in humane mystical rites , we shall never know where to stop , or make an end . on the same ground that one age inventeth three or four , the next think they may add as many , and so it will grow to be a point of devotion , to add a new ceremony ( as at rome it hath done ) till we have more then we well know what to do with . § . . reas. . and the miserable plight that the christian world hath lain in many ages by ceremonies , may warn us to be wise . augustine complaineth that in his time the church was burdened with them , and made like the jewish synagogue . the most of the churches in asia and africa are drowned too deeply in ceremonious formality , turning religion into ignorant shews . the church of rome is worse then they ; having made god a worship of histrionical actions , and shews and signs and ceremonies : so that millions of the poor blind people worship they know not whom nor how . and if we abate only of the number , and keep up some of the same kind , ( even symbolicall rites of mans institution , to teach us , and excite our devotion ) we shall harden them in their way , and be disabled from confuting them . for a papist will challenge you to prove just how many such signs are lawfull : and why he may not use threescore as well as you use three , when he saith he is edified by his number , as you say you are with yours ? § . . reas. . it is not inconsiderable that god hath purposely established a spiritual kind of worship in the gospel , telling us that god is a spirit , and will be worshipped in spirit and in truth : such worshippers doth god require and accept : bodily exercise profiteth little . the kingdom of god is not in meats or in drinks , but in righteousness , and peace , and joy in the holy ghost : neither circumcision availeth any thing in christ jesus , nor uncircumcision , but a new creature , and faith that worketh by love. god would never have so much called men off from ceremoniousness to spirituality , if he had delighted in ceremony . § . . reas. . the worship of god without his blessing is to little purpose . no man can have encouragement to use any thing as a means to teach him and help his devotion , which he hath no ground to believe that god will bless . but there is no ground ( that i know of ) to believe that god will bless these instituted teaching signs of mans inventions to the edifying of our souls . for god hath no where bid us devise or use such signs . . nor no where promised us a blessing on them ( that ever i could find ) and therefore we have no encouragement to use them . if we will make them , and impose them our selves , we must undertake to bless them our selves . § . . reas. . as vain thoughts and words are forbidden us in scripture , so no doubt but vain actions are forbidden : but especially in the worship of god : and yet more especially when they are imposed on the church by laws with penalties . but these mystical rites of humane institution are vain . you call them your selves but [ things indifferent : ] and they are vain as to the use for which they are pretended , that is , to teach and edifie , &c. having no promise of a blessing , and being needless imitations of the sacraments of christ. vanity therefore is not to be imposed on the church . my last reason will fullier shew them to be vain . § . . reas. . we are sure the way in which peter , and paul , and the churches of their times did worship god , was allowable and safe : and that princes and prelates are wise and righteous overmuch , if they will not only be more wise and righteous then the apostles in the matters of gods worship , but also deny their subjects liberty to worship god , and go to heaven in the same way as the apostles did . if peter and paul went to heaven without the use of images , surplice , the cross in baptism , kneeling in receiving the lords supper , and many such ceremonies , why should not we have leave to live in the communion of the church without them ? would you have denyed the apostles their liberty herein ? or will you be partiall ? must they have one way , and we another ? they command us to imitate them : give us leave then to imitate them , at least in all things that your selves confess to be lawfull for us . § . . reas. . hath not god purposely already in the scripture determined the controversie , supposing your ceremonies ( which is their best ) to be indifferent . he hath interposed also for the decision of such doubts . he hath commanded , rom. . , . that we [ receive him that is weak in the faith , but not to doubtfull disputations ] ( much less to imprisonment or banishment ) [ let not him that eateth , despise him that eateth not ; and let not him that eateth not , judge him that eateth , for god hath received him ] nay we must not so much as offend or grieve our brother , by indifferent things ▪ verse . . . to the end . and so chap. . . we that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak , and not to please our selves . ] so that the case is decided by the spirit of god expresly , that he would have weak christians have liberty in such things as these ; and would not have christians so much as censure or despise one another upon such accounts . and therefore prelates may not silence ministers , nor excommunicate christians on this account ; nor magistrates punish them , especially to the injury of the church . § . . object . but this is spoken only to private christians , and not to magistrates or prelates . answ. . if there had been any prelate then at rome , we might have judged it spoken to them with the people . and no doubt but it was spoken to such pastors as they then had . for it was written to all the church , of whom the pastors were a part . and if the pastors must bear with dissenters in things indifferent , then most certainly the magistrates must do so . . if magistrates are christians , then this command extendeth also unto them . god hath sufficiently told us here that he would have us bear with one another in things of such indifferency as these . if god tell private men this truth , that he would have men born with in such cases , it concerns the magistrate to take notice of it . either the error is tolerable , or intolerable . if intolerable , private men must not bear with it . if tolerable , magistrates and pastors must bear with it . it is as much the duty of private christians to reprove an erroneous person , and avoid him , if intolerable and impenitent , as it is the duty of a magistrate to punish him by the sword , or the pastor by church-censures . if therefore it be the duty of private men to tolerate such as these in question , by a forbearnce of their rebukes and censures ; then is it the duty of magistrates to tolerate them , by a forbearance of penalties ; and of pastors to tolerate them by a forbearance of excommunication . who can believe that god would leave so full a determination for tolerating such persons , and yet desire that prelates should excommunicate them , or princes imprison , banish or destroy them . some english expositors therefore do but unreasonably abuse this text , when they tell us that magistrates and prelates may thus punish these men whom the rest of the church is so straitly commanded to bear with and not offend . § . . so col. . . to the end [ let no man judge you in meat or drink , or in respect of an holy day , or of the new moon , or of the sabbaths , &c. ] ver . . [ wherefore if ye be dead with christ from the rudiments of the world , why as though living in the world are ye subject to ordinances ? ( touch not , taste not , handle not , which all are to perish with the using , ) after the commandments and doctrines of men : which things have indeed a shew of wisdom in will-worship and humility , and neglecting of the body , not in any honour to the satisfying of the flesh . ] here also god sheweth that it is his will that such matters should not be made laws to the church , nor be imposed on his servants ; but their freedom should be preserved . many other texts express the same , which i need not cite , the case being so plain . § . . reas. . moreover , me thinks every christian should be sensible , how insufficient we are to perform the great and many duties that god hath imposed upon us already . and therefore they should have little mind to be making more work to the churches and themselves , till they can better discharge that which is already imposed on them by god. have not your selves and your flocks enough to do to observe all the precepts of the decalogue , and understand all the doctrines of the gospel , and believe and obey the gospel of christ , but you must be making your selves and others more work ? have you not sin enough already in breaking the laws already made , but you must make more laws and duties , that so you may make more sin ? if you say , that your precepts are not guilty of this charge , you speak against reason : the more duty , the more neglect we shall be guilty of . see how the lord falkland urgeth this objection on the papists . and it is considerable , that by this means you make your selves unexcusable for all your neglects , and omissions toward god. cannot you live up to the height of evangelical sanctity ? why then do you make your selves more work ? sure if you can do more , it may be expected that you first do this that was enjoyned you . if you will needs be righteous ( materially ) overmuch , you are unexcusable for your unrighteousness . § . . reas. . lastly , consider also , that all your mystical teaching signs , are needless things , and come too late , because the work is done that they pretend to : god hath already given you so perfect a directory for his worship , that there is nothing more that you can reasonably desire . let us peruse the particulars . . what want you in order to the teaching of our understandings ? hath not god in his word and his works , and his sacraments , provided sufficient means for our instruction , unless you add your mystical signs ? will your ceremonies come after and teach us better then all these means of god will do ? we see by the disciples of ceremonies , what a master they have . . what want you for the exciting of dull affections , that god hath not provided you already ? have you ceremonies that can give life , and are more powerfull remedies against corruptions , and more effectuall means of grace then all the institutions of god ? or hath god left any imperfection in his institutions for your ceremonies to supply ? would you have plain teaching in season and out of season ? this god hath appointed already : and setled the ministry to that end . would you have men taught by a form of words ? why you have a copious form : the whole scripture is a form of words , for mens instruction . and yet we deny not but out of this form you may gather more contracted forms for the instruction of your flocks . catechizing and publick and private teaching are gods own ordinances . would you have a directory for prayer , confession and thanksgiving ? scripture is a directory ; and out of it we shall be glad of any direction that you will gather for us . would you have forms of words for prayer and praise ? scripture hath given you many : the lords prayer , the psalms , and many more . and if you think you can do better , you have liberty to do it your selves . and is not that enough ? god hath left it indifferent to us , whether we use a stinted form or not . if you be not wiser then god , do you leave it indifferent also . would you have a stated day for gospel-worship in commemoration of the work of our redemption ? christ and his apostles have taught you to observe one , even the lords day to these ends. would you have exciting mystical instituted signs ? christ hath appointed you baptism and the lords supper , which signifie the very substance of the gospel : can your signs do more ? or is a greater number more desirable ? why may not a few of christs institution , full and clear , that have a promise of his blessing , serve turn without the additions of mens froathy wits ? use the lords supper ofter , and with more preparation , and you will need no sacramental ri●es of your own . if christs signs will not do it , in vain do you hope for it from the devises of men . gods ordinances have no blemishes and wants that need your patches . do that which scripture hath cut out for you , and i warrant you , you 'l find no want of such additions . the making of the law and rule of worship is gods work , the obeying it is yours . it s a course most perverse when you fail and deal falsly in your own work , to fall upon gods work , and take on you to mend that . do your own well , in obeying , and judge not the law , and trouble not the church with your additions . § . . yet still remember , that we allow both magistrates and pastors to see to the execution of gods laws , and to determine of circumstances in order thereto that are necessary in genere . but it is only . such mystical signs as in genere are not commanded us , and left to mans determination , that i speak of . . and also the needless determination of circumstances , and making laws for such things as should be left to the prudence of every pastor , to be varyed as occasion requireth . chap. xv. reasons for obedience in lawfull things . § . . lest men that are apt to run from one extream into another , should make an ill use of that which i have before written , i shall here annex some reasons to perswade men to just obedience , and preserve them from any sinfull nonconformity to the commands of their governours , and the evill effects that are like to follow thereupon . § . . but first i will lay together some propositions for decision of the controversie ; how far we are bound to obey mens precepts about religion ? especially in case we doubt of the lawfulness of obeying them ? and so cannot obey them in faith ? § . . briefly : . we must obey both magistrates and pastors in all things lawfull which belong to their offices to command . . it belongs not to their office to make god a new worship ; but to command the mode and circumstances of worship belongeth to their office : for guiding them wherein god hath given them generall rules . . we must not take the lawfull commands of our governours to be unlawfull . . if we do through weakness or perversness take lawfull things to be unlawfull , that will not excuse us in our disobedience . our error is our sin , and one sin will not excuse another sin . even as on the other side , if we judge things unlawfull to be lawfull , that will not excuse us for our disobedience to god in obeying men . . as i have before shewed , many things that are miscommanded , must be obeyed . . as an erroneous judgement will not excuse us from obedience to our governours , so much less will a doubtfulness excuse us . . as such a doubting , erring judgement cannot obey in ( plenary ) faith , so much less can he disobey in faith . for it is a known command of god , that we obey them that have the rule over us : but they have no word of god against the act of obedience now in question . it is their own erring judgement that intangleth them in a necessity of sinning ( till it be changed . ) . in doubtfull cases , it is our duty to use gods means for our information : and one means is to consult with our teachers , and hear their words with teachableness and meekness . . if upon advising with them we re●ain in doubt about the lawfulness of some circumstance of order , if it be such as may be dispensed with , they should dispense with us : if it may not be dispensed with without a greater injury to the church or cause of god , then our dispensation will countervail , then is it our duty to obey our teachers , notwithstanding such doubts : for it being their office to teach us , it must be our duty to believe them with a humane faith , in cases where we have no evidences to the contrary : and the duty of obeying them being certain , and the sinfulness of the thing commanded being uncertain and unknown , and only suspected , we must go on the surer side . . yet must we in great and doubtfull cases , not take up with the suspected judgement of a single pastor , but apply our selves to the unanimous pastors of other churches . . christians should not be over-busie in prying into the work of their governours , not too forward to suspect their determinations : but when they know that it is their rulers work to guide them by determining of due circumstances of worship , they should without causeless scruples readily obey , till they see just reason to stop them in their obedience ; they must not go out of their own places to search into the actions of another mans office , to trouble themselves without any cause . § . . and now i intreat all humble christians read●●y to obey both magistrates and pastors in all lawfull things ; and to consider , to that end , of these reasons following . reas. . if you will not obey in lawfull things , you deny authority , or overthow government it self , which is a great ordinance of god , established in the fifth commandment with promise : and as that commandment respecting societies and common good , is greater then the following commands , as they respect the private good of our neighbours , or are but particular means to that publick good , whose foundation is laid in the fifth commandment , so accordingly the sin against this fifth commandment must be greater then that against the rest . § . . reas. . in disobeying the lawfull commands of our superiors , we disobey christ , who ruleth by them as his officers . even as the disobeying a justice of peace or judge is a disobeying of the soveraign power ; yea in some cases when their sentence is unjust . some of the ancient doctors thought that the fifth commandment was the last of the first table of the decalogue ; and that the honouring of governors is part of our honour to god , they being mentioned there as his officers , with whom he himself is honoured or dishonoured , obeyed or disobeyed : for it is gods authority that the magistrate , parent , and pastor is endued with , and empowred by to rule those that are put under them . § . . reas. . what confusion will be brought into the church if pastors be not obeyed in things lawfull ? for instance : if the pastors appoint the congregation to assemble at one hour , and the people will scruple the time , and say , it is unlawfull , and so will choose some of them one time , and some another , what disorder will here be ? and worse , if the pastors appoint a place of worship , and any of the people scruple obeying them , and will come to another place , what confusion will here be ? people are many , and the pastors are few : and therefore there may be some unity if the people be ruled by the pastors ; but there can be none , if the pastors must be ruled by the people , for the people will not agree among themselves : and therefore if we obey one part of them , we must disobey and displease the rest . and their ignorance makes them unfit to rule . § . . reas. . moreover , disobedience in matters of circumstance , will exclude and overthrow the substance of the worship it self . god commandeth us to pray : if one part of the church will not joyn with a stinted form of prayer , and the other part will not joyn without it , both parties cannot be pleased , and so one part must cast off prayer it self , or separate from the rest . god commandeth the reading , and preaching , and hearing of the scripture , and the singing of psalms : but he hath left it to man to make or choose the best translation of scripture , or version of the psalms . now if the pastor appoint one version , and translation , and the church joyn in the use of it , if any members will scruple joyning in this translation or version , they must needs forbear the whole duty of hearing the scripture , and singing psalms in that congregation . if they pretend a scruple against the appointed time or place of worship , they will thereby cast off the worship it self . for if they avoid our time or place , they cannot meet with us , nor worship with us . § . . reas. . and when they are thus carryed to separate from the congregation , upon such grounds as these , they will be no where fixt , but may be still subdividing , and separating from one another , till they are resolved into individuals , and have left no such thing as a church among them . for they can have no assurance or probability , that some of themselves will not dissent from the rest in one circumstance or other , as they did from their pastors and the church that they were of before . § . . reas. . by this means the wicked that are disobedient to their teachers , and reject the worship of god it self , will be hardened in their sin , and taught by professors to defend their ungodliness : for the very same course that you take will serve their turns . they need not deny any duty in the substance , but deny the circumstance , and so put off the substance of the duty . if a wicked man will not hear the word preached , he may say [ i am not against preaching ; but i am unsatisfied of the lawfulness of your time or place , i am in judgement against coming to your steeple-house , or against the lords day . ] and so he shall never hear , though he say he is for hearing . if a wicked man will not be personally instructed , or admonished , or be accountable to the church or pastors for any scandals of his life , nor submit to any discipline , he may say [ i am for discipline , i know it is my duty to be instructed : but i am not satisfied that i am bound to come to you when you send for me , or to appear at such a place as you appoint : the word of god nameth no time or place , and you shall not deprive me of my liberty . ] if a wicked man would not hear or read the scripture , or sing psalms , he may say that he is for the duty , but he is only against this and that translation and version : and so while every version is excepted against , the duty is as much evaded as if it were denied it self . by this device it is that the rebellion of unruly people is defended : they run to the circumstances of the duty , and ask , [ where are they bound to come to a minister ? or to be examined by him in order to a baptism or lords supper ? or to speak their consent to be church members , or to subscribe to a profession , or to read an english bible , or to hear in a steeple-house , with many such like . ] thus also it is that they put off family prayer , and ask , [ where are they bound to pray in their family morning and evening ? ] and so keep no constancy in family prayer at all , under pretence of denying only the circumstances . § . . reas. . by this disobedience in things lawfull , the members of the church will be involved in contentions , and so engaged in bitter uncharitableness , and censures , and persecutions , and reproaches of one another : which scandalous courses will nourish vice , dishonour god , rejoyce the enemies , grieve the godly that are peaceable and judicious , and wound the consciences of the contenders . we see the beginning of such fires are small , but whither they tend , and what will be the end of them , we see not . § . . reas. . by these means also migistrates will be provoked to take men of tender consciences for factious , unruly , and unreasonable men , and to turn their enemies , and use violence against them , to the great injury of the church : when they see them so self-conceited , and refusing obedience in lawfull circumstances . § ▪ . reas. . by this means also the conversion and establishment of souls will be much hindred , and people possessed with prejudice against the church and ordinances , when they take us to be but humerous people , and see us in such contentions among our selves . to my knowledge , our late difference about some such lesser things , hath turned off , or hindered abundance of people from liking the holy doctrine and life which we profess . § . . reas. . it will seem to the wisest , to savour of no small measure of pride , when people on the account of lawfull circumstances , dare set themselves against their govenors and teachers , and quarrel with the ordinances of god , and with the churches : humble men would sooner suspect themselves , and quarrel with their own distempers , and submit to those that are wiser then themselves , and that are set over them for their guidance by the lord. there may more dangerous pride be manifested in these matters , then in apparel , and such lower trifles . § . . reas. . consider also what yielding in things lawfull the scripture recommendeth to us ? how far yielded pa. when he circumcised timothy ? act. . . and when he [ took the men , and purified himself with them in the temple , to signifie the accomplishment of the daies of purification , untill that an offering should be offered for every one of them ] and this for almost seven dayes , acts . , . with the foregoing verses . § . . so cor. . , . [ for though i be free from all men , yet have i made my self servant unto all , that i might gain the more : and unto the iews i became as a iew , that i might gain the iews ; to them that are under the law , as under the law , that i might gain them that are under the law : to them that are without law , as without law ( being not without law to god , but under the law to christ ) that i might gain them that are without law. to the weak i became as weak , that i might gain the weak : i am made all things to all men , that i might , by all means save some , and this i do for the gospels sake , &c. ] study this example . § . . read also rom. . and . chapters , how much condescension the apostle requireth even among equals , about meats and dayes . and cor. . . the apostle would tie up himself from eating any fl●sh while the world standeth , rather then make a weak brother to offend . many other passages of scripture require a condescension in things of this indifferent nature , and shew that the kingdom of god doth not consist in them . § . . and matthew . , , to . you find that hunger justified the disciples of christ for plucking and rubbing the ears of corn on the sabbath dayes . and hunger justified david and those that were with him , for entring into the house of god , and eating the shew-bread , which was not lawfull for him to eat , nor for them which were with him , but only for the priests : and the priests in the temple were blameless for prophaning the sabbath day . ] now if things before accidentally evil , may by this much necessity become lawful and a duty , then may the commands of magistrates or pastors , and the unity of the church , and the avoiding of contention , and offence , and other evils , be also sufficient to warrant us in obeying , even in inconvenient circumstantials of the worship of god , that otherwise could not be justified . § . . reas. . lastly consider , how much god hath expressed himself in his word to be pleased in the obedience of believers . not only in their obedience to christ immediately , but also to him in his officers , sam. . . [ behold , to obey is better then sacrifice , &c. ] col. . , . [ children obey your parents in all things ( that is , all lawfull things ) for this is well-pleasing to the lord ] [ servants obey in all things your masters according to the flesh , &c. ] and obedience to pastors is as much commanded . thes. . , . [ we beseech you brethren to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you , and esteem them very highly , &c. ) heb. . . [ obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls as they that must give account , &c. ] so verse . & . tim. . , &c. § . . as the general commission to a parent , or master , or magistrate to govern their inferiour relations , doth authorize them to many particular acts belonging to their office , that were never named in their commission : so your general command to obey them , obligeth you to obey them in the said particulars . and so it is also betwixt the pastors and the flock , in matters belonging to the office of a pastor . § . . if a child shall ask a parent , [ where doth gods word allow you to command me to learn this catechism , or read this divines writings , or repeat this sermon , or write it ? &c. ] doth not the question deserve to be answered with the rod ? the general commission for parents to govern their children is sufficient ; so if a schoolmaster command his schollers to come to such a place to school , and to take their places in such an order , and to learn such books , and do such exercises , &c. the general commission that he hath to teach and govern them , will allow him to do all this . ( though it will not allow him to set his schollers to any artifice or manual operation alien-to his profession . ) so if a minister determine of the variable circumstances of worship , as what place the people shall come to , and at what time , to be catechized , examined , instructed , &c. what translation or version of psalms to use , what utensils to make use of about gods service , or such lik● , he is warranted for this by his general commission . and if he miss it in the manner , by choosing inconvenient circumstances , or by unnecessary determination of points that should rather be left undetermined to liberty , though this be his own sin , it will not excuse the people from obedience ; unless the error of his directions be so great as would frustrate the ordinance it self , or do more harm then our disobedience would do ; which in circumstantials is rarely found . § . . and thus i have finished this discourse of ceremonies ; a subject that may seem unseasonable at such a time when we are disburdened of ceremonies . but the offence and vehement accusations of the ceremonious , hath made it seem necessary to me , while they accuse dissenters of schism and obstinacy , and reproach them as puritans , and seem ready to act their second part in casting out those that be not of their mind , if it were in their power : when yet they call the ceremonies but things indifferent ; and preachers and gods ordinances are not indifferent things to us . finitvr . iuly . . satisfaction to certain calvmniators . i am informed from london , and several parts of the land , that some of my books having lately been sold at excessive rates by the booksellers , it is somewhat commonly reported that it is caused by my excessive gain , which say they , is at least three or four hundred pounds a year . i thank the lord that doth not only employ me in his service , but also vouchsafe me the honor and benefit of being evil-spoken of for doing him the best service that i can , mat. . , . pet. . , , , . blessed augustine was put to vindicate himself by an oath , from the infamy of a covetous design , which was raised by one godly woman , upon a disorderly action o● other men , and to that end he wrote his . epistle . i find no call to use his oath ; but yet i judge it my duty to imitate him in patience , and in rescuing the slanderers from their sin , that they abuse not their souls by uncharitable surmises , nor their tongues by false reports . to which end i give them this true information : the two first books i printed , i left to the booksellers will ; for all the rest , i agreed with them for the fifteenth book , to give to some few of my friends , hearing that some others agreed for the tenth . sometime my fifteenth book coming not to an hundred , and sometime but to few more , when of practical books i needed sometime . to give away . because i was scarce rich enough to buy so many , i agreed with the bookseller , ( my neighbour , ) to allow . d. a ream ( which is not a penny a quire , ) out of his own gain towards the buying of bibles , and some of the practical books which he printed , for the poor : covenanting with him , that he should sell my controversal writings as cheap , and my practical writings somewhat cheaper then books are ordinarily sold. to this hour i never received for my self one penny of mony from them for any of my writings , to the best of my remembrance : but if it fell out that my part came to more than i gave my friends , i exchanged them for other books : my accounts and memory tell me not of . li. that ever was returned for me on these accounts , which was on litera●y occasions : so that my many hundreds a year is come to never a penny in all , but as abovesaid , in some exchange of books . and the price i set on my books which i exchanged for theirs at the dearest rates , is as followeth , [ treat . of conversion , . s. treat . of crucifying the world , . s. disput. of ●ustificat . . s. . d. the call to the unconverted , . d. disput. of saving faith , . d. of the grotian religion , . d. directions for sound conversion , . s. . d. disput. of right to sacraments , edit . secund . . s. . d. ] these are all my bargains and my gains . and i chose the honestest booksellers that i could meet with , according to my small measure of wit and acquaintance ; who told me , they still made good their promises . and now censorious slanderer , tell me , what thou wouldst have had me to have done more ? if i had got food and rayment out of my own hard labors , had it been unlawful or dishonourable , when booksellers get so many hundred pounds by one book , that never studied nor spent their time and cost for it , as i have done ? and yet dost thou reproach me that receive not a groat ? but because i will not oblige my self to the same course for the future , and that thou mayst know at what rates i serve thee , let me tell thee , that in these labors early and late my body is wasted , my precious time laid out , and somewhat of my estate , and somewhat of the labor of my friends . i cannot have twenty quire of my writing well transcribed , under fifty pounds . and who shall pay for this , or maintain me in thy service ? i have troubled a neighbour-minister in the tedious work of transcribing my characters ( for some books , ) for which , neither he nor i had ever one penny . these personal matters are unsavory to me , and i take it for a great injury that thou puttest upon me a necessity of mentioning them . but i have yielded this once to thy unrighteous importunity , that thou mayest hereafter learn what to believe and utter , and make more conscience of thy censures and reports . and that thou mayst have the utmost relief that i can procure thee for the time to come , i shall agree with my booksellers , to sell all that i publish at three farthings a sheet , and to print the price of every book at the bottom of the title page . farewell . richard baxter . october . . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * of the difference between election and ordination ; and that neither gives the ius or power , but christ only . see gro●ius de imperio sum. potest . c. . p. , . * i comprehend in the word directive all that is after expressed in the following propositions . † quae ante imperatores christianos in synodis conscripta sunt ad ordinem aut ornatum facientia , leges non vocantur sed canones , haben●que aut solam concilii vim , ut in his quae singulos magis specta●● quam universos , aut obligant per modum pacti volentes & nolentes etiam pauciores ex necessitate determinationis , ac proinde ex lege naturali , non ex humano aliquo imperio . grotius de imperio pag. , . lege & cap. . per totum . * that synods are not absolutely necessary ( and he thinks not of scripture institution but natural direction ) see grot. d● imperio cap . per totum . ap●stoli vere erant presbyteri ; atque ita s●ipsos vocant . — nulli tamen loco ascripta ●●rum functio . evangelistae quoque presbyteri ●●ant , sed nulli loco alligati . sic & multo post à demetrio alexandriae episcopo pan●aenus , ab athanasio frumentius , ordinati , missique ut evange●ium per indi●m praedicarent , q●od ●odie quo 〈◊〉 vid●mus ; atque utin●m dilig●ntius fieret . ☞ ●rotius de imperio . p. . and of the can. concil . calced . . against ordaining presbyters sine titulo , he saith [ quum ut recte ▪ notat balsamon , ipse canon indicio est aliter fieri solitum : etiam post calced . synod . iustinianus periodentarum meminit quorum & in laodicenâ aliisque veteribus synodis est mentio . ibid. * authority is , . rational and of meer interest upon consenters . . imperial , over dissenters also . * if one were not meant of confirmation or giving the holy ghost , and the other of ordination , which i rather incline to think . essentiale fui● , quod ex dei ordinatione perpetua ; necesse fuit , est & erit ut presbyterio quispiam & loco & dignitate primus actioni gubernandae praesit , cum ●o q●od ipsi divinitus ▪ attributum est jure . beza de minist . evang. grad . cap. . * i know bishop usher in his papers to the king , doth say that by the order of the church of england , all presbyters are charged ( in the form of ordering of priests ) to administer the discipline of christ : but the bishops understood that only of their publishing their censures . for no such administration was known among us , or allowed : nor would they suffer men to suspend them from the sacrament , as the rubrick in the common prayer book requi●eth . * it s an easie matter to preach or write a strict lesson ; but they that would practically when they have done open a gap to licentiousness , and overthrow all discipline almost , will hardly perswade men that they mean as they teach , or are themselves such as they describe , or really would promote a holy life ; especially when scorners ●t a godly life were favoured more then the practisers of it . see my preface to mr. pierce of grotius religion ▪ were prelacy now tolerated only as presbyterie and the congregational way are , doth any man think it would cast or keep out heresie● functiones in ecclesiâ perpetuae sunt duae ; presbyterorum & diaconorum : presbyteros voco cum omni ecclesia veteri , eos , qui ecc●esiam pas●unt v●rbi praedicatione , sacramentis & clavibus ; quae iure divino sunt individua : ( he meaneth inseparable ) so that its inseparable from a presbyter to have the power of the keyes . grot. de imperio , pag. . c. ● . pastorum ergo est ordinare pastores : neque id officium eis competit qua hujus au● illius ecclesiae pastores sunt , sed qu● ministri ecclesiae catholicae . grotius ibid. p. . pastores tales ( ubi n●ll● sunt episcopi ) etsi cum 〈◊〉 presbyteris id comm●●● habent quod aliis non praesunt ; habe●t tamen illud episcopale , quod n●mini pastori subs●n● at 〈◊〉 ad●o dubium est , episcopisn●● an meris presbyteris 〈…〉 . idem pag. . communi presbyterorum concilio gubernabantur , saith hier. see grotius ubi sup . p. , , , . proving that prelacy is not of divine precept , and that of old many cites had many churches and bishops in each : and that presbyters , except ordination ( as hier. and chrysost. ) may do all that a bishop ; and he addeth , quid obstat quo minus id ita ●nterp●●temur ut presbyteri neminem potu●rint ordinare contempto episcopo ? and pag. . he shews that where bishops are not , presbyters do rightly ordain . see the beginning of bishop ushers reduction of episcopal government . i have , it and can p●oduce it under the kings own hand and seal , wherein he forbids that any church man or priest in holy orders should be a c●●ncellor : and this was the occasion of all the corruptions , &c. they must for their own advantage and profit have instruments accordingly ▪ so the r●gisters , proctors , apparato●s , were p●ssi●um genus hominum : g. goodman , bishop of glo● . in the preface to his two mysteries , &c. object . answ. object . . answ. dr. h. dissert . . p. . [ §. . prius non usqu●quaque verum esse quod p●o concesso sumitur ( in una civitate non fuisse plur●s episcopos ) quamvis enim in 〈◊〉 ecclesiá aut c●●tu plures simul episcopi nunquam fuerint , nihil tamen obstare quin in eádem civitate d●o aliquando distermina●● coe●us fuerint , duobus apostolis ad fidem adducti , di versi●●orsa● dialectis & aliquando ritibus disjuncti , quibus duo itidem episcopi scorsim , & divisis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praesidere●t . et p. . §. . [ ex his ratio constat , quare sine presbyterorum mentione interveniente , episcopis diaconi immediate adjiciantur , quia scilicet in singulis macedoni●e civitatibus , quamvis episcopus esset , no●dum presbyteri constituti sunt , diaconis tantum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubique episcopis adjunctis . mark well the stating of the question by dr. h. dissert . epist. §. , . the controversie is not quibus d●mum ●ominibus cogniti fuerint ▪ ecclesiarum rectores , sed an ad unum in singulari ecclesia , an ad plures , potestas ista devenerit . nos ad unum singularem praefect●m , quem ex famosiore ecclesiae usu episcopum vulgò dicimus , potestatem istam in singulari coetu ex christi & apostolorum institutione nunquam non pertinuisse affirmamus . ] you see here that it is but [ in singulari ecclesia ] & [ in si●gulari coetu ] that he affirmeth an episcopacy of christs and the apostles institution . and such bishops most churches in england have already . reason . conqu●ritur jam olim socrates episcopatus quosdam suis temporibus extra sacerdotii sines ●gressos & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ esse delapsos : conqueritur apud pelusiotam hierax lenitatis & m●nsuetudinis dignitatem in tyrannidem tran●●sse : conqueritur de episcoporum ambitione nazianzenus ; & propterea si non episcopatum , c●rte civi●atum 〈◊〉 perpetuum in retinenda epis●opali dignitate mutatum velle● ▪ he addeth yet more such , and concludeth , that ecclesiastical ambition never made such progress from the apo●tles daies to those , as it hath done since to ours , almost ●ncurably . grotius de imperio pag. ▪ . reason . reason . a particular church , what . reason . reason . reason . r●ason . reason . reason . reason . reason . reason . reason . . see grotius de ●mperio . p. . proving that the christian church-government was not fitted to that of the temple , but that of the synagogues , and endeavouring to prove bishops , he doth it thence , that they are such as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let them then hold to such a congregational episcopacy . heb. . . proveth that churches should be no bigger then that the ruler may watch for all their souls as one that must give account of all . on which text dr. ier. taylor in his late book of repentance , pref. saith [ i am sure we cannot give account of souls of which we have no notice ] and so presseth to personal conduct . let them then be bishops of no bigger a diocess then they can take such personal notice and conduct of , lest they judge themselves . see the same thing proved at large by grotius de imperio page , , ▪ yet i think as bloudell that he mistook epiphanius de alex. eccl. * pag. , he saith [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ] i. e. [ per regiones igitur & u●bes praedicantes , constituerunt primitias eorum , approbantes in spiritu , episcopos & diaco●os ●orum qui credituri erant . ] i know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is supposed by some to respect only the place of their preaching , and not of their settling bishops : but the words according to the more obvious plain sence do seem to extend it to both , and make no such difference at all . * very many passages in cyprian do intimate that then the diocesses were small , perhaps having yet but unum altare : as when he saith that [ à primordio episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine concilio vestro & sine consensu plebis meae , privata sententia gerere , &c. and [ prohibeantur offerre , acturi apud nos , & apud confe●●ores ipsos , & apud plebem universam causam suam ] and [ haec singulorum tractanda sit & limanda plenius ratio , non tantum cum ] collegis meis , sed & cum plebe ipsá universá ] and [ vix plebi persuadeo , immo extorqueo , ut tales patiantur ●dmitti , & justior factus est fraternitatis dolor , ex eo quod unus atque alius obnitente pl●be & 〈…〉 , mea tamen facilita e suscepti , pejores extiterunt — ] how the universa pleb● of many congregations or a diocess like ours , should be consulted and hear and do any thing to admission or exclusion from communion , and be advised with by cyprian in all such affairs , is not easie to conceive . see his epist. . . . , , , , , , , , &c. peruse all the citations of bloudwell de jure plebis in regim . eccles. and see whether they intimate not the smalness of their diocesses . ( though i believe they prove no such thing as proper government in the people . ) yet peruse all the authors cited by him there to prove that 〈◊〉 eccle●iae m●th . . refers to the congregation of pastors and people together ; and it will much confirm the point in hand . i shall not recite any of them , because you may there find them in the end of grotius de imperio sum. potest . * and it seems the churches were not so large as some imagine , even at the sixth general council at 〈◊〉 in consta●ti●op . when canon . it was ord●●ed that no the fifth day of the week the baptized were to say over their belief to the bishop or the presbyters : and it was not such diocesses as ours that this work could be th●● done for . * as many of them d● 〈◊〉 , when they hold it in terms , of which see what i have said in the preface to the reform●● pastor ; and even in this while they confess that pastors are rulers and the people must obey , according to the express words of the text , heb. . . tim. . . thes. . , &c. they grant us what we plead for . cons. . cons. . cons. . cons. . cons. . cons. . cons. . cons. . cons. . cons. notes for div a -e * dispute of right to sacraments . rom. . , . pet. . . . rom. . . mat. . . heb. . , ▪ cor. . , . jam . . acts . , . & . . cor. . . acts . . cor. . . acts . . cor. . . tim. . , , , . cor. . . mat. . . notes for div a -e of this voctius hath written at large de desperata causa papatus , to which i refer the reader . fit autem missio aut per deum mediante &c. aut per deum mediante superiorum authoritate , &c. fit rursus nonnunquam & ipsa necessitatis lege ; quando non aliter posset fidei seu morum veritas inviolata servari ; ubi verum est illud , pasce fame morientem : si non pavisti , occidisti . voetius . luke . . pet. . ● , . notes for div a -e of this i desire the reader , to peruse what is written by voctius de desperata causa papatus , l. . sect. . c. . & passim . notes for div a -e arg. . notes for div a -e 〈…〉 &c. read their words . * mr. t. p. calls himself rector of brington . cyprian ep. . p . ad clerum de gaio — desideras●is ut de philumeno & fortunato ●ypodiaconis , & favorino acoluthore s●ribam , cui rei non potui me solum judicem dire , cum multi adhuc de clero absentes sint , nec locum suum vel sero repetendum putaverint , & haec singulorum tractanda sit , & limanda plenius ratio ; non tantum cum collegis meis sed & cum plebe ipsa universa : how big was the diocess then , and how much the bishop ruled alone , may be hence conjectured ; and whether presbyters had any hand in ruling . why doth ignatius and tertullian command them to be subject to the presbyters as to the apostles of christ , if they had not the key of government . alphonsus à castro doth maintain that h●eroms opinion was indeed the same that from his plain and frequent expressions we averr it to be , and rebuketh them that pretend the contrary . hector boethius ( before cited ) saith ( sco● . histor. l. . fol. . b. ) that ante palladium populi suffrag●is ex monachis & culda●is pontifices assumerentur . no bishop then ordained them but presbyters . and balaeus ( centur. . c. . ) saith [ habebant antea scoti suos episcopos ac ministros ex verbi divini ministerio plebium suffragiis electos , prou● asianorum more fieri apud britanaos videbant . ☜ cyrian epist. . plebi — contra episcopatum meum , immo contra suffragium vestrum & dei judicium ▪ &c. * this is not the way of our prelates ordination . and th●s shew●th that the churches in 〈◊〉 ●ays were not diocesan , consisting o● many particular churches : else all the people could not have been present , beholders and consenters , at the ordination of the bishops . † still this shews , that the churches of bishops were then no greater then that all might be personally present , and fore-acquainted with his life . yea that it was the p●●ples duty no● only to elect , but to reject , there 's more then cyprian affirm : euse●●us h●st . eccl. l. . c. . out of apol●onus telleth us that alexander a m●ntan●st , being a thief ▪ the congregation of which he was pastor ( so that was his diocess ) would not admit him . 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 — secundum 〈…〉 & 〈◊〉 de 〈…〉 const●ntin● in his 〈◊〉 to the 〈…〉 tells them that [ in the election of their bishops all men should freely deliver their opinion , and the general suffrage of all should be equally considered ; becaus● ec●lesiastical honours should be obtained and conferred w●●●out 〈◊〉 and di●cord — ] 〈…〉 〈◊〉 notes for div a -e even those protestant churches that have superintendents are unchurched by them too , for want of a true ordination . for their superintendents were commonly ordained by meer presbyters , or settled only by the princes power . so in denmark , when their seven bishops were deposed , seven presbyters were ordained superintendents by iohan. bugenhagius pomeranus a presbyter of wittenberge in the presence of the king and senate at the chief church in haffnia : see vit. bugenhagii in melch. ad●m . vit . germ. theolog. page . notes for div a -e * the jesuits and fryars do not take the generals or governors of their orders to be men of another order , though they have a power of ruling , and that tyrannically . notes for div a -e ☜ notes for div a -e it s more then dr. h. h. speaks of the primitive bishops , that had no presbyters under them but one or more deacons . notes for div a -e . parochial bishops . . the stated presidents of associated pastors . . a visit●r of the neighbour churches , and countr●y . these two to be in one man. . general unfixed ministers . * so constanti●e calls himself a bishop . euseb. vit . co●st . l. . c . and he made his court a church , and assembling the people , did use to take , the holy scriture , and deliver divine contemplations out of it , or else he would read the common-prayers to the whole congregation , cap. . and it is plain that it was constantine that kept the churches in unity and peace , when the bishops else would have broken them to peices . and the emperours frequently took down and set up bishops at their pleasure , especially in the patriarchial seats as rome , constantinople , antioch , alexandria . notes for div a -e ☞ * and mr. burroughs irenico● . dr. holdsworth . dr. forbs . gataker . the london p●●●ince ▪ beza calvin . see also dan. colonius in his disputat . ex i●st●tut . calv. l. . d●sp . . §. . . ☞ notes for div a -e argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . prop. . prop. . prop. . ☜ prop. . prop. . prop. . prop. . prop. . prop. ▪ object . . object . . object . . ●●ject . . object . . object . . object . . object . . object . . object . object . . object . . the summ . besides s●●ms of catechisms . notes for div a -e * in point of lawfulness ; for conveniency is according to several accidents ▪ * the provincial consil. agath . can. . is the first that i remember mentioning them . notes for div a -e * the pope 〈…〉 king 〈…〉 that 〈◊〉 cannot be done without tumult or 〈◊〉 . ] d●●ila p. . an . . so that when he feareth losing by it himself , the good man makes conscience of murdering them that he will c●ll hereticks : but at another time . to be murdered in france in a few daies ( d●●ila saith . ) was a blessed work ! and therefore when i said before that in case of necessity i would rather kneel , then not communicate , yet i now add that i would for all that rather be imprisoned or otherwise persecuted , then cast out of the churches communion all that dare not kneel or conform in such a circumstance : and yet this were ministers then commanded on great penalties to do . ☜ luke . . matth. . . matth. . . isa. . , . & . . mat. . . luke . rom. . . & . , . & . , , , , . notes for div a -e * see my writing of grotius r●ligion . unity our duty. in twelve considerations humbly presented to the godly, reverend, and learned brethren of the presbyterian judgement; and the dissenting godly, reverend, and learned brethren, commonly called independant; contending together about church governement. which tends earnestly to dissvvade them from bitter speaking, and writing one against another. by i. p. licensed and published according to order. price, john, citizen of london. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) unity our duty. in twelve considerations humbly presented to the godly, reverend, and learned brethren of the presbyterian judgement; and the dissenting godly, reverend, and learned brethren, commonly called independant; contending together about church governement. which tends earnestly to dissvvade them from bitter speaking, and writing one against another. by i. p. licensed and published according to order. price, john, citizen of london. [ ], , [ ] p. pinted [sic] by t. paine, for john hancock, and are to be sold at his shop at the entrance into popes-head ally out of cornhill, london : . attributed to john price. cf. nuc pre- . reproduction of the original in the british library. annotation on thomason copy reads: the in the imprint date is crossed out and altered to ; "janu: st". eng church polity -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no unity our duty.: in twelve considerations humbly presented to the godly, reverend, and learned brethren of the presbyterian judgement; and price, john, citizen of london d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion unity ovr duty . in twelve considerations humbly presented to the godly , reverend , and learned brethren of the presbyterian judgement ; and the dissenting godly , reverend , and learned brethren , commonly called independant ; contending together about church government . which tends earnestly to disswade them from bitter speaking , and writing one against another . by i. p. phil. . . that nothing be done through strife or vaine glory , but that in meek●nesse of minde every man esteeme other better then himselfe . james . , , , . but if ye have bitter envying , and strife in your hearts rejoyce not , neither be lyers against the truth . this wisedome descendeth not from above , but is earthly , sensuall , and devilish . for where envie and strife is , there is sedition and all manner of evill workes . but the wisedome that is from above is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , and easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits without judging , and without hypocrisie . rom. . let us then follow those things which make for peace , and wherewith one may edifie another . licensed and published according to order . london , pinted by t. paine , for john hancock , and are to be sold at his shop at the entrance into popes-head ally out of cornhill . ● . vnity ovr dvty . in twelve considerations humbly presented to the godly , reverend , and learned brethren of the presbyterian judgement , and the dissenting godly , reverend , and learned brethren , commonly called independent , contending together about chvrch governement . the errors of the times doth abunantly vindicate the defect of our faith in the knowledge of the truth , and the divisions of the times the defect of our love in the prosecution of the same , the forme of sound words is to be held fast in faith and love , tim. . . the devouring sword abroad , and the deviding pen at home , rendreth our condition very neere the pit of distruction , and that by a divine hand of justice ? for as the want of sound knowledge argueth the weakenesse of our heads , ( and so our unprofitablenes for god ) so the want of love the rottennesse of our hearts , and what shall god doe with a weake headed and rotten hearted people . it is hard to say whether is the saddest omen of our approaching misery ; either the unhappie divisions of our owne party , or betweene our selves and the common enemy , whose promising advantage against our selves in that particular , is their greatest hopes , and our greatest feare ; they are united , we divided ; they are all one against us , & each of us one against his brother , unity acteth the sons of error & division the sons of truth , which is as if the good should with the wicked , change quallities , and yet retaine priviledges ; the spirit of pride , peevishnesse ▪ ●ssion , perversenesse , mallice , confidence , envy and emulation doth apparently look ( as through a lettice ) ▪ through these late times of contention about church discipline , betweene ( i hope ) godly parties on each side , which is as sad in it selfe as the consequence , ( if not prevented ) are like to be ; the melancholy and serious observation whereof hath cast mee upon these present , suddaine , but seasonable thoughts , which i have moulded into severall considerations and motives unto a more sweete , christian , and lovely demeanour of our selves in our mutuall pleadings and writing against one another unhappily dissenting about the truth , first consider the minde of god , revealed in the scriptures about the same who hath commanded us , to love one another , john . . to follow the truth in love , ephes. ▪ to provoke one another to love , heb. . . to reduce the fallen brethren either in judgement or practise with the spirit of meekenesse , bearing one anothers burthens , and so fulfilling the law of christ , oal . . , . to take heede of biting and devouring one another , least we bee consnmed one of another , gal. . . to walke by the same rule so farre as we have mutually attained , and if any be contrary minded , to wiate with christian respect and love in confidence that god will seasonally reveale the truth unto the mistaken , phil. . , . to bee kindly affectioned one towards another with brotherly love in honour , preferring one another , rom. . . and that this love should not be complementall , but without dissemulation , rom. . . with a pure heart fervently , pet. . . in deede and in truth , john . . that this brotherly love should continue , heb. . . and be daily increasing and abounding one towards another , thes. . . with many other scriptures of the like importance . consider the patterne which is set before you , god is love , and he that dwelleth in love , dwelleth in god , and god in him , john . . wee differ from god in heart , in life , in judgement , in practise , and yet still god is love , the father himselfe loveth you , john ▪ . . be ye therefore followers of god as deare children , and walke in love , ephes. . , . the sonne hath loved you ▪ in nature , kinde , and degree , even as the father hath loved the sonne , john . . that is infinitely , eternally , and in things infinite ▪ there are not degrees of comparison , he gave himselfe ( a measure of his love to us ) then the which there could be no greater love , john . . the inference from hence is verse . that ye love one another , the holy spirit is a spirit of love , tim. . . and the fruit of it is love , gal. . . and where ever it is in truth , it knits the heart with the saints in love , colos. . . rooting and grounding them in love , ephes. . . causing not onely the report of their faith in christ jesus , but also of their love to all saints to be heard abroad in the world , colos. . . the father , the sonne , the holy spirit loveth us not withstanding our vast and infinite disproportion and difference from this holy trinity in our judgements , wills , affections , lives , and conversations , and surely they that are taught of god do love one another , thes. . consider how sweetly , and kindly the almighty treateth with the sonnes of men , his words are soft breaking our bonds , prov. . . and his writings are words of reconsiliation ▪ sending his embassadors to beseech us , and most kindly to pray us in christs name and stead to bee reconciled unto god , cor. . . thirdly consider , wee cannot as yet bee all of one minde , which is our affliction as well as our sinne , yet may we be all of one heart , the fallings wherein is more our sin then our sorrow , unity in judgement is the promised blessing of another age , but unity in affection is our present duty , though we cannot speake all the same things of saith , though our difference in judgement , yet we may all speake the same things of love through the unity of our affections ; though wee cannot agree in all things , which should be all our griefe , yet we all agree in this thing , to strive together to know the truth as it is in jesus , which calles for our love to one another , god in christ , and christ in god is the pure spring of that divine love which is alwaies running from god to christ , and from christ to god , the streames whereof doe cheare the hearts of all the saints , but the saints in christ and christ in saints should make each lovely in each others eyes , our mutual interest in jesus christ should make us value each other as pretious jewells which god will make up in the day of his glory , mal. . we are all acceptable to god in the beloved , ephes. . , and why not then unto one another . fourthly , consider , we all know but in part . cor. . . and therefore none are so perfectly acquainted with one truth that he needs no further light about the same , and it is to beconceived that the errors of judgement in the godly , ariseth not from the love of error , but the mistake of truth ; so that the light of the saints possibly may be dim ; and their darkenesse or ignorance not absolutely without or utterly remote from some light : they ought therefore to here on another patiently , and to beare with one another kindly , it is the propertie of the father of lights ▪ and ▪ of the sonne of righteousnesse , the light of the world that in him should be all light and no darkenesse at all : he that dwelleth in love dwelleth in light , for god is light . he that saith he is in light , and hateth his brother is in darkenesse , and walketh in darkenesse . ( notwithstanding his great presumption of his large abilities . ) he knoweth not whether he goeth , because that darkenesse hath blinded his eyes . verse . fifthly , consider a passionate , peevish , froward , pettish , perverse professor is seldome acquainted with the truth as it is in jesus , meeknesse encapableth a man to receive the truth . iames . . a froward heart and a perverse tongue , or pen commonly goeth together , and salomon saith that one findeth no good , and the other falleth into mischiefe , pro. . . he that thinketh he knoweth nothing as he ought to know is in the sweetest capacity to be taught of the father , who filleth the hungry with good things , but sendeth the rich empty away . resisting the proude , he giveth grace to the humble , the lord guideth the meeke in judgement , and them will he teach his way . psal. . . those who are become like weaned children doth he teach knowledge , and understand doctrine . esay . . a froward heart , tongue , or pen , is an abomination unto the lord , and therefore the secrets of the lord cannot be with such swelling words commonly come from shallow braines ; and the most ignorant are most conceited ; with the lowly there is wisedome . pro. . . a rayling tongue or pen is like the rageing waves foming out it's owne sham● . jude . the lord teacheth the lowly person , and such is fit to teach his brother . sixtly , consider how much men preiudiceth the truth by apassionate endeavour to vindicate the same , rayling language and invective lines ▪ vailes the truth that it cannot be seene , who loves to drinke in troubled waters ? or puddle streames ? when mens foame of mallice , envie and discontent , appeare ▪ in the surface of their peevish lines , who will looke for truth therein ▪ a smooth pen shall not bewitch me , for i will examine what it affirmes . a scolding dialect shall not corrupt me , for i will never bestow the paines to read it , truth hath never need of passion , but oft of patience . a froward pen oft times stir up other mens passions , but seldome setleth any mans judgement , frowardnesse raiseth up frowardnesse , and strife stirreth up strife , and both together rejoyceth the divell and sporteth his children , and the truth is neglected all the while : he that endeavors to conquer error with good successe , must bring along with him meekenesse and truth , and having both may ride on and prosper . psal. . . seventhly . men doe seldome contend for truth in a rayling dialect , it is mistery more then truth that is so sought out , passion , envie , hatred , mallice are the fruits of the flesh , and can these contend for their distroyer the spirit of truth ? an unbridled tongue , a licentious pen , is the common charracter of a rotten heart , james . the passion of the pen above that of the tongue is the more dangerous signe that the heart is rotten : a passionate tongue doth many times argue the distempers of the head , when the consent of the heart cannot begotten ▪ but a rayling pen doth clearly evince the hearts mallice , commanding the head to subserve the same , a passionate tongue doth often declare a man robbed of his reason , but a passionate pen doth more clearely evince a man robbed of the truth , for his reason is ranged in his malicious lines , the passion of the tongue doth largely proclaime sin in the heart , but the passion of the pen the heart in sin , for deliberation , invention , memory , witt , reason , all are commanded by that heart of sin , truth triumphs only in tittle , but pride and arrogancy in the matter it selfe . eightly , consider how doth it gratifie the designes of the adversarie , that the saints should thus wrangle each with his brother , how doth this cheare up the popish , episcopall , presbyteriall , independent , antinominicall , annabaptisticall , jesuite : for i presume the jesuite personates them all : and whose ends we prosecute by our unhappie divisions amongst our selves , how is this told in gath , and published in askalon , how doe the daughters of the philistims rejoyce ? and the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph ? how doe they jeare at our discord ▪ that we our selves proves thornes in one anothers eyes , and goade in one anothers sides ? boasting that they lasht us with rods , but we our selves with scorpions , and that our own little fingers will be heavier upon one another , then their loines were upon us all . they opprest us and we were pitied of all , we oppresse our selves and then who pitieth us : they ruin'd us by an usurpation , and shal we strive to ruine one another by a law ? they crush't us by the heavie sentences of the heigh commission , & star chamber , & shal we endeavour to do the same by the authority of parliament ? if we love not one another , let us love our selves , for each undermineth his owne security by circumventing his brothers peace . ninthly , consider how do saints loose in each others hearts , when they gall and greive and vex one another in each others pen . to give milke and honey for vinegar and gall , blessing for cursing , kind words for bitter language , this is indeed our duty , but hereunto who hath attained ? and shall we tempt one another with such provocations ▪ sorrow and trouble , persecution and affliction , envie and mallice , evill speaking and railing , we expect from the world , but bitter quarter from bitter people : the saints should be each others shelter , we doe not gather grapes from thornes , not briers from vines , men doe not gather figs from thistles , nor prickles from figg trees . churlish language i expect from a nabell , not from a david , scoffs from an ismael not from an isaack , rayling from a rabsheika , not from an hezekiah , dungeons from an ahab , not from a michaiah , prisons from an herod , not from iohn the baptist , chaines from a nero , not from a paul , banishment from flavius domitian , not from iohn the evangelist , jeares from a iulian , not from a christian . no , no , gentlenesse and meekenesse , love and peace , kindnesse and goodnesse , bowells of mercy and compassion from the hearts and tongues , the hands and pens of all wherein dwells the spirit of christ . but when our expectations are failed , looking for peace with ieremie and no good comes , for helpe from the saints and behold trouble . when our brethren turnes dragons , as iob saith , and we are companions to owles even birds of prey : how will our bowels boyle and resteth not , our harpe turnes into mourning , and our organs into the voice of them that weepe ? job . . . hard speeches and heavie hands upon the saints of god from great professors , proud lookes , and swelling words have formerly been the certaine prognosticks of approaching apostacy : and that charracter seldome failes . as for my part god give me favour in the eyes of those who are his favourites , love in their hearts , intrest in their prayers , and make me to the uttmost a friend and a favourer of them , however they differ from me in my judgement . tenthly , consider , wrangling , writing , and rayling language each against other in our owne party , hastneth our distruction ▪ and hindreth our reformation and who but a jesuite delighteth herein ? what is it which obstructeth the parliament assemblie , or armies , but our unhappie divisions amongst our selves ? we want love , and where love is not , where is our piety ? and where there is no unity , there is as little policie . for my part the unhappie quarrell between presbyterian and independent speaketh as sadly to me , and threatneth as sorely , as the wofull distance between king and parliament , and the happie reconciliation of the former parties would quit my thoughts of the feare of the latter , and happie should that man be called by this present age , which should prove an instrument of so good a worke , but where is that pen of peace ? and that heart of love ? that spirit of meekenesse ? and that head of wisedome ? how beautifull should the very feet of those be which could bring such tydings of joy to this kingdome . eleventhly , consider , the difference is more in the heart then in the head , in the affections then in the judgement ▪ which is more dangerous because lesse reconcileable , a gracious heart commands the head to hearken to truth , but a more sound head cannot command a perverse mind , the difference betweene the parties we speake of is more in shew , then in deed and truth , the presbyterian is departed from episcopacy . the independent questions such and such a qualified presbyterie , but they that are godly of both parties , are not engaged past a retreat to the truth of god . who ever can shew it , could each of us lovingly here his brother , happily each might be bettered by the other , those that are the strongest antagonists about discipline suppose it a peice of policie , not of divinity , and is it policie for the saints to ruine one another ? inteligent men are of opinion that i● each partie would with meekenesse and patience here one another , reconciliation between them would attend the issue , and shall we destroy one another before we will give one another the heating ? what aparrant untruths , and grosse mistakes even in matters of fact have beene reported of their dissenting brethren ; for want of hearing them speake for themselves ? i could instance in many in mine owne observations , but that the making up , and not the widenning of breaches is my present purpose . twelfthly , consider the deare relation wherein we stand each to other in jesus christ , have we not the same lord ? the same faith ? the same baptisme ? did not we all lie together as it were in the same wombe of the almighties gratious purpose ? are we not all the price of the same ransome ? the redeemed of the same saviour ? doth not the same spirit of jesus breath in our hearts ? the same blood of jesus runne in our veines ? are we not all brethren in the faith ? and shall brethren reproach brethren ? brethren rayle against brethren ? brethren undermine the peace and comfort of one another , is it brotherly to discover one anothers weakenesses , failings , and indiscretions ? brethren accuse brethren ? brethren betray brethren ? what! brethren without bowells ? without naturall affection to brethren ? who but a cain will seeke the ruine of a brother abell , because his holy services are more acceptable then his owne ? who but a ham will betray the nakednesse of his owne familie ? god put enmity between satan and saints , but satan puts enmity between saints and saints ; whose workes they doe that foment the same . an ungodly man diggeth up evill , and in his lips there is a burning fire , and a froward man soweth strife , and a whisperer separateth chiefe freinds . pro. . . . and it is a wicked man that walketh with a froward mouth , pro. . . and shall such be found among the saints ? oh where is that spirit which should knit our hearts together in love ? are wee not all members of the same body ? if one suffer doe not all suffer ? and shall we persecute one another ? if one be disgrac'd doe we not all blush ? and shall we shame one another ? is love the signe of a disciple of christ ? and shall we hate one another ? doth not each member need his fellow : and shall each destroy each other ? is the body of christ the horrid monster of these monstrous times ? is it thus amongst turkes , and pagans , mahumitans , atheists , or papists ? doe malignants thus penne it against malignants , cavaliers against cavaliers ? are there such bitter words or bitting language ? such harsh sayings or hard speakings to be heard in the camp of our adversaries ? deare sirs is it truth or trouble you thus persue ? if the truth , fight for it in its own way , it calls for your love to it self & children & not for your ranckor , for your paines & not your passion , it calls for helpe and not for hindrance , if truth doth reigne , why scratch you her with a crowne of thornes , giving her vinegar and gall to drinke , if truth be queene her royall attendance and maids of honour should be love , and meekenesse , gentlenesse and goodnesse , kindnesse and mercy , forbearance and pitty . why doe men vex her with pride & passion , strife & contention , frowardnes and anger ? her kingdome is peace , her commands are love , her royall law to her ●oyal subjects is follow the truth together in love , ephes. . . lyons & wolves , beares & tigars , dragons and ultars , with such hurtfull creatures becomes the shady wildernesse of the wicked world , but none that doe destroy should once approach the lords holy mountaine . it becomes toads to belch out venome , and hellish furies to spit fire , each at other ▪ and not the saints of the most high god , shall they dig out one anothers bowels , rend one anothers name , plunder one anothers reputes dearest sirs turne your swords into plowshares , and your speares into pruineing hookes , and learne no more to warr one against another . esay . let the wolfe dwell with the lambe , and the leopard lie downe with the kid , and a child by truth leade them both ▪ let no corrupt communication come out of your mouth ( or pen ) but that which is good for the use of edifying , that may administer grace to the hearers , and readers , and let all bitternesse and wrath and anger , clamour and evill speaking ( or writing ) be put away from you , with all mallice ▪ and be yee kind one to another , tender hearted ▪ forgiving one another , as god for christs sake hath forgiven you . ephes. . . . finis . twelve considerable serious questions touching chvrch government sadly propounded (out of a reall desire of vnitie and tranquillity in church and state) to all sober-minded christians, cordially affecting a speedy setled reformation, and brotherly christian vnion in all our churches and denominations, now miserably wasted with civill unnatuall warres, and deplorably lacerated with ecclesiasticall dissentions / by william prynne ... prynne, william, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing p ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) twelve considerable serious questions touching chvrch government sadly propounded (out of a reall desire of vnitie and tranquillity in church and state) to all sober-minded christians, cordially affecting a speedy setled reformation, and brotherly christian vnion in all our churches and denominations, now miserably wasted with civill unnatuall warres, and deplorably lacerated with ecclesiasticall dissentions / by william prynne ... prynne, william, - . p. printed by i.d. for michael sparke, senior ..., london : . reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library. eng church polity. church and state -- england. great britain -- history -- civil war, - . a r (wing p ). civilwar no twelve considerable serious questions touching church government. sadly propounded (out of a reall desire of vnitie, and tranquillity in chu prynne, william f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion twelve considerable serious questions touching chvrch government . sadly propounded ( out of a reall desire of vnitie , and tranquillity in church and state ) to all sober-minded christians , cordially affecting a speedy setled reformation , and brotherly christian vnion in all our churches and dominions , now miserably wasted with civill unnaturall warres , and deplorably lacerated with ecclesiasticall dissentions . by william prynne , of lincolnes inne , esquire . cor. . . now i beseeech you brethren by the name of our lord jesus christ , that yee all speake the same thing , and that there be no divisions among you : but that ye be perfectly joyned together in the same minde , and in the same judgement . cor. . , . for yee are yet carnall : for whereas there is among you envying , and strife , and divisions , are ye not carnall , and walke as men ? for while one saith , i am of paul , and another , i am of apollo , are ye not carnall ? cor. , . god is not the author of unquietnesse , but of peace , as in all churches of the saints . london , printed by i. d. for michael sparke senior , and are to be sold at the blew bible in green arbour , . having neither leisure nor oportunity to debate the late unhappy differences sprung up amongst us touching church governement ( disputed at large by master herle , doctor steward master rotherford , master edwards , master durey , master goodwin , master nye , master sympson , and others , ) which much retard the speedy accomplishment , and establishment of that happy reformation , wee all earnestly pray for , and at least pretend cordially to desire , i have ( at the importunity of some reverend friends , ) digested my subitane apprehensions of these distracting controversies , into the ensuing considerable questions , which sadly pondered , & solidly debated by sober-minded peaceably disposed men of greater ability and vacancy for such a worke , then i enjoy , may put a happy period to all our dissentions about this subject , and heartily unite our devided judgements , affections , the better to secure our selves against the common enemies , who prevaile most by our divisions . . whether the gospell being by christs owne injunction , to be (a) preached to all nations and people whatsoever , ( who have their severall established different formes of civill government , lawes , manners , rules , and customes , sutable to their respective dispositions , climes , republikes , ) it can be infallibly evidenced by any gospell text , that christ hath peremptorily prescribed one and the selfe same forme of ecclesiasticall government , discipline , rites to all nations , churches in all particulars from which they may in no case vary , under paine of mortall sin , scisme , or being no true churches of christ , with whom good christians may not safely communicate ? or ( rather ) whether every severall nation , republike and nationall church hath not under the gospell (b) a libertie , and latitude left them to chuse and settle such an orderly form of church-government , discipline , and ecclesiasticall rites , as is most suitable to their particular civill government , lawes manners , customes : alwaies provided it be consonant and no waies repugnant to the word of god , nor prejudiciall to his sincere worship , or the peoples salvation , nor such as hinders their christian communion , amity , charity among themselvs & with other true christian churches ? this being ( as i conceive ) a generally received truth among all (c) protestant churches ; the very substance of the . article of the church of england ; of the . article of the church of ireland , and of the statutes of . & . e. . c. . . & . e. . c. . . & . e. . c. . . eliz. c. . . eliz. c. . and whether some things in all church governments , disciplines , ceremonies whatsoever , are not and must not be left to humane prudence , for which there is no direct precept nor patterne in sacred writ ? which truth is assented to by al parties , churches whatsoever , in theory or practise . . whether , if any kingdome or nation shall by a nationall councell , synod and parliament , upon serious debate , elect such a publike church-government , rites , discipline as they conceive to be most consonant to gods word , to the lawes , government under which they live , and manners of their people , and then settle them by a generall law ; all particular churches members of that kingdome and nation , be not thereby actually oblieged in point of (d) conscience & christianity , readily to submit thereto , and no wayes to seeke an exemption from it , under paine of being guiltie of arrogancie scisme , contumacie , and lyable to such penalties as are due to these offences ? . whether that forme of ecclesiasticall governement , which hath sufficient ( if not best ) warrant for it in the new testament : the examples of the primitive church , of the best reformed churches in this latter age to backe it ; the resolutions of the most eminent persons for learning and pietie in all protestant churches , approving it , tends most to effect , establish christian (e) vnitie , peace and amity , in the churches , nations , kingdomes embracing it , and with forraign churches professing the same religion ; suites best with the publike civil government , lawes , manners of those realmes who receive it , and serves most effectually to prevent , suppresse all heresies , errors , scismes , factions , diversities of opinions , corruptions of manners libertinisme , injustice , with other inconveniencies which may infest a church or state ; is not to be chosen , rec●ived as a true undoubted church-governement , agreeable to the gospell of christ , and to be preferred before that ecclesiasticall government , which hath no such expresse ●arrant for it in scripture , no patterne for it in the primitive , or best reformed ●●urches , no generall approbation of the most eminent persons for learning ●nd piety in all protestant churches , asserting it ; tendes not to effect maintaine or establish christian vnitie , peace , amitie in the churches , nations , kingdomes embracing it : suits not with their established civill lawes , go●ernment , and is no effectuall meanes to prevent or suppresse , but rather to intro●●ce and foment all heresies , errors , scismes , factions , diversities of opinions , corruptions of manners , libertinisme , injustice ( for want of appeales ) and other inconveniencies , which may infest a church or state ? . whether the presbiteriall forme of church-government , if rightly ordered , be not such as is expressed in the former : the independent such as is mentioned in the latter part of the preceding question ? and therfore the first of them rather to be embraced then the last , without any long debate ? . whether the grounds and reasons principally in●isted on for an independ●nt church government , be not such as if duly examined , will by unevitable necessary consequence subvert , dissolve , at least imbroyle , endanger all nationall , provincial churches , councels , synods , all setled monarchicall , aristocraticall , or oligarchicall formes of civill governement in nations , republikes , states , cities ; reduce all ecclesiasticall , all civill publike kindes of government , to that which is meerely parochiall or domesticall , and make every small congregation , family , ( yea person if possible ) an independent church and republike , exempt from all other publike laws , or rules of civill and ecclesiasticall government , but what they shall freely elect ; prescribe unto themselves , during pleasure and alter as they see occasion , upon more light of truth revealed ? . whether in all nations ages , from the first preaching of the gospell till this present as christians and beleevers multiplied , particular churches , did not likewise multiply , which had a dependency on , and communion one with another , and were all subordinate to nationall or provinciall synods , and publike ecclesiasticall constitutions ? and whether any one example of such a particular independent congregationall church or governement , as some now strennuously contend for , ( or any one eminent writer who maintained the same ) can be produced in any christian nation , kingdome or republike , totally converted to christianity , since christs time , till within our memories ? if yea ; then let the independents nominate the place , age , author , if they can . if not : then doubtlesse that can be no church government of christs or his apostles institution , which had never yet any being , nor approbation in the world , till this present age , for ought that can be proved . . whether the selfe-same law of nature , god , and rule of rectified reason , which instructed , warranted all persons , nations , as they multiplyed , from private families to unite themselves into severall villages , * cities , kingdoms , republikes , and to subject themselves to some one or other publike forme of civill government , and such generall laws , ( obliging all persons , societies of men alike ) which they conceived most usefull , necessary for their common safety , and prosperity ; did not heretofore , and now likewise teach perswade & instruct all men to use the selfe-same form of proceeding in matters of church government , as the number of christians , churches multiplyed , or shall yet encrease among them ? since all nations whatsoever upon their conversion to christianitie have proceeded in this method , as all ecclesiasticall histories and the acts of councels testifie ? for example , first one person ( or more ) in a nation was converted to the faith of christ ; who converted his family , and so perchance for a time had a private * church in his owne house ; this family after converted other persons , families by degrees , who united themselves into a congregationall or parish church ; after which the christians multiplying , and their princes , magistrates , nations embracing the christian religion , they divided themselves into many parochiall churches , diocesse , provinces ; none of which parochiall churches , when multiplyed and the whole nation converted , either were or claimed to be independent but were ever subordinate to (h) nationall or provinciall synods , classes , to the (i) common councell of presbyters , and governed by generall laws or constitutions , to which they still submitted : just like our new chappells and churches lately built about london and other places which are not independent , but subordinate to the ecclesiasticall lawes and publike setled government of our nationall church . a course observed in all religions , nations in the world since adams time till now , for ought appeares to me . and why this order , dictated by god , nature , and constantly pursued in all nations converted to christian religion , should not be perpetually observed , but independent congregations gathered ; not of infidels , but of men already converted to and setled in the christian faith , of which forme of congregating churches , no one example , ( unlesse derived from the private conventicles of arrians , donatists , and other heretickes , who yet were not independent amongst themselves ) nor any direct scripture , reason , or authority can be produced , to satisfie conscience , for ought ever i could yet discerne , nor yet for particular church covenants , ( to which all members must subscribe before admission into independent churches ) i can yet see no ground . . whether the concession of one catholike church throughout the world , denied by none : the (k) nationall assembly , and church of the israelites under the law , ( who had yet their distinct synagogues and parochiall assemblies ) instituted , approved by god himselfe ; the synodall assemblie of the apostles , elders , and brethren at ierusalem , acts . who (l) made and sent binding de●rees to the churches of the gentiles in antioch , syria , cylicia , and other churches ; compared with the severall generall (m) injunctions of paul in his epistles to timothy , titus , the corinthians , and other churches hee wrote to , touching church discipline , order , government ; seconded with all oecumenicall , nationall , provinciall , councells , synods , and the church government exercised throughout the world , in all christian realmes , states , from their first generall reception of the gospell till this present ; compared with acts . . c. . . c. . . c. . . . c. . . c. . . c. . . math. . . ephes. . . . c. . . . . . col. . . tim. . . . be not an infallible proofe and justification of nationall churches ; of a common presbyterian , classicall government , to which particular congregations , persons ought to be subordinate , & an apparent subversion of the novell independent invention ? whether all answers ●iven to these examples & texts , by independents be not , when duly scanned , meere palpable shifts or evasions which can neither satisfie the consciences or judgements of any intelligent christians ? and whether their argument from these phrases n the churches , the churches of christ , of asia , macedonia ; all churches , &c. in the plurall number ( meant only of the churches then planted in severall cities , provinces , regions , nations , under distinct civill governments , comprised in scripture under this aggregate title the church , oft times , and then equivalent to nationall churches derived out of them as the gospell , and beleevers of it multiplied ) be any more or better proofe of particular independent churches in one & the selfe same city , nation , kingdome , republique ; then historians , councells , and canons mentioning of the churches of england , scotland , ireland , wales , france , spaine , or the churches within the province of canterburie , yorke , or diocesse of london , &c. argue , all or any of their parish churches to be independent , not one parochiall church in all these realmes being yet independent , but alwayes subordinate to the whole nationall or provinciall churches , councels , parliaments , synods of these kingdomes , as all authors and experience witnes . . whether the independents challenge of the presbyterians to shew them any nationall church , profes●ing christ in our saviours or the apostles dayes , before any one nation totally converted to the christian faith , or any generall open profession made of it by the princes , majestrates and major part of any nation , kingdome , republique , who were then all generally pagans and persecutors of the gospell , not then universally embraced , be not a most irrationall unjust demand ? and whether this argument from thence . there was no nationall church professing christian religion in the apostles dayes ( before any nation totally converted to christianity . ) ergo , there ought to be no such nationall church now ; though the o prophets long before assured us ; and (p) christ with his apostles certainly knew & predicted there should be nationall convertions , churches after their dayes . be not as absurd an argument as these ensuing . there was no nation wholy converted to th●●aith , nor any church-meetings of christians in publique churches , but only in q privat families , caves , corners in the apostles dayes . ergo , no nations ought to be totally converted to the faith , nor any christians to meete in publique churches , but onely in private families , caves , corners now ; as they did then . there was no nation , kingdom , city , republique , catholique , congregationall , or parochiall church in adams yonger dayes , before people were multiplyed , but only a family government , and church . ergo , there ought to be none but an oeconomicall or family government , and church , but no nation , kingdome , city , republike , catholike , or parish church now . no man will be so void of sence or reason to argue thus . every man in his infancy is borne destitute of religion , of the use of speech , reason , understanding , faith , legs , &c. ergo , he ought to continue so when he is growne a man . yet this is the maine argument of some independents . the christian church in the apostles times , whiles she was in her very infancy , and under persecution , was not nationall , but so and so , ( yet never independent . ) ergo , she must not now be nationall , but still necessarily continue in , and be reduced to her primitive infant condition , and to an independent government . when as the very history of the acts , and pauls epistles clearly informe us , that as the number of christians multiplyed , so their (r) churches , church officers multiplyed , their church government , discipline varied . at first the christian church had none but apostles to preach and instruct the people ; but when beleevers multiplyed , then they and the apostles ordained (s) deacons : after that (t) elders , evangelicall bishops , widdowes , with other church officers . and then fell , not only to write new gospells , epistles , canonicall scriptures , and rules of faith , ( as appeares by the whole new testament ) for the churches further instruction , edification , direction , by the speciall guidance of (v) gods spirit : but also to prescribe new necessary (x) rules , canons , directions , with sundry matters of order , discipline , as new occasions were offered , which liberty of ordaining , supplying , instituting new rites , orders , canons , things necessary or expedient for the churches peace and welfare , they transmitted to posterity ; and all churches of christ in all ages , places , yea the independents themselves , have claimed and exercised this very liberty , as their right ; there being many things in their independent government , which have no expresse warrant nor example in sacred wit to justifie them . . whether independents can produce any one solid reason , why they ought not ( in point of conscience ) willingly to submit to a presbyteriall government in case it shall be established among us by the generall consent of the synod , and parliament , as most consonant to gods word , the lawes and governement , of our realme ? and if not , whether it will not be justly reputed an high degree of obstinacy , singularity , arrogancy , selfe-ends , and peremptory schisme in them to oppose this forme of governement , or demand a speciall exemption from it , for themselves alone ? when as papists , anabaptists and all other sects may claime the like exemption , upon the like grounds as they alleadge ? . whether that independent governement which some contend for , if positively and fully agreed on , and laid downe without disguises , and then duly pondered in the ballance of scripture or right reason , be not of its owne nature , a very seminary of schismes , and dangerous divisions in church , state ? a floud-gate to let in an inundation of all manner of heresies , errors , sects , religions , distructive opinions , libertinisme and lawlesnesse among us , without any sufficient meanes of preventing or suppressing them when introduced ? whether the finall result of it ( as master williams in his late dangerous * licentious booke determines ) will not really resolve it selfe into this detestable conclusion . that every man , whither he be iew , turk , pagan , papist , arminian , anabaptist , &c. ought to be left to his own free liberty of cōscienc , without any coertion or restraint , to embrace & publikely to professe what religion , opinion , church , government he pleaseth , & conceiveth to be truest , though never so erronious , false seditous , detestable in it selfe ? and whither such a government as this ought to be embraced much lesse established among us ( the sad effects whereof we have already experimentally felt , by the late dangerous increase of many anabaptisticall , antinomian , hereticall , atheisticall opinions , as of the souls mortality divorce at pleasure , &c. lately broached , preached , printed in this famous city , which i hope our grand councell will speedily and carefully suppresse , and by our devisions betweene some of our commanders refusing to be dependent or subordinat one to another , ) i referre to the judgement of all such who have any sparkes of love to god , religion , their bleeding dying distracted native country flaming in their brests , or any remainder of right reason residing in their braines . . whether the very title of independency be not altogether improper for any man or christian , as such , who is naturally as a man , spiritually as a christian , (y) ●sociable z dependent creature needing both the cōmunion , and assistance of other persons , nations , churches ? whether the national league & covenant we have taken doth not in sundry respects strongly ingage us against independency ? and whether the root from which it originally springs ( if really searched to the very bottom & stript of all disguised pretences ) be not a pharesaical (a) dangerous spiritual prid , vainglorious singularitie , or selfe-conceitednes of mens owne superlative holines ( as they deeme it ) which makes them , contrary to the apostles rule (b) to est●●●● others better then themselves : to deeme themselvs so transendently holy , sanctified , and religious above others , that they esteeme them altogether unworthy of yea wholy exclude them from their communion & church-society , as (c) publicans , hethens , or prophane persons ( though perchance as good , or better christians then themselves ) unlesse they will submitt to their church-covenants , & goverment , refusing all true brotherly familiarity , society with them , & passing oft times most uncharitable censures on their very hearts and spirituall estates ( of which god never made them judges & (d) forbids them for to judge , because he (e) only knowes mens hearts : which hath lately ingendred an extraordinary strangnes unsociablenesse and coldnesse of brotherly affection , if not great disunion , disaffection , and many dissentions among professors themselves , yea , carelesnesse and neglect of one anothers wel●●●●●● our mutuall christian dependency on and relations one to another as christian brethren . as members of the selfe-same state and visible church of christ , f being the strongest bond of unitie , of brotherly love , care , reliefe , and mutuall assistance in all times of neede : it being the common 〈◊〉 & naturall disposition of all men , to g disrespect , neglect the reliefe , assistance ●●re and protection of those who are independent on them , or have no relations to them , no communion with them , and whom they esteem as strangers , with whom they neither have nor thinke fit to have any brotherly church-society ; whence those of different churches , or contrary religions ( as christians , turks , papists , protestants , &c. ) are alwayes for the most part at variance , enmity , seldome or never friendly , brotherly , charitable or assistant one to another . since then this new-invention of independency , is apt to produce snch uncharitablenes , unsociablenesse , strangenesse , differences , coldnesse of brotherly love , care , reliefe , and mutuall assistance , even among christians who professe themselves true saints of god ; and tends apparently to the violation of these principall precepts of the gospell , and cheifest badges of christianity , by which we know we are of the truth , that we are christs disciples indeed ; translated from life to death , and may assure our hearts hereof ; namely ; to love one another : to love all the saints and brethren unfeinedly , not in word & in tongue , but indeed & in truth , with a pure heart fervently : i to walk in love as christ loved us : to put on as the elect of god ( holy and beloved ) bowels of mercy , kindnesse , humblenesse of minde , meeknesse , long-suffering : to be kind and tender hearted one towards another : and above all things to put on charity which is the bond of perfectnesse ; endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , to which we are called in one body ; there being , ( & we all having ) but one body , one spirit , one hope of our calling , one lord , one faith , one baptisme , one god and father of all , who is above all , and thorough all , and over us all ; i humbly referre it to the serious consideration of all pious and peaceable christians , whether it can be any church goverment of christs invention , approbation , or institution fit to be embraced in any christian realme : wherein we should with (k) one minde and one mouth glorifie god ; and all speake the same thing without any divisions among us , being perfectly joyned together in the same minde , and in the same judgement . this gods owne precept ; and it shall be my dayly prayer , it may now prove all our reall practise . i shall close up all with this exhortation of the apostle , necessary for our distracted times ; (l) if there be any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels and mercies , fulfill yee my joy , that you be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord and of one mind , let nothing be done ( henceforth as to much i feare hath formerly bin ) through strife or vain glory ; but in lowlines of mind , let each esteem of others better then himselfe : looke not every man on ( or after ) his owne things , but every man also on the things of others ; (m) and i beseech you brethren marke them which cause divisions & offences , contrary to the doctrine which yee have learned , and avoid them ; follow after the things which make for peace , and such things only wherewith one may edefie another ; laying aside all bitternesse , and wrath , and anger , and clamor , and evill speaking , with all malice , covetousnesse , pride , and self seeking : which duly practised will speedily reconcile and terminate all our differences , eternally unite us in a lasting bond of reall vnity and brotherly love against our . common enemies ; who endeavour to ruin●●s by our unnaturall sad divisions . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- (a) matth. . , . mar. . . rom. . . col. . . . ephes. . . to . (b) cor. . . c. . . (c) see the harmony of confessions section , . (d) cor. . . . rom. . . . pet , , . cor. . . . (e) cor. . . to . c. . . c. . . to . c. . . eph. . . to rom. . . ia. . . , ● , . phil. . . , . cor. . . . * gen . c. . & & . arist. pol. lib. . c. . . &c. * rom. cor. . acts . . to & . & . and . and c. . , . (h) see binius , surius , crab , merlin , syrmond , caranza , and sir hen. spelmans tomes of councels . bochellus de●reta ecclesiae , gallicanae gratian i●o carnote● si● , the harmony of confessions , lyndewood and other canonists . (i) communi presbyter●rum concilio ecclesiae regebantur hier. epist. ad ev●grium & com. in tit. . igna●ius . epist. . . tertul. apolog : advers. gentes cap. . ireneus adv : haereses . l. b . c. . . cyp. epist. . . . . . sedulius & anselm : in tit. . ●ee my antipathy of the english lordly prelacy , &c. part . . c . where this is largely proved . harmony of confessions . sect. . . (k) exo. . c. . , ● . c. . . deu. ● . , . c. ● . lev. . num. . . c. . iosh. . . . c. . . c. . to . . iudg. ● . . . c● ● . . chron. . . . . c . , . c. . . &c. ● . chron. . ● . c. . , . c. , , . c. , . c. . . . c. . . to . c . . ezra . . c &c neh. . . . . luk. . . (l) acts . to . c. . c. . . (m) ● cor. . c. . . c. . ● . c. . . . gal. . . see rev. . . . c. . . c. . ● . n acts . . c. . ● . c. rom. . ● . ● cor . . c. , ● c. ● . , . c. . . cor. . . . , . c. . . thes●● . ● . rev. . . . c. . . . . . c. . . . c. . . o isay . mic . . to . ps. . . ps , . . psal. . . ier. . mal. . ● . isa. . . to c. . . . c. . . , . c. . . to . zach. . . (p) lu. . . mar. . . act. ● . . . . rō . . . . ● . . &c. q rom. . . cor. . . col. . philem. . . heb. . . . acts . . . acts . . . i●h. . (r) gal. . . acts . . c. . . c. . . rom. . . cor . . r. . . c. . . c. . . co● . . . . . . . , thes. rev. . ● . c. . . (s) acts . . to . tim. . . (t) act . . c. . . . phil. . . tit. . . tim. . c● to . c. . . iam. . . pet. . . . cor. ● . . . eph. . . , . tim . . . . pet. . . . (v) tim. . . . (x) cor. c. & . & . & . & c. . . & . & . & . & . . & . & . & . &c. . 〈◊〉 epist. to tim. tit c. . & . cor . c. . . . * a bloudy tenent . (y) gen. . . c . . c. . . r. . arist. polit. l. . & ● . z cor. . . acts . . to c. . . , , c. . . to . cor. , , . cor. . . . cor. . . . acts . . c. . . . (a) rom. . . isay. . . lu. . . to . pro. . . math. . . (b) ph●l . ● . . (c) lu. . . . . math. . . (d) math. . . rom. . . r. . . (e) chron. , , . . . f acts . , , . cor . to . c. ● , ● . . cor . ephes. , , , , ● c. ●● , to . tim , , . cor , . c. , . g iudges ● . luk ● , ● 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 iohn . , . iohn . . c . , , ● thes. . pet. . ●● c ●● . i ephes. , . c . ● to . col. . , , , . (k) rom . . cor. . (l) phil. . . , , . (m) rom. . . c. . . c. . . ephes . c. . . a short historical essay touching general councils, creeds, and impositions in matters of religion ... written by that ingenious and worthy gentleman, andrew marvell ... marvell, andrew, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a short historical essay touching general councils, creeds, and impositions in matters of religion ... written by that ingenious and worthy gentleman, andrew marvell ... marvell, andrew, - . p. [s.n.], london : . reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short historical essay touching general covncils , creeds , and impositions in matters of religion . very seasonable for allaying the heats of the church . written by that ingenious and worthy gentleman . mr. andrew marvell , who died a member of parliament . london : printed in the year mdclxxx . a short historical essay touching general councils , creeds , and impositions in religion . the christian religion , as first instituted by our blessed saviour , was the greatest security to magistrates by the obedience which it taught , and was fitted to enjoy no less security under them by a practice conformable to that doctrine . for our saviour himself , not pretending to an earthly kingdom , took such care therefore to instruct his followers in the due subjection to governours ; that , while they observed his precepts , they could neither fall under any jealousie of state as an ambitious and dangerous party , nor as malefactors upon any other account deserve to suffer under the publick severity : so that in this only it could seem pernicious to government that christianity , if rightly exercised upon its own principles , would render all magistracy useless . but although he , who was lord of all , and to whom all power was given both in heaven and in earth , was nevertheless contented to come in the form of a servant , and to let the emperors and princes of the world alone with the use of their dominions ; he thought it good reason to retain his religion under his own cognizance and exempt its authority from their jurisdiction . in this alone he was imperious , and did not only practise it himself aga●nst the laws and customs then received , and in the face of the magistrate ; but continually seasoned and hardened his disciples in the same confidence and obstinacy . he tells them , they shall be brought before kings and governours for his name , but ●ear them not , he will be with them , bear them out and justifie it against all opposition . not that he allowed them hereby to violate their duty to the publick by any resistance in defiance of the magistracy ; but he instructed and animated them in their duty to god , in despight of suffering . in this manner christianity did at first set out and accordingly found reception . for although ou● blessed saviour , having fulfilled all rigteousness , and the time of his ministry being compleated , did by his death set the seal to his doctrine , and shew the way toward life and immortality to such believing imitate his example : yet did not the heathen magistrate take the government to be concerned in point of religion , or upon that account consent to his execution . pontius pilate , then governour of iud●a , though he were a man unjust and cruel by nature , and served tiberius , the most tender , je●lous and sever● in point of s●ate 〈◊〉 prerogative , of all the roman emperors ; though h● under●tood 〈◊〉 ● multitudes followed him , and ●●at he was grown the head of a new s●ct that was never before heard of in the nation , yet did not he intermeddle . but they were the men of religion , the chief priests , scribes and elders , and the high priest caiaphas . and yet , although they accused him f●●sly , that he taught that tribute was not to be given to caesar ▪ that he was a fifth monarch and made himself a king , and ( as it is usual for some of the clergy to terrifie the inferiour magistrates out of their duty to justice out of pretence of loyalty to the prince ) threatned pilate that if he let that man go he was not caesars friend ; he understanding that they did it out of envy , and that the justice and innocence of our saviour was what they could not bear with , would have adventured all their in●orming at court , and first have freed him , and then have exchanged him for barrabas ; saying , that he found no fault in him : but he was overborn at last by humane weakness , and poorly imagined that by washing his own hands he had expiated himself and wiped off the guilt upon those alone who were the occasion . but , as for tiberius himself , the growth of christianity did never increase his cares of empire at rome , nor trouble his sleep at capreae : but he both approved of the doctrine , and threatned the informers with death ; nor would have staid there , but attempted , according to the way of their superstition , upon the intelligence from pilate , to have received christ into the number of their deities . the persecution of the apostles after his death , and the martyrdom of stephen happened not by the interposing of civil magistrate in the matter of religion , or any disturbance occasioned by their doctrines : but arose from the high-priest and his emissaries , by suborned witnesses , stirring up the rabble in a brutish and riotous manner to execute their cruelty . how would the modern clergy have taken and represented it , had they lived in the time of s. iohn baptist , and seen ierusalem , iudaea and all the region round about jordan go out to be baptized by him ! yet that herod , for any thing we read in scripture , though he wanted not his instillers , apprehended no commotion : and had not caligula banished him and his herodias together , might in all appearance have lived without any change of government . 't was she that caused iohn's imprisonment for the conveniency of her incest , herod indeed feared him , but rather reverenced him , as a just man , and an holy , observed him and when he heard him he did many things and heard him gladly . nor could all her subtilty have taken off his head , but that herod thought himself under the obligation of a dance and an oath , and knew not in that case they ought both to be dispenced with . but he was exceeding sorry at his death ▪ which few princes are if men lived to their jealousie or dang●r . the killing of iames and imprisonment of peter by that herod was because he saw he pleased the people ; when the ●riests had once set them on madding : a complaisa●ce to which the most innocent may be exposed , but which partakes more of guile than civility or wisdom . but to find out what the disinteressed and prudent men of those days took to be the wisest and only justifiable way for the magistrate to proceed in upon matters of religion , i cannot see any thing more pregnant than the concurrent judgment of three persons , of so different characters , and that lived so far asunder , that there can be no danger of their having cor●upted one anothers understanding in favour to christianity . gamaliel , the deputy of achaia , and the town-clerk of ephesus ; the first a jewish doctor , by sect a pharisee , one of the council , and of great authority with the people , who ( when the chief-priest had cast the apostles in prison , and charged them for preaching against the command he had before laid upon them ) yet gave this advice , confirming it with several fresh precedents , acts . that they should take heed to themselves what they intended to do with those mens , and let them alone , for if this counsel , saith he , or this work be of men , it will come to ●ought , but if it be of god you cannot overthrow it , lest ye be found fighting with god. so that his opinion grounded upon his best experience , was that the otherwise unblameable sect of christianity might safely and ought to be left to stand or fall by gods providence under a free toleration of the magistrate . the second was gallio , acts . a roman , and deputy of achaia . the iews at corinth hurried paul before his tribunal , laying the usual charge against him , that he persuaded men to worship god contrary to the law , which gallio looked upon as so slight and without his cognizance , that , although most judges are willing to encrease the jurisdiction of their courts , he drave them away , saving paul the labour of a defence , and told them , if it were a matter of wrong or wicked lewdness , reason would that he should bear with them , but if it be a question of words and names , and of your law , look ye to it , i will be iudge of no such matters : and when he had so said , paul was released , but the greeks that were present took barnabas , and before the judgment seat beat sosth●nes the chief ruler of the synagogue , and ring-leader of the accus●rs . his judgment therefore was that , to p●nish christians meerly for their doctrine and practice , unless they were mal●●actors otherwise , was a thing out of the magistrates province and altogether unreasonable . the third case was no less remarkable . for one demetrius , that was a silversmith by trade and made shrines for diana , stirred up all the free-men of his company against paul ▪ and indeed he stated the ma●ter very fairly and honestly , 〈◊〉 th● true reason of most of these persecutions : ye know that by this craf● we have our wealth but that by paul 's preaching that th●y 〈◊〉 no g●ds which ●re made with hands , not only our c●aft is in danger to be set at nought but a●s the temple of the great 〈◊〉 and her magnificence , whom all asa● and the world 〈…〉 should be despised and destroyed . and it is considerable that 〈…〉 yet ●omented , as it usually the ephesia●s on against the apostle and his folowers . 〈◊〉 when they had brought alexander one of paul's companions into the of ephesus more temperate and wi●e than some would have been in that office ) would not make any inquisition upon the matter , nor put alexander upon his trial and defence , but ( although he himself could not have born that office without being a great dianist , as he declared too in his discourse ) he tells the people , they had brought those men which were neither robbers of churches nor blasphemers of their goddess , ( for that judge would not condemn men by any inferences or expositions of old statutes , which long after was iulian's practice and since imitated ) and therefore if demetrius and his crafts●men had any matter against them the law was open , and it should be determined in a lawful assembly , but that the whole city was in danger to be called in question for that uproar , there being no cause whereby they might give account of that concourse . and by this he plainly enough signified , that if paul and his companions had stoln the church-plate they might well be indicted , but that demetrius had no more reason in law against them , than a chandler might have had , if by paul's preaching wax tapers as well as silver candlesticks had grown out of fashion . that it is matter of right and wrong betwixt man and man that the justice of government looks to : but that , while christianity was according to its own principle carried on quietly , it might so fall that the disturbers of it were guilty of a riot , and their great city of ephesus deserve to be fined for it . and taking this to have been so , he dismist the assembly , acts . after these testimonies which i have collected out of the history of the acts , as of greatest authority , i shall only add one or two more out of the same book , wherein paul likewise was concerned before heathen magistrates of greater eminence , acts . ananias the high-priest ( these always were the men ) having countenanced and instigated the iews to a conspiracy , in which paul's life was endangered and aimed at , lysias the chief captain of ierusalem interposes and sends him away to foelix then governour of iudaea ; signifying by letter , that he had been accused only of questions of their law , but he found nothing to be laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds . whereof foelix also , though the high-priest was so zealous in the prosecution that he took the journey on purpose , and had instructed an exquisite orator tertullus to harangue paul out of his life , as a pestilent fellow , a mover of sedition and ring-leader of the sect of the nazarenes , not omitting even to charge lysias for reseuing him by great violence from being murdered by them , was so well satisfied of the contrary upon full hearing , that he gave him his liberty and a centurion for his guard , with command that none of his acquaintance should be debarred from coming and ministring to him . but being indeed to leave his government afterwards ; left him in prison , partly to shew the iews and their high priest another piece of complaisant policy , which , 't is possible they paid well for , seeing the other reason was , because though he had sent for paul the oftner and communed with him , in hopes that he would have given him money to be discharged , there came nothing of it . which was so base a thing in so great a minister , that the meanest justice of the peace in england would scarce have the face to do so upon the like occasion . but his successor festus , having called agrippa and berenice to hear the cause , they all three were of opinion that it was all on the iews side calumny and impertinence , but that paul had done nothing worthy of death or of bonds , and might have been set free , but that having appealed to caesar he must be transmitted to him in safe custody . such was the sence of those upon whom the emperors then relied for the government and security of their provinces : and so gross were th●ir heathen understandings , that they could not yet comprehend how quietn●ss was sedition , or the innocence of the christian worship could be subject to forfeiture or penalty . nay , when paul appeared even before nero himself , and bad none to stand by him but all forsook him : he was by that emperor acquitted , and permitted a long time to follow the work of his ministry . 't is true that afterwards this nero had the honour to be the first of the roman emperors that persecuted christianity ; whence it is that tertullian in his apologetick saith ; we glory in having such an one the first beginner and author of our punishment , for there is none that hath read of him , but must understand some great good to have been in that doctrine , otherwise nero would not have condemned it . and thence forward christianity for about three hundred years lay subject to persecution . for the gentile priests could not but observe a great decay in their parishes , a neglect of their sacrifices and diminution of their profits by the daily and visible increase of that religion . and god in his wise providence had so ordered that , as the iews already so , the heathens now having filled up their measure with iniquity , sprinkling the blood of his saints among their sacrifices , and the christians having in a severe appreutiship of so many ages learned the trade of suffering , they should at last be their own masters and admitted to their freedom . neither yet , even in those times when they lay exposed to persecution , were they without some intervals and catching seasons of tranquillity , wherein the churches had leisure to reap considerable advantage , and the clergy too might have been inured , as they had been exemplary under affliction so , to bear themselves like christians when they should arrive at a full prosperity . for as oft as there came a just heathen emperor and a lover of mankind , that either himself observed , or understood by the governours of his provinces , the innocence of their religion and practices , their readiness to pay tribute , their prayers for his government and person , their faithful service in his wars , but their christian valour and contumacy to death , under the most exquisite torments , for their holy profession ; he forthwith relented , he rebated the sword of the executioner , and could not find in his heart or in his power to exercise it against the exercise of that religion . it being demonstrable that a religion instituted upon justice betwixt man and man. love to one another , yea even their enemies , obedience to the magistrate in all humane and moral matters , and in divine worship upon a constant exercise thereof and as constant suffering in that cause , without any pretence or latitude for resistance , cannot so long as it is true to it self in these things , fall within the magistrates jurisdiction . but as it first was planted without the magistrates hand , and the more they plucked at it , so much the more still it flourished , so it will be to the end of the world , and whensoever governours have a mind to try for it , it will by the same means and method sooner or later ●oil them , but if they have a mind to pull up that mandrake , it were advisable for them not to do it themselves , but to chuse out a dog for the imployment . i confess whensoever a christian transgresses these bounds once , he is impoundable , or like a wafe and stray whom christ knows not , he falls to the lord of the mannor . but otherwise he cannot suffer , he is invulnerable by the sword of justice : only a man may swear and damn himself to kill the first honest man he meets , which hath been and is the case of all true christians worshipping god under the power and violence of their persecutors . but the truth is that , even in those times which some men now , as oft as it is for their advantage , do consecrate under the name of primitive , the christians were become guilty of their own punishment , and had it not been , as is most usual , that the more sincere professors suffered promiscuously for the sins and crimes of those that were carnal and hypocrites , their persecutors may be looked upon as having been the due administrators of god's justice . for ( not to go deeper ) if we consider but that which is reckoned the tenth persecution under dioclesian , so incorrigible were they after nine preceding , what other could be expected when , as eusebius l. . c. . sadly laments , having related how before that the christians lived in great trust and reputation in court , the bishops of each church were beloved , esteemed and reverenced by all mankind and by the presidents of the provinces , the meetings in all the cities were so many and numerous , that it was necessary and allowed them to erect in every one spacious and goodly churches , all things went on prosperously with them , and to such an height that no envious man could disturb them , no devil could hurt them , as long as walking yet worthy of those mercies they were under the almighty's care and protection : after that our affairs by that too much liberty , degenerated into luxury and laziness , and some prosecuted others with hatred and contumely , and almost all of us wounded our selves with the weapons of the tongue in ill language when bishops set upon bishops , and the people that belonged to one of them stirred sedition against the people of another ; then horrible ▪ hypocrisie and dissimulation sprung up to the utmost extremity of malice , and the iudgment of god , while yet there was liberty to meet in congregations , did sensibly and by steps begin to visit us , the persecution at first discharging it self upon our brethren that were in the army . but we having no feeling of the hand of god , not indeavouring to make our peace with him , and living as if we believed that god did neither take notice of our transgressions nor would visit us for them , we heaped us iniquity upon iniquity . and those which seemed to be our pastors , kicking underfoot the rules of piety , were inflamed among themselves with mutual contention , and while they minded nothing else but to exaggerate their quarrels , threats , emulation , hatred and enmities , and earnestly each of them pu●sued his particular ambition in a tyrannical manner , then indeed the lord , then i say , according to the voice of the prophet jeremy , be covered the daughter of sion with a cloud in his anger , and cast down from heaven unto earth the beauty of israel , and remembred not his footstool in the day of his anger . and so the pious historian pathetically goes on , and deplores the calamities that insued , to the loss of all that stock of reputation , advantage , liberty and safety , which christian people had by true piety , and adhering strictly to the rules of their profession formerly acquired and injoyed , but had now forfeited and smartly & deservedly suffered under dioclesian's persecution . and it was a severe one , the longest too that ever happened , ten years from his beginning of it , and continued by others : by which time one might have thought the church would have been sufficiently winnowed , and nothing left but the pure wheat , whereas it proved quite contrary , and the holiest and most constant of the christians being blown away by martyrdom , it seem'd by the succeeding times , as if nothing but the cha●● and the tares had remained . but there was yet such a seed left , and not withstanding the defection of many , so internal a vertue in the religion it self , that dioclesian could no longer stand against it , and tired out in two years time , was glad to betake himself from rooting out christianity , to gardening , and to sow ▪ pot-herbs at salona . and he with his partner maximianus , resigned the empire to galerius and constantius , the excellent father of a more glorious and christian son , constantine the great , who in due season succeeded him , and by a chain of god's extraordinary providence , seemed to have been let down from heaven to be the emperor of the whole world , and as i may say , the universal apostle of christianity . it is unexpressible the vertue of that prince , his care , his indulgence , his liberality , his own example , every thing that could possibly tend to the promotion and incouragement of true religion and piety . and in order to that he thought he could not do better , neither indeed could he , then to shew a peculiar respect to the clergy and bishops , providing largely for their subsistence , had they too on their part behaved themselves worthy of their high calling , and known to make right use of the advantages of his bounty to the same ends that they were by him intended . for if the apostle , tim . . requires that an elder , provided he rule well , be accounted worthy of double honour , especially those who labour in the word and doctrine , it excludes not a decuple or any further proportion , and indeed there cannot too high a value be set upon such a person : and god forbid too that any measure of wealth should render a clergy man uncanonical . but alas , bishops were already grown another name and thing , then at the apostles institution ; and had so altered their property , that paul would have had much difficulty by all the marks in the tim. . to have known them . they were ill enough under persecution many of them , but that long and sharp winter under dioclesian , being seconded by so warm a summer under constantine , produced a pestilence , which as an ●●●ection that s●izes sometimes only one sort of cattel , diffused it self most remarkably thorow the whole body of the clergy . from his reign the most sober historians date that new disease which was so generally propagated then , and ever since transmitted to some of their successors , that it hath given reason to inquire whether it only happened to those men as it might to others , or were not inherent to the very function . it show'd it self first in ambition , then in contention , next in imposition , and after these symptoms broke out at last like a plague-sore in open persecution . they the bishops who began to vouch themselves the successors of christ , or at least of his apostles , yet pretended to be heirs and executors of the iewish high priests , and the heathen tyrants , and were ready to prove the will. the ignorant iews and infidels understood not how to persecute , had no commission to meddle with religion , but the bishops had studied the scriptures , knew better things , and the same , which was cruelty and tyranny in the heath●ns , if done by a christian and ecclesiastical hand , was allowed to be church-government , and the care of a diocess . but that i may not seem to speak without book , or out-run the history , i shall return to proceed by those degrees i newly mention'd , whereby the christian religion was usurped upon , and those things became their crime which were their duties . the first was the ambition of the bishops , which had even before this , taken its rise , when in the intervals of the former pers●cutions the piety of the christians had laid out ample provisions for the church ; but when constantine not only restored those which had been all confiscate under dioclesian , but was every day adding some new possession , priviledge , or honour , a bishoprick became very desirable , and was not only a good work , but a good thing , especially when there was no danger of paying as it was usual , formerly their first-fruits to the emperor by martyrdom . the arts by which ambition climes , are calumny , cruelty , bribery , adulation , all applyed in their proper places and seasons ; and when the man hath attained his end , he ordinarily shows himself then in his colours , in pride , opiniastry , contention , and all other requisite or incident ill q●alities . and if the clergy of those times had some more dextrous and innocent way than this of managing their ambition , it is to be lamented inter artes deperdi●as , or lies enviously hid by some musty book-worm in his private library . but so much i find , that both before , and then , and after , they cast such crimes at one another , that a man would scarce think he were reading an history of bishops , but a legend of devils : and each took such care to blacken his adversary , that he regarded not how he smutted himself thereby , and his own order , to the laughter or horror of the by-standers . and one thing i remark particularly , that as son of a whore is the modern word of reproach among the laity , of the same use then among the clergy was heretick . there were indeed hereticks as well as there are bastards , and perhaps it was not their fault , ( neither of 'em could help it ) but the mothers or the fathers ; but they made so many hereticks in those days , that 't is hard to think they really believ'd them so , but adventur'd the name only to pick a quarrel . and one thing that makes it very suspicious , is , that in ecclesiastical history , the ring-leader of any heresie is for the most part accused of having a mind to be a bishop , though it was not the way to come to it . as there was the damnable heresie of the novatians , against which constantine , notwithstanding his declaration of general indulgence at his coming in , was shortly after so incensed , that he published a most severe proclamation against them ; cognoscite jam per legem hanc qua à me sancita est , o novatiani , &c. prohibiting all their meetings not only in publick , but in their own private houses ; and that all such places where they assembled for their worship , should be rased to the ground without delay or controversie , &c. eus. l. c. . de vita constantini . now the sto●y the bishops tell of novatus the author of that sect , euseb. l. . c. . is in the words of cornelius the bishop of rome , the very first line . but that you may know that this brave novatus did even before that affect to be a bishop ( a great crime in him ) that he might conceal that petulant ambition , he for a better cover to his arrogance , ●ad got some confessors into his society , &c. and goes on calling him all to naught , but then ( saith he ) he came with two reprobates of his own heresie into a little , the very least , shire of italy , and by their means seduced three most simple high-shoon bishops , wheedling them that they must with all speed go to rome , and there meeting with other bishops , all matters should be reconciled . and when he had got thither th●se there silly fellows , as i said , that were not aware of his cunning , he had prepared a company of rogues , like himself , that treated them in a private room very freely ; and having thwack'd their bellies , and heads full with meat and drink , compell'd the poor drunken bishops , by an imaginary and vain imposition of hands , to make novatus also a bishops . might not one of the same order now better have conceal'd these things , had they been true ; but such was the discretion . then he tells that one of the three returned soon after , repenting it seems next morning , and so he receiv'd him again into the church , unto the laick communion . but for the other two , he had sent successors into their places . and yet after all this ado , and the whetting of constantine , contrary to his own nature , and his own declarations against the novatians , i cannot find their heresie to have been others , than that they were the puritans of those times , and a sort of non-conformists that could have subscribed to the six and thirty articles , but differed only in those of discipline : and upon some enormities therein separated , and ( which will always be sufficient to qualifie an heretick they instituted bishops of their own in most places . and yet afterwards in the times of the best homoousian emperors , a sober and strictly religious people did so constantly adhere to them , that the bishops of the church too found meet to give them fair quarter ; for as much as they differ'd not in fundamentals , and therefore were of use to them against hereticks that were more dangerous and diametrically opposite to the religion . nay in so much , that even the bishop of constantinople , yea of rome , notwithstanding that most tender point and interest of episcopacy , suffered the novaian bishops to walk cheek by joul with them in their own diocess ; until that , as socr. l. . c. . the roman episcopacy having , as it were , passed the bounds of priesthood , slip'd into a secular principality , and thenceforward the roman ishops would not suffer their meetings with security ; but , though they commended them for their consent in the same faith with them , yet took away all their estates . but at constantinople they continued to fare better , the bishops of that church embracing the novatians , and giving them free liberty to keep their conventicles in their churches . what , and to have their bishops too , altar against altar ? a condescension which as our non-conformists seem not to desire or think of , so the wisdom of these times would , i suppose , judge to be very unreasonable , but rather that it were fit to take the other course , and that whatsoever advantage the religion might probably receive from their doctrine and party , 't is better to suppress them , and make havock both of their estates and persons . but however , the hereticks in constantine's time had the less reason to complain of ill measure , seeing it was that the bishops m●ted by among themselves . i pass over that controversie betwixt cecilianus , the bishop of carthage , and his adherents , with another set of bishops there in africk ; upon which , constantine ordered ten of each party to appear before miltiades , the bishop of rome , and others to have it decided . yet after they had given sentence , constantine found it necessary to have a council for a review of the business , as in his letter to chrestus the bishop of syracuse , euseb. l. . c. . whereas ●everal have formerly separated from the catholick heresie , ( for that word was not yet so ill natured , but that it might sometimes be used in its proper and good sense : ) and then relates his commission to the bishop of rome , and others , but forasmuch as some having been careless of their own salvation , and forgetting the reverence due to that most holy heresie ( again ) will not yet lay down their enmity , nor admit the sentence that hath been given , obstinately affirming , that they were but a few that pronounced the sentence , and that they did it very precipitately , before they had duly enquired of the matter : and from thence it hath happened , that both they who ought to have kept a brotherly and unanimous agreement together , do abominably and flagitiously deiss●t from one another ; and such whose minds are alienated from the most h●ly religion , do make a mockery both of it and them . therefore i , &c. have commanded very many bishops out of innumerable places to meet at arles , that what ought to have been quieted upon the former sentence pronounced may now at least be determined , &c. and you to be one of them ; and therefore i have ordered the prefect of sicily to furnish you with one of the publick stage-coaches , and so many servants , &c. such was the use then of stage-coaches , post-hors●s , and councils , to the great disappointment and grievance of the many ; both men and horses , and leather being hackney-jaded , and worn out upon the errand of some contentious and obstinate bishop . so went the affairs hitherto , and thus well disposed and prepared were the bishops to receive the holy ghost a second time , at the great and first general council of nice , which is so much celebrated . the occasions of calling it were two . the first a most important question , in which the wit and piety of their predecessors , and now theirs successively had been much exercised and taken up : that was upon what day they ought to keep easter ; which though it were no point of faith that it should be kept at all , yet the very calendary of it , was controverted with the same zeal , and made as heavy ado in the church , as if both parties had been hereticks . and it is reckoned by the church historians , as one of the chief felicities of constanstines empire , to have quieted in that council this main controversie . the second cause of the assembling them here , was indeed grown , as the bishops had order'd it , a matter of the greatest weight and consequence to the christian religion ; one arrius having , as is related , to the disturbance of the church , started a most pernicious opinion in the point of the trinity . therefore from all parts of the empire , they met together at the city of nice , two hundred and fifty bishops , and better , saith eusebius , a goodly company ; three hundred and eighteen say others ; and the animadverter too , with that pithy remark , pa. . equal almost to the number of servants bred up in the house of abraham . the emperour had accommodated them every where with the publick posts , or laid horses all along for the convenience of their journey thithers ▪ and all the time they were there , supplied them abundantly with all sorts of provision at his own charges . and when they were all first assembled in council , in the great hall of the imperial palace , he came in , having put on his best clothes , to make his guests welcome ; and saluted them with that profound humility , as if they all had been emperors , nor would sit down in his throne ; no , it was a very little and low stool , till they had all beckoned and made signs to him to sit down . no wonder if the first council of nice run in their heads ever after , and the ambitious clergy , like those who have bee● long a thirst , took so much of constantines kindness , that they are scarce come to themselves again , after so many ages . the first thing was that he acquainted them with the causes of his summoning them thither , and in a grave and most christian discourse , exhorted them to keep the peace or to a good agreement , as there was reason . for ( saith ruffin , l. . c. . the bishops being met here from almost all parts , and as they use to do , bringing their quarrels about several matters along with them , every one of them was at the emperour , offering him petitions , laying out one anothers , faults , ( for all the good advice he had given them ) and were more intent upon these things than upon the business they were sent for . but he , considering that by these scoldings and bickerings , the main affair was frustrated , appointed a set day by which all the bishops should bring him in whatsoever complaint they had against one another . and they being all brought he made them that high asiatick complement : god hath made you priests , and hath given you power to judge me , and ther●fore it is in you to judge me righteously ; but you cannot be judged by any men . it is god only can judge you , and therefore reserve all your quarrel to his tribunal . for you are as gods to me , and it is not convenient that a man should judge of gods , but he only of whom it is written , god standing in the congregation of the gods , and discerneth in the midst of them . and therefore setting these things aside , apply your minds without any contention to the ●overnments of god's religion . and so without opening or reading one petition , commanded them all together to be burnt there in his presence . an action of great charity and excellent wisdom , had but some of the words been spa●ed . for doubtless , though they that would have complained of their burthen , grumbled a little ; yet those that , were accusable were all very well satisfied ▪ and those expr●ssions , you can judge me righteously , and you cannot be judged by ●●y man ; and god only can judge you . you are gods to me , &c. were so extrea●●y sweet to most of the bishops palates , that they believ'd it , and could never think of them afterwards , but their teeth watered ; and they ruminated so long on them , that constantine's successors came too late to repent it . but now the bishops having mist of their great end of quarelling one with another , betake themselves , though somwhat aukwardly to business . and it is necessary to mine , that as shortly as possible for the understanding of it , i give a cursory account of alexander and arrius , with some few others that were the most interessed in that general and first great revolution of ecclesiastical affairs , since the days of the apostles . this alexander was the bishop of alexandria , and appears to have been a pious old man , but not equally prudent , nor in divine things of the most capable , nor in conducting the affairs of the church , very dextrous ; but he was the bishop . this charactor that i have given of him , i am the more confirm'd in from some passages that follow , and all of them pertinent to the matter before me . they were used , sozom. l. . c. . at alexandria , to keep yearly a solemn festival to the memory of peter , one of their former bishops , upon the same day that he suffered martyrdom , which alexander having celebrated at the church , with publick devotion , was sitting after at home , expecting some guests to dine with him , sozom. l. . c. . as he was alone , and looking towards the sea-side , he saw a pretty way off , the boys upon the beach , at an odd recreation , imitating it seems the rites of the church , and office of the bishops ; and was much delighted with the sight , as long as it appear●d an innocent and harmless representation : but when he observed them at last how they acted , they very administration of the sacred mysteries , he was much troubled ; and sending for some of the chief of his clergy , caused the boys to be taken and brought before him . he asked them particularly what kind of sport they had been at , and what the words , and what the actions were that they had used in it . after their fear had hindred them a while from answering , and now they were afraid of being silent , they confess'd that a lad of their play-fellows , one athanasius , had baptized some of them that were not yet initiated to those sacred mysteries : whereupon alexander inquired the more accura●●ly what the bishop of the game had said , and what he did to the boys he ●ad baptized , what they also had answered or learned f●om him . at last , when alexander perceiv●d by them , that this pawn bishop had made all his removes right , and that the whole ecclesiastical order and rites had been duely observed in their interlude , he by the advice of his priests about him , approved of that mock-bap●ism ▪ and determined that the boys , being once in the simplicity of their minds dipped in the divine grace , ought not to be re-baptized , but he perfected it with the remaining mysteries , which it is only lawful for pri●sts to administer . and then he delivered athanasius and the rest of the boys that had acted the parts of presbyters and deacons , to their parents ; calling god to witness , that they should be educated in the ministry of the church , that they might pass their lives in that calling which they had chosen by imitation . but as for athanasius , in a short while after , alexander took him to live with him , and be his secretary , having caused him to be carefully educated in the schools of the best grammarians and rhetoricians ; and he grew , in the opinion of all that spoke with him , a discreet and eloquent person , and will give occasion to be more than once mentioned again in this discourse ; i have translated this , in a manner , word for word from the author . this good-natured old bishop alexander , that was so far from anathemising , that he did not so much as whip the boys for the pro●anation of the sacrament against the discipline of the church , but without more doing , left them , for ought i see , at liberty , to regenerate as many more lads upon the next holy-day , as they thought convenient : he socr. l. . c. . being a man that lived an easie and gentle life , had one day called his pri●sts , and the rest of his clergy together , and fell on philosophizing divinely among them , but somthing more subtly and curiously though i dare say he meant no harm ) than was usual , concerning the holy trinity . among the rest , one arrius , a priest too of alexandri● ▪ , was there present , a man who is described to have been a good disputant ; and others add , ●the capital accusations of those times ) that he had a mind to have been a bishop , and bore a great piq●e at alexander , for having been preferr'd before him to the see of alexandria but more are silent of any such matter ; and sozom. l. . c. . saith , he was in great esteem with his bishop . but arrius socr. l. c. . hearing his discourse about the holy trinity , and the vnity in the trinity , conceiv'd that , as the bishop stated it , he had reason to suspect he was introducing af●sh , into the church , the heresie of sabellius the african , who fatebatur unum esse deum , & ita in unam essent●am trinitatem adducebat , nt assereret nullam esse vere subjectam proprietatem personi● , sed nomina mutari pro eo atque usus poscant , ut nuncde illo ut patre , nunc nt filio , nunc ut spiritu sancto disseratur : and thereupon , it seems , arrius argued warmly for that opinion which was directly contrary to the african , driving the bishop from one to a second , from a second to a third , seeming absurdity , which i studiously avoid the relation of ; that in all these things i may not give occasion for mens understandings to work by their memories , and propagate the same errors by the same means they were first occasion'd . but hereby arrius was himself blamed as the maintainer of those absurdities , which he affixed to the bishops opinion , as is usual in the heat and wrangle of disputation . whereas truth , for the most part , lies in the middle , but men ordinarily seek for it in the extremities . nor can i wonder that those ages were so fertile in what they called heresies , when being given to meddling with the mysteries of religion , further than humane apprehension , or divine revelation did or could lead them , some of the bishops were so ignorant and gross , but others so speculative , acute , and refining in the● conceptions , that there being moreover a good fat bishoprick to boot in the case , it is rather admirable to me how all the clergy from one end to tother , could escape from being , or being accounted hereticks . alexander hereupon , soz. l. . c. . instead of filling by ▪ more prudent methods this new controversie , took doubtless with a very good intention , a course that hath seldom been successful : makes himself judge of that wherein he had first been the party , and calling to him some others of his clergy , would needs sit in publick , to have a solemn for disp●●●tion about the whole matter . and while arrius was at it tooth and nail against his opposers , and the arguments flew so thick , that they darkned the air , and no man could yet judge which side should have the victory , the good bishop for his part sat hay now hay , neither could tell in his conscience of a long time , which had the better of it ; but sometimes he lean'd on one side , and then on the other , and now incouraged and commended those of one party , and presently the contrary ; but at last , by his own weight , he cast the scales against arrius . and from thence forward , he excommunicating arrius for obstinacy ; and arrius writing in behalf , and his followers to the bishops , each one stating his own ▪ and his adversaries case , with the usual ●andor of such men in such matters ; the bishops too all over , began to divide upon it , and after them their people . insomuch , that constantine , out of a true paternal sense and care , found necessary to send a very prudent and eminent person to alexandria , to try if he could accommodate the matter , giving him a letter to alexander and arrius : how discreet , how christian-like , i never read any thing of that nature equal to it , it is too long for me here to insert , but i gladly recommend my reader to it in the . eus. de vitâ const. c. . where he begins , i understand the foundation of the controversie to have been this , that thou alexander didst inquire of thy priests concerning a passage in the scripture ; nay , didst ask them concerning a frivolous quillet of a question , what was each of their opinions : and thou arrius didst inconsiderately babble what thou neither at the beginning couldst conceive ; and if thou hadst conceived so , oughtest not to have vented , &c. but the clergy having got this once in the wind , there was no beating them off the scent . which induced constantine to think the convening of this council the only remedy to these disorders . and a woful ado he had with them , when they were met to manage and keep them in any tolerable decorum . it seemed like an ecclesiastical cock-pit , and a man might have laid wagers either way , the two parties contending in good earnest , either for the truth or the victory , but the more unconcern'd , like cunning betters , sate judiciously hedging , and so ordered their matter , that which side soever prevail'd , they would be sure to be the winners . they were indeed a most venerable assembly , composed of some holy , some grave , some wise , and some of them learned persons : and constantine had so charitably burnt the accusations they intended against one another , which might otherwise have depopulated and dispirited the council , that all of them may be presumed in one or other respect , to have made a great character . but i observe soz. l. . c. . that these great bishops , although they only had the decisive voices , yet thought fit to bring along with them , certain men that were cunning at an argument , to be auxiliary to them when it came to hard and tough disputation ; besides , that they had their priests and deacons ready at a de●k lift , always to assist them : so that their understandings seem'd to be sequester'd , and for their daily faith , they depended upon what their chap●●ins would allow them . and in that quality athanasius there waited upon alexander , being his deacon , ( for as yet it seems arch-bishops nor arch●eacons were invented . ) and it is not improbable that athanasius having so ●●rly personated the bishop , and seeing the declining age of alexander , would be careful that arrius should not step betwixt him and home upon vacancy , but did his best against him to ba● up his way , as it shortly after happened ; athanasius succeeding after the council in the see of alexandria . in the mean time you may imagine hypostasis , persona , substantia , subsistentia , essentia , co●ssentialis , consubstantialis , ante saecula coaeternus , &c. were by so many disputants pick'd to the very bones , and those too broken afterwards , to come to the marrow of divinity . and never had constantine in his life , so hard a task , as to bring them to any rational results ; meekly and patiently , euseb. l. . c. . de vitâ const. listning to ev●ry one , taking every mans opinion , and without the acrimony with which it was delivered , helping each party where they disagreed , reconciling them by degrees when they were in the fiercest contention , conferring wish them apart courteously and mildly , telling them what was his own opinion of the matter : which though some exceptious persons may alleadge to have been against the nature of a ●ree council , yet truly , unless he had taken that course , i cannot imagine how possibly he could ever have brought them to any conclusion . and thus this first , great , general council of nice , with which the world had gone big so long , and which look'd so big upon all christendom , at last was brought in bed ; and after a very hard labour , deliver'd of homoousios . they all subscrib'd to the new creed , except some seventeen , who it seems had rather to be hereticks than bishop . for now the anathema's were published , and whoever held the contrary , was to be punish'd by deprivation and banishment , all arrian books to be burned ; and whoever should be discover'd to conceal any of arrius his writings , to die for it . but it fared very well with those who were not such fools as to own his opinion . all they were entertain'd by the emperor at a magnificent feast ; receiv'd from his hand rich pr●sents , and were honourably dismist , with letters recommending their great abilities and performance to the provinces , and enjoyning the nicene creed to be hence forth observed . with that stroke of the pen. socr. l. . c. . for what three hundred bishops have agreed on , ( a thing indeed extraordinary ) ought not to be otherwise conceiv'd of than as the decree of god almighty , especially seeing the holy ghost did sit upon the minds of such and so excellent men , and open'd his divine will to them . so that they went i trow with ample satisfaction ; and , as they could not but take the emperor for a very civil , generous , and obliging gentleman , so they thought the better of themselves from that day forward . and how budge must they look when they returned back to their diocesses , having every one of 'em been a principal limn of the oecumenical , apostolical , catholick , orthodox council ! when the catachrestical title of the church and the clergy were so appropriate to them by custom , that the christian people had relinquished or forgotten their claim ; when every hare that crossed their way homeward , was a schismatick or an heretick ; and if their horse stumbled with one of them , he incurr'd an anathema . well it was that their journeys lay so many several ways , for they were grown so cumbersom and great , that the emperor's high-way was too narrow for any two of them , and there could have been no passage without the removal of a bishop . but soon after the council was over , eusebius the bishop of nicomedia , and theognis the bishop of nice , who were already removed , both by banishment , and two others put in their places , were quickly restor'd upon their petition ; wherein they suggested the cause of their not signing to have been only , because they thought they could not with a safe conscience subscribe the anathema against arrius , appearing to them both by his writings , his discourses , and sermons , that they had been auditors of , not to be guilty of those errors . as for arrius himself , the emperor quickly wrote to him . it is now a considerable time since i wrote to your gravity to come to my tents , that you might enjoy my countenance ; so that i can s●arce wonder sufficiently why you have so long delaid it : therefore now take one of the publick coaches , and make all speed to my tents , that , having had experience of my kindness and affection to you , you may return into your own country . god preserve you most dear sir. arrius hereupon ( with his comrade euzoius ) comes to constantine's army , a●d offers him a petition , with a confession of faith that would have pass'd very well before the nicene council , and now satisfied the emperor , socr. l. . c. , & . insomuch that he writ to athanasius , now bishop of alexandria , to receive him into the church : but athanasius was of better mettle than so , and absolutely refus'd it . upon this constantine writ him another threatning letter : when you have understood hereby my pleasure , see that you afford free entrance into the church , to all that desire it : for if i shall understand that any who desires to be admitted into the church , should be either hindred or forbidden by you , i will send some one of my servants to remove you from your degree , and place another in your stead . yet atha●asius stood it out still , though other churches received him into communion : and the her●tick novatus could not have been more unrelenting to lapsed christians , than he was to arrius . but this , joyned with other crimes , which were laid to athanasius his charge , at the council of tyre , ( though i suppose indeed they were forged ) made athanasius glad to fly for it , and remain the first time in exile . upon this whole matter , it is my impartial opinion that arrius , or whosoever else were guilty of teaching and publishing those errors whereof he was accused , deserved the utmost severity , which consists with the christian religion . and so willing i have been to think well of athanasius , and ill of the other , that i have on purpose avoided the reading , as i do the naming of a book that i have heard , tells the story quite otherwise , and have only made use of the current historians of those times , who all of them , tell it against the arrians . only i will confess , that as in reading a particular history at adventure , a man finds himself inclinable to favour the weaker party , especially if the conqueror appear insolent ; so have i been affected in reading these authors , which does but resemble the reasonable pity that men ordinarily have too , for those , who though for an erroneous conscience , suffer under ● christian magistrate . and as soon as i come to constantius , i shall for that reason change my compassion , and be doubly engaged on the orthodox party . but as to the whole matter of the council of nice , i must crave liberty to say , that from one end to the other , though the best of the kind , it seems to me to have been a pitiful humane business , attended with all the ill circumstances of other worldly affairs , conducted by a spirit of ambition and contention , the first , and so the greatest occumenical blow that by christians was given to christianity . and it is not from any sharpness of humor that i discourse thus freely of things a●d persons , much less of orders of men otherwise venerable , but that where ought is extolled beyond reason , and to the prejudice of religion , it is necessary to depreciate it by true proportion . it is not their censure of arianism , or the declaring of their opinion in a controverted point to the best of their understanding , ( wherein to the smalness of mine , they appear to have light upon the truth , had they likewise upon the measure ) that could have moved me to tell so long a story , or bring my self within the danger and aim of any captious reader , speaking thus with great liberty of mind , but little concern for any prejudice i may receive , of things that are by some men idolized . but it is their imposition of a new article or creed upon the christian world , not being contained in express words of scripture , to be believed with divine faith , under spiritual and civil penalties , contrary to the priviledges of religion , and their making a precedent follow'd and improv'd by all succeeding ages for most cruel persecutions , that only could animate me . in digging thus for a new deduction , they undermined the fabrick of christianity , to frame a particular doctrine , they departed from the general rule of their religion ; and for their curiosity about an article concerning christ , they violated our saviour's first institution of a church , not subject to any addition in matters of faith , nor liable to compulsion , either in belief or in practice . far be it from me in the event , as it is from my intention , to derogate from the just authority of any of those creeds or confessions of faith that are receiv'd by our church upon clear agreement with the scripture : nor shall i therefore , unless some mens impertinence and indiscretion hereafter oblige me , pretend to any further knowledg of what in those particulars appears in the ancient histories . but certainly if any creed had been necessary , or at the least necessary to have been imposed , our saviour himself would not have left his church destitute in a thing of that moment . or however , after the holy ghost , upon his departure , was descended upon the apostle , and they the elders and brethren ( for so it was then ) were assembled in a legitimate council at ierusalem , it would have seemed good to the holy ghost and them , to have saved the council of nice that labour , or at least the apostle paul , cor. . . and . who was caught up into paradise , and heard unspeakable words , which it is not lawful for any man to utter , having thereby a much better opportunity than athanasius , to know the doctrine of the trinity , would not have been wanting , through the abundance of that revelation , to form a creed for the church , sufficient to have put that business beyond controversie . especially seeing heresies were sprung up so early , and he foresaw others , and therefore does prescribe the method how they are to be dealt with , but no creed that i read of . shall any sort of men presume to interpret those words , which to him were unspeakable , by a gibbrish of their imposing , and force every man to cant after them , what it is not lawful for any man to utter ? christ and his apostles speak articulately enough in the scriptures , without any creed , as much as we are or ought to be capable of . and the ministry of the gospel is useful and most necessary , if it were but to press us to the reading of them , to illustrate one place by the authority of another , to inculcate those duties which are therein required , quickning us both to faith and practice , and showing within what bounds they are both circumscribed by our saviour's doctrine . and it becomes every man to be able to give a reason and account of his faith , and to be ready to do it , without officiously gratifying those who demand it only to take advantage : and the more christians can agree in one confession of faith , the better . but that we should believe ever the more for a creed , it cannot be expected . in those days , when creeds were most plenty and in ●ashion , and every one had them at their fingers end , 't was the bible that brought in the reformation . 't is true , a man would not stick to take two or three creeds for a need , rather than want a living ; and if a man have not a good swallow , 't is but wrapping them up in a liturgy , like a wafer , and the whole dose will go down currently ; especially if he wink at the same time , and give his assent and consent without ever looking on them . but without jesting , for the matter is too serious . every man is bound to work out his own salvation with fear and trembling , and therefore to use all helps possible for his best satisfaction ; hearing , conferring , reading , praying for the assistance of god's spirit : but when he hath done this , he is his own expositor , his own both minister and people , bishop and diocess , his own council ; and his conscience excusing or condemning him , accordingly he escapes or incurs his own internal anathema . so that when it comes once to a creed , made and imposed by other men as a matter of divine faith , the case grows very delicate ; while he cannot apprehend , though the imposer may , that all therein is clearly contained in scripture , and may fear , being caught in the expressions , to oblige himself to a latitude or restriction , further than comports with his own sense and judgment . a christian of honour , when it comes to this once , will weigh every word , every syllable ; nay further , if he consider that the great business of this council of nice was but one single letter of the alphabet , about the inserting or omitting of an iota . there must be either that exactness in the form of such a creed , as i dare say , no men in the world ever were or ever will be able to modulate : or else this scrupulous private judgment must be admitted , or otherwise all creeds become meer instruments of equivocation or persecution . and i must confess , when i have sometimes considered with my self the dulness of the non-con●ormists , and the acuteness on the contrary of the episcoparians , and the conscientiousness of both ; i have thought that our church might safely wave the difference with them about ceremonies , and try it upon the creeds , which were both the more honourable way , and more suitable to the method of the ancient councils , and yet perhaps might do their business as effectually . for one that is a christian in good earnest , when a creed is imposed , will sooner eat fire , thatn take it against his judgment . there have been martyrs for reason , and it was manly in them : but how much more would men be so for reason religionated and christianized ! but it is an inhumane and unchristian thing of those faith-stretchers , whosoever they be , that either put mens persons , or their consciences upon the torture , or rack them to the length of their notions : whereas the bereans are made gentlemen , and innobled by patent in the acts , because they would not credit paul himself , whose writings now make so great a part of the new testament , until they had searched the scripture daily , whether those things were so , and therefore many of them believed . and therefore , although where there are such creeds , christians may for peace and conscience-sake acquiesce while there appears nothing in them flatly contrary to the words of the scripture : yet when they are obtruded upon a man in particular , he will look very well about him , and not take them upon any humane authority . the greatest pretence to authority , is in a council . but what then ? shall all christians therefore take their formularies of divine worship or belief upon trust , as writ in tables of stone , like the commandments , deliver'd from heaven , and to be obeyed in the instant , not considered ; because three hundred and eighteen bishops are met in abraham's great hall , of which most must be servants , and some children ; and they have resolv'd upon 't in such a manner ? no , a good christian will not , cannot atturn and indenture his conscience over , to be represented by others . it is not as in secular matters where the states of a kingdom are deputed by their fellow subjects to transact for them , so in spiritual : or suppose it were , yet 't were necessary , as in the polish constitution , that nothing should be obligatory as long as there is one dissenter , where no temporal interests , but every mans eternity and salvation are concerned . the soul is too precious to be let out at interest upon any humane security that does or may fail ; but it is only safe when under god's custody , in its own cabinet ▪ but it was a general council . a special general indeed , if you consider th● proportion of three hundred and eighteen to the body of the christian clergy , but much more to all christian man-kind . but it was a general free council of bishops . i do not think it possible for any council to be free , that is composed out of bishops , and where they only have the decisive voices . nor that a free council that takes away christian liberty . but that , as it was ●ounded upon usurpation , so it terminated in imposition . but 't is meant , that it was free from all external impulsion . i confess that good meat and drink , and lodging , and money in a man's purse , and coaches , and servants , and horses to attend them , did no violence to 'em , nor was there any false article in it . and discoursing now with one , and then another of 'em in particular , and the emperor telling them this is my opinion , i understand it thus ; and afterwards declaring his mind frequently to them in publick ; no force neither . ay , but there was a shrewd way of persuasion in it . and i would be glad to know when ever , and which free general council it was that could properly be called so ; but was indeed a meer imperial or ecclesiastical machine , no free agent , but wound up , set on going , and l●t down by the direction and hand of the workman . a general free council is but a word of art , and can never happen but under a fifth monarch , and that monarch too , to return from heaven . the animadverter will not allow the second general council of nice to have been free , because it was over-aw'd by an empress , and was guilty of a great fault ( which no council at liberty he saith could have committed ) the decree for worshipping of images . at this rate a christian may scuffle however for one point among them , and chuse which council he likes best . but in good earnest , i do not see but that constantine might as well at this first council of nice , have negotiated the image worship , as to pay that superstitious adoration to the bishops , and that prostration to their creeds was an idolatry more pernicious in the consequence , to the christian faith , then that under which they so lately had suffer'd persecution . nor can a council be said to have been at liberty , which lay under so great and many obligations . but the holy ghost was present , where there were three hundred and eighteen bishops , and directed them , or three hundred . then , if i had been of their council , they should have sate at it all their lives , lest they should never see him again after they were once risen . but it concerned them to settle their quorum at last by his dictates ; otherwise no bishop could have been absent or gone forth upon any accusation , but he let him out again : and it behov'd to be very punctual in the adjournments . 't is a ridiculous conception , and as gross as to make him of the same substance with the council . nor needs there any stronger argument of his absence , then their pretense to be actuated by him , and in doing such work . the holy spirit ! if so many of them , when they got together , acted like rational men , 't was enough in all reason , and as much as could be expected . but this was one affectation , among many others , which the bishops took up so early , of the stile , priviledges , powers , and some actions and gestures peculiar and inherent to the apostles , which they misplaced to their own behoof and useage ; nay , and challenged other things as apostol●cal , that were directly contrary to the doctrine and practice of the apostles . for so because the holy spirit did in an extraordinary manner preside among the holy apostles at that legitimate council of ierusalem , acts . they , although under an ordinary administration , would not go less whatever came on 't : nay , whereas the apostles , in the drawing up of their decree , dictated to them by the holy spirit , said therefore no more but thus : the apostles , elders , and brethren , send greeting unto the brethren of , &c. forasmuch as , &c. it seemed good to the holy ghost and us , to lay upon you no greater burthen than these necessary things ; that ye abstain from , &c. from which if ye keep your selves , you shall do well . fare ye well . this council denounces every invention of its own ; ( far from the apostolical modesty , and the stile of the holy spirit ) under no less than an anathema . such was their arrogating to their inferior degrees , the stile of clergy , till custom hath so much prevailed , that we are at a loss how to speak properly either of the name or nature of their function . whereas the clergy , in the true and postolical sense , were only those whom they superciliously always call the laity : the word clerus being never but once used in the new testament ▪ and in that signification , and in a very unlucky place too , pet. . , . where he admonishes the priesthood , that they should not lord it , or domineer over the christian people , clerum domini , or the lord's inheritance . but having usurp'd the title , i confess they did right to assume the power . but to speak of the priesthood in that style which they most affect , if we consider the nature too of their function , what were the clergy then , but lay-men disguis'd , drest up perhaps in another habit ? did not st. paul himself , being a tent-maker , rather than be idle or burthensome to his people , work of his trade , even during his apostleship , to get his living ? but did not these , that they might neglect their holy vocation , seek to compass secular imployments , and lay-offices ? were not very many of them , whether one respect their vices or ignorance , as well qualified as any other to be lay men ? was it not usual , as oft as they merited it , to restore them , as in the case even of the three bishops , to the lay-communion ? and whether , if they were so peculiar from others , did the imposition of the bishops hands , or the listing up the hands of the laity , confer more to that distinction ? and constantine , notwithstanding his complement at the burning of the bishops papers , thought he might make them , and unmake them with the same power as he did his other lay-officers . but if the inferior degrees were the clergy , the bishops would be the church : although that word in the scripture-sense , is proper only to a congregation of the faithful . and being by that title the only men in ecclesiastical councils , then when they were once assembled they were the catholick church , and , having the holy spirit at their devotion , whatsoever creed they light upon , that was the catholick faith , without the believing of which , no man can be saved . by which means there rose thenceforward so constant persecutions till this day , that , had not the little invisible catholick church , & a people that always search'd and believ'd the scriptures , made a stand by their testimonies and sufferings , the creeds had destroy'd the faith , and the church had ruined the religion . for this general council of nice , and all others of the same constitution , did , and can serve to no other end or effect , than particular order of men by their usurping a trust upon christianity , to make their own price and market of it , and deliver it up as oft as they see their own advantage . for scarce was constantine's head cold , but his son constantius , succeeding his brothers , being influenced by the bishops of the arrian party , turn'd the wrong side of christianity outward , inverted the poles of heaven , and faith ( if i may say so ) with its heels in the air , was forced to stand upon its head , and play gambols , for the divertisment and pleasure of the homoiousians . arrianism was the divinity then in mode , and he was an ignorant and ill courtier , or church●man , that could not dress , and would not make a new sute for his conscience in the fashion . and now the orthodox bishops ( it being given to those men to be obstinate for power , but flexible in faith ; ) began to wind about insensibly , as the heliotrope flower that keeps its ground , but wrests its neck in turning after the warm sun , from day-break to evening . they could look now upon the synod of nice with more indifference , and all that pudder that had been made there betwixt homoousius and homoi●usius , &c. began to appear to them as a difference only arising from the inadequation ●f languages : till by degrees they were drawn over , and rather than lose their b●●hopricks , would joyn , and at last be the head●most in the persecution of their own former party . but the deacons , to be sure , that steer'd the elephants , were thorow-paced ; men to be reckon'd and relied upon in this or any other occasion , and would prick on , to render themselves capable and episcopable , upon the first vacancy . for now the arrians in grain , scorning to come behind the clow●ish homoousians , in an ecclesiastical civility , were resolved to give them their full of persecution . and it seem'd a piece of wit rather than malice , to pay them in their own coin , and to burlesque then in earnest , by the repetition and heightning of the same severities upon them , that they had practised upon others . h●d you the homoousians a creed at nice ? we will have another creed for you at ariminum , and at seleucia . would you not be content with so many several projects of faith consonant to scripture , unless you might thrust the new word homoousios down our throats , and then tear it up again , to make us confess it ? tell us the word , ( 't was homoiousios ) we are now upon the guard , or else we shall run you thorow . would you anathemize , banish , imprison , execute us , and burn our books ? you shall taste of this christian fare , and as you relish it , you shall have more on 't provided . and thus it went , arrianism being triumphant , but the few sincere or stomachful bishops , adhering constantly , and with a true christian magnanimity , especially athanasius , thorow all sufferings unto their former confessions , expiated so in some measure , what they had committed in the nicene council . sozomen , l. . c. . first tells us a story of eudoxius , who succeeded macedonius , in the bishoprick of constantinople ; that in the cathedral of sancta sophia , being mounted in his episcopal throne , the first time that they assembled for its dedication , in the very beginning of his sermon to the people ( those things were already come in fashion ) told them : patrem impium esse , filium autem pium ; at which then they began to bustle ; pray be quiet , saith he ; i say , patrem impium esse , quia colit neminem , filium vero pium quia colit patrem ; at which they then laughed as heartily , as before they were angry . but this i only note to this purpose , that there were some of the greatest bishops among the homoioousians , as well as the homousians , that could not reproach one anothers simplicity , and that it was not impossible for the many to be wiser and more orthodox than the few , in divine matters . that which i cite him for as most material , is , the remark upon the imposition then of contrary creeds : which verily , faith he , was plainly the beginning of most great calamities , forasmuch as hereupon there followed a disturbance , not unlike those which we before recited over the whole empire ; and likewise a persecution equal almost to that of the heathen emperors , seized upon all of all churches . for , although it seemed to some more gentle , for what concerns the torture of the body , yet to prudent persons it appeared more bitter and severe , by reason of the dishonour and ignominy . for both they who stirred up , and those that were afflicted with this persecution , were of the christian church ; and the grievance therefore was the greater and more ugly , in that the same things which are done among enemies , were executed between those of the same tribe and profession : but the holy law forbids us to carry our selves in that manner , even to those that are without , and aliens . and all this mischief sprung from making of creeds , with which the bishops , as it were at tilting , aim'd to hit one another in the eye , and throw the opposite party out of the saddle . but i● it chanced that the weaker side were ready to yield , ( for what sort of men was there that could better manage , or had their consciences more at command at that time than the clergy ? ) then the arrians would use a yet longer , thicker , and sharper lance for the purpose ▪ ( for there were never vacancies sufficient that they might be sure to run them down , over , and thorow , and do their business . the creed of ariminum was now too short for the design ; but , saith the historian , they affix'd further articles like labels to it , pretending to have made it better , and so sent i● thorow the empire with constantius his proclamation , that whoever would not subscribe it , should be banished . nay , they would not admit their own beloved similis substantia ; but to do the work throughly , the arrians renounc'd their own creed for malice , and made it an article ; filium patri tam substantia , quam voluntate , dissimilem esse . but this is a small matter with any of them , provided thereby they may do service to the church , that is their party . so that one ( seriously speaking ) that were really orthodox , could not then defend the truth or himself , but by turning of arrian , if he would impugn the new ones ; such was the subtilty . what shall i say more ? as the arts of glass coaches and perriwigs illustrate this age , so by their trade of creed-making , then first invented , we may esteem the wisdom of constantine's , and constantius his empire . and in a short space , as is usual among tradesmen , where it appears gainful , they were so many that set up of the same profession , that they could fearce live by one another . socr. l. . c. . therefore uses these words : but now that i have tandem aliquando , run through this labyrinth of so many creeds , i will gather up their number : and so reckons nine creeds more , besides that of nice , before the death of constantine , ( a blessed number . ) and i believe i could for a need , make them up a dozen , if men have a mind to buy them so . and hence it was that hilary , then bishop of poictiers , represents that state of the church pleasantly , yet sadly , since the nicene synod , saith he , we do nothing but write creeds . that while we fight about words whilst we raise questions about novelties , while we quarrel about things doubtful , and about authors , while we contend in parties , while there is difficulty in consent , while we anat●ematize one another , there is none now almost that is christ's . what a change there is in the last years creed ? the first decree commands that homoousion should not be mentioned . the next does again decree and publish homoousios . the third does by indulgence excuse the word ousia , as used by the fathers in their simplicity . the fourth does not excuse , but condemn it . it is come to that at last that nothing among us , or those before us , can remain sacred or inviolable . we decree every year of the lord , a new creed concerning god : nay , every change of the moon our faith is alter'd . we repent of our decrees , we defend those that repent of them ; we anathematize those that we defended ; and while we either condemn other mens opinions in our own , or our own opinions in those of other men , and bite at one another , we are now all of us torn in picees . this bishop sure was the author of the naked truth , and 't was he that implicit●ly condemn'd the whole catholick ●hurch , both east and west , for being too presumptuous in her definitions . it is not strange to me , that iulian , being but a reader in the christian church , should turn pagan : especially when i consider that he succeeded emperor after constantius . for it seems rather unavoidable that a man of great wit , as he was , and not having the grace of god to direct it , and show him the beauty of religion , through the deformity of its governours and teachers ; but that he must conceive a loathing and aversion for it , nor could he think that he did them any injustice , when he observed that , beside all their unchristian immorality too , they practised thus , against the institutive law of their galilean , the persecution among themselves for religion . and well might he add to his other severities , that sharpness of his wit , both exposing and animadverting upon them , at another rate than any of the modern pactitioners with all their study and inclination , can ever arrive at . for nothing is more punishable , contemptible , and truly ridiculous , than a christian that walks contrary to his profession : and by how much any man stands with more advantage in the church for eminency , but disobeys the laws of christ by that priviledge , he is thereby , and deserves to be the more exposed . but iulian , the last heathen emperor , by whose cruelty it seemed that god would sensibly admonish once again the christian clergy , and show them by their own smart , and an heathen-hand , the nature and odiousness of persecution , soon died , as is usual for men of that imployment , not without a remarkable stroke of gods judgment . yet they , as they were only sorry that they had lost so much time , upon his death strove as eagerly to redeem it , and forthwith fell in very naturally into their former animosities . for iovianus being chosen emperor in persia , and returning homeward , socr. l. . c. . the bishops of each party , in hopes that their's should be the imperial creed , strait to horse , and rode away with switch and spur , as if it had been for the plate , to meet him , and he that had best heels , made himself cock●sure of winning the religion . the macedonians , who dividing from the arrians , had set up for a new heresie concerning the holy ghost , ( and they were a squadron of bishops petition'd him that those who held , filium patri dissimilem , might be turn'd out , and themselves put in their places : which was very honestly done , and above-board . the acacian● , that were the refined arrians , but , as the author saith , had a notable faculty of addressing themselves to the inclination of whatsoever emperor , and having good intelligence that he balanced rather to the consubstantials , presentend him with a very fair insinuating subscription , of a considerable number of bishops to the council of nice . but in the next emperor's time they will be found to yield little reverence to their own subscription . for in matter of a creed , a note of their hand , without expressing the penalty , could not it seems bind one of their order . but all that iovianus said to the macedonians , was ; i hate contention , but i lovingly imbrace and reverence those who are inclined to peace and concord . to the acacians , who had wisely given these the precedence of application , to try the truth of their intelligence , he said no more ( having resolv'd by sweetness and persuasions to quiet all their controversies ) but , that he would not molest any man whatsoever creed be follow'd , but those above others he would cherish and honour , who should show themselves most forward in bringing the church to a good agreement . he likewise call'd back all those bishops who had been banished by constantius and iulian , restoring them to their sees . and he writ a letter in particular to athanasius , who upon iulian●s death had enter'd again upon that of alexandria , to bid him be of good courage . and th●se things coming to the ears of all others , did wonderfully assuage the fierceuess of those who were inflamed with faction and contention : so that , the court having declared it self of this mind , the church was in a short time in all outward appearance peaceably disposed , the emperor by this means having wholly repressed all their violence . verily , concludes the historian , the roman empire had been prosperous and happy , and both the state and the church ●he puts them too in that order ) under so good a prince , must have exceedingly flour●shed , had not an immature death taken him away from managing the government . for after seven months , being seized with a mortal obstruction ▪ he departed this life . did not this historian , ●row you , deserve to be handled , and is it not , now the mischief is done , to undo the charm , become a duty , to expose both him and iovi●nus ? by their ill chosen principles , what would have become of the prime and most necessary article of faith ? might not the old dormant heresies , all of them safely have revived ? but that mortal obstruction of the bishops , was not by his death ( not is it by their own to be ) removed . they were glad he was so soon got out of their way , and god would yet further manifest their intractable spirit , which not the persecution of the heathen emperor iulian , nor the gen●leness of iovianus the christian , could allay or mitigate by their afflictions or prosperity . the divine nemesis executed justice upon them , by one anothers hand : and so hainou a crime as for a christian , a bishop , to persecute , stood yet in need , as the only equal and exemplary punishment , of being revenged with a persecution by christians , by bishops . and whosoever shall seriously consider all along the suc●essions of the emperors , can never have taken that satisfaction in the most judicious representations of the scene , which he may in this worthy speculation of the great order and admirable conduct of wise providence ; through the whole contexture of these exterior seeming accidents , relating to the ecclesiasticals of christianity . for to iovianus succeeded valentinian , who in a short time took his brother valens to be his companion in the empire . these two brothers did as the historian observes , socr. l . c. . ( alike , and equally take care at the beginning , for the advantage and government of the state ) but very much disagreed , though both christians , in matters of religion : valetinianus the elder , being an orthodox , but valens an arrian , and they used a different method toward the christians . for valentinian ( who chose the western part of the empire , and left the east to his brother ) as he imbraced those of his own creed , so yet he did not in the least molest the arrians , but valens not only labor'd to increase the number of the arrians , but afflicted those of the contrary opinion with grievous punishments . and both of 'm , especially valens , had bishops for their purpose . the particulars of that heavy persecution under valens , any one may further satisfie himself of in the writers of those times : and yet it is observable , that within a little space , while he pursued the orthodox bishops , he gave liberty to the novatians , ( who were of the same creed , but separated from them , a● i have said , upon discipline , &c. ) and caused their churches , which for a while were shut up , to be opened again at constantinople . to be short , valens ( who out-lived his brother , that died of a natural death ) himself in a battel against the goths , could not escape neither the fate of a christian persecutor . for the goths having made application to him , be , saith socrates , not well fore-seeing the consequence , admitted them to inhabit in certain places of thracia , pleasing himself that he should by that means , always have an army ready at hand against whatsoever enemies ; and that those foraign guards would strike them with a greater terror , more by far than the militia of his subjects . and so slighting the ancient veterane militia , which used to consist of bodies of men , raised proportionably in every province , and were stout fellows that would fight manfully ; instead of them he levied money , rating the country at so much for every souldier . but these new inmates of the emperors soon grew troublesom , as is customary , and not only in●ested the natives in thracia , but plunder'd even the suburbs of constantinople , there being no armed force to repress them : hereupon the whole people of the city cried out at a publick spectacle , where valens was prosent neglecting this matter , give us arms and we will manage this war our selves . this extreamly provok'd him , so that he forthwith made an expedition against the goths : but threatned the citizens if he return'd in safety , to be reveng'd on them both for those con●umelies , and for what under the tyrant procopius , they had committed against the empire ; and that he would raze to the ground , and plow up the city . yet before his departure out of the fear of the foraign enemy , be totally ceas'd from persecuting the orthodox in constantinople . but he was kill'd in the fight , or flying into a village that the goths had set on fire , he was burns to ashes , to the great grief of his bishops ; who , had he been victorious , might have revived the persecution . such was the end of his impetuous reign and rash counsels , both as to his government of state , in matters of peace and war , and his manage of the church by persecution . his death brings me to the succession of theodosi●s the great , then whom no christian emperor did more make it his business to nurse up the church , and to lull the bishops , to keep the house in quiet . but neither was it in his power to still their bawling , and scratching one another , as far as their nails ( which were yet more tender , but afterwards grew like tallons ) would give them leave . i shall not further vex the history , or the reader , in recounting the particulars ; taking no delight neither may self in so uncomfortable relations , or to reflect beyond what is necessary upon the wolfishness of those which then seemed , and ought to have been the christian pastors , but went on scatt●ring their flocks , if not devouring ; and the shepherds smiting one another . in his reign , the second general council was called , that of constantinople , and the creed was there made , which took its name from the place : the rest of their business , any one that is further curious , may observe in the writers . but i shall close this with a short touch concerning gregory nazianzen , then living , than whom also the christian church had not in those times ( and i question whether in any succeeding ) a bishop that was more a christian , more a gentleman , better appointed in all sorts of learning requisite , seasoned under iulian's persecution , and exemplary to the highest pitch of true religion and practical piety . the eminence of these vertues , and in special of his humility ( the lowliest , but the highest of all christian qualifications ) raised him under theodosius ▪ from the parish-like bishoprick of nazianzum , to that of constantinople , where he fill'd his place in that council . but having taken notice in what manner things were carried in that , as they had been in former councils , and that some of the bishops muttered at his promotion ; he of his own mind resigned that great bishoprick , which was never of his desire or seeking ; and , though so highly seated in the emperors reverence and favor , so acceptable to the people , and generally to the clergy , whose unequal abilities could not pretend or justifie an envy against him ; retired back far more content , to a solitary life , to his little nazianzum . and from thence he writes that letter to his friend procopius , wherein p. . upon his most recollected and serious reflexion on what had faln within his observation , he useth these remarkable words : i have resolved with my self ( if i may tell you the naked truth , ) never more to come into any assembly of bishops : for i never saw a good and happy end of any council , but which rather increased than remedied the mischiefs . for their obstinate contentions and ambition are unexpressible . it would require too great a volume to deduce , from the death of theodo●●s , the particulars that happened in the succeeding reigns about this matter . but the reader may reckon that it was as stated a quarrel betwixt the homoousians , and the homoiousians , as that between the houses of york and lancaster : and th●●● a rose now an emperor of one line , and then again of the other . but among all the bishops , there was not one morton , whose industrious brain could or would ( for some men always reap by division ) make up the fatal breach 〈◊〉 the two creeds . by this means every creed was grown up to a test. and under that pretence , the dextrous bishops step by step hooked within th●ir verge , all the business and power that could be catched in those turbul●nces , where they mudled the water , and fished after . by this means they stalked on first to a spiritual kind of dominion , and from that incroached upon and into the civil jurisdiction . a bishop now grew terrible , and ( whereas a simple layman might have frighted the devil with the first words of the apostles creed , and i defie thee satan ) one creed could not protect him from a bishop , and it required a much longer , and a double and treble confession , unless himself would be delivered over to satan by an anathema . but this was only an ecclesiastical sentence at first , with which they marked out such as sinned against them , and then whoop'd and hallow'd on the civil magistrate , to hunt them down for their spiritual pleasure . they crept at first by court insinuations and flattery into the princes favor , till those generous creatures suffered themselves to be backed and ridden by them , who would take as much of a free horse as possible : but in persecution the clergy as yet , wisely interposed the magistrate betwixt themselves and the people , not caring to their end were attained , how odious they rendred him : and you may observe that for the most part hitherto , they stood crouching and shot either over the emperors back , or under his belly . but in process of time they became bolde and open●fac'd , and persecuted before the sun at mid-day . bishops grew wo●se , but bishopricks every day better and better . there was now no eusebius left to refuse the bishoprick of antiochia , whom therefore constantine told , that he deserv'd the bishoprick of the whole world for that modesty . they were not such fools as ammonius parates , i warrant you , in the time of theodosius . he , socr. l. . c. . being seised upon by some that would needs make him a bishop , when he could not perswade them to the contrary , cut off one of his ears , telling them that now should he himself desire to be a bishop , he was by the law of priesthood incapable : ●ut when they observed that those things only obliged the jewish priesthood , and that the church of christ did not consider whether a priest were sound or perfect in limb of body , but only that he were intire in his manners ; they return'd to seize on him again : but when he saw them coming , he swore with a s●lemn oath that , if to consecrate him a bishop , they laid violent hands upon him , he would cut out his tongue also ▪ whereupon they fearing he would do it , desisted . what should have been the matter , that a man so learned and holy , should have such an aversion to be promoted in his own order ; that , rather than yield to be a compelled or compelling bishop , he would inflict upon himself as severe a martyrdom , as any persecutor could have done for him ? sure he saw somthing more in the very constitution , than some do at present . but this indeed was an example too rigid , and neither fit to have been done , nor to be imitated , as there was no danger . for far from this they followed the precedent rather of damasus , and v●sinus , which last , socr. l. . c. . in valentinian's time , perswaded certain obscure and object bishops ( for there were it seems of all sorts and sizes ) to create him bishop in a corner , and then ( so early ) he and damasus , who was much the better man , waged war for the bishoprick of rome , to the great scandal of the pagan writers , who made remarks for this and other things upon their christianity , and to the bloodshed and death of a multitude of the christian people . but this last i mention'd . only as a weak and imperfect essay in that time , of what it came to in the several ag●s after , which i am now speaking of , when the bishops were given , give thems●lves over to all manner of vice , luxury , pride , ignorance , superstition , covetousness , and monopolizing of all secular imployments and authority . nothing could escape them : they meddl●d , troubled themselves and others , with many things , every thing , forgetting that one , only needful . insomuch that i could not avoid wondring often , that among so many churches that with paganick rites they dedicated to saint mary , i have met with none to saint martha . but above all , imposition and cruelty became inherent to them , and the power of persecution was grown so good and desirable a thing , that they tho●ght the magistrate scarce worthy to be trusted with it longer , and a meer novi●e at it , and either wrested it out of his hands , or gently eased him of that and his other burdens of government . the sufferings of the laity were become the royalties of the clergy ; and , being very careful christians , the bishops , that no● a word of our saviours might fall to the ground , because he had fore●old how man should be persecuted for his names sake , they undertook to see it done ●●●ectually in their own provinces , and out of pure zeal of doing him the more service of this kind , inlarged studiously their diocesses beyond all proportion . like nostradamus his son , that to fulfil his father's prediction of a city in fra●ce , that should be burned ; with his own hands set ●t on fire . all the calamities of the christian world in those ages , may be derived from them , while they warm'd themselves at the flame ; and like lords of misrule , kept a perpetual christmas . what in the bishops name is the matter ▪ how came it about that christianity , which approved it self under all persecuions to the heathen emperors ▪ and merited their favor so fa● , till at last it regularly succeeded to the monarchy , should under those of their own profession be more distressed ? were there some christians then too , that feared still l●ft men should be christians , and for whom it was necessary , not for the gospel reason that there should be heresies . let us collect a little now also in the conclusion what at first was not particulariz'd , how the reason of state and measure of goverment stood under the roman emperours , in aspect to them . i omit tiberius , mention'd in the beginning of this essay . traja●e , after having persecuted them , and having used pliny the second in his province to that purpose , upon his relation that they lived in conformity to all laws , but that which forbad their worship , and in all other things were blameless , and good men , straitly by his edict commanded that none of them should be farther enquired after . hadrian , in his edict to min●tius fundanus , pro●consull of asia , commands him that , if any accuse the christians , and can prove it , that they commit any thing against the state , that then he punish them according to the crime : but if any man accuse them , meerly for calumny and vexation , as christians , then i' faith let him suffer for 't , and take you care that he feel the smart of it . antoninus pius writ his edict very remarkable , if there were place to recite it , to the states of asia assembled at ephesus ; wherein he takes notice of his fathers command , that unless the christians w●re were found to act any thing against the roman empire , they should not be molested , and then commands , that if any man thereafter shall continue to trouble them , tanquam tales , as christians , for their worship , in that case , he that is the informer , should be exposed to punishment , but the accused should be free and discharged . i could not but observe that among other things in this edict , where he is speaking . it is desirable to them that they may appear , being accused , more willing to die for their god than to live : he adds , it would not be amiss to admonish you concerning the earth quakes which have , and do now happen , that when you are afflicted at them , you would compare our affairs with theirs . they are thereby so much the more incouraged to a confidence and reliance upon god , but you all the while go on in your ignorance , and neglect both other gods , and the religion towards the immortal , and banish and persecute them unto death . which words of that emperors , fall in so naturally with what , it seems , was a common observation about earth-quakes , that i cannot but to that purpose take further notice , how also gregory nazianzen , in or. . contra gentiles , tells , besides the breakings in of the sea in several places , and many fires that happened , of the earth-quakes in particular , which he reckons as symptoms of iulian's persecution . and to this i may add , socr. l. . c. , who in the reign of valens , that notorious christian persecutor , saith , at the same time there was an earth-quake in bithynia , which turned the city of nice ( that same in which the general council was held under constantine ) and a little after there was another . but although these so happened , the minds of valens , and of eudoxius , the bishop of the arrians , were not at all stirred up unto piety , and a right opinion of religion . for nevertheless they ●●●sed not , made no end of perscuting those who in their creed dissented from them . those earth-quakes seemed to be certain indications of tumult in the church . all which put together , could not but make me reflect upon the late earth-quakes , great by how much more unusual here in england , thorow so many counties two years since , at the same time when the clergy , some of them , were so busie in their cabals , to promote this ( i would give it a modester name then ) persecution , which is now no foot against the dissenters ; at so unseasonable a time , and upon no occasion administred by them , that those who comprehend the reasons , yet cannot but wonder at the wisdom of it . yet i am not neither one of the most credulous nickers or appliers of natural events to human transactions : but neither am i so secure as the learned dr. spencer , nor can walk along the world without having some eye to the conjunctures of god's admirable providence . neither was marcus aurelius ( that i may return to my matter ) negligent as to the particular . but he , observing , as antoninus had the earth-quakes , that in an expedition against the germans and sarmatians , his army being in despair almost for want of water , the melitine ( afterward from the event called the thundring ) legion , which consisted of christians , kneel'd down in the very heat of their thirst and fight , praying for rain ; which posture the enemies wondring at , immediately there brake out such a thundring and lightning , as together with the christian valour , routed the adverse army , but so much rain fell therewith , as refreshed aurelius his forces , that were at the last gasp for thirst : he th●nce forward commanded by his letters , that upon pain of death none should inform against the christians , as tertullian in his apology for the christians witnesses . but who would have beli●ved that even commodus , so great a tyrant otherwise , should have been so favourable as to make a law , that the informers against christians should be punished with death ? yet he did , and the informer against apollonius was by it executed . much less could a man have thought that , that prodigy of cruelty maximine , and who ●xercised it so severely upon the christians , should , as he did , being struck with god's hand , publish when it was too late edict after edict , in great favour of the christians . but above all , nothing could have been less expected than that , after those heathen emperors , the first christian constantine should have been seduced by the bishops , to be after them , the first occasion of persecution , so contrary to his own excellent inclination : 't was then that he spake his own mind , when he said , eus. de vitâ const. . you ought to retain within the bounds of your private thoughts those things , which you cunningly and subtly seek out concerning most frivolous questions . and then much plainer , c. . where he saith so wisely . you are not ignorant that the philosophers all of them do agree in the profession of the same discipline , but do oftentimes differ in some part of the opinions that they dogmatize in : but yet , although they do dissent about the discipline that each several sect observeth , they nevertheless reconcile themselves again for the sake of that common profession to which they have concurred . but against compulsion in religious matters so much every where , that it is needless to insert one passage . and he being of this disposition , and universally famous for his care and countenance of the christian religion . eusebius saith these words , while the people of god did glory and heighten it self in the doing of good things , and all fear from without was taken away , and the church was fortifi●d as i may say , on all sides by a peaceable and illusti●us tranquility , then envy lying in wait against our prosperity , craftily crept in , and began first to dance in the midst of the company of bishops ; so goes on , telling the history of alexander and a●rius . i have been before large ●nough in that relation , wherein it appeared that , contrary to that great emperours pious intention , whereas envy began to dance among the bishops first , the good constantine brought them the fiddles . but it appear'd likewise how soon he was weary of the ball , and toward his latter end , as princes often do upon too late experience , would have redressed all , and returned to his natural temper . of the other christian emperours i likewise discoursed , omitting , that i might insert it in this place , how the great heathen philosopher themistius , in his consolar oration , celebrated iovianus for having given that toleration in christian religion , and thereby defeated the flatt●ring bishops , which sort of men , saith he wittily , do not worship g●d , but the imperial purple . it was the same themistius , that only out of an upright natural apprehension of things , made that excellent oration afterward to valens , which is in print , exhorting him to cease persecution ; wherein he chances upon , and improves the same notion with constantines , and tells him , that he should not wonder at the dissents in christian religion , which were very small if compared with the multitude and crowd of opinions among the gentile philosophers ; for there were at least three hundred differences , and a very great dissention among them there was about their resolutions , unto which each several sect was as it were , necessarily bound up and obliged : and that god seemed to intend more to illustrate his own glory by that diverse and unequal variety of opinions , to the end every each one might therefore so much the more reverence his divine majesty , because it is not p●ssible for any one accurately to know him . and this had a good effect upon valens , for the mitigating in some measure his severities against his fellow christians . so that after having cast about in this summary again , ( whereby it plainly appears , that according to natural right , and the apprehension of all sober heathen governours , christianity as a religion , was wholly exempt from the magistrates jurisdiction or laws , farther than any particular person among them immorally transgressed , as others , the common rules of human society ) i cannot but return to the question with which i begun . what was the matter ? how came it about that christianity , which approved it self under all persecutions to the heathen emperours , and merited their favour so far , till at last it regularly succeeded to the monarchy , should under those of their own profession , be more distressed ? but the answer is now much shorter and certainer , and i will adventure boldly to say , the true and single cause then was the bishops . and they were the cause against reason . for what power had the emperours by growing christians , more than those had before them ? none . what obligation were christian subjects under to the magistrate more than before ? none . but the magistrates christian authority was what the apostle describ'd it while heathen , not to be a terror to good works , but to evil . what new power had the bishops acquired , whereby they turned every pontificate into a caiaphat ? none neither , cor. . . had they been apostles , the lord had but given them authority for edification , not for destruction . they , of all other , ought to have preached to the magistrate the terrible denunciations in scripture against usurping upon , and persecuting of christians . they , of all others , ought to have laid before them the horrible examples of god's ordinary justice against those that exercised persecution . but , provided they could be the swearers of the prince , to do all due allegiance to the church , and to preserve the rights and liberties of the church , however they came by them , they would give them as much scope as he pleased , in matter of christianity , and would be the first to solicite him to break the laws of christ , and ply him with hot places of scripture , in order to all manner of oppression and persecution in civils and spirituals . so that the whole business how this unchristian tyranny came and could entitle it self among christians , against the christian priviledges , was only the case in zech. . . . and one shall say unto him , what are these wounds in thy hands ? then he shall answer , those with which i was wounded in the house of my friends . because they were all christians , they thought forsooth they might make the bolder with them , make bolder with christ , and wound him again in the hands and feet of his members . because they were friends , they might use them more coarsly , and abuse them against all common civility , in their own house , which is a protection to strangers . and all this to the end that a bishop might sit with the prince in iunto , to consult wisely how to preserve him from those people that never meant him any harm , and to secure him from the sedition and rebellion of men that seek , nor think any thing more , but to follow their own religious christian worship . it was indeed as ridiculous a thing to the pagans to see that work , as it was afterwards in england to strangers , where papists and protestants went both to wrack at the same instant , in the same market ; and when erasmns said wittily , quid agitur in angli● ? consulitur , he might have added , though not so elegantly , comburitur● de religione . because they knew that christian worship was free by christ's institution ; they procured the magistrate to make laws in it concerning things necessary : as the heathen persecutor iulian introduced some bordering pagan ceremonies , and arguing with themselves in the same manner , as he did , soz. l. . c. . that if christians should obey those laws , they should be able to bring them about to something further , which they had designed . but if they would not then they might proceed against them without any hope of pardon , as breakers of the laws of the empire , and represents them as turbulent and dangerous to the government . indeed , whatsoever the animadverter saith of the act of scditious conventicles here in england as if it were anvill'd after another of the roman senate , the christians of those ages had all the finest tools of persecution out of iulian's shop , and studied him then as cu●iously as some do now machiavel . these bishops it was , who , because the rule of christ was incomparible with the power that they assumed , and the vices they practised , had no way to render themselves necessary or tolerable to princes , but by making true piety difficult , by innovating laws to revenge themselves upon it , and by turning make-bates between prince and people , instilling dangers of which themselves were the authors . hence it is , that having awakened this jealousie once in the magistrate , against religion , they made both the secular and the ecclesiastical government so uneasie to him , that most princes began to look upon their subjects as their enemies , and to imagine a reason of state different from the interest of their people ; and therefore to weaken themselves by seeking unnecessary and grievous supports to their authority . whereas if men could have refrain'd this cunning , and from thence forcible governing of christianity , leaving it to its own simplicity and due liberty , but causing them in all other things to keep the kings and christs peace among themselves , and towards others , all the ill that could have come of it , would have been , that such kind of bishops should have prov'd less implemental ; but the good that must have thence risen to the christian magistrate and the church , then and ever after , would have been inexpressible . but this discourse having run in a manner wholly upon the imposition of cre●ds , may seem not to concern ( and i desire that it may not reflect upon ) our clergy , not the co●troversies which have so unhappily vex'd our church , ever since the reign of edward the sixth , unto this day . only , if there might be somthing pick'd out of it towards the compromising of those differences ( which i have not from any performance of mine , the vanity to imagine ) it may have use as an argument , a majori ad minus , their disputes having risen only from that of creeds , ours from the imposition only of ceremonies , which are of much inferior consideration . faith being necessary , but ceremonies dispensable . unless our church should lay the same weight upon them , as one did . this is the time of her settlement , that there is a church at the end of every mile , that the sovereign powers spread their wings to cover and protect her , that kings and queens are her nursing fathers and nursing mothers , that she hath stately cathedrals ; there be so many arguments now to make ceremonies necessary , which may all be answered with one q●estion that they use to ask children : where are you proud ? but i should rather hope from the wisdom and christianity of the present guides of our church , that they will after an age and more , after so long a time almost as those primitive bishops i have spoke of , yet suffered the novatian bishops in every diocess ) have mercy on the nation that hath been upon so slender a matter as the ceremonies and li●urgy so long ▪ so miserably harass●d . that they will have mercy upon the king , whom they know against his natural inclination , his royal intention , his many declarations , they have induced to more severitics than all the reigns since the conquest will contain , if summ'd up together ; who may , as constantive among his private devotions put up one collect to the bishops . euseb. de vita const. . . date igitur mihi dies tranquillos & noctes curarum experes . and it runs thus almost altogether verbatim in that historian . grant , most merciful bishop and priest th●t i may have calm days , and nights free from care and molestation , that i may live a peaceable life in all godliness and holiness for the future by your good agreement ; which unless you vouchsafe me , i shall most away my reign in perpetual sadness and vexation . for as long as the people of god stands divided by so unjust and pernicious a contention , how can it be that i can have any ease in my own spirit . open therefore by your good agreement the way to me , that i may continue my expedition towards the east ; and grant that i may see both you and all the rest of my people , having laid aside your animosities , rejoycing together , that we may all with one voice give land and glory , for the common and good agreement and liberty , to god almighty for ever , amen . but if neither the people nor his majesty enter into their consideration . i hope it is no unreasonable request that they will be merciful unto themselves , and have some reverence at least for the naked truth of history , which either in their own times will meet with them , or in the next age overtake them : that they , who are some of them so old , that as confessors , they were the scars of the former troubles , others of them so young , that they are free from all the motives of revenge and hatred , should yet joyn in reviving the former persecutions upon the same pretences ; yea , even themselves in a turbulent , military , and uncanonical manner execute laws of their own procuring , and depute their inferior clergy to be the informers . i should rather hope to see not only that controversie so scandalous abolished , but that also upon so good an occasion as the author of the naked truth hath administred them , they will inspect their clergy , and cause many things to be corrected , which are far more ruinous in the consequence than the dispensing with a surplice . i shall mention some too confusedly , as they occur to my pen , at present , reserving much more for better leisure . methinks it might be of great edification , that those of them , who have ample possessions , should be in a good sense , multas inter opes inopes . that they would inspect the canons of the ancient councils , where are many excellent ones for the regulation of the clergy . i saw one , looking but among those of the same council of nice , against any bishops removing from a l●ss bishoprick to a greater , nor that any of the inferior clergy should leave a less living for a fatter . that is me-thinks the most natural use of general , or any councils to make canons , as it were by-laws for the ordering of their own society ; but they ought not to take out , much less forge any patent to invade and prejudice the community . it were good that the greater church-men relyed more upon themselves , and their own direction , not building too much upon stripling chaplains ; that men may not suppose the master ( as one that has a good horse , or a fleet hound ) attributes to himself the vertues of his creature . that they inspect the morals of the clergy ; the moral hereticks do the church more harm than all the non●conformists can do , or can wish it . that before they admit men to subscribe the thirty-nine articles for a benefice , they try whether they know the meaning . that they would much recommend to them the reading of the bible . 't is a very good book , and if a man read it carefully , will make him much wiser . that they would advise them to keep the sabbath : if there were no morality in the day , yet there is a great deal of prudence in the observing it . that they would instruct those that came for holy order and livings , that it is a terrible vocation they enter upon ; but that has indeed the greatest reward . that to gain a soul is beyond all the acquists of trassick , and to convert an atheist , more glorious than all the conquests of the souldier . that , betaking themselves to this spiritual warfare , they ought to disintangle from the world. that they do not ride for a benefice , as if it were for a fortune , or a mistress ; but there is more in it . that they take the ministry up not as a trade ; and because they have heard of whittington , in expectation that the bells may so chime , that they may come in their turns to be lord mayors of lambeth . that they make them understand as well as they can , what is the grace of god. that they do not come into the pupit too full of fustian or logick ; a good life is a clergy-mans best syllogism , and the quaintest oratory ; and till they out-live 'm , they will never get the better of the fanaticks , nor be able to preach with demonstration of spirit , or with any effect or authority . that they be lowly minded , and no railers . and particularly , that the arch-deacon of canterbury being in ill humor upon account of his ecclesiastical policy , may not continue to revenge himself upon the innocent walloons there , by ruining their church which subsists upon the ecclesiastical power of his majesty , and so many of his royal predecessors . but these things require a greater time , and to enumerate all that is amiss , might perhaps be as endless as to number the people ; nor are they within the ordinary sphere of my capacity . but to the judicious and serious reader , to whom i wish any thing i have said , may have given no unwelcome entertainment ; i shall only so far justifie my self , that i thought it no less concerned me to vindicate the laity from the impositions that the few would force upon them , than others to defend those impositions on behalf of the clergy . but the reverend mr. hooker in his ecclesiastical polity , says the time will come when three words , uttered with charity and meekness , shall receive a far more blessed reward , than three thousand volumes written with disdainful sharpness of wit. and i shall conclude . i trust in the almighty , that with us , contentions are now at the highest that , and that the day will come ( for what cause is there of dispair ) when the passions of former enmity being allaid , men shall with ten times redoubled tokens of unfainedly reconciled love , shew themselves each to other the same which joseph , and the brethren of joseph were at the time of their enterview in egypt and upon this condition , let my book also ( yea , my self if it were needful ) be burnt by the hand of those enemies to the peace and tranquility of the religion of england . finis . a fvll reply to certaine briefe observations and anti-queries on master prynnes twelve questions about church-government wherein the frivolousnesse, falseness, and grosse mistakes of this anonymous answerer (ashamed of his name) and his weak grounds for independency, and separation, are modestly discovered, reselled : together with certaine briefe animadversions on mr. iohn goodwins theomachia, in justification of independency examined, and of the ecclesisticall jurisdiction and rights of parliament, which he fights against / by william prynne ... prynne, william, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing p ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a fvll reply to certaine briefe observations and anti-queries on master prynnes twelve questions about church-government wherein the frivolousnesse, falseness, and grosse mistakes of this anonymous answerer (ashamed of his name) and his weak grounds for independency, and separation, are modestly discovered, reselled : together with certaine briefe animadversions on mr. iohn goodwins theomachia, in justification of independency examined, and of the ecclesisticall jurisdiction and rights of parliament, which he fights against / by william prynne ... prynne, william, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing p ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread p. printed by f.l. for michael sparke, senior : and are to be sold at the blew-bible in green-arbour, london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. "certaine briefe animadversions on mr. john goodwins theomachia, in justification of some passages in my independency, examined, unmasked, &c." : p. - . eng goodwin, john, ?- . -- certaine briefe observations and antiquaeries on master prin his twelve questions about church-governement. goodwin, john, ?- . -- theomachia. church and state -- great britain. church polity. great britain -- history -- puritan revolution, - . a r (wing p ). civilwar no a full reply to certaine briefe observations and anti-queries on master prynnes twelve questions about church-government: vvherein the frivo prynne, william d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a fvll reply to certaine briefe observations and anti-queries on master prynnes twelve questions , about church-government : wherein the frivolousnesse , falsenesse , and grosse mistakes of this anonymous answerer ( ashamed of his name ) and his weak grounds for independency , and separation , are modestly discovered , refelled . together with certaine briefe animadversions on mr. iohn goodwins theomachia , in justification of independency examined , and of the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and rights of parliament , which he fights against . by william prynne of lincolnes inne , esquire . socrates scholasticus eccles. hist. l. . c. . ecclesia cum semel esset divisa , non una divisione acquievit , sed homines ab se mutuò aversi , alter ab altero denuò scesserunt ; atque adeò exigvam levicvlamqve occasionem nacti , mutuae communionis consociationisque vincula disruperunt . have salt in your selves , and have peace one with another . mark . . to this end was i born , and for this cause come i into the world , that i should beare witnesse unto the truth . ioh. , . am i therefore become your enemy , because i tell you the truth ? gal. . . imprimatur . october . iohn white . the second edition some what inlarged , with materiall additions . london , printed by f. l. for michael sparke senior , and are to be sold at the blew-bible in green-arbour . . of all the vanities and vexations of spirit , enumerated by the royall preacher , this is one of the principall , [ a ] that for all travell , and every right works , a man is envied ( yea , many times hated , oppugned ) by his neighbour . this hath been alwayes my condition heretofore and now ; my best actions and publike services for the common good , have been misconstrued , traduced , nay censured in an high degree , as ●…vill , by many ; though ( blessed be god ) approved , yea gratefully accepted by the best-affected to the church and state . the importunity of some reverend friends , lamenting the deplorable distractions of our church , which threaten disunion , and so ruine to us , in these unhappy times of intestine warres , prevailed so farre as to induce me to compile and publish twelve considerable serious questions touching church-government ; out of a córdial desire ( as much as in me lay ) to close up , not widen our divisions . which though they have given ample satisfaction to many truely religious , of all ranks and qualities , who have returned me speciall thanks ; yet they have found very harsh entertainment from others , who of friends b are become my professed antagonists ( if not enemies ) in print , because i have told them the truth : to whom i should have returned no reply but silence ( there being nought in these observations worthy answer ) but only to rectisie some mistakes therin and shew the opposite party those common errours wherby they deceive themselves and others . the first thing this namelesse respondent quarrels with , is c for my writing by way of quere ; to which i answer , that i had both presidents and reasons for it . presidents , from our saviour himselfe , who both instructed , refuted , convinced his opposites and auditors by demanding * questions only . presidents from philosophers , fathers , school-men , and all sorts of writers , ancient , modern , over-tedious to recite . reasons : . i conceived the questions touching church-government were not rightly stated by most ; and that the right stating of them by way of question , would be the best and speediest meanes to decide them . . the independent party had neither then , nor since ( to my knowledg ) dogmatically resolved or discovered in print , what that church-government is they so eagerly contend for , and pretend to be so plainly set downe in the word of god ( being not y●…t all agreed what they hold , or should desire , except it be this , to be left at free libertie to doe what they please ) and therefore i conjectured such queries to be the only means to discover and refute their concealed platform . . the controversies concerning church-government , were then and now in agitation in the synod and high court of parliament , the properest iudges of them ; therefore i thought it better became me in point of modesty and good manners , to expresse my opinion of them by way of question , then decision . finally , i found all independents guilty of petitio principii , in their writings , sermons , discourses , peremptorily concluding their form of church-government , to d be the onely government instituted by christ , the onely way of god , which hath more of god and christ in it then any other ; the kingdom , scepter , and throne of christ himself , and no other way beside it ; e that by the beauty and perfect consonancy of this government with the word of god , it may very reasonably ( yea and upon higher terms then of reason ) be thought , that in time it cannot but overthrow all 〈◊〉 of ecclesiasticall government ( and i fear civill too by the self-same reason , & stand up it self in their stead , which they closeup with a faxit deus & festinet●… : and , that writi●…g or disputing against this government , or opposing it in any kind , yea in thought , is no lesse then f a fighting against god , which will bring certain ruine on our realme in generall , and all private , open opposers of it : yet not one of them ( nor this respondent ) hath hitherto fully discovered to us , what this way or government is ; nor produced any one scripture or reason to warrant these superlative encomiums of it , but we must take all they say as gospel , upon their own bare words , without examination or dispute : and therefore i proposed these , with other subsequent questions to them , to induce them to make good these transcendent ( that i say not arrogant ) positions touching their way ; since i seriously professe before god , angels , and men , that i could never yet discover the least footsteps of it in scripture , or antiquity , nor descry this their patern in the mount , which no age till ours had ever the happiness to behold , if it be worth the viewing , when unvailed by them to us . having thus given this respondent the true grounds of my writing by way of question , i shall briefly answer all his materiall observations and anti-queries upon my twelve questions , pretermitting his impertinencies . . to the first question the respondent gives no answer at all to the things demanded , but only misrecites the question , without my limitations ; and then seemes to refute , what himselfe propounds , not i : he should have demonstrated by direct scriptures , that christ hath prescribed one set immutable forme of government to all christian nations , churches in the world , from which none must vary in the least degree , without sinne , schisme , or being no true churches of christ , with whom good christians may with safe conscience communicat ; and that nothing herein is , or can be left free to humane prudence , ( though themselves most stifly plead , that christ hath prescribed no * set form of praying or preaching to ministers , people , but left all men free to use their liberty and severall gifts in both ; on which grounds they condemne all set forms of publike ( if not private ) prayers , ( and some of them the use of the lords owne prayer ) together with there ading of set homilies ; upon which very grounds they must also deny all set formes of church-government , as well as of prayer and preaching : ) and then have positively delineated , exactly proved the modell of this pretended government , discipline , in every particle thereof , by gospel-texts , so far as to satisfie mens erronious judgments , consciences herein , that so they might either submit thereto without dispute , or propound their objections against the same . but in this maine point ( whereon the hinge of the controversie turnes ) the respondent is wholly silent , and i shall expect his answer ad graecas calendas . only lest he might seem to say nothing , he endevours to prove , that there is a set forme of church-government prescribed by christ in the gospel , not by direct texts , but from pretended absurdities of his owne fancying , ( for which he can produce no text nor reason ) wherein he hath prevaricated , and shewes himselfe absurd . first , ( writes he ) if this were granted ( that there is no such set form of church-government prescribed to all ) the gospell would be * straiter then the law , christ more unfaithfull then moses . if we deny these absurd consequences , you shall have these sound proofes of both subjoined ; god set a patterne to * moses of a carnal temple , ( you mistake good sir , it was a tabernacle , and that not carnall ) which he charged him not to vary from in a tittle : ( well , i grant it , because you produce * two full scriptures for it ) ergo , he hath prescribed a set pattern of church-government and discipline to all christian nations , churches in the new testament , from which they must not vary in one tittle . if he ( or any other ) can shew me such a pattern as he contends for , so clearly delineated to us in the new testament , as that pattern of the tabernacle god shewed moses was in the old , and then produce as direct precepts enjoyning all christians , republikes , churches , not to vary from it in one tittle , as moses had not to vary from his , i shall beleeve his sequell ; till then i shall deeme it a true independent argument , and as grosse a non-sequitur as this , which necessarily followes upon the concession of it . god shewed and prescribed to moses the expresse pattern or fashion of aarons and his sons garments , ornaments , under the law , exod. . ergo he hath likewise shewed and prescribed the expresse pattern , fashion , and colour , of all bishops , presbyters , ministers garments , ornaments under the gospel , ( most likely in the roman ceremoniall and pontificall . ) if the one consequence be ridiculous , the other must needs be so . but to quell this your principall argument , first , the patterne in the mount was meant onely of the materials , forme , vessels and utensils of the tabernacle , not of the government and discipline of the iewish church ; therfore very impe●…tinent to prove a setled church-government , discipline , under the gospel . secondly , it was shewed only to moses , the temporall magistrate and chief ruler of the israelites ; not to aaron , or any private independent priest or synagogue of the iewes ; yea moses ( not they ) was to make , or s●…e all things † made according to the pattern in the mount ; ergo ( if there be any consequence from this patterne ) not the independent minister or congregation , but kings , chief temporall magistrates , and parliaments ( the supreme civill powers , councels , ●…e likewise ( under the gospell ) to prescribe and set up such a church-government as is agreeable to gods word : as moses , joshua , david , solomon , hezekiah , joshiah , nehemiah , and other godly princes , governours , with their parliaments or generall assemblies did under the law : and then what becomes of your independent ministers , congregations claimes to this soveraigne temporall jurisdiction , ( a part of christs kingly office , delegated onely to kings , and highest temporall powers ) which was never conferred on them ? in fine , if there be any such expresse unalterable divine patterne of church-government under the gospel , i pray informe me , why it was not as punctually , as particularly described in the new testament , as the forme of the tabernacle , of its materialls with all the services , ornaments , appurtenances of it , and of the temple were under the law ? nay , why was the tabernacle altered into a * temple , different from it ? and why did the second * temple vary from the first , and that in the self same church and nation ? if these were patterns of the church-government under the gospel , and yet varied , altered successively in this manner ; then by consequence the government , discipline under the gospel is variable , alterable too , and so not fixed , nor immutable . his second argument . that christ should neither be faithfull as a husband , head , nor king of his church , if he should give others power to order it as they pleased to their owne civill government not setting downe his owne lawes for them to walke by , is both a fallacy & absurdity . there is no man doubts but that christ in the scriptures ( which some of you refuse to heare read in our churches , though * publike reading of them be gods owne ordinance ) hath prescribed to us all necessary rules lawes both for our faith lives either in a general or special manner which a●…l must pursue . but that he hath punctually or particularly set down any exact unalterable form of church-government , for all christian nations , churches to follow , under pain of being unfaithfull in all the former respects ; and that the independens modell alone is that very patterne ( the onely point in question ) remains on your part to make good . a man may be a faithfull husband , king , master , father , though he prescribe not distinct particular lawes , to regulate each particular action of his wife , subjects , servants , children : * let all things be done decently and in order , ( a generall rule for church-government ) is sufficient to excuse christ from these your presumptuous reproaches , and regulate all particulars , though left indefinite , as well as this generall rule for our christian conversation , phil. . . let your conversation be as becommeth the gospel of christ : and this other for our speech , eph. . . let no corrupt communication come out of your mo●… , but that which is good to the use of edifying . you may as well charge christ with unfaithfulnesse , for not prescribing to us a generall liturgy , or every particular action we should doe , every word we should speak , or ministers preach upon any occasion , as for not prescribing a particular forme of church-government . his third argument , that rev. . , . we read of a † measuring of the temple ; and rev. . , . of the new jerusalem comming downe from god out of heaven prepared as a bride adorned for her husband ; ergo there is a setled divine church-government universally prescribed to all christians in the new testament ; is no better a proofe of this assertion , then the angel of the church of ephesus , is of our prelats lordly hierarchy jure divino . he might as well , yea more properly have concluded thence , that the altar was measured as well as the temple , rev. . . ( referring only to the * jewish not christian church , which hath no * temple nor altar : ) ergo we ought to have an altar , yea one divine set form of altars in all christian churches under the gospel : which i hope you dare not aver . after these three independent arguments , he pretends my third quere contradicts the first , because i suppose a church-government may be consonant to gods word in the generall , which is not particularly prescribed in it : a pretty fancy ! as if nothing could be consonant to gods word , which is not particularized or verbally enjoyned in it : are not our materiall churches , garments , temporall magistrates , majors , corporations , parliaments , courts of justice , laws of all sorts , yea festivals , covenants , monthly fasts , &c. agreeable to gods word , because not literally prescribed in it ? are your private church-covenants , unmixt communions ( as you phrase them , ) erections of independent congregations without the licence of temporall magistrates , not consonant to the word in your owne opinions , though no where extant in it ? if not , then all your divine pretences for them vanish , and you yeeld your cause : if yea , you must then recant this pretence of a contradiction , till you are able to prove 〈◊〉 better then yet you have done . having played the logicians and contradictors part so well , he next betakes himself to his anti-queries to prove a set church-modell : which are three . . if no prescript forme ( of church-government ) in the word , why not episcopacy ( especially regulated and moderated ) as well as presbytery ? i answere , if you meane it of lordly episcopacy , there are abundant pregnant texts against it , to prove it opposite to gods word . if of moderated or regulated episcopacy , the same with presbytery : if the parliament by the synod●… advice unanimously establish it , as most consonant to the scriptures , and most agreeable to the civill government , i shall readily submit unto it without opposition , and why not you and all others ? . if church-government be suited to states , whether politicians are not more fit to consult about establishing it ? why is an assembly of divines called to search the word about it ? i answer , that my position is , that every church-government ought to be suitable to gods word , as likewise to the civill state ; therefore politicians and states-men are fit to be consulted with , to suit it best to the civill state ; and an assembly of divines , to square it likewise by and to the word : the true reason why in this our realme , and all other christian states ( as i can abundantly manifest if need be ) ecclesiasticall lawe●… and formes of government have ever been setled by parliaments , with the advice of synods , councells , wherein states-men and church-men have jointly concurred in their deliberations and votes , using both the bible and the law to settle it , and not throwing either of them aside , as incompatible , as ignorant or lawlesse persons deeme them , but joyning both together : true civill or ecclesiasticall policy , skill in government , arts , wholsome lawes , boing † gods gift , as well as spirituall graces . to his third anti-quere i answer , that it is more reasonable the * state should be subject to christs rule , then christ to its direction : but this quere is quite besides the question , till you prove infallibly , that christ hath prescribed a set unalterable divine government , to which all churches , nations , states , must necessarily conform ; and clearly manifest what this government is in all its particulars . till this be done the sole question is , whether christian princes , parliaments , states , synods , under the gospel , have not a lawfull power to prescribe ecclesiasticall lawes and forms of government , not repugnant to the word , not ( to christ himself , as you pretend , who is † king of kings , and lord of lords , above the reach or command of humane power ) but to all particular christian churches , congregations , subjects under their respective jurisdictions ? and whether the whole representative church and state of england in parliament , have not sufficient authority by gods law to over-rule and bind all , or any particular members or congregatious of it , as well as the major part of an independent congregation , power to * over-vote and rule the lesser part , and to order , yea bind any of their particular members ? a truth so clear , that no rationall man , good christian or subject can deny it : your prime argument then , wherewith you deceive poore silly people , that kings , parliaments , cannot prescribe lawes and canons to christ himselfe , the soveraigne lord and king of his church ; ergo , they cannot prescrib them to their christian subjects and churches , who by christs owne ordinance are subject to their lawfull soveraigne authority , is pure independent non-sence ; much like this ; a master , father , cannot prescribe laws , rules to the king or parliament , who are paramount him : ergo not to his servants , children , who are subject to him . as for the latter part of this querie , that the saints thinke christ is king alone over his churches , and hath not left them to substitutes , and the politicke considerations of men to bee governed by ; if hee meanes it onely of matters of faith , or of meere internall government over the soules of men , it may passe as tolerable ; but if hee intends it of externall ecclesiasticall government , discipline , or order in the church , or state as christian , hee must renounce his oath of allegeance , his late protestation , nationall vow and covenant , and make rom. . , to . . pet. . , . tit. . . tim. . , , . to be apocryphall ; the confessions of all protestant churches heterodox ; and deny christian kings , magistrates , highest civill powers , to be christs substitutes , vicars , in point of government , ( to whom christ hath delegated his * kingly power ) as truely as ministers are his deputies in point of instruction , admonition , to whom he hath bequeathed his propheticall office . . in his answer to my second quere , he first wilfully misrecites it , then infers † a blind obedience from it to all superiours commands , be they never so unjust or contrary to gods word ; whereas my question speaks onely of lawfull decrees , &c. consonant to gods word , and to the civill lawes , government , and manners of the people ; to which every christian in point of conscience is bound to submit , ( without any danger of blinde obedience ) by the expresse resolution of rom. . , to . pet. . , . tit. . . ezra . . josh. . , , . heb. . . if any man deny this verity , he must renounce not onely his christianity , but his allegeance and humanity too . but suppose ( saith he ) the whole parliament and synode should erre in commanding a government that is erronious or untrue , must we then submit unto it ? i answer , first , such an oversight is not to be presumed before it be actually committed ; and it is neither * christian , charitable , nor any way of christ , thus to prejudge their resolutions . secondly , if the decrees or government they establish be not directly against gods word , nor pernicious to our soules , though not altogether such as we could wish , yet we ought contentedly to submit unto it without opposition : if contrary to the word , we must then 〈◊〉 submit thereto for the present , and expect a redresse in gods due time . but if it be such a government and discipline under which we may freely enjoy the sincere and powerfull preaching of the word , the due administration of the sacraments , and all other ordinances of god necessary for our salvation and edification , ( as we may doubtlesse do under a presbytery , and that government our pious parliament intends to settle ) we ought cordially and cheerfully to submit thereto ; yea thankfully to embrace and blesse god for it , and can neither waiwardly oppugne nor refuse submission to it , without arrogancy , contumacy , and apparent schisme . as for his question concerning my owne and follow-brethrens sufferings , ( which we deeme our honour , not our shame ) i answer , that none of us suffered for opposing , writing , or speaking against the bishops legall authority , or any ceremonies established in our church by act of parliament ; but onely against their pretended divine right to their episcopall lordly power , diametrally contrary to scripture , fathers , councels , the best protestant and popish authors , the * statutes of our realm ; and against their innovations in doctrine , discipline , ceremonies , canons , &c. contrary to the lawes of the land , articles , and homilies of our church ( as the parliament hath resolved them ) as all our books demonstrate , and dr bastwicke in direct termes , in the preface of his flagellum : and therefore it could be neither pride , arrogance , nor schisme , but meer conscience and duty in us , to oppose them in these their usurpations and innovations only contrary to the laws of god and the realme : if he and his would containe themselves within these our bounds , our church should enjoy more peace , their persons more honour , then now they are likely to gaine , by opposing prejudicating both the parliaments and synods proceedings , though never so pious , consciencious , religious . . his pretended contradiction of the third quere to the first is formerly answered ; i shall onely adde , that things may be consonant to the * generall rules of gods word , though not precisely , prescribed in it : all independent ladies gentlewomen , ( and you i hope ) will grant , that their different fashions , habits , colours , attires , are all agreeable to gods word , ( if modest ) and warranted by this generall precept tim. . . let women adorn themselves in modest apparel , though not particularized in the text : so may a church-government or dresse be consonant to scripture , though not precisely delineated or enjoyned by it . . to the fourth he gives no answer at all , but bids me prove it ; which i have done already in my independency examined , till it be disproved . . to the fifth , he grants that independency will overthrow all nationall churches and synods ; and the two independent brethren assure us in their reply to a. s p. that in time it cannot but overthrow all other sorts of ecclesiasticall governments : is it not then a turbulent , dangerous , schismaticall , unquiet ( that i say not insufferable ) government , by your owne confessions , which will admit no equall nor corrivall ; nor yet any nationall church , synod , parliament , prince , or temporall magistrate , to exercise any ecclesiasticall , legislative , or magisteriall authority over any of their conventicles , members , persons , liberties , estates , much lesse over their consciences , as they are christians ? will any parliament , state , or nation , ( think you ) suffer such a government to take root among them , which will un-king , un-parliament , un-church , un-nation them altogether , and make each severall congregation an absolute monarchy , church , republick , nation , within it selfe , depending on , subordinate wholly to it selfe , as if it and they were no part or members of the publike ? the lord preserve us from such a dividing and overturning government . as for his invectives against the formality , tyranny , and enslaving of mens judgments in the presbyteriall way , as inconsistent with spirituall liberty and state priviledges ; they are meere groundlesse calumnies , to draw an odium on it , ( some of your male-contented party professing they would rather set up lordly episcopacy , which they have abjured , then it ) whereas these aspersions suit better with your independent modell , which is more rigid , uncharitable , unsociable , papall , tyrannicall , anti-monarchicall , anti-synodicall , yea anti-parliamentall , ( as i have elsewhere manifested ) then any other church-government whatsoever . for my pretended bitter expressions , they are so suitable to the effects and reall consequences of this new way , ( as you stile it ) that i could not expresse my self in other language , without injury to the truth : and if any of my best friends , who stood by me in my sufferings , deem themselves injured or reproached by them , ( as you pretend , though none of them have yet complained to me ) it is ( i hope ) onely scandalum acceptum , non datum ; and i presume my friends are so ingenuous , as not to be offended with me for * reproving only their errors with ingenuous freedom , in which i manifest my self their greatest friend , because i neither spare nor flatter them in their mistakes : however , though i really honour all my christian friends , as well independent as presbyteriall ( whom you most scandalously traduce as episcopall and time-servers heretofore ) yet i preferre the * truth of god , the peace and safety of my native , bleeding , dying church and countrey , ( now much endangered by our unhappy divisions ) before all friends or earthly comforts whatsoever . as for your pretended unsubjection of presbyterian synods and churches to the parliament in setling ecclesiasticall matters , i neither know nor plead for any such ; and our present assembly being both appointed , directed by , and submitting all their determinations wholly to the parliament , ( as they are obliged both by orders , protestation , covenant , and professe they ought to doe ) armes me sufficiently against any such improbable untrue surmise . . to the sixth quere he returnes no answer , but plainly yeelds , that there was never any independent church in any age or nation whatsoever , totally converted to the christian faith , till this present ; nor any one author that maintained it , till mr ainsworth ( a separarist ) from whom the apologists professe their dissent in some things . as for any reverend godly persons , who now contend for this new modell ( whose piety , eminecy make their errors not lesse false but farre more dangerous , & infectious ) though i reverence their persons , yea judgments : too in other things , yet i cannot subscrib to them in this new dangerous bypath , wch is not yet so beaten as to deserve the name of christs road-way . for the new supposed light , discovered in these dayes , touching church-government , if you meane it onely of your independency , ( which you borrowed from the brownists , or low-countrey anabaptists , the first inventors of this government ) i doubt when brought out to the light , and examined by the word of light , it will for the most part prove but twilight , * if not darknesse : if you meane it of any other light , that is truely such , we blesse god for it , and desire to walke brotherly and unanimously in it . in the seventh he grants , that the law of nature , which instructs men to unite themselves into one nationall state , or civill government , doth likewise teach them to joine themselves into , subject themselves unto one nationall church , and to nationall synods , parliaments , in point of church-government ; in which every particular man hath his vote though not in proper person ( which hee objects is necessarie , but i deny , since all cannot possibly assemble ) yet in their deputies , knights , burgesses , or selected commissioners : and though it bee t●ue , that christ hath not given magistrates such absolute authority over mens consciences as bodies , ( as you object ) yet hee hath enjoyned us to bee * subject to the higher powers , and to every lawfull ordinance of man ( not repugnant to his word ) even for conscience sake , and the lords sake too . for my passage , that there is no example of gathering independent congregations , not of infidels but of men already converted to , and setled in the christian faith , unlesse derived from the private conventicles of arrians , novatians , donatists , and other hereticks , who yet w●re not independent among themselves ; it is not a bitter speech , ( as you phrase it ) but a true one and onely bitter to you because undeniable : for as it was the * common practice of those seducing hereticks , sectaries to gather private conventicles of their own , and labour to draw other orthodox christians from their proper ministers to incorporate themselves into their private separated congregations , as historians informe us : so no such practice of alluring and stealing away other pastors sheep from their proper shepheard who first coverted them to , and edified them in the faith and grace of christ can be produced , but only in these hereticks and sectaries whose practice your independents imitate . as for those private conventicles ( as he phraseth them ) for which he saith i may blesse god , that i was remembred in them with tears , when others durst not name me ; as i do really blesse god for them and those who remembred me effectually in them , so i dare not stile them conventicles in an ill sense , since not † such by law , being only lawfull assemblies of private christians to seek unto god by prayer & fasting upon extraordinary occasions , which all good christians cannot but approve : but all these meetings were farre from being then stiled , reputed independent churches , or having any affinity with them ; so as they make nothing for his cause . . to the eighth quere he gives a negative answer , first in generall next in particular to some instances . first he grants , that there was a nationall church ( yea nationall assemblies , parliaments , determining church-affaires ) of the jewes , but these ( saith he ) cannot be a pattern for us now , because the covenant of the gospell is not made with any one particular nation , as with the jewes , but to all nations that embrace the gospel , and beleeve in christ ; you have no promise nor prophesie of any nation to be holy to god but the jewes nation , when they shall bee called againe . to which i reply , first , that independents have not the least precept or example for any solemne covenant made betwixt god and men , to walke in the wayes of god , &c. but onely * in the old testament , and church of the israelites , and that no private congregationall , but publ●…ke nationall covenant , prescribed by the supreme temporall magistrate and assembly , not by the priests or private synagogues ; yea the principall precepts , presidents for publike or private fasts , sanctifying the sabbath , &c. you likewise derive from the old testament and that church ; why then should not their nationall church be a pattern for us , and you to imitate , as well as their nationall covenant , fasting , sabbath-keeping ; the church of god being all one , ( as it is a church ) both under the old teastament and new ; and the pattern of it under the law a better pesident for the church under the gospel , ( of which it was a type and fore-runner ) then the pattern of the tabernacle shewed in the mount ( so frequent in your lips and books ) a president for your independent modell , to which it hath no analogy . . this reason is most absurd and false , the covenant of the gospel extending not onely to particular persons , but to * all nations and people whatsoever , who are both prophesied and promised to become christs own inheritance , possession , people , spouse , church and to be an holy nation , a pecvliar people &c. to the lord , in infinite texts both of the old and new testament , which i wonder the respondent should either not see , or forget , being ten thousand fold more cleare and visible then his independent platforme , which few or none can yet espy in scripture , history , or politiques . . he addes , that i cannot sh●…w any nation , every member whereof is qualified sufficiently to make up a church , which is christs body , unlesse i will take in drunkards , whore-masters &c. to be members of a church , whereas the word saith , they must be visible saints , and this cannot be avoided in a nationall church . i answer , that i dare not be wiser then my master christ , who informes me , that there will , and must be alwayes in the visible church on earth ( be it nationall , parochiall , presbyteriall , or congregationall ) * goats among the sheep , chaffe among the wheat ( which must grow together ●…ill the harvest , at the end of the world , to wit the day of judgment ; & good fish mixed with the bad in the churches net . . i finde a a judas , a devill , among the apostles , many b grosse sinners , idolaters , and corruptions in the jewish church ; many abuses , epicures , drunkards , wh●…re-masters , l bertines , unclean●… persons , and false teachers , in the churches of galatla , ephesus , colosse , pergamus , smyrna , thyatira and laodicea ; yet the scripture expresly stiles them c the body and churches of christ , and reputes such , members ( though corrupt ones ) of those churches ; who doe not actually cease to be members when excommunicated or suspended for a season , after they are baptized , and professe the christian faith : nor did any separate from these churches , though they had some corruptions and evill members . for you therefore to separate from , and unchurch such nationall or parochial churches , which have some such members in them , is to unchurch all churches both in the old , the new testament , and world it self , yea your own churches too . . the scripture is expresse , d that many are called , but few chosen and saved ; that all must be compelled to come into the church , though they want the wedding-garment : there never was , nor shall be here on earth , any one visible church compacted wholly of reall elected saints , without any mixture of reprobates , ; such a church we shall meet with onely in heaven , i am sure you can gather none such on earth . . are there no corrupt or drunken members in your independent churches , but onely reall visible saints ? are there no usurers , oppressors , corrupt dealers , covetous , proud , malicious , uncharitable , censorious persons ; no apparent hypocrites or dissemblers ? yea , are there not many sinnes and corruptions in the best , the choicest of all your members ; ( who cannot depart away , or quite separate themselves from their * own bosome corruptions , ) as there is and will be in the best of men during their mortality ? if your independent congregations consist of such members as these , of men subject to like passions , sinnes , infirmities as others in presbyteriall churches , what then is become of this your reason and principall ground of independency , or rather , separation , or brownism , its ancient proper title ? you may lay it up in lavander for another world , but can make no use of it in this , where you cannot so much as dream of a church of reall saints , without any mixture of corruption : and therefore rather then separate , or leave us in a p●…lt , because you cannot have your wills in all things , you should with blessed paul ( as tender-conscienced no doubt as any of you , and a lawfull pattern for your imitation , * to the iew become as iewes that you might gain the iewes , to them that are under the law , as under the law , that you might gaine them that are under the law : to them that are without law , as being not without law to god , but under the law to christ , that you might gaine them who are without law . to the weake you should become as weake , that you might gain the weak : yea be made all things to all men , that you might by all meanes gaine some . which how farre you in your new way are from , let all men judge . . for his answers to that of acts . all ages , churches , till this present , have held it both an expresse warrant and president for the lawfulnesse , usefulness of nationall and provinciall synods to determine differences in religion , ( which particular churches , persons cannot decide ) and making necessary canons for church-affaires ; neither can all his shifts elude it : to his first and second reasons or rather evasions i answer , it is clear by act. . . that the church of antioch it selfe could not decide the question , nor paul nor barnabas satisfactorily determine it , so farre as to quiet all parties ; and therefore they sent delegates to the apostles and elders at hierusalem , there to decide it : none is so ignorant but knowes , that there are many controversies now on foot concerning doctrine , discipline , and church-government , which no particular congregations , ( nay hardly an whole synod and parliament together ) are sufficient to settle and determine ; therefore there is a kinde of necessity of nationall synods as well as of parliaments , whence all ages , churches , have used them . to his third reason i reply , that it is evident by expresse words vers. . . . . . . . . that the principall end why the apostles went up to hierusalem , and why this synod ass●…mbled , was not to prove the false apostles lyars , ( as he affirmeth ) but to debate and consider this qvestion and matter , wheth●…r ●…he gen●…les ought ●…o bec●…rcumci s●…d ? to his fourth , i say , that though this meeting was occasional , yet it i●… a sufficient warrant for generall meetings , which are usua●…ly called , only upon speciall occasions of moment : in it there was a generall assembling of all the apostles , elders , and brethren at hierusalem , ( where there were then divers particular congregations , as our assembly long since resolved from acts . . , , . c. . . c. . , , . c. . . to . c. . , , . c. . , . c. . , . c. . , , . which if independents deny , then they must prove , that all the apostles and elders at hierusalem were pastors but of oneand the self-same individuall congregation ; and then what becomes of their independent churches ; which have no apostle , and onely one pastor , but scarce any elders in them ) who upon this speciall and some other publike occasions met all together , and that not to advise onely but determine and resolve , as is evident by vers . . to . c. . . c. . . which compared with the texts of the old testament in the margin of my quere , , where we finde frequent nationall generall assemblies , synods , or parliaments ( if i may so stile them ) among the israelites ( prescribed , appointed by god , and no wayes contradicted , revoked under the gospel ) determining † all ecclesiasticall controversies setling , ordering all church-affaires , matters concerning the arke , temple , sacrifices , passeover , priests , nationall covenants , fasting-dayes , festivalls , suppressions of idolatry , false-worship , reliques of idolatry , and the like ; are an impregnable evidence of the lawfulnesse of nationall synods , parliaments , assemblies , in all christian kingdomes , republikes , upon the like occasions , and that they are endued with equivalent authority ; there being no one text in the old or new testament , nor any shadow of reason , ( but mee●… shifts or obs●…inacy of spirit against publike govetment , order , and authority ) to controll it . if any pretend they doe it onely out of consci●…nce , if they will but seriously gage their owne deceitfull hearts , i feare their conscience will prove but wilfulnesse , having neithe●… precept pre●…dent , nor right reason to direct it : so as i may truely 〈◊〉 his own calumny against me on him and his , that his and their own name , will , or opinion , is their onely argument against this shining truth , which all ages , churches , have acknowledged , ratified , practised , without the least dispute . . to my ninth quere , and arguments in it he returnes nothing worthy reply , but upon this petitio principii , or begging of the thing disputed ; that the scripture and apostles have prescribed a set forme of government in all after ●…ges for the churches of christ , which he neither can , nor endevours to prove ; and that churches in the apostles dayes were independent though doubtlesse all churches were then subject to the apostles lawes orde●…s , edicts , decisions , though no immediate ministers or pastors of them . ( as appeares by their epistles to them ) therefore not independent : so as my arguments hold firme , and his answers weak . as for his retorted argument : that the scriptures were writ in the infancy of the church : therefore wiser and better scriptures may be writ now ; it is a blasphemous and absurd conclusion they being all writ by the spirit and inspiration of god himselfe the very * a●…cient of dayes , who hath neither infancy nor imperfection , as the church hath . to his second objection that i would needs mak a nationall church , state , more perfect , understanding , and wise , then a congregationall : i f●…are are not to averre it●… since warranted by * direct scriptu●…e and since your selves must grant , that the church under the law was more perfect then that before it ; the church under the gospell more perfect then under the law ; and the churches under the gospel , at the end of the apostles dayes , when furnished with more divine knowledge , scriptures , gospels , officers , and rules of faith , manners , discipline , more compleat and perfect then at their beginning to pre●… : no man doubts , that though a * new-born infant and christian have all the parts and members of a man and saint , yet they have not so much perfection , understanding , knowledg , judgment , strength of grace , or spirituall wisdome , as grown men and christians . an aged , experienced , growne minister , christian , is more compleat and perfect then a new converted † novice , or babe in grace ; ergo a growne and nationall church , then one but in the embryo . your independent churches , in their primitive infancy , when they had but two or three members onely in them , and wanted both elders , deacons , and other necessary church-officers ( as mr sympsons church first did ) i am certain in your own opinion were not so complete and mature as you intended to make them afterwards by degrees : a village is not so complete a republike or corporation as a city , nor a city as a † kingdom , not a family as a county , not a consistory as a synod , nor a cou●…t of aldermen as a common-cou●…cell , not that as a parliament : therefore an independent singular congregation not so complete as a nationall church , being oft enforced to pray in the aid of other churches for advice , assistance &c. ( as your selves confesse ) which an whole nationall church need not to doe . in 〈◊〉 himselfe confesseth , that the apostles made new rules for government and discipline as occasion served ; and that as god fitted occasions , so he made knowne new rules successively by degrees , not at once ; and added new officers , as evangelicall b●…shops , elders , deacons , widowes , evangelists , doctors , pastors , teachers ( which some distinguish from presbyters , and d●…fine to be severall offices : ) therefore the infant church in the apostles dayes was not so compleat , perfect in all parts as the multiplied and growne churches afterwards . . my tenth q●…re he wil●…ully misrecites as he doth the rest , else he had not the least shadow of exception against it , a●… propounded it , and then 〈◊〉 an answer by way of dilemma to it : to which i reply , that if the parliament and synod shall by publike consent establish a presbyteriall church-government , as most consonant to gods word , the lawes and reiglement of this kingdome , independents and all others are bound in conscience to submit unto it under paine of obstinacy , singularity , &c. in case they cannot really prove it diametrally contrary to the scriptures , and simply unlawfull in point of conscience , not by fancies , or remote inconsequences , but by direct texts and precepts ( which they can never doe ; ) and that because it is thus commanded ; established by the higher powers , to which in all lawfull or indifferent things wee are bound to render all ●…eatfull obedience , without resistance , even for conscience sake , by expresse gospel texts , rom. . , to . tit. . . pet. , . which i wish you would p●…actise better , and make make more conscience of then now you doe . as for his crosse interrogatories , i answer , . that if the popes councels command lawfull things to those who a●…e subject to their power , they are as well to be obeyed as the commands of * heathen emperours , magistrates , parents , husbands , by christian subjects , wives , servants , living under them , are . . that there is a great difference between matters of opinion onely , and of practise ; that his instanced points , whether lo●… episcopacy be jure divino ; or their making out processe under their owne names and seales be agreeable to the law of the land are matters onely of opinion simply in themselves ; and if a synod and parliament should have determined the first , and the iudges resolved the last , affirmatively , their resolutions could not binde my judgement absolutely , so farre as to subscribe their opinions as undoubted truths , unlesse they could satisfie my arguments and authorities to the contrary ; but yet they should & ought to bind me for the present so far as to submit to their authority & processe in their own names in things within their legall cognisance : so if the parliament and assembly shall establish any church-government , as most agreeable to the scriptures and our lawes , though this binds not all independents to be simply of their opinion , unlesse the reasons and arguments produced for it be sufficient to convince their judgments , yet it binds them in point of practise and obedience , outwardly to submit thereto , and not to separate from it , under pain of arrogancy , faction , schisme , unlesse they can clearly manifest it to be absolutely unlawfull and repugnant to the scripture . as for my own objected challenge to the bishops & iudges , about the jus divinum of lordly prelacy and bishops processein their own names ; when i made it , i was certain i had both † scripture , fathers , councels , acts of parliament , the suffrages of all forraigne reformed churches , writers , and our owne learnedest bishops , authors in all times against the first ; and direct acts , resolutions of parliament , patents , unanswerable law-authorities , and reasons against the latter : therefore a few lordly prelates opinions in their owne case , or the subitane , forced , extra judiciall resolution of the iudges ( not then published ) could no more conclude my judgment , nor make me guilty of arrogancy , obstinacy , or schism then , than their forced judgments for the lawfulnesse of loanes and ship-money , against expresse acts and judgments of parliament , oblige me or others , then or now , not to deeme that taxe illegall : and when you can produce as many good authorities , reasons from scripture , antiquity , acts of parliament , writers of all sorts , against the lawfulnesse of presbytery , as i have done against lordly episcopacy by divine right , bishops making out processe under their own names , seals , and † ship-mony , neither of which were ever setled by any former parliament , and have all bin expresly voted against in this ; i shall then excuse you from arrogancy and schisme , but till this be done , ( as i presume it will never be ) the guilt of both these wil stick fast upon you , if you readily conforme not in outward practice to that government the parliament shall establish . if they should settle independency , i am certaine you would then write and preach for universall obedience to it , ( which you now publikely call for so eagerly without authority or proof of its divinity ) because thus setled , without dispute : therefore by like reason you ought to submit to a presbytery , or such other government as shall be resolved on by those intrusted with this care ; notwithstanding any thing you have said , or this new independent sencelesse argument of * mr i. g. which some of your partie much rely on : the saints shall judg the world ( at the day of judgment ) cor. . . ergo , the parliament ( chosen by the rifraffe of the world ) and the synod , may not make any lawes in matters of discipline , worship , or government , to regulate or oblige saints now : they might better have concluded , ergo the parliament , or any secular magistrate , cannot judge them now for any secular matter ; since the apostle useth this expression onely to blame them for going to law before heathen ( not christian ) iudges , for secular matters , vers. . , . such independent arguments will but ill support your independent fabrick . to my . quere he gives only a negative answer , and then declaims against presbytery without ground or reason : but because i have proved the truth of what he denies in my independency examined , and in some following pages , i shal not trouble you with any further proof , except these two particulars : . that independency is in reality meer separation and brownism , lately christened with this new title , to take off its odium : and if so , i doubt not but it is a nursery of schisms , sectaries , &c. . that we finde by wofull experience , what bloudy divisions , warres schisms , the toleration but of one religion and sect in our realms contrary to that established , ( to wit popery and papists ) hath produced in all our dominions , to their imminent danger , and almost utter ruine ; what then will the free permission of many independent different forms of churches , sectaries do ? will it not produce many more troubles , dangers , wars , schisms , then we have hitherto felt ? yea , if every man ought to have freedom of conscience , to vent what opinions , & set up what governments he deems most conformable to the word in his own private fancie , you must indulge papists this liberty as well as others : and then how soone will they over-run us for the future , how justly can we take up armes to suppresse them for the present ? consider seriously of these and other publike mischiefes of your way , and that liberty of conscience you so much contest for , ( which in truth is nothing but meere lawlesnesse , or licentiousnesse , to do * what seemes good in your owne eyes , as if there was no king in israel , without respect to the publike peace , weale , or glory of god ) and then happily you may in time discerne , recant your errour . to my twelfth quere he onely answers , that i fall a jeering of my brethren , ( a palpable untruth ) and that i put a nick-name on them , to make them odious ; to wit , the title of independents , which they disclaime ; not answering one syllable to the substance of the question . to which i reply : first , that the title of independency ( of which you are now ashamed ) was at first assumed , approved by your selves , and many of your party doe still owne , though some disclaim it , of purpose to evade the titles of separatists and brownists , with whom you really concurre in practice : besides , you very well know that this title was imposed on , and owned by you long before i writ ; therefore i could not father this brat upon you : but if you be offended with this name , i desire you in your next pamphlet to discover to us your owne christian name , with the true title of your party , and the government you plead for as the only way of christs institution , ( all which you have hitherto concealed ) and then ( god willing ) i shall give you a further answer to this cavill , or retract this title ; till then , i must informe you , that it most proper for your party , who will have every one of your owne private congregations , a complete absolute corporation , exempred from , unsubjected to , independent on any other , be it a nationall , synodall , provinciall , parochiall assembly , parliament or kings themselves in any church-affaires : you must therefore still retaine this title , whiles you maintaine such paradoxes both in opinion , practice , ( and that by meere independent inferences ) as justly appropriated to you ; conveniunt rebus nomina saepe suis , being never more exactly verified then in this your suitable name . but you object , first , that you are accountable for your actions to every neighbour church , that shall in the name of christ require it . secondly , that you stand not independent from , but hold communion with all other churches , both in the ordinances , and in asking counsell and advice mutually . to the first i answer , . that if you are accountable for your actions to every particular neighbour church , t●…n why not much more to a synod or parliament , whose ecclesiasticall jurisdiction over you or your churches is denied by you ? secondly , if you are thus accountable to every neighbour church , doe you intend it of parochiall . episcopall , or presbyteriall churches , as well as independent ; or of independent onely ? if of independent onely , as i suppose you doe , then you appeale onely to churches of your owne partie , frame , judgment , and make one of them subordinate , accountable to another , but not to any other church ; which is an apparent schisme , separation from all other churches , and contradicts your second objection : if of all other sorts of churches as well as independent , you must either grant them true churches of christ , and then you have no ground to sever from them ; or if false , or no true churches of christ , ( as you in truth repute them ) then by your own principles they are no competent iudges of ecclesiasticall affaires , nor you accountable to them . thirdly , how ( i pray ) doe you hold your selves accountable to every neighbour church ? by way of subordination , correction or just appeal ? that i am certain you will deny : or only by way of voluntary information and satisfaction , when required , which i conceive you mean ? if so only , then this is properly no account at all , or but arbitrary at most , which you may deny if you please ; and if you erre , or prove faulty , or refractory , this neighbour church can but admonish , not enforce you to correct your errours or injustice : and so this will prove but a meere mockery in stead of an account . to the second i answer , that if you stand not independent from other churches , but hold communion with them in ordinances , and in mutuall counsell and advice , then . why doe you separate from them as no true churches , and oppose their way of government with so much bitternesse ? secondly , why doe you refuse to administer baptisme and the lords supper to those who are their members , in your churches , unlesse they be professed members of some independent congregation ? thirdly , why do you not follow their advice counsell , or the parliaments synods admonition , and submit therto ; who now earnestly perswade you from your way of separation , division , in these distracted times ? the end of demanding good counsell and advice being but to follow , not reject it , where there is humility , ingenuity , or sincerity in those who ask it . you must therefore either disclaime these objected concessions , or become more tractable for the future . . you tell us in the next succeeding lines , that neither i ; nor synods , nor this synod , are infallible , but as subject to errours as others ; and that never † more dangerous errours have been confirmed then by synods : and therfore men are not bound in conscience to their decrees upon penaltie of sinne , arrogancy , &c. but pray sir may not you and your independent ministers , churches erre as well as others ? is infallibility annexed onely to your private chaires , conventicles ? if not , then why may not your new-minted way be a meere erronious by-path , and no way of christ as well as other waies , and you erre herein as well as synods in other things ? why will you have the major vote in your congregationall decisions to over-rule and bind the rest to obedience , ( as your practice and opinions intimate ) since the major part may possibly be mistaken , as well as the lesse dissenting ? shall nothing binde in any churches , but what is unanimously voted nemine contradicente ? or shall one or two dissenting voices over-rule the rest or not be bound by the most ? or where all consent , may not all yet be in an errour , and not discerne it , through selfe-love to their owne wayes and opinions , till others of contrary judgements discover and convince them of their errour ? away then with this fond argument and evasion ; synods and parliaments may erre in some things , ergo they must binde us in no thing : is this good logicke or divinity ? good ministers may and doe erre sometimes in some points of divinitie , ergo wee will beleeve them in none , no not in those things in which they doe not erre . will you throw away all the apple because one part of it only is rotten ? or reject communion with the best of men because they have some infirmities ? deal then with the ecclesiasticall decrees of synods and parliaments as in wisdome , in conscience you are bound to doe : where they are just , equall , not opposite to the word , embrace , submit unto them ; when erronious or contrariant to the expresse word ( not to your own sa●…s , inferences or opinions ) you may differ from them in judgment , but you must patiently suffer under them in point of practise & obedience ( if meerly practicall ) till a further season , and not disturb the churches peace by opposition or schism : which is as good , as seasonable christian advice , as that you conclude with unto me , which i heartily wish your selfe had first followed , who have more defamed the ways of christ and used more personall unchristian bitternesse then i am guilty of . you wish indeed , o that a spirit of love wore maintained among those that are brethren : though they differ in judgment , must they needs differ in affection ? i say the same . but o then why seperate you from us , yea passe uncharitable censures on us as if we were not your brethren ? one kingdom , one city , house , doth now , on●… heaven shall heareafter contain us both : why not then one church , government , one church militant , as well as one triumphant ? if you deem not your * selves more holy then your brethren , or be not swelled up with spirituall pride ( as your stiling your selves † men of rich anoynting from god , the most religiously affected , and best conscienced people of the land , the most precious men , &c. with your separation from us , and harsh censures of us , make most men suspect ) then why refuse you to close with us now , as you have done heretofore ? could our ministers , churches , when more corrupt , convert , regenerate , edifie , save you , and yet not now so much as hold you , when more refined and reformed ? if yea , then let us both shake hands without any more encounters ; if nay , then fairely chalke out your yet concealed independent way and platforme in all its severall lineaments , and beautifull native colours ; produce your severall punctuall scriptures , arguments , to maintain it , ( there being none of them extant in these your observations for ought i can find ) that so i may see the frame and grounds of this new fabricke , in as large or narrow a modell as you please : and then doubt not but an answer shall be given to what ever you modestly set forth , ( if worthy answer ) in case it be not satisfactorie ; or else a friendly embrace thereof , if agreeable to the spirit and word of truth , by him who hath learned pauls peremptorie resolution , cor. . . we can do nothing against the truth , but for the truth ; in which resolution ( god assisting ) i resolve to live and die . certaine briefe animadversions on mr john goodwins theomachia , in iusti●…ion of some passages in my independency , examined , unmasked &c. and of the parliaments ecclesiasticall power . it is not my intention to repeate or refute all the unseasonable offensive passages in the epistle or body of this treatise , which tacitly reflect upon the present religious parliament and assembly , raising needlesse feares and jealousies of them both ( in matters of religion and church-government ) as if they really intended * to increase our misery and bondage , by rejecting and oppressing truth ; to conjure all mens gifts , parts industrie into a synodicall circle ; and that there is almost as little hope of gathering grapes from thornes , or figges of thistles , as of having the joy of our faith holpen , or encreased , or any decrease , but rather increase of evills by them ; the resolutions of councells , and synods themselves upon the matter and just account , being but the fruits , or puttings forth of the learning and judgment of a very few men , not alwayes of the most consciencious &c. i shall only select some few particulars worthy consideration ; to fill up my vacant pages . first , it may be justly questioned , whether the maine doctrine prosecuted in it b that it is the greatest imprudence under heaven , for any man or ranke of men whatsoever to appeare , or so much as to lift up an hand , or thought , against any way , doctrine or practise whatsoever clayming origination or descent from god , till we have securitie upon securitie , evidence upon evidence , yea all the securitie that men in an ordinary way are capable of , and foundations as cleare as the noone day , that such wayes , doctrines and practises , only pretend unto god as the author of them and that in truth they are not at all from him , but either from men , or from baser parentage ; that they are but counterfeits and pretenders only , and stand in no relation at all , but that of emnitie and opposition unto god ; and tha●… we are not to act the value of one haire of our head against them , untill we see their condemnation written with a beame of the sunne , by the finger of god himselfe ; untill he hath disclaimed or renounced it from heaven , either by giving such wisedome unto men , whereby to detest the vanitie of it , or else hath quite rased it out of the flesh and tables of the hearts of his servants , &c. be orthodox or tolerable ? for these ensuing reasons . . first , because it opens a wide gate to the reviving of all old , the spreading and propagating of all new heresies . errors , schismes , sects and opinions whatsoever , without the least timely opposition or prevention , to the endangering of infinite soules , and disturbance of the churches , kingdoms peace . for there is * no hereticke , schismaticke , or sectary whatsoever ( though never so pernicious , grosse or detestable ) but pretends his way , doctrine , practise , opinions to be the way and truth of christ , clayming their origination and descent from god , yea , * producing perverting the scripture it selfe to justifie them , as the * devill cited and wrested scripture to tempt christ : yea , our saviour and the scripture informe us , that many false teachers shall arise , and doe great miracles , signes and wonders , insomuch that they shall deceive many , yea the greatest part of the world , and if it were possible the very elect ; * that satan and his ministers also transforme themselves into angels of light : that false teachers usually come to seduce men in sheeps clothing , with all deceiveablenes and craftines , whereby they lye in waite to deceive ; and advise us frequently to beware of such , and not admit them into our houses , &c. and must we therefore not speedly oppose , resist , avoyd , suppresse them or any of them now , because they thus pretend they are of and from god himselfe ; but stay ●…ll we see their condemnation written with a beam of the sun by the finger of god himselfe , and till he hath disclaimed , renounced them from heaven , by some visible judgment or destruction ? if a●…rianisme , 〈◊〉 , socinianism , anabaptisme , or any anciently exploded heresies , or schismes should revive and sprout up among us ( as some have lately done ) should wee use such indulgence as this towards them , because they pretend their origination and descent from heaven ; and their opinions not disputable only , but warranted by the scripture ? alas what confusion , what inundation of heresies , schismes , and monstrous opinions would this presently introduce into our church to its destruction , ruine , if such a paradox were once admitted ? secondly , because it is contrary to these expresse precepts and presidents both of the old and new testament , which you may peruse at leasure , deut. . . to . levit. . . joshua . . . to . psalme . . . . kings . . . to . ier. . . . ( a pregnant place ) c. . . to . cap. . . to . cap . . to . c. . , . ezra . . throughout matthew . . cap. . . . . . . mark . . , . , , . acts . . to . cap . . to . cap. . . rom. . . . cor. . . , . galath. . . , , . c. . . to . ( a noted place ) c. . , . . ephes. . , . phil. . . . . coloss. . . . to the end , thes. . . thes. . . to . c. . . . tim. . . to . chap. . . chap . , . tim. . . , . , , , . c. . . to . titus . . . to . chapter . . , . pet. . . , . c. . . . ioh. . . . john . . jude . . &c. revel. . . . , . compared together . f paul would not give way to false apostles no not for an houre , that the truth of the gospell might continue among the galatians , and resisted peter to his face , as soone as ever hee walked disorderly , and gave the least countenance to false teachers , though a chiefe apostle ; and did not demur upon the matter ; yea the churches * of pergamus , and thyatyra , are sharply blamed for suffering some among them to hold the doctrine of balaam , and the nicolaitans ; and to suffer jesabell the prophetesse to teach and seduce : and shall we permit them , now , without restraint ? thirdly , because it is contrary to these received unquestionable maximes of divinitie , policie , and morality . principijs obstare : venienti occurrere morbo , to withstand the very beginnings of errors , heresies , mischiefes ; schismes : to crush these cockatrices in the shell ; rather to keep then cast them out , turpius ejicitur quàm non admittitur hostis . all wise men hold preventing physicke best for their bodies , states , and why not for their souls and churches ? since , sero medicina paratur , cum mala per longas invaluére moras . fourthly , because contrary to the h policy , practise of most godly magistrates , princes , ministers , churches in all ages , nations , which never indulged such liberty to opinions , new wayes , practises , especially to new church-governments , schismes , and conventicles , ( which he here pleads for ) set up only by private spirits in opposition to the publick established church-regelment . indeed in some matters mearly of opinion which are not dangerous or schismaticall , some latitude may and must be left to men ; but matters of government are such tender things , as differences & varieties therin cannot be tollerated in one and the selfe same church and state without infinite inconveniencies and disturbances , especially where every church shall be independent , subject to no other canons , rules , but its own peculiar arbitrary dictates . it may be questioned , whether the independent way he there so earnestly pleads for , be the way of christ , or not ? since he neither discovers to us what it is , nor produceth any one text to prove it christs own way , nor one example to warrant it in any age : but gives us good grounds to suspect it none of his without much scrutiny . for first , he confesseth , i that this way is every where spoken against , even by some that would be thought prime men and pillars in the temple of god ; and insinuates ; that the parliament , assembly and generality of the k ministers and people of the realm , are bent against it ; therefore being a new way , never yet heard off in the world in any age , or church of christ , and thus generally opposed by our whole church and state even in these times of reformation ; we may l justly suspect it is no way of christ , till we see its approbation written in a beam of the sun with the finger of god himself , and till he hath justified and owned it as his , from heaven . he tacitly acknowledgeth , it a m government set up by a few private men , not only without but against the authority & commands of the parliament and supream temporall magistrates : yea , which not only denyes but oppugnes the temporall magistrates , parliaments , synods directions or coercive power in ecclesiasticall affairs ; directly contrary to the scriptures , as i have largely proved by many texts , in my ( o ) independency examined . only i shall adde , that not only the kings and temporall magistrates of the israelites ; but even heathen p kings and princes ( as cyrus , artaxerxes , darius , nebuchadnezzar , the king & nobles of nineve &c. ) enacted good and wholsom laws , for the worship , honor and service of the true god , and to further his people in the building of his temple ; who thereupon were enjoyned to * pray for their prosperity , as the marginall scriptures evidence . yea , r paul himselfe even in matters of religion pleaded his cause before festus , felix , king agrippa , and at last appealed unto caesar an heathen emperor , herein ; yea he enjoyns all christians s to pray even for heathen kings . magistrates , and to submit to all their lawfull commands for conscience sake , to whose judicature and tribunals , t christ himself and his apostels willingly submitted themselves upon all occasions when brought before them , without demurring to their jurisdictions . therfore christian princes & magistrates who were long since predicted to become nursing fathers to the church under the gospel , have much more power and jurisdiction in church-government and affairs within their own dominions . for that it appears to be away that will breed infinite confusions , disorders , by confounding v the bounds of parishes , renting congregations , families , and most relations assunder ; & giving way to every sect to chuse ministers , erect churches of their own without controle , in point of position ( though their practise be quite contrary where they have power , they admitting no other kind of government but independency in new-england , and excommunicating , or banishing those who will not submit unto it : ) a government inconsistent with royalty , and the civill government ; and so none of christs , who never erected any church-gouernment to clash with or controle the civill . whereas he pretends , that x persons of one family or parish may be members of severall churches , without any inconvenience , schisme , or distraction ; as well as members of severall companies and trades ; and therefore independency is no occasion of divisions . i answer , . that y two cannot walke peaceably and lovingly together unlesse they are agreed , especially in matters of religion ; and those who in point of conscience cannot communicate or agree together in one church , will never questionlesse accord well together in one family , bed , parish , kingdom , as experience manifests . . there is a great difference between severall trades and halls in one city , parish , kingdome , and severall formes of church-government , in these particulars which occasion unity in the one , but schismes in the others . all trades societies hold one another lawfull , usefull , necessary , agreeable to the lawes of god and the realme without dispute ; & so they breed no contrariety of opinions or disaffection : but each different church deems the other unlawful , & in no way of christ , so as they cannot with safe conscience joyn or communicate together : and therupon they sever one from another . . every several trade and society , even in their very trade is subject to the general government , laws of the city & realm wherin they are , to which they appeale and have recourse upon all occasions of difference , none craving an exemption or independency from the whole corporation , parliament or supream magistrate in matters which concern their government , but deriving their corporations , charters , laws and priviledges from them : which subordination keeps them all in peace and unity . but independent churches deny any subordination , subjection to the ecclesiasticall lawes and edicts of parlements , of temporall magistrates or synods , and will be regulated , obliged onely by their own peculiar edicts : which must needs occasion infinite schismes , and disorders : therefore the cases are far different from one the other . thirdly , christians , as christians , are all of one and the self-same society and profession , as those of one trade or calling are ; therefore they should have all but one common church and government , as these trades have : to set then the comparison upright , we must state it thus ; if some of one fraternity in london ( suppose the merchant-taylers , sadlers , mercers , or the like ) should fall out among themselves , and one would have one forme of government , another another , and thereupon divide themselves into severall conventicles and petty meetings in corners , not at their common hall , and one chuse one government , master , or warden , another another , and so sever the company , and continue independent ; this ( no doubt ) would prove an apparent schisme , and seminary of infinite divisions , to the distraction , destruction of the whole company and fraternity . this is the true state of your independency ; yea mr goodwins present case in his own parish , miserably divided , disordered by his independent way : which hath induced him to refuse to administer the lords supper , ( yea baptisme to some children of parishioners ) for a yeares space or more , though they offer to be examined by him ; esteeming them none of his flocke , ( preaching but seldome to them , though he receive their tithes : ) and instead thereof to gather an independent congregation to himselfe , out of divers parishes and his owne , to whom hee prescribes a covenant ere they be admitted members of it ; preaching , praying , administring the sacrament to them alone in private conventicles , neglecting his parishioners : which hath engendred such discontents and rents in his parish , even among the well-affected and truely religious , that he must either desert it or his independent way . what schismes and discords this new way hath raised in other parishes , is so well knowne to the world , that i need no other evidence to prove it a schismaticall by-path , and so no way of christ the * prince of peace , who prescribes nought else but precepts of peace and unity to his churches , and is most offended with their schismes . finallie , i cannot thinke this way a way of christ , because i finde it a pioner and underminer of parliamentary authority , devesting parliaments of all manner of jurisdiction in matters of religion and church-government ; witnesse the passage of the two independent brethren recited in my independency examined p. . ( which certainly weares a maske as yet , since she never appeared bare-faced to the world , not one of her patrons hitherto presenting us with her in her native colours , or lineaments ) whose guilt this author by his explanation , to make it good , rather aggravates then extenuates . he writes , that the brethren in the mentioned period and expressions , reflected onely upon the generalitie of the land , who according to the lawes , yea according to the principles of all reason and equitie have the right of nominating persons unto parliamentarie trust and power , but have no avthority or power from christ ●…o nominate or appoint who shall be the men that shall order the affaires of christs kingdome , or institvte the government of his chvrches : these are that secular root , out of which the brethren conceive an impossibility that a spirituall extraction should be made ; that is , that a legitimate ecclesiastick power shovld according to the mind of christ , or any precept or president of scriptvre , bee by them conferred vpon any man . and this impossibility conceived by them they onelie illustrate and declare by that parallel expression in job , who can bring a cleane thing out of an uncleane ? &c. but to hold , that the persons so elected as hath been said , have a power by vertue of such nomination or election to enact lawes and statutes in matters of religion , and to order under mulcts and penalties how men shall worship and serve god , as it is a meanes to awaken the eye of jealousie upon them , and so is seven times more destructive unto , and undermining not onlie of their power , but of their honour , peace , and safetie also , then any thing that is found in the way so ill intreated ; so it is a setling of a power upon the electors of such persons , i meane the promiscuous multitude of the land , yea of a greater power then ever iesus christ himselfe had , at least then ever he exercised ; for as dare r●…gem , argues a greater power then esse r●…gem ; as hee that buildeth an house hath more honour then the house , hebr. . . so to nominate and appoint who shall have power to umpire in matters of conscience and of god , * to determine what shall be preached , and what not ; what shall be beleeved , and what not , is a branch of a greater root of power , then the exercise of the power that is committed to others in this behalfe . now though iesus christ had a power , and was authorized by god to be a law-giver himselfe unto his churches and saints in their spirituall republike , yet it is hard to prove , that he ever he invested any other with such a power : his apostles themselves were no lords over the faith of the saints , nor had they anie power or authoritie to impose any thing upon men , as † necessarie either to be beleeved or practised , but what they had in expresse commission and charge from jesus christ himselfe to impose upon such termes , &c. the summe of this large passage is , that there is not onelie an improbabilitie , but absolute impossibilitie , that the parliament should have any power at all to enact lawes and statutes in matters of religion , church-government , gods worship or service , because the people who elect them have no such power , and so an impossibilitie of deriving any such authoritie to them ; and to affirme the contrarie , is not onely to awake the eyes of jealousie upon them , but exceedingly destructive to , and undermining of not onely their power , but honour , peace , and safetie also . whether this be not directly to undermine the authority of parliaments and temporal magistrates in all church-affairs and matters of religion , contrarie to your late covenant and protestation , and that in the most ; transcendent maner that ever any have hitherto attempted in print , let all wise men judg : i am sory such ill passages should fall from so good a pen . but to give a short answer to this extravagant discourse : first , this objection might be made against the generall assemblies , parliament : kings of the israelites , who a were chosen by the people , yet they made lawes and statutes concerning religion , and gods worship , with his approbation , without any such exception , as i have elsewhere proved . secondly , god himself ( as i formerly ●…uched ) used the ministry , assistance of cyrus , artaxerxes , durius , with other heathen princes and magistrates , for the building of his temple , and advancement of his worship , for which they made decrees , statutes ; notwithstanding this objected reason reflects more upon them and their electors , then on such who are christians by externall profession . thirdly , most christian kings and magistrates in the world , ( even those who claime to be hereditary , as the yet continued formes of their coronations and instalments manifest ) come in by the peoples election , as well as such members of parliament who are eligible , yet you cannot without disloialty and absurdity , deny them authoritie in matters of religion and church-government . fourthly , your selfe doe not onely grant , but argue , b that every private man hath , yea ought to have power to elect and constitute his own minister : and no doubt you will grant , that private men have power likewise to set up independent congregations , which have authority to prescribe such covenants , lawes and rules of government , discipline , worship , as themselves think most agreeable to the word : if then they may derive such an ecclesiasticall authority to independent ministers and churches , why not as well to parliaments and synods likewise by the self-same reason ? fi●…hly , it is cleare by sundry instances in scripture , and your owne text , that god doth oft times make use of unsanctified persons , and the rude multitude , ( whom you so much under-value ) to advance his glory , propagate his gospel , promote his worship , vindicate his truth , and edifie his church : he can poure a spirit of prophesie upon c a baalam , a saul , a gamaliel , a persecuting high-priest ; he can make a d judas an apostle , yea send him to preach and build his church , as well as a peter : wee read in the evangelists , that none were so forward as the vulgar e multitule to beleeve , follow , professe christ , and embrace the gospel , though many of them did it out of sinister ends . therefore they may well have power to chuse such persons who shall and may make lawes to promote the gospel , and government of the church of christ . sixthly , those who have no skill at all in law , physick , or architecture , have yet judgment and reason enough to make choice of the best lawyers , physitians , architects , when they need their help . those who are unfit , or unable to be members of parliament themselves , ( as most of the electors are ) have yet had wisdom enough in all ages , and especially at this present , to elect the most eminent & ablest men for such a service : those who are unmeet to be kings , magistrates , commanders , or ministers , have yet skill enough to chuse able persons for such offices , & power to delegate to them such parliamentary , royall , magisteriall , pastorall authority , as is necessary for their severall offices , which those who elected them never had actually , but onely originally or virtually in them , not to use , but derive them unto others : why then may not our free-holders , who have voices in electing the members of our parliaments , and the commonalty of the land , ( whom you scandalously terme , the vilest and most unworthy of men , though there be a degree of vulgar people viler and unworthier then they in all respects , who have no votes in such elections ) have sufficient authority in them to elect and nominate such fitte persons , who by virtue of such nomination or election shall have right and power to enact lawes , statutes , in matters of religion , worship , and church-government , not dissonant from gods word , to which themselves and others by gods owne ordinance must submit ? if the common people , who neither are nor can be parliaments , * emperors , kings , judges , magistrates , ministers have yet a lawful power to make others such by their bare election , & to give them such authority and power as themselves never actually were or can be possessors of , then why by the self-same reason may they not likewise delegate a lawfull ecclesiasticall legislative authority in church-affairs , to their elected parliamentary and synodall members , which was never actually in themselves , as well as mr * goodwin delegate the power of determining who should be fit persons to receive the sacrament , and to become members of his independent congregation , to eight select substitutes , which was never actually vested in himselfe , nor transferrible thus to others by any law of god or man ? why may not a man bring an ecclesiastical or spiritual extraction out of a secular root , ( contrary to your paradox ) as * well as a r●…gall , magisteriall , parliamentall , ministeriall extraction , out of a meere popular or servile root ? or the best strong waters out of the vilest lees ; the richest minerals out of the coursest earth ? the most orient pearles out of the basest oisters ? in one word , the very choice these your vilest and most unworthy of men have made this parliament , may for ever refute this childish reason , the corner-stone of your independent fabricke , fastned together with independent crochets , unable to abide the test . therefore notwithstanding this your reason , our present parliament may and ought in point of right & duty , to make binding laws for regulating church-government , restraining heresies , schismes , innovations , erronious doctrines , unlawfull conventicles , and for setling the purity of gods worship and religion , notwithstanding this objection ; and with as much reason , justice , raise , and establish a new church-government , suitable to gods word and the civill state , as reforme or repeale the old , ( which grew to burdensome and offensive ) till independents can shew us better grounds against it then any yet produced : and informe us , why our whole representative church and state should not o●…right enjoy and exercise as great o●… greater ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , over all particular persons and churches who are members of our church and realme , as any independent minister or congregation challenge or usurp unto themselves , over their owne members ( this being the true state of the question , and not whether one particular church , or parish , hath superiority or iurisdiction over another ? as some mist●… it ) without , yea against both law & gospel for ought they yet have made appeare ? i shall say no more in so clear a case , but refer the author to the high court of parliament , ( whose undoubled priviledges he hath presumptuously undermined by the very roots ) to crave their pardon , or undergo their justice for this and other his anti-parliamentary passages , diametrally contrary to his , o●… , their late nationall vow and covenant , which they cannot without highest perjury permit any wilfully thus to violate in the most publike manner . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- eccles. . . b gal. . . c page . . * luk. . , . mat. . to . c. . : to . , , . c. . , to . c. . , to . c. . . d the apologeticall narration , mr. sympson . a reply of two of the brethren , with others . e a reply of two of the brethren to 〈◊〉 , s. p. . f master iohn goodwins {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * it seemes to me a kinde of contradiction , to assert one unalterable set-forme of church-government , and yet to condemne all set formes of common prayer or preaching : prayer and preaching being more essentiall to a church , then meere government or discipline . * he should say freer , where the government is left arbitrary . * exod. . heb , . † i hope you wil●… not argue , carpenters , masons , goldsmiths , and other artificers , not priests or ministers , under the law built the tabernacle and material temple , ergo , the●… onely , not ●…nisters , ought now und●…r the gospell to build the church and spirituall temple : this would be but had logick , and worse divinity . * chron. c. . to . * exod . . deut. . . ●…osh . . . kings . . chro. . neh. 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , &c c. 〈◊〉 . . c. . . 〈◊〉 . . . to luke . . act. . , c. . , . col. . thes : . . † ezra . . . hag. . . to . * cor. . † belike the reed by which he measured . it was independency . * ezech. . & . * rev. . . cor. . , . heb. . . † chron. . , , * kin. . to exod. : to . c. . , to . c. . , to . deut. . c. . , , . but very unreasonable that christ , the church , state , synod , parliament , should be subject to your dictates , not you to theirs . † tim. . rev. . c. . . * this rule holds firm in all church-assemblies , synods , parliaments , elections by suffrages whatsoever . see . h. . c. . * chro. sam. . deut. . sam. . rom. . , , , . † your party are most guilty of it , who without discovery or proof of your newway , will have us blindly to submit unto it as the onely way of christ . . * cor. . , . * h. s. c. e. . c. . eliz c. . see my breviate against bishops encroachments , &c. the vnbishoping of timothy and titus . the catalogue of authors in all ages concerning the parity and identity of bishops and presbyters . the antipathy of the english lordly prelacy . the q●…nchcoale , &c. * phil. . thes. . ●… , nota. * lev. . gal. . . c. . . . tit. . , . rev. . . will justifie me herein . * pro. . . maximè amic● veritas . * if therefore the light that is in you be darkenesse , how great is that darkeness mat. . . * rom. . . pet. . . * iustinian codicis . l. . ti . . socrates scholast. . eccl. hist. l . c. . l. c. , , , , . l. . c. , . l. . c. . * sec . eliz c. . † see . eliz. c. . none are conventicler but hereticks or schismatickes , who wholy seperate themselves from our publique assemblies established by law . justin codicis l. . tit. . * chro. . , to . c. . , to . . ●… . ezra . . neh. . . c. . . &c. * psal. . , . psal. . , to . ps. . . ps . ps. . ps. . 〈◊〉 , . . ●…a , . 〈◊〉 . . ●… , . c. . , to . c. . , , . c. . . to . mich. . . to mal. . zach. . . act. . , . matth. . , . mar. . . rom. . , c. . . isa. . to the end . pet. . . . * matth. . c. . . to c. . . a joh. . , b see iudges , samuel , kings chronicles , nehemiah , ezra , and all the prophets . c see pauls . and johns , yea christs epistles to them , rev. , & . i. cor. . 〈◊〉 . c. , 〈◊〉 . d mat. . . . c. . . luk. . , &c. c. . , . * rom. . . to . jam. . . act. . * cor : to † chro. . , to . c. , & . chro. . , &c. c. , & . c. . , to c. . , , &c. c. . , . . c. . , to . c. . , to . c. . v. . c. . , to the end . c. . , 〈◊〉 . ezra & neh. throughout . 〈◊〉 . . . to . * da. . . * ephes. . . . . cor . . heb. . . pet . . phil. . heb. . . james . . * cor. , , . c. . . c. . . pet. . . heb. . , , . ioh. . . to . ephes. . . † tim. . † ezek. . . * rom. . , to . tim , , . tit . pet. . . to c. . . cor. . , to . eph. . . c. . . to . col. . , to . † see my catalogue , &c. the unbishoping of timothy and titus . a breviate and antipathy of the english lordly prelacy . † see my humble remonstrance against ship-money . * in his sermon on feb. * deut. . . judges 〈◊〉 . . r. . . † yea , never more dangerous errours ref●…ted , suppressed , then in the . first general councels , and some synods since , as that of dort , and other protestant synods see the harmony of confession●…s : where therefore they determine rightly , you must submit unto them ; where they confirm apparent dangerous errours , there you may vary from them when proved such . * these are the true grounds of all s●…rations . esa . . luk. . , to . lude . . witnesses the novatians , dunatists , of old : the severall orders of monks , nuns , erem●…s , anchorites , in the church of rome , and their new order of jesuits , each of them pre●…nding more sanctity and strictnesse then another , and so severing in their different orders , habits , mon●… , rules , covenants , one from another . † mr goodwins theomachia p , . the reply of two of the brethren pas●… . notes for div a e- * epistle to the reader , & p g. . . . to . b page . . . and else . gamaliell himselfe no apostle , nor christian , from whose words you yet take your text is gospell , was not altogether of this opinion . . * sec epiphanius , basil , augustine , and all the bookes of or against any hereticks and sectaries . * matth. . * mat. . . . to . c. . . cor. , , . ephes. . . thes. . . rev. . . to ●… . ioh. . 〈◊〉 . f gal. . . to * rom. . , . h see iustinian cod. l. 〈◊〉 . tit. . . eliz. c. . . eliz. c. . . i page . k see the london ministers petition against it . l see cor. . . c . . . m see p. . to . ( n ) p. , . . . p ezra i. . to the end . c. . to . c. . . to . c. . . to . neh . . to . chron. . , . isay . . dan. . . c. . , , . ionah . , , . r acts , & . & , & , . tim. . . . s tim. . , . . rom. . . to . tit . t matt. . , . . c. , . amos . . c. . acts . . to . c. . . to . c. . , . c. . , . . c. . , , . c. . . to . c. . . ( q ) tim. . , ier. . . v page . . x pag. . y amos . . * esa. . . see my twelve questions p. , . * pag. , , . this he more fully expressed in a sermon in february last . note . gamaliell & your text never taught you any such anti-parliamentary doctrine . note . * the people having power to elect princes , magistrates , ministers , parliaments , synods have likewise authority ●…o nominate such who by the rule of gods word may limit these particulars , though not by their owne bare authority , without or against the word . † every magistrate , parliament , and synod , have power to declare and en jo●…n what is necessary to be beleeved , practised , by or according to gods word , not without or contrary to it . a see my appendix to the soveraigne power of parliaments and kingdomes p. . to . † twelve considerable queries p. , . independency examined p. , , . b page , . c num. . c. , & . sam. . act. . . to . joh. . , to . d ioh. . , mar. . . to . e matth. . . c. . , . c. . . c. . . c. ; : c. . , . c. , , . luk. . , . c. . , . joh. . , . mar. . , . luk. . c. . . c. . . c. . . joh. . . &c. c. . . act. . . * this he confessed , and it appeared by a writing before the committee of plundered ministers . * or as well ashimselfe extracts many spirituall doctrines out of gamaliels secular speech in these very sermons . * therefore your principall argument ; that the seven particular churches in asia had no iurisdiction one over another , ( being under different civil dominions , and not members of the selfe-same christian republike , ) ●…rgo the whol parliament and church of england have no iurisdiction over particular parish churches or independent congregations in england ; is a meere independency . a vindicaton of churches, commonly called independent, or, a briefe answer to two books the one, intituled, twelve considerable serious questions, touching church-government, the other, independency examined, unmasked, refuted, &c. : both lately published by william prinne ... / henry burton ... burton, henry, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing b ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a vindicaton of churches, commonly called independent, or, a briefe answer to two books the one, intituled, twelve considerable serious questions, touching church-government, the other, independency examined, unmasked, refuted, &c. : both lately published by william prinne ... / henry burton ... burton, henry, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing b ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [ ], p. printed for henry overton ..., london : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. eng prynne, william, - . -- twelve considerable serious questions touching church government. prynne, william, - . -- independency examined. church polity. a r (wing b ). civilwar no a vindication of churches, commonly called independent: or, a briefe ansvver to two books; the one, intituled, twelve considerable serious q burton, henry d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of churches , commonly called independent : or a briefe ansvver to two books ; the one , intituled , twelve considerable serious questions , touching church-government : the other , independency examined , unmasked , refuted , &c. both lately published by william prinne , of lincolnes-inne , esquire . by henry burton , a brother of his , and late companion in tribulation . mat. . , , . think not that i am come to send peace on earth ; i came not to send peace , but a sword . for i am come to set a man at variance against his father , and the daughter against her mother , and the daughter in law against her mother in law : and a mans foes shall be they of his owne houshold . if any man will come after me , let him deny himselfe , and take up his crosse daily , and follow me . luk. . . the second edition . entred and printed according to order . london ; printed for henry overton , in popes-head alley . . to mr. william prinne , &c. my deare brother , and late companion in tribulation , you propound your twelve questions to all sober minded christians , cordially affecting a speedy setled reformation , and brotherly christian union in all the churches , ( as you write in front ) and myselfe being one of these , ( and no other you shall find me ) doe with the right hand take your propositions as made to me among the rest ▪ craving your leave to returne you a brotherly answer . and brotherly in nothing more , then by a candid and christian dealing with you all along , and that also in a matter of such high moment , as concernes the kingdome and glory of jesus christ . the zeale whereof is that alone , which puts me upon this task ; it being otherwise far beyond my thoughts , that you and i , having been fellow-sufferers , and spectacles to the world , upon that tragicall stage of antichristian tyranny , should ever come upon the theatre as antagonists , one against the other , about the kingdome of jesus christ . but surely as an antagonist against you i come not , but in the bowells of a brother . and had not the book had your name in the front , my stomack had not stooped so low , as to take it up or downe . but because most men are apt to take all upon trust , where they find mr. prinnes name engaged : and the cause being so precious , as it hath by right taken up my whole heart , to become an advocate to plead the excellency of it : i could not , though the meanest of all , but for the love of christ constraining me , and by his grace assisting , undertake this taske . otherwise unwilling in hoc ulcere esse unguis , as the roman orator said in another case . and this answer was brought to the birth soone after yours : but it wanted a midwife , whereof you have plenty . and i have had many interruptions . nor am i so quick of foot , as you . but i may say , as ierome once to young augustin ; bos lassus fortiùs figit pedem . and so in the spirit of love i come to your booke . a vindication of churches , commonly called independent . you are for a speedy accomplishment of a reformation . and so am i , and so our late covenant taken , binds every man to begin with himselfe , and those under him , and each to prevent other in the worke . but yet this is sooner said then done . for * shall a nation be borne at once ? shall a corrupt , prophane , polluted land , not yet washed from her old superstitions , not yet wained from the aegyptian fleshpots , not yet wrought off from the spirit of bondage , become all on a sudden a reformed nation ? but yet optandum est ut fiat , conandum est ut fiat , ( to use augustins words of the conversion of the jewes ) it were to be wished , and should be ind●voured . but as rome was not built in one day , nor the mystery of iniquitie perfected in one day : so neither can rome be so easily pulled downe in one day : nor can england become a mount sion in one day ; first the old rubbish will require some time to be removed out of your church-walls , but how much longer time out of mens hearts , where they have been so long , so fast incorporated ? and you know , that the materialls of that typicall temple , the timber , the stone , were all ●ewed first , and squared , before they came to make up the building . therefore soft and faire . the people are generally ignorant of a right reformation . a right reformation is a setting up of christs spirituall kingdome , first over the hearts and consciences , and then over the severall churches . for this , the * carpenters and masons must be set a work , godly and able ministers must be sought out , and sought for of the lord , to fit the crooked timber , and rugged stones , for the spirituall temple . for england is generally ignorant of the mysterie of christs kingdome ; the prelates usurped all , suppressed altogether this spirituall kingdom ; no ministers durst so much as mutter a word of it . who durst say , that mens consciences are subject to none , but christ ? that christ is the only law-giver of his church ? that the churches of christ ought not to be burthened with any humane ordinances in gods worship ? that all humane rites and ceremonies invented by men , and imposed on men in gods service , are all a * will-worship , condemned by the apostle ? and the like . and yet wee deny not that every member in a church is to be subject to the officers thereof , holding out the word , for conscience sake , hebr. . . now if the people have not heard of christ thus a king , no , not to this day in most congregations of england do heare , or understand any thing of christs kingly office over consciences and churches , as whereupon a right reformation doth principally depend : how can such a reformation be speedily set up , when the preaching up of christs kingdome is altogether silent , as if ministers mouths were not yet freed from their old muzzle ? therefore , i conceive , if the better heed be not taken , there may be more hoste to a reformation , then good speed : when among so many congregations , so many thousands in england , very few would be found to have on the wedding garment . a reformation therefore , such as god requires , will necessarily require longer time yet , that we may not go blind-fold about it . you tell us , that importunity of some reverend friends hath drawn from you your digested subitane apprehensions of these distracting controversies . who those reverend friends are , it matters not . but had i been accounted worthy to be reckoned among those reverend friends , to have been made acquainted with such a purpose , i should have used all importunity ▪ seasoned with strong reasons , to have disswaded you from those subitane apprehensions . and seeing i come to know them , though somewhat too late , in that they cannot be recalled ; admit your self were aristotle , and your friend plato , yet i will say , amicus aristotles , amicus plato , sed magis amica veritas . and therefore i must be plaine with you , otherwise i should neither love you , nor your friend , nor yet the truth it selfe . to be plaine therefore , though i know you to be a very heluo librorum , of vast & indefatigable reading , and to have a stomack proportionable , of a strong digestion : yet give me leave to tell you , as my loving and beloved friend and brother , that the subject you here deale with , is not of so easie a digestion , as that subitane , or sudden apprehensions thereof may be w●ll said to be digested . strong meats , you know , taken downe liberally into the stomack , doe require the longer time for a kindly digestion . and a sudden digestion is apt to leave many indigested crud●●ies , ingendring malignant humours in the body . you digest your apprehensions into considerable questions , ( as you call them ) to be solemnly debated by sober minds : but passing along ( brother ) i find your questions turned into your owne resolutions , so as in stead of debating them by sober minded men , you forestall them , and tell us , that these independents , ( as you style them ) are guilty of arrogancy , schisme , contumacy , and liable to such penalties , as are due to these offences , in case they shall not submit to such a publick church-government , rites , discipline , as a synod and parliament shall conceive most consonant to gods word , &c. and all along , your queries are so digested by you , as that they cast up a very ill sent , if not rather a judiciall sentence against those churches , which not honoris causa you name independents . but we shall answer to the particulars , as they come in order . thus much of your proeme , or preface . to your first question . before i punctually answer this , and so the rest of your questions , let me premise this , as an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which i must demand of you a due to my profession : that forasmuch as you are a learned lawyer , and able to speake much of lawes , and customes of nations , and churches , and my selfe am a professor of divinitie , the rules and principles whereof , are all of them laid downe in the scripture , unto which alone all questions about faith and religion are so reducible , and finally determinable , as who so denieth this , denieth the faith , and is not to be disputed with , as a denier of principles : therefore i require of you , as a christian brother , to joyne issue with me in this point , that all your questions may be resolved by cleare scriptures , and reason , evidently deduced from them ; and this with all brevitie and perspicuitie . now to your first question , the summe whereof is , whether every severall nation , republick , and nationall church , hath not under the gospell a * liberty and latitude left them to chuse and settle such an orderly forme of church-government , discipline , and ecclesiasticall rites , as is most suteable to their particular civill government , lawes , manners , customes , being not repugnant to the word of god . this being ( as i conceive ) a generally received truth among all protestant churches . and whether some things in all church-governments , discipline , ceremonies whatsoever , are not , and must not be left to humane prudence , for which there is no direct precept nor pattern in sacred writ ? which truth is assented to by all parties , churches , whatsoever , in theory or practice . this is the substance of your first question . to which i answer : and first to your quotation of the harmony , i will answer one for all . sect. . august . confessio . traditiones de ●●riis , &c. we condemne not traditions of holy-dayes , of the lords day , of the nativity , of easter , and the rest , for a politick end . here , you see , they put the observation of the lords day , among humane traditions , which i suppose you doe not approve . again , they allow onely such observations , as god by the morall law , and the voyce of nature it selfe commandeth . and thirdly , that humane rites be not imposed , ne conscientiae onerentur , that mens consciences bee not burthened . and in a word : to shape religion in point of church-government , discipline , ceremonies , to every nation , republick , nationall church , and to civill government , lawes , manners , customes , and so to humane prudence , ( as you say ) what is it but to shape a coat for the moone ? whereas the scripture holds forth unto us , but onely one forme of church-government , and discipline , which ought not to be altered according to the diversitie of humane lawes and customes in all kingdomes and common-weales , as you affirme . and whereas you make a proviso , alwayes provided , every thing bee consonant , and no way repugnant to the word of god : to what purpose is this , when the very liberty you give of altering church-government and discipline as may be sutable to humane laws and customes , is it self repugnant , and no way consonant to the word of god ; as we shall shew by and by . this is transformare ecclesiam in humanam politiam , to transforme the church into a humane politie . * hae imaginationes omnibus aetatibus inde usque ab initio mundi nocuerunt ecclesiae , & semper nocebunt , these imaginations , or fancies , have in all ages from the beginning of the world hurt the church , and will alwayes hu●t . thus the harmony * now , brother , whereas you seem to challenge us infallibly to evidence by any gospel text , that christ hath peremptorily prescribed one and the self-same form of ecclesiasticall government , discipline , rites , to all nations , churches , in all particulars , from which they may in no case vary , under pain of mortall sin , schisme , or being no true churches of christ , with whom good christians may not safely communicate : first , what evidence from scripture can you bring , why it should not necessarily be so ? you would seeme to make this a ground why church-government , discipline , rites , should be alterable according to the severall laws and customes of severall nations : because ( say you ) christ enjoyned the preaching of the gospel to all nations and people whatsoever , who have their severall established defferent formes of civill government , laws , manners , rules and customes , sutable to their respective dispositions , climes , republicks . by this reason you might argue , that therefore the gospel it self may be preached variously , according to the variation of the climate * : and if not so , then ( say i ) neither is the church-government and discipline to be varied according to the diversity of nations , laws , customes , climates . for , brother , the church-government and discipline now in the time of the gospel , is a part of the gospel , as being the gospel-government , and discipline of the evan 〈…〉 l churches . and , brother why should you think that christ now under the gospel , or new testament , hath ●e●t a greater liberty to men to alter that form of church-government and discipline , which in the new testament is laid down , then he did in the old testament under the leviticall law ? what a strict charge did this law-maker give to moses ? see ( saith he ) that thou do all things according to the pattern shewed thee in the mount . he must not vary one pin * . but some will say , when the tribes of israel were reduced under a kingly government , as in davids time , the service of god was in greater state and externall pomp , when the temple was built , then it was before in the tabernacle ; whereby it may appear , that there was a liberty left to david to alter the form of worship so , as was sutable to the regall state . but i answer , here was no liberty left to man to alter any thing in the worship of god , or in the church-government . for god was so exact in this , that he would not leave it to david himself , though both a king and a prophet , and a man after gods own heart , to set up what worship he pleased in the temple , but god gave him an exact patterne of all , and that not onely by his spirit , but in writing , that he might neither adde nor omit in the least tittle , chron. . and you know it was never left to the kings of judah , to do the least thing in point of reformation , but onely to see , that the priests do all strictly , ( not any thing as seemed good to them , but all ) according to the precise rule of the law , chron. . now was the great law-giver so strict under the old testament , and is he grown more remisse under the new ? in ezekiels vision of the temple , or church in the time of the gospel , ezek. . , . wee reade of a patterne , form , fashion of everie particular thing of the house of god , which is his church , exactly set down , and measured by gods own speciall direction . or are men more wise and more faithfull now then david was , that christ should trust every nation with such a liberty as this , to alter and diversifie church-government and discipline , so as might be most agreeable to this or that kingdoms , common-weales , countreys custome , commodity , conveniencie ? and as for your nationall church here mentioned , we shall take a just measure of it when we come to your ninth question . and whereas you quote in the margine , cor. . . & . . on which you ground your liberty to form your church-government & discipline sutably to each particular civill government : alas , brother , these very scriptures our prelates abused to maintain their unlimited liberty of setting up their rites and ceremonies , as sutable to the civil government ; which absurdity i have fully refelled in my reply to canterburies relation . whereas the apostle there exhorteth , that all things be done decently and in order , according to those rules they had received of him : to which agreeth the other place alledged by you , other things will i set in order when i come , as titus . . he left titus in crete , that he might set in order the things that remained ; but all according to the apostles direction for church-government , and choice of officers . and we should have a mad world of it , if civill states in severall countreys should have liberty to frame church-government and discipline , as should most sute with their particular conditions . this liberty is that which both ecclesiasticall and civill states usurping , turned the spirituall kingdom of christ over consciences and churches , into a temporal and secular kingdom , or rather indeed an anti-christian tyranny , or hierarchy , so as by this means it came to passe , that the second beast ascending out of the earth , to wit , the pope , ( revel. . . ) commands the inhabitants of the earth to make an image , that is , to set up a forme of religion and church-government , sutable to the image of the first beast , to wit , the imperiall state of rome . and thus came to be erected the hierarchicall church-government , in all pomp and points sutable with the romane monarchy . so dangerous is that libertie which brings such bondage . according to that , licentia sumus omnes deteriores : this brings not liberty , but licentiousnesse . your second question is : whether if any kingdome or nation shall by a nationall councell , synod and parliament , upon serious debate , elect such a publick church-government , rites , discipline , as they conceive to be most consonant to gods word , to the laws , government under which they live , and manners of their people , and then settle them by a generall law ; all particular churches , members of that kingdome and nation , be not therefore actually obliged in point of * conscience and christianity , readily to submit thereto , and no wayes to seek an exemption from it , under pain of being guilty of arrogancie . schisme , contumacie , and liable to such penalties as are due to these offences . i answer : that is , whether the kingdome and nation of england , &c. the summe is , you would here make way for a politicall state church-government , or a mixt church-government , partly , according to gods word ; and partly to the laws and government under which we live ; and partly , to the manners of the people . humano capiti cervicem jungere equinam . or , populout placerent , &c. truly , brother , your very question is hereticall , you must pardon the expression , which otherwise would not come home to the full truth . and your word elect , imports no lesse . for elect taken in that sense , as you here apply it , to set up a form of religion , of church-government , and discipline , with rites and ceremonies sutable to the laws and customes of a state , and manners of the people : and , as men conceive , is of the same signification with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which signifieth a taking up an heresie upon humane election ; or , as you say , as they conceive . for you say not , such a church-government , &c. as is most consonant to gods word : but such as they conceive to be most consonant . so as you hang your church-government upon mens conceit , or opinion of consonancy with gods word , and not upon a reall and essentiall consonancy . just like the prelate of canterbury , who in his relation hangs the credit of the scripture upon the author , and the opinion we have ( saith he ) of his sufficiency . which i have noted in my reply . but thus you open a wide sluce , to let in an ocean of inundation of all sorts of religion into all parts of the vvorld , vvhen every religion shall be measured by the line of mans conception , what men conceive agreeable to gods word . thus might henry . the late french king ( to make his way the easier to the crown through so many difficulties ) apostatize from the protestant religion , and turn to popery , as conceiving it sutable to the word of god , to comply with the state of france , and the manners of the people , for the establishing of his kingdome ( as he conceived , though he was deceived ) by becoming himself a popish king . and so jeroboam with his counsell might conceive it agreeable enough to gods word , to set up his calves most sutable to the new laws and customes of that state , and to the manners of the people , who are apt enough to embrace idolatry and superstition , as ephraim willingly walked after the commandment , hos. . . and so in the rest . now that is an heresie which is an error conceived and maintained against the word of god . that the maintaining of such a liberty as you assume here , is so , we have in part shewed already from the scripture , whence you are not able to bring the least shadow of reason to maintain it . nay , we need go no further for the disfranchising of this your liberty , but your own words . your words are asistata , they cannot cohere in any true theologicall sense . for first , we ought not to assume , or pretend a liberty , as left us of god , when we want our evidence , and are not able to produce our charter out of the magna charta , the scripture . and this , brother , not you , nor any man can do . again , nothing is more presumptuous ; then to attempt to mingle heaven & earth together , that is , to mingle christs kingdom with the kingdoms of the world , or to these to frame and fashion that , which what is it else , but to set up a babylonish church-government . did the apostles thus ? did they frame christs kingdom & church-government to the laws and customes of the romance empire ? or did they vary their orders for church-government & discipline , according to the different manners and customes of those nations , countreys or provinces where they planted their churches ? had they one order for the church of corinth , and another for the churches of galatia , and a third for the churches of asia and the rest ? no : but * so ordain i in all churches , saith the apostle . and * concerning the collection for the saints , as i have given order to the churches of galatia , even so do ye . so also for making of ministers and other church-officers , act. . & . . again , your church-government must be conceived to be consonant to gods word , yet with this restriction or limitation , that it be also consonant to the laws and government under which we live . you speak indeed like a pure lawyer , & one that will stand for your profession , were this the way to uphold it . but cannot your law , and our gospel cotton together , unlesse the gospel weare the laws livery , like to your serjeants gown , made up of two severall colours ' ; or unlesse law and gospel be woven together into a linsey woolsey garment ? but what if your law present , stand still in force for church-government , without being repealed ? must the gospel be brought again under your prelaticall church-government ? or rather why should not a generall law ( to use your words ) be enacted , to inhibite all formes of church-government and discipline , which are not every way consonant to gods word , without this addition , and to the laws and government under which we live ? for certainely , if the lawes and government of the state under which we live , be good and just , there is no need why you should put upon christs kingly government in his church , such hard conditions , as not to be admitted , but so farre as it is consonant to mans laws . as tertullian said , when upon the emperour tiberius his motion to the romane senate , that christ might be admitted and enrowled among romes gods , and the senate refused , because they had made a law , that none should be chosen for a god , unlesse first propounded by the senate : ergo nisi homini placuerit , deus non erit deus ; therefore if it please not man , god shall not be god . so let it be lawfull for me to say ; if it please not man , not the senate , christ shall not be king , his kingdome shall have no place in this or that nation . as if the good laws of a civill state , and the good laws of christs kingdome , could not , ought not to stand together in their distinct forms unmixed ; when certainly a state stands strongest , while most consonant to gods word , and to the church-government and discipline of christ , and not when christs kingdome and government is made sutable to the laws and customes of the state . famous was that answer of eleutherius , bishop of rome , to lucius king of britaine , when this countrey of britaine first received the faith ( being the first province that received it ) where the gospel began freely to be preached , without impeachment or inhibition of the prince ( as the * story saith ) and that without any ceremonies at all : king lucius sending to e●eutherius for some modell , or form of church-government and discipline : he received this answer ; that christ had left sufficient order in the scripture for the government of the church ; and not onely for that , but also for the regiment of his whole realme , if he would submit himself to follow that rule . you require of us ( saith he ) the romane ordinances , with the imperiall statutes also to be sent unto you , which you desire to practise : the romane laws we may find to be faulty , but gods laws never . you have received of late through gods mercy , in the realme of britaine , the law and faith of christ ; you have with you both volumes of the scriptures : out of them therefore by gods grace , and the counsell of your realm , take you a law , and by that law through gods sufferance rule your kingdome . now this eleutherius being the th bishop of rome , by platina's account , it shews unto us the great difference between that , and after-times , wherein the mystery of iniquity grew up to its height , in assuming such an unlimited liberty to set up such a church-government , and ceremonies of humane invention , as were haled in by the head and shoulders . but brother prinne , you see here , how in those purer primitive times , even the bishop of rome himselfe was so farre from admitting a church-government sutable to the severall lawes and customes of every nation , ( as you would have it ) as he tels king lucius , he hath both the testaments , by the rule whereof he should not onely see the church to be governed , but his own realme also . ergo , the kingly government of christ in his church is not to be fashioned and moulded according to the lawes and customes of temporall and civill states , but contrarily the lawes of civill states are to be reduced to the rule of gods word . but you adde also , and manners of their people : that is , in their severall countries , and common-weales . surely this reflects mine eye upon that reformation begun in king edwards reigne . but now what church-government and discipline was to be set up ? why , the manners of the people must be the line and plummet to regulate this building by . the people of england had beene so long rooted in a superstitious egyptian soyle : but because fat , and filling their flesh-pots with onions and garlick , they could the better brook the burthens which their taskma●●ers the prelates inured their shoulders withall . and withall they must have their masse-service , though translated out of the roman into the english language . this in king edward his letter to the cornishmen , standing up for their masse-book , stilled the babes when they understood the english service-booke was no other then the romish masse clad in an english weed , though since it hath put off many of those ragges , but not all it should . so much it importeth , to have an eye to the peoples manners , and how they stand affected . when the lord cromwell had set forth the primmer , or psalter , without the letany , all the popishly affected , which were not a few , could not be quiet till they had cried up the letany again into its old place . so as in sine , through the love of superstition in the people , and the love of the world in the prelats ( alias the reformers , many of whom afterwards god reformed and purged in the flames of martyrdome ) such a reformation was set up , as for church-government and discipline ( onely translating the popes headship , and setting it upon the kings shoulders ) was the very same with that which was in henry . his dayes , and is at this day in rome ; and did so well sute with the civill government and manners of the people , that a generall law was enacted for the ratifying of that prelaticall government and discipline , which hath bred such manners in the people generally to this day , as if another reformation shall be set up , wherein the peoples manners shall be no lesse looked upon , then in the former ( as you here doe more then seeme to plead for ) i can conjecture , if not certainly divine , what a reformation both for church-government and discipline , your church of england is like to have . for if you aske the prelaticall party , consisting of multitudes of their priests , and of their ignorant and prophane people , together with all the kings army , they will all with one voyce and vote , roare it out at the canons mouth , w will have the bishops church-government and discipline continued without alteration . if ye aske the ordinary protestant professors at large , they cry , no , no ; not that ; but we will have such a church-government , as under which we may injoy no lesse libertie for our manners , then we had under the prelates . but you referre us to the serious debate of a nationall counsell , synod , parliament . but yet give us leave to put a vast difference between all these , and the scripture , christs owne voyce . if they truely informe us of the minde of christ in the scripture , we will blesse god for it : but yet if we can find out the mind of christ by his immediate voyce , we dare not suspend our beliefe and practise of it , until we have it at the second hand from men . and should we waite never so long upon the issae of their debate , commended unto us to be such as men conceive to be agreeable and cons●nant to gods word : yet for as much as we dare not * pinne our soules upon mens sleeves , as not knowing ( as one said ) whither they might possibly carry them : therefore we must examine all mens determinations in matters of religion by * searching the scriptures , and laying every thing to this line and rule . for the bereans are commended , as the more noble , in that they examined diligently and daily , even the apostles doctrine by the scriptures : and much more are wee to try the spirits of men , that are not apostles , and so not immediately inspired by the holy ghost with infallibility of truth , as never any generall councell after the apostles hath been so as you know how miserably and shamefully generall councels have erred . the first councell of nice , consisting of . bishops , how did they all agree to bring in a doctrine of devills , prohibiting priests marriage , had not one confessor , paphnutius , by evidence of scripture , and reason , cryed it downe , and so swayed the whole councell ? and you know very well , that generall councels , as well as nationall , have not infallibilitie of judgement in all things . and it cannot be unknowne to you , that even this assembly of divines are of different judgements about church-governement and discipline ; nor have they perhaps had so much time since their being under the prelacy , as to be throughly informed of the way of churches , commonly called independent , but that many of them may possibly gaine much more knowledge of it , by spending some more time and study in it . but sir , besides all this , you seeme to lead them such a way , ( should they follow you ) as would necessarily bring them into an inevitable and inextricable errour , in case they should elect such a publick church-government , rites , discipline , as they conceive to be most consonant to gods word , to the lawes , government under which we live , and manner of the people . for if they looke upon the manner of the people , which they must needs finde to bee for the most part very loose ( to speake nothing of ignorants and popish malignants ) some men might conceive , that such a church-government and discipline were most sutable , as doth most comply with , and give some indulgence to such manners , as cannot easily be brought to enter in at the straite gate , and narrow way , that leads into christs kingdome . and whatsoever church-government and discipline comes not full home in all things to the word of god , is not that which is consonant thereunto ▪ and so not pleasing unto god ; and the more consonant it is to gods word , the more strict and holy it will be found to be , and so the lesse consonant to the common prophane manners of this nation at this day . worthy of our observation is that of the lord to the prophet jeremy , jere. . . if thou take forth the pretions from the vile , thou shalt be as my mouth ; let them returne unto thee , but returne not thou unto them . whereupon the most learned interpreter ( as the learned beza constantly styles him ) calvin , among many other excellent observations on this place , thus concludeth ; summa est , veritatem dei non debere flecti ad hominum arbitrium , quae deus non mutatur ▪ ita nec verbum ejus ullam varietatem admittit : the summe is ; that the truth of god ought not to bee bended according to mans will or conceit , because god is not mutable , so neither doth his word admit of any change . now the forme of church-governement and discipline laid downe in the new testament , is a doctrine of christ , and no more alterable according to the varieties of mens customes and manners in all nations and ages , then the gospel it selfe is ; which the apostle would not have to bee altered into another gospel ; though another gospel cannot bee ; as neither another kingdome of christ , another church-governement , another church-discipline ought not to be , but that alone which we find in gods word , which must not bee reduced or conformed ( as a nose of waxe , to which the papists , as hosius , and pighius doe compare the scripture ) to the fashions of worldly governments , ( rom. . . ) and popular manners , but these must be conformed to the scripture . hence it may appeare , how rough your conclusion of this question is , if to such a generall law , as you propose , all particular churches , members of this kingdome and nation , should not yeeld to be actually obliged in point of conscience , and christianitie , and readily to submit thereunto , and no waies to seeke an exemption from it , under paine of being guiltie of arrogancy , schisme , c●ntumacy , and lyable to such penalties , as are due to these offences . good brother , be not so legall . what if that resolution of an assembly , and that generall law for the confirmation of it , be such ; as the conscience of godly people cannot without sinne submit thereunto ? must they either violate their consciences , or bee undone by your unavodable intolerable penalties , as both to suffer in their good names for arrogant , contumatious , schismatick● , yea and in their consciences too under the guilt of these , and to bee liable to i wot not what penalties besides ? and no waies to seeke an exemption from it ? why , good brother , if we should goe and live under the turkish government , and could not in conscience turne turkes in the religion there by law established , yet there is a way to seeke an exemption from it , namely , by becomming tributary to that state , as many christians doe . good brother let 's not have any of dracoes lawes executed upon innocents . and remember how not long agoe the prelates served us ; we could not have the benefit of law , of appeale , no exemption from bloud letting , and eare-cropping , and pillorying , &c. and shall wee now turne worse persecutors of the saints , then the prelates were ? non ignara mali miseris succurrere disco , saith that heathen princesse . but in the margent you put some places of scripture to prove this . but truly , when i well view the places , i find them not to answer to what you would seeme to prove by the quotation . the first is , cor. . , . for the spirit of the prophets is subiect to the prophets . and what of this ? ergo , the spirit of all the prophets in england must be subiect to the prophets in the assembly upon paine of being guiltie of arrogancy , schisme , contumacy , and liable to such penalties , as are due to these offences . o brother prynne , you must as well note , as quote the place . but let me note it for you . the apostle there speaks both to , and of the church of corinth , when assembled together in one place : that the prophets should observe order , and give place each to other in prophecying ; as the reason is rendered , and not of any such assembly of that sublime and supreame authoritie , or the onely prophets , to whom all other prophets wheresoever dispersed must be subject . ver. . for god is not the author of confusion , but of peace , as in all churches of the saints . which place also is no lesse wide from your purpose . what ? will there be no peace , but all confusion , unlesse all be subject to the assembly upon such paine , as before ? the apostle speaks here of the order to be observed in every church , as in all the churches of the saints . the other places quoted by you , are no lesse misapplyed . will they prove , trow you , blind obedience ? but come on brother , ( if you will needs put us upon such hard exigents , as to give us no quarter , without present laying down our armes and cause , and so captivating our consciences to the dictates and decrees of men ; if you will make no covenant with us , but upon this one onely condition , that you might thrust out all our right eyes ; and if there bee no other remedy , yet give us leave to capitulate with you about some terms of accomodation , that wee may not altogether betray our consciences and liberties , which our redeemer christ hath so dearly purchased for us . and the first and main is this : first , brother , make it cleare unto us , that an assembly of men learned , pious , what you will , living in ages succeeding the apostles , have , or ever had , infallibility of judgement , so as to say , ( as acts . . ) it pleased the holy ghost and us , to make these decrees , that so wee may without further scruple of conscience , submit and conforme thereunto . but ( i say ) you must give us very good assurance and evidence hereof , that they are infallibly guided by the holy ghost , that when they shall say , it pleased the holy ghost and us , we may safely believe them . for when you can resolve us of their conclusions no further , then as they conceive to bee consonant to the word of god : alas ! sir , you leave us in a wood , or maze , whence no extricating of our selves , without ariadnes thread , gods word , to set us where wee were before . for you knew what variety of conceits many men have , quot capita , tot sententiae . this is the first and main condition we stand upon ; and truly it were sufficient alone . we might in a second rank ( but not equall to the former ) name a selfe-deniall , and humble spirit , &c. you know the story of the monkes of bangor comming before austin the first archbishop of canterbury , whom they seeing to fit in his pontificall chaire , and not rising up , nor moving unto them , they left him as a man no● sent of god : and so , if wee should behold men carrying themselves loftily over their brethren , who are not of their counsell , we should be apt to suspect that christs spirit is not there , because there is not the spirit of humility , neither the spirit of truth to be found . a cardinall in the conclave at viterbium , after almost three yeares agitation about the election of a new pope , ( as many yeares as we have been about to set up a reformation , and the foundation not yet laid ) each cardinall ambitiously a spiring to be the pope , * one of them rose up and said , domine , &c. let us uncover the roose of this chamber , seeing the holy ghost cannot get in unto us through so many tiles . but this by the way . and so enough of this question . the third and fourth questions . i come now to your third and fourth question . but lest my answers may prove too voluminous , and so fastidious to everyday-newes readers , i shall in the rest contract my selfe . and this i must doe by trussi●g up your questions within the list of a syllogisme , respectively . for ( as i noted before ) all your questions are rather conclusive then interrogatory , rather positive resolutions , then unresolved questions . the summe therefore of your third and fourth questions ( for this dependeth on that ) is reduced into this syllogisme : that which hath sufficient ( if not best ) warrant for it in the new testament , the examples of the primitive church , &c. most prevents heresies , schismes , injustice ; is to be received as a true and undoubted church-government , and to be preferred before that , which hath no such expresse warrant in scripture , no patterne for it in the primitive , or best reformed churches , &c. but the presbyteriall forme of church-government , if rightly ordered , hath sufficient ( if not best ) warrant for it in the new testament , &c. the independent not so . therefore the former is to be preferred and received before the latter , without any long debate . the answer . both your propositions are lame and interfeere one against the other . sufficient ( if not best ) warrant , will not prove so sufficient a warrant , as if there be found a better . and so your argument , by crossing shins with it selfe , falleth to ground . again , your presbyteriall government hath neither best , nor any sufficient warrant , as wee judge , in the new testament , no nor any warrant at all in gods word . but the true forme of church-government hath both sufficient , and ( without comparison ) best warrant in the scripture . and in truth , whereas you oppose presbyteriall and independent ( as you call it ) one against the other ; let me tell you , that that which you call independent , is the onely true , originall , and primitive presbyteriall . which presbytery is proper and peculiar to every particular church of christ● and is not a presbytery collective of many churches by way of jurisdiction one , or many over each , or of a nationall church , as you terme it . for neither of these can you find either in the new testamens , or in the old. in the old we read of one church , to wit , that of the nation of the jewes : but that whole church was one intire congregation , act. . . they had one church officer over all , it is called the tabernacle of the congregation in the singuler ; and they all assembled three times in the yeare at jerusalem , in the temple , where they offered sacrifice , and not else where : so as the church was a type of every particular church of christ under the new testament , as being both one intire church and absolute , subject to no other form of government , but only that of the only law-giver and mediator jesus christ ; and no pattern of any such nationall church as you would have . every particular church now , consisting of visible saints , is under christ , as the onely head , king , governour , law-giver of it , and so is subject to no other jurisdiction then that of christ , his spirit , his word . were there none other particular church in the world , then one , as that of abrahams family , should it not be a compleat church , untill there were other churches on whose jurisdiction it should depend ; though for ordinary families , they cannot have such a number as is requisite to make up a ministeriall body , & so are bound to unite to others for this end . wee hold communion and consociation of churches for counsell in doubts , and comfort in distresse : but we deny any such combination of churches as whereby the true liberty of every particular church is taken away , and this communion of churches doth no lesse ( if not more ) prevent heresies , schismes , injustice , then your presbyteriall . nor can you shew reason to the contrary . and yet would you have our churches more perfect then those of the apostles own planting and gathering as to bee altogether exempted from heresies , schismes , injustice ? did not the apostle tell the church of corinth , there must bee heresies eve among you , that they which are approved may be made manifest ? and could those primitive churches after the apostles , preserve themselves from heresics ? how soone did the whole world groane and wonder , that it was become an arian ? and this within the fourth century after the birth of christ , when the churches were governed by the bishops and their presbyteries . and how soone did the kingdome of the beast mount up to such a height , as it overtopt all the westerne churches , and brought them under his dominion ? and for our truly and properly presbyterian churches ( your independents ) to which you deny expresse warrant in scripture ; the whole new testament is both an expresse and ample witnesse on our side . all those particular churches which the apostles planted , were all of absolute ▪ authority amongst themselves respectively , and equall one of the other . you can shew unto us no rule or example to the contrary . that in act. . is a transcendent , and stands alone , not to be paralleld , and therefore very impertinently objected by many , before you , as wee shall have occasion to shew afterwards . and for pattern in the primative churches after the apostles we are not curious to seeke it in the corrupt current of succeeding ages , when we find it the pure fountaine . it appeares , say the centurists , cent , . tit●de consociatione eccles. that the government of churches in the second hundreth yeare , was almost popular , every church had equall power of ordaining or casting out , if neede were , those ministers they had ord●ined , with other things very materiall in that whole title , as also in the title de synodis privatis . and for the best reformed churches , if in them we cannot finde that patterne so fully followed as the scripture holds forth unto us , wee cruve leave without prejudice , to take it as wee finde it in the word , without the least variation . and you may know● , in the beginning of protestant reformation , could they ▪ so clearly see in the dawning , as wee may now in the meridian , if we will but open our eyes ? the reformed churches have taken up one or other of them upon the matter the maine things we contend for : . the church of holland receive none to the table , nor have a vote as a member of that church ; but such as first give satisfaction to the elderships and then to the congregation : and . have a forme of covenant propounded by them . secondly , the french churches exercise excommunication in their particular congregations , though with liberty of appeale . and this was the governement of the primitive churches in the d hundreth yeare , as appeares , cent. . c. . tit. de synodis : but especially . tit. de consociatione eccles. so as no long debate neede to be , if but christs word alone may take place , without the necessary accommodation of humane lawes , customes , manners of the people , as you doe plead . and lastly for appeales in case of injustice , you know , brother , that if injustice be done in any civill matter , if redresse may not be had by the mediation of the church , whereof the parties are members , then the law is open there to appeale for justice . and if it be about the churches censure for some miscarriage of a member towards the church ▪ or any member thereof , if the censure bee unjust , the party grieved may desire to have his cause heard by some other churches , who may accordingly deale with their sister-church to require a brotherly account of the whole businesse , as is the duty of all the churches in such cases . and if it be in matter of opinion , here the appeale lies principally and in the first place , to the scripture , as the supreme judge ; and if the things be obscure , & too hard for that church to resolve by the scripture , then to call in the helpe of other churches for their best information . and in summe , brother , there is no case can fall out in any church , which hath not as many helpes by a free communion of churches , wherein every churches peculiar liberties and priviledges are preserved as they ought to be : as any you can name to bee in your obligatory combination of churches , wherby the liberty of each church is by cōmon consent sold over to others , by which it ceaseth now to be a free church of christ , under his onely jurisdiction and government . so as herby great mischiefes may redound even to the purest church , when once things come to be carried by the vote of a generall or classicall assembly of divines , swaying things besides the rule , and stretching them beyond their line . and therefore famous was that saying of nazianzens , * that he never saw any good to come of generall councels ; because commonly camelion-like they change their hue with the nearest object , complying with the condition of the present times , and state : as suppose prelaticall spirits should turne to be your presbyterians , or as when ( in case the lord christ shall resume his kingdome over his churches in a civill state ) we should perhaps see some of your presbyterians as fast to turn independants , were the preferments sutable . but some may object , that one church standing by it selfe , is more subject to fall into errour , then when combined with other churches . to which i answer ; that every particular church injoying its own freedome , without any injoyned combination with other churches , may much longer preserve it selfe from danger of errour , when it hath its free choise in matters of difference or difficulty , to consult onely with those churches , which it knows to be most sound and orthodox , then when it is fast bound , and incircled with this or that combination of churches , being in number twelve or twenty , or more or lesse , whose votes must carry every controversie , according to the severall humours of such and such , at all adventure . and ( brother prynne ) the world is not so plentifull of sound spirits , as to supply every hundred in the land with twelve or twenty able and godly ministers to be of a combination . nay , you may observe what poore shifts are used for the supplying of places with godly and able ministers , which are grown so geason , that the city now is faine to be supplyed with plundered countrey ministers , in stead of their out-cast malignants : and suppose all these to be as good as they should be , where shall those country-places be supplyed ? and besides , such is the penury of good ministers ( if not of care to provide better , if possible ) that such as are for their demerits cast out of one place , are ( for i wot not what merits ) put upon some other people , where their good qualities are not knowne . being such as verifie the proverb , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; they change their mansion , but not their manners . and besides all this , he is one very meanly gifted now adayes , that will be wooed and won to take a benefice under a hundred or sixescore pounds . and brother , why should godly ministers indeed be yoked with such earth-wormes , and mammonists , as are in some parishes , and as some of your presbyterian combinations would necessitate us unto ? if you say , if things goe amisse in lesser classes , they may be remedied in a generall assembly : then i say , there is the like reason of a generall assembly , that there is of all the severall classes put together . for , totius & partium eadem est ratio ; if all the members be corrupt , so also must the whole body be . therefore the case must needs be hard , when one or two churches in a classis or combination , that are sound , should be bound to the decisions of the rest being unsound ; and so for the generall assembly in the like proportion . the fifth question . it is reduced thus ; that , whose grounds and reasons tend inevitably to endanger , overthrow , and embroyle ecclesiasticall or civill formes of government , ought not to be suffered . but such is the independent church-government : it tends inevitably , &c. therefore it ought not to be suffered , i deny the assumption : the grounds and reasons of true church-government , do not in their own nature tend to the indangering , overthrowing , and embroiling of ecclesiasticall or civill formes of government ( horm . confess . sect. . of the confess . of a●spurg . art . . ) power ecclesiasticall no more hindreth the civill , then the skill of musicke , neither is it to be confounded with civill . and ibid. they , to wit , the prelates , transforme the church into a humane government . for they would doe all in imitation of civill government . but if they produce any such effect , it is onely accidentall , and the maine cause is in such ecclesiasticall or civill bodies , when they shew some antipathy in their constitution to christs kingdome and government , by their opposing or oppressing of it . hereupon christ saith ; * think not that i am come to send peace on the earth ; i came not to send peace , but a sword . and it was the preaching of the gospel of the kingdome , both by christ , and his apostles , for which they were exclaimed against , and persecuted , as troublers of the state , both ecclesiastick and politick , as movers of sedition , and perverters of the people , and the like . and will you thereupon conclude , that the preaching of the gospel , and setting up of christs kingdome in his churches , is a troubler of the state , and a mover of sedition , and a seducer of the people , because hierarchicall government hath an antipathy with christs spirituall kingdome , and church-government ? the sixth question . the summe where of is : that which from the beginning of the preaching of the gospel downwards , till this present age , had no being in the world , can doubtlesse be no church-government of christs , or his apostles . but such ( say you ) is the government of independent churches . therefore not christs ; or the apostles church-government . i deny your assumption . and for further answer thereto , i referre you to my answer to your third and fourth question , where is cleerely proved , that all the churches , founded and planted by christ and his apostles , were in themselves respectively absolute and free churches , which though they had communion with all their sister-churches , yet you can never prove your classicall , or synodicall jurisdiction of either a provinciall church ( as you call it ) or a generall counsell over every particular church , to have the least footing , or beeing at all in the scripture . . in the ecclesiasticall histories for the first . yeers we finde ( as was noted above ) sufficient ground for it ; but none for the combined coercive presbytery ; let that be shewn ; afterwards indeed , as times grow worse , you finde your p●r●archall , metropoliticall , prelaticall , nationall , provinciall church-governments , generall and provinciall councels , subordination and subjection of the lesser churches to the greater , by which very meanes the papall antichristian kingdome came gradually to be erected ; ( as is noted before ) but can you shew us the least print of one footstep in the word of god , of any such hierarchie , or of any such subordination and subjection of one church to another ; and if the mystery of iniquity began to worke even in the apostles own times , which was the very hierarchie it selfe , in the affection of primacy ; as we see practised by di●trepes , who is noted to bee {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a lover of primacy , or preheminence , and that even above the apostle john himselfe ; with other like sutable practises ; this mistery growing up and spreading mightily by degrees , after the apostles were dead , and so prevailing as a generall deluge over the face of the earth , as nothing could bee seene but diocesan bishops seas , overflowing every where : therefore were there never such churches extant ? but suppose there were no examples to be found of it in church story , which yet we have proved the contrary , neverthelesse , you know brother , when a mans evidences of lands are lost , there be publicke records , as the rowles of chancerie , where they may be found againe . and if there they be found , will you not allow them , because the man cannot otherwise shew them ? now we have the sacred scripture , where our evidences are safely recorded . suffice it then , that there we shew them . the contrary opinion doth manifestly establish traditions unwritten , as the papists doe . and to give the reader some intimation how the churches of christ came in time ( and that in short time after the apostles ) to lose their liberties ; i crave leave of you to note that passage in ambrose ( who lived within the fourth century ) upon tim. . synagoga , & postea ecclesia , &c. the iewes synagogue , and afterwards the ▪ christian church had elders , without whose counsell nothing was done in the church . which by what neglect it grew out of use , i know not , unlesse is were perhaps the sl●ath , or rather pride of the teachers , whilst , alone , they would seeem to be some body . so ambrose the bishop of millan confessed . i confesse i cannot shew many such instances or records , as perhaps your selfe in your multifarious reading may observe : but this one , from such a reverend and ancient author too , of pious memory , may serve instead of many ; considering also that this is the greater rarity , and antiquity , and much to be wondred at , how it escaped the expurgatorie index , by those that were the first fathers of the mystery of iniquity , that they did not quite expunge this record also , that not a pin of the old patterne should remaine . now that the church this ancient there speaketh of , was particular congregation , answerable to the synagogue , governed by the counsell of its own elders , cannot be denyed . whereby all men may ▪ cleerly see , in how short a time the governement of churches , instituted by christ and his apostles , came to bee changed from being free churches , to become servile and subject to the usurpation of the greater , the prelates and their clergie now making up the church , as if the congregations themselves were no churchs , as being stripped of all their rights and priviledges , yea and of crist their king , his kingdome now being turned into an oligarcy ▪ or oligarchill tyranny , mixed of two of the worst forms of government ; though you seem to put oligarchy in the ranke of the the best ; but i suppose you would have said , instead of oligarchy , ( having named monarchicall , and aristocraticall ) democratie : oligarchy being heterogeneall to the other two . but enough of this . the seventh question . thus reduced ▪ those churches , which do not conforme their church-government to some one or other publike forme of civill government , dividing themselves into many parochiall churches , dioceses , provinces , but doe gather , churches not out of infidels , but of men already converted to ▪ and setled in the chiristian faith , and do admit them into the church by way of covenant ; no one example , or direct scripture , reason , or authority can be produced , to satisfie conscience of the lawfulnesse of them . but such are the independent churches , they do not conforme as afore ; therefore conscience cannot be satisfied of the lawfulnesse of them . the argument ( or question ) containes many branches , scarce reducible to one head : but i have bundled them in one coard , as well as i could. and for answer , first this question is coincident with all that went before , and so is already in that respect answered . secondly , your parallell betwixt the civill association and ecclesiastick , is not grounded on scripture ; for neither god taught , neither the churches practised any such necessarie union and dependance of one church on another , though they might have done it , and had need of it , as being in times of persecution ( which hindered it not , no more then it doth in france now ) . you confidently affirm , that all ecclesiasticall histories testifie so much , which is manifestly untrue , as hath been shewed before . . though churches springing out of other churches had dependence on them , what is this to churches that are far distant one from another , and never had such a ground of relation one to another ? besides the harmonie of confessions , which you quote for you ▪ ( though i finde not that in those places they say any thing to the point ) yet sect. . cap. of the keyes , that the keyes are committed to each particular , even the least ecclesiasticall society . thirdy , christs true churches here on earth , are not to be * limited to this or that place ; as , because there are so many parishes , dioceses , provinces , in a civill state , therfore those must be so many fixed , parocihall , diocesan , provinciall churches . and here , brother prynne , would reduce ( tanquam ex postliminio ) the provinciall , diocesan , parochiall church ▪ government , to the same forme it had before ? would you have the provinciall arichbishops ▪ with their diocesan bishops , and parochiall clergie , or priests set up again ? for a prouince hath relation to its provinciall , and a diocese to its diocesan , and a parish ( to speak in the old dialect ) to its parish-priest . da veniam verbo . and as for division of provinces , dioceses , and parishes , into so many churches , you know where and when it began . for in the yeer . dyonisius bishop of rome made this division : which division turned the churches into a babylonish confusion ; when now all that dwelt together in every parish , and so in every diocese , who ever they were , tag , and rag , must make up a church , as so many members do one body : whereas the churches planted by the apostles , were called and gathered out of the wide world , where the word of god came , and took place . so as not every citie became a church , but so many as were called in every citie . paul writes not to all in corinth , but to the church there , consisting of the saints only . but you object the gathering of churches , not of infidels , but of men already converted to , and setled in the christian faith , of which forme of congregating churches , you say you could never discern example , or any direct scripture to satisfie conscinces . we would gladly say amen to that assertion , that the whole nation is christian , established in the faith ; but if not , you dispute ex falso supposito . may it please you then , brother , to take notice of the example both of john baptist and of christ himself , and of the apostles , who * all of them did call and gather christian churches out of the jewes church : which might suffice to satisfie any mans conscience in this point ; and so much the more , when they consider this is a time of reformation , and we have all taken a covenant each to go before other , in reforming not only our selves , but all others within our line , according to the word of god . and again , the case between our reformation at this time , and that of the jewes church , is much alike : for as th a was the gospell-reformation , so is this ; as that was a gathering of such churches out of that of the jewes , as acknowledged christ to be their onely king and law-giver , to govern consciences and churches by his word , when the rest of that church , even the main body of it , did reject christ , and renounce him for their king , this being the very title set over him on his crosse , for which they crucified him : so the preaching up of christs kingdome in these dayes , is that which calleth and gathereth those unto christ , who acknowledge him alone for their king to govern them ; and this out of those , that doe not , or will not submit unto his kingly government , but depend upon the sole determination of men , what kinde of church-governement they will set up in the land , which you tell us must be sutable to the lawes and customes of the realme , and manners of the people . but there is yet one thing more , for which you say , you can see no ground , and that is particular church-government . why , brother , why should the lawfulnesse of this be doubted , whether explicit or implicit ? it is the churches wisedome and care , yea , conscience and duty too , as we humbly conceive to admit of none but such as can give some account of the worke of grace wrought in them , though but in the least degree , yet in truth , so far as we may discern them to be saints : for such onely are fit members of a church , or body of christ , so as to partake of those holy ordinances of christ , which none but visible saints ought to partake of . and who are fit to receive the seales of the covenant , but such as professe to be in covenant ? and surely if any shall refuse to make this profession of their being in covenant , as being ashamed thereof , with what conscience can the church admit them into fellowship ? and you know this is a time of reformation , and we have long been under a yoke of antichristian-government , and of humane ordinances in the worship of god ; wherein we have all violated our vow and covenant made in our names in our baptisme : now , doth not reason require , that we should renew our covenant in our own persons , when we come to enter into the way of reformation , and that in as full a manner as possibly we can ? and when the people of god came out of babylon to inhabit ierusalem again , they made a covenant among themselves , when seeking the way with their faces thitherward , they say , come and let us joyn ourselves to the lord in a perpetuall covenant that shall not bee forgotten . the case is ours in a great measure , who are now inquiring the war to sion , with our faces thitherward ; and shall we be abashed to come to sion from all the reliques of babylon , and not incite one another , as they did , to enter into a perpetuall covenant with the lord christ , as our onely king not to be forgotten ? and the like wee read ezra . . and nehem. . . so did king asa , chron. . . now if any require an example hereof in the new testament , i answer , what needs it , when wee have it in the old ? what example have we in the new testament for baptizing of infants ? yet having a * commandement in the old for circumcising the infants of beleeving abraham , as being included in the same covenant with faithfull abraham ▪ the intaile of this covenant never yet out off , but reaching to all abrahams seed , walking in the steps of abrahams faith now under the gospel ; infants of beleeving parents professing to be in covenant , have the same right unto baptisme , as being within the covenant , which the infants of beleeving ▪ abraham had unto circumcision ( in stead whereof baptisme by gods institution succeeded ) and this by a strict charge and command from god ( gen. . , . ) which is as strong now for baptizing of infants of beleeving parents , as it was to the infants of beleeving abraham for circumcision . again , what example , yea or precept is there of giving women the lords supper in the new testament ? yet upon good consequence it is drawn from thence . but this by the way . and to conclude this point , what reason can any man bring against this particular church-covenant ? and if any doe disrelish it , they are onely such as take a disgust of the way itselfe , and then no marvell if every thing about it be quarrelled and questioned , though no other reason can be given of it , but a nolumus : such as the jewes gave when they said of christ , nolumus : * we will not have this man to reigne over us . which speech was the more notorious , as being delivered by an embassage , a solemne act of state of the eldership , and they his own citizens , though a little after ( vers. . ) he declares them his enemies , and for this very thing , that they would not hee should reigne over them , commandeth them to be brought and slaine before him . but this by the way , though not unworthy of wise mens sad observation . object . but it will be said , wee have covenanted already in the nationall covenant . answ. this is against things upon supposition , that we were convinced of the evill of them , but not about our own persons , as enquiring whether we indeed are willing to give up ourselves to the lord iesus . . this was put in by such outward authority , that many for feare tooke it , which a church-covenant under the gospell ( where the people are to be such as come willingly ) will not beare ; for under the law indeed there was another order , but appointed by god , that they might be forced to the covenant that they had received in their ▪ fathers : but our fathers were over-awed , and secondly , no such order now . the eighth question . this question , though somewhat involved and perplexed with many branches , yet the scope being to prove a nationall church , and so a common presbyterian classicall government , to which particular congregations , persons , ought to be subordinate , and thereby an apparent subversion of the novell independent invention . ( these are your words . ) the whole i reduce into form thus : where there bee infallible proofes of nationall churches , there of necessity must be a common presbyterian , classicall government , to which particular congregations , persons , ought to be subordinate , to the apparent subversion of the novel independent invention . but there be infallible proofes of nationall churches ; as the catholick church , the nationall church of the jewes , the synodall assembly of the apostles , acts . who made and sent binding decrees to the churches ; seconded with all oecumenicall , nationall , provinciall councels , synods , and the church-government exercised throughout the world in all christian realmes , states , from their first reception of the gospell , till this present ; compared with twelve places of scripture at the least , &c. therefore there must be of necessity , a common presbyterian classicall government , to which particular congregations , persons , ought to be subordinate , to the apparent subversion of the novell independent inventions . now for answer to this large argument , brieflly : and first , to the proposition . i deny that you can bring any infallible proofes , or one proof , that there either are , or ever have been any nationall churches by any other institution , but meerly humane ; nor any one of divine institution , but onely that of the jewes in the old testament , and now wholly dissolved ; of which we have spoken sufficiently before : and which also was not onely nationall , but in a manner oecumenick and universall , as appeares acts . and such therefore as i hope you contend not for now ; for then there would be a pope , as there was an high priest then &c. and brother , you must give us leave to stand upon this , as for our lives , that we dare not admit of any churches , as the true and genuine churches of christ , which are not of his owne institution , that is , such as are not called and gathered by the voyce of christ in his word , and by that scepter of his swayed , and by that alone law of his governed . and therefore be intreated , good brother , not to presse upon us such your churches , whose not onely institution in their severall divisions , but government also in their combinations , is meerly humane , and therefore as a house founded on a sand , which against a storme cannot stand you must first be able to found your nationall church in the scripture , or assure yourselfe , if a man will build upon it a common presbyteriall classicall government , and dwell there , he will bring an old house upon his head , when god shall begin to storm it . but to come to your perticular instances in the assumption , for the proofe of your nationall church . the first is , the catholicke church throughout the world . what is this to a nationall church ? though the catholick include all the true churches throughout the world , yet doth it not therefore conclude any church to be nationall . the second instance is , the nationall church of the jewes , and from hence you can conclude as little for your nationall churches ; as before we have shewed . for bring us any one nationall , that is one intire church , or congregation , as that of the jewes was : or , that is of one family , as that was : or , that is a type of christs spirituall kingdome , as that was : or , that is the universall church of god visible on earth , as that was : or , that is governed by the like lawes , that that was : when your selfe doe confesse , that the government of your nationall churches is to be regulated by humane lawes , customes , manners , and not by gods word alone ; whereas that of the jewes was wholly governed by gods own law , and not at all by the lawes of men , untill it came to be corrupted , contrary to the expresse law of god . and you confesse also , that the government of your nationall churches is alterable , according to the lawes , customes , manners of severall nations : whereas the government of the church of the iewes was unalterable , till christ himselfe did put a period to that oeconomy . in a word , your nationall churches are a mixed multitude , consisting for the greatest part of prophane persons , being as a confused lu●p , whereof there are nine parts of leaven to one of pure flowre , so as the whole is miserably soured , and the flowre made altogether unsavoury : but that of the iewes , in its naturall and externall constitution , was all holy , * an holy nation , a royall priesthood , a peculiar people , * all the congregation holy , every one of them : so as in no one particular , doe your nationall churches hold parallell with that of the iewes , no not in the least resemblance ▪ your third instance is the synodall assembly of the apostles , elders , and brethren at ierusalem , acts . who made and sent binding decrees , to the churches . and what of this , brother ? therefore nationall churches , or generall councels , or provinciall , have the like power to make and impose binding decrees , and send them to the churches ? why , first of all , that assembly was not any nationall church representative . secondly , neither was it a generall or provinciall councell . thirdly , being an assembly of the apostles ▪ with the elders and brethren , it could not erre : for the apostles had infallibility of judgement , being guided by the holy ghost infallibly , and the elders and brethren did assent to their determinations . and was there ever such a synodicall assembly since that ? had euer any councell besides that , infallibility of judgement ? shew it , brother , and then wee will beleeve they may make binding decrees , and wee will submit unto them . nay , dare any assembly of men on earth , say , it seemed good to the holy ghost , and us ? that 's enough for the black mouth of blasphemy , the roman lying oracle . but in your second thoughts , you traverse this * place more largely , which wee shall consider when we come to it . in the mean time , what i have here and before said , may suffice to stay the readers stomace . but you adde , all this is seconded with all occumenicall , nationall , provinciall councels , synods , and the church-government throughout the world in all christian realmes , states , &c. alas , brother , all these put together , are in no sort sutable to make a second to that apostolicall assembly ; they cannot hold the least proportion with it , to make a second to that unsampled sample , though they make never so great a summe . and whereas you make the up-shot of this your question , to the apparent sub version of novell independent invention , ( these be your words ) we have proved it to be neither mans invention , but gods own institution , nor novell , as having its foundation in the new testament ; nor yet independent , otherwise then that it depends not upon any humane authority , or jurisdiction out of it self ; not upon any such conformity to humane lawes , or customes , or manners of every nation or people , as you speake of . neither doe you take away our argument from the most usuall phrase of the apostles calling the churches in the plurall , by saying , historians often speake of the churches in england : for they doe not so speak when they mean the congregations , but the material temples : but speake of england as one church when they understand the people ; and there hath not been shewen any dependence of those churches , as the dependency of the english churches is knowne . the ninth question . thus reduced in summe : that liberty which the apostles had and used in ordaining , supplying , instituting new rites , orders , canons , &c. for the churches peace and welfare , they transmitted to posteritie : but the apostles had and used such liberty &c. therefore the same liberty have all churches in the world , in all ages succeeding the apostles , in ordaining , supplying , instituting new rites , orders , canons , for the churches peace and welfare . i answer to the proposition : . that the apostles themselves had no other libertie to doe any thing about the calling , planting , ordering , and regulating of churches , but what they had immediarely given them by christ , and his spirit . . this liberty so given them reached no further , then to those things onely which were given them in charge , and which they accordingly , as faithfull stewards , did practise concerning the churches . even as christ himselfe , being the son of god , and set over his house , was faithfull in all things , doing nothing , but what he had by speciall commission and command from the father . so as ▪ if the son himselfe , god blessed for ever , took not the liberty to himself to doe what himselfe pleased , as mediator , though as the sonne he thought it no robbery to be equall with god the father ; but did every thing as he had received commandment from him ▪ how much lesse have the servants of god any liberty to doe what pleaseth them , but that , and those things alone , which they have in command from their master . if therefore they who prosesse to succeed the apostles in their severall generations , will challenge the same liberty , which the apostles had and used about the churches of god , they must first of all shew us their immediate commission from christ , as the apostles had . secondly , they must all shew us , that what they doe in church-matters , under colour and pretence of apostolicall liberty , is none other , but what they have by expresse command from christ by his spirit . and thirdly , because they are not able to shew this , they must use their liberty no further , then the lists and limits of scripture doe permit , which holds forth an exact and perfect rule , for all precisely to observe , without the least variation . as knowing that severe law of god , often used in scripture , and wherewith , as with a bounder-stone , the whole book of god is closed up , and that with a solemne protestation of christ himselfe : if any man shall adde unto these things , god shall adde unto him the plagues that are written in this book ; and if any man shall diminish ought thereof , god shall take away his part out of the book of life , and out of the holy citie . but some will haply object ; this is meant , not in point of church-government , discipline , rites , ceremonies , as left to mans liberty to ordaine , adde , supply , institute , according to the diversity of the lawes and customes of every nation ; but in matter of doctrine , story , and prophecy . to which i answer ( though sufficiently noted before , and now in one word ) if god were so exact about the forme of the tabernacle , ( a type of christs church under the gospell ) to have all things observed according to the patterne , even unto the least pin ; what reason can any reasonable man give , why christ , the same law-giver ▪ and patterne it selfe , should be lesse carefull over his church in the new testament , so as to leave it at six and seven , to the liberty of all kingdomes and nations of the world , to set up in the church what government , discipline , rites , ceremonies , canons , they pleased , upon what pretence soever as for the churches peace and welfare ? hath not the opening of this one sluce , let in such an inundation of all manner of humane inventions in this kind , as hath wel-nigh drowned the whole world in all manner of superstition and errour ? therefore , my deare brother prinne , assure your selfe , not all the wits , not all the learning in the world , will be able to assert this your assertion , but that it must of necessity fall to around with its owne weight ; and there ▪ brother ▪ let it lie , or father die , and bury it there , whence it came . all that christ appointed is exactly to be followed , though christ was not so ●●act in circumstantials under the gospell ; because . that was a typicall and figurative worship . . christ now looks more to substantialls , joh. . . wherein he is more strict , cor. . and where you say , that as in the apostles times , christians multiplied , so also their churches , church-officers , and their church-government , discipline varied : consider that here was no variation of the rule ; but by degrees the rule of church-government and discipline was perfected , not varied . the temple was seven yeares in building , first hewing , squaring , then erecting stone after stone , timber after timber ▪ each in his proper place , here was no variation of the frame and forme of the temple all this while , but the worke went up day by day , till it came to perfection , according to the patterne in writing given to david by the spirit . even so , while the spirituall temple is framing , the daily goings up of it by order after order , and rule after rule , is no variation , but a graduall tending to perfection , till all be finished ; as we now see the whole frame of church-government for all true evangelicall churches so compleated in the new testament , as nothing under the paine aforesaid , may either be diminished , or added to it . and the same orders are prescribed to all the churches ; so ordaine i in all churches , saith the apostle , cor. . . so for the collection for the saints , and for the first day of the weeke for publick meetings ( as before ) the same order he gives to the church of corinth which he doth for the churches of galatia , cor. . , . so officers chosen and ordayned in every church , act. . . tit. . . . so as if one church for the smalnesse of it have fewer officers , and another church for the largenesse of it more in number ( as the church in jerusalem had need of seven deacons , both for the magnitude of the congregation , and the multitude of the poore therein , act. . ) yet this makes no variation in the forme of church-government , as differing one from another either for substance , or circumstance , saving onely socundum magis & minus , as a little man is a man , as well as the tallest man . in a word , those arguments , which you by way of derision set downe in your owne forme of words , with their ergoes , for as much as they are of your own devising , i therefore leave them with you to consider better of them . onely one i cannot passe by , without wrong to christ , to his word , to his spirit , to his apostles . every man ( say you ) in his infancy , is borne destitute of religion , of the use of speech , reason , understanding , faith , legs , &c. ergo , he ought to continue so , when he is growne a man . yet this is the maine argument of some independents ; say you : o brother ! of what independents ? as whence this argument ? because they hold , that in nothing they ought to swerve from the exact rule , gods word , for the government of churches ? and doe you compare the scripture ( as it was in the apostles time ) to a child in his innocency , destitute , & c ? so as , if we will not transgresse the bounds of scripture for church-government , we doe as much in effect , as argue , every man in his infancy is borne destitute of religion , &c. ergo , he ought to continue so , when he is growne a man ? we dare goe no further , then the scripture leads us ; therefore we are a company of infants . good brother , call in these extravagants . . we say the churches were as perfect then as ever since ; they had all ordinances , the most eminent officers , the most large gifts , &c. and as many in a place called to the faith , as can be shewen in any one place since , to have come in voluntarily to the gospell , act. . . . chap. . . the tenth question . this question is reduced thus ; such as cannot produce any one solid reason , why they ought not ( in point of conscience ) willingly submit to a presbyteriall government , in case it shall be established among us , by the generall consent of the synod , and parliament , as most consonant to gods word , the lawes & government of our realme : ought to be reputed to be in a high degree of obstinacy , singularitie , arrogancy , self-ends , and peremptory schisme . but independents cannot produce any one solid reason , why they ought not so to doe , as aforesaid . therefore independents ought to be reputed to be in a high degree of obstinacy , singularity , arrogancy , self-ends , and peremptory schisme . now truly brother , a heavie charge you lay upon those poore creatures you doe so becall independents . as . of obstinacy . if that be obstinacy , against mens consciences not to yield blind obedience to mens commands in point of religion . . of singularity . if that be singularity , for a few to enter in at the strait gate , and to walk in at the narrow way . if that be singularity , to doe that which the multitude will not doe : to ●o●ne under the government of christs kingdome , in the government of our consciences , and of his churches which is a principle ▪ you your selfe in termes cannot , dare not deny . . of arrogancy : if that be arrogancy , for one church not to exalt it selfe over another , or for pastors not to lord it over their flocks . . of selfe-ends : if that be self seeking ▪ which ( if any other ) is a self-denying , and a taking up of our crosse dayly , as malefactors ready to be crucified , as without which resolution wee cannot follow christ . if that be selfe-seeking , to strip our selves of the preferments and favours of the world , to be exposed naked to the reproach of all , to be accounted the out-casts of the world , and the off-scouring of all things , as at this day . and lastly , of peremptory schisme : if that be schisme whereby we ought to separate our selves from all doctrines contrary to what is delivered , rom. , . and so farre as is possible , from all the ●udiments of the world , from the ordinances of men , which are not a●ter christ , that so wee might adhere to him , and walke in him , being taught by him , as the t●●th is in iesus . but ●o● , that these independents should undergoe all these , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , hard speeckes , and yet not to be able to shew one solid rason for it , surely then , a fools cap and a bell were fittest for them . but i hope , brother , if you have but read hitherto , and well weighed in a just ballance , the many reasons we have already given you , perhaps in some of them at least , if not in all , you will find something , that may challenge the title of solid , in your clearer and more solid judgment . now to your argument ▪ first of all i might deny the necessity of the consequence of your proposition . for it is not necessary that every truth should cease to be truth , because every one cannot shew a solid reason for it . the fire hath an essentiall form , and yet no man can find it ou● , it burneth , yet none can shew a solid reason why . the martyrs some of them professed they could not dispute for that truth they held : but ( say they ) we can dye for it . and what if that church-government , which your silly independents hold , be a truth , and yet some of them not able to shew one solid reason for it ? must it therefore not bee a truth ? as the apostle saith ; what if some did not beleeve ? shall their unbeleefe make the saith of god without effect ? but i flatly deny your assumption ; and affirme , that your independents both have , and doe , and can produce many solid reasons , why they may not , ought not in point of conscience , willingly submit to such a presbiteriall government , as you prescribe , because framed by the generall consent of a synod and parliament , conc●●ved by them as consonant to gods word , the lawes and government of our realme . one reason is , consonant to gods word , and conforme to the lawes of this , or any other realme , cannot stand together ; as before is shewed . and the reason hereof is , because christs kingdome is so transcendent , so absolute , distinct , independent , ( if you will ) as it is not obliged to conforme and stoop to humane lawes , and peoples manners , as you put a necessity upon it . a second reason ; because you require obedience to that , which men shall conceive consonant to gods vvord , &c. touched also before , and now againe to put you in mind . and therefore upon this ground we ought not in point of conscience to subject and captivate our saith to mens opinions . a third reason , why we may not doe it , is , because you require absolute obedience to the generall consent of assembly and parliament . now wee dare not pin our faith upon generalitie of mens opinions , the generality of the votes of the jewes state carried it away , to crucifie their king . if the whole world might vote this day , the generality would be against christ , as hee is indeed the onely anoyn●ed king , priest , and prophet . what if the generality vote amisse , while yet they may conceive all to bee right , because consonant to what they most ●ffect ? no , though orthodox and godly , as was shewed before in the instance of paphnutius in the councell of nice , a fourth reason ; because we acknowledge christ alone to be lord of our conscience , and no power of men on earth herein to be joyned with him . harm. confess . sect. . the magistrate rules the body , not the minde . and therefore we dare not subjucate our conscience to humane lawes , customes , and manners , as to gods word , with which you doe so equally yoake them . so as wee answer you with the apostles , when all the syn●dri●n of the iewish state with one generall voyce interd●cted them from preaching in christs name : whether it be equall in the sight of god , to o●ey you rather then god , judge ye . a ●●●●● reason : because the holy ghost by the apostle expresly condemns all humane ordinances in matters of faith and religion , whereof church-government is a branch . and a doct●inall part , so as mans law therein may not bind the conscience ; as col. . from verse . to the end of the chapter . a sixth reason : because it is antichristian to deny iesus to bee the christ , that is , the onely king , priest , and prophet of his church hee is an antichrist , that denieth any of these three offices . but to deny christ to be the onely king of his church , is to deny him in one of his incommunicable offices . and they thus deny iesus to bee the christ , that place man with christ in his throne , that set humane lawes and customes of all nations cheek by jowle with the word of god . here jesus is denied to be the christ . i could here adde many more reasons to those : but these may suffise , that you may see there bee some reasons which your independents can produce , and those so solid , as the gates of hell shall not prevaile against . but , say you , if we thus claime exemption from such binding decrees of men in the matters of christ , and that in point of conscience , then may also papists , anabaptists , and all other ●ects claim the like exemptiens , upon the like groun●s . brother , for that , i hope you will put a difference between orthodox churches , and he●erodox . but i say againe , for any mans conscience , bee it never so erroneous , as that of papists , yet certainly the conscience of such simply considered in it selfe , nor you , nor any man in the world hath any thing to doe , further then to instruct and admonish and labour to enforme and iectifie : enforce it you may not . but shall we tolerate popery , and so idolatry in our land ▪ i answer ; ●t is one thing to tolerate popery and idolatry publickly in a land , and another to tolerate a man in his conscience . magistrates may not tolerate open popery and idolatry to be set up in the land : but the conscience o● a papist , they are no masters , or judges of . if the civill magistrate see any of gods commandements actually violated , hee beareth not the sword for naught ; evill actions he must punish : but hee hath no power , over the conscience of any , to punish a man for that , so long as he makes no open breach of gods commandements , or the just lawes of the land and so in the rest . and , brother , in your twelfth question , you confesse so much reproving ( but how justly ) you independents for censuring the very hearts and spirituall estates of others ; and alleadging that scripture , that forbids men to judge , because god onely knows mens hearts . now , brother , that which you deny to others , as to bee judges of mens hearts , and spirituall estates , why will you either assume it to your selfe , or attribute it to others , by placing them in christ● throne , and thereby displacing christ himselfe ? as the apostle saith , who art thou that judgest anothers servant ? to his master he standeth , or falleth . much more , who art thou , that judgest gods servant ? and ver. . and why dost thou judge thy brother ? or why dost thou set at ●aught thy brother ? we shall all stand at the iudgement se●t of christ . christ therefore is the ●ole iudge o● every mans conscience ; even hee alone , that is the iudge of quicke and dead . and brother , let me put it to your conscience , doe you think it equall , that either your conscience should be a rule of mine , or mine of yours ? and if no one mans conscience may be the rule of anothers ; certa●nly neither may all the mens consciences in the world be the iudge of any one mans . how ever we finde neither rule , example , nor reason from scripture , to force men to religion originally ; ye the r●bins say , if man kept the seven precepts of noah , hee might not bee forced further . the eleventh question . concerning this question , it containeth in it nothing but grievous invectives against the way you call independent : you call it a seminary of schismes and dangerous divisions in church , state : so did tertullus the ●ews advocate against paul , charge him for a pestilent fellow , and a mover of sedition among al the iews , throughout the world , acts . . you pretend to ponder it in the ballance of scripture , or right reason ; but you neither shew us scripture not right reason , to ballance it in . you call it a floodgate to let in an inundation of herefies , errors , sects , libertinisme , and lawlesnesse , without means of suppressing them , when introduced . for this you bring mr. williams his bloody tenent . now suppose him , or his booke , hereticall : will you make the way of christ so too ? there was one judas a traitor , shall therefore all the rest of the apostles , or their apostolicall calling , be so too ? you alleadge also anabaptisticall , ●ntinomian , hereticall , ath●ishicall opinions , as of the soules mortality , divorce at pleasure : will you therefore father all these upon ch●ists kingly government ? in luthers time ●undry heresies sprung up ; was luther therefore either the cause or occasion of them ? doe we not know , that mothes are bied in the parest cloth ? and the dunghills send forth strongest savours when the sunne shines hottest . is either the cloth the proper cause of the moth , or the sunne of the stinking vapour ? never greater errors have bin , then since the gospell hath clearly shined forth . true it is indeed , that th●se divisions , and diversities of opinions , are with bleeding hearts to be bewailed : but shall the gospell of the kingdome beare the burthen of all ? this were , as with the christians in rome in neroes time ; when any judgement of god fell upon the city , he would still im●●●e it to the christians , and punish them for it . but we are taught better . when the good ▪ husband-man sowed pure wheat in in his field , the enemy came and supersemina●ed tares ; shall wee therefore blame the wheat , because the t●res come up with them ? but that you impu●e to this way libertinisme and lawlesnesse : good brother conside● , are we libertines ? or are wee lawlesse ? nay may wee not herein plead for our selves , that in all things we indeavou● to conforme ou● selves wholly to the law of christ● and if many thing we off●nd ju●●ly any just law o●●h● l●n● , wee re●u●e not to suffer . only , brother , le● not ●a● impe●iall edict be revived , that if any confessed themselves to be christians they should be put to death ; so such as you call 〈…〉 , should for this very name suffer . as tertullian said , nomen pro●●●i●ine , when the very name of christian was taken for a crime ▪ ●nd for meanes of suppressing errors , what meanes could suppresse those many errors that sprung up to the successive ages o● the church ? was not the word of god the onely meanes , and not humane power ? yea humane power is as well a meanes to maintain heresies , as to suppresse them . you know what constantine and his sonne did to maintain the arrian heresie . and orthodox independent churches are as good means as any other ; together with the care and countenance of the magistrate , if it may be had , to defend them , and inable them to send forth labourers , without which the presbytery will bee as barren , breast and womb , as any other . the twelfth question . the sundry passages of this question , as i find them scattered along , i shall glean them , and so bundle them up for a conclusion at this time : for this question seems to be a lerna of queries . and first , you quarrell the title of independencie . truly , brother , none of all those whom you thus intitle , doe at all glory in this name , so as to give you thanks for your so often stiling them thus in one poore sheet of paper , seeing th●y cannot imagine you doe it honoris gratia , while every where you set it as a brand . notwithstanding we are not so ashamed of it , as utterly to disclaime it ; and that for two reasons . first , for distinction sake between us , and that which you call your presbyteriall government . the second is , because this word independent is to signifie , that we hold all particular churches of christ , to bee of equall authority , and none to have or exercise jurisdiction over another , but that each church is under christs government , as the sole head , king ▪ lord , law give● thereof . but wee would not that you should give us this as a nick name , or a name of reproach , or badge of scorne : no● that you should call us so , as if we denied subjection to civill authority in matters of civill government nor yet that you should mean such an independe●cie , as if we held not good correspondence with all sister-churches , by way of conseciation , consultation , communion , communication , mutuall consolation , supportation and ( in a word ) in all things , duties , offices , as wherein christs kingdom is held up , the graces of the churches exercised , & the liberties of each church preserved intire , which is the glory of christ , which we have touched before . and therefore , brother , you mightily mistake the matter , when you interpret independency , as not needing both the communion and assistance of other persons , nations , churches . then secondly you question , whether the nationall covenant dothin sundry respects strongly ingage the nation against independency ? truly , brother , not at all , so long as all our reformation is to be reduced to , and regulated by the word of god . and that is a sure foundation , whereon our independencie dependeth . in which respect the nation is by the covenant ●●g●ged for independencie . thirdly , you queree , whether if independencie ( rightly taken still as before ) if stript of all disg●ising pretences , be not pharisaicall , vainglorious , selfe-conceitednesse , &c. here , brother , you lash us with a whip of many cords , but that our armour is p●oo● . so you have done more then ten times , yea all along . and that all this should come from a friend , a brother , a suffe●er , from a companion , & counsellor , how hard is it to be born ? 〈…〉 you tell us of disguising pretences , if stript ; and for this , you have provided an unma●king for us . o brother , we have no such d●sguisings , as to feare your unmaskings . we may in this boldly answere with the apostle , i hess . . . . . and for pharisaicall ▪ spirituall pride , vain-glory , singularity , selfe-constitednesse of superlative holinesse , which as dirt you throw so liberally in our face ; to this brother , i will say no more but this : s● sat est accusasse ▪ quis innoeens erit ? it a bare and malicious accu●a●ion be e●ou●h to fasten a crime , who shall be innocent ? and did you ever enter into our hearts , to see what secret spirituall tumours , and apostumations be there ? and if not , how come you presently , in the very same sentence , and with the same breath to blow all this besmearing dust into your owne face ? for you charge us with passing uncharitable censures upon mens hearts , and spiritual ●states ; of which ( say you ) god never made us iudges , and forbids us for to judg because he onely knowes mens hearts ( as was noted before . ) now then , brother , why doe you thus judge the hearts and spirituall estates of your brethren ? consider it well in cold blood . and , brother , what doe you see in the independencie , that you should thus judg them ? the tree is knowne by the fruits . are they ambitions of preferments , of glory of the world , of favour of great ones , of praise of men that doe voluntarily forsake all , and strip themselves of all to follow naked christ ▪ pharisees indeed loved the prayse of men more then the praise of god . that 's pharisaicall , so in the rest . therefore brother , tell not the world what malice may suggest unto you to think of us , but what you ●●e or observe in us . and yet , brother , the ●n●e of charity is , that you should first tell your brother privately o● his fault , before you blaze it to the world . but thus at least we come to know our ●a●●t . and what is it ? wee doe , ( say you d●●m our selves too transcendently hol● s●●stified and religious a●ov●o he●s ; that we esteem them altogether unworthy of yea who●● exclude them from our communion & ourch-society , as publicans , heathens , or p●of●ne ●ersons ( though perhaps as good , or better then our selvs ) unlesse they will submit to their church-covenants , & government , ref●sing ●l true brotherly familiarity ▪ society with them . so you . now , brother pryn , i confesse i am one of th●se , whom you call independents ▪ and did you ever observe any such supercisious strang●nesse of ●●r●●age in me towards you , and other of your and my friend ▪ 〈…〉 e zealous against independents , then your selfe , ●s youchange us withall ? have there not been many interchangeable invitations between you and me , with loving acceptations , whereby we have enjoyed mutuall society , in all friendly and brotherly entertainment , saving ●●ill some quarrels about 〈…〉 way , but ever parting friends ? and more frequent it had been , had your occasions , and sometimes mine owne , permitted ▪ and neither at this day , since these you● invectives came forth , ( though they were no small griefe to me , and that even for your sak● ) am i become a greater stranger to you , either in face or affection , then i was be o●● for i am so perswaded of your good nature , thar did you truly epprehend , and dive into the mystery of christs kingly government in his churches and children , certainly you would never have thus sharpened and imbittered your style against your brethren ; the lord open your eyes to see it . but however , brother , either be more moderate in censuring , or else censure not at al● , without ju●● cause . but we exclude ( say you ) as good or better then our selvs from communion and church-society with us . surely it may be so ; but , brother , we exclude them not ; but they exclude themselves . and you give the reason , because they wil not submit to the churches government . but it doth not hence follow , that wee therefore deem either our selves so transcende●tly holy ( as you say ) or others altogether unworthy . but , brother , we esteem the government of christs church so holy ▪ as we cannot think them fit to be admitted ( be they never so good ) that think so slightly of the way , and of them that walk in it , that they refuse to agree to walk in this way with the people of god . would you admit of a member into your family who is disaffected with your courses , and orders of the family ? what cause then hath he to complain , if upon knowledge thereof you refuse to entertain him ? if therefore every family should be carefull to provide for its own peace , by having all in it of like affection and judgement , ( if possible ) why not christs owne house and family ? and , brother , the truth is , ( for we love no disguising , as to need any unmasking ) wee love not in a time of reformation , after a generall tincture of superstition and will-worship , blindly to goe to work , to admit of all commers , and to cast christs pearles and holy things to such as we know not . or if we b● perswaded they be truly godly , and yet they are not perswaded of the warrantablenesse of this way , how can they with a good conscience desire communion with us ? and if not , how can the church receive them ? nor indeed doe any such offer themselves ; nor doth the church impose any such conditions , as a godly christian hath cause not to accept . we desire to doe those things that please god , namely , such as he commends and commands . rev. . . christ commends the angell of the church of ephesus , for not hearing with those that are wicked , and for trying those that sayd they were apostles , and were not , but were found ly●rs . so some may come that professe themselves to be christians , that is , to be godly , to be beleevers , but we dare not receive them without triall : if they refuse to be tried , we may the more suspect them . and what interest hath any to church communion , that is not a member , or to the seal , that is not in covenant ? and we love not to do that , for which to repent afterwards . we desire all our members may be such as they may peaceably and sweetly continue with us . we are loath to have the world offended by the unworthy walking of any one member . and we desire by our best providence to prevent , that none once admitted , should ever be cast out again . and brother , all this we hold to be our duty , for the preferring of the honour of christ , and of his ordinances , and of his churches in the beauties of holinesse . others may take a broader way , if they please ; wee dare not . the church and body of christ is not of so slight account with us , as that we should carelesly and promiscuously admit of every one that offer themselves , without some triall of them , both for the churches satisfaction , and for the account shee must make to jesus christ . how strict the jews were , airsworth in gen. . v. . relates out of the r●●bines . and even bellarmine himselfe had such a cleare apprehension of the generall nature of christs church , ( though himselfe did not experimentally and particularly know it ) that hee useth th●se words : ecclesia precip●è , &c. the church especially and intention●lly , gathereth onely beleevers , such as have true faith in their heart . and when any hypocrites are mingled among , such as truly beleeve not ▪ i● falleth out besides the intention of the church . for if it could know them , it would never admit them ; or being casually admitted , it would so thwith exclude them . thus bell●rmi e ; which he sets down as a most true speculative prinple ( though but ill applied , and worse practised by him and his , and such like , ) which yet all true churches should be carefull to observe , and pot in practice . and truly , brother , we desire to do this , that , if it be possible , no misbeleever , no prophane liver , no hypocrite be admitted a member of christs body ( though an hypocrite having his viz rd on , may sometimes * creep in unawares into the church ) and therefore diligent circumspection is used for prevention . and ●urpius ejicitur , quam non admittitur h●s●es : a guest is in refairly kept out , then cast out . this , brother , is our course , that we hold in admitting of members ; we think we cannot be too wary , though too strict we are not . we suspect the gold that will not abide the touch . a christian name may silver over the copper , such as the scripture calls reprobate silver , ierem. . ▪ though we know each currant coin hath its allowance of allay ; and each beleeving saint so many grains allowance ; but all sincere , no thing counterfeit . and as for church covenant , we have sufficiently spoken before . the last charge you lay upon independencie , is , uncharitablenesse , carelesnesse , and neglect of one another welfare , and the like . brother , for uncharitablenesse , let our practises , the best proofes of true charity ▪ plead for us . we ●●ve manifested our love and loyalty to the state , whereof we are natural and politicall members . for the safety thereof we have powred out our estates to the very bottome . we dare herein compare with all others of our rank and meanes . my selfe a poore man , am out for the state ▪ between foure and five hundred pounds ; and , i blesse god , i have done it with a cheerfull heart , nor for squint respects to lay out so much at once , to receive of the state so much annuity . yet i speak it not to glory , but you have compelled me . and besides their means , none have more prodigally adventured and spent their lives for the state , then your independents have ; and for none hath the god of battels appeared more . and but for stirring up envie ( which needs not ) i should put you in mind of marston-moore . in a word , brother , we dare challenge all the world in point of fidelity to the state , and our native countrey . where be they that more love , honour our senat , synod , syn●drion ? who pray more frequently , more fervently for them ? so that herein you cannot say we are independents , as for want of true love , and that of the best kind , to the publick cause and state , from which our independencie is so farre from separating our hearts and affections , with all our abilities to serve it , as that it hath cleared it self to be as fast & firmly united unto it , as any other whatsoever . and for true charitablenes ▪ brother , where is it to be found , if not in those churches you call independent ? but you will say , this love is among our selves . and god grant it may ever be so : yet it ends not here , but extends to all ▪ and , brother , for a close , i challange you to shew me any one parochiall congregation in england , where in there is , or can be the like love one to another , the like care one for another , the like spirituall watchfulnesse one over another , the like union and communion of members in one mysticall body , in a sympathy of affections , in such a fraternitie as is described , psal. . a lively type of a true church of christ . till you shew us the like in any of your parochiall assemblies , consisting of your mixed multitude , good brother , restrain your spirit so mightily imbittered against us , lest in charging us with uncharitablenesse , your self alone be found to be uncharitable . and so i have done with your first twelve questions . a vindication of churches , commonly called independent . or an ansvver to mr. prynnes second book . my deare brother , to your twelve new interrogatories i present you with a new answer . i call it new , because i shall cull out such passages , as i find new , or not so much insisted on in your former twelve . which as they are fewer , so i shall be the shorter , for as much as in the former , i have been the larger . but brother , i find not that in your book , which you pretend in your title , to wit , the unmasking of independency . nor can we expect it of you : for in your proeme you say , that the independents have not dogmatically , and in direct termes , discovered the full truth of what they assert . if not , what kind of visage will you discover , when you have taken off the mask ? surely , by your handling of the matter , you mean to unmask some hags face , such as pleased the painter . which when you have done , it will appeare to all the wise-hearted , that it is not the face of independency , as wherein there shines forth such a beauty , as it seemeth you yet never saw . in your preface to the courteous r●●der , you say , we politickly conceale the principall grounds , and more deformed parts of our church-platforme , for feare of miscarrying . good brother , who told you so● remember your own lesson before , judge not . but indeed , had you reproved us ( yet in love and meeknesse ) for not setting forth more fully a compleat modell of this fabrick , or spirituall house , it had been something . which yet if it were done , you would not impute it to policy , that it was not sooner done . but when it is exactly done , you will find no deformed parts at all in it : but contrariwise a greater beauty then in that famous temple that solomon built , as being the spirituall temple of jesus christ ; so as i am sorry you are put to the paines of pumping out our determinations ( as you say ) by your questions : when as you should rather find it as a fountaine flowing forth in the streets . but brother , how doe you write by question , not decision ( as you say ) when your questions prove to be decisions , as your former twelve are ? and what doe you els , but refute upon bare conjectures , andabatarum more pugnando , as those at blind-man-buff . for your charges upon us are very sore , and ( as many doe say ) bitter , so farre beyond reason , as you are not able truly to say , wherefore . for your first question , whether the independent forme of church-government be anywhere to be found in the old or new testament : this we have resolved in your former twelve questions : so as this is no new interrogatory , unlesse you put the greater difference between questions , and interrogatories . and though it were in no antiquitie ( which yet we have shewen before ) neverthelesse , if it be found in the scripture ( as there it is ) whatsoever clouds of the mastery of iniquitie have darkened the lustre of it for so many hundred yeares : yet this cannot plead prescription against it . for if nullum tempus occurrit regi : then surely no tract of time can prescribe against the law of christs kingdome , which we finde upon sacred record . but where , say you ? why , brother , this house of god wherein christ rules as king , stands upon so many principles , as so many maine pillars , not to be shaken . as . it is a spirituall house , whose onely builder and governour is christ , and not man . . it is a spirituall kingdome , whose onely king is christ , and not man . . it is a spirituall republick , whose onely law-giver is christ , and not man . . it is a spiritual corporation , or body , whose onely head is christ , and not man . . it is a communion of saints , governed by christs spirit , not man's . . christs church is a congregation called and gathered out of the world by christs spirit and word , and not by man . these principles are such , as the adversaries themselves of this kingdome of christ , cannot , dare not deny . and out of these principles doe issue these conclusions . . that no man is the builder of this spirituall house . . that no man , nor power on earth hath a kingly power over this kingdome . . that no earthly law-givers may give lawes for the government of this republick . . that no man may claime or exercise a headship over this body . . that no man can , or ought to undertake the government of this communion of saints . item , that none are of this communion , but visible saints . ergo , a true visible church of christ cannot be defined , or confined to a parochiall multitude . item , ●hat , that government of this communion , is not extrinsecall , but intrinsecall , by the spirit of the word , and by the word of the spirit . . that men may not appoint , limit , constitute what congregations of all sorts they please , to be churches of christ , as nations and parishes . but you confesse in generall , christ to be the builder , the king , the law-giver , the head , the governour , the caller , the gatherer of his churches . if you doe , you must approve of those churches you call independent , as whereof christ is the onely builder , king , law-giver , head , governour , caller , and gatherer . if you doe not , in denying christ in these relations , you deny christ in his absolute regalitie . but in your answer to your antiquerist , pag. . you doe in part grant christ to be king internally in the soule , which , you say , may passe for tolerable . o brother ! no more but may passe for toleráble ? you that are so l●rge-●earred to your friends , are you so strait-laced to christ ? surely , brother , christ is the full and sole king , raigning in the heart and conscience of every true beleever . it were intolerable , not to grant this in its full latitude . but you absolutely deny christs sole kingly government , externall over his churches . brother , this is no lesse christs kingly prerogative , then the former . hee that is king over every part of the body , must needs be king over the whole body . it therefore christ be the only king over every mans conscience , so as no man , nor power on earth , may sit with him in this his throne : then consequently by the se●f-same reason , must he by the word of the kingdome , as the only law thereof , exercise his kingly office over his churches ; so as no humane power or law may intermeddle to prescribe rules for the government , or forms of this spirituall house , and kingdome . for otherwise , if man should set up a form of government over the church of christ , to which all must conforme ; then of necessitie should man b● lord over the couscience , which is the highest presumption against the most high . and then what mischiefs would follow● what intolerable tyrannie over the conscience ? then must your words ( ibid. ) come to passe : if a moderated or regulated ep●scopacie the same with presbyterio , should by the synods advice , be unanim●usly established in parliament , as most consonant to the scriptures , and most agrerable to the civill government , i shall readily submit unto it without opposition , and why not you , and al● others ? so you . o brother , i stand amazed ! but i go on . then againe , the scripture , as it sets downe the qualifications of the members of this body , so the forming of them in the body in the parts thereof , more principall , and lesse , superiour and inferiour , for order and well-being : as pastors and teachers , teaching and ruling elders , helpes , governments , bishops , and deacons , or by what other means soever they are diversified in scripture . and this is one uniforme forme of government , which christ hath fixed in his churches , without any difference at all , but secundum●magis & minus ( as before ) as lesser churches have fewer officers , greater moe . so as , brother , if the old wine be better , old presby●erie , old unlordly episc●p●cy , surel ▪ the independents do justly challenge it : which had you once truly tasted of , you would never have desired to drink other . the lord remove that aguish humor * vexatus f●bre recus●t ●ptima . your second interrogatory is , about the lawfull powe● of civill magistrates in all matters of church-government , wherein you tax some independents for extraordinary eclipsing the same . some : what some may say , is one thing , must therfore the independent church-government say it too ? you alledge for this a passage in the answer of two of the brethren to a. s. for wch one of them is lately questioned : but , i hope , he wil clear himself . but the weight of this whole interrogatory lies in your marginall note : where you peremptorily conclude ; that the chief government and ordering of the church , and power of making ecclesiasticall lawes , or canons to bind it , before the law belonged to the patriarks and others , was not as they were priests , but rulers , and fathers of their families : under the law ( say you ) it belonged to moses , to the kings of iudah , israel , and the morall assemblies or congregations of the princes , nobles , chiefe captains , heads , and elders of the people : therefore under the gospel , by like reason and equity , and because it is a part of christs kingly , not priestly , or propheticall office ▪ it must needs belong to christian princes , magistrates , parliaments , to whom christ hath delegated his kingly office ; not to ministers , to whom he hath given onely his propheticall or priestly authoritie , not the royall , as the scriptures at large relate : nor yet to particular congregations , who are not magistrates , nor higher powers , invested with christs royall authoritie . so you , where you tell us many strange things , but prove nothing . but , brother , in such a weighty argument as this , your {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , will not serve the turne : yea , you here overthrow those principles forementioned , that christ is the onely king , so the onely priest , the onely prophet of his church ; which his three offices are incommunicable to any creature , as they are proper and peculiar onely to him ; he is the onely king , &c. now to be solus , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the onely potentate , the king of kings , and lord of lords ; this is christs regall prerogative , which is in communicable to any , or to all the powers on earth . it is no lesse incommunicable , then his omnipotencie , his omniscience his omnipresence , and the rest of his incommunicable attributes ; no lesse then his mediatorship . those patriarchs and princes of israel before the law , and under the law , from adam to christ , never had this power or prerogative , to make ecclesiasticall lawes , or binding canons ; no nor yet moses , no● kings of iudah , israel , and generall assemblies , princes , nobles , chiefe captaines , and elders of the people , as you muster them up together in your marginall note . a seeming goodly army indeed ; but so many shadowes of men , for any such power they had , as you would with your penfull of ink paint cut unto us . and first for those before the law was given in sinai : had they this power you speak of ? cain and abel brought their sacrifices . what ? was it a * will-worship of their own election ? if so , god had regarded abels sacrifice no more then cains . how then ? their sacrifice was of gods own appointment : adam had it from god , and his children from him . for as god revealed to adam , christ , so those sacrifices , types of christ . whence the learned interpreter calvin saith , tenendum est , &c. we are to hold , that the manner of sacrificing was not unadvisedly devised by them , but delivered to them from god ▪ for seeing the apostle res●●res the dignity of abels sacrifice , as attributed to faith , it followes , he offered it not without gods commandement . so as it could not have pleased god , had it not been according to his commandement . so calvin . nor is all here expressed : no doubt they had an altar also , whereon to offer for the sanctifying and accepting the offering ; which altar was a type of christ the true * altar , to whom abels faith had respect . though we read not of altar before gen. . . we read also of difference of beasts clean , & unclean , gen. . by all which it is evident , that god gave a law to adam and his off-spring , sutable to that in mount sinai , for a rule of divine worship ; so also for church-government . and this further appeareth by the law in sinai afterwards , where moses is expresly charged to do all things ( both for worship and church-government ) according to the patern shewed him in the mount ; as before we noted . and when the temple was to be built , god gave to david an exact patern of all things , yea , of every particular , both in writing and by his spirit , not onely for worship , but for the whole ministration about the temple , a type of christs church under the gospell , so as neither moses nor kings of iudah , had the least power to devise any other forme , then that prescribed of god . the keeping of the passover once in the second month by ezechiah , was extraordinary , upon a case of necessity . and for the kings of israel , will you equall them with the kings of judah ? had they lawfull power , as jerobam , to set up his two golden ●●lvs , and so to change the form of worship & church-government ? when that king a●as set up his damascen altar , was it by a regall power invested in him from god ? so of other kings of juda , good or bad , they had no lawfull power at all to alter the form prescribed of god , one jor . and therefore , brother , you are wondred at , that being a man of much reading , and mightie parts , you should utter such strange things ( ne quid dicam durius ) as these are , and that so confidently , when you neither doe , nor ever can bring the least proofe , yea or colour of what you affirm . and therefore your inference upon such empty premises , that therefore under the gospel , by like reason and equity , it must needs belong to christian princes , magistrates , parliaments , to whom christ hath delegated his kingly office , &c. is no consequence . whence i note two things : . like reason and equity . now in your premises there is neither reason nor equity , because no truth in them . . christ hath not delegated his kingly office to any princes , magistrates , parliaments , to set up any form of worship or church-government of their devising , or conceiving , no more then hee did to all , or any of those you reckon up in the old testament . i pray god give you a better understanding in this mystery of christ , and godly sorrow for these things . take then the counsell of this great king : bee wise therefore , and understand ; and kisse this king , this sonne of god , by obeying him in all that he saith , as being not onely the onely king , but the onely prophet of his church ( as before ) whom whoso heareth not in all things , shall even be cut off from his people . but how then doe you say , this is a part of christs kingly office , not priestly , or propheticall , to set up a government ; and , hee hath not communicated those other offices to princes and parliaments : whereas christ doth in all things regulate his kingly office by his prophetical office ? and again , how say you , christ hath not given his kingly office to ministers , but onely his priestly and propheticall ; and yet you make an assembly of ministers as rector chori to be the leaders and guides to a form of reformation , and that necessarily ? and denying such to bee kings , or to have a kingly office , you exclude them out of the albe of those faithfull ones , whom christ hath made ▪ a * royall priesthood ; even * kings and priests to god his father . but so much of this second interrogatory . the third interrogatory . touching this : . wee assume not the power to gather churches , but being sent or called to preach the word of the kingdome , thereby people thus called of god , come to be gathered into church-fellowship , and so by consent doe chuse their officers . . such as are thus called , to acknowledge christ their onely king , were not begotten to this acknowledgment by such ministers as you speak of , who deny , disclaime , and preach against christs kingly government over mens consciences and churches . so as such a conversion as you speak of , comes not home to whole christ : and such , with their converters , doe deny christs kingly government ; what kind of converts call you these ? or at least and best they are converted but in part ; and that main thing wanting , to wit , christs kingly office , they come up to by the preaching thereof . . such ministers , when they set up christs government , may ( being agreed upon by all sides ) have those parishioners again , that for want of it at the first went from them . . our solemne vow and covenant obligeth us not to any thing that is prejudiciall to the authority of gods word , and the libertie of a good conscience , considering how churches are gathered out of all the world , not this place , nor that , not this house nor that , but out of * every nation , such as fear god , and * out of every house the sons of peace , & out of * every citie or town , all that receive the gospel , are called and gathered to christ . . concerning christian liberty in joyning to severall churches , as in the same house some to affect one , some another : you know what christ saith , luke . , , . and it is god that perswadeth i●ph●t to dwell in the tents of shem. and , brother , all that noyse you make all along , with extreame aggravations , as confusion , distraction , implacable contestations , schismes , tum●lts , &c. what are they but the very out-cries which the prelats ever used for the crying and keeping up of their hierarchy , built upon the same sandy foundation . this is well noted in the harmony of confessions , sect. . confession of ausburg . these senater-like declamations though they be very plausible , and incense the mindes of many against us , yet they may be confuted by most true and substantiall arguments . as , all the prophets and apostles were true lovers of the peace and concord of nations and people : yet were they constrained by the commandement of god , to warre against the devils kingdome , to preach heavenly doctrine , to collect a church unto god , and the like . and , the true doctrine of god , and his true worship , must needs be embraced and received ; and all errors , that tend to the dishonor of god , must be abhorred and forsaken , though all the world should break and fall down . and much more there . . though we are fully perswaded by gods word and spirit ▪ that this our way is christs way ; yet wee neither doe , nor dare judge others to be reprobates , that walk not with us in it , but we leave all judgement to god , and heartily pray for them : we our selves have been formerly ignorant of it , therefore wee pitie others . . where you object , that under pretence of christian liberty , whole houses , parishes , counties , may thus come to be divided into severall formes of churches , as some for the presbyteriall , some for the hierarchicall , and so cause schismes and ruines ; or at least unavoidably subvert all ancient bounds of parishes , all setled maintenance for the ministery by tythes , &c. brother , for christian libertie , who shall perswade the conscience , or who hath power over it , but he that made it , even god , the onely judge thereof ? and for difference of mens judgements in points of religion , how can it be avoided ? and yet it followes not , that upon such differences should come ruine to a state . what serveth the magistrate , and the lawes of a civill state for , but to keep the peace ? and as for parishes , will you allow no churches but parishes ? or are parishes originally any other but of humane , politicke , and civill constitution , and for civill ends ? or can you say , that so many as inhabit in every parish respectively , shall bee a church ? should such churches and parishes then necessarily be churches of gods calling and gathering ? are they not congregations of mans collection , constitution and coaction meerly ? what churches then ? and as for tithes : what tithes , i pray you , had the apostles ? such as be faithfull and painfull ministers of christ , he will certainly provide for them : as when hee sent forth his disciples without any purse , or provision , he asked them , lacked you any thing ? they said , nothing . surely , the labourer is worthy of his hire . and as for ministers maintenance by tithes , i referre you to the judgment of your learned brother mr. selden . and as for your independent ministers , they plead no other maintenance then the new testament holds forth , yet not denying the magistrate and state a power to appoint maintenance for the preaching of the word , as is done in new england , to those that are not members of churches . and where you charge them , for having the faith of christ in respect of persons , as if they admitted the rich , rather then the poore : brother , i hope it is not so with others ; i am sure , not so with me . and lastly , for your marginall young interrogatories : as , . of how many members each congregation ? i am sure your congregations admit neither augmentation nor diminution , but according to the capacitie of every parish . . within what precincts ? christs churches are not limited either to place or number . . what set stipends allowed ? sufficient more or lesse . . when and where churches should assemble ? for when ? at times convenient . for where ? not necessarily in this or that place . . who shall prescribe extraordinary times of fasting , or thanksgiving to them upon just occasions ? if the occasion be the churches peculiar interest , the church agrees upon the time . but if it be publick , concerning the politick body of the state , whereof we are native members , in whose weale or woe we sympathize , either we keep dayes of our own appointment extraordinary , or if the civill state command and appoint a day , we refuse not to observe it . . who shall rectifie their church-covenants , discipline , censures , government , if erroneous , or unjust ? first , each church useth her best meanes left her of christ , within her selfe . secondly , if need require , she useth the help of sister-churches . thirdly , if any other , as the civill state , be not satisfied , shee * refuseth not to yeeld an account of her actions , being required . . shew us ( say you ) a sufficient satisfactory commission from gods word for all they doe , or desire , before they gather any churches . brother prynne , you say you will pump out our thoughts ▪ yea , it seemes , you will exanclate , pumpe out every drop that is in us . but stay , brother , you are not yet a magistrate . and . wee hope you will not take up againe the oath ex officio to pump out all our secrets . and . though i have for my part dealt very freely with you , as my brother , all along : yet give me leave to keep a reserve , done● ad triarios redieritres , untill it come to a dead lift , in case we shall be brought before * princes and rulers , to give an account of what we doe , or desire . and . you put us upon too unreasonable a taske , to satisfie you in all that we doe , or desire . first make your particular exceptions , and demands for this , or that ▪ and then we shall know the better how to shape you an answer , as you see we have here done . what are all your books of law ▪ cases , all the volumes of the casuists , to the resolution upon general grounds , of incident matters , which could not be ruled till they happened ? and yet the government of states is one , and the doctrine of the scripture in all generally necessary poynts cleare . and we desire you not too too much to grow upon us , when you see we are so coming , and free . the fourth interrogatory . this is much like the next before . for that was about ministers power to gather churches : this , concerning the peoples power in uniting themselves in a church , choosing their minister , erecting such a government , as they conceive most sutable to the scripture . and so all manner of hereticks may set up churches , and all manner of heresies , sects , be brought in . i answer , as before . a church is a citie of god , which by her charter becomes a citie , being called of god , and by the same charter ( the scripture ) chuseth her own officers : and sets up no other government , but what her charter prescribes . if any other doe otherwise , and doe pervert the scripture , it is not to be imputed to the church of christ . her liberties are no law for others licentiousnesse . it was so in the apostles times , and the next ages after . the true churches liberties were no true cause of so many heresies ; no more then the christians of old were the cause of the calamities of the citie or empire of rome , because nero and other tyrants falsly charged them , and as injuriously dealt with them . nor may we cast away the priviledges of christians , because others abuse them . yea , whether we use our priviledges , or no , errours and heresies will be . the apostles , and apostolick churches , could neither keep , nor cast them out ; as is shewed before . but brother , where you say , that if this liberty of setting up an independent church-government be admitted : then by the selfe-same reason , they must have a like libertie to elect , erect what civil forme of government they please : to set up a new independent republick ▪ kingdome , &c. by the selfe-same reason ? surely by no reason at all . shew us a reason hereof , and take all . and you know , that republicks , kingdomes are independent , though not of churches electing , erecting . it is unsatisfiable injury , and extreame irrationality thus to argue ; for hath christ given the same command to his people , as such who are not of this world , nor their kingdome , as he hath done to them in spirituals which he commands them to practise whosoever forbids ? . they set up no forme , but take that which is prescribed , which god hath not done in civill government , but left it free , pet. rom. . the fifth interrogatory . herein you make a comparison between presbyteriall and independent churches ; why not that , as well as this ? and if this , why doe we not shew solid proofe of it ? i answer : we desire to enjoy ours , without making comparison with yours ▪ for proofe we have shewed sufficient . then to a second quere ; the answer is , not the minister alone , nor the congregation alone , but both together admit members , and set up christs government , not their own . and how ever you make us a conventicle , consisting of inconsiderable ignorant members : i beleeve , brother prynne , when you shall have any thing to doe with the most contemptible of such conventicles , as you esteeme us , you will not altogether find us such , as you are pleased to terme us . and for nationall parliaments , states , wee honour them with whatsoever honour is due unto them , as gods * word commandeth us . and for a nationall councell , as this is , called to advise , not to be peremptory judges in the matters of god over our consciences , wee detract not their due honour too , as they are pious , and learned men . . where you would have them have the same power in a parliament and synod , that they have in a church , if they be members , it is answered , that all power is restrained to its own sphere and place , so that we may have a greater power in another kind , and yet not that ; as no parliament man hath the power of a master of a family in the parliament , though he have a greater . the sixth interrogatory . this interrogatory hath sundry branches : the answer whereunto respectively , will intimate what they be . . wee say , as before , none of our ministers doe by any usurped authoritie gather churches . . we cannot conceive , that any law of the land is against the setting up of christs kingdome in the hearts of his people ; and in those congregations called and gathered by the voyce of his word . nor doth the ministery of christs word more in this , then it did by john baptist , christ himselfe , and his apostles , when they called christian congregations out of the jewes nationall church . even the imperiall heathen roman lawes gave way to the preaching of christs kingdome , and gathering of churches within their territories , provinces , cities . . for church-government , covenant , wee have said enough before . . concerning a nationall church also , we have spoke already in the former answer . and i desire brevitie , and not to answer all your repetitions and aggravations , lest i may nauseam movere . . it is one thing for a state to set up a new forme of ecclesiasticall government , and another to pull downe the old . this they were bound unto by the word of god : but not so that , unlesse it be the same church-government which christ sets downe in his word ; besides which none other ought to be set up , though never so much pretended , and by men conceived to be according to gods word , when made sutable to the lawes , customes of every nation , and manners of the people , as you affirme ; of which before . lastly , this church-government , which we professe , you shall never be able to prove ridiculous and absurd , as you conclude your interrogatory . the seventh interrogatory . this interrogatory is about the dismissing of members : . to become members of presbyteriall churches : . or of other independent churches . i answer , if any will desert their congregation , who can let them ? yet it is the churches care and duty to preserve it selfe , and all the members in unity of the body ; and also from whatsoever may be sinfull . if any shall repent , and fall back , churches are not more free , then * christ himselfe was . if any for conveniency sake , or necessary occasion , desire to joyne with some other church , doe you think it unreasonable , first to acquaint the church with their desire ? and doe you not allow of letters of recommendation , when any is to passe to other churches ? may not els jealousies and suspicions arise , and heart-burnings between churches ? do you not remember , what divisions and emulations the want hereof did cause among the churches of old ? and , brother , we desire to doe all things in love . and we desire that others should doe no otherwise unto us , then we doe unto them : as you object . you twit us againe , for respecting the rich , more then the poore . if it be true , it is * our fault , and ought not so to be : if not true , it is yours , and that so often as ( as you doe ) you cast it in our dish . the eight interrogatory . this interrogatory is to charge us , for not admitting to baptisme any infants of such parents , who are not members of our churches . and , brother , you make this a most hainous and intolerable thing . why , you know , if we would admit of all , it would be no small benefit and advantage to us , especially when we are to deale with rich mens children , such as you say we have in such high estimation . therefore that we doe it not for rich men , you may thinke there is something in it , that covetousnesse is not ▪ so predominant in us ▪ as to corrupt our conscience . and therefore brother , let some charitable thought take place in you , that we doe it rather of conscience , then of covetousnesse . and what say you to this , brother ? we preach christ to the parents . we preach him no lesse a king , then a priest and prophet . we preach him the onely king of our conscience , and the onely law-giver and governour of his churches . we exhort them to set up this king in their hearts . wee exhort them to become and professe to be those saints , of whom he is king . for he is * king of saints . but , brother , they will not beleeve us ; they will not depend upon christ , as the onely lawgiver , and king over their consciences . now , what would you have us to doe in this case ? baptize the infants of such parents , as will not , in this respect , professe , nor confesse christ to be their king ? why , doe you not know , that no infants have any title to baptisme , that are not within the covenant visibly ? and how are they within the covenant visibly , but by vertue of their parents faith outwardly professed ? and what outward profession of faith in the parents , that refuse christ for their onely king ? that are ashamed , or afraid , to professe to be in covenant with christ , as their king ? if therefore the parents professe not ▪ yea refuse thus to be in visible , covenant , can the children be said to be in visible covenant , and so to have a right to baptisme , the externall seale of the covenant ? brother , here is obex , a barre put . if you say , the child shall not beare the iniquitie of the father . true ; but the parents keep themselves off from the covenant by refusing christ , in whom alone the beleever hath right to the covenant ; and so the child is withall kept off . for it is not now under the gospel , as it was from abraham to christ , the covenant was made with abraham and his seed , so as by vertue hereof all the male infants of beleeving abraham were and ought to be circumcised . but now under the gospel , those onely are accounted abrahams seed , who professe the faith of abraham , which faith looked upon christ , and embraceth whole christ in all his offices , and professe the same outwardly , rom. . , . so as the covenant is entayled onely to beleevers now , and so to their children ( as act. . . ) if then the parents by refusing christ as their king , as the jewes did ( luk . . ) doe hereby out themselves off from the covenant , they do therewith cut off their children too : and this not to be recovered in the child , untill either the parent be restored , or the child coming in time to beleeve , and to professe the faith of christ , doe hereby claime his right to the covenant , and so to baptisme , as being a * childe of abraham . let this suffice for the present , why we dare not baptize the children of those parents , that refuse to professe the faith of christ , as their onely king , as well as their onely priest and prophet . for christ divided , becomes no christ to the divider . this is , according to the vulgar latin translation , ( joh. . . ) solvere iesum , to dissolve jesus , that is , to receive him only in part , and not in whole . which is the spirit of antichrist . besides , willing disobedience to any good order in a church , deprives a man of the liberties of the church : ( for so he may not eat of the provender , that will not undergoe the yoake ) now this of a voluntary profession to walk with the saints of such a place , according to christ , is a thing so just , as following the example of the old church , who were in particular covenant with god . . in the new , they professed their giving themselves to god , cor. . . . all societies require some promise of their members . if it be said , we are members of the universall church by faith and repentance : we reply , . this faith must be shewen by a voluntary giving our selves to christ visibly , and then to some church of his , if opportunitie serve ; for christ will not have his people to be wandring sheep , when they may have a fold ; nor to be individua vaga , when they may be reduced to order . the ninth interrogatory . this interrogatory lays a charge upon independents , for refusing to admit to the lords supper such as are not notoriously scandalous , nor grossely ignorant , but professe repentance , &c. which you say , is a very uncharitable , arrogant , yea unchristian practise , contrary to christs own example in admitting iudas to the lords supper ; also to that of paul , cor. . you calling it also a transcendent straine of tyrannicall usurpation over soules and consciences , and gods ordinances , worse then our most domineering lordly prelates , &c. yea lording over christ himselfe , and more then ever the apostles did , but onely by their extraordinary calling , &c. i answer in one word ( omitting your copious aggravations , and sharp censures ) that we look further , then to a generall profession and conversation , namely , to their faith in christ , that it be sound intire , and whole , and namely , whether they hold him to be as the onely prophet and high priest , so the onely prince of his people , the onely lord , and lawgiver to every mans conscience , and over every congregation or church of his saints . if they thus acknowledge not christs kingly office , as well as his other offices , we doe not , we dare not receive them . and what have they to do with the seales , that refuse by covenant to own christ for their king ? as for judas , he received the sop , not the supper ; for , after the sop , he went out * immediately , saith john . so as it appeares , the other evangelists relate some other passages by a hysteron proteron , as is not unusuall in scripture story . and none of them saith , that he received the supper . and suppose ●e did : the churches censure had not yet past upon him : onely john by a secret signe knew he was to be the traytor . for that of the apostle , cor. . . that was a true church , though now disordered ; and the apostle refers the redressing of their abuses to themselves . the case is otherwise here , so as all your accumulated calumniations fall to ground . and concerning the apostles extraordinary calling , if we must expect the like calling , we must not in the meane time admit of any , either to baptisme , or to the lords supper ; neither should there be any gathering of churches at all ; as some from hence doe gather . besides , what shall the authority be , that luther gathered the churches by , and those that followed him ? and what lawfull gathering then have the reformed churches ? for your marginall note of moses , david , solomon , about setling religion by gods own direction : herein you come home to that i said before , alledged against your unlimited law . but in that you now restraine by their example , all church-government to the civil magistrates ; you must make it out by holding close to the rule , that is , to settle religion by gods own direction , as you here confesse , and not to elect , erect a forme of religion , and church-government , such as they shall conceive sutable , &c. as before you told us . and moses , david , solomon , were all types of christ , who put an end to all such . and while you there exclude the priests from having any thing to doe in reforming , or advising : what will the assembly say to you ? but they may advise , you will say . but the priests might do nothing , but according to gods prescript law ; no more then moses , david , solomon . and if the priests ( as you say ) had no ruling votes : then by this reckoning , what votes do you allow the assembly-men , in their mixt committees with the members of parliament , or in the assembly it selfe ? reconcile these i pray you . the tenth interrogatory . this interrogatory questions , or rather ( as all the rest ) concludes , that that text ( mat. . , , . ) is not meant of any ecclesiasticall censure , as of excommunication , but onely of the civill court of justice . brother , if you did speake hereas a divine , and not meerly as a lawyer , you would not have , against the judgment of most learned divines , ancient and modern , and not papists , &c. so interpreted this place . and what speak i of divines ? the text it selfe is its own clearest interpreter . for it is immediatly added ( v. . ) verily i say unto you , whatsoever you shall bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever you shall loose on earth , shall bee loosed in heaven . which is without controversie spoken of church-censure , or of the power of the keyes in exercising church-discipline ; as that ( matth. . ) is spoken of doctrine , as the learned calvin well observeth . so as this very context cleareth the former to bee meant of church-censure , as it was among the jewes . you alledge on the contrary , that learned lawyer whom wee all honour for his learning . good brother , i could wish that all this zeale of yours against independents , might not arise from any jealousie , as if church-censures should prejudicate or trench upon your pleadings at the barre of civill justice . farre be it , that we should have our motion beyond our own spheare . content your self with your own orb , and we shall confine our selves to ours , i dare warrant you . again , to what purpose do you urge this interpretation of this text against us ? do not all the presbyterians expound it so ? and if this text , which is made the great pillar of presbyterian excommunication , be taken off , you leave no more to a classis then we , scil. to consult and advise . and with this foot you have dashed all the milk you gave them . the eleventh interrogatory . this interrogatory is to perswadeus , that in that assembly , or evangelicall synod ( as you call it ) acts . the apostles voted not as they were apostles infallibly guided by the holy ghost , but rather as they were in their ordinary capacitie , as elders and chiefe members of it . whereupon ( producing your six reasons for it ) you peremptorily conclude , that this is an undeniable scripture-authority for the lawfulnesse , use of parliaments , councels , synods , under the gospel , upon all like necessary occasions ; and for their power to determine controversies of religion , to make canons in things necessary for the churches peace and concernment , maugre all evasions , exceptions ( of independents ) to elude it . but let us examine your six reasons , why the apostles sate not as apostles , but as ordinary elders , &c. where first , we lay this ground for the contrary , scil. that they sate as apostles , because not ordinary elders , as elders , can say , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us . but the apostles , as apostles , might say so , because in any doctrinall point they had the promise of the spirit , to bee led into all truth , as upon whom the church was to bee built , eph. . . secondly , if they sate as ordinary elders , then their decrees did no further bind , then as they might appeare to agree with scripture ; otherwise elders , as elders , may bind the conscience , let the decree bee never so wicked . but to your reasons : first , for else ( say you ) paul and barnabas being apostles themselves , might have decided that controversie at antioch , without sending to ierusalem . answ. . by your favour , brother , barnabas was not ( to speak properly ) an apostle , though an apostolicall man . . they argued with those legalists at antioch , sufficiently to convince them ; but they comming from judea , and pretending the use of circumcision , and moses law , to be still in force in the church at jerusalem , and the controversie being between two great parties , the christian jews , and christian gentiles ; hereupon the church at antioch thought it requisite , for the fuller satisfaction to all parties , to send paul and barnabas to the apostles and elders at jerusalem . and . because paul and barnabas are thus sent , doth it follow , that they were not sufficient ( yea paul alone , as an apostle infallibly guided by the holy ghost ) to have decided the question at antioch ? as no doubt sufficiently they did , though not so satisfactorily to all . and . that they are thus by the church at antioch sent to the apostles and church at jerusalem : here is a good example for the use of communion of churches , as in doubtfull cases to consult one with another . . else ( say you ) the church at antioch would have sent to none , to resolve their doubts , but to the apostles onely , and not to the elders . i answer : in that they sent to the elders also , it shewes the respect that one church should have to another . . those elders were men endowed with the gifts of the holy ghost . . though they had not infallibility , as the apostles had , yet their assent to the determination , was a witnesse-bearing to the truth thereof . . else ( say you ) paul and barnabas would have put the question to the apostles onely , not to the elders and church , as well as to them , vers. , , . this is answered in the former . . else the apostles would not have called all the elders and brethren to consult , v. . when themselves might have done it alone . i answer : . though the apostles might have done it alone , yet they would not , but called together the elders and brethren , yea , and the whole church at jerusalem ( vers. , . ) hereby to give a precedent to all presbyters , or elders of churches , that in cases of difference arising , they call the whole church together , for assistance and counsell therein . . in so doing , the apostles diminished nothing of that judicial power and authority which christ left with them for deciding of controversies , being infallibly guided by the holy ghost , while they thought it not fit to doe such things in a corner , which concerned the whole church . . peter and iames ( say you ) would not have argued the case so largely , and proved it by arguments and scriptures , as they did , one after another , but have peremptorily resolved it without dispute , had they sate and determined it by their extraordinary infallible power . i answer : this followes no more then the former . for the arguments they used , with the conclusion , were by the direction of the holy ghost . and . the holy ghost is not so peremptory , but will have his truths examined by the scriptures , as acts . . the bereans are commended by the holy ghost for examining pauls sermon by the scripture , though hee were an apostle , and spake by the holy ghost . and . the churches assent was taken in for a witnesse ex abundanti . . the finall resolution ( say you ) letters and canons of this synod , had run onely in the apostles names , had they proceeded onely by their apostolicall infallible authority , and not in the names of the elders and brethren too . i answer : there is as little reason in this , as in all the rest of your reasons : for then by this reason sundry of pauls epistles , which were all dictated by the holy ghost , did not proceed from that infallibility of spirit alone wherewith the apostle was guided , because we find others , not apostles , joyned with him . as ( cor. . . ) paul , called to be an apostle of iesus christ , and softhenes a brother , to the church of god &c. and cor. . . paul an apostle of iesus christ , and timothy a brother , to the church , &c. and gal. . . paul an apostle , &c. and all the brethren that are with me , to the churche ▪ of galatia , &c. so phil. . . col. . . thess. . . paul , and sylvanus , and timotheus , to the church , &c. in all which places , though there was but one apostle , guided with infallibility of the holy ghost to write the scriptures , yet many brethren are joyned in the salutation of the churches ; and yet paul , as apostle , did write those epistles , and not simply as a brother , or fellow-servant with them of jesus christ . neither are those brethren ( so named ) accounted the pen-men of the scripture , as paul of right is . thus you see , brother , there was no necessity , that either the apostles names should be put alone , because they only were guided by the spirits infallibility : or that the names of the elders and brethren should not be put , without a necessary conclusion deduced thence , that the decree there was therefore binding , as being the decree of a synod , and so exemplary for all parliaments , councels , synods , to make the like binding decrees . but ( good brother ) for all your punctuall quotations of that scripture , you doe not all this while tell us ▪ ( which is the main of all ) that which we find in the . verse of that chapter , it seemed good to the holy ghost and vs , to lay vpon you no greater bvrthen , then these necessary things . now , brother , we chalenge you to shew us any parliament , councell , synod , ever since the apostles , that could or can say thus , it seemed good to the holy ghost and vs , to determine controversies of religion , to make and impose canons to bind all men , &c. shew this to us , at this time , and we will obey . but if you cannot , as you never can , never let any man presse upon us that scripture , that synod , which hath no parallel in the whole world , and so is no precedent , pattern , for any councell , synod , parliaments . let me conclude with a passage of the learned and famous chamierus , that grand antagonist of bellarmins . bellarmine upon the same scripture you alledge ( act. . ) ( as also our late prelates have usually done ) would deduce the same conclusion , that you doe , for humane authority in binding mens consciences . to which chamierus thus answereth : that this consequence holds not : quia non eadem sit authoritas apostolorum , & reliquorum ecclesiae pastorum : because there is not the same authoritie of the apostles , and of other pastors of the church . for with those the holy ghost was extraordinarily present : so as what they propounded , did simply proceed of god . but other pastors have no such extraordinary assistance of the spirit : and therefore their decrees are not to be paralleld with the apostles decrees . which is a speciall difference in binding of the conscience , which hath it selfe for witnesse , and god for the onely iudge : therefore , when it hath any thing commanded of god , it must needs stand bound . where ( inter caetera ) is to be noted , that god is the onely iudge and binder of the conscience . the great question in controversie at this day . obj. but you will here object , that although ( as before you say of priests ) a councel , or synod , have not this authority to make and impose binding decrees , yet a parliament hath ; and you deduce it from this synod , act. . answ. now truly , brother , by your favour , this doth no way hold proportion , that that which you call a synod ( as a patterne for binding decrees ) should not qualifie a synod of divines with the like power , and yet transmit it over to a parliament for binding authority over the consciences of a whole nation : surely that apostolike assembly , or church meeting , was neither a parliament , nor diet , nor senate , nor any such thing , that you should build any such power of parliaments upon it , for the making of binding decrees over the consciences of men . therefore , good brother , be not so peremptory , but take in your top-sail , too high to bear up against so stiffe a gale , both of scripture and reason . but i come to your twelfth and last interrogatory . the twelfth interrogatory . this interrogatory is concerning the lawfull coercive power of civil magistrates in suppressing heresies , &c. or , setters up of new forms of ecclesiasticall government , &c. for answer hereunto , wee do acknowledge and submit unto the lawfull coercive power of civill magistrates , according to the scripture , rom. . but brother , however , you must distinguish between mens consciences and their practices . the conscience simply considered in it self , is for god , the lord of the conscience , alone to judge , as before . but for a mans practices , ( of which alone , man can take cognizance of ) if they be against any of gods commandments of the first , or second table ; that appertains to the civill magistrate to punish , who is for this cause called , custos utriusque tabulae . the keeper of both tables : and therefore the apostle saith , ( rom. . , . ) for rulers are not a terror to good works , but to the evill . wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? do that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the same : for hee is the minister of god to thee for good ; but if thou do that which is evill , be afraid , for he beareth not the sword in vain ; for hee is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evill . so as we see here , what is the object of civill power , to wit ; actions , good , or bad . not bare opinions , not thoughts , not conscience , but actions . and your self exempts the preaching of the gospel and truth of god , from being restrained by the civill magistrate . but now brother , the time hath been , and somewhere is , and will be , that the * truth of god hath been with-holden in unrighteousnesse , and by the civill magistrate punished with death , being condemned for heresie . and you see in these dayes , great diversities of mens opinions and judgements : one judging thus , another so ; you think my way erroneous , and i may do as much for you . but do you or i , do that which is evill , in actually breaking of any of gods commandments , or any just lawes of the land ? then we lie open to course of civill justice ; but so long as wee differ only in opinion , which of us shall be punished first ? or which of us is in the error ? you write books , i write against them ; yet sub judice lis est , who shall be judge ? you ? or i ? surely neither . among other things , you would have the civill magistrate to suppresse , restrain , imprison , confine , banish the setters up of new forms of ecclesiasticall government without lawfull authority . it may be you will involve me in the number . but what if i prove that which you call a new form , to be the old form : and the lawfull authority of setting it up , to be of christ ? must i therefore undergo all these your terrible censures , because you so judge ? what if your judgement herein be altogether erroneous ? what punishment then is due to him that condemnes the innocent ? you may be a civill judge one day ; remember then , brother , that if i come before you , you meddle not with my conscience , nor with mee for it . if i shall offend any of your just lawes , punish mee and spare not . but if you should make a law like to that of the jewes , that who so shall confesse christ to be the son of god , and the only law-giver , lord , king , governour over consciences , churches , and not man , not assemblies , not councels , or senates , though after much fasting , prayers , disputes , ( as you say ) i confesse , i shall be apt to transgresse that law ; but yet take you heed how you punish me for that trangression , with an ense recidendum , or i wot not what club-law . so ends your book , and so my answer . now brother , you have since published a third book , partly in answer to your first answerer , and partly touching mr joh. goodwin ; i leave the parties interessed to acquit themselves ; only your stating the question in the conclusion of the book , i could not omit . you sta●● it thus : whether a whole representative church and state , hath not as great , or greater ecclesiasticall iurisdiction over the whole realm & churches , with all the members , then any one independent minister or congregation challenge over their members . brother , i answer , if you can prove your jurisdiction good , we will easily grant it to be greater . but if the jurisdiction of the churches you call independent be good , as having christ for the founder and owner of it , as we have cleerly proved , then certainly , it will prove the greater : for , magna est veritas , & praevalet : for christs kingdome shall stand up , when all opposite earthly kingdomes , like earthen vessels , shall with his iron rod be dashed in pieces : this for the clause . another passage in the same book , is touching my person : where you say , that none of us three-brethren-sufferers , suffered for opposing bishops legall authority , or any ceremonies by act of parliament established : here brother , give me leave to answer for my self : first , for all manner of ceremonies of humane ordinance , imposed upon the conscience in the worship of god , i openly , for the space almost of a twelvemoneth , immediately before my troubles , preached against them , every lords day , out of col. . from the th verse to the end of the chapter ; so as when i was summoned into the high commission court , the articles read against mee , were not only for my two sermons , nov. th , but also for those other sermons against the ceremonies : so as this might challeng to be one ingredient in my censure in star-chamber , and no lesse then a pillory matter . and concerning my opposing of bishops themselves , not only their extravagancies ( for which i also was censured , and suffered ) you may remember one passage in that book , for god & the king , affixed to the information ; were there a law in england , as once among the locrians , that who should come to propound a new law , he● should come with a rope about his neck ; i would be the first my self , to petition the parliament , that the government of bishops might be abolished , and another set up more agreeable to the scripture , ( although i confesse , were i to make such a proposition now , i should ●● much alter my style , as the condition of this present time differs from that , i should mount much higher . ) and do you not think , brother , that this helped to put the hang-mans knife ( though not the halter ) so close to the very root of mine ears , that it opened the wider sluces for the blood to stream out ( with yours my dear fellow-sufferers ) to fill the whores cup , and make her drunk and spue , and fall , and rise up no more ? although the more cautelous and self-wise , or discreet any of us ( but especially my self ) then was , to avoid the fear of men , or force of law , certainly now , brother , it abates so much the more of the honour of that suffering ; and the lesse honour , the more shame . but take we the shame to our selves , and give we all the honour to whom it is due ; and brother , wherein we then came short , let us now make it up , by being zealous for our christ , in labouring to advance the throne of his kingly government in all our souls , and over all the churches of the saints , and with those four and twenty elders , cast our selves and crowns before him that sitteth on the throne , saying . thou art worthy , o lord , to receive glory , and honour , and power , for evermore . amen . and let this be our main contention , who shall most honor christ , and most love one another , farewell . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- pag. . * esa. . . * zach. . * col. . . pag. . qu. , , , , , , , , , . contranegantem principia non est disputandum . * cor. . . & . . harm. of confessions , sect. , . ibid. observationes brevissimae in totam harmoniam . sect. . append. sect. . vide appendices locorum , &c. ibid. * ibid. * see also the close of gualter . homil. in the acts . not but that we grant a vari●ty in the meth●d and manner in po 〈…〉 t of circumstance , so the sub 〈…〉 ce b● k 〈…〉 , ●s repentance f●●m dead work● , & fai●● towards our saviour iesus christ : so in church-government . exod . . heb. . . * but we do not say that the same things are prescribed under the gospel , nor doth it come to such circumstantia●s ● but we say , what it prescribeth , is to be kept . * cor. . , . rom. . ● . pet. . , , . cor. . , . cor. . . cor. . . * hollinshed● description of britaine , chap. . about the yeer . fox his monuments . * act. . . cambdens remains . * act. . . sam. . . quest . . rroposition . assumptions which takes up the fourth question . conclusion . cor. ▪ * see also nicolas de clemangüs , super materia concilii generalis , circa initium . non oportet nos ecclesiae triumphantis , ecclesiae titulos ascribere , ut infallibilis sit , &c. obj. answ. proposition . assumption . * mat. . . luk. . . . act. . . proposition . assumption . synagoga , & postea ecclesia s●n●o●●● habu●t , quoru● si●e ●onsis●o nihil age●atur in ecclesia . quod qua negligentia obsol●v●●it nescio , nisi doctorum desidia , aut magis sup●rbia , dum soli volunt aliquid videri . comment. ambrosii in c. . epist. ad tim. . . proposition . assumption * iohn . acts. matth . . polydor vi●g●l de ●nven t● ib rerum . lib cap . cor. . so rom. . . so ephes. . , &c * mat. . . . io● . . acts . . ierem. . . gen , , , , , . rom. . , * luke . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . proposition . assumption . conclusion . exod. , . 〈◊〉 . ● . . * act. . proposition . assumption . conclusion . heb. . ● . revel. . , ▪ so deut. . ▪ and . ▪ prov. . ● . chron. ● . proposition . assumption . conclusion . luke . ▪ eph. . ▪ col. . . iude . formae rerum nesciuntur . scaliger . exerci● ▪ rom. . . act. . ● . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. iohn . ●● ▪ obj. answ. rom. . rom. . . nudum christum , nudus sequere ▪ hieron ecclesia prae●●pue & ex intentione , fi ●●●s tantum ●ol●● gi● , qui veram fidem in corde ●●●●nt . cum autem admiscentur a●●qui ●ic●i , qui verè non credunt , id accidit praeter intention●m ecclesiae si ●n●m cos n●sse posset , nunquam admitteret , aut c●su admissos , continuè excluder●t . bellar. de eccles. l . c. . see also d. field of the church , book . cap. . * such were called of old , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} euseb. notes for div a e- * eph. . . prov. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . obj. ans. tim. . . phil. ● . . cor. . . a●●● . & . * ●alingen . tim. . . gen. . . * heb. . . . col. . . calv. comment . in gen. cap. . tenendum est , non fuisse temerè ex cogitatu● ab illis sacrificandi morem , sed traditum divinitus , &c. * heb. . . . chron. . . , &c. to v. . psal. . act. . . * pet. . . * revel. . . * mat. . . * act. . ● . luke . . , , , . * act. . ● . luke . . , , , . gen. . . * act. . . * mat. ●● . * rom. . . * ioh. . . * cor. , . * revel. ▪ . obj. ans. * rom. . . * iohn . . the writings of b●za and er●stus one against the other , are extant . panstratie catholicae . tom. . de libertate christiana . lib. . c. . de prohibitis idolothytis , sāguine , & suffocato . illis aderat extra ordinē spiritus sanctus : adeo ut quae illi proponerēt , a deo simpliciter manarēt . atreliquis pastoribus adsistentia spiritus nulla extra ordinem : itaque ne eorū quidō sanctiones eodem loco habitae cū apostolorum sanctionibꝰ . precip autē discrimé in obligatio ● conscientiae , quae se restem habet , deū solum judicem : ideo ūhabet aliquid imperatum a deo , non potest nō obstringi . * thes. . rev. . . a congregational church is a catholike visible church, or, an examination of m. hudson his vindication concerning the integrality of the catholike visible church wherein also satisfaction is given to what m. cawdrey writes touching that subject, in his review of m. hooker's survey of church discipline / by samuel stone ... stone, samuel, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing s ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a congregational church is a catholike visible church, or, an examination of m. hudson his vindication concerning the integrality of the catholike visible church wherein also satisfaction is given to what m. cawdrey writes touching that subject, in his review of m. hooker's survey of church discipline / by samuel stone ... stone, samuel, - . mather, samuel, - . cotton, john, - . [ ] p. printed by peter cole ..., london : . cawdrey's remarks on mr. hooker's survey of church discipline occur in his inconsistencies of the independent way. "to the reader" signed: samuel mather. "to my reverend dear brother, m. samuel stone" by john cotton (p. [ ]) in verse. errata: p. [ ]. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. eng cawdrey, daniel, - . -- inconsistencie of the independent way. hudson, samuel, th cent. -- vindication of the essence and unity of the church catholike visible. church polity. a r (wing s ). civilwar no a congregational church is a catholike visible church. or an examination of m. hudson his vindication concerning the integrality of the cath stone, samuel f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - aptara rekeyed and resubmitted - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a congregational church is a catholike visible church . or an examination of m. hudson his vindication concerning the integrality of the catholike visible church . wherein also satisfaction is given to what m. cawdrey writes touching that subject , in his review of m. hooker's survey of church discipline . by samuel stone , teacher to the church of christ at hartford in new-england . london , printed by peter cole , at the sign of the printing-press in cornhill , neer the royal exchange , mdclii . to the reader . in most co●troversies , though in their issues and superstructures they rise to a marvelous height , yet in the beginning and bottom ground , the difference is not great . so in this , though the differences and contests , not so much of principles , as of spirits and persons ; partly through inward corruptions and prejudices , together with the secret wrath of god for them ; and probably also , through iesuitical bellows , blowing these unhappy flames , are now grown to a woful heîght , to desperate distunces and heart burnings ; yet the foundation is in this seemingly slight logical question , an ecclesia instituta sit genus an integrum ? reverend and learned m. hudson conceives it to be totum integrale ; m. hooker to be totum universale . that this is the bottom question hence appears , that the other contrary apprehensions in church discipline , are mostly the contrary consequences and deductions flowing from these two opposite principles . nor is it strange that so great a question in divinity should border so neer upon the principles of logick ; for all the arts are nothing else but the beams and rays of the wisdom of the first being in the creatures , shining , and reflecting thence , upon the glass of man's understanding ; and as from him they come , so to him they tend : the circle of arts is a deo ad deum . hence there is an affinity and kindred of arts ( omnes artes vinculo & cognatione quadam inter se continentur ; cicer. pro arch. poet . ) which is according to the reference and subordination of their particular ends , to the utmost and last end : one makes use of another , one serves to another , till they all reach and return to him , as rivers to the sea , whence they flow . now logick is of most general use . divinity . ratione finis ; for it is the universal end of all : physica ratione {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; for every art riseth here : but logick ratione {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; is most general ; there is no art but useth the help of logick ; nothing can shew it self to the eye of the mind of man , but in this light . hence mistakes in logick are not unusual in writers upon this subject . a man cannot apprehend m. hooker's double consideration of the church , as totum essentiale & organicum ; nor why as totum essentiale it is ecclesia prima , if he do not know genus and integrum and argumentum primum and ortum in logick ; nor judge his method to be other then leaping , if he do not know the method of the first part of logick . nor will his proving that christ gave the keys to a visible church , entitle the church of boston , or any other church to them , unless it be also proved , that the visible church is a genus , and that every individual church , as that of boston , is a species or part of this genus : nor will it ever appear whether the visible church be genus or integrum , till it appear what genus and integrum be . hence the first part of this discourse is taken up in clearing the nature of these and other logical notions : which cannot but be needful in this question , review , c. for m. cawdry was long troubled before he could find out m. . pag. . hooker's meaning , when he saith totum essentiale , not explaining it ; though upon serious observation he found it . the reader needs not be puzzled hereafter in that kinde , the explication is here done to his hand . and here by the way i am to advertise the reader that the publishing of this discourse may perhaps be a supersedias to any further labours , in answer to that reverend divine . his review glanceth at some passages , not alwaies at the main and most material ; when he shall strike at m. hooker's whole frame and principles , he may receive an answer {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : mean while this may suffice , meeting ( though in pursuance of m. hudson ) with what seemes most material in the review . the second part of this discourse iuproving and applying the grounds laid in the former to m. hudson's discourse , would be wel attended by the reader . thou canst not judge aright till thou hast read the whole . if any shall attempt a reply , let me desire him to imitate this , which may be a patterne for all discourses of this nature in clearness , and succinctness , and close pursuing the point in hand , without distastful reflections and diversions from things to men . many polemical writers are so filled with oddpangs of their spirits , as causeth a secret kind of disrelishment and offence to the readers . the author hereof is one who sees about him , understands the principles and grounds he goes upon , and therefore knowes what he saith . his relation to m. hooker ( being teacher of the same church ) together with his personal abilities , caused many to judge him most meet to do this office of love to him and truth , but the fulness of his imployments , in his constant preaching , and other ways , was a sufficient plea of excuse in his judgement in his not rendring an answer to m. hudson's book ; yet upon the earnest desire of a friend ( who was then engaged for a voyage to england ) to have a few lines from him touching tho nature of a catholike visible church ( that being the first and main question betwixth m. hooker and m. hudson ; viz. what totum the visible catholike church is ) he was induced to promise , that if he might but have a fortnight free from other service , he would ( to satisfie the desire of his friend ) send after him some notes upon that subject ; which accordingly was performed by him , and is done accurately and strongly , though briefly , as the streights of time allotted him would permit . it was in his thoughts to have given some larger explication concerning the nature and distinction of the church , in such propositions as these . prop. i. the church considered as the subject of application , ( where it is first to be attended ) is the seed of christ . as the seed of adam is the subject of propagation , to whom his transgression is extended ; so the seed of the second adam are the proper subject of redemption , to whom it is applyed by his spirit , isa. . . prop. ii. the church is either militant or tryumphant . prop. iii. the militant church is the number of those to whom christ is applyed but in part , which is therefore wrestling with her spiritual enemies . prop. iv. the militant church is mingled with tares , i. e. with such who only seem to be the seed of christ , mat. . . to . and vers. . prop. v. the militant church mingled with tares , is distinguished into congregations , and is therefore accomodated with the rule of ecclesiastical policie , ephes. . . prop. vi . the word church used in the new testament , suits most exactly with a congregational political visible church . prop. vii . the political visible church is distinguished in respect of the times thereof . it was first in a family , then in a nation , lastly among al nations . prop. viii . the political visible church among all nations , is properly called a catholike visible church . it was also in his purpose , had there been time , to have given some reasons of his dissent from m. hudson's apprehension , concerning the visible ●eadship of christ . it is most true , that christ is head of the church as god-man : it is also true , that christ is visible according to his humane nature ; but that is not conceived sufficient to render him the visible head of the visible church . christ is head of the invisible church as god-man ; christ god-man is monarch of the world . but he is not the visible head of the invisible church , nor the visible monarch of the world . christ hath a more special influence into his church by his spirit , but his spirit is invisible . every invisible member of christ in the world , is not a visible member , yet every invisible member is a visible man . i am sorry to stay thee any longer in the porch ; only there are three sad hindrances of light in these points . pride . . wisdom . . prejudice . let me therefore leave upon thy heart three words of advice , if ever thou wouldst see the beauty of the lord in his temple , and the way of his house , or get the blessing and good of this , or any other good help for that end . . to be much in humiliation . it is a most remarkable passage of ezekiel . . if they be ashamed of all that they have done , shew them the house , the fashion and forms thereof , all the ordinances and laws thereof , &c. oh take heed there be not some unmortified unlamented secret lust to darken thine eyes from seeing these blessed truths of god . dues ineffabili lege spargit poenales caecitates super illicitas cupiditates ( august . confess . ) it would make one ●remble to see how dreadful the revenges of god whether for personal pollutions or for sinful compliances with the former devices and ways of men in the things of his house , or for secret contempt of the simplicity and power of the gospsl , are gone forth in penal blindnesses and other blasting strokes upon the souls of some in these times : they that will not see the visions of their own hearts , and of the secret distempers , and sins , and plagues there , mourning also for them ; god will not let them see the visions of himself , and of his power and glory in his sanctuary ; they shall ask the way to sion weeping , jer. . , . going , and weeping as they go . . be not over wise , plainly thus ; seek not to accomodate the government of the church to the wisdom and policy of civil governments amongst men . we see that crookning the gospel to the unpurged relicks of the wisdom of nature , hath been the ancient plague and seduction of arminians ; let not the same distemper pervert thy tho●ghts in this matter . to conceive there are some reserved cases for christ himself to come in almightily by his owne especial guidance , to over-rule in particular congregations , as he hath done in that way of advice ; why is not this as safe , as to place the help in appeals and classical subordinations , where the same objection returns at last as strong as ever : for if the national or general councel wrong a man , as they have often done , there is no relief for him upon earth . that that 's useful in civil courts and iudicatories , as appeals may be , is ever hurtful and pernicious in church discipline , if not commanded by christ , but prudentially taken up . . beware of prejudices against the way and works of god . . against the way , therefore i make the same request with bucer in bucer contr. latom. another case , ut pari studio legas utriusque partis scripta . m. brightman conceives from . rev. . . that some faithful ones in a wilderness shall make the most full discovery of the mysterie of iniquity in all its abominations ; clariorem adhuc lucem solitudo dabit , haud veniet●e deserto nova ignominia &c. which words might have been lookt upon as tr●fles , had they dropt from some idle pen , but not from his . it is certain , the practise of the churches in new-england gives light enough to clear the congregational way from the most of those misprisions and injurious misrepresentations that ar● cast upon it . their consultation synod in the opinion time , was blest of god for their conviction , and clearing the country of them , no lesser then if the synod had assumed the highest jurisdiction . the mischievous consequences and sad effects which are alledged , are either meer mistakes and misreports in matter of fact , or fallaciae non causae pro causa . they rise not from the congregational principles . either come ●nprejudiced in thy inquiries and searches after truth , or thou wilt never find it . . against the works of god , which do certainly speak somthing both in england and scotland to such as have hearing hearts , and are not espoused to any interest . how precious the liberties of his people are to him , who hath bought them with his own blood , hath never been more abundantly and eminently discovered then in the dreadful changes and revolutions of providence in these nations , and in these days wherein we live . the lord iesus is of late gone forth into the world , with jealousie for sion , and with a great jealousie for jerusalem , to still the enemy , and the avenger , to vindicate the cause and controversie of his people , and to break the yokes of her oppressors , that the virgin of israel may return to sion , and be adorned with her timbrels as in the days of old . this is the desirgne he hath in hand . and rather then men shall hinder him when he is on his way and upon the wing in his travels of love and glory to his people , he is pleased we see to break the mountaines in peeces when they stand in the way of his revenge and holiness , and to bath his sword in the blood of heathen , even of professing people . the father of light enlighten and enable all the saints to close with him , both in the way of his worship , and in the way of his works . samuel mather . to my reverend dear brother , m. samuel stone , teacher of the church at hartford . how well ( dear brother ) art thou called stone ? as sometimes christ did simon cephas own . a stone for solid firmness , fit to rear a part in ztons wall : and it upbear . like stone of bohan , bounds fit to describe , 'twixt church and church , as that 'twixt tribe and tribe . like samuel's stone , erst eben-ezer hight ; to tell the lord hath helpt us with his might . like stone in davids sling , the head to wound of that huge giant-church , ( so far renownd ) hight at the church-catholike , oecumenical , or at the lowest compass , national ; yet poteck , visible , and of such a fashion , as may or rule a world or rule a nation . which though it be cry'd up unto the skys , by philist●ms and isralites likewise ; yet seems to me to be too neer a kin unto the kingdom of the man of sin : in frame , and state , and constitution , like to the first beast in the revelation . which was as large as roman empire wide , and ruled rome , and all the world beside . go on ( good brother ) gird thy sword with might , fight the lord's battels , plead his churches right . to brother hooker , thou art next a kin , by office-right thou must his pledge redeem . take thou the double portion of his spirit , run on his race , and then his crown inherit . now is the time when church is militant , time hast'neth fast when it shall be tryumphant . john cotton . a congregational church , is a catholike visible church . in this disquisition i shall attend two things ; first , the explication of some rules concerning genus , or totum genericum . secondly , the application of those rules to the question in hand . in the explication , i shall labour briefly to open the fundamental rules concerning genus and species ; and then build some conclusions upon those foundations , or deduce some consectaries from those principles . in the application , i shall return some answer to m. hudson's arguments contained in his fourth chapter ; and also propound some reasons tending to demonstrate , that a congregational church is a catholike church . chapter i. concerning the definition of genus and species . genus est totum partibus essentiale . the general , or the kind , or the general kind , is a whole essentia ! to the parts . aristotle saith , it is that which is one and the same in more : that is , in more species . he hath other expressions to the same purpose ; viz. that , the genus is that , whereby those that differ are the same according to essence ; that is , have community of essence : which is the same in substance with this definition which i have here propounded ; viz. that genus is a whole essential to his parts . there is another definition of genus , which aristotle gives , and his followers have received from him , which m. hudson hath taken up ; viz ▪ genus est totum quod de pluribus specie differentibus , potest praedicari in quid ; or affirmari in qu●stione , quid est . that is , the genus is a whole , which may be predicated or affirmed of more things differing in special kind , in the question , what is it ? it is said to be predicated in quid , because when the question is , what is the species ? the genus then must be predicated of it , in answer to it : as when the question is , what is homo ? what is man ? the answer must be , animal , a living creature . this last definition is not exact ; first , because genus containeth not the whole quiddity of the thing : for when this answer is given , man is a living creature ; there is yet no difference appearing between him and a beast ; a beast is a living creature : and the question yet remaineth what living creature he is . secondly , it is the proper office of the definition , to explicate the quiddity of a thing , and shew what it is . definitio est cum ex●licatur quid r●s sit : when the utmost bounds of the essence of a thing are laid forth , it is then distinguished from all other things . thirdly , there may be genus where no question is made . we shall speak somwhat briefly , tending to open the true definition of genus . in which we may consider , first , the thing defined ; secondly , the definition . the thing desired is genus ] the kind or general . the word firstly and properly signifieth a stock , linage , parentage , kindred , or family . genus is used in this signification in acts . . where {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is translated ( and properly ) kindred : and as many as were of the kindred of the high priest . phil. . . paul was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ of the stock of israel . here it is taken for kind , community of nature and essence ; as animal is the gen●● of man and beast ; because the essence of living creature is common to both . the word is translated from families hither , by reason of similitude ; because as parents are causes of their children , so genus is of his species . and because those that are born in the same family , and are of the same house , stock or kindred , have all things in common between themselves , as names , sirnames , priviledges , &c. so in like manner species have a like nature in common between them ; as socrates and plato . the definition is est totum partibus essentiale . genus est ] genus is ; that is , it exists extra intellectum , without the understanding ; there are universals as well as singulars , and common nature as well as special . there is a generality , universality , and community , and common nature of things , me non cogitante . our understanding doth not give being to genus , but it is extant , and in print in rerum natura , whether we observe it or not . totum ] a whole . this is the general nature of it , wherein it agreeth with integrum . it is totum , a whole , because it is distributed into parts , and is the container of the parts . it is true , that there is more in the species then in the genus ; yet the genus holds them together : all the parts are held together in the whole , as in the common head to which they are reduced . they all agree and meet together in the genus , in one common matter , and a common form , as in one point or center . as animality is a common vinculum and bond ▪ containing and comprehending man and beast ; they cannot but agree in that common nature , and so far they must needs agree one with another ; that bond will bind them and hold them together while they have any existence or being in the world . there will be kindred and community of nature between homo and brutum , while the world stands . essentiale ] it is a totum which gives essence : herein it is opposed to integrum , for there the parts did give essence ▪ matter , and form to the integrum . we must not conceive that genus gives his community , generality , or universality to his species ; nor that it gives to the species all that they have : there is more in the species then is in the genus ; therefore the whole essence of the species is not in the genus . homo hath a special form , which animal hath not ; homo est animal rationale : here is somthing in man besides his animality , which is added to it . it is true in this respect , plus est in specie quàm in genere ; yet genus is totum essentiale ; because it symbolically containeth the causes of the species , and species answerably the effects of the genus . genus is not a c●usarum essential●um commnnium ; and imitates exactly the nature of those causes : as an essential cause argueth his effect , so genus argueth his species . hence . . genus gives esse to his species , as every cause to his effect : the species had never been , if it had not been for genus : sublato genere , tollitur species , take away animal , and homo will not be ; there will be no man in the world . homo gives being to socrates , and socrates will not be , cannot be without homo : and as rachel said , give me children , or else i dy ; so genus saith , give me species , or else i dy . posito genere , necessariò ponitur aliqua species . if homo be in the world , there will be iohn , thomas , or some other individuals or species of that kind . . the genus communicates matter and form to his parts ; as the parts did give matter and form to the integrum so the genus gives matter and form to the species ; because it is a note of the common essential causes , which are matter and form ; it therefore gives matter and common form to the species . . the genus communicates his whole essence to his species , his whole matter and form : though it doth not bestow upon the species all which they have , yet it is so free-hearted , that it bestoweth his whole essence and nature , and all that it hath within it self , upon the species : hence the whole essence of the genus is in the species , his whole matter and form ; as whole animality the whole matter and form of living creature is in homine & bruto ▪ in man and beast . there is nothing in the genus ( besides his universality ) which is not in the species . humanity with his whole matter and form is in socrates and plato . . the genus communicates the same essence to all his species . it is a note of the common essential causes , and therefore imparts it self impartially and equally to every one of his species , is common to all , all have one and the same common nature in them . the same common humane nature is in socra●es , plato , and all individuals . parubus essentiale ] essential to its parts ; totum est majus qualibet su● part● ; the whole containeth the single parts , as greater then any one of them , but containeth all , as being equal to them . there is no totum consisting of one part ; though the entire nature of the genus be in every species , yet not the universal nature : totum genus , non est nisi in cunctis speciebus ; one species cannot make up a genus : animal was not made up compleat , and perfect , till homo was created . we have finished the explication of the definition of genus , the kind ; and have heard how kind it is ( if i may so speak ) to all his species : we must now declare briefly what respect species beareth to genus in taking his part . species est pars generis ] the species is a part of its kind ; the special is a part of the general . species ] of the old verb sp●cie , to see or behold : it signifieth properly the ●utward face . countenance , or a sight ( non tulit hanc speciem , he could not abide to see that sight ) a thing seen or looked upon . graece , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , video , to see : it signifieth a visible shape , fashion , shew , appearance , image , or representation ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the fashion of his count●nance was altered ; luke . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ neither have ye seen his shape . joh. . . the same word is translated appearance , thes. . . the reason of the name is , because the genus is seen in the species , in them it appeareth and sheweth his face . species est ] the species is ; that is , really existing in nature . the genus subs●sts in his species , and no where else ; it is no where else to be seen or found : homo is not to be seen but in socrates , or plato , alexander , or some other individuals which are his sp●cies . the genus being granted , doth necessarily imply the existence of the species . pars ] a part is that which is contained of the whole ; it is he●d together with some other part by the genus , and hath alwaies some fellow or other : for the genus cannot be divided into one part , but into several par●s ▪ a species is but one piece of it . if genus be the whole , a species is a part ; if animal be the whole , homo is a part . pars generis ] non integri : hereby it is distinguished from membrum , for that respects the integral , but species stands in reference to the genus , and participates of his essence , together with other species . aristotle gives the same definition of it . cicero saith , it is pars quae generi subest : it is pars generis subjectiva , sub icitur generi in ordine & gradu descensionis . as man and beast are comprehended under animal , as inferiour to animal contained under that head : animal is before homo , and above him in order of nature ; those species , viz. homo and brutum are cast under animal , as a more general head of beings . . the species is subject to the genus in predication ; make an axiome of genus and species , and we shall see the species to be the subject more often then the genus ; as homo est animal , socrates est homo . chapter ii. concerning the distribution of genus and species . genus est generalissimum aut subalternum ] the genus is most general , or subalterne . the species is subalterne , or most special , the genus is distributed into two kinds ; most general , and subordinate : the species is also divided into two kinds ; intermediate , or most special . god hath ranked things in order , that there is a subordination of things one to another , and one under another . there must be extreams on either side , somthing highest , somthing lowest ; a most general , and a most special ; and some between both . the subalterne genus and species , as they stand in respect to their superiours , they are species ; as they respect their inferiours , they are kinds , or generalls : that is , they receive their essence from their superiours , and communicate it to their inferiours . as man receiveth his essence from animal , a living creature , and therefore is said to be his species : and again he communicates his essence with singular men ; whence he is called their genus . the highest genus is most general ; the lowest species is most special ; the intermediate kinds , which come between these , are the genus of their inferiours and the species of their superiours ; which by reason of this vicissitude and changing , by courses and turns , are called subalterne , genus generalissimum est cujus nullum est genus . the most general genus is that of which there is no genus . genus generalissimum ] the most general genus ( which in greek is called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the most general , and the first ) it is that which hath none more general going before it , but is the prime and first genus of all . it is called the most general kind , because it is the supream and highest kind , which never descends , but always keepes the highest ranke , and can be nothing but genus . subalternum genus is not onely and always genus ; bu●generalissimum is only and always genus . genus generalissimum est ] there is a most general genus , est enim quoddam in suo genere in qualibet arte supremum , there is somthing which is highest in every art ; as argument in invention . look also how many arts there are , so many supream kinds there are . if god hath ordered and disposed things by certain degrees one above another , there must be somthing supream and highest , which is the most general kind . cujus nullum est genus ] of which there is no genus : this being the highest , hath no genus above it , and therefore hath no genus at all , and in never species . it is supremum in suo genere non datur processus in infinitum , there cannot be an infinite motion and procession in creatures ; ergo standum est in aliquo primo : we must rest in some first , and highest thing . art in general is the genus of all the special arts ; and ens the most general genus of all beings . the subaltern genus , as also the subaltern species , is that which is the species of one , but the genus of another . all things comming between the supream genus , & species infima , are subalternal kinds and species . this is the forme of subaltern genus and species ; to be genus in respect of inferiours , and species in respect of superiour , and higher things : the same thing cannot be a species in respect of superiour and inferior , no more the alexander can be son and father to the same philip ; subalternum genus & speci●s may be the same , differing only in a respect ; and therefore one definition may serve both : genus potest esse species , quia potest esse pars generis ; it may be a part of a genus which is above it ; and species may be genus , because it may be totum partibus essentiale to his inferiours which are under it . cause is a species to argumentum absolute consentaneum , but a genus to matter and forme . species specialissima est , quae est individ●a in ●lias species . ] the most special species is that which cannot be divided into other species . species specialissima ] the most special , the lowest species . est ] is ; est enim quoddam infimum in natura ; there is somthing lowest : as there is a highest , above which we cannot ascend ; so there is a lowest , beneath which we cannot descend . we must proceed from the highest by the intermediate , to the lowest , and there rest . qui est individua in alias species ] which cannot be divided into other species ] we may divide it into members , but we cannot divide it into any lower species : there cannot be lower then the lowest . as genus generalissimum hath no genus above it ; so species specialissima hath no species under it ; it is perpetually a species , and never a genus : it always takes his essence from his superiours , but never communicates it with inferiours ; because it hath nothing beneath it , into which it may be distributed . singular men take their essence from homo as their genus , but never communicate it to inferiours ; for there is nothing inferiour to those singulars . thus this singular matter , and this singular form are most special species● : and socrates , plato , and all individual men , are most special spe●ies ; which is individual into other species . this is that which is commonly called individuum , an individual . that every individual is a species , i shall labour to demonstrate when we come to the consectaries . to make way for this especially , i have touched briefly upon the distribution of genus and species in this chapter . chapter iii. wherein is propounded certain corollaries , or consectaries , deduced and flowing from the explication of genus and species . first from the explication of genus , there is a double consectary . that genus doth partly agree with integrum , and partly dissent from it . it agrees with it , because it is totum ; it dissents from it , because it is totum partibus essentiale . first we shall therefore speak to their agreement in several conclusions . the first conclusion concerning the agreement of totum universale , and totum integrale , totum universale , & totum integrale , the universal , and integral whole , are both immutable in actu signato ( if i may so speak ) and mutable in actu exercito : they are both signed with an immutable and unchangeable rule and definition ; but are changeable in the particulars . the english is , the rules concerning these are eternal and immutable ; but the special examples are mutable , fluxile and variable . here mr hudson is mistaken , for he makes immutability an affection of genus ; and mutability a property of integrum . his words ( p. . ) are , that totum which is mutable and fluxile , is an integrum ; for a genus is immutable , constant , permanent , 〈◊〉 veritatis . answer , it is true that genus is immutable in actu signato ; and it is as true , that integrum is immutable , constant , permanent , aeternae veritatis . for every rule of art is eternally true , and without possibility of being false ; being all the rules of the eternal wisdom of the first being . genus est totum partibus essentiale , is an eternal immutable rule : int●grum est totum ●ui partes sunt essentiales , is likewise an eternal and standing rule , incapable of mutation . the rules concerning mutable things are immutable . i cannot concur with m●hudson ( p. . ) in his definition of totum integrale . his words are these . quod habet partes extra partes est totum integrale , sed ecclesia visibilis universalis ●abet par●es extra partes , ergo . the major is the very definition of totum integrale . answ. how can that be the very definition of totum int●grale , when genus ●abet partes extra partes ? socrates , plato , paul , &c. are species , and therefore partes ●●minis , and yet are not one within another , but different one from another . but take any example of genus or integrum , and both are mutable ; for all kinds of things in this inferiour world are mutable those kinds of things that live a springing life are corruptible ; and so are those kindes of beings which live the life of sense . the whole kind of trees , and the whole kind of brute beasts shall utterly perish at the last . in this respect totum genus plantarum & brutorum , are mutable and fluxile . man is now of a shorter life then he was before the flood ; i speak of man as genus hominum , of man in general . hence that rule which mr hudson propounds is not true , viz. that totum which is mutable and fluxile , is an integral . for tree-kind and brutekind are mutable and fluxile , and yet neither of them is an integral , but each of them is a genus . conclusion ii. totum genericum & integrale are both of them argumenta o●ta : arguments arising and springing from the first as their root ; being derived from thence , as streams from their fountain , and children from their parents , ; resembling and representing their nature . they are as the image and shadow of the first , symbolically , tacitely , and secretly comprehending the prints and footsteps of those first arguments , wearing their badge and livery . these having the force of the first communicated to them , argue as they in respect of their force and affection of arguing , but in a new way and manner , as second notions at the second hand : look what force the cause hath to argue its effect , the same force hath an argument arising from the cause to argue the symbol of the effect . as the matter and forme argue their effect , so the members argue the integrum . hence it apears , that genus is not causa materialis , as mr hudson pag. . judgeth ; for this he speaks of it ; as it doth exist in the individual , it is causa materialis individui . answ. genus is not causa materialis , or materia ; for that is a first argument deriving this force of arguing from no other . it is symbolum materiae ; not as it relates to genus ( as mr hudson there speaks ) but as genus : for genus relates not genus . . hence it also appears , that mr hudson pag. . is mistaken in conceiving that the genus only is a second notion , and that thereby it is distinguished from the integral . the genus being a second notion : and also in the same page , but universality is of another nature , being an abstract second notion , answ. it is true , genus is a second notion ; but it is not thereby distinguished from integrum ; for that is a second notion , arising from some first ●rgu●●ent . conclusion iii. genus and integrum are both capable of admission and ejection of parts . that is not a true rule which mr hudson pag. . propounds . that totum whereunto there is admission , wherein there is nutrition and edification , and out of which there is ejection , that is an integral : his meaning is , it is not genus . answ. that totum may be a genus ; for animal admitted beast and man at the first under his wing : when a man is born and admitted into the world , he is admitted into mankind : when an individual lyon comes into the world , he is admitted into lyon-kind : when bucephalu● was foaled , he was admitted genus equorum , and was nourished , &c. and when he dyed , he was ejected and cast out of that kind : when an individual lyon dyes , he is excommunicated from lyon-kind . all beasts at the last shall be excommunicated , and cast out of the society of animal , a living creature . when a scholler is admitted into a colledge and university , he is admitted into a new kind of society , where he is nourished and edified in good literature : when he is expelled from thence , he is cast out of that kind of society . the reason is , because there is no individual integral corporation or society , but is of some kind or other . conclusion iiii. there is a reciprocation between the whole and the parts . although the parts are not the whole , yet they are adaequate and equal to the whole . this rule belongs to distribution and definition ; in quâ utraque affectio reciprocationis est , illic partium omnium cum toto , hîc definitionis cum definito . the whole contains just as much as the parts , and the definition as the definite : & contrà partes simul sumptae , are equal to the whole , neither more nor less ; they will reach as far as the whole , and no farther ; and the whole will extend it self as far as all the parts , and no farther . they are like vessels holding the same measure , of equal latitude and extent , one as large as the other ; as two pints , and a quart . having the whole , you have all the parts ; and having the parts you have the whole . omnis divisio debet exhaurire totum divisum . but one part alone is narrower , and reacheth not so far as the whole : this reciprocation is partium omnium cum toto ; not of any one . for if one part alone were equal to the whole , all the parts together were greater then the whole . but that is a clear standing everlasting rule , that the whole is greater then the part ; that is , then any one part . and this being a property of totum , as such , is true of totam universale , and integrale . . of totum universale . the genus is greater then any any one species ; homo is greater or larger then socrates ; and animal larger then homo . the totum genus , the whole genus is not in every part or species ; the generality or universality of the genus , is not in every species ; humanity universally considered in the whole latitude and extent of it , is not in socrates . the reason is , because genus is totum a whole ; and species est pars generis : the sp●cies is but a part of the genus . genus gives it self to be divided among all his species , but gives not it self wholy and altogether to any one species . it is a whole containing many or several parts , and is not wholy or universally in one part or species . there is but a part of the genus in one species ; and therefore when we say socrates est homo , socrates is a man ; we mean not that he alone is a man : for then socrates should be genus , giving and communicating essence to his species , which cannot be : tota humanitas & universa , all humanity universally considered , is not in socrates : for part of humanity is in plato , &c. it is proper to genus to be totum universale , this cannot belong to any part : the genus is of larger and wider extent then any one species ; animal extends it self beyond brutum , and comprehends homo also within its compass . quest . when brutum was made , and not homo ; where was animal ? when brute beasts were made , and not man ; where was living creature . answ. animal , living creature , that genus or kind was still in making , and not perfect till homo was made , . it is as true of totum integrale ; all the members are equal to the whole , but not any one . hence an integrum , an entire thing , cannot have his whole integral entire nature preserved in one part or member . mr hudson affirmeth , that the catholike integral church , i. e. the church catholike , which he affirmes to be an integral , may be brought into a narrow room , and haply to one congregation ; it is possible : ( saith he in p. . ) yet all the essence and priviledges of the church catholick visible , are contracted and reserved therein . this position is as cross to reason , as that one is two or three ; integrum cannot be made of one member ; for all the members give essence , and being to the in●egral . a part , cannot be the whole ; the eye cannot be the whole body ; cor. , . if the whole body were an eye , where were the hearing ? if the whole body were hearing , where were the smelling ? v. . but now , god hath disposed the members every one of them in the body , at his own pleasure . v. . for if they were all one members , where were the body ? v. . but now are there many members , but one body . a mutilated , and maimed body , cannot be a perfect and entire body . m. hudson will not affirm that a city may be preserved entire in one members ; for a city contains many citizens : there cannot be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; multus , where there is but one man . m. hudson consents to this , that the nature of a flock is not reserved in one sheep ; or a corporation in one man ; or that a swarm of bees cannot be in one bee . integrum is not made of one member , as m. hooker chap. . pag. . speaks . i wonder to what end m. hudson speaks of a flock and a sheep ; which are integrum and membra ; when he would shew that the whole nature of the genus is not in una specie . conclusion v. genus and integrum are both existing , and measurable by time and place . i find m. hudson clearly and fully expressing his judgement , that genus doth not exist , and that it is not measurable by time and place : i shall present some of his expressions concerning this business , to the reader ; viz. in page . he saith , universality is of another nature , being an abstract second notion . and again in the same page he hath these words ; genus being a second notion , existeth not ; but in intellectu nostro : habet fundamentum in rebus , non existentiam ; for as it doth exist , it is an integral , and loseth his abstract nature , wherein the universality doth consist . and again in page . genus is a notion not existing . i shall name but one place more , in page . where he expresseth himself in these words ; that totum which is measured by time and place , is an integral ; for genus which is a notion , is capable of neither of them . by which , &c. it appears , that m. hudson apprehends that this is one main difference between genus and integrum : that genus is a notion not existing , nor measurable by time and place ; but integrum exists , and is measured by time and place . answ. i conceive and affirm , that both of them ( genus as well as integrum ) are existing things , measured by time and place ; and that both of them shew their faces in rerum naturâ ; and that the understanding finds neither of them lurking or lying hid in the bottomless pit of non existence . the existence of integrum is so palpable and plain , that m. hudson hath no scruple about it , suspects it not in the least measure , but gives in his clear testimony concerning the existence of it ; that he hath seen it standing out from all his causes , and that time and place have taken measure of it , or at least are able to do it ; he affirms that it is measurable by both . only i conceive that he offers some wrong and indignity to genus , to deny it the same priviledge . we shall therefore plead , ( so far as the laws of logick , and ancienstatutes of reason will give in evidence for us ) and labour to demonstrate , that existence is a priviledge duly belonging to genus ; and that he cannot be denyed it in the court of argumentation , without the violation of the rule● of reason . in the touching or handling this cause , we shall speak some things , first , by way of explication ; secondly , by way of confirmation of the truth . the question being stated , we shall give the explication in several propositions . proposition i. second notions are as real as first notions : argumenta orta are as real as prima : arising arguments are as real , true existing things , as the very first arguments from whence they arise ; and have as real a being and entity as they . adam was the first man , but all his sons are true men as well as himself : so those arguments which arise and spring from the first , as their ancestors or predecessors , are real things or beings , as well as their parents , from which they descend . those which some call nominal ( because the force of arguing is in the name ) yet have a reality in them , and are not meer fictions ; but here the force of arguing lieth in the things themselves . definition is not a first argument , but is beholding to the first arguments for his birth , nativity , and breeding ; and hath derived his whole existence and being from them ; and yet is not a meer notion , crept into the understanding of man , before it was duely entred and enrolled into the artificial fabrick of reason ; which is one of those vestigia and impressions which the first being hath left behind him . those who read in the great book of the world , and turn over those leaves and volumes , may find the explication of the quiddity , and being of things , or the bounds of their being unfolded ; which is nothing else , but their definition . e. gr. homo est animal rationale , a man is a reasonable creature : this is the definition of man . men and angels could never make this to be the definition of man , but find it made before their eyes ; they gather it up with the hands of their understandings ; which they could never have gathered , if there had been no such fruit growing in the garden of nature , or in artificio rei . totum integrale is listed in the number of arising arguments , being a symbol of the effect : and yet is never so much as charged or accused by m. hudson , or any other ( that i have heard ) for non-reality or non-existence . we have gained thus much already in pleading the cause of genus , that his ortive or derivative nature is no prejudice at all to his real being , and existence . we cannot deny , but that the impressions of other second notions , have been extant many thousands , of years ; and what reason have we ( if we desire to deal impartially ) to say , that genus is not extant , because it is a second notion ? for my part , i cannot deny but that it is come abroad in the world , as the impression of the first being , who is author , entium & ar●ium , unless i had some spleen against this more then against other second notions ; to which this ( if it may have its right ) is not inferiour . proposition ii. abstractio vel ' {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} est sejunctio {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the abstraction of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is that whereby the understanding can seperate , and sever the arts one from another , that are confounded in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; which is opus motu ●rtis factum . as a geometrician can take magnitude ( length , breadth and thickness ) from a body in conceit ; that is , he can understand those dimensions which are found only in m●terial things , not considering or looking at the matter . this abstraction is common to all arts , there is the impression of all arts in the things ; and one may abstract the workmanship of one art from the workmanship of another art . as suppose seven artificers have bin at work in building a ship ; the carpenter , smith , glasier , &c. a man by his understanding may sever the work of the glasier , or the work of the smith , from the work of the carpenter , &c. the first being ( having all arts in himself ) hath left an impression of them in the frame and building of the world ; and here a man by his understanding may sever the fabrick of one art from another . when a man looks upon a tree , by the eye of logick , he may abstract , and draw away the artificium logicum from it ; he looks upon it as bringing forth fruit ; and in that respect he sees a cause and effect there ; as it is of such a colour or quantity , he sees a subject there ; as it is placed in such an orchard , he sees it as an adjunct ; as it containes root , body , and branches , he finds integrum and membra there ; as it is a vine , fig-tree &c. he finds genus and species there , &c. the phylosopher looks at the artificum physicum : the grammarian looks at the word , &c. the arichmetician at the number , &c. this abstraction is nothing but severing the work and artifice of one art from that of another , in my understanding ; not considering the other frames that are there growing together with it . as there is an abstraction of the work of one art from the work of another ; so there is also an abstraction of some part or piece of the work of one art , from other parts and pieces of the work of the same art growing together with it in the same frame . one may abstract the workmanship of a carpenter appearing in the frame of the windowes made by him , and look upon that piece of his art , without consideration of the rest of the building , or any other part of it . so here i can abstract the consenting , arguments from the rest in my consideration , or i can leave them , and consider the arising arguguments ; as the genus , definition , &c. and this abstraction is not a real separation of those arguments and affections from the things , but only a mental separation , whereby a man sees a thing distinct from another , and looks upon it alone distinctly . i can consider the nature of a thing in the abstract , that never subsists by it self but in the concrete . as i can take colour from a body coloured ( although no colour can subsist alone by it self ) and consider that quality alone by it self in its own nature , without consideration of the subject , in which this quality is inherent . so likewise we may abstract moysture from the ayre , and consider it only in its own nature , as a quality whereby a thing is ready to flow out of its own bounds , and to take the figure of another thing . lastly , thus we may abstract humanity from socrates , plato , &c. and conceive the idea of it in our minds , without the consideration of socrates , plato , &c. proposition iii. the abstraction of a logical notion from the thing , is no prejudice to its existence : when a man by the rule of g●ometry abstracts magnitude from a body , in his mind ; it followes not from hence , that there is no magnitude existing in bodies ; i can abstract moysture from the ayr , and consider it abstractively and sejurctively in its own ●ature ; and yet there is moysture really existing in nature . proposition iiii. the abstraction of genus , or the general universal nature of things , from the things themselv●s , by mental consideration ; is no argument to demonstrate the non-existence of genus and universals in rerum naturâ . the abstraction of heat from fire , or dryness from the earth , or a colour from a boby coloured , i. e. the consideration of any of these in their own distinct nature , is no evidence that these things are not really existing in nature ; so likewise , the abstraction of genus and universality , is no evidence against their real existence and being in nature ; but a good argument ( as we shall perceive presently ) of their real entity , and that they are extant in rerum naturâ . is there no colour really existing , because i can abstract it ? the universality of things doth not consist in their abstract nature ( as m. hudson p. . conceives ) as the quantity and quality of things consist not in their abstract natures ; that is , they are not so , because i discerne them ; but they are existing , and therefore i discerne them . i know not the reason why mr hudson should call the nature of things , their abstract nature : for the nature of things is the same , when they are not abstracted and discerned , and when they are taken into consideration by our understanding . colours are the same seen or unseen : our apprehension cannot change the nature and property of things . i cannot assent to that notion of mr hudson p. . that as the genus exists , it loseth his abstract nature ; for by that reason , nothing existing could be abstracted . i can consider the nature and definition of integrum , without the consideration of this or that integral ; and yet mr hudson confesseth , that integrum is always existing . proposition v. the subsistence of universals in singulars , is no argument of their non-existence , universals are subsistent in singulars ; and genus subs●sts in individuals ; as animal in homine & bruto ; and homo in socrates , alexander , cicero , &c. and we must look for genus in individuis , and there we shall find it ; it is where individuals are . but this doth not argue and demonstrate , that it hath no real existence . quantity and quality have no subsistence , but in their proper subjects ; and yet there are such things really extant in the world . colour , savour and odour , have no subsistence , but in mixt bodies ; and yet are real things . there is such a thing as paternity existing in the world ; and yet cannot subsist without filiation ; integrum is a real thing , and yet never subsists without his members . and as integrum hath his subsistence in his members , so genus in his individuals . as integrum is , where the members are ; so genus is , where the indviduals are . a flock is , where the sheep are , which are the members of that body . there cannot be the whole body without the head , hands , feet , or members of which it is made . so it is with genus and species : there cannot be homo without individuals , as socrates , plato , &c. this seemeth rather to be an argument , and demonstration of the real existence of universals : for how could they be in singulars , if they were not really existing ? if quantity and quality are in their proper subjects ; it is certain that there are such things in the world . so likewise , if universals are subsisting in singulars ; it is most certain that there are such things in rerum naturâ . proposition vi . genus is capable of time , and place , and may be measured by both . this mr hudson p. . denyeth , but we affirme . . it is capable of time , and may be measured by it . the essence of a thing stands in the union of matter and form ; the duration or continuance of the act of the forme upon the matter , or the holding together of the matter and form , is an adjun●t of the essence : and this is time . . there is a duration of the matter and forme of individuals . the matter and forme of gabriel have continued together above . years . . gabriel , and other individual angels , have been existing in the world above . years : his duration and theirs is measured by time . . hence the totum gen●s , angel-kind , the whole kind of angels were created in beginning of time , and have been in the world a certaine space of time ; the duration of the whole kind is equal with the duration of the individuals , and is therefore measured by time . there was a time when there was no kind of inconstant natures in the world , viz. the sust . hours , when there was nothing but the third heaven , and the angels created ; and the first matter , after that all the several sorts and kinds of things ▪ which were per●ected by degrees , came into the world in their order , successively one after another , all the kinds have continued in the world for many years . the existence of all these kinds is measured by time . all these kinds also are measured by place ; for where the individuals are , there are the kinds . all the individuals of every kind are in some place or other ; and therefore it may be truly affirmed , that all kinds of things were seated in some place or other . the stars , the whole kind of them remain in the element of fire to this day . i conclude this proposition ; the genus subsisting in individuals , which are in time and place , in that respct is it self also in time and place . having premised these things , we shall now state the question , and give some arguments for the confirmation of the truth . that which is to be demonstrated , is , that genus is not a notion ( as mr hudson p. . calls it ) that is , a meer notion : we shall labour to prove that genus is not a meer notion floting only in the brain ; it is not a meere fantasme or fantastical thing , existing only in intellectu nostro , and no where else : but a real thing . universalia non sunt intentionalia , sed realia ; universal things are real things , existing in nature , and rebus ipsis . that genus is existing in rerum naturâ , may appear by these reasons . . reason , every artificial argument is in rerum naturâ , existing really in nature : genus is an artificial argument ; therefore genus is in rerum naturâ the major or first proposition is evident , for that is an artificial argument , which is in artificio rei : in the frame , fabrick , and nature of the thing immediately . the minor is also clear , that genus is an artificial argument : for it is either an artificial argument , or a testimony ; but it is not a testimony : ergo . it argues not by an as●umed force as a testimony , but in , and of it self . the genus is arguing and claiming an interest in his species , as parts of himself , before any man give testimony of it . . reason , that which may be invented and found in rerum natur● , is in reru● naturâ . genus may be invented and found in rerum naturâ . therefore genus is in rerum naturâ . invenire est in rem venire , to invent is to come in upon a thing : and it is impossible to finde a thing in nature , that is not there to be found . a man cannot find fruits or flowers growing in orchards or gardens where they never grew : nor mines of gold , in places where the sun never made any . if g●nus were not in fabrica rei , in the frame of things ; it could never be found there . genus may be invented , for it is an argument in the first part of logick , which is nivention . reas. . that which may be abstracted from the things , is in rerum naturâ . genus may be abstracted form the things . therefore genus is in rerum naturâ . that genus may be abstracted , is granted by mr h●dson : and abstracted and drawn away it could not be , if it were never existing in the things . men cannot gather grapes of thorns , or figges of thistles , where they never grew . if genus were not growing and springing up in the garden of nature , it could never be abstracted and drawn from thence by the consideration of our understandings . to abstract ( as we have heard ) is to see a thing distinct from another , that grows together with it in the frame . if magnitude were not really existing in a body , and adjoyned to it , it could never be abstracted from it by geometry . reason , . every totum whose parts are real things , really existing in nature , is it self in rerum naturâ . genus is a totum , whose parts are real things , really existing in nature ; therefore genus it self is in rerum naturâ . the first proposition is fair and rational ; for there is a reciprocation of all the parts with the whole . the whole contanies just as much as the pars ; and it cannot contain so much as the parts , if the parts be full of entity and reality ; and the whole be a vain thing , having no reality , or real entity , and being in it . if genus be a meer fantastical thing , and notion , which men have got in their crowns , it is an empty vessel , and holds no real entity at all ; and then the parts must be empty . a vessel full of ayre or wind is empty , in comparison of that which is filled with water or precious liquor . if the species are real things , and the genus an empty notion , an empty vessel , how can it hold as much as the species ? if that be an empty thing it pours out nothing but emptiness into the species ; and they receive nothing but emptiness from it . animal is as real a thing as homo and brutum : and homo as real , as socrates , or plato . the minor is most true , that species , especially the individual species , are real things . mr hudson will not deny , that peter , abraham , and david &c. are real things . reason , . that which gives and communicates real essence and being to other things , is in r●rum naturâ . genus gives and communicates real essence , and being to other things ; therefore genus it self is in rerum naturâ . that which is a meer fanta●ie or fantastical thing , can give no essence . how can that which is onely in the brain give essence ? if it were onely mental , it could not give being ; nihil dat , quod non habet . it is a strange thing to conceive that a notion should sit in a mans understanding , and brood so many real things : all the species of things should then have a mighty dependance upon mens understanding : for upon this account , if there were no reasonable creatures , having understanding to catch and hold this bird ; it would imediately make use of its wings , and flee as an eagle out of the world , and the compass of beings , and vanish into just nothing . all universalls would betake themselves to their flight , they would all take their leave . but if there should be but one rational creature produced in the world , they would come flocking in thick and threefold , and build their nests in his understanding ; and being well seated there , would out of their emptiness pour out themselves as freely upon their species , and make them as real beings as ever they were . genus gives and communicates being to other things , i. e. to his species : for genus est totum partibus essentiale . the essential causes , which constitute the essence , are comprehended in the genus , and the forme . homo est animal rationale : animal , a living creature is essential to man : it containes part of the essence of man . for the definition layeth out all the essentiall causes . reason , . if there be a community of nature and kindred between beings , and general kinds of things in rerum naturâ , genus is in rerum naturâ , but there is community of nature ; and kindred between beings , and general kinds of things in rerum natura ; therefore genus is in rerum naturâ . i shut up diverse arguments in one , and conclude this question . i know no exception against either of the propositions . i see no ground to question the first : for what is in the genus but community of nature , and kindred between beings from the first ? if therefore some special things have the same nature in common one with another ; and if there be such neer affinity and kindred between beings ; there is genus in rerum naturâ . if there be general kinds of things , varia genera rerum , there must be genus ; for what is genus , but the general kinde ? the minor , or second proposition may easily appear . what is more evident then this , that there is community of nature , a kindred between beings , and general kinds of things in nature ? constant natures , as angels , have the same angelical nature in common one with another , divided between them . the elements have one common nature , being a kin , i. e. of the same generall kinde one with another . so likewise have the elementaries , which are made of them . all living things are of a kindred . things that live the life of sense , are of a neere kindred : and those that live the life of reason , together with the life of sense , have a neer agreement of nature , and are neer a kin one to another . iam. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : hath been tamed of the humane nature , or of mankind ( as it is in our translation ) which are both one for the substance : all mankind having the same humane nature in common . so also there is a kindred of arts ( as cicero speaks : he affirms that ) poetry is a kin to oratory ; because all arts have a common vi●culum and bond , and a certain kindred between them , by which they are contained , and held together , &c. and that there are diverse general and special kinds of things in nature appeares , gen , . . , , . there are various kinds of trees , as a vi●e , fig-tree , &c. and several kinds of apple-trees under that general kind . several kinds of living creatures , fishes , birds , beasts ; and diverse sorts under one kind : under the general kind of beasts , there are lyons , horses , &c. who can reckon up their manifold kinds ? there is angel-kind , mankind , &c. all these kinds of things are real things : and all other kinds besides mankind , were come into the world and had a real being and existence before the understanding of man was created , and sitted to receive them . they could not exist then in intellectu nostro : where could they exist , but in rerum natura ? we have heard of the agreement ; we are now to speak concerning the difference of totum universale , and integrale . difference i. the genus is a not of the causes ; the integrum is a note of the effect : genus and species are notes of the causes and effects : and integrum and membra , are notes of the effect and causes . the integrum is a totum , to which the parts are essential : they give essence , i. e. causes . the essential causes are the matter and form ; therefore these parts give matter and forme to the whole . every member gives a portion of matter and forme ; and all members make up a common matter and forme of the whole : and of the matter and forme of every part , is made up the matter , and forme of the whole ; the matter of the whole is made of the matter of the parts ; and the forme of the forme of the parts . and as these contain the matter and forme of the whole , so the genus being essential to the parts , containeth the matter and common forme of the species . a perfect definition containes all the the essential causes of the thing , which are the matter and form , the general , and proper nature : the forme is exprest , and the matter is included in the g●nus , which containes the matter and common forme . difference ii. the genus comm●nicates his whole essence , and his whole entire nature to the species . species habet naturam generis integram , non universam . the entire nature of the genus is in the species : and in this respect , tota natura generis conservatur in unâ specie : all the entire nature of man was preserved in adam ; because the genus is essentiall to its parts : it communicates his whole entire essence to every one of them . it is not so in integrum ; there the parts did give their essence to the whole , and not the whole to them . there therefore the rule is , quicquid convenit membr● ▪ convenit integro ; because the members were essential to it . but the rule here is , quicquid convenit generi , convenit speciebus ; because the genus is essential to them . and in this respect , species recipit generis sui definitionem : not in actu signato ; the definition of the genus is not the definition of the species : we must not say species est genus ; but in actu exercito , ( as i said ) that is , take any example of genus , as homo is genus to his individuals : and here the definition of homo is communicated to peter . man is a reasonable creature ; peter is a man ; therefore peter is a reasonable creature . animal is indued with sense , a lyon is animal ; therefore a lyon is indued with sense . mr hudson p. . doth somwhat dissent from this : his expressions are these . though it be said that tota natura generis conservatur in unâ specie , and by this rule in uno individuo , it must be fundamentaliter only , non formaliter , for there is no such universality formally in specie , & multo minis in individuo . i answer , that i know no man who affirms that the universality of the genus is in specie formally ; the universality is not there , but the entire nature of man is in socrate , &c. the evidence which mr hudson brings for the demonstration of this , is , that the nature of an integrum cannot be preserved in one member : his words are , as the nature of a flock is not reserved in one sheep , or a corporation in one man ; to use mr hooker's own words . answ. he useth mr hooker's own words indeed , for mr hooker disputes against mr hudson , and demonstrates clearly , that the nature of an integrum cannot be preserved in one member : but he professeth , that he yeilds that which all writers and rules confirme ; that tota natura generis conservatur in una specie . if mr hudson can prove that genus & int●grum are the same , his instances will serve to some purpose ; otherwise they are propounded in vain ; for a flock is an integrum ; and so is a corporation : an individual sheep cannot be a flock ; but an individual sheep hath the whole entire nature of a sheep in it : there is nothing in the nature of a sheep . that is wanting in this or that individual sheep . difference iii. the genus communicates all his essential properties to his species , but the integrum doth not communicate his properties to his members . genus is essential to his species , communicates his essence and nature , and therefore he communicates all his essential properties to his species . dans formam , dat form●e consequen●ia : quicquid tribuitur generi convenit speci● . convenire is to come together : all the essential properties of the genus do come together into the world with the sp●cies : for nothing can be without his essential properties . if homo be risibilis , socrates est etiam risibilis . if a plant hath seed within it self , a vine also hath seed within it self ; gen , . . if art be practical , logick is practical . and on the other side , those properties which agree not to the genus , agree not to the species . if art be not a habit , logick is not a habit : the nature of a thing and the properties go both together . tollens naturas , tollit proprietates : tollens proprietates , tollit naturas . i wonder that m. hudson p. . should affirme , that a genus is not capable of adjuncts . that which hath inherent accidents existing in it as its own , that is an integral : for a genus is not capable of them . answ. risibility is an adjunct of man existing in him as his own , it is his own propriety he doth not borrow it from any other . it is a property of man firstly , and agrees to socrates because he is a man . it is a catholike property belonging to man as man . homo est animal risibile , is a catholike axiom which it , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} primum de toto because this is first true of the whole , and then of the parts ; it is first true of homo , and then of socrotes , and plato , omne animal risibile est hom● : omnis homo est animal risibile . but it cannot be said truely , that omne animal risibile est plato . we have heard that the properties of the genus are communicated to the species ; but the properties of the integrum are not communiaated to the members ; for the members are essential to the integral . socrates est risibilis , yet it cannot be said properly , pes socratis est risibilis ▪ socrates est capax discpinae , but you cannot say that his heel is capable of discipline mr hudson p. . saith , that this is true only of integrum dissim●lare , not of similare . for a whole pint of water ( saith he ) doth moysten and cool ; and so doth every drop . answ. these proper●ies agree to a drop , not as it is a part , or member of a pint , but because it is a sp●cies of water , having the forme of water in it to which all the properties do belong . one bee makes honie not because it is a member of this swarme , but because it is a species of bee in general having all his essential properties . difference iiii. genus communicates his operatio●s to his species ; but integrum doth not communicate his operations to all his members . all the essential operations of the genus are in every species . if the genus commu●ica●e his entire nature , and all his essential properties to his speci●s , he communicates also all his essential operations ; operatio sequitur esse . if it communicate his qualities , and principles of acting it communicates his operations : for frustr à fit pot●nt●a , quae nunquam reduc●ur in actum . it is true that genus exists and acts in his species ; and integ●um acts not without his members : if a star shines the north star shines . mr hudson conc●ives that genus is inefficacious , that ( saith m. hudson ) which hath actions and operations of its own , is an integral ; for a genus is not capable thereof . ●eason , . every real being is capable of operations . genus is a real being . therefore genus is capable of operations . the major is clear ; because operatio sequitur esse , the operation of a thing followeth the being of it . omne ens agit ; because it is propter finem : that which is for an end , workes or can worke for that end : but every being is for an end : ergo . the minor , that genus is a real being hath been prov'd before . reas. . a second reason that genus is capable of operations , is taken from his properties , and qualities ; we have proved that genus is not empty of such things as those are . that which hath proper qualities and principles , whereby it is able to work , is capable of operations . genus hath proper qualities , and principles , whereby he is able to worke . therefore genus is capable of operations . we have made it evident , that genus hath properties , and proper qualities : and frustrà fit potentia , quae nunquam reducitur in actum . reas. . a third reason is from the sad consequence which followes upon this position . if no genus , no kind of things is capable of operations , all kind of things are made in vaine : but all kind of things are not made in vaine ; therefore genus is capable of operations , for it is certain , that no kind of thing can attaine his end without operation ; where there is no {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , there can be no {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or well working ; which is the end of every kind of being . reas. . if there be operations proper to every kind , genus is capable of operations . there are operations proper to every kind . therefore genus is capable of operations . there are some operations proper to angel-kind , some to mankind , some to other kinds . to bring forth fruit is proper to a tree , not to be expected from a star , &c. to bring forth , and to bear grapes , is proper to a vine , &c. men do not gather grapes of thorns , or figs of thistles . matth. . . there are some operations peculiar to lyons , some to bees &c. mean , that are proper to the whole kind . difference v. the name of the genus may be given to the species ; but the name of the integral cannot be given to the member : because the genus is totum essentiale , communicating his whole nature , and all his essential properties and operations to his species : and the names of things are sutable to their natures homo , the name of a man , is given to socrates , plato &c. but the name o man is not given to his finger or toe : for a member hath but part of the nature of the whole in it . obj. pars similaris hath the name of the integrum : a drop of water is water . answ. a drop of water is species . aqua , and haec aqua , are genus and species , as mr hooker speaks . that aqua and haec aqua are genus and species , may appear . res. . where there is an essentiall predication of the whole of his part , there is genus and species ; but in aqua , and haec aqua , there is an essential praedication ; of the whole of his part . ergo . the reason is , because genus onely is totum essentiale partibus . res. . haec aqua hath some genus . but this water hath no genus but water ; therefore this water hath water for his genus . res. . if two drops of water are ejusdem generis , then aqua is their genus . but two drops of water are ejusdem generis . ergo . it is not absurd that there should be many thousand sp●cies of water in one pailful , and many thousand sands in one handful , and many thousand bees in one hive . difference vi . genus est {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} prius speci●bus , & membra int●gro priora : the genus is before his species in priority of nature , and the member before the in●corum . the reason is , because genus is a note of the causes , integrum of the effect : the causes are in order of nature before the effect , and the effect after the causes . the genus is essentiall to his parts , giving causes to the species ; the members are essential to the integral , communicating essence to it ▪ the more universal , general , or common any thing is , the more priority of nature it hath . animal est prius homine ( est e●im termiais comm●nior quàm homo homo before socrates . as genus is prius so it is notius naturâ . claritas generis non dependet à claritate specici , sed 〈◊〉 s●se commnni●at ; singulars may be better known to us , but universais are by nature be●ter known then specials : homo is better known then socrates , or plato ; animal better known then any of them ; and substance better then that : ens à primo is better known then any of them all : because it drawes neerer to ens primum which is notissimum , & maximè intelligibil● . prius & notius naturâ eadem sunt . but the members are before the integral in order of nature , for that is made up of the members ; and therefore cannot be before them . a house cannot be before the foundation and superstruction : a tree cannot be before the root , body , and branches . mr hooker p. . in his rational discourse about the nature of integrum , made it appear as clear as the sun , that the members which make up , and constitute the whole , are in order of nature before it . yet mr hudson p. . seemeth to plead for the priority of an integral ; affirming , that the nature of the church catholike , visible in respect of the particulars , is like to the priority of a kingdom , to the parts of it ; or of a corporation , in respect of the parts of it which is not meant ( saith mr hudson ) in a mathematical or techtonical consideration : for so the particular buildings are prima , and the whole city orta . yet , ( saith he ) so m. hooker understands me . answ. mr hooker speaks not of a city only in respect of the artificial buildings : but he speaketh of a civil body or corporation , and a politicial kingdom : which bodies politick , and corporations hold correspondence with a city , having many houses and buildings in it ; which houses and buildings are in nature before the whole city ; which is the effect arising from those causes : so likewise the members of every body politick , are in nature before the entire body it self , which is made up of those causes . a city in a techtonical consideration may be first in intention , perfection and dignity , as well as a civil , or ecclesiastical corporation . mr hudson speaks , as if a city attended in a techtonical consideration , could not be first intended . for mr hudson opposeth these ; which is not meant ( saith mr hudson ) in a techtonical consideration , but in regard of intentions , &c. but it is a common rule , that which is first in intention , is last in execution , & contrà . the finishing and compleating the whole city is last in execution in a techtonical consideration ; why may it not be first in intention ? but no integral body is first in essence . mr hudson p. . affirms , that the integral church is first in ess●nce ; which i confess is above the reach of my shallow reason ; for the members give essence to the whole ; that is , matter and form ▪ and the integrum receives essence from them ▪ being a symbol of the effect . and how is it possible to conceive that that should be first in essence , that is last in essence , receiving his essence from the essence of the parts ? neither can any integrum be first cognitione distinctâ & noscibilitate perfectâ : it may be notius nobis analytically , but not notius naturâ genetically . when we analyse the frame and workmanship of god , we meet with the effects , and go from them to the causes , which we perceive by their effects : but the causes are better knowne by nature : because as res sese habent in esse , ita in cognosci , the intelligibility and cognoscibility of things , followeth their entity and being . mr hudson p. speaks well and truly , cognitio sequitur ordinem naturae in se , but how the kingdom of england can be known without or before the knowledge of the distinct parts , i am not able to conceive . a man may indeed know the policy , laws , and priviledges ; and not know all the severall towns : but the towns are not the members of the laws and priviledges . a man cannot know the body of laws distinctly , before he knows any of the particular laws ; for it is certain , that as the essence of a thing consists in his causes , so the knowledge of the essence of a thing consists in the knowledge of the causes . the common place of causes , is the fountain of all science ; scirique demum creditur , cujus causa teneatur : ut merito dicatur à poëtâ . foelix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas . it is a speculative happiness , and the ●oelicity of the understanding , to know the causes of things . but there is but small happiness to see the outside of the thing , not understanding the essentiall causes , and ingredients into the essence , and being of it : a man may as well know the nature and essence of a thing distinctly , without the knowledge of his distinct nature and essence ; as know a thing distinctly , without knowledge of his causes . we have heard of some consectaries , from the definition of genus ; i shall observe two things from the definition of species specialissima ( which is that which cannot be divided into other species . ) the first is that individuum est species . the second is that though species specialissima cannot be divided into other species , yet it may be divided into members . . individuum est species every singular , or individuall thing is a sp●cies . touching this question i shall first explicate , secondly confirm the truth . . the explication may be given in these following theses , or positions . thesis . i. the variation onely of scituation or accidents , is not sufficient to vary the species . here i concurre with mr hudson p. . this man is an english man ; this english man is a suffolk man ; this suffolck man is an ipswich man . this praedication is denominatio adjunctae personae à subjectis . if a man remove his habitation from one country to another , or from one land to another , this make him not another species . as it is sayd coelum non animum mutant &c. so i may say , coelum non speciem mutant , qui trans mare currunt . the place is but a subject , and not essentiall , and cannot make an essentiall difference between a man and himself . . augmentation in stature , old age , &c. make not a specificall difference ; gradus non variant speciem . . variation of sex doth not vary the species ; the same person may be mas , & foemina . an hermaphrodite , or androgyne , is not two persons or species ; and yet is both man and woman . . various species must be various things , between which there is an essentiall difference . thesis . ii. various species must fall under the essential predication of some kind , which is of a more general or comprehensive nature : for species est pars g●neris ; and the genus is totum partibus essentiale : there must be therefore an essentiall praedication of something more general , upon something more special ; as homo , est animal : haec aqua , est aqua . thesis . iii. when we say socrates est homo , there is an essentiall praedication of homo , which is more generall ; upon socrates , which is more speciall . homo is essentiall to socrates , and comprehends socrates and plato under him : this mr hudson p. . grants freely . thesis . iiii. socrates and plato are opposita , opposite one to another : they are disparata , that is , such things whereof one is opposed to many ; in like manner as a blew colour is opposed to red , green , &c. in like manner socrates is opposed to plato , cicero , aristotle , equally to one as well as to another . hence socrates and plato , are not only diverse , dissenting in some logical respect ; but opposite , dissenting re & ratione , really and indeed , they dissent in their own nature , as they are things ; there is a bar in their nature , they are set one against another , that they can never be one and the same ; as black cannot be white . socrates and plato are two , one cannot be the other , there is an essentiall difference between them . thesis . v. socrates and plato are distinguisht one from another by their proper and essentiall formes . as a man and a lyon differ in their common forme , so socrates and plato in their proper form . all opposition is firstly from the form ; hereby a thing is that which it is , and is therefore by this distinguished from all other things . all essentiall distinction and opposition is from the forms of things ; they differ not only accidentally , but essentially one from the other , and are distinguisht one from another by their essentiall forms . thesis . vi . the numericall difference between socrates and plato , is an argument of their specificall distinction : it includeth and implieth an essentiall difference between things , being distinguished by their proper individuall essentiall forms . it is true , that our intellectualls are so wounded by the apostacy of the first man , that it is exceeding hard for us to find out the forms of things : we are forced many times to describe the forms of things by their accidents ; as we are constrained to describe the elements by their proper qualities arising from their forms : yet every one of them hath a proper forme . the existence of every thing is from all the causes : nothing can exist and be that which it is , without its proper form . and the difference of the proper form is no less then the difference of the common form , but rather greater . look how much greater the similitude and agreement is between singulars in regard of their common forms , so much greater is the difference of their proper forme . the difference and opposition of contraries is the greatest and strongest ; and yet they communicate in the same genus : these are more opposite one to another then things that are not under the same genus : white and black are more opposite , then white and bitter , &c. gravia bella fratrum . to differ so numerically is to differ formally ; to differ in number , is to differ in forme : for number is an affection or proper adjunct following the essence . socrates and plato have two distinct forms : hence they differ in essence ; hence they have two distinct essences and beings ; hence they are two : one cannot be the other , they cannot be both one and the same : hence they differ numerically one from the other . where there is one humanity and essential forme of man , there is one essence of man , and one man : and where there are two humanities , and essentiall , proper , individuall forms of man , there are two men : hence they differ numerically , and one is not the other , or the same with the other . socrates is not plato , but is numerically different from him socrates is one , and plato is another : as london is one city , and york another . the difference of number is nothing but the difference of the proper and individuall forme , and to differ in number , is to differ in forme : two men have two different forms , two lyons have two different formes . if socrates and plato , or any other individuall men differing in number , should not differ in essence and forme , they should differ only accidentally one from the other ; as one man differs from himself , or as socrates in his old age , differs from socrates in his youth ; being the same man , and differing onely in accidents , not in essence . socrates should be plato ; and plato , socrates . and when alexander rides bucephalus , aristotle sits in the same saddle : and it were impossible not to set the saddle upon the right horse ; for every horse is the same essentially ; and he that stealeth one horse , he stealeth all the horses in the world ; because the essence of the one is the same with the essence of the other . there is a difference indeed in accidents , but none in essence ; there being ( according to this accompt ) no essentiall or substantiall difference between them . lastly , hence there is ( upon the same accompt● no essential and substantial man in the world but only ideal : for all generals subsist in individuals , and individuals onely subsist in themselves . if therefore individualls differ not essentiall one from another but only accidentally ; there is no substantiall or essentiall man subsisting by himself : because individuall men only subsist in themselves . if therefore no individuall , proper , essential , humane forme , there is no individuall essentiall man subsisting ; and therefore no individuall substantiall man in the world . every individuall man is an accidentall man , having no proper , substantial , individual form or essence . he that hath no substantial proper form hath no substantial proper essence ; and therefore cannot be a substantial individual man . and hence there is no substantial individual man in the world , but only ideal and common : and socrates and plato should differ essentially no more one from another then doctor mar●in , and doctor luther . but the truth is , they have not one and the same essence , but differ in their essentiall forme one from another . for an accidentall forme cannot be the prime and principall essentiall cause of a substance . thesis . vii . the name agrees most properly to individuals speci●s of the old verb specio to see , or behold ( as we have heard ) signifieth the visible face or appearance of a thing , a sight or thing seen : the greek word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , video , signifyeth a visible shape , forme , image or representation of a thing : ( as we have heard ) the reason is , because individualls are onely visible in themselves , we may see some of their faces daily with our bodily eyes . generalls cannot beseen but in individualls ; man cannot beseen ▪ but in socrates , and plato , and other individualls . it is clear therefore , that the name which is a note and representation of the thing , sutes best of all with singulars and individualls . thesis . viii . logicians will grant , that individuum est species . not onely ramus , berhusius snellius , gutberleth , &c. but aristotle will grant it : he testifyeth that the last and lowest generall kindes are next above the individualls , as man is arist. lib. . above individuall men . extrema , seu ultima g●nera supra indivi-metaph . c. . dua sunt , ut homo . i might easily name severall authors who conceive , that homo is the genus of individuall men , and that individuall men are species . but those are onely inducements , not convincements , being onely inartificiall arguments . we shall therefore ( having propounded these preparatives and expl●ations , somwhat helping to understand the cause in hand ) present some artificiall arguments and reasons for the demonstration of this truth , that individuum est species . singular lyons are species of lyon in generall . socrates , cicero , aristotle , solomon , plato &c. are species of homo . reason . i. if homo be the genus of socrates and plato , socrates and plato are species of homo . but homo is the genus of socrates and plato ; therefore socrates and plato are species of homo . major : genus and species stand in a mutuall respect , and look one to another , so that homo cannot be genus , socratis & platonis , unless socrates and plato are species hominis : genus , as such , hath an eye upon his species , and respects nothing else in the world : as the cause argues nothing but his effect , so the genus argues nothing but his species . minor . the proof therefore of the minor is most of all here to be attended , viz. that homo is the genus of socrates and plato : which may appear thus , reas. . that to which the definition of genus agreeth , is genus : but the definition of genus agreeth to homo , as he standsin respect to socrates and plato ; therefore homo is genus , as he stands in respect to socrates and plato . genus is totum partibus essentiale ; and homo is totum partibus essentiale , giving essence to socrates , plato , and the rest of his individualls . reas. . if homo stand in the same respect to his individualls , in which animal stands to homo and brutum ; homo is the genus of all individuall men : but homo stands in the same respect to his individualls , in which animal stands to homo and brutum ; therefore homo is the genus of all individuall men . major prob. if homo respects and argueth his individualls , as animal respects and argues homo and brutum , homo hath the affection and respect of a genus to his individualls ; for animal hath the affection of a genus to homo and brutum ; and therefore , that being granted , there is as good reason that homo should be genus to individuall men . minor prob. homo stands affected as much and in like manner to singular men , as animal to homo and brutum . is animal more general then homo ? homo is more general then socrates , &c. doth animal comprehend homo & brutum ? homo comprehends socrates , & plato , and all other individuall men under him . is animal essentiall to man and beasts ? hom● is as essential to socrates and his other individualls . doth animal communicate himself , and his whole essence to homo ? homo is as liberall to socrates , and cicero , and his other individualls ; keeps nothing to himself , but unlockes all his treasures of humanity , and bestowes all his whole estate , and all his humane excellencies , his entire nature , matter , and forme , his name , dignity , nobility , and all his titles of honour upon socrates , & his other individualls , and challengeth as great an interest in them , as animal can challenge in homo and brutum . if homo can say , i am animal ; socrates can stand upon the same termes with homo , and say i am homo . if homo can say animal is mine , and all that he hath ; socrates can say homo is mine , and all that he hath . reas. . homo is either genus , or species , in respect of individual men ; but homo is not species , in respect of individual men . therefore homo is genus in respect of individual men . major . homo stands in some respect to individuals and singulars : let any man put any other respect upon homo , as he respects his singulars , but either genus or species . minor . it cannot be a species ( as some would have it ) for it is called species onely in respect of his genus . if it be a species of singular men , of socrates , plato , &c. then those individuals must be his genus , and socrates should be more general then homo . but it is clearer then the light of the sun , that homo is more general . reas. . if all individual men are ejusdem generis , of the same kind , all comprehended under mankind , homo is genus . but all indiuidual men are ejusdem generis , of the same kind , all comprehended under mankind ; therefore homo is their genus what else can be their next genus ? rebsan ii. if the definition of species agreeth to socrates and plato , socrates and plato are species : but the definition of species agreeth to socrates and plato ; therefore socrates and plato are species . minor prob. species est pars generis , a part of the kind : socrates and plato are parts of mankind ; they are of that stock and kindred , comprehended under that kind , and are parts of it . they can be no other but parts of mankind universally considered . if all the men in the world should be annihilated but socrates and plato , there were yet a part of mankind remaining in the world . reason iii. those parts which have the entire nature , matter , forme and properties of the kind communicated to them , are species : socrates and plato have the entire nature , matter , form and properties of the kind communicated to them ; therefore socrates and plato are species . major , it is proper to the species ( as we have heard ) to have the entire nature and properties of the genus communicated to it . if a member had the entire nature of the genus communicated to it , a member were an integrum . minor , socrates est animal rationale , and hath the whole nature of homo , and all his properties communicated to him : he is risibilis , and hath all humane properties which are essentiall to the whole kind . reason . iiii. those things which have one and the same common nature , and are specifically distinguisht one from another , are species : socrates and plato have one and the same common nature , and are distinguished specifically one from another . therefore socrates and plato are species . the major is evident primo aspectû : the minor shall be cleared . those which are distinguished one from another by their proper essentiall forms , are specifically distinguished one from another : socrates and plato are distinguished one from another by their proper essentiall formes ; therefore socrates and plato are specifically distinguished one from another . we have made it clear in some of those theses which we have propounded , that socrates and plato are distinguished one from another , not accidentally , but by their proper essentiall formes : and that to differ numerically , is to differ by their proper forme . reason v. speciall beings comprehended and contained under that which is more generall , are species . socrates and plato are speciall beings comprehended under that which is more generall ; therefore socrates and plato are species . what are species , but speciall beings i. e. , such beings as have a more speciall nature and forme comprehended and contained under some more generall head ? individuall men are speciall beings , &c socrates and plato are speciall men , each having a speciall forme ( as we have heard ) they are speciall men , more contracted then homo in genere . whatsoever is more contracted , is more speciall : but the idea of plato or socrates is more contracted then the idea of homo in generall ; therefore they are more speciall : socrates is not a generall , but a speciall man , having a speciall nature , besides his common nature . socrates springs not from the same speciall individuall principles out of which plato is made . reason . vi . singular parts , bearing the name of the whole , are species : socrates and plato are singular parts , bearing the name of their whole ; therefore socrates and plato are species . a member not having the entire nature of the integrum , is never called by the name of the integrum , as we have heard . but the species having the whole essence , and definition of the genus in it , is called by the name of the genus . a foot not having the entire nature of homo in it , is not called homo : but socrates having the entire nature of humanity in him , is called homo . he hath integram naturam hominis in se . there is nothing in humanity , which is not to be found in him : and therefore the name of man may well be given to him ; he is an intire man . qui habet humanitatem in se integram , est homo ; socrates habet humanitatem in se integram , ergo socrates est homo . the second thing to be observed concerning species specialissima , is this conclusion which followeth . although species specialissima cannot be divided into other species , yet it may be divided into members . socrates who is species specialissima may also be considered as an integrum , & so be divided into members . an individuall vine cannot be divided into more species : but as it containeth root , body , and branches , it may be divided into members . divers respects may fall upon the same things or may concrescere and grow together upon the same subject . dialectica concrescit cum seipsâ , & cum al●is omnibus concresoentibus . a singular vine , as it beareth grapes , is causa : as it exists from its principles or causes it is an effect : as it stands in the vineyard it is an adju●ct : as it containeth root ▪ body and branches , there are integrum & membra : as it respects a vine in gener● , it is species . the definition , rule and notion of species and integrum are different ; integrum and species are diverse and various logical respects , which cannot be the same one with another ; yet the same thing which is integrum , may also be sp●cies . suppose a man should reason thus , that vine which hath root , body , and branches , is an integrum : this individual vine hath root , body , and branches ; therefore this individual vine is an integrum . it may appear from hence , that which is species specialissima , may be also integrum . and this may serve to make one of our former principles appear with greater clearness and evidence , viz. that the entire nature of the genus is in the species : the entire nature of a vine is in this individual vine . in like manner every individual church hath the entire nature of a church in it . an individual church is a species , as it respects a church in general , under which it is comprehended ; yet as it containeth members , it is an integral . hence it is that every individual church containeth members , because it is an integrum ; and yet is a species as it stands in reference to a church in genere . hence also a church in genere may be said to have members and officers in it , not considered under the nature of genus ( the arguments of genus and integrum cannot be the same : genus and integrum cannot be the same in actu signato ) but because the species speci●lissima containeth members as it is integrum ; and this species specialissima is comprehended under the genus . in this sense a genus may be truely said to have officers in it . this mr hudson p. . denieth , his words are , a genus is not capable of officers . a. it is true in actu signato , but that which is genus , comprehending the species and individualls which containe members ▪ may in that respect be said to comprehend members and officers . this may appear by observing some formes of reasoning which may be propounded . ex. gr. every entire ecclesiastical body politick containeth officers & other members : boston church is an entire , ecclesiasticall body politick ; therefore boston church containeth officers and members . this argumentation is a genere ad speciem : an entire ecclesiastical body politick is the genus , and boston church the species . this may serve to answer that argument which mr hudson p. . , . useth , to prove that the church catholike is an integral , taken from the several appellations which are given to the church catholike in scripture . it is called a body , a kingdom , a tabernacle , a city , an army , a sheepfold , a wheat field , a barn-floor , a drag-net , a loaf of bread . now all these ( saith m. hudson p. . ) and many more appellations have no analogie to a genus , but to an integrum . i answer , that those and such appellations are firstly and properly appellations of an integrum , having analogie to totum integrale . but this totum integrale is species specialissima ; or every individuall church being species specialissima , is also an integrum , and containeth members : and the genus comprehending all his species under him , it comprehends the individualls with all their members under it , or within it self . hence those appellations which are given to an individual church , are given to the church in general . quicquid affirmatur & negatur de specie , etiam affirmatur & negatur de genere particulariter : et quicquid essentiale affirmatur & negatur de genere , affirmatur etiam & negatur de specie . if a church be a body , then this or that individual church is a body and all the members , of it are {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} one and the same body , of one and the same corporation . a church is a bodie : boston corgregation is a church ; therefore boston congregation is a bodie . mr. husdon p. . saith that a genus●s no body . ans. yet a body or integrum considered in g●nere , is genus . mr hooker p. . doth not say that a genus is a body , and the particular species are ●tly joyned together and compacted , by that which every joynt supplyeth ; as mr hudson insinuates : but mr hooker p. . affirmeth that the particular members of a congregation are compacted together , and where there are many particular churches there is totum genericum existens . i might say the like of the other appellations ; a church is a kingdom , tabernacle , temple , city , &c. boston corgregation is a church ; therefore boston cong●egation is a kingdom , tabernacle , temple , citie &c. we have heard of the rules concerning genus ; we now proceed to the application of those rules to the question in hand , where we shall first return answer to mr hudson his arguments . secondly propound reasons tending to prove that a congregational church is a catholike church . chapter iiii. containing an answer to mr hudson his arguments propounded in his fourth chapter ; wherein he laboureth to prove , that the church catholicke visible , is one integral , or totum integrale . i cannot enlarge as i would ; i shall therefore return a brief answer in these several conclusions following . conclusion i. to●um genericum existit in rerum natur● . the general or universal whole is really exis●ing in nature . see the fifth conclusion concerning the agreement between genus & integrum . this answers mr hudson his first argument p. , . conclusion ii. totum gen●ricum h●bet partes extra partes . see the first conclusion concerning the agreement of genus and integrum . this answers mr hudson his second argument p. . conclusion iii. individual christians , which are not members of any particular congregation , are not formally politicall church members . visible saints are the matter of a visible church ; and in that respect may be said to be members materialiter , but not formaliter ; because they are not confederate . the woman of canaan was a visible saint and beleever , yet was not formally a member of the iewish church : a proselyte was called filius foederis , a son of the covenant . a regenerate man excommunicated , is no political church member . the apostles were members of the church at jerusalem , acts i. vers. , , , , &c. the apostles had an extraordinary commission and influence into all churches : but this is not sufficient to demonstrate that all churches made one integral . this may serve to answer mr hudsons third argument p. , . conclusion iiii. a genus is capable of inherent accidents . see the third difference between genus and integrum . a church compacted according to the institution of christ , is visible , beautifull , terrible . boston church is compacted according to the institution of christ ; therefore boston church is visible , terrible , beautiful . by this manner of reasoning , a genere ad speciem , it is evidentil that those accidents to properties do firstly belong to the genus , or to a church in genere ; and then to an individual church , as a species of that genus . a genus is also capable of being majus and minus , in actu exercito . mankind is capable of increase : vertue shall increase at the calling of the jewes : if humility , chastity , justice , faithfulness , and contentation ( which are the species of vertue ) shall increase , then vertue which is the genus shall increase ; when injustice abounds ( which is species peccati ) peccatum ( which is the genus ) abounds : if the species be extended , the genus is extended also ; quicquid affirmatur & negatur de specie , etiam affirmatur & negatur de genere particulariter . that the genus may be mutable and fluxile , we have heard . see the first conclusion concerning the agreement of genus and integrum . genus also is measurable by time and place . see conclusion fift concerning the agreement of genus and integrum . these may answer mr hudson his fourth argument . p. , . conclusion v. a genus may be capable of admission and ejection of parts . see second conclusion concerning species specialissima , wherein we may find an answer to mr hudson his fifth argume●t p. . . conclusion vi . a genus may be capable of officers . see conclusion second , concerning species specialissima . every entire compleat ecclesiastical society or church is furnished with officers . boston congregation is a compleate intire church , or a compleate ecclestiastical society therefore boston church is furnished with officers . this is part of an answer to mr hudson his sixth argument p. . i shall add a word more to fill up the answer . there are no habituall officers in the church : all officers in the church are actuall officers . habitual officers are non ens possibile , quod non est sed potest esse . lawyers may in this sense be called habitual officers of the church , for they may officiate in a church when they are called . conclusion vii . the church catholike hath actions and operations of its own ; it is true that it exists and acts in its individualls , yet his properties are his owne , and so likewise are his operations . see the fourth difference between genus and integrum . this answers his seventh argument p. . conclusion viii . the several appellations which are given to the church catholike , are not a sufficient demonstration , that it is an integrall . see conclusion second concerning species specialissima . this answereth mr hudson his eighth argument p. , . and also his ninth argument p. , . conclusion ix . the invisible church ( not being distinguished into several political bodies ) may be an integrum : yet the visible political church , distingushed into several congregations , may be a genus : and those several congregations , the several species . the name of the whole may be given to one , and not to the other . a thousand visible beleevers in confoederation one with another , &c. may be called a visible church : but a thousand invisible saints cannot be called an invisible church . here is no visible political vinculum or bond to bind all churches together in one integral body . this may answer mr hudson his tenth argument . p. . conclusion x. the church covenant is not onely a covenant between man and man , but also between god and man . we read of two staves , zach. . , , . beautie and bands : there was not onely a covenant between man and man , signifyed by bands ; but also a covenant , which god made with his people , signifyed by his staff , beauty . we may find this double covenant exprest isaiah . . as a bridegroom rejoyceth over the bride , so shall thy god rejoyce over thee . here is implyed a covenant between god and his people . and as a young man marrieth a virgin , so shall thy sons marry thee . there is implyed a covenant between man and man . when we enter into church covenant , we binde our selves to god , and to our bretheren , to walke with god and one with another , according to the rules of divine politie . we make not the covenant between man and man the forme of the church . here mr hudson is mistaken : who affirmes , that the covenant of particular congregations is a covenant between man and man : and this ( saith mr hudson ) we make the form of particular congregations . see mr hudson pag. . conclusion xi . baptisme is an adjunct priviledge of a political church member , as circumcision was a priviledge of the members of the iewish church ; gen. . those acts , were admitted into the church , and then baptized . they are said to be baptised in the name of the lord iesus ; not because the apostles could alter the forme of baptisme prescribed by christ ( they were to baptise all in the name of the father , & in the name of the son , & of the holy ghost . math. . . ) but because they submitted to the power of christ in his church and ordinances , and owned him for their lord , and politicall head , and then were baptised . the same expression also we find acts. . . the eunuch was a proselyte , a member of the iewish church . obsignation with the initiall seale of baptisme implyeth confoederation , and admission into the church . suppose a master of artes in one university , takes the same degree in another university , without repetition of his former degree , which is included in the second ; this is no argument that all universities are members , and that there is one integral universitys consisting of them all . a man that hath been baptized in one church , and received the lords supper there , if he remove to another church and receive the lords supper there , without repetition of his baptisme ( for that must not be repeated ) this is no evidence , that there is one integral church of which all churches are members . this may serve to answer that which mr hudson writes pag. . his apprehension is , that a man who is no member of any particular congregation , may be baptized . conclusion xii . a congregation may remove from one place to another , and yet be the same individual congregation . a man do h not vary his species ▪ as often as he ●arieth his place : a church doth not vary its species , as often as it varieth its place ; yet two distinct congregations , are distinct species , as two men are . this answers to that question of m. hudson p. . conclusion xiii . genus containing the common matter , and also the common forme of the species , because the speciall forme is a member of the species , the genus may be said to contain the special forme , and to hold together the one with the other . a man may be said to hold a sword in his hand , when he holds only the hilt , haft , or handle in his hand he holds the sword by the handle , which is but a part of it . so likewise the genus holding , the species by the common forme , which is but a part of the species , yet , because the proper forme is another part , and joyned to it , the genus may be said to contain the species : as homo holdeth socrates by his common forme of humanity , to which his proper forme of socrateity being adjoyned , homo holdeth socrates , and so may be said to contain individual men , which are his species . this may answer that which mr hudson propounds pag. . totum essentiale sive genericum doth not comprise the forme of the species in it self , but giveth the matter or common nature to the species . i cannot but dissent from mr hudson his judgement concerning the constitution of the catholicke church , expressed in the next following words of the same pag. viz. p. . the church catholike is made up of the matter and forme of the particular churches conjoyned ; as a whole house of the particular rooms in it . for mr hudson saith that the catholicke church is first in essence : but a whole house is not first in essence , before the particular roomes of which it is made up . i never heard of a house consisting of several rooms , that was first made up of all the rooms in it , having the rooms made afterwards . one room may be made before a whole house consisting of several rooms ; but it is impossible ( i conceive ) that the whole house containing all those rooms , should be made up before the several rooms are made . chapter v. containing arguments tending to demonstrate that a congr●gational church is a 〈◊〉 universal visible church : wherein a few propositions are premi●ed , by way of explication . proposition i. the church of christ at jerusalem was the mother of us all : the primitive church ou● of which all the true visible churches in the world have swarmed , gal. . . proposition ii. the greek word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( latine conci● ) in english ▪ church ; in a theological sence , is proper●y given to an ecclesiasticall political body : for it signifies properly an assembly of citizens , lawfully called together by a be●dle , ●own clark or such like publick officer ; to attend their civil affaires as in cambridge the beadles call a congregation ; it is used acts. . . ● . . translated assembly . it is taken therefore in the theologicall use of it for an assembly of heaven●y ( i●izens joyned together in a political society and corporation , and meeting together according to divine institution , to worship christ , and attend the affairs of his house and kingdome . a congregational church is the proper subject of the rules of ecclesistical discipline and policie , which is to be guided to its publick foelicity by the rules of divine policy ; as a civil society is guided by the rules of civil policy to i●s civil happiness this was one piece of the misery of the ephesians and other ●entiles before their calling ; they were not onely dead in sin , children of wrath by nature &c. for so were the jewes , but they were also without christ , as political head of the visible church and aliens from the policie of israel . ep● . ● . . the ground of it we find in the same place and that is , they were strangers from the covenants : that is , from the church covenant , which is not only a covenant between god and man , but also between man and man ; and was often renued in the old testament : and for those reasons especially , it is called covenants in the plural number ; and from thence followed a double misery : first ▪ that they were without those faire hopes and possibilities of the good things promised . . and without the worship of god or ordinances of divine worship , which the jewes had , being church mem●ers . proposition iii. all the visible churches of the gospel , which are the genuine children of that primitive church , are political bodies . visibilis dicitur ecclesia propsohnius scrip. ter ordinem ecclesiasticum , ac formam exteriorem , ac visibile● , m●thod . ●qua quidem fecit , ut ecclesia sit , et dicatur visibilis : sohnius . proposition iv. the catholike visible church is to be found in the churches of the gospel , and in the dayes of christ . before his exhibition there was a domestical church , and a national church , but no catholike church ; which is opposed to the jewish church . the church was first in families , and then in populo , and that was either in populo israelitico , or catholico : when the son of god himself came into the world , it was too light a business for him to raise up the tribes of israel , but he must be a light to the gentiles , and salvation to the end of the earth : he must haue his honours , and royal houses , and keep his court among all nations . the church is not confined to iudea , or limited to any part or corner of the earth , but may be extended far and wide over all the world . therefore the field is called the world . proposition v. the name catholike doth most properly agree to a generical church , to a church as the genus of al churches . integrum , an integral whole , or totum , is called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} bu●totumgenericum , or genus is properly called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a generical whole is properly called catholike and universal : genus and universale are all one and the same notion ; an integral church may be called a whole church , or ( if you will ) a synholick church , but not so properly a catholike church . proposition vi . a congregationall church is a catholike generical church , the genus of all churches in the world . a church or congregation is the genus of all congregations ; and the several churches and individual congregations , as boston church , capel church , hartford church , are the species of church in genere . reason i. that which comunicates his whole essen●e to boston church , capel church , and all individual churches , is a catholike generical universal church , and the genus of those individuals : a congregational church communicates his whole essence to boston church , capell church , &c ▪ therefore a congregational church is a catholike , generical universall church , and the genus of these individuals . the major is clear at the first sight , if we consider the definition of genus , which is totum partibus essentiale . the genus is that which is essential , i. e. that which communicats his whole essence consisting of matter & form , to his parts . the minor is apparent , for a congregational church communicates his whole essence , his matter and form to boston church , and the whole essence of a vis●ble , political congregational church is found in boston church , and in all true churches and faithful congregations of christ . there are visible saints which are the matter of a church we read of saints at rome , corinth , &c. and all churches are churches of the saints ; i cor. . . these are the materials of this glorious temple . saints are men separated from the world , dedicated unto god . this is the glory of a congregation to be of such glorious materials . it is a pleasant sight to see churches filled with such men ; with men that know god , and love god , having derived a principle of life from christ by faith . all church members must be visible saints , having a competent measure of knowledge , and blameless life : mat. . . rev. . . i. there is also a confaederation , either explicite or implicite ; whereby church members stand bound to walk with god , and one with another in the wayes of the worship of christ , according to the rules of divine policie . an explicite covenant is not essential to a church , because explicitness is but an adjunct of the covenant ▪ and because christ hath had visible churches in all ages since the primitive church , and yet an explicite covenant cannot be found in all ages ; yet it is to be desir●d , and there is much of the visible glory of christ appearing in it : when men visibly bind themselves , and their children also to christ , they cannot bind them to a better master . isaiah . . all iacobs children were inrolled in the catologue of the church . reason ii ▪ that totum which giveth his name to boston church , cap●l church , and all individual churches , is a catholike , generical , universal church , and the genus of all those churches . a congregational church giveth his name to boston church , capel church , and all individual churches : therefore a congregational church is a catholike universal church , and the genus of all individual churches . it is true ( which m ▪ hudson speaks , pag. . ) that every visible beleever is a christian ; and it is as true , that a christian is a generical , and paul an individual christian , and these are genus and species . every church member is a member of christ his kingdom , because every church is a kingdom of christ . we have proved that pars similaris is species ; and that aqua , and ●aec aqua , are genus and species ; and tha● it is the peculiar prerogative of the g●nus to communicate his name with his nature to his species . integrum cannot communicate his whole essence to every member ; for then there would be so many men in every man , as there are fingers , and toes , and members in his body . therefore every finger , and toe , and member cannot be called by the name of a man . the members of a man , being essential to him , make him a man : but a man cannot communicate his whole humanity to all his members , and make them so many men . it is most just and meete therefore , that a mans finger , not being a man , should want the name and title of a man , because such names must be given to things as may hold proportion with their natures . minor , boston church , capel church , and every individual church , is a congregational church , and is called by the name of a church or congregation . therefore a congregational church is a catholike , universal church , and the genus of all churches . reason . there is a genus of all individual churches : there is no genus of individual churches , but only a congregational church ; therefore a congregational church is the genus of all individual churches . their community of nature is an evidence that they have a genus , and are comprehended under some more general head : and there is no other next genus , but only a congregational church ; i speake only of their next genus : for a body politick is genus generalissimum , or a higher and more general genus . reason . if all individual churches are species , a congregational church is the genus of all individual churches : but all individual churches are species ; therefore a congregational church is the genus of all individual churches . that all individual churches are species , is evident , because all individuals are species , as wee haue proved in the first conclusion concerning species specialissima reason . if all individual churches are ejusdem generis , and are distinguished specifically one from another , a congregational church is a catholike generical universal church , and the genus of all individual churches : but all individual churches are ejusdem generis , ● and are distinguished specifically one from another ; therefore a congregational church is a catholike , generical , universal church , and the genus of all individual churches . they are all ejusdem generis , of the same kind , being all congregational churches ; boston church is a congregational church , capel church and hartfora church are of the same kind . all have the same general matter and form , the same ordinances and officers de jure , they differ not one from another in their general kind , having all the same common nature , and that they are distinguished specifically one from another ; is as evident boston church , hartford church , capel church , are disparata , and therefore opposita , and essentially distinguished one from another ; it is impossible that one should be the other . the assembly of saints at philippi are not essentially the same with those at ephesus ; those at ephesus are not the same with those at corinth . we have proved before that individuals are really , formally and essentially distinguished one from another . reason . if a congregational church communicate all his essential properties or proper adjuncts to individual churches , a congregational church is a catholike generical , universal church , and the genus of all individual churches : but a congregational church communicates all his essential properties or proper adjuncts to individual churches ; therefore a congregational church is a catholike , generical universal church , and the genus of all individual churches . the integrum doth not communicate all his propeties to every members ; a mans finger is not risible , is not indued with a power of laughter : but the genus comunicating his whole essence , communicates all his essential properties to his species , as we have heard . a congregational church communicates all his essential properties to individual churches . ecclesiastical ordinances , officers , seales , and censures , are the proper priviledges of a congregational church . and all these are to be found there . all the springs of god are there psal. . . there we may meet with jehovah himself the first being . all the water in springs is derived from the sea by secret pipes and channels under the earth . the first being is an infinite sea of being and goodness , and he communicates himself , and poureth out most glorious sweet influences of himself in his own ordinances , and wayes of his own appointment , and those who wait upon him herein , may drink of the rivers of eden , psal. . . one day here is better then a thousand . psal. . . it is cleare from this discourse : there is no catholike , integral , political church : for an integrum is species specialissima , and cannot be divided into species , as wee see the catholike church is . and therefore i shall add no more for the present . finis . errata . in the epistle , page . l. ul●-read cousultative . p. . l. . r. quae . p. . l. . r. invitation . p. . l. . for it , r. is . p. . l. . r. university . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- ioh. . . iosh. . . & . . . sam . . sam. . ▪ . rev. . notes for div a e- {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , aristot. m. h●dson page . continue , of con & , t●nco , to hold together . m. hud●on p. . , . the true form of church government first instituted by christ, novv used and practised in all the reformed churches of germanie, france, and scotland: humbly presented to the high and honourable court of parliament, at this time most happily assembled. plainly proved by scripture, rectifide reason, and the testimonie of the church, some hundreds of yeares after the apostles time, and the generall consent of the churches rightly reformed in these latter times, contrary to the romish, and our archiepiscopall government. udall, john, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing u ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing u estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the true form of church government first instituted by christ, novv used and practised in all the reformed churches of germanie, france, and scotland: humbly presented to the high and honourable court of parliament, at this time most happily assembled. plainly proved by scripture, rectifide reason, and the testimonie of the church, some hundreds of yeares after the apostles time, and the generall consent of the churches rightly reformed in these latter times, contrary to the romish, and our archiepiscopall government. udall, john, ?- . [ ], , [ ] p. [s.n.], printed at london : . by john udall. with marginal notes. running title reads: the true government of the church instituted by christ. reproduction of the original at the harvard university library. eng church polity -- early works to . a r (wing u ). civilwar no the true form of church gouernment, first instituted by christ, novv used and practised in all the reformed churches of germanie, france, an udall, john f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true form of church government , first institvted by christ , now used and practised in all the reformed churches of germanie , france , and scotland : humbly presented to the high and honourable court of parliament , at this time most happily assembled . plainly proved by scripture , rectifide reason , and the testimonie of the church , some hundreds of yeares after the apostles time , and the generall consent of the churches rightly reformed in these latter times , contrary to the romish , and our archiepiscopall government . printed at london . to the supposed governours of the church of england , the archbishops , lord bishops , arch-deacons , and the rest of that order . many , and most evident have our declarations beene concerning the truth of that government , which christ hath prescribed in his word for the ruling of the church ; which we have manifested unto you , both by our writings and speeches , as occasion hath beene offered : never hath any one of you taken in hand to say any thing against it , but it hath made his eyes to dazle , as the clearest sunne-shining ; whereby hee hath beene driven to wander hither and thither , groping for evasions , and yet could not escape , but hath fallen into infinite most monstrous absurdities , and blasphemous assertions , ( as by their writings yet extant it may appeare ) so forcible is the truth , to amaze the gaine-sayers thereof , and so pregnant is falshood to beget and bring forth thousands of absurdities , and every one worse then other . and will you still continue in your damnable ▪ and most devillish course ? have you sold your selves unto sathan , to fight for him untill you be damned in hell with him ? have you morgaged the salvation of your soules and bodies , for the present fruition of your pomp and pleasure ? is it because you see not what you should doe ? it may be so , for many are so blinde , that they grope even at noone day ; but mee thinks it can hardly be so , unlesse you be they that have eyes and see not , for the cause hath beene ( by the blessing of god ) so managed , that many ploughmen ▪ artificers , and children doe see it , and know it , and are able by the word of god to ju●tifie it , and condemne you to be adversaries unto the gospell in resisting it . but you think that government not so needfull , and your fault but small ( if it be any ) in continuing your course begun . the necessity of the thing is many wayes apparant , both in th●t it hath so plentifull warrant from gods owne word , ( as the course of this book doth evidently declare ▪ ) and also in that the gospell can take no root , nor have any free passage , for want of it : and the greatnesse of your fault appeareth ●y this , that in so doing , you are the cause , of all the ignoran●e , atheisme , schismes , treasons , poperie , and ungodlinesse , that is to be found in this land , which we challenge to prove to your faces , if wee may ind●fferently be heard , and whereof in the meane wh●le we will give you a taste : for the first it is cleare , that you are the cau●●r , of that damnable ignorance , wherein the people are so generally wrapped , for that you have from time to time stopped the streames of knowledge in th●se places where the lord in mercy bestowed the same , and in stead of able and painfull ministers , have pe●●ered the church , either with presumptuous proud persons , that are esteemed learned , and take no paines to bring the people unto the knowledge of iesus christ , or ( which is the greatest ●u●ber ) such ignorant asses , and filthy swine , as are not worthy to live in a well ordered common wealth : and that you are the c●us● of all atheisme , it is plaine , for one may ( as in deed many doe ) p●o●●sse it , and you say nothing to him for it . if the most filthy liver will ●awne up ●n you ▪ and bribe your servants , you will not onely favour him , but assist him against any godly mini●ter whatsoever : but if any that feare god , refuse to come under the least of your popish c●remonies , he shall be molested , till his purse be empty , or else ●y your tyrannous dealing , hee have made shipwrack of a good conscience . and are not you the cause of all schismes , that make a h●tch-pot of true religion and popery , and so give some an occasion to fall into this course , and others into that ? and it is as cleare , that you are so far●e the cau●e of all treasons , ●s without you they had not beene : for if every church had had her govern●ent according to christs i●stitution ; our young ge●tlemen , and stud●nts , had not beene ( f●r want of teaching and carefull oversight ) mad a prey unto the seducers ; and consequently to th●se pract●s●s ▪ which have brought the bodies of so many unto ty●orne , and their soules into hell ; and who ●ut you be the caus● of popery , whi●est you use them so wel , let them doe what the li●t yea ▪ and keepe them in office and authority under you , yea ( which m●re is ) give them such offices as none that 〈◊〉 popish can execute : i speake not of the ignorance which by ▪ 〈…〉 every wh●re , which ( as they confe●●e ) 〈…〉 their devot●●n , and you are the wretched father● of that 〈…〉 wh●r●by you mu●t needs ●e grandfathers 〈…〉 kind of popery . and who can ( without blushing ) denie 〈…〉 be the cause of all ungodlinesse , seeing your government is that which giveth leave to a man to be any thing , saving a sound christian . for certainly it is more free in these dayes , to be a papist , anabaptist of the family of love , yea any most wicked one whatsoever , then that which we should be ; and , i could live these twenty yeares , any one of these in england ( yea in a bishops house it may be ) and never be much molested for it ; so true is that which you are charged with , in a dialogue lately come forth against you , ( and since burned by you ) that you care for nothing but the maintenance of your dignities , be it to the damnation of your owne soules , and infinite millions more : enter therefore now at the last , into the serious consideration of these things : remember that one day , you must be presented before the tribunall seat of iesus christ , to be arraigned for all the soules that have gone to hell ( seeing you will needs be the rulers of the church ) since the gospe●l ●irst appeared in this land , then shall you not be excus●d with this . the queene and councell will have it so : nor with that ; our state cannot beare it . for it shall be sa●d unto you , why do you not informe them better of my will ; why taught you them not to worship with trembling and feare , and to kisse the son lest he 〈◊〉 angry ; why did you not tell them , that all states must be rul●d 〈◊〉 my word , and not my word by them and their polic●e● . whe● these things shall be laid to your charge , your con●ci●nces sh●ll ●n●wer ; that if you had done so , you should have lo●t your dig●i●ies , which you loved and sought for especially : then shall you wish , that the mountaines would fall upon you ▪ and the h●l●s cover you ●rom the pre●ence of the lam● , and from the presence of h●m that 〈◊〉 upon the throne . and i am perswaded ▪ that you are 〈◊〉 league with hell and have made a c●venant with death ; yea , y●u doe pe●swade yourselves that there is no go● , neither sh●ll 〈◊〉 be any such day of ●●count ; or it were 〈◊〉 , that you 〈◊〉 give you 〈…〉 disputations by , and then shal it easily appeare , who hath the lord on his side , and who not . the truth will prevaile in spite of your teeth , and all other adversaries unto it , ( for god disdaineth to be crossed , by dust and ashes . ) therefore be not obstinate so long , as untill you be found fighters with god ; but prevent his wrath , lest it break forth against you like fire that none can quench , because of the wickednesse of your inventions . venture your bishopricks upon a disputation , and wee will venture our lives , take the challenge if you dare : if the truth be on your side , you may hereby , be restored to your dignities , and be no more troubled by us : but if the truth be against you , what shall it profit you to win the whole world ▪ and afterward lose your owne soules . if you refuse still our offer , then must you needs be guilty either of this , that you know your cause will not abide the triall , or of this , that you will take no paines to confute us that keepe such a stirre in the church . doe not think that because you have humane authority on your side , therefore you are safe ; for hee , whose authority is on our side , is the greatest , to whose voice all the devils in hell shall stoope ; much more the silly arme of sinfull flesh . wee have sought to advance this cause of god , by humble suit to the parliament , by supplication to your convocation house , by writing in defence of it , and by challenging to dispute for it ; seeing none of these meanes used by us have prevailed . if it come in by that meanes , which will make all your hearts to ake , blame your selves ; for it must prevaile , maugre the malice of all that stand against it , or such a iudgement must overtake this land , as shall cause the eares that heare thereof to ti●gle , and make us a by-word to all that passe by us . the lord open your eyes , that you may see the confusions whereof you are the cause , and give you true repentance , or confound you in all your purposes that be against him , and the regiment of his sonne iesus christ . the same lord , for the love hee beareth to his poore people , open the eyes of his majestie , and the honourable councellers , that they may see your godlesse practises , and in pitie to gods people , rid us from you , and turne away his iudgements , which the rejecting of his holy yoke hath deserved , not punishing them that mourne for the desolation of sion ▪ with those that spoil and make havock of the lords inheri●ance . amen . to the reader . infinite and unspeakable ( christian reader ) are the miseries from which iesus christ our saviour hath freed us , and the benefits and blessings , wherewith in this life he beginneth , and for ever will continue to adorne us . the consideration whereof ( if our thankefulnesse unto his majestie , were any way proportionable , to that which wee endevour unto towards men ) should make us continually to devise , and all the dayes of our life to studie how we might shew our selves ( at least in some sort ) carefull to glorifie his blessed name , above all things that we desire , by how much as his love towards us , excelleth whatsoever can e●se ( according to our wish ) befall unto us : but if we doe with equall ballance ( on the other side ) looke into the course of mans life ▪ how well this dutie is performed , we shall see , that men declare themselves rather bent to spit in his face , and to defie him , then any way to honour him as their head and soveraigne : for ( to say nothing of the prophane life , and godlesse conversation , wherewith the generall number , that professeth iesus christ , is wholly defiled ) we see that many nations ▪ people and languages are very willing to receive iesus christ as the●r priest to sacrifice for their sinnes , but that he should become their king , to prescribe lawes unto them , whereby they may be ruled , is of all other things the most unsavoury , yea ( if it be offered ) the most grievous tidings ▪ and unreasonable request : wherein , albeit many nations that have renounced that where of rome , are heynously sinfull against his glorious majestie , yet is there none in the whole world so farre out of square as england , in reteyning that popish hierarchie , first coyned in the midst of the mistery of iniquity , and that filthy sink of the canon law , which was invented and patched together ▪ for the confirming and increasing of the kingdome of antichrist· wherein as great indignity is offered unto iesus christ , in committing his church unto the government of the same , as can be ▪ by meane unde●lings unto a king ; in committing his beloved spouse unto the direction of the mistresse of the stewes , and enforcing her to live after the orders of a brothel-house . for the reformation whereof while some have w●itten , and others according to their callings , c●●efully st●od ▪ how heinously it hath beene taken , how har●ly they have beene used , and what ●hamefull reproches have beene off●red ( even unto the course of the gospell ) for spite that hath been ●●rne unto ref●●mation ▪ almost by all estates and degrees , lamentable ex●●●i●nce ●●th ta●g●● many ●f us· but our posterity shall know it more p●●ticularly , and the church th●oughout the world shall discerne and ●udge of it more evidently , when their bodyes are rotten in the dust , and their ●en●es ( if they repe●t not ) in eternall and intollerable torments ; who have re●ected a request so holy , profitable , and reasonable ; yea , and handled the intreaters for the same so cruelly , unchristianly , and unlawfully : but th●y would gladly perswade themselves ( if their conscience would let them ) that they have onely executed justice upon us as malefactours , and they perswade men that we desire a thing , not warr●nted by the word , not heard of in the church of god , untill within this few yeares , nor tollerable in any christian common-weale whatsoever : the which monstrous slanders , albeit they have beene many wayes , and by many men of most worthy gifts detected , and made knowne in those severall bookes that have beene published concerning the same : 〈◊〉 have i thought it necessary ( in another course ) to write also of it . the course of my enterprise , is first in respect of the favourers of the desired reformation ; secondly of the adversaries of the same ; the favourers of it are also of two sorts ; ministers of the word , and private persons , and both i hope , may have profit by it . concerning the former ▪ when these wofull troubles that were renewed upon us ( by that wretched su●scription , that was every where urged ) and begin to incre●●e , ● thought it meete to bet●ke my selfe unto that which i had read or might any way by study find out , concerning the cause , and collected all into a briefe summe , and referred every thing unto some head ; whi●h being ever present with me , might furnish me to answer in the defence of the truth , th●ugh it were of a sudden , by which ( through the bl●ssing of god . i found such profit in my severall troubles , that i thought it a course not altogether unprofitable for others also , and upon that occasion betooke my sel●e unto a more seri●us meditaion about the matter , and communicating the thing with divers very worthy men , i f●und encouragement and heartening on , generally by 〈◊〉 whom i made acquainted th●rewith : so that i trust the iudgements ▪ yea and 〈◊〉 al●o of others , so ●●●ping with mine ) many min●st●rs that love the cause , and have not throughly studied it as were meete they should , may reape some profit thereby . now concerning private men that love the cause , some have great affaires in hand , and have no leasure to reade the severall bookes of this argument : some when they reade , are not of sufficient capacitie to conceive the force of a reason , or to make use of it , to enforme themselves in the grounded knowledge of the cause thereby : some ( which is the generall fault of our religious gentlemen ) will take no paines to reade , some are poore and not able to buy the bookes which might let them see the cause , all these ( i hope ) may find helpe in some measure hereby . now concerning the adversaries unto the cause , they are of two sorts also , they that know is , and they that are ignorant of it : the former , if they write any thing against it ▪ are contented to deale in so roving a course as may rather arise unto great volumes , then soun●ly to say any thing against the cause : wherein d. whith●ft , but especially d. bridges , have given us an evident example : and these with others of their judgement ( though none in these latter dayes , have written more unlearnedly then they , of any argument of divinity whatsoever ) are contented to make the world believe ( if men will be so wilfully seduced ) that our arguments be no arguments , that they be grounded upon false foundations , and that we are not able to conclude our cause in any forme of reasoning the course that is here taken ( i trust ) shall shew that they are liars . the other sort of adversaries be they that be meerly ignorant of any thing , either for it or against it ; and perswading themselves that the sway and shew of the world must needs carry the truth with it , doe ( like blind bayards ) boldly venture to say any thing against it , and thinke they , doe well . now of all these sorts of people , i have to request something ; i hope i shall obtaine my request ( at the le●st ) at the hands of some of them . the first sort of favourers ( which be the ministers ) i intreat , that as they tender the glory of god , and honour of the cause which they stand in ; so they would diligently imploy themselves in this , that they may be found able to defend the same by sound and evident grounds out of the word , and so much the rather , for that the adversaries doe greatly triumph , when they meet with one that professeth the cause , and is not able to defend it , and confute the gainsayers of it . the second sort of favourers , be the private persons that l●ve the cause , whom j beseech to be carefull ( as of all other points of religion ) of this , that they grow in the knowledge of the word of god , whereby they may be able ▪ upon their owne knowledge to defend the truth , and not give the enemy any occasion to thinke or say , that they be of that mind , because such and such ministers , whom they doe affect , doe think● so . now concerning the former sort of adversaries , to wit , they that know it , j pray them to looke into their owne hearts , and they shall find they mislike it ; either because it correcteth their excessive pompe and maintenance , or requireth more travaile in their ministerie , then they are willing to undergoe , or at the least , controlleth that dissol●●enesse of behaviour , wherein they willingly wallow : and if it would please god to bring them to a serious meditation of this , that it is the will of the mighty god ( before whom they must be called to give an account ) which they doe resist , they would ( i doubt not ) more carefully looke about them . and lastly for them that being ignorant of the cause , speake evil● of that they know not , let them ( if they will be admonished ) vouchsafe to reade this little booke , and weigh the reasons with an upright judgement , which shall cause them ( at the least ) to suspend their sha●pe censures , which so usually appeare i● their ordinary communication : and concerning us all , let us know ( for one day we shall be sure to feele it ) that the controversie is not about goats w●ell ( as the proverb saith ) neither light and ●●●fling matters ▪ which may safely bee followed or re●ected ( as indeed the enemies of this cause doe confidently affirme ) but about no lesse matter then this , whether jesus christ shall be king or no ; for if none is said to bee a king , but he that ruleth by the scepter of his lawes , then the turning out of these orders which christ hath prescribed in his word , for the ruling of the church , is to give him the tytle , and deny him the authority belonging to the same , and so ( in truth ) to make him an idol , making him to carry a shew of that which he is not , and ( with the crucifiers of him ) to put a reede in his hand , in stead of his jron rod ; and crowning him with thornes , in stead of the crowne of greatest glory ; which is the cause that so many atheists spit in his face , and so many godlesse persons , doe make but a jest of him : but when hee commeth to shew himselfe in his glorious majestie , it shall be said unto all these sorts of adversaries , those mine enemies which would not that i should raigne over them , bring hither , and ●lea them before me , luke . . the which fearefull sentence , that wee may avoid , let every one of us ( as may stand with our severall callings ) carefully endevour , to advance this kingdome here , which ( among other assurances given us from the lord ) shall be a testimonie unto us , that we shall have part in that glory , which shall be revealed hereafter . now concerning the order of this booke ; to direct thee ( good reader ) unto thy further instruction , in the points thereof , thou hast in every chapter , divers proofes out of the holy word of god , which must be the things wherewith thou mayest safely informe thy conscience : then shalt thou find also arguments drawne from reason rightly ruled by the same word : and lastly , ( because our adversaries charge us , that we desire a thing not knowne unto the old writers , nor agreed upon among the new ) thou hast here the witnesse of them both in so plentifull and uniforme wise , as may plainely declare , that all godly learned men of all times , have given testimony unto the truth of it . if thou be satisfied therewith , give god the glory , and promote the cause by prayer , and all other good meanes that thy calling may afford : and pray for us , that we may never shrinke , nor be overthrowne by the strength of them that fight against it . finis . the true government of the church according to christs first institution , and the present practices of the reformed churches . chap. i. the generall proposition . that the word of god describeth perfectly unto us , tha● forme of governing the church which is lawfull , and the officers that are to execute the same ; from the which 〈◊〉 christian church ought to swerve . admonition in the preface . ecclesiasticall discip. fol. . tho. cartwrights first booke , page . discourse of government , page . &c. the assertion of the bishops and their adherents . the word of god describeth not any exact forme of discipline , neither are the offices or officers , namely , and particularly expressed in the scriptures , but in some points left to the discretion and libertie of the church . whitgift in praeface , and page ● . answer to the abstract , page . the proofe of the former is the disproofe of the latter , which is thus declared . . these things write i unto thee , &c. out of which place i reason thus . that end which paul respected in writing unto timothy , doth the holy ghost direct all ministers unto for ever ; for it must be kept , . ti● . ▪ but hee wrote to direct him in the establishing ●nd building of the church . therefore that word must direct ministers for ever : and consequently they neither may adde to , nor take from it , but governe it onely by the rules that be there prescribed . . every house ought to be ruled by the orders of the skilfull , wise , and carefull housholders onely : but the church is the house of god , and god is such a housholder : therfore the church ought to be ruled by the orders of god onely , which are no where to be had , but in his word . . that which teacheth every good way , teacheth also how the church must be governed : but the word of god teacheth every good way , pro. . . therefore it teacheth how the church must be governed . . we cannot glorifie god , but by obedience to his word ; in all that we doe , we m●st glorifie god , cor. . . therefore in all that we doe , there must bee obedience to the word ; and consequently in governing his church . . if meat and drinke be not sanctified unto us , but by the word and prayer , then much lesse is any thing holy which is done in the government of the church besides the word : but the former is true by the testimonie of the apostle , tim . . therefore the latter must be true also . . all lawfull things are of faith , rom. . . all lawfull things that are of faith , have a warrant from the word ; for the word is the foundation of faith : therefore all things lawfull , have their warrant from the word ▪ and consequently every lawfull action in the government of the church . . either hath god left a prescript forme of government for the church , under the new testament , or he is lesse carefull for it now , then he was under the law ▪ for his care is in guiding it : but he is as carefull now for his church as he was then : therefore hath he left a prescript forme to governe it . . he that was as faithf●ll as moses , left as cleere instruction , both for the building of faith , and government of the church , as moses did : but christ was as faithfull in gods h●use , heb ▪ . . therefore he left as cleare instruction for them both as moses : but moses gave direction even for every particula● , ●s appeareth in the building of the tabernacle , and order of the priesthood : therefore hath christ also given particular direction for the government of the church . . if the word of god have described sufficient ministers and ministeries , for the building of the church , and keeping it in good order , then is our assertion true : but it hath set downe sufficient for doctrine , exhortation , overseeing , distributing , and ordering of every particular church or generall synode : therefore is our assertion true . . that government which the apostles taught and planted , is expressed it the word of god : but the apostles taught and planted , pastours and teachers for instruction ; elders for over-sight , and deacons to distribute , and that uniformly in every church , as appeareth by their writings and practises : therefore a certaine forme of government is expressed in the word . . every lawfull offi●● and action in the building of the church , is from heaven , matth. . , . every thing that is ( in the ordinarie building ) from heaven , is revealed in the word : therefore every lawfull office and action is revealed in the word . . if god continued ( in regard of the substance ) the church administration , as well as the things to bee administred , then as the forme of discipline described in the word : but the former is true , as appeareth by the particular● ; for priests , pastours ; for teaching levites , or doctors of the law , teachers ; for rulers of the synagogue , elders ; for leviticall lookers to the treasurie , deacons ; for the sanedrim , the eldership : therefore the forme of government is prescribed in the word . . every wise king that is carefull for his subjects , setteth down lawes for the government of the same , and will have th●m tyed to no other : but christ is such a king unto his ch●rch : therefore hath he prescribed lawes unto hi● church , which none therein can alter or disobey ; and cons●quently , the certaine forme of government of the church is described in the word . . that which the ministers must teach the people to observe , is set downe in the word of god , for they may teach nothing but that which is there , matth. . . but they are to teach them to observe , and be obedient unto the particular forme of the church government : therefore the particular forme is set downe in the word . . every government consisteth in the governours matter whereabout they are to be imployed , and ma●ner of doing it : but in the word are described all these particulars ▪ as it is sh●wed in the . reason : therefore the word prescribeth a prescript forme of government . . the christian religion shall f●●d , that out of this scripture , rules of all doctrine have sprung , and that from hence doth sp●ing , and hither doth returne , whatsoever the ecclesiasticall discipline doth containe . . we may not give ourselves the liberty to bring in any thing that other men bring of their will ; we have the apostles for authours , which themselves brought nothing of their own will , but the discipline which they received of christ , they delivered faithfully to the people . it is adulterous , it is sacrilegious , whatsoever is ordained by humane fury , that the divine disposition should bee violated . therefore if timothie was written unto , that he might be directed by the word , in disposing of the churches ; if the lawes of god onely being the housholder , must be followed in the church , his house ; if the word of god teach us in every good way , whereof the government of the church is one ; if god must be glorified in the ruling of his church , which cannot be , but by obedience to his word ; if nothing be lawfull , but that which is of faith , warranted by the word ; if god have shewed himselfe as carefull for his church under the gospell , as under the law ; if christ was as faithfull to give direction as moses , if in the word be described sufficient ministers and ministeries , to build up the church ; if that government , which the apostles taught and pract●sed , be in the word ; if every lawfull office and action in an ordinary building , be from heaven , and revealed thence by the word ; if god continued the same forme ( in respect of the substance ) in the time of the gospel , that was under the law ; if every wise carefull king , doe set downe lawes for the direction of his subjects ; if the apostles have taught us to obey that which christ commanded ; if both the governours matter of government , and manner of doing it , be set downe in the word ; if all that pertaineth to ecclesiasticall discipline , spring from the scriptures ; if wee may bring nothing into the discipline of the church , but that which the apostles have delivered us ; lastly , if that be adulterous and sacrilegious , that is not according to the word : then it must needs follow , that god doth describe perfectly unto us out of his word , that forme of government which is lawfull , and the officers that are to execute the same : from the which it is not lawfull for any christian church to sw●rve . and contrariwise , that is a most untrue assertion to say . that the officers and offi●es are not particularly expressed , but left to the discretion of the church . the reasons that they alleadge against this , are in effect ●one , and their objections to these reasons , not worthy to be mentioned . chap. ii. every officer in the church , must be placed in some calling warranted by the word of god , and some congregation must have need of such a one , before hee be called to any function . wherein are these propositions . no calling is lawfull in the church , but that which is directly warranted out of the word , unto him that executeth it . the bishops and their adherents think otherwise , as their practise in ordaining archbishops , lord bishops , deanes , archdeacons , chancellors , officialls , &c. doth plainly declare . the name and office of an archbishop is contrary to the word of god . no man may be ordained unto any office in the church , untill there be such a place void as he is fit for : t.c. book , page . they think otherwise , as their making of so many ministers at once proveth , and as is holden , whitgift page . the first is proved thus : if iohn was constrained to prove his minister●● out of the scriptures when the priests accused him ; then is no calling lawfull , that hath not his warrant in the word , for if any be priviledged , the extraordinary ministers ( whereof he was one ) are specially excepted ▪ but hee proved his ministery by the word , as appeareth by his answer unto them ▪ in the verse . therfore no calling is lawfull in the church , that hath not his wa●rant in the word . the callings under the gospell must have as good warrant as they had under the law , because the light of the gospell is ( at the least ) as cleare as that of the law : but there was never any lawfull calling under the law ( excepting those that were by miraculous manner confirmed from heaven ) which had not his direct warrant out of the word . therefore no calling is lawfull in the church , which is not directly warranted in the word . if corah , dathan , and abiram ( though they were levites ) were punished for that they had no warrant for that which they presumed to take in hand , then is every lawfull calling , both in generall warranted out of the word , and particularly layd upon the parties from the lord : but the former is true , as the historie teacheth us : therefore must the latter needs be true also . that which giveth comfort unto a man in the time of his troubles , must have a warrant out of gods word : but every lawfull calling giveth comfort unto a man to the time of his troubles : therfore every lawfull calling hath a warrant out of gods word . that which helpeth gods people forward in god●ines , must have a warrant out of gods word : for god hath promised a blessing to his owne ordinance onely : but every lawfull calling in the church , helpeth gods people forward in godlinesse : therefore every lawfull calling hath a warrant out of gods word . therefore if john did prove his calling out of the scriptures ; if every calling under the law , was warranted out of the scriptures ; if corath , &c. were punished for enterprising that which they had no warrant for , out of the scriptures , if comfort in troubles commeth onely from the scriptures ; and lastly , if every h●lp to godlinesse is warranted in the scriptures ; then , &c. they confesse all these reasons to be true ; but doe denie that the archbishops , l. bishops , &c. be distinct ministers from others . whitgift page . which we hold , t. c. . book page . and prove it thus . those things that have divers efficient causes , are divers : our bishops and the ministers of the word have divers efficient causes , for the one is the ordinance of god , the other the constitution of humane policie , as themselves doe confesse : therefore they are distinct ministers from others . a divers forme maketh divers things : the ministers of the word , and the l. bishops have divers formes : for their ordination ( even in the church of england ) is divers , seeing one l. bishop may ordaine a minister : but there must be three to ordaine one of them : therefore they are distinct ministers . members of one division are distinct one from another : the l. bishops and ordinary ministers be members of one division : for usually the minist●rs be divided into the rulers , and them that are to be ruled : therefore they are distinct ministers . the things that have divers effects , are divers in themselves one from another : the l. bishops and other ministers have divers effects ; for the one effecteth rule and government , the other subjection and obedience : therefore they are divers and distinct ministers . they that be imployed about divers things are divers one from another : the l. bishops and the ordinary ministers , be imployed about divers things ; for the one is exercised in generall view of many congregations , and the other in the particular direction of one : therefore they be distinct ministers . that which is perpetuall , and that which may be taken away by men , are distinct one from another : the office of the minister is perpetuall , ephes. . . and the bishops may be taken away as themselves confesse : therefore they are divers , & distinct ministers . therefore if the ministers of the word , and l. bishops proceed from divers causes ; if they have their being by divers formes ; if they be members of one division , which ( in nature ) cannot be one ; if they produce divers effects ; if they be exercised about divers subjects : lastly , if the one be perpetuall , and the other but for a time , then must it needs follow , that they are divers and distinct ministers one from another . the name of an archbishop , and also the office that he executeth , is contrary to the word of god . first , the reasons that prove it unlawfull to give the name unto any man in the church , are these . no man may have the name given him , which is prope● to our saviour iesus christ : but the name of archbishop is proper unto our saviour iesus christ , as appeareth in the places quoted : therefore no man may have the name of archb. given unto him . if the name pope be therefore odiou● , because of that antichrist , who is intituled therwith , then must also the name of archb. when it is ascribed unto any mortall man ; forsomuch as it is the title of a speciall member of that kingdome of antichrist : but the former is true even by their owne confession . whitgift page . therefore must the latter be true also . but they object divers things against this , for the proving of the name archb. to be lawfully given unto some men , which together with their answers doe brief●y follow . objection . clemens alloweth of those names , as polydor reporteth , lib. . cap. . answer . polydor is but the reporter , and m ▪ ●ewell hath proved evidently against harding that clemens is counterfeit , and worthy of no credit . objection . erasmus saith , that titus was an archbishop . answer . he spake as the times were wherein hee lived : but that proveth not that he held him one indeed , no more then our naming of the archbishop of canterbury when wee speake of him , proveth that we like and allow his authority . objection . anacletus saith , that james was the first archbishop of ierusalem . answer . hee is forged ( as our answers to the papists have shewed ) but a witnesse of better credit calleth him onely a bishop , euseb. lib. . cap. . and simon bishop after him , lib. . cap. . and iraeneus saith , lib. cap . that the apostles ordained bishops every where , making no mention of archb. objection . the councell of nice , canon . mentioneth a metropolitan bishop . answer . that proveth nothing , for it was onely as much as to say , the bishop of the chiefe citie . secondly , the reasons that prove the office of the archb. unlawfull be these . every ministery that is lawfull , must be of god : the office of the archb. is not of god , for that ●ee is not 〈◊〉 i● he word , and themselves confesse that hee is of humane policie : therefore the office of the archb. is unlawfull . that ministery whose originall is unknowne , hath no warrant from gods word , and consequently is unlawfull . the originall of the archb. is unknown as they confesse ; whitgift page . therefore it is unlawfull . that office which is needlesse in the church , is also unlawfull to be exercised in the same : the office of the archb. is needlesse , for the ministery is perfect without it , as the apostle proveth , ephes. . . therefore the office of an archb. is unlawfull . if all the gifts needfull for the perfecting of the church , be appropriated unto other m●nisteries , then is his ministery unlawfull : but all the needfull gifts , are appropriated unto p●stors , doctors , elders and deacons , whereof he is none : therefore his office is unlawfull . that office is unlawfull , which none may lawfully give : but none may lawfully bestow the office of an archbishop , because none can give any new gifts to adorne him withall : therefore his office is unlawfull . this reason being used of all sound divines against the pope , is of the same value against the archb. if the office of an archb. be lawfull , then it is either in respect of his excellencie above other men , or the place whereof hee is above other places : but neither of these have ever beene , neither hereafter can be : therefore that office is unlawfull . therefore if the office of the archb. be not of god ; if the originall of it be unknowne ; if in the church it be needlesse ; if all the gifts that god hath bestowed upon his ministery be appropriated unto those church officers , whereof he is none ; if none may lawfully bestow such an office upon any ; if it can neither be incident unto any one man for his excellencie , nor his place for preheminence , then must it needs follow , that his office is unlawfull . calvin in his instit. book cap . sect ▪ . alleadgeth divers reasons to this purpose , and beza in his book of divorcements , stretcheth the same to all the inferiour officers under him , saying : officials , proctors , promotours , and all that swinish filth , now of long time ●ath wasted the church . so doth peter martyr upon the rom. . speaking against civill iurisdiction in bishops , doth by the same reasons condemne it in their subst●tutes . but this being the corner stone of their building , they labour to support it with many prop● , the most speciall whereof are these . ob●ection . cyprian saith ▪ lib. . epist. . ad cornelium , neither have ●aresies and schismes risen of any other occasion , then of that , that the pri●st of god is not obeyed neither one priest for the time , and one judge for the time in the stead of ch●ist thought upon , to whom if the whole brotherhood would be obedient according to gods teaching , no man would move any thing against the colledge of priests . answer . this place is alleaged for the pope , and the answer that m. jewell and others make to it , serveth our turne : onely let this be noted , that cyprian speaketh of the people at rome , that had received another bishop ( besides cornelius ) who was an haeretick ; for all the course of his writing● , condemneth this superiority . it is expounded by m. jewel , booke . sect . division . of every bishop : and so it is by m. nowell against dorman , booke . page . and also by m. fox . tom . fol . see t. c. in his . reply , page . &c. ob●ection the authority of the archb. preserveth unity . answer cyprian lib. . epist . saith ▪ that un●ty is reserved by the agreement of bishops , that is of ministers , one with another . objection . it compoundeth controversies , that else would grow to many ●eads without any speciall remedy . answer . cyprian lib. . epist . saith , that the plentifull body and company of elders ▪ are ( as it were ) the glew of mutuall concord , that if any of our company be author of haeresie , the rest should help . . objection . ierome upon tit. . saith that in the beginning a bishop and priest ( meaning a teaching elder ) were all one : but when men began to say , i am of paul , i am of apollo , &c. it was decreed that one should be chosen to beare rule over the rest . answer . from the beginning it was not so : the saying of tertul. contra prax. is fit for this : that is true whatsoever is first , and that is false whatsoever is latter : and ierome saith in the place alledged , that this authority is by custome , and not by any institution of god ; if it had beene the best way to take away divisions , the apostles ( in whose times the controversies did arise ) would have taken the same order . . objection . calvin saith that the apostles had one among them to governe the rest . answ. that was not in superioritie , but for order , to propound the matters , gather the voyces , and such like ; which ●s meete to be in every well ordered meeting : but his authority is no more over the rest , then the speaker in the parliament hath over the other knights and burgesses . . ob●ect . paul was superiour to tim●thy and titus . answ. paul and they had divers offices , whereof the apostles office was the chiefe , the like is to be said of timothy and titus , having superiority over the other ministers , for that they were evangelists , a degree above ordinarie ministers . ther●fore if the place alledged out of cyprian , make nothing for archb. if unity be not preserved by him , but by the bishops among themselves ; if his authority make nothing to the taking away of controversies ; if it be meerely invented by man , and not from the beginning ; if it bee by custome , and not by any ordinance of god ; if neither one apostle over the rest , nor any of them over the evangelists , nor of the evangelists over the pastours and teachers , will serve to prove their authority : then must it needs follow , that it is utterly unlawfull . no man may be ordained unto any office in the church , untill there be such a place voyd as he is fit for , t.c. booke , page . whitgift , page . . as was the . place for matthias , so is a certaine church , to every church officer : but matthias was not ordained unto the place of an apostle , untill judas by hanging himselfe , had made it void , act. . . therefore may none be ordained unto any office in the church ▪ before the place where he may be imployed , be destitute of such a one . . as the apostles did in planting of the churches , so must it be done in the building thereof for ever : but they ordained neither pastour , teacher , elder or deacon , but to some certaine church that had need thereof : therefore may none be ordained unto any office , untill a place be void that hath need of him . . those things that be of one beginning , continuance and ending , cannot be one , before or after another : but a minister , and the execution of his ministry in a lawfull standing be so ; for they bee relatives , and have reference one unto the other : therefore a minister ought not be ordained before there be a ministery whereunto he is to be allotted . . if none ought to be called to be a shepheard , that hath no flock of sheepe to keepe : neither any watchman , that is not allotted to some place to watch : then may none be ordained to any office , before there be a place void for him : for ministers are in this sence tearmed shepheards and watchmen : but the former is true , as every simple man can easily perceive : therefore the latter is true also . . to doe contrary to the precepts and practize of the apostles is unlawfull : but to ordaine any officer , without a certaine place wherein he may be imployed , is contrary to the precepts and practize of the apostles , as it appeareth , tit. . . act. . . therefore to ordaine any officer of the church , without a certaine place whereunto he is to be allotted , is unlawfull . . it was ordained that no elder , deacon , or any other ecclesiasticall officer , should be ordained a apolelymen●s , that is loosely , or let at randone ( but a● afterward is expounded ) specially in a church of citie or towne , . the ordination that is made without a title , let it bee void : and in what church one is intituled , let him there remaine . . he complaineth that ministers were ordained , being chosen by no church , and so went here and there , h●ving no certaine place . . that action , which never is read to be practized , but by idolaters , is unlawfull : to have wandring officers , is onely ●ound to be in idolaters , as appeareth , iudg. . . therefore it is unlawfull . therefore , if the apostles ordained not matthias ▪ untill the place was void ; if in planting of churches , they ever alotted officers to their proper places ; if minister and ministery be of one beginning , continuance and ending ; if it be with a minister , and his ministery , as with a shepheard and his flocke , that he cannot bee the one , but in respect of having the other ; if it be unlawfull to transgresse the precepts and practice of the apostles ; if no minister in the church , be ordained at randone ; if the ordination that is without a title be voyd ; if jerome complained of it , as a great fault in his time ; if no example be found of it , but in idolaters : then must it needs follow , that to ordaine any church officer , untill there be such a place void as he is fit for , is utterly unlawfull : and so the bb. making of many ministers at once , and licencing of wandring preachers , is contrary to the word of god . they will have something to say for every action they doe , be it never so shamefull : that which they alledge for this , is , that paul and barnabas did wander . the apostles office ( and so the evangelists as assistants unto them ) was to preach the word , and plant churches in every part of the world : but the order that they left , is a president for us , which is that every church have their proper officers , and that there bee no other elsewhere to be found . chap. iii. every church-officer ought to execute the office committed unto him ▪ with all faith●ull diligence , and consequently be continually resident upon his charge , t.c. book . page . they deny not the proposition , but the consequent that is inferred upon it , as appeareth by their writings , whitgift page . and by their daily practice in giving dispensations for many benefices . the reasons we alledge to prove the necessitie of perpetuall residence , and the unlawfulnesse of nonresidence be these that follow . . a shepheard hath a flocke to the end to feed it continually : the minister is a shepheard , and his charge a flocke : therefore he ought to feed it continually , and consequently to bee perpetually resident , for how can he feed them from whom he is absent ? . where god doth place any man , there his continuall travaile is needfull , for god is most wise in disposing every thing : but god placeth every right minister over that people , which is his charge : therefore his continuall travaile is needfull there , and consequently he may not discontinue . . flockes that are in danger , are ( by carefull shepheards ) watched night and day , luke . . every congregation is a flock in danger , for the enemy goeth about like a roaring lyon , ●pet. . . and soweth tares whilest men sleepe , matth. . . therefore every congregation is to be watched night and day by the minister thereof , and consequently he may not be non-resident . if his duty to them requireth so much travaile , as may continu●lly set him on work , then may he not be non-resident : but it is evident ( that it doth so ) to all them that either know by the word of god , what study , prayer , doctrine , exhortation , &c , be required of him , or maketh any conscience of giving account for the souls committed to their charge : therefore may not they be non-resident . if the minister cannot apply himselfe fruitfully , to the capacity of his people , unlesse he have particular knowledge of their disposition , and capacity , th●● is it not lawfull for him to be non-resident : for by continuall residence among them , hee may know them and not else : but the former is true , as the small knowledge that the people get by generall teaching , doth evidently declare : therefore it is not lawfull for him to be non-resident . if the ministers of the gospell , be as narrowly tyed to their charges , as the priests under the law , then may they not be non-resident : for they were alwayes ready in the temple , to answer the doubts , sam. . : but it is cleare that they are , because men are now as hardly trayned unto godlines , and the enemie is as wrathfull as he was then : therefore they may not be non-resident . if the minister must be an example to his people ; then must he be daily present with them , that they may behold him : but the former is true , tim. . therefore is the latter true also . he whom the sheep are to follow in and out , ●nd must know by the voyce , ought to be continually among them : a good minister of the word is such a one , john . . therefore he must be resident among them . none can be alwayes ●eady to feed his flock , that is absent from it : every minister must be alwayes ready to feed his flock , because it dependeth upon him . pet. . . therefore every minister is to be resident with his flock . he that must take heed to his flock , watch over it , and feed it , must be resident continually with it : every mini●ter must doe so ▪ act. . therefore &c. if satan be the cause of non-residence , then is it utterly unlawfull : but satan is the cause of it , thes. . . . therefore it is utterly u●lawfull . that which abridgeth the love of god to his people , and comfort to the minister , that same is unlawfull : but not to be resident doth both : therefore it is unlawfull . that which hindreth the loving familiarity that should be betwixt the minister and his people , that same is unlawfull : but non-residence doth so , for it maketh them strange one to another , and argueth small love in him towards them : therefore it is unlawfull . to be absent from them that have interest in us , and continuall need of us , is unlawfull , which wee can see to be true in our servants , &c : but the congregation hath an interest in the minister , and continuall need of him : therefore it is unlawfull for him to be absent from them . if the priests might not dwell farre from the temple , then may not ministers be non-resident : but the former is true , as appeareth by this ; that they had houses builded close to the temple . chron. . . therefore the latter is true also , seeing the residence of the one is as needfull as the other , as appeareth in the sixt reason . let no clerk be placed in two charges , for it is filthy merchandise , and no man can serve two masters , and every one must tarry in that place whereunto he is called . damasus compareth them that set over their charges to others , to harlots that put out their children , that they may give themselves to lust the sooner . it was ordained that none , either bishop or elder , should goe from citie to citie . therefore , if a mini●●er have the charge of a flock committed unto him , to the end to feed it ; if god place men , to the end to have them there imployed ; if flocks in danger have need of continuall watch ; if the ministers duty to his flock requireth all that travaile that hee can performe ; if hee cannot be fruitfully profitable unto them , without continuall residence ; if his residence be as strictly required as theirs under the law ; if hee cannot be a patterne unto them without he be resident ; if they cannot follow him , nor know him if he be absent ; if he cannot be alwayes ready to feed his flock , unlesse he be there ; if he cannot take heed to them , feed them , and watch over them , without his presence ; if satan be the author of non-residencie ; if his absence abridge gods love to them , and comfort from himselfe ; if absence be an hinderance to the loving familiarity that should be betwi●t him and them ; if they have interest in him , and continuall need of him ; if hee may no more be absent , then the priests dwell from the temple ; if the councel of nice did upon good grounds forbid it ; if absence be like to the practise of an harlot ; if it be not lawfull to goe from place to place ; then is non-residence unlawfull , and the practise thereof contrary to the word of god . the belly ( for which non-residencie is defended and practised ) hath no cares , therefore it is that they heare not these evident sounds ; yet have they very little to say for it , so grosse is the error thereof ; so much as hath any shew of reason , is here set down and answered . objection . two parishes may be united , why then may not one have charge of them both before , when they be two . answer . because one shepheard may keepe one flock though it be great , but he cannot keepe two , being very little , and going in divers pastures ; againe , one man may have so many flocks as hee can lead in and out every sabbath , to the exercises of religion , which is very plaine that hee cannot doe , to more then one congregation . ob●ection . parishes were divided by men , as especially by denis the monk , pope of rome . answer . that is untrue , for the apostles divided the church into congregations , and placed elders over every one of them , as the whole course o● the acts and epistles of the apostles proveth : and whitgift confesseth page . therefore these mists , notwithstanding non-residencie , must needs be unlawfull : and certainly those that have any sparkle of conscience , feare of god , or love to their flocks , will never defend it , much lesse enter into the practise of it . chap. iiii. it belongeth to the church , to make choise of those officers which christ would have placed in the same : t. c. booke , part , page . ecclesiast . discip. fol. . and whitgift confesseth it , page . they deny this , as their denying of all the arguments that bee brought for it doth prove , whitgift page . , &c. and their practise of allowing patrons , and also being such themselves doth evidently decla●e . if the former be proved true , then the latter must return to antichrist , which ●s thus declared . that which was the continuall and constant practise of the church in the time of the apostles , that same is to be followed for ever , which appeareth by this , that the ordinances given from god by paul , tim. . . are enjoyned to be kept untill christ come to judgement : but it was the constant , and the continuall practise of the churches , then to have a stroke in the choise of their owne ecclesiasticall officers , act. . . where the apostles presented two , to the peoples liking : whereof god was to be prayed unto , to make one an apostle , act. . . where the church is willed to choose their deacons , and act. . where they gave their consent in the choosing of their elders , by the stretching forth of their hands : therefore it belongeth to the church to choose their own church officers . if the people had an interest in the liking of their teaching levites , ( which were of the tribe of aaron ) then much more must the people now , for there was greater likelihood , that they were sent of god , then any of the common sort of men : but the former is true , as appeareth by the manner of the setting of them aside unto that office in the law : therefore must the latter needs be true also . that which pertaineth unto all , ought to be approved of all the congregation : but every ministery in the church , pertaineth to all the congregation : therefore , authority to approve of them , pertaineth to all the congregation . that election which is most effectuall to bring the people to obedience , is of all other the best , and to abridge it , is unlawfull : but election by common consent , is most effectuall to bring the people to obedience ; when they shall see him teach or rule , whom they themselves have chosen : therefore election by the church is the best , and all other kinds of elections unlawfull . that election which procureth greatest reverence of the people to their teachers and rulers is meetest , and all others unlawfull : but for the people to consent in the election of their governours , procureth greatest reverence , in their hearts towards them : therefore election by the people is the best , and all others be unlawfull . testimonies of the ancient writers . the minister should be chosen ( the people being present ) in the eyes of all , and should be by the common judgement , and testimony approved worthy and fit , &c. therefore this is the lawfull vocation by the word of god , where those which are chosen , be appointed by the consent and approbation of the people . for which also , he bringeth divers authorities out of the scriptures . . that is truly and certainly a divine election of a bishop , which is made by the whole church . . let the people have authority to choose their clerkes and ministers . . they runne ( speaking of the life of the clerkes ) to bishops suffra●a●● certaine times of the yeare , and bringing some summe of money , they are anoynted and ordained , being chosen of none , and afterward the bishop without any lawfull election , is chosen in huggermuger of the canons , or prebendaries onely , without the knowledge of the people . . in the oration of the death of his father , approveth the election by the people , at large , and confuteth them that would hinder it . when he appointed eradius to succeed him , faith , it was the approved right and custome , that the whole church should either choose o● consent unto their bishop . . anthimius choosing a bishop without the peoples consent , filled all armenia with sedition . . why did peter communicate the election with the disciples ? left the matter should have turned to a braule , and have fallen to a contention . testimonies of generall councells . . it is meete that you should have power , both to choose , and to give their names that are worthy to be among the clergie , and to doe all things absolutely according to the lawes and decrees of the church , and if it happen any to dye in the church , then those which were last taken , are to be promoted , to the honour of him that is dead , if they be worthy , and if the people choose them . . let the people choose , and the bishop approve , and seale up the election with them . . in an ep●stle to damasus , ambrose , &c. saith , wee have ordained nectarius bishop of constantinople , &c. the whole citie decreeing the same ; and flaviarus was appointed bishop of antioch , the whole citie appointing him . . when he hath beene examined in all these and found fully instructed , then let him be ordained bishop , by the common consent of the clerkes and lay people . . let not him be counted a priest in the church , whom the clergie , and people of that citie where he is , doe not choose . . if any bishop after the death of his predecessor , be chosen of any , but of the bishops of the same province , and of the clergie and citizens , let another be chosen : and if it be otherwise , let the ordination be void and of none effect . testimonies out of the emperours lawes . . following the doctrine of the holy apostles , &c. wee ordaine , that as oft as it shall fall out , that the ministers place shall be void in any citie , that voyces be given of the inhabiters of that citie , that he ( of three which for their right faith , holinesse of life , and other things , are most approved ) bee chosen to the bishopricke which is most meete o● them . . being not ignorant of the holy canons : that the holy church should use her honour the more freely , we assert unto the ecclesiasticall order , that the bishops be chosen , by the election of the clergie and people . he decreed , that he should be bishop of rome , whom all the people of rome should consent to choose . lodovicke the second , commanded by h●s letters , the romans to choose their owne bish●p ▪ not looking for other mens voyces , which ( being strangers ) could not so well tell wh●t was done in the common-wealth , where they were strangers , and that it appertained to the citizens . . let the people ( saith otho the emperour ) choose and i will approve it . the testimonies of the new writers . . the new writers , as musculus , in his common places , in the t●tle of magistrates : bullinger upon tim. . calvin . justitut . bo●ke chap. . sect harmon . confes. helvet . cap. . and many others are on our side in this behalfe . . if there be none that write against it , but the papi●●s , and no arguments us●d against it , but those which b● borrowed out of the popish writers , then doth it belong to the church to choose their owne church officers : but the former is true , as a●l that doe reade them that write o● this argument doe know , and as is manifest , by compari●g pighius , hosius , &c. with whitgift : therefore the latter is true also . therefore seeing the interest of the church in choosing of their church officers , is grounded upon the word of god , both in commandement , and continuall practize , both in the old and n●w testament ; seeing it is warranted by the l●ght of common ●eason ; seeing it is commended unto us , by the manifold practize of all ancient times , so long as any sinceritie remained , not onely in the time of persecution , but also o● peace ; seeing it hath beene confirmed by so many generall councels , and ratified by the decrees of so many emperours ; seeing it hath such a cloude of witnesses , both of ancient and latter times , of the best approved writers ; seeing none doe set themselves against it , but the papists , or they that invade it onely with the same weapons that are fetched out of the popes armory , it must needs follow , that it belongeth unto the church to choose their church officers : and that the taking away of this freedome , abridgeth the liberty that christ hath endowed his church withall , and bringeth her into great bondage , as musculus truly affirmeth . their ob●ections against those things are these . ob●ect . they were then under the crosse , ●ew in number , and therfore it was easily knowne who were fit . answ. the gospell was dispersed thorowout all asia , affricke , and much of europe , and they could lesse keepe together , or meete , and therefore that maketh rather for us . . object . wee have many hypocrites , to whom it were dangerous to commit such waighty actions . answ. it is true , that we have many : but it is a principle in hypocrisie , to be forwardst in such publike actions , that they may get fame thereby . . object . they had knowledge to doe it , but our people be ignorant . answ. we should also find our people to have knowledge , if they had teaching : but howsoever they choose , they cannot have worse then ordinarily are chosen by the bishops and patrons . . object . the church was not then established . answ. that is untrue , for though it wanted the help of magistrates ▪ yet the apostles could and did better establish without them , then we can with the help of them : but if this order might be altered , it had bin fitter then , for now the magistracie may compound the differences of the elders , which help then they lacked . . object drunkards , papists , &c. will choose them that be like themselves , and we know the best disposed be alwayes the fewest . answ. such are not of the church , but without , cor. . and therefore are not ●o meddle in any holy action : but if the people should choose an unmeet man , the eldership that governeth the action , is to reforme them : besides this , if gods order had her place , the schooles of the prophets would send them none , ( for the ministers especially ) to make choyse of , but meet men , that whomsoever they tooke , he should be found sufficient . . object . paul commandeth , tim. . . to lay his hands on no man rashly : therefore one did it . answ. he teacheth what to doe for his part , and though others would be rash , yet he should not joyne with them in it , as appeareth in the latter end of that same verse , for that is ascribed unto him , which also belonged unto others , because he was the director : calvin and musculus expound the place so . . ob●ect . the councell of laodi●ea decreed that the people should not elect . answ. that is , as calvin taketh it upon acts . they might not elect alone , without the direction of some grave and good minister , which should be the manner in the elections , that ( according to gods word ) we desire . chap. v. none is to be admitted unto any publike office in the church ▪ untill he be thorowly examined by the eldership , both concerning his state of christianity , and ability to th●● place whereto he is to be called , t.c. book . page . disci . ecclesiast . fol. . they thinke one may doe it , as appeareth by the booke of o●dering , &c. whitgift , page . & . and their slight passing it over , thorow the archdeacons hands ▪ the former is proved , and the latter disproved thus . . those that are to ordaine , must have particular knowledge of the parties to be ordained , ( or else they breake the rule pr●scribed them , tim. . . ) which cannot be without examinat●on : but the eldership is to ordaine every church officer , a● shall appeare in the chapter of ordination : therefore it belongeth to the eldership to examine , & ● . . the matter of greatest importance in the government of the church , must be done by the most able governours of the same : the approving or disproving of church officers ▪ is the matter of greatest importance , because the consequence of ruling well is the best , or ill the worst : and the eldership is the senate of most able governours in the church , as shall appeare in the chap. of eldership : therefore the eldership is to examine , &c. the way whereby a mans insufficiencie is best espied , and his ability discerned , is the fittest to examine them that are to be admitted : but by the eldership ( consisting of divers ) his insufficiencie is best espied , and his ability best discerned , for the common proverb telleth us , that many eyes doe see more then one : therefore it belongeth to the eldership , &c. they are to examine church officers , that are least subject to be blinded with partiality : but the eldership is least subject to partiality , both for that they be many , who are not so easily over-ruled by affection or favour , as one , as also ( and that especially ) for that it being the lords owne ordinance ( as shall appeare ) we are to perswade our selves , that his spirit shall guide them : therefore it belongeth to the eldership , &c. the way that was used in the apostles time in examining , is of us to be followed , unlesse some reason out of the word to perswade the conscience , can be alleadged to the contrary , which none have ever yet done : but many used in the apostles tim● to examine , as appeareth in chosing out one to be in the place of judas , act . . . and fit men for deacons , act. . . whereof the governours especially were some , for that they were to ordaine upon knowledge , ●s is said in the first reason : therefore it belongeth to the eldership , &c. they whose testimony the people may best credit , are to examine them that are to be admitted : but the people may best credit the judgement of a company of able and sufficient men , which the eldership rightly established must needs be : therefore it belongeth to the eldership , &c. examination belongeth unto them which may most perswade the people of his sufficiency , and so procure greatest reverence unto him in his place : but the examination by the eldership is such : therefore it belongeth to the eldership &c. therefore if they that are to ordaine , must examine : if it be a matter of greatest w●ight in the government of the church , and they the most able to dispatch it ; if by them his sufficiency or ins●fficiency be best found out ; if they be hardliest ca●ied away with affection or partiality ; if the examination was such in the apostles time ; if the people may ( in reason ) give most credit to the examination that is by such ▪ if that kinde of examination p●rswade the people best of his sufficiency , and procure him greatest reverence in his place : then must it needs follow , that it per●aineth to the eldership to examine those that are to be admitted to any office in the church . there is nothing objected against this , that hath any shew of ●eason in it , and therefore it were needlesse to set any thing downe . chap. vi . before consent bee given to any man unto any calling in the church , it must appeare ( by sufficient triall , and due examination ) that he is qualified with those gifts , that the word of god requireth in one of that place , discipl . ecclesiast . fol . t.c. . book , . part , page . and in many other places . they gain-say this in two points : first , in maintaining their reading ministery : secondly , in governing the church , by their commissaries and offic●als : which both shall be overthrowne . ●f wee prove these two propositions following , to b● true by the word of god . no man ought to be received unto the ministery , but such as be able to teach the truth , and convince the gain-say●rs . the church ought not to be governed by commissaries officials and chancellours . hee that may be received into the ministery , must be able to teach the people , whatsoever christ hath comm●nded , math . . onely he that is able to teach the truth and convince the gain-sayers , can teach the people whatsoever chr●st hath commanded : therefore none must be received into the ministery , but such as be able to t●●ch ▪ &c. that which is to be done conditionally , may not be done , if that condition be not kept : men are to be received into the ministery conditional●y , that is , if they be unreproveable , tit. . . therefore if they be not such as be there described , they may not bee received : and consequently , none may be received , but such as be able to teach ▪ &c. that which cannot be done without the manifest breach of gods commandement , may not be done at all : to receive any that be not able to teach , is a manifest breach of gods commandement . tim. . . tit. . . therefore no man ought to be received into the ministery , that is not able to teach , &c. they whom the lord refuseth to be his ministers , may not be received into the ministery : for the ministery being the lords harvest , we may admit none to labour therein , but only such , as he hath given liking of , by the rules of his word : the lord refuseth to be his ministers , all these that cannot teach , hosea ▪ . therefore such as are not able to teach , may not be received , and consequently none may be received , but those that be able to teach , &c. he that may be admitted into the ministery , must be able to divide the word of god aright , tim. . . only he that is able to te●ch and convince the gain-sayers , can divide the word of god aright : therefore none may be admitted into the ministery , but hee that is able to teach , &c. he that may be admitted into the ministery , must have a treasury , furnished with old things and new , and must be abl● to ●ri●g it forth as occasion shall serve , matth. . . onely hee that is able to teach , &c. is such a one : therefore onely he may be admitted ▪ &c. he that can espy the enem● , & give warning afore hand now to resist him , may be receiv●d into the minis●●ry ▪ ●z●k . none can espy the enemie , and give warning afore-han● how to 〈◊〉 him , but both t●is able to 〈◊〉 &c. th●ref●r● one ma● be ad●itted ●nto the minist●ry ▪ but he 〈…〉 to t●ach , &c. 〈…〉 his people into hell , may not be adm●●te●●nto the mini●tery : he th●t ●s not a●le to te●ch and convince the gai●-●ayer lea●eth him●e●f and his p●●ple in●o 〈◊〉 ▪ ma●h . . th●refore 〈…〉 no● able to teach &c. may not be admitted into the mi●●ste●y . he that ●reachet●●ot ▪ but ●oldeth his peace , murdereth . he t●at preacheth not , i● not 〈◊〉 , and so hee beg●tteth no ●aith in man . . in that s. paul requireth that a bishop should be wise , he barreth thos● , that under the name of simplicity , excuse the folly of ministers we condemne all 〈◊〉 ministers , not endued with gifts necessary for a 〈…〉 that should feed his flock . therefore ▪ if a minister mu●● tea●h unto his people all t●at christ hath commanded ; if none may be made ministers , but conditionally , if they be qualified with gi●t● meet for the same ▪ if unpreaching ministers cannot be made without the manifest breach of the commandement of god ; if th●y may not be made ministers , whom the lord refuseth to have ; if every min●ster must have a treasury well furnished ▪ and be able to bring forth of it when need requireth ; if every m●nister mus● have ●kill to see the enemie , and to give warning aforehand how to resist h●m ; if unlearned ministers draw their people to hell a●ter them ; if he that preacheth not , be a murtherer ; if he be not sent , and so doe no good : if hee be barred from the ministery : lastly , if hee be condemned , as not to be in such a place : then must it needs follow , that none may be received into the ministery , but such as be able to teach the truth , and to convince the gain-sayer . many are the arguments that be alleadged to this purpose , and many moe may be alleadged , ( for the whole course of the scriptures tend thereunto ) the testimony of all sorts of writers , is very plentifull for this purpose : yea of the very canon law , ( as the author of the abstract hath learnedly proved ) and yet doe not our prelates rest in the same , but have set themselves ( though in a silly manner ) against it , in this sort that followeth . objection . there must be reading in the church , therefore a reading ministery ▪ whitgift page . answ. by that reason we must have an officer for every particular action , for there must be breaking of bread in the church , and powring of water ; but it followeth not , that therefore there must be one , whose office must be only to break bread , or to powre water . objection . it is better to have readers then none , for preachers cannot be had for every congregation . answer . it is not better , for if they had none , they would seeke for him that they should have ; whereas now , they that have a reader only , think themselves in case good enough : but if there be such want of preachers , why are so many of the most diligent and able ones , turned out ? objection . it is impossible to have preachers every where , and such as can be had , must be taken . answer . sometimes you say all is well : and is it now impossible that our state should obey the lords ordinance ; this is the greatest disgrace to it that can be : and yet it followeth not , for no necessity may warrant us , to violate the decrees of the highest . objection . it were uncharitablenesse to turne them out that be bare readers , for so they , their wives and children might beg . answer . this is to sell mens soules for morsels of br●ad : shall wee rather feare the begging of three or foure , then the damnation of a thousand ? but they may be otherwayes provided for ; they need not beg , many of them may returne to their occupations againe . so that all these objections notwithstanding , the conclusion remaineth sure , which is grounded upon so many certaine and unmoveable foundations . the church ought not to be governed by commissaries , and officials , and chancellours . they which are no elders of the church , have nothing to doe in the government of the same , tim. . . these chancellours , commissaries , and officials , are no elders in the church ; whether we expound elder for a minister , and him also , that is assistant unto the minister in overseeing the church , or for a minister onely as they do : for none of them be ministers , and if they be , they doe not rule in this respect , that they are ministers : therefore the church ought not to be governed by them . . they that must governe the church of god , must have a warrant for their so doing , from iesus christ the head of the church : but chancellors , &c. have no warrant so to doe , from iesus christ the head of the church : there●ore the church ought not to bee governed by them . . those whose names , offices and practize , bee derived from antichrist , may have nothing to do in the government of the church ▪ for who will suffer his wife to be governed by the master of a 〈…〉 : but the names , offices , and practise of chancell●rs , 〈◊〉 ●nd commissaries be such , which is plaine by this , that they have the●r ground in that filthy dunghill the c●non law : therefore they may have nothing to doe in the government of the church . . they that being inferiours , doe proudly tyrann●z● over the●r superiours , ought not to rule the church of god , for it is meet it should be ruled by modest ▪ humble and orderly men : but suc●●re they ( for being inferiours to the ministers of the word , as our adv●rsa●i●s doe confesse , and is plaine also by the canon law they crow over th●m as ●f they were their slaves : ) and if they doe not so 〈◊〉 can doe nothing : therefore they ought not to rule the church of god . . they that live by the faults of men , are not fit t● rule the church of god : for they will rather increase off●nces ( that their 〈◊〉 m●y ●ncrease ) then orderly lessen them , as experience ( a●so ) prov●th : but such are all chancellours , commissaries and official● : therefore they ought not to rule the church of god . therefore , if chancellors , commissaries , and officials bee no elders of the church ; if they have no warrant from jesus christ ▪ the head of the church ; if their names , offices , and practize , be derived ●rom antichrist ; if their office compell them ( being inferiours ) to tyrannize over their superiours : if they live onely by the faults and offences of men : then it must needs follow , that the church of god ought not to be governed by them . chap. vii . every officer of the church must be ordained by the laying on of the hands of the eldership , t.c. . booke , . part . page . discip . ecclesiast . fol. . they say if ought to be done by the bishop alone , whitgift ▪ page . their daily practize doth likewise shew it . the former is proved , and the latter disproved by these reasons follo●ing . . as church officers were ordained in the apostles time , so must they be continually , for they did lay the plot , according whereunto the church must be built unto the end : but they were ordained in the apostles time by the laying on of the hands of the eldership , act. . & . . therefore the church officers must be ordained by laying on of the hands of the eldership . . church officers must bee ordained by them that have warrant from the word , to assure the parties ordained , that they are called of god : onely the elders●ip hath such a warrant , tim. ▪ . therefore they ought to be ordained by the eldership . . many of the sentences alledged before , out of councels , emperours lawes ▪ histories ▪ and 〈◊〉 writers both old and new , for election not to be by one ▪ but by divers , speake also of ordination , and so are forcible to this purpose . . e●agrius came to the office of a b●sh●p unlawfully , because onely paulinus ordained him ▪ contrary to the 〈◊〉 of many canons , which provide , that they should not bee orda●n●d , ●ut by all the bishops of the prov●nce , or ( at the least ●y three . . when a b●shop is to be ordai●ed , &c one bishop shall pronounce the blessing ▪ and the rest of the bishops with the elders pr●sent , shall all l●y on their ●ands . . when a bishop was to be ordained , the bishops adjoyning did ordaine him . therefore if church officers were ordained in the apostles time , not by one , 〈◊〉 by the e●dership , consi●ting of many ; i● they be to ordaine , that have warrant out of the word , to assure the parties ordained , that they are called of god ; if ordination by one b●sh●p be unlawfull and contrary to many canons of councels ; if the bishops and elders were to lay on their h●●ds : lastly , if the b●shop● adjoyning were to ordai● , 〈…〉 needs follow that church offic●rs are not to be ordained 〈…〉 the laying on of the hands of the eldership . but t●ey fight ha●d aga●nst this , because it s●riketh at a maine pillar of their ●ingdom● , their chiefe grounds be these . . object . paul and barnabas ordained elders , where is no mention of an eldership . answ. they are said to ordaine , because they being the chiefe procured it ; so is joshua , . . said to circumcise , which was the levites office , so say we , the queene hath made a law , and yet not she alone maketh any . . ob●ection . though it were so then , yet is it not so required now , no more then the community in the apostles time . answer . there was no more communitie then ( for they that thinke otherwise , are in that point anabaptists ) then is to be required now , so that instance maketh for us . . ob●ect . examples are no generall rules to be followed . answ. examples not contrarying any rule , or reason of the scripture , be to be followed , as if they were commandements , so that notwithstanding any thing alledged to the contrary , it remaineth upon the former gro●nds most stedfast , that it belongeth to the eldership to ordain those church officers that are to be imployed in the publike service of god . chap. viii . the ordaining of church officers must be done with humble prayer of the eldersh●p , and the congregation ▪ discip. ecclesi . ●ol . their unreverent beginning and proceeding therewith i● a c●rner , is contrary to this : which is condemned by the proofe of our asser●ion by these reasons . . we are to behave our selves in these actions , as they by whom we have direction to doe them , have set us an example : but the apostles and elders , when they ordained church officers , did alwayes commend the action to god by prayer , together with those congregations , over which they placed them , act. & . ● . therefore the ordaining of church officers must bee done by humble prayer of the eldership , and congregation . . the greater the action i● that is in hand , the more carefull must they bee that have it in hand , to humble themselves by prayer , for the lords assi●tance there●n : bu● the ordaining of church officer● , is an action of most weighty importance : ●h●refore they that have it in hand ( which be the eldership to ordain him , and congregation to receive him ) ought to hum●le themselves in earnest pra●er before hand . . they that shall have part in the comfort or discomfort o● the action , are to joyne tog●ther in pr●yer un●o god for the better event , and against the wors● : but the eldership and people , shall both have part in the event ●f t●e action : therefore th●y are to joyne together in humble prayer before hand , &c. chap. ix . church officers must be ordained by laying on of hands ; in this they agree with us , concerning the ceremonie it selfe , albeit neither in the parties by whom , nor on whom it must be conferred . the profit of this ceremonie appeareth in reasons following . . that which stirreth up every partie , to pray with more fervencie , is profitable to be used : but such is this ceremonie , for it affecteth the ordainers , when they feele him for whom they pray ; and the ordained when he feeleth a calling and charge from god ( as it were ) sensibly comming upon him , and the congregation , when they see him separated from the rest , by whom they shall reape much comfort or griefe : therefore the use of it is very profitable . . that which helpeth forward the party ordained in his care , to walke with a good conscience in his calling , is profitable to be used : such is the imposition of hands , for both it declareth unto him , that he is separated of god for that purpose , and also giveth him hope , that his hand who allotted him thereunto , will alwayes assist him in the course of that calling : therefore it is of a profitable use . . that which worketh a more acknowledgment of gods ordinance in the hearts of the people , is profitable to be used : such is the laying on of hands , for it declareth unto them , that the lord hath placed him in that calling over them : therefore it is profitable to be used . therefore seeing the ceremonie of laying on hands is forcible , to increase the fervencie of every partie , when they pray ; seeing it assureth the calling to the party ordained , and giveth him an argument of good hope , for the blessing of god upon him in the course of the same ; and seeing it procureth a more perswasion in the people , that he is allotted unto them from the lord himselfe ; it is evident that it is not a vaine and idle ceremonie ( as many doe imagine ) but of good and profitable use , in all ordinations . chap. x. the lord hath ordained that there should bee one bishop or pastor ( at the least ) president over every congregation , who are of equall authority in their severall charges , and in the generall government of the church , t.c. bo●ke , page . & booke , part , page . they maintaine contrary unto this , these two . . that one may have two or mo charges , and be absent from them , ●s their dispensations and practize doe prove . . that one minister may have a soveraigntie and lordship over his ●●llow ministers , which both being disproved , the former ●ssertion will remaine still sure . . one man may not have mo charges then be is able in any measure to discharge : no man is able in any measure , to discharge the dutie that is belonging to mo flocks then one , seeing hee cannot preach unto them , both in season and out of season : therefore no man may have more charges then one . . that which maketh an open entrance to the enemy to spoyle , cannot be lawfull : for one to have moe charges then one , maketh open entrance for the enemy to spoile , for the woolfe watcheth to devoure , whilest the shepheard is absent : therefore no man may have mo charges then one . . the which hath neither precept , nor president for it , either in gods word , or any approved writer , ●ut onely from antichrist , is unlawfull : but such is the having of mo charges th●n one : therefore it is unlawfull . . that which declareth a minister to be more desirous of the fleece , then to profit the flocke , that same is unlawfull : but such is the having of moe charges then one , for were it not for the gaine , they would thinke one a burden as heavie as they could beare : therefore it is unlawfull . . all the reasons that be alledged in the third chapter , against non-residence , are forcible to this purpose , for if he may not be nonresident , he may not h●ve mo charges , unlesse he be willing to be quartered , that every charge may have a piece of him . he reckoneth them among theeves , and their action to be theevery , condemned by that commandement . therefore , if one man cannot in any tollerable measure discharge mo charges then one ; if to have mo maketh an open entrance to the enemy to spoyle ; if it have neither precept , nor president for it , but onely in the kingdome of antichrist ; if it declare the practizers to be more desirous of the fleece , then to feed the flocke ; if all the reasons that condemne nonresidencie be against it ; lastly , if it be plaine theevery : then must it needs follow , that one may not have two , or mo charges . their objections ( such as they be ) are set downe in the chapter , and the answers unto them . the second proposition that they hold is thi● . one minister may have a sover●igne authoritie , and lordship over his fellow ministers : which is thus disproved . . they that have their commission indiff●rently given them , without difference betweene one and another , are of equall authoriti● , and may not be one over another : but such is the commission of all gods ministers indifferently , as appeareth , matth. . . . therefore they are of equall authority , and may not have any dominion one over another . . that which christ hath directly forbidden , that may not in any case be allowed but is ever unlawfull : but christ hath directly forbidden , that one minister should have dominion over another , matth. ● . . luk. . therefore one minister may not have superioritie or dominion over another . . they that may not be lords over the people of god , may much lesse be lords over the ministers , for the ministers be ( in respect of the ministery ) above the people : but a minister may not be lordly over gods people ( as is testified by him on whom they would father the greatest lordlinesse ) pet. . . therefore one minister may not bee lord , or have superiority over another . . it is ordained , and is equall and right , that every mans cause be heard , where the fault was committed : and it is meete to handle the matter there , where they may have both the accusers , and witnesses of the fault ; which sheweth that every minister had authority over his owne flocke , and no other to meddle . . bishops , wheresoever they be in all the world , are equall to our bishops , or parish ministers and preachers ; of none it can be said one is lord , another is servant : whatsoever belongeth to the church , belongeth equally to all , saving that some are of better gifts then others , howbeit such gifts cause no inequallitie or lordship in the church . in the apostolike church , the ministers of the word , were none above another , and were subject to no head or president , &c. . the honour of a bishop , being taken from the rest of the ministers , and given to one , was the first step to papacie . . christ did most severely forbid unto the apostles and their successors , primacie and dominion . . equall power and function is given to all ministers of the church , and that from the beginning , no one preferred himselfe before another , saving onely that for order , some one did call them together , propounded the matters that were to be consulted of , and gathered the voyces . therefore , if all ministers have their commission indifferently given unto them , if christ have forbidden , that one minister should have dominion over another ; if no minister may exercise dominion over gods people ; if authoritie to handle controversies , belonged to every severall congregation ; if a bishop and parish minister be all one ; if in the apostles time , no minister was above another ; if the superiority of one above another , was the first step to the papacie ; lastly , if they have equall power and function from the beginning : than must it needs follow , that no minister may have superiority , or exercise dominion over another . their objections hereunto ( so many as are worthy any answer ) be these . . object . christ math. . . forbiddeth onely ambition , and not dominion , as musculus expoundeth it . ans. musculus his judgement appeareth in the and reasons , the place is expounded against superiority by calvin , bulling . zwing . g●alter , hemingi●s , &c. but let it be so expounded : that dominion is am●ition , because it causeth a man to aspire above his ●ellow ministers . . object . the greek word signifieth rule with oppression , which is the thing that is forbidden . answ. that is not so , for luk. . useth the single verbe kurieuein , which signifieth simply to rule : the sonnes of zebedeus desired not to oppresse but to rule , which desire ●e reproved . objection . christ saith not , no man shall be so , but hee that will be so , desiring it . answer . but luke saith , let the greatest be as your servant , and therefore that is but a silly shift . so that their assertions being overthrown , and their objections answered , it remaineth , that we prove yet more directly , that the lord hath ordained , that there should be a bishop resident over every congregation ; which is thus proved . if a bishop and minister be all one , then must there be a bishop in every congrega●ion , for every man will confesse that every congregation ought to have a mi●ister : but a bishop and a minister is all one , as appeareth by this tha● s. paul describeth not one quality for the bishop , but it is also the quality of every good minister ; and also in that hee describeth no other minister but the bishop : therefore there ought to be a bishop in every congregation . s. pauls bishops and his deacons were appointed to one place , as appeareth both in the description of them , and the practise of the apostles : but the deacons were in every congregation , which appeareth , phil. . . acts . . that office being needfull every where ; and in that it continued so , longer then the office of bishops , athanasius apol. . jerome contra 〈◊〉 , &c. therefore there ought to be a bishop in every congr●●●t●●n . that which paul enjoy●●● to titus , is also to be practised alwayes in the like 〈◊〉 : but he commanded him to ordaine elders in every citie , tit. . . which are expounded in the next verse to be bishops : therefore there must be a bishop in every congregation . every church should have her communion table , and every church her bishop . where there was found any worthy to be a bishop , there a bishop was appointed , and where there was not to furnish both bishop and preaching el●er ( hee meaneth the doctor ) there the apostles made a bishop , and left the elder . if a bishop runne into a slander , and many bishops cannot suddenly be gathered ; his cause shall be heard of twelve bishops &c. if an elder be accused , hee may call six bishops from the places hard by . s●ories make mention of bishops of little townes , as (a) soti●us bishop of the village cuman : (b) mares , bishop of a sm●ll towne called solicha : (c) gregory , bishop of a small citie , called nazianzum : (d) the bishop of a castle . a minister , that is to say , a bishop , ●nd ( a little after ) the apostle doth plainly teach , that a minister and a bishop i● all one , and ( upon titus ) a bishop and a minister are the same : and ( ad ocea●um ) with the ancient fathers , bishops , and elders were all one . d. barnes ( in his 〈◊〉 article ) saith , i will never beleeve , neither can i ever beleeve , that one man may by the law of god , be a bishop of two or three cities , yea ● a whole country , for that it is contrary to the doctrine of s. paul , who writing to titus , commandeth that ●e should ordaine a bishop in every towne . it is pitie to see how farre the office of a bishop is degenerated from the originall in the scripture ; it was not so in the beginning , when bishops were at the best , at the epistle to titus testifieth , that willeth him , to ordaine in every citie , &c. they know the primitive c●ur●h had no such bishops as we have , untill the time of silvester the first . therefore , if a bishop and a minister be all one ; if bishops were to be where deacons are who were in every congregation ; if paul enjoyne●titus to ordaine bishops in every citie ; and if every church had her b●shop a long time after the apostles , as appeareth by the testimonies of councels , histories , and learned writers , both old and new : t●en mu●● it needs follow , that there ought to be a bishop in every congregation . chap. ii. for the further revealing of the truth , god hath ordained , that there should be in the church doctors , whose office is to be imployed in teaching of doctrine , and is an office different from that of the pastour . the latter part of this proposition , is the thing which especially they doe deny , which is thus prooved to be true . . those which the apostle ( in speaking of distinct officers ) doth distinguish one from another , are severall and distinct one from another : but the apostle doth distinguish the pastour and teacher , one from another , rom. . . . and ephes. . . even as he distinguisheth man and woman . gal. . . see the greek of them both : therefore the office of pastour and doctor are distinct one from another . . as are the gifts that adorne offices , so are the officers themselves , for the execution of the office , consisteth in the employing of the gifts : but the gifts of the pastour and doctor are divers , as appeareth . cor. . . and by experience , for some hath an excellent gift in doctrine , and not in application , and others excell in application and exhortation , that ●re very meane , in delivering of doctrine : therefore the office of a pastour and teacher , are distinct one from another . . those that are to take a divers course in teaching are divers , and different in their functions , for else why should they be enjoyned to take a divers course : but the pastour is to take one course , and the doctor another , for the one is to direct himselfe principally to exhort , and the other to attend upon doctrine : rom. . , . therefore the office of pastour and doctor , be distinct offices the one from the other . . the ecclesiasticall stories ( especially speaking of the church of alexandria ) doe usually make a difference betwixt the bishop and the doctor . . cathedrall churches have yet some shew thereof left in them , who ( besides the bishop ) have also one that readeth a lecture in divinity . . if the distinguishing of them , make more for the building of the church , then the uniting of them ; then are they to be distinguished , & not made all one : but the form●● is true , as appeareth by this , that hardly is a people brought to asound knowledge of godlines , by him that inst●ucteth in doctrine continually , & as hardly are we stir●ed up to a zealous care of our duetie , th●ugh we be ex●orted contin●ally ; which both should be with lesse continuance , if one man were to performe all : therefore they are to be esteemed distinct offices , and not parts of one office , which one is to performe . therefore , if the apostle paul distinguisheth them one from another ; if god do● usually bestow doctrine and exhortation upon severall persons , where in each is found to excell , and to be no body in the other ; if the pastour be commanded to take one course in teaching , and the doctor another ; if ecclesiasticall stories doe usually distinguish them ; if cathedrall churches have yet some steps left of the distinction ; if to distinguis● them ; maketh more to the building of the church , then to unite them : then must it needs follow , that the office of pastour and doctor be distinct , and different the one from the other . chap. xii . every congregation ought to have elders to see into the manners of the people , and to be assistant unto the ministers , in the government ecclesiasticall . t. c. book . pag. . disc. fol. . which they denie , whitg●ft p. . and their practise in keeping them out of the church : but it is proved to be true , by these reasons following . . that which the apostles established in every congregation , ought still to continue , seeing the church must be ruled by the same lawes , that it was ruled by then , and needeth as great furtherance now , as it did then : but the apostles established elders in every congregation , act ▪ . . which cannot be understood of preaching elders onely ; considering that the scarcity of them was such , as paul was constrained to send timothy and titus to great cities , which he could hardly spare , as he often testifieth : therefore ther● ought to be such elders , as are onely to assist in government i● every congregation . . those which god hath ordained to help forward the building of the church , ought to be in every congregation , unlesse it may appeare that some congregation needeth not so much helpe , as christ hath appointed : but christ hath ordeined elders in the church , for the helping forward of the building of the church cor. . . therefore such elders ought to be in every congregation . . that which being wanting , the body cannot be entire , that same must be in every congregation : but the elders cannot be wanting , and the church be an entire body rom. . . which every congregation should be , rom. , . therefore there ought to be such elders in every congregation . . if the word of god doe describe such elders in the church , then ought they to be in every congregation , which is cleare by this , that every congregation hath need of them , as well as any : and that every congregation must have all the other officers of the church : and that every congregation is of equall dignity in the body of christ : but the word of god describeth unto us such elders . . tim. . . therefore they ought to be in every congregation . . there is no church , that can stand without her eldership or councell . . it belongeth onely to the bishop to baptize , and the elder and deacon may not do it , but upon the bishops licence . . neither elder nor deacon have right , but upon the bishops commandement ( so much as ) to baptize . . elders fell away thorough the ambition of the teachers . . valerius the bishop did contrary to the custome of the apostolicall churches , in appointing augustine to preach , being but an elder . . after that arrius was convicted of haeresie , it was decreed that elders should no more preach . . the number of the elders of every church , ought to be encreased , according to the multitude of the people . . speaking of the elders that were to assist the minister , he lamenteth , that it is so fallen out of the church , that the name doth scarce remaine . . certaine of the people were joyned with the pastour , in the governement of the church , because the pastour was not able to doe all himselfe . . there were elders , that did assist the minister , in the government of the church . &c. . whitgift confesseth , that in the primitive church , they had in every church certaine seniors , pag. . let it then appeare out of the word , to satisfie the conscience , how it may be left out . . if the platforme set downe to timothy and tit●s be for all churches , then must elders be in all ; for these elders are there described : but it is a platforme for all churches , and that to the end of the world , tim. . . therefore they ought to be in every congregation . . that which is contained in every minsters commission to teach and practize , must be in every congregation : but the ordination and practize of that office , is in every ministers commission , mat. . . or else they ordained elders without warrant from christ , which none dare affirme : therefore there must be elders in every congregation . . wheresoever a bishop must be , there must also the elder bee , which appeareth by this , that where the one is described , there is the other also : but a bishop must be in every congregation , as i have proved sufficiently in the . chap. therefore there ought to be elders in every congregation . . if the apostles laboured for uniformitie in the least things , and established in all churches one order , then must there be elders in every congregation , for they were in some , as all men doe confesse : but the former is true , as not onely the view of their practize declareth , but also the apostles expresse words ▪ thus i teach in all churches : therefore the latter is true also , that in every congregation there must be such elders . therefore if the apostles established elders in every congregation ; if christ hath esteemed their helpe needfull to further the building of his church ; if without them a congregation cannot be entire ; if the word of god say that they ought to be in the church ; if it was continued so long after the apostles time : and be approved by the testimony of many very learned , both old and new writers , and confessed by the greatest adversary unto them ; if they be within the compasse of every ministers commission ; if they are to be , wheresoever a bishop must be ; if the apostles established uniformity , even in the meanest thinges ; then must it needs follow , that there ought to be such elders in every congregation , as are to assist the minister in the government of the same . they confesse it was so in the apostles time , but seeme to say somewhat that it cannot be under a christian magistrate thus : . object . god hath given the soveraigne authoritie over his church to the christian magistrate , which these elders would abridge . answ. no more then the eldership abridged the soveraigntie of david over israel , for his governement is temporall , and theirs spirituall . . object . gualter upon the cor. . denieth it to be needfull under a christian magistrate . answer . gualter denieth excommunication under a christian magistrate , hee is as partiall in this argument at whitgift . . objection . the prince hath the authority that the elders had . answ. that is no truer , then to say the prince hath authority to preach the word , &c. for these be things , that his high authority must see done , but he may doe none of them himselfe . but there bee many reasons which may bee alleadged , to prove that they are ( at the least ) as necessary under a christian magistrate in these dayes , as they were in the time of the apostles , as namely these : . the lesse able that ministers are to direct their people in the waies of godlinesse , the more neede they have of the assistance that god hath allowed them in his word : but ministers are now lesse able ( especially under christian magistrates , when men are overtaken with ease and peace , which quench go●d things ) then they were in the time of the apostles : therefore there is as great ( if not greater ) neede of elders now , then was in the time of the apstoles . . if christian magistrates bee to maintaine the order that christ hath set downe for the governement of his church , then must there be elders in it under a christian magestrate , for elders are appointed of cor. . . but christian magestrates are to maintaine the order that christ hath set downe for the ruling of his church , isai. . . therefore there must be elders in the church , under a christian magestrate . . if the rule of christ cannot bee perpetually observed , tell the church , unlesse there be elders ; then must there bee such under a christian magestrate : but the former is true , for by the church is there meant the seanate of ministers and elders , as shall be proved in the chapter of excommunication : therfore there must be elders , under a christian magistrate . . if the whole governement of the church described in the epistles to timothie and titus , bee to bee observed untill the end , then must there bee elders under christian magestrates , for they are contained in those epistles : but the former is true tim. . . therefore there must be elders under a christian magistrate . . where sinners ate more outragious , and the best most subject to waxe cold , there is greatest neede of all the helpes that god hath ordained to punish sinne , and to cherish well doing : but so it is under a christian magistrate especially in the peace of the church , as whitgift confesseth , pag. . therefote there is ( at the least ) as great neede of elders ( seeing they are helpers uppointed of god ) under a christian magistrate , as at any other time . therefore if mininisters be lesse able now , then in the apostles time ; if christian majestrates must maintaine the order prescribed by christ ; if else the rule of christ , ( till the chru●ch ) cannot be still observed ; if the whole goverment described by saint paul , must be kept for ever ; lastly if there bee , ( at the least ) as great neede of all the helpes that can be , as ever there was : then must it needes follow , that elders are as necessary in the church under a christian magestrate , as in the time of persecution . chap. xiii . there ought to be in every congregation certaine deacons , endued with those qualities , which the word of god describeth ; whose office is onely in receiving the liberty of the saints , and destributing it unto the needy , t. c. booke , pag. . discip. eccles. fol. . this assertion hath two branches , which both are gaine said by our adversaries , the first whereof is this . the office of the deacon , consisteth onely in receiving and distributing unto the poore , the liberality of the saints , which they deny whitgift pag. . the booke of ordering , &c. that maketh 〈◊〉 a degree of the ministrie : but the proposition being proved true , maketh their opinion and practise appeare false , which is thu● . . that wherein stephen and the rest were imployed , is the office of a deacon : for the first institution of them by the apostles , is in that example : but they were onely to attend upon the provision for the poore , acts . &c. therefore the office of the deacon , is onely to attend upon the distributing the poore , from the libe●alli●y of the saints . . that which the apostle maketh an ordinary and distinct office from others in the church , must be attended upon by them , that are in the same office ▪ and not bee mingled with any other ; but the apostle rom. . . maketh destributing in simplicity , such an office as it is expounded by m. calvin , beza , bucer , martyr . &c. therefore the deacons office must bee attended upon , and consequently , it consisteth onely in dist●●buting , &c. that which the apostles found themselves insufficient for , that can no man now discharge in any tollerable measure , for they were more adorned with gifts , then any be now : but they found themselves insufficient for the ministrie of the word , and destributing unto the poore also , acts. . . therefore no man can in any tollerable measure , discha●ge the office of a minister and deacon also , and consequently , the deacon is to attend upon distributing onely . . if the ministeries of the word bee perfect , without the deacon , then may ●ee not meddle in the same , for how may one lawfully labour , in that wherein there is no neede of him : but such is the ministery of the word , where the severall ministers thereof are named , ephes. . . wherein the deacon is not contained , as whitgift c●nfesseth , pag. . & . therefore the deacon may not meddle with the ministry of the word , and consequently must be implyed onely in destributing &c. . if there be no qualitie required in the perfect description of the deacon , which is proper to the ministery of the word , then is not be to medle with the same : but the former is true , as appeareth , tim. . . therefore the latter is true a so , and consequently , hee must attend onely upon distributing , &c. . if it belong to the deacons office , to meddle with the minestery of the word and sacraments , then it is greater , then that of the pastor , for that the doing of both , requireth greater gifts then the one : but it is not a greater , but inferiour office to the pastor , as appeareth by all those places , wherein they are described , that the deacon is described after the bishop : therefore his office is not to meddle with both , and consequently hee must attend upon distributing , &c. . deacons are ministers of tables , and not of holy things . . in the ministers sicknesse , the deacons shall roade the homilies of the fathers . . the deacons have neede of great wisedome , although the preaching of the word bee not committed unto them : and further , it is absurd that they should doe both the office of preaching , and caring for the poore , concidering that they bee not able to doe both thorowly . . although the ( goods of the chvrch increasing ) there were besides the deacons , subdeacons and archdeacons , and yet the deacons remained still in their charge for the poore , and were not as yet mingled with the bishoppes or priests , and with the order of them which taught . . the office of deaconshippe , was religiously kept in the chvrch , untill it was driven out by antichrist . . this office must of necessitie bee restored as it is described , acts the sxth , if england ( for hee speaketh it in the behalfe of our church ) will receive the discipline of christ . . speaking of these deacons , lamenteth that this order , is so fallen out of the church that the name doth scarse remaine . . describing the deacons of the apostles time , saith , that wee after their example , ought to have the like . . the office of distributing the goods of the church , is an ordinary function in a chvrch lawfully constituted ; the which section thirty , hee calleth the deaconship . therefore if stephen and the rest were imployed , onely in distributing the goods of the church ; if the apostle maketh the deacons office , an ordinary and distinct office from all others in the church ; if the apostles were not sufficient for the ministery of the word , and distributing ; if the ministeries of the word be perfect without the deacon ; if in the description of the deacon , no qualitie be required , that is proper to a minister of the word ; if to deal in both would make the deacon a g●eater officer then the pastor ; if the councels , ancient writers , and the sound writers of latter times , do declare that the deacons were to be wholly imployed in the distributing of the goods of the church ; then must it needs follow , that his office is not to meddle with any part of the ministery of the word and sacraments , but to attend onely upon the distributing of the liberalitie of the church , unto them that stand in need thereof . their objections hereunto , be these two that follow . objection . philip one of the seven deacons did preach , act. . . therefore deacons may preach the word . answer . philip was a deacon of the church at jerusalem , while they abode together , but now he was not any more so , but an evangelist , as he is ever tearmed after , by vertue of which office he did preach . object . steven , being a deacon , preached , act. . . answ. he preached not ; for all that is there , was but his apology at the seat of judgement , which every man in the like case may do , and which many of the martyrs have done . so that the former proposition being true , upon the grounds alledged , notwithstanding these objections , we are to proceed to the second , which is this . there ought to be such deacons ( as are described in the former proposition ) in every congregation , which is thus proved . that office which every congregation hath need of , ought to be in every congregation : but every congregation hath need of the deacons office , which appeareth by this , that they have poore to provide for ( or else they must regard the necessitie of others ) and the liberalitie of others to distribute : therefore deacons ought to be in every congregation . that which is indefinitely appointed for the good of the church , belongeth unto every congregation , as well as to any one : but such is the appointment of the deacons . . tim. . . therefore there must be deacons in every congregation . every church ought to have their office of deaconship . all the reasons ( or the most of them ) that are alledged , chap. . for a bishop in every congregation , and chap. . for elders in every congregation ; are forcible hereunto . therefore , if there be the like need of deacons in one congregation , that is in another ; if they be appointed indefinitely for the good of the church ; if every church must have their office of deaconship , and l●●tly , if there be like reasons to prove them belong to every church , that be for bishops and elders : then must it needs follow , that there ought to be deacons in every congregation . chap. xiiii . there ought to be in every congregation , an eldership , consisting of a pastor or pastors ▪ doctor ( if there be any ) and elders , whose authoritie christ hath ordained to be perpetuall in his church , to govern the same onely by the rules of gods word : t.c. . book , pag. . discip. ecclesiast . . which containeth these . particular propositions , defended by us , and gainsaid by the bb. and their adherents . the eldership ought to be in every congregation . the office of the eldership is perpetuall . the church must be governed , onely by the rules of gods word . the first is denied by them , whitgift pag. . and by their practise , in tying the government of many churches to the bb. sea , it is thus proved . whatsoever chr●st hath ordained , as a means , to keep men in obedience to the gospel , that same must be in everie congregation , for particular men are in particular congregations : but christ hath ordained the eldership for that end , as appeareth , matth. . . &c. where chrysost ▪ expoundeth : tell the church : that is , saith he , the governours of the church : therefore the eldership ought to be in every church . where all sorts of elders ought to be , there must be also the joyning of their offices in one , for the good of that congregation over which they are placed : but all sorts of elders ought to be in every congregation , as is proved in the . chap. for bishops , the . for elders , &c. therefore there must be an eldership in every congregation . if no particular congregation have greater priviledges given thereunto by the word of god then others have , then must there either be no eldership at all ( which is false , in that elders are proved to be by the word of god in the church ) or else it must be in every congregation : but every congregation is of like priviledge , which appeareth by this , that it is a perfect body of it self : therefore there must be an eldership in everie congregation . the same warrant that is in the word of god , for to have an eldership in one place , is a warrant for it in all ; for the word of god tyeth it , not to churches in cities , but indefinitely to the church : but there is warrant for it out of the word to be some where , as appeareth by this , tha● the apostles are said to establish it , and make mention of it : therefore it must be in every congregation . therefore , if the eldership be ordained by christ , as a means to keep men in obedience unto the gospel ; if all sorts of elders must be in every church ; if every congregation be of equall priviledges ; lastly if there be the like warrant for it in every church , that is in any : then must it needs follow , that there ought to be an eldership in every congregation . whatsoever is objected against this , that hath any shew in it , is answered in the . chap. of elders . the office of the eldership is ordained by christ to be perpetuall , and ordinarie for the government of his church , t. c. . book , . denied by them ▪ whitgift , . and by their practice in keeping it out : but the truth of it appeareth by these reasons that do follow . if the causes why christ would have an eldership in his church be perpetuall , then must also the thing it self be perpetuall : but the causes are perpetuall , which be to govern the church by the rules of his word , and that ecclesiastically : therefore the eldership is perpetuall . if christ be the author of the eldership , and left it by the apostles to be established in the church , then it is perpetuall ; for his commission given to the apostles , is to be observed unto the end of the world : but christ is the author of it , as appeareth both by his giving of the gifts for the particular members thereof , and the whole body of it ; as also in that the apostles did establish it in the church , who went not from their commission , . cor. . . therefore the eldership is perpetuall . whatsoever is the commandment of god , once delivered by him , is never repealed again , and to be acknowledged of every spirituall man ; that same is to be received by the church of god to be perpetuall : but such is the government of the church by pastors , doctors , and elders , and so of the whole eldership , as appeareth in that they are all mentioned in the writings of s. paul , which are so esteemed : . corinth . . . therefore the government of the church by an eldership is perpetuall . that whose severall parts is perpetuall , and which hath perpetuall gifts given , for the furnishing thereof for ever ; that same must needs be perpetuall : but the severall parts of the eldership , as pastor , doctor ▪ and elders , be perpetual , as is proved in the . & chap. therfore the eldership is perpetual . whatsoever is grounded upon the generall commandments , and rules of the scriptures , that same is perpetual : but the governing of the church by the eldership , is such , as hath partly been proved in election and ordination , and execution of the severall church officers , which is the greatest part of government , and shall further appear , in the censures of the church hereafter : therefore the government of the church by the eldership , is perpetuall . whatsoever manner of government hath sufficient power , and that from god , to begin , continue , and strengthen , both the governors of the church in their callings , and the people in the course of obedience unto christ ; that same government is to be perpetuall : but such is the government by the eldership , as appeareth by this , that the apostles used no other : therefore the eldership is to be perpetuall . that government which the apostles , and paul ▪ before they consulted together , did uniformly ag●●e in , that same must needs be of god , and consequently perpetuall , unlesse the repealing of it do appear : but such is the government by the eldership , ( for all the adversaries thereunto , confesse that it was in the apostles time : ) therefore it is perpetuall . whatsoever hath the same grounds , that the preaching of the wo●d and ministration of the sacraments have , the same is perpetuall : but such is the government of the eldership , for it is grounded upon the commandments of christ ▪ and practise of the apostles : therefore it is perpetuall . that which hath the like grounds to be perpetuall , that the apostles , prophets , and evangelists , had to be for a time , the same is perpetuall : but such is the government of the church by an eldership , which appeareth by this , that they are therefore ceased , because their gifts of immediate calling , &c. be gone , and the gifts of these , joyntly and severally do remain : therefore it is perpetuall . whatsoever is the perpetuall and ordinarie remedie to cure diseases of the church , and strengthen the health of the same , that same is perpetuall : but such is the government by the eldership , as appeareth by the necessitie , and profit of the severall offices thereof , and of this , that we are still to observe in causes of extremities : tell the church , matth. . . therefore it is perpetuall . that government which was in the church appointed of god under the law , and continued ( in respect of the substance ) by christ and his apostles , and bettered ( in respect of the accedents ) by them , that same is perpetuall : but such is the government by the eldership , as appeareth in the . reason of the chap. therefore it is perpetuall . if there be any reason why this government should be alterable ( being once set in the church by christ ) it is either in respect of the extraordinarie offices ceased , or the addition of the magistrate : but not of the former , because the church hath never had any need of extraordinary gifts , but god hath given them , and so will he ever : nor of the latter , for that the magistrates office is to defend the building of the church by that order which christ hath set downe , and not to alter any thing therein : therefore it is perpetuall . either this government is the best and perpetuall , or els there is none , and so christ should be thought to have left his church without a government , which is disproved in the and reasons in the first chap. for this was once established by christ , and so was no other : but some government must needs be the best and perpetuall : therefore this is perpetuall . no man may justly forbid ( speaking of the church-government ) to returne to the old constitution of the church of god , and to receive it before the custome of men . experience teacheth this order ( speaking of the church government ) was not for one age , but necessary to all ages . though the common-wealth change her government , yet the church must keepe hers still . lamenteth , that some were found among them that are esteemed forwardest , which would not have the same discipline used now adayes , that was in the apostles times , objecting the difference of times and men . the apostles have written these lawes , ( speaking of discipline ) not for a day , or for the first age , but to endure for all times to come ; and therefore have ratified them with a most earnest obtestation : tim. . . that these commandements should be kept untill the day of the lord . therefore , if the causes of once ordaining an eldership , be perpetuall , if christ be the author of it , and left it in the church by the apostles ; if it be gods commandement , not yet repealed ; if the parts of it , and gifts for it be perpetuall ; if it be grounded upon the generall commandements and rules of the scriptures ; if it have sufficient power from god , to begin , continue , and confirme a church ; if it was agreed upon by the twelve apostles and paul , before they met together ; if it have the same grounds with the preaching of the word ; if it have as good grounds to be perpetuall as the apostles , &c ▪ to be for a time ; if it be the perpetuall remedy against all the diseases of the church ; if it was under the law , and inriched by christ and his apostles under the gospell ; if it be neither alterable in respect of the extraordinary offices ceased , nor the magistrate added to the church ; if it be the onely government , that challengeth authoritie from god ; if no man may justly forbid it , if it be necessary for all times ; if the common-wealth may change her government , but not the church ; if the difference of times and men be nothing against it ; lastly ▪ if the rules that the apostles gave for it , be confirmed with a charge , to be kept untill the comming of christ : then must it needs follow , that the government of the church by an eldership , ought to be perpetuall . they object , that many inconveniences would follow upon this government , which are severally to be answered . objection . by this every parish shall follow their seniors , and then there will be so many elderships , so many divers fashions , seeing one may not meddle with another . answer . the government desired is uniforme for every church , and admitteth no change , no not in outward ceremonies , without a synode of the choyce men of severall elderships . objection ▪ if they being all meane men , chuse an earle , he may not refuse , but be at their bo●k and commandment . answer . no man that is chosen is compelled to an office against his will , but he that despiseth to consult with others in gods matters , because they be poore , reproacheth god that made them , pro. . . objection . it overburdeneth the parish , to provide for the nourishment of so many church-officers . answer . it is not necessary that they should provide for any moe of them , saving those that are exercised in the ministery of the word , unlesse any of the rest may need the liberalitie of the church . objection . it bringeth in a new popedome and tyranny into the church . answer . it is blasphemie to tearme the government of christ so , because we refuse the tyranny of the pope , shall we therefore doe what we list , and ●o● yeeld obedience to the scepter of christ . objection . it is a kinde of donatisme to challenge such authoritie over princes . answer . and it is flattery to suffer princes to do what they list ; this is the objection of gualter , who is a professed enemy to discipline . objection . it taketh away princes authoritie in causes ecclesiasticall . answer . no more than it did from david in his time , nor so much as the bb. doe now ▪ for the prince requireth but this , to see the church well ordered , which the eldership alloweth and craveth . objection . it transformeth the state of the common-wealth , into a meere popularitie , and will alter the government thereof . answer . it neither transformeth nor altereth any thing in it , for let it be shewed what damage would come by this discipline to any magistracy , from the princes throne , to the office of the headborough . objection . it will breed contention and partialitie in judgement . answer . where can be greater contention than the bb. maintaine for their kingdome , or greater partialitie than in them , to their kinsfolks , servants , sycophants , &c. objection . it will be contemned , and so good order neglected . answer . none ever deserved more contempt , than the bb. and their officers doe , for all their pompe : but god whose ordinance it is , will procure sufficient awe unto it ; mark how these objections stand together , in the fourth it was tyranny , and here it is too contemptible ; these be contrary . objection . all alterations be dangerous . answer . never ( where we change from the obedience of antichrist , to the service of the living god ) was it ever dangerous to amend things amisse , by that course which is described of god : if it were , let the particular of it appeare , this might well have beene stephen gardiners reason for popery , in the time of king henry the eight . the church must be governed onely by the rules of gods word , this is in effect , the proposition of the first chapter , whereunto all those reasons there alledged may be referred ; there is advouched generally , the certain grounds of the whole discipline , against the imagined libertie left to the church : here is affirmed the particular direction of the church-government , by the authoritie of the eldership , to proceed according to the rules of gods revealed will , and not by that cursed and monstrous cannon law , which is made manifest unto us by these reasons . . all governours are to execute their authoritie , by the same warrant from which they have it : but the governours of the church of god , have their warrant to be gove●nours onely from the word , cor. . . therefore they must govern● the church onely by the word . . the church is to be governed by that which the ministers may teach unto the same , for they are taught to the end that they may obey , and so be governed by the same : but the ministers may teach nothing but the word of god . cor. . . therefore the church is to be governed onely by the word of god . . that which maketh the church obedient unto christ , must be the direction whereby it is to be governed : onely the word of god maketh the church obedient unto christ : therfore it is to be governed by the rules of gods word . . every kingdome or houshold , must be governed onely by the lawes of the king , or orders of the housholder : the church is the kingdome and house of god , and his word is the onely law that he hath given for the same : therefore it must be governed onely by the word of god . . that which was ordained to destroy the church of god , cannot be a good rule to governe the same by : but such is the cannon law , for it was ordained to strengthen the kingdome of antichrist ▪ abstract . therefore it cannot be a good rule to direct the church by , and consequently , it must be governed by the word , for no other rule is offered unto us , but the one of these twaine . . that which was invented by the dragon , that persecuteth the woman and her childe , that same cannot be good for the church , which is that woman : but such is the cannon law ▪ for it was invented by antichrist , which is that dragon : therefore it cannot be good for the ruling of the church , and consequently , &c. . that which strengtheneth the power of darknesse and ignorance , cannot be good to guide them , that must walk in light and knowledge : but the cannon law strengtheneth the power of darknesse and ignorance , for it increaseth popery , as appeareth by this , that there is scarce an officer towards it , in these dayes of knowledge , but he is a papist : therefore it cannot be good to guide the church of god . . that which destroyeth the church of god , cannot be good to rule the same : but the cannot law destroyeth it , for it crosseth every faithfull minister in the discharge of his dutie , and every go●d christian , walking in the wayes of godlinesse , and nippeth in the head every good action , as experience teacheth us : therefore it cannot be a good rule to governe the church by . . that which hath bred moe trayterous papists in england , than the seminaries at rom● and rhemes ▪ that same cannot be good to governe the church of god : but such is the cannon law , for it hath kept out discipline , nourished ignorance , and fostered superstition and popery , in all estates of people , that never came at those seminaries : therefore it cannot be a good rule to governe the church of god by . . that which nourisheth the hope of antichrist to returne hither againe , cannot be good to direct in the government of the church : but such is the cannon law , for it keepeth the cages for those uncleane birds ; as archb. and l. bb. seas , arches , cathedrall churches , &c. therefore it cannot be a good rule for the direction of the church . . that which all the churches have cast off , as unfit for the government of the church , cannot be good for the same : but all the churches , that have forsaken the pope ( yea they that have not received the discipline of christ wholly ) have cast off the cannon law : therefore it cannot be good for the same . . yea , we our selves mislike it , as appeareth by a statute made under edw. . therefore , if governours are to rule by the same authoritie whereby they are governours ; if the church must be governed , by that which the ministers may teach ; if the word of god onely , make the church obedient unto christ ; if every kingdome must be ruled by the lawes of their king ; and if the cannon law be ordained to destroy the church ; if it was invented to persecute the church ; if it strengthen the power of darknesse and ignorance ; if it kill the church of god ; if it breed moe traiterous papists , than the seminaries at rome and rhemes ; if it nourish the hope of antichrists returne : lastly , if all the churches that have forsaken the pope , have cast it off also ; yea , if we our selves doe mislike it : then must it needs follow , that the church ought to be governed , onely by that golden rule of gods word , & not by that leaden lump of the cannon law . chap. xv . the office of the church-government , is meere ecclesiasticall , and therefore the governours of the church may not meddle , but onely in church-matters ; as for example , vocation , and abdication , deciding of controversies , in doctrine and manners , so far as appertaineth to conscience , and the church censures , t.c. book . pag. . discip. eccle. . but they thinke that church-governours , may also meddle in civill causes : whitegift pag. . and their practice , that take upon them to be councellers of state , to judge civilly , as punish with imprisonment , &c. but this is disproved , and so the former proved by these reasons . . that which our saviour christ refused , because it belonged not unto him , ruling and teaching the church , that same is not lawfull for any ecclesiast . person to doe : but christ refused to divide the inheritance , luk. . . onely because he came to build a spirituall kingdome ▪ for otherwise he being god , had authoritie over all things : therefore it is not lawfull for ecclesiasticall persons to be judges of civill causes . . that which was forbidden the apostles , is unlawfull for every ecclesiasticall officer , for they were the chiefe under christ , and had ( after a sort ) all offices in themselves , untill they could plant them in others : but such dominion was forbidden them , as the kings of the nations , and other civill magistrates have , luk. . which is , to rule civilly : therefore they may not exercise any civill authoritie . . if necessary duties are to be left , rather than our duties to the church should not be thorowly discharged , then may not a church officer deale in civill jurisdiction , which is lesse necessary unto him : but the former is true , as appeareth by the words of christ , to him that would have buried his father , luke . . . therefore they may not exercise any civill authoritie . if he that hath an office must attend upon it , then may he not meddle in another , for he cannot attend them both at once : but the former is true , rom. . . therefore may no church-officer , meddle with temporall jurisdiction . as the souldier is in his warfare , so are church officers , in the ruling of gods church : but the souldier entangleth not himself in the things of this life , because they are of another nature to his warfare ; which place cyprian alledgeth against a minister , that became an executor to his friends will : therefore church-officers may not meddle with civill-officers , because they are of another nature , then his calling . those things that in themselves are of contrarie qualitie , cannot concur in one subject : but the governments of the church and common-wealth be such , not onely in this , that they are the next speciall members of one generall , but also , in that the one is spirituall , and the other temporall , the one respecteth the soul , and the other the body . therefore they cannot be in one man together , and consequently , &c. if the government of the church , both in every particular mans office , and in the generall eldership , be a matter of great weight , and the ability of man , very small in every good action , then may not a church-officer meddle in another calling , whereby he is made lesse able to discharge his dutie : but the former is true , as all men may see , that look into the word of god , what is required of such men , and know by the same word , the manifold infirmities and untowardnesse of man : therefore the latter must needs be true also . if the apostles ( who were the most able of all others ) found themselves unfit for two offices , which were both ecclesiastical ; then is the best church-governour unfit for two , which be of more difference one from another , as be the government of the church and commonwealth : but the former is true , as appeareth , act. . . therefore the latter must needs be true also . that which we justly reprove in the papists , must needs ( if we do like ) be found more unlawfull and intolerable in our selves : but we justly reprove the papists , for having in their hands both the swords , that is , the ecclesiasticall and civill jurisdiction : therefore it is more intolerable being found in any of us . if it be lawfull for an ecclesiasticall person , to exercise the office of the civill magistrate , then ( on the contrary ) it is lawfull for the civill magistrate , to exercise the offices of ecclesiasticall persons , for there is as good reason for the one , as the other ▪ but the latter is unlawfull ; for who would like of any l. major , to step into the pulpit and preach , &c. therefore the first is unlawfull also . they may not intangle themselves with worldly offices , but attend upon their ecclesiasticall affairs . none of the clarks or clergie , shall receive any charge of those which are under age ▪ the cause of that decree , is there said to be , for that there were certain ministers , that were stewards to noblemen ; and in the . canon , that none of them should receive any secular honours . the bb. shall onely attend unto prayer , reading and preaching . he bringeth divers reasons to prove , that bb. may neither usurpe , nor take ( being offered unto them ) any civill office . he sheweth how the offices are to be distinguished , and in what sort it is said , that the fathers dealt in the things of this life , and how the corporall punishments by the apostles were particular and extraordinarie . when both the offices meet in one man , the one hindreth the other , so that he that exerciseth the one , cannot minister the other . there is no man so wise and holy , which is able to exercise both the civill , and ecclesiasticall power , and therefore he that will exercise the one , must leave the other . therefore , if christ refused to judge in temporall causes , because it belonged not to his office ; if civill dominion was forbidden the apostles ; if necessarie duties are rather to be left undone , then our diligence in the matters of the church should be lessened ; if he that hath an office , must attend upon it ; if we may not be intangled with any hindrance ; if the civill and ecclesiasticall functions , be of contrary natures ; if every office in the church , be more then any one can perfectly discharge ; if the apostles found themselves unfit for two offices of like nature ; if we justly reprove the papists for their two swords ; if a magistrate may not preach ; if they may not meddle with worldly offices , nor be tutors to orphans , but attend onely unto the ministery of the word , &c. if they may neither usurpe , nor take ( being offered ) any civill office ; if they be to be distinguished to severall persons , or else one hindreth the other ; lastly , if none be able to execute both , then must it needs follow , that ecclesiasticall officers may not bear civill offices : and consequently the office of the church-government , is meer ecclesiasticall . their objections hereunto be these . objection . it countenanceth and maintaineth religion , to have civill authoritie . answ. it is ( in deed ) the papists reason for their two swords , which m. calvin confuteth : instit. book . cap. . sect. . obj●ction . it is good to punish vice by corporall punishment , that gods word may be the better obeyed . ans. it is good to preach gods word to men that they may obey their prince for conscience sake ; may the magistrate therfore preach ? we may not do every thing that is good , but onely that which is agreeable to our callings . object . eli and samuel , were both priests and judges . answ. they were extraordinary ( for god separated those two offices in moses , and gave the one unto aaron ) and so was eliahs killing of the false prophets ▪ and christs whipping of the buyers and sellers out of the temple . object . peter killed ananias , therefore bb. may have prisone . ans. it was by his word onely , and not by any civill punishment , if they can do the like ▪ peters example will serve their tu●n● , if not , then must it be ( with the former ) extraordinarie . chap. xvi . the placing and displacing of church-officers , appertaineth unto the eldership . this is proved in the . chap. & their objections are there answered for the first part , which is the placing : but the latter part is to be cleared by some moe reasons , because the bb. do displace the best ministers at their pleasure , which is proved to be a most wicked action , by these reasons . those that are called unto the ministery by the lord from heaven , and outwardly by the means of men , so long as they are blamelesse in doctrine and conversation . tim. . . cannot be displaced ▪ without hainous wickednesse against the manifest wil of god : but such are the ministers that the bb. do daily displace , as they confesse themselves , when ( even ) in their sermons they justifie their doctrine , in saying that they differ onely in outward rites ; and as their greatest enemies will say , when they are asked of such mens lives : therefore they cannot be displaced without great wickednesse . those that are carefull to discharge the dutie of gods ministers , both in teaching ▪ and giving example to their flocks , cannot be displaced without great impietie : such are these ministers , that are daily displaced , as appeareth by this , that they preach more diligently then any other , and that they follow not the course of the world , in adding living unto living , but many of them ( being as worthy for their gifts , as the worthiest ) live poorely , rather then they will want the comfort of a good conscience : therefore they cannot be put to silence without great sin . to deprive gods people of their spirituall comfort , is a grievous and horrible wickednesse : to put such to silence as are before mentioned , is to deprive gods people of their spirituall comfort : which if any man will denie , all the godly where such a one dwelleth , shall tell him he lieth : therefore to displace such ministers , is a hainous and horrible wickednesse . that which giveth occasion to the weake to stumble and fall away from the gospel , is a hainous and horrible sin : but such is the displacing of those ministers , as appeareth by this , that many doubt whether that which he hath taught be true , whom the professors of the gospel do display , and by this , that many who had made good beginnings , by the discontinuance of their teachers , do fall away : therefore to displace those ministers , is a hainous and horrible sin . those whose labours god doth blesse , cannot be displaced without fighting against god , and consequently great impietie : but such are th●se ministers that the bb. do daily displace , as all that love the gospel in every countrey can witnes : therefore to displace them is great impiety . that action which giveth the common enemy just cause to rejoyce , and hope to get the victory , is a hainous and horrible offence : but such is the displacing of those ministers , as appeareth in every countrey , where such ministers are displaced , and such enemies do dwell : therefore to displace such , is a hainous and horrible offence . that action that causeth the doers thereof to be esteemed enemies to the gospel , must needs be a hainous sin : but such is the putting of those ministers to silence , for it maketh the people that have any love to religion , think that they are not of god in so doing , for , say they , he that loveth christ , cannot crosse the course of the gospel as these men do : therefore the displacing of them is a hainous sin . that which letteth in more wickednesse at once , then the diligent preaching of the word could drive out in divers yeers , must needs be a hainous sin : but such is the displacing of these ministers : for , prophaning of the sabbath , and all disorder , cometh into a congregation the same day that such a minister , that hath long laboured against it is displaced , as experience in such places proveth : therefore to displace such ministers is a hainous sin . that which interrupteth the course of the gospel , without warrant either from gods word , or the laws of the land , is a hainous and horrible sin : such is the displacing of those ministers , as is proved in all the writings on our side ; and lastly , in the answer to d. bridges : therefore to displace such ministers , is a hainous and horrible sin . therefore if the ministers that be usually displaced , be called of god ; if they discharge the dutie of good ministers , both in doctrine and life ; if the displacing of them , be to deprive gods people of their spirituall comfort ; if it give occasion to some to doubt of the gospel , and to fall away ; if god give a blessing unto their labours ; if the displacing of them give the enemy matter to rejoyce , and hope to overcome ; if it c●●se the displacer● to be esteemed enemies to the gospel ; if it let in more wickednesse in one day , then preaching can throw out in many yeers ; if it interrupt the course of the gospel , without warrant either from the word of god , or laws of the land ; th●n must it needs follow , that the displacing of those ministers is a most hainous , and horrible sin against the lord . chap. xvii . the eldership is to admonish every one , by whom offence appeareth unto them to grow in the church : there is no question between us , about admonition it self , but this they deny , that the execution of any discipline ( and therefore of this point ) belongeth unto the eldership ; which point is proved in the severall chapters going before : so that i need not say any thing of this , saving with ( a reason or twain ) to shew the necessitie and benefit of it in the church of god . that which private men offended , are commanded to seek unto for the redresse of the offender , is a necessarie , and an ordinarie way for the amendment of them that do offend in the church of god : but such is the admonition of those that are in authoritie , and carry the name of the church , matth. . . see chap. . and the . proposition of the same : therefore admonition in such cases by the eldership , is a necessarie and ordinarie way , for their amendment that do offend . that which is more available to bring the offender to repentance , than private admonition ▪ either by one , or moe , that same is very profitable and necessarie in the church of god : but such is the publike admonition by the governours of the church , as appeareth by this , that christ maketh it a remedie , when the other two will not prevail , matth. . . therefore it is verie profitable and necessarie in the church of god . that which maketh men more afraid to offend , then an● admonition that private men can give , is profitable and necessarie in the church of god : but such is the eldership , before whom men know they shall be brought if they do not amend : therefore it is very profitable and necessarie in the church of god . that which hath a greater promise to do good , then private admonition , is very necessarie in the church of god : but such is the admonition that is given by the eldership , because it prevaileth when the former doth not : therefore it is profitable in the church of god . that without which , all duties of charity cannot be exercised towards sinners , is needfull to be in the church of god : but without admonition by the eldership , all duties of charitie cannot be exercised towards sinners : therefore it is needfull to be in the church of god . that which would bridle the outragious sins of some , and keep in the derision and mockerie , that private admonitions do receive , is needfull to be in the church of god : but this would admonition by the eldership do ; for if men knew that they should answer unto the church for their ill dem●●nour , to them that rebuke them for sinning ▪ they would refrain ( at least for fear ) from such kinde of outrage : therefore it is needfull to be in the church of god . therefore seeing publike admonition before the eldership is to be sought , by those that are offended , and cannot be satisfied ; seeing it is more available then private admonition ; seeing it maketh men more afraid to offend ; seeing it hath a greater promise ; seeing without it all duties of charitie , cannot be exercised towards the sinner ; lastly seeing it would bridle the outragious sins of many ; therefore it must needs follow , that it is very profitable , and necessarie to be in the church of god . chap. xviii . those that be not reclaimed from their faults by admonition , are by the eldership to be suspended from the lords supper , or being officers of the church , from the execution of their office , untill they do either give good testimonie of their amendment , or just cause to be further proc●●ded against . neither is there any controversie betwixt them and us , about this point ; saving that ( as in the former ) they will denie it to appertain to the eldership , which is proved before . i will therefore ( for their understanding that desire direction in the truth ) first , shew that it is a course that hath warrant in the scripture● ; secondly , that it is of very profitable use in the church of god : the first is thus proved . whatsoever is enjoyned , as a dutie to be done by every christian , if he leave it undone , he is to be compelled by the governours of the church to do it , luke . . . but if a mans brother have any thing against him , and he make no conscience to leave his gift there , and be first reconciled , mat. . . he is to be compelled to do it : therefore separation from the lords supper is warra●ted by the word . if that commandment of christ , matth. . give not that which is holy unto dogs , can neither be properly understood of them , that were never of the church , nor them that be excommunicated ; then it is a warrant for such separation of the unworthy , and consequently , that separation is warranted in the word : but the former is true , as appeareth by this , that the meanest of the jews did know , that holy things belonged to neither of them , and so the commandment had been needlesse : therefore suspention is warranted by the word . if there be sinners that are not to be excommunicated , and yet it were offensive to give them the lords supper , then is this course warranted by the word , for else should christ have left his church destitute of direction , in common and usuall difficulties , which is proved in the first chapter to be otherwise : but such s●●ners there are as the notorious sinner repenting ; men mainly suspected of notorious transgressions , &c. therefore suspention hath his warrant in the word . the course that god prescribed in the shadow , for corporall purifyings , must in the body ( in respect of the substance ) be observed in the spirituall clensing of every member of the church : but many were separated from the publike sacrifices for a season , by reason of their corporall uncleannesse , who , yet were not worthy to be excommunicated ▪ therefore must also some be kept from the lords supper for a season , who yet appeare not so hainously to have sinned , as to deserve excommunication . . the church cannot without great offence , suffer one that hath fallen into some open sinne , or that is vehemently s●spected , to have hainously offended , continue in the administration of any publike function : but the church cannot justly displace such a man at the first , making shew of repentance , or standing upon his purgation : therefore he must be separated for a time . . that which was commanded under the law to be done to the priest , that was uncleane in body , or suspected to be a leaper ; that same must much more under the gospell , be done unto the minister , or other church-officer , that hath sinned , or is suspected to have committed a great sinne . but such a priest was to be separated from offering of sacrifices for a certaine time : therefore much more must the like be done to a church-officer in the like case . therefore , if the church be to compell a private man to doe his dutie ; if , give not holy things to dogges , be understood of them within the church ; if there be sinners that cannot without offence be admitted to the lords supper , and yet deserve not excommunication ; if for corporall uncleannesse under the law , they were to abstaine a certaine time ; and if the church cannot without great offence , suffer him that hath committed an open sinne ( though he repent ) or that is vehemently suspected of a notorious sinne , continue in the execution of his office , untill the congregation be satisfied ; lastly , if the priest that was uncleane , or suspected of leprosie , might not offer sacrifices : then is it plaine , that both the separation of some men from the lords supper , and other from the execution of their publique function for a time ; is a thing warranted by the word of god . the latter part , which is that this kinde of suspention hath a profitable use in the church of god , is thus proved . . that which keepeth the godly in more carefull obedience , and keepeth in the hypocrites , that they breake not out , is very profitable for the church of god : but such is the use of the separation from the lords supper , and from executing publike function in the church : therefore it is profitable in the church of god . . that which removeth ( even ) the appearance of offence , from the church of god , is very profitable for the same : but such is the separation : therefore it is profitable for the church of god . . that which declareth unto the world , that the church of god is carefull to practice that which it professeth , is very profitable : but such is this separation , for it sheweth that they cannot away with ungodly life ; no , not among themselves : therefore it is profitable for the church of god . . that which giveth occasion to the church , to be exercised in the actions of religion , with more sound comfort , is profitable for the same : but such is this separation , for every one shall see thereby , the unworthy ( for whose sakes , god might be angry with them all , josh. . . ) weeded from among them : therefore it is profitable for the church of god . . that which is a speciall meanes to procure the lord ( in mercy ) to continue his word unto his church , is profitable for the same ▪ such is this separation ; for it is a notable means to keep men in obedience to that which they professe : therefore it is profitable for the church of god . therefore , if separation of the knowne or suspected sinner , from the lords supper , and such a church officer from the execution of his publike function , doe keepe men in obedience that be godly , and restraineth hypocrites from outrage ; if it remove the very appearance of evill ; if it let the world see , that the church laboureth to practice that which it doth professe ; if it make every member of the church to be exercised in the actions of religion , with greater comfort ; lastly , if it be a speciall mean to procure the lord in mercy , to continue his word ; then must it needs follow , that it is of very profitable use unto the church of god . chap. xix . when neither admonition , nor suspention will serve to reclaim the offender , but that it doth appeare , that he abideth in impenitency , and is incorrigible , the eldership , after mature deliberation , and commending of the party unto the prayers of the church ( he yet remaining obstinate ) is to proceed to excommunication : which containeth these propositions in question betwixt us and the bb. . it may not be done , but upon great and waightie occasion . . it may not be done by any one man , but by the eldership , the whole church consenting thereunto . the former is holden by us , t. c. book , pag. . discip. eccles. . and denied by them in their practice , that send it out ( many times ) for not paying of six pence . but our assertion is thus proved , and their godlesse practice disproved . . that which christ hath ordained for the last remedy against sinne , and onely to be used when neither admonition , reprehension , nor separation from the externall communion of the saints for a time will serve ; that same is not to be used , but upon great extremitie : but such is excommunication , as appeareth , matth. . . therefore it may not be used , but upon most waightie occasion , that is , in the case ( onely ) of extremitie , when no other meanes will serve the turne . . that which cutteth a man off from the church of god , and giveth him over unto satan , as one in a desperate case , that same may not be used , but in greatest extremitie : but such is excommunication , being used according as god hath left it unto his church , cor. . . therefore it may not be used , but in greatest extremitie . . that which a man will do in the cutting off , of his hand or his foote , that same must the church doe , in excommunication ; for it is the cutting off , of a member : but a man will try all other wayes , and will never cut off his hand or his foote , untill he see it incurable , and ready to infect the other parts of his body : therefore excommunication may not be used , but in case of greatest extremitie . . that which is contrary to naturall affection , and worketh that which a loving heart doth tremble to thinke of ; that same may not be done , but in greatest extremitie : but such is the excommunication , for it depriveth the party excommunicated of our love , and throweth him into the most wretched case , that can be fall unto man in this life : therefore it may not be done , but in cases of greatest extremitie . therefore , if excommunication be ordained of christ , as a remedy , onely when all other helpes will not serve ; if it cut the partie from gods church , and give him over unto satan ; if it must ●e proceeded unto , 〈◊〉 a man doth ●o the cutting off of his hand 〈◊〉 ●oote ; lastly , if it be a worke contrary unto the naturall affection of man , and 〈◊〉 that which a loving heart doth tremble to thinke upon : then must it needs follow , that it is to be proceeded unto , onely in the cases of greatest extremitie , and af●●● that all other meanes have beene us●d ▪ and doe appeare not to 〈◊〉 . the latter point ( which is , that excommunication may not 〈◊〉 done by one man , but by the eldership , the whole church consenting thereunto ) is holde● 〈◊〉 as , t.c. book . pag. . discip. ecclesiast . . &c. and denied by them , whitgift , pag. . and their continuall practise ; but our a●●e●tion is th●● proved , and their opinion and practice , found to be erroneous and ungodly . . that which christ command●d to be done by the church , may not be done by one man , unlesse you take my l. grace for the church , 〈◊〉 whitgift doth , pag. . which needeth 〈◊〉 confutation ▪ but christ commended that excommunication should 〈◊〉 done by the church , matth. . . therefore it may not be done by one man . . that which paul enjoyned the church , when they were met together , to doe , may not be done by one man : but he commanded them 〈…〉 the incestuous person , when they were met together , cor. . . therefore it may not ●● done by one man . . that which hath need of greatest advice , and greatest authoritie , may no be done by one man ▪ but such is the matter of excommunication , being the denouncing of that against a man , which he will most hardly beleeve , and being the waightiest point of discipline : therefore it may not be done by one man . . those must excommunicate , that are to deale in the other parts of discipline , as shall appeare in the reasons following , and ( a● i thinke ) no man will deny : but the other parts of discipline are exercised not by one , but by the church , as hath beene proved : therefore not one , but the church is to excommunicate . . as it was ministred among the jewes , so must it be in the church forever ; which appeareth by this , that it is translated unto us from them ( as the greeke word synedri●n , being by a corrupt imitation , called sanedrim , by the rabbins , doth import ) and had nothing ceremoniall in it : but it was executed among them by the church , and not any one , joh. . . therefore the church is to excommunicate , and not one man . . saith , he would never doe any thing in his charge , without the counsell of his elders , and consent of the people . . the elders , and other church-officers , have as well power to absolve , as the bishop . for so much as absolution belongeth unto all , i alone dare not doe it . . if there be any that have committed such a fault , that he is to be put away from the partaking of the prayers of the church , &c. there doe beare rule , certaine of the most approved ancients or elders of the church , which have obteined this honour , not by money , but by good report . . it helpeth much to make the party more ashamed , that he be excommunicated by the whole church : also in his books of baptisme , against the donatists often . . the elders have interest in other censur●s of the church , and the church it selfe in excommunication . . s. paul accuseth the corinthians ▪ for that the whole church had not excommunicated the incestuous person . . the elders had the government in excommunication . . it is very dangerous to permit so weightie a matter to one man , and therefore that tyranny may be avoyded , and this censure executed with greater fruit and gravitie , the order that the apostle there useth , is still to be observed . . he sheweth that it pertaineth not to one man , that it is a wicked fact that one should take the authoritie to himselfe , that is common to others ; that it openeth a way to tyranny ; taketh from the church their right , and abrogateth the ecclesiasticall senate , ordained by jesus christ . . the bishops , when they excommunicated of themselves alone , did it ambitiously , contrary to the decrees of godly cannons : see bucer against gropper , and upon ephes. . de animi c●ra , also zuinglius in ecclesiast . . it is plentifully forbidden ( even ) by that filthy puddle , the cannon law , and therefore it must needs be a hainous sinne , when it findeth fault with it . therefore , if excommunication be to be executed ( by the commandement of christ ) of the church ; if s. paul enjoyned it unto the church ; if it have need of greatest advice and authoritie ; if it belong to them that may execute the other parts of discipline ; if it was so executed among the jewes ; if to absolve , be as well in the elders power , as the bishops ; if cyprian durst not doe it alone ; if it was the action ( in tertullians time ) of the most approved elders ; if to be by the whole church , helpeth much to make the partie more ashamed , if the whole church have interest in it ; if the whole church at corinth was reproved , for not doing it ; if it be too waightie a matter for one man ; if the executing of it by one , overturneth the order appointed by christ ; bringeth in tyranny ; maintaineth ambition ; and lastly , be forbidden by the cannon law it selfe . then must it needs follow , that it belongeth not unto one man to excommunicate , but unto the eldership , and that with the consent of the whole church . their objections hereunto in defence of their owne practice , be these : . objection . the right of excommunication , was in s. paul , and not in the rest . answer . he gave onely direction in that , as in all other matters , which he wrote of unto them , but if they had not throwne out the incestuous person , he had remained still unexcommunicated , for all that which s. paul had said unto them . . objection . christ gave peter and every apostle power to binde and loose in earth and in heaven , which interpreters expound by matth. . . a●●wer . that power was of denouncing gods judgements ▪ or pronouncing his mercy in preaching , and not of this action : they are expounded one by another , because of the ratifying of them both in heaven alike . . objection . paul did excommunicate hymeneus and philetus . answer . that is , being moderator of the action , he pronounced it , not that he did it alone ; the same answer , is to be made unto the fathers , as ambrose , &c. who are said to excommunicate . therefore , upon these grounds of scriptures , fathers , councels , emperours , lawes , histories , new writers , and cleare light of reason . i conclude , that a christ hath prescribed unto us an exact , and perfect platforme of governing his church at all times , and in all places ; which is this , b that there ought to be no ministers of the word , but pastors and teachers , which are to be c called by the people , and d ordained by the eldership , are of e equall authoritie in their severall congregations , must f with all faithfull diligence imploy themselves , in the ministery of the word and sacraments , g that there are to be in every congregation certaine elders , whose office is to oversee the behaviour of the people , and assist their pastour , in the government of the church ; h also deacons , who are to be imployed onely in receiving , and bestowing the liberalitie and goods of the church to the reliefe of the poore ▪ and other necess●ry uses : i lastly , that there must be in congregation an eldership of pastour , teacher ( if they can have any ) and elders , who are in common , to see that the church be well governed , not onely in maintaining the profession and practise of the word in generall , k but also in admonishing , reprehending , or l separating from the lords supper , them that walke offensively ; ●nd m lastly , in excommunicating them , that by no other meanes can be reclaimed . so that all and every government , contrary or besides this , whether in part or in whole , swarveth from that order , which christ hath set downe in his word , and therefore is unlawfull . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- omni● cum 〈…〉 bonum . notes for div a e- tim . . prover● cor. . tim. . rom. . heb. . . rom , , . cor. ephes . , &c. see coun●●rp page . matth. . , . matth. . . cy●rian in serm●●● de baptism● ch●isti . cypri●n de presc●●p adv●●sus 〈◊〉 . cyprian lib. . epist. . the conclusion . notes for div a e- the first proposition . the second proposition . reason for the first proposition . iohn . . numb. . the conclusion . the conclusion ▪ the p●oposition and reasons for the proofe of it . that the name of archb. may be given no man . pet heb . acts . . . . heb. . . obiections for the name of archb and answers thereunto whitgift page . that the office o● archb. is unlawfull . the conclusion . obiections for the office o● the archb. and answers therun●o . the conclusion . the proposit●on and reasons for it . acts . . concil. calcedon . c●p . art . . concil vrb●num test . gratuu● d●●t● . ier●m ad nepotia● . the conclusion . an obiection . the answer . notes for div a e- our assertion . their assertion ▪ concil. nice canon . concil. 〈◊〉 . . theodoret lib. . cap . the conclusion . notes for div a e- our assertion . acts . ●● numb. . . cyprian bo●kes . epist . ambrose epist. ● . ierome ad ruf●● 〈◊〉 . ad nepo●●●num . this is right ou● 〈◊〉 ●a●hion . nazianzen . augustine . basil epist● . chrysost in act . . concil nicen. 〈◊〉 theodoret. the same c●●test hist. trip●r● l●b . con●il constan. ●est 〈◊〉 part hist. lib. . cap . concil carthag. ca●●● . concil 〈◊〉 . test d●st . . concil. 〈◊〉 . canon . . ●usti●i●n in ●od . carolus m●gn●● di●t 〈…〉 . lodovic● caro●● 〈◊〉 . p●atin● in vita 〈…〉 . idem in vita leonis 〈◊〉 . the conclusi●n t c. . booke part . page . notes for div a e- the conclusion . notes for div a e- the . proposition . the . proposition . the proposition is ●hus proved . august lib. de 〈…〉 g●egor . epist. . 〈◊〉 ad oc●●men●um . cons●● ▪ ●elvet . the . proposition ●s thus proved . conclusion ▪ notes for div a e- theod●●et book . cap. ●concil ▪ cart●ag . c●p . cypri●n , lib. . epi●t . . the conclusion . notes for div a e- conclusion . notes for div a e- reasons against the first propositi●n . hooper upon command . the conclusion . the second proposition that they hold , and reasons against ●t . cyprian lib. . epist. . luther adver●●s papa●● a satan● fun●●t . muscul. loc. com de manist . ve●bi . the same upon thes. . co●fes helvet ▪ cap. . the same cap. ● . the conclusion . a bishop should be in every congregation . ignatiu● 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 l●b . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 ▪ . c●ncil . ca●t●ag t●m . . cap. . 〈…〉 cap ▪ (a) 〈◊〉 lib. . cap. (b) 〈◊〉 . lib. cap. . (c) 〈◊〉 ● . (d) quaest . 〈◊〉 ● 〈◊〉 evagri●●● . act a●d monum●nts , fol. . hooper upon comma●d . pag. ● . the conclusio● . notes for div a e- ignat. ad trail . tertul. de baptist . ierome contra lucif . ambros. upon tim. . possidonius in vita augusti●i socrat. libr. . cap. . bucer de regno christs book p. martyr upon rom. ● . the same upon . cor. . calvin institu● lib . cap. . sect. . the conclusi●n ▪ reasons prooving elde●s as necessary under a christian magistrate , as in the apostles time . the conclusion . notes for div a e- the first proposition . . council . constant . cap. . . council . vasens . can. . chrisost. upon acts. . pulling ▪ decard ● . ser. . bu●er de reg. christ ▪ . the same de reg. &c. and upon ephes. . p. mart. rem . calvin insti. lib. . cap. . sect. . beza confes. cap. . sect. . the conclusion . the . proposition . ign●t . ad philadelp . the conclusion . notes for div a e- the proofe of the . proposition . the conclusion . the . proposition . see the answer to d. bridges , pag. . conf. helvet . t●●ur . bern. ge●ev● , pelo●●● , h●rgari● , scotland , cap. . calvin instit. lib. . cap. . sect. . p. martyr upon r●● . . bu●er de reg. ch●ist . . mr. whitaker against duraeas . the conclusion . objections against the perpetuitie of the eldership , and answers to the same . the thi●d proposition . the conclusion . notes for div a e- canon . apost. cap. . concil. calced· cap. . & . . concil. carth. ca. . calvin . instit. li . . ca. . sect . beza . confes● . ca. . sect. . & . p. martyr upon rom. ● . bucer upon matth. . the conclusion . objections for ciuill offices in ecclesiasticall persons . notes for div a e- the conclusion . notes for div a e- the conclusion . notes for div a e- suspention warranted by the word , being upon such grounds as the word setteth down . the conclusion . the us● of suspention profitable in the church . the conclusion . notes for div a e- the proofe of the first proposition . the conclusion . the proofe of the second proposition . cyprian lib. . epist. . epist. . epist. . tertul. apol. cap. . august lib. . cont. epist. per●●● . jerom. ad demetriad . epist. . bucer de regro christi lib. . cap. ● . p. martyr in cor. . the same upon the same place . calvin instit. lib cap. . sect. . chap. . sec● ▪ see abstract . pag. . the conclusion . the conclusi●n of the w●●le b●●ke . a chap. ● . b chap. ● . & . c chap. . d chap . e chap . f chap. . g chap. . h chap. . i chap. k chap. . l chap. . m chap. ● . of the lavves of ecclesiasticall politie eight bookes. by richard hooker. ecclesiastical polity. books - hooker, richard, or - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : a) of the lavves of ecclesiasticall politie eight bookes. by richard hooker. ecclesiastical polity. books - hooker, richard, or - . spenser, john, - . [ ], , [ ] p. by iohn windet, dwelling at the signe of the crosse-keyes neare paules wharffe, and are there to be solde, printed at london : . in fact books - only. signatures: a⁴ b-r⁶ s. - c. unsold text sheets ( c) reissued after , usually with at least some sections of stc . many copies (such as the folger shakespeare library copy and the harvard university. library copy) also have b" -- stc. edited by john spenser. reproduction of the original in the union theological seminary (new york, n.y.). library. filmed with stc . . created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- apologetic works -- early works to . ecclesiastical law -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of the lavves of ecclesiasticall politie , eight bookes . by richard hooker . . iesvs . christvs . conteret capvt tvv̄ . gen : ero morsvs infern . tvvs . ose . confidite vici mv̄dv̄ . ioa. . vbi tva mors victoria cor : . printed at london by iohn windet , dwelling at the signe of the crosse-keyes neare paules wharffe , and are thereto be solde . . to the reader . this vnhappie controuersie , about the receiued ceremonies and discipline of the church of england , which hath so long time withdrawne so many of her ministers from their principall worke , and imployed their studies in contentious oppositions : hath by the vnnaturall growth and daungerous fruites thereof , made knowne to the world , that it neuer receiued blessing from the father of peace . for whose experience doth not finde , what confusion of order , and breach of the sacred bond of loue hath sprung from this dissention ; how it hath rent the bodie of the church into diuers parts , and diuided her people into diuers sects ; how it hath taught the sheepe to despise their pastors , and alienated the pastors from the loue of their flockes : how it hath strengthened the irreligious in their impieties , and hath raised the hopes of the sacrilegious deuourers of the remaines of christs patrimony ; and giuen way to the common aduersary of gods truth and our prosperity , to grow great in our land without resistance ; who seeth not how it hath distracted the mindes of the multitude , and shaken their faith , and scandalized their weakeness , and hath generally killed the very hart of true pietie and religious deuotion , by changing our zeale towards christes glory , into the fire of enuie and malice , and hart-burning , and zeale to euery mans priuate cause ? this is the summe of all the gaines which the tedious contentions of so many yeares haue brought in , by the ruine of christs kingdome , the encrease of satans , partly in superstition , & partly in impietie . so much better were it in these our dwellings of peace , to endure any inconuenience whatsoeuer in the outward frame , then in desire of alteration , thus to set the whole house on fire . which moued the religious hart of this learned writer , in zeale of gods truth , and in compassion to his church , the mother of vs all , which gaue vs both the first breath of spirituall life , and from her breasts hath fed vs vnto this whatsoeuer measure of growth we haue in christ , to stand vp and take vpon him a generall defence both of her selfe , and of her established lawes ; and by force of demonstration , so farre as the nature of the present matter could beare , to make knowne to the world , and these oppugners of her , that all those bitter accusations laid to her charge , are not the faultes of her lawes and orders , but either their owne mistakes in the misvnderstanding , or the abuses of men in the ill execution of them . a worke subiect to manifold reprehensions and oppositions , and not sutable to his soft and milde disposition , desirous of a quiet priuate life , wherein hee might bring forth the fruits of peace in peace . but the loue of god and of his countrey , whose greatest daunger grew from this diuision , made his hart hot within him , and at length the fire kindled , and amongst many other most reuerend and learned men , he also presumed to speake with his pen. and the rather , because he sawe that none of these ordinary obiections of partialities could eleuate the authoritie of his writing , who alwayes affected a priuate state , and neither enioyed nor expected any the least dignitie in our church . what admirable height of learning , and depth of iudgement dwelled within the lowly minde of this true humble man , great in all wise mens eyes , except his owne ; with what grauitie and maiestie of speach his tongue and pen vttered heauenly mysteries , whose eyes in the humility of his hart were alwayes cast downe to the ground ▪ how all things that proceeded from him were breathed as from the spirit of loue , as if he like the bird of the holy ghost , the doue , had wanted gall ; let them that knew him not in his person , iudge by the these liuing images of his soule , his writings . for out of these , euen those who otherwise agree not with him in opinion , do affoord him the testimony of a milde and a louing spirit : and of his learning what greater proofe can we haue then this , that his writings are most admired by those who themselues do most excell in iudicious learning , and by them the more often they are read , the more highly they are extolled and desired . which is the cause of this second edition of his former bookes , and that without any addition or diminution whatsoeuer . for who will put a pencile to such a worke , from which such a workeman hath taken his ? there is a purpose of setting forth the three last books also , their fathers posthumi . for as in the great declining of his bodie , spent out with study , it was his ordinary petition to almightie god , that if he might liue to see the finishing of these bookes , then lord let thy seruant depart in peace ( to vse his owne words ) so it pleased god to grant him his desire . for he liued till he sawe them perfected ; and though like rachel he dyed as it were in the trauell of them , and hastened death vpon himselfe , by hastening to giue them life : yet he held out to behold with his eyes these partus ingenii , these beniamins , sonnes of his right hand , though to him they were benonies , sonnes of paine and sorrowe . but some euill disposed mindes , whether of malice , or couetousnesse , or wicked blinde zeale , it is vncerteine , as if they had beene egyptian mid-wiues , as soone as they were borne , and their father dead , smothered them , and by conueying away the perfect copies , left vnto vs nothing but certaine olde vnperfect and mangled draughts , dismembred into peeces , and scattered like medeas abyrtus , no fauour , no grace , not the shadowes of themselues almost remaining in them . had the father liued to see them brought forth thus defaced , he might rightfully haue named them benonies , the sonnes of sorrowe . but seeing the importunities of many great and worthy persons will not suffer them quietly to dye and to be buried , it is intended that they shall see them as they are . the learned and iudicious eye will yet perhaps delight it selfe in beholding the goodly lineaments of their well set bodies , and in finding out some shadowes and resemblances of their fathers face . god grant that as they were with their bretheren dedicated to the church for messengers of peace : so in the strength of that little breath of life that remaineth in them , they may prosper in their worke ; and by satisfying the doubtes of such as are willing to learne , may helpe to giue an end to the calamities of these our ciuill wars . st a preface . to them that seeke ( as they tearme it ) the reformation of lawes and orders ecclesiasticall , in the church of england . though for no other cause , yet for this ; that posteritie may knowe wee haue not loosely through silence permitted thinges to passe away as in a dreame , there shall be for mens information extant thus much concerning the present state of the church of god established amongst vs , and their carefull endeuour which would haue vpheld the same . at your hands beloued in our lord and sauiour iesus christ ( for in him the loue which we beare vnto all that would but seeme to be borne of him , it is not the sea of your gall and bitternes that shall euer drowne ) i haue no great cause to looke for other then the selfesame portion & lot , which your maner hath bene hitherto to lay on them that concur not in opinion and sentence with you . but our hope is , that the god of peace shal ( notwithstanding mans nature too impatient of contumelious maledictiō ) inable vs quietly and euē gladly to suffer al things , for that worke sake which we couet to perform . the wonderful zeale and feruour wherewith ye haue withstood the receiued orders of this church , was the first thing which caused me to enter into consideration , whether ( as all your published bookes and writings peremptorily maintain ) euery christian man fearing god , stand bound to ioyne with you for the furtherance of that which ye tearme the lords discipline . wherin i must plainly confesse vnto you , that before i examined your sundrie declarations in that behalfe , it could not settle in my head to thinke , but that vndoubtedly such nūbers of otherwise right wel affected & most religiously enclined minds , had some maruellous reasonable inducementes which led thē with so great earnestnes that way . but when once , as near as my slender abilitie would serue , i had with trauell & care performed that part of the apostles aduise & counsel in such cases , whereby he willeth to try al things ; and was come at the length so far , that there remained onely the other clause to be satisfied , wherein he concludeth that what good is must bee held : there was in my poore vnderstanding no remedie , but to set downe this as my finall resolute perswasion ; surely the present forme of church gouernment which the lawes of this land haue established , is such , as no lawe of god , nor reason of man hath hitherto bene alleaged , of force sufficient to proue they do ill , who to the vttermost of their power withstand the alteration thereof : contrariwise , the other which instead of it we are required to accept , is only by error & misconceipt named the ordinance of iesus christ , no one proofe as yet brought forth , whereby it may clearely appeare to be so in very deede . the explication of which two thinges i haue here thought good to offer into your owne hands : hartily beseeching you euen by the meeknesse of iesus christ , whome i trust ye loue ; that , as ye tender the peace and quietnesse of this church , if there bee in you that gracious humilitie which hath euer bene the crowne and glory of a christianly disposed minde , if your owne soules , hearts and consciences , ( the sound integritie whereof can but hardly stand with the refusall of truth in personall respects ) be , as i doubt not but they are , things most deare and precious vnto you , let not the faith which ye haue in our lord iesus christ , be blemished with partialities , regard not who it is which speaketh , but waigh onely what is spoken . thinke not that ye reade the wordes of one , who bendeth himselfe as an aduersary against the truth which ye haue alreadie embraced ; but the words of one , who desireth euen to embrace together with you the selfe same truth , if it be the truth ; and for that cause ( for no other god hee knoweth ) hath vndertaken the burthensome labour of this painefull kinde of conference . for the plainer accesse whereunto , let it bee lawfull for mee to rip vp to the very bottome how and by whom your discipline was planted , at such time as this age wee liue in began to make first triall thereof . . a founder it had , whome , for mine owne part , i thinke incomparably the wisest man that euer the french church did enioy , since the houre it enioyed him . his bringing vp was in the studie of the ciuill lawe . diuine knowledge he gathered not by hearing or reading so much , as by teaching others . for though thousands were debters to him , as touching knowledge in that kinde ; yet he to none but onely to god , the author of that most blessed fountaine the booke of life , and of the admirable dexteritie of wit , together with the helpes of other learning which were his guides : till being occasioned to leaue fraunce , he fell at the length vpon geneua : which citie , the bishop and cleargie thereof had a little before ( as some doe affirme ) forsaken , being of likelihood frighted with the peoples sudden attempt for abolishment of popish religiō : the euent of which enterprise they thought it not safe for themselues to wait for in that place . at the comming of caluin thither , the forme of their ciuill regiment was popular , as it continueth at this day : neither king , nor duke , nor noble man of any authoritie or power ouer them , but officers chosen by the people yearely out of themselues , to order all things with publique consent . for spirituall gouernment , they had no lawes at all agreed vpon , but did what the pastors of their soules by perswasion could win them vnto . caluin being admitted one of their preachers & a diuinitie reader amongst them , considered how dangerous it was that the whole estate of that church should hang stil on so slender a thred , as the liking of an ignorant multitude is , if it haue power to change whatsoeuer it selfe listeth . wherefore taking vnto him two of the other ministers for more countenance of the action , ( albeit the rest were all against it ) they moued , and in the end perswaded with much adoe , the people to bind themselues by solemne oath , first neuer to admit the papacie amongst them againe ; and secondly , to liue in obedience vnto such orders concerning the exercise of their religion , and the forme of their ecclesiasticall gouernment , as those their true and faithfull ministers of gods word had agreeablie to scripture set downe for that end and purpose . when these thinges began to bee put in vre , the people also ( what causes mouing them thereunto , themselues best know ) began to repent them of that they had done , and irefully to champe vpon the bit they had taken into their mouthes , the rather for that they grew by meanes of this innouation into dislike with some churches neare about them , the benefite of whose good friendship their state could not well lacke . it was the manner of those times ( whether through mens desire to enioy alone the glory of their owne enterprises , or else because the quicknesse of their occasions required present dispatch , ) so it was , that euery particular church did that within it selfe , which some fewe of their owne thought good , by whome the rest were all directed . such nūber of churches thē being , though free within themselues , yet smal , commō conference before hand might haue eased them of much aftertrouble . but a greater inconuenience it bred , that euery later endeuoured to bee certaine degrees more remoued from conformitie with the church of rome , then the rest before had bene : whereupon grew maruellous great dissimilitudes , and by reason thereof , iealousies , hartburnings , iarres and discords amongst them . which notwithstanding might haue easily bene preuented , if the orders which each church did thinke fit and conuenient for it selfe , had not so peremptorily bene established vnder that high commaunding forme , which tendered them vnto the people , as things euerlastingly required by the law of that lord of lords , against whose statutes there is no exception to be taken . for by this meane it came to passe , that one church could not but accuse & condemne another of disobedience to the wil of christ , in those things where manifest difference was betweene them : whereas the selfesame orders allowed , but yet established in more warie and suspense maner , as being to stand in force till god should giue the opportunitie of some general cōference what might be best for euery of them afterwards to doe ; this i say had both preuented all occasion of iust dislik● which others might take , and reserued a greater libertie vnto the authors themselues of entring into farther consultatiō afterwards . which though neuer so necessary they could not easily now admit , without some feare of derogation from their credit : and therfore that which once they had done , they became for euer after resolute to maintaine . caluin therfore & the other two his associats stiffely refusing to administer the holy communion to such as would not quietly without contradiction and murmur submit themselues vnto the orders which their solemne oath had bound them to obey , were in that quarell banished the towne . a fewe yeares after ( such was the leuitie of that people ) the places of one or two of their ministers being fallen voyde , they were not before so willing to be rid of their learned pastor , as now importunate to obtaine him againe from them who had giuen him entertainment , and which were loath to part with him , had not vnresistable earnestnes bene vsed . one of the towne ministers that sawe in what manner the people were bent for the reuocation of caluin , gaue him notize of their affection in this sort . the senate of two hundred being assembled , they all craue caluin . the next day a generall conuocation . they crye in like sort againe all : vve will haue caluin that good and learned man christs minister . this , saith he , when i vnderstood i could not choose but praise god , nor was i able to iudge otherwise , then that this was the lordes doing , and that it was maruellous in our eyes , and that the stone which the builders refused , was now made the head of the corner . the other two whom they had throwne out ( together with caluin ) they were content should enioy their exile . many causes might lead them to bee more desirous of him . first , his yeelding vnto them in one thing , might happily put them in hope , that time would breed the like easines of condescending further vnto them . for in his absence he had perswaded them , with whome he was able to preuaile , that albeit himselfe did better like of common bread to bee vsed in the eucharist , yet the other they rather should accept , then cause any trouble in the church about it . againe , they saw that the name of caluin waxed euery day greater abroad , and that together with his fame their infamy was spread , who had so rashly and childishly eiected him . besides it was not vnlikely but that his credite in the world , might many wayes stand the poore towne in great stead : as the truth is , their ministers forrein estimation hitherto hath bene the best stake in their hedge . but whatsoeuer secret respects were likely to moue them , for contenting of their mindes caluin returned ( as it had bene an other tully ) to his olde home . he ripely considered how grosse a thing it were for men of his qualitie , wise and graue men , to liue with such a multitude , and to be tenants at will vnder them , as their ministers , both himselfe and others , had bene . for the remedie of which inconuenience , hee gaue them plainely to vnderstand , that if he did become their teacher againe , they must be content to admit a complet forme of discipline , which both they and also their pastors should now be solemnely sworne to obserue for euer after . of which discipline the maine and principall partes were these : a standing ecclesiasticall court to be established : perpetuall iudges in that court to be their ministers ; others of the people annually chosen ( twise so many in number as they ) to be iudges together with them in the same court : these two sorts to haue the care of all mens manners , power of determining all kind of ecclesiasticall causes , and authoritie to conuent , to controll , to punish , as farre as with excōmunication , whomsoeuer they should thinke worthy , none eyther small or great excepted , this deuise i see not how the wisest at that time liuing could haue bettered , if we duly consider what the present estate of geneua did then require . for their bishop and his clergie being ( as it is said ) departed from them by moonelight , or howsoeuer , being departed ; to choose in his roome any other bishop , had beene a thing altogether impossible . and for their ministers to seeke that themselues alone might haue coerciue power ouer the whole church , would perhaps haue bene hardly construed at that time . but when so franke an offer was made , that for euery one minister there should be two of the people to sit and giue voyce in the ecclesiasticall consistory , what inconuenience could they easily find which themselues might not be able alwayes to remedy ? howbeit ( as euermore the simpler sort are , euen when they see no apparant cause , iealous notwithstanding ouer the secret intents and purposes of wiser men ) this proposition of his did somewhat trouble them . of the ministers themselues which had stayed behinde in the citie when caluin was gone , some , vpon knowledge of the peoples earnest intent to recall him to his place againe , had beforehand written their letters of submission , and assured him of their alleageance for euer after , if it should like him to harken vnto that publique suite . but yet misdoubting what might happen , if this discipline did goe forwarde ; they obiected against it the example of other reformed churches , liuing quietly and orderly without it . some of chiefest place and countenance amongst the laitie professed with greater stomacke their iudgements , that such a discipline was little better then popish tyrannie disguised and tendered vnto them vnder a new forme . this sort , it may be , had some feare that the filling vp of the seates in the consistorie , with so great a number of lay men , was but to please the mindes of the people , to the ende they might thinke their owne swaye somewhat ; but when things came to triall of practise , their pastors learning would bee at all times of force to ouerperswade simple men , who knowing the time of their owne presidentship to bee but short , would alwayes stand in feare of their ministers perpetuall authoritie : and among the ministers themselues , one being so farre in estimation aboue the rest , the voyces of the rest were likely to be giuen for the most part respectiuely with a kinde of secret dependencie and awe : so that in shewe a maruellous indifferently composed senate ecclesiasticall was to gouerne , but in effect one onely man should , as the spirite and soule of the residue , doe all in all . but what did these vaine surmises boote ? brought they were now to so straight an issue , that of two thinges they must choose one ; namely , whether they would to their endlesse disgrace , with ridiculous lightnes , dismisse him , whose restitution they had in so impotent maner desired : or else condescende vnto that demaund , wherein hee was resolute eyther to haue it , or to leaue them . they thought it better to be somewhat hardly yoked at home , then for euer abroad discredited . wherefore in the ende those orders were on all sides assented vnto : with no lesse alacritie of minde , then cities vnable to holde out longer are wont to shewe , when they take conditions such as it liketh him to offer them which hath them in the narrow streightes of aduantage . not many yeares were ouerpassed , before these twice sworne men aduentured to giue their last and hotest assault to the fortresse of the same discipline , childishly graunting by comon consent of their whole senate , & that vnder their towne seale , a relaxation to one bertelier whom the eldership had excommunicated ; further also decreeing , with strange absurditie , that to the same senate it should belong to giue finall iudgemēt in matter of excōmunication , and to absolue whom it pleased them ; cleane contrary to their owne former deedes and oaths . the report of which decree being forth with brought vnto caluin ; before ( sayth he ) this decree take place , either my bloud or banishment shall signe it . againe two dayes before the cōmunion should be celebrated , his speech was publiquely to like effect , kill me if euer this hand do reach forth the things that are holy , to thē whom the chvrch hath iudged despisers . whereupon , for feare of tumult , the forenamed bertelier was by his friends aduised for that time not to vse the liberty granted him by the senate , nor to present himselfe in the church , till they saw somewhat further what would ensue . after the communion quietly ministred , and some likelihood of peaceable ending these troubles without any more ado , that very day in the afternoone , besides all mens expectation , concluding his ordinary sermon , he telleth them , that because he neither had learned nor taught to striue with such as are in authority , therefore ( sayth he ) the case so standing as now it doth , let me vse these words of the apostle vnto you , i commend you vnto god & the word of his grace , and so bad them hartily all a dew . it sometimes commeth to passe , that the readiest way which a wise man hath to conquer , is to flie . this voluntarie and vnexpected mention of sudden departure , caused presently the senate ( for according to their woonted maner they still continued onely constant in vnconstancy ) to gather themselues together , and for a time to suspend their own decree , leauing things to proceed as before , till they had heard the iudgement of foure heluetian cities concerning the matter which was in strife . this to haue done at the first before they gaue assēt vnto any order , had shewed some wit & discretion in thē : but now to do it , was as much as to say in effect , that they would play their parts on stage . caluin therfore dispatcheth with all expedition his letters vnto some principall pastor in euery of those cities , crauing earnestly at their hands , to respect this cause as a thing whereupō the whole state of religion & piety in that church did so much depend , that god & all good men were now ineuitably certaine to be trampled vnder foot , vnlesse those foure cities by their good means might be brought to giue sentence with the ministers of geneua , when the cause should be brought before them : yea so to giue it , that two things it might effectually containe ; the one an absolute approbation of the discipline of geneua , as consonant vnto the word of god , without any cautions , qualifications , ifs or ands ; the other an earnest admonition not to innouate or change the same . his vehemēt request herein as touching both points was satisfied . for albeit the sayd heluetian churches did neuer as yet obserue that discipline , neuerthelesse the senate of geneua hauing required their iudgement concerning these three questions : first , after what manner , by gods commaundement , according to the scripture and vnspotted religion , excommunication is to be exercised : secondly , whether it may not be exercised some other way then by the consistorie : thirdly , what the vse of their churches was to do in this case : answer was returned from the sayd churches , that they had heard already of those consistoriall lawes , and did acknowledge them to be godly ordinances drawing towards the prescript of the word of god , for which cause that they did not thinke it good for the church of geneua by innouation to change the same , but rather to keepe them as they were . which aunswer , although not aunswering vnto the former demaunds , but respecting what maister caluin had iudged requisite for them to aunswere , was notwithstanding accepted without any further reply : in as much as they plainely saw , that when stomacke doth striue with wit , the match is not equall . and so the heat of their former contentions began to flake . the present inhabitants of geneua , j hope , will not take it in euill part , that the faltinesse of their people heretofore , is by vs so farre forth layd open , as their owne learned guides and pastors haue thought necessarie to discouer it vnto the world . for out of their bookes and writings it is that i haue collected this whole narration , to the end it might thereby appeare in what sort amongst them that discipline was planted , for which so much contention is raised amongst our selues . the reasons which mooued caluin herein to be so earnest , was , as beza himselfe testifieth , for that he saw how needfull these bridles were to be put in the iawes of that citie . that which by wisedome he saw to be requisite for that people , was by as great wisedome compassed . but wise men are men , and the truth is truth . that which caluin did for establishment of his discipline , seemeth more commendable , then that which he taught for the countenancing of it established . nature worketh in vs all a loue to our owne counsels . the contradiction of others is a fanne to inflame that loue . our loue set on fire to maintaine that which once we haue done , sharpeneth the wit to dispute , to argue , and by all meanes to reason for it . wherefore a maruaile it were if a man of so great capacitie , hauing such incitements to make him desirous of all kind of furtherances vnto his cause , could espie in the whole scripture of god nothing which might breed at the least a probable opinion of likelihood , that diuine authority it selfe was the same way somewhat inclinable . and all which the wit euen of caluin was able from thence to draw , by sifting the very vtmost sentence and syllable , is no more then that certaine speeches there are which to him did seeme to intimate , that all christian churches ought to haue their elderships indued with power of excommunication , and that a part of those elderships euery where should be chosen out frō amongst the laitie after that forme which himselfe had framed geneua vnto . but what argument are ye able to shew , whereby it was euer prooued by caluin , that any one sentence of scripture doth necessarily enforce these things , or the rest wherein your opinion concurreth with his against the orders of your owne church ? we should be iniurious vnto vertue it selfe , if we did derogate from them whom their industrie hath made great . two things of principall moment there are which haue deseruedly procured him honour throughout the world : the one his exceeding paynes in composing the institutions of christian religion ; the other his no lesse industrious trauailes for exposition of holy scripture according vnto the same institutions . in which two things who soeuer they were that after him bestowed their labour ; he gayned the aduantage of preiudice against them , if they gaine said ; and of glorie aboue them , if they consented . his writings published after the question about that discipline was once begunne , omit not any the least occasion of extolling the vse and singular necessitie thereof . of what accompt the maister of sentences was in the church of rome , the same and more amongest the preachers of reformed churches caluin had purchased : so that the perfectest diuines were iudged they , which were skilfullest in caluins writings . his bookes almost the very canon to iudge both doctrine and discipline by french churches , both vnder others abroad , and at home in their owne countrey , all cast according vnto that mould which caluin had made . the church of scotland in erecting the fabricke of their reformation tooke the selfe same paterne . till at length the discipline , which was at the first so weake , that without the staffe of their approbation , who were not subiect vnto it themselues , it had not brought others vnder subiection ; beganne now to challenge vniuersall obedience , and to enter into open conflict with those very churches , which in desperate extremitie had bene relieuers of it . to one of those churches which liued in most peaceable sort , and abounded as well with men for their learning in other professions singular , as also with diuines whose equals were not elsewhere to be found ; a church ordered by gualters discipline , and not by that which geneua adoreth : vnto this church , the church of heidelberge , there commeth one who crauing leaue to dispute publiquely , defendeth with open disdaine of their gouernement , that to a minister with his eldership power is giuen by the law of god to excommunicate whomsoeuer , yea euen kings and princes themselues . here were the seedes sowne of that controuersie which sprang vp betweene beza and erastus about the matter of excommunication , whether there ought to be in all churches an eldership hauing power to excommunicate , and a part of that eldership to be of necessitie certaine chosen out from amongest the laity for that purpose . in which disputation they haue , as to me it seemeth , deuided very equally the truth betweene them ; beza most truly maintaining the necessitie of excommunication ; erastus as truly the nonnecessitie of layelders to be ministers thereof . amongest our selues , there was in king edwards dayes some question moued by reason of a few mens scrupulositie touching certaine things . and beyond seas , of them which fled in the dayes of queene mary , some contenting themselues abroad with the vse of their owne seruice booke at home authorised before their departure out of the realme ; others liking better the common prayer booke of the church of geneua translated ; those smaller contentions before begun were by this meane somewhat increased . vnder the happy raigne of her maiesty which now is , the greatest matter a while contended for was the wearing of the cap and surplesse , till there came admonitions directed vnto the high court of parliament , by men who concealing their names thought it glory inough to discouer their minds and affections , which now were vniuersally bent euen against all the orders and lawes wherein this church is found vnconformable to the platforme of geneua . concerning the defendor of which admonitions , all that i meane to say is but this : there will come a time when three words vttered with charitie and meeknesse , shall receiue a farre more blessed reward , then three thousand volumes written with disdainefull sharpnes of wit. but the maner of mens writing must not alienate our hearts from the truth , if it appeare they haue the truth : as the followers of the same defendor do thinke he hath , and in that perswasion they follow him , no otherwise then himselfe doth calvin , beza , and others , with the like perswasion that they in this cause had the truth . we being as fully perswaded otherwise , it resteth that some kind of tryall be vsed to find out which part is in error . the first meane whereby nature teacheth men to iudge good from euill as well in lawes as in other things , is the force of their owne discretion . hereunto therefore saint paule referreth oftentimes his owne speech to be considered of by them that heard him , i speake as to them which haue vnderstanding , iudge ye what i say . againe afterward , iudge in your selues , is it comely that a woman pray vncouered ? the exercise of this kind of iudgement our sauiour requireth in the iewes . in them of berea the scripture commendeth it . finally whatsoeuer we do , if our owne secret iudgement consent nor vnto it as fit and good to be done ; the doing of it to vs is sinne , although the thing it selfe be allowable . saint paules rule therefore generally is , let euery man in his owne minde be fully perswaded of that thing which he either alloweth or doth . some things are so familiar and plaine , that truth from falshood , and good from euill is most easily discerned in them , euen by men of no deepe capacitie . and of that nature , for the most part , are things absolutely vnto all mens saluation necessarie , either to be held or denied , either to be done or auoided . for which cause saint augustine acknowledgeth that they are not onely set downe , but also plainely set downe in scripture : so that he which heareth or readeth , may without any great difficultie vnderstand . other things also there are belonging ( though in a lower degree of importance ) vnto the offices of christian men : which because they are more obscure , more intricate and hard to be iudged of , therefore god hath appointed some to spend their whole time principally in the studie of things diuine , to the end that in these more doubtfull cases , their vnderstanding might be a light to direct others . if the vnderstanding power or facultie of the soule , be ( sayth the grand phisitian ) like vnto bodily sight ▪ not of equall sharpnesse in all ; what can be more conuenient , then that , euen as the darke-sighted man is directed by the cleare about things visible , so likewise in matters of deeper discourse the wise in heart do shew the simple where his way lyeth ? in our doubtfull cases of law , what man is there who seeth not how requisite it is , that professors of skill in that facultie be our directors ? so it is in all other kinds of knowledge . and euen in this kind likewise the lord hath himselfe appointed , that the priests lips should preserue knowledge , and that other men should seeke the truth at his mouth , because he is the messenger of the lord of hosts . gregory nazianzene offended at the peoples too great presumption in controlling the iudgement of them to whom in such cases they should haue rather submitted their owne , seeketh by earnest intreatie to stay them within their bounds : presume not ye that are sheepe to make your selues guides of them that should guide you , neither seeke ye to ouerskip the fold which they about you haue pitched . it sufficeth for your part , if ye can well frame your selues to be ordered . take not vpon you to iudge your selues , nor to make them subiect to your lawes who should be a law to you . for god is not a god of sedition and confusion , but of order and of peace . but ye will say that if the guides of the people be blind , the common sort of men must not close vp their owne eyes and be led by the conduct of such ; if the priest be partiall in the law , the flocke must not therefore depart from the wayes of sincere truth , and in simplicitie yeeld to be followers of him for his place sake and office ouer them . which thing , though in it selfe most true , is in your defence notwithstanding weake : because the matter , wherein ye thinke that yee see and imagine that your wayes are sincere , is of farre deeper consideration then any one amongest fiue hundred of you conceiueth . let the vulgar sort amongst you know , that there is not the least branch of the cause wherin they are so resolute , but to the triall of it a great deale more appertaineth then their conceipt doth reach vnto . i write not this in disgrace of the simplest that way giuen ; but i would gladly they knewe the nature of that cause wherein they thinke themselues throughly instructed and are not : by meanes whereof they daily run themselues , without feeling their owne hazard , vppon the d●nt of the apostles sentence against euill speakers as touching things wherein they are ignorant . if it be graunted a thing vnlawfull for priuate men , not called vnto publique consultation , to dispute which is the best state of ciuill policie ( with a desire of bringing in some other kind then that vnder which they already liue , for of such disputes i take it his meaning was ; ) if it be a thing confest that of such questions they cannot determine without rashnesse , in as much as a great part of them consisteth in speciall circumstances , and for one kind as many reasons may be brought as for another ; is there any reason in the world , why they should better iudge what kind of regiment ecclesiasticall is the fittest ? for in the ciuill state more insight , and in those affaires more experience a great deale must needes be graunted them , then in this they can possibly haue ? when they which write in defence of your discipline , and commend it vnto the highest not in the least cunning manner , are forced notwithstanding to acknowledge , that with whom the truth is they knowe not , they are not certaine ; what certainty or knowledge can the multitude haue thereof ? waigh what doth mooue the common sort so much to fauour this innouation , and it shall soone appeare vnto you , that the force of particular reasons which for your seuerall opinions are alleaged , is a thing whereof the multitude neuer did , nor could so consider as to be there with wholly caried ; but certaine generall inducements are vsed to make saleable your cause in grosse : and when once men haue cast a phancie towards it , any slight declaration of specialties will serue to lead forward mens inclinable and prepared minds . the methode of winning the peoples affection vnto a generall liking of the cause ( for so ye terme it ) hath bene this . first in the hearing of the multitude , the faults especially of higher callings are ripped vp with maruellous exceeding seuerity and sharpnesse of reproofe ; which being oftentimes done , begetteth a great good opinion of integritie , zeale & holinesse , to such cōstant reproouers of sinne , as by likelihood would neuer be so much offended at that which is euill , vnlesse themselues were singularly good . the next thing hereunto is to impute all faults and corruptions wherewith the world aboundeth , vnto the kind of ecclesiasticall gouernement established . wherin , as before by reprouing faults , they purchased vnto themselues with the multitude a name to be vertuous ; so by finding out this kind of cause , they obtaine to be iudged wise aboue others : whereas in truth vnto the forme euen of iewish gouernement , which the lord himselfe ( they all confesse ) did establish , with like shew of reason they might impute those faults which the prophets condemne in the gouernors of that common wealth ; as to the english kind of regiment ecclesiasticall ( whereof also god himselfe though in other sort is author ) the staines and blemishes found in our state ; which springing from the root of humaine frailty and corruption , not only are , but haue bene alwaies more or lesse , yea and ( for any thing we know to the contrary ) will be till the worlds end complained of , what forme of gouernement soeuer take place . hauing gotten thus much sway in the hearts of men , a third step is to propose their owne forme of church gouernement , as the onely soueraigne remedy of all euils ; and to adorne it with all the glorious titles that may be . and the nature , as of men that haue sicke bodies , so likewise of the people in the crazednes of their minds possest with dislike and discontentment at things present , is to imagine that any thing ( the vertue wherof they here commended ) would helpe them ; but that most , which they least haue tried . the fourth degree of inducements , is by fashioning the very notions & conceipts of mens minds in such sort , that when they read the scripture , they may thinke that euery thing soundeth towards the aduancement of that discipline , and to the vtter disgrace of the contrary . pythagoras , by bringing vp his schollers in the speculatiue knowledge of numbers , made their conceipts therein so strong , that when they came to the contemplation of things naturall , they imagined that in euery particular thing they euen beheld as it were with their eyes , how the elements of number gaue essence and being to the workes of nature . a thing in reason impossible : which notwithstanding through their misfashioned preconceipt , appeared vnto them no lesse certaine , then if nature had written it in the very foreheads of all the creatures of god. when they of the family of loue haue it once in their heads , that christ doth not signifie any one person , but a qualitie whereof many are partakers ; that to be raised is nothing else but to be regenerated or indued with the said quality ; and that when separation of them which haue it from them which haue it not is here made , this is iudgement ; how plainely do they imagine that the scripture euery where speaketh in the fauour of that sect ? and assuredly the very cause which maketh the simple and ignorant to thinke they euen see how the word of god runneth currantly on your side , is that their minds are forestalled and their conceits peruerted before hand , by being taught that an elder doth signifie a lay man admitted onely to the office of rule or gouernement in the church ; a doctor one which may only teach and neither preach nor administer the sacraments ; a deacon one which hath charge of the almes boxe and of nothing else : that the scepter , the rod , the throne & kingdome of christ , are a forme of regiment , onely by pastors , elders , doctors and deacons : that by mysticall resemblance mount sion and jerusalem are the churches which admit , samaria and babylon the churches which oppugne the said forme of regimēt . and in like sort they are taught to apply al things spoken of repairing the wals and decayed parts of the city & temple of god , by esdras , nehemias , & the rest : as if purposely the holy ghost had therein ment to foresignifie , what the authors of admonitions to the parliament , of supplications to the councell , of petitions to her maiesty , and of such other like writs , should either do or suffer in behalfe of this their cause . from hence they proceed to an higher point , which is the perswading of men credulous & ouer capable of such pleasing errors , that it is the speciall illumination of the holy ghost , whereby they discerne those things in the word , which others reading yet discerne them not . dearly beloued saith s. iohn , giue not credit vnto euery spirit . there are but two wayes whereby the spirit leadeth men into 〈◊〉 truth : the one extraordinarie , the other common ; the one belonging but vnto some few , the other extending it selfe vnto all that are of god ; the one that which we call by a speciall diuine excellency reuelation , the other reason . if the spirit by such reuelation haue discouered vnto thē the secrets of that discipline out of scripture , they must professe themselues to be all ( euen men , women , and children ) prophets . or if reason be the hand which the spirit hath led them by , for as much as perswasions grounded vpon reason are either weaker or stronger according to the force of those reasons whereupon the same are grounded , they must euery of them from the greatest to the least be able for euery seuerall article to shewe some special reason as strong as their perswasion therin is earnest . otherwise how can it be but that some other sinewes there are from which that ouerplus of strength in perswasion doth arise ? most sure it is , that when mens affections do frame their opinions , they are in defence of error more earnest a great deale , then ( for the most part ) sound belieuers in the maintenance of truth apprehended according to the nature of that euidence which scripture yeeldeth : which being in some things plaine , as in the principles of christian doctrine ; in some things , as in these matters of discipline , more darke and doubtfull , frameth correspondently that inward assent which gods most gracious spirit worketh by it as by his effectuall instrument . it is not therefore the feruent earnestnes of their perswasion , but the soundnes of those reasons whereupon the same is built , which must declare their opinions in these things to haue bene wrought by the holy ghost , and not by the fraud of that euill spirit which is euen in his illusions strong . after that the phancie of the common sort hath once throughly apprehended the spirit to be author of their perswasion concerning discipline , then is instilled into their hearts , that the same spirit leading men into this opinion , doth thereby seale them to be gods children ; and that as the state of the times now standeth , the most speciall token to know them that are gods owne from others , is an earnest affection that way . this hath bred high termes of separation betweene such and the rest of the world ; whereby the one sort are named the●rethren ●rethren , the godly , and so forth ; the other , worldlings , timeseruers , pleasers of men not of god , with such like . from hence , they are easily drawne on to thinke it exceeding necessarie , for feare of quenching that good spirit , to vse all meanes whereby the same may be both strengthned in themselues , and made manifest vnto others . this maketh them diligent hearers of such as are knowne that way to incline ; this maketh them eager to take and to seeke all occasions of secret conference with such ; this maketh them glad to vse such as counsellors and directors in all their dealings which are of waight , as contracts , testaments , and the like ; this maketh them , through an vnweariable desire of receiuing instruction from the maisters of that companie , to cast off the care of those verie affaires which do most concerne their estate , and to thinke that then they are like vnto marie , commendable for making choyce of the better part . finally , this is it which maketh them willing to charge , yea oftentimes euen to ouercharge themselues , for such mens sustenance and reliefe , least their zeale to the cause should any way be vnwitnessed . for what is it which poore beguiled soules will not do through so powerfull incitements ? in which respect it is also noted , that most labour hath bene bestowed to win and retaine towards this cause them whose iudgements are commonly weakest by reason of their sex . and although not women loden with sinnes , as the apostle s. paul speaketh , but ( as we verily esteeme of them for the most part ) women propense and inclinable to holines , be otherwise edified in good things rather then caried away as captiues into any kind of sinne and euill , by such as enter into their houses with purpose to plant there a zeale and a loue towards this kind of discipline : yet some occasion is hereby ministred for men to thinke , that if the cause which is thus furthered , did gaine by the soundnes of proofe wherupon it doth build it selfe , it would not most busily endeuor to preuaile , where least hability of iudgement is : and therefore that this so eminent industry in making proselytes more of that sex then of the other , groweth for that they are deemed apter to serue as instruments and helps in the cause . apter they are through the eagernes of their affection , that maketh them which way soeuer they take , diligent in drawing their husbands , children , seruants , friends and allies the same way ; apter through that naturall inclination vnto pity , which breedeth in them a greater readines then in men , to be bountifull towards their preachers who suffer want ; apter through sundry opportunities which they especially haue , to procure encouragements for their brethren ; finally , apter through a singular delight which they take in giuing very large and particular intelligence , how all neere about them stand affected as cōcerning the same cause . but be they women or be they men , if once they haue tasted of that cup , let any man of contrary opinion open his mouth to perswade them , they close vp their eares , his reasons they waigh not , all is answered with rehearsall of the words of iohn , we are of god , he that knoweth god , heareth vs ; as for the rest , ye are of the world , for this worlds pompe & vanity it is that ye speake , and the world whose ye are heareth you . which cloake sitteth no lesse fit on the backe of their cause , then of the anabaptists , when the dignitie , authority and honour of gods magistrate is vpheld against them . shew these egerly affected men their inhabilitie to iudge of such matters ; their answer is , god hath chosen the simple . conuince them of folly , and that so plainely , that very children vpbraid them with it ; they haue their bucklers of like defence , christs owne apostle was accompted mad ; the best men euermore by the sentence of the world haue bene iudged to be out of their right minds . when instruction doth them no good , let them feele but the least degree of most mercifully tempered seueritie , they fasten on the head of the lords vicegerents here on earth , whatsoeuer they any where find vttered against the cruelty of bloud-thirstie men ; and to themselues they draw all the sentences which scripture hath in the fauour of innocencie persecuted for the truth : yea they are of their due and deserued sufferings no lesse prowd , then those ancient disturbers , to whom s. augustine writeth , saying : martyrs rightly so named are they , not which suffer for their disorder , and for the vngodly breach they haue made of christian vnitie ; but which for righteousnes sake are persecuted . for agar also suffered persecution at the hands of sara ; wherein , she which did impose was holy , and she vnrighteous which did beare the bu●then . in like sort , with theeues was the lord himselfe crucified , but they who were matcht in the paine which they suffered , were in the cause of their sufferings disioyned . if that must needs be the true church which doth endure persecution , and not that which persecuteth , let them aske of the apostle what church sara did represent , when she held her maide in affliction . for euen our mother which is free , the heauenly ierusalem , that is to say , the true church of god , was ▪ as he doth affirme , prefigured in that very woman by whom the bondmaide was so sharply handled . although , if all things be throughly skanned , she did in truth more persecute sara by prowd resistance , then sara hir , by seueritie of punishment . these are the pathes wherein ye haue walked that are of the ordinary sort of men , these are the very steps ye haue troden , and the manifest degrees whereby ye are of your guides and directors trained vp in that schoole : a custome of inuring your cares with reproofe of faults especially in your gouernors ; an vse to attribute those faults to the kind of spirituall regiment vnder which ye liue ; boldnesse in warranting the force of their discipline for the cure of all such euils ; a slight of framing your conceipts to imagine that scripture euery where fauoureth that discipline ; perswasion that the cause , why ye find it in scripture is the illumination of the spirit , that the same spirit is a seale vnto you of your neernes vnto god , that ye are by all meanes to nourish and witnesse it in your selues , and to strengthen on euery side your minds against whatsoeuer might be of force to withdraw you from it . . wherefore to come vnto you whose iudgement is a lanterne of direction for all the rest , you that frame thus the peoples hearts , not altogether ( as i willingly perswade my selfe ) of a politique intent or purpose , but your selues being first ouerborne with the waight of greater mens iudgements : on your shoulders is laid the burthen of vpholding the cause by argument . for which purpose sentences out of the word of god ye alleage diuerse : but so , that when the same are discust , thus it alwayes in a manner falleth cut , that what things by vertue thereof ye vrge vpon vs as altogether necessarie , are found to be thence collected onely by poore and maruelous slight coniectures . i need not giue instance in any one sentence so alleaged , for that i thinke the instance in any alleaged otherwise a thing not easie to be giuen . a verie strange thing sure it were , that such a discipline as ye speake of should be taught by christ and his apostles in the word of god , and no church euer haue found it out , nor receiued it till this present time ; contrariwise , the gouernmēt against which ye bēd your selues , be obserued euery where throughout all generations and ages of the christian world , no church euer perceiuing the word of god to bee against it . wee require you to finde out but one church vpon the face of the whole earth , that hath bene ordered by your discipline , or hath not bene ordered by ours , that is to say , by episcopall regiment , sithence the time that the blessed apostles were here conuersant . many things out of antiquitie ye bring , as if the purest times of the church had obserued the selfesame orders which you require ; and as though your desire were , that the churches of olde should be paternes for vs to follow , and euen glasses wherin we might see the practise of that which by you is gathered out of scripture . but the truth is ye meane nothing lesse . all this is done for fashions sake onely , for ye complaine of it as of an iniury , that mē should be willed to seeke for examples and paternes of gouernment in any of those times that haue bene before . ye plainly hold , that frō the very apostles times till this present age wherein your selues imagine ye haue found out a right patern of sound discipline , there neuer was any time safe to be followed . which thing ye thus endeuour to proue . out of egesippus ye say that eusebius writeth , how although as long as the apostles liued , the church did remaine a pure virgin ; yet after the death of the apostles , and after they were once gone whom god vouchsafed to make hearers of the diuine wisedome with their owne eares , the placing of wicked error began to come into the church . clement also in a certaine place , to confirme that there was corruption of doctrine immediately after the apostles times , alleageth the prouerb , that there are few sonnes like their fathers . socrates saith of the church of rome & alexandria , the most famous churches in the apostles times , that about the yeare . the romain & alexandrian bishops leauing the sacred function , were degenerate to a secular rule or dominiō . hereupō ye cōclude , that it is not safe to fetch our gouernment from any other then the apostles times . wherein by the way it may be noted , that in proposing the apostles times as a paterne for the church to follow , though the desire of you all be one , the drift and purpose of you all is not one . the chiefest thing which lay reformers yawne for is , that the cleargie may through conformitie in state and condition be apostolicall , poore as the apostles of christ were poore . in which one circumstance if they imagine so great perfection , they must thinke that church which hath such store of mendicant friers , a church in that respect most happy . were it for the glory of god , and the good of his church in deede , that the cleargie should be left euen as bare as the apostles when they had neither staffe nor scrip ; that god , which should lay vpon them the condition of his apostles , would i hope , endue them with the selfesame affection which was in that holy apostle , whose words concerning his owne right vertuous contentment of heart , as well how to want , as how to abound , are a most fit episcopall emprese . the church of christ is a body mysticall . a body cannot stand , vnlesse the parts thereof be proportionable . let it therefore be required on both parts , at the hands of the cleargie , to be in meannesse of state like the apostles ; at the hands of the laitie , to be as they were who liued vnder the apostles : and in this reformation there will bee though little wisedome , yet some indifferencie . but your reformation which are of the cleargie ( if yet it displease ye not that i should say ye are of the cleargie ) seemeth to aime at a broader marke . ye thinke that he which will perfectly reforme , must bring the forme of church discipline vnto the state which then it was at . a thing neither possible , nor certaine , nor absolutely conuenient . concerning the first , what was vsed in the apostles times , the scripture fully declareth not ; so that making their times the rule and canon of church politie , ye make a rule which being not possible to be fully knowne , is as impossible to be kept . againe , sith the later euen of the apostles owne times , had that which in the former was not thought vpon ; in this generall proposing of the apostolicall times , there is no certaintie which should be followed , especially seeing that ye giue vs great cause to doubt how far ye allow those times . for albeit the louer of antichristian building were not , ye s●y , as then set vp , yet the foundations thereof were secretly and vnder the ground layd in the apostles times ▪ so that all other times ye plainely reiect , and the apostles owne times ye approue with maruellous great suspition , leauing it intricat and doubtfull wherein we are to keepe our selues vnto the paterne of their times . thirdly , whereas it is the error of the common multitude , to consider onely what hath bene of olde , and if the same were well , to see whether still it continue ; if not , to condemne that presently which is , and neuer to search vpon what ground or consideration the change might growe : such rudenes cannot be in you so well borne with , whom learning and iudgement hath enabled much more soundly to discerne how farre the times of the church , and the orders thereof may alter without offence . true it is , a the auncienter , the better ceremonies of religion are ; howbeit , not absolutely true , and without exception , but true onely so farre forth as those different ages do agree in the state of those things , for which at the first those rites , orders , and ceremonies , were instituted . in the apostles times that was harmlesse , which being now reuiued would be scandalous ; as their b oscula sancta . those c feastes of charitie , which being instituted by the apostles , were reteined in the church long after , are not now thought any where needfull . what man is there of vnderstanding , vnto whom it is not manifest , how the way of prouiding for the cleargie by tithes , the deuise of almes-houses for the poore , the sorting out of the people into their seuerall parishes , together with sundrie other things which the apostles times could not haue , ( being now established ) are much more conuenient and fit for the church of christ , then if the same should be taken away for conformities sake with the auncientest and first times ? the orders therefore which were obserued in the apostles times , are not to be vrged as a rule vniuersally , either sufficient or necessary . if they bee , neuerthelesse on your part it still remaineth to bee better prooued , that the forme of discipline which ye intitle apostolicall , was in the apostles times exercised . for of this very thing ye faile euen touching that which ye make most account of , as being matter of substance in discipline , i meane the power of your lay-elders , and the difference of your doctors from the pastors in all churches . so that in summe , we may be bold to conclude , that besides these last times , which for insolencie , pride , and egregious contempt of all good order are the worst , there are none wherein ye can truly affirme , that the complete forme of your discipline , or the substance thereof was practised . the euidence therefore of antiquitie failing you , yee flie to the iudgements of such learned men , as seeme by their writings to be of opinion that all christian churches should receiue your discipline , and abandon ours . wherein , as ye heape vp the names of a number of men not vnworthy to be had in honor ; so there are a number whom when ye mention , although it serue ye to purpose with the ignorant and vulgar sort , who measure by tale & not by waight , yet surely they who know what qualitie and value the men are of , will thinke ye drawe very neare the dregs . but were they all of as great account as the best and chiefest amongst them , with vs notwithstanding neither are they , neither ought they to be of such reckening , that their opinion or coniecture should cause the lawes of the church of england to giue place . much lesse when they neither do all agree in that opiniō , and of thē which are at agreemēt , the most part through a courteous inducement , haue followed one man as their guide , finally , that one therein not vnlikely to haue swarued . if any chance to say it is probable that in the apostles times there were layelders , or not to mislike the continuance of them in the church ; or to affirme that bishops at the first were a name , but not a power distinct from presbyters ; or to speake any thing in praise of those churches which are without episcopall regimēt , or to reproue the fault of such as abuse that calling ; all these ye register for men , perswaded as you are , that euery christian church stādeth bound by the law of god to put downe bishops , and in their roomes to erect an eldership so authorized as you would haue it for the gouernmēt of each parish . deceiued greatly they are therfore , who think that all they whose names are cited amongst the fauourers of this cause , are on any such verdict agreed . yet touching some materiall points of your discipline , a kind of agreement we grant there is amongst many diuines of reformed churches abroad . for first to do as the church of geneua did , the learned in some other churches must needs be the more willing , who hauing vsed in like maner not the slow & tedious help of proceeding by publike authoritie , but the peoples more quick endeuor for alteratiō , in such an exigent i see not well how they could haue staied to deliberat about any other regimēt thē that which already was deuised to their hands , that which in like case had bene takē , that which was easiest to be established without delay , that which was likeliest to content the people by reason of some kind of sway which it giueth them . when therfore the example of one church was thus at the first almost through a kind of cōstraint or necessitie followed by many , their concurrence in perswasion about some materiall points belonging to the same policie is not strange . for we are not to maruell greatly , if they which haue all done the same thing , do easily embrace the same opinion as cōcerning their owne doings . besides , mark i beseech you that which galen in matter of philosophie noteth , for the like falleth out euen in questions of higher knowledge . it fareth many times with mens opiniōs , as with rumors & reports . that which a credible person telleth , is easily thought probable by such as are well perswaded of him . but if two , or three , or foure , agree all in the same tale , they iudge it then to be out of controuersie , and so are many times ouertaken , for want of due consideration ; eyther some common cause leading them all in●● error , or one mans ouersight deceiuing many through their too much credulitie and easinesse of beliefe . though ten persons be brought to giue testimony in any cause , yet if the knowledge they haue of the thing whereunto they come as witnesses , appeare to haue growne from some one amongst them , and to haue spred it selfe from hand to hand , they all are in force but as one testimony . nor is it otherwise here where the daughter churches do speake their mothers dialect ; here where so many sing one song , by reason that hee is the guide of the quier concerning whose deserued authoritie amongst euen the grauest diuines , we haue already spoken at large . will ye aske what should moue those many learned to be followers of one mans iudgement , no necessitie of argument forcing them thereunto ? your demaund is answered by your selues . loath ye are to thinke that they whom ye iudge to haue attained as sound knowledge in all points of doctrine , as any since the apostles time , should mistake in discipline . such is naturally our affection , that whom in great things we mightily admire ; in them we are not perswaded willingly that any thing should be amisse . the reason whereof is , for that as dead flies putrifie the oyntment of the apothecarie , so a little folly him that is in estimation for wisedome . this in euery profession hath too much authorized the iudgement of a few . this with germans hath caused luther , and with many other churches caluin , to preuaile in all things . yet are we not able to define , whether the wisedome of that god ( who setteth before vs in holy scripture so many admirable paternes of vertue , and no one of them without somewhat noted wherin they were culpable , to the end that to him alone it might alwayes be acknowledged , thou onely art holy , thou onely art iust ) might not permit those worthy vessels of his glory to be in some thinges blemished with the staine of humaine frailtie , euen for this cause , least wee should esteeme of any man aboue that which behoueth . . notwithstanding , as though ye were able to say a great deale more then hitherto your bookes haue reuealed to the world , earnest chalengers ye are of triall by some publique disputation . wherein if the thing ye craue bee no more then onely leaue to dispute openly about those matters that are in question , the schooles in vniuersities ( for any thing i know ) are open vnto you : they haue their yearely acts and commencements , besides other disputations both ordinary and vpon occasion , wherein the seuerall parts of our owne ecclesiasticall discipline are oftentimes offered vnto that kind of examination ; the learnedest of you haue bene of late yeares noted seldome or neuer absent from thence at the time of those greater assemblies ; and the fauour of proposing there in conuenient sort whatsoeuer ye can obiect ( which thing my selfe haue knowne them to graunt of scholasticall courtesie vnto straungers ) neither hath ( as i thinke ) nor euer will ( i presume ) be denied you . if your suite be to haue some great extraordinary confluence , in expectation whereof the lawes that already are should sleepe and haue no power ouer you , till in the hearing of thousands ye all did acknowledge your error and renounce the further prosecutiō of your cause ; happily they whose authority is required vnto the satisfying of your demaund , do think it both dangerous to admit such cōcourse of deuided minds , & vnmeet that laws which being once solemnly established are to exact obedience of all men , and to constraine therunto , should so far stoup , as to hold thēselues in suspēse frō taking any effect vpō you , till some disputer can perswade you to be obedient . a law is the deed of the whole body politike , wherof if ye iudge your selues to be any part , thē is the law euē your deed also . and were it reasō in things of this qualitie , to giue mē audience pleading for the ouerthrow of that which their own very deed hath ratified ? laws that haue bin approued , may be ( no man doubteth ) again repealed , & to that end also disputed against , by the authors thereof thēselues . but this is whē the whole doth deliberate what laws each part shal obserue , & not when a part refuseth the laws which the whole hath orderly agreed vpon . notwithstāding , for as much as the cause we maintain is ( god be thanked ) such as needeth not to shun any triall , might it please thē on whose approbatiō the matter dependeth to cōdescend so far vnto you in this behalf , i wish hartily that proofe were made euen by solemne conferēce in orderly & quiet sort , whether you would your selues be satisfied , or else could by satisfying others draw thē to your part . prouided alwaies , first in asmuch as ye go about to destroy a thing which is in force , & to draw in that which hath not as yet bin receiued ; to impose on vs that which we think not our selues bound vnto , & to ouerthrow those things whereof we are possessed ; that therefore ye are not to claime in any such cōferēce other thē the plaintifs or opponents part , which must cōsist altogether in proofe & cōfirmation of two things : the one , that our orders by you condēned we ought to abolish , the other that yours , we are bound to accept in the stead therof . secōdly , because the questions in cōtrouersie between vs are many , if once we descend vnto particularities , that for the easier & more orderly proceeding therin , the most generall be first discussed , nor any questiō left off , nor in each questiō the prosecutiō of any one argumēt giuē ouer & another takē in hād , til the issue wherunto by replies & answers both parts are come , be collected red & acknowledged aswel on the one side as on the other to be the plain cōclusiō which they are grown vnto . thirdly for auoyding of the manifold incōueniēces wherunto ordinary & extēporal disputes are subiect , as also because if ye should singly dispute one by one as euery mans owne wit did best serue , it might be cōceiued by the rest that happily some other would haue done more ; the chiefest of you do all agree in this action , that whom ye shal then choose your speaker , by him that which is publikely brought into disputation be acknowledged by al your cōsēts not to be his allegatiō but yours , such as ye all are agreed vpō , & haue required him to deliuer in al your names : the true copy whereof being taken by a notarie , that a reasonable time be allowed for returne of answere vnto you in the like forme . fourthly , whereas a number of conferences haue bene had in other causes with the lesse effectual successe , by reason of partiall & vntrue reports , published afterwards vnto the world , that to preuent this euill , there be at the first a solemne declaration made on both parts of their agreement to haue that very booke & no other set abroad , wherin their present authorized notaries do write those things fully & only , which being written & there read , are by their owne opē testimony acknowledged to be their owne . other circumstances hereunto belōging , whether for the choice of time , place , and language , or for preuention of impertinent and needlesse speech , or to any end and purpose else , they may be thought on whē occasiō serueth . in this sort to broach my priuate conceipt for the ordering of a publike actiō , i should be loth , ( albeit i do it not otherwise thē vnder correctiō of thē whose grauitie & wisedome ought in such cases to ouerrule ) but that so venterous boldnes i see is a thing now general , & am therby of good hope , that where al mē are licensed to offēd , no man will shew himself a sharp accuser . . what successe god may giue vnto any such kind of conference or disputation , we cannot tell . but of this we are right sure , that nature , scripture , and experience it selfe , haue all taught the world to seeke for the ending of contentions by submitting it self vnto some iudiciall & definitiue sentence , wherevnto neither part that cōtendeth may vnder any pretence or colour refuse to stand . this must needs be effectuall and strong . as for other meanes without this , they seldome preuaile . j would therefore know whether for the ending of these irksome strifes , wherein you and your followers do stand thus formally deuided against the authorized guides of this church , & the rest of the people subiect vnto their charge , whether i say ye be content to referre your cause to any other higher iudgement then your owne ; or else intend to persist & proceed as ye haue begun , til your selues can be perswaded to cōdemn your selues . if your determinatiō be this , we can be but sorie that ye should deserue to be reckened with such , of whom god himselfe pronounceth , the way of peace they haue not knowne . waies of peaceable conclusion there are but these two certaine : the one , a sentence of iudiciall decision giuen by authoritie therto appointed within our selues ; the other , the like kind of sentence giuen by a more vniuersall authoritie . the former of which two waies god himselfe in the lawe prescribeth : and his spirit it was which directed the very first christian churches in the world to vse the later . the ordinance of god in the lawe was this . if there arise a matter too hard for thee in iudgement betweene bloud & bloud , betweene plea &c. then shalt thou arise , and goe vp vnto the place which the lord thy god shall choose , and thou shalt come vnto the priests of the leuites ▪ and vnto the iudge that shall be in those dayes , and aske , and they shal shew thee the sentence of iudgement , & thou shalt do according to that thing which they of that place which the lord hath chosen shewe thee ; and thou shalt obserue to do according to al that they enform thee , according to the law which they shall teach thee , and according to the iudgemēt which they shal tell thee shalt thou do , thou shalt not decline from the thing which they shal shew thee to the right hand nor to the left . and that man that will do presumptuously , not harkning vnto the priest ( that standeth before the lord thy god to minister there ) or vnto the iudge , that man shal dye , and thou shalt take away euill from israel . when there grew in the church of christ a question , whether the gentiles belieuing might be saued , although they were not circumcised after the manner of moses , nor did obserue the rest of those legall rites & ceremonies wherunto the iewes were bound ; after great dissension and disputation about it , their conclusion in the end was , to haue it determined by sentence at ierusalem ; which was accordingly done in a councell there assembled for the same purpose . are ye able to alleage any iust and sufficient cause wherfore absolutely ye should not condescend in this controuersie to haue your iudgements ouerruled by some such definitiue sentence , whether it fall out to be giuen with or against you , that so these tedious contentions may cease ? ye will perhaps make answere , that being perswaded already as touching the truth of your cause , ye are not to harken vnto any sentence , no not though angels should define otherwise , as the blessed apostles owne example teacheth : againe that men , yea councels may erre ; and that vnlesse the iudgement giuen do satisfie your minds , vnlesse it be such as ye can by no further argumēt oppugne , in a word , vnlesse you perceiue and acknowledge it your selues consonant with gods word , to stand vnto it not allowing it , were to sinne against your own cōsciences . but cōsider i beseech you first as touching the apostle , how that wherein he was so resolute & peremptory , our lord iesus christ made manifest vnto him euen by intuitive reuelation , wherein there was no possibilitie of error : that which you are perswaded of ▪ ye haue it no otherwise then by your owne only probable collectiō ▪ & therefore such bold asseuerations as in him were admirable , should in your mouthes but argue rashnes . god was not ignorant that the priests and iudges , whose sentence in matters of controuersie 〈◊〉 ordained should stand , both might and oftentimes would be deceiued in their iudgement . howbeit , better it was in the eye of his vnderstanding , that sometime an erroneous sentence definitiue should preuaile , till the same authoritie perceiuing such ouersight , might afterwardes correct or reuerse it , then that strifes should haue respit to growe , and not come speedily vnto some end . neither wish we that men should do any thing which in their hearts they are perswaded they ought not to doe , but this perswasion ought ( we say ) to be fully setled in their harts , that in litigious and controuersed causes of such qualitie , the will of god is to haue them to do whatsoeuer the sentence of iudiciall and finall decision shall determine , yea though it seeme in their priuate opiniō to swarue vtterly from that which is right : as no doubt many times the sentence amongst the iewes did seeme vnto one part or other contending ; and yet in this case god did then allow them to doe that which in their priuate iudgement it seemed ( yea and perhaps truly seemed ) that the lawe did disallow ▪ for if god be not the author of confusion , but of peace ; then can he not be the author of our refusall , but of our contentment , to stand vnto some definitiue sentence ; without which almost impossible it is , that eyther wee should auoyd confusion , or euer hope to attaine peace . to small purpose had the councell of ierusalem bene assembled , if once their determination being set downe , men might afterwards haue defended their former opinions . when therefore they had giuen their definitiue sentence , all controuersie was at an ende . things were disputed before they came to be determined ; men afterwardes were not to dispute any longer , but to obey . the sentence of iudgement finished their strife , which their disputes before iudgement could not doe . this was ground sufficient for any reasonable mans conscience to build the dutie of obedience vpon , whatsoeuer his owne opinion were as touching the matter before in question . so full of wilfulnes and selfeliking is our nature , that without some definitiue sentence , which being giuen may stand , and a necessitie of silence on both sides afterward imposed ; small hope there is that strifes thus far prosecuted , will in short time quietly end . now it were in vaine to aske you whether ye could be content that the sentence of any court already erected , should bee so farre authorized , as that among the iewes established by god himselfe , for the determining of all controuersies : that man which wil do presumptuously , not harkning vnto the priest that standeth before the lord to minister there , nor vnto the iudge , let him dye . ye haue giuen vs already to vnderstand , what your opiniō is in part concerning her sacred maiesties court of high commission , the nature whereof is the same with that amongst the iewes , albeit the power be not so great . the other way happily may like you better , because maister beza in his last booke saue one written about these matters , professeth himselfe to be now weary of such combats and encounters , whether by word or writing , in as much as he findeth that controuersies therby are made but braules ; & therfore wisheth that in some common lawfull assembly of churches , all these strifes may at once be decided . shall there be then in the meane while no doings ? yes . there are the waightier matters of the lawe , iudgement and mercie and fidelitie . these things we ought to do ; and these things , while we contend about lesse , we leaue vndone . happier are they , whom the lord when he commeth , shall finde doing in these things , then disputing about doctors , elders , & deacons . or if there be no remedie but somewhat needs ye must do which may tend to the setting forward of your discipline ; do that which wise men , who thinke some statute of the realme more fit to be repealed then to stand in force , are accustomed to do before they come to parliament where the place of enacting is ; that is to say , spend the time in reexamining more duly your cause , and in more throughly considering of that which ye labour to ouerthrow . as for the orders which are established , sith equitie and reason , the law of nature , god and man , do all fauour that which is in being , till orderly iudgement of decision be giuen against it ; it is but iustice to exact of you , and peruersnes in you it should be to denie thereunto your willing obedience . not that i iudge it a thing allowable for men to obserue those lawes which in their hearts they are stedfastly perswaded to be against the law of god : but your perswasion in this case ye are all bound for the time to suspend , and in otherwise doing , ye offend against god , by troubling his church without any iust or necessary cause ▪ be it that there are some reasons inducing you to think hardly of our lawes . are those reasons demonstratiue , are they necessary , or but meere probabilities only ? an argument necessary & demonstratiue is such , as being proposed vnto any m● & vnderstood , the mind cannot choose but inwardly assent . any one such reason , dischargeth j graunt the conscience , and setteth it at full libertie . for the publike approbatiō giuen by the body this whole church vnto those things which are established , doth make it but probable that they are good . and therefore vnto a necessary proofe that they are not good , it must be giue place , but if the skilfullest amongst you can shew , that all the bookes ye haue hitherto written be able to afford any one argument of this nature , let the instance be giuen . as for probabilities , what thing was there euer set downe so agreeable with so●●●d reason , but some probable shewe against it might be made ? is it meete that when publikely things are receiued and haue taken place , generall obedience thereunto should cease to bee exacted , in case this or that priuate person led with some probable conceipt , shoulde make open protestation , i peter or iohn disallow them , and pronounce them nought . in which case your answere will be , that concerning the lawes of our church , they are not onely condemned in the opinion of a priuate man , but of thousands , yea and euen of those amongst which d●uers are in publique charge and authoritie . as though when publique consent of the whole hath established anything , euery mans iudgement being thereunto compared were not priuate , howsoeuer his calling be to some kind of publique charge . so that of peace and quietnes there is not any way possible , vnlesse the probable voice of euery intier societie or body politique , ouerrule all priuate of like nature in the same body : which thing effectually proueth , that god being author of peace and not of confusion in the church , must needs be author of those mens peaceable resolutions , who concerning these thinges , haue determined with themselues to thinke and do as the church they are of decreeth , till they see necessary cause enforcing them to the contrary . . nor is mine owne intent any other in these seuerall bookes of discourse , then to make it appeare vnto you ; that for the ecclesiasticall lawes of this land , we are led by great reason to obserue them , and ye by no necessitie bound to impugne them . it is no part of my secret meaning to draw you hereby into hatred , or to set vpō the face of this cause any fairer glasse then the naked truth doth afford : but my whole endeuour is to resolue the conscience , and to shew as neare as i can what in this controuersie the hart is to thinke , if it will follow the light of sound and sincere iudgement , without either clowd of preiudice or mist of passionate affection . wherefore seeing that lawes and ordinances in particular , whether such as we obserue , or such as your selues would haue established , when the minde doth sift and examine them , it must needes haue often recourse to a number of doubts and questions about the nature , kindes , and qualities of lawes in generall , whereof vnlesse it be throughly enformed , there will appeare no certaintie to stay our perswasion vpon : i haue for that cause set downe in the first place an introduction on both sides needfull to bee considered : declaring therein what law is , how different kindes of lawes there are , and what force they are of according vnto each kind . this done , because ye suppose the lawes for which ye striue are found in scripture ; but those not , against which we striue ; & vpon this surmise are drawne to hold it as the very maine pillar of your whole cause , that scripture ought to be the onely rule of all our actions , and consequently that the church-orders which wee obserue being not commaunded in scripture , are offensiue and displeasant vnto god : i haue spent the second booke in sifting of this point , which standeth with you for the first and chiefest principle whereon ye build . wherevnto the next in degree is , that as god will haue alwayes a church vpon earth while the worlde doth continue , and that church stand in neede of gouernment , of which gouernment it behoueth himselfe to bee both the author and teacher : so it cannot stand with dutie that man should euer presume in any wise to chaunge and alter the same ; and therefore ▪ that in scripture there must of necessitie be found some particular forme of politie ecclesiasticall , the lawes whereof admit not any kinde of alteration . the first three bookes being thus ended , the fourth proceedeth from the generall grounds and foundations of your cause , vnto your generall accusations against vs , as hauing in the orders of our church ( for so you pretend ) corrupted the right forme of church politie with manifolde popish rites and ceremonies , which certaine reformed churches haue banished from amongst them , and haue thereby giuen vs such examples as ( you thinke ) wee ought to follow . this your assertion hath herein drawne vs to make search , whether these bee iust exceptions against the customes of our church , when ye pleade that they are the same which the church of rome hath , or that they are not the same which some other reformed churches haue deuised . of those foure bookes which remaine and are bestowed about the specialties of that cause which lyeth in controuersie , the first examineth the causes by you alleaged , wherefore the publique duties of christian religion , as our prayers , our sacramants and the rest , should not be ordered in such sort as with vs they are ▪ nor that power whereby the persons of men are consecrated vnto the ministerie , be disposed of in such maner as the lawes of this church doe allow . the second and third are concerning the power of iurisdiction : the one , whether la● men , such as your gouerning elders are , ought in all congregations for euer to bee inuested with that power ; the other , whether bishops may haue that power ouer other pastors , and there withall that honour which with vs they haue , and because besides the power of order which all consecrated persons haue , and the power of iurisdiction which neither they all nor they only haue ▪ there is a third power , a power of ecclesiasticall dominion , communicable as wee thinke vnto persons not ecclesiasticall , and most fit to be restrained vnto the prince or soueraigne commaunder ouer the whole body politique ▪ the eight booke we haue allotted vnto this question , and haue sifted therein your obiections against those preeminences royall which thereunto appert●ine ▪ thus haue j layd before you the briefe of these my trauailes , and presented vnder your view the limmes of that cause litigious betweene vs : the whole intier body whereof being thus compact , it shall be no troublesome thing for any man to find each particular controuersies resting place , and the coherence it hath with those things , either on which it dependeth , or which depend on it . . the case so standing therefore my brethren as it doth , the wisdome of gouernors ye must not blame , in that they further also forecasting the manifold strange & dangerous innouations , which are more then likely to follow if your discipline should take place , haue for that cause thought it hitherto a part of their dutie to withstand your endeuors that way . the rather , for that they haue seene alreadie some small beginninges of the fruits thereof , in them who concurring with you in iudgement aboute the necessitie of that discipline , haue aduentured without more adoe , to separate themselues from the rest of the church , and to put your speculations in execution . these mens hastines the warier sort of you doth not commend , yee wish they had held themselues longer in , and not so dangerously flowne abroad before the fethers of the cause had beene growne ; their errour with mercifull terms ye reproue , naming them in great commiseration of mind , your poore brethren . they o● the contrary side more bitterly accuse you as their false brethrē , & against you they plead saying : from your breasts it is that we haue sucked those thinges , which when ye deliuered vnto vs , ye termed that heauenly , sincere , and wholesome milke of gods word , howsoeuer yee now abhorre as poyson that which the vertue thereof hath wrought and brought forth in vs. ye sometime our companions , guides and familiars , with whome we haue had most sweete consultations , are now become our professed aduersaries . because wee thinke the statute-congregations in englande to bee no true christian churches ; because wee haue seuered our selues from them ; and because without their leaue or licence that are in ciuill authoritie , wee haue secretly framed our owne churches according to the platforme of the worde of god. for of that point betweene you and vs there is no controuersie . alas what would ye haue vs to doe ? at such time as ye were content to accept vs in the number of your owne , your teachinges we heard , we read your writinges : and though wee would , yet able wee are not to forget with what zeale yee haue euer profest , that in the english congregations ( for so many of them as bee ordered according vnto their owne lawes , ) the very publique seruice of god is fraught , as touching matter , with heapes of intollerable pollutions , and as concerning forme , borrowed from the shoppe of antichrist ; hatefull both waies in the eyes of the most holy : the kinde of their gouernment by bishops and archbishops , antichristian , that discipline which christ hath essentially tyed , that is to say , so vnited vnto his church , that wee cannot accompt it really to be his church which hath not in it the same discipline , that verie discipline no lesse there despised , then in the highest throne of antichrist , all such partes of the word of god as doe any way concerne that discipline , no lesse vnsoundlie taught and interpreted by all authorized english pastors , then by antichrists factors themselues ; at baptisme crossing , at the supper of the lord kneeling ▪ at both a number of other the most notorious badges of antichristian recognisance vsuall . being moued with these and the like your effectuall discourses , whereunto we gaue most attentiue eare , till they entred euen into our soules , and were as fire within our bosomes ; we thought we might hereof be bold to conclude , that sith no such antichristian synagogue may be accompted a true church of christ , ye by accusing all congregations ordered according to the lawes of england as antichristian , did meane to condemne those congregations , as not being any of them worthy the name of a true christian church . ye tell vs now it is not your meaning . but what meant your often threatnings of them , who professing thēselues the inhabitants of mount sion , were too loth to depart wholly as they should out of babylon ? whereat our hearts being fearefully troubled , we durst not , we durst not continue longer so neere her confines , least her plagues might suddenly ouertake vs , before we did cease to be partakers with her sinnes : for so we could not choose but acknowledge with griefe that we were , when they doing euill , we by our presence in their assemblies seemed to like thereof , or at least wise not so earnestly to dislike , as became men heartily zealous of gods glory . for aduenturing to erect the discipline of christ without the leaue of the christian magistrate , happily ye may condemne vs as fooles , in that we hazard thereby our estates and persons , further then you which are that way more wise thinke necessary : but of any offence or sinne therein committed against god , with what conscience can you accuse vs , when your owne positions are , that the things we obserue should euery of them be dearer vnto vs then ten thousand liues ; that they are the peremptory commaundements of god ; that no mortall man can dispence with them , and that the magistrate grieuously sinneth in not constraining thereunto ? will ye blame any man for doing that of his owne accord , which all men should be compelled to do that are not willing of themselues ? when god commandeth , shall we answer that we will obey , if so be caesar will graunt vs leaue ? is discipline an ecclesiasticall matter or a ciuill ? if an ecclesiasticall , it must of necessitie belong to the duty of the minister . and the minister ( ye say ) holdeth all his authority of doing whatsoeuer belongeth vnto the spirituall charge of the house of god , euen immediatly from god himselfe , without dependency vpon any magistrate . whereupon it followeth , as we suppose , that the hearts of the people being willing to be vnder the scepter of christ , the minister of god , into whose hands the lord himselfe hath put that scepter , is without all excuse if thereby he guide them not . nor do we finde that hitherto greatly ye haue disliked those churches abroad , where the people with direction of their godly ministers , haue euen against the will of the magistrate brought in either the doctrine or discipline of iesus christ. for which cause we must now thinke the very same thing of you , which our sauiour did sometime vtter concerning false harted scribes and pharises , they say and do not . thus the foolish barrowist deriueth his schisme by way of conclusion , as to him it seemeth , directly and plainely out of your principles . him therefore we leaue to be satisfied by you from whom he hath sprung . and if such by your owne acknowledgement be persons dangerous , although as yet the alterations which they haue made are of small and tender groath ; the changes likely to insue throughout all states and vocations within this land , in case your desire should take place , must be thought vpon . first concerning the supreme power of the highest , they are no small prerogatiues which now thereunto belonging the forme of your discipline will constraine it to resigne , as in the last booke of this treatise we haue shewed at large . againe it may iustly be feared , whether our english nobility , when the matter came in tryall , would contentedly suffer themselues to be alwayes at the call , and to stand to the sentence of a number of meane persons , assisted with the presence of their poore teacher , a man ( as sometimes it hapneth ) though better able to speake , yet little or no whit apter to iudge then the rest : from whom , be their dealings neuer so absurd ( vnlesse it be by way of cōplaint to a synod ) no appeale may be made vnto any one of higher power , in as much as the order of your discipline admitteth no standing inequalitie of courts , no spirituall iudge to haue any ordinary superiour on earth , but as many supremacies as there are parishes & seuerall congregations . neither is it altogether without cause that so many do feare the ouerthrow of all learning , as a threatned sequell of this your intended discipline . for if the worlds preseruation depend vpon the multitude of the wise ; and of that sort the number hereafter be not likely to waxe ouer great , when ( that where with the sonne of syrach professeth himselfe at the heart grieued ) men of vnderstanding are already so little set by : howe should their mindes whom the loue of so pretious a iewell filleth with secret iealousie euen in regard of the least things which may any way hinder the flourishing estate thereof , choose but misdoubt least this discipline , which alwayes you match with diuine doctrine as hir naturall and true sister , be found vnto all kinds of knowledge a stepmother ; seeing that the greatest worldly hopes , which are proposed vnto the chiefest kind of learning , ye seeke vtterly to extirpate as weedes ; and haue grounded your platforme on such propositions , as do after a sort vndermine those most renowmed habitations , where through the goodnesse of almightie god all commendable arts and sciences are with exceeding great industrie hitherto ( and so may they euer continue ) studied , proceeded in , and profest . to charge you as purposely bent to the ouerthrow of that wherein so many of you haue attained no small perfection , were iniurious . only therfore i wish that your selues did well consider how opposite certaine your positions are vnto the state of collegiate societies , whereon the two vniuersities consist . those degrees which their statutes bind them to take , are by your lawes taken away ; your selues who haue sought them ye so excuse , as that ye would haue men to thinke ye iudge them not allowable , but tollerable only , and to be borne with for some helpe which ye find in them vnto the furtherance of your purposes , till the corrupt estate of the chur●h may be better reformed . your lawes forbidding ecclesiasticall persons vtterly the exercise of ciuill power , must needs depriue the heads and maisters in the same colledges of all such authoritie as now they exercise , either at home , by punishing the faults of those , who not as children to their parents by the law of nature , but altogether by ciuill authority are subiect vnto them ; or abroad , by keeping courts amongst their tenants . your lawes making permanent inequalitie amongst ministers a thing repugnant to the word of god , enforce those colledges , the seniors whereof are all or any part of them ministers vnder the gouernment of a maister in the same vocation , to choose as oft as they meet together a new president . for if so ye iudge it necessary to do in synods , for the auoyding of permanent inequality amongst ministers , the same cause must needs euen in these collegiate assemblies enforce the like . except per aduenture ye meane to auoid all such absurdities , by dissoluing those corporations , and by bringing the vniuersities vnto the forme of the schoole of geneua . which thing men the rather are inclined to looke for , in as much as the ministery , whereinto their founders with singular prouidence haue by the same statutes appointed them necessarily to enter at a certaine time , your lawes bind them much more necessarily to forbeare , till some parish abroad call for them . your opinion concerning the law ciuill is , that the knowledge thereof might be spared , as a thing which this land doth not need . professors in that kind being few , ye are the bolder to spurne at them , and not to dissemble your minds as concerning their remoouall : in whose studies although my selfe haue not much bene conuersant , neuerthelesse exceeding great cause i see there is to wish that thereunto more encouragement were giuen , as well for the singular treasures of wisedome therein conteined , as also for the great vse we haue thereof both in decision of certaine kinds of causes arising daily within our selues , and especially for commerce with nations abroad , whereunto that knowledge is most requisite . the reasons wherewith ye would perswade that scripture is the onely rule to frame all our actions by , are in euery respect as effectuall for proofe that the same is the onely law whereby to determine all our ciuill controuersies . and then what doth let , but that as those men may haue their desire , who frankely broch it already that the worke of reformation will neuer be perfect , till the law of iesus christ be receiued alone ; so pleaders and counsellors may bring their bookes of the common law , and bestow them as the students of curious & needlesse arts did theirs in the apostles time ? j leave them to scanne how farre those words of yours may reach , wherein ye declare , that whereas now many houses lye waste through inordinate suites of law , this one thing will showe the excellencie of discipline for the wealth of the realme , and quiet of subiects , that the church is to censure such a party who is apparantly troublesome and contentious , and without reasonable cavse vpon a meere will and stomacke doth vexe and molest his brother & troble the country . for mine owne part i do not see but that it might verie well agree with your principles , if your discipline were fully planted , euen to send out your writs of surcease vnto all courts of england besides , for the most things handled in them . a great deale further i might proceed and descend lower . but for as much as against all these and the like difficulties your answer is , that we ought to search what things are consonant to gods will , not which be most for our owne ease ; and therefore that your discipline being ( for such is your errour ) the absolute commaundement of almightie god , it must be receiued although the world by receiuing it should be cleane turned vpside downe ; herein lyeth the greatest danger of all . for whereas the name of diuine authority is vsed to countenance these things , which are not the commaundements of god , but your owne erronious collections ; on him ye must father whatsoeuer ye shall afterwards be led , either to do in withstanding the aduersaries of your cause , or to thinke in maintenance of your doings . and what this may be , god doth know . in such kinds of error , the mind once imagining it selfe to seeke the execution of gods will , laboureth foorthwith to remoue both things and persons which any way hinder it from taking place ; and in such cases if any strange or new thing seeme requisite to be done , a strange and new opinion concerning the lawfulnesse therof , is withall receiued and broched vnder countenance of diuine authoritie . one example herein may serue for many , to shew that false opinions touching the will of god to haue things done , are wont to bring forth mightie and violent practises against the hinderances of them ; and those practises new opinions more pernitious then the first , yea most extremely sometimes opposite to that which the first did seeme to intend . where the people tooke vpon them the reformation of the church by casting out popish superstition , they hauing receiued from their pastors a generall instruction that whatsoeuer the heauenly father hath not planted must be rooted out , proceeded in some forrein places so far , that down went oratories & the very tēples of god thēselues . for as they chanced to take the compasse of their cōmission stricter or larger , so their dealings were accordingly more or lesse moderate . amongst others there sprang vp presently one kind of mē , with whose zeale & forwardnesse the rest being compared , were thought to be maruelous cold & dull . these grounding thēselues on rules more generall ; that whatsoeuer the law of christ commandeth not , thereof antichrist is the author ; and that whatsoeuer antichrist or his adherents did in the world , the true professors of christ are to vndoe ; found out many things more then others had done , the extirpation whereof was in their conceipt as necessary as of any thing before remoued . hereupon they secretly made their dolefull complaints euery where as they went , that albeit the world did begin to professe some dislike of that which was euill in the kingdome of darknesse , yet fruits worthy of a true repentance were not seene ; & that if men did repent as they ought , they must endeuour to purge the earth of all maner euill , to the end there might follow a new world afterward , wherein righteousnesse only should dwell . priuate repentance they sayd must appeare by euery mans fashioning his owne life contrary vnto the custome and orders of this present world , both in greater things and in lesse . to this purpose they had alwayes in their mouthes those greater things , charity , faith , the true feare of god , the crosse , the mortification of the flesh . all their exhortations were to set light of the things in this world , to count riche● and honors vanitie , and in token thereof not onely to seeke neither , but if men were possessors of both , euen to cast away the one & resigne the other , that all men might see their vnfained conuersion vnto christ. they were sollicitors of men to fasts , to often meditations of heauenly things , & as it were cōferences in secret with god by prayers , not framed according to the frosen maner of the world , but expressing such feruēt desires as might euen force god to hearken vnto them . where they found men in diet , attire , furniture of house , or any other way obseruers of ciuilitie , and decent order , such they reprooued as being carnally and earthly minded . euery word otherwise then seuerely and sadly vttered , seemed to pierce like a sword thorow them . if any man were pleasant , their manner was presently with deepe sighes to repeate those words of our sauiour christ , wo be to you which now laugh , for ye shall lament . so great was their delight to be alwaies in trouble , that such as did quietly lead their liues , they iudged of all other men to be in most dangerous case . they so much affected to crosse the ordinary custome in euery thing , that when other mens vse was to put on better attire , they would be sure to shew thēselues openly abroad in worse : the ordinary names of the daies in the weeke they thought it a kind of prophanes to vse , & therefore accustomed thēselues to make no other distinction then by numbers , the first , second , third day . from this they proceeded vnto publike reformatiō , first ecclesiasticall , and then ciuill . touching the former , they boldly aduouched , that themselues only had the truth , which thing vpon perill of their liues they would at all times defend ; & that since the apostles liued , the same was neuer before in al points sincerely taught . wherfore that things might againe be brought to that auncient integritie which iesus christ by his word requireth , they began to controule the ministers of the gospell for attributing so much force and vertue vnto the scriptures of god read , whereas the truth was , that when the word is said to engender faith in the heart , and to conuert the soule of man , or to worke any such spirituall diuine effect , these speeches are not thereunto appliable as it is read or preached , but as it is ingrafted in vs by the power of the holy ghost opening the eyes of our vnderstanding , and so reuealing the mysteries of god , according to that which ieremy promised before should be , saying , i will put my law in their inward parts , and i will write it in their hearts . the booke of god they notwithstanding for the most part so admired , that other disputation against their opinions then onely by allegation of scripture they would not heare ; besides it , they thought no other writings in the world should be studied ; in so much as one of their great prophets exhorting them to cast away all respects vnto humane writings , so far to his motion they condescended , that as many as had any bookes saue the holy bible in their custody , they brought and set them publiquely on fire . when they and their bibles were alone together , what strange phantasticall opinion soever at any time entred into their heads , their vse was to thinke the spirit taught it them . their phrensies concerning our sauiours incarnation , the state of soules departed , & such like , are things needlesse to be rehearsed . and for as much as they were of the same suite with those of whom the apostle speaketh , saying , they are still learning , but neuer attaine to the knowledge of truth , it was no maruaile to see them euery day broach some new thing , not heard of before . which restlesse leuitie they did interpret to be their growing to spirituall perfection , and a proceeding from faith to faith . the differences amongst them grew by this meane in a maner infinite , so that scarcely was there found any one of them , the forge of whose braine was not possest with some speciall mysterie . whereupon , although their mutuall contentions were most fiercely prosecuted amongst themselues ; yet when they came to defend the cause common to them all against the aduersaries of their faction , they had wayes to licke one another whole , the sounder in his owne perswasion , excusing the deare brethren , which were not so farre enlightned , and professing a charitable hope of the mercy of god towards them notwithstanding their swaruing from him in some things . their owne ministers they highly magnified as men whose vocation was frō god : the rest their maner was to terme disdainfully scribes and pharises , to accompt their calling an humaine creature , and to deteine the people as much as might be from hearing them . as touching sacraments ; baptisme administred in the church of rome , they iudged to be but an execrable mockery & no baptisme ; both because the ministers thereof in the papacy are wicked idolaters , lewd persons , theeues , and murderers , cursed creatures , ignorant beasts ; & also for that to baptise is a proper action belonging vnto none but the church of christ , whereas rome is antichrists synagogue . the custome of vsing godfathers & godmothers at christnings they scorned . baptising of infants , although confest by thēselues to haue bin continued euē sithens the very apostles owne times , yet they altogether condemned : partly because sundry errors are of no lesse antiquity ; and partly for that there is no commandement in the gospell of christ which sayth , baptise infants , but he contrariwise in saying , go preach and baptise , doth appoint that the minister of baptisme shall in that action first administer doctrine , & thē baptisme , as also in saying , whosoeuer doth beleeue and is baptised , he appointeth that the party to whō baptisme is administred shall first beleeue ▪ & then be baptised ; to the end that belieuing may go before this sacramēt in the receiuer , no otherwise then preaching in the giuer , sith equally in both , the law of christ declareth not only what things are required , but also in what order they are required . the eucharist they receiued ( pretending our lord & sauiours example ) after supper : & for auoiding all those impieties which haue bin grounded vpon the mysticall words of christs , this is my body , this is my bloud ; they thought it not safe to mention either body or bloud in that sacrament , but rather to abrogate both , & to vse no words but these , take , eate , declare the death of our lord : drinke , shew forth our lords death . in rites & ceremonies their profession was hatred of all cōformity with the church of rome : for which cause they would rather indure any tormēt then obserue the solemne festiuals which others did , in as much as antichrist ( they said ) was the first inuentor of thē . the pretended end of their ciuill reformatiō , was that christ might haue dominion ouer all , that all crowns & scepters might be throwne downe at his feete , that no other might raign ouer christian mē but he , no regimēt keep thē in awe but his discipline , amongst them no sword at all be caried besides his , the sword of spirituall excommunication . for this cause they laboured with all their might in ouerturning the seats of magistracy , because christ hath said , kings of nations ; in abolishing the execution of iustice , because christ hath sayd , resist not euill ; in forbidding oathes the necessary meanes of iudiciall tryall , because christ hath sayd , sweare not at all ; finally in bringing in community of goods , because christs by his apostles hath giuen the world such example , to the end that men might excell one another , not in wealth the pillar of secular authority , but in vertue . these men at the first were only pitied in their error , and not much withstood by any ; the great humilitie , zeale , and deuotion which appeared to be in them , was in all mens opinion a pledge of their harmelesse meaning . the hardest that mē of sound vnderstanding conceiued of them was but this , o quàm honesta voluntate miseri errant ? with how good a meaning these poore soules do euill . luther made request vnto fredericke duke of saxony , that within his dominion they might be fauourably dealt with and spared , for that ( their errour exempted ) they seemed otherwise right good men . by meanes of which mercifull tolleration they gathered strength , much more then was safe for the state of the common wealth wherein they liued . they had their secret corner-meetings and assemblies in the night , the people flocked vnto them by thousands . the meanes whereby they both allured and retained so great multitudes were most effectuall ; first a wonderfull shew of zeale towards god , where with they seemed to be euen rapt in euery thing they spake : secondly an hatred of sinne , and a singular loue of integrity , which men did thinke to be much more then ordinary in them , by reason of the custome which they had to fill the eares of the people with inuectiues against their authorised guides , as well spirituall as ciuill : thirdly the bountifull reliefe where with they eased the broken estate of such needie creatures , as were in that respect the more apt to be drawne away : fourthly , a tender compassion which they were thought to take vpon the miseries of the common sort , ouer whose heads their manner was euen to powre down showers of teares in complayning that no respect was had vnto thē , that their goods were deuoured by wicked cormorants , their persons had in contempt , all liberty both temporall & spirituall taken from them , that it was high time for god now to heare their grones , and to send them deliuerance : lastly a cunning slight which they had to stroke and smooth vp the mindes of their followers , as well by appropriating vnto them all the fauourble titles , the good wordes , and the gracious promises in scripture ; as also by casting the contrary alwaies on the heades of such as were seuered from that retinue . whereupon the peoples cōmon acclamation vnto such deceiuers was , these are verily the men of god , these are his true and sincere prophets . if any such prophet or man of god did suffer by order of law condigne and deserued punishment ; were it for felony , rebellion , murder , or what else , the people ( so strangely were their hearts inchanted ) as though blessed saint stephen had bene againe martyred , did lament that god tooke away his most deere seruants from them . in all these things being fully perswaded , that what they did , it was obedience to the will of god , and that all men should do the like ; there remained after speculation practise , whereby the whole world thereunto ( if it were possible ) might be framed . this they saw could not be done , but with mighty opposition and resistance : against which to strengthen themselues , they secretly entred into league of association . and peraduenture considering , that although they were many , yet long warres would in time waste them out ; they began to thinke whether it might not be that god would haue them do for their speedie an mighty increase , the same which sometime gods owne chosen people , the people of israell did . glad and faine they were to haue it so : which very desire was it selfe apt to breed both an opinion of possibilitie , and a willingnesse to gather arguments of likelihood that so god himselfe would haue it . nothing more cleare vnto their seeming , then that a new jerusalem being often spoken of in scripture , they vndoubtedly were themselues that newe ierusalem , and the old did by way of a certaine figuratiue resemblance signifie what they should both be and do . here they drewe in a sea of matter , by applying all things vnto their owne companie , which are any where spoken concerning diuine fauours and benefits bestowed vppon the old common-wealth of israell ; concluding that as israell was deliuered out of aegypt , so they spiritually out of the aegypt of this worldes seruile thraldome vnto sinne and superstition ; as israell was to roote out the idolatrous nations , and to plant in steede of them a people which feared god , so the same lords goodwill and pleasure was nowe , that these new israelites should vnder the conduct of other iosuaes , sampsons , and gedeons , performe a worke no lesse miraculous in casting out violently the wicked from the earth , and establishing the kingdome of christ with perfect libertie : and therefore as the cause why the children of israell tooke vnto one man many wiues , might be least the casualties of warre should any way hinder the promise of god concerning their multitude from taking effect in them ; so it was not vnlike that for the necessarie propagation of christes kingdome vnder the gospell , the lord was content to allowe as much . now whatsoeuer they did in such sort collect out of scripture , when they came to iustifie or perswade it vnto others , all was the heauenly fathers appointment , his commandement , his will and charge . which thing is the very point in regard whereof i haue gathered this declaration . for my purpose herein is to shew , that when the minds of men are once erroniously perswaded that it is the will of god to haue those things done which they phancie ; their opinions are as thornes in their sides , neuer suffering them to take rest till they haue brought their speculations into practise : the lets and impediments of which practise their restlesse desire and study to remoue , leadeth them euery day forth by the hand into other more dangerous opinions , sometimes quite & cleane contrary to their first pretended meanings : so as what will grow out of such errors as go masked vnder the cloake of diuine authority , impossible it is that euer the wit of man should imagine , till time haue brought forth the fruits of them : for which cause it behoueth wisedome to feare the sequels thereof , euen beyond all apparant cause of feare . these men in whose mouthes at the first , sounded nothing but onely mortification of the flesh ; were come at the length to thinke they might lawfully haue their sixe or seuen wiues apeece : they which at the first thought iudgement and iustice it selfe to be mercilesse cruelty ; accompted at the length their owne hands sanctified with being imb●ued in christan bloud : they who at the first were wont to beate downe all dominion , and to vrge against poore constables , kings of nations ; had at the length both consuls and kings of their owne erection amongst themselues : finally they which could not brooke at the first that any man should seeke , no not by law , the recouery of goods iniuriously taken or withheld from him ; were growne at the last to thinke they could not offer vnto god more acceptable sacrifice , then by turning their aduersaries cleane out of house & home , and by inriching thēselues with al kind of spoile and pillage ; which thing being laid to their charge , they had in a readinesse their answer , that now the time was come , when according to our sauiours promise , the meeke ones must inherite the earth , and that their title hereunto was the same which the righteous israelites had vnto the goods of the wicked aegyptians . wherefore sith the world hath had in these men so fresh experience , how dangerous such actiue errors are , it must not offend you though touching the sequell of your present misperswasions much more be doubted , then your owne intents and purposes do happily aime at . and yet your words already are somewhat , when ye affirme that your pastors , doctors , elders , and deacons , ought to be in this church of england , whether hir maiestie and our state will or no ; when for the animating of your consederates ye publish the musters which ye haue made of your owne bands , and proclaime them to amount i know not to how many thousands ; when ye threaten , that sith neither your suites to the parliament , nor supplications to our conuocation house , neither your defences by writing ; nor chalenges of disputation in behalfe of that cause are able to preuaile , we must blame our selues if to bring in discipline some such meanes hereafter be vsed as shall cause all our harts to ake . that things doubtfull are to be constered in the better part , is a principle not safe to be followed in matters concerning the publique state of a common weale . but howsoever these and the like speeches be accompted as arrowes idly shot at randon , without either eye had to any marke , or regard to their lighting place : hath not your longing desire for the practise of your discipline , brought the matter already vnto this demurrer amongst you , whether the people and their godly pastors that way affected , ought not to make separation from the rest , and to begin the exercise of discipline without the licence of ciuill powers , which licence they haue sought for , and are not heard ? vpon which question as ye haue now deuided your selues , the warier sort of you taking the one part , and the forwarder in zeale the other ; so in case these earnest ones should preuaile , what other sequell can any wise man imagine but this , that hauing first resolued that attempts for discipline without superiors are lawfull , it will follow in the next place to be disputed what may be attempted against superiors which will not haue the scepter of that discipline to rule ouer them ? yea euen by you which haue stayed your selues from running headlong with the other sort , somewhat notwithstanding there hath bene done without the leaue or liking of your lawfull superiors , for the exercise of a part of your discipline amongst the cleargy thereunto addicted . and least examination of principall parties therein should bring those things to light , which might hinder and let your proceedings ; behold for a barre against that impediment , one opinion ye haue newly added vnto the rest euen vpon this occasion , an opinion to exempt you from taking oathes which may turne to the molestation of your brethren in that cause . the next neighbour opinion whereunto , when occasion requireth , may follow for dispensation with oathes already taken , if they afterwards be found to import a necessity of detecting ought which may bring such good men into trouble or damage , whatsoeuer the cause be . o mercifull god , what mans wit is there able to found the depth of those daungerous and fearefull euils , whereinto our weake and impotent nature is inclinable to sinke itselfe , rather then to shew an acknowledgement of error in that which once we haue vnaduisedly taken vpon vs to defend , against the streame as it were of a contrary publique resolution ! wherefore if we anie thing respect their error , who being perswaded euen as ye are , haue gone further vpon that perswasion then ye allow ; if we regard the present state of the highest gouernour placed ouer vs , if the quality and disposition of our nobles , if the orders and lawes of our famous vniuersities , it the profession of the civil , or the practise of the common law amongst vs , if the mischiefes whereinto euen before our eyes so many others haue fallen headlong from no lesse plausible and faire beginnings then yours are : there is in euery of these considerations most iust cause to feare , least our hastines to embrace a thing of so perilous consequence , should cause posterity to feele those euils , which as yet are more easie for vs to preuent , then they would be for them to remedy . . the best and safest way for you therefore my deere brethren is , to call your deeds past to a new reckening , to reexamine the cause ye haue taken in hand , and to try it euen point by point , argument by argument , with all the diligent exactnesse ye can ; to lay aside the gall of that bitternesse wherein your minds haue hitherto ouer abounded , and with meeknesse to search the truth . thinke ye are men , deeme it not impossible for you to erre : sift vnpartially your owne hearts , whether it be force of reason , or vehemency of affection , which hath bred , and still doth feed these opinions in you . if truth do any where manifest it selfe , seeke not to smother it with glosing delusions , acknowledge the greatnesse thereof , and thinke it your best victory when the same doth preuaile ouer you . that ye haue bene earnest in speaking or writing againe and againe the contrary way , should be no blemish or discredit at all vnto you . amongst so many so huge volumes as the infinite paines of saint augustine haue brought foorth , what one hath gotten him greater loue , commendation and honour , then the booke wherein he carefully collecteth his owne ouersights , and sincerely condemneth them ? many speeches there are of iobes , whereby his wisedome and other vertues may appeare : but the glory of an ingenuous mind he hath purchased by these words onely , behold , i will lay mine hand on my mouth ; i haue spoken once , yet will i not therefore maintaine argument ; yea twice , howbeit for that cause further i will not proceed . farre more comfort it were for vs ( so small is the ioy we take in these strifes ) to labour vnder the same yoke , as men that looke for the same eternall reward of their labours , to be ioyned with you in bands of indissoluble loue and amity , to liue as if our persons being many our soules were but one , rather then in such dismembred sort to spend our few and wretched daies in a tedious prosecuting of wearisome contentions ▪ the end whereof , if they haue not some speedy ende , will be heauie euen on both sides . brought alreadie we are euen to that estate which gregorie nazianzene mournefully describeth , saying . my minde leadeth mee ( sith there is no other remedie ) to flye and to conuey my selfe into some corner out of sight , where i may scape from this cloudie tempest of malitiousnesse , whereby all parts are entred into a deadly warre amongst themselues , and that little remnant of loue which was , is now consumed to nothing . the onely godlines we glory in , is to finde out somewhat whereby we may iudge others to be vngodly . each others faults we obserue , as matter of exprobration , and not of griefe . by these meanes wee are growne hateful in the eyes of the heathens themselues ; and ( which woundeth vs the mo●e deeply ) able we are not to denie but that we haue deserued their hatred . with the better sort of our owne , our fame and credit is cleane lost . the lesse wee are to maruell if they iudge vilely of vs , who although we did well , would hardly allow therof . on our backs they also build that are lewd , and what we obiect one against an other , the same they vse to the vtter scorne and disgrace of vs all . this we haue gained by our mutuall home-dissentions . this we are worthily rewarded with , which are more forward to striue , then becommeth men of vertuous and mild disposition . but our trust in the almightie is , that with vs contentions are now at their highest floate , and that the day will come ( for what cause of despaire is there ) when the passiōs of former enmitie being allaied , we shal with ten times redoubled tokens of our vnfainedly reconciled loue , shewe our selues each towards other the same , which ioseph and the brethren of ioseph were at the time of their enteruiew in aegypt . our comfortable expectation and most thirstie desire whereof what man soeuer amongst you shall any way helpe to satisfie , ( as we truly hope there is no one amongst you but some way or other will ) the blessings of the god of peace both in this world and in the world to come , be vppon him moe then the starres of the firmament in number . vvhat things are handled in the bookes following . the first booke , concerning lawes in generall . the second , of the vse of diuine lawe conteined in scripture ; whether that be the onely lawe which ought to serue for our direction in all things without exception . the third , of lawes concerning ecclesiasticall politie ; whether the forme thereof be in scripture so set downe , that no addition or change is lawfull . the fourth , of generall exceptions taken against the lawes of our politie , as being popish and banished out of certaine reformed churches . the fift , of our lawes that concerne the publike religious duties of the church ; and the maner of bestowing that power of order which inableth men in sundrie degrees and callings to execute the same . the sixt , of the power of iurisdiction , which the reformed platforme claymeth vnto lay-elders , with others . the seauenth , of the power of iurisdiction and the honor which is annexed thereunto in bishops . the eighth , of the power of ecclesiasticall dominion or supreme authoritie , which with vs the highest gouernour or prince hath , as well in regard of domesticall iurisdictions , as of that other forreinly claimed by the bishop of rome . the first booke : concerning lawes , and their seuerall kindes in generall . the matter conteined in this first booke . the cause of writing this generall discourse concerning lawes ▪ of that lawe which god from before the beginning hath set for himselfe to doe all the things by . the law which natural agents obserue , & their necessary maner of keeping it ▪ the lawe which the angels of god obey . the lawe whereby man is in his actions directed to the imitation of god. mens first beginning to vnderstand that lawe . of mans will , which is the first thing that lawes of action are made to guide . of the naturall finding out of lawes by the light of reason to guide the will vnto that which is good . of the benefit of keeping that lawe which reason teacheth . how reason doth lead men vnto the making of humane lawes whereby politique societies are gouerned , and to agreement about lawes whereby the fellowship or communion of independent societies standeth . wherefore god hath by scripture further made knowne such supernaturall lawes as do serue for mens direction . the cause why so many naturall or rationall lawes are set downe in holy scripture . the benefit of hauing diuine lawes written . the sufficiencie of scripture vnto the end for which it was instituted . of lawes positiue conteined in scripture , the mutabilitie of certaine of them , and the generall vse of scripture . a conclusion , shewing how all this belongeth to the cause in question . he that goeth about to perswade a multitude , that they are not so well gouerned as they ought to be , shal neuer wāt attentiue & fauourable hearers ; because they know the manifold defects whereunto euery kind of regiment is subiect , but the secret lets and difficulties ▪ which in publike proceedings are innumerable & ineuitable , they haue not ordinarily the iudgement to consider . and bec●●se such as openly reproue supposed disorders of state are taken for principall friendes to the common benefite of all , and for men that carry singular freedome of mind ; vnder this faire and plausible colour whatsoeuer they vtter passeth for good and currant . that which wanteth in the waight of their speech , is supplyed by the aptnes of mens minds to accept and beleeue it . whereas on the other side , if we maintaine thinges that are established , wee haue not onely to striue with a number of heauie preiudices deepely rooted in the hearts of men , who thinke that herein we serue the time , and speake in fauour of the present state , because thereby we eyther hold or seeke preferment ; but also to beare such exceptions as minds so auerted before hand vsually take against that which they are loath should be powred into them . albeit therefore much of that we are to speake in this present cause , may seeme to a number perhaps tedious , perhaps obscure , darke , and intricate , ( for many talke of the truth , which neuer sounded the depth from whence it springeth , and therfore when they are led thereunto they are soone weary , as men drawne from those beaten pathes wherewith they haue bene inured ) : yet this may not so farre preuaile , as to cut off that which the matter it selfe requireth , howsoeuer the nice humour of some be therewith pleased or no. they vnto whom we shall seeme tedious , are in no wise iniuried by vs , because it is in their owne hands to spare that labour which they are not willing to endure . and if any complaine of obscuritie , they must consider , that in these matters it commeth no otherwise to passe , then in sundry the workes both of art and also of nature , where that which hath greatest force in the very things we see , is notwithstanding it selfe oftentimes not seene . the statelinesse of houses , the goodlines of trees , when we behold them delighteth the eye ; but that foundation which beareth vp the one , that roote which ministreth vnto the other nourishment and life , is in the bosome of the earth concealed ; & if there be at any time occasion to search into it , such labour is then more necessary then pleasant , both to them which vndertake it , and for the lookers on . in like manner the vse and benefite of good lawes , all that liue vnder them may enioy with delight and comfort , albeit the groundes and first originall causes from whence they haue sprung be vnknowne , as to the greatest part of men they are . but when they who withdraw their obedience , pretend that the lawes which they should obey are corrupt and vitious ; for better examination of their qualitie , it behoueth the very foundation and roote , the highest welspring and fountaine of them to be discouered . which because wee are not oftentimes accustomed to doe , when wee doe it , the paines wee take are more needefull a great deale then acceptable , and the matters which wee handle seeme by reason of newnesse , ( till the minde grow better acquainted with them ) darke , intricate and vnfamiliar . for as much helpe whereof as may be in this case , i haue endeuoured throughout the body of this whole discourse , that euery former part might giue strength vnto all that followe , and euery later bring some light vnto all before . so that if the iudgements of men doe but holde themselues in suspence as touching these first more generall meditations , till in order they haue perused the rest that ensue : what may seeme darke at the first will afterwardes be founde more plaine , euen as the later particular decisions will appeare i doubt not more strong , when the other haue beene read before . the lawes of the church , whereby for so many ages together wee haue bene guided in the exercise of christian religion and the seruice of the true god , our rites , customes , and orders of ecclesiasticall gouernment , are called in question ; wee are accused as men that will not haue christ iesus to rule ouer them , but haue wilfully cast his statutes behinde their backes , hating to bee reformed , and made subiect vnto the scepter of his discipline . behold therefore wee offer the lawes whereby wee liue vnto the generall triall and iudgement of the whole world ; hartily beseeching almightie god , whome wee desire to serue according to his owne will , that both wee and others ( all kinde of partiall affection being cleane laide aside ) may haue eyes to see , and hearts to embrace , the things that in his sight are most acceptable . and because the point about which wee striue is the qualitie of our lawes , our first entrance hereinto cannot better be made , then with consideration of the nature of lawe in generall , and of that lawe which giueth life vnto all the rest which are commendable iust and good , n●mely the lawe whereby the eternall himselfe doth worke . proceeding from hence to the lawe , first of nature , then of scripture , we shall haue the easier accesse vnto those things which come after to be debated , concerning the particular cause and question which wee haue in hand . all thinges that are , haue some operation not violent or casuall . neither doth any thing euer begin to exercise the same , without some foreconceiued ende for which it worketh . and the ende which it worketh for is not obteined , vnlesse the worke bee also fit to obteine it by . for vnto euery ende euery operation will not serue . that which doth assigne vnto each thing the kinde , that which doth moderate the force and power , that which doth appoint the forme and measure of working , the same we tearme a lawe . so that no certaine ende could euer bee attained , vnlesse the actions whereby it is attained were regular , that is to say , made suteable , fit and correspondent vnto their ende , by some canon rule or lawe . which thing doth first take plac● in the workes euen of god himselfe . all thinges therefore doe worke after a sort according to lawe : all other thinges according to a lawe , whereof some superiours vnto whome they are subiect is author ; onely the workes and operations of god , haue him both for their worker , and for the lawe whereby they are wrought . the being of god , is a kinde of lawe to his working : for that perfection which god is , giueth perfection to that hee doth . those naturall , necessary , and internall operations of god , the generation of the sonne , the proceeding of the spirit , are without the compasse of my present intent : which is to touch onely such operations as haue their beginning and being by a voluntary purpose , wherewith god hath eternally decreed when and how they should bee . which eternall decree is that wee tearme an eternall lawe . dangerous it were for the feeble braine of man to wade farre into the doings of the most high ; whome although to knowe bee life , and ioy to make mention of his name ; yet our soundest knowledge is , to know that wee know him not as indeede hee is , neither can know him ; and our safest eloquence concerning him is our silence when we confesse without confession , that his glory is inexplicable , his greatnesse aboue our capacitie and reach . hee is aboue , and wee vpon earth ; therefore it behoueth our wordes to bee warie and fewe , our god is one , or rather very onenesse , and meere vnitie , hauing nothing but it selfe in it selfe , and not consisting ( as all things doe besides god ) of many things . in which essentiall vnitie of god , a trinitie personall neuerthelesse subsisteth , after a maner far exceeding the possibilitie of mans conceipt . the works which outwardly are of god , they are in such sort of him being one , that each person hath in them somewhat peculiar and proper . for being three , and they all subsisting in the essence of one deitie ; from the father , by the sonne , through the spirit , all things are . that which the sonne doth heare of the father , and which the spirit doth receiue of the father & the sonne , the same we haue at the hāds of the spirit , as being the last , and therfore the nearest vnto vs in order , although in power the same with the second and the first . the wise and learned among the very heathens themselues , haue all acknowledged some first cause , whereupon originally the being of all things dependeth . neither haue they otherwise spoken of that cause , then as an agent , which knowing what and why it worketh , obserueth in working a most exact order or lawe . thus much is signified by that which homer mentioneth , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus much acknowledged by mercurius trismegist . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus much cōfest by anaxagoras & plato terming the maker of the world an intellectual worker . finally the stoikes , although imagining the first cause of all things to be fire , held neuerthelesse that the same fire hauing arte , did c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they all confesse therfore in the working of that first cause , that counsell is vsed , reason followed , a way obserued , that is to say , constant order and law is kept , wherof it selfe must needs be author vnto it selfe . otherwise it should haue some worthier and higher to direct it , and so could not it selfe be the first . being the first , it can haue no other then it selfe to be the author of that law which it willingly worketh by ▪ god therefore is a law both to himselfe , and to all other things besides . to himselfe he is a law in all those things whereof our sauiour speaketh , saying , my father worketh as yet , so i. god worketh nothing without cause . all those things which are done by him , haue some ende for which they are done : and the ende for which they are done , is a reason of his will to do them . his will had not inclined to create woman , but that he saw it could not be wel if she were not created , non est bonum , it is not good man should be alone , therfore let vs make an helper for him . that and nothing else is done by god , which to leaue vndone were not so good . if therfore it bee demanded , why god hauing power & hability infinit , th' effects notwithstāding of that power are all so limited as wee see they are : the reason hereof is , the end which he hath proposed , and the lawe whereby his wisedome hath , stinted th' effects of his power in such sort , that it doth not worke infinitely , but correspōdently vnto that end for which it worketh , euen al things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in most decent and comely sort , all things in measure , number , & waight . the generall ende of gods external working , is the exercise of his most glorious and most abundant vertue : which abundance doth shew it selfe in varietie , and for that cause this varietie is oftentimes in scripture exprest by the name of riches . the lord hath made all things for his owne sake . not that any thing is made to be beneficial vnto him , but all things for him to shew beneficence and grace in them . the particular drift of euery acte proceeding externally from god , we are not able to discerne , and therefore cannot alwaies giue the proper and certaine reason of his works . howbeit vndoubtedly a proper and certaine reason there is of euery finite worke of god , in as much as there is a law imposed vpon it ; which if there were not , it should be infinite euen as the worker himselfe is . they erre therfore who think that of the will of god to doe this or that , there is no reason besides his will. many times no reason knowne to vs ; but that there is no reason thereof , i iudge it most vnreasonable to imagine , in as much as hee worketh all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not onely according to his owne will , but the counsell of his owne will. and whatsoeuer is done with counsell or wise resolution , hath of necessitie some reason why it should be done , albeit that reason bee to vs in somethings so secret , that it forceth the wit of man to stand , as the blessed apostle himself doth , amazed therat , o the depth of the riches both of the wisdome and knowledge of god , how vnsearchable are his iudgements , & c ! that law eternall which god himself hath made to himselfe , and therby worketh all things wherof he is the cause and author ; that law in the admirable frame wherof shineth with most perfect beautie the countenance of that wisdome which hath testified concerning her self , the lord possessed me in the beginning of his way , euē before his works of old i was set vp ; that lawe which hath bene the patterne to make , and is the carde to guide the world by ; that law which hath bene of god , and with god euerlastingly ; that law the author and obseruer whereof is one only god to be blessed for euer ; how should either men or angels be able perfectly to behold ? the booke of this law we are neither able nor worthy to open and looke into . that little thereof which we darkly apprehend , we admire ; the rest with religious ignorance we humbly & meekly adore . seeing therfore that according to this law he worketh , of whom , through whom , & for whom are all things ; althogh there seeme vnto vs cōfusion & disorder in th' affaires of this present world ▪ tamen quon ! am bonus mund● rector temperat , rectè fieri cuncta ne dubites , let no man doubt but that euery thing is wel done , because the world is ruled by so good a guide , as transgresseth not his owne law , then which nothing can be more absolute , perfect & iust . the law wherby he worketh , is eternall , and therfore can haue no shew or colour of mutability : for which cause a part of that law being opened in the promises which god hath made , ( because his promises are nothing else but declarations what god will do for the good of men ) touching those promises the apostle hath witnessed , that god may as possibly denie himselfe and not be god ; as faile to performe them . and cōcerning the counsel of god , he termeth it likewise a thing vnchangeable ; the counsel of god , and that law of god wherof now we speake , being one . nor is the freedome of the wil of god any whit abated , let or hindered by meanes of this ; because the impositiō of this law vpō himselfe is his own free & volūtary act . this law therfore we may name eternal , being that order which god before al ages hath set down with himself , for himself to do all things by . i am not ignorant that by law eternall the learned for the most part do vnderstand the order , not which god hath eternally purposed himselfe in all his workes to obserue , but rather that which with himselfe he hath set downe as expedient to be kept by all his creatures , according to the seuerall conditiō wherwith he hath indued them . they who thus are accustomed to speake , apply the name of lawe vnto that onely rule of working which superiour authority in poseth ; whereas we somewhat more enlarging the sense thereof , terme any kind of rule or canon whereby actions are framed , a lawe . now that lawe which as it is laid vp in the bosome of god , they call eternall , receiueth according vnto the different kinds of things which are subiect vnto it , different and sundry kinds of names . that part of it which ordereth naturall agēts , we call vsually natures law : that which angels doe clearely behold , and without any swaruing obserue , is a law coelestiall and heauenly : the law of reason , that which bindeth creatures reasonable in this world , and with which by reason they may most plainely perceiue themselues bound ; that which bindeth them , and is not knowne but by speciall reuelation from god , diuine law ; humane law , that which out of the law either of reason or of god , men probably gathering to be expedient , they make it a lawe . all things therfore , which are as they ought to be , are conformed vnto this second law eternall , and euen those things which to this eternal law are not conformable , are notwithstanding in some sort ordered by the first eternall lawe . for what good or euill is there vnder the sunne , what action correspondent or repugnant vnto the law which god hath imposed vpō his creatures , but in or vpon it god doth worke according to the law which himselfe hath eternally purposed to keep , that is to say , the first law eternall ? so that a twofold law eternall being thus made , it is not hard to conceiue how they both take place in a all things . wherfore to come to the law of nature , albeit therby we sometimes meane that manner of working which god hath set for each created thing to keepe : yet for as much as those things are tearmed most properly naturall agents , which keepe the lawe of their kind vnwittingly , as the heauens and elements of the world , which can do no otherwise then they doe ; and for as much as we giue vnto intellectuall natures the name of voluntary agents , that so we may distinguish them from the other ▪ expedient it will be , that we seuer the law of nature obserued by the one , from that which the other is tied vnto . touching the former , their strict keeping of one tenure statute and law is spoken of by all , but hath in it more then men haue as yet attained to know , or perhaps euer shall attaine , seeing the trauell of wading herein is giuen of god to the sonnes of men , that perceiuing how much the least thing in the world hath in it more then the wisest are able to reach vnto , they may by this meanes learne humilitie . moses in describing the worke of creation , attributeth speech vnto god , god said , let there be light : let there bee afirmamēt : let the waters vnder the heauē be gathered together into one place : let the earth bring forth : let there be lights in the firmament of heauen . was this only the intent of moses , to signifie the infinite greatnes of gods power by the easines of his accomplishing such effects , without trauell , paine or labour ? surely it seemeth that moses had herein besides this a further purpose , namely , first to teach that god did not worke as a necessary , but a voluntary agent , intending before hand and decreeing with himselfe that which did outwardly proceed from him : secondly to shew that god did then institute a law natural to be obserued by creatures , and therefore according to the manner of lawes , the institution thereof is described , as being established by solemne iniunction . his commaunding those things to be which are , and to be in such sort as they are , to keep that tenure and course which they do , importeth the establishment of natures law . this worlds first creation , & the preseruation since of things created , what is it but only so far forth a manifestation by execution , what the eternall lawe of god is concerning things natural ? and as it cōmeth to passe in a kingdom rightly ordered , that after a law is once published , it presently takes effect far & wide , al states framing thēselues therunto ; euen so let vs thinke it fareth in the naturall course of the world : since the time that god did first proclaime the edicts of his lawe vpon it , heauen & earth haue harkned vnto his voice , and their labour hath bene to do his will : he made a law for the raine , he gaue his decree vnto the sea , that the waters should not passe his commandement . now if nature should intermit her course , and leaue altogether , though it were but for a while , the obseruation of her own lawes ; if those principall & mother elemēts of the world , wherof all things in this lower world are made , should loose the qualities which now they haue ; if the frame of that heauenly arch erected ouer our heads should loosen & dissolue it selfe ; if celestiall spheres should forget their wonted motions , and by irregular volubilitie turne themselues any way as it might happen ; if the prince of the lightes of heauen , which now as a giant doth runne his vnwearied course , should as it were through a languishing faintnes begin to stand & to rest himselfe ; if the moone should wander from her beaten way ▪ the times and seasons of the yeare blend themselues by disordered and confused mixture , the winds breath out their last gaspe , the cloudes yeeld no rayne , the earth be defeated of heauenly influence ; the fruites of the earth pine away as children at the withered breastes of their mother no longer able to yeeld them reliefe ; what would become of man himselfe , whom these things now do all serue ? see we not plainly that obedience of creatures vnto the lawe of nature is the stay of the whole world ? notwithstanding with nature it cōmeth somtimes to passe as with arte . let phidias haue rude & obstinate stuffe to carue , though his arte do that it should , his worke will lacke that beautie which otherwise in fitter matter it might haue had . he that striketh an instrument with skill , may cause notwithstanding a very vnpleasant sound , if the string whereon hee striketh chaunce to bee vncapable of harmonie . in the matter whereof things naturall consist , that of theophrastus taketh place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , much of it is oftentimes such as will by no meanes yeeld to receiue that impression which were best and most perfect . which defect in the matter of thinges naturall , they who gaue themselues vnto the contemplation of nature amongst the heathen obserued often : but the true originall cause therof , diuine malediction , laid for the sinne of man vpon these creatures which god had made for the vse of niā ; this being an article of that sauing truth which god hath reuealed vnto his church , was aboue the reach of their meerely naturall capacitie and vnderstanding . but howsoeuer these swaruings are now and then incident into the course of nature , neuerthelesse so constantly the lawes of nature are by naturall agents obserued , that no man denieth but those thinges which nature worketh , are wrought either alwaies or for the most part after one and the same manner . if here it be demaunded what that is which keepeth nature in obedience to her owne lawe , wee must haue recourse to that higher lawe wherof we haue already spoken , and because all other lawes do thereon depend , from thence we must borrow so much as shall neede for briefe resolution in this point . although we are not of opinion therfore , as some are , that nature in working hath before her certaine exemplary draughts or patternes , which subsisting in the bosome of the highest , and being thence discouered , shee sixeth her eye vpon them , as trauellers by sea vpon the pole starre of the world , and that according there vnto she guideth her hand to worke by imitation : although wee rather embrace the oracle of hippocrates , that each thing both in small and in great fulfilleth the taske which destenie hath set downe : and concerning the manner of executing and fulfilling the same , what they doe they knowe not , yet is it in shewe and appearance , as though they did know what they doe , and the truth is they do not discerne the things which they looke on : neuerthelesse for as much as the works of nature are no lesse exact , then if she did both behold and studie how to expresse some absolute shape or mirror alwayes present before her ; yea such her dexteritie and skill appeareth , that no intellectuall creature in the world were able by capacitie to do that which nature doth without capacitie and knowledge ; it cannot bee , but nature hath some director of infinite knowledge to guide her in all her wayes . who the guide of nature , but onely the god of nature ? in him wee liue , moue , and are . those thinges which nature is said to do , are by diuine art performed , vsing nature as an instrument : nor is there any such art or knowledge diuine in nature her selfe working , but in the guide of natures worke . whereas therefore things naturall which are not in the number of voluntary agents ( for of such onely we now speake and of no other ) do so necessarily obserue their certaine lawes , that as long as they keepe those a formes which giue them their being , they cannot possibly be apt or inclinable to do otherwise then they doe ; seeing the kindes of their operations are both constantly and exactly framed according to the seuerall ends for which they serue , they themselues in the meane while though doing that which is fit , yet knowing neither what they doe , nor why : it followeth that all which they do in this sort , proceedeth originally from some such agent , as knoweth , appointeth , holdeth vp , and euen actually frameth the same . the manner of this diuine efficiencie being farre aboue vs , we are no more able to conceiue by our reason , then creatures vnreasonable by their sense are able to apprehend after what manner we dispose and order the course of our affaires . only thus much is discerned , that the naturall generation and processe of all thinges receiueth order of proceeding from the setled stabilitie of diuine vnderstanding . this appointeth vnto them their kinds of working , the disposition whereof in the puritie of gods owne knowledge and will is rightly tearmed by the name of prouidence . the same being referred vnto the things themselues here disposed by it , was woont by the auncient to bee called naturall destinie . that lawe the performance whereof we behold in things naturall , is as it were an authenticall , or an originall draught written in the bosome of god himselfe ; whose spirite being to execute the same , vseth euery particular nature , euery meere naturall agent , onely as an instrument created at the beginning , and euer since the beginning vsed to worke his owne will and pleasure withall . nature therefore is nothing else but gods instrument : in the course whereof dionysius perceiuing some suddaine disturbance , is said to haue cried out , aut deus naturae patitur , aut mundi machina dissolu●tur , either god doth suffer impediment , and is by a greater then himselfe hindered ; or if that be impossible , then hath he determined to make a present dissolution of the world , the execution of that law beginning now to stand stil , without which the world cannot stand . this workman , whose seruitor nature is , being in truth but onely one , the heathens imagining to be moe , gaue him in the skie the name of iupiter , in the aire the name of iuno , in the water the name of neptune , in the earth the name of vesta and sometimes of ceres , the name of apollo in the sunne , in the moone the name of diana , the name of aeolus and diuers other in the windes ; and to conclude euen so many guides of nature they dreamed of , as they sawe there were kindes of thinges naturall in the world . these they honored , as hauing power to worke or cease accordingly as men deserued of them . but vnto vs there is one onely guide of all agents naturall , and hee both the creator and the worker of all in all , alone to be blessed , adored and honoured by all for euer . that which hitherto hath beene spoken , concerneth naturall agents considered in themselues . but we must further remember also ( which thing to touch in a word shall suffice ) that as in this respect they haue their law , which lawe directeth them in the meanes whereby they tende to their owne perfection . so likewise an other lawe there is , which toucheth them as they are sociable partes vnited into one body ; a lawe which bindeth them each to serue vnto others good , and all to preferre the good of the whole before whatsoeuer their owne particular ; as we plainely see they doe , when things naturall in that regard forget their ordinary naturall woont , that which is heauie mounting sometime vpwardes of it owne accord , and forsaking the center of the earth , which to it selfe is most naturall , euen as if it did heare it selfe commaunded to let goe the good it priuately wisheth , and to relieue the present distresse of nature in common . * but now that wee may lift vp our eyes ( as it were ) from the footstoole to the throne of god , and leauing these naturall , consider a little the state of heauenly and diuine creatures ; touching angels which are spirits immateriall and intellectuall , the glorious inhabitants of those sacred pallaces , where nothing but light and blessed immortalitie , no shadow of matter for teares , discontentments , griefes , and vncomfortable passions to worke vpon , but all ioy ▪ tranquilitie , and peace , euen for euer and euer doth dwell ; as in number and order they are huge , mightie , and royall armies ; so likewise in perfection of obedience vnto that lawe , which the highest , whom they adore , loue , and imitate , hath imposed vpon them , such obseruantes they are thereof , that our sauiour himselfe being to set downe the perfect idea of that which wee are to pray and wish for on earth , did not teach to pray or wish for more , then onely that heere it might be with vs , as with them it is in heauen . god which mooueth meere naturall agents as an efficient onely , doth otherwise mooue intellectuall creatures , and especially his holy angels . for beholding the face of god , in admiration of so great excellencie they all adore him ; and being rapt with the loue of his beautie , they cleaue inseparably for euer vnto him . desire to resemble him in goodnesse , maketh them vnweariable , and euen vnsatiable in their longing to doe by all meanes all maner good vnto all the creatures of god , but especially vnto the children of men ; in the countenance of whose nature looking downeward they behold themselues beneath themselues , euen as vpwarde in god , beneath whom themselues are , they see that character which is no where but in themselues and vs resembled . thus farre euen the painims haue approched ; thus farre they haue seene into the doings of the angels of god ; orpheus confessing , that the fiery throne of god is attended on by those most industrious angels , carefull how all things are performed amongst men ; and the mirror of humaine wisedome plainely teaching , that god mooueth angels , euen as that thing doth stirre mans heart , which is thereunto presented amiable . angelicall actions may therefore be reduced vnto these three generall kindes ; first , most delectable loue , arising from the visible apprehension of the puritie , glory , and beautie of god , inuisible sauing onely vnto spirites that are pure ; secondly adoration , grounded vpon the euidence of the greatnes of god , on whom they see how all things depende ; thirdly imitation , bred by the presence of his exemplary goodnes , who ceaseth not before them daily to fill heauen and earth with the rich treasures of most free and vndeserued grace . of angels wee are not to consider onely what they are , and doe , in regard of their owne being ; but that also which concerneth them as they are lincked into a kinde of corporation amongst themselues , and of societie or fellowship with men . consider angels each of them seuerally in himself , and their law is that which the prophet dauid mentioneth , all ye his angels praise him . consider the angels of god associated , and their lawe is that which disposeth them as an army , one in order and degree aboue an other . consider finally the angels as hauing with vs that communion which the apostle to the hebrewes noteth , and in regard whereof angels haue not disdained to professe themselues our fellowseruants ; from hence there springeth vp a third law , which bindeth them to workes of ministeriall imployment . euery of which their seuerall functions are by them performed with ioy . a part of the angels of god notwithstanding ( we know ) haue fallen , and that their fall hath beene through the voluntary breach of that lawe , which did require at their hands continuance in the exercise of their high and admirable vertue . impossible it was that euer their will should chaunge or incline to remit any part of their dutie , without some obiect hauing force to auert their conceit from god , and to draw it an other way ; and that before they attained that high perfection of blisse , wherein now the elect angels are without possibilitie of falling . of any thing more then of god they could not by any meanes like , as long as whatsoeuer they knew besides god , they apprehended it not in it selfe without dependencie vpon god ; because so long god must needes seeme infinitely better then any thing which they so could apprehend . thinges beneath them could not in such sort be presented vnto their eyes , but that therein they must needs see alwayes how those things did depend on god. it seemeth therefore that there was no other way for angels to sinne , but by reflex of their vnderstanding vpon themselues ; when being held with admiration of their owne sublimitie and honor , the memorie of their subordination vnto god and their dependencie on him was drowned in this conceipt ; whereupon their adoration , loue , and imitation of god , could not choose but be also interrupted . the fall of angels therefore was pride . since their fall , their practises haue beene the cleane contrary vnto those before mentioned . for being dispersed some in the ayre , some on the earth , some in the water , some amongest the minerals , dennes , and caues , that are vnder the earth : they haue by all meanes laboured to effect an vniuersall rebellion against the lawes , and as farre as in them lyeth , vtter destruction of the workes of god. these wicked spirites the heathens honoured in stead of gods , both generally vnder the name of dii inferi gods infernall ; and particularly , some in oracles , some in idoles , some as household gods , some as nymphes ; in a word no foule and wicked spirite which was not one way or other honored of men as god , till such time as light appeared in the world , and dissolued the workes of the diuell . thus much therefore may suffice for angels , the next vnto whom in degree are men . god alone excepted , who actually and euerlastingly is whatsoeuer he may be , and which cannot hereafter be that which now he is not ; all other things besides are somewhat in possibilitie , which as yet they are not in act . and for this cause there is in all things an appetite or desire , whereby they incline to something which they may be : and when they are it , they shall be perfecte● then now they are . all which perfections are contained vnder the generall name of goodnesse . and because there is not in the world any thing wherby another may not some way be made the perfecter , therefore all things that are , are good . againe sith there can be no goodnesse desired which proceedeth not from god himselfe , as from the supreme cause of all things ; and euerie effect doth after a sort conteine , at least wise resemble the cause from which it proceedeth : all things in the world are sayd in some sort to seeke the highest , and to couet more or lesse the participation of god himselfe . yet this doth no where so much appeare as it doth in man : because there are so many kindes of perfections which man seeketh . the first degree of goodnesse is that generall perfection which all things do seeke ▪ in desiring the continuance of their beeing . all thinges therefore coueting as much as may be to be like vnto god in being euer , that which cannot hereunto attaine personally , doth seeke to continue it selfe another way , that is by ofspring and propagation . the next degree of goodnesse , is that which each thing coueteth by affecting resemblance with god , in the constancy and excellencie of those operations which belong vnto their kind . the immutabilitie of god they striue vnto , by working either alwayes or for the most part after one and the same manner ; his absolute exactnes they imitate , by tending vnto that which is most exquisite in euery particular . hence haue risen a number of axiomes in philosophie , shewing , how the workes of nature do alwayes ayme at that which cannot be bettered . these two kinds of goodnesse rehe●rsed are so neerely vnited to the things themselues which desi●e them , that we scarcely perceiue the appetite to stirre in reaching foorth her hand towards them . but the desire of those perfections which grow externally is more apparent ; especially of such as are not expressely desired vnlesse they be first knowne , or such as are not for any other cause then for knowledge it selfe desired . concerning perfections in this kind , that by proceeding in the knowledge of truth , and by growing in the exercise of vertue , man amongst the creatures of this inferiour world , aspireth to the greatest conformity with god ; this is not only knowne vnto vs , whom he himselfe hath so instructed , but euen they do acknowledge , who amongst men are not iudged the neerest vnto him . with plato what one thing more vsuall , then to excite men vnto the loue of wisedome , by shewing how much ▪ wise men are thereby exalted aboue men ; how knowledge doth rayse them vp into heauen ; how it maketh them , though not gods , yet as gods , high , admirable and diuine ? and mercurius trismegisl●s speaking of the vertues of a righteous soule , such spirits ( sayth he ) are neuer cl●yed with praising and speaking well of all men , with doing good vnto euery one by word and deed , because they studie to frame themselues according to the paterne of the father of spirits . in the matter of knowledge , there is betweene the angels of god and the children of men this difference . angels alreadie haue full and complete knowledge in the highest degree that can be imparted vnto them : men if we view them in their spring , are at the first without vnderstanding or knowledge at all . neuerthelesse from this vtter vacuitie they grow by degrees , till they come at length to be euen as the angels themselues are . that which agreeth to the one now , the other shall attaine vnto in the end ; they are not so farre disioyned and seuered , but that they come at length to meete . the soule of man being therefore at the first as a booke , wherein nothing is , and yet all thinges may be imprinted ; we are to search by what steppes and degrees it riseth vnto perfection of knowledge . vnto that which hath bene alreadie set downe concerning naturall agents this we must adde , that albeit therein we haue comprised as well creatures liuing , as void of life , if they be in degree of nature beneath men ; neuerthelesse a difference we must obserue betweene those naturall agents that worke altogether vnwittingly , and those which haue though weake , yet some vnderstanding what they do , as fishes , foules , and beasts haue . beasts are in sensible capacitie as ripe euen as men themselues , perhaps more ripe . for as stones , though in dignitie of nature inferior vnto plants , yet exceed them in firmenesse of strength or durability of being ; and plants though beneath the excellency of creatures indued with sense , yet exceed them in the faculty of vegetation and of fertility : so beasts though otherwise behind men , may notwithstanding in actions of sense and phancie go beyond them ; because the endeuors of nature , when it hath an higher perfection to seeke , are in lower the more remisse , not esteeming thereof so much as those things do , which haue no better proposed vnto them . the soule of man therefore being capable of a more diuine perfection , hath ( besides the faculties of growing vnto sensible knowledge which is common vnto vs with beasts ) a further hability ▪ whereof in thē there is no shew at all , the ability of reaching higher then vnto sensible things . till we grow to some ripenesse of yeares , the soule of man doth only store it selfe with conceipts of things of inferiour and more open qualitie , which afterwards do serue as instruments vnto that which is greater : in the meane while aboue the reach of meaner creatures it ascendeth not . when once it comprehendeth any thing aboue this , as the differences of time , affirmations , negations ▪ and contradictions in speech ; we then count it to haue some vse of naturall reason . whereunto if afterwards there might be added the right helpes of true art and learning , ( which helpes i must plainely confesse this age of the world , carying the name of a learned age , doth neither much know nor greatly regard ) there would vndoubtedly be almost as great difference in maturitie of iudgement betweene men therewith inured , and that which now men are , as betweene men that are now and innocents . which speech if any condemne , as being ouer hyperbolicall , let them consider but this one thing . no art is at the first finding out so perfect as industrie may after make it . yet the very first man that to any purpose knew the way we speake of and followed it , hath alone thereby performed more very neere in all parts of naturall knowledge , then sithence in any one part thereof , the whole world besides hath done . in the pouertie of that other new deuised aide , two things there are notwithstanding singular . of maruellous quicke dispatch it is , and doth shew them that haue it as much almost in three dayes , as if it dwell threescore yeares with them . againe because the curiositie of mans wit , doth many times with perill wade farther in the search of things , then were conuenient : the same is thereby restrained vnto such generalities ▪ as euery where offering themselues , are apparant vnto men of the weakest conceipt that need be . so as following the rules & precepts thereof , we may find it to be , an art which teacheth the way of speedy discourse , and restraineth the minde of man that it may not waxe ouer wise . education and instruction are the meanes , the one by vse , the other by precept , to make our naturall faculty of reason , both the better and the sooner able to iudge rightly betweene truth and error , good and euill . but at what time a man may be sayd to haue attained so farre foorth the vse of reason , as sufficeth to make him capable of those lawes , whereby he is thē bound to guide his actions ; this is a great deale more easie for common sense to discerne , then for any man by skill and learning to determine : euen as it is not in philosophers , who best know the nature both of fire and of gold , to teach what degree of the one will serue to purifie the other , so well as the artisan ( who doth this by fire ) discerneth by sense when the fire hath that degree of heate which sufficeth for his purpose . by reason man attaineth vnto the knowledge of things that are and are not sensible : it resteth therfore that we search how mā attaineth vnto the knowledge of such things vnsensible , as are to be knowne that they may be done . seeing then that nothing can moue vnlesse there be some end , the desire whereof prouoketh vnto motion ; how should that diuine power of the soule , that spirit of our mind as the apostle termeth it , euer stir it selfe vnto action , vnlesse it haue also the like spurre ? the end for which we are moued to worke , is somtimes the goodnes which we conceiue of the very working it selfe , without any further respect at all ; and the cause that procureth action is the meere desire of action , no other good besides being thereby intended . of certaine turbulent wits it is said , illis quieta mouere magna merces videbatur , they thought the very disturbāce of things established an hyre sufficient to set them on worke . sometimes that which we do is referred to a further end , without the desire whereof we would leaue the same vndone , as in their actions that gaue almes to purchase thereby the prayse of men . man in perfection of nature being made according to the likenes of his maker , resembleth him also in the maner of working ; so that whatsoeuer we worke as men , the same we do wittingly worke and freely ; neither are we according to the maner of naturall agents any way so tied , but that it is in our power to leaue the things we do vndone . the good which either is gotten by doing , or which consisteth in the very doing it selfe , causeth not action , vnlesse apprehending it as good , we so like and desire it . that we do vnto any such ende , the same we choose and preferre before the leauing of it vndone . choice there is not , vnlesse the thing which we take , be so in our power that we might haue refused and left it . if fire consume the stubble , it chooseth not so to do , because the nature thereof is such that it can do no other . to choose is to will one thing before another . and to will is to bend our soules to the hauing or doing of that which they see to be good . goodnesse is seene with the eye of the vnderstanding . and the light of that eye , is reason . so that two principall fountaines there are of humaine action , knowledge and will ; which will in things tending towards any end is termed choice . concerning knowledge , behold sayth moses , i haue set before you this day good and euill , life and death . concerning will , he addeth immediatly , choose life ; that is to say , the things that tend vnto life , them choose . but of one thing we must haue speciall care , as being a matter of no small moment , and that is , how the will properly and strictly taken , as it is of things which are referred vnto the end that man desireth , differeth greatly from that inferiour naturall desire which we call appetite . the obiect of appetite is whatsoeuer sensible good may be wished for ; the obiect of wil is that good which reason doth leade vs to seeke . affections , as ioy , and griefe , and feare , and anger , with such like , being as it were the sundry fashions and formes of appetite , can neither rise at the conceipt of a thing indifferent , nor yet choose but rise at the sight of some things . wherefore it is not altogether in our power , whether we will be stirred with affections or no : whereas actions which issue from the dispositiō of the wil , are in the power therof to be performed or staied . finally appetite is the wils sollicitor , and the will is appetites controller ; what we couet according to the one , by the other we often reiect : neither is any other desire termed properly will , but that where reason and vnderstanding , or the shew of reason , prescribeth the thing desired . it may be therfore a question , whether those operations of men are to be counted voluntary , wherein that good which is sensible prouoketh appetite , and appetite causeth action , reason being neuer called to councell ; as when we eate or drinke , or betake our selues vnto rest , and such like . the truth is , that such actions in men hauing attained to the vse of reason are voluntary . for as the authoritie of higher powers hath force euen in those things which are done without their priuitie , and are of so meane reckening that to acquaint them therewith it needeth not : in like sort voluntarily we are said to do that also ▪ which the will if it listed might hinder from being done , although about the doing thereof we do not expressely vse our reason or vnderstanding , and so immediatly apply our wils thereunto . in cases therefore of such facility , the will doth yeeld her assent , as it were with a kind of silence , by not dissenting ; in which respect her force is not so apparant , as in expresse mandates or prohibitions , especially vpon aduice and consultation going before . where vnderstanding therefore needeth , in those things reason is the director of mans will , by discouering in action what is good . for the lawes of well doing are the dictates of right reason . children which are not as yet come vnto those yeares whereat they may haue ; againe innocentes which are excluded by naturall defect from euer hauing ; thirdly mad men which for the present cannot possibly haue the vse of right reason to guide themselues , haue for their guide the reason that guideth other men , which are tutors ouer them to seeke and to procure their good for them . in the rest there is that light of reason , whereby good may be knowne from euill , and which discouering the same rightly is termed right . the will notwithstanding doth not incline to haue or do that which reason teacheth to be good , vnlesse the same do also teach it to be possible . for albeit the appetite , being more generall , may wish any thing which seemeth good , be it neuer so impossible : yet for such things the reasonable will of man doth neuer seeke . let reason reach impossibilitie in any thing , and the will of man doth let it go ; a thing impossible it doth not affect , the impossibility thereof being manifest . there is in the will of man naturally that freedome , whereby it is apt to take or refuse any particular obiect whatsoeuer being presented vnto it . whereupon it followeth ; th●t there is no particular obiect so good , but it may haue the shew of some dif●icultie or vnplesant qualitie annexed to it ; in respect whereof the will may shrinke and decline it : contrariwise ( for so things are blended ) there is no particular euill , which hath not some appearance of goodnes whereby to insinuate it selfe . for euill as euill cannot be desired : if that be desired which is euill , the cause is the goodnes which is or seemeth to be ioyned with it . goodnesse doth not moue by being , but by being apparant ; and therefore many things are neglected which are most pretious , onely because the value of them lyeth hid . sensible goodnesse is most apparent , neere , and present ; which causeth the appetite to be therewith strongly prouoked . now pursuit & refusall in the will do follow , the one the affirmation , the other the negation of goodnes ; which the vnderstanding apprehendeth ▪ grounding it selfe vpon sense , vnlesse some higher reason do chance to teach the cōtrary . and if reason haue taught it rightly to be good , yet not so apparently that the mind receiueth it with vtter im●ossibility of being ot●erwise ; still there is place left for the will to take or leaue . whereas therefore amongst so many things as are to be done , there are so few , the goodnes wherof reasō in such sort doth or easily can discouer ; we are not to m●ruaile at the choyce of euill , euē then when the cōtrary is probably knowne . hereby it cometh to passe , that custome inuring the mind by lō● practise , & so leauing there a sensible impression , preuaileth more thē reasonable perswasiō wh●t way so euer . reason therfore may rightly discerne the thing which is good , & yet the will of mā not incline it selfe theru●to , is oft as the preiudice of sensible experience doth ouersway . nor let any man thinke that this doth make any thing for the iust excuse of iniquity . for there was neuer sin cōmitted , wherein a lesse good was not preferred before a greater , & that wilfully ; which cānot be done without the singular disgrace of nature , & the vtter disturbance of that diuine order , wherby the preeminence of chiefest acceptation is by the best things worthily chalenged . there is not that good which cōcerneth vs , but it hath euidence ●nough for it selfe , if reason were diligent to search it out . through neglect thereof , abused we are with the shew of that which is not ; somtimes the subtilty of satan inueagling vs , as it did a eue ; sometimes the hastinesse of our wils preuenting the more considerate aduice of foūd reasō , as in b the apostles , whē they no sooner saw what they liked not , but they forthwith were desirous of fit frō heauen ; sometimes the very custome of euil making the hart obdurate against whatsoeuer instructions to the cōtrary , as in thē ouer whō our sauior spake weeping , c o ierusalē how often , & thou wouldst not ? still therfore that wherw●th we stand blameable , & can no way excuse it is , in doing euill , we prefer a lesse good before a greater the greatnes whereof is by reasō inuestigable & may be known . the search of knowledge is a thing painful ; & the painfulnes of knowledge is that which maketh the will so hardly inclinable thereunto . the root hereof , diuine maledictiō ▪ wherby the d instrumēts being weakned wherwithall the soule ( especially in reasoning ) doth worke , it preferreth rest in ignorance , before wearisome labour to know . for a spurre of diligence therefore we haue a naturall thirst after knowledge ingrafted in vs. but by reason of that originall weaknesse in the instruments , without which the vnderstanding part is not able in this world by discourse to worke , the very conceipt of painefulnesse is as a bridle to stay vs. for which cause the apostle who knew right well that the wearines of the flesh is an heauy clog to the will , striketh mightily vpon this key , awake thou that sleepest , cast off all which presseth downe , watch , labour , striue to go forward and to grow in knowledge . ▪ wherefore to returne to our former intent of discouering the naturall way , whereby rules haue bene found out concerning that goodnes wherewith the wil of man ought to be moued in humaine actions ; as euery thing naturally and necessarily doth desire the vtmost good and greatest perfection whereof nature hath made it capable , euen so man. our felicitie therefore being the obiect and accomplishment of our desire , we cannot choose but wish and couet it . all particular things which are subiect vnto action , the will doth so farre foorth incline vnto , as reason iudgeth them the better for vs , and consequently the more auaileable to our blisse . if reason erre , we fall into euill , and are so farre forth depriued of the generall perfection we seeke . seeing therefore that for the framing of mens actions the knowledge of good from euill is necessarie ; it onely resteth that we search how this may be had . neither must we suppose that there needeth one rule to know the good , and another the euill by . for he that knoweth what is straight , doth euen thereby discerne what is crooked , because the absence of straightnesse in bodies capable thereof is crookednesse . goodnesse in actions is like vnto straitnesse ▪ wherfore that which is done well we terme right . for as the straight way is most acceptable to him that trauaileth , because by it he commeth soonest to his iourneys end : so in action , that which doth lye the euenest betweene vs and the end we desire , must needes be the fittest for our vse . besides which fitnes for vse , there is also in rectitude , beauty ; as contrariwise in obliquity , deformity . and that which is good in the actions of men , doth not onely delight as profitable , but as amiable also . in which consideration the grecians most diuinely haue giuen to the actiue perfection of men , a name expressing both beauty and goodnesse , because goodnesse in ordinary speech is for the most part applied onely to that which is beneficiall . but we in the name of goodnesse , do here imploy both . and of discerning goodnes there are but these two wayes ; the one the knowledge of the causes whereby it is made such ; the other the obseruation of those signes and tokens , which being annexed alwaies vnto goodnes , argue that where they are found , there also goodnes is , although we know not the cause by force whereof it is there . the former of these is the most sure & infallible way , but so hard that all shunne it , and had rather walke as men do in the darke by hap hazard , then tread so long and intricate mazes for knowledge sake . as therefore physitians are many times forced to leaue such methods of curing as themselues know to be the fittest , and being ouerruled by their patients impatiency are fame to try the best they can , in taking that way of cure , which the cured will yeeld vnto : in like sort , cōsidering how the case doth stād with this present age full of tongue & weake of braine , behold we yeeld to the streame thereof ; into the causes of goodnes we will not make any curious or deepe inquiry ; to touch them now & then it shal be sufficient , when they are so neere at hand that easily they may be conceiued without any farre remoued discourse : that way we are contented to proue , which being the worse in it selfe , is notwithstanding now by reason of common imbecillity the fitter & likelier to be brookt . signes and tokens to know good by , are of sundry kinds : some more certaine ▪ and some lesse . the most certaine token of euident goodnesse is , if the generall perswasion of all men do so account it . and therefore a common receiued error is neuer vtterly ouerthrowne , till such time as we go from signes vnto causes , and shew some manifest root or fountaine thereof common vnto all , whereby it may clearly appeare how it hath come to passe that so many haue bene ouerseene . in which case surmises and sleight probabilities will not serue ; because the vniuersall consent of men is the perfectest and strongest in this kind which comprehendeth onely the signes and tokens of goodnesse . things casuall do varie , and that which a man doth but chaunce to thinke well of , cannot still haue the like hap . wherefore although we know not the cause , yet thus much we may know , that some necessary cause there is , whensoeuer the iudgements of all men generally or for the most part run one & the same way , especially in matters of naturall discourse . for of things necessarily & naturally done there is no more affirmed but this , a they keepe either alwaies or for the most part one tenure . the generall and perpetuall voyce of men is as the sentence of god himselfe . b for that which all men haue at all times learned , nature her selfe must needes haue taught ; and god being the author of nature , her voyce is but his instrument . by her from him we receiue whatsoeuer in such sort we learne . infinite duties there are , the goodnes wherof is by this rule sufficiently manifested , although we had no other warrant besides to approue them . the apostle s. paul hauing speech cōcerning the heathen saith of thē , c they are a law vnto thēselues ▪ his meaning is , that by force of the light of reasō , wherewith god illuminateth euery one which cometh into the world , mē being inabled to know truth from falshood , and good from euill , do thereby learne in many things what the will of god is ; which will himselfe not reuealing by any extraordinary meanes vnto them , but they by naturall discourse attaining the knowledge thereof , seeme the makers of those lawes which indeed are his , and they but onely the finders of them out . a law therefore generally taken , is a directiue rule vnto goodnesse of operation . the rule of diuine operations outward , is the definitiue appointmēt of gods owne wisedome set downe within himselfe . the rule of naturall agents that worke by simple necessity , is the determination of the wisedome of god ▪ known to god himselfe the principall director of them , but not vnto them that are directed to execute the same . the rule of naturall agents which worke after a sort of their owne accord , as the beasts do , is the iudgement of common sense or phancy concerning the sensible goodnes of those obiects wherwith they are moued . the rule of ghostly or immateriall natures , as spirits & angels , is their intuitiue intellectual iudgement concerning the amiable beauty & high goodnes of that obiect , which with vnspeakeable ioy and delight doth set them on worke . the rule of voluntary agents on earth , is the sentence that reason giueth cōcerning the goodnes of those things which they are to do . and the sentences which reason giueth , are some more , some lesse general , before it come to define in particular actiōs what is good . the maine principles of reason are in thēselues apparent . for to make nothing euidēt of it selfe vnto mās vnderstāding , were to take away al possibility of knowing any thing . and herein that of theophras●us is true , they that seeke a reason of all things do vtterly ouerthrow reason . in euery kind of knowledge some such grounds there are , as that being proposed , the mind doth presently embrace them as free from all possibilitie of error , cleare and manifest without proofe . in which kind , axiomes or principles more generall are such as this , that the greater good is to be chosen before the lesse . if therefore it should be demanded , what reason there is why the will of man , which doth necessarily shun harme and couet whatsoeuer is pleasant and sweete , should be commanded to count the pleasures of sinne gall , & notwithstanding the bitter accidents wherwith vertuous actions are compast , yet stil to reioyce and delight in them ; surely this could neuer stand with reason : but that wisedome thus prescribing , groundeth her lawes vpon an infallible rule of comparison , which is , that small difficulties , when exceeding great good is sure to ensue ; and on the other side momentanie benefites , when the hurt which they drawe after them is vnspeakeable , are not at all to be respected . this rule is the ground whereupon the wisedom of the apostle buildeth a law , inioyning patience vnto himselfe ; the present lightnes of our affliction worketh vnto vs euen with aboundance vpon aboundance an eternall waight of glory , while we looke not on the things which are seene , but on the things which are not seene . for the things which are seene are temporal , but the things which are not seene eternall . therefore christianity to be embraced , whatsoeuer calamities in those times it was accompanied withall . vpon the same ground our sauiour proueth the law most reasonable , that doth forbid those crimes which mē for gaines sake fall into . for a man to win the world , if it be with the losse of his soule , what benefit or good is it ? axiomes lesse generall , yet so manifest that they need no further proofe , are such as these , god to be worshipped , parents to be honored , others to be vsed by vs as we our selues would by them . such things , as soone as they are alleaged , all men acknowledge to be good ; they require no proofe or further discourse to be assured of their goodnes . notwithstanding whatsoeuer such principle there is , it was at the first found out by discourse , & drawne from out of the very bowels of heauen and earth . for we are to note , that things in the world are to vs discernable , not onely so farre forth as serueth for our vitall preseruation , but further also in a twofold higher respect . for first if all other vses were vtterly taken away ; yet the mind of man being by nature speculatiue and delighted with cōtemplation in it selfe , they were to be known euen for meere knowledge and vnderstandings sake . yea further besides this , the knowledge of euery the least thing in the whole world , hath in it a secōd peculiar benefit vnto vs , in as much as it serueth to minister rules , canons , and lawes for men to direct those actions by , which we properly terme humane . this did the very heathens themselues obscurely insinuate , by making themis which we call ius or right to be the daughter of heauen and earth . wee knowe things either as they are in themselues , or as they are in mutuall relation one to another . the knowledge of that which man is in reference vnto himselfe , and other things in relation vnto man , i may iustly terme the mother of al those principles , which are as it were edicts , statutes , and decrees in that law of nature , wherby humaine actions are framed . first therefore hauing obserued that the best things , where they are not hindered , do still produce the best operations ; ( for which cause where many things are to concurre vnto one effect , the best is in all congruity of reason to guide the residue , that it preuailing most , the worke principally done by it may haue greatest perfection : ) when hereupon we come to obserue in our selues , of what excellencie our soules are in comparison of our bodies , and the diuiner part in relation vnto the baser of our soules ; seeing that all these concurre in producing humaine actions , it cannot be well vnlesse the chiefest do commaund and direct the rest . the soule then ought to conduct the bodie , and the spirit of our mindes the soule . this is therefore the first lawe , whereby the highest power of the minde requireth generall obedience at the hands of all the rest concurring with it vnto action . touching the seuerall graund mandates , which being imposed by the vnderstanding facultie of the minde , must be obeyed by the will of man , they are by the same method found out , whether they import our dutie towardes god or towards man. touching the one , i may not here stand to open , by what degrees of discourse the mindes euen of meere naturall men , haue attained to knowe , not onely that there is a god , but also what power , force , wisedome , and other properties that god hath , and how all thinges depend on him . this being therefore presupposed , from that knowne relation which god hath vnto vs a as vnto children , and vnto all good thinges as vnto effectes , whereof himselfe is the b principall cause , these axiomes and lawes naturall concerning our dutie haue arisen ; c that in all things we go about , his ayde is by prayer to be craued ; d that he cannot haue sufficient honor done vnto him , but the vttermost of that we can do to honour him we must ; which is in effect the same that we read , e thou shalt loue the lord thy god with all thy heart , with all thy soule , and with all thy mind . which law our sauiour doth terme the f first and the great commaundement . touching the next , which as our sauiour addeth , is like vnto this ( he meaneth in amplitude and largenesse ▪ in as much as it is the roote out of which all laws of dutie to men-ward haue growne , as out of the former all offices of religion towards god ) the like naturall inducement hath brought men to know , that it is their duty no lesse to loue others then themselues . for seeing those things which are equall , must needes all haue one measure : if i cannot but wish to receiue al good , euen as much at euery mans hand as any man can wish vnto his owne soule ; how should i looke to haue any part of my desire herein satisfied , vnlesse my self be careful to satisfie the like desire , which is vndoubtedly in other men , we all being of one and the same nature ? to haue any thing offered them repugnant to this desire , must needs in all respects grieue them as much as me : so that if i do harme , i must looke to suffer ; there being no reason that others should shew greater measure of loue to me , then they haue by me shewed vnto them . my desire therefore to be loued of my equals in nature as much as possible may be , imposeth vpon me a naturall dutie of bearing to them-ward fully the like affection . from which relation of equalitie betweene our selues and them that are as our selues , what seuerall rules and canons naturall reason hath drawne for direction of life , no man is ignorant ; as namely , g that because we would take no harme , we must therefore do none ; that sith we would not be in any thing extreamely dealt with , we must our selues auoide all extremitie in our dealings ; that from all violence and wrong wee are vtterly to abstaine , with such like ; which further to wade in would bee tedious , and to our present purpose not altogether so necessary , seeing that on these two generall heads alreadie mentioned all other specialties are dependent . wherefore the naturall measure wherby to iudge our doings , is the sentence of reason , determining and setting downe what is good to be done . which sentence is either mandatory , shewing what must be done ; or else permissiue , declaring onely what may be done ; or thirdly admonitorie , opening what is the most conuenient for vs to doe . the first taketh place , where the comparison doth stand altogether betweene doing and not doing of one thing which in it selfe is absolutely good or euill ; as it had bene for ioseph to yeeld or not to yeeld to the impotent desire of his lewd mistresse , the one euill , the other good simply . the second is , when of diuerse things euill , all being not euitable , we are permitted to take one ; which one sauing only in case of so great vrgency were not otherwise to be taken ; as in the matter of diuorce amongst the iewes . the last , when of diuers things good , one is principall and most eminent ; as in their act who sould their possessions and layd the price at the apostles feete , which possessions they might haue retained vnto themselues without sinne ; againe in the apostle s. paules owne choyce to maintaine himselfe by his owne labour , whereas in liuing by the churches maintenance , as others did , there had bene no offence committed . in goodnes therefore there is a latitude or extent , whereby it commeth to passe that euen of good actions some are better then other some ; whereas otherwise one man could not excell another , but all should be either absolutely good , as hitting iumpe that indiuisible point or center wherein goodnesse consisteth ; or else missing it they should be excluded out of the number of wel-doers . degrees of wel doing there could be none , except perhaps in the seldomnes & oftennes of doing well . but the nature of goodnesse being thus ample , a lawe is properly that which reason in such sort defineth to be good that it must be done . and the law of reason or humaine nature is that , which men by discourse of naturall reason haue rightly found out themselues to be all for euer bound vnto in their actions . lawes of reason haue these markes to be knowne by . such as keepe them , resemble most liuely in their voluntarie actions , that very manner of working which nature her selfe doth necessarily obserue in the course of the whole world . the workes of nature are all behoouefull , beautifull , without superfluitie or defect : euen so theirs , if they be framed according to that which the law of reason teacheth . secondly those lawes are inuestigable by reason , without the helpe of reuelation supernaturall and diuine . finally in such sort they are inuestigable , that the knowledge of them is generall , the world hath alwayes bene acquainted with them ; according to that which one in sophocles obserueth corcerning a branch of this law , it is no child of two dayes or yeasterdayes birth , but hath bene no man knoweth how long sithence . it is not agreed vpon by one , or two , or few , but by all : which we may not so vnderstand , as if euery particular man in the whole world did know and confesse whatsoeuer the law of reason doth conteine ; but this lawe is such that being proposed no man can reiect it as vnreasonable and vniust . againe there is nothing in it , but any man ( hauing naturall perfection of wit , and ripenesse of iudgement ) may by labour and trauaile find out . and to conclude , the generall principles thereof are such , as it is not easie to find men ignorant of them . law rationall therefore , which men commonly vse to call the law of nature , meaning thereby the law which humaine nature knoweth it selfe in reason vniuersally bound vnto , which also for that cause may be termed most fitly the lawe of reason ▪ this law , i say , comprehendeth all those things which men by the light of their naturall vnderstanding euidently know , or at least wife may know , to be beseeming or vnbeseeming , vertuous or vitious ; good or euill for them to do . now although it be true , which some haue said , that whatsoeuer is done amisse , the law of nature and reason therby is transgrest ; because euen those offences which are by their speciall qualities breaches of supernaturall lawes , do also , for that they are generally euill violate in generall that principle of reason , which willeth vniuersally to flie from euill : yet do we not therfore so far extend the law of reason , as to conteine in it all maner lawes whereunto reasonable creatures are bound ; but ( as hath bene shewed ) we restraine it to those onely duties , which all men by force of naturall wit either do or might vnderstand to be such duties as concerne all men . certaine half waking men there are , ( as saint augustine noteth ) who neither altogether asleepe in folly , nor yet throughly awake in the light of true vnderstanding , haue thought that there is not at all any thing iust and righteous in it selfe : but looke wherwith nations are inured , the same they take to be right and iust . wherupon their conclusion is , that seeing each sort of people hath a different kind of right from other , and that which is right of it owne nature must be euery where one and the same , therefore in it selfe there is nothing right . these good folke ( saith he , that i may not trouble their wits with rehearsal of too many things ) haue not looked so far into the world as to perceiue , that do as thou wouldest be done vnto , is a sentence which all nations vnder heauen are agreed vpon . refer this sentence to the loue of god , & it extinguisheth all heinous crimes ▪ referre it to the loue of thy neighbor , and all grieuous wrongs it banisheth out of the world . wherefore as touching the law of reason , this was ( it seemeth ) saint augustines iudgement , namely , that there are in it some things which stand as principles vniuersally agreed vpon : and that out of those principles , which are in themselues euident , the greatest morall duties we owe towards god or man , may without any great difficultie be concluded . if then it be here demaunded , by what meanes it should come to passe ( the greatest part of the law morall being so easie for all men to know ) that so many thousands of men notwithstanding haue bene ignorant euen of principall morall duties , not imagining the breach of them to be sinne : i deny not but lewd and wicked custome ; beginning perhaps at the first amongst few , afterwards spreading into greater multitudes , and so continuing from time to time , may be of force euen in plaine things to smother the light of naturall vnderstanding , because men will not bend their wits to examine , whether things wherewith they haue bene accustomed , be good or euill . for examples sake , that grosser kind of heathenish idolatrie , wherby they worshipped the very workes of their owne hands , was an absurdity to reason so palpable , that the prophet dauid comparing idols and idolaters together , maketh almost no ods betweene them , but the one in a maner as much without wit and sense as the other , they that make them are like vnto them , and so are all that trust in them . that wherein an idolater doth seeme so absurb and foolish , is by the wiseman thus exprest , he is not ashamed to speake vnto that which hath no life , he calleth on him that is weake for health , he prayeth for life vnto him which is dead , of him which hath no experience he requireth helpe , for his iourney be s●●th to him which is not able to go , for gaine and worke and successe in his affaires he seeketh furtherance of him that hath no maner of power . the cause of which senselesse stupidity is afterwards imputed to custome . when a father mourned grieuosly for his son that was taken away suddenly , he made an image for him that was once dead , whom now he worshipped as a god , ordeining to his seruants ceremonies & sacrifices . thus by processe of time this wicked custome preuailed , & was kept as a law ; the authority of rulers , the ambition of craftsmen , and such like meanes thrusting forward the ignorant , and increasing their superstition . vnto this which the wiseman hath spoken , somwhat besides may be added . for whatsoeuer we haue hitherto taught , or shal hereafter , cōcerning the force of mans naturall vnderstanding , this we alwayes desire withall to be vnderstood , that there is no kind of faculty or power in man or any other creature , which can rightly performe the functions alotted to it , without perpetuall aide & concurrence of that supreme cause of all things . the benefit whereof as oft as we cause god in his iustice to withdraw , there can no other thing follow ▪ then that which the apostle noteth , euen men indued with the light of reason to walke notwithstanding in the vanity of their mind , hauing their cogitations darkned & being strangers from the life of god through the ignorance which is in them , because of the hardnes of their harts . and this cause is mētioned by the prophet esay ▪ speaking of the ignorance idolaters , who see not how the manifest reason condemneth their grosse iniquity and sinne . they haue not in them , saith he ▪ so much wit as to thinke , shall i bow to the stocke of a tree ? all knowledge and vnderstanding is taken from them . for god hath shut their eyes that they cannot see . that which we say in this case of idolatry , serueth for all other things , wherein the like kind of generall blindnes hath preuailed against the manifest lawes of reason . within the compasse of which lawes we do not onely comprehend whatsoeuer may be easily knowne to belong to the duty of all men ; but euen whatsoeuer may possibly be known to be of that quality , so that the same be by necessary consequence deduced out of cleere and manifest principles . for if once we descend vnto probable collections what is conuenient for men , we are then in the territory where free and arbitrarie determinations , the territory where humane lawes take place , which lawes are after to be considered . now the due obseruation of this law which reason teacheth vs , cannot but be effectuall vnto their great good that obserue the same . for we see the whole world and each part thereof so compacted , that as long as each thing performeth onely that worke which is naturall vnto it , it thereby preserueth both other things , and also it selfe . contrariwise let any principall thing , as the sun , the moone , any one of the heauēs or elemēts , but once cease or faile , or swarue ; and who doth not easily conceiue , that the sequele thereof would be ruine both to it selfe , & whatsoeuer dependeth on it ? and is it possible that man , being not only the noblest creature in the world , but euen a very world in himselfe , his transgressing the law of his nature should draw no maner of harme after it ? yes , tribulation and anguish vnto euerie soule that doth euill . good doth followe vnto all things by obseruing the course of their nature , and on the contrarie side euill by not obseruing it : but not vnto naturall agents that good which wee call reward , not that euill which wee properly tearme punishment . the reason whereof is , because amongst creatures in this world , onely mans obseruation of the lawe of his nature is righteousnesse , onely mans transgression sinne. and the reason of this is the difference in his maner of obseruing or transgressing the lawe of his nature . hee doth not otherwise then voluntarily the one or the other . what we do against our wils , or constrainedly , we are not properly said to do it , because the mo●iue cause of doing it is not in our selues but carrieth vs , as if the winde should driue a feather in the aire , wee no whit furthering that whereby we are driuen . in such cases therefore the euill which is done , moueth compassion ; men are pi●●ied for it , as being rather miserable in such respect thei● culpable . some things are likewise done by man , though not through outward force and impulsion , though not against , yet without their wils ; as in alienation of minde , or any the like ineuitable vtter absence of wit and iudgement . for which cause , no man did euer thinke the hurtfull actions of furious men and innocents to be punishable . againe some things wee doe neither against nor without , and yet not simply and meerely with our wils ; but with our wils in such sor● moued , that albeit there b● no impossibilitie but that wee might , neuerthelesse we are not so easily able to doe otherwise . in this consideration one euill deede is made more pardonable then an other . finally , that which we do being euill , is notwithstanding by so much more pa●donable , by how much the exigence of so doing , or the difficultie of doing otherwise is greater ; vnlesse this necessitie or difficultie haue originally risen from our selues . it is no excuse therefore vnto him , who being drunke committeth incest , and alleageth that his wits were not his owne , in as much as himselfe might haue chosen whether his wits should by that meane haue been taken from him . now rewards and punishments do alwaies presuppose some thing willingly done well or ill ▪ without which respect though we may sometimes receiue good or harme , yet then the one is only a benefite , and not a reward ; the other simply an hurt , not a punishment . from the sundry dispositions of mans will , which is the roote of all his actions , there groweth varietie in the sequeie of rewards and punishments , which are by these and the like rules measured : take away the will , and all actes are equall : that which we doe not and would doe , is commonly accepted as done . by these and the like rules mens actions are determined of and iudged , whether they bee in their owne nature rewardable or punishable . rewards and punishments are not receiued , but at the handes of such as being aboue vs , haue power to examine and iudge our deedes . how men come to haue this authoritie one ouer an other in externall actions , wee shall more diligently examine in that which followeth . but for this present , so much all do acknowledge , that sith euery mans hart and conscience doth in good or euill , euen secretly committed and knowne to none but it selfe , either like or disallow it selfe , and accordingly eyther reioyce , very nature exulting as it were in certain hope of reward , or else grieue as it were in a sense of future punishment ; neither of which can in this case bee looked for from any other , sauing only from him , who discerneth and iudgeth the very secrets of all hearts : therefore he is the onely rewarder and reuenger of all such actions , although not of such actions onely , but of all whereby the lawe of nature is broken , whereof himselfe is author . for which cause● ▪ the romane lawes called the lawes of the twelue tables , requiring offices of inward affection , which the eye of man cannot reach vnto , threaten the neglecters of them with none but diuine punishment . that which hitherto wee haue set downe , is ( i hope ) sufficient to shew their brutishnes , which imagine that religion and vertue are only as men wil accompt of them ; that we might make as much accompt , if we would , of the contrarie , without any harme vnto our selues , and that in nature they are as indifferent one as the other . wee see then how nature it selfe teacheth lawes and statutes to liue by . the lawes which haue bene hitherto mentioned , doe bind men absolutely , euen as they are mē , although they haue neuer any setled fellowship , neuer any solemne agreemēt amongst themselues what to doe or not to do . but for as much as we are not by our selues sufficient , to furnish our selues with competent store of thinges needfull for such a life as our nature doth desire , a life fit for the dignitie of man : therefore to supply those defectes and imperfections which are in vs liuing single and solely by our selues , wee are naturally induced to seeke communion and fellowship with others . this was the cause of mens vniting themselues at the first in politique societies ; which societies could not bee without gouernment , nor gouernment without a distinct kind of law from that which hath bene alreadie declared . two foundations there are which beare vp publique societies ; the one , a naturall inclination , wherby al men desire sociable life & fellowship ; the other , an order expresly or secretly agreed vpon , touching the manner of their vnion in liuing together . the later is that which wee call the law of a common weale , the very soule of a politique body , the parts whereof are by law animated , held together , and set on worke in such actions as the common good requireth . lawes politique , ordained for externall order and regiment amongst men , are neuer framed as they should be , vnlesse presuming the will of man to be inwardly obstinate , rebellious , and auerse from all obediēce vnto the sacred lawes of his nature● in a word , vnlesse presuming man to be in regard of his depraued minde little better then a wild beast , they do accordingly prouide notwithstanding so to frame his outward actions , that they bee no hinderance vnto the common good for which societies are instituted : vnlesse they doe this , they are not perfect . it resteth therefore that we consider how nature findeth out such lawes of gouernmēt , as serue to direct euen nature depraued to a right end . all men desire to lead in this world an happie life . that life is led most happily , wherein all vertue is exercised without impedimēt or let . the apostle in exhorting men to contentment , although they haue in this world no more then very bare food and raiment , giueth vs thereby to vnderstand , that those are euen the lowest of thinges necessary , that if we should be stripped of al those things without which we might possibly be , yet these must be left ; that destitution in these is such an impedimēt , as till it be remoued , suffereth not the mind of man to admit any other care . for this cause first god assigned adam maintenance of life and then appointed him a law to obserue . for this cause after mē began to grow to a number , the first thing we reade they gaue thēselues vnto , was the tilling of the earth , and the feeding of cattle . hauing by this meane whereon to liue , the principall actions of their life afterward are noted by the exercise of their religion . true it is that the kingdome of god must be the first thing in our purposes & desires . but in as much as righteous life presupposeth life , in as much as to liue vertuously it is impossible except we liue ; therefore the first impediment , which naturally we endeuor to remoue , is penurie and want of thinges without which we cannot liue . vnto life many implements are necessary ; moe , if we seeke ( as all men naturally doe ) such a life as hath in it ioy , comfort , delight and pleasure . to this end we see how quickly sundry artes mechanical were found out in the very prime of the world . as things of greatest necessitie are alwaies first prouided for , so things of greatest dignitie are most accounted of by all such as iudge rightly . although therefore riches be a thing which euery man wisheth ; yet no man of iudgement can esteeme it better to be rich , then wise , vertuous & religious . if we be both or either of these , it is not because we are so borne . for into the world we come as emptie of the one as of the other , as naked in minde as we are in body . both which necessities of man had at the first no other helpes and supplies , then only domesticall ; such as that which the prophet implieth , saying , can a mother forget her child ? such as that which the apostle mentioneth , saying ▪ he that careth not for his owne is worse then an infidell ; such as that concerning abraham , abraham will commaund his sonnes and his household after him that they keepe the way of the lord. but neither that which we learne of our selues , nor that which others teach vs can preuaile , where wickednes and malice haue takē deepe roote . if therefore when there was but as yet one only family in the world , no meanes of instruction humane or diuine could preuent effusion of bloud : how could it be chosen but that when families were multiplied and increased vpon earth , after seperation each prouiding for it selfe , enuy , strife , cōtention & violence must grow amongst thē ? for hath not nature furnisht man with wit & valor , as it were with armor , which may be vsed as well vnto extreame euill as good ? yea , were they not vsed by the rest of the world vnto euill ; vnto the contrary only by seth , enoch , and those few the rest in that line ? we all make complaint of the iniquitie of our times : not vniustly ; for the dayes are euill . but compare them with those times , wherein there were no ciuil societies , with those times wherein there was as yet no maner of publique regimēt established , with those times wherin there were not aboue . persons righteous liuing vpon the face of the earth : and wee haue surely good cause to thinke that god hath blessed vs exceedingly , and hath made vs behold most happie daies . to take away all such mutuall greeuances , iniuries & wrongs , there was no way but only by growing vnto compositiō and agreement amongst thēselues , by ordaining some kind of gouernment publike , and by yeelding themselues subiect thereunto ; that vnto whom they graunted authoritie to rule & gouerne , by them the peace , tranquilitie , & happy estate of the rest might be procured . men alwaies knew that when force and iniurie was offered , they might be defendors of themselues ; they knew that howsoeuer men may seeke their owne cōmoditie , yet if this were done with iniury vnto others , it was not to be suffered , but by all men and by all good means to be withstood , finally they knew that no man might in reason take vpon him to determine his owne right , and according to his owne determination proceed in maintenance therof , in as much as euery man is towards himselfe , and them whom he greatly affecteth partiall ; and therfore that strifes & troubles would bee endlesse , except they gaue their common consent all to be ordered by some whom they should agree vpon : without which consent , there were no reason that one man should take vpon him to be lord or iudge ouer an other ; because although there be according to the opinion of some very great and iudicious men , a kind of naturall right in the noble , wise , and vertuous , to gouerne them which are of seruile disposition ; neuerthelesse for manifestation of this their right , & mens more peaceable contentment on both sides , the assent of them who are to be gouerned , seemeth necessarie . to fathers within their priuate families nature hath giuen a supreme power ; for which cause we see throughout the world euen from the first foundation therof , all men haue euer bene taken as lords & lawfull kings in their own houses . howbeit ouer a whole grand multitude , hauing no such dependēcie vpon any one , & consisting of so many families as euery politique societie in the world doth , impossible it is that any should haue complet lawful power but by consent of men , or immediate appointment of god ; because not hauing the naturall superioritie of fathers , their power must needs be either vsurped , & then vnlawfull ; or if lawfull , then either graunted or consented vnto by them ouer whom they exercise the same , or else giuen extraordinarily frō god , vnto whom all the world is subiect . it is no improbable opinion therefore which the arch-philosopher was of , that as the chiefest person in euery houshold was alwaies as it were a king ; so when numbers of housholds ioyned themselues in ciuill societie together , kings were the first kind of gouernors amongst them . which is also as it seemeth the reason , why the name of father continued still in them , who of fathers were made rulers : as also the ancient custome of gouernors to do as melchisedec , and being kings to exercise the office of priests , which fathers did at the first , grew perhaps by the same occasion . howbeit not this the only kind of regiment that hath bene receiued in the world . the inconueniences of one kinde haue caused sundry other to be deuised . so that in a word all publike regimēt of what kind soeuer , seemeth euidently to haue risen from deliberate aduice , consultation , & compositiō betweene men , iudging it cōuenient & behoueful ; there being no impossibilitie in nature considered by it self , but that men might haue liued without any publike regiment . howbeit the corruption of our nature being presupposed , we may not deny but that the lawe of nature doth now require of necessitie some kinde of regiment ; so that to bring things vnto the first course they were in , & vtterly to take away all kind of publike gouernmēt in the world , were apparantly to ouerturn the whole world . the case of mans nature standing therfore as it doth , some kind of regiment the law of nature doth require ; yet the kinds therof being many , nature tieth not to any one , but leaueth the choice as a thing arbitrarie . at the first when some certaine kinde of regiment was once approued , it may be that nothing was then further thought vpon for the maner of gouerning , but all permitted vnto their wisedome and discretion which were to rule ; a till by experience they found this for all parts very inconuenient ; so as the thing which they had deuised for a remedie , did indeede but increase the soare which it should haue cured . they saw that to liue by one mans will , became the cause of all mens misery . this constrained them to come vnto lawes , wherein all men might see their duties before hand , and know the penalties of transgressing them . b if things be simply good or euill , and withall vniuersally so acknowledged , there needs no new law to be made for such things . the first kind therefore of things appointed by lawes humane , containeth whatsoeuer being in it selfe naturally good or euill , is notwithstanding more secret then that it can be discerned by euery mans present conceipt , without some deeper discourse and iudgement . in which discourse , because there is difficultie and possibilitie many waies to erre , vnlesse such things were set downe by lawes , many would be ignorant of their duties which now are not ; & many that know what they should do , would neuerthelesse dissemble it , and to excuse themselues pretend ignorance and simplicitie which now they cannot . and because the greatest part of men are such as prefer their owne priuate good before all things , euen that good which is sensuall before whatsoeuer is most diuine ; & for that the labor of doing good , together with the pleasure arising from the cōtrary , doth make men for the most part slower to the one , & proner to the other , then that dutie prescribed them by law can preuaile sufficiently with them : therefore vnto lawes that men do make for the benefit of mē , it hath seemed alwaies needful to ad rewards which may more allure vnto good then any hardnes deterreth from it , & punishments which may more deterre from euil then any sweetnes therto allureth . wherin as the generalitie is naturall , vertue rewardable and vice punishable : so the particular determination of the rewarde or punishment , belongeth vnto them by whom lawes are made . theft is naturally punishable , but the kinde of punishment is positiue , and such lawfull as men shall thinke with discretion conuenient by lawe to appoint . in lawes that which is naturall bindeth vniuersally , that which is positiue not so . to let goe those kind of positiue lawes which men impose vpon thēselues , as by vow vnto god , contract with men , or such like ; somewhat it will make vnto our purpose a little more fully to cōsider , what things are incident into the making of the positiue lawes for the gouernment of thē that liue vnited in publique societie . lawes do not onely teach what is good , but they inioyne it , they haue in thē a certain cōstraining force . and to cōstraine mē vnto any thing inconuenient doth seeme vnreasonable . most requisite therefore it is , that to deuise lawes which all men shal be forced to obey , none but wise mē be admitted . lawes are matters of principall consequence ; men of cōmon capacitie & but ordinary iudgemēt are not able ( for how should they ? ) to discerne what things are fittest for each kind and state of regiment . wee cannot be ignorant how much our obedience vnto lawes dependeth vpon this point . let a man though neuer so iustly , oppose himselfe vnto thē that are disordered in their waies , & what one amongst them commonly doth not stomacke at such contradiction , storme at reproofe , and hate such as would reforme them ? notwithstanding euen they which brooke it worst that men should tell them of their duties , when they are told the same by a lawe , thinke very wel & reasonably of it . for why ? they presume that the lawe doth speake with all indifferencie , that the lawe hath no side respect to their persons , that the law is as it were an oracle proceeded from wisedome and vnderstanding . howbeit laws do not take their constraining force frō the qualitie of such as deuise them , but from that power which doth giue them the strength of lawes . that which we spake before concerning the power of gouernment , must here be applyed vnto the power of making lawes wherby to gouerne ; which power god hath ouer all ; and by the naturall lawe whereunto hee hath made all subiect , the lawfull power of making lawes to commaund whole politique societies of men , belongeth so properly vnto the same intire societies , that for any prince or potentate of what kinde soeuer vpon earth to exercise the same of himselfe , and not either by expresse commission immediatly and personally receiued from god , or else by authoritie deriued at the first frō their consent vpon whose persons they impose lawes , it is no better then meere tyrannie . lawes they are not therefore which publique approbation hath not made so . but approbation not only they giue who personally declare their assent by voice sign or act , but also whē others do it in their names by right originally at the least deriued from them . as in parliaments , councels , & the like assemblies , although we be not personally our selues present , notwithstanding our assent is by reasō of others agents there in our behalfe . and what we do by others , no reason but that it should stand as our deede , no lesse effectually to binde vs then if our selues had done it in person . in many things assent is giuen , they that giue it not imagining they do so , because the manner of their assenting is not apparent . as for example , when an absolute monark commandeth his subiects that which seemeth good in his owne discretion , hath not his edict the force of a law , whether they approue or dislike it ? againe that which hath bene receiued long sithence and is by custome now established , we keep as a law which we may not transgresse ; yet what consent was euer thereunto sought or required at our hands ? of this point therefore we are to note , that sith men naturally haue no ful & perfect power to commaund whole politique mul●itudes of men ; therefore vtterly without our consent we could in such sort be at no mans commandement liuing . and to be commanded we do consent , when that societie wherof we are part , hath at any time before consented , without reuoking the same after by the like vniuersall agreement . wherfore as any mans deed past is good as long as himself continueth : so the act of a publique societie of men done fiue hundred yeares sithence , standeth as theirs , who presently are of the same societies , because corporations are immortall : we were then aliue in our predecessors , and they in their successors do liue stil. lawes therefore humaine of what kinde soeuer are auaileable by consent . if here it be demaunded how it commeth to passe , that this being common vnto all lawes which are made , there should be found euen in good lawes so great varietie as there is : wee must note the reason hereof to bee , the sundry particular endes , whereunto the different disposition of that subiect or matter for which lawes are prouided , causeth them to haue especiall respect in making lawes . a lawe there is mentioned amongst the graecians , whereof pittacus is reported to haue bene author : and by that lawe it was agreed , that hee which being ouercome with drinke did then strike any man , should suffer punishment double as much as if hee had done the same being sober . no man coulde euer haue thought this reasonable , that had intended thereby onely to punish the iniury committed , according to the grauitie of the fact . for who knoweth not , that harme aduisedly done is naturally lesse pardonable , and therefore worthy of the sharper punishment ? but for as much as none did so vsually this way offende as men in that case , which they wittingly fell into , euen because they would bee so much the more freely outragious : it was for their publique good where such disorder was growne , to frame a positiue lawe for remedie thereof accordingly . to this appertaine those knowne lawes of making lawes ; as that lawemakers must haue an eye to the place where , and to the men amongst whome ; that one kinde of lawes cannot serue for all kindes of regiment : that where the multitude beareth sway , lawes that shall tend vnto the preseruation of that state , must make common smaller offices to go by lot , for feare of strife and deuision likely to arise ; by reason that ordinary qualities sufficing for discharge of such offices , they could not but by many bee desired , and so with daunger contended for , and not missed without grudge and discontentment , whereas at an vncertaine lot none can find themselues grieued on whomsoeuer it lighteth ; contrariwise the greatest ; whereof but few are capable , to passe by popular election , that neither the people may enuie such as haue those honours , in as much as themselues bestow them , and that the chiefest may bee kindled with desire to exercise all partes of rare and beneficiall vertue ; knowing they shal not loose their labour by growing in same and estimation amongst the people : if the helme of chiefe gouernment bee in the handes of a few of the wealthiest , that then lawes prouiding for continuance thereof must make the punishment of contumelie and wrong offered vnto any of the common sorte sharpe and grieuous , that so the euill may be preuented , whereby the rich are most likely to bring themselues into hatred with the people , who are not wonte to take so great offence when they are excluded from honors and offices , as whē their persons are contumeliously troden vpon . in other kindes of regiment the like is obserued concerning the difference of positiue lawes , which to be euerie where the same is impossible and against their nature . now as the learned in the lawes of this land obserue , that our statutes sometimes are onely the affirmation or ratification of that which by common law was held before : so heere it is not to be omitted , that generally all lawes humaine which are made for the ordering of politike societies , bee either such as establish some dutie whereunto all men by the law of reason did before stand bound ; or else such as make that a dutie now which before was none . the one sort wee may for distinctions sake call mixedly , and the other meerely humane . that which plaine or necessary reason bindeth men vnto , may be in sundrie considerations expedient to be ratified by humane law : for example , if confusion of blood in marriage , the libertie of hauing many wiues at once , or any other the like corrupt and vnreasonable custome doth happen to haue preuailed far , and to haue gotten the vpper hand of right reason with the greatest part , so that no way is left to rectifie such soule disorder , without prescribing by law the same thinges which reason necessarilie doth enforce , but is not perceiued that so it doth ; or if many be grown vnto that which thapostle did lament in some , concerning whom he writeth saying , that euen what things they naturally know , in those very things as beasts void of reason they corrupted themselues ; or if there be no such speciall accident , yet for as much as the common sort are led by the sway of their sensuall desires , and therefore doe more shun sinne for the sensible euils which follow it amongst men , then for any kinde of sentence which reason doth pronounce against it ▪ this very thing is cause sufficient why duties belonging vnto each kinde of vertue , albeit the law of reason teach them , should notwithstanding be prescribed euen by humane law . which law in this case we terme mixt , because the mat●er whereunto it bindeth , is the same which reason necessarily doth require at our handes , and from the law of reason it differeth in the maner of binding onely . for whereas men before stoode bound in conscience to doe as the law of reason teacheth , they are now by vertue of humane law become constrainable , and if they outwardly transgresse , punishable . as for lawes which are meerely humane , the matter of them is any thing which reason doth but probably ●each to bee fit and conuenient ; so that till such time as law hath passed amongst men about it , of it selfe it bindeth no man. one example whereof may be this . landes are by humane law in some places after the owners decease diuided vnto all his children ▪ in some all descendeth to the eldest sonne . if the lawe of reason did necessarily require but the one of these two to be done , they which by lawe haue receiued the other , should be subiect to that heauy sentence , which denounceth against all that decree wicked vniust , & vnreasonable things , woe . whereas now which soeuer be receiued , there is no law of reason transgrest ; because there is probable reason why eyther of them may be expedient , and for eyther of them more then probable reason there is not to bee found . lawes whether mixtly or meerely humane are made by politique societies : some , onely as those societies are ciuilly vnited ; some , as they are spiritually ioyned and make such a body as wee call the church . of lawes humane in this later kinde wee are to speake in the third booke following . let it therefore suffice thus far to haue touched the force wherewith almightie god hath gratiously endued our nature , and thereby inabled the same to finde out both those lawes which all men generally are for euer bound to obserue , and also such as are most fit for their behoofe who leade their liues in any ordered state of gouernment . now besides that lawe which simply concerneth men as men , and that which belongeth vnto them as they are men linked with others in some forme of politique societie ; there is a third kinde of lawe which toucheth all such seuerall bodies politique , so farre forth as one of them hath publique commerce with another . and this third is the lawe of nations . betweene men and beastes there is no possibilitie of sociable communion ; because the w●lspring of that communion is a naturall delight which man hath to transfuse from himselfe into others , and to receiue from others into himselfe , especially those things wherein the excellencie of his kinde doth most consist . the chiefest instrument of humane communion therefore is speech , because thereby we impart mutually one to another the conceiptes of our reasonable vnderstanding . and for that cause seeing beasts are not hereof capable , for as much as with them wee can vse no such conference , they being in degree although aboue other creatures on earth to whom nature hath denied sense , yet lower then to be sociable companions of man to whome nature hath giuen reason ; it is of adam said that amongst the beastes hee found not for himselfe any meete companion . ciuill societie doth more content the nature of man , then any priuate kinde of solitary liuing ; because in societie this good of mutuall participation is so much larger then otherwise . herewith notwithstanding wee are not satisfied , but we couet ( if it might be ) to haue a kinde of societie & fellowship euen withal mākind . which thing socrates intending to signifie , professed himselfe a citizen , not of this or that cōmon-welth , but of the world . and an effect of that very natural desire in vs , ( a manifest●token that we wish after a sort an vniuersall fellowship with all men ) appeareth by the wonderfull delight men haue , some to visit forrein countries , some to discouer natiōs not heard of in former ages , we all to know the affaires & dealings of other people , yea to be in league of amitie with them : & this not onely for traffiques sake , or to the end that when many are cōfederated each may make other the more strong ; but for such cause also as moued the queene of saba to visit salomon ; & in a word because nature doth presume that how many mē there are in the world , so many gods as it were ther are , or at least wise such they should be towardes men . touching lawes which are to serue men in this behalfe ; euen as those lawes of reason , which ( man retaining his original integritie ) had bin sufficient to direct each particular person in all his affaires & duties , are not sufficient but require the accesse of other lawes , now that man and his offspring are growne thus corrupt & sinfull ; againe as those lawes of politie & regiment , which would haue serued men liuing in publique societie together with that harmlesse disposition which then they should haue had ▪ are not able now to serue when mens iniquitie is so hardly restrained within any tolerable bounds in like maner the nationall lawes of mutuall commerce be●weene societies of that former and better qualitie might haue bene other then now , when nations are so prone to offer violence , iniurie and wrong . here upon hath growne in euery of these three kinds , that distinction between primarie & secundarie lawes ; the one grounded vpon sincere , the other built vpon depraued nature . primarie lawes of nations are such as concerne embassage , such as belong to the courteous entertainment of forreiners and strangers , such as serue for commodious traffique and the like . secundary lawes in the same kinde , are such as this present vnquiet world is most familiarly acquainted with , i meane lawes of armes ▪ which yet are much better known then kept . but what matter the law of nations doth containe i omit to search . the strength and vertue of that law is such , that no particular natiō can lawfully preiudic● the same by any their seueral laws & ordinances , more then a man by his priuate resolutions the law of the whole cōmon-welth or state wherin he liueth . for as ciuill law being the act of a whole body politique , doth therfore ouerrule each seuerall part of the same body : so there is no reason that any one commō-welth of it self , should to the preiudice of another annihilate that whereupon the whole world hath agreed . for which cause the lacedemonians forbidding all accesse of strangers into their coasts , are in y● respect both by iosephus & theodoret deseruedly blamed , as being enimies to that hospitality which for cōmon humanities sake al the nations on earth should embrace . now as there is great cause of cōmuniō , & consequently of laws for the maintenance of cōmunion , amongst nations : so amongst nations christian the like in regard euen of christianitie hath bene a●waies iudged needfull . and in this kinde of correspondence amongst natiōs , the force of general councels doth stand : for as one & the same law diuine , wherof in the next place we are to speak , is vnto al christiā churches a rule for the chiefest things , by meanes whereof they al in that respect make one church , as hauing all but one lord , one faith , and one baptisme : so the vrgent necessitie of mutual communion for preseruation of our vnitie in these things , as also for order in some other things cōuenient to be euery where vniformly kept , maketh it requisit that the church of god here on earth haue her lawes of spirituall commerce betweene christian nations , lawes by vertue wherof all churches may enioy freely the vse of those reuerend religious and sacred consultations which are termed councels generall . a thing whereof gods owne blessed spirit was the author ; a thing practised by the holy apostles themselues ; a thing alwaies afterwardes kept and obserued throughout the world ; a thing neuer otherwise then most highly esteemed of , till pride ambition and ●yranny began by factious and vile endeuors , to abuse that diuine inuention vnto the funherance of wicked purposes . but as the iust authoritie of ciuill courtes and parliaments is not therefore to be abolished , because sometime there is cunning vsed to frame them according to the priuate intents of men ouer-potent in the common-welth : so th● grieuous abuse which hath bene of councels , should rather cause men to studie how so gratious a thing may againe be reduced to that first perfection , then in regard of staines and blemishes sithens growing be held for euer in extreame disgrace . to speake of this matter as the cause requireth , would require very long discourse . all i will presently say is this . whether it be for the finding out of any thing whereunto diuine lawe bindeth vs , but yet in such sort , that men are not thereof on all sides resolued ; or for the setting downe of some vniforme iudgement to stand touching such thinges , as being neither way matters of necessitie , are notwithstanding offensiue and scandalous when there is open opposition about them ; be it for the ending of strifes touching matters of christian beliefe , wherein the one part may seeme to haue probable cause of dissenting from the other ; or be it concerning matters of politie , order , and regiment in the church ; i nothing doubt but that christiā men should much better frame themselues to those heauenly precepts , which our lord and sauiour with so great instancie gaue as concerning peace and vnitie , if we did all concurre in desire to haue the vse of auncient councels againe renued , rather then these proceedings continued , which eyther make all contentions endlesse , or bring them to one onely determination , and that of all other the worst , which is by sword . it followeth therefore that a new foundation being laid , wee now adioyne hereunto that which commeth in the next place to be spoken of , namely , wherefore god hath himselfe by scripture made knowne such lawes as serue for direction of men . al things ( god only excepted ) besides the nature which they haue in thēselues , receiue externally some perfection frō other things , as hath bene shewed . in so much as there is in the whole world no one thing great or small , but either in respect of knowledge or of vse it may vnto out perfectiō adde somewhat . and whatsoeuer such perfection there is which our nature may acquire , the same we properly terme our good ; our soueraign good or blessednes , that wherin the highest degree of all our perfectiō consisteth , that which being once attained vnto , there cā rest nothing further to be desired , & therfore with it our soules are fully cōtent & satisfied , in that they haue they reioyce & thirst for no more ▪ wherfore of goo● things desired , some are such that for themselues we couet them not , but only because they serue as instruments vnto that for which we are to seeke , of this sorte are riches : an other kind there is which although we desire for it selfe , as health & vertue & knowledge , neuerthelesse they are not the last marke whereat we aime , but haue their further end whereunto they are referred ; so as in them we are not satisfied as hauing attained the vtmost we may , but our desires doe still proceede . these things are linked and as it were chained one to another , we labour to eate , and we eate to liue , and we liue to do good , & the good which we do is as seede sowne a with reference vnto a future haruest . but we must come at the length to some pause . for if euery thing were to bee desired for some other without any stint , there could be no certaine end proposed vnto our actions , we should go on we know not whether , yea whatsoeuer we do were in vaine , or rather nothing at all were possible to be done . for as to take away the first efficient of our being , were ●o annihilate vtterly our persons ; so we cannot remoue the last finall cause of our working , but we shall cause whatsoeuer we worke to cease . therfore some thing there must be desired for it selfe simply and for no other . that is simply for it selfe desirable , vnto the nature wherof it is opposite & repugnant to be desired with relation vnto any other . the oxe and the asse desire their food , neither propose they vnto themselues any end wherfore ; so that of them this is desired for it selfe ; but why ? by reason of their imperfection which cannot otherwise desire it : whereas that which is desired simply for it selfe , the excellencie thereof is such as permitteth it not in any sort to be referred to a further end . now that which man doth desire with reference to a further end , the same he desireth in such measure as is vnto that end conuenient : but what he coueteth as good in it selfe , towardes that his desire is euer infinite . so that vnlesse the last good of all which is desired altogether for it selfe , be also infinite ; we doe euill in making it our end : euen as they who placed their felicitie in wealth or honour or pleasure or any thing here attained ; because in desiring any thing as our finall perfection which is not so , we do amisse . nothing may be infinitly desired , but that good which in deed is infinite . for the better , the more desirable ; that therefore most desirable , wherin there is infinitie of goodnes ; so that if any thing desirable may be infinit , that must needes be the highest of all things that are desired . no good is infinite but onely god : therefore he our felicitie and blisse . moreouer desire tendeth vnto vnion with that it desireth . if then in him we be blessed , it is by force of participation & coniunction with him . againe , it is not the possession of any good thing can make them happie which haue it , vnlesse they inioy the thing wherewith they are possessed . then are we happie therfore , when fully we enioy god , as an obiect wherein the powers of our soules are satisfied euen with euerlasting delight : so that although we be mē , yet by being vnto god vnited , we liue as it were the life of god. happines therfore is that estate wherby we attaine , so far as possibly may be attained , the ful possession of that which simply for it selfe is to be desired , and containeth in it after an eminent sorte the contentation of our desires , the highest degree of all our perfection . of such perfection capable we are not in this life . for while we are in the world , subiect we are vnto sundry a imperfections , griefe of body , defectes of minde ; yea the best thinges we doe are painefull , and the exercise of them grieuous , being continued without intermission ; so as in those very actions whereby we are especially perfected in this life , wee are not able to persist , forced we are with very wearines & that often to interrupt thē ; which tediousnes cannot fall into those operations that are in the state of blisse , when our vnion with god is complete . complete vnion with him must be according vnto euery power and facultie of our mindes apt to receiue so glorious an obiect . capable we are of god both by vnderstanding and will ; by vnderstanding as hee is that soueraigne truth , which comprehendeth the rich treasures of all wisdom ▪ by will , as he is that sea of goodnesse , whereof who so tasteth shall thirst no more . as the wil doth now worke vpon that obiect by desire , which is as it were a motion towards the end as yet vnobtained ; so likewise vpon the same hereafter receiued it shall worke also by loue . appetitus inhiantis fit amor fruentis , saith saint augustine , the longing disposition of them that thirst , is chaunged ▪ into the sweete affection of them that taste and are replenished . whereas wee now loue the thing that is good , but good especially in respect of benefit vnto vs ▪ we shall then loue the thing that is good , only or principally for the goodnes of beauty in it self . the soule being in this sorte as it is actiue , perfected by loue of that infinite good ; shall as it is receptiue , be also perfected with those supernaturall passions of ioy peace & delight . all this endlesse and euerlasting . which perpe●uitie , in regard whereof our blessednes is termed a crowne which withereth not , doth neither depend vpon the nature of the thing it selfe , nor proceede from any naturall necessitie that our soules should so exercise themselues for euer in beholding and louing god , but from the wil of god , which doth both freely perfect our nature in so high a degree , & continue it so perfected . vnder man no creature in the world is capable of felicitie and blisse ; first , because their chiefest perfection consisteth in that which is best for thē , but not in that which is simply best , as ours doth ; secondly , because whatsoeuer externall perfection they tende vnto , it is not better then themselues , as ours is . how iust occasiō haue we therfore euen in this respect with the prophet to admire the goodnes of god ; lorde what is man that thou shouldest exalt him aboue the workes of thy hands , so farre as to make thy selfe the inheritance of his rest , and the substance of his felicitie ? now if men had not naturally this desire to be happie , how were it possible that all men should haue it ? all men haue . therefore this desire in man is naturall . it is not in our power not to do the same : how should it then be in our power to doe it coldly or remissely ? so that our desire being naturall , is also in that degree of earnestnes whereunto nothing can be added . and is it probable that god should frame the hearts of all mē so desirous of that which no man may obtaine ? it is an axiome of nature , that naturall desire cannot vtterly be frustrate . this desire of ours being natural should be frustrate , if that which may satisfie the same were a thing impossible for man to aspire vnto . man doth seeke a triple perfection , first a sensual , consisting in those things which very life it selfe requireth , either as necessary supplements , or as beauties & ornaments therof ; then an intellectuall , consisting in those things which none vnderneth man is either capable of or acquainted with ; lastly a spirituall & diuine , consisting in those things wherunto we tend by supernatural means here , but cānot here attaine vnto them . they that make the first of these three the scope of their whole life , are said by the apostle to haue no god , but onely their bellie , to be earthly minded men . vnto the second they bend themselues , who seeke especially to excell in all such knowledge & vertue as doth most cōmend men . to this branch belongeth the lawe of morall & ciuil perfection . that there is somewhat higher then either of these two , no other proofe doth neede , then the very processe of mans desire , which being naturall should be frustrate , if there were not some farther thing wherin it might rest at the length contented , which in the former it cannot do . for man doth not seeme to rest satisfied either with fruition of that wherewith his life is preserued , or with performance of such actions as aduance him most deseruedly in estimation ; but doth further couet , yea oftentimes manifestly pursue with great sedulitie & earnestnes , that which cannot stand him in any stead for vitall vse ; that which exceedeth the reach of sense ; yea somwhat aboue capacitie of reason , somewhat diuine and heauenly , which with hidden exultation it rather surmiseth then conceiueth ; somwhat it seeketh and what ▪ that is directly it knoweth not , yet very intentiue desire thereof doth so incite it , that all other knowne delightes and pleasures are laide aside , they giue place to the search of this but onely suspected desire . if the soule of man did serue onely to giue him beeing in this life , then thinges appertaining vnto this life would content him , as wee see they doe other creatures : which creatures inioying what they liue by , seeke no further , but in this contentation do shew a kind of acknowledgemēt , that there is no higher good which doth any way belōg vnto thē . with vs it is otherwise . for although the beauties , riches , honors , sciences , virtues and perfections of all men liuing , were in the present possession of one : yet somewhat beyond and aboue all this there would still be sought and earnestly thirsted for . so that nature euen in this life doth plainly claime & call for a more diuine prefectiō , then either of these two that haue bene mentioned . this last and highest estate of perfection whereof we speake , is receiued of men in the nature of a a reward . rewards do alwayes presuppose such duties performed as are rewardable . our naturall meanes therefore vnto blessednesse are our workes : nor is it possible that nature should euer find any other way to saluation then onely this . but examine the workes which we do , and since the first foundation of the world what one can say , my wayes are pure ? seeing then all flesh is guilty of that for which god hath threatned eternally to punish , what possibility is there this way to be saued ? there resteth therefore either no way vnto saluation , or if any , then surely a way which is supernaturall , a way which could neuer haue entred into the heart of man as much as once to conceiue or imagine , if god himself had not reuealed it extraordinarily . for which cause we terme it the mystery or secret way of saluation . and therfore s. ambrose in this matter appealeth iustly from man to god , b caeli mysterium doceat me deus qui condidit , non homo qui seipsum ignorauit , let god himselfe that made me , let not man that knows not himselfe , be my instructor concerning the mysticall way to heauen . c when men of excellent wit ( saith lactantius ) had wholly betaken thēselues vnto study , after farewell bidden vnto all kind as well of priuate as publique action , they spared no labour that might be spent in the search of truth ; holding it a thing of much more price to seeke and to find out the reason of all affaires as well diuine as humaine , thē to stick fast in the toile of piling vp riches and gathering together heapes of honors . howbeit they bothe did faile of their purpose , and got not as much as to quite their charges ; because truth which is the secret of the most high god , whose proper handiworke all things are , cannot be compassed with that wit and those senses which are our owne . for god and man should be very neere neighbors , if mans cogitations were able to take a suracy of the counsels and appointments of that maiestie euerlasting . which being vtterly impossible , that the eye of man by it selfe should looke into the bosome of diuine reason ; god did not suffer him being desirous of the light of wisedome , to stray any longer vp & downe , and with bootlesse expense of trauaile to wander in darknesse that had no passage to get out by . his eyes at the length god did open ; and bestow vpon him the knowledge of the truth by way of donatiue ; to the end that man might both be clearly conuicted of folly , and being through error out of the way , haue the path that leadeth vnto immortality layd plaine before him . thus far lactantius firmianus to shew that god himselfe is the teacher of the truth , wherby is made knowne the supernaturall way of saluation & law for thē to liue in that shall be saued . in the natural path of euerlasting life , the first beginning is that hability of doing good , which god in the day of mans creation indued him with ; frō hence obedience vnto the will of his creator , absolute righteousnes and integrity in all his actions ; and last of al the iustice of god rewarding the worthinesse of his deserts with the crowne of eternall glory . had adam continued in his first estate , this had bene the way of life vnto him & all his posterite . wherin i confesse notwithstanding with the a wittiest of the schoole diuines , that if we speake of strict iustice , god could no way haue bene bound to require mans labours in so large and ample maner as humaine felicitie doth import : in as much as the dignity of this exceedeth so far the others value . but be it that god of his great liberality had determined in lieu of mans endeuors to bestow the same , by the rule of that iustice which best beseemeth him , namely the iustice of one that requiteth nothing mincingly , but all with pressed and heaped and euen ouer-inlarged measure : yet could it neuer hereupon necessarily bee gathered , that such iustice should adde to the nature of that reward the property of euerlasting continuance ; sith possession of blisse , though it should be but for a moment , were an aboundant retribution . but we are not now to enter into this consideration , how gratious and bountifull our good god might still appeare in so rewarding the sonnes of men , albeit they should exactly performe ▪ whatsoeuer duty their nature bindeth thē vnto . howsoeuer god did propose this reward , we that were to be rewarded must haue done that which is required at our hands ; we failing in the one , it were in nature an impossibility that the other should be looked for . the light of nature is neuer able to find out any way of obtaining the reward of blisse , but by performing exactly the duties and works of righteousnes . from saluation therefore and life all flesh being excluded this way , behold how the wisedome of god hath reuealed a way mysticall and supernaturall , a way directing vnto the same end of life by a course which groundeth it selfe vpon the guiltinesse of sinne , and through sinne desert of condemnation and death . for in this way the first thing is the tender compassion of god respecting vs drowned and swallowed vp in miserie ; the next is redemption out of the same by the pretious death and merite of a mighty sauiour , which hath witnessed of himselfe saying b i am the way , the way that leadeth vs from miserie into blisse . this supernaturall way had god in himselfe prepared before all worlds . the way of supernaturall dutie which to vs he hath prescribed , our sauiour in the gospell of saint iohn doth note , terming it by an excellency the worke of god : c this is the worke of god that ye beleeue in him whom he hath sent . not that god doth require nothing vnto happinesse at the hands of men sauing onely a naked beliefe , ( for hope and charity we may not exclude : ) but that without beliefe all other things are as nothing , & it the ground of those other diuine vertues . concerning faith , the principall obiect whereof is that eternall veritie which hath discouered the treasures of hidden wisedome in christ ; concerning hope , the highest obiect wherof is that euerlasting goodnesse which in christ doth quicken the dead ; concerning charity , the finall obiect whereof is that incomprehensible beauty which shineth in the countenance of christ the sonne of the liuing god ; concerning these vertues , the first of which beginning here with a weake apprehensiō of things not seene , endeth with the intuitiue vision of god in the world to come ; the second beginning here with a trembling expectation of things far remoued , and as yet but onely heard of , endeth with reall and actuall fruition of that which no tongue can expresse ; the third beginning here with a weake inclination of heart towards him vnto whom we are not able to approch , endeth with endlesse vnion , the mistery wherof is higher then the reach of the thoughts of men ; concerning that faith hope & charity without which there can be no saluation ; was there euer any mention made sauing only in that law which god himselfe hath from heauen reuealed ? there is not in the world a syllable muttered with certaine truth cōcerning any of these three , more then hath bene supernaturally receiued from the mouth of the eternall god. lawes therefore concerning these things are supernaturall , both in respect of the maner of deliuering them which is diuine , and also in regard of the things deliuered , which are such as haue not in nature any cause from which they flow , but were by the voluntary appointment of god ordeined besides the course of nature , to rectifie natures obliquity withall . a when supernaturall duties are necessarily exacted , naturall are not reiected as needlesse . the law of god therefore is though principally deliuered for instruction in the one , yet fraught with precepts of the other also . the scripture is fraught euen with lawes of nature . in so much that , b gratian defining naturall right ( whereby is meant the right which exacteth those generall duties , that concerne men naturally euen as they are men ) termeth naturall right that which the bookes of the lawe and the gospell do containe . neither is it vaine that the scripture aboundeth with so great store of lawes in this kind . for they are either such as we of our selues could not easily haue found out , and then the benefit is not small to haue them readily set downe to our hands ▪ or if they be so cleere & manifest that no man indued with reason can lightly be ignorant of them , yet the spirite as it were borrowing them from the schoole of nature as seruing to proue things lesse manifest , and to induce a perswasion of somewhat which were in it selfe more hard and darke , vnlesse it should in such sort be cleared , the very applying of them vnto cases particular is not without most singular vse and profite many wayes for mens instruction . besides , be they plaine of themselues or obscure , the euidence of gods owne testimonie added vnto the naturall assent of reason concerning the certaintie of them , doth not a little comfort and confirme the same . wherefore in as much as our actions are conuersant about things beset with many circumstances , which cause men of sundry wits to be also of sundry iudgements concerning that which ought to be done : requisite it cānot but seeme the rule of diuine law should herein helpe our imbecillity , that we might the more infallibly vnderstand what is good & what euill . the first principles of the law of nature are easie , hard it were to find men ignorant of them : but concerning the duty which natures law doth require at the hands of men in a number of things particular , so c farre hath the naturall vnderstanding euen of sundry whole nations bene darkned , that they haue not discerned no not grosse iniquity to bee sinne . againe , being so prone as we are to fawne vpon our selues , and to be ignorant as much as may be of our owne deformities ; without the feeling sense whereof we are most wretched , euen so much the more , because not knowing thē we cannot as much as desire to haue them taken away : how should our fest●ed sores be cured , but that god hath deliuered a law as sharpe as the two edged sword , pearcing the very closest and most vnsearchable corners of the heart , which the law of nature can hardly , humaine lawes by no meanes possible reach vnto ? hereby we know euen secret concupiscence to be sinne , and are made fearefull to offend though it be but in a wandering cogitation . finally of those things which are for direction of all the parts of our life needfull , and not impossible to be discerned by the light of nature it selfe , are there not many which few mens naturall capacitie , and some which no mans hath bene able to find out ? they are , sayth saint augustine , but a few and they indued with great ripenes of wit and iudgement , free from all such affaires as might trouble their meditations , instructed in the sharpest and the subtlest points of learning , who haue , and that very hardly , bene able to find out but onely the immortality of the soule . the resurrection of the flesh what man did euer at any time dreame of , hauing not heard it otherwise then from the schoole of nature ? whereby it appeareth how much we are bound to yeeld vnto our creator the father of all mercy eternall thankes , for that he hath deliuered his law vnto the world , a law wherein so many things are laid open cleere and manifest ; as a light which otherwise would haue bene buried in darknesse , not without the hazard , or rather not with the hazard , but with the certaine losse of infinite thousands of soules most vndoubtedly now saued . we see therefore that our soueraigne good is desired naturally ; that god the author of that naturall desire had appointed naturall meanes whereby to fulfill it ; that man hauing vtterly disabled his nature vnto those meanes , hath had other reuealed from god , and hath receaued from heauen a law to teach him how that which is desired naturally must now supernaturally be attained , finally we see that because those later exclude not the former quite and cleane as vnnecessary , therefore together with such supernaturall duties as could not possibly haue beene otherwise knowne to the world , the same lawe that teacheth them , teacheth also with them such naturall duties as could not by light of nature easily haue bene knowne . . in the first age of the world god gaue lawes vnto our fathers , and by reason of the number of their daies , their memories serued in steed of books ; wherof the manifold imperfections and defects being knowne to god , he mercifully relieued the same by often putting them in mind of that whereof it behoued them to be specially mindfull . in which respect we see how many times one thing hath bene iterated vnto sundry euen of the best and wisest amongst them ▪ after that the liues of men were shortned , meanes more durable to preserue the lawes of god from obliuion and corruption grew in vse , not without precise direction from god himselfe . first therefore of moyses it is sayd , that he wrote all the words of god ; not by his owne priuate motion and deuise : for god taketh this act to himselfe , i haue written . furthermore were not the prophets following commanded also to do the like ? vnto the holy euangelist saint iohn how often expresse charge is giuen , scribe , write these things ? concerning the rest of our lords disciples the words of saint augustine are , quic quid ille de suis factis & dictis nos legere voluit ▪ hoc scribendū illis tanquā suis manibus imperauit . now although we do not deny it to be a matter meerely accidentall vnto the law of god to be written ; although writing be not that which addeth authority and strength thereunto , finally though his lawes do require at our hands the same obedience howsoeuer they be deliuered ; his prouidēce notwithstanding which hath made principall choice of this way to deliuer them , who seeth not what cause we haue to admire and magnifie ? the singular benefit that hath growne vnto the world by receiuing the lawes of god , euen by his owne appointment committed vnto writing , we are not able to esteeme as the value thereof deserueth ▪ when the question therefore is , whether we be now to seeke for any reuealed law of god other where then onely in the sacred scripture , whether we do now stand bound in the sight of god to yeeld to traditions-vrged by the church of rome the same obedience and reuerence we do to his written lawe , honouring equally and adoring both as diuine : our answer is , no. they that so earnestly pleade for the authority of tradition , as if nothing were more safely conueyed then that which spreadeth it selfe by report , and descendeth by relation of former generations vnto the ages that succeed , are not all of the them ( surely a miracle it were if they should be ) so simple , as thus to perswade themselues ; howsoeuer if the simple were so perswaded , they could be content perhaps very well to enioy the benefit , as they accompt it , of that common error . what hazard the truth is in when it passeth through the hands of report , how maymed and deformed it becommeth ; they are not , they cannot possibly be ignorant . let them that are indeed of this mind , consider but onely that litle of things diuine , which the heathen haue in such sort receiued . a how miserable had the state of the church of god beene long ere this , if wanting the sacred scripture ▪ we had no record of his lawes but onely the memory of man , receiuing the same by report and relation from his predecessors ? by scripture it hath in the wisedome of god seemed meete to deliuer vnto the world much but personally expedient to be practised of certaine men ; many deepe and profound points of doctrine , as being the maine originall ground whereupon the precepts of duty depend ▪ many prophecies the cleere performance whereof might confirme the world in beliefe of things vnseene ; many histories to serue as looking glasses to behold the mercy , the truth , the righteousnesse of god towards all that faithfully serue ▪ obey and honor him ; yea many intire meditations of pietie , to be as patternes and presidents in cases of like nature ; many things needfull for ●●plication ▪ many for applicatiō vnto particular occasions , such as the prouidence of god from time to time hath taken to haue the seuerall bookes of his holy ordinance written . be it them that together with the principall necessary lawes of god , there are sundry other things written , whereof we might happily be ignorant , and yet be saued . vvhat shall we hereupon thinke them needlesse ? shall we esteeme them as riotous branches wherewith we sometimes behold most pleasant vines ouergrown ? surely no more then we iudge our hands , on our eies ●●perfluou● ▪ or what part soeuer , which if our bodies did want , we might notwithstāding any such defect reteine still the complete being of men . as therfore a complete man is neither destitute of any part necessary , and hath some partes wherof though the want could not depriue him of his essence , yet to haue ●hem standeth him in singular stead in respect of the special vses for which they serues in 〈…〉 all those writings which conteine in them the law of god , all those ●●n●r●ble bookes of scripture , all those sacred tomes and volumes of holy wri● , ●●ey are with such absolute perfection framed , that in them there neither 〈◊〉 any thing , the lacke whereof might depriue vs of life ; nor any thing in such wise aboundeth , that as being superfluous ; vnfruitfull ▪ and altogether needlesse , we should thinke it no losse or danger at all if we did want it . ▪ although the scripture of god therefore be stored with infinite varietie of matter in all kinds , although it abound with all sorts of lawes , yet the principal intent of scripture is to deliuer the lawes of duties supernaturall . oftentimes it hath bene in very solemne maner disputed , whether all things necessary vnto saluation be necessarily set downe in the holy scriptures or no. if we define that necessary vnto saluation , whereby the way to saluation is in any sort made more plaine , apparent , and easie to be knowne ; then is there no part of true philosophie , no art of account , no kind of science rightly so called , but the scripture must conteine it . if onely those things be necessary , as surely none else are , without the knowledge and practise whereof it is not the will and pleasure of god to make any ordinary graunt of saluation ; it may be notwithstanding , and oftentimes hath bene demanded , how the bookes of holy scripture conteine in them all necessary things , when of things necessary the very chiefest is to knowe what bookes we are bound to esteeme holy ; which point is confest impossible for the scripture it selfe to teach . whereunto wee may aunswere with truth , that there is not in the world any arte or science , which proposing vnto it selfe an ende ( as euery one doth some ende or other ) hath bene therefore thought defectiue , if it haue not deliuered simply whatsoeuer is needfull to the same ende : but all kinds of knowledge haue their certaine bounds and limits ; each of them presupposeth many necessary things learned in other sciences and knowne before hand . he that should take vpon him to teach men how to be eloquent in pleading causes , must needes deliuer vnto them whatsoeuer precepts are requisite vnto that end , otherwise he doth no● the thing which he taketh vpon him . seeing then no man can pleade eloquently , vnlesse he be able first to speake , it followeth that habilitie of speech is in this case a thing most necessary . notwithstanding euery man would thinke it ridiculous , that he which vndertaketh by writing to instruct an orator , should therfore deliuer all the precepts of grammar ; because his profession is to deliuer precepts necessarie vnto eloquent speech , yet so , that they which are to receiue them bee taugt before hand , so much of that which is thereunto necessarie as comprehendeth the skill of speaking . in like sort , albeit scripture do professe to conteine in it all thinges which are necessarie vnto saluation ; yet the meaning cannot bee simply of all things which are necessarie , but all things that are necessary in some certaine kind or forme ; as all things that are necessarie , and either could not at all , or could not easilie be knowne by the light of naturall discourse ; all things which are necessarie to be knowne that we may be saued , but knowne with presupposall of knowledge cōcerning certaine principles , wherof it receaueth vs already perswaded , and then instructeth vs in all the residue that are necessary . in the number of these principles one is the sacred authority of scripture . being therefore perswaded by other meanes that these scriptures are the oracles of god ▪ themselues do then teach vs the rest , and lay before vs all the duties which god requireth at our hands as necessary vnto saluation . further , there hath bene some doubt likewise , whether conteining in scripture do import expresse setting downe in plaine tearmes , or else comprehending in such sort that by reason we may frō thence conclude all things which are necessary . against the former of these two constructions , instance hath sundrie wayes bene geuen . for our beliefe in the trinity , the coeternity of the sonne of god with his father , the proceeding of the spirite from the father and the sonne , the duty of baptizing infants , these with such other principall points , the necessity wherof is by none denied , are notwithstanding in scripture no where to be found by expresse literall mention , only deduced they are out of scripture by collection . this kind of cōprehension in scripture being therefore receiued , still there is no doubt how far we are to proceed by collection , before the full and complete measure of things necessary be made vp . for let vs not thinke that as long as the world doth endure ▪ the wit of man shal be able to found the bottome of that which may be concluded out of the scripture ; especially if things conteined by collection do so far extend , as to draw in whatsoeuer may be at any time out of scripture but probably and coniecturally surmised . but let necessary collection be made requisite , and we may boldly deny , that of all those things which at this day are with so great necessitie vrged vpon this church vnder the name of reformed church discipline , there is any one which their bookes hetherto haue made manifest to be conteined in the scripture . let them if they can alleage but one properly belonging to their cause , and not common to them and vs , and shew the deduction thereof out of scripture to be necessarie . it hath beene already shewed , how all things necessarie vnto saluation in such sort as before we haue maintained , must needes be possible for men to knowe ; and that many things are in such sort necessarie , the knowledge whereof is by the light of nature impossible to be attained . whereupon it followeth , that either all flesh is excluded from possibility of saluation , which to thinke were most barbarous ; or else that god hath by supernaturall meanes reuealed the way of life so far forth as doth suffice . for this cause god hath so many times and waies spoken to the sonnes of men . neither hath he by speech only , but by wilting also instructed and taught his church . the cause of writing hath bene to the end that things by him reuealed vnto the world , might haue the longer cōtinuance , and the greater certainty of assurance ; by how much that which standeth on record , hath in both those respects preeminence aboue that which passeth from hand to hand , and hath no pennes but the toongs , no bookes but the eares of men to record it . the seueral bookes of scripture hauing had each some seuerall occasion and particular purpose which caused them to be written , the contents thereof are according to the exigence of that speciall end whereunto they are intended . hereupon it groweth , that euery booke of holy scripture doth take out of all kinds of truth , a naturall , b historicall , c forreine , d supernaturall , so much as the matter handled requireth . now for as much as there hath bene reason alleaged sufficient to conclude , that all things necessary vnto saluation must be made knowne , and that god himselfe hath therefore reuealed his will , because otherwise men could not haue knowne so much as i● necessary ; his surceasing to speake to the world since the publishing of the gospell of iesus christ , and the deliuery of the same in writing , is vnto vs a manifest token that the way of saluation is now sufficiently opened , and that we neede no other meanes for our full instruction , then god hath already furnished vs withall . the maine drift of the whole newe testament , is that which saint iohn setteth downe as the purpose of his owne historie ▪ these things are written , that yee might beleeue that iesus is christ the sonne of god , and that in beleeuing yee might haue life through his name . the drift of the olde , that which the apostle mentioneth to timothie , the holy scriptures are able to make thee wise vnto salu●tion . so that the generall ende both of olde and newe is one ; the difference betweene them consisting in this , that the olde did make wise by teaching saluation through christ that should come ; the newe by teaching that christ the sauiour is come , and that iesus whom the iewes did crucifie , and whom god did raise againe from the dead , is he . when the apostle therefore affirmeth vnto timothie , that the old was able to make him wise to saluation , it was not his meaning that the olde alone can do this vnto vs which liue sithence the publication of the newe . for he speaketh with presupposall of the doctrine of christ knowne also vnto timothie ; and therefore first it is sayd , continue thou in those things which thou hast learned and art perswaded , knowing of whom thou hast bene taught them . againe those scriptures hee graunteth were able to make him wise to saluation ; but he addeth , through the faith which is in christ. vvherefore without the doctrine of the new testament teaching that christ hath wrought the redemption of the world , which redemption the olde did foreshewe he should worke ; it is not the former alone which can on our behalfe performe so much as the apostle doth auouch , who presupposeth this when he magnifieth that so highly . and as his words concerning the bookes of auncient scripture , do not take place but with presupposall of the gospell of christ embraced : so our owne wordes also when wee extoll the complete sufficiency of the whole intire body of the scripture , must in like sorte bee vnderstood with this caution , that the benefite of natures light be not thought excluded as vnnecessarie , because the necessitie of a diuiner light is magnified . there is in scripture therefore no defect , but that any man what place or calling soeuer he hold in the church of god , may haue thereby the light of his naturall vnderstanding so perfected , that the one being relieued by the other , there can want no part of needfull instruction vnto any good worke which god himselfe requireth , be it naturall or supernaturall , belonging simply vnto men as men , or vnto men as they are vnited in whatsoeuer kinde of societie . it sufficeth therefore that nature and scripture do serue in such full sort , that they both ioyntly , and not seuerally either of them , be so complete , that vnto euerlasting felicitie we need not the knowledge of any thing more then these two may easily furnish our mindes with on all sides : and therefore they which adde traditions as a part of supernaturall necessarie truth , haue not the truth , but are in errour . for they onely pleade , that whatsoeuer god reuealeth as necessary for all christian men to do or beleeue , the same we ought to embrace , whether we haue receiued it by writing or otherwise ; which no man denieth : when that which they should confirme who claime so great reuerence vnto traditions is , that the same traditions are necessarily to bee acknowledged diuine and holy . for wee doe not reiect them onely because they are not in the scripture , but because they are neither in scripture , nor can otherwise sufficiently by any reason be proued to be of god. that which is of god , and may be euidently proued to be so , we deny not but it hath in his kind , although vnwritten , yet the selfe same force and authoritie with the written lawes of god. it is by ours acknowledged , that the apostles did in euery church institute and ordeene some ●i●es and customes seruing for the seemelenesse of church regiment , which rites and customes they haue not committed vnto writing . those rites and customes being knowne to be apostolicall , and hauing the nature of things changeable , were no lesse to be accompted of in the church then other things of the like degree , that is to say , capable in like sort of alteration , although set downe in the apostles writings . for bothe being knowne to be apostolicall , it is not the manner of deliuering them vnto the church ▪ but the author from whom they proceed , which doth giue them their force and credite . lawes being imposed either by each man vpon himselfe , or by a publique societie vpon the particulars thereof , or by all the nations of men vpon euery seuerall societie , or by the lord himselfe vpon any or euerie of these , there is not amongst these foure kinds any one , but containeth sundry both naturall and positiue lawes . impossible it is but that they should fall into a number of grosse errors , who onely take such lawes for positiue , as haue bene made or inuented of men , and holding this position hold also , that all positiue and none but positiue lawes are mutable . lawes naturall do alwayes bind ; lawes positiue not so , but onely after they haue bene expresly and wittingly imposed . lawes positiue there are in euery of those kindes before mentioned . as in the first kinde the promises which we haue past vnto men , and the vowes we haue made vnto god ; for these are lawes which we tye our selues vnto , and till we haue so tied our selues they bind vs not . lawes positiue in the second kind are such the ciuill constitutions peculiar vnto each particular common weale . in the third kind the law of heraldy in wa●re is positiue : and in the last all the iudicials which god gaue vnto the people of israell to obserue . and although no lawes but positiue be mutable , yet all are not mutable which be positiue . positiue lawes are either permanent or else changeable ▪ according as the matter it selfe is concerning which they were first made . whether god or man be the maker of them , alteration they so far forth admit , as the matter doth exact . lawes that concerne supernaturall duties , are all positiue ▪ and either cōcerne men supernaturally as men , or else as parts of a supernaturall society , which society we call the church . to concerne men as men supernaturally , is to concerne them as duties which belong of necessitie to all , and yet could not haue bene knowne by any to belong vnto them , vnlesse god had opened them himselfe , in as much as they do not depend vpon any naturall ground at all out of which they may be deduced , but are appoi●●ed of god to supply the defect of those naturall wayes of saluation , by which we are not now able to attaine thereunto . the church being a supernaturall societie , doth differ from naturall societies in this ; that the persons vnto whom wee associate our selues , in the one are men simply considered as men ; but they to whom we bee ioyned in the other , are god , angels , and holy men . againe the church being both a society , and a society supernaturall ; although as it is a society , it haue the selfe same originall grounds which other politique societes haue , namely the naturall inclination which all men haue vnto sociable life , and consent to some certaine bond of association , which bond is the law that appointeth what kind of order they shall be associated in : yet vnto the church as it is a societie supernaturall this is peculiar , that part of the bond of their association which belong to the church of god , must be a lawe supernaturall , which god himselfe hath reuealed concerning that kind of worship which his people shall do vnto him . the substance of the seruice of god therefore , so farre forth as it hath in it any thing more then the lawe of reason doth teach , may not be inuented of men , as it is amongst the heathens ; but must be receiued from god himselfe , as alwaies it hath bene in the church , sauing only when the church hath bene forgetfull of her dutie . wherefore to end with a generall rule concerning all the lawes which god hath tyed men vnto : those lawes diuine that belong whether naturally or supernaturally , either to men as men , or to men as they liue in politique societie , or to men as they are of that politique societie which is the church , without any further respect had vnto any such variable accident as the state of men and of societies of men and of the church it selfe in this world is subiect vnto ; all lawes that so belong vnto men , they belong for euer , yea although they be positiue lawes , vnlesse being positiue god himselfe which made them alter them . the reason is , because the subiect or matter of lawes in generall is thus farre foorth constant : which matter is that for the ordering whereof lawes were instituted , and being instituted are not chaungeable without cause , neither can they haue cause of chaunge , when that which gaue them their first institution , remaineth for euer one and the same . on the other side lawes that were made for men or societies or churches , in regard of their being such as they doe not alwayes continue , but may perhaps bee cleane otherwise a whil● after , and so may require to bee otherwise ordered then before : the lawes of god himselfe which are of this nature , no man indued with common sense will euer denie to bee of a different constitution from the former , in respect of the ones constancie , and the mutabilitie of the other . and this doth seeme to haue beene the very cause why saint iohn doth so peculiarly tearme the doctrine that teacheth saluation by iesus christ , euangelium aeternum , an eternall gospell ; because there can be no reason wherefore the publishing thereof should be taken away , and any other in stead of it proclaimed , as long as the world doth continue : where as the whole lawe of rites and ceremonies , although deliuered with so great solemnitie , is notwithstanding cleane abrogated , in as much as it had but temporary cause of gods ordeining it . but that we may at the length conclude this first generall introduction vnto the nature and originall birth , as of all other lawes , so likewise of those which the sacred scripture conteineth , concerning the author wherof , euen infidels haue confessed , that he can neither erre nor deceiue ; albeit about things easie and manifest vnto all men by common sense there needeth no higher consultation , because as a man whose wisedome is in waighty affaires admired , would take it in some disdaine to haue his counsell solemnely asked about a toye , so the meannesse of some things is such that to search the scripture of god for the ordering of them were to derogate from the reuerend authoritie and dignitie of the scripture , no lesse then they do by whom scriptures are in ordinarie talke very idly applyed vnto vaine and childish trifles : yet better it were to bee superstitious , then prophane ; to take from thence our direction euen in all things great or small , then to wade through matters of principall waight and moment , without euer caring what the lawe of god hath , either for or against our disseignes . concerning the custome of the very paynimes , thus much strab● witnesseth , a men that are ciuill do leade their liues after one common lawe appointing them what to do . for that otherwise a multitude should with harmony amongest themselues , concurre in the doing of one thing , ( for this is ciuilly to liue ) or that they should in any sort menage communitie of life , it is not possible . nowe lawes or statutes are of two sorts . for they are either receiued from gods , or else from men . and our auncient predecessors did surely most honor and reuerēce that which was from the gods ; for which cause consultation with oracles was a thing very vsuall and frequent in their times . did they make so much account of the voyce of their gods , which in truth were no gods : and shall we neglect the pretious benefite of conference with those oracles of the true and liuing god , whereof so great store is left to the church , and wherunto there is so free , so plaine , and so easie accesse for al men ? b by the commandements ( this was dauids confession vnto god ) thou hast made me wiser then mine enemies . againe , i haue had more vnderstanding then all my teachers , because thy testimonies are my meditations . what paynes would not they haue bestowed in the study of these bookes , who trauailed sea and land to gaine the treasure of some fewe dayes talke , with men whose wisedome the world did make any reckoning of ? c that litle which some of the heathens did chance to heare , concerning such matter as the sacred scripture plentifully conteineth , they did in wonderfull sort affect ; their speeches as oft as they make mention thereof are strange , and such as themselues could not vtter as they did other things , but still acknowledged that their wits which did euery where else conquer hardnesse , were with profoundnesse here ouer-matched . wherfore seeing that god hath indued vs with sense , to the end that we might perceiue such things as this present life doth need , and with reason , least that which sense cannot reach vnto , being both now and also in regard of a future estate hereafter necessary to be knowne , should lye obscure ; finally with the heauenly support of d propheticall reuelation , which doth open those hidden mysteries that reason could neuer haue bene able to find out , or to haue knowne the necessitie of them vnto our euerlasting good : vse we the pretious gifts of god vnto his glory and honour that gaue them , seeking by all meanes to know what the will of our god is , what righteous before him , in his fight what holy , perfect , and good , that we may truly and faithfully do it . thus farre therefore we haue endeuoured in part to open , of what nature and force lawes are , according vnto their seuerall kinds ; the lawe which god with himselfe hath eternally set downe to follow in his owne workes ; the law which he hath made for his creatures to keepe , the law of naturall and necessarie agents ; the law which angels in heauen obey ; the lawe whereunto by the light of reason men find themselues bound in that they are men ; the lawe which they make by composition for multitudes and politique societies of men to be guided by ; the law which belongeth vnto each nation ; the lawe that concerneth the fellowship of all ; and lastly the lawe which god himselfe hath supernaturally reuealed . it might peraduenture haue beene more popular and more plausible to vulgar eares , if this first discourse had beene spent in extolling the force of lawes , in shewing the great necessity of them when they are good ; and in aggrauating their offence by whom publique lawes are iniuriously traduced . but for as much as with such kind of matter the passions of men are rather stirred one way or other , then their knowledge any way set forward vnto the triall of that whereof there is doubt made ; i haue therefore turned aside from that beaten path , and chosen though a lesse easie , yet a more profitable way in regard of the end we propose . least therefore any man should maruail● whereunto all these things tend , the drift and purpose of all is this , euen to shew in what manner as euery good and perfect gift , so this very gift of good and perfect lawes is deriued from the father of lights ; to teach men a reason why iust and reasonable lawes are of so great force , of so great vse in the world ; and to enforme their minds with some methode of reducing the lawes whereof there is present controuersie vnto their first originall causes , that so it may be in euery particular ordinance thereby the better discerned , whether the same be reasonable iust and righteous or no. is there any thing which can either be throughly vnderstood , or soundly iudged of , till the very first causes and principles from which originally it springeth bee made manifest ? if all parts of knowledge haue beene thought by wise men to bee then most orderly deliuered and proceeded in , when they are drawne to their first originall ▪ seeing that our whole question concerneth the qualitie of ecclesiasticall lawes , let it not seeme a labour superfluous that in the entrance thereunto all these seuerall kinds of lawes haue beene considered , in as much as they all concurre as principles , they all haue their forcible operations therein , although not all in like apparent and manifest maner . by meanes whereof it commeth to passe , that the force which they haue is not obserued of many . easier a great deale it is for men by law to be taught what they ought to do , then instructed how to iudge as they should do of law ; the one being a thing which belongeth generally vnto all , the other such as none but the wiser and more iudicious sorte can performe . yea the wisest are alwayes touching this point the readiest to acknowledge , that soundly to iudge of a law is the waightiest thing which any man can take vpon him . but if we wil giue iudgement of the laws vnder which we liue , first let that law eternall be alwayes before our eyes , as being of principall force and moment to breed in religious minds a dutifull estimation of all lawes , the vse and benefite whereof we see ; because there can be no doubt but that lawes apparently good , are ( as it were ) things copied out of the very tables of that high euerlasting law , euen as the booke of that law hath said concerning it selfe , by me kings raigne , and by me princes decree iustice . not as if men did behold that booke , and accordingly frame their lawes ; but because it worketh in them ▪ because it discouereth and ( as it were ) readeth it selfe to the world by them , when the lawes which they make are righteous . furthermore although we perceiue not the goodnesse of lawes made ; neuerthelesse sith things in themselues may haue that which we peraduenture ; discerne not ; should not this breed a feare in our harts , how we speake or iudge in the worse part concerning that , the vnaduised disgrace whereof may be no meane dishonour to him , towards whom we professe all submission and awe ? surely there must be very manifest iniquitie in lawes , against which we shall be able to iustifie our contumelious inuectiues . the chiefest roote whereof , when we vse them without cause , is ignorance how lawes inferiour are deriued from that supreme or highest lawe . the first that receiue impression from thence are naturall agents . the lawe of whose operations might be happily thought lesse pertinent , when the question is about lawes for humane actions , but that in those very actions which most spiritually and supernaturally concerne men , the rules and axiomes of naturall operations haue their force . what can be more immediate to our saluation , then our perswasion concerning the lawe of christ towardes his church ? what greater assurance of loue towards his church , then the knowledge of that mysticall vnion whereby the church is become as neare vnto christ , as any one part of his flesh is vnto other ? that the church being in such sort his , he must needes protect it ; what proofe more strong , then if a manifest lawe so require , which law it is not possible for christ to violate ? and what other lawe doth the apostle for this alleage , but such as is both common vnto christ with vs , and vnto vs with other things naturall , no man hateth his owne flesh , but doth loue and cherish it ? the axiomes of that lawe therefore , whereby naturall agentes are guided , haue their vse in the morall , yea euen in the spirituall actions of men , and consequently in all lawes belonging vnto men howsoeuer . neither are the angels themselues , so farre seuered from vs in their kind and manner of working , but that betweene the lawe of their heauenly operations , and the actions of men in this our state of mortalitie , such correspondence there is , as maketh it expedient to know in some sort the one , for the others more perfect direction . would angels acknowledge themselues fellow seruants with the sonnes of men , but that both hauing one lord , there must be some kinde of lawe which is one and the same to both , whereunto their obedience being perfecter , is to our weaker both a paterne and a spurre ? or would the apostle speaking of that which belongeth vnto saintes , as they are linked together in the bond of spirituall societie , so often make mention how angels are therewith delighted , if in thinges publiquely done by the church we are not somewhat to respect what the angels of heauen doe ? yea so farre hath the apostle s. paule proceeded , as to signifie that euen about the outward orders of the church which serue but for comelinesse , some regard is to be had of angels ; who best like vs when we are most like vnto them in all partes of decent demeanor . so that the law of angels wee cannot iudge altogether impertinent vnto the affaires of the church of god. our largenesse of speech how men do finde out what thinges reason bindeth them of necessitie to obserue , and what is guideth them to choose in things which are left as arbitrary ; the care we haue had to declare the different nature of lawes which seuerally concerne all men , from such as belong vnto men eyther ciuilly or spiritually associated , such as pertaine to the fellowship which nations , or which christian nations haue amongst themselues , and in the last place such as concerning euery or any of these , god himselfe hath reuealed by his holy wor● , all serueth but to make manifest , that as the actions of men are of sundry distinct kindes , so the lawes thereof must accordingly be distinguished . there are in men operations some naturall , some rationall , some supernaturall , some politique , some finally ecclesiasticall . which if we measure not each by his owne proper law , whereas the things themselues are so different ; there will be in our vnderstanding and iudgement of them confusion . as that first error sheweth whereon our opposites in this cause haue grounded themselues . for as they rightly maintaine , that god must be glorified in all thinges , and that the actions of men cannot tend vnto his glory , vnlesse they be framed after his law : so it is their error , to thinke that the only law which god hath appointed vnto men in that behalfe is the sacred scripture . by that which we worke naturally , as when we breath , sleepe , mooue , we set forth the glory of god as naturall agents doe , albeit we haue no expresse purpose to make that our end , nor any aduised determination therein to follow a law , but doe that we doe ( for the most part ) not as much as thinking thereon . in reasonable and morall actions another law taketh place , a law by the obseruation whereof we glorifie god in such sort , as no creature else vnder man is able to doe ; because other creatures haue not iudgement to examine the qualitie of that which is done by them , and therfore in that they doe , they neither can accuse nor approue themselues . men doe bothe , as the apostle teacheth ; yea those men which haue no written lawe of god to shewe what is good or euill , carrie written in their hearts the vniuersall lawe of mankind , the law of reason , whereby they iudge as by a rule which god hath giuen vnto all men for that purpose . the lawe of reason doth somewhat direct men how to honour god as their creator ; but how to glorifie god in such sort as is required , to the end he may be an euerlasting sauiour , this we are taught by diuine law , which law both ascertaineth the truth and supplieth vnto vs the want of that other lawe . so that in morall actions , diuine law helpeth exceedingly the lawe of reason to guide mans life ; but in supernaturall it alone guideth . proceed wee further , let vs place man in some publique societie with others , whether ciuill or spirituall : and in this case there is no remedie but we must adde yet a further lawe . for although euen here likewise the lawes of nature and reason be of necessary vse ; yet somewhat ouer and besides them is necessary , namely humane and positiue lawe , together with that lawe which is of commerce betweene grand societies , the law of nations and of nations christian . for which cause the lawe of god hath likewise said , let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers . the publique power of all societies is aboue euery soule contained in the same societies . and the principall vse of that power is to giue lawes vnto all that are vnder it ; which lawes in such case we must obey , vnlesse there be reason shewed which may necessarily enforce , that the lawe or reason or of god doth enioyne the contrarie . because except our owne priuate , and but probable resolutions , be by the lawe of publique determinations ouerruled ; we take away all possibilitie of sociable life in the worlde . a plainer example whereof then our selues we cannot haue . how commeth it to passe that wee are at this present day so rent with mutuall contentions , and that the church is so much troubled about the politie of the church ? no doubt if men had bene willing to learne how many lawes their actions in this life are subiect vnto , and what the true force of each lawe is , all these controuersies might haue dyed the very day they were first brought forth . it is both commonly said , and truly , that the best men otherwise are not alwayes the best in regard of societie . the reason wherof is , for that the law of mens actions is one , if they be respected only as men ; and another , whē they are considered as parts of a politique body . many men there are , then whom nothing is more commendable when they are singled . and yet in societie with others , none lesse fit to answere the duties which are looked for at their handes . yea i am perswaded , that of them with whom in this cause we striue , there are whose betters among men would bee hardly found , if they did not liue amongst men , but in some wildernesse by themselues . the cause of which their disposition so vnframable vnto societies wherein they liue , is for that they discerne not aright : what place and force these seuerall kindes of lawes ought to haue in all their actions . is there question eyther concerning the regiment of the church in generall , or about conformitie betweene one church and another , or of ceremonies , offices , powers ▪ iurisdictions in our owne church ? of all these things they iudge by that r●le which they frame to themselues with some shew of probabilitie ; and what seemeth in that sort conuenient , the same they thinke themselues bound to practise , the same by all meanes they labour mightily to vpholde ; whatsoeuer any law of man to the contrarie hath determined they weigh it not . thus by following the law of priuate reason , where the law of publique should take place , they breede disturbance . for the better inu●ing therefore of mens mindes with the true distinction of lawes and of their seuerall force , according to the di●ferent kind and qualitie of our actions , it shal no● peraduenture be amisse to shew in some one example how they all take place . to seeke no further , let but that be considered then which there is not any thing more familiar vnto vs , our foode . what thinges are foode , and what are not , we iudge naturally by sense , neither neede we any other law to be our director in that behalfe then the selfe-same which is common vnto vs with beastes . but when we come to consider of foode , as of a benefite which god of his bounteous goodnes hath prouided for all thinges liuing ; the law of reason doth here require the dutie of thankefulnesse at our handes , towards him at whose hands we haue i● . and least appetite in the vse of foode , should leade vs beyond that which is meere ▪ we owe in this case obedience to that law of reason , which teacheth mediocritie in meates and drinkes . the same things diuine lawe teacheth also , as at large we haue shewed it doth all partes of morall dutie , whereunto we all of necessitie stand bound , in regard of the life to come . but of certaine kindes of foode the iewes sometime had , and we our selues likewise haue , a mysticall , reli●ious , and supernaturall vse ; they of their pas● all lambe and oblations , wee of our bread and wine in the eucharist ; which vse none but diuine law could institute . now as we liue in ciuill societie , the state of the common wealth wherein we liue , both may and doth require certaine lawes concerning foode ; which lawes , sauing onely that we are members of the common wealth where they are of force , we should not neede to respect a● rules of action , whereas now in their place and kinde they must be respected and obeyed . yea the selfe same matter is also a subiect wherein sometime ecclesiasticall lawes haue place ; so that vnlesse wee will bee authors of confusion in the church , our priuate discretion , which otherwise might guide vs a contrary way , must here submit it selfe to bee that way guided , which the publike iudgement of the church hath thought better . in which case that of zonaras concerning f●stes may be remembred . fastinges are good , but let good things be done in good and conueni●nt maner . he that transgresseth in his fasting the orders of the holy fathers , the positiue lawes of the church of christ ▪ must be plainely tolde that good thinges doe loose the grace of their goodnesse , when in good sort they are not performed . and as here mens priuate phansies must giue place to the higher iudgement of that church which is in authoritie a mother ouer them : so the very actions of whole churches , haue in regard of commerce and fellowship with other churches , bene subiect to lawes concerning foode , the contrarie vnto which lawes had else bene thought more conuenient for them to obserue ; as by that order of abstinence from strangled and bloud may appeare ; an order grounded vpon that fellowship which the churches of the gentiles had with the iewes . thus we see how euen one and the selfe same thing is vnder diuers considerations conueyed through many lawes ; and that to measure by any one kind of law all the action of men , were to confound the admirable order wherein god hath disposed all lawes , each as in nature , so in degree , distinct from other . wherefore that here we may briefly ende , of lawe there can be no lesse acknowledged , then that her seate is the bosome of god , her voyce the harmony of the world , all things in heauen and earth doe her homage , the very least as feeling her care , and the greatest as not exempted from her power ; both angels and men and creatures of what condition so euer , though each in different sort and manner , yet all with vniforme consent , admiring her as the mother of their peace and ioy . the second booke : concerning their first position who vrge reformation in the church of england ; namely that scripture is the onely rule of all things which in this life may be done by men . the matter contained in this second boooke . an answere to their first proofe brought out of scripture . prou. . . to their second . cor. . . to their third . . tim. . . to their fourth . rom. . . to their proofes out of fathers , who dispute negatiuely from the authoritie of holy scripture . to their proofe by the scriptures custome of disputing from diuine authoritie negatiuely . an examination of their opinion concerning the force of arguments taken from humane authoritie for the ordering of mens actions and perswasions . a declaration what the truth is in this matter . as that which in the title hath bene proposed for the matter whereof we treat , is onely the ecclesiasticall lawe whereby we are gouerned ; so neither is it my purpose to maintaine any other thing , then that which therein truth and reason shall approue . for concerning the dealings of men who administer gouernment , and vnto whom the execution of that law belongeth ; they haue their iudge who sitteth in heauen , and before whose tribunall seate they are accomptable for whatsoeuer abuse or corruption , which ( being worthily misliked in this church ) the want eyther of care or of conscience in them hath bred . we are no patrones of those things therfore ; the best defence whereof is speedie redresse & amendment . that which is of god we defend , to the vttermost of that habilitie which he hath giuen : that which is otherwise , let it wither euen in the roote from whence it hath sprung . wherefore all these abuses being seuered and set apart , which rise from the corruption of men , and not from the lawes themselues : come we to those things which in the very whole intier forme of our church-politie haue bene ( as wee perswade our selues ) iniuriously blamed , by them who endeuour to ouerthrow the same , and in stead therof to establish a much worse ▪ onely through a strong misconceipt they haue , that the same is grounded on diuine authoritie . now whether it be that through an earnest longing desire to see things brought to a peaceable end , i do but imagine the matters whereof we contend , to be fewer then indeed they are ; or else for that in truth they are fewer when they come to be discust by reason , then otherwise they seeme , when by heate of contention they are deuided into many slippes , and of euery branch an heape is made : surely as now wee haue drawne them together , choosing out those things which are requisite to bee seuerally all discust , and omitting such meane specialties as are likely ( without any great labour ) to fall afterwardes of themselues ; i knowe no cause why either the number or the length of these controuersies should diminish our hope , of seeing them end with concord and loue on all sides ; which of his infinite loue and goodnes the father of all peace and vnitie graunt . vnto which scope that our endeuour may the more directly tend , it seemeth fittest that first those thinges be examined , which are as seedes from whence the rest that ensue haue growne . and of such the most generall is that , wherewith we are here to make our entrance ; a question not mooued ( i thinke ) any where in other churches , and therefore in ours the more likely to be soone ( i trust ) determined . the rather for that it hath grown from no other roote , then only a desire to enlarge the necessarie vse of the word of god ; which desire hath begotten an error enlarging it further then ( as we are perswaded ) soundnesse of truth will beare . for whereas god hath left sundry kindes of lawes vnto men , and by all those lawes the actions of men are in some sort directed : they hold that one onely lawe , the scripture , must be the rule to direct in all thinges , euen so farre as to the taking vp of a rush or strawe . about which point there should not neede any question to growe , and that which is growne might presently ende , if they did yeelde but to these two restraints : the first is , not to extend the actions whereof they speake so lowe as that instance doth import , of taking vp a strawe , but rather keepe themselues at the least within the compasse of morall actions , actions which haue in them vice or vertue ; the second , not to exact at our hands for euery action the knowledge of some place of scripture out of which we stand bound to deduce it , as by diuerse testimonies they seeke to enforce , but rather as the truth is , so to acknowledge , that it sufficeth if such actions be framed according to the lawe of reason ; the generall axiomes , rules , and principles of which lawe being so frequent in holy scripture , there is no let but in that regard , euen out of scripture such duties may be deduced by some kinde of consequence , ( as by long circuite of deduction it may be that euen all truth out of any truth may be concluded ) ; howbeit no man bound in such sort to deduce all his actions out of scripture , as if eyther the place be to him vnknowne whereon they may be concluded , or the reference vnto that place not presently considered of , the action shall in that respect be condemned as vnlawfull . in this we dissent , and this we are presently to examine . in all parts of knowledge rightly so termed , thinges most generall are most strong : thus it must be , in as much as the certaintie of our perswasion touching particulars , dependeth altogether vpon the credite of those generalities out of which they growe . albeit therefore euery cause admit not such infallible euidence of proofe , as leaueth no possibilitie of doubt or scruple behind it ; yet they who claime the generall assent of the whole world vnto that which they teach , and doe not feare to giue very hard and heauie sentence vpon as many as refuse to embrace the same , must haue speciall regard that their first foundations and grounds be more then slender probabilities . this whole question which hath bene mooued about the kinde of church regiment , we could not but for our owne resolutions sake , endeuour to vnrip and sift ; following therein as neare as we might , the conduct of that iudiciall method which serueth best for inuention of truth . by meanes whereof hauing found this the head theoreme of all their discourses , who pleade for the chaunge of ecclesiasticall gouernment in england , namely , that the scripture of god is in such sort the rule of humane actions , that simply whatsoeuer we doe , and are not by it directed thereunto , the same is sinne ; wee hold it necessarie that the proofes hereof be waighed : be they of waight sufficient or otherwise it is not ours to iudge and determine : onely what difficulties there are , which as yet withhold our assent , till we be further and better satisfied , i hope no indifferent amongst them will scorne or refuse to heare . first therefore whereas they alleage that wisedome doth teach men euery good way ; and haue thereupon inferred , that no way is good in any kind of action , vnlesse wisedome do by scripture leade vnto it : see they not plainely how they restraine the manifold wayes which wisedome hath to teach men by , vnto one only way of teaching , which is by scripture ? the boundes of wisedome are large , and within them much is contayned . wisdome was adams instructor in paradise : wisdome indued the fathers , who liued before the law , with the knowledge of holy things by the wisedome of the lawe of god , dauid attained to excell others in vnderstanding ; & salomon likewise to excell dauid , by the selfe same wisdome of god teaching him many things besides the law . the waies of well-doing are in number euen as many , as are the kindes of voluntarie actions : so that whatsoeuer we do in this world and may do it ill , we shew our selues therein by well doing to be wise ▪ now if wisedome did teach men by scripture not onely all the wayes that are right and good in some certaine kind , according to that of a s. paule concerning the vse of scripture ; but did simply without any maner of exception , restraint , or distinction , teach euery way of doing well ; there is no art but scripture should teach it , because euery art doth teach the way how to do some thing or other well . to teach men therefore wisedome professeth , and to teach them euery good way : but not euery good way by one way of teaching . whatsoeuer either men on earth , or the angels of heauen do know , it is as a drop of that vnemptiable fountaine of wisdom ; which wisdom hath diuersly imparted her treasures vnto the world . as her waies are of sundry kindes , so her maner of teaching is not meerely one and the same . some thinges she openeth by the sacred bookes of scripture ; some things by the glorious works of nature : with some things she inspireth them frō aboue by spirituall influence ; in some things she leadeth and traineth them onely by worldly experience and practise . we may not so in any one speciall kinde admire her , that we disgrace her in any other ; but let all her wayes be according vnto their place and degree adored . that all things be done to the glory of god , the blessed apostle ( it is true ) exhorteth . the glory of god is the admirable excellencie of that vertue diuine , which being made manifest , causeth men and angels to extoll his greatnes , and in regard thereof to feare him . by beeing glorified , it is not meant that he doth receiue any augmentation of glory at our hands ; but his name we glorifie , when we testifie our acknowledgement of his glorie . which albeit we most effectually do by the vertue of obedience : neuerthelesse it may be perhaps a question , whether s. paule did meane that wee sinne as oft as euer wee goe about any thing , without an expresse intent and purpose to obey god therein . he saith of himselfe , i do in all things please all men , seeking not mine owne commoditie , but rather the good of many , that they may be saued . shall it hereupon be thought , that s. paule did not moue eyther hand or foote , but with expresse intent euen thereby to further the common saluation of men ? we moue , we sleepe , wee take the cuppe at the hand of our friend , a number of thinges we oftentimes doe , onely to satisfie some naturall desire , without present expresse and actuall reference vnto any commaundement of god. vnto his glory euen these thinges are done which we naturally performe , and not onely that which morally and spiritually we doe . for by euery effect proceeding from the most concealed instincts of nature , his power is made manifest . but it doth not therefore follow , that of necessitie we shall sinne , vnlesse we expressely intend this in euery such particular . but be it a thing which requireth no more then onely our generall presupposed willingnesse to please god in all things ; or be it a matter wherein wee cannot so glorifie the name of god as we should , without an actuall intent to doe him in that particular some speciall obedience : yet for any thing there is in this sentence alleaged to the contrarie , god may be glorified by obedience , and obeyed by performance of his will , and his will be performed with an actuall intelligent desire to fulfill that lawe which maketh knowne what his will is , although no speciall clause or sentence of scripture bee in euery such action set before mens eyes to warrant it . for scripture is not the onely lawe whereby god hath opened his will touching all thinges that may be done ; but there are other kindes of lawes which notifie the will of god , as in the former booke hath beene prooued at large : nor is there any law of god , whereunto he doth not account our obedience his glory . doe therefore all thinges vnto the glory of god ( saith the apostle ) , be inoffensiue both to the iewes and graecians , and the church of god ; euen as i please all men in all thinges , not seeking mine owne commoditie , but manies that they may be saued . in the least thing done disobediently towardes god , or offensiuely against the good of men , whose benefite wee ought to seeke for as for our owne , we plainely shew that we doe not acknowledge god to be such as indeede he is , and consequently that we glorifie him not . this the blessed apostle teacheth : but doth any apostle teach , that we cannot glorifie god otherwise , then onely in doing what wee finde that god in scripture commaundeth vs to doe ? the churches dispersed amongest the heathen in the east part of the world , are by the apostle s. peter exhorted , to haue their conuersation honest amongest the gentiles , that they which spake euill of them as of euill doers , might by the good workes which they should see , glorifie god in the day of visitation . as long as that which christians did was good , and no way subiect vnto iust reproofe ; their vertuous conuersation was a meane to worke the heathens conuersion vnto christ. seeing therefore this had beene a thing altogether impossible , but that infidels themselues did discerne , in matters of life and conuersation , when beleeuers did well , and when otherwise ; when they glorified their heauenly father , and when not : it followeth that some thinges wherein god is glorified , may be some other way knowne , then onely by the sacred scripture ; of which scripture the gentiles being vtterly ignorant , did notwithstanding iudge rightly of the qualitie of christian mens actions . most certaine it is that nothing but onely sinne , doth dishonour god. so that to glorifie him in all things ; is to do nothing whereby the name of god may be blasphemed ; nothing whereby the saluation of iew or grecian or any in the church of christ may be let or hindered ; nothing wherby his law is transgrest . but the question is , whether onely scripture do shewe whatsoeuer god is glorified in . and though meates and drinkes be said to be sanctified by the worde of god , and by prayer : yet neither is this a reason sufficient to prooue , that by scripture wee must of necessitie be directed in euery light and common thing which is incident into any part of mans life . onely it sheweth that vnto vs the worde , that is to say , the gospell of christ , hauing not deliuered any such difference of thinges cleane and vncleane , as the law of moses did vnto the iewes ; there is no cause but that we may vse indifferently all thinges , as long as wee doe not ( like swine ) take the benefite of them , without a thankefull acknowledgement of his liberalitie and goodnesse , by whose prouidence they are inioyed : and therefore the apostle gaue warning before hand to take heede of such as should inioyne to abstaine from meates , which god hath created to be receiued with thankes-giuing , by them which beleeue and know the truth . for euery creature of god is good , and nothing to be refused , if it be receiued with thankesgiuing , because it is sanctified by the word of god and praier . the gospell by not making many thinges vncleane , as the lawe did , hath sanctified those thinges generally to all , which particularly each man vnto himselfe must sanctifie by a reuerend and holy vse : which will hardly be drawne so farre , as to serue their purpose , who haue imagined the word in such sort to sanctifie all thinges , that neither foode can bee tasted , nor rayment put on , nor in the world any thing done , but this deede must needes be sinne in them , which do not first knowe it appointed vnto them by scripture before they do it . but to come vnto that which of all other things in scripture is most stood vpon ; that place of s. paule they say , is of all other most cleare , where speaking of those thinges which are called indifferent , in the ende he concludeth , that whatsoeuer is not of faith , is sinne . but faith is not but in respect of the worde of god. therefore whatsoeuer is not done by the worde of god , is sinne . whereunto wee aunswere , that albeit the name of faith being properly and strictly taken , it must needes haue reference vnto some vttered worde , as the obiect of beliefe : neuerthelesse sith the ground of credite is the credibilitie of thinges credited ; and things are made credible , eyther by the knowne condition and qualitie of the vtterer , or by the manifest likelihood of truth which they haue in thēselues ; hereupon it riseth , that whatsoeuer we are perswaded of , the same we are generally said to beleeue . in which generalitie , the obiect of faith may not so narrowly be restrained , as if the same did extend no further then to the onely scriptures of god. though ( saith our sauiour ) ye beleeue not me , beleeue my workes ; that ye may know and beleeue that the father is in me , and i in him . the other disciples said vnto thomas , we haue seene the lord ; but his aunswere vnto them was , except i see in his hands the print of the nailes , and put my finger into them , i will not beleeue . can there be any thing more plaine , then that which by these two sentences appeareth , namely that there may be a certaine beliefe grounded vpon other assurance then scripture ; any thing more cleare , then that we are said not onely to beleeue the thinges which we knowe by anothers relation , but euen whatsoeuer we are certainly perswaded of , whether it be by reason , or by sense ? for as much therefore as a it is graunted , that s. paule doth meane nothing else by fayth , but onely a full perswasion that that which we doe is well done ; against which kinde of faith or perswasion , as s. paule doth count it sinne to enterprise any thing , b so likewise some of the very heathen haue taught , as tully , that nothing ought to be done whereof thou doubtest whether it be right or wrōg ; wherby it appeareth that euen those which had no knowledge of the word of god , did see much of the equitie of this which the apostle requireth of a christian man : i hope we shall not seeme altogether vnnecessarily to doubt of the soundnesse of their opinion , who thinke simply that nothing but onely the word of god , can giue vs assurance in any thing wee are to doe , and resolue vs that we doe well . for might not the iewes haue beene fully perswaded that they did well to thinke ( if they had so thought ) that in christ god the father was , although the onely ground of this their faith , had beene the wonderfull workes they saw him do ? might not , yea did not thomas fully in the end perswade himselfe , that he did well to thinke that body , which now was raised , to bee the same which had bene crucified ? that which gaue thomas this assurance was his sense ; thomas because thou hast seene , thou beleeuest , saith our sauiour . what scripture had tully for his assurance ? yet i nothing doubt but that they who alleage him , thinke hee did well to set downe in writing a thing so consonant vnto truth . finally , wee all beleeue that the scriptures of god are sacred , and that they haue proceeded from god ; our selues wee assure that wee doe right well in so beleeuing . wee haue for this point a demonstration sound and infallible . but it is not the worde of god which doth or possibly can assure vs , that wee doe well to thinke it his worde . for if any one booke of scripture did giue testimonie to all ; yet still that scripture which giueth credite to the rest , would require another scripture to giue credite vnto it : neither could we euer come vnto any pause whereon to rest our assurance this way : so that vnlesse besides scripture there were some thing which might assure vs that we do well , we could not thinke we do well , no not in being assured that scripture is a sacred and holy rule of well doing . on which determination we might be contented to stay our selues without further proceeding herein , but that we are drawne on into larger speech by reason of their so great earnestnes , who beate more and more vpon these last alleaged words , as being of all other most pregnant . whereas therefore they still argue , that wheresoeuer faith is wanting , there is sinne , and in euery action not commaunded , faith is wanting ; ergo in euery action not commaunded , there is sinne : i would demaund of them , first for as much as the nature of things indifferent is neither to be commaunded nor forbidden , but left free and arbitrarie ; how there can be any thing indifferent , if for want of faith sinne be committed , when any thing not commaunded is done . so that of necessitie they must adde somewhat , and at leastwise thus set it downe : in euery action not commaunded of god , or permitted with approbation , faith is wanting , and for want of faith there is sinne . the next thing we are to enquire is , what those things be which god permitteth with approbation , and how we may know them to be so permitted . when there are vnto one ende sundrie meanes , as for example , for the sustenance of our bodies many kindes of foode , many sorts of rayment to cloathe our nakednesse , and so in other things of like condition : here the end it selfe being necessary , but not so any one meane thereunto ; necessarie that our bodies should be both fed and cloathed , howbeit no one kinde of foode or rayment necessary ; therefore we hold these things free in their owne nature and indifferent . the choice is left to our owne discretion , except a principall bond of some higher dutie remoue the indifferencie that such thinges haue in themselues . their indifferencie is remoued , if eyther wee take away our owne libertie , as anantas did , for whome to haue solde or helde his possesions it was indifferent , till his solemne vow and promise vnto god had strictly bound him one onely way : or if god himselfe haue precisely abridged the same , by restraining vs vnto , or by barring vs from , some one or moe things of many , which otherwise were in themselues altogether indifferent . many fashions of priestly attire there were , wherof aaron and his sonnes might haue had their free choice without sinne , but that god expressely tied them vnto one . all meates indifferent vnto the iewe , were it not that god by name excepted some , as swines flesh . impossible therefore it is we should otherwise thinke , then that what thinges god doth neither commaund nor forbid , the same he permitteth with approbation either to be done or left vndone . all thinges are lawfull vnto mee , saith the apostle , speaking as it seemeth , in the person of the christian gentile for maintenance of libertie in thinges indifferent : whereunto his answere is , that neuerthelesse all thinges are not expedient ; in thinges indifferent there is a choice , they are not alwayes equally expedient . now in thinges although not commaunded of god , yet lawfull because they are permitted , the question is , what light shall shewe vs the conueniencie which one hath aboue another . for answere , their finall determination is , that whereas the heathen did send men for the difference of good & euill to the light of reason , in such things the apostle sendeth vs to the schoole of christ in his word , which onely is able through faith to giue vs assurance and resolution in our doings . which word only , is vtterly without possibilitie of euer being proued . for what if it were true concerning things indifferent , that vnlesse the word of the lord had determined of the free vse of them , there could haue bene no lawfull vse of them at all ; which notwithstanding is vntrue , because it is not the scriptures setting downe such thinges as indifferent , but their not setting downe as necessarie that doth make them to be indifferent : yet this to our present purpose serueth nothing at all . wee inquire not now whether any thing be free to be vsed , which scripture hath not set downe as free : but concerning things knowne and acknowledged to be indifferent , whether particularly in choosing any one of them before another we sinne , if any thing but scripture direct vs in this our choice . when many meates are set before me , all are indifferent , none vnlawfull ; i take one as most conuenient . if scripture require me so to do , then is not the thing indifferent , because i must do what scripture requireth . they are all indifferent , i might take any , scripture doth not require of me to make any speciall choice of one : i doe notwithstanding make choice of one , my discretion teaching me so to doe . a hard case , that hereupon i should be iustly condemned of sinne . nor let any man thinke , that following the iudgement of naturall discretion in such cases , we can haue no assurance that we please god. for to the author and god of our nature , how shall any operation proceeding in naturall sort bee in that respect vnacceptable ? the nature which himselfe hath giuen to worke by , he cannot but be delighted with , when wee exercise the same any way with●ut commaundement of his to the contrarie . my desire is to make this cause so manifest , that if it were possible , no doubt or scruple concerning the same might remaine in any mans cogitation . some truthes there are , the veritie whereof time doth alter : as it is now true that christ is risen from the dead ; which thing was not true at such time as christ was liuing on earth , and had not suffered . it would be knowne therefore , whether this which they teach concerning the sinfull staine of all actions not commanded of god , be a truth that doth now appertaine vnto vs only , or a perpetuall truth , in such sort that from the first beginning of the world vnto the last consummation thereof , it neither hath bene , nor can be otherwise . i see not how they can restraine this vnto any particular time , how they can thinke it true now and not alwaies true , that in euery action not commanded there is for want of faith sinne . then let them cast backe their eyes vnto former generations of men , and marke what was done in the prime of the world . seth , enoch , noah , sem , abraham , iob , and the rest that liued before any syllable of the lawe of god was written , did they not sinne as much as we doe in euery action not commaunded ? that which god is vnto vs by his sacred word , the same he was vnto them by such like meanes as eliphas in iob describeth . if therefore we sinne in euery action which the scripture commaundeth vs not , it followeth that they did the like in all such actions as were not by reuelation from heauen exacted at their hands . vnlesse god from heauen did by vision still shew them what to doe , they might do nothing , not eate , not drinke , not sleepe , not moue . yea but euen as in darkenes candle light may serue to guide mens steps , which to vse in the day were madnes ; so when god had once deliuered his lawe in writing , it may bee they are of opinion , that then it must needes bee sinne for men to doe any thing , which was not there commaunded them to do , whatsoeuer they might do before . let this be graunted , and it shall here upon plainely ensue , either that the light of scripture once shining in the world , all other light of nature is ther with in such sort drowned , that now we need it not , neither may we longer vse it ; or if it stand vs in any stead , yet as aristotle speaketh of men whom nature hath framed for the state of seruitude , saying they haue reason so farre forth as to conceiue when others direct them , but litle or none in directing themselues by themselues , so likewise our naturall capacity and iudgement must serue vs only for the right vnderstanding of that which the sacred scripture teacheth . had the prophets who succeeded moses , or the blessed apostles which followed them , bene setled in this perswasion , neuer would they haue taken so great paines in gathering together naturall arguments , thereby to teach the faithfull their duties . to vse vnto thē any other motiue then scriptum est , thus it is written ▪ had bene to teach them other grounds of their actions then scripture ; which i graunt they alleage commonly , but not only . only scripture they should haue alleaged , had they bene thus perswaded , that so far forth we do sinne , as we do any thing otherwise directed then by ●cripture . saint augustine was resolute in points of christianity to credit none , how godly and learned soeuer he were , vnlesse he confirmed his sentence by the scriptures , or by some reason not contrary to them . let them therfore with saint augustine reiect and condemne that which is not grounded either on the scripture , or on some reason not contrary to scripture ▪ and we are ready to giue them our hands in token of friendly consent with them . but against this it may be obiected , and is , that the fathers do nothing more vsually in their books , then draw arguments from the scripture negatiuely in reproofe of that which is euill ; scriptures teach it not , auoid it therefore ; these disputes with the fathers are ordinary , neither is it hard to shew that the prophets themselues haue so reasoned . which arguments being sound and good , it should seeme that it cannot be vnsound or euill to hold still the same assertion against which hitherto we haue disputed . for if it stand with reason thus to argue , such a thing is not taught vs in scripture , therefore we may not receiue or allow it ; how should it seeme vnreasonable to thinke , that whatsoeuer we may lawfully do , the scripture by commanding it must make it lawful . but how far such arguments do reach , it shall the better appeare by considering the matter wherein they haue bene vrged . first therefore this we constantly deny , that of so many testimonies as they are able to produce for the strength of negatiue arguments , any one doth generally ( which is the point in question ) condemne either all opinions as false , or all actions as vnlawfull , which the scripture teacheth vs not . the most that can be collected out of thē is onely , that in some cases a negatiue argument taken from scripture is strong ; whereof no man indued with iudgement can doubt . but doth the strength of some negatiue argumen● proue this kind of negatiue argument strong , by force whereof all things are denied which scripture affirmeth not , or all things which scripture prescribeth not , condemned ▪ the question betweene vs is concerning matter of action , what things are lawfull or vnlawfull for men to do . the sentences alleaged out of the fathers , are as peremptory and as large in euery respect for matter of opinion , as of action ▪ which argueth that in truth they neuer meant any otherwise to tye the one then the other vnto scripture , bothe being thereunto equally tyed , as far as each is required in the same kind of necessitie vnto saluation . if therefore it be not vnlawful to know , and with full perswasion to belieue , much more then scripture alone doth teach ; if it be against all sense and reason to condemne the knowledge of so many arts and sciences as are otherwise learned then in holy scripture , notwithstanding the manifest speeches of auncient catholike fathers , which seeme to close vp within the bosome thereof all manner good and lawfull knowledge ▪ wherefore should their words be thought more effectuall , to shew that we may not in deedes and practise , then they are to proue that in speculation and knowledge , we ought not to go any farther then the scripture ? which scripture being giuen to teach matters of beliefe no lesse then of action ▪ the fathers must needs be , and are euen as plaine against credit , besides the relation ; as against practise , without the iniunction of the scripture . saint augustine hath sayd , whether it be question of christ , or whether it be question of his church , or of what thing soeuer the question be ; i say not if we , but if an angell from heauen shall tell vs any thing beside that you haue receiued in the scripture vnder the law and the gospel , let him be accursed . in like sort tertullian , we may not giue our selues this liberty to bring in any thing of our will , nor choose any thing that other men bring in of their will ; we haue the apostles themselues for authors , which themselues brought nothing of their owne wil , but the discipline which they receiued of christ they deliuered faithfully vnto the people . in which place , the name of discipline importeth not as they who alleage it would faine haue it construed ; but as any man who noteth the circumstance of the place , and the occasion of vttering the words , will easily acknowledge ; euen the selfe same thing it signifieth which the name of doctrine doth , and as well might the one as the other there haue bene vsed . to helpe them farther , doth not saint ierome after the selfe same maner dispute , we beleeue it not because we reade it not ? yea , we ought not so much as to knowe the things which the booke of the lawe containeth not , sayth saint hilarie . shall we hereupon then conclude that we may not take knowledge of , or giue credit vnto any thing , which sense or experience or report or art doth propose , vnlesse we find the same in scripture ? no , it is too plaine that so farre to extend their speeches , is to wrest them against their true intent and meaning . to vrge any thing vpon the church , requiring thereunto that religious assent of christian beliefe , wherewith the words of the holy prophets are receiued ; to vrge any thing as part of that supernaturall and celestially reuealed truth which god hath taught , and not to shewe it in scripture , this did the auncient fathers euermore thinke vnlawfull , impious , execrable . and thus as their speeches were meant , so by vs they must be restrained . as for those alleaged words of cyprian , the christian religion shall find , that out of this scripture , rules of all doctrines haue spr●ng , and that from hence doth spring and hether doth returne whatsoeuer the ecclesiasticall discipline doth cōteine : surely this place would neuer haue bin brought forth in this cause , if it had bene but once read ouer in the author himselfe out of whom it is cited . for the words are vttered concerning that one principall commaundement of loue , in the honour whereof he speaketh after this sort : surely this commaundement containeth the law and the prophets , and in this one word is the abridgement of al the volumes of scripture . this nature and reason and the authority of thy word o lord doth proclaime , this we haue heard out of thy mouth , herein the perfection of all religion doth consist . this is the first commandement and the last : thing being written in the booke of life , is ( as it were ) an euerlasting lesson both to men and angels . let christian religion reade this one word , and meditate vpon this commaundement , and out of this scripture it shall find the rules of all learning to haue sprung , and from hence to haue risen , and hither to returne , whatsoeuer the ecclesiasticall discipline containeth ; and that in all things it is vaine and bootelesse which charity confirmeth not . was this a sentence ( trow you ) of so great force to proue that scripture is the onely rule of all the actions of men ? might they not hereby euen as well proue , that one commandement of scripture is the onely rule of all things , and so exclude the rest of the scripture , as now they do all meanes besides scripture ? but thus it fareth when too much desire of contradiction causeth our speech rather to passe by number , then to stay for waight . well , but tertullian doth in this case speake yet more plainely : the scripture ▪ sayth he , denieth what it noteth not : which are indeed the words of tertullian . but what ? the scripture reckoneth vp the kings of israell , and amongst those kings dauid : the scripture reckoneth vp the sonnes of dauid , and amongst those sonnes salomon . to proue that amongst the kings of israell there was no dauid but only one , no salomon but one in the sonnes of dauid , tertullians argument will fitly proue . for in as much as the scripture did propose to recken vp all , if there were moe it would haue named them . in this case the scripture doth deny the thing it noteth not . howbeit i could not but thinke that man to do me some peece of manifest iniury , which would hereby fasten vpon me a generall opinion , as if i did thinke the scripture to deny the very raigne of king henry the eight , because it no where noteth that any such king did raigne . tertullians speech is probable concerning such matter as he there speaketh of . there was , saith tertullian , no second lamech like to him that had two wiues ; the scripture denieth what it noteth not . as therefore it noteth one such to haue bene in that age of the world ; so had there beene moe , it would by likelihood as well haue noted many as one . what infer we now hereupon ? there was no second lamech ; the scripture denieth what it noteth not . were it consonant vnto reason to diuorce these two sentences , the former of which doth shew how the later is restrained ; and not marking the former , to conclude by the later of them , that simply whatsoeuer any man at this day doth thinke true , is by the scripture denied , vnlesse it be there affirmed to be true ? i wonder that a cause so weake and feeble hath bene so much persisted in . but to come vnto those their sentences wherein matters of action are more apparantly touched ; the name of tertullian is as before , so here againe pretended ; who writing vnto his wife two bookes , and exhorting her in the one to liue a widdow , in case god before her should take him vnto his mercy ; and in the other , if she did marry , yet not to ioyne her selfe to an infidel , as in those times some widowes christian had done for the aduancement of their estate in this present world , he vrgeth very earnestly saint paules words , onely in the lord : whereupon he demaundeth of them that thinke they may do the contrary , what scripture they can shew where god hath dispensed and graunted licence to do against that which the blessed apostle so strictly doth inioyne . and because in defence it might perhaps be replied , seeing god doth will that couples which are maried when bothe are infidels , if either party chaunce to be after conuerted vnto christianity , this should not make separation betweene them , as long as the vnconuerted was willing to reteine the other on whom the grace of christ had shined ; wherefore then should that let the making of mariage , which doth not dissolue mariage being made ? after great reasons shewed why god doth in conuerts being maried allow continuance with infidels , and yet disallow that the faithfull when they are free should enter into bonds of wedlocke with such , concludeth in the end concerning those women that so mary , they that please not the lord , do euen thereby offend the lord , they do euen thereby throw themselues into euill : that is to say , while they please him not by marying in him , they do that whereby they incurre his displeasure , they 〈◊〉 an offer of themselues into the seruice of that enemy with whose seruants they linke themselues in so neere a bond . what one syllable is there in all this , preiudiciall any way to that which we hold ? for the words of tertullian as they are by them alleaged , are two wayes misunderstood ; both in the former part , where that is extended generally to all things in the neuter gender , which he speaketh in the feminine gender of womens persons ; and in the later , where receiued with hurt , is put in stead of wilfull incurring that which is euill . and so in summe tertullian doth neither meane nor say as is pretended , whatsoeuer pleaseth not the lord displeaseth him , and with hurt is receiued ; but those women that please not the lord by their kind of marying , do euen thereby offend the lord , they do euen thereby throw themselues into euill . somewhat more shew there is in a second place of tertullian , which notwithstanding , when we haue examined it , will be found as the rest are . the romaine emperours custome was at certaine solemne times to bestowe on his souldiers a donatiue ; which donatiue they receiued , wearing garlands vpon their heads . there were in the time of the emperors seuerus and antoninus , many who being souldiers , had bene conuerted vnto christ , and notwithstanding continued still in that militarie course of life . in which number , one man there was amongst all the rest , who at such a time comming to the tribune of the army to receiue his donatiue , came but with a garland in his hand , and not in such sort as others did . the tribune offended hereat demaundeth , what this great singularitie should meane . to whom the souldier , christianus sum , i am a christian. many there were so besides him , which yet did otherwise at that time ; whereupon grew a question , whether a christian souldier might herein do as the vnchristian did , and weare ●s they wore . many of them which were very sound in christian beliefe , did rather commend the zeale of this man , then approue his action . tertullian was at the same time a montanist , and an enemy vnto the church for condemning that propheticall spirite , which monta●●s and his followers did boast they had receiued ; as if in them christ had performed his last promise ; as if to them he had sent the spirit that should be their perfecter and finall instructer in the mysteries of christian truth . which exulceration of mind made him apt to take all occasions of contradiction . wherefore in honour of that action , and to gall their minds who did not so much commend it , he wrote his booke de corona militis , not dissembling the stomacke wherewith he wrote it . for first the man he commendeth as one more constant then the rest of his brethren , who presumed , sayth he , that they might well enough serue two lords . afterwards choller somewhat more rising within him , he addeth , it doth euen remaine that they should also deuise how to rid themselues of his martyrdomes , towards the prophecies of whose holy spirit they haue already shewed their disdaine . they mutter that their good and long peace is now in hazard . i doubt not but some of them send the scriptures before , trusse vp bagge and baggage , make themselues in a readinesse , that they may flye from citie to citie . for that is the only point of the gospell which they are carefull not to forget . i knowe euen their pastors very well what men they are , in peace lions , harts in time of trouble and feare . now these men , saith tertullian , they must be aunswered where we do find it written in scripture that a christian man may not weare a garland . and as mens speeches vttered in heate of distempered affection , haue often times much more egernes then waight ; ●o he that shall marke the proofes alleaged , and the answers to things obiected in the booke , will now and then perhaps espie the like imbecillity . such is that argument whereby they that wore on their heads garlands , are charged as transgressors of natures lawe , and guilty of sacrilege against god the lord of nature , in as much as flowers in such sort worne , can neither be smelt nor seene well by those that weare them ▪ and god made flowers sweet and beautifull , that being seene and smelt vnto , they might so delight . neither doth tertullian bewray this weaknes in striking only , but also in repelling their strokes with whom he contendeth . they aske sayth he , what scripture is there which doth teach that we should not be crowned ? and what scripture is there which doth teach that we should ? for in requiring on the contrary part the aide of scripture , they do giue sentence before hand that their part ought also by scripture to be aided . which answer is of no great force . there is no necessitie , that if i confesse i ought not to do that which the scripture forbiddeth me , i should thereby acknowledge my selfe bound to do nothing which the scripture commandeth me not . for many inducements besides scripture may leade me to that , which if scripture be against , they all giue place , and are of no value ▪ yet otherwise are strong and effectuall to perswade . vvhich thing himselfe well enough vnderstanding , and being not ignorant that scripture in many things doth neither commaund nor forbid , but vse silence ; his resolution in fine is ; that in the church a number of things are strictly obserued ▪ whereof no law of scripture maketh mention one way or other ; that of things once receiued and confirmed by vse , long vsage is a law sufficient ; that in ciuill affaires when there is no other law ▪ custome it selfe doth stand for lawe ; that in as much as law doth stand vpon reason , to alleage reason serueth as well as to cite scripture ; that whatsoeuer is reasonable , the same is lawfull whosoeuer is author of it ; that the authoritie of custome is great ; finally that the custome of christians was then and had bene a long time not to weare garlands , and therefore that vndoubtedly they did offend , who presumed to violate such a custome by not obseruing that thing , the very inueterate obseruation whereof was a law sufficient to bind all men to obserue it , vnlesse they could shew some higher law , some law of scripture to the cōtrary . this presupposed , it may stand then very well with strength and soundnesse of reason , euen thus to answer ; whereas they aske what scripture forbiddeth them to weare a garland , we are in this case rather to demaund what scripture commandeth them . they cannot here alleage that it is permitted which is not forbidden them : no , that is forbidden them which is not permitted . for long receiued custome forbidding them to do as they did ( if so be it did forbid them ) there was no excuse in the world to iustifie their act , vnlesse in the scripture they could shewe some lawe , that did licence them thus to breake a receiued custome . now whereas in all the bookes of tertullian besides , there is not so much found as in that one , to proue not onely that we may do , but that we ought to do sundry things which the scripture commaundeth not ; out of that verie booke these sentences are brought to make vs belieue that tertullian was of a cleane contrary minde . we cannot therefore hereupon yeeld , we cannot graunt , that hereby is made manifest the argument of scripture negatiuely to be of force , not only in doctrine and ecclesiasticall discipline , but euen in matters arbitrary . for tertullian doth plainely hold euen in that booke , that neither the matter which he intreateth of was arbitrary but necessarie , in as much as the receaued custome of the church did tye and bind them not to weare garlands as the heathens did ; yea and further also he reckoneth vp particularly a number of things , whereof he expresly concludeth ; harum & aliarum eiusmodi disciplinarum si legem expostules scripturarum , nullam inuenies ; which is as much as if he had sayd in expresse words , many things there are which concerne the discipline of the church and the duties of men , which to abrogate and take away , the scriptures negatiuely vrged may not in any case perswade vs , but they must be obserued , yea although no scripture be found which requireth any such thing . tertullian therefore vndoubtedly doth not in this booke shew himselfe to be of the same mind with them by whom his name is pretended . but sith the sacred scriptures themselues affoord oftentimes such arguments as are taken from diuine authoritie both one way and other , the lord hath commaunded , therefore it must be ; and againe in like sort , he hath not , therefore it must not be ; some certainty concerning this point seemeth requisite to be set downe . god himselfe can neither possibly erre , nor leade into error . for this cause his testimonies , whatsoeuer he affirmeth , are alwaies truth and most infallible certainty . yea further , because the things that proceed frō him are perfect without any manner of defect or maime ; it cannot be but that the words of his mouth are absolute , & lacke nothing which they should haue , for performance of that thing whereunto they tend . wherupon it followeth , that the end being knowne wherunto he directeth his speech , the argumēt euen negatiuely is euermore strōg & forcible , cōcerning those things that are apparātly requisit vnto the same ende . as for example , god intending to set downe sundry times that which in angels is most excellent , hath not any where spoken so highly of them as he hath of our lord and sauiour iesus christ ; therefore they are not in dignitie equall vnto him . it is the apostle saint paules argument . the purpose of god was to teach his people , both vnto whom they should offer sacrifice ▪ and what sacrifice was to be offered . to burne their sonnes in fire vnto baal hee did not commaund them , he spake no such thing ▪ neither came it into his mind : therefore this they ought not to haue done . vvhich argument the prophet ieremie vseth more then once , as being so effectuall and strong , that although the thing hee reproueth were not onely not commaunded but forbidden them , and that expresly ; yet the prophet chooseth rather to charge them with the fault of making a lawe vnto themselues , then with the crime of transgressing a lawe which god had made . for when the lord hath once himselfe precisely set downe a forme of executing that wherein we are to serue him , the fault appeareth greater to do that which we are not , then not to do that which we are commaunded . in this we seeme to charge the lawe of god with hardnesse onely ▪ in that with foolishnesse ; in this we shew our selues weake and vnapt to be doers of his will , in that we take vpon vs to be controllers of his wisedome ; in this we faile to performe the thing which god seeth meete , conuenient and good , in that we presume to see what is meete and conuenient better then god himselfe . in those actions therefore the whole forme whereof god hath of purpose set downe to be obserued , we may not otherwise do then exactly as he hath prescribed ; in such things negatiue arguments are strong . againe , with a negatiue argument dauid is pressed concerning the purpose he had to build a temple vnto the lord ; thus sayth the lord , thou shalt not build me an house to dwell in . wheresoeuer i haue walked with all israell , spake i one word to any of the iudges of israel , whom i commaunded to feed my people , saying ▪ why haue ye not built me an house ? the iewes vrged with a negatiue argument touching the ayde which they sought at the hands of the king of aegypt , woe to those rebellious children ( sayth the lord ) which walke forth to go downe into aegypt , and haue not asked counsell at my mouth , to strengthen themselues with the strength of pharao . finally , the league of ioshua with the gabeonites is likewise with a negatiue argument touched . it was not as it should be : and why ? the lord gaue them not that aduise ; they sought not counsell at the mouth of the lord. by the vertue of which examples ▪ if any man should suppose the force of negatiue arguments approued , when they are taken from scripture in such sort as we in this question are pressed therewith , they greatly deceiue themselues . for vnto which of all these was it said , that they had done amisse in purposing to do , or in doing any thing at all which the scripture commanded them not ? our question is , whether all be sinne which is done without direction by scripture , and not whether the israelites did at any time amisse by following their owne minds , without asking counsell of god. no , it was that peoples singular priuiledge , a fauour which god vouchfafed them aboue the rest of the world , that in the affaires of their estate , which were not determinable one way or other by the scripture , himselfe gaue them extraordinarily direction and counsell as oft as they sought it at his hands . thus god did first by speech vnto moses ; after by vrim and thummim vnto priests ; lastly by dreames and visions vnto prophets , from whom in such cases they were to receiue the aunswere of god. concerning iosua therefore thus spake the lord vnto moses saying , he shall stand before eleazar the priest , who shall aske counsell for him by the iudgement of vrim before the lord : whereof had iosua bene mindfull , the fraud of the gabeonites could not so smoothly haue past vnespied till there was no helpe . the iewes had prophets to haue resolued them from the mouth of god himselfe , whether egyptian aides should profite them yea or no : but they thought themselues wise enough , and him vnworthy to be of their counsell . in this respect therfore was their reproofe , though sharpe , yet iust , albeit there had bene no charge precisely geuen them that they should alwayes take heed of egypt . but as for dauid , to thinke that he did euill in determining to build god a temple , because there was in scripture no commandement that he should build it , were very iniurious : the purpose of his hart was religious and godly , the act most worthy of honour and renowne ; neither could nathan choose but admire his vertuous intent , exhort him to go forward , and beseech god to prosper him therein . but god saw the endlesse troubles which dauid should be subiect vnto during the whole time of his regiment , and therefore gaue charge to differre so good a worke till the dayes of tranquilitie and peace , wherein it might without interruption be performed . dauid supposed that it could not stand with the duty which he owed vnto god , to set himselfe in an house of cedar trees , and to behold the arke of the lords couenant vnsetled . this opinion the lord abateth , by causing nathan to shew him plainely , that it should be no more imputed vnto him for a fault , then it had bene vnto the iudges of israell before him , his case being the same which theirs was , their times not more vnquiet then his , nor more vnfit for such an action . wherefore concerning the force of negatiue arguments so taken from the authority of scripture as by vs they are denied , there is in all this lesse then nothing . and touching that which vnto this purpose is borrowed frō the controuersies sometime handled betweene m. harding , and the worthiest diuine that christendome hath bred for the space of some hūdreds of yeres , who being brought vp together in one vniuersitie , it fell out in them which was spoken of two others , they learned in the same , that which in contrary cāps they did practise : of these two the one obiecting that with vs arguments taken from authority negatiuely are ouer common , the bishops answer hereunto is , that this kind of argument is thought to be good , whensoeuer proofe is taken of gods word , and is vsed not only by vs , but also by saint paul , and by many of the catholique fathers . saint paule saith , god said not vnto abraham , in thy seeds all the nations of the earth shall be blessed , but in thy seed which is christ , and thereof he thought he made a good argument . likewise sayth origen , the bread which the lord gaue vnto his disciples , saying vnto them , take and eate , he differred not , nor commanded to be reserued till the next day . such arguments origen and other learned fathers thought to stand for good , whatsoeuer misliking maister harding hath found in thē . this kind of proofe is thought to hold in gods commaundements , for that they be full and perfect , and god hath specially charged vs , that we should neither put to them , nor take fro them : and therefore it seemeth good vnto them that haue learned of christ , vnus est magister vester christus , & haue heard the voyce of god the father from heauen , ipsum au●ite . but vnto them that adde to the word of god what them listeth , and make gods will subiect vnto their will , and breake gods commaundements for their owne traditions sake , vnto them is seemeth not good . againe , the english apologie alleaging the example of the greekes how they haue neither priuate masses , nor mangled sacraments , nor purgatories , nor pardons ; it pleaseth maister harding to iest out the matter , to vse the helpe of his wits where strength of truth failed him , & to answer with scoffing at negatiues . the bishops defence in this case is , the auncient learned fathers hauing to deale with impudent heretiques , that in defence of their errors auouched the iudgement of all the old bishops and doctors that had bene before them , and the generall consent of the primitiue and whole vniuersall church , and that with as good regard of truth , and as faithfully as you do now ; the better to discouer the shamelesse boldnes & nakednes of their doctrine , were oftentimes likewise forced to vse the negatiue , & so to driue the same heretiques as we do you , to proue their affirmatiues , which thing to do it was neuer possible . the ancient father irenaeus thus stayed himselfe , as we do by the negatiue , hoc neque prophetae praedicauerunt , néque dominus docuit , néque apostoli tradiderunt , this thing neither did the prophets publish , nor our lord teach , nor the apostles deliuer . by a like negatiue chrysostome saith , this tree neither paule planted , nor apollo watered , nor god increased . in like sort leo saith , what needeth it to beleeue that thing that neither the lawe hath taught , nor the prophets haue spoken , nor the gospell hath preached , nor the apostles haue deliuered ? and againe , how are the new deuises brought in that our fathers neuer knew ? s. augustine hauing reekoned vp a great number of the bishops of rome , by a generall negatiue saith thus , in all this order of succession of bishops , there is not one bishop found that was a donatist ▪ saint gregory being himselfe a bishop of rome , and writing against the title of vniuersall bishop , saith thus , none of all my predecessors euer consented to vse this vngodly title , no bishop of rome euer tooke vpon him this name of singularity . by such negatiues , m. harding , we reproue the vanity and nouelty of your religion ; we tell you none of the catholique ancient learned fathers either greeke or latine euer vsed either your priuate masse , or your halfe communion , or your barbarous vnknowne prayers . paule neuer planted them , apollo neuer watered them , god neuer increased them , they are of your selues , they are not of god. in all this there is not a syllable which any way crosseth vs. for cōcerning arguments negatiue euen taken from humane authority● , they are here proued to be in some cases very strong and forcible . they are not in our estimation idle reproofes , when the authors of needlesse innouations are opposed with such negatiues , as that of leo , how are these new deuises brought in which our fathers neuer knew ? when their graue and reuerend superiours do recken vp vnto them , as augustine did vnto the donatists , large catalogues of fathers wondered at for their wisdome , piety , and learning , amongst whom for so many ages before vs , no one did euer so thinke of the churches affaires , as now the world doth begin to be perswaded ; surely by vs they are not taught to take exception hereat , because such arguments are negatiue . much lesse when the like are taken from the sacred authority of scripture , if the matter it selfe do beare them . for in truth the question is not , whether an argument from scripture negatiuely may be good , but whether it be so generally good , that in all actions men may vrge it . the fathers i graunt do vse very generall and large tearmes , euen as hiero the king did in speaking of archimedes , from henceforward whatsoeuer archimedes speaketh , it must be belieued . his meaning was not that archimedes could simply in nothing be deceiued , but that he had in such sort approued his skill , that he seemed worthy of credit for euer after in matters appertaining vnto the science he was skilfull in . in speaking thus largely it is presumed , that mens speeches will be taken according to the matter whereof they speake . let any man therefore that carieth indifferency of iudgement , peruse the bishops speeches , and consider well of those negatiues concerning scripture , which he produceth out of irenaeus , chrysostome , & leo ; which three are chosen from amongst the residue , because the sentences of the others ( euen as one of theirs also ) do make for defence of negatiue arguments taken from humane authority , and not from diuine onely . they mention no more restraint in the one then in the other : yet i thinke themselues will not hereby iudge , that the fathers tooke both to be strong , without restraint vnto any speciall kind of matter wherein they held such arguments forcible . nor doth the bishop either say or proue any more , then that an argument in some kinds of matter may be good , although taken negatiuely from scripture . an earnest desire to draw all things vnto the determination of bare and naked scripture , hath caused here much paines to be taken in abating the estimation and credite of man. which if we labour to maintaine as farre as truth and reason will beare , let not any thinke that we trauaile about a matter not greatly needful . for the scope of all their pleading against mans authoritie is , to ouerthrowe such orders , lawes , and constitutions in the church , as depending thereupon if they should therefore be taken away , would peradueture leaue neither face nor memory of church to continue long in the world , the world especially being such as now it is . that which they haue in this case spoken , i would for breuities sake let passe , but that the drift of their speech being so dangerous , their words are not to be neglected . wherefore to say that simply an argument taken from mans authority doth hold no way , neither affirmatiuely nor negatiuely , is hard . by a mans authority we here vnderstād , the force which his word hath for the assurance of anothers mind that buildeth vpon it ; as the apostle somewhat did vpon their report of the house of cloe , and the samaritanes in a matter of farre greater moment vpon the report of a simple woman . for so it is sayd in saint iohns gospell , many of the samaritans of that city belieued in him for the saying of the woman , which testified , he hath told me all things that euer ▪ i did . the strength of mans authority is affirmatiuely such , that the waightiest affaires in the world depend ther●on . in iudgement and iustice are not herevpon proceedings grounded ? sayth not the law that in the mouth of two or three witnesses euery word shal be confirmed ? this the law of god would not say , if there were in a mans testimony no force at all to prooue any thing . and if it be admitted that in matter of fact there is some credite to be giuen to the testimonie of man , but not in matter of opinion and iudgement ; we see the contrary both acknowledged and vniuersally practised also throughout the world . the sentences of wise and expert men were neuer but highly esteemed . let the title of a mans right be called in question ; are we not bold to relie and build vpon the iudgement of such as are famous for their skill in the lawes of this land ? in matter of state , the waight many times of some one mans authority is thought reason sufficient , euen to sway ouer whole nations . and this not onely with the simpler sort ; but the learneder and wiser we are , the more such arguments in some cases preuaile with vs. the reason why the simpler sort are mooued with authority , is the conscience of their owne ignorance ; whereby it commeth to passe , that hauing learned men in admiration , they rather feare to dislike them , then know wherefore they should allow and follow their iudgements . contrariwise with them that are skilfull , authority is much more strong and forcible ; because they only are able to discerne how iust cause there is , why to some mens authority so much should be attributed . for which cause the name of hippocrates ( no doubt ) were more effectuall to perswade euen such men as galen himselfe , then to moue a silly empiricke . so that the very selfe same argument in this kind which doth but induce the vulga● sort to like , may constraine the wiser to yeeld . and therefore not orators only with the people , but euen the very profoundest disputers in all faculties haue hereby often with the best learned preuailed most . as for arguments taken from humaine authority and that negatiuely ; for example sake , if we should thinke the assembling of the people of god together by the sound of a bell , the presenting of infants at the holy font by such as commonly we call their godfathers , or any other the like receiued custome to be impious , because some men of whom we thinke very reuerendly , haue in their bookes and writings no where mentioned nor taught that such things should be in the church ; this reasoning were subiect vnto iust reproofe , it were but feeble , weake and vnsound . notwithstanding euen negatiuely an argument from humaine authority may be strong , as namely thus ; the chronicles of england mention no moe then onely sixe kings bearing the name of edward , since the time of the last conquest ; therefore it cannot be there should be moe . so that if the question be of the authority of a mans testimony , we cannot simply auouch , either that affirmatiuely it doth not any way hold , or that it hath only force to induce the simpler sort , and not to constraine men of vnderstanding and ripe iudgement to yeeld assent , or that negatiuely it hath in it no strength at all . for vnto e●uery of these the contrary is most plaine . neither doth that which is alleaged concerning the infirmitie of men , ouerthrow or disproue this . men are blinded with ignorance and errour ; many things may escape them , and in many things they may bee deceiued ; yea those things which they do knowe , they may either forget , or vpon sundry indirect considerations let passe ; and although themselues do not erre , yet may they through malice or vanity , euen of purpose deceiue others . howbeit infinite cases there are wherein all these impediments and lets are so manifestly excluded , that there is no shew or colour whereby any such exception may be taken , but that the testimony of man will stand as a ground of infallible assurance . that there is a city of rome , that pius quintus and gregory the . and others haue beene popes of rome , i suppose we are certainely enough perswaded . the ground of our perswasion , who neuer saw the place nor persons before named , can be nothing but mans testimony . will any man here notwithstanding alleage those mentioned humaine infirmities , as reasons why these things should be mistrusted or doubted of ? yea that which is more , vtterly to infringe the force and strength of mans testimony , were to shake the very fortresse of gods truth . for whatsoeuer we beleeue concerning saluation by christ , although the scripture be therein the ground of our beliefe ; yet the authority of man is if we marke it the key , which openeth the dore of entrance into the knowledge of the scripture . the scripture could not teach vs the things that are of god , vnlesse we did credite men who haue taught vs that the words of scripture do signifie those things . some way therefore , notwithstanding mans infirmitie , yet his authority may enforce assent . vpon better aduise and deliberation so much is perceiued , and at the length confest , that arguments taken from the authority of men may not onely so farre forth as hath bene declared , but further also be of some force in humaine sciences ; which force be it neuer so smal , doth shew that they are not vtterly naught . but in matters diuine it is still maintained stifly , that they haue no manner force at all . howbeit the very selfe same reasō , which causeth to yeeld that they are of some force in the one , will at the length constraine also to acknowledge , that they are not in the other altogether vnforcible . for if the naturall strength of mans wit may by experience and study attaine vnto such ripenes in the knowledge of things humaine , that men in this respect may presume to build somewhat vpon their iudgement ; what reason haue we to thinke but that euen in matters diuine , the like wits furnisht with necessary helpes , exercised in scripture with like diligence , and assisted with the grace of almighty god , may growe vnto so much perfection of knowledge , that men shall haue iust cause , when any thing pertinent vnto faith and religion is doubted of , the more willingly to incline their mindes towards that which the sentence of so graue , wise , and learned in that faculty shal iudge most sound . for the controuersie is of the waight of such mens iudgements . let it therefore be suspected , let it be taken as grosse , corrupt , repugnant vnto the truth , whatsoeuer concerning things diuine aboue nature shall at any time be spoken as out of the mouthes of meere naturall men , which haue not the eyes wherwith heauenly thinges are discerned . for this we contend not . but whom god hath indued with principall giftes to aspire vnto knowledge by , whose exercises , labours , and diuine studies he hath so bles● , that the world for their great and rare skill that way , hath them in singular admiration ; may wee reiect euen their iudgement likewise , as being vtterly of no moment ? for mine owne part i dare not so lightly esteeme of the church , and of the principall pillars therein . the truth is , that the minde of man desireth euermore to knowe the truth according to the most infallible certaintie which the nature of thinges can yeeld . the greatest assurance generally with all men , is that which we haue by plaine aspect and intuitiue beholding . where we cannot attaine vnto this ; there what appeareth to bee true by strong and inuincible demonstration , such as wherein it is not by any way possible to be deceiued , thereunto the minde doth necessarily assent , neither is it in the choice thereof to do otherwise . and in case these bothe do faile ; then which way greatest probabilitie leadeth , thither the mind doth euermore incline . scripture with christiā men being receiued as the word of god , that for which we haue probable , yea that which we haue necessary reason for , yea that which wee see with our eyes is not thought so sure , as that which the scripture of god teacheth ; because wee hold that his speech reuealeth there what himselfe seeth , & therefore the strongest proofe of all , and the most necessarily assented vnto by vs ( which do thus receiue the scripture , ) is the scripture . now it is not required or can bee exacted at our handes , that we should yeeld vnto any thing other assent , then such as doth answere the euidence which is to be had of that we assent vnto . for which cause euen in matters diuine , concerning some thinges we may lawfully doubt and suspend our iudgement , inclining neither to one side or other , as namely touching the time of the fall both of man and angels ; of some thinges we may very well retaine an opinion that they are probable & not vnlikely to be true , as whē we hold that men haue their soules rather by creation then propagation , or that the mother of our lord liued alwaies in the state of virginitie as well after his birth as before ( for of these two , the one her virginitie before , is a thing which of necessitie we must belieue ; the other her continuance in the same state alwaies , hath more likelihood of truth then the contrary ; ) finally in all things then are our consciences best resolued , and in most agreeable sort vnto god and nature fe●ed , when they are so farre perswaded as those groundes of perswasion which are to be had will beare . which thing i doe so much the rather set downe , for that i see how a number of soules are , for want of right informatiō in this point , oftentimes grieuously vexed . when bare and vnbuilded conclusions are put into their mindes , they finding not themselues to haue therof any great certaintie , imagine that this proceedeth only from lacke of faith , and that the spirite of god doth not worke in them , as it doth in true beleeuers ; by this meanes their hearts are much troubled , they fall into anguish & perplexitie : wheras the truth is , that how bold and confident soeuer we may be in words , when it commeth to the point of triall , such as the euidence is which the truth hath eyther in it selfe or through proofe , such is the hearts assent thereunto , neither can it bee stronger , being grounded as it should be . i grant that proofe deriued frō the authoritie of mans iudgement , is not able to worke that assurance which doth grow by a stronger proofe ; and therfore although ten thousand generall councels would set downe one & the same definitiue sentence concerning any point of religion whatsoeuer , yet one demonstratiue reason alleaged , or one manifest testimonie cited from the mouth of god himself to the contrary , could not choose but ouerweigh them all ; in as much as for them to haue bene deceiued , it is not impossible ; it is , that demonstratiue reason or testimonie diuine should deceiue . howbeit in defect of proofe infallible , because the minde doth rather follow probable perswasions , then approue the things that haue in them no likelihood of truth at all ; surely if a question cōcerning matter of doctrine were proposed , and on the one side no kind of proofe appearing , there should on the other be alleaged and shewed that so a number of the learnedest diuines in the world haue euer thought ; although it did not appeare what reason or what scripture led them to be of that iudgement , yet to their very bare iudgement somewhat a reasonable man would attribute , notwithstanding the common imbecilities which are incident into our nature . and whereas it is thought , that especially with the church , and those that are called & perswaded of thauthority of the word of god , mans authoritie with them especially should not preuaile ; it must & doth preuaile euen with them , yea with them especially as far as equitie requireth , & farther we maintain it not . for men to be tyed & led by authoritie , as it were with a kind of captiuity of iudgement , and though there be reason to the contrary , not to listen vnto it , but to follow like beastes the first in the heard , they know not nor care not whether , this were brutish . againe that authoritie of men should preuaile with men either against or aboue reason , is no part of our beliefe . companies of learned men be they neuer so great and reuerend , are to yeeld vnto reason ; the waight whereof is no whit preiudiced by the simplicitie of his person which doth alleage it , but being found to be sound and good , the bare opinion of men to the contrary , must of necessitie stoope and giue place . irenaeus writing against marcion , which held one god author of the old testament , and another of the new , to proue that the apostles preached the same god which was knowne before to the iewes , hee copiously alleageth sundry their sermons and speeches vttered concerning that matter , and recorded in scripture . and least any should be wearied with such store of allegations , in the ende hee concludeth . while we labour for these demonstrations out of scripture , and doe summarily declare the thinges which many wayes haue beene spoken , bee contented quietly to heare , and doe not thinke my speech tedious : quoniam ostensiones quae sunt in scripturis non possunt ostendi nisi ex ipsis scripturis ; because demonstrations that are in scripture , may not otherwise be shewed , then by citing them out of the scriptures themselues where they are . which wordes make so little vnto the purpose , that they seeme as it were offended at him which hath called them thus solemnely foorth to say nothing . and concerning the verdict of ierome , if no man , be he neuer so well learned , haue after the apostles any authoritie to publish new doctrine as from heauen , and to require the worldes assent as vnto truth receiued by propheticall reuelation ; doth this preiudice the credite of learned mens iudgements in opening that truth , which by being conuersant in the apostles writinges , they haue themselues from thence learned ? saint augustine exhorteth not to heare men , but to hearken what god speaketh . his purpose is not ( i thinke ) that wee should stop our eares against his owne exhortation , and therefore hee cannot meane simply that audience should altogether bee denied vnto men ; but eyther that if men speake one thing and god himselfe teach an other , then hee , not they to bee obeyed ; or if they both speake the same thing , yet then also mans speech vnworthy of hearing , not simply , but in comparison of that which proceedeth from the mouth of god. yea but wee doubt what the will of god is . are wee in this case forbidden to heare what men of iudgement thinke it to be ? if not , then this allegation also might very well haue beene spared . in that auncient strife which was betweene the catholique fathers and arrians , donatistes , and others of like peruerse and frowarde disposition , as long as to fathers or councells alleaged on the one side , the like by the contrarie side were opposed , impossible it was that euer the question should by this meane growe vnto any issue or ende . the scripture they both beleeued , the scripture they knew could not giue sentence on both sides , by scripture the controuersie betweene them was such as might be determined . in this case what madnesse was it with such kindes of proofes to nourish their contention , when there were such effectuall meanes to end all controuersie that was betweene them ? hereby therefore it doth not as yet appeare , that an argument of authoritie of man affirmatiuely is in matters diuine nothing worth . which opinion being once inserted into the mindes of the vulgar sort , what it may growe vnto god knoweth . thus much wee see , it hath alreadie made thousandes so headstrong euen in grosse and palpable errors , that a man whose capacitie will scarce serue him to vtter fiue wordes in sensible manner , blusheth not in any doubt concerning matter of scripture to think his owne bare yea as good as the nay of all the wise , graue , and learned iudgements that are in the whole world . which insolencie must be represt , or it will be the very bane of christian religion . our lordes disciples marking what speech hee vttered vnto them , and at the same time calling to minde a common opinion held by the scribes , betweene which opinion and the wordes of their maister , it seemed vnto them that there was some contradiction , which they could not themselues aunswere with full satisfaction of their owne mindes ; the doubt they propose to our sauiour saying , why then say the scribes that elias must first come ? they knew that the scribes did erre greatly ▪ and that many waies euen in matters of their owne profession . they notwithstanding thought the iudgement of the very scribes in matters diuine to bee of some value ; some probabilitie they thought there was that elias should come , in as much as the scribes said it . now no truth can contradict any truth ; desirous therefore they were to be taught , how bothe might stand together , that which they knew ▪ could not be false , because christ spake it ; and this which to them did seeme true , onely because the scribes had said it . for the scripture from whence the scribes did gather it , was not then in their heads . wee doe not finde that our sauiour reprooued them of error , for thinking the iudgement of scribes to be worth the obiecting , for esteeming it to be of any moment or value in matters concerning god. we cannot therefore be perswaded that the will of god is , we should so farre reiect the authoritie of men , as to recken it nothing . no , it may be a question , whether they that vrge vs vnto this , be themselues so perswaded indeede . men do sometimes bewray that by deedes , which to confesse they are hardly drawne . marke then if this be not generall with all men for the most part . when the iudgements of learned men are alleaged against them ; what do they but eyther eleuate their credite , or oppose vnto them the iudgements of others as learned ? which thing doth argue that all men acknowledge in them some force and waight , for which they are loath the cause they maintaine should be so much weakened as their testimony is auaileable . againe what reason is there why alleaging testimonies as proofes , men giue them some title of credite , honour , and estimation whom they alleage , vnlesse before hand it be sufficiently knowne who they are ; what reason hereof but only a common in grafted perswasion , that in some men there may be found such qualities as are able to counteruaile those exceptions which might be taken against them , and that such mens authoritie is not lightly to be shaken off ? shall i adde further , that the force of arguments drawne from the authoritie of scripture it selfe , as scriptures commonly are alleaged , shall ( being sifted ) be found to depende vpon the strength of this so much despised and debased authoritie of man ? surely it doth , and that oftner then we are aware of . for although scripture be of god , and therefore the proofe which is taken from thence must needes be of all other most inuincible ; yet this strength it hath not , vnlesse it auouch the selfe same thing for which it is brought . if there be eyther vndeniable apparance that so it doth , or reason such as cannot deceiue , then scripture-proofe ( no doubt ) in strength and value exceedeth all . but for the most part , euen such as are readiest to cite for one thing fiue hundred sentences of holy scripture ; what warrant haue they , that any one of them doth meane the thing for which it is alleaged ? is not their surest ground most commonly , eyther some probable coniecture of their owne , or the iudgement of others taking those scriptures as they doe ? which notwithstanding to meane otherwise then they take them , it is not still altogether imposible . so that now and then they ground themselues on humane authoritie , euen when they most pretend diuine . thus it fareth euen cleane throughout the whole controuersie about that discipline which is so earnestly vrged and laboured for . scriptures are plentifully alleaged to proue , that the whole christian worlde for euer ought to embrace it . hereupon men terme it the discipline of god. howbeit examine , sift , and resolue their alleaged proofes , till you come to the very roote from whence they spring , the heart wherein their strength lyeth ; and it shall clearely appeare vnto any man of iudgement , that the most which can be inferred vpon such plentie of diuine testimonies is onely this , that some thinges which they maintaine , as far as some men can probably coniecture , doe seeme to haue bene out of scripture not absurdly gathered . is this a warrant sufficient for any mans conscience to builde such proceedinges vpon , as haue beene and are put in vre for the stablishment of that cause ? but to conclude , i would gladly vnderstand how it commeth to passe , that they which so peremptorily doe maintaine that humane authoritie is nothing worth , are in the cause which they fauour so carefull to haue the common sort of men perswaded , that the wisest , the godliest , and the best learned in all christendome are that way giuen , seeing they iudge this to make nothing in the world for them . againe how commeth it to passe , they cannot abide that authoritie should be alleaged on the other side , if there be no force at all in authorities on one side or other ? wherefore labour they to strip their aduersaries of such furniture as doth not helpe ? why take they such needlesse paines to furnish also their owne cause with the like ? if it be voyd and to no purpose that the names of men are so frequent in their bookes ; what did moue them to bring them in , or doth to suffer them there remaining ? ignorant i am not how this is salued , they do it not but after the truth made manifest first by reason or by scripture , they doe it not but to controule the enemies of the truth , who beare themselues bold vpon humane authority , making not for them but against them rather . which answeres are nothing . for in what place or vpon what consideration soeuer it be they doe it , were it in their owne opinion of no force being done , they would vndoubtedly refraine to doe it . but to the end it may more plainely appeare , what we are to iudge of their sentences , and of the cause it selfe wherein they are alleaged ; first it may not well be denied , that all actions of men endued with the vse of reason are generally eyther good or euill . for although it be granted that no action is properly tearmed good or euill , vnlesse it be voluntarie ; yet this can be no let to our former assertion , that all actions of men indued with the vse of reason are generally either good or euill ; because euen those thinges are done voluntarily by vs , which other creatures do naturally , in as much as wee might stay our doing of them if wee would . beastes naturally doe take their foode and rest , when it offereth it selfe vnto them . if men did so too , and could not do otherwise of themselues ; there were no place for any such reproofe as that of our sauiour christ vnto his disciples , could ye not watch with me one houre ? that which is voluntarily performed in things tending to the end , if it be well done , must needes be done with deliberate consideration of some reasonable cause , wherefore wee rather should do it thē not . wherupō it seemeth that in such actions only those are said to be good or euil , which are capable of deliberatiō : so that many things being hourely done by men , wherein they need not vse with themselues any manner of consultation at all , it may perhaps hereby seeme that well or ill doing belongeth onely to our waightier affaires , and to those deeds which are of so great importance that they require aduise . but thus to determine were perilous , and peraduenture vnsound also . i do rather incline to thinke , that seeing all the vnforced actiōs of mē are volūtary ; & al volūtary actiōs tēding to the end haue choice ; & al choise presupposeth the knowledge of some cause wherfore we make it : wher the reasonable cause of such actiōs so readily offereth it self , that it needeth not to be sought for ; in those things though we do not deliberat , yet they are of their nature apt to be deliberated on , in regard of the wil which may encline either way , and would not any one way bend it self , if there were not some apparent motiue to lead it . deliberatiō actuall we vse , when there is doubt what we should incline our willes vnto . where no doubt is , deliberation is not excluded as impertinent vnto the thing , but as needlesse in regard of the agent , which seeth already what to resolue vpon . it hath no apparent absurditie therefore in it to thinke , that all actions of men indued with the vse of reason , are generally either good or euill . whatsoeuer is good ; the same is also approued of god : and according vnto the sundrie degrees of goodnesse , the kindes of diuine approbation are in like sort multiplyed . some things are good , yet in so meane a degree of goodnesse , that men are only nor disproued nor disalowed of god for them . no man hateth his owne flesh . if ye doe good vnto them that doe so to you , the very publicans themselues doe as much . they are worse then infidels that haue no care to prouide for their owne . in actions of this sorte , the very light of nature alone may discouer that which is so farre forth in the sight of god allowable . some thinges in such sorte are allowed , that they be also required as necessary vnto saluation , by way of direct immediate and proper necessitie finall ; so that without performance of them we cannot by ordinary course be saued , not by any means be excluded from life obseruing them . in actions of this kind , our chiefest direction is from scripture , for nature is no sufficient teacher what we should do that we may attaine vnto life euerlasting . the vnsufficiencie of the light of nature , is by the light of scripture so fully and so perfectly herein supplied , that further light then this hath added there doth not neede vnto that ende . finally some thinges although not so required of necessitie , that to leaue them vndone excludeth from saluation , are notwithstanding of so great dignitie and acceptation with god , that most ample rewarde in heauen is laide vp for them . hereof we haue no commandement either in nature or scripture which doth exact them at our handes : yet those motiues there are in bothe , which drawe most effectually our mindes vnto them . in this kind there is not the least action but it doth somewhat make to the accessory augmentation of our blisse . for which cause our sauiour doth plainely witnesse , that there shall not bee as much as a cup of colde water bestowed for his sake without reward . herevpon dependeth whatsoeuer difference there is betweene the states of saints in glory : hither we referre whatsoeuer belongeth vnto the highest perfection of man by way of seruice towards god : hereunto that feruor and first loue of christians did bend it selfe , causing them to sell their possessions , and lay downe the price at the blessed apostles feet : hereat s. paul vndoubtedly did a●me , in so far abridging his owne libertie , and exceeding that which the bond of necessarie and enioyned dutie tied him vnto . wherfore seeing that in all these seuerall kindes of actions , there can be nothing possibly euill which god approueth ; and that he approueth much more then he doth commaund ; and that his very commandements in some kinde , as namely his precepts comprehended in the law of nature , may be otherwise known then onely by scripture ; and that to do them , howsoeuer we know them , must needs ▪ be acceptable in his sight ▪ let them with whom we haue hitherto disputed consider wel , how it can stand with reasō to make the bare mādate of sacred scripture the only rule of all good and euill in the actions of mortall men . the testimonies of god are true , the testimonies of god are perfect , the testimonies of god are all sufficient vnto that end for which they were giuen . therfore accordingly we do receiue them ; we do not think that in thē god hath omitted any thing needful vnto his purpose , & left his intent to be accomplished by our diuisings . what the scripture purposeth , the same in all points it doth performe . howbeit , that here we swerue not in iudgement , one thing especially we must obserue , namely that the absolute perfection of scripture is seene by relatiō vnto that end wherto it tendeth . and euen hereby it commeth to passe , that first such as imagine the generall and maine drift of the body of sacred scripture not to be so large as it is ▪ nor that god did thereby intend to deliuer , as in truth he doth , a full instruction in al things vnto saluatiō necessary , the knowledge wherof man by nature could not otherwise in this life attaine vnto : they are by this very mean induced , either still to looke for new reuelations from heauen , or else daungerously to ad to the word of god vncertaine tradition , that so the doctrine of mans saluation may be compleate , which doctrine we constantly hold in all respectes without any such thing added to be so cōpleat , that we vtterly refuse as much as once to acquaint our selues with any thing further . whatsoeuer to make vp the doctrine of mans saluation is added , as in supply of the scriptures vnsufficiencie , we reiec● it . scripture purposing this , hath perfectly and fully done it . againe the scope and purpose of god in deliuering the holy scripture , such as do take more largely thē behoueth , they on the contrary side racking & stretching it further thē by him was meant , are drawn into sundry as great incōueniences . these pretēding the scriptures perfection , inferre therupon , that in scripture all things lawfull to be done must needs be contained . we count those things perfect which want nothing requisite for the end wherto they were instituted . as therfore god created euery part and particle of man exactly perfect , that is to say ▪ in all pointes sufficient vnto that vse for which he appointed it ; so the scripture , yea euery sentence thereof is perfect , & wanteth nothing requisite vnto that purpose for which god deliuered the same . so that if hereupon wee conclude , that because the scripture is perfect , therfore all things lawful to be done are comprehended in the scripture ▪ we may euen as wel conclude so of euery sentence , as of the whole sum and body therof , vnlesse we first of all proue that it was the drift , scope and purpose of almightie god in holy scripture , to comprise all things which man may practise . but admit this , and marke ▪ i beseech you , what would follow ▪ god in deliuering scripture to his church , should cleane haue abrogated amongst them the law of nature ; which is an infallible knowledge imprinted in the mindes of all the children of men , whereby both generall principles f●● directing of humane actions are comprehended , and conclusions deriued from them ; vpon which conclusions groweth in particularitie the choise of good and euill in the daily affaires of this life . admit this ; and what shall the scripture be but a snare and a torment to weake consciences , filling thē with infinite perplexities , scrupulosities , doubts insoluble , and extreame despaires ? not that the scripture it selfe doth cause any such thing , ( for it tendeth to the cleane contrarie , and the fruite thereof is resolute assurance and certaintie in that it teacheth : ) but the necessities of this life vrging men to doe that which the light of nature , common discretion and iudgement of it selfe directeth them vnto ▪ on the other side this doctrine teaching them that so to doe were to sinne against their owne soules , and that they put forth their hands to iniquitie , whatsoeuer they go about and haue not first the sacred scripture of god for direction ; how can it choose but bring the simple a thousand times to their wits end ; how can it choose but vexe and amaze them ? for in euery action of commō life to find out some sentence clearly and infallibly setting before our eyes what wee ought to doe , ( seeme wee in scripture neuer so expert ) would trouble vs more then wee are aware . in weake and tender mindes wee little knowe what miserie this strict opinion would breede , besides the stoppes it would make in the whole course of all mens liues and actions . make all thinges sinne which we doe by direction of natures light , & by the rule of common discretiō without thinking at all vpō scripture ; admit this position , and parents shall cause their children to sinne , as oft as they cause them to do any thing , before they come to yeares of capacitie and be ripe for knowledge in the scripture . admit this , and it shall not be with masters , as it was with him in the gospell ; but seruants being commaunded to goe shall stand still , till they haue their errand warranted vnto them by scripture . which as it standeth with christian dutie in some cases , so in common affaires to require it , were most vnfit . two opinions therefore there are concerning sufficiencie of holy scripture , each extreamly opposite vnto the other , & bothe repugnant vnto truth . the schooles of rome teach scripture to be so vnsufficient , as if , except traditions were added , it did not conteine all reuealed and supernaturall truth , which absolutely is necessary for the children of men in this life to know that they may in the next be saued . others iustly condemning this opinion , growe likewise vnto a dangerous extremitie , as if scripture did not only containe all thinges in that kinde necessary , but all thinges simply , and in such sorte that to doe any thing according to any other lawe , were not onely vnnecessary , but euen opposite vnto saluation , vnlawfull and sinfull . whatsoeuer is spoken of god , or thinges appertaining to god , otherwise then as the truth is ; though it seeme an honour , it is an iniurie . and as incredible praises giuen vnto men , doe often abate and impaire the credit of their deserued commendation ; so we must likewise take great heed , least in attributing vnto scripture more then it can haue , the incredibilitie of that do cause euen those thinges which indeed it hath most aboundantly , to be lesse reuerendly esteemed . i therefore leaue it to themselues to consider , whether they haue in this first point or not ouershot themselues ; which god doth knowe is quickly done , euen when our meaning is most sincere , as i am verily perswaded theirs in this case was . the third booke : concerning their second assertion , that in scripture there must be of necessitie contained a forme of church-politie , the lawes whereof may in no wise be altered . the matter conteined in this third booke . what the church is , and in what respect lawes of politie are thereunto necessarily required . whether it be necessary that some particular forme of church-politie be set downe in scripture , sith the thinges that belong particularly to any such forme are not of necessitie to saluation . that matters of church-politie are different from matters of faith and saluation , and that they themselues so teach which are our reprouers for so teaching . that hereby we take not from scripture any thing which thereunto with soundnesse of truth may be giuen . their meaning who first vrged against the politie of the church of england , that nothing ought to be established in the church more then is commaunded by the worde of god. how great iniurie men by so thinking should offer vnto all the churches of god. a shift notwithstanding to maintaine it , by interpreting commaunded as though it were meant that greater thinges only ought to be found set downe in scripture particularly and lesser framed by the generall rules of scripture . an other deuise to defend the same , by expounding commaunded as if it did signifie grounded on scripture , and were opposed to things found out by light of naturall reason onely . how lawes for the politie of the church may be made by the aduise of men , and how those lawes being not repugnant to the word of god are approued in his sight . that neither gods being the author of laws , nor yet his committing of them to scripture , is any reason sufficient to proue that they admit no addition or change . whether christ must needs intend lawes vnchangeable altogether , or haue forbidden any where to make any other law then himselfe did deliuer . albeit the substance of those controuersies whereinto wee haue begun to wade , be rather of outward things appertaining to the church of christ , then of any thing wherein the nature and being of the church consisteth ▪ yet because the subiect or matter which this position concerneth , is a forme of church-gouernment or church-politie ; it therefore behoueth vs so far forth to consider the nature of the church ; as is requisite for mens more cleare and plaine vnderstanding , in what respect lawes of politie or gouernment are necessary therunto . that church of christ which we properly terme his body mysticall , can be but one ; neither can that one be sensibly discerned by any man , in as much as the parts thereof are some in heauen alreadie with christ , and the rest that are on earth ( albeit their naturall persons be visible ) we do not discerne vnder this propertie whereby they are truly and infallibly of that body . onely our mindes by intellectuall conceipt are able to apprehend , that such a reall body there is , a body collectiue , because it cōtaineth an huge multitude ; a body mistical , because the mysterie of their coniunction is remoued altogether from sense . whatsoeuer we read in scripture concerning the endlesse loue and the sauing mercie , which god sheweth towards his church ; the onely proper subiect thereof is this church . concerning this flocke it is that our lord and sauiour hath promised , i giue vnto them eternall life , and they shall neuer perish , neither shall any plucke them out of my hands . they who are of this society , haue such markes and notes of distinction from all others , as are not obiect vnto our sense ; onely vnto god , who seeth their hearts and vnderstandeth all their secret cogitations , vnto him they are cleare and manifest . all men knew nathaniel to be an israelite . but our sauiour pearcing deeper , giueth further testimony of him then men could haue done with such certaintie as he did , beholde indeede an israelite in whom is no guile . if we professe as peter did , that we loue the lorde , and professe it in the hearing of men ; charitie is prone to beleeue all thinges , and therefore charitable men are likely to thinke we do so , as long as they see no proofe to the contrary . but that our loue is sound and sincere , that it commeth from a pure heart and a good conscience & a faith vnfained , who can pronounce , sauing onely the searcher of all mens hearts , who alone intuitiuely doth knowe in this kinde who are his ? and as those euerlasting promises of loue , mercy , & blessednes , belong to the mysticall church ; euen so on the other side when we reade of any dutie which the church of god is bound vnto , the church whom this doth concerne is a sensibly knowne company . and this visible church in like sorte is but one , continued from the first beginning of the world to the last end . which company being deuided into two moieties ; the one before , the other since the comming of christ : that part which since the comming of christ , partly hath embraced , and partly shall hereafter embrace the christian religion , wee terme as by a more proper name the church of christ. and therefore the apostle affirmeth plainely of all men christian , that be they iewes or gentiles , bond or free , they are al incorporated into one cōpany , they al make but a one body . the vnitie of which visible body and church of christ , cōsisteth in that vniformitie , which all seuerall persons thereunto belonging haue , by reason of that one lord , whose seruants they all professe themselues ; that one faith , which they al acknowledge ; that one baptisme , wherewith they are all initiated . the visible church of iesus christ is therefore one , in outward profession of those thinges , which supernaturally appertaine to the very essence of christianitie , & are necessarily required in euery particular christiā man. let all the house of israel know for certaintie , saith peter , that god hath made him both lorde and christ , euen this iesus whome ye haue crucified . christiās therfore they are not , which cal not him their master & lord. and from hence it came , that first at antioch , and afterwards throughout the whole world , all that were of the church visible were called christians , euen amongst the heathen : which name vnto them was precious and glorious ; but in the estimation of the rest of the world , euen christ iesus himselfe was a execrable , for whose sake all men were so likewise which did acknowledge him to bee their lord. this himselfe did foresee , and therefore armed his church , to the end they might sustaine it without discomfort . all these thinges they will doe vnto you for my names sake ; yea , the time shall come , that whosoeuer killeth you will thinke that he doth god good seruice . these thinges i tell you , that when the houre shall come , ye may then call to mind how i told you before hand of them . but our naming of iesus christ the lorde , is not inough to proue vs christiās , vnles we also imbrace that faith , which christ hath published vnto the world . to shewe that the angell of pergamus continued in christianitie , behold , how the spirite of christ speaketh , thou keepest my name , and thou hast not denied my faith . concerning which faith , the rule thereof saith tertullian is one alone , immoueable , and no way possible to be better framed a new . what rule that is hee sheweth by rehearsing those fewe articles of christian beliefe . and before tertullian , ireney ; the church though scattered through the whole world vnto the vtmost borders of the earth , hath from the apostles and their disciples receiued beleefe . the partes of which beleefe hee also reciteth in substance the very same with tertullian , and thereupon inferreth ; this faith the church being spread farre and wide preserueth , as if one house did containe them ; these thinges it equally embraceth , as though it had euen one soule , one heart , and no more ; it publisheth , teacheth and deliuereth these thinges with vniforme consent , as if god had giuen it but one onely tongue wherewith to speake . hee which amongst the guides of the church is best able to speake , vttereth no more then this ; and lesse then this the most simple doth not vtter , when they make profession of their faith . now although wee know the christian faith and allow of it , yet in this respect wee are but entring ; entered wee are not into the visible church , before our admittance by the doore of baptisme . wherfore immediatly vpon the acknowledgement of christian faith , the eunuch ( we see ) was baptized by philip ; paule by ananias ; by peter an huge multitude containing three thousand soules , which being once baptized , were reckoned in the number of soules added to the visible church . as for those vertues that belong vnto morall righteousnesse and honestie of life , we doe not mention them , because they are not proper vnto christian men , as they are christian , but doe concerne them , as they are men . true it is , the want of these vertues excludeth from saluation . so doth much more the absence of inward beliefe of heart ; so doth despaire and lacke of hope ; so emptines of christian loue and charitie . but wee speake now of the visible church , whose children are signed with this marke , one lord , one faith , one baptisme . in whomsoeuer these thinges are , the church doth acknowledge them for her children ; them onely she holdeth for aliens and strangers , in whom these things are not found . for want of these it is that saracens , iewes , and infidels , are excluded out of the bounds of the church . others we may not denie to be of the visible church , as long as these thinges are not wanting in them . for apparent it is , that all men are of necessitie either christians or not christians . if by externall profession they be christians , then are they of the visible church of christ : and christians by externall profession they are all , whose marke of recognisance hath in it those things which wee haue mentioned , yea although they be impious idolaters , wicked heretiques , persons excommunicable , yea and cast out for notorious improbitie . such withall we denie not to be the imps and limmes of satan , euen as long as they continue such . is it then possible that the selfe same men should belong both to the synagogue of satan , and to the church of iesus christ ? vnto that church which is his mysticall body , not possible ; because that body consisteth of none but onely true israelites , true sonnes of abraham , true seruantes and saints of god. howbeit of the visible body and church of iesus christ , those may be and oftentimes are , in respect of the maine partes of their outward profession ; who in regard of their inward disposition of minde , yea of externall conuersation , yea euen of some parts of their very profession , are most worthily both hatefull in the sight of god himselfe , and in the eyes of the sounder partes of the visible church most execrable . our sauiour therefore compareth the kingdome of heauen to a net , whereunto all which commeth , neither is nor seemeth fish ; his church hee compareth vnto a fielde , where tares manifestly knowne and seene by all men doe growe intermingled with good corne , and euen so shall continue till the finall consummation of the world . god hath had euer , and euer shall haue , some church visible vpon earth . when the people of god worshipped the calfe in the wildernesse ; when they adored the brasen serpent ; when they serued the gods of nations ; when they bowed their knees to baal ; when they burnt incense and offered sacrifice vnto idoles ; true it is , the wrath of god was most fiercely inflamed against them , their prophetes iustly condemned them , as an adulterous seede and a wicked generation of miscreantes , which had forsaken the liuing god , and of him were likewise forsaken , in respect of that singular mercie wherewith hee kindly and louingly embraceth his faithfull children . howbeit reteining the lawe of god , and the holy seale of his couenant , the sheepe of his visible flocke they continued euen in the depth of their disobedience and rebellion . wherefore not onely amongst them god alwaies had his church , because hee had thousands which neuer bowed their knees to baal ; but whose knees were bowed vnto baall , euen they were also of the visible church of god. nor did the prophet so complaine , as if that church had bene quite and cleane extinguished ; but hee tooke it as though there had not bene remaining in the worlde any besides himselfe , that carried a true and an vpright heart towardes god , with care to serue him according vnto his holy will. for lacke of diligent obseruing the difference , first betweene the church of god mysticall and visible , then betweene the visible sound and corrupted , sometimes more , sometimes lesse ; the ouersightes are neither fewe nor light that haue beene committed . this deceiueth them , and nothing else , who thinke that in the time of the first worlde , the family of noah did containe all that were of the visible church of god. from hence it grewe and from no other cause in the world , that the affricane bishopes in the councell of carthage , knowing how the administration of baptisme belongeth onelye to the church of christ , and supposing that heretiques which were apparantly seuered from the sound beleeuing church could not possibly be of the church of iesus christ ; thought it vtterly against reason , that baptisme administred by men of corrupt beleefe , should be accounted as a sacrament ▪ and therefore in maintenance of rebaptization their arguments are built vpon the forealeaged ground , that heretiques are not at all any part of the church of christ. our sauiour founded his church on a rocke , and not vpon heresie ; power of baptizing he gaue to his apostles , vnto heretiques he gaue it not . wherefore they that are without the church , and oppose themselues against christ , do but scatter his sheepe and flocke ; without the church baptize they cannot . againe , are heretiques christians , or are they not ? if they be christians , wherefore remaine they not in gods church ? if they be no christians , how make they christians ? or to what purpose shall those words of the lord serue , he which is not with me , is against me ; and , he which gathereth not with me ▪ scattereth ? wherefore euident it is , that vpon misbegotten children and the brood of antichrist , without rebaptization the holy ghost cannot descend . but none in this case so earnest as cyprian ; i know no baptizme but one , and that in the church only ; none without the church , where he that doth cast out the diuell , hath the diuell ; he doth examine about beleefe , whose lips and words do breath foorth a canker ; the faithlesse doth offer the articles of faith ▪ a wicked creature forgiueth wickednesse , in the name of christ antichrist signeth , he which is cursed of god blesseth , a dead carrion promiseth life , a man vnpeaceable giueth peace , a blasphemer calleth vpō the name of god , a prophane person doth exercise priesthood , a sacrilegious wretch doth prepare the altar , and in the necke of all these that euill also commeth , the eucharist a very bishop of the diuell doth presume to consecrate . all this was true , but not sufficient to prooue that heretiques were in no sort any part of the visible church of christ , and consequently their baptisme no baptisme . this opinion therefore was afterwards both condemned by a better aduised councell , and also reuoked by the chiefest of the authors thereof themselues . what is it but onely the selfe same error and misconceite , wherewith others being at this day likewise possest , they aske vs where our church did lurke , in what caue of the earth it slept , for so many hundreds of yeeres together before the birth of martin luther ▪ as if we were of opinion that luther did erect a new church of christ. no the church of christ which was from the beginning , is , and continueth vnto the end . of which church all parts haue not bene alwayes equally sincere & sound . in the dayes of abia it plainely appeareth that iuda was by many degrees ▪ more free from pollution then israell , as that solemne oration sheweth wherein he pleadeth for the one against the other in this wise : o ieroboam and all israell heare you me ▪ haue ye not driuen away the priests of the lord , the sonnes of aaron and the leuits , and haue made you priests like the people of nations ? whosoeuer commeth to consecrate with a young bullocke and seuen rammes , the same may be a priest of them that are no gods. but we belong vnto the lord our god , and haue not forsaken him ; and the priests the sonnes of aaron minister vnto the lord euery morning and euery euening burnt offerings and sweete incense , and the bread is set in order vpon the pure table , and the candlesticke of gold with the lamps therof to burne euery euening ; for we keepe the watch of the lord our god , but ye haue forsaken him . in saint paules time the integritie of rome was famous ; corinth many wayes reproued , they of galatia much more out of square . in saint iohns time ephesus and smyrna in farre better state then thyatira and pergamus were . we hope therefore that to reforme our selues , if at any time we haue done amisse , is not to seuer our selues from the church we were of before . in the church we were , and we are so still . other difference betweene our estate before and now , we know none but onely such as we see in iuda , which hauing some time beene idolatrous , became afterwards more soundly religious by renouncing idolatrie and superstition . if ephraim be ioyned vnto idoles , the counsell of the prophet is , let him alone . if israell play the harlot , let not iuda sinne . if it seeme euill vnto you sayth iosua to serue the lord , choose you this day whom ye will serue , whether the gods whom your fathers serued beyond the floud , or the gods of the amorites in whose land ye dwell ; but i and mine house will serue the lord. the indisposition therefore of the church of rome to reforme her selfe , must be no stay vnto vs from performing our duty to god ; euen as desire of retaining conformity with them , could be no excuse if we did not performe that dutie . notwithstanding so farre as lawfully we may , we haue held , and do hold fellowship with them . for euen as the apostle doth say of israell , that they are in one respect enimies , but in another beloued of god : in like sort with rome we dare not communicate concerning sundrie her grosse and grieuous abominations ; yet touching those maine parts of christian truth wherein they constantly still persist , we gladly acknowledge them to bee of the familie of iesus christ ; and our hearty prayer vnto god almighty is , that being conioyned so farre foorth with them , they may at the length , ( if it be his will ) so yeeld to frame and reforme themselues , that no distraction remaine in any thing , but that we all may with one heart and one mouth , glorifie god the father of our lord and sauiour , whose church we are . as there are which make the church of rome vtterly no church at all , by reason of so many , so greeuous errors in their doctrines : so we haue them amongst vs , who vnder pretence of imagined corruptions in our discipline , do giue euen as hard a iudgement of the church of england it selfe . but whatsoeuer either the one sort or the other teach , we must acknowledge euen heretikes themselues to be though a maimed part , yet a part of the visible church . if an infidell should pursue to death an heretique professing christianitie , only for christian profession sake : could we deny vnto him the honor of martyrdome ? yet this honor all men know to be proper vnto the church . heretikes therefore are not vtterly cut off from the visible church of christ. if the fathers do any where , as oftentimes they do , make the true visible church of christ and hereticall companies opposite , they are to be construed as separating heretikes not altogether from the company of beleeuers , but from the fellowship of sound beleeuers . for where profest vnbeleefe is , there can be no visible church of christ ; there may be , where sound beliefe wanteth . infidels being cleane without the church , deny directly and vtterly reiect the very principles of christianity ; which heretikes embrace , and erre onely by misconstruction ; whereupon their opinions although repugnant indeed to the principles of christian faith , are notwithstanding by them held otherwise , and maintained as most consonant thereunto . wherfore being christians in regard of the generall truth of christ which they openly professe ; yet they are by the fathers euery where spokē of , as men cleane excluded out of the right belieuing church by reason of their particular errors , for which all that are of a sound beleefe must needes condemne them . in this consideration the aunswere of caluin vnto farell concerning the children of popish parents doth seeme crased ; whereas sayth he , you aske our iudgement about a matter , whereof there is doubt amongst you , whether ministers of our order professing the pure doctrine of the gospell , may lawfully admit vnto baptisme an infant whose father is a stranger vnto our churches , and whose mother hath fallen from vs vnto the papacie , so that both the parents are popish ; thus we haue thought good to aunswere , namely that it is an absurd thing for vs to baptise them , which cannot be reckoned members of our bodie . and sith papists children are such , we see not how it should be lawfull to minister baptisme vnto them . sounder a great deale is the aunswere of the ecclesiasticall colledge of geneua vnto knox , who hauing signified vnto them , that himselfe did not thinke it lawfull to baptize bastards or the children of idolaters ( he meaneth papists ) or of parsons excommunicate , till either the parents had by repentance submitted themselues vnto the church , or else their children being growne vnto the yeares of vnderstanding should come and sue for their owne baptisme : for thus thinking sayth he , i am thought to bee ouer seuere , and that not onely by them which are popish , but euen in their iudgements also who thinke themselues maintainers of the truth . maister knoxes ouer-sight herein they controlled . their sentence was , wheresoeuer the profession of christianity hath not vtterly perished and beene exstinct , infants are beguiled of their right , if the common seale be denied them . which conclusion in it selfe is sound , although it seemeth the ground is but weake whereupon they build it . for the reason which they yeeld of their sentence is this ; the promise which god doth make to the faithfull concerning their seede , reacheth vnto a thousand generations ; it resteth not onely in the first degree of descent . infants therefore whose great graund fathers haue bene holy and godly , do in that respect belong to the bodie of the church , although the fathers and graundfathers of whom they descend haue bene apostates : because the tenure of the grace of god which did adopt them three hundred years ▪ agoe and more in their auncient predecessors , cannot with iustice be defeated and broken off by their parents imp●etie comming betweene . by which reason of theirs , although it seeme that all the world may be baptised , in as much as no man liuing is a thousand descents remoued from adam himselfe ; yet we meane not at this time either to vphold or to ouerthrow it : onely their alleaged conclusion we embrace , so it be construed in this sort , that for as much as men remaine in the visible church , till they vtterly renounce the profession of christianity ; we may not deny vnto infants their right by withholding from them the publike signe of holy baptisme , if they be borne where the outward acknowledgement of christianity is not cleane gone and extinguished . for being in such sort borne , their parents are within the church , and therefore their birth doth giue them interest and right in baptisme . albeit not euerie error and fault , yet heresies and crimes which are not actually repented of and forsaken , exclude quite and cleane from that saluation , which belongeth vnto the misticall body of christ ; yea they also make a separation from the visible sound church of christ ; altogether from the visible church neither the one nor the other dothe seuer . as for the act of excommunication , it neither shutteth out from the misticall , nor cleane from the visible , but only from fellowship with the visible in holy duties . with what congruity then doth the church of rome deny , that her enemies , whom she holdeth alwayes for heretikes , do at all appertaine to the church of christ ; when her owne do freely grant , that albeit the pope ( as they say ) cannot teach heresie nor propound error , he may notwithstanding himselfe worship idols , thinke amisse concerning matters of faith , yea giue himselfe vnto acts diabolicall , euen being pope ? how exclude they vs from being any part of the church of christ vnder the colour and pretence of heresie , when they cannot but graunt it possible euen for him to be as touching his owne personal perswasion hereticall , who in their opinion not only is of the church , but holdeth the chiefest place of authority ouer the same ? but of these things we are not now to dispute . that which already we haue set downe , is for our present purpose sufficient . by the church therefore in this question we vnderstand no other then onely the visible church . for preseruation of christianity there is not any thing more needfull , then that such as are of the visible church , haue mutuall fellowship and societie one with another . in which consideration , as the maine body of the sea being one , yet within diuers precincts hath diuers names ; so the catholike church is in like sort deuided into a number of distinct societies , euery of which is termed a church within it selfe . in this sense the church is alwaies a visible society of men ; not an assembly , but a society . for although the name of the church be giuen vnto christian assemblies , although any multitude of christian men cōgregated may be termed by the name of a church ; yet assemblies properly are rather things that belong to a church . men are assembled for performance of publike actiōs ; which actions being ended , the assembly dissolueth it selfe and is no longer in being ; wheras the church which was assembled , doth no lesse continue afterwards then before . where but three are , and they of the laity also , sayth tertullian , yet there is a church , that is to say , a christian assembly . but a church , as now we are to vnderstand it , is a society , that is a number of men belonging vnto some christian fellowship , the place and limites whereof are certaine . that wherein they haue communion , is the publike exercise of such duties as those mentioned in the apostles acts , instruction , breaking of bread , and prayers . as therefore they that are of the misticall body of christ , haue those inward graces and vertues , whereby they differ from all others which are not of the same body ; againe whosoeuer appertaine to the visible body of the church , they haue also the notes of externall profession , whereby the world knoweth what they are : after the same manner euen the seuerall societies of christian men , vnto euery of which the name of a church is giuen with addition betokening seuerally , as the church of rome , corinth , ephesus , england , and so the rest , must bee indued with correspondent generall properties belonging vnto them , as they are publique christian societies . and of such properties common vnto all societies christian , it may not be denied , that one of the very chiefest is ecclesiasticall politie . which word i therefore the rather vse , because the name of gouernement as commonly men vnderstand it in ordinary speech , doth not comprise the largenes of that whereunto in this question it is applied . for when we speake of gouernment , what doth the greatest part conceiue thereby , but onely the exercise of superiority peculiar vnto rulers and guides of others ? to our purpose therefore the name of church-politie will better serue , because it conteineth both gouernement , and also whatsoeuer ▪ besides belongeth to the ordering of the church in publique . neither is any thing in this degree more necessarie then church politie , which is a forme of ordering the publique spirituall affaires of the church of god. but we must note , that he which affirmeth speech to bee necessary amongest all men throughout the world , doth not thereby import that all men must necessarily speake one kind of language . euen so the necessitie of politie and regiment in all churches may be held , without holding any one certaine forme to bee necessarie in them all . nor is it possible that any forme of politie , much lesse of politie ecclesiasticall , should bee good , vnlesse ▪ god himselfe bee author of it . those things that are not of god ( sayth tertullian ) they can haue no other then gods aduersarie for their author . be it whatsoeuer in the church of god , if it bee not of god , wee hate it . of god it must bee , either as those things sometime were , which god supernaturally reuealed and so deliuered them vnto moses for gouernement of the common wealth of israell ; or else as those thinges which men finde out by helpe of that light , which god hath giuen them vnto that ende . the verie lawe of nature it selfe , which no man can deny but god hath instituted , is not of god , vnlesse that be of god , whereof god is the author as well this later way as the former . but for as much as no forme of church-politie is thought by them to be lawfull , or to bee of god , vnlesse god be so the author of it , that it bee also set downe in scripture ; they should tell vs plainely , whether their meaning be , that it must be there set downe in whole or in part . for if wholly , let them shewe what one forme of politie euer was so . their owne to be so taken out of scripture they will not affirme ; neither denie they that in part , euen this which they so much oppugne is also from thence taken . againe they should tell vs , whether onely that be taken out of sripture , which is actually and particularly there set downe ; or else that also , which the generall principles and rules of scripture potentially conteine . the one way they cannot as much as pretend , that all the partes of their owne discipline are in scripture ; and the other way their mouthes are stopped , when they would pleade against all other formes besides their owne ; seeing the generall principles are such ▪ as do not particularly prescribe any one , but sundry may equally be consonant vnto the generall axiomes of the scripture . but to giue them some larger scope , and not to close them vp in these streights ▪ let their allegations bee considered , wherewith they earnestly bend themselues against all , which deny it necessarie that any one complete forme of church ▪ politie should bee in scripture . first therefore whereas it hath beene told them , that matters of faith , and in generall matters necessarie vnto saluation , are of a different nature from ceremonies , order , and the kind of church gouernement ▪ that the one are necessarie to bee expressely contained in the word of god , or else manifestly collected out of the same , the other not so ; that is necessarie not to receiue the one ▪ vnlesse there be some thing in scripture for them , the other free , if nothing against them may thence bee alleaged : although there do not appeare any iust or reasonable cause to reiect or dislike of this , neuerthelesse as it is not easie to speake to the contentation of mindes exulcerated in themselues , but that somewhat there will bee alwayes which displeaseth , so herein for two things we are reprooued ; the first is misdistinguishing , because matters of discipline and church ▪ gouernement are ( as they say ) matters necessary to saluation and of faith , whereas we put a difference betweene the one and the other ; our second fault is iniurious dealing with the scripture of god , as if it conteined onely the principall points of religion , some rude and vnfashioned matter of building the church , but had left out that which belongeth vnto the forme and fashion of it ; as if there were in the scripture no more then only to couer the churches nakednesse , and not chaines , bracelets , rings , iewels to adorne her ; sufficient to quench her thirst , to kill her hunger , but not to minister a more liberall and ( as it were ) a more delitious and dainty dyet . in which case our apologie shall not need to be very long . the mixture of those things by speech , which by nature are diuided , is the mother of all error . to take away therefore that error which confusion breedeth distinction is requisite . rightly to distinguish is by conceipt of minde to seuer thinges different in nature , and to discerne wherein they differ . so that if wee imagine a difference where there is none , because wee distinguish where wee should not , it may not bee denied that wee misdistinguish . the onely tryall whether wee do so , yea or no , dependeth vpon comparison betweene our conceipt and the nature of thinges conceiued . touching matters belonging vnto the church of christ this wee conceiue , that they are not of one sute . some things are meerely of faith , which things it doth suffice that wee knowe and beleeue : some things not onely to bee knowne , but done , because they concerne the actions of men . articles about the trinitie are matters of meere faith , and must bee belieued . precepts concerning the workes of charitie , are matters of action , which to knowe , vnlesse they bee practised , is not enough . this beeing so cleare to all mens vnderstanding , i somewhat maruaile that they especially should thinke it absurde to oppose church-gouernement a plaine matter of action vnto matters of faith , who know that themselues deuide the gospell into doctrine and discipline . for if matters of discipline be rightly by them distinguished from matters of doctrine , why not matters of gouernmēt by 〈◊〉 as reasonably set against matters of faith ? do not they vnder doctrine comprehend the same which we intend by matters of faith ? do not they vnder discipline comprise the regiment of the church ? when they blame that in vs , which themselues followe , they giue men great cause to doubt that some other thing then iudgement doth guide their speech . what the church of god standeth bound to knowe or do , the same in part nature teacheth . and because nature can teach them but onely in part , neither so fully , as is requisite for mans saluation ; nor so easily , as to make the way plaine and expedite enough , that many may come to the knowledge of it and so be saued ; therefore in scripture hath god both collected the most necessarie things , that the schoole of nature teacheth vnto that end ; and reuealeth also whatsoeuer we neither could with safety bee ignorant of , nor at all be instructed in but by supernaturall reuelation from him . so that scripture conteining all things that are in this kind any way needfull for the church , and the principall of the other sort , this is the next thing wherewith we are charged as with an errour : we teach that whatsoeuer is vnto saluation termed necessarie by way of excellencie , whatsoeuer it standeth all men vppon to knowe or do that they may be saued , whatsoeuer there is whereof it may truely be sayd , this not to beleeue is eternall death and damnation , or , this euery soule that will liue must duly obserue , of which sort the articles of christian faith , and the sacraments of the church of christ are ; all such things if scripture did not comprehend , the church of god should not bee able to measure out the length and the breadth of that way wherein for euer she is to walke . heretiques and schismatiques neuer ceasing , some to abridge , some to enlarge , all to peruert and obscure the same . but as for those things that are accessorie hereunto , those things that so belong to the way of saluation , as to alter them is no otherwise to chaunge that way , then a path is chaunged by altering onely the vppermost face thereof , which be it layd with grauell , or set with grasse , or paued with stone , remaineth still the same path ; in such things because discretion may teach the church what is conuenient , we hold not the church further tied herein vnto scripture , then that against scripture nothing be admitted in the church , least that path which ought alwayes to be kept euen , do thereby come to be ouer-growne with brambles and thornes . if this be vnsound , wherein doth the point of vnsoundnesse lye ? it is not that we make some things necessarie , some things accessorie and appendent onely . for our lord and sauiour himselfe doth make that difference , by termin● iudgement , and mercie , and fidelitie , with other things of like nature , the greater and waightier matters of the lawe . is it then in that wee account ceremonies ( wherein wee do not comprise sacraments , or any other the like substantiall duties in the exercise of religion , but onely such externall rites as are vsually annexed vnto church-actions , ) is it an ouersight , that we recken these thinges and a matters of gouernement in the number of things accessorie , not things necessarie in such sort as hath beene declared ? let them which therefore thinke vs blameable , consider well their owne words . do they not plainely compare the one vnto garments which couer the body of the church , the other vnto rings , braslets , and iewels that onely adorne it ; the one to that food which the church doth liue by , the other to that which maketh her dyet liberall , daintie , and more delitious ? is dainty fare a thing necessary to the sustenance , or to the clothing of the body rich attire ? if not , how can they vrge the necessity of that which themselues resemble by things not necessary ? or by what construction shall any man liuing be able to make those comparisons true , holding that distinction vntrue , which putteth a difference betweene things of externall regiment in the church , and things necessarie vnto saluation ? now as it can be to nature no iniury , that of her we say the same which diligent beholders of her workes haue obserued , namely , that she prouideth for all liuing creatures nourishment which may suffice , that she bringeth foorth no kind of creature whereto she is wanting in that which is needfull ; although we do not so farre magnifie her exceeding bountie , as to affirme that she bringeth into the world the sonnes of men adorned with gorgeous attire , or maketh costly buildings to spring vp out of the earth for them : so i trust that to mention what the scripture of god leaueth vnto the churches discretion in some things , is not in any thing to impaire the honour which the church of god yeeldeth to the sacred scriptures perfection . wherein seeing that no more is by vs maintained , then onely that scripture must needs teach the church whatsoeuer is in such sort necessarie as hath bene set downe ; and that it is no more disgrace for scripture to haue left a number of other things free to be ordered at the discretion of the church , then for nature to haue left it vnto the wit of man to deuise his owne attire , and not to looke for it as the beasts of the field haue theirs : if neither this can import , nor any other proofe sufficient be brought foorth , that we either will at any time or euer did affirme the sacred scripture to comprehend no more then onely those bare necessaries ; if we acknowledge that as well for particular application to speciall occasions , as also in other manifold respects infinite treasures of wisedome are ouer and besides aboundantly to be found in the holy scripture ; yea that scarcely there is any noble part of knowledge , worthie the minde of man , but from thence it may haue some direction and light ; yea that athough there bee no necessitie it should of purpose prescribe any one particular for●● of church-gouernement , yet touching the manner of gouerning in generall , the precepts that scripture setteth downe are not few , and the examples many which it proposeth for all church-gouernors , euen in particularities to followe ; yea that those things finally which are of principall waight in the verie particular forme of church-politie , ( although not that forme which they imagine , but that which we against them vphold ) are in the selfe same scriptures conteined : if all this bee willingly graunted by vs , which are accused to pinne the word of god in so narrow roome , as that it should bee able to direct vs but in principall points of our religion , or as though the substance of religion or some rude and vnfashioned matter of building the church were vttered in them , and those things left out that should pertaine to the forme and fashion of it ; let the cause of the accused bee referred to the accusers owne conscience , and let that iudge whether this accusation be deserued where it hath bene layd . but so easie it is for euery man liuing to erre , and so hard to wrest from any mans mouth the plaine acknowledgement of error , that what hath beene once inconsiderately defended , the same is commonly persisted in , as long as wit by whetting it selfe is able to finde out any shift , bee it neuer so sleight , whereby to escape out of the handes of present contradiction . so that it commeth here in to passe with men vnaduisedly fallen into errour , as with them whose state hath no ground to vphold it , but onely the helpe which by subtle conueyance they drawe out of casuall euents arising from day to day , till at length they be cleane spent . they which first gaue out , that nothing ought to be established in the church which is not commanded by the word of god , thought this , principle plainely warranted by the manifest words of the lawe ; ye shall put nothing vnto the word which i commaund you , neither shall ye take ought therefrom , that ye may keepe the commaundements of the lord your god , which i commaund you , wherefore hauing an eye to a number of rites and orders in the church of england , as marrying with a ring , crossing in the one sacrament , kneeling at the other ; obseruing of festiuall dayes moe then onely that which is called the lords day , inioyning abstinence at certaine times from some kindes of meate , churching of women after child birth , degrees taken by diuines in vniuersities , sundry church-offices , dignities , and callings , for which they found no commaundement in the holy scripture , they thought by the one onely stroke of that axiome to haue cut them off . but that which they tooke for an oracle , being sifted was repeld . true it is concerning the word of god , whether it be by misconstruction of the sense , or by falsification of the words , wittingly to endeuour that any thing may seeme diuine which is not , or any thing not seeme which is ▪ were plainely to abuse , and euen to falsifie diuine euidence , which iniury offered but vnto men is most worthily counted ha●nous . which point i wish they did well obserue , with whom nothing is more familiar then to plead in these causes , the law of god , the word of the lord : who notwithstanding when they come to alleage what word and what lawe they meane , their common ordinarie practise is , to quote by-speeches in some historicall narration or other , and to vrge them as if they were written in most exact forme of law . what is to adde to the lawe of god , if this bee not ? when that which the word of god doth but deliuer historically , we conster without any warrant as if it were legally meant , and so vrge it further then we can proue that it was intended , do we not adde to the lawes of god , and make them in number seeme moe then they are ? it standeth vs vpon to be carefull in this case . for the sentence of god is heauy against them , that wittingly shall presume thus to vse the scripture . but let that which they doe hereby intend bee graunted them , let it once stand as consonant to reason , that because wee are forbidden to adde to the lawe of god any thing , or to take ought from it , therefore wee may not for matters of the church make any lawe more then is already set downe in scripture : who seeth not what sentence it shall enforce vs to giue against all churches in the world , in as much as there is not one , but hath had many things established in it , which though the scripture did neuer commaund , yet for vs to condemne were rashnesse . let the church of god euen in the time of our sauior christ serue for example vnto all the rest . in their domesticall celebration of the passeouer , which supper they deuided ( as it were ) into two courses , what scripture did giue commaundement that betweene the first and the second , he that was chiefe should put off the residue of his garments , and keeping on his feast-robe onely , wash the feete of them that were with him ? what scripture did command them neuer to lift vp their hands vnwasht in prayer vnto god , which custome aristaeus ( be the credite of the author more or lesse ) sheweth wherefore they did so religiously obserue ? what scripture did commaund the iewes euery festiuall day to fast till the sixt houre ? the custome both mentioned by iosephus in the history of his owne life , and by the words of peter signified . tedious it were to rip vp all such things , as were in that church established , yea by christ himselfe and by his apostles obserued , though not commaunded any where in scripture . well , yet a glosse there is to colour that paradoxe , and notwithstanding all this , still to make it appeare in shew not to be altogether vnreasonable . and therefore till further reply come , the cause is held by a feeble distinction ; that the commandements of god being either generall or speciall , although there be no expresse word for euery thing in specialtie , yet there are generall commaundements for all things , to the end that euen such cases as are not in scripture particularly mentioned , might not be left to any to order at their pleasure , onely with caution that nothing be done against the word of god : and that for this cause the apostle hath set downe in scripture foure generall rules , requiring such things alone to be receiued in the church , as do best and neerest agree with the same rules , that so all things in the church may be appointed , not onely not against , but by and according to the word of god. the rules are these , nothing scandalous or offensiue vnto any , especially vnto the church of god ; all things in order and with seemelinesse ; all vnto edification ; finally all to the glory of god. of which kind how many might be gathered out of the scripture , if it were necessary to take so much paines ? which rules they that vrge , minding thereby to proue that nothing may be done in the church but what scripture commaundeth , must needs hold that they tye the church of christ no otherwise , then onely because we find them there set downe by the finger of the holy ghost . so that vnlesse the apostle by writing had deliuered those rules to the church , we should by obseruing them haue sinned , as now by not obseruing them . in the church of the iewes is it not graunted , that the appointment of the hower for daily sacrifices ; the building of synagogues throughout the land to heare the word of god and to pray in , when they came not vp to ierusalem ; the erecting of pulpets & chaires to teach in ; the order of buriall , the rites of mariage , with such like , being matters appertaining to the church , yet are not any where prescribed in the law , but were by the churches discretion instituted ? what then shall we thinke ? did they hereby adde to the law , and so displeas● god by that which they did ? none so hardly perswaded of them . doth their law deliuer vnto thē the self same general rules of the apostle , that framing therby their orders they might in that respect cleare thēselues frō doing amisse ? s. paule would then of likelihood haue cited them out of the law , which we see he doth not . the truth is , they are rules and canons of that law , which is written in all men hearts ; the church had for euer no lesse then now stood bound to obserue them , whether the apostle had mentioned them or no. seeing therefore those canons do bind as they are edicts of nature , which the iewes obseruing as yet vnwritten , and thereby framing such church-orders as in their lawe were not prescribed , are notwithstanding in that respect vnculpable ; it followeth that sundry things may be lawfully done in the church , so as they be not done against the scripture , although no scripture do commaund them , but the church only following the light of reason , iudge them to be in discretion meete . secondly vnto our purpose and for the question in hand , whether the commaundements of god in scripture be generall or speciall , it skilleth not . for if being particularly applied , they haue in regard of such particulars a force constraining vs to take some one certaine thing of many , and to leaue the rest , whereby it would come to passe , that any other particular but that one being established , the generall rules themselues in that case would be broken ; then is it vtterly impossible that god should leaue any thing great or small free for the church to establish or not . thirdly if so be they shall graunt , as they cannot otherwise do , that these rules are no such lawes as require any one particular thing to be done ; but serue rather to direct the church in all things which she doth , so that free and lawfull it is to deuise any ceremony , to receiue any order , and to authorize any kind of regiment , no speciall commandement being thereby violated , and the same being thought such by them to whom the iudgement thereof appertaineth , as that it is not scandalous , but decent , tending vnto edification , and setting forth the glory of god , that is to say agreeable vnto the generall rules of holy scripture ; this doth them no good in the world for the furtherance of their purpose . that which should make for them , must proue that men ought not to make lawes for church regiment , but onely keepe those lawes which in scripture they find made . the plaine intent of the booke of ecclesiasticall discipline is to shew , that men may not deuise lawes of church gouernment ; but are bound for euer to vse and to execute only those , which god himselfe hath already deuised and deliuered in the scripture . the selfe same drift the admonitioners also had , in vrging that nothing ought to be done in the church according vnto any lawe of mans deuising , but all according to that which god in his word hath commanded . which not remembring , they gather out of scripture generall rules to bee followed in making lawes ; and so in effect they plainely graunt , that we our selues may lawfully make lawes for the church , and are not bound out of scripture onely to take lawes already made , as they meant who first alleaged that principle whereof we speake . one particular platforme it is which they respected , and which they labored thereby to force vpon all churches ; whereas these generall rules do not let , but that there may well enough be sundrie . it is the particular order established in the church of england , which thereby they did intend to alter , as being not commanded of god ; whereas vnto those generall rules they know we do not defend that we may hold any thing vncomfortable . obscure it is not what meaning they had , who first gaue out that graund axiome : and according vnto that meaning it doth preuaile farre and wide with the fauourers of that part . demaund of them , wherefore they conforme not themselues vnto the order of our church , and in euery particular their answer for the most part is , we find no such thing commaunded in the word . whereby they plainely require some speciall commaundement for that which is exacted at their hands , neither are they content to haue matters of the church examined by generall rules and canons . as therefore in controuersies betweene vs and the church of rome , that which they practise is many times euen according to the very grosnesse of that which the vulgar sort conceiueth ; when that which they teach to maintaine it is so nice and subtle , that hold can very hardly be taken thereupon ; in which cases we should do the church of god small benefite , by disputing with them according vnto the finest points of their darke conueyances , and suffering that sense of their doctrine to go vncontrolled , wherein by the common sort it is ordinarily receiued and practised : so considering what disturbance hath growne in the church amongst our selues , and how the authors thereof do commonly build altogether on this as a sure foundation , nothing ought to be established in the church which in the word of god is not commanded ; were it reason that we should suffer the same to passe without controulement , in that currant meaning whereby euery where it preuaileth , and still till some strange construction were made thereof , which no man would lightly haue thought on but being driuen thereunto for a shift ? the last refuge in maintaining this position , is thus to conster it ; nothing ought to be established in the church , but that which is commaunded in the word of god ; that is to say , all church-orders must be grounded vpon the word of god , in such sort grounded vpon the word , not that being found out by some starre or light of reason , or learning , or other helpe , they may be receiued , so they be not against the word of god ; but according at least wise vnto the generall rules of scripture they must bee made . vvhich is in effect as much as to say , we knowe not what to say well in defence of this position ; and therefore least we should say it is false , there is no remedie but to say that in some sense or other it may be true , if we could tell howe . first that scholie had neede of a very fauourable reader and a tractable , that should thinke it plaine construction , when to be commaunded in the word and grounded vpon the word are made all one . if when a man may liue in the state of matrimonie , seeking that good thereby which nature principally desireth , he make rather choyce of a contrarie life in regard of saint paules iudgement ; that which hee doth is manifestly grounded vppon the word of god , yet not commaunded in his word , because without breach of any commaundement hee might do otherwise . secondly whereas no man in iustice and reason can be reproued , for those actions which are framed according vnto that knowne will of god , whereby they are to bee iudged ; and the will of god which wee are to iudge our actions by , no sound diuine in the world euer denied to bee in parte made manifest euen by light of nature and not by scripture alone ; if the church being directed by the former of these two , ( which god hath giuen who gaue the other , that man might in different sort be guided by them both , ) if the church i say do approue and establish that which thereby it iudgeth meete , and findeth not repugnant to any word or syllable of holy scripture , who shall warrant our presumptuous boldnes controwling herein the church of christ ? but so it is , the name of the light of nature is made hatefull with men ; the starre of reason and learning , and all other such like helps , beginneth no otherwise to be thought of , then if it were an vnluckie comet , or as if god had so accursed it , that it should neuer shine or giue light in things concerning our dutie any way towardes him , but be esteemed as that starre in the reuelation called wormewood , which beeing fallen from heauen , maketh riuers and waters in which it falleth so bitter , that men tasting them dye thereof . a number there are , who thinke they cannot admire as they ought the power and authoritie of the worde of god , if in things diuine they should attribute any force to mans reason . for which cause they neuer vse reason so willingly as to disgrace reason . their vsuall and common discourses are vnto this effect . . the naturall man perceiueth not the thinges of the spirit of god : for they are foolishnesse vnto him ; neither can he knowe them , because they are spiritually discerned . . it is for nothing that saint paule giueth charge to beware of philosop●ie , that is to say , such knowledge as men by naturall reason attaine vnto . . consider them that haue from time to time opposed themselues against the gospell of christ , and most troubled the church with heresie . haue they not alwayes bene great admirers of humane reason ? hath their deepe and profound skill in secular learning , made them the more obedient to the truth , and not armed them rather against it ? . they that feare god will remember how heauie his sentences are in this case ; i will destroy the wisdome of the wise , and will cast away the vnderstanding of the prudent . where is the wise ? where is the scribe ? where is the disputer of this world ? hath not god made the wisedome of this world foolishnesse ? seeing the world by wisedome knewe not god in the wisedome of god , it pleased god by the foolishnesse of preaching to saue beleeuers . . the word of god in it selfe is absolute , exact , and perfect . the word of god is a two edged sword : as for the weapons of naturall reason , they are as the armour of saule , rather cumbersome about the souldier of christ then needefull . they are not of force to doe that , which the apostles of christ did by the power of the holy ghost . my preaching , therefore sayth paule , hath not bene in the intising speech of mans wisedome , but in plaine euidence of the spirit and of power ; that your faith might not bee in the wisedome of men , but in the power of god. . if i beleeue the gospell , there needeth no reasoning about it to perswade mee : if i doe not beleeue , it must bee the spirit of god , and not the reason of man , that shall conuert my heart vnto him . by these and the like disputes an opinion hath spread it selfe very farre in the world , as if the way to bee ripe in faith , were to bee rawe in wit and iudgement ; as if reason were an enemie vnto religion , childish simplicitie the mother of ghostly and diuine wisedome . the cause why such declamations preuaile so greatly , is for that men suffer themselues in two respects to bee deluded ; one is that the wisedome of man being debased , either in comparison with that of god , or in regard of some speciall thing exceeding the reach and compasse thereof , it seemeth to them ( not marking so much ) as if simply it were condemned : an other , that learning , knowledge , or wisdome falsely so tearmed , vsurping a name wherof they are not worthy , and being vnder that name controlled , their reproofe is by so much the more easily misapplied , and through equiuocation wrested against those things wherunto so pretious names do properly and of right belong . this duly obserued , doth to the former allegations it selfe make sufficient answere . howbeit for all mens plainer and fuller satisfaction , first concerning the inhabilitie of reason to search out and to iudge of things diuine ; if they be such as those properties of god , and those duties of men towards him , which may be conceiued by attentiue consideration of heauen and earth ; we know that of meere natural men , the apostle testifieth , how they knew both god , and the lawe of god. other things of god there be , which are neither so found , nor though they be shewed , can euer be approued without the speciall operation of gods good grace & spirit . of such things sometime spake the apostle s. paul , declaring how christ had called him to be a witnesse of his death and resurrection from the dead , according to that which the prophets and moses had foreshewed . festus a meere naturall man , an infidell , a romane , one whose eares were vnacquainted with such matter , heard him , but could not reach vnto that whereof he spake ; the suffering and the rising of christ frō the dead ▪ he reiecteth as idle superstitious phancies not worth the hearing . the apostle that knew them by the spirit , & spake of them with power of the holy ghost , seemed in his eyes but learnedly mad . which example maketh manifest what elswhere the same apostle teacheth , namely that nature hath need of grace ; wherunto i hope we are not opposite , by holding that grace hath vse of nature . . philosophie we are warned to take heed of : not that philosophie , which is true and sound knowledge attained by naturall discourse of reason ; but that philosophie which to bolster heresie or error , casteth a fraudulent shew of reason vpō things which are indeed vnreasonable , and by that meane as by a stratagem spoileth the simple which are not able to withstād such cunning . take heed least any spoile you through philosophie and vain deceit . he that exhorteth to beware of an enemies policie , doth not giue counsell to be impolitique ; but rather to vse all prouident foresight and circumspection , least our simplicitie be ouerreacht by cunning sleights . the way not to be inueigled by them that are so guilefull through skill , is thorowly to be instructed in that which maketh skilfull against guile , and to be armed with that true and sincere philosophy , which doth teach , against that deceiptfull and vaine , which spoileth . . but many great philosophers haue bene very vnsound in beliefe . and many sound in beliefe , haue bene also great philosophers . could secular knowledge bring the one sort vnto the loue of christian faith ? nor christian faith the other sort out of loue with secular knowledge . the harme that heretiques did , they did it vnto such , as were vnable to discerne betweene sound and deceiptfull reasoning ; and the remedie against it , was euer the skill which the auncient fathers had to discrie and discouer such deceipt . in so much that cresconius the heretique complained greatly of s. augustine , as being too full of logicall subtilties . heresie preuaileth onely by a counterfeit shewe of reason ; whereby notwithstanding it becommeth inuincible , vnlesse it be conuicted of fraude by manifest remonstrance , clearely true , and vnable to be withstood . when therefore the apostle requireth habilitie to conuict heretiques , can we thinke he iudgeth it a thing vnlawfull , and not rather needfull to vse the principall instrument of their conuiction , the light of reason ? it may not be denied but that in the fathers writings there are sundrie sharpe inuectiues against heretiques , euen for their very philosophicall reasonings . the cause wherof tertullian confesseth , not to haue bene any dislike conceiued against the kinde of such reasonings , but the end . we may ( saith hee ) euen in matters of god , be made wiser by reasons drawne from the publique perswasions which are grafted in mens mindes , so they be vsed to further the truth , not to bo●ster error ; so they make with , not against that which god hath determined . for there are some things euen knowne by nature , as the immortalitie of the soule vnto many , our god vnto all ▪ i will therfore my selfe also vse the sentence of some such as plato , pronouncing euery soule immortall . i my selfe too will vse the secret acknowledgement of the cōmunaltie , bearing record of the god of gods. but when i heare men alleage , that which is dead is dead ; and , while thou art aliue be aliue ; and , after death an end of all euen of death it selfe : then will i call to minde both that the heart of the people with god is accounted dust , and that the very wisdome of the world is pronounced folly . if then an heretique flye also vnto such vitious popular and secular conceipts , my answere vnto him shal be ; thou heretique auoyd the heathen ; although in this ye be one , that ye both bely god ; yet thou that doest this vnder the name of christ , differest frō the heathen , in that thou seemest to thy selfe a christiā . leaue him therfore his conceits , seeing that neither will he learne thine . why doest thou hauing sight , trust to a blinde guide , thou which hast put on christ , take raiment of him that is naked ? if the apostle haue armed thee , why doest thou borrow a straungers shield ? let him rather learne of thee to acknowledge , then thou of him to renounce the resurrection of the flesh . in a word ▪ the catholique fathers did good vnto all by that knowledge , whereby heretiques hindering the truth in many , might haue furthered therwith themselues , but that obstinately following their owne ambitious or otherwise corrupted affections , in stead of framing their wills to maintaine that which reason taught , they bent their wits to finde how reason might seeme to teach that which their wills were set to maintaine . for which cause the apostle saith of them iustly , that they are for the most part 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , men condemned euen in and of themselues . for though they be not all perswaded that it is truth which they withstand ; yet that to be error which they vphold , they might vndoubtedly the sooner a great deale attaine to know , but that their studie is more to defend what once they haue stood in , then to finde out sincerely and simply what truth they ought to persist in for euer . . there is in the world no kinde of knowledge , whereby any part of truth is seene , but wee iustly account it pretious ; yea that principall truth , in comparison whereof all other knowledge is vile , may receiue from it some kinde of light . whether it be that egyptian and chaldaean wisedome mathematicall , wherewith moses and daniell were furnished ; or that naturall , morall , and ciuill wisedome , wherein salomon excelled all men ; or that rationall and oratoriall wisedome of the graecians , which the apostle saint paul brought from tarsus ; or that iudaicall ; which he learned in ierusalem sitting at the feete of gamaliell ; to detract frō the dignitie therof , were to iniurie euen god himselfe , who being that light which none can approch vnto , hath sent out these lights wherof we are capable , euē as so many sparkls resēbling the bright foūtain from which they rise . but there are that beare the title of wise men and scribes , and great disputers of the world , and are nothing indeede lesse then what in shewe they most appeare . these being wholly addicted vnto their owne willes , vse their wit , their learning , and all the wisedome they haue , to maintaine that which their obstinate hearts are delighted with ▪ esteeming in the phrentique error of their mindes , the greatest madnesse in the world to be wisedome , and the highest wisdom foolishnes . such were both iewes and graecians , which professed the one sort legall , and the other secular skill , neither induring to bee taught the mystery of christ : vnto the glory of whose most blessed name , who so studie to vse both their reason and all other gifts as wel which nature as which grace hath indued thē with ▪ let them neuer doubt but that the same god , who is to destroy & confound vtterly that wisdome falsely so named in others , doth make reckoning of them as of true scribes , scribes by wisdome instructed to the kingdome of heauen , not scribes against that kingdome hardned in a vaine opinion of wisdom , which in the end being proued folly , must needs perish , true vnderstāding , knowledge , iudgemēt & reason , continuing for euermore . . vnto the word of god , being in respect of that end for which god ordeined it , perfect , exact , and absolute in it selfe , we do not adde reason as a supplemēt of any maime or defect therin , but as a necessary instrument , without which we could not reape by the scriptures perfection , that fruite & benefite which it yeeldeth . the word of god is a two edged sword , but in the hāds of reasonable men ; & reason as the weapon that slewe goliath , if they be as dauid was that vse it . touching the apostles , hee which gaue them from aboue such power for miraculous confirmation of that which they taught , indued , thē also with wisdom frō aboue to teach that which they so did confirme . our sauiour made choise of ▪ simple & vnlearned men , that the greater their lack of natural wisdom was , the more admirable that might appeare , which god supernaturally indued thē with frō heauen . such therfore as knew the poore & silly estate wherin they had liued , could not but wonder to heare the wisdome of their speech , & be so much the more attentiue vnto their teaching . they studied for no toong they spake withall ; of thēselues they were rude & knew not so much as how to premeditate , the spirit gaue them speech & eloquēt v●terance . but because with s. paul it was otherwise then with the rest , in as much as he neuer conuersed with christ vpō earth as they did ; and his education had bin scholasticall altogether , which theirs was not ; hereby occasion was taken by certaine malignants , secretly to vndermine his great authoritie in the church of christ , as though the gospell had bin taught him by others then by christ himself ▪ & as if the cause of the gentiles conuersion & beliefe through his meanes , had bin the learning and skill which he had by being conuersant in their books , which thing made thē so willing to heare him , & him so able to perswade thē , wheras the rest of th' apostles preuailed , because god was with them , & by miracle frō heauen confirmed his word in their mouthes . they were mightie in deeds : as for him , being absēt his writings had some force , in presence his power not like vnto theirs . in summe , cōcerning his preaching , their very by word was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , addle speech , emptie talke . his writings full of great words , but in the power of miraculous operatiōs his presence not like the rest of the apostles . hereupon it riseth , that s. paul was so often driuen to make his apologies . herevpō it riseth , that whatsoeuer time he had spent in the study of humane learning , he maketh earnest protestation to them of corinth , that the gospell which hee had preached amongst them , did not by other meanes preuaile with them , then with others the same gospel taught by the rest of the apostles of christ. my preaching , saith he , hath not bene in the perswasiue speeches of humane wisdome , but in demonstratiō of the spirit & of power , that your faith may not be in the wisdom of men , but in the power of god. what is it which the apostle doth here denie ? is it denied that his speech amongst thē had bin perswasiue ? no , for of him the sacred history plainely testifieth , that for the space of a yeare & a half he spake in their synagogue euery saboth , and perswaded both iewes and graecians . how then is the speech of men made perswasiue ? surely there can be but two waies to bring this to passe , the one humane , the other diuine . either s. paul did onely by arte and naturall industrie cause his owne speech to be credited ; or else god by myracle did authorize it , & so bring credit thereunto , as to the speech of the rest of the apostles . of which two the former he vtterly denieth . for why ? if the preaching of the rest had bene effectuall by miracle , his onely by force of his owne learning ; so great inequalitie between him & the other apostles in this thing ▪ had bin enough to subuert their faith . for might they not with reasō haue thought , that if he were sent of god as wel as they , god would not haue furnished thē & not him with the power of the holy ghost ? might not a great part of them being simple happily haue feared , least their assent had bene cunningly gotten vnto his doctrine , rather through the weaknes of their owne wits , thē the certaintie of that truth which he had taught them ? how vnequall had it bin , that al beleeuers through the preaching of other apostles should haue their faith strongly built vpon the euidence of gods own miraculous approbatiō , & they whō he had cōuerted should haue their perswasion built only vpon his skill & wisdome who perswaded them ? as therfore calling frō men may authorize vs to teach , although it could not authorize him to teach as other apostles did : so although the wisdom of man had not bin sufficient to inable him such a teacher as the rest of the apostles were , vnles gods miracles had strengthned both the one & the others doctrine ; yet vnto our habilitie both of teaching & learning the truth of christ , as we are but meere christiā mē it is not a litle which the wisdome of man may adde . . yea whatsoeuer our harts be to god & to his truth , beleeue we or be we as yet faithles , for our conuersion or confirmatiō the force of natural reason is great . the force whereof vnto those effects is nothing without grace . what then ? to our purpose it is sufficient , that whosoeuer doth serue , honor & obey god , whosoeuer beleeueth in him , that mā would no more do this then innocents & infants do , but for the light of natural reason that shineth in him , & maketh him apt to apprehend those things of god , which being by grace discouered , are effectuall to perswade reasonable mindes and none other , that honour obedience and credit belong aright vnto god. no man cōmeth vnto god to offer him sacrifice , to poure out supplications & praiers before him , or to do him any seruice , which doth not first beleeue him both to be , & to be a rewarder of them who in such sort seeke vnto him . let men bee taught this either by reuelation from heauen , or by instruction vpon earth , by labor , studie and meditation , or by the onely secret inspiration of the holy ghost ; whatsoeuer the meane be they know it by , if the knowledge therof were possible without discourse of natural reasō , why should none be foūd capable therof but only mē , nor mē til such time as they come vnto ripe & full habilitie to work by reasonable vnderstanding ▪ the whole drift of the scripture of god , what is it but only to teach theologie . theologie what is it but the science of things diuine ? what science can be attained vnto without the help of natural discourse & reasō ? iudge you of that which i speake , saith the apostle . in vaine it were to speake any thing of god , but that by reason mē are able somewhat to iudge of that they heare , & by discourse to discerne how cōsonāt it is to truth . scripture indeed teacheth things aboue nature , things which our reason by it selfe could not reach vnto . yet those things also we beleeue , knowing by reason that the scripture is the word of god. in the presence of festus a romane , and of king agrippa a iew , s. paul omitting the one , who neither knew the iewes religion , nor the books wherby they were taught it , speaketh vnto the other of things foreshewed by moses & the prophets , & performed in iesus christ ; intending therby to proue himselfe so vniustly accused , that vnlesse his iudges did cōdemne both moses & the prophets , him they could not choose but acquite , who taught only that fulfilled , which they so long since had foretolde . his cause was easie to be discerned ; what was done their eies were witnesses ; what moses & the prophets did speake , their bookes could quicly shew ; it was no hard thing for him to cōpare them , which knew the one , & beleeued the other . king agrippa beleeuest thou the prophets ? i know thou dost . the questiō is how the bookes of the prophets came to be credited of king agrippa . for what with him did authorize the prophets , the like with vs doth cause the rest of the scripture of god to be of credit . because we maintain that in scripture we are taught all things necessary vnto saluation , hereupon very childishly it is by some demanded , what scripture can teach vs the sacred authoritie of the scripture , vpō the knowledge wherof our whole faith & saluation dependeth . as though there were any kind of science in the world , which leadeth men into knowledge , without presupposing a number of thinges alreadie knowne . no science doth make knowne the first principles whereon it buildeth ; but they are alwaies either taken as plaine and manifest in themselues , or as proued and granted already , some former knowledge hauing made them euident . scripture teacheth al supernaturally reuealed truth , without the knowledge wherof saluatiō cannot be attained . the maine principle wherupon our beliefe of al things therin contained dependeth , is that the scriptures are the oracles of god himselfe . this in it selfe wee cannot say is euident . for thē all men that heare it would acknowledge it in hart , as they do when they heare that euery whole is more then any part of that whole , because this in it selfe is euident . the other we know that all do not acknowledge when they heare it . there must be therefore some former knowledge presupposed , which doth herein assure the hearts of all beleeuers . scripture teacheth vs that sauing truth which god hath discouered vnto the world by reuelation ; & it presumeth vs taught otherwise that it self is diuine & sacred . the questiō thē being by what meanes we are taught this ; some answere that to learne it we haue no other way then only traditiō ; as namely that so we beleeue , because both we from our predecessors , & they from theirs haue so receiued . but is this inough ? that which al mens experience teacheth them , may not in any wise be denied . and by experience we all know , that the first outward motiue leading men so to esteeme of the scripture , is the authority of gods church . for whē we know the whole church of god hath that opiniō of the scripture , we iudge it euen at the first an impudēt thing for any man bredde and brought vp in the church , to bee of a contrary mind without cause . afterwards the more we bestow our labor in reading or hearing the misteries thereof , the more we find that the thing it selfe doth answer our receiued opinion concerning it . so that the former inducement preuailing somwhat with vs before , doth now much more preuaile , when the very thing hath ministred farther reason . if infidels or atheists chance at any time to call it in question , this giueth vs occasion to sift what reason there is , whereby the testimony of the church cōcerning scripture , & our own perswasiō which scripture it selfe hath confirmed , may be proued a truth infallible . in which case the ancient fathers being often constrained to shew , what warrant they had so much to relie vpō the scriptures , endeuored still to maintain the authority of the books of god , by arguments such as vnbeleeuers thēselues must needs think reasonable , if they iudged therof as they shuld . neither is it a thing impossible or greatly hard , euen by such kind of proofes so to manifest & cleere that point , that no mā liuing shal be able to deny it , without denying some apparent principle such as al men acknowledge to be true . wherefore if i beleeue the gospell , yet is reason of singular vse , for that it confirmeth me in this my beleefe the more : if i do not as yet beleeue , neuertheles to bring me to the number of beleeuers except reasō did somwhat helpe , & were an instrument which god doth vse vnto such purposes , what should it boote to dispute with infidels or godles persons for their conuersion & perswasion in that point ? neither can i thinke that when graue & learned men do sometime hold , that of this principle there is no proofe but by the testimony of the spirit , which assureth our harts therin , it is their meaning to exclude vtterly all force which any kind of reason may haue in that behalfe : but i rather iucline to interpret such their speeches , as if they had more expresly set downe , that other motiues & inducemēts , be they neuer so strong & consonāt vnto reason , are notwithstanding vneffectual of thēselues to worke faith concerning this principle , if the special grace of the holy ghost concur not to the inlightning of our minds . for otherwise i doubt not but mē of wisdom & iudgemēt wil grant , that the church in this point especially is furnished with reason , to stop the mouthes of her impious aduersaries : and that as it were altogether bootles to alleage against thē , what the spirit hath taught vs ; so likewise that euen to our owne selues it needeth caution and explicatiō , how the testimony of the spirit may be discerned , by what meanes it may be known , least mē think that the spirit of god doth testifie those things , which the spirit of error suggesteth . the operations of the spirit , especially these ordinary which be cōmon vnto all true christian men , are as we know , things secret & vndiscernable euen to the very soule where they are , because their nature is of an other & an higher kind thē that they cā be by vs perceiued in this life . wherfore albeit the spirit lead vs into all truth , & direct vs in all goodnes ; yet because these workings of the spirit in vs are so priuy & secret , we therfore stand on a plainer ground , when we gather by reason frō the quality of things beleeued or done , that the spirit of god hath directed vs in both ; then if we settle our selues to beleeue , or to do any certaine particular thing , as being moued thereto by the spirit . but of this enough . to go frō the books of scripture to the sense & meaning therof ; because the sentēces which are by the apostles recited out of the psalms to proue the resurrectiō of iesus christ , did not proue it , if so be the prophet dauid meant thē of himsef ; this expositiō therfore they plainly disproue , & shew by manifest reason , that of dauid the words of dauid could not possibly be meant . exclude the vse of naturall reasoning about the sense of holy scripture concerning the articles of our faith , & then that the scripture doth concerne the articles of our faith , who can assure vs ? that which by right exposition buildeth vp christian faith , being misconstrued breedeth error : between true and false construction , the difference reason must shew . can christian men perform that which peter requireth at their hands ; is it possible they should both beleeue , & be able , without the vse of reason , to render a reason of their beleefe , a reason sound and sufficient to answer them that demaund it , be they of the same faith with vs or enemies therunto ? may we cause our faith without reason to appeare reasonable in the eyes of men ? this being required euen of learners in the schoole of christ ; the duty of their teachers in bringing them vnto such ripenes , must needes be somewhat more , then only to read the sentences of scripture , and then paraphrastically to scholie them , to vary thē with sundry formes of speech , without arguing or disputing about anything which they contain . this method of teaching may cōmend it selfe vnto the world by that easines & facilitie which is in it : but a law or a patterne it is not , as some do imagine , for all men to follow that will do good in the church of christ. our lord and sauiour himselfe did hope by disputation to do some good , yea by disputatiō not onely of , but against the truth , albeit with purpose for the truth . that christ should be the sonne of dauid was truth ; yet against this truth our lorde in the gospell obiecteth , if christ be the son of dauid , how doth dauid call him lord ? there is as yet no way knowne how to dispute , or to determine of things disputed , without the vse of naturall reason ▪ if we please to adde vnto christ their example , who followed him as neere in all thinges as they could , the sermon of paule and barnabas set downe in the actes , where the people would haue offered vnto them sacrifice ▪ in that sermon what is there but onely naturall reason to disproue their acte ? o men why doe you these thinges ? we are men euen subiect to the selfe same passions with you : wee preach vnto you to leaue these vanities , and to turne to the liuing god , the god that hath not left himselfe without witnesse , in that he hath done good to the world , giuing raine and fruitfull seasons , filling our heart with ioy and gladnesse . neither did they onely vse reason in winning such vnto christian beleefe as were yet thereto vnconuerted , but with beleeuers themselues they followed the selfesame course . in that great and solemne assembly of beleeuing iewes , how doth peter proue that the gentiles were partakers of the grace of god as well as they , but by reason drawne from those effectes , which were apparently knowne amongst them ? god which knoweth hearts , hath borne them witnesse in giuing vnto them the holy ghost as vnto vs. the light therefore which the starre of naturall reason and wisedome casteth , is too bright to be obscured by the mist of a word or two , vttered to diminish that opinion which iustly hath beene receiued concerning the force and vertue thereof , euen in matters that touch most nearely the principall duties of men , and the glory of the eternall god. in all which hitherto hath beene spoken touching the force and vse of mans reason in thinges diuine , i must craue that i be not so vnderstood or cōstrued , as if any such thing by vertue thereof could be done without the aide and assistance of gods most blessed spirit . the thing wee haue handled according to the question mooued about it ; which question is , whether the light of reason be so pernitious , that in deuising lawes for the church , men ough● not by it to search what may be fit & cōuenient . for this cause therfore we haue endeuoured to make it appeare , how in the nature of reason it selfe there is no impedimēt , but that the self-same spirit , which reuealeth the things that god hath set down in his law , may also be though● to aid & direct men in finding out by the light of reason , what lawes are expedient to be made for the guiding of his church , ouer and besides them that are in scripture . herein therfore we agree with those men , by whom humane lawes are defined , to be ordinances which such as haue lawfull authorisi● giuen them fo● that purpose , do probably draw from the lawes of nature & god , by discourse of reason , aided with the influence of diuine grace . and for that cause it is not said amisse touching ecclesiasticall canons , that by instinct of the holy ghost they haue bin made , and consecrated by the reuerend acceptation of all the world . lawes for the church are not made as they should be , vnles the makers follow such directiō as they ought to be guided by . wherin that scripture standeth no● the church of god in any stead , of serueth nothing at a●●o direct , but may be let passe as needles to be consulted with , we iudge it prophane ▪ impious , and irreligious to thinke . for although it were in vaine to make laws which the scripture hath already made , because what we are already there cōmanded to do , on our parts there resteth nothing but only that it be executed : yet because both in that which we are commanded , in concerneth the duty of the church by law to prouide , that the loosenes and slacknes of men may not cause the commandements of god to be vnexecuted ; and a number of things there are for which the scripture hath not prouided by any law , but left them vnto the carefull discretion of the church ; we are to search how the church in these cases may be well directed , to make that prouision by lawes which is most conuenient &c fit . and what is so in these cases , partly scripture , and partly reason must teach to discerne . scripture comprehending examples & lawes , lawes some naturall and some positiue ; examples neither are there for al cases which require lawes to be made , and whe● they are , they can but direct as precedents onely . naturall lawes direct in such sorte , that in all things wee must for euer doe according vnto them ; positiue so , that against them in no case we may doe any thing , as long as the will of god is that they should remaine in force . howbeit when scripture doth yeelde vs precedents , how far forth they are to be followed ▪ when it giueth naturall lawes , what particular order is thereunto most agreeable ; when positiue , which way to make lawes vnrepugnant vnto them ; yea though all these should wan● , ye● what kinde of ordinances would be most for that good of the church which is aimed at , al this must be by reason found out . and therefore tib refuse the conduct of the light of nature , saith s. augustine , is not folly alone , but accompanied with impietie . the greatest amongst the schoole diuines , studying how to set downe by exact definition the nature of an humane lawe'● ( of which nature all the churches constitutions are ) found not which way , better to do it th●n in these words . out of the precep●s of the law of nature , as out of certaine cōmon & vndemonstrable principles , mans reason doth necessarily proceede , vnto certaine more particular determinations ; which particular determinations beeing found out according vnto the reason of man , they haue the names of humane lawes ; so that such other conditions be therein kept as the making of lawes doth require , that is , if they whose authoritie is thereunto required do establish and publish them as lawes . and the truth is , that all our controuersie in this cause concerning the orders of the church , is what particulars the church may appoint . that which doth finde them out , is the force of mans reason . that which doth guide and direct his reason , is first the generall law of nature , which law of nature and the morall law of scripture are in the substance of law all one . but because there are also in scripture a number of lawes particular and positiue , which being in force may not by any law of man be violated : we are in making lawes to haue thereunto an especiall eie . as for example , it might perhaps seeme reasonable vnto the church of god , following the generall laws concerning the nature of mariage , to ordaine in particular that cosen germains shall not marry . which law notwithstanding ought not to be receiued in the church , if there should be in the scripture a law particular to the contrary , forbidding vtterly the bonds of mariage to be so far forth abridged . the same thomas therfore whose definition of humane lawes we mentioned before , doth adde thereunto his caution concerning the rule and canon whereby to make them : humane lawes are measures in respect of men whose actiōs they must direct ; howbeit such measures they are , as haue also their higher rules to be measured by , which rules are two , the law of god , and the law of nature . so that laws humane must be made according to the generall lawes of nature , & without contradiction vnto any positiue lawe in scripture . otherwise they are ill made . vnto lawes thus made and receiued by a whole church , they which liue within the bosome of that church , must not think it a matter indifferēt either to yeeld or not to yeeld obedience . is it a small offence to despise the church of god ? my sonne keepe thy fathers comaundement , saith salomon , & forget not thy mothers instruction ; bind thē bothe alwaies about thine hart . it doth not stand with the duty which we owe to our heauenly fathers , that to the ordinances of our mother the church we should shew our selues disobedient . let vs not say we keepe the commandements of the one , when we breake the law of the other : for vnlesse we obserue bothe , we obey neither . and what doth let but that we may obserue both , when they are not the one to the other in any sort repugnant ? for of such lawes only we speake , as being made in forme and maner already declared , can haue in them no contradiction vnto the lawes of almighty god. yea that which is more , the lawes thus made god himselfe doth in such sort authorize , that to despise them is to despise in them him . it is a loose & licentious opinion which the anabaptists haue embraced , holding that a christian mans libertie is lost , and the soule which christ hath redeemed vnto himselfe iniuriously drawne into seruitude vnder the yoke of humane power , if any law be now imposed besides the gospell of iesus christ : in obedience whereunto the spirite of god , and not the constraint of men is to leade vs , according to that of the blessed apostle , such as are led by the spirits of god they are the sonnes of god , and not such as liue in thraldome vnto men . their iudgement is therefore that the church of christ should admit no law makers but the euangelists . the author of that which causeth another thing to be , is author of that thing also which thereby is caused . the light of naturall vnderstanding , wit and reason is from god ; he it is which thereby doth illuminate euery man entering into the world . if there proceede from vs any thing afterwardes corrupt and naught , the mother thereof is our owne darknes , neither doth it proceed from any such cause whereof god is the author . he is the author of all that we think or doe by vertue of that light which himselfe hath giuen . and therefore the lawes which the very heathens did gather direct their actiōs by , so far forth as they proceeded from the light of nature , god himselfe doth acknowledge to haue proceeded euen from himselfe , and that he was the writer of them in the tables of their hearts . how much more then he the author of those lawes , which haue bene made by his saints , endued furder with the heauenly grace of his spirit ▪ and directed as much as might be with such instructiōs as his sacred word doth yeeld ? surely if we haue vnto those lawes that dutifull regard which their dignitie doth require , it will not greatly need , that we should be exhorted to liue in obedience vnto them . if they haue god himselfe for their author , contempt which is offered vnto them cannot choose but redound vnto him . the safest and vnto god the most acceptable way of framing our liues therfore is , with all humilitie lowlines and singlenes of hart to studie , which way our willing obedience both vnto god and man may be yeelded euen to the vtmost of that which is due . touching the mutabilitie of lawes that concerne the regiment & politie of the church , changed they are , when either altogether abrogated , or in part repealed or augmented with farther additions . wherein wee are to note , that this question about changing of lawes , concerneth onely such lawes as are positiue , and do make that now good or euill by being commanded or forbidden , which otherwise of it selfe were not simply the one or the other . vnto such lawes it is expressely ▪ sometimes added , how long they are to continue in force . if this be no where exprest , then haue we no light to direct our iudgemēts concerning the chaungeablenes or immutabilitie of them , but by considering the nature and qualitie of such lawes . the nature of euery lawe must be iudged of by the ende for which it was made , and by the aptnes of thinges therein prescribed vnto the same end . it may so fall out , that the reason why some lawes of god were giuen , is neither opened nor possible to be gathered by wit of man. as why god should forbid adam that one tree , there was no way for adam euer to haue certainely vnderstood . and at adams ignorance of this point satan tooke aduantage , vrging the more securely a false cause , because the true was vnto adam vnknowne . why the iewes were forbidden to plow their ground with an oxe and an asse , why to cloath themselues with mingled attire of wooll and linnen , both it was vnto them , & vnto vs it remaineth obscure . such lawes perhaps cannot be abrogated , sauing onely by whom they were made : because the intent of them being knowne vnto none but the author , he alone can iudge how long it is requisite they should endure . but if the reason why things were instituted may be known , and being knowne do appeare manifestly to be of perpetuall necessitie , then are those things also perpetuall , vnlesse they cease to be effectuall vnto that purpose for which they were at the first instituted . because when a thing doth cease to be auaileable vnto the end which gaue it being , the continuance of it must then of necessitie appeare superfluous . and of this we cannot be ignorant , how sometimes that hath done great good , which afterwardes when time hath chaunged the auncient course of thinges , doth growe to be either very hurtfull , or not so greatly profitable and necessary . if therefore the end for which a lawe prouideth be perpetually necessary , & the way whereby it prouideth perpetually also most apt , no doubt but that euery such law ought for euer to remain vnchangeable . whether god be the author of lawes , by authorizing that power of men wherby they are made , or by deliuering them made immediately from himselfe , by word only , or in writing also , or howsoeuer ; notwithstāding the authority of their maker , the mutabilitie of that end for which they are made doth also make them changeable . the law of ceremonies came from god. moses had commandement to commit it vnto the sacred records of scripture , where it continueth euen vnto this very day and houre ; in force still as the iewe surmiseth , because god himselfe was author of it , and for vs to abolish what hee hath established were presumptiō most intollerable . but ( that which they in the blindnes of their obdurate hearts are not able to discerne ) sith the end for which that lawe was ordained is now fulfilled past and gone ; how should it but cease any longer to bee , which hath no longer any cause of being in force as before ? that which necessitie of some speciall time doth cause to be inioyned , bindeth no longer thē during that time , but doth afterwards become free . which thing is also plain , euen by that law which the apostles assembled at the counsell of ierusalem did frō thence deliuer vnto the church of christ ; the preface whereof to authorize it was , to the holy ghost and to vs it hath seemed good : which stile they did not vse as matching thēselues in power with the holy ghost , but as testifying the holy ghost to be the author , and themselues but onely vtterers of that decree . this lawe therefore to haue proceeded from god as the author therof , no faithful man wil denie . it was of god , not only because god gaue thē the power wherby they might make lawes , but for that it proceeded euen frō the holy motion & suggestion of that secret diuine spirit , whose sentence they did but only pronounce . notwithstanding as the law of ceremonies deliuered vnto the iews , so this very law which the gentiles receiued from the mouth of the holy ghost , is in like respect abrogated by decease of the end for which it was giuen . but such as do not sticke at this point , such as graunt that what hath bene instituted vpon any special cause needeth not to be obserued that cause ceasing , do notwithstanding herein faile ; they iudge the lawes of god onely by the author and maine end for which they were made , so that for vs to change that which he hath established , they hold it execrable pride & presumption , if so be the end and purpose for which god by that meane prouideth bee permanent . and vpon this they ground those ample disputes cōcerning orders and offices , which being by him appointed for the gouernment of his church , if it be necessary alwaies that the church of christ be gouerned , then doth the end for which god prouided remaine still ; and therefore in those means which he by law did establish as being fittest vnto that end , for vs to alter any thing is to lift vp our selues against god , and as it were to countermaund him . wherin they marke not that laws are instruments to rule by , and that instruments are not only to be framed according vnto the generall ende for which they are prouided , but euē according vnto that very particular which riseth out of the matter wheron they haue to worke . the end wherefore lawes were made may be permanent , and those lawes neuerthelesse require some alteration , if there be any vnfitnes in the meanes which they prescribe as tending vnto that end & purpose . as for exāple , a law that to bridle the●● doth punish the ones with a quadruple ●estitution , hath an end which wil cōtinue as long as the world it self cōtinueth . theft will be alwayes , and will alwayes need to be bridled ▪ but that the meane which this law prouideth for that end ▪ namely the punishment of quadruple restitution , that this will be alwaies sufficient to bridle and restraine that kind of enormity , no man can warrant . insufficiency of lawes doth somtimes come by want of iudgement in the makers . which cause cannot fall into any law termed properly and immediatly diuine , as it may and doth into humaine lawes often . but that which hath bene once most sufficient , may wax otherwise by alteratiō of time & place ; that punishment which hath bene somtimes forcible to bridle sinne , may grow afterwards too weake and feeble . in a word we plainely perceiue by the difference of those three lawes which the iewes receiued at the hands of god , the morall , ceremoniall , & iudiciall , that if the end for which , and the matter according whereunto god maketh his lawes , continue alwaies one and the same ▪ his laws also do the like ; for which cause the morall law cannot be altered : secondly that whether the matter wheron lawes are made continue or cōtinue not , if their end haue once ceased , they cease also to be of force ; as in the law ceremonial it fareth : finally that albeit the end cōtinue , as in that law of theft specified , and in a great part of those ancient iudicials it doth ; yet for as mush as there is not in all respects the same subiect or matter remaining for which they were first instituted , euen this is sufficient cause of change . and therefore lawes though both ordeined of god himselfe ▪ and the end for which they were ordeined continuing ▪ may notwithstanding cease ▪ if by alteration of persons or times they be foūd vnsufficiēt to attain vnto that end . in which respect why may we not presume , that god doth euē call for such change or alteratiō , as the very cōdition of things thēselues doth make necessary ? they which do therfore plead the authority of the law-maker ▪ as an argument wherefore it should not be lawfull to change that which he hath instituted ▪ and will haue this the cause why all the ordinances of our sauiour are immutable ▪ they which vrge the wisdome of god as a proofe , that whatsoeuer laws he hath made they ought to stand , ●nlesse himselfe from heauen proclaime them disanuld ▪ because it is not in man to correct the ordināce of god ; may know , if it please thē to take notice therof , that we are far frō presuming to think that mē can better any thing which god hath done , euē as we are from thinking that mē should presume to vndo some things of men , which god doth know they cannot better . god neuer ordeined any thing that could be bettered . yet many things he hath , that haue bene changed , and that for the better . that which succeedeth as better now whē change is requisite , had bin worse when that which now is changed was instituted . otherwise god had not then left this to choose that , neither would now reiect that to choose this , were it not for some new grown occasion making that which hath bene better worse . in this case therefore 〈…〉 not presume to change gods ordinance ▪ but they yeeld thereunto requiring it selfe to be chaunged . against this it is obiected , that to abrogate or innouate the gospel of christ , if mē do angels should attempt , it were most heynous and cursed sacriledge . and the gospell as they say containeth not only doctrine instructing men how they should beleeue , but also precepts concerning the regiment of the church ▪ discipline therefore is a part of the gospell ; and god being the author of the whole gospel , a as well of discipline as of doctrine , it cānot be but that both of them haue a common cause . so that as we are to beleeue for euer the articles of euangelicall doctrine , so the precepts of discipline we are in like sort bound for euer to obserue . touching points of doctrine , as for example the vnity of god , the trinitie of persons , saluation by christ , the resurrection of the body , life euerlasting , the iudgement to come , and such like , they haue bene since the first houre that there was a church in the world , and till the last they must be beleeued . but as for matters of regiment , they are for the most part of another nature . to make new articles of faith and doctrine no man thinketh it lawfull ; new lawes of gouernment what common wealth or church is there which maketh not either at one time or another ? the rule of faith , saith tertullian , is but one and that alone immoueable , and impossible to be framed or cast anew . the law of outward order & polity not so . there is no reason in the world wherfore we should esteeme it as necessary alwayes to do , as alwayes to beleeue the same things ; seeing euery man knoweth that the matter of faith is constant , the matter contrariwise of action daily changeable , especially the matter of action belonging vnto church polity . neither than i find that men of soundest iudgement haue any otherwise taught , then that articles of beliefe , and things which all men must of necessity do to the end they may be saued , are either expresly set downe in scripture , or else plainly thereby to be gathered . but touching things which belong to discipline & outward politie , the church hath authority to make canons , laws , & decrees , euen as we reade that in the apostles times it did . which kind of lawes ( for as much as they are not in themselues necessary to saluation ) may after they are made be also changed as the difference of times or places shall require . yea it is not denied i am sure by themselues , that certaine things in discipline are of that nature , as they may be varied by times , places , persons and other the like circumstances . whereupon i demaund , are those changeable points of discipline commaunded in the word of god , or no ? if they be not commanded , and yet may be receiued in the church ; how can their former position stand , cōdemning all things in the church which in the word are not commanded ? if they be commaunded , and yet may suffer change ▪ how can this later stand , affirming all things immutable which are commanded of god ? their distinction touching matters of substance and of circumstance , though true , will not serue . for be they great things or be they small , if god haue commaunded them in the gospell , and his commanding them in the gospell do make them vnchangeable , there is no reason we should more change the one then we may the other . if the authority of the maker do proue vnchangeablenesse in the lawes which god hath made ; then must al laws which he hath made be necessarily for euer permanēt , though they be but of circumstance only and not of substance . i therfore conclude , that neither gods being author of lawes for gouernment of his church , nor his cōmitting ▪ them vnto scripture , is any reason sufficient , wherefore all churches should for euer be bound to keepe them without chaunge . but of one thing we are here to giue them warning by the way . for whereas in this discourse we haue oftentimes profest , that many parts of discipline or church politie are deliuered in scripture , they may perhaps imagine that we are driuē to cōfesse their discipline to be deliuered in scripture , and that hauing no other meanes to auoid it , we are faine to argue for the changeablenesse of lawes ordained euen by god himselfe , as if otherwise theirs of necessitie should take place , and that vnder which we liue be abandoned ▪ there is no remedie therefore but to abate this error in them , and directly to let them know , that if they fall into any such conceit , they do but a little flatter their owne cause . as for vs , we thinke in no respect so highly of it . our perswasion is , that no age euer had knowledged of it but onely ours ; that they which defend it , deuised it ; that neither christ nor his apostles at any time taught it but the contrary . if therefore we did seeke to maintaine that which most aduantageth our owne cause , the very best way for vs , and the strongest against them , were to hold euen as they do , that in scripture there must needs be foūd some particular forme of church-polity , which god hath instituted , and which a for that very cause belongeth to all churches , to all times . but with any such partiall eye to respect our selues , and by cunning to make those things seeme the truest which are the fittest to serue our purpose , is a thing which we neither like nor meane to follow . wherefore that which we take to be generally true concerning the mutability of lawes , the same we haue plainely deliuered ; as being perswaded of nothing more then we are of this , b that whether it be in matter of speculation or of practise , no vntruth can possibly auaile the patrone and defendor long , and that things most truly are likewise most behoouefully spoken . . this we hold and graunt for truth , that those very lawes which of their own nature are changeable , be notwithstāding vncapable of change , if he which gaue them , being of authority so to do , forbid absolutely to change thē ; neither may they admit alteratiō against the will of such a law maker . albeit therfore we do not find any cause , why of right there should be necessarily an immutable forme set downe in holy scripture ; neuerthelesse if indeed there haue bene at any time a church-politie so set downe , the change whereof the sacred scripture doth forbid , surely for mē to alter those lawes which god for perpetuity hath established , were presumption most intollerable . to proue therfore that the wil of christ was to establish laws so permanent and immutable , that in any sort to alter them cannot but highly offend god , thus they reason . first if moses being but a seruant in the house of god , did therin establish lawes of gouernmēt for perpetuity , lawes which they that were of the houshold might not alter : shall we admit into our thoughts , that the sonne of god hath in prouiding for this his houshold declared himselfe lesse faithfull then moses ? moses deliuering vnto the iewes such lawes as were durable ; if those be changeable which christ hath deliuered vnto vs , we are not able to auoide it , but ( that which to thinke were heinous impiety ) we of necessity must confesse , euen the sonne of god himselfe to haue bene lesse faithfull then moses . which argument shall need no touchstone to try it by , but some other of the like making . moses erected in the wildernes a tabernacle , which was moueable from place to place ; salomon a sumptuous & stately temple , which was not moueable : therfore salomon was faithfuller then moses ; which no man indued with reason will thinke . and yet by this reasō it doth plainly follow . he that wil see how faithful the one or the other was , must cōpare the things which they bothe did ; vnto the charge which god gaue each of them ▪ the apostle in making comparison betweene our sauiour and moses , attributeth faithfulnes vnto bothe , and maketh this difference betweene them ; moses in , but christ ouer the house of god ; moses in that house which was his by charge and commission , though to gouerne it , yet to gouerne it as a seruant ; but christ ouer this house , as being his owne intire possesion . our lord and sauiour doth make protestation , i haue giuen vnto them the words which thou gauest me . faithfull therefore he was , and concealed not any part of his fathers will. but did any part of that will require the immutability of lawes concerning church-polity ? they answer , yea . for else god should lesse fauour vs then the iewes . god would not haue their churches guided by any lawes but his owne . and seeing this did so continue euen till christ ; now to ease god of that care , or rather to depriue the church of his patronage , what reason haue we ? surely none to derogate any thing from the ancient loue which god hath borne to his church . an heathen philosopher there is , who considering how many things beasts haue which men haue not , how naked in comparison of them , how impotent , and how much lesse able we are to shift for our selues along time after we enter into this world , repiningly concluded hereupon , that nature being a carefull mother for them , is towards vs a hard harted stepdame . no , we may not measure the affection of our gratious god towards his by such differences . for euen herein shineth his wisdome , that though the wayes of his prouidence be many , yea the ende which he bringeth all at the length vnto , is one and the selfe same . but if such kind of reasoning were good , might we not euen as directly conclude the very same concerning laws of secular regiment ? their owne words are these . in the ancient church of the iewes , god did command , and moses commit vnto writing , all things pertinent as well to the ciuil as to the ecclesiasticall state . god gaue them lawes of ciuill regiment , and would not permit their common weale to be gouerned by any other lawes then his owne . doth god lesse regard our temporal estate in this world , or prouide for it worse then for theirs ? to vs notwithstanding he hath not as to them deliuered any particular forme of temporall regiment , vnlesse perhaps we thinke , as some do , that the grafting of the gentiles & their incorporating into israell , doth import that we ought to be subiect vnto the rites and lawes of their whole politie . we see then how weake such disputes are , & how smally they make to this purpose . that christ did not meane to set downe particular positiue lawes for all things in such sort as moses did , the very different manner of deliuering the lawes of moses and the lawes of christ doth plainly shew . moses had commaundement to gather the ordinances of god together distinctly , and orderly to set them downe according vnto their seuerall kinds , for each publique duty and office the laws that belong thereto , as appeareth in the bookes themselues written of purpose for that end . contrariwise the lawes of christ we find rather mentioned by occasion in the writings of the apostles , then any solemne thing directly written to comprehend them in legall sort . againe the positiue lawes which moses gaue , they were giuen for the greatest part with restraint to the land of iurie ; behold sayth moses , i haue taught you ordinances and lawes as the lord my god commaunded me , that ye should do euen so within the land whither ye go to possesse it . which lawes and ordinances positiue he plainely distinguisheth afterward from the lawes of the two tables which were morall ; the lord spake vnto you out of the midst of the fire , ye heard the voyce of the words , but saw no similitude , onely a voyce . then he declared vnto you his couenant which he commaunded you to do , the ten commaundements , and wrote them vpon two tables of stone . and the lord commaunded me that same time , that i should teach you ordinances and lawes which ye should obserue in the land whither ye go to possesse it . the same difference is againe set downe in the next chapter following . for rehearsall being made of the ten commaundements , it followeth immediatly ; these words the lord spake vnto all your multitude in the mount out of the midst of the fire , the cloude and the darknesse , with a great voyce , and added no more , and wrote them vpon two tables of stone , and deliuered them vnto me . but concerning other lawes , the people giue their consent to receiue them at the hands of moses ; go thou neerer , and heare all that the lord our god sayth , and declare thou vnto vs all that the lord our god sayth vnto thee , and we will heare it and do it . the peoples alacritie herein god highly commendeth with most effectuall and heartie speech ; i haue heard the voyce of the wordes of this people , they haue spoken well . o that there were such an heart in them to feare me , and to keepe all my commaundements alwayes , that it might go well with them , and with their children for euer ! go say vnto them ▪ returne you to your tents ; but stand thou here with me , and i will tell thee all the commaundements and the ordinances and the lawes which thou shalt teach them , that they may do them in the land which i haue giuen them to possesse . from this later kind the former are plainely distinguished in many things . they were not bothe at one time deliuered , neither bothe after one sort , nor to one end . the former vttered by the voyce of god himselfe in the hearing of sixe hundred thousand men ; the former written with the finger of god ; the former tearmed by the name of a couenant ; the former giuen to be kept without either mention of time how long , or of place where . on the other side the later giuen after , and neither written by god himselfe , nor giuen vnto the whole multitude immediatly from god , but vnto moses , and from him to them both by word and writing ; the later tearmed ceremonies . iudgements , ordinances , but no where couenants ; finally the obseruation of the later restrained vnto the land where god would establish them to inhabite . the lawes positiue are not framed without regard had to the place and persons for the which they are made . if therefore almightie god in framing their lawes , had an eye vnto the nature of that people , and to the countrey where they were to dwell ; if these peculiar and proper considerations were respected in the making of their lawes , and must be also regarded in the positiue lawes of all other nations besides ; then seeing that nations are not all alike , surely the giuing of one kinde of positiue lawes vnto one onely people , without anie libertie to alter them , is but a slender proofe , that therefore one kind should in like sort bee giuen to serue euerlastingly for all . but that which most of all maketh for the cleering of this point is , that the iewes who had lawes so particularly determining and so fully instructing them in all affaires what to do , were notwithstanding continually inured with causes exorbitant , and such as their lawes had not prouided for . and in this point much more is graunted vs then wee aske , namely that for one thing which we haue left to the order of the church ; they had twentie which were vndecided by the expresse word of god ; and that as their ceremonies and sacraments were multiplied aboue ours , euen so grew the number of those cases which were not determined by any expresse word . so that if we may deuise one lawe , they by this reason might deuise twentie : and if their deuising so many were not forbidden , shall their example proue vs forbidden to deuise as much as one lawe for the ordering of the church ? wee might not deuise no not one , if their example did proue that our sauiour hath vtterly forbidden all alteration of his lawes , in as much as there can be no lawe deuised , but needs it must either take away from his , or adde thereunto more or lesse , and so make some kind of alteration . but of this so large a graunt we are content not to take aduantage . men are oftentimes in a sudden passion more liberall , then they would be if they had leysure to take aduise . and therefore so bountifull words of course and franke speeches we are contented to let passe , without turning them vnto aduantage with too much rigour . it may be they had rather be listned vnto , when they commend the kings of israell which attempted nothing in the gouernement of the church without the expresse word of god ; and when they vrge that god left nothing in his word vndescribed , whether it concerned the worship of god or outward politie , nothing vnset downe , and therefore charged them strictly to keepe themselues vnto that , without any alteration . howbeit seeing it cannot be denied , but that many thinges there did belong vnto the course of their publique affaires , wherein they had no expresse word at all to shew precisely what they should do ; the difference betweene their condition and ours in these cases , will bring some light vnto the truth of this present controuersie . before the fact of the son of shelomith , there was no law which did appoint any certaine punishment for blasphemers . that wretched creature being therefore deprehended in that impiety , was held in ward , till the mind of the lord were knowne concerning his case . the like practise is also mētioned vpon occasion of a breach of the sabboth day . they find a poore silly creature gathering stickes in the wildernes , they bring him vnto moses and aaron and all the congregation , they lay him in hold , because it was not declared what should be done with him , till god hath sayd vnto moses , this man shall dye the death . the law required to keepe the sabboth ; but for the breach of the sabboth what punishmēt should be inflicted it did not appoint . such occasions as these are rare . and for such things as do fal scarce once in many ages of mē , it did suffice to take such order as was requisite when they fell . but if the case were such as being not already determined by law , were notwithstanding likely oftentimes to come in question , it gaue occasion of adding lawes that were not before . thus it fell out in the case of those men polluted , and of the daughters of zelophhad ; whose causes moses hauing brought before the lord , receiued lawes to serue for the like in time to come . the iewes to this end had the oracle of god , they had the prophets : and by such meanes god himselfe instructed them from heauen what to do , in all things that did greatly concerne their state , and were not already set downe in the lawe . shall we then hereupon argue euen against our owne experience and knowledge ? shall we seeke to perswade men , that of necessity it is with vs as it was with them , that because god is ours in all respects as much as theirs , therefore either no such way of direction hath beene at any time , or if it haue bene , it doth still continue in the church , or if the same do not continue , that yet it must be at the least supplied by some such meane as pleaseth vs to accompt of equall force ? a more dutifull and religious way for vs were , to admire the wisedome of god , which shineth in the beautifull variety of all things ; but most in the manifold and yet harmonious dissimilitude of those wayes , whereby his church vpon earth is guided from age to age throughout all generations of men . the iewes were necessarily to continue till the comming of christ in the flesh , and the gathering of nations vnto him . so much the promise made vnto abraham did import . so much the prophecy of iacob at the hower of his death did foreshewe . vpon the ●afety therefore of their very outward state and condition for so long , the after-good of the whole world , and the saluation of all did depend . vnto their so long safety for two things it was necessary to prouide , namely the preseruation of their state against forraine resistance , and the continuance of their peace within themselues . touching the one , as they receiued the promise of god to be the rocke of their defence , against which who so did violently rush , should but bruse and batter themselues ; so likewise they had his commaundement in all their affaires that way , to seeke direction and counsell from him . mens consultations are alwayes perilous . and it falleth out many times that after long deliberation , those things are by their wit euen resolued on , which by tryall are found most opposite to publique safety . it is no impossible thing for states , be they neuer so well established , yet by ouersight in some one acte or treatie betweene them and their potent opposites , vtterly to cast away themselues for euer . wherefore least it should so fall out to them , vpon whom so much did depend ; they were not permitted to enter into warre , nor conclude any league of peace , nor to wade through any acte of moment betweene them and forraine states , vnlesse the oracle of god or his prophets were first consulted with . and least domesticall disturbance should wash them within themselues , because there was nothing vnto this purpose more effectuall , then if the authority of their lawes and gouernors were such , as none might presume to take exception against it , or to shewe disobedience vnto it , without incurring the hatred & detestation of al men that had any sparke of the feare of god ; therefore he gaue them euen their positiue lawes from heauen , and as oft as occasion required , chose in like sort rulers also to leade & gouerne them . notwithstāding some desperatly impious there were , which adventured to try what harme it could bring vpon them , if they did attempt to be authors of confusion , and to resist both gouernours and lawes . against such monsters god mainteined his owne by fearefull execution of extraordinarie iudgement vpon them . by which meanes it came to passe , that although they were a people infested and mightily hated of all others throughout the world , although by nature hard harted , querulous , wrathful & impatiēt of rest and quietnes , yet was there nothing of force either one way or other to worke the ruine and subuersion of their state , till the time before mentioned was expired . thus we see that there was not no cause of dissimilitude in these things , betweene that one only people before christ , and the kingdomes of the world since . and whereas it is further alleaged , that albeit in ciuill matters and things perteining to this present life , god hath vsed a greater particularity with them then amongst vs , framing lawes according to the quality of that people and countrey ; yet the leauing of vs at greater liberty in things ciuill , is so farre from prouing the like liberty in things pertaining to the kingdome of heauen , that it rather proues a streighter bond . for euen as when the lord would haue his fauour more appeare by temporall blessings of this life towards the people vnder the lawe then towards vs , he gaue also politique lawes most exactly , whereby they might both most easily come into , and most stedfastly remaine in possession of those earthly benefites : euen so at this time , wherein he would not haue his fauour so much esteemed by those outward commodities , it is required , that as his care in prescribing lawes for that purpose hath somewhat fallen , in leauing them to mens consultations which may be deceiued ; so his care for conduct and gouernement of the life to come , should ( if it were possible ) rise , in leauing lesse to the order of men then in times past . these are but weake and feeble disputes for the inference of that conclusion which is intended . for sauing only in such consideration as hath bene shewed , there is no cause wherefore we should thinke god more desirous to manifest his fauour by temporall blessings towards them , then towards vs. godlinesse had vnto them , and it hath also vnto vs , the promises both of this life and the life to come . that the care of god hath fallen in earthly things , and therefore should rise as much in heauenly ; that more is left vnto mens consultations in the one , and therefore lesse must be graunted in the other ; that god hauing vsed a greater particularity with them then with vs for matters perteining vnto this life , is to make vs amends by the more exact deliuery of lawes for gouernment of the life to come ; these are proportions , whereof if there be any rule , we must plainely confesse that which truth is , we know it not . god which spake vnto them by his prophets , hath vnto vs by his onely begotten sonne ; those mysteries of grace and saluation which were but darkely disclosed vnto them , haue vnto vs more cleerely shined . such differences betweene them and vs the apostles of christ haue well acquainted vs withall . but as for matter belonging to the outward cōduct or gouernment of the church ; seeing that euen in sense it is manifest , that our lord & sauiour hath not by positiue lawes descended so farre into particularities with vs , as moses with them ; neither doth by extraordinary means , oracles , and prophets , direct vs , as them he did , in those things which rising daily by new occasions , are of necessitie to be prouided for ; doth it not hereupon rather follow , that although not to them , yet to vs there should be freedome & libertie graunted to make lawes ? yea but the apostle s. paule doth fearefully charge timothy , euen in the sight of god who quickneth all , & of christ iesus who witnessed that famous confession before pontius pilate , to keepe what was commaunded him safe and sound til the appearance of our lord iesus christ. this doth exclude al liberty of changing the lawes of christ , whether by abrogation or addition , or howsoeuer . for in timothy the whole church of christ receiueth charge concerning her duty . and that charge is to keepe the apostles commaundement : and his commaundement did conteine the lawes that concerned church gouernement : and those lawes he straightly requireth to be obserued without breach or blame , till the appearance of our lord iesus christ. in scripture we graunt euery one mans lesson , to be the common instruction of all men , so farre forth as their cases are like , and that religiously to keepe the apostles commandemēts in whatsoeuer they may concerne vs , we all stand bound . but touching that commandement which timothy was charged with , we swarue vndoubtedly from the apostles precise meaning , if we extend it so largely , that the armes thereof shall reach vnto all things which were cōmanded him by the apostle . the very words themselues do restraine thēselues vnto some one speciall commandemēt among many . and therfore it is not said , keepe the ordinances , lawes & constitutions which thou hast receiued , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that great cōmandement , which doth principally concerne thee and thy calling ; that cōmandement which christ did so often inculcate vnto peter ; that cōmandement vnto the carefull discharge whereof they of ephesus are exhorted , attend to your selues & to all flock , wherin the holy ghost hath placed you bishops , to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased by his owne bloud ; finally that cōmandement which vnto the same timothy is by the same apostle euen in the same forme & maner afterwards again vrged , i charge thee in the sight of god , & the lord iesus christ , which will iudge the quicke & dead at his appearance & in his kingdom , preach the word of god. when timothy was instituted into that office , then was the credit and trust of this duty committed vnto his faithfull care . the doctrine of the gospell was thē giuen him , as the precious talent or treasure of iesus christ ; then receiued he for performance of this duty , the special gift of the holy ghost . to keepe this cōmandement immaculate and blamelesse , was to teach the gospel of christ without mixture of corrupt & vnsound doctrine , such as a number did euen in those times intermingle with the misteries of christian beliefe . til the appearance of christ to keep it so , doth not import the time wherein it shold be kept , but rather the time whereunto the finall reward for keeping it was reserued : according to that of s. paul concerning himselfe , i haue kept the faith ; for the residue there is laid vp for me a crowne of righteousnes , which the lord the righteous shall in that day render vnto me . if they that labour in this haruest should respect but the present fruit of their painefull trauell , a poore incouragement it were vnto them to continue therein al the daies of their life . but their reward is great in heauen ; the crowne of righteousnes which shal be giuen them in that day is honorable . the fruite of their industry then shall they reape with full contentment and satisfaction , but not till then . wherein the greatnes of their reward is abundantly sufficient , to counteruaile the tediousnesse of their expectation . wherefore till then they that are in labour must rest in hope . o timothie , keepe that which is committed vnto thy charge , that great commandement which thou hast receiued keepe , till the appearance of our lord iesus christ. in which sense although we iudge the apostles words to haue bene vttered ; yet hereunto we do not require them to yeeld , that thinke any other construction more sound . if therefore it be reiected , and theirs esteemed more probable which hold that the last wordes doe import perpetuall obseruation of the apostles commaundement imposed necessarilly for euer vppon the militant church of christ ; let them withall consider that then his commaundement cannot so largely bee taken , as to comprehend whatsoeuer the apostle did commaund timothy . for themselues do not all blind the church vnto some things whereof timothy receiued charge , as namely vnto that precept concerning the choise of widowes . so as they cannot hereby maintaine , that all things positiuely commanded concerning the affaires of the church , were commanded for perpetuitie . and we do not deny , that certaine things were commanded to be , though positiue , yet perpetuall in the church . they should not therefore vrge against vs places that seeme to forbid change , but rather such as set downe some measure of alteration ; which measure if we haue exceeded , then might they therwith charge vs iustly : whereas now they themselues both granting , and also vsing liberty to change , cannot in reason dispute absolutely against al change . christ deliuered no inconuenient or vnmeete lawes . sundry of ours they hold inconuenient . therefore such lawes they cannot possibly hold to be christs . being not his , they must of necessity graunt them added vnto his . yet certaine of those very lawes so added , they themselues do not iudge vnlawfull ; as they plainly confesse , both in matter of prescript attire , and of rites appertaining to buriall . their owne protestations are that they plead against the inconuenience , not the vnlawfulnes of popish apparell ; and against the inconuenience , not the vnlawfulnesse of ceremonies in buriall . therefore they hold it a thing not vnlawfull to adde to the lawes of iesus christ ; and so consequently they yeeld , that no lawe of christ forbiddeth addition vnto church laws . the iudgement of caluin being alleaged against them , to whom of all men they attribute most , whereas his words be plaine , that for ceremonies and externall discipline the church hath power to make lawes : the answer which herunto they make is , that indefinitly the speech is true , and that so it was meant by him , namely that some things belonging vnto externall discipline and ceremonies , are in the power and arbitrement of the church ; but neither was it mēt , neither is it true generally , that al externall discipline , & all ceremonies are left to the order of the church , in as much as the sacraments of baptisme & the supper of the lord are ceremonies , which yet the church may not therefore abrogate . againe , excommunication is a part of externall discipline ; which might also be cast away , if all externall discipline were arbitrary , and in the choise of the church . by which their answer it doth appeare , that touching the names of ceremonie and externall discipline , they gladly would haue vs so vnderstood , as if we did herein conteine a great deale more then we do . the fault which we find with them is , that they ouermuch abridge the church of her power in these things . whereupon they recharge vs , as if in these things we gaue the church a liberty which hath no limits or boūds ; as if all things which the name of discipline cōteineth , were at the churches free choice , so that we might either haue church-gouernours and gouernement or want them , either reteine or reiect church censures as we list . they wonder at vs , as at men which thinke it so indifferent what the church doth in matter of ceremonies , that it may bee feared least we iudge the very sacraments themselues to be held at the churches pleasure . no , the name of ceremonies we do not vse in so large a meaning as to bring sacraments within the compasse and reach thereof ; although things belonging vnto the outward forme and seemely administration of them , are conteined in that name , euen as we vse it . for the name of ceremonies we vse as they themselues do , when they speake after this sort : the doctrine and discipline of the church , as the waightiest things , ought especially to be looked vnto ; but the ceremonies also , as mynt & comyn , ought not to be neglected . besides in the matter of externall discipline or regiment itselfe , wee doe not deny but there are some thinges whereto the church is bound till the worlds ende . so as the question is onely howe farre the bounds of the churches libertie do reach . we hold that the power which the church hath lawfully to make lawes and orders for it selfe , doth extend vnto sundrie things of ecclesiasticall iurisdiction and such other matters , whereto their opinion is , that the churches authoritie and power doth not reach . whereas therefore in disputing against vs about this point , they take their compasse a great deale wider then the truth of things can afford , producing reasons and arguments by way of generality , to proue that christ hath set downe all things belonging any way vnto the forme of ordering his church , and hath absolutely forbidden change by addition or diminution great or small ( for so their maner of disputing is : ) we are constrained to make our defence , by shewing that christ hath not depriued his church so farre of all libertie in making orders & lawes for it selfe , and that they themselues do not thinke he hath so done . for are they able to shew that all particular customes , rites and orders of reformed churches , haue bene appointed by christ himselfe ? no , they graunt that in matter of circumstance they alter that which they haue receiued ; but in things of substance they keepe the lawes of christ without change . if we say the same in our owne behalfe , ( which surely we may do with a great deale more truth ) then must they cancell all that hath bene before alleaged , and beginne to inquire a fresh , whether we reteine the lawes that christ hath deliuered concerning matters of substance , yea or no. for our constant perswasion in this point is as theirs , that we haue no where altered the lawes of christ , further then in such particularities onely as haue the nature of things chaungeable according to the difference of times , places , persons , and other the like circumstances . christ hath commaunded prayers to be made , sacraments to be ministred , his church to be carefully taught and guided . concerning euery of these somewhat christ hath commaunded which must bee kept till the worlds end . on the contrary side in euery of thē somewhat there may be added , as the church shall iudge it expedient . so that if they will speake to purpose , all which hitherto hath bene disputed of they must giue ouer , and stand vpon such particulars onely as they can shew we haue either added or abrogated otherwise then we ought , in the matter of church politie . whatsoeuer christ hath commanded for euer to be kept in his church , the same we take not vpon vs to abrogate ; and whatsoeuer our lawes haue thereunto added besides , of such qualitie we hope it is , as no law of christ doth any where condemne . wherefore that all may be layd together , and gathered into a narrower roome . . first so farre forth as the church is the mysticall body of christ and his inuisible spouse , it needeth no externall politie . that very part of the law diuine which teacheth faith and workes of righteousnesse , is it selfe alone sufficient for the church of god in that respect . but as the church is a visible society and body politique , lawes of politie it cannot want . . whereas therfore it commeth in the second place to be inquired , what lawes are fittest and best for the church ; they who first embraced that rigorous and strict opinion , which depriueth the church of liberty to make any kind of law for her selfe , inclined as it should seeme thereunto , for that they imagined all things , which the church doth without commandement of holy scripture , subiect to that reproofe which the scripture it self vseth in certaine cases , when diuine authority ought alone to be followed . herupon they thought it inough for the cācelling of any kind of order whatsoeuer , to say , the word of god teacheth it not , it is a deuise of the braine of man , away with it therefore out of the church . s. augustine was of another mind , who speaking of fasts on the sunday saith , that he which would chuse out that day to fast on , should giue therby no small offence to the church of god , which had receiued a contrary custome . for in these things wherof the scripture appointeth no certainty , the vse of the people of god , or the ordinances of our fathers must serue for a law . in which case if we will dispute , and condemne one sort by anothers custome , it will be but matter of endlesse contention ; where , for as much as the labour of reasoning shal hardly beate into mens heads any certaine or necessary truth , surely it standeth vs vpō to take heed , least with the tempest of strife the brightnesse of charity and loue be darkened . if all things must bee commaunded of god which may be practised of his church , i would know what commaundement the gileadites had to erect that altar which is spokē of in the booke of iosua . did not cōgruity of reason induce them therunto , & suffice for defence of their fact ? i would know what cōmandement the women of israel had yearly to mourne and lament in the memorie of iephtaes daughter ; what cōmandement the iewes had to celebrate their feast of dedication neuer spoken of in the law , yet solemnized euen by our sauior himselfe ; what cōmandement finally they had for the ceremony of odors vsed about the bodies of the dead , after which custome notwithstanding ( sith it was their custome ) our lord was contented that his owne most pretious should be intoombd . wherfore io reiect all orders of the church which men haue established , is to thinke worse of the laws of men in this respect , then either the iudgement of wisemen alloweth , or the law of god it selfe will beare . howbeit they which had once takē vpon thē to condemn all things done in the church , & not cōmanded of god to be done , saw it was necessary for thē ( cōtinuing in defence of this their opiniō ) to hold that needs there must be in scripture set down a cōplete particular forme of church polity , a forme prescribing how al the affaires of the church must be ordered , a form in no respect lawful to be altered by mortal mē . for reformatiō of which ouersight & error in thē , there were that thought it a part of christian loue & charity to instruct thē better , & to open vnto thē the diference betweene matters of perpetual necessity to all mens saluation , and matters of ecclesiasticall politie : the one both fully and plainly taught in holy scripture , the other not necessary to be in such sort there prescribed ; the one not capable of any diminution or augmentation at all by men , the other apt to admit bothe . herupon the authors of the former opinion were presently seconded by other wittier and better learned ; who being loath that the forme of church-politie which they sought to bring in should be otherwise then in the highest degree accounted of , tooke first an exception against the difference betweene church-politie and matters of necessitie to saluation ; secondly against the restraint of scripture , which they say receiueth iniurie at our hands , when we teach that it teacheth not as well matters of politie as of faith and saluation . . constrained hereby we haue bene therefore , both to maintaine that distinction , as a thing not only true in it selfe , but by them likewise so acknowledged , though vnawares ; . and to make manifest that from scripture wee offer not to derogate the least thing that truth thereunto doth claime , in as much as by vs it is willingly confest , that the scripture of god is a storehouse abounding with inestimable treasures of wisedome and knowledge in many kindes , ouer and aboue thinges in this one kinde barely necessary ; yea euen that matters of ecclesiasticall politie are not therein omitted , but taught also , albeit not so taught as those other thinges before mentioned . for so perfectly are those thinges taught , that nothing can euer need to be added , nothing euer cease to be necessary : these on the contrarie side , as being of a farre other nature and qualitie , not so strictly nor euerlastingly commaunded in scripture , but that vnto the complete forme of church-politie much may bee requisite which the scripture teacheth not , and much which it hath taught , become vnrequisite , sometime because we neede not vse it , sometime also because wee cannot . in which respect for mine owne part , although i see that certaine reformed churches , the scottish especially and french , haue not that which best agreeth with the sacred scripture , i meane the gouernment that is by bishops , in as much as both those churches are fallen vnder a different kinde of regiment , which to remedie it is for the one altogether too late , and too soone for the other during their present affliction and trouble ; this their defect and imperfection i had rather lament in such case then exagitate , considering that men oftentimes without any fault of their owne , may be driuen to want that kinde of politie or regiment which is best , and to content themselues with that , which either the irremediable error of former times , or the necessitie of the present hath cast vpon them . . now because that position first mentioned , which holdeth it necessarie that all thinges which the church may lawfully doe in her owne regiment be commaunded in holy scripture , hath by the latter defendors thereof beene greatly qualified ; who , though perceiuing it to be ouer extreame , are notwithstanding loth to acknowledge any ouersight therein , and therefore labour what they may to salue it by construction ; we haue for the more perspicuitie deliuered what was thereby meant at the first ; . how iniurious a thing it were vnto all the churches of god for men to hold it in that meaning ; . and how vnperfect their interpretations are who so much labour to helpe it , eyther by diuiding commaundements of scripture into two kindes , and so defending that all thinges must be commaunded , if not in speciall , yet in generall precepts ; . or by taking it as meant that in case the church doe deuise any new order , shee ought therein to follow the direction of scripture onely , and not any starlight of mans reason . . bothe which euasions being cut off , wee haue in the next place declared after what sort the church may lawfully frame to her selfe lawes of politie , and in what reckoning such positiue lawes both are with god , and should be with men . . furthermore because to abridge the libertie of the church in this behalfe , it hath bene made a thing very odious , that when god himselfe hath deuised some certaine lawes and committed them to sacred scripture , man by abrogation , addition , or any way , should presume to alter and change them ; it was of necessitie to be examined , whether the authoritie of god in making , or his care in committing those his lawes vnto scripture , be sufficient arguments to proue that god doth in no case allow they should suffer any such kind of change . . the last refuge for proofe that diuine lawes of christian church-politie may not be altered , by extinguishment of any olde or addition of new in that kinde , is partly a marueilous strange discourse , that christ ( vnlesse he would show himselfe not so faithfull as moses , or not a so wise as lycurgus and solon ) must needes haue set downe in holy scripture some certaine complete and vnchangeable forme of politie ; and partly a coloured shewe of some euidence , where change of that sort of lawes may seeme expressely forbidden , although in truth nothing lesse be done . i might haue added hereunto their more familiar and popular disputes ; as , the church is a citie , yea the citie of the great king , and the life of a citie is politie : the church is the house of the liuing god , and what house can there be , without some order for the gouernment of it ? in the royall house of a prince there must be officers for gouernment , such as not any seruant in the house , but the prince whose the house is shall iudge cōuenient : so the house of god must haue orders for the gouernment of it , such as not any of the household , but god himselfe hath appointed . it cannot stand with the loue and wisedome of god , to leaue such order vntaken as is necessary for the due gouernment of his church . the numbers , degrees , orders , and attire of salomons seruants did shewe his wisedome : therefore he which is greater then salomon , hath not failed to leaue in his house such orders for gouernment thereof , as may serue to be as a looking glasse for his prouidence , care , and wisedome to be seene in . that little sparke of the light of nature which remaineth in vs , may serue vs for the affaires of this life . but as in all other matters concerning the kingdome of heauen , so principally in this which concerneth the very gouernment of that kingdome , needfull it is wee should be taught of god. as long as men are perswaded of any order that it is only of men , they presume of their owne vnderstanding , and they thinke to deuise an other not only as good , but better then that which they haue receiued . by seueritie of punishment , this presumption and curiositie may be restrained . but that cannot worke such chearefull obedience as is yeelded , where the conscience hath respect to god as the author of lawes and orders . this was it which countenanced the laws of moses , made concerning outward politie for the administration of holy things . the like some law giuers of the heathens did pretend , but falsely ; yet wisely discerning the vse of this perswasion . for the better obedience sake therfore it was expediēt , that god should be author of the politie of his church . but to what issue doth all this come ? a man would thinke that they which hold out with such discourses , were of nothing more fully perswaded thē of this , that the scripture hath set downe a complete forme of church-politie , vniuersall , perpetuall , altogether vnchangeable . for so it would follow if the premises were sound and strong to such effect as is pretended . notwithstanding they which haue thus formally maintained argument in defence of the first ouersight , are by the very euidence of truth themselues constrained to make this in effect their conclusion , that the scripture of god hath many thinges concerning church-politie ; that of those many some are of greater waight , some of lesse ; that what hath beene vrged as touching immutabilitie of lawes , it extendeth in truth no further then onely to lawes wherein thinges of greater moment are prescribed . now those things of greater moment , what are they ? forsooth , doctors , pastors , layelders , elderships compounded of these three ; synods consisting of many elderships ; deacons , women-church-seruants or widowes ; free consent of the people vnto actiōs of greatest moment , after they be by churches or synodes orderly resolued . all this forme of politie ( if yet wee may terme that a forme of building , when men haue laide a fewe rafters together , and those not all of the soundest neither ) but howsoeuer , all this forme they conclude is prescribed in such sort , that to adde to it any thing as of like importance , ( for so i thinke they meane ) or to abrogate of it any thing at all , is vnlawfull . in which resolution if they will firmely and constantly persist , i see not but that concerning the points which hitherto haue beene disputed of , they must agree that they haue molested the church with needelesse opposition ; and henceforward as we said before betake themselues wholly vnto the triall of particulars , whether euery of those thinges which they esteeme as principall , be eyther so esteemed of , or at all established for perpetuitie in holy scripture ; and whether any particular thing in our church-politie bee receiued other then the scripture alloweth of , eyther in greater thinges or in smaller . the matters wherein church-politie is conuersant , are the publique religious duties of the church , as the administration of the word and sacraments , prayers , spirituall censures and the like . to these the church standeth alwayes bound . lawes of politie are laws which appoint in what maner these duties shal be performed . in performance whereof because all that are of the church cannot ioyntly and equally worke , the first thing in politie required , is a difference of persons in the church , without which difference those functions cannot in orderly sort bee executed . hereupon we hold , that gods clergie are a state which hath bene and will be , as long as there is a church vpō earth , necessarie by the plaine word of god himselfe ; a state whereunto the rest of gods people must be subiect as touching things that appertaine to their soules health . for where politie is , it cannot but appoint some to be leaders of others , and some to be led by others . if the blind leade the blind , they both perish . it is with the clergie , if their persons be respected , euen as it is with other men ; their qualitie many times farre beneath that , which the dignitie of their place requireth . howbeit according to the order of politie , they being the lightes of the world , others ( though better and wiser ) must that way be subiect vnto them . againe , for as much as where the clergie are any great multitude , order doth necessarily require that by degrees they be distinguished ; wee holde there haue euer bene and euer ought to be in such case , at least wise two sorts of ecclesiasticall persons , the one subordinate vnto the other ▪ as to the apostles in the beginning , and to the bishops alwaies since , wee finde plainely both in scripture and in all ecclesiasticall records , other ministers of the word and sacraments haue bene . moreouer it cannot enter into any mans conceipt to thinke it lawfull , that euery man which listeth should take vpon him charge in the church ; and therefore a solemne admittance is of such necessitie , that without it there can be no church-politie . a number of particularities there are , which make for the more conuenient being of these principall & perpetuall parts in ecclesiasticall politie , but yet are not of such constant vse and necessitie in gods church . of this kind are times and places appointed for the exercise of religion ; specialties belonging to the publike solemnitie of the word , the sacraments and praier ; the enlargement or abridgement of functions ministeriall depending vpon those two principall before mentioned ; to conclude , euen whatsoeuer doth by way of formalitie & circumstance concerne any publique action of the church . now although that which the scripture hath of thinges in the former kind be for euer permanent ; yet in the later both much of that which the scripture teacheth is not alwaies needfull ; and much the church of god shall alwaies neede which the scripture teacheth not . so as the forme of politie by thē set downe for perpetuitie , is three waies faultie . faultie in omitting some things which in scripture are of that nature , as namely the difference that ought to bee of pastors when they grow to any great multitude ; faultie in requiring doctors , deacons , widowes , and such like ; as thinges of perpetuall necessitie by the law of god , which in truth are nothing lesse ; faultie also in vrging some thinges by scripture immutable , as their layelders , which the scripture neither maketh immutable , nor at all teacheth , for any thing either we can as yet find , or they haue hitherto beene able to proue . but hereof more in the bookes that followe . as for those maruellous discourses , wherby they aduenture to argue that god must needs haue done the thing which they imagine was to be done ; i must confesse i haue often wondred at their exceeding boldnesse herein . when the question is whether god haue deliuered in scripture ( as they affirme he hath ) a complet particular immutable forme of church-politie ; why take they that other both presumptuous and superfluous labour , to proue he should haue done it ; there being no way in this case to proue the deede of god , sauing only by producing that euidence wherein he hath done it ? but if there be no such thing apparent vpon record , they do as if one should demaund a legacie by force and vertue of some written testament , wherein there being no such thing specified , hee pleadeth that there it must needes be , and bringeth argumēts from the loue or good-will which alwaies the testatour bore him , imagining that these or the like proofes will conuict a testament to haue that in it , which other mē can no where by reading find . in matters which concerne the actions of god , the most dutiful way on our part is to search what god hath done , and with meeknes to admire that , rather thē to dispute what he in congruitie of reason ought to do . the waies which he hath whereby to do all things for the greatest good of his church , are mo in number thē we can search , other in nature thē that we should presume to determine which of many should be the fittest for him to choose , till such time as we see he hath chosen of many some one ; which one wee then may boldly conclude to be the fittest , because he hath taken it before the rest . when we doe otherwise , surely we exceede our bounds , who and where we are we forget ; and therefore needfull it is that our pride in such cases be controld , and our disputes beaten backe with those demands of the blessed apostle . how vnsearchable are his iudgements , and his waies past finding out ? who hath knowne the minde of the lord , or who was his counsellor ? the fourth booke : concerning their third assertion , that our forme of church-politie is corrupted with popish orders , rites and ceremonies , banished out of certaine reformed churches , whose example therein we ought to haue followed . the matter conteined in this fourth booke . how great vse ceremonies haue in the church . the first thing they blame in the kinde of our ceremonies is , that wee haue not in them auncient apostolicall simplicitie , but a greater pompe & statelinesse . the second , that so many of them are the same which the church of rome vseth ; and the reasons which they bring to proue them for that cause blame worthy . how when they go about to expound what popish ceremonies they meane , they contradict their owne arguments against popish ceremonies . an answere to the argument whereby they would proue , that sith wee allow the customes of our fathers to be followed , we therefore may not allow such customes as the church of rome hath , because we cānot account of thē which are in that church as of our fathers . to their allegation that the course of gods owne wisedome doth make against our conformitie with the church of rome in such things . to the example of the eldest church which they bring for the same purpose . that it is not our best politie ( as they pretend it is ) for establishment of sound religion to haue in these thinges no agreement with the church of rome being vnsound . that neither the papists vpbraiding vs as furnished out of their store , nor any hope which in that respect they are said to conceiue , doth make any more against our ceremonies then the former allegations haue done . the griefe which they say godly brethren conceiue , at such ceremonies as we haue common with the church of rome . the third thing for which they reproue a great part of our ceremonies is , for that as we haue them from the church of rome , so that church had them from the iewes . the fourth , for that sundry of them haue bene ( they say ) abused vnto idolatrie , and are by that meane become scandalous . the fift for that we retaine them still notwithstanding the example of certaine churches reformed before vs , which haue cast them out . a declaration of the proceedings of the church of england for the establishment of things as they are . svch was the ancient simplicitie and softnes of spirit which sometimes preuailed in the world , that they whose wordes were euen as oracles amongst men , seemed euermore loth to giue sentence against any thing publiquely receiued in the church of god , except it were wonderfull apparently euill ; for that they did not so much incline to that seueritie , which delighteth to reproue the least things it seeth amisse ▪ as to that charity , which is vnwilling to behold any thing that dutie bindeth it to reproue . the state of this present age , wherein zeale hath drowned charitie , & skill meeknes , wil not now suffer any mā to maruel whatsoeuer he shal hear reproued by whōsoeuer . those rites & ceremonies of the church therefore , which are the selfesame now that they were whē holy & vertuous men maintained thē against prophane and deriding aduersaries , her owne children haue at this day in derision . whether iustly or no , it shall then appeare , when all thinges are heard which they haue to alleage against the outward receiued orders of this church . which in as much as thēselues do compare vnto mint and comin , graunting thē to be no part of those things which in the matter of politie are waightier , we hope that for small things their strife will neither bee earnest nor long . the sifting of that which is obiected against the orders of the church in particular , doth not belong vnto this place . here we are to discusse onely those generall exceptions , which haue bene taken at any time against them . first therfore to the end that their nature and vse whereunto they serue may plainely appeare , and so afterwardes their qualitie the better be discerned ; we are to note that in euery grand or main publique dutie which god requireth at the hāds of his church , there is , besides that matter and forme wherein the essence therof consisteth , a certaine outward fashion whereby the same is in decent sort administred . the substance of all religious actions is deliuered from god himself in few words . for example sake in the sacraments , vnto the element let the word be added , and they both doe make a sacrament , saith s. augustine . baptisme is giuen by the element of water , and that prescript forme of words which the church of christ doth vse ; the sacrament of the body and bloud of christ is administred in the elements of bread and wine , if those mysticall words be added thereunto . but the due and decent forme of administring those holy sacramēts , doth require a great deale more . the end which is aimed at in setting downe the outward forme of all religious actiōs , is the edification of the church . now men are edified , when either their vnderstanding is taught somewhat whereof in such actions it behoueth all men to consider ; or whē their harts are moued with any affectiō suteable therunto , whē their minds are in any sort stirred vp vnto that reuerence , deuotion , attention & due regard , which in those cases seemeth requisit . because therfore vnto this purpose not only speech , but sundry sēsible means besides haue alwaies bin thought necessary , & especially those means which being obiect to the eye , the liueliest & the most apprehensiue sense of all other , haue in that respect seemed the fittest to make a deepe and strong impression ; from hence haue risen not onely a number of praiers , readings , questionings , exhortings , but euen of visible signes also ; which being vsed in performance of holy actions , are vndoubtedly most effectual to open such matter , as men when they know & remēber carefully , must needs be a great deale the better informed to what effect such duties serue . we must not thinke but that there is some ground of reason euen in nature , whereby it commeth to passe , that no nation vnder heauen either doth or euer did suffer publique actiōs which are of waight , whether they be ciuil and temporall , or else spirituall and sacred , to passe without some visible solemnitie ; the very strangenes whereof and difference from that which is common , doth cause popular eyes to obserue and to marke the same . wordes both because they are common , and doe not so strongly moue the phancie of man , are for the most parte but sleightly heard : and therfore with singular wisdome it hath bene prouided ▪ that the deeds of men which are made in the presence of witnesses , should passe not onely with words , but also with certaine sensible actions , the memory wherof is farre more easie and durable then the memorie of speech can be . the things which so long experience of all ages hath confirmed and made profitable , let not vs presume to condemne as follies and toyes , because wee sometimes know not the cause and reason of them . a wit disposed to scorne whatsoeuer it doth not conceiue , might aske wherefore abraham should say to his seruant , put thy hand vnder my thigh and sweare : was it not sufficient for his seruant to shew the religion of an othe , by naming the lord god of heauen and earth , vnlesse that straunge ceremonie were added ? in contracts , bargaines and conueiances , a mans worde is a token sufficient to expresse his wil. yet this was the auncient maner in israell concerning redeeming and exchanging to establish all things ; a man did pluck off his shooe , and gaue it his neighbour ; and this was a sure witnesse in israel . amongst the romans in their making of a bondman free , was it not wondred wherefore so great a doe should bee made ? the maister to present his slaue in some court , to take him by the hand , and not onely to say in the hearing of the publique magistrate , i will that this man become free , but after these solemne wordes vttered , to strike him on the cheeke , to turne him round , the haire of his head to be shaued off , the magistrate to touch him thrise with a rod , in the end a cap and a white garment to be giuen him . to what purpose all this circumstance ? amongst the hebrewes how strange & in outward appearance almost against reason , that he which was minded to make himselfe a perpetuall seruant , should not only testifie so much in the presence of the iudge , but for a visible token thereof haue also his eare bored through with a nawle ? it were an infinite labour to prosecute these things so far as they might be exempplified both in ciuill and religious actions . for in bothe they haue their necessary vse and force . a the sensible things which religion hath allowed , are resemblances framed according to things spiritually vnderstood , wherunto they serue as a hand to lead and a way to direct . and whereas it may peraduenture be obiected , that to adde to religious duties such rites and ceremonies as are significant ; is to institute new sacraments : sure i am they will not say that numa pompilius did ordaine a sacrament , a significant ceremonie he did ordaine , in commanding the priests b to execute the work of their diuine seruice with their handes as farre as to the fingers couered ; thereby signifiing that fidelitie must be defended , and that mens right handes are the sacred seate thereof . againe we are also to put them in mind , that themselues do not holde all significant ceremonies for sacramentes ; in as much as imposition of handes they denie to be a sacrament ; and yet they giue thereunto a forcible signification . for concerning it their words are these , c the party ordained by this ceremony , was put in mind of his seperation to the worke of the lord , that remembring himselfe to be taken as it were with the hand of god from amongst others , this might teach him not to account himselfe now his owne , nor to doe what himselfe listeth ; but to consider that god hath set him about a worke , which if he will discharge & accomplish , he may at the hands of god assure himselfe of reward ; and if otherwise , of reuenge . touching significant ceremonies , some of thē are sacramēts , some as sacramēts only . sacraments are those , which are signes & tokēs of some general promised grace , which alwaies really descendeth from god vnto the soule that duly receiueth thē : other significant tokēs are onely as sacraments , yet no sacraments . which is not our distinction but theirs ▪ for concerning the apostles imposition of handes , these are their owne words ; manuum signum hoc & quasi sacramentum vsurparunt ; they vsed this signe , or as it were sacrament . concerning rites and ceremonies , there may be fault , either in the kinde , or in the number and multitude of them . the first thing blamed about the kind of ours is , that in many thinges we haue departed from the auncient simplicitie of christ and his apostles , we haue embraced more outward statelinesse , we haue those orders in the exercise of religion , which they who best pleased god and serued him most deuoutly neuer had . for it is out of doubt , that the first state of thinges was best , that in the prime of christian religion faith was soundest , the scriptures of god were then best vnderstood by all men , all parts of godlines did then most abound ▪ and therefore it must needes follow , that customes lawes and ordinances deuised since , are not so good for the church of christ ; but the best way is to cut off later inuentions , and to reduce thinges vnto the auntient state wherin at the first they were . which rule or canō we hold to be either vncertain , or at leastwise vnsufficient ; if not bothe . for in case it be certain , hard it cannot be for them to shew vs , where we shall finde it so exactly set downe , that wee may say without all controuersie , these were the orders of the apostles times , these wholly and onely , neither fewer nor moe then these . true it is that many things of this nature be alluded vnto , yea many thinges declared , and many thinges necessarily collected out of the apostles writings . but is it necessary that all the orders of the church which were then in vse should be contained in their bookes ? surely no. for if the tenor of their writinges be well obserued , it shall vnto any man easily appeare , that no more of them are there touched , then were needfull to be spoken of somtimes by one occasion and sometimes by another . will they allow then of any other records besides ? well assured i am they are farre enough from acknowledging that the church ought to keepe any thing as apostolicall , which is not found in the apostles writings ▪ in what other recordes soeuer it be found . and therefore whereas s. augustine affirmeth , that those thinges which the whole church of christ doth hold , may well be thought to bee apostolicall , although they be not found written ; this his iudgement they vtterly condemne . i will not here stand in defence of s. augustines opinion , which is that such thinges are indeede apostolicall ; but yet with this exception , vnlesse the decree of some generall councell haue happily caused them to be receiued : for of positiue lawes and orders receiued throughout the whole christian world , s. augustine could imagine no other fountaine saue these two . but to let passe s. augustine , they who condemne him herein , must needs confesse it a very vncertaine thing what the orders of the church were in the apostles times , seeing the scriptures doe not mention them all , and other records thereof besides they vtterly reiect . so that in tying the church to the orders of the apostles times , they tie it to a maruellous vncertain rule ; vnlesse they require the obseruatiō of no orders but only those which are knowne to be apostolicall by the apostles owne writings . but then is not this their rule of such sufficiencie , that we should vse it as a touchstone to trie the orders of the church by for euer . our ende ought alwaies to bee the same ; our waies and meanes thereunto not so . the glory of god and the good of his church was the thing which the apostles aymed at , and therefore ought to bee the marke whereat we also leuell . but seeing those rites and orders may be at one time more , which at an other are lesse auaileable vnto that purpose : what reason is there in these thinges to vrge the state of one onely age , as a patterne for all to followe ? it is not i am right sure their meaning , that we should now assemble our people to serue god in close & secret meetings ; or that common brookes or riuers should be vsed for places of baptisme ; or that the eucharist should be ministred after meate ; or that the custome of church feasting should bee renued ; or that all kinde of standing prouision for the ministrie should be vtterly taken away , and their estate made againe dependent vpon the voluntary deuotion of men . in these thinges they easily perceiue how vnfit that were for the present , which was for the first age conuenient enough . the faith zeale & godlines of former times is worthily had in honour : but doth this proue that the orders of the church of christ must bee still the selfesame with theirs ▪ that nothing may be which was not then , or that nothing which then was may lawfully since haue ceased ? they who recall the church vnto that which was at the first , must necessarily set boundes and limits vnto their speeches . if any thing haue bene receiued repugnant vnto that which was first deliuered , the first things in this case must stand , the last giue place vnto them . but where difference is without repugnancie , that which hath bene can be no preiudice to that which is . let the state of the people of god when they were in the house of bondage , and their maner of seruing god in a strange land , be compared with that which canaan and ierusalem did afford , and who seeth not what huge difference there was betweene them ? in aegypt it may be they were right glad to take some corner of a poore cottage , & there to serue god vpon their knees , peraduenture couered in dust and strawe sometimes . neither were they therefore the lesse accepted of god ; but he was with them in all their afflictions , and at the length by working their admirable deliuerance , did testifie that they serued him not in vaine . notwithstanding in the very desert they are no sooner possest of some little thing of their owne , but a tabernacle is required at their handes . beeing planted in the land of canaan , and hauing dauid to be their king , when the lord had giuen him rest from all his enemies , it greeued his religious minde to consider the growth of his owne estate and dignitie , the affaires of religion continuing still in the former manner : beholde now i dwell in an house of cedar trees , and the arke of god remaineth still within curtaines . what hee did purpose , it was the pleasure of god that salomon his sonne should performe , and performe it in maner suteable vnto their present , nor their auncient estate and condition . for which cause salomon writeth vnto the king of tyrus ; the house which i build is great and wonderfull ; for great is our god aboue all gods. whereby it clearely appeareth , that the orders of the church of god may bee acceptable vnto him , as well being framed sutable to the greatnes and dignitie of later , as when they keepe the reuerend simplicitie of aunciente● times . such dissimilitude therefore betweene vs and the apostles of christ , in the order of some outward things , is no argument of default . yea but wee haue framed our selues to the customes of the church of rome ; our orders and ceremonies are papisticall . it is espied that our church-founders were not so carefull as in this matter they should haue bene , but contented themselues with such discipline as they took from the church of rome . their error we ought to reforme by abolishing all popish orders . there must bee no communion nor fellowship with papistes , neither in doctrine , ceremonies , nor gouernment . it is not enough that wee are deuided from the church of rome by the single wall of doctrine , reteining as we do part of their ceremonies , and almost their whole gouernment : but gouernment or ceremonies or whatsoeuer it be which is popish , away with it . this is the thing they require in vs , the vtter relinquishment of all thinges popish . wherein to the ende wee may answer them according vnto their plaine direct meaning , and not take aduantage of doubtfull speech , whereby controuersies growe alwaies endlesse ; their maine position being this , that nothing should bee placed in the church but what god in his word hath commaunded , they must of necessitie holde all for popish , which the church of rome hath ouer and besides this . by popish orders ceremonies and gouernment they must therefore meane in euery of these so much , as the church of rome hath embraced without commandement of gods word : so that whatsoeuer such thing we haue , if the church of rome haue it also ; it goeth vnder the name of those thinges that are popish , yea although it be lawfull , although agreeable to the word of god. for so they plainely affirme saying : although the formes and ceremonies which they ( the church of rome ) vsed were not vnlawfull , and that they contained nothing which is not agreeable to the word of god ; yet notwithstanding neither the word of god , nor reason , nor the examples of the eldest churches both iewish and christian ; do permit vs to vse the same formes and ceremonies , being neither commanded of god , neither such as there may not as good as they and rather better be established . the question therefore is , whether we may follow the church of rome in those orders , rites and ceremonies , wherein wee doe not thinke them blameable ; or else ought to deuise others , and to haue no conformitie with them , no not as much as in these thinges . in this sense and construction therefore as they affirme , so we denie , that whatsoeuer is popish wee ought to abrogate . their arguments to proue that generally all popish orders and ceremonies ought to be cleane abolished , are in summe these ? first whereas wee allow the iudgement of saint augustine , that touching those thinges of this kinde which are not commaunded or forbidden in the scripture , wee are to obserue the custome of the people of god , and decree of our forefathers : how can we retaine the customes and constitutions of the papistes in such things , who were neither the people of god nor our forefathers ? secondly although the formes and ceremonies of the church of rome were not vnlawfull , neither did containe any thing which is not agreeable to the word of god ; yet neither the worde of god , nor the example of the eldest churches of god , nor reason doe permit vs to vse the same ; they being heretiques , and so neare about vs , and their orders beeing neither commaunded of god , nor yet such but that as good or rather better may be established . it is against the word of god , to haue conformitie with the church of rome in such things ; as appeareth in that the wisdome of god hath thought it a good way to keepe his people from infection of idolatry and superstition , by seuering them from idolaters in outward ceremonies ; and therefore hath forbidden them to doe thinges which are in themselues very lawfull to be done : and further whereas the lorde was carefull to seuer them by ceremonies from other nations ; yet was he not so careful to seuer them from any , as from the aegyptians amongst whom they liued , and from those nations which were next neighbours vnto them , because from thē was the greatest feare of infection . so that following the course which the wisdom of god doth teach , it were more safe for vs to cōforme our indifferent ceremonies to the turkes which are farre off , then to the papists which are so neare . touching the example of the eldest churches of god , in one councell it was decreed , that christians should not decke their houses with baye leaues and greene boughes , because the pagans did vse so to doe ; and that they should not rest from their labours those daies that the pagans did , that they should not keepe the first day of euery month as they did . another councell decreed , that christians should not celebrate feastes on the birth daies of the martyrs , because it was the manner of the heathē . o saith tertullian , better is the religion of the heathen : for they vse no solemnitie of the christians , neither the lordes daye , neither the pentecost , and if they knew them ▪ they would haue nothing to doe with them ; for they would be afraide least they should seeme christians : but we are not afraid to be called heathen . the same tertullian would not haue christians to sit after they had prayed , because the idolaters did so . whereby it appeareth , that both of particular men and of councels , in making or abolishing of ceremonies heed hath bene taken that the christians should not be like the idolaters , no not in those thinges which of themselues are most indifferent to b● vsed or not vsed . the same cōformitie is not lesse opposite vnto reason ; first in as much as contraries must be cured by their contraries ; and therefore poperie being antichristianitie is not healed , but by establishment of orders thereunto opposite . the way to bring a drunken mā to sobrietie , is to carry him as far frō excesse of drink as may be . to rectifie a crooked sticke , we bend it on the contrary side , as farre as it was at the first on that side from whence we drawe it ; and so it commeth in the ende to a middle betweene both , which is perfect straightnes . vtter inconformitie therefore with the church of rome in these thinges , is the best and surest policie which the church can vse . while we vse their ceremonies , they take occasion to blaspheme , saying that our religion cannot stand by it selfe , vnlesse it leane vpon the staffe of their ceremonies . they hereby conceiue great hope of hauing the rest of their popery in the end , which hope causeth them to be more frozen in their wickednesse . neither is it without cause that they haue this hope , cōsidering that which maister bucer noteth vpō the . of saint mathew , that where these thinges haue bene left , popery hath returned ; but on the other part in places which haue bene cleansed of these thinges , it hath not yet bene seene that it hath had any entrance . none make such clamors for these ceremonies , as the papists and those whom they suborne ; a manifest token how much they triumph and ioy in these thinges . they breede griefe of minde in a number that are godly minded , and haue antichristianitie in such detestation , that their mindes are martyred with the very sight of them in the church . such godly brethren we ought not thus to grieue with vnprofitable ceremonies , yea ceremonies wherein there is not onely no profit , but also daunger of great hurt that may growe to the church by infection , which popish ceremonies are meanes to breede . this in effect is the summe and substance of that which they bring by way of oppositiō against those orders which we haue commō with the church of rome ; these are the reasons wherewith they would proue our ceremonies in that respect worthy of blame . before we answere vnto these thinges , we are to cut off that , wherunto they from whom these obiections proceed , do oftentimes flie for defence and succor , when the force and strength of their argumēts is elided . for the ceremonies in vse amōgst vs , being in no other respect retained , sauing onely for that to retaine thē is to our seeming good and profitable , yea so profitable and so good , that if we had either simply taken them cleane away , or els remoued them so as to place in their stead others , we had done worse : the plaine & direct way against vs herein had bin only to proue , that all such ceremonies as they require to be abolished are retained by vs with the hurt of the church , or with lesse benefit thē the abolishmēt of thē would bring . but for as much as they saw how hardly they should be able to perform this ; they took a more compendious way , traducing the ceremonies of our church vnder the name of being popish . the cause why this way seemed better vnto them was , for that the name of popery is more odious then very paganisme amongst diuers of the more simple sorte ; so as whatsoeuer they heare named popish , they presently conceiue deepe hatred against it , imagining there cā be nothing cōtained in that name , but needs it must be exceeding detestable . the eares of the people they haue therfore filled with strong clamor ; the church of englād is fraught with popish ceremonies : they that fauour the cause of reformatiō , maintaine nothing but the sinceritie of the gospel of iesus christ : all such as withstand them , fight for the lawes of his sworne enemie , vphold the filthy reliques of antichrist ; and are defenders of that which is popish . these are the notes wherewith are drawn from the harts of the multitude so many sighs ; with these tunes their mindes are exasperated against the lawfull guides and gouernours of their souls ; these are the voices that fil thē with general discōtentment , as though the bosome of that famous church wherin they liue , were more noysome then any dungeon . but when the authors of so scandalous incantations are examined and called to account how they can iustifie such their dealings ; when they are vrged directly to answere , whether it be lawfull for vs to vse any such ceremonies as the church of rome vseth , although the same be not cōmanded in the word of god ; being driuen to see that the vse of some such ceremonies must of necessitie be granted lawfull , they go about to make vs beleeue that they are iust of the same opinion , and that they only think such ceremonies are not to be vsed when they are vnprofitable , or when as good or better may be established . which answer is both idle in regard of vs , and also repugnant to themselues . it is in regard of vs very vaine to make this answere , because they know that what ceremonies we retaine common vnto the church of rome , wee therefore retaine them , for that we iudge them to be profitable , and to be such that others in stead of them would be worse . so that when they say that we ought to abrogate such romish ceremonies as are vnprofitable , or els might haue other more profitable in their stead ; they trifle and they beat the aire about nothing which toucheth vs , vnlesse they meane that wee ought to abrogate all romish ceremonies , which in their iudgement haue either no vse , or lesse vse then some other might haue . but then must they shewe some commission , wherby they are authorized to sit as iudges , and we required to take their iudgement for good in this case . otherwise their sentences will not be greatly regarded , when they oppose their me thinketh vnto the orders of the church of england : as in the question about surplesses one of them doth ; if we looke to the colour , blacke me thinketh is more decent ; if to the forme , a garment downe to the foote hath a great deale more cōlinesse in it . if they thinke that we ought to proue the ceremonies cōmodious which we haue reteined , they do in this point very greatly deceiue themselues . for in all right & equity ; that which the church hath receiued & held so long for good , that which publique approbation hath ratified , must cary the benefit of presumption with it to be accompted meet and conuenient . they which haue stood vp as yesterday to challenge it of defect , must proue their challenge . if we being defendants do answer , that the ceremonies in question are godly , comely , decent , profitable for the church ▪ their reply is childish & vnorderly to say , that we demaund the thing in question , & shew the pouerty of our cause , the goodnes wherof we are faine to begge that our aduersaries would graunt . for on our part this must be the aunswere , which orderly proceeding doth require . the burthen of prouing doth rest on them . in them it is friuolous to say , we ought not to vse bad ceremonies of the church of rome , and presume all such bad as it pleaseth themselues to dislike ; vnlesse we can perswade them the contrary . besides , they are herin opposite also to themselues . for what one thing is so common with thē , as to vse the custome of the church of rome for an argument to proue , that such & such ceremonies cānot be good & profitable for vs , in as much as that church vseth them ? which vsual kind of disputing , sheweth that they do not disallow onely those romish ceremonies which are vnprofitable , but count all vnprofitable which are romish ; that is to say , which haue bene deuised by the church of rome , or which are vsed in that church , and not prescribed in the word of god. for this is the onely limitation which they can vse sutable vnto their other positions . and therefore the cause which they yeeld , why they hold it lawfull to reteine in doctrine and in discipline some things as good , which yet are common to the church of rome , is for that those good things are perpetual commandements , in whose place no other can come ; but ceremonies are changeable . so that their iudgement in truth is , that whatsoeuer by the word of god is not changeable in the church of rome , that churches vsing is a cause , why reformed churches ought to change it , and not to thinke it good or profitable . and least we seeme to father any thing vpon them more thē is properly their owne , let them reade euen their owne words , where they complaine that we are thus constrained to be like vnto the papists in any their ceremonies ; yea they vrge that this cause although it were alone , ought to moue them to whom that belongeth to do thē away , for as much as they are their ceremonies , and that the b. of salisbury doth iustifie this their complaint . the clause is vntrue which they adde concerning the b. of salisbury ; but the sentence doth shew , that we do them no wrōg in setting downe the state of the question betweene vs thus ; whether we ought to abolish out of the church of england all such orders , rites and ceremonies , as are established in the church of rome , and are not prescribed in the word of god. for the affirmatiue whereof we are now to answer such proofes of theirs as haue bene before alleaged . let the church of rome be what it will , let them that are of it be the people of god and our fathers in the christian faith , or let them be otherwise , hold them for catholiques , or hold them for heretiques , it is not a thing either one way or other in this present question greatly material . our conformity with thē in such things as haue bene proposed , is not proued as yet vnlawfull by all this s. augustine hath said , yea and we haue allowed his saying ; that the custome of the people of god , and the decrees of our forefathers are to be kept , touching those things wherof the scripture hath neither one way nor other giuen vs any charge . what then ? doth it here therfore follow , that they being neither the people of god nor our forefathers , are for that cause in nothing to be followed ? this consequent were good , if so be it were graunted , that onely the custome of the people of god & the decrees of our forefathers are in such case to be obserued . but then should no other kind of later laws in the church be good , which were a grosse absurdity to think . s. augustines speech therefore doth import , that where we haue no diuine precept , if yet we haue the custome of the people of god , or a decree of our forefathers ; this is a law and must be kept . notwithstanding it is not denied , but that we lawfully may obserue the positiue constitutions of our owne churches , although the same were but yesterday made by our selues alone . nor is there any thing in this to proue , that the church of england might not by law receiue orders , rites or customes from the church of rome , although they were neither the people of god nor yet our forefathers . how much lesse when we haue receiued from them nothing , but that which they did themselues receiue from such , as we cannot deny to haue bene the people of god , yea such as either we must acknowledge for our owne forefathers , or else disdaine the race of christ ? the rites and orders wherein we follow the church of rome , are of no other kind thē such as the church of geneua it selfe doth follow thē in . we follow the church of rome in moe things ; yet they in some things of the same nature about which our present controuersie is : so that the difference is not in the kind , but in the number of rites only , wherein they and we do follow the church of rome . the vse of wafer-cakes , the custom of godfathers & godmothers in baptisme , are things not commanded nor forbidden in scripture ; things which haue bene of old , & are reteined in the church of rome euen at this very hower . is conformity with rome in such things a blemish vnto the church of england , & vnto churches abroad an ornament ? let thē , if not for the reuerence they ow vnto this church , in the bowels wherof they haue receiued i trust that pretious and blessed vigor , which shall quicken thē to eternall life ; yet at the leastwise for the singular affection which they do beare towards others , take heed how they strike , least they wound whom they would not . for vndoubtedly it cutteth deeper thē they are aware of , whē they plead that euē such ceremonis of the church of rome , as cōteine in thē nothing which is not of it selfe agreeable to the word of god , ought neuerthelesse to be abolished ; and that neither the word of god , nor reason , nor the examples of the eldest churches , do permit the church of rome to be therin followed . heretiques they are , & they are our neighbors . by vs and amongst vs they lead their liues . but what then ? therfore no ceremony of theirs lawfull for vs to vse ? w●●ust yeeld and will that none are lawfull , if god himself be a precedēt against the vse of any . but how appeareth it that god is so ? hereby they say it doth appeare , in that god seuered his people from the heathens , but specially from the aegyptians , and such nations as were neerest neighbors vnto them , by forbidding them to do those things , which were in themselues very lawfull to be done , yea very profitable some and incommodious to be forborne : such things it pleased god to forbid them , only because those heathens did them , with whom conformity in the same things might haue bred infection . thus in shauing , cutting , apparell wearing , yea in sundry kinds of meates also , swines flesh , conies , and such like , they were forbidden to do so and so , because the gentiles did so . and the end why god forbad them such things was , to seuer them for feare of infection by a great and an high wall from other nations , as s. paul teacheth . the cause of more carefull separation from the neerest nations , was the greatnesse of danger to be especially by them infected . now papists are to vs as those nations were vnto israell . therefore if the wisdome of god be our guide , we cannot allow conformity with them , no not in any such indifferent ceremonie . our direct answer hereunto is , that for any thing here alleaged we may still doubt , whether the lord in all such indifferēt ceremonies as those whereof we dispute , did frame his people of set purpose vnto any vtter dissimilitude , either with aegyptians , or with any other nation else . and if god did not forbid them all such indifferent ceremonies ; then our conformity with the church of rome in some such is not hitherto as yet disproued , although papists were vnto vs as those heathens were vnto israell . after the doings of the land of aegypt , wherein you dwelt , ye shall not do , saith the lord ; and after the maner of the land of canaan , whether i will bring you , shall ye not do , neither walke in their ordinances : do after my iudgements , and keepe my ordinances to walke therein : i am the lord your god. the speech is indefinite , ye shall not be like them : it is not generall , ye shall not be like them in any thing , or like vnto them in any thing indifferent , or like vnto them in any indifferent ceremony of theirs . seeing therefore it is not set downe how farre the bounds of his speech concerning dissimilitude should reach ; how can any man assure vs , that it extēdeth farder then to those things only , wherin the nations there mentioned were idolatrous , or did against that which the law of god commandeth ? nay doth it not seem a thing very probable , that god doth purposely adde , do after my iudgements ; as giuing therby to vnderstād , that his meaning in the former sentence was but to bar similitude in such things , as were repugnant vnto the ordinances , lawes and statutes which he had giuen ▪ aegyptians and cananites are for example sake named vnto them , because the customes of the one they had bin , and of the other they should be best acquainted with . but that wherein they might not be like vnto either of them , was such peraduenture as had beene no whit lesse vnlawfull , although those nations had neuer bene . so that there is no necessitie to thinke , that god for feare of infection by reason of neernes forbad them to be like to the cananites or the aegyptians , in those things which otherwise had bene lawfull enough . for i would know what one thing was in those nations , and is here forbidden , being indifferent in it self , yet forbidden onely because they vsed it . in the laws of israel we find it written , ye shal not cut round the corners of your heads , neither shalt thou teare the tufts of thy beard . these things were vsuall amongst those nations , & in themselues they are indifferent . but are they indifferent being vsed as signes of immoderate and hopeles lamentation for the dead ? in this sense it is that the law forbiddeth them . for which cause the very next words following are , ye shal not cut your flesh for the dead , nor make any print of a marke vpon you ; i am the lord. the like in leuiticus , where speech is of mourning for the dead , they shal not make bald parts vpō their head , nor shaue off the locks of their beard , nor make any cutting in their flesh . againe in deuteronomy , ye are the children of the lord your god ; ye shal not cut your selues , nor make you baldnes betweene your eyes for the dead . what is this but in effect the same which the apostle doth more plainly expresse , saying , sorrow not as they do which haue no hope ? the very light of nature it selfe was able to see herein a fault ; that which those nations did vse , hauing bin also in vse with others , the ancient romane laws do forbid . that shauing therefore and cutting which the law doth mention , was not a matter in it selfe indifferent , and forbidden onely because it was in vse amongst such idolaters as were neighbours to the people of god ; but to vse it had bin a crime , though no other people or nation vnder heauen should haue done it sauing only themselues . as for those laws concerning attire , there shall no garment of linnen & wollen come vpon thee ; as also those touching food and diet , wherein swines flesh together with sundry other meates are forbidden ; the vse of these things had bene indeed of it selfe harmelesse and indifferent : so that hereby it doth appeare , how the law of god forbad in some speciall consideration , such things as were lawful inough in themselues . but yet euen here they likewise faile of that they intend . for it doth not appeare , that the consideration in regard whereof the law forbiddeth these things ▪ was because those nations did vse them . likely enough it is that the cananites vsed to feed as well on sheepes as on swines flesh ; & therefore if the forbidding of the later had no other reason thē dissimilitude with that people , they which of their own heads alleage this for reason , can shew i think some reason more thē we are able to find , why the former was not also forbiddē . might there not be some other mystery in this prohibition then they think of ? yes , some other mystery there was in it by all likelihood . for what reason is there which should but induce , and therefore much lesse enforce vs to thinke , that care of dissimilitude betweene the people of god & the heathen nations about thē , was any more the cause of forbidding them to put on garments of sundry stuffe , then of charging them withall not to sow their fields with mesline ; or that this was any more the cause of forbidding them to eate swines flesh , then of charging them withall not to eate the flesh of eagles , haukes , and the like ? wherefore although the church of rome were to vs , as to israell the aegyptians and cananites were of old ; yet doth it not follow , that the wisedome of god without respect doth teach vs to erect betweene vs and them a partition wall of difference , in such things indifferent as haue bene hitherto disputed of . neither is the example of the eldest churches a whit more auaileable to this purpose . notwithstanding some fault vndoubtedly there is in the very resemblance of idolaters . were it not some kind of blemish to be like vnto infidels and heathens , it would not so vsually be obiected ; men would not thinke it any aduantage in the causes of religion , to be able therewith iustly to charge their aduersaries as they do . wherefore to the ende that it may a little more plainely appeare , what force this hath , and how farre the same extendeth ; we are to note howe all men are naturally desirous , that they may seeme neither to iudge , not to do ●misse ; because euery errour and offence●s ▪ staine to the beauty of nature , for which cause it blusheth thereat , but glorieth in the contrary . from thence it riseth , that they which disgrace or depresse the credit of others , do it either in bothe or in one of these . to haue bene in either directed by a weake and vnperfect rule , argueth imbecillity and imperfection . men being either led by reason , or by imitation of other mens example ; if their persons be odious whose example we choose to follow , as namely if we frame our opinions to that which condemned heretiques thinke , or direct our actions according to that which is practised and done by them ; it lieth as an heauy preiudice against vs , vnlesse somewhat mightier then their bare example , did moue vs to thinke or do the same things with thē . christian mē therfore hauing besides the common light of all men so great helpe of heauenly directions from aboue , together with the lampes of so bright examples as the church of god doth yeeld ; it cannot but worthily seeme reprochfull for vs , to leaue both the one and the other , to become disciples vnto the most hatefull sort that liue , to do as they do , onely because we see their example before vs and haue a delight to follow it . thus we may therefore safely conclude , that it is not euill simply to concurre with the heathens either in opinion or in action : and that conformitie with them is onely then a disgrace , when either we follow them in that they thinke and do amisse , or followe them generally in that they do , without other reason then only the liking we haue to the paterne of their example ; which liking doth intimate a more vniuersall approbation of them then is allowable . faustus the manichey therfore obiecting against the iewes , that they forsooke the idols of the gentiles , but their temples , & oblations , & altars , and priesthoods , and all kinds of ministery of holy things , they exercised euen as the gentiles did , yea more superstitiously a great deale ; against the catholike christians likewise , that betweene them and the heathens there was in many things little difference , from them ( sayth faustus ) ye haue learned to hold that one onely god is the author of all , their sacrifices ye haue turned into feasts of charitie , their idols into martyrs whom ye honour with the like religious offices vnto theirs , the ghosts of the dead ye appease with wine and delicates , the festiuall dayes of the nations ye celebrate together with them and of their kind of life ye haue verily changed nothing : s. augustines defence in behalfe of bothe is , that touching the matters of action , iewes & catholique christians were free frō the gentiles faultines , euen in those things which were obiected as tokens of their agreemēt with the gentiles ; & concerning their consent in opinion , they did not hold the same with gentils because gentils had so taught , but because heauen & earth had so witnessed the same to be truth , that neither the one sort could erre in being fully perswaded thereof , nor the other but erre in case they should not consent with them . in things of their owne nature indifferent , if either coūcels or particular mē haue at any time with sound iudgement misliked conformity betweene the church of god & infidels , the cause therof hath bin somwhat else then only affectation of dissimilitude . they saw it necessary so to do , in respect of some speciall accident ; which the church being not alwaies subiect vnto , hath not stil cause to do the like . for exāple , in the dangerous daies of trial , wherein there was no way for the truth of iesus christ to triumph ouer infidelitie , but through the constancy of his saints whom yet a naturall desire to saue themselues from the flame , might peraduenture cause to ioyne with pagans in externall customes , too farre vsing the same as a cloake to conceale themselues in , and a mist to darken the eyes of infidels withall : for remedy hereof , those lawes it might be were prouided , which forbad that christians should decke their houses with boughes as the pagans did vse to do , or rest those festiuall dayes whereon the pagans rested , or celebrate such feasts as were , though not heathenish , yet such that the simpler sort of heathens might be beguiled in so thinking thē . as for tertullians iudgement concerning the rites and orders of the church , no man hauing iudgement can be ignorant how iust exceptions may be taken against it . his opinion touching the catholike church was as vnindifferent , as touching our church the opinion of them that fauour this pretended reformation is . he iudged all them who did not montanize , to be but carnally minded , he iudged them still ouer-abiectly to fawne vpon the heathens , and to curry fauour with infidels . which as the catholique church did well prouide that they might not do indeed , so tertullian ouer-often through discontentment carpeth iniuriously at them , as though they did it euen when they were free from such meaning . but if it were so that either the iudgement of those counsels before alleaged , or of tertullian himselfe against the christians , are in no such consideration to be vnderstood as we haue mentioned ; if it were so that men are condemned as well of the one as of the other , onely for vsing the ceremonies of a religion contrary vnto their owne ; & that this cause is such as ought to preuaile no lesse with vs then with them ; shall it not follow that seeing there is still betweene our religion and paganisme the selfe same contrarietie , therefore we are still no lesse rebukeable , if we now decke our houses with boughes , or send new yeares-gifts vnto our friends , or feast on those dayes which the gentiles then did , or sit after prayer as they were accustomed ? for so they inferre vpon the premises , that as great difference as commodiously may be , there should be in all outward ceremonies betweene the people of god and them which are not his people . againe they teach as hath bene declared , that there is not as great a difference as may be betweene them , except the one do auoide whatsoeuer rites and ceremonies vncommanded of god the other doth embrace . so that generally they teach , that the very difference of spirituall condition it selfe betweene the seruants of christ and others , requireth such difference in ceremonies betweene them , although the one be neuer so farre disioyned in time or place from the other . but in case the people of god and belial do chaunce to be neighbours ; then as the daunger of infection is greater , so the same difference they say is thereby made more necessary . in this respect as the iewes were seuered from the heathen , so most especially from the heathen neerest them . and in the same respect we , which ought to differ howsoeuer from the church of rome , are now they say by reason of our meerenesse more bound to differ from them in ceremonies then from turkes . a straunge kind of speech vnto christian eares , and such as i hope they themselues do acknowledge vnaduisedly vttered . we are not so much to feare infection from turkes as from papists . what of that ? we must remember that by conforming rather our selues in that respect to turkes , we should be spreaders of a worse infection into others ▪ then any we are likely to draw from papists by our conformity with them in ceremonies . if they did hate as turkes do , the christians ; or as cananites of old did the iewish religion euen in grosse ; the circumstance of locall neernes in them vnto vs , might happily enforce in vs a duty of greater separation from them , then from those other mentioned . but for as much as papists are so much in christ neerer vnto vs then turkes , is there any reasonable man trow you , but will iudge it meeter that our ceremonies of christian religion should be popish then turkish or heathenish ? especially considering that we were not brought to dwell amongst them ( as israell in canaan ) hauing not bene of them . for euen a very part of them we were . and when god did by his good spirit put it into our hearts , first to reforme our selues , ( whence grew our separation ) and then by all good meanes to seeke also their reformation ; had we not onely cut off their corruptions , but also estranged our selues from them in things indifferent ; who seeth not how greatly preiudiciall this might haue bene to so good a cause , and what occasion it had giuen them to thinke ( to their greater obduration in euill ) that through a froward or wanton desire of innouation , wee did vnconstrainedly those thinges , for which conscience was pretended ? howsoeuer the case doth stand , as iuda had beene rather to choose conformity in things indifferent with israell when they were neerest opposites , then with the farthest remoued pagans : so we in like case , much rather with papists then with turkes . i might adde further for more full and complete answere , so much concerning the large oddes betweene the case of the eldest churches in regard of those heathens , and ours in respect of the church of rome , that very cauillation it selfe should be satisfied , and haue no shift to flye vnto . but that no one thing may deteine vs ouer long , i returne to their reasons against our conformity with that church . that extreme dissimilitude which they vrge vpon vs , is now commended as our best & safest policie for establishment of sound religion . the ground of which politique position is , that euils must be cured by their contraries ; & therfore the cure of the church infected with the poyson of antichristianity , must be done by that which is therunto as cōtrary as may be . a medled estate of the orders of the gospell & the ceremonies of popery , is not the best way to banish popery . we are cōtrarywise of opiniō , that he which will perfectly recouer a sicke , and restore a diseased body vnto health , must not endeuor so much to bring it to a state of simple cōtrariety , as of fit proportion in contrariety vnto those euils which are to be cured . he that will take away extreme heat , by setting the body in extremity of cold , shall vndoubtedly remoue the disease , but together with it the diseased too . the first thing therefore in skilfull cures , is the knowledge of the part affected ; the next is of the euill which do affect it ; the last is not onely of the kind , but also of the measure of contrary things whereby to remoue it . they which measure religion by dislike of the church of rome , thinke euery man so much the more sound ; by how much he can make the corruptions thereof to seeme more large . and therefore some there are , namely the arrians in reformed churches of poland , which imagine the cancre to haue eaten so far into the very bones and marrow of the church of rome , as if it had not so much as a sound beliefe , no not cōcerning god himselfe , but that the very beliefe of the trinity were a part of antichristian corruption ; and that the wonderfull prouidence of god did bring to passe , that the bishop of the sea of rome should be famous for his triple crowne ; a sensible marke whereby the world might know him to be that mysticall beast spoken of in the reuelation , to be that great and notorious antichrist in no one respect so much , as in this that he maintaineth the doctrine of the trinity . wisdome therefore and skill is requisite to knowe , what parts are sound in that church , and what corrupted . neither is it to all men apparant which complaine of vnsound parts , with what kind of vnsoundnesse euery such part is possessed . they can say that in doctrine , in discipline , in prayers , in sacraments , the church of rome hath ( as it hath in deede ) very foule and grosse corruptions : the nature whereof notwithstanding because they haue not for the most part exact skill and knowledge to discerne , they thinke that amisse many times which is not , and the salue of reformation they mightily call for ; but where and what the sores are which need it , as they wote full little , so they thinke it not greatly materiall to search . such mens contentment must be wrought by stratageme : the vsuall methode of art is not for them . but with those that professe more then ordinary & common knowledge of good from euill , with them that are able to put a difference betweene things naught , & things indifferent in the church of rome , we are yet at controuersie about the maner of remouing that which is naught : whether it may not be perfectly helpt , vnlesse that also which is indifferent be cut off with it , so farre till no rite or ceremony remaine which the church of rome hath , being not found in the word of god. if we thinke this to extreme , they reply that to draw mē frō great excesse , it is not amisse though we vse them vnto somewhat lesse then is competent ; & that a crooked stick is not stieightned vnlesse it be bent as farre on the cleane contrary side , that so it may settle it selfe at the length in a middle estate of euennes between both . but how can these cōparisons stand them in any steed ? when they vrge vs to extreme opposition against the church of rome , do they meane we should be drawne vnto it onely for a time , and afterwards returne to a mediocrity ? or was it the purpose of those reformed churches , which vtterly abolished all popish ceremonies , to come in the end back againe to the middle point of euennesse and moderation ? then haue we conceiued amisse of their meaning . for we haue alwaies thought their opinion to be , that vtter inconformity with the church of rome was not an extremity wherunto we should be drawne for a time , but the very mediocrity it selfe wherein they meant we should euer continue . now by these comparisons it seemeth cleane contrarie , that howsoeuer they haue bent themselues at first to an extreme contrariety against the romish church , yet therin they wil continue no longer then only till such time as some more moderate course for establishmēt of the church may be concluded . yea , albeit this were not at the first their intent , yet surely now there is great cause to leade thē vnto it . they haue seene that experience of the former policie , which may cause the authors of it to hang downe their heads . when germany had strickē off that which appeared corrupt in the doctrine of the church of rome ▪ but seemed neuerthelesse in discipline still to reteine therewith very great conformitie : fraunce by that rule of policie which hath bene before mentioned , tooke away the popish orders which germany did reteine . but processe of time hath brought more light vnto the world ; whereby men perceiuing that they of the religion in france haue also reteined some orders which were before in the church of rome , and are not commaunded in the word of god ; there hath arisen a sect in england , which following still the very selfe same rule of policie , seeketh to reforme euen the french reformation , and purge out from thence also dregs of popery . these haue not taken as yet such roote that they are ●able to establish any thing . but if they had , what would spring out of their stocke , and how farre the vnquiet wit of man might be caried with rules of such policie , god doth know . the triall which we haue liued to see , may somewhat teach vs what posteritie is to feare . but our lord of his infinite mercie , auert whatsoeuer euill our swaruings on the one hand or on the other may threaten vnto the state of his church . that the church of rome doth hereby take occasion to blaspheme , and to say our religion is not able to stand of it selfe , vnlesse it leane vpon the staffe of their ceremonies , is not a matter of so great momēt , that it did need to be obiected , or doth deserue to receiue answer . the name of blasphemy in this place , is like the shoe of hercules on a childs foote . if the church of rome do vse any such kind of silly exprobration , it is no such ougly thing to the eare , that we should thinke the honour and credite of our religion to receiue thereby any great wound . they which hereof make so perilous a matter , do seeme to imagine , that we haue erected of late a frame of some new religion ; the furniture whereof we should not haue borrowed from our enemies , least they relieuing vs might afterwards laugh and gibe at our pouerty : whereas in truth the ceremonies which we haue taken from such as were before vs , are not things that belong to this or to that sect , but they are the auncient rites and customes of the church of christ ; whereof our selues being a part , we haue the selfe same interest in them which our fathers before vs had , from whom the same are descended vnto vs. againe in case we had bene so much beholding priuately vnto them , doth the reputation of one church stand by saying vnto another , i need thee not ? if some should be so vrine and impotent , as to marre a benefite with reprochfull vpbraiding , where at the least they suppose themselues to haue bestowed some good turne ; yet surely a wise bodies part it were not , to put out his fire , because his fond and foolish neighbour , from whom he borrowed peraduenture wherewith to kindle it , might happily cast him therewith in the teeth , saying , were it not for me thou wouldest freeze , and not be able to heate thy selfe . as for that other argument deriued from the secret affection of papists , with whom our conformitie in certaine ceremonies is sayd to put them in great hope , that their whole religion in time will haue reentrance ; and therefore none are so clamorous amongst vs for the obseruation of these ceremonies , as papists and such as papists suborne to speake for them , whereby it clearely appeareth how much they reioyce , how much they triumph in these things ; our aunswere hereunto is still the same , that the benefite we haue by such ceremonies ouerweigheth euen this also . no man which is not exceeding partiall can well deny , but that there is most iust cause wherefore we should be offended greatly at the church of rome . notwithstanding at such times as we are to deliberate for our selues , the freer our minds are from all distempered affections , the sounder & better is our iudgemēt . when we are in a fretting mood at the church of rome , and with that angry disposition enter into any cogitation of the orders & rites of our church ; taking particular suruey of them , we are sure to haue alwayes one eye fixed vpon the countenance of our enemies , and according to the blith or heauy aspect thereof , our other eye sheweth some other sutable token either of dislike or approbation towards our owne orders . for the rule of our iudgement in such case being onely that of homer , this is the thing which our enemies would haue ; what they seeme contented with , euen for that very cause we reiect ; & there is nothing but it pleaseth vs much the better , if we espy that it gauleth them . miserable were the state & condition of that church , the waighty affaires whereof should be ordered by those deliberations , wherein such an humor as this were perdominant . we haue most heartily to thanke god therefore , that they amongst vs to whom the first consultations of causes of this kind fell , were men which aiming at another marke , namely the glorie of god and the good of this his church , tooke that which they iudged thereunto necessary , not reiecting any good or conuenient thing , onely because the church of rome might perhaps like it . if we haue that which is meere and right , although they be glad , we are not to enuie them this their solace ; we do not thinke it a duty of ours , to be in euery such thing their tormentors . and whereas it is said , that popery for want of this vtter extirpation hath in some places taken roote and florished againe , but hath not beene able to reestablish it selfe in any place , after prouision made against it by vtter euacuation of all romish ceremonies ; and therefore as long as we hold any thing like vnto them , we put them in some more hope , then if all were taken away ; as we deny not but this may be true , so being of two euils to chuse the lesse , we hold it better , that the friends and fauorers of the church of rome , should be in some kind of hope to haue a corrupt religion restored , then both we and they conceiue iust feare , least vnder colour of rooting out popery , the most effectuall meanes to beare vp the state of religion be remooued , and so a way made either for paganisme , or for extreme barbāritie to enter . if desire of weakening the hope of others should turne vs away from the course we haue taken ; how much more the care of preuenting our owne feare withhold vs from that wee are vrged vnto ? especially seeing that our owne feare we knowe , but wee are not so certaine what hope the rites and orders of our church haue bred in the hearts of others . for it is no sufficient argument thereof to say , that in maintaining and vrging these ceremonies none are so clamorous as papists , and they whom papists suborne ; this speech being more hard to iustifie then the former , and so their proofe more doubtfull then the thing it selfe which they proue . he that were certaine that this is true , must haue marked who they be that speake for ceremonies ; he must haue noted who amongst them doth speake oftnest , or is most earnest ; he must haue bene both acquainted throughly with the religion of such , and also priuy what conferences or compacts are passed in secret betweene them and others ; which kinds of notice are not wont to be vulgar and common . yet they which alleage this , would haue it taken as a thing that needeth no proofe , a thing which all men know and see . and if so be it were graunted them as true , what gaine they by it ? sundry of them that be popish are eger in maintenance of ceremonies . is it so strange a matter to find a good thing furthered by ill men of a sinister intent and purpose , whose forwardnesse is not therefore a bridle to such as fauour the same cause with a better and sincerer meaning ? they that seeke , as they say , the remouing of all popish orders out of the church , and reckon the state of bishop in the number of those orders , do ( i doubt not ) presume that the cause which they prosecute is holy . notwithstanding it is their owne ingenuous acknowledgement , that euen this very cause which they terme so often by an excellency , the lords cause , is gratissima , most acceptable vnto some which hope for pray and spoile by it , and that our age hath store of such , and that such are the very sectaries of dionysius the famous atheist . now if hereupon we should vpbraide them with irreligious , as they do vs with superstitious fauourers ; if we should follow them in their owne kind of pleading and say , that the most clamorous for this pretended reformation , are either atheists , or else proctors suborned by atheists ; the answer which herein they would make vnto vs , let them apply vnto themselues , and there an end . for they must not forbid vs to presume , or cause in defence of our church-orders , to be as good as theirs against them , till the contrary be made manifest to the world . in the meane while sory we are , that any good and godly mind should be grieued with that which is done . but to remedy their griefe , lieth not so much in vs as in themselues . they do not wish to be made glad with the hurt of the church : and to remoue all out of the church , whereat they shew themselues to be sorrowfull , would be as we are perswaded hurtfull , if not pernitious thereunto . till they be able to perswade the contrary , they must and will i doubt not find out some other good meanes to cheere vp themselues . amongst which meanes the example of geneua may serue for one . haue not they the old popish custome of vsing godfathers and godmothers in baptisme ; the old popish custome of administring the blessed sacrament of the holy eucharist with wafer cakes ? those thing● the godly there can digest . wherefore should not the godly here learne to do the like , both in them and in the rest of the like nature ? some further meane peraduenture it might be to asswage their griefe , if so be they did cōsider the reuenge they take on them , which haue bene , as they interpret it , the workers of their continuance in so great griefe so long . for if the maintenance of ceremonies be a corrosiue to such as oppugne them ; vndoubtedly to such as mainteine them , it can be no great pleasure , when they behold how that which they reuerence is oppugned . and therefore they that iudge themselues martyrs when they are grieued , should thinke withall what they are when they grieue . for we are still to put them in mind that the cause doth make no difference ; for that it must be presumed as good at the least on our part as on theirs , till it be in the end decided who haue stood for truth and who for error . so that till then the most effectuall medicine and withall the most sound to ease their griefe , must not be ( in our opinion ) the taking away of those things whereat they are grieued , but the altering of that perswasion which they haue concerning the same . for this we therefore both pray and labour ; the more because we are also perswaded , that it is but conceipt in them to thinke , that those romish ceremonies whereof we haue hetherto spoken , are like leprous clothes , infectious vnto the church , or like soft and gentle poysons , the venome whereof being insensibly pernicious , worketh death , and yet is neuer felt working . thus they say : but because they say it onely , and the world hath not as yet had so great experience of their art in curing the diseases of the church , that the bare authoritie of their word should perswade in a cause so waightie ; they may not thinke much if it be required at their hands to shewe , first , by what meanes so deadly infection can growe from similitude betweene vs and the church of rome in these thinges indifferent ; secondly , for that it were infinite if the church should prouide against euery such euill as may come to passe , it is not sufficient that they shewe possibilitie of dangerous euent , vnlesse there appeare some likelihood also of the same to follow in vs , except we preuent it , nor is this inough , vnlesse it be moreouer made plaine , that there is no good and sufficient way of preuention , but by euacuating cleane , and by emptying the church of euerie such rite and ceremonie , as is presently called in question . till this be done , their good affection towards the safety of the church is acceptable , but the way they prescribe vs to preserue it by must rest in suspense . and least hereat they take occasion to turne vpon vs the speech of the prophet ieremie vsed against babylon , behold we haue done our endeuour to cure the diseases of babylon , but she through her wilfulnesse doth rest vncured : let them consider into what straights the church might driue it selfe , in being guided by this their counsell . their axiome is , that the sound beleeuing church of iesus christ , may not be like hereticall churches in any of those indifferent things , which men make choyce of , and do not take by prescript appointment of the word of god. in the word of god the vse of bread is prescribed , as a thing without which the eucharist may not be celebrated : but as for the kind of bread , it is not denied to be a thing indifferent . being indifferent of it selfe , we are by this axiome of theirs to auoide the vse of vnleauened bread in their sacrament , because such bread the church of rome beeing hereticall vseth . but doth not the selfe same axiome barre vs euen from leauened bread also , which the church of the grecians vseth ; the opinions whereof are in a number of things the same , for which we condemne the church of rome ; and in some things erroneous , where the church of rome is acknowledged to be sound ; as namely in the article proceeding of the holy ghost ? and least here they should say that because the greeke church is farther off , & the church of rome nearer , we are in that respect rather to vse that which the church of rome vseth not ; let them imagine a reformed church in the citie of venice , where a greeke church and a popish both are . and when both these are equally neare , let them consider what the third shall doe . without eyther leauened or vnleauened bread , it can haue no sacrament : the word of god doth tye it to neither ; and their axiome doth exclude it from both . if this constraine them , as it must , to grant that their axiome is not to take any place , saue in those things only where the church hath larger scope ; it resteth that they search out some stronger reason then they haue as yet alleaged ; otherwise they constraine not vs to thinke that the church is tyed vnto any such rule or axiome , no not then when she hath the widest field to walke in , and the greatest store of choice . against such ceremonies generally as are the same in the church of england and of rome , we see what hath bene hetherto alleaged . albeit therefore we do not finde the one churches hauing of such thinges , to be sufficient cause why the other should not haue them : neuerthelesse in case it may be proued , that amongst the number of rites and orders common vnto bothe , there are particulars the vse whereof is vtterly vnlawfull , in regard of some speciall bad and noysome qualitie ; there is no doubt but we ought to relinquish such rites and orders , what freedome soeuer we haue to retaine the other still . as therefore wee haue heard their generall exception against all those thinges , which being not commanded in the word of god , were first receiued in the church of rome , and from thence haue bene deriued into ours , so it followeth th●t now we proceede vnto certaine kinds of them , as being excepted against not only for that they are in the church of rome , but are besides either iewish , or abused vnto idolatry , and so growne scandalous . the church of rome they say , being ashamed of the simplicitie of the gospell , did almost out of all religions take whatsoeuer had any faire & gorgeous shew , borrowing in that respect frō the iewes sundry of their abolished ceremonies . thus by foolish and ridiculous imitation , all their massing furniture almost they tooke from the law , least hauing an altar and a priest , they should want vestments for their stage ; so that whatsoeuer we haue in common with the church of rome , if the same be of this kind we ought to remoue it . constantine the emperour speaking of the keeping of the feast of easter saith , that it is an vnworthy thing to haue any thing common with that most spitefull company of the iewes . and a little after he saith , that it is most absurd and against reason , that the iewes should vaunt and glory that the christians could not keepe those thinges without their doctrine . and in an other place it is said after this sort ; it is conuenient so to order the matter , that we haue nothing common with that nation . the councell of laodicea , which was afterward confirmed by the sixt generall councell , decreed that the christians should not take vnlea●ened bread of the iewes , or communicate with their impietie . for the easier manifestation of truth in this point , two things there are which must be considered ; namely the causes wherefore the church should decline from iewish ceremonies ; and how farre it ought so to doe . one cause is that the iewes were the deadliest and spitefullest enemies of christianitie that were in the world , and in this respect their orders so farre forth to be shunned , as we haue already set downe in handling the matter of heathenish ceremonies . for no enemies being so venemous against christ as iewes , they were of all other most odious , and by that meane least to be vsed as fit church paternes for imitation . an other cause is the solemne abrogation of the iewes ordinances ; which ordinances for vs to resume , were to checke our lord himselfe which hath disanulled them . but how farre this second cause doth extend , it is not on all sides fully agreed vpon . and touching those thinges whereunto it reacheth not , although there be small cause wherefore the church should frame it selfe to the iewes example , in respect of their persons which are most hatefull ; yet god himselfe hauing bene the author of their lawes , herein they are ( notwithstanding the former consideration ) still worthy to be honoured , and to be followed aboue others , as much as the state of things will beare . iewish ordinances had some things naturall , and of the perpetuitie of those things no man doubteth . that which was positiue , wee likewise knowe to haue bene by the comming of christ partly necessary not to bee kept , and partly indifferent to be kept or not . of the former kinde circumcision and sacrifice were . for this point stephen was accused ; and the euidence which his accusers brought against him in iudgement was , this man ceaseth not to speake blasphemous words against this holy place and the lawe , for we haue heard him say that this iesus of nazaret shall destroy this place , and shall change the ordinances that moses gaue vs. true it is that this doctrine was then taught , which vnbeleeuers condemning for blasphemie , did therein commit that which they did condemne . the apostles notwithstanding from whom stephen had receiued it , did not so teach the abrogation , no not of those things which were necessarily to cease , but that euen the iewes being christian might for a time continue in them . and therefore in ierusalem the first christian bishop not circumcised was marke ; and he not bishop till the daies of adrian the emperour , after the ouerthrow of ierusalem , there hauing bene fifteene bishops before him which were all of the circumcision . the christian iewes did thinke at the first not onely themselues , but the christian gentiles also bound , and that necessarily , to obserue the whole lawe . there went forth certaine of the sect of pharises which did beleeue , and they comming vnto antioch , taught that it was necessary for the gentiles to be circumcised , and to keepe the lawe of moses . whereupon there grew dissention , paul and barnabas disputing against them . the determination of the councell held at ierusalem concerning this matter was finally this , touching the gentils which beleeue , we haue written & determined that they obserue no such thing . their protestation by letters is , for as much as we haue heard that certain which departed frō vs haue troubled you with words , and combred your minds , saying , ye must be circumcised and keepe the lawe ; knowe that we gaue them no such commandement . paule therefore continued still teaching the gentiles , not onely that they were not bound to obserue the lawes of moses , but that the obseruation of those lawes which were necessarily to be abrogated , was in them altogether vnlawfull . in which point his doctrine was misreported , as though he had euery where preached this , not only concerning the gentiles , but also touching the iewes . wherfore comming vnto iames and the rest of the cleargie at ierusalem , they tolde him plainely of it , saying , thou seest brother how many thousand iewes there are which beleeue , & they are all zealous of the law . now they are informed of thee , that thou teachest all the iewes which are amongst the gentiles to forsake moses , and sayest that they ought not to circumcise their children neither to liue after the customes . and hereupon they gaue him counsell to make it apparent in the eyes of all men , that those flying reports were vntrue , and that himselfe being a iew , kept the lawe euen as they did . in some thinges therefore wee see the apostles did teach , that there ought not to be conformitie betweene the christian iewes and gentiles . how many things this lawe of inconformitie did comprehend , there is no need we should stand to examine . this generall is true , that the gentiles were not made conformable vnto the iewes , in that which was necessarily to cease at the comming of christ. touching things positiue which might either cease or continue as occasion should require , the apostles tendering the zeale of the iewes , thought it necessary to binde euen the gentiles for a time to abstaine as the iewes did , frō things offered vnto idols , from bloud , frō strangled . these decrees were euery where deliuered vnto the gentiles to bee straightly obserued and kept . in the other matters where the gentiles were free , and the iewes in their owne opinion still tied , the apostles doctrine vnto the iewe was , condemne not the gentile ; vnto the gentile , despise not the iewe : the one sorte they warned to take heed that scrupulositie did not make them rigorous , in giuing vnaduised sentence against their brethren which were free ; the other that they did not become scandalous , by abusing their libertie & freedome to the offence of their weake brethren which were scrupulous . from hence therefore two conclusiōs there are which may euidently be drawne ; the first , that whatsouer conformitie of positiue lawes the apostles did bring in betweene the churches of iewes and gentiles , it was in those things only , which might either cease or continue a shorter or a longer time , as occasion did most require ; the second , that they did not impose vpon the churches of the gentiles any part of the iewes ordinances with bond of necessary and perpetuall obseruatiō , ( as we al both by doctrine and practise acknowledge ) but only in respect of the conueniencie and fitnes for the present state of the church as thē it stood . the words of the councels decree cōcerning the gentiles are , it seemed good to the holy ghost & to vs , to lay vpō you no more burden sauing only those things of necessitie , abstinence frō idoll-offrings , frō strangled & bloud , and frō fornication . so that in other things positiue which the cōming of christ did not necessarily extinguish , the gentils were left altogether free . neither ought it to seeme vnreasonable , that the gentils should necessarily be bound & tied to iewish ordinances , so far forth as that decree importeth . for to the iew , who knew that their differēce frō other nations which were aliens & strangers frō god , did especially consist in this , that gods people had positiue ordināces giuen to thē of god himself , it seemed maruelous hard , that the christiā gentils should be incorporated into the same common welth with gods owne chosen people , & be subiect to no part of his statutes , more then only the lawe of nature , which heathēs count thēselues boūd vnto . it was an opiniō constātly receiued amongst the iews , that god did deliuer vnto the sonnes of noah seuē precepts ; namely to liue in some form of regimēt vnder publique lawes ; to serue & call vpō the name of god ; to shun idolatry ; not to suffer effusiō of bloud ; to abhor all vncleane knowledge in the flesh ; to commit no ●apine ; finally , not to eate of any liuing creature whereof the bloud was not first let out . if therefore the gentiles would be exempt from the lawe of moses , yet it might seeme hard they should also cast off euen those things positiue which were obserued before moses , and which were not of the same kinde with lawes that were necessarily to cease . and peraduenture hereupon the councell sawe it expedient to determine , that the gentiles should according vnto the third , the seuenth , and the fift of those precepts , abstaine from things sacrificed vnto idoles , from strangled and bloud , and from fornication . the rest the gentiles did of their owne accord obserue , nature leading them thereunto . and did not nature also teach them to abstaine from fornication ? no doubt it did . neither can we with reason thinke , that as the former two are positiue , so likewise this , being meant as the apostle doth otherwise vsually vnderstand it . but very marriage within a number of degrees , being not onely by the lawe of moses , but also by the lawe of the sonnes of noah ( for so they tooke it ) an vnlawfull discouerie of nakednes ; this discouerie of nakednesse by vnlawfull marriages , such as moses in the lawe reckoneth vp , i thinke it for mine owne part more probable to haue bene meant in the wordes of that canon , then fornication according vnto the sense of the lawe of nature . words must be taken according to the matter wherof they are vttered . the apostles commaund to abstaine from bloud . conster this according to the lawe of nature , and it will seeme that homicide only is forbidden . but conster it in reference to the law of the iewes about which the question was , and it shall easily appeare to haue a cleane other sense , and in any mans iudgement a truer , when we expound it of eating , and not of sheading bloud . so if we speake of fornication , he that knoweth no lawe but only the lawe of nature , must needes make thereof a narrower construction , then he which measureth the same by a lawe , wherein sundry kindes euen of coniugall copulation are prohibited as impure , vncleane , vnhonest . saint paule himselfe doth terme incestuous marriage fornication . if any do rather think that the christian gentiles themselues through the loose and corrupt custome of those times , tooke simple fornication for no sinne , and were in that respect offensiue vnto beleeuing iewes which by the law had bene better taught ; our proposing of an other coniecture , is vnto theirs no preiudice . some thinges therefore we see there were , wherein the gentiles were forbidden to be like vnto the iewes ; some things wherin they were commanded not to be vnlike . againe , some things also there were , wherein no lawe of god did let , but that they might be either like or vnlike , as occasion should require . and vnto this purpose leo sayth , apostolicall ordinance ( beloued ) knowing that our lord iesus christ came not into this world to vndo the law , hath in such sort distinguished the mysteries of the old testament , that certaine of them it hath chosen out to benefit euangelicall knowledge withall , and for that purpose appointed that those things which before were iewish , might now be christian customes . the cause why the apostles did thus conforme the christians , as much as might be , according to the patterne of the iewes , was to reine them in by this meane the more , and to make them cleaue the better . the church of christ hath had in no one thing so many and so contrary occasions of dealing as about iudaisme ; some hauing thought the whole iewish lawe wicked and damnable in it selfe ; some not condemning it as the former sort absolutely , haue notwithstanding iudged it either sooner necessary to be abrogated , or further vnlawful to be obserued then truth can beare ; some of scrupulous simplicitie vrging perpetuall and vniuersall obseruation of the law of moses necessary , as the christian iewes at the first in the apostles times ; some as heretiques , holding the same no lesse euen after the contrary determination set downe by consent of the church at ierusalem ; finally some being herein resolute through meere infidelitie , and with open profest enmitie against christ , as vnbeleeuing iewes . to cōtrowle slaunderers of the law and prophets , such as marcionites and manichees were , the church in her liturgies hath intermingled with readings out of the new testament , lessons taken out of the lawe and prophets ; whereunto tertullian alluding , saith of the church of christ ; it intermingleth with euangelicall and apostolicall writings , the law and the prophets ; and from thence it drinketh in that faith , which with water it sealeth , clotheth with the spirit , nourisheth with the eucharist , with martirdom setteth forward . they would haue wondered in those times to heare , that any man being not a fauourer of heresie , should terme this by way of disdaine , mangling of the gospels & epistles . they which honor the law as an image of the wisdome of god himselfe , are notwithstanding to know that the same had an end in christ. but what ? was the lawe so abolished with christ , that after his ascention the office of priests became immediatly wicked , & the very name hatefull , as importing the exercise of an vngodly function ? no , as long as the glory of the temple continued , and till the time of that finall desolation was accomplished , the very christian iewes did continue with their sacrifices and other parts of legall seruice . that very lawe therefore which our sauiour was to abolish , did not so soone become vnlawfull to be obserued as some imagine : nor was it afterwards vnlawful so far , that the very name of aultar , of priest , of sacrifice it selfe , should be banished out of the world . for thogh god do now hate sacrifice , whether it be heathenish or iewish , so that we cannot haue the same things which they had , but with impietie ; yet vnlesse there be some greater let then the onely euacuation of the law of moses , the names thēselues may ( i hope ) be retained without sin , in respect of that proportion which things established by our sauiour haue vnto them which by him are abrogated . and so throughout all the writings of the auncient fathers we see that the words which were do continue ; the onely difference is , that whereas before they had a literall , they now haue a metaphoricall vse , and are as so many notes of remembrance vnto vs , that what they did signifie in the letter , is accomplished in the truth . and as no man can depriue the church of this libertie , to vse names whereunto the lawe was accustomed ; so neither are wee generally forbidden the vse of things which the lawe hath ; though it neither commaund vs any particularitie , as it did the iewes a number ; and the waightiest which it did commaund them , are vnto vs in the gospell prohibited . touching such as through simplicitie of error did vrge vniuersall and perpetuall obseruation of the lawe of moses at the first , we haue spoken already . against iewish heretikes and false apostles teaching afterwards the selfe same , saint paul in euery epistle commonly either disputeth or giueth warning . iewes that were zealous for the lawe , but withall infidels in respect of christianitie , and to the name of iesus christ most spitefull enemies , did while they flourished no lesse persecute the church then heathens . after their estate was ouerthrowne , they were not that way so much to be feared . howbeit because they had their synagogues in euery famous citie almost throughout the world , and by that meanes great opportunitie to withdraw from the christian faith , which to doe they spared no labor ; this gaue the church occasion to make sundry lawes against them . as in the councell of laodicea ; the festiuall presents which iewes or heretikes vse to send must not be receiued ; nor holy dayes solemnized in their company . againe , from the iewes men ought not to receiue their vnleauened , nor to communicate with their impieties . which councell was afterwardes indeede confirmed by the sixt generall councell . but what was the true sense or meaning both of the one and the other ? were christians here forbidden to communicate in vnleauened bread , because the iewes did so being enemies of the church ? hee which attentiuely shall waigh the wordes , will suspect that they rather forbid communion with iewes , thē imitation of them : much more , if with these two decrees be compared a third in the councell of cōstantinople ; let no man either of the clergie or laitie eate the vnleauened of the iewes , nor enter into any familiaritie with them , nor send for them in sicknes , nor take phisicke at their hāds , nor as much as goe into the bath with them , if any do otherwise being a clergie man , let him be deposed ; if being a lay person , let excommunicatiō be his punishment . if these canons were any argumēt , that they which made them did vtterly cōdemne similitude betweene the christians & iewes , in things indifferent appertaining vnto religiō , either because the iewes were enemies vnto the church , or else for that their ceremonies were abrogated ; these reasons had bin as strong & effectual against their keeping the feast of easter on the same day the iewes kept theirs , and not according to the custome of the west church . for so they did frō the first beginning till constantines time . for in these two things the east & west churches did interchangeably both confront the iewes , and concur with thē : the west church vsing vnleauened bread , as the iewes in their passouer did , but differing frō them in the day whereon they kept the feast of easter ; con●●ariwise the east church celebrating the feast of easter on the same day with the iewes , but not vsing the same kind of bread which they did . now if so be the east church in vsing leuened bread had done wel , either for that the iewes were enemies to the church , or because iewish ceremonies were abrogated ; how should we think but that victor the b. of rome ( whom all iudicious mē do in that behalf disallow ) did well to be so vehement & fierce in drawing thē to the like dissimilitude for the feast of easter ? againe , if the west churches had in either of those two respects affected dissimilitude with the iewes in the feast of easter , what reasō had they to drawe the easterne church herein vnto them , which reason did not enforce them to frame themselues vnto it in the ceremonie of leauened bread ? differēce in rites should breed no cōtrouersie between one church & an other : but if controuersie be once bred , it must be ended . the feast of easter being therfore litigious in the daies of cōstantine , who honored of all other churches most the church of rome , which church was the mother from whose breasts he had drawn that food , which gaue him nourishmēt to eternall life ; sith agreement was necessary , and yet impossible , vnlesse the one part were yeelded vnto ; his desire was that of the two the easterne church should rather yeeld . and to this end he vseth sundry perswasiue speeches . when stephen the bi. of rome going about to shew what the catholique church should do , had alleaged what the heritiques themselues did , namely that they receiued such as came vnto them , and offered not to baptise them anew : s. cyprian being of a contrary mind to him about the matter at that time questiō , which was , whether heretikes conuerted ought to be rebaptised yea or no , answered the allegatiō of pope stephen with exceeding great stomack , saying , to this degree of wretchednes the church of god and spouse of christ is now come , that her wayes she frame●h to the example of heretikes ; that to celebrate the sacramēts which heauēly instructiō hath deliuered , light it self doth borrow frō darknes , & christians do that which antichrists do . now albeit cōstantine haue done that to further a better cause , which cyprian did to countenance a worse , namely , the rebaptization of heretiques ; and haue taken aduantage at the odiousnesse of the iewes , as cyprian of heretiques , because the easterne church kept their feast of easter alwayes the fourteenth day of the moneth as the iewes did , what day of the weeke soeuer it ●el ; or how soeuer constantine did take occasiō in the handling of that cause to say , it is vnworthy to haue any thing common with that spitefull nation of the iewes ; shall euery motiue argument vsed in such kinde of conferences , be made a rule for others still to cōclude the like by , cōcerning all things of like nature , when as probable inducements may leade them to the contrary ? ▪ let both this and other allegations suteable vnto it , cease to barke any longer idlely against that truth , the course and passage wherof it is not in them to hinder . but the waightiest exception , and of all the most worthy to be respected , is against such kind of ceremonies , as haue bene so grossely & shamefully abused in the church of rome , that where they remaine they are scandalous , yea they cannot choose but be stumbling blockes and grieuous causes of offence . concerning this point therefore we are first to note , what properly it is to be scandalous or offensiue ; secondly what kinde of ceremonies are such ; and thirdly when they are necessarily for remedie therof to be taken away , and when not . the common conceipt of the vulgar sort is , whensoeuer they see any thing which they mislike and are anrgy at , to thinke that euery such thing is scandalous , and that themselues in this case are the men concerning whome our sauiour spake in so fearefull manner , saying , whosoeuer shall scandalize or offend any one of these little ones which beleeue in me [ that is as they conster it , whosoeuer shall anger the meanest and simplest artizan which carrieth a good minde , by not remouing out of the church such rites and ceremonies as displease him ] better he were drowned in the bottom of the sea . but hard were the case of the church of christ if this were to scandalize . men are scandalized when they are moued , led , and prouoked vnto sinne . at good thinges euill men may take occasion to doe euill ; and so christ himselfe was a rock of offence in israel , they taking occasion at his poore estate , and at the ignominie of his crosse , to think him vnworthy the name of that great and glorious messias , whom the prophets describe in such ample & stately terms . but that which we therfore terme offensiue , because it inuiteth mē to offend , and by a dumb kind of prouocation incourage , thmoueth , or any way leadeth vnto sinne , must of necessitie be acknowledged actiuely scandalous . now some thinges are so euen by their very essence and nature , so that wheresoeuer they be found , they are not , neither can be without this force of provocation vnto euill ; of which kinde all examples of sinne and wickednes are . thus dauid was scandalous in that bloudie acte , whereby he caused the enemies of god to be blasphemous : thus the whole state of israell scandalous , when their publique disorders caused the name of god to be ill spoken of amongst the nations . it is of this kind that tertullian meaneth ; offence or scandall , if i be not deceaued saith he , is when the example not of a good but of an euill thing , doth set men forward vnto sinne . good things can scandalize none saue only euill mindes : good things haue no scandalizing nature in them . yet that which is of it owne nature either good or at least not euill , may by some accident become scandalous at certain times , and in certaine places , and to certaine men , the open vse thereof neuerthelesse being otherwise without daunger . the verie nature of some rites and ceremonies therfore is scandalous , as it was in a number of those which the manichees did vse , and is in all such as the law of god doth forbid . some are offensiue only through the agreement of men to vse them vnto euill , and not else ; as the most of those thinges indifferent which the heathens did to the seruice of their false gods ; which an other in heart condemning their idolatrie , could not doe with them in shew and token of approbation , without being guiltie of scandall giuen . ceremonies of this kinde are either deuised at the first vnto euill ; as the eunomian heretiques in dishonour of the blessed trinitie , brought in the laying on of water but once , to crosse the custom of the church , which in baptisme did it thrise : or else hauing had a profitable vse , they are afterwards interpreted and wrested to the contrarie ; as those heretiques which held the trinitie to be three distinct not persons but natures , abused the ceremonie of three times laying on water in baptisme vnto the strengthning of their heresie . the element of water is in baptisme necessarie : once to lay it on or twice is indifferent . for which cause gregorie making mention thereof , sayth ; to diue an infant either thrice or but once in baptisme , can be no way a thing reproueable ; seeing that both in three times washing , the trinitie of persons ; and in one , the vnitie of godhead may be signified . so that of these two ceremonies , neither being hurtfull in it selfe , both may serue vnto good purpose ; yet one was deuised , and the other conuerted vnto euill . now whereas in the church of rome certaine ceremonies are said to haue bene shamefully abused vnto euill , as the ceremonie of crossing at baptisme , of kneeling at the eucharist , of vsing wafer-cakes , and such like ; the question is , whether for remedie of that euill wherein such ceremonies haue bene scandalous , and perhaps may be still vnto some euen amongst our selues , whome the presence and sight of them may confirme in that former error whereto they serued in times past , they are of necessitie to be remoued . are these or any other ceremonies wee haue common with the church of rome , scandalous and wicked in their verie nature ? this no man obiecteth . are any such , as haue bene polluted from their verie birth , and instituted euen at the first vnto that thing which is euill ? that which hath bene ordeyned impiously at the first , may weare out that impietie in tract of time ; and then what doth let , but that the vse thereof may stand without offence . the names of our monethes and of our dayes , wee are not ignorant from whence they came , and with what dishonour vnto god they are said to haue bene deuised at the first . what could be spoken against any thing more effectuall to stirre hatred , then that which sometime the auncient fathers in this case speake ? yet those very names are at this day in vse throughout christendome , without hurt or scandall to any . cleare and manifest it is ; that thinges deuised by heretiques , yea deuised of a very hereticall purpose euen against religion , and at their first deuising worthy to haue bene withstood , may in time growe meete to be kept ; as that custome the inuentors wherof were the eunomian heretiques . so that customes once established and confirmed by long vse , being presently without harme , are not in regard of their corrupt originall to be held scandalous . but cōcerning those our ceremonies , which they reckon for most popish , they are not able to auouch that any of them was otherwise instituted ; thē vnto good , yea so vsed at the first . it followeth then that they all are such , as hauing serued to good purpose , were afterward conuerted vnto the contrary . and sith it is not so much as obiected against vs , that we reteine together with them the euil , wherwith they haue bin infected in the church of rome ; i would demand who they are whom we scandalize , by vsing harmles things vnto that good end for which they were first instituted . amongst our selues that agree in the approbation of this kinde of good vse , no man wil say that one of vs is offensiue and scandalous vnto another . as for the fauorers of the church of rome , they know how far we herein differ & dissent frō them ; which thing neither we conceale ; & they by their publike writings also professe daily how much it grieueth them ; so that of thē there will not many rise vp against vs , as witnesses vnto the inditement of scandal , whereby we might be cōdemned & cast , as hauing strengthned thē in that euil wherwith they pollute themselues in the vse of the same ceremonies . and concerning such as withstād the church of england herein , & hate it because it doth not sufficiently seeme to hate rome , they ( i hope are far enough frō being by this meane drawne to any kind of popish error . the multitude therfore of them , vnto whom we are scādalous through the vse of abused ceremonies , is not so apparēt , that it can iustly be said in general of any one sort of mē or other , we cause thē to offend . if it be so that now or thē some few are espied , who hauing bin accustomed heretofore to the rites & ceremonies of the church of rome , are not so scowred of their former rust , as to forsake their auncient perswasiō which they haue had , howsoeuer they frame thēselues to outward obedience of laws & orders : because such may misconster the meaning of our ceremonies , and so take thē as though they were in euery sort the same they haue bin , shal this be thought a reason sufficiēt wheron to cōclude , that some law must necessarily be made to abolish al such ceremonies ? they answer that there is no law of god which doth bind vs to reteine thē . and s. pauls rule is , that in those things frō which without hurt we may lawfully absteine , we should frame the vsage of our libertie with regard to the weakenes and imbecillitie of our brethren . wherefore vnto them which stood vpon their owne defence , saying , all things are lawfull vnto me ; he replyeth , but all things are not expedient in regard of others . all things are cleane , all meates are lawfull ; but euill vnto that man that eateth offensiuely . if for thy meates ●ake thy brother bee grieued , thou walkest no longer according to charitie . destroy not him with thy meate for whome christ dyed . dissolue not for foodes sake the worke of god. wee that are strong , must beare the imbecillities of the impotent , and not please our selues . it was a weakenesse in the christian iewes , and a maime of iudgement in them , that they thought the gentiles polluted by the eating of those meates , which themselues were afraid to touch for feare of transgressing the lawe of moses ; yea hereat their hearts did so much rise , that the apostle had iust cause to feare , least they would rather forsake christianitie , then endure any fellowship with such , as made no cōscience of that which was vnto them abhominable . and for this cause mention is made of destroying the weake by meates , and of dissoluing the work of god , which was his church , a part of the liuing stones whereof were beleeuing iewes . now those weake brethren before mentioned are said to be as the iewes were , and our ceremonies which haue bene abused in the church of rome , to be as the scandalous meates from which the gentiles are exhorted to abstaine in the presence of iewes , for feare of auerting them from christian faith . therefore as charitie did bind them to refraine frō that for their brethrens sake , which otherwise was lawfull enough for them ; so it bindeth vs for our brethrens sake likewise to abolish such ceremonies , although we might lawfully else retaine them . but betweene these two cases there are great oddes . for neither are our weake brethren as the iewes , nor the ceremonies which we vse as the meates which the gentiles vsed . the iewes were knowne to be generally weake in that respect ; whereas contrariwise the imbecillitie of ours is not common vnto so many , that we can take any such certaine notice of them . it is a chance if here and there some one be found ; and therefore seeing we may presume men commonly otherwise , there is no necessitie that our practise should frame it selfe by that which th' apostle doth prescribe to the gentiles . againe their vse of meates was not like vnto our of ceremonies ; that being a matter of priuate action in common life , where euery man was free to order that which himselfe did ; but this a publike constitution for the ordering of the church : and we are not to looke that the church should change her publique lawes and ordinances , made according to that which is iudged ordinarily and commonly fittest for the whole , although it chance that for some particular men the same be found incōuenient ; especially whē there may be other remedy also against the sores of particular inconueniences . in this case therefore where any priuate harme doth growe , we are not to reiect instruction , as being an vnmeete plaster to apply vnto it ; neither can wee say that hee which appointeth teachers for phisitians in this kind of euill , is as if a man would set one to watch a childe all day long least he should hurt himselfe with a knife , whereas by taking away the knife from him , the daunger is auoyded , and the seruice of the man better imployed . for a knife may be taken away from a childe , without depriuing them of the benefite thereof which haue yeares and discretion to vse it . but the ceremonies which children doe abuse , if we remoue quite and cleane , as it is by some required that wee should ; then are they not taken from children onely , but from others also ; which is as though because children may perhaps hurt themselues with kniues , wee should conclude that therefore the vse of kniues is to bee taken quite and cleane euen from men also . those particular ceremonies which they pretend to be so scandalous , we shall in the next booke haue occasion more throughly to sift , where other things also traduced in the publike duties of the church whereunto each of these appertaineth , are together with these to be touched , and such reasons to be examined as haue at any time beene brought either against the one or the other . in the meane while against the conueniencie of curing such euils by instructiō , strange it is that they should obiect the multitude of other necessary matters , wherin preachers may better bestow their time , then in giuing men warning not to abuse ceremonies ; a wonder it is that they should obiect this , which haue so many yeares together troubled the church with quarels concerning these things , and are euen to this very houre so earnest in them , that if they write or speake publiquely but fiue words , one of them is lightly about the dangerous estate of the church of england in respect of abused ceremonies . how much happier had it bene for this whole church , if they which haue raised contention therein about the abuse of rites and ceremonies , had considered in due time that there is indeede store of matters fitter and better a great deale for teachers to spend time and labour in ? it is through their importunate and vehement asseuerations , more then through any such experience which we haue had of our owne , that we are forced to thinke it possible for one or other now and then , at leastwise in the prime of the reformation of our church , to haue stumbled at some kinde of ceremonies . wherein for as much as we are contented to take this vpon their credite , and to thinke it may be ; sith also they further pretend the same to be so dangerous a snare to their soules , that are at any time taken therein ; they must giue our teachers leaue for the sauing of those soules ( bee they neuer so fewe ) to intermingle sometime with other more necessary thinges , admonition concerning these not vnnecessarie . wherein they should in reason more easily yeelde this leaue , considering that hereunto we shall not neede to vse the hundreth part of that time , which themselues thinke very needefull to bestowe in making most bitter inuectiues against the ceremonies of the church . but to come to the last point of all , the church of england is grieuously charged with forgetfulnesse of her dutie , which dutie had bene to frame her selfe vnto the patterne of their example , that went before her in the worke of reformation . for as the churches of christ ought to be most vnlike the synagogue of antichrist in their indifferent ceremonies ; so they ought to be most like one vnto an other , and for preseruation of vnitie to haue as much as possible may be all the same ceremonies . and therefore s. paul to establish this order in the church of corinth , that they should make their gatherings for the poore vpon the first day of the saboth ( which is our sunday ) alleageth this for a reason , that he had so ordained in other churches . againe , as children of one father and seruants of one family , so all churches should not only haue one dyet in that they haue one word , but also weare as it were one liuerie in vsing the same ceremonies . thirdly , this rule did the great councell of nice follow , when it ordained , that where certaine at the feast of pentecoste did pray kneeling , they should pray standing ; the reason whereof is added , which is , that one custome ought to be kept throughout all churches . it is true that the diuersitie of ceremonies ought not to cause the churches to dissent one with another ; but yet it maketh most to thauoyding of dissention , that there be amongst them an vnitie , not onely in doctrine , but also in ceremonies . and therefore our forme of seruice is to be amended , not onely for that it commeth too neare that of the papistes , but also because it is so different from that of the reformed churches . beeing asked to what churches ours should conforme it selfe , and why other reformed churches should not as well frame themselues to ours ; their answere is , that if there be any ceremonies which wee haue better then others , they ought to frame themselues to vs ; if they haue better then we , then we ought to frame our selues to them ; if the ceremonies be alike commodious , the later churches should conforme themselues to the first , as the younger daughter to the elder . for as s. paul in the members , where all other things are equal , noteth it for a marke of honor aboue the rest , that one is called before another to the gospell ; so is it for the same cause amongest the churches . and in this respect he pincheth the corinthes , that not being the first which receiued the gospell , yet they would haue their seuerall maners from other churches . moreouer where the ceremonies are alike commodious , the fewer ought to conforme themselues vnto the moe . for as much therefore as all the churches ( so farre as they know which pleade after this manner ) of our confession in doctrine , agree in the abrogation of diuers things which we reteine ; our churches ought either to shew that they haue done euill , or else she is found to be in fault that doth not conforme her selfe in that , which she cannot denie to be well abrogated . in this axiome that preseruation of peace and vnitie amongst christian churches should be by al good meanes procured , we ioyne most willingly and gladly with them . neither denie we but that to th' auoyding of dissention it auaileth much , that there be amongst thē an vnitie as well in ceremonies as in doctrine . the only doubt is about the manner of their vnitie , how far churches are bound to be vniforme in their ceremonies , & what way they ought to take for that purpose . touching the one , the rule which they haue set down is ; that in ceremonies in differēt all churches ought to be one of them vnto another as like as possibly they may be . whcih possibly we cannot otherwise conster , thē that it doth require them to be euen as like as they may be , without breaking any positiue ordinance of god. for the ceremonies wherof we speake being matter of positiue law ; they are indifferent , if god haue neither himselfe cōmanded nor forbidden thē , but left thē vnto the churches discretion . so that if as great vniformitie bee required as is possible in these things , seeing that the law of god forbiddeth not any one of thē ; it followeth , that from the greatest vnto the least they must be in euery christian church the same , except meere impossibilitie of so hauing it be the hinderāce . to vs this opinion seemeth ouer extreame & violent : wee rather incline to thinke it a iust and reasonable cause for any church , the state whereof is free and independent , if in these things it differ from other churches , only for that it doth not iudge it so fit & expedient to be framed therin by the patterne of their example , as to bee otherwise framed then they . that of gregorie vnto leander is a charitable speech and a peaceable ; in vnâ fide nil officit ecclesiae sanctae consuetudo diuersa , where the faith of the holy church is one , a difference in customes of the church doth no harme . that of s. augustine to cassulanus is somewhat more particular , and toucheth what kinde of ceremonies they are , wherein one church may vary from the example of an other without hurt ; let the faith of the whole church how wide so euer it haue spred it selfe be alwaies one , although the vnitie of beliefe be famous for varietie of certain ordinances , wherby that which is rightly beleeued suffereth no kind of let or impediment . caluin goeth further , as concerning rites in particular let the sentence of augustine take place , which leaueth it free , vnto all churches to receiue their owne custome . yea sometime it profiteth and is expedient that there be difference , least men should thinke that religion is tyed to outward ceremonies . alwayes prouided that there be not any emulation , nor that churches delighted with noueltie affect to haue that which others haue not . they which graunt it true that the diuersitie of ceremonies in this kind ought not to cause dissention in churches , must eyther acknowledge that they graunt in effect nothing by these words ; or if any thing be granted , there must as much be yeelded vnto , as we affirme against their former strict assertion . for if churches be vrged by way of dutie to take such ceremonies as they like not of ; how can dissention be auoyded ? will they say that there ought to be no dissention , because such as are vrged ought to like of that whereunto they are vrged ? if they say this , they say iust nothing . for how should any church like to be vrged of dutie , by such as haue no authoritie or power ouer it , vnto those things which being indifferent it is not of dutie bound vnto them ? is it their meaning , that there ought to be no dissention , because that which churches are not bound vnto , no man ought by way of dutie to vrge vpon them ; and if any man doe , he standeth in the sight both of god and men most iustly blameable , as a needelesse disturber of the peace of gods church , & an author of dissention ? in saying this they both condemne their owne practise , when they presse the church of england with so strict a bond of dutie in these thinges , and they ouerthrowe the ground of their practise , which is that there ought to bee in all kinde of ceremonies vniformitie , vnlesse impossibilitie hinder it . for proofe whereof it is not enough to alleage what s. paul did about the matter of collections , or what noble-men doe in the liueries of their seruants , or what the councell of nice did for standing in time of prayer on certain daies : because though s. paule did will them of the church of cori●th , euery man to lay vp somewhat by him vpon the sunday , and to reserue it in store , till himselfe did come thither to send it vnto the church of ierusalem for reliefe of the poore there ; signifying withall that he had taken the like order with the churches of galatia ; yet the reason which hee yeeldeth of this order taken both in the one place and the other , sheweth the least part of his meaning to haue bene that , whereunto his wordes are writhed . concerning collection for the saintes , ( hee meaneth them of ierusalem ) as i haue giuen order to the church of galatia , so likewise doe ye , ( saith the apostle ) that is , in euery first of the weeke let each of you lay aside by himselfe , and reserue according to that which god hath blessed him with , that when i come collections be not then to make ; and that when i am come , whom you shall choose , them i may forthwith sende away by letters to carrie your beneficence vnto ierusalem . out of which word● to conclude the dutie of vniformitie throughout all churches in all manner of indifferent ceremonies will bee very hard , and therefore best to giue it ouer . but perhaps they are by so much the more loth to forsake this argument , for that it hath , though nothing else , yet the name of scripture , to giue it some kinde of countenance more then the next of liuerie coates affordeth them . for neither is it any man● dutie to cloth all his children or all his seruants with one weede ; nor theirs to cloath themselues so , if it were left to their owne iudgements , as these ceremonies are l●ft of god to the iudgement of the church . and seeing churches are rather in this case like diuerse families ; then like diuers seruants of one family ; because euery church , the state whereof is independent vpon any other , hath authoritie to appoint orders for it selfe in thinges indifferent ; therefore of the two we may rather inferre , that as one familie is not abridged of libertie to be clothed in fryers gray , for that an other doth weare clay-colour ; so neither are all churches bound to the selfe same indifferent ceremonies which it liketh sundry to vse . as for that canon in the councell of nice , let them but read it and waigh it well . the auncient vse of the church throughout all christendome was , for fiftie dayes after easter ( which fifty dayes were called pentecost , though most commonly the last day of them which is whitsunday be so called ) in like sort on all the sundayes throughout the whole yeare their manner was to stand at praier , whereupon their meetinges vnto that purpose on those dayes had the name of stations giuen them . of which custome tertullian speaketh in this wise ; it is not with vs thought sit either to fast on the lordes day , or to pray kneeling . the same immunitie from fasting and kneeling we keepe all the time which is betweene the feasts of easter and pentecost . this being therefore and order generally receiued in the church ; when some began to be singular and different from all others , and that in a ceremonie which was then iudged very conuenient for the whole church euen by the whole , those fewe excepted which brake out of the common pale : the councell of nice thought good to inclose them againe with the rest , by a lawe made in this sort : because there are certaine which will needs kneele at the time of praier on the lordes day , and in the fiftie dayes after easter , the holy synode iudging it meet that a conuenient custome be obserued throughout all churches , hath decreed that standing wee make our praiers to the lord. whereby it plainely appeareth that in things indifferent , what the whole church doth thinke conuenient for the whole , the same if any part doe wilfully violate , it may be reformed and inrayled againe by that generall authority whereunto ech particular is subiect , and that the spirit of singularitie in a few ought to giue place vnto publike iudgement ; this doth clearely enough appeare : but not that all christian churches are bound in euery indifferent ceremonie to be vniforme ; because where the whole hath not tyed the parts vnto one and the same thing , they being therein left each to their owne choyce , may either do as other do or else otherwise , without any breach of dutie at all . concerning those indifferent thinges , wherein it hath beene heretofore thought good that all christian churches , should bee vniforme , the way which they now conceiue to bring this to passe was then neuer thought on . for till now it hath bene iudged , that seeing the lawe of god doth not prescribe all particular ceremonies which the church of christ may vse , and in so great varietie of them as may be found out , it is not possible that the lawe of nature and reason should direct all churches vnto the same thinges ; each deliberating by it selfe what is most conuenient : the way to establish the same things indifferent throughout them all , must needs be the iudgement of some iudiciall authoritie drawne into one onely sentence , which may be a rule for euery particular to follow . and because such authoritie ouer all churches , is too much to be granted vnto any one mortall man ; there yet remaineth that which hath bene alwayes followed , as the best , the safest , the most sincere and reasonable way , namely the verdict of the whole church orderly taken , and set downe in the assembly of some generall councell . but to maintaine that all christian churches ought for vnities sake to be vniforme in all ceremonies , & then to teach that the way of bringing this to passe must be by mutuall imitation , so that where we haue better ceremonies then others they shall bee bound to followe vs , and we them where theirs are better ; how should we thinke it agreeable and consonant vnto reason ? for sith in things of this nature there is such varietie of particular inducements , whereby one church may be led to thinke that better , which another church led by other inducements iudgeth to be worse : ( for example , the east church did thinke it better to keepe easter day after the manner of the iewes , the west church better to do otherwise ; the greeke church iudgeth it worse to vse vnleauened bread in the eucharist , the latine church leauened ; one church esteemeth it not so good to receiue the eucharist sitting as stāding , another church not so good standing as sitting ; there being on the one side probable motiues as well as on the other : ) vnlesse they adde somewhat else to define more certainely what ceremonies shall stand for best , in such sort that all churches in the world shall know them to be the best , and so know them that there may not remaine any question about this point ; we are not a whit the neerer for that they haue hitherto said . they themselues although resolued in their owne iudgements what ceremonies are best , the foreseeing that such as they are addicted vnto , be not all so clearely and so incomparably best , but others there are or may be at least wise when all things are well considered as good , knewe not which way smoothly to rid their hands of this matter , without prouiding some more certaine rule to be followed for establishment of vniformitie in ceremonies , when there are diuerse kinds of equall goodnesse ; and therefore in this case they say , that the later churches & the fewer should conforme themselues vnto the elder and the mo . hereupon they conclude , that for as much as all the reformed churches ( so farre as they know ) which are of our confession in doctrine , haue agreed already in the abrogation of diuerse things which we reteine : our church ought either to shew that they haue done euill , or else she is found to be in fault for not conforming her selfe to those churches , in that which she cannot deny to be in them well abrogated . for the authoritie of the first churches , ( and those they accompt to be the first in this cause which were first reformed ) they bring the comparison of younger daughters conforming themselues in attire to the example of their elder sisters ; wherein there is iust as much strength of reason as in the liuery coates before mentioned . s. paul they say , noteth it for a marke of speciall honor , that epaenetus was the first man in all achaia which did embrace the christian faith ; after the same sort he toucheth it also as a speciall preeminence of iunias and andronicus , that in christianity they were his auncients ; the corinthians he pincheth with this demaund , hath the word of god gone out from you , or hath it lighted on you alone ? but what of all this ▪ if any man should thinke that alacrity & forwardnes in good things doth adde nothing vnto mens commendation ; the two former speeches of s. paule might leade him to reforme his iudgement . in like sort to take downe the stomacke of proud conceited men , that glorie as though they were able to set all others to schoole , there can be nothing more fit then some such words as the apostles third sentence doth containe ; wherein he teacheth the church of corinth to know , that there was no such great oddes betweene them and the rest of their brethren , that they should thinke themselues to be gold and the rest to be but copper . he therefore vseth speech vnto them to this effect : men instructed in the knowledge of iesus christ there both were before you , and are besides you in the word ▪ ye neither are the fountaine from which first , nor yet the riuer into which alone the word hath flowed . but although as epaenetus was the first man in all achaia , so corinth had bene the first church in the whole world that receiued christ : the apostle doth not shew that in any kind of things in different whatsoeuer , this should haue made their example a law vnto all others . indeed the example of sundry churches for approbation of one thing doth sway much ; but yet still as hauing the force of an example onely , and not of a lawe . they are effectuall to moue any church , vnlesse some greater thing do hinder ; but they bind none ▪ no not though they be many ; sauing onely when they are the maior part of a generall assembly , and then their voyces being moe in number must ouersway their iudgements who are fewer , because in such cases the greater halfe is the whole . but as they stand out single each of them by it selfe , their number can purchase them no such authority , that the rest of the churches being fewer should be therefore bound to follow them , and to relinquish as good ceremonies as theirs for theirs . whereas therefore it is concluded out of these so weake premisses , that the reteining of diuerse things in the church of england , which other reformed churches haue cast out , must needs argue that we do not well ▪ vnlesse we can shewe that they haue done ill ; what needed this wrest to draw out from vs an accusation of forraine churches ? it is not proued as yet that if they haue done well , our duty is to followe them , and to forsake our owne course , because it different from theirs , although indeed it be as well for vs euery way , as theirs for them . and if the proofes alleaged for conformation hereof had bene ●ound , yet seeing they leade no further then onely to shew , that where we can haue no better ceremonies theirs must be taken ; as they cannot with modesty thinke themselues to haue found out absolutely the best which the wit of men may deuise , so liking their owne somewhat better then other mens , euen because they are their owne , they must in equitie allow vs to be like vnto them in this affection ; which if they do , they case vs of that vncourteou● burden ▪ whereby we are charged either to condemne them , or else to followe them . they graunt we need not followe them , if our owne wayes already be better . and if our owne be but equall , the law of common indulgence alloweth vs to thinke them at the least halfe a thought the better because they are our owne ; which we may very well do , and neuer drawe any inditement at all against theirs , but thinke commendably euen of them also . to leaue reformed churches therefore & their actions for him to iudge of , in whose sight , they are as they are , and our desire is that they may euen in his sight be found such , as we ought to endeuour by all meanes that our owne may likewise be : somewhat we are inforced to speake by way of simple declaration , concerning the proceedings of the church of england in these affaires ▪ to the end that men whose minds are free from those partiall , cōstructions , wherby the only name of difference frō some other churches is thought cause sufficient to condēne ours , may the better discerne whether that we haue done be reasonable , yea or no. the church of englād being to alter her receiued laws cōcerning such orders , rites and ceremonies , as had bene in former times an hinderance vnto pietie and religious seruice of god , was to enter into consideration first , that the change of lawes , especially concerning matter of religion , must be warily proceeded in . lawes , as all other things humaine , are many times full of imperfection , and that which is supposed behoofefull vnto men , proueth often-times most pernicious . the wisedome which is learned by tract of time , findeth the lawes that haue bene in former ages establisht , needfull in later to be abrogated . besides that which sometime is expedient , doth not alwaies so continue : and the number of needlesse lawes vnabolisht , doth weaken the force of them that are necessarie . but true withall it is , that alteration though it be from worse to better hath in it inconueniences and those waighty ; vnlesse it be in such laws as haue bene made vpon special occasions , which occasions ceasing , laws of that kind do abrogate themselues . but when we abrogate a law as being ill made , the whole cause for which it was made still remaining ; do we not herein reuoke our very owne deed , and vpbraid our selues with folly , yea all that were makers of it with ouer sight and with error ? further if it be a law which the custome & continuall practise of many ages or yeares hath confirmed in the minds of men , to alter it must needs be troublesome and scandalous . it amazeth them , it causeth thē to stand in doubt , whether any thing be in it selfe by nature either good or euil , & not al things rather such as men at this or that time agree to accōpt of them , whē they behold euen those things disproued , disanulled , reiected , which vse had made in a maner naturall . what haue we to induce mē vnto the willing obedience & obseruation of lawes , but the waight of so many mēs iudgement , as haue with deliberate aduise assented thereunto ; the waight of that long experience , which the world hath had thereof with consent & good liking ? so that to change any such law , must needs with the common sort impaire and weaken the force of those grounds , whereby all lawes are made effectual . notwithstanding we do not deny alteration of laws to be sometimes a thing necessary ; as when they are vnnatural , or impious , or otherwise hurtfull vnto the publique community of mē , and against that good for which humaine societies were instituted . when the apostles of our lord & sauiour were ordained to alter the lawes of heathnish religion receiued throughout the whole world ; chosen i grant they were ( paule excepted ) the rest ignorant , poore , simple , vnschooled altogether and vnlettered men ; howbeit extraordinarilie indued with ghostly wisedome from aboue before they euer vndertooke this enterprise , yea their authoritie confirmed by miracle ; to the end it might plainely appeare that they were the lords ambassadours , vnto whose soueraigne power for all flesh to stoope , for all the kingdomes of the earth to yeeld themselues willingly conformable in whatsoeuer should be required , it was their duty . in this case therefore their oppositions in maintenance of publique superstition against apostolique endeuours , as that they might not condemne the wayes of their ancient predecessors , that they must keepe religiones traditas , the rites which frō age to age had descended , that the ceremonies of religion had beene euer accompted by so much holier as elder , these and the like allegations in this case were vaine & friuolous . not to stay longer therefore in speech concerning this point , we will conclude , that as the change of such lawes as haue bene specified is necessary , so the euidence that they are such must be great . if we haue neither voice frō heauen that so pronounceth of them ; neither sentence of men grounded vpon such manifest and cleare proofe , that they in whose hands it is to alter them may likewise infallibly euen in hart & conscience iudge them so ; vpon necessitie to vrge alteration is to trouble and disturbe without necessitie . as for arbitrary alterations , when laws in themselues not simply bad or vnmeet are changed for better and more expedient ; if the benefit of that which is newly better deuised be but small , sith the custome of easinesse to alter and change is so euill , no doubt but to beare a tolerable soare is better then to venter on a dangerous remedy . which being generally thought vpon , as a matter that touched neerly their whole enterprise ; whereas change was notwithstanding concluded necessary , in regard of the great hurt which the church did receiue by a number of things then in vse , whereupon a great deale of that which had bene was now to be taken away and remoued out of the church ; yeat sith there are diuerse waies of abrogating things established , they saw it best to cut off presently such things , as might in that sort be extinguished without danger , leauing the rest to be abolished by disusage through tract of time . and as this was done for the manner of abrogation : so touching the stint or measure thereof , rites & ceremonies and other externall things of like nature being hurtfull vnto the church , either in respect of their quality , or in regard of their nūber ; in the former there could be no doubt or difficulty what should be done , their deliberation in the later was more hard . and therefore in as much as they did resolue to remoue only such things of that kind as the church might best spare , reteining the residue ; their whole counsell is in this point vtterly cōdemned , as hauing either proceeded from the blindnes of those times , or from negligence , or from desire of honour and glory , or from an erroneous opinion that such things might be tollerated for a while , or if it did proceed ( as they which would seeme most fauourable are content to thinke it possible ) from a purpose partly the easilier to draw papists vnto the gospell , by keeping so many orders stil the same with theirs , and partly to redeeme peace therby , the breach wherof they might feare would insue vpon more thorow alteration , or howsoeuer it came to passe ; the thing they did is iudged euill . but such is the lot of all that deale in publique affaires whether of church or cōmonwealth , that which men list to surmise of their doings be it good or ill , they must before hand patiently arme their minds to indure . wherefore to let go priuate surmises , whereby the thing in it selfe is not made either better or worse ; if iust and allowable reasons might leade thē to do as they did , then are these censures al frustrate . touching ceremonies harmelesse therfore in thēselues , & hurtful onely in respect of number : was it amisse to decree , that those things which were least needfull & newliest come should be the first that were taken away , as in the abrogating of a nūber of saints daies and of other the like customes it appeareth they did , till afterwards the forme of common prayer being perfited , articles of sound religion and discipline agreed vpon , catechismes framed for the needfull instruction of youth , churches purged of things that indeed were burthensome to the people , or to the simple offensiue and scandalous , all was brought at the length vnto that wherein now we stand ? or was it amisse , that hauing this way eased the church as they thought of superfluitie , they went not on till they had pluckt vp euen those things also , which had taken a great deale stronger and deeper roote ; those things which to abrogate without constraint of manifest harme thereby arising , had bene to alter vnnecessarily ( in their iudgements ) the auncient receiued custome of the whole church , the vniuersall practise of the people of god , and those very decrees of our fathers , which were not only set downe by agreement of generall councels , but had accordingly bin put in vre and so continued in vse till that very time present ? true it is that neither councels nor customes , be they neuer so ancient and so generall , can let the church from taking away that thing which is hurtfull to be retained . where things haue bene instituted , which being conuenient and good at the first , do afterwards in processe of time waxe otherwise ; we make no doubt but they may be altered , yea though councels or customes generall haue receiued them . and therfore it is but a needles kind of opposition which they make who thus dispute , if in those things which are not expressed in the scripture , that is to be obserued of the church , which is the custome of the people of god and decree of our forefathers ; then how can these things at any time be varied , which heretofore haue bene once ordained in such sort ? whereto we say , that things so ordained are to be kept , howbeit not necessarily any longer , then till there grow some vrgent cause to ordaine the contrary . for there is not any positiue law of men , whether it be generall or particular , receiued by formall expresse consent , as in councels ; or by secret approbation , as in customes it commeth to passe , but the same may be taken away it occasion serue . euen as we all know , that many things generally kept heretofore , are now in like sort generally vnkept and abolished euery where . notwithstanding till such things be abolished , what exception can there be taken against the iudgement of s. augustine , who saith , that of things harmelesse whatsoeuer there is , which the whole church doth obserue throughout the world ; to argue for any mans immunitie from obseruing the same , it were a point of most insolent madnes . and surely odious it must needs haue bene for one christian church , to abolish that which all had receiued and held for the space of many ages , & that without any detriment vnto religion so manifest and so great , as might in the eyes of vnpartiall men appeare sufficient to cleare thē from all blame of rash & inconsiderate proceeding , if in feruour of zeale they had remoued such things . whereas contrariwise so reasonable moderation herein vsed , hath freed vs from being deseruedly subiect vnto that bitter kind of obloquie , wherby as the church of rome doth vnder the colour of loue towards those things which be harmelesse , maintaine extremely most hurtfull corruptions ; so we peraduenture might be vpbraided , that vnder colour of hatred towards those things that are corrupt , we are on the other side as extreme , euen againts most harmelesse ordinances . and as they are obstinate to retaine that , which no man of any conscience is able wel to defend : so we might be reckoned fierce and violent , to teare away that , which if our owne mouthes did condemne , our consciences would storme and repine thereat . the romanes hauing banished tarquinius the proud , and taken a sollemne oath that they neuer would permit any man more to raigne , could not herewith content themselues , or thinke that tyrannie was throughly extinguished , till they had driuen one of their consuls to depart the citie , against whom they found not in the world what to obiect , sauing onely that his name was tarquine , and that the common-wealth could not seeme to haue recouered perfect freedome , as long as a man of so daungerous a name was left remaining . for the church of england to haue done the like , in casting out of papall tyranny and superstition ; to haue shewed greater willingnes of accepting the very ceremonies of the turke christs professed enemie , then of the most indifferent things which the church of rome approueth ; to haue left not so much as the names which the church of rome doth giue vnto things innocent ; to haue eiected whatsoeuer that church doth make accompt of , be it neuer so harmelesse in it selfe , and of neuer so auncient continuance , without any other crime to charge it with , then onely that it hath bene the hap thereof to be vsed by the church of rome ; and not to be commanded in the word of god ; this kind of proceeding might happily haue pleased some fewe men , who hauing begun such a course themselues , must needs be glad to see their example followed by vs. but the almightie which giueth wisedome and inspireth with right vnderstanding whō soeuer it pleaseth him , he foreseeing that which mans wit had neuer bene able to reach vnto , namely what tragedies the attempt of so extreme alteration would raise in some parts of the christian world , did for the endlesse good of his church ( as we cannot chuse but interpret it ) vse the bridle of his prouident restraining hand , to stay those eager affections in some , and to settle their resolution vpon a course more calme and moderate ; least as in other most ample and heretofore most flourishing dominions it hath since fallen out , so likewise if in ours it had come to passe , that the aduerse part being enraged , and betaking it selfe to such practises as men are commonly wont to embrace , when they behold things brought to desperate extremities , and no hope left to see any other end , then onely the vtter oppression and cleane extinguishment of one side ; by this meane christendome flaming in all parts of greatest importance at once , they all had wanted that comfort of mutuall reliefe , wherby they are now for the time susteined , ( and not the least by this our church which they so much impeach ) till mutuall combustious bloudsheads and wastes ( because no other inducement will serue ) may enforce them through very faintnesse , after the experience of so endlesse miseries , to enter on all sides at the length into some such consultation , as may tend to the best reestablishment of the whole church of iesus christ. to the singular good whereof it cannot but serue as a profitable direction , to teach men what is most likely to proue auaileable , when they shall quietly consider the triall that hath bene thus long had of both kinds of reformation , as well this moderate kind which the church of england hath taken , as that other more extreme and rigorous which certaine churches elsewhere haue better liked . in the meane while it may be , that suspence of iudgement and exercise of charity were safer and seemelier for christian men , then the hote pursute of these controuersies , wherein they that are most feruent to dispute , be not alwayes the most able to determine . but who are on his side and who against him , our lord in his good time shall reueale . and sith thus farre we haue proceeded in opening the things that haue beene done , let not the principall doers themselues be forgotten . when the ruines of the house of god ( that house which cōsisting of religious soules is most immediatly the pretious temple of the holy ghost ) were become not in his sight alone , but in the eyes of the whole world so exceeding great , that very superstition began euen to feele itselfe too farre growne : the first that with vs made way to repaire the decayes thereof by beheading superstition , was king henry the eight . the sonne and successour of which famous king as we know was edward the saint : in whom ( for so by the euent wee may gather ) it pleased god righteous and iust to let england see , what a blessing sinne and iniquitie would not suffer it to enioy . howbeit that which the wise man hath sayde concerning enoch ( whose dayes were though many in respect of ours , yet scarse as three to nine in comparison of theirs with whome hee liued ) the same to that admirable child most worthily may be applyed , though he departed this worlde soone , yet fulfilled he much time . but what ensued ? that worke , which the one in such sort had begun , and the other so farre proceeded in , was in short space so ouerthrowne , as if almost it had neuer bene : till such time as that god , whose property is to shew his mercies then greatest when they are neerest to be vtterly despaired of , caused in the depth of discomfort and darknes a most glorious starre to arise , and on her head setled the crowne , whome him selfe had kept as a lambe from the slaughter of those bloudie times , that the experience of his goodnes in her own deliuerance , might cause her mercifull ▪ disposition to take so much the more delight in sauing others , whom the like necessity shold presse . what in this behalfe hath bene done towards nations abroad , the parts of christendome most afflicted can best testifie . that which especially concerneth our selues in the present matter we treate of , is the state of reformed religion , a thing at her comming to the crowne euen raised as it were by miracle from the dead , a thing which we so little hoped to see , that euen they which behelde it done , scarcely belieued their own senses at the first beholding . yet being then brought to passe , thus many years it hath continued , standing by no other worldly meane but that one only hand which erected it , that hand which as no kinde of imminent daunger could cause at the first to withholde it selfe , so neyther haue the practises so many so bloudie following since beene euer able to make wearie . nor can we say in this case so iustly , that aaron and hur the ecclesiasticall and ciuill states haue sustained the hand which did lift it selfe to heauen for them ; as that heauen it selfe hath by this hand sustained them , no ayde or helpe hauing thereunto bene ministred for performance of the worke of reformation , other then such kind of helpe or ayde as the angell in the prophet zacharie speaketh of , saying , neither by an armie nor strength , but by my spirit saith the lord of hostes. which grace and fauour of diuine assistance , hauing not in one thing or two shewed it self , nor for some few daies or yeares appeared , but in such sort so long continued , our manifold sinnes & transgressions striuing to the contrarie ; what can we lesse thereupon conclude , then that god would at leastwise by tract of time teach the world , that the thing which he blesseth , defendeth , keepeth , so strangely , cannot choose but be of him ? wherefore if any refuse to beleeue vs disputing for the veritie of religion established , let them beleeue god himselfe thus miraculouslie working for it , and wish life euen for euer and euer vnto that glorious and sacred instrument whereby he worketh . finis an aduertisement to the reader ▪ i haue for some causes , ( gentle reader ) thought it at this time , more fit to let goe these first foure bookes by themselues , then to stay both them and the rest , til the whole might together be published . such generalities of the cause in question as here are handled , it will be perhaps not amisse to consider apart , as by way of introduction vnto the bookes that are to follow concerning particulars . in the meane while thine helping hand must be craued , for the amendment of such faultes committed in printing , as ( omitting others of lesse moment ) i haue set downe . pag. line fault ▪ correction pag. line fault correction be ordained he ordained still stay if any of any it is for nothing it is not for nothing mar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wash waste mar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pretious should pretious body should mar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meerenes neerenes manifest reason manifest law of reasō vrine vaine or that of that ma. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ase such are such do ( i doubt ) not presume , do ( i doubt not ) presume holy worke holy word mar . sticke strike seuerally seueraltie . worde world notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e the cause and occasion of handling these things : and what might be wished in them for whose sakes so much paine is taken . ia. . . the first establishment of new discipline by m. caluins industry in the church of geneua : and the beginning of strife about it amongst our selues . epist. cal. . luc. . . an. d ▪ . ep. . quod eam vrbem videret omnino his frenis indigere . by what meanes so many of the people are trained into the liking of that discipline . . cor. , . . cor. ● , , luc. . ▪ . act , . . . rom. . . galen . de opt ▪ docen . ge● . mal . . greg. naz. orat . qua se ●●cusat . matth. . . mal. . . iud ver . ▪ . pet. . . cal. instit . li. . cap. . sect. the author of the petition directed to her maiestie p. . arist. metaph. lib. . cap. . ● . ioh. ● . ● . . thes. . . . tim. . . . iohn . . . . cor. ● . . act. . . sap. . . vve foole● thought his life madnes . m●rc . tris. ad asculap . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vide lactant. de ●ust●t . lib. ● . cap. august . ep●st . . vvhat hath c●used so many of the l●arne●er sort to approue the same disciplin● . t.c. lib. . p. euseb. . lib. lib. strom. somewhat after the beginning . lib. . c. . phil. . ● . a 〈…〉 ceremoniis atque f●ni● tantum sanctitatis tribuere cōsueuit quantum adstruxerit vetustatis . arno. p. . b rom. . . . cor . . . thes. . . . pet. . . in their meetings to serue god , their maner was in the end to salute one an other with a kisse , vsing these words ▪ peace be with you . for which cause tertull. doth call it sig●aculum orationis , the seale of prayer . lib. d● orat. c epist. iud. vers . . concerning which feasts , . chrysost . s●ith , stati● diebus mesas faciebant commune● , & peract● synaxi post sacramentorum cōmunionem inibāt conuiuium , diuiti●us quidemcibos afferēribus , pau peribus au●em & qu● ni●il habebant etiam vocati● ▪ in . cor. . hom . . of the same feasts in like sort tertull. coena nostra de n●mine rationsui oftendit . vocatur en●m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●d quod est penes graecos d●lectio . quantis cunq ▪ sumptibusconste● , lucrum est , ●etatis nomine fa●ere sumptum . apolog. c. . galen . clas . . lib. de cuiosque anim . peccat . notitia atque medela . petit. to the q ▪ m.p. . eccles. . . their calling for triall by disputation . no end of contention , without submission of both parts vnto some definitiue sentence . rom. ● . . deut. . . act . ●res . tract , 〈◊〉 excom . & presbyt . math. . ● ▪ t.c. li. ● . p. ▪ the matter contained in these eight bookes . how iust cause there is to feare the manifold dangerous euents likely to ensue vpon this intended reformation , if it did take place . . pet. . . psal. . . pref. against d. baner . matth. . . sap. . . eccl. . . humb. motion to the l l. p. . act. . . mumb. m●t. p. . counterp . p. . matth. ● . ● . guy de brés contre l'errent des anabapa . tistes . p. . p. . p. . p. . . . . p. . p. . luc. . . p. . p. . ier. . . p. . p. . . tim. . . p. . ● . p. . p. . p. . . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. ● . p. . p. . p. . p. ● . p. . p. . la●ant . de . iustit . lib. . cap. . p. . p. . . p. ● . p. . . p. . p. . p. . matt. . . exod. . . matt. in his ● . libel . p. . demonstr . in the praef . the conclusion of all . iob. . . greg. na● . in apol. notes for div a -e the cause of writing this generall discourse . of that lawe which god from before the beginning hath set for himselfe to do all things by . ioh. ● . . . . a iupiter● counsell was accomplished . b the creator made the whole world , not with hands , but by reason . stob in eclog. phys . c proceed by a certaine and a 〈◊〉 waie in the making of the world . ioh. . . gen. . . sap. . . sap. . . eph. . . phil. . . col. ● . . prou . . . ephe. . . rom. . . prou . ● . . rom. . . bor● . lib. ▪ des consol. philo● . tim. . . heb. . . the lawe which natural ag●nts haue giuen t●em to obserue , and their necessary maner of keeping it . a id omne quod in rebus creatis fit , est materia legis oeternae . th . . q . art ● . . nullo modo aliquid legibus summi creato ris ordinationique subtrahitur , a quo pax vniuersitatis administratur . august . de ciu . de● lib. . c. . immo & pece●tum , quatenus ● deo ●ustè permittitu● , cadit ●n legemaeter●am . e●●a●leg●aetern● sub●icitur peccatum ▪ quatenus voluntaria legis transgressio poenale quodd● incommodum animae ●●ser●t , ●uxta ill●d augustini , ius●isti d●mine & sic est , vt poe●ia su ●sib● sit omnis animus inordin●tus . co●fe● . lib . c. ● nec male sc●ola●t●ci . quemadmodum inquiunt videmus res naturales contingentes , hoc ipso quod à fine particular● suo atque adeu à lege aeternâ exor●itant , in candem legem ae ernam incidere , qu●t●nucons●q iu●tur alium fine ● à lege ●riam aeternâ ipsis in casu particulari consti●utum : sic verisimile e●t homines etiam cù n peccant & desciscunt à lege aeternâ ●●praecipiente , re neidere in ordinē aeternae legisvt punientis . psal . . . pheophr . in metaph. arist. rhet. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. . ● . a forme in other creatures , is a thing proportionable vnto the soule in liuing creatures . sensible it is not , nor otherwise discernable , then only by effects . according to the diuersitie of inward formes , things of the world are distinguished into their kindes . vide thom. in compend . theol , cap. . omne quod mouetur ab aliquo est quasi instrumentum quoddam primi mouentis . ridiculum est autem e●am apud indoctos ponere instrumentum moueri non ab aliquo principale agente . the law which angels doe worke by . psal. . . heb. . . eph. . . dan. . . matth. . . heb. . . luc. . . matth. . . matth. . . psal. . . . luc. . . heb. . . act. . . dan. . . matth. ● . ● . dan. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. metaph. . cap. . iob. . . math. . . psal . . . heb. . . esa. . . this is intimated wheresoeuer we finde them termed the sonnes of god : as iob. . . & . . ● . pet . . . ep. iud. ver . . psal . . . luk. . . matth ▪ . . psal . . . heb. . . apoc , . . ioh. . ▪ . pet . . . apoc. . . gen. . . . chr. , , iob. . , & , ioh. , , act. , , apoc. ● , . the law wherby man is in his actions directed to the imitation of god. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist. de an . lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ari. . de cael . ca. . matth. . . sap. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mens first beginning to grow to the knowledge of that law which the● are to obserue . vide isa. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . merc. trism . aristot●li●all demonstration a●misty . of mans will which is the thing that lawes of action are made to guide . eph. . . salust . matth. . . deut. . . o mihi praeter●tos referat si iupiter annos . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . paulo post ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a cin de doge ma● . pla● . a . cor. . . co●ruptible body is heauy vnto the soule and the earthly mansion keepeth down the min● that is ful of cares . and hardly can we discern the things that are vpō earth , & with great labor find we out the things which are before vs. vvho can then seeke out the things that are in heauen ? b luc. . ● . c math. . d sap . . eph. . . heb. ● . . . cor. . prou . . luc. . ● . of the natural way of finding out laws by reason , ●o guide ●he will vnto that which is good . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a●●st . de an . l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist. rhet. . cap. . b non potest error contingere , vbi omnes idem opinantur . monticat . in . polit. quicquid in omnibus indiuiduis vniu●●peciei communiter inest , id cause● cōmunem habeat opo●tet , quaest eorum indiuiduorum species & natura . idem . quod à t●ta aliqua specie fit , vniuersali● particularisque naturae fit instinctu ficin . de . christ ▪ relig . si pro●icer● cupis , primo firmé id ve●um puta quod sanmen● omniū hominum attestatur . cusa . in compend . cap. . non li●er naturalé vniuersaléque hominum iudicium falsum van umque existima●e teles ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ a●ist . eth. . cap. . c rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. i● metaph. ● . cor. . . matth. . . arist. polit. ● . cap. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . plat. in theaet . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist ▪ metop . lib. . cap. . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . plat. in tim. d arist. ethi ● . lib. . ca. vlt. e deut. . . f math. . ● . g quod quis in se approbat , in alio reprobare nō posse . ●an arenam c. de ino● . test . quod quisque iuris in alium sta●u●●it , ipsum quoque codem vti debere . l. quod quisque . ab omni penitu● iniu●●â atque vi . abstinendū . l. § . quod vi . autclam . matth. . . on these two commandements hangeth the whole law . gen. . . mar. . . act. . . act. . . ● . thes. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . soph. anti. th. . . q. . art . . omnia peccata sunt in vniuersum contra rationem & naturae legem . aug. de ciu . dei . lib. . ●ap . . omne vitium naturae noc●t , ac per hoc contra naturam est . de doctr . christ. lib. . cap. . psal. . . sapi. . . s●pi . ● . . eph. . . esay . . . . the benefit of keeping that law which reason teacheth . voluntate subla●â omnem actum parem esse . l. ●oedissimam c. de adult . bonam voluntatem plerun● que pro facto reputari . l. si quis in testamen . diuo● cast● adeunto , pi●tatent adhi●bento . qui secus faxir , deus ipsi ●in● dex crit . how reason doth leade men vnto the making of humane lawes , whereby politique societies are gouerned , and to agreement about lawes , whereby the fellowship or communion of independent societies stādeth . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist. rhet. . tim. . . gen. . . gen. . . gen. . . gen. . . mat. . gen. . . . ● . esay . . . . tim. . . gen. . . gen. . . gen. . . gen. . . pet. . . arist. pol. l ▪ ● . & . arist. polit . lib. . cap. . vide & platonem in . de legibus . a cum premeretur initio multitudo ab lis qui maiores opes habebāt , ad vnum aliquem confugiebant virtute praestantem ; qui cum prohiberet iniuriâ tenuiores , aequitate constituendâ summos cum infimis pari iu re retinebat . cum id minus contingeret , leges sunt inuentae . cic. off . lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. rhet. ad alex. tanta est enim vis voluptatum , vt & ignorantiam pro telet in occasionem , & conscientiam corrumpat in dissimulationem . tertul. lib. de spectacul . arist. polit . lib. ● . c. v●t . staundf . pref , to the pleas of the crowne . epis. iud. v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist. ethi . lib. cap. . esa. . . arist. pol. . c. gen. . . cic. tusc. . & . de legib . . reg. . . . chr. . . math. . . luk. . . iose. lib. . contra applou . theod. lib. . de sanand 〈◊〉 affec● ▪ eph. . ● . act. ● . ● . ioh. . ● wherfore god hath by scripture further made knowne such supernaturall lawes as do serue for mens direction . a gal. . . hee that soweth to the spirit , shall of the spirit reape life euerlasting . vide arist eth . cap. . & metaph. . ca . & cap. . & cap. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mercur. trismeg . aug. de trin . lib. . ca. vl● . math. . the iust shall goe into life euerlasting ▪ math. . they shal be a● the angels of god. ● . tim. . ● . . pet. . . psal. ● . comment in proaem . . me●●ph . phil. . ● . a math. ● . ● . reioyce and be glad ▪ for great is your reward in heauen . aug. de doct . christ. cap. . summa merces est vt ipso per●ru●mur . b ambros. contra sym. c magno & excellenti ingenio viri , cum se doctrinae penitus dedidissent , quicquid laborit poterat impendi ( contemptis omnibus & priuatis & publicis actionibus ) ad inquirendae veritatis studi● contulerunt ; existimentes multo esse praeclarius humanarum diuinarumque rerum inuestigare ac scire rationem , quàm struēdi● o●ibus aut cu●nulandis honoribus in haerere . sed nequ● adepti sunt id quod volebant ▪ & operam simul atque industriam pe● diderunt ▪ quia veritas , id est arcanum summi dei qui fecit omnia , ingenio ac propriis sensibu● non potest cōprehendi . alioqui nihil inter deum hominémque distaret , si consilia & dispositiones illius maiestatis aeternae cogitatio assequeretur hu●lana . quod quia fieri non potuit vt homini per seipsum ratio diuina notesceret , non est passus hominem deus lumen sapientiae requirentem diutiùs a berrare , ac sine vllo laboris effectu vagari pertenebras inextricabiles . a peruit oculo● eius aliquando , & noti●nem veritati● munus suum fecit , vt & humanam sapientiam nullam esse monstraret , & erranti ac vago ●●am consequendae immortalitatis ostenderet . lactan. lib. . cap. . a scot. lib. . sent. dict . . loquendo de strictâ iustitiâ , deus nulli nostrum propter quaecun● que merita est debitor perfectionis reddendae tam intensae , propter immoderatū excessum illius perfectionis vltra illa merita . sed esto quod ex liberalitate suâ determinasset meritis conserre actum tam perfectum tanquam praemium , tali quidem iustitiâ qualis decet cum , scilicet supererogantis in praemus : tamen non sequitur ex hoc necessatiò quòd perillam iu●titiam sit reddenda perfectio perennis tanquam praemium , imo abundans fieret retributio in beatitudine vnius momenti . b iohn . . . c iohn . . a the cause why so many naturall or rational laws are ●et downe in hol ▪ scripture . b ius naturale est quod in lege & euāgelio continetur . p. . d. . c iosephus lib. secūdo contra appio . lacedae monii quomodo nō sunt ob inhospitalitatē reprehendēdi , ●aedúmque neglectum nuptiarum ? elien●e● verò & th●bani ob coitū cum malculis planè impudentē & contra naturam ; quem recte & vtiliter exercere pu●abant ? cumque hae● comninò perpetrarēt , etiam luis legibus miscu ere . vide . th. . q. . . . . lex naturae 〈◊〉 corrupt● suit apud 〈◊〉 manos , ve 〈◊〉 trocinium ti●●● reputarēt peccatum . august . aut quisquis author est lib. de quaest . non . & vet . test . quis nescia● , quid bonae vitae cōueniat , aut ignor●t ▪ quia quod 〈◊〉 sien non vultali●s minime deb●at facere ? at verò vbi naturali● lex qua n●st oppressa , consuetudine delinquendi , tunc oportuit manifestari scriptis , vt dei iudicium omnes audiren● : non quod penitus oblitera ta est , sed qui● maxima eius authoritate carebat , idololatriae studebatur , timor dei in terris nō erat , fornicatio operabatur , circa rem proximi auida erat concupiscentia . data ergo lex est , vt quae sciebantur authoritatem haberent , & quae latere caeperant manifestarentur . the benefit of hauing diuine lawes written . exod. . . ose. . ● . apoc. ● . & . . aug. lib. . de cons. euang. cap. v●c . a i mean those historical matters cōcerning the anciēt state of the first world , the deluge , the sons of noah , the children of israels deliuerance out of aegypt , the life and doings of moses their captaine , with such like : the certaine truth whereof deliuered in holy scripture , is of the heathen which had thē onely by report , so intermingled with fabulous vanities , that the most which remaineth in them to bee seene , is the shew of darké and obscure steps , where some part of the truth hath gone . the sufficiency of scripture vnto the end for which it was instituted . v●rum cognitio supernaturalis necessaria viatori , sit sufficienter tradita in sacrâ scripturâ . this question proposed by scotus , i● affirmatiuely concluded . a eph. . . b . tim. . . c tit. . . d . pet. . . iohn . ● . . . tim. ● . ▪ . tim. . . verse . . vvhitake●us aduersu . b●llarmin quaest . . cap. . of lawe● positiue conteined in scripture , the mutability of certaine of them , and the generall vse of scripture . esa. . . their feare towards me was taught by the precept of men . apoc. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . plat. in sine . . polit. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stra. geogr. lib. . b psal. ● . ▪ c vide orphei carmina . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . philo de mos. a conclusion shewing how all this belongeth to the cause in question . iam. . arist. phys. ii. . cap. . arist. eth. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . intelligit de legum qualitate iudicium . prou. . . eph. . . apoc. . . . pet. . . eph. . . . tim. . . . cor. . ps. . , , . rom. . . rom. . . rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist. eth. . cap. . iob. . . ps. ● . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . zonarin can . apo●t . . act. . . notes for div a -e t.c. l. . p. . & . the first pretended proofe of the first position out of scripture . pro. . . t. c .l. . p. . i say that the word of god containeth whatsoeuer things can fall into any part of mans life . for so salomon saith in the . chapter of the prouerbes , my sonne , if thou receiue my words &c. then thou shalt vnderstand iustice , and iudgement , & equitie , and euery goodway . psal. . . a . tim. . the whole scripture is giuen by inspiration of god , and is profitable to teach , to improue , to correct , and to instruct in righteousnes , that the man of god may be absolute being made perfect vnto all good works . he meaneth all and only those good workes , which belong vnto vs as we are men of god , and which vnto saluation are necessary . or if we vnderstand by men of god , gods ministers ▪ there is not required in them an vniuersall skill of euery good worke or way , but an habilitie to teach whatsoeuer men are bound to doe that they may be saued . and with this kinde of knowledge the scripture sufficeth to furnish them as touching matter . the second proofe out of scripture . . cor. . . t.c. l. . p. . s. paul saith that whether we eat or drink or whatsoeuer we do , we must do it to the glory of god. but no man can glorifie god in any thing but by obedience ; and there is no obedience but in respect of the commaundement and word of god : therefore is followeth that the word of god directeth a man in all his actions . . pet. . . rom. . . . cor. . . rom. . . the third scripture prof . . tim. . . and that which s. paul said of meats & drink● that they are sanctified vnto vs by the word of god , the same is to b● vnderstanded of all things els whatsoeuer we haue the vse of . t.c. l. . p. . . tim. . the fourth scripture-proofe . rom. . . t.c. lib. , p. . psal. . . apoc. . . . cor. . . ioh. . . ioh. . . a and if any will say , that s. paule meaneth there a full 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and perswasion that that which hee doth is well done , i graunt it . but from whence can that spring but from faith ? how can wee perswade and assure our selues that wee doe well , but whereas we haue the word of god for our warrant ? t.c. lib. . cap. . b what also that some euen of those heathen men haue taught , that nothing ought to be done , whereof thou doubtest whether it be right or wrong ? whereby it appeareth , that euen those which had no knowledge of the worde of god , did see much of the equitie of this which the apostle requireth of a christian man : and that the chiefest difference is , that where they sent men for the difference of good and euill to the light of reason , in such things the apostle sendeth them to the schoole of christ in his worde , which onely is able through faith to giue them assurance and resolution in their doings . t.c. lib. . pag. . ioh. . . t.c. li. . p. ● . act. . exod . . . leuit. . . cor. . . iob. . . arist. pol. . august , ep. . the first assertion indeuoured to be proued by the vse of taking arguments negatiuely from the authority of scripture : which kind of disputing is vsuall in the fathers . august-contr . liter . petil. li. . cap. . tertull. de prescrip . aduers . t.c. l. . p. ● . augustine sayth ▪ whether it be question of christ , or whether it be question of his church , &c. and least the answerer should restraine the generall saying of augustine●nto ●nto the doctrine of the gospell ▪ so that he would thereby shut out the discipline ▪ euen tertullian himself● before he was embrued with the heresie of montanus , g●ueth testimony vnto the discipline in these words , vve may not giue our selues , &c. hieron . contra heluid . hilar. in psal. . t.c. l. . p. . let him heare what cyprian sayth : the christian religion ( sayth he ) shall find , that &c. ver● hoc mandatum legem complectitur & prophetas , & in hoc verbo omnium scripturarum volumina coarcta●iur . hoc natura , hoc ratio ▪ hoc , domin● , verbi tui clamat authoritas , hoc ex ere tuo iudiuimu● , h●c inuenit consummationem omnis religio . primum est hoc mandatum & vltimum ▪ hoc in libro vitae conscriptum indeficientem & hominibus & angelis exhibet lectionem . legat hoc vnum verbum & in hoc mandato meditetur christiana relig●o , & inueniet ex h ac scriptura omnium doctrinarum regulas emanasse , & hinc nasci & huc reuerti quicquid ecclesiastica continet disciplina , & in omnibus irritum esse & friuolum quicquid dilectio non confirmat . tertul. lib ▪ de monog . t. c. l. . p. . and in another place tertullian sayth , that the scripture denieth that which it noteth not . t. c. l. ● . p. . and that in indifferent things it is not enough that they be not against the word , but that they be according to the word , it may appeare by other places , where he sayth , that whatsoeuer , pleaseth , not the lord , displeaseth him , and with hurt is receiued . lib. . ad vxorem . qua domino non placent , vtique dominum offendunt ▪ vtique malo se inferunt . t. c. l. . p. . and to come yet neerer , where he disputeth against the wearing of crowne or garland , ( which is indifferent of it selfe ) to those which obiecting asked , where the scripture saith that a man might not weare a crowne ; he answereth by asking where the scripture sayth that they may weare ? and vnto them replying that it is permitted which is not forbidden ; he answereth , that it is forbidden which is not permitted . whereby appeareth , that the argument of the scriptures negatiuely holdeth , not onely in the doctrine and ecclesiasticall discipline , but euen in matters arbitrary and variable by the aduise of the church . where it is not inough that they be not forbidden , vnlesse there be some word which doth permit the vse of them : it is not enough that the scripture speaketh not against them , vnlesse it speake for them : and finally where it displeaseth the lord which pleaseth him not , we must of necessitie haue the word of his mouth to declare his pleasure . tert. de corona militis . the first assertion endeuoured to be confirmed by the scriptures custome of disputing frō diuine authority negatiuely . . iohn . . ▪ god is light , and there is in him no darknesse at all . hebr. . . it is imposble that god should lye . num. . . god is not as man that he should lye . t. c. l. . p. ▪ it is ●er hard to shew that the prophets haue reasoned negatiuely . a● whe● in the person of the lord the prophet sayth ▪ whereof i haue not spoken ▪ ieremie . . and ▪ wh●ch neuer entered into my heart ▪ ier●mie . . . and where he condemne●h them because ▪ they haue not asked counsell at the mouth of the lord , esay . . and it may be shewed ▪ that the same kind of argument hath bene vsed , in things which are not of the substance of saluation or damnation , and whereof there was no commaund●ment to the contrary ( as in the former there was ▪ leuit. . . & . . deut. . . ) in iosua the children of israel are charged by the prophet that they asked not counsell of the● mouth of the lord when they entered into couenant with the gabeonites , iosh. . . and yet that couenant was not made contrarie vnto anie commaundement of god. moreouer we reade that when dauid had taken this counsell to build a temple vnto the lord , albeit the lord had reuealed before in his word that there should be such a standing place ▪ where the arke of the couenant and the seruice should haue a certaine abiding ▪ and albeit there was no word of god which ●orbad dauid to build the temple : yet the lord ( with commendation of his good affection and zeale hee had to the aduancement of his glorie ) concludeth against dauid● resolution to build the temple , with this reason ▪ namely that he had giuen no commandement of this who should build it . . chr. . . leuit. . . & . . deut. . . . chro. , ● . esay . . iosh. . . num. . . . chron. . t. c. l. ● . p. . m. harding reprocheth the b. of salisbury with this kind of reasoning : vnto whom the b. answereth , the argument of authority negatiuely , is taken to be good , whensoeuer proofe is taken of gods word , and is vsed not onely by vs , but also by many of the catholique fathers . a litle after he sheweth the reason why the argument of authority of the scripture negatiuely is good , namely for that the word of god is perfect . in another place vnto m. harding casting him in the teeth with negatiue arguments , be alleageth places out of iren●●us , chrysostom , leo , which reasoned negatiuely of the authoritie of the scriptures . the places which he alleageth be very full and plaine in generality , without any such restraint as the answerer imagineth , as they are there to be seene . ● vell. patere . iugurtha as marius sub codem africano militantes , in ijsdem castris didicere qua postea in contrarijs facere●t . art. . diuis . . gal. . orig. in . leuitho . . math. . math. . desen . par . . ca. . diuis . ● . lib. . cap. ● de incomp . nat . dei hom . . epist. ● . ca. epist. . ca. . epist. ● . lib. . ep . . their opinion cōcerning the force of arguments taken from humane authority for the ordering of mens actiō● or perswasiōs . t. c. l. . p. . when the question is of the authority of a man , it holdeth neither affirmatiuely nor negatiuely . the reason is , because the infirmitie of man can neither attaine to the perfection of any thing whereby he might speake all things that are to be spoken of it ; neither yet be free from error in those things which he speaketh or giueth out . and therefore this argument neither affirmatiuely nor negatiuely compelleth the hearer , but only induceth him to some liking or disliking of that for which it is brought , and is rather for an orator to perswade the simpler sort , then for a disputer to enforce him that is learned . . cor. . . iohn . . . deut. . . mat. . . t. c. l. . p. . although that kind of argument of authoritie of men is good , neither in humaine nor diuine sciences ; yet it hath some small force in humaine sciences , for as much as naturally , & in that he is a man , he may come to some ripenes of iudgement in those sciences ; which in diuine matters hath no force at all , as of him which naturally , and as he is a man , can no more iudge of them shew a blind man of colours . yea so farre is it from drawing credit if it be barely spoken without reason and testimony of scripture , that it carieth also a suspition of vntruth whatsoeuer proceedeth from him , which the apostle did well note when to signifie a thing corruptly spoken and against the truth , he saith , that it is spoken according vnto man. rom. . he saith not as a wicked and lying man , but simply as a man. and although this corruption be reformed in many ; yet for so much as in whome the knowledge of the truth is most aduanced , there remaineth both ignorance and disordered affections ( whereof either of them turneth him from speaking of the truth ; ) no mans authority , with the church especially , and those that are called and perswaded of the authority of the word of god , can bring any assurance vnto the conscience . t. c. l. . p. . of diuers sentences of the fathers themselues ( wherby some haue likened them to brute beastes without reason , which suffer themselues to be led by the iudgement and authority of others ▪ some haue preferred the iudgemēt of ou● simple rude man alleaging reason vnto companies of learned men ) i will content my selfe at this time with two or three sentences . irenaeus saith , whatsoeuer is to be shewed in the scripture , canne , bee shewed but out of the scriptures themselues ▪ lib. ● cap. . ierome saith . no man be he neuer so holy or eloquent , hath any authoritie after the apostles in ps. . augustine saith , that he will beleeue none , how godly and learned soeuer he be , vnlesse he confirme his sentence by the scriptures , or by some reason not contrary to them epist. . and in another place , heare this , the lord saith , heare not this , donatus saith , rogatus saith , vincentius saith , hylarius saith , ambrose saith , augustine saith , but hearken to this the lord saith , epist. . and againe hauing to do with an arrian , he affirmeth that neither he ought to bring forth the councell of nice , nor the other the councell of arimine , thereby to bring preiudice each to other ; neither ought the arrian to be holden by the authoritie of the one , nor himselfe by the authoritie of the other , but by the scriptures which are witnesses proper to neither , but common to both ▪ matter with matter , cause with cause , reason with reason ought to be debated . contra maxim. arian . . . ca. and in an other place against petilian the donatist he saith , let not these wordes be heard betweene vs , i say , you say , let vs heare this , thus saith the lord. and by and by speaking of the scriptures he saith , there let vs seeke the church , there let vs try the cause . de vnita . eccles. cap. . hereby it is manifest , that the argument of the authoritie of man affirmatiuely is nothing worth . matth. . . t. c. l. . . if at any time it happened vnto augustine ( as it did against the donatists and others ) to alleage the authority of the auncient fathers which had bin before him ; yet this was not done before he had laid a sure foundation of his cause in the scriptures , and that also being prouoked by the aduersaries of the truth , who bare themselues high of some counsell , or of some man of name that had fauoured that part . a declaration what the truth is in this ma●ter . math. . . ephes. . . matth. . . . tim. . . matth. . . act. . . . thes. . . . t. c. l. . p. . where this doctrine is accused of bringing men to despaire , it hath wrong . for when doubting it the way to dispaire , against which this doctrine offereth the remedie ; it must needs be that it bringeth comfort and ●●y to the conscienc● of man. due . . . notes for div a -e what the church is , and in what respect lawes of polity are thereunto necessarily required . ioh. . . ioh. . . ioh. . . . tim. ● . . a eph. . . that he might reconcile bothe vnto god in one body . eph. . . that the gentiles should be inheritors also and of the same body . vide th. p. . q. . ar . . ▪ cor. . . eph. . . act. . . ioh. . . col. . . col. . . a . cor. . . vide & tacitum lib. annal. . nero quaesitiss●mis poenis affecit quos per flagitia inuisos vulgus christianos appellabat , auctor nominis eius christus , qui tiberio imperitante per procuratotem pontium pilatum supplicio affectus erat . repressáque in presen● exitiabilis superstitio rursus etumpebat , non modo per iudaeam , originem eius mali , sed per vrbem etiam . quo cuncta vndique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque . ioh. . . ioh. . . . apoc. . . tertul. de . virgin . veland . iren. aduers. haer . lib. . cap. . & . act. . . act. . . act. . . matth. . . math. . ● . exod. . psal. . . . . king. . . ier. . . . king. . . esa. . . esa. . . esa . . ier. . . ● . king. . . fortunat. in concil . car. math. . . math. . ● . math. . . secundinus in eodem conci . math. . . in concilio niceno vide hierony . dial . aduers. luciferia . . chron. ● . hos. . . & . ios. . . rom. . . cal. epist. . epist. . epist. . tertul. exhort . ad castit , vbi tre● , ecclesia est , licet laici . act. . . vvhether it be necessarie that some particular forme of church-poli●y be set downe in scripture● sith the things that belong particularly vnto any such forme , are not of necessitie to saluation ▪ tertul. ●● ha●●bitu mul. aemuli sint necesse est , quae dei non sunt . rom. . . lactan. lib. . ca. . ille legi● huius inuentor , disceptator , lator ▪ cic. t ● ▪ de 〈◊〉 two things misliked , the one , that we distinguish matters of discipline or church-gouern●●nt from matters of faith and necessarie vnto saluation ● the other , that we are iniurious to the scripture of god ? 〈◊〉 abridging the large and rich content● thereof . their words are these : you which distinguish betweene these , and say that matter of faith and necessarie vnto saluation may not be tolera●● in the church , vnlesse they be expressely conteined in the word of god , or manifestly gathered ; but that ceremonies , order , d●scipline , gouernment in the church , may not be receiued against the word of god , and consequently may be receiued , if there be no word against them , although there be none for them ; you ( i say ) distinguishing or diuiding after this sort , do proue your selfe an euill diuider . although matters of discipline and kind of gouernement were not matters necessary to saluation and of faith . it is no small iniurie which you do vnto the word of god to pin it in so narrow roome , as that it should be able to dir●ct 〈◊〉 in the principall points of our religion , or as though the substance of religion or some rude and vnfashioned matter of building of the church were v●tered in them ▪ and th●●e thing● were left out that should pertaine to the forme and fashion of it , or as if there were in the scriptures onely to couer the churches nakednesse and not also cha●nes ▪ and bracelets , and rings , and other iewels to adorne her and set her out ▪ or that to conclude , these were sufficient to quench her thirst and kill her hunger , but not to minister vnto her a more liberall , and ( as it were ) a more delitious and dainty dyes . those things you seeme to say , when you say that matters necessary to saluation and of faith are contained in scripture ▪ especially when you oppose these things to ceremonies , order , discipline , and gouernement . t. c. lib. p. . that matters of discipline are different from matters of faith and saluation , and that they them selues so teach which are our reproouers . t. c. lib. . pag. . we offer to shewe the discipline to be a part of the gospell . and againe pag. . ● speake of the discipline as of a part of the gospell . if the discipline be one part of the gospell , what other part can they assigne but doctrine , to answer in diuision to the discipline ? matth. . . a the gouernement of the church of christ graunted by fennar himselfe , to be though a matter of great moment , yet not of the substance of religion . against d ▪ bridges . pag. . if it be fennar which was the author of that booke . that we doe not take from scripture any thing which may be thereunto giuen with soundnesse of truth : arist. pol. li. . cap. . & plato in menex . arist. lib. . de anima . cap. . their meaning who first did plea●e against the politie of the church of england , vrging that nothing ought to be established in the church , which is not commaunded by the word of god : and what scripture they thought they might ground this assertion vpon . deut. . . & deut. . . vvhatsoeuer i commaund you take heed you do it● thou shalt put nothing thereto , nor take ough●● therefrom . the same assertion we cannot hold , without doing wrong vnto all churches . ioh. ● . caenatorium : de ▪ qu● math. . . ibi de caenatori● nu●tiali . act. . a shift to maintaine that . nothing ought to be established in the church , which is not commanded in the word of god ; namely that commandements are of two sorts ▪ and that all things lawfull in the church are commanded , if not by speciall precepts , yet by generall rules in the word . . cor. . . . cor. . . . cor. . rom. . . . t. c. l. . p. . another aunswere in defence of the former assertion , whereby the meaning thereof is opened in this sort . all church orders must be commaunded in the word , that is to say , grounded vpon the word , and made according at the leastwise vnto the generall rules of holy scripture . as for such things as are found out by any starre or light of reason , and are in that respect receiued so they be not against the word of god , all such things it holdeth vnlawfully receiued . arist. polit . . . cor. . apoc. . . . cor. . . col. . ● . . cor. . . . cor. ● rom. . . verse . act. . . act. . . . cor. . . col. . . tit. . . . tertul. de resur . carnis . tit. . . act. . . dan. . . . king. . . act. . matth. . . hebr. . . ● . cor. . . . cor. . . act. . ● . v. . heb. . . . cor. . . act. . . act. . . & cap. . . . pet. . . matth. . . act. . . act. . c. vi●latores . . q. . how lawes for regiment of the church may be made by the aduise of mē , following therein the light of reasō ; and how those lawes being not repugnant to the word of god , are approued in his sight . luminis naturalis ducatum repellere , non modo stultum est . sed & impium . aug. . de trin . c. . th. aqui. . q. l ▪ . art . . ex preceptis legis naturalis ▪ quasi ex qui●usdam , principiis communibus & in demōstrabilibus , necesse est quod ratio humana procedat ad allqua magis particulariter disponenda . et istae particulares disposi●●ones ad●nuentae sec●●dum rationem humanā , dicuntur leg es humanae , obseruatis alii● conditionibus quae pertinent ad rationem legis . . . q. . art . . . cor. . . prou. . . rom. . . iohn . . . rom. . . & . . that neither gods being the author of laws , nor his committing them to scripture , nor the continuance of the end for which they were instituted , is any reason sufficient to proue that they are vnchangeable . deut. . . deut. . . quod pro necessitate temporis statutum est , cessante necessitate debet cessare pariter quod vrgebat . . q. . quod pro necessit . act. . counterp . p. . a we offer to shew the discipline to bee a parte of the gospell , and therfore to haue a cōmon cause : so that in the repulse of the discipline , the gospell receiue● a checke . and againe , i speake of the discipline as of a part of the gospell , and therfore neither vnder nor aboue the gospel , but the gospell ▪ t.c. l. . p. . . tertul. de veland virg . ma●t . in . sam. . act. . a disciplin● est christian● ecclesiae politia , a deo eiurectè administrandae cause constituta , ac propterea ex cius verbo pe●enda , & ob ●andem causam omnium ecclesiarum communi● , & omnium temporum . lib. de eccles . discipli . in analy . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist e●h . . c. . vvhether christ haue forbidden all chaunge of those lawes which are set downe in scripture . heb. . . either that commendation of the son before the seruant is a false testimony , or the sonne ordained a permanent gouernment in the church . ●f parmanent , then not to be changed . vvhat then do they that hold it may be changed at the magistrates pleasure , but aduise the magistrate by his positiue lawes to proclaime that it is his will , that if there shall be a church within his dominions , he will maime and deforme the same . m.m. p. . he that was as faithfull as moses , left as cleare instruction for the gouernment of the church . but christ was as faithfull as moses . ergo. demonst ▪ of disc. cap. . iohn . . either god hath left a prescript forme of gouernement now ▪ or else he is lesse carefull vnder the new test●mēt then vnder the olde demonst. of disc. cap. . ecclesiast . disc . lib. ▪ rom. ● . . eph. ● . . deut. . . verse . verse . verse . deut. . . deut. . deut. . deut. . deut. . deut. . t.c. l. . p. . whereas you say that they ( the iewes ) had nothing , but was determined by the law , and we haue manie things vndetermined and left to the order of the church : i will offer for one that you shall bring that we haue left to the order of the church , to shew you that they had twentie which were vndecided of by the expresse word of god. t.c. in the table to his second booke . t.c. l. . p. if he will needs separate the worship of god from the externall politie ; yet as the lord set forth the one , so he left nothing vndescribed in the other . leuit , . . numb . . . numb . . numb . . gen. . . gen. . . t.c. lib. ● . pag. . . tim. . . iohn . . . iohn . . . act. . . . tim. . . . tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . tim. . . . tim. . . . tim. . . t.c. l. . pa. . my reasons do neuer conclude the vnlawfulnes of these ceremonies of buriall , but the inconuenience and inexpediente of them . and in the table : of the inconuenience , not of th● vnlawfulnes of popish apparell and ceremonies in buriall . t.c. l. . p. . vpon the indefinite speaking of m. caluin , saying , ceremonies and externall discipline without adding all or some , you go about subtilly to make men believe , that m. caluin had placed the whole externall discipline in the power and arbiterment of the church . for if all externall discipline were arbitrary and in the choise of the church , excommunication also ( which is a part of it ) might be cast away , which i thinke you will not say . and in the very next words before . where you would giue to vnderstand that ceremonies & externall discipline are not prescribed particularly by the word of god , and therfore left to the order of the church : you must vnderstand that all externall discipline is not left to the order of the church , being particularly prescribed in the scripture● : no more then all ceremonies are left to the order of the church , as the sacrament of baptisms , and supper of the lord. t.c. l. . p. . t.c. l. . p. . we deny not but certaine things are left to the order of the church ▪ because they are of the nature of those which are varied by times , places , persons , and other circumstances , & so could not at one be set downe and established for ever . esa. . . col. . . aug. epist. . ios. . iud. . . ●oh . . . ioh. . . a nisi reip . suae statum omnē constituerit , magistratus ordinarit , singulorum munera potestatémque descripserit , quae iudi ciorum forique ratio habenda , quomodo ciu●um finiendae lites : non solum minus ecclesiae christianae prouidit quàm moses olim iudaicae , sed quā à lycurgo , solone , numa ciuitatib . suis prospectū fit . lib. de ecclesiast . disc. the defence of godly minist . against d. bridges . p. ● luc. . ●● . matth. . ● ▪ rom. . . notes for div a -e how great vse ceremonies haue in the church . mat. . . the doctrine and discipline of the church , as the waightiest things , ought especially to be looked vnto : but the ceremonies also , as mint & comin , ought not to be neglected . t.c. l. . p. . gen. . . ruth . . . exod. . ● . a dionis . p. ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b litt. ● . . m●nu ad digitos vsque involutâ ●em diuinā facere ; significantes sidem tutandam , sedémque eius etiam in dextris sacratam esse . c eccl. disci . . . ●ol . . the first thing they blame in the kind of our ceremonies is , that we haue not in them ancient apostolical simplicitie , but a greater pompe and statelines . lib. eccle . disci . & t.c. l. . p. . tom. . de bap contra dona●ist . l. . cap . t.c. l. . p. . if this iudgement of s. augustine bee a good iudgement and sound ; then there be some things commaunded of god , which are not in the scripture ; and therefore there is no sufficient doctrine contained in scripture whereby we may be saued . for all the commaundements of god and of the apostles are needfull for our saluation . vid. epist. . sam. . . . chro. ● . ●● our orders & ceremonies blamed , in that so many of thē are the same which the church of rome vseth . eccles. discipl . fol. . t.c. lib. . p. . t.c. lib. . p. . t.c. lib. . p. t.c. l. . p. ● . t.c. l. . p. . t.c. l. . p. . t.c. l. . p. tom. . br●● . . con. africa . cap. . lib. de idololatria . he seemeth to mean the feast of easter day , celebrated in the memory of our sauiours resurrection , and for that cause termed the lords day . lib. de anima t.c. l. . p. . t.c. l. . p. ● t.c. l. . p. . that wheras they who blame vs in this behalfe , whē reason euicteth that all such ceremonies are not to be abolished , make answere that when they condemne popish ceremonies their meaning is of ceremonies vnprofitable , or ceremonies in stead wherof as good or better may be deuised : they cannot hereby get out of the briers , but contradict and gainesay themselues ; in as much as their vsuall maner is to proue , that ceremonies vncommaunded of god , and yet vsed in the church of rome , are for this very cause vnprofitable to vs , and not so good as others in their place would be . t.c. lib. p. . what an open vntruth is it , that this is one of our principles not to be lawful to vse the same ceremonies which the papists did : when as i haue both before declared the contrary , and euen here haue expressely added ▪ that they are not to be vsed when as good or better way be established ? ecclesi . discipl . fol. . t.c. l. . p. . as for your oft●̄ repeating tha● the ceremonies in question are godly , comely & decent : it is your old wont of demaunding the thing in question , and an vndoubted argument of your extreme pouerty . t.c. l. p. . t.c. l. . p. . and that this complaint of ●urs is iust , in that we are thus constrained to be like vnto th● papists in any their ceremonies , and that this cause only ought to moue . ●hem to whom that belongeth to do theirs away , for as much 〈◊〉 they are their ceremonies : the reader may further se● in the b. of salisbury , who brings diuerse proofes thereof . that our allowing the customes of our fathers to be followed , is no proofe that we may not allow some customes which the church of rome hath , although we do not accōpt of them as of our fathers . that the course which the wisedome of god doth teach , maketh not against our conformitie with the church of rome in such things . t.c. lib. . p. . & . leuit. . . leuit. . . leuit. . . deut. . . deut. . . & leuit. . ephes. . . leuit. . . leuit. . . leuit. . . deut. . . . thes. . . leuit. . . deut. . . deut. . . leuit. . leuit. . . deut. . leuit. . eph. . . that the exāple of the eldest churches is not herein against vs. t.c. l. . p. . the councels although they did not obserue themselues alwaies in making of decrees this rule , yet haue kept this consideration continually in making of their lawes , that they would haue the christians differ from others in their ceremonies . to. . cont . faust. m●nich . lib. . cap. . t.c. l. . p. . also it was decreed in ●nother councell , that they should not decke their houses with bay leaues & greene boughes , because the pagans did vses● ; and that they should not rest from their la●or those daies that the pagans did , that they should not keepe the first day of euery moneth as they did . t.c. l. . p. tertul. saith , o sayth he , better is the religion of the heathen ; for they vse no solemnitie of the christians , neither the lords day , neither , &c : but we are not afraid to be called heathen . t.c. l. . p. . but hauing shewed this in generall to be the politie of god first , and of h●● people afterwards , to put as much difference as can be commodiously betweene the people of god and others which are not ; i shall not , &c. that it is not our best policy for the establishment of sound religion ▪ to haue in these thinges no agreement with the church of rome being vnsound . t.c. l. . p. common reason also doth teach , that contraries are cured by their contraries . now christianity , and antichristianity , the gospell and popery ▪ be contra●ies , and therefore antichristianitie must be cured , not by itselfe , but by that which is ( as much as may be ) contrary vnto it . t.c. l. . p. . if a man would bring a drunken man to sobrietie , the best and nearest way is to carry him as farre from his excesse in drinke as may be : and if a man could not keepe a meane , it were better to fault in prescribing lesse them he should drinke , thē to fault in giuing him more then he ought . as we see to bring a sticke which is crooked to be straight , we do not only how it so farre vntill it come to be straight , but we bend it so farre vntill we make it so crooked of the other side , as it was before of the first side ; to this end that at the last it may stand straight , and as it were in the midway betweene both the crookes . that we are not to abolish our ceremonies , either because papists vpbraide vs as hauing taken from them ▪ or for that they are sayd hereby to conceiue i know not what great hopes . t.c. l. . p. . by vsing of these ceremonies , the papists take occasion to blaspheme ; saying that our religion cannot stand by it selfe , vnlesse it l●●ue vpon the staffe of their ceremonies . t.c. l. . p. . to proue the papists triumph and ioy in these things , i alleaged further that there are ●o●e which make such clamors for these ceremonies , as the papists and those which they suborne . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 t.c. l. . p. . thus they conceiuing hope of hauing the rest of their poperie in the end ▪ it causeth them to be more frozen in their wickednesse , &c. for not the cause , but the occasion also ought to be taken away , &c. although let the reader iudge , whether they haue cause giuen to hope that the tails of popery yet remaining ▪ they shall the easilier hale in the whole body after : considering also that maister bucer noteth , that where these things haue bene left , there popery hath returned : but on the other part in places which haue bene clensed of these dregs , it hath not bin seene that it hath had any entrance . ecclesi . dis● fol. . t.c. l. . p. . there be numbers which haue antichristianitie in such detestation , that they c●●not without griefe of mind behold them ▪ and afterwards , such godly brethren are not easily to be grieued , which they seeme to be when they are thus martyred in their minds , for ceremonies which ( to speake the best of them ) are vnprofitable . the griefe which they say godly brethren conceiue , in regard of such ceremonies as we haue common with the church of rome . t.c. l. . p. although the corruptions in them sticke not straight to the heart , yet as gentle poysons they consume by little and little . 〈◊〉 . ● . . their exception against such ceremonies as we haue receiued from the church of rome , that church hauing taken them frō the iewes . eccles. discisol . . and t.c. l. . p. . many of these popish ceremonies fault by reason of the pompe in them ; where they should be agreeable to the simplicitie of the gospel of christ crucified . t.c. l. . p. . euseb. l. . c. . socr. . lib. c. . to. . concil . laod. can . . act. . , . vide niceph. lib. . cap . . & sulpit , s●uer . pag. . in edit . plant. act. ● . act. . . act. . . act. . . act. . . act. . . rom. . . lib. qui seder olam inscribi●tur . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heb. . . . cor. . . gal. . . . l●uit . . ● . cor. ● . . leo in ieiun . mens . sep● ser. . tertull. de praescript . aduers . haeret . t.c. l. . p. what an abusing also is it to affirme , the mangling of the gospels and epistles to haue bene brought into the church by godly and learned men ? t.c. l. . p. seeing that the office and function of priests was after our sauiour christs ascēsion naught & vngodly ; the name whereby they were called which did exercise that vngodly function , cannot be otherwise taken then in the euil part . concil . laod. can. ● . . t.c. l. . p. . t.c. l. . p. concil . constantinop . . cap. . cyp● . ad pompe● . lib. cont . epist. stephani . socr. ecclesiast . hist. lib. cap. . plerique in asiā minore antiquitus . die mensis , nullâ ratione die● sabbati habitâ hoc ●estum obseruarunt . quod dum faciebant , cum aliis qui aliam rationem in codem festo agendo sequebantur vsque cōnequaquam dissenserunt , quoad victor episcopus romanus supra modum iracundiâ inflammatus , omnes in asiâ qui erant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellati excommunica●erit . ob quod factum irenaeus episcopus lugduni in victorem per epistolam grauiter inuectus est . euseb. de vita constant. lib. . ca. . quid praestabilius , quidue augustiu● esse poterat , quàm veboc festum per quod spem immortalitatis nobis often tatam habemus , vno modo & ratione apud omnes integ●e sincereque obseruaretur ? ac primum onmium indignum planè videbatur , vt ritum & consuetudinē imitantes iudaeorum , ( qui quoniam sua● ipsorum manus im●ani scesere polluerunt , meritò , vt scelestos decet , coeco animorum errore tenentur irretiti ) istud festum sanctissimum ageremu● . in nostrâ enim situm est potestate , vt illorum more reiecto , veriore ac magis sincero instituto , ( quod quidem vsque à primâ passionis die hactenus recoluimus ) huius fetti celebrationem ad posterorum seculorū memoriam propagemus . nihil igitur sit nobis cum iudaeorum turbâ omnium odiosâ maximè . their exception against such ceremonies as haue bene abused by the church of rome , and are said in that respect to be scandalous . matth. . . . pet. . ● . . sam. ● . . rom. . . ezech. . . tertul. lib. de virgin ▪ veland . epist. ad lean drum hisp. hom . de pasch. idololatriae consuetudo in tantum homines occoecauerat ; vt solis , lunae , martis atque mercurii , louis , veneris , saturni , & diuersi● elemētorum ac da●monū appellationibus dies vocitarent , & luci tenebra●um nomen imponerent . beda de ratione temp . cap. . octauus dies idem primus est , ad quem reditur , indeque ru●sus heb●omada inchoatur . his nomina a planetis gentilitas indidir , habere se credentes à sole spiritum ; à luna corpus , à marte sanguinem , à mercurio inge●um & linguam , à loue temperantiam , à venere voluptatem , à saturno tarditatem : i sid . hisp. lib. ● . etymol . ca. . dies dicti à diis , quorum nomina romani quibusda● ▪ syderibus sacrauerunt . . cor. . . rom. . rom. . . vide harmenop . lib. . ●it . . §. . t.c. l. . p. t.c. l. . p. . it is not so conuenient that the minist●r hauing so many nec●ssary points to bestow his time in , should bee driuen to spend it in giuing warning of not abusing them , of which ( although they were vsed to the best ) there is no profite . our ceremonies except●d against , for that som● churches reformed before ours haue cast ou● those things , which wee notwithstanding their example to the contrary do reteine still . t.c. l. . p. ● . . cor. ● . . can. . the canon of that councell which is here cited , doth prouide against kneeling at prayer on sundayes , or for fiftie dayes after easter on any day , and not at the feast of pentecost onely . t. c. lib. . p. . . rom. . . . . cor. . . respon . ad media● . t.c. l. . p. . and therefore s. paul to establish this order in the church of corinth , that obey should make their gatherings for the poore vpon the first day of the saboth , ( which is our sunday ) alleageth this for a reason that he had so ordained in other churches . . cor. . ●● t.c. li. . pag. . so that as children of one father , and ser●ants of one master , he wil haue al the churche● not onely haue one dyet in that they haue one word , but also we are as it were one liuery in vsing the same ceremonies . t. c. l. . p. this rule did the great coun●●ll of nice follow , &c. die dominico & per omnem penticostem , nec de geniculis ado●are , & iciunium soluere . de coro . 〈◊〉 . t. c. l. ● . p. . if the cerem●nies be alike ●ommodio●● , th● later churches should conforme themselues to the first , &c. and againe , the fewer ought to conforme themselues vnto th● 〈◊〉 . rom. . . . cor. . . t.c. l. . p. . our church ought either to shew that they haue done euill , or else shee i● found to be in fault that doth not conforme her selfe in that which she cannot deny to be well abrogated . a declaration of the proceedings of the church of england , for establishment of things as they are . t.c. l. . p. . it may well be their purpose was by that temper of popish ceremonies with the gospell , partly the ●asilier to draw the papists to the gospell , &c. partly to redeeme peace thereby . t. c. l. . p. ● . aug. epist. ● t. c. l. . p. for indeede it were more safe for vs to conforme our indifferent ceremonies to the turkes which are farre off , then to the papists which are so neare . baxter's book entitul'd the cure of church-divisions answer'd & confuted and he prov'd to be a physitian of no value who hath manifested his folly and weakness in undertaking a work which he hath so little understanding in / by thomas taylor. taylor, thomas, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing t estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) baxter's book entitul'd the cure of church-divisions answer'd & confuted and he prov'd to be a physitian of no value who hath manifested his folly and weakness in undertaking a work which he hath so little understanding in / by thomas taylor. taylor, thomas, - . p. s.n.], [london : . reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng baxter, richard, - . -- cure of church-divisions. church polity. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - melanie sanders sampled and proofread - melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion baxter's book , entitul'd , the cure of church-divisions , answer'd & confuted . and he prov'd to be a physitian of no value : who hath manifested his folly and weakness in undertaking a work which he hath so little understanding in by thomas taylor . for , from the least of them , even unto the greatest of them , every one is given to covetousness , &c. — they have heal'd also the hurt of the daughter of my people with sweet words , saying , peace , peace ; when there is no peace , jer. . , . — but ye are forgers of lyes ; ye are all physitians of no value , job . . printed in the year , . baxter's book , entitul'd , the cure of church-divisions , answer'd & confuted . richard baxter , a man , who through a shew of learning and religion , had gotten ( in oliver crumwel's dayes ) a great esteem in the minds of the ignorantly zealous professors of religion in this nation , and especially in the parts of worcester-shire , about kidderminster , where he then resided ) hath since the change of the times , and coming in of the old common-prayer-book again , much manifested his nakedness , confusion , and unsoundness to every eye , that in any measure is open to see the difference of truth and error in the ground of it , as by his works appear : and that it is so , amongst other things , that book of his , falsly call'd , the cure of church-divisions , which i have now under-hand to answer , doth plainly manifest : for , instead of curing divisions , he hath shew'd himself to be a physitian of no value , & so instead of curing hath struck at ( under a judas kiss of unity & concord ) the very life and foundation of all true christian unity and amity ; to wit , the free and perfect teachings , and gifts , and work of the spirit of truth ( the spirit of the father and son in his believing members ) whereby they cry in a spotless mind , abba father , and freely and powerfully declare the glory of his kingdom to the children of men ; and instead thereof , would bring in and establish that soul-deceiving and church-dividing doctrine of humane learning and humane helps , as absolutely necessary to the procuring and engaging , as it were , the holy unlimited god to give unto the creature his holy spirit , and the knowledge of the mysteries of his eternal will and kingdom for the same ; as in answer to an objection in the th page of his book , in his first direction ( so call'd ) is to be seen . the objection against his carnal reasonings , for old men's knowledge , is in pag. . where he saith . i know those that i have to do with will say , that divinity is not learn't by labour and men's-teaching , as other sciences and arts are ; but by teaching , ( i add , yea , and most free gift ) of the spirit of god , and therefore the youngest may have as much of it as the eldest . and to this r. b. there thus answers . answ. there is some truth ( saith he ) and some falshood , and much confusion in this objection . reply , but o the darkness , ye● , rather enmity , that is in baxter's heart against the free teaching of god's spirit ! that he would find any thing against so plain and manifest truth , as is in this objection ! but what will not flesh do that is lifted up with conceits of his own wisdom , to keep up its honour before the people , rather then the pure undoubted truth of the gospel , and self-abasing spirit of truth , should raign and have the preheminence . but let us hear how this r.b. proves that , that there is either 〈◊〉 or confusion in the objection . it is true ( saith he ) that the saving knowledge of divinity must be taught by the spirit of god ; but it is false , that labour and humane teaching are not the means which must be us'd by them who will have the teaching of the spirit . but to this i say , that a child of light , in the least measure , doth easily see the falshood of that spirit , by which this r.b. is acted in this his answer : for the wind of the spirit bloweth where it listeth , and thou hear'st the sound thereof , thou natural man ; but neither knows whence it comes , nor whither it goes ; so is every one that 's born of god : and without this birth , all thy knowledge is damning , not saving , john . , . &c. and job . , . i said dayes should speak , and multitude of years should teach wisdom : but there is a spirit in man ; and the inspiration of the almighty giveth them understanding . and saith god , it shall come to pass in the last dayes , that i will pour out my spirit upon all flesh ; and they shall all know me , from the least to the greatest : yea , and young-men shall see visions , and servants and hand-maids shall prophesie : and ye have receiv'd an unction from the holy one : and ye know all things , ( saith the apostle john ) and ye need not that any man teach you . this is the day of the lord , wherein these things are fulfill'd ; prais'd be god : and the new covenant aboundantly witness'd in the children of light , whom this wicked book of baxter's strikes at ; but his wickedness turns upon his own pate , and his own inquities shall slay him : for he , by his carnal wisdom ; would darken knowledge , and shut the kingdom of heaven against men , as his predecessors of old , the pharisees mention'd mat. . did : but the lord hath open'd a door to the believing souls this day , which all the powers of darkness shall never be able to shut ; glory to his name forever . but what is that labour and humane means that people must use for getting the spirit of god , or saving knowledge of divinity , as he calls it : is it tumbling over a ruck of books , stuffed with art and humane wisdom , or learning from below ; as this r.b. hath long done , to the darkning of his heart from the knowledge of god , and way of his spirit ; so that he knows nothing of it after all his long lost labour , but what he knows naturally , as a bruit beast ( and that 's plain ) for it sanctifies him not , as by his confessing , that his best duties , even his prayers are not without sin ; and affirming , that no man prayes without sin ? as in his book is to be seen , page , and in his preface . and so the prayer of faith , and preaching by the spirit , he is ignorant of ; yea , preaching by the spirit is become a mock and a derision to him and his brethren at this day : but paul , and all the ministers of christ , magnifie the free grace and infinite gift of the spirit of god , according to that ( cor. . ) saying , not that we are sufficient of our selves to think a good thought ; but our ability is of god , who hath made us able ministers of the new testament ; not of the letter , but of the spirit ; for the letter kills , but the spirit gives life : and that which the eye hath not seen , nor ear heard , nor hath entred into the heart of man ( or humane heart ) to conceive , hath god reveal'd to us by his spirit ; for the spirit searcheth all things , yea , the deep things of god ; and which things we preach or speak not in the words which man 's ( or humane ) wisdom teacheth , but which the holy ghost teacheth , comparing spiritual things with spiritual , cor. . but this r.b. comparing spiritual things with carnal , is not wise , who , because old men , and long students in arts and worldly sciences are most wise , or likely to be so ; therefore they that labour and study most in books of divinity ( so call'd ) get most of the spirit 's teaching . o sad ! that ever the minds of the children of men should be so cover'd with darkness , and yet read the scripture of truth , which witnesses to no one thing more then to the free teachings of the spirit of god , without humane helps ! for all the help that is humane , or that man who is ( ab humo , that is ) from the earth can afford , is but natural , and of this world , which comes to nought ; therefore is it said , that none of the princes ( that is , the chief men ) of this world knew the mystery of christ and his kingdom then , which made them so band against him , see the d psalm . and the natural man , with all his natural means , discerns not the things of the spirit of god , because they are spiritually discern'd : so every one that would know the mind of the spirit of god , must come to feel ( through the most holy faith ) a measure of it in themselves : for , after ye believ'd , ye were seal'd with the spirit of promise , saith paul : and the word is nigh thee , even in thy heart and mouth : o thou that hast an ear to hear , hear what the spirit speaks , even the word of faith , which we preach . therefore go not forth from the anointing of god in thy heart , to hear the frothy and false doctrine of such as r.b. who have run and set up themselves by their humane helps , in the place of teachers , and god never sent them , and therefore they cannot profit the people at all ; but lead them about , like silly women , laden with divers sins and lusts ; yea , in their prayers and best performances , as is manifest ; and so , not being sent and enabled by god's spirit , they can never lead you to it , but from it , as is manifest . also r. b. in pag. . before mention'd , saith , the objection hath much confusion in it . ( and how proves he that , but by saying ) . it confoundeth the spirit 's teaching us , by inditing the scripture with the spirit 's teaching us the meaning of the scriptures . . and it confoundeth the common knowledge of divinity , with the saving knowledge of it . no man cometh to a common knowledge , fit for a teacher of others , without the spirit 's teaching by the scriptures ; for that was the first part of the spirits teaching us , to inspire the prophets and apostles , to deliver a teaching word to the churches , by which we might all be taught of god through all generations . but many men have excellent common knowledge by this word , and by the common help of the spirit , without that special help , which begetteth saving knowledg : and all knowledge requireth time and labour to obtain it , though the spirit giveth it , and though it may be sanctified to us in a little time ; but that may be a means of saving others , which saveth not the man that hath it . and in pag. . farther saith , take them not for no ministers that want grace totally : and marvel not that gifts are more necessary to the validity of ministration , then grace is ; he may perform the office of a minister to the benefit of the church , that hath no saving grace at all . thus for rich , baxter . o! what sorcery and egyptian-darkness is here , to make void the new covenant , and free gratious teachings of the spirit of god in these dayes , and to establish the letter in the room and stead thereof , which only witnesses to it , and is a declaration concerning what the spirit of god did in them , and in the world before christ's coming in the flesh , and what was done during his being in it , and what the spirit would do in the believing souls , and in the world after that time ? but this the hirelings do , that they by their trading with , and giving their false meanings upon the scriptures , they may keep the people in blindness , and so from the anointing , and teaching , and enjoyment of that spirit that was in them that gave forth scriptures , that they may not see their deceitful doctrines and merchandizes , lest they should buy no more of them : for no man that knows the badness of babylon will buy them any more , and then will the merchants of souls mourn : for , they that know the lord , and his spirit 's teaching in them , which is the good old way , yea , and the ever new , fresh , profitable , and living way ; will follow no more such men , as would bring in , and establish a graceless ministry , as this baxter doth here , to his everlasting shame . but such graceless priests the lord will have none of ; nor his people neither : for my sheep hear my voice , saith christ , and a stranger they will not hear : surely a graceless man is this stranger : they ( to wit , graceless men , saith john , epist. . ) are of the world , and the world hear them ; we are of god ; stewards of the manifold grace of god , pet and they that are of god hear us . and so , ever bless'd and prais'd be the great and glorious name of the lord jesus , who hath restor'd to them that obey him , the glorious doctrine of the spirit 's teaching , as was in the apostles dayes , according to his true promise ; where all in the truth ( of which we , the people of god , in scorn call'd quakers , are members ) where all , i say , is done in and by the holy spirit , prais'd be god , and nothing own'd among'st us , but what is so done : here is praying in and by the spirit , and preaching in and by the spirit , and singing in and by the spirit of our holy lord god ; and so the head being spiritual , and the members of the body every one spiritual ( for we are all baptiz'd by one holy spirit into the one heavenly body ) our food is also spiritual heavenly bread , and heavenly wine , and the water spiritual that sanctifies us , and makes us clean to god in all our sacrifices and services : for christ gave himself for his church , which is his body , that he might wash it , and present it spotless to himself , and without all deformity , by the washing of water ( even the water of life ) in the word of life , the creating word of the everlasting father , which is spirit and life , the resurrection and the life in every believing soul ; for we are redeemed from death thereby , that we might forever hereafter serve god , in the newness of his own spirit , and not in the oldness of the letter , as all such do as know no other teaching word but the letter , as this baxter doth ; and so they having gotten a little brain-knowledge by their humane helps , and not by the spirit of truth , they wrest scripture to their own and others destruction , desiring and boasting themselves to be masters and teachers of others , whilst themselves need teaching what the very principles , or beginning doctrines of the true christian religion is , as is plainly manifested by his seeking to bring in a graceless minister , or woolf into christ's fold , surely the woolf comes not but to rob and destroy . all that ever came before me , saith christ , are thieves and robbers , and never came in by the door , as its plain , the graceless man , doth not , but hath clim'd up another way by his humane helps , as baxter speaks ; and to this purpose , see john the th , and mat. . where christ at large sets forth such woolfish teachers ; who can perk themselves up in places of teachers , by the world's help outwardly ; but will neither enter into the kingdom of god themselves , nor suffer others , but shut up the kingdom of heaven against men , by such deceitful doctrine and antichristian inventions , as this baxter hath , by saying , that gifts are more necessary to the validity of ministration , then grace is ; and that he may perform the office of a minister to the benefit of the church , that hath no saving grace at all ; and all knowledge requireth time and labour to obtain it , though the spirit giveth it ; which last saying doth directly thwort and contradict the scripture ; which saith , i was found of them that sought me not , i●a . . and paul sets believing and working in this great matter of the knowledge of god and christ to salvation , one against the other , as the way of the law and gospel , for 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 , saith he , is the reward recko●'d of debt , not gift of grace ; but to 〈…〉 it is of grace , to the glory of gods great love to man ; for saith scripture , god so loved the world , that he gave his son , that whosoever on him believe , should not perish ; but have life eternal ; and none can truely say , but those are the best 〈◊〉 , and wisest people that have eternal life in them ; though they never laboured for it , nor sought for it ; and so such as this baxter , who looks at all , as obtain'd by time and labour , they are those spiritual proud ones , who are swelled so big with spiritual pride , that self idolizing sin , which , as himself saith , in his second direction ( so called ) is the great rebel against god , the chief part of the devil's image ; that one sin which breaketh every commandment ; the heart of the old man , the root and parent , and summery of all other sin ; the antichristian vice , which is most directly contrary to the life of christ , &c. and these letter-wise-men , that have patched together a garment of fig-leaves , to cover their sinful nakedness , are proud of meer supposed spiritual excellencies ; for the way of the blessed spirit , and its free gifts , and free workings in the children of men , they are strangers unto ; and then through their humane , learning and lost labour , having gotten a little or a great deal of talk from the letter of the scripture concerning religion , in their earthly spirits , which sees nothing of the kingdom of god ; they condemn the generation of the just , whom god teacheth and blesseth with all spiritual knowledge in heavenly things , and call them spiritually proud ; because they cannot but speak very highly , and yet in the truest humility of heart , concerning the great things that god hath done for their souls ; and because they cannot joyn with the wicked whom god abhoreth , neither in their worship , nor other sinfull customs . and so out of that old bottel , come all those unsavory expressions of r. b. before mentioned , against the free teachings of god's spirit ; yea so great an enemy he is to the wholsom doctrine of free grace , that pag. . he saith , is it not blaspheming of god's spirit to make it the patron of mens sloth and idleness under pretence of magnifiying grace . to which i answer , that pretending we deny , and truely say , with the apostle , that god who commanded light to shine out of darkness , hath shined in our hearts , to give us ( yea , most freely without our own labour , or any humane help ) the knowledge of the glory of his kingdom ; and those that call this doctrine , either in the apostle , or us , a patronizing of sloth and idleness , are those that do really blaspheme god's spirit which teacheth it . but many texts ( saith r. b. ) commands us diligence ; and sloth is a great sin. to which i say , the scripture indeed commands a diligent improvement , and holy exercise of the free gifts which the spirit hath giveth the faithful : but the scripture never said , that humane labour and helps are the means to be used for getting the spirit 's teachings ; and without which no knowledge in spiritual matters is now received ; stir up the gift of god in thee , saith paul to timothy , so say i ; but he no where puts the humane or carnal man to work or labour to get the spirit ; for that is quite contrary to this scripture , gal. . . as also rom. . . obj. but this baxter asks this question , why hath god settled a teaching office in his church , and commanded all to attend , and hear , and learn ; if we are taught by the spirit without man's help ? why were the apostles sent forth into all the world , & c ? answer , here is the great stumbling of these unbelievers , ( the worldly wise ones indeed ) what , because god in his free unlimitted spirit did begift men , and in his own spiritual power sent them forth to preach and publish all abroad the glory of his kingdom , and good will to men ; cannot people therefore be taught by the spirit without man's help ? what reasonings this ? when the scripture expresly saith , that all the gifts and alities , helps , and means of bringing people to god , and the knowledge , and enjoyment of all the good things of his kingdom , are meerly , solely & wholly from god & his blessed spirit 's free gift in christ , and not from man at all : and therefore , when the corinthians began to look at man , whether paul , or apollo , or cephas , he calls it carnal , and said , christ was not divided ; signifying , plainly it was christ , and the spirit of his power that alone did all in all ; as christ said , john . without me you can do nothing ; for in the true church christ ever was , and ever will be all in all , & man nothing ; as paul said of himself , paul is nothing : but in the false church where r. b. is pleading for man ; yea graceless ministers , man is all , and christ suffered to have no rule : but those mine enemies , saith christ , that would not that i should rule , bring them and stay them before my face . but what sottishness is this in r. b. to ask such a question as this when himself confessed in the very last words before it ; that none are so forward to preach as these same men that cry down mens teaching : whereby it plainly appears that we do not deny god's teachings , and the spirit 's good and gratious gifts freely given for the edifying and building up of the body of christ ; till we all come to a perfect man , to the measure and feature of the fulness of christ , no more then the apostle did , ephes. . . &c. but that which we cry down , is that antichristian spirit in r. b. and all such men as by seting up self ; and flesh would draw from christ and his teachings in spirit to look at them , and their painted words , and love killing doctrines ; who are this day goliah like come forth to defie the armies of the living god ; but the stone cut out of the mountain , without hands , shall dash them and their images all to peices : glory to the lord for ever . and though they with their humane or earthly spirit and sorceries , withstand the truth and spirit thereof , as jamnes and jambres withstood moses , when he was about to call israel out of egypt ; yet as their folly was soon seen , so are these , and they shall not proceed far ; but israel out of egypt shall go , and those faithful ones that are escaped shall they not with all their inchantment bring back again into egypt : glory to the lord for ever amen . but wouldst thou indeed know , oh vain man , r.b. for what the apostles , who had ability to preach ( without mans help ) were sent forth , then thou mayst know , it was to reprove such as thee that would limit god to vain man's help , and to call his people from amongst you , who lay heavy burdens on mens shoulders , but will not touch them with one of your fingers ; it is even so . but whereas thou addest and say'st , those are taught of god , who are taught by those who are sent of god to be their teachers : it plainly shews the numerous company thou boasts of , who believe thee , are not taught of god ; for thy doctrine already mentioned shews most plainly that thou wast never sent of god ; for never did any , whom god sent , set themselves against the free and gratious teaching and gifts of god's spirit , to establish humane helps , as thou doest : but as if that which thou hast said were nothing , thou addest pag. . advise with the experience of all the world ; who was the man that ever you knew , able to expound one chapter in the bible by the inward teachings of the spirit alone , without any labour of his own , or help from others by voice or writting ? where dwelleth the man , who by meer inspiration can turn one chapter out of the hebrew or greek into the vulgar tongue ? and where is the man that can solidly unfold any doctrine of divinity , which he never read or heard of , or can teach that truth , and deny that religion which he was never taught by man. and afterwards in his second direction , and pag. . having led his wretched disciples into a laborinth or mist of words , about their uncertainties in their matters of knowledge ; and having advised them to humility , as he calls it , or not to think too highly of their own knowledge ; he there adds , and sayes in that th . page especially , if you know your advantages for knowledge have been less then other mens , that you are young ; or that it is but a few years since you entred upon the study of the scriptures ; or that you have not any stronger natural parts then other men ; that you have not had that measure of learning which might further your knowledge of the holy scriptures ; but that others that differ from you have had much more of all these helps and means then you , and have prayed more , and meditated more , &c. and in pag. . in his answer to an objection ; which is , that the learnedst men are not always the wisest in the matters of religion ; he saith , many men are learned in the languages and sciences , who are not learned in the scripture ; because they applyed not their studies that way ; and many men are learned in the scriptures and sacred languages who yet live in sin , though they are able to teach the truth , for others : ( here by the way ) all may take notice what a false teacher this baxter is , who is not ashamed to say , that man that lives in sin , may teach the truth for others ; for such as live in sin neither know the truth ( which is christ ) nor have seen him , ( as john's first epist. chap. . expresly saith ) but this baxter goeth on and saith : but those that well understand the scriptures without learning the languages which they are written in , and the customs of those times , and countries , or without much reading , and long study of the scriptures themselves , and the writings of them that better understand them , are so few , if any at all ; that if you will pretend to be one of them , you had need of some miracle , or somthing like a miracle , to make your selves or others believe that you are not deceived . i might here add his other false doctrines immediately following these in that his book , as his answer to an objection there set down against singularity , or so ; the objection is this : the greater number are not alwayes in the right ; therefore why should my singulary discourage me : but because his answer hath pretty many words in it , i refer it to another place , and to what he hath already said do answer , and say in brief thus . first , that as by his other words , so also by these it is most , manifest from what fountain this baxter's knowledge hath proceeded , to wit , not from the inspiration of the eternal spirit , which gave forth scripture ; but from his own earthly or natural spirit and humane industery and studies , and trading in books and letters without him , from which earthly or humane spirit and wisdom hath not come ( nor possible ever can come to any ) the right meaning and understanding of holy scripture ( as such as he would have it ) for the natural man as the apostle saith , perceiveth not the things that be of the spirit of god , cor. . . but all false visions , and lying divinations have ever come from that earthly spirit , and all the cruel wrestings of the holy scriptures from the beginning to this day , have proceeded from it , to the miserable and wofull undoing of the generallity of that people called christendom ; as also the blood-sheds , and all the cruel usage of spiritual minded men , for their pure conscience sake , have issued from that fountain of the earthly spirit , and the false births thereof from the beginning , and that great whore found guilty of all ; for in her was found the blood of prophets , and of saints , and of all that were slain upon the earth , r●●● . . . for what spiritual man did ever ask such a question , or rather affirm ; for in him , his question is an affirmation , to wit , that no man is able by the inward teachings of the spirit alone to expound one chapter in the bible : and that there is none can solidly unfold any doctrine of divinity , which he never read or heard of , or can teach the truth , or defend that religion which he was never taught by man. oh happy therefore are they who are come to the everlasting covenant of god , and to know the inward teachings and leadings of his holy spirit in their heart , to lead them into all truth according to promise , joh. . without being beholding to vain man's help ; for whereof is he to be accounted , as is manifest , even as a thing of naught , is the best of them , out of the truth : for o! how ignorant of the ministry of god and christ , and the holy spirit 's inspiration , sufficient teaching , is this baxter , who is not content to sit among the parish teachers , as a fellow ; but even takes upon him to be a teacher of the teachers ? yea , so ignorant and unbelieving is he concerning the spirit 's power and sufficiency in these dayes , that without an outward miracle he will not believe any such thing : nay he would not have people believe , for themselves , that god teacheth their own hearts , unless it come in man's way , and by humane study , labour , and natural means : therefore the lord saw good for his own glory , and for the vindication of his own honourable and everlasting truth , which the hirelings had made void by their traditions ; and for the absolute necessity of his own beloved seed , to restore unto us the ancient doctrine of the holy spirit 's sufficiency in all the work of bringing man out of the fall to god , that the lord , the spirit , might be the first and the last ; yea all in all in their salvation , without man's help ; for he is worthy , who as he created all things , by his own alone power , and according to his good will ; so he restores all things according to the counsel of his own will , and not of flesh , nor of blood , nor of the will of man , as the apostle also speaks , joh. . . but , oh , how unlike is this doctrine of the apostle's , to baxter's ; for when the apostle had said , to them that received christ , to them he gave power to become the sons of god ; left any should think , as this baxter doth , that it was either by man's labour , or study , or humane endeavour , or art , or parts ; or any natural abilities or helps whatsoever ; he saith , it was not of flesh , nor of blood , nor of the will of man , but of god. and of his own will begat he us , by the word of truth , saith that other apostle , jam. . , . and he bids not err , as this baxter doth , to set up another fountain or root ; and that this word of truth is not any outward writing , voice , or any creature , john in his first chapter tells us , that in the beginning was this word , and the word was with god ; and is god ; and his name is called the word of god , revel . . . so this word , though it works according to the witness of the scripture , which it gave forth freely , and as it self pleaseth , in the children of men ; yet it is not the scripture ; for search the scriptures , or ye do search the scriptures , saith christ , that witness of me , but you will not come to me that you may have life ; and these were they that paul said , he bore them record that they had a zeal for god ( and scripture ) but not according to knowledge ; for they being ignorant of god's righteousness , went about to establish their own righteousness , and submitted not to god's : and so even so this baxter , and many such like , have a blind zeal , and a great talk of the scriptures without , and of the spirit 's teaching by the letter , and humane helps , and the like ; but will not come to christ , to know him in them , that they may have life , and wisdom and righteousness : but would establish their own , which is meer emptiness and vanity in the sight of god and all truly spiritual men , cor. . . rom. . . and how far this baxter's language in those other words , where he saith , that if any will pretend to a good understanding of the scriptures , without learning the languages which they are written in , and the customs of those times , countries , or without much reading and long study of the scriptures themselves , and the writings of them that 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 them , had need of some miracle , or sounding 〈…〉 to perswade themselves , or others , that they are not deceived . how far , i say , is this doctrine and language in this 〈◊〉 from the language of the holy men of god that writ scripture let the spiritual man who best understands all things judge ; for the holy apostles magnified the free grace , and the free teachings of the spirit of grace , and debased man and all humane helps , as is said before , and as the scripture every where witnesseth : but this baxter tyeth the wait and main stress of all upon humane learning , natural parts , knowledge of customs and countries , much reading , long study , and the like ; insomuch , that without them , man must not look that any should believe him : nay , nor he must not own god's teaching in his own heart without these ; unlest seconded by some miracle , or the like . but , oh the misery therefore of such poor souls , as follow such wretched teachers , and their damnable doctrine , as i may well and oh forever blessed are they who are brought from off such barren mountains into the good fold , where all the lambs of christ lie down in the good pasture of the spirit 's fulness ; and walk up and down in the light of the lord , under the hand of the good shepherd christ jesus , where none can come to make afraid , nor deceive ; for in the light of our god , we see all these false teachers , and their devouring doctrines ; and by the holy power of god are delivered from them , and made able in the overcoming spirit of truth , to declare against them : glory to god forever , amen . again , let us revew , and consider in particular a little of those words of his before set down ; where he saith , as an argument to perswade his young ones and dissenters , to his falsly called humility . especially saith he , if you know your advantages for knowledge have been less then other mens ; that you are younger , or that it is but a few years since you entred upon the study of the scripture ; or that you have not any stronger natural parts then other men ; or that you have not had that measure of learning , which might further your knowledge of the holy scripture : but that others that differ from you , have had much more of all these helps and means then you ; and have prayed more , and meditated more . &c. to which i answer , that by these words it is easily seen , what manner of knowledge it is that this baxter trades in , and would have all slaves unto ; and what are his means for obtaining it ; to wit , a meer natural knowledge , which by meer worldly helps , and advantages may be attained : for a meer heathen accompanied with many years ; and much humane learning , and strong natural parts , that can but talk much of the scripture ; especially having on him a form of prayer , and the like , must needs go for a better knowing christian with him , then the dearest child of god ; especially if he be young in years , and want those natural helps , and outward appearances . oh what havock hath such doctrine , as this of baxter's , made amongst his deluded hearers ; and admirers in this nation so that now , let the man of god come to one of them in the purest evidence , and most powerful demonstration of the spirit of truth , if he appear not to them cloathed and accompanied with these natural and worldly abilities and indowments ; they are fenced against the lord's messenger with such arguments as these ; you are but young ; you have but studied a while ; you are of slender and mean natural parts ; and little or no schollar-ship ; and have prayed but little , &c. in comparison of our grave and learned divines , and the like : so that as christ said , so we find now true ; that publicans and harlots enter into the kingdom of god before such ; and now what a curer of church-divisions this baxter is like to prove is easily seen ; and therefore that charge which his self-condemned heart fear'd would come upon him , may justly be brought upon him here ; which in his preface to his book , he sets down thus . they will affirm saith he , that i have clawed with one party , and have girded at the other , and have sought to make them odious , by bringing them under the reproach of separation , of censuring and avoiding the ungodly ; and that being luke-warm my self , and a complier with sin , i would have others to do so too : and that these reconcilers are neither flesh , nor fish ; and attempt impossibilities , even to reconcile light and darkness , christ and belial , and that for the sake of peace , we would sell the truth , and would let in church corruptions , out of an over eager desire of agreement ; and when they have all done , neither parties will regard them . these are this baxter's words , in that preface of his to that book ; which is justly come upon him . and indeed ; he may as well go about to reconcile light and darkness , as bring the children of light , whom god hath delivered our of the darkness of , and filthiness of egypt and sodom spiritual , into unity with them again ; for there is enmity put between the two seeds , and those words of christ , in john . , . &c. which he deceitfully puts in the title page of his book , are only proper to the living members of the spiritual body of christ , ( which he calls mystical ) and not to any of the worlds churches , or visible mixt congregations of people whatsoever ; the words of the apostle in john. . . &c. are weightier then any hypocrite can bear , and they are these : that they all may be one , as thou father art in me , and i in thee , that thou also may be one in us ; that the world may believe that thou hast sent me ; and the glory which thou hast given me , i have given them ; that they may be one , even as we are one : i in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one ; and that the world may know that thou hast sent me , and hast loved them as thou hast loved me . god is arisen to drive hypocrites from under all such shelter of words , as they would hide themselves under ; for now is the city and kingdom truly manifested and witnessed , into which no uncircumcised , or unclean shall enter ; but only the redeemed born babes , and living members of christ. and now to the knowledge and experience , not of the evil world , but of all that know god do i appeal to judge , whether this r. baxter , or any of like spirit with him , can be said to know any thing of the oneness , betwixt the father and son , the members of his holy heavenly body , much less can be any of them , who are not afraid to affirm , that such are not to be disallowed from being ministers of the gospel ; though they want grace totally : and that gifts are more necessary to the validity of ministration , then grace is ; and that he may perform the office of a minister , to the benefit of the church , that hath no saving grace at all ; ( as pag. . of his book aforementioned , and that there is no man alive that worshippeth god without some sin ; and adds , do you ever pray your selves in secret , or in your families with out sin , as in pag. . . and in pag. . of his preface to that book , that there is no person , church , on worship on earth faultless , and with out corruption ; ( and saith there further ) i justifie not the faults of my own daily prayers , and yet i never pray without them . and in pag. . &c. that cain was the first born member , in the church of adam's family : and cursed cham was of the church of noah : and reckons lot's two sons in law ; and esau ; yea , and the ten tribes in their apostacy , to be of the church . and so having reckoned up , and raked together , all the faults of the blessed seed of abraham , before christ's coming in the flesh , and of all those called christians after that , mentioned in scripture ; he most wickedly , and imprudently sayes pag. . that no one member is in all these scriptures , or any other , commanded to come out , and separate from any one of all these churches ; as if their communion in worship were unlawful , directly contrary to cor. . . revel . . , , . &c. come out of mystery babylon ( the false church ) saith god , to his people . oh the blasphemy of such mens hearts , that dare intitle wicked men , for a bear profession sake of religion , to the glory of the benefit of this prayer of christ's , who prayes ( and his prayers were alwayes heard ) that his might be one , as he and the father were , and are one ; the father in christ , and christ in them , and so made fellow heirs , and pertakers of the glory of christ by free gift : but neither r. baxter , nor any graceless minister , nor sinful praying people , whom he pleads for , can ever be one , as the father and son are one : therefore i may safely say to you all who desires the good of your souls , and the glory of god : come out from amongst them , and joyn not with them : no , not in their worship actions ( as he calls them ) nor be ye partakers in any of their sins , or sinful worship , lese ye partake of their plagues ; for the temple of god is holy , and the worship of god is holy : and so r. baxter , with all his own corruptions , and all his heaps of lyes , and false accusations of the brethren of christ are for the lake ; it is so . and so i return to set down baxter's unchristian answer , to that former objection against the singularity of separation ; the objection is as before : the greater number are not alwayes in the right ; therefore , why should my singularity discourage me ? now to this baxter answers , pag. . . the greater number ( saith he ) through the world are not in the right about christianity ; for they are not christians , and the greater number of vulgar christians be not in the right perhaps , in many points of learning , and scholastick controversies ; because they are not learned in such controversies ; but all godly men , and christians , are in the right in all points essential to godliness and christianity : and therefore they are in the certain way of life . and if in any integral , or accedental point , you think you are wiser then the greater part of men , as learned , and as godly as your selves , you must give very good proofs of it , to your selves and others , before it is to be believed : i know that in all ages god giveth some few men more excellent natural parts then others ; and he engageth some in deeper , and more laborious studies then others ; and he blesseth some mens studies more then others ; and therefore there are still some few who know more then the rest of the country , or mankind ; and it were well for the rest , if they knew these , and would learn of them : but these are such , as come to their knowledge by hard and laborious studies , and meditation ; though also by the spirit 's blessing their endeavours : and they are such , as give proof of the knowledge they pretend to ; and they are such as imploy their knowledge to preserve the peace and concord of believers , and do not proudly make a stir with it to set up their own names , though hereby they set the world on fire . to which by way of reply , i answer and say , that there is not the least child of light : but doth truely , and easily see the nature of the spirit , by which this r. b. is still acted , and the end he drives at ; for as for the spirit by which he is acted , it still appears plainly to be the spirit of this world that never knew god , nor the mysteries of his holy and heavenly kingdom , by which earthly spirit ( by much poring on books without him ) he hath attained to a deal of unsanctified graceless ) knowledge , ( as himself speaks pag. . ) to deceive the simple people by , who are ignorant of satans devises ; and as for his end , it is also as manifest to be this , to wit , to bring people , who were in some measure pressing out of babylon back into egypt and babylon again , and yet to cover his deceit , lest the simple should see him without an interpreter , he brings in the spirit as to help his humane labour , and carnal endeavours : but the spirit of god , which he strikes at in all his writing , will be no drudge or slave to any such vain self-ended proud mind in any . but of these words , where he saith , that all godly men and christians are in the right , in all points essential to godlyness and christianity ; and therefore in the certain way of life , as he saith . let us consider ; for in his sence , they are most notoriously false and wicked : for as for godly men , who ever imagined otherwise ( much less denied in words or so ) that they were in the right ; but as for that he saith , that all christians , viz. all that were sprinkled when they were children , and that so being grown up , make an outward profession of christ ( for such in spiritual manner he means by christians , as is most manifest ) are in the right , in all points essential to christianity , and so in the certain way of life ; it is such a notorious peice of falshood , and so impudent an assertion , that no one saying can more gratifie the devil , and so help to build up his kingdom , then it doth : nay , it certainly gives the lye to the certain experience and testimony of all the holy men of god , both formerly and now ; for paul said in his day , that many professed , and nominal christians do so walk , as that they were enemies to the cross of christ , whose god was their their belly , and who gloried in their shame , and whose end was destruction , phil. . and were these in the right points essentiall to christianity , and in the certain way of life ? what contradiction and blasphemy is this ? and the same apostle tells some among the corinthians , that they had not the knowledge of god , cor. . and what , were these right also in all essentials ? what is not the knowledge of god an essential point of christianity ? nay , without the knowledge of god , no eternal life ; and yet this baxter , is not ashamed to affirm , that such as know not god , are in the certain way of life . and further , to the experience of all that know god do i appeal , whether this r. b. doth not here in his blindness , justifie the very papist ; yea , and all other sorts of people , who any way in the outward profess christ ; especially if they be outwardly sprinkled with water , young or old : for , saith he , in his preface , pag. . christ hath solemnly and purposely made the baptismal covenanting with him ( to wit , by outward washing ) to be the tearm and title to church-member-ship and communion , and the owning of this same covenant is the sufficient title of the adult ( or those of ripe years ) and the imposers that come after , and require another kind of evedence of conversion , or sanctification then this , do confound the church , and enslave the people , and leave no certain way of tryal . thus far , r. b. by which it appears , whether this baxter , by endeavouring to keep his credit with the world , is wandred beyond all the bounds of reason and modesty : nay , mystery babylon her self , though she be become a cage of every unclean and barefull bird , and a very habitation of devils , must not pass unjustified by him ; but be reckoned to be right in all the essentials of christianity , and in the certain way of life : for without all controversie , this mystery babylon is of that number who in words profess god and christ , and have a name to live , though they be dead , ( as this baxter is ) or it were not a mystery , if it were not covered from the worlds eye , with a shew of what it is not , revel . , , . chapters : yet so far is this baxter sunk into the dark pit of antichristian abomination ; that he acounts it an abuse , and false interpreting of scripture , to perswade any from that command [ come out of babylon ] to separate from professed or nominal christians , though full of iniquity , page . then which nothing more can gratifie his father , the wicked one , and his adulterous mother , the synagogue of rome ; for though he would seem in some words , here and there , in his book , to be no papist ; yet there is never an argument he brings , for the fellow-ship with dead and corrupted members ; and against those that separate from such ; but they will fully serve , to prove the company of the pope to be a church , and all them to blame who have separated from him in outward church-fellowship upon any pretence whatsoever . so foolish is the world's wisdom when it is set against truth : but this baxter having laid his wicked and false ground ; that all that are called christians are in the right , in all points essential to christianity , and in the certain way of life : he may easily conclude that to be unwarrantable separation which goeth from such : but then i say , how will the protestants warrant their first separation from popery ? or how did this baxter , with his presbyterians in oliver's time , with their directory , excuse their separating from the bishops , and their comon-prayer ? and how will be salve his old non-conforming brethren's flight into new-england ( where since they have shed the blood of the martyrs of christ ) from the former bishops ? but now his false ground and foundation being overturned , it is most manifest that , that separation is most lawfull , which is from such , who call good evil , and evil good , put light for darkness , and darkness for light , as baxter , and all the wicked do ; from whom the people of god in these days separate : and so in obeying the voice of our god , who saith , come out of mystery babylon my people , lest ye pertake of her sins , and so of her plagues , ( we are justified ) for the sins of the wicked , ( who in words , profess god and christ , but in deeds deny all ) is reached heaven at this day : and doth not the apostle say , if any man that is called a brother be a fornicator , or covetous , or an idolator ( and covetousness by the apostle's doctrine is idolatry ) or a railer , or a drunkard , or an extortioner , with such not to keep company , no not as to eat with them . cor. . . and doth he not say in an other place , have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness ( nor with the unfruitful workers in darkness as before ) but rather reprove them , ephes. . . must we not yet separate from them , yea , yea in their very worship actions as well as others ; and when even the greater number are so far defiled and tainted with the leprosie of unrighteousness ; that they are so far from amending , that they persecute all that will not be as bad as themselves : surely when the lord hath spued out a people , as he threatned to do luke-warm laodicea , revel . . . yea , and cast them off , for their resisting of his good spirit as he did the jews ; 't is no time for his people to stay amongst them then , and to continue with them in their worship-actions , as he calls them ; but every one to deliver his own soul , by coming out of such babylonish worships ; whose prayers are abomination to god , as all sinful prayers are ; and neither this baxter , nor any one that he knows upon the earth prayeth without sin , as himself before hath confessed ; and so all of them together do daily and continually that which they should not do , and leave undone what the lord commands them , and so have no health in them ; and so now that the true light shines so clear again from under the long cloud of antichristian apostacy ; it is the wisdom of all that love god and their own souls , to joyn to the lord in the covenant of his light and spirit , where no committers of sin can joyn ; for darkness , and the workers thereof , can never joyn with the light , and the workers thereof : so now that the trumpet hath sounded , all ought to come to the holy worship of god , amongst the holy worshippers , that worship in the spirit of holiness and truth ; ( where no worker of iniquity , nor hypocrite can come ) out of all the defiled worship of the world whatsoever or under what name soever in the fall : but this baxter is in such love of hypocrisie , that he makes a necessity , of the hypocrites being amongst the true members of christ , as though they knew not how to do without them ; as if the good corn , could not grow so well if the weeds were wanting ; saying , pag. . it is more for the sake of the truely faithfull , then for themselves , that the hypocrites have their station , and priviledges in the church ; god makes use of their gifts and profession for his elect , to many great services of the church . to which i answer , that this language berayes thee further to be of babylon , and not of zion , what r. baxter , with all his seeming zeal for reformation in oliver's dayes , become now a-pleader for the hypocrites , and their great service in the church ! but this is but like his doctrine of his graceless ministers which he pleads for , pag. . of his book ; so r. baxter , and his hypocrites , and graceless brethren , with their gifts ( or rather thefts void of grace ) have been so far from being serviceable to the elect true church , that they have done it ( and ever did ) all the injury that ever they can by their wicked doctrines , ungodly lives , and heaps of lyes and false accusations , and cruel persecutions ; in somuch that the growth of the heavenly seed , the lillies of god , the true heirs of the kingdom , hath been , and is , as a lilly among thorns : but christ and richard baxter , are directly contrary in their judgment one to the other ; for christ would not suffer the devil in the man to preach him , but commanded him to come out , and hold his peace , because christ never had need of devils , or wicked men , or hypocrites to preach him ; but saith to such , what hast thou to do , to take my laws and covenant in thy mouth , and hatest to be reformed , psal. . . &c. and so far are graceless priests and hypocrites from being serviceable in this matter to his church , that he saith , my sheep hear my voyce , and they follow me ; but the graceless minister and hypocrite , who is a stranger to me , they will not hear , for such come but to rob , and destroy , read john . and see if ever r. baxrter understood scripture , who talks so contrary to it : as did those pharisees of old , whom christ cried out so many times wo against , mat. . who would neither enter into the kingdom of heaven themselves , nor suffer others . and those in ezekiel who , sowed pillows under mens elbows , making glad the hearts of the wicked hirelings , by perswading people that they must not disown them from being ministers , though they be totally void of all saving grace ; and that hypocrites have a station in the church , for great services with their ( graceless ) gifts to the elect ; and by pleading for games , and fashions of apparel ; yea and the opinions in religion of bad people , yea to such a measure , that he is not ashamed to say , that many an error is taken up , by going too far from other mens faults , as is to be seen in pag. . of his book , with many such like heathenish sayings , up and down his book ; a few whereof i only touch here and there as they come to mind , that by those the reader may see the nature of that wretched spirit , that hath long lurked in him , under a cloak of zeal for reformation , when the world pretended to such things , but now that the world is for a manifest establishing of their old dark stuff , he turns about and is all for them as it were , and against zeal , against reformation , separation , revelation , or any thing that may manifest people to have a care of their souls : but oh the misery , the misery , the unspeakable misery of such as are not yet redeemed from under the slavery and egyptian bondage of such men : but the lord will break the rod of the oppressor , as in times of old , as in the days of midian and egypt , where both jannes and jambres who withstood the lord's servant moses , in his calling israel out of egypt were made manifest , and their folly by all clearly seen , as this baxter's is by every open eye : praised be the lord for his infinite love in all things . but the hearts of the righteous whom god delights to comfort , he doth all he can to make sad by perswading the dark cruel world , that the cause of all the miseries of the late years , yea , and at present in these islands , is much ( what if not mostly ) occasioned by those , who in tenderness of conscience to god , could not , nor cannot joyn with , nor uphold the popish customs , and antichristian imposition in matters relating to religion , and the soul , which is more pretious to them that know it , then all the world : and in the truth we may say , that if we should come amongst the steeple-house worshippers , or any other company , who are only separated from them in form , and not in life and power , and their exercise , or gift , and heavenly holy worship and service to the lord jesus christ our god , we should even sacrifice the abomination of the egyptians before their eyes ; and would you not stone us , or imprison us , or otherwise evil intreat us , even as you do , and ever have done ? yea yea , and as they dealt with the prophet isaiah for saying ( chap. . . ) he that killeth an ox , is as if he flew a man , he that sacrificeth a lamb as if he cut off a dogs neck , &c. and chap. . . &c. to what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me , saith the lord , i am full of them ; and who hath required it at your hands , to tread my courts ? bring no more vain oblations , &c. for which it is said they slew him ; so they would deal with us . and what measure have the dear servants of god in new-england met withal , not long since , for the like witness against those hypocrites , but death and cruel whippings , and banishment ; and in old england lately , but most savage and cruel usage ? and would this baxter yet have us , yea , and those he counts his brethren , and of his flock , who have any tenderness in them to communicate with such whose hands are full of blood ? if he were as the mouth of god , he would put a difference between the clean and unclean : but he being of an other spirit , is for leading people back again into egypt , not for bringing them out of egypt into the promised land ; and so his work and endeavour is accursed of god , and abhorred of all that know god , who are escaped out of sodom and egypt , and babylon spiritual , where our lord was crucified : and to us the lord hath said , let them return to you ( ye saved people ) but return not you to them ; for their pastors are become bruitish , and have not sought the lord ; therefore they shall not prosper , and all their flocks shall be scattered . jer. . . he that hath ears let him hear , and he that readeth let him understand , for the time is at hand ; for the lord is arisen to plead with all the false worshippers upon earth , and with him is no respect of persons . and now is the lord god of ever blessed power and love appeared in the earth , after the long night of apostacy , to restore all things , and now are the virgins called upon through the whole world , to trim their lamps ; for behold the bridegroom is come and coming , and now the foollish virgins , who have been long sleeping , and slumbering in a dead profession of christ and the scriptures , are found wanting in their faith , holiness , love , and all other christian vertues , and so in their unholiness shut out ; yea , and though they run to the hirelings , that set all things to sale , to buy , yet still before they come , the door is shut ; for whilst the lord stood waiting upon them , with his pure free and full grace and spirit , they would have none of it ; but rather chosed to go their own ways of carnal endeavours , and man commanded religion , and so like the jewes of old , going about to establish their own righteousness , have not submitted to the righteousness of god , which is by faith in christ jesus : but the wise virgins , who are of an honest heart , to fear god , and wait for the lord jesus christ , to appear in their spirits , to set up his heavenly and everlasting kingdom in them , they receive daily of his fulness , which filleth all in all , where the true oyl of the kingdom is found in their holy lamps , to the praise of the glory of the unspeakable love , and free grace of the almighty father , so be it . again , to that part of this baxter's former answer , where he saith , that in all ages , god giveth to some few men , more excellent natural parts then others ; and he engageth some in deeper and more laborious studies , and he blesseth some mens studies more then other ; and therefore there are still some few , who know more then the rest of the country , or mankind ; and it were well for the rest , if they knew these , and would learn of them . quer. but how may one know these hard , and laborious studiers , as he calls them ? oh , saith this baxter , they are such as give proof of their knowledge they pretend to ; and they are such to imploy their knowledge to the preserving of the peace and concord of believers ; and do not proudly make a stir with it , to set up their own names ; though thereby they set the world on fire . to which i answer and say , it is still more and more manifest , that this baxter layes all the weight and stress upon natural parts , and hard studies ; as though the kingdom of god , were not at all come , nor the promise of god concerning the free gifts , and plentifull pouring forth of the spirit , not yet fulfilled ; and so a necessity of learning at the feet of gamaliel , and earthly doctors still : but now that the spirit of truth according to god's blessed promise is come , and witnessed amongst us that believe , praised be god , we cannot go to such as this baxter , with all their natural parts , and hard studies ; for the spirit of truth leads us , and all that obey it into all truth ; but this baxter , and such as he leads , are in all error , as is manifest ; for they are of those , that lead about a company of poor souls , silly as women leaden with divers sins and lusts , ever learning , but never able to come to the knowledge of the truth , which sets free from sin ; for that ( and nothing else ) is the truth , which sets free from sin ; for saith christ , if ye know the truth , the truth shall set you free indeed . but this baxter , and all such , teach it for doctrine , that they are so far from being free from sin , that their very prayers and best performances are not free from sin , but sin is in them all : oh sad , that ever they should dare to pretend to the ministry of the gospel , who preach such a doctrine as make nothing perfect , but leaves them in sin all their lives long : and no wonder that they and their doctrine should be void of all good fruit ; for saith god , they have run , and i have not sent them ; therefore they shall not profit the people at all . and yet they would gladly have people know them , and learn of them , though they can do them no good at all ; and this is that sorry and bad proof , that the hirelings make of their great knowledge they pretend unto , which they have gotten with their natural parts , and hard studies ; and so thy own words shall witness against thee , oh baxter , and thy brethren , who have given no good proof of your knowledge to this day ; nor have thereby preserved peace and concord amongst believers , but done what you can to break it ; for that doctrine that makes not men free from sin , leaves all the seeds of discord and dissention , still in peoples minds ; for as sin separated man from god at first ; so doth it to this day keep them asunder , and so keeps them from love , for god is love ; and none live or dwell in love , but such as live and dwell in god : but such as live in sin , and never pray without it , are out of god , as the apostle said of people in unbelief , they were without god in the world. it is not any outward conformity , that will , or can make them to be at peace with , or love one another ; for if it were possible to bring papist , athist , and carnal protestants and professors of all sorts , into one form of outward worship , as for time , place , words , or the like : yet there would be neither love , peace , nor concord amongst them , for want of unity with god and his good spirit , the onely true ground and foundation of all true love , peace , and concord : and so , oh r. baxter , we have known thee this many years to be a great enemy of god , and therefore we may not learn of thee , nor any such , but of christ do we learn , ever praised be his name , who teaches his people to profit ; and so it s onely the poor deluded multitude that know● thee not , who learn of thee , and suck in such poysoned doctrine , as makes them most uncapable of the pure word of life and doctrine of salvation ; so that publicans and harlots , who make little or no profession , enter into the kingdom of god before you . and as for making a stir with thy knowledg , and striving to set up thy own name thereby , though thou set the whole world on fire by it ; who more notorious then thy self in this r. baxter , as witness all thy lying frothy words , books , and pamphlets which thou hast spoken and written , against the appearance of christ and his truth , in these late years ; but thy studies and thy works god hath cursed ; for no child of light , will ever buy any of thy merchandize , nor the deceitfull wares of any other merchants of babylon for evermore ; blessed be god for his unspeakable gift , amen . but the end of these words of setting the world on fire set down here by this baxter , is easily seen to be this , to wit , to perswade people that those , who are zealous for god in these days in publishing his everlasting gospel upon the earth , in a cross to the world , are such as set up themselves , and would set the world on fire : and so he is manifest to be one of the old evil generation of priests , who accused christ for a mover of sedition , and paul for a pestilent fellow : oh , it was that good stirring spirit of the lord jesus in himself , and his followers , which did so trouble the world , the combustible world in all ages that made , and doth make the hrieling priests , and their deluded followers so rage , and cry out ; but as for setting the world on fire , in a goodsence christ jesus saith , that he came to set fire in the earth : but for setting the world on fire in baxter's sence , that is sowing discord and dissention amongst people ; this is the work , and ever was the work of the hireling priests , who loved to be called of men masters , as this r baxter is ( as is said before ) witness not onely our own age ; but the holy scripture , and the histories of all times and ages , as those that read may understand : and yet these proud masterly and false teachers , were ever the first , and for wardst that cryed against christ and his followers , for disturbing the world's peace ; when as this doctrine of christ's spirit , though it did alwayes disturb the devil's ; yet it did alwayes tend to the working of the hearts and souls of the people into god's peace , and did ever , and doth at this day work this glorious and blessed effect in all that believe : whereof we are witnesses , praised be god , though for the testimony of christ , we are troubled on every side , by the wicked world : so that even now , when the wicked have no peace ( for there is no peace to the wicked ) we whom the world mock , stone and persecute under the nick-name of quakers , or so , have peace in all our dwellings : and within egypt is full of darkness , that one may feel it , yet in our goshen is plenty of light , ever praised be god : and when the world of false christians are learning war , and preparing weapons , we are ceasing from war , and not to learn it any more , as the lord hath said . and therefore , oh ye inhabitants of the earth , if ye knew us , ye would not hate us , and persecute us , but love us with your hearts , because of the good will of our hearts towards you ; for our weapons are not carnal , but spiritual : not for pulling down , or destroying of you , but your enemies , your sins , which wars against your souls : and the reason why we cannot joyn with you , in your liturgyes , and worship-actions , is not because we hate you ; but because we love god , and your souls ; for if we should joyn with you in your defiled worship , as your selves confess they are , we should strengthen you in an evil way : but by our separating from you , because of the unholiness of your sacrifices , occasion may be ministred to you to question your state , and so some of you in time may come out of your darkness , into the marvellous light of the lord jesus with us , and praise the lord in the land of the living , so be it . another of this baxter's follies , and false doctrines , i may here mention , as one may read it in that book of his , that i have under hand , to wit , in pag. . are these words ; it may be unlawfull saith he , in a ruler to command a thing that will do no good , because it is a vain command , and maketh men spend that time in vain , and yet be the subject's duty to do it . answ. this is just such doctrine as paul's enemies taught , who said , men might do evil , that good might come of it , whose condemnation was just . so to avoid sufferings from men , he would have us to obey unlawfull commands , which will do no good , but rather a great evil ; to wit , make people spend pretious time in vain : away with such antichristian stuff amongst the heathen , for all true christians abhor it in their hearts , as the lord the good shepheard hath commanded them . and now r. baxter to that part of thy feigned prayer , pag. . where in words thou seemest to desire , that god would stir up some faithful friend to tell thee with convincing evidence , where it is that thou hast miscarried , that contrition may prepare thee for the peace of remission . here the lord hath contrary to thy will and desire stirred up one in faithfulness and love to thy soul , and the souls of the poor deluded people whom thou hast deceived , to tell thee plainly of thy faults , and grievous miscarriages , as by what is convincingly in these lines set down doth appear , and might be more abundantly , if all the miscarrages in this book ( onely to let pass all thy other ) were answered unto in particular ; but these in this answer of mine , being as it were least of what the rest are , may satisfie at present . and oh that the righteous judgments of god may come upon thy heart , and the hearts of all them who are in the same false fleshly confidence with thy self ; whose very prayers are not without sin , that you may never have peace day nor night , until you humble your selves before the lord , and repent of all your hard speeches , and evil deeds that you have spoken and done against him and his servants for his truth 's sake ; that if it be possible you may be saved from the wrath that will certainly come upon you , if you repent not ; for that old wicked paper full of lyes , as i made manifest before thee , and some of thy company in thy study ( to thy shame ) at kidderminster , which thou writst in the pride of thy heart against us in oliver's dayes when thou wast lifted up , entituled reasons to perswade , why no reasonable man can be a quaker , amongst the rest of that kind , which thou art not humbled for to this day , as i perceive by this book , do all stand upon record before the lord , the righteous judge against thee ; for in those thy doings , and all of that kind against the manifest and manifold appearances of christ in his people of every degree , thou hast plainly declared thy self to be of rabshekaie's spirit , who raised against the living god and his dispised israel ; and of that spirit that jannes and jambres , who withstood moses in his work , under god , of calling israel out of egypt ; and as the lord pleaded the cause of his people in those dayes , so will he ( as he hath ) for ever plead our innocent cause against thee , and all his enemies ; for of a truth the lord god blessed for ever , hath raised us up to be his servants , sons and daughters , to bear his name in righteousness before the children of men , in a pure holy witness against all the false ways , and worships , of false man ( so be it ) and so it will be as hard for thee , and all , to kick against the pricks , as it was in persecuting saul , acts . read and consider , lest the day pass over you , as it did from the unbelieving jewes , who would not receive god come and manifest in flesh in those days , to whom christ said , ye will not come to me , that ye might have life ; but they would seek it in the killing letter , and as it were by the works of the law , until midnight darkness , and utter desolation came upon them . for , oh how the earth is filled with violence , because of such doctrines and teachings as this baxter and such men brings forth ; for behold how the field of his followers and admirers are all over-grown with briers and thorns , and noysom weeds , as the proper fruit of their accursed doctrines , as this baxter himself sets down , in his th direction , pag. . of his book , in these words , that is to say : oh friends , how bad are we our selves ? what pride is in our hearts ? what ignorance in our minds ! so wanting are we even in the lowest grace humility , that we have scarce enough to make us take patiently , as now we are giving out upon others ; so selfish , as dishonoureth our profession , with the brand of contradictedness , and partiallity ; so weak , that our duties are lyable to greater censures then we can bear ; and our inward graces weaker then our outward duties [ this must needs be so in the duties of the graceless minister thou pleads for ] of such ungoverned thoughts , that confusion and tumult instead of order and fruitfull improvement , are the daily temper and imployment of our immaginations [ this must needs be so in you that live in such opposition to the life of god manifest in his children at this day ] so passionate , impatient and corrupt , that we are a trouble to our selves and others , [ this must needs proceed from such a corrupt fountain ] and a dishonour to the gospel [ it is so ] and a hinderance to the conversion of those whom our holy examplary lives should win to god : so strange to heaven , as if we had never well believed it [ that is so , and therefore the sheep of christ deny your voyce , you who are such strangers to him ] and to say all in one , so empty of love to our dear redeemer , and to the god of love , that our hearts lie vacant to entertain the love of worldly vanities [ ye hypocrites , what have you to do to name christ , who are thus unbelieving and unredeemed ] and to fly back from the serious thoughts of god , which should be our daily work and pleasure , and fly from the face of death , as if we should be the worst , when neerest to our god. oh hypocrites , how can you for shame call god yours , when you are thus beyond measure bad , when scripture saith , he that saith he knows god , and keeps not his commandments is a lyar , and the truth is not in him , see joh. . . and repent lest ye all perish together , priests and people ; for the lord is arisen to judgment , and none can stand before him , which hath unclean and filthy garments , as you are covered with , whom baxter here puts on to be teachers of others , and yet remain your selves with him under such woful sins and condemnation , as is here spoken of : but surely if you did believe , and feel inwardly that it were so bad with you , as here in words is signified , you could not go away so lightly with your burdens , as you seem to do , but it would stop your mouthes , and cause all your pride and glory to cease . for consider but the first thing , that this baxter would have you his principal and best taught hearers to confess , to wit. that pride is in your very hearts ; which if you were sensible of , you would cease calling god your father , and christ your redeemer in this wretched state ; for to you in this state , it may be truely said , as christ said to those unbelieving jews , ye are of your father the devil ; for pride of heart , is the chief part of his wicked image : and indeed , the main thing in this day , which hinders you from coming to christ ( the meek , pure , and lowly lamb of god ) is the pride of your corrupt hearts , as jeremiah said to the jews , if you will not give glory to god , before your feet stumble upon the dark mountains , my soul shall mourn in secret for your pride : it was the pride of their hearts , that was the ground of all their evils , as it is of yours ; for from the pride of your hearts , comes your ignorance of mind , and partiallity , and want of all good , to the dishonouring of your profession , and what not ? so that it may easily be known , who sent this baxter , who hath profited you nothing at all : for they have ran , and i have not sent them , saith god , therefore they cannot profit the people at all , jer. . and that this r. b. might make it fully appear under whose banner he fights , and for whose kingdom he pleads , lest the rest of his book should leave it doubtful : he is now come forth in his proper shape , as the absolute enemy of god , and all good men , that in any measure are looking heaven-ward , being burdened with the fellowship of the wicked , and instead of helping the lord 's little ones , against the great power of the dragon in the persecutors , he hath hammered forth all the wicked weapons that he can for the wicked persecutors , and against the tender hearted ones of god , who are travelling to the holy land , with egypt left behind ; as in that . direction so called , and pag. . of his said book appears , where he hath these words . little do many real separates , who cry out against the spirit of persecution , suspect that the same spirit is in them ; whence is persecution , but from thinking ill of others , and abhorring them , or not loving them ? and do you not so by those ( saith he ) whom you causlesly separate from ? answ. here by way of answer , before i set down any more of this naughtiness of his , i cannot but take notice of this word ) causlesly ) which here this baxter puts in , to cover his deceit ; for though at the first look one might judge , he intended only causless , or unwarrantable , or wicked separation ; yet reader thou must know , he intends as well the truely tender hearted people of england , who in conscience to god , and according to his holy commandment are come out , and separated from the fellowship of the wicked in these dayes , and so cannot take part in the offerings of the dead as well as others ; and at these in a special manner he strikes , after his accustomed manner , through the sides of others ; for his main envy is against the living members of christ : and so though those that separate without cause , may have the like mind to those they separate from , being different onely in form , but not in heart from them ; yet such as are separated by the power of god ( as paul was , whom god separated from his mothers womb , calling him by his grace ) have not ; for these stand out of their own thoughts and are in the will and work , and worship of god , whose worship is in spirit and truth : but to proceed , baxter saith further . you will say , that though you think them not to be true christians yet , you love them as men , and wish their good , and so will those say by you ( saith he ) whom you call your persecutors ; though they think you to be proud and humerous ; and disobedient , yet they say , they love you as men ; and do but correct you , to cure your self-willedness and humor , and to do you good , and to preserve the publick peace : they think you to be bad , and therefore imprison you : you think them to be bad , and therefore avoid communion with them . to this i cannot but by the way speak a word ; who is there that sees not the very spirit of the egyptian sorcerers acting in this very thing , to the hardening of pharoah's heart , lest he should let israel go ? but this baxter goes on in his wickedness , and saith , they ( to wit the persecutors ) think you so bad , as to be unworthy of civil liberty and priviledges : you think them so bad as to be unworthy of church priviledges and liberties : they think you unworthy to be suffered in the land perhaps ; and you think them unworthy to be suffered in the churches ; they cry against you , away with them , they are schismatical , or heretical ; you cry against them , away with them , they are prophane . answ. now in answer to this i say , that we who are of the world , scornfully called quakers , have everlasting cause to praise the lord , who hath redeemed our souls from among such devouring wolves , as this r. b. and from such a venomous spirit as he is acted by ; what heathen upon earth could strengthen the hands of the persecutors against the righteous more then this baxter , by such arguments as this doth ? what if this baxter had lived in the dayes of the apostles , and first christians , when god separated them from the congregation of the unbelieving jews ; surely he could not but have been but accounted famous , and worthy of great honour amongst those persecuting jews , for such arguments as these ▪ for never an argument he brings , for the persecutors now ; but it would as much have fitted the persecutors then against the christians ; yea , and it would formerly , yea , and doth at this day fit the papists against the protestants , as well as the persecuting prophane superstitious protestant against them , whom god hath drawn by his mighty power this day from amongst them . for seeing he sets but thought , against thought , the persecutors thoughts of the righteous , against the persecuted man's thoughts of him ; and seeing all thoughts are questionable , he leaves this ground for the persecuting jew , to reason to excuse himself against the first christians , according to his hellish invention on this wise , viz. ' you christians who separate from us , are of as bad a spirit as us jews , whom you call your persecutors ; for what is persecution , but a thinking ill of others , and abhorring them , or not loving them ? and do you not so by us , whom you causlesly separate from ? and though you say , though you think us not as servants of god , or so , yet you love us as men , and wish our good , so do we you , and that which we do against you , which you call persecution , is but a correcting of you , to cure your self-willedness and humor , and to do you good , and to preserve the publick peace : and though you think much , you christians , that we imprison you , deny you civil liberties and privileges , and count you unworthy to be suffered in the land ; yet all this by baxter's doctrine , is far less then you do to us jews ; for you think us so bad , that you avoid communion with us , and deny us church liberty and privileges ; yea and think us unworthy to be suffered in the churches . come baxter ; would this have been good and true reasoning by the jews against the christians , or by the papists against the protestants ? then if it would not ( as no sober man can say it would ) then forever stop thy mouth , and let shame cover thy face for ever speaking any more of things pertaining to christian , or christ's religion ; for an enemy to christ and his people thou art here manifest to be : and lest thou shouldst want any thing to make thee compleat in wickedness , thou goest on , and in answer to an objection , which is to this purpose : that the persecutors separated from , are bad , and prophane , and he that separates , saith he , charges them truely ; but he is not schismatical , or heretical , but they accuse him falsly . to this i say , this baxter with a whores fore-head , on the behalf of the persecutors , answers and saith : you ( to wit , you that separate ) say so , and they ( to wit , the persecutors ) say the same of you : they say you are schismatical ; but they are not prophane : now how shall a stander by know , [ saith baxter ] which of you are in the right , doubtess by the witnesses and evidences , [ saith he ] they try you in some court , or before some magistrate , before they punish you , [ saith he ] you never try them , nor hear then speak for themselves ; nor examine any witness publickly against them ; nor allow them any church justice ; but avoid their communion upon reports , or pretence of private knowledge : they judge you personally , one by one : you condemn whole parishes in the lump unheard : they condemn you , as for a positive crime ; but you condemn them , without charging any one crime upon them , &c. to which i answer for the lord and his truth , in this day of israel's trouble and tryals , and say . the lord rebuke thee , thou lying spirit , in this r. baxter ; was there ever heard such notorious falshoods and abominations come from one professing the gospel , yea , professing himself to be a minister of the gospel , yea , and taking upon him to be a teacher of the teachers , as is here from this r. b. oh , the envy , oh , the malice , the deep rooted iniquity of this man , against them that depart from iniquity in these islands , and cannot joyn with the people of this wicked world , in their bloody offerings : oh , the patience and long suffering of god towards such , though they continue long in their wickedness ; but the lord will certainly plead with thee , o baxter , and all his adversaries , for your great envy to his people , and work in these dayes : but come let us see again , if these lyes of baxter's , would not have suted as well for the persecuting jews against the first christians , or the persecuting papists , against the protestants , as it doth for the persecutors in these dayes against those , that in obedience to god are separated from them ? for what it tertullus , or any jewish lying orator had stood up in behalf of the jews against the christians , and said , the jews try you in some court , or before some magistrate , before they punish you ; but you christians never try them , nor hear them speak for themselves , nor examine any witnesses publickly against them , nor allow them any church justice , but avoid their communion upon report , or pretence of private knowledge , and so condemn them by the lump ; yea , a whole nation together ? &c. and so if the papist against the protestants had used the like reasoning , would it have been any thing but gross untruth and falshood in either of their mouthes ? or were either the first christians , or first protestants , any more to be blamed for their separation , because of such lyars ? nay , nay , neither are the people of god in these dayes any worss to be thought of for separating from the wicked , notwithstanding all these gross lyes of baxter , or any of his spirit : i say they are most gross lyes , if they be said of us the people of god , whom the world in scorn calls quakers , that we have not tryed them , &c. for we have tryed them , and heard them often what they can say for themselves , and we have by the spirit of the lord found them wanting of the life and power of godliness , like the heathen , who profess not christ , and publick witnesses there are of it , not onely their own works which are daily manifest in the face of the sun , but also their own words and confessions when they meet to worship ; for they say , they have left undone what god commands , and done what he forbids , and so have no spiritual health in them ; which signifies plainly , they have denied christ come in the flesh ; for whosoever receives him , receives god's saving health , and are saved people , spiritually healthful ; they have condemned themselves by their unbelief and evil deeds from the common-wealth and inheritance of israel : and so not onely the spirit of the lord in us , but even the witness of god in their own consciences charges not onely one , but even many great and greivous crimes upon them . and so baxter with all his lyes , and evil inventions , is for the lake ; and if ever he be saved , it must be through fiery terrible judgment , which will consume the adversary : for , oh! how hath satan blinded his eye ; that he should thus rise up against the people and work of god in these dayes to his hurt ? and when it is objected that of all men living , no man think that a persecutor is godly , and fit for church communion , he doth not like a christian confess to the truth there 〈◊〉 but after his accustomed manner , heathen-like , he invents his sorry shifts to avoid the force of the truth , by saying , did all the ministers and common people persecute you ? and then asking a question concerning the doings of the souldiers under oliver , and the like , which are meer shifts ; for what is the doings of any men , to make void the truth by it ? for whatsoever any in their ignorance of the truth , have done against the truth , serves nothing to the making void of this , to wit , that a persecutor of the godly , is not godly , nor fit for church communion ; but instead of giving glory to god , by confessing to truth , this baxter , after he hath wearied himself with his words , of what was done in oliver's time , or so ; he sums up his devilish doctrine of pleading for the persecutors , and against those whom god hath separated from them , ( saying to the same wicked purpose as before ) it is but one and the same sin in persecutors and the separates , which causeth the one to smite their brethren , and the other to excommunicate them ; the one to cast them into prison as schismaticks , and the other to cast them out of the church as prophane , &c. and so for this thy suming up and concluding , god hath concluded thee with the wicked persecutors , for the judgement of his great day o baxter : but hold baxter , thou that art thus hot , and without all fear in pleading for the devil's kingdom : i say when the lord bids us , and we obey him in separating from the wicked ; is this all one with the sin of persecution : oh thou unjust man , the lord will be terrible to thee in the day of his wrath , which is nigh at hand to come upon thee , for all thy villany against him , and for all thy daubing deceitful words , in the beginning and end of this direction ; the lord sees thee to be a fighter against him , and thy reward will be according to thy works , as he hath said , and all the rocks and mountains of the wicked world , for whom thou pleadest , shall not hide thee from his strook : as testifies the good spirit of the lord jesus , in his servant . some more of the bad , and strange sayings of this baxter in his book . pag. . godly men are much liker to be in the right , then ungodly men . answ. this shows what a stranger he is to the certainty of godliness . pag. . sometimes the worser sort of men , may hold fast the truth . answ. this is a gross lye ; for the bad cannot hold fast the good , unless in prison , or so . if any better persons deny infant baptism , the worser sort of people would be all against them , and yet be in the right . answ. thus sprinkling of infants , for which there is no scripture , must needs be wrong whosoever hold it ; and the corruption of it appears so much the more , because the worser sort are so much for it . many do take a form of prayer , or liturgy , to be unlawful , meerly because the most of the worser sort are for it . answ. what deceit is this ? if thy hearers so badly taught by thee do such things ; yet those that are taught of god , deny things , because they know them to be evil in themselves ; but what form , or liturgy is that , which the most of the worser sort of the people are for , even that which speaks peace to the wicked , by telling them they were regenerated by sprinkling a little water on their faces , or the like , when infants ? and that they shall be saved , though they continue in sin all their lives long : but the hour cometh , and now is , that neither in the invented forms of the hypocrite's long prayers , nor in the short invented forms and liturgies of the prophane , but in spirit and truth , as the lord jesus enables them , will god be worshipped , and served by his people ; for the day is dawned , and shaddows 〈◊〉 ; and as the day doth more and more arise in its glory , with all the things of vain men pass away , so be it . pag. . the some of his . direction by his own setting down runs thus . ye take the examples of religious men , to be one of your most perilous temptations ; and therefore labour to discover , especially what are the sins of professors , in the age that you live in , that you may especially watch and fortifie your souls against them : [ and adds ] that sometimes the strictest sort run in a gang after one opinion , and sometimes after another . answ. here i appeal to that of god in all that fear his name , and are alive to truth , whether this do not wholly tend to the hardening of pharaoh's heart , against the people of god in these dayes , who are in the truth it self , and not in opinions , as the hypocrites are ? for though such as are begotten into forms of ( religion without the truth ) by the hirelings , do never cease from erring , yet the truely religious , who are begotten to god by christ , walk in the way undefiled , which the fools , who are upright in heart cannot err in . but this his telling of running in a gang , is a filthy and reproachful speech , wholly of ashdod , and the lord will judge thee , o enemy , for thy work r. b. and therefore let all that fear god , take heed of this baxter's soul-defiling , and heart-hardning doctrine ; for out of the dark , and wicked kingdom , wherein he and all such live , is the lord calling his people . and to conclude , if any would see this harlot in its fine dress , and the crooked serpent in its glittering colour on the head which must be bruised , and yet with his sting in his tail , which is full of venom , let them consider that . direction , which runs thus . desire the highest degree of holiness , and to be free from the corruptions of the times , but affect not to be odd , and singular from ordinary christians in lawful things ; for instance , if it were to go in a meaner garb then others , and as the quakers , not to put off the hat ; or with the friars , to go bare foot , or in a distinguishing habit , that all men may see , and say ; this is a singular person in religion : it is easie to see how this gratifieth pride . answ. but now that the lord is arisen according to his promise , isa. . . which saith , in that day the lord with his sore and great and strong sword shall punish leviathan the peircing serpent , even leviathan that crooked serpent , and he shall slay the dragon that is in the sea. therefore i say it is that the dragon is so wrathful to pour forth his floods of persecution after the heavenly woman , and her man-child : and therefore it is that the crooked serpent in such men ( as this baxter is ) is so at work , every way seeking with their cunning and crafty deceitful doctrines to peirce the heart , the life of truth , by their darts ; and so with their fair colourable words , as the apostle speaks , to deceive the hearts of the simple and ignorant people , but the lord taketh , the wily in their own craftiness , and the pit they digg for others , themselves fall into , and the lord 's spiritual sword of truth pierces through all their lives ; and dead in the great sea and puddle of their own iniquities before the lord , and his saints , this day they lie : glory to his name the mighty god over all who is worthy . for what more glistering and fair seeming words can the serpent give , then to say : desire the highest degree of holiness , and to be free from the corruptions of the time : but that this baxter intends no such thing , no nor believes that any shall ever attain to any such thing , whilst on the earth , is most manifest by the whole current of his doctrine ; for not onely in his former books , where he hath publickly declared , that sinless perfecttion , is the doctrine of the devil , hatch'd in hell , &c. but even in this very book , it fully appears what an enemy he is , not onely to the highest degree , but even to holiness it self , where amongst his other unholy doctrines he saith , as is before mentioned , from pag. . that there is no man alive , that worshippeth god without some sin , ( and adds ) do you ever pray your selves in secret , or in your families without sin : and a better state then this he doth not believe , that any shall here come unto ; and for being free from the corruption of the times ; what hast thou to do o baxter to talk of this , who art one with the corruptedst of times , pleading for conformity , even with the persecutors of godliness it self ? yea , seeking by all meanes to make such , as good and excusable before the lord in their persecutions of the godly , as the godly themselves are ● who in obedience to god , do separate from them : what is praying to god with sin in your hearts , the highest degree of your godliness ? oh hypocrites , yea it is ; and is your conforming to the worship-actions of the persecutors , who take god's name in vain , when ever they mention it in that state , no corruption ? and not onely so , but your oneness with the times in many of their corrupt customs of daily conversation , as every eye sees , no corruptions ? but above all , corruption is gone forth over all the land , even from the teachers , such as this baxter is , who in words can tell others of forsaking it ; for what greater corruption , then for the priests to love to be called of men masters , and to preach for hire , and divine for money , and to cry peace , peace to the wicked ; especially such as put into their mouthes : but if any put not into their mouthes , then they prepare war against them , as both in oliver's time and since they have done all england over , to the impoverishing and spoiling them that fear god of their goods , and imprisoning several to death upon the same account , what would christ ( mat. . ) and the prophets , jeremiah , and isaiah , and micah , and the rest , have cryed so vehemently against such things , if they had not been grievous corruptions of the times ? see jer. . , . isa. . micah . . &c. and so when the priests are proud , and covetous , and cruel ; what can their followers be , but like them ? it is not the priests telling people , they must desire after holiness , and forsake the corruptions of the times , that will do any good , so long as the teachers themselves live in unholiness and corruptions , and smite with the fist of wickedness ; for doth not that in the conscience say to such ? thou that teachest another ; why doest not thou teach thy self : but they have run , and god hath not sent them , therefore ( they are such bryars , and thistles , and ) cannot profit the people at all , jer. . and they say to every one that walkes after the imaginations of their evil hearts , ye shall have peace : but for these things , the lord hath , and yet will severely judge them , head and tail , root and branch , in his great day . and now to that which he saith to his disciples : be not odd and singular from ordinary christians in lawful things ; if it be to go in a meaner garb then others , or not to put off the hat , or to go bare foot , or in a distinguishing habit , or so ; this gratifieth pride . answ. to this i may say ; wo be to them that call evil good , and good evil , that account keeping on the hat in simplicity of heart to god , as we do our other garments without contempt to any , i say that account and call this evil , and yet account putting off the hat , in honour to proud flesh , good ; the apostle james saith , he that hath respect to persons commiteth sin , and is convinced of the law as a transgressor . jam. . . but baxter in this his pleading for the hat , saith [ it is lawful ] but to keep christ's commands , in having respect to christ , and not to the persons of men [ oddness and singularity ] and so , though this baxter , and his fellows , condemn us for this , yet christ justifies us , and so we have peace with god : and for going in a meaner garb then others ; whosoever he intend by this , we know that baxter , and all such proud masterly teachers , are far enough from this , for they are quite out in the other extream ; for if you will find pride and prodigality , who more notorious in the land then the priests and their families , who live in pride , idleness , fulness of bread , the sins of sodom ? and the poor people see it , though they are forced to labour and drudge for them , as the israelites in egypt : and so they spend their money , for that which is not bread , and their labours , for that which satisfies not their souls , as the prophet of old complain'd , and that which is most sad , they must do it by force ; for if the people do see them to be totally void of grace in their lives , yet according to baxter's doctrine , they must not take them for no ministers , how ever they must be at cost with them , to maintain them in their pride and idleness , or else look for a prison , or spoiling of their goods , and the like ; but the lord hath shaken his hand at such dishonest gain . but as for a distinguishing habit , which this baxter charges upon the friars ; how is it that he could not see himself , and his brethren , in their distinguishing habits of black gowns , black cloathes , tippets , hoods , surplices , and the like ? oh , these unjust men , who are all eye abroad , and none at home ; but this was ever the nature of such as were out of christ's doctrine . also whereas this baxter by these words [ that all may see , and say , this is a singular person in religion ] doth endeavour to make people believe , that , our not putting off our hats ( which we do meerly in obedience to god , who commands us not to honour proud flesh ) is done for a selfish end , and in our own wills , or so , to get a name , is such a piece of haughtiness and foolishness in him , that nothing but meer envy could have taught him such a piece of unreasonableness ; for who is there , that sees not the contrary effect to come of our not putting of our hat , to what baxter here sets down ? for it is so far from getting us a name of being religious amongst men , that they do as it were with one mouth cry out against us , unmannerly fellows , and the like , for it : and truely , but that the pure fear of god strengthens us , it were impossible for us to bear the reproaches , fineings , and beatings , and daily cross that attends this very same thing ; so that to cross proud flesh in this one thing , exposes the poor creature to great tryals in these degenerate dayes , even amongst them that profess christ ( who made himself of no reputation in this world ) from whom one might expect better usage , for so harmless a thing : but as christ and his apostles , and disciples found , no better usage amongst the professing jews of those dayes , for doing the will of god : so we are even made content to undergo all things for the truth 's sake from our own country men and professors in these dayes , even from all who profess the letter , and want the life and vertue of what they do profess : and praised be god for ever , who through his grace gives our souls the victory ; but as for this baxter and his followers , who are so full of that earthly faln wisdom , which receives honour of men , and judges of things according to the flesh ; i say , for them to seek god's honour , and glorifie him in such low contemptible things , as this is , is at present far from them ; but to put off the hat in honour to proud flesh , and to love greetings in the markets , and to go in long robes , as the old pharisees did , and to be called of men master , and the like , which gets praise and applause of the world , though christ forbid it never so much , i say these things they like better , the more is the pitty ; see mat. . and so it appears who are in the selfishness , pride and hypocrisie , and who are not , and so is the scripture fulfilled which saith , in that day it shall be seen , who are they that fear god , and who not ; glory to god for his unspeakable gift , and not unto us , but to thy name be the praise o lord. what would this baxter ( if he had been in those dayes ) have said of christ , of whom it was said , that he taught the way of god truely , and regarded not the persons of men , ( then surely he put not off his hat in honour to proud flesh , as ye do ) i say , would not this baxter have called him some odd conceited singular proud fellow , as his predecessors the pharisees of those dayes ( who received honour one of another ) did ? no question but he would ; for if he do thus to us his servants , what would he have done to him our lord and master ? but happy are all they in this day , who chuse rather to suffer the affliction and reproach with christ and his people , then to enjoy the pleasures of sin , which are but for a season ; so be it . also because this r. baxter in pag. . of his preface saith , that people are far more averse ( that is contrary or against ) to communion or concord with the parish churches , then the conforming ministers are ; and yet he seems in his epistle to bryan's book , to be unwilling that people should think he hath conformed , though he hath pleaded for it , and against separaing from the parish assemblies and worships , as now manag'd , and also seeing that bryan , as he saith , is , or was silenced for non-conformity himself : i desire all that reads these lines , to take notice of what a strange uneven and unrighteous spirit these men are of in their creeping , and twisting , and twining to and fro ; yet the eye of the lord , and his blessed spirit in his children this day doth easily spy them out : sometimes they are all for conformity , and against separation by any means , and plead the common-prayer-peoples cause with all their might , as it were ; and yet presently they are all on a fire against any that shall think they are conformists : nay , says baxter , how can any judge him to be a conformists , who is silenced for nonconformity ? but if this baxter ( sometime a head to those called presbyterians at and about kidderminster ) and bryan of the same nature , sometimes a teacher at coventry , be not conformed , or be not yet conformists , as well as others of their brethren , who have long since licked up their vomit , the old common-prayer service , which they vomited up in oliver's time , because it hindred them then from swallowing the peoples labours ; and seeing they plead so shamelesly for it , and also seeing this baxter , in express words confesseth , that they are not so much against conformity with the common-prayer service , as the people are ; what may be the reason of this strange thing , to wit ; that they do not in all things conform ; to wit , in deed and practice , as well as in words , save only , as is plain to me , this ; to wit , because they judge that their admirers are not yet sufficiently wearied out with keeping off , nor sufficiently moulded and fitted in their minds for coming in ; and therefore they have lingred , and may do yet linger a while longer before they do openly , and before all appear conformists , desiring if possible to see the people in before them ; for these two chief presbyterian priests , so called , are wholly already in the parish stuff , in their judgement , and with their minds and hearts already , or at lest would be thought so to be by the wicked world , of whom they are lovers : yet they see not how to vend their flattering doctrines , if their admirers conform not , and come not in with them , or rather be not in the pit before them ; so weak and wretched a thing is man , yea , the best seeming of the sons of men , out of the truth ; oh , how truely fulfilled by these men , are those words of the apostle , where he speaking of the false hypocritical out-side-teachers of that time , saith , with good words , and fair speeches , they deceive the hearts of the simple ? therefore ever praised be christ , who hath opened our eyes to see , and perswaded our hearts , to avoid such wolves in sheeps-clothing , as this baxter , and bryan are ; for , what finer , and higher talk , or skin , or clothing can the wolf get , then to make sermons of dwelling with god , and the like , as this bryan doth ? when it s manifest , he neither knows god , nor his way , nor his dwelling-place ; but is inwardly ravened , from that good and blessed spirit of truth and honesty which should commend him to god. the wolves nature in r. baxter is already in this writing set down and manifest ; and now i come in the light of the lord , to make manifest some of his brother bryan's . and first shall set down that blasphemous passage of his , in p. . and . of his sixth sermon , in that book of his intituled dwelling with god , &c. where he saith , i am not ignorant , that many of you , whose habitation , i question not but the lord is ; who have your habitation in several countries of this kingdom , have drunk a deep prejudice , against all the parochial congregations ; whereof you are legal members , and where all you were baptized , and thereby were made the members of christ , the children of god , and heirs of his kingdom : i fear some of you will startle at these expressions , found in the common-prayer : but if you consult the holy scriptures , you will find them warranted in a sacramental sence ; and your prejudice hath so far wrought upon you , that you have forsaken the assembling of your selves together with your neigbours , in the publick meeting-places ; thus far this bryan . answer , but ever praised be the lord , who hath delivered us from the mouthes of such manifest wolves , as these are , who in times past were hidden , but are now fully seen , ( who , though his brother baxter sayes , his mouth was stopt , or silenced for not conforming , yet here it seems it is wide open still , according to his and their custom , to manifest his folly and wicked-inside against the truth ; and for deceit ) that the simple-hearted might forever be warned , from following such any more ; for who would have thought , that ever ( him called ) doctor bryan of coventry , and richard ( called mr. ) baxter of kidderminster , who were so promoted in oliver's time , for conformity to oliver's laws , and religion , in opposition to the prelates , and their common-prayers , should now with a little blast of mens breath , be silenced ( as baxter's epistle to his book saith ) for a time , and so shattered , and confounded with the fall ; that when they awaked , and got a litle breath , that they should for fear of men , be so transformed into other shapes , as not to be ashamed , to get into their mouthes blasphemous words [ of making people members of christ , children of god , and heirs of his kingdom ] by having a little water sprinkled on their faces by a manmade-priest ; when they were infants , and understood nothing ; then which passage , there is not any passage in the liturgy , or common-service-book , nay , nor in any book in the world whatsoever , more contrary to the scriptures of truth , as all sober minded people well understand ; yea , and this bryan himself knows in his own conscience , that they are not sound words , though he most notoriously , and falsely say , to please the present evil world [ with all that the holy scriptures warrant them in a sacramental sence ] but i desire that all people , who fear the lord , would take heed of such dangerous heresies ; for the scriptures of truth , do not allow of falshood , in any sence at all , for its absolutely false in the sight of god , and to all good men , that infants by any such outward sprinkling , or doing ( as they call baptism ) are made the children of god , members of christ , heirs of his kingdom : seeing the scripture no where commands any such thing ; but saith , that except people be born from above , they cannot see the kingdom of god : but the day is dawned , that makes all things manifest , praises to god : and therefore people consider what a wretchedness those are under , who follow such blind guides , as turn and change with every time ; and can be any thing , or nothing in appearance , so that they can but keep up their name amongst men ? what was the common-prayers , and such things , so odious and damnable a thing in the eyes of these priests in oliver's time ? and is it now , yea the worst part of it , became such an idol in their eyes , as that those that dwell in god , must be condemned of deep prejudice for not conformity to it ; what will not that spirit that climbs over the door , and never was sent of god to preach the gospel say , or unsay , so as it can but please the present times ? but oh thou , blasphemous bryan , the accuser of the brethren ; can those that dwell with god deny to conform to that worship or service which is of god : and therefore it is safely and truely concluded , that the parish-service thou pleads for , is not of god , because for conscience to god , with whom they dwell , they cannot conform to it : but , oh how the serpent creeps upon his belly to do mischief , by seeking to perswade the consciencious people , that by their not joyning with the parish worships , and assemblies , they open their mouthes wide to cast a scandal upon their persons , as prophane , and upon the strict profession of walking precisely according to the written word , which they think ( sayes this bryan , in that pag. . of his book ) gives you no warrant for your separation , &c. and then down upon his belly he goes , saying , my humble and earnest request to you is , to lay aside your prejudice , and examine by the good word , whether your separation be not sinful ? answ. to which i answer in the word of the lord ; blessed for ever , that we , who for the work and word of the lord in our hearts and mouthes , are by the sinful parishes of england , and elsewhere , disdained , and scornfully called quakers , are not separated from them because of any prejudice , or the like , against them ; but god who by his everlasting light of truth hath shewed us the evil of their doings , and of our own , when we worshipped we knew not what amongst them ; he , i say , hath separated us from them , and joyned us to himself in christ jesus , where , with him our dwelling is indeed , ( though bryan think not so ) praised be the name of our most holy lord god for evermore : and so we are not yet to examine , whether our separation be sinful , or nay ; for that is done , and we do know it to be good , according to the good word from the beginning , most certainly : and so the offence which the parish-worshippers take , is offence without all cause on our parts given ; and so it is no other , then the unbelievers took in all generations , against them that feared god ; as the jews were offended at christ and his apostles , yea , and all christians in those dayes , because they could not worship with their neigbours in their superstitions , as this bryan would have us ; and not onely so , but they killed christ , and his apostles , and grievously persecuted the christians for their separation then , as they do us at this day ; and so the reproach of christ , is to us great riches , and the persecutors god will examine , and judge : and as moses did chuse rather to suffer affliction with the people of god , then to enjoy egypt's glory for a season , so blessed are all , that with us are perswaded in their hearts , to follow the lamb wheresoever he goes , not heeding what the wicked say , or judge of them ; but as the apostle exhorts , looking at jesus the author , and finisher of our faith , who for the joy that was set before him , endured the cross , and despised the shame ; and so through all the tryals and persecutions of this world , enter into god's glory , where none can come to make afraid . but if there be any , who through prejudice ( as this bryan speaks ) and not by the spirit of the lord , are separated from the parish-worship ; it is necessary for such , to see to themselves , and consider , lest their return be as shameful , as their separation was sinful , ( like this bryan and baxter ) who it seems all this while , have been no real and true separatists to god ; but have been onely in the self-separation according to the will and force of times : for though the poor deceived followers of such men be at present more averse from joyning with the superstitions of the times , then your hearers are ( as baxter sayes ) yet if you grow not out of their rotten root , into the root christ jesus , you will be weary , and faint in your way , before the end : but let all know , that these self-separatists , who have not their birth of god , are no real dwellers with god , though this bryan its like had an eye especially to such in his words , and to whom its like in a special manner he applies his fawning flattering words and desires ; but what 's the reason , may we say again , that these non-conforming ministers by baxter's report , are not so much against the parish-way of worship , as now managed , as their hearers are , save onely their gross hypocrisie , and self-seeking nature , and double mind , as was hinted before ? for they have carried the people in hand , that they would suffer ; yea , what would they not suffer , rather then conform ; and now behold how this teacher of teachers ( baxter ) hath bewrayed their nakedness : o people , people , who have been long deceived by such double-minded-ones ( who are unstable in all their wayes ) that you would turn your minds from them , to the true light of jesus christ in your conscience , that with it you might first see your selves , and so growing up in that true light , you might come to see jesus christ , who never fell , nor never changeth , to be your teacher and minister ; and so come from off the barren mountains , whether these , & the like , deceitful men ( baxter and bryan ) have led you , and left you ; for now is the lord making unto all people a feast of fat things , of wine on the lees well refined , ever praised be his name for it . and now , if after all the light that the lord hath set up in this day , you will not be warned , to come into the liberty of the sons of god , and so accept of god's freedom in his son freely tendered you ; what remaines ? but if you be fastned more in the pit of darkness with all unbelievers , it is just . but whereas this baxter tells of his brother bryan's silencing formerly for not conforming , it had been well for him , that he had been silent still , rather then have opened his mouth thus to the dishonour of god , and strengthning deceit in the deceitful , and so to the everlasting shame and confusion of his own face ; and all his raking up something here and there , as he could get hold of it in his dark imaginations , for parish conformity , it is so nothing to the purpose , and so well seen to be so , by all that are not wilfully blind , that it serves onely to discover his own nakedness , and rotten inside , as not onely by what hath been already said , but by what also now follows doth further appear , as in page . is set down , where he saith : it is no sufficient warrant to separate from a church , because it is guilty of such sins and corruptions as deserves god should forsake , & for which he hath threatned in his word , that he will forsake it ( here by the way take notice , that this bryan here considered not , that he fully makes manifest the hypocrisie of his brother baxter , who talks of his hearers forsaking the corruptions of the times , and yet is one with this bryan in perswading them to joyn with such a body , as is so corrupt , that deserves that god should , yea , and hath threatned that he will forsake them ) but to go on , bryan saith , yet people should not forsake that bad company , till it appear that god hath put in execution , that which he justly threatned , we ought to acknowledge it , and receive it as his house , and not refuse to dwell with him in it ; for shall man be holier then god ? and hate corruption more then he ? and we may not communicate with it , by consenting to any corruptions that are or shall be detected , or proved to be in it . answ. to which strange doctrine of this bryan , to which baxter in his epistle says , amen ; i say , in the first place , it is absolute blasphemy against the holy name and nature of god , either to say , or imagine , that god dwells with such a people as are guilty of such sins and corruptions , as this bryan here speaks of ; and how far unlike this bryan's spirit is to the spirit of the prophets , who said , god is of purer eyes , then to behold iniquity ; and your sins have separated betwixt you and your god : and the apostle saith expresly , that those that would have god to dwell in them ( and it s certain god dwells with none , but as he dwells in them ) they must be separated , and touch no unclean them cor. . , , . and doth the lord command us , to come out from amongst the unclean ? and will he himself , the holy one of israel dwell with the unclean , yea with such as are guilty of such sins and corruptions as deserve , that god should forsake them for them ; yea for which god hath threatned in his word , that he will forsake them ? and certainly there can be no way , nor meanes to stay or hinder the execution of god's judgments threatned and deserved , but by forsaking those sins , and corruptions , which such people are guilty of , which the people of england ( that this bryan ) would have us , and others to joyn with , are far from ; for , o england , england , thou and thy parishes are they that will not come to christ , that they might have life ; but persecutes them ( with all unreasonableness , and cruel usages ) that the lord hath raised up , to forewarn thee of his judgments : and so thy house being left desolate of god , and goodness , we are not more holy then god , nor hate corruption more then he , in our separating from thee , as this wicked man bryan would have thee falsly believe ; but in our separating from thee , we do the lord's command , and follow his blessed example ; and so we cannot receive that for god's house , which he dwells not in : and so thou art a false witness , o bryan , and a blasphemer of god and his tabernacle , for the temple and tabernacle of god is holy ; which temple are his holy members and body the true church ; not babylon , the false , sinful and corrupted church , which baxter , and bryan pleads for : and if any defile the temple of god , saith the apostle , him will god ( not call his house , and dwelling place , but ) destroy , cor. . . again , how shall this gross contradiction , which this twisting twinding serpent makes , be salved ? for this bryan one while sayes , it s to be holier then god , to separate from such a sinful corrupt sort , as deserves god's judgments : and yet with the same mouth saith , we may not communicate with them , by consenting to any corruptions that are , or shall be detected , or proved to be in such a people ; what joyn with a manifest corrupted body , whose very prayers ( by their own confession ) are not without sin , and not so much as consent to any of their corruptions ? what a joyning is this , when it must not be a joyning ; no , not so much as in the consent ; what gross dark contradiction is here ( and now to bring this a little home to the business of england ) a docter ( so called ) and pleader for conformity and communion with the parish-worshippers of england , which are detected , and manifestly proved ; yea , and not onely by their words , but by their own confession also , to be miserable offenders against god ; yea , so guilty , and full of sins and corruptions , from the crown of the head , to the soles of their feet , as that they have no health , nor soundness at all in them , would have us conform to them ; and yet he saith , we may not communicate with them , by consenting to any of their proved corruptions : then i say , if we may not have fellowship with them in their corruptions , no , not so much as by consent ; then we must not have fellowship with them at all , for they and their corruptions are one ; for saith christ , ye are of your father the devil , for his works ye will do : but saith bryan , christ was a member of this church ( as he calls it ) of those wicked jews ; because he was circumcised , and frequented the temple , and eat the passover , or so ; then which saying of this bryan , nothing can be more false and blasphemous ; for what , though christ was circumcised , and went sometimes into the temple , and eat the passover , or so , which had been ordinances of god for their time , and were shaddows of good things to come ; what is that to prove christ a member of that body , whose house was left unto them desolate , and who were headed by the devil , which at length put them on to murder him ? o sad , that ever people in their love of the world should be so blind ! but what is christ's conforming to the shaddows of the law , which god gave for that time , and by him to be fulfilled , and so ended , to your requiring us to conform to you in that , or those things which god never ordained ? as sprinkling of infants ; and not onely so , but teaching for doctrine , that you make them thereby the children of god , members of christ , and heirs of his kingdom ; and also your giving david's psalms in rhime and meeter , to the wicked world , to sing to god's dishonour : and to hear a proud man , and covetous man ( who is an idolator ) preach and pray , whom god never sent ; yea , and to maintain him in his sins , contrary to all reason and religion ; also how can we conform to you in your corruptions of respecting persons , and of having mens persons in admiration because of advantage ? contrary to the express doctrine of the apostle , which saith , jam. . . &c. have not the faith of our lord jesus christ the lord of glory , with respect of persons : yea , and plead for their transgressions ; yea , how can we conform to such , as under the name of christians , do live manifestly in the sins of the heathen ; as fornication , covetousness , idolatry , drunkeness , and are railers , and extortioners , and lovers of pleasures more then lovers of god : from whom the apostle bids us turn away ? tim. . and cor. . . &c. with whom he forbids us to eat ; and yet with such , both baxter and bryan , for all their former seeming hypocritical zeal , would now have us to communicate , yet not so much as consent to their corruptions , neither as their daubing contradicting doctrine seems willing to have : then i say , we must neither have fellowship with them in their worship-actions , ( as baxter calls them ) nor in their ordinary conversation , for all is corrupt ; for what greater assent or consent can we give , then by joyning with them , or practising such things openly : but its better to obey god then man , both in this , and all things , and as the lord said to jeremiah , so in this case hath he said to us : let them return to thee , but return not thou to them ; for what fellowship hath light with darkness , or the temple of god with idols ? and now i come a little to set before you poor people , who have been deceived by such men as this baxter and bryan are , something of the answer they give to the arguments of the zealous people of old ( called brownists , or so ) who could not for conscience sake conform to their common-prayer , &c. their objection saith bryan , in page . of his book was this , to wit. that the people of england were never rightly called ; for in the beginning of the queens ( to wit , elizabeths ) reign , they were by her command and proclamation compelled to embrace the protestant religion , and to conform to god's worship : whereas in the new testament we have no example of people compelled to the service of god : christ commanding fisher-men to convert souls by preaching , not princes to make disciples by compulsion ; therefore the church of christ ( england he should have said ; for who ever denyed the church of christ ) had no right constitution ? but now see the wretched answer of this bryan to the said objection of the old non-conformists . if we speak ( saith he ) of a church first planted ; the people of such a nation are first called by the word , before they come to be a church : but it is not so ( saith he ) of a country , where for a long time true religion hath been professed , which is our case : and as to that part of the objection ; that there is no such example in the new-testament . first , the magistrates were then enemies to the christian religion . secondly , ( saith he ) it sufficeth that we have examples in the old-testament , kings . . chron. . , and . . and . . nor have ( saith he ) christian princes less power in their dominion to abolish idolatry , and by laws and penalties , to compel their subjects where there is a parity of reason . and after this , bryan having wearied himself , with setting down several words , to and against , both what the conformists said for , and the non-conformists said against these things : he takes breath , and sayes , he returns to satisfie the objection , to wit , the objection before mentioned about separation , with such words as these . it is not necessary and generally true ( saith he ) of all the members of the visible church , that they be called by the word . answ. to which i answer on behalf of truth : that it is the great love , and tender mercy of god to our souls , that he hath delivered us from under such men , as this bryan and baxter are , who know nothing as they ought to know ; but professing themselves to be wise , are become most foolish and bruitish in their minds and words , by such false , and soul-destroying doctrines as these ; affirming , that people may be called into the visible church without the word ; and if one ask him , if not by the word ; by what then ? his answer is , by sprinkling , when infants , or for fear of man : but what , are these calls into the visible church ? a strange church must that needs be for certain , where people are called into it without god's word ; for certain it s none of god's church , into which people are called , without his word : it s the visible company of such as know not god , thou shouldst have said : for god's church are the faithful ; and their faith cometh by hearing , and hearing by the word of god , and not without it : but , oh the desolation that such doctrine as this of bryan and baxter hath made amongst the poor people , whose eyes are not fully opened to see their deceits . also this antichristian doctrine being laid as a foundation in their house , it is no wonder to hear this bryan say , pag. . that ignorant and prophane persons have alwayes been in the church , and ever will be , at lest , till christ comes the second time. but by all these unfound , unchristian and ignorant sayings , it fully appears , that this bryan is one of them , who have neither seen nor known christ ; seeing he would bring in the heathen into the temple without the word : and so , who is more ignorant and prophane , then this priest bryan himself , as also his brother baxter , who is not ashamed to make such a one a tutor , or father of ministers , who is ignorant of the very door and entrance into the church , and of christ's second coming ? nay who is ignorant of his first appearance , which was for judgment , even to whip the buyers and sellers , and all prophane ones out of his house , as he said himself , for judgment come i into this world : and so , what pastors or teachers can such tutor , as are so ignorant of christ's kingdom ; and so admit the ignorant and prophane into their church , ( or cage of unclean birds ) for the church of christ , which is visibly seen , and known by the spiritual eye to be his body , is holy , and ●nto it can no unclean thing enter , as saith scripture , revel . ● . . but into the world●s-church may , both ignorant and prophane enter and dwell ; but at such dishonest gain , as is gotten by such doctrines as this of bryan and baxter , hath the lord long shaken his hand ; is this your ware that you sell to the people at so dear a rate ? is this your straw and stubble , that you feed them with ? but no man of any understanding in venly matters , will buy any more of your merchandize forever . for god is come to teach his people himself , and the spirit of god is felt and witnessed amongst us , praised be god ; yea , and in our very hearts to teach us , and by which we feel christ come again the second time without sin to salvation , according to his holy promises , and by whose all powerful word of faith and heavenly presence in us , are we joyned together unto him , in one holy body ; glory to his name over all , for he is worthy , so be it . and for that saying , that christian princes have not less power to abolish idolatry , and by law and penalties , to compel their subjects in matters of religion , where there is a parity of reason , then the jewish kings under that law had . i answer , and say , that all are not christians , who are so called ; and this crying up the worldly magistrates power in matters spiritual , is the onely in let into persecution of the tender hearted people of god , who cannot bow to every thing the world sets up ; yea , though it come under the name or shew of christian religion ; and if the image be of gold never so goodly , yet wanting life and power , they cannot bow to it . i say , they who preach up the wordly princes under what name soever , to have power over the consciences of people in matters purely spiritual ( as the whole body of christian religion is ) are antichristian , and the great enemies of that liberty which christ hath purchased for his people , and which the apostles sealed unto with their blood , saying in such cases , let every man be fully perswaded in his own heart : and who art thou that judges ( much less force● and compellest as bryan and baxter's doctrine would have it ) another ? to his own master ( wit , god the judge of all ) he standeth or falleth , see rom. th . at large ; but what account will these daubers give to the lord for all the innocent blood they have caused to be shed these many hundred years ? is sad to consider : for though such magistrates as are evil inclined , are not free , yet the false teachers , who by their lyes stir up , yea , and bring forth that evil inclination into real actings against the good , shall receive the greater condemnation : and yet notwithstanding all the evil , both in the one and in the other , the lord will certainly carry on his great work to his own praise , which he hath begun , glory to his name for ever : and the beast , whore and false prophet , shall alive together be cast into the lake prepared for them , and into the pit which they had digged for others , so be it . also whereas he saith , that it sufficeth , that we have examples in the old testament for the magistrates power in church matters ; though none in the new testament , or so . i say , it is no more true , then if we should reason for an outward worldly temple , and sacrifices , and circumcision now , because there is examples of these things in the old testament ; and for revenge and retaliation now , because it is mentioned in the old , just contrary to christ ; for though it hath been said of old ( saith christ ) an eye for an eye , and a tooth for a tooth ; yet i say to you , my disciples , under the new covenant : if any man smite you on the one cheek , turn to him the other ; and the apostle saith , dearly beloved , avenge not your selves ; but if thy enemy hunger , feed him , &c. and so christ being come , and all power in heaven and earth given him ; is not he in these spiritual matters relating to the very soul and conscience , the onely lord , law-giver and king , and supream , and ought of right to rule in his own house and temple , which is in man , and those that will not that he should rule , must bow before him , and be ashamed before his face , as saith scripture , thes. . so that now the son of god being come , and seated by right of inheritance , the true king and heir upon david's throne , to rule in righteousness forever in the hearts of his children , he commands the true seed of israel , to obey his heavenly voice , law and doctrine , spoken and written within , as those outward and typical kings did , command the fleshly seed of abraham to keep moses's law , written without : and as those that obeyed not that outward law of moses , were lyable to the punishment of that law ; so they n●w that obey not christ's spiritual law written in the heart and conscience by his holy power , are lyable to the eternal judgment of jesus christ , the judge of quick and dead , as he saith , the father judges no man , but hath committed all judgment to the son : and as for the worldly magistrate , he is to rule in outward things , betwixt man and man , to see that every one , as to the body and outward estate , be well beheaved one towards another , and not to bear the sword in vain , as hath been too much in use , even amongst them called christian-magistrates , as well as others ; from whence it hath come to pass , that for the sake of the poor , whom the worldly powers have oppressed , as well in temporals as spirituals , the lord hath overturned them , one sort after another , as they were found in the abuse of that power and trust , which was put into their hands , for the protection of , and encouragement and praise of the good , and punishment of the evil-doers ; but not the contrary ; according to that of the prophet . i will overturn , overturn , overturn , till he come , whose right it is : and so until truth , righteousness , goodness , equity and justice rule , both in the hearts and lives of the children of men , there will neither be peace , nor establishment of any thing ; but as a wheel will the whole earth be , from generation to generation , saith the spirit , who is the sweet orderer in all things , for the holy seed's sake : glory to his name forever . and so in the love and kindness of the lord god , have i been thus enabled for the truth , and the poor people's sake , to lay open something of the deceits , and gross hypocrisie of these two men , called baxter and bryan , who have long under a cover or vizard of holiness , deceived the unstable souls of many : but now the covering being rent off ; their wolfish nature is fully manifest ; glory to the lord , the good work-man over all forever , so be it . t. t. the end . the reduction of episcopacie unto the form of synodical government received in the ancient church proposed in the year as an expedient for the prevention of those troubles which afterwards did arise about the matter of church-government / by james usher ; published by nicholas bernard. ussher, james, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing u ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing u estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the reduction of episcopacie unto the form of synodical government received in the ancient church proposed in the year as an expedient for the prevention of those troubles which afterwards did arise about the matter of church-government / by james usher ; published by nicholas bernard. ussher, james, - . [ ], - p. [s.n.], london : . reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng church of england -- government. church polity. a r (wing u ). civilwar no the reduction of episcopacie unto the form of synodical government received in the ancient church proposed in the year as an expedient ussher, james f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reduction of episcopacy unto the form of synodical government , received in the ancient church : by the most reverend and learned father of our church dr. james usher , late arch-bishop of armagh , and primate of all ireland . proposed in the year . as an expedient for the prevention of those troubles , which afterwards did arise about the matter of church-government . published by nicholas bernard . d. d. preacher to the honourable society of grayes-inne , london . london , printed , anno domini , . to the reader . the originall of this was given me by the most reverend primate , some few years before his death , wrote throughout with his own hand , and of late i have found it subscribed by himself , and doctor holseworth , and with a marginal note at the first proposition , which i have also added . if it may now answer the expectation of many pious , and prudent persons , who have desired the publishing of it , as a seasonable preparative to some moderation in the midst of those extreams , which this age abounds with , it will attain the end intended by the authour : and it is likely to be more operative , by the great reputation he had , and hath in the hearts of all good men , being far from the least suspicion to be byassed by any privivate ends , but onely ayming at the reducing of order , peace , and unity , which god is the authour of , and not of confusion . for the recovery of which , it were to be wished , that such as do consent in substantials , for matter of doctrine , would consider of some conjunction in point of discipline , that private interest and circumstantials , might not keep them thus far asunder . grayes-inne , octob. . . n. bernard . the reduction of episcopacy unto the form of synodical government , received in the ancient church ; proposed in the year , as an expedidient for the prevention of those troubles , which afterwards did arise about the matter of church-government . episcopal and presbyterial government conjoyned . by order of the church of england , all presbyters are charged a to administer the doctrine and sacraments , and the discipline of christ , as the lord hath commanded , and as this realme hath received the same ; and that they might the better understand what the lord had commanded therein , b the exhortation of saint paul , to the elders of the church of ephesus is appointed to be read unto them at the time of their ordination ; take heed unto your selves , and to all the flock among whom the holy ghost hath made you overseers to c rule the congregation of god , which he hath purchased with his blood . of the many elders , who in common thus ruled the church of ephesus , there was one president , whom our saviour in his epistle unto this church in a peculiar manner stileth d the angell of the church of ephesus : and ignatius in another epistle written about twelve yeares after unto the same church , calleth the bishop thereof . betwixt the bishop and the presbytery of that church , what an harmonius consent there was in the ordering of the church-government , the same ignatius doth fully there declare , by the presbytery , with e saint paul , understanding the community of the rest of the presbyters , or elders , who then had a hand not onely in the delivery of the doctrine and sacraments , but also in the administration of the discipline of christ : for further proof of which , we have that known testimony of tertullian in his general apology for christians . f in the church are used exhortations , chastisements , and divine censure ; for judgement is given with great advice as among those , who are certain they are in the sight of god , and in it is the chiefest foreshewing of the judgement which is to come , if any man have so offended , that he be banished from the communion of prayer , and of the assembly , and of all holy fellowship . the presidents that bear rule therein are certain approved elders , who have obtained this honour not by reward , but by good report , who were no other ( as he himself intimates ) elsewhere but g those from whose hands they used to receive the sacrament of the eucharist . for with the bishop , who was the chiefe president ( and therefore stiled by the same tertullia● in another place , h summus sacerdos for distinction sake ) the rest of the dispensers of the word and sacraments joyned in the common government of the church ; and therefore , where in matters of ecclesiasticall judicature , cornetius bishop of rome used the received forme of i gathering together the presbytery ; of what persons that did consist , cyprian sufficiently declareth , when he wisheth him to read his letters k to the flourishing clergy : which there did preside , or rule with him : the presence of the clergy being thought to bee so requisite in matters of episcopall audience , that in the fourth counc●ll of c 〈…〉 ge it was concluded , l that the bishop might hear no mans cause without the presence of 〈◊〉 clergy : and that otherwise the 〈…〉 ops sentence should be void , unlesse it were confirmed by the presence of the clergy : which we find also to be inserted into the canons of m egbert , who was arch-bishop of york in the saxon times , and afterwards into the body of the n cannon law it self . true it is , that in our church this kinde of presbyterial government hath been long disused , yet seeing it still professeth that every pastor hath a right to rule the church ( from whence the mame of rector also was given at first unto him ) and to administer the discipline of christ , as well as to dispense the doctrine and sacraments , and the restraint of the exercise of that right proceedeth onely from the custome now received in this realm ; no man can doubt , but by another law of the land , this hinderance may be well removed . and how easily this ancient form of government by the united suffrages of the clergy might be 〈…〉 ved again , and with what lit 〈…〉 〈…〉 ew of alteration the synodical conventions of the pasters of every parish might be accorded with the presidency of the bishops of each diocese and province , the indifferent reader may quickly perceive by the perusal of the ensuing propositions . i. in every parish the rector , or incumbent pastor , together with the church-wardens and sides-men , may every week take notice of such as live scandalously in that congregation , who are to receive such several admonitions and reproofs , as the quality of their offence shall deserve ▪ and if by this means they cannot be reclaimed , they may be presented to the next monethly synod ; and in the mean time debarred by the pastor from accesse unto the lords table . ii. whereas by a statute in the six and twentieth year of king henry the eighth ( revived in the first year of queen elizabeth ) suffragans are appointed to be erected in several places of this kingdom ; the number of them might very well be conformed unto the number of the several rural deanries into which every diocese is subdivided ; which being done , the suffragan supplying the place of those , who in the ancient church were called chorepiscopi , might every moneth assemble a synod of all the rectors , or incumbent pastors within the precinct , and according to the major part of their voyces , coclude all matters that shall be brought into debate before them . to this synod the rector and church-wardens might present such impenitent persons , as by admonitions and suspension from the sacrament would not be reformed ; who if they should still remain contumacious and incorrigible , the sentence of excommunication might be decreed against them by the synod , and accordingly be executed in the parish where they lived . hitherto also all things that concerned the parochial ministers might be referred , whether they did touch their doctrine , or their conversation ' as also the censure of all new opiuions , heresies , and schismes , which did arise within that circuit ; with liberty of appeal , if need so require , unto the diocesan synod . iii. the diocesan synod might be held , once , or twice in the year , as it should be thought most convenient : therein all the suffragans , and the rest of the rectors , or incumbent pasters ( or a certain select number of of every deanry ) within the dio●ese might meet , with whose consent , or the major part of them , all things might be concluded by the bishop , or * saperintendent ( call him whether you will ) or in his absence , by one of the suffragans ; whom he shall depute in his stead to be moderator of that assembly . here all matters of greater moment might be taken into consideration , and the orders of the monthly synodes revised , and ( if need be ) reformed : and if here also any ma●ter of difficulty could not receive a full determination : it might be referred to the next provincial , or national synod . iv. the provincial synod might consist of all the bishops and suffragans , and such other of the clergy as should be elected out of every diocese within the province , the arch-bishop of either province , might be the moderator of this meeting , ( or in his room some one of the bishops appointed by him ) and all mat●ers be ordered therein by common consent as in the former assemblies . this synod might be held every third year , and if the parliament do then sit ( according to the act of a triennial parliament ) both the arch-bishops and provincial synods of the land might joyn together , and make up a national councel : wherein all appeals from infer 〈…〉 ur synods might be received , all their acts examined , and all ecclesiastical constitutions which concerne the state of the church of the whole nation established . we are of the judgement that the form of government here proposed is not in any point repugnant to the scripture ; and that the suffragans mentioned in the second proposition , may lawfully use the power both of jurisdiction and ordination , according to the word of god , and the practice of the ancient church . ja. armachanus . rich. holdsworth . after the proposal of this , an. . many quaeries were made , and doubts in point of conscience resolved by the primate , divers passages of which he heth left under his own hand , shewing his pious endeavours to peace and unity , which how far it then prevailed , is out of season now to relate , only i wish it might yet be thought of to the repairing of the breach , which this division hath made , and that those , who are by their office messengers of peace , and whose first word to cach house should be peace , would earnestly promote it , within the walls of their mother-church , wherein they were educated , and not thus by contending about circumstantials lose the substance , and make our selves a prey to the adversary of both , who rejoyce in their hearts , saying , so would we have it . which are the primates works , and which not . a catalogue of the works already printed of doctor james usher , late arch-bishop of armagh , and primate of all ireland , which are owned by him . in latine . de ecclesiarum christianarum successione & statu. quarto , londini , . epistolarum hibernicarum sylloge , o . dublinii . historia goteschalci , o . dublinii . de primordiis ecclesiarum britanicarum , o . dublinii . ignatii epistolae cum annotationibus , o . oxoniae . de anno solari macedonum , o . londini . annales veteris testamenti , fol. londini . annales novi testamenti usque ad extremum templi & reipublicae judaicae excidium , &c. fol. londini . epistola ad capellum de variantibus textus hebraici lectionibus , o . londinii . de graeca septuaginta interpretum versione syntagma o . londini . these four last are sold by john crook , at the ship in st. paul's church-yard . in english . an answer to a challènge made by the jesuite malone in ireland , anno . a sermon preached before the house of commons , febr. . . a declaration of the visibility of the church , preached in a sermon before king james , june . . a speech delivered in the castle-chamber in dublin , the . of november , . the religion profest by the ancient irish and brittains , o . . these five are bound together in quarto . immanuel , or the incarnation of the son of god , o . dublin . . a geographical description of the lesser asia , o . oxford , . the judgement of doctor reynolds , touching the original of episcopacy more largely confirmed out of antiquity , an. . his discourse of the original of bishops and metropolitanes , in o . oxford , . his small catechisme re-viewed , o . london , . ☞ his aforesaid annals of the old and new testament ; with the synchronismus of heathen story to the destruction of jerusalem , translated out of latin into english now at the presse , fol. to be sold by john crook , at the ship in st. pauls church-yard . in regard there have been , and are divers books printed , which go under the name of the late arch-bishop of armagh , but are not his , and more may be obtruded to the injury of him , i have thought fit , at the request of the printer , to give the reader this advertisement following . in anno● . there was a book printed , entitled the bishop of armaghs direction to the house of parliament , concerning the liturgy and episcopal government , and anno . another book entitled vox hiberniae , being some pretended notes of his , at a publick fas● . both these at his petition were suppressed by order from the house of lords and commons , . feb. . and i hope will not be revived . in anno . a book called ( a method for meditation , or a manual of divine duties , which most injuriously is printed in his name , but is none of his , which he directed me then to declare publickly as from him , yet in . it is again reprinted to his great dishonour . for his small catechisme the reader is to take notice , that there was a false one printed without his knowledge , and is still sold for his . the injury he received by it compelled him to review it , with an epistle of his own before it , which is the mark to know the right edition , though being framed for his private use in his younger yeares , ( about . ) he had no intention of it for the publick . if any sermon-notes taken from him have been printed in his life-time under his name , or shall be hereafter ) which divers have of late attempted ) the reader is to take notice that it was against his minde , and that they are disowned , by him , which as he endeavoured to his utmost to suppresse , while he was living , so it was his fear to be injured in it after his death . for a further confirmation of which , i shall give you part of a letter of his , while he was bishop of meath , ( upon the like intention of a printer , who had gotten into his hands some notes of his sermons , said to be preached by him in london , and was about to publish them ) which he wrote to doctor featly , chaplain to the then arch-bishop of canterbury for the stopping of them , in these words . i beseech you to use all your power to save me from that disgrace , which undiscreet and covetous men go about to fasten upon me , or else i must be driven to protest against their injurious dealings with me , and say as donatus once did , mala illis sit , qui me● festinant edere ante me . but i repose cenfidence in you , that you will take order that so great a wrong as this may not be done unto me . remember me to worthy doctor goad , and forget not in your prayers . dublin , sept. . . your most assured loving friend , and fellow labourer ja. medensis . that book entitled the summe and substance of christian religion , some of the materials with the method are his , collected by him in his yonger years , for his own private use : but , being so unpolished , defective , and full of mistakes , he was much displeased at the publishing of it in his name . and though it be much commended at home , and by ludovicus crocius abroad , yet that he did disown it as it is now set forth , this letter following , wrote to mr. john downham , ( who caused it to be printed ) doth sufficiently confirm , as followeth . sir , you may be pleased to take notice , that the catechisme you write of is none of mine , but transcribed out of mr , cartwrights catechisme , and mr. crooks , and some other english divines , but drawn together in one method , as a kind of common-place-book , where other mens judgements and reasons are simply laid down , though not approved in all points by the collector ; besides that the collection ( such as it is ) being lent abroad to divers in scattered sheets , hath for a great part of it miscarried , the one half of it as i suppose ( well nigh ) being no way to be recovered , so that so imperfect a thing copied verbatim out of others , and in divers places dissonant from mine own judgement , may not by any meanes be owned by me ; but if it shall seem good to any industrious person to cut off what is weak and superfluous therein , and supply the wants thereof , and cast it into a new mould of his own framing , i shall be very well content that he make what use he pleaseth of any the materials therein , and set out the whole in his own name : and this is the resolution of may . . your most assured loving friend ja. armachanus . a book entituled confessions and proofs of protestant divines of reformed churches for episcopacy , &c. though it be a very learned one , yet it is not his ; onely that of the original of bishops and metropolitans ( frequently bound up with the former ) is owned by him . unto which he was earnestly moved by a letter from doctor hall , the late reverend and learned bishop of norwich , then bishop of exeter ; which , shewing the great esteem he had of him , is annexed as followeth . to the most reverend father in god , and my most honoured lord , the lord arch-bishop of armagh , and primate of ireland . most reverend , and my most worthily honoured , lord . that which fell from me yesterday , suddenly and transcursively , hath since taken up my after-midnight thoughts , and i must crave leave , what i then moved , to importune , that your grace would be pleased to bestow one sheet of paper upon these distracted times , in the subject of episcopacy , shewing the apostolical original of it , and the grounds of it from scripture , and the immediately succeeding antiquity ; every line of it coming from your graces hand , would be super rotas suas : as solomons expression is , very apples of gold , with pictures of silver , and more worth than volumes from us : think , that i stand before you like the man of macedon , and that you hear me say , come and help us : and as your grace is wholly given up to the common good of the church , say , whether you can deny it ? and if please your grace to take your rise from my humble motion to expresse your self in this question , wherein i am publickly interested , or otherwise , to professe your voluntary resolutions for the setling of many , either misled , or doubting soules , it will be the most acceptable , and ( i hope ) the most successefull work that your grace hath ever undertaken ; it was my earnest motion long ago to ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) to intreat this labour from your grace ; which now comes from my meannesse ; your gracious humility will not even from so low hands disregard it ; with my zealous suit , and hopefull expectation of a yeilding answer , i humbly take leave , and am your graces humbly , and heartily devoted jos. exon. finis ▪ notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- a the book of ordination . b ●●id , ex act. , , . c {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . so taken in mat. . . and rev. . . and . . d rev. . . e tim. . . f ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes & censura divina ; nam & judicatur magno cum p●●dere ut apud cert●s de dei conspectu , summú nque futuri judicii p●aeiudicium est . si quis ita deli 〈…〉 , ut à commu●●catione . o●ationis & conventus , & omnis sancti commecii relegetur president proba●● quique seniores , honorem istum non pretio , sed testimonio adepti . t●●tul . apologet. cap. . g 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manibus 〈◊〉 praesidentium s●m●mus , 〈◊〉 de coro●● 〈◊〉 , cap. . h dan●● quidem 〈◊〉 hab● 〈◊〉 sum 〈…〉 〈◊〉 ; qui 〈◊〉 episcopus : 〈◊〉 pres●y●●i & 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 de bapt , cap. . i omni actu ad 〈◊〉 perlate ●la 〈…〉 contra 〈…〉 , 〈◊〉 apud 〈◊〉 epi●● . . k florenti 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 cum 〈◊〉 cy 〈…〉 epist. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 cornel . l ut episcopu● nullius causam audiet absque praesentia clericorum suoram , alioquin irrita erit sententia episcopi nise clericorum praesentiâ confirmetur , concil. carthag . iv. cap. . m excerption . egberti , c. . n . q. . cap. nullus . how the church might syn●dically be governed , arch-bishops and ●ish●ps being still retained , * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , id est , superintendentes ; unde & nomen episcopi trastum est , hi●ron , epist. . ad evagrium . diotrephes catechised, or, sixteen important questions touching the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and censures (contradistinct to civill) now eagerly pretended to and challenged by a divine right, by some over-rigid presbyterians and independents propounded to both these dissenting parties for the further discovery of truth, the preservation of the civil christian magistrates interest, and speedier comprimising [sic] of our present unhappy controversies touching church-government ... / proposed, published by w. prynne ... prynne, william, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing p ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) diotrephes catechised, or, sixteen important questions touching the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and censures (contradistinct to civill) now eagerly pretended to and challenged by a divine right, by some over-rigid presbyterians and independents propounded to both these dissenting parties for the further discovery of truth, the preservation of the civil christian magistrates interest, and speedier comprimising [sic] of our present unhappy controversies touching church-government ... / proposed, published by w. prynne ... prynne, william, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing p ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread p. printed for michael sparkes, london : . running title: sixteen important questions, touching, ecclesiasticall iusisdiction and censures. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng church and state -- england. church and state -- presbyterian church. church polity. a r (wing p ). civilwar no diotrephes catechised: or sixteen important questions touching the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and censures (contradistinct to civill) now e prynne, william d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diotrephes catechised : or sixteen important questions touching the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and censures ( contradistinct to civill ) now eagerly pretended to and challenged by a divine right , by some over-rigid presbyterians , and independents . propounded to both these dissenting parties , for the further discovery of truth ; the preservation of the civill christian magistrates interest , and speedier comprimising of our present unhappy controversies touching church-government : on which many now so over-dote , as to place the whole kingdome of christ and substance of religion therein ; to repute all our former reformation , a meere nothing ; the church of christ undone , and the exercise of their ministry , not onely fruitlesse but unlawfull , so as they cannot with good conscience continue , but threaten to relinquish it , in case they cannot obtain their demands of such an exorbitant power , by divine institution , which christ and his apostles never claimed , exercised , nor themselves , nor predecessors , ever formerly enioyed , petitioned for , or pretended to in any age , but this . proposed ; published by w. prynne a well-wisher to verity and vnity . the second edition with some enlargements . lu. . . . math. . . . . and there was a strife among them , which of them should be accounted the greatest . but iesus called them unto him and said ; ye know , that the princes of the gentiles exercise lordship ( or dominion ) over them , and they that are great exercise authority upon them ; but it shall not be so among you ; but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your servant ; even as the sonne of man came , not to be ministred unto , but to minister . pet. . , , . feed the flock of god which is among you , taking the oversight , ( or care ) thereof , not by constraint , but willingly ; not for filthy luchre , but of a ready mind , neither as over-ruling , ( or being lords over ) gods heritage , but being ensamples to the flock : yea all of you , be ye subject one to another , and be cloathed with humility ; for god resisteth the proud , and giveth grace to the humble . london printed for michael sparkes . anno dom. . sixteene important questions touching the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction and censures , contradistinct to civill , now challenged by a divine right . the serious consideration of the importunate claimes of a new kinde of ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , by a pretended divine right , by those very men who of late so eagerly declaymed against the old , as antichristian and papall , when challenged by our prelats upon the selfe-same grounds and title , hath induced me to propound these few important questions to the over-●…asger prosecutors of this supposed divine authority , at leastwise to moderate , if not extomgio●… those unseasonable deplorable late kindled flames of contention , which if not timely prevented may prove more fatall to our churches kingdomes , then all the former dissentions , and break forth into a new civill warre , betweene our selves , when we have totally vanquished the common enemy . the prelates deserting of their undoubted jus hum inum , and unadvised challenge of a ius divinum to advance , perpetuate their iurisdictions , and sweating men to this their title by a new , &c. oath , was the immediate forerunner , yea principall meanes of the utter subversion both of their hierarchy and authority . and wee have cause to feare that some over-ridged presbyterians in considerate zeale , in waving the presbyteriall authority vested in them by an unquestionable ordinance of parliament ( to their full contents as most men deemed ; ) and resorting to a more dubious disputable ( pretended ) ius divinum ( formerly laid aside by both houses of parliament and the assembly , though now resumed , revived , ) the more highly to advance and firmely settle it in ou●… churches , may produce the like contrary unexpected effects : and either revive the old exploded luciferian episcopacy , or introduce that more feared anarchicall hydra or bable of independenc y , which they most endeavour to suppresse ; or at leastwise revolve the censorius or corrective power of all scandalous sinnes and sinners into the civill majestrates hands , the farre safest of the three : on whose be●…e , i shall with the spirit of peace and meeknesse propose these following queries , both to my presbyterian and independent brethren ; desiring their acquiescens in or serious answers to them after sound deliberation , laying aside all private interests and designes , whatsoever , which may misguide their judgements ) for the sifting out of that one golden medium of sacred truth , which can only reconcile and ●…ordially re-unite us in the bonds of love . . whether all scandalous sins and offences now pretended by presbyteri●…s or 〈◊〉 to be of eccle●…sticall cognisance , be not by gods own institution and command [ as well before , as undet the law , and through out the old testament , ] inquirable , examinable , and to be determined , in ged only by the temporall majestrates , or civil powers , and punished only with temporall or corporall punishments , not by any ecclesiasticall persons , officers , or church-censures only , distinct from civill ; since , we read , that the severall scandalous sinnes of (a) idolatry , (b) cursing , blaspheming , (c) sabbath-breaking , (d) disobedience to parents natural or civill , (e) whoredome , adultery (f) incest , rape , sodomy , buggery , (g) murther , (h) witchcraft , sorcery , with sundry other sinnes , were by gods owne precept , to be inquired after , censured , punished by the temporall majestra'e , civill congregation , powers people and only , with civill punishments alone , as putting or stoning to death , burning , [ i ] hanging (k) fines , stripes and the like , but never enjoyned to be examined , censured by ecclesiasticall persons , officers or to be punished by them with church-censures , as excommunication , suspention from the passeover , circumcision , sacrifices , festivalls , or any publike ordinances then in use , or exclusion from the temple or synagogues , as the marginall texts demonstrat . and more especially ezra . . . . where king artaxerxes sending ezra the priest ( descended linially from the high-priests before him , as is evident by v. . to ) up to ierusalem , with a speciall commission to repaire the city , temple , restore the service of god therein , and settle the government of that place according to the law of god , gives him this command : and thou ezra , after the wisdome of thy god , that is in thine hand , set majestrates and iudges that may judge all the people that are beyond the river , all such as know the la●… of thy god , and teach yee them that know them not : and whosoever will not do the law of thy god , and the law of the king ; let iudgement be executed speedily against him , ( not by ezra the priest , or any ecclesiasticall consistory or presbytery of priests , with meere ecclesiasticall censures of excommunication or suspention from the temple , or publike ordinances of god , no such church-officers punishments being then known , or instituted by gods law ; but by the majestrates and judges appointed , who were to punish them only with temporall censures as the following words thus resolve ) whether it be unto death , or to banishment , or to confiscation of goods or to imprisonment : the only punishments , censures then inflicted on delinquents against gods law , as well as against the kings : yea had there bin any other censures ecclefiasticall distinct from these temporall , which ought by any divine right or institution to have bin then inflicted upon notorious scandalous offendors against gods law , by the high priest , or any other church officers or iudicatory , no doubt this devcut king upon this occasion would have expresly commanded ezra the priest himselfe , or those church-officers or judicatories to have duly executed the same , when he gave him this large commission , and extended so much extraordinary favour to him , that he cryes out in the very next ensuing words . v. . blessed be the lord god of our fathers , who hath put such a thing as this into the kings heart , &c. which as it expresly determines , that this commission , and forecited direction was inspired into the kings heart by god himselfe , and so most consonant to his written word and law : so it insinuates , that by the law of god in those dayes , all scandalous offenders against gods law were to be punished only by the civill majestrates and judges with civill punishments , not by any ecclesiasticall officers , or iudicatory , with any church-censures whatsoever . this may be further evidenced by the priests , prophets , peoples , and princes proceedings against ieremiah , & vriah , who for preaching and prophecying falsly , ( as was supposed ) were punished by the king , and princes , upon the priests , prophets , & peoples malicious accusation only by * imprisonment & death alone , not by church-cen●res , church iudicatories : yea deuter. . . false prophets are expresly enjoyned to be put to death by the civill majest●●●s , not punished by the ecclesiasticall powers with excommunications or suspentions . and it is most cleare and undeniable by the king . . . chron. . . c : . . . math. . . . . luk. . . acts . . . c. . . c. . . . . c. . . . c. . to . c. & , & cor. , , hebr. , , . that both in the old and new testament false prophets , teachers and broachers of erronious doctrins ; ( or such who were so reputed though true ) yea the apostls & saints of christ , for preaching , professing the gospell and truth of god , amongest the jewes and others who reputed it * heresie , scisme , or false doctrine , contrary to what they had formerly received , were usually convented before the civill majestrates , and punished with imprisonment , stripes , putting or stoning to death , and the like , but not with excommunication , or any ecclesiasticall censures of divine institution though now made matters of meere ecclesiasticall cognisance . and if so ; whether the temporall christian majestrates and civill powers , as such , have not now the selfesame divine authority to punish such sinnes and sinners under the gospell , only with temporall punishments , without the interposition , examination or censures of any church-officers or presbyteries , as the godly temporall majestrates & civill powers had then under the law ? if not , how the contrary can be evidenced by cleare scriptures , and by what texts in particular ? . whether the texts of deut. . . to . & . chron. . . to the end , do warrant any ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , congregationall or classicall in causes meerely ecclesiasticall , or any meere church censures , distinct from the civill majestracy , and temporall censures , as some now pretend ? whether the genuine scope and sence of these texts , hold forth any more or other jurisdiction and power in the priests , levites , or high priest himselfe , then this : that they joyntly with the temporall iudges , and chiefe of the fathers of israel [ not alone by themselves ] should resolve ( not ordinary plaine , or undisputable , but only ] all such doubtfull , civill cases , or controversies which the ordinary iudges or majestrats in their cities held dubious , or too hard for them to determine aright , between [ not scandall and scandall , ●or who should be excommunicated , suspended from the ordinances as scandalous , ignorant or unfit , and who not ] but , between blood and blood , plea and plea , stroke and stroke , ( being matters of civill controversie ) in their gates ; and between law and commandement , statutes and iudgments , [ to wit the judiciall written law of god ] upon whose exposition any civill doubts , or controversies should arise which the people themselves could not resolve , ] whose superior resolutions they should submit to , and proceed accordingly to execution ; and he that would presumptuously disobey and not submit to their sentence , was not to bee excommunicated or suspended , * but put to death ; ( a meere civill censure ) to terrify others . and if this only be the ful sence and meaning of these texts , whether any episcopal , presbyteriall , classical or congregational iurisdiction to correct scandalls with meer ecclesiasticall censures can be deduced from them ? whether that speech of iehoshaphat . chron. . . and behold amariah the chiefe priest is over you in all matters of the lord ( not scandalous sinnes and ecclesiasticall offences committed by the priests or people , no matters of the lord , but sins of men , detested by the lord ; ] imply or necessarily enforce , that he had any ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in point of judicature , to censure , punish all or any sort of scandalous sinners with church censures [ of which there is not one sillable in the text ] vested in him by any divine authority ? and if so , whether it makes not more for papall and archiepiscopall , then presbyteriall , classicall , or congregationall authority ? this power or superintendent iurisdiction over all matters of the lord , being vested in this high priest alone , and no other . or rather , whether it be not clearly meant , that as king josiah himselfe did by his own regal authority appoint iudges in the land and in jerusalem , in the preceeding . . . . . & . verses , to determin all controversies & punish all offences whatsoever , according to the lawes of god and that kingdom ; so he did by the selfesame regall authority appoint amariah , then chief priest , over the priests & levites only , [ implyed in the word you , not over the people of the land ] in all matters of the lord , that is to order , direct the priests and levites under him in their several courses , and all matters what soever concerning the worship , service oblations , and sacrifices of the lord , to be performed by them in the temple at ierusalem : in the selfesame manner , as he set zebadiah the ruler of the house of judah , over all the kings matters ; in the very next ensuing words ? that is , ( as all consent , ) not over the people and kingdome for to judge and governe them for that the iudges forementioned were to do : but over his househould , lands , revenews as his lord treasurer , or lord high steward of the revenewes of the crowne , as the comparing of it with ●● chron. . . . ( and of the hibronises , hashabiah and his brethren , men of valour a thousand and seven hundred were officers among them of israel on this side jordan westward in all bvsinesses of the lord , & in the service of the king , &c. and his brethren , men of vallour were two thousand seven hundred chiefe fathers , whom king david made rulers over the rubenites , gadites , and the halfe tribe of manasseth , for every matter pertaining vnto god and officers of the king ; joyntly : ( therefore church officers made only by the king , and alterable at his pleasure , not by any divine institution of god himselfe ; ) and the paralelling it with these explanatory texts , chron. . . to . c. . & . & . & . chron. . . to . c. . . . c. . . . . . c. . . to . c. . . to . c. . . c. . . . . to . c. . . . ezra . . . . neh. . . to . compared with heb. . . . for every high priest taken from among men , is ordained for men in things pertaining to god , that he may offer both gifts and sacrifices for sinnes , &c. insallibly demonstrate ? and if so , then what divine warrant is there from hence for any such ecclesiasticall jurisdiction distinct from the temporall as many now contend for , from these two noted texts ? or for any priests , ministers of the gospell , or church officers distinct from the temporall majestracy , to examine , correct any scandalous ostences by a meere ecclesiasticall power , or to punish them with church censures , disterent from civill punishments ? . whether the priests iurisdiction to judge of (l) all causes of leprosie ( no scandalous sin nor offence , but a meer naturall infirmity , ) and that only among the jewes , yea as well in houses , garments , vessells , [ no subjects of ecclesiasticall censures ] as persons : or their proceedings in the case of (m) jelousie , by vertue of expresse speciall leviticall or judiciall lawes ( the only cases wherein the priests were appointed to be as judges in the old testament , whose proper office was , (n) to offer sacrifices and make attonement for sinnes , not to censure or punish them ; ] bee any infallible proofe of the aaronicall priests or presbyteries ecclesiasticall iudicature or jurisdiction to censure all spirituall leprosies of the soule with church censures ? or of the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of presbyteries or independent congregations to judge or censure all causes of spirituall leprosie , or scandalous offences under the gospell ? and whither wee may not as soundly argue from the writ , * de leproso amovendo ; and the statute of iac. chap. . as they from these texts ; majors , bayliffes of townes , justices of peace , constables and other officers may lawfully remove lepers , and shut up persons infected with the plague of pestilence , ergo , they may excommunicate and suspend from the sacrament all such as are scandalously or notoriously infected with the leprosie and plague of sin ? . whither , deut. . , , , josh. . . to . iudg. . . to . chron. . . to . ezra . , . [ where we read of temporall officers , princes sent and imployed commissioners , as well as priests , to inquire after idolaters , idolatry , rapes , mariages with heathenish wives , and other ecclesiasticall crimes ] compared together , hee not a stronger scripture evidence for proofe of the parliaments , and lay. commissioners authority , to enquire after , yea punish idolaters and scandalous sinners ; then any texts that can bee produced by the presbyterians or independents out of the old testament for probat of a divine right , either in their classes , presbyteries or independent congregations to censure scandalous sins and sinners with ecclesiasticall censures ? and whither the statutes of . hen. . cap. . . hen. . c. . [ appointing a lay vicegerent in all ecclesiasticall matters ] h. . c. . e. . c. . . eliz. c. . do not justifie such commissioners to be legall as well as these texts , warrant them to be in some sort divine ? ly . whether there bee any precept or president in all the old testament directly or punctually determining , that there was by divine institution an unquestionable ecclesiasticall jurisdiction vested by god himselfe in priests , levites , or any jewish officers , to examine witnesses upon oath , convent or censure any scandalous sinners by excommunication , or suspention of them from the tabernacle , temple , publike assemblies , synagougs , sacrifices , solemne publike festivalls , or other sacred ordinances for any scandalous fin whatsoever ? if so , then what are these precepts , presidents , and scandalous sins in particular ? and whether it be probable they had any direct authority given them by god ●…imselfe , to suspend or put backe any from the sacraments of circumcision , or the passeover ( which baptisme and the lords supper now succeed ) since both of them originally were ordered to be performed in private , by the (o) parents or masters of the family , not priests or levites ; and executed or eaten by them in their (p) severall private houses , where the priests and levites had no ecclesiasticall jurisdiction that we read of , and were not present at these sacred actions unlesse onely at some few solemne generall passeovers at ierusalem , where they were but ministeriall , to (q) helpe kill the passeover , and sprinkle the bloud , not magisteriall , to keep any backe from eating thereof , by any pretext of ecclesiasticall authority ? ly . whether ministers or presbyteries under the gospell , have any other or greater ecclesiasticall jurisdiction then the jewish high priest , priests , and levites had under the law ? and whither christian kings , magistrates have not as large an ecclesiasticall power and authority under the gospell , as any godly kings or magistrates exercised under the law ? if you answer negatively to the first , and affirmatively to the latter of these demands ; then how can that ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of presbyteries or congregations , and their power of church-censures , distinct from the civill magistracy , be any way justified or maintained by the scripture ? if affirmatively in the first , and negatively in the latter , then shew us direct scripture authorities to convince our judgements of what you thus assert , or else give over your pretence of ius divinum ? it is confessed both by the presbyterians , or independents , and cleare by sundry * expresse texts , that christian majestrates are jure divin●… , and have an undoubted divine authority , yea command to punish and cut off all scandalous sinners , psal. , , . rom. . . to . pro. . . whether presbyteries , or independent congregations , have any divine ecclesiasticall right to punish them with church censures , is very disputable and denyed by many . therefore it is the safest , readiest way to unity and reformation , to remit the punishment of all scandalous offences to the civill magistrate , rather than to the pretended disputable questioned a●…hority of presbyteries , classes , or indedependent congregations . ly , whether there be any expresse texts in all the new testament , and what in particular , which infallibly evince an ecclesiasticall jurisdiction by divine right to be setled by christ in all christian ministers . presbyteries , or congregations , & in which of them in particular , to continue unalterably in all churches of christ to the end of the world , for the excommunication or suspention of all kinds of scandalous persons from the sacrament , though they externally pretend and professe their sincere repentance in generall ? or any certaine rules prescribed them in the gospell , and in what particular texts fo●… the due execution of this jurisdiction in * all cases or scandalls that may happen ? if not , whether it can probably bee imagined that christ in his wisdome would erect , institute and vest an ecclesiasticall government in church officers , without prescribing them any certain rules wherby to manage it in all particulars , and leave them to proceed in an arbitrary way , according to their mee●… pleasur●… contrary to mat. . . if yea , then produce these texts to us for our satisfaction . ly . what rules or presidents are there in scripture to relieve parties grieved by unjust . ecclesiasticall censures either by appeales or other wayes and to what superior tribunals ? if no such rules or presidents appea●…e therin ; ( admitting presbyteries , or congregations ecclesiasticall jurisdictions , censures to be jure divino ] then 〈◊〉 by go●…s own law wch pro●…ides them no re●…iefe , the parties injured must not remain remediles when most injuriously sentenced by any private presbitery , classis , congregation without any help or benefit of appeale to provinciall , nationall synods , parliaments , or the civill magistràte ? and if so : whether this wil not introduce as many absolute tyrannies , and arbitrary tribunals , ( against which we have so much contested of late ) as there are presbyteries , or congregations : especially if we grant them a generall power of all things they themselves shall judge to be scandals , without confining them to particulars , or establish their jurisdictions by a divine right , which no meer humane power or i●…stitution can controll ? ninthly , whither if christ hath instituted or left any exact ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , discipline or power of censures to his church distinct from the civill magistracy and censures , this pretended jurisdiction , discipline or power be so absolute and sufficient of it self alone , as to be fully able to correct , redresse , reforme all abuses , scandalls , corruptions , and suppresse all heresies , schismes , errors , vices , arising in every church ? if ●…ot , then we may justly suspect , it is no reall jurisdiction nor discipline instituted by christ , who would (r) institute and bequeath no incompleate , nor imperfect jurisdiction , judicatory , or discipline to his best-beloved spouse the church : if yea , whither is that jurisdiction now contended for by presoyterians or independents , such ? if so , then it is compleate , and every way selfe-sufficient without the concurrence or assistance of the christian magistrate or any temporall authority to assist , maintaine it , or supply its defects : but this none can truly assert nor affirme . for first , no pres●…ytery , classis , or independent congregation hath yet challenged , nor can claim by divine right , any coercive power by way of attachment , imprisonment , or fine , to bring any party or witnes sommoned so much as to appeare before them , in case of wilfull neglect or refusall to appeare , or bee examined , to prepare any cause ●…or sentence . secondly , in case any ecclesiasticall censure of excommunication or suspention be inflicted by them upon scandalous persons after full hearing , if they absolutely contemne the same or refuse to conforme themselves , or by open violence intrude into the congregation , church or force the minister to give the sacrament to them though excommunicated or suspended . thirdly , in case any hereticke , schismaticke , or prophane person shall wilsu'ly separate from our congregations , ( as thousands now doe ) refufing to communicate with us in any ordinances , proclaming us to bee no churches , and passe a schismaticall sentence of non-communion with us , by reason of some unjust exceptions or pretences against our orthodox doctrine , di●…cipline , or forme of government ; and thereupon refuse to appeare before our presbyteries , congregations , or to submit unto their jurisdictions or censures ; in all these and such like cases , the pretended divine ecclesiasticall power , censures of presbyteries , classes , or independent congregations are at a nonplus , & so defective , invalid of themselves 〈◊〉 enforce obedience to such contumatious , or reduce , reclaime such here●…icall , schismaticall , or prophane persons from their obstinacy , heresies , schismes and neglect of publike ordinances , that they are enforced to pray in ayde from the civill magistrate by capias excommunicatums , imprisonments , fines , or other such civill compulsory means ( the only effectuall course by way of censure used in all ages to suppresse , reform (*) heresies , schismes , and the only way to suppresse , redresse them now ) without which all their ecclesiasticall censures , are both contemptible , ineffectuall , and altogether insufficient to reforme abuses : so that if the magistrates be infidels , hereticks , or schismaticks , who will not ; or prophane , negligent , timorous or licentious persons , who care not or dare not to assist the presoyteries , classes , or congregations , in forcing submission to their church processes , censures , they are so defective and ineffectuall of themselves , that none can justly call , or infallibly prove them to be the kingdome , scepter , government , descip●…ine and censures of christ , whereby his church must onely bee governed , purged , reformed , as some now pretend them to be . ly . whither matth. . . , . ( if meant of christian presbyteries or church-officers , as is pretended , not of the civill magistracy or jewish sanhedrim ; ) gives any authority to them to proceed ex officio against notorious scandalous sinnes [ as idolatry , blasphemy , swearing , drunkennesse , &c. ) since it speakes not of any publike scandalous offences against god and the church , but only of private personall * trespasses between man and man , to bee proceeded against only upon the voluntary complaint of the party offended , after previous private admonitions , and then reproofes before witnesses , yea , of such offences , which upon private satisfaction we are to forgive . times , without any publike complaint , or censure , luke . . . therefore not meant of meer publike scandalls , which no private man can remit , nor no church or presbyterie will grant that they ought to bee . times remitted one after another , without the least suspension or excommunication , upon meer externall shewes of repentance : and whether , thou hast gained thy brother , in this text , be meant properly of gaining him to god by true repentance , or only unto him who gaines him , by way of reconciliation , and renewing friendship , as the phrase it selfe , compared with prov. . . intimates . ly . whether , acts . . to . where a synod of apostles , elders , and brethren met together at jerusalem , to debate and resolve a dubious point of doctrine onely about circumcision , without exercising any act of discipline or ecclesiasticall censure on any scandalous per●…son , be a sound divine authority , to evidence to any mans conscience , the divine right of presbyteries , classes , or independent congregations , to inflict ecclesiasticall censures upon scandalous delinquents , or to examine witnesses upon oath against them , of which there is not one sillable in that text ? ly . whether the precept of paul , cor. . . for putting away from among them the incestuous person , written to this particular church in this one case of incest onely , against which heinous scandalous sinne , being then under heathen magistrates , they could not safely complaine to them of it without great scandall , nor go to law before them for ordinary just civil things without great offence , as appeares by the very next words , cor. . . to . when as by the law of god , had the magistrates there beene jewes or christians , this sinne of incest was to bee punished by them , not with excommunication or suspention from the church , but death it selfe , leviticus . . c. . . . be any satisfactory or infallible argument for the continuance and exercise of excommunication , or suspention from the sacrament in all churches of christ in all succeeding ages in all other cases of sin or scandal , though the magistrates in them be christian , and may , yea ought to punish those sinnes with death or other temporall censures , if complained of ? vvhether those that presse this text , may not as well conclude from the very next words cor. . . to . that it is unlawfull for christians to go to law before any christian iudges now , and that they must sue only before presbiteries or congregations for meer temporall matters , because paul then commanded the corinthians , not to goe to law before heathen iudges to prevent scandall , but only in the church before the saints , or such iudges as the church should appoint them ? as inferre , that all scandalous persons must be excommunicated and suspended from the sacrament by classes presbyteryes , and censured only by them now , not by the christian majestrate , because the incestuous corinthian was then ordered to be put away and pun●…hed by the church and saints of corinth , for want of a christian majestrate to punish him with death , or corporall censures ? yea whether they may not as logically and theologically argue from the very next chapter . cor. . . where paul writes thus : i suppose therefore that this is good for the present distresse ( or necessity ) for a man not to touch a woman , or marry ; ergo , it is lawfull , yea necessary for christian men or women in all ages , churches of christ to vow perpetuall virginity , and not to mary at all , as the papists thence inferre in defence of their monks , nons , and u●…married clergy . as reason from this text , that paul in regard of the corinthians present distresse and necessity for want of christian majestrates to punish this incestuous , person with death and civill censures adviseth the church of corinth , to put away from among themselves that wicked person ; [ or thing as some read it : ] ergo all ministers presbyteries , and particular congregations of christ have a divine inherent ecclesiasticall right and power in them to punish not only incestuous persons , but all other scandalous sinners with excommunication , suspention from the sacrament , & other church-censures , even when & where there is no such necessity nor defect of christian magistrates , but sufficient s●…ore of them both able and willing to punish such with civill punishments answerable to their crimes and scandalls ? this is all that can be extracted from this text , whereon they most realy ; which must needs bee a grosse inconsequent , because no apostolicall advice to any one particular church upon a private extraordinary occasion and necessity onely , can or ought to bee a generall binding law or institution of christ to oblige all other . churches whatsoever in the like , or any other cases , where there is no such extraordinary occasion or necessity ; as is cleare by one pregnant evidence in the . chap. of this very epistle , c. . . concerning the collection then advised to be made for the saints , by the corinthians every first day of the weeke , or weekely ; which being but a particular advice and direction to this church for tha●… one collection ; is * no binding law or rule to all other churches of christ strictly to imitate in all their ensuing collections , as is evident by acts . , , . cor. . . to . c. . . to . r●…m . . . phil. . . to . else no church could since appoint any publike monethly collections on weeke dayes , but onely weekely collections on the lords-day , under paine of transgressing the institustitution of christ and this apostle ; which none dare averre : however , since the apostle writes not here to any classis , presbytery , or presbyt●…r , but to the whole church at corinth ; to put away from among themselves , that wicked person : [ that is , to seclude him wholly from their congregation , church , company , and not so much as to eat with him at their tables or keepe any company with him at all , as is evident by ver. . . . ) not to suspend him onely from the lords supper of which there is not one syllable in this chap. nor of any such suspention in the . & chap. where he purposely treates of this sacrament ; we may very well question , whether it makes not more against presbyteries and classes divine power of excommunication , and a bare suspention , of scandalous persons from the lords supper only , without secluding them from all other ordinances and church assemblies as well as it , then for them ; it being contrary to the very difinition & practise of excommunication hitherto knowne and used in the church , to excommunicate a notorious scandalous person from the lord supper only once a moneth , a quarter , a yeare , for feare of infecting others , and yet to admit him daily or weekly to joy ne with the church in all other ordinances but it alone : when all [ a ] schoolmen (b) canonists resolve , t●…at excommunication [ especially that they call major excommunication ] excludes men , not only from the sacrament , but likewise from entring into the church , the society of men , prayers of the faithfull ; and those who wittingly keepe company , buy or sell with such , are to be ipso facto excommunicated . whereas many now pretend it should seclude men from the lords supper only , but not from any other ordinance , contrary to thi●… , to [ c ] other texts and all sound antiquity . ly . whether there be any ground or example at all in scripture to enjoyne the civill christian majestrate , in cases of obstinacy , contumacy against church censures , inflicted by presbyteries or congregations to become a meere servant and executioner to presbyteries , congregations or church-officers , ( as the pope and prelates anciently made them . ) to enforce obedience to their censures by imprisonment or other coercive meanes , without any particular examination of the merits of the cause , or justice of the procedings ? whether such ministeriall executions of their censures , if admitted , do not necessarily subject the people to a double jurisdiction , vexation , for one & the selfesame scandalous crime , which may prove more intollerably oppressive to them then the most exo●…bitant country committees , or prelats consistories , if not exactly bounded & subordinat the majestracy to the ministery , presbytery and particular congregations , in point of authority ? which if obliged by any divine law to see church censures executed and enforce obedience to them then certainly christian majestrates as such , must either be church offic●…rs as well as ministers , or lay-elders ; the rather because all precepts given to majestrates themselves in scripture , are given only to such * ] godly or christian majestrates who beleive , embrace the scriptures , and are members of a visible church or christian state , as such ; not to any infidells or heathen majestrates , as heathenish , or meere majestrates out of the church ( as some grosly mistake , ) else they were not obliged by gods law to see church censures executed , obeyed , submitted too , if no church officers . ly . whether it be not more agreeable to the word of god , the rules of justice and more conducing to the churches peace for the civill m●…jestrate juditially to examine , punish , all pretended scandalous persons with temporall cen●…ures and then if they still continue impenitent to certifie the proofs taken before him to the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 or congregation , upon their request , ●…or their conviction t●…ere to ground an ●…xcommunication or suspention upon , if there b●…e cause : then to ●…ive them immediatpower to examine all scandalls themselves upon oath , without first acquainting the civill majest●…ate with it , or desiring his 〈◊〉 examination of the scandalls , of purpose to subject them to church censures ? since wee read of no such examinations upon oath practised by presbyteries , church-officers , or particular congregations among the jewes or christians in scripture : which if taken in writing and recorded ( as they ought to be , that so they may be produced , scanned upon appeales ) there must then be a particular examiner , or register at least appointed in every presbyterie , classis , and provinciall synod to record them ; for which they will expect a constant fee from the church or state , or an answerable recompence from the parties accusing or accused ; which cannot be setled without act or ordinauce of parliament ( being new fees and offices ) and so it will draw a very great unnecessary charge ( farre greater then that of bishops and their officialls ) upon the people , which they wil very unwillingly beare . in which regard it is fitest the civill majestrates or justices of peace should only take the examinations , of scandalls as they do in cases of felony and other crimes , and certify them to the presbyteries , or classis , as there shall be need . ly . whether it be not both unjust and unreasonable to presse the parliament to settle any kinde of church-government as prescribed iure divino , before it be clearely demonstrated or manifested to their iudgements consciences to be so , by perspicuous undenyable proofes from scripture ? or to importune them to grant any unlimited arbitrary power to classes , presbiteries , or congregations , to judge of unknowne contingent scandals , ( never yet thus censured from adams or christs dayes til now ] before they can so much as conjecture what they are , or where ever they will bee perpetrated in our churches ? since offences always use to h preceed laws made to punish them ; and , ex malis moribus optimae oriuntur leges , as all polititians have resolved ? whether the demanding of such an unlimited power to be now established , be not as bad yea more unreasonable then the late prelates , &c. oath ( most justly damned declaimed against , ) and savors not more of wilfullnes then conscience , of the spirit of i diotrephes , then of christ , of whose kingdome some pretend it to bee a most necessary and inseperable branch ? and whether any prophet , apostle , godly presbyter , privat congregation or classis , in the primitive church , ever sollicited their princes or parliaments for such an exorbitant unlimited power ? . whether christian princes and majestrates k indulging of over-much power , honour , and ecclesiasticall authority in point of iurisdiction , church censures , and excommunication in former ages to the clergy , under this apprehention , perswasion , that they were most pious , conscientious , holy , moderat , just and humble persons who would exercise it for gods glory only , and the churches good ; hath not beene the true originall cause of all that antichristian tyranny , persecution , exorbitances , of popish prelates , and clergymen , which have over-spred , corrupted , infested the church and people of god ? and whether former examples of this kinde may not justly lesson us to beware of the like error for the present ; though our ministers who claime this ecclesiasticall iurisdiction now contested for by a divine right be never so godly , upright , discreet , humble , conscientious , since we know not what many of our ministers , elders , who must exercise it in the country are for the present ; or what the best of them all or their successors at least may prove for the l future , m ( ambition being mans first sinne and most pleasing to our corrupt natures ; as we see by the example of [u] christs owne apostles , and daily experiences every where ) especially when they have engrossed more ecclesiasticall power into their hands by pretext of a divine right , then ever the expresse law of god , or christ himselfe in his gospell hath delegated to them . it is very observable , that while the ( o ) popes claimed their papacy and superiority over other churches by grants and donations from the christian emperors of rome , they were very humble , loyall , and obsequious to them . but after the long enjoyment of their transcendent jurisdiction by imperiall donations had so far puffed them up with pride , as by degrees to desert their true ancient claime , and challenge both their papacy and supremacy by a divine right from christ himselfe , by wresting divers scriptures to their purpose , ( and some of those among others which our divines now principally insist upon , ) they presently cast off both their subjection & loyalty to the emperours at once ; & so prosecuted them with excommunications , interdicts suspentions , rebellions , force of armes , and parties raysed against them in their owne empires ; that at last they quite trampled them under their feete , disposing of their crownes at pleasure , making them sweare solemne homage to them as their vassalls , and to hold their imperiall crownes from them alone , who formetly did homage to , and held their bishoprickes , with all the papall jurisdiction they enjoyed onely from them : yea if our presbyteries , classes or independent congregations shall be admitted to hold and enjoy all the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction they now pretend to , by a divine right ; and the parliament their power , authority , only by a meet humane institution , and not by as cleare a divine right as theirs ; the next consequence i feare will be ( and we see it already maintained in some (x) presbyterians , and more (y) independents printed bookes ; ) that our parliaments , kings , and temporall majestrates must have nothing at all to do with church officers or church government by way of direction , correction , or appeale , but meerly as their subordinate ministers , to ratifie their determinations , and enforce obedience to their censures ; which if they neglect or refuse to doe , or stop their proceedings by any prohibitions , or legall course , for ought i know , when their divine pretended authority is setled to their mindes , the next thing they shall heare of will bee ; that which our kings , iudges , and officers did heretofore from our clergy in archbishop * boniface his time , when they opposed their extravagances , even a serious admonition to obey their dictates , and after that an interdiction of all their lands , castles , townes , with a suspention of them from the sacrament , or excommunication from or non-communion with their congregations for this contumacy : and then lord have mercy upon us miserable sinners , we may sooner bewayle then remove that spiritual yoak of bondage which we thus suffer voluntarily to be imposed both on our owne and others neckes . it being a very difficult taske and work of many ages to moderate , abate , regulate or suppresse any ecclesiastical jurisdiction , though never so exorbitant , especially if once legally setled , or but incroached by coulor of a divine right , as we see by the papacy , and our late exploded prelacy . i shall therefore close up all with the apostles seasonable advice , gal. . . stand fast therfore in the liberty wherwith christ hath made us f●ee and he not againe intangled with any yoake of bondage , which christ himself hath not imposed on us by a cleare and evident institution in his word : christs * yoake is easie , and his burthen light , to which all people must with cheerefulnesse submit : if the presbyterians yoake , in suspending men from the sacrament for all kind of supposed scandalls , though they professe unfained penitence for al their sins , & earnestly desire to receive it ; or the independents yoak , in non-admitting or secluding those from their congregations whom they judge not reall saints , or will not subscribe to their private church covenants , ( without any expresse precept or president in scripture , to warrant these their practises , proceedings ) bee not such , we may justly suspect and reject them too , as none of christs . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- (a) levit. . 〈◊〉 to . d●…ut . . . to . c. . . to . io●… . . to chron. . . . iudg. . . . king . . . king . . to . c. . . (b) exod. . . levit. . . c. . . to . kings . to . dan. . . mat. . . (c) exod. . . numb. . , to (d) exod. . , . levit. . . d●…r . . , . iosh . . . sa. , . ezr. . . . (e) gen. . c. , , , levit. . , , , . deutt . . to levit. . . to . c. . john , , , (f) levit. . , to . c. , , to . exod. . . indg. , . to (g) ●…en . . . exod. . , , . levit. , . num. . , to . king. . to (h) levit. . deutr. . . sam. . . i deu. (k) deut. . . , c. , cor. , . . c. . . deu. . , acts . . * jer. throughout c. , , c. . , c. , , . c : , & * acts , . c. . * deutr : , (l) lev. c. . & . (m) numb. . . to . (n) exod. . . leu. . and . c. . . c. . . . . num. . . c. . , & c hebr. . , . . * regist. f. . f●…t . nat. bre. f. . (o) gen. . . to . c. . c. . . exod. . . e. . . . . luk. . ●… . iohn . . . josh. . . . . acts . . (p) exod. . 〈◊〉 . , . , . ●… . mat. . to . . m●…r . . . to . (q) chro. . to . c. . to , ezra . . . to . . cor. . . to . compared ●…ogether . * see question . in the margin . * i am 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hu●…dreds of cases in summa 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 co●…se us , th●… . ze●…la ; and other canonists tit , ex com 〈◊〉 : ●…nd others , ●…ch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 in ou●… presbyteries concerning excommunications and suspentions , for the deciding whereof , there is no one rule nor text in scripture : then how can their proceedings 〈◊〉 be jure divin●… ? (r) deut. 〈◊〉 sam. . . psal. . . tim. . ●… (*) i am assured a speciall ( much desired ) active committee to examine and punish the broachers of new blasphemous , hereticall anabaptisticall errors , and gatherers of schismaticall conventicles , would more suppresse them in one month , then all ecclesiasticall judicatories in an age . see iusti●…ian : cod. l. . tit. . . . & codex . theod : ●…ib . . where we find obstinate hereticks and schis●…naticks , by temporall lawes thus punished and suppressed : . they were disabled to inherit by discent , or to purchase any lands ; to buy , sell , make any contract , will , or take any legacy : to sue , or to be witnesses in any court of justice : to beare any office , civill , or military ; to bee present at any councels or elections , or to list themselves souldiers in the army , whence they were cashiered when detected to bee such . ly . their goods were all confiscated , or went to their next heires that were orthodox : their persons banished , and in some cases imprisoned and put to death . ly . their hereticall ●…ooks were prohibited and burnt , the houses where they kept their diurnall or nocturnall conventicles confiscated , if kept there , with the owners privity or consent : if by the tenants privity without the land-lords , if the tenant were poor ; then he was publikely bastanadoed or whipt , if rich then fined ; and their conventicles both ●…n churches and private places prohibited , suppressed , under severe penalties by these meanes and censures alone heretickes , heresies , scismaticks , have alwayes bin suppressed , restrained in former ●…ges ; but never by church censures , which they both derided and contemned . see frid : lindebrogus codex legum antiqu : leges wisigothor , lib. . tit. . lex . . neap. . tit. . . capital : karoli & lud. l. . tit. . pauli geschimij , constit : carolinae , rubr. . , . with our own statutes against recusants , and hereticks ; and these wil be the only meanes to suppresse them now . * so this word trespas is used here , and in , mat. . , : luk. . , . gen. . . cap. , . . sam. , . though some falsly aver it is never used in scripture but for a trespasse or sin against god . * see 〈◊〉 ●…riumphing over falshoo●… p. . . al●…xa . a ensis●…um . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q●… . . . ●…otus in . 〈◊〉 . thomas , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , darandus , in . sent . dist. . p. 〈◊〉 enchired th●…oli pars . c . (b) gr●…tian caus. . qu , . summa angelica , & rosella . tit. excommunicati●…hostiensis sum. i. : tit. de sentent . excom. ani●…nius 〈◊〉 tit. excom. bochelius , decret. eccles. gal. l. . tit. . c thes. . . iohn tim . . tit . . . c. 〈◊〉 iohn rom . iohn . . . cap. . . c. . . numb. . . . . c.. . deut. . . . * see deutr. , , to sam , , c. . , , kings . . chron. . c. . . to . i. to . isay . . h levit. . ●● . num. . . . i john . . . . k see institu cod. l . tit. . de episcopali audientia capit caroli et ludovic jup. i. . cap. . . . . . . lib. throughout . leges wisigoth i. . c. . . l gen. . . . . iohn . . m mat. . . to . luke to . a acts . . . king . . eccles. . . . . [u] see philip de morney his mistery of iniquity , carolus molinaeus , commentar : in edict : henrici secundi , &c. contra parvas datas , &c. abbas uspergensis platina & balaeus de vitis pentificum romanorum : grimstosn imperiall history . (x) mr. rutherford . (y) mr. iohn goodwin . master henry burton . mr. saltmarsh . mr. robinson . * lindwade , provinc . l. . tit. de paenis f. . &c. , de aton const. f. . to . * math . conformitie's deformity. in a dialogue between conformity, and conscience. wherein the main head of all the controversies in these times, concerning church-government, is asserted and maintained; as without which, all reformation is headlesse, and all reconciliation hopelesse. dedicated by henry burton, to the honour of jesus christ, as the first-fruits of his late recovery from death to life; as a testimony of his humble and thankfull acknowledgement of so great a mercy: and published for the service of all those, that love the lord jesus christ in sincerity ... burton, henry, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing b thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) conformitie's deformity. in a dialogue between conformity, and conscience. wherein the main head of all the controversies in these times, concerning church-government, is asserted and maintained; as without which, all reformation is headlesse, and all reconciliation hopelesse. dedicated by henry burton, to the honour of jesus christ, as the first-fruits of his late recovery from death to life; as a testimony of his humble and thankfull acknowledgement of so great a mercy: and published for the service of all those, that love the lord jesus christ in sincerity ... burton, henry, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for giles calvert, at the black spread-eagle neer the west end of pauls., london, : . with two final contents leaves. annotation on thomason copy: "oct: ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -- government -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no conformitie's deformity.: in a dialogue between conformity, and conscience. wherein the main head of all the controversies in these times, burton, henry c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion conformities deformjty . in a dialogue between conformity , and conscience . wherein the main head of all the controversies in these times , concerning church-government , is asserted and maintained ; as without which , all reformation is headlesse , and all reconciliation hopelesse . dedicated by henry burton , to the honour of jesus christ , as the first-fruits of his late recovery from death to life ; as a testimony of his humble and thankfull acknowledgement of so great a mercy : and published for the service of all those , that love the lord iesus christ in sincerity . scripture-warnings for england , if not too late . esa. . . why should you be stricken any more ? ye will revolt more and more : the whole head is sick , and the whole heart faint . esa. . , . stay your selves , and wonder : cry ye out , and cry , they are drunken , but not with wine ; they stagger , but not with strong drink : for the lord hath poured out upon you the spirit of deep sleep , and hath closed your eyes : the prophets , and your rulers , the seers hath he covered . ezich . . , &c. son of man , say unto her , thou art the land that is not cleansed , nor rained upon in the day of indignation : there is a conspiracie of her prophets in the midst thereof , like a roaring lyon , ravening the prey . her priests have violated my law , and put no difference between the holy and profane . her princes in the midst thereof are like wolves ravening the prey , to shed blood , and to destroy souls , to get dishonest gain . and her prophets have daubed them with untempered mortar , seeing vanity , and divining lies , saying , thus saith the lord , when the lord hath not spoken . the people of the land have used oppression , and exercised robbery . and i sought for a man to stand in the gap , that i should not destroy the land , but i found none . hos. . . ephraim ( so england , london ) is like a silly dove without heart : they call to egypt , they go to assyria . esa. . . how is the faithful city become an harlot ? it was full of judgement , righteousnesse lodged therein , but now ●●●●●erers . thy silver is become drosse , thy wine mixt with water : thy princes are rebellious , and companions of theeves . o homines , ad servitutem parati ! tacitus . o men , fitted for slavery ! said tiberius of the roman senate ; so yielding he found their degenerate spirits to become slaves to his tyranny . as rome was in livies time , of which he said , that neither the maladies , nor remedies could be endured : so is england now . london , printed for giles calvert , at the black spread-eagle neer the west end of pauls . . to the right honourable , the lord maior of the city of london . right honourable : this title salutes you as lord major , in relation to your place & office ; which being honourable , then much more , when true worth and vertue makes the person right honourable , as in title , so in reality : otherwise such usual titles are but empty founds , being but civil complements , and not of any moral notion . as it was the custome of the heathen to style those their benefactors , who were their oppressors . christians should not use such flattery . for my part , i have taken this boldnesse to salute your new lordship , without giving flattering titles , lest ( as elih● said ) my maker should soon take me away . and in truth , such places and titles of honour as these , being well weighed , do somewhat resemble the crown , which henry the . of this realm , finding at bosworth field to be flung in a thorn-bush , said , he that knew the weight and cares of a crown , would not stoop to take it up . and though your cap of maintenance come short of a crown ; yet into such times are we fallen , as may make your cap , to your self at least , being truly sensible of it , as heavy as a crown . and if i may speak plainly my apprehensions , the well-being and safety , not only of this city , but even of our fair england , claimeth and loudly cals for of you , an honourable , wise , and faithfull execution of your majoralty this very year : all mens expectations being erect , some with hope , and some with fear , according to their severall interests . but with what minds soever , and for what ends , men made choice of you at this time ; this we are sure of , that jesus christ the lord of heaven and earth , who hath all power in his hands , as king of kings , and lord of lords , who raiseth up , and throweth down again , hath in his wisdome called you to this place at this time , to do his will , and not your own . and therefore , in this high and important office , and this juncture of time , what need have you of another heart , and another spirit then your own , ( it being dangerous , especially in steep and slippery places , to be led by mens spirits ) and of new principles from heaven to be put into you ( as we read of saul , who had another heart given unto him , so as he was turned into another man , so soon as he was annointed king ) and all to furnish you with such qualifications of wisdome , understanding , and the fear of god , as may in the due execution and faithfull discharge of your office , declare to all the world , that your main aimes and ends are more for gods glory then your own , and more for the publike good , then for your own private ; and more to gratifie good men , then others , though never so high or great , and whose designs drive at nothing more then ruine & confusion . for we are not ignorant what diabolical plots are on foot , and how ripe for execution , and what kind of counsellers and active spirits , your chair , and table , yea and bedchamber too will be haunted withall , if experience deceive us not . and you shall find their ordinary counsels to drive at two main things ( yet both reduced under one head , to wit , tyranny ) the one , tyranny over our bodies , estates , freeholds , liberties , lawes and birth-rights of all english free-born subjects ; the other , tyranny over our soules and consciences , which are christ's peculiar freeholds and purchase , and subject to no other law , lordship or kingdome , but christs alone . and in truth ( my lord ) in this respect , you are in a hard condition , in case you should by any importunity be perswaded to interpose as a judge in the matter of religion , and especially in the point of church-government , the main controversie of these times , as wherein you have been little versed , considering how few there be that come to preach before you , who set themselves to open unto you this great mysterie of christs kingly office , and government , over consciences and churches : but on the contrary , such as ignorants most admire and adore as gods upon earth , do withhold this truth of god concerning his sons kingly government from you ; nay ( though under other terms ) do publikely in your solemn assemblies exclaim against it , shut it out of their churches , will not suffer others to preach , or print it , with their good wils , but do exasperate and incense you against all those that hold forth this truth in the glory and excellency of it : this being that very kingdom , of which christ said , woe be to you soribes and pharisees , hypocrites , for ye shut up the kingdom of heaven against men , for ye neither go in your selves , nor suffer ye them that are entring , to go in . but , my lord , you are a lover of peace ; as that part of your speech upon your election , in the hall , declared , and we all believe it : when you said , that you would endeavour to have vnity ; for which you propounded two wayes , either by intreaty , or by force . indeed , in such a case , and for your place , intreaty is very commendable : but if you think by force to compose the differences , that will prove none of gods wayes , nor to lie within your sphere ; as i dare say , you abhorre to be a persecutor of those that are the promoters of christs honour . and being a thing not pertaining to the office , especially of a christian magistrate ; i need not tell you what befell vzzah , for stretching out his hand to stay the trembling ark . and now that i have been thus far bold with your lordship , ( which hath proceeded meerly from a hearty desire , that you may not be carried with the strong tide of the times by any malignant spirit filling your sailes , through many under-water rocks and shelves , endangering not only the splitting of your own vessel , but the total ship wrack of this floating state : ) give me leave further to beseech you , that ( as you love your own self , and soul , and family , and posterity , your native country , the honour of this city and nation you would improve the whole power of your office ( among other evils ) for the not only suppressing , but utter obliterating out of all records of memory , or mention , that late remonstrance of london , which like the trojan horse is stuffed with such matter , as , if the importunity of some might have its desire , would unavoidably hale in ruine both to city and country . nor doth any thing more clearly demonstrate that spiritual judgement of blindnesse , and hardnesse of heart to be upon all those who have their heads and hands in that remonstrance , and wilfully still persist in the prosecution of it now in cold blood : than the unnaturall hating , and hunting after the destruction of those very men , as our mortal enemies , who have with the extreme hazard of their lives , been honoured of god to be the preservers both of them , our city and country , and on the other side , the high esteem and honouring of those , as our faithfullest friends , who are part-takers with murtherers , with rebels , with traitors , incendiaries , underminers of our parliaments , and consequently of the state of the kingdom , dividers between the parliament and city , that themselves may reigne , whose violent and fraudulent practises proclaim them to be not friends , but such , as in whom to put the least confidence , is to trust in the reed of egypt , whereon if a man lean , it will pierce him through . and therefore , for these many and weighty considerations , both in a due respect to your lordship , and hearty zeal for the honour and safety both of parliament , city , kingdome ; fuller of dangers and enemies at this day , then ( by reason of that spirit of blindnesse , and deep sleep , wherein our city hath of late been sweetly lulled by the strong charms of fair false friends flatteries ) we are aware of : i have in the name of jesus christ humbly commended this small book to your lordship , that therein i might discharge the duty of a poor watchman , to awaken you in the first place , and consequently all of that court and counsel with you , to look out , and inward too , for the speedy preventing of all those imminent dangers , which otherwise will suddenly surprise us , and take us napping in the deep of our too credulous security . for the spirit of that ten-horned beast is now making war with the lamb , ( which is likely to be his last war , babylons fall following in the next chap. ) & this spirit warreth under new colours , not red , but white , whose word is , reformation , and this under a fair colour of a covenant , by vertue whereof pretending a just title to the war , he hopes , by the help of the remonstrance , and the prime authors thereof , and their adherents , to erect a new bestial tyrannie over souls , bodies & estates , under new names and notions . but the issue is , the lamb shall overcome them ( for he is lord of lords , and king of kings ) and they that are with him are called chosen and faithfull . and , my lord , you shall find in this book , conformity to be the mystery of iniquity , the mother of all mischief , the cause of all our present calamities , and the forerunner and hastener of our ruine , if we repent not , & if our lord iesus christ prevent not , which certainly he will , because himself is the great and almighty general , whose cause and name is mainly engaged in this warre . now the lord iesus christ give you the spirit of wisdom , well to consider and lay to heart these things : which that you may do , is , and shall be the hearty prayer of your lordships most humble servant , henry burton . a dialovge between conformity and conscience . conformities soliloquie . conformity . who is this that comes along ? surely by his habit and gate , it should be one , that , according as i have often heard him described by many , is called , conscience . and to be sure , i will be so bold , as to salute him , and ask his name . and if it be indeed that conscience i mean , and that he will afford me so much patience , i will enter into further discourse with him . conformity . you are well met , sir . conscience . and you also . conf. sir , i pray you pardon my boldnesse to crave your name . for as i came along , i conceived from what i had heard , that you should be the man called conscience . consc . my name is conscience . conf. now i am glad of this happy opportunity to meet you , of whom i have heard so much talk abroad in the world . consc . why , what talk hath the world of me ? conf. sir , i pray you be not offended , and i will tell you . the world generally saith of you , that you are the only troubler of the state . consc . is it therefore true , because the world saith it ? so ahab called the prophet eliah , the troubler of israel : so the jewes said of christ , that he was a perverter , and stirrer up of the people . so when this lambe of god , the king of the jewes was born , herod , and all jerussilem were troubled at it . why so ? was it this king that troubled them , or their own guilty consciences in usurping this kingdom ? alas ! sir this is no news , that where ever the fame of this king and of his kingdom commeth , in the powerfull preaching of the gospel of the kingdom , it brings with it trouble and terrom to the world , or to any state . and as it was with herod and the priests at jerusalem at the birth of this king , so at his death : they could not endure to hear of this king of the jews . so the heathen emperour domitian , out of jealousie of his empire , sought to root out the whole race of christs kindred , until two of them were brought before him that got their living hardly in the husbanding of a few acres of land , and understanding of christs kingdom , that it was altogether spirituall and not of this world , he dismissed them , and ceassed his persecution . an example sufficient to shame thousands that glory in the name of christians , and contrary to this heathen , cannot endure to hear of christs kingdom to be spirituall ; but under some fair colourable pretences of spiritualty , and clergy , and i know not what , endeavour nothing more then to set up a worldly kingdom , which yet they must ( forsooth ) call christs kingdom , when in nothing it is spirituall , but as it is a tyranny set over mens consciences , souls , and spirits . but sir , before i proceed any further with you , let me also crave your name . conf. sir , my name is conformity . consc . conformity . sir , if you be the man , i know none more ready to raise slanders upon me then your self ; and may i not say truly of thee , that thou art one of the greatest troublers of israel ? for what can more trouble the world , then when thou ( conformity ) would'st force all mens consciences to dance after thy pipe . conf. why , mr. conscience , do not ye think that i have a conscience as well as you ? should i therefore be an enemy to conscience ? but indeed , i confesse my conscience is not so strict , or strait-laced , or self-willed , as obstinately to stand upon mine own singular opinion , in opposition to the generall judgement of most meh , and those not only learned , but pious too , so far as i can judge . consc . it seems then that every conscience by your verdict , must be strait-laced , and self-willed , that will not follow the multitude , seeing you ground your conscience upon men for their number , learning , piety , making them the rule of your conscience , and not gods word alone . conf. sir i hold this the safest way : for i may misunderstand the scripture , which many learned cannot so easily do . consc . this indeed is a good plea for popery , who boast of their universality , learning , councels , & synods , and therefore ( besides the popes infallible oracle ) not easily subject to mis-understand the scriptures . or you are like those jewes , who would not believe in christ , unlesse the rulers did know indeed that he was the very christ . or as the pharisees said , have any of the rulers , or of the pharisees believed on him ? thus , do you not pin your faith , and so your souls upon mens sleeves , when you will believe as most believe , or as the church or nation believes ? conf. but sir , i put a great difference between a councel of learned papists , or a synedrion of jewish priests , and a synod of learned protestants . consc . indeed the very names of papist and protestant import no small difference ; although a papist and a protestant at large are at no great odds in matter of faith , conscience , religion ; only such a protestant is apter to turn papist , then a papist , protestant . and take your protestants at the best , call a synod of the learned est , and highest esteem in the world , yet even such a synod may in some things and those fundamentall too , possibly run into , and wrap themselves in foul errours . conf. how sir ? shew me any one instance hereof , that ever any learned protestant counsel or synod hath erred in any fundamentall of faith , or much lesse hath maintained such an error or heresie , and i will not henceforth be so confident in depending and resting upon mens judgements , be they never so learned , godly , or many . consc . seeing you thus put me to it , what think ye of jesus christ ? is not he a prime fundamentall ? conf. no doubt , for he is the only foundation : for other foundation can no man lay . consc . is not christ then as well in his three offices ( as he is king , priest and prophet ) as in his two natures united in one person of the eternal son of god , a fundamentall of faith , so as , as well he that denieth any one of his three offices , as * he that denieth that jesus christ is come in the flesh , is an antichrist and grand heretick , as overthrowing a principall foundation of faith ? conf. i conceive this cannot well be denyed . consc . nay , of necessity it must be believed . for the papists in joyning their traditions with the scripture , deny christs propheticall office ; and in equalling their satisfactions with christs merits , they deny his priestly office ; and in exalting their hierarchy ( call it papall , or prelaticall , or sacerdotall ) * over the temple of god , mens consciences , they deny christs kingly office : all which offices together , or any one of them being denied ; is , * with antichrist , to deny , that jesus is the christ ; seeing the christ is he , that is anointed king , priest , and prophet , of which to deny any one , is to deny that jesus is the christ . do ye not believe this , mr. conformity ? conf. i confesse there appears to me a truth to be in all this . but yet , mr. conscience , i hope you do not go about to ensnare me with mine own confessions . consc . why master conformity , are you conscious to your selfe , that while you confesse the truth , the truth should ensnare you ? certainly the bonds of * truth willingly taken upon us , become the robes and livery of our true freedome . conf. sir , take me not at the worst ; i would not willingly utter words to my prejudice . consc . speak the words of truth then , and fear nothing . conf. well sir , proceed then to what you have more to say . consc . i say then , that to deny any one of christs offices ( as afore ) is to overthrow a foundation of faith . conf. i grant it . consc . hereupon i inferre , that it is possible for a learned synod of protestant divines to deny one of these three offices , and so to overthrow a foundation of faith . conf. though it be possible , yet it is not probable . but sir , remember what ye undertook , namely , to prove by instance , that a protestant synod of orthodox divines hath thus erred . consc . nay stay , mr. conformity , remember your self well : did i say , a protestant synod of orthodox divines ? for how orthodox , if they overthrow a foundation of faith ? then they cease to be orthodox . conf. well , however , yet they might in other fundamentals be orthodox . consc . but in any one fundamentall to be heterodox , is to cease to be orthodox , and , obstinately persisting , is hereticall . conf. i confesse , that any one heresie maintained , makes a man a heretick , hold he otherwise never so many truths , and so he overthrows the faith , as those did who * denyed the resurrection , though all other truths they held . but sir , all this while i expect your proof or instance , that a synod of protestant divines should fall into any such foul errour , or heresie , as should overthrow the foundation . consc . mr. conformity , for instance we need not go beyond the seas , or over our english bounds to fetch it . what if the generality of the ministers and people in england be found to be wrapped in such a destructive heresie ? i call it destructive , using the * apostles word , where he saith . that there shall be false teachers among gods people , who shall cunningly bring in destr●ying heresies . and what are these ? even denying the lord that bought them , bringing upon themselves * swift destruction . and many shall follow their destructive wayes , or their destructions , by whom the way of truth shall be * evill spoken of , or blas●hemed . a prophesie ( by the way ) which if well weighed , and rightly applyed , may be found to be in a great measure fulfilled in these our times . for here is first a destructive , or ( as our common translation ) damnable heresie . secondly , this heresie * is , in deaying the lord jesus christ . thirdly , here is a many followers . fourthly , among this many there be some at least , who have their mouthes open in pulpits , streets , tables , and their quils in presses , in pamphlets , blaspheming , speaking all manner of evill against the way of truth ; even that way of truth , which holdeth forth , confesseth , professeth , maintaineth ( against all the worlds reproaches ) jesus christ in that very particular , wherein he is at this day so mightily decried , and denied by false teachers and their followers . nor can any age , as touching this one particular , be paralleld with this of ours for pens and tongues of blasphemy ; lashing out , and running over all the bounds and banks , not only of christianity , but even of common modesty and humanity ( as men bereaft of their wits ) and all this against the assertors and maintainers of the kingly office of jesus christ . and lastly , a destructive heresie , in that not only it destroyes soules , but is in a precipice to destroy kingdoms , to such a height of rage it is now grown . conf. but mr. conscience , what means all this ? what ? in that your generality , do you charge as all , synod , sion , city , countrey , as lying under the guilt of such an heresie ? what ? all denying the lord jesus christ ? consc . mr. conformity , cannot a man speak of a generality , but he must needs name particulars ? and you know that generals have their exceptions . and when a generality is mentioned , let all particulars look to it . but what if there be a generality , and that of protestants ( so called ) in the land , which will be found to overthrow christs kingly office ? conf. what if , say you ? what if the sky fall ? nay i dare say , yea , and swear too , that not any one of this generality you mean , doth , or dare deny christs kingly office and prerogative . i have often heard them in publick to give christ the title of king , and to speak of his kingdom ; and they every where confesse and professe him to be king of his church . so as such a charge would argue as much malice , as untruth . consc . and i have heard them say as much as you say . but is saying sufficient ? yea , i have heard them say , that all church-members must be saints : that all churches be equal , & none have jurisdiction over other : that gods word is the only rule of reformation : and many such principles about churches they confesse in words so , christ to be king . but if this be all , it may prove little better , then the jews putting a purple robe upon christ with a crown of thorns on his head , and a reed for a scepter in his hand , with hail king of the jewes ; but for all this , crucified him : so that you confesse christ to be king , and crucifie his true subjects again , you know the pharisees said many things well , but they did them not . and doth not the scripture speak of such as * professe they know god , but in works deny him ? whence we observe a twofold deniall of god : one in words , & another in deeds . now i do not say , that the generality doth in words deny christs kingly office : but this i affirm , that in works they deny him . conf. sir , how do you prove that ? or how doth that scripture reach to those you speak of ? consc . a question opportunely put . and therefore if you turn to the & verses immediately foregoing , you may observe what manner of persons those were , whom the apostle there speaks of , and upon what occasion . for that chapter being to set forth the office of a bishop or pastor of a particular church or congregation , and how he should be qualified and gifted , and the church governed ; the apostle willeth titus to warn the christians , not to give heed to iewish fables and commandements of men , that turn from the truth . where he ranks the commandements of men in church-matters , manners , and government , with iewish fables , as which do turn men away from the truth , and so from christ , as he also sheweth at large , col. , . . . and throughout the whole chapter . so as to set up the commandements of men in formes of worship , or of church-government , being christs spirituall kingdom , is to separate men from christ , ( col. . . ) and to make them unbelieving , ( tit. . . ) and impure in minde and conscience , v. . yea , abominable and disobedient , and unto every good work reprobate , vers . . all which i commend to your more sad and serious consideration , master conformity . conf. i confesse this is a terrible scripture to those that lye under the condemnation of it . but i hope those whom you mean , are no such men : for first , you confesse they deny not in words christs kingly office : and for any deniall in works , you have not yet proved , nor i hope can . consc . i have nothing to do with your hope . but whereas you would make it my confession , that they deny not in words christs kingly office , neither doe i absolutely confesse so much . for though i confesse i have heard them upon occasion ( being put to it ) in words to confesse christ to be king of his church : yet i have heard them again say , and have read it in their books , and they maintain it tooth and nail , that christ hath left the forms of worship and church government unto men , to be so framed as is most suitable to the conditions of the people , or the laws of each state , binding all the subjects thereof ( and that under severe penalties ) to an universall conformity , or uniformity . conf. why sir , hath not christ left that power and liberty to those that are in authority ; as synods , to frame and compose forms of worship and church-government , such as they judge fittest , having an eye to the scripture , and the civill magistrate to confirm the same by law ? consc . the pope indeed arrogating to himself all power in heaven and earth over churches and kingdoms , makes his claim from scripture . as * thou art peter , &c. therefore his successor , the pope , is the rock , whereon the church is built . so , here are two swords : therefore the pope hath power of both the swords . so , * the holy ghost shall lead you into all truth : therefore the apostolick chair at rome cannot erre . here mr. conformity , cast your eye a little upon the scripture , and see there what one place you can finde to serve your turn , that hath any more likenesse or probability in it , for what you claim , then those places which the papists are not ashamed to build their babel-towre upon . you have talked much of jure divino , but are not able to crane it up higher then to jure humano : and therefore , i suppose it is , that of late dayes , since the house put their nine queres to the synod , the mention of jure divino is quite husht . and now conscience challengeth you to produce but one testimony from scripture for you , which will not make you as ridiculous , as the forenamed scriptures do the pope . and for synods , they have no such authority as you speak of . give us one scripture . that in acts . will not serve your turn . and the apostles sought not to humane authority , and laws , to confirm the gospel , or to give power to the exercise of their ministery . conf. why mr. conscience , you your self cannot shew us from scripture a model of your way , though promised , and long expected ; and therefore why should you require one of us ? consc . we do not require so much of you , but to shew us one only place of scripture for you , which you cannot do . and for us , though we do not give you such a model , as you desire , or rather dream of ( for no such model is left in the new testament , as was given to moses and david in the old ; which consisted altogether of externall things , being shadows of the spirituall now under the gospel , the pattern whereof was christ . but this we both have done , and yet further are able to do , to prove our way , with all our practises in every particular , out of gods word , which you are not able to do for any one of your practices , much lesse for the whole way of your classicall presbytery , as which hath no footing in scripture . for ( because you thus urge me ) shew us , if you can , in all the new testament , any one nationall christian church . or shew us any one ground for either nationall or parochiall christian churches , or yet any church fixed to a place , so that all people successively comming to dwell there , be they what they will , godly or prophane , protestants or papists , because inhabitants there , must therefore make up the church there , whether nationall or parochiall . or shew us that churches should come by naturall propagation , or locall habitation and succession , and not by spirituall generation only . or shew us in scripture either rule or example for a classicall presbytery . or shew us in the whole scripture a state church government allowed of god . or shew us out of the word , that the apostles constituted no churches without leave obtained from the civill state . or whether those christian jews that constrained the galatians to be circumcised , for the avoiding of persecution , did well or no , so to constrain , and that only to avoid persecution : or whether this example will warrant you to constrain all to conform to you ; either because conformity is free from persecution , or because all must be persecuted , that conform not . or lastly , shew us , what better rule or example the scripture affords , for wresting from the magistrate through the force of importunity by men both many and mighty , stirred up and egged on by a colledge of priests , to reject christ and his government , and deliver him up to their wils to be crucified , then that colledge of priests in jerusalem , who so incensed the people against christ , that nothing would satisfie them , but he must be crucified ; so as the magistrate is necessitated even against his conscience , what through fear of caesar on the one side , and what for favour of the people on the other , to gratifie them with a barabbas in stead of christ . now to all , or any of these , we desire your answer . conf. sir , i only urge this for the present , that though the scripture hath not expressed a power given to men by christ , yet we finde examples of it in the old testament , as jehosaphat , ezekiah , iosiah , asa , kings of judah , who reformed religion , and are commended for it as good kings for their labour . consc . they did not set up any new forms of religion of their own head , but they commanded the priests and levites to restore and repair religion in all things according to the prescript , and precise pattern given by god himself . and note withall , that the kingdom of iudah or of david , was a type of christs spiritual kingdom , and all the kings of judah were types of christ . so as no other kings or states are to be paralleld with them . but yet ( i say ) for all that , they went not beyond the precise rule of gods law , as you may see by all those examples you alledge . for christ gave those kings , though types of himself , no such power , as you pretend . yea , the scripture every where , in both the testaments , hath punctually preserved inviolate and entire , that kingly prerogative of christ , as being as incapable of being communicable to any humane power , as his omnipotency is , or his other offices , as high priest and prophet . for proof hereof : moses for all his wisdom , and learning , and piety , though he were a great prophet , and a type of christ , yet had not this power granted unto him , to frame the tabernacle , with all things pertaining thereunto , as himself pleased ; but a strict charge god gave unto him , saying , see thou do all * things according to the patterne shewed thee in the mount . so david , though a king , and a man after gods own heart , yet was not entrusted for the framing of the pattern of the temple for his son solomon , but * god gave him the pattern thereof both by the spirit , and in writing ( so carefull was god , lest david should forget any thing ) which he delivers to his son solomon to do in all things accordingly . so in ezekial we reade , where the reformation of the church under the gospel is typed , there is a pattern to be measured , as ezek. . . to which , answereth that in rev. . . a place worthy our best observation , as pertinent to these times of reformation , which must be measured by the golden reed of the word of god . and for any the least dominion over the conscience by any humane binding law in matters of faith , christ would no more entrust the apostles themselves , then he did moses and david . and therefore * paul disclaimed it . and * peter disswaded it to the presbyters or elders , being himself an elder . and herein even servants must not be servants to men , as being bought with a price , and so christs free-men . and remarkable is that * scripture , where christ , speaking to the multitude , and to his disciples , he tels them of the scribes and pharisees sitting in moses chair , and so to be heard : but when among other their practises they binde heavy burthens , then and there he saith , call no man father upon earth ; that is , therein obey them not , that 's for the multitude : and for the disciples , re ye not called rabbi , for one is your master , even christ . and that no man hath power over anothers conscience , the apostle sheweth , speaking to the very same purpose ; who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? how much more then christs servant ? and this in things indifferent : how much lesse in things forbidden in the scripture , must we force our brothers conscience , or labour to perswade him ? the chapter is full of arguments to this purpose . conf. but sir , if the scripture be so clear for that which you affirm , then hath the whole church of god for many ages , even almost from the very apostles , continued in a foul errour . consc . nay more then almost . for this mystery of iniquity had its first rise even in the apostles times , it began then to work . and what was this mystery of iniquity , but an exaltation of mans power above all that is called god , or that is worshipped , so as to sit upon , or over , or in the temple of god , over the consciences of gods people , and over the church , as god himself ? and note there also , it is called an apostasie , or ( as tit. . . ) a turning away from , or of the truth ( as afore ) and such are adversaries too , and all antichristian . such an one was * diotrephes ; that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , who loved the preeminence ( the very spawn of this mystery ) which sets him a work to raise himself : . in not receiving the apostle john . in prating against him with malitious words . . in not receiving the brethren . . in forbidding those that would . and . in casting them out of the church . thus also did this mysterie begin to work , as the apostle intimates both in tit. . . and in col. . . . . . , . but then this mystery was but in the swadling clouts , which afterward growing by degrees to the full stature , was so bedecked with infinite varieties of ceremonies , and daily new fashions in religion ( as the crow with every birds feather ) that getting an unlimited , usurped power , and that under the colour of jure divino , all mens consciences , churches must conform to the present fashion of worship and church-government . thus by degrees this mystery of iniquity mounted to its height , and hath now obtained such a prescription of antiquity , as is equivalent to a law . and not only the pope claimeth and exerciseth this power over his whole popedome , and hierarchy , but from him our late prelates . and whence , or from whom you derive this very power , unlesse immediately either from the pope , or from our late prelates , whose personall prelacy you have abandoned , saving their prelaticall spirit and usurped power : or else from the antiquity of this mystery ; you may do well to inform us . and in truth , this was that very sluice , which when first opened , did let in that inundation and deluge not only of will-worship , in all kinde of ceremonies and superstitions , but also of humane forms and frames of church-government , and in all of them such a tyrannicall power over all consciences and churches , as hath wholly drowned all ; so as christs dove can no where finde , where to set her foot . and therefore in this time of pretended reformation , to erect this great idol , to wit , a power in man to prescribe laws , and to legitimate commandements for worship and church government ; and to presse them upon every mans conscience : what is it , but with nebuchadnezzar to erect his golden image , and with an immortall law of the medes and persians , to binde all men to fall down and worship it ? or what is it , but with ieroboam and his counsel ( and so in every alteration of the state ) to set up the golden calves , with a strict commandement of universall conformity ; none daring among all those ten tribes * openly to professe the pure worship of god , saving the prophet eliah , to whom those seven thousand were not known . and therefore god rooted out ieroboams house ; and did the tribes escape scot-free , for their yielding willing obedience to the commandment of the * king his counsel , though it were a publick act of state ? was not * ephraim oppressed , and broken in judgement , because he willingly walked after the commandement ? for god set wicked kings over them , who oppressed and brake them in judgement , tyrannizing at their pleasure . as alwayes where a people is brought under the spirituall yoak of bondage , they are never free from the temporall . nor only this , but they were carried into perpetuall captivity , and never returned unto this day . an example to be laid to heart both of rulers and people . remember ephraim therefore , the horriblenesse of whose sin appeareth by the horriblenesse of the punishment . and like to this is that of jerusalem , and of the jews . they said indeed , * if we thus let him alone , all men will believe in him , and the romans will come and take away both our place and nation . no , blinde jews , because ye did renounce your king christ , and so envie the peoples salvation , therefore the romans came and took away both your place and nation . and how did the jews reject this their king ? christ tels us in a parable of a noble man , luke . saying , ( v. . ) but his citizens hated him , and sent a message after him , saying , we will not have this man to reign over us . where note , first , they were such as professed to be the people of god , his citizens . secondly , the ground of their refusall of him to be their king , was hatred of him , and so to refuse him , is to hate him . thirdly , the manner of their refusall . . they sent a message after him ( as the vulgar translation renders it ) but the originall is , they sent {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an ambassage after him , which is more then a message . it must be done by a publick act of state , to make all cock sure . and . the matter of the ambassage , we will not have this man , or this follow ( * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) this , noting their contempt of him . and the reason hereof was their will , we will not . but what was the issue ? read and mark it , v. . where christ not long after returns in judgement against them , wch he executes by those very romans , whom they so feared , to whom he gives this commission : but those mine enemies that would not that i should reign over them , bring hither , and slay them , &c. which was done accordingly . conf. but good sir , neither are we as those ten tribes under an idolatrous government ; nor as those jews , under a roman governour , with a synedrion , or counsel of priests , scribes and pharisees : but we live in a happy time , under a protestant government , a protestant parliament , a protestant synod : and therefore there is no such danger by allowing such a power to men , as you pretend . consc . although the present state be protestant , yet you are not sure it will be alwayes so . what if a marian reign come about again with a popish parliament , and convocation ? and if it be true , that christ hath left such a power to any state ( as afore ) without limitation , then it is left as well to a popish state , as to a protestant . in this respect there is no difference . and then it must follow , that a popish power , making a law for the setting up of the masse ( as qu. mary with her parliament and clergy did ) and for which they want not pretext of scripture , and iure divino ( if bold words , and false glosses will do it ) then al the subjects of england must either conforme , or else to the stake . so as the very admitting and crying up of such a power left to men , as it is most false and groundlesse ; and ( as before ) a grandmother horesic , and introducer of the most direfull tyranny over soul and all , ( so far is it from ever proving to be iure divino , as being ludibrium synodorum ) so it is the next way ( and much more in this present juncture of time , as things now stand ) to make us as miserable a nation , as both the ten tribes , and the jews . and ( as we touched before ) if the wisdom of god would not entrust his servant moses , nor david , nor the apostles , with a power in setting up what forms of worship & frames of government they pleased , though they were both wise and faithfull , and free from all private interests , in seeking themselves , to become lords paramount : car we finde in any age of the world , trow you , either a parliament or synod , whereof all the members , yea , or the greater part , are such as moses , david , and the apostles were , so as to be entrusted with such a power ? and in case this state should assume to it self such a power ( as we speak of ) so as to enact a law to binde all to conformity ; either you must produce some scripture authority for it , that the parliament may be satisfied quo jure , and that it is iure divino as they require of you , and which you have promised , but have not performed it : or in the mean time give me leave to put it unto you , or to the soundest judgements , how you can clear your self from falling under that marvellous judgement of god , which we finde in esay . the matter was v. . that their fear towards god was taught by the precept of men . they had set up a worship of god according to the precept of men . this was all . and is this , in your judgement , nothing ? but what they , were they , that did this ? surely , the prophets , rulers , and seers . what ? the guides and leaders of the people ? how came it to passe ? the lord saith there ( as a matter of wonder , and to be proclaimed by a lowd cry ) that they were drunken , but not with wine , and staggered , but not with strong drink ; and that the lord had closed their eyes , and poured upon them the spirit of deep sleep . v. , . so as , neither the learned nor unlearned , could understand the vision , v. , . and all their religion is turned into hypocrisie , v. . forasmuch , as their fear towards god was taught by the precept of men . for a religion of humane institution is hypocrisie ; while pretending to worship and fear god , they fear and worship men , which is both hypocrisie and idolatry . and what 's the issue of all this ? v. . therefore behold , saith the lord , i will proceed to do a marvellous work among this people , even a marvellous work and a wonder : for the wisdom of their wise men shall perish , and the understanding of their prudent men shall be hid . conf. and what of all this ? consc . what think you of it , mr. conformity ? is here nothing that concerns you ? conf. nothing that i see . consc . see ye nothing of all this ? and are you not then in the number of those , whose eyes are closed , and on whom the lord hath powred the spirit of deep sleep ? conf. but do ye not know , that this was a prophesie fulfilled many hundred years agoe , even in esay's time by those of jerusalem ? how then can you apply it to these times ? consc . though it was then fulfilled , yet it is written for our learning , and to admonish us , upon whom the ends of the world are come . and the same prophesies may have sundry fulfillings upon the like occasions . and for application of it , i only made it a quere , how you could acquit your self from having it verified of you in these times . conf. but the prophesie making mention of the prophets , rulers , seers of jerusalem , as drunken and blinde ; all that i can apprehend hereof is , that you thereby mean the prophits , rulers , seers of this famous city , and perhaps also ( to speak more plainly ) the parliament , synod , sion-colledge , the common-counsel , &c. for who are the prophets , or rulers , or seers , or who are the learned and wise men , but these ? therefore mr. conscience , deale ingenuously with us , and speak no more in the clouds . consc . what mr. conformity , would you have me to doe here , as you do with your parish people , when vou mingle all together at your sacrament ? what ? good and bad ; those of the militant , and others of the malignant ( hurch together ? i would have you to know , that i put a difference between the parliament on the one side , and the synod , sion-colledge , common-counsel , on the other . and secondly , among all these i put no small odds , between the truly wise and prudent that truly fear god , and those that are self-wise , or worldly-wise . and thirdly , i put a difference between sion-colledge , and common counsell , as between seers and not seers , between the leaders , and the led . nor fourthly , do i apply the foresaid scripture to any one in particular ; but my desire is , that every one in all these companies , would by due examination of himself make the application . for it is a mater of high concernment . and for their better direction herein . first , let all those that by letters , petitions , remonstrances , compliances , confederacies , counsels , secret and open , nocturnall , and diurnall , do wring blood out of the late covenant ; by pressing , importuning , and plotting , the setting up and establishing by a law , such a form of church-government , worship , discipline , as not only is the highest affront , and dishonour to christ , but necessarily tends not only to the enslaving of the peoples consciences , but to the undoing of this whole english nation , by vassallizing it to vilest of men , apply it . secondly , let all those who would have our victorious army in all the haste disbanded , before our peace be well setled , and our land cleared from the one end to the other of all those dangers which do threaten it , by the treacheries of so many malignant enemies , who carry two faces under one hood , and do but watch for such an opportunity to wreck their envie and malice upon us , which the only terrour of our army hindreth , holding them at a bay ; apply it . thirdly , let all those who with such violent and potent importunity do presse the parliament for an ordinance , to bring themselves and the whole land under the greatest sin of unnaturall , inhumane , and more then heathenish ingratitude , impiety , injustice , cruelty , by not only dishonouring , discountenancing , abasing , as the vilest our-casts , those men , who have not only , freely laid out their estates , but even prodigally , if not prodigiously , to wonderment , hazarded , yea poured out their dearest life-blood : but also ( as if they would despight god ) by trampling upon those whom he hath highly honoured , and not suffering them to breathe in their native aire , by whom we yet breathe ; and by making them underlings and off-scourings of the land , who have been the preservers of it , and that they should be despicable in their own mother countrey , whom so many glorious victories have made admirable to the neighbour nations , yea , to the whole world ; and terrible to their professed enemies , and ours ; yea , and to pretended friends too , who would master us at home , were not these masters of the field : so as god having thus made them the great instruments of the preservation and deliverance of our countrey and city from the most desperate , bloody , and bestiall enemies that ever the earth bred , or hell hatched ; enough to have for ever ever obliged a people of any ingenuity , & not wholly given up to testifie their approbation at least , and congratulation of that great favour & honor god hath vouchsafed to cast upon them : and that as he hath crowned them with so much glory , and they have cast their crowns at the feet of the lambe that sits upon the throne : so these should come , and first , giving all the glory to god , gather up those crowns , and set them upon the heads of those their preservers and deliverers , and put chains of gold about their necks ; so far off should they be from trampling such pearls under feet , or casting them out of our gates and ports ; that they might solum vertere , spend the remainder of their life in some inglorious exile , to the eternall infamy of our english nation ; let these apply it . fourthly , let all those , who endeavour by their strong factions to make wide breaches , between parliament and city , between house and house , yea , between gods blessing and this land , which was wont of old to be called gods kingdom ; and so by these breaches would let in again our bainfull enemies . let all these , these ( i say ) make the application to themselves ; while as they have wrested out of the magistrates hand a form of worship and government , and so , as it is established by the precept of men : so god hath deprived them of wlsdom and understanding , while they would pull upon their own heads , and upon the land , the guilt of so much innocent blood of so many hundred thousands both in ireland and england , to be made the footstooll of a bloody tyranny ; and while their eyes are so closed up , as no charme , be it never so wise , can make them either to hear , or see , or understand , or their brains , or bowels , to be sensible of all those notorious and palpable outrages , rapes and robberies , violence and oppression , extortion and exaction in the land , even at noon day , unworthy affronts done to our parliament by seditious spirits ; or of all those cryes and complaints of sundry countries and counties , and no redresse , no justice , as if god had now forsaken us & left us as a silly dove without heart , full of slavish and degenerous fear of shadows , forgetting the mighty god that hath done so great things for us , and will do more , if we by faith still depend upon him : and although the faction is still working , and machinating the ruine of this nation ( if our god miraculously prevent not ) yet the god of this world hath so blinded the eyes of these men , through the just judgement of god , that they see nothing at all hereof , but are themselves the main fomenters , abettors , countenancers , promoters , advancers , encouragers , and helpers on of those , that hope to be the instruments of our ruine . so strong is the poyson of this one sin , hypocrisie , and idolatry , in teaching and setting up a fear or worship towards god by the precept of men ; which , as it is a removing of the heart from god , so it causeth him to remove his spirit from us , and to give us up to such a fearfull * dementation , as is the forerunner of destruction . and , conformity , if thou hast any of thy right senses left , consider seriously with thy self , what that religion is , which turns men out of their very naturals , to become brutish , and worse then heathens ; and which the holy ghost brands for hypocrisie , then which , nothing is more abominable in the sight of god . certainly , the true religion and doctrine of christ produceth no such fruits as those fore-mentioned are : as treason against the state , unnaturalnesse towards our native countrey , unthankfulnesse towards our best deserving friends , our benefactors , our preservers : yea , injustice and cruelty towards them , factious plottings and underminings , hatred of those that be good , enmity against those that are the friends of christ , and so persecution of the way of christ , destroying of christs kingdom , by setting up a worldly kingdom of men , * having a form of godlinesse , but denying the power thereof ; yea , and seeking to overtop the supream power . are we not then ( as the apostle admonisheth and commandeth ) to turn away from such ? conf. nay here , conscience , i have you upon the hip . for , first , how do we seek to overtop the supream power . and secondly , who doth more go about to overtop the civil power , then you , while you set up a religion without it , and above it ? consc . first , for you : do you not seek to overtop the supreme power , whilst you would have your church-government to be framed after the pattern of that , which sets up a power ( called a generall assembly ) above the power of parliaments ? now the supreme power in england , is the parliament ; so as to set up a superior power over this , is to overturn the very fundamental laws of the kingdom . and this you labour tooth and nail to do , while nothing will serve you , but the scotish church-government . i wish you would all consider well of it , and beware of falling into a premunire , if you be not deep in it already . and i could wish it were well weighed by the wisest , and those in highest place of authority ; whether the importunate pressing of the covenant , for uniformity , in the scotish sense , tend not to undermine and overthrow the liberty and priviledges of the subjects of england , when once a superior power therein , consisting of more clergy men , then of lay , is predominant over the parliament of england ? and so much the rather , when we read and consider their own publique and authentique books of their kirk government , orders , discipline , confession of faith , &c. wherein they give to their general or national assembly supreme power , not only over their parochial , classical , and provincial assemblies , but even over the parliament it self . for not only they take the power to appoint both time and place for the convening of their ecclesiastical assemblies ( as . book of discipline , chap. . ) but they say moreover in the same chap. for this orders cause , they may make certain rules and constitutions , appertaining to the good behaviour of all the members of the kirk in their vocation . and this they do without the civil magistrate . nay more , chap. ibid. they have power also to abrogate and abolish all statutes and ordinances concerning ecclesiastical matters , that are found noysome and unprofitable , and agree not with the time , or are abused by the people . and again in the same book , chap. . the national assemblies of this country , called commonly the general assemblies , ought alwayes to be retained in their own liberty , and have their own place ; with power to the kirk to appoint times and places convenient for the same : and all men , as well magistrates , as inferiors , to be subject to the judgement of the same in ecclesiastical causes , without any reclamation , or appellation to any judge civil or ecclesiastical within the realm . thus in reference to the spiritualty , or the church , they make no bones to set up in their national assembly the same papal power , which the pope himself claimeth , over kings , princes , states , kingdoms , commonweals . and mr. rutherford , in his * government of the church of scotland , chap. . p. . tels us , that though none in this grand assembly have decisive voyces , save only commissioners : yet the acts of the assembly oblige all the absents , not present in all their members ; and that because , whatsoever is by those commissioners determined and concluded , is matter necessary , and agreeable to gods word ; as being no lesse infallible , then those decisions of the apostles , act. . all which ( conformity ) i commend to thee , when in thy best senses . and because thou art apt to be overtaken with a supine drowsines , pleasing thy self with thy dreams of becomming a king , when once thou art gotten up into the saddle or throne of a kirk national-assembly : let me awaken thee by pricking thy dull sides , that thou mayest be at least convinced of that spirit of antichristian pride and tyranny , of rebellion and treason , in lifting up a papal throne above the kings and kesars , above kingdoms and commonweals , to the enslaving of the whole nation in their souls , bodies , and estates . for whosoever shall not in all things conform to the constitutions of that generall kirk assembly , when once the horn is blown , then , ipso facto , imprisonment , confiscation of goods , banishment , and what not ? now , conformity , doth gods word hold forth any such kirk fashions ? what ? to overrule civil states and kingdoms ? what ? that all kirk laws and constitutions mustneeds be such , as are both necessary , and agreeable to the word of god ? what ? to set up in the kirk an oracle of infallibility , and a pontifician supremacy , and antichristian tyrannie ? and all under the name of a christian presbyterian kirk-government ? but because this perhaps moves thee not ; i will remit thee to the supreme bar of this kingdom , there to receive thy doom , in case thou dost obstinately and madly persist in thy importunate clamours to have that presbyterian government set up , and thereby our fundamental lawes , priviledges , and power of parliaments , liberties and freedom of all true bred english subjects brought under perpetual bondage , worse then that either of egypt or babylon . but i passe on : . for us ▪ you may know , conformity , that we are not the setters up of that religion you charge us with ; but it is that , which we find to be set up by christ and his apostles : which they did , without leave from the civil power , or from the ecclesiastical , or mixt synedrion ; as before . secondly , though the kingdom of christ be indeed over all the kingdoms of the world ; yet all the subjects of this kingdom , as they are the subjects of this or that civill state , so they owe civill obedience thereunto : but as they belong to christs kingdome , they are free from the civil power in point of religion , owing subjection only to christ : and if the civil power usurp over any of them , they yield themselves to suffer , with patience , without resistance . conf. conscience , i like thee well for this , yet . but you tell us strange things of church-assemblies . consc . not more strange , then true : read their books , and be wise . and for our suffering , which thou likest so well , it is no more then what christ and his apostles both taught & practised , and wherein all the martyrs followed them . conf. i will better consider of what you say . but do you not condemn the magistrate , when you say he usurps over you ? consc . no , i condemn him not ; that is for god to do , who is the supreme judge of the world . conf. why , what limits hath god set to the magistrate ? consc . read deut. . , . and that from v. . to the end of the chap. to wit , the whole law of god . so also what bonds and bounds their own conscience , and the terror of the great judge , and their sacred oath and solemn covenant and stipulation with the people , and not only gods law , but the civil lawes of the kingdome , do put upon them , you cannot be ignorant . conf. but what if the civil state hath made a-law , to inhibi● and restrain all men , and that under severe penalty , from the observation of any other form of religion , and church government , then that which it hath established by law , with a necessity of uniformity and conformity thereunto , imposed upon all the subjects of the kingdom : doth the magistrate sin , in seeing this law executed ? and without such a government , what order will you have in your churches , or what coercive power in the case either of heresie , or schisme ? consc . do you question the magistrates sin , when his law is against the law of god , and the liberty of a christian , who is the subject of christs kingdom ? for here we are to distinguish between a subject of christs spiritual kingdom , and a meer subject of the civil state . he that is a meer subject of the civil state , acknowledging no superior power above it , his conscience ( though blind ) bids and binds him to obey : but he that is a true subject of christs kingdom , being also a subject of the civil state , owes a twofold obedience , one to the civil state , & another to christ . according to that of christ . render unto caesar the things that are caesars , and unto god the things that are gods . nor doth the order or disorder in churches ( as churches ) put any difference between the having , or not having of a civil power . in the apostolick churches there were both heresies and schismes , ( cor. . , . joh. . . ) whith the civil power took no cognisance of : nay , it was , and may be as apt to persecute the truth , as to censure or restrain either heresie , or schisme , or apostacie . and christs government is sufficient in all church-cases whatsoever . conf. but , who in a christian civil state do not acknowledge christ as superior ? consc . this is sufficiently resolved before . such as conform to a state religion , or a state church-government , make that the supreme law and lord over their conscience , and so exclude christs supremacie . enough is said of that . but you cut me off from what i was about to adde . mans nature is too prone to idolize the power so , as to make it as the shadow of the bramble , in jothams parable , under which to ease themselves of the labour to search into the scriptures , and so to come to know what they believe ; most men pinning their religion upon the sleeve either of the priest , as the papists do ; or also of the magistrate , as our common protestants do , wrapping all up in an implicite faith and blind obedience , according to your remonstrance , that urgeth conformity to the religion and government of christ already established , or which shall be set up . thus it was enough for the pharisees to say , * we have a law , and by that law christ ought to dye . thus christ must not be god , because the roman senate , according to their law formerly made , had not first motion'd it , or passed their vote for it , before tiberius caesar had commended it to them , namely to admit of christ into their pantheon , to take place among their gods . and is it not even so with us ? must not christ be king of the jews , only because by an act of state ( as before ) they will not have this man to reign over them . and christ must not be god , because the roman senate had not pre-resolved it . and so christ must not be sole lord over the conscience , nor sole law giver of his church , nor his word the sole rule of worship & of christs kingly government of his spiritual kingdom in the conscience , and churches of the saints , nor indeed christs kingdom spiritual ; because the sate hath made a law which must rule the conscience in point of forms of worship and of church-government , that christs kingdom must be worldly , perpetually entaild to a whole nation , making up one nationall church , the form whereof worldly , and the materials worldly , as either no saints at all , or else all saints , because all nominall christians ; and all this and much more , because the civill state , by the instigation of men ecclesiasticall or civill , domesticall or forein , hath so ordaind it . conf. well , conscieuce , i now perceive , that fame is no lyar ; i have now heard thee my self and much more then ever i heard before , and such things , as my stomack is no way able to digest , but that i must needs go ease it , by acquainting those whom it specially concerns , with what thou hast here delivered . and so farewell . consc . nay stay , conformity , and this withall take with thee . first , i would have thee know , that speaking so freely to thee , i was not so simple , as not to imagine thou wouldst divulge all ; nay in truth , i have spoken all this to thee to that very purpose , that thou shouldst communicate it ( if possible ) so far as the sun shines ; but first to thine at home , as thou sayest . but thus much let me intreat of thee . . that thou wouldst not do any thing this way in malice , lest thou adde to thy sin secondly , that thou wouldst speak nothing but truth , and the whole truth and that without aggravations whereof there is no need especially when thou speakest to thy friends of conscience , and much more of things of this nature , too harsh for delicate ears . and thirdly , assure them from conscience , that what i have here spoken to thee , it is out of pure zeale for the honour of christ , out of pure charity to the persons concerned , out of pure piety to see my native country in such a perishing estate , and the honour of england to lie in the dust ; out of pure hatred of hypocrisie , idolatry , pride , covetousnes , ambition , treachery and treason , walking up and down in long robes : and in a word , to deliver ( if no more , yet ) mine own soul , in discharge of my duty to god and my country , as a poor minister of christ , by witnessing the truth , and convincing error . and for a close of all ( conformity ) if thou desirest peace with truth ( as we all should do ) if thou wouldest have me to hold correspondence with thee , and to give thee the right hand of fellowship ; if thou desirest that desirable reconciliation of our differences : first renounce thy name of conformity , in thy sense , and conform not to this world , but to gods word , let that be the cynosure or pole-star of that vniformity of churches , according to the word of god , as in our late covenant . and this thou shalt do , if ( i say not , if thou dost shake off the fear and favour of men , the love of the world , of honours , pleasures , riches , preferments , ambition of greatnesse , of domination over gods people , nor if thou castest out that old spirit of bondage under the prelates , lest it turn into a more dangerous tyrannie , then that of the prelacie , as being more refined , and going under the plausible name of reformation : nor do i say , if thou becommest a self denying man , taking up thy crosse daily to follow christ : without all which notwithstanding , thou canst not be his true disciple & follower , or enjoy true fellowship with him . ) but this i say , and urge , as being the main fundamental and essential of a true & right visible church of christ : if thou confessest christ in all that he is ; if thou givest him his due honour , in submitting thy conscience only and wholly to him , with profession thereof , and not to any humane power , and as to the only lawgiver of his church and kingdom , to order and establish it with judgement and justice for ever : and to his word , as the only law and rule of the government of that kingdom , and the only judge to appeale unto in all doubts and controversies of faith : and if thou shalt confesse every church and congregation of christ to be only and immediately under christs jurisdiction , and not subject to any other church or churches , which are so many sisters , not mistresses ; lest otherwise we set up the spouse above , or in stead of her husband christ . if ( i say ) thou wilt confesse and hold forth this in thy publike profession , preaching , and practice of it : then , though thy churches have many other defects , yet if they have the beeing and constitution of true churches of christ , for matter and form , i shall not scruple to hold communion with thee . but otherwise , so long as thou walkest not up to christ , in not acknowledging and avowing all that he is , in not giving him his due honour in all things , and especially in not setting him up in his royal throne , without a consort : how can we entertain communion with you ? for , * farewell religion , where gods glory suffers the least diminution . and therefore ( conformity ) now that you are about the setting forth of your confession of faith , let not this one article be missing : that you do believe , confesse , and professe before all the world , that jesvs christ is the sole king and law-giver to every particular visible church of his , and over every particular mans conscience : so as no power on earth may usurp authority , upon what pretence soever , to make and impose what laws they please to bind the conscience , or to regulate the churches of god ; but ought to leave both conscience and churches to the only rule , and law of christ , the scripture , to which alone every mans conscience must be consined , all divine worship in all things conformed , and all church-government reduced . and for a close of all , i pray thee ( conformity ) advise all thy colleagues , that they would abstain from stirring up sedition in pulpits , and great tables , against the parliament ; perswading to hold the parliament to it , till you obtain your desires , to retain the scots in england , till their government be here setled : which would unsettle and overthrow our fundamental lawes and liberties , which you go about , in thus seeking to force the parliament : but learn to be wise , honest , loyal , good christians , true patriots , true-bred english-men ; lest it prove bitternesse in the latter end : for god is avenger of all such . and so farewell , conformity . finis . the contents of this dialogve . how christs kingdome is the troubler of states , p. . how a worldly kingdome comes to be set up for christs spirituall kingdome . ibid. the heathen emperour a shame to christians . ib. how conformity is a troubler of israel . ib. the opin●on we have of men , no good ground for conscience to build upon . p. . small difference between a papist and protestant at large . ib. how a synod of learned protestants may erre in some fundamentals of faith . ib. many in england under a grand heresie , and what it is . p. faith denied no lesse in practice , then in words . p. . the evils of practicall deniall of the truth . p. . conformity can finde no better proofs for it in scripture , then the pope for his papality . p. . conformity answered , concerning the model , wherewith conscience is so much cast in the teeth . ibid. great difference between the pattern in the old testament , and the model in the new . ib. conformity put to prove many particulars of his church by scripture . p. . conformitie's objection , concerning some kings of judah , answered . ib. conscience free from mens yoaks . p. . conformity , how the mysterie of iniquity , its beginning , growth , full stature , p. . conformity the sluice , or inlet of all superstition and slavery . ibid. sundry fearfull examples of gods judgements upon conformity . p. . conformity a necessary introducer of popery , when a state hath a popish prince and parliament ; as england hath had , and may have again for ought we know . p. . conformity in worship to mens precept , brings a wonderfull spirituall judgement of blindnesse , and deprivation of wisdome and understanding . p. . all sorts put to try and examine themselves in sundry weighty particulars , whether that prophesie ( esay . , . ) fall not heavie upon them ; wherein conscience severs the innocent from the guilty . p. . how conformity is hypocrisie , and a removing of the heart far from god . ib. the many bad fruits of conformity . . how conformity seeks to overtop the supream power , p. . how the scotish church-government , so much cryed up by the english clergie , is incompatible with the fundamentall laws and liberties of our english nation . p. . how church orders , or disorders , as heresie , or schisme , may be , or not be , for all the civil power . p. . how conscience clears it self from any withdrawing of due obedience to the magistrate . ib. what limits god hath set to the magistrate . ib. how prone mans nature is to idolize men in setting up a state-religion , and how slothfull to search the scripture , the only rule of faith , and the evill consequence hereof . p. . the counsel that conscience gives conformity at their parting ; and what he must of necessity do , to make peace , and hold communion with conscience . p. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- job . honos onus . sam. . . mat. . sam. . rev. . rev. . notes for div a e- luke . , . euseb. eccl. hist. john . . . cor. . . * joh. . . * thess. . . * john . . * john . . * cor. . * pet. . , . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} haereses vastantes . * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . as those infamous books of tho. edwards and iohn bastwick , too welknown to all . notus nimis omnib . horat. * tit. . tit. . , . * mat. . . * luke . * john . . * exo. . . heb. . . * chro. . , . chap. . . * cor. . . * pet. . . * cor. . * mat. . rom. . thess. . * john gen. . . dan. . * kings . . * kings . . * hos. . . * john . . esa. . * mat. . . luke . . . . regnum angliae , regnū dei . polydor. virgil , chron. * quos perdere vult deus , hos prius dementat . * tim. . . in ordine ad spiritual ● . * and if the reeder desire surthet satisfaction , ( were it needfull to the wise ) let him read the late book , entituled , the troian horse of the presbyterial government , unbowelled . iudg. . . * joh. . luke . . rom. . esa. . . * actum est de r●lig●one , ubi vel m●●imum de rahitur de d●● gloria . calvin . male audis or an answer to mr. coleman his malè dicis. wherein the repugnancy of his erastian doctrine to the word of god, to the solemne league and covenant, and to the ordinances of parliament: also his contradictions, tergiversations, heterodoxies, calumnies, and perverting of testimonies, are made more apparent then formerly. together with some animadversions upon master hussey his plea for christian magistracy: shewing, that in divers of the afore mentioned particulars he hath miscarried as much, and in some particulars more then mr coleman. / by george gillespie, minister at edinbrugh. published by authority. gillespie, george, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) male audis or an answer to mr. coleman his malè dicis. wherein the repugnancy of his erastian doctrine to the word of god, to the solemne league and covenant, and to the ordinances of parliament: also his contradictions, tergiversations, heterodoxies, calumnies, and perverting of testimonies, are made more apparent then formerly. together with some animadversions upon master hussey his plea for christian magistracy: shewing, that in divers of the afore mentioned particulars he hath miscarried as much, and in some particulars more then mr coleman. / by george gillespie, minister at edinbrugh. published by authority. gillespie, george, - . [ ], p. printed for robert bostocke at the kings head in paules church-yard., london, : . a reply to thomas coleman's "male dicis maledicis" (wing c ) and to william hussey's "a plea for christian magistracie" (wing h ). annotation on thomason copy: "jan: "; the second in imprint date crossed out. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng coleman, thomas, - . -- male dicis maledicis -- early works to . hussey, william, -- minister of chiselhurst. -- plea for christian magistracie. church of england -- government -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no male audis or an answer to mr. coleman his malè dicis.: wherein the repugnancy of his erastian doctrine to the word of god, to the solemne gillespie, george f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the preface to the reader . as i did not beginne this present controversie , so i doe not desire to hold up the ball of contention : yet having appeared in it ( neither alone nor without a calling and opportunity offered ) i hold it my duty to vindicate the truth of christ , the solemne league and covenant , the ordinances of parliament , the church of scotland , and my selfe ; for this end was i borne , and for this end came i into the world , that i might beare witnesse to the truth . wherunto i am so much the more encouraged , because it appeareth already in this debate , that magna est vis veritatis , great is the force of truth , and so great , that my antagonists ( though men of parts and such as could doe much for the truth , yet ) while they have gone about to doe somewhat against the truth , they have mired themselves in fowle errors ; yea ( so farre as in them lieth ) have most dangerously shaken and endangered the authority of magistrates , who are gods vice-gerents , and particularly the authority of parliament , and of parliamentary ordinances ; they have stumbled and fallen , and shall not be able to rise , but by the acknowledgement of the truth . in this following reply , i have not touched much of the argumentative part in master hussey his plea for christian magistracy , reserving most of it to an other worke , unto which this is a prodromus . ( howbeit much of what he saith , is the same with what i did confute in my nihil respondes , and his booke comming forth a moneth after , takes no notice of that second peece of mine , but speaketh onely to the first ) meane while , let him not believe that his bigge-looking title can like gorgons head , blockify or stonify rationall men , so as they shall not perceive the want or weakenesse of argument : it hath ever beene a trick of adversaries to calumniate the way of god and his servants , as being against authoritie . but , i will by gods assistance ) make it appeare to any intelligent man , that the reverend brother hath pleaded very much against magistracy , and so hath fallen himselfe into the ditch which hee hath digged for others , whiles i withall escape . but now what may be the meaning of master colemans cabbalisticall title , male dicis maledicis : great philologs will tell him , that maledico is taken in a good sense , as well as in a bad , according to the difference of matter and circumstances . if any kind of malediction be justifiable , it is maledicere maledicis , to speake evill to evill speakers ; for as he loved cursing , so let it come unto him : as he delighted not in blessing , so let it be farre from him . but , he doth worse , and his title with a transposition of letters , will more fitly reflect upon himselfe male dicis de amicis : you sir speake evill of your friends , and of those that never wronged you : for my part , i have not shared with him in evill speaking , nor rendred revilings for revilings . i am sorry that he is so extreamly ill of hearing , as to take reason to be railing , and good sayings to be evill sayings . he applyeth to himselfe the apostles words , being reviled , we blesse . but where to finde these blessings of his , those unwritten verities , i know not . i am sure he had spoken more truly , if he had said , being not reviled , we doe revile . for the matter and substance of his reply , there are divers particulars in it which serve rather to be matter of mirth , then of argument , as , that a parliament parasite cannot be called an abuser of the parliament , and that passage ; how can a clause delivered in a post script concerning my opinion of my way , be abusive to the parliament ? a great priviledge either of post-scripts , or of his opinions , that they can not be abusive to the parliament . many passages are full of acrimony : many extravagant and not to the point in hand : many void of matter ; concerning such lactantius gives me a good rule , otiosum est persequi singula ; it is an idle and improfitable thing to prosecute every particular . and much more i have in my eye the apostles rule , let all things be done to edifying ; i have accordingly endeavoured to avoid vaine jangling , and such debates as are unprofitable and unedifying , making choice of such purposes as may edifie , and not abuse the reader . peradventure some will think i might have wholly saved my selfe this labour ; i confesse i doe not looke upon that which i make reply unto , as if it were like to weigh much with knowing men , yet the apostle tells mee that some mens mouths must be stopped , and hierome tells me , there is nothing written without skill , which will not find a reader with as little skill to judge , and some men grow too wise in their owne eyes , when they passe unanswered . besides all this , a vindication and clearing of such things as i mentioned in the beginning , may by gods blessing anticipate future and further mistakes . reade therefore and consider , and when thou hast done , i trust thou shalt not think , that i have lost my labour . i pray the lord that all our controversies may end in a more cordiall union , for prosecuting the ends expressed in the covenant , and especially the reformation of religion , according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches , and more particularly the practicall part of reformation , that the ordinances of jesus christ may be kept from pollution , prophannesse and scandals shamed away , and pietie commended and magnified . malÈ audis . chap. i. that master coleman doth still contradict himself in the stating of this present controversie about church-government . it was before both denied and yeelded by mr coleman , that there is a church-government which is distinct from the civil , and yet not meerly doctrinal . he did professe to subscribe heartily to the votes of parliament , and yet advised the parliament to do contrary to their votes , as i proved in nihil respondes , pag. . he answereth now in his maledicis , pag. . i deny an institution ; i assent to prudence ; where is the self-contradiction now ? and pag. . the advice looks to jus divinum ; the parliament votes to prudence . sir , you have spoken evil for your self ; you have made the self-contradiction worse . will you acknowledge you own words in your sermon , pag . lay no more burthen of government upon the shoulders of ministers then christ hath plainly laid upon them ; have no more hand therein then the holy ghost clearly gives them . the ministers have other work to do , & such as will take up the whole man , &c. i fear an ambitious ensnarement , &c. and in your re-examination , p. . he should have said , i advised the parliament to lay no burthen of government upon them whom he this commissioner thinks church-officers , then had he spoken true . now let the reverend brother take heed to check-meat ; and that three several wayes ( but let him not grow angry as bad players use to do ; ) for . eo ipso , that he denies the institution , by his principles he denies the prudence ; for he that denieth the institution , and adviseth the parliament to lay no more burthen of government upon ministers then christ hath plainly laid upon them , is against the setling of the thing in a prudential way , because it is not instituted . but master coleman denies the institution and adviseth the parliament to lay no more burthen of government upon ministers then christ hath plainly laid upon them . ergo , master coleman is against the setling of the thing in a prudential way , because it is not instituted . and how to reconcile this with his denying of the institution , and yeelding of the prudence , will require a more reconciling head then manasseh ben israel conciliator himself . . he that adviseth the parliament to lay no burthen of government upon ministers , because they have other work to do which will take up the whole man ▪ and because of the fear of an ambitious ensnarement , is against the laying of any burthen of corrective government upon ministers , so much as in a prudential way . but master coleman adviseth ▪ the parliament ▪ &c. ergo , the consequence in the proposition is necessary , unlesse he will say that it is agreeable to the rules of prudence , to lay upon them more work besides that which will take up the whole man , or to commit that power unto them , which is like to prove an ambitious ensnarement . . he that adviseth the parliament to lay no burthen at all of corrective government upon ministers and other officers joyned with them in elderships , but to keep that power wholly in their own hands , is against the prudence of the thing , as well as against the institution of it . but master coleman adviseth the parliament to lay no burthen at all of corrective government upon these , but to keep that power wholly in their own hands . ergo . the proposition is proved by that which himself saith , the parliament votes look to prudence . so that the parliament having voted a power of suspension from the sacrament , unto elderships , for so many scandals as are enumerate in the ordinance ( which power is a part of that which he calls corrective ) he that is against this power in elderships , is both against the prudence and against the ordinance of parliament . the assumption i prove from his re-examination , pag. . where after his deniall of the power to those whom we think church-officers , being charged with advising the parliament to take church-government wholly into their own hands , his answer was , if you mean the corrective power , i do so . and now after all this , i must tell the reverend brother that he might have saved himself much labour , had he in his sermon to the parliament declared himself ( as now he doth ) that he was onely against the jus divinum , but not against their setling of the thing in a parliamentary and prudential way . did i not in my very first examination of his sermon pag. . remove this stumbling block ? and withall , seeing he professeth to deny the jus divinum of a church-government differing from magistracy , why doth he hold p. . that the independents are not so much interested against his principles as the presbyterians ? did he imagine that the independents are not so much for the jus divinum of a church-government and church-censures as the presbyterians ? but , saith he , the independents church-power seems to me to be but doctrinall . but is their excommunication doctrinall ? and do they not hold excommunication to be jure divino ? either he had little skill in being perswaded , or some others had great skill in perswading him that the independents church-power is but doctrinall , and that they are not so much interested against the erastian principles as the presbyterians are , as if forsooth the ordinance of excommunication ( the thing which the erastian way mainly opposeth ) and a church-government distinct from magistracy , were not common to them both . lastly , if the reverend brother deny the institution of church-censures , but assent to the prudence , why doth he alledge the zurick divines to be so much for him ? maledicis p. . for it was upon prudentiall grounds , and because of the difficulty and ( as they conceived ) impossibility of the thing , that they were against it , still acknowledging the scripturall warrants for excommunication , as i shall shew , yea have shewed already . so that if master coleman will follow them , he must rather say , i assent to an institution , i deny a prudence . chap. ii. a confutation of that which master coleman hath said against church-government ; shewing also that his last reply is not more but lesse satisfactory then the former , and for the most part is but a tergiversation and fleeing from arguments brought against him , and from making good his own assertions and arguments , concerning the distinction of civill and church-government . . the reverend brother said in his sermon , i could never yet see how two coordinate governments exempt from superiority and inferiority can be in one state . to overthrow this general thesis , i brought some instances to the contrary , as the governments of a general and an admiral , of a master and a father , of a captain and a master in a ship . he being put to his vindication , replyeth , the commissioner acknowledgeth he did not apply them to the assembly ( i said the general assembly ) and parliament ; yet that was the controversie in hand , male dicis pag. . but by his favour , that was not the controversie , for he was not speaking particularly against the distinction of the government of the general assembly , and of the government of the parliament ( neither had he one syllable to that purpose ) but generally against the distinction of church government , and civil government , and particularly against excommunication , in all which , he excluded presbyteries as well as general assemblies . wherefore he doth now recede not onely from defending his thesis , but from applying it against the power of presbyteries . and so far we are agreed . . i having confuted his argument grounded on psal. . . prov. . . he shifteth the vindication of it , and still tells me he grounded no argument on those places , but spake by way of allusion , male dicis p. . now let the reader judge . his words to the parliament were these , might i measure others by my self , and i know not why i may not , ( god fashions mens hearts alike ; and as in water , face answers face , so the heart of man to man : ) i ingenuously professe i have a heart that knows better how to be governed , then govern ; i fear an ambitious ensnarement , &c. this argument there largely prosecuted , hath no other ground but the parenthesis using the words ( though not quoting the places ) of scripture . and now forsooth ▪ he hath served the parliament well ▪ when being put to make good the sole confirmation of his argument , he tells it was but an allusion . but this is not all ▪ i confuted the whole argument , drawn from his own heart to the hearts of others , and gave several answers : but neither before nor now , hath he offered to make good his argument . . the reverend brother cited cor. . . to prove that all government is either , a heathenish government , or a jewish government , or a church government . this i denyed , because the government of generals , admirals , majors , sheriffs , is neither a jewish government , nor a church government , nor a heathenish government . what saith he to this ? i deny it , a jewish general is a jewish government , &c. male dicis p. . deny it : no sir , you must prove ( because you are the affirmer ) that a christian general , a christian admiral , are church governments . for i deny it : you tell us pag. . you are perswaded it will trouble the whole world to bound civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction , the one from the other . you shall have them bounded and distinguished ere long , and the world not troubled neither . mean while you have not made out your assertion from . cor. . . . the reverend brother had cited rom. . . to prove that the corrective part of church government belongs to the christian magistrate . and now he brings in my reply thus , that i said he abuseth the place , because spiritual censures belong not to the civil magistrate : which saith he , begs the question , male dicis p. . i replyed no such thing upon this argument : look my words again . how can the brother answer it , to shape answers of his own devising , as if they were mine . my answer was , that the punitive part rom. . . belongs to all magistrates , whether christian or infidel , which he takes notice of in the second place , and bids me prove that scripture-commands belong to infidels : not observing that the question is not of scripture-commands , but whether a duty mentioned in this or that scripture , may not belong to infidels . there are two sort of duties in scripture , some which are duties by the law of god , written in mans heart at his creation , some principles and notions whereof remain in the hearts of all nations , even infidels by nature ; other duties are such by vertue of special commands given to the church , which are not contained in the law of nature . the first sort ( of which the punishing of evil doers mentioned , rom. . . is one ) belongs to those that are without the church , as well as those within . the other onely to those that are within . . the reverend brother had said in his sermon ; of other governments besides magistracy , i finde no institution . i cited thes. . . tim. . . heb. . , . to prove another government ( yea , the institution of another government ) besides magistracy . and in my nihil respondes , i told he had laughed , but had not yet loosed the knot . now hear his two answers , male dicis p. . first , for the institution , for the commissioner affirms so much . had he said that these texts hold out an office or officer already instituted , the words would have bourn him out , &c. but the institution in this place i cannot see . see the like in master hussey , p. . . i thank them both . that scripture which supposeth an institution , and holds out an office already instituted , shall to me ( and i am confident to others also ) prove an institution ; for no text of scripture can suppose or hold out that which is not true : nay , hath master coleman forgotten that himself proved an institution of magistracy from rom. . , ? yet that text doth but hold out the office of magistracy already instituted : but the institution it self is not in that place . secondly , master coleman answereth to all these three texts . to that thes. . . them which are over you in the lord , he saith that these words prove not that it is not meant of magistracy . but he takes not the strength of the argument . my words were , here are some who are no civil magistrates set over the thessalonians in the lord . this the reverend brother must admit to be a good proof , or otherwise say , that the civil magistrates set over the thessalonians , though they were heathens , yet were set over them in the lord . for that of tim. . . he saith it doth not hold out ruling elders : whether it doth hold ruling elders or not , doth not at all belong to the present question . it is easie to answer something , so that a man will not tie himself to speak to the point . the place was brought by me to prove another government beside magistracy , which he denyed . now suppose the place to be meant onely of preaching elders , yet here is a rule or government , elders that rule well ; and these are no civil magistrates , but such as labour in the word and doctrine . come on now . but i will deal clearly , saith the brother , these officers are ministers , which are instituted not here but elsewhere , and these are the rulers here mentioned . and so have i loosed the knot . now sir , you shall see i will not male dicere , but bene dicere . my blessing on you for it . you have at last loosed the knot so perfectly , that you are come to an agreement with me , in this great point : which i thus demonstrate . he that acknowledgeth ministers to be instituted rulers , acknowledgeth another instituted government , beside magistracy . but master coleman acknowledgeth ministers to be instituted rulers . ergo , master coleman acknowledgeth another instituted government beside magistracy . to the other texts , heb. . . . he saith nothing against my argument , onely expounds the rulers to be guides , as master hussey also doth , of which , more elsewhere . mean while it is certain , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is usually taken for a name of highest authority , yea , given to emperours , for which , see learned salma●ius in his walo messalinus , pag. , . it is josephs highest title to expresse his government of egypt , acts . . it must the rather be a name of government , and authority in this place , heb. . . because subjection and obedience is required . obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves . when the word signifieth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} sen viae ducem ( and it is very rarely so used by the septuagints , but frequently and almost in innumerable places , they use it for a name of rule and authority ) obedience and subjection is not due to such a one qua talis ; for obedience and subjection cannot be correlata to the leading of the way , when it is without authority and government . . i having charged master colemans doctrine with this consequence , that there ought to be neither suspension from the sacrament , nor excommunication , nor ordination , nor deposition of ministers , nor receiving of appeals , except all these things be done by the civil magistrate : which things i said , are most of them corrective , and all of them more then doctrinal . in stead of making answer , the reverend brother expresseth the error which i objected to him thus , that here are no church-censures , which is the quaesitum saith he , male dicis , pag. . here again he brings an imagination of his own , both for matter and words , in stead of that which i said , and doth not take the argument right . if the ministers power be meerly doctrinal , and government wholly in the magistrates hands , then all the particulars enumerated , for instance , suspension from the sacrament , and the receiving of appeals ( which he must not bring under the quaesitum , except he bring the ordinance of parliament under the quaesitum ) shall be wholly in the magistrates hand , and elderships may not suspend from the sacrament , classes and synods may not receive appeals , which yet by the ordinance they have power to do . one of the particulars ( and but one ) the reverend brother hath here touched , and it is thus ; for ordination of ministers , i say it is within the commission of teaching , and so appertains to the doctrinal part . this is the effect of his zeal to maintain , that all ecclesiastical ministerial power is meerly doctrinal . but mark the consequence of it . he that holds ordination of ministers to be within the commission of teaching , and to appertain to the doctrinal part , must hold by consequence ▪ that the power of ordination is given uni as well as unitati , that is , that every single minister hath power to ordain , as well as the classis . but master coleman holds ordination of ministers to be within the commission of teaching , &c. the reason of the proposition is clear , because the commission of teaching belongs to every single minister ; so that if the power of ordination be within that commission , it must needs belong to every single minister , quid respondes ? . the reverend brother having brought an odious argument against me , which did conclude , the magistrate to manage his office for and under the divel , if not for and under christ . i shew his syllogism to have four terms , and therefore worthy to be exploded . i get now two replies . first , this is an errour ( if one ) in logick , not divinity ; is it an errour in divinity to make a syllogism with four terms ? male dicis , pag. . see now if he be a fit man to call others to school , who puts an if in this businesse . if one ; who did ever doubt of it ? and if it be an errour in divinity to be fallacious , and to deceive , then it is an errour in divinity to make a syllogism with four terms , yea , as foul an errour as can be . secondly , he admitteth not my distinction ▪ of those words under christ , and for christ . i said the christian magistrate is under christ , and for christ , that is , he is serviceable to christ : but he is not under christ , nor for christ , as christs vicegerent vice christi , in christs stead as christ is mediator . the reverend brother saith , he foresaw that this would be said ( the greater fault it was to make his argument so unclear and undistinct ) but he rejecteth the distinction , as being distinctio sine differentia . if a magistrate , saith he , be thru far a servant of christ as mediator , that he is to do his work , to take part with him , to be for his glory ; then he doth it vice christi : he addes the simile of a servant : hence it follows , by the reverend brothers principles , that the kings cook , because he doth work and service for the king , therefore he doth it vice regis , and as the kings vicegerent : likewise , that a servant who obeyeth his masters wife , and executeth her commands , because it is his masters will , and for his masters honour , doth therefore obey his masters wife vice domini , as his masters vicegerent ; and by consequence , that the duty of obedience to the wife , doth originally belong to the husband ; for the capacity of a vicegerent , which he hath by his vicegerentship , is primarily the capacity of him whose vicegerent he is . these and the like absurd consequences will unadvoidably follow , upon the reverent brothers argumentation , that he who doth christ service , doth it vice christi , as christs vicegerent ; and that to be a mans vicegerent , and to do a mans work or service ( which i made two different things ) are all one . but further observe his tergiversation . i had pag. . proved my distinction out of these words of his own . the commissioner saith magistracy is not derived from christ : i say , magistracy is given to christ to be serviceable in his kingdom . so that though the commissioners assertion be sound ( which in due place will be discussed ) yet it infringeth nothing that i said . i asked therefore , quâ fide he could confound in his argument brought against me , those two things which himself had so carefully distinguished . there is no reply to this in male dicis . when the brother thought it for his advantage , he denied that the magistrate his being serviceable to christ , doth infer the derivation of his power by a commission of vicegerentship from christ ( for that was the derivation spoken of ) and yeelded that the magistrate may be said to be serviceable to christ , though his power be not derived from christ . now he denyeth the very same distinction for substance . . whereas the reverend brother had told the parliament , that he seeth not in the whole bible any one act of that church government which is now in controversie . i brought some scriptural instances against his opinion , not losing either the argument from matth. . ( concerning which , he asketh what is become of it ) or other scriptural arguments , which i intend by gods assistance to prosecute elsewhere . now hear what is replyed to the instances which were given : first to that cor. . . put away that wicked person from among you ; his answer is , i say , and it is sufficient against the commissioner , if this be a church censure , then the whole church joyntly , and every particular person hath power of church censure , male dicis pag. . i hope sir , it is not sufficient against me , that you say it , so long as you say nothing to prove it . i told you that master prynne himself ( who holds not that every particular person hath power of church censure ) acknowledgeth that text to be a warrant for excommunication . and when you say every particular person , you say more then the independents say ; and i am sure , more then the text will admit ; for the text saith , put away from among you : therefore this power was given not uni ▪ but unitati . and this unitas was the presbytery of corinth , the sentence was inflicted {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by many , cor. . , it is not said by all . i might say much for this ; but i will not now leave the argument in hand ; for it is enough against master coleman , that the place prove an act of church government , flowing from a power , not civil , but ecclesiastical . to whom the power belonged , is another question . to the next instance from cor. . . ( which is coincident with the former ) a punishment or censure inflicted by many . it is onely a reprehension , saith he , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which by all the places in the new testament , ●an amount no higher then to an objurgation , and so it doctrinal . answ . . he made it even now an act of the whole church joyntly , and of every particular person . why did he not clear himself in this , how the whole church , men , women , children , and all did doctrinally reprehend him ? . if the objurgation must be restricted , to whom ? not to a single minister ( yet every single minister hath power of doctrinal objurgation ) but to the presbytery , it was an act of those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i spake of ; and this is a ground for that distinction between ministerial and presbyterial admonition which master coleman , pag. . doth not admit . . if it were granted that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in this text amounteth to no more but an objurgation . yet our argument stands good ; for the apostle having in his first epistle required the corinthians , to put away from among them that wicked person , which they did accordingly resolve to do ( which makes the apostle commend their obedience , cor. . . ) no doubt either the offender was at this time actually excommunicated and cast out of the church , or ( as others think ) they were about to excommunicate him , if the apostle had not by his second epistle prevented them , and taken them off with this sufficit ; such a degree of censure is enough , the party is penitent , go no higher . when the reverend brother appealeth to all the places in the new testament , he may take notice that the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is no where found in the new testament , except in this very text . and if his meaning be concerning the verb {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he may finde it used to expresse a coercive power , as in christs rebuking of the windes and waves , matth. . . mark . . his rebuking of the fever . luke . . his rebuking of the divel ( which was not a doctrinal , but a coercive rebuke ) mark . . and . luke . . and . . sometimes it is put for an authoritative charge , laying a restraint upon a man , and binding him from liberty in this or that particular , as matth. . . mark . . and . . luke . . the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i finde in the apocryphal book of wisdom , chap. . ● . it is said of the wicked {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} they shall have correction or punishment . the whole chapter maketh an opposition between the godly and the wicked , in reference to punishments and judgements . the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( which if the observation hold which is made by arias montanus , and divers others following kimchi , when it is construed with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifieth ●bjurgavit , duriter reprehendit ; when without {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , it signifieth corrupit , perdidit , or maledixit ) the septuagints do most usually turn it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and that in some places where it is without {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as psal. . . thou hast rebuked the proud , that are cursed ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . pagnin , disperdidisti , thou hast destroyed , so the sence is , it is rebuke with a judgement or a curse upon them : the second part of the verse in the greek is exegetical to the first part . thou hast rebuked the proud : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , cursed are they , &c. so zech. . . the lord rebuke ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) thee o satan . ( the same phrase is used in jude vers. . ) which must needs be meant of a coercive efficacious divine power restraining satan . the same original word they render by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( which signifieth to separate and to excommunicate ) mal. . . behold i will corrupt your seed &c. in the preceeding words god told them that he would curse them . the same word they render by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , extermino , isa. . . a place which speaks of a judgement to be inflicted , not of a doctrinall reproof . yet aquila readeth there {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . likewise the word which the septuagints render {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , perdition , prov. . . and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wrath , isa. . . in other places they render it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as psal. . . at thy rebuke o god of jacob , both the chariot and horse are cast into a dead sleep . psal. . . they perish at the rebuke of thy countenance . these are reall rebukes , that is , judgements and punishments . . what saith master coleman to pasor , who expounds {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to be the same with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mulcta , and that cor. . . it is meant of excommunication , which he proves by this reason , because in the same place the apostle exhort the corinthians to forgive him . adde hereunto erasmus his observation upon the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( vers. . to confirm your love towards him ) that it implies an authoritative ratification of a thing by judiciall suffrage and sentence . which well agreeth to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} vers. . that is , that they who had judicially censured him , should also judicially loose him and make him free . now therefore the circumstances and context being observed , and the practice cor. . . compared with the precept cor. . . i conclude that whether this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} was excommunication already inflicted , or whether it was a lesser degree of censure tending to excommunication ; a censure it was , and more then ministeriall objurgation . and it is rightly rendred by the english translators punishment or censure . which well agreeth with the signification of the verb {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , given us by hesychius , and by julius pollux who makes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to punish or chastise , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} punishment or chastisement . clemens alexandrinus useth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as well as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} pro poena vel supplicio . so stephanus in thes. ling. gr. from all which it may appear that the text in hand holds forth a corrective church-government , in the hands of church-officers ; the thing which master coleman denieth . to the next instance from tim. . . against an elder receive not an accusation but before two or three witnesses : the reverend brother answereth , it is either in relation to the judgement of charity , or ministeriall conviction , as the verses following . answ . . that of two or three witnesses , is taken from the law of moses , where it is referred onely to a forensicall proceeding . but in relation either to the judgement of charity , or ministeriall conviction , it is not necessary that there be two or three witnesses . if a scandalous sin be certainly known to a minister , though the thing be not certified by two or three witnesses , yet a minister upon certain knowledge had of the fact , may both beleeve it , and ministerially convince the offender . but there may not be a consistoriall proceeding without two or three witnesses . . since he appealeth to the following verses , let vers . . decide it : lay hands suddenly on no man . to whom the laying on of hands or ordination did belong , to them also it did belong to receive an accusation against an elder : but to the presbytery did belong the laying on of hands or ordination , tim. . . ergo , to the presbytery did belong the receiving of an accusation against an elder . and so it was not the act of a single minister , as ministeriall conviction is . to the last instance from rev. . , , 〈…〉 the reverend brother answers that he had striven to find out how church-censures might be there grounded , but was constrained to let it alone . but what is it in his opinion which is there blamed in the angels of those churches ? doth he imagine that those who are so much commended by christ himself for their holding fast of his name and of the true faith , did not so much as doctrinally or ministerially oppose the foul errours of the balaamites and of jezebel ? no doubt but this was done : but christ reproves them because such scandalous persons were yet suffered to be in the church , and were not cast out . i have a few things against thee because thou hast there them that hold the doctrine of balaam : and vers. . thou sufferest that woman jezebel . and why was the very having or suffering them in the church a fault , if it had not been a duty to cast them out of the church ? which casting out could not be by banishment , but by excommunication . it did not belong to the angell to cast out the balaamites out of pergamos : but he might and ought to have cast them out of the church in pergamos . . master coleman hath another passage against the distinction of church-censures and civill punishments . but what are ecclesiasticall censures , saith he , ( let us take a taste ) is deposition from the ministery ? this kings have done &c. maledicis p. . now similia l●bra lactucis . but for all that , the taste is vitiated , and doth not put a difference between things that are different . deposition is sometimes taken improperly for expulsion , as balsamon in conc. nicae● . can. . doth observe . and so the christian magistrate may remove or put away ministers when they deserve to be put away ; that is , by a coercive power to restrain them , imprison or banish them ; and in case of capitall crimes , punish them with capitall punishments . king james having once heard a dispute in saint andrews about the deposition of ministers , was convinced that it doth not belong to the civill magistrate ; yet , said he , i can depose a ministers head from his shoulders . which was better divinity then this of master coleman . if we take deposition properly , as it is more then the expelling , sequestring , or removing of a minister from this or that place , and comprehendeth that which the councel of an●yra can. . cals {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the honour of presbytership to be taken away ; or a privation of that presbyteratus the order of a presbyter , and that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the authority and power of dispensing the word , sacraments , and discipline , which was given in ordination : so none have power to depose who have not power to ordain . it belongeth not to the magistrate either to make or unmake ministers . therefore in the ancient church , the bishops had power of the deposition as well as of the ordination of presbyters : yet they were bound up that they might not depose either presbyter or deacon , without the concurrence of a presbytery or synod in the businesse . mark of the synod , not of the magistrate . as for the testimonies brought by master coleman , he doth both here and in diverse other places name his authors , without quoting the places . it seems he hath either found the words cited by others , but durst not trust the quotations , or else hath found somewhat in those places which might make against him . however all that he can cite of that kinde concerning deposition of ministers by emperors , i● meant of a coercive expulsion , not of that which we call properly deposition . and to this purpose let him take the observation of * a great antiquary . and withall he may take notice that protestant writers do disclaime the magistrates power of deposing ministers ; and hold that deposition is a part of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction : ministers being alwayes punishable ( as other members of the common-wealth ) according to the law of the land , for any offence committed against law . chap. . that master colemans and master husseys opposing of church-government , neither is , nor can be reconciled with the solemne league and covenant . master colemans doctrine was by me charged to be a violation of the solemne league and covenant . this he acknowledged in his re-examination , page . . to be a very grievous charge , and a greater fault in him then in divers others , if made out : and he desired seriously , yea challenged it by the right of a christian , and by the right of a minister , that i should prosecute this charge ; whereupon i did in my nihil respondes prosecute it so farre , that by five strong arguments i did demonstrate the repugnancy of his doctrine to the covenant . about a moneth afterward comes out master husseys booke , wherein the charge it selfe ( before desired to be prosecuted ) is declined expresly by master coleman in the few lines by him prefixed ( which are ranked together with the errata ) in which he desires that the argumentative part may be so prosecuted , as that the charge of covenant-breaking may be laid aside , which if it be taken up , he lets me know before-hand it shall be esteemed by them a nihil respondes . it is also declined by mr. hussey , page . the argument of the covenant is too low to be thought on in this discourse : we are now in an higher region then the words of the covenant , &c. a tenent lookt upon by the reformed churches , as proper to those that are inspired with the ghost of arminius , for the remonstrants both at and after the synod of dort , did cry downe the obligation of all nationall covenants , oaths , &c. in matters of religion , under the colour of taking the scripture onely for a rule . well , we see the charge declined as nothing ; but this is not all : almost two moneths after my proofe of the charge , mr. coleman comes out with his maledicis , and declines both the charge it selfe ( which he calls an impertinent charge , pag. . ) and my five arguments too , without so much as taking notice of them , or offering replies to them ; yea all that i said in my nihil respondes , pag. , , , , , , , . in prosecution of this argument concerning covenant-breaking , the reverend brother hath skipped over sicco pede in the halfe of one page , viz. pag. . all that followes is new and other matter , wherein he did not minde his owne answer to the learned viewer , pag. . i will keepe you to the lawes of disputation , and will not answer but as it is to the matter in hand , i leave it to be judged by men of knowledge and piety , whether such a one , doth not give them some ground to apprehend that he is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is self-judged , who first calleth so eagerly for making out a charge against him , and then when it is made out doth decline the charge , and not answer the arguments ; and such as esteeme the charge of covenant-breaking to be a nihil respondes , and the argument of the covenant too low to be thought on in a controversie about church-government , o my soule , come not thou into their secret , unto their assembly , my glory , be not thou united . it is in vaine for them to palliat or shelter their covenant-breaking , with appealing from the covenant to the scripture , for subordinata non pugnant . the covenant is norma recta , a right rule , though the scripture alone be norma recti , the rule of right . if they hold the covenant to be unlawfull , or to have any thing in it contrary to the word of god , let them speake out . but to professe the breach of the covenant to be a grievous and great fault , and worthy of a severe censure , and yet to decline the charge and proofes thereof , is a most horrible scandall ; yea , be astonished o yee heavens at this , and give eare o earth ! how small regard is had to the oath of god , by men professing the name of god . as for that little which the reverend brother hath replyed unto , first he takes notice of a passage of his sermon at the taking of the covenant , which i had put him in minde of , but he answereth onely to one particular , viz. concerning that clause , doubtlesse many materialls of prelacy must of necessity be retained as absolutely necessary . i asked what he understood by this clause ? now observe his answer . i answer ingenuously , as he desires , and fully , as i conceive , these materialls of prelacy are ordination . remember you said , many materialls of prelacy . i beseech you sir , how many is ordination ? ordination , ordination , ordination ; tell on till you thinke you have made many materialls ; and withall tell us ( if this be the meaning , that ordination should be retained without any power of ecclesiasticall government in the ministery : ) how was it imaginable that he could hereby satisfie that scruple which then he spoke to , viz. the scruple about the purging away of the exorbitancies of prelacy , and retaining a regulated prelacy ? and after all this , i shall desire him to expound that other clause ( which i desired before , but he hath not done it ) taking away ( said he ) the exorbitancies , the remaining will be a new government , and no prelacy . either he meanes this of a new church-government distinct from the civill , so that the ministery should have new power of government ; or he meant it of the way which now he pleads for . if the former , i have what i would . master coleman himselfe as well as other men took the covenant , with an intention to have an ecclesiasticall government distinct from the civill . if the latter , then let him answer these two things . . what good sence there was in applying such an answer to such a scruple , as if the erastian way , or the appropriating of all ecclesiasticall jurisdiction wholly to the civill magistrate , could be the way to satisfie those who scrupled the totall abolition of prelacy . . how will he reconcile himselfe with himselfe , for here pag. . he saith , that his way was in practice before i was borne , and the constant practice of england alwaies . this , as it is a most notorious untruth ( for the constant practice of england hath granted to the clergy ( as he calls them after the popish dialect ) a power of deposition and excommunication , whereas his way denies all corrective power , or church-censures to the ministery ) so if it were a truth , it is utrerly inconsistent with that which he said of the remaining part , namely , that it will be a new government . if it be his way , how will he make it the constant practice of england alwaies , and a new government too ? in the next place the reverend brother makes short work of my five arguments , to prove the repugnancy of his doctrine to the solemne league and covenant . they were too hot for him to be much touched upon , all is but this much , saith he , the covenant mentioneth and supposeth a distinct church-government . it is hard when arguments are neither repeated nor answered . he repeats a point which was proved ( and but a part of that ) but not the proofes . and so he answereth ( rather to the conclusion then to the arguments ) these two things . first , saith he , the expressions in the covenant are according to the generall apprehensions of the times , which tooke such a thing for granted ; yet i beleeve master gillespie cannot make such a supposition obligatory . now you yeeld sir what before you eagerly contended against , viz. that the covenant doth suppose a church-government . remember your simile of the jury sworne to enquire into the felony of a prisoner , which oath doth not suppose the prisoner to be guilty of felony , but he is to be tried , guilty or not guilty . we are now so farre agreed , that the covenant doth suppose a church-government distinct from the civill government , and yet not meerly doctrinall , for that was the point which i proved , and which here he yeelds . as for the obligation of an oath sworne upon such supposition , i answer . . it is more then supposed , the words and expressions of the covenant doe plainly hold out the thing as i proved , and as the reverend brother seemes here to yeeld . . that which an oath doth necessarily suppose , if the oath be lawfull , and the thing supposed lawfull , is without all controversie obligatory . now the reverend b●other doth acknowledge both the covenant it selfe , to be a lawfull oath , and that which the covenant supposeth , namely a church-government distinct from the civill government , and yet not meerly doctrinall to be a lawfull thing , for he professeth to yeeld it ( though not jure divino , yet ) in prudence , which he cannot doe , if he make the thing unlawfull . . that which an oath doth suppose is sometimes supposed vi materiae , or consequentiae , that is , the words of the oath doe necessarily imply such a thing , though it be not intended by the swearer ; and here i will tell master coleman one story of alexander for another . when alexander was comming against a towne to destroy it , he met anaximenes , who ( as he understood ) came to make intercession and supplication for sparing the towne , alexander preventeth him with an oath , that he would not doe that thing which anaximenes should make petition for , whereupon anaximenes made petition that he would destroy the towne , alexander found himselfe bound by the plaine words of his oath to doe what he intended , and so did forbeare . and to adde a divine story to an humane , joshua , and the princes of israel did sweare to the gibeonites upon a supposition that was not true , yet they found themselves tyed by their oath . so he that sweareth to his owne hurt must not change , the oath being otherwise lawfull , psal. . . yet that selfe hurt which is wrapped up in the matter of his oath was not intended in swearing . sometimes againe , that which is supposed and implyed in an oath lyeth also in the thoughts and intention of those that sweare . now where those two are co-incident ; that is , where the thing supposed in an oath is both implyed necessarily in the words of the oath , and is also according to the apprehensions of those that sweare ( which is the case here in the covenant , and is acknowledged by the reverend brother ) i should thinke it most strange how any divine can have the least doubt concerning the obligation of such a thing , except he conceive the thing it selfe to be unlawfull . his second answer is this , in my way , saith he , the governments civill and ecclesiasticall , are in the subject matter clearly distinct ; when the parliament handles matters of warre it is a military court ; when businesse of state , it is a civill court ; when matters of religion , it is an ecclesiasticall court . if this hold good , then it will follow . . that the parliament when they deliberate about matters of warre , or matters of religion , are not ( at least formally and properly ) a civill court ; else how makes he these so clearly distinct ? . that ministers may be called civill officers ; for consider his words in his re-examination , pag , . i doe not exclude mininisters , neither from ecclesiasticall nor civill government , in a ministeriall way , doctrinally and declaratively . compare this with his present answer , it will amount to thus much , that different denominations being taken from the different subject matter , ministers when they handle doctrinally matters of religion , are ecclesiasticall ministers ; and when they handle doctrinally matters of civill government , ( which himselfe alloweth them to doe , ) they are civill ministers . but now to apply his answer to the argument ; how doth all this salve the repugnancy of his doctrine to the covenant ? if he had examined my arguments , he had found that most of them proove from the covenant , a church-government distinct from civill government , suctjective as well as objective , that is , another government besides magistracy ; different agents , as well as different acts ; different hands , as well as handling of different matters : i know the christian magistrate may and ought to have a great influence into matters of religion ; and whatsoever is due to him by the word of god , or by the doctrine either of the antient or reformed churches ; i doe not infringe , but doe maintaine and strengthen it . but the point in hand is , that the covenant doth undeniably suppose , and clearly hold forth a government in the church , distinct from magistracy , which is proved by these arguments ; ( which ▪ as they are not yet answered , so i will briefly apply them to the proofe of that point which now master coleman sticks at , ) . the church government mentioned in the covenant , is as distinct from the priviledges of parliament , as the first article of the covenant is distinct from the third article . . the church-government in the first article of the covenant , the reformation wherof we are to endeavour , differeth from church-government by archbishops , bishops , &c. mentioned in the second article , as much as a thing to be reformed differeth from a thing to be extirpated ; so that the church-government formerly used in the church of england , is looked upon two waies in the covenant , either qua church-government , and so we sweare to endeavour the reformation of it , ( which i hope was not meant of reforming that part of the priviledges of parliament , whereby they meddle with religion in a parliamentary way , ) or , qua church-government by arch-bishops , bishops , &c. and so we sweare to endeavour the extirpation of it . this difference / betweene the first and second articles , between reformation and extirpation , proveth that the covenant doth suppose , that the church-government formerly used in the church of england , in so far as it was a church-government , is not eatenus , to be abolished , but in so far as it was a corrupt church-government , that is , prelaticall , . church-government in the covenant is matched with doctrine , worship , and catechising ; now these are subjectively different from civill government for the civill magistrate doth not act doctrinally nor catechistically , neither can he dispence the word and sacraments as master coleman acknowledgeth . . in the first part of the first article of the covenant , concerning the preservation of the reformed religion in the church of scotland , in doctrine worship , discipline , and government , it is uncontroverted , that discipline and government are ecclesiasticall , and subjectively different from civill government , that is , though divers who have a hand in the civill government are ruling elders ; yet it is as true that divers members of parliament , and inferiour civill courts , are not church officers● ; and of the ministery none are civill governours , which makes the two governments clearly distinct subjective . now the second part of that article concerning the reformation of religion in the kingdomes of england and ireland in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , cannot so farre differ from the first part of that article in the sense of the words , discipline and government , as that the same words in the same article of the same covenant should signifie things differing t●to genere , which will follow , unlesse discipline and government in the second branch , and forme of church-government in the third branch , be understood of the power of church officers , and not of the magistrate . . we did sweare to endeavour the reformation of religion in the kingdomes of england and ireland , in doctrine , worship , discipline and government , according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches . now the word of god holds forth another government besides magistracy ; for master coleman himselfe hath acknowledged , that he findes in the new testament ministers to be rulers , yea instituted rulers . and the example of the best reformed churches ( without all doubt ) leadeth us to an ecclesiasticall government , different from magistracy . neither hath the reverend brother so much as once adventured to alledge the contrary , except of the church of israel , which as it heterogeneous , ( being none of the reformed churches mentioned in the covenant ) so it shall be discussed in due place . from all which reasons i conclude , that the wit of man cannot reconcile master colemans doctrine with the covenant . i adde , . a confutation of him out of himselfe thus . no such church-government as master coleman casts upon an uncertainty , whether the word hold out any such thing , can be by his principles the power of magistracy in things ecclesiasticall , but another government beside magistracy . but the church-government mentioned in the first article of the covenant , is such a church-government as master coleman casts upon an uncertainty , whether the word hold out any such thing . ergo , the church-government mentioned in the first article of the covenant , cannot be by his principles the power of magistracy , but another government beside magistracy ; the proposition he will easily admit , unlesse he alter his assertions ; the assumption is cleare from his re-examination , pag. . chap. iiii. master coleman and master hussey their errors in divinity . master hussey all along calls for divinity schoolrs ; i confesse himselfe hath much need of them , that he may be better grounded in his divinity ; and that if he will plead any more for christian magistracy , he may not involve himselfe into such dangerous heterodoxies as have fallen from his pen in this short tractate . i instance in these : first , in his epistle to the parliament , he hath divers passages against synodicall votes , he will have no putting to the vote ; for votes , saith he , pag. are of no other use but to gather parties , and ought no where to be used but by those that have the power of the sword . and pag. . he will have the businesse of assemblies to be only doctrinall , and by dispute to finde out truth ; their disputes ought to end in a brotherly accord , as in act. . much disputing , but all ended in accord , no putting to the vote . and pag. . he will have things carried with strength , of argument and unanimous consent of the whole clergy . behold how he joyneth issue with the remonstrants against the contra-remonstrants , to introduce not onely an accademicall , but a scepticall and pyrrhonian dubitation and uncertainty , so that there shall never be an end of controversie , nor any settlement of truth and of the ordinances of jesus christ , so long as there shall be but one tenacious disputer to hold up the ball of contention . one egge is not liker another , then master husseys tenent is like that of the arminians , for which see the synod of dort sess. . it was the nin●h condition which the arminians required in a lawfull and well constituted synod , that there might be no decision of the controverted articles , but onely such an accommodation as both sides might agree to . and generally they hold that synods ought not to meet for decision , or determination , but for examining , disputing , discussing . so their examen censurae , cap. . and their vindiciae , lib. . cap. . pag. . . secondly , in that same epistle to the parliament , pag. . he hath this passage ; will-worship is unlawfull , i meane in matters that are essentiall to gods worship , which are matters of duty , as for circumstantials of time and place ( except the sabbath ) which are matters of liberty , in these the common-wealth may vote , &c , and this is your christian liberty , that in matters of liberty yee make rules and lawes to your selves , not crossing the ends that you are tyed to in duty . and is the sabbath onely a circumstantiall of time contra-distinct from matters of duty ? it seemes he will cry downe not onely the jus divinum of church-censures with the erastians , but the jus divinum of the sabbath with the canterburians . and if will-worship be unlawfull onely in the essentialls of gods worship , why was the argument of will-worship so much tossed , not onely between prelates and non-conformists , but between papists and protestants , even in reference to ceremonies ? and whether hath not mr. hussey here ingaged himselfe to hold it free and lawfull to the christian magistrate , yea to private christians ( for he calls it christian liberty , not parliamentary liberty : now christian liberty belongs to all sorts of christians ) to make lawes to themselves for taking the sacrament anniversarily on christmasse , good-friday , and easter , or to appoint a perpetuall monethly fast , or thanksgiving : yea another parliament may ( if so it should seeme good to them ) impose againe the surplice and crosse in baptisme , fonts , railing of communion tables , the reading of divers passages of apocrypha to the congregation , doxologies , anthems , responsories , &c. as heretofore they were used : or they may appoint all and every one to sit in the church with their faces toward the east , to stand up at the epistles and gospels , &c. yea what ceremonies , jewish , popish , heathenish , may they not impose , provided they onely hold the foundation , and keepe to those essentials which he calls matters of duty : by restraining the unlawfulnesse of will-worship to the essentialls , he leaves men free to doe any thing in religion , pr●ter verbum , so that it appeare not to them to be c●ntra verbum ; any thing they may adde to the word , or doe beside the word , so that the thing cannot be proved contrary to the word . thirdly , mr. hussey , ibid. pag , . . saith , that the parliament may require such as they receive for preachers of truth , to send out able men to supply the places , and that without any regard to the allowance or dis-allowance of the people . where in the first part of that which he saith , there is either a heterodoxie , or a controdiction . a heterodoxie , if he meane that ministers are to be sent out without ordination : a contradiction , if he meane that they must be ordained ; for then he gives classes , a worke which is not meerly doctrinall . but most strange it is , that he so farre departeth from protestant divines in point of the churches liberty in chusing ministers , he tells us , pag. . that mr. herle for want of skill and theologicall disputations hath granted to people a right to chuse their minister . master herles skill both logicall and theologicall is greater then it seemes he can well judge of : neither can this bold arrogant censure of his derogate from mr. herles but from his owne reputation . for the matter it selfe , it is one and not the least of the controversies between the papists and protestants , what right the church hath in the vocation of ministers , read bellarmine de cleric . and those that writ against him , and see whether it be not so . the helvetick confession tells us that the right chusing of ministers is by the consent of the church , and the belgick confession saith , we beleeve that the ministers , seniors and deacons , ought to be called to those their functions , and by the lawfull elections of the church to be advanced into those roomes . see both these in the harmony of confessions , sect. . i might here ( if it were requisite ) bring a heape of testimonies from protestant writers , the least thing which they can admit of is , that a minister be not obtruded renitente ecclesia , factum valet , fieri non debet . it may be helped after it is done , without making null or void the ministery : but in a well constituted church there ought to be no intrusion into the ministery , the churches consent is requisite , for which also i might bring both scripture and antiquity : but that is not my present businesse . one thing i must needs put mr. hussey in minde of , that when the prelates did intrude ministers without any regard to the dis-allowance of the people , it was cried out against as an oppression and usurpation : and we are often warned by mr. prynne , by mr. coleman , and by my selfe , to cast away the prelates usurpation with themselves . but who lords it now over the lords inheritance , the presbyterians or the erastians ? nay he who will have ministers put in churches without any regard to the allowance or dis-allowance of people , falls farre short of divers prelaticall men , who did much commend the antient primitive forme of calling ministers , not without the churches consent . see dr. field of the church , lib. . cap. . bilson de gubern eccl. cap. . pag. . the author of the history of epic●pacy , part . pag. . fourthly , master hussey , epist. pag. . saith , that upon further consideration he found the minister charged onely with preaching , and baptizing . the like he hath afterwards , pag. . let any man prove that a minister hath any more to doe from christ then to teach and baptize . and againe , pag. . he propounds this quaere , whether christ gave any more government , ( he should have said any more to doe , for preaching and baptizing are not acts of government ) then is contained in preaching and baptizing , and he holds the negative . if only preaching and baptizing , then not praying , and reading in the congregation , ministring the lords supper , visiting the sick and particular families . fifthly , he holdeth , pag. . that a heathen magistrate is unlawfull , and for his government , if sinne be lawfull , it is lawfull . a grosse heterodoxie . the apostle exhorteth to be subject even to heathen magistrates , rom. . ( for there were no other at that time ) and to pray for them , tim. . so that by mr. hu●sseys divinity the apostle would have men to be subject untoa and to pray for an unlawfull government . it is an an baptisticall tenent that an heathen magistrate is not from god : which gerhard de magistratu position , pag. . . fully confutes . sixthly , he saith of christ , pag. . he doth nothing as mediator , which he doth not as god , or as man . it is a dangerous mistake ; for take the worke of mediation it selfe , he neither doth it as god , nor as man , but as god-man . seventhly , he saith , pag. . nothing can be said of christ as second person in trinity in opposition to mediator , but in opposition to man there may . so that he will not admit of this opposition ; christ as the second person in the trinity is equall and consubstantiall to the father , but as mediator he is not equall to his father , but lesse then his father , and subject and subordinate to his father ; a distinction used by our divines against the antitrinitarians and socinians . now by his not admitting of this distinction , he doth by consequence myre himselfe in socinianisme , for christ as mediator is the fathers servant , isa . . and the father is greater then he , joh. . . and as the head of the man is christ , so the head of christ is god , cor. . . if therefore it cannot be said of christ as he is the second person in the trinity , that his father is not greater then he , and that he is not subordinate to god as his head , then fare-well anti-socinianisme . i dare boldly say , it is impossible to confute the socinians , or to assert the eternall god-head of jesus christ , except somewhat be affirmed of him as the second person of the trinity , which must be denied of him as he is mediator , and something be denied of him as he is the second person in the trinity , which must be affirmed of him as he is mediator . eighthly , he saith , pag. . that christ by his mediation hath obtained from the father that he shall not judge any man according to rigor , but as they are in or out of christ ; all deferring of judgement from the wicked is in and for christ , which otherwise the justice of god would not allow . then christ did thus farre make satisfaction to the justice of god in the behalfe of the wicked , and dye for them , that judgement might be deferred from them : and thus farre performe acts of mediation for the savages , and mahumetans , and for them that never heard the gospell , that by such mediation he hath obtained of the father that they shall be judged not according to rigour , but by the gospel . which intimateth that christ hath taken away all their sinnes against the law , so that all men shall now goe upon a new score , and none shall be condemned or judged by the law , but by the gospell onely ; for if christ have not taken away their sinnes against the law , the justice of god will ●udge them according to the rigour of the law . must not every jot of the law be fulfilled ? and is there not a necessity that every one underlye the cusre and rigour of the law , o● el●e that the mediator hath underlyed it for them . ninthly , he propounds this quere , pag. . whether ministers have any right to those priviledges which are given to the church , more then another christian ; and he holds the negative . now the preaching of the word , and the administration of the sacraments , the power of the keyes are priviledges given to the church , that is for the churches good , for all things are yours , saith the apostle , whether paul , or apollo , &c. c. cor. . , . therefore by mr. husseys divinity , any other christian hath as much right to administer word , sacraments , keys , as the minister . come on now to mr. colemans errours in divinity , not to repeat what was expressed in my nihil respondes , but to take off the maledicis in the maine points . the tenth , heterodoxie shall therefore be this , that whatsoever is given to christ , he hath it not as the eternall son of god . into this ditch did mr. coleman first fall , and then mr. hussey , pag. . after him . i said this tenent leadeth to a blasphemous heresie . for the better understanding whereof let it be remembred what i did premise in my nihil respondes , pag. . in reply to his proposition , that which is given to christ he hath it not as god . this ( said i ) is in opposition to what i said , pag. . concerning the headship and dignity of christ , as the naturall son of god , the image of the inv●sible god , colossians , . . and pag. . of the dominion of christ , as he is the eternall sonne of god . this being premised , &c. mr. coleman without taking the least notice of that which i did purposely and plainly premise , begins to speake of god essentially , and that if something ma● be given to christ as god , then something may be given to god , and then god is not absolutely perfect , &c maledicis , pag. . . thus he turneth over to the essence and nature of god , what i spake of the second person in the trinity , or of christ as he is the eternall son of god . was not the question between him and me , whether the kingdome and dominion over all things may be said to be given to christ , as he is the eternall son of god ? this is the point which he did argue against , because it takes off his argument first brought to prove that all government even civill is given to christ , as he is mediator . and still from the beginning i spake of christ as the second person in trinity , or the eternall sonne of god . thus therefore the case stands ; the reverend brother to prove that an universall soveraignty and government over all things is given to christ , as he is mediator ; and to confute my assertion , that it is given to christ as he is the eternall sonne of god , doth frame this argument against me , that which is given to christ he hath it not as god . but here dignity is given to christ . therefore not here to be taken as god . where there is more in the conclusion then in the premisses , for the conclusion which naturally followes had been this , therefore christ hath not here dignity as god . it seemes he was ashamed of the conclusion , yet not of the premisses which inferre the conclusion . but this by the way . i speake to his proposition ; that which is given to christ he hath it not as god . these words , as god , either he understands {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} essentially , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} personally , that is , either in regard of the nature and essence of god , which is common to the sonne of god , with the father and the holy ghost , and in respect whereof they three are one , or in regard of the person of the word , as christ is the second person in the trinity , and personally distinct from the father and the holy ghost . if in the former sense , then he must lay aside his whole argument , as utterly impertinent , and making nothing at all against my theses , which affirmed that an universall dominion and kingdome over all things is given to christ , not as he is mediator , ( in which capacity he is onely king of the church , ) but as he is the eternall sonne of god . in opposing of which assertion , as the reverend brother was before nihil respondens , so now he is twice nought . but if in the other sense he understands his proposition , ( which i must needs suppose he doth , it being in opposition to what i said , ) then i still averre his proposition will inferre a blasphemous heresie , as i proved before by a cleare demonstration . that which is given to christ , he hath it not as god . but life , glory , &c. is given to christ ; ergo , christ hath not life , glory , &c. as god . the reverend brother saith , i acknowledge the conclusion unsound , and i deny not but that the major is mine owne , and the minor is the very scripture . yet he denies the conclusion , and cleares himselfe by this simile , that which was given this poore man , he had not before , but a shilling was given this poore man : ergo , he had not a shilling before . where both propositions are true , yet the conclusion is false , saith he , contrary to the axiome , ex veris nil nisi verum . you are extreamly out sir , your syllogisme of the poore man is fallacia ab amphibolia . the major of it is ambiguous , dubious , and fallacious , and cannot be admitted without a distinction . but here you acknowledge the major of my argument to be your owne , and so not fallacious in your opinion . you acknowledge the minor to be scripture . you have not found foure termes in my premisses , nor charged my major or minor with the least fault in matter or forme , and yet forsooth you denie the conclusion , and doe not admit that uncontrovertible maxime in logick , ex veris nil nisi●●rum , or as kekerman hath it . ex veris praemiss●s fal●●● conclusionem colligi est impossibile ; it is impossible that a false conclusion s●●uid be gathered from true premisses . now let us heare what he would say against my conclusion ; it is concerning the sense of the word hath , for hath , saith he , by me is used for receiving or having by vertue of the gift , but by him for having fundamentally , originally . you are still out sir ; i take it just as you take it ; for though the sonne of god , as god essentially , or in respect of the nature and essence of god , which is common to all three persons in the blessed trinity , hath originally of himselfe a kingdome and dominion over all , yet as he is the second person in trinity , begotten of , and distinct from the father , he hath the kingdome and dominion over all , not of himselfe , but by vertue of the gift of his father . so that the reverend brother is still nihil respondens , and therefore he shall be concluded in this syllogisme . he who holds that whatsoever is given to christ , he hath it not by vertue of the gift , as he is the eternall sonne of god , or second person in the trinity , but onely as mediator ; he holds by consequence , that christ hath not glory by vertue of his fathers gift , as he is the eternall sonne of god , or second person in the trinity . but master coleman holds the former , ergo , master coleman holds the latter . the consequence in the proposition is proved from joh. . . the glory which thou gavest me . the assumption he will owne , or else quit his argument against my distinction of the double kingdome given to christ , as the eternall sonne of god , and as mediator . the conclusion which followes is hereticall ; for wheras the nicen creed said that christ in regard of his eternall generation , that he is deus de deo , lumen de lumine , god of god , light of light ; master colemans argument will infe●●e that he is not onely ex seipso deus , but ex seipso filius ; and so denie the eternall generation of the sonne of god , and the communication of the godhead , and the soveraignty , glory , and attributes thereof , from the father to the sonne . for if christ , as he is the eternall sonne of god , hath not glory by vertue of his fathers gift , then he hath it not by vertue of the eternall generation and communication , but fundamentally and originally of himselfe . as for the other branch of master colemans argument , tending to prove , that christ as he is the eternall sonne of god cannot be given , which he indeavours to vindicate , pag. . . i answer these two things : first , granting all that he saith , he concludes nothing against me , for i did from the beginning expound those words , eph. . . and gave him to be the head over all things to the church , in this sence , that christ as mediator is given only to the church , to be her head , but he that is given as mediator to the church , is over all . so that the giving of christ there spoken of , is as mediator , and he is given to the church only , which i cleared by the syriak , and him who is over all , he gave to be the head to the church . but his being over all , there spoken of , if understood of glory , dignity , excellency over all , so christ is over all as mediator , ( yea in regard of the exaltation of his humane nature , ) and this helpeth not master coleman , who intends to prove from that place , that all government , even civill , is given to christ as mediator . but if understood of a kingdome and government , over all , so he is over all as he is the eternall sonne of god , or second person of the trinity , and not as mediator . secondly , the question which the reverend brother fals upon , concerning the personall inhabitation of the holy ghost , will never follow from any thing which i said , more then gods giving of his sonne to us , will inferre a personall inhabitation of the sonne of god in us . that which i said was to this intent , that both the sonne of god and the holy ghost are given , not as god essentially ; that is , in respect of the godhead it self , or as they are one in nature with the father , ( for so the father that giveth , and the holy ghost which is given , could not be distinguished ) but the sonne is given as the sonne proceeding from the father ; and the holy ghost is given as the holy ghost proceeding and sent from the father and the sonne ; whether he be given to dwell personally in us , or by his gracious operations onely , is another question , which hath nothing to doe with the present argument , and therefore i will not be led out of my way . the eleventh heterodoxy is this , i see an absurdity to hold that every man in authority is either christs vicegerent , or the divelo maledicis , pag. . here i make this inference ; heathen and infidell magistrates , either they are not men in authority ; or . they are christs vicegerents ; or . they are the divels maledicis . if he say they are not men in authority , he shall contradict the apostle paul , who cals them higher powers , rom. . . and men in activity , tim. . . speaking in reference even to the magistrates of that time , which were infidels . if he say they are christs vicegerents , then . i must say , that christ as mediator reignes without the church , and is a king to those to whom he is neither priest nor prophet . . he must finde a commission given by christ to the infidell magistrate . . whom in authority will he make to be the divels vicegerents , if infidell magistrates be christs vicegerents ? if he say that they are the divels vicegerents , then it followes , . that they who resist the divels vicegerent , resist the ordinance of god , for they that resist an infidell magistrate and doe not submit to his lawfull authority , ( which his infidelity takes not away , ) is said rom. . v. . to resist the ordinance of god . . that the apostle paul bade pray for the divels vicegerent , tim. . , . the reverend brother doth but more and more winde himselfe into a lab erinth of errors , while he endeavours to take away the distinction of the two fold kingdome , and the two fold vicegerentship of god and of christ . the twelfth heterodoxy followeth ; now it is true , that christ being god as well as man , hath of himselfe originally as god , whatsoever he hath by vertue of gift as mediator maledicis , pag. . now subsume , christ hath by vertue of gift , as mediator , the priestly office . ergo , by master colemans principles , christ hath of himselfe originally as god , the priestly office . and if christ hath it of himselfe originally as god , then the father and the holy ghost hath it also ; so that by his doctrine the father and the holy ghost shall be the priests of the church as well as christ , for christ hath nothing of himself originally as god , which the father and the holy ghost have not likewise . the thirdteenth & last errour concerneth the office of deacons . not onely a widow but a deacon is denyed to be a church-officer , or to have any warrant from scripture . i hold not a widow a church-officer , saith he : no more doe i a deacon ; both having a like foundation in scripture , which truly is none at all . maledicis , pag. . if this was his opinion formerly , why did he not in so maine a point enter his dissent from the votes of the assembly concerning deacons , together with his reasons ? well , his opinion is so now , whereby he runneth contrary not onely to the reformed churches ( which it seemes weigh not much in his ballance ) but to the plaine scripture which speakes of the office of a deacon , tim. . . and this could be no civill office , but an ecclesiasticall office , for the deacons were chosen by the church , were ordained with prayer , and laying on of hands , and their charge was to take speciall care of the poore , all which is cleare , act. . if he had given us the grounds of his opinion , he should have heard more against it . chap. v. the prelaticall way and tenents of master coleman , and master hussey : repugnant also in divers particulars to the votes and ordinances of parliament . ▪ master coleman in his re-examination , page makes the parliament to be church-governours , and church-officers to the whole kingdome . it was an argument used against the prelates that ecclesiasticall and civill government , spirituall and secular administrations are inconsistent in the same persons , either of which requireth the whole man . it was another exception against the prelate that he assumed the power of church-government , and ecclesiasticall jurisdiction over the whole diocesse , which was much more then he could discharge . how will master coleman avoid the involving the parliament into prelaticall guiltinesse , by his principles , which we avoyd by ours ? ▪ the prelates sought great things for themselves rather then to purge the church of scandalls . what other thing was it when master coleman in his third rule , instead of exhorting to the purging the church , called onely for learning and competency , and told it out , that this will get us an able ministery , and procure us honour enough . master hussey in his epistle to my selfe tells me , that our attending on reading exhortation and doctrine ( without government ) will obtaine the magistrates love , more honour , more maintenance : something for shame he behooved to adde of the punishing of sinne , ( yet he will not have the minister called from his study to be troubled or to take any paines in discipline ) but behold the love of the magistrate , more honour , and more maintenance are strong ingredients in the erastian electuary . master hussey will have ministers placed without any regard to the allowance or dis-all●wance of the people . epist. to the parliament . this is prelaticall , or rather more then prelaticall . the prelates were great enemies to ruling elders . so are mr. coleman , and mr. hussey who acknowledge no warrant from the word of god for that calling , nor admit of any ruling elders who are not magistrates . a distinction which was used by saravia and bilson in reference to the jewish elders , and by bishop hall in reference to the elders of the ancient church , who were not preaching elders . assert . of episcop . by divine right , pag. , , . and now forsooth mr. hussey in his epistle to the parliament doth earnestly beseech them to set up classes consisting onely of ministers , whose worke should be onely to preach the word , &c. such classes i dare say the prelates themselves will admit of . sure the scottish prelates , when they were at their highest yeelded as much . master coleman and mr. hussey hold that ruling elders and a church-government distinct from the civill government in the times of persecution and under pagan magistrates , can be no warrant for the like where the state is christian . this plea for christian magistracy was bishop whitgifts plea against the ruling elders . answ . to the admon . pag. . master hussey , pag. . saith , that granting the incestuous corinthian to be excommunicated , the decree was pauls , and not the corinthians , and that it no way appertained to them under the notion of a church . this is saravia his answer to beza , de tripl . epist. genere , pag. , : yea the papists answer to protestant writers , by which they would hold up the authority and sole jurisdiction of the prelates ( as the apostles successors ) to excommunicate . they doe not more agree with the prelaticall principles , then they differ from the votes and ordinances of parliament , which is the other point that i have here undertaken to discover ; and i shall doe it by the particular instances following : first , the ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament for the calling of an assembly of divines beginneth thus : whereas among the infinite blessings of almighty god upon this nation , none is , or can be more deare unto us then the purity of our religion , and for that as yet many things remaine in the liturgie , discipline , and government of the church , which doe necessarily require a further and more perfect reformation then as yet hath been attained : and whereas it hath been declared , and resolved by the lords and commons as●embled in parliament , that the present church-government by arch-bishops , bishops , &c. is evill and justly offensive , &c ▪ and that therefore they are resolved that the same shall be taken away , and that such a government shall be setled in the church , as may be most agreeable to gods holy word , and most apt to procure and preserve the peace of the church at home , and nearer agreement with the church of scotland , and other reformed churches abroad . afterward it was resolved and voted in both the honourable houses of parliament , and sent as one of the propositions to the treaty at vxbridge , that many particular congregations shall be under one presbyteriall government . now therefore what can be more contrary to the votes and ordinances of parliament , then that which mr: coleman and mr. hussey hold , that there ought to be no ecclesiasticall government , beside civill magistracy , except we please to take preaching and baptisme under the name of government , as if forsooth the parliament had meant by presbyteriall government , parliamentary government ; or as if by the purity of religion in point of the discipline of government of the church they had intended nothing but their civill rights and priviledges , or as if the wise and honourable houses had understood themselves no better then to intend that for a nearer agreement with the church of scotland , and other reformed churches , which is the widest difference from them , to wit , the erastian way . secondly , in the same ordinance of parliament for the calling of an assembly of divines , it is ordained , that the assembly after conferring and treating among themselves touching the lyturgie , discipline , and government of the church , or vindication and clearing of the doctrine of the same , shall deliver their opinions or advices of or touching the matters aforesaid to both or either of the houses of parliament , yet mr. hussey epist. to the parliament , pag. . . will not have classes and assemblies to put any thing to the vote , but to hold on the disputes till all end in accord , and in unanimous consent of the whole clergy . but how can the assembly after disputes , expresse their sence , and deliver their opinions and advice to the parliament , as they are required , except they doe it by putting to the vote . mr. coleman himselfe hath consented , yea sometime called to put things to the vote . and as for classes , will any man imagine that when both houses of parliament did vote that many particular congregations shall be under one presbyteriall government , their meaning was that the classicall presbitery shall onely schoole-wise dispute , and put nothing to the vote : or that the classicall presbitery shall in common dispence the word and sacraments to many congregations , and that either the classicall presbitery shall goe to the severall congregations successively , or the many congregations come to the classicall presbitery , for preaching and baptizing ? i admire what opinion mr. hussey can have of the parliamentary vote concerning presbyteriall government . thirdly , mr. hussey , epist. to the parliament , pag. , . will have ministers placed without any regard to the allowance and dis-allowance of the people , yet the ordinance of parliament for giving power to classicall presbyteries to ordaine ministers , doth appoint that he who is examined and approved by the presbitery shall be sent to the church or other place where he is to serve ( if it may be done with safety and conveniency ) there to preach three severall daies , and to converse with the people , that they may have triall of his gifts for their edification , and may have time and leasure to enquire into , and the better to know his life and conversation : after which the ordinance appointeth publike notice to be given , and a day set to the congregation , to put in what exceptions they have against him , fourthly , mr. hussey in that epistle to the parliament , pag. . saith , oh that this honourable court would hasten to set up classes consisting onely of ministers , whose worke should be onely to preach the word , and weekly meet in schooles of divinity . here 's a double contradiction to the ordinances of parliament , for in the directions of the lords and commons for chusing of ruling elders , and speedy setling of presbyteriall government , it is appointed that ruling elders shall be members both of classes and synodicall assemblies , together with the ministers of the word . againe , the ordinance about suspension of scandalous persons from the sacrament appointeth other work to classes , beside preaching and disputing , namely the receiving and judging of appeales from the congregationall eldership . mr. coleman in maledicis , pag. . professeth that he excludeth ruling elders from church government , yet he can hardly be ignorant that as the parliament hath voted , that many particular congregations shall be under one presbyteriall government ; so their votes doe commit that government to pastors and ruling elders jointly . i will not here repeat the particulars wherein i shewed in my nihil respondes that mr. coleman hath abused the honorable houses of parliament , unto which particulars he hath answered as good as nothing . the honourable houses in their wisedome will soone observe , whether such men , whose avou●hed tenents are so flatly repugnant to the parliamentary votes and ordinances , are like to be good pleaders for christian magistracy . chap. vi . master coleman's wronging of the church of scotland . master coleman ends his maledicis with a resentment of accusations charged upon him by a stranger , a commissioner from another church . the lot of strangers were very hard , if when they are falsely accused to authority , they may not answer for themselves . he may remember the first accusation was made by himself , when in his sermon to the parliament , he did flatly impute to the commissioners from the church of scotland , a great part of the fault of hindering union in the assembly of divines , as having come byassed with a nationall determination : his doctrine also at that time being such , as did not onely reflect upon the government of the church of scotland , but tend to the subversion of the covenant in one principall point , without which there can be small or no hopes of attaining the other ends of the covenant ▪ since that time he did in his re-examination , and now again in his maledicis fall foully upon the church of scotland , not onely by grosse mistakes and misrepresentations of our way , but by most groundlesse aspersions , and most uncharitable and unjust calumnies . i am sure i am not so much a stranger to his doctrine as he is to the church of scotland , of which notwithstanding he boldly speaks his pleasure , in divers particulars which he will never be able to make good . first , he hath aspersed that church in the point of promiscuous communicating . this i confuted in my nihil respondes , and told him both of the order of the church , and practice of conscientious ministers to the contrary . now what replieth he ? first , this refining work , i think , is not one yeer old in scotland , or much more ; i was lately informed that in edinbrugh it is begun : whether anywhere else i know not . maledicis pag. . are not these now good grounds of censuring and aspersing a reformed church , ( whose name hath been as precious ointment among other churches abroad ) i think , i was informed , whether it be otherwise i know not ? he will sit in cornhill , and tell the world what he imagines or hears of the church of scotland , and that forsooth must be taken for a truth . yet there was both rules and practice in the church of scotland , for debarring ignorant and scandalous persons from the sacrament , before he was born : though all was put out of course under the prelats . secondly , saith the reverend brother , it is not a very effectuall , sin-censuring , and church-refining government , under which after fo●rscore yeers constant practice , divers thousands in the kingdom , and some hundreds in one particular parish , because of ignorance and scandall , are yet unfit to communicate . maledicis pag. . answ . . it is notoriously false that there hath been fourscore yeers constant practice of presbyteriall government in scotland : for the prelats there , were above thirty yeers standing . . shall the earth be made to bring forth in one day , or shall a nation be born at once ? saith the prophet , isa. . . it is no easie matter to get a whole nation purged of ignorant and scandalous persons . . he may take notice that the apostle paul almost in all his epistles , maketh mention of scandalous persons among those to whom he wrote , warning them not to have fellowship with such , to note them , to avoid them . if the apostolick churches were not free of such , what great marvel if we be not ? . before he objected promiscuous communicating . this being cleared to be a calumny , now he objecteth that there are such as are unfit to communicate . but while he thus seeketh a quarrel against church-government , he doth upon the matter quarrel the preaching of the gospel it self . for ●e that imputeth it as a fault to the church-government that there are still divers thousands , who by reason of ignorance or scandal , are unfit to communicate , doth by consequence , yea much more , impute it as a fault to the preaching of the gospel in england , scotland , ireland , france , germany , the low-countreys , switzerland , swede , poland , that in all these and other reformed churches after fourscore yeers constant preaching of the gospel ( which is appointed of god to turn unconverted and unregenerate persons , from darknesse to light , and from the power of satan to god ) there are not onely divers thousands , but divers millions who by reason of ignorance or scandal , are yet unfit to communicate . if the word do not open the eyes of the ignorant , and convert the scandalous , what marvel that church-government cannot do it ? church-government is not an illuminating and regenerating ordinance as the word is . but this church-government can and will do , yea hath done where it is duly executed ; it is a most blessed means for keeping the ordinances from visible and known pollution , which doth very much honour god , shame sin , and commend piety . it putteth a visible difference between the precious and the vile , the clean and the unclean , the silver and the drosse ; and may well be therefore called a church-refining ordinance . the second calumny was this , i my self , said he , did hear the presbytery of edinbrugh censure a woman to be banished one of the gates of the city . i answered him in his own language , it is at the best a most uncharitable slander . and told him , there is no banishment in scotland , but by the civil magistrate ; and that he ought to have enquired and informed himself better . now he doth neither adhere to his calumny , or offer to make it good , nor yet quit it , or confesse he was mistaken ; but propoundeth three new queres ( male dicis , pa. . ) still forgetting his own rule of keeping to the laws of disputation and matter in hand . for the particular in hand , he onely saith thus much , i did make enquiry , and from the presbytery it self , i received information ; but not satisfaction . he tells not what information he received . if he will say , that he received information that the banishment was by the magistrate , how could he then report that it was by the presbytery . if he say , that the information he had from the presbytery gave him any ground for the report which he hath made , let him speak it out , and the world shall know the untruth of it . he may remember withall , that by his principles an accusation may not be received against an elder ( much lesse against an eldership ) in reference either to the judgement of charity , or to ministerial conviction , except under two or three witnesses . if therefore he would have his accusation beleeved , let him finde two or three witnesses . thirdly , whereas i had rectified a great mistake of the reverend brother , when i told him it is accidental to the ruling elder to be of the nobility , or to nobles to be ruling elders ; there are but some so , and many otherwise : he is not pleased to be rectified in this , but replyeth , i say , first , it is continually so . secondly , the kings commissioner in the general assembly , is his presence accidental ? male dicis , pag. . see now here whether he understandeth what he saith , or whereof he affirmeth . that which he saith is continually so , is almost continually otherwise , that is , there are continually some ruling elders who are not nobles , and there are continually some nobles who are not ruling elders : so that if any thing be accidental , this is accidental , that an elder be of the nobility , or nobles be elders ; they are neither nobles qua elders , nor elders qua nobles . it is no lesse accidental , that the kings commissioner be present in the general assembly ; for there have been general assemblies in scotland , both before the erection and since the last casting out of prelacy , in which there was no commissioner from the king . and when the king sends a commissioner , it is accidental that he be of the nobility ; for the king hath sent commissioners to general assemblies , who were not of the nobility . a fourth injury , not to be passed in silence , is this , master coleman hath endeavoured to make the world beleeve , that the commissioners from the church of scotland , came to the assembly , byassed with something adventitious from without , which he calls a national determination , and that we are not permitted by those that sent us , to receive any further light from the word of god . i shall say no more of the byas , because as i told him before , the standers by see well enough which way the byas runs . but most strange it is , that after i had confuted his calumny , not onely from our paper first presented to the grand committee , but from the general assemblies own letter to the assembly of divines , shewing that they had ordered the laying aside of some particular customes in the church of scotland for the neerer uniformity with the church of england , so much endeared unto them ; yet he still adhereth to his former calumny ( male dicis , pag. . ) without taking notice of the evidence which i had given to the contrary . and not content with this , he still qua●relleth with my allegation of certain parallel examples , which are by him so far disesteemed , that he hath not stuck to passe the very same censure upon the forrain divines who came to the synod of dort , which the arminians did : the same he saith of alexander his coming to the councel of nice ; and of cyril his coming to the councel of ephesus . all these ( i say ) he still involveth under the same censure with us ; for whereas he had alleaged that i justified the byas , this i denyed and called for his proof ; his reply now is thus , is not the allegation of examples of the like doing , a justification of the act done ? male dicis , pag. . this reply can have no other sence but this , that i justified the thing which he thinks our byas , because i justified those other divines who ( as he holds ) came also byassed in like manner . i am perswaded this one particular , his joyning with the arminians in their exceptions against the synod of dort , would make all the reformed churches , if they could all speak to him uno ore , to cry male audis . and i am as firmly perswaded , that the confession which i have extorted from him in this place , that he knoweth no adventitious ingagements those divines had , makes him irreconcileably to contradict himself ; for he made them but just now byassed in the same manner as he thinks us , and made my allegation of their examples to be a justification of the byas charged by him upon us : as therefore he doth most uncharitably , and untruly judge us to be byassed with adventitious engagements , so doth he judge of them . neither can he assoil them , while he condemneth us ; for the articles concerning predestination , the death of christ , grace , freewill , and perseverance , were determined before the synod of dort , by most ( if not by all ) of those reformed churches who sent commissioners thither , as much as presbyterial government was determined in the church of scotland , before the reverend assembly of divines was called . and this preingagement and predetermination of those reformed churches , was the main objection of the arminians , against the forrain divines who came to the synod of dort. to conclude this point , master coleman himself in his reexamination , pag. . avoucheth roundly , that the forrain divines came to dort , not as divines by dispute and disquisition to finde out truth , but as judges to censure all different opinions as erroneous . chap. vii . calumnies confuted , and that question briefly cleared , whether the magistrate be christs vice-gerent . master hussey in his title page tels us he hath prosecuted the argumentative part without any personall reflections ; yet i could instance divers personall reflections in his book which any moderate impartiall man will extremely dislike ; but what should this be to the edifying of my reader , the end which next to the glory of god and the promoting of reformation , i have proposed to my self ? yet i must needs take notice of some calumnies . first , in his epistle pag. . he offereth it to be examined whether i was not beside my text , mal. . . when i pressed from it reformation by ecclesiasticall discipline ? whether that refiners fire and fullers sope , doth not point at another , and a nearer operation upon the souls and spirits of men by the blood , word , spirit , and grace of christ ? and whether such handling of a similitude in a text be to preach the mind of god , or mens own fancy ? it is no discontent to me but i shall rejoyce in it , that men of piety and judgement examine my doctrine by the word of god , and hold fast what they finde agreeable to the scriptures , and no more . but i● this brotherly , or fair , or conscionable dealing , to offer my sermon to be examined under such a notion , when he hath not onely said nothing , to confute any of my doctrines , as not arising from my text , or any of my applications , as not arising from my doctrines ; but hath also untruely represented my sermon , as coming short of , or not expressing that which indeed it hath most principally and most expressely in it ? that of reformation was but a part of my sermon : and that of church-censures against scandalous sinners was but the least part of that part . and why should not the fullers sope in the house of god , take off those spots in our feasts ? why should not the refiners fire purge away the wicked of the earth like drosse , so david calls them ? that reformation is one part of the holy ghosts intendment in that text , is gualther's opinion as well as mine , yet he thinks gualther his own . nay , i proved it from comparing scripture with scripture , which is the best way that i know to clear scripture . why did he not answer my proofes ? but beside all that i said of reformation , had i not other three doctrines out of that text , comprehending all that which master hussey hinteth as omitted by me and yet intended in the text ? dare he say that i did not take in purgation by the word ? ( though i confesse he doth not well prove it from the words which he citeth , is not my word an hammer ? but it is proved by the words which he citeth not ▪ is not my word like as a fire ? ) did i not expressely say that christ is to us as a refiners fire and as fullers sope , three wayes , by reformation , by tribulation , by mortification ? did i not handle the last two as well as the first ? oh let no more any such grosse calumnies be found among those who professe to be brethren . secondly , master hussey in his epistle to my self gives it out that i say we have leave from the civill magistrate to preach the gospel , which he interprets , as if i denied that we preach the word with authority from christ . it was de facto , not de jure , that i spake it . the magistrate hath power in his hand to hinder both doctrine and discipline , if he be an adversary : though it be the will of christ that there be both doctrine and discipline , and the authority of both is from christ . when the magistrate assisteth or countenanceth , or so much as he doth not hinder the preaching of the gospel , then he gives leave to it . thirdly ▪ master coleman in his maledicis pag. . saith , i am confident , the church of scotland sent this commissioner to dispute down our reasons , not to revile our persons . maledicis maledicis pag. . why did he not ( if he could ) give instance of some reviling word written by me against his person . i have not so learned christ . the lord rebuke every railing and reviling spirit . i have given him reason against railing ; he hath given me railing against reason , i spake to his doctrine , he speakes to my place and relation , which is both the alpha and omega of his maledicis . thirdly , ibid. knowledge saith he is onely with mr. gillespie , others understand neither what they say , nor whereof they affirms . he will sooner bring water out of flint , then prove this consequence out of my title page . although i confesse himselfe hath affirmed divers things of the church of scotland , which he doth not understand , as i have made plainely to appeare . if he take a review of the title page of his re-examination , he gives more ground for this consequence , that mr. coleman is the onely man that denies himselfe : others seeke great things for themselves . or from the title page of his maledicis , this consequence will be as good that mr. coleman is the onely man that blesseth , others are revilers . fourthly , thus saith mr. coleman , o y●e honourable house of parliament , take you notice that you manage that great place of yours under christ and for christ : he is your head and you are his servants . and take you notice withall that mr. gillespy accounts this your reproach . maledicis maledicis , pag. . but o ye honourable house of parliament , be pleased to take notice of my owne plaine expression of my minde in my nihil respondes , pag. . the christian magistrate manageth his office under and for christ , that is , so as to be serviceable for the kingdome and glory of christ . and now judge whether it be sutable to the sincerity and candor of a minister of the gospell , to endeavour to make me odious to authority , by imputing to me that which not onely i did not say , but the contrary whereof i did plainly expresse ? the thing which i charged his doctrin with was this , that by holding all government to be given to christ as mediatour , and from him as mediatour derived to the magistrate as his vicegerent , he shaketh the foundation of magistracy . i am sure that which i hold , that all lawfull magistrates are powers ordained by god ▪ and are to be honoured and obeyed as gods vicegerents , is a firme and strong foundation for magistracy . but that which mr. coleman and mr. hussey hold , viz. that the christian magistrate holdeth his office of , under , and for christ as he is mediator , and doth act vice christi , as christs vicegerent , gives a most dangerous wound to christian magistracy , which i can demonstrate in many particulars : i shall now give instance onely in these few . first , they must prove from scripture that christ as mediator hath given a commission of vicegerentship to christian magistrates , and appointed them not onely to be seviceable to him and to doe his worke : ( for that they must serve christ , and be for his glory , is not controverted , nay can never enough be commended to them ) but also to governe vice christi , in christs stead , and that not only as he is god ( which is not controverted neither , ) but as he is mediator . this ( i say ) they must prove , ( which they will never be able to doe ) or otherwise they doe by their doctrine leade the magistrate into a snare ; and leave him in it . for how shall he be acknowledged for a vicegerent who can shew no commission nor warrant for his vicegerentship ? secondly , their doctrine tendeth to the altering of the surest and best knowne tenure of magistracy , which is from god : for they hold that god hath put all government and all authority civill , and all into the hands of christ as mediatour ; if the tenure from christ faile , then by their doctrine the tenure from god shall faile too . thirdly , the vicegerent cannot act in that capacity nor assume that power which his soveraigne whose vicegerent he is , ought not to assume if he were personally present . so that by their principles it will follow that the christian magistrate can act no further , nor assume any other power of government , then christ himselfe might have assumed when he was on earth , or might now assume and exercise as mediatour if he were on earth . but christ himselfe when he was on earth neither did exercise nor was sent to exercise civill judgement , luke . . and the temporall sword . john . . nor externall observation and state . luk. . , . and he declined to be an earthly king . john . . therefore by their principles the christian magistrate ought to forbeare and avoide all these . a fifth calumny is this , mr. coleman descanting upon the governments mentioned . cor. . . chargeth me with a circular argumentation : he circularly argues saith he : they are civill because god placed them there , and god placed them there , because they are civill . maledicis maledicis . pag. . i neither argued the one nor the other : they are both sir of your owne forging . but this is not your first allegation of this kind . i sometime admire what oscitancy or supine negligence ( to judge it no worse ) this can be , to fancy to your selfe that i have said what you would , and then to bring forth your owne apprehensions for my arguments . chap. viii . that mr. coleman doth great violence both to his owne words , and to the words of others whom he citeth . the reverend brother hath offered extreme violence to his own declaration ; of which let the reader now judge , comparing his declaration with his interpretation . declaration . for much of what is reported of my sermon i utterly deny , and referre my selfe to the sermon it selfe ; for what i have acknowledged to be delivered by me , although it is my judgement , yet because i see it hath given a great deale of offence to this assembly , and the reverend commissioners of scotland ; i am sorry i have given ●ff●nce in the delivery thereof : and for the printing , although i have an order , i will forbeare , except i be further commanded . tho. coleman . interpretation . it is a truth , and a scripture truth which i have delivered , and because i see a scripture truth hath given offence to the commissioners of scotland , &c. i am sorry . this must needes be the sence ; i am sure this was the sence intended . maledicis , maledicis , pag. . surely if such orleance glosses be admitted upon mens declarations signed with their hands ; and if he who hath subscribed himselfe sorry that he hath given offence in the delivery of such a doctrine , shall be allowed to expound himselfe thus ; that he meant he was sorry others had taken offence at a scripture truth , that is , he was sorry for our fault not for his owne : i know not how men shall trust one anothers declarations : or how we can practically as well as doctrinally confute the jesuiticall aequivocations and mentall reservations . and if this must needes be the sence which now the reverend brother gives ; and was the sence intended , why saith he that he did publickly recall that declaration ? he might make a revocation of it , in the sence wherein i understood it : but how could he make a revocation of it , as himselfe understood it , and as he faith the sence must needes be ? was this his sorrow for our taking offence at a scripture truth , a sorrow to be sorrowed for ? why did hee not rather make a second declaration the next day , interpreting the former ? and whereas he thinks that his revocation ought to have beene mentioned together with his declaration , because the whole truth is to be told as well as the truth , his owne heart knowes that he himselfe hath not told the whole truth , for he could tell much more , if he pleased ; how he was brought upon the businesse , and particularly upon that revocation . why will he challenge others for not telling the whole truth , when himselfe doth it not ? i should have thought , that this revocation was neither here nor there , as to the point of scandall , for proofe whereof his declaration was brought : and that as it was not to the businesse in hand , so it might rather , serve for impairing his credit then for any thing else . but seeing himselfe thinks it more for his credit , to tell the world of his saying and unsaying , declaring and undeclaring , let him be doing . in the next place will you see how much violence he offereth to divines whom he citeth ? i had cited plaine and full testimonies of the zurick divines , shewing that gualther expounds i cor. . all along of excommunication : that bullinger holds excommunication to be instituted by christ , matth. . that aretius saith god was the author of excommunication in the old testament , and christ in the new ; all which see in nihil respondes , pag. . the reverend brother notwithstanding of their plaine testimonies speaking for me and against him in the maine controversie betweene him and me , doth still alledge that they are for him , not for me , maledicis , pap . . yet he doth not so much as offer any answer to their testimonies by me cited : onely he bringeth three other passages of theirs , intimating that there may be a true church without excommunication : that they thought it not necessary where they lived : that they thought it hard yea impossible : arduum nec non impossible , to introduce excommunication in those parts . by which citations the brother hath proved nothing against me , but confirmed what i said . let him remember , first , he himselfe makes the maine controversie betweene him and me , about the scripturall warrants of church censures : now in that , they are clearely against him . next aretius who thought it hard , yea impossible , to bring in excommunication at that time , saith also , dabit posterior at as tractabili●res forte animas , peradventure the following age shall bring forth more tractable soules : and thereupon he adviseth , not to despaire of the restitution of excommunication . i cited also other testimonies to shew that the zurick divines did endeavour and long for the discipline of excommunication , though as things stood then and there , they did prudentially supersede the restoring of it where they lived , because of the difficulty and apprehended impossibility of the thing . if mr. coleman will follow the zurick divines , he must change his tone , and quite alter the state of the question , and make it thus : whether as things now stand it be expedient to settle excommunication in the church of england ? now , if he make this the state of the question , then he must make a revocation of that word , i deny an institution , i assent to a prudence . for the tables were turned with the zurick divines : they assented to an institution , they denyed a prudence ; they held an affirmative precept for excommunication , but that it doth not bind ad semper , that the thing is not at all times , nor in all places necessary ; that weighty inconveniences may warrant the superseding of it . the reverend brother brings another testimony out of aretius against suspension from the sacrament ; and further saith he , for this grand desired power , suspension from sacrament , these are his words , &c. a testimony three wayes falsified . . aretius speaks not at all in that place of the power or duty of church-officers , of which suspension is a part : but he speakes of private christians , and what is incumbent to them . . he speakes of separation ( not of suspension ) from the sacrament ; that a man is not bound to withdraw and lie off from the sacrament , because everie one who is to communicate with him is not in his opinion a saint . . he speaketh against separation from both word and sacrament , because of the mixture of good and bad in hearing and in communicating : but scandalous sinners are invited to , not suspended from the hearing of the word . wherefore take aretius his words as they are , and then let the reverend brother consider what he hath gained . what hath this now to doe with church-officers their power of suspension from the sacrament ? observe another testimony which he addeth out of augustine lib. de fide , excommunicatio debet supplere locum visibilis gladii , which he englisheth thus , excommunication comes in onely to supply the want of the civill sword . but how comes in your onely sir ? augustines saith no such thing . and when i have expunged that word , i must tell you further , that i can find no such passage in augustines book de fide : but i find somewhat to this purpose in another book of his , which is entituled de fide & operibus , a book which he wrote against the admission of such persons to baptisme , as being instructed in the faith , are notwithstanding still scandalous in their lives ( which by the way will hold ● fortiori for the exclusion of notorious scandalous sinners from the lords supper : for they who ought not to be admitted to the sacrament of initiation , ought much lesse to be admitted to the sacrament of confirmation ) now because divers scriptures speake of a mixture of good and bad in the church , augustine takes there occasion to reprove those who abused these scriptures against the exercise of discipline and church censures : the necessity whereof he sheweth to be the greater , because the magistrate doth not punish by death all such crimes as under the law were punished by death : as namely adultery , ( the scandall chiefly by him insisted upon ) as for that passage concerning excommunication its supplying the place of the sword , it plainely holds forth excommunication under christian emperors and magistrates , ( for such they were at that time ) so farre it is from making against us . for these are the words which say no such thing as mr. coleman would make them say . and phine●as the priest did thrust through the adulterous persons found together , with the avenging sword . which was signified that it should be done by degradations and excommunications in this time , when in the discipline of the church the visible sword was to cease . if the reverend brother had let me know where to finde his other testimonies of origen and chrysostome : peradventure i had given him as good an account of them . tertullians words which he citeth , praesident probati seniores , i know very well where to find ; and i know also , that if there be a passage in all antiquity against the erastians , that is one . which therefore i here offer as it is to be considered . one instance more of his mis ▪ alledging and perverting of testimonies . in the close he citeth a passage of mr. case his sermon august . . he ( christ ) is king of nations and king of saints . as king of nations he hath a temporall kingdome and government over the world , &c. and the rule and regiment of this kingdome he hath committed to monarchies , &c. here is erastia●isme , ( saith mr. coleman pag. . ) a steppe higher then ever i or erastus himselfe went . and i desire to know of mr. gillespy , if he will owne this as good divinity . yes sir i owne it for very good divinity , for my reverend brother mr. case , saith not that christ as mediator it king of nations , and hath a temporall kingdome in the world , and hath committed rule and regiment to monarchies or other lawfull magistrates , ( which is the point that you and mr. husses contend for , being a great heterodoxy in divinity ) but he saith of the sonne of god , that he is king of nations , and hath committed rule to monarchies , which i owne with all my heart . the distinction of the twofold kingdome of christ , an universall kingdome , whereby he raigneth over all things as god : and a speciall oeconomicall kingdome , whereby he is king to the church onely , and ruleth and governeth it , is that which being rightly understood , overturneth , overturneth , overturneth the erastian principles . let mr. coleman but owne this distinction and that which mr. case addeth concerning the kingdome which christ as king of saints ( and so as mediator ) doth exercise both invisibly in the conscience , and visibly in the church , first , by conquering a people and visible subjects ; secondly , by giving them laws distinct from all the lawes and statutes of all the kingdomes and republicks in the world isai. . . thirdly , by constituting speciall officers in the church not onely to promulgate these lawes , math. . . but to governe his people according to them , acts. . . rom. . . cor. . . cro. . . fourthly , in that he hath commanded all his people to obey these ecclesiasticall officers . heb. . . . fifthly , and hath appointed censures proper to this government . math. . . cor. . . i say let mr. coleman but owne this doctrine of mr. case , which was printed by order of the honourable house of commons , as well as his was : then we are agreed . and so much for this time . errata . pref. pag. . marg. lib. ● . . . read lib. . cap. . p. . l. . bourn r. b●●ne . p. . l. . exhort r. exhor●eth . p. . l. . to do● r. not to doe . p. . l. . sch●●llrs r. sch●●lrs . p. . l. . cusre r. curse . p. . l. . falsum r. falsa●● . p. . l. . that r. of . p. . l. . ●nabsurdi●y r. ●o absurdity . ib. l. . div●ll r. divells . ib. l. . activity r. 〈…〉 . ● . . l. . i● . h● . p. . l. . ●● he doth r. as doth . the smaller typographicall faults the reader will pardon finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- math. martinius in lexi philol . maledico , malum loquor sive juste sive injuria . lib . c. . cor. . hieron. eustochio . notes for div a e- {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . quod propemodum valet ac si dicas , ●acite ut pondu● & auctoritatem habeat charitas erga illum . lequitur enim velut ad judices & concienem , quorum suffragiis velit absolvi eum , qui traditus fuerat satanae . nam {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} concionem significat , in qua creantur magistratus , quae latini vocant comitia , & diem alieujus rei causa praestitutum , & jus aliquod agendi . quin & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} graeci dicunt scriptum authenticum , authoribus hesychio & suida . mihi videtur & ea sententia quae vicissetin suffragiis dicta fuisse {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . hesych ▪ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . julius pollux lib. . cap. ● . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. clemens alexandrinus paedag. lib. . cap. . useth promiscuously {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in one and the same sentence to expresse punishment : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . which gentianus hervetus his interpreter readeth thus : cum peccatorum poe●as , & facilem & tanquam ven●is perflabilem eorum dissipationem ostendisset paedagogus , per poenam a causa dehortatus est . again , paedag . lib. . cap. . ad finem : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the interpreter thus : quin etiam sichimitae puniuntur , qui lapsi sunt , sanctae virgini probrum inferen●es . sepulchrum eis est supplicium , & poen● monimentum nos ducit ad salutem . concil. antioch . sub constantio can. . si quis episcopus a sy●●do dep●situs , vel diaconus a proprio episcopo , sac●um celebrate a●sus fuerit &c. concil. hispal . . can. . ut nullus nostrum sine concilij examine , dejicere quemlibet presbyterum vel diaconum audeat . episcopus enim sacerdotibus & ministris solus honorem dare potest : au●erre solus non potest . vide etiam conc. afric . can. . conc. carthag. . can. . * salmas . appar. ad lib. de primat . pag. . . non enim potestatem quam in ordinatione accepit per impositionem manuum , potest ●ripere princeps , cum nec eam possit dare . si princeps igitur velit ministrum aliquem ob sua peccata prorsus degradari & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , & ministerium simul cum ejus functione amittere , per pastores ipsos id faciendum debet curare , qui judices veri ipsius sunt , & auferre soli possunt quod per ordinationem dederunt . imperatores romani quos per vim ejicerent , quia intelligebant potestatem ministerij fungendi non aliter iis adimere posse , in exili●m eos mittebant . quod possemus infinitis testimoniis demonstrare . relegatus hoc modo episcopus remane●at nihilominus episcopus , non ordine excideba● episcopali , nec ad laicorum ordinem redigebatur . gerhard . loc. com. tom. . pag. . pro●ari nequit illorum pseudopoli●icorum opinio , qui ad jura re●alia magistrates rem●tionem ministrorum pertinere censent . see fr. junius ecclesiast . lib. . cap. . & animad. in be●● . co●●r . . ●●b . . cap. . not . . ●alduin . de cas. conscient . lib. . cap. . cas. . vide apud synod do●d●a● sess. ● . conditione● syn●●● legit●im● instituendae quas remonstra●tes &c , con●it . . vt de controversis articulis non ●ia● decisio , sed accmodatiooni studeatur : cujus tamen via & ratio rata non ha●eatur , nisi accedente ●tri●●que partis consensu . ●●stem . l●g . lib. . cap. . aret. probl. theol. loc. . privatis satis est ferre utrinque utrosque ( infir●●s & p●●am s●●l ratos ) emendare autem quotie ▪ fort ex mplo & doctrina . si parum vel nihil etiam proficiat , non habet ob id causam seced ●di . nec est quod centaminationem m●●uat , modo no● consintist seel ribus &c nihil ad me attinet in communio●●●oen● domi i , in caeu public●●um audio verbum dei , ( which last clause mr. coleman leaves out without so much as &c ) quales singuli sint mecum participantes . aug. de fide & operibus cap. . et phi●es sacerdos adulteros simul inventos ferro ultore consixit . quod utique degradationibus & excommunicationibus significatum est esse f●●●endum in his tempore , cum in ecclesie disciplina visibilis fuerat gledius cessaturus . tert. apologet . cap. . ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes , & censura divina . nam & judicatur magno cum pondere , ut apud certos de de● conspectu : summumque futuri judicii praejudicium est , si quis ita deliquerit , ut a communicatione orationis , & conventus , & ●m is sancti commerc●i relege●ur . praesident probati quique seniores , bonorem i , iu● non pretio sed testimenio adepti . irenicum a weapon-salve for the churches wounds, or the divine right of particular forms of church-government : discuss'd and examin'd according to the principles of the law of nature .../ by edward stillingfleete ... stillingfleet, edward, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s a_variant estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) irenicum a weapon-salve for the churches wounds, or the divine right of particular forms of church-government : discuss'd and examin'd according to the principles of the law of nature .../ by edward stillingfleete ... stillingfleet, edward, - . the second edition : [ ], p. printed for henry mortlock.., london : . imperfect: pages stained. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- government. church polity. excommunication. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ●ren●cum . a vveapon-salve for the churches wounds , or the divine right of particular forms of church-government : discuss'd and examin'd according to the principles of the law of nature , the positive laws of god , the practice of the apostles , and the primitive church , & the judgment of reform'd divines . whereby a foundation is laid for the churches peace , and the accommodation of our present differences . humbly tendered to consideration . by edward stillingfleete , rector of sutton in bedfordshire . the second edition . with an appendix concerning the power of excommunication in a christian church . let your moderation be known unto all men , the lord is at hand , phil. . . si ad decidendas hodierna● controversias — jus divinum à positivo seu ecclesiastico candid● separaretur ; non videretur de iis quae sunt absolutè necessaria , inter pios aut moderatos viros longa aut aeris contentio futura . isaac . casaub. ep . ad card. perron . multum refer● ad re●inendam ecclesiarum pacem inter ea quae jure divino praecepta sunt , & quae non sunt , accuratè distinguere . grot. de imper. sum potestat . circa sacra . cap. . london , printed for henry mortlock , at the phoenix , in st. pauls church-yard , neer the little north door . . the preface to the reader . i write not to increase the controversies of the times , nor to foment the differences that are among us ; the one are by far too many , the other too great already . my onely design is to allay the heat and abate the fury of that ignis sacer , or erysipelas of contention , which hath risen in the face of our church , by the overflowing of that bilious humour which yet appears to have too great predominancy in the spirits of men . and although with the poor persian i can onely bring a hand full of water , yet that may be my just apology , that it is for the quenching those flames in the church , which have caused the bells of aaron to jangle so much , that it seems to be a work of the greatest difficulty to make them tunable . and were this an age wherein any thing might be wondered at , it would be matter of deserved admiration , to hear the noise of these axes and hammers so much about the temple , and that after these nigh twenty years carving and hewing , we are so rude and unpolished still , and so far from being cemented together in the unity of the spirit and the bond of peace . may we not justly fear that voyce , migremus hinc , when we see the vail of the temple so rent asunder , and the church its self made a partition wall to divide the members of it ? and since the wise and gracious god hath been pleased ( in such an almost miraculous manner ) so lately to abat● the land-flood of our civil intestine divisions , how strange must it needs seem , if our sacred contentions ( if contentions may be call'd sacred ) like the waters of the sanctuary , should rise from the ankle to the knee , till at last they may grow unpassable ? must onely the fire of our unchristian animosities be like that of the temple , which was never to be extinguished ? however i am sure it is such a one as was never kindled from heaven , nor blown up with any breathings of the holy and divine spirit . and yet that hath been the aggravation of our divisions , that those whose duty it is to lift up their voyces like trumpets , have rather sounded an allarm to our contentious spirits , then a parley or retreat , which had been far more suitable to our messengers of peace . in which respect it might be too truly said of our church , what is spoken of the eagle in the greek apologue : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the eagle saw her breast was wounded sore , she stood and weeped much , but grieved more : but when she saw the dart was feather'd , said , woo's me , for my own kind hath me destroy'd . it is not so long since that version of the vulgar latine , psal. . . inter domini cleros ▪ might have been sadly rendred to lye among the pots : and pierius valerianus might have met with too many examples to have increased his book de literatorum infoelicitate ; and in the next age it might have been true again what matthew paris observes of the clergy in the conquerours time ; adeò literaturâ carebant ut caeteris stupori esset qui grammaticam didic●sset . but blessed be god who hath freed us from that daemonium meridianum of ignorance and barbarism ; may we be but as happily delivered from the plague of our divisions and animosities ! than which , there hath been no greater scandal to the iews , nor opprobrium of our religion among heathens and mahumetans , nor more common objection among the papists , nor any thing which hath been more made a pretence even for atheism and infidelity . for our controversies about religion have brought at last even religion it self into o controversie , among such whose weaker judgements have not been able to discern where the plain and unquestionable way to heaven hath lain in so great a mist as our disputes have raised among us . weaker heads when they once see the battlements shake , are apt to suspect that the foundation its self is not firm enough ; and to conclude , if any thing be call'd in question , that there is nothing certain . and truly it cannot but be looked on as a sad presage of an approaching famine , not of bread , but of the word of the lord , that our lean kine have devoured the fat , and our thin ears the plump and full ; i mean ; our controversies and disputes , have eaten so much out the life and practice of christianity . religion hath been so much rarified into aiery notions and speculations , by the distempered heat of mens spirits , that its inward strength , and the vitals of it have been much abated and consumed by it . curiosity , that green-sickness of the soul , whereby it longs for novelties , and loaths sound and wholsome truths , hath been the epidemical distemper of the age we live in . of which it may be as truly said as ever yet of any , that it was saecolum f●rtile religionis , sterile pietatis ; i fear this will be the character whereby our age will be known to posterity , that it was the age wherein men talked of religion most , and lived it least . few there are who are content with the dimensum which god hath set them ; every one almost is of the spanish iesu●tes mind ; beatus qui praedicat verbum inauditum , seeking to find out somewhat whereby he may be reckoned , if not among the wise , yet among the disputers of this world. how small is the number of those sober christians , of whom it may be said as lucian of his parasites , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they were not at leisure to be sick of this pica ( tim. ● . ) such as longed more to taste of the tree of life , then of the tree of knowledge : and as zenophon speaks of the persians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they consume the fomes morbi , the root of the distemper by their serious endeavours after peace and holiness . but instead of this , the generality of men let all their religion run up into bryers and thorns , into contentions and parties , as though religion were indeed sacramentum militiae , but more against fellow-christians then the unquestionable hinderances of mens eternal happiness . men being very loath to put themselves to the trouble of a holy life , are very ready to embrace any thing which may but dispense with that ; and if but listing mens selves under such a party , may but shelter them under a disguise of religion , none more ready then such to be known by distinguishing names ; none more zealous in the defence of every tittle and punctilio that lies most remote from those essential duties wherein the kingdome of god consists , viz. righteousness and peace , and ioy in the holy ghost . and hence all the several parties among us have given such glorious names onely to the outward government of the church ; the undoubted practise of the apostles , the discipline of christ , the order of the gospel , and account onely that the church where their own method of government is observed ; just as the historian observes of brutus and cassius , ubicunque ipsi essent praetexentes esse rempublicam , they think the church can never be preserved but in that v●ssel they are imbarked in : as though christ could not have caused his flock to rest ▪ sub meridie , unless the pars donati had been in the south . and from this monopolizing of churches to parties , hath proceeded that strange uncharitableness towards all who come not up to every circumstance of their way and method , which is a piece of prudence like that of brutus , who when he had raised those flames in the common-wealth , was continually calling caesar tyrant ; ita enim appellari caesarem , facto ejus expediebat . so when men have caused such lamentable divisions in the church , by their several parties and factions , it concerns them to condemn all others beside themselves , le●t they most of all condemn themselves for making unnecessary divisions in the church of god. this uncharitableness and ill opinion of all different parties , onely gathers the fuel together , and prepares combustible matter , which wants nothing but the clashing of an adverse party , acted upon principles of a like nature , to make it break out into an open flame . and such we have seen , and with sadness and grief of heart felt it to be in the bowels of our own church and nation , by reason of those violent calentures and paroxysms of the spirits of men , those heart-burnings and contentions which have been among us , which will require both time and skill to purge out those noxious humours which have been the causes of them . i know no prescriptions so likely to effect this happy end , as an infusion of the true spirits of religion , and the revulsion of that extravasated blood , into its proper channels : thereby to take men off from their e●ger pursuit after wayes and parties , nations and opinions , ( wherein many have run so far , that they have left the best part of their religion behind them ) and to bring them back to a right understanding of the nature , design and principles of christianity . christianity , a religion , which it is next to a miracle men should ever quarrel or fall out about ; much less that it should be the occasion , or at least the pretence , of all that strife and bitterness of spirit , of all those comentions and animosities which are at this day in the christian world. but our onely comfort is , that whatever our spirits are , our god is the god of peace , our saviour is the prince of peace ; and that ▪ wisdome which this religion teacheth , is both pure and peaceable . it was that which once made our religion so amiable in the judgement of imrartial heathens , that nil nisi justum suadet & lene , the court of a christians conscience was the best court of equity in the world . christians were once known by their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the b●nignity and sweetness of their disposition , by the candour and ingenuity of their spirits , by their mutual love ▪ forbearance , and condescension towards one another . but , aut hoc non est evangelium , aut nos non sumus evangelici , either this is not the practice of christianity , or it was never calculated for our meridian ▪ wherein mens spirits are of too high an elevation for it . if pride and uncharitableness , if divisions and strifes ▪ if wrath and envy , if animosities and cont●ntions were but the marks o● true christians , diogenes●●●●er ●●●●er need light his lamp at noon to find out such among us . but if a spirit of meekness , gentleness , and condescension , if a stooping to the weakness and infirmities of others , if a pursuit after peace even when it flies from us , be the indispensable duties and the characteristical notes of those that have more then the name of christians , it may possibly prove a difficult inquest to find out such for the crouds of those who shelter themselves under that glorious name . whence came it else to be so lately looked on as the way to advance religion , to banish peace , and to reform mens manners by taking away their lives ? whereas in those pure and primitive times when religion did truly flourish , it was accounted the greatest instance of the piety of christians not to fight but to dye for christ. it was never thought then that bellona was a nursing mother to the church of god , nor mars a god of reformation . religion was then propagated , not by christians shedding the blood of others , but by laying down their own . they thought there were other wayes to a canaan of reformation besides the passing through a wilderness of confusion , and a red sea of blood . origen could say of the christians in his time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they had not yet learnt to make way for religion into mens mind , by the dint of the sword , because they were the disciples of that saviour who never pressed followers as men do soldiers , but said , if any man will come after me , let him take up his cross ( not his sword ) and follow me . his was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his very commands shewed his meekness ; his laws were sweet and gentle laws ; not like draco's that were writ in blood , unless it were his own that gave them . his design was to ease men of their former burdens , and not to lay on more ; the duties be required were no other but such as were necessary , and withall very just and reasonable . he that came to take away the insupportable yoke of iewish ceremonies , certainly did never intend to gall the necks of his disciples with another instead of it . and it would be strange , the church should require more then christ himself did ; and make other conditions of her communion , then our saviour did of discipleship . what possible reason can be assigned or given , why such things should not be sufficient for communion with a church , which are sufficient for eternal salvation ? and certainly those things are sufficient for that , which are laid down as the necessary duties of christianity by our lord and saviour in his word . what ground can there be why christians should not stand upon the same terms now which they did in the time of christ and his apostles ? was not religion sufficiently guarded and fenced in them ? was there ever more true and cordial reverence in the worship of god ? what charter hath christ given the church to bind men up to , more then himself hath done ? or to exclude those from her society , who may be admitted into heaven ? will christ ever thank men at the great day for keeping such out from communion with his church , whom he will vouchsafe not onely crowns of glory to , but it may be aureolae too , if there be any such things there ? the grand commission the apostles were sent out with , was onely to teach what christ had commanded them . not the least intimation of any power given them to impose or require any thing beyond what himself had spoken to them , or they were directed to by the immediate guidance of the spirit of god. it is not , whether the things commanded and required be lawfull or no ? it is not , whether indifferencies may be determined or no ? it is not , how far christians are bound to submit to a restraint of their christian liberty ? which i now inquire after , ( of those things in the treatise its self ) ; but , whether they do consult for the churches peace and unity who suspend it upon such things ? how far either the example of our saviour or his apostles doth warrant such rigorous impositions ? we never read the apostles making lawes but of things supposed necessary . when the councel of apostles met at ierusalem , for deciding a case that disturbed the churches peace , we see they would lay no other burden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , besides these necessary things , acts . . it was not enough with them that the things would be necessary when they had required them , but they looked on an antecedent necessity either absolute or for the present state , which was the onely ground of their imposing those commands upon the gentile-christians . there were after this great diversities of practice and varieties of observations among christians , but the holy ghost never thought those things fit to be made matters of lawes to which all parties should conform ; all that the apostles required as to these , was mutuall forbearance and condescension towards each other in them . the apostles valued not indifferencies at all , and those things it is evident they accounted such , which whether men did them or not , was not of concernment to salvation . and what reason is there why men should be so strictly tied up to such things , which they may do or let alone , and yet be very good christians still ? without all controversie , the main in-let of all the distractions , confusions , and divisions of the christian world , hath been by adding other conditions of church-communion then christ hath done . had the church of rome never taken upon her to add to the rule of faith , nor imposed idolatrous and superstitious practises , all the injury she had done her self had been to have avoyded that fearful schisme which she hath caused throughout the christian world. would there ever be the less peace and unity in a church , if a diversity were allowed as to practices supposed indifferent ? yea there would be so much more as there was a mutual forbearance and condiscension as to such things . the unity of the church is an unity of love and affection , and not a bare uniformity of practice or opinion . this latter is extreamly desireable in a church : but as long as there are several ranks and sizes of men in it , very hardly attainable , because of the different perswasions of mens minds as to the lawfulness of the things required ; and it is no commendation for a christian to have only the civility of procrustes , to commensurate all other men to the bed of his own humour and opinion . there is nothing the primitive church deserves greater imitation by us in , then in that admirable temper , moderation , and condescension which was used in it , towards all the members of it . it was never thought worth the while to make any standing laws for rites and customs that had no other original but tradition , much less to suspend men her his communion for not observing them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as sozomen tells us . they judged it , and that very justly , a foolish and frivolous thing , for those that agree in the weighty matters of religion , to separate from one anothers communion for the sake of some petty customs and observations . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for churches agreeing in the same faith , often differ in their rites and customes . and that not only in different churches , but in different places belonging to the same church ; for , as he tells us , many cities and villages in egypt , not onely differed from the customes of the mother-church of alexandria , but from all other churches besides in their publick assemblies on the evenings of the sabbath , and receiving the eucharist after dinner . this admirable temper in the primitive church might be largely cleared from that liberty they allowed freely to dissenters from them in matters of practice and opinion : as might be cleared from cyprian , austine , ierome and others ; but that would exceed the bounds of a preface . the first who brake this order in the church , were the arrians , donatists and circumcellians , while the true church was still known by his pristine moderation and sweetness of deportment towards all its members . the same we hope may remain as the most infallible evidence of the conformity of our church of england to the primitive , not so much in using the same rites that were in use then , as in not imposing them , but leaving men to be won by the observing the true decency and order of churches , whereby those who act upon a true principle of christian ingenuity may be sooner drawn to a complyance in all lawfull things , then by force and rigorous impositions , which make men suspect the weight of the thing it self when such force is used to make it enter . in the mean time what cause have we to rejoyce , that almighty god hath been pleased to restore us a prince of that excellent prudence and moderation , who hath so lately given assurance to the world , of his great indulgence towards all that have any pretence from conscience to differ with their brethren ! the onely thing then seeming to retard our peace , is , the controversie about church-government , an unhappy controversie to us in england , if ever there were any in the world. and the more unhappy , in that our contentions about it have been so great , and yet so few of the multitudes engaged in it , that have truly understood the matter they have so eagerly contended about . for the state of the controversie , as it concerns us , lyes not here , as it is generally mistaken , what form of government comes the nearest to apostolical practice ; but , whether any one individual form be founded so upon divine right , that all ages and churches are bound unalterably to observe it ? the clearing up of which by an impartial inquiry into all the grounds produced for it , being of so great tendency to an accommodation of our present differences , was the only motive which induced me to observe aristotles wild politicks , of exposing this deformed conception to the entertainment of the wide world. and certainly they who have espoused the most the interest of a jus divinum , cannot yet but say , that if the opinion i maintain be true , it doth exceedingly conduce to a present settlement of the differences that are among us . for then all parties may retain their different opinions concerning the primitive form , and yet agree and pitch upon a form compounded of all together as the most suitable to the state and condition of the church of god among us : that so the peoples interest be secured by consent and suffrage , which is the pretence of the congregational way , the due power of presbyteries asserted by their joynt-concurrence with the bishop , as is laid down in that excellent model of the late incomparable primate of armagh : and the just honour and dignity of the bishop asserted , as a very laudable and ancient constitution for preserving the peace and unity of the church of god. so the learned is. casaubon describes the polity of the primitive church ; episcopi in singulis ecclesiis constituti cum suis prebyteriis , & propriam sibi quisque peculiari cura , & universam omnes in commune curantes , admirabilis cujusdam aristocra●iae speciem referebant . my main design throughout this whole ●reatise , is to shew that there can be no argument drawn from any pretence of a divine right , that may hinder men from consenting and yielding to such a form of government in the church , as may bear the greatest correspondency to the primitive church , and be most advantagiously conduceable to the peace , unity and settlement of our divided church . i plead not at all for any abuses or corruptions incident to the best form of government through the corruption of men and times . nay i dare not harbour so low apprehensions of persons enjoying so great dignity and honour in the church , that they will in any wise be unwilling of themselves to reduce the form of church government among us to its primitive state and order , by retrenching all exorbitances of power , and restoring those presbyteries which no law hath forbidden , but onely through disuse have been laid aside . whereby they will give to the world that rare example of self-denial and the highest christian prudence , as may raise an honourable opinion of them even among those , who have hitherto the most slighted so ancient and venerable an order in the church of god , and thereby become the repairers of those , otherwise irreparable , breaches in the church of god. i conclude with the words of a late learned , pious and moderate prelate in his via media ; i have done , and now i make no other account , but that it will fall out with me , as it doth commonly with him that offers to part a fray ; both parts will perhaps drive at me for wishing them no worse than peace . my ambition of the publike tranquillity shall willingly carry me through this hazzard : let both beat me , so their quarrel may cease : i shall rejoyce in those blows and scars which i shall take for the churches safety . the contents of the chapters . part . i. chap. i. things necessary for the churches peace , must be clearly revealed . the form of government not so , as appears by the remaining controversie about it . an evidence thence , that christ never intended any one form as the only means to peace in the church . the nature of a divine right discussed . right in general either makes things lawful , or else due . for the former , a non-prohibition sufficient ; the latter , an express command . duty supposeth legislation and promulgation . the question stated . nothing binds unalterably but by vertue of a standing law , and that two fold . the law of nature , and positive lawes of god. three wayes to know when positive lawes are unalterable . the divine right arising from scripture-examples , divine acts , and divine approbation , considered . p. . chap. ii. six hypotheses laid down as the basis of the following discourse . . the irreversible obligation of the law of nature , either by humane or divine positive lawes in things immediately flowing from it . . things agreeable to the law of nature may be lawfully practised in the church of god inlarged into five subservient propositions . . divine positive lawes con●erning the manner of the thing whose substance is determined by the law of nature , must be obeyed by vertue of the obligation of the natural law. . things , undetermined both by the natural and positive laws of god , may be lawfully determin'd by the supream authority in the church of god. the magistrates power in matters of religion , largely asserted and cleared . the nature of indifferency in actions stated . matters of christian liberty are subject to restraints , largely proved . proposals for accommodation as to matters of indifferency . . what is thus determined by lawful authority , doth bind the consciences of men subject to that authority ; to obedience to those determinations . . things thus determined by lawful authority , are not thereby made unalterable , but may be revoked , limited , and changed by the same authority . p. chap. iii. how far church government is founded upon the law of nature . two things in it founded thereon . . that there must be a society of men for the worship of god. . that this society be governed in the most convenient manner . a society for worship manifested . gen , . . considered . the sons of god and the sons of men who ? societies for worship among heathens evidenced by three things , . solemnity of sacrifices ; sacrificing how far natural . the antiquity of the feast of first-fruits largely discovered . . the original of festivals for the honour of their deities . . the s●crecy and solemnity of their mysteries . this further proved from mans sociable nature , the improvement of it by religion , the honour redounding to god by such a society for his worship . p. chap. iv. the second thing the law of nature dictates , that this society be maintained and governed in the most convenient manner . a further inquiry , what particular orders for government in the church come from the law of nature . six laid down , and evidenced to be from thence . first , a distinction of some persons , and their superiority over others , both in power and order , cleared to be from the law of nature . the power and application of the power distinguished ; this latter not from any law of nature binding , but permissive : therefore may be restrained . peoples right of chosing pastors considered . order distinguished from the form and manner of government : the former natural , the other not . the second is , that the persons imployed in the service of god , should have respect answerable to their imployment , which appears from their relation to god as his servants ; from the persons imployed in this work before positive laws . masters of families the first priests . the priesthood of the first-born before the law discussed : the arguments for it answered . the conjunction of civil and sacred authothority largely shewed , among egyptians , grecians , romans , and others . the ground of separation of them afterwards , from plutarch and others . p. chap. v. the third thing dictated by the law of nature is the solemnity of all things to be performed in this society , which lyes in the gravity of all rites and ceremonies , in the composed temper of mind . gods worship rational . his spirit destroyes not the use of reason . the enthusiastick spirit discovered . the circumstantiating of fit times and place for worship . the seventh day on what account so much spoken of by heathens . the romans holy ▪ dayes . cessation of labour upon them . the solemnity of ceremonies used . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , silence in devotions . exclusion of unfit persons . solemnity of discipline , excommunication among the iewes by the sound of a trumpet , among christians by a bell. p. chap. vi. the fourth thing dictated by the law of nature , that there must be a way to end controversies arising , which tend to break the peace of the society . the nature of schisme considered . the churches power as to opinions explained . when separation from a church may be lawful . not till communion becomes sin ; which is , when corruptions are required as conditions of communion . not lawful to erect new churches , upon supposition of corruption in a church . the ratio of a fundamental article explained ; it implyes both necessity and sufficiency in order to salvation . liberty of judgement and authority distinguished . the latter must be parted with in religious societies as to private persons . what way the light of nature directs to , for ending controversies . first in an equality of power , that the less number yield to the greater ; on what law of nature that is founded . secondly , in a subordination of power , that there must be a liberty of appeals . appeals defined . independency of particular congregations considered . elective synods . the case paralleld between civill and church-government . where appeals finally lodge . the power of calling synods , and confirming their acts , in the magistrate . p. . chap. vii . the fifth thing dictated by the law of nature ; that all that are admitted into this society , must consent to be governed by the lawes and rules of it . civil societies founded upon mutual consent ; express in their first entrance , implicite in others born under societies actually formed . consent as to a church necessary ; the manner of consent determined by christ , by baptism and profession . implicite consent supposed in all baptized ; explicite declared by challenging the priviledges , and observing the duties of the covenant . explicite by express owning the gospel when adult , very useful for recovering the credit of christia nity . the discipline of the primitive church cleared from origen ▪ iustin martyr , pliny , tertullian . the necessary re●●●●●●es of church membership , whether positive signs of grace ▪ nothing required by the gospel beyand reality of profession ▪ ex●●●●●t● co●●●●●● , how far necessary ▪ not the formal constitution of a church ▪ proved by sever●● arguments . p. . chap. viii . the last thing dictated by the law of nature , is , that every offender against the lawes of this society , is bound to give an account of his actions to the governours of it , and submit to the censures inflicted upon him by them . the original of penalties in societies . the nature of them , according to the nature and ends of societies . the penalty of the church no civil mulct ; because its lawes and ends are different from civil societies . the practice of the d●u●ds and c●rce●ae in e 〈…〉 n. among the iewes , whether a meer civil or sacr 〈…〉 y. the latter proved by six arguments . cherem col bo what ? objections answered . the original of the mistake shewed the first part concluded . p. part . ii. chap. i. the other ground of divine right considered ▪ viz. gods positive lawes , which imply a certain knowledge of gods intention to bind men perpetua●ly . as to which the arguments drawn from tradition , and the practice of the church in after ages , proved invalid by several ▪ arguments . in order to a right stating the question , some concessions laid down . first , that there must be some form of government in the church , is of divine right . the notion of a church explained , whether it belongs only to particular congregations ? which are manifested not to be of gods primary intention , but for our necessity . evidence for national churches under the gospel a national church-government necessary . p. chap. ii. the second concession is , that church government must be administred by officers of divine appointment . to that end , the continuance of a gospel ministry fully cleared from all those arguments ▪ by which positive laws are proved immutable . the reason of its appointment continues ; the dream of a ●aeculum spiritus sancti discussed ; first broached by the mendicant friers upon the rising of the waldenses , now embraced by enthusiasts . it s occasion and unreasonableness shewed ▪ gods declaring the perpetuity of a gospel ministry , matth. . . explained . a novel interpretation largely refuted . the world to come what ? a ministry necessary for the churches continuance , ephes. . explained and vindicated . p. chap. iii. the question fully stated . not what form of government comes the nearest to the primitive practice , but whether any be absolutely determined . several things propounded for resolving the question . what the form of church-government was under the law. how far christians are bound to observe that . neither the necessity of a superiour order of church-officers nor the unlawfulness can be proved from thence . p. chap. iv. whether christ hath determined the form of government by any positive laws . arguments of the necessity why christ must determine it , largely answered , as first , christs faithfulness compared with moses , answered and retorted ▪ and thence proved that christ did not institute any form of government in the church , because he gave no such law for it , as moses did . and we have nothing but general rules which are appliable to several forms of government . the office of timothy and titus , what it proves in order to this question ; the lawfulness of episcopacy shewed thence , but not the necessity . a particular form how far necessary , as christ was governour of his church ; the similitudes the church is set out by , prove not the thing in question . nor the difference between civil and church-government ; nor christ setting officers in his church , nor the inconvenience of the churches power in appointing new officers . every minister hath a power respecting the church in common , which the church may determine , and fix the bounds of episcopacy , thence proved lawful . the argument from the scriptures perfection answered . p. chap. v. whether any of christs actions have determined the form of government ? all power in christs hands for governing the church : what order christ took in order thereto when he was in the world. calling the apostles , the first action respecting outward government : three steps of the apostles calling , to be disciples ; in their first mission ; in their plenary commission . several things observed upon them pertinent to our purpose . the name and office of apostles cleared ; an equality among them proved during our saviours life . peter not made monarch of the church by christ. the pleas for it answered . the apostles power over the seventy disciples considered , with the nature and quality of their office , matth. . , . largely discussed and explained . it excludes all civil power ; but makes not all inequality in church-officers unlawful ▪ by the difference of apostles and pastors of churches , matth. . , , . fully inquired into . no evidence for any one form from thence ▪ because equally applyed to several . what the offences are , there spoken of ? what the church spoken to ? not an ecclesiastical sanhedrin among the iews , nor yet the civil sanhedrin , as erastus and his followers explain it : nor a consistorial or congregational church under the gospel ; but onely a select company for ending private differences among christians . p. chap. vi. the next and chief thing pleaded for determining the form of church-government , is apostolical practice ; two things inquired into concerning that ; what it was ? how far it binds ? the apostles invested with the power and authority of governing the whole church of christ by their commission ▪ iohn . . matth. . . what the apostles did in order to church-government before pentecost . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 explained . no division of provinces made among the apostles then ; made appear by several arguments . whether paul and peter were con●ined , one to the circumcision , the other to the uncircumcision , and different churches erected by them in the same cities ? what course the apostles took in setling the government of particular churches . largely proved that they observed the customs of the iewish synagogue . the model of the synagogue government described . whether peculiar ordination for the synagogue officers ? the service of the synagogue set forth , with the officers belonging to it . grounds proving that the apostles copied forth the the synagogue modell . community of names and customs between iews and christians then . forming churches out of synagogues : whether any distinct coetus of jewish and gentile christians in the same cities ? correspondency of the church with the synagogue , in the orders of publick service . in the custome of ordination . ierom explained . the power of ordination ▪ in whom it lodgeth in the christian church . the opinions of ierom and aerins considered . the name of presbyters and bishops explained . three general considerations touching apostolical practice . . that we cannot attain to such a certainty of apostolical practice , as thereon to ground a divine right . the uncertainty of apostolical practice as to us fully discovered , . from the equivalency of the names which should determine the controversie . . in that the places in controversie may without incongruity be understood of the different forms . . from the defectiveness , ambiguity , partiality and repugnancy of the records of antiquity , which should inform us what the apostolical practice was . these fully discoursed upon . the testimonies of eusebius , irenaeus , tertullian , hilary , ierom , and ignatius discussed ; and these two last proved not to contradict each other . episcopacy owned as a humane instituiion by the sense of the church . . consideration . that in all probability the apostles did not observe any one fixed course of settling church government ; but settled it according to the several circumstances of time , places , and persons . several things premised for clearing it . this opinion , though seemingly new , is proved at large to be most consonant to antiquity , by the several testimonies of clemens rom. alexandrinus , epiphanius ( whose testimony is corrected , explained , and vindicated ) hilary and divers others . this opinion of great consequence towards our ▪ present peace . no foundation for lay-elders , either in scripture or antiquity . . consideration ▪ meer apostoli●al practice , if supposed , founds not any divine right , proved by a fourfold argument . the right of tithes resolved upon the same principles with that of church government . rites and institutions apostolical grown quite out of use among the several contending parties . p. . chap. vii . the churches polity in the ages after the apostles considered . evidences thence that no certain unalterable form of church-government was delivered to them . . because church power did inlarge as the churches did . whether any metropolitan churches established by the apostles . seven churches of asia , whether metropolitical ; philippi no metropolis either in civil or ecclesiastical sense . several degrees of inlargement of churches . churches first the christians in whole cities , proved by several arguments ; the eulogiae an evidence of it . churches extended into the neighbour territories by the preaching there of city presbyters ; thence comes the subordination between them . churches by degrees inlarged to diocesses ; from thence to provinces . the original of metropolitans and patriarches . . no certain form used in all churches . some churches without bishops , scots , goths . some with but one bishop in their whole countrey scythian , aethiopian churches how governed . many cities without bishops . diocesses much altered . bishops discontinued in several churches for many years . . conforming ecclesiastical government to the civil in the extent of diocesses . the suburbicarian churches what . bishops answerable to the civil governours . churches power rises from the greatness of cities . . validity of ordination by presbyters in places where bishops were . the case of ischyras discussed ▪ instances given of ordination by presbyters not pronounced null . . the churches prudence in managing its affairs , by the several canons , provincial synods , codex canonum . p. chap. viii . an inquiry into the iudgement of reformed divines concerning the unalterable divine right of particular forms of church-government : wherein it is made appear , that the most emine nt divines of the reformation did never conceive any one form necessary ; manifested by three arguments . . from the judgment of those who make the form of church-government mutable , and to depend upon the wisdom of the magistrate and church . this cleared to have been the judgement of most divines of the church of england since the reformation . archbishop cranmers judgements with others of the reformation in edward the sixth , time , now first published from his authentick ms. the same ground of setling episcopacy ▪ in queen elizabeth's time . the judgement of archbishop whitgift , bishop bridges , dr. loe , mr. hooker , largely to that purpose , in king iames his time . the kings own opinion . dr. sut●●ffe . since of grakanthorp , mr. hales , mr. chillingworth . the testimony of forraign divines to the same purpose . chemnitius , zanchy . french divines , peter moulin , fregevil , blondel , bochartus , amyraldus . other learned men , grotius , lord bacon , &c. . those who look upon equality as the primitive form , yet judge episcopacy lawful . aug●stane confession , melanchthon , articuli smalcaldici . prince of anhalt , hyperius , hemingi●s : the practice of most forraign churches . calvin and beza both approving episcopacy and diocesan churches . salmatius , &c. : those who judge episcopacy to be the primitive form , yet look not on it as necessary . bishop iewel , fulk , field , bishop downam , bishop bancroft , bishop morton , bishop andrews , saravia , francis mason , and others . the conclusion hence laid in order to peace . principles conducing thereto . . prudence must be used in church-government , at last confessed by all parties . independents in elective synods , and church covenants , admission of members , number in congregations . presbyterians in classes and synods , lay-elders , &c. episcopal in diocesses , causes , rites , &c. . that prudence best , which comes nearest primitive practice . a presidency for life over an ecclesiastical senate shewed to be that form ; in order to it . presbyteries to be restored . diocesses lessened . provincial synods kept twice a year . the reasonableness and easiness of accommodation shewed . the whole concluded . p. . . a weapon-salve for the churches wounds : or , the divine right of particular forms of government in the church of god , discussed and examined , according to the principles of the law of nature , the positive laws of god , the practice of the apostles , and the primitive church : and the judgement of reformed divines . part i. chap. i. things necessary for the churches peace , must be clearly revealed . the form of church-government not so , as appears by the remaining controversie about it . an evidence thence , that christ never intended any one form , as the only means to peace in the church . the nature of a divine right discussed . right in general either makes things lawful , or else due . for the former , a non-prohibition sufficient ; the later , an express command . duty supposeth legislation and promulgation . the question stated . nothing binds unalterably but by virtue of a standing law , and that two-fold ; the law of nature and positive laws of god. three ways to know when positive laws are unalterable . the divine right arising from scripture-examples , divine acts , and divine approbation , considered . he that imposeth any matter of opinion upon the belief of others , without giving evidence of reason for it , proportionable to the confidence of his assertion , must either suppose the thing propounded , to carry such unquestionable credentials of truth and reason with it , that none who know what they mean can deny it entertainment ; or else that his own understanding hath attained to so great perfection , as to have authority sufficient to oblige all others to follow it . this latter cannot be presumed among any who have asserted the freedom of their own understandings , from the dictates of an infallible chair : but if any should forget themselves so far as to think so , there needs no other argument to prove them not to be infallible in their assertions , then this one assertion , that they are infallible ; it being an undoubted evidence that they are actually deceived ▪ who know so little the measure of their own understandings . the former can never be pretended in any thing which is a matter of controversie among men , who have not wholly forgot they are reasonable creatures , by their bringing probable arguments for the maintaining one part of an opinion as well as another . in which case , though the arguments brought be not convincing for the necessary entertaining either part to an unbiassed understanding , yet the difference of their opinions is argument sufficient , that the thing contended for is not so clear as both parties would make it to be on their own side ; and if it be not a thing of necessity to salvation , it gives men ground to think , that a final decision of the matter in controversie , was never intended as a necessary means for the peace and unity of the church of god. for we cannot with any shew of reason imagine , that our supreme law giver and saviour , who hath made it a necessary duty in all true members of his church , to endeavour after the peace and unity of it , should suspend the performance of that duty upon a matter of opinion , which when men have used their utmost endeavors to satisfie themselves about , they yet find , that those very grounds which they are most inclinable to build their judgements upon , are either wholly rejected by others , as wise and able as themselves ; or else , it may be , they erect a far different fabrick upon the very same foundations . it is no ways consistent with the wisdom of christ in founding his church , and providing for the peace and settlement of it , to leave it at the mercy of mens private judgments , and apprehensions of things , than which nothing more uncertain , and thereby make it to depend upon a condition never like to be attained in this world , which is the agreement and uniformity of mens opinions . for as long as mens faces differ , their judgements will. and until there be an intellectus averroisticus , the same understanding in all persons , we have little ground to hope for such an universal harmony in the intellectual world ; and yet even then the soul might pass a different judgement upon the colours of things , according to the different tincture of the several optick-glasses in particular bodies , which it takes a prospect of things through . reason and experience then give us little hopes of any peace in the church , if the unity of mens judgements be supposed the condition of it : the next inquiry then is , how the peace of the church shall be attained or preserved , when men are under such different perswasions ; especially if they respect the means , in order to a peace and settlement . for the ways to peace , like the fertile soils of greece , have been oft-times the occasion of the greatest quarrels . and no sickness is so dangerous as that when men are sick of their remedy , and nauseate that most which tends to their recovery . but while physitians quarrel about the method of cure , the patient languisheth under their hands ; and when men increase contentions in the behalf of peace , while they seem to court it , they destroy it . the only way left for the churches settlement and peace under such variety of apprehensions concerning the means and method , in order to it , is to pitch upon such a foundation , if possible to be found out , whereon the different parties retaining their private apprehensions , may yet be agreed to carry on the same work in common , in order to the peace and tranquillity of the church of god. which cannot be by leaving all absolutely to follow their own ways ; for that were to build a babel instead of salem , confusion instead of peace ; it must be then by convincing men , that neither of those ways to peace and order , which they contend about , is necessary by way of divine command , ( though some be as a means to an end ) but which particular way or form it must be , is wholly left to the prudence of those in whose power and trust it is to see the peace of the church be secured on lasting foundations . how neerly this concerns the present debate about the government of the church , any one may quickly discern . the main plea for forms of government in the church , is their necessity , in order to its peace and order , and yet nothing hath produced more disorder and confusion then our disputes about it have done . and our sad experience still tells us , that , after all our debates , and the evidences brought on either side , men yet continue under very different apprehensions concerning it . but if we more strictly enquire into the causes of the great distances and animosities which have risen upon this controversie , we shall find it hath not been so much the difference of judgements concerning the primitive form of government , which hath divided men so much from one another , as the prevalency of faction and interest in those whose revenues have come from the rents of the church , and among others of greater integrity it hath been the principle or hypothesis which men are apt to take for granted , without proving it ; viz. that it is in no case lawful to vary from that form , which by obscure and uncertain conjectures , they conceive to have been the primitive practice . for hereby men look upon themselves as obliged by an unalterable law , to endeavour the establishment of that idea of government , which oft-times affection and interest , more then reason and judgement , hath formed within them ; and so likewise bound to over throw any other form not suitable to those correspondencies which they are already engaged to maintain . if this then were the cause of the wounds and breaches this day among us , the most successful weapon-salve to heal them , will be , to anoint the sword which hath given the wound , by a seasonable inquiry into the nature and obligation of particular forms of government in the church . the main subject then of our present debate will be , whether any one particular form of church government be setled upon an unalterable divine right ; by virtue whereof all churches are bound perpetually to observe that individual form ? or , whether it be left to the prudence of every particular church to agree upon that form of government which it judgeth most conducible within its self to attain the end of government , the peace , order , tranquillity , and settlement of the church . if this latter be made fully appear , it is then evident that , however mens judgements may differ concerning the primitive form of government , there is yet a sure ground for men to proceed on in order to the churches peace . which one consideration will be motive sufficient to justifie an attempt of this nature , it being a design of so great importance , as the recovery of an advantagious piece of ground , whereon different parties may with safety not only treat , but agree in order to a speedy accommodation . we come therefore closely to the business in hand , and , for the better clearing of our passage , we shall first discuss the nature of a divine right , and shew whereon an unalterable divine right must be founded , and then proceed to shew how far any form of government in the church is setled upon such a right . right in the general is a relative thing , and the signification and import of it must be taken from the respect it bears to the law which gives it . for although in common acception it be often understood to be the same with the law its self , as it is the rule of actions ( in which sense ius naturae , gentium , civile , is taken for the several laws of nature , nations , and particular states ) yet i say ius , and so right , is properly something accruing to a person by virtue of that law which is made , and so jus naturae is that right which every man is invested in by the law of nature , which is properly jus personae , and is by some call'd jus activum , which is defined by grotius to be qualitas moralis personae competens ad aliquid juste habendum aut agendum ▪ by lessius to be potestas legitima ad rem aliquam obtinendam , &c. so that by these descriptions , right is that power which a man hath by law to do , have , or obtain any thing . but the most full description of it is given by martinius , that it is adhaerens personae necessitas vel potestas recta ad aliquid agendum , omittendum , aut permittendum , that whereby any person lies under a necessity of doing , omitting or suffering a thing to be , or else hath a lawful authority of doing , &c. for we are to consider that there is a two-fold right , either such whereby a man hath liberty and freedom by the law to do any thing ; or such whereby it becomes a mans necessary duty to do any thing . the opening of the difference of these two , and the different influences they have upon persons and things , is very useful to our present purpose : ius then is first that which is justum ; so isidore , ius dictum quia justum est . so what ever is just , men have right to do it : now a thing may be said to be just either more generally , as it signifies any thing which is lawful , or in a more restrained sense , when it implies something that is equal and due to another . so aristotle distributes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the former sense of it is here only pertinent , as it implies any thing which may be done according to law , that is , done jure , because a man hath right to do it . in order to this we are to observe , that an express positive command is not necessary to make a thing lawful , but a non-prohibition by a law is sufficient for that . for it being the nature of laws to bound up mens rights , what is not forbidden by the law is thereby supposed to be left in mens power still to do it . so that it is to little purpose for men to seek for positive commands for every particular action to make it lawful ; it sufficeth to make any action lawful , if there be no bar made by any direct or consequential prohibition ; unless it be in such things whose lawfulness and goodness depend upon a meer positive command . for in those things which are therefore only good , because commanded , a command is necessary to make them lawful , as in immediate positive acts of worship towards god ; in which nothing is lawful any further then it is founded upon a divine command . i speak not of circumstances belonging to the acts of worship , but whatever is looked upon as a part of divine worship , if it be not commanded by god himself , it is no ways acceptable to him , and therefore not lawful . so our saviour cites that out of the prophet ▪ in vain do they worship me , teaching for doctrines the commandments of men , which the chaldee paraphrast and syriack version render thus , reverentia quam mihi exhibent est ex praecepto & documento humano , plainly imputing the reason of gods rejecting their worship , to the want of a divine command for what they did . and therefore tertullian condemns all those things to be vacuae observationis & superstitioni deputanda , as superstitious , which are done sine ulli●s dominici a●t apostolici praecepti autoritate , without the warrant of divine command . although even here we may say too , that it is not meerly the want of a divine precept which makes any part of divine worship uncommanded by god unlawful , but the general prohibition , that nothing should be done in the immediate worship of god , but what we have a divine command for . however , in matters of meer dece●cy and order in the church of god , or in any other civil action of the lives of men , it is enough to make things lawful , if they are not forbidden . but against this , that a non-prohibition is warrant enough to make any thing lawful , this objection will be soon leavied , that it is an argument ab authoritate negativè , and therefore is of no force : to which i answer ▪ that the rule , if taken without limitation , upon which this objection is founded , is not true ; for although an argument ab authoritate negativè , as to matter of fact avails not , yet the negative , from authority , as to matter of law and command , is of great force and strength . i grant the argument holds not here ; we do not read that ever christ or his apostles did such a thing , therefore it is not to be done ; but this , we read of no law or precept commanding us to do it , therefore it is not unlawful not to do it ; and we read of no prohibition forbidding us to do it , therefore it may be lawfully done ; this holds true and good , and that upon this two-fold reason . first , from gods intention in making known his will ; which was not to record every particular fact done by himself , or christ , or his apostles , but it was to lay down those general and standing laws , whereby his church in all ages should be guided and ruled : and in order to a perpetual obligation upon the consciences , there must be a sufficient promulgation of those laws which must bind men . thus in the case of infant-baptism , it is a very weak unconcluding argument to say that infants must not be baptized , because we never read that christ or his apostles did it ; for this is a negative in matter of fact ; but on the other side , it is an evidence that infants are not to be excluded from baptism , because there is no divine law which doth prohibit their admission into the church by it ; for this is the negative of a law ; and if it had been christs intention to have excluded any from admission into the church , who were admitted before as insants were , there must have been some positive law whereby such an intention of christ should have been expressed ; for nothing can make that unlawful which was a duty before , but a direct and express prohibition from the legislator himself ▪ who alone hath power to re●cind as well as to make laws . and therefore antipaedobaptists must , instead of requiring a positive command for baptizing infants , themselves produce an express prohibition excluding them , or there can be no appearance of reason given , why the gospel should exclude any from those priviledges , which the law admitted them to . secondly , i argue from the intention and end of laws , which is to circumscribe and restrain the natural liberty of man , by binding him to the observation of some particular precepts . and therefore where there is not a particular command and prohibition , it is in nature and reason supposed that men are left to their natural freedom ; as is plain in positive humane laws ; wherein men by compact and agreement for their mutual good in societies , were willing to restrain themselves from those things which should prejudice the good of the community ; this being the ground of mens first inclosing their rights and common priviledges , it must be supposed , that what is not so inclosed , is left common to all as their just right and priviledge still . so it is in divine positive laws , god intending to bring some of mankind to happiness , by conditions of his own appointing , hath laid down many positive precepts , binding men to the practise of those things as duties which are commanded by him . but where we find no command for performance , we cannot look upon that as an immediate duty , because of the necessary relation between duty and law ; and so where we find no prohibition , there we can have no ground to think that men are debarred from the liberty of doing things not forbidden . for as we say of exceptions , as to general laws and rules , that an exception expressed firmat regulam in non exceptis , makes the rule stronger in things not expressed as excepted ; so it is as to divine prohibitions ; as to the positives , that those prohibitions we read in scripture make other things not-prohibited to be therefore lawful , because not expresly forbidden . as gods forbidding adam to taste of the fruit of one tree , did give him a liberty to taste of all the rest . indeed , had not god at all revealed his will and laws to us by his word , there might have been some plea why men should have waited for particular revelations to dictate the goodness or evil of particular actions , not determined by the law of nature ; but since god hath revealed his will , there can be no reason given why those things should not be lawful to do , which god hath not thought fit to forbid men the doing of . further we are to observe , that in these things which are thus undetermined in reference to an obligation to duty , but left to our natural liberty as things lawful , the contrary to that which is thus lawful , is not thereby made unlawful . but both parts are left in mens power to do , or not to do them ; as is evident in all those things which carry a general equity with them , and are therefore consonant to the law of nature , but have no particular obligation , as not flowing immediately from any dictate of the natural law. thus community of goods is lawful by the law and principles of nature ; yet every man hath a lawful right to his goods by dominion and propriety . and in a state of community it was the right of every man to impropriate upon a just equality , supposing a preceding compact and mutual agreement . whence it is that some of the school-men say , that although the law of nature be immutable , as to its precepts and prohibitions , yet not as to its demonstrations ( as they call them ; ) as , do as you would be done to , binds always indispensably ; but , that in a state of nature all things are common to all , this is true , but it binds not men to the necessary observance of it . these which they call demonstrations are only such things as are agreeable to nature , but not particularly commanded by any indispensable precept of it . thus likewise it is agreeable to nature , that the next of the kindred should be heir to him who dies intestate ; but he may lawfully wave his interest if he please . now to apply this to our present case ; according to this sense of jus for that which is lawful , those things may be said to be jure divino , which are not determined one way or other by any positive law of god , but are left wholly , as things lawful , to the prudence of men to determine them , in a way agreeable to natural light , and the general rules of the word of god. in which sense i assert any particular form of government agreed on by the governours of the church , consonant to the general rules of scripture , to be by divine right , i. e. god by his own laws hath given men a power and liberty to determine the particular form of church-government among them . and hence it may appear , that though one form of government be agreeable to the word , it doth not follow that another is not ; or , because one is lawful , another is unlawful : but one form may be more agreeable to some parts , places , people and times , then others are . in which case that form of government is to be setled which is most agreeable to the present state of a place , and is most advantagiously conducible to the promoting the ends of church-government in that place or nation . i conclude then according to this sense of jus , that the ratio regiminis ecclesiastici is juris divini naturalis , that is , that the reason of church-government is immutable , and holds in all times and places , which is the preservation of the peace and unity of the church ; but the modus regiminis ecclesiastici , the particular form of that government is juris divini permissivi , that both the laws of god and nature have left it to the prudence of particular churches to determine it . this may be cleared by a parallel instance . the reason and the science of physick is immutable , but the particular prescriptions of that science are much varied , according to the different tempers of patients . and the very same reason in physick which prescribes one sort of physick to one , doth prescribe a different sort to another , because the temper or disease of the one calls for a different method of cure ; yet the ground and end of both prescriptions was the very same , to recover the patient from his distemper . so i say in our present case ; the ground and reason of government in the church is unalterable by divine right ; yea , and that very reason which determines the particular forms : but yet , these particular forms flowing from that immutable reason , may be very different in themselves , and may alter according to the several circumstances of times , and places , and persons , for the more commodious advancing the main end of government . as in morality there can be but one thing to a man in genere summi boni , as the chief good , quò tendit & in quod dirigit aroum — to which he refers all other things ; yet there may be many things in genere boni conducentis , as means in order to attaining that end . so though church-government vary not as to the ground , end , and reason of it ; yet it may , as to the particular forms of it : as is further evident , as to forms of civil government : though the end of all be the same ; yet monarchy , aristocracy , and democracy , are in themselves lawful means for the attaining the same common end . and as alensis determines it , in the case of community of goods by the law of nature , that the same reason of the law of nature which did dictate community of goods to be most suitable to man in the state of innocency , did in his faln estate prescribe a propriety of goods , as most agreeable to it ; so that herein the modus observanti●● dissered , but the ratio praecepti was the same still ; which was mans comfortable enjoyment of the accommodations of life : which in innocency might have been best done by community ; but in mans degenerate condition , must be by a propriety . so the same reason of church-government may call for an equality in the persons , acting as governours of the church in one place , which may call for superiority and subordination in another . having now dispatched the first sense of a divine right , i come to the other , which is the main seat of the controversie , and therefore will require a longer debate . and so jus is that which makes a thing to become a duty : so jus quasi jussum , and jussa jura , as festus explains it , i. e. that whereby a thing is not only licitum , in mens lawful power to do it or no , but is made d●bitum , and is constituted a duty by the force and virtue of a divine command . now mans obligation to any thing as a duty , doth suppose on the part of him from whose authority he derives his obligation , both legislation and promulgation . first there must be a legislative power commanding it ; which if it respects only the outward actions of a man in a nation imbodied by laws , is the supreme magistrate ; but if the obligation respect the consciences of all men directly and immediately , then none have the power to settle any thing by way of an universal standing law , but god himself : who by being sole creator and governour of the world , hath alone absolute and independent dominion and authority over the souls of men . but besides legislation , another thing necessary to mans obligation to duty , is , a sufficient promulgation of the law made ; because though before this there be the ground of obedience on mans part to all gods commands , yet there must be a particular declaration of the laws , whereby man is bound in order to the determination of mans duty . which in positives is so absolutely necessary , that unless there be a sufficient promulgation and declaration of the will of the law-giver , mans ignorance is excusable in reference to them ; and so frees from guilt and the obligation to punishment . but it is otherwise in reference to the dictates of the natural law , wherein though man be at a loss for them , yet his own contracted pravity being the cause of his blindness , leaves him without excuse . hence it is said with good reason , that though man under the moral law , was bound to obey gospel-precepts , as to the reason and substance of the duties by them commanded , as faith , repentance from dead works , and new obedience ; yet a more full and particular revelation by the gospel was necessary , for the particular determination of the general acts of obedience , to particular objects under their several modifications expressed in the gospel . and therefore faith and repentance under the moral law , taken as a transcript of the law of nature , were required under their general notion as acts of obedience , but not in that particular relation which those acts have under the covenant of grace . which particular determination of the general acts to special objects under different respects , some call new precepts of the gospel , others new light ; but taking that light as it hath an influence upon the consciences of men , the difference is so small , that it deserves not to be named a controversie . but that which i am now clearing is this , that whatsoever binds christians as an universal standing law , must be clearly revealed as such , and laid down in scripture in such evident terms , as all who have their senses exercised therein , may discern it to have been the will of christ , that it should perpetually oblige all believers to the worlds end , as is clear in the case of baptism , and the lords supper . but here i shall add one thing by way of caution ; that there is not the same necessity for a particular and clear revelation in the alteration of a law unrepealed in some circumstances of it , as there is for the establishing of a new law. as to the former , viz. the change of a standing law as to some particular circumstance , a different practice by persons guided by an infallible spirit is sufficient ; which is the case as to the observation of the lords day under the gospel : for the fourth command standing in force as to the morality of it , a different practice by the apostles may be sufficient for the particular determination of the more ritual and occasional part of it , which was the limitation of the observation of it to that certain day . so likewise that other law standing in force , that persons taken into covenant with god should be admitted by some visible sign , apostolical practice , clearly manifested , may be sufficient ground to conclude what the mind of christ was , as to the application of it to particular persons ; and what qualifications are requisite in such as are capable of admission , as in the case of infants . whereby it is clear why there is no particular law or command in reference to them under the gospel , because it was only the application of a law in force already to particular persons , which might be gathered sufficiently from the apostles practice , the analogy of the dispensation , the equal reason of exclusion under the law , and yet notwithstanding the continual admission of them then into the same gospel-govenant ; circumcision being the seal of the righteousness of faith. but this by the way , to prevent mistakes . we must now by parity of reason say , that either the former law , in those things wherein it was not typical , must hold in reference to the form of . government in the church of christ ; or else that christ by an universal law hath setled all order in church government among the pastors themselves ; or else that he hath left it to the prudence of every particular church , to determine its own form of government , which i conceive is the direct state of the question about divine right , viz. whether the particular form of government in the church be setled by an universal binding law or no ? but for a further clearing the state of the question , we must consider what it is that makes an unalterable divine right , or a standing law in the church of god : for those who found forms of government upon a divine right , do not plead a law in express terms , but such things from whence a divine right by law may be inferred . which i now come to examine ; and that which i lay down as a postulatum , or a certain conclusion according to which i shall examine others ●ssertions concerning divine right , is , that nothing is founded upon a divine right , nor can bind christians directly or consequentially as a positive law , but what may be certainly known to have come from god , with an intention to oblige believers to the worlds end . for either we must say , it binds christians as a law when god did not intend it should ; or else gods intentions to bind all believers by it , must be clearly manifested . now then , so many ways and no more as a thing may be known to come from god with an intention to oblige all perpetually , a thing may be said to be of an unalterable divine right ; and those can be no more then these two ; either by the law of nature , or by some positive law of god : nothing else can bind universally and perpetually but one of these two , or by virtue of them , as shall be made appear . i begin with the law of nature . the law of nature binds indispensably , as it depends not upon any arbitrary constitutions , but is founded upon the intrinsecal nature of good and evil in the things themselves , antecedently to any positive declaration of gods will. so that till the nature of good and evil be changed , that law is unalterable as to its obligation . when , i say , the law of nature is indispensable , my meaning is , that in those things which immediately flow from that law by way of precept , as the three first commands of the moral law , no man can by any positive law be exempted from his obligation to do them ; neither by any abrogation of the laws themselves , nor by derogation from them , nor interpretation of them , nor change in the object , matter , or circumstance , whatsoever it be . now although the formal reason of mans obedience to the precepts of this law , be the conformity ▪ which the things commanded have to the divine nature and goodness , yet i conceive the efficient cause of mans obligation to these things , is to be fetched from the will , command , and pleasure of god : not as it is taken for an arbitrary positive will , but as it is executive of divine purposes , and as it ingraves such a law upon the hearts of men . for notwithstanding mans reason , considered in it self , be the chiefest instrument of discovery what are these necessary duties of humane nature ( in which sense aristotle defines a natural law to be that which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath every where the same force and strength , i. e. as andronicus rhodius very well interprets it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among all that have the free use of their reason and faculties ) yet i say , it is not bare reason which binds men to the doing of those things commanded in that law , but as it is expressive of an eternal law , and deduceth its obligation from thence . and so this law , if we respect the rise , extent , and immutability of it , may be call'd deservedly the law of nature ; but if we look at the emanation , efflux , and original of it , it is a divine law , and so it is call'd by molina , alphonsus à castr●● , and others . for the sanction of this law of nature , as well as others , depends upon the will of god , and therefore the obligation must come from him , it being in the power of no other to punish for the breach of a law , but those who had the legislative power to cause the obligation to it . it appears then from hence , that whatever by just consequence can be deduced from the preceptive law of nature , is of divine right , because from the very nature of that law ( it being indispensable ) it appears that god had an intent to oblige all persons in the world by it . the second way whereby we may know what is of divine right , is by gods positive laws ; for god being the supreme governour of the world , hath the legislative power in his hands , to bind to the performance of what duties be please , which carry no repugnancy in them to his divine nature and goodness . hence arise all those positive laws of god which we have in scripture ; for god's end in his written law was , that man should have a copy of all divine constitutions by him , that he might therein read what his duty was toward his maker . the precepts of the law of nature , are by the jews call'd ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolutely , without any addition ; because they are of such things as do perpetually bind , which because they are known to all by natural light , they sometimes call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praecepta scientia ; and being that their righteousness is so evident and apparent , they call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verba rectitudinis : but the clearest difference between the precepts of the law of nature , and other positive commands , is that which the famous is. casaubon takes notice of out of the jewish doctors . observant doctissimi è rabbinis , inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 han● esse differentiam , quod mitsvoth , sive pr●ceptorum ratio aperta est , ut , deum cole , honora patrem & matrem ; at chukim , statuta sive decreta earum rerum esse dicunt quarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratio soli deo sit nota , ut circumcisionis & similium . the reason of the laws of nature is evident , but of positive laws there is no reason to be given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non est alia praeter decretum regis , no other account to be given of them but the will of god. the laws of nature are by the lxx . often call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so used , rom. . . by iustin martyr , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by iosephus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but gods positive laws are call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : thence we read of zachary and elizabeth , luke . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. walking in all the ordinances and commandments of god blameless , and those are call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by s. paul , ephes. . . the law of commandments in ordinances . now although this difference be not always observed in the words in scripture , yet there is a vast difference between the things themselves , though both equally commanded by god. that which is most to our present purpose to observe , is , that positives being mutable and alterable in themselves , a bare divine command is not sufficient to make them immutable , unless there be likewise expressed , that it is the will of god that they should always continue . this was that which the jews stumbled at so much , and do to this day ; because they are assured their law came once from god , therefore it must of necessity have a perpetual obligation : as may be seen in their two great doctors maimonides and abarbinel , who both of them make the eternity of the law one of the fundamental articles of their creed . but abarbinel splits this article into two ; whereof the first is , that the law of moses shall never be changed ; the other , that no other law shall come instead of it . the original of which grand errour is from want of observing the difference between things commanded by god , some of which are good , and therefore commanded ; others commanded , and therefore good . in which latter , if the reason of the command ceaseth , the command its self obligeth no longer . as the ceremonial law was to be their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is not meant in regard of the sharp severe nature of the law to drive them unto christ , as it is by many interpreted ; but the law is a paedagogue in regard of its tutorage and conduct , as it signified him whose office it was to conduct noblemens children to the school ( as a learned man observes . ) this being then the office of the law , when the church was now entred into christs school , the office of this paedagogue then ceased . and so the ceremonial law needed no abrogation at all ▪ exspiring of its self at christs coming , as laws made for the times of war do when peace comes . only because the jews were so hardly perswaded that it should exspire ( the believing jews conceiving at first the gospel came rather to help them to obey the law of moses then to cancel the obligation of it ) therefore it was necessary that a more honourable burial should be given to it , and the apostles should pro rostris declare more fully that believers were freed from that yoke of ceremonies , under which the neck of their fore-fathers had groaned so long . it appears then that a positive law coming from god doth not meerly by virtue of its being enacted by god , bind perpetually all persons , unless there be a declaration of gods will adjoyned , that it should do so . it will be here then well worth our inquiry to find out some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or notes of difference whereby to know when positive laws bind immutably , when not ; i shall ●ay down these following . first , when the same reason of the command continues still , then we cannot conceive how that which was instituted upon such an account as remains still , should not have the same force now which it had at first . that positive law under which adam was in his state of innocency touching the forbidden fruit , did not bind any longer then his fall ; because the reason of the command ceased , which was the tryal of mans obedience : for which , god made choice of a very facile and easie command , according to that rule of politicians in minimis obedientiae periculum faciunt legislatores , of which they give this rational account , quia legislatoris ad obedientiam obligantis potius habenda est ratio , quàm rei de quâ lex est lata : thence arose that law of the ephori at sparta , barbam tondere , to which no other reason was annexed but this , obtemperare legibus , to learn them to obey the laws . this was gods aim in that easie command given to adam , to make thereon an experiment of mans willingness to obey his maker , and wherein man soon lost that obsequii gloria , as he in tacttus calls it , which , as pliny saith , is in to major quod quis minus velit . but had this law been a standing law for all mankind , it would have continued its obligation still ; but since , we see that it was only a personal , temporary , probative precept ; for no sooner was man fallen but its obligation ceased . so likewise those precepts of the judicial law which immediately respected the commonwealth of the jews as such , their obligation reacheth not to christians at all , nor ( as it is generally conceived ) to the jews themselves , when out of the consines of their own countrey , because the reason of those laws doth neither descend to christians , nor did travel abroad with the jews . but those judicial laws which are founded upon common equity to bind still , not by virtue of that sanction , but by virtue of common principles of equity , which certainly in the present shortness of humane reason cannot be fetched from a clearer fountain then those laws which once came from the fountain of goodness : none of whose constitutions can any ways be supposed to deviate from the exactest rules of justice and equity . and upon this very ground too , some part of the fourth commandment is abrogated , and the other continues to bind still ; for the reason of the ceremonial and occasional part is ceased , and the reason of what was moral , continues . therefore the school-men say right of the sabbath day , cultus est à naturâ , modus à lege , virtu● à gratiâ . nature dictates that god should be worshipped , the law informs what day and time to spend in his worship , grace must enable us to perform that worship on that day in a right manner . and because the same reason for gods worship continue● still , therefore it is a precept of the natural law , that god should be worshipped . what time precisely must be spent in gods worship ( as one day in seven ) though the reason be evident to nature of it when it is made known ; yet it is hard to conceive that nature could have found out the precise determination of the time . although i must confess the general consent of nations , as to the seventh part , ( if it were fully cleared ) would speak fair to be the voice of nature , or at least a tradition received from the sons of noah , which , if so , will be an evidence of the observation of the sabbath before the children of israels being in the wilderness . but granting that the seventh part of time was a positive law of god , yet i say it binds immutably , because there is as strong a reason for it now as ever , and ratio immutabilis praecepti , facit praeceptum immutabile . this i take to be the sense of those who distinguish between morale positivum , and morale naturale , i. e. that some things are so moral , that even nature its self can discover them , as that god should be worshipped . other things are so moral , that though the reason of them be founded in nature , yet there wants divine revelation to discover them to us ; but when once discovered , are discerned to be very agreeable to common principles of reason : and these when thus discovered , are as immutably obligatory as the other , because the reason of them is immutable . and of this nature , is the determination of the particular time for gods worship , and limitation of it to one day in seven . but what was in that precept meerly occasional , as the first and original ground of its limitation to the seventh in order , gods resting on that day from the work of creation , and the further ground of its inforcement to the jews , viz. their deliverance out of egypt ; these being not immut●ble , but temporary and occasional , may upon as great ground given , and approved of god for that end ( as is evident by the apostles practice ) be sufficient reason of the alteration of the seventh day to the first day of the week . by this may briefly be seen how irrationally those speak , who say we have no further ground for our observation of the lords day now , then for other arbitrary festivals in the church , viz. the tradition of the church of god. i grant , the tradition of the church doth acquaint us with apostolical practice , but the ground of our observation of the lords day , is not the churches tradition , but that apostolical practice conveyed by universal tradition ( which setting aside the festivals observed upon the lords days , can very hardly be ●ound for any other . ) but supposing universal tradition for other festivals ; i say , here tradition is not only used as a testimony and instrument of conveyance , as in the other case of the lords day ; but is it self the only argument , and the very ground of the original observation : between which two , what a wide difference there is , let any rational man judge . but for a further clearing this observation , we must consider , that the reason of the command , which we say is the measure of its obligation , must not be fetched from mens uncertain conjectures ( among whom dreams often pass for reasons ) but it must be either expressed in the law its self , or deducible by apparent and easie collection from it ; as is plain in the decrees of the apostles about things strangled , and offered to idols , where the reason of the command is plainly implied , to wit , for present compliance with the jews ; and therefore no sooner did the reason of the command cease , but the obligation of it ceased too : but of this more afterwards . this is one way then to discern the difference between positive laws , as to the obligation of them , by the ground and reason of the command . and therefore it is well observed by divines ( which further confirms what i now prove ) that no command doth bind against the reason of the command ; because it is not the words , but the sense and reason of a command which hath the greatest obligatory force . therefore tully tells us , that the ratio juris & legislatoris consilium , is the best interpreter of any law ; who excellently and largely proves , that the reason of the law is the law , and not the words . so much for the first rule . secondly , another way to know when positive laws are immutable , is , when gods will is expresly declared that such laws shall bind immutably . for it being granted on all hands , that god may bind us to those things which are left indifferent by the law of nature , and likewise for what term he please ; the only inquiry left , is to see in his word whether he hath so bound us or no ; and , if he hath , whether he hath left it in mans power to revoke his laws . for as to positive laws expresly laid down in scripture , the ground of which is only as the jews speak 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the will of the king , i. e. gods own pleasure , without any reason or occasion of it else expressed , or necessarily implied ; these do bind immutably , unless the same power which commanded them , doth again revoke them . for we cannot in any wise conceive that the wise god should after the declaring his own will , leave it in the power of any corrupt fallible ▪ being to determine , or dispence with the obligation of his own laws . which to do , and instead of them to enforce others immediately upon the consciences of men , as standing laws , is an attempt beyond that of the gyants against heaven ( or the men at babel ▪ ) that being only an affectation of reaching heaven , but this an actual usurpation of gods supreme and legislative power and authority . but though man hath nor , god alwayes reserves to himself a power to relax , interpret , and dispence with his own positive laws , which imply no repugnancy to his own nature . and this power is alwayes to be understood in all laws to be reserved to god , where he hath not himself declared that he will not use it ▪ which is done either by the annexing an oath on a promise , which the apostle calls the two immutable things in which it is impossible for god to lie . for though god be free to promise , yet when he hath promised , his own nature and faithfulness binds him to performance ; in which sense i understand those who say , god in making promises is bound only to himself , and not to men ; that is , that the ground of performance ariseth from gods faithfulness . for else if we respect the right coming by the promise , that must immediately respect the person to whom it is made , and in respect of which we commonly say that the promiser is bound to performance . but the case is otherwise in penal laws , which though● never so strict ; do imply a power of relaxation in the legislator : because penall laws do only constitute the debstum poenae ▪ and bind the sinner over to punishment , but do not bind the legislator to an actual execution upon the debt . which is the ground that the person of a mediator was admittable in the place of faln man , because it was a penal law , and therefore relaxable . but because the debt of punishment is immediately contracted upon the breach of the law , therefore satisfaction was necessary to god as law-giver , either by the person himself , or another for him ; because it was not consistent with the holiness of gods nature and his wisdom as governor , to relax an established law , without valuable consideration ▪ now for the third kind of gods laws , besides promissory and penall , viz such as are meerly positive respecting duties , which become such by vertue of an express command : these , though they be revocable in themselves , yet being revocable only by god himself , and his own power , since he hath already in his word fully revealed his will , unlesse therein he hath declared when their obligation shall cease , they continue irreversible . this is the case as to the sacraments of the new testament , which being commands meerly positive , yet christ commanding christians as christians to observe them , and not as christians of the first and second ages of the church , his mind can be no otherwise interpreted concerning them , then that he did intend immutably to bind all christians to the observance of them . for al though the socinians say , that baptism was only a rite instituted by christ for the passing men from judaism and gentilism to christianity , yet we are not bound to look upon all as reason that comes from those who professe themselves the admirers of it . for christs command nowhere implying such a limitation ; and an outward visible profession of christianity being a duty now , and the covenant entred into by that rite of initiation , as obligatory as ever , we have no reason to think that christs command doth not reach us now , especially the promise being made to as many as god shall call , and consequently the same duty required which was then in order to the obtaining of the same ends . a third way to discern the immutability of positive laws , is , when the things commanded in particular are necessary to the being , succession , and continuance of such a society of men professing the gospel , as is instituted and approved by christ himself . for christ must be supposed to have the power himself to order what society he please , and appoint what orders he please to be observed by them ; what rites and ceremonies to be used in admission of members into his church , in their continuing in it ; in the way , means , manner of ejection out of it ; in the preserving the succession of his church , and the administration of ordinances of his appointment . these being thus necessary for the maintaining and upholding this society , they are thereby of a nature as unalterable , as the duty of observing what christ hath commanded is . how much these things concern the resolution of the question proposed , will appear afterwards . thus we have gained a resolution of the second thing , whereon an unalterable divine right is founded ; viz , either upon the dictates of the law of nature , concurring with the rules of the written word ; or upon express positive laws of god , whose reason is immutable , or which god hath declared shall continue , as necessary to the being of the church . the next thing is to examine the other pretences which are brought for a divine right ; which are either scripture ▪ examples , or divine acts , or divine approbation . for scripture-examples : first ; i take it for granted on all hands , that all scripture examples do not bind us to follow them ; such are the mediatory acts of christ , the heroical acts of extraordinary persons , all accidentall and occasionall actions . example doth not bind us as an example ; for then all examples are to be followed , and so we shall of necessity go , quà itur , non quà eundum , walk by the most examples , and not by rule . there is then no obligatory force in example it self . secondly , there must be then some rule fixed to know when examples bind , and when not ; for otherwise there can be no discrimination put between examples which we are to follow , and which to avoid . this rule must be either immediately obligatory , making it a duty to follow such examples , or else directive , declaring what examples are to be ●ollowed : and yet even this latter doth imply , as well as the former , that the following these examples thus declared , is become a duty . there can be no duty without a law making it to be a duty , and consequently , it is the law making it to be a duty to follow such example , which gives a divine right to those examples , and not barely the examples themselves . we are bound to follow christs example , not barely because he did such and such things , ( for many things he did we are not bound to follow him in ) but because he himself hath by a command made it our duty to follow him in his humility , patience , self-denyal , &c. and in whatever things are set out in scripture for our imitation . when men speak then with so much confidence , that scripture-examples do bind us unalterably , they either mean that the example it self makes it a duty , which i have shewn already to be absurd ; or else that the morall nature of the action done in that example , or else the law making it our duty to follow the example , though in its self it be of no morall nature . if the former of these two , then it is the morality of the action binds us , without its being incarnate in the example : for the example in actions not morall , binds not at all , and therefore the example binds only by vertue of the morality of it ; and consequently , it is the morality of the action which binds , and not the example . if the latter , the rule making it our duty , then it it is more apparent that it is not the example which binds necessarily , but that rule which makes it a duty to follow it ; for examples in indifferent things do not bind without a law making it to be a duty : and so it evidently appears , that all obligatory force is taken off from the examples themselves , and resolved into one of the two former , the morall nature of the action , or a positive law. and therefore those who plead the obligatory nature of scripture-examples , must either produce the morall nature of these examples , or else a rule binding us to follow those examples . especially , when these examples are brought to found a new positive law , obliging all christians necessarily to the end of the world . concerning the binding nature of apostolicall practice , i shall discourse largely afterwards . the next thing pleaded for a divine right , is by divine acts. as to this ▪ ●t is again evident that all divine acts do not constitute such a right ; therefore there must be something expressed in those acts when such a divine right follows them ; whence we may infallibly gather , it was gods intention they should perpetually oblige : as is plain in the cases instanced in the most for this purpose ; as gods resting on the seventh day making the sabbath perpetual : for it was not gods resting that made it the sabbath , for that is only expressed as the occasion of its institution ; but it was gods sanctifying the day , that is , by a law setting it apart for his own service , which made it a duty . and so christs resurrection was not it which made the lords day a sabbath of divine right ; but christs resurrection was the occasion of the apostles altering only a circumstantiall part of a morall duty already ; which being done upon so great reasons , and by persons indued with an insallible spirit , thereby it becomes our duty to observe that morall command in this limitation of time . but here it is further necessary to distinguish between acts meerly positive , and acts donative or legall . the former con●er no right at all , but the latter do ; not barely as acts , but as legall acts , that is , by some declaration that those acts do conserr right . and so it is in all donations , and therefore in law the bare delivery of a thing to another doth not give a legall title to it , without express transferring of dominion and propriety with it . thus in christs delivering the keys to peter and therest of the apostles , by that act i grant the apostles had the power of the keyes by divine right ; but then it was not any bare act of christ which did it , but it was only the declaration of christs will conferring that authority upon them . again , we must distinguish between a right confer●'d by a donative act , and the unalterable nature of that right ; for it is plain there may be a right personall as well as successive , derivative , and perpetuall . and therefore it is not enough to prove that a right was given by any act of christ , unless it be made appear it was christs intention that right should be perpetuall if it oblige still . for otherwise the extent of the apostolical commission the power of working miracles , as well as the power of the keyes ( whether by it we mean a power declarative of duty , or a power authoritative and penall ) must continue still , if a difference be not made between these two ; and some rule sound out to know when the right conferr'd by divine acts is personall , when successive . which rule thus found out , must make the right unalterable , and so concerning us , and not the bare donative act of christ ▪ for it is evident , they were all equally conferr'd upon the apostles by an act of christ : and if some continue still , and others do not , then the bare act of christ doth not make an unalterable divine right . and so though it be proved that the apostles had superiority of order and jurisdiction over the pastors of the church by an act of christ ; yet it must further be proved , that it was christs intention that superiority should continue in their successors , or it makes nothing to the purpose . but this argument i confess , i see not how those who make a necessary divine right to follow upon the acts of christ , can possibly avoid the force of . the last thing pleaded for divine right , is divine approbation ; but this least of all constitutes a divine right : for if the actions be extraordinary , gods approbation of them as such , cannot make them an ordinary duty . in all other actions which are good , and therefore only commendable , they must be so , either because done in conformity to gods revealed will , or to the nature of things good in themselves . in the one , it is the positive law of god , in the other the law of nature , which made the action good , and so approved by god , and on that account we are bound to do it . for god will certainly approve of nothing but what is done according to his will revealed , or natural ; which will and law of his , is that which makes any thing to be of divine right , i. e. perpetually binding , as to the observation of it . but for acts of meerly positive nature , which we read gods approbation of in scripture , by vertue of which approbation those actions do oblige us ; in this case , i say , it is not gods meer approbation that makes the obligation , but as that approbation , so recorded in scripture , is a sufficient testimony and declaration of gods intention to oblige men : and so it comes to be a positive law , which is nothing else but a sufficient declaration of the legislators will and intention , to bind in particular actions and cases . thus now we have cleared whereon a necessary and unalterable divine right must be founded ; either upon the law of nature , or some positive law of god , sufficiently declared to be perpetually binding . chap. ii. six hypotheses laid down , as the basis of the following discourse . . the irreversible obligation of the law of nature , either by humane , or divine positive laws , in things immediately flowing from it . . things agreeable to the law of nature may be lawfully practised in the church of god , where there is no prohibition by positive laws ; inlarged into subservient propositions . . divine positive laws , concerning the manner of the thing whose substance is determined by the law of nature , must be obeyed by vertue of the obligation of the natural law. . things undetermined , both by the naturall and positive laws of god , may be lawfully determined by the supream authority in the church of god. . what is th●● determined by lawfull authority , doth bind the consciences of men ▪ subject to that authority . to obedience to those determinations . . things thus determined by lawfull authority , are not thereby made unalterable , but may be revoked , limited , and changed by the same authority . having shewed what a divine right is , and whereon it is founded ; our next great inquiry will be , how far church-government is founded upon divine right , taken either of these two wayes . but for our more distinct , clear , and rationa●● proceeding , i shall lay down some things , as so many postulata or generall principles and hypotheses , which will be as the basis and foundation of the following discourse ; which all of them concern the obligation of laws , wherein i shall proceed gradually , beginning with the law of nature , and so to divine positive laws ; and lastly , to speak to humane positive laws . the first principle or hypothesis which i lay down , is , that where the law of nature doth determine any thing by way of duty , as flowing from the principles of it , there no positive law can be supposed to take off the obligation of it . which i prove , both as to humane positive laws and divine : first as to humane . for first , the things commanded in the law of nature , being just and righteous in themselves , there can be no obligatory law made against such things . nemo tenetur ad impossibile , is true in the sense of the civil law , as well as in philosophy ; as impossibile is taken for turpe , and turpe for that which is contrary to the dictates of nature . a man may be as well bound not to be a man , as not to act according to principles of reason ▪ for the law of nature is nothing else but the dictate of right reason , discovering the good or evil of particular actions , from their conformity or repugnancy to natural light . whatever positive law is then made directly infringing and violating natural principles , is thereby of no force at all . and that which hath no obligation in it self , cannot dissolve a former obligation . secondly , the indispensablenesse of the obligation of the law of nature , appears from the end of all other laws , which are agreed upon by mutual compact , which is , the better to preserve men in their rights and priviledges . now the greatest rights of men , are such as flow from nature its self , and therefore , as no law binds against the reason of it , so neither can it against the common end of laws . therefore , if a humane positive law should be made , that god should not be worshipped , it cannot bind , being against the main end of laws , which is to make men live together as reasonable creature● , which they cannot do , without doing what nature requires , which is , to serve god who made it . again , it overturns the very foundation of all government , and dissolves the tye to all humane laws , if the law of nature doth not bind indispensably : for otherwise , upon what ground must men yield obedience to any laws that are made ? is it not by vertue of this law of nature , that men must stand to all compacts and agreements made ? if laws take their force among men from hence , they can bind no further then those comp●cts did extend ; which cannot be supposed to be , to violate and destroy their own natures . positive laws may restrain much of what is only of the permissive law of nature ( for the intent of positive laws , was to make men abate so much of their naturall freedom , as should be judged necessary for the preservation of humane societies ) but against the obligatory law of nature , as to its precepts , no after-law can derogate from the obligation of it . and therefore it is otherwise between the law of nature and positive laws , then between laws meerly civil : for as to these the rule is , that posterior derogat priori , the latter law cassats and nulls the obligation of the former ; but as to natural laws and positive , prior derogat posteriori , the law o● nature , which is first● , takes away the obligation of a positive law , if it be contrary to it . as iustellus observe it was in the primitive church , — in reference to the obligation of the canons of the councils , that such as were inserted in the codex canonum , being of the more ancient councils , did render the obligation of later canons invalid , which were contrary to them , unlesse it were in m●tte●s of small moment . we see then , that supposing the law of nature doth not continue obligatory , the obligation of all humane positive laws will fall with it , ( as the superstructure needs must when the foundation is removed ) for if any other law of nature may be dissolved , why not that whereby men are bound to stand to covenants and contracts made ? and if that be dissolved , how can the obligation to humane laws remain , which is founded upon that basis ? and so all civil societies are thereby overturned . thirdly , it appears from the nature of that obligation which follows the law of nature , so that thereby no humane law can bind against this ; for humane laws bind only outward humane act●ons directly , and internall acts only by vertue of their necessary connexion with , and influence upon outward actions , and not otherwise ; but the law of n●ture immediately binds the soul and conscience of man : and therefore obligatio naturalis , and nexus conscientiae , are made to be the same by lessius , suar●z , and others . for lessius d●sputing , whether a will made without solemnity of law , doth bind in conscience or no ? he proves it do●h by ●his argument , from the opinion of the lawyers , that without those solemnities there doth arise from it a natural obligation , and the hresae ab intestato , who is the next of kin , is bound to make it good ; therefore it doth bind in conscience . so then there ariseth a necessary obllgation upon conscience , from the dict●tes of the law of nature , which cannot be removed by any positive law. for although there lye no action in the civil law against the breach of a meerly natural law , as in the former case of succession to a will not legally made ; in covenants made without conditions expressed , in recovery of debt● from a person to whom money was lent in his pupillage without consent of his tutor ; in these cases though no action lie against the persons , yet this proves not that these have no obligation upon a man , but only that he is not responsible for the breach of morall honesty in them before civil courts . in which sense those lawyers are to be understood , which deny the obligation of the law of nature . but however conscience binds the offender over to answer at a higher tribunal , before which all such offences shall be punished . thus then we see no positive humane law can dispence with , or dissolve the obligation of th● law of nature . much lesse ; secondly , can we suppose any positive divine law should . for although gods power be immense and infinite to do what pleaseth him , yet we must always suppose this power to be conjoyned with goodnesse , else it is no divine power : and therefore posse malum , non est posse , it is no power , but weakness to do evil ; and without this posse malum , there can be no alteration made in the nature of good and evil ; which must be supposed , if the obligation of the natural law be dispensed with . therefore it was well said by origen , when c●lsus objected it as the common speech of the christians , that with god all things are possible , that he neither understood how it was spoken , nor what these all-things are , nor how god could do them : and concludes with this excellent speech , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we say , saith he , that god can do all things , which are reconcilable with his deity , goodnesse , and wisdom . and after adds , that as it is impossible for honey to make things bitter , and light to make things obscure , so it is for god to do any thing that is unjust . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the power of doing evil is directly contrary to the divine nature , and that omnipotency which is consistent with it . to the same purpose he speaks elswhere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god wills nothing unbecoming himself : and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we affirm that god cannot do evil actions : for if he could , he might as well be no god. for if god should do evil , he would be no god. so then though god be omnipotent , yet it follows not that he can therefore dissolve the obligation of the preceptive law of nature , or change the natures of good and evil . god may indeed alter the properties of those things from whence the respects of good and evil do result , as in abrahams offering isaac , the israelites taking away the aegyptians jewels ; which god may justly do by vertue of his absolute dominion ; but the change here , is not in the obligation of the law , but in the things themselves . murther would be an intrinsecal evil still ; but that which was done by immediate and explicit command from god , would have been no murther . theft had been a sin still , but taking things aliena●ed from their properties by god himself , was not theft . we conclude then , what comes immediately from the law of nature by way of command binds immutably and indispensably . which is the first hypothesis or principle laid down . the second hypothesis is , that things which are either deducible from the law of nature , or by the light of nature discovered to be very agreeable to it , may be lawfully practised in the church of god , if they be not otherwise determined by the positive laws of god , or of lawfull humane authority . we shall first inquire into the nature of these things , and then shew the lawfulnesse of doing them . for the nature of these things : we must consider what things may be said to be of the law of nature . they may be reduced to two heads , which must be accurately distinguished . they are either such thing● which nature dictates to be done , or not to be done necessarily and immutably ; or else such things as are judged to be very agreeable to natural light , but are subject to positive determinations . the former are called by some jus naturae obligativum ; by others jus naturae proprium , whereby things are made necessarily duties or sins ; the latter jus naturae permissivum , and reductivum , for which it is sufficient if there be no repugnancy to natural light . from these two arise a different obligation upon men ; either strict , and is called by covarr●vias , obligatio ex ▪ justitiâ , an obligation of duty and justice ; the other larger , obligatio ex communi aequitate , or ex honestate morali ; an obligation from common equity , that is , according to the agreeablenesse of things to natural light , the former i have shewn already to bind indispensably , but these latter are subject to positive laws . for our better understanding the obligation of these ( which is more intricate then the former ) we shall consider men under a double notion , either in a state of absolute liberty , which some call a state of nature ; or else in a state wherein they have restrained their own liberty by mutual compacts , or are determined by a higher law. these things premised , i lay down these propositions . . in a state of absolute liberty , before any positive laws were superadded to the naturall , whatsoever was not necessarily determined by the obligatory law of nature , was wholly left to mens power to do it or not , and belongs to the permissive law of nature . and thus all those things which are since determined by positive laws , were in such a supposed state , left to the free choyce of a mans own will. thus it was in mens power to joyn in civil society with whom they pleased , to recover things , or vindicate injuries in what way they judged best , to submit to what constitutions alone they would themselves , to choose what form of government among them they pleased , to determine how far they would be bound to any authority chosen by themselves , to lodge the legislative and coercive power in what persons they thought fit , to agree upon punishments answerable to the nature of offences . and so in all other things not repugnant to the common light of reason , and the dictates of the preceptive part of the law of nature . . a state of absolute liberty , not agreeing to the nature of man considered in relation to others ; it was in mens power to restrain their own liberty upon compacts so far as should be judged necessary for the ends of their mutuall society . a state of nature i look upon only as an imaginary state , for better understanding the nature and obligation of laws . for it is confessed by the greatest assertors of it , that the relation of parents and children cannot be conceived in a state of natural liberty , because children assoon as born are actually under the power and authority of their parents . but for our clearer apprehending the matter in hand , we shall proceed with it . supposing then all those former rights were in their own power , it is most agreeable to natural reason , that every man may part with his right so far as he please for his own advantage . here now , men finding a necessity to part with some of their rights , to defend and secure their most considerable ones , they begin to think of compacts one with another ( taking this as a principle of the natural law , and the foundation of society , that all covenants are to be performed : ) when they are thus far agreed , they then consider the terms upon which they should enter into society one with another . and here men devest themselves of their original liberty , and agree upon an inclosure of properties , and the fences of those properties ; i mean , upon living together in a civil state , and of the laws they must be ruled by . this is apparently agreeable to natural reason , the things being in their own power , which they agree to part with . men entring upon societies by mutual compacts , things thereby become good and evil , which were not so before . thus he who was free before to do what and how he pleased , is now bound to obey what laws he hath consented to ; or else he breaks not only a positive law , but that law of nature , which commands man to stand to covenants once made , though he be free to make them . and therefore it is observable , that the doing of things that were lawful before covenants made , and things thereby determined , may be so far from being lawful after , that the doing of them may contradict a principle of the obligatory law of nature . thus in a state of liberty , every one had right to what he thought fit for his use ; but propriety and dominion being introduced , which was a free voluntary act , by mens determining rights , it now becomes an offence against the law of nature , to take away that which is another mans . in which sense alone it is , that theft is said to be forbidden by the law of nature . and by the same reason , he that resists and opposeth the lawful authority , under which he is born , doth not only offend against the municipal laws of the place wherein he lives , but against that original and fundamental law of societies , viz standing to covenants once made . for it is a gross mistake , as well as dangerous , for men to imagine , that every man is born in a state of absolute liberty , to chuse what laws and governours he please ▪ but every one being now born a subject to that authority he lives under , he is bound to preserve it as much as in him lies : thence augustus had some reason to say , he was the best citizen , qui praesentem reipublicae statum mutari ●●● vult , that doth not disturb the present state of the commonwealth ; and who , as alcibiades saith in thucydides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 endeavours to preserve that form of government he was born under . and the reason of it is , that in contracts and covenants made for government , men look not only at themselves , but at the benefit of posterity ; if then one party be bound to maintain the rights of the others posterity , as well as of his person , the other party must be supposed to oblige his posterity in his covenant to perform obedience ; which every man hath power to do , because children are at their parents disposal ; and equity requires , that the covenant entred should be of equal extent to both parties : and if a man doth expect protection for his posterity , he must engage for the obedience of his posterity too , to the governor● who do legally protect them . but the further prosecution of these things belongs to another place to consider of ; my purpose being to treat of government in the church , and not in the state. the sum of this is , that the obligation to the performance of what things are determined ( which are of the permissive law of nature ) by positive laws , doth arise from the obligatory law of nature . as the demonstration of the particular problemes in the mathematicks , doth depend upon the principles of the theoremes themselves ; and so whoever denies the truth of the probleme , deduced by just consequence from the theoreme , must consequentially deny the truth of the theoreme its self : so those who violate the particular determinations of the permissive law of nature , do violate the obligation of the preceptive part of that law : obedience to the other being grounded on the principles of this . . god hath power by his positive laws to take in and determine as much of the permissive law of nature as he please , which being once so determined by an universal law , is so far from being lawful to be done , that the doing of them by those under an obligation to his positive laws , is an offence against the immutable law of nature . that god may restrain mans natural liberty , i suppose none who own gods legislative power over the world can deny : especially considering that men have power to restrain themselves ; much more then hath god , who is the rector and governor of the world. that a breach of his positive laws is an offence against the common law of nature , appears hence ; because man being gods creature , is not only bound to do what is in general suitable to the principles of reason in flying evil , and choosing good ; but to submit to the determinations of gods will , as to the distinction of good from evil . for being bound universally to obey god , it is implyed that man should obey him in all things which he discovers to be his will : whose determination must make a thing not only good , but necessary to be done , by vertue of his supreme authority over men . this then needs no further proof , being so clear in its self . . lastly , what things are left undetermined by divine positive laws , are in the churches power to use , and practise according as it judgeth them most agreeable to the rule of the word . that things undetermin'd by the word are still lawfull , evidently appears : because what was once lawfull , must have some positive law to make it unlawfull , which if there be none , it remains lawfull still . and that the church of god should be debarr'd of any priviledge of any other societies , i understand not ; especially if it belong to it as a society considered in its self , and not as a particular society constituted upon such accounts as the church is . for i doubt not but to make it evident afterwards , that many parts of government in the church belong not to it as such in a restrained sense , but in the general notion of it , as a society of men imbodyed together by some laws proper to its self ; although it subsist upon a higher foundation , viz. of divine institution , and upon higher grounds , reasons , principles , ends ; and be directed by other laws immediately then any other societies in the world are . the third hypothesis is this ; where the law of nature determines the thing , and the divine law determines the manner and circumstances of the thing , there we are bound to obey the divine law in its particular determinations , by vertue of the law of nature in its general obligation . as for instance , the law of nature bindeth man to worship god ; but for the way , manner , and circumstances of worship , we are to follow the positive laws of god : because as we are bound by nature to worship him , so we are bound by vertue of the same law to worship him in the manner best pleasing to himself . for the light of nature , though it determine the duty of worship , yet it doth not the way and manner , and though acts of pure obedience be in themselves acceptable unto god , yet as to the manner of those acts , and the positives of worship , they are no further acceptable unto god then commanded by him . because in things not necessarily determined by the law of nature , the goodnesse or evill of them lying in reference to gods acceptance , it must depend upon his command , supposing positive laws to be at all given by god to direct men in their worship of him . for supposing god had not at all revealed himself in order to his worship ; doubtlesse it had been lawfull for men not only to pray to god , & express their sense of their dependance upon him ; but to appoint waies , times and places for the doing it , as they should judge most convenient & agreeable to natural light . which is evident from the scripture its self as to places : for as far as we can find , sacrificing in high places , ( that is , such as were of mens own appointment ) was lawful , till the temple was built by solomon ; as appears by the several examples of gedeon , samuel , david , and others . indeed after the place was setled by gods own law , it became wholly sinfull : but if so before , we should not have read of gods accepting sacrifices in such places as he did gedeons , nor of the prophets doing it , as samuel and david did . it is a disputable case about sacrifices , whether the offering of them came only from natural light , or from some express command : the latter seems far more probable to me , because i cannot see how naturall light should any wise dictate that god would accept of the blood of other creatures as a token of mans obedience to himself . and rivet gives this very good reason why the destruction of any thing in sacrifice cannot belong to the law of nature , because it is only acceptable as a sign , and token of obedience , and not simply as an act of obedience ; and this sign signifying ex instituto ( for mans destroying the life of a beast can never naturally signifie mans obedience to god ) and therefore it must have some positive law ; for those which signifie only by institution , and not naturally , cannot be referred to a dictate of the law of nature . to which purpose it is further observable , that god doth so often in scrip●ure slight the offering of sacrifices , in respect of any inherent vertue or goodnesse in the action its self , or acceptablenesse to god upon the account of the thing done . in which sense god saith , he that killeth a bullock , is as if he slew a man ; and he that sacrificeth a sheep , as if he cut off a dogs neck , &c. for what is there more in the one then in the other , but only gods appointment , which makes one acceptable and not the other ? so that it is no wayes probable that god would have accepted abels sacrifice rather then cains , had there been no command for their sacrificing . for as to meer natural light , cains sacrifice seems more agreeable to that then abels ; cains being an eucharistical offering without hurt to other creatures , but abels was cruentum sacrificium a sacrifice of blood . but the chief ground of abels acceptance , was his offering in faith , as the apostle to the hebrews tells us : now saith is a higher principle then natural light , and must suppose divine revelation , and so a divine command as the principle and ground of his action . moses his silence in reference to a command , is no argument there was none , it not being his design to write at large all the particular precepts of the orall law , but to deduce the genealogy of the patriarchs down from adam and the creation . but , supposing a command given from god determining modes and circumstances of such ●hings of which the substance depends on a natural law , men are as well bound to the observation of them after their revelation , as the other before . the one being a testimony of their obedience to god as clear and full as the other ; yes , and so much the clearer evidence of obedience , in that there could be no argument for the performing of those things but a divine command . and even in doing things intrinsecally good , the ground of purely religious obedience is , because god commands men to do those things more then that they are good in themselves : doing a thing because most suitable to nature , speaking morality ; but doing because god commands it , speaks true religion and the obedience of faith. for as the formal reason of the act of faith is a divine testimony discovered to our understandings , so the formal principle of an act of spiritual obedience is a divine command inclining the will , and awing it to performance . so far then as divine law determines things , we are bound to observe them from the dictates of the natural law. the fourth hypothesis : in things which are determined both by the law of nature , and divine positive laws , as to the substance and morality of them , but not determined as to all circumstances belonging to them ; it is in the power of lawful authority in the church of god to determine them , so far as they judge them tend to the promoting the performance of them in due manner . so that not only matters wholly left at liberty as to the substance of them are subject to humane laws and constitutions , but even things commanded in the divine law , in reference to the manner of performance , if undetermined by the same law , which enforce the duty . thus the setting apart some time for gods worship , is a dictate of the natural law : that the first day of the week be that time , is determin'd under the gospel ; but in what places , at what hours , in what order , decency and solemnity this worship shall be then performed , are circumstances not determined in scripture , but only by general rules ; as to these then so they be done in conformity to those rules , they are subject to humane positive determinations . but this is not an hypothesis in the age we live in to be taken for granted without proving it : some denying the magistrate any power at all in matters of religion ; others granting a defensive , protective power of that religion which is professed according to the laws of christ , but denying any determining power in the magistrate concerning things left undetermin'd by the scripture . this hypothesis then hath landed me into a field of controversie , wherein i shall not so much strive to make my way through any opposite party , as endeavour to beget a right understanding between the adverse parties , in order to a mutual compliance ; which i shall the rather do , because if any controversie hath been an increaser and fomenter of heart-burnings and divisions among us , it hath been about the determination of indifferent things . and , which seems strange , the things men can least bear with one another in , are matters of liberty : and those things men have divided most upon , have been matters of uniformity , and wherein they have differed most , have been pretended things of indifferency . in order then to laying a foundation for peace and union . i shall calmly debate what power the magistrate hath in matters of religion , and how far that power doth extend in determining things left undetermin'd by the word . for the clear understanding the first of these , we shall make our passage open to it by the laying down several necess●ry distinctions about it , the want of considering which hath been the ground of the great confusion in the handling this controversie . first then , we must distinguish between a power respecting religion in its self , and a power concerning religion as it is the publick owned and professed religion of a nation . for although the magistrate hath no proper power over religion in its self , either taking it abstractly for the rule of worship , or concretely for the internal acts of worship ; for he can neither add to that rule nor dissolve the obligation of it ; nor yet can he force the consciences of men , ( the chief seat of religion ) it being both contrary to the nature of religion its self , which is a matter of the greatest freedom and internal liberty , and it being quite out of the reach of the magistrates laws , which respect only external actions as their proper object ; for the obligation of any law can extend no further then the jurisdiction and authority of the legislator , which among men is only to the outward actions . but then , if we consider religion as it is publikely owned and professed by a nation , the supreme magistrate is bound by vertue of his office and authority , not only to defend and protect it , but to restrain men from acting any thing publikely tending to the subversion of it , so that the plea for liberty of conscience , as it tends to restrain the magistrates power , i● both irrationall and impertinent ; because liberty of conscience is the liberty of mens judgements , which the magistrate cannot deprive them of . for men may hold what opinions they will in their minds , the law takes no cognizance of them : but it is the liberty of practice and venting and broaching those opinions which the magistrates power extends to the restraint of . and he that hath the care of the publike good , may give liberty to , and restrain liberty from men , as they act in order to the promoting of that good ; and as a liberty of all opinions tends manifestly to the subverting a nations peace , and to the embroyling it into continual confusions , a magistrate cannot discharge his office unlesse he hath power to restrain such a liberty . therefore we find plainly in scripture that god imputes the increase and impunity of idolatry as well as other vices to the want of a lawful magistracy , iudges . , . where the account given of micahs idolatry was , because there was no king in israel ; which implies it to be the care and duty of magistrates to punish and restrain whatever tends to the opposing and subverting the true religion . besides , i cannot find any reason pleaded against the magistrates power now , which would not have held under david , solomon , asa , iehosophat , hezekias , iosias , or other kings of the jews , who asserted the publike profession , to the extirpation to what opposed it . for the plea of conscience ( taken for mens judgements going contrary to what is publikely owned as religion ) it is indifferently calculated for all meridians , and will serve for a religion of any elevation . nay , stiff and contumacious infidels or idolaters may plead as highly ( though not so truly ) as any , that it goes against their judgements or their conscience to own that religion which is established by authority . if it be lawfull then to restrain such notwithstanding this pretence , why not others , whose doctrine and principles the magistrate judgeth to tend in their degree ( though not so highly ) to the dishonouring god , and subverting the profession entertained in a nation ? for , a mans own certainty and confidence that he is in the right , can have no influence upon the magistrate judging otherwise ; only if it be true , it wil afford him the greater comfort and patience under his restraint ; which was the case of the primitive christians under persecutions : the magistrate then is bound to defend , protect , and maintain the religion he owns as true , and that by vertue of his office , as he is custos utriusque tabulae ; the maintainer of the honour of gods laws , which cannot be if he suffer those of the first table to be broken without any notice taken of them . were it not for this power of magistrates under the gospel , how could that promise be ever made good , that kings shall be nursing fathers to the church of god ? unlesse they mean such nursing fathers as astyages was to cyrus , or amulius to romulus and remus , who exposed their nurslings to the fury of wild beasts to be devoured by them . for so must a magistrate do the church , unlesse he secure it from the incursion of hereticks , and the inundation of seducers . but so much for that which is more largely asserted and proved by others . the magistrate then hath power concerning religion , as owned in a nation . secondly , we must distinguish between an external and objective power , about matters of religion ; and an internal formal power , which some call an imperative and elicitive power , others a power of order , and a power of jurisdiction , others potestas ecclesiastica , and potestas circa ecclesiastica , or , in the old distinction of constantine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a power of things within and without the church ; the sense of all is the same , though the terms differ . the internal , formal , elicitive power of order , concerning things in the church , lies in authoritative exercise of the ministerial function , in preaching the word , and administration of sacraments ; but the external , objective , imperative power of jurisdiction , concerning the matters of the church , lies in a due care and provision , for the defence , protection , and propagation of religion . the former is only proper to the ministry , the latter to the supreme magistracy : for , though the magistrate hath so much power about religion , yet he is not to usurp the ministerial function , nor to do any proper acts belonging to it . to which the instance of uzzias is pertinently applied . but then this takes nothing off from the magistrates power ; for it belongs not to the magistrate imperata facere , but imperare facienda , as grotius truly observes , not to do the things commanded , but to command the things to be done . from this distinction we may easily understand , and resolve that so much vexed and intricate question , concerning the mutual subordination of the civil and ecclesiastical power : for , as peter martyr well observes , these two powers are some wayes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are conversant several wayes about the same thing ; but the functions of both of them must be distinguished : for the pastors of the church are not to administer justice , but it is their duty to declare how justice should be rightly administred , without partiality , or oppression . so , on the other side , the magistrate must not preach the gospel , nor administer sacraments ; but however , must take care that these be duly done by ●hose to whose function it belongs : but for a clearer making it appear , these things are to be considered ; both in a magistrate , and minister of the gospel . in a magistrate , the power it self , and the person bearing that power : the power it self of the magistrate is no ways subordinate to the power of the ministry : indeed , if we consider both powers , in reference to their objects , and ends , there may be an inferiority of dignity , as chamier calls it , in the civil power to the other , considered abstractly ; but considering it concretely , as lodged in the persons , there is an inferiority of subjection in the ecclesiastical to the civil . but still the person of the magistrate , though he is not subject to the power of the ministers , yet both as a christian , and as a magistrate , he is subject to the word of god , and is to be guided by that in the administration of his function . so on the other side , in a minister of the gospel , there are these things considerable ; the object of his function , the function its self , the liberty of exercising it , and the person who doth exercise it . as for the object of this function , the word and sacraments , these are not subject to the civil power , being setled by a law of christ ; but then for the function its self , that may be considered , either in the derivation of it , or in the administration of it . as for the derivation of the power and authority of the function , that is from christ , who hath setled and provided by law , that there shall be such a standing function to the end of the world , with such authority belonging to it : but for the administration of the function , two things belong to the magistrate : first , to provide and take care for due administration of it ; an● to see that the ministers preach the true doctrine , though he cannot lawfully forbid the true doctrine to be taught ; and that they duly administer the sacraments , though he cannot command them to administer them otherwise then christ hath delivered them down to us : this for due administration . secondly , in case of male-administration of his function , or scandal rendring him unfit for it , it is in the magistrates power , if not formally to depose , yet to deprive them of the liberty of ever exercising their function within his dominions ; as solom●n did abiathar , and iustinian sylverius , as constantius did vigilius : for the liberty of exercise of the function is in the magistrates power , though a right to exercise it be derived from the same power from which the authority belonging to the function was conveyed . and then lastly , as to the persons exercising this function , it is evident , as they are members of a civil society as well as others , so they are subject to the same civil laws as others are . which as it is expresly affirmed by chrysostom , on rom. . . let every soul be subject to the higher powers ; that is , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be he an apostle , evangelist , prophet , priest , monk , be he who he will : so it is fully , largely , irrefragably proved by our writers against the papists ; especially by the learned is. casaubon in his piece de libertate ecclesiasticâ . so then we see what a fair , amicable , and mutual aspect these two powers have one upon another , when rightly understood , being far from clashing one with the other ; either by a subjection of the civil power to the ecclesiastical , or the civil powers swallowing up and devouring the peculiarity of the ministerial function . and upon these grounds , i suppose , beza and erastus may , as to this , shake hands ; so that the magistrate do not usurp the ministerial function , which videlius calls papatus politicus ; nor the ministers subject the civil power to them , which is papatus ecclesiasticus . thirdly , we distinguish between an absolute architectonical and nomothetical power , independent upon any other law , and a legislative power , absolute as to persons , but regulated by a higher law. the former we attribute to none but god ; the latter belongs to a supreme magistrate , in reference to things belonging to his power , either in church or commonwealth . by an architectonical , nomothetical power , we mean that power which is distinguished from that which is properly call'd political . the former lies in the making laws for the good of the commonwealth ; the latter in a due execution and administration of those laws for the common good. this we have asserted to the magistrate already : we now come to assert the other ; where we shall first set down the bounds of this power , and then see to whom it belongs . first , then we say not , that the magistrate hath a power to revoke , rep●al , or alter any divine positive law ; which we have already shewn . secondly , we say not , that the magistrate by his own will may constitute what new laws he please for the worship of god. this was the fault of ieroboam who made israel to sin , and therefore by the rule of reason must be supposed to sin more himself : so likewise ahab , ahaz , and others . religion is a thing setled by a divine law ; and as it is taken for the doctrine and worship of god , so it is contained in the word of god , and must be fetched wholly from thence . but then thirdly , the magistrate by his power , may make that which is a divine law already , become the law of the land. thus religion may be incorporated among our laws , and the bible become our magna charta . so the first law in the codex theod. is about the believing the trinity , and many others about religion are inserted into it . now as to these things clearly revealed in the word of god , and withall commanded by the civil magistrate , although the primary obligation to the doing them , is from the former determination by a divine law ; yet the sanction of them by the civil magistrate , may cause a further obligation upon conscience then was before , and may add punishments and rewards not expressed before . for although when two laws are contrary the one to the other , the obligation to the higher law takes away the obligation to the other ; yet when they are of the same nature , or subordinate one to the other , there may a new obligation arise from the same law , enacted by a new authority . as the commands of the decalogue brought a new obligation upon the consciences of the jews , though the things contained in them , were commanded before in the law of nature : and as a vow made by a man , adds a new ●ye to his conscience , when the matter of his vow is the same with what the word of god commands ; and renewing our covenant with god after baptism , renews our obligation : so when the faith of the gospel becomes the law of a nation , men are bound by a double cord of duty to entertain and profess that faith. fourthly , in matters undetermined by the word , concerning the external polity of the church of god , the magistrate hath the power of determining things , so they be agreeable to the word of god. this last clause is that which binds the magistrates power , that it is not absolutely architectonicall , because all his laws must be regulated by the generall rules of the divine law - but though it be not as to laws , yet i say it is as to persons ; that is , that no other persons have any power to make laws , binding men to obedience , but only the civil magistrate . this is another part of the controversie between the civil and ecclesiastical power , about the power of determining matters belonging to the churches government : but there is here no such breach between those two , but what may be made up with a distinction or two ▪ we distinguish then between a power declarative , of the obligation of former laws ; and a power authoritative , determining a new obligation ; between the office of counselling and advising what is fit to be done , and a power determining what shall be done ; between the magistrates duty of consulting , in order to the doing it , and his deriving his authority for the doing it . these things premised , i say : first , that the power of declaring the obligation of former laws , and of consulting and advising the magistrate for setling of new laws , for the policy of the church , belongs to the pastors and governours of the church of god. this belongs to them , as they are commanded to teach what christ hath commanded them ; but no authority thereby given to make new laws to bind the church ; but rather a tying them up to the commands of christ already laid down in his word . for a power to bind mens consciences to their determinations ; lodged in the officers of the church , must be derived either from a law of god giving them this right , or else only from the consent of parties . for any law of god , there is none produced with any probability of reason , but that , obey those that are over you in the lord. but that implies no more then submitting to the doctrine and discipline of the gospel , and to those whom christ hath constituted as pastors of his church , wherein the law of christ doth require obedience to them , that is , in looking upon them , and owning them in their relation to them as pastors . but that gives them no authority to make any new laws or constitutions , binding mens consciences any more then a command from the supreme authority that inferiour magistrates should be obeyed , doth imply any power in them to make new laws to bind them . but thus far i acknowledge a binding power in ecclesiastical constitutions , though they neither bind by virtue of the matter , nor of the authority commanding ( there being no legislative power lodged in the church ) yet in respect of the circumstances and the end , they should be obey'd , unlesse i judge the thing unlawfull that is commanded , rather then manifest open contempt of the pastors of the church , or being a scandall to others by it . but as to the other power , arising from mutual compact and consent of parties , i acknowledge a power to bind all included under that compact , not by vertue of any supream binding power in them , but from the free consent of the parties submitting ; which is most agreeable to the nature of church-power , being not coactive but directive ; and such was the confederate discipline of the primitive church , before they had any christian magistrate : and thence the decrees of councils were call'd canons , and not laws . secondly , though it be the magistrates duty to consult with the pastors of the church , to know what is most agreeable to the word of god , for the settlement of the church ; yet the magistrate doth not derive his authority in commanding things from their sentence , decree , and judgement ; but doth by vertue of his own power cause the obligation of men to what is so determin'd , by his own enacting what shall be done in the church . the great use of synods , and assemblies of pastors of churches , is to be as the council of the church unto the king , in matters belonging to the church , as the parliament is for matters of civil concernment . and as the king , for the settling civil laws , doth take advice of such persons who are most versed in matters of law ; so by proportion of reason , in matters concerning the church , they are the fittest council , who have been the most versed in matters immediately belonging to the church : in the management of which affairs , as much , if not more prudence , experience , judgement , moderation , is requisite , as in the greatest affairs of state. for we have found by dolefull experience , that if a fire once catch the church , and aarons bells ring backward , what a combustion the whole state is suddenly put into , and how hardly the churches instruments for quenching such fires , lachrymae & preces ecclesiae , do attain their end . the least peg serued up too high in the church soon causeth a great deal of discord in the state , and quickly puts mens spirits out of tune . whereas many irregularities may happen in the state , and men live in quietnesse and peace . but if pha●tons d●ive the chariot of the sun , the world wil be soon on fire . i mean such in the church whose brains like the unicorns run out into the length of the horn ▪ such who have more fury then zeal , and yet more zeal then knowledge or moderation . persons therefore whose calling , ●temper , office , and experience , hath best acquainted them with the state-actions ▪ policy of the primitive church , and the incomparable prudence and moderation then used , are fittest to debate , consult , deliberate , and determine about the safest expedients for repairing breaches in a divided , broken , distracted church . but yet , i say , when such men thus assembled have gravely and maturely advised and deliberated what is best and fitted to te done ▪ the force , strength , and obligation of the things so determin'd doth depend upon the power and authority of the civil magistrate : for taking the church as incorporated into the civill state , as ecclesia est in republicâ , non respublica in ecclesia , according to that known speech of optatus milivetanus , so , though the object of these constitutions , and the persons determining them , and the matter of them be ecclesiasticall , yet the force and ground of the obligation of them is wholly civill . so peter martyr expresly ; nam , quod ad potestatem ecclesiasticam attinet , satis est civilis magistratus : is enim ●urare debet ut omnes officium faciant . ( but for the judgement of the reformed divines about this , see vedelius de episcopatis constant. m — & officium magistratus christiani , annexed to grotius de imper. &c. ) i therefore proceed to lay down the reason of it . first , that whereby we are bound either to obedience , or penalty upon disobedience , is the ground of the obligation ; but it is upon the account of the magistrates power that we are either bound to obedience , or to submit to penalties upon disobedience . for it is upon the account of our general obligation to the magistrate , that we are bound to obey any particular laws or constitutions : because it is not the particular determinations made by the civil magistrate , which do immediately bind conscience , but the general law of scripture requires it as a duty from us , to obey the magistrate in all things lawfull . obedience to the magistrate is due immediately from conscience ; but obedience to the laws of the magistrate comes not directly from conscience but by vertue of the general obligation . and therefore disobedience to the magistrates laws is an immediate sin against conscience , because it is against the general obligation ; but obedience to particular laws ariseth not immediately from the obligation of conscience to them in particular , but to the magistrate in general . so that in things left lawfull and undetermin'd by the word , where there ariseth no obligation from the matter , it must arise from our subjection and relation to the magistrate ; and what is the ground of obedience , is the cause of the obligation . secondly , he hath only the power of obligations who hath the power of making sanctions to those laws . by sanctions , i mean here , in the sense of the civil law , eas legum partes , quibus poenas constituimus adversus eos qui contra leges fecerint ; those parts of the law which determine the punishments of the violaters of it . now it is evident that he only hath power to oblige who hath power to punish upon disobedience . and it is as evident , that none hath power to punish but the civill magistrate ; i speak of legall penalties which are annexed to such laws as concern the church . now there being no coercive or coactive power belonging to the church as such , all the force of such laws as respect the outward polity of the church , must be derived from the civill magistrate . thirdly , he who can null and declare all other obligations void , done without his power , hath the only power to oblige . for whatsoever destroys a former obligation , must of necessity imply a power to oblige , because i am bound to obey him in the abstaining from that i was formerly obliged to : but this power belongs to the magistrate . for suppose , in some indifferent rites and ceremonies , the church representative , that is , the governors of it pro tempore , do prescribe them to be observed by all , the supreme power f●rbids the doing of those things , if this doth not null the former supposed obligation , i must inevitably run upon these absurdities . first , that there are two supreme powers in a nation at the same time . secondly , that a man may lie under two different obligations as to the same thing ; he is bound to do it by one power , and not to do it by the other . thirdly , the same action may be a duty and a sin ; a duty in obeying the one power , a sin in disobeying the other . therefore there can be but one power to oblige , which is that of the supreme magistrate . having thus far asserted the magistrates due power and authority , as to matters of religion ; we proceed to examine the extent of this power , in determining things left at liberty by the word of god , in order to the peace and government of the church . for our clear and distinct proceeding , i shall ascend by these three steps : first , to shew that there are some things left undetermined by the word . secondly , that these things are capable of positive determinations and restraint . thirdly , that there are some bounds and limits to be observed in the stating and determining these things . first , that there are some things left undetermined by the word : by determining here , i do not mean determining whether things be lawful or no ; for so there is no rit● or ceremony whatsoever , but is determined by the scripture in that sense , or may be gathered from the application of particular actions , to the general rules of scripture : but by determining , i mean , whether all things concerning the churches polity and order be determined as duties or no : viz. that this we are bound to observe , and the other not . as for instance , what time , manner , method , gesture , habit , be used in preaching the word ; whether baptism must be by dipping or sprinkling ; at what day , time , place , the child shall be baptized , and other things of a like nature with these . those who assert any of these as duties , must produce necessarily the command making them to be so : for duty and command have a necessary respect and relation to one another . if no command be brought , it necessarily follows , that they are left at liberty . so as to the lords supper calvin saith , whether the communicants take the bread themselves , or receive it being given them ; whether they should give the cup into the hands of the deacon , or to their next neighbour ; whether the bread be leavened or not , the wine red or white , nihil refert , it matters not ; haec indifferentia sunt & in ecclesiae libertate posita ; they are matters of indifferency , and are left to the churches liberty . but this matter of indifferency is not yet so clear as it is generally thought to be ; we shall therefore bare the ground a little by some necessary distinctions to see where the root of indifferency lies : which we shall the rather do , because it is strongly asserted by an honourable person , that there is no indifferency in the things themselves , which are still either unlawful or necessary , ( if lawful at this time , in these circumstances ) but all indifferency lies in the darkness and shortness of our understandings , which may make some things seem so to us . but that honourable person clearly runs upon a double mistake . first , that indifferency is a medium participationis of both extremes , and not only negationis , viz. that , as intermediate colours partake both of black and white , and yet are neither ; so in morality , between good and bad , there is an intermediate entity , which is neither , but indifferent to either : whereas the nature of indifferency lies not in any thing intermediate between good and bad , but in some thing undetermined by divine laws , as to the necessity of it ; so that if we speak as to the extremes of it , it is something lying between a necessary duty , and an intrinsecal evil . the other mistake , is , that throughout that discourse he takes indifferency as circumstantiated in individual actions , and as the morality of the action is determined by its circumstances ; whereas the proper notion of indifferency lies in the nature of the action , considered in its self abstractly ; and so these things are implyed in an indifferent action . first , absolute undetermination ; as to the general nature of the act by a divine law , that god hath left it free for men to do it or no. secondly , that one part hath not more propension to the rule then the other ; for if the doing of it comes nearer to the rule then the omission ; or on the contrary , this action is not wholly indifferent . thirdly , that neither part hath any repugnancy to the rule ; for that which hath so , is so far from being indifferent , that it becomes unlawful : so that an indifferent action is therein like the iron accosted by two loadstones on either side of equal virtue , and so hovers in medio , inclining to neither ; but , supposing any degree of virtue added to the one above the other , it then inclines towards it : or as the magnetical needle about the azores , keeps its self directly parallel to the axis of the world without variation , because it is supposed then to be at an equal distance from the two great magnets , the continents of europe and america : but no sooner is it removed from thence , but it hath its variations . so indifferency , taken in specie , as to the nature of the act , inclines neither way ; but supposing it lye under positive determinations , either by laws or circumstances , it then necessarily inclines either to the nature of good or e●il . neither yet are we come to a full understanding of the nature of indifferent actions ; we must therefore distinguish between indifferency , as to goodness , necessitating an action to be done ; and as to goodness , necessary to an action to make it good : for there is one kind of goodness propter quam fit actio , in order to which the action must necessarily be done ; and there is another kind of goodness sine quâ non benè fit actio , necessary to make an action good when it is done . as following after peace hath such a goodness in it , as necessitates the action , and makes it a necessary duty : but handling a particular controversie is such an action , as a man may let alone without sin in his course of studies ; yet when he doth it , there is a goodness necessary to make his doing it a good action , viz. his referring his study of it to a right end , for the obtaining of truth and peace . this latter goodness is twofold , either bonitas directionis , as some call it , which is , referring the action to its true end ; in reference to which , the great controversie among the schoolmen , is about the indifferency of particular actions , viz. whether a particular direction of a mans intention to the ultimate end , be not so necessary to particular actions , as that , without that , the action is of necessity evil , and with it good ; or whether without that an action may be indifferent to good or evil , which is the state of the question between thomas and scotus , bonaventure and durandus ; but we assert the necessity of at least an habitual direction , to make the action in individuo good , and yet the act in its self may notwithstanding be indifferent , even in individuo , as there is no antecedent necessity lying upon mens consciences for the doing of it ; because men may omit it , and break no law of god. besides this , to make an action good , there is necessary a bonitas originis , or rather principii , ●● good principle , out of which the action must flow ; which must be that faith , which whatsoever is not of , is sin ; as the apostle tells us . which we must not so understand , as though in every action a man goes about , he must have a full perswasion that it is a necessary duty he goes about ; but in many actions that faith is sufficient , whereby he is perswaded upon good ground , that the thing he goes about is lawful ; although he may as lawfully omit that action ; and do either another , or the contrary to it . there may be then the necessity of some things in an action when it is done to make it good , and yet the action its self be no ways necessary , but indifferent , and a matter of liberty . this may be easily understood by what is usually said of gods particular actions , that god is free in himself either to do or not to do that action ( as suppose the creation of the world ) but when he doth it , he must necessarily do it with that goodness , holiness , and wisdom , which is suitable to his nature : so may many actions of men be in themselves indifferent , and yet there must be a concomitant necessity of good intention and principle to make the action good . but this concomitant necessity doth not destroy the radical indifferency of the action it self ; it is only an antecedent necessity from the obligation of the law , is that which destroys indifferency . so likewise it is as to evil ; there is such an evil in an action , which not only spoils the action , but hinders the person from the liberty of doing it , that is , in all such actions as are intrinsecally evil ; and there is such a kind of evil in actions , which though it spoils the goodness of the action , yet keeps not from performance ; which is such as ariseth from the manner of performance , as praying in hypocrisie , &c. doing a thing lawful with a scrupulous or erring conscience . we see then what good and evil is consistent with indifferency in actions , and what is not . and that the nature of actions , even in individuo , may be indifferent , when as to their circumstances they may be necessarily determin'd to be either good or evil . as marrying , or not marrying , as to the law of god , is left at liberty , not making it in its self a necessary duty , one way or other ; but , supposing particular circumstances make it necessary , pro hîc & nunc , yet the nature of it remains indifferent st●ll ; and supposing marriage , it is necessary it should be in the lord , and yet it is not necessary to make choice of this person rather then of that , so that not only the absolute indifferency of the action is consistent with this concomitant necessity , but the full liberty , both of contradiction , and contrariety . again , we must distinguish between an indifferency , as to its nature , and indifferency , as to its use and end ; or between an indifferency as to a law , and indifferency as to order and peace : here i say , that in things wholly indifferent in both respects , that is , in a thing neither commanded nor forbidden by god , nor that hath any apparent respect to the peace and order of the church of god , there can be no rational account given , why the nature of such indifferencies should be alter'd by any humane laws and constitutions . but matters that are only indifferent as to a command , but are much conducing to the peace and order of a church , such things as these , are the proper matter of humane constitutions concerning the churches polity : or rather , to keep to the words of the hypothesis it self , where any things are determin'd in general by the word of god , but left at liberty , as to manner and circumstances , it is in the power of lawful authority in the church of god to determine such things , as far as they tend to the promoting the good of the church . and so i rise to the second step , which is , that matters of this nature may be determin'd and restrained . or , that there is no necessity , that all matters of liberty should remain in their primary indifferency . this i know is asserted by some of great note and learning ; that in things which god hath left to our christian liberty , man may not restrain us of it , by subjecting those things to positive laws ; but i come to examine , with what strength of reason this is said , that so we may see , whether men may not yield in some lawful things to a restraint of their christian liberty , in order to the peace of the church of god : which i now prove by these arguments . first , what may be lawfully done when it is commanded , may be so far lawfully commanded , as it is a thing in it self lawful ; but matters of christian liberty may be lawfully done when they are commanded to be done , though it were lawful not to do them before that command . the truth of the proposition appears , because lawful authority may command any thing that may be lawfully done . because nothing can exempt from obedience to a lawful magistrate , but the unlawfulness of the thing commanded ; and therefore nothing can debar the magistrate from commanding these things ; for nothing can hinder him from commanding , but what may hinder the subject from obedience . i grant in many cases it may be lawful to obey , when it is very inconvenient for the magistrate to command : but inconveniency and unlawfulness are two things ; nay , and in some cases a man may lawfully obey when he is unlawfully commanded ; but then the matter of the command it self is unlawful . as in executing an unjust sentence , granting that a princes servants may lawfully do it , especially when they know it not ; yet in that case , the ground of their lawful obedience , is the ground of the magistrates lawful command , which is the supposed justice of the execution . but that which makes the magistrates command unlawful , is the intrinsecal evil of the thing its self . so for unlawful wars , though the subjects may lawfully obey , yet the prince sins in commanding , not but that he hath right to command so far as they are bound to obey , which is only in things lawful : but that which in this case alters the matter , is , the princes knowing his cause to be unjust . so that however the proposition holds in things not manifestly unjust . but however this be , it is hereby granted , that the things may be lawfully done , when they are restrained by the magistrates command : and by that it appears , that liberty may be restrained , else it could not be lawful to act under that restraint , not as it respects the things themselves , but under that formality , as they are the restraint of that which ought to be left free . the restraint however then is lawful , as to the persons acting under authority , who are the subjects of this liberty , though it were granted unlawfull as to the authority doing it . which former is sufficient for my purpose , viz. that christian liberty , as to the subjects of it , may be lawfully restrained . secondly , a lesser duty ceaseth to be a duty , when it hinders from the performance of greater ; but the preserving christian liberty is a lesser duty , which may hinder the peace of the church , which is a greater ; therefore in that case it may be restrained . the major is granted by divines and casuists ; when duties stand in competition , the lesser ceaseth to bind , as is evident , in that god will have mercy rather then sacrifice . positives yield to morals and naturals . thence the obligation of an oath ceaseth , when it hinders from a natural duty ; as the corban among the jews from relief of parents . and therefore grotius saith , that an oath taken concerning a thing lawfull , if it doth hinder majus bonum morale , the obligation of that oath ceaseth . now that preserving-liberty is a lesser duty then the looking after the peace of the church , is evident , because the one is only a matter of liberty , and left undetermin'd by the word ; and the other a matter of necessity , and absolutely , and expresly required of all , as a duty as much as possibly lyes in them to endeavour after . thirdly , if an occasional offence of weaker brethren may be a ground for restraining christian liberty ; then much more may commands from lawfull authority do it ; but the offence of weaker brethren may restrain christian liberty , as to the exercise of it , as appears by the apostles discourse , rom. . . the reason of the consequence lies here , that a case of meer offence , which is here pleaded towards weak brethren , cannot have that obligation upon conscience , which a known duty of obeying lawfull authority , in things in themselves lawfull , hath ▪ nay further , insisting only on the law of scandall , i would fain know , whether it be a greater offence and scandall to christians consciences , to infringe the lawfull authority of the magistrate , and to deny obedience to his commands , in things undetermin'd by the law of god ; or else to offend the consciences , that is , go against the judgements of some well-meaning , but less-knowing christians . or thus , whether in the matter of scandall , it be a greater offence to go against the judgements of the weaker and more ignorant , or the more knowing and able ; when the one have only their own weak apprehension to byasse them , the other are backed by and grounded upon an established law. and whether it be not a greater scandall to religion to disobey a christian magistrate , then it is to offend some private christians . let these things be examined , and then let us see whether the argument will not hold à majori ; if the law of scandall as to private christians may restrain liberty , then may a command from the magistrate do it . fourthly , i argue thus , if the nature of christian-liberty may be preserved under the restraint of the exercise of it , then it is not against the nature of christian-liberty to have the exercise restrained ; but the former is true ; and therefore the latter . now that the nature of christian-liberty may be preserved under the restraint of its exercise , i prove by these arguments . first , because the nature of christian-liberty is founded upon the freedom of judgement , and not the freedom of practice . the case is the same in moral and natural liberty as in christian. now we say truly , that the radical liberty of the soul is preserved , though it be determined to a particular action . for the liberty of the will lying in the power of determining its self either way ( as it is generally thought ) the actuall determination of the will doth not take away the internal power in the soul ; and in that respect there may be a potentia faciendi where there is not possibilit as effectûs , a power of doing when there is no possibility the thing should be done , when the event is otherwise determined by a divine decree , as in breaking the bones of christ upon the crosse. so it is in reference to christian liberty ; though the exercise of it be restrained , yet the liberty remains : because christian-liberty lyes in the freedom of judgement ; that is , in judging those things to be free which are so ; so that if any thing that is in its self free , be done by a man with an opinion of the necessity of doing it antecedent to the law commanding it , or without any law prescribing it , thereby his christian liberty is destroyed ; but if it be done with an opinion of the freedom and indifferency of the thing it self , but only with a consequential necessity of doing it , supposing the magistrates command , he retains the power of his christian-liberty still , though under the restraint of the exercise of it . and therefore it would be well observed , that the opinion of the necessity of any one thing undetermined by scripture , destroys christian-liberty more then a magistrates command doth . and by this reason , they that hold any one posture at receiving the lords supper necessary ( as sitting , leaning , kneeling ) do all equally destroy their own christian-liberty as to these things which are undetermined by the word . so a magistrate when commanding matters of christian-liberty , if in the preface to the law he declares the thing necessary to be done in its self , and therefore he commands it , he takes away as much as in him lyes our christian-liberty . and in that case we ought to hold to that excellent rule of the apostle , stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith christ hath set you free , and be not intangled again with the yoke of bondage . but if the magistrate declare the things to be in themselves indifferent , but only upon some prudent considerations for peace and order , he requires persons to observe them , though this brings a necessity of obedience to us , yet it takes not away our christian-liberty . for an antecedent necessity expressed in the law ( as a learned and excellent casuist of our own observes ) doth not necessarily require the assent of the practical judgement to it ; which takes away our liberty of judgement , or our judgement of the liberty of the things ; but a consequentiall necessity upon a command supposed , doth only imply an act of the will , whereby the freedom of judgement and conscience remaining , it is inclined to obedience to the commands of a superior law. now that liberty doth lye in the freedom of judgement , and not in the freedom of practise , and so is consistent with the restraint of the exercise of it ; appears both in the former case of scandall , and in the actions of the apostles and primitive christians complying with the jews in matters of liberty ; yea which is a great deal more , in such ceremonies of which the apostle expresly saith , that if they observed them , christ would profit them nothing ; and yet we find paul himself circumcising timothy because of the jews . certainly then however these ceremonies are supposed to be not only mortuae but mortiferae now the gospel was preached , and the law of christian-liberty promulged ; yet paul did not look upon it , as the taking away his liberty , at any time when it would prevent scandall among the jews , and tend to the furtherance of the gospel , to use any of them . it was therefore the opinion of the necessity of them was it which destroyed christian-liberty ; and therefore it is observable , that where the opinion of the necessity of observing the judaicall rites and ceremonies was entertained , the apostle sets himself with his whole strength to oppose them , as he doth in his epistles to the galatians and colossians . whom yet we find in other places , and to other churches , not leaven'd with this doctrine of the necessity of judaicall rites , very ready to comply with weak brethren , as in his epistles to the romans and corinthians . from which we plainly see , that it was not the bare doing of the things , but the doing them with an opinion of the necessity of them , is that which infringeth christian-liberty , and not the determination of one part above the other by the supream magistrate , when it is declared not to be for any opinion of the things themselves as necessary , but to be only in order to the churches peace and unity . secondly , it appears that liberty is consistent with the restraint of the exercise of it ; because the very power of restraining the exercise of it , doth suppose it to be a matter of liberty , and that both antecedently and consequentially to that restraint . antecedently , so it is apparent to be a matter of liberty , else it was not capable of being restrained : consequentially , in that the ground of observance of those things when restrained , is not any necessity of the matter , or the things themselves ; but only the necessity of obeying the magistrate in things lawfull and undertermin'd by the word : which leads to another argument . thirdly , mens obligation to these things , as to the ground of it , being only in point of contempt and scandall , argues that the things are matter of liberty still . i grant the magistrates authority is the ground of obedience , but the ground of the magistrates command is only in point of contempt and scandall , and for preserving order in the church : for i have already shewed it to be unlawfull , either to command or obey ; in reference to these things , from any opinion of the necessity of them , and therefore the only ground of observing them , is to shew that we are not guilty of contempt of the power commanding them , nor of scandall to others that are offended at our not observing them . tota igitur religio est in fugiendo scandalo & vitando contemptu , saith our learned whitaker : all our ground of obedience is the avoiding scandall and contempt of authority . to the same purpose pet. martyr , speaking of the obligation of ecclesiasticall laws : non obstringunt si removeatur contemptus & scandalum : so that non-observance of indifferent things commanded , when there there is no apparent contempt or scandall , do not involve a man in the guilt of sin : as suppose a law made that all publike prayer be performed kneeling , if any thing lies in a mans way to hinder him from that posture , in this case the man offends not ; because there is no contempt or scandall : so if a law were made that all should receive the lords supper fasting , if a mans health calls for somwhat to refresh him before , he sins not in the breach of that law. and therefore it is observable which whitaker takes notice of in the canons of the councils of the primitive church , that though they did determine many things belonging to the externall polity of the church , yet they observed this difference in their censures or anathema's ; that in matte●s of meer order and decency they never pronounced an anathema , but with the supposition of ●pp●rent contempt ; and inserted , si quis contrà praesumpserit , si quis contumaciter contrà fecerit : but in matters of doctrine or life , fully determin'd by the law of god , they pronounced a simple anathema , without any such clause inserted . now from this , we may take notice of a difference between laws concerning indifferencies in civill and ecclesiastical matters : that in civils the laws bind to indifferencies without the case of contempt or scandall , because in these the publike good is aimed a● , of which every private person is not fit to judge , and therefore it is our duty either to obey or suffer ; but in ecclesiasticall constitution , only peace and order is that which is looked at , and therefore , si nihil contra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 feceris , non teneris illis , is the rule here . if nothing tending to apparent disorder be done , men break not those laws : for the end and reason of a law is the measure of its obligation . fourthly , mens being left free to do the things forbidden , either upon a repeal of the former laws , or when a man is from under obligation to that authority which commands them , argues them still to be matters of liberty , and not matters of necessity . that laws respecting indifferent things may be repealed , i cannot imagine that any have so little reason as to deny , upon a different state of affairs from what it was when they were first enacted ; or when they cannot attain the ends they are designed for , the peace and order of the church , but rather tend to imbroil it in trouble and confusion : and that when men are from under the authority imposing them , men are at their own liberty again , must necessarily be granted , because the ground of restraint of that liberty was the authority they were under ; and therefore the cause being taken away , the effects follows . therefore for men to do them when authority doth not impose them , must imply an opinion of the necessity of the things themselves , which destroyes christian-liberty . whence ▪ it was resolved by augustine in the case of rites , that every one should observe those of that church which he was in : which he saith , he took from ambrose . his words are these , nec disciplina ulla ▪ in his melior gravi prudentique christiano , quàm ut eo modo agat , quo agere viderit ecclesiam , ad quamcunque forte devenerit . quod enim neque contra fidem , neque contra bonos more 's injungitur , indifferenter est habendum , & pro corum inter quos vivitur societate servandum est . he tells us , he knew no better course for a serious prudent christian to take in matters of rites and customes , then to follow the churches example where he is : for whatsoever is observed neither against faith or manners , is a matter in its self indifferent , and to be observed according to the custome of those he lives among . and after , acquaints us that his mother coming to milan after him , and finding the church there not observe the saturday-fast as the church of rome did , was much perplexed and troubled in her mind at it ( as tender , but weak consciences are apt to be troubled at any thing contrary to their own practice ) ; she for her own satisfaction sends her son to ambrose , then bishop of the church there , who told him he would give him no other answer but what he did himself , and if he knew any thing better , he would do it . augustine presently expects a command from him to leave off saturday fasts : instead of that ; ambrose tells him ; cum romam veni● , jejuno sabbato ; cum hic sum , non jejuno . sic etiam tu ad quam forte ecclesiam veneris , ejus morem serva ; si cuiquam non vis esse scandalo , n●● quenquam ▪ tibi . when i am at rome i fast on the sabbath , but at milan i do not . so thou likewise , when thou comest to any church , observe its custome , if thou wouldst neither be an offence to them , nor have them be so to thee . a rare and excellent example of the piety , prudence , and moderation of the primitive church : far from rigid imposing indifferent customs on the one side ; from contumacy in opposing meer indifferencies on the other . which judgement of ambrose , augustine saith , he alwayes looked on as often as he thought of it , tanquam caeleste oraculum , as an oracle come from heaven ; and concludes with this excellent speech , which if ever god intend peace to his church , he will make men understand : sensi enim saepe dolens & gemens , mult as infirmorum perturbationes fieri per quorundam fr●trum contentiosam obstinationem , & superstitiosam timiditatem ; qui in rebus hujusmodi , quae neque scripturae sanctae autoritate , neque universal is ecclesiae traditione , neque vitae corrigendae utilitate ad certum possunt terminum pervenire ( perducere ▪ ) tantum quia subest quàliscunque ratiocinatio cogitantis , aut quia in suâ patriâ sic ipse consuevit , aut quia ibi vidis ubi peregrinationem suam quò remotiorem à suis , eò doctiorem factam putat , tam litigiosas excitant qu estiones ut nisi quod ipsi faciunt , nihil rectum existiment . i have often , saith he , found it to my grief and sorrow , that the troubles of weaker christian● , have been caused by the contentious obstinacy of some on the one hand , and the superstitious fearfulnesse of others on the other ▪ in things which are neither determin'd by the authority of the holy scriptures , nor by the custome of the universall church , nor yet by any usefulnesse of the things themselves , in order to the making mens lives better ; only for some petty reason in a mans own mind , or because it hath been the custome of their countrey● or because they have found in those churches , which they have thought to be the nearer to truth , the further they have been from home , they are continually raising such quarrels and contentions , that they think nothing is right and lawfull , but what they do themselves . had that blessed saint lived in our age , he could not have utter'd any thing more true , nor more pertinent to our present state : which methinks admirers of antiquity should embrace for its authority , and others for the great truth and reason of it . did we but set up those three things as judges between us in our matters of ceremonies , the authority of the scriptures , the practise of the primitive universal church , and the tendency of them to the reforming mens lives ; how soon might we shake hands , and our controversies be at an end ! but as long as contentious obstinacy remains on one side , and a superstitious fearfulnesse on the other ( for superstition may as well lye in the imagined necessity of avoiding things indifferent , as in the necessary observing of things which are not ) we may find our storms increase , but we are not like to see any land of peace . how happy might we be , did men but once understand that it was their duty to mind the things of peace ! how little of that dust might still and quiet our most contentious frayes ! hi motus animorum , atque haec certamina tanta pulveris exigui jactu compressa quiescunt . but in order to so happy and desireable an union and accommodation , i shall not need to plead much from the nature of the things we differ about ; the lownesse of them in comparison of the great things we are agreed in , the fewnesse of them in comparison of the multitude of those weighty things we ought most to look after , the benefits of union , the miseries of division , which if our lamentable experience doth not tell us of , yet our consciences may ; i shall crave leave humbly to present to serious consideration some proposalls for accommodation : which is an attempt which nothing but an earnest desire of peace can justifie , and i hope that will : which here falls in ●s the third step of my designed discourse , about the bounds to be set in the restraint of christian-liberty , the first is , that nothing be imposed as necessary , but what is clearly revealed in the word of god. this there is the highest reason and equity for , since none can have command immediately over conscience , but god himself , and what ever is imposed as necessary , doth immediately bind conscience . and whatever binds mens conscience● with an opinion of the necessity of it , doth immediately destroy that christian-liberty which men are necessarily bound to stand fast in , and not be intangled with any yoke of bondage . not only the yoke of jewish ceremonies , but whatever yoke pincheth , and galls as that did , with an opinion of the necessity of doing the thing commanded by any but the word of god. which the apostle calls dogmatizing , coloss. . and v. . let no man judge you in meat and drink ; nè praepositi quidem vestri , saith whitaker ; these impositions he calls v. . the commandments and doctrines of men . and such he calls a snare , corinth . . . which was the making an indifferent thing , as coelibate , necessary . laqueus est quicquid praecipitur ut necessarium , quod liberum esse debet . so that though obedience be necessary to ind●fferent things when commanded ; yet it must alwayes be liber â conscientiâ , quoad res ipsas legum , no obligation to be laid upon conscience to look upon the things as necessary . secondly , that nothing be required , nor determin'd , but what is sufficiently known to be indifferent in its own nature . the former proposall was in reference to the manner of imposing , this respects the nature of the things themselves . the only difficulty here is , how a thing may be sufficiently known to be indifferent ; because one man looks upon that as indifferent , which another doth not . the most equal way to decide this controversie , is to make choyce of such judges as are not interested in the quarrel : and those are the sense of the primitive church in the first centuries , who were best able to judge whether they looked upon themselves as bound by any command of scripture or no ; and withall the judgement of the reformed churches : so that what shall be made appear to be left indifferent , by both the sense of the primitive church , and the churches of the reformation , may be a matter determinable by law , and which all may be required to conform in obedience to . thirdly , that whatever is thus determined be in order only to a due performance of what is in general required in the word of god , and not to be looked on as any part of divine worship or service . this is that which gives the greatest occasion of offence to mens consciences , when any thing is either required ; or if not , yet generally used and looked on as a necessary part or concomitant of gods worship , so that without it the worship is deemed imperfect . and there is great difference to be made between things indifferent in their own nature , and indifferent as to their use and practise . and when the generality of those who use them do not use them as indifferent , but as necessary things , it ought to be considered , whether in this case such a use be allowable till men be better informed of the nature of the things they do . as in the case of the papists about image-worship , their divines say , that the images are only as high teners of devotion , but the worship is fixed on god ; but we find , it is quite otherwise in the general pract●se of people who look at nothing beyond the image . so it may be , bating the degrees of the offence , when matters of indifferency in themselves are by the generality of people not looked on as such , but used as a necessary part of divine service . and it would be considered whether such an abuse of matters supposed indifferent being known , it be not scandalum datum to continue their use without an effectual remedy for the abuse of them . fourthly , that no sanctions be made , nor mulcts or penalties be inflicted on such who only dissent from the use of some things whose lawfulnesse they at present scruple , till sufficient time and means be used for their information of the nature and indifferency of the things , that it may be seen whether it be out of wilfull contempt and obstinacy of spirit , or only weaknesse of conscience and dissatisfaction concerning the things themselves that they disobey . and if it be made evident to be out of contempt , that only such penalties be inflicted as answers to the nature of the offence ; i am sure it is contrary to the primitive practise , and the moderation then used , to suspend or deprive men of their ministerial function for not conforming in habits , gestures , or the like . concerning habits , walafridus strabo expresly tells us , there was no distinction of habits used in the church in the primitive times . vestes sacerdotales per incrementa ad eum ▪ qui nunc habetur , aucta sunt ornatum . nam primis temporibus communi vestimento induti , missas agebant , sicut & hactenus quidam orientalium facere perhibentur . and therefore the concilium gangrense condemned eustathius sebastenus for making a necessity of diversity of habits among christians for their profession , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it being acknowledged both by salma sius and his great adversary petavius , that in the primitive times the presbyters did not necessarily wear any distinct habit from the people , although the former endeavours to prove , that commonly they did in tertullians time ; but yet that not all the presbyters , nor they only did use a distinct habit , viz. the pallium philosophicum , but all the christians who did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as socrates said of sylvanus rhet●r , all that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among them , stricter professors of christianity ; among which most of the presbyters were . and origen in eusebius expresly speaks of heraclas a presbyter of alexandria , that for a long time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he used only the common garment belonging to christians , and put on the pallium philosophicum for the study of the grecian learning , after that christianity began to lose in height what it got in breadth : instead of the former simplicity of their garments as well as manners , and their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came in the use of the byrri , penulae dalmaticae , and so daily increasing , as strabo saith . i say not this in the least to condemn any distinction of habit for meer decency and order , but to shew it was not the custome of the primitive times to impose any necessity of these things upon men , nor to censure them for bare disuse of them . he must be a great stranger in the primitive church that takes not notice of the great diversity of rites and customs used in particular churches , without any censuring those who differed from them ; or if any by inconsiderate zeal did proceed so far , how ill it was resented by other christians . as victor's excommunicating the quarto-decimani , for which he is so sharply reproved by irenaeus , who tells him , that the primitive christians who differed in such things , did not use to abstain from one anothers communion for them ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as socrates tells us ; those that agree in the same faith , may differ among themselves in their rites and customs , as he largely shews in a whole chapter to that purpose ; as , in the observation of easter , some on the fourteenth day of april , others only upon the lords day , but some of the more eastern churches differed from both . in their fasts , some observed lent but for one day , some two , some three weeks , some six weeks , other seven : and in their fasts some abstained from all kind of living creatures , others only from fresh , eating fish , and others ●oul : others abstained from fruit and eggs : others eat only dry bread , others not that neither . and so for their publick assemblies ; some communicating every lords day , others not . the church of alexandria had its publick meetings and sermons every fourth day of the week , as he tells us . the same church made the publick readers and interpreters , either of the catechumeni , or of the baptized , differing therein from all other churches . several customes were used about digamy , and the marriage of ministers in several churches . so about the time of baptism , some having only one set time in the year for it , as at easter in t●h●ssaly ; others two , easter , and dominica in albis , so call'd from the white garments of the baptized . some churches in baptism used three dippings , others only one . great differences about the time of their being catechumeni , in some places longer , in others a shorter time . so about the excommunicate , and degrees of penance ( as they are call'd ) their flentes , audientes , succumbentes , consistentes , the communio peregrinae , the several chrismes in vertice , in pectore , in some places at baptism , in some after . so for placing the altar ( as they metaphorically called the communion table ) it was not constantly towards the east ; for socrates affirms , that in the great church at antiochia , it stood to the west end of the church ; and therefore it had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a different positure from other churches . and eusebius saith out of the panegyrist , that in the new church built by paulinus at tyre , the altar stood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the middle . these things may suffice for a taste at present , of which more largely elsewhere ( god willing ) in due time . we see the primitive christians did not make so much of any uniformity in rites and ceremonies ; nay i scarce think any churches in the primitive times can be produced , that did exactly in all things observe the same customes : which might especially be an argument of moderation in all , as to these things , but especially in pretended admirers of the primitive church . i conclude with a known saying of austin , indignum est ut propter ea quae nos deo neque digniores , neque indigniores possunt facere , alii alios vel condemnemus , vel judicemus . it is an unworthy thing for christians to condemn and judge one another for those things which do not further us at all in our way to heaven . lastly , that religion be not clogg'd with ceremonies . they when multiplied too much , if lawful , yet strangely eat out the heart , heat , life , vigour of christianity . christian religion is a plain , simple , easie thing . christ commends his yoke to us by the easiness of it , and his burden by the lightness of it . it was an excellent testimony which amm. marcellinus a heathen gave to christianity , when speaking of constantius , religionem christianam rem absolutam & simplicem a●●li superstitione confudit , that he spoiled the beauty of christianity , by musting it up in superstitious observations . and it is as true which erasmus said in answer to the sorbonists , quò magis in corporalibus ceremoniis haeremus , hoc magis vergimus ad iudaismum . external ceremonies teach us backward , and bring us back from christ to moses ; which is fully proved as to the papists , by our learned rainolds and mr. de croy : but we need no further evidence then a bare perusal of durandus mimatensis his rationale divinorum officiorum . by ceremonies , i mean not here matters of meer decency and order , for order sake ; which doubtless are lawful ( if the measure of that order be not the pomp and glory of the world , but the gravity , composure , sobriety , which becomes christianity ) for when the jews were the most strictly tyed up by a ceremonial law , they did introduce many things upon the account of order and decency : ás the building synagogues , their hours of prayer , their parashoth and haphtaroth , the sections of the law and prophets ; the continuation of the passover fourteen days by hezekiah , when the law required but seven : the feast of purim by esther and mordecai : the fasts of the . . moneth under the captivity ; the feast of dedication by the maccabees . the use of baptism in proselyting , washing the feet before the passeover , imitated and practised by our saviour : so that matters of order and decency are allowable and fitting ; but ceremonies properly taken for actions significative , and therefore appointed because significative , their lawfulness may with better ground be scrupled . or , taking ceremony , in bellarmines description of it , to be actio externa , quae non aliunde est bona & laudabilis , nisi quia fit ad deum colendum : and in this sense it will be hard to manifest any thing to be lawful , but what is founded upon a divine precept ; if it be not a matter of order , and so no ceremony . and as for significative ceremonies , concerning matter of doctrine or fact , a learned dr. puts us in mind of the old rule , that they be paucae & salubres , and the fewer , the more wholesome : for , as he observes from aristotle in insect●le animals , the want of blood was the cause they run out into so many legs . i shall conclude this whole discourse with another speech of s. austin , very pertinen● to our present purpose . omnia itaque talia quae neque sanctarum scripturarum autoritatibus continentur , nec in con●iliis episcoporum statuta inveniuntur , nec consuetudine universae ecclesiae roborata sunt , sed diversorum locorum diversis moribus innumerabiliter variantur , ita ut vix aut omnino nunquam inveniri possint causae , quas in eis instituendis secuti sunt homines , ubi facultas tribuitur , sine ulla dubitatione resecanda existimo . all such things which are neither founded on the authority of the scriptures , nor determined by general councils ( for so he must be understood ) nor practised by the catholick church , but vary according to the customes of places , of which no rational account can be given ; ●ssoon as men have power to do it , i judge them to be cut off without any scruple : for which definitive sentence of his , he gives this most sufficient reason ; quamvis enim neque hoc inveniri possit , quomodo contra fidem sint ; ipsam tamen religionem ( quam paucissimis & manifestissimis celebrationem sacramentis misericordia . dei liberam esse voluit ) servilibus oneribus premunt , ut tolerabilior sit conditio . iudaeorum , qui etiamsi tempus libertatis non agnoverint , legalibus tamen sarcinis , non humanis praesumptionibus subjiciuntur : for although we cannot positively say , how such things as these do manifestly i●●pugn our faith , yet in that they load our religion with such servile burdens , ( which the mercy of god hath left free for all other observations , but the celebration of some few and most clear sacraments ) that they make our condition worse then that of the iews ; for they , although strangers to gospel liberty , had no burdens charged upon them by the constitutions of men , but only by the law and commands of god : which sentence and reason of his , i leave to the most impartial judgement of every true sober ▪ minded christian. and thus i am at last come through this field of thorns and thistles ; i hope now to find my way more plain and easie . so much for the fourth hypothesis . the two next will be discharged with lesser trouble . hypoth . . what is left undetermined both by divine positive laws , and by principles deduced from the natural law , if it be determined by lawful authority in the church of god , doth bind the conscience of those who are subject to that authority , to obedience to those determinations . i here suppose , that the matter of the law be something not predetermined ▪ either by the law of nature , or divine positive law● ; for against either of these no humane law can bind the conscience : for if there be any moral evil in the thing commanded , we are bound to obey god rather than men ; in which case , we do not formally and directly disobey the magistrate , but we chuse to obey god before him . and , as we have already observed , a former obligation from god or nature destroys a latter ; because god hath a greater power and authority over mens consciences , then any humane authority can have : and my obedience to the magistrate being founded upon a divine law , it must be supposed my duty to obey him first , by virtue of whose authority i obey another ; then , the other whom i obey , because the former hath commanded me . if i am bound to obey an inferiour magistrate , because the supreme requires it ; if the inferiour command me any thing contrary to the will and law of the supreme , i am not bound to obey him in it , because both the derives his power of commanding , and i my obligation to obedience , from the authority of the supreme , which must be supposed to do nothing against it self . so it is between god and the supreme magistrate ; by him kings reign ; god when he gives them a legislative power , doth it cumulativè non privativè , not so as to deprive himself of it , nor his own laws of a binding force against his ; so that no law of a magistrate can in reason bind against a positive law of god. but what is enacted by a lawful magistrate , in things left undetermined by gods laws , doth even by virtue of them bind men to obedience , which require subjection to the higher powers for conscience sake . so that whatsoever is left indifferent , obedience to the magistrate in things indifferent is not : and if we are not bound to obey in things undetermin'd by the word , i would ●ain know wherein we are bound to obey them ? or what distinct power of obligation belongs to the authority the magistrate hath over men ? for all other things we are bound to already by former laws ; therefore either there must be a distinct authority without power to oblige , or else we are effectually bound to whatsoever the magistrate doth determine in lawful things . and if it be so in general , it must be so as to all particulars contained in that general , and so in reference to matters of the church , unless we suppose all things concerning it to be already determined in scripture : which is the thing in question , and shall be largely discussed in its due place . sixthly . hypoth . . things undetermined by the divine law , natural and positive , and actually determined by lawful authority , are not thereby made unalterable , but may be revoked , limited , and changed , according to the different ages , tempers , inclinations of men , by the same power which did determine them . all humane constitutions are reversible by the same power which made them : for the obligation of them , not arising from the matter of them , but from the authority of the person binding , are consequently alterable , as shall be judged by that power most sutable to the ends of its first promulgation . things may so much alter , and times change , that what was a likely way to keep men in unity and obedience at one time , may only inrage them at another : the same physick which may at one time cure , may at another only inrage the distemper more . as therefore the skill of a physitian lies most in the application of physick to the several tempers of his patients : so a wise magistrate , who is , as nicias said in thucydides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the physitian to cure the distempers of the body politick ; and considers ( as spartian tells us adrian used to say in the senate , ita se rempub. gesturum , ut sciret populirem esse , non propriam ) that the peoples interest is the main care of the prince , will see a necessity of altering , reforming , varying many humane constitutions , according as they shall tend most to the ends of government , either in church or state. thence it is said of the several laws of nature , divine , and humane ; that lex naturae potest poni , sed non deponi , lex divina nec poni nec deponi , lex humana & poni & deponi . the law of nature may be laid down ( as in case of marriage with sisters in the beginning of the world ) but not laid aside ; the law of god can neither be laid down , nor laid aside ; but humane laws , both may be laid down , and laid aside . indeed , the laws of the medes and persians , are said to be unalterable , but ( if it be meant in the sense it is commonly understood in ) yet that very law which made them unalterable ( for they were not so of their own nature ) was an alterable law , and so was whatever did depend upon it . i conclude then , whatever is the subject of humane determination , may lawfully be alter'd and changed , according to the wisdome and prudence of those in whose hands the care of the publick is . thus then , as those things which are either of natural or christian liberty , are subjected to humane laws and restraints , so those laws are not irreversible ; but if the fences be thrown down by the same authority which set them up , whatever was thereby inclosed , returns to the community of natural right again . so much for these hypotheses , which i have been the longer in explaining and establishing , because of the great influence they may have upon our present peace , and the neer concernment they have to this whole discourse , the whole fabrick of which is erected upon these foundations . chap. iii. how far church government is founded upon the law of nature . two things in it founded thereon . . that there must be a society of men for the worship of god. . that this society be governed in the most convenient manner . a society for worship manifested , gen. . . considered . the sons of god , and the sons of men , who ? societies for worship among heathens evidenced by three things . . solemnity of sacrifices ; sacrificing how far natural ; the antiquity of the feast of first-fruits , largely discovered . . the original of festivals for the honour of their deities . . the secrecy and solemnity of their mysteries . this further proved from mans sociable nature , the improvement of it by religion , the honor redounding to god by such a society for his worship . having now laid our foundation , we proceed to raise a superstructure upon it . and we now come closely to inquire how far government in the church is founded upon an unalterable divine right ? that we have found to be built upon a double foundation , the dictates of the law of nature , and divine positive laws . we shall impartially inquire into both of them , and see how far church-government is setled upon either of these two . i begin then with the law of nature . two general things , i conceive , are of an unalterable divine right in reference to this : first , that there be a society and joyning together of men for the worship of god : secondly , that this society be governed , preserved , and maintained in a most convenient manner . first , that there must be a society of men joyning together for the worship of god. for the dictate of nature being common to all , that god must be served , nature requires some kind of mutual society for the joynt performance of their common duties . an evidence of which dictate of nature , appears in the first mention we find of any publick society ; so that a society for religious worship was as ancient as the first civil societies we have any records of . nay , the very first publick society we read of , was gathered upon this account . for we read in the early days of the world that the charter for this society was soon made use of , gen. . . in the days of enosh men began to call upon the name of the lord. now enosh was seths son , whom adam had given to him in the place of abel ; and assoon as the number of men did increase , that men grew into societies , they then had their publike societies for gods worship . for we cannot understand that place absolutely , as though god had not been called on before , but now he was called on more signally and solemnly ; when men were increased that they began to imbody themselves into societies , coepit congregare populum ad tractandum simul dei cu●tum , saith pererius . tunc coeptum est populariter coli deus , mariana . invocare , i. e. palam colere , emanuel sa. relating all to the publike societies being then gathered for the worship of the true god. from which time in all probability did commence that title of those who joyned in those societies that they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sons of god which we read of soon after . gen. . . as they are distinguished from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sons of men : which titles as i am far from understanding in the sense of the fathers taking them for the angels , ( which in likely-hood they took from that supposititious piece going under the name of enochs prophesie ) ; so i cannot understand them as commonly they are taken , for meer discretive titles of the posterity of seth and cain ; as though all that came of seth were the sons of god , and all of cain were the sons of men . for as there certainly were many bad of seths posterity , because the flood destroyed all of them , noah only and his family excepted : so there might be some good of the other , vice being no more enta●ld then vertue is ; and jewels may sometimes lye in a heap of dung : and so this name of the sons of god might be appropriated to those who joyned themselves to those societies for gods worship . in which sense some understand the very words of the text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then began men to be called by the name of the lord : which i suppose is the sense of aquila who thus renders the place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , although it be brought by dionys. vossius to justifie the former interpretation of the words . this sense , if the construction of the words will bear it ( which drusius questions , but others are much for it , and theodoret , the french , and piscator so render it ) seems most genuine and natural ; and not at all impugning what i have formerly gathered from the words , but implying it ; for this distinction of names and titles did argue a distinction of societies among them . i am not ignorant that the generality of jewish expositors and many of their followers , do carry the sense of the words quite another way , from the ambiguity of the signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which may be interpreted as well to prophane as begin , and so they read it , tunc prophanatum est ad invocandum nomen domini , then men prophaned the name of the lord : and accordingly maimonides begins idolatry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the dayes of enosh . but the words will scarce bear this construction , as vossius upon him observes ; and besides , there is no mention at all of the name of any false gods , but only of the true one . so much then for the first originall of this society for religion , which we see began assoon as there was matter for a society to be gathered up of . some indeed derive this society a great deal higher ; and because we read that abel and cain brought their sacrifices , they thence infer , that it was to adam , who was the publike priest then , and performed all publike duties of worship in his own person , and so was indeed occumenicall bishop of the whole world , and yet had but four persons or but few more for his charge . such a diocess we might be content to allow him that pleads for the same office , and derives his title somewhat higher then adam ; for pope boniface the eighth proved there must be but one chief priest , and so one pope , because it is said , gen. . . that god created the world in principio , not in principiis ; mark the number ; therefore there must be but one beginning , and so one bishop , and not many . what excellent disputants an infallible ▪ chair makes men ! much good may his argument do him . as a further evidence , how much nature dictates that such a society there should be for divine worship , we shall inquire into the practise of men in their dispersion after the flood . and what we find unanimously continued among them , under such gross idolatry as they were given to , and which did arise not from their idolatry as such , but from the general nature of it as a kind of worship , we have reason to look upon as one of those planks which hath escaped the common shipwrack of humane nature by the fall of man. and so though that argument from the generall consent of nations owning a way of worship though a false one , in order to the proving the existence of god be slighted by some , yet there is this double evidence in it to prove it , more then is generally taken notice of , and beyond the bare testimony its self given by that consent . first , from mens being so easily imposed upon by false religions , in that they are so soon gull'd into idolatry ; it argues there are some jewels in the world , or else men would never be deceived with counterfeits ; it argues that a child hath a father , who is ready to call every one that comes to him , father ; so it argues there is some naturall instinct in men towards the worship of god , when men are so easily brought to worship other things instead of god. we see no other creatures can be so imposed upon ; we read of no idolatry among the brutes , nor that the bees though they have a king and honour him , did ever bow their knees to baal , or worship the hive instead of him . if men had no journeys to go , others need not be sworn as the athenians were , not to put them out of their way . if there were no inclinableness to religion , all cautions against idolatry were superfluous : there is then from mens proness to error , as to the person and object of worship , an evidence of naturall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an instinct within towards the act of worship ; and as when i see sheep flock together , even in their wandrings , i may easily gather that though they are out of their proper pastures , yet they are of a tame and sociable nature ; so when we see societies for worship were preserved among men after they were degenerated into idolatry ; it is an evident argument that such associating together for the generall nature of the act , doth flow from the nature of man. secondly ▪ all mens agreeing in some kind of worship , though differing as to the object and manner of it , is an evidence it comes from nature , because it plainly evinces it could be nothing taken up out of design , received by custome , nor convey'd by tradition , because even among those whose interests and designs have been contrary to one another , and could have no mutuall compacts to deceive their people , have all agreed in this thing , though almost in all other things they have strangely differ'd . all other customs and traditions , are either changed , or lost among severall nations ; as the rude barbarous northern nations , that in their inrodes and incursions upon other places , have left in process of time , almost all other customs but only their religion behind them . this sticks closer then saladines black shirt , or the old monks cloathes , which they put not off till they dyed , nay even those nations , who openly , and as by a law , violate the other received dictates of nature , do yet maintain and hold up this . those that have had the least of commerce and converse with civilized people , have yet had their societies for worship : and when they could find no gods to worship , they would rather make then want them . the egyptians would rather spoyl their sallets then be without gods ; and they that whipt their gods , yet had them still . they who had no sense of another life , yet would pray to their gods for the good things of this : and they that would not pray that the gods would do them good , yet would that they might do them no hurt : so that in the most prodigious idolatry , we have an argument for religion ; and in the strange diversities of the wayes of worship , we have an evidence how naturall a society for worship is . this , to shew the validity and force of the argument drawn from consent of nations , even in their idolatry . three things i shall evidence these societies for worship among the heathens by ; the solemnity of their sacrifices , their publick festivals , and their secret mysteries , all which were instituted peculiarly in honour of their gods : it being necessary in such societies for worship to have some particular rites , whereby to testifie the end of such societies to be for the honour of their deity ; and to distinguish those solemnities from all other . first then for sacrifices ; paulus burgensis observing how this custome spread all the world over , concludes from thence that it was naturall to men . in qualibet aetate , & apud quaslibet hominum nationes , semper fuit aliqua sacrificiorum oblatio . quod autem est apud omnes , naturale est . thus far i confesse sacrificing naturall , as it was a solemn and sensible rite of worship ; but if he meant by that , the destroying of some living creatures to be offered up to god , i both deny the universall practice of it , and its being from the dictate of nature : and i rather believe with fortunius licetus , that it was continued down by tradition , from the sacrifices of cain and abel before the flood , or rather from noahs after ; which might the easier be , because nature dictating there must be some way of worship , and it being very agreeable to nature it should be by sensible signs , all nations having no other rule to direct them , were willing to observe that rite and custome in it , which was conveyed down to them from their progenitors ; but let us see what reason burgensis gives ; ratio naturalis dictat , ut secundum naturalem inclinationem , homines ei quod est supra omnes , subjectionem exhibeant , secundum modum homini convenientem . qui quidem modus est , ut sensibilibus signis utatur , ad exprimendum interiorem conceptum , sicut ex sensibilibus cognitionem accipit invisibilium . unde ex naturali ratione procedit , quod homo sensibilibus signis utatur , offerens eas deo in signum subjectionis & honoris ad similitudinem eorum qui dominis suis aliquid offerunt in recognitionem dominii . but all this will extend no further , then that it is very agreeable to naturall reason , that as man attains the knowledge of invisible things by visible , so he should expresse his sense of invisible things by some visible signs , thereby declaring subjection to god as his lord and master ; as tenants expresse their homage to their lord by offering something to them . and i withall acknowledge , that as to oblations without blood , they seem indeed very naturall : whence we shall somewhat largely discover the antiquity of the feasts of first-fruits , which were the clearest acknowledgement of their dependance upon god , and receiving these things from him . aristotle tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that the most ancient sacrifices and assemblies appear to have been upon the in-gathering of fruits , such as the sacrifices of first-fruits to the gods were . to the same purpose porphyrius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the first sacrifices were of first-fruits . and horace , agricolae prisci fortes , parvoque beati condita post frumenta , levantes tempore festo corpus , & ipsum animum spe finis dura ferentes , cum sociis operum & pueris & conjuge fidâ , tellurem porco , sylvanum lacte piabant . although he be not so expresse for offering the very fruits of the earth ; yet it is evident from him , that their great festivals in honour of their gods ; were immediately after harvest , and that they had great assemblies for that purpose , and did then solemnly sacrifice . and from these solemnities came the original of tragedies and comedies , as horace intimates , and is largely shewed by isaac casaubon in his treatise de satyricâ poesi . but to fetch this yet a little higher , and so bring it downwards ; the first sacrifice we read of in scripture , was this of the fruits of the earth ( unlesse the skins which adam cloathed himself with , were of the beasts sacrificed , as some conjecture : ) cains sacrifice was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an oblation of the fruits of the earth : in all probability the first-fruits , as abel offered the first-born of the cattel to the lord : this seems to have been at some solemn time of sacrificing , which is implyed in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the end of dayes . in process of time we render it ; but the jews understand it at the end of the year : dayes in scripture being often put for years ; which interpretation if we follow , we find a very early observation of the anniversary festival of first-fruits ; but however this be , we have by unquestionable tradition , that no festival was more anciently , nor more universally observed , then this of offering the first fruits to god of their increase . the jews were bound up so strictly to it by their law , leviticus . . that they were to eat nothing of their crop till the offering of first-fruits was made . and porphyrius tells us out of hermippus , that one of the laws made for the athenians by triptolemus , was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to feast the gods with their fruits : of which xenocrates there gives a twofold reason ; sense of gratitude to the gods , and the easiness at all times to offer up these ; by which he supposed the custome would continue longer . draco afterwards puts this among his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his unalterable laws , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to worship their gods with their first-fruits . besides which , for other greeks we have the testimony of plutarch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the most of the grecians , saith he , in their most ancient sacrifices did use barley , the first fruits being offered by the citizens : and therefore the opuntii called their chief priest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because he gathered in the first-fruits . the manner of offering the first-fruits among them , was much of the same nature with the mincha among the jews , which was of fine flower mingled with oyl for a burnt-offering to the lord : the word there used implyes the bruising the ears of corn in a morter , because they were as yet moist , and could not be ground hard as corn was . whence , because it was not all brought to flower , the cake was call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is called by the sept●agint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so i suppose it should be read , which in our great bibles is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and it is call'd by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which word is frequently used by homer , and apollonius rhodius , whom i forbear to transcribe ; it being so obvious ; which is expounded both by the excellent scholiast on apollonius , and by eustathius and the short scholiast on homer , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . barley and salt mixed together . to which among the romans the mola salsa answered , of which festus : est far tostum & sale conspersum , as the mincha under the law , was alwayes salted with salt , levit. . . this mola salsa among the romans , had originally relation to the first-fruits : for the custome of offering up first-fruits among them , was as ancient as their institution of religious rites ; as pliny fully informs us , numa instituit deos fruge colere , & molâ salsâ supplicare ; atque ut autor est hemina , far torrere : which likewise answers to the jewish mincha , which was to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tosta in igne , parched in the fire : for which purpose numa instituted the fornacalia , which were farris torrendi feriae , the feasts of first-fruits among them , the parching the corn being in order thereto , for as pliny adds , ac ne ●egustabant novas fruges , aut vina antequam sacerdotes primitias libassent : which may be exactly rendred in the very words of the law , leviticus . . but though the mola salsa came originally from hence , it afterwards came to be used in most sacrifices , thence the word immolare to sacrifice , again parallel to the mincha accessorium , as some call it among the jews , which was used in other sacrifices ; and was distinct from the mincha per se , which of it self was an oblation to the lord. from this offering up bruised corn , some derive the name of ceres from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies as much , and was required , leviticus . . thence ovid l. met. primitias frugum cereri , sua vina ●yaeo . but besides ceres , they offered their first fruits among the greeks to hora , diana , apollo , vesta , as may be seen in meursius in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus we see how these three nations did agree not only in the observation of the feast of first-fruits , but very much in the ceremonies of their offering too . only this difference may be observed between them , the romans did mix their mola salsa with water , the jews their mincha with oyl only ; the greeks did not bruise the corn in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but only mixed salt with the grains of corn. but the jews and romans bo●h brui●ed and parched it , before they offered it up for the first-fruits . thus much to shew the antiquity and observation of the offering up of the first-fruits among the most ancient and civilized nations . which though it may seem a digression , yet i hope not wholly unacceptable , it being likewise the offering of my first-fruits , and therefore the more seasonable . proceed we now to other festivall-solemnities to see what evidences of a society for worship we find in them . and for this , it is apparent that the first originall of festivals among the heathen was for the honour of the gods. upon which account a grave and prudent author accounts the observation of some festivalls naturall ; because nature doth dictate the necessity of some society for the worship of god. for thus strabo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it was the custome of all nations ( who are comprehended under his words ) to have festival days for the honour of their gods , which nature its self dictates . hence the greeks , as athenaeus observes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used to say , that their gods beg'd them all their play-days . after telling us of the mirth and jollity used after their sacrifices , which was alwayes the second course at these festivalls , thence the jews called their high festival days 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 good days , or days of mirth . we read of few nations but had these festival solemnities for the honour of their gods. the persians had theirs for their god mithras : the babylonians , saith athenaeus out of berosus , had their feast sacaea , which casaubon would have called sesacaea , because babylon in scripture is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sesac , as the ludi romani were from rome . it is to no purpose to mention the festivals observed by the greeks and romans in honour of their gods , being so many , that whole books have been composed of them . that which i observe from hence , is , that societies for the worship of god are natural ; because of their solemn resting from their ordinary labour upon days appointed for the honour of their gods : thereby shewing , they looked upon those as peculiar days , and themselves as peculiar societies upon those days , from what they were at other times . one thing more evidenceth this among them ; their solemn and secret mysteries , which were societies on purpose , as pretended , for this very end , in honor of their gods. their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as they were wont to call them , preserved with the greatest secrecy by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . their great and lesser eleusinian , samothracian , cotyttian , mithriacal mysteries , to which none were admitted without passing through many degrees , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before they came to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfectly initiated . wherein they were much imitated by the christians in the celebration of the lords supper , about the fourth or fifth century , as is largely showed by casaubon in a most learned diutriba on this subject in his exercitations ; to which i refer the reader . we see what strict rules they had for admission of any into these pretendedly sacred , but truly most impious societies . in those of mithras , as suidas and nonnus tell us , they passed through eighty degrees , before they were throughly initiated , and seldome escaped with life . however , we may gain from them this general notion , that they looked on a peculiar distinct society , as necessary for the worship and honor of the deity they served . thus we see à posteriori how a distinct society for gods worship appears to be a dictate of nature . we shall now see if we can evidence à priori , that it is a dictate of nature , that there must be some society for the worship of god. three things will make that appear . first , the sociableness of mans nature . man is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a creature that loves to herd it self with those of his own kind , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if a man had all other comforts of life , and wanted society , he would not think his life worth leading , as aristotle observes , who further takes notice of the sociableness of mans nature , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the general commendation that is given to courteous and affable men . i deny not , but in the entring into a civil state or society , either fear , or profit , might be a main inducement to it ; but though it be an inducement , yet there must be supposed an inclinableness to a society ; or a commonwealth might be assoon set up among tygers , as men. so that they have very little ground of reason , who from the external inducements of fear , or profit , in entring into civil societies , do conclude against the sociableness of mans nature . if then mans nature be sociable in all other things , then nature will tell men , they ought to be so in things of common concernment to them all , and which is every ones work or duty , as religion is ; if in other things men are sociable , much more in this : for secondly , religion gives a great improvement to mans sociable nature ; and therefore plutarch well calls religion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a foundation that knits and joynts societies together . and thence wisely observes , that in the constitution of laws , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the first and greatest thing to be looked at , is , the religion established , or the opinions men entertain of the gods. to which he subjoyns this excellent reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that it is more impossible for a commonwealth either to be formed or subsist without religion , then a city to si and without foundations . thence , a prudent states-man called religion , the best reason of state. it appears then evidently both from reason and experience , that religion hath a great influence upon the modelling and ordering civil societies , whence , as the same moralist observes , lycurgus did , as it were , consecrate the lacedaemonians with religious rites , as numa the romans , ion the athenians , and deucalion the hellens . whence some half-witted men ( but i know not whether more defective in wit , or grace ) have ( observing the great influence religion hath to keep men in order ) been ready to look upon it as only a politick device , to awe men with greater ease . it is not here a place largely to examine and refute this unworthy pretence . only i adjure them by their onely goddess , reason , to tell me whence come men to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as plutarch expresseth it , to be so easily awed by the hopes and fears of another life more then other creatures are ? why are they at all affected with the discourse of them ? why cannot they shake off the thoughts of these things when they please ? are not men hereby made the most miserable of creatures ? for no other creature can be perswaded that it shall ever quench its thirst in those rivers of pleasures , nor make its bed in everlasting flames . the beasts of sardinia that have their only refreshment by the dew of heaven , yet have never any hopes to ●ome there . the lyon never keeps from his prey by the thoughts and fears of a great tribunal . but suppose onely mankind of all creatures should be liable to be thus imposed on , as is pretended : how comes it to pass that in no age of the world this imposture hath not been discovered , confuted , and shaken off by some people as wise as themselves ? or have there never been any such in the world ? but whence come some men then to be wiser then others ? whence come some to know things which all the reason in the world could never finde out , without revelation ? whence comes a power to doe any thing above the course of nature , if there be nothing but nature ? or are all men deceived that believe such things ? if so , then there must be somewhat that must deceive men ; men would not deceive themselves , and they could not be so long imposed upon by other men ; there must be then some evil spirit must do it ; and whence should that come ? from nature too ? but then whence comes nature its self ? from its self too , or some thing ' else . did it make it self , or was it made by a greater power then it ? if it made its self , it must be and not be at the same time ; it must be as producing , and not be as produced by that act. and what is become of our reason now ? there must be then a supream , eternal , infinite being , which made the world and all in it ; which hath given nature such a touch of its own immortality and dependance upon god , that reason capable of religion is the most proper distinctive character of man from all inferior beings . and this touch and sense being common to the whole nature ; they therefore incline more to one anothers society in the joynt performance of the common duties , due from them to their maker . and so religion not onely makes all other bonds firm ( which without it are nothing , as oaths , covenants , promises , and the like , without which no civill society can be upheld ) but must of its self be supposed especially to tye men in a nearer society to one another ▪ in reference to the proper acts belonging to its self . thirdly , it appears from the greater honour which redounds to god by a sociable way of worship . nature that dictates that god should be worshipped , doth likewise dictate that worship should be performed in a way most for the honour and glory of god. now this tends more to promote gods honour , when his service is own'd a● a publike thing , and men do openly declare and profess themselves his subjects . if the honour of a king lies in the publikely professed and avowed obedience of a multitude of subjects ; it must proportionably promote and advance gods honour more to have a fixed , stated worship , whereby men may in a community and publike society declare and manifest their homage and fealty to the supream governour of the world. thus then we see the light of nature dictates there should be a society and joyning together of men for and in the worship of god. chap. iv. the second thing the law of nature dictates , that this society be maintained and governed in the most convenient manner . a further inquiry , what particular orders for government in the church come from the law of nature . six laid down , and evidenced to be from thence . first , a distinction of some persons , and their superiority over others , both in power and order , cleared to be from the law of nature . the power and application of the power distinguished ; this latter not from any law of nature binding , but permissive : therefore may be restrained . peoples right of chosing pastors considered . order distinguished from the form and manner of government : the former natural , the other not . the second is , that the persons imployed in the service of god , should have respect answerable to their imployment , which appears from their relation to god as his servants ; from the persons imployed in this work before positive laws . masters of families the first priests . the priesthood of the first born before the law discussed : the arguments for it answered . the conjunction of civil and sacred authothority largely shewed , among egyptians , grecians , romans , and others . the ground of separation of them afterwards , from plutarch and others . the second thing which the light of nature dictates , in reference to church-government , is , that the society in which men joyn for the worship of god , be preserved , mantained , and governed in the most convenient manner . nature , which requires society , doth require government in that society , or else it is no society . now we shall inquire what particular orders for government of this society established for the worship of god , do flow from the light of nature , which i conceive are these following . first , to the maintaining of a society , there i● requisite a distinction of persons , and a superiority of power and order , in some over the other . if all be rulers , every man is sui juris , and so there can be no society , or each man must have power over the other , and that brings confusion . there must be some then invested with power and authority over others , to rule them in such things wherein they are to be subordinate to them ; that is , in all things concerning that society they are entered into . two things are implyed in this : first power : secondly order . by power , i mean a right to govern ; by order , the superiority of some as rulers , the subordination of others as ruled . these two are so necessary , that no civil society in the world can be without them : for if there be no power , how can men rule ? if no order , how can men be ruled , or be subject to others as their governours ? here several things must be heedfully distinguished . the power from the application of that power , which we call the title to government . the order it self from the form or manner of government . some of these i assert as absolutely necessary to all government of a society , and consequently of the church , considered without positive laws ; but others to be accidentall , and therefore variable . i say then that there be a governing power in the church of god , is immutable , not onely by vertue of gods own constitution , but as a necessary result from the dictate of nature , supposing a society : but whether this power must be derived by succession , or by a free choice , is not at all determined by the light of nature ; because it may be a lawful power , and derived either way : and the law of nature as binding , onely determines of necessaries . now in civil government , we see that a lawfull title is by succession in some places , as by election in other . so in the church under the law , the power went by lineal descent , and yet a lawful power : and on the other side , none deny ( setting aside positive lawes ) but it might be as lawful by choice and free election . the main reason of this is , that the title or manner of conveying authority to particular persons , is no part of the preceptive obligatory law of nature , but onely of the permissive ; and consequently is not immutable , but is subject to divine or humane positive determinations , and thereby made alterable ▪ and supposing a determination , either by scripture or lawful authority , the exercise of that natural right is so far restrained as to become sinful , according to the third proposition under the . hypoth . and the . hypoth . so that granting at present , that people have the right of choosing their own pastors ; this right being only a part of the permissive law of nature , may be lawfully restrained and otherwise determined , by those that have lawfull authority over the people , as a civil society , according to the . hypoth . if it be pleaded that they have a right by divine positive law , that law must be produced it being already proved , that no bare example , without a declaration by god that such an example binds , doth constitute a divine right which is unalterable . we say then , that the manner of investing church-governours in their authority , is not determined by the law of nature ; but that there should be a power governing , is ( supposing a society ) of the immutable law of nature , because it is that without which no society can be maintained . and this is one of those things which are of the law of nature , not in an abs●lute state of liberty ; but supposing some acts of men which ( once supposed ) become immutable , and indispensable . as supposing propriety , every man is bound to abstain from what is in anothers possession , without his consent , by an immutable law of nature ; which yet supposeth some act of man , viz. the voluntary introducing of propriety by consent : so supposing a society in being , it is an immutable dictate of the law of nature , that a power of government should be maintained and preserved in it . so i say for the second thing , order . this , as it implies the subordination of some in a society to others as their rulers , is immutable and indispensable ; but as to the form whereby that order should be preserved , that is , whether the government should be in the hands of one or more , is no wise determined by the obligatory law of nature ; because either of them may be lawfull and usefull for the ends of government , and so neither necessary by that law : for as to the law of nature , the case is the same in civil and religious societies ; now who will say , that according to the law of nature , any form of government , monarchy , aristocracy , democracy , is unlawfull . these things are then matters of naturall liberty , and not of naturall necessity , and therefore must be examined according to positive determinations of divine and humane lawes , where we shall speak of it . this then is clear as to our purpose , that a power in the church must be constantly upheld and preserved , fitly qualified for the ends of government , is an immutable law ; so that this power be lodged in some particular persons to act as governours , and so distinct from others , as subordinate to them ; but whether the power of government come from people by election , or from pastors by ordination , or from magistrates by commission and delegation ; whether one , two , or all these wayes , is not determined by naturall law , but must be looked for in gods positive laws ; if not there neither to be found , we must acquiesce in what is determined by lawful authority . the same i say again , as to forms of government , whether the power of sole jurisdiction , and ordination , be invested in one person above the rank of presbyters , or be lodged in a colledge acting in a p●rity of power , is a plea must be removed from the court of common law of nature , to the kings bench ; i mean to the positive lawes of god , or the supream power in a common-wealth : there being no statutes in the law of nature to determine it : it must be therefore placitum regis , some positive law must end the controversie . we therefore traverse the suit here , and shall enter it at the other court. the second thing dictated by the law of nature , is , that the persons imployed in the immediate service of god , and entrusted with the power of governing the society appointed for that end , should have respect paid them answerable to the nature of their imployment . this appears to have foundation in the law of nature , being easily deducible from one of the first principles of that law , that god is to be worshipped ; if so , then those whose imployment is chiefly to attend upon himself , ought to have greater reverence then others . by the same reason in nature , that if we do honour the king himself , the nearer any are to the kings person in attendance and imployment , the greater honour is to be shewed them . the ground of which is , that the honour given to servants as such , is not given to their persons , but to their relation , or to the one only upon the account of the other ; and so it doth not fix and terminate upon themselves , but rebounds back , and reflects upon the original and fountain of that honour , the prince himself : so if any be honoured upon the account of their immediate imployment in the service of god , it is god who is chiefly honour'd , and not they ; it being the way men have to expresse their honour to god , by shewing it proportionably and respectively to those who either represent him , or are imployed by him . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as chrysostome speaks in this very case . the honour p●sseth through them to god himself . where he largely proves this very thing from the egyptians sparing the lands of their priests ; and argues at least for an equality of honour , from reason , to be given to those who serve the true god. nay , he is so far from looking upon it as part of their superstition , that he mounts his argument à pari , to one à minori ad majus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , as much as truth exceeds errour , and the servants of god do the idol-priests ; so much let the honour we give to them , exceed that which was given by the heathen to theirs : but we have a further evidence of the honourablenesse of this imployment , by the light of nature , from the persons imployed in this work , before any positive laws did restrain it : for i say not , that the law of nature doth dictate , that the function of those imployed in this work should be differenced from all other ; that is done by divine positive laws ; but the honour of those in that function is from the law of nature : which appears hence , in that in the eldest times , those who had the greatest authority civil , had likewise the sacred conjoyned with it . for as aristotle rightly observes , that the originall of civil government was from private families : so in those families , before they came to associate for more publike worship , the master of the family was the priest of it . thence we read of noahs sacrificing , abrahams duty to instruct his family , and his own command for offering up his son : we read of iacobs sacrificing , and iobs , and so of others . every master of the family then was the high priest too , and governed his family , not only as such , but as a religious society . afterwards ( from what institution we know not ; but certainly the reason of it , if it were so , was to put the greater honour upon the eldest son ) it is generally conceived , that the first-born had the priesthood of the family in their possession , till the time of the leviticall law. the jewish doctors think that was the birthright which iacob procured from his father , and which abraham gave to isaac , when it is said , that he gave him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all that he had : for saith postellus , if it be meant in a literall sense , how could he give those gifts to his other sons which are mentioned before ? wherefore he conjectures , by that all , is meant the spiritual knowledge of christ , which he calls intellectus generalis ; which might be more proper to him as priest of the family . but the plain meaning is no more , than , when abraham had bestowed legacies on his other children , he left isaac haredem ex asse , his lawfull heir : i am unwilling to deny a tradition so generally received , among both jewish and christian writers , as the priesthood of the first-born before the law ; but this i say , i cannot yet find any other ground for it but tradition ▪ no place of scripture giving us sufficient evidence for it , and many against it . that which serves sufficiently for the consutation of it , is that observation of theodoret , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ it is to be observed , that the younger are alwayes preferred before the first-born . which he takes notice of from the case he there speaks to of ephraim and manasses ; and so runs it up to abel preferr'd before cain , seth before iapheth , abraham before his elder brethren , isaac before ismael , iacob before esau , iudas and ioseph before reuben , moses before aaron ; and david before the rest of his brethren ; ( although that was after the law ) . that place which gives the greatest countenanc● to the opinion is , numbers . . and thou shalt take the levites for me instead of the first-born : where it seems , that the first-born were formerly the priests , in whose room the levites were taken . but with submission to better judgements , i can see nothing implyed in this place , but only that god having delivered their first-born in egypt , exodus . . and calling for them to be sanctified to him , exodus . . upon the account of the propriety he had in them , in a peculiar manner , by that deliverance ( and not on the account of any speciall service , for many were very unfit for that by reason of age ▪ and which is observable , god requires as well the first-born of beasts both to be sanctified and redeemed , numbers . ) therefore god now setling a way of worship , he gave the israelites liberty to redeem them , and instead of them pitched on the tribe of levi for his own service . another plac● is exodus . . where the young men are mentioned that offered burnt-offering . it is confessed that the chaldee paraphrast and arabick version understand here the first-born ; but however the place implyes no more then that they were employed to bring the sacrifices , for so the septuagint render it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or else that they were employed as the popae only to kill the sacrifices ; for we see the sprinkling of the blood which was the main thing intended here as a foederal rite , was done by moses himself , who was the high , priest of the people as well as prince , till aaron and his sons were set a part , which was not till exodus . , . and yet aaron was three years elder then moses , exod. . . which is an evidence that aaron as first-born was not the priest ; for till his consecration , moses and not aaron performed the offices of priesthood . thence we read , psalm . . moses and aaron among his priests . for although the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be sometimes attributed to those in civill authority , as samuel . . . compared with chron. . . and sam. . . gen. . . exodus . . iob . . yet there is no ▪ reason so to understand it of moses : and further , the ground why 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was attributed to both prince and priest before the law , was , because the same person might be both ; as the priests of egypt were princes too , gen. . . but for moses , we read not only of the title , but the proper offices of priests attributed to him , as sacrificing , exodus . . consecrating aaron and his sons , exodus . . and therefore aben ezra upon that psalm forecited , calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the high priest. this priest-hood of moses leads us to another evidence of the honour of those who were employed in the service of god , which is that when families encreased and many associated into a common-wealth , though the private service might belong to the master of the family , yet the publike , before positive laws restraining it , was most commonly joyned with the civill power . that melchizedek was both king and priest in salem ; if with the jews we conclude he was som ( which we have little reason for ) it will be a greater evidence , sem being then the greatest potentate living . but we passe from him to other nations after the dispersion , to see where the power over religious societies was generally held . in egypt we find that their priests were often made kings , as plutarch observes out of hecataeus , and is confessed by strabo , diodorus , and others . of the greeks the same plutarch gives us a large testimony , that among them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priesthood was accounted of equal dignity with the kingdom . the same doth aristotle in severall places of his politicks : and particularly of the spartans , of whom herodotus adds , that the priest-hood of iupiter coelestis and lacedaemonius did alwayes belong to the kings own person . for the old latins , virgils anius is sufficient : and among the romans after the powers were separated , the pontifex max. had royal state , his cella'curulis and lictores , as the consuls had , only their priests medled not in civill affairs , of which plutarch gives a double reason ; the impossibility of minding both imployments as they should do , and so must either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , neglect the worship of the gods , or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wrong the people with the neglect of the administration of justice . the other reason is , because those that were imployed in civill affairs , were put upon execution of justice ; and it was no wayes fit a man should come reeking from the blood of citizens , to go and sacrifice to the gods : this conjunction of civill and sacred power is attested by clemens alexandrinus of the most civilized heathens ; so likewise by synesius of the most ancient nations , by strabo of the ephesians , by the roman historians of the roman emperours , who from augustus to gratian , and some say after , continued the title of pontifex maximus among the rest of the imperiall honours . thus much then may serve to manifest how the honour of those persons who are im 〈…〉 e service of god , and the governme 〈…〉 is a dictate of the law of 〈…〉 chap. v. the third thing dictated by the law of nature , is the solemnity of all things to be performed in this society ; which lies in the gravity of all rites and ceremonies , in the composed temper of mind . gods worship rationall . his spirit destroyes not the use of reason . the enthusiastick spirit discovered . the circumstantiating of fit time and place for worship . the seventh day , on what account so much spoken of by heathens the romans holy dayes . cessation of labour upon them . the solemnity of ceremonies used . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , silence in devotions . exclusion of unfit persons . solemnity of discipline : excommunication among the iews by the sound of a trumpet , amongst christians by a bell. the next thing in reference to religious societies which nature dictates , is , that all things , either pertaining to the immediate worship of god , or belonging to the government of that society , be performed with the greatest solemnity and decency that may be . which dictate ariseth from the nature of the things themselves ; which being most grave and serious , do require the greatest gravity and seriousnesse in the doing of them . and therefore any ceremonies , actions , or gestures , which tend to the discomposing mens spirits , are upon that account to be exploded out of any religious societies , as being so directly repugnant to the nature , design , and performance of religious duties . wherefore that is the standing rule of all instituted ceremonies , by the law of nature in the worship of god , that they be such as tend immediately to the advancing the serenity , tranquillity , and composure of their minds who observe them ; and not such which in their own nature , or by continuall custome of the users of them , do either rarifie mens spirits too much into a superficiall lightnesse and vanity of spirit ; or el●e sink them too much below the command of reason , into the power of unruly passions . a clear and composed spirit , is only fit for converse with things of so high a nature . that region which is nearest heaven , is the freest from clouds and vapours , as well as those dancing meteors , which hover about in a light uncertain motion . it strangely unbecomes the majesty of religious worship to have any thing vulgar , triviall , much more ridiculous in it . the worship of god is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a rationall worship , as well in regard of that real on which should moderate and govern the manner of service , as in regard of those faculties which should be most ●mployed in it ; or the foundation which the service hath upon the dictates of mens naturall reason . and as nature tells us , there should be nothing too light or superficiall , so neither any thing whereby men are carried beyond the bounds of their own reason : for what men do at such a time , is not their own proper act , but is more properly to be ascribed to the power , strength , and excess of a melancholy fancy , or else to a higher enthusiasticall spirit , which then actuates and informs their sancies : and therefore it hath been well observed , as a characteristicall difference between the true propheticall spirit , and the false and counterfeit ; that the one leaves men in the free use of their reason and faculties ; the other alienates them by panick fears , tremblings , and consternations both of body and mind . to which purpose many evidences are brought by a late learned writer , in his discourse of prophecy out of the heathen and christian authors . these latter discovering the vanity of the montanisticall spirit by this one observation : which besides the authors there cited , ( viz. clemens alexandrinus , miltiades in eusebius , ierom and chrysostome ) may appear from epiphanius , who largely and excellently discourseth on this subject , when he discovers the folly of montanus and his followers : and gives this reason why they could be no true prophets ; for those that were so , had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a great consistency of sense , reason , and discourse ; and instanceth in isaiah and ezekiel : for saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a true prophet had alwayes the free use of his reason and faculties , and spake from the spirit of god with consistency and coherence of discourse . but it was quite otherwise with the m●ntanists , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they were alwayes trembling both in body and mind ; used no consequence of reason in discourse ; their words had no proper sense , but were all dark , intricate and obscure . an exact description of a late prevailing sect among us , who have their names from those consternations they were wont to fall into , and whose language carries as much obscurity with it , as any of the followers of montanus could wrap up theirs into . only , instead of montanus his paraclete , they tell us of a light within , whose office is much of the same nature with the other ; and one of the great errours of montanus was , the adhering to enthusiasms and revelations beyond and beside the written word ; which is the helena of our late opinionists , because it gives a liberty for venting any conceptions of their own brains , under the pretence and disguise of a light within . but we see hence , how far such tremblings and consternations of body and mind are from a true , sober , prophetick spirit : and how those christians who lived in the time when the spirit of prophe●y had not yet left the church of christ ( as appears by origen , tertullian , and others : ) yet they alwayes looked upon any violent extasie , or fury , as an evidence of a false prophet . and therefore tertullian , when grown a proselyte of montanus , endeavours strongly to remove that apprehension of the exstaticall fury of montanus , and prisca , and maximilla , granting , if it were true , that it was a mark of a false and counterfeit prophetical spirit . the true prophets i grant of old , were by the strength of the impression of their visions upon their animal spirits , sometimes thrown into a fit of trembling ; but then it was not continually so , and when it was , it might be rather a prefent astonishment from so strange and unwonted sight ( as is common in such cases ) or else from the strong apprehension they had of the dismall judgements god threatned to the people ▪ but however , it never took from them the free use of their reason and faculties , which were alwayes conversant about the matters reveased unto them . but as proo●pius gaz●●● observes of the false prophets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they were acted like mad m●● ▪ which he takes notice of upon occassion o● sa●●● prophe●ying when the evil spirit came upon him ; and interprets with the jewish writers , of a madnesse rather then true prophecy . such as that of cassandra when she is brought in by lycophron , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 utt'ring a strange confused noise , much like unto black sphinx's voice . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith tz●tzes , that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is fully described by lucan , of one pretending enthusiasm : — sub pectore ficta qui●to verba refert , nullo confus a murmure voci● , instinctam sacro mentem testata furore . and soon after , — non rupta trementi verba sono , nec vox antri complere capacis sufficiens spatium — whereby he discovers her , not to be a true enthusiast , because she used not such a strange confused voice and tremblings as they did who were their proper enthusiasts , as the sybils and the pythian prophetess . by this we see , that these earthquakes of violent passions are caused by the prince of the ayr , and not by the gentle breathings of the divine spirit : that these convulsions of mens spirits , are not the consequents of the inhabitation of the good spirit , but of the violent intrusion of the evil one : that that temper of mind is most suitable to religion , which is as well free from the bleaknesse and turbulency of passion , as the saint gleams of lightnesse and vanity . but a further solemnity then this is required by the dictates of nature too , which lyes in the circumstantiating of time and place , and a dedication of both to the end of worship . that these are very consonant to natural reason , appears by the universall consent of all nations agreeing : in any form of the worship of a deity : who have all had their set-times , and fixed places to perform this worship in . i shall not insist as some have done , that the seventh day hath been particularly and solemnly observed for the worship of god by the consent of nations : although there be many probable arguments and plausible testimonies brought for a peculiarity of honour to , if not service on , the seventh-day , out of iosephus , aristobulus , iudaeus ( and by him from linus , hesiod , homer ) clemens alexandrinus , tertullian , lampridius , seneca , tibullus , and many others . from which testimonies , it appears that some kind of reverence and honour was given to the seventh-day ; but whether that day was the seventh of the week , or the seventh of the month ; ( which was consecrated among the greeks to apollo , upon which the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the seventh of every month were observed in honour of him ; ) whether the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did belong to the seventh as one of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , festivall or inauspicious dayes ( for it was common to both ) ? whether observed by any publike religious custome , or by some private superstition , are things too large to inquire into , too difficult now to determine , and not necessary for my present purpose ; it being sufficient in order to that , if they had any set times at all for worship , which shews how solemn the worship of god ought to be . and this is not denyed by any ; it being so necessary a consectary from the duty of worship that there must be a time for performance of it . and not only in generall that there must be some time , but a sufficient proportion of time to be consecrated to the publike exercise of piety , both from the consideration of mans obligation to divine service from his nature , from the weight and concernment of the things that time is imployed in , and the inward sense of immortality upon the soul of man. but then what this proportion of time must exactly be , i see not how meer natural light could determine it , but it would rather suggest it to be highly reasonable to wait for and expect such a determination from the supream rector and governour of the world . it being far more fit for the master to prescribe unto the servant what proportion of service he expects from him , then that the servant should both divide and choose his own time , and the proportion of service which he owes to his master . nay it being so much more reasonable for us to wait for gods order , then for a servant for his masters , as gods power and dominion over the creature is greater then that of a master over his servant ; as it is the voyce and sense of nature that gods commands cannot otherwise be but just , holy , reasonable and good : which may be otherwise from men ; as the acceptance of our persons with god , lies not barely in the work done ; but in the doing it out of obedience to the commands of god ; which is otherwise with men ▪ as , god can give strength to perform what he commands , which man cannot : which things considered make it evident to be highly reasonable that god himself should prescribe the proportion of time , and not mans nature . but when god hath thus determined it , nature cannot but assent to that particular determination , that in consideration of the works of god , it is most reasonable that rather one day in a week , then one in a month , should be dedicated to gods service ; that the seventh day of the week upon gods resting on that day and sanctifying it , should be the precise day , unlesse some reason equivalent to that of the first institution , and approved by god for that end , be the ground of its alteration to another of the seven , which is the reason of the change under the gospel . as an evidence of the solemnity of times for worship , the romans as well as other nations had their several feriae ; their dayes set apart for the honour of their gods. in which macrobius tells us the priests held them polluted , si indictis conceptisque opus aliquod fieret ; praetereâ regem sacrorum flamines que non licebat videre feriis opus fieri , & ideò per praeconem denuntiabatur nè quid tale ageretur , & praecepti negligens multabatur . if any work were done upon those dayes of rest , the day was polluted ; and the person punished , unlesse it were as umbro there affirms , in order to the honour of their gods , or for necessaries of life . to which purpose scaevola answered him that asked , what work must be done upon the feria : quod pratermissum noceret , what would be spoiled by letting alone ; as taking an ox out of a ditch , strengthening a beam like to fall and ruine men ; and thence maro allowed it lawfull to wash sheep if it were to cure , and not only to cleanse them . balautumque gregem fluvio mersare salubri . by which last word , macrobius saith it was only lawfull to do it for healing them , and not in order to gain . servius informs us likewise that the priests when they went to sacrifice , sent their servants before to bid all tradesmen leave working , nè pro negotio suo & ipsorum oculos & deorum ceremonias attaminent ; feria enim operae deorum creditae sunt ; lest by following their work they both offend them and the gods too : for these holy-dayes are devoted to the service of the gods. festus saith that upon their dies religiosi , nisi quod necesse est , nefas habetur facere ; nothing but works of pure necessity were to be done , but by dies religiosi , probably he means the dies atr● & nefasti ; their ominous unlucky dayes , as they accounted them . but however , macrobius distinguisheth the dayes among the romans into dies festi , profesti , & intercisi . the festi were dedicated to the gods , the profesti to their own works , the intercisi were divided between both , at some hours of which it was lawfull to follow their civill employments , at others not . nam cum hostiacaeditur , fari nefas est ; inter caesa & porrecta , fari licet ; rursus cum adoletur , non licet . while the sacrifice was killing no courts of judicature were opened ( in which the praetor might fari tria verba solemnia , do , dico ; addico , thence called dies fasti ) but between the killing the sacrifice and offering up the entrails ( called porrecta from porricere , which was verbum sacrificale pervetustum , saith turnebus , an old word belonging to sacrificing , exta di●s cum dabant , porricere dicebant , varro ) then it was lawfull to open the courts ; but again when the sacrifice was offered , it was not . by which we see as from the light of nature , that what dayes and times , whether weekly , monthly or anniversary , were designed and appointed as dies festi , for the service of god , were to be spent wholly in order to that end , and not to give some part to god , and take others to themselves : as they were wont to do in their sacrifices , to offer up some part to the gods , and feast upon the rest themselves , as athenaeus tells us that conon and alcibiades offered such hecatombs to the gods , that they entertained the people upon the remainders of them . and from hence we may see how far short of natural light their religion falls , who make no scruple of spending a great part of the dayes devoted to gods worship in following either their imployments or recreations : which latter seem more directly to impugne the end of such time appointed then the other , in as much as recreations tend more to the ratifying mens spirits ; and evaporating them into lightnesse and vanity , and so discomposing them for the duties of spirituall worship , then mens serious and lawfull callings do . but further , we observe , among the romans severall sorts of dayes appointed for publike worship . macrobius reckons up four sorts of them , stative , conceptivae , imperativae , & nundinae . stativae , were the set festivall dayes observed every year by the whole people , and marked for that end in their fasti. such were the agonalia , carmentalia , lupercalia , which are marked with red letters in the fasti consulares , or the calendarium romanum , by ios. scaliger call'd calendarium colotianum , which may be seen at large in mr. selden : besides which , their other anniversary festivals are there set down : which tertullian saith , being all put together , pentecostem implere non poterunt , make not up the number of fifty ; and so not so many as our lords dayes in a year are . conceptivae , were such festivals as were annually observed , but the dayes of the keeping them were every year determined by the magistrates of the priests , as latinae , sementivae , paganalia , compitalia . imperativa , were such as the consuls or praetors did command at their own pleasure . such were their solemn supplications in times of trouble , and their dayes of triumph and thanksgiving for victories . the nundinae were those which returned every ninth day , and therefore the letter by which they observed the return of the ninth day , was h. as among us christians g. which because it notes the return of the lords dayes , we call the dominical letter . these nundinae were the days when the country people brought in their wares into the city to be sold , which were anciently observed as festival dayes , sacred to iupiter , but by the lex hortensia were made dies fasti , for determining the controversies that might arise among the people in their dealings ; as the court of pye-powder was instituted among us upon the same account . so much for the solemnity of time used in the service of god. another evidence of the solemnity of wo●ship , was the extraordinary care of the heathens in preparing themselves for it , by cleansing and purifying themselves with water , for which purpose they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for cleansing their hands , and their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 standing at the porch of their temples for their whole bodies , which custome was generally observed by the heathens , as is very obvious in the severall writers of their customs in sacrificing ; besides which they observed likewise this washing with water , by way of lustration and expiation of their faults , as triclinius the sholiast on sophocles tells us , it was an antient custome when men had murthered others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to wash their hands in expiation of their guilt ; as orestes did in pausanias after the killing his mother , and some think pilate in the gospel did so for the same end ; but his was only to declare his innocency , and not to expiate his sin , as is observed by many upon that place . but however , from hence we may take notice of the spring and fountain of the popes holy-water : which was consecrated by numa long before alexander . to whom polydore virgil and others attribute the first use of it in the christian church : and as the use of it , and the manner of sprinkling it is the same among the papists , as it was among the heathen ; so likewise the end of it : witness the old rime , hac aqua benedicta , deleat mihi mea delicta . which may be sufficiently answered with the ce●sure of a heathen ; ah nimiùm faciles qui tristia crimina caedi● tolli flùmineâ posse putatis aquâ ! too easie souls who think the spots of blood can be wash'd out with every watry flood . but from this i pass to the solemnity in their worship it self , evidenced by the generall silence commanded in it ; which appears by horace's favete , linguis , ovids ore favent populi nunc cum venit aurea pompa ; virgils fida silentia sacris ; festus ' s linguam pascito , i. e. coerceto ; the egyptians setting harpocrates his image in the entrance to their temples , and the romans placing the statue of angerona on the altar of volupia . the greeks had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as iulius pollux tells us , which plautus calls facere audientiam , to command silence : much as the deacons afterwards did in the primitive church , who were wont to command silence by their orarium , and were thence call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the christians ( for though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as applyed to the bishop and presbyters , did signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to preach ; yet as it was applyed to the deacons , it implyed only their commanding silence in order to the prayers of the catechumeni , call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as aristenus observes on concil . carthag . can . . but this by the way . ) the formula used by the greeks in commanding silence was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to which aristonicus the fidler alluded when in the market place of mylassa , a town in caria , he saw many temples , and but few citizens , he cryed out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but i passe these things over , as being commonly known , only observing from them the solemnity of their publick devotions ; which is further seen in their solemn excluding unfit persons from partaking with them in their sacrifices . of which virgil , ovid , statius , silius italicus , and others among the romans speak ; and the lictor in some sacrifices stood up , saith festus , and cryed aloud , hostis , mulier , vinctus , exesto , i. e. extra esto : and to keep unfit persons the better ff , the flamines had a commentaculum , a kind of rod in their hands . among the greeks the old form continued from orpheus or onomacritus his orphaica , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and those that sacrifice , asked 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from all these things laid together , we see the great solemnity used by them in their worship , which considered in its self , was not the product of superstition , but a dictate of the law of nature . and it seems most naturall to the acts of discipline , that they should be performed in the most publick solemn manner , and not in any private c●andestine way : which being so done , oft times lose the designed effect of them , in making men sensible and ashamed of those miscarriages which made them deserve so sharp and severe a censure . thence among the jews , their solemn sentence of the greater excommunication was pronounced by the sound of a trumpet ; and so they say meroz was excommunicated with . trumpets : and the same number they report was used in excommunicating iesus of nazareth , which was usually done by the magistrate , or the rector of the university : as they tell us a story of a man coming to buy flesh at pombeditha ( which was one of the three universities of the remaining jews in chaldea after the return from captivity , the other were sora and neharda ) but offering some opprobrious language to r. iehuda then governour of the university , he makes no more to do , but prolatus tubis hominem excommunicavit , brings out his trumpets and excommunicates him . and as the use of bells , since their invention , did supply the former use of trumpets in calling the congregation together ( which i suppose was the account of using trumpets in excommunicating from the congregation ) so it seems the bells were sometimes used to ring men out of , as well as into the church ; thence the solemn monkish curse , cursing men with bell , book and candle , which can have no other sense but from this practice . so much shall suffice to shew the soundation which the solemnity of worship , and the acts belonging to it , have in the dictates of nature manifested by the voyce and consent of nations , for herein vox populi is vox naturae , as at other times it is vox dei. chap. vi. the fourth thing dictated by the law of nature , that there must be a way to end controversies arising , which tend to break the peace of the society . the nature of schis●● considered ; liberty of judgement and authority distinguished ; the latter must be parted within religious societies as to private persons . what way the light of nature directs to , for ending controversies , in an equality of power , that the lesse number yield to the greater : on what law of nature that is founded . in a subordination of power that there must be a liberty of appeals defined . independency of particular congregations considered . elective synods . the original of church-government as to congregations . the case paralleld between civil and church government . where appeals finally lodge . the power of calling synods , and confirming their acts in the magistrate . the fourth thing which nature dictates in reference to a church-society , is , that there must be a way agreed upon to determine and decide all those controversies arising in this society , which immediately tend to the breaking the peace and unity of it . we have seen already that natural reason requires a disparity between persons in a society : to form and constitute a society , there must be order and power in some , there must be inferiority and subjection in others answering to the former ; and by these we suppose a society to be now modeld . but nature must either be supposed defective in its designs and contrivements as to the necessaries required for the management of them ; or else there must likewise be implyed a sufficient provision for the maintenance and preservation of the societies thus entred into . it is no wise agreeable to the wisdom of nature to erect a fabrick with such materials , which though they may lye one upon the other , yet if not fitly compacted together , will fall in pieces again assoon as it is set up : nor yet to frame a body with meer flesh and bones , and the superiority of some members above the other ; for unlesse there be joints and sinews and ligatures to hold the parts together , the dissolution ( will immediately ) follow the formation of it . the end and design of nature is , preservation and continuance , and therefore things necessary in order to that , must be implyed in the first design of the being of the thing ; so that at least , as to its self , there be no defect in order to that . this must in reason be supposed in all societies , that when they are first entred , it must be upon such terms as may be sufficient to maintain and keep up those societies in that peace and order which is requisite in order to the continuance of them . for what diseases are to bodies , age and fire are to buildings , that divisions and animosities are to societies , all equally tending to the ruine and destruction of the things they seize upon . and as bodies are furnished by nature , not only with a receptive and concoctive faculty , of what tends to their nourishment , but with an expulsive faculty of what would tend to the ruine of it . so all civill bodies must not only have ways to strengthen them , but must have likewise a power to expell and disperse those noxions humours and qualities which tend to dissolve the frame , compages and constitution of them . a power then to prevent mischiefs is as necessary in a society , as a power to settle things in order to the advancement of the common good of society . this therefore the church as a religious society must likewise he endowed with , viz. a power to maintain its self , and keep up peace and unity within its self : which cannot otherwise be supposed ( considering the bilious humour in mens natures , not wholly purged out by christianity ) without some way to decide controversies which will arise , disturbing the peace of it . for the clearing of this , which much concerns the power and government of the church , we shall consider what the controversies are which tend to break the churches peace : and what way the law of nature finds out for the ending of them , which we are the more necessitated to speak to , because nothing hath begotten controversies more then the power of determining them hath done . the controversies then which tend to break the peace of a religious society , are either matter of different practice , or matter of different opinion . the former , if it comes from no just and necessary cause , and ends in a totall separation from that society the person guilty of it was joyned with , is justly call'd schism ; which ( as 〈…〉 it ▪ ) is an ecclefiasticall sedition , as sedition i● a lay schism ; both being directly contrary to that communion and friendlinesse which should be preserved in all societies . the latter , if impugning somewhat fundamentall , in order to the end of constituting religious societies , or being a lesser matter , if wilfully taken up , and obstinately maintained , is call'd here sit ; which two are seldom seen out of each others company . , and when they are together , are like the blind and same man in the fable , the one lent the other eyes , and the other lent him feet : one to find out what they desired , the other to run away with it when they had it . the heretick he useth his eyes to spy out some cause or pretence of deserting communion ▪ the schismatick he helps him with his leg● to run away from it ; but between them both , they rob the church of its peace and unity . but in order to the making clear what the churches power is in reference to these , we are to take notice of these things . first , that the church hath no direct immediate power over mens opinions : so that a matter of meer different opinion lyes not properly within the cognizance of any church power ; the reason of it is this , because the end of power lodged in the church , is to preserve the peace and unity of its self : now a meer different opinion doth not violate the bonds of society ; for , opinionum di●er sitas & opinantium unitas non sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , men may preserve communion under different apprehensions . so long then ▪ as diversity of opinion tends not to the breaking the quiet and tranquillity of the church of god , a man may safely enjoy his own private apprehensions , as to any danger of molestation from church ▪ governours ; that is , so long as a man keeps his opinion to himself , and hath the power of being his own counsellor . it is not the difference of opinion formally considered when it is divulged abroad that is punishable , but the tendency to schism , which lyes in the div●lging of it , and drawing others away from the received truths : for the opinion its self is an internall act of the mind , and therefore is punishable by no externall power , as that of the magistrate or church is ; as no internall action is under the jurisdiction or authority of a magistrate , any further then as necessarily conjoyned with the outward action , or as it hath a direct influence upon it . the case of blasphemy , which is a thing of the highest nature in this kind , is not punishable by men , as blasphemy implyes low and undervaluing thoughts of god ; but as being a thing divulged ( else no formal blaspemy ) it tends apparently to the dishonour of god , and consequently to the breaking in pieces all such societies , whose great foundation is the belief of the majesty and glory of god. so idolatry under the law was punished , as it was immediately destructive of that obedience which men did owe to the true god. and under the gospel , it is not meer difference of opinion , judgement , and apprehension , which layes men open to the censures of that power which moderates and rules a religious society ; but the endeavour by difference of opinion to alienate mens spirits one from another , and thereby to break the society into fractions and divisions , is that which makes men liable to restraint and punishment . from whence it follows , that where the peace and unity of the church may be preserved , and yet men keep up different apprehensions of things , there is nothing deserving any severe animadversion from the rulers of that society : for a power corrective , and vindictive , must suppose something acted contrary to the laws and rules of the society , and the end of committing that power into the hands of governours : now here is nothing of that nature ; for the laws of mutual society are observed ; and the end of church-government is to see nè quid ecclesia detrimenti capiat , lest the church as a society be any wayes prejudiced : which cannot be while men maintain that love , affection , and communion which becomes the members of such a society . the unity then required in the church , is not an unity of judgement and apprehension among the members of it , which though it be their duty to endeavour after , yet it is no further attainable by mens endeavours then perfection is ; and unio christianorum in this sense , is one of the jewels belonging to the crown of heaven . there , is no necessity then of inquiring after an infallible judge of controversies , unlesse we had some promise and assurance from christ , that the members of his church should never differ in their judgements from one another , and then what need of an infallible judge ? and if christ had appointed an infallible judg , he would infallibly have discovered it to the minds of all sober men ; or else his infallibility could never attain its end : for while i question whether my judge be infallible or no , i cannot infallibly assent to any of his determinations . and where there is no ground for an infallible judge , for any to pretend to it , is the worst of supposable errours , because it renders all others incurable by that apprehension , and takes away all possibility of repentance while men are under that perswasion . the unity then of the church , is that of communion , and not that of apprehension ; and different opinions are no further lyable to censures , then as men by the broaching of them , do endeavour to disturb the peace of the church of god. that then which seems most lyable to censures in a church , is schism , as being immediately destructive of that communion which should be maintained in a religious society . but as to this too , we must observe something further , and not to think and judge every thing to deserve the name , which is by many call'd schism ; it being well observed by a very learned and judicious divine ; that heresie and schism , as they are commonly used , are two theologicall scare-crows , with which , they who use to uphold a party in religion , use to fright away such , as making enquiry into it , are ready to relinquish and oppose it , if it appear either erroneous or suspitious . for as plutarch reports of a painter , who having unskilfully painted a cock , chased away all cocks and hens , that so the imperfection of his art might not appear by comparison with nature ; so men willing for ends , to admit of no fancy but their own , endeavour to hinder an enquiry into it , by way of comparison of somewhat with it , peradventure truer , that so the deformity of their own might not appear . thus he ▪ schism then , as it imports a separation from communion with a church-society , is not a thing intrinsecally and formally evil in it self , but is capable of the differences of good and evil according to the grounds , reasons , ends , and circumstances inducing to such a separation . the withdrawing from society , is but the materiality of schism ; the formality of it must be fetched from the grounds on which that is built . it is therefore a subject which deserve a strict inquiry , what things those are which may make a withdrawing from a religious society , to which a man is joyned , to be lawfull : for as it is a great sin on the one hand , unnecessarily to divide and separate from church-society ; so it is an offence on the other side , to continue communion when it is a duty to withdraw it . for the resolving this knotty and intricate question , i shall lay down some things by way of premisall , and come closely to the resolution of it . first , every christian is under an obligation to joyn in church-society with others , because it is his duty to professe himself a christian , and to own his religion publickly , and to partake of the ordinances and sacraments of the gospel , which cannot be without society with some church or other . every christian as such , is bound to look upon himself as the member of a body , viz. the visible church of christ ; and how can he be known to be a member , who is not united with other parts of the body ? there is then an obligation upon all christian● ▪ to engage in a religious society with others , for partaking of the ordinances of the gospel . it hath been a case disputed by some ( particularly by grotius the supposed author of a little tract , an semper sit communicandum per symbolu ? when he designed the syncretism with the church of rome ) whether in a time when churches are divided , it be a christians duty to communicate with any of those parties which divide the church , and not rather to suspend communion from all of them . a case not hard to be decided ; for either the person questioning it , doth suppose the churches divided to remain true churches , but some to be more pure then others , in which case , by vertue of his generall obligation to communion , he is bound to adhere to that church which appears most to retain its evangelicall purity ; or else he must suppose one to be a true church , and the other not ; in which the case is clearer , that he is bound to communicate with the true church : or he must judge them alike impure , which is a case hard to be found ; but supposing it is so , either he hath joyned formerly with one of them , or he is now to choose which to joyn with ; if he be joyned already with that church , and sees no other but as impure as that , he is bound to declare against the impurity of the church , and to continue his communion with it ; if he be to choose communion , he may so long suspend till he be satisfied , which church comes nearest to the primitive constitution , and no longer . and therefore i know not whether chrysostomes act were to be commended , who after being made a deacon in the church of antioch by meletius , upon his death , because flavianus came in irregularly as bishop of the church , would neither communicate with him , nor with paulinus another bishop at that time in the city , nor with the meletians , but for three years time withdrew himself from communion with any of them . much lesse were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the haesitantes as the latins called them , to be commended , who after the determination of the council of chalcedou against entyches , because of great differences remaining in egypt and the eastern churches , followed zenoes henoticum , and would communicate neither with the orthodox churches , nor eutychians . but i see not what censure j●●ome could in ●urr , who going into the diocesse of antioeh , and finding the churches there under great divisions , there being besides the arian bishop , three others in the church of antioch , meletius , paulinus , and vitalis , did so long suspend communion with any of them , till he had satisfied himself about the occasion of the schism , and the innocency of the persons and churches engaged in it . but if he had withdrawn longer , he had offended against his obligation to joyn in church-society with others , for participation of gospel-ordinances ; which is the necessary duty of every christian. secondly , every christian actually joyned in church-society with others , is so long bound to maintain society with them , till his communion with them becomes sin . for nothing else can justifie withdrawing from such a society , but the unlawfulness of continuing any longer in it . supposing a church then to remain true , as to its constitution and essentials , but there be many corruptions crept into that church ; whether is it the duty of a christian to withdraw from that church because of those corruptions , and to gather new churches only for purer administration , or to joyn with them only for that end ? this , as far as i understand it , is the state of the controversie between our parochiall churches , and the congregationall . the resolution of this great question must depend on this ; whether is it a sin to communicate with churches true as to essentialls , but supposed corrupt in the exercise of discipline ? for parochiall churches are not denyed to have the essentialls of true churches by any sober congregational men . for there is in them the true word of god preached , the true sacraments administred , and an implicite covenant between pastor and people , in their joyning together . all that is pleaded then , is corruption , and defect in the exercise and administration of church order and discipline . now that it is lawfull for christians to joyn with churches so defective , is not only acknowledged by reverend mr. norton in his answer to apollius , but largely and fully proved . for which he layes down five propositions which deserve to be seriously considered , by all which make that a plea for withdrawing from society with other churches . first , a believer may lawfully joyn himself in communion with such a church , where he cannot enjoy all the ordinances of god ; a● in the jewish church , in our saviours time , which refused the gospel of christ , and the baptism of iohn ; and yet our saviour bids us hear the scribes and pharisees sitting in moses chair , which hearing , saith he , doth imply conjunctionem ecclesiae iudaicae , a joyning with the iewish church : and so with churches rejecting an article of faith ; in the church of corinth the doctrine of the re●●●rection , in the churches of galatia the doctrine of ju 〈…〉 ion by faith ; but the apostle no-where requires separation on that account from them . secondly ▪ a believer may lawfully joyn in communion with such a church , in which some corruption in the worship of god is tolerated without reformation . as the offering on high-places from solomon to hez●kiah in the church of iuda , observation of circumc●sion , and the necessity of keeping the ceremonial law in the churches of gala●ia . thirdly , a believer may lawfully joyn himself in communion with such a church in which such are admitted to sacraments , who give no evident signs of grace , but seem to be lovers of this world ; which he proves , because it is every ones main duty to examine himself , and because anothers sin is no hurt to him , and therefore cannot keep him from his duty ; and then by mens coming unworthily , non polluitur communio , licet minuitur consolatio , the communion i● not defiled , though the comfort of it be diminished . he brings instance from the church of corinth , among whom were many scandalous , and had not repented , cor. . , . so in the jewish church which lay under great corruptions , when our saviour and his apostles communicated with it . fourthly , although a believer joyn with such a church , he is not therefore bound with the guilt , nor defiled with the pollutions of others ; which he proves , because it is lawfull to do it , and so he contract : no guilt by it . fifthly , a believer that hath joyned himself to such a church , is not bound to withdraw , and separate from such a church under pain of guilt if he doth it not , because it implyes a contradiction to be lawfull to joyn to such a church , and yet unlawfull to continue in its communion ; for that speaks it to be a church , and this latter to be no church ; and by that he doth imply it to be unlawfull to separate from any society which is acknowledged to be a true church , thus for that learned and reverend man , by whom we see that the received principles of the sober and moderate part of those of that perswasion , are not at such a distance from others , as many imagine . we see then that communicating with a church not so pure as we desire , i● no sin by the arguments by him produced . and how it should be then lawfull to withdraw from such a church , meerly for purer communion , i 〈…〉 stand not . this i am sure was not the case of our churches in their separation from the church of rome : the main ground of which was the sin of communicating with that church in her idolatry and superstition , and the impossibility of communicating with her , and not partaking of her sins , because she required a profession of her errours , and the practise of her idolatry as the necessary conditions of her communion ; in which case it is a sin to communicate with her . and this leads me now to a closer resolution of the case of withdrawing from churches in which men have formerly been associated , and the grounds which may make such a withdrawing lawfull . in order to that we must distinguish between these things . first , between corruptions in the doctrine of a church , and corruptions in the practice of a church . secondly , between corruptions whether in doctrine , or practise , professed and avowed by a church , and required as conditions of communion in all members of it , and corruptions crept in , and only tolerated in a church . thirdly , between non-communion as to the abuses of a church , and a positive and totall separation from a church , as it is such . from these things i lay down these following propositions . first , where any church is guilty of corruptions , both in doctrine and practice , which it avoweth and professeth , and requireth the owning them as necessary conditions of communion with her , there a non-communion with that church is necessary , and a totall and positive separation is lawfull and convenient . i have said already that the necessity and lawfulnesse of this departing from communion with any church is wholly to be resolved by an inquiry into the grounds and reasons of the action it self . so that the matter of fact must of necessity be discussed , before the matter of law as to separation from the church be brought into debate . if there be a just and necessary cause for separation , it must needs be just and necessary ; therefore the cause must be the ground of resolving the nature of the ●ction . schism then is a separation from any church upon any slight , triviall , unnecessary cause ; but if the cause be great and important , a departure it may be , schism it cannot be . they who define schism to be a voluntary separation from the church of god ; if by voluntary , they mean that where the will is the cause of it : the definition stands good and true ; for that must needs be groundless and unnecessary as to the church it self : but if by voluntary be meant a spontaneous departing from communion with a church , which was caused by the corruptions of that church , then a separation may be so voluntary , and yet no schism : for though it be voluntary , as to the act of departing , yet that is only consequentially , supposing a cause sufficient to take such a resolution ; but what is voluntary antecedently , that it hath no other motive but faction and humour , that is properly schism , and ought so to be looked upon . but in our present case , three things are supposed as the causes and motives to such a forsaking communion . first , corruption in doctrine ; the main ligature of a religious society is the consent of it in doctrine with the rule of religion , the word of god. therefore any thing which tends to subvert and overthrow the foundation of the gathering such a society ( which is the profession and practice of the true religion ) yields sufficient ground to withdraw from communion with those who professe and maintain it . not that every small errour is a just ground of separation , for then there would be no end of separation , and men must separate from one another , till knowledge comes to its perfection , which will only be in glory ; but any thing which either directly or consequentially doth destroy any fundamental article of christian faith . which may be as well done by adding to fundamental articles , as by plain denying them . and my reason is this : because the very ratio of a fundamentall article doth imply , not only its necessity to be believed and practised ( and the former in reference to the latter , for things are therefore necessary to be known , because necessary to be done , and not è contrà ) but likewise its sufficiency as to the end for which it is called fundamentall . so that the articles of faith called fundamentall , are not only such as are necessary to be believed , but if they be , are sufficient for salvation to all that do believe them . now he that adds any thing to be believed or done as fundamentall , that is necessary to salvation , doth thereby destroy the sufficiency of those former articles in order to salvation ; for if they were sufficient , how can new ones be necessary . the case wil be clear by an instance . who assert the satisfaction of christ for sinners to be a fundamentall article , and thereby do imply the sufficiency of the belief of that in order to salvation ; now if a pope or any other command me to believe the meritoriousnesse of good works with the satisfaction of christ as necessary to salvation , by adding this he destroyes the former as a fundamentall article : for if christs satisfaction be sufficient , how can good works be meritorious ? and if this latter be necessary , the other was not ; for if it were , what need this be added ! which is a thing the papists with their new creed of pius the fourth would do well to consider : and others too , who so confidently assert that none of their errours touch the foundation of faith . where there is now such corruption in doctrine supposed in a church ; withdrawing and separation from such a church , is as necessary as the avoiding of her errours , and not partaking of her sins is . thence we read in scripture , of rejecting such as are hereticks , and withdrawing from their society , which will as well hold , to churches as to persons , and so much the more , as the corruption is more dangerous , and the relation nearer of a member to a church , then of one man to another : and from the reason of that command , we read in ecclesiasticall history , that when eulalius , euphronius , and placentius were constituted bishops of antioch , being arrians , many both of the clergy and people , who resolved to adhere to the true faith , withdrew from the publike meetings , and had private assemblies of their own . and after , when leontius was made bishop of antioch , who favour'd the arrians , flavianus and diodorus , not only publikely reproved him for deserting the orthodox faith , but withdrew the people from communion with him , and undertook the charge of them themselves : so when foelix was made bishop of rome , none of the church of rome would enter into the church while he was there . and vincentius lyrinensis tells us a remarkable story of photinus bishop of syrmium in pannonia , a man of great abilities and same , who suddenly turned from the true faith , and though his people both loved and admired him , yet when they discerned his errours , quem antea quasi arietem gregis sequebantur , eundem deinceps veluti lupum fugere coeperunt , whom they followed before as the leader of the flock , they now run away from as a devouring woolf . this is the first thing which makes separation , and withdrawment of communion , lawfull and necessary , viz. corruption of doctrine . the second is corruption of practice : i speak not of practice , as relating to the civil conversation of men , but as it takes in the agenda of religion . when idolatrous customs , and superstitious practices are not only crept into a church , but are the prescribed devotion of it : such as the adoration of the eucharist ( chiefly insisted on by mr. daillé in his apology , as a cause of separation from the church of rome ) invocation of saints and angels , worshipping images , and others of a like nature , used among the papists , which are of themselves sufficient to make our separation from them necessary . but then thirdly , as an accession to these two , is the publike owning and professing them , and requiring them , as necessary conditions of communion , from all the members of their church which makes our withdrawing from them unavoidably necessary , as long as we judge them to be such corruptions as indeed they are . for men not to forsake the belief of errours , supposing them to be such , is impossible : and not to forsake the practice and profession of them upon such belief , were the highest hypocrisie : and to do so , and not to forsake the communion of that church where these are owned , is apparently contradictious ( as mr. chilling worth well observes ) seeing the condition of communion with it is , that we must professe to believe all the doctrines of that church , not only not to be errours , but to be certain and necessary truths : so that on this account , to believe there are any errours in the church of rome , is actually , and ipso facto , to forsake the communion of that church ; because the condition of its communion is the belief that there are none : and so that learned and rationall author there fully proves , that those who require unlawfull and unnecessary conditions of communion , must take the imputation of schism upon themselves , by making separation from them just and necessary . in this case , when corruptions in opinion or practice are thus required , as conditions of communion , it is impossible for one to communicate with such a church without sin ; both materially , as the things are unlawfull which he joyns with them in ; and formally , as he judgeth them so . this is the first proposition . the second is , where a church retains the purity of doctrine in its publick profession , but hath a mixture of some corruptions , as to practice , which are only tolerated and not imposed , it is not lawfull to withdraw communion from such a church , much lesse to run into totall separation from it : for here is no just and lawfull cause given of withdrawing ; here is no owned corruption of doctrine or practice , nor any thing required as a condition of communion , but what is in its self necessary ; and therefore there can be no plea , but only pollution from such a communion , which cannot be to any who do not own any such supposed corruptions in the church . men may communicate with a church , and not communicate with the abuses of a church ; for the ground of his communicating is , its being a church , and not a corrupt or defective church . and that men are not themselves ▪ guilty , by partaking with those who are guilty of corruptions in a church , might be easily and largely proved , both from the church of the jews in the case of elies sons , and the christian churches of as●● , and corinth , where we read of many corruptions reproved , yet nothing spoken of the duty of the members of those churches to separate from them , which would have been , had it been a sin to communicate with those churches when such corruptions were in it . besides , what reason is there that one mans sins should defile another , more then anothers graces sanctifie another ? and why corruption in another should defile him more then in himself , and so keep him from communicating with himself ? and what security any one can have in the most refined churches , but that there is some scandalous ; or at least unworthy person among them ? and whether then it is not his duty to try and examine all himself particularly , with whom he communicates ? and why his presence at one ordinance should defile it more then at another ? and why at any more then in wordly converse , and so turn at last to make men anchorets , as it hath done some ? many other reasons might be produced against this , which i forbear , it being fully spoke to by others . and so i come to the third proposition , which is , where any church , retaining the purity of doctrine , doth require the owning of , and conforming to , any unlawfull or suspected practice , men may lawfully deny conformity to , and communion with that church in such things , without incurring the guilt of schism . i say not , men may proceed to positive schism as it is call'd , that is , erecting of new churches , which from cyprian is call'd erigere altare contra altare ; but only that withdrawing communion from a church in unlawfull or suspected things , doth not lay men under the guilt of schism : which because i know it may meet with some opposition from those men , who will sooner call men schismaticks then prove them so , i shall offer this reason for it to consideration . if our separation from the church of rome . was therefore lawfull , because she required unlawfull things , as conditions of her communion ; then where-ever such things are required by any church ; non-communion with that church in those things will be lawfull too ; and where non-communion is lawfull , there can be no schism in it . whatever difference will be thought of , as to the things imposed by the church of rome and others , will be soon answered by the proportionable difference between bare non-conformity , and totall and positive separation . what was in its self lawfull and necessary then , how comes it to be unlawfull and unnecessary now ? did that justifie our withdrawing from them , because they required things unlawfull , as conditions of communion ; and will not the same justifie other mens non-conformity , in things supposed by them unlawfull ? if it be said here , that the popes power was an usurpation , which is not in lawfull governours of churches ; it is soon replyed , that the popes usurpation mainly lyes in imposing things upon mens consciences as necessary , which are doubtfull , or unlawfull ; and where-ever the same thing is done , there is an usurpation of the same nature , though not in so high a degree ; and it may be as lawfull to withdraw communion from one as well as the other . if it be said , that men are bound to be ruled by their governours , in determining what things are lawfull , and what not ? to this it is answered : first , no true protestant can swear blind obedience to church-governours in all things . it is the highest usurpation to rob men of the liberty of their judgements : that which we plead for against the papists , is , that all men have eyes in their heads as well as the pope , that every one hath a judicium privata discretionis , which is the rule of practice , as to himself ; and though we freely allow a ministeriall power , under christ , in the government of the church , yet that extends not to an obligation upon men , to go against the dictates of their own reason and conscience . their power is only directive and declarative , and in matters of duty can bind no more then reason and evidence brought from scripture by them doth . a man hath not the power over his own understanding , much l●sse can others have it . nullus credit aliquid esse verum , quia vult credere id esse verum ; non est enim in potestate hominis facere aliquid apparere intellectui suo verum quando voluerit . either therefore men are bound to obey church-governours in all things absolutely , without any restriction or limitation ; ( which if it be not usurpation and dominion over others faith in them , and the worst of implicite faith in others , it is hard to define what either of them is , ) or else if they be bound to obey only in lawfull things ; i then enquire who must be judge what things are lawfull in this case , what not ? if the governours still , then the power will be absolute again ; for to be sure , whatever they command , they will say is lawfull , either in it self , or as they command it : if every private person must judge what is lawfull , and what not , which is commanded ( as when all is said , every man will be his owd judge in this case , in things concerning his own welfare ) then he is no further bound to obey then he judgeth the thing to be lawfull which is commanded . the plea of an erroneous conscience , takes not off the obligation to follow the dictates of it ; for as he is bound to lay it down , supposing it erroneous , so he is bound not to go against it , while it is not laid down . but then again , if men are bound to submit to governours in the determination of lawfull things , what plea could our reformers have to withdraw themselves from the popes yoke ? it might have still held true , boves arabant & asina pascebantur simul , which is aquinas his argument for the submission of inferiours in the church to their superiours : for did not the pope plead to be a lawfull governour , and if men are bound to submit to the determination of church-governours , as to the lawfulnesse of things ; they were bound to believe him in that as well as other things , and so separation from that church was unlawfull then : so that let men turn and wind themselves which way they will , by the very same arguments that any will prove separation from the church of rome lawfull , because she required unlawfull things , as conditions of her communion , it will be proved lawfull , not to conform to any suspected or unlawfull practice , required by any church-governours upon the same terms ; if the thing so required , be after serious and ●ober inquiry , judged unwarrantable by a mans own conscience . and withall it would be further considered , whether when our best writers against the papists , do lay the imputation o● schism , not on those who withdraw communion , but on them for requiring such conditions of communion ( whereby they did rather eject men out of their communion , than the others separate from them ) they do not by the same arguments , lay the imputation of schism on all who require such conditions of communion , and take it wholly off from those who refuse to conform for conscience sake . to this i shall subjoyn the judgement of as learned and judicious a divine , as most our nation hath bred , in his excellent ( though little ) . tract concerning schism . in those schisms , saith he , which concern fact , nothing can be a just cause of refusing communion , but only to require the execution of some unlawfull or suspected act ; for not only in reason , but in religion too , that maxim admits of no release , cantissimi cujusque praeceptum ; quod dubitas , nè feceris . and after instanceth in the schism about image-worship , determin'd by the second council of nice , in which he pronounceth the schismatical party to be the synod its self , and that on these grounds : first , because it is acknowledged by all , that it is a thing unnecessary . secondly , it is by most suspected . thirdly , it is by many held utterly unlawfull : can then ( saith he ) the enjoyning of such a thing be ought else but abuse ? or can the refusall of communion here , be thought any other thing then duty ? here , or upon the like occasion , to separate , may peradventure bring personal trouble or danger ( against which it concerns any honest man to have pectus praeparatum ) ; further harm it cannot do , so that in these cases you cannot be to seek what to think , or what you have to do . and afterwards propounds it as a remedy to prevent schism , to have all liturgies and publike forms of service so framed , as that they admit not of particular and private fancies , but contain only such things , in which all christians do agree . for , saith he , consider of all the liturgies that are , and ever have been , and remove from them whatever is scandalous to any party , and leave nothing but what all agree on ▪ and the evil shall be , that the publike service and honour of god shall no wayes suffer : whereas , to load our publike forms , with the private fancies upon which we differ , is the most soveraign way to perpetuate schism unto the worlds end . prayer , confession , thanksgiving , reading of scriptures in the plainest and simplest manner , were matter enough to furnish out a sufficient liturgy , though nothing either of private opinion , or of church pomp , of garments or prescribed gestures , of imagenary , of musick , of matter concerning the dead , of many superfluities , which creep into the church , under the name of order and decency , did interpose it self . to charge churches and liturgies with things unnecessary , was the first beginning of all superstition ; and when scruple of conscience began to be made or pretended , then schism began to break in ; if the special guides and fathers of the church , would be a little sparing of incumbring churches with superfluities , or not over-rigid , either in reviving obsolete customes , or imposing new , there would be far less cause of schism or superstition ; and all the inconvenience were likely to ensue , would be but this , they should in so doing yield a little to the imbecillity of their inferiours , a thing which saint paul would never have refused to do : mean while , wheresoever false or suspected opinions are made a piece of church-liturgy , he that separates is not the schismatick ; for it is alike unlawful , to make profession of known or suspected falshood , as to put in practice unlawful or suspected actions . thus far that excellent person , whose words i have taken the pains to transcribe , because of that great wisdome , judgement , and moderation , contained in them ; and the seasonableness of his counsel and advice , to the present posture of affairs among us . were we so happy but to take off things granted unnecessary by all , and suspected by many , and judged unlawful by some ; and to make nothing the bonds of our communion but what christ hath done , viz. one faith , one baptism , &c. allowing a liberty for matters of indifferency , and bearing with the weakeness of those who cannot bear things which others account lawfull , we might indeed be restored to a true primitive luster far sooner , then by furbishing up some antiquated ceremonies , which can derive their pedegree no higher , then from some ancient custome and tradition . god will one day convince men , that the unnion of the church lies more in the unity of faith and affection , then in uniformity of doubtful rites and ceremonies . the bond of church-communion should be somthing common to strong and weak christians , as s. austin saith of the rule of faith , that it is pusillis magnisque communis ; and certainly the primitive church , that did not charge mens faith with such a load of articles , as now in these latter ages men are charged with , would much less burden men with imposing doubtful practices upon them , as the ground of church-communion . and for publick forms of divine service , such of all things certainly should be so composed , as to be the least subject to any scruple from any persons whatsoever ; being on purpose composed for the declaring mens unity and consent in their publick worship : and those who are the most addicted to any one form , can never plead it unlawful to amend it ; whereas others may , that it is not lawful or convenient at least , to use it without such alterations . and therefore , were there that spirit of mutual condescention , which was most certainly in ecclesiâ primo-primitivâ , as gratian somwhere speaks , in the first and truly primitive church in the apostles time ; our breaches as to this thing too , might soon be closed up , and the voice of schism be heard among us no more . it argued very much the prudence and temper of the french-churches , in composing their publick forms of prayer , that they were so far from inserting any thing controversiall into them , that amyraldus tels us , the papists themselves would use them . et quod vix credibile esset nisi publicè viseretur , eas inseruerunt in eos libros in quos congesserunt varias precationum formulas , and that which men would scarce believe unless they saw it , they inserted them into their own prayer-books . the same temper was used by our reformers in the composing our liturgy , in reference to the papists , to whom they had then an especial eye , as being the only party then appearing , whom they desired to draw into their communion , by coming as near them as they well and safely could : and certainly those holy men , who did seek by any means to draw in others , at such a distance from their principles as the papists were , did never intend by what they did for that end , to exclude any truly tender consciences from their communion . that which they laid as a bait for them , was never intended by them as a hook for those of their own profession , but the same or greater reason which made them seek so much at that time ( before the rent between the papists and us was grown to that height it is now at ; they being then in hopes by a fair complyance to have brought the whole kingdom to joyn with them ) i say the same reason which at that time made them yield so far to them then , would now have perswaded them to alter and lay aside those things which yield matter of offence , to any of the same profession with themselves now . for surely none will be so uncharitable toward those of his own profession , as not to think there is as much reason to yield in complyance with them , as with the papists . and it cannot but be looked upon as a token of gods severe displeasure against us , if any , though unreasonable proposals of peace between us and the papists should meet with such entertainment among many ; and yet any fair offers of union and accommodation among our selves , be so coldly embraced and entertained . having thus far shewed how far the obligation to keep in a church society doth reach to the several members of it : i now proceed to shew what way the light of nature directs men to , for the quieting and composing any differences which may arise in such a society tending to break the peace of it . but before i come to the particular wayes directed to by the law of nature , for ending controversies in the church , i shall lay down some things by way of caution , for the right understanding of what is already spoken , lest i should be thought , instead of pleading for peace , to leave a door open for an universal liberty , and so pave a new cawse-way towards babel . first , that though it be lawful not to conform to unlawful or suspected practises in a church : yet it is not therefore lawful to erect new churches . for all other essentials supposed in a church , a meer requiring conformity in some suspected rites , doth not make it to be no true or sound church , as to other things , from which it is lawful to make a total divorce and separation . a total separation is , when a new and distinct society for worship is entered into , under distinct and peculiar officers governing by laws and church-rules different from that form which they separate from . this i do not assert to be therefore lawfull , because some things are required , which mens consciences are unsatisfied in : unless others proceed to eject and cast them wholly out of communion on that account , in which case their separation is necessary , and their schism unavoidable . secondly , therefore i assert , that as to things in the judgement of the primitive and reformed churches left undetermined by the law of god , and in matters of meer order and decency , and wholly as to the form of government , every one notwithstanding what his private judgement may be of them , is bound for the peace of the church of god to submit to the determination of the lawful governours of the church . and this is that power of ending controversies , which i suppose to be lodged in a church-society ; not such a one as whereto every man is bound to conform his private judgement ; but whereto every private person is bound to submit in order to the churches peace . that is , that in any controversies arising in a church , there is such a power supposed , that may give such an authoritative decision of the controversie in which both parties are bound to acquiesce , so as to act nothing contrary to that decision . for as it is supposed that in all contracts and agreements for mutuall society , men are content to part with their own liberties for the good of the whole : so likewise to part with the authority of their own judgements , and to submit to the determination of things by the rulers of the society constituted by them . for there must be a difference made between the liberty and freedom of a mans own judgment , and the authority of it : for supposing men out of all society , every man hath both ; but societies being entred , and contracts made , though men can never part with the freedom of their judgements ( men not having a depotical power over their own understandings ) yet they must part with the authority of their judgements ; i. e. in matters concerning the government of the society , they must be ruled by persons in authority over them . else there can be nothing imagined but confusion , and disorder , in stead of peace and unity in every civil state and society . the case is the same in a religious society too , in which men must be supposed to part with the authority of their own judgements in matters concerning the government of the church , and to submit to what is constituted and appointed by those who are intrusted with the care and welfare of it . else it is impossible there should be unity and peace in a church considered as a society ; which is as much as to say , there neither is , nor can be such a society . and that god hath commanded that which is naturally impossible ; i mean , freedom from divisions , and the unity and peace of his church : which will appear from hence , because it can never be expected that all men should be exactly of one mind : either then men retaining their private apprehensions , are bound to acquiesce in what is publikely determined , or there is a necessity of perpetuall confusions in the church of god. for the main inlet of all disturbances and divisions in the church , is from hence that men consider themselves absolutely , and not as members of a governed society , and so that they may follow their own own private judgements , and are bound so to doe in matters belonging to the government of the church , and not to acquiesce for the churches peace in what is established in order to the ruling of this so constituted society , by lawfull authority . these things premised , the way is now fully cleared for the discovering what wayes are prescribed by the light of nature for ending controversies in the church ; which will appear to be these two . . in societies wherein persons act with an equality of power , for the ending differences arising , the less number must alwayes acquiesce in the determination of the greater . and therefore it i● a generally received axiom , that in all societies pars major ●ut habet universitatis , the greater part hath the power of the whole : and it is a standing rule in the civil law , refertur ad universos quod publice fit per majorem partem , which is determined by the lawyers to hold , not of the persons in power , but of the persons present at the determination ; as when alexander severus made fourteen of the viri consulares to be curatores urbis , joyned with the praefectis urbis , to determine cases brought before them , what was determined by the greater part of those present , was looked upon as binding , as if the whole number had been there . and this aristotle layes down as one of the fundamental lawes of a democratical government . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that must be looked on as a just and final decision of a case debated , which the major part determines . and therefore rationally infers , that in a democracy the poorer sort ( and so likewise the worse ) must alwayes bear the greatest sway , because they are the most . which is an unavoydable inconvenience in that form of government whether in church or state. the same he elsewhere applyes to other forms of government which have a multitude of rulers , as aristocracy and oligarchy : that which seems good to the most obtains as a law amongst all , which appian thus briefly expresseth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and dionys. halicarnasseus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the one speaking of matter of fact , that it doth obtain , the other of matter of law that it should do so . it appears then from the law and light of nature , that where ever any multitude acts in an equality of power , the greater part have the power of the whole ; not from any right which the major part hath as superiour over the less ; but from the law of nature , which will have every part ordered for the good of the whole ; which good cannot oft times be obtained without a special determination on one side or other ; nor that determination have its effect , if the act of the major part may be rescinded by the less . so that in every thing requiring special determination , this is to be esteemed the most just and final decision which is done by the major part : for it would be manifestly unjust for the lesser part to determine the greater , and therefore by the law of nature , the greater part hath the right of the whole . . in a society consisting of many particular companies or congregations , there must be a subordination of powers by the law of nature , which grants a right of appeal to an injured person from the lower and subordinate power to the higher and superiour . appealing is defined by the lawyers to be provocatio iniquae sententiae querelam contineus . an address to a higher power with complaint of wrong : and so in geneall it is defined by ulpian to be ab inferioris iudicis sententiâ ad superiorem provocatio : but , as hottoman observes , appeals may sometimes be made to a co-ordinate power upon complaint of injustice done . as one praetor , consul , tribune might be appealed to , from the sentence of another . the originall of appeals then is , that injuries may be redressed , and in order to that , nature dictates that there ought to be a subordination of powers one to another , lest any injury done through corruption or ignorance of the immediate judges , prove irremediable . to which purpose our learned whitaker saith , that appeals are juris divini & naturalis , & in omni societate admodum necessariae ; propter multorum judicum vel iniquitatem , vel ignorantiam ; alioqui actum esset de innocente , si non liceret ab iniqua sententia appestare : so that appeals are founded upon natural right , lest men should be injured in any determination of a case by those that have the cognizance of it . and in order to a redress of wrongs , and ending controversies , nature tells us that appeals must not be infinite , but there must be some power , from whence appeals must not be made : what that should be , must be determined in the same manner that it is in civils ; not that every controversie in the church must be determined by an oecumenical council , but that it is in the power of the supream magistrate , as supream head in causes ecclesiastical , to limit and fix this subordination , and determine how far it shall go , and no further . the determination being in order to the peace of the church , which christian magistrates are bound to look after , and see that causes hang not perpetually without decision : and so we find the christian emperours constituting to whom appeals should be made , and where they should be fixed , as iustinian and theodostus did . for when the church is incorporated into the common-wealth , the chief authority in a common-wealth as christian , belongs to the same to which it doth as a common-wealth : but of that already . it is then against the law and light of nature , and the natural right of every man , for any particular company of men , calling themselves a church , to ingross all ecclesiastical power so into their hands , that no liberty of appeals for redress can be made from it . which ( to speak within compass ) is a very high usurpation made upon the civil and religious rights of christians ; because it leaves men under a causeless censure , without any authoritative vindication of them from it . as for that way of elective synods , substituted in the place of authoritative power to determine controversies , it is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which will never be soveraign enough to cure the distemper it is brought for : for elective synods are but like that which the lawyers call arbitrium boni viri , which they distinguish from arbitrium ex compromisso , and binds no further then the party concerned doth judge the sentence equall and just . so that this helps us with no way to end controversies in the church , any further then the persons engaged are willing to account that just which shall be judged in their case . taking then a coercive power , onely for such a one as may authoritatively decide a controv●rsie , we see what great reason there is for what the historian observes : arbitriis ii se debent interponere , qui non parente● coercere possunt : that all power of arbitration should have some juridicall power going along with it , to make a finall end of quarrels . but that which seems yet more strange to me , is this , that by those who assert the independency of particular congregation● , it is so hotly pleaded , that christ hath given every particular congregation a power over its own members , to determine controversies arising between them : but , that if one , or many of these particular congregations should erre , or break the rule , he hath left no power authoritatively to decide what should be done in such cases . can we conceive that christ should provide more for the cases of particular persons , then of particular churches ? and that he should give authority for determining one , and not the other ? is there any more coactive power given by any to synods , or greater officers , then there is by them to particular churches ? which power is onely declarative as to the rule , though authoritative as to persons where-ever it is lodged . is there not more danger to gods people , by the scandals of churches , then persons ? or did christs power of governing his people reach to them onely as particular congregations ? doth not this too strongly savour of the pars donati ? only the meridies must be rendred a particular congregationall church , where christ causeth his flock to rest ? but supposing the scripture not expresly to lay down a rule for governing many churches , are men outlawed of their natural rights ? that supposing a wrong sentence passed in the congregation , there is no hopes , way , or means to redress his injury , and make his innocency known ? doth this look like an institution of christ ? but that which i conceive is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the original of this mistake , is , that the churches we read of first planted in scripture , were onely particular congregations ; and therefore there is no proper church-power beyond them , or above them . i meddle not with the ant●cedent now , which is largely discussed by others ; but the extream weakness of the consequence , is that i am here obliged to discover . for what a strange shortness of discourse is it to argue thus ; if when there was but one congregation , that congregation had all power within its self ; then when there are more particular congregations , it must be so ; and yet this is the very foundation of all those kingdomes of yvetos , as one calls them , those sole self-governing congregations . when there was but one congregation in a church , it was necessary if it had any church-power , that it must be lodged in that one congregation : but when this congregation was multiplyed into many more , is it not as necessary for their mutual government , there should be a common power governing them together , as a joynt-society ? besides , the first congregational church in the new testament , viz. that of ierusalem , could be no particular organical church ; for it had many , if not all , universall officers in it ; and if they were the fixed pastours of that church , they could not , according to the principles of those who thus speak , preach to any other congregation but their own , by vertue of their office : and so , either their apostolicall office and commission must be destroyed , if they ▪ were pastors of particular organical churches ; or if their apostolicall office be asserted , their pastorship of particular organicall churches is destroyed by their own principles , who ●ssert , that the pastor of a church can do no pastorall office out . of his own congregation . the case is the same , as to other churches planted by the apostles , and govern'd by themselves ; which two , as far as i can find in the new testament , were of an equal extent ; viz. that all the churches planted by apostles , were chiefly governed by themselves , though they had subordinate officers under them . these first churches then were not such particular organized churches , but they were as the first matter of many congregations to be propagated out of them ; which after made one society , consisting of those several congregations imbodyed together , and ruled by one common government . as in a colledge , every tutor hath his own pupils , wich he rules ; and if we suppose but one tutor at first in the colledge , with his pupils , all the power , both common to the society , and peculiar to his flock , is joyned together ; but when there are many more tutors , having pupils under their charge , all these , for their better ordering as a society , must be governed by the common government of the colledge , to which the particular government of every tutor is and must be subordinate : but this will be more fully made appear in the original of civil government . it is far more evident , that all civil power lay at first in adam and his family , and afterwards in particular families , than that all church-power lay in particular congregations at first . we may then with as good reason say , that there is no lawfull civil : government now , but that of particular families ; and that no nationall government hath any right or power over particular families , because families had once all civil power within themselves ; as because it ●● supposed , that all church-power lay first in particular congregations , therefore there must be no church-power above them ; nor that particular congregations are subject to such government as is requisite for the regulating of the society in common , as comprehending in it many particular congregations . let them shew then , how any government in the state is lawfull , when families had the first power , and by what right now those families are subordinate to the civill magistrate , and what necessity there is for it ; and by the very same reasons will we shew the lawfulness ▪ of government in the church over many congregations , and that those are by the same right , and upon the same necessity , to subordinate themselves to the government of the church , considere●●● a society taking in many particular congregations . the parallel runs on further and clearer still : for as the heads of the severall families after the flood , had the command over all dwelling under their roofs , while they remained in one family ; and when that increased into more , there power was extended over them too ; which was the first original of monarchy in the world : so the planters of the first churches , that while the church was but one congregation , had power over it , when this congregation was multiplyed into more , their power equally extended over them all . and as afterwards , several heads of families upon their increase , did constitute distinct civil governments , wherein were subordinate officers , but those governments themselves were co-ordinate one with another : so in the church , so many congregations as make up one provincial , or national society ( as succession and prudence doth order the bounds of them ) do make up several particular churches , enjoying their officers ruling them , but subordinare to the governours of the church in common : which society , national or provincial , is subordinate to none beyond its self , but enjoyes a free power within its self of ordering things for its own government , as it judgeth most convenient , and agreeable to the rules of scripture . the summe then of what i say , concerning subordination of officers and powers in the society of the church , is this , that by the light and law of nature it appears , that no individuall company or congregation , hath an absolute , independent power within its self , but that , for the redressing grievances happening in them , appeals are 〈…〉 to the parties aggrieved , and a subordination of that particu 〈…〉 congregation , to the government of the society in common . 〈…〉 at , the right of appealing , and originall of subordination , is from nature ; the particular manner and form of subordinate and superiour courts , is to be fetched from positive lawes ; the limitation of appeals , extent of jurisdiction , the binding power of sentence , so far as concerns external unity in the church , is to be fetched from the power of the magistrate , and civil sanctions and constitutions . the churches power , as to divine law , being onely directive and declarative ; but being confirmed by a civil sanction , is juridicall and obligatory . concerning the magistrates power to call , confirm , alter , repeal the decrees of synods ; see grotius , chamier , whitaker , casaubon , mornay , and others , who fully and largely handle it ; to whom having nothing to add , i will take nothing at all from them : as for that time when the church was without magistrates ruling in it , in those things left undetermined by the rule of the word , they acted out of principles of christian prudence agreeable to the rules of scripture , and from the principles of the law of nature ; one of which we come in the next place to speak to . so much for the churches power , considered as a society for ending controversies , arising within its self , tending to break the peace and unity of it . chap. vii . the fifth thing dictated by the law of nature , that all that are admitted into this society , must consent to be governed by the lawes and rules of it . civil societies founded upon mutual consent ; express in the first entrance , implicite in others born under societies actually formed . consent as to a church necessary , the manner of consent determined by christ by baptism and profession . implicite consent supposed in all baptized ; explicite , declared by challenging the priviledges , and observing the duties of the covenant . explicite by express owning the gospel when adult , very usefull for recovering the credit of christianity . the discipline of the primitive church cleared from origen , iustin martyr , pliny , tertullian . the necessary requisites of church membership , whether positive signs of grace : explicite covenant , how far necessary ; not the formal constitution of a church , * proved by several arguments . the law of nature dictates , that all who are admitted into this society , must consent to be governed by the laws and rules of that society , according to its constitution . for none can be looked upon as a member of a society , but such a one as submits to the rules and laws of the society , as constituted at the time of his entrance into it . that all civil societies are founded upon voluntary consent and agreement of parties , and do depend upon contracts and covenants made between them , is evident to any that consider that men are not bound by the law of nature to associate themselves with any but whom they shall judge fit ; that dominion and propriety was introduced by free consent of men : and so there must be laws and bonds fit , agreement made , and submission acknowledged to those lawes , else men might plead their naturall right and freedom still , which would be destructive to the very nature of these societies . when men then did first part with their natural liberties , two things were necessary in the most express terms to be declared : first , a free and voluntary consent to part with so much of their natural rights as was not consistent with the well being of the society : secondly , a free submission to all laws , which should be agreed upon at their entrance into society , or afterwards as they see cause . but when societies were already entred , and children born under them , no such express consent was required in them , being bound by vertue of the protection they find from authority to submit to it , and an implicite consent is supposed in all such as are born under that authority . but for their more full understanding of this obligation of theirs , and to lay the greater tye of obedience upon them , when they come to understanding , it hath been conceived very requisite by most states to have an explicite declaration of their consent , either by some formal oath of allegiance , or some other way sufficiently expressing their fidelity , in standing to the covenants long since supposed to be made . to apply this now to the church . we have all along hitherto considered the church in general , as a society or corporation which was necessary in order to our discovering what is in it from the light of nature without positive laws . but here we must take notice of what was observed by father laynez the jesuit at the council of trent , that it is not with the church as with other societies , which are first themselves , and then constitute the governours . but the governour of this society was first himself , and he appointed what orders , rules , and lawes should govern this society ; and wherein he hath determined any thing , we are bound to look upon that , as necessary to the maintaining of that society which is built upon his constitution of it . and in many of those orders which christ hath settled in his church , the foundation of them is in the law of nature ; but the particular determination of the manner of them is from himself . thus it is in the case we now are upon ; nature requires that every one entring into a society , should consent to the rules of it . our saviour hath determined how this consent should be expressed , viz. by receiving baptism from those who have the power to dispense it : which is the federal rite whereby our consent is expressed to own all the laws and submit to them , whereby this society is governed : which at the first entring of men into this society of the church was requisite to be done by the express and explicite consent of the parties themselves , being of sufficient capacity to declare it , but the covenant being once entred into by themselves , not onely in their own name , but in the name of their posterity ( a thing implyed in all covenants wherein benefits do redound to posterity , that the obligation should reach them to ; but more particular in this , it having been alwayes the t●nour of gods covenants with men , to enter the seed as well as the persons themselves , as to outward priviledges ) an implicite consent as to the children in covenant , is sufficient to enter them upon the priviledges of it by baptism , although withal it be highly rational for their better understanding the engagement they entred into , that when they come to age , they should explicitely declare their own voluntary consent to submit to the lawes of christ , and to conform their lives to the profession of christianity , which might be a more then probable way , and certainly most agreeable both to reason and scripture to advance the credit of christianity once more in the world , which at this day so much suffers by so many professing it without understanding the terms of it ; who swallow down a profession of christianity , as boyes do pills , without knowing what it is compounded of , which is the great reason it works so little alteration upon their spirits . the one great cause of the great flourishing of religion in the primitive times , was certainly the strictness used by them in their admission of members into church-societies , which is fully described by origen against celsus , who tells us they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , enquire into their lives and carriages , to discern their seriousness in the profession of christianity during their being catechumeni : who after tells us they did require 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , true repentance and reformation of life , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then we admit them to the participation of our mysteries . i confess the discipline of the primitive church hath been very much misrepresented to us , by mens looking upon it through the glass of the modern practices and customs obtaining among us : as though all this onely concerned the admission to the lords supper : though that was alwayes in chiefest veneration in the church of god , as being the chief of gospel-mysteries ( as they loved to speak ) yet i cannot find that any were admitted to all other ordinances freely with them who were debarred from this : but their admission to one , did include an admission to all ▪ so on the contrary , i finde none admitted to baptism , who were not to the lords supper ; and if catechumeni , presently after , onely confirmation intervening ( which will hardly be ever found separate from baptism , till the distinction of the double chrism in vertice & pectore came up , which was about ieroms time . ) the thing then which the primitive church required in admitting persons adult to baptism , and so to the lords supper , was a serious visible profession of christianity ; which was looked upon by them as the greatest evidence of their real consent to the rules of the gospel . for that purpose it will be worth our taking notice what is set down by iustin martyr , apolog. . speaking of the celebration of the lords supper ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where we see what was required before admission to the lords supper , a profession of faith in the truths of the gospel , and answerable life to the gospel , without which it was not lawful to participate of the lords supper . and further we see by pliny , that the christians of those times did make use of some solemn engagements among themselves which he calls sacramenta ; they did se sacramento obstringere nè funta , nè latrocinia , nè adulteria committerent , nè fidem fallerent , &c. and tertullian reports it out of pliny , that he found nothing de sacramentis eorum ( as iunius first reads it out of m. s. for de sacris , after him heraldus , and as it is now read in rigaltius edition ) besides cautelam & ad confoederandam disciplinam , &c. scelera prohibentes , which eusebius calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pacta , covenants between them ; and so master selden interprets the place of origen in the beginning of his book against celsus , where celsus begins his charge against the christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : where he takes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not , as gelenius renders it , conventus , but in its proper sense for contracts or covenants that were made by the christians as by other societies , onely permitted , and tolerated by the common-wealth . and we find by pliny , that when the hetaeriae were forbidden , he brought the christians in under that law ; the ground of those societies was onely a mutual compact and agreement among the persons of it : such as among the essens of the jewes , and the schools of philosophers among the greeks . iosephus mentions the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of those who were admitted into the society of the essens , and so in all other societies which subsist onely from mutuall confederation in a common-wealth . thus i acknowledge it to be in christianity , that there must be such a supposed contract or voluntary consent in the persons engaged in such societies . but with this observable difference , that although there must be a consent in both , yet the one is wholly free , as to any pre-engagement or obligation to it , as well as to the act its self ; but in religious societies , though the act of consent be free , yet there is an antecedent obligation upon men , binding them to this voluntary consent . the want of the understanding this difference , is the very foundation of that opinion men call erastianism ; for the followers of erastus , when they finde that christians did act ex confoederatâ disciplinâ , they presently conclude all church-power lay onely in mutuall consent . it is granted , church-power doth suppose consent ; but then all christians are under an obligation from the nature of christianity to express this consent , and to submit to all censures legally inflicted . about the hetaeriae and societies among the romans , we may take notice of the law of twelve tables . so in the collection of lud. charondus , sodalibus qui ejusdem collegii sunt , & jus cotundi habent , potestas esto pactionis quam volent inter se ineunda dum nè quid ex publicâ lege corrumpant . ex caio c. . d. de collec . & corp . i confesse , when persons are entred into a visible church-so ciety by baptism , if they will own that profession they were baptized into , and are not guilty either of plain ignorance of it , or manifest scandall , and demand as their right the other ordinances of the gospel ; i see not by what power they may be excluded . if we fix not in a serious visible prosession as the ground of giving right , but require positive evidences of grace in every one to be admitted to ordinances as the only thing giving right , for my part , setting aside the many inconveniences besides which attend that in reference to the persons to be admitted , i see not how with a safe and good conscience ordinances can be administred by any . my reason is this : every one , especially a minister , in that case ought to proceed upon certain grounds that the person admitted hath right to the ordinance to be administred ; but if positive signs of grace be required , a mans conscience cannot proceed upon any certainty , without infallible knowledge of anothers spiritual state , which i suppose none will pretend to . my meaning is , that which gives right , must be something evident to the person admitting into it , if it be his duty to enquire after it ; but if only positive signs of grace be looked on , as giving right , the ground of right can never be so evident to another person , as to proceed with a good conscience , i. e. with a full perswasion of another right to the administration of any ordinance to him . if it be said , that these are required only as tokens of a true visible profession , and it is that which gives the right ; i reply , our knowledge of , and assent to the conclusion ▪ can be no stronger , nor more certain then to the premisses from when●● it is inferred ; if therefore true profession gives right , and our knowledge of that proceeds upon our knowledge of the work of grace , we are left at the same uncertainty we were at before . but if we say , that an outward profession of the gospel ( where there is nothing rendring men uncapable of owning it , which is ignorance , nor declaring they do not own it , which is s●andall ) is that which gives a visible right to the ordinances of the church as visible , we have something to fix our selves upon , and to bottom a perswasion of the right of persons to ordinances . christ when he instituted churches , did institute them as visible societies , that is , to have marks whereby to be known and distinguished , as other societies in the world are ; now that which puts a difference between this and other societies , is an open profession of christianity , which profession is looked upon as the outward expression of the internal consent of the soul to the doctrine and laws of the gospel . which outward evidence of consent , where there is nothing evidently and directly oppugning it , is that which the church of god in admission of visible members is to proceed upon . i nowhere find that ever christ or his apostles in making disciples , or admitting to church-membership , did exact any more then a professed willingnesse to adhere to the doctrine which they preached ; nor that they refused any who did declare their desire to joyn with them . an owning christianity is all we read of antecedent to admission of church-members . and if any thing else be further required as necessary , we must either say , the word of god is defective in institutions of necessity to the church , which i suppose the assertors of it will not be so inconsistent to their own principles , as to do ; or else must produce , where any thing further is required by the word of god. by this we may see what to answer those who require an explicite covenant from all members of the church , as that which gives the form and being to a church . if they mean only in the first constitution of a visible church , an expresse owning of the gospel-covenant ; there is none will deny that to be necessary to make one a member of the visible church of christ. if they further mean , that there must be a real confederation between those who joyn together in gospel-ordinances in order to their being a church , i know none will question it that know what it is that makes a society to be so ; which is such a real confederation with one another : if they mean further , that though christians be bound by vertue of their gospel-covenant to joyn with some church ▪ society , yet not being determined by scripture to what particular church they should joyn ; therefore for christians better understanding what their mutuall duty is to one another ; and who that pastor is to whom they owe the relation of member , that there should be some significant declaration either by words or actions of their willingnesse to joyn with such a particular society in gospel-ordinances ; i shall grant this to be necessary too . but if beyond this their meaning be , that a formal explicite covenant be absolutely necessary to make any one a member of a church , i see no reason for it . for , . if there may be a real confederation without this ; then this is not necessary ; but there may be a real confederation without this explicite covenant : as appears in those churches of christ , both in the primitive times , and since the reformation , who have never used it , which none i suppose who maintain this opinion will deny to have been true visible churches of christ. . if the gospel-covenant entred into by any gives a right to gospel-ordinances by its self , then an explicite covenant is not that which makes one a member of a church ; but the gospel-covenant gives that right to all gospel-ordinances . if by baptism , the person baptized have a legal title to all gospel-ordinances , then , &c. the minor appears , in that they are admitted church-members by baptism ; and how can any be a member of a church , and not have right to all ordinances in it , supposing capacity to receive them ? a right once received , continues till it be forfeited , especially when it is such a right as is not limited to any particular priviledges , but to all the priviledges of that society into which they are entred . . the reality of consent may be sufficiently manifested without an explicite covenant ; as in the joyning with those who are under the same profession in the common acts of the society and acceptance of , and submission to the rulers of that society , which implicitely is that covenant which they would have expressed ; and actions in this case , are as declarative and significative as words . . if a church may cease to be a true church , without explicite disowning such a covenant , then it is not explicite covenanting which makes a church ; but a church may cease to be a true church without explicite disowning it ; as in case of universall corruption , as to word and sacraments ; as in the church of rome , that still owns her self for a church . the ground of the consequence , is from the parity of reason as to contraries . but though i see no reason at all , why an explicite covenant should be so necessary to a church , that we cannot suppose a true church without it ; yet i no wayes deny the lawfulnesse or expediency , in many cases , of having a personal profession from all baptized in infancy , when they come to age ( which we may , if we please , call confirmation ) and the necessity of of desiring admission , in order to participation of all ordinances : which desire of admission , doth necessarily imply mens consenting to the laws of that society , and walking according to the duties of it ; and so they are consequentially and virtually , though not expresly and formally , bound to all the duties required from them in that relation . when churches are over-run with loosnesse , ignorance , and prophanesse , or when christians are under persecution , an externall profession of the gospel-covenant , and declaring their owning the society they are entred into , and submitting to the laws of it , may be , if not wholly necessary , yet very usefull and expedient : and indeed , at all times we see people understand so little of their duty or engagements , and are so hardly brought under the exercise of gospel-discipline , that an open profession of their submission to the rules of the gospel , seems the most likely way to advance the practise , power , and purity of religion : but of this much is spoken by others lately , and therefore i supersede . from all this we see , that every society implying a joyning together in some common duties , nature tells us there must be a reall consenting together , explicite , or implicite in all persons , who enter into such a society . chap. viii . the last thing dictated by the law of nature , is , that every offender against the laws of the society , must give an account of his actions to the governours of it , and submit to the censures inflicted upon him by them . the originall of penalties in societies . the nature of them , according to the nature and ends of societies . the penalty of the church no civil mulct ; because its laws and ends are different from civill societies . the practice of the druids in excommunication . among the iews , whether a meer civill or sacred penalty . the latter proved by six arguments . cherem col bo objections answered . the originall of the mistake shewed . the first part concluded . nature dictates further , that in a well-ordered society , every offender against the rules of that society , must give an account of his actions to the governours of that society , and submit to the censures of it , according to the judgement of the rulers of it . in all societies subsisting by laws , men being more ruled by hopes and fears , then by a sense of duty , or love of goodness , it is necessary for maintaining a society , that there must be not only a declaration of what men ought to do , but a setting forth the penalties which they must undergo upon violation of the laws whereon the society doth subsist : and as there must be penalties annexed , as the sanction of the law , so it must of necessity be implyed in a well-ordered society , that every person , as he doth promise obedience to the law , so by the same obligation he is bound to submit to the penalties upon disobedience : for whatever laws binds to duty where there is a penalty threatned , doth bind likewise to punishment upon neglect of duty : for no sooner is the law broken , but the offender lyes under the penall sanction of that law , and is thereby bound to give an account of himself and actions , to those governours who are bound to see the laws obeyed , or offenders punished . guilt follows immediately upon the breach of the law , which is nothing else but the offenders obligation to punishment . from this obligation on the offenders part , ariseth a new relation between the governour of the society and the offender . on the governours part a right to punish , vindictive justice supposing offences committed , and on the offender● part , an obligation to undergo what shall be inflicted upon him for his offence : punishment being nothing else , but malum passionis ob malum actionis . there must be then these things supposed in any well ordered society ; laws to be governed by , rulers to see the laws kept , or offenders punished , penalties made known for offenders , submission of the persons in the societies to the penalties , if they deserve them . but now of what kind , nature , and degree the penalties must be , must be resolved according to the nature , end , and design of the constitution of the society if it be a society for preservation of the rights of bodies , or estates , the penalties must be either pecuniary or corporal : and the ground is , because the end of legall punishment is not properly revenge , but the preservation of the society , which without punishments could not be : a threefold end is therefore assigned to punishments ; the reformation of the offending person , the prevention of further offences in the society of the same kind , and the being a terrour and example to others ; the first is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being for the preservation of the honour of the magistrate : the third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when the punishment is inflicted upon one , that others should take notice of it ; which must be alwayes done in a publike manner : so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ in matthew , is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these things being thus in general considered , come we now to apply it to the church considered as a society . that it hath peculiar laws to be governed by , appears by the distinct nature , end , and design of the constitution of it ; which is not to preserve any outward rights , but to maintain and keep up a religious society for the service of god ; and therefore the penall sanctions of these laws cannot properly be any corporall or pecuniary mulct , but somewhat answerable to the nature of the society . it must be then somewhat which implyes the deprivation of that which is the chiefest benefit of that society . the benefits of it are the priviledges and honour which men enjoy by thus associating themselves for so high an employment : that punishment then must be the loss of those priviledges which the corporation enjoyes , which must be by exclusion of the offending person from communion with the society . hence we see it is evident , that which we call excommunication is the greatest penalty which the church , as a society , can inflict upon the members of it , considered as such . and hence it is likewise clear , that as the society of the church is distinct from others , the laws , ends , governours of a different nature ; so the punishment must be a punishment distinct from civill , and ordained wholly in order to the peculiar ends of this society ; which they do not well consider , who deny any such power as that of excommunication peculiar to the church , which is as much as to deny that the laws whereby the church is ruled , are different from the civil laws , or the end of this society from the ends of civil societies : for the punishment must be proportioned to the laws , and referred immediately to its proper ends . it were no wayes difficult to answer the pretences brought against this : for although i acknowledge a subordination of this religious society to the supream authority in the commonwealth , and that the rules concerning the government of the society in common must have their sanction from thence ; yet this no wayes implyes but it may have its peculiar penalties and power to inflict them , any more then any company of tradesmen have not power to exclude any from their company for breaking the rules of the company , because they are subordinate to the supream authority : or any colledge to expell any from thence , for breaking the locall statutes of it , which are distinct from the common-laws . nor is it any argument , that because christians had mutuall confederations in times of persecution for the exercise of censures , therefore these censures were only arbitrary and humane ; unless it be proved , that it was not a duty in them so to confederate & joyn together , nor was there any antecedent obligation to inflict those censures upon offenders . much lesse , thirdly , because their jurisdiction is not civil and coactive , therefore they have none at all ; which is as much as to say , the laws of scripture are not our common-laws , therefore they are none at all . i shall not here insist upon the divine right of power to excommunicate offenders , founded upon the positive laws of chist , it being my only businesse now to shew what foundation such a power hath in the law of nature , which we have seen doth follow upon the churches being a distinct society ruled by other laws , acting on other ends , subsisting upon different grounds from any other society . a further evidence we have of this , how consonant it is to the light of nature , from the practice of all societies pretending to be for the worship of god , who have looked upon this as the proper penalty of offenders among them , to be excluded out of those societies . thus we find among the druids , whose great office was to take care of the worship of their gods , and to instruct the people in religion , as caesar relates , illi rebus divinis intersunt , sacrificia publica ac privata procurant , religiones interpretantur ; and accordingly the punishment of disobedience among them was excommunication from their sacrifices , which they looked upon as the greatest punishment could be inflicted upon them , as caesar at large describes it ; si quis aut privatus aut pubicus eorum decreto non stetit , sacrificiis interdicunt : haec poena apud eos est gravissima : quibus ita est interdictum , ii numero impiorū & sceleratorum habentur ; iis omnes decedunt , aditū eorū sermonemque defugiunt , nè quid ex contagione incommodi accipiant , neque iis petentibus jus redditur , neque honos ullus communicatur . the practice of excommunication among the jews is not questioned by any , but the right ground and orignall of that practice , with the effect and extent of it . some conceive it to have been only taken up among the jews , after the power of capitall punishments was taken from them ; and that it was used by them , wholly upon a civill account , not extending to the exclusion of men from their worship in the temple or synagogues , but only to be a note of insamy upon offending persons . this opinion though entertained by persons of much skill and learning in the jewish antiquities , yet carries not that evidence with it to gain my assent to it . for first , the causes of excommunication were not such as were expressed by their law to deserve such civil punishments as might have been inflicted by them upon offenders , nor were they generally matters of a civill nature , but matters of offence and scandall , as will appear to any that shall peruse the twenty four causes of excommunication , related out of the jewish writers by selden and ioh. coch. such were the neglecting the precepts of the scribes , the vain pronouncing the name of god , bearing witness against a iew before heathen tribunals , doing any common work in the afternoon of the day before the passover , with others of a like nature . if excommunication had been then taken up among them onely ex confoederatâ disciplinâ , to supply the defect of civil judicatories , at least all capitall offenders must have lain under the sentence of excommunication . but here we read not of any being excommunicated for those , but for other lesser matters , which were looked upon as matters of scandal among them : and though some of them were matters of civil injuries , yet it follows not that men were excommunicated for them as such , but for the scandall which attended them . as , in the christian church , men are excommunicated for matters which are punishable by the civil magistrate , but not under that notion , but as they are offences to that christian society which they live among . secondly , it appears that excommunication was not a meer civil penalty , because the increasing or abatement of that penalty did depend upon the person's repentance , and desire of absolution . now civil penalties do not regard the intention and mind of the person , but the quality and desert of the action ; the reason is , because humane lawes do respect immediately actionem ipsam , and not animum agentis , unless it be onely so far as the mind hath influence upon the action . but now it is otherwise in such lawes which take immediate notice of the intention of the minde , and onely of outward actions as they are significative and expressive of the inward intention : for in these , though the ground of proceeding to penalties be from the notice taken of the outward action , yet that outward action being subject to penalty , as expressive of the minds intention ; where there may be sufficient evidence given of the integrity and uprightness of the intention afterwards , there may be proportionably a relaxation of the penalty ; because the end of the penalty inflicted was not to be an act of justice excluded from mercy in the end of administration as in civil judicatories , but an act of justice whose end was mercy , that is , the regaining and recovering the offenders soul from sin , by inflicting such a penalty upon him , as might humble him under the sense of it . hence appears the great reasonablenesse of their proceedings in the managery of discipline in the primitive times , who did not fix a certain time as a standing law for all offenders , but did encrease , or lessen both the time and weight of their penance , according to the evidences given of their submission and true repentance for their miscarriages . that it was thus now in reference to excommunication among the jews , appears from what is asserted by the learned buxtorf concerning the time of the lesser excommunication , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 niddui , which remained thirty dayes usually , but were shortned by confession and desire of absolution ; durat . dies qui tamen poenitentiâ & deprecatione decurtantur . but if after thirty dayes past , he continue impenitent , the judge as he sees sit , encreaseth the punishment , so as to double or treble the time , or extend it to his whole life : if he dyed without repentance , a stone is laid upon his bier , to shew he deserved lapidation ; they wept not for him , nor buryed him in the common place of buriall . further , buxtorf there alledgeth this constitution of their law : that if he that was under niddui , and desired not absolution , was the second time under it , if that did no good on him , then he was excommunicated with the higher sort of excommunication , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is likewise observed by ioh. coch. mr. selden , and others . from whence it is evident that this was an ecclesiasticall censure , and not meerly civill , because the main end of it was not satisfaction to the law , but the repentance of the person who lay under the fault ; and according to the evidence given of it , the penalty was relaxed or encreased , which argument not yet taken notice of nor improved by writers on this subject , seems to make the case clear , that excommunication among the jews was not a meer out-lawry , as some conceive it to have been . thirdly , i argue , if it was not the breach of the law , but the publikeness of the offence , or the scandall of it which was the ground of excommunication ; then it was not a meer civil penalty , but an ecclesiasticall censure : for civill penalties do proceed upon the breach of the law , and alter not as to the publikeness or privateness of the offence ; but here it is evident that the same offence deserving excommunication if done in publike , did not if done in private , or was left at the persons liberty to have the offender excommunicated or not . that which is reckoned as the first cause of excommunication , is affront or contempt put upon a wise man , or rabbi , or one that was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a student in the law ; now it is determined by them in this case , that if it were done in private , the rabbi might pardon him : but if in publike , he could not . for as ioh. coch. gives the reason , publicum doctoris ludibrium in legis contemptum redundas : the contempt of publike teachers of the law , redounds to the dishonour of the law its self . thus it was the scandall of the fault . and not the bare offence which made excommunication necessary among them ; and not as that scandall was a meer defamation of the person , but as it redounded to the contempt of the law. fourthly , i argue from the form used in excommunication by them . there are two ▪ forms produced of their excommunications , the one by buxtorf out of an old hebrew manuscript , the beginning of which is , ex sententiâ domini dominorum , sit in anathemate plo●i filius ploni , in utraque domo judicii , superiorum , sc. & inferiorum , &c. where two things evidence , it was accounted a sacred and no civill action , doing it immediately in the name and authority of the lord of lords ; and pronouncing him excommunicate both in heaven and earth . so r. elieser , speaking of the excommunication of the cuthites or samaritans , atque anathemate devovebant cuthaos mysterio nominis amphorasch , & scriptura exarata in tabulis , & anathemate domus judicii superioris , atque anathemate curia inferioris , as it is translated by guli . vorstius , who in his notes upon that book produceth a most dreadfull sentence of excommunication used to this day in many ▪ synagogues , which they call cherem col bo. from the book whence it is taken , which runs most solemnly in the several names of god , whereby they do chamatize , curse and devote the persons against whom it is pronounced . fifthly , it appears not to be a meerly civil thing instead of civill power , because they use it against those over whom they have no civill jurisdiction , as appears by their schamatizing the christians in their liturgies , as buxtorf observes . sixthly , i argue from the effects of it , because they who lay under it were excluded from publike worship , which is averred by buxtorf , goc● . and others in the places forecited . it is acknowledged that he that was onely under niddui , might be present at publike worship ; but even there he was under his separation too , of four cubits from any other israelite . and hence in probability might the mistake arise , because those under niddui might appear at the temple or synagogue , therefore excommunication was no prohibition à sacris . but he that was under cherem , non docet , non docetur , neither teacheth others , nor is taught himself , saith ioh. cocceius ; and buxtorf of one under cherem , omninò à coetu sacro excluditur : and in this sense buxtorf expresly takes the turning out of the synagogue , ioh. . — . . which , saith he , is done by cherem . but against this it is strongly pleaded by our learned mr. selden , that putting out of the synagogue is nothing else but excommunicating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to separate from the congregation , taking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the civil and not sacred sense , as it denotes an excluding them from common society ; but though it be freely granted that that is sometimes the signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as mat. . . yet those particulars being considered , which are already laid down , i shall leave it to consideration whether it be more probable to take the word synagogue here in a civil or sacred sense ; when the occasion expressed is meerly a matter of doctrine and opinion , and not any thing condemned by their law. another thing which hath been , i believe a great ground of mistaking in this matter , is , that excluding from the civill society among them was alwayes consequent upon excommunication ; the reason whereof was , because the church and common-wealth were not distinct among the jews ; and the same persons who took care of sacred , did likewise of civil things ( there being no distinct sanhedrins among them as some imagine : ) but from hence it no wayes follows , but their excommunication might be an exclusion from sacred worship as well as civil society . however , were it as they pretend , that it was from civill commerce , yet the whole people of the jews being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gods peculiar people , and his only church in being before the times of the gospel , an exclusion in that respect from the common society of them , might deservedly be looked upon as a sacred action , and not meerly civill , it being a separation from a people whose main ligature was their being a church of god , or a community gathered together for gods worship and service . thus we see the church of the jews had this power among them ; and for the christian church , the practice of discipline upon offenders was never questioned , though the right hath been ; so that from hence we gather , in that it hath been the practice of societies constituted for the worship of god , to call offenders to an account for their offences , and if upon examination they be found guilty , to exclude them their society ; that it is a dictate of the law of nature , that every offender against the laws of a society must give an account of his actions to the rulers of it , and submit to the censures inflicted on him by them . thus i am now come to the end of my first stage , to shew how far church-government is founded upon the law and light of nature , and so to the end of the first part. part . ii. chap. i. the other ground of divine right considered , viz. gods positive laws ; which imply a certain knowledge of gods intention to bind men perpetually . as to which , the arguments drawn from tradition , and the practice of the church in after-ages , proved invalid by several arguments . in order to a right stating the question , some concessions laid down . first , that there must be some form of government in the church . the notion of a church explained : whether it belongs only to particular congregations , which are manifested not to be of gods primary intention , but for our necessity . evidence for national churches under the gospel . a national church-government necessary . i now come to the second way , whereby any thing comes to be of unalterable divine right , which is , by the positive laws of god , which do bind universally to obedience . in the entrance into this discourse , it is necessary to lay down the ways , whereby we find out a divine positive law determining an unalterable obligation : which must be either by express words of scripture , or by some other certain way , whereby to gather from thence , that it was gods intention to bind men . for the main thing requisite to make a standing universal positive law , is gods declaring his mind , that the thing enquired into , should unalterably bind men to the practice of it . now whatever doth sufficiently manifest gods intention , is a medium to find out such a law by , and nothing else : but it must be such a manifestation as gives a mans mind sufficient evidence and testimony whereon to build a true , certain , and divine assent to the thing , as revealed : so that whatsoever binds the conscience as a law , must first be entertained by the understanding as a matter of faith ; not as it imports something meerly doctrinall and dogmaticall , but as it implyes the matter of a divine revelation , and the object of an assent upon the credibility of a testimony . for god having the only immediate authority over the consciences of men , nothing can bind immediately the conscience but a divine law , neither can any thing bind as such , but what the understanding assents unto , as revealed by god himself . now the word of god being the only codex and digests of divine laws , whatever law we look for , must either be found there in express terms , or at least so couched therein , that every one by the exercise of his understanding , may by a certain and easie collection , gather the universall obligation of the thing enquired after . in this case then , whatsoever is not immediately founded upon a divine testimony , cannot be made use of as a medium to infer an universally binding law by : so that all traditions and historicall evidence will be unserviceable to us , when we enquire into gods intentions in binding mens consciences . matters of fact , and meer apostolicall practice , may i freely grant , receive much light from the records of succeeding ages ; but they can never give a mans understanding sufficient ground to inferr any divine law , arising from those facts attested to be the practice or records of succeeding ages . for first , the foundation and ground of our assent in this case , is not the bare testimony of antiquity ; but the assurance which we have , either that their practice did not vary from what was apostolicall ; or in their writings , that they could not mistake concerning what they deliver unto us : and therefore those who would inferr the necessary obligation of men to any form of government , because that was practised by the apostles , and then prove the apostolicall practice from that of the ages succeeding , or from their writings , must first of all prove , that what was done then , was certainly the apostles practice , and so prove the same thing by its self , or that it was impossible they should vary from it , or that they should mistake in judging of it : for here something more is required then a meer matter of fact , in which i confess their nearnesse to the apostles times doth give them an advantage above the ages following , to discern what it was ; but such a practice is required , as inferrs an universall obligation upon all places , times , and persons . therefore these things must be manifested , that such things were unquestionably the practice of those ages and persons ; that their practice was the same with the apostles ; that what they did , was not from any prudential motives , but by vertue of a law which did bind them to that practice . which things are easily passed over by the most eager disputers of the controversie about church-government , but how necessary they are to be proved before any form of government be asserted , so necessary , that without it there can be no true church , any weak understanding may discern . secondly , supposing that apostolicall practice be sufficiently attested by the following ages , yet unless it be cleared from scripture , that it was gods intention that the apostles actions should continually bind the church , there can be nothing inferred that doth concern us in point of conscience . i say , that though the matter of fact be evidenced by posterity , yet the obligatory nature of that fact must depend on scripture : and the apostles intentions must not be built upon mens bare ●urmises , nor upon after-practices , especially if different from the constitution of things during the apostles times . and here those have somewhat whereon to exercise their understandings , who assert an obligation upon men to any form of government , by vertue of an apostolicall practice , which must of necessity suppose a different state of things from what they were when the apostles first established governours over churches . as how those who were appointed governours over particular congregations by the apostles , come to be by vertue of that ordination , governours over many congregations of like nature and extent with that over which they were set : and whether , if it were the apostles intention that such governours should be alwayes in the church , is it not necessary that that intention of theirs be declared by a standing law , that such there must be ; for here matter of fact and practice can be no evidence , when it is supposed to be different from the constitution of churches afterward : but of this more hereafter . thirdly , supposing any form of government in its self necessary , and that necessity not determined by a law in the word of god , the scripture is thereby apparently argued to be insufficient for its end ; for then deficit in necessariis ; some things are necessary for the church of god which the scripture is wholly silent in . i say not , that every thing about church-government must be written in scripture ; but supposing any one form necessary , it must be there commanded , or the scripture is an imperfect rule , which contains not all things necessary by way of precept : for there can be no other necessity universall , but either by way of means to an end , or by way of divine command : i know none will say , that any particular form of government is necessary absolutely , by way of means to an end ; for certainly , supposing no obligation from scripture , government by an equality of power in the officers of the church , or by superiority of one order above another , are indifferent in order to the generall ends of government , and one not more necessary then the other . if any one form then be necessary , it must be by that of command ; and if there be a command universally binding , whose footsteps cannot be traced in the word of god , how can the scriptures be a perfect rule , if it fails in determining binding laws ? so that we must , if we own the scriptures sufficiency as a binding rule , appeal to that about any thing pleaded as necessary , by vertue of any divine command : and if such a law cannot be met with in scripture , which determines the case in hand one way or other by way of necessary obligation , i have ground to look upon that which is thus left undetermined by gods positive laws , to be a matter of christian-liberty ; and that neither part is to be looked upon as necessary for the church of god , as exclusive of the other . this i suppose is the case , as to particular forms of government in the church of god : but that i may not only suppose but prove it , i now come to the stating of the question , which if ever necessary to be done any where , it is in the controversie of church-government , the most of mens heats in this matter arising from want of right understanding the thing in question between them . in the stating the question , i shall proceed by degrees , and shew how far we acknowledge any thing belonging to government in the church to be of an unalterable divine right . first , that there must be a form of government in the church of god , is necessary by vertue , not only of that law of nature which provides for the preservation of societies , but likewise by vertue of that divine law , which takes care for the churches preservation in peace and unity . i engage not here in the controversie , whether a particular congregation be the first political church or no ; it sufficeth for my purpose , that there are other churches besides particular congregations : i mean , not only the catholick visible church , which is the first , not only in order of consideration , but nature too , as a totum integrale before the similar parts of it , but in respect of all other accidentall modifications of churches , from the severall wayes of their combination together . they who define a church by stated worshipping congregations , do handsomely beg the thing they desire , by placing that in their definition of a church , which is the thing in question : which is , whether there be no other church but such particular congregations ? which is as if one should go about to prove , that there were no civil societies but in particular corporations , and to prove it , should give such a definition of civill society , that it is , a company of men joyned together in a corporation , for the preservation of their rights and priviledges , under the governours of such a place . it must be first proved , that no other company of men can be call'd a civill society besides a corporation : and so that no other society of men joyning together in the profession of the true religion , can be call'd a church , but such as joyn in particular congregations . to which purpose it is very observable , that particular congregations are not de primariâ intentione divinâ ; for if the whole world could joyn together in the publike worship of god , no doubt that would be most properly a church , but particular congregations are only accidental , in reference to gods intention of having a church , because of the impossibility of all mens joyning together for the convenient distribution of church-priviledges , and administration of gospel-ordinances . for it is evident , that the priviledges and ordinances , do immediately and primarily belong to the catholick visible church , in which christ to that end hath set officers , as the apostle clearly expresseth , corinth . . . ( for how apostles should be set as officers over particular congregations , whose commission extended to the whole world , is , i think , somewhat hard to understand ) but for the more convenient participation of priviledges and ordinances , particular congregations are necessary : this will be best illustrated by examples . we read that ( esther . . ) king ahashuerus made a feast for all his princes and servants : doubtlesse the king did equally respect them all as a body in the feasting of them , and did bestow his entertainment upon them all as considered together ; but by reason of the great multitude of them , it was impossible that they should all be feasted together in the same room ; and therefore for more convenient participation of the kings bounty , it was necessary to divide themselves into particular companies , and to associate as many as conveniently could in order to that end . so it is in the church , christ in donation of priviledges equally respects the whole church ; but because men cannot all meet together to participate of these priviledges , a more particular distribution was necessary for that end . but a clearer example of this kind we have yet in scripture , which is mark . . in our saviours feeding the multitude with five loaves and two fishes ; where we see our saviours primary intention , was to feed the whole multitude ; but for their more convenient partaking of this food , our saviour commands them to sit down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the hebraism of ingeminating the words , to note the distribution of them , and therefore the vulg. lat. renders it secundum contubernia , that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as camerarius expounds it , according to so many companies and divisions as might conveniently sit together , as at a table : where we plainly see this distribution was only accidentall , as to christs primary intention of feeding the multitude , but was only necessary for their own conveniency . thus the case is evident , as to the church of god , it is our necessity and conveniency which makes severall congregations of the catholike visible church , and not gods primary intention , when he bestowed such priviledges upon the church , that it should be understood of particular congregations . if then particular congregations be only accidentall for our conveniency , it evidently follows that the primary notion of a church , doth not belong to these ; nor that these are the first subject of government which belongs to a church as such , and not as crumbled into particular congregations ; although the actual exercise of government be most visible and discernable there ; because the joyning together for participation of gospel-ordinances must be in some particular company or other associated together for that end . where ever then we find the notion of a church particular , there must be government in that church ; and why a national society incorporated into one civil government , joyning in the profession of christianity , and having a right thereby to participate of gospel-ordinances in the convenient distributions of them in particular congregations , should not be called a church ; i confesse i can see no reason . the main thing objected against it , is , that a church implyes an actual joyning together for participation of all gospel-ordinances ; but as this , as i said before , is only a begging the question , so i say now , that actual communion with any particular congregation , is not absolutely necessary to a member of a church ; for supposing one baptized at sea , where no setled congregation is ( nor any more society then that which aristotle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) yet such a one is thereby a member of the church of god , though not of any congregation ; so likewise a church then may consist of such as have a right to ordinances , without the inserting their actual participation of them in fixed congregations . a particular church then i would describe thus , that it is , a society of men joyning together in the visible profession of the true faith ; having a right to , and enjoying among them the ordinances of the gospel . that a whole nation professing christianity , in which the ordinances of the gospel are duly administred in particular congregations , is such a society , is plain and evident . a clear instance of such a national constitution of a church under the gospel , we have in the prophesie of the conversion of egypt and assyria in gospel-times . isaiah . , , , . we have egypts professing the true faith , and enjoying gospel ordinances , vers . . . which , according to the prophetical stile are set down under the representation of such things as were then in use among the jewes : by an altar in the midst of the land , ver . . the altar noting the true worship of god ; and being in the midst of the land , the universal owning of this worship by all the people of the land . god owns them for a church , v. . whom the lord of hosts shall bless , saying , blessed be egypt my people . the very name whereby israel was called while it was a church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hosea , . . and when god unchurched them , it was under this name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ye are not my people . as much then as israel was a church when god owned it for his people : so should egypt be upon their conversion to the faith of christ , which was done upon marks preaching at alexandria not long after the death of christ. this then we have now briefly cleared , that a nation joyning in profession of christianity , is a true church of god : whence it evidently follows , that there must be a form of ecclesiastical government over a nation as a church , as well as of civil government , over it , as a society governed by the same lawes . therefore some make this necessary to a nationall church , national union in one ecclesiasticall body in the same community of ecclesiasticall government . for every society must have its government belonging to it as such a society ; and the same reason that makes government necessary in any particular congregation , will make it necessary for all the particular congregations joyning together in one visible society as a particular national church . for the unity and peace of that church , ought much more to be looked after then of any one particular congregation , in as much as the peace of all the particular combinations of men for participation of ordinances doth depend upon , and is comprehended in the peace of the whole . but though i say from hence that some form of publike government by the subordination of particular assemblies to the government of the whole body of them is necessary , yet i am far from asserting the necessity of any one form of that government , much more , from saying that no nationall church can subsist without one nationall officer , as the high-priest under the law , or one nationall place of worship , as the temple was . the want of considering of which , viz that nationall churches may subsist without that form of them under the jewes , is doubtless the great ground of mens quarrelling against them ; but with what reason , let men impartially judge . this then we agree , that some from of government is necessary in every particular church , and so that government in the church of divine and unalterable right ; and that not onely of particular congregations , but of all societies which may be called churches , whether provinciall , or nationall . chap. ii. the second concession is , that church-government formally considered , must be administred by officers of divine appointment . to that end , the continuance of a gospel . ministry fully cleared from all those arguments , by which positive lawes are proved immutable . the reason of the appointment of it continues ; the dream of a seculum spiritûs sancti discussed , first broached by the m●ndicant friers . it s occasion and unreasonableness shewed . gods declaring the perpetuity of a gospel ministry , matth. . . explained . a novell interpretation largely refuted . the world to come , what . a ministry necessary for the churches continuance , ephes. . . explained , and vindicated . secondly , that the government of the church ought to be administred by officers of divine appointment , is another thing i will yield to be of divine right ▪ but the church here , i take not in that latitude which i did in the former concession , but i take it chiefly here for the members of the church , as distinct from officers , as it is taken in acts . . so that my meaning is , that there must be a standing perpetuall ministry in the church of god , whose care and imployment must be , to oversee and govern the people of god , and to administer gospel-ordinances among them , and this is of divine and perpetuall right . that officers were appointed by christ in the church for these ends at first , is evident from the direct affirmation of scripture , god hath set in the church , first apostles , secondly prophets , thirdly teachers , &c. corinth . . . eph. . , . and other places to the same purpose . this being then a thing acknowledged , that they were at first of divine institution , and so were appointed by a divine positive law , which herein determines and restrains the law of nature ( which doth not prescribe the certain qualifications of the persons to govern this society , nor the instalment or admission of them into this employment , viz by ordination . ) the only enquiry then left , is , whether a standing gospel-ministry be such a positive law , as is to remain perpetually in the church , or no ? which i shall make appear by those things which i laid down in the entrance of this treatise , as the notes whereby to know when positive laws are unalterable . the first was , when the same reason of the command continues still ; and what reason is there why christ should appoint officers to rule his church then , which will not hold now ? did the people of god need ministers then to be as stars ( as they are call'd in scripture ) to lead them unto christ , and do they not as well need them now ? had people need of guides then , when the doctrine of the gospel was confirmed to them by miracles , and have they not much more now ? must there be some then to oppose gainsayers , and must they have an absolute liberty of prophecying now , when it is foretold what times of seduction the last shall be ? must there be some then to rule over their charge , as they that must give an account , and is not the same required still ? were there some then ▪ to reprove , rebuke , exhort , to preach in season , out of season , and is there not the same necessity of these things still ? was it not enough then , that there were so many in all churches that had extraordinary gifts of tongues , prophecying , praying , interpretation of tongues , but besides those there were some pastors by office , whose duty it was to give attendance to reading , to be wholly in these things ; and now when these extraordinary gifts are ceased , is not there a much greater necessity then there was then , for some to be set apart and wholly designed for this work ? were ordinances only then administred by those whom christ commissioned , and such as derived their authority from them ; and what reason is there that men should arrogate and take this imployment upon themselves now ? if christ had so pleased , could he not have left it wholly at liberty for all believers to have gone about preaching the gospel ? or why did he make choice of . apostles chiefly for that work , were it not his will to have some particularly to dispense the gospel ? and if christ did then separate some for that work , what reason is there why that office should be thrown common now , which christ himself inclosed by his own appointment ? there can be no possible reason imagined , why a gospel-ministry should not continue still , unless it be that fanatick pretence of a seculum spiritus sancti , a dispensation of the spirit , which shall evacuate the use of all means of instruction , and the use of all gospel-ordinances ; which pretence is not so novell as most imagine it to be ; for setting aside the montanistical spirit in the primitive times , which acted upon principles much of the same nature with these we now speak of : the first rise of this ignis fatuus was from the bogs of popery , viz. from the orders of the dominicans and franciscans , about the middle of the twelfth century . for no sooner did the pauperes de lugduno , or the waldenses appear , making use of the word of god to confute the whole army of popish traditions , but they finding themselves worsted at every turn while they disputed that ground , found out a stratagem whereby to recover their own credit , and to beat their adversaries quite out of the field . which was , that the gospel which they adhered to so much , was now out of date , and instead of that they broached another gospel out of the writings of the abbot ioachim , and cyrils visions , which they blasphemously named evangelium spiritus sancti , evangelium novum , and evangelium aeternum , as gulielmus de sancto amore , their great antagonist , relates in his book de periculis noviss . temporum , purposely designed against the impostures of the mendicant friers , who then like locusts , rose in multitudes with their shaven crowns out of the bottomless pit . this gospel of the spirit they so much magnified above the gospel of christ , that the same author relates these words of theirs concerning it ; quod comparatum ad evangelium christi , tanto plus perfectionis ac dignitatis habet , quantum sol ad lunam comparatus , aut ad nucleum testa ; that it exceeded it as much as the kernell doth the shell , or the light of the sun doth that of the moon . we see then from what quarter of the world this new light began to rise : but so much for this digression . to the thing it self . if there be such a dispensation of the spirit which takes away the use of ministry and ordinances , it did either commence from the time of the effusion of the spirit upon the apostles , or some time since . not then ; for even of those who had the most large portion of the spirit poured upon them , we read that they continued in all gospel ordinances , acts . , and among the chief , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under the apostles ministry , it may be better rendred than in the apostles doctrine : and which is most observable , the prophecy of ioel about the spirit , is then said to be fulfilled , acts . . besides , if either that place of ioel , or that of ieremy , cited heb. . . or the unction of the spirit , john . , . did take away the use of preaching , how did the apostles themselves understand their meaning , when they were so diligent in preaching and instructing others : iohn writes to those , to try the spirits , of whom he saith , they have an unction to know all things : and those to whom the apostle writes , that they need not teach every one his neighbour ; of them he saith , that they had need to be taught the first principles of the oracles of god. and even in that very chapter where he seems to say , they that are under the new covenant , need not be taught , he brings that very speech in as an argument , that the old dispensation of the law was done away : and so goes about to teach , when he seems to take away the use of it . these speeches then must not be understood in their absolute and literal sense , but with a reflection upon , and comparison with , the state of things in the times wherein those prophecies were utter'd : for god to heighten the jews apprehensions of the great blessings of the gospel , doth set them forth under a kind of hyperbolical expressions , that the dull capacity of the jews might at least apprehend the just weight and magnitude of them , which they would not otherwise have done . so in that place of ieremy , god to make them understand how much the knowledge of the gospel exceeded that under the law , doth as it were set it down in this hyperbolicall way , that it will exceed it as much , as one that needs no teaching at all , doth one that is yet but in his rudiments of learning . so that the place doth not deny the use of teaching under the gospel , but because teaching doth commonly suppose ignorance , to shew the great measure of knowledge , he doth it in that way , as though the knowledge should be so great , that men should not need be taught in such a way of rudiments as the jews were , viz by types and ceremonies , and such things . we see then no such dispensation was in the apostles times ; for the same apostle after this in chapt. . . bids them not to forsake the assembling themselves together as some did ; wherefore were these assemblies , but for instruction ? and in the last chapter , bids them obey their rulers . what need rulers , if no need of teaching ? but so sensless a dream will be too much honour'd with any longer confutation . in the apostles times then , there was no such dispensation of the spirit , which did take away the use of ministry and ordinances . if it be expected since their times , i would know whence it appears , that any have a greater measure of the spirit then was poured out in the apostles times ; for then the ministry was joyned with the spirit : and what prophecies are fulfilled now , which were not then ? or if they pretend to a doctrine distinct from , and above what the apostles taught , let them produce their evidences , and work those miracles which may induce men to believe them : or let them shew what obligation any have to believe pretended new revelations , without a power of miracles , attesting that those revelations come from god ? or whereon men must build their faith , if it be left to the dictates of a pretended spirit of revelation ? or what way is left to discern the good spirit from the bad , in its actings upon mens minds , if the word of god be not our rule still ? or how god is said to have spoken in the last dayes by his son , if a further speaking be yet expected ? for the gospel-dispensation is therefore called the last dayes , because no other is to be expected : times being differenced in scripture according to gods wayes of revealing himself to men . but so much for this . the second way whereby to know when positive lawes are unalterable , is when god hath declared that such lawes shall bind still . two wayes whereby god doth express his own will concerning the perpetuity of an office founded on his own institution . first , if such things be the work belonging to it , which are of necessary and perpetual use . secondly , if god hath promised to assist them in it perpetually , in the doing of their work . first , the object of the ministerial office are such things which are of necessary and perpetual use ; i mean the administration of gospel-ordinances . viz. the word and sacraments , which were appointed by christ for a perpetual use. the word as a means of conversion and edification ; the sacraments not onely as notes of distinction of professors of the true faith from others , but as seals to confirm the truth of the covenant on gods part towards us , and as instruments to convey the blessings sealed in the covenant to the hearts of believers . now the very nature of these things doth imply their perpetuity and continuance in the world , as long as there shall be any church of god in it . for these things are not typi rerum futurarum , only ceremonies to represent somthing to come , but they are symbola rerum invisibilium , signs to represent to our senses things invisible in their own nature : and between these two there is a great difference , as to the perpetuity of them : for types of things as to come , must of necessity expire when the thing typified appears ; but representation of invisible things cannot expire on that account , because the thing represented as invisible , cannot be supposed to be made visible , and so to evacuate the use of the signes which represents them to us . types represent a thing which is at present invisible ; but under the notion of it as future . symbols represent a thing at present invisible , but as present ; and therefore symbols are designed by gods institution for a perpetuall help to the weakness of our faith. and therefore the lords supper is appointed to set forth the lords death , till he come : whereby the continuance of it in the church of god is necessarily implied . now then , if these things which are the proper object of the ministerial function be of a perpetual nature ; when these things are declared to be of an abiding nature , it necessarily follows , that that function to which it belongs to administer these things , must be of a perpetual nature . especially if we consider in the second place , that christ hath promised to be with them continually in the administration of these things : for that , notwithstanding the dust lately thrown upon it , we have a clear place , matth. . . go teach and baptize , &c. loe i am with you alwayes to the end of the world. if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , did not signifie perpetuity , yet certainly the latter words do ; for how could christ be with the apostles themselves personally to the end of the world ? it must be therefore with them , and all that succeed them in the office of teaching and baptizing , to the worlds end : for that i assert to be the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i insist not barely on the signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either as to its supposed etymology , or as it answers the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 knowing how fallible the arguments drawn from thence are , when in the dispute of the eternity of the law of moses with the jewes , it is confessed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 relates onely to a long continuance of time. but however , i suppose that it will hardly be found in scripture , that either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth barely relate to the time of life of any individuall persons , especially , if absolutely put as it is here . one great signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the new testament ( which we are to inquire into , and not how it is used among greek authours ) is that wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for the world its self which vorstius reckons among the hebraisms of the new test. in which sense the jewes call god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and great persons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 magnates mundi in which sense , in the new testament , the devil is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ioh. . . — . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . and so god is said to create 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the worlds , heb. . . — . . if we take it in this sense , christs promise must of necessity relate to the dissolution of the fabrick of the world , and that he would be with his servants in the gospel , till all things be dissolved . against this it is pleaded , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here relates to the destruction of ierusalem , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implies the state of things under the law , which would continue till ierusalem were destroyed , from which time a new 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would commence . but to this i answer , first ; i absolutely deny , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth ever in scripture relate to the destruction of the jewish state. this will be best made out by a particular view of the places wherein this phrase occurres . the first time we meet with this phrase is in matth. . where we have it thrice , ver . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : now can any be so senslesse , as to imagine that the harvest wherein the tares shall be gathered , and cast into unquenchable fire , when the angels are said to be the reapers , and to gather out of christs kingdome every thing that offends , should be attributed to the destruction of ierusalem ? and so ver . . and ver . . where the same phrase expresseth the same time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where the antecedents and consequents fully declare , what the time there is meant , which is the general judgement of the world . the onely place pleaded for this sense , is matthew . . where the disciples inquire of christ what should be the sign , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where granting , that the former christs coming may respect his coming to alter the present state of things , according to the jewes apprehension of the messias ; yet i deny that the latter doth , but it respects the generall destruction of the world , consequent upon that alteration : for the jewes not onely expected an alteration of the present state of things among them , but a consequent destruction of the world , after the coming of the messias , according to that speech of theirs cited by doctor lightfoot . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this world shall be destroyed for a . years , and after that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there should be the state of eternity . so that the disciples , speaking in the sense of the jewes , doe not onely inquire of the signs of his altering the present state of things among them , but likewise of the destruction of the whole world too . accordingly it is observable , that throughout that chapter , our saviour intermixeth his answers to these questions . sometimes speaking in reference to the jewish state , as it is plain he doth , verse , . and so on ; and when he saith , that this generation shall not pass , till all these things be fulfilled , ver . . but then it is as evident , that some places must relate to the destruction of the world , as when he saith , of that day and hour knoweth no man , no not the angels of heaven , but the father onely , ver . . which will appear more plainly , by comparing it with mark . . where the son is excluded from knowing that hour too ; but how can any say , that the son did not know the time of the destruction of ierusalem , which he himself foretold when it should be ? and those words heaven and earth shall pass away , ver . . seem to be our saviours transition to the answer of the other question , about the final destruction of all things . however that be , as we see no reason at all why 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , should onely respect the subversion of the jewish state : but supposing it should , yet there is far less reason why it should be so meant , in the place whose sense we are inquiring into . for if by christs coming to destroy ierusalem , the old sate and dispensation should be taken away , we must suppose a new state ●nder the messias to begin from thence . and how rationall doth this sound , that christ should promise his peculiar presence with his own apostles , whom he imployed in erecting the gospel state , onely till the old jewish state be subverted ; but his promise not at all to extend to that time , wherein the state of the kingdome of the messias should be set up in stead of it : and how could any of the apostles , for example , saint iohn , who survived the destruction of ierusalem , expect christs presence with him , by vertue of this promise , if it extended no further then to the destruction of the jewish state ? besides , it is a meer groundlesse fancy , and favours of the jewish apprehensions of the state of the messias kingdome , to imagine that the temporall state of ierusalem must be first subverted before that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or dispensation of things was at an end . for the jewish state and dispensation did not lie in the iewish polity , but in obligation to the law of moses , which expired together with christ. and so the gospel-tate , which is called the kingdome of heaven , and the regeneration , began upon christs resurrection and ascension , when he was solemnly ( as it were ) inaugurated in his mediatory kingdome . and presently after sends down his vice-roy upon the day of pentecost , in the effusion of the spirit upon the apostles , making good his promise of the paracle●e to supply his absence : whereby the apostles were more signally impowered for the advancing of the gospel state . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then of the gospel commenceth from christs resurrection , and to this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i am very inclinable to think that our saviour hath reference in these words , when he saith , he will be with his disciples to the end of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if we take it for a state of things , or the gospel-dispensation ; that is , as long as the evangelical church shall continue : for that in scripture is sometime called the world to come , and that phrase among the jews of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the world to come , is set to express the times of the messias ; and it may be the apostle may referr to this , when he speaks of apostales tasting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the force and energy of the gospel preached ; whence the kingdom of god is said to be not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not in word , but in power , which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spoken of by the apostle elsewhere , the powerfull demonstration of the spirit accompanying the preaching of the gospel . when christ is called by the prophet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the everlasting father , the septuagint renders it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so the vulgar , latin. pater futuri saeculi , the father of the world to come : that is , the gospel state , and to this sense christ is said to be made an high priest , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the law to be a shadow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of good things which should be under the new state of the gospel . and which is more plain to the purpose , the apostle expresseth what was come to passe in the dayes of the gospel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the ages to come , where the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used to this sense . and according to this importance of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some very probably interpret that place of our saviour concerning the sin against the holy ghost , that it should not be forgiven 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , neither in the present state of the iewish church , wherein there is no sacrifice of expiation for contumacious sinners , but they that despised moses law dyed without mercy ; so neither shall there be , any under the world to come , that is the dispensation of gospel grace , any pardon proclaimed to any such sinners who ●●ample under foot the blood of the covenant , and offer despight to the spirit of grace . thus we see how properly the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may agree here to the gospel-state , and so christs promise of his presence doth imply the perpetuity of that office as long as the evangelical state shall remain , which will be to the worlds end . the third thing , whereby to know when positive institutions are unalterable , is , when they are necessary to the being , succession , and continuance of the church of god. now this yields a further evidence of the perpetuity of officers in the church of god , seeing the church its self cannot be preserved without the government ; and there can be no government without some to rule the members of the church of god , and to take care for a due administration of church-priviledges , and to inflict censures upon offenders , which is the power they are invested in by the same authority which was the ground of their institution at first . it is not conceivable how any society , as the church is , can be preserved without the continuance of church-officers among them . as long as the body of christ must be edified , there must be some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fitted for the work of the ministry , which is appointed in order to that end ; for that i suppose is the apostles meaning in ephes. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . following the complutensian copy , leaving out the comma between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which makes as though it were a distinct thing from the former ; whereas the original carryes the sense on ; for otherwise it should have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and those who follow the ordinary reading , are much at a loss how to explain that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coming in so in the midst without dependance upon the former . therefore the vulg . latin best renders it , ad consummationem sanctorum ad opus ministerii ; for the compleating of the saints for the work of the ministry , in order to the building up of the body of christ ; and to this purpose musculus informs us , the german version renders it . and so we understand the enumeration in the verse before of apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors and teachers , not for the persons themselves , but for the gifts of those persons , the office of apostles , evangelists , pastors , &c. which is most suitable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the eighth verse . he gave gifts to men ; now these gifts , saith he , christ gave to men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the fitting the saints for the work of the ministry . not as a late democratical writer would perswade us , as though all the saints were thereby fitted for this work of the ministry ; ( for that the apostle excludes by the former enumeration ) ; for , are all the saints fitted for apostles ? are all prophets , are all evangelists , are all pastors and teachers ? as the apostle himself elsewhere argues . and in the v. of that chapter , he particularly mentions the several gifts qualifying men for several usefull employments in the church of god , the spirit dividing to every man severally as he will. therefore it cannot be that all the saints are hereby fitted for this work ; but god hath scattered these gifts among the saints , that those who have them might be fitted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because god would not leave his church without persons qualified for the service of himself in the work of the ministry , in order to the building up of the body of christ. and by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here may be meant no other then those he speaks of in the chapter before , when he speaks of the revelation made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to his holy apostles and prophets , and so god gave these gifts for the fiitting the holy apostles , &c. for the work of the ministry . it cannot be meant of all , so as to destroy a peculiar function of the ministry ; for gods very giving these gifts to some and not to others , is an evidence that the function is peculiar . for else had the gifts been common to all , every saint had been an apostle , every believer a pastor , and teacher , and then where had the people been that must have been ruled and governed ? so that this very place doth strongly assert both the peculiarity of the function , from the peculiarity of gifts in order to fitting men for it ; and the perpetuity of the function from the end of it , the building up of the body of christ. thus i have now asserted the perpetual divine right of a gospel-ministry , not only for teaching the word , but administration of ordinances , and governing the church as a society : which work belongs to none but such as are appointed for it , who are the same with the dispencers of the word , as appears from the titles of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , governours , rulers , pastors , all which necessarily imply a governing power , which having been largely proved by others , and yeelded by me , i pass over . chap. iii. the question fully stated . not what form of government comes the nearest to the primitive practice , but whether any be absolutely determined . several things propounded for resolving the question . what the form of church-government was under the law. how far christians are bound to observe that . neither the necessity of superiority , nor the unlawfulnesse can be proved thence . and now i come to the main subject of the present controversie , which is acknowledging a form of government necessary , and the governours of the church perpetuall ; whether the particular form whereby the church must be governed , be determined by any positive law of god , which unalterably binds all christians to the observation of it . by church here , i mean not a particular congregation , but such a society which comprehends in it many of these lesser congregations united together in one body under a form of government . the forms of government in controversie , the question being thus stated , are only these two ▪ the particular officers of several churches , acting in an equality of power , which are commonly called a colledge of presbyters ; or a superiour order above the standing ministry , having the power of jurisdiction and ordination belonging to it by vertue of a divine institution . which order is by an antonomasia called episcopacy . the question now , is not , which of these two doth come the nearest to apostolical practice , and the first institution , which hath hitherto been the controversie so hotly debated among us ; but whether either of these two forms be so setled by a jus divinum , that is , be so determined by a positive law of god , that all the churches of christ are bound to observe that one form so determined , without variation from it : or whether christ hath not in setling of his church ( provided there be some form of government , and a setled ministry for the exercise of it , ) left it to the prudence of every particular church , consisting of many congregations , to agree upon its own form which it judgdeth most conducing to the end of government in that particular church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . here now we fix our selves , and the first thing we do , is to agree upon our wayes of resolution of this question , whereby to come to an end of this debate . and the most probable way to come to an issue in it , is , to go through all the wayes whereon men do fix an unalterable divine right , and to see whether any of these do evince a divine right setled upon a positive law or no , for one of these forms . the pleas then for such a divine right are these : either some formal law standing in force under the gospel , or some plain institution of a new law by christ in forming his church , or the obligatory nature of apostolical practice , or the general sense of the primitive church , to which we shall add by way of appendix , the judgement of the chief divines and churches since the reformation ; if we go happily through these , we may content our selves with having obtained the thing we aim at . the first inquiry then is , whether any formal law of god concerning a form of government for his church , either by persons acting in an equality of power , or subordination of one order to another , under the gospel , doth remain in force or no , binding christians to the observing of it . the reason why i begin with this , is , because i observe the disputants on both sides make use of the pattern under the law to establish their form by . * those who are for superiority of one order above another in the government of the church , derive commonly their first argument from the pattern under the law. * those who are for an equality of power in the persons acting in government , yet being for a subordination of courts , they bring their first argument for that , from the jewish pattern . so that these latter are bound by their own argument , though used in another case , to be ruled in this controversie by the jewish pattern . for why should it be more obligatory as to subordination of courts , then as to the superiority of orders ? if it holds in one case : it must in the other . and if there be such a law for superiority standing unrepealed , there needs no new law to inforce it under the gospel . we shall therefore first enquire what foundation there is for either form in that pattern , and how far the argument drawn from thence is obligatory to us now . for the practice then in the jewish church , that there was no universal equality in the tribe of levi which god singled out from the rest for his own service , is obvious in scripture . for there we find priests above the levites ; the family of aaron being chosen out from the other families of cohath ( one of the three sons of levi ) to be employed in a nearer attendance upon gods service then any of the other families . and it must be acknowledged , that among both priests and levites there was a superiority ; for god placed eleazar over the priests , elizaphan over the cohathites , eliasaph over the gershonites ; zuriel over the merarites , and these are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the rulers over their several families ; for it is said of every one of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was ruler over the house of his father . neither were these equal ; for over eliasaph and zuriel god placed ithamar , over elisaphan and his own family god set eleazar , who by reason of his authority over all the rest , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ruler of the rulers of levi , and besides these there were under these rulers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief fathers of the several distinct families , as they are called exodus . . thus we briefly see the subordination that there was in the tribe of levi ; the levites first , over them the heads of the families , over them the rulers , or the chief of the heads , over them ithamar , over both priests and levites , eleazar ; over all , aaron the high priest. there being then so manifest an inequality among them , proceed we to shew how obligatory this is under the gospel . for that end it will be necessary to consider , whether this imparity and superiority were peculiarly appointed by god for the ecclesiastical government of the tribe of levi , as it consisted of persons to be employed in the service of god , or it was only such an inequality and superiority as was in any other tribe . if only common with other tribes , nothing can be inferred from thence peculiar to ecclesiasticall government under the gospel , any more then from the government of other tribes to the same kind of government in all civil states . we must then take notice that levi was a particular distinct tribe of it self , and so not in subordination to any other tribe ; for they had the heads of their fathers as well as others , exodus . . and although when they were setled in canaan , their habitations were intermixt with other tribes in their forty eight cities , yet they were not under the government of those tribes among whom they lived , but preserved their authority and government intire among themselves . and therefore it was necessary there should be the same form of government among them , which there was among the rest . the whole body of the nation then was divided into thirteen tribes ; these tribes into their several families ; some say seventy , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these families were divided into so many housholds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their housholds into persons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; over the several persons were the several masters of families ; over the several housholds were the captains of and , — . over the families , i suppose , were the heads of the fathers . and over the thirteen tribes were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief fathers of the tribes of the children of israel , numb . . . and we have the names of them set down , numb . . , &c. so that hitherto , we find nothing peculiar to this tribe , nor proper to it as employed in the service of god. for their several families had their several heads , and eleazar over them as chief of the tribe . and so we find throughout numbers . all the heads of the several tribes are named and appointed by god as eleazar was . the only things then which seem proper to this tribe , were the superiority of the priests over the levites in the service of god , and the supereminent power of the high priest , as the type of christ. so that nothing can be inferred from the order under the law to that under the gospel , but from one of these two . and from the first there can be nothing deduced but this , that as there was a superiority of officers under the law , so likewise should there be under the gospel ; which is granted by all in the superiority of priests over deacons , to whom these two answer in the church of god , in the judgement of those who contend for a higher order by divine institution above presbyters . and withall we must consider , that there was under that order no power of jurisdiction invested in the priests over the levites , but that was in the heads of the families ; and ordination there could not be , because their office descended by succession in their several families . those who would argue from aarons power , must either bring too little , or too much from thence ; too little , if we consider his office was typical and ceremonial , and as high priest had more immediate respect to god then men , heb. . . and therefore eleazar was appointed over the several families during aarons life-time ; and under eleazar , his son phinehas . too much , if a necessity be urged for the continuance of the same authority in the church of god ; which is the argument of the papists , deriving the popes supremacy from thence . which was acutely done by pope innocentius the third , the father of the lateran council , who proved , that the pope may exercise temporall jurisdiction from that place in deuteronomy . . and that by this reason , because deuteronomy did imply the second law , and therefore what was there written , in novo testamento debet observari , must be observed under the gospel , which according to them is a new law. all that can be inferred then from the jewish pattern , cannot amount to any obligation upon christians , it being at the best but a judicial law , and therefore binds us not up as a positive law ; but only declares the equity of the thing in use then . i conclude then , that the jewish pattern is no standing law for church-government now , either in its common or peculiar form of government ; but because there was some superiority of order then , and subordination of some persons to others under that government , that such a superiority and subordination is no wayes unlawfull under the gospel ; for that would destroy the equity of the law. and though the form of government was the same with that of other tribes , yet we see god did not bind them to an equality , because they were for his immediate service , but continued the same way as in other tribes ; thence i inferr , that as there is no necessary obligation upon christians to continue that form under the jews , because their laws do not bind us now ; so neither is there any repugnancy to this law in such a subordination , but it is very agreeable with the equity of it , it being instituted for peace and order , and therefore ought not to be condemned for antichristian . the jewish pattern then of government , neither makes equality unlawfull , because their laws do not oblige now ; nor doth it make superiority unlawfull , because it was practised then . so that notwithstanding the jewish pattern , the church of christ is left to its own liberty for the choyce of its form of government , whether by an equality of power in some persons , or superiority and subordination of one order to another . chap. iv. whether christ hath determined the form of government by any positive laws . arguments of the necessity why christ must determine it , largely answered ; as first , christs faithfulness compared with moses , answered , and retorted ; and proved , that christ did not institute any form of church government , because no such law for it as moses gave ; and we have nothing but general rules , which are applyable to several forms of government . the office of timothy and titus , what it proves in order to this question : the lawfulnesse of episcopacy shewn thence , but not the necessity . a particular form , how far necessary , as christ was the governour of his church ; the similitudes the church is set out by , prove not the thing in question . nor the difference of civil and church government ; nor christ setting officers in his church ; nor the inconvenience of the churches power in appointing new officers . every minister hath a power respecting the church in common , which the church may restrain . episco●acy thence proved lawfull , the argument from the scriptures perfection answered . vve come then from the type to the antitype , from the rod of aaron to the root of iess● ▪ from the pattern of the jewish church , to the founder of the christian : to see whether our lord & saviour hath determined this controversie , or any one form of government for his church , by any universally binding act or law of his . and here it is pleaded more hotly by many that christ must do it , than that he hath done it . and therefore i shall first examine the pretences of the necessity of christs determining the particular form ; and then the arguments that are brought that he hath done it . the main pleas that there must be a perfect form of church-government laid down by christ for the church of god , are from the comparison of christ with moses , from the equal necessity of forms of government now which there is for other societies , from the perfection and sufficiency of the scriptures ; all other arguments are reducible to these three heads . of these in their order . first , from the comparison of christ with moses , they argue thus : if moses was faithfull in his house as a servant , much more christ as a son ; now moses appointed a particular form of government for the church under the old testament ; therefore christ did certainly lay down a form of church government for the new testament . to this i answer : first , faithfulnesse implyes the discharge of a trust reposed in one by another : so that it is said vers . . he was faithful to him that appointed him : christs faithfulnesse then lay in discharging the work which his father laid upon him , which was the work of mediation between god and us ; and therefore the comparison is here instituted between moses as typical mediator , and christ as the true mediator ; that as moses was faithfull in his work , so was christ in his . now moses his faithfulnesse lay in keeping close to the pattern received in the mount , that is , observing the commands of god ; now therefore if christs being faithfull in his office , doth imply the setling any one form of goverment in the church , it must be made appear that the serling of this form was part of christs mediatory work , and that which the father commanded him to do as mediator ▪ and that christ received such a form from the father for the christian church , as moses did for the jewish . to this it is said , that the government is laid upon christs shoulders , and all power in his hands ; and therefore it belongs to him as mediatour . christ i grant is the king of the church , and doth govern it outwardly by his laws , and inwardly by the conduct of his spirit : but shall we say , that therefore any one form of government is necessary , which is neither contained in his laws , nor dictated by his spirit ? the main original of mistakes here , is , the confounding the external and internal government of the church of christ , and thence whensoever men read of christs power , authority and government , they fancy it refers to the outward government of the church of god , which is intended of his internal mediatory power over the hearts and consciences of men . but withall i acknowledge , that christ for the better government of his church and people , hath appointed officers in his church , invested them by vertue of his own power with an authority to preach and baptize , and administer all gospel-ordinances in his own name , that is , by his authority , for it is clearly made known to us in the word of god , that christ hath appointed these things . but then , whether any shall succeed the apostles in superiority of power over presbyters , or all remain governing the church in an equality of power , is nowhere determined by the will of christ in scripture , which contains his royal law : and therefore we have no reason to look upon it as any thing flowing from the power and authority of christ as mediator ; and so not necessarily binding christians . secondly , i answer ; if the correspondency between christ and moses in their work , doth imply an equal exactnesse in christs disposing of every thing in his church , as moses did among the jews ; then the church of christ must be equally bound to all circumstances of worship as the jews were . for there was nothing appertaining in the least to the worship of god , but was fully set down even to the pins of the tabernacle in the law of moses ; but we find no such thing in the gospel . the main duties and ordinances are prescribed indeed , but their circumstances and manner of performance are left as matters of christian-liberty , and only couched under some general rules : which is a great difference between the legal and gospel-state . under the law all ceremonies and circumstances are exactly prescribed : but in the gospel we read of some general rules of direction for christians carriage in all circumstantial things . these four especially contain all the directions of scripture concerning circumstantials . all things to be done decently and in order . all to be done for edification . give no offence . do all to the glory of god. so that the particular circumstances are left to christian-liberty with the observation of general rules . it is evident as to baptism and the lords supper , which are unquestionably of divine institution , yet as to the circumstances of the administration of them , how much lesse circumstantial is christ then moses was ! as to circumcision and the pass-over under the law , the age , time , persons , manner , place , form , all fully set down ; but nothing so under the gospel : whether baptism shall be administred to infants or no , is not set down in expresse words , but left to be gathered by analogy and consequences ; what manner it shall be administred in , whether by dipping or sprinkling , is not absolutely determined ; what form of words to be used , whether in the name of all three persons , or sometimes in the name of christ only , as in the acts we read ( if that be the sense , and not rather in christs name , i. e. by christs authority ) . whether ▪ sprinkling or dipping shall be thrice as some churches use it , or only once as others . these things we see relating to an ordinance of divine institution , are yet past over without any expresse command determining either way in scripture . so as to the lords supper ; what persons to be admitted to it , whether all visible professors , or only sincere christians : upon what terms , whether by previous examination of church-officers , or by an open profession of their faith , or else only by their own tryal of themselves , required of them as their duty by their ministers ; whether it should be alwayes after supper as christ himself did it ; whether taking fasting , or after meat ; whether kneeling , or sitting , or leaning ? whether to be consecrated in one form of words , or several ? these things are not thought fit to be ▪ determined by any positive command of christ , but left to the exercise of christian-liberty ; the like is as to preaching the word , publike prayer , singing of psalmes ; the duties are required , but the particular modes are left undetermined . the case is the same as to church-governwent . that the church be governed , and that it be governed by its proper officers , are things of divine appointment : but whether the church should be governed by many joyning together in an equality , or by subordination of some persons to others , is left to the same liberty which all other circumstances are ; this being not the substance of the thing it self , but onely the manner of performance of it . . i answer , that there is a manifest disparity between the gospel and jewish state : and therefore reasons may be given why all punctilioes were determined then which are not now : as . the perfection and liberty of the gospel-state above the jewish . the law was onely as a paedagogy , the church then in her infancy and nonage , and therefore wanted the fescues of ceremonies to direct her , and every part of her lesson set her , to bring her by degrees to skill and exactness in her understanding the mystery of the things represented to her . but must the church now grown up under christ be still sub ferula , and not dare to vary in any circumstance , which doth not concern the thing it self ! a boy at school hath his lesson set him , and the manner of learning it prescribed him in every mode and circumstance . but at the university hath his lectures read him , and his work set , and general directions given , but he is left to his own liberty how to perform his work , and what manner to use in the doing of it . so it was with the church under age : every mode and circumstance was determined ; but when the fulnesse of time was come , the church then being grown up , the main offices themselves were appointed , and generall directions given ; but a liberty left how to apply and make use of them , as to every particular case and occasion . things morall remain still in their full force , but circumstantials are left more at liberty by the gospel-liberty ; as a son that is taught by his father , while he is under his instruction , must observe every particular direction for him in his learning : but when he comes to age , though he observes not those things as formerly , yet his son ▪ ship continues , and he must obey his father as a childe still , though not in the same manner . the similitude is the apostles , galat. . , , , , . . which he there largely amplifies to this very purpose of freeing christians from judaical ceremonies . . the form of government among the jewes in the tribe of levi , was agreeable to the form of government among the other tribes ; and so moses was not more exact in reference to that , then to any other ; and those persons in that tribe who were the chief before the institution of the a●ronicall priest-hood , were so after ; but now under the gospel , people are not under the same restrictions for civil government by a judicial law , as they were then . for the form of ecclesiastical government then took place among them as one of their judicial laws ; and therefore if the argument hold , christ must as well prescribe a form for civil government as ecclesiastical ; if christ in the gospel must by his faithfulnesse follow the pattern of moses . but if christ be not bound to follow moses pattern as to judicial law , for his church and people ; neither is he as to a form of ecclesiastical government , because that was a part of their civil and judicial law. . the people of the jewes was a whole and entire people , subsisting by themselves when one set form of government was prescribed them ; but it is otherwise now under the gospel . the church of christ was but forming in christs own time , nor the apostles , in whose time we reade of but some cities and no whole nations converted to the faith ; and therefore the same form of government would not serve a church in its first constitution , which is necessary for it when it is actually formed . a pastour and deacons might serve the church of a city while believers were few , but cannot when they are increased into many congregations . and so proportionably when the church is enlarged to a whole nation , there must be another form of government then . therefore they who call for a national church under the gospel , let them first shew a nation converted to the faith , and we will undertake to shew the other . and this is the chief reason why the churches polity is so little described in the new testament , because it was onely growing then : and it doth not stand to reason , that the coat which was cut out for one in his infancy , must of necessity serve him when grown a man ; which is the argument of those who will have nothing observed in the church , but what is expressed in scripture . the apostles looked at the present state of a church in appointing officers , and ordered things according to the circumstances of them , which was necessary to be done in the founding of a church ; and the reason of apostolical practice binds still , though not the individual action , that as they regulated churches for the best conveniency of governing them , so should the pastours of churches now . but of this largely afterwards . . another difference is , that the people of the jewes lived all under one civil government ; but it is otherwise with christians who live under different forms of civil government . and then by the same reason that in the first institution of their ecclesiastical government it was formed according to the civil , by the same reason , must christians doe under the gospel , if the argument holds that christ must be faithful as moses was . and then because christians do live under several and distinct forms of civil government , they must be bound by the law of christ , to contemperate the government of the church to that of the state. and what they have gained by this for their cause , who assert the necessity of any one form from this argument , i see not ; but on the contrary this is evident , that they have evidently destroyed their own principle by it . for if moses did prescribe a form of government for levi agreeable to the form of the common-wealth , and christ be as faithfull as moses was , then christ must likewise order the government of christian churches , according to that of the state , and so must have different forms as the other hath . thus much will serve abundantly to shew the weakness of the argument drawn from the agreement of christ and moses , for the proving any one form of government necessary ; but this shall not suffice . i now shall ex abundanti from the answers to this argument , lay down several arguments that christ did never intend to institute any one form of government in his church . . whatever binds the church of god as an institution of christ , must bind as an universal standing law ; but one form of government in the church cannot bind it as a standing law. for whatever binds as a standing ●aw , must either be expressed in direct terms as such a law ; or deduced by a necessary consequence from his lawes , as of an universally binding nature ; but any one particular form of government in the church , is neither expressed in any direct terms by christ , nor can be deduced by just consequence ; therefore no such form of government is instituted by christ. if there be any such law , it must be produced , whereby it is determined in scripture , either that there must be superiority or equality among church officers , as such , after the apostles decease . and though the negative of a fact holds not , yet the negative of a law doth , else no superstition . i have not yet met with any such produced , and therefore shall see what consequences can be made of a binding nature . to this i say , that no consequences can be deduced to make an institution , but onely to apply one to particular cases : because positives are in themselves indifferent without institution and divine appointment ; and therefore that must be directly brought for the making a positive universally binding , which it doth not in its own nature do . now here must be an institution of something meerly positive supposed , which in its self is of an indifferent nature ; and therefore no consequence drawn can suffice to make it unalterably binding , without express declaration that such a thing shall so bind ; for what is not in its own nature moral , binds only by vertue of a command , which command must be made known by the will of christ , so that we may understand its obligatory nature . so that both a consequence must be necessarily drawn , and the obligation of what shall be so drawn must be expressed in scripture : which i despair of ever finding in reference to any one form of government in the church . . if the standing laws for church-government be equally applyable to several distinct forms , then no one form is prescribed in scripture ; but all the standing lawes respecting church-government , are equally applyable to several forms : all the lawes occurring in scripture respecting church government , may be referred to these three heads . such as set down the qualifications of the persons for the office of government , such as require a right management of their office , and such as lay down rules for the management of their office. now all these are equally applyable to either of these two forms we now discourse of . we begin then with those which set down the qualifications of persons employed in government , those we have largely and fully set down by st. paul in his order to timothy and titus , prescribing what manner of persons those should be who are to be employed in the government of the church . a bishop must be blamelesse as the steward of god , not self-willed , not soon angry , not given to wine , no striker , &c. all these , and the rest of the qualifications mentioned , are equally required as necessary in a bishop , whether taken for one of a superiour order above presbyters , or else only for a single presbyter ; however that be , if he hath a hand in church-government , he must be such a one as the apostle prescribes ; and so these commands to timothy and titus given by paul , do equally respect and concern them , whether we consider them as evangelists acting by an extraordinary commission , or as fixed pastors over all the churches in their several precincts ; so that from the commands themselves nothing can be inferred either way to determine the question ; only one place is pleaded for the perpetuity of the office timothy was employed in , which must now be examined : the place is tim. . , . i give thee charge in the sight of god , &c. that thou keep this commandement without spot , unrebukable , untill the appearing of our lord iesus christ. from hence it is argued thus : the commandment here was the charge which timothy had of governing the church ; this timothy could not keep personally till christs second coming ; therefore there must be a succession of officers in the same kind till the second coming of christ. but this is easily answered . for first , it is no wayes certain what this command was which st. paul speaks of ; some understand it of fighting the good fight of faith , others of the precept of love , others most probably the sum of all contained in this epistle , which i confesse implies in it ( as being one great part of the epistle ) pauls direction of timothy for the right discharging of his office ; but , granting that the command respects timothy's office , yet i answer , secondly , it manifestly appears to be something personal , and not successive ; or at least nothing can be inferr'd for the necessity of such a succession from this place which it was brought for : nothing being more evident then that this command related to timothy's personal observance of it . and therefore thirdly , christs appearing here , is not meant of his second coming to judgement , but it only imports the time of timothy's decease ; so chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so estius understands it , usque ad exitum vitae ; and for that end brings that speech of augustine , tun● unicuique veniet dies adventûs domini , cum venerit ei dies , ut talis hinc exeat , qualis ▪ judicandus est illo die . and the reason why the time of his death is set out by the coming of christ , is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as chrysostome , and from him theophylact observes , to incite him the more , both to diligence in his work and patience under sufferings , from the consideration of christs appearance . the plain meaning of the words then is the same with that , revel . . . be thou faithful unto death , and i will give thee a crown of life . nothing then can be hence inferred as to the necessary succession of some in timothy's office , whatever it is supposed to be . secondly , the precepts of the gospel requiring a right management of the work , are equally applyable to either form . taking heed to the flock over which god hath made them overseers , is equally a duty ; whether by flock we understand either the particular church of ephesus , or the adjacent churches of asia ; whether by overseers we understand some acting over others , or all joyning together in an equality . so exhorting , reproving , preaching in season and out of season , doing all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without rash censures and partiality ; watching over the flock as they that must give an account : laying hands suddenly on no man : rebuking not an elder , but under two or three witnesses . and whatever precepts of this nature we read in the epistles of timothy and titus , may be equally applyable to men acting in either of these two forms of government : there being no precept occurring in all those epistles prescribing to timothy , whether he must act only as a consul in senatu with the consent of the presbytery , or whether by his sole power he should determine what was the common interest , and concern of those churches he was the superintendent over . neither doth the apostle determine at all in those epistles chiefly concerning church-government , whether upon the removal of timothy or titus thence as evangelists , as some pretend , or upon their death as fixed pastors and bishops , as others , any should succeed them in the power they enjoyed , or no : nor in what manner the pastors of the several churches should order things of common concernment , which would seem to be a strange omission , were either of these two forms so necessary , taken exclusively of the other , as both parties seem to affirm . for we cannot conceive but if the being and right constitution of a church did depend upon the manner of the governours acting in it , but that care which paul had over all the churches would have prompted him ( especially being assisted and guided by an infallible spirit in the penning those epistles ) to have laid down some certain rules for the acting of the pastors of the churches after the departure of timothy and titus . considering especially that the epistles then written by him , were to be of standing perpetual use in the church of god ; and by which the churches in after-ages were to be guided as well as those that were then in being . the apostle in both epistles takes care for a succession of pastors in those churches : timothy is charged to commit the things he had heard of paul to faithful men ; who shall be fit to teach others . had it not been as requisite to have charged him to have committed his power of government to men fit for that , had the apostles looked on the form of government to be as necessary as the office of preaching ? paul saith , he left titus in creete on purpose to settle the churches and ordain presbyters in every city : had it not been as necessary to have shewed in what order the churches must be setled , and what power did belong to those presbyters , and how they should act in the governing their churches , had he thought the constitution of the churches did depend upon the form of their acting ? we see here then , that st. paul doth not expresse any thing necessarily inferring any one constant form to be used in the church of god , and whence can we inferr any necessity of it , but from the scriptures laying it down as a duty that such a form and no other there must be used in the church of god ? for all that we can see then by pauls direction for church-government , ( when if ever , this should have been expressed ) it was left to the christian wisdome and prudence of the churches of ephesus and creet to consult and determine in what manner the government of their churches should be provided for , upon the departure of timothy and titus from them . but here it will be soon replyed , that though nothing be expressed in pauls epistles to timothy and titus , yet pauls appointing timothy and titus over those churches , did determine the form of government , and they were entrusted with a power to provide for future governours after them . to this ●answer : first , the superiority which timothy and titus had over those churches , doth not prove that form of government necessary in all churches ; i dispute not whether they were evangelists or no , or acted as such in that superiority ( of that afterwards ) it is evident they might be so ; there being no convincing argument to the contrary . and the bare possibility of the truth of the negative , destroys the necessity of the affirmative of a proposition . as , si posibile est , hominem non esse animal , then that proposition is false , necesse est hominem esse animal . for , necesse est esse , and non possibile est non esse , being ●quipollents on the one side ; and possibile est non esse , et non necesse est esse , being ●quipollents on the other ; possibile est non esse , must be contradictory to necesse est esse , as non possibile est non esse , is to non necesse est esse . so that if only the possibility of their acting as evangelists , that is , by an extraordinary commission , be evicted , which i know none will deny ; the necessity of their acting as fixed bishops is destroyed , and consequently the necessity of the continuance of their office too , which depends upon the former . for if they acted not as bishops , nothing can be drawn from their example necessarily inforcing the continuance of the superiority which they enjoyed . but though nothing can be inferred from hence as to the necessity of that office to continue in the church , which timothy and titus were invested in ; yet from the superiority of that power which they enjoyed over those churches , whether as evangelists , or as fixed bishops , these two things may be inferred . first , that the superiority of some church-officers over others , is not contrary to the rule of the gospel : for all parties acknowledge the superiority of their power above the presbyters of the several cityes ; only the continuance of this power ●● disputed by many . but if they had any such power at all , it is enough for my present design , viz. that such a superiority is not contrary to the gospel-rule : or that the nature of the government of the church doth not imply a necessary equality among the governours of it . secondly , hence i infer , that it is not repugnant to the constitution of churches in apostolical times , for men to have power over more than one particular congregation . for such a power timothy and titus had , which had it been contrary to the nature of the regiment of churches , we should never have read of in the first planted churches . so that if those popular arguments of a necessary relation between a pastor and particular people , of personal knowledge , care and inspection , did destroy the lawfulnesse of extending that care and charge to many particular congregations , they would likewise overthrow the nature , end and design of the office which timothy and titus acted in : which had a relation to a multitude of particular and congregational churches . whether their power was extraordinary or no , i now dispute not ; but whether such a power be repugnant to the gospel or no ; which from their practice is evident that it is not . but then others who would make this office necessary , urge further , that timothy or titus might ordain and appoint others to succeed them in their places and care over all those churches under their charge . to which i answer , first , what they might do is not the question , but what they did , as they might do it ; so they might not do it , if no other evidence be brought to prove it : for , quod possibile est esse , possibile ●st non esse . secondly , neither what they did , is the whole question , but what they did with an opinion of the necessity of doing it , whether they were bound to do it or no ? and if so , whether by any law extant in scripture , and given them by paul in his epistles , or some private command and particular instructions when he deputed them to their several charges : if the former , that law and command must be produced , which will hardly be , if we embrace only the received canon of the scripture . if the latter ▪ we must then fetch some standing rule and law from unwritten traditions : for no other evidence can be given of the instructions by word of mouth , given by paul to timothy and titus at the taking their charges upon them . but yet thirdly , were it only the matter of fact that was disputed , that would hold a controversie still , viz. whether any did succeed timothy and titus in their offices : but this i shall leave to its proper place to be discussed , when i come to examine the argument from apostolical succession . thus we see then that neither the qualification of the persons , nor the commands for a right exercise of the office committed to them , nor the whole epistles to timothy and titus , do determine any one form of government to be necessary in the church of god. thirdly , let us see whether the general rules do require any one form ; which rules in that they are general , can determine nothing of the authority it self as to its particular mode , being intended only for the regulation of the exercise of the authority in which men are placed . and it is an evidence that nothing is particularly determined in this case , when the spirit of god only lays down such rules for government which are applyable to distinct forms . otherwise , certainly some rule would have been laid down , which could have been applyed to nothing but to that one form . that none take the office of preaching without a call , nor go without sending , will equally hold whether the power of ordination lye in a bishop with presbyters , or in presbyters acting with equality of power , that offenders be censured , and complaints made to the church in case of scandal , determines nothing to whom the power of jurisdiction doth solely belong , nor what that church is which must receive these complaints . that all things be done with decency and order , doth prescribe nothing wherein that decency lyes , nor how far that order may extend ; nor yet who must be the judges of that decency and order . that all be done for edification , and the common benefit of the church , doth no wayes restrain his churches freedom in disposing of its self as to the form of its government , so the aym of the church be for the better edification of the body of the church , and to promote the benefit of it . but methinks , these general orders and rules for discipline do imply the particular manner of government to be left at liberty to the church of god , so that in all the several forms these general rules be observed . whereas had christ appointed a superiour order to govern other subordinate officers and the church together ; christs command for governing the church would have been particularly addressed to them : and again , had it been the will of christ there should be no superior order above the pastours of particular churches , there would have been some expresse and direct prohibition of it ; which because we no where read ; it seems evident that christ hath left both the one and the other to the freedom and liberty of his church . so much shall serve in this place , to shew how improbable it is that christ did ever prescribe any one form of government in his church , since he hath only laid down general rules for the management of church government . but this will not yet suffice those , who plead that christ must determine one immutable form of government in his church : but although it be a high presumption to determine first what christ must do , before we examine what he hath done , yet we shall still proceed and examine all the pretences that are brought for this opinion . the next thing then which is generally urged for it , is , the equal necessity of christs instituting a certain form as for any other legislator who models a common-wealth . now for answer to this , i say first , that christ hath instituted such an immutable government in his church , as is sufficient for the succession and continuance of it , which is all which founders of common-wealths do look after , viz. that there be such an order and distinction of persons , and subordination of one to the other , that a society may still be preserved among them ; now this is sufficiently provided for by christs appointing officers continually to rule his church , and establishing laws for the perpetuating of such officers ; so whatsoever is necessary in order to the general ends of government is acknowledged to be appointed by jesus christ. untill then that it be proved that one form of government is in it self absolutely necessary for the being of a church , this argument can prove nothing ▪ for what is drawn from necessity , will prove nothing but in a case of necessity . secondly , i answer , that those things which are not absolutely necessary to the being of a church , are left to christs liberty , whether he will determine them or no ; and are no further to be looked on as necessary then as he hath determined by his laws whether they shall be or no , in his church . the thing will be thus cleared . when i read that zaleucus , lycurgus , or numa , did form a common-wealth and make laws for it ; i presently conclude that there must be some order or distinction of persons in this common wealth ; and some rules whereby persons must be governed , and whereby others must rule : but i cannot hence inferr that zaleucus , or lycurgus did institute monarchical , aristocratical , or democratical government , because any of these forms might be agreeable to their design ; and therefore what kind of government they did appoint , can no otherwise be known then by taking a view of the laws which they made in order thereto . so it is in reference to christ , when we read that christ hath instituted a church alwayes to continue in the world , we presently apprehend that there must be some power and order in the members of that society , and laws for the governing it : but we cannot hence gather that he hath bound up his officers to act in any one form , because several forms might in themselves equally tend to the promoting the end of government in his church . and therefore what christ hath expresly determined in his positive laws , must be our rule of judging in this case , and not any presumption of our own , that such a form was necessary , and therefore christ must institute and appoint it , which is fully expressed by judicious mr. hooker , whose words will serve as a sufficient answer to this objection . as for those marvellous discourses , whereby they adventure to argue , that god must needs have done the thing which they imagine was to be done ; i must confesse , i have often wondred at their exceeding boldnesse herein . when the question is , whether god have delivered in scripture ( as they affirm he hath ) a compleat particular immutable form of church-polity : why take they that other , both presumptuous and superfluous labour , to prove he should have done it : there being no way in this case to prove the deed of god , saving only by producing that evidence wherein he hath done it ? but if there be no such thing apparent upon record , they do as if one should demand a legacy , by force and vertue of some written testament , wherein there being no such thing specified , he pleadeth that there it must needs be , and bringeth arguments from the love and good will which alwayes the testator bore , imagining that these or the like proofs will convict a testament to have that in it , which other men can no where by reading find . in matters which concern the actions of god , the most dutiful way on our part , is , to search what god hath done , and with meekness to admire that , rather then to dispute what he in congru●ty of reason ought to do . thus he , with more to the same purpose . the sum then of the answer to this argument , is this , that nothing can be inferred of what christ must do , from his relation to his church , but what is absolutely necessary to the being of it ; as for all other things , they being arbitrary constitutions , we can judge no more of the necessity of them , then as we find them clearly revealed in the word of god. and therefore the plea must be removed from what christ must do , to what he hath done , in order to the determining the particular form of government in his church . but still it is argued for the necessity of a particular form of government in the church from the similitudes the church is set out by in scripture ; it is called a vine , and therefore must have keepers : an house , and therefore must have government ; a city , and therefore must have a polity ; a body , and therefore must have parts . i answer , first , all these similitudes prove only that which none deny , that there must be order , power , and government in the church of god ; we take not away the keepers from the vine , nor the government from ▪ the house , nor polity from the city , nor distinction of parts from the body ; we assert all these things as necessary in the church of god. the keepers of the vine to defend and prune it ; the governours of the house to rule and order it ; the polity of the city to guide and direct it ; the parts of the body to compleat and adorn it . but secondly ; none of these similitudes prove what they are brought for ; viz. that any one immutable form of government is determined . for may not the keepers of the vine use their own discretion in looking to it , so the flourishing of the vine be that they aym at ? and if there be many of them , may there not be different orders among them , and some as supervisors of the others work ? the house must have governours ; but those that are so , are entrusted with the power of ordering things in the house according to their own discretion ; and where there is a multitude , is there not diversity of offices among them ? and is it necessary that every house must have offices of the same kind ? in great and large families there must be more particular distinct orders and offices , than in a small and little one . the city must have its polity ; but all cities have not the like ; some have one form , and some another , and yet there is a city still and a polity too . a body must have all its parts ; but are all the parts of the body equal one to another ? it sufficeth that there be a proportion , though not equality in them : the several parts of the body have their several offices , and yet we see the head is superintendent over them all : and thus if we make every particular church a body , yet it follows not that the form of cloathing that body must alwayes be the same ▪ for the manner of government is rather the cloathing to the body than the parts of it , the governours indeed are parts of the body ; but their manner of governing is not , that may alter according to the proportion and growth of the body , and its fashion change for better conveniency . but if these similitudes prove nothing ; yet certainly , say they , the difference as to civil and ecclesiastical government will ; for though there may be different forms in civil government , which are therefore call'd an ordinance of man ; yet there must be but one in church-government , which is an ordinance of god , and christ hath appointed officers to rule it . i answer , first , we grant and acknowledge a difference between the church and the common-wealth , they are constituted for other ends ; the one political , the other spiritual ; one temporal , the other eternal ; they subsist by different charters ; the one given to men as men , the other to men as christians : they act upon different principles ; the one to preserve civil rights , the other to promote an eternal interest ; nay , their formal constitution is different ; for a man by being a member of a common-wealth doth not become a member of the church , and by being excommunicated out of the church ▪ doth not cease to be a member of the common-wealth : the officers of the one are clearly distinct from the other , the one deriving their power from the law of christ , the other from gods general providence : the magistrate hath no power to excommunicate formally out of the church any more then to admit into it , nor have the church-officers any power to cast men out of the common-wealth . we see then there is a difference between civil and ecclesiastical government : but then i answer , secondly , the power of the magistrate is not therefore called an ordinance of man , because of the mutability of its form , and as distinguished from the form of church-government . for first , the apostle speaks not of the form of government , but of the power ; submit to every ordinance of man , &c. the ground of submission is not the form , but the power of civil government ; and therefore there can be no opposition expressed here between the forms of civil and ecclesiastical government : but if any such opposition be , it must be between the powers ; and if this be said as to civils , that the power is an ordinance of man in that sense , ( whereas paul saith it is of god ) yet as to the church it is freely acknowledged that the power is derived from god. secondly , the civil power is not called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it is a creature of mans making , and so subject to mens power ; but the ground of that speech is , because all civil power respects men as men , without any further connotation . humana dicitur , non quod ab hominibus sit excogitata , sed quod hominum sit propria , saith beza . and to the same purpose calvin , humana dicitur ordinatio , non quod humanitùs inventa fuerit ; sed quod propria hominum est digesta & ordinata vivendi ratio . piscator , humanam appellat , non quod magistratus homines authores habeat , sed quod homines eam gerant . so then the civil power is not called an ordinance of man , as it is of mans setting up , but as it is proper to man ; and so if there be any opposition between the civil and church power , it is onely this , that the one belongs to men as men , the other to men as christians . thirdly , although it be granted that christ hath appointed and set up his own officers in his church ; yet it doth not thence follow that he hath determined in what manner they shall rule his church . it is true , christ hath set up in his church , some apostles , some evangelists , and some pastours and teachers : but it doth not thence follow , that christ hath determined , whether the power of apostles and evangelists should continue in his church or no , as it implied superiority over the ordinary pastors of the churches ; nor whether the pastors of the church should act in an equality in their governing churches . i grant , that all church-government must be performed by officers of christs appointing ; but that which i say is not determined in scripture , is , the way and manner whereby they shall govern churches in common . it is yet further argued , that if the form of church government be not immutably determined in scripture , then it is in the churches power , to make new officers which christ never made , which must be a plain addition to the lawes of christ , and must argue the scripture of imperfection . this being one of the main arguments , i have reserved it to the place of the triarii , and shall now examine what strength there lies in it . to this therefore i answer , first , those officers are onely said to be new , which were never appointed by christ , and are contrary to the first appointments of christ for the regulating of his church ; such it is granted the church hath no power to institute : but if by new officers be meant onely such as have a charge over more then one particular congregation by the consent of the pastours themselves ; then it is evident , such an office cannot be said to be new . for , besides the general practice of the church of god , from the first primitive times which have all consented in the use of such officers ; we finde the foundation of this power laid by christ himself in the power which the apostles were invested in , which was extended over many , both churches and pastours . but if it be said , the apostolical power being extraordinary , must cease with the persons which enjoyed it : i answer : first , what was extraordinary did cease ; but all the dispute is , what was extraordinary , and what not ; some things were ordinary in them , as preaching , baptizing , ordaining , ruling churches ; some things were again extraordinary , as immediate mission from christ ( the main distinguishing note of an apostle ) a power of working miracles to confirm the truth of what they preached . now the question is , whether the power which they enjoyed over presbyters and churches , be to be reckoned in the first or the second number . it must therefore be proved to be extraordinary , before it can be said to cease with them , and that must be done by some arguments proper to their persons ; for if the arguments brought be of a common and moral nature , it will prove the office to be so too . secondly , by ceasing may be meant either ceasing as to its necessity , or ceasing as to its lawfulness : i say not , but that the necessity of the office , as in their persons , for the first preaching and propagating the gospel , did cease with them ; but , that after their death it became unlawful for any particular persons to take the care and charge of diocesan churches , i deny . for to make a thing unlawfull which was before lawfull , there must be some expresse prohibition forbidding any further use of such a power , which i suppose men will not easily produce in the word of god. i answer therefore secondly , that the extending of any ministerial power , is not the appointing of any new office ; because every minister of the gospel hath a relation in actu primo to the whole church of god : the restraint and inlargement of which power is subject to positive determinations of prudence and conveniency in actu secundo ; and therefore if the church see it fit for some men to have this power enlarged for better government in some , and restrained in others , that inlargement is the appointing no new office , but the making use of a power already enjoyed for the benefit of the church of god. this being a foundation tending so fully to clear the lawfulnesse of that government in the church which implies a superiority and subordination of the officers of the church to one another : and the churches using her prudence in ordering the bounds of her officers , i shall do these two things . first , shew that the power of every minister of the gospel doth primarily and habitually respect the church in common . secondly , that the church may in a peculiar manner single out some of its officers for the due administration of ecclesiastical power . first , that every minister of the gospel hath a power respecting the church in common : this i find fully and largely proved by those who assert the equality of the power of ministers ; first , from christs bestowing the several offices of the church , for the use of the whole church , ephesians , . , . christ hath set apostles , &c. pastours and teachers in his church ; now this church must needs be the catholicke visible church , because indisputably the apostles office did relate thereto , and consequently so must that of pastours and teachers too : again , the end of these offices is the building up the body of christ , which cannot otherwise be understood then of his whole church : else christ must have as many bodies as the church hath partiticular congregations . which is a new way of consubstantiation . secondly , the ministerial office was in being before any particular congregations were gathered : for christ upon his ascension to glory gave these gifts to men ; and the apostles were impowered by christ before his ascension , either then they were no church officers , or if they were so , they could have no other correlate , but the whole body of the church of god then lying under the power of darkness , a few persons excepted . thirdly , because the main designe of appointing a gospel ministry was the conversion of heathens and infidels : and if these be the proper object of the ministerial function , then the office must have reference to the whole church of christ ; else there could be no part of that office performed towards those who are not yet converted . fourthly , else a minister can perform no office belonging to him as such beyond the bounds of his particular congregation , and so can neither preach nor administer the sacraments to any other but within the bounds of his own particular place and people . fifthly , because ministers by baptizing do admit men into the catholike visible church , ( else a man must be baptized again every time he removes from one church to another ) and none can admit beyond what their office doth extend to ; therefore it is evident that every particular pastor of a church hath a relation to the whole church ; to which purpose our former observation is of great use ; viz. that particular congregations are not of gods primary intention , but for mens conveniency , and so consequently is the fixedness of particular pastors to their several places for the greater conveniency of the church ; every pastor of a church then hath a relation to the whole church ; and that which hinders him from the exercise of this power , is not any unlawfulnesse in the thing , but the preserving of order and conveniency in the church of god. this being premised , i say , secondly , that the officers of the church may in a peculiar manner attribute a larger and more extensive power to some particular persons for the more convenient exercise of their common power . we have seen already that their power extends to the care of the churches in common , that the restraint of this power is a matter of order and decency in the church of god ; now in matters of common concernment , without all question it is not unlawful when the church judgeth it most for edification , to grant to some the executive part of that power , which is originally and fundamentally common to them all . for our better understanding of this , we must consider a twofold power belonging to church-officers , a power of order , and a power of jurisdiction ; for in every presbyter , there are some things inseparably joyned to his function , and belonging to every one in his personal capacity , both in actu primo , and in actu secundo , both as to the right and power to do it , and the exercise and execution of that power ; such are preaching the word , visiting the sick , administring sacraments . &c. but there are other things which every presbyter hath an aptitude , and a jus to , in actu primo , but the limitation and exercise of that power doth belong to the church in common , and belong not to any one personally , but by a further power of choice or delegation to it , such is the power of visiting churches , taking care that particular pastors discharge their duty ; such is the power of ordination and church censures , and making rules for decency in the church ; this is that we call the power of jurisdiction . now this latter power , though it belongs habitually and in actu primo to every presbyter ; yet being about matters of publike and common concernment , some further authority in a church constituted is necessary , besides the power of order ; and when this power , either by consent of the pastors of the church , or by the appointment of a christian magistrate , or both , is devolved to some particular persons , though quoad aptitudinem the power remain in every presbyter , yet quoad executionem it belongs to those who are so appointed . and therefore camero determins that , ordinatio non fit à pastore quatenus pastor est , sed quatenus ad tempus singularem authoritatem obtinet , i. e. that ordination doth not belong to the power of order but to the power of jurisdiction , and therefore is subject to positive restraints , by prudential determinations . by this we may understand how lawfull the exercise of an episcopal power may be in the church of god , supposing an equality in all church-officers as to the power of order . and how incongruously they speak , who supposing an equality in the presbyters of churches at first , do cry out , that the church takes upon her the office of christ , if she delegates any to a more peculiar exercise of the power of jurisdiction . the last thing pleaded why an immutable form of church-government must be laid down in scripture , is , from the perfection and sufficiency of the scriptures ; because otherwise the scriptures would be condemned of imperfection . but this will receive an easie dispatch : for , first , the controversie about the perfection of the scriptures , is not concerning an essential or integral perfection , but a perfection ratione finis & effectuum in order to its end ; now the end of it , is to be an adaequate rule of faith and manners , and sufficient to bring men to salvation ; which it is sufficiently acknowledged to be , if all things necessary to be believed or practised be contained in the word of god : now that which we assert not to be fully laid down in scripture , is not pleaded to be any wayes necessary , nor to be a matter of faith , but something left to the churches liberty ; but here it is said by some , that this is adding to the law of god , which destroyes the scriptures perfection ; therefore i answer : secondly , whatever is done with an opinion of the necessity of doing it , destroyes the scriptures perfection if it be not contained in it : for that were to make it an imperfect rule ; and in this sense every additio perficiens is additio corrumpens , because it takes away from the perfection of the rule which it is added to : and thus popish traditions are destructive of the scriptures sufficiency . but the doing of any thing not positively determined in scripture , not looking upon it as a thing we are bound to do from the necessity of the thing , and observing the general rules of scripture in the doing it , is far from destroying the perfection or sufficiency of the word of god. thirdly , all essentials of church-government are contained clearly in scripture : the essentials of church-government , are such as are necessary to the preservation of such a society as the church is : now all these things have been not only granted , but proved to be contained in scripture ; but whatever is not so necessary in its self , can only become necessary by vertue of gods express command ; and what is not so commanded , is accidental , and circumstantial , and a matter of christian liberty , and such we assert the form of church-government to be . it is not our work to enquire , why god hath determined some things that might seem more circumstantial than this , and left other things at liberty ; but whether god hath determined these things or no. which determination being once cleared , makes the thing so commanded necessary as to our observance of it ; but if no such thing be made appear , the thing remains a matter of liberty , and so the scriptures perfection as to necessaries in order to salvation , is no wayes impeached by it . so much now for the necessity of christs determining the particular form of government : we now proceed to the consideration of christs actions , whether by them the form of church-government is determined or no ? chap. v. whether any of christs actions have determined the form of government . all power in christs hands for governing his church : what order christ took in order thereto when he was in the world. calling apostles the first action respecting outward government : the name and office of apostles cleared ; an equality among them proved during our saviours life . peter not made monarch of the church by christ. the apostles power over the seventy disciples considered , with the nature and quality of their office , matth. . , , . largely discussed and explained . it makes not all inequality in church officers unlawful ; by the difference of apostles and pastors of churches , matth. . . how far that determins the form of church-government . no evidence of any exact order for church-government from thence , matth. . , , . considered how far that concerns the government of the church . having considered and answered the arguments which are brought , why christ must determine the particular form of government : our next task will be to enquire into those actions of our saviour which are conceived to have any plausible aspect towards the setling the form of government in his church . and were it not that men are generally so wedded to an hypothesis they have once drunk in by the prevalency of interest or education , we might have been superseded from our former labour , but that men are so ready to think that opinion to be most necessary , which they are most in love with , and have appeared most zealous for . men are loth to be perswaded that they have spent so much breath to so little purpose , and have been so hot and eager for somewhat , which at last appears to be a matter of christian liberty . therefore we finde very few that have been ever very earnest in the maintaining or promoting any matter of opinion , but have laid more weight upon it , than it would really bear ; lest men should think , that with all their sweat and toile , they only beat the ayr , and break their teeth in cracking a nut , with a hole in it ; which if they had been so wise as to discern before , they might have saved their pains for somewhat which would have better recompenced them . but thus it generally fares with men ; they suck in principles according as interest and education disposeth them , which being once in , have the advantage of insinuating themselves into the understanding , and thereby raise a prejudice against whatever comes to disturb them ; which prejudice being the yellow-jaundise of the soul , leaves such a tincture upon the eyes of the understanding , that till it be cured of that icterism , it cannot discern things in their proper colours . now this prejudice is raised by nothing more strongly , than when the opinion received is entertained , upon a presumption that there is a divine stamp and impress upon it , though no such effigies be discernable there . hence come all the several contending parties about church-government , equally to plead an interest in this ius divinum , and whatever opinion they have espoused , they presently conceive it to be of no lesse than divine extract and original , and as it sometimes was with great personages among the heathens , when their miscarriages were discernable to the eye of the world , the better to palliate them among the vulgar , they gave themselves out to be impreguated by some of their adored deities ; so i fear it hath been among some whose religion should have taught them better things , when either faction , design , or interest , hath formed some conceptions within them suitable thereunto , to make them the more passable to the world , they are brought forth under the pretence of divine truths . far be it from me to charge any sincere , humble , sober christians with an offence of so high a nature , who yet may be possessed with some mistakes and apprehensions of this nature ; but these are only wrought on by the masters of parties , who know , unlesse they fly so high , they shall never hit the game they aym at . this is most discernable in the factors for the roman omnipotency ( as paulus the fifth was call'd omnipotentiae pontifici● conservaton ) ; they who see not that interest and faction upholds that court rather then church , may well be presumed to be hood-winked with more then an implicite faith ; and yet if we believe the great supporters of that interest , the power they plead for is plainly given them from christ himself ; and not only offer to prove that it was so , but that it was not consistent with the wisdom of christ that it should be otherwise . lest i should seem to wrong those of any religion , hear what the author of the gloss upon the extravagants ( so they may be well called ) saith to this purpose , applying that place of our saviour , all power is given to me in heaven and earth , matthew . . to the pope , adds these words , non videretur dominus discretas fuisse , ut cum reverentia ejus loquar ; nisi unicum post se talem vicarium reliquisset , qui hac omnia posset . we see by this , what blasphemies men may run into , when they argue from their private fancies and opinions , to what must be done by the law of christ. it therefore becomes all sober christians impartially to enquire what christ hath done , and to ground their opinions only upon that , without any such presumptuous intrusions into the counsels of heaven . we here therefore take our leave of the dispute , why it was necessary a form of government should be established , and now enter upon a survey of those grounds which are taken from any passages of our saviour , commonly produced as a foundation for any particular forms . i shall not stand to prove , that christ as mediator hath all the power over the church in his own hands , it being a thing so evident from scripture , and so beyond all dispute with those whom i have to deal with . in which respect he is the only head of the church , and from whom all divine right for authority in the church must be derived . which right can arise only from some actions or laws of christ , which we therefore now search into . the first publike action of christ after his solemn entrance upon his office , which can be conceived to have any reference to the government of his church , was , the calling the apostles . in whom for our better methodizing this discourse , we shall observe these three ●everal steps . first , when they were called to be christs disciples . secondly , when christ sent them out with a power of miracles . thirdly , when he gave them their full commission of acting with apostolical power all the world over . these three seasons are accurately to be distinguished ; for ●he apostles did not enjoy so great power when they were ●isciples , as when they were sent abroad by christ ; neither had ●hey any proper power of church-government after that ●●nding forth , till after christs resurrection , when christ told ●hem , all power was put into his hands , and therefore gave them ●●ll commission to go and preach the gospel to all nations . the first step then we observe in the apostles towards their power of church-government , was in their first calling to be disciples . two several calls are observed in scripture concerning the apostles : the first was more general , when they were called only to follow christ ; the second more special , when christ told them what he called them to , and specified and described their office to them , by telling them he would make them fishers of men. we shall endeavour to digest the order of their calling as clearly and as briefly as we ●an . our blessed saviour about the thirtieth year of his age , solemnly entering upon the discharge of his prophetical office , in making known himself to be the true messias to the world , to make his appearance more publike , goes to iordan , and is there baptized of iohn ; presently after he is led up by the spirit into the wildernesse , where he continued forty dayes . in this space of time iohn removes from iordan , and comes on the other side to bethabara ; thither christ comes to iohn ; iohn not only owns christ himself , but tells his disciples , this was he into whose name he had baptized them . upon this , two of iohn's disciples leave their master and follow christ. these two are the first disciples we ever read our saviour had ; whereof the one was andrew , peters brother , and the other probably conceived to be iohn ( it being his custom to conceal his name when he speaks of himself ) andrew calls his brother peter ; christ next day calls philip , philip he finds nathaniel ; and this , as far as we read , was the first number of christs disciples . here we find two or three gathered together in the name of christ , and christ ( truly ) in the midst of them . these disciples it appears staid with christ sometime , for they went with him to the marriage in cana : and after went up with him to ierusalem , when many professed to be his disciples ; from thence he goes into iudea , where he gathers many disciples , and baptizeth them . after this he returns with his disciples by the way of samaria into galilee : and these disciples being now again at home , in probability did return for their livelyhood to their old employments for some small time , christ having not yet commanded them to forsake all and follow him . not long after ( about a years space from the first calling them ) iesus being in galilee , goes to the lake of genezareth , there he finds andrew and peter fishing : after the miracle there wrought , he then in a more solemn manner calls them to leave their employment , for he had ▪ designed them for a greater , which was to be fishers of men. whereby our saviour expresseth the care , pains , diligence , design and end of the ministerial function he had appointed them for . andrew and peter presently leave all and follow christ ; the like do iames and iohn whom they met with , a little further upon the shore . and now those who were before but as common disciples , are admitted into a higher order , and bred up by christ as persons designed for an employment of so high a nature . we see here a necessity of making a double call of the apostles ; else it were impossible to reconcile the narration of iohn with the other evangelists . therefore augustine thinks their first being with christ in iohn , was only for present satisfaction who he was , which assoon as they understood and admired , they returned to their own habitations . thomas , he makes three several callings of them ; the first ad agnitionem & familiaritatem , which is that in iohn ; the second ad discipulatum , that spoken of in luke . . the third ad adh●sionem , matth. . . mark . . but i see no reason to make the story in luke to be different from that of matthew and mark ; the former some say , was vocatio ad fidem , a general preparatory call to the latter ; the latter was vocatio ad munus apostolicum , although they were not chosen to be apostles till afterwards , yet now christ made them candidores of the apostleship , & amicos interioris admissionis , in order to that great employment he had designed them for . further , we must take notice that from the time of the baptism of iohn , the apostles did generally continue with christ , which appears from the qualification of an apostle given by peter at the choyce of matthias ; of those men which have companied with us all the time that the lord iesus went in and out among us , beginning from the baptism of john , unto that same day he was taken up from us . the strength of which tehimony is impregnable , for proving that the apostles did generally continue with christ after their being called to follow him ; but that time from the baptism of iohn must not be taken strictly ; for many of the apostles , as matthew , &c. were not called till some time after . about four moneths after christs more solemn calling of the apostles , at the time ▪ of pentecost , as chemnitius conjectures , our saviour proceeds to a solemn choyce of them into their office , which is described by luk. . . after he had prayed the whole night before v. . mark ▪ he acquaints us with the ends of christs choosing them . first , that they might continually attend upon him , the better to be fitted for their employment afterwards ; which he expresseth , when he adds , that he might send them out to preach , and to give them power over devils and diseases , to cast out the one , and to cure the other . their actual sending out was not ( say some ) till half a year after , which is the story related by mat. . . near a twelve-moneth ( say others ) but presently upon their choyce christ makes the sermon in the mount , as appears by comparing luk. . , . with mat. . . wherein among other things , our saviour takes occasion ▪ to declare their duty to them , telling them , they were the light of the world , &c. which he doth , the more to fit them for the discharge of their employment . having thus laid these things together about the apostles , from their first calling to the time of their mission , we shall take notice of those things from them which may relate to the office which the apostles were called to , and to the government of the church by them . first , we here observe , that our saviour no sooner began to preach the gospel himself , but he made choyce of some persons as a peculiar order of men for the propagation of the gospel in the world. the peculiarity of the function of a gospel-ministry under christ was , we see , designed from christs first publike appearance in his office : he might have left the apostles in the common order of disciples , had he not intended an office in his church distinct and peculiar from all other employments ; and therefore it is observable , that christ did not call the ▪ apostles off from their other employments , till he designed to make them apostles ; before , when they were only private disciples , they did follow their employments at some times still ; but when he calls them to be fishers of men , be bids them leave all and follow him . secondly , we take notice of the admirable wisdom of our saviour in the choice he made of the persons for first founding his church ▪ and the means he used to fit them for it . the persons were such as were most suitable to his design ; the means such as were most suitable to the persons . the persons were such , who by reason of the known meanness of their condition , and supposed weakness of abilities , were the fittest to convince the world , that the doctrine which they preached was not the product of humane wisdom , but the express image and character of divine truth ; whose nakednesse and simplicity would gain more upon mens belief by the power which accompanied the preaching of it , then the most refined and sublimated notions of their wise men should do , managed with the greatest subtilty and prudence by the maintainers of them . christ would make men see that his doctrine stood not in need either of the wisdom or power of men , to defend or propagate it ▪ and therefore made choice of the most unlikely instruments for that end , that mens faith should not stand in the wisdom of men , but in the power of god. but withall , we are to take notice of christs admirable wisdom in the means he used to fit and qualifie them for the first builders of his church ; for although the power and efficacy of their preaching was wholly from god , and not from themselves , yet our saviour doth not ▪ presenly upon his calling them , place them in the highest office he intended them for , but proceeds gradually with them , and keeps them a long time under his own eye and instruction , before he sends them abroad : and that for two ends chiefly : first , to be witnesses of his actions . secondly , to be auditors of his doctrine . first , to be witnesses of his actions , which was looked on by the apostles , as the most necessary qualification for an apostle in the place fore-cited , acts . , . peter calls himself a witnesse of the sufferings of christ , pet. . . iohn saith , that which was from the beginning , which we have heard , which we have seen with our eyes , which we have looked upon , and our h●●ds have handled of the word of life ; that which we have seen and heard , declare we unto you , john . , . whereby the credibility of the gospel was sufficiently evidenced to the world , when the chief preachers of it spoke nothing but what their own senses were witnesses of , both as to the doctrine and actions of christ ; and therefore it is no wayes credible , they should be deceived themselves in what they spoke ; and more improbable they would deceive others , whose interest lay wholly upon the truth of the doctrine which they preoched ▪ for by the very preaching of that doctrine they rob'd themselves of all the comforts of life , and exposed themselves to a thousand miseries in this life ; so that unlesse their doctrine was true in order to another life , they were guilty of the greatest folly this world ever heard of . we see what care our saviour took to satisfie the reasons of men concerning the credibility of his doctrine , when the persons he employed in the founding a church upon it , were only such as were intimately conversant with the whole life , doctrine , and works of him from whom they received it ; and thereby we cannot suppose any ignorance in them concerning the things they spoke ▪ and lest men should mistrust they might have a design to impose on others , he made their faithfulness appear , by their exposing themselves to any hazards to make good the truth of what they preached . especially , having such a divine power accompanying them in the miracles wrought by them , which were enough to perswade any rational men that they came upon a true embassie , who carryed such credentials along with them . another end of our saviours training up his apostles so long in his school before he sent them abroad , was , that they might be auditors of his doctrine , and so might learn themselves before they taught others . christ was no friend to those hasty births which run abroad with the shell on their heads ; no , although it was in his power to conferr the gifts of the holy ghost , as well at their first entrance into discipleship as afterwards , yet we see he nu●tures and trains them up gradually , teaching them as quintilian would have masters do , guttatim , acquainting them now with one , then with another of the mysteries of the gospel . christ doth not overwhelm them with floods and torrents of discourses , but gently drops now one thing into them , then another , by which way such narrow-mouthed vessels would be the soonest filled . yea our saviour useth such ●n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the greek fathers call it , such a prudent temper in instructing them , that it is matter of just admiration to consider under how great and stupendious ignorance of the main points of redemption ( christs death and resurrection , and the nature of christs kingdom ) they discovered , after they had been some years under christs tutorage . and we see what industry and diligence was used in the training up of those for the apostleship , who were in an immediate way sent out by christ. and it is very probable that upon their first sending abroad they taught not by immediate revelation , but only what they had learned from christ during their being with him . whence we see what a subordination there is in acquired parts , labour , and industry to the teachings and inspirations of the divine spirit ; our saviour looked not on his labour as lost , although afterwards the unction from the holy one should teach them all things . it was christs design to have them go 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from strength to strength , à domo sanctuarii in domum doctrinae , as the chaldee paraphrast renders that place , from one school of learning to another . as under the law even those that waited for the r●ach hakkodesh , the inspiration of the divine spirit , were brought up in the schools of the prophets under instruction there ; which was the place where they lay expecting the gentle gale of the holy spirit to carry them forth ; which was the ground of amos his complaint . that he was neither a prophet , nor the son of a prophet ; by which it seems evident , that gods ordinary course was to take some of the sons of the prophets out of the colledges where they lived , and employ them in the prophetical office. but of this largely elsewhere . such a school of the prophets did our saviour now erect , wherein he entred his disciples as schollars , and educated them in order to the office he intended them for . the next thing we take notice of , is , the name and nature of that office which christ call'd them to . they who derive the use of the name of apostles as applyed by christ to his disciples , either from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at athens , by which name the masters of some ships were called as the ships 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or from hesychius his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the sense of the civil law , which signifie the dim●ssory letters granted for appeals ; or from the jewish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as thereby were understood those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as epiphanius calls them , who were as assessours and counsellours to the patriarch of the jewes at tiberias ; or those officers who were sent up and down by the patriarch to gather up tenths , first fruits , and such other things ; who are called thence apostoli in the codex . theod. tit . de iudaeis ; all these i say do equally lose their labour ▪ and run far to fetch that which might be found much nearer home : our saviour taking the word from common use , but applying it in a special manner to a peculiar sense , which is the custome of the scriptures : the original of the word properly imports such as are imployed by commission from another for the dispatch of some businesse in his name . so casaubon ( who was sufficiently able to judg of the use of a greek word ) in communi graecorum usu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicebantur certi homines , qui negotii gerendi gratiâ , magis quam deferendi nuntii aliquò mittebantur . and so it is taken , iohn . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that is sent is not greater then he that sent him . thence epaphroditus when imployed upon a special message to paul in the name of the churches , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , philippians , . . which we translate your messenger . and so titus and the two other sent to the church of corinth to gather their charity ▪ are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the messengers of the churches . thence paul fully renders the import and sense of the word apostle by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , corinth . . . we act as ambassaduors for christ. to which purpose it is observable that the septuagint ( whose greek is most followed by the new testament ) doe render the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when it signifies to imploy a messenger upon special service , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as king. . . — king. . . exod . . and the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in this sense , king. . . where ahijah saith , i am 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sad messenger to thee ; for , thus saith the lord , &c. whereby the full sense and importance of the word apostle appears to be , one that is imployed by a peculiar commission from him that hath authority over him for the doing some special service . thus were christs disciples called apostles from the immediate commission which they had from christ for the discharge of that work which he imployed them in . thence our saviour makes use of the word sending in the proper and peculiar sense when he gives the apostles their commission , in those remarkable words of christ to them ; as the father hath sent me , even so send i you . john . . whereby our saviour delegates his power and authority which he had as doctour of the church , to his apostles upon his leaving the world , not in a privative way , so as to destroy his own authority over the church , but in a cumulative way , investing them with that authority which they had not before , for both teaching and governing the church . no argument then can be drawn for the right or form of church-government from christs actions towards his disciples before the last and full commission was given unto them ; because they had no power of church-government before that time . which will be further cleared if we consider their first sending out , spoken of matth. . . mark . . luke . . several things lie in our way to be observed in reference to this mission of the apostles . first , that though the apostles had been now for some competent time , not onely called to their office , but solemnly chosen to it ; yet we no where read that they did ever exercise that office till now they were sent forh by christ. they remained still at christs feet , learning for their own instruction , and fitting themselves for their future imployment , and thought it no inconvenience while they lay for a wind , to lay in sufficient lading and provision for their voyage . baptize indeed they did before , ioh. . . but that i suppose was done by them by an immediate present order from christ himself , being by as the chief in the action , thence christ in one place is said to baptize , ioh. . . and yet he is said not to baptize , but his disciples , ioh. . . christ did it authoritatively , the disciples ministerially . yet if we should grant the disciples did then baptize as private men after the received custome of the jews , ( among whom onely a confessus trium was requisite to baptize a proselyte ) this doth not at all take off from the peculiarity of a function both to preach and baptize , because as yet the gospel-ministry was not instituted ; and therefore what might be lawfull before restraint , doth not follow it should be so after ▪ when all those scattered rayes and beam , which were dispersed abroad before , were gathered into the ministerial office upon christs appointing it , as that great hemisphere of light in the creation , was after swallowed up in the body of the sun. but now were the apostles first sent out to preach , and now god first begins to null the jewish ministry , and set up another instead of it , and makes good that threatning : that he was against the shepherds , and would require the flock at their hand , and cause them to cease to feed the flock , &c. here then we have the first exercise of the apostles ministry , for which we see , besides their former call and choice , particular mission was after necessary . secondly , we observe that the imployment christ sent them upon now , was onely a temporary imployment , confined as to work and place , and not the full apostolicall work . the want of considering and understanding this , hath been the ground of very many mistakes among men , when they argue from the occasional precepts here given the apostles , as from a standing perpetual rule for a gospel-ministry : whereas our saviour onely suited these instructions to the present case , and the nature and condition of the apostles present imployment , which was , not to preach the gospel up and down themselves , but to be as so many iohn baptists to call people to the hearing of christ himself ; and therefore the doctrine they were to preach was the same with his , the kingdome of heaven is at hand , whereby it appears their doctrine was only preparatory to christ ; it being onely to raise up higher expectations of the gospel-state under the messias ; and these were they whom the king now sent into the high-wayes to invite men to the marriage feast , and to bid them to come in to him . this was the only present imployment of the apostles in their first mission : in which they were confined to the cities of iudea , that they might have the first refusal of the gospel-offers . this mission then being occasional , limited , and temporary , can yield no foundation for any thing perpetual to be built upon it . thirdly , we observe that those whom christ imploied in the first dispersing of the gospel abroad , were furnished with arguments sufficient to evince not onely the credibility , but the certain truth of what they preached . therefore christ when he now sent them out , gave them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not only a meer power to work miracles , but a right conferrèd on them to do it as the apostles of christ. these were the credentials which the apostles carried along with them to shew from whom they derived their power , and by whose authority they acted . and these were the most suitable to them , as making it appear that a divine presence went along with them , and therefore they could not salsifie to the world in what they declared unto them ; which was the best way for them to evidence the truth of their doctrine , because it was not to be discovered by the evidence of the things themselves , but it depended upon the testimony of the authour ; and therefore the onely way to confirm the truth of the doctrine , was to confirm the credibility of the authour , which was best done by doing something above what the power of nature could reach unto . and this was the prerogative of the apostles in their first mission above iohn the baptist : for of him it is said that he did no miracle . fourthly , we observe that the apostles in this mission were invested in no power over the church , nor in any superiority of order one over another . the first is evident , because christ did not now send them abroad to gather churches , but onely to call persons to the doctrine of the messias ; and while christ was in the world among them , he retained all church power and authority in his own hand . when this temporary mission expired , the apostles lived as private persons still under christs tutorage , and we never read them acting in the least as church-officers all that while . which may appear from this one argument , because all the time of our saviours being in the world , he never made a total separation from the iewish church , but frequented with his disciples the temple worship and service to the last ; although he super-added many gospel observations to those of the law. and therefore when no churches were gathered , the apostles could have no church power over them . all that can be pleaded then in order to church-government from the consideration of the form of government as setled by our saviour , must be either from a supposed inequality among the apostles themselves , or their superiority over the lxx . disciples ; or from some rules laid down by christ in order to the government of his church : of which two are the most insisted on , matthew . . matth. . . of these in their order . the first argument drawn for an established form of government in the church , from the state of the apostles under christ , is , from a supposed inequality among the apostles , and the superiority of one as monarch of the church ; which is the papists plea from saint peter , as the chief and head of the apostles . whose loud exclamations for saint peters authority a●● much of the same nature with those of demetrius the silver-smith at ephesus , with his fellow craftsmen , who cried up , great is diana of the ephesians , not from the honor they bore to her as diana , but from the gain which came to them from her worship at ephesus . but i dispute not now the entail of saint peters power , what ever it was to the roman bishop : but i onely inquire into the pleas drawn for his authority from the scriptures , which are written in so small a character , that without the spectacles of an implicite faith , they will scarce appear legible to the eyes of men . for what though christ changed saint peters name ? must it therefore follow that christ baptized him monarch of his church ? were not iohn and iames called by christ boanerges ? and yet who thinks that those sons of thunder must therefore overturn all other power but their own ? christ gave them new names , to shew his own authority over them , and not their authority over others ; to be as monitors of their duty , and not as instruments to convey power . so chrysostome speaks of the very name peter , given to simon ; it was to shew him his duty of being fixed and stable in the faith of christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this name might be ( as a string upon his finger ) a continual remembrancer of his duty . and likewise , i conceive , as an incouragement to him after his fall , that he should recover his former stability again ; else it should seem strange that he alone of the apostles should have his name from firmness and stability , who fell the soonest , and the foulest of any of the apostles ; unlesse it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which would be worse divinity , then rhetorick . the change then of st peters name imports no such universall power , neither from the change , nor from the name . but why then hath saint peter the honour to be named first of all the apostles ? first , it seems to be implyed as an honour given to peter above the rest . but doth all honour carry an universal power along with it ? there may be order certainly among equals ; and there may be first , second , and third , &c. where there is no imparity and jurisdiction in the first over all the rest . primacy of order as among equals , i know none will deny saint peter : a primacy of power as over inferiours , i know none will grant , but such as have subdued their reason to their passion and interest . nay , a further order then of m●er place may without danger be attributed to him : a primacy in order of time , as being of the first called , and it may be the first who adhered to christ , in order of age ; of which ierome , aetati delatum quia petrus senior erat , speaking of peter and iohn ; nay yet higher , some order of dignity too ; in regard of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the greek fathers speak so much of ; the servency and heat of his spirit , whence by eusebius he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the prolocutor among the apostles , who was therefore most forward to inquire , most ready to answer , which chrysostome elegantly calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alluding to the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are frequently given to peter by the fathers , which import no more then praesultor in choreâ , he that that led the dance among the disciples : but his being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implies no superiority of power . for dyonys . haliarnass . calls appius cla●dius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereas all know that the decemviri had an equality of power among themselves . neither doth his being as the mouth of the disciples imply his power ; for aaron was a mouth to moses , but moses was aarons master . neither yet doth this primacy of order alwayes hold in reference to peter : for although generally he is named first of the aposties , as matthew , . . mark . . acts . . mark . . luk . . acts . . — . yet in other places of scripture we finde other apostles set in order before him as iames , galat. . . paul and apollos , and others , cor. . . cor. . . — . . no argument then can be drawn hence , if it would hold but onely a primacy of order ; and yet even that fails too in the scriptures changing of the order so often . but , say they , whatever becomes of this order , we have a strong foundation for saint peters power , because christ said , he would build his church upon him , matth. . . this were something indeed , if it were proved ; but i fear this rock will not hold water , as it is brought by them ; nor saint peter prove to be that rock . for indeed , was the church built upon saint peter ? then he must be the chief foundation stone , and peter must build upon himself , and not upon christ , and all the apostles upon him ; and thus in exalting the servant , we depress the master ; and in setting a new foundation , we take away the only foundation , iesus christ. if by being built upon peter , they mean no more then being built by him as the chief instrument ; it is both a very incongruous speech , and implies nothing more then what was common to him , and the rest of the apostles , who were all master-builders in the church of christ , as paul calls himself ; and in that respect are set forth as the twelve foundation stones , in the walls of the new ierusalem . the rock then spoken of by christ , in his speech to peter , if taken doctrinally , was saint peters confession , as many of the fathers interpret it ; if taken personally , it was none other but christ himself , who used a like speech to this , when he said , destroy this temple , and in three dayes i will raise it up . which words , though spoken by occasion of the material temple ( as those were of peters name ) yet christ understood them of the temple of his body , ( as here likewise he doth of his person . ) but still they urge , christ put the keyes into saint peters hands , matthew , . . now the power of the keyes doth denote regal authority . i answer , first , the keyes may be given two wayes , either from a prince to a subject , or from a city to a prince . in this latter acception , they denote principality in the receiver , but withall inferiority and subjection in the given : and in this sense , i am so charitable , as to think they will not say that christ gave the keyes to peter ; it must be then as a prince to a subject ; and when they are so given , it doth not imply an universal power in the persons to whom they are given , but an investing them in that particular place he hath appointed them to ; the office which the power of the keyes implies , is ministerial , and not authoritative ; delarative , and not iuridical ; over persons committed to their charge , and not over officers joyned in●equality of power with them . for so were the rest of the apostles with peter in the same power of the keyes , matth. . . iohn . . this-power of the keyes then was given to peter in a peculiar manner , but nothing peculiar to him given thereby . but still there remains another ward in saint peters keyes , and the last foot to the popes chair which is pasce oves , feed my sheep ; a charge given particularly to peter , iohn . . thence they infer his power over the whole church . but this foot hath neither joynts nor sinews in it , and is as infirm as any of the rest : sor neither did this command rather then commission belong onely to peter ; for christ had before given them all their general commission : as the father hath sent me , even so send i you , john . whereby is implied an investing all the apostles equally , with the power and authority of governing the church of god ; although this charge be peculiarly renewed to peter , because as he had particularly faln , so he should be particularly restored ; neither yet did we grant this : doth the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imply such a power and authority as they plead for , viz. a supream power over the church of god : for this even by peter himself is attributed to the fixed presbyters of the churches , who by this argument have as much authority conveyed them , as saint peter had , pet. . . and yet should we grant this , it would not infer what they desire ; for these sheep were not the whole church of christ , taken absolutely , but indefinitely . for all the apostles had a command to preach to every creature , matth. . . which was as to the words larger , as to the sense the same with that to saint peter here . and afterwards we find peter called the apostle of circumcision , and the apostles sending him to samaria , and paul in the right hand of fellowship with peter ; which had been certainly dishonourable to peter , had he been invested with such an universal supream power over the apostles and the whole church . such pretences then as these are for such an extravagant power in the church of god , from such miserably weak foundations , for the upholding a corrupt interest , have given the occasion to that tart sarcasm , in papatu sub petri nudo nomine satan non amplius larva . but that which would seem sufficient to awaken any out of this dream of saint peters power over the rest of the apostles , is , the frequent contendings of the twelve apostles , one among another , who should be the greatest ; and that even after that christ had said , upon this rock will i build my church , as we may see matthew . if christ had conferred such a power on saint peter , what little ground had there been for the request of iames and iohn ? and would not our saviour rather have told them , the chiefest place was conserred on peter already , then have curbed their ambition in seeking who should be greatest ; and would have bid them be subject to peter as their head and ruler . we see not then the least foundation for an universal monarchy in the church of god ; and so this form of government is not determined by any actions or commands of christ. we come now to consider the pleas of others , who joyn in renouncing any supream power under christ , over the church of god ; but differ as to the particular forms of government in the church ; those who are for an inequality , usually fix on the imparity between the apostles and the lxx . those that are for a parity upon matth. . . and matth. . . i shall here proceed in the former method , to shew that none of those can prove the form they contend for as only necessary , nor their adversaries prove it unlawful . first then for the inequality between the apostles and the lxx . disciples ; by that inequality is meant , either only an inequality of order ; or else , an inequality carrying superiority and subordination . it is evident that the lxx . disciples were not of the same order with the twelve apostles , whom christ had designed for the chief government of his church , after his ascension ; and in this respect the comparison of the twelve heads of the tribes , and the seventy elders , seems parallel with the twelve apostles ; and the lxx . disciples ; but if by imparity , be meant , that the twelve apostles had a superiority of power and jurisdiction over the lxx . disciples ; there is not the least evidence or foundation , in reason or scripture for it . for the lxx . did not derive their power from the apostles , but immediately from christ ; they enjoyed the same priviledges , were sent upon the same message , ( making way for christs entertainment in the several cities they went to ) yea , all things were parallel between them and the apostles in their mission ( unlesse any difference be made in the cities they went to , and their number ) . so that there is no superiority of office in the apostles , above the lxx . nor of power and jurisdiction over them ; their commissions being the same : and it seems most probable that both their missions were only temporary , and after this the lxx . remained in the nature of private disciples , till they were sent abroad by a new commission after the resurrection , for preaching the gospel , and planting churches . for we see that the apostles themselves were only probationers , till christ solemnly authorized them for their apostolical employment , matth. . . iohn . . when their full commissions were granted to them , and then indeed they acted with a plenitude of power , as governours of the church , but not before . nothing can be inferred then for any necessary standing rule for church-government , from any comparison between the apostles and the lxx . during the life of christ , because both their missiors were temporary and occasional . only we see , that because christ did keep up the number of the twelve so strictly , that as the lxx . were a distinct number from them , so when one was dead , another was to be chosen in his stead ( which had been needlesse , if they had not been a distinct order and colledge by themselves ) , it is thence evident that the apostolical power , was a superiour power to any in the church ; and that such an inequality in church-officers as was between them and particular pastors of churches , is not contrary to what our saviour saith , when he forbids that dominion and authority in his disciples , which was exercised by the kings of the earth , matthew . . luke . . which places , because they are brought by some , to take away all inequality among church-officers , i shall so far examine the meaning of them , as they are conceived to have any influence thereupon . first then , i say , that it is not only the abuse of civil power , which our saviour forbids his disciples , but the exercise of any such power as that is . and therefore the papists are mistaken , when from the words of luke , vos autem non sic , they conclude , all power is not forbidden , but only such a tyrannical power , as is there spoken of . for those words are not a limitation and modification of the power spoken of , but a total prohibition of it ; for first , the comparison is not between the apostles and tyrants , but between them and princes , yea such as luke c●lls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . indeed , had christ said , the kings of the earth abuse their authority ; vos autem non sic ; then it would have been onely a limitation of the exercise of power ; but the meer exercise of civil authority being spoken of before , and then it being subjoyned , but you not so ; it plainly implyes a forbidding of the power spoken of , in the persons spoken to . but , say they , the words used in matthew , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which import the abuse of their power , which is forbidden . but i answer , first , in luke it is otherwise ; for there it is the simple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so that if the abuse be forbidden in one , the use is in the other : but secondly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the lxx . is used frequently for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often rendred by that word ; as psalm . . he shall have dominion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , psalm . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rule thou in the midst of thine enemies ; in both which places , it is spoken of christs kingdom . so in genesis . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . replenish the earth , and have dominion over it . in all which places , it is used simply for dominion , and not for tyrannical power . it is not then the abuse of civil power , but the use of it , which is here forbidden : which will be more evident secondly , from the importance of the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which answers to the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and simply denyes what went before ; as when cain expresseth his fear of being kill'd , genesis . . the septuagint render gods answer by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby is not denyed , only the manner of his death to be as abels was , but it is simply denyed ; and so psalm . . the lxx . render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the wicked are not so . so , when christ saith , matthew . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the beginning it was not so ; it imports an absolute denyal of giving bills of divorce from the beginning . thirdly ; this no wayes answers to the scope of the apostles contention , which was meerly about primacy and power , and not at all about the abuse of this power . so that by this place , all affectation and use of a civil , co ▪ active , external power is forbidden to the officers of the church ; the power of the church being only a directive , voluntary power ; and is rather a ministry then a power , as our saviour expresseth there , matthew . . luke . . but having thus excluded all civil power from the governours of the church , as such : i say , secondly , that this place doth no wayes imply a prohibition of all inequality among the governours of the church ; which is abundantly cleared by this reason , because by the acknowledgement of all parties , the apostles had a superiour power over the ordinary pastors of churches ; now if the exercise of all superiority had been forbidden , this must have been forbidden too ; as implying plainly an exercise of authority in some over others in the church . and therefore musculus thus explains the place : non exigit hoc christus ut omnes in regno suo sint aequales , sed nè quispiam cupiat magnus & primus haberi & videri . it is not an inequality of order , but ambition which christ forbids ; and therefore he observes that christ saith not . let none be great among you , and none first ; which should have been , if all primacy and superiority had been forbidden , and a necessity of an equality among church-officers : but he that will be great among you , let him be your minister . let those that are above others , look upon themselves as the servants of others , and not as their masters . for god never bestows any power on any , for the sake of those that have it , but for the sake of those for whom they are employed : when men seek then their own greatnesse , and not the service of the church , they flatly contradict this precept of christ , but with you it shall not be so . but however an inequality of power and order for the churches good is not thereby prohibited : which is sufficient for my purpose . the next place to be considered , is , that in matthew . , , . if thy brother shall trespass against thee ▪ go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone ; if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother . but if he will not hear thee , then take with thee one or two more , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established . and if he shall neglect to hear them , tell it to the church ; but if he neglect to hear the church , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican . it seems a very strange thing to consider , that this one place hath been pressed by all parties to serve under them , for the maintenance of their own particular form of government : so that ( as the iews fable of the manna ) , it hath had a different taste , according to the diversity of the palats of men . those that are for a congregational church , being the first receptacle of church power , set this place in the front of their arguments ; those who plead for standing presbyteries , lay-elders , subordination of courts , fetch all these out of this place ; those that are for a power of church discipline to be only lodged in a higher order of chur 〈…〉 officers succeeding the apostles , derive the succession of that power from this place ; nay lest quidlibet should not be proved èquolibet , the papists despair not of proving the constant visibility of the church , the subordination of all to the pope , the infallibility of general councils , all out of this place . methinks then it might be argument enough of the incompetency of this place to determine any one particular form , when it is with equal confidence on all sides brought to prove so many ; especially if it be made appear that the general rule laid down in these words , may be observed under a diversity of forms of government . for whether by the church , we mean the community of the faithful in a particular congregation , or the standing officers of such a church , or a consistorial court , or synodical assembly , or higher church-officers , it is still the duty of men in case of offences , to tell the church for redresse of grievances , or vindication of the person himself , that he hath discharged his duty . this place then determines not what this church is , nor what the form of it● government should be , when the sense of it holds good and true under such diversity of forms . but we shall further enquire what influence this place can have upon the modelling the government in the church of god. fo● chamier tells us , the prima politia ecclesiasticae origo is to be found in these words ; it will be then worth our enquiry to see what foundation for church government can be drawn out of these words . in which the variety of expositions ( like a multitude of physitians to a distempered patient ) have left it worse then they found it ; i mean more difficult and obscure . we shall therefore endeavour to lay aside all pre-conceptions by other mens judgements and opinions , and see what innate light there is in the text it self to direct us to the full sense and meaning of it . two things the great difficulty of the place lyes in , what the offences are here spoken of ? what the church is which must b● spoken to ? for the first , i conceive it evident to any unprejudicated mind , that the matter our saviour speaks of , is a matter of private offence and injury , and not a matter of scandal , as such considered in a church-society , which i make appear thus first , from the parallel place to this luke . . 〈…〉 y brother trespasse against thee , rebuke him ; and if he repent , forgive him . this can be nothing else but a matter of private injury , because it is in the power of every private person to forgive it ; which it was not in his power to do , were it a matter of scandal to the whole church ; unlesse we make it among christians ( as it was among the jews ) that every private person might excommunicate another , and to release him afterward . secondly , it manifestly appears from st. peters words next after this paragraph , matth. . . lord , how often shall my brother sin against me , and i forgive him , till seven times ? &c. christ answers him , till seventy times seven , that is , as often as he doth it . and thence christ brings the parable of the king forgiving his servants , v. . thirdly , were it meant of any scandalous sin committed with the privacy of any particular person ( as many understand trespassing against thee , that is , te conscio ) then this inconvenience must necessarily follow , that matters of scandal must be brought to the churches cognizance when there can be no way to decide them ; that is , when one offends , and only one person knows it ; here will be a single affirmation on one side , and denyal on the other side , and so there can be no way to decide it ; the matter here spoken of then is somewhat only relating to the offence or injury of some particular person , and not a matter of scandal to the whole church . the question then as propounded to be spoken to by our saviour , is , what is to be done in case of private offences between man and man ? and not in case of secret sins against god , and scandalous to the church ? now to this our saviour layes down his answer gradually : first , there must be private admonition ; if that succeed not , admonition before witnesses ; if not that , telling the church ; if not that neither , reputing him as a heathen and publican . now in this answer , we must conceive our saviour speaks as to an ordinary case , so in a way easie to be understood by all that heard him : and therefore he must speak in allusion to what was at that time among the jews in such cases , which is freely acknowledged both by calvin and beza upon the place . nam certè tanquam de iudais haec dici apparet , saltem ex eo quod addit , sit tibi sicut ethnicus & publicanus . we must then see what the custom was among the jews in such cases , and how far our saviour doth either approve the custome received , or appoint new . the law was very strict in case of offences , for every man in any wise to rebuke his neighbour , and not to suffer sin upon him , arguendo argues , our old translation renders it , thou shalt plainly rebuke thy neighbour . now this piece of necessary discipline our saviour endeavours to recover among them , which it seems was grown much out of use with them . for rabbi chanina , as mr. selden observes , gave this as one reason of the destruction of ierusalem , because they left off reproving one another : non excisa fuissent hierosolyma , nisi quoniam alter alterum non coarguebat . our saviour therefore inforceth this law upon them in case of offences ; first , to deal plainly with their neighbour in reproving him : but our saviour rests not here , but being himself a pattern of meeknesse and charity , he would not have them to rest in a bare private admonition , but to shew their own readinesse to be reconciled , and willingnesse to do good to the soul of the offending party thereby , he adviseth further to take two or three witnesses with them , hoping thereby to work more upon him : but if still he continues refractory , and is not sensible of his miscarriage , tell it the church . what the church here is , is the great controversie ; some , as beza and his followers , understand an ecclesiastical sanhedrin among the jews ▪ which had the proper cognizance of ecclesiastical causes ; but it will be hard to prove any such sanhedrin in use among them ▪ the priests and levites indeed were very often chosen into the sanhedrin , ( which it may be is the ground of the mistake , but there was no such sanhedrin among them , which did not respect matters criminal and civil : so we must understand what iosephus speaks of the priests among the jews : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the priests were alwayes very studious of the law , and other matters of concernment . these were appointed as the overseers of all things , iudges of controversies , and the punishers of condemned persons . thus we see , he is so far from attributing a distinct ecclesiastical court to them , that he seems to make them the only judges in civil and criminal causes . others ▪ by the church , understand the christian ▪ church ; but herein they are divided ; some understanding by it only the officers of the church : so chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euthemius ecclesiam nunc vocat prasides fidelium ecclesiae . others understand it not in its representative notion , but in its diffusive capacity , as taking in all the members . but our saviour speaking to a present case , must be supposed to lay down a present remedy , which could not be , if he gave only rules for governing his church which was not as yet gathered nor formed , there being then no court ecclesiastical for them to appeal unto . suppose then this case to have fallen out immediately after our saviours speaking it , that one brother should trespasse against another , either then notwithstanding our saviours speech ( which speaks to the present time , go and tell the church ) the offended brother is left without a power of redresse , or he must understand it in some sense of the word church , which was then in use among the jews . and these , who tell us , that unless 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be understood for a church as we understand it , it would be no easie matter for us now to conceive what the holy ghost meant by it , would do well withall to consider how those to whom christ spoke , should apprehend his meaning if he spoke in a sense they never heard of before . and certainly , our best way to understand the meaning of scripture is to consider what , of whom , to whom the scripture speaks ; for although the scripture , as a rule of faith for us , be supposed to be so written , as to be easily understood by us , yet as the parcels of it were spoken upon several occasions , they must be supposed to be so spoken , as to be apprehended by them to whom they were spoken in the common senss of the words , if nothing peculiar be expressed in the speech , whereby to restrain them to another sense . and therefore the church must be understood in the same sense wherein the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the syriack answering to it , was apprehended among the jewes in our saviours time . which could not be for any new consistory or sanhedrin to be erected under the gospel . thence others conceiving that christ did speak according to the custome of the jewes ▪ by the church ▪ understand nothing else but the sanhedrin , and so make the sense of the words to be this . the case our saviour speaks to is that of private quarrels , wherein our saviour layes down two directions in a way of charity , private admonition , and before witnesses ; but if the party continues refractory , then it may be lawful to convent him before the courts of judicature among them , the triumvirate , the . or the great sanhedrin ▪ for although the romans had taken away the power of the iewes in capital matters , yet they allowed them liberty of judgeing in the case of private quarrels : but if he neglect to hear the sanhedrin , then it may be lawful to implead him before the governour of the province in his court of judicature , by which heathens and publicans were to be judged ; which is meant by let him be to thee , not as a brother jew , but as a heathen and a publican . this exposition is said to be first broached by erastus ; but much improved and enlarged by reverend bishop bilson , who spends a whole chapter upon it . but this exposition though it seems fair and plausible , yet there are several things in it which keep me from imbracing it ; as first , it seems not very probable that our saviour should send his disciples to whom he speaks , to the jewish sanhedrin for the ending any controversies arising among themselves ; knowing how bitter enemies they wer to all who were the followers of christ. secondly , it seems not very agreeable with the scope of our saviours speech ▪ which was to take up differences as much as may be among his disciples , and to make them shew all lenity and forherance towards those that had offended them , and to do good to the souls of those that had injured and provoked them ; whereas this command of telling the sanhedrin , and inpleading offendors before heathen courts , tends apparently to heighten the bitterness and animosities of mens spirits one against another : and layes religion so open to obloquies , which makes paul so severely reprove the christians at corinth , for going to law before heathen magistrates ; therefore to say that christ allows there going to law before heathens , and paul to forbid it , were , instead of finding a way to end the differences among christians , to make one between christ and paul. thirdly , the thing chiefly aimed at by christ , is not a mans vindication of himself , or recovering losses by injuries received , but the recovering and gaining the offending brother ; which evidently appears by what our saviour adds to the using admonition in private , if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother . now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the new testament is used for the conversion and turning others from sin . that i might gain them that are under the law , corinth . . , , &c. so pet. . . explained by iames . . our saviour then speaks not to the manner of proceeding as to civil injuries , which call for restitution , but to such as call for reconciliation . and so the case i conceive is that of private differences and quarrels between men , and not law-suites nor civil causes : i mean such differences as respect persons and not things , which our saviour layes down these rules for the ending of . and therefore i cannot but wonder to see some men insist so much on that place against such an exposition of this luke . . where christ saith , who made me a iudge , and a divider among you ? for doth it any wayes follow , because christ would not take upon him to be a temporal judge among the jewes , therefore he should take no course for the ending differences among his disciples , and the taking away all animosities from among them ? nay on the contrary doth not our saviour very often designedly speak to this very purpose , to root out all bitterness , malice , envy , and rancour from mens spirits , and to perswade them to forgive injuries , even to pray for persecutours , and by any means to be reconciled to their brethren . which he makes to be a duty of so great necessity , that if a man had brought his gift to the altar , and remembred his brother had ought against him , he bids him leave his gift there , and go , be reconciled to his brother , and then offer up the gift . we see hereby how suitable it was to our saviours doctrine and design to lay down rules for the ending of any differences arising among his disciples ; and this being now cleared to be the state of the case , it will not be difficult to resolve what is meant by telling the church . which i make not to be any appeal to a juridical court , acting authoritatively over the persons brought before it , but the third and highest step of charity in a man towards a person that hath offended him , viz. that when neither private admonition , nor before two or three witnesses would serve to reclaim the offendor , then to call a select company together ( which is the natural importance of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and before them all to lay open the cause of the breach and difference between them , and to refer it to their arbitration to compose and end it . which sense of the place , i humbly conceive to have the least force in it , and in every part of it to be most genuine and natural , and fully agreeable to the received practice among the jewes : which the author of the book musar cited by drusius fully acquaints us with , whose words i shall transcribe , as being a plain paraphrase on these of our saviour . qui arguit socium suum , debet primum hoc facere placide inter se , & ipsum solum , verbis mollibus , ita ut non pudefaciat eum . si resipiscit , bene est ; sin , debet eum acritèr arguere & pudefacere inter se & ipsum . si non resipiscit , debet adhibere socios , ipsumque coram illis pudore afficere ; si nec modo quicquam proficit , debet eum pudefacere coram multis , ejusque delictum publicare . nam certe detegendi sunt hypocritae . that which this authour calls pudefacere eum coram multis , is that which our saviour means when he bids him tell the church , or the congregation , as our old translation renders it . this the jews called reproving of men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before a multitude , as the vulg. latin though falsly renders that place l●viticus . . publicè argue eum : and to this the apostle may allude when he speaks of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , corinth . . . censure of many ; and the reproof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before all , tim. . . which was to be in matters of publike scandal upon religion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the jewes call them ; but in case the offendor should still 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 slight this overture of reconciliation , before the company selected for hearing the case ▪ then saith our saviour , look upon him as an obstinate refractory creature , and have no more to do with him , then with a heathen and a publican ; by which terms the most wilful obstinate sinners were set out among the jewes , and by which our saviour means a mans withdrawing himself , as much as in him lies , from all familiar society with such a person . and thus saith christ , whatsoever you bind in earth , shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever you loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven , v. . that is , if after all your endeavours of reconciliation , the offender will hearken to no agreement , it is an evidence and token that mars sin is bound upon him , ( that is , shall not be pardoned so long as he continues impenitent , ) but if he repent of his offence , and you be reconciled , as the offence is removed on earth thereby , so the sin is loosed in heaven , that is , forgiven . the guilt of sin that binds , it being an obligation to punishment ; and so the pardon of sin that looseth , as it cancels that obligation . and so grotius observes , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what is called retaining in one place , is binding in another : and what is loosing in one place , is remitting in the other . but now although i assert this to be the true , proper , genuine meaning of this difficult place , yet i deny not but that this place hath influence upon church-government ; but i say the influence it hath , is onely by way of accommodation , and by analogy deduced from it . according to which , these things i conceive have foundation in these words ; first , gradual appeals from the method here laid down by our saviour . secondly , church ▪ censures , and the duty of submitting to church-authority ; for although before any church power was actually set up , ( as when our saviour spake these words then there was none , ) yet after that church-government was fixed and set up , it must in reason be supposed that all matters of the nature of scandals to the church must be decided there . thirdly , the lawfulness of the use of excommunication in christian churches ; for if every particular person might withdraw from the society of such a one as continues refractory in his offences , then much more may a whole society , and the officers of it declare such a one to be avoided both in religious and familiar civil society , which is the formal nature of excommunication . herein we see the wisdom of our saviour , who in speaking to a particular case , hath laid down such general rules as are of perpetual use in the church of god for accommodating differences arising therein . thus have we hitherto cleared that our saviour hath determined no more of church-govern-ment then what is appliable to a diversity of particular forms , and so hath not by any law or practice of his own determined the necessity of any one form . chap. vi. the next thing pleaded for determining the form of government , is apostolical practice ; two things inquired into concerning that , what it was ? how far it binds ? the apostles invested with the power and authority of governing the whole church of christ by their commission , io. . . matth. . . what the apostles did in order to the church government before pentecost , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 explained . how the apostles did divide provinces ; whether paul and peter were confined to the circumcision and uncircumcision , and different churches erected by them in the same cities ? what the apostles did in order to settling particular churches ? the names and office of bishops , presbyters , deacons considered . four general considerations laid down about the apostles practice . first , it cannot be fully known what is was . . great probability , they observe no one certain form in setling churches ; proved from epiphanius , ierome , ambrose or hilary . . their case different from ours in regard of the paucity of believers . . if granted for any form , yet proves not the thing in question . for , . offices appointed by them are ceased . widdows , deaconesses abolished . . rites and customs apostolical grown out of use . . such as were founded upon apostolical precepts , acts . . considered . . such as were grounded on their practice , holy kiss , love-feasts , dipping in baptism , community of goods , with several others . having found nothing , either in our saviours practice , or in the rules laid down by him ( conceived to respect church-government ) which determines any necessity of one particular form ; the onely argument remaining which can be conceived of sufficient strength to found the necessity of any one form of government , is , the practice of the apostles , who were by their imployment and commission entrusted with the government of the church of god. for our saviour after his resurrection taking care for the planting and governing of his church after his ascension to glory , doth at two several times call his apostles together , and gives now their full charter and commission to them ; the first ▪ containing chiefly the power it self conferred upon them , iohn . . the other , the extent of that power , matth. . . in the former our saviour tells them , as the father had sent him , so did he send them ▪ which we must not understand of a parity and equality of power , but in a similitude of the mission : that as christ before had managed the great affairs of his church in his own person ; so now ( having according to the prophecies made of him at the end of seventy weeks , made reconciliation for iniquity by his death , and brought in everlasting righteousness by his resurrection ) he dispatcheth abroad his gospel heralds to proclaim the iubilee now begun , and the act of indempnity now past upon all penitent offendors ; which is the sense of the other part of their commission ; whosoever sins ye remit , they are remitted ; and whosoever sins ye retain , they are retained , john . . i. e. as many as upon the preaching the gospel by you , shall come in and yield up themselves to the tenders of grace proclaimed therein , shall have their former rebellions pardoned ; but such as will still continue obstinate , their former guilt shall still continue to bind them over to deserved punishment . and to the end the apostles might have some evidence of the power thus conferred upon them , he breathes the holy ghost on them , and said , receive ye the holy ghost ; which we are not to understand of the extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost , which were not received till the day of pentecost , act. . . but of the authoritative power of preaching the gospel , which was now conferred upon them , by the solemn rite of breathing the holy ghost on the apostles . in which sense the church of england understands that expression in the ordination of ministers , as it implies onely the conferring thereby an authority for the preaching of the gospel , which being conveyed by ordination , is fitly expressed by the same word● which our saviour used in the conferring the same power upon his apostles at his sending them forth to be gospel-preachers . after this comes the solemn appointed meeting of christ with his disciples at the mountain of galilee , ( where in probability , besides the eleven , were present the five hundered brethren at once . ) and here christ more solemnly inaugurates the apostles in their office , declaring all power to be in his hands ; and therefore appoints the apostles to preach the gospel to every creature , that is , to all men indefinitely , gentiles as well as jewes , which matthew fully expresseth by all nations . now are the apostles left as chief governours of the church under christ ; and in this last commission wherein the extent of the apostles power is more fully expressed , there is nothing mentioned of any order for the government of the church under them , not what course should be taken by the church after their decease . all that remains then to be inquired into , is what the apostles practice was , and how far they acted for the determining any one form of government as necessary for the church . the apostles being thus invested in their authority , we proceed to consider the exercise of this authority for the governing of the church . and here we are to consider , that the apostles did not presently upon their last commission from christ goe forth abroad in the world to preach , but were commanded by christ to go first to ierusalem , and there to expect the coming of the holy ghost according to our saviours own appointment , luke . . and therefore what mark adds , mark . . that after christs appearance to them , the apostles ▪ went abroad and preached every where , working miracles , must either be understood of what they did onely in their way returning from galile oo ierusalem : or else more probably of what they did indefinitely afterwarps . for presently after we find them met together at ierusalem , whence they came from mount olivet where christs ascension was . here we find them imployed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith saint luke in his gospel , which we render the temple ; but i understand it rather as referring to the action than the place , and is best explained by what luke saith in acts . . they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , continuing in prayer and supplication . and that it cannot be meant of the temple , appears by the mention of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an upper room , where they continued together . for that it should be meant of any of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the temple , is most improbable to conceive , because not only those ninty cells about the temple were destined and appointed for the priests in their several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or times of ministration ; and it is most unlikely the chief priests and masters of the temple should suffer those whom they hated so much , to continue ●o near them without any molestation or disturbance . while the apostles continue here , they proceed to the choice of a new apostle instead of iudas , thereby making it appear now necessary that number was to the first forming of churches , when the vacant place must be supplyed with so great solemnity . which office of apostleship ( which iudas once had , and matthias was now chosen into ) is call'd by peter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts . . which a learned interpreter ●enders , the portion of his apostolacy , or the province which fell to iudas his lot in the distribution of them among the apostles , which saith he , is call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into which matthias did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 go , and from which judas fell by his sin . this exposition is very often suggested by that learned author : but ( with all due reverence to his name and memory ) ; i cannot see any such evidence either from scripture or reason , to enforce any such exposition of either phrase , yielding us sufficient ground to for sake the received sense of both of them . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is plainly nothing else but that office of the apostleship which belonged to iudas , without any relation to a province ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is that proper place which belonged to iudas , as he is call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the son of perdition , and no other . but the very foundation of this mistake ▪ is , that the several provinces , into which the apostles were to go for preaching the gospel , were distributed among them before they were filled with the holy ghost , which is an hypothesis will not easily be granted by any one that doth but impartially consider these things . that if the provinces were so distributed among them , it must be either before the death of christ , or after ; and it must be before , if iudas had a peculiar province assigned to him , which this exposition necessarily implyes ; but how provinces could be divided among them before they had their commission given them to preach to all nations , is somewhat hard to understand . it must be then immediately after christ had bid them preach to every creature , that they thus distributed the provinces among them ; but several things make this very improbable . first , the grosse mistake of the apostles concerning the very nature of christs kingdom ▪ which we read , acts . ▪ when they jointly ask christ , lord , wilt thou at this time restore the kingdom to israel ? they dream● still of a temporal kingdom , according to the common opinion of the jews ; and , is it probable they should distribute among themselves the several provinces for preaching the gospel , who thought that christs kingdom would have been established by other means then going up and down the world ? they looked that christ himself should do it by his own power , wilt thou at this time , &c. and did not think it must be done by their means ; much lesse by their single going into such vast parts of the world , as the twelve divisions of the world would be . secondly , it appears very improbable any such division of provinces should be made then , when they were commanded to stay at ierùsalem , and not to stir thence till the promise of the spirit was fulfilled upon them . tarry ye in the city of jerusalem till ye be endued with power from on high , luke . . and being assembled together with them , be commanded them not to depart from jerusalem , but wait for the promise of the father , acts . . is it likely , when the apostles were thus straightly charged not to leave ierusalem , till they were endued with the power of the holy ghost , they should contrive the dispersing themselves abroad all over the world ? especially when christ told them , that it should be after the coming of the spirit that they should go abroad , acts . . and that the spirit should fit them for their work , ( iohn . , . iohn . . ) by teaching them , and testifying of christ. thirdly , if such a distribution of provinces had been made so early among the apostles , how comes it to passe , that after they were endued with the holy ghost , they did not every one betake himself to his several province ? there could have been then no plea nor excuse made for their stay any longer at ierusalem after the promise of the spirit was fulfilled upon them . and yet after the persecution raised at ierusalem , when most of the church were dispersed abroad , we find the apostles remaining still at ierusalem , acts . , . would they have been so long absent from their charge , if any such distribution had been made among themselves ? fourthly , the apostles occasional going to places as they did , argues there was no such set division of provinces among them . the first departure of any of the apostles from ierusalem , was that of peter and iohn , who were sent by common order of the apostles to samaria , after they heard that by philips preaching , they had received the word of god. not the least mention of any peculiar province of theirs which they were sent to . so peters going from ioppa to casarea , was occasioned by cornelius his sending for him . fifthly , that provinces were not divided , appears , because of so frequent reading of many of the apostles being together in one place : first the whole twelve at ierusalem , after that peter and iohn together at samaria ; about four years after pauls conversion , we met with iames and peter together at ierusalem ; fourteen years after this , we find iames , peter ▪ and iohn there . is it any wayes probable , if all these had their distinct provinces assigned then , they should be so often found together at ierusalem , which certainly must belong but to the province of one of them ? sixthly , it seems evident that they divided not the world into provinces among them , because it was so long before they thought it to be their duty to preach unto the gentiles ; peter must have a vision first before he will go to cornelius , and as yet we see they retained that perswasion , that it is unlawful for a iew to keep company , or come unto one that is of another nation , acts . . nay more then this , peter is accused for this very action ▪ before the apostles at ierusalem , acts . , . and they laid this a● the ground of their quarrel , that he went in to men uncircumcised , and did eat with them : how this is reconcilable with the whole worlds being divided into provinces so early among the apostles , is not easie to conceive : unlesse some of them thought it unlawful to go to their own provinces , which certainly must be of the gentiles , most of them . seventhly , another evidence that provinces were not divided so soon , is , that peters province so much spoken of , viz. that of the circumcision , fell not to his share , till near twenty years after this time we now speak of , upon the agreement between paul and peter at ierusalem . if province had been so soon divided , how comes the apostleship of the circumcision to be now at last attributed to peter ? was it not known what peters province was before this time ? and if it was ▪ how come paul and he now to agree about dividing their provinces ? nay further : eighthly , these provinces after all this time were not so divided , as to exclude one from anothers province , which is requisite for a distribution of them , much lesse were they so at first ; for as to this division of the jews and gentiles between paul and peter , it cannot be understood exclusively of others ; for , what work then had the rest of the apostles to do ? neither taking them distributively , was paul excluded from preaching to ●he iews , or peter to the gentiles ? we see paul was at first chosen to be a vessel to bear christs name before the gentiles and kings , and the children of israel . we see hereby he was appointed an apostle as well to jews as gentiles : and accordingly we find him presently preaching christ in the synagogues , and confounding the iews . so in all places where paul came , he first preached to the jew● in the synayogues , and when they would not hearken to him , then he turned to the gentiles . neither was this done only before the apostles meeting at ierusalem , supposed to be that spoken of acts ▪ but after at ephesus , we find him entring into the synagogues there , and preaching to the jews . so likewise he did at corinth , acts . . and he reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath , and perswaded the iews and the greeks . paul then we see thought not himself excluded from preaching to the jews , because they were st. peters province . neither did peter think himself excluded from the gentiles , he was the first that opened the door of faith to them by preaching to them ; in which respect it is not altogether improbably conceived by some , that the power of the keys was peculiarly given to him . and afterwards in the open council at ierusalem , he owns himself as the apostle to the gentiles : god made choyce among us , that the gentiles by my mouth should hear the word of the gospel and believe . this then evidently destroys any such early distinction of provinces ; when peter , whose province seems most expresse in scripture , viz. the circumcision , yet we find him acting as an apostle to the gentiles too . i deny not but at the meeting of paul and peter at ierusalem , when they observed how god did blesse the one most in the circumcision , the other in the uncircumcision , there was an agreement between them , for the one to lay out his pains chiefly upon the iews , and the other upon the gentiles ; and in probability where they met in any city , the one gathered a church of the iews , and the other of the gentiles ; but this makes no such distinction of provinces , as to exclude the one from the others charge : and further , this agreement between paul and peter then after both had preached so many years , makes it fully clear , that the pretended division of provinces so early among the apostles , is only the wind-egge of a working fancy , that wants a shell of reason to cover it . as for the division of provinces mentioned in ecclesiastical writers , though as to some few they generally agree ; as that thomas went to parthia , andrew to scythia , iohn to the lesser asia , &c. yet as to the most they are at a losse where to find their province● , and contradict one another in reference to them ; and many of them seem to have their first original from the fable of dorotheus , nicephorus , and such writers . having shewed that the apostles observed no set-order for distributing provinces , we come to shew what course they took for the setling of churches in the places they went to . in the clearing of which , nothing is more necessary then to free our judgements of those prejudices and prepossessions , which the practice either of the former ages of the church , or our own have caused within us . for it is easie to observe , that nothing hath been a more fruitful mother of mistakes and errours , then the looking-upon the practice of the primitive church through the glass of our own customs . especially when under the same name , ( as it is very often seen ) something far different from what was primarily intended by the use of the word , is set forth to us . it were no difficult task to multiply examples in this kind , wherein men meeting with the same names , do apprehend the same things by them , which they now through custome signifie , without taking notice of any alteration in the things themselves signified by those names . thus since the name missa was appropriated by the papists to that which they call the sacrifice of the altar , wherever they meet among ancient writers with that name , they presently conceive the same thing was understood by it then . whereas it was then only taken for the publike service of the church , so called from the dismission of the people after it , with an ite , missa est ; and from the different forms of christians , they had two several services , the one called missa catechumenorum , because at the end of that the catechumeni were dismissed out of the assembly ; the other missa fidelium , at which they received the lords supper ; which afterwards ( the former discipline of the church decaying ) ingrossed the name missa to its self ; and when the sacrifice of the altar came up among the papists , it was appropriated to that . for though they innovated things never so much , yet it hath been alwayes the policy of that church not to innovate names , that so the incautelous might be better deceived with a pretence of antiquity ; and thus under the anciently simple name of missa , lyes at this day couched a masse of errours . so after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was applyed by them to that sacrifice , wherever they meet that word in scripture , they interpret it in that sense ; and hence when we only read of the teachers at antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no other rendring of the words will be taken but sacrificantibus illis , although it be not only contrary to the sense of the word in the new testament , but to the exposition of chrysostome , theophylact , and oecumenius , who expound it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus when publike liturgies were grown into use in the church after the decay of the gifts of the first primitive church , eusebius his bare calling s. iames 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( though he relates only to his ministry in the church of jerusalem ) is enough to entitle him father to a liturgy , which soon crept forth under his name : by an argument much of the same strength with that which some have brought for reading homilies , because it is said of st. paul , acts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . of the same stamp is bellarmin●s argument for invocation of saints , because of iacobs saying , invocetur super eos nomen meum . but we need not go far for examples of this kind . the businesse we are upon , will acquaint ●s with some of them . as the argument for popular election of pastors , from the grammatical sense of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for l●y-elders from the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and modern episcopacy from the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in scriptures . names and things must then be accurately distinguished , and the sense of the names must neither be fetched from the custome now used , nor from the etymologie of the word , but from the undoubted practice of apostolical times , if that can be made appear what it was . which will be best done , if we can once find out what course and order the apostles took in the forming and modelling the churches by them planted . that which we lay then as a foundation , whereby to clear what apostolical practice was , is , that the apostles in the forming churches did observe the customes of the jewish synagogues . totum regimen ecclesiarum christi conformatum fuit ad synagogarum exemplar , saith grotius truly . praesides & curatores ecclesiarum ad instar presbyterorum synagogae iudaicae constitutos fuisse constat , as salmasius often affirms . in which sense we understand that famous speech of the author of the commentary on st. pauls epistles , which goes under the name of ambrose , but now judged by most to be done by hilary a deacon of the church of rome , under which name st. augustine quotes some words on the fifth to the romanes , which are found still in those commentaries . nam apud omnes utique gentes honorabilis est senectus , unde & synagoga & postea ecclesia seniores habuit , sine quorum consilio nihil agebatur in ecclesiâ , which words are not to be understood of a distinct sort of presbyters from such as were employed in preaching the word , but of such presbyters as were the common council of the church , for the moderating and ruling the affairs of it ; which the church of christ had constituted among them , as the jewish synagogue had before . and from hence we observe that the ebionites , who blended judaism and christianity together ( whence ierome saith of them , dum volent & iudai esse & christiani , nec iudaei sunt nec christiani , they made a linsey-woolsey religion , which was neither iudaism nor christianity ) . these , as epiphanius tells us , called their publike meeting-place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the pastors of their churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thereby implying the resemblance and analogy between the form of government in both of them . but this will best be made appear by comparing them both together . for which we are to take notice , how much our saviour in the new testament did delight to take up the received practices among the jews only , with such alterations of them as were suitable to the nature and doctrine of christianity , as hath been abundantly manifested by many learned men , about the rites of the lords supper , taken from the post-coenium among the jews ; the use of baptism , from the baptism used in initiating proselytes ; excommunication from their putting out of the synagogue . as to which things , it may be observed , that those rites which our saviour transplanted into the gospel-soyl , were not such as were originally founded on moses his law , but were introduced by a confederate discipline among themselves . and thus it was in reference to the government of the synagogues among them ; for although the reason of erecting them was grounded on a command in the levitical law , levit. . . where holy convocations are required upon the sabbath-dayes ; yet the building of synagogues in the land , was not , as far as we can find , till a great while after . for although moses require the duty of assembling , yet he prescribes no orders for the place of meeting , nor for the manner of spending those dayes in gods service , nor for the persons who were to super-intend the publike worship performed at that time . these being duties of a moral nature , are left more undetermined by moses his law , which is most punctual in the ceremonial part of divine service . and therefore even then when god did determine the positives of worship , we see how much he left the performance of morals to the wisdom and discretion of gods people , to order them in a way agreeable to the mind and will of god. we shall not here discourse of the more elder customs and observations of the synagogues , but take the draught of them by the best light we can about our saviours time , when the apostles copyed out the government of christian-churches by them . about the time of christ , we find synagogues in very great request among the jews ; god so disposing it , that the moral part of his service should be more frequented now the ceremonial was expiring ; and by those places so erected , it might be more facile and easie for the apostles to disperse the gospel by preaching it in those places , to which it was the custome for the people to resort . and as paul at athens observing the altar inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the unknown god , takes his text from thence , and begins to preach god and christ to them ; so the apostles in every synagogue meet with a copy of the law , from whence they might better take their rise to discover ▪ him who was the end of the law for righteousness to all that believe . for moses of old time hath in every city them that preach him , being read in the synagogues every sabbath day . it was their constant custome then every sabbath day to have the law publickly read ; for which every synagogue was furnished with a most exact copy ; which was looked upon as the great treasure and glory of their synagogue ; in the copying out of which , the greatest care and diligence was used . in their synagogues they read onely the law and the prophets , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or hagiographa were not ordinarily read in publick ; the law , for the more convenient reading it , was distributed into fifty four sections , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every week one section being read ( joyning twice two lesser sections together ) the whole law was read through once every year . but here i cannot say that the jews were absolutely bound up to read the several sections appointed for the dayes , as it is commonly thought ( from which paraschae and the times prefixed of reading them , cloppenburgh fetched a new interpretation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is , that the first sabbath was that of the civil year which began with the section 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the twenty fourth of the month tisri ; but the second sabbath after the first , was the first sabbath of the sacred year , which began with the section 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the calends of nisan ) but i doe not see any such evidence of so exact and curious a division of the several sections , so long since as the time of our saviour is , which appears by our saviours reading in the synagogue at nazareth where it seems he read after the synagogue custome , as one of the seven called out by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to read before the people , but we find no section assigned him by him that delivered the book to him ( the office of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but it is said of him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when he had unfolded the book he found out that place in isaiah . so that then it seems there was no such precise observation of the several sections to be read . and our saviours reading the book of the prophets in the synagogue , puts us in mind of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sections of the prophets answerable to those of the law ; which elias levita tells us came up after the time of antiochu● epiphanes , who so severely prohibited the jewes the reading of their law , but from that time hath been observed ever since : of which we read in pauls sermon at antioch in pisidia speaking of christ ; for they that dwell at jerusalem and their rulers , because they knew him not , nor the voyces of the prophets which are read every sabbath day . benjamin tudelensis in his itinerary , tells us , that the same custome was not observed among all the jewes for the reading the sections of the law. for in mitsraim ( which he there takes not for egypt it self , as it is commonly taken , but for grand cairo ) where there were near two thousand jewes , there were two synagogues , the one of syrian , the other of babylonian iewes . the latter read over every week an entire section of the law ( as the jewes in spain in his time did ) and so finished the law in a years space . the syrian jews , or those that were born in iudea , divided every section into three parts , and read not the law through , but in three years time . these synagogues were very much multiplyed , both in ierusalem and elsewhere , about the time of our saviours being in the world . when the common tradition of the jewes is , that in ierusalem its self , there were foure hundred and eighty one synagogues , which they ridiculously observe by their gematry , from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used isa. . . whose numeral letters being put together , amount to that number ; but ● clearer evidence of the multitude of synagogues is our saviours so often appearing in them ; and so likewise the apostles when they went abroad to preach the gospel , we find in most places that they first entred into the synagogues which were , by the liberty given to the jews , allowed them in all the cities where they inhabited by the roman governours . and so in all their dispersions both in babylon , egypt , and the western parts , we read of the synagogues which the jewes enjoyed , and the liberty they had therein for exercise of their own way of worship and discipline . and therefore even at rome we read of their proseuchae , ede ubi consistas ▪ in quâ te quaero proseucha ? which by the old scholiast upon iuvenal is said to be the place ad quem convenire solebant mendici ad stipem petendam , of which turnebus gives this account , proseuchae fana iudaeorum erant , ut alexandriae & romae , alibique ; sic nomen adeptae quòd oracula quaedam essent , vel ( ut christiani loquuntur ) oratoria . cum autem ad eleemosynam iudaei dandam essent propensissimi , eò ceu mendicorum conventus coibat ; sed & iudaei & ipsi mendici , invisi erant omnibus , & mendici ea loca quod domicilia non haberent , diversores interdum occupabant , in iisque cubabant , ideoque proseuches nomen in contemptum abierat . scaliger thinks that the proseucha differed from the synagogue ; for which he is checked by grotius from that place of philo , where he speaks of augustus giving the jews the liberty of their proseucha for the learning the religion of their countrey , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in brief is that the proseuchae were the schools of all religion and learning , by which words he seems to confound not onely the synagogue and the proseucha together , but the synagogue and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too , which was their divinity-school , whither they used to repair after dinner upon sabbath dayes , and where the questions about their law were discussed ; but though i cannot say these were alwayes distinguished , yet in some places they were . such seems the school of tyrannus to be , where paul taught , having withdrawn himself from the synagogue . and so sometimes the proseuchae were distinguished from the synagogues , as grotius himself elsewhere acknowledeth , viz ▪ either ▪ where there was not a competent number of jewes ( for ten students in the law were required to make a synagogue ) or else where the magistrate would not permit the use of them , in which case the poor jewes were fain to content themselves with a place remote from the city , either by some river , as that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mentioned , acts . , or by some grove or wood , whence that of iuvenal , nunc sacri fontis nemus , & delubra locantur ▪ iudaeis , quorum cophinus foenumque suppellex . which fountain , as vossius observs was extra portam capenam in luco quem medium irrigabat ; and from hence scaliger gathers , iudaeos in nemoribus proseuchas collocâsse . thus it appears now what priviledges the jews generally enjoyed in their dispersion for their synagogues and publike places to meet , pray , and discourse in . we now come to inquire after what manner the government of the synagogue was model'd . wherein we must first inquire whether there were any peculiar government belonging to the synagogue distinct from the civil consistories which were in use among them . this is often left untouched by learned men in their discourse of synagogues ; some indeed make the least consistory or sanhedrin in use among the jews , viz. the triumvirate , to be the rulers of the synagogue , and part of the ten who were to be where ever there was a synagogue . but although i cannot see sufficient evidence for a great ecclesiastical sanhedrin founded by moses , answering to the great sanhedrin of lxxi . yet i conceive it probable , that when synagogues were so multiplied both at home and abroad , there was a distinct bench of officers who did particularly belong to the synagogue to superintend the affairs of that , which i shall now endeavour to make out by these following reasons . first , because the ten required for the synagogue are set down by the jewish writers as distinct from the number required for the civil consistory . for in the gemara babylonia ( cited by selden ) the account given why there must be . inhabitants where there was to be a sanhedrin of twenty three , is this ; there must be twenty three to màke up the sanhedrin , and three orders of twenty three , ( who sat in a hemicycle under the sanhedrin in the same form as they sat ) and besides these the ten who were to be imployed wholly in the affairs of the synagogue ( for the gloss there explains them to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decem filii hominis vacantes ab omni opere , ut parati sint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 domui synagogae manè & vesperi , and there adds , that every city , though it be wall'd , where ten such persons are wanting , is looked on onely as a village , and thought unworthy to have a sanhedrin of twenty three ; ) so that by this it appears the number of the decemvirate for the synagogue , was distinct from the persons imployed in the civil courts . to the same purpose maimonides gives the account of the number of . who likewise requires the ten for the synagogue as a distinct and peculiar number . atque hi erant viri qui vacabant tantum rebus divinis , nimirum lectioni legit & sessioni in synagogis , as mr. selden quotes it from another place in him . whereby it is evident that those who were imployed in the synagogue , did make a peculiar bench and consistory , distinct from the civil judicature of the place ▪ and therefore the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not the civil rulers , but some peculiar officers belonging to the service of the synagogue : and thence when all civil power and government was taken from the jews , yet they retained their archisynagogues still . whence we read of archisynagogues , patriarchs and presbyters among the jewes in the time of arcadius and honorius , when all civil power and jurisdiction was taken from them . the second reason is from the peculiar ordination of those who were the rulers of the synagogues . this i know is denyed by many : because , say they , ordination was proper onely to the presbyters among the jewes , who were thereby made capable of being members of the sanhedrin , thence it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordinatio presbyterorum , i. e. impositio manuum quâ presbyteri fiunt . this ordination was i grant primarily used in order to the making men members of the great sanhedrin , and therefore the jewes derive the custome of ordaining them , from moses his first constituting the lxx elders , which say they , was done by imposition of hands : which was seconded by the example of moses laying his hands on ioshua , from whence the custome was continued down among them till the time of adrian , who severely prohibited it by an edict , that whosoever should ordain another should forfeit his life , and so every one that was so ordained . thence the jewes tell us that r. iehuda ben baba is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ordainer , because in the time of that edict he ordained five presbyters , without which they had wholly lost their succession of presbyters for courts of judicature . but though it be thus evident that their ordination was chiefly used in order to the fitting men to be members of the sanhedrin , yet that besides this there was a peculiar ordination for persons not imployed in civil matters , will appear ; first , from the different forms of their ordination ; some were general without any restriction or limitation at all : which power was conferred in words to this purpose ; ordinatus jam sis , & sit tibi facultas judicandi etiam causas poenales . he that was thus ordained , was ●it for any court of judicature ; but there was another form of ordination which was more particular and restrained ; a form limiting the general power , either to pecuniary cases , or criminal , or onely to the power of binding and loosing , without any judiciary power at all . now those that were thus ordained , were the jewish casuists , resolving men onely in for● conscientiae of the lawfulness and unlawfulness of things propounded to them . this they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facultas decernendi circa ligatum & solutum ; that is , a power of decreeing what was lawful or unlawfull . for in that sense binding and loosing is used by the jewish writers . in which sense they tell us commonly that one school , as that of hille● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 binds , that is , judgeth a thing unlawful ; another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 looseth ( as that of schammai ) that is , judgeth it lawful and free to be done . now the persons thus ordained with this power onely , were thereby no members of any civil court of judicature , nor thereby made capable of it : it appears then that this ordination was peculiar to a particular function , which exactly answers to the ministerial office under the gospel . and that those who were thus ordained , either might not , or did not exercise that office of theirs in the synagogue , i can see no reason ; i am sure it was most suitable to that place , or at least to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where there was such a one distinct from the synagogue . but a clearer evidence of the particular ordination of those imployed in the synagogue , we have from benjamin in his itinerary ; for granting his palpable mistakes about the civil power of the jewes in his time ( which was about the middle of the twelfth century ) sufficiently discovered by the learned l'empereur , yet as to the ordaining of persons for the severall synagogues , we have no ground to suspect his testimony , which is very plain and evident . for speaking of r. daniel ben hasdai , who was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the head of the captivity then residing at bagdad : he tells us , the synagogues of babylon , persia , choresan , sheba , mesopotamia and many other places , derived power from him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of ordaining a rabbi and preacher over every synagogue , which he tells us was done by laying on his hands upon them . these two , the rabbi and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he makes to be the fixed officers of every synagogue , and the office of the latter lay chiefly in expounding the scriptures . the like he hath of r. nathaniel the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in egypt , to whose office it belonged to ordain in all the synagogues in egypt , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 th 〈…〉 bbies and lecturers of the synagogue : by which we see 〈…〉 arly ▪ that there was a peculiar ordination for the ministers belonging to the synagogue . thence scaliger wonders how christ at twelve years old should be permitted to sit among the doctours asking questions when he was no ordained rabbi , to whom that place belonged . but although 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may possibly mean no more then sitting on one of the lower seats belonging to those who were yet in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or minority , where they sat at the feet of their teachers , which was not within the temple its self ; but , as arias montanus thinks , was at the east-gate of the temple where the doctors sat ; yet this is evident by scaliger , that he looked on an ordination for that end , as necessary to those who sat in the synagogues , as the doctors there : which is likewise affirmed by grotius , who tell us , that among the jews , not onely all publick civil offices were confer'd by imposition of hands , sed & in archisynagogis & senioribus synagogae , idem observatum ; unde mos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad christianos transiit : but likewise all the rulers and elders of the synagogue were so ordained , from whence the custome was translated into christianity ( of which afterwards . ) thus now we have cleared that there was a peculiar government belonging to the synagogue , distinct from the civil judicatures . having thus far proceeded in clearing that there was a peculiar form of government in the synagogue ; we now inquire what that was , and by what law and rule it was observed . the government of the synagogue , either relates to the publick service of god in it , or the publick rule of it as a society . as for the service of god to be performed in it , as there were many parts of it , so there were many officers peculiarly appointed for it . the main part of publick service lay in the reading and expounding the scriptures : for both , the known place of philo will give us light for understanding them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . coming to their holy places called synagogues , they sit down in convenient order ac●●●ding to their several forms , ready to hear , the young under 〈…〉 der ; then one taketh the book and readeth , another of those best skilled comes after , and expounds it . for so grotius reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of eusebius . we see two several offices here , the one of the reader in the synagogue , the other of him that did interpret what was read . great difference i find among learned men about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the synagogue : some by him understand the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , called sometimes in scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so make him the under . reader in the synagogue ; and hence i suppose it is ( and not from looking to the poor , which was the office of the parnasim ) that the office of deacons in the primitive church is supposed to be answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the jewes ; for the deacons office in the church , was the publick reading of the scriptures : and hence epiphanius parallels the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the jewes , to the bishop , presbyters , and deacons among the christians . but others make the office of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be of a higher nature not to be taken for the reader himself , ( for that was no office ; but upon every sabbath day seven were call'd out to do that work , as buxtorf tells us ; first a priest , then a levite , and after , any five of the people ; and these had every one their set-parts in every section to read , which are still marked by the numbers in some bibles . ) but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was he that did call out every one of these in their order to read , and did observe their reading , whether they did it exactly or no. so buxtorf speaking of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hic maximè oratione sive precibus & cantu ecclesi● praeibat , praeerat lectioni legali , docens quod & quomodo legendum , & similibus quae ad sacra pertinebant . so that according to him the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the superintendent of all the publick service , thence others make him parallel to him they call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the angel of the church , legatus ecclesiae . l'empereur renders it , as though the name were imposed on him as acting in the name of the church , which could only be in offering up publick prayers ; but he was angelus dei , as he was inspector ecclesiae , because the angels are supposed to be more immediately present in , and supervisors over the publick place , and duties of worship ; see cor. . . this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by l'empereur often rendred concionator synagogae , as though it belonged to him to expound the meaning of what was read in the synagogue , but he that did that was call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to enquire ; thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the enquirer , or disputer of this world , thence r. moses haddarsan ; but it is in vain to seek for several offices from several names ; nay , it seems not evident , that there was any set-officers in the jewish church for expounding scriptures in all synagogues , or at least not so fixed , but that any one that enjoyed any repute for religion or knowledge in the law , was allowed a free liberty of speaking for the instruction of the people ; as we see in christ and his apostles ; for the rulers of the synagogue sent to paul and barnabas after the reading of the law , that if they had any word of exhortation , they should speak on . from hence it is evident , there were more then one who had rule over the synagogues , they being call'd rulers here . it seems very probable , that in every city where there were ten wise men , ( as there were supposed to be in every place , where there was a synagogue ) that they did all jointly concurr for the ruling the affairs of the synagogue . but what the distinct offices of all these were , it is hard to make out , but all joyning together seem to make the consistory , or bench as some call it , which did unanimously moderate the affairs of the synagogue , whose manner of sitting in the synagogues , is thus described by mr. thorndike out of maimonides , whose words are these : how sit the people in the synagogue ? the elders sit with their faces towards the people , and their backs towards the he●all ( the place where they lay the copy of the law ) and all the people sit rank before rank , the face of every rank towards the back of the rank before it , so the faces of all the people are towards the sanctuary , and towards the elders , and towards the ark ; and when the minister of the synagogue standeth up to prayer , he standeth on the ground before the ark with his face to the sanctuary , as the rest of the people . several things are observable to our purpose in this testimony of maimonides : first , that there were so many elders in the synagogue , as to make a bench or consistory , and therefore had a place by themselves , as the governours of the synagogue . and the truth is , after their dispersion we shall find little government among them , but what was in their synagogues , unlesse it was where they had liberty for erecting schools of learning . besides this colledge of presbyters , we here see the publick minister of the synagogue , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. episcopus congregationis , the superintendent over the congregation , whose peculiar office it was to pray for , and to blesse the people . we are here further to take notice of the form of their sitting in the synagogues ; the presbyters sat together upon a bench by themselves , with their faces towards the people , which was in an hemicycle , the form wherein all the courts of judicature among them sat ; which is fully described by mr. selden , and mr. thorndike in the places above-cited . this was afterwards the form wherein the bishops and presbyters used to sit in the primitive church , as the last named learned author largely observes and proves . besides this colledge of presbyters , there seems to be one particularly call'd the ruler of the synagogue , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the scriptures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the importance of the new testament greek ( following that of the alexandrian iews in the version of the old testament ) implyes no more then a primacy of order in him above the rest he was joyned with . and thence sometimes we read of them in the plural number , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts . . implying thereby an equality of power in many ; but by reason of the necessary primacy of one in order above the rest , the name may be appropriated to the president of the colledge . acts . , . we read of two , viz. crispus and sosthenes , and either of them is call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which could not be , did the name import any peculiar power of jurisdiction lodged in one exclusive of the rest , unlesse we make them to be of two synagogues , which we have no evidence at all for ; i confesse , beza his argument from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mark . . for a multitude of those so call'd in the same synagogue , is of no great force , where we may probably suppose there were many synagogues . but where there is no evidence of more then one in a place , and we find the name attributed to more then one , we have ground to think that there is nothing of power or jurisdiction in that one , which is not common to more besides himself . but granting some peculiarity of honour belonging to one above the rest in a synagogue , which in some places , i see no great reason to to deny , yet that implyes not any power over and above the bench of which he was a member , though the first in order ; much as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the prince of the sanhedrin , whose place imported no power peculiar to himself , but only a priority of dignity in himself above his fellow senators : as the princeps senatûs in the roman republick answering to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the great sanhedrin , who was next to the nasi , as the princeps senatûs to the consuls , which was only a honorary dignity and nothing else : under which disguise that politick prince augustus ravished the roman commonwealth of its former liberty . the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may i suppose in propriety of speech be rendred in latin magister ordinis , he being by his office praesul , a name not originally importing any power , but only dignity ; those whom the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latins render magistros sui ordinis , and so suetonius interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by magisterium sacerdotii . they who meet then with the name archisynagogues , either in lampridius , vopiscus , codex theodosii , iustinians novels , in all whom it occurs , and in some places as distinct from presbyters , will learn to understand thereby only the highest honour in the synagogue ; considering how little , yea nothing of power the jews enjoyed under either the heathen , or christian emperours . one thing more we add , touching this honour of the rulers of the synagogue among the jews , that whatever honour , title , power or dignity is imported by that name , it came not from any law enforcing or commanding it , but from mutual con●oederation and agreement among the persons imployed in the synagogue , whose natural reason did dictate , that where many have an equality of power , it is most convenient ( by way of accumulation upon that person , of a power more then he had , but not by deprivation of themselves of that inherent power which they enjoyed ) to entrust the management of the executive part of affairs of common concernment to one person specially chosen and deputed thereunto . so it was in all the sanhedrins among the jews , and in all well-ordered senates and councils in the world. and it would be very strange , that any officers of a religious society , should upon that account be out-lawed of those natural liberties , which are the results and products of the free actings of reason . which things , as i have already observed , god hath looked on to be so natural to man , as when he was most strict and punctual in ceremonial commands , he yet left these things wholly at liberty . for we read not of any command , that in the sanhedrin one should have some peculiarity of honour above the rest ; this mens natural reason would prompt them to , by reason of a necessary priority of order in some above others ; which the very instinct of nature hath taught irrational creatures , much more should the light of reason direct men to . but yet all order is not power , nor all power juridical , nor all juridical power a sole power ; therefore it is a meer paralogism in any from order to inferr power , or from a delegated power by consent , to inferr a juridical power by divine right ; or lastly , from a power in common with others , to deduce a power excluding others . all which they are guilty of , who meerly from the name of an archisynagogue , would fetch a perpetual necessity of jurisdiction in one above the elders joyned with him , or from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the sanhedrin , a power of a sole ordination in one without the consent of his fellow senators . but of these afterwards . thus much may suffice for a draught in little of the government of the jewish synagogue . having thus far represented the jewish synagogue , that the idea of its government may be formed in our understandings , we now come to consider how far , and in what the apostles in forming christian ▪ churches did follow the pattern of the jewish synagogue . which is a notion not yet so far improved as i conceive it may be , and i know no one more conducible to the happy end of composing our differences , touching the government of the church then this is . i shall therefore for the full clearing of it , premise some general considerations to make way for the entertainment of this hypothesis in mens minds , at least as probable ; and then endeavour particularly to shew how the apostles did observe the model of the synagogue ; in its publike service , in ordination of church officers , in forming presbyteries in the several churches , in ruling and governing those presbyteries ▪ the general consideration i premise , to shew the probability of what i am asserting , shall be from these things : from the community of name and customs between the believing iews and others , at the first forming of churches : from the apostles forming churches out of synagogues in their travelling abroad ; from the agreeablenesse of that model of government to the state of the christian churches at that time . i begin with the first , from the community of names and customs between the believing and unbelieving iews at the first forming churches . all the while our blessed saviour was living in the world , christ and his disciples went still under the name of jews ; they neither renounced the name , nor the customs in use among them . our saviour goes up to the feasts at ierusalem , conforms to all the rites and customs in use then ; not only those commanded by god himself , but those taken up by the jews themselves , if not contrary to gods commands , as in observing the feast of dedication , in going into their synagogues , and teaching so often there , in washing the feet of the disciples , ( a custome used by them before the passeover ) in using baptism , for the proselyting men to the profession of christianity , &c. in these and other things our saviour conformed to the received practice among them , though the things themselves were no wayes commanded by the law of moses . and after his resurrection , when he took care for the forming of a church upon the doctrine he had delivered , yet we find not the apostles withdrawing from communion with the jews , but on the contrary , we find the disciples frequenting the temple , act. . . act. . . act. . , , . whereby it appears how they owned themselves as jews still , observing the same both time and place for publike worship which were in use among the jews . we find paul presently after his conversion in the synagogues , preaching that christ whom he had before persecuted ; and where ever he goes abroad afterwards , we find him still entering into the synagogues to preach ; where we cannot conceive he should have so free and easie admission , unlesse the jews did look upon him as one of their own religion , and observing the same customs in the synagogues with themselves , only differing in the point of the coming of the messias , and the obligation of the ceremonial law , the least footsteps of which were seen in the synagogue-worship . but that which yet further clears this , is the general prejudice of the disciples against the gentiles , even after the giving of the holy ghost , as appears by their contending with peter for going in to men uncircumcised . it is evident , that then the apostles themselves did not clearly apprehend the extent of their commission ; for else what made peter so shy of going to corn●lius ? but by every creature , and all nations , they only apprehended the jews in their dispersions abroad , or at least , that all others who were to be saved , must be by being proselyted to the jews , and observing the law of moses , together with the gospel of christ. and therefore we see the necessity of circumcision much pressed by the believing jews which came down from ierusalem , which raised so high a dispute , that a convention of the apostles together at ierusalem was called for the ending of it ; and even there we find great heats before the businesse could be decided , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after there had been much disputing . nay after this council , and the determination of the apostles therein , all the ease and release that was granted , was only to the gentile-converts ; but the jews stick close to their old principles still , and are as zealous of the customes of the jews as ever before . for which we have a pregnant testimony in act. . , , . where the elders of the church of ierusalem tell paul there were many myriads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of believing iews , who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all very zealous for the law still , and therefore had conceived a sinister opinion of paul , as one that taught a defection from the law of moses , saying , they might not circumcise their children , nor walk after the customs . one copy reads it as beza tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to follow the custome of their fathers . we see how equally zealous they are for the customes obtaining among them , as for the law its self . and is it then any wayes probable that these who continued such zealots for the customs among them , should not observe those customs in use in the synagogues for the government of the church ? might not they have been charged as well as paul with relinquishing the customs , if they had thrown off the model of the jewish synagogue , and take up some customes different from that ? and that which further confirms this , is , that this church of ierusalem continued still in its zeal for the law , till after the destruction of the temple ; and all the several pastors of that church ( whom ecclesiastical writers call bishops ) were of the circumcision . for both we have the testimony of sulpitius severus , speaking of the time of adrian . et quia christiani ex iudaeis potissimum putabantur ( namque tum hierosolymae , non nisi ex circumcisione habebat ecclesia sacerdotem ) militum cohortem custodias in perpetuum agitare jussit , quae iudaeos omnes hierosolymae aditu arceret . quod quidem christiana fidei proficiebat ; quia tum pene omnes christum deum , sub legis observatione , credebant . we see hereby that the christians observed still the law with the gospel ; and that the jews and christians were both reckoned as one body , which must imply an observation of the same rites and customes among them : for those are the things whereby societies are distinguished most . now it is evident , that the romans made no distinction at first between the jews and christians . thence we read in the time of claudius , when the edict came out against the jews , aquila and priscilla , though converted to christianity , were forced to leave italy upon that account , being still looked on as jews ; yet these are called by paul , his helpers in christ iesus . for which onuphrius gives this reason , nullum adhuc inter iudaeos & christianos discrimen noscebatur , which account is likewise given by alphonsus ciaconius ; congeneres & comprofessores ejusdem religionis gentilibus censebantur ( christiani pariter ac iudaei ) . the edict of claudius we may read still in suetonius , iudaeos impulsore christo assiduè tumultuantes roma expulit . we find here the edict fully expressed for banishing the jews , and the occasion set down ; which most interpret of the doctrine of christ , as the occasion of the stirs between the jews and christians . for the romans called christ chrestus , and christians , chrestiani , as the authors of the christians apologies against the heathens often tell us . but marcellus donatus conjectures this christus to have been some seditious jew called by that name ; for which he brings many inscriptions wherein the name occurrs , but none wherein it is given to a jew ; which should be first produced , before we leave the received interpretation of it . however that be , we see the jews and christians equally undergo the punishment without any difference observed in them ; and therefore when paul was brought before gallio the proconsul of achaia , he looked upon the difference between the jews and paul to be only a question of words and names , and of their law , and thereupon refused to meddle with it . and so celsus upbraids both jews and christians , as though their contentions were about a matter of nothing . by all this we may now consider , how little the christians did vary from the customs and practice of the jews , when they were thought by those who were equally enemies to both , to be of the same body and community . which consideration will make the thing i aim at , seem more probable , when withall we observe that the jewish customs in their synagogues , were those whereby they were most known among the romans ; and therefore when they looked on the christians as of the same religion with the jews , it is evident they observed no difference as to their publick practises in their religious societies . which is the first consideration , to shew how probable it is that christians observed the same form in government with what they found in the synagogues . to which i add a second consideration ; which is the apostles forming christian churches out of jewish synagogues . we have already shewed how much their resort was to them in their preaching from the constant practice of paul , although he was in a more peculiar manner the apostle of the uncircumcision ; much more then is it probable that the others , especially peter , iames , and iohn did resort to the circumcision . and in the setling things at first , we see how fearful the apostles were of giving offence to the jews , how ready to condescend to them in any thing they lawfully might . and can we think that paul would yield so far to the jews as to circumcise timothy , rather then give offence to the jews in those parts where he was , ( and that in a thing which seemed most immediately to thwart the design of the gospel , as circumcision did , witness the apostle himself ; ) that yet he would scruple the retaining the old model of the synagogue , when there was nothing in it at all repugnant to the doctrine of the gospel , or the nature and constitution of christian churches ? when the apostles then , did not only gather churches out of synagogues , but at some places in probability whole synagogues were converted as well as whole churches formed , what shew of reason can be given why the apostles should flight the constitution of the jewish synagogues , which had no dependance on the jewish hierarchy , and subsisted not by any command of the ceremonial law ? the work of the synagogue not belonging to the priest as such , but as persons qualified for instructing others , and the first model of the synagogue government is with a great deal of probability derived from the schools of the prophets and the government thereof . this consideration would be further improved , if the notion of distinct coetus of the jewish and gentile christians in the same places could be made out by any irrefragable testimony of antiquity , or clear evidence of reason drawn from scripture : because the same reason which would ground the distinction of the jewish church from the gentile , would likewise hold for the jewish church to retain her old form of government in the synagogue way . for it must be some kind of peculiarity supposed by the jews in themselves as distinct from the gentiles , which did make them form a distinct congregation from them ; which peculiarity did imply the observing those customes among them still , by which that peculiarity was known to others ; among which those of the synagogue were not the least known or taken notice of . but i must freely confesse , i find not any thing brought by that learned person , who hath managed this hypothesis with the greatest dexterity , to have that evidence in it which will command assent from an unprejudicated mind . and it is pitty that such infirm hypotheses should be made use of for the justifying our separation from rome , which was built upon reasons of greater strength and evidence , then those which have been of late pleaded by some assertors of the protestant cause , though men of excellent abilities and learning . for there are many reasons convictive enough , that peter had no universal power over the church , supposing that there was no such thing as a distinction between the jewish and gentile coetus . i deny not but at first , before the jews were fully satisfied of the gentiles right to gospel priviledges , they were very shy of communicating with them , especially the believing jews of the church of ierusalem , : upon the occasion of some of whom coming down to antioch from iames , it was , that peter withdrew and separated himself from the gentiles , with whom before he familiarly conversed . which action of his is so far from being an argument of the setling any distinct church of the jews from the gentiles there , that it yields many reasons against it . for first , peters withdrawing was only occasional , and not out of design ; whereas , had it been part of his commission to do it , we cannot conceive peter so mindlesse of his office , as to let it alone till some jews came down from ierusalem to tell him of it . secondly , it was not for the sake of the jews at antioch that he withdrew , but for the jews which came down from ierusalem ; whereas , had he intended a distinct church of the jews , he would before have setled and fixed them as members of another body ; but now it evidently appears , that not only peter himself , but the jews with him , did before those jews coming to antioch associate with the gentiles , which is evident by v. . and other iews dissembled likewise with him , in so much that barnabas also was carryed away with their dissimulation . whereby it is clear , that these jews did before joyn with the gentile-christians , or else they could not be said to be led away with the dissimulation of peter . thirdly , st. paul is so far from looking upon this withdrawing of peter , and the iews from the gentiles society to be a part of st. peters office , that he openly and sharply reproves him for it . what then , was paul so ignorant , that there must be two distinct churches of iews and gentiles there , that he calls this action of his dissimulation ? in all reason then , supposing this notion to be true , the blame lights on paul , and not on peter : as not understanding , that the jews were to be formed into distinct bodies from the gentile-christians . and therefore it is observable that the same author who is produced , as asserting , that seorsim quae ex iudais erant ecclesiae habebantur , nec his quae ●rant ex gentibus miscebantur , is he , who makes this reproo● of peter by paul , to be a meer matter of dissimulation between them both ; which sense of that action whoever will be so favourable to it as to embrace it , ( as some seem inclinable to do it ) will never be able to answer the arguments brought by st. augustine against it . this place then was unhappily light upon to ground a distinction of the several coeius , or distinct churches of jews and christians at antioch . but , it may be , more evidence for it may be seen in the rescript of the council of ierusalem , which is directed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the brethren of antioch , those of the gentiles . but. lest some hidden mysteries should lye in this curtailing the words , let us see them at large . unto the brethren which are of the gentiles in antioch , and syria , and cilicia . there was nothing then peculiar to those of the gentiles at antioch more then in syria and cilicia ; and if those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imply a coetus distinct of gentile-christians , from the jews at antioch , it must do so through all syria , and cilicia , which was pauls province , and not peters , as appears by his travels in the acts. e●the● then the apostle of the uncircumcision must form distinct : churches of iews and gentiles in his preaching through syria and silicia ▪ ( which is irreconcilable with the former pretence of distinct provinces , asserted by the same author , who pleads for distinct coetus ) or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can imply no such thing as a distinct church of gentiles to whomsover it is spoken ; and so not at antioch more then through all syria and silicia . the plain ground then of the apostles inscribing the order of the council to the brethren of the gentiles , was , because the matter of that order did particularly concern them , and not the jews , as is obvious to any that will but cast an eye upon the , , . verses of the . of the acts. as well might then an order supposed from the apostles to the several pastors of the churches in things concerning them as such , imply that they make distinct churches from their people , as this order concerning the gentile brethren , being therefore directed to them , doth imply their making distinct churches from the jewish brethren in the cities where they lived together . what is further produced out of antiquity to this purpose , hath neither evidence nor pertinency enough , to stop the passage of one who is returning from this digression to his former matter . although then we grant not any such distinct coetus of the jews from the christians , yet that hinders not , but that both jews and christians joyning together in one church , might retain still the synagogue form of government among them ; which there was no reason at all , why the christians should scruple the using of , either as jews or gentiles , because it imported nothing either typical and ceremonial , or heavy and burdensome , which were the grounds , why former customs in use among the jews were laid aside by the christians . but instead of that , it was most suitable and agreeable to the state of the churches in apostolical times , which was the third consideration to make it probable , that the synagogue form of government was used by the christians . and the suitablenesse of this government to the churches , lay in the conveniency of it for the attaining all ends of government in that condition wherein the churches were at that time . for church officers acting then either in gathering or governing churches ▪ without any authority from magistrates , such a way of government was most suitable to their several churches , as whereby the churches might be governed , and yet have no dependancy upon the secular power , which the way of government in the synagogues was most convenient for ; for the jews , though they enjoyed a bare permission from the civil state where they lived , yet by the exercise of their synagogue government ▪ they were able to order all affairs belonging to the service of god , and to keep all members belonging to their several synagogues in unity and peace among themselves . the case was the same as to synagogues and churches ; these subsisted by the same permission which the others enjoyed ; the end of these was the service of god , and preserving that order among them which might best become societies so constituted ; there can be no reason then assigned , why the apostles in setling particular churches should not follow the synagogue in its model of government . these things may suffice to make it appear probable that they did so , which is all these considerations tend to . having thus prepared the way by making it probable , i now further enquire into the particular part of government , and what orders in the synagogue were , which there is any evidence for , that the apostles did take up and follow . here i begin with the thing first propounded , the orders of publick worship , which did much resemble those of the synagogue ; only with those alterations which did arise from the advancing of christianity . that the christians had their publick and set ▪ meetings for the service of god , is evident from the first rising of a society constituted upon the account of christianity . we read of the three thousand converted by peters sermon , that they continued in the apostles doctrine and fellowship , and breaking of bread , and prayers . where we have all that was observed in the synagogue , and somewhat more ; here there is publick joyning together , implyed in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their solemn prayers expressed , which were constantly observed in the synagogue ; instead of reading the sections of the law and prophets , we have the apostles teaching by immediate inspiration ; and to all these as the proper service of christianity , is set down the celebration of the lords-supper , which we shall seldome or ever in the primitive church , read the publick service on lords dayes performed without . during the apostolical times , in which there was such a land-flood of extraordinary gifts overflowing the church , in the publick meeting we find those persons who were indued with those gifts , to be much in exercising them ( as to the custom , agreeing with the synagogue ; but , as to the gifts , exceeding it ) concerning the ordering of which for the publick edification of the church , the apostle paul layes down so many rules in the fourteenth chapter to the corinthians ; but assoon as this flood began to abate , which was then necessary for the quicker softening the world for receiving christianity , the publick service began to run in its former channel , as is apparent from the unquestionable testimonies of iustin martyr and tertullian , who most fully relate to us , the order of publick worship used among the christians at that time . iustin martyr , the most ancient next to clemens ( whose epistle is lately recovered to the christian world ) of the unquestionable writers of the primitive church , gives us a clear narration of the publick orders observed by the church in his time : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . upon the day call'd sunday , all the christians whether in town or country assemble in the same place , wherein the memoires or commentaries of the apostles and the writings of the prophets are read as long as the time will permit ; then the reader sitting down , the president of the assembly stands up and makes a sermon of instruction and exhortation to the following so good examples . after this is ended , we all stand up to prayers ; prayers ended , the bread , wine and water are all brought forth ; then the president again praying and praising to his utmost ability , the people testifie their consent by saying amen . what could have been spoken with greater congruity or correspondency to the synagogue , abating the necessary observation of the bucharist as proper to christianity ? here we have the scriptures read by one appointed for that purpose , as it was in the synagogue ; after which follows the word of exhortation in use among them by the president of the assembly , answering to the ruler of the synagogue ; after this , the publick prayers performed by the same president , as among the jews by the publick minister of the synagogue ( as is already observed out of maimoni ) , then the solemn acclamation of amen by the people , the undoubted practice of the synagogue . to the same purpose tertullian , who , if he had been to set forth the practice of the synagogue , could scarce have made choyce of words more accommodated to that purpose . coimus ( saith he ) in coetum & congregationem , ut ad deum quasi manu factà precationibus ambiamus or antes — cogimur ad divinarum literarum commemorationem , si quid praesentium temporum qualitas aut praemonere cogit aut recognoscere . certè fidem sanctis vocibus pascimus , spem erigimus , fi●uciam figimus , disciplinam praeceptorum nihilominus inculcationibus densamus ; ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes , & censura divina . nam & judicatur magno cum pondere , ut apud certos de dei conspectu , summumque futuri judicii prae judicium est , siquis ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione orationis & conventûs & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . prasident probati quique seniores , honorem istum non pretio sed testimonio adepti . where we have the same orders for prayers , reading the scriptures according to occasions , and sermons made out of them for increase of faith , raising hope , strengthening confidence . we have the discipline of the church answering the admonitions , and excommunication of the synagogue ; and last of all , we have the bench of elders sitting in these assemblies , and ordering the things belonging to them . thus much for the general correspondency between the publick service of the church and synagogue ; they that would see more particulars , may read our learned mr. thorndikes discourse of the service of god in religious assemblies . whose design throughout is to make this out more at large ; but we must only touch at these things by the way ; as it were , look into the synagogue , and go on our way . we therefore proceed from their service , to their custom of ordination , which was evidently taken up by the christians from a correspondency to the synagogue . for which we are first to take notice , that the rulers of the church under the gospel , do not properly succeed the priests and levites under the law , who●e office was ceremonial , and who were not admitted by any solemn ordination into their function , but succeeded by birth into their places ; only the great sanhedrin did judge of their fitnesse , as to birth and body , before their entrance upon their function . so the jewish doctors tell us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. in the stone parlour , the great sanhedrin of israel sat , and did there judge the priests . the priest that was found defective , put on mourning garments , and so went forth ▪ he that was not , put on white , and went in and ministred with the priests his brethren . and when no fault was found in the sons of aaron , they observed a festival solemnity for it . three things are observable in this testimony : first , that the inquiry that was made concerning the priests , was chiefly concerning the purity of their birth , and the freedom of their bodies from those defects which the law mentions , unlesse in the case of grosser and more scandalous sins , as idolatry , murther , &c. by which they were excluded from the priestly office. the second , is , that the great sanhedrin had this inspection over , and examination of the priests before their admission ; for what that learned man const. l'empereur there conjectures , that there was an ecclesiastical sanhedrin which did passe judgement on these things , is overthrown by the very words of the talmudists already cited . the last thing observable , is , the garments which the priests put on , viz. white rayment upon his approbation by the sanhedrin , and soon after they were admitted into the temple with great joy ; to which our saviour manifestly alludes , revel . . . . thou hast a few names even in sardis which have not defiled their garments , and they shall walk with me in white , for they are worthy . he that overcometh , the same shall be cloathed in white rayment . but the priests under the law , were never ordained by imposition of hands , as the elders and rulers of the synagogue were ; and if any of them came to that office , they as well as others had peculiar designation and appointment to it . it is then a common mistake to think that the ministers of the gospel succeed by way of correspondence and analogy to the priests under the law ; which mistake hath been the foundation and original of many errors . for when in the primitive church , the name of priests came to be attributed to gospel-ministers from a fair complyance ( as was thought then ) of the christians onely to the name used both among jewes and gentiles ; in process of time , corruptions increasing in the church , those names that were used by the christians by way of analogy and accommodation , brought in the things themselves primarily intended by those names ; so by the metaphorical names of priests and altars , at last came up the sacrifice of the mass ; without which , they thought the names of priests and altar were insignificant . this mistake we see run all along through the writers of the church , assoon as the name priests was applyed to the elders of the church , that they derived their succession from the priests of aarons order , presbyterorum ordo exordium sumpsit à filiis aaron . qui enim sacerdotes vocabantur in v●teri testamento , hi sunt qui nunc appestantur presbyteri : & qui nuncupabantur principes sacerdotum , nuno episcopi nominantur ; as isidorus ; and ivo tell us . so before them both , ierome in his known epistle to evagrius . et ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento , quod aaron & filii ejus atque levitae in temple fuerunt : hoc sibi episcopi & presbyteri atque diaconi vendicent in ecclesia . from which words a leo●ned doctor , and strenuous assertor of the jus divinum of prelacy , questions not but to make ierome , either apparently contradictious to himself , or else to assert , that the superiority of bishops above presbyters was by his confession an apostolical tradition . for saith he , nihil manifestius dici potuit ; and s. . quid ad hoc responderi possit , aut quo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 artificio deliniri aut deludi tam diserta affirmatio , fateor ego ●e divinando assequi non posse ; sed è contra exiis quae d. blondellus , quae walo , quae ludov. capellus h●c in re praestiterunt , mihi persuasissimum esse , nihil uspiam contra aperta● lucem obtendi posse . in a case then so desperate as poor ierome lies in , by a wound he is supposed to have given himself , when the priest and the levite hath passed him by , it will be a piece of charity in our passing by the way a little to consider his case , to see whether there be any hopes of recovery . we take it then for granted , that ierome hath already said , that apostolus perspi●uè docet , eosdem esse presbytsros quos & episcopos , in the same epistle which he proves there at large ; and in another place ; si●●t ergo presbyteri sciunt se ex ecclesiae consuetudine , ei qui sibi praeposi●us fuerit , esse subjectos ; it a episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine , quam disposition is dominicae veritate presbyteris esse majores , & in commune debere ecclesiam regere . the difficulty now lyes in the reconciling this with what is before c●ted out of the same author ; some solve it by saying , that , in ieroms sense apostolical tradition and ecclesiaestical custome are the same , as ad marcellum , he saith the observation of lent is apostolica traditio , and advers . luciferian , shith , it is ecclesiae consu●tudo ; so that by apostolical tradition , he meant not an apostolical institution , but an ecclesiastical custome . and if ierome speak according to the general vogue , this solution may be sufficient notwithstanding what is said against it : for , according to that common rule of austin , things that were generally in use , and no certain author assigned of them , were attributed to the apostles . two things therefore i shall lay down for reconciling ierome to himself : the first is , the difference between traditio apostolica , and traditio apostolorum ; this latter doth indeed imply the thing spoken of to have proceeded from the apostles themselves ; but the former may be applyed to what was in practice after the apostles times ; and the reason of it is ▪ that what ever was done in the primitive church , supposed to be agreeable to apostolical practice , was called apostolical . thence the bishops see was called sedes apostolic● , as tertullian tells us , ob consang●i●itatem doctrinae . so sidonius apollinaris calls the see of l●p●s the bishop of tricassium in france , sedem apostolicam . and the bishops of the church were called viri apostolici , and thence the constitutions which goe under the apostles names , were so called , saith ▪ albaspinaeus , ab antiquitate : ●nam cum corum aliquot ab apostolorum successoribus ( qui teste tertullian● ▪ apostolici viri ●omi●ahantur . ) facti essent , apostolicorum primù●● canones , deinde nonnullorum latinorum ignorantia , aliquot literarum detractione , apostolorum dicti sunt . by which we see what ever was conceived to be of any great antiquity in the church , though it was not thought to have come from the apostles themselves , yet it was called apostolioal ▪ so that in this sense , traditio apostolica , is no more then traditio autiqua , or ab apostolicis viris profecta , which was meant rather of those that were conceived to succeed the apostles , then of the apostles themselves . but i answer , secondly , that granting traditio apostolica to mean traditio apostolorum , yet ierome is far from contradicting himself , which is obvious to any that will read the words before , and consider their coherence . the scope and drift of his epistle , is to chastise the arrogance of one who made deacons superiour to presbyters . audio quendam in tantam erupisse vecordiam ut diaconos presbyteris , id est , episcopis anteferret , and so spends a great part of the epistle , to prove that a bishop and presbyter are the same ; and at last brings in these words ; giving the account , why paul to timothy and titus mentions no presbyters ; quia in episcopo & presbyter continetur . aut igitur ex presbytero ordinetur diaconus , ut presbyter minor diacono comprobetur , in quem crescat ex parv● ; aut si ex diacono ordinatur presbyter , noverit se lucris minorem , sacerdo●i● esse majorem . and then presently adds , et ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento , quod aaron & filii ejus atq ▪ levitae in templo fuerunt , hoc sibi episcopi & presbyteri atque diaconi vendicent in ecclesiâ . it it imaginable that a man who had been proving all along the superiority of a presbyter above a deacon , because of his identity with a bishop in the aposties times , should at the same time say , that a bishop was above a presbyter by the apostles institution , and so directly overthrow all he had been saying before ? much as if one should go about to prove that the pr●fectus urbis , and the curatores urbis in alexander severus his time● ▪ were the same office , and to that end should make use of the constitution of that emperour whereby he appointed . curatores urbis , and set the praefectus in an office above them . such an incongruity is scarce incident to a man of very ordinary esteem for intellectuals , much less to such a one as ierome is reputed to be . the plain meaning then of ierome is no more but this , that as aaron and his sons in the order of priesthood were above the levites under the law : so the bishops and presbyters in the order of the evangelical priesthood are above the deacons under the gospel . for the comparison runs not between aaron and his sons under the law , and bishops and presbyters under the gospel ; but between aaron and his sonnes as one part of the comparison under the law , and the levites under them as the other ; so under the gospel , bishops and presbyters make one part of the comparison , answering to aaron and his sonnes in that wherein they all agree ; viz. the order of priest hood ; and the other part under the gospel is that of deacons answering to the levites under the law. the opposition is not then in the power of jurisdiction between bishops and priests , but between the same power of order , which is alike both in bishops and presbyters ( according to the acknowledgement of all ) to the office of deacons which stood in competition with them . thus i hope we have left ierome at perfect harmony with himself , notwithstanding the attempt made to make him so palpably contradict himself ; which having thus done , we are at liberty to proceed in our former course ; onely hereby we see how unhappily those arguments succeed which are brought from the analogy between the aaronical priest hood , to endeavour the setting up of a ius divinum of a parallel superiority under the gospel . all which arguments are taken off by this one thing we are now upon , viz. that the orders and degrees under the gospel , were not taken up from analogy to the temple , but to the synagogue : which we now make out as to ordination , in three things ; the manner of conferring it , the persons authorized to do it , the remaining effect of it upon the person receiving it . first ▪ for the manner of conferring it ; that under the synagogue was done by laying on of hands : which was taken up among the jewes as a significative rite in the ordaining the elders among them , and thereby qualifying them either to be members of their sanhedrins , or teachers of the law. a● twofold use i find of this symbolical rite , beside the solemn designation of the person on whom the hands are laid . the first is to denote the delivery of the person or thing thus laid hands upon , for the right , use , and peculiar service of god , and that i suppose was the reason of laying hands upon the beast under the law , which was to be sacrificed , thereby noting their own parting with any right in it , and giving it up to be the lords for a sacrifice to him . thus in the civill law this delivery is requisite in the transferring dominion , which they call translatio de manu in manum . the second end of laying on of hands was the solemn iuvocation of the divine presence and assistance to be upon , and with the person upon whom the hands are thus laid . for the hands with us being the instruments of action , they did by stretching out their hands upon the person , represent the efficacy of divine power which they implored in behalf of the per●on thus designed . tunc enim ●rabant ut sic dei efficacia esset super illum , sicut manus efficaciae symbolum , ei imponebatur as grotius observes . thence in all solemn prayers , wherein any person was particularly designed , they made use of this custome of imposition of hands : from which custome , augustine speaks , quid aliud est manuum impositio nisi oratio super hominem ? thence when iacob prayed over iosephs children , he laid his hands upon them ; so when moses prayed over ioshua . the practice likewise our saviour used in blessing children , healing the sick , and the apostles in conferring the gifts of the holy-ghost ; and from thence it was conveyed into the practice of the primitive church ▪ who used it in any more solemn invocation of the name of god in behalf of any particular persons , as over the sick upon repentance and reconciliation to the church , in confirmation , and in matrimony ; which ( as grotius observes ) is to this day used in the abissine churches . but the most solemn and peculiar use of this imposition of hands among the jews was in the designing of any persons for any publike imployment among them : not as though the bare imposition of hands , did conferre any power upon the person , ( no more then the bare delivery of a thing in law gives a legall title to it , without express transferring dominion with it ) but with that ceremony they joyned those words whereby they did confer that authority upon them : which were to this purpose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ecce sis tu ordinatus , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ego ordino te , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sis ordinatus , to which they added according to the authority they ordained them to , some thing peculiarly expressing it , whether it was for causes finable , or pecuniary , or binding and loosing , or ruling in the synagogue . which is a thing deserving consideration by those who use the rite of imposing hands in ordination , without any thing expressing that authority they convey by that ordination . this custome being so generally in use among the jews in the time when the apostles were sent forth with authority for gathering and setling churches , we find them accordingly making use of this , according to the former practice , either in any more solemn invocation of the presence of god upon any persons , or designation and appointing them for any peculiar service or function : for we have no ground to think that the apostles had any peculiar command for laying on their hands upon persons in prayer over them , or ordination of them : but the thing its self being enjoyned them , viz. the setting apart some persons for the peculiar work of attendance upon the necessities of the churches by them planted , they took up and made use of a laudable rite and custome then in use upon such occasions . and so we find the apostles using it in the solemn designation of some persons to the office of deacons , answering to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the synagogue , whose office was to collect the moneys for the poor , and to distribute it among them . afterwards we read it used upon an occasion not heard of in the synagogue , which was for the conferring the gifts of the holy-ghost ; but although the occasion was extraordinary , yet supposing the occasion , the use of that rite in it , was very suitable , in as much as those gifts did so much answer to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the jewes conceived did rest upon those who were so ordained by imposition of hands . the next time we meet with this rite , was upon a peculiar designation to a particular service of persons already appointed by god for the work of the ministry , which is of paul and barnabas by the prophets and teachers at antioch ▪ whereby god doth set forth the use of that rite of ordination to the christian churches ▪ accordingly we find it after practised in the church ▪ timothy being ordained by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . and timothy hath direction given him for the right management of it afterwards , lay hands suddenly on no man. for they that would interpret that of reconciling men to the church by that rite , must first give us evidence of so early an use of that custome , which doth not yet appear . but there is one place commonly brought to prove that the apostles in ordaining elders in the christian churches , did not observe the jewish form of laying on of hands , but observed a way quite different from the jewish practice , viz. appointing them by the choice consent and suffrages of the people . which place is acts ▪ . where it is said of paul and barnabas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : we render it ordaining them elders in every church . but others from the signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would have it rendered ▪ when they had appointed elders by the suffrages of the people . but how little the peoples power of ordination can be inferred from these words , will be evident to any one that shall but consider these things . first , that though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did originally signifie the choosing by way of suffrage among the greeks , yet before the time of lukes writing this , the word was used for simple designation without that ceremony . so hesychius interprets it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word used of titus for ordaining elders in every city ; and in demosthenes and others it occurs for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to decree and appoint ; and that sense of the word appears in saint luke himself , acts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , witnesses foreappointed of god. many examples of this signification are brought by learned men of writers , before , and about the time when luke writ , from philo iudaeus , iosephus , appian , lucian and others . but secondly ▪ granting it used in the primary signification of the word , yet it cannot be applied to the people , but to paul and barnabas ; for it is not said that the people did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but that paul and barnabas did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : now where ever that word is used in its first signification , it is implyed to be the action of the persons themselves giving suffrages , and not for other persons appointing by the suffrages of others . thirdly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may import no more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that laying on of the hands must suppose the stretching them out : which is onely a common figure in scripture for the antecedent to be put for the consequent , or one part for the whole action ; and concerning this sense of the word in ecclesiastical writers , see the large quotations in bishop bilson to this purpose . fourthly , it seems strangely improbable that the apostles should put the choice at that time into the hands of the people , when there were none fitted for the work the apostles designed them for ; but whom the apostles did lay their hands on , by which the holy ghost sell upon them , whereby they were fitted and qualified for that work . the people then could no wayes choose men for their abilities when their abilities were consequen● to their ordination . so much to clear the manner of ordination to have been from the synagogue . the second thing we consider , is , the persons authorized to do it : whom we consider under a double respect , before their liberties were bound up by compact among themselves ; and after . first , before they had restrained themselves of their own liberty , then the general rule for ordinations among them was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every one regularly ordained , himself had the power of ordaining his disciples , as maimonides affirms . to the same purpose is that testimony of the gemara babylonia in master selden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rabbi abba bar ionah said , that in times of old , every one was wont to ordain his own disciples : to which purpose many instances are there brought . but it is generally agreed among them , that in the time of hillel this course was altered , and they were restrained from their former liberty ; in probability finding the many inconveniences of so common ordinations ; or , as they say , out of their great reverence to the house of hillel , they then agreed that none should ordain others without the presence of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the prince of the sanhedrin , or a license obtained from him for that end ; and it was determined that all ordinations without the consent of the prince of the sanhedrin should be looked upon as null and void ; which is attested by the former authors . the same distinct on may be observed under the gospel in reference to the fixed officers of the church ; for we may consider them in their first state and period , as the presbyters did rule the churches in common , as hierom tells us , communi presbyterorum conci●io ecclesi● gubernabantur : before the jurisdiction of presbyters was restrained by mutual consent , in this instant doubtlesse , the presbyters enjoyed the same liberty that the presbyters among the jews did , of ordaining other presbyters by that power they were invested in at their own ordination . to which purpose we shall only at present take notice of the confession of two canonists , who are the h●ghest among the papists , for defence of a distinct order of episcopacy . yet gratian himself confesseth , sacros ordines dicimus diaconatum & presbyteratum ; hos quidem solos ecclesia primitiva habuisse dicitur . and iohannes semeca in his gloss upon the canon law ; dicunt quidem quod in ecclesia prima-primitiva commune erat officium episcoporum & sacerdotum , & nomina erant communia . — sed in secundâ primitivâ coeperunt distingui & nomina & officia . here we have a distinction of the primitive church very agreeable both to the opinion of hierom , and the matter we are now upon ; in the first primitive church , the presbyters all acted in common for the welfare of the church , and either did or might ordain others to the same authority with themselves ; because the intrinsecal power of order is equally in them , and in those who were after appointed governours over presbyteries . and the collation of orders doth come from the power of order , and not mee●ly from the power of jurisdiction . it being likewise fully acknowledged by the schoolmen , that bishops are not superiour above presbyters , as to the power of order . but the clearest evidence of this , is in the church of alexandria , of which hierom speaks ; nam & alexandria à marco evangelistâ usque ad heraclam & dionysium episcopos , presbyteri semper unum ex se electum , in excelsiori gradu coll●catum , episcopum nominabant ; quomodo si exercitus imperatorem faciat , aut diaconi eligant de se quem industrium noverint , & archidiaconum vocent . that learned doctor who would perswade us that the presbyters did only make choice of the person , but the ordination was performed by other bishops , would do well first to tell us , who and where those bishops in aegypt were , who did consecrate or ordain the bishop of alexandria after his election by the presbyters ; especially , while aegypt remained but one province , under the government of the praefectus augustalis . secondly , how had this been in the least pertinent to hieroms purpose to have made a particular instance in the church of alexandria , for that which was common to all other churches besides ? for the old rule of the canon-law for bishops was , electio clericorum est , consensus principis , petitio plebis . thirdly , this election in hierom must imply the conferring the power and authority whereby the bishop acted . for first , the first setting up of his power is by hierom attributed to this choice , as appears by his words . quod autem postea unus electus est qui caeteris praeponeretur , in schismatis remedium factum est , ne unusquisque ad se trahens christi ecclesiam rumperet . whereby it is evident hierom attributes the first original of that exsors potestas , as he calls it elsewhere in the bishop above presbyters , not to any apostolical institution , but to the free choice of the presbyters themselves : which doth fully explain what he means by consuetudo ecclesiae before spoken of , viz. that which came up by a voluntary act of the governours of churches themselves . secondly , it appears that by election , he means conferring authority , by the instances he brings to that purpose ; as the roman armies choosing their emperours , who had then no other power but what they received by the length of the sword ; and the deacons choosing their archdeacon , who had no other power but what was meerly con●erred by the choice of the co●ledge of deacons . to which we may add what eutychius , the patriarch of alexandria , saith in his origines ecclesiae alexandrinae published in arabick by our mo●● learned selden , who expresly affirms , that the twelve presbyters constituted by mark upon the vacancy of the see , did choose out of their number one to be head over the rest , and the other eleven did lay their hands upon him , and blessed him , and made him patriarch . neither is the authority of eutychius so much to be sleighted in this case , coming so near to hierom as he doth , who doubtless , had he told us that mark and anianus , &c. did all there without any presbyters , might have had the good fortune to have been quoted with as much frequency and authority as the anonymous author of the martyrdome of timothy in photius ( who there unhappily follows the story of the seven sleepers ) or the author of the apostolical constitutions , whose credit is everlastingly blasted by the excellent mr. duille de pseudepigraphis apostolorum ; so much doth mens interest●tend to the inhancing or abating the esteem and credit both of the dead and the living . by these we see , that where no positive restraints from consent and choice , for the unity and peace of the church , have restrained mens liberty as to their external exercise of the power of order or jurisdiction , every one being himself advanced into the authority of a church . governour , hath an internal power of conferring the same upon persons fit for it . to which purpose the laying on of the hands of the presbytery , is no wayes impertinently alledged , although we suppose st. paul to concur in the action , ( as it is most probable he did ) because , if the presbytery had nothing to do in the ordination , to what purpose were their hands laid upon him ? was it only to be witnesses of the fact , or to signifie their consent ? both those might have been done without their use of that ceremony ; which will scarce be instanced in , to be done by any but such as had power to confer what was signified by that ceremony . we come therefore to the second period or state of the church , when the former liberty was restrained , by some act of the church it self ▪ for preventing the inconveniences which might follow the too common use of the former liberty of ordinations , so antonius de rosellis fully expresseth my meaning in this ; quilibet presbyter & presbyteri ordinabant indiscretè , & schismata oriebantur . every presbyter and presbyters did ordain indifferently , and thence arose schisms : thence the liberty was restrained and reserved peculiarly to some persons who did act in the several presbyteries , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or prince of the sanhedrin , without whose presence no ordination by the church was to be looked on as regular . the main controversie is , when this restraint began , and by whose act ; whether by any act of the apostles , or only by the prudence of the church its self , as it was with the sanhedrin . but in order to our peace , i see no such necessity of deciding it , both parties granting that in the church such a restraint was laid upon the liberty of ordaining presbyters : and the exercise of that power may be restrained still , granting it to be radically and intrinsically in them . so that this controversie is not such as should divide the church . for those that are for ordinations only by a superiour order in the church , acknowledging a radical power for ordination in presbyters , which may be exercised in case of necessity , do thereby make it evident , that none who grant that , do think that any positive law of god hath forbidden presbyters the power of ordination ; for then it must be wholly unlawful , and so in case of necessity it cannot be valid . which doctrine i dare with some confidence assert to be a stranger to our church of england , as shall be largely made appear afterwards . on the other side , those who hold ordinations by presbyters lawful , do not therefore hold them necessary , but it being a matter of liberty , and not of necessity ( christ having no where said that none but presbyters shall ordain ) this power then may be restrained by those who have the care of the churches peace ; and matters of liberty being restrained , ought to be submitted to , in order to the churches peace . and therefore some have well observed the difference between the opinions of hierom and aerius . for as to the matter it self , i believe upon the strictest enquiry medina's judgement will prove true , that hierom , austin , ambrose , sedulius , primasius , chrysostome , theodores , theophylact , were all of aerius his judgement , as to the identity of both name and order of bishops and presbyters in the primitive church : but here lay the difference ▪ aerius from hence proceeded to separation from bishops and their churches , because they were bishops . and blondell well observes that the main ground why aerius was condemned , was for unnecessary separation from the church of sebastia , and those bishops too who agreed with him in other things , as eustathius the bishop did : whereas , had his meer opinion about bishops been the ground of his being condemned , there can be no reason assigned , why this heresie , if it were then thought so , was not mentioned either by socrates , theodoret ; sozomen , or evagrius , before whose time he lived ; when yet they mention the eustathiani , who were co-temporaries with him . but for epiphanius and augustine , who have listed him in the roul of hereticks , it either was for the other heretical opinions maintained by him , or they took the name heretick ( as it is evident they often did ) for one , who , upon a matter of different opinion from the present sense of the church , did proceed to make separation from the unity of the catholick church ; which i take to be the truest account of the reputed heresie of aerius . for otherwise it is likely that ierome , who maintained so great correspondency and familiarity with epiphanius , and thereby could not but know what was the cause why aerius was condemned for heresie , should himself run into the same heresie , and endeavour not only to assert it , but to avouch and maintain it against the judgement of the whole church ? ierome therefore was not ranked with aerius , because , though he held the same opinion as to bishops and presbyters , yet he was far from the consequence of aerius , that therefore all bishops were to be separated from ; nay , he was so far from thinking it necessary to cause a schism in the church , by separating from bishops , that his opinion is clear , that the first institution of them , was for preventing schisms , and therefore for peace and unity he thought their institution very useful in the church of god. and among all those fifteen testimonies produced by a learned writer ou● of ierome for the superiority of bishop● above presbyters , i cannot find one that doth found it upon any divine right , but only upon the conveniency of such an order for the peace and unity of the church of god : which is his meaning in that place most produced to this purpose ; ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet , cui si non exsors quaedam & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in ecclesiis efficientur schismata , quot sacerdotes . where nothing can be more evident than that he would have some supereminent power attributed to the bishop for preventing schisms in the church . but granting some passages may have a more favourable aspect towards the superiority of bishops over presbyters in his other writings , i would fain know whether a mans judgment must be taken , from occasional and incidental passages , or from designed and set discourses ; which is as much as to ask , whether the lively representation of a man by picture , may be best taken , when in haste of other business he passeth by us , giving only a glance of his countenance , or when he purposely and designedly sits , in order to that end that his countenance may be truly represented ? besides , it is well known that hierom in his commentaries on scripture , ( where he doth not expresly declare his own opinion ) doth often transcribe what he finds in others , without setting down the name of any authour he had it from . for which we have his ingenuous confession in his epistle to augustine , itaque ut simpliciter fatear , legi haec omnia ( speaking of former commentaries ) & in mente mea plurima conservans ; accito notario , vel mea vel aliena dictavi , nec ordinis , nec verborum interdum , nec sensuum memor . a strange way of writing commentaries on scripture , wherein a man having jumbled other mens notions together in his brain , by a kind of lottery draws out what next comes to hand , without any choice : yet this we see was his practice , and therefore he puts austin to this hard task of examining what all other men had writ before him , and whether he had not transcribed out of them , before he would have him charge him with any thing which he finds in his commentaries . how angry then would that hasty adversary have been , if men had told him he had contradicted himself in what he writes on the forty fifth psalm about bishops , if it be compared with his commentaries on titus , where he professeth to declare his opinion , or his epistles to evagrius and oceanus ! but yet some thing is pleaded even from those places in hierom , wherein he declares his opinion more fully , as though his opinion was only , that christ himself did not appoint episcopacy , which ( they say ) he means by dominica dispositio , but that the apostles did it , which , in opposition to the former , he calls ecclesiae consuetudo , but elsewhere explains it by traditio apostolica ; and this they prove by two things ; first , the occasion of the institution of episcopacy , which is thus set down by him , antequam diaboli instinctu , studia in religione fierent , & diceretur in populis ; ego sum ▪ pauli , ego apollo , ego autem cephae , communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae guber ▪ nabantur . thence it is argued , that the time of this institution of bishops was when it was said at corinth , i am of paul , i of apollos , and i of cephas ; which was certainly in apostol cal times . but to this it is answered ; first , that it is impossible hieroms meaning should be restrained to that individual time , because the arguments which hierom brings that the name and office of bishops and presbyters were the same , were from things done after this time . pauls first epistle to the corinthians , wherein he reproves their schisms , was written according to ludovicus cappellus in the twe●fth year of claudius , of christ fifty one , after which paul writ his epistle to titus , from whose words hierom grounds his discourse ▪ but most certainly pauls epistle to the philippians was not written , till paul was prisoner at rome ; the time of the writing of it is placed by cappellus in the third of nero ; of christ . by blondell . by our lightfoot . by all , long after the former to the corinthians ; yet from the first verse of this epistle , hierom fetcheth one of his arguments . so pauls charge to the elders at miletus , peters epistle to the dispersed jews , were after that time too , yet from these are fetched two more of hieroms arguments . had he then so little common sense , as to say , that episcopacy was instituted upon the schism at corinth , and yet bring all his arguments for parity , after the time that he s●●s for the institution of episcopacy ? but secondly , hierom doth not say , cum diceretur apud corinthios , ego sum pauli , &c. but cum diceretur in populis , ego sum pauli , &c : so that he speaks not of that particular schism , but of a general and universal schism abroad among most people , which was the occasion of appointing bishops ; and so speaks of others imitating the schism and language of the corinthians . thirdly , had episcopacy been instituted on the occasion of the schism at corinth , certainly of all places , we should the soonest have heard of a bishop at corinth for the remedying of it ; and yet almost of all places , those heralds that derive the succession of bishops from the apostles times , are the most plunged , whom to fix on at corinth . and they that can find any one single bishop at corinth at the time when clemens writ his epistle to them ( about another schism as great as the former , which certainly had not been according to their opinion , if a bishop had been there before ) must have better eyes and judgement , than the deservedly admired grotius , who brings this in his epistle to bignonius as one argument of the undoubted antiquity of that epistle : quod nusquam meminit exsortis illius episcoporum auctoritatis , quae ecclesiae consuetudine , post marci mortem alexandriae , atque eo exemplo alibi , introduci coepit ; sed planè , ut paulus apostolus ostendit , ecclesias communi presbyterorum , qui iidem omnes & episcopi ipsi pauloque dicuntur consilio fuisse gubernatas . what could be said with greater freedom , that there was no such episcopacy then at corinth ? fourthly , they who use this argument , are greater strangers to st. ierom's language than they would seem to be : whose custome it is upon incidental occasions to accommodate the phrase and language of scripture to them : as when he speaks of chrysostom's fall , cecidit babylon , cecidit ; of the bishops of palestine , multi utroque claudicant pede ; of the roman clergy , pharisaeorum conclamavit senatus ; but which is most clear to our purpose , he applyes this very speech to the men of his own time ; quando non id ipsum omnes loquimur , & alius dicit , ego sum pauli , ego apollo , ego cephae , dividimus spiritûs unitatem , & eam in partes & membra discerpimus . all which instances are produced by blondell , but have the good fortune to be past over without being taken notice of . but supposing , say they , that it was not till after the schism at corinth , yet it must needs be done by the apostles ; else how could it be said to be toto orbe decretum , ut unus de presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris ? quomodo enim ( saith a learned man ) fieri po●uit , ut toto hoc orbe decerneretur , nullo jam oecumenico concilio ad illud decernendum congrega●o , si non ab apostolis ipsis , fidem toto orbe promulgantibiss , & cum fide hanc regendi ecclesias formam constituentibus factum sit ? so that he conceives , so general an order could not be made , unless the apostles themselves at that time were the authors of it . but first , ieroms in toto orbe dicret●m est , relates not to an antecedent order , which was the ground of the institution of episcopacy , but to the universal establishment of that order which came up upon the occasion of so many schisms ; it is something therefore consequent upon the first setting up episcopacy , which is the general obtaining of it in the churches of christ , when they saw its usefulness in order to the churches peace ; therefore the emphasis lies not in decretum est , but in toto orbe ; noting how suddenly this order met with universal acceptance when it first was brought up in the church after the apostles death . which that it was ieroms meaning , appears by what he saith after , paulatim verò ( ut dissensionum plantaria evellerentur ) ad unum omnem solicitudinem esse delatam : where he notes the gradual obtaining of it : which i suppose was thus , according to his opinion ; first in the colledge of presbyters appointed by the apostles , there being a necessity of order , there was a president among them who had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ as the president of the senate , i. e. did moderate the affairs of the assembly , by proposing matters to it , gathering voices , being the first in all matters of concernment , but he had not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as casaubon very well distinguisheth them , i. e. had no power over his fellow-presbyters , but that still resided in the colledge or body of them . after this when the apostles were taken out of the way , who kept the main power in their own hands of ruling the several presbyteries , or delegated some to do it ( who had a main hand in the planting churches with the apostles , and thence are called in scripture sometimes fellow-labourers in the lord , and sometimes evangelists , and by theodoret apostles , but of a second order ) after i say , these were deceased , and the main power left in the presbyteries , the several presbyters enjoying an equal power among themselves , especially being many in one city , thereby great occasion was given to many schisms , partly by the bandying of the presbyters one against another , partly by the sidings of the people with some against the rest , partly by the too common use of the power of ordinations in presbyters , by which they were more able to increase their own party , by ordaining those who would joyn with them , and by this means to perpetuate schisms in the church ; upon this , when the wiser and graver sort considered the abuses following the promiscuous use of this power of ordination ; and withall having in their minds the excellent frame of the government of the church under the apostles , and their deputies , and for preventing of future schisms and divisions among themselves , they unanimously agreed to choose one out of their number , who was best qualified for the management of so great a trust , and to devolve the exercise of the power of ordination and jurisdiction to him ▪ yet so as that he ●ct nothing of importance , without the consent and concurrence of the presbyters , who were still to be as the common council to the bishop . this i take to be the true and just account of the original of episcopacy in the primitive church according to ierome : which model of government thus contrived and framed , sets forth to us a most lively character of that great wisdom and moderation , which then ruled the heads and hearts of the primitive christians ; and which , when men have searched and studyed all other wayes , ( the abuses incident to this government , through the corruptions of men and times being retrenched ) will be found the most agreeable to the primitive form , both as asserting the due interest of the presbyteries , and allowing the due honour of episcopacy , and by the joynt harmony of both carrying on the affairs of the church with the greatest unity , concord , and peace . which form of government i cannot see how any possible reason can be produced by either party , why they may not with chearfulness embrace it . secondly , another evidence that ierome by decretum est did not mean an order of the apostles themselves , is by the words which follow the matter of the decree , viz. ut unus de presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris , one chosen not only out of , but by the presbyters , should be set above the rest ; for so ierome must be understood ; for the apostles could not themselves choose out of all presbyteries one person to be set above the rest ; and withall the instance brought of the church of alexandria makes it evident to be meant of the choosing by the presbyters , and not by the apostles . besides , did ierome mean choosing by the apostles , he would have given some intimations of the hand the apostles had in it : which we see not in him the least ground for . and as for that pretence , that ecclesiae consuetudo is apostolica traditio , i have already made it appear that apostolica traditio in ierome , is nothing else but consuetudo ecclesiae , which i shall now confirm by a pregnant and unanswerable testimony out of ierome himself . unaquaeque provincia abundet in sensu suo , & praecepta majorum leges apostolicas arbitretur . let every province abound in its own sense , and account of the ordinances of their ancestors as of apostolical laws . nothing could have been spoken more fully to open to us what ierome means by apostolical traditions , viz the practice of the church in former ages , though not coming from the apostles themselves . thus we have once more cleared ierome and the truth together ; i only wish all that are of his judgement for the practice of the primitive church , were of his temper for the practice of their own ; and while they own not episcopacy as necessary by a divine right , yet ( being duly moderated , and joyned with presbyteries ) they may embrace it , as not only a lawful , but very useful constitution in the church of god. by which we may see what an excellent temper may be found out , most fully consonant to the primitive church for the management of ordinations , and church power , viz. by the presidency of the bishop and the concurrence of the presbyterie . for the top-gallant of episcopacy can never be so well managed for the right steering the ship of the church , as when it is joyned with the under-sails of a moderate presbyterie . so much shall suffice to speak here as to the power of ordination , which we have found to be derived from the synagogue , and the customes observed in it , transplanted into the church . there are yet some things remaining as to ordination , wherein the church did imitate the synagogue , which will admit of a quick dispatch , as the number of the persons , which under the synagogue were alwaies to be at least three . this being a fundamental constitution among the jews , as appears by their writings , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordination of presbyters by laying on of hands must be done . by three at the least . to the same purpose maimonides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they did not ordain any by imposition of hands into a power of judicature without the number of three . which number peter galatinus and postellus conceive necessary to be all ordained themselves ; but master selden thinks it was sufficient if there were but one of that number so ordained , who was to be as principal in the action ; whose opinion is favoured by maimonides , who adds to the words last cited out of him ; of which three , one at the least must be ordained himself . let us now see the parallel in the church of god. the first solemn ordination of elders under the gospel , which some think to be set down as a pattern for the church to follow , is that we read of , acts . , , . which was performed by three ; for we read in the first verse , that there were in the church at antioch , five prophets and teachers , barnabas , simeon , lucius , manaen , and saul ; of these five , the holy-ghost said , that two must be separated for the work whereto god had called them , which were , barnabas and saul ; there remain onely the other three , simeon , lucius and manaen to lay their hands on them , and ordain them to their work . accordingly those who tell us that iames was ordained bishop of ierusalem , do mention the three apostles who concurred in the ordaining of him . but most remarkable for this purpose is the canon of the nicene council , wherein this number is set down as the regular number for the ordination of bishops , without which it was not accounted canonical . the words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the ordination of a bishop should ; if possible , be performed by all the bishops of the province , which if it cannot easily be done , either through some urgent necessity , or the tediousness of the way , three bishops at least must be there for the doing it , which may be sufficient for the ordination , if those that are absent do express their consent , and by letters approve of the doing of it . to the same purpose theodoret , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the canons injoyn all the bishops of the province to be present at the ordination of one : and forbid the ordination of any without three being present at it . thus we see how the constitution of the synagogue was exactly observed in the church , as to the number of the persons concurring to a regular ordination . the last thing as to ordination bearing analogy to the synagogue , is the effect of this ordination upon the person : it was the custom of the jews , to speak of all that were legally ordained among them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the divine presence or schecinah rested upon them , which sometimes they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the holy spirit supposed to be in a peculiar manner present after this solemn separation of them from others in the world , and dedication of them unto god. answerable to this may that of our saviour be , when he gives his apostles authority to preach the gospel , he doth it in that form of words , receive ye the holy ghost , and then gives them the power of binding and loosing , usually conveyed in the jewish ordinations . whose sins ye remit , they are remitted ; and whose sins ye retain , they are retained . so that as under the law , they by their ordination received a moral faculty or right to exercise that power they were ordained to ; so under the gospel , all who are ordained according to gospel rules , have a right , authority and power conveyed thereby for the dispensing of the word and sacraments . which right and power must not be conceived to be an internal indelible character , as the papists groundlesly conceive , but a moral legal right , according to the lawes of christ , because the persons ordaining do not act in it in a natural , but a moral capacity , and so the effect must be moral and not physical , which they must suppose it to be , who make it a character , and that indelible . thus much may serve to clear how ordination in all its circumstances was derived from the jewish synagogue . the other thing remaining to be spoken to , as to the correspondence of the church with the synagogue in its constitution is , what order the apostles did settle in the several churches of their plantation for the ruling and ordering the affairs of them . before i come to speak so much to it as will be pertinent to our present purpose and design , we may take notice of the same name for church-rulers under the gospel , which there was under the synagogue , viz. that of presbyters . the name presbyter , as the hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though it originally import age , yet by way of connotation it hath been looked on as a name both of dignity and power . because wisdome was supposed to dwell with a multitude of years ; therefore persons of age and experience were commonly chosen to places of honour and trust , and thence the name importing age doth likewise cary dignity along with it . thence we read in the time of moses how often the elders were gathered together . thence eliezer is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gen. . . which the greek renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the seignior domo , the chief officer in his house ; and so we read gen. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the elders of the land of egypt . so the elders of m●dian , the elders of israel , the elders of the cities ; so among the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for their council of state ; and among the latines senatus , and our saxon aldermen , in all importing both age and honour and power together . but among the jewes , in the times of the apostles , it is most evident that the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ imported not only dignity but power ; the presbyters among the jewes , having a power both of judgeing and teaching given them by their semicha or ordination . now under the gospel the apostles retaining the name and the manner of ordination , but not conferring that judiciary power by it , which was in use among the jewes , to shew the difference between the law and the gospel , it was requisite some other name should be given to the governours of the church , which should qualifie the importance of the word presbyters to a sense proper to a gospel state ; which was the original of giving the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the governours of the church under the gospel : a name importing duty more then honour , and not a title above presbyter , but rather used by way of diminution and qualification of the power implyed in the name of presbyter . therefore to shew what kind of power and duty the name presbyter imported in the church , the office conveyed by that name is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and presbyters are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pet. ▪ . where it is opposed to that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lording it over the people , as was the custome of the presbyters among the jews . so that if we determine things by importance of words and things signified by them , the power of ordination was proper to the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because the former name did then import that power , and not the latter . we come therefore from the names to the things then implyed by them ; and the offices established by the apostles for the ruling of churches . but my design being not to dispute the arguments of either party ( viz. those who conceive the apostles setled the government of the church in an absolute parity ; or else by superiority and subordination among the setled officers of the church , ) but to lay down those principles which may equally concern both , in order to accommodation ▪ i find not my self at present concerned to debate what is brought on either side for the maintaining their particular opinion any further then thereby the apostles intentions are brought to have been to bind all future churches to observe that individual form they conceived was in practice then . all that ● have to say then concerning the course taken by the apostles in setling the government of the churches , ( under which will be contained the full resolution of what i promised , as to the correspondency to the synagogue in the government of churches ) lies in these three propositions , which i now shall endeavour to clear , viz. that neither can we have that certainty of apostolical practice which is necessary to constitute a divine right ; nor secondly , is it probable that the apostles did tye themselves up to any one fixed course in modelling churches ; nor thirdly , if they did , doth it necessarily follow that we must observe the same . if these three considerations be fully cleared , we may see to how little purpose it is to dispute the significancy and importance of words and names as used in scripture , which hitherto the main quarrel hath been about . i therefore begin with the first of these , that we cannot arrive to such an absolute certainty what course the apostles took in governing churches as to inferr from thence the only divine right of that one form which the several parties imagine comes the nearest to it . this i shall make out from these following arguments . first , from the equivalency of the names , and the doubtfulness of their signification from which the form of government used in the new testament should be determined . that the form of government must be derived from the importance of the names of bishop and presbyter , is hotly pleaded on both sides . but if there can be no certain way sound out whereby to come to a determination of what the certain sense of those names is in scripture , we are never like to come to any certain knowledge of the things signified by those names . now there is a fourfold equivalency of the names bishop and presbyter taken notice of . that both should signifie the same thing , viz. a presbyter , in the modern notion , i. e. one acting in a parity with others for the government of the church . and this sense is evidently asserted by theodoret , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the apostle acts . . philip. . . titus . . tim. . . doth by bishops mean nothing else but presbyters ; otherwise it were impossible for more bishops to govern one city . . that both of them should signifie promiscuously sometimes a bishop , and sometimes a presbyter : so chrysostome , and after him occumenius and theophylact in phil. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ and in acts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where they assert the community and promiscuous use of the names in scripture ; so that a bishop is sometimes called a presbyter , and a presbyter sometimes called a bishop . . that the name bishop , alwayes imports a singular bishop ; but the name presbyter is taken promiscuously both for bishop and presbyter . . that both the names bishop and presbyter , doe import onely one thing in scripture , viz. the office of a singular bishop in every church● ; which sense , though a stranger to antiquity , is above all other embraced by a late very learned man , who hath endeavoured by set discourses to reconcile all the places of scripture where the names occur to this sense ; but with what success it is not here a place to examine . by this variety of interpretation of the equivalency of the names of bishop and presbyter , we may see how far the argument from the promiscuous use of the names is from the controversie in hand ; unless some evident arguments be withall brought , that the equivalency of the words cannot possibly be meant in any other sense , then that which they contend for . equivocal words can never of themselves determine what sense they are to be taken in , because they are equivocal , and so admit of different senses . and he that from the use of an equivocal word would inferr the necessity onely of one sense , when the word is common to many , unless some other argument be brought inforcing that necessity , will be so far from perswading others to the same belief , that he will only betray the weakness and shortness of his own reason . when augustus would be called only princeps senatus , could any one inferr from thence , that certainly he was onely the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the senate , or else that he had superiority of power over the senate , when that title might be indifferent to either of those senses ? all that can be infer'd from the promiscuous sense of the words , is , that they may be understood only in this sense ; but it must be proved that they can be understood in no other sense , before any one particular form of government as necess●ry can be inferred from the use of them . if notwithstanding the promiscuous use of the name bishop and presbyter , either that presbyter may mean a bishop ; or that bishop may mean a presbyter , or be sometimes used for one , sometimes for the other ; what ground can there be laid in the equivalency of the words , which can inferr the only divine right of the form of government couched in any one of those senses ? so likewise , it is in the titles of angels of the churches ; if the name angel imports no incongruity , though taken only for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the jewish synagogue , the publick minister of the synagogue , called the angel of the congregation , what power can be inferred from thence , any more then such an officer was invested with ? again , if the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or president of the assembly of presbyters , might be so called : what superiority can be deduced thence , any more then such a one enjoys ? nay , if in the prophetical style , an unity may be set down by way of representation of a multitude : what evidence can be brought from the name , that by it some one particular person must be understood ? and by this means timothy may avoid being charged with leaving his first love , which he must of necessity be , by those that make him the angel of the church of ephesus at the time of writing these epistles . neither is this any wayes solved by the answer given , that the name angel is representative of the whole church , and so there is no necessity , the angel should be personally guilty of it . for first , it seems strange that the whole diffusive body of the church should be charged with a crime by the name of the angel , and he that is particularly meant by that name should be free from it . as if a prince should charge the maior of a corporation as guilty of rebellion , and by it should only mean that the corporation was guilty , but the maior was innocent himself . secondly , if mady things in the epistles be directed to the angel , but yet so as to concern the whole body , then of necessity the angel must be taken as representative of the body ; and then , why may not the word angel be taken only by way of representation of the body its self , either of the whole church , or which is far more probable , of the consessus or order of presbyters in that church ? we see what miserably unconcluding arguments those are , which are brought for any form of government from metaphorical or ambiguous expressions , or names promiscuously used , which may be interpreted to different senses . what certainty then can any rational man find what the form of government was in the primitive times , when onely those arguments are used which may be equally accommodated to different forms ? and without such a certainty , with what confidence can men speak of a divine right of any one particular form ? secondly , the uncertainty of the primitive form is argued , from the places most in controversie about the form of government ; because that without any apparent incongruity they may be understood of either of the different forms . which i shall make out by going through the several places . the controversie then on foot is this , ( as it is of late stated ) , whether the churches in the primitive times were governed by a bishop only and deacons , or by a colledge of presbyters acting in a parity of power ? the places insisted on , on both sides are these , acts . . acts . . acts . tim. . . titus . . the thing in controversie , is , whether bishops with deacons or presbyters in a parity of power , are understood in these places ? i begin then in order with acts . . the first place wherein the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurrs , as applyed to the officers of the christian church , those that are for a colledge of presbyters , understand by these elders , those of the church of ierusalem , who did govern the affairs of that church : those that are for a solitary episcopacy , by these elders understand not the local elders of ierusalem , but the several bishops of the churches of iudea . let us now see whether there be any evidence from the place to determine which of these two must necessarily be understood . there is nothing at all mentioned in the place , but only that upon the occasion of the famine , they sent relief to the brethren of judea , and sent it to the elders by the hands of barnabas and paul ; which might either be to the elders of the church at ierusalem , to be distributed to the several churches of iudea , or else to the several pastors of those churches , either collectively as met together at ierusalem to receive this contribution , or distributively as they were in their several churches . the relief might be sent to all the brethren of iudea , and yet either be conveyed to the particular elders of ierusalem to send it abroad , or to the several elders of the churches within the circuit of iudea . but other places are brought by both parties for their particular sense in this , as acts . . here indeed mention is made of the apostles and elders together at ierusalem , but nothing expressed whereby we may know whether the fixed elders of that church , or else the elders of all the churches of iudea assembled upon this solemn occasion of the council of the apostles there . so acts . . when paul went in to iames , it is said , that all the elders were present . no more certainty here neither ; for , either they might be the fixed officers of that church , meeting with iames upon pauls coming ; or else they might be the elders of the several churches of iudea met together , not to take account of pauls ministry ( as some improbably conjecture , ) but assembled together there at the feast of pentecost , at which paul came to ierusalem , which is more probable upon the account of what we read , v. . of the many thousand believing iews then at jerusalem , who were zealous of the law : who in all probability were the believing jews of iudea , who did yet observe the annual festivals of ierusalem , and so most likely their several elders might go up together with them , and there be with iames at pauls coming in to him . no certainty then of the church of ierusalem how that was governed ; whether by apostles themselves , or other unfixed elders , or onely by iames who exercised his apostleship most there , and thence afterward● called the bishop of ierusalem . we proceed therefore to the government of other churches ; and the next place is , acts . . and when they had ordained them elders in every church . here some plead for a plurality of elders as fixed in every church ; but it is most evident , that the words hold true if there was but one in each church . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 titus . . ( for both places will admit of the same answer ) doth signifie no more then oppidatim , or ecclesiatim , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gradatim , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viritim , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 particulatim , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vicatim . no more then is imported than that elders were ordained , city by city , or church by church , as we would render i● , and thereby nothing is expressed , but that no church wanted an elder , but not that every church had more elders then one . but the place most controverted is , acts . . and from miletus , paul sent to ephesus , and called the elders of the church . those that say , these elders were those only of the church of ephesus , seem to be most favoured by the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as seeming to apply it to that particular church of ephesus , and by the syriack version which renders it , venire fecit presbyteros ecclesiae ephesi ; to the same purpose likewise hierome understands it . on the contrary those that say , that these elders were those of the several churches of asia , are favoured by v. . that from the first day he came into asia , he had been with them at all seasons . now paul did not remain all the time at ephesus , as appears by acts ▪ , , . where he is said to preach the word abroad in asia , and so in probability churches were planted , and rulers setled in them ; and that these were at this time called to miletus by paul , is the expresse affirmation of irenaeus ; in mileto enim convocatis episcopis & presbyteris qui era●t ab epheso & à reliquis proximis civitatibus , quoniam ipse festinavit hierosolymis pentecostem agere . here is nothing then either in the text or antiquity , that doth absolutely determine whence these elders came ; but there may be a probability on either side ; and so no certainty or necessity of understanding it either way . and so for the other places in timothy and titus , it is certain the care of those persons did extend to many places , and therefore the elders or bishops made by them , are not necessarily to be understood of a plurality of elders in one place . thus we see , that there is no incongruity in applying either of these two forms to the sense of the places in question . i dispute not which is the true , or at least more probable sense , but that we can find nothing in the several places which doth necessarily determine , how they are to be understood as to one particular form of government , which is the thing i now ayme at the proving of . and if neither form be repugnant to the sense of these places , how can any one be necessarily inferred from them ? as if the several motions and phaenomena of the heavens may be with equal probability explained according to the ptolemaick or copernican hypothesis , viz. about the rest or motion of the earth ; then it necessarily follows , that from those phaenomena no argument can be drawn evincing the necessity of the one hypothesis , and overturning the probability of the other . if that great wonder of nature the flux and reflux of the sea , might with equal congruity be solved according to the different opinions , of its being caused by subterraneous fires , or from the motion of the moon , or the depression of the lunar vortex , or ( which to me is far the most probable ) by a motion of consent of the sea with all the other great bodies of the world ; we should find no necessity at all of entertaining one opinion above another , but to look upon all as probable , and none as certain . so likewise for the composition and motion of all natural bodyes , the several hypotheses of the old and new philosophy , implying no apparent incongruity to nature , do make it appear that all or any of them , may be embraced as ingenious romances in philosophy ( as they are no more ) but that none of them are the certain truth ; or can be made appear so to be to the minds of men . so it is in controversies in theology , if the matter propounded to be believed , may as to the truth and substance of it be equally believed under different wayes of explication , then there is no necessity as to the believing the truth of the thing , to believe it under such an explication of it , more then under another . as for instance , in the case of christs descent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if i may truly believe that christ did descend 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whether by that we understand the state of the dead , or a local descent to hell , then there is no necessity in order to the belief of the substance of that article of the ancient creed ( called , the apostles ) under that restriction of a local descent . by this time i suppose it is clear , that if these places of scripture may be understood in these two different senses of the word elders , viz. either taken collectively in one city , or distributively in many , then there is no certainty which of these two senses must be embraced , and so the form of church-government , which must be thence derived , is left still at as great uncertainty as ever , notwithstanding these places of scripture brought to demonstrate it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , the uncertainty of the primitive form of government will be made appear from the defectivenesse , ambiguity , partiality and repugnancy of the records of the succeeding ages which should inform us what apostolical practice was . when men are by the force of the former arguments driven off from scripture , then they presently run to take sanctuary in the records of succeeding ages to the apostles . thus estius , no mean school-man , handling this very question of the difference of bishops and presbyters , very fairly quits the scriptures , and betakes himself to other weapons . quod autem jure divino sint episcopi presbyteris superiores , et si non ita clarum est è sacris literis , aliunde tamen satis efficaciter probari potest . ingenuously said , however ; but all the difficulty is , how a ius divinum should be proved when men leave the scriptures , which makes others so loth to leave this hold ; although they do it in effect , when they call in the help of succeeding ages to make the scripture speak plain for them . we follow therefore the scent of the game into this wood of antiquity , wherein it will be easier to lose our selves , then to find that which we are upon the pursuit of , a ius divinum of any one particular form of government . i handle now only the testimony of antiquity ( for the practice of it will call for a particular discourse afterwards ) and herein i shall endeavour to shew the incompetency of this testimony , as to the shewing what certain form of church-government was practised by the apostles ; for that , i shall make use of this four fold argument ; from the defectivenesse of this testimony , from the ambiguity of it , from the partiality of it , and from the repugnancy of it to its self . first , then , for the defectivenesse of the testimony of antiquity , in reference to the shewing what certain form the apostles observed in setling the government of churches ; a threefold defectivenesse i observe in it , as to places , as to times , as to persons . first , defectivenesse as to places ; for him that would be satisfied , what course the apostles took for governing churches , it would be very requisite to observe the uniformity of the apostles practice in all churches of their plantation . and if but one place varied , it were enough to overthrow the necessity of any one form of government , because thereby it would be evident , that they observed no certain or constant course , nor did they look upon themselves as obliged so to do . now the ground of the necessity of such an universal testimony as to places , is this ; we have already made it appear , that there is no law of christ absolutely commanding one form , and forbidding all other . we have no way then left to know , whether the apostles did look upon themselves as bound to settle one form , but by their practice ; this practice must be certain and uniform in them ; this uniformity must be made known to us by some unquestionable way : the scriptures they are very silent in it , mentioning very little more then pauls practice , nor that fully and clearly ; therefore we must gather it from antiquity , and the records of following ages ; if these now fall short of our expectation , and cannot give us an account of what was done by the apostles in their several churches planted by them , how is it possible we should attain any certainty of what the apostles practice was ? now that antiquity is so defective as to places , will appear from the general silence as to the churches planted by many of the apostles . granting the truth of what eusebius tells us , that thomas went into parthia , andrew into scythia , iohn into the lesser asia , peter to the jews in pontus , galatia , bithynia , cappadocia , asia ; besides what we read in scripture of paul , what a pittiful short account have we here given in , of all the apostles travels , and their several fellow-labourers ! and for all these , little or nothing spoke of the way they took in setling the churches by them planted , who is it will undertake to tell us what course andrew took in scythiae , in governing churches ? if we believe the records of after-ages , there was but one bishop , viz. of tomis for the whole countrey ; how different is this from the pretended course of paul , setting up a single bishop in every city ? where do we read of the presbyteries setled by thomas in parthia or the indies ? what course philip , bartholomew , matthew , simon zelotes , matthias took . might not they for any thing we know , settle another kind of government from what we read paul , peter , or iohn did , unlesse we had some evidence that they were all bound to observe the same ? nay , what evidence have we what course peter took in the churches of the circumcision ? whether he left them to their synagogue ▪ way , or altered it , and how or wherein ? these things should be made appear , to give men a certainty of the way and course the apostles did observe in the setling churches by them planted . but instead of this , we have a general silence in antiquity , and nothing but the forgeries of latter ages to supply the vacuity : whereby they filled up empty places as plutarch expresseth it , as geographers do maps with some fabulous creatures of their own invention . here is work now for a nicephorus callisthus , a simeon metaphrastes , the very iacobus de voragine of the greek church ( as one well calls him ) those historical tinkers , that think to mend a hole where they find it , and make three instead of it . this is the first defect in antiquity as to places . the second is as observable as to times ; and what is most considerable : antiquity is most defective where it is most useful , viz. in the time immediately after the apostles , which must have been most helpfull to us in this inquiry . for , who dare with confidence believe the conjectures of eusebius at three hundred years distance from apostolical times , when he hath no other testimony to vouch , but the hypotyposes of an uncertain clement ( certainly not he of alexandria , if ios. scaliger may be credited ) and the commentaries of hegesippus , whose relations and authority are as questionable as many of the reports of eusebius himself are in reference to those elder times : for which i need no other testimony but eusebius in a place enough of its self to blast the whole credit of antiquity , as to the matter now in debate . for speaking of paul and peter , and the churches by them planted , and coming to enquire after their successours , he makes this very ingenuous confession . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . say you so ? is it so hard a matter to find out who succeeded the apostles in the churches planted by them , unless it be those mentioned in the writings of paul ? what becomes then of our unquestionable line of succession of the bishops of several churches , and the large diagramms made of the apostolical churches with every ones name set down in his order , as if the writer had been clarenceaulx to the apostles themselves ? is it come to this at last that we have nothing certain , but what we have in scriptures ? and must then the tradition of the church be our rule to interpret scriptures by ? an excellent way to find out the truth doubtless , to bend the rule to the crooked stick , to make the judge stand to the opinion of his lacquey , what sentence he shall pass upon the cause in question ; to make scripture stand cap in hand to tradition , to know whether it may have leave to speak or no! are all the great outcries of apostolical tradition , of personal succession , of unquestionable records resolved at last into the scripture its self by him from whom all these long pedegrees are fetched ? then let succession know its place , and learn to vaile bonnet to the scriptures ? and withall let men take heed of over-●eaching themselves when they would bring down so large a catalogue of single bishops from the first and purest times of the church for it will be hard for others to believe them , when eusebius professeth it is so hard to find them . well might scaliger then complain that the intervall from the last chapter of the acts to the middle of trajan , in which time quadratus and ignatius began to flourish , was tempus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as varro speaks , a meer chaos of time filled up with the rude concept ons of papias , hermes , and others , who like hann ibal , when they could not find a way through , would make one either by force or fraud . but yet thirdly , here is another defect consequent to that of time , which is that of persons ; arising not onely from a defect of records , the diptychs of the church being lost , which would have acquainted us with the times of suffering of the severall martyrs ( by them called their natalitia ) at which times their several names were inrolled in these martyrologies , which some , as iunius observes , have ignorantly mistaken for the time of their being made bishops of the places wherein their names were entered , as anacletus , clytus and clemens at rome ; i say the defect as to persons , not only ariseth hence , but because the christians were so much harassed with persecutions , that they could not have that leisure then to write those things , which the leisure and peace of our ages have made us so eagerly inquisitive after . hence even the martyrologies are so full stuffed with fables , witness one for all , the famous legend of catharina who suffered , say they , in diocletian's time . and truly the story of ignatius ( as much as it is defended with his epistles ) doth not seem to be any of the most probable . for , wherefore should ignatius of all others be brought to rome to suffer , when the proconsuls and the praesides provinciarum did every where in time of persecution execute their power in punishing christians at their own tribunals , without sending them so long a journey to rome to be martyred there ? and how came ignatius to make so many and such strange excursions , as he did by the story , if the souldiers that were his guard were so cruel to him , as he complains they were ? now all those uncertain and fabulous narrations as to persons then , arising from want of sufficient records made at those times , make it more evident how incompetent a judge antiquity is as to the certainty of things done in apostolical times . if we should onely speak of the fabulous legends of the first planters of churches in these western parts , we need no further evidence of the great defect of antiquity as to persons . not to goe out of our own nation ; whence come the stories of peter , iames , paul , simon , aristobulus , besides ioseph of arimathea , and his company ; all being preachers of the gospel , and planters of churches here , but onely from the great defect in antiquity , as to the records of persons imployed in the several places for preaching the gospell ? thus much to shew the defectiveness as to the records of antiquity , and thereby the incompetency of them for being a way to find out the certain course the apostles took in setling and governing churches by them planted . the next thing shewing the incompetency of the records of the church for deciding the certain form of church-government in the apostles times , is , the ambiguity of the testimony given by those records . a testimony sufficient todecide a controversie , must be plain and evident , and must speak full and home to the case under debate . now if i make it appear that antiquity doth not so ; nothing then can be evident from thence , but that we are left to as great uncertainties as before . the matter in controversie is , whether any in a superiour order to presbyters were instituted by the apostles themselves for the regulating of the churches by them planted ? for the proving of which , three things are the most insisted on : first , the personal succession of some persons to the apostles in churches by them planted : secondly , the appropriating the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bishops in a superiour order to presbyters , after the apostles decease : thirdly , the churches owning the order of episcopacy , as of divine institution . if now we can make these three things evident : first , that personall succession might be without such superiority of order : secondly , that the names of bishop and presbyters were common after the distinction between them was introduced : and thirdly , that the church did not own episcopacy as a divine institution , but ecclesiasticall ; and those who seem to speak most of it , do mean no more : i shall suppose enough done to invalidate the testimony of antiquity as to the matter in hand . first , then for the matter of succession in apostolical churches ▪ i shall lay down these four things , to evince that the argument drawn from thence , cannot fully clear the certain course which the apostles took in setling the government of churches . first , that the succession might be onely as to different degree , and not as to a different order ; where the succession is clear , nothing possibly can be inferred from it beyond this . for bare succession implies no more then that there was one in those churches succeeding the apostles , from whom afterwards the succession was derived . now then supposing onely at present , that it was the custome , in all the churches at that time to be ruled by a colledge of presbyters acting in a parity of power , and among these , one to sit as the nasi in the sanhedrin , having a priority of order above the rest in place , without any superiory of power over his colleagues ; will not the matter of succession be clear and evident enough notwithstanding this ? succession of persons was the thing inquired for , and not a succession of power ; if therefore those that would prove a succession of apostolical power , can onely produce a list and catalogue ▪ of names in apostolical churches , without any evidence of what power they had , they apparently fail of proving the thing in question , which is not , whether there might not be found out a list of persons in many churches derived from the apostles times ; but whether those persons did enjoy by way of peculiarity and appropriation to themselves , that power which the apostles had over many churches while they lived ? now this , the meer succession will never prove which will best appear by some parallel instances . at athens , after they grew weary of their ten yeares 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the people chose nine every year to govern the affairs of the common-wealth : these nine enjoyed a parity of power among themselves , and therefore had a place where they consulted together about the matters of state which was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as * demosthenes , plutarch , and others tell us : now although they enjoyed this equality of power , yet one of them had greater dignity then the rest , and therefore was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by way of excellency , and his name was onely set in the publike records of that year , and therefore was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the year was reckoned from him , as * pausanias , and iulius pollux inform us . here we see now the sccession clear in one single person and yet no superiority of power in him over his colleagues the like may be observed among the ephori and bidiaej at sparta ; the number of the ephori was alwayes five from their first institution by lycurgus , and not nine ( as the greek etymologist imagines ) : these enjoyed likewise a parity of power among them ; but among these to give name to the year , they made choice of one who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here too , ●s the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at athens , and him they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as plutarch tells us . where we have the very name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attributed to him that had only his primacy of order without any superiority of power , which is used by iustin martyr of the president of assemblies among the christians . now from hence we may evidently see that meer succession of some single persons named above the rest , in the successions in apostolicall churches , cannot inforce any superiority of power in the persons so named , above others supposed to be as joynt ▪ governours of the churches with them . i dispute not whether it were so or no ; whether according to blondel the succession was from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or whether by choice , as at alexandria ; but i onely now shew that this argument from succession is weak , and proves not at all the certainty of the power those persons enjoyed . secondly ▪ this succession is not so evident and convincing in all places as it ought to be , to demonstrate the thing intended . it is not enough to shew a list of some persons in the great churches of ierusalem , antioch , rome , and alexandria , ( although none of these be unquestionable ) but it should be produced at philippi , corinth , caesarea , and in all the seven churches of asia ( and not onely at ephesus ) and so likewise in creet , some succeeding titus ; and not think men will be satisfied with the naming a bishop of gortyna so long after him . but , as i said before , in none of the churches most spoken of is the succession so clear as is necessary . for at ierusalem it seems somewhat strange how fifteen bishops of the circumcision should be crouded into so narrow a room as they are ; so that many of them could not have above two years time to rule in the church . and it would bear an inquiry where the seat of the bishops of ierusalem was from the time of the destruction of the city by titus , when the walls were laid even wih the ground by musonius ) till the time of adrian ; for till that time the succession of the bishops of the circumcision continued . for antioch , it is far from being agreed , whether evodius or ignatius succeeded peter , or paul ; or the one peter , and the other paul ; much less at rome , whether cletus , anacletus , or clemens are to be reckoned first ; ( but of these afterwards ) . at alexandria where the succession runs clearest , the originall of the power is imputedito the choice of presbyters , and to no divine institution . but at ephesus the succession of bishops from timothy is pleaded with the greatest confidence ; and the testimony brought for it , is from leontius bishop of magnesia in the council of chalcedon , whose words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from timothy to this day there hath been a succession of seven and twenty bishops , all of them ordained in ephesus . i shall not insist so much on the incompetency of this single witness to pass a judgement upon a thing of that nature , at the distance of four hundred years , in which time records being lost , and bishops being after settled there , no doubt they would begin their account from timothy , because of his imployment there once for setling the churches thereabout . and to that end we may observe that in the after-times of the church , they never met with any of the apostles , or evangelists in any place , but they presently made them bishops of that place . so , philip is made bishop of trallis , ananias bishop of damascus , nicolaus bishop of samaria , barnabas bishop of milan , silas bishop of corinth , sylvanus of thessalonica , crescens of chalcedon , andreas of byzantium ▪ and upon the same grounds peter bishop of rome . no wonder then if leontius make timothy bishop of ephesus , and derive the succession down from him . but again , this was not an act of the council its self , but onely of one single person delivering his private opinion in it ; and that which is most observable , is , that in the thing mainly insisted on by leontius , he was contradicted in the face of the whole council , by philip a presbyter of constantinople . for the case of b●ssianus and stephen , about their violent intrusion into the bishoprick of ephesus , being discussed before the council ; a question was propounded by the council where the bishop of ephesus was to be regularly ordained , according to the canons . leontius bishop of magnesia saith , that there had been twenty seven bishops of ephesus from timothy , and all of them ordained in the place . his business was not to derive exactly the succession of bishops , but speaking according to vulgar tradition , he insists that all had been ordained there . now if he be convicted of the crimen falsi in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no wonder if we meet with a mistake in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. if he were out in his allegation , no wonder if he were deceived in his tradition . now as to the ordination of the bishops in ephesus , philip , a presbyter of constantinople , convicts him of falsehood in that ; for , saith he , iohn bishop of constantinople going into asia , deposed fifteen bishops there , and ordained others in their room . and aetius archdeacon of constantinople instanceth in castinus , heraclides , basilius bishop of ephesus , all ordained by the bishop of constantinople . if then the certainty of succession relyes upon the credit of this leontius , let them thank the council of chalcedon , who have sufficiently blasted it , by determining the cause against him in the main evidence produced by him . so much to shew how far the clearest evidence for succession of bishops from apostolical times is from being convincing to any rationall man. thirdly , the succession so much pleaded by the writers of the primitive church , was not a succession of persons in apostolicall power , but a succession in apostolical doctrine ; which will be seen by a view of the places produced to that purpose . the first is that of irenaeus . quoniam valdè longum est in hoc tali volumine omnium ecclesiarum enumerare successiones , maximae & antiquissimae , & omnibus cognitae à gloriossimis duobus apostolis petro & paulo , romae fundatae & constitutae ecclesiae , eam quam habet ab apostolis traditionem , & annunciatam hominibus fidem , per successiones episcoporum perveni●n●es usque ad nos . indicantes , confundimus omnes eos , &c. where we see irenaeus doth the least of all aim at the making out of a succession of apostolical power in the bishops he speaks of , but a conveying of the doctrine of the apostles down to them by their hands : ( which doctrine is here called tradition , not as that word is abused by the papists to signifie something distinct from the scriptures , but as it signifies the conveyance of the doctrine of the scripture it self . ) which is cleared by the beginning of that chapter . traditionem itaque apostolorum in toto mundo manifestatam in ecclesia adest perspic ●re omnibus qui vera v●lint audire ; & habemus annumerare eos qui ab apostolis instituti sunt episcopi in ecclesiis , & successores eorum usque ad nos qui nihil tale docuerunt n●que cognoverunt , quale ab his deliratur . his plain meaning is , that those persons who were appointed by the apostles to oversee and govern churches , being sufficient witnesses themselves of the apostles doctrine , have conveyed it down to us by their successours , and we cannot learn any such thing of them , as valentinus and his followers broached . we see it is the doctrine still he speaks of , and not a word what power and superiority these bishops had over presbyters in their several churches . to the same purpose tertullian in that known speech of his ; edant origines ecclesiarum suarum , evolvant ordinem episcoporum suorum , ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem , ut primu● ille episcopus aliquem ex apostolis aut apostolicis viris habuerit authorem & antecessorem . hoc modo ecclesiae apostolicae census suos deferunt ; sicut smyrnaeorum ecclesia habens polycarpum à johanne conlocatum refert , sicut romanorum clementem à petro ordinatum edit ; proinde utique & caeterae exhibent , quos ab apostolis in episcopatum constitutos apostolici seminis traduces habeant . a succession i grant is proved in apostolical churches by these words of tertullian , and this succession of persons , and those persons bishops too ▪ but then it is only said that these persons derived their office from the apostles , but nothing expressed what relation they had to the church any more then is implyed in the general name of episcopi ; nor what power they had over presbyters : only that there were such persons , was sufficient to his purpose , which was to prescribe against heretickes , i. e. to non-suit them , or to give in general reasons why they were not to be proceeded with as to the particular debate of the things in question between them . for praescribere in the civil law ( whence tertullian transplanted that word as many other into the church ) is , cum quis adversarium certis exceptionibus removet à lite contestandâ , ita ut de summa rei neget agendum , eamve causam ex juris praescripto judicandā : three sorts of these prescriptions tertullian elsewere mentions ; hoc exigere veritatem cui nemo praescribere potest , non spatium temporum , non patrocinia personarum , non privilegium regionum . here he stands upon the first which is a prescription of time , because the doctrine which was contrary to that of the hereticks was delivered by the apostles , and conveyed down by their successors , which was requisite to be shewed in order to the making his prescription good . which he thus further explains ; age jam qui voles curiositatem melius exercere in negotio salutis tuae ; percurre ecclesias apostolicas , apud quas ipsae adhuc cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesidentur , apud quas ▪ ipsae authenticae eorum literae recitantur , sonantes vocem & praesentantes faciem uniuscujusque . proximè est tibi achaia ? habes corinthum . si non longe es à macedonia , habes philippos , habes thessalonicenses . si potes in asiam tendere , habes ephesum . s● autem italiae adjaces , habes romam , unde nobis quoque auctoritas praestò est . what he spoke before of the persons , he now speaks of the churches themselves planted by the apostles , which by retaining the authentick epistles of the apostles sent to them , did thereby sufficiently prescribe to all the novell opinions of the hereticks . we see then evidently that it is the doctrine which they speak of as to succession , and the persons no further then as they are the conveyers of that doctrine ; either then it must be proved that a succession of some persons in apostolical power is necessary for the conveying of this doctrine to men , or no argument at all can be inferred from hence for their succeeding the apostles in their power , because they are said to convey down the apostolical doctrine to succeeding ages . which is austins meaning in that speech of his , radix christianae societatis per sedes apostolorum & successiones episcoporum , certa per orbem propagatione diffunditur ▪ the root of christian society , ( i. e. the doctrine of the gospel ) is spread abroad the world through the channels of the apostolical sees , and the continued successions of bishops therein . and yet if we may believe the same austin , secundum honorum vocabula quae jam ecclesiae usus obtinuit , episcopatus presbyterio major est . the difference between episcopacy and presbyterie rise from the custome of the church , attributing a name of greater honour to those it had set above others . and as for tertullian , i believe neither party will stand to his judgement as to the original of church power : for he saith expresly , differenti●m inter ordinem & plebem constituit ecclesia auctoritas ; all the difference between ministers and people comes from the churches authority ; unless he mean something more by the following words , & honor per ordinis concessum sanctificatus à deo , viz. that the honour which is received by ordination from the bench of church-officers , is sanctified by god , i. e. by his appointment as well as blessing . for otherwise i know not how to understand him . but however , we see here he makes the government of the church to lye in a concessus ordinis , which i know not otherwise to render , than by a bench of presbyters ▪ because only they were said in ordinem cooptari , who were made presbyters , and not those who were promoted to any higher degree in the church . by the way we may observe the original of the name of holy orders in the church , not as the papists , and others following them , as though it noted any thing inherent by way of ( i know not what ) character in the person ; but because the persons ordained were thereby admitted in ordinem among the number of church-officers . so there was ordo senatorum , ordo equestris , ordo decurionum , and ordo sacerdotum among the romans , as in this inscription . ordo sacerdot . dei herculis invicti . from hence the use of the word came into the church ; and thence ordination , ex vi vocis , imports no more than solemn admission into this order of presbyters ; and therefore it is observable , that laying on of hands never made men priests under the law , but only admitted them into publike office. so much for tertullians concessus ordinis , which hath thus f●r drawn us ▪ out of our way , but we now return . and therefore fourthly , this personal suceession so much spoken of , ●● sometimes attributed to presbyters , even after the distinction came into use between bishops and them . and that even by those authors who before had told us the succession was by bishops , as irenaeus . cum autem ad eam iterum traditionem , qu● est ab apostolis , qu● per successiones presbyterorum in ecclesiis custoditur , provocamus eos qui adversantur traditioni ; dicent , se non solum presbyteris sed etiam apostolis existentes sapientiores , &c. here he attributes the keeping of the pradition of apostolical doctrine to the succession of presbyters , which before he had done to bishops . and more fully afterwards , quapropter iis qui in ecclesiâ sunt presbyteris obaudire oportet , his qui successionem habent ab apostolis , sicut ostendimus , qui cum episcopatus successione , charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum patris acceperunt . in this place he not only asserts the succession of presbyters to the apostles , but likewise attributes the successio episcopatus to these very presbyters . what strange confusion must this raise in any ones mind , that seeks for a succession of episcopal power above presbyters from the apostles , by the testimony of irenaeus , when he so plainly attributes both the succession to presbyters , and the episcopacy too , which he speaks of ? and in the next chapter adds , tales presbyteros nutrit ecclesia , de quibus & propheta ait , & dabo principes tuos in pace , & episcopos tuos in justitiâ . did irenaeus think that bishops in a superiour order to presbyters were derived by an immediate succession from the apostles , and yet call the presbyters by the name of bishops ? it is said , indeed that in the apostles times the names , bishop and presbyter were comman , although the office was distinct , but that was only during the apostles life , say some , when after the name bishop was appropriated to that order that was in the apostles ( so called before ) ; but , say others , it was only till subject presbyters was constituted , and then grew the difference between the names . but neither of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can draw forth the difficulty in these places of irenaeus ; for now both the apostles were dead , and subject presbyters certainly in some of these apostolical churches were then constituted , whence comes then the community of names still , that those who are said to succeed the apostles , are called bishops in one place , but presbyters in another , and the very succession of episcopacy attributed to presbyters ? can we then possibly conceive that these testimonies of irenaeus can determine the point of succession , so as to make clear to us what that power was which those persons enjoyed , whom he sometimes calls bishops , and sometimes presbyters . but it is not irenaeus alone ; who tells us that presbyters succeed the apostles ; even cyprian who pleads so much for obedience to the bishops as they were then constituted in the church , yet speaks often of his compresbyteri ▪ and in his epistles to florentius pupianus , who had reproached him , speaking of those words of christ , he that heareth you , heareth me , &c. qui dicit ad apostoles , a● per hoc ad omnes praepositos qui apostolis vicariâ ordinatione succedunt ▪ where he attr●butes apostolical succession to all that were praepositi , which name implies not the relation to presbyters as over them , but to the people , and is therefore common both to bishops and presbyters ; * for so afterwards he speaks , nec fraternitas habuerit episcopum , nec pl●bs praepositum , &c. ierome saith , that presbyters are loco apostolorum , and that they do apostolico gradui succeders ; and the so much magnified ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the presbyters succeeded in the place of the bench of apostles ; and elsewhere of sotion the deacon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is read in the florentine copy set out by vossius ; but in the former editions , both by vedelius and the most learned primate of armagh it is read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but that of vossius seems to be the true reading , to which the old latin version in bishop usher fully agrees ; quoniam subjectus est episcopo ut grati● dei , & presbyterio ut legi jesu christi . it might be no improbable conjecture to guess from hence at ignatius his opinion concerning the original both of episcopacy and presbyterie . the former he looks on as an excellent gift of god to the church ; so a learned doctor paraphraseth grati● dei , i. e. dono à deo ecclesiae ●ndulto ; so cyprian often divina dignatione , speaking of bishops ; i. e. that they looked on it as an act of gods special favour to the church to find out that means for unity in the church , to pitch upon one among the presbyters who should have the chief rule in every particular church ▪ but then for presbyterie , he looks on that as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an institution and law of iesus christ , which must on that account alwayes continue in the church . and ●o sotion did commendably in submitting to the bishop as a favour of god to the church for preventing schism● ▪ on which account it is , and not upon the account of divine institution , that ignatius is so earnest in requiring obedience to the bishop , because , as cyprian faith , ecclesia est plebs episcopo coad●nata , & grex pastori adhaerens ▪ and the bishops then being orthodox , he layes such a charge upon the people to adher● to them , ( for it is to the people , and not to the presbyters he speaks most ) which was as much as to bid them hold to the unity of the faith , and avoid those pernicious heresies which were then abroad ; and so ignatius and ierome may easily be reconciled to one another ; both owning the council of presbyters as of divine institution , and both requiring obedience to bishops as a singular priviledge granted to the church , for preventing schisms , and preserving unity in the faith. and in all those thirty five testimonies produced out of ignatius his epistles for episcopacy , i can meet but with one which is brought to prove the least femblance of an institution of christ for episcopacy ▪ and if i be not much deceived , the sense of that place is clearly mistaken too . the place is ep. ad ephesios ; he is exhorting the ephesians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ which i suppose may be rendred to fulfill the will of god ; so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies apocalyps . . . and adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he begins to exhort them to concur with the will of god , and concludes his exhortation to concur with the will or counsel of the bishop ; and in the middle he shews the ground of the connexion of these two together ; for christ , saith he , who is our inseparable life is the counsel of the father : and the bishops who are scattered abroad to the ends of the earth , are the counsel of iesus christ , i. e. do concur with the will of christ ; therefore follow the counsel of your bishop , which also you do . every thing is plain and obvious in the sense here , and very coherent to the expressions both before and after ; only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be left out as plainly redundant , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must not be rendred determinati , but rather disterminati , because it refers to a place here , and so it notes their being dispersed into several places , and separated from one another , thereby implying the unity of their faith , and the coagulum fidei , notwithstanding their distance from one another as to place in the world , which in cyprians words is , ecclesiae universae per totum mundum unitatis vinculo copulatae . and certainly a stronger argument then this could not have been given for the ephesians chearfull obedience to their bishop ( which is the thing beaims at ) then the universal consent of all the bishops in the christian world in the unity of the faith of christ ; so that as christ is the will and counsel of the father , because of that harmony and consent which is between their wills ; so the bishops are the will and counsel of christ , as chearfully uniting in the profession of his faith. so that we see ignatius himself cannot give a doubting mind satisfaction of the divine institution of bishops , when in the only place brought to that purpose , his sense is quite different from what it is brought for . so that the records of the church are far from deciding this controversie as to the certainty of the form of government instituted by christ , because of the ambiguity of those records as to the point of succession to the apostles ▪ in that this succession might be only of a different degree , in that it is not clear and convincing in all places : in that where it is clearest , it is meant of a succession of doctrine , and not of persons ; in that if it were of persons , yet presbyters are said to succeed the apostles as well as bishops , by the same persons who speak of these . by which last thing we have likewise cleared the second thing propounded , to shew the ambiguity of the testimony of antiquity , which was the promiscuous use of the names of bishop and presbyters , after the distinction between their office was brought in by the church . for we have made it appear that the names are promiscuously used , when that succession which is sometimes attributed to bishops , is at other times given to presbyters . other instances might be brought of that nature ▪ as , first , that of clemens romanus in his excellent epist●e , which like the river alp●eus had run under ground for so many centuries of years ▪ but hath now in these last times of the world appeared publikely to the view of the world , to make it appear how true that is which he saith the apostles did foresee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there would be great contentions about the name of episcopacy ▪ and so there are still and that from his epistle too . for when in one place he tells us that the apostles ordained their first fruits to be bishops and deacons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of those that should believe : afterwards he makes no scruple of calling those bishops presbyters in several places , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and speaking of the present schism at corinth , he saith , it was a most shamefull thing and unworthy of christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to hear the firm and ancient church of corinth , for the sake of one or two persons to raise a sedition against the presbyters ▪ and afterwards , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; only l●t the flock of christ enjoy its peace with the presbyters which are set over it . but because this is said to be spoken before the time of distinction between bishops and presbyters , it being supposed that there were no subject presbyters then ( although no reason can be assigned why the apostles should ordain bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of those that should believe , and should not likewise ordain presbyters for them ) yet to take away all scruple , we shall go farther ; when subject presbyters , as they are called , are acknowledged to be , and yet bishops are call'd presbyters then too ▪ for which we have the clear testimony of the martyrs of the gallican church in their epistle to eleutherius bishop of rome , who call irenaeus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when as blondell observes he had been nine years bishop of lyons in the place of pothinus ; neither doth blondels argument lye here , that because they call him the presbyter of the church , therefore he was no bishop , as his antagonist supposeth ; but he freely acknowledgeth him to have succeeded pothinus there in his bishoprick ; but because after the difference arose between bishop and presbyters , yet they called him by the name of presbyter , it seems very improbable that when they were commending one to the bishop of another church , they should make use of the lowest name of honour then appropriated to subject presbyters , which instead of commending , were a great debasing of him , if they had looked on a superiour order above those presbyters , as of divine institution , and thought there had been so great a distance between a bishop and subject presbyters , as we are made to believe there was . which is , as if the master of a colledge in one university should be sent by the fellows of his society to the heads of the other , and should in his commendatory letters to them , be styled a senior fellow of that house ▪ would not any one that read this , imagine that there was no difference between a senior fellow and a master , but only a primacy of order , that he was the first of the number without any power over the rest ? this was the case of irenaeus : he is supposed to be bishop of the church of lyons ; he is sent by the church of lyons on a message to the bishop of rome ; when notwithstanding his being bishop they call him presbyter of that church , ( when there were other presbyters who were not bishops , ) what could any one imagine by the reading of it , but that the bishop was nothing else but the seniour presbyter , or one that had a primacy of order among , but no divine right to a power of jurisdiction over his fellow presbyters ? more instances of this nature are brought there by that learned author , which the reader may compare with the answers , and then let him judge whether the testimony of antiquity have not too much ambiguity in it to decide the controversie clearly on either side . but that which seems yet more material , is , that which we observed in the third place , that those who acknowledge the superiority of bishops over presbyters , do impute it to an act of the church , and not ascribe it to any divine institution . the testimony of ierome to this purpose is well known , and hath been produced already ; that of the counterfeit ambiose , but true hilary , is in every ones mouth upon this controversie ; quia primum presbyteri episcopi appellabantur , ut recedente uno sequensti succederet ; sed quia coeperunt sequentes presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenendos , immutata est ratio , prospiciente co●cilio , ut non ordo , sed meritum crearet episcopum multorum sacerdotum judicio constitutum , ne indignus temer● usurparet & esset multis scandalum ▪ very strange that an opinion so directly contrary to the divine right of episcop●cy should be published by a deacon of the church of rome , and these commentaries cited by austin , with applause of the person , without stigmatizing him for a heretick with aerius , if it had been the opinion of the church , that bishops in their power over presbyters did succeed the apostles by a divine right . nothing more clear , then that he asserts all the difference between a bishop , and presbyters to arise from an act of the church choosing men for their deserts , when before they succeeded in order of place ; it is a mistake of blundels , to attribute this to the nicene council ; doub less he means no more then that hierom calls concilium presbyterorum , or which he himself means by judicium sacerdotum . the testimony of austin hath been already mentioned . secundum honorum vocabula quae jam ecclesiae usus obtinuit , episcopatus presbyterio major est . thereby implying it was not so alwayes : else to what purpose serves that jam obtinuit , and that the original of the difference was from the church ? but more express and full is isidore himself the bishop of sevill in spain speaking of presbyters . his sicut episcopis dispensatio mysteriorum dei commissa est ; praesunt eni● ecclesiis christi , & in confectione corporis & sanguinis consortes cum episcopis sunt ; similiter & in doctrina populi & in officio praedicandi , sed sola propter auctoritatem summo sacerdoti clericorum ordinatio reservata est , ne à multis ecclesiae disciplina vindicatae , concordiam solueret , scandala generaret . what could be spoken more to our purpose then this is ? he asserts the identity of power as well as name , in both bishops and presbyters in governing the church , in celebrating the eucharist , in the office of preaching to the people , onely for the greater honour of the bishop , and for preventing schisms in the church , the power of ordination was reserved to the bishop ; by those words propter auctoritatem , he cannot possibly mean the authority of a divine command , for that his following words contradict , that it was to prevent schisms and scandals , and after produceth the whole place of ierome to that purpose . agreeable to this , is the judgment of the second council of sevil in spain , upon the occasion of the irregular proceeding of some presbyters ordained by agapius bishop of corduba . their words are these : nam quamvis cum episcopis plurima illis ministeriorum communis sit dispensatio , quaedam novellis & ecclesiasticis regulis sibi prohibita noverint , sicut presbyterororum & diaconorum & virginum consecratio ▪ &c. haec enim omnia illicita esse presbyteris , quia pontificatus apicem non habent , quem solis deberi episcopis authoritate canonum praecipitur : ut per hoc & discretio graduum , & dignitatis fastigium summi pontificis demonstretur . how much are we beholding to the ingenuity of a spanish council , that doth so plainly disavow the pretence of any divine right to the episcopacy by them so strenuously asserted ? all the right they plead for , is from the novellae & ecclesiasticae regula , which import quite another thing from divine institution ; and he that hath not learnt to distinguish between the authority of the canons of the church , and that of the scriptures , will hardly ever understand the matter under debate with us : and certainly it is another thing to preserve the honour of the different degrees of the clergy , but especially of the chief among them , viz. the bishop , than to observe a thing meerly out of obedience to the command of christ ; and upon the account of divine institution . that which is rejoyned in answer to these testimonies , as far as i can learn , is onely this , that the council and isidore followed jerome , and so all make up but one single testimony . but might it not as well be said , that all that are for episcopacy did follow ignatius or epiphanius , and so all those did make up but one single testimony on the other side ? ye● i do as yet despair of finding any one single testimony in all antiquity , which doth in plain terms assert episcopacy , as it was setled by the practice of the primitive church in the ages following the apostles , to be of an unalterable divine right . some expressions i grant in some of them seem to extoll episcopacy very high ; but then it is in order to the peace and unity of the church , and in that sense they may sometimes be admitted to call it divine and apostolical , not in regard of its institution , but of its end , in that it did in their opinion tend as much to preserve the unity of the church , as the apostles power did over the churches while they were living . if any shall meet with expressions seeming to carry the fountain of episcopal power higher , let them remember to distinguish between the power it self , and the restrained exercise of that power ; the former was from the apostles , but common to all dispensers of the word ; the latter was appropriated to some , but by an act of the church , whereby an eminency of power was attributed to one , for the safety of the whole . and withall let them consider , that every hyperbolical expression of a father will not bear the weight of an argument : and how common it was to call things divine , which were conceived to be of excellent use , or did come from persons in authority in the church . one would think that should meet with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the acts of the council of chalcedon , it could be rendred by nothing short of the scriptures : whereas they mean no more by it , but onely the emperours letters to the council . it hath been already observed how ready they were to call any custome of the church before their times an apostolical tradition . and as the heathens when they had any thing which they knew not whence it came , they usually called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as though it came immediately from heaven ; so the fathers when traditions were convey'd to them without the names of the authors , they conclude they could have no other fountain but the apostles . and thus we see , many traditions in several churches directly contrary to one another , were looked on as apostolical , onely from the prevalency of this perswasion , that whatever they derived from their fathers , was of that nature . but then for that answer to the council , and isidore , and ierome , that they make but one testimony : i say , that although the words be of the same sense , yet they have the nature of a different testimony , upon these accounts . first as produced by persons of different condition in the church ; some think they are even with ierome , when they tell us what a pique there was between him and iohn bishop of ierusalem ; and , that he might have the better advantage of his adversary , when he could not raise himself up to the honour of episcopacy , he would bring that down to the state of presbytery ; but as such entertain too unworthy thoughts of one of those fathers , whom they profess themselves admirers of ; so this prejudice cannot possibly lie against isidore , or the council : for the first was himself a bishop of no mean account in the church of god ; and the council was composed of such ; it could be no biass then of that nature could draw them to this opinion : and no doubt they would have been as forward to maintain their own authority in the church , as the truth and conscience would give them leave . therefore on this account one testimony of a single bishop , much more of a whole council of them , against their acting by divine authority in the church , is of more validity then ten for it ; in as much as it cannot but be in reason supposed that none will speak any thing against the authority they are in , or what may tend in the least to diminish it , but such as make more conscience of the truth , then of their own credit and esteem in the world. secondly , in that it was done in different ages of the church : ierome flourished about . isidore succeeded leander in sevill , . the council sat , . the council of aquen which tanscribes isidore , and owns his doctrine , . so that certainly supposing the words of all to be the same , yet the testimony is of greater force , as it was owned in several ages of the church , by whole councils , without any the least controul that we read of . and if this then must not be looked on as the sense of the church at that time , i know not how we can come to understand it : if what is positively maintained by different persons in different ages of the church , and in different places without any opposing it by writers of those ages , or condemning it by councils , may not be conceived to be the sense of the church at that time . so that laying all these things together , we may have enough to conclude the ambiguity at least , and thereby incompetency of the testimony of antiquity for finding out the certain form which the apostles observed in planting churches . we proceed to the third thing to shew the incompetency of antiquity for deciding this controversie , which will be from the partiality of the testimony brought from thence . two things will sufficiently manifest the partiality of the judgment of antiquity in this case . first their apparent judging of the practice of the first primitive church , according to the customes of their own . secondly , their stiffe and pertinacious adhering to private traditions contrary to one another , and both sides maintaining theirs as apostolical . first , judging the practice of the apostles by that of their own times ; as is evident by theodoret , and the rest of the greek commentators , assigning that as the reason why the presbyters spoken of in the epistles to timothy and titus , were not bishops in the sense of their age , because there could be but one bishop in a city , whereas there are more expressed in those places , as being in the several cities : whereas this is denyed of apostolical times by the late pleaders for episcopacy ; and it is said of them , that they spoke according to the custome of their own time . and it is now thought there were two bishops in apostolical times in several cities : the one the head of the jewish coetus , and the other of the gentile . i enter not the dispute again here , whether it were so or no , onely i hence manifest , how farr those persons themselves who plead for the judgement of the fathers as deciding this controversie , are from thinking them impartial judges , when as to the grounds of their sentence they are confessed to speak onely of the practice of their own time . who can imagine any force in chrysostomes argument , that the presbyters who laid hands on timothy must needs be bishops , because none do ordain in the church , but bishops , unless he makes this the medium of his argument . that whatever was the practice of the church in his dayes , was so in apostolical times . there is , i know not what strange influence in a received custome , if generally embraced , that doth possess men with a ●ancy , it was never otherwise then it is with them ; nay ▪ when they imagine the necessity of such a custome at present in the church , they presently think it could never be otherwise then it is . but of this i have spoken somewhat already . secondly , that which makes it appear how partial the judgement of antiquity is , in adhering to their particular traditions , and calling them apostolical , though contrary to one another . how can we then fix upon the testimony of antiquity as any thing certain or impartial in this case ? when it hath been found so evidently partial in a case of less concernment then this is . a witness that hath once betrayed his faithfulness in the open court , will hardly have his evidence taken in a case of moment , especially when the cause must stand or fall according to his single testimony . for my part , i see not how any man that would see reason for what he doth , can adhere to the church for an unquestionable tradition received from the apostles ; when in the case of keeping easter , whether with the jewes on the fourteenth moon , or only on the lords day , there was so much unreasonable heat shewed on both sides , and such confidence , that on either side their tradition was apostolical . the story of which is related by eusebius , and socrates , and many others . they had herein all the advantages imaginable in order to the knowing the certainty of the thing then in question among them . as their nearness to apostolical times , being but one remove from them : yea the persons contending pleaded personal acquaintance with some of the apostles themselves , as polycarp with iohn , and anicetus of rome , that he had his tradition from saint peter ; and yet so great were the heats , so irreconcilable the controversie , that they proceeded to dart the thunderbolt of excommunication in one anothers faces ; as victor with more zeal then piery , threw presently the asiatick churches all out of communion , onely for differing as to this tradition . the small coals of this fire kindled a whole aetna of contention in the christian world , the smoak and ashes , nay the flames of which , by the help of the prince of the aire were blown over into the bosome of the then almost infant northern churches of brittain , where a solemn dispute was caused upon this quarrel between colmannus on one side , and wilfride on the other . the like contest was upon this occasion between augustine the monk , and the brittish bishops . the observation of this strange combustion in the primitive church upon the account of so vain , frivolous , unnecessary a thing as this was , drew this note from a learned and judicious man , formerly quoted , in his tract of schism ; by this we may plainly see the danger of our appeal to antiquity , for resolution in controverted points of faith. o how small relief are we to expect from thence ! for if the discretion of the chiefest guides and directors of the church did in a point so trivial , so inconsiderable , so mainly fail them , as not to see the truth in a subject , wherein it is the greater marvel how they could avoid the fight of it ; can we , without the imputation of great grossness and folly , think so poor-spirited persons , competent iudges of the questions now on foot betwixt the churches ? thus that person , as able to make the best improvement of the fathers as any of those who profess themselves the most superstitious admirers of antiquity . but if we must stand to the judgement of the fathers , let us stand to it in this , that no tradition is any further to be imbraced , then as it is founded on the word of god. for which purpose those words of cyprian are very observable ; in compendio est autem apud religios as & simplices mentes , & errorem deponere , & invenire atque eruere veritatem : nam si ad divinae traditionis caput & originem revertamur , cessat error humanus . he asserts it an easie matter , for truly religious and plain-hearted men to lay aside their errour , and to find out the truth , which is by returning to the head and spring of divine tradition , viz. the scriptures ; which he expresseth further , with an elegant similitude : si canalis aquam ducens , qui copiose prius & largiter profluebat , subito deficiat , nonne ad fontem pergitur ut illic defectionis ratio noscatur , utrumne arescentibus venis , in capite unda siccaverit ; an verò integra deinde & plena procurrens , in medio itinere destiterit ? ut si vitio interrupti aut bibuli canalis effectum est , quò minus aqua continua perseveranter & jugiter flueret , refecto & confirmato canali ad usum atque ad potum civitatis aqua collecta eadem ubertate atque integritate repraesentaretur , qua de fonte proficiscitur . quod & nunc facere oportet dei sacerdotes praecepta divina servantes , ut si in aliquo mutaverit ( l. nutaverit ) & vacillaverit veritas , ad originem dominicam , & evangelicam ▪ & apostolicam traditionem revertamur , & inde surgat actus nostri ratio , unde & ordo & origo surrexit . his meaning is ; that as when a channel suddenly fails , we presently inquire where and how the breach was made , and look to the spring and fountain , to see the waters be fully conveyed from thence , as formerly : so upon any failure in the tradition of the church , our onely recourse must be to the true fountain of tradition the word of god , and ground the reason of our actions upon that which was the foundation of our profession . and when stephen the bishop of rome would tedder him to tradition , cyprian keeps his liberty by this close question , unde illa traditio ● utrumne de dominica & evangelica auctoritate descendens , an de apostolorum mandatis atque epistolis veniens , — si ergo aut evangelio praecipitur , aut in apostolorum epistolis , aut actibus continetur — observetur divina haec & sancta traditio . we see this good man would not baulk his way on foot for the great bugbear of tradition , unless it did bear the character of a divine truth in it , and could produce the credentials of scripture to testifie its authority to him . to the same purpose that stout bishop of cappadocia , firmilian , whose unhappiness with cyprians , was onely that of iobs friends , that they excellently managed a bad cause , and with far more of the spirit of christianity , then stephen did , who was to be justified in nothing but the truth he defended . eos autem , saith firmilian , qui roma sunt , non ea in omnibus observare quae sint ab origine tradita , & frustra apostolorum auctoritatem pr●tendere , which he there makes out at large , viz. that the church of rome had gathered corruption betimes , which after broke out into an impostume in the head of it . where then must we find the certain way of resolving the controversie we are upon ? the scriptures determine it not , the fathers tell us there is no believing tradition any further then it is founded in scripture ; thus are we sent back from one to the other , till at last we conclude there is no certain way at all left to find out a decision of it . not that we are left at such uncertainties as to matters of faith ( i would not be so mistaken ) we have archimedes his postulatum granted us for that , a place to fix our faith on , though the world be moved out of its place , i mean the undoubted word of god : but as to matters of fact not clearly revealed in scripture , no certainty can be had of them , from the hovering light of unconstant tradition . neither is it onely unconstant , but in many things repugnant to its self , which was the last consideration to be spoke to , in reference to the shewing the incompetency of antiquity for deciding our controversie . well then , suppose we our selves now waiting for the final verdict of church-tradition to determine our present cause ; if the iury cannot agree , we are as far from satisfaction as ever ; and this is certainly the case we are now in . the main difficulty lyes in the immediate succession to the apostles : if that were but once cleared , we might bear with interruptions afterwards : but the main seat of the controversie lies there , whether the apostles upon their withdrawing from the government of churches did substitute single persons to succeed them or no : so that u●less that be cleared , the very deed of gift is questioned : and if that could be made appear , all other things would speedily follow . yes , say some , that is clear : for at ierusalem , antioch , and rome , it is evident that single persons were entrusted with the government of churches . in ierusalem , say they , iames the brother of our lord , was made bishop by the apostles : but whence doth that appear ? it is said from hegesippus in eusebius . but what if he say no such thing ? his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is there interpreted , ecclesiae administrationem una cum caeteris apostolis suscepit . and no more is thereby meant , but that this iames who is by the antients conceived to be onely a disciple before , is now taken into a higher charge ; and invested in a power of governing the church as the apostles were . his power , it is plain , was of the same nature , with that of the apostles themselves : and who will go about to degrade them so much as to reduce them to the office of ordinary bishops ? iames in probability did exercise his apostleship the most at ierusalem , where by the scriptures we find him resident , and from hence the church afterwards , because of his not travelling abroad as the other apostles did , according to the language of their own times , they fixed the title of bishop upon him . but greater difference we shall find in those who are pleaded to be successours of the apostles . at antioch some , as origen and eusebius , make ignatius to succeed peter . ierome makes him the third bishop , and placeth evodius before him . others therefore to solve that , make them cotemporary bishops ; the one of the church of the jewes , the other of the gentiles : with what congruity to their hypothesis of a single bishop and deacons placed in every city , i know not : but that salvo hath been discussed before . come we therefore to rome , and here the succession is as muddy as the tiber it self ; for here tertullian , rufinus , and several others place clement next to peter . irenaeus and eusebius set anacletus before him : epiphanius and optatus both anacletus and cletus ; augustinus and damasus with others , make anacletus , cletus , and linus , all to precede him . what way shall we find to extrica e our selves out of this labyrinth , so as to reconcile it with the certainty of the form of government in the apostles times ? certainly , if the line of succession fail us here , when we most need it , we have little cause to pin our faith upon it as to the certainty of any particular form of church-government setled in the apostles times , which can be drawn from the help of the records of the primitive church : which must be first cleared of all defectiveness , ambiguity , partiality , and confusion ; before the thing we inquire for , can be extracted out of them . having thus far shewed that we have no absolute certainty of what form of government was setled by the apostles in the several churches of their plantation : the next consideration which follows to be spoken to , is , that the apostles in probability did not observe any one fixed course of setling the government of churches , but setled it according to the several circumstances of places and persons which they had to deal with . this will be ex abundanti as to the thing by me designed , which would be sufficiently cleared without this : and therefore i lay it not as the foundation of my thesis , but onely as a doctrine of probability , which may serve to reconcile the controversies on foot about church-government . for if this be made appear , then it may be both granted that the apostles did settle the government in the church in a colledg of presbyters , and in a bishop and deacons too , according to the diversity of places , and the variety of circumstances . it is easie to observe , that as to rites and customes in the church , the original of most mens mistakes , is , concluding that to be the general practice of the church , which they meet with in some places : whereas that is most true which firmiliam tells us , in plurimis provinciis , multa pro locorum & nominum ( l. hominum ) diversitate , variantur ; nec tamen propter hoc ab ecclesiae catholicae pace atque unitate discossum est . those rites varied in divers places , retaining still the unity of the faith ; so , as to matter of government , mens mistakes do arise from an universal conclusion deduced out of particular premises ; and what they think was done in one place , they conclude must be done in all : whereas these are the grounds inducing me probably to conclude that they observed not the same course in all places . which when an impartial reader hath soberly considered ( with what hath gone before , ) i am in hopes , the novelty of this opinion may not prejudicate its entertainment with him . my grounds are these ; first , from the different state , condition and quantity of the churches planted by the apostles . secondly , from the multitude of unfixed officers in the church then , which acted with authority over the church where they were resident . thirdly , from the different customes observed in several churches , as to their government after the apostles decease . i begin with the first , the different state , condition , and quantity of the churches planted by the apostles : for which we are to consider these things ; first , that god did not give the apostles alike success of their labours in all places . secondly , that a small number of believers did not require the same number , which a great church did , to teach and govern them . thirdly , that the apostles did settle church-officers according to the probability of increase of believers , and in order thereto , in some great places . first , that god did not give the apostles equal success to their labours in all places . after god called them to be fishers of men , it was not every draught which filled their net with whole shoals of fishes ; sometimes they might toyle all night still and catch nothing , or very little . it was not every sermon of peters which converted three thousand : the whole world might at that rate soon have become christian , although there had been but few preachers besides the apostles . god gave them strange success at first , to encourage them the better to meet with difficulties afterwards ; in 〈…〉 es god told them he had much people , in others we read but of few that believed . at corinth , paul plants , and apollos waters , and god gives an abundant increase ; but at athens ( where if moral dispositions had fitted men for grace , and the improvements of nature , we might have expected the greatest number of converts ) yet here we read of many mocking , and others delaying , and but of very few believing : dionysius and damaris , and some others with them . the plantations of the apostles were very different , not from the nature of the soile they had to deal with , but from the different influence of the divine spirit upon their endeavours in severall places . we cannot think that the church at cenchrea ( for so it is called ) was as well stockt with believers , as that at corinth . nay , the churches generally in the apostles times were not so filled with numbers , as men are apt to imagine them to be . i can as soon hope to find in apostolical times diocesan churches as classical and provincial ; yet this doth not much advantage the principles of the congregational men , as i have already demonstrated . yet i do not think that all churches in the apostles times were but one congregation ; but as there was in cities many synagogues , so there might be many churches out of those synagogues enjoying their former liberties and priviledges . and they that will shew me where five thousand jewes and more did ordinarily meet in one of their synagogues for publike worship , may gain something upon me , in order to believing the church of ierusalem to be but one congregation , and yet not perswade me , till they have made it appear , that the christians then had as publike solemn set meetings as the jews had ; which he that understands the state of the churches at that time , will hardly yield to the belief of . i confess , i cannot see any rule in scripture laid down for distributing congregations : but this necessity would put them upon ; and therefore it were needless to prescribe them ; and very little , if any , reason can i see on the other side , why , where there were so much people as to make distinct congregations , they must make distinct churches from one another ; but of that largely in the next chapter . all churches then we see were not of an equal extent . the second premisal reason will grant , viz. that a small church did not require the same number of officers to rule it , which a great one did . for the duty of officers lying in reference to the people , where the people was but few , one constant setled officer with deacons under him , might with as much ease discharge the work , as in a numerous church , the joynt help of many officers was necessary to carry it on . the same reason which tells us that a large flock of sheep consisting of many thousands doth call for many shepherds to attend them , doth likewise tell us that a small flock may be governed with the care of one single shepherd watching continually over them . the third premisall was that in great cities the apostles did not onely respect the present guidance of those that were converted , but established such as might be useful for the converting and bringing in of others to the faith , who were as yet strangers to the covenant of promise , and aliens from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , society of christians . and here i conceive a mistake of some men lies , when they think the apostles respected onely the ruling of those which were already converted ; for though this were one part of their work , yet they had an eye to the main design then on foot , the subjecting the world to the obedience of faith ; in order to which it was necessity in places of great resort and extent , to place not onely such as might be sufficient to superintend the affairs of the church , but such as might lay out themselves the most in preaching the gospel in order to converting others . haveing laid down these things by way of premisal , we will see what advantage we can make of them in order to our purpose . first , then i say , that in churches consisting of a small number of believers , where there was no great probability of a large increase afterwards : one single pastour with deacons under him , were onely constituted by the apostles for the ruling of those churches . where the work was not so great , but a pastour and deacons might do it , what need was there of having more ? and in the great scarcity of fit persons for setled rulers then , and the great multitude and necessity of unfixed officers for preaching the gospel abroad , many persons fit for that work could not be spared to be constantly resident upon a place . now that in some places at first there were none placed but onely a pastour and deacons , i shall confirm by these following testimonies . the first is that of clement in his epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the apostles therefore preaching abroad through countreys and cities , ordained the first-fruits of such as believed , having proved them by the spirit , to be bishops and deacons for them that should afterwards believe . whether by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we understand villages or regions , is not material ; for it is certain here the author takes it as distinct from cities ; and there is nothing , i grant , expressed where the apostles did place bishops and deacons exclusive of other places , i. e. whether onely in cities or countreys ; but it is evident by this , that where-ever they planted churches , they ordained bishops and deacons , whether those churches were in the city or countrey . and here we find no other officers setled in those churches , but bishops and deacons ; and that there were no more in those churches then he speaks of , appears from his designe of paralleling the church-officers in the gospel , to those under the law : and therefore it was here necessary to enumerate all that were then in the churches . the main controversie is , what these bishops were ; whether many in one place ; or onely one ; and if but one , whether a bishop in the modern sense or no. for the first , here is nothing implying any necessity of having more then one in a place , which will further be made appear by and by , out of other testimonies which will help to explain this . as for the other thing , we must distinguish of the notion of a bishop : for he is either such a one as hath none over him in the church ; or he is such a one as hath a power over presbyters acting under him , and by authority derived from him . if we take it in the first sense , so every pastor of a church having none exercising jurisdiction over him , is a bishop ; and so every such single pastor in the churches of the primitive times was a bishop in this sense , as every master of a family before societies for government were introduced , might be called a king , because he had none above him to command him : but if we take a bishop in the more proper sense , for one that hath power over presbyters and people , such a one these single pastors were not , could not be . for it is supposed that these were onely single pastors . but then it is said that after other presbyters were appointed , then these single pastors were properly bishops ; but to that i answer : first , they could not be proper bishops by vertue of their first constitution ; for then they had no power over any presbyters , but onely over the deacons and people ; and therefore it would be well worth considering how a power of jurisdiction over presbyters can be derived , from those single pastors of churches that had no presbyters joyned with them . it must be then clearly and evidently proved that it was the apostles intention that these single pastors should have the power over presbyters , when the churches necessity did require their help , which intention must be manifested and declared by some manifestation of it as a law of christ , or nothing can thence be deduced of perpetual concernment to the church of christ. secondly , either they were bishops before , or onely after the appointment of presbyters ; if before , then a bishop , and a presbyter having no bishop over him , are all one ; if after onely , then it was by his communicating power to presbyters to be such , or their choice which made him their bishop ; if the first , then presbyters quoad ordinem are onely a humane institution , it being acknowledged that no evidence can be brought from scripture for them ; and for any act of the apostles not recorded in scripture for the constituting of them , it must goe among unwritten traditions ; and if that be a law still binding the church , then there are such which occurre not in the word of god , and so that must be an imperfect coppy of divine lawes : if he were made bishop by an act of the presbyters , then presbyters have power to make a bishop , and so episcopacy is an humane institution depending upon the voluntary act of presbyters . but the clearest evidence for one single pastour with deacons in some churches at the beginning of christianity , is that of epiphanius , which though somewhat large , i shall recite , because , if i mistake not , the curtailing of this testimony hath made it speak otherwise then ever epiphanius meant . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the sense of epiphanius is very intricate and obscure ; we ●hall endeavour to explain it : he is giving aerius an account why paul in his epistle to timothy mentions onely bishops and deacons , and passeth over presbyters . his account is this : first he cha●geth aerius with ignorance of the series of history ( which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and the profound and ancient records the church , wherein it is expressed , that upon the first preaching of the gospel , the apostle writ according to the present state of things . where bishops were not yet appointed ( for so certainly it should be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for then he must contradict himself ) the apostle writes to bishops and deacons ; ( for the apostles could not settle all things at first ) for there was a necessity of presbyters and deacons ; for by these two orders all ecclesiastical offices might be performed : for where ( so i read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the sense , clearly carries it ) there was not found any worthy of being a bishop , the place remained without one ; but where necessity required one , and there were some found fit for that office , there some were ordained bishops ; but for want of convenient number , there could be no presbyters found out to be ordained , and in such places they were contented with the bishop and deacons ; for without their ministry the bishop could not be . so that according to epiphanius , there were three several states of churches in the apostles times ; first some churches where there were onely presbyters and deacons without a bishop . for , if epiphanius speaks not at first of places where presbyters were without a bishop ; he must be guilty of a vain and empty tautology , for he after tells us where the necessity of the church required it , a bishop was made ; therefore before he speaks of places only where presbyters and deacons were ; and otherwise he would not answer aerius about tim. . . which it is his design to do , about the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie . he grants then that at first in some places there were only presbyters and deacons , as when the apostle writes to bishops and deacons ( where bishops at that time of the church were only presbyters ) of which two orders , presbyters and deacons , there was an absolute necessity ; and the account he gives why they setled no higher order , above them is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the apostles could not settle all things at first ; which words are to be read with a parenthesis , giving an account why sometimes only bishops and deacons were setled , that is , presbyters so called . but , saith he , where necessity called for a higher order of bishops above presbyters , and any were found qualified for it , there such were appointed ; and if by reason of the want of persons of sufficient abilities to be made presbyters in those places , there they were contented with such a superior bishop and deacons assisting of him ; some churches then according to his judgement , had a company of presbyters to rule them being assisted with deacons ; others had only a single bishop with deacons ; and after when the numbers were increased , and persons qualified were found , there were both bishops , presbyters , and deacons . for , the account which he gives of the former want of some officers in some churches , is this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the learned dr. well corrects it ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the church not yet having all her offices filled , things were fain to remain in that state . for nothing can be compleated at first , but in process of time every thing receives its due perfection . so that epiphanius doth not ( as it is thought by some ) say , that in the first times of the church , there were none but bishops and deacons in all churches , but in some churches there were presbyters and deacons , in others bishops and deacons , according to the state , condition and necessity of the churches . epiphanius then fully and clearly expresseth my opinion , in reference to the apostles not observing any one constant course in all churches , but setling sometimes many presbyters with deacons , sometimes only one pastor ( who is therefore called a bishop ) with deacons , and so setling officers according to the particular occasions of every church . the next considerable testimony to our purpose , is that of clemens alexandrinus in eusebius , concerning st. iohn after his return out of the ●sle of patmos to ephesus , upon the death of domitian . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he went abroad upon invitation into the neighbour-provinces , in some places constituting bishops ; in some setting in order whole churches , in others choosing out one from among the rest of those who were designed by the spirit of god , whom he set over the church . so salmasius contends it must be translated , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , choosing one into the clergy ; for , those who were chosen bishops , are sald 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and they that choose are said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whence salmasius gathers out of these words the very thing i am now upon ; in majoribus urbibus plures , in minoribus pauciores presbyteros ordinari solitos , probabile est . in pagis autem aut vicis , vel pusillis oppidis , quales 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocabant graeci , unum aliquem presbyterum per illa praecipuè tempora quibus non magnus erat numerus sidelium , suffecisse verisimile est . that the apostles set a greater number of presbyters in great cities , fewer in less , and in small villages but one , when the number of believers was but small . we have yet one author more who speaks fully to our purpose . it is the author of the commentaries under ambrose his name , who frequently asserts-this opinion i am now making good . upon the fourth of ephesians , he largely discourseth how things were setled at first , by the apostles , by degrees , in the church of god , evidently shewing that the apostles did not at first observe any setled constant course , but acted according to present conveniency , as they saw good , in order to the promoting and advancing the churches interest . post quam omnibus locis ecclesiae sunt constitutae & officia ordinata , aliter composita res est quam coeperat . thereby declaring his opinion , that while churches were constituting , no certain course was observed . for , as he goes on , primum enim omnes docebant , & omnes baptizabant , quibuscunque diebus vel temporibus fuisset occasio , &c. ut ergo cresceret plebs & multiplicaretur , omnibus inter initia concessum est & evangelizare , & baptizare , & scripturas in ecclesia explanare . at ubi omnia loca circumplexa est ecclesia , conventicula constituta sunt , & rectores & caetera officia in ecclesiis sunt ordinata ; ut nullus de clero auderet , qui ordinatus non esset , prasumere ossicium quod sciret non sibi creditum vel concessum ; & coepit alio ordine & providentiâ gubernari ecclesia ; quia si omnes eadem possent , irrationabile esset , & vulgaris res , & vilissima videretur , &c. ideò non per omnia conveniunt scripta apostoli ordinationi quae nunc est in ecclesia , quia haec inter primordia sunt scripta ; nam & timotheum , ( presbyterum à se creatum ) episcopum vocat ; quia primum presbyteri episcopi appellabantur , ut recedente uno sequens ei succederet , &c. at first , he saith , all church-offices lay open to all persons , and every one did preach and baptize upon all occasions ; but afterwards , when congregations were established and churches setled , then none undertook that office but those that were ordained to it . thence it is , that the apostles writings are not suitable to the present state of the church , because they were penned in the time when things were not fully setled . for he calls timothy , who was made a presbyter by him , bishop ; for so at first the presbyters were called , among whom this was the course of governing churches , that as one withdrew , another took his place . this opinion of his , he takes occasion to speak of in several other places . upon rom. . adhuc rectores ecclesiae paucis erant in locis ; governours of churches were as yet set up but in few places . and upon cor. . propterea ecclesiae scribit , quia adhuc singulis ecclesiis rectores non erant instituti . and on cor. . convenientibus presbyteris , quia adh●o rectores ecclesiis non omnibus locis erant constituti . by all which it is most evident , that this both learned and antient author , cited with no small respect by st. austin , doth not conceive that the apostle , did observe any setled form in the governing of churches , but act●d according to principles of prudence , according to the necessities and occasions of the several churches by them planted : so that where there were small churches , one pastor with deacons might suffice : in greater churches some were governed by presbyters acting in common council : others , though very few at first , had rectors placed over them , for superintending the affairs of the church . secondly , in churches consisting of a multitude of believers , or where there was a probability of great increase by preaching the gospel ; the apostles did settle a colledge of presbyters , whose office was partly to govern the church already formed , and partly to labour in the converting more . so that in all great cities , where either the work was already great by the number of believers , in order to the discharging of pastoral duties to them , or where it was great in reference to the number they laboured in converting of , it seems most consonant to reason and scripture , that the work should be carried on by the joint assistance of many associated in the same work . for , is it any ways probable that the apostles should ordain bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as clemens speaks , of such as should believe ; and not ordain persons in order to the making them believe ? they have either a very low opinion of the work of a gospel-bishop , or very little consideration of the zeal , activity and diligence which was then used in preaching , reproving , exhorting , in season , out of season , that think one single person was able to undergo it all ▪ discipline was a great deal more strict the● , preaching more diligent , men more apprehensive of the weight of their function , than for any to undertake such a care and charge of souls , that it was impossible for them ever to know , observe , or watch over so as to give an account for them . besides , while we suppose this one person imployed in the duties of his flock , what leisure or time could such a one have to preach to the gentiles and unbelieving jews in order to their conversion ? the apostles did not certainly aym at the setting up the honour of any one person , making the office of the church a matter of state and dignity more then employment , but they chose men for their activity in preaching the gospel , and for their usefulness in labouring to add continually to the church . men that were imployed in the church then , did not consult for their ●ase or honour , and thought it not enough for them to sit still and b●d others work , but they were of pauls mind , necessity was laid upon them , yea , woe was unto them if they preached not the gospel . publick prayers were not then looked on as the more principal end of christian assemblies then preaching , nor consequen●ly that it was the more principal office of the steward● of the mysteries of god , to read the publick prayers of the church , then to preach in season and out of season . and is it not great pitty , two such excellent and necessary duties should ever be set at variance , much less one so preferred before the other , that the one must be esteemed as sarah , and the other almost undergo the hardship of hagar , to be looked on as the bond-woman of the synagogue , and be turned out of doors ? praying and preaching are the iackin and boaz of the temple , like rachel and leah , both which built up the house of israel : but though rachel be fair and beautifull , yet leah is the more fruitful : though prayer be lovely and amiable in the sight of god , when it comes from a heart seriously affected with what it speaks , yet preaching tends more to the turning mens souls from sin unto god. were the apostles commissioned by christ to go pray or preach ? and what is it wherein the ministers of the gospel succeed the apostles ? is it in the office of praying , or preaching ? was paul sent not to baptize , but to preach the gospel ? and shall we think those who succeed paul in his office of preaching , are to look upon any thing else as more their work then that ? are ministers in their ordination sent forth to be readers of publick prayers , or to be dispensers of gods holy word ? are they ordained wholly to this , and shall this be the lesse principal part of their work ? i , but the reason is unanswerable , that praying is the more principal end of christian-assemblies then preaching ; for , the one is the end , and the other the means . if by end , be meant the ultimate end of all christian duties , that cannot be prayer : for that is a means it self in order to that ; but the chief end is the fitting souls for eternal prayses ; if then this unanswerable reason hold good , the principal end of christian assemblies must be only prayses of god , and not prayers : if by the end , be meant the immediate end of preaching as that it referrs to , that cannot be ; for the immediate end of preaching , if the apostle may be judge , is instruction and edification in the faith ; rather preaching is the end of praying , in as much as the blessings conveyed by preaching , are the things which men pray for . but this is but one of those unhappy consequences which follows mens judging of the service of ▪ god , rather by the practices of the church , when it came to enjoy ease and plenty , than by the wayes and practices of the first and purest apostolical times : when the apostles who were best able to judge of their own duty , looked upon themselves as most concerned in the preaching of the gospel . but to this it is commonly said , that there was great reason for it then , because the world was to be converted to christianity , and therefore preaching was the more necessary work at that time ; but when a nation is converted to the faith , that necessity ceaseth . it is granted , that the preaching of the gospel in regard of its universal extent was more necessary then , which was the foundation of christs instituting the apostolical office with an unlimited commission ; but if we take preaching as referring to particular congregations , there is the same necessity now that there was then . people need as much instruction as ever , and so much the more in that they are apt to think now the name of christians will carry them to heaven . it is a too common and very dangerous deceit of men , to look upon religion more as a profession , then matter of life , more as a notion then an inward temper . men must be beat off from more things which they are apt to trust to for salvation now , than in those times : men could not think so much then , that diligence in publike assemblies , and attendance at publick prayers , was the main religion . few would profess christianity in those times , but such as were resolved before hand rather to let go their lives then their profession : but the more profess it now , without understanding the terms of salvation by it ; the greater necessity of preaching to instruct men in it . but i think more need not be said of this to those that know it is another thing to be a christian , then to be called so . but however it is granted , that in the apostles times preaching was the great work ; and if so , how can we think one single person in a great city was sufficient , both to preach to , and rule the church , and to preach abroad in order to the conversion of more from their gentilisme to christianity ? especially if the church of every city was so large as some would make it , viz. to comprehend all the believers under the civil jurisd●ction of the city , and so both city and countrey the only charge of one single bishop . i think the vastness of the work , and the impossibility of a right discharge of it by one single person , may be argument enough to make us interpret the places of scripture which may be understood in that sense , as of more then one pastour in every city ; as when the apostles are said to ordain elders in every city , and pauls calling for the elders from ephesus , and his writing to the bishops and deacons of the church of philippi ; this consideration , i say , granting that the texts may be otherwise understood , will be enough to incline men to think that in greater cities there was a society of presbyters acting together for the carrying on the work of the gospel in converting some to , and building up of others in the faith of christ. and it seems not in the least manner probable to me , that the care of those great churches should at first be intrusted in the hands of one single pastour and deacon , and afterwards a new order of presbyters erected under them , without any order or rule laid down in scripture for it , or any mention in ecclesiastical writers of any such after institution . but instead of that in the most populous churches , we have many remaining footsteps of such a colledge of presbyters there established in apostolical times . thence ignatius says , the presbyters are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sanhedrin of the church appointed by god ; and the bench of apostles sitting together for ruling the affairs of the church . and origen calls it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a colledge in every city of gods appointing ; and victor bishop of rome ; colligium nostrum , and collegium fratrum ; pius , pauperem senatum christi apud romam constitutum . tertullian , probatos seniores ; cyprian , cleri nostri sacrum venerandumque concessum ; and to cornelius bishop of rome , and his clergy , florentissimo clero tecum praesidenti . ierome , senatum nostrum , coetum presbyterorum , & commune concilium presbyterorum quo ecclesiae gubernabantur . hilary , seniores sin● quorum consilio nihil agebatur in ecclesia ; the author de ordinibus ad rusti●um ; calls the presbyt●●s negotiorum judices . en●ychius tells us there were twelve presbyters at alexandria to govern the church ; and the author of the i●inerary of peter ▪ of as many constituted at caesaria , who though counterfeit , must be allowed to speak , though not ver● , yet verisimilia ; though not true , yet likely things . is i● possible all these authors should thus speak of their several places , of a colledge of presbyters acting in power with the bishop , if at first churches were governed only by a single bishop , and afterwards by subject presbyters that had nothing to do in the rule of the church , but were only deputed to some particular offices under him , which they were impowered to do only by his authority ? but the joint-rule of bishop and presbyters in the churches will be more largely deduced afterwards . thus we see a company of presbyters setled in great churches ; now we are not to imagine that all these did equally attend to one part of their wo●k ; but all of them according to their several abilities laid out themselves ; some in ●verseeing and guiding the church ; but yet so as upon occasion to discharge all pastoral acts belonging to their function ; others betook themselves chiefly to the conversion of others to the faith , either in the cities or the adjacent countryes . by which we come to a full , clear , and easie understanding of that so much controverted place , tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elders that rule well are counted worthy of double honour ; especially they that labour in the word and doctrine . not as though it implyed a dist●●ct sort of elders from the pastors of churches , but among those elders that were ordained in the great churches , some attended most to ruling the flock already converted , others laboured most in converting others to the faith by preaching ; though both these being entred into this peculiar function of laying themselves forth for the benefit of the church , did deserve both respect and maintenance , yet especially those who imployed themselves in converting others , in as much as their burden was greater , their labours more abundant , their sufferings more ; and their very office coming the nearest to the apostolical function . so chrysostome resolves it upon the fourth of the ephesians , that those who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as theodoret expresseth it , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ the fixed officers of particular churches were inferiour to those who went abroad preaching the gospel ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . an evident argument that the apostle doth not intend any sort of elders dictinct from these ordained presbyters of the cities , is from that very argument which the greatest friends to lay-elders draw out of this epistle , which is from the promiscuous acception of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this very epistle to timothy : the argument runs thus : the presbyters spoken of by paul in his epistle to timothy , are scripture-bishops ; but lay-elders are not scripture-bishops ; therefore these cannot here be meant . the major is their own , from tim. . . compared with . . those which are called presbyters in one place , are bishops in another ; and the main force of the argument lies in the promiscuous use of bishop and presbyter ; now then if lay-elders be not such bishops , then they are not pauls presbyters ; now pauls bishops must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fit to teach , and therefore no lay-elders . again , we may consider where timothy now was , viz at ephesus , and therefore if such lay-elders anywhere they should be there ; let us see then whether any such were here it is earnestly pleaded by all who are for lay-elders , that the elders spoken of acts . . were the particular elders of the church of ephesus , to whom paul spoke , v. . where we may find their office at large described take heed therefore unto your selves , and all the flock over which god hath made you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishops or overseers . here we see both the names elders and bishops confounded again , so that he that was an elder was a bishop too , and the office of such elders described to be a pastoral charge over a flock , which is inconsistent with the notion of a lay-elder ▪ paul sent indefinitely for the elders of the church to come to him ; if any such then at ephesus , they must come at this summons , all the elders that came , were such as were pastors of churches : therefore there could be no lay elders there ▪ i insist not on the argument for maintenance implyed in double honour , which chrysostome explains by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a supply of necessaries to be given to them , as appears by ver . . which argument blondel saw such strength in , that it brought him quite off from lay-elders in that place of timothy . and he that will remove the controversie from the scriptures , to the primitive church , ( as we have no reason to think , that if such were appointed , they should be so soon laid aside ) will find it the greatest d●fficulty to trace the foot-steps of a lay-elder , through the records of antiquity for the three first centuries especially . the writers of the church speak of no presbyters , but such as preached , as appears by origen , cyprian , and clement of ! alexandria ; origen saith , omnes episcopi atque omn●s presbyteri vel diaconi ●rudiunt nos , & erudientes adhibent correptionem , & verbis austerioribus increpant . we see all bishops , presbyters , and deacons w●re in his time preachers . so cyprian , et cre●ideram quidem presbyteros & diaconos qui illic praesentes sunt , monere vos & instruere plenissimè circa evangelii legem , sicut semper ab antecessoribus nostris factum est ▪ and in another epistle about making numidicus a presbyter , he thus expresseth it , ut ascribatur presbyterorum carthaginensium numero , & nobiscum sedeat in clero ; where to sit as one of the clergy , and to be a presbyter , are all one . again , had there been any such elders , it would have belonged to them to lay hands on those that were reconciled to the church after censures ; now hands were onely laid on ab episcopo & clero , as the same cyprian tells us . clemens alexandrinus describing the office of a presbyter , hath these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where teaching is looked on as his proper work : and elsewhere , more fully and expresly discoursing of the service of god , and distinguishing it according to the twofold service of men , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he applies these to the churches , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the former he explains afterwards , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a presbyter is one that is ordained or appointed for the instruction of others in order to their amendment , implying thereby the office of a presbyter to be wholly conversant about teaching others , to whom on that account the art of making others better doth properly belong . so much may suffice for those first times of the church , that there were no presbyters then , but such as had the office of teaching . and for the times afterwards of the church , let it suffice at present to produce the testimony of a council held in the beginning of the seventh century , who absolutely decree against all lay-persons medling in church-affairs ; nova actione didicimus , quosdam ex nostro collegio contra mores ecclesiasticos , laicos habere in rebus divinis constitutos oeconomos . proinde pariter tractantes eligimus , ut unusquisque nostrûm secundum chalcedonensium patrum decreta , ex proprio clero oeconomum sibi constituat . indecorum est enim laicum esse vicarium episcopi , & saculares in ecclesia judicare ; i● uno enim eodemque offici● non debet esse dispar professio . a canon directly leveld against all lay-chancellours in bishops courts , and such officials : but doth with the same force take away all lay-elders , as implying it to be wholly against the rule of the church to have secular persons to judge in the church . but although i suppose this may be sufficient to manifest the no divine right of lay-elders ; yet i do not therefore absolutely condemn all use of some persons chosen by the people to be as their representatives , for managing their interest in the affairs of the church . for , now the voice of the people ( which was used in the primitive times ) is grown out of use : such a constitution , whereby two or more of the peoples choice might be present at church debates , might be very useful , so they be looked on onely as a prudential humane constitution , and not as any thing founded on divine right . so much may serve for the first ground of the probability of the apostles not observing one setled form of church-government , which was from the different state , quantity and condition of the churches by them planted . the second was from the multitude of unfixed officers residing in some places , who managed the affairs of the church in chief , during their residence . such were the apostles and evangelists , and all persons almost of note in scripture . they were but very sew , and those in probability not the ablest , who were left at home to take care of the spoil ; the strongest and ablest , like commanders in an army , were not setled in any troop , but went up and down from this company to that , to order them and draw them forth : and while they were , they had the chief authority among them ; but as commandets of the army , and not as officers of the troop . such were evangelists who were sent sometimes into this countrey to put the churches in order there , sometimes into another ; but where ever they were , they acted as evangelists and not as fixed officers . and s●c● were timothy and titus , notwithstanding all the opposition made against it , as will appear to any that will take an impartial survey of the arguments on both sides . now where there were in some places evangelists , in others not , and in many churches it may be no other officers but these , it will appear , that the apostles did not observe one constant form , but were with the evangelists travelling abroad to the churches , and ordering things in them as they saw cause . but as to this i have anticipated my self already . the last ground was from the different custome observed in the churches , after the apostles times . for no other rational account can be given of the different opinions of epiphanius , ierome , and hilary , but this , that one speak● of the custome of some churches , and the other of others . in some as at alexandria , the presbyters might choose their bishop ; in other places it might be , as hilary saith , that when the first withdrew , another succeeded him . not by a monethly or annual rotation of presidents , as some have imagined , but by a presidency for life of one , upon whose death another succeeded in his room . for the former opinion hath not any evidence at all for it in scripture or antiquity ; or in the place brought to prove it . for , according to this opinion , timothy must have but his course in the rotation of elders at ephesus , which seems very incongruous to the office of timothy . i conclude th●n that in all probability the apostles tyed not themselves up to one certain course , but in some churches setled more or fewer officers as they saw cause , and in others governed themselves during life ; and that at their death they did not determine any form , is probably argued from the different customes of several churches afterwards . the third consideration touching apostolical practice , is concerning the obligatory force of it in reference to us ; which i lay down in these terms , that a meer apostolical practice being supposed , is not sufficient of its self for the founding an unalterable and perpetual right , for that form of government in the church , which is supposed to be founded on that practice . this is a proposition i am sure , will not be yielded without proving it ; and therefore i shall endeavour to doe it by a fourfold argument . first , because many things were done by the apostles without any intention of obliging any who succeeded them afterwards to do the same . as for instance , the twelve apostles going abroad so unprovided as they did when christ sent them forth at first , which would argue no great wisedome or reason in that man , that should draw that practice into consequence now . of the like nature was pauls preaching 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to some churches , receiving no maintenance at all from some churches , as that at corinth . which instance is a manifest evidence of the monstrous weakness of discourse in those who would make that example of paul obligatory to all ministers of the gospel now . and while they would by this argument take away their lands and tythes , instead of them , they give them plaustra convitiorum , whole loads of the most reproachful speeches that ever were given to any , but christ and his apostles . for my part , i think the ministers of the gospel would want one of the badges of honour belonging to their office , were they not thus reproachfully used ▪ it is part of the state which belongs to the true ministers of the gospel to be followed by such blackmouthed lacqueyes , who by their virulent speeches are so farre their friends , as to keep them from that curse which our saviour pronounceth ; wo be unto you when all men speak well of you . but let us see how much wooll there is after all this cry ▪ too little to cloath the backs of ministers , if such persons might be their tythe-men ; but it is well they are so little befriended , yea so much opposed by the great apostle , in that singular practice of his . for doth he say , it was unlawful for him to receive a maintenance from the churches he preached to ? nay doth he not set himself to prove not onely the lawfulness of ministers taking it , but the duty of peoples giving it , cor. . from the seventh to the f●●teenth verse , giving many pregnant arguments to that purpose ? doth he not say that all the apostles besides him and barnabas , did forbear working , and consequen●ly had all their necessities supplyed by the churches ? nay do●h not paul himself say that he robbed other churches , taking wages of them to do service to them ? what paul turned hireling ? and in the plainest terms take wages of churches ? yet so it is , and his forbearing it at corinth , was apt to be interpreted as an argument that he did not love them , cor. . . so far were they from looking upon paul as a hireling in doing it . paul is strong and earnest in asserting his right : he might have done it at corinth as well as elsewhere : but from some prudent considerations of his own , mentioned cor. . . he forbo●e the exercise of his right among them , although at the same time he received maintenance from other places . as for any divine right of a particular way of maintenance , i am of the same opinion as to that which i am in reference to particular forms of church-government : and those that are of another opinion . i would not wish them so much injury , as to want their maintenance till they prove it . but then i say , these things are clear in themselves , and i think sufficient grounds for conscience , as to the duty of paying on the one side , and the lawfulness of receiving it on the other ▪ first that a maintenance in general be given to gospel ministers , is of divine right : else the labourer were not worthy of his hire ; nor could that be true which paul saith , that our lord hath ordained ; that they which preach the gospel should live of the gospel . secondly , a maintenance in general being due , lawful authority may determine the particular way of raising it ; the equity of which way may be best derived from what was the most ancient pract●ce of the world in dedicating things to god , and was approved by god himself among his own people , the jews : so that the way of maintenance by tythes is the most just and equitable way . thirdly , it being in the magistrates power to determine the way of maintenance , what is so determined , doth bind the consciences of all subject to that power , to an obedience to it for conscience sake : in as much as all men are bound thus to obey the magistrate in all things established by him as laws ; and the very same reasons any can plead for disobedience as to this , may equally serve for disobedience to any other lawes made by the supreme magistrate . this i suppose is the clearest resolution of that other more vexed then intricate controversie about the right of tythes ; which i have here spoken of by occasion of the mention of the apostles practice ; and because it is resolved upon the same principles with the subject i am upon . meer apostolical practice we see doth not bind , because the apostles did many things without intention of binding others . secondly , the apostles did many things upon particular occasions , emergencies , and circumstances , which things so done , cannot bind by vertue of their doing them any further then a parity of reason doth conclude the same things to be done in the same circumstances . thus pauls coelibate is far from binding the church , it being no universal practice of the apostles by a law , but onely a thing taken up by him upon some particular grounds , not of perpetual and universal concernment . so community of goods was used at first by the church o● ierusalem as most sutable to the present state of that church ; but as far as we can find , did neither perpetually hold in that church , nor universally obtain among other churches ; as is most clear in the church at corinth by their law-sui●● , by the different offerings of the rich and poor at the lords supper , and by their personal contributions . so the apostles preaching from house to house , was , for want of conveniency then of more publick places , as free onely for christians ; although that practice binds now as far as the reason doth ; viz. in its tendency the promoting the work of salvation of mens souls laying on hands for conferring the gifts of the holy ghost can never certainly bind where the reason of it is ceased , but may still continue ●s a rite of solemn prayer , and not by vertue of that practice . observing the apostolical decrees of abstaining from blood , and things strangled and offered to idols , did hold as long as the ground of making them did , which was condescension to the jews , although it must be withall acknowledged that the primitive christians of the second and third centuries did generally observe them ; and the greek church to this day ; and some men of note and learning have pleaded for the necessary observation of them still , as christ. beckman , steph. curcellaeus in a diatriba lately published to this purpose , to which grotius is likewise very inclinable . the arguments are too large here to examine , although i see not how possibly that place of paul can be avoided , whatever is set in the shambles eat , making no scruple for conscience sak● . i conclude this with what i laid down at the entrance of this treatise , that where any act or law is founded upon a particular reason or occasion as the ground of it , it doth no further oblige then the reason or occasion of it doth continue . therefore before an acknowledged apostolical practice be looked on as obligatory , it must be made appear that what they did , was not according as they saw reason and cause for the doing it , depending upon the several circumstances of time , place , and persons ; but that they did it from some unalterable law of chr●ist , or from some such indispensable reasons , as will equally hold in all times , places , and persons . and so the obligation is taken off from apostolical practice , and laid upon that law and reason which was the ground of it . thirdly , offices that were of apostolical appointment , are grown wholly out of use in the church , without mens looking upon themselvs as bound now to observe them . as the widdows of the churches afterwards from their office called deaconnesses of the church , of which number phoebe was one , whom paul calls the deaconness of the church at cenchrea : so both origen and chrysostome understand it . of them and their continuance in the church for some centuries of years , much is spoken by several writers , and resolved by several councils ; and yet we see these are laid aside by the p●etenders to hold close to apostolical practice : if that binds , certainly it doth in its plain institutions ; if it doth not bind in them ▪ how can it in that which is only gathered but by uncertain conjectures to have been ever their practice ; so that in the issue , those who plead so much for the obligatory nature of apostolical practice , do not think it obligatory ; for if they did , how comes this office of widdows and deaconesses to be neglected ? if it be answered , that these are not usefull now ; then we must say , that we look upon apostolical practice to be binding no further then we judge it useful , or the reason of it holds ; which is as much as to say , of its self it binds not . fourthly , rites and customs apostolical are altered ; therefore men do not think that apostolical practice doth bind . for if it did , there could be no alteration of things agreeable thereunto . now let any one consider but these few particulars , and judge how far the pleaders for a divine right of apostolical practice , do look upon themselves as bound now to observe them : as dipping in baptism , the use of love ▪ feasts , community of goods , the holy kiss , by * tertullian called signa●ulum orationis : yet none look upon themselves as bound to observe them now , and yet all acknowledge them to have been the practice of the apostles : and therefore certainly though when it may serve for their purpose , men will make apostolical practice to found a divine right : yet when they are gone off from the matter in hand , they change their opinion with the matter , and can then think themselves free as to the observation of things by themselves acknowledged to be apostolical . thus we are at last come to the end of this chapter , which we have been the longer upon , because the main hinge of this controversie did ly● in the practice of the apostles , which i suppose now so far cleared as not to hinder our progress towards what remains ; which we hope will admit of a quicker dispatch . we come therefore from the apostles to the primitive church , to see whether by the practice of that we can find any thing whereby they looked on themselves as obliged by an unalterable law to observe any one particular form of church-government . chap. vii . the churches polity in the ages after the apostles considered : evidences thence that no certain unalterable form of church-government was delivered to them . . because church-power did in large as the churches did . whether any metropolitan churches established by the apostles . seven churches of asia , whether metropolitical . philippi no metropolis either in civil or eccl●siastical sense . several degrees of inlargemext of churches . churches first the christians in whole cities , proved by several arguments , the eulogiae an evidence of it . churches extended into the neighbour territories by the preaching there of city presbyters ; thence comes the subordination between then churches by degrees inlarged to diocesses ; from thence to provinces . the original of metropolitans and patriarchs . . no certain form used in all churches . some churches without bishops , scots , goths . some with but one bishop in their whole countrey . scythian , aethiopian churches how governed . many cities without bishops . diocesses much altered . bishops discontinued in several churches for many years . . confor●eing ecclesiastical government to the civil in the extent of diocesses . the suburbicarian churches what . bishops answerable to the civil governours . churches power rises from the greatness of cities . . validity of ordination by presbyters in places where bishops were . the case of ischyras discussed ; instances given of ordination by presbyters not pronounced null . . the churches prudence in managing its affairs , by the several canons , provincial synods , codex canonum . having largely considered the actions of christ , and the practice of the apostles , so far as they are conceived to have reference to the determining the certain form of government in the church ; our next stage is , according to our propounded method , to examine what light the practice of the church in the ages succeeding the apostles will cast upon the controversie we are upon . for although , according to the principles established and ●aid down by us , there can be nothing setled as an universal law for the church but what we find in scriptures : yet because the general practice of the church is conceived to be of ●o great use for understanding what the apostles intentions , as well as actions were , we shall chearfully pass over this rubicon , because not with an intent to increase divisions , but to find out some further evidence of a way to compose them . our inquiry then is , whether the primitive church did conceive its self obliged to observe unalterably one individual form of government , as delivered down to them either by a law of christ , or an universal constitution of the apostles ; or else did only settle and order things for church-government , according as it judged them tend most to the peace and settlement of the church , without any antecedent obligation , as necessarily binding to observe onely one course . this latter i shall endeavour to make out to have been the onely rule and law which the primitive church observed as to church-government , viz. the tendency of its constitutions to the peace and unity of the church ; and not any binding law or practice of christ or his apostles . for the demonstrating of which , i have made choyce of such arguments as most immediately te●d to the proving of it . for , if the power of the church and its officers did encrease meerly from the inlargement of the bounds of churches , if no one certain form were observed in all churches , but great varieties as to officers and diocesses ; if the course used in setling the power of the chief officers of the church was from agreement with the civil government , if notwithstanding the superiority of bishops , the ordination of presbyters was owned as valid ; if in all other things concernning the churches polity , the churches prudence was looked on as a sufficient ground to establish things ; then we may with reason conciude , that nothing can be inferred from the practice of the primitive church ▪ demonstrative of any one fixed form of church-government delivered from the apostles ●o them . having thus by a l●ght 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 drawn ou● the several lines of the pourtraiture of the polity of the antient church , we now proceed to fill them up , though not with that life which it deserves , yet so far as the model of this discourse will permit . our first argument then is from the rise of the extent of the power of church-governours , which i assert not to have been from any order of the apostles , but from the gradual encrease of the churches committed to their charge . this will be best done by the observation of the growth of churches , and how proportionably the power of the governours did increase with it . as to that , there ●re four observable steps or periods , as so many ages of growth in the primitive churches . first , when churches and cities were of the same extent . secondly , when churches took in the adjoyning terri●ories with the villages belonging to the cities . thirdly , when several cities with their villages did associate for church-government in the same province . fourthly , when several provinces did associate for government in the roman empire . of these in their order . the first period of church government observable in the primitive church , was , when churches were the same with christians in whole cities . for the clearing of this , i shall first shew , that the primitive constitution of churches was in a society of christians in the same city . secondly , i shall consider the form and manner of government then observed among them . thirdly , consider what relation the several churches in cities had to one another . first , that the primitive churches were christians of whole cities . it is but a late and novel acception of the word church , whereby it is taken for stated , fixed congregations for publike worship , and doubtless the original of it is only from the distinction of churches in greater cities into their several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or publike places for meeting , whence the scotch kirk , and our english church ; so that from calling the place church , they proceed to call the persons there meeting by that name ; and thence some think the name of church so appropriated to such a society of christians as may meet at such a place , that they make it a matter of religion not to call those places churches , from whence originally the very name , as we use it , was derived . but this may be pardoned among other the religio●s weaknesses of well meaning , but lesse knowing people . a church in its primary sense , as it answers to the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , applyed to christians , is a society of christians living together in one city , whether meeting together in many congregations , or one , is not at all material ; because they were not called a church as meeting together in one place , but as they were a society of christians inhabiting together in such a city : not but that i think a society of christians might be called a church , where-ever they were , whether in a city or countrey , but because the first and chief mention we meet with in scripture of churches , is of such as did dwell together in the same cities ; as is evident from many pregnant places of scripture to this purpose . as acts . . compared with titus . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in one place , is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the other . ordaining elders in every church , and ordaining elders in every city ; which implyes , that by churches then were meant the body of christians residing in the cities : over which the apostles ordained elders to rule them . so acts . . . as they went through the cities , &c. and so were the churches established in the faith . the churches here were the christians of those cities which they went through . so acts . . he sent to ephesus and called the elders of the church . if by the elders we mean , as all those do we now deal with , the elders of ephesus , then it is here evident , that the elders of the church and of the city are all one ; but what is more observable , ver . . he calls the church of that city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . take heed to your selves , and to the flock over which god hath made you overse●rs , to feed the church of god. where several things are observable to our purpose ; first , that the body of christians in ephesus is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the flock of the church , and not the several flocks and churches , over which god hath made you bishops . secondly , that all these spoken to were such as had a pastoral charge of this one flock ; paul calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and chargeth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to do the work of a pastor towards it . so that either there must be several pastors taking the pastoral charge of one congregation , which is not very suitable with the principles of those i now dispute against ; or else many congregations in one city are all called but one church , and one flock , which is the thing i plead for . and therefore it is an observation of good use to the purpose in hand , that the new test●ment speaking of the churches in a province , alwayes speakes of them in the plural number , as the churches of iudaea , gal. . , thes. ▪ . the churches of sama●i● and galilee , acts . . the churches of syria and c●icia , acts . . the churches of galatia , cor. . . gal , . , . the churches of asia , rom. . . rev. . . but when it speaks of any particular city , then it is alwayes used in the singular number , as the church at jerusalem , acts . . — , . the church at antioch , acts . — . . the church at corinth , cor. . . cor. . ● and so of all the seven churches of asia , the church of ephesus , smyrna , &c. so that we cannot find in scripture the least footstep of any difference between a church and the christians of such a city ; whereas had the notion of a church been restrained to a particular congregation , doubtlesse we should have found some difference as to the scriptures speaking of the several places . for it is scarce imaginable that in all those cities spoken of ( as for example ephesus , where paul was for above two years together ) that there should be no more converts then would make one congregation . accordingly in the times immediately after the apostles , the same language and custom continued still . so clement inscribes his epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of god which is at rome , to the church of god which is at corinth . so by that it is plain that all the believers at that time in rome , made up but one church , as likewise did they at corinth . s● polycarp in the epistle written by him from the church at smyrna to the church at phylomilium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and so in his epistle to the philippians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . polycarp and the elders with him to the church which is at philippi . origen compares the church of god at athens , corinth , alexandria , and o●her places , with the people of those several cities ; and so the churches senate with the peoples , and the churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is his word ) chief ruler , with the maior of those cities , implying thereby that as there was one civil society in such places to make a city , so there was a society of christians incorporated together to make a church . so that a church setled with a full power belonging to it , and exerc sing all acts of church-discipline within its self , was antiently the same with the society of christians in a city . not but that the name church is attributed sometimes to families , in which sense tertullian speaks , ubi duo aut tres sunt , ibi ecclesia est , licet laici : and may on the same account be attributed to a small place , such as many imagine the church of cenchrea to be , it being a port to corinth on the sinus sarònicus ; but stephanus byzantinus calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . suidas saith no more of it then that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strabo and pausanias only speak of the scituation of it , as one of the po●ts of corinth , lying in the way from tegaea to argos ; nor is any more said of it by pliny , then that it answers to lechaeum , the port on the other side upon the sinus corinthiacus . ubbo emmius in his description of old greece , calls both of them oppidula duo cum duobus praeclaris portubus in ora utriusq , maris , but withall adds that they were duo urbis emporia , the two marts of corinth ; therefore in probability , because of the great merchandise of that city , they were much frequented . cenchrea was about twelve furlongs distance from corinth ; where pareus conjectures the place of the meeting of the church of corinth was , because of the troubles they met with in the city , and therefore they retired thither for greater conveniency and privacy : which conjecture will appear not to be altogether improbable , when we consider the furious opposition made by the iews against the christians at corinth , acts . . and withall , how usual it was both for jews and christians to have their place of meeting at a distance from the city . as acts . . they went out from philippi to the river side , where there was a proseucha , or a place of prayer , where the iews of philippi accustomed to meet . according to this interpretation the church at cenchrea is nothing else but the church of corinth there assembling : as the reformed church at paris hath their meeting place at charenton , which might be called the church of charenton from their publick assemblies there , but the church of paris from the residence of the chief officers and people in that city . so the church of corinth might be called the church at cenchrea upon the same account , there being no evidence at all of any setled government there at cenchrea distinct from that at corinth . so that this place which is the only one brought against that position i have laid down hath no force at all against it . i conclude then , that churches and cities were originally of equal extent , and that the formal constitution of a church lyes not in their capacity of assembling in one place , but acting as a society of christians imbodyed together in one city , having officers and rulers among themselves , equally respecting the whole number of believers : which leads to the second thing , the way and manner then used for the modelling the government of these churches , which may be considered in a double period of time , either before several congregations in churches were setled , or after those we now call parishes , were divided . first , before distinct congregations were setled ; and this as far as i can find , was not only during the apostles times , but for a competent time after , generally during the persecution of churches . for we must distinguish between such a number of believers as could not conveniently assemble in one place , and the distributing of believers into their several distinct congregations . i cannot see any reason but to think that in the great churches of ierusalem , antioch , ephesus , and the like , there were more believers then could well meet together , considering the state of those times ; but that they were then distributed into their several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or centuries ( as the athenians , and romans divided their people ) i. e. into several worshipping congregations with peculiar officers , i see no reason at all for it . they had no such conveniences then of setling several congregations under their particular pastors : but all the christians in a city looked upon themselves as one body , and met together as occasion served them , where either the chief of the governours of the church , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in iustin martyrs language , did perform the solemn part of divine worship , or some other of the elders that were present with them . is it not strange for men to dream of set-times , and canonical hours , and publike places of assemblies at that time , when their chief times of meeting were in the night , or very early in the morning , which pliny . calls conventus antelucanus , whence they were called latebrosa & lucifugax natio ; and were fain to make use of wax-lights : ( which from that custome the papists continue still in their tapers alwayes burning upon the altar ; from what reason i know not , unless to shew the darkness of error and superstition which that church lyes under still ) and the places of the christians meetings were generally either some private rooms , or some grotts or cryptae , vaults under ground where they might be least discerned or taken notice of ; or in the coemeteria , the martyrum memoriae , as they called them , where their common assemblies were . thence pontius paulinus , speaking of the edict of valerian against the christians , iussum est ut nulla conciliabula faciant , neque coemeteria ingrediantur . indeed , when they had any publick liberty granted them , they were so mindful of their duties of publick profession of the faith , as to make use of publick places for the worship of god , as appears by lampridius in the life of alexander s●verus quum christiani quendam locum qui publicus fuerat occupassent , contrà popinarii dicerent , sibi cum deberi ; rescripsit , melius esse ut quom●docunque illic deus colatur , quam popinariis dedatur . but in times of persecution it is most improbable that there should be any fixed congregations and places , when the christians were so much hunted after , and inquired for , as appears by the former epistle of pliny , and the known rescript of trajan upon it , so much exagitated by tertullian . they did meet often it is certain , ad confaederandum disciplinam , at which meetings tertullian tells us , praesident probati quique seniores , which he elsewhere explains by consessus ordi●is , the bench of officers in the church , which did in common consult for the good of the church , without any cantonizing the christians into severall distinct and fixed congregations . but after that believers were much increased , and any peace or liberty obtained , they then began to contrive the distribution of the work among the several officers of the church , and to settle the several bounds over which every presbyter was to take his charge ; but yet so , as that every presbyter retained a double aspect of his office ▪ the one particular to his charge ; the other generall respecting the church in common . for it is but a weak conceit to imagine that after the setling of congregations , every one had a distinct presbytery to rule it , which we find not any obseure footsteps of in any of the ancient churches ; but there was still one ecclesiastical senate which ruled all the several congregations of those cities in common , of which the several presbyters of the congregations were members , and in which the bishop acted as the president of the senate , for the better governing the affairs of the church . and thus we find cornelius at rome sitting there cum florentissimo clero : thus cyprian at carthage , one who pleads as much as any for obedience to bishops , and yet none more evident for the presence and joint concurrence and assistance of the clergy at all church debates ; whose resolution from his first entrance into his b●shoprick , was , to do all things communi concilio clericorum , with the common-council of the clergy ; and sayes , they were cum episcopo sacerdotali honore conjuncti . victor at rome decreed easter to be kept on the lords day , collatione facta cum presbyteris & diaconibus ( according to the latine of that age ) as damasus the supposed authour of the lives of the popes tells us . in the proceedings against novatus at rome , we have a clear testimony of the concurrence of presbyters : where a great synod was called , as e●sebius expresseth it , of sixty bishops , but more presbyters ▪ and deacons : and what is more full to our purpose , not onely the several presbyters of the city , but the country pastours ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) did likew●se give their advice about that business . at this time cornelius tells us there were forty six presbyters in that one city of rome , who concurred with him in condemning novatus . so at antioch in the case of paulus samosatenus we find a synod gathered , consisting of bishops , presbyters and deacons , and in their name the synodal epistle is penned and directed to the same in all the catholick church ; at the council of eliberis in spain , were present but ninteen bishops and twenty six presbyters . the case between sylvanus bishop of cirta in africk , and nundinaris the deacon , was referred by purpuriu● to the clergy to decide it , for the presence of presbyters at synods , instances are brought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by blondel in his apology . and that they concurred in governing the church , and not onely by their counsel but authority , appears from the general sense of the church of god , even when episcopacy was at the highest : nazianzen speaking of the office of presbyters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he knew not whether to call it , ministry or superintendency , and those who are made presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from being ruled , they ascend to be rulers themselves , and their power by him , is in several places ▪ called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they are called by him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrysostome gives this as the reason of pauls passing over from bishops to deacons without naming presbyters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . because there is no great matter of difference between a bishop and presbyters , for these likewise have the instruction and charge of the church committed to them ; which words theophylact , chrysostomes eccho , repeats after him , which the council of aquen thus expresseth , presbyterorum verô qui praesunt ecclesi● christi ministerium esse videtur , ut in doctrina praesint populis & in officio praedicandi , nec in aliquo desides inv●nti appareant . clemens alexandrinus before all these , speaking of himself and his fellow-presbyters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we are pastors , and rulers of the churches . and that proper acts of discipline were performed by them , appears both by the epistles of the roman clergy about their preserving discipline to cyprian , and likewise by the act of that clergy in excluding marcion from communion with them . so the presbyters of the church of ephesus excommunicated noetus ; for after they had cited him before them , and found him obstinate in his heresie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they put both him and his disciples out of the church together . thus we see what the manner of government in the church was now : the bishop sitting as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the sanhedrin , and the presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as ignatius expresseth it , acting as the common-council of the church to the bishop ; the bishop being as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , answering to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the presbytery as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , answering to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as origen compares them . whereby he fully describes the form of government in his time in the church , which was by an ecclesiastical senate , and a president in it , ruling the society of christians in every city . so that the presbytery of a great city joyning together for government , were never accounted a provincial assembly , but onely the senate for government of the church in the whole city . the erecting presbyteries for every particular congregation in a city , is a stranger to the ancient constitution of churches , and hath given the greatest rise to the independency of particular congregations . for if every particular congregation be furnished with a government within its self , then men are apt presently to think that there is no necessity of subordination of it to any higher church-power . whereas , if that p●imitive constitution of churches be held , that they are societies of christians under an ecclesiastical senate in a city ▪ then it is evident that the congregations must truck●e under the great body , as receiving their government by , and their officers from that senate of the church , which superintends , and orders the affairs of that whole body of christians residing in such a place . and this crumbling of church-power into every congregation is a thing absolutely disowned by the greatest , and most learned patrons of presbytery beyond the seas as may be seen both in calvin , b●za , salmasius , blondel , gersome , bucer and others . it is much disputed when the first division of parochiall congregations in cities began ; platina attributes it to evaristus , and so doth damasus , hic titulos in urbe roma divisit presbyteris . he divided the several parish churches to the presbyters ; these were called then tituli : baronius gives a double reason of the name ; either from goods belonging to the princes exc●equer , which have some sign imprinted , upon them that it may be known whose they are ; so , saith he , the sign of the cross was put upon the churches to make it known that they were devoted to gods service ; or else they are called tituli , because the severall presbyters did receive their titles from them ; but , by the leave of the great cardinal , another reason may be given of the name more proper then either of these . it hath been observed by learned men , that the generall meetings of the christians were in the coemeteria or dormitories of christians ; so they called the sepulchres then , which were great and capacious vaults fit to receive many people in them ; two chief grounds of the christians meeting in those places : the first was their own security , because the heathens looked on it as a matter of religion — manes temerare sepultos , to disturb the ashes of the dead ; but the chief reason was to encourage themselves to suffe● martyrdom by the examples of those who had gone before them , and lay buried there ; thence they were called martyrum memoriae , because they did call to mind their actions and constancy in the faith. now from these coemeteria was afterwards the original of churches ( whence persons most reverenced for piety , were wont still to be buried in churches , not for any holiness of the place , but because in such places the martyrs lay buried ) the churches being raised over the vaults wherein the martyra lay intombed . now churches being raised from these coemeteries , which were called memoriae martyrum , that they might still retain somwhat intimating their former use , were called tituli . for titulus , as santius observes , is signum aliquod aut monumentum quod docet ibi latere aliquid aut accidisse , cujus nolumus perire memoriam ; thence statues are called tituli . so gen. . . erexit iacob titulum super sepulchrum , as the vulgar latine renders it : and gen. . . surgens ergo iacob mane tulit lapidem quem su●posuerat capiti suo , & erexit in titulum . so absalom sam. . . erexit sibi titulum . so that what was erected to maintain and preserve the memory of any thing , was called titulus ; and thence the churches being built upon the coemiteries of the martyrs , were on that account called tituli , because intended for the preservation of their memories . this account of the original of the name i leave to the judgement of learned men ; but to proceed . i confess , it seems not probable to me that these tituli were so soon divided as the time of evaristus , who lived in the time of trajan when the persecution was hot against the christians ; but damasus seems not to believe himself ; for in the life of dionysius , ●e saith , hic presbyteris ecclesias divisit , coemeteria , paroecias , & dioeceses instituit ; but most probably it began assoon as the churches enjoyed any ease and peace , it being so necessary for the convenient meeting of such a multitude of christians as there was then . in the life of marcellus about fourty years after dionysius , we read of twenty five titles in the church of rome ; of which number what use is made for interpreting the number . may be seen in mr. potters ingenuous tract on that subject . but when afterwards these titles were much increased , those presbyters that were placed in the ancient titles which were the chief among them , were called cardinales presbyteri , which were then looked on as chief of the clergy , and therefore were the chief members of the council of presbyters to the bishop . so that at this day , the conclave at rome and the pope's consistory is an evident argument in this great degeneracy of it , of the primitive constitution of the government of the church there , by a bishop acting with his colledge of presbyters . neither was this proper to rome alone , but to all other great cities , which when the number of presbyters was grown so great , that they could not conveniently meet , and joyn with the bishop , for ordering the government of the church , there were some as the chief of them chosen out from the rest , to be as the bishops council , and these in many places , as at milan , ravenna , naples , &c. were called cardinales presbyteri , as well as at rome ; which were abrogated by pius quintus ▪ but the memory of them is preserved still in cathedral churches , in the chapter there , where the dean was nothing else but the archipresbyt●r , and both dean and prebendaries were to be assistant to the bishop in the regulating the church-affairs belonging to the citie , while the churches were contained therein . so much shall suffice for the model of government in the churches , while they were contained within the same precincts with the city its self . we come in the third place to consider what relation these churches in greater cities had one to another , and to the lesser cities which were under them . and here the grand question to be discussed is this . whether the churches in greater cities by apostolical institution , had the government ecclesiastical , not ▪ only of the lesser villages under them , but likewise of all lesser cities under the civil jurisdiction of the metropolis . the affirmative is of late asserted by some persons of great renown and learning . the first i find maintaining this hypothesis ▪ of the divine right of metropolitans , is fregevilaeus gantius one of the reformed church of france , who hath spent a whole chapter in his palma christian● to that purpose , and hath made use of the same arguments which have been since improved by all the advantages which the learning of a reverend dr● could add to them . but because this principle manifestly destroyes the main foundation of this discourse , it is here requisite to examine the grounds on which it stands , that thereby it may be fully cleared whether the subordination of less churches to greater , did onely arise from the mutual association of churches among themselves , or from apostolical appointment and institution . the two pillars which the divine right of metropolitans is built upon , are these . first , that the cities spoken of in the new testament , in which churches are planted , were metropoles in the civil sense . secondly , that the apostles did so far follow the model of the civil government as to plant metropolitan churches in those cities . if either of these prove infirm , the fabrick erected upon them , must needs fall ; and i doubt not but to make it appear that both of them are . i begin with the first . the notion of a metropolis is confessed to be this , a city wherein the courts of a civill judicature were kept by the roman governours , under whose jurisdiction the whole province was contained . the cities chiefly insisted on , are the seven cities of the lydian asia , and philippi which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as for the cities of the proconsular asia , although the bounds and limits of it are not so clear as certainly to know whether all these cities were comprehended under it or no , strabo telling us that phrygia , lydia , caria and mysia , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , very hard to be distinguished from one another ; it being true of all four which was said of mysia and phrygia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the phrygian and mysian borders are distinct ; but it i● is hard to find them out ▪ for laodicea is by ptolomy referred to caria ; strabo and many others , place it in phrygia , onely stephanus bizantinus placeth it in lydia ; but granting all that is produced by the late most excellent primate of armagh in his learned discourse of the proconsular asia , to prove all these seven cities to be in the bounds of this lydian asia ; yet it is far from being evident that all these cities were metropoles in the civil sense . for strabo tells us , that the romans did not divide these places by nations ; ●but according to the dioc●sses wherein they kept their courts , and exercised judicature . these cities wherein the courts of judicature were kept , were the metropoles , and no other . of five of them , laodicea , smyrna , sardis , ephesus and pergamus , pliny saith , that the conventus , the civil courts , were kept in them : and they had jurisdiction over the other places by him mentioned ; but for the other two , thyatira and philadelphia , philadelphia is expresly mentioned as one of those cities which was under the jurisdictio sardiana ; so far was it from being a metropoles of its self ; and thyatira mentioned as one of the ordinary cities , without any addition of honour at all to it . and for philadelphia , it was so ●ar unlikely to be a metropolis , that strabo tells us it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; very subject to earth-quakes , and therefore had very few inhabitants ; those that ●●● , live most part in the fields , where they have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a very rich soil : but strabo for all that , wonders at the boldness of the men that durst to venture their lives there ; and most of all admires what was in those mens heads who first built a city there . is it then any wayes probable that this should be chosen for a metropolis , in such an abundance of fair and rich cities as lay thereabout ? but a salvo is found out for plinyes not mentioning them as metropoles , because the addition of these two mother cities , seemeth to have been made when vespasian added those many new provinces to the old government which su●tonius speaks of ; but this salvo doth not reach the sore : for first , pliny wrote his natural history , not in the beginning , but toward the latter end of the empire of flavius vespasianus , when titus had been six times consul ●s he himself saith in his preface ; therefore if there had been any such change , pliny would have mentioned it . secondly , the provinces added by vespasian , are expresly set down by su●●oniu● ▪ viz. achaia , lysia ▪ rhodus , byzantium , samos , thracia , cilivia ▪ comagena , not the least mention of the lydian or proco●sular asia , or any alteration made in the metropolis there . but yet there is a further attempt made to make philadelphia a metropolis , which is from a subscription of eustathius in the council of constantinople sub menna , act . who calls himself the bishop of the metropolis of philadelphia ; but what validity there is in such a subscription in the time of the fifth century to prove a metropolis in the first , l●t any one judge that doth but consider how common ● thing it was to alter metropoles , especially after the new disposition of the roman empire by constantin● : but if we do stand to the notiti● to determine this controversie , which are certainly more to be valued then a single subscription , the metropolitanship of these cities of the lydian asia will be irrecoverably overthrown . for in the old notitia , taken out of the vatican ms. and set forth with the rest by caro●●●● sancto-paulo in his appendix to his geographia sacra , ephesus is made the metropolis of the province of asia , sardis of lydia , laodicea of phrygia capatiana , as it is there written for pacatiana , but pergamus placed in the province of caesarla cappadocia , philadelphia under sardis , with thyatyra ▪ in the notitia attributed to hier●cl●s under the metropolis of ephesus is placed smyrna and pergamu● , under sardi● , thyatyra and philadelphia , so likewise in the notitia of the french kings library . so that neither in the civil no● ecclesiastical sense can we find these seven cities to be all metropoles . we therefore observe st. pauls course , and leaving asia , we come into macedonia , where we are told , that philippi was the metropolis of macedonia : i know not whether with greater incongruity to the civil or ecclesiastical sense : in ●oth which i doubt not but to make it appear , that philippi was not the metropolis of macedonia , and therefore the bishops there mentioned could not be the bishops of the several cities under the jurisdiction of philippi , but must be understood of the bishops resident in that city . we begin with it in the civil sense ▪ which is the foundation of the other . it is confessed not to have been a metropolis during its being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it being by pausanias called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by theophylact out of an old geographer ( as it is supposed ) it is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and is it not very improbable that so small a city , as it is acknowledged to be by dio and others , should be the metropolis of macedonia , where were at least one hundred and fifty cities , as pliny and pomponius mela tell us ; by bo●h whom philippi is pl●ced in thracia , and not in macedonia , but two arguments are brought to prove philippi to have been a metropolis ; the first is from st. luke , calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts . . the first city of that part of macedonia : but rendred by the learned doctor , the prime city of the province of macedonia ; but it would be worth knowing where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in all the notitiae of the roman empire was translated a province ; and it is evident that luke calls it the first city , not ratione dignitatis , but ratione 〈◊〉 , in regard of its scituation , and not its dignity . so camerarius understands luke , hanc esse primam coloniam pa●tis seu plagae macedonicae ; nimirum a thracia vicinia iter in macedoniam ordiens . it is the first city of that part of macedonia , when one goes from thracia into it . and ▪ so it appears by dio , describing the scituation of philippi , that it was the next town to neapolis , only the mountain symbolon comeing between them , and neapolis being upon the shore , and philippi built up in the plain near the mountain pangaeus , where brutus and cassius incamped themselves : its being then the first city of entrance into macedonia , proves no more that it was the metropolis of macodonia , then that calice is of france , or dover of england . but it is further pleaded , that philippi was a colonie , and therefore it is most probable that the seat of the roman judicature was there . but to this i answer , first , that philippi was not the only colonie in macedonia ; for pliny reckons up cassandria , paria ▪ and others : for which we must understand that macedonia was long since made a province by paulus : and in the division of the roman provinces by augustus , strabo reckons it with illyricum among the provinces belonging to the roman people and senate , and so likewise doth dio. but it appears by suetonius , that tiberius ( according to the custom of the roman emperours in the danger of war in the provinces , ) took it into his own hands , but it was re●urned by claudius to the senat● again , together with achaia : thence dio speaking of macedonia in the time of tiberius , saith , it was governed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , by those who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the praefecti casaris , such as were sent by the emperour to be his presidents in the provinces , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the proconsuli , who were chosen by lot after their consulship into the several provinces ▪ and therefore dio expresseth claudius his returning macedonia into the senates hands by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he put it to the choyce of the senate again . now macedonia having been thus long a province o● the roman empire , what probability is there , because philippi was a colonie , therefore it must be the metropolis of macedonia ? secondly , we find not the least evidence either in scripture or elsewhere ▪ that the proconsul of macedonia had his residence at philippi , yea , we have some evidence against it out of scripture ▪ acts , , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and brought them to the magistrates ▪ if there had been the tribunal of a proconsul here , we should certainly have had it ment●oned , as gallio proconsul of achaia is mentioned in a like case at corinth , acts . . two sorts of magistrates are here expressed : the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which seem to be the rulers of the city , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be the duumviri of the colonie , or else the deputies of the proconsul residing there ▪ but i incline rather to the former , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being only a duumvir ▪ but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a praetor ▪ as heinsius observes from the glossary of h. stephen . for every colonie had a duumvirate to rule it , answering to the consuls and praetors at rome . but all this might have been spared , when we consider how evident it is that thessalonica was the metropolis of macedonia , as appears by antipater in the greek epigram . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the praefectus pr●torio illy●ici had 〈…〉 dence a● th●ssalonica , as theodore● tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . th●ssalonica was a great populous city , where the leiutenant of illyricum did reside ▪ and so in probability did the vi●arius macedonia . it is called the metropolis of macedonia likewise by socr●●●s , and in the ecclesiastical sense it is so called by aetius the bishop thereof in the council of sardica● and carolus à sancto paulo , thinks it was not only the metropolis of the province of macedonia , but of the whole diocè●s ( which in the east was much larger then the province ) ▪ i suppose he means that which answered to the v●carius macedoniae . and thence in the councils of ephesus and chalcedon , the subscription of the bishop of th●ssalonic● wa● next to the patriarchs . but for philippi the same author acknowledgeth it not to have been a metropolitan church in the first six centuries ; but , after that macedonia was divided into prima and secunda ( which was after the div●sion of it in the empire into prima and salutaris ) then philippi came to have the honorary title of a metropolitan : although in hierocles his notitia , philippi is placed as the twenty first city under the metropoles of th●ssalonica . so much to evidence the weakness of the first pillar , viz. that these cities were metropoles in the civil sense : and this being taken away , the other falls of its self ; for if the apostles did model the ecclesiastical government according to the civil , then metropolitan churches were planted only in metropolitan cities , and these being cleared not to have been the latter , it is evident they were not the former . but however , let us see what evidence is brought of such a subordination of all other churches to the metropolitans , by the institution of the apostles . the only evidence produced out of scripture for such a subordination and dependance of the churches of lesser cities upon the greater , is from act● . , compared with acts . . the argument runs thus : the question was started at antioch , acts . . with acts . . from thence they sent to ierusalem for a resolution : the decree of the council there concerns not only a●tioch , but syria and cilicia , which were under the jurisdiction of antioch : and therefore metropolitan church 〈…〉 e jure divino . i am afraid the argument would sc 〈…〉 ow its self in the dress of a syllogism . thus it runs ; if upon the occasion of the question at antioch , the decree of the apostles made at ierusalem , concern all the churches of syria , and cilicia , then all these churches had a dependance upon the metropolis of antioch , but the an●ecedent is true , therefore the consequent . let us see how the argument will do in another ●orm . if upon the occasion of the question at antioch , the decree of the apostles concerned all the churches of christians conversing with jews ; then all these churches had dependance upon the church of antioch ; but , &c. how thankfull would the papists have been , if onely rome had been put instead of antioch● and then the conclusion had been true , what ever the premises were . but in good earnest , doth the churches of syria and cilicia being bound by this decree , prove their subordination to antioch , or to the apostles ? were they bound because antioch was their metropolis , or because they were the apostles who resolved the question ? but were not the churches of phrygia , and galatia , bound to observe these decrees as well as others ? for of these it is said , that the apostles went through the cities of them , delivering the decrees to keep , as it is expressed ▪ acts . . compared with the . verse . or do the decrees of the apostles concern only those to whom they are inscribed , and upon whose occasion they are penned ? then by the same reason pauls epistles being written many of them upon occasions , as that to the corinthians being directed to the metropolis of corinth , doth only concern the church of that city , and those of achaia that were subject to the jurisdiction of the city ; and so for the rest of the epistles . a fair way to make the word of god of no effect to us ; because for sooth , we live not in obedience to those metropoles to which the epistles were directed ! from whence we are told , how many things we may understand by this notion of metropolitans : especially why ignatius superscribes his epistle to the romans , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the church which pre●ides in the place of the roman region , or the suburbicari●n provinces . but let us see whether this place may not be understood better without the help of this notion . casaubon calls it locutionem barbar●m ; vedelius is more favourable to it , and thinks si non elegans saltem vi●ii libera est , and explains it by the suburbicarian provinces : and makes the sense of it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the place which is the roman region , and parallels it with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , luke . . bellarmine thinks he hath ●ound the popes universal power in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but methinks the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , should hardly be rendred orbis universus , unless bellarmine were no more skil'd in greek , then casaubon thinks he was , whom he calls in the p●ace forecited , hominem graecarum literarum prorsus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the most ingenuous conjecture concerning this place , is that of our learned mr. thorndike . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , is here used as many times besides , speaking of those places which a man would neither call cities nor towns , as acts . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being to sail by the places of asia ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is plain it signifies the countrey ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then must necessarily signifie here the vaticane lying in the fields as a suburb to rome , and being the place where st. peter was buried , and where the iews of rome then dw●lt , as we learn by philo , legatione ad caium , out of whom he produceth a large place to that purpose , and so makes this the church of the jewish christians , the vaticane being then the iewry of rome ; but there being no clear evidence of any such distinction of churches there , and as little reason why ignatius should write to the church of the jewish christians , and not to the church of the gentile christians , i therefore embrace his sense of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the vatican , but explain it in another way , viz. as we have already shewed , that the chief places of meeting for the christians in gentile ▪ rome , was in the coemeteries of the martyrs ; now these coemeteria were all of them without the city ; and the coemeteria where peter , linus , cletus , and some other of the primitive martyrs lay interr'd in the vatican , beyond the river tiber. so damasus in the life of cletus , qui etiam sepultus est juxta corpus b. petri in vaticano . the church then in the p●ace of the region of the romans , is the christian-church of rome , assembling chiefly in the coemeteries of the vatican , or any other of those vaults which were in the fields at a good distance from the city . but yet there is one argument more for metropolitans ▪ and that is from the importance of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is taken to signifie both the city and countrey ; and so the inscription of clemens his epistle is explained , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the church of god dwelling about rome , to the church dwelling about corinth , whereby is supposed to be comprehended the whole territories , which ( being these were metropoles ) takes in the whole province . and so polycarp , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but all this ariseth from a mistake of the signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies not so much accolere as incolere : and therefore the old latin version renders it , eccl●siae dei quae est philippis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that removes from one city to sojourn in another . and the ground of attributing that name to the christian churches , was either because that many of the first christians being jews , they did truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being as strangers out of their own countrey , or else among the christians , because by reason of their continual persecutions , they were still put in mind of their flitting uncertain condition in the world , their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , countrey , citizenship being in heaven . of this the apostles often tell them : from hence i● came to signifie the society of such christians so living together ; which as it encreased , so the notion of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 encreased , and so went from the city into the countrey , and came not from the countrey into the city ; for , if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be taken for accolere , then it necessarily follows , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot signifie the church of rome , and the territories belonging to it , but the church adjacent to rome , distinct from the citie , and the church in it . for in that sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is opposed to living in the city , and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are distinct from the citizens , as in thucydides and others ; but , i believe no instance can possibly be produced wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taken in that sense , doth comprehend in it both city and country . but being taken in the former sense , it was first applyed to the whole church of the city : but when the church of the city did spread it self into the countrey , then the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comprehended the christians , both in city and countrey adjoyning to it . which leads me to the second step of christian churches , when churches took in the villages and territories adjoyning to the cities : for which we must understand , that the ground of the subordination of the villages and territories about , did primarily arise from hence , that the gospel was spread abroad from the several cities into the countreys about . the apostles themselves preachedmost , as we read in scripture , in the cities , because of the great resort of people thither ; there they planted churches , and setled the government of them in an ecclesiastical senate , which not only took care for the government of churches already constituted , but for the gathering more . now the persons who were employed in the conversion of the adjacent territories , being of the clergy of the city , the persons by them converted were adjoyned to the church of the city ; and all the affairs of those lesser churches were at first determined by the governours of the city ; afterwards when these churches encreased , and had peculiar officers set over them by the senate of the city-church , although these did rule and govern their flock , yet it alwayes was with a subordination to , and dependance upon the government of the city-church . so that by this means , he that was president of the senate in the city , did likewise superintend all the churches planted in the adjoyning territories , which was the original of that which the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the latins , the diocess of the bishop . the church where the bishop was peculiarly resident with the clergy , was called matrix ecclesia , and cathedra principali● , as the several parishes which at first were divided according to the several regions of the city , were called tituli , and those planted in the territories about the city , called paroeciae , when they were applyed to the presbyters ; but when to the bishop , it noted a diocess : those that were planted in these country-parishes , were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the greeks , and by the latins , presbyteri regionarii , conregionales , forastici , ruri● agrorum presbyteri , from whom the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were distinct , as evidently appears by the thirteenth canon of the council of neocaesarea ▪ where the countrey presbyters are forbidden to administer the lords supper in the presence of the bishop on the presbyters of the city ; but the chorepiscopi were allowed to do it . salmasiu● thinks these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were so called , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the episcopi villani , such as were only presbyters , and were set over the churches in villages : but though they were originally presbyters , yet they were ●aised to some higher authority over the rest of the presbyters , and the original of them seems to be , that when churches were so much multiplyed in the countreys adjacent to the cities , that the bishop in his own person could not be present to oversee the actions and carriages of the several presbyters of the countrey churches , then they ordained some of the fittest in their several dioceses to super intend the several presbyters lying remore from the city ; from which office of theirs they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : because they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , go about , and visit the several churches . this is the account given of them by beza and blondel , as well as others . all those several places that were converted to the saith by the assistance of the presbyters of the city , did all make but one church with the city . whereof we have this twofold evidence ▪ first , from the eulogi● which were at first parcels of the bread consecrated for the lords supper , which were sent by the deacons or ac●luthi to those that were absent , in token of their communion in the same church . iustin martyr is the first who acquaints us with this custome of the church ; after , saith he , the president of the assembly hath consecrated the bread and wine , the deacons stand ready to distribute it to every one person , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and carry it to those that are absent . damascus attributes the beginning of this custome to miltiades bishop of rome . hic fecit ut oblationes consecrat● per ecclesias ex consecratione episcopi dirigerentur : quod declaratur fermentum . so innocentius ad decentium ; de fermento verò quod die dominica per titulos mittimus , &c. ut se à nostra communione maxime illa die non judicent separa●os● whereby it appears to have been the custome of rome and other places to send from the cathedral church , the bread consecrated to the several parish-churches , to note their joint-communion in the faith of the gospel . neither was it sent only to the several tituli in the city , but to the villages round about , as appears by the question propounded by d●centius ; although at rome it seems they sent it only to the churches within the city , as appears by the answer of innocentius : but albaspinus takes it for granted , as a general custome upon some set-dayes to send these eulogi● through the whole diocess . nam cum per vicos & agros sparsi & diffus● , ex ●adem non p●ssint sumere communione , cuperentque s●mper union is christian● , & christi corporis speciem quam p●ssint maximam r●tinere , sol●●nissimis di●bus & festivis ex matrice per parochias , bene dictus mit●ebatur panis , ex ●ujus p●rceptione communitas quae inter omnes fideles ●jusdem d●oecesis intercedere debet , intelligebatur & repraesentabatur . surely then the diocesses were not very large ; i● all the several parishes could communicate on the same day with what was sent from the cathedral church . afterwards they sent not part of the bread of the lords-supper , but some other in analogy to that , to denote their mutual contesseration in the saith and communion in the same church ▪ secondly , it appears that still they were of the same church , by the presence of the clergy of the countrey , or the choyce of the bishop of the city , and at ordinations and in councils . so at the choyce of boniface , relictis singuli titulis suis presbyteri omnes aderunt qui voluntatem suam ▪ hoc est d●i judicium , proloquantur : whereby it is evident that all the clergy had their voyces in the choyce of the bishop . and therefore pope l●o requires these things as necessary to the ordination of a bishop , subscriptio clericorum , honoratorum testimonium . ordinis consensus & plebis : and in the same chapter speaking of the choyce of the bishop , he saith it was done subscribentibus plus minus septuagint● presbyteris . and therefore it is observed , that all the clergy con●urred to the choyce even of the bishop of rome , till after the time of that hildebrand called greg. . in whose time popery came to age : thence casaubon calls it haeresin hildebrandinam . cornelius bishop of rome was chosen clericoram pene omnium testimonio ; and in the council at rome under sylv●ster it is decreed , that none of the clergy should be ordained , nisi cum tota adunata ecclesia . many instances are brought from the councils of carthage to the same purpose , which i pass over as commonly known . it was accounted the matter of an accusation against chrysostom by his enemies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he ordained without the council and assistance of his clergy . the p●esence of the clergy at councils hath been already shewed . thus we see how , when the church of the city was enlarged into the countrey , the power of the governours of the churches in the city was extended with it . the next step observable in the churches encrease , was , when several of these churches lying together in one province did associate one with another . the primitive church had a great eye to the preserving unity among all the members of it , and thence they kept so strict a correspondency among the several bishops in the commercium formatarum ( the formula of writing , which to prevent deceit , may be seen in iustellus his notes on the codex canonum ecclesiae africanae ) and for a maintaining of nearer correspondency among the bishops themselves of a province , it was agreed among themselves for the better carrying on of their common work , to call a provincial synod twice every year to debate all causes of concernment there among themselves , and to agree upon such wayes as might most conduce to the advancing the common interest of christianity . of these tertullian speaks ; aguntur praecept● per gracias illas certis in locis concilia ex universis eccles●is , per quae & altiora quaeque in communi tractantur , & ipsa repraesentatio nominis christiani magna v●neratione celebratur . of these the thirty eighth canon apostolical ( as it is called ) expresly speaks , ( which canons , though not of authority sufficient to ground any right upon , may yet be allowed the place of a testimony of the practice of the primitive church , especially towards the third century ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . twice a year a synod of bishops was to be kept for discussing matters of faith , and resolving matters of practice . to the same purpose the council of ▪ antioch , a. d. ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to these councils ; the presbyters and deacons came , as appears by that canon of the council of antioch ; and in the seventh canon of the nicene council by alphon us pisanus the same custome is dec●eed ▪ but no such thing occurrs in the codex canonum , either of tilius or iustellus his edition ▪ and the arabick edi●●●● of that council is conceived to have been compiled above four hundred years after the council set . but however , we see evidence enough of this practice of celebrating provincial synods twice a year ; now in the assembling of these bishops together for mutual counsel in their affairs , there was a necessity of some order to be observed . there was no difference as to the power of the bishops themselves , who had all equal authority in their several churches , and none over one another . for , episcopatus unus ●st cujus ● singulis in solidum pars tenetur , as cyprian speaks ; and as ierome , ubicunq , episcopus fuerit , sive romae , sive eugubii , sive constantinopoli , sive r●egii , sive alexandriae , sive tanis , ejusdem est meriti ▪ ejusdem est & sacerdotii . potentia divitiarum & paupertatis humilitas , vel sublimiorem vel inferiorem episcopum non facit : caterum omnes apostolorum successores sunt . there being then no difference between them , no man calling himself episcopum episcoporum , as cyprian elsewhere speaks , some other way must be found out to preserve order among them , and to moderate the affairs of the councils ; and therefore it was determined in the council of antioch , that he that was the bishop of the metropolis , should have the honour of metropolitan among the bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because of the great confluence of people to that city , therefore he should have the pr●heminence above the rest . we see how far they are from attributing any divine right to metropolitaus ; and therefore the rights of metropolitans are called by the sixth canon of the nicene council , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which had been a dishonourable introduction for the metropolitan rights , had they thought them grounded upon apostolical institution . nothing more evident in antiquity then the honour of metropolitans depending upon their sees ; thence when any cities were raised by the emperour to the honour of metropoles , their bishop became a metropolitan , as is most evident in iustiniana prima , and for it ▪ there are canons in the councils decreeing it ; but of this more afterwards . the chief bishop of africa was only called primae sedis episcop 〈…〉 ▪ thence we have a canon in the codex ecclesiae african● ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that the bishop of the chief see , should not be called the exarch of the priests , or chief priest , or any thing of like nature , but only the bishop of the chief seat . therefore it hath been well observed that the african churches did retain longest the primitive simplicity and humility among them ; and when the voyce was said to be heard in the church upon the flowing in of riches , hodie venenum effusum est in ecclesiam , by the working of which poyson the spirits of the prelates began to swell with pride and ambition ( as is too evident in church history ) only africa escaped the infection most , and resisted the tyrannical incroachments of the roman bishop , with the greatest magnanimity and courage , as may be seen by the excellent epistle of the council of carthage , to boniface bishop of rome in the codex ecclesiae africanae . so tha● however africa hath been alwayes fruitfull of monsters ; yet in that ambitious age it had no other wonder but only this , that it should escape so free from that typhus saecularis ( as they then called it ) that monstrous itch of pride and ambition . from whence we may well rise to the last step of the power of the church , which was after the empire grew christian , and many provinces did associate together , then the honour and power of patriarchs came upon the stage . and now began the whole christian world to be the cock ▪ pitt , wherein the two great prelates of rome and constantinople strive with their greatest force for mastery of one another , and the whole world with them , as may be seen in the actions of paschasinus the roman legat in the council of chalcedon . from whence forward the great levi●than by his tumbling in the waves , endeavoured to get the dominion of all into his hands : but god hath at last put a hook into his nostrils , and raised up the great instruments of reformation , who like the sword ▪ fish have so pierced into his bowels , that by his tumbling he may only hasten his approaching ruine , and give the church every day more hopes of seeing its self freed from the tyranny of an u●urped power . by this scheme and draught now of the increase of the churches power , nothing can be more evident , then that it rise not from any divine institution , but only from positive & ecclesiastical laws , made according to the several states and conditions wherein the church was ; which as it gradually grew up , so wa● the power of the church by mutual consent fitted to the state of the church in its several ages . which was the fi●st argument , that the primitive church did not conceive its self bound to observe any one unalterable form of government . this being the chief , the rest that follow , will sooner be dispatched . the second is from the great varieties as to government which were in several churches . what comes from divine right , is observed unalterably in one uniform & constant tenour : but what we find so much diversified according to several places , we may have ground to look on only as an ecclesiastical constitution , which was followed by every church as it judged convenient . now as to church government we may find some churches without bishops for a long time , some but with one bishop in a whole nation , many cities without any , where bishops were common ; many churches discontinue bishops for a great while where they had been ; no certain rule observed for modelling their d●ocesses where they were still continued . will not all these things make it seem very improbable that it should be an apostolical institution , that no church should be without a bishop ? first , then some whole nations seem to have been without any bishops at all , if we may believe their own historians . so if we may believe the great antiquaries of the church of scotland , that church was governed by their culdei as they called their presbyters , without any bishop over them , for a long time . iohannes maior speaks of their instruction in the faith , per sacerdotes & monachos sine episcopis scoti in fide eruditi , but least that should be interpreted only of the●r conversion , iohannes fordònus is clear and full to their government , from the time of their conversion about a. d ▪ . to the coming of palladius a. d. . that they were only governed by presbyters and monks . ante palladii adventum habebant scoti fidei d●ctores ac sacramentorum ministratores presbyteros solunmodo , vel monachos ritum sequentes ecclesiae primitivae . so much mistaken was that learned man , who saith , that neither beda nor any other affirms that the scots were formerly ruled by a presbyterie , or so much as that they had any presbyter among them . neither is it any wayes sufficient to say , that these presbyters did derive their authority from some bishops : for however we see here a church governed without such , or if they had any , they were only chosen from their culdei , much after the custom of the church of alexandria , as hector boethiu● doth imply . and if we believe philostorgius , the gothick churches were planted and governed by presbyters for above seventy years ▪ for so long it was from their first conversion to the time of ulphilas whom ▪ he makes their first bishop . and great probability there is , that where churches were planted by presbyters , as the church of france by andochius and benignus , that afterwards upon the encrease of churches , and presbyters to rule them , they did from among themselves choose one to be as the bishop over them , as pothinus was at lyons . for we nowhere read in those early plantations of churches , that where there were presbyters already , they sent to other churches to derive episcop●l ordination from them . now for whole nations having but one bishop , we have the testimony of sozomen , that in scythia which by the romans was called masia inferior , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . although there were many cities they had but one bishop . the like godignus relates of the ab●ssine churches , though their territories be of vast extent , there is but only one bishop in all those dominions , who is the bishop of abuna . and where bishops were most common , it is evident they looked not on it as an apostolical rule for every city to have a bishop , which it must have if it was an apostolical institution for the church to follow the civil government . theodoret mentions churches under his charge , in whose di●cess ptolomy placeth many other cities of note besides cirus , as ariseria , regia , ruba , heraclea , &c. in the province of tripoly he reckons nine cities which had but five bishops , as appears by the notitia ecclesiae africanae ▪ in thracia every bishop had several cities under h●m . the bishop of heraclea that and panion ▪ , the bishop of byze had it and arcadiapolis ; of coela had it and callipolis ; sabsadia had it and aphrodisias . it is needless to produce more instances of this nature either ancient or modern , they being so common and obvious . but further , we find bishops discontinued for a long time in the greatest churches . for if there be no church without a bishop , where was the church of rome when from the martyrdome of fabian , and the banishment of lucius the church was governed only by the clergy ? so the church of carthage when cyprian was banished ; the church of the east , when meletius of antioeh , eusebius samosatenus , pelagius of laodicea , and the rest of the orthodox bishops were banished for ten years space , and flavianus and diodorus , two presbyters ruled the church of antioch the mean while , the church of carthage was twenty four years without a bishop in the time of hunerik , king of the vandals ; and when it was offered them that they might have a bishop upon admitting the arrians to a free exercise of their religion among them , their answer was upon those terms , ecclesia episcopum non delictatur habere ; and balsamon speaking of the christian churches in the east , determines it neither safe nor necessary in their present state to have bishops set up over them . and lastly for their diocesses , it is evident there was no certain rule for modelling them . in some places they were far less then in others . generally in the primitive and eastern churches they were very small and little , as far more convenient for the end of them in the government of the churches under the bishops charge : it being observed out of walafridus strabo by a learned man , fertur in orientis partibus per singulas urbes & praefecturas singulas esse episcoporum gubernationes . in africk , if we look but into the writings of augustine , we may find hundreds of bishops resorting to one council . in ireland alone , saint patrick is said by ninius at the first plantation of christianity to have founded . bishopricks . so sozomen te●ls us , that among the arabians , and cyprians , novatians montanists , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very villages had bishops among them . the next evidence that the church did not look upon it self as by a divine law to observe any one model of government , is , the conforming the ecclesiasticall government to the civil . for , if the obligation arose from a law of god ; that must not be altered according to civil co●stitutions , which are variable according to the different state and conditions of things . if then the apostles did settle things by a standing law in their own times , how comes the model of church-government to alter with the civil form ? now that the church did generally follow the civil government , is freely acknowledged and insisted on by learned persons of all sides ; especially after the division of the roman empire by constantine the great . the full making out of which is a work too large to be here undertaken , and hath been done to very good purpose already , by berterius , salmasius , gothofred , blondel and others , in their learned discourses of the suburbicarian provinces . which whether by them we understand that which did correspond to the praefecture of the provost of rome , which was within a hundred miles compass of the city of rome , or that which answered to the vicarius urbis , whose jurisdiction was over the ten provinces distinct from italy , properly so called , whose metropolis was milan ; or , which is most probable , the metropolitan province answering to the jurisdiction of the praefectus urbis , and the patriarchate of the roman bishop to the vicarius urbis ; which way soever we take it , we see , it answered to the civil government . i shall not here enter that debate , but onely briefly at present set down the scheme of both civil and ecclesiastical government , as it is represented by our learned breerwood . the whole empire of rome was divided into xiii . dioceses , whereof ●even belonged to the east empire , and six ( beside the praefecture of the city of rome ) to the west . those thirteen dioceses , together with that praefecture contained among them . provinces , or thereabout ; so that to every diocess belonged the administration of sundry provinces : lastly , every province contained many cities within their territories . the cities had for their rulers , those inferiour judges , which in the law are called defensores civitatum ; and their seats were the cities themselves ; to which all the towns and villages in their several territories were to resort for justice . the provinces had for theirs either proconsuls , or consulares , or praesides , or correctores ; four sundry appellations , but almost all of equal authority ; and their seats were the chiefest cities or metropoles of the provinces : of which in every province there was one , to which all inferiour cities for judgement in matters of importance did resort . lastly , the dioceses had for theirs the lieutenants called vicarii , and their seats were the metropoles or principal cities of the diocess , whence the edicts of the emperour or other ▪ lawes were publ●shed , and sent abroad into all the provinces of the diocess , and where the praetorium and chief tribunal for judgement was placed to de●ermiue appeals , and minister justice ( as might be occasion ) to all the provinces belonging to that jurisdiction . and this was the disposition of the roman governour . — and truly it is wonderful ( saith that lear●ed authour ) how nearly and exactly the church in her government did imitate this civil ordination of the roman magistrates . for first , in every city , as there was a defensor civitatis for secular government , so was there placed a bishop for spiritual regiment ( in every city of the east , and in every city of the west , almost a several bishop ) whose jurisdiction extended but to the city , and the places within the territory . for which cause the jurisdiction of a bishop was anciently called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying not ( as many ignorant novelists think ) a parish , as now the word is taken , that is , the places or habitations near a church , but the towns and villages near a city : all which , together with the city , the bishop had in charge . secondly , in every province , as there was a president , so there was an arch-bishop , and because his seat was the principal city of the province , he was commonly known by the name of metropolitan . lastly , in every diocess , as there was a lievtenant-general , so was there a primate seated also in the principal city of the diocess as the lieutenant was , to whom the last determining of appeals from all the provinces in differences of the clergy , and the soveraign care of all the diocess for sundry points of spiritual government did belong . by this you may see that there were xi . primates besides the three patriarchs ; for of the xiii . dioceses ( besides the praefecture of the city of rome , which was administred by the patriarch of rome ) that of egypt was governed by the patriarch of alexandria , and that of the orient by the patriarch of antiochia , and all the rest by the primates : between whom and the patriarchs was no difference of jurisdiction and power , but onely of some honour which accrued to them by the dignity of their sees ; as is clearly expressed in the third canon of the council of constantinople , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby constantinople is advanded to the honorary title of a patriarch next to rome , because it was new rome . whereby it is evident that the honour belonging to the bishop of old rome did arise from its being the imperial city . the honour of the bishop rising , as austin saith , that of the deacons of rome did , propter magnificentiam urbis romanae quae caput esse videour omnium civitatum . hereby we now fully see what the original was of the power of arch-bishops , metropolitans , and patriarchs , in the church , viz. the contemperating the ecclesiastical-government to the civil . the next evidence that the church did not look upon its self as bound by a divine law , to a certain form of government , but did order things itself in order to peace and unity , is , that after episcopal government was setled in the church , yet ordination by presbyters was looked on as valid . for which these instances may suffice . about the year . iohannes cassianus reports that one abbot daniel in●eriour to none of those who lived in the desart of scetis , was made a deacon , à b. pa●hnutio solitudinis ejusdem presbytero : in tantum enim virtutibus ipsius adgaudebat , ut quem vitae meritis sibi & gratiâ parem noverat , coaequare sibi etiam sacerdotti honore festinaret . siquidem nequaquam ferens in inferiore eum ministerio diutius immorari , optansque sibi●et success●rem dignissimum providere , superstes eum presbyterii honore provexit ▪ what more plain and evident then that here a presbyter ordained a presbyter , which we now here read was pronounced null by theophilus then bishop of alexandria , or any others that at time ? it is a known instance , that in the ordination of pelagius first bishop of rome , there were only two bishops concurred , and one presbyter : whereas according to the fourth canon of the nicene council ▪ three bishops are absolutely required for ordina●ion 〈…〉 bishop ; either ●hen pelagius was no canonical bishop , and so the point of succession thereby fails in the church of rome : or else a presbyter hath the same intrinsecal power of ordination which a bishop hath , but it is onely restrained by ecclesiastical lawes . in the time of eustathius bishop of antioch , which was done a. d. , as iacobus goth●●redus proves , till the time of the ordination of paulinus a. d. . which was for thirty four years space , when the church was governed by paulinus and his colleagues withdrawing from the publick assemblies ; it will be hard to say by whom the ordinations were performed all this while , unless by paulinus and his collegues . in the year . it appears by leo in his epistle to rusticus narbonensis , that some presbyters took upon them to ordain as bishops ; about which he was consulted by rusticus what was to be done in that case with those so ordained : leo his resolution of that case is observable , siqui autem clerici ab ist is pseudo-episcopis in iis ecclesiis ordinati sunt , quae ad pr●prios episcopos pertinebant , & ordinatio ●orum cum consensn & judicio praesidentium facta est , potest rata haberi , ita ut in ipsis ecclesiis perseverent . those clergy men who were ordained by such as took upon them the office of bishops , in churches belonging to proper bishops , if the ordination were performed by the consent of the bishops , it may be looked on as valid , and those presbyters remain in their office in the church . so that by the consent ex post facto of the true bishops those presbyters thus ordained , were looked on as lawful presbyte●s , which could not be , unless their ordainers had an intrinsecal power of ordination ; which was onely restrained by the laws of the church ; for if they have no power of ordination , it is impossible they should confer any thing by their o●d●nation . if to this it be answered , that the validity of their ordination did depend upon the consent of the bishops , and that presbyters may ordain , if delegated thereto by bishops , as paulinus might ordain on that account at antioch . it is easily answered , that this very power of doing it by delegation , doth imply an intrinsecal power in themselves of doing it . for i● presbyters be forbidden ordaining others by scriptures , then they can neither do it in their own persons , nor by delegation from others . f●● q●od alicui suo nomine ●on lices , nec 〈…〉 : an●●●●● rule o● cyprian must hold true , non aliquid c●i ●●●● largiri potest humana indulgentia , ubi interc●dit & leg●● tribuit divina ●r●scriptio . there can be no dispensing with divine lawes ; which must be , if that may be delegated to other persons , which was required of men in the office wherein they are . and if presbyters have power of conferring nothing by their ordination , how can an after-consent of bishops make that act of theirs valid , for conserring right and power by it ? it appears then , that this power was restrained by the lawes of the church , for preserving u●ity in its self ; but yet so , that in case of necessity what was done by presbyters , was not looked on as invalid . but against this the case of ischyras , ordained , as it is said , a presbyter by collutbus , and pronounced null by the council of alexandria , is commonly pleaded . but there is no great difficulty in answering it . for first , the pronouncing such an ordination null , doth not evidence that they looked on the power of ordination as belonging of divine right onely to bishops ; for we find by many instances , that acting in a bare contempt of ecclesiastical canons was sufficient to degrade any from being presbyters . secondly , if ischyras had been ordained by a bishop , there were c●rcumstances enough to induce the council to pronounce it null . first , as done out of the diocess , in which case ordinations are nulled by concil . arel . cap. . secondly , done by open and pronounced schismaticks . thirdly , done sine titulo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ●o nulled by the canons then . thirdly , colluthns did not act as a presbyter in ordaining , but as a bishop of the meletian party in cynus , as the clergy of mareotis speaking of ischyras his ordination , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by collytbus a presbyter , making shew of being a bishop ; and is supposed to have been ordained a bishop by meletius . more concerning this may be seen in blondel , who fully clears all the particulars here menti●●e● . so that notwithstanding this instance , nothing appears , but that the power of ordination was restrained only by ecclesiastical law● . the last thing to prove that the church did act upon prudence in church-government , is from the many restraints in other cases made by the church , for restraint of that liberty which was allowed by divine laws . he must be a stranger to the ancient canons , and constitutions of the church , that takes not notice of such restraints made by canons , as in reference to observation of several rites and customes in the churches , determined by the provincial synods of the several churches ; for which purpose their provincial synods were still kept up in the eastern church , as appears by the testimony of firmilian in his epistle to cyprian : qua ex causa necessariò apud nos fit , ut per singulos annos seniores & praepositi in unum conveniamus , ad disponenda ea quae curae nostrae commissa sunt : ut si quae graviora sunt communi consilio dirigantur ▪ lapsis quoque fratribus , &c. medela quaeratur : non quasi à nobis remissionem peccatorum consequ●nt●r ; sed ●t per nos ad intelligentiam delictorum suorum convertantur , & domino pleniùs satisfacere cogantur . the several orders about the discipline of the church were det●rmined in these synods ; as to which , he that would find a command in scripture for their orde●s about the catechumeni , and lapsi , will take pains to no purpose , the church ordering things it self for the better regulating the several churches they were placed over . a demonstrative argument , that these things came not from divine command , is , from the great diversi●y of these customes in several places : of which besides socrates , sozomen largely speaks , and may easily be gathered from the history of the several churches . when the church began to enjoy ease and liberty , and thereby had opportunity of enjoying greater conveniency for councils ; we find what was detrrmined by those councils , were entred into a codex canonum for that purpose , which was observed next to the scriptures ; not from any obligation of the things themselves , but from the conduceablene●s of those things ( as they judged them ) to the preserving the peace and unity of the church . chap. viii . an inquiry into the iudgement of reformed divines concerning the unalterable divine right of particular forms of church-government : wherein it is made appear , that the most ●minent d●vines of the reformation did never conceive any one form necessary ; manifested by three arguments . . from the judgment of those who make the form of church-government mutable , and to depend upon the wisdom of the magistrate and church . this cleared to have been the judgement of most divines of the church of england since the reformation . archbishop cranmers judgment , with others of the reformatiion in edward the sixth's , time , now first published from his authentick ms. the same ground of setling episcopacy in queen elizabeth's time . the judgement of archbishop w●itgift , bishop bridges , dr. ●oe , mr. hooker , largely to that purpose , in king iames his time . the kings own opinion . dr. su●cl●ffe . since of ●rakan●horp , mr. hales , mr. chillingworth . the testimony of forraign divines to the same purpose . chemnitius , zanchy french divines , peter moul●n , fregevil , blondel , bochartus , amyraldus . other learned men , gro●●u● , lord bacon , &c. . those who look upon equality as the primitive form , yet judge episcopacy ▪ lawful . augustane confession , mel●nchthon , ar●icu●● sma●caldici . prince of anhalt , hyperius , hemingius : the practice of most forraign churches . c●lvin and beza both approving episcopacy and diocesan churches . salmasius , &c. . those who judge episcopacy to be the primitive form , yet look not on it as nec●ssary . bishop iewel , fulk , field , bishop downam , bishop banc●o●t , bishop morton , bishop andrews , saravia , francis mason , and others . the conclusion hence laid in order to peace principles conducing thereto . . prudence must be used in church-government , at last confessed by all parties . independents in elective synods , and church covenants , admission of members , number in congregations . presbyterians in classes , and synods , lay-elders &c. e●iscopal in diocesses , causes , rites , &c. . that prudence best , which comes nearest primitive practice . a presidency for life over an ecclesiastical senate shewed to be that form , in order to it . presbyteries to be restored . diocesses l●ssened . provincial synods kept twice a year . the reasonableness and easiness of accommodation shewed . the whole concluded . having thus far proceeded , through divine assistance , in our intended method , and having found nothing determining the necessity of any one form of government in the several laws of nature and christ , nor in the practice of apostles , or primitive church ; the only thing possible to raise a suspition of novelty in this opinion , is , that it is contrary to the judgement of the several churches of the reformation . i know it is the last asylum which many run to , when they are beaten off from their imaginary fancies , by pregnant testimonies of scripture and reason , to shelter themselves under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of some particular persons , to whom their understandings are bored in perpetual slavery : but if men would but once think their understandings at age to judge for themselves , and not make them live under a continual pupillage ; and but take the pains to travel over the several churches of the reformation , they would find themselves freed of many strange misprisions they were possessed with before , and understand far better the ground and reason of their pitching upon their several forms , than they seem to do , who found all things upon a divine right . i believe there will , upon the most impartial survey , scarce be one church of the reformation brought , which doth imbrace any form of government , because it looked upon that form as onely necessary by an unalterable standing law , but every one took up that form of government which was judged most suitable to the state and condition of their severall churches : but that i may the better make this appear , i shall make use of some arguments whereby to demonstrate , that the most eminent divines that have lived since the reformation , have been all of this mind , that no one form is determined as necessary for the church of god in all ages of the world. for if many of them have in thesi asserted the form of church-government mutable ; if those who have thought an equality among ministers the primitive form , have yet thought a government by episcopacy lawfull and usefull : if , lastly , those who have been for episcopacy , have not judged it necessary , then i suppose it will be evident , that none of them have judged any one form taken exclusively of others , to be founded upon an unalterable right : for whatsoever is so founded , is made a necessary duty in all churches to observe it , and it is unlawfull to vary from it , or to change it according to the prudence of the church , according to the state and condition of it . i now therefore undertake to make these things out in their order . first , i begin with those who have in thesi asserted the mutability of the form of church government . herein i shall not follow the english humour , to be more acquainted with the state of forreign places then their own ; but it being of greatest concernment to know upon what accounts episcopal government was setled among our selves , in order to our submission to it ; i shall therefore make inquiry into the judgement of those persons concerning it , who either have been instrumental in setling it , or the great defenders of it after its setlement . i doubt not but to make it evident , that before these late unhappy times , the main ground for setling episcopal government in this nation , was not accounted any pretence of divine right , but the conveniency of that form of church government to the state and condition of this church at the time of its reformation : for which we are to consider , that the reformation of our church was not wrought by the torrent of a popular fury , nor the insurrection of one part of the nation against another , but was wisely , gravely , and maturely debated , and setled with a great deal of consideration . i meddle not with the times of henry . when i will not deny but the first quickning of the reformation might be , but the matter of it was as yet rude and undigested ; i date the birth of it from the first setlement of that most excellent prince edward . the phosphorus of our reformation . who , a. d. . was no sooner entred upon his throne , but some course was presently taken in order to reformation . commissioners with injunctions were dispatched to the several parts of the land , but the main business of the reformation was referred to the parliament call'd november . the same year ; when all former statutes about religion were recall'd , as may be seen at large in mr. fox , and liberty allowed for professing the gospel according to the principles of reformation , all banished persons for religion being call'd home . upon this , for the better establishing of religion , and the publick order for the service of god , an assembly of select divines is call'd , by special order from the kings majesty , for debating of the settlement of things according to the word of god , and the practice of the primitive church . these sate , as mr. fox tells us , in windsor castle ; where , as he expresseth it , after long , learned , wise , and deliberate advises , they did finally conclude and agree upon one uniform order , &c. no more is said by him of it , and less by the late historian . the proceedings then in order to reformation , being so dark hitherto , and obscure , by what is as yet extant , much light may accrue thereto by the help of some authentick ms. which by a hand of providence , have happily come into my hands ; wherein the manner and method of the reformation will be more evident to the world , and the grounds upon which they proceeded . in the convocation that year sitting with the parliament , i find two petitions made to the archbishop and the bishops of the upper house , for the calling an assembly of select divines , in order to the setling church-affairs , and for the kings grant for their acting in convocation . which not being yet ( to my knowledge ) extant in publike , and conducing to our present business , i shall now publish from the ms. of bishop cranm●rs . they run thus : certain petitions and requests made by the clergy of the lower house of the convocation , to the most reverend father in god , the arch-bishop of canterbury's grace , and the residue of the prelates of the higher house , for the furtherance of certeyne articles following . first , that ecclesiastical laws may be made and established in this realm by xxxij . persons , or so many as shall please the kings majesty to name and appoint ; according to the effect of a late statute made in the thirty fifth year of the most noble king , and of most famous memory , king henry the eighth . so that all iudges ecclesiastical proceeding after those laws , may be without danger and peril . also that according to the antient custome of this realm , and the tenor of the kings writs for the summoning of the parliament , which be now , and ever have been directed to the bishops of every diocess , the clergy of the lower house of the convocation may be adjoyned and associate with the lower house of parliament , or else that all such statutes and ordinances as shall be made concerning all matters of religion and causes ecclesiastical may not pass without the sight and assent of the said clergy . also that whereas by the commandment of king henry . certeyne prelates and other learned men were appointed to alter the service in the church , and to dewise other convenient and uniform order therein , who according to the same appointment did make certeyne books a● they be informed , their request is , that the said books may be seen and perused by them for a better expedition of divine service to bee set furthe accordingly . also that men being called to spiritual promotions or benefices , may have sum allowance for their necessary living , and other charges to be susteyned and born concerning the said benefices in the first year wherein they pay the first fruits . the other is , where the clergy in the present convocation assembled have made humble suite unto the most reverend father in god my lord arch-bishop of canterbury , and all other bishops . that hit may please them to be a mean to the kings majesty , and the lord protectors grace ; that the said clergy , according to the tenor of the kings will , and the auncient laws and customes of this noble realme , might have their rowme and place , and be associated with the communs in the nether howse of this present parliament ; as members of the communwealth , and the kings most humble subjects ; and if this may not be permitted and graunted to them , that then no laws concerning the christi●n religion , or which shall concern especially the persons , possessions , rowmes , lyveings , jurisdictions , goods or cattalls of the said clergy may passe nor be enacted , the said clergy not being made privy thereunto , and their aunswers and reasons not heard . the said clergy dò most humbly beseech an answer and declaration to be made unto them , what the said most reverend father in god , and all other the bishoppes have done in this their humble suit and request , to the end that the said clergy if nede bee , may chose of themself such able and diserete persons which shall effectually follow the same suite in name of them all . and where in a statute ordeyned and established by auctorite of parliament at westminster , in the twenty fifth year of the reigne of the most excellent prince , king henry the eighth , the cleregy of this realme , submitting themselfe to the kings highness , did knowledge and confesse according to the truth , that the convocations of the same cleregie hath ben and ought to be assembled by the kings writt , and did promise further in verbo sacerdotii , that they never from thenceforth wolde presume to attempt , allege , clayme , or put in ure or enact , promulge or execute any new canons , constitutions , ordinances , provincialls or other , or by whatsoever other name they shall bee called in the convocation , oneles the kings most royal assent and lisence may to them be had , to make , promulge and execute the same . and his majesty to give his most royall assent and auctorite in that behalfe upon peyne of every one of the cleregie doeyng the contrary , and beinge thereof convict , to suffre imprisonment , and make fine at the kings will ▪ and that noe canons , constitutions , or ordinances shall be made or put in execution within this realme by auctorite of the convocation of the cleregie , which shall be repugnant to the kings prerogative royall , or the customes , laws , or statutes of this realme . which statute is eftsoons renewed and established in the xxvij . yere of the reigne of the said most noble kinge , as by the tenor of both statutes more at large will appear , the said cleregie being presently assembled in convocation by auctorite of the kings writ , do desire that the kings majesties licence in writeing may be for them obteyned and granted according to the effect of the said statutes auctoriseing them to attempt , entreate and commune of such matters , and therein freely to geve their consents , which otherwise they may not doe , upon peyne and perill premised . also the said cleregie desireth that such matters as concerneth religione which be disputable , may be quietly , and in good order reasond and disputed emongst them in this howso , whereby the verites of such matters shall the better appear . and the doubtes being opened and resolutely discussed , men may be fully persuaded with the quyetnes of their consciences , and the tyme well spent . thus far those petitions , containing some excellent proposalls for a through reformation . soon after were called together by the kings special order , the former select assembly at windsor castle , where met ( as far as i can guesse by the several papers delivered ▪ in by every one of them singly , and subscribed with their own hands , all which i have perused ) these following persons . thomas ▪ arch bishop of canterbury , edward ▪ arch-bishop of yorke , the bishop of rochester , edmund bishop of london , robert bishop of carlisle , dr. george day , dr. thomas robertson . dr. i. redmayne , dr. edward leighton , dr. symon matthew , dr. william tresham , dr. richard cozen , dr. edgeworth , dr. owen oglethorp , dr. thyrleby . these all gave in their several resolutions in papers , to the questions propounded , with their names subscribed ; ( a far more prudent way then the confusion of verbal and tedious disputes ) all whose judgements are accurately summed up , and set down by the arch-bishop of canterbury himself . their resolutions contain distinct answers to several sets of questions propounded to them . the first set contained several questions about the mass , about the instituting , receiving , nature , celebration of it ; and whether in the mass it be convenient to use such speech as the people may understand , whether the whole were fit to be translated , or only some part of it ; with several other questions of the same nature . the second set is more pertinent to our purpose , wherein are questions proposed to be resolved ; ten of them belong to the number of sacraments , the other . concern church government . the questions are these : whether the appostells lacking a higher power , as in not having a christian-king among them , made bishoppes by that necessity , or by auctorite given them of god ? whether bishops or priests were first ; and if the priests were first , then the priest made the bishop ? whether a bishop hath auctorite to make a priest by the scripture or no , and whether any other but onely a bishop may make a priest ? whether in the new testament be required any consecration of a bishop and priest , or onely appointeinge to the office be sufficient ? whether ( if it fortuned a prince christien lerned to conquer certen domynyons of infidells , having non but the temporall lerned men with him ) it be defended by gods law , that be and they should preche and teche the word of god there or no , and also make and constitute priests or noe ? whether it be forefended by goddes law , that if it so fortuned that all the bishopps and priests were dedde , and that the word of god shuld there unpreached , the sacrament of baptisme and others unministred , that the king of that region shulde make bishoppes and priests to supply the same or noe ? whether a bishop or a priest may excommunicate ▪ and for what crimes , and whether they only may excommunicate by goddes law ? these are the questions , to which the answers are severally returned in distinct papers , all of them bound together in a large volume by archbishop cranmer ; and every one subscribed their names , and some their seals , to the papers delivered in . it would be too tedious a work to set down their several opinions at large ; only for the deserved reverence all bear to the name and memory of that most worthy prelate , and glorious martyr , archbishop cranmer , i shall set down his answer distinctly to every one of these questions , and the answers of some others to the more material questions to our purpose . to the . q. all christian princes have committed unto them immediately of god the holle cure of all their subjects , as well concerning the administration of goddes word for the cure of soul , as concerning the ministration of things political , and civil governaunce . and in both theis ministrations thei must have sundry ministers under them to supply that which is appointed to their several office . the cyvile ministers under the kings majesty in this realme of england , be those whom yt shall please his highness for the tyme to put in auctorite under him ; as for example , the lord chancellour , lord treasurer , lord greate master , lord privy seal , lord admyral , mayres , shryves , &c. the ministers of gods wourde under his majesty be the bishops , parsons , vicars , and such other priests as be appointed by his highnes to that ministration ; as for example , the bishop of canterbury , the bishop of duresme , the bishop of winchester , the parson of wynwicke , &c. all the said officers and ministers , as well of th' one sorte as the other , be appointed , assigned , and elected in every place , by the laws and orders of kings and princes . in the admission of many of these officers bee diverse comely ceremonies and solemnities used , which be not of necessity , but only for a good order and semely fashion . for if such offices and ministrations were committed without such solemnitye , thei were nevertheles truely committed . and there is no more promise of god , that grace is given in the committing of the ecclesiastical office , then it is in the committing of the cyvile . in the apostles time , when there was no christien princes by whose authority ministers of gods word might be appointed ; nor synnes by the sword corrected ; there was no remedie then for the correction of vice , or appoynteinge of ministers , but onely the consent of christien multitude amonge themselfe , by an uniforme consent to follow the advice and perswasion of such persons whom god had most endued with the spirit of wisdome and counsa●le . and at that time , for as much as christian people had no sword nor governer among them , thei were constrained of necessity to take such curates and priests , as either they knew themselfes to bee meet thereunto , or else as were commended unto them by other , that were so replete with the spirit of god , with such knowledge in the profession of christ , such wisdome , such conversation and counsell , that they ought even of very conscience to give credit unto them , and to accept such as by theym were presented . and so some tyme the appostles and other unto whom god had given abundantly his spirit , sent or appointed ministers of gods word , sometime the people did chose such as they thought meete thereunto . and when any were appointed or sent by the appostles or other , the people of their awne voluntary will with thanks did accept them ; not for the supremitie , imperie , or dominion , that the apostells had over them , to command as their princes or masters : but as good people , readie to obey the advice of good counsellours ; and to accept any thing that was necessary for their edification and benefit . the bishops and priests were at one time , and were not two things , but both one office in the beginning of christs religion . a bishop may make a priest by the scriptures , and so may princes and governours alsoe , and that by the auctoritie of god committed them , and the people alsoe by their election . for as we reade that bishops have done it , so christien emperours and princes usually have done it . and the people before christien princes were , commonly did elect their bishops and priests . in the new testament , he that is appointed to be a bishop or a priest , needeth no consecration by the scripture ; for election or appointeing thereto is sufficient . it is not against gods law , but contrary they ought in dede so to doe , and there be historyes that witnesseth , that some christien princes and other lay men unconsecrate have done the same . it is not forbidden by god's law. a bishop or a priest by the scripture , is neither commanded nor forbidden to excommunicate . but where the lawes of any region giveth him authoritie to excommunicate , there they ought to use the same in such crymes as the lawes have such authority in . and where the lawes of the region forbiddeth them , there they have none authority at all . and thei that be no priests , may alsoe excommunicate , if the law allow thereunto . thus fa● that excellent person ; in whose judgment nothing is more clear , then his ascribing the particular form of government in the church to the determination of the supreme magistrate . this judgement of his , is thus subscribed by him with his own hand , t. cantuariens . this is mine opinion and sentence at this present , which i do not temerariously define , but do remit the judgment thereof holly to your majesty . which i have exactly transcribed out of the original , and have observed generally the form of writing at that time used . in the same m s. it appears , that the bishop of s. asaph , therleby , redman , and cox , were all of the same opinion with the archbishop , that at first bishops and presbyters were the same ; and the two latter expresly cite the opinion of ierome with approbation . thus we see by the testimony chiefly of him who was instrumental in our reformation , that he owned not episcopacy ▪ as a distinct order from presbytery of divine right ; but only as a prudent constitution of the civil magistrate f●r the better governing in the church . we now proceed to the re-establishment of church-government under our most happy queen elizabeth . after our reformation had truly undergone the fiery trial in queen maries dayes , and by those flames was made much more refined and pure , as well as splendid and illustrious ; in the articles of religion agreed upon , our english form of church-government was onely determined to be agreeable to gods holy word ; which had been a very low and diminishing expression , had they looked on it as absolutely prescribed and determined in scripture , a● the onely necessary form to be observed in the church . the first who solemnly appeared in vindication of the english hierarchy , was archbishop whi●gi●t a sage and prudent person , whom we cannot suppose either ignorant of the sense of the church of england , or afraid or unwilling to defend it . yet he frequently against cartwright●sserts ●sserts , that the form of discipline is not particularly and by name set down in scripture : and again , no kind of government is expressed in the word , or can necessarily be concluded from thence ; which he repeats over again , no form of church-government is by the scriptures prescribed to , or commanded the church of god. and so doctor cosins his chancellor in answer to the abstract , all churches have not the same form of discipline , neither is it necessary that they should , seeing it cannot be proved that any certain particular form of church-government is commended to us by the word of god. to the same purpose doctor low , complaint of the church ; no certain form of government is prescribed in the word , onely general rules laid down for it . bishop bridges ; god hath not expressed the form of church-government , at least not so as to bind us to it . they who please but to consult the third book of learned and judicious master hookers ecclesiastical polity , may see the mutability of the form of church-government largely asserted , and fully proved . yea , this is so plain and evident to have been the chief opinion of the divines of the church of england , that parker looks on it as one of the main foundations of the hierarchy , and sets himself might and main to oppose it ; but with what success , we have already seen . if we come lower to the time of king iames ▪ his majesty himself declared it in print , as his judgment ; christiano cuique regi , principi , ac rèipublicae concessum , externam in rebus ecclesiasticis regiminis formam suis prascribere , quae ad civilis administrationis formam quàm proximè accedat . that the civil power in any nation , hath the right of prescribing what external form of church government it please , which doth most agree to the civil form of government in the state. doctor sutcliffe de presbyterio largely disputes against those who assert that christ hath laid down certain immutable lawes for government in the church . crakanthorp against spalatensis doth assert the mutability of such things as are founded upon apostolical tradition ▪ traditum igitur ab apostolis , sed traditum & mutabile , & pro usu ac arbitrio ecclesiae mutandum . to the like purpose speak the forecited authours , as their testimonies are extant in parker . bishop bridges , num unumquodque exemplum ecclesiae primitivae praeceptum aut mandatum faciat ? and again , forte rerum nonnullarum in primitiva ecclesia exemplum aliquod ostendere possunt , sed nec id ipsum generale , nec ejusdem perpetuam regulam aliquam , quae omnes ecclesias & aetates omnes ad illud exemplum astringat . so archbishop whitgift , ex facto aut exemplo legem facere , iniquúm est . nunquam licet , inquit zuinglius , à facto ad jus argumentari . by which principles , the divine right of episcopacy as founded upon apostolical practice , is quite subverted and destroyed . to come nearer to our own unhappy times ; not long before the breaking forth of those never sufficiently to be lamented intestine broyls , we have the judgement of two learned , judicious , rational authours fully discovered as to the point in question . the first is that incomparable man master hales in his often cited tract of schism : whose words are these ; but that other head of episcopal ambition ▪ concerning supremacy of bishops in divers see's , one claiming supremacy over another , as is hath been from time to time a great trespass against the churches peace , so it is now the final ruine of it : the east and west through the fury of the two prime bishops being irremediably separated without all hope of reconcilement . and besides all this mischief , it is founded on a vice contrary to all christian humility , without which no man shall see his saviour . for they doe but abase themselves and others , that would perswade us , that bishops by christs institution have any superiority over men further then of reverence , or that any bishop is superiour to another , further then positive order agreed upon among christians hath prescribed : for we have believed him that hath told us , that in iesus christ there is neither high nor low : and that in giving honour , every man should be ready to preferre another before himself : which saying cuts off all claim certainly of superiority , by title of christianity , except men think that these things were spoken onely to poor and private men. nature and religion agree in this , that neither of them had a hand in this heraldry of secundum sub & supra , all this comes from composition and agreement of men among themselves ; wherefore this abuse of christianity to make it lacquey to ambition , is a vice for which i have no extraordinary name of ignominy ; and an ordinary i will not give it , lest you should take so transcendent a vice to be but trivial . thus that grave and wise person , whose words savour of a more then ordinary tincture of a true spirit of christianity , that scorns to make religion a footstool to pride and ambition . we see plainly he makes all difference between church-officers to arise from consent of parties , and not from any divine law. to the same purpose master chillingworth propounds this question among many others to his adversary : whether any one kind of these external forms and orders and government be so necessary to the being of a church , but that they may be diverse in divers places , and that a good and peaceable christian may and ought to submit himself to the government of the place where he lives whosoever he be ? which question according to the tenour of the rest to which it is joyned , must as to the former part be resolved in the negative , and as to the latter in the affirmative . which is the very thing i have been so long in proving of , viz. that no one form of church-government is so necessary to the being of a church , but that a good and peaceable christian may and ought to conform himself to the government of that place where he lives . so much i suppose may suffice to shew that the opinion which i have asserted , is no stranger in our own nation , no not among those who have been professed defenders of the ecclesiastical government of this church . having thus far acquainted our selves with the state and customes of our own countrey , we may be allowed the liberty of visiting forraign churches : to see how far they concur with us in the matter in question . the first person whose judgement we shall produce asserting the mutability of the form of church-government , is that great light of the german church chemnitius , whom brightman had so high an opinion of as to make him to be one of the angels in the churches of the revelation . he , discoursing about the sacrament of order , as the papists call it , layes down these following hypotheses , as certain truth● . . non esse dei verbo mandatum , qui vel quot tales gradus seu ordines esse debeant . . non fuisse tempore apostolorum in omnibus ecclesiis & semper , cosdem & totidem gradus seu ordines id quod ex epistolis pauli ad diversas ecclesias scriptis manifestè colligitur . . non fuit tempore apostolorum talis distributio graduum illorum , quin saepius unus & idem omnia illa officia , quae ad ministerium pertinent , sustineret . liberae igitur fuerunt apostolorum tempore tales ordinationes , habitâ ratione ordinis , decori & aedificationis , &c. illud apostolorum exemplum primitiva ecclesia , eadem ratione & simili libertate imitata est . gradus enim officior um ministerii distributi fuerunt : non autem eadem plane ratione sicut in corinthiaca vel ephesina ecclesia , sed pro ratione circumstantiarum cujusque ecclesiae ; unde colligitur quae fuerit in distributione illorum graduum libertas . the main thing he asserts , is , the curches freedom and liberty as to the orders and degrees of those who superintend the affairs of the church , which he builds on a threefold foundation . . that the word of god no where commands , what or how many degrees and orders of ministers there shall be . . that in the apostles times , there was not the like number in all churches , as is evivident from pauls epistles . . that in the apostles times in some places one person did manage the several offices belonging to a church . which three propositions of this learned divine , are the very basis and foundation of all our foregoing discourse , wherein we have endeavoured to prove these several things at large . the same learned person hath a set discourse to shew how by degrees the offices in the church did rise , not from any set or standing law , but for the convenient managery of the churches affairs , and concludes his discourse thus : et haec prima graduum seu ordinum origo in ecclesia apostolica ostendit quae causa , quae ratio , quis usus & finis esse debeat hujusmodi seu graduum , seu ordinum ; ut scilicet pro ratione coetus ecclesiastici , singula officia quae ad ministerium pertinent , commodius , rectius , diligentius , & ordine cum aliqua gravitate ad aedificationem obeantur . the summ is , it appears by the practice of the apostolical church , that the state , condition , and necessity of every particular church , ought to be the standard , and measure what offices and degrees of persons ought to be in it . as to the uncertain number of officers in the churches in apostolical times , we have a full and express testimony of the famous centuriatours of magdeburge . quot verò in qualibet ecclesia personae ministerio functae sint , non est in flistoriis annotatum , nec usquam est praeceptum , ut aeque multi in singulis essent , sed prout paucitas aut multitudo coetus postulavit , ita pauciores aut plures administerium ecclesiae sunt adhibiti . we see by them there is no other certain rule laid down in scripture , what number of persons shall act in the governing every church ; onely general prudence according to the churches necessity , was the ground of determining the number then , and must be so still . the next person whose judgement is fully on our side , is a person both of learning and moderation , and an earnest restorer of discipline as well as doctrine in the church . i mean hieron zanchy , who in several places hath expressed his judgement to the purpose we are now upon . the fullest place is in his confession of faith , penned by him in the lxx . year of his age ; and if ever a man speaks his mind , it must be certainly when he professeth his judgement in a solemn manner by way of his last will and testament to the world ( that when the soul is going into another world , he may leave his mind behind him ) thus doth zanch ; in that confession , in which he declares this to be his judgement as to the form of church-government ; that in the apostles times there were but two orders under them , viz. of pastors and teachers : but presently subjoyns these words , interea tamen non improbamus patres , quod juxta variam , tum verbi dispensandi , tum regendae ecclesiae rationem , varios quoqu● ordines ministrorum multiplicarint , quando id iis liberum fuit , sicut & nobis ; & quando constat id ab illis factum honestis de causis , ad ordinem , ad decorum & ad aedificationem ecclesiae pro co tempore pertinentibus . and in the next section , novimus enim deum nostrum , deum esse ordinis non confusionis ; & ecclesiam servari ordine , perdi autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : qua de causa multos etiam & diversos , non solum olim in israele , verum etiam post in ecclesia ex iudaeis & gentibus collecta , ministrorum ordines instituit ; & eandem etiam ob causam , liberum reliquit ecclesiis , ut plures adderent vel non adderent , modo ad aedificationem fieret . he asserts it to be in the churches power and liberty to add several orders of ministers according as it judgeth them tend to edification ; and saith , he is far from condemning the course of the primitive church in erecting one as bishop over the presbyters , for better managing church affairs ; yea , arch-bishops , metropolitans , and patriarchs as instituted by the primitive church before the nicene council , he thinks may be both excused and defended , although afterward they degenerated into tyranny and ambition . and in his observations upon his confession , penned chiefly upon the occasion of the exceptions of magnus quidam vir ( some will guess who that was ) taken at the free delivery of his mind concerning the polity of the primitive church , he hath expressions to this purpose : that what was unanimously determined by the primitive church without any contradiction to scripture , did come from the holy spirit . hinc fit , saith he , ut quae sint hujuscemodi , ea ego improbare nec velim , nec audeam bona conscientia . quis autem ego sim , qui quod tota ecclesia approbavit , improbem ? such things , saith he , as are so determined , i neither will nor can with a safe conscience condemn . for who am i , that i should condemn that which the whole church of god hath approved ? a sentence as full of judgement as modesty . and that he might shew he was not alone in this opinion , he produceth two large and excellent discourses of martin bucer concerning the polity of the ancient church , which he recites with approbation ; the one out of his commentaries on the ephesians , the other de disciplina clericali : whereby we have gained another testimony of that famous and peaceable divine , whose judgement is too large to be here inserted . the same opinion of zanchy may be seen in his commentaries upon the fourth command , wherein he asserts no particular form to be prescribed , but onely general rules laid down in scripture , that all be done to edification ; speaking of the originall of episcopacy which came not dispositione divina , but consuetudine ecclesiastica , atque ea quidem minime improbanda ; neque enim hunc ordinem prohibuit christus sed potius regulam generalem reliquit per apostolum , nt in ecclesia omnia fiant ad edificationem . it is then most clear and evident that neither bucer , chemnitius or zanchy did look upon the church as so bound up by any immutable form of church-government laid down in scripture , but it might lawfully and laudably alter it for better edification of the church . for these learned divines conceiving that at first in the church there was no difference between bishop and presbyter , and commending the polity of the church when episcopacy was set in a higher order , they must of necessity hold that there was no obligation to observe that form which was used in apostolical times . our next inquiry is into the opinion of the french church , and the eminent divines therein . for calvin and b●z̄a , we have designed them under another rank . at present we speak of those who in thesi assert the form of church-government mutable . the first wee meet with here who fully layes down his opinion as to this matter , is , ioh. fregevil , who although in his palma christiana he seems to assert the divine right of primacy in the church , yet in his politick reformer , he asserts both forms of government by equality and inequality , to be lawful . and we shall the rather produce his testimony , because of the high character given of him by the late reverend bishop hall. wise fregevil , a deep head , and one that was able to cut even betwixt the league , the church and state : his words are these ; as for the english government , i say , it is grounded upon gods word so far forth as it keepeth the state of the clergy instituted in the old testament , and confirmed in the new. and concerning the government of the french church , so far as concerneth the equality of ministers , it hath the like foundation in gods word : namely in the example of the apostles ; which may suffice to authorize both these forms of estate ; albeit in several times and places . none can deny but that the apostles among themselves were equal , as concerning authority , albeit there were an order for their precedency . when the apostles first planted churches , the same being small and in affliction , there were not as yet any other bishops , priests or deacons but themselves ; they , were the bishops and deacons , and together served the tables . those men therefore whom god raiseth up to plant a church , can do no better , then after the examples of the apostles to bear themselves in equal authority . for this cause have the french ministers , planters of the reformed church in france usurped it , howbeit provisionally — reserving liberty to alter it , according to the occurrences . but the equality that rested among the bishops of the primitive church , did increase as the churches increased ; and thence proceeded the creation of deacons , and afterwards of other bishops and priests ; yet ceased not the apostles equality in authority ; but they that were created , had not like authority with the apostles ; but the apostles remained as soveraign bishops , neither were any greater then they . hereof i do inferr that in the state of a mighty and peaceable church , as is the church of england , or as the church of france is ( or such might be , if god should call it to reformation ) the state of the clergy ought to be preserved . for equality will be hurtful to the state , and in time breed confusion . but as the apostles continued churches in their equality so long as the churches by them planted were small ; so should equality be applyed in the planting of a church , or so long as the church continueth small , or under persecution ; yet may it also be admitted as not repugnant to gods word in those places where already it is received , rather then to innovate anything . i say therefore , that even in the apostles times the state of the clergy increased as the church increased . neither was the government under the bondage of egypt , and during the peace of the land of canaan alike ; for israelites had first iudges , and after their state increased , kings . thus far that politique reformer . whose words are so full and pertinent to the scope and drift of this whole treatise , that there is no need of any commentary to draw them to my sense . the next i shall pitch upon in the french church , is , a triumvirate of three as learned persons in their several wayes as most that church or any since the reformation hath bred ; they are blondel , bochartus , and amyraldus . the first is that great church antiquary , blondel the known and learned assertor of ieromes opinion concerning the primitive equality of presbyters , who was likewise of ieromes mind as to the mutability of that form if the church saw fit , as appears by these words of his speaking of that form of ecclesiastical polity which hilary speaks of , viz. the eldest presbyters having the primacy of order above the rest . fac tamen , saith he , apostolis non modo non improbantibus , sed palam laudantibus ortam , ego sanè liberè ab initio observatam , christianisque sive ab apostolis sive ab eorum discipulis traditam , sed ut mutabilem & pro usu ac arbitrio ecclesiae mutandam ( prout in causâ consimili piae memoriae crakanthorpius sensis ) crediderim : and not long after , nec concessus capite carentes , aut multicipites , minùs horremus , quam fervidiores hierarchici : quibus indagandum curatiùs incumbit ; an pastorum cuiquam quocunque ritulo nun● gaudeat , divino jure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eaque perpetua decreta sit ; an verò in arbitrio ecclesiae , ipse ( qui praeest ecclesiae ) spiritus religuerit , ut , quocunque modo liberet , sibi de capite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 collegia providerent . whereby that most learned writer for presbyterie ( as some have call'd him ) evidently asserts the mutability of the particular form of church government , and that it is left to the prudence and arbitrement of the church , to conclude and determine , in what way and manner the rulers of the church shall act , for moderating the common concernments of the church . the next is the learned and ingenuous bochartus , who ex professo , doth assert the opinion i have been pleading thus long in the behalf of , in his epistle to dr. morley . he having declared himself to be of ieromes mind , as to the apostles times , that the churches were governed communi consilio presbyterorum ; and withall , asserting the great antiquity of episcopacy , as arising-soon after the apostles times , and that magno cum fructu , as a very usefull form of government : he subjoyns these words directly overthrowing the d●vine right of either form of government , by episcopacy or presbyterie . n●● apostolorum praxim puto vim habuisse legis , in rebus su● natura 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . proinde tam qui presbyteralem , quam episcopalem ordinem juris divini esse asserunt , videntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and therefore asserts , that the form of government must be determined , as that in the state is , according to the suitableness of it to the state , temper , and condition of the people it is intended for . the last is , judicious amyraldus , whom one deservedly calls , one of the greatest wits of this age. in his proposals for peace with the lutherans , speaking of the different forms of church-government in the several churches of the reformation , he layes down this for a foundation of union among the several churches . quando igitur christus quidem & apostoli hoc diserté constituerunt , debere particulares ecclesias omnes gubernari à pastoribus , & aliquâ regiminis forma temperari , quod ipsa rei necessitas flagitat ; quae verò regiminis ista forma potissimùm esse debeat , utrum alii aliis auctoritate praecellant , necne , neque rei natura definivit , neque à christo aut apostolis aeque disertè constitutum est ; id primò in pacificatione statuendum esse videtur , ut quo jure hactenus fuerunt ecclesiarum evangelicarum pastores , eodem porrò esse pergant , neque aliae aliarum statum convellere nitantur . that every church be permitted freely to enjoy its own form , since some kind of government is necessary in all churches , but no one form is prescribed by christ or his apostles ; and more fully afterwards to the same purpose . quemadmodum igitur etsi politiarum formae aliae aliis aptiores ad finem illum politicum obtinendum , & accomodatiores esse videntur , deus tamen qui omnis societatis auctor est atque custos , noluit omnes hominum coetus eodem jure teneri , sed cuique communitati potestatem esse voluit suas leges sibi condendi , quas ipse divinâ suâ auctoritate sancit ; sic dubitandum quidem non est quin ex variis illis administrandarum ecclesiarum rationibus , nonnullae sint aliquanto quam aliae conducibiliores ad eum finem adipiscendum quem religio constitutune habet : at voluit tamen sapientissimus indulgentissimusque deus , cuique ecclesiaejus esse sibi leges eas ferendi quae ad disciplinam spectant , & ad ordinem conservandum . whereby he grants as much freedome and liberty to every church , to prescribe laws to its self , for the regulating the affairs of the church , as to any state to pitch upon its particular rules and wayes of government . so the church do in its orders but observe the general rules laid down in scripture . having thus fully shewed how many of he most eminent divines of the reformation have embraced this opinion of the mutability of the form of church-government , both in our own and forraign churches , who were far from being the proselytes of erastus ; it were easie to add mantissae loco : the concurrent judgement of many very learned men , as the excellent hugo grotius , my lord bacon , sir will. morice , and others , who have in print delivered this as their judgement ; but seeing such is the temper of ma ny , as to cast by their judgements with an opinion of their partiality towards the government of the church ; i have therefore contented my self with the judgement of divines , most of them of the highest rank since the reformation : whose judgements certainly will be sufficient to remove that prejudice , wherewith this opinion hath been entertained among the blind followers of the several parties . so much for those , who in terms assert the form of church-government not to depend upon an unalterable law , but to be left to the prudence and discretion of every particular church , to determine it according to its suitableness to the state , condition , and temper of the people whereof it consists , and conduceableness to the ends for which it is instituted . we come now in the second place to those , who though they look upon equality of ministers as the primitive form , yet do allow episcopal government in the church as a very lawful and useful constitution . by which it is evident , that they did not judge the primitive form to carry an universal obligation along with it , over all churches , ages , and places . upon this account , our learned crakanthorp frees all the reformed churches from the charge of aërianisin , laid upon them by the archbishop of spalato ( when he licked up his former vomit in his consilium reditûs ) . crakanthorps words are these , speaking of luther , calvin , beza , and all the reformed churches ; non habent illi , scio , distinctos à presbyteris , eisque in ordinandi & excommunicandi potestate superiores episcopos . at imparitatem istam , quod fecit aërius , non verbo dei repugnare docent ; non damnant eam vel in nostrâ , vel in universali per annos super mille quingentos ecclesiâ . per verbum dei & ius divinum , liberum & licitum utrumvis censent , vel imparitatem istam admittere vel paritatem ; in arbitrio hoc esse ac potestate cujusvis ecclesiae censent , utrum paritatem ordinum admittant , an imparitatem . so that according to the opinion of this learned divine , all the reformed churches were free from the imputation of aërianism , because they asserted not an imparity among the ministers of the gospel to be unlawful ; but thought it was wholly in the churches liberty , to settle either a parity or imparity among them , as they judged convenient . but to descend more particularly to the heroes of the reformation : we have a whole constellation of them together in the augustane confession , where they fully express their minds to this purpose , hâc de re in hoc conveni● saepe testati sumus , nos summâ voluntate cupere , conservare politiam ecclesiasticam , & gradus in ecclesiâ factos etiam humaná authoritate . scimus enim bono & utili consilio à patribus ecclesiasticam disciplinam , hoc modo , ut veteres canones describunt , constit utam esse . and afterwards , saevitia episcoporum in causâ est , quare alicubi dissolvitur illa canonica politia , quam magnopere cupiebamus conservare . and again , hîc iterum volumus testatum , nos libenter conservaturos esse ecclesiasticam & canonicam politiam , si modo episcopi desinant in ecclesias nostras saevire . haec nostra voluntas , & coram deo & apud omnes gentes ad omnem posteritatem excusabit nos , nè nobis imputari possit , quod episcoporum authoritas labefactetur . and yet further : saepe jam testati sumus , nos non solùm potestatem ecclesiasticam , quae in evangelio instituta est , summâ pietate venerari , sed etiam ecclesiasticam politiam , & gradus in ecclesiâ magnoperé probare ; & , quantùm in nobis est , conservare cupere . we see with what industry they purge and clear themselves from the imputation of bearing any ill will to the several degrees that were instituted by the church ; nay , they profess themselves desirous of retaining them , so the bishops would not force them to do any thing against their consciences . to the same purpose they speak in the smaraldian articles . none speaks more fully of the agreeableness of the form of government used in the ages after the apostles to the word of god ; then that excellent servant of god , as bishop downam often calls him , calvin doth : for in his iustitutions he speaks thus of the polity of the primitive church ; tametsi enim multos canones ediderunt illorum temporum episcopi quibus plus viderentur exprimere quàm sacris literis expressum esset ; ea tamen cautione totam suam oeconomiam composuerunt ad unicam illam verbi dei normam , ut facilè videas nihil ferè hac parte h●buisse à verbo dei alienum . although the bishops of those times did make many canons , wherein they did seem to express more then was in the word of god ; yet they used such caution and prudence in the establishing the churches polity according to the word of god , that hardly will any thing be found in it disagreeing to gods holy word . and afterwards speaking of the institution of arch-bishops and patriarchs , he saith it was ad-disciplinae conservationem , for preserving the churches discipline : and again , si rem omisso vocabulo intuemur , reperiemus veteres episcopos non aliam regendae ecclesiae formam voluisse fingere , ab ea quam deus verbo suo praescripsit , if we consider the matter its self of the churches polity , we shall find nothing in it discrepant from , or repugnant to that form which is laid down in the word of god. calvin then , what ever form of government he judged most suitable to the state and temper of the church wherein he was placed , was far from condemning that polity which was used in the primitive church by a difference as to degrees among the ministers of the gospel . he did not then judge any form of government to be so delivered in scriptures as unalterably to oblige all churches and ages to observe it . beza saith , he was so far from thinking that the humane order of episcopasy was brought into the church through rashness or ambition , that none can deny it to have been very usefull as long as bishops were good . and those that both will and can , let them enjoy it still . his words are these : absit autem , ut hunc ordinem , et si apostolica & mere divina dispositione non constitutum , tamen ut temere aut superbe invectum reprehendam ; cujus potius magnum usum fuisse quamdiu boni & sancti episcopi ecclesiis praefuerunt , quis inficiari possit ? fruantur igitur illo qui volent & poterunt . and elsewhere professeth all reverence , esteem , and honour to be due to all such modern bishops , who strive to imitate the example of the primitive bishops in a due reformation of the church of god , according to the rule of the word . and looks on it as a most false and impudent calumny of some that said , as though they intended to prescribe their form of government to all other churches ; as though they were like some ignorant fellows who think nothing good but what they do themselves . how this is reconcileable with the novell pretence of a ius divinum , i cannot understand . for certainly , if beza had judged that only form to be prescribed in the word which was used in geneva , it had been but his duty to have desired all other churches to conform to that . neither ought beza then to be looked on as out-going his master calvin in the opinion about the right of church-government . for we see he goes no further in it then calvin did . all that either of them maintained , was , that the form of government in use among them , was more agreeable to the primitive form , then the modern episcopacy was , and that episcopacy lay more open to pride , laziness , ambition , and tyranny , as they had seen and felt in the church of rome . therefore not to give occasion to snch incroachments upon the liberty of mens consciences , as were introduced by the tyranny of the roman bishops , they thought it the safest way to reduce the primitive parity ; but yet so , as to have an ecclesiastical senate for one church containing city and territories , as is evident at geneva , and that senate to have a president in it ; and whether that president should be for life , or only by course , they judged it an accidental and mutable thing : but that there should be one , essential and necessary . this is expresly and fully the judgement of that most reverend and learned man th. beza , as he declares it himself . essentialefuit in eo de quo hic agimus , quod ex dei ordinatione perpetud necesse fuit , est , & erit , ut in presbyterio quispiam & loco & dignitate primus actioni gubernandae praesit , cum eo quod ipsi divinitus attributum est jure . accidentale autem fuit , quod presbyteri in hac 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alii aliis per vices initio succedebant ; qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 modus paulatim postea visus est mutandus , ut unus quispiam judicio caeterorum compresbyterorum delectus , presbyterio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esset , & permaneret . it will be worth our while truly to state the question of church government between the church of england , and that of geneva in the time of queen elizabeth , and thereby we shall see how , small the difference was between them . that the churches in the primitive times , did take in the christians in whole cities , and adjoyning territories , is acknowledged on both sides ; calvin and beza being both express in it , and the constitution of the church of geneva speaks as much . vnicuique civitati ( saith calvin ) erat attributa certa regio ; quae presbyteros inde sumeret , & velut corpori ecclesiae illius accenserentur . in oppido cujusque dioeceseos ( saith beza ) praecipuo , primus presbyter &c. in quotidianâ communi jurisdictione praeerat caeteris tum urbanis , tum aliis ejus regionis compresbyteris , i. e. toti dioecesi . that the government of the city did take in the city and territories , is likewise acknowledged by them . that for more convenient order , there was one to preside over the ecclesiastical senate , is confessed as essential by beza ; and calvin acknowledgeth that even in apostolical times , non eam fuisse tunc aequalitatem inter ecclesiae ministros , quin unus aliquis authoritate & consilio prae●sset . there was no such equality among the ministers of the church , but that some one was over the rest in authority and counsell . wherein then lay the difference for we have already seen that our great divines then , did not look upon their form of government as necessary , but only lawfull ; and calvin and beza , would not be thought to prescribe their form to other churches . all the difference then was , not whether their form of government was founded on divine right ? not whether episcopacy in the church was lawfull or no ? not whether diocesan churches were unlawfull ? or whether every congregation should have an ecclesiastical senate ? but , whether it were more agreeable to the primitive form , that the president of the ecclesiastical senate should have only an order among , or a degree above the senate its self ? but chiefly it was , whether in the present state of the reformed churches it were more convenient wholly to lay aside the form of government by bishops , which had been so much abused in the roman church : and to reduce all ministers of the gospel to an equality with only a presidency of order , thereby to free themselves from the imputation of ambition , and to prevent it ▪ in others ; or else it were more prudent only to retrench the abuses of episcopacy under the papacy , and to reduce it to that form wherein it was practiced in the church , before the tyranny and usurpation of the roman bishop had ingrossed all ecclesiastical power into his own hands ? the former part was embraced generally by the reformed churches , the latter by our church of england , so that the question was not about divine right , but about a matter of prudence ; not what form was setled by a law of christ ; but what form was suitable to the present state of the churches of the reformation . therefore we see none of these forraign divines did charge the government of this church with unlawfulness , but inconveniency , as it was a step to pride and ambition , and an occasion whereby men might do the church injury by the excess of their power , if they were not men of an excellent temper and moderation . thence that prediction of padre paule , that the church of england would then , find the inconveniency of episcopacy , when a high-spirited bishop should once come to rule that church ; and so beza when he had freed the bishops of the reformation from that imputation of lording it over their brethren , which he had charged the roman bishops with , yet he adds , that he would beg them rather to lay down their power , then to transmit that power to those after them , hanc ipsorum moderationem & aequitatem minimè forsan sequuturis , who it may be were not like to succeed them in their meekness and moderation . what just reason there was for such fears , or may be still , let those judge who are fittest to do it ; those i mean who have the power not only to redress , but prevent abuses incroaching by an irregular power . it was not then any unlawfulness in the government of episcopacy its self , but its lyableness to abuses , which made the reformed churches reduce modern episcopacy into a meer presidency of order , which was not so lyable to the same inconveniences . a clear evidence that they judged not the government unlawfull , is , their often profession of a ready and chearfull obedience to bishops , if they would embrace the gospel , and stand up in defence of the true doctrine . for which we have the testimony of george prince of anhalt , in the preface to his sermon about false prophets , speaking of bishops and arch-bishops . utinam sicut nomina gerunt & titulos , ita se reipsa praestarent episcopos ecclesia . utinam evangelio docerent consona , ipsoque ecclesias fideliter regerent . o quam libenter , quantaque cum cordis laetitia , pro episcopis ipsos habere , revereri , morem gerere , debitam jurisdictionem , & ordinationem eis tribuere , eaque sine recusatione frui vellemus : id quod nos semper , & d. lutherus etiam saepissime tam ore quam scriptis , imo & in concione publica in cathedrali templ● marsburgensi contestati promisimus● he professeth it to be both his own judgement and luthers , that if bishops would but teach and rule their churches according to the word of god , they would obey them with all chearfulness and joy of heart . to the same purpose melancthon writing to camerarius ; by what right or law may we dissolve the ecclesiastical polity , if the bishops will grant us that which in reason they ought to grant ? and though it were lawful for us so to do , yet surely it were not expedient . luther was ever of this opinion . the same is professed by calvin , and that according to his temper in a higher manner ; verum autem nobis si contribuant hierarchiam in qua emineant episcopi , ut christo subesse non recusent , ut ab illo tanquam ab unico capite pendeant , & ad ipsum referantur , in qua si fraternam charitatem inter se colant , & non alio modo quam ejus veritate colligati , tum vero nullo non anathemate dignos fatemur , si qui erunt , qui eam non reverenter & sumnia cum obedientia observent . if bishops would but submit themselves to christ , those that would not then submit themselves to them , he thinks there is no anathema of which they are not worthy . iacobus heerbrandus , divinity professor at tubinge , professeth it to be the most found constitution of church-government , wherein every diocess had its bishop , and every province an arch-bishop . saluberrimum esset si singulae provinciae suos episcopos , & episcopi suos archiepiscopos haberent . hemingius : acknowledgeth a disparity among church officers , and accounts it a piece of barbarism to remove it . quanquam enim potestas omnium eadem est ministrorum , quantum ad spiritualem jurisdictionem atti●et ; tamen dispares dignitatis ordines & gradus sunt ; idque partim jure divino , partim ecclesia approbatione . but he qualifies what he had said of ius divinum by his following words ; ecclesia cui dominus potestatem dedit in aedificationem , ordinem ministrorum instituit pro commodo suo , ut omnia sint rite ordinata ad instaurationem corporis christi . hinc ecclesia purior secuta tempora apostolorum , fecit alios patriarchas , alios chorepiscopos , alios pastores & catechetas ; and afterwards , inter ministros agnoscit etiam ecclesia nostra gradus dignitatis , & ordines pro diversitate donorum , laborum magnitudine , ac vocationum diversitate ; ac judicat , barbaricum esse de ecclesia hunc ordinem tollere velle . three things he placeth a superiority of dignity in ; excellency of gifts , greatness of labours , difference of calling . and the truth is , the two former ought to be the measure of dignity in the church , the eminency of mens abilities , and the abundance of their labours above others . the necessity of a superintendent , or an inspector over other ministers , is largely discovered by zepper de politeid ecclesiastica , who likewise agrees with the former divines in his judgement of the first institution of episcopacy . eadem officia in primitiva etiam ecclesia , post apostolorum tempora in usu manserunt , paucis , quibusdam gradibus , pro illorum temporum necessitate additis , qui tamen nihil fere à mente d. pauli & verbi divini alienum habuerunt . whereby he both assert it to be in the power of the church to add distinct degrees from what were in the primitive church , and that such so added , are no wayes repugnant to the word of god. according to this judgement of their divines is the practice of the forraign protestant churches . in sweden there is one arch-bishop , and seven bishops : and so in denmark , though not with so great authority in holstein , pomeren , mecklenburgh , brunswicke , luneburgh , bremen , oldenburgh , east frieseland , hessen , saxony , and all the upper part of germany and the protestant imperial cities , church government is in the hands of super-intendents . in the palatinate they had inspectores and praepositi , over which was the ecclesiastical consistory of three clergy men , and three counsellors of state with their president : and so they have their praepositos in wetteraw , hessen and anhalt . in transylvania , polonia , and bohemia , they have their seniores enjoying the same power with anclent bishops . so that we see all these reformed churches , and divines , although they acknowledge no such thing as a divine right of episcopacy , but stiffely maintain ieromes opinion of the primitive equality of gospel ministers ; yet they are so far from accounting it unlawfull to have some church officers acting in a higher degree above others , that they themselves embrace it under different names and titles , in order to the peace , unity , and government of their several churches ; whereby they give us an evident demonstration that they looked not upon the primitive form to be immutable , but that the orders and degrees of ministers is only a prudential thing , and left in the liberty of every particular church , to be determined according to their tendency to preserve the peace and settlement of a church . we come in the last place to those who hold episcopacy to be the primitive form , yet not unalterably binding all churches and places , but that those churches who are without it , are truly constituted churches ; and ministers are lawfully ordained by meer presbyters . this is largely proved by mr. francis mason , in his excellent defence of the ordination of ministers beyond the seas : to which i refer the reader . only i shall shew out of him how the state of the question about the ius divinum of episcopacy is formed . first , if by jure divino you mean that which is according to scripture , then the preheminence of bishops is jure divino ; for it hath been already proved to be according to scripture . secondly , if by jure divino you mean the ordinance of god , in this sense also it may be said to be jure divino . for it is an ordinance of the apostles , whereunto they were directed by gods spirit , even by the spirit of prophecy , and consequently the ordinance of god. but if by jure divino you understand a law and commandment of god , binding all christian churches universally , perpetually , unchangeably , and with such absolute necessity , that no other form of regiment may in any case be admitted ; in this sense neither may we grant it , nor yet can you prove it to be jure divino . whereby we see this learned and moderate man was far from unchurching all who wanted bishops ; and absolutely declares , that though he look on episcopacy as an apostolical institution , yet that no unalterable divine right is founded thereupon . so before him the both learned and pious bishop g. downham explains himself concerning the right of episcopacy , in these remarkable words : though in respect of the first institution , there is small difference between an apostolical and divine ordinance , because what was , ordained by the apostles , proceeded from god ( in which sense , and no other , i do hold the episcopal function to be a divine ordinance , i mean in respect of of the first institution ) yet in respect of perpetuity , difference by some is made between those things which be divini , and those which be apostolici juris ; the former in their understanding being perpetually , generally , and immutably necessary : the latter not so . so that the meaning of my defence plainly i● , that the episcopal government hath this commendation above other forms of ecclesiastical government , that in respect of the first institution ; it is a divine ordinance ; but that it should be such a divine ordinance as should be generally , perpetually , immutably , necessarily observed , so as no other form of government may in no case be admitted , i did not take upon me to maintain : with more to the same purpose in several places of that defence . and from hence it is acknowledged by the stoutest champions for episcopacy , before these late unhappy divisions , that ordination performed by presbyters in cases of necessity is valid ; which i have already shewed doth evidently prove that episcopal government is not founded upon any unalterable divine right : for which purpose many evidences are produced from dr. field of the church , lib. . c. b. downam , l. . c. . b. iew●l , p. . p. . saravia . cap. . p. . . b. alley , praelect . . & . b. pilkinton , b. bridges , b. bilson , d. nowel . b. davenant , b. prideaux , b. andrews , and others : by our reverend and learned m. baxter in his christian concord , to whom may be added the late most reverend and eminent the bishop of durham , apolog. cathol . p. . l. . c. . and the primat of armagh , whose judgement is well known as to the point of ordination . so much may suffice to shew that both those who hold an equality among ministers to be the apostolical form , and those that do hold episcopacy to have been it , do yet both of them ag●ee at last in this ; that no one form is setled by an unalterable law of christ , nor consequently founded upon divine right . for the former , notwithstanding their opinion of the primitive form , do hold episcopacy lawfull ; and the latter , who hold episcopacy to have been the primitive form , do not hold it perpetually and immutably necessary , but that presbyters ( where bishops cannot be had ) may lawfully discharge the offices belonging to bishops ; both which concessions do necessarily destroy the perpetual divine right of that form of government they assert : which is the thing i have been so long in proving , and i hope made it evident to any unprejudicated mind . having laid down this now as a sure foundation for peace and union , it were a very easie matter to improve it , in order to an accommodation of our present differences about church government . i shall only lay down three general principles deducible from hence , and leave the whole to the mature consideration of the lovers of truth and peace . the first principle , is , that prudence must be used in setling the government of the church . this hath been the whole design of this treatise , to prove that the form of church-government is a meer matter of prudence , regulated by the word of god. but i need not insist on the arguments already brought to prove it ; for , as far as i can find , although the several parties in their contentions with one another plead for divine right ; yet when any one of them comes to settle their own particular form , they are fain to call in the help of prudence , even in things supposed by the several parties , as necessary to the establishment of their own form. the congregational men may despair of ever finding elective synods , an explicite church-covenant , or positive signs of grace in admission of church-members in any law of christ : nay , they will not generally plead for any more for them , then general rules of scripture , fine similitudes , and analogies , and evidence of natural reason ; and what are all these at last to an express law of christ , without which it was pretended nothing was to be done in the church of god ? the presbyterians seem more generally to own the use of general rules , and the light of nature , in order to the form of church government , as in the subordination of courts , classical assemblies ; and the more moderate sort , as to lay elders . the episcopal men will hardly find any evidence in scripture , or the practice of the apostles , for churches consisting of many fixed congregations for worship , under the charge of one person ; nor in the primitive church , for the ordination of a bishop without the preceding election of the clergy , and at least consent and approbation of the people ; and neither in scripture , nor antiquity , the least footstep of a delegation of church-power . so that upon the matter at last , all of them make use of those things in church government , which have no other foundation but the principles of humane prudence , guided by the scriptures ; and it were well if that were observed still . the second principle is , that form of government is the best according to principles of christian prudence , which comes the nearest to apostolical practice , and tends most to the advancing the peace and unity of the church of god. what that form is , i presume not to define and determine , but leave it to be gather'd from the evidence of scripture and antiquity , as to the primitive practice ; and from the nature , state , and condition of that church wherein it is to be setled , as to its tendency to the advancement of peace and unity in it . in order to the finding out of which , that proposal of his late most excellent majesty of glorious memory , is most highly just and reasonable . his majesty thinketh it well worthy the studies and endeavours of divines of both opinions , laying aside emulation and private interests , to reduce episcopacy and presbyteri● into such a well-proportion'd form of superiority and subordination , as may best resemble the apostolical and primitive times , so far forth as the different condition of the times , and the exigences of all considerable circumstances will admit . if this proposal be embraced , as there is no reason why it should not ; then , all such things must be retrieved which were unquestionably of the primitive practice , but have been grown out of use through the length and corruption of times . such are the restoring of the presbyteries of several churches , as the senate to the bishop , with whole counsel and advice all things were done in the primitive church . the contracting of dioceses into such a compass as may be fitted for the personal inspection of the bishop , and care of himself and the senate ; the placing of bishops in all great towns of resort , especially county towns ; that according to the ancient course of the church , its government may be proportioned to the civil government . the constant preaching of the bishop in some churches of his charge , and residence in his diocese ; the solemnity of ordinations , with the consent of the people ; the observing provincial synods twice every year . the employing of none in judging church matters but the clergy . these are things unquestionably of the primitive practice , and no argument can be drawn from the present state of things , why they are not as much , if not more necessary then ever . and therefore all who appeal to the practice of the primitive church , must condemn themselves , if they justifie the neglect of them . but i only touch at these things , my design being only to lay a foundation for a happy union . lastly , what form of government is determined by lawfull authority in the church of god , ought so far to be submitted to , as it contains nothing repugnant to the word of god. so that let mens judgements be what they will concerning the primitive form , seeing it hath been proved , that that form doth not bind unalterably and necessarily , it remains that the determining of the form of government is a matter of liberty in the church ; and what is so may be determined by lawfull authority ; and what is so determined by that authority , doth bind men to obedience , as hath been proved by the . hypothesis , in the entrance of this treatise . i conclude all with this earnest desire , that the wise and gracious god would send us one heart and one way , that he would be the composer of our differences , and the repairer of our breaches , that of our strange divisions and unchristian animosities ; while we pretend to serve the prince of peace , we may at last see , the end glory to god on high , on earth peace , good will towards men , luke . . a discourse concerning the power of excommunication in a christian church . the name of power in a church explained . the mistake of which , the foundation of erastianism . the notion of the church opened , as it is the subject of power . the church proved to be a society distinct from the common-wealth ; by reason of its different nature , and divine institution ; distinct officers , different rights , and ends , and peculiar offences . the power of the church doth not arise from me●r confederation . the churches power founded on the nature of the christian society , and not on particular precepts . the power of church-officers not meerly doctrinal , proved by several arguments . church-power as to particular persons antecedent to confederation . the power of the keys relates to baptism . the churches power extends to excommunication : what it is , and what grounds it had under the law. no exclusion from temple-worship among the iews . excommunication necessary in a christian church , because of the conditions supposed to communion in it . of the incestuous person , and the grounds of the apostolical censure . objections against excommunication answered . the fundamental rights of the church continue after its being incorporated into the civil state. the magistrates power , as to excommunication , cleared . it is a matter of daily observation and experience in the world , how hard it is to keep the eyes of the understanding clear in its judgement of things , when it is too far engaged in the dust of controversie . it being so very difficult to well manage an impetuous pursuit after any opinion ; nothing being more common than to see men out-run their mark , and through the force of their speed to be carried as far beyond it , as others in their opinion fall short of it . there is certainly a kind of ebriety of the mind , as well as of the body , which makes it so unstable and pendulous , that it oft times reels from one extream ▪ unto the quite contrary . this as it is obvious in most eager controvertists of all ages , so especially in such , who have discovered the ●alsity of an opinion they were once confident of , which they think they can never after run far enough from : so that while they start at an apparition they so much dread , they run into those untroden paths , wherein they lose both themselves and the truth they sought for . thus we find it to be in the present controversie , for many out of their just zeal against the extravagancies of those who scrued up church-power to so high a peg , that it was thought to make perpetual discord with the common wealth , could never think themselves free from so great an inconvenience , till they had melted down all spiritual power into the civil state , and dissolved the church into the common-wealth . but that the world way see i have not been more forward to assert the just power of the magistrate in ecclesiasticals , as well as civils , than to defend the fundamental rights of the church . i have taken this opportunity , more fully to explain and vindicate that part of the churches-power , which lies in reference to offenders ? it being the main thing struck at by those who are the followers of that noted physician , who handled the church so ill , as to deprive her of her expulsive faculty of noxious humours , and so left her under a miserere meî . i shall therefore endeavour to give the church her due , as well as caesar his , by making good this following principle or hypothesis , upon which the whole hinge of this controversie turns , viz. that the power of inflicting censure , upon offenders in a christian church , is a fundamental right , resu●●●●g from the constitution of the church , as a society by jesus christ ; and that the seat of this power is in those officers of the church , who have derived their power originally from the founder of this society , and act by vertue of the laws of it . for the clear stating of this controversie , it will be necessary to explain , what that power is , which i attribute to the church , and in what notion the church is to be considered as it exerciseth this power . first , concerning the proper notion of power ; by it i cannot see any thing else to be understood , than a right of governing or ordering things which belong to a society . and so power implies onely a moral faculty in the person enjoying it , to take care ne quid civitas detrimenti capiat , whereby it is evident that every well constituted society must suppose a power within its self of ordering things belonging to its welfare , or else it were impossible , either the being , or the rights and priviledges of a society could be long preserved . power then in its general and abstracted notion , doth not necessarily import either meer authority , or proper coaction ; for these , to any impartial judgement , will appear to be rather the several modes whereby power is exercised , than any proper ingredients of the specifick nature of it : which ; in general , imports no more then a right to govern a constituted society ; but how that right shall be exercised , must be resolved not from the notion of power , but from the nature and constitution of that particular society in which it is lodged and inherent . it appears then from hence to be a great mistake and abuse of well-natured readers , when all power is necessarily restrained , either to that which is properly co●rcive , or to that which is meerly arbitrary , and onely from consent . the original of which mistake is , the stating the notion of power from the use of the word , either in ancient roman authours , or else in the civil laws , both which are freely acknowledged to be strange● to the exercise of any other power , than that which i● meerly authoritative and perswasive , or that which is coactive and penal . the ground of which is , because they were ignorant of any other way of conveyance of power , besides external force , and arbitrary consent ; the one in those called legal societies , or civitates , the other collegia and hetaeriae . but to as that do acknowledge that god hath a right of commanding men to what duty he please himself , and appointing a society upon what terms best please him , and giving a power to particular persons to govern that society , in what way shall tend most to advance the honour of such a society , may easily be made appear , that there is a kind of power neither properly coactive , nor meerly arbitrary , viz. such a one as immediately results from divine institution , and doth suppose consent to submit to it as a necessary duty in all the members of this society . this power , it is evident , is not meerly arbitrary either in the governours or members : for , the governours derive their power or right of governing from the institution of christ , and are to be regulated by his laws in the execution of it ; and the members , though their consent be necessarily supposed , yet that consent is a duty in them , and that duty doth imply their submission to the rulers of this society : neither can this power be called coactive , in the ●ense it is commonly taken : for coactive power , and external force are necessary correlates to each other , but we suppose no such thing as a power of outward force to be given to the church as such , for that properly belongs to a common-wealth . but the power which i suppose to be lodged in the church , is such a power as depends upon a law of a superiour , giving right to govern , to particular persons over such a society , and making it the duty of all members of it to submit unto it , upon no other penalties , then the exclusion of them from the priviledges , which that society enjoyes . so that supposing such a society as the church is , to be of divine institution , and that christ hath appointed officers to rule it , it necessarily follows , that those officer● must derive their power , i. e. their right of governing this society , not meerly from consent and confederation of parties , but from that divine institution , on which the society depends . the ●●ht of understanding the right notion of power in the sense here ●●● down , is certainly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of erastianism , and that which hath given occasion to so many to question any such thing as power in the church , especially , when the more zealous then judicious defenders of it have rather chosen to hang it upon some doubtfull places of scripture , then on the very natur● and constitution of the christian church , as a society instituted by iesus christ. this being then the nature of power in general , it is i suppose clear , that an outward coactive force is not necessary in order to it ▪ for if some may have a right to govern and others may be obliged to obedience to those persons antecedently , to any civil constitution ; then such persons have a just power to inflict censures upon such as transgress the rules of the society , without any outward force . it is here very impertinent to dispute , what effects such censures can have upon wilful persons without a coactive power ; if i can prove , that there is a right to inflict them in church-officers , and an obligation to submit to them in all offenders ; i am not to trouble my self with the event of such things as depend upon divine institutions . i know it is the great objection of the followers of erastus , that church ▪ censures are inflicted upon persons unwilling to receive them , and therefore must imply external and coactive force , which is repugnant to the nature of a church . but this admits ( according to the principles here established ) of a very easie solution ; for i deny not , that church power goes upon consent , but then it 's very plain here was an antecedent consent to submit to censures in the very entrance into this society , which is sufficient to denominate it a voluntary act of the persons undergoing it ; and my reason is this , every person entring into a society , parts with his own freedom and liberty , as to matters concerning the governing of it , and professeth submission to the rules and orders of it : now a man having parted with his freedom already , cannot reassume it when he please , for , then , he is under an obligation to stand to the covenants made at his entrance ; and cons●quently his undergoing what shall be laid upon him by the lawes of this society , must be supposed to be voluntary , as depending upon his consent at first entrance , which in all societies must be supposed to hold still , else there would follow nothing but confusion in all societies in the world , if every man were at liberty to break his covenants when any thing comes to lye upon him according to the rules of the society , which he out of some private design would be unwilling to undergo . thus much may serve to settle aright the notion of power ; the want of understanding which , hath caused all the confusion of this controversie . the next thing is , in what notion we are to consider the church , which is made the subject of this power ? as to which we are to consider this power ; either as to its right , or in actu primo ; or as to its exercise , or in actu secundo : now if we take this power as to the fundamental right of it ; then it belongs to that universal church of ▪ christ , which subsists as a visible society , by vertue of that law of christ , which makes an owning the profession of christianity the duty of all church ▪ members if we consider this power in the exercise of it , then ( it being impossible that the universall church should perform the executive part of this power relating to offences ) i suppose it lodged in that particular society of christians , which are united together in one body in the community of the s●me government ; but yet , so , as that the administration of this power , doth not belong to the body of the society considered complexly , but to those officers in it , whose care and charge it is , to have a peculiar oversight and inspection over the church , and to redress all disorders in it . thus the visive faculty is fundamentally lodged in the soul , yet all exterior acts of sight are performed by the eyes , which are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 overseers of the body , as the other are of the church , so that the exercise and administration of this power , belongs to the speciall officers and governours of the church ; none else being capable of exercising this power of the church as such but they on whom it is settled by the founder of the church it 's self . this society of the church may be again considered ▪ either as subsisting without any influence from the civil power , or as it is owned by , and incorporated into a christian state. i therefore demand , whether it be absolutely necessary for the subsistence of this christian society , to be upheld by the civil power , or no ▪ and certainly none who consider the first and purest ages of the christian church , can give any entertainment to the affirmative , because then the church flourished in it's greatest purity , not onely when not upheld , but when most violently opposed by the civil power ; if so then it 's being united with the civil state is onely accidental as to the constitution a church ; and if this be onely accidental ; then it must be supposed furnished with every thing requisite to it 's well ordering accidentally to any such union , and abstractly from it . for can we imagine our bl●ssed saviour should institute a society , and leave it destitute of means to uphold it's self , unless it fell into the hands of the civil power ? or that he left every thing tending thereto , meerly to prudence , and the arbitrary constitutions of the persons joyning together in this society ? did our saviour take care there should be a society , and not provide for means to uphold it ? nay , it is evident , he not onely appointed a society , but officers to rule it . had those officers then a right to govern it or no , by vertue of christs institution of them ? if not , they were rather bibuli than caesares , cyphers than consuls in the church of god. if they had a power to govern , doth not that necessarily imply a right to inflict censures on ▪ offenders , unless we will suppose that either there can be no offenders in a christian church , or that those offenders do not v●olate the laws of the society , or there be some prohibition for them to exercise their power over them ( which is to give power with one hand , and take it away with the other ) or that this power cannot extend so far as to exclude any from the priviledges of the church : which is the thing to be discussed . having thus cleared our way , i now come to the resolution of the question its self , in order to which i shall endeavour to demonstrate , with what evidence the subj●ct is capable of , these following things . first , that the church is a peculiar society in its own nature , distinct from the common-wealth . secondly , that the power of the church over its members doth not arise from meer confederation or consent of parties . thirdly , that this power of the church doth extend to the exclusion of offenders from the priviledges of it . fourthly , that the fundamental rights of the church do not escheat to the common-wealth upon ▪ their being united in a christian state. if these principles be established , the churches power will stand upon them , as on a firm and unmoveable basis. i begin with the first . that the church is a peculiar society in its own nature , distinct from the common-wealth , which i prove by these arguments . . those societies , which are capable of subsisting apart from each other , are really , and in their own nature distinct from one another : but so it is with the church and common wealth . for there can be no greater evidence of a reall distinction than mutual separation ; and i think the proving the possibility of the souls existing , separate from the body , is one of the strongest arguments to prove it to be a substance really distinct from the body , to which it is united ; although we are often fain to go the other way to work , and to prove possibility of separation from other arguments evincing the soul to be a distinct substance ; but the reason of that is for want of evidence as to the state of separate souls , and thei● visible existence , which is repugnant to the immateriality of their natures . but now , as to the matter in hand , we have all evidence desirable ; for we are not put to prove possibility of separation , meerly from the different constitution of the thing● united , but we have evidence to sense of it , that the church hath subsisted when it hath been not onely separated from , but persecuted by all civil power . it is with many men as to the union of church and state , as it is with others , as to the union of the soul and body : when they observe how close the union is , and how much the soul makes use of the animal spirits in most of its operations , and how great a sympathy there is between them , that , like hippocrates his twins , they laugh and weep together , they are shrewdly put to it , how to fancy the soul to be any thing else than a more vigorous mode of matter ; so these observing how close an union and dependence there is between the church and state in a christian common-wealth , and how much the church is beholding to the civil power in the administration of its functions , are apt to think that the church is nothing but a higher mode of a common-wealth , considered as christian. but when it is so evident that the church hath , and may subsist , supposing it abstracted from all civil power , it may be a sufficient demonstration that however neer they may be when united , yet they are really , and in their own nature , distinct from each other . which was the thing to be proved . . those are distinct societies , which have every thing distinct in their nature from each other , which belong to the constitution or government of them ; but this is evident , as to the church and common-wealth , which will appear , because their charter is distinct , or that which gives them their being as a society : civil societies are founded upon the necessity of particular mens parting with their peculiar rights , for the preservation of themselves , which was the impulsive cause of their entring into societies , but that which actually spe●ks them to be a society is the mutual consent of the several partyes joyning together , whereby they make themselves to bee one body ; and to have one common interest . so cicero de repub. defines populus , to bee coe'us multitudinis , juris consensu & utilitatis communione sociatus . there is no doubt , but gods general providence , is as evidently seen in bringing the world into societies , and making them live under government , as in disposing all particular events which happen in those societies ; but yet the way , which providence useth in the constitution of these societies , is by inclining men to consent to associate for their mutual benefit and advantage : so that natural reason consulting for the good of mankind , as to those rights which men enjoy in common with each other , was the main foundation upon which all civil societies were erected . wee finde no positive law enacti●g the beeing of civil societies , because nature its self would prompt men for their own conveniencies to enter into them . but the ground and foundation of that society , which we call a church , is a matter which natural reason and common notions can never reach to : and therefore an ●ssociating for the preserving of such , may be a philosophical society , but a christian it cannot be : and they that would make a christian church to be nothing else but a society of essens , or an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of pythagoreans , do either not understand , or not consider whereon this christian society is founded ; for it is evident they look on it as a meerly voluntary thing , that is not at all setled by any divine positive law. the truth is , there is no principle more consistent with the opinion of those who deny any church power in a christian state , then this is , and it is that , which every one , who will make good his ground must be driven to ; for it is evident , that in matters meerly voluntary , and depending only on confederation , such things being lyable to a magistrates power , there can be no plea from mutual consent to justifie any opposition to supream authority in a common wealth . but , then how such persons can bee christians , when the magistrates would have them to bee otherwise , i cannot understand ; nor how the primitive martyrs were any other then a company of fools or mad-men , who would hazard their lives , for that which was a meer arbitrary thing , and which they had no necessary obligation upon them to profess . mistake me not , i speak not here of meer acts of discipline , but of the duty of outward professing christianity ; if this be a duty , then a christian society is setled by a positive law , if it be not a duty , then they are fools who suffer for it : so that this question resolved into its principles , leads us higher than we think for , and the main thing in debate must bee , whether there be an obligation upon conscience for men to associa●e in the profession of christianity or no ? if there be , then the church , which is nothing else but such an association , is established upon a positive law of christ ; if there be not , then those inconveniences follow , which are already mentioned . wee are told indeed by the leviathan with confidence enough , that no precepts of the gospel are law , till enacted by civil authority ; but it is little wonder , that hee , who thinks an immaterial substance implyes a contradiction , should think as much of calling any thing a law , but what hath a civil sanction . but i suppose all those who dare freely own a supream and infinite essence to have been the creator , and to be the ruler of the world , will acknowledge his power to oblige conscience , without being beholding to his own creature to enact his laws , that men might bee bound to obey them . was the great god sain to bee be holding to the civil authority hee had over the iewish common wealth ( their government being a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to make his laws obligatory to the consciences of the iews ? what , had not they their beings from god ? and can there be any greater ground of obligation to obedience , than from thence ? whence comes civil power to have any right to oblige men more , than god , considered as governour of the world , can have ? can there be indeed no other laws according to the leviathans hypothesis , but only the law of nature and civil laws ? but i pray whence comes the obligation to either of these , that these are not as arbitrary , as all other agreements are ? and is it not as strong a dictate of nature as any can bee ( supposing that there is a god ) that a creature which receives its being from another , should be bound to obey him , not only in the resultancies of his own nature , but with the arbitrary constitutions of his will : was adam bound to obey god or no , as to that positive precept of eating the forbidden fruit , if no civil sanction had been added to that law ? the truth is , such hypotheses as these are , when they are followed close home , will be sound to kennel in that black den , from whence they are loath to be thought to have proceeded . and now , supposing that every full declaration of the will of christ , as to any positive institution , hath the force and power of a law upon the consciences of all , to whom it is sufficiently proposed : i proceed to make appear , that such a divine positive laew there is , for the existence of a church , as a visible body and society in the world ; by which i am far from meaning such a conspicuous society , that must continue in a perpetual visibility in the same place ; i find not the least intimation of any such thing in scripture ; but that there shall alwayes bee somewhere or other , in the world , a society owning and professing christianity , may bee easily deduced from thence ; and especially on this account , that our saviour hath required this , as one of the conditions in order to eternal felicity , that all those who believe in their hearts , that iesus is the christ , must likewise confess him with their mouths to the world : and therefore , as long at there are men to believe in christ , there must be men that will not be ashamed to associate , on the account of the doctrine he hath promulged to the world . that one phrase in the new testament , so frequently used by our blessed saviour , of the kingdome of heaven ( importing a gospel-state ) doth evidently declare a society , which was constituted by him , on the principles of the gospel covenant . wherefore should our saviour call disciples , and make apostles , and send them abroad with full commission to gather and initiate disciples by baptism ; did he not intend a visible society for his church ? had it not been enough for men to have cordially believed the truth of the gospel , but they must bee entred in a solemn visible way , and joyn in participation of visible symbols of bread and wine , but that our saviour required external profession and society in the gospel as a necessary duty , in order to obtaining the priviledges conveyed by his magna charta in the gospel . i would fain know by what argument wee can prove , that any humane legislator , did ever intend a common wealth to be governed according to his mode , by which we cannot prove that christ by a positive law , did command such a society , as should be governed in a visible manner , as other societies are ? did he not appoint officers himself in the church , and that of many ranks and degrees ? did he not invest those officers with authority to rule his church ? is it not laid as a charge on them , to take heed to that flock , over which god had made them over-seers ? are there not rules laid down for the peculiar exercise of their government over the church in all the parts of it ? were not these officers admitted into the●● function by a most solemn visible rite of imposition of hands ? and are all these solemn transactions a meer piece of sacred pageantry ? and they will appear to bee little more , if the society of the church bee a meer arbitrary thing , depending only upon consent and confederation , and not subsisting by vertue of any charter from christ , or some positive law , requiring all christians to joyn in church society together . but if now from hence it appears ( as certainly it cannot but appear ) that this society of the church doth subsist by vertue of a divine positive law , then it must of necessity be distinct from a civil society , and that on these accounts : first , because there is an antecedent obligation on conscience to associate on the account of christianity , whether humane laws prohibit or command it . from whence , of necessity it follows , that the constitution of the church is really different from that of the commonwealth ; because whether the common wealth be for , or against this society , all that own it are bound to profess it openly , and declare themselves members of it . whereas , were the church and commonwealth really and formally the same , all obligation to church society would arise meerly from the legislative power of the common wealth . but now there being a divine law , binding in conscience , whose obligation cannot bee superseded by any humane law , it is plain and evident , where are such vastly different obligations , there are different powers ; and in this sense i know no incongruity , in admitting imperium in imperio , if by it wee understand no external coactive power , but an internal power laying obligation on conscience , distinct from the power lodged in a commonwealth considered as such . an outward coactive power was alwayes disowned by christ , but certainly not an internal power over conscience to oblige all his disciples to what duties hee thought fit . secondly . i argue from those officers , whose rights to govern this society are founded on that charter , whereby the society it self subsists . now i would willingly know why , when our saviour disowned all outward power in the world , yet hee should constitute a society , and appoint officers in it , did hee not intend a peculiar distinct society from the other societies of the world . and therefore the argument frequently used against church-power , because it hath no outward force with it by the constitution of christ , is a strong argument to me of the peculiarity of a christian society from a commonwealth ; because christ so instituted it , as not to have it ruled at first by any outward force or power . when christ saith , his kingdome was not of this world ; he implies , that he had a society that was governed by his laws in the world , yet distinct from all mundane societies : had not our saviour intended his church to have been a peculiar society distinct from a commonwealth , it is hard to conceive why our saviour should interdict the apostles the use of a civil coactive power : or why instead of sending abroad apostles to preach the gospel , hee did not employ the governours of commonwealths to have inforced christianity by laws and temporal edicts , and the several magistrates to have impowred several persons under them to preach the gospel in their several territories ? and can any thing bee more plain , by our saviours taking a contrary course , than that hee intended a church society to bee distinct from civil , and the power belonging to it ( as well as the officers ) to bee of a different nature from that which is settled in a commonwealth . i here suppose , that christ hath by a positive law established the government of his church upon officers of his own appointment ; which i have largely prove ●●sewhere , and therefore suppose it now . thirdly , i argu●●●om the peculiar rights belonging to these societies : for if every one born in the commonwealth , have not thereby a right to the priviledges of the church ; nor every one by being of the church , any right to the benefits of the commonwealth , it must necessarily follow , that these are distinct from one another . if any one by being of the common-wealth , hath right to church-priviledges , then every one born in a common-wealth may challenge a right to the lords supper without baptism , or open professing christianity , which i cannot think any will be very ready to grant . now there being by divine appointment the several rights of baptism and the lords supper , as peculiar badges of the church as a visible society , it is evident , christ did intend it a society distinct from the common wealth . fourthly , i argue from the different ends of these societies . a common-wealth is constituted for civil ends , and the church for spiritual : for ends are to be judged by the primary constitution , but now it is plain , the end of civil society is for preservation of mens rights as men ( therefore magistracy is called by st. peter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) : but this christian society doth not respect men under the connotation of men but as christians . the answer given to this is very short and insufficient , when it is said , that every man in a commonwealth , is to act upon spiritual accounts and ends : for there is a great deal of difference between christianities having an influence upon mens actings in a commonwealth , and making a society the same with a commonwealth . to argue therefore from one to another , is a shortness of discourse i cannot but wonder at : unless it could be proved , that christianity aymed at nothing else but regulating men in the affairs of a commonwealth , which is a task i suppose will not be undertaken . lastly , i argue from the peculiar offences against this society , which are , or ●ay bee distinct from those against a commonwealth . i deny not , but most times they are the same ; but frequently they differ , and when they are the same , yet the consideration of them is different in the church and common wealth , for which i shall suppose the six arguments produced in the last chapter of the first part to stand good , which will strongly hold to ex●●●●unication in the christian church , though there produce 〈…〉 ly for the iewish . i would fain know what is to bee done in many offences , known to bee against the laws of christ , and which tend to the dishonour of the christian society , which the civil and municipal laws , either do not , or may not take cognizance of ? thus much may serve , as i think to make evident , that the church in its own nature , is a peculiar society distinct from a commonwealth , which was the first proposition to bee proved . the second is , that the power of the church over it's members in case of offences , doth not arise meerly from confederation and consent , though it doth suppose it . this church power may be considered two wayes . either , first , as it implyes the right in some of inflicting censures . or secondly , as it implyes in others , the duty of submitting to censures inflicted ; now as to both these , i shall prove that their original is higher than meer confederation . . as to the right of inflicting censures on these accounts . first , what ever society doth subsist by vertue of a divine constitution , doth by vertue thereof derive all power for it's preservation , in peace , unity , and purity ; but it is plain , that a power of censuring offenders , is necessary for the churches preservation in peace and purity ; and it is already proved , that the church hath its charter from christ , and therefore from him it hath a power to inflict punishments on offenders , suitable to the nature of the society they are of . i am very prone to think that the ground of all the mistakes on this subject have risen from hence , that some , imprudently enough , have fixt the original of this power on some ambiguous places of scripture , which may , and it may bee , ought to bee taken in a different sense ; and their adversaries , finding those places weak and insufficient proofs of such a power , have from thence rejected any such kind of power at all ; but certainly , if wee should reject every truth that is weakly proved by some who have undertaken it , i know no opinion would bid so sai● for acceptance as scepticism , and that in reference to many weighty and important truth● ; for how weakly have some proved the existence of a deity , the immortality of the soul , and the truth of the scriptures , by such arguments , that if it were enough to overthro●● an opinion to bee able to answer some arguments brought for it , atheisme it self would become plausible . it can be then no evidence , that a thing is not true , because some arguments will not prove it ; and truly , as to the matter in hand , i am fully of the opinion of the excellent h. grotius , speaking of excommunication in the christian church : neque ad●am r●m peculiare praeceptum desideratur , eum ecclestae coetu , à christo semel constituto , omnia illa imperata censeri debent , sine quibus ejus coeiûs , puritas retineri non potest . and therefore men spend needless pains to prove an institution of this power by some positive precept , when christs founding his church as a peculiar society , is sufficient proof hee hath endowed it with this fundamental right , without which the society , were arena sino calce , a company of persons without any common tye of union among them ; for if there bee any such union , it must depend on some conditions , to bee performed by the members of that society , which how could they require from them , if they have not power to exclude them upon non performance ? . i prove the divine original of this power from the special appointment and designation of particular officers by iesus christ , for the ruling of this society . now i say , that law which provides there shall bee officers to govern , doth give them power to govern , suitably to the nature of their society : either then you must deny , that christ hath by an unalterable institution appointed a gospel ministry , or that this ministry hath no power in the church , or that their power extends not to excommunication . the first i have already proved , the second follows from their appointment : for by all the titles given to church officers in scripture , it appears they had a power over the church , ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) all which as you well know , do import a right to govern the society over which they are set . and that this power should not extend to a power to exclude convict offenders , seems very strange , when no other punishment can be more suitable to the nature of the society than this is ; which is a debarring him from the priviledges of that society , which the offender hath so much dishonoured . can there be any punishment less imagined towards contumacious offenders then this is , or that carries in it less of outward and coactive force , it implying nothing but what the offender himself freely yielded to at his entrance into this society . all that i can find replyed by any of the adversaryes of the opinion i here assert , to the argument drawn from the institution and titles of the officers of the church , is , that all those titles which are given to the ministers of the gospel in the new testament , that do import rule and government , are all to be taken in a spiritual sense , as they are christs ministers and ambassadors to preach his word and declare his will to his church . so that all power such persons conceive to lye in those titles , is only doctrinal and declarative ; but how true that is , let any one judge that considers these things . . that there was certainly a power of discipline then in the churches constituted by the apostles , which is most evident not onely from the passages relating to offenders in saint pauls epistles , especially to the corinthians and thessalonians , but from the continued practice of succeeding ages manifested by tertullian , cyprian , and many others . there being then a power of discipline in apostolical churches , there was a necessity it should be administred by some persons who had the care of those churches ; and who were they but the severall pastors of them ? it being then evident that there was such a power , doth it not stand to common sense it should be implyed in such titles , which in their naturall importance do signifie a right to govern , as the names of pastors and rulers do ? . there is a diversity in scripture made between pastors and teachers , ephes. . . though this may not ( as it doth not ) imply a necessity of two distinct offices in the church , yet it doth a different respect and connotation in the same person , and so imports that ruling carries in it somewhat more then meer teaching , and so the power implyed in pastors to be more then meerly doctrinal , which is all i contend for , viz. a right to govern the flock committed to their charge . . what possible difference can be assigned between the elders that rule well , and those which labour in the word and doctrine , ( timothy . . ) if all their ruling were meerly labouring in the word and doctrine ? and all their governing nothing but teaching ? i intend not to prove an office of rulers distinct from teachers from hence ( which i know neither this place , nor any other will do ) but that the formal conception of ruling , is different from that of teaching . . i argue from the analogy between the primitive churches and the synagogues , that , as , many of the names were taken from thence where they carried a power of discipline with them , so they must do in some proportion in the church ; or it were not easie understanding them . it is most certain the presbyters of the synagogue had a power of ruling , and can you conceive the bishops and presbyters of the church had none , when the societies were much of the same constitution , and the government of the one was transscribed from the other , as hath been already largely proved ? . the acts attributed to pastor in scripture , imply a power of governing , distinct from meer teaching ; such are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used for a right to govern ▪ matth. . . revel . . . — . . which word is attributed to pastors of churches in reference to their flocks , acts . . pet. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is applyed to ministers , when they are so frequently called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which notes praesidentiam cum potestate ; for hesychius renders it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at athens had certainly a power of government in them . . the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is attributed to those who have over-sight of churches , cor. . . by which it is certainly evident , that a power more than doctrinal is understood , as that it could not then be understood of a power meerly civil . and this i suppose may suffice to vindicate this argument from the titles of church officers , in the new testament , that they are not insignificant things , but the persons who enjoyed them had a right to govern the society over which the holy ghost hath made them over-seers . . i argue that church-power ariseth not meerly from consent , because the church may exercise her power on such , who have not actually confederated with her ; which is in admitting members into the church : for if the church-officers have power to judge whether persons are fit to be admitted , they have power to exclude from admission such whom they judge unfit , and so their power is exercised on those who are not confederated . to this it may be answered , that the consent to be judged , gives the church power over the person suing for admission . i grant it doth , as to that particular person ; but the right in generall of judging concerning admission , doth argue an antecedent power to an actual confederation . for i will suppose that christ should now appoint some officers to found a church , and gather a society of christians together , where there hath been none before : i now ask whether these officers have power to admit any into the church or no ? this i suppose cannot be denied , for to what end else were they appointed ? if it be granted they have power to admit persons , and thereby make a church , then they had power antecedently to any confederation ; for the confederation was subsequent to their admission : and therefore they who had power to admit , could not derive their power from confederation . this argument , to me , puts the case out of dispute , that all church-power cannot arise from meer confederation . and that which further evidenceth that the power of the church doth not arise from meer consent , is that deed of gift whereby our blessed saviour did confer the power of the keyes on the apostle peter , as the representative in that action of the whole colledge of the apostles and governours of the church , of which power all the apostles were actually infeoffed , john . . by which power of the keyes is certainly meant some administration in the church , which doth respect it as a visible society , in which sense the church , is so frequently called , as in that place , the kingdome of heaven ; and in all probability the administration intended here by the power of the keyes , is that we are now discoursing of , viz. the power of admission into the church of christ , in order to the pardon of the sins of all penitent believers , and the shutting out of such who were manifestly unworthy of so holy a communion . so that the power of the keyes do●h not primarily respect exclusion out of the church , and receiving into it again upon absolution , but it chiefly respects the power of admission into the church , though by way of connotation and analogy of reason it will carry the other along with it . for if the apostles as governours of the church were invested with a power of judging of mens fitness for admission into the church as members of it , it stands to the highest reason that they should have thereby likewise a power conveyed to them , of excluding such as are unworthy after their admission , to maintain communion with the church . so that this interpr●tation of the power of the keyes , is far from invalidating the power of the church , as to its censuring offenders ; all that it pretends to , is onely giving a more natural and genuine sense of the power of the keyes , which will appear so to be , if we consider these things . . that this power was given to saint peter before any christian church , was actually formed , which ( as i have elsewhere made manifest ) was not done till after christs resurrection ; when christ had given the apos●les their commission to go to preach and baptize , &c. matth. . . is it not therefore farr more rational , that the power of the keyes here given , should respect the founding of a church and admission into it , than ejection out of it ( before it was in being ) and receiving into it again ? and this we find likewise remarkably fulfilled in the person of the apostle peter , who opened the door of admission into the christian church ▪ both to iewes and gentiles . to the iewes by his sermon at pentecost , when about . souls were brought into the church of christ. to the gentiles , as is most evident in the story of corneliu● , acts . . who was the first-fruits of the gentiles . so that if we should yield so far to the great inhancers of saint petes● power , that something was intended peculiar to his person in the keyes given him by our saviour , we hereby see how rationally it may be understood without the least advantage to the extravagant pretensions of saint peters pretended successours . . the pardon of sin in scripture is most annexed to baptism and admission into the church , and thence it seems evident , that the loosing of sin should be by admitting into the church by baptism , in the same sense by which baptism is said to save us , and it is called the washing of regeneration ; respecting the spiritual advantages which come by admission into the church of christ ; and so they are said to have their sins bound upon them , who continue refractory in their sins , a● simon magus is said to be in the bond of iniquity . . the metaphor of the keyes refers most to admission into the house , and excluding out of it , rather than ejecting any out of it , and re-admitting them . thus when eliakim is said to have the keyes of the house of david , it was in regard of his power to open and shut upon whom he pleased . and thus cyprian , as our learned mr. thorndike observes , understands the power of binding and loosing in this sense , in his epistle to iubaianus , where speaking of the remission of sins in baptism , he brings these very words of our saviour to peter as the evidence of it ; that what he should loose on earth , should be loosed in heaven : and concludes with this sentence , unde intelligimus non nisi in ecclesiâ praeposit is & in evangeli●â lege ac dominicâ ordinatione fundatis , licere baptizare , & remissam peccatorum dare ; for is autem nec ligari aliquid posse nec solvi , ubi non sit qui ligare possit aut solvere . that which i now infer from this discourse , is , that the power of the church do●h not arise from meer consent and confederation , both because this power doth respect those who have not actually consented to it , and because it is settled upon the governours of the church by divine institution . thus it appears that the right of inflicting censures doth not result meerly ●●● confoederatd disciplind , which was the thing to be proved . the l●ke evidence may be given , for the duty of submitting to penalties or church-censures in the members of the church : which that it ariseth , not from meer consent of parties , will appear on these accounts . . every person who enters this society is bound to consent , before he doth it , because of the obligation lying upon conscience to an open prof●ssion of christianity , presently upon conviction of the understanding of the truth and certainty of christian religion . for when once the mind of any rational man is so far wrought upon by the influence of the divine spirit , as to discover the most rational and undoubted evidences , which there are of the truth of christianity , he is presently obliged to profess christ openly , to worship him solemnly , to assemble with others for instruction and participation of gospel ▪ ordinances ; and thence it follows , that there is an antecedent obligation upon conscience to associate with others , and consequently to consent to be governed by the rulers of the society which he enters into . so that this submission to the power of church officers in the exercise of discipline upon offenders , is implyed in the very conditions of christianity , and the solemn professing and undertaking of it . . it were impossible any society should be upheld , if it be not laid by the founder of the society as the necessary duty of all members to undergo the penalties which shall be inflicted by those who have the care of governing that society , so they be not contrary to the laws , nature and constitution of it . else there would be no provision made for preventing divisions and confusions which will happen upon any breach made upon the laws of the society . now this obligation to submission to censures , doth speak something antecedentaly to the confederation , although the expression of it lies in the confederation its self . by this i hope we have made it evident that it is nothing else but a mistake in those otherwise learned persons , who make the power of censures in the christian church to be nothing else but a lex confederata disciplinae , whereas this power hath been made appear to be de●ived from a higher original than the meer arbitrary consent of the several members of the church associating together : and how farre the examples of the synagogues under the law , are from reaching that of christian churches in reference to this , because in these the power is conveyed by the founder of the society , and not left to any arbitrary constitutions , as it was among the iews in their synagogues . it cannot be denied but consent is supposed , and confederation necessary in order to church power ; but that is rather in regard of the exercise , then the original of it ; for although i affirm the original of thi● power to be of divine institution , yet in order to the exercise of it in reference to particular persons ( who are not mentioned in the charter of the power its self ) it is necessary that the persons on whom it is exerted , should declare their consent and submission either by words or actions , to the rules and orders of this society . having now proved that the power of the church doth not arise from meer consent of parties , the next grand inquiry is concerning the extent of this power , whether it doth reach so far as to excommunication ? for some men who will not seem wholly to deny all power in the church over offenders , nor that the church doth subsist by divine institution , yet do wholly deny any such power as that of excommunication , and seem rather to say that church-officers may far more congr●ously to their office inflict any other mulct upon offenders , then exclude them from participation of communion with others in the ordinances and sacraments of the gospel : in order therefore to the clearing of this , i come to the third proposition . that the power which christ hath given to the officers of his church , doth extend to the exclusion of contumacious offenders from the priviledges which this society enjoyes . in these terms i rather choose to fix it , then in those crude expressions , wherein erastus and some of his followers would state the question , and some of their imprudent adversaries have accepted it , viz. whether church officers have power to exclude any from the eucharist , ob moralem impuritatem ? and the reasons why i wave those terms , are ; . i must confess my self yet unsatisfied as to any convincing argument , whereby it can be proved that any were denyed admission to the lords supper , who were admitted to all other parts of church-society , and owned as members in them . i cannot yet see any particular reason drawn from the nature of the lords-supper above all other parts of divine worship , which should confine the censures of the church meerly to that ordinance ; and so to make the eucharist bear the same office in the body of the church , which our new anatomists tell us the parenchyme of the liver doth in the natural body , viz. to be col●●● sanguinis , to serve as a kind of strainer to separate the more gross and faeculent parts of the blood from the more pure and spirituous ; so the lord's supper to strain out the more impure members of the church from the more holy and spiritual . my judgement then is , that excommunication relates immediately to the cutting a person off from communion with the churches visible society , constituted upon the ends it is ; but because communion i● not visibly discerned but in administration and participation of gospel ordinances , therefore exclusion doth chiefly referre to these : and because the lords supper is one of the highest privilledges which the church enjoyes ; therefore it stands to reason that censures should begin there . and in that sense suspension from the lords supper of persons apparently unworthy , may be embraced as a prudent , lawful , and convenient abatement of the greater penalty of excommunication , and so to stand on the same general grounds that the other doth ; for qui p●test majus , potest etiam minus , which will hold as well in moral as natural power , i● there be no prohibition to the contrary , nor peculiar reason as to the one more then to the o●her . . i dislike the terms ob moralem impuritatem , on this account , because i suppose they were taken up by erastus , and from him by others as the controversie was managed concerning excommunication among the i●wes , viz. whether it were ●meerly because of ceremonial , or else likewise because of moral impurity . as to which i must ingenuously acknowledge erastus hath very much the advantage of his adversaries , clearly proving that no persons under the law were excluded the temple worship because of moral impurity . but then withall i think he hath gained little advantage to his cause by the great and successfull pains he hath taken in the proving of that ; my reason is , because the temple-worship or the sacrifices under the law were in some sense propitiatory , as they were the adumbrations of that grand sacrifice which was to be offered up for the appeasing of gods wrath , viz. the blood of christ ; therefore to have excluded any from participation of them , had been to exclude them from the visible way of obtaining pardon of sin ( which was not to be had without shedding of blood , as the apostle tells us ) and from testifying their faith towards god and repentance from dead works . but now under the gospel those ordinances , which suppose admission into the church by baptism , do thereby suppose an all-sufficient sacrifice offered for the expiation of sin , and consequently ▪ ●he subsequent priviledges , do not immediately relate to the obtaining of that , but a gratefull commemoration of the deat● of christ , and a celebration of the infinite mercy and goodness of god in the way of redemption found out by the death of his son. and therefore it stands to great reason that such persons , who by their profane and unworthy lives dishonour so holy a profession , should not be owned to be as good and sound members of the society , ●ounded on so sacred a foundation , as the most christian and religious persons . to this i know nothing can be objected , but that , first , the passover was commemorative among the iews ; and secondly , that the priviledges of that people were then very great above other people , and therefore if god had intended any such thing as excommunication among his peoplè , it would have been in use then . to these i answer . . i grant , the passeover was commemorative as to the occasion of its institution : but then it was withal typical and annunciative of that lamb of god who was to take away the sins ▪ of the world ; and therefore no person who desired expiation of sins , was to bee debarred from it , but the lords-supper under the gospel hath nothing in it propitiatory , but is intended as a feast upon a sacrifice and a federal rite , as hath been fully cleared by a very learned person in his discourse about the true notion of the lords supper . . i grant the iews had very many priviledges above other nations : nay so far , that the whole body of the people were looked upon as gods chosen , and peculiar and holy people ; and from thence i justly inferr , that whatever exclusion was among the people of the iews from their society , will far better hold as an argument for excommunication under the christian church , than if it had been a meer debarring from their levitical worship . and that i should far sooner insist upon , from the reason assigned , as the ground of excommunication , then the other infirm and pro●ligated argument ; and so the exclusion out of the camp of israel and the cerith among the iews ( whatever we understand by it ) may à pari hold to be a ground of exclusion from the christian society : in imitation of which , i rather suppose that exclusion out of the synagogues was after taken up , rather then as a meer out lawry , when they were deprived of civil power . the question then being thus clearly stated , it amounts to this , whether under the gospel , there be any power in the officers of the church by vertue of divine institution to exclude any offenders out of the christian society , for transgressing the laws of it ? and according to our former propositions , i suppose it will be sufficient to prove that power to bee of divine institution ; if i prove it to bee fundamentally and intrinsecally resident in the society its self . for whatever doth immediately result from the society its self , must have the same original which the subject hath , because this hath the nature of an inseparable property resulting from its constitution . for the clearing of which , i shall lay down my thoughts of it as clearly and methodically as i can ; and that in these following hypotheses . . where there is a power of declaring any person to bee no true member of the society hee is in , there is a formal power of excommunication : for this is all which i intend by it , viz. an authoritative pronouncing virtute officii , any convict offender to have forfeited his interest in the church as a christian society : and to lose all the priviledges of it : so that if this power be lodged in any church officer , then he hath power formally to excommunicate . . where the enjoyment of the priviledges of a society is not absolute and necessary , but depends upon conditions to bee performed by every member , of which the society is iudge , there is a power in the rulers of that society to debar any person from such priviledges , upon non-performance of the conditions . as supposing the jus civitatis to depend upon defending the rights of the city ; upon a failing in reference to this , in any person admitted to citizen-ship , the rulers of the city have the same power to take that right away , which they had at first to give i● ; because that right was never absolutely given , but upon supposition that the person did not overthrow the ends for which it was bestowed upon him . . the church is such a society in which communion is not absolute and necessary , but it doth depend upon the performance of some conditions , of which the governours of it are the competent iudges : and that appears , . because the admission into the church , depends upon conditions to be judged by pastors , as in case of adult persons requiring baptism , and the children of infidels being baptized : in both which cases it is evident that conditions are pre-requisite , of which the pastors are iudges . . because the priviledges of this society do require a separation from other societies in the world , and call for greater holiness and purity of life ; and those very priviledges are pledges of greater benefits which belong only to persons qualified with suitable conditions ; it would therefore bee a very great dishonour to this society , if it lay as common and open as other societies in the world do , and no more qualifications required from the members of it . . wee have instances in the sacred records of apostolical times , of such scandals which have been the ground of the exclusion of the persons guilty of them from the priviledges of the christian society . and here i suppose we may ( notwithstanding all the little evasions which have been found out ▪ ) ●ix on the incestuous person in the church of corinth . as to which , i lay not the force of the argument upon the manner of execution of the censure then , viz. by delegation from an apostle , or the apostolical rod , or delivering to satan ; for i freely grant that these did then import an extraordinary power in the apostles over offenders ; but i say , the ground and reason of the exercise of that power in such an extraordinary manner at that time , doth still continue , although not in that visible extraordinary effect which it then had . and whatever practice is founded upon grounds perpetual and common , that practice must continue as long as the grounds of it do , and the churches capacity w 〈…〉 dmit ; ( which hypothesis is the only rational foundation on which episcopal government in the church doth stand firm and unshaken , and which in the former discourse i am far from undermining of , as an intelligent reader may perceive ) ; now i say that it is evident , that the reasons of the apostles censure of that person , are not fetched from the want of christian magistrates , but from such things which will hold as long as any christian church : which are the dishonour of the society , corinth . . . the spreading of such corruptions further , if they pass uncensured , corinth . . . and amendment of the person , cor. . . upon these pillars the power of censures rests it self in the church of god , which are the main grounds of penalties in all societies whatsoever , viz. the preservation of the honour of them , and preventing of further mischief , and doing good to the offending party . and that which seems to add a great deal o● weight to this instance , is , that the apostle checks the corinthians , that before the exercise of the apostolical rod , they were not of themselves sensible of so great a dishonour to the church as that was , and had not used some means for the removing such a person from their society ; and ye are puffed up , and have not rather mourned that hee that hath done this deed , may be taken away from among you , corinth . . . therein implying , that whether there had been such a thing in the church , or no , as the apostolical rod , it had been the duty of a christian society to have done their endeavour in order to the removing such a person from their number . but further , i cannot understand how it should bee a duty in christians to withdraw from every brother who walketh disorderly , and church-officers not to have power to pronounce such a person to be withdrawn from , which amounts to excommunication . it is not to mee at all material , whether they did immediately relate to civil or sacred converse ( concerning which there is so much dispute ) for in which soever we place it , if church-officers have a power to pronounce such a person to be withdrawn from , they have a power of excommunication ; so we consider this penalty as inflicted on the person in his relation to the society as a christian ▪ and wi●hall , how neerly conjoyned their civil and spiritual eating were together , corinth . . , . and how strongly the argument will hold from civil to sacred , viz. à remotione unius ad remotionem alterius , not from any fancied pollution in sacris from the company of wicked men , but from the dishonour reflecting on the society from such unworthy persons par●aking of the h●ghest priviledges of it . thus from these three hypotheses this corollary follows , that where any persons in a church do by their open and contumacious offences , declare to the world that they are far from being the persons they were supposed to be in their admission into the church , there is a power resident in the pastors of the church to debar such persons from the priviledges of it ; and consequently from communion in the lords supper . . because this expresseth the nearest union , and closest confederation , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the grecians commonwealths did . . because this hath been alwayes looked on with greatest veneration in the church of god ; and therefore it is least of all fit those persons should be admitted to the , highest priviledges of the church , which are unworthy of the lowest of them . there remain only some few objections which are levelled against this opinion concerning the power of excommunication , which from the question being thus stated and proved , will be soon removed . the first is , that this excommunication is an outward punishment , and therefore belongs not to church officers , but to the magistrate . . because it neither is , nor ever was in the power of any church officer to debar any offending member from publick worship , because any heathens may come to it . . it cannot lye as to exclusion from the lords supper , because christ is offered as spiritual food , as well in the word preached as in the sacrament . to these i answer ▪ . i do not well understand what the objectors mean by an outward punishment ; for there can be no punishment belonging to a visible society , ( such as the church is here considered to be ) but it must be visible , i. e. outward , or a thing to be taken notice of in the world ; and in this sense i deny that all visible punishment belongs only to the magistrate ; but if by outward , be mean● forcible punishment , then i grant that all coactive power belongs to the magistrate ; but i deny that excommunication formally considered , is a forcible punishment . . because every person at his entrance into this society , is supposed to declare his submission to the rules of the society ; and therefore whatever he after undergoes by way of penalty in this society , doth depend upon that consent . . a person stands excommunicate legally and de jure , who is declared authoritatively to be no member of the society , though he may be present at the acts of it , as a defranchised person may be at those of a corporation . . a person falling into those offences which merit excommunication , is supposed in so doing , voluntarily to renounce his interest in those priviledges , the enjoyment of which doth depend upon abstaining from those offences which he wilfully falls into , especially if contumacy be joyned with them , a 〈…〉 is before excommunication ; for then nothing is done forcibly towards him ; for he first relinquisheth his right , before the church-governor declares him excluded the society . so that the offender doth meritoriously excommunicate himself , the pastor doth it formally , by declaring that he hath made himself no member by his offences and contumacy joyned with them . to the second i answer , that i do not place the formality of excommunication in exclusion from hearing the word , but in debarring the person from hearing tanquam pars ecclesiae , as a member of the church , and so his hearing may be well joyned with that of heathens and infidels , and not of members of the church . to the third i answer , that exclusion from the lords supper is not on the accounts mentioned in the objection , but because it is one of the chiefest priviledges of the church , as it is a visible society . having thus cleared and asserted the power of excommunication in a christian church , there remains only one enquiry more , which is , whether this power doth remain formally in the church , after its being incorporated into the common wealth , or else doth it then escheate wholly into the civil power ? the resolution of which question mainly depends on another spoken to already ; viz. whether this power was only a kind of widows estate , which belonged to it only during its separation from the civil power , or was the church absolutely infeoffed of it as its perpetual right , belonging to it in all conditions whatsoever it should be in ? now that must appear by the tenure of it , and the grounds on which it was conveyed , which having been proved already to be perpetual and universal , it from thence appears that no accession to the church can invalidate its former title . but then as in case of marriage , the right of disposal and well management of the estate coming by the wife , belongs to the husband ; so after the church is married into the common-wealth , the right of supream management of this power in an external way doth fall into the magistrates hands . which may consist in these following things . . a right of prescribing laws for the due management of church-censures . . a right of bounding the manner of proceeding in c●●●●●res , that in a se●●led christian-state ▪ matters of so great weight bee not left to the arbitrary pleasure of any church-officers , nor such censures inflicted but upon an evident conviction of such great offences which tend to the dishonour of the christian-church , and that in order to the amendment of the offenders life . . the right of adding temporal and civil sanctions to church-censures , and so enforcing the spiritual weapons of the church , with the more keen and sharp ones of the civil state. thus i assert the force and efficacy of all church censures in foro humano to flow from the civil power , and that there is no proper effect following any of them as to civil rights , but from the magistrates sanction . , to the magistrate belongs the right of appeals in case of unjust censures , not that the magistrate can repeal a just censure in the church , as to its spiritual effect● ; but he may suspend the temporal effect of it : in which case it is the duty of pastors to discharge their office and acquiesce ▪ but this power of the magistrate in the supream ordering of ecclesiastical as well as civil causes , i have fully asserted and cleared already . from which it follows , that as to any outward effects of the power of excommunication , the person of the supream magistrate must be exempted , both because the force of these censures doth flow from him in a christian state , and that there otherwise would be a progress in infinitum , to know whether the censure of the magistrate were just or no. i conclude then , that though the magistrate hath the main care of ordering things in the church , yet ( the magistrates power in the church being cumulative , and not privative ) the church and her officers retain the fundamental right of inflicting censures on offenders ▪ which was the thing to be proved . dedit deus his quoque finem . books sold by henry mortlocke at the phoenix in st. pauls church-yard near the little north ▪ door . a rational account of the grounds of protestant religion : being a vindication of the lord arch bishop of canterbury's relation of a conference , &c. from the pretended answer , by t. c. by edward stilling fleet . origines sacrae , or , a rational account of the grounds of christian faith , as to the truth and divine authority of the scriptures , and the matters therein contained , by the same author , in o. bain● upon the ephesians . trapp on the proverbs , ecclesiastes , canticles , with the major prophets , being his third volume of annotations on the whole bible . greenhill upon ezekiel . hall upon anos . brooks on the necessity , excellency , rarity , and beauty of holiness . knowledge and practice : or , a plain discourse of the chief things necessary to be known , believed , and practised , in order to salvation , by samuel cradock . scheci●ah : or , a demonstration of the divine presence in places of religious worship . by iohn stillingfleet . a treatise of divine meditation , by iohn ball , published by mr. simeon ash. the morall philosophy of the stoicks , turned out of french into english , by charles cotton esq an improvement of the sea , upon the nau●icall verses of the . psalm . wherein , among other things , you have a full and delightfull description of all those many , various and multitudinous objects , which are beheld ( through the lords creation , both on sea , in sea , and on land ) , viz. all sorts and kinds of fish , fowl , and beasts , whether wild or t●me ; all sorts of trees , and fruits : all sorts of people , cities , towns , and countreys , by daniel pell . baxters call , &c. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e hist. eccl. l. . c. . notes for div a -e § . §. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist ethic . l. . c. ▪ grot. de jure b●lli & pac . lib. . cap. . sect. . l●ss . de justit . & jure l. . c. . dub. . etymol . philol. voc . jus . etymol . l. . cap. . ethic. l. . cap. . mat. . isa. . . tertull. de orat. cap. v. herald . digress . lib. . cap. . in tertull. alex. alensis . part . . q. . m. . §. . rom. . . §. . ethic. l. . cap. . v. selden . de jure nat. apud ▪ eb●ae lib. . c. & . mol. de just & iur. p. disp . . alphons . de leg . pur ▪ l. . c. . §. . exercit. eccles. advers . ba● . exer . . sect . . s●id . de jure nat. apud ebr. l. . cap. . colloq . ●um tryph. jud●o . origin . lib. . cap. . v. g●ot . in luc. . . maimon . de fundam . legis , cap. . sect . . abarb. de capit. fidei . cap. . p. . ed. vorstii . gal. . . §. . gen. . deut. . act . . ora● . ●●●● . cae●iu . §. . heb. . ● . catech. racov . cap. . acts . . § ● matth. . . john . . pe● . ● ▪ . gen. . . matth. . . . . § . hypoth . . grot. de jure bell● , &c. lib . c●p . . s. . pr●sat . in cod. canon . eccl. a●ric . p. . less . de just . & jure l. . c. . d●b . . n. . suarez de leg . lib. : cap. . sect . . orig. lib. . c. celsum . p. . ed. co● . ● c. celsum l. . p. . § . covarr . c. . de tesi●m●n . ● . hobs de civ . cap. ▪ s. . ann. §. . prop. . paulus l. . d. de ●urtis . v●pian . lib. post. d. de verb sig . v. grot. de jure belli . &c. lib. . cap. ▪ sect . . §. . judg. . sam. . , . . . . . sam. . , &c. exerci● ▪ in gen. . isa. . . gen. , . heb. ● . . §. . isa. . . euseb. vit : constant. l. . c. . de imp. sum ▪ potest . cap. . l. . in iud. c. . panstrat . cath. tom. . l . cap. . in loc . to. . ed. ae●on . p. . ed. . de episcop . const. magn. § . aristot. ethic. lib. . c. . matth. . . heb. . . v. pe●● , ma●tyr . in sam. . whitaker , ● cont . . q. . cameron . de eccles. p. . to. . op . lib. . c. parmen . ●a sam. . loc. com. class . . c. ● ▪ sect . . papin . l. d. de poenis hot●oman . com. v. juris v : sanct . cicero ad ar●ic . l. . ep . . §. . institut . l. . cap. . s. . & cap. . s. . nature of episc. chap. . v. forbes . iren. lib. . cap. . rom . . §. . grat. de jure belli & pacis . lib. . cap . sect . . §. . gal. . . d. sanderson . de oblig . cons. prael . . s. . gal. . . acts . . gal. . , , . coloss. . , , . rom. . , , . cor. . . controv. . quaest . . cap. . in sam. . aug. e● . . ad ianuar. §. . gal. . . de rebus eccles. cap. . can. in cod. can. in v●n . eccles. can . . salm. not. in tertul. de pall o. . ant. cercocthius in salmas . p. . eus●b . lib. . cap. . euseb. l. . so●rat . hist. eccles. l. . c. . cap. . l. . eccles. hist. l. . cap. . eras. in declar . ad cens. paris . art . . cons. with hart. chap. . div. . de croy . conformity , part . de sacram. lib. . c. . dr. ham. of superstition , sect . . ep. . ad ian. cap. . §. . rom. . . §. . hist. lib. . spartian . in adriano . dan. . . §. . not in maim . de idol c. . sect . . v chamier : panstrat . cath. to. . l. . c. . s. . amam . an. tib . bibl. l. . p. . v. selden . de diis syris proleg . p. . & . abodazara cap. . birtram . de polit. iud. cap. . p. . franz . sch. sacrif . disp . . coppenb . sch. sacrif . p. . §. . socinus prael . cap. . § . scrutin . scrip. part . . dist . . cap. . v. porphyr . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . en●ytlop . ad ●ram nonarii terrig . c. . p. . nicomach . l. . de abstin . lib. . s. . ep. ad aug. lib. . c. . gen. . . v. ainsworth , in loc . de abstin . l. . s. . v. petit . ad log , act. p. . quaest. grac. q. levit. ▪ . iliad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a●g . . v. , &c ▪ hist. natur . lib. . c. . levit. . . v. saubertum de sacris . c. . vossius de ●ol , l . cap. . gr●c . fer. §. . geogr. l. . deipnosoph . lib. . deipnos . l ▪ . cap. . v. meursi● graec. arist. castellon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hospin . de festis . m●●h benther de fastis . exercit. in bar. . s. . sed vide gothofred . in tim. . . s●lmas . in hist. aug. p. . . suidas inv . mithras . no●●us in naz ▪ s●clit . p. . m●●rsium in eleusi●is . aristol . nicom . l. . c. . moral . advers . colotem . lord bacon essay of a king. §. . §. . homil. . in gen. ● . . tom. . p. . ed. savil. politic. lib. . cap. . gen. . . . . ● . . . . job ● . §. . v. selden . de success . ad leo . heb. cap. . origin cap. . p. . qu. . in gen. v. isidor . pel. lib. . ep . . & . ad fi● ▪ v. selden . de success . ad pontis . ebr . cap. . sed & v. eum de syned . lib. ● . cap. . v. selden de syned . l . cap. . s. . §. . plut. de i● . & osi●id . str. geog. l . quest. rom. . politic. l. . cap. . . l. . cap. . lib. . c. . herod . l. . v. c●ag . de rep laced . lib. . c. . qu. rom. . strom. l. . ep . . geog. l. . s●eton . in aug. c. . v. casaub. in l. & seld. de syned l. . ● . . § . rom. . . §. . mr. smiths dis . . of prophecy , chap. . strom. ● . eccl. hist. l. . ▪ praes . in i● . nahum . habak . ch●ys . in . cor. hom. . epiph. haeres . . ezek. . . orig. c. celsum , lib. . p. . l. . p. . tertull. de an . c. . dan. . . habak . . procop. gaz. in reg. ● . ed. meursii . lycop●r . alex. p. . ioseph . c. app. l. . euseb. praep. l. . cap. . tertul. apol . c. . c. notion . l. . c. . lamprid. vit . alex. sever. seneca ep . . tibullus . eleg . . l. . lucian . pseudol . p. . ed. paris . §. . macrob. saturnal . l. . c. . servius honor. in virgil. georgic . . festus v. religios . advers . l. . c. . de re rust. l. . c . dei●nos . l. . saturn . l. . c. . de jure nat. apud heb. l. . cap. . de idolol . c. . §. . hom. iliad . apoll. argon . l. . casaub. ad th●o . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . saub de sacri . cap. . paus. l. . matth. . . casaub. ad bar. exer . . s. . ●aro● . ad an. christi m●ntacutius orig. eccles. . . l. . p. . vossius harm . evang. l. ● . cap. . v. m●yerum de p●patu , rom. l. . c. . de croy. conf. . c. . ov●d . fast. lib. . v. brisson . de sormulis lib. . p. . o ●●omist . c. lib. ● . c. . v. leon. . allatium de marthece , vet . eccles. p. , &c. athenaeus deipnos . l. . c. . v. apud briss. de sormulis , l. . & apud seld. de syned . lib. . cap. . suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ioh. coch. excerpt . gen saubed . cap . p. . vostius in pir●e elicsest p . . selden de syned . l. . cap. . §. . §. . § . tract of schism , . so●●at . hist. eccles. lib. , cap. . v. petavii . diotrib . de po●est . consa , & com . usurp . cap. §. . respons . ad syllog . quest. cap. . cor. . . cor. . . — . § . theodoret. lib. . c. . id. l , . cap. . lib. . c. . advers . haeres . cap. . answ. to the pref. p. . s. . §. . see mr. durham , tract of scandal , part . . ch . . picus mi - ? ra●d . apol. p. . . iob . summ. . . q. . art . . mr. hales of schism , p. . ep. . de secess . ab eccl. rom. & pace inter evang. const . p. . §. . §. . c. de decurion . lib. . l. nominationem pet. fabri . comment . ad tit . de d●versis reg. juris lampridius in alex. severo . politic l. . cap. . v. grotium de jure bel . &c. lib. ● . cap. . sect . ● . v. iac. omphalium de usurp . leg l. . c. ulp. l. . d. de appel . h●ttom . com . v. juris . controv. . qu. . c. . iust. auth . diss . epis . collat . . theod. cod . de s. s. eccl . c. omni . g●ot . de ●ure belli a● p●cis , l. . cap. . sect . vellei . paterc . hist. lib. . grot. de imp. summ . potest .. cap. . s. , , &c. c. . s. . chamier : to. . l. . c. . whitaker co ●tr . q. . c●is . de lib. eccles. cap. . m●r ● . c. hist. papa●us passim . §. . §. . hist. council of trent , l. . p. ● . deut. . . acts . . §. . dib . . p. , , & . tertul. apol. c. , describes exclusion to be à communicatione orationis & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii : §. . p. ▪ ed. paris . : lib. ▪ e● ▪ ▪ hist. eccl. lib. . cap. . selden . de sy●ed . l. . cap. . v. heraldum in tertul. apologet . cap. . ioseph . hales . p. . cap. . §. . §. . §. . § . gellius noct. attic. l. . c. . v. grotium de jure belli , l. . c. . s. , , . matth. . . § . §. . caesar de bello gallico . l. . v. nicolaum damascenum de moribus gentium de cercetis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . selden de jure natur &c. l. . cap. . excerpt . gem. sanh . pag. . epist. hebr. i●stitut . p. . v. selden de jure nat . &c. lib. . cap. . p. . shulchan . a ru●h chosen . hammischpat . s. . excerpt . gen. sam. bed . p. . n. . . § , . p. . lex rabbinic . p. . pirk. r. elieser c. . p. . p. . ad . §. . ep. institut . pag. . de syned●iis lib. . cap. . §. . § . §. . ● ▪ . §. . §. . hudson of the church cap. . sect . . §. . § . rev. . . heb. . . heb. . . titus . . tim. . . heb. . . tim. . . cor. . tim. . . matth . . §. . matthaeus paris . hist. angl. in hen. . a. . p. . ed. vatsi●i cap. . apud balaeum . app de vit . pontif. p. . §. . joh. . . joh. . . heb. . . calvin . in joel . . . jer. . . heb. . . heb. . . heb. . . §. . cor. : . §. . philolog . sacr. de hebr. n. t. cap. . horae hebr . in matth. . . p. . matth. . . acts . §. . heb. . ● . lightfoot horae . hebr. in matth. . . p. . heb. . . . cor. . . cor. . isai. . . heb. . . heb. . . eph. . . matth . . d reynolds on hosea . . heb . , , . §. . eph. . cor. . , , , , . eph. . . heb. . , . tim. . . eph. . . § . § . * b. bilson perpet . govern . cap. . b. andrews form of government in the old t. b. usher . original of episc. * herl of indep . p. . apol. spanbem . omnes . numb . . v. , , . numb . . . . numb . . . §. . § . § . §. . heb. . , , . arg. . answ. . isa. . . matth . . matth. . . . § . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . rom. . , . acts . . . , , . §. . § . tim. . . to the . titus . . to the . hom. . in tim. to. . epistol . . ●ad hesych . §. . acts . . tim. . . tim. . . heb. . . tim. . . tim. . . tim. . . titus . . §. . §. . heb. . . rom. . . §. . ecclesiast . polity lib. . sect . . §. . parker de polit. eccles . lib. . c. . §. . ● pet. . . rom. . ▪ eph. . . §. . parker ▪ polit. eccles. l. . cap. . s. c. §. . cor. . , . eph. . . matth. . . de ecclesia in mat. . . tom. . op . in . p. . §. . rivet . isagog . ad script . sacr . cap. . s. . §. . extravag . unum sanctum . §. . matth. . . isa. . . matth. ● . , . luk. . . mat. . . mat. . . john . . john . . john . . john . , . john ▪ . john . . luke . . matth. . , . mark . , . de consensu evang. l. . cap. . v. casaub. exer . in bar. . s. . montacut . grig . eccles. to. . p. . p. . chemnitium harm . evan●c . . acts . ▪ . harmon . cap. . mark . , . §. . cor. . . psal. . . amos . . §. . suidas in v. digest . l. . tir . . leg . . cont. ebionitas . lib. . tit . . exercit. sect. . cor. . . §. . ezek. . . matth. . ▪ matth. . ● . mat. . . §. . tom. . ed. savil. p. . lib. . c. iovin . hist. ecclesiast . lib. . c. . chrysost. in matth. . . hist. rom. lib. . cor. . . rev , . . john . . gal. . . acts . , gal. . . mat. . . mat. . . luk. . . §. . luke . . luke ▪ , . v. psal. . jer. . numb . . — . §. . to. . l. . c. . s. . beza in loc . lev. . . de syned . l. . c. . in gemar . babyl . ad tit . rhabbath . c. . fo . . v. grotium in matth. . . selden de syned . l. . c. . ioseph . l. , cont . appion . gelespy aaron's rod , l. . c. . p. . l. . c. . p. . thes ▪ ▪ perpetual government . c. . cor. . . — ▪ matth. . , . praeterit ▪ lib. . p. . v. rainolds conf. with hart. cap. . div . . grot. in mat. . §. . dan. . . with rom. . ▪ joh. . mat. . cor. . mark . . mat. . luk. acts . . luk. . acts . . v. l. empor . in cod ▪ midd●th . c. . sect. . annot. in loc . dissert . . c. . schism . c. ▪ sect. . answ. to the cath. c. . s. . schism disarm'd . ans. c. . s. acts . . acts . , . gal. . , . gal. . , . acts . . gal. . , , . answ. to cathol . gentl. chap. . s. . numb . acts . . acts . , , acts . , . acts . . act. . acts . . matth. . . acts . . euseb. lib. . cap. . §. . v. picherellum de missa , cap. . casaub. exercit. . sect . . acts . . §. . v. bezam , in acts . . in acts . . — . — . . — . . apparat. ad lib. de prim. papae . p. . . in tim. . . v. etiam in cor. . . aug. lib. . ad boni● . cap. . ep. ad aug c. ebion . v. soaliger . de emend . temp . l. . & lud. capelli vind . c. buxtor ●ii diss . selden . com. in eutychium . p. . acts . ▪ acts . v. buxtorf . synag iud. c. . p. . v. lud. de dieu in acts . v. cloppenb . tract ▪ de sabb. deuteropr●to & lud. capelli ●p . ad clopp . p. . eum resp . clopp . p. . luke . ▪ in thisbi v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acts . . . itiner . p. . ed. l' ▪ emper. v. l'emper . in not. p. . v. serrarium . rabb . prior . cap. . matth. . . mark . luke . . john . . . . acts ▪ ▪ ▪ . . . . ▪ . . iuvenal . sat . . advers . l. cap. . not. in frag. graeca p. . in mat. , . leg. ad ca●um . acts . ▪ annot , in acts , de idol . l. . cap. . p. . in fragm ▪ g● . p. . §. . d. lightfoot horae hebr. in mat. . . p. . de syned . l. . c. . s. . ● i●d ▪ tit : sanhed . c. . sect . . ad mis● . tit . sanhed . c. . sect . . cod. theod. l. . tit . . l. . & . numb . . numb . . . gem. babyl . ad tit . sanhed . c. . s. . . scaliger elench . triher . c. . tzemach . david . p. . m l. . a● ▪ . selden . id eutych . p. . de syned . l. . c. . s. . v. light. foot horae hebr. in matth. . . dissertat . ad lectorem & in not . . &c. p. . ed. l'emper . heb. lat. p. . elench . triherc . ▪ luke . in appar . de templo . annot. in evang. p. . §. . lib. omnem probum liberum esse . in luc. . : luke . . c. ebeonites synag . iud. lib. ● . lex rabb . ad verb. in benjam , not p. . i cor . ● act. . . service of god at rel. ass c. . p , . de syned . l. . c. . s. . thorndike rel. assem . cap. . mark . luke . . . mark . annot. in luc. . in caligulâ . lampr. vit . alex. sever . vopiscus in saturn . cod de iud ▪ colic . & eam . l. . cod. iud ▪ l. . c. de iudaeis . §. . acts . . acts . , . . . . . . . acts . . act. . . acts . . . . euseb. hist. l. . c. . & chronic. hist. sacr . l. . p . ed. horn. acts . , rom. . . annot. in vit . petri. ap . platin. in vit . petri. in claud. cap. . lactant. l. . c. . tertul. apolog. cap. . v. pet. pithaeum hor. subseciv . l. . c. . donatus dilucid . in sueton. in claud. c. . act. . . apud . orig. lib. . cont . cels. §. . acts . gal. . . dr. ham. of schism ch . . sect . , , &c. gal. . . schism sect . . answ. to s●his . dis. ch . s. . hieronym . in gal. . . reply to cath. gent. ch . s. . n. . aug. ep . . , . hier. act. . . schism . p. . act. . . . . . . §. . acts . . iust. mart. apol. p. . ed. par. apologe● . cap. ● . §. . cod. middoth . c. . s. . v. selden . de succes . ad pontif. ebre . l. . c. , , , & . not in cod. middoth . p. , . isid hisp. de ecclesia offic . l. . c. ive carnot . decret . p. . c. . ep. . dissert . . cap. . comment . in . tit. de praescrip . adv . h●ret . c. . epist. lib. . ep. . observat. lib. c. . §. . levit. . . ep ad gallos ▪ ep . . & . . ioh. cord. & v. in mat. . : gen. . ▪ numb . . . acts . . acts ● : . acts . . 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 ▪ ●● ▪ titus . . v. demost. phil. . & advers . simon . & ulpian in schol. v. selden . de syned . l. . cap. ▪ grot. de imp. sum. potest . c. . s. . perpet . govern. of christs church . c. . tract . san. cap. . s. . ad tit . sanhed c. . de syned . l. . c. . s. ● . hierony n. in . tit. dist. . c. mull. ex urb . pay. dist. . gloss. v. francis masons defence of ordination of presbyters . ep. . ad evagrium . v. selden . ad e●tych . n. . p. . dist. ● . sect . h●r . advers . lucil. origin . p. , . b●blioth . cod. . tim. . . rosellis de po● . imper. & papae . p. . c. mich medinas de s●● . hom . ●●rig . & contin . l. . cap. . praes . p. . dial. ad lucifer . ep. august . ep . hist. apostolica . p. ● ep. ad gal. ep . . apol. p. . exercit. ad annal. eccles . . s. . hieron . ep . . ad lucinum . §. . misna & gemar . tit . sanhedr . c. ● . tic. sanhed . cap. . s . arcan . cath. viritat . l. . cap. . de concord . orbis p. euseb. hist. eccles. lib. . cap. . can. . hist eccles lib. . c. . v. iustell . not . in canon . universae eccles. p. . joh. . ▪ v. . §. . exod . . . . . . . . . ● . &c. dissert . de jure epis. . o . vind cat . cap. ● . s. . theodoret. in tim. . . tacitus hist. lib. . rev. . . advers . ●●aeres . l. . c , . §. . in sentent . lib. . dist . . sect . . hist. eccles. tib . . c. . plut. in theseo . hist. eccl. l. . c. . proleg in chron. eusebii . cont. . l. . c. . not . . v. chamier . tom. . l. . cap. . §. . * demosth. in midiam . plut. in peril . & vit . niciae ▪ v. meursi●m de a●chont . athen. l. . c. . ennium de ep. ath. * paus. in lacon ▪ pollux . onom . lib. . c. . pans . lacon v. nic. ●ragium de rep. l●ced . lib. . c. . conc ▪ chalce●o●ens . part. . act. . apud ●●in . concil . gr. la to . p. . advers . haeres . l. . cap. . de praescript . advers . haere● . cap. . de virgin. veland . c. . dap. . de pr●scrip● . aug. ep. . aug● ep. . exhort . ●asil . c. . v. selden in eutych . p. , &c. adver . haeres . l. . c. . lib. . cap. . cap. . e● . ed. pamel s. . * v. cyprian . ep . . à cler ▪ rom. ep . . & . in mich. . epist. . ep ▪ ad m●g . p. . ●d . ●s . vossi p. . vedel ▪ p. . usser . p. . ep. . p. . voss● . ep. gr . lat . p. . page . page . pag. . & p. . p. , . apol ▪ p. ● . euseb. l. . cap. . in eph. . de eccles. officiis l. . cap. . conc. hispal . secundum decret . . apud bin. t. . p. . conc. chal. part. . act. . §. ● . eccles. hist. l. . c. . socrat . l. ● . c. . cyprian ep . . n. . ib. n. . firmil . ep . inter ep . cyprian . . ● . . hist. eccl. l. . cap. . v. m●gdeburg , cent. . l. . c. . §. . cypr. ep. . ● . . act. . . rom. . par. . ch s. p. . p. . epiph. c. aerium . haeres . . p. ● , &c. ed. pe●av . wal● . messal . cap. . p. . &c. cor. . . ep. ad tral . c. cel sum . l. . c. . p. ● . pius ▪ ep . ad just. vien . apol. c. . cypri . ep . . s. . s. . hi●ronym . in is. l. . c. . ep. ad evag in tim. . chrysost. in . eph. hom . . de ●ure pleb●s in regim . eccles . p. . &c. o●ig hom . . in psal. . cyprian . l. . ep . . ep. . ep. . strom. l. . p. . ed. heins . strom. l. . p. . concil . hispal . . decret . . §. . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . . , . ● ▪ ●● exercit. theol n. . curcellaeus de esu sanguinis , &c. grotius in act. . . cor. . . part. . chap. . s. . tim. . . rom. . . plin. ep . ● . ● . ep . . th●od l. . cap. . sozom. l. ● . cap. . codex theod leg . . tit . de epis. co●c . chalc. cap. . co●c . no●m●t . c. . epi●h . har . . v. iust●ll . no●●n can. u●ivers . eccles. p. . &c. vossium i● pli● . ep . . l. . salmas . in aparat . p . * de orat. §. . §. . euseb. l. . cap. ● 〈…〉 ignat . ep p. . c. celsum . l. p. . &c. exhort . ad . cust . steph. de urbibus . strabo geog● . l. . paus. corinth . p. . . plin. hist. l. . c. . emmius de graec. vet. li . pareus in rom. . . v. he●ns . e●er●it . sac● . l. . cap . ep . l. . tertut . de cor. mil●ti● ad uxo● . l. . c. . v. vossium in pl●n . cp . p. . v. gersom . bucer . de 〈◊〉 . eccl . p. ● . ● &c. v. iustel . not. in cod. can eccles. n. p . & blo●del ap. s. . de basil. origine p. ● . p. p. . ed. cl. samas . apol. c. . e●igr . ep . s. . ep. . . , , , , . . ep. . apud . bin. to. . conc. p. . eccles. hist. l. . cap. . eccles. hist. l. . cap. . apud . nun. sub zenoph . consul . p. . orat. p. . p. ● , . p. , . in tim. hom . . conc. aquis . c. . . paedag. l. . cap. . epiph haer . ● . id. h●res . . c. . c. celsum . l. . p. . a. dom. ● . n. , , . in ezek . . v. o●phrium ▪ de episcop . ti●ul . & div. cardinalium . § ▪ . palma christiana cap. . geogr●l . ● georg l. p. ●d . is. ca●a●b . nat. hist. l. . c. . & . sueton. in v●syas c . phil. ● . ● . elia● . i● . p. . dio l. . s. c. . l ● . c. . lib. . p. . p●●er● . l. . c. . geog● . l . hist. l. . v. claudii cap. . h●st . l. ▪ v. pan●ir . de magist. municipal . cap. . exerc. sacr . l. . c. . antholog . l. . hist. eccles . l. . c. . v. berter ▪ pithan . dial. cap. ● . l. . c . conc. sard. cop . . geogr. sacr . l. . s. . exercit. . n. exercit. in ep . ignat. a●●om . c. . laws of the ch●r . cap. . p. . phil. . ● ▪ §. . ●cod . eccles. afric . c. . can . . apparatu● pr. . de primat . c. p. . c. . p. . beza de m●●is ▪ gr●d . c. . ●londel . ap p. . apol. p. . cap. ▪ observat. l. . c . v. casaub. exercit : . s. . salmas . app p. ep. ad honor . à presbi● . rom. ep. . cypr. ep . . con . c. ● : & . con. . c. , . ph●ti●● co● ▪ n. . §. . pag. . de jejuni● advers . psych . can. ap●st . cap. . ca● in ▪ cod. c●● . . do veritate ecceles . ep. ad evagrun . can. . can. . pag. ▪ §. . de gestis scot. lib. . cap . scot. chron . l. . cap. . v. b●ondel . apol. s . pag. . scot. hist. lib. . eclog. l. . cap. . hist. eccl. l . cap. . de rebus abassin . b● . c. . ep. . g●●gr . l. . c●p ▪ ephes. synod . . ad sia . act. . cyprian ep . . , , . theodoret l. . c. . v●ctor l. . de pers . vand. in can . . laod. thorndike right of the ch●r . p. . de rebus eccl siast . lib. . c. §. . berteri , pithan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diatribae . salmas . ep . ad am. eucharisti ▪ adver . sirmond , de pri●● . pan. iac. gotho●● . conjectur . vindiciae conjectur . blondel de la primau●e en la ●glise , &c. discourse of the patriarchal government of the ancient chur ▪ . . in cod. c●n. . quest. ex ut●oque test. q. . §. . collat. . c. . anast bil. vit . pelag. prim. dissert . in philost . l. . cap. . ep. ● . c. . reg. juris . ep●st . . v. blondel . ap. p. . apol s. . à . ad . §. . ep . hist. lib. . cap. . v. iustel . praef●● . in cod. canonum uni●ers . eccl. §. . §. . acts and mon. to. : p. . martyrol . in to. . p. , q. . . . . . . . archbish. cranme●s answ . ex ipso ejus autographe . answ. to the . q. . . . . . §. . pag. . pag. . p. , , , . pag. . pag . p. , . church gov. pag. . de polit. eccles. l. . c. , &c. c. . p. . defens . eccl. angl. c. . s. ● . de polit. eccles l. . c. . pag. . chilling . ep. . ch . . s. . §. . exam. con trid c. de sacram ord can . . , . pag. . cen● . . l. . cap . confess . sidei cap. . s. . . tom. . op . miscel. tom. . op . l. . in . praecept . q. ● . p. . &c. episcopacy by divine right , s. . p. . apol. pro hieron . s. . p. . ●●d . q. . ● . . de secessione ab ecclesiā rom. deque pace cum evang. cons. p. . &c. de imperi● summ . potest . circa sacra , c. : lord bacon considerat . touching ch. govern : sir will. morice of the sacrament , in sect . mr. pry●'s queries to the arsembly . §. . defens . eccles . angl. cap. . s. . apolog. confess . aug. ad art . . confess . august . per chytr . p. . institut . l b. . cap ● sect . . sect. . de ministr . gradibus , cap. . p. . cap. . p. , . de ministr . gradibus , cap. . p. . instit. l. . c. . s. . de ministr . grad . cap . p. . ● tit. . . de ministr ▪ grad . p. . super. mat. tit . de ordinat . ep. ad co●er . a. d. . tom. . ad sadoletum . & de neces . reform . eccl. p. . in loc . com . de eccl. p. . opuscul . theol. clas . . cap. . p. . lib. . c. . de polit. eccles. l. . cap. . see mr. duree's government of protestant churches beyond the seas . §. . certain brief treatises , &c. oxford . . sect. . defence of sermon . l. . cap. . p. . l. . ch . . p. . from p. . to . p. . §. . his majesters second paper to the ministers at nowport . ad sin● . v. bishop ▪ ushers reduction of episcopacy , &c. pur. . ch . ●a . s. . notes for div a -e append. c. . part . . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . §. . . . §. a●ud august de civit. de l. . c. . §. . §. . §. . §. . iren. p. . c. . ● iren. p. . c. . §. . in luk. ● . ● . §. . §. . mat. . . i●en . p. . ch . ●● . . p. . acts . . pet. . . tit. . . acts . . isa. cypr. ep. . sect . § . ( . ) §. . . . ● heb. . . §. . cor. . . thess . . §. . iren. p . c. . sect . . the apostolical institution of episcopacy demonstrated by will. chillingworth ... chillingworth, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the apostolical institution of episcopacy demonstrated by will. chillingworth ... chillingworth, william, - . [ ], p. printed by e. cotes ..., london : m.dc.lxiv [ ] imperfect: faded and stained with loss of print; text begins on signature aaa. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy -- early works to . church polity. great britain -- politics and government -- - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the apostolical institution of episcopacy demonstrated . by will. chillingworth master of arts of the university of oxford . london , printed by e. cotes dwelling in aldersgate-street . anno dom. m.dc.lxiv . the apostolical institution of episcopacy demonstrated . sect . i. if we abstract from episcopal government all accidentals , and consider only what is essential and necessary to it ; we shall finde in it no more but this : an appointment of one man of eminent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the churches , within a certain precinct or diocess ; and furnishing him with authority ( not absolute or arbitrary , but regulated and bounded by laws , and moderated by joyning to him a convenient number of assistants ) to the intent that all the churches under him may be provided of good and able pastors : and that both of pastors and people , conformity to laws , and performance of their duties may be required , under penalties , not left to discretion , but by law appointed . sect . ii. to this kind of government , i am not by any particular interest so devoted , as to think it ought to be maintained , either in opposition to apostolick institution ; or to the much desired reformation of mens lives , and restauration of primitive discipline ; or to any law or precept of our lord and saviour jesus christ : for that were to maintain a means contrary to the end ; for obedience to our saviour , is the end for which church-government is appointed . but if it may be demonstrated ( or made much more probable than the contrary ) as i verily think it may : i. that it is not repugnant to the government setled in and for the church by the apostles . ii. that it is as complyable with the reformation of any evill which we desire to reform either in church or state , or the introduction of any good which we desire to introduce as any other kind of government : and , iii. that there is no law , no record of our saviour against it : then , i hope , it will not be thought an unreasonable motion , if we humbly desire those that are in authority , especially the high court of parliament , that it may not be sacrificed to clamour , or over-born by violence : and though ( which god forbid ) the greater part of the multitude should cry , crucifie , crucifie ; yet our governours would be so full of justice and courage , as not to give it up , until they perfectly understand concerning episcopacy it self , quid mali fecit ? sect . iii. i shall speak at this time only of the first of these three points : that episcopacy is not repugnant to the government setled in the church for perpetuity by the apostles . whereof i conceive this which follows is as clear a demonstration , as any thing of this nature is capable of . that this government was received universally in the church , either in the apostles time , or presently after , is so evident and unquestionable , that the most learned adversaries of this government do themselves confess it . sect . iv. petrus molinaeus in his book de munere pastorali , purposely written in defence of the presbyterial-government , acknowledgeth : that presently after the apostles times , or even in their time ( as ecclesiastical story witnesseth ) it was ordained , that in every city one of the presbytery should be called a bishop , who should have pre-eminence over his colleagues ; to avoid confusion which oft times ariseth out of equality . and truly , this form of government all churches every where received . sect . v. theodorus beza in his tract , de triplici episcopatûs genere , confesseth in effect the same thing . for , having distinguished episcopacy into three kinds , divine , humane , and satanical ; and attributing to the second ( which he calls humane , but we maintain and conceive to be apostolical ) not only a priority of order , but a superiority of power and authority over other presbyters , bounded yet by laws and canons provided against tyranny : he clearly professeth that of this kind of episcopacy , is to be understood whatsoever we read concerning the authority of bishops ( or presidents , as iustin martyr calls them ) in ignatius , and other more ancient writers . sect . vi. certainly , from * these two great defenders of the presbytery , we should never have had this free acknowledgement , ( so prejudicial to their own 〈◊〉 , and so advantagious to their adversaries purpose ) had not the evidence of clear and undeniable truth enforced them to it . it will not therefore be necessary , to spend any time in confuting that uningenuous assertion of the anonymous author of the catalogue of testimonies , for the equality of bishops and presbyters , who affirms , that their disparity began long after the apostles times : but we may safely take for granted that which these two learned adversaries have confessed ; and see , whether upon this foundation laid by them , we may not by unanswerable reason raise this superstructure ; that seeing episcopal government is confessedly so ancient and so catholique , it cannot with reason be denyed to be apostolique . sect . vii . for so great a change , as between presbyterial government and episcopal , could not possibly have prevailed all the world over in a little time . had episcopal government been an aberration from ( or a corruption of ) the government left in the churches by the apostles , it had been very strange , that it should have been received in any one church so suddainly , or that it should have prevailed in all for many ages after . variâsse debuerat error ecclesiarum : quod autem apud omnes unum est , non est erratum , sed traditum . had the churches err'd , they would have varied : what therefore is one and the same amongst all , came not sure by error , but tradition . thus tertullian argues very probably , from the consent of the churches of his time , not long after the apostles , and that in matter of opinion much more subject to unobserv'd alteration . but that in the frame and substance of the necessary government of the church , a thing alwayes in use and practice , there should be so suddain a change as presently after the apostles times ; and so universal , as received in all the churches ; this is clearly impossible . sect . viii . for , what universal cause can be assigned or faigned of this universal apostasie ? you will not imagine that the apostles , all or any of them , made any decree for this change , when they were living ; or left order for it in any will or testament , when they were dying , this were to grant the question ; to wit , that the apostles , being to leave the government of the churches themselves , and either seeing by experience , or foreseeing by the spirit of god , the distractions and disorders , which would arise from a multitude of equals , substituted episcopal government instead of their own . general councels to make a law for a general change , for many ages there was none . there was no christian emperour , no coercive power over the church to enforce it . or , if there had been any , we know no force was equal to the courage of the christians of those times . their lives were then at command ( for they had not then learnt to fight for christ ) but their obedience to any thing against his law was not to be commanded ( for they had perfectly learn't to die for him . ) therefore there was no power then to command this change ; or if there had been any , it had been in vain . sect . ix . what device then shall we study , or to what fountain shall we reduce this strange pretended alteration ? can it enter into our hearts to think , that all the presbyters and other christians then , being the apostles schollers , could be generally ignorant of the will of christ , touching the necessity of a presbyterial government ? or , dare we adventure to think them so strangely wicked all the world over , as against knowledge and conscience to conspire against it ? imagine the spirit of di●trephes had entred into some , or a great many of the presbyters , and possessed them with an ambitious desire of a forbidden superiority , was it possible they should attempt and atchieve it once without any opposition or contradiction ? and besides , that the contagion of this ambition , should spread it self and prevail without stop or controul ; nay , without any noise or notice taken of it , through all the churches in the world ; all the watchmen in the mean time being so fast asleep , and all the dogs so dumb , that not so much as one should open his mouth against it ? sect . x. but let us suppose ( though it be a horrible untruth ) that the presbyters and people then , were not so good christians as the presbyterians are now ; that they were generally so negligent to retain the government of christ's church commanded by christ , which we now are so zealous to restore : yet certainly we must not forget nor deny , that they were men as we are . and if we look upon them but as meer natural men ; yet , knowing by experience , how hard a thing it is , even for policy arm'd with power by many attempts and contrivances , and in a long time , to gain upon the liberty of any one people ; undoubtedly we shall never entertain so wild an imagination , as that , among all the christian presbyteries in the world , neither conscience of duty , nor love of liberty , nor aversness from pride and usurpation of others over them , should prevail so much with any one , as to oppose this pretended universal invasion of the kingdom of jesus christ , and the liberty of christians . sect . xi . when i shall see therefore all the fables in the metamorphosis acted and prove stories ; when i shall see all the democracies and aristocracies in the world lye down and sleep , and awake into monarchies : then will i begin to believe that presbyterial government , having continued in the church during the apostles times , should presently after ( against the apostles doctrine and the will of christ ) be whirl'd about like a scene in a masque , and transformed into episcopacy . in the mean time , while these things remain thus incredible , and , in humane reason , impossible , i hope i shall have leave to conclude thus : episcopal government is acknowledged to have been universally received in the church , presently after the apostles times . between the apostles times and this presently after , there was not time enough for , nor possibility of , so great an alteration . and therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended . and therefore episcopacy , being confessed to be so ancient and catholique , must be granted also to be apostolique , quod erat demonstrandum . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * to whom two others also from geneva may be added : daniel chamierus ( in panstratia , tom . . lib. . cap. . sect. . ) and nicol. vedelius ( exercitat . . in epist. ignatii ad philadelph . cap. . & exercit. . in epist. ad mariam , cap. . ) which is fully also demonstrated in d. hammond's dissertations against blondel ( which never were answered , and never will ) by the 〈◊〉 of those who wrote in the very next age after the apostles . the papers which passed at nevv-castle betwixt his sacred majestie and mr alex: henderson concerning the change of church-government. anno dom. . charles i, king of england, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing c a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing c a estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the papers which passed at nevv-castle betwixt his sacred majestie and mr alex: henderson concerning the change of church-government. anno dom. . charles i, king of england, - . henderson, alexander, ?- . aut marshall, william, fl. - , engraver. [ ], , [ ] p. : port. (metal cut) printed [by john grismond] for r. royston, at the angel in ivie-lane, london : m. dc. xl. ix. [ ] printer's name from madan. the frontispiece is signed: guil: marshall sculp:. probably issued with the "eikon basilike". last leaf is blank. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng church polity -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century -- early works to . a r (wing c a). civilwar no the papers which passed at nevv-castle betwixt his sacred majestie and mr alex: henderson: concerning the change of church-government. anno charles i, king of england b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion fidei defensor non enim to spreverunt solum ●ed me spreverunt , ne regnem super ips●● per ecclesiam p●tor . giul : marshall sculp ; the papers which passed at nevv-castle betwixt his sacred majestie and mr alex : henderson : concerning the change of church-government . anno dom. . london . printed for r. royston , at the angel in ivie-lane m. dc.xl.ix . for mr. alex : henderson . his majesties first paper . mr. henderson , i know very well what a great disadvantage it is for me , to maintaine an argument of divinity with so able and learned a man as your self , it being your , not my profession ; which really was the cause that made me desire to heare some learned man argue my opinion with you , of whose abilities i might be confident , that i should not be led into an errour , for want of having all which could be said , layed open unto me : for indeed , my humour is such , that i am still partiall for that side , which i imagine suffers for the weaknesse of those that maintaine it ; alwaies thinking that equall champions would cast the ballance on the other part ; yet since that you ( thinking that it will save time ) desire to goe another way , i shall not contest with you in it , but treating you as my physitian , give you leave to take your owne way of cure ; onely i thought fit to warne you , lest if you , ( not i ) should be mistaken in this , you would be faine ( in a manner ) to begin anew . then know that from my infancy i was blest with the king my fathers love , which , i thanke god , was an unvaluable happinesse to me , all his daies , and among all his cares for my education , his chief was , to settle me right in religion ; in the true knowledge of which , he made himself so eminent to all the world , that , i am sure , none can call in question the brightnesse of his fame in that particular , without shewing their own ignorant base malice : he it was , who laid in me the grounds of christianity , which to this day i have been constant in ; so that whether the worthinesse of my instructor be considered , or the not few yeares that i have been setled in my principles ; it ought to be no strange thing , if it be found no easie worke , to make me alter them : and the rather , that hitherto , i have ( according to saint paul's rule , rom. . . ) been happy in not condemning my selfe , in that thing which i allow : thus having shewed you how , it remaines , to tell you what , i believe , in relation to these present miserable distractions . no one thing made me more reverence the reformation of my mother , the church of england , than that it was done ( according to the apostles defence , act. . . ) neither with multitude , nor with tumult , but legally and orderly ; and by those , whom i conceive to have onely the reforming power ; which with many other inducements , made me alwayes confident that the worke was very perfect , as to essentials ; of which number church-government being undoubtedly one , i put no question , but that would have been likewise altered , if there had been cause ; which opinion of mine , was soone turned into more than a confidence , when i perceived that in this particular ( as i must say of all the rest ) we retained nothing but according as it was deduced from the apostles to be the constant universall custome of the primitive church ; and that it was of such consequence , as by the alteration of it , we should deprive our selves of a lawfull priesthood , and then , how the sacraments can be duly administred , is easie to judge : these are the principall reasons , which make me believe that bishops are necessary for a church , and , i think , sufficient for me ( if i had no more ) not to give my consent for their expulsion out of england ; but i have another obligation , that to my particular , is a no lesse tie of conscience , which is , my coronation oath : now if ( as s. paul saith , rom. . . ) he that doubteth is damned if he eat , what can i expect , if i should , not onely give way knowingly to my peoples sinning , but likewise be perjured my selfe ? now consider , ought i not to keep my selfe from presumptuous sinnes ? and you know who sayes , what doth it profit a man , though he should gaine the whole world , and lose his owne soule ? wherefore my constant maintenance of episcopacy in england , ( where there was never any other government since christianity was in this kingdome ) methinks , should be rather commended than wondered at ; my conscience directing me to maintaine the lawes of the land ; which being onely my endeavours at this time , i desire to know of you , what warrant there is in the word of god , for subjects to endeavour to force their kings conscience ? or to make him alter lawes against his will ? if this be not my present case , i shall be glad to be mistaken ; or , if my judgment in religion hath been misled all this time , i shall be willing to be better directed : till when , you must excuse me , to be constant to the grounds which the king my father taught me . newcastle , may . . c. r. for his majestie , mr. alexander henderson's first paper . sir , . it is your majesties royall goodness , and not my merit , that hath made your majesty to conceive any opinion of my abilities ; which ( were they worthy of the smallest testimony from your majesty ) ought in all duty to be improved for your majesties satisfaction . and this i intended in my coming here at this time , by a free , yet modest expression of the true motives and inducements which drew my mind to the dislike of episcopall government , wherein i was bred in my younger years at the university . like as i did apprehend that it was not your majesties purpose to have the question disputed by divines on both sides ; which i would never ( to the wronging of the cause ) have undertaken alone ; and which seldome or never hath proved an effectuall way , for finding of truth , or moving the minds of men to relinquish their former tenents , dum res transit à judicio in affectum ; witness the polemicks between the papists and us , and among our selves , about the matter now in hand , these many yeares past . . sir , when i consider your majesties education under the hands of such a father , the length of time wherein your majesty hath been setled in your principles of church-government ; the arguments which have continually in private and publique , especially of late at oxford , filled your majesties eares for the divine right thereof ; your coronation oath ; and divers state-reasons which your majesty doth not mention : i doe not wonder , nor think it any strange thing , that your majesty hath not at first given place to a contrary impression . i remember that the famous joannes picus mirandula proveth by irrefragable reasons ( which no rationall man will contradict ) that no man hath so much power over his own understanding , as to make himself believe what he will , or to think that to be true which his reason telleth him is false ; much lesse is it possible for any man to have his reason commanded by the will , or at the pleasure of another . . it is a true saying of the school-men , voluntas imperat intellectui quoad exercitium , non quoad specificationem , mine owne will , or the will of another may command me to thinke upon a matter ; but no will or command can constraine me to determine otherwise then my reason teacheth me . yet sir , i hope your majesty will acknowledge , ( for your paper professeth no lesse ) that according to the saying of ambrose , non est pudor ad meliora transire , it is neither sinne nor shame to change to the better : symmachus in one of his epistles ( i thinke to the emperour theodosius and valentinian ) alleageth all those motives , from education , from prescription of time , from worldly prosperity , and the flourishing condition of the roman empire , and from the lawes of the land , to perswade them to constancy in the ancient pagan profession of the romans , against the imbracing of the christian faith . the like reasons were used by the jewes for moses against christ ; and may be used both for popery and for the papacy it selfe , against the reformation of religion & church-government ; and therefore can have no more strength against the change now , than they had in former times . . but your majesty may perhaps say , that this is petitio principii , and nothing else but the begging of the question ; and i confesse it were so , if there can be no reasons brought for a reformation or change ; your majesty reverences the reformation of the church of england , as being done legally and orderly , and by those who had the reforming power : and i doe not deny , but it were to be wisht , that religion where there is need , were alwaies reformed in that manner , and by such power , and that it were not committed to the prelats , who have greatest need to be reformed themselves , not left to the multitude , whom god stirreth up when princes are negligent : thus did jacob reforme his owne family , moses destroyed the golden calfe , the good kings of judah reformed the church in their time : but that such reformation hath been perfect , i cannot admit . asa tooke away idolatry , but his reformation was not perfect ; for jehosaphat removed the high places , yet was not his reformation perfect , for it was hezekiah that brake the brasen serpent , and josiah destroyed the idol-temples , who therefore beareth this elogie , that like unto him there was no king before him . it is too well knowne that the reformation of k. henry . was most imperfect in the essentials of doctrine , worship , and government ; and although it proceeded by some degrees afterward , yet the government was never reformed , the head was changed , dominus non dominium ; and the whole limbs of the antichristian hierarchy retained , upon what snares and temptations of avarice and ambition , the great enchanters of the clergy , i need not expresse . it was a hard saying of romanorum malleus grosted of lincolne , that reformation was not to be expected , nisi in ore gladii cruentandi : yet this i may say , that the laodicean lukewarmnesse of reformation here , hath been matter of continued complaints to many of the godly in this kingdom ; occasion of more schisme and separation then ever was heard of in any other church ; and of unspeakable griefe and sorrow to other churches , which god did blesse with greater purity of reformation . the glory of this great worke we hope is reserved for your majesty , that to your comfort and everlasting fame the praise of godly josiah may be made yours ; which yet will be no dispraise to your royall father , or edward . or any other religious princes before you ; none of them having so faire an opportunity as is now by the supreme providence put into your royall hands . my soule trembleth to think and to foresee , what may be the event , if this opportunity be neglected . i will neither use the words of mordecay , esth. . . nor what savanarola told another charles , because i hope better things from your majesty . . to the argument brought by your majesty ( which i believe none of your doctors , had they been all about you , could more briefly and yet so fully and strongly have expressed ) [ that nothing was retained in this church but according as it was deduced from the apostles to the constant universall practise of the primitive church ; and that it was of such consequence , as by the alteration of it , we should deprive our selves of the lawfulnesse of priesthood ( i thinke your majesty meanes a lawfull ministry ) and then how the sacraments can be administred , is easie to judge . ] i humbly offer these considerations : first , what was not in the times of the apostles , cannot be deduced from them : we say in scotland , it cannot be brought but , that is not the ben ; but ( not to insist now in a litourgy , and things of that kind ) there was no such hierarchy , no such difference betwixt a bishop and a presbyter , in the times of the apostles , and therefore it cannot thence be deduced ; for i conceive it to be as cleare as if it were written with a sun-beame , that presbyter and bishop are to the apostles one and the same thing , no majority , no inequality or difference of office , power , or degree betwixt the one and the other , but a meer identity in all . . that the apostles intending to set downe the offices and officers of the church , and speaking so often of them , and of their gifts and duties , and that , not upon occasion , but of set purpose ; doe neither expresse nor imply any such pastor or bishop as hath power over other pastors , although it be true , that they have distinctly and particularly exprest the office , gifts , and duties of the meanest officers , such as deacons . . that in the ministery of the new testament there is a comely , beautifull , and divine order and subordination ; one kind of ministers both ordinary and extraordinary being placed in degree and dignity one before another , as the apostles first , the evangelists , pastors , doctors , &c. in their owne ranks : bnt we cannot find in offices of the same kind , that one hath majority of power , or priority of degree before another ; no apostle above other apostles ( unlesse in morall respects ) no evangelist above other evangelists ; of deacon above other deacons ; why then a pastor above other pastors ? in all other sorts of ministers ordinary and extraordinary a parity in their owne kind , only in the office of pastor an inequality . . that the whole power and all the parts of the ministry , which are commonly called , the power of order and jurisdiction , are by the apostles declared to be common to the presbyter and bishop : and that , mat. . , . the gradation in matter of discipline or church censures , is from one , to two , or more ; and if he shall neglect them , tell it to the church ; he saith not , tell it to the bishop : there is no place left to a retrogradation from more to one , were he never so eminent . if these considerations doe not satisfie , your majesty may have more , or the same further cleared . . secondly , i doe humbly desire your majesty to take notice of the fallacy of that argument , from the practice of the primitive church , and the universall consent of the fathers . it is the argument of the papists for such traditions as no orthodox divine will admit . the law and testimony must be the rule . we can have no certaine knowledge of the practice universall of the church for many years ; eusebius the prime historian confesseth so much : the learned josephus scaliger testifieth , that from the end of the acts of the apostles untill a good time after , no certainty can be had from ecclesiasticall authors about church matters . it is true , diotrephes sought the preheminence in the apostles times , and the mystery of iniquity did then begin to work ; and no doubt in after-times some puffed up with ambition , and others overtaken with weaknesse , endevoured alteration of church government , but that all the learned and godly of those times consented to such a change as is talked of afterwards , will never be proved . . thirdly , i will never think that your majesty will deny the lawfulnesse of a ministery , and the due administration of the sacraments in the reformed churches , which have no diocesan bishops , sith it is not only manifest by scripture , but a great many of the strongest champions for episcopacy , doe confesse , that presbyters may ordaine other presbyters ; and that baptisme administred by a private person , wanting a publick calling , or by a midwife , and by a presbyter , although not ordained by a bishop , are not one and the same thing . . concerning the other argument taken from your majesties coronation oath ; i confesse , that both in the taking and keeping of an oath ( so sacred a thing is it , and so high a point of religion ) much tendernesse is required : and farre be it from us , who desire to observe our owne solemne oath , to presse your majesty with the violation of yours . yet sir , i will crave your leave , in all humblenesse and sincerity to lay before your majesties eyes this one thing , ( which perhaps might require a larger discourse ) that although no humane authority can dispense with an oath , quia religio juramenti pertinet ad forum divinum ; yet in some cases it cannot be denied but the obligation of an oath ceaseth : as when we swear homage and obedience to our lord and superiour , who afterwards ceaseth to be our lord and superiour ; for then the formall cause of the oath is taken away , and therefore the obligation ▪ sublata causa tollitur effectus ; sublato relato , tollitur correlatum . or when any oath hath a speciall reference to the benefit of those to whom i make the promise , if we have their desire or consent , the obligation ceaseth ; because all such oaths from the nature of the thing , doe include a condition . when the parliaments of both kingdomes , have covenanted for the abolishing or altering of a law , your majesties oath doth not binde you , or your conscience to the observing of it ; otherwise no lawes could be altered by the legislative power . this i conceive hath been the ground of removing episcopall government in scotland , and of removing the bishops out of the parliament of england . and i assure my selfe , that your majesty did not intend at the taking of your oath , that although both houses of parliament should find an alteration necessary , although ( which god almighty avert ) you should lose your selfe , and your posterity , and crowne , that you would never consent to the abolishing of such a law . if your majesty still object , that the matter of the oath is necessary & immutable ; that doth not belong to this , but to the former argument . . i have but one word more concerning your piety to your royall father , and teacher of happy memory , with which your majesty does conclude . your majesty knows that king james never admitted episcopacy upon divine right ; that his majesty did sweare and subscribe to the doctrine , worship , and discipline of the church of scotland ; that in the preface of the latter edition of basilicon doron , his majesty gives an honourable testimony to those that loved better the simplicity of the gospel , than the pomp and ceremonies of the church of england , and that he conceived the prelats to savour of the popish hierarchy , and that ( could his ghost now speake to your majesty ) he would not advise your majesty to run such hazards for those men who will chuse rather to pull downe your throne with their own ruine , than that they perish alone . the lord give your majesty a wise and discerning spirit to chuse that in time which is right . june . . for mr. alex : henderson , a reply to his answer to my first paper , june . . his majesties second paper . mr. henderson , if it had been the honour of the cause which i looked after , i would not have undertaken to put pen to paper , or singly to have maintained this argument against you ( whose answer to my former paper is sufficient , without other proofs , to justifie my opinion of your abilities ) but , it being meerly ( as you know ) for my particular satisfaction , i assure you that a disputation of well chosen divines , would be most effectuall ; and , i believe you cannot but grant , that i must best know , how my self may be best satisfied , for certainly my taste cannot be guided by another mans palate , and indeed i will say , that when it comes ( as it must ) to probations , i must have either persons or books to cleare the allegations , or it will be impossible to give me satisfaction : the fore-seeing of which , made me at first ( for the saving of time ) desire that some of those divines , which i gave you in a list , might be sent for . . concerning your second section , i were much too blame , if i should not submit to that saying of s. ambrose which you mention , for i would be unwilling to be found lesse ingenuous than you shew your selfe to be in the former part of it ; wherefore my reply is , that as i shall not be ashamed to change for the better , so i must see that it is better before i change , otherwise inconstancy in this were both sin and shame ; and remember ( what your selfe hath learnedly enforced ) that no mans reason can be commanded by another mans will . . your third begins , but i cannot say that it goes on , with that ingenuity , which the other did ; for i doe not understand , how those examples cited out of the old testament do any way prove that the way of reformation , which i commend , hath not been the most perfect , or , that any other is lawfull , those having been all by the regall authority ; and because henry the eights reformation was not perfect , will it prove that of k. edward and q. elizabeth to be unperfect ? i believe a new moode and figure must be found out to forme a syllogisme , whereby to prove that : but however , you are mistaken ; for , no man who truely understands the english reformation , will derive it from henry the eight , for he onely gave the occasion ; it was his sonne who began , and q. elizabeth that perfected it ; nor did i ever averre , that the beginning of any humane action was perfect , no more then you can prove that god hath ever given approbation to multitudes to reforme the negligence of princes : for , you know , there is much difference between permission , and approbation : but all this time , i find no reasons ( according to your promise ) for a reformation , or change ( i mean since q. elizabeths time . ) as for your romanorum malleus his saying ; it is well you come of it , with [ yet this i may say ] for it seems to imply , as if you neither ought nor would justifie that bloudy ungodly saying : and for your comparing our reformation here to the laodicean lukewarmnesse , proved by complaints , grievings , &c. all that doth , and but unhandsomely , petere principium ; nor can generalls satisfie me ; for , you must first prove , that those men had reason to complaine , those churches to be grieved , and how we were truely the causers of this schisme and separation : as for those words which you will not use , i will not answer . . here indeed you truly repeat the first of my two maine arguments ; but by your favour , you take ( as i conceive ) a wrong way to convince me ; it is i must make good the affirmative , for i believe a negative cannot be proved ; instead of which , if you had made appear the practice of the presbyterian government in the primitive times , you had done much ; for i doe averre , that this government was never practised before calvin's time ; the affirmative of which , i leave you to prove ; my taske , being to shew the lawfulnesse , and succession of episcopacy , and , as i believe , the necessity of it : for doing whereof , i must have such books as i shall call for ; which possibly upon perusall , may , one way or other , give me satisfaction ; but i cannot absolutely promise it without the assistance of some learned man , whom i can trust , to find out all such citations , as i have use of : wherefore blame me not , if time be unnecessarily lost . . now for the fallaciousnesse of my argument ( to my knowledge ) it was never my practice , nor doe i confesse to have begun now ; for , if the practice of the primitive church , and the universal consent of the fathers , be not a convincing argument , when the interpretation of scripture is doubtfull , i know nothing ; for , if this be not , then of necessity the interpretation of private spirits must be admitted : the which contradicts saint peter , pet. . . is the mother of all sects , and will ( if not prevented ) bring these kingdomes into confusion : and to say , that an argument is ill , because the papists use it , or , that such a thing is good , because it is the custome of some of the reformed churches ; cannot weigh with me , untill you prove , these to be infallible , or that to maintaine no truth : and how diotrephes ambition ( who directly opposed the apostle s. john ) can be an argument against episcopacy , i doe not understand . . when i am made a judge over the reformed churches , then , and not before , will i censure their actions ; as you must prove , before i confesse it , that presbyters without a bishop , may lawfully ordain other presbyters : and as for the administration of baptisme , as i thinke none will say , that a woman can lawfully , or duely administer it , though when done , it be valid ; so none ought to doe it , but a lawfull presbyter , whom you cannot deny , but to be absolutely necessary for the sacrament of the eucharist . . you make a learned succinct discourse of oathes in generall , and their severall obligations , to which i fully agree ; intending , in the particular now in question , to be guided by your owne rule , which is [ when any oath hath a speciall reference to the benefit of those to whom i make the promise , if we have their desire , or consent , the obligation ceaseth ] now , it must be known , to whom this oath hath reference , and to whose benefit ? the answer is cleare , onely to the church of england ; as by the record will be plainly made appeare ; and you much mistake in alleaging , that the two houses of parliament ( especially as they are now constituted ) can have this disobligatory power , for , ( besides that they are not named in it ) i am confident to make it clearly appeare to you , that this church never did submit , nor was subordinate to them ; and that it was onely the king and clergy , who made the reformation , the parliament meerly serving to help to give the civill sanction : all this being proved ( of which i make no question ) it must necessarily follow , that it is onely the church of england ( in whose favour i took this oath ) that can release me from it : wherefore when the church of england ( being lawfully assembled ) shall declare that i am free , then , and not before , i shall esteem my self so . . to your last , concerning the king my father , of happy and famous memory , both for his piety and learning ; i must tell you , that i had the happinesse , to know him much better than you ; wherefore i desire you , not to be too confident , in the knowledge of his opinions ; for , i dare say , should his ghost now speake , he would tell you , that a bloudy reformation was never lawfull , as not warranted by gods word , and that preces & lacrymae sunt arma ecclesiae . . to conclude , having replied to all your paper , i cannot but observe to you , that you have given me no answer to my last quaere ; it may be you are ( as chaucer sayes ) like the people of england , what they not like , they never understand : but in earnest , that question is so pertinent to the purpose in hand , that it will much serve for my satisfaction ; and besides it may be usefull for other things . newcastle , june . . c. r. for his majestie . mr. alexander henderson's second paper . sir , the smaller the encouragements be , in relation to the successe , ( which how small they are , your majesty well knowes : ) the more apparent , and , i hope , the more acceptable will my obedience be , in that which in all humility i now go about , at your majesties command : yet while i consider , that the way of man is not in himselfe , nor is it in man that walketh , to direct his owne steps ; and when i remember how many supplications , with strong crying and tears , have been openly and in secret offered up in your majesties behalfe , unto god that heareth prayer , i have no reason to despaire of a blessed successe . . i have been averse , from a disputation of divines , . for saving of time ; which the present exigence & extremity of affairs , make more then ordinarily pretious ; while archimedes at syracuse was drawing his figures & circlings in the sand , marcellus interupted his demonstration . . because the common result of disputes of this kind , answerable to the prejudicate opinions of the parties , is rather victory then verity ; while tanquam tentativi dialectici , they study more to overcome their adverse party , than to be overcome of truth , although this be the most glorious victory . . when i was commanded to come hither , no such thing was proposed to me , nor expected by me . i never judged so meanly of the cause , nor so highly of my selfe , as to venture it upon such weaknesse . much more might be spoken to this purpose ; but i forbeare . . i will not further trouble your majesty with that which is contained in the second section , hoping that your majesty will no more insist upon education , prescription of time , &c. which are sufficient to prevent admiration , but ( which your majesty acknowledges ) must give place to reason , and are no sure ground of resolution of our faith , in any point to be believed : although it be true that the most part of men make these and the like , to be the ground and rule of their faith : an evidence , that their faith is not a divine faith , but an humane credulity . . concerning reformation of religion in the third section ; i had need of a preface to so thorny a theame , as your majesty hath brought me upon ; . for the reforming power ; it is conceived , when a generall defection , like a deluge , hath covered the whole face of the church , so that scarcely the tops of the mountains doe appeare , a generall councell is necessary ; but , because that can hardly be obtained , severall kingdomes ( which we see was done , at the time of the reformation ) are to reforme themselves , and that by the authority of their prince , and magistrates : if the prince or supreme magistrate , be unwilling , then may the inferior magistrate , and the people , being before rightly , informed in the grounds of religion , lawfully reforme , within their owne sphere ; and if the light shine upon all , or the major part , they may , after all other meanes assayed , make a publique reformation . this , before this time , i never wrote or spoke ; yet the maintainers of this doctrine , conceive that they are able to make it good . but , sir , were i worthy to give advice to your majesty , or to the kings and supreme powers on earth , my humble opinion would be , that they should draw the minds , tongues , and pens of the learned , to dispute about other matter , then the power or prerogative of kings and princes ; and in this kind , your majesty hath suffered and lost more , then will easily be restored to your selfe or your posterity , for a long time . it is not denied but the prime reforming power , is in kings and princes , quibus — deficientibus , it comes to the inferior magistrate , quibus deficientibus , it descendeth to the body of the people ; supposing that there is a necessity of reformation , and that by no meanes it can be obtained of their superiors . it is true that such a reformation , is more imperfect , in respect of the instruments , and manner of procedure ; yet for the most part , more pure and perfect in relation to the effect and product . and for this end did i cite the examples of old of reformation by regall authority ; of which none was perfect , in the second way of perfection , except that of josiah . concerning the saying of grostead , whom the cardinals at rome confest to be a more godly man , than any of themselves ; it was his complaint , and prediction of what was likely to ensue , not his desire , or election , if reformation could have been obtained , in the ordinary way . i might bring two unpartiall witnesses , jewel and bilson , both famous english bishops , to prove that the tumults and troubles raised in scotland , at the time of reformation , were to be imputed to the papists opposing of the reformation , both of doctrine and discipline , as an hereticall innovation ; and not to be ascribed to the nobility , or people , who under god , were the instruments of it ; intending and seeking nothing , but the purging out of errour , and setling of the truth . . concerning the reformation of the church of england , i conceive , whether it was begun or not , in k. henry the . time , it was not finished by q. elizabeth : the father stirred the humors of the diseased church ; but neither the sonne nor the daughter ( although we have great reason to blesse god for both ) did purge them out perfectly : this perfection is yet reserved for your majesty : where it is said , that all this time i bring no reasons , for a further change ; the fourth section , of my last paper , hath many hints of reasons against episcopall government , with an offer of more , or clearing of those ; which your majesty hath not thought fit to take notice of . and learned men , have observed many defects in that reformation : as that the government of the church of england , ( for about this is the question now ) is not builded upon the foundation of christ and the apostles ; which they , at least cannot deny , who professe church-government to be mutable and ambulatory ; and such were the greater part of arch-bishops and bishops in england , contenting themselves with the constitutions of the church , and the authority and munificence of princes , till of late , that some few have pleaded it to be jure divino : that , the english reformation hath not perfectly purged out the roman leven ; which is one of the reasons that have given ground to the comparing of this church to the church of laodicaea , as being neither hot nor cold , neither popish nor reformed , but of a lukewarme temper , betwixt the two : that it hath depraved the discipline of the church , by conforming of it to the civil policy : that it hath added many church offices , higher & lower , unto those instituted by the son of god ; which is as unlawfull as to take away offices warranted by the divine institution : and other the like , which have moved some to apply this saying to the church of england , multi ad perfectionem pervenirent , nisi jam se pervenisse crederent . . in my answer to the first of your majesties many arguments , i brought a breviate of some reasons to prove , that a bishop and presbyter are one and the same in scripture : from which , by necessary consequence , i did inferre the negative ; therefore , no difference in scripture between a bishop and a presbyter ; the one name signifying , industriam curiae pastoralis ; the other , sapientiae maturitatem , saith beda . and whereas your majesty averres , that presbyterian government was never practised , before calvin's time ; your majesty knows , the common objection of the papists , against the reformed churches ; where was your church , your reformation , your doctrine , before luther's time ? one part of the common answer is , that it was from the beginning , and is to be found in scripture : the same i affirme of presbyterian government : and for proving of this , the assembly of divines at westminster , have made manifest , that the primitive christian church at jerusalem was governed by a presbytery : while they shew , . that that the church of jerusalem consisted of more congregations than one , from the multitude of believers , from the many apostles , and other preachers in that church , and from the diversity of languages among the believers . . that all these congregations , were under one presbyteriall government , because they were , for government , one church , acts . , . and because that church was governed by elders , acts . . which were elders of that church , and did meet together for acts of government : and the apostles themselves , in that meeting , acts . acted not as apostles , but as elders ; stating the question , debating it , in the ordinary way of disputation ; and having , by search of scripture , found the will of god , they conclude , it seemed good to the holy ghost and us : which in the judgement of the learned , may be spoken by any assembly , upon like evidence of scripture . the like presbyterian government had place in the churches of corinth , ephesus , thessalonica , &c. in the times of the apostles ; and after them , for many years , when one of the presbytery was made episcopus praeses , even then , communi presbyterorum confilio , ecclesiae gubernabantur , saith jerome ; & episcopos magis consuetudine , quam dispositionis divinae veritate , presbyteris esse majores , & in commune debere ecclesiam regere . . farre be it from me to think such a thought , as that your majesty did intend any fallacy , in your other maine argument , from antiquity . as we are to distinguish between intentio operantis , & conditio operis ; so may we in this case consider the difference between intentio argumentantis , & conditio argumenti . and where your majesty argues , that , if your opinion be not admitted , we will be forced to give place to the interpretation of private spirits , which is contrary to the doctrine of the apostle peter , and will prove to be of dangerous consequence ; i humbly offer to be considered by your majesty , what some of chief note among the papists themselves have taught us , that the interpretation of scriptures , and the spirits whence they proceed , may be called private , in a threefold sense . . ratione personae , if the interpreter be of a private condition . . ratione modi & medii , when persons , although not private , use not the publique meanes which are necessary for finding out the truth , but follow their owne fancies . . ratione finis , when the interpretation is not proposed as authenticall to bind others , but is intended onely for our owne private satisfaction . the first is not to be despised ; the second is to be exploded , and is condemned by the apostle peter ; the third ought not to be censured : but that interpretation which is authenticall , and of supreme authority , which even mans conscience is bound to yeild unto , is of an higher nature . and , although the generall councell should resolve it , and the consent of the fathers should be had unto it , yet there must alwaies be place left to the judgment of discretion , as davenant , late bishop of salisbury , beside divers others , hath learnedly made appeare in his booke , de judice controversiarum ; where also the power of kings in matter of religion , is solidly and unpartially determined . two words onely i adde ; one is , that notwithstanding all that is pretended from antiquity , a bishop having sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , will never be found in prime antiquity . the other is , that many of the fathers did , unwittingly , bring forth that anti-christ , which was conceived in the times of the apostles , and therefore are incompetent judges in the question of hierarchy . and upon the other part , the lights of the christian church , at , and since the beginning of the reformation , have discovered many secrets , concerning the anti-christ and his hierarchy , which were not knowne to former ages : and diverse of the learned , in the roman church , have not feared to pronounce , that , whosoever denies the true and literall sense of many texts of scripture , to have been found out in this last age , is unthankfull to god , who hath so plentifully powred forth his spirit upon the children of this generation , and ungratefull towards those men , who with so great paines , so happy successe , & so much benefit to gods church , have travailed therein : this might be instanced in many places of scripture : i wind together diotrephes and the mystery of iniquity , the one , as an old example of church-ambition , which was also too palpable in the apostles themselves ; and the other as a cover of ambition , afterwards discovered ; which two , brought forth the great mystery of the papacy at last . . although your majesty be not made a judge of the reformed churches , yet you so farre censure them , and their actions , as , without bishops , in your judgment , they cannot have a lawfull ministery , nor a due administration of the sacraments : against which dangerous & destructive opinion , i did alledge what i supposed , your majesty would not have denied , . that presbyters without a bishop , may ordaine other presbyters . . that baptisme , administred by such a presbyter , is another thing than baptisme administred by a private person , or by a midwife . of the first your majesty calls for proofe : i told before that in scripture , it is manifest , tim. . . neglect nor the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by the prophesie , with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery ; so it is in the english translation : and the word presbytery , so often as it is used in the new testament , alwaies signifies the persons , and not the office . and although the offices of bishop and presbyter were distinct ; yet doth not the presbyter derive his power of order , from the bishop . the evangelists were inferiour to the apostles ; yet had they their power , not from the apostles , but from christ : the same i affirme of the disciples , who had their power immediately from christ , no lesse than the apostles had theirs . it may upon better reason be averred , that the bishops have their power from the pope , than that presbyters have their power from the prelats . it is true , jerome saith , quid facit , exceptâ ordinatione episcopus , quod non facit presbyter ; but in the same place he proves from scripture , that episcopus & presbyter are one and the same ; and therefore when he appropriates ordination to the bishop , he speaketh of the degenerated custome of his time . . concerning baptisme , a private person may perform the external action and rites , both of it and of the eucharist ; yet is neither of the two a sacrament , or hath any efficacy , unlesse it be done by him that is lawfully called thereunto , or by a person made publique and clothed with authority by ordination . this errour in the matter of baptisme , is begot by another errour , of the absolute necessity of baptisme . . to that which hath been said , concerning your majesties oath , i shall adde nothing ; not being willing to enter upon the question , of the subordination of the church to the civill power , whether to king , or parliament , or both , and to either of them , in their owne place . such an headship as the kings of england hath claimed , and such a supremacy as the houses of parliament crave , with appeales from the supreme ecclesiasticall judicature to them as set over the church , in the same line of subordination , i doe utterly disclaime upon such reasons as give my selfe satisfaction , although no man shall be more willing to submit to civill powers , each one in their owne place ; and more unwilling to make any trouble than my selfe : onely concerning the application of the generalls of an oath , to the particular case now in hand ; under favor , i conceive not how the clergy of the church of england , is , or ought to be principally intended , in your oath : for , although they were esteemed to be the representative church , yet even that is for the benefit of the church collective , salus populi , being suprema lex , and to be principally intended . your majesty knowes it was so in the church of scotland , where the like alteration was made . and , if nothing of this kind can be done without the consent of the clergy , what reformation can be expected in france , or spaine , or rome it selfe ? it is not to be expected , that the pope , or prelate will consent to their owne ruine . . i will not presume upon any secret knowledge of the opinions held by the king , your majesties father , of famous memory ; they being much better known to your majesty , i did onely produce , what was profest by him , before the world : and although prayers and tears be the arms of the church ; yet , it is neither acceptable to god , nor conducible for kings and princes , to force the church to put on these armes : nor could i ever heare a reason , why a necessary defensive warre against unjust violence is unlawfull , although it be joyned with offence and invasion which is intended for defence , but so that armes are layed down when the offensive warre ceaseth : by which it doth appeare , that the warre on the other side , was , in the nature thereof , defensive . . concerning the forcing of conscience , which i pretermitted in my other paper , i am forced now , but without forcing of my conscience , to speake of . our conscience may be said to be forced ; either by our selves , or by others . by our selves , . when we stop the eare of our conscience and will not hearken , or give place to information , resolving obstinately , ne si persuaseris , persuadebis ; which is no lesse then a resisting of the holy ghost , and the hardning of our hearts . . or when we stop the mouth , and suppresse the clamours of our conscience ; resolving rather to suffer the worme to gnaw , and the fire to burne inwardly , then to make profession of that we are convinced to be truth . . or when we seare our conscience , as with an hot iron , that it becometh senslesse ; which is the punishment of the former : unto which is opposed , the truly tender conscience ; such as josiah had , king. . . againe , . our conscience is said to be forced by others , when they obtrude upon us what is in it self evill and unlawfull ; which if we admit , against our own conscience , we sin , two waies ; one is , by doing that which is in it self evill and unlawfull ; the other is , by doing it against a dictate of conscience , which is a contempt of god , whose vicegerent it is . . or when others urge us to do that which is in it selfe good , or may lawfully be done , but through error of conscience , we judge it to be evill and unlawfull : in this case , if we do not that which is prest upon us , we sin , because the thing is good and lawfull : and if we doe it , we sin , because we do against our conscience . which in this case bindeth , but obligeth not : and yet there is a way to escape out of this labyrinth , it being repugnant to the equity of the will of god to lay a necessity of sinning upon any man : the onely way is , to lay aside such a conscience , it being a part of the old man , which we are commanded to put off ; otherwise , we being sufficiently informed , and yet cleaving to our old error , we rather doe violence to our conscience our selves than suffer violence from others . the application , for answering the quaere , i leave to your majesty . newcastle , june . . for mr. alex : henderson . in reply to his second paper , june . . his majesties third paper . . it were arrogance , besides losse of time , in me to vie preambles with you ; for , it is truth i seek , and neither praise , nor victory ; wherefore i shall onely insist upon those things which are meerly necessary to my owne satisfaction ; in order to which , i desired the assistance of some divines ; whereupon i will insist no further , save onely to wish , that you may not ( as i have knowne many men doe ) lose time by being mistaken in the way to save it , wherein i have onely sought to disburden my selfe , but to lay no blame upon you , and so i leave it . . nor will i say more of the second then this , that i am glad you have so well approved of what i have said concerning my education and reason ; but then remember , that another mans will , is at least , as weake a ground , to build my faith upon , as my former education . . in this there are two points ; first , concerning the reforming power , then anent the english reformation ; for the first , i confesse you now speak clearly , which before you did but darkly mention , wherein i shall mainly differ with you , untill you shall shew me better reason : yet thus farre i will goe along with you , that when a generall councell cannot be had , severall kingdomes may reforme themselves , ( which is learnedly and fully proved by the late archbishop of canterbury in his disputation against fisher ) but , that the inferior magistrates or people ( take it which way you will ) have this power , i utterly deny ; for which , by your favour , you have yet made no sufficient proofe , to my judgement : indeed , if you could have brought , or can bring authority of scripture , for this opinion , i would and will , yet , with all reverence submit ; but as for your examples , out of the old testament , in my mind , they rather make for , than against me , all those reformations being made by kings ; and it is a good probable ( though i will not say convincing ) argument , that if god would have approved of a popular reforming way , there were kings of judah & israel sufficiently negligent and ill to have made such examples by ; but by the contrary , the . chap. of numbers shewes clearly , how god disapproves of such courses : but i forget this assertion is to be proved by you ; yet i may put you in the way , wherefore let me tell you that this pretended power in the people , must ( as all others ) either be directly , or else declaratorily by approbation , given by god ; which , how soon you can doe , i submit ; otherwise you prove nothing : for the citing of private mens opinions ( more then as they concurre with the generall consent of the church in their time ) weighs little with me , it being too well known , that rebels never wanted writers to maintain their unjust actions ; and though i much reverence bishop jewels memory , i never thought him infallible ; for bilson i remember well what opinion the king my father had of him for those opinions , and how he shewed him some favour in hope of his recantation , ( as his good nature made him do many things of that kind ) but whether he did , or not , i cannot say : to conclude this point , untill you shall prove this position by the word of god , ( as i will regall authority ) i shall think all popular reformation , little better than rebellions ; for , i hold that no authority is lawfull but that which is either directly given , or at least , approved by god . ly . concerning the english reformation , the first reason you bring why q. elizabeth did not finish it , is , because she tooke not away episcopacy , the hits of reason against which government , you say , i take no notice of ; now i thought it was sufficient notice , yea and answer too , when i told you , a negative ( as i conceived ) could not be proved , and that it was for me to prove the affirmative ; which i shall either doe , or yeild the argument , as soone as i shall be assisted with bookes , or such men of my opinion , who , like you , have a library in their braine : and so i must leave this particular , untill i be furnished with means to put it to an issue ; which had been sooner done , if i could have had my will : indeed your second well proved , is most sufficient , which is , that the english church government is not builded upon the foundation of christ and the apostles ; but i conceive your probation of this , doubly defective ; for first , albeit our archbishops and bishops should have professed church-government to be mutable & ambulatory , i conceive it not sufficient to prove your assertion : and secondly , i am confident you cannot prove , that most of them maintained this walking position , ( for some particulars must not conclude the generall ) for which you must find much better arguments than their being content with the constitution of the church , and the authority and munificence of princes , or you will fall extreamly short : as for the retaining of the roman leven , you must prove it , as well as say it , else you say little : but that the conforming of the church discipline to the civill policy , should be a depraving of it , i absolutely deny ; for i averre , that without it , the church can neither flourish , nor be happy : and for your last instance , you shall doe well to shew the prohibition of our saviour against addition of more officers in the church than he named ; and yet in one sense i doe not conceive that the church of england hath added any ; for , an archbishop is onely a distinction for order of government , not a new officer , and so of the rest ; and of this kind , i believe there are diverse now in scotland which you will not condemne , as the moderators of assemblies , and others . . where you find a bishop , and presbyter , in scripture , to be one and the same ( which i deny to be alwaies so ) it is in the apostles time ; now i think to prove the order of bishops succeeded that of the apostles , and that the name was chiefly altered , in reverence to those who were immediately chosen by our saviour , ( albeit , in their time , they caused diverse to be called so , as barnabas and others ) so that , i believe , this argument makes little for you : as for your proofe of the antiquity of presbyterian government , it is well that the assembly of divines at westminster can doe more then eusebius could , and i shal believe , when i see it ; for , your former paper affirmes , that those times were very dark for matter of fact , and will be so still for me if there be no clearer arguments to prove it , than those you mention : for , because there were diverse congregations in jerusalem ; ergo , what ? are there not divers parishes in one diocesse ? ( your two first i answer but as one argument ) and because the apostles met with those of the inferiour orders , for acts of government ; what then ? even so in these times doe the deanes and chapters , and many times those of the inferiour clergy assist the bishops ; but i hope you will not pretend to say , that there was an equality between the apostles and other presbyters , which not being , doth ( in my judgment ) quite invalidate these arguments : and if you can say no more for the churches of corinth , ephesus , thessalonica , &c. than you have for jerusalem , it will gaine no ground on me : as for saint jerome , it is well knowne that he was no great friend to bishops , as being none himselfe , yet take him altogether , and you will find that he makes a clear distinction between a bishop and a presbyter , as your self confesses ; but the truth is , he was angry with those who maintained deacons to be equall to presbyters . . i am well satisfied with the explanation of your meaning concerning the word fallacy , though i think to have had reason for saying what i did : but by your favour , i doe not conceive that you have answered the strength of my argument , for when you and i differ upon the interpretation of scripture , and i appeale to the practise of the primitive church , and the universall consent of the fathers , to be judge between us , methinks you should either find a fitter , or submit to what i offer ; neither of which ( to my understanding ) you have yet done ; nor have you shewne how , waving those judges i appeale unto , the mischief , of the interpretation by private spirits , can be prevented . indeed , if i cannot prove by antiquity , that ordination and jurisdiction belongs to bishops , ( thereby cleerly distinguishing them from other presbyters ) i shall then begin to misdoubt many of my former foundations ; ( as for bishop davenant , he is none of those , to whom i have appealed , or will submit unto ) but for the exception you take to fathers , i take it to be a begging of the question ; as likewise those great discoveries of secrets , not knowne to former ages , i shall call new-invented fancies , untill particularly you shall prove the contrary ; and for your roman authours , it is no great wonder for them to seek shifts whereby to maintaine novelties , as well as the puritans : as for church-ambition , it doth not at all terminate , in seeking to be pope ; for , i take it to be no point of humility to endeavour to be independent of kings , it being possible , that papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous as in one . . as i am no judge over the reformed churches , so neither doe i censure them , for many things may be avowable upon necessity , which otherwaies are unlawfull ; but know , once for all , that i esteeme nothing the better because it is done by such a particular church ( though it were by the church of england , which i avow most to reverence ) but i esteem that church most , which comes nearest to the purity of the primitive doctrine and discipline , as i believe this doth . now concerning ordination , i bad you prove that presbyters without a bishop might lawfully ordaine , which yet i conceive you have not done ; for , tim. . . it is evident , that saint paul was at timothies ordination ; and albeit that all the seventy had their power immediately from christ , yet it is as evident that our saviour made a clear distinction between the twelve apostles and the rest of the disciples , which is set downe by three of the evangelists , whereof s. marke calls it an ordination , mark . . & s. luke sayes , and of them he chose twelve , &c. luke . . onely s. matthew doth but barely enumerate them by their name of distinction , mat. . . i suppose out of modesty , himselfe being one , and the other two being none , are more particular . for the administration of baptisme , giving , but not granting what you say , it makes more for me , than you : but i will not engage upon new questions , not necessary for my purpose . . for my oath , you doe well not to enter upon those questions you mention ; and you had done as well to have omitted your instance ; but , out of discretion , i desire you to collect your answer out of the last section ; and for your argument , though the intention of my oath be for the good of the church collective , therefore can i be dispensed withall by others than the representative body ? certainly no more than the people can dispense with me for any oaths i took in their favours , without the two houses of parliament ; as for future reformations , i will only tell you that incommodum non solvit argumentum . . for the king my fathers opinion , if it were not to spend time ( as i believe ) needlesly , i could prove by living and written testimonies , all , and more , then i have said of him , for his perswasion in these points which i now maintain ; and for your defensive war , as i do acknowledge it a great sin for any king to oppresse the church , so i hold it absolutely unlawfull for subjects ( upon any pretence whatsoever ) to make war ( though defensive ) against their lawfull soveraigne ; against which no less proofs will make me yeild but gods word ; and let me tell you , that upon such points as these , instances , as well as comparisons , are odious . . lastly , you mistake the quaere in my first paper to which this pretends to answer ; for my question was not concerning force of arguments ( for i never doubted the lawfulnesse of it ) but force of armes , to which , i conceive , it sayes little or nothing , unlesse ( after my example ) you refer me to the former section ; that which it doth , is meerly the asking of the question , after a fine discourse of the several wayes of perswading rather than forcing of conscience : i close up this paper , desiring you to take notice , that there is none of these sections but i could have enlarged to many more lines , some to whole pages ; yet i chose to be thus brief , knowing you will understand more by a word than others by a long discourse ; trusting likewise to your ingenuity , that reason epitomized , will weigh as much with you as if it were at large . june . . c. r. for his majestie , concerning the authority of the fathers , and practice of the church . july . . mr. alex : henderson's third paper . having in my former papers pressed the steps of your majesties propositions , and finding by your majesties last paper , controversies to be multiplyed , ( i believe ) beyond your majesties intentions in the beginning ; as concerning the reforming power : the reformation of the church of england ; the difference betwixt a bishop and a presbyter ; the warrants of presbyterian government ; the authority of interpreting scripture ; the taking and keeping of publique oathes ; the forcing of conscience ; and many other inferior and subordinate questions , which are branches of those maine controversies : all which in a satisfactory manner to determine in few words , i leave to more presuming spirits , who either see no knots of difficulties , or can find a way rather to cut them assunder , than to unloose them : yet will i not use any tergiversation ; nor doe i decline to offer my humble opinion with the reasons thereof , in the owne time concerning each of them ; which in obedience to your majesties command , i have begun to doe alalready . onely sir , by your majesties favourable permission , for the greater expedition , and that the present velitations may be brought to some issue , i am bold to entreat that the method may be a little altered , and i may have leave now to begin at a principle , and that which should have been , inter precognita ; i meane the rule , by which we are to proceed , and to determine the present controversie of church policy ; without which we will be led into a labyrinth , and want a thred to wind us out againe . in your majesties first paper , the universall custome of the primitive church , is conceived to be the rule . in the second paper , section the . the practise of the primitive church , and the universall consent of the fathers , is made a convincing argument , when the interpretation of scripture is doubtfull ; in your third paper , sect. . the practice of the primitive church , and the universall consent of the fathers , is made judge ; and i know , that nothing is more ordinary in this question , then to alleage antiquity , perpetuall succession , universall consent of the fathers , and the universall practise of the primitive church , according to the rule of augustine , quod universa tenet ecclesia , nec à consilio institutum , sed semper retentum est , non , nisi authoritate apostolicâ , traditum rectissime creditur . there is in this argument at the first view , so much appearance of reason , that it may much worke upon a modest mind ; yet being well examined and rightly weighed it will be found to be of no great weight ; for beside that the minor will never be made good in the behalfe of a diocaesan bishop , having sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , there being a multitude of fathers , who maintaine that bishop and presbyter are of one and the same order ; i shall humbly offer some few considerations about the major , because it hath been an inlet to many dangerous errors , and hath proved a mighty hinderance and obstruction to reformation of religion . . first , i desire it may be considered , that whiles some make two rules for defining controversies ; the word of god and antiquity , ( which they will have to be received with equall veneration ) or , as the papists call them , canonicall authority , and catholicall tradition ; and others , make scripture to be the onely rule , and antiquity the authentick interpreter ; the latter of the two seemes to me to be the greater errour : because the first setteth up a parallel , in the same degree with scripture ; but this would create a superior , in a higher degree above scripture : for the interpretation of the fathers shall be the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and accounted the very cause and reason for which we conceive and believe such a place of scripture to have such a sence ; and thus , men shall have dominion over our faith , against cor. . . our faith shall stand in the wisdome of man , and not in the power of god , cor. . . and scripture shall be of private interpretation ; for the prophesie came not of old by the will of man , pet. . , . nisi homini deus placuerit , deus non erit , homo jam deo propitius esse debebit , saith tertullian . . that scripture cannot be authentically interpreted but by scripture , is manifest from scripture : the levites gave the sense of the law by no other means , but by scripture it self , neh. . . our saviour for example to us , gave the true sense of scripture , against the depravations of satan , by comparing scripture with scripture , and not by alleaging any testimonies out of the rabbins , mat. . and the apostles , in their epistles ; used no other help , but the diligent comparing of propheticall writings ; like as the apostle peter , will have us to compare the clearer light of the apostles , with the more obscure light of the prophets , pet. . . and when we betake our selves to the fathers , we have need to take heed , that , with the papists , we accuse not the scriptures of obscurity or imperfection . . the fathers themselves ( as they are cited by protestant writers ) hold this conclusion , that scripture is not to be interpreted , but by scripture it selfe : to this purpose , amongst many other testimonies , they bring the saying of tertullian , surge veritas , ipsa scripturas tuas interpretare , quam consuetudo non novit ; nam si noscet , non esset : if it knew scripture , it would be ashamed of it selfe , and cease to be any more . . that some errors have been received , and continued for a long time , in the church : the error of free will beginning at justin martyr , continued till the time of reformation , although it was rejected by augustine , as the divine right of episcopacy was opposed by others . the error about the vision of god , that the souls of the saints departed , see not the face of god , till the judgment of the great day , was held by universall consent : the same may be said of the error of the millenaryes ; and , which more nearly toucheth upon the present question , the auncients erred grosly about the antichrist and mystery of iniquity , which did begin to worke in the dayes of the apostles . many other instances might be brought to prove the universall practise of the church , as were not warranted by the apostles ; as in the rites of baptisme and prayer ; and the forming up and drawing together of the articles of that creed , that is called symbolum apostolicum ; the observation of many feasts and fasts both aniversary and weekly . . that it is not a matter so incredible , or impossible , as some would have it appeare to be , for the primitive church to have made a sudden defection from the apostolicall purity : the people of israel , in the short time of moses his absence on the mount , turned aside quickly , and fell into horrible idolatry , exod. . soone after the death of josuah , and the elders that had seen the great works , which the lord had done for israel , there arose another generation after them , which did evill in the sight of the lord , judg. . & . soone after the building of the temple , and setling of religion by david and salomon , the worship of god was defiled with idolatry : when rehoboam had established the kingdome , he forsook the law of the lord , and all israel with him , chron. . . and the apostle sayes to the galatians , gal. . . i marvell that you are so soone removed unto another gospel : why then shall we thinke it strange , that in the matter of discipline , there should be a sudden defection , especially it being begun in the time of the apostles ? i know it is a common opinion , but i believe there be no strong reasons for it , that the church which was nearest the times of the apostles was the most pure and perfect church . . that it is impossible to come to the knowledge of the universall consent and practice of the primitive church : for many of the fathers wrote nothing at all , many of their writings are perished , ( it may be that both of these have dissented from the rest ) many of the writings which we have under their names are supposititius , & counterfeit , especially about episcopacy which was the foundation of papall primacy : the rule of augustine afore-mentioned doth too much favour traditions , and is not to be admitted , without cautions and exceptions . many the like considerations may be added ; but these may be sufficient to prove , that the unanimous consent of the fathers , and the universall practice of the primitive church , is no sure ground of authenticall interpretation of scripture . i remember of a grave divine in scotland , much honoured by k. james of happy memory , who did often professe that he did learne more of one page of john calvin , then of a whole treatise of augustine : nor can there be any good reason , ( many there be against it ) why the ancients should be so farre preferred to the moderne doctors of the reformed churches , and the one in a manner deified , and the other vilified : it is but a poor reason that some give , fama miratrix senioris aevi , and is abundantly answered by the apologist for divine providence . if your majesty be still unsatisfied concerning the rule , i know not to what purpose i should proceed or trouble your majesty any more . newcastle , july . . for mr. alex : henderson , july . . his majesties fourth paper . i shall very willingly follow the method you have begun in your third paper ; but i doe not conceive , that my last paper multiplies more controversies than my first gave accasion for ; having been so far from augmenting the heads of our disputation , that i have omitted the answering many things , in both your papers , expresly to avoid raising of new and needlesse questions ; desiring to have only so many debated , as are simply necessary to shew , whether , or not , i may with a safe conscience give way to the alteration of church-government in england ; and indeed i like very well , to begin with the setling of the rule , by which we are to proceed , and determine the present controversie ; to which purpose ( as i conceive ) my third paper shewes you an excellent way ; for there , i offer you a judge between us , or desire you to finde out a better , which , to my judgement , you have not yet done , ( though you have sought to invalidate mine ) for , if you understand to have offered the scripture , though no man shall pay more reverence , nor submit more humbly to it , than my self ; yet we must find some rule to judge betwixt us , when you and i differ upon the interpretation of the self-same text , or it can never determine our questions ; as for example , i say you misapply that of cor. . . to me ( let others answer for themselves ) for i know not how i make other men to have dominion over my faith , when i make them onely serve to approve my reason ; nor doe i conceive how , cor. . . can be applied to this purpose ; for there saint paul onely shewes the difference between divine and humane eloquence , making no mention of any kind of interpretation throughout the whole chapter , as indeed saint peter does , pet. . . which i conceive makes for me ; for , since that no prophesie of scripture is of any private interpretation ; first , i inferre , that scripture is to be interpreted ; for else , the apostle would have omitted the word private : secondly , that at least the consent of many learned divines is necessary , and so à fortiore , that of the catholique church , ought to be an authentique judge , when men differ : and is it a good argument ? because ( mat. . . . . ) scripture is best interpreted by it selfe , therefore that all other interpretations are unlawfull ? certainfull you cannot thinke : thus having shewed you that we differ , about the meaning of the scripture , and are like to do so ; certainly there ought to be for this , as well as other things , a rule or a judge between us , to determine our differences , or , at least , to make our probations and arguments relevant ; therefore evading , for this time , to answer your considerations ( not i assure you for the difficulty of them , but the starting of new questions ) i desire you onely to shew me a better , than what i have offered unto you . newcastle , july . . c. r. for mr. alex : henderson , a particular answer to mr. alex : hendersons , july . . . his majesties fifth paper . untill you shall finde out a fitter way to decide our difference in opinion concerning interpretation of scripture than the consent of the fathers , and the universall practice of the primitive church , i cannot but passe you my judgment anent those considerations , which you offered to invalidate those authorities , that i so much reverence . . in the first you mention two rules for defining of controversies , and seeke a most old way to confute them , as i thinke ; for you alleage , that there is more attributed to them , then i believe you can prove , by the consent of most learned men ( there being no question , but there are alwaies some flattering fooles that can commend nothing but with hyperpolick expressions ) and you know that supposito quolibet , sequitur quidlibet ; besides doe you thinke , that albeit some ignorant fellowes , should attribute more power to presbyters , than is really due unto them , that thereby their just reverence and authority is diminished ? so i see no reason why i may not safely maintaine that the interpretation of fathers , is a most excellent strengthning to my opinion , though others should attribute the cause and reason of their faith unto it . . as there is no question , but that scripture is the farre best interpreter of it selfe , so i see nothing in this , negatively proved , to exclude any other , notwithstanding your positive affirmation . . nor in the next , for i hope you will not be the first to condemne your selfe , me , and innumerable others , who yet unblamably have not tyed themselves to this rule . . if in this you onely intend to prove , that errors were alwaies breeding in the church , i shall not deny it , yet that makes little ( as i conceive ) to your purpose ; but if your meaning be , to accuse the universall practice of the church with error , i must say it is a very bold undertaking ; and , ( if you cannot justifie your selfe by cleare places in scripture ) much to be blamed , wherein you must not alleage , that to be universally received , which was not , as i dare say , that the controversie about free will , was never yet decided , by oecumenicall , or generall councell ; nor must you presume to call that an error , which really the catholique church maintained ( as in rites of baptisme , formes of prayer , observation of feasts , fasts , &c. ) except you can prove it so by the word of god ; and it is not enough to say , that such a thing was not warranted by the apostles , but you must prove by their doctrine , that such a thing was unlawfull , or else the practice of the church is warrant enough for me to follow and obey that custome whatsoever it be , and thinke it good , and shall believe that the apostles creed was made by them , ( such reverence i beare to the churches tradition ) untill other authors be certainly found out . . i was taught that de posse ad esse was no good argument ; and indeed to me it is incredible , that any custome of the catholike church was erroneous , which was not contradicted , by orthodox , learned men , in the times of their first practice , as is easily perceived that all those defections were , ( some of them may be justly called rebellions ) which you mention . . i deny it is impossible , ( though i confesse it difficult ) to come to the knowledge of the universall consent , and practice of the primitive church , therefore i confesse a man ought to be carefull how to believe things of this nature ; wherefore i conceive this to be onely an argument for caution . my conclusion is , that albeit i never esteemed any authority equall to the scriptures ; yet i doe think the unanimous consent of the fathers , and the universall practice of the primitive church , to be the best and most authenticall interpreters of gods word , and consequently the fittest judges between me and you , when we differ , untill you shall find me better : for example , i think you for the present , the best preacher in newcastle , yet i believe you may erre , and possibly a better preacher may come , but till then , must retaine my opinion . newcastle , july . . c. r. the end . the cure of church-divisions, or, directions for weak christians to keep them from being dividers or troublers of the church with some directions to the pastors how to deal with such christians / by richard baxter. baxter, richard, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the cure of church-divisions, or, directions for weak christians to keep them from being dividers or troublers of the church with some directions to the pastors how to deal with such christians / by richard baxter. baxter, richard, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for nevil symmons ..., london : . errata on p. [ ] at end. advertisement on p. [ ]-[ ] at end. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the cure of church-divisions : or , directions for weak christians , to keep them from being dividers , or troublers of the church . with some directions to the pastors , how to deal with such christians . by richard baxter . joh. . . that they all may be one , as thou , father art in me and i in thee : that they also may be one in us , that the world may believe that thou hast sent me . . and the glory which thou gavest me , i have given them , that they may be one , even as we are one. . i in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one ; and that the world may know that thou hast sent me , and hast loved them , as thou hast loved me . cor. . . now i beseech you , brethren , by the name of our lord iesus christ , that ye all speak the same thing , and that there be no divisions among you : but that ye be perfectly joyned together in the same mind , and in the same judgment . cor. . . for ye are yet carnal : for whereas there is among you envying and strife and divisions , are ye not carnal , and walk as men ? london , printed for nevil symmons at the three crowns over against holborn-conduit , . the authors i. purpose , ii. reasons and iii. prognosticks of this book . i. it is none of the business of this book to single out any one party in the world , & to tell you by application how far they are under the guilt of schism : i meddle with the cause , and leave each person to make application to himself . it is simple catholick christianity which i plead for , and the love and unity and concord which are its ligaments and essential parts . and it is a sect as a sect , and a faction as a faction , and not this or that sect or faction , which i detect and blame . yet i doubt not but as in the same city there are the wise and the foolish , the sound and the sick , and in the same army there are valiant men , and cowards , so in the same churches there are christians of various degrees of wisdom , integrity and strength : and all men should earnestly desire to be of the wisest , the holiest and the most fruitful sort , and not of the more erroneous , impure , or scandalous and unprofitable . and if the sick will make themselves a party , and call the sound , the a●verse party , i will endeavour to be one of a party in that sense ; and to obey god as exactly as i am able , and to worship him as spiritually and holily as i can , and to love him with all my mind , and heart , and strength , and lament that i can reach no higher , and do no more : and if any will call this by the name of heresie or schism , they shall see that i can avoid heresie and schism at as dear a rate , as enduring the name and imputation of that which i avoid . it is not the name of a schismatick that i am writing against , but the thing , by whatever name it is called . it is unity , love and peace which i am pleading for : and it is divisions , hatred and contention which i plead against : and it is the hypocrisie of men which i detect , who betray love , unity and peace by a iudas kiss ; and will nor , or dare not openly renounce them , and defie them , but kill them with dissembling kindness : who cry them up , while they tread them down and follow peace with all men , that are not of their party , as the dog followeth the hare , to tear it in pieces and destroy it : who fight for love by making others seem odious and unlovely ; by evil surmisings , proud under valuing the worth of others , busie and groundless censuring of men , whose case they know not ; aggravating frailties ; stigmatizing the persons , the actions , the worship and religious performances of dissenters , with such odious terrible names , and characters , as their pride and faction do suggest ; and all this to strengthen the interest of their side and party , and to make themselves and their consenters to seem wise and good , by making others seem foolish and bad : though they thereby proclaim themselves to be so much the worst , by how much they are most void of love. they are all for concord , but it is only on their narrow factions terms ; they are for peace ; but it is not of the whole street , but of their house alone ; or not of the whole city , but of their street alone ; or not of the whole kingdom , but of their city alone . o what a blessed thing were peace , if all would derive it from their wills , and terminate it in their interest ; and they might be the center of unity to the world ! that is , that they might be gods or christs ! such excellent architects are they that they can build christs house by pulling it in pieces ; and such excellent chirurgeons , that they will heal christs body by separating the members , and can make as many bodies as there are separated parts . . nor is it any or much of the business of this book , to speak to those that i think are deepliest guilty of the schisms of the christian world : for they are out of hearing , and will not read or regard my writings . it is the roman head and center of unity which hath done most to divide the church . and it is the contending of rome and constantinople for the supremacy which hath made the greatest schisms that the christian world hath known : and the regiment of such lords must be answerable to their power , and greatness ; and the simple terms of christian unity left us by christ and his apostles , must be turned into a religion large as the decrees of all the councels , and ( say half of them ) and the popes decretals also . and that there may be no way out of this wilderness , but the confessors present will , you must not in all these so much as distinguish fundamentals from the rest ; but so much material belief is necessary to salvation , as each mans opportunities and helps obliged him to receive ; that is ; the faith which is necessary to salvation ( materially or objectively ) is as various as the number of persons in the world ; to one more is necessary , to another less , to some none at all of the christian faith ) . and you must suppose that the priest is well acquainted with the internal capacity of every mans soul , and with all the instructions , opportunities , and suggestions of his whole life , and can tell what measure of belief he hath , and whether it be proportionable to his helps ; and so can tell him whether he be capable of salvation , though neither pope nor councel have given any standard by which to judge . and though no man can be assured of his own salvation ; and though another man could not be saved by the faith that saveth him . so much are we mistaken to think that it is the pope that hath the keys of heaven , when it is every priest , who is the onely judge of the measures of the persons faith . these new made multiplyed articles of religion , these additions to christianity , this proud church-tyranny , i doubt not is the great cause of schism in the world : and when i have had opportunity to write against it , i have born my testimony against it , as is yet legible . but it is not that sort of men that i am here most to speak to : but to them that profess to be more teachable and willing to know the truth . . and yet i add though this book be written principally to save the darker sort of honest christians , from the sin and misery of church divisions , i write it not principally for them to read ; for i know their prejudice , weakness and incapacity , after-mentioned : but i write it to remember the teachers of the churches , what principles they have to preach and strengthen , and what principles to confute and to destroy , if ever they mean to save the people from this state of sin , and the churches from the sad effects . and if ministers neglect the faithful discharge of so great and necessary a duty , let them remember that they were warned , if they find themselves overwhelmed in the ruines . ii. the reasons moving me to this work are these . first , it is my calling to help to save people from their sins ; and church division is a heap of sins . . the more i love them that i hope are tender conscienced , and dare not sin , when they are convinced of it , the more i am bound to endeavour their conviction , remembring who hath said , thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart , thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sin upon him . lev. . . . love is not an appurtenance of my religion , but my religion it self . god is love , and he that dwelleth in love , dwelleth in god , and god in him : ( who can speak a higher word of any thing in all the world ? ) love is the end of faith , and faith is but the bellows to kindle love : love is the fulfilling of all the law ; the end of the gospel ; the nature and mark of christs disciples ; the divine nature ; the sum of holiness to the lord ; the proper note by which to know , what is the man , and what his state , and how far any of his other acts are acceptable unto god : without which if we had all knowledge and belief , all gifts of utterance and highest profession , we were but as sounding brass , and as a tinkling cymbal . and if all our goods were given to the poor , and our bodies to the fire , it would profit nothing . love is our foretast of heaven , and the perfection of it is heaven it self , even the state and work of angels and of saints in glory . and he that is angry with me , for calling men to love , is angry for calling them to holiness to god and heaven . holiness which is against love is a contradiction : it is a deceitful name , which satan putteth upon unholiness . all church principles which are against universal love , are against god , and holiness , and the churches life . and he that saith , he loveth god , and hateth his brother is a lyar. to be holy without love , is to see without light , to live without life . he that said , the wisdom from above is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , &c. did no more dream of separating them , then of dividing the head of a man from his heart , to save his life : iam. . . nor no more than he that said , follow peace with all men , and holiness : heb. ● . . no necessity can justifie such a division : holiness and love to god , are but two names for one thing . love to god and to man , are like soul and body , that are separated no way but by death . love and peaceableness , differ but as reason and reasoning : love may be without passive peace ( from others to us , ) but never without active peace ( from us to others . ) . i have had so great opportunity in my time , to see the working of the mysterie of iniquity , against christian love , and to see in what manner christs house and kingdome is edified by divisions , that if i be ignorant after such sad experience , i must be utterly unexcusable , and of a seared conscience , and a heart that seemeth hardened to perdition . god knoweth how hardly sin is known in its secret root , till men have tasted the bitterness of the fruit : therefore he hath permitted the two extreams to shew themselves openly to the world in the effects : and one must be noted and hated and avoided , as well as the other . i thought once that all that talk against schism and sects , did but vent their malice against the best christians , under those names : but since then i have seen what love-killing principles have done ! i have long stood by while churches have been divided , and sub-divided ; one congregation of the division labouring to make the other contemptible and odious ; and this called , the preaching of truth , and the purer worshiping of god : i have seen this grow up to the height of ranters in horrid blasphemies , and then of quakers , in disdainful pride and surliness ; and into the way of seekers , that were to seek for a ministry , a church , a scripture , and consequently a christ. i have many a time heard it break out into more horrid revilings of the best ministry and godliest people , than ever i heard from the most malignant drunkard : i have lived to see it put to the question in that which they called , the little parliament , whether all the ministers of the parishes of england should be put down at once . when love was first killed in their own breasts , by these same principles , which i here detect , i have seen how confidently the killing of the king , the rebellious demolishing of the government of the land , the killing of many thousands of their brethren , the turnings and overturnings of all kinds of rule , even that which they themselves set up , have been committed , and justified , and prophanely fathered upon god. these with much more such fruits of love-killing principles , and divisions i have seen . and i have seen what fierce , censorious , proud , unchristian tempers they have caused or signified ; in a word , i have long seen that envious wisdom ( whatever it pretend ) is not from above , but is earthly sensual and devilish ; and that where envy and strife is upon pretence of religious precedency of wisdom there is confusion and every evil work , jam. . , . and if after so long , so sad , so notorious experience , you would have me still to be tender of the brood of hell , i mean these love●destroying wayes , and to shew any countenance to that which really hath done all this , you would have me as blind as the sod●mites , and as obdurate as pharaoh and his egyptians , and utterly resolved never to learn the will of god , or to regard either good or evil in the world . . the same sins are continued in without repentance . the same pride and ignorance is still keeping open our divisions : and if after such warnings , as the world scarce ever had the like , we shall be still impenitent ; if we shall sin our selves into suffering , and sin in our suffering as we did before , even the very same sin of divisions which brought us to it ; how heinous is our crime , and how dreadful the prognostick of our greater ruine ; and how guilty are those ministers of the blood of souls , that will not tell men of the sin and danger . . i know that dividing principles and dispositions , do tend directly to the ruine and damnation of those in whom they do prevail . that which killeth love , killeth all grace and holiness , and killeth souls : that which quencheth love , quencheth the spirit ( a thousand fold more then the restraining of our gifts of utterance doth : ) that which banisheth love , banisheth god. that which is against love is against the design of christ in our redemption , and therefore may well be called antichristian : and if the roman kingdom ( for so it is rather to be called than a church ) had not such moral marks of antichristianity , ( which dr. more hath notably opened in his mysterie of iniquity ; ) if they were not the engineers for the division of the christian world ; by a false center , and by impossible terms of unity , and by the engine of tearing dividing impositions ; if among them were not found the blood of the saints and the martyrs of jesus , i should in charity , fear to suspect them of antichristianity , notwithstanding all the prophetical passages which seem otherwise to point them out ; because i should still suspect my understanding of those prophecies , when the law of loving my neighb●ur as my self , is plain to all . they are dangerously mistaken that think that satan hath but one way to mens damnation . there are as many wayes to hell , as there be to the extinguishing of love. and all tendeth unto this , whic● tendeth to hide or deny the loveliness , that is , the goodness , of them whom i must love : much more that which representeth them as odious . and there are many pretenses and wayes to make my neighbour seem unlovely to me : one doth it as effectually by unjust or unproved accusations of ungodliness , or saying , their worship is antichristian , formal , ridiculous , vain ; as another doth by unjust and unproved accusations of schism , disobedience or sedition . and they that love godliness , may be tempted to cast off their love of their neighbours , yea of the truly godly , when they once believe that they are ungodly . and the white devil is a love-killer as well as the black . he is 〈◊〉 mortal an enemy to love , who back biteth another , and saith , he is prophane , or he is an empty formalist , or he is a lukewarm temporizing complying manpleaser ] as he that saith [ he is a pievish factious hypocrite . ] i am sure he was no malignant , nor intended to gird at godliness , nor to grieve good men , who told us that it is satans way to transform himself into an angel of light ( that is , one that pretendeth to make higher motions for light and for religious strictness , than christ himself doth ; ) and that his ministers are sent forth by him as ministers of righteousness , cor. . , , . who will seem more righteous , than the preachers of truth . satan will pretend to any sort of strictness , by which he can but mortifie love. if you can devise any such strictness of opinions , or exactness in church orders , or strictness in worship , as will but help to kill mens love , and set the churches in divisions , satan will be your helper , and will be the strictest and exactest of you all : he will reprove christ as a sabbath breaker , and as a gluttonous person , and a wine-bibber , and a friend ( or companion ) of publicans and sinners , and as an enemy to caesar too . we are not altogether ignorant of his wiles , as young unexperienced christians are . you think when a w●athful envious heat is kindled in you against men for their faul●● , that it is certainly a zeal of gods exciting : but mark whether it have not more wrath● than love in it : and whether it tend not more to disgrace your brother than to 〈◊〉 him , or to make parties and divisions , than to heal them : if it be so , if st. iames be not deceived , you are deceived as to the author of your zeal , iam. . . . and it hath a worse original than you suspect . it is one of the greatest reasons which maketh me hate romish church tyranny , and religious cruelties against dissenters , because as they come from want of love , so i am sure that they ●end to destroy the love of those on whom they are inflicted , and to do more hurt to their souls than to their bodies . the devil is not so silly an angler as to fish with the bare hook ; nor such a fool as when he would damn men , to intreat them openly to be damned ; nor when he would kill mens love , to intreat them plainly , not to love but hate their neighbours : but he doth it by making you believe that there is just and necessary cause for it ; and that it is your duty , and that you should be lukewarm in the cause of god , of truth , of godliness , if you did not do it : that so you may go on without scruple , and do so again , and not repent . even they that killed christs apostles , did it as a duty , and a part of the service of god , ioh. . . and paul himself did once think verily that he ought to do many things which he did , against the name and cause and servants of jesus , act. . . and as he did , so he was done by ; and as he measured to others , it was measured to him again ; for they that bound themselves in an oath to kill him did deeply interesse god and conscience in the cruelty . but believe it , it is apostacy to fall from love : your souls dye , when love dyeth . the opinions , the church principles , the sideings , the practises , which destroy your love , destroy your graces and your souls . you dye while you have a name to live , and think that you grow apace in religion . therefore better understand the tempter , and when backbiters are deriding or vilifying your neighbours , take it to signifie in plain english [ i pray you love not these men , but hate them . ] and i have told you in this treatise , that when one saith unjustly [ kill them , banish them ] and another saith [ have no communion with them ] it is too often the same inward affection which both express , but in various wayes : they are agreed in the assumption , that their neighbour is unlovely . and when love is dead , and yet religion seemeth to survive and to be increased by it , it is lamentable to think what a degenerate , scandalous , hypocritical religion that will be , and how odious and dishonourable to god. to preach without love , and to hear without love , and to pray without love , and to communicate without love , to any that differ from your sect , o what a loathsome sacrifice is it , to the god of love ? if we must leave our guift at the altar , till we are reconciled to one offended brother , what a gift is theirs , who are unreconciled to almost all the churches of christ ? or to multitudes of their brethren , because they are not of their way ? yea , that make their communion , the very badge and means of their uncharitableness and divisions ? sirs , these are not matters of indifferency , nor to be indulged by any faithful pastor of the church . . and i know that these principles are as mortal to the churches , as they are to souls . and that if ever the churches have peace , prosperity or healing , it must be by the means of love and concord , and by destroying the principles which would destory them . one thinketh that it must be by a spanish inquisition , and by forcing or killing the dissenters ; and another thinketh it must be by excommunicating them all , and making them odious , and making their own party seem thereby to be better than theirs . but i know that it must be by revived love , or it will never be . i know it , and whoever is angry with me for it , i cannot choose but know it . when the papists had murdered so many hundred thousands of the albigenses and waldenses , who would have thought , but they had done their work ? when the french massacre had murdered or , and dispatcht the leaders of the protestant party , who would have thought that they had but strengthened them ? when the duke d' alva had done so much to drwon the belgick protestants in blood , he little thought that he was but fortifying them . queen maries bishops little thought that their english bonfires were but to light men to see the mischief of their cause ; and like the firing of a beacon to call all the land to take them for the enemies of mankind ; and that the case would have been so quickly altered . when the irish had murdered two hundred thousand , they little thought that they had but excited the survivers to a terrible revenge . i will come no nearer , but you may easily do it your selves . if we bite and devour one another , we shall be devoured one of another , gal. . . the question is , but who shall be devoured first , and who reserved for the second course . if any man have an ear to hear let him hear : he that leadeth into captivity shall go into captivity : he that killeth with the sword , must be killed with the sword : here is the patience and faith of the saints . rev. . . . god ruleth the world still when he worketh not miracles ! have we not seen a proud victorious army dissolved without a drop of blood ? and have we not seen that god approveth not of proud self-exaltation , and violating the sacred power of our governours , and usurping their places of authority : hath not the drunken world had yet experience enough to teach them , that the church of god is not to be built up or repaired , by their tumultuous quarrellings and frayes . how long lord , must thy church and cause , be in the hands of unexperienced furious fools , who know not what holiness or healing is , but think that victory over mens bodies , must be the cure of their souls , and that hurting them is the way to win their love ! or that a church is constituted of bodies alone while souls are absent , or no parts ! who will make themselves the rulers of thy flock in despite of thee and of thy cause and servants , without thy call or approbation , and think that the work of a soldier , is the work of a father and a physician ! whose cures are all by amputation ; and whose piety consisteth in flying from each other , and esteeming and using their brethren as their foes ; who scatter thy flocks on all the mountains , when christ hath prayed that they may all be one ! perhaps , reader , thou art one of them that thinketh , that the settlement and happiness of the church , must be won like a game at foot-ball ; and therefore scruplest not to toss it in the dirt , and tumultuously to strive with and strike up the heels of all that are against thee , ( so that peaceable passengers cannot safely come near your game or pass the streets . ) but when you have got the ball , have you done the work ? are you still so ignorant as not to know , how uncertain still you are to keep it , and that one spurn can take it from you ? and suppose you could secure all your conquests , are the churches healed ever the more ? mens hearts must be conquered before this healing work is done . and therefore the apostle saith that we are more than conquerours , when we are killed all the day long and accountea as sheep to the slaughter , rom. . , . that is , it is more gain and honour to our selves , to suffer in faith and patience by our enemies , than to conquer them in the field ; and it is more profitable also unto them , and tendeth to a more desirable conquest of them : because when conquerors do but exasperate them ; and if we hurt their bodies , we harden them the more against our cause , and against the means of their own salvation , our patient martyrdom and suffering by them , may ●end at last to open their eyes , and turn their hearts , and save their souls , by shewing them the truth , the goodness and the power of christ , and of his word and spirit . this is the meaning of being more than conquerours . the irish are conquered by us , but not converted : the scots and english were conquered by cromwell , but their hearts were not conquered , nor their religion changed by him . they that think that if they could get and keep the upper ground , and have dissenters bodies and estates at their will , they could soon settle the church in unity and concord , do tell all the world , how ignorant they are of the nature of christianity , and of the fear of god , and of the means of the peace and concord of the church : either you would give up your own judgments and consciences , or practice your selves to the will of men , if you were in their power , or not . if you would not , why should you think that others will ? if you would , you do but tell the world , that you are atheists , and have neither a god , nor conscience , nor religion . but it is not evidence enough of your folly , to say in your hearts there is no god , and to fear them that can but kill the body , more than him that can punish both body and soul in hell ; but you must also shew that you know neither god nor man , by thinking that all others are atheists also , and judging of them by your selves ; as if they set their souls and their everlasting hopes , at as base a price as you do yours . i tell you again that a battel or a foot●ball skuffle will not settle , the discomposed and divided churches ; unless you think that a heap of carkasses slain in the field , possess the quietness , and concord which you desire : the soul is the man , and love is the christian life , and the true cement of the churches unity ; and love must cause love , as fire causeth fire ; and hurtful wrath doth most powerfully quench it , and hath these fifteen hundred years , ( but especially these thirteen hundred ) been the wolvish scatterer of the flocks of christ : and must that be now the way to build it , which hath so long been the way to pull it down . it is love that must be our union , and love that must cause it , or we shall never have the union of a christian church . by this shall all men know that you are christs disciples , if you have love one to another . if you believe not this , pretend not to believe in jesus christ , who doth affirm it . i confess i am so far guilty of superstition my self , that if i had been one of the changers of our ancient government , i should have been somewhat the more backward for his name sake to the beheading of christopher love , lest it should be an ill omen both to church and state , but especially to the actors of it . . another of the motives of this discourse is , because i know that times of most temptation , are times of greatest danger , and commonly of greatest sin . and all faithful pastors must know what are the special temptations of the time and place which they live in . when had we ever greater temptations to love-killing principles and practices than now , except in the times of the miserable wars ? i need not name them to you . the harder it is for men to love them that hate them , that censure them unjustly , that revile them , and reproach them , and make them odious , or that hurt them , the more cause have ministers and all christians to set a double watch upon their love ; lest before they are aware , a flaming and consuming zeal , do tell others that they know not what manner of spirit they are of , luk. . . . yea it is not only a time of great temptation to this sin , but of common guilt : they are multitudes that are overtaken already with this sin . is not the land in a continual heart war ? are there not parties against parties , and cause against cause , and heart-risings , and passions , and censurings of dissenters , to say no worse ? and is it not time to bring water when we see the flames ? . and i perceive few know so heinous a sin to be any sin at all ; but all factions and parties are still justifying their love-killing wayes , and reproaching those whom they have wronged ; as if when they have sinfully withdrawn their love from them , it were no crime to take away next , their good names , and all that they have but power to take away . and when they have cast their brethren out of their estimation and affection , they think it a piece of commendable zeal or justice , to cast them ou● of christian communion , and if they could out of the land and of the world . and shall ministers stand by , and see men take such sin for duty , and serve god by abusing his servants , and look for a reward for dividing and pulling down his church , and never tell them what they are doing . . and the old non-conformists who wrote so much against separation , were neither blind nor temporizers . they saw the danger on that side . even brightman on rev. that writeth against the prelacy and ceremonies , severely reprehendeth the separatists . read but the writings of mr. iohn paget , mr. iohn ball , mr. hildersham , mr. bradshaw , mr. baine , mr. rathband , and many such others against the separatists of those times , and you may learn that our light is not greater , but less than theirs , and that we see not further into that cause than they did ; and that change of times doth not change the truth ; nor will warrant us to change our religion , unless we will make our religion subject , to the wills and interests of men , and change it as oft as the times shall change . . lastly , if your friends tell you not of your faults and errours in love , those whom you account your enemies will do it in wrath . and though all sober christians should learn by the keenest rebukes of their adversaries , yet passion and prejudice maketh it so difficult , that it usually hardeneth men more in their sin : and this is another thing , which causeth me the more to abhor division , and to long for the reconciling of the minds of all dissenting christians ; because while they take each other for adversaries , nothing that is written or said by any is like to do the adversaries any good . nay i must confess when i see an adversary tell men of their sin , especially with furious spleen and wrath , mixing together words and swords , i am greatly afraid , lest by that temptation , satan will draw the reproved to impenitency , and greatly harden them in their sin , and make them glory in that as a virtue , which such a person doth so reprove . but if you will neither hear of your sin nor duty by adversaries nor friends , by fair speeches nor by foul , you fasten the guilt upon your selves . remember i pray you , that i am not kindling fires , nor drawing swords against you , nor stirring up any to do you hurt , but only perswading all dissenters to love one another , and to forbear but all that is contrary to love . and if such an exhortation and advice seem injurious or intollerable to you , the lord have mercy on your souls . iii. and now without a spirit of prophecy ; i will foretel what entertainment this paper must expect . . some on the one side will say , it is sharper and rounder dealing than all this , that must cure the schismes in the church : and if you would heal our divisions , why do you not conform you self , but stand out as one of the party that divideth ? . some on the other side will say , that it is an unseasonable time , when so much anger is breaking forth against those that we account dividers , to mention their faults , and so to stir up more . i will give these men no other answer , than to bid them read the last part of this book ; or else do not talk till they know of what . . and some will say that i am doing that which will prove a hurt to my self and others . for if i should draw the people to communion with the conformists , there would little compassion be shewed to the ministers that cannot conform . but selfish wisdome must be shut out of the council , when we are consulting about the healing of the churches , and the good of souls . and indeed there is little danger of this consequence , as long as the people are far more averse to communion or concord with the parish-churches , than the non-conforming ministers are . but suppose it prove true , should we not do good to souls , and save men from sin , and heal divisions , at the dearest rate ? what though it cost us more than is here mentioned ; the reviving of decayed love , and the closure of any of the churches wounds , is a recompence worth our liberties and lives . . and those that are most guilty of the love-killing principles here detected , and are most eminent in self-conceited ignorance , will do by me and by this book , according to their principles , and as they use to do by others . before they have soberly read it over , they will carry about the sectarian reports of it from hand to hand ; and when one hath said it , the rest will affirm it , that [ i have clawed with one party , and have girded at the other , and have sought to make them odious by bringing them under the reproach of separation , and of censuring and avoiding the ungodly ; and that being luke-warm my self , and a complyer with sin , i would have all others do so too : and that these reconcilers are neither flesh nor fish , and attempt impossibilities , even to reconcile light and darkness , christ and belial ; and that for the sake of peace we would ●ell the truth , and would let in church-corruptions out of an over-eager desire of agreement : and when they have all done , neither party will regard them , but they shall fare worse than any others ; and will lose both sides , whilest they are for neither . ] i know it is the nature of the disease which i am curing , to send forth such breath and scents as these ; and i intend not to bestow a word to answer them . . and some of the wise and sober ministers , who mark more the inconveniences of one side , than of the other , and look more to outward occurrences , than to the rule , and to the inward state of souls ; especially such as have not seen , the times and things that i have seen , will think that though all this be true , it is unseasonable , and may give advantage to such as love not reformation . and to them i shall return this answer . . that if we stay seven years more for a seasonable time , to oppose the radical sin of uncharitableness , we may be in our graves , and the sinners in their graves , and the sin may be multiplied and rooted past all hope of remedy . and why may you not as well stay seven years more , for a seasonable time , to preach down all other sins as well as this ? is this the least malignant , or least dangerous sin ? . there was never a more seasonable time to tell men of their sin , than when the temptation to it is the greatest ; when it is most growing and multiplying among us ; when god hath been so heinously dishonoured by it ; when the world doth ring of it ; when many volumes reproach them for it ; and when the sensual and ungodly are hardened by it in their scorn of godliness , to the apparent peril of their damnation : yea more , to turn our complaints from our law-givers upon our selves . it is want of love , and it is dividing principles and practices , that have silenced so many ministers , and brought us into all the confusions and calamities which we see and undergo . . but there are many sincere and considerate ministers , who knowing this which i say to be true , will be the more excited by it to lead the younger and passionate sort of religious people , into the wayes of love and peace , and to save them from the dangers here detected , and perswade them to the practise of these directions . and for the use of these i write this book . and yet , to end as i began , i must add these notices , for your right understanding of it . . that this is not my first attempt upon this work ; but the progress of what i have been upon these three and twenty years . about fifteen or sixteen years ago , i preacht on the third chapter of saint iames , in a larger and a closer manner on this subject , than here i write : because the times then called me to it . . i perswade no christian to justifie or own the sins or the least defects of any church , minister or people , in their worship or in their lives , though i perswade you to communion with the churches , persons and worship-actions , which have many faults : ( for on earth there is no person , church , or worship faultless , and without corruption . ) i justifie not the faults of my own daily prayers , and yet i never pray without them . . i am not perswading ministers to any unwise and unseasonable preaching , against the dividing principles of the weak , when the necessities of the auditory more require other doctrine ; ( much less to exasperating railings and invectives ; and least of all to wrathful violence ) . but only with prudence , in season and with love and gentleness , to lead men into the truth : if even with infidels and hereticks , the servant of the lord must not strive , but be gentle to all men ; apt to teach ; patient , in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves , if god , peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging of the truth , tim. . , . how much more must the children of gods family be used with love and tenderness . but if the fierceness of any contradict what i say , i only add , that it is not an unexperienced person that speaketh it , but one who through the mercy of god , hath long kept a numerous flock in love and unity and peace by such like means ; and hath seen the lamentable effects of the contrary way . . while i say so much in this treatise against the rash censuring of others , i give you not the rule for mens censuring of themselves : they know more by themselves : they may search into the depth of their hearts and intentions , which we cannot do . they are allowed to be more suspicious & censorious of themselves , than of any others : it more concerneth them : and they have more to do with themselves ; and may be bolder with themselves . we judg others in order to visible church-communion by visible and publick evidence . but in order to their preparation for the judgment of god , we must direct them to judge themselves according to the truth in the inward parts . . while i draw you to peace and moderation towards others , i desire not to quench the least degree of christian zeal . nay i endeavour to kill that which would kill it . the purified peculiar people of the redeemer ane zealous , but of what ? not to consume and destroy one another , nor to hate and flye from one another ; nor to vilifie and backbite one another ; but they are zealous of good works : and paul will tell you what are good works , gal. . , . love , joy , peace , long-suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness , temperance : be zealous in loving all christians as christians , and all men as men : be zealous for peace : if it be possible , as much as in you lyeth , live peaceably with all men , rom. . . be zealously patient , gentle , good , meek , temperate . and the works of the flesh are hatred , variance , emulation , wrath , strife , sedition , heresies : a zeal for these is earthly sensual and devilish , as iames telleth you . and remember that the word which is translated there [ envy ] is [ zeal ] in the original : but our translators were afraid , lest the prophane would have mistaken it , if they had translated it [ zeal ] ver . . where zeal and strife is ( that is , a striving contentious zeal ) there is confusion and every evil work . ] if you believe this , how dare you blame me for writing to save you from confusion and every evil work ? . i will conclude with the repetition of one thing delivered in this treatise ; that among all the rest , two separating dividing principles will never give peace to the church where they prevail ▪ the one is ; the confounding mens title to visible church membership and communion , with their title to justification and salvation . the other is , the imposing of new terms and titles of visible membership and communion ; and rejecting the sufficiency of the ●erms and title of christs appointment . christ hath solemnly and purposely made the baptismal covenanting with him , to be the terms and title to church membership and communion ; and the owning of this same covenant is the sufficient title of the adult . and the imposers that come after , and require another kind of evidence of conversion , or sanctification than this , do confound the church , and enflame the people , and leave no certain way of tryal , but make as various terms and titles ▪ as there are various degrees of wisdome and charity , and various opinions , in the pastors ( yea in all the people to whom they allow the judgement of such causes ) in the several churches . in this point , the sober anabaptists seem to come nearer the truth than they . i add no more , but christs conclusion , that a house or kingdom divided against it self cannot stand ; the book it self was written near two years ago ; but this preface , feb. . . an abstract of the directions . . forget not the difference between the younger sort of christians , and the elder . the peril of the church from young christians . . observe the secret workings of spiritual pride , and how deep rooted and odious a sin it is , and what special temptations to it , the younger and emptier sort of christians have . . overvalue not the common gift of utterance , nor a high profession , as if grace were appropriated to such alone , who are to be called professors . . affect not to be made en●lnent and conspicuous in holiness , by standing at a further distance from common christians , than god would have you . . understand the true difference between the church as visible and as regenerate or mystical ; and the several qualifications of the members . what scandals were in the primitive churches , in scripture times . . understand well the different conditions and terms of communion with the church as mystical and as visible , and the different priviledges of the members : that you may not presume to impose any conditions which god hath not imposed , nor unjustly grudge at 〈…〉 essence of those that are not sincere . . get time and sleep apprehensions of the necessity and reasons of christian vnity and concord ; and of the sin and misery of divisions and discord : what scripture saith herein . . when any thing needeth amendment in the church , the best christians must be the forwardest to reform , and the backwardest to divide on that pretence . . forget 〈◊〉 the great difference betweene the churches 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 and the godlyes separating from the church it self , because the wicked are not cast out . the first is a great duty : the second usually a great sin . luthers case . . expect ▪ not that any one lawfully received into the church by baptism , should be cast out of it , or denyed the priviledges of the church , but according to the rules of christian discipline , by the power of the keys ; that is , for o●stinate impenitency in a gross on scandalous sin , upon proof , and after sufficient private and publick admonition . . understand what the power of the keys is , and what the pastors office is ; as they are the governours of the church , entrusted by christ with the power of admission and rejection : that so you may know how far you are to rest in the pastors judgment , and may not usurp any part of their office to your selves . . study well christs gracious nature and office ; and his great readiness to receive the weakest that come to him ; that so you may desire a church discipline agreeable to the gospel . . yet lest you run into the worse extream , remember still that the destroying of sin , and the sanctifying of man to god , was the work of our redeemer : and that holiness and peace must go together : and that our own church-order and discipline , must be subservient to the inward spirituality and prosperity of the church-regenerate ; and no such favour must be shewed to sinners as favoureth sin , and hindereth holiness . . though your governours are the iudges , what persons shall be of your publick-church-communion ; yet it is you that must judge who are fit or unfit for your private familiarity . . vnderstand how much it hath pleased god to lay all mens happiness or misery upon their own choice : and seek not to alter this order of god. . though the profession of christianity which entitleth men to church-communion , must be credible ; yet remember that there are various degrees of credibility : and that every profession which is not proved false , is credible in such a degree as must be accepted by the church . . know how far it is that either grace or gifts are necessary to a minister , that you may give to both their due . . vnderstand well the necessity of your communion with all the universal church , and wherein it consisteth ; and how far it is to be preferred before your communion with any particular church . . engage not your selves too far in any divided sect , and espouse not the interest of any party of christians , to the neglect or injury of the universal church , and the christian cause . . be very suspicious of your religious passions , and carefully distinguish between a sound and sinful zeal ; least you father your sin on the spirit of god , and think you please him more when you most offend him . . lend not a patient ear to backbiters ; nor hastily believe the most religious people , when they speak ill of others . . make not your selves selves judges of other mens actions ; much less of their state , before you have a call ; or before you have sufficient knowledge of the person and of the case . . mistake not the nature of the sin of scandal , as if it were the bare displeasing of another : when it is the laying of a stumbling-block or occasion of sinning before another . . make conscience of scandalizing one party as well as another : and those most , who are most in danger by your offence . . be not over tender of your reputation with any sort of men on earth : nor too impatient of their displeasure , censures or contempt . but live above them . . use not your selves ( needlesly ) to the familiar company of that sort of christians , who use to censure them that are more sober , catholick and charitable than themselves : unless you be as much or more , with the soberer sort , who will shew you the sin and mischief of love-killing principles and divisions . . take heed of misjudging of the answers of your prayers , and of taking those things to be from god , which are but the effects of your prejudice , passion or weakness of understanding . . do not too much reverence the revelations , impulses or most confident opinions of any others upon the account of their sincerity or holiness ▪ but try all judiciously and soberly by the word of god. . take heed least the trouble of your own disquieted doubting minds , do become a snare , to draw you to some un●outh way of cure ; and so make the fancy of some new opinion , sect or practice , to seem your remedy , and give you ease ; and soperswade you that it is the certain truth . keep in the rank of a humble disciple or learner in christs church , till you are fit and called to be teachers your selves , . grow up in the great substantial practical truths and duties ; and grow downwards in the roots of a clearer belief of the word of god , and the life to come : and neither begin too soon with doubtful opinions , nor ever lay too much upon them . . lay not a greater stress upon your different words and manner of prayer , than god hath laid : and take heed of scorning , reproaching or slighting , the words and manner of other mens worship , when it is such as god accepteth from the sincere . where the case about forms of prayer is handled . . when you are sure that other mens way of worship is sinful ; yet make it not any other , or greater sin , than indeed it is ; and speak not evil of so much in it as is good : and slander not god as a hater or rejecter of all mens services which are mixt with infirmities ; or as a partial hater of the infirmities of others , and not yours . . think not that all is unlawfully obeyed which is unlawfully commanded . . think not that you are guilty of all the faults of other mens worship with whom you joyn ; no not of the ministers or congregations : nor that you are bound to seperate from all the worship which is faultily performed ; for then there must be no church-communion upon earth . where is more about extemporary prayer and imposed forms . . yet know what pastors and church-communion you may joyn with , and what not : and think not that i am perswading you to make no difference . . in your judging of discipline , reformation , and any means of the churches good ; be sure your eye be upon the true end ; and upon the particular rule ; and not on either of them alone . take not that for a means which is either contrary to the word of god ; or is in ●ts nature destructive of the end . . neglect not any truth of god ; much less renounce it , or deny it . but yet do not take it for your duty to publish all , which you judge to be truth ; nor a sin to silence many lesser truths , when the churches peace and welfare doth require it . . know which are the great duties of a christian life , and wherein the nature of true religion doth consist : and then pretend not any lesser duty , against these greater ; though the least when it is indeed a duty , is not to be denyed or neglected . . labour for a sound judgement to know good from evil , least you trouble your selves and others by mistakes : forsake not the guidance of a judicious teacher , nor the company of the agreeing generality of the godly . . let not the bare fervour of a preacher , or the loudness of his voice , or affectionate utterance , draw you too far to admire or follow him , without a proportion of solid understanding and judiciousness . . your belief of the necessary articles of faith , must be made your own , and not taken meerly on the authority of any . and in all points of belief or practice , which are necessary to salvation , you must ever keep company with the universal church : for it were not the church ; if it erred in those . and in matters of peace and concord the major vote must be your guide . in matters of humane obedience your governours must be your guides . and in matters of high and difficult speculation , the judgment of one man of extraordinary understanding , is to be preferred before the rulers , and the major vote . . reject not a good cause , because it is owned by some bad men : and own not a bad cause for the goodness of the patrons of it . iudge not of the cause by the persons , when you should judg of the persons by the cause . . yea , take the bad examples of religious men , to be one of your most perillous temptations . and therefore labour to discover what are the special sins of professours in the age you live in , that you may be specially fortified against them . . desire the highest degree of holiness , and to be free from the corruptions of the times : but affect not to be odd and singular from ordinary christians in lawful things . . when you have to do only with stigmatized scandalous ones , to vindicate the honour of christianity from their scandal , go as far from them as lawfully you can : but with the common sort of sinners , whose conversion you are bound to seek , go not as far from them as you can ; but purposely study to come as near them as lawfully you may , that you may have the better advantage to win them to the truth . . whenever you are avoiding any error forget not that there is a contrary extream to be avoided , of which you are not our of danger . . think more ; and talk more , of your faults and failings against others ; especially against princes , magistrates and pastors , than of their faults and failings against you . . take notice of all the good in others which appeareth ; and talk rather of that behind their backs , than of their faults . . study the duty of instructing and exhorting , more than of reproof and finding fault . . the more you suffer by rulers or any m●n , the more be watchful , lest you be tempted to dishonour them ; or to withdraw or abate the love which is their due . . make conscience of heart-revenge , and tongue-revenge , as well as of hand-revenge . . when you are exasperated by the hurt which you feel from magistrates , remember also the good which the church receiveth by them . . learn to suffer by good people , and by ministers ; and not only by ungodly people , or by magistrates . . when you complain of violence and persecution in others ; take heed lest the same inward vice work in you , by church cruelties , and dimning censures , against them or others . persecution and separation often have the same cause . . keep still in your eye , the state of all christs churches upon earth ; that you may know what a people they are through the world , whom christ hath communion with : and may not ignorantly separate from almost all the church of christ , while you think that you separate but from those about you . queres about separation . . yet ler not any here cheat you by the bare namees and titles of unity , to the papal usurping head of the church : nor must you dream of any head and center of unity to the universal church , but christ himself . . take heed of superstition , indiser●●t ●●al ●●th been the usual beginner of superstition : m●lignity in that age the sharpest opposer , for the a●thor●s sake : formality in the next age hath made a religion of it : and then the zealous , who first invented it , have turned most against it , for the sake of the last owners ; and thus the world hath turned round . instances lay'd down of the superstition of religions people in this age . . if through the fault of either side , or both , you cannot meet together in the same assemblies ; yet keep that unity in faith , love and practice , which all neighbour churches should maintain ; and use not your different assemblies to rev●ling , and destroying love and peace . . when the love-killing spirit , either cruel or dividing , is abroad among christians ; be not idle , nor discouraged spectators ; nor betray the churches peace by lazy wishes , but make it a great part of your labour and religion , to revive love and peace , and to destroy their contraries . and let no censures or contempt of any party take you off : but account it as comfortable to be a martyr for love & peace by blind zealots or proud usurpers , as for the saith by infidels or heathens : and take the pleasing of god ( whoever is displeased ) for your full reward . the additional directions to the pastors . . let it be our first care to know and do our own duty : and when we see the peoples weakness and divisions , let us first examine and judge our selves , and lament and reform our own neglects . ministers are the cause of most divisions . . it is needful to the peoples edification and concord , that their pastors much excel them , in knowledge and utterance , and also in prudence , holiness , and heavenly mindedness : that the reverence of their callings and persons may be preserved ; and the people taught by their examples . . inculcate still the necessary conjunction of holiness and peace ; and of the love of god and man : and that love is their holiness it self , and the sum of their religion ; the end of faith , and the fulfilling of the law. and that as love to god uniteth us to him ; so love to man must unite us to each other . and that all doctrine and practices which are against love and unity , are against god , against christ , against the spirit , against the church , and against mankind . . if others shew their weakness by unwarrantable singularities or divisions , shew not your greater weakness , by impatience , and uncharitable censures or usage of them : especially when self-interest provoketh you . . distinguish between them that separate from the universal church , or from all the orthodox and reformed parts of it ; and those who only turn from the ministery of some one person or sort of persons , without refusing communion with the rest . . distinguish between them who deny the being of the ministry and church from which they separate : and those who remove only for their own edification , as from a worse or weaker ministry , & a church less pure . . distinguish between those who hold it simply unlawful to have communion with you : and those who only hold it unlawful to prefer your assemblies before such as they think to be more pure . . remember christs interest in the weakest of his servants ; and do nothing against them which christ will not take well . . distinguish between weakness of gifts and of graces : and remember that many who are weaker in the understanding of church-orders , may yet be stronger in grace than you . . think on the common calamity of mankind : what strange disparity there is in mens understandings , and will be : and how the church here is a hospital of diseased souls ; of whom none are perfectly healed in this life . . distinguish still between those truths and duties , which are or are not of necessity : and between the tolerable and the intolerable errors . and never think of a common unity and concord , but upon the terms of necessary points ; and of the primitive simplicity ; and the forbearance of dissenters in tolerable differences . . remember that the pestoral government is a work of light and love : and what these cannot do , we cannot do . our great study therefore must be first to know more and to love more than the people ; and then to convince them by cogent evidence of truth ; and to cause the warmth of our love to be felt by them , in all the parts of our ministration and converse : as the warmth of the mothers milk is needful to the good nutrition of the child . the history of martin . . when you see many evils which love and evidence will leave uncured ; yet do not reject this way , till you have found one that will better do the work , and with fewer inconveniences . . when you reprove those weak christians , who are subject to errors , disorders and divisions ; reflect no● any disgrace upon piety it self : but be the more careful to proclaim the honour of godliness , and true conscientious strictness , lest the ungodly take occasion to despise it , by hearing of the faults of such as are accounted the zealousest professors of it . . discourage not the people from so much of religions exercises , in their families , and with one another , as is meet for them in their private st●tions . . be not wanting in abilities , watchfulness and diligence , to resist seducers by the evidence of truth ; that there may be no need of other weapons : and quench the sparks among the people , before they break out into flames . . be not strange to the poet ones of your flocks ; but impartial to all ; and the servants of all : mind not high things , but condescend to men of low estate . . spend and be spent for your peoples good , do all the good that you are able for their bodies , as well as for their souls . and think nothing that you have too dear to win them , that they may see that you are truely fathers to them ; and that their welfare is your chiefest care . . keep up the reverence of the ancient and experienced sort of christians ; and teach the younger what honour they owe to them that are their elders in age and grace : for whilest the elder who are usually sober and peaceable , are duly reverenced , the heat of rash and giddy youth , will be the better kept in order . . neither neglect your interest in the religious persons of your charge , lest you lose your power to do them good ; nor yet be so tender of it , as to depart from sober principles or wayes to please them : make them not your rulers ; nor follow them into any exorbitancies , to get their love , or to escape any of their censures . . let not the pastors contend among themselves : especially through envy against any whom the people most esteem . a reproof of ignorant , pievish , backbiting , quarrelsome ministers . . study our great pattern of love and tenderness , meekness and patience : and all those texts which commend these virtues ; till they are digested into a nature in you , that healing virtue may go from you , as wasting fire proceedeth from the incendiaries . the texts recited . directions for vveak christians , how they may escape the troubling , dividing and endangering of the church by their errours in doctrine , worship , and church-communion . if we had never been warned by the history of the sacred scripture , or of the former ages of the church , yet our experience in this present age is enough to tell both us and our posterity , how great perturbations , and calamites may come to the church of christ , by the miscarriages of the more zealous professors of religion ! and how great a hinderance such may prove to the prosperity of the gospel ; to the love and unity of christians ; to the reformation , and holy order of the congregations , and to all those good ends which are desired by themselves . how great a dishonour they may prove to the christian name , and what occasions of hardening the wicked in their contempt of godliness , to their everlasting ruine , and the sufferings of believers . therefore seeing the peace and welfare of the church , is much more valuable , than the peace and welfare of an individual soul , as i have directed you how to escape your own disturbance and undoing , so i think it as necessary to direct you , how to escape being the plagues and disturbers of the church , and the instruments of satan in resisting the gospel , and destroying others . and you should be the more willing to hear me in this also , because by hurting others you hurt your selves , and by wronging the church of god , you cross your own desires and ends ( if you are christians indeed ; ) and by doing good to others , and furthering the cause of godliness and christianity , you do good to your selves and further your own cosolation and salvation . direct . i. first , observe this general direction ; see that you forget not the great difference between novices and experienced christians ; between the babes and those at full age ; between the weak and the strong in grace : level them not in your estimation . it is not for nothing that the spirit of god in scripture maketh so great a difference between them , as you may read in heb. . , , , , & . , . tim. . . iohn . , , . there are babes , strong men , and fathers among christians . there are some that are dull of hearing , and have need of milk , and are unskilful in the word of righteousness , and must be taught the principles ; and there are others who can digest strong meat , who by reason of use , have their senses exercised to discern both good and evil . novices must not be made pastors of the church . it is not for nothing that the younger are so often commanded reverence and submission to the elder ; and that the pastors and governors of the church , are usually called by the name of elders ; because it was supposed that the elder sort were the most experienced and wise , and therefore pastors and rulers were to be chosen out of them . and why is it that children must so much honour their fathers and mothers , and must be governed by them ? it is not meerly because generation giveth the parents a propriety in their children : for god would not have folly to be the governour of wisdom , upon pretense of such propriety : but it is also because that it must ordinarily be supposed that infants are ignorant , and parents have understanding , and are fit to be their teachers , as having had longer time and helps to learn , and more experience to make their knowledge clear and firm . if the young and unexperienced were ordinarily as wise as the aged or mature , why are not children made governors of their parents , or at least commanded to instruct and teach them , as ordinarily as parents must do their children ? the lord jesus himself would be subject to his mother and reputed father in his child-hood . luke . . can there be a livelier conviction of the arrogancy of those novices , who proudly sleight the judgments of their elders , as presuming groundlesly that they are wiser than they ? yea christ would not enter upon his publick ministry or office , till he was about thirty years of age . luke . . he is blind that perceiveth not in this example , a most notorious condemnation of the pride of those that run with the shell on their head into the ministery , or that hasten to be teachers of others , before they have had time or means to learn ; and that deride or vilisie the judgments of the aged , who differ from their conceits , before they understand the things in which they are so confident . it was thought a good answer , in iohn . . [ he is of age , ask him : ] but they that are under age now think their words to be the wisest , because they are the boldest and the fiercest . the old were wont to bless the young , and now the young deride the old . it is the character of a truculent people deut. . . that they regard not the person of the old : that is , they reverence not their age . how many vehement commands are there in solomons proverbs to the younger sort , to hearken to the counsel of their parents ? the contrary was the ruine of eli's sons ; and the shame of samuels , sam. . , . was rehoboam unwise in forsaking the counsel of the aged , and harkning to the young and rash ? and are those people wise that in the mysteries of salvation , will prefer the vehement passions of a novice , before the well-setled judgment of the experienced aged ministers ? i know that the old are too oft ignorant , and that wisdom doth not always increase with age : but i know withall , that children are never fit to be the teachers of the church ; and that old men may be foolish , but too young men are never wise enough for so high a work . we are not now considering , what may fall out rarely as a wonder , but what is ordinarily to be expected . most of the churches confusions and divi●●ons , have been caused by the younger sort of christians : who are in the heat of their zeal , and the infancy of understanding : who have affection enough to make them drive on , but have not judgement enough to know the way . none are so fierce and rash in condemning the things and persons which they understand not , and in raising clamours against all that are wiser and soberer than they . if they once take a thing to be a sin which is no sin , or a duty which is no duty , there is no person , no minister , no magistrate , who hath age , or wisdom or piety enough , to save them from the injuries of juvenile temerity , if they do not think and speak and do according to their green and raw conceits . remember therefore to be always sensible of the great disadvantages of youth , and to preserve that reverence for experienced age , which god in nature as well as in scripture hath made their due . if time & labour were not necessary to maturity of knowledge , why do you not trust another with your health , as well as a studyed experienced physician , and with your estates , as well as a studyed lawyer ? and why do no sea-men trust any other , to govern the ship , as well as an experienced pilot ? do you not see that all men ordinarily are best , at that which by long study they have made their profession . i know those that i have now to do with will say , that divinity is not learnt by labour and mens teaching , as other sciences and arts are ; but by the teaching of the spirit of god : and therefore the youngest may have as much of it as the eldest . answ. there is some truth and some falshood , and much confusion , in this objection . it is true that the saving knowledge of divinity , must be taught by the spirit of god : but it is false that labour and humane teaching are not the means which must be used by them , who will have the teaching of the spirit . and the objection confoundeth , . the spirits teaching us by inditing the scripture , with the spirits teaching us the meaning of the scripture . and it confoundeth the common knowledge of divinity , with the saving knowledge of it . no man commeth to a common knowledge , fit for a teacher of others , without the spirits teaching us by the scripture : for that was the first part of the spirits teaching us , to inspire the prophets and apostles to deliver a teaching , word to the church , by which we might all be taught of god through all generations . but many men have excellent common knowledge , by this word , and by the common help of the spirit , without that special help which begetteth saving knowledge . many prophesied and workt miracles in christs name , who had no saving knowledge of him , mat. . , . and paul rejoyced that christ was preached , even by them that did it of strife and envy , to add affliction to his bonds : phil. . , , , . saving knowledge must have a special help of grace ; and they which had but solomons knowledge , may by the spirit have saving knowledge in a little time , by bringing it to the heart , and making it clear , and lively and effectual . but that may be a means of saving others , which saveth not the man that hath it . and all knowledge requireth time and labour , to obtain it , though the spirit giveth it , and though it may be sanctifyed to us in a little time . . consider i pray you , why else it is , that god hath so multiplied commands , to dig for it as for silver , and search for it as a hidden treasure : to cry for knowledge and lift up our voice for understanding : to wait at the posts of wisdoms doors : to search the scriptures and meditate in them day and night : is not this such study and labour as men use , to get understanding in other kind of professions ? are not these the plain commands of god ? and are they not their deceivers who contradict them . . is it not a blaspheming of gods spirit , to make it the patron of mens sloth and idleness , under pretense of magnifying grace ? when so many texts command us diligence , and slothfulness is so great a sin ? and none are so forward to preach as these same men that cry down mens teaching . . why hath god setled a teaching office in his church , and commandeth all to attend and hear and learn ; if we are taught by the spirit without mans help ? why were the apostles sent out into all the world ? and why are they commanded to teach all nations , and to teach the church all that christ commanded them ? and why doth he promise to be with them to the end of the world ? but that this is the way of the spirits teaching , to teach those first who are our outward teachers , and then to help us to understand them ? and those are taught of god , who are taught by those who are sent of god to be their teachers , and have the inward concurrence of his grace . . advise with the experience of all the world who was the man that ever you knew able to expound one chapter in the bible , by the inward teaching of the spirit alone without any labour of his own , or help from others , by voice or writing ? where dwelleth that man who by meer inspiration , can turn one chapter out of hebrew or greek into the vulgar tongue ? the first part of our preaching or publishing the scriptures is by translating them into a language which is understood . when ezra in his pulpit of wood , did read the law and give the sense , the meaning is , that he read it in the ancient hebrew tongue in which it was written , and turned it into the language which the jews then used ( who were grown much strangers to their ancient speech . ) where is the man that can solidly unfold any doctrine of divinity , which he never read or heard of , or can teach that truth , and defend that religion , which he was never taught by man ? he is a stranger in the world who seeth not , that as in law and physick and other professions , though some are ignorant even when they are old , yet commonly all men are wisest and ablest in their own profession , and those know most , who having natural capacities have had best help , and longest time , and hardest studies , the spirit assisting them by his common help to make it knowledge , and by his special grace to make it a sanctifying knowledge . therefo●e remember to give due respect to them that have been longer in christ than you , and to them that have longer studyed the scriptures , and to them that have had greater helps and experience : and do not too easily imagine , that those who are below them in all these advantages , are yet above them in sound understanding : though such a wonder may sometime come to pass . direct . ii. observe well the secret and subtil workings of spiritual pride , and how deep-rooted and dangerous a sin it is , and what special temptations to this odious sin , the younger and empty●headed christians have ; that the resistance of them may be your daily care . pride is the self-idolizing sin : the great rebel against god : the chief part of the devils image : that one sin which breaketh every commandment : the heart of the old man : the root and parent and summary of all other sin : the antichristian vice , which is most directly contrary to the life of christ : the principal object of gods hatred and disdain , and the mark of those whom he delighteth to tread down ; and the certain prognostick of dejection and abasement , either by humbling repentance , or damnation . it is called [ spiritual pride ] from the object , when men are proud of spiritual excellencies , real or supposed . and this is so much worse than pride of beauty , apparel , riches , high places , or high birth , as the abuse of great and excellent things , is worse than the abuse of vanities and tri●les : and as things spiritual are in themselves more contrary to the nature of pride , and therefore the sin hath the greater enormity . the common exercise of this religious or spiritual pride is first about our knowledge , and secondly about our godliness or goodness . pride of our understandings , worketh thus : first , a man that was formerly in darkness , is much affected with the new-come light , and perceiveth that he knoweth much more than he did before : and then he groweth to a carnal and corrupt estimation of it , valuing it more as nature is pleased with it , than as it is sanctified by it : delighting in knowledge for it self , more than for the purity , love and heavenliness which it should effect . then he looketh about him on the ignorant sort of people , who know not what he knoweth , and seeth how far they are below him : and he thinketh with himself , what a difference hath god made between me and them : and because thankfulness is a duty , he observeth not how pride doth twist it self with it , and creep in under the protection of its name : and how thankfulness and pride have the same expressions , and both of them say , i thank thee o father that thou h●st hid these things from the wise and prudent , and hast revealed them to babes : i thank thee o god that i am not as other men are , extortioners , unjust , adulterers , or even as this publican , luk. . . and then he is so taken up with the things which he knoweth , that he perceiveth not what knowledge yet he wanteth . and the deep affection which his knowledge worketh in him , or the tickling pleasure which he hath in knowing , joyned with this ignorance of his ignorance in other things , doth make him over-confident of all his apprehensions , as if every thing which he imagineth were an absolute certainty : and so he wanteth that humble suspicion of his own understanding , which a true acquaintance with his ignorance would have caused in him : and thus he groweth to over-value all his own conceivings ; and to under-value all the opinions and reasonings of others , which are contrary to his own : and thence he proceeds to corrupt his religion with such mis-apprehensions ; and his rash unsuspected understanding entertains one errour first , and then that lets in many more ; till he have espoused a self-chosen frame of doctrine , instead of the sacred truths of god , and method of the gospel : and from hence he proceedeth to choose his religious exercises also , according to these mis-apprehensions : these make him duties which are no duties , and sins which are no sins : and thus he calleth evil , good , and good , evil ; and putteth darkness for light , and light for darkness ; bitter for sweet , and sweet for bitter . and having made him a religion of his own , he confidently thinketh that it is of god : and next he valueth all men that he hath to do with according as they are nearer or farther off , from this which he accounteth the way of god : he chooseth his church or party whom he will joyn with , by the test of this religion which his pride hath chosen : he zealously declaimeth against the opposers of his way , as against the adversaries of truth and godliness , and consequently of god himself . he prayeth up his opinions , and preacheth them up , and contendeth for them ; and prayeth and preacheth and disp●teth down all that ●s against them . he laboureth to strengthen the party that is for them , and to weaken that which is against them : and thus he divideth the kingdom and family of christ ; he destroyeth first , the love of his brother and neighbour in himself , and then laboureth to destroy it in all others , by speaking against those that are not of his way , with contempt and obloquy to represent them as an ●●lovely sort of men : and if the interest of his cause and party do require it , perhaps he will next destroy their persons : and yet all this is done in zeal of god , and as an acceptable service to him : and they think all are ne●ters and lukewarm , who prosecute not the schism as fervently as they , and fight not against love with as much vehemency : yea and in all this , they are still con●ident , that they l●ve the brethren with a special love , and make it the mark that they are christs disciples , and that they are passed from de●th to life , because they love the party and persons , who are of their own opinion and way . and thus pride insensibly , while they perceive it not at all , doth choke their opinions , their religions , their parties , and make their duties and their sins , and rule their judgments , affections and their actions ; which is all but the same thing , which the scripture in one word calleth heresy . and all that i have said , you may find said in other words in the third chapter of iames. and there are two things which greatly promote this sin : the one is a conceit that all their apprehensions are the spirits dictat●s , or the effect of its illumination . and the works and teachings of the spirit , are not to be contradicted , or suspected , but to be honoured . therefore they think that it is a resisting of the spirit , to resist their judgment : and they are perswaded that their apprehensions are caused by the spirit , partly because they had no such thing whilest they lived in wickedness , but it came in either with their change or shortly after : and therefore they think that the same light which shewed them their sinful state , doth shew them also all these principles : and partly because they find themselves as deeply ●ffected with these misapprehensions , as with other which are sound and right ; therefore they are confident that they come from the same spirit : and specially when these thoughts come in upon the reading of the scripture , or in meditation , or after earnest prayer to god , to teach them by his spirit and lead them into the truth , and not to suffer them to err ; and when they find that they have good ends and meanings , and a desire to know the truth ; all th●s perswadeth them that it is the spirit from whom their thoughts proceed ; when yet it may be no such thing . and another much greater and commoner cause of this self-conceitedness is this : all mens understandings are naturally imperfect : our knowledge about natural things is small and dark , much more about things supernatural : the wisest must say , we know but in part : and the variety of mens degrees of knowledge , joyned with the difference of their educations , and advantages and fore-going thoughts , doth make as great a diversity of understandings as of complexions : and yet it is very hard to any man , to have a sufficient diffidence and suspicion of his mistaking mind . for what a man knoweth , he knoweth that he knoweth . but no man that erreth doth know that he erreth : for that is a contradiction . if i knew that i erred in judgment , i must know that the thing is otherwise than i judged it to be : which is impossible to the same understanding at the same time : for then judging were no judging as being contrary to knowledge : when i see such a difficulty about a point , as to pass no judgment at all , but remain in meer suspence , then i can easily perceive that i am ignorant of it : but when i pass any judgment , i cannot perceive that my judgment is false , except it be in the cure of it , and by the same light which changeth it : when i err , i can never know that i err , but in sensu diviso , when i cease my error : when i know that i erred , i so err no longer . and because every thing which appeareth to us , doth appear in some kind of light or other , and appeareth in some form , and as clothed with some qualities , the understanding therefore presently hath some thought or other of it : if we take any notice of it , we shall have some kind of conception and opinion of it : and few things in the world do appear to us in such equal diverse shapes , as to leave the understanding wholly dubious , whether it be this or that . though of that which hath no appearance at all , i am wholly ignorant , and have no conception . and when one part of a thing is seen , and many other parts of it are unseen , we are all apt to conceive of the whole according to the part which we see , and not allow a just suspension or suspicion for all the parts which are unseen . that which i see , affecteth me as a thing seen : but that which i see not , is nothing to me , and therefore affecteth me not at all . that part which i know , i know that it is , & so far , what it is : it is in my mind & memory : but that part which i know not , i know not that it is , or know not what it is : so that seeing one part of things , and not seeing another , ( yea perhaps many others , ) doth not only cause our error in judging of them , but also maketh it very hard , to question or distrust our judgments : for we must not be scepticks and doubt of all things : nor must we deny belief to so much as is revealed to us : and therefore however at the present we apprehend things , just such we are usually confident that they are . and in this difficulty all error and the lamentable consequences of it do come in . but what shall a man do in so hard a streight ? why this every humble man must do . he must tread safely , and proceed warily , and try the spirits , and try the doctrines offered him throughly , and this by all the means which god hath appointed him for that use . he must not strive against the light ; but he must take heed of taking darkness for light , or hearkening to the deceiver , when he transformeth himself into an angel of light : ( which is not unusual ) what cometh with evidence of truth must be received as truth , and held fast , and not again let go ; however sometimes it may have a second and third tryal . and when you see any truth , remember that it is still with a defective sight , and that you see but in part : and therefore allow a freedome in your understandings , to receive the rest . you are certain that you see not all that is to be seen , of any doctrine or science , any more than of any creature : and you are uncertain what influence the unknown parts , would have upon that part which you know , or what alteration it would make upon your apprehension , if you saw them altogether in their connexion . therefore be sure that in your most confident apprehensions , you never forget that there is still much more unknown to you than you yet know . and this will preserve a humility and modesty in your understandings and a capacity and fitness to receive more knowledge : when the forgetting of this , will make you proud and arrogant and presumptuous , and like the fool that rageth and is confident , even in your ignorance and shame ; and will shut up your minds against that knowledg which you want . but especially if you know that your advantages for knowledge have been less than other mens : that you are young , or that it is but a few years since you entred upon the study of the scriptures , or that you have not any stronger natural parts than other men ; or that you have not had that measure of learning which might further your knowledge of the holy scriptures ; but that others that differ from you have had much more of all these helps and means than you ; common reason here commandeth you to be modest , and not over-confident in your own opinion , nor too much to slight the judgements of such others . especially if those that differ from you , be not only more learned , but as truly conscionable as you , and as like to be unfeigned lovers of truth , and have prayed more , and meditated more , and have had more religious experiences than your selves : and yet more , if they are the greater number of the godly that differ from you , and you are singular in your conceits ; in this case rash confidence in your own opinions , is too palpable a sign of a religious pride . obj. but the learnedst men are not always the wisest , in the matters of religion . answ. many men are learned in the languages and sciences , who are not learned in the scriptures ; because they applyed not their stud●es that way . and many men are learned in the scriptures , and the sacred tongues , who yet live in sin , though they are able to teach the truth for others . but those that well understand the scriptures , without learning the languages which they are written in , and the customs of those times and countreys , or without much reading and long study both of the scriptures themselves , and the writings of them that better understand them , are so few , so very few , if any at all , that if you will pretend to be one of them , you had need of some miracle or something like a miracle , to make your selves or others be-believe that you are not deceived . see what i have said of this at large , in my unreasonableness of infidelity . obj. the greater number are not always in the right ; therefore why should my singularity discourage me ? answ. the greater number through the world are not in the right about christiany , for they are not christians . and the greater number of vulgar christians be not in the right perhaps in many points of learning , and scholastick controversies , because they are not learned in such controversies . but all godly men and christians are in the right in all points essential to godliness and christianity : and therefore they are in the certain way of life . and if in any integral or accidental point , you think that you are wiser than the greater part , of men as learned and as godly as your self , you must give very good proof of it to your self and others , before it is to be believed . i know that in all ages , god giveth some few men more excellent natural parts , than others : and he engageth some in deeper and more laborious studies than others : and he blesseth some mens studies more than others : and therefore there are still some few who know more , than the rest of the countrey or of mankind : and it were well for the rest if they knew these and would learn of them : but these are such as come to their knowledge by hard and laborious studies and meditation , though also by the spirit blessing their endeavours : and they are such as give proof of the knowledge which they pretend to : and they are such as employ their knowledge to preserve the peace and concord of believers , and do not proudly make a stir with it , to set up their own names , though thereby they set the world on fire . make therefore no more of these vain defences of your pride : let no man think of himself and his own understanding above what is meet . i perswade you not to deny any truth which indeed you know , nor to doubt of any thing which is made truly certain to you . but value not your understandings above their worth , and fix not too rashly upon your first apprehensions ; and go not away with a passionate confidence , in your poor , raw , untryed and defective conceptions . but remember that you know but little , and must have time and labour to grow up to the rest . be not wise in your own conceits . rom. . . & . . prov. . . & . . and this is commonly the sin of the slothful , that never were at that pains for knowledge , by which it must be attained . the sluggard is wiser in his own conceit , than seven men that can render a reason , prov. . . you little think when you are conceited of your knowledge , that you are further from wisdom than a fool . prov. . . seest thou a man wise in his own conceit ? there is more hope of a fool , than of him . be not wise in thy own eyes , prov. . . wo to them that are wise in their own eyes , and prudent in their own sight . isa. . . be not righteous overmuch , neither make thy self over-wise : why shouldst thou destroy thy self ? the self-conceited must become fools in their own esteem , if ever they will be wise , as the worldly wise must own that which is folly in the judgment of the world , if ever they will be wise : cor. . . . and there is a religious pride of goodness , as well as of knowledge , which must yet more carefully be avoided , as being yet worse than the former , as the thing abused is much better . and this worketh as subtilly and secretly as the former . it may not only consist with many complaints and confessions of sinfulness , weakness and unworthyness , but even with doubts of sincerity and so much dejectedness as seemeth to draw near to desparation . it is an ordinary thing to hear the same persons talk in a complaining , doubting and almost despairing manner of speech , and yet to have high expectations of respect from others , and to be most proudly impatient of the least undervaluing or neglect . yea pride will make an advantage to it self , of all these humble confessions and complaints : and it is an old observation , that many are proud of their humility : for though it be true that austin saith , that grace is a thing which no man can use amiss ; the meaning is only , that grace efficiently can do nothing ami●s : ( for if it do amiss so far it is not grace : ) yet objectively all grace may be abused , that is , a man may make it the object of his pride , and the occasion of many other sins . and this religious pride of goodness , doth ordinarily work under the pretext of thankfullness to god for his grace , and zeal for holyness : but it may be known by this , that it always tendeth to lift us up , and to the diminishing of love to oothers , and to the contempt of the weak , and the censuring of our brethren , and the division and disturbance of the church of god. they are lamentable effects which this pride produceth , in the church and all societies where it cometh . it maketh all mens goodness seem little , except our own : it causeth the people to undervalue their pastors , and turneth compassion of me●s weaknesses into a sowr contempt : it setteth a man in his own conceit , so near to god , that he looketh down on other men , as earthly animals in comparison of himself . it maketh new terms of church-communion , and teacheth men to make narrower the door of the church , than god hath made it : it causeth men to deny and v●li●ie gods grace , in those that answer not their expectations : and to think that the church is not worthy of their communion : and to think that none are so fit as they , to be the reformers of the church and of the world . i intreat those who are in danger of this pernicious sin , to think with themselves . . what a heynous crime and folly it is for one that but lately was a child of the devil , and a sink of sin , to be proud so quickly of their goodness : and for one that so lately was groaning and weeping with a broken heart for a sinful life , to be already puffed up with the conceits of godlyness . and for one who daily maketh confession to god , of a sinful heart , and a faulty life , and of great unworthyness , to contradict all this by an over-valuing of his own piety ; and how incongruous it is for one , who professeth to hope for justification by free grace & mercy only , & to have nothing of his own but what 's defiled , and who abhorreth the doctrine of merit , and talketh so much of our emptyness and insufficiency , to be yet puffed up with the conceit of his spirituality and worth . and what an odious self-con●radiction it is , to make your self like the devil in pride , because you think you are like god in holiness . . and consider , that the more you are proud of your goodness , the less you have to be proud of : if this sin be predominant , it is certain that you have no saving grace at all : and what an odious thing and miserable case is it , to be proud of holyness , when you are unholy ; and to be damned both for want of it , and for being proud of it : that a man should be proud of that , for want of which he must suffer the fire of hell ! but if your pride be not predominant , yet it is certain that in what measure soever you have that vice , in that measure you are destitute of grace : for true grace and pride are as contrary as life and death . . and study well the meaning of all these scriptures ( for you shall not say that i mis-interpret them to you . ) why was it that christ mentioneth the parable of the pha●●see , and the publican ? one thanking god that he was not so bad as others , and the other thinking himself unworthy to look up to heaven . luke . , . &c. why did he give us the parable of the prodigal who confesseth that he was unworthy to be called a son ; and of his elder brother who swelled with envy at his entertainment ? why was it that christ seemed not strict enough to the pharisees , in keeping the sabbath , nor in his diet , nor in his company , but they called him a gluttonous person and a wine-bibber , and a friend of publicans and sinners ? was it not because their pride and superstition made them think too highly of their own religiousness ? and to make sins and duties which god never made , and then to condemn the innocent for want of this humane religiousness ? what was the sin condemned in isa. . . [ which say , stand by thy self ; come not near to me ; for i am holier than thou . ] what meaneth that command in phil. . . let nothing be done through strife or vain glory ; but in lowliness of mind , let each esteem others better than themselves ] read this verse over upon your knees , and beg of god ●o write it on your hearts : and i would wish all assemblies of dividers and unwarrantable separatists , to write it over the doors of their meeting places . and joyn with it rom. . . be kindly affectioned one to another with brotherly love , in honour preferring one another ( that is , before your selves . ) but specially read and study , iam. . in a word , if god would cure the church of religious pride , the pride of wisdom , and the pride of piety and goodness , the church would have fewer heresies and contentions , and have much more peace , and much more true wisdom and goodness it self . direct . iii. overvalue not the common guift of utterance , nor a high profession , as if the presence or absence of either of them , did prove the presence or absence of true saving grace . yet i shall anon tell you , that neither of these must be undervalued , nor accounted needless useless things . but the overvaluing them , hath caused great distempers in the minds and affections , and communion and practise , of many very well meaning christians . when god had first brought me from among the more ignorant sort of people , and when i first heard religious persons pray without forms , and speak affectionately and seriously of spiritual and heavenly things , i thought verily that they were all undoubted saints ; and the sudden apprehension of the difference of their guifts and speech from others , made me think confidently that the one sort had the mark of god upon them , and the other had nothing almost of god at all : till ere long of those whom i so much honoured , one fell off to sensuality and to persecuting formality , and another fell to the foulest heresie ; and another to disturb the churches peace by turbulent animosities and divisions . but the experience of this kingdom these twenty sixe yeares , hath done so much to convince the world what crimes may stand with high professions , that i know not that i ever met with the man , that would deny it : seeing every sect casteth it upon all the rest , however some of them would justifie themselves . but i greatly fear lest the generation which is now springing up and knew not those men , nor their miscarriages , will lose the benefit of these dreadful warnings , and scarce believe what high professours did turn the proudest overturners of all government ; and resisters and despisers of ministry and holy order in the churches and the most railing quakers , and the most filthy and blaspheming ranters ; to warn all the world to take heed of being proud of superficial guifts and high professions ▪ and that he that stanndeth in his own conceit● should take heed lest he fall . when guifts ▪ 〈◊〉 utterance in prayer or talking are thus overvalued and high professions are taken to have more in them th●n they have , men presently moddle their ●ffections , and then the church according to these mis-conceivings : and ● talkative person who by company and use hath got more of these guifts , than better christians , shall be extolled and admired , when many a humble upright soul , that wanteth such utterance , shall be said to be no professor , and so to be unworthy of the communion of saints . mistake me not : i know that though profession may be without sincerity , yet sincerity cannot be without some profession , when there is opportunity to make it : and i know that grace is a vital principle , and like fire which will work and seek a vent if you would restrain it : and that gifts of utterance are great mercies of god for the edification of the church . but here lyeth your unhappy errour in this case . . you take the common profession of christianity to be no profession at all , because there is wanting a profession of greater zeal and forwardness . when as the common sort of people in this land , do profess to stand to their baptismal covenant , in which they own the essential parts of godliness and christianity , and all that is of absolute necessity to salvation . he that truly understandeth the baptismal covenant , and consenteth to it , doth perform all which is necessary to a state of grace : if he profess this , he professeth , both true faith and repentance , and sanctification and mortification , and all that is necessary to make a man a christian. how then can you say that these are no professors ? i tell you ( except a few apostates ) the common sort of people in this land are professors of true faith and godliness ! whether they are true professors without dissembling is another question ; but they are professors of the truth . if you say , that their ignorance and ungodly lives doth shew that they either understand not the baptismal covenant , or consent not to it . i answer , mark well what you say your selves : for this doth but shew that they are hypocrites : you cannot say then that they are no professors , but that they are di●sembling professors . they profess the truth , they do not truly and uprightly profess it . i tell you , all the common sort of the people in england , are either saints or hypocrites : see how i have moved this to them in my treatise called the formal hypocrite . they all profess enough to save them if they sincerely professed it . he that is baptized and professeth himself a christian , and yet is a drunkard , a swearer , a fornicator , or such like , is certainly an hypocrite as going against his own profession : the very creed , lords prayer and ten commandments have enough to condemn him as an hypocrite . and will you now come in , and justifie these men from their hypocrisie , by saying that they are no professors ? if they were no professors , they could be no hypocrites , but meer atheists or infidels . i know that those are the highest sort of hypocrites , who counterfeit the highest zeal and piety , by the highest profession : but this is but a difference in degree . who ever professeth to be a christian , professeth true repentance , faith and holiness , and is an hypocrite if he be not a saint . and then consider , that if you would exclude any of these from the communion of the church , it must not be because they are no professors , but because they are hypocrites , ignorant or scandalous ? and if so , then no man must be shut out , but upon sufficient proof : an unproved hypocrite or sinner , is no hypocrite or sinner in the judgment of the church : and therefore hypocrites are always a great part of the visible church . otherwise church-communion would be founded on meer injustice and tyranny , if men shall be called ignorant , scandalous and hypocrites without proof . and therefore to exclude baptized professors , by whole parishes or multitudes , without bringing proof against each person one by one , is quite to over-turn christs rules and order , and church constitutions and all church justice . i confess it is the thing which i have long lamented ( and often written of especially in my treatise of confirmation ) that those who are baptized in infancy , are not called to a more explicite understanding profession of the covenant then made , and have not a more solemn transition into the number of adult communicants : and we are not out of hope that this may at last be brought to pass . but in the mean time , the same persons though less regularly do make profession of the same thing both at the lords table , and in their publick worship , and in their common claim to the faith and honour of christianity , so that all such must be rejected as hypocrites upon acc●sation and proof of impenitency in some gross sin , and not in the lamp as if they were no professors . for professors certainly they are . and though i abhor their malignity who would vilisie religion , by over-hasty accusing of higher professors ; and would flatter the wicked and ignorant , by making an indifferency and tepidity seem sufficient in the things of god ; yet god would have me bear witness to this truth to cure some mens contrary extream : that as this age as is said , doth need no proof , how heinously high professors may miscarry ; so in the place where i exercised my ministry , i found some give me a satisfying evidence in their last sickness , that they had long lived a truly godly life , who were never noted by their neighbours , for any extraordinary zeal at all . if you ask me , how can it stand with grace to be so much hid ? i answer , they made the common profession of christianity : they usually attended the publick worship : they lived blamelesly in their places : but they were of silent retired dispositions , and were inferiours who by their superiours were restrained from private meetings and some converse with more zealous persons which they desired . and for ought you know there may be very many such ; who must not be rejected as no professors , nor without a particular accusation and proof : unless you would be used in the like kind your selves . direct . iv. affect not to be made eminent and conspicuous in holiness , by standing at a further distance from these lower professors , than god would have you . it is the loathsome scab of the romish church that they who will be taken for religious , must go into a monastery of fryars and nans , and separate themselves from the rest of christians , as worldly secular people : that so their religion may be a noted thing , & they may be set up in their singularity , as publike spectacles , for the world to admire : though perhaps they come thither but under the gripes of conscience , to expiate the guilt of whoredome , murder , or some notorious sins , which the contemned seculars never committed . and it is somewhat easie to proud corrupted nature to enter into a life of greater self-denial , than most monasticks are put upon , when by it they shall be thus separated from the rest of mankind , as a people of more admired holiness . to set our selves up in a separated society , as persons whom the world must account more religious than the common sort of christians , hath so much oftentation in it , as is a great allurement to pride . for many a one who perceiveth how childish a thing it is , to set out ones self to be observed for fine cloathes , or for bodily comeliness , or for high entertainments , curiosities , houses , lands or such vanities , doth yet think that it is an excellent thing , to be honoured by men , especially by the wisest and the best , as a person of wisdome , and piety , and goodness . and indeed it is the truest and the highest honour to be wise and good : and it is exceeding natural to man to desire honour : and it is lawful to have a due and moderate sense and regard to our honour : and all this being so , how easie is it for pride to take this advantage , and to go a little farther , while we think that we go but this far , and keep within our bounds . and the root of the errour lyeth in atheism , self-fishness , and carnality . by the first , we neglect the honouring of god , which should be our utmost aim , and to which all our own honour should be purely referred , as a means : by the second , we idolize our selves , and are sunk into , and centered in our selves , and seek that honour to our selves , which we should wholly refer to god alone . and by the third , we over-value man and his esteem , and live upon the thoughts and breath of mortals , and seek the honour which is given by one to another more than the honour which is of god : whereas we should make it our grand care and study , to be pleasing to our maker , which is the highest honour , and lawful and necessary to be sought ; and should be more indifferent as to the esteem and thoughts of man , as being no further regardable , than it conduceth to our divine and ultimate end . and when pride hath thus turned the eye of the soul , from god , to our selves , and to the creature , it is a working sin , and will be alwayes seeking to fetch in fewel for its self to feed on , and to find out wayes to make our selves conspicuous and observed in the world : and to separate our selves into distinct societies , that the world may see we are above communion with the colder duller sort of christians , is one of the most notable means to this self-exalting end . and many christians that are more humble do yet so much mis-understand the scripture principles of communion , that they think they should corrupt the church , and sin against god , if they stood not in a separated state from those of the colder sort . and this is caused much , by taking those scriptutes to speak of all cold and carnal christians , which speak only of the heathen and infidel world . and this cometh to pass by the happiness of their birth and breeding : because they are born and bred where there are almost none , but professed christians , and they see not the swarms of heathens that worship idols and creatures , or of the infidels who scorn and persecute the christian name , therefore they live as if there were no such persons . they know that the world and the church comprehend all mankind ; and that the church is gathered out of the world : and because they see the church , but see not the world , out of which it is gathered ; therefore they are looking for the world in the church , and think that the commoner sort of christians are the world ; and the better and more zealous sort only are the church , which therefore must be gathered out of the world : and so they gather the church out of the church , while they think that they gather it out of the world. and all this is because they know no more than they see , or at least are affected with no more ; but live as if england or europe were all the world . one years abode in asia or africa might cure this errour . in cor. . , , &c. the apostle forbiddeth the christians to marry with infidels ; because light hath no communion with darkness , nor righteousness with unrighteousness , nor christ with belial . and therefore inferreth , that he that believeth hath no part with an infidel , nor the temple of god any any agreement with idols . and for this he citeth the words of the prophet , come out from among them , and be ye separate , and touch not the unclean thing . all these words which the apostle so plainly speaketh only against marrying with infidels and idolaters , and having communion with them , either intimately or in their sin , are by abundance of ignorant professors abused , as if they had commanded us to separate from the colder and common sort of christians , and to come out of the church whereof they are members . what profaning of gods word is this ? and how gross and palpable a contradicting of its plain expressions ? it was a church of such mixed christians as our churches do consist of , to which the apostle wrote those words ; and because he commandeth them to separate from intimacy with heathens and infidels ( yet so as when they are once married to them , to continue in it ) ; therefore these men say , that one part of the church is called to come forth and separate from the rest . and with the like abuse they apply the command [ come out of babylon ] to them that have no communion with babylon ; and when ignorance , uncharitableness , and passion , have taught them to call christs churches babylon , they add sin to sin , the sin of separation to the sin of slander and reproach ; and abuse the text according to their false exposition of it . direct . v. understand rightly the true difference between the mystical and the visible church , and the qualification of their members ; and do not confound them , as if it were the same persons only , that must be members of both . the mystical church indeed hath none but true saints . but the visible church containeth multitudes of hypocrites ; who profess themselves to be what they are not : they profess to believe in god , while they neglect him ; and to be ruled by god , while they disobey him , and are ruled by their lusts : they profess to love god and forsake the world , whilest they love the world , and god is not in all their thoughts : they profess to love the holy scriptures , whilest they neglect them and love not the holiness of their precepts . they profess to believe in jesus christ , whilest their hearts neglect his grace and government . they profess to believe in the holy spirit , and to hold the communion of saints in the catholick church ; whilest they resist the spirit , and love not saints . all this sheweth that they are hypocrites . but abundance of hypocrites are in the visible church . nay , god would have no hypocrites cast out , but those who bewray their hypocrisie by impenitency in proved heresie or gross sin . we must not model the church of christ according to our private fancies : we are not the lords of it , nor are we sit or worthy to dispose of it look into the scripture , and take it for the rule , and see there of what manner of persons the visible church hath been constituted in all ages of the world till now . in the first church in adams family , a cain , was the first born member , and so continued , till he was excommunicated for the murder of his brother . in a church of eight persons who were saved out of all the world , the father and pastor was overtaken with gross drunkenness , and one of his sons was a cursed cham. in a church of six persons saved from the wickedness of sodom , two of them lot's sons in law ) perished in the flames among the unbelievers : a third was turned into a pillar of salt : the father and pastor was drunk two nights together , after the sight of such a terrible miracle , and after so strange a deliverance to himself : and committed incest twice in his drunkenness : the two that remained ( his daughters ) caused his drunkenness purposely and committed incest with him . in the church in abrahams family , there was an ishmael : and in the church in isaacs family there was an esau : and even rebeka and iacob guilty of deceitful equivocation : and abraham and isaac denied their wives to save themselves in their unbelief . in iacob's family was a simeon and levi , who murdered multitudes under a pretense of religion , and under the cover of false deceit : and almost all his sons moved with envy , sold their brother ioseph for a slave ; and some were hardly kept from murdering him : and his daughter dinah was defiled by desiring to see the company and fashions of the world . in the church of the israelites in the wilderness , after all the miracles which they had seen , and the mercies they had received , so great were their sins of unbelief and murmuring , and lust , and whoredomes , and idolatry , and disobedience , that but two of them that came out of egypt , were permitted to enter the promised land : in the times of the judges they so oft renewed their idolatry , besides all their other sins , that they spent a great part of all those ages in captivity for it . and when the villanies of gibeah had imitated the sodomites , and ravished a woman to death , the tribe of the benjamites defended it by a war , and that in three battels , till fourty thousand of the innocent israelites were slain , and twenty five thousand of the benjamites . look through all the books of samuel , the kings , and chronicles , and the prophets ; from the sad story of the sons of eli and of samuel , to all the wicked kings that followed , who kept up odious idolatry ( even solomon himself ) and scarce two or three of the best did put down the high places : and when hezekiah was zealous to reform , the hearts of the subjects were not prepared , but derided or abused the messengers whom he sent about , to call the people home to god : manasseh's wickedness is scarcely to be parallel'd : and when god sent his prophets to call them to repentance , they mocked his messengers , and despised and abused his prophets , till the wrath of the lord arose , and there was no remedy : chron. . , . read over the prophets , and see there what a people this church of god was . the ten tribes were drawn by ier●boam to sin , by setting up calves at dan and beth-el , and making priests of the vilest of the people , and forsaking the temple and the true worship of god , and the lawful priests . and these lawful priests at ierusalem , were ravening wolves , and greedy dogs , and careless and cruel shepherds : the false prophets who deceived the people were most accepted : the people are accused of cruelty , oppression , whoredom , drunkenness , idolatry , and hatred of those that would reform them . they were grievous persecutors : which of the prophets did not your fathers kill and persecute ? saith christ , matth. . yet this was the church of god , and many think his only visible church : and all these twelve tribes were not so big as england , and were to the bigness of all the earth , no more than one tree to a large wood or forrest . but doubtless the gospel church was both more large and pure . let us therefore take a view of it : and i beseech you remember , that what i say is not to make sin less odious , nor the church or godly less esteemed : but to shew you the frame of the visible church in all generations , and how it differeth from the invisible ; lest you should take on you to be wiser than god , and to build his house after a better rule than his gospel , and the primitive pattern , and marr all by being wise in your own conceits , and by being righteous overmuch . eccles. . and i pray you forget not , that the primitive church was the most pure , and the pattern of those following ; and had inspired apostles to be its guides , and inspired prophets to be its helpers , and abundance of miracles and extraordinary gifts , to gather and edifie it ; to silence its enemies , and to terrifie and restrain offenders , and to bring up the church to the highest degree of holiness that could be well expected . and withall , the members were not driven in by force by magistrates , nor allured by any worldly commodities , but were a few volunteers , who in a time of persecution , professed christ , to their hazard or suffering in the world . yet see what they were . the faultiness of the teachers . the apostles before the death of christ , though they had so long heard his doctrine , and seen his miracles , understood not that he must die for our sins , and be buried , and rise again , and ascend into heaven , and there intercede for us , and rule the church . ioh. . . and . . luk. . . and . . and . , , . peter so much perswaded christ from that suffering by which the world was to be redeemed , that christ speaketh to him as he did to the devil . matth. . get thee behind me satan ; for thou savourest not the things that be of god , but those that be of men . matth. . , . iames and his beloved disciple iohn ( called sons of thunder , perhaps for this or such like zeal ) would have called for fire from heaven to destroy the unbelieving adversaries of the gospel , and knew not of what spirit they were . iudas was one that was sent out to preach the gospel by christ himself , ( who knew his heart . ) many that preached and prophesied and cast out devils in his name , were workers of iniquity , whom he never knew with special approbation . matth. . , . when he came to his sufferings , they all slept when they should have watched and prayed with him one hour in his agony ; and this after his admonition . when they should have confessed him in suffering they all forsook him and fled , matth. . . and peter that seemed to stick closer to him , did with forswearing thrice deny him , after he had promised to die with him , and not to forsake him , though all forsook him ▪ and when he was dead they said , luk. . we trusted this was he that should have delivered israel , as if their faith had been extinct . and when he rose and appeared to them they hardly believed what they saw : and thomas , one of them , resolved that he would not believe , unless he might put his fingers into his side . and when they spake with him before his asce●sion , they dreamed still of an earthly grandure , and askt him , whether now he would restore the kingdome unto israel ? act. . and they understood not the descent of the holy ghost . and when the holy ghost was come upon them , one of their first deacons nicholas was the original of a sect whose doctrine christ did ha●e . paul and barnabas contended even to parting . peter dissembled by a sinful separation , walking not uprightly , and drew away barn●bas into the dissimulation● gal. . phil. . , . [ som● preach christ even of envy , and strif● , and some of good will. the one preach , christ of contentions not sincerely , supposing to add affliction to my bonds . ] many were made like the heads . of sects , and some were of paul , and some of apollo's , and some of cephas ( as the papists be now . ) and some built hay and stubble , which must be consumed . cor. . , of timothy and the rest paul saith ▪ [ i have no man like minded ; for all seek their own , and not the things which are iesus christ● . jo● . . . diorrephes who loveth to have the 〈◊〉 among them receiveth 〈◊〉 not , prating , against us with malicious words : and not content therewith , neither doth he himself receive the brethren , and forbiddeth them that would , and casteth them out of the church . ] as the apostles themselves before christs death , were striving which of them should be the greatest ; so this vice still followed many of the pastors ; so that peter is fain to exhort them , not to lord it over gods heritage , nor to rule them by constraint , but willingly . . pet. . and what abundance of sect-masters did arise from among the ministers of the gospel in the apostles own times ? insomuch as paul forewarneth the famous church of ephesus , not only that grievous wolves ( that is , hereticks ) should e●ter ▪ that spared not the flocks , but also that , of their own selves men should arise , speaking perverse things to draw away disciples after them . act. . . and in the apostles dayes , while one had a prophesie and another a psalm , &c. they brought confusion into the church-worship , even by abuse of extraordinary gifts : and they so abused the love-feasts at the lords supper , that paul was fain to perswade them rather to eat at home . cor. . and cor. . so much of the true state of the primitive teachers and pastors of the church . the faults of the church of rome . what heretical judaizers were among them , is intimated in c . & . to the romans . and how little they understood the doctrine of justification is intimated in cap. ; & , & , & , & , & . what dissentions there were about meats , and drinks , and days , the weak judging the strong , and the strong despising the weak , appeareth , cap. , & . and some caused divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which they had learned , serving not the lord iesus but their own bellies , and by good words and fair speeches deceiving the hearts of the simple , rom. . , . the faults of the church of corinth . cor. . , . [ there are contentions among you — everyone of you saith , i am of paul ; and i of apollo's , and i of cephas , and i of christ. mark the extent of the sin ( every one of you ) that is , very many among you , cor. . . i could not speak to you as spiritual , but as carnal — for ye are yet carnal — v. . if any build on this foundation , wood , hay , stubble , — v. . he shall suffer loss . chap. . . . some are puffed up — shall i come to you with a rod or in love ? — chap. . , , , . i speak to your shame , is there not a wise man among you ? because yee go to law one with another ( before heathens , ) nay you do wrong and defraud , and that your brethren . know ye not that the unrighteous shall not inherit the kingdom of god ? — chap. . , , , , . i praise you not that you come together , not for the better but for the worse . for first of all , when you come together in the church . i hear that that there be divisions among you — for there must be also heresies among you , that they which are approved may be made manifest among you — when you come together into one place , this is not to eat the lords supper : for in eating every one taketh before other , his own supper , and one is hungry , and another is drunken . vers. . . he that eateth and drinketh unworth●ly , eateth and drinketh damnation to himself , not discerning the lords body — for this cause many are weak and sick among you ▪ and many sleep . chap. . reproveth their abuse of unknown tongues , and their disorder in gods publike worship — chap. . , , , . [ if christ be preached that he rose from the dead , how say some among you , that there is no resurrection . but if there be no resurrection of the dead , then christ is not risen ; and if christ be not risen , then is our preaching vain , and your faith is vain ; yea and we are found false witnesses of god — v. . and ye are yet in your sins . cor. . , . i fear lest when i come , i shall not finde you such as i would , and that i shall be found to you such as ye would not . lest there be debates , envyings , wraths , strifes , back-bitings , whisperings , swellings , tumults ; and lest my god will humble me among you , and that i shall bewail many that have sinned already , and have not repented of the uncleanness and fornication and lasciviousness which they have committed . ] besides that paul and his ministry was slandered and much slighted among them , as by his large a●d vehement apologies and expostulations doth appear ; these were the faults of the church of the corinthians . the corruptions of the churches of galatia . gal. . , , , . i marvel that you are so soon removed , from him that called you , to the grace of christ , to another gospel ; which is not another ; but there are some that trouble you , and would pervert the gospel of christ : though●e ●e or an augel from heaven , preach any other gospel to you , than that which we have preached to you , let him be accursed — chap. . , , . o foolish galathians ! who hath bewitched you , that you should not obey the truth ? before whose eyes — are ye so foolish ? having begun in the spirit , are ye now made perfect by the flesh ? have ye suffered so many things in vain — chap. . . how turn y● again to weak and beggarly elements , whereto ye desire again to be in bondage . vers . . . ye observe dayes , and moneths , and times , and years ; i am afraid of you , lest i have bestowed on you labour in v●in — v. . am i therefore become your enemy because i tell you the truth ? tell me , ye that desire to be under the law — v. . as then , he that was born after the flesh persecuted him that was born after the spirit , even so it is now ( the legalists persecuting the apostles ) chap. . . behold i paul say unto you , that if ye be circumcised christ shall profit you nothing . v. , . for i testifie again to every man that is circumcised , that he is a debtor to do the whole law : christ is become of no effect to you . who ever of you are justified by the law , ye are fallen from grace : v. . a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump . . i would they were even cut off which trouble you . chap. . . as many as desire to make a fair shew in the flesh , they constrain you to be circumcised . the corruptions of the church of colosse . col. . , , , . if ye be dead with christ from the rudiments of the world , why as though living in the world , are ye subject to ordinances ? touch not , tast not , handle not ( which all are to perish with the using ) after the commandements and doctrines of men ? which things have indeed a shew of wisdome in will-worship . the corruptions of the church of ephesus . rev. . , . nevertheless i have somewhat against thee , because thou hast left thy first love — remember from whence thou art fallen , and do thy first works , or else i will come unto thee quickly , and will remo●e thy candlestick . act. . . of your own selves shall men arise , speaking perverse things , &c. as aforesaid . the corruptions of the church of pergamus . rev. . , , . i have a few things against thee , because thou hast there the● that hold the doctrine of balaam , who taught balac to cast a stumbling block before the children of israel ; to eat things sacrificed to idols ; and to commit fornication : so hast thou also them that hold the doctrine of the nicolaitans , which thing i hate — repent , or else i will — the faults of the church of thyatira . rev. . , , , i have a few things against thee , because thou sufferest the woman jezebel , which calleth her self a prophetess , to teach and to sed●ce my s●rvants to commit fornication , and to eat things sacrificed to idols . the faults of the church of sardis . rev. . . thou hast a name that thou livest and art dead — i have not found thy works perfect before god. thou hast a few names even in sardis , which have not defiled their garments . the faults of the church of laodicea . rev. . , , . thou art neither cold nor hot — i will spue thee out of my mouth — and knowest not that thou art wretched and miserable and poor and blind and naked . i haue been thus large in citing the words of the text , to make it plain to you , of what kind of members the visible churches were then made up : and to affect their hearts with the sense of their partiality , who can plead for many things as duties , and plead against many things as sin , without one plain word of scripture on their side ; and yet can read all these without either sense or notice . yet mark , i pray you , that i am far from saying that god alloweth any of these sins , or that any should make light of them : for all must abhor them : nor do i say , that none of the churches ought to have excommunicated any of these offenders for these sins . some of them i doubt not , should have been cast out . but these are the uses which i desire you to make of all these texts . first , before you judge any church to be 〈◊〉 church , be able to prove it hath worse crimes to nullisie it than any of these had . for none of these were for these faults pronounced no churches of iesus christ. secondly , observe that no one member , is in all these scriptures , or any other , commanded 〈◊〉 come out and separate from any one of all these churches , as if their communion in worship were unlawful . and therefore before you separate from any as judging communion with them unlawful , be sure that you bring greater reasons for it , than any of these recited were . direct . vi. understand well the different conditions and terms of communion with the church as invisible and as visible ; and the different priviledges of the members ; that so you may not presume to impose any conditions which god hath not imposed ; nor yet to grudge at the reception of those that are not sanctified and sincere . all christians are agreed that it belongeth to god only to make the conditions of church-communion ; and therefore it belongeth not to us to invent them , nor to our wit to censure what god hath done , but to search the scripture till we find it out , and then obey it . this is the great controversie which hath troubled the church : when men know not who should be members of the church and who not , and when they have no certain rule or character to know whom they must receive , it is no wonder if confusion and contention be the complexion and practice of such churches . and here the pastors have torn the church , by running into contrary extreams . some have thought that the visible church must be constituted only of such persons as satisfie the pastors and the people of the truth of their sanctification , by some special account of their conversion or the work of grace upon their hearts , in a distincter manner than the ancient church required of the baptized : wherein being agreed of no certain terms , to know anothers sanctification by , their churches are diversified according to the measure of the strictness or largeness , censoriousness or charity of the pastors & the people ; while one thinks that person to have true grace , whom another thinks to have done . and so they that will be most uncharitable , do pretend to the reputation of being the most pure ; because they are most strict : and multitudes are shut out whom christ would have to be received , & his children are numbred with the dogs . on the other side there is one or two of late among us , who think that the church is but christs school , where he teacheth the way to true regeneration ; and not a society of professed regenerate ones or saints : and that all who own christ as the teacher of the church , and submit to the government of the pastors , and are willing to learn how to be regenerate , should be baptized , though they profess not any special saving faith or repentance . and their reasons are , because first , else all that doubt of their sincerity must lie , or be kept out . secondly , because that in the church of the jews , the multitude were such as were openly ungodly . and some of the papists talk also at this rate , though indeed they are themselves yet ●tterly unresolved in this point . what church soever is constituted according to either of these two opinions , will not be constituted according to the mind of christ : but yet with this difference : the first opinion introduceth church - tyranny , and injustice , and is founded in the want of christian charity , and ▪ knowledge , and tendeth to endless separations and confusions . but the second opinion inferreth all these greater mischiefs . first , it confoundeth the catechumens with the christians , and maketh all christians who are but willing to learn to be christians . secondly , it maketh the christian church to consist of such as are no christians : as that person certainly is not , who consenteth not that christ be his teacher , priest and king : for to such a one , he is no christ ; seeing these are the essential parts of his mediatory office . and the new device of distinguishing christs apostolike and mediatory offices , & so the church congregate and the church regenerate accordingly , will not seem to difend this conceit . for as christ is not divided , so his office for which he is called christ is but one , which entirely is called the office of a saviour , or redeemer , or mediator , which are all one : and the essential parts of it are , first his priestly , second teaching and ruling offices or works : and this which is called his apostleship , is but the same which is called his teaching or prophetical office , and is a part of his mediatory or saving office. and he is no christian , nor is that any congregated christian church , which professeth not to take christ for his mediator his priest and king , as well as for an apostle a prophet or teacher . thirdly , they therefore who hold the aforesaid doctrine , do introduce a new sort of christianity . fourthly , and a new sort of baptism , which the church of christ never knew to this day . and therefore they do ingenuously profess their dissent from our form or words in baptism , because we put the baptized to renounce the flesh the world and the devil , and to use such covenanting words as must signifie special grace . but through the great mercy of god , baptism is still the same thing in all the christian churches in the world , the reformed , the roman , the greek , the armenian , yea and the ethiopian too , for all their seeming reiteration of it . and baptism among them all , is the same now as it hath been in all generations , from christs institution of it . so that we fully maintain as well as the romans , that christianity hath by this sacred tradition been safely delivered down to us to this day . what a christian is , and what christianity is , may be most certainly known , by this which is commonly called our christening ; in which the profession and covenant which maketh men christians is so express and unchanged from age to age . therefore these men who would have our baptism changed , do speak plainly , but impudently ; as if they were raised in the end of the world , to reform the baptism and christianity of all ages , and were not only wiser than the universal church from christ till now , but also at last must make the church another thing . i intreat the reader who would know the judgement of all antiquity about baptism , as supposing saving grace , to read those numerous citations of mr. gataker in the margin of his book against davenant , of baptism . fifthly , and by this new doctrine they destroy all that special love which church-members or visible christians as such , should bear to one another . for if no faith or consent must necessarily be professed at baptism , but that which is common to the ungodly and children of the devil , then all church-members as only such , must be taken to be but ungodly , and no man must love a church-member as such , with a special love , as a visible saint ; but only as one of the hopefuller sort of the ungodly . sixthly , and hence it will follow , that either none must make any profession of saving faith and repentance ( and so all appearance of holiness must be driven out of the world ) or else the church must be constituted of two sorts of professions and professours , tota specie distinct from one another ; yea more distinct than infidels are from their new sort of christians . and consequently it must needs be indeed two churches and not one , viz. one church of those who take christ for their teacher only , and another of those that take him entirely as christ. seventhly , and by this rule the socinians and mahometans , who confess christ to be a great teacher , but deny him to be the priest and sacrifice for sin , may be baptized , and taken for christians . these and many more absurdities follow upon this new conceit . but i must desire the reader who would see more of it , to peruse my disputations about right to sacraments , where it is handled at large . as to their objections i answer . first , no man is called to lie , nor yet are they fearful to be shut out : for as no man is perfectly acquainted with his own heart , so no man is to profess a perfect knowledge of it : but if a man speak as he thinketh upon faithful endeavours to avoid self-deceit , no more can be expected of him . he that can say [ though i am not certain that there is no secret fraud in my heart , yet as far as i can discern it , i am willing to be a christian upon the terms of gods covenant , and to take christ for my teacher , priest and king ] must offer himself , and must be received into the church . secondly , and as to the jews case , i have proved in the fore-mentioned disputations , first , that it was no less than a profession of saving faith , which was made in the covenant of circumcision . secondly , that men were then to be put to death , for almost all those enormous crimes which we now excommunicate men for : and the dead are not members of the church on earth . thirdly , that all that in matter of fact was found among them contrary to this , was contrary to gods law : and to argue against the law from mans breach of the law , a facto contra jus , is very bad arguing . fourthly , that it is farre surer and clearer reasoning about the evangelical state and order of the church , from the gospel , than from the law of moses , much more than from the violations of that law . fifthly , but yet all the corruptions of the churches , as i have cited and proved them before , do shew us the difference between the church as visibly congregate , and as regenerate ; and shew us that the presence of scandalous sinners , will not warrant us to separate or to unchurch the church . and this may suffice against that errour . the true conditions of admittance into the church and state of christianity are these . first , a true belief in god the father , son and holy ghost , and a devoting of our selves sincerely to him , as our reconciled father our saviour , and our sanctifier , in a resolved covenant , or consent , renouncing the devil , the world , and the flesh , ( expresly or impliedly ) is the whole and the only condition of our communion with the church mystical or the living body of christ ( which is called the church , in the first and most famous sense . ) obj. if this must be wrought in us before we are in the mystical church , then a state of holiness may be found in such , as are yet out of the body of christ in the world : but if this be after our entrance into the church , than less may sufficiently qualifie us for admittance . answ. it is neither before not after : but it is our change and entrance it self . to be a member of the church mystical , and to be a christian is all one : and this is christianity . if i should say that the making a man a rational free agent , is the making him a member of the rational world ; would you think that this must be either antecedent or consequent to his change , which is nothing else but the change it self ? secondly , that which maketh a man a member of the vniversal church as visible , is his baptism . which is , his profession of the same true faith aforesaid , and consent to the covenant ; or his visible dedication to god the father , son and holy ghost , as his reconciled father , his saviour and sanctifier , by a vow and covenant in baptism . where note that baptism hath two parts : the covenant there made and openly declared between god and man : and the sacramental , obsigning and investing sign ; which is the washing in water . the profession it self , or open covenanting with god , is the thing statedly necessary to the being of visible christianity : and the washing with water , is necessary as a duty where it may be had , and as a means to the orderly and regular entrance ; by which the church is commonly to judge who are its admitted members and who not . as inward consent and outward profession of consent , and publike solemnization , are the necessaries to a state of marriage ; the first being as the soul , the second as the body , and the third as the wedding garments ; so is it in this case . so that in short , if you take baptism aright for the covenant and the sign , there is no other entrance into the visible church , nor any other condition necessary to a title to its communion . but if you take baptism improperly , for the was●ing alone , there is no title to such washing necessary but professed faith and covenanting . so that if you require more , or invent and impose any further conditions , and deny baptized professors of christianity to be visible members of the church , you are superstitious devisers of a way of your own , and makers of will-worship , and not obedient submitters to the way of god. profession then of belief and consent to the covenant , is our title-condition to communion with the universal visible church . this profession must be solemn , and solemnized under the hand of a minister of christ , who hath the keyes of the church , or kingdom of heaven ; that it may be satisfactory to the church , and valid at its barre . those that are baptized at age , have present right to communion with the adult . those that are baptized in infancy ( upon good right ) are admitted to such infant-communion as they are capable of . and at years of discretion , they themselves must own the covenant , which their parents entered them into . the more solemnly this is done ( as it was in baptism ) the better it is : but if it be done but by a professing themselves to be christians , and attending christs ordinances with his church , it is valid ; unless they forfeit the credit of their profession , by proved heresies or crimes in which they live impenitently . but then it must be here observed , what a profession of christianity is , which intitleth to baptism and church-communion . and objectively , it must be the whole baptismal covenant that must be professed : no less is to be taken as a profession of christianity : and as to the act , it must be first , a signification of the mind , by word or writing , or some intelligible sign . secondly , it must seem to be understood : for no man consenteth to that which he understandeth not . but herein any intelligible sign of a tollerable understanding must be accepted , though we find that the persons conceptions are raw and not so distinct and clear as they ought , nor the expressions ready , orderly or compt . thirdly , it must seem to be serious : for that which is apparently dissembled or iudicrous is null : fourthly , it must be de presenti , a present giving up our selves to christ , and not only a promise de futuro , that we will hereafter take him for our saviour and lord , and not at present . fifthly , it must seem to be voluntary , and not constrained : for then it is not serious . sixthly , it must seem to be deliberate , and resolute , and setled , and not only the effect of a mutable passion . this goeth to make it a real profession in the common sense of all mankind . obj. but how few among us do so much as seem ! be understanding , serious , and resolved in covenanting with christ ? answ. in the degree of these we all fall short of that which is our duty : but if you accuse any of the want of so much as is necessary to an acceptable profession ; first , you must be sure that you speak not by uncharitable surmise and hear-say , but upon certain proof or knowledge . secondly , and that therefore you speak it not at a venture of whole parishes or families , but only of those persons by name , whom you know to be guilty . thirdly , and that you remember that it is the pastors office to judge , and that you expect not that every one must give an account of their knowledge to you : and if there be a mis-judging , it is the fault of the pastor , and not yours ( of which more anon . ) fourthly , that persons baptized are already admitted into the church , and therefore if they make profession of christianity , they must not be put to bring any other proof of their title ; but it lies on you to disprove it , if you will have it questioned . and to reject them from communion without a proved accusation , is tyranny and lording it over the church of god. these are gods terms of church-communion ; and if you will needs have stricter , you must have none of his making but your own . obj. but all visible christians and churches , are visible saints and regenerate ; and so are not ours . answ. to be a visible saint , is to profess to be a saint : and whosoever doth profess the baptismal covenant professeth to be a saint . conversion , regeneration faith and repentance , are all contained , into taking god the father , son and holy ghost , for our father , saviour , and sanctifier . obj. but you may teach a parrot to speak those words . answ. it s true : and perhaps to speak any words which you use your selves : but if you will thence conclude that words must not be taken as a profession , you grosly err , or abusively wrangle ; or if you infer thence that your neighbour understandeth himself no more than a parrot doth , you must prove what you say to the pastor of the church : for god hath not allowed him to excommunicate baptized persons , because you say that they are ignorant . and if they are willing to learn it is fitter to teach them than to excommunicate them . and here i must lament it , that i have met with many censorious professors , who would not communicate with the parish churches , because the people are ignorant , who , when i have examined themselves , have proved ignorant of the very substance of christianity , so that i have been much in doubt whether i ought to admit them to the lords table or not . they knew not whether christ was eternal , or whether he was god when he was on earth , or whether he be man now he is in heaven ; nor what faith is , or what iustification or sanctification is , nor what the covenant of grace is ; nor what baptism or the lords super are ; nor could prove the scripture to be the word of god , or prove mans soul to be immortal ; but gave false or impertinent answers about all these : and yet could not joyn with the ignorant churches . and next i desire you here to observe the different priviledges , as well as the different conditions , of visible and invisible churchmembership . the members of the church mystical or regenerate , have the pardon of all sin , and acceptance with god , and communion with him and with his church in the spirit , and are the adopted children of god , and heirs of everlasting life , and shall live in heaven with christ for ever . the meer visible members of the church , that are not regenerate by the spirit as well as sacramentally by water , have only an outward communion with the saints , and have only the bread and wine in the sacrament , and only a name to live when they are dead . and are these such great matters that we should envy them to poor sinners that must have no more ? have we the kernel , and do we envy them the shell ? have we the spirit , and do we envy them the flesh , or outward signes alone ? yea consider farther , that it is more for the sake of the truly faithful , than for their own , that all hypocrites have their station and priviledges in the church : god maketh use of their gifts and profession for his elect ; to many great services of the church : and is it not then a foolish ingratitude in us , to murmur at their presence ? understand well the conditions and reasons of this visible state of membership , and how far it is below the state of the regenerate , and it will turn your separating murmuring into a thankful acknowledgment of the wisdom of god. direct . vii . get right and deep aprehensions of the necessity and reasons of christian unity and concord : and of the sin and misery of divisions and discord . when we have but slight apprehensions of a duty we easily neglect it , and scarce reprove our selves for it , or repent of our omission . and when we have but slight apprehensions of the evil of any sin , a little temptation draweth us to it ; & we are hardly brought to through-repentance for it : and there is in many christians , a strange inequality and partiality in their apprehensions of good and evil . some duties they dare not omit , and they judge all ungodly who omit them : when some others as great are past by , as if they were no part of religion . and some sins they fear with very great tenderness , when we can scarce make their consciences take any notice , of others as great . and usually they let out all their zeal on one s●de only , while they over-look the other . the papist seemeth so sensible of the good of unity , and the evil of divisions , that he thinketh usurpation of an universal church-monarchy , and tyranny and horrid bloud-shed , to be not only lawful , but necessary for the prevention and the cure . but to make him as sensible of the wickedness of these unlawful means , and of the good of a serious spiritual religiousness , and of christian love and tenderness and forbearance , here is the great difficulty . and on the other side , many are very sensible of the need of spirituality and seriousness in religion , and of the evil of hypocritical formality and imagery , and of usurpation of the prerogatives of christ , and of the plague of persecuting pride and cruelty , who yet have little sense at all , of the good of unity , and of the mischiefs of divisions in the church . yea many are so careful to be found exact in their obedience to god , that they build very much for duties and against sins , upon dark and very far-fetcht consequences , and upon a few obscure and doubtful passages in scripture , when there is no express words , or clear text at all , to bear them out : and doubtless the darkest intimations of the will of god , must not be disregarded . but on the other side , we cannot bring them to lay to heart , some duties and sins , which are over and over , an hundred times , and that with vehemency , exprest and urged in the plainest words . and because all christians pretend to s●bmit to the word of god , i will try whether it be not thus with you in the present case , and will cite many plain expressions of scripture , for christian vnity and concord , that you may either better perceive you duty , or plainly shew your great partiality . zech. . . in that day there shall be one lord and his name one. ezek. . . and i will set up one shepherd over them . ezek. . . i will make th●m one nation — and one king shall be king to them all , and they shall be no more two nations , nor divided into two kingdomes any more . . and david my servant shall be king over them , and they shall have one shepherd . jer. . . i will give them one heart and one way . so ezek. . . joh. , . that they all may be one ; as thou father art in me , and i in thee ; that they also may be one in us , that the world may believe that thou hast sent me . and the glory which thou gavest me , i have given them , that they may be one , even as we are one ; i in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one , and that the world may know that thou hast sent me ; and hast loved them as thou hast loved me . joh. . . that he should gather together in one , the children of god that are scattered abroad . act. . . these all continued with one accord , in prayer and supplication . and chap. . . they were all with one accord in one place . act. . , . they lift up their voice to god with one accord , and said , lord , thou art god — and the multitude of them that believed , were of one heart , and of one soul. act. . . they were all with one accord in solomons porch . act. . . it seemed good to us , being assembled with one accord — cor. . . i have espoused you to one husband — eph. . , &c. i the prisoner of the lord beseech you that ye walk worthy of your vocation wherewith ye are called with all lowliness and meekness ; with long-suffering forbearing one another in love : endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace . there is one body , and one spirit , even as ye are called in one hope of your calling . one lord , one faith , one baptism , one god and father of all , who is above all , and through all , and in you all . — v. , . for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministry , for the edifying of the body of christ. till we all come in the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the son of god , unto a perfect man : that we henceforth be no more childr●n , tossed to and fro , and carried about with every wind of doctrine , by the slight of men , and cun●ing craftiness whereby they lye in wait to deceive : but speaking the truth in love , may grow up into him in all things who is the head , christ : from whom the whole body fitly joyned together , and compacted by that which every joynt supplyeth , according to the effectual working in the measure of every part , maketh increase of the body , to the edifying of it self in love . cor. . , , . no man can say that iesus is the lord , but by the holy ghost — as the body is one , and hath many members , and all the members of that one body , being many are one ●ody , so also is christ. for by one spirit , we are all baptized into one body . — v. , . nay much more those members of the body , which seem to be more feeble are necessary : and those members of the body which we think to be less honourable , upon these we bestow more abundant honour , and our unc●mely parts have more abundant comeliness . for our comely parts have no need ; but god hath tempered the body together , h●ving given more abundant honour to that part that l●●ked : that there should be no schisme in the body , 〈◊〉 that the members should have the same care one for another . and whether one member suffer , all suffer with it , and if one be honoured , all rejoyce — v. . if the foot say , because i am not the hand , i am not of the b●dy , is it therefore not of the body — ( by all this you may see , that even the lowest , dishonoured , 〈◊〉 an● 〈◊〉 mem●ers , must not be denied to be of the church or body of christ. ) cor. . , . charity suffereth long , is not easily provoked , thinketh no evil — the greatest is charity , v. . cor. . . now i beseech you brethren , by the name of our lord iesus christ , that ye all speak the same thing , and that there be no divisions among you : but that ye be perfectly joyned together in the same mind and in the same judgement . v. , . every one saith , i am of paul , and i of apollo — is christ divided ? was paul crucified for you ? or were ye baptized into the name of paul. ch. . . if any mans work be burnt , he shall s●ffer loss ; yet he himself shall be saved , yet so as by fire . — ch. . , . for y● are yet carnal : for whereas there is among you envying and strife and divisions , are ye not carnal , and walk as men ? while one saith , i am of paul , &c. rom. . . him that is weak in the faith receive , but not to doubtful disputations . v. . let not him that eateth , despise him that eateth not : and let not him which eateth not judge him which eateth : for god hath received him : who art th●u that judgest another mans servant ? to his own master he standeth or falleth . one man esteemeth one day above another : another esteemeth every day alike . let every man be fully perswaded in his own mind : he that regardeth a day , regardeth it to the lord ! v. ● . but why dost thou judge thy brother ? or why d●st thou set at nought thy brother ? we shall all stand before the judgement seat of christ. let us not therefore judge one another any more . v. . . i know and am p●rswaded by the lord iesus , that there is nothing unclean of it self ; but to him that esteemeth any thing unclean , to him it is unclean , v. . for the kingdom of god is not meat and drink , but righteousness and peace and joy in the holy ghost : for he that in these things serveth christ is acceptable to god and approved of men : let us therefore follow after the things that make for peace . v. . hast thou faith ? have it to thy self before god. ch. . , . we that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak , and not to please our selves . let us every one please his neighbour for his good , to edification . for even christ pleased not himself — v. . . now the god of patience and consolation , grant you to be like minded one ●owards another , according to christ iesus : that ye may with one mind , and one mouth glorifie god. — wherefore receive ye one another , as christ received us , to the glory of god. ch. . ▪ . now i beseech you brethren , mark them which cause divisions and offenses contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned and avoid them . for they that are such , serve not our lord iesus , but their own belly , and by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple . act. . . also of your own selves shall men arise , speaking perverse things , to draw away disciples after them . joh. . . by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples , if ye have love one to another . cor. . , . i hear there are divisions among you : for there must be also heresies among you , that they which are approved may be made manifest . math. . , . nay , lest while ye gather up the ●ares , ye root up also the wheat with them : let both grow together till the harvest — . the angels shall gather out of his kingdom , all things that offend , and them which do iniquity , and shall cast them into a furnace of fire — then shall the righteous shine forth as the sun , in the kingdom of their father . v. . the kingdom of heaven is like a net , cast into the sea ; which gathered of every kind : which when it was full , they drew to the shore ; and sate down and gathered the good into vessels , and the bad they cast away : so shall it be at the end of the world . math. . , . go into the high ways , and as many as ye find , bid to the marriage ( or as luk. . compel them to come in ) so those servants went unto the high ways , and gathered all as many as they found both bad and good , and the wedding was furnished with guests . and the king saw there a man that had not on a wedding garment , and said , friend , how cam●st thou in hither , &c. ( mark , thus he will condemn wicked hypocrites themselves , but blameth not the ministers that compelled them , or that let them in . ) gal. . . if a man be overtaken in a fault , ye that are spiritual , restore such a one in the spirit of meekness : considering thy self , lest thou also be tempted . bear ye one anothers burdens , and so fulfill the law of christ , let every man prove his own work . note , that paul purified himself as having a vow : he circumcised timothy ; he became a jew to the jews , and all things to all men , that he might win some . phil. . , . some preach christ of envy , &c. as aforecited . phil. . , , . if there be any consolation in in christ , — fulfill ye my joy , that ye be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord and of one mind . let nothing be done through strife or vain glory ; but in lowliness of mind , let each esteem other better than themselves — . do all things without murmurings and disputings — ch. . , . let as many as are perfect be thus minded : and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveal even this unto you . but whereunto we have already attained , let us walk by the same rule ; let us mind the same things . thes. . , . we beseech you brethren , to know them that labour among you and are over you in the lord , &c. and be at peace among your selves . tit. . . a man that is an heretick , after the first and second admonition avoid . knowing that he that is such is subverted and sinneth , being condemned of himself . jam. . , , , &c. my brethren be not many masters , knowing that ye shall receive the greater condemnation , for in many things we offend all — who is a wise man and endued with knowledge among you , let him shew out of a good conversation , his works with meekness of wisdom : but if ye have bitter envying and strife in your hearts , glory not , and lie not against the truth : this wisdom descendeth not from above ; but is earthly , sensual , devilish : for where envying and strife is , there is confusion , and every evil work . the wisdom from above , is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be entreated , full of mercy and good fruits ; without partiality , without hypocrisie : and the fruit of righteousness is sown in peace of them that make peace . mat. . . iesus said , every kingdom divided against it self , is brought to desolation : and every city or house divided against it self , shall not stand . i have cited so many texts against division and for the unity of the church and concord of christians , as one would think by the very hearing of them , without expositions or argumentation , should utterly mortifie all inclination to divisions and hard censures , in all true believers : yea so many texts as i am perswaded many that most need them , will think it tedious to read them over . and yet i have cause to fear lest many such will feel as little of the sense and authority of them , as if there were no such words in the scripture , and none of this had been set before them . out of all these you may gather , these reasons of the necessity of unity , and of the evil of schism or division . first , it is one god , one head , one saviour , and one holy spirit , into whose name we are all baptized . secondly , it is one covenant which all in baptism make with this one god. thirdly , it is one spirit by which we are all regenerated , and one new nature which is in all the truly sanctified . fourthly , it is one gospel or holy word of god , which is to us all , the seed of our new birth , the rule of our faith and lives ; and the foundation of our hope , and must be our daily meditation and delight , and the food on which the children of gods family must all live . fifthly , it is one body of christ , whereof we are all members . as christ is not divided , so his body , that is his church , both as mystical , and as visible , is but one ; however the members and their gifts and degrees of grace are many . sixthly , it is one way of faith and holiness which all must walk in . seventhly , and it is one end and happiness which we all expect ; and in one heaven that we must meet and live for ever ( so many as are sincere in the faith which we profess ) : and in heaven we shall have one mind and heart , and one employment in the love and praise of our creator and redeemer , and one felicitating fruition of his glory for evermore . therefore he that seeth not the necessity of unity , knoweth not the nature of the church , or faith , or true religion . the honours and benefits of unity , and the shame and mischiefs of divisions , may appear to him , that further considereth the instances which follow . first , our union with the church , is a sign of our proportionable union with christ : and our separation from the church , doth signifie that we are separated from christ. he that is united but to the visible church , is but visibly ( by baptism and profession ) united to christ : such a union is spoken of in ioh. . . every branch in me that beareth not fruit , he taketh away . he that is united to the mystical church , of the regenerate and spiritual , is united to christ by faith and by the spirit : for his union to christ is at the same instant of time , with his union with the church : but in order of nature goeth before it . he that is divided from this mystical church , cannot possibly ( at that time ) be a member of christ in the spiritual sense : as the member which is cut off from the body , is also separated from the head. and he that himself forsaketh the visible church as such , sorsaketh the mystical church and christ himself . for to forsake the visible church as such , is to cease to be a professor of christianity . one may be a member of the visible church , and not of the spiritual ; but you cannot be a member of the spiritual church , if you forsake and refuse the visible church as such . for though a man may be regenerate by the spirit , before he make an open profession or be baptized ( and without baptism in some few cases ) yet so he cannot be , if he refuse to be a professor . it s possible indeed to be a member of the universal church , both as mystical , and as visible ; as spiritual and as professing , while we have not opportunity to joyn with any one particular church , or to separate from some particular church , without separating from the universal : but to separate from the universal church , is to separate from christ. but then you must understand , that the universal visible church is nothing else , but all professing christians in the world , as visibly subjected to christ as their head : and that there is no such thing in being , as the papists call the catholick or universal church ; that is , the universality of christians subjected to one vicar of christ as their head , either constitutive or governing . such a pretended head is an usurper and no true authorized vicar of christ ; and therefore such a church as such , is nothing but a company of seduced christians , following such a traiterous usurper . and to separate from the pope , is not to separate from christ or from his church . secondly , consider also , that union is not only an accident of the church , but is part of its very essence , without which it can be no church , and without which we can be no members of it . it is no kingdome , no city , no family , and so no church , which doth not consist of united members : as it is no house which consisteth not of united parts . and he is no member which is not united to the whole . it is the great course of mens boldness in dividing ways , that they take union to be but some laudable accident , while it may be had ; which yet in some cases we may be without : and think that separations are tollerable faults , even when they are forced to confess them faults : but they do not consider that vnity is necessary to the being of the church , and to the being of o●r own christianity . read cor. . ephes. . thirdly , remember also that our vnion is necessary to our communion , with christ and with his church : and to all the blessings and benefits of such communion . ioh. . . abide in me , and i in you : as the branch cannot bear fruit of it self , except it abide in the vine ; no more can ye , except ye abide in me : for without me , ye can do nothing . if a man abide not in me , he is cast forth as a branch , and is withered , and men gather them , and cast them into the fire , and they are burned . and col. . . from the head all the body by joynts and bonds having nourishment ministred and knit together , increaseth with the increase of god. the member that is cut off from the body , hath no life or nourishment from the head or from the body , but is dead : he that is out of the church is without the teaching , the holy worship , the prayers , and the discipline of the church , and is out of the way where the spirit doth come ; and out of the society which christ is specially related to : for he is the saviour of his body ; and if we leave his hospital , we cannot expect the presence and help of the physician : nor will he be a pilot to them who forsake his ship : nor a captain to them who separate from his army : out of this ark , there is nothing but a deluge ; and no place of rest or safety for a soul. fourthly , the unity of christians is their secondary strength : their primary strength is christ and the spirit of grace which quickeneth them : and their secondary strength is their vnion among themselves : separation from christ depriveth men of the first ; and separation from one another depriveth them of the second . an army is stronger than a man : and a kingdom than a single person : a flame will burn more strongly than a spark : and the waves of the ocean are more forcible than a single drop . a threefold cord is not easily broken . therefore it is that weak commonwealths do seek to strengthen themselves by confederacies with other states . the church is likened to an army with banners ; both , for their numbers , their concord , and their order . and therefore christ saith that a kingdom divided cannot stand . union is the churches strength : and what good soever they may pretend , dividers are certainly the weakeners and destroyers of the church : and as those means which best corroborate the body , and fortifie the spirits , do best cure many particular diseases , which no means would c●re whilst nature is debilitated : so are the churches diseases best cured , by uniting fortifying remedies , which will be increased by a dividing way of reformation : dividing is wounding , and uniting is the closing of the wound . there is no good work but satan is a pretender to it , when he purposeth to destroy it : he resisteth light as an angel of light ; and his ministers hinder righteousness , as pretended ministers of righteousness : and he will be a zealous reformer when he would hinder reformation . and this is the mark of satans way of reformation : he doth it by by dividing the churches of christ , and teaching christians to avoid each other : and to that end he zealously aggravateth the faults of every party to the rest ; that they may have odious thoughts of one another ; and christian love may be turned into aversation : as in the plague time every one is afraid of the breath and company of his neighbour , and they that were wont to assemble and converse with peace and pleasure , do timerously shun the presence of each other ; because they know that it is an infectious time , and they are uncertain who is free : even so doth satan break the societies and converse of christians , by making them believe that every party hath some dangerous infection , which as they love their souls , they must avoid . and he destroyeth your love to one another , by pretending love to your selves : o how careful will he be for your souls ! when the devil would undo you , he will do it as your saviour : and when his meaning is to save you from heaven , and from christ , and from his saving grace , and from union and communion with his church , and from the impartial love of one another , he takes on him that he is saving you only from sin and from church-corruptions : or rather that it is christ and not he that giveth you counsel : and he can do much in imitating christ , in the manner of his suggestions , to make you believe that it is christ indeed . perhaps his counsel shall come in in the midst of a fervent prayer , or presently after it , to make you believe that it is an undoubted answer of your prayers : and oft times his impulses are vehement and much affecting , to make you think that it is something above nature : and the pio●s pretence will much perswade you to think that sure this can never come from an evil spirit : but if you had well studied cor. . , , . gal. . . luke . . ioh. . , . thes. . . you might be wiser and be saved from this deceit . i will not recite the words , because i would have you turn to them , and seriously study them . and in this dividing work , the devil doth as make-bates do , who first goes to one man and tell him a tale what such a one said against him , and what a dangerous person he is , and then go to the other and say as much of the first to him : so the devil saith to the presbyterian , o take heed of the independents ! and to the independents , take heed of these presbyterians ; to the anabaptist he suggesteth , avoid these protestants : take heed of them , for they baptize infants : and to the protestants he saith , take heed of these anabaptists , for they are against baptizing any till they come to full age : to one he saith , away from that church , or think not those persons to be religious ; for they pray by the book : and to the other he saith , take heed of those people , as whimsical and proud , and brainsick fanaticks ; for they pray without-book by the spirit . to one sort he saith , take heed of those people , for they wear a surplice , or kneel at the sacrament , or answer the priests in the responses of the common-prayer : to the other he saith , take heed of these disobedient , stubborn , selfconceited people that will sit at the sacrament , and will not conform to the orders of the church . i am not now minding whose opinion is right or wrong , among all these parties , or any like them ; but how charitable to your souls the devil is , when he would destroy your charity and your souls ; and how piously and kindly he would have you take heed when he would lead you to perdition : and how great a reformer he will be , if he may but do it by dividing . it may be the young unexperienced schismatick ( of what sect soever ) will distast these words , and think i speak like an adversary to reformation : and so the devil would make him think , of all other christians as well as of me , except his party . but if one should give such counsel for the preservation of his own health and bodily comfort , as the dividing spirit giveth him for the church and for his soul , he would quickly understand it , according to my present sense . if one should come in kindness to him and bid him , [ o take heed of that mouth and belly ; for it getteth nothing , but devoureth all that the hands do get by labour : cut off that hand , for it hath a crooked finger : cut off that gouty foot that it may not trouble the whole body : rip up those guts which have such filthy excrements , he would not swell against me if i advised him to suspect such kindness . fifthly , remember also , that the unity of christians is their peace and ease , as well as their strength and safety . psal. . . behold how good and how pleasant it is , for brethren to dwell together in unity ! as the amity and converse with friends is pleasant , and the concord of families is their quietness and ease ; so is it as to the amity and concord which is the bond of church society . and the divisions and discord of christians , is their mutual pain and trouble . do you not feel your minds disturbed by it : do you not see the church discomposed by it ? the itch of contention , doth ordinarily make it pleasant for the time , to every sect to scratch by zealous wranglings and disputes , for their several opinions , till the blood be ready to follow : but the smart and scab doth use to convince them of their folly . but if they will go more than skin-deep , they may need a surgeon . children will claw themselves ; but it is madmen that will wound themselves . the hurt● which we get in the christian warfare , by mortifying the flesh , or by the persecution of the malignant enemy is tenderly healed by the hand of christ , and usually furthereth our inward peace . but if we will hurt and wound and divide our selves , what pity or comfort can we expect . sixthly , consider also that the unity and concord of believers is their honour , and their divisions and discord are their shame : and consequently the honour or dishonour of christ and the gospel , and religion is much concerned in it . agreement among christians telleth the world , that they have a certainty of the faith which they profess , and that it is powerful and not ineffectual , and that it is of a healing nature , and tendeth to the felicity of the world . but divisions and discords among christians perswade unbelievers , that there is no certainty in their belief : or that it is of a vexatious and destructive tendency ; or at best that all its power is too weak , to overcome the malignity which it pretendeth to resist ; where did you ever see christians live in undivided unity , undisturbed peace , and unfeigned love , but the very infidels and ungodly round about them , did reverence both them and their religion for it . and where did you ever see christians divided , unpeaceable and bitter against each other , but it made them and their profession a scorn to the unbelieving and ungodly world ? and whilst they despise and vilifie one another , they teach the wicked to despise and vilifie them all ? seventhly , i may therefore add , that the unity of believers , is one of gods appointed means for the conversion and salvation of unbelievers : and their divisions and discord are an ordinary means of hardening men in infidelity and wickedness , and hindering their love and obedience to the truth . as a well ordered army , or a city of uniform comely building , is a pleasing and inviting sight to the beholders ; when a confused rout , or a r●inous heap , doth breed abhorrence : even so the very sight of the concordant societies of christians , is amiable and alluring to those without ; when their disagreements and separations make them seem odious and vile . as a musical instrument in tune , or a set of musick , delight the hearer by the pleasing harmony ; when one or more instruments out of tune , or used by a rude unskilful hand , will weary out the patience of the hearer ; so is it in this case ; and the difference is much greater , between concordant and disconcordant christians . who loveth to thrust himself into a fray ? and what wise man had not rather partake of the friendly converse , than joyn with drunken men that are fighting in the streets ? peace and concord are amiable even to nature ; and you can scarce take a more effectual means , to win the world to the love of holiness , than by shewing them that holiness doth make you unfeigned and fervent in the love of one another . pet. . . nor can you devise how to drive men more effectually from christ , and to damn their souls , than to represent christians to them like a company of mad men , that are tearing out the throats of one another ? how can you think that the unbelievers and ungodly should think well of them , that all speak so ill of one another ? when the lutheran flyeth from the calvinist , and the episcopal from the puritan , and the protestant from the anabaptist , and the presbyterian from the independent , and all the other side implacably fly from them , can you wonder if the infidel and the idolater fly further from you all ? mark well the words of christ in his prayer , ioh. . , , , . for them which shall believe on me by their word , that they all may be one , as thou father art in me , and i in thee , that they also may be one in us ; that the world may believe that thou hast sent me : and the glory which thou gavest me , i have given them , that they may be one , even as we are one : i in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one , and that the world may know that thou hast sent me , and hast loved them as thou hast loved me . all these observations are obvious in these words . . that the unity of christians must be universal , even of all that believe the gospel of christ. . that this union should have some low resemblance to the union of the father and the son. . that it is christs great desire and intercession for his followers , that they may be one . . that their glory is for their unity . . that their unity is their perfection . . that the father and son are the head or center of the unity . . that this unity is the great means of converting the world to the christian faith , and convincing infidels of the truth of christ , as sent by god. open but your eyes and you may see all these great doctrines in this prayer of christs for his people unity : o that all the christian churches would try this means for the worlds conversion ! ( not on the impossible terms of popery , but on the necessary terms proposed by christ. ) . external unity and peaceable church-communion doth greatly cherish our internal unity of love : and church-divisions do cherish wrath and malice and all the works of the flesh described by paul , gal. . , , . i pray you consider how he describeth the fleshly and the spiritual man : v. , . for all the law is fulfilled in one word , even in this , thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . but if ye bite and devour one another , take heed that ye be not consumed one of another . i say then , walk in the spirit , and ye shall not fulfill the lusts of the flesh . for the flesh lusteth against the spirit , &c. now the works of the flesh are manifest , adultery — enmities or hatred , variance , emulations , wrath , strife , seditions , ( or as it may be read divisions or factions ) heresies , envyings , murders , &c. but the fruit of the spirit is love , joy , peace , l●ng-suffering , gentlenss , goodness , faith , meekness , temperance : against such there is no law . and they that are christs have crucified the flesh , with the affections and lusts . if we live in the spirit , let us also walk in the spirit . let us not be desirous of vain-glory , provoking one another , envying one another . obj. o but those that i separate from are guilty of this and that and the other fault . answ. chap . . brethren , if a man be overtaken in a fault , ye which are spiritual restore such a one , in the spirit of meekness , considering thy self lest thou also be tempted : instead of censorious disdain and separation , bear ye one anothers burthen , and so fulfil the law of christ : which you think you fulfil by your unwarrantable separations , while you are but fulfilling your fleshly passions . when once parties are engaged by their opinions in anti-churches and fierce disputings , the flesh and satan will be working in them against all that is holy , sweet and safe . when united christians are provoking one another to love and to good works , and minding each other of their heavenly cohabitation , and harmonious praise and are delighting god and man by the melody of their concord ; the contentious zealots in their separate anti-churches , are preaching down love and preaching up hatred , and making those that differ from them seem an odious people not to be communicated with , by aggravating their different opinions or modes of worship , till they seem to be no less than heresie or idolatry . if many thousands yet living in england or ireland , had not heard this with their ears , yet iames may be believed , chap. . , &c. my brethren , be not many teaching-masters ( for that is the word ) knowing that we shall receive the greater condemnation : for in many things we offend all ( which he addeth because the arrogancy of sectaries was caused by the aggravating of other mens offences . ) if any man offend not in word , the same is a perfect man ( that is , if you will shew that you are perfecter & better your selves than those whom you account so bad , see that your foul back-biting , reviling , censorious contentious tongues , do not prove the contrary ) . who is a wise man and endued with knowledge among you , let him shew out of a good conversation , his works with meekness of wisedome : ( that is , let him that would be thought more knowing and religious than his neighbours , be so much more blameless and meek to all men , and excel them in good works ) v. . but if ye have a bitter zeal : ( for so is the greek word ) and strife in your hearts , glory not , ( in such a zeal , or in your greater knowledge ) and lie not against the truth . . this wisdome descendeth not from above ( as you imagine who father it on gods word and spirit ) but is earthly , sensual ( or natural ) and devillish . ( o doleful mistake , that the world , the flesh , and the devil , should prove the cause of that conceited spiritual knowledge and excellency , which they thought had been the inspiration of the spirit ) v. . for where zeal and strife 〈◊〉 ( that is , a striving contentious zeal against brethren ) there is confusion ( or tumult and unquietness ) and every evil work , o lamentable reformers , that set up every evil work , while they seemed zealous against evil ! ) v. . but the wisdome that is from above , is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , and easie to be intreated ; full of mercy and good fruits ; without partiality ( or wrangling ) and without hypocrisie . and the fruit of righteousness is sown in peace , of them that make peace : when peace-breakers that sow in divisions and contention , shall reap the fruit of unrighteousness , though they call their way by the most religious names . thus i have briefly shewed you what v●nity and division are , that wrong apprehensions draw you not to sin . direct . viii . when any thing needeth amendment in the church , remember that the best christian , must be the forwardest to reformation , and ●he backwardest to division : and must search and try all means of reforming , which make not against the concord of the church . i do not here determine in what cases you may or may not separate , from any company of faulty christians . i only say that you must never separate what god hath conjoyned ; the holiness and the vnity of believers : if corruptions blemish and dishonour the congregation ; do not say [ let sin alone ; i must not oppose it for fear of division ] but be the forwardest to reduce all to the will of god. and yet if you cannot prevail as you desire , be the backwardest to divide and separate ; and do it not without a certain warrant , and extream necessity . resolve with austin , i will not be the chaff , and yet i will not go out of the floor , though the chaff be there . never give over your just desire and endeavour of reformation : and yet as long as possibly you can avoid it , forsake not the church which you desire to reform . as paul said to them that were ready to forsake a sea-wrackt vessel , if these abide not in the ship , ye cannot be saved : many a one by unlawful flying and shifting for his own greater peace and safety , doth much more hazard his own and others . direct . ix . forget not the great difference between casting out the wicked and impenitent from the church by discipline ; and the godlies separating from the church it self , because the wicked are not cast out . the first is a great duty : the second is ordinarily a great sin . the question is not , whether the impenitent should be put away from church-communion ? that 's not denied . but whether you should separate from the church because they are permitted : this is it which we call you to beware : not but that in some cases , a christian may lawfully remove from one church to another that hath more light and purity , for the edification of his soul. but before you separate from a faulty church , as such as may not lawfully be communicated with , you must look well about you , and be able to prove that thing which you affirm . many weak christians marking those texts which bid us avoid a man that is an heretick , and to have no company with disorderly walkers , and not to eat with flagitious persons , do not sufficiently mark their sense , but take them as if they call'd us to separate from the church with which these persons do communicate . whereas if you mark all the texts in the gospel , you shall find , that all the separation which is commanded in such cases ( besides our separation from the infidels or idolatrous world , or antichristian and heretical confederacies , and no-churches ) is but one of these two sorts . first , either that the church cast out the impenitent sinner by the power of the keyes . secondly , or that private men avoid all private familiarity with them . and both these we would promote , and no way hinder . thirdly , but that the private members should separate from the church , because such persons are not cast out of it , shew me one text to prove it if you can . let us here peruse the texts that speak of our withdrawing from the wicked . cor. . is expresly written to the whole church , as obliged to put away the incestuous person from among them , and so not to eat with such offenders . so is that in thes. . and that in tit. . . a man that is an heretick after the first and second admonition avoid : unless it be a heretick that hath already separated himself from our communion ; and then it can be put private familiarity which we are further to avoid . in brief , there is no other place of scripture , that i know of , which commandeth any more . i have before shewed that abundance of church corruptions , or of scandalous members , were then among them , and yet the apostle never spake a syllable to any one christian , to separate from any one of all those churches : which we cannot imagine that the holy ghost would have wholly omitted , if indeed it had been the will of god. obj. but then why did luther and the first pretestants , separate from the church of rome ; and how will you justifie them from schisme ? ans. its pity that sloth and sortishness , should keep any protestant ( or papist either ) in such ignorance , as to need any help to answer so easie a question at this day ! let not equivocal names deceive us , and the case is easie . by the word church the scripture still meaneth ; first , either the universal church which is the body or kingdome of christ alone : secondly , or particular congregations associated for personal communion in gods worship : but the pope hath feigned another kind of thing , and called it the church : that is , the vniversality of christians as headed by himself , as the constitutive and governing head . whereas , first , god never instituted or allowed such a church , secondly , nor did ever the universality of christians , acknowledge this usurping head. shew me in scripture , or in church-history , that either there ever was de facto , or ought to be de jure , such a thing in the world as they call the church , and i profess i will immediately turn papist . but if you ask why we separated from the papal church ? i answer , because , first , it was no church of christ ( as such . ) and secondly , it was a church of traiterous combination , against the prerogative of christ , and therefore by the protestants called the anti-christian church . we separated not from rome either as the universal church ( for that it was not ) nor as part of the universal church ; ( for so we hold communion with those that are christians in it still ) nor as a true worshipping congregation ( for they consist of many thousand congregations which we had never local communion with : and as true worshipping congregations in specie , we still hold communion with them in mind , so far as they are such indeed : but in two senses we separate from them : first , as a papal catholick church ; because in that sense they are no church of christ , but a pack of rebels : secondly , as particular congregations in specie which have mixed gods worship with false doctrine and idolatrous bread-worship and other unlawful things , which by oaths and practise they would force those to be guilty of , who will communicate with them . and thus we disown them only as neighbour churches , that never were their lawful subjects , but bear our testimony against their sin . and our forefathers who were members of their churches , departed to save themselves from their iniquity , and because they were refused by themselves , unless they would lie & forswear & be idolaters , and communicate with them in their sin . nor would they then , nor will they to this day admit any into communion of their particular churches , as such , who will not first come in to their pretended universal church , which is no church , and worse than none . if this answer seem not plain and full to you , it is because you understand not christian sense and reason . direct . x. expect not that any one lawfully received by baptism into the christian church , should be cast out of it , or denied the priviledge of members , but according to the rules of christian discipline , by the power of the keyes , that is ; for obstinate impenitency in a gross or scandalous sin , which the person is proved to be guilty of : and this after private and publick admonition , and tender patient exhortation to repentance . here are two things which i desire you to observe . first , what is christs appointed way , for removing members from the communion of the church . secondly , how great a sin it is to remove them by a contrary and arbitrary way of our own presumptuous invention . first , it is here supposed that the person is not a professed apostate : for there needeth no casting out of such . he that turneth turk or heathen , or openly renounceth christianity , or ceaseth the profession of it , doth go out of the church himself , and needeth not to be cast out . unless it be any tyrant who will come to the communion in scorn , while he professeth but to shew his lawless will. he that seeketh the communion of the church in sobriety , thereby professeth himself a christian. and for such as being baptized continue this profession , christs way of rejecting them is plainly described in the gospel . mat. . , . if thy brother shall trespass against thee , go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone . if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother : but if he will not hear thee , then take with thee one or two more ; that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established : and if he shall neglect to hear them , tell it to the church : but if he neglect to hear the church , let him be to thee as a heathen man , or a publican . tit. . . a man that is an heretick after the first and second admonition reject . cor. . ye are puffed up and have not rather mourned , that he that hath done this deed , might be taken away from among you : for i verily as absent in body , but present in spirit , have j●dged already as though i were present , concerning him , that hath so done this deed ; in the name of our lord iesus christ , when ye are gathered together and my spirit ; with the power of our lord iesus christ to deliver such a one to satan . — v. . purge out therefore the old leaven — v. , , . with such a one no not to eat — do not ye judge them that are within ? — therefore p●● away from among your selves that wicked person . by all this it is plain that the church must exercise a regular course of justice , with every person that it shall reject : he must first be told pr●vately of his fault , and then before two or three ; ( unless , at least , the open notoriety make the private admonition needless ) and then it must be told the church : and the church must with compassion , tenderness and patience , and yet with the authority of the lord jesus and the powerful evidence of truth , convince him and perswade him to repent : and he must not be rejected , till after all this , he obstinately refuse to hear the church , that is , to repent , as they exhort him . note here , that no sin will warrant you to cast out the sinner , unless it be seconded with impenitency : it is not simply as a drunkard , or a fornicator or swearer , that any one is to be rejected : but as an impenitent drunkard , or fornicator , or swearer , &c. also that it is not all impenitency that will warrant their rejection : but only impenitency after the churches admonition . note also , that no private person may expect , that any offender be cast out , either because his sin is known to him , or because he is commonly famed to be guilty , till the thing be proved by sufficient witness . yea that the admonition given him must be proved , as well as the fault which he committed . yea if all the town do know him to be guilty , and witness prove that he hath been privately admonished , he may not be rejected till he be heard speak for himself , and till he refuse also the publike admonition . this is christs order , whose wisdom , and mercy and authority are such , as may well cause us to take his way as best . and yet the ignorance or rashness of many professors is such , that they would have all this order of christ overturned : and some of them must have such a drunkard and such a swearer kept away and rejected , before ever they admonished them or exhorted them to repentance , or prove that any one else hath done it ; much more before they have told the church , or proved that he hath neglected the churches admonition . and some go so much further , that they must have all the churches taken for no churches , till they have gathered them a new : and must have all the parish at once rejected ( till they have gathered out some few again ) without any such order of proceeding with them , as christ appointeth : it may be a thousand shall be cast out at once , when never a one of them was thus admonished . obj. they were never members of a true church ; and therefore need no casting out . ans. were they never baptized ? or is not baptisme christ● appointed means of admission into his church . obj. they were baptized in their infancy , and afterward bred up in ignorance and profaneness , & know not what their baptisme is , nor ever soberly●wned it . answ. either they still profess themselves christians , and attend gods ordinances with the church or not : if not , then they are apostates ; if they do , then they do own their baptismal covenant by a continued profession : if you accuse them of not understanding this profession , or of living contrary to it , you must proceed against them one by one as christ appointeth ; and first admonish them , and then tell the church ; and not say they are ignorant and profane , and expect upon your saying so , they should all be unchurched . ye● if you prove them ignorant , if they be willing to learn , it is fitter presently to instruct them than to excommunicate them : nor do you reade of any excommunicated for meer ignorance . but we confess that in gross ignorance , they may shew themselves uncapable of sacramental communion , and may be denied it while they are learning to know what they do . but the mercy of god hath made points absolutely necessary so few , that this may be done in a short time , if the persons be willing , and the teachers diligent , and sufficiently numerous for that work . and though it is to be lamented , that in many great city-parishes , the ministers are not enough to catechize the twentieth part of the people , yet for the generality of parishes through the land , if catechizing were used as it might be , there would not any great numbers be long kept away for meer ignorance . and he that is the cause of his parishes ignorance by neglecting catechizing and personal conference , & then unchurcheth them , for the ignorance which he is guilty of , doth take but a preposterous course , for his own account and comfort , or for the people● good . obj ▪ but they refuse to learn or be instructed . ans. if that and their gross ignorance be proved together , as you may delay them for the later , so you may reject them for the former ; because it sheweth their impenitence : but this must be proved of them , and not affirmed without proof . obj. but their baptisme made them members only of the universal church , and not of any particular church : and therefore will not prove them such . answ. true : but he that is a member of the universal church , is fit to be received into a particular church ; and there wanteth no more but mutual consent : and if he have statedly joyned with a particular church in ordinary communion , consent hath bin manifested , and he is a member of that particular church , and must not be rejected by it , but in christs way . and this is the common case in england . the persons who were baptized in infancy , were at once received into the universal church , and into some particular church , & have held communion at age with both ; and have right to that communion till they are publikely proved to have lost their right . and if we had no churches , but particular churches were to be gathered anew , yet he that is a baptized member of the universal church , and consenteth to communion with that particular church in all the ordinances of christs appointment , doth lay a sufficient claim to his admission , and cannot lawfully be refused , unless he stand justly censured by a church which formerly he was in . yet this we confess , that he can be no member of that particular church , who subjecteth not himself to the particular pastors of it , and to the necessary acts or parts of their office and ministration : because he denieth his own consent . . the sinfulness of unchurching persons or parishes , without christs way of regular process , consisteth in all these following parts . . it is a casting off the laws of the great law-giver of the church , and so a contempt of his authority , wisdome and goodness ; and a making of our selves greater , or wiser , or hol●er than he . . it is gross injustice , to deprive men of so great priviledges without any sufficient proof of their forfeiture ▪ it is worse than to turn whole parishes out of their houses and possessions , without any lawful process or proof ; upon rumours or private affirmations that they are delinquents . it is not doing as we would be done by , what if any should say of you , that you are heretical and deny fundamental truths ? or what if they should say of a separated church , that they are generally hereticks or of wicked lives ( as the heathens did of the ancient christians ) and therefore that they are no church , nor to be communicated with ; would you not think that they should every one personally be accused , and proof brought against them , and that they should speak for themselves , before they were thus condemned ? . and it is an aggravated crime in them , that so much cry down church-tyranny in others , to be thus notoriously guilty of it themselves ? what greater injustice and tyranny can there be , than that all mens christi●nity and church-rights , shall be judged n●ll , upon the censures and rumours of suspitious men , without any just proof or lawful tryal ? that it shall be in the power of every one , who hath but uncharitableness enough to think evil of his neighbours , or to believe reports against their innocency to cast them out of the family of god , and to unchristen and unchurch men arbitrarily at their pleasure ? that any man that is but unconscionable enough to say [ they are all ignorant and prophane ] shall expect to have his neighbours excommunicated . . it maketh all churches to be lubricous and uncertain shadows : when a censorious person may unchurch them at his pleasure . what you say of others , another may say of you ; and as justly expect to be believed . . it unavoidably bringeth in uncurable divisions : for there is no certain rule of justice with such persons : and therefore they know not who are to be received to their communion , and who not : and the same man that one thinketh is to be rejected and kept out , another will think is to be received : and who knoweth which of them is to be obeyed . if one say that a parish is a church , and another say that they are to be unchurched , who knoweth which of them to believe . . it is a reproach to the church and christian religion , when we tell the world that , that we have not so much justice and equity among us , as heathens have in their worldly societies . . it depriveth the church of the solace of her communion , when the best man is not sure , but a censorious person may at his pleasure turn him out as unworthy . . it greatly wrongeth jesus christ , who so dearly loveth the weakest of his flock ; and hath purchased their priviledges at so dear a rate : and whose body is maymed , when any of his members are cut off : and who taketh the wrong that is done them as done unto himself . these are the great virtues of that censorious zeal , which unchurches persons or parishes without just tryal and proof , upon rumours of fame , or their own surmises . direct . xi . understand well what is the power of the keys , and what the pastoral offiae is , as they are the governours of the church entrusted by christ with the power of admission and rejection ; that so you may know how far you are to rest in the judgement of the pastors , and may not attempt to take any part of their office to your selves . the power of the keyes , is the power of taking into the church , and of governing it , and of casting out : both in respect to present order , and in respect to future happiness , by a ministerial declaration of the sense of the gospel , concerning the state of such as they . the power of baptizing , is the power of the keyes for reception into the church . the private members have not the power of baptizing , nor were the pastors ever appointed to do it , by their advise , consent or vote . therefore the private members have not the power of the keyes for admission , and it is most apparent in the gospel , that the keyes for admission and for exclusion are given into the same hands , and not one to the ministers and another to the flock : therefore the people that have not the first , have not the later . for full proof of this observe the meaning of these texts . isa. . . and the key of the house of david will i lay upon his shoulder ; so he shall open and none shall shut : and he shall shut and none shall open . isa. . . the government shall be upon his shoulder . mat. . . i will give thee the keyes of the kingdome of heaven ; and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven , &c. mat. . . verily i say unto you , whatsoever ye bind on earth shall be bound , &c. joh. . . whose soever sins ye do remit , they are remitted to them ; and whose soever sins ye retain they are retained . math. . . go and teach all nations baptizing them , &c. joh. . . as my father hath sent me , euen so send i you . acts . , . judas was numbred with us , and had obtained part of this ministry . acts . . take heed to your selves and to all the flock over which the holy ghost hath made you overseers , to feed the church of god — rom. . . paul a minister of iesus christ , called an apostle , separated to the gospel of god. cor. . . let a man so esteem of us as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god. acts . . they ordained them elders in every church . tit. . . ordain elders in every city , as i appointed thee . v. . a bishop must be blameless as the steward of god. tim. . . for if a man know not how to rule his own house , how shall he take care of the church of god ? tim. . . let the elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour — pet. . . feed the flock of god which is among you , taking the oversight thereof — heb. . , , . remember them which have the rule over you , who have spoken to you the word of god — obey them that have the rule over you and submit your selves ; for they watch for your souls — salute them that have the rule over you — thes. . , . we beseech you brethren to know them ( that is , acknowledge their power and labours ) that labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you , and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake , and to be at peace among your selves . read these with judgement , and then believe if you can , that the power of the keys or government is in the people . shew us what text doth give them that power ? and where the scripture calleth them to exercise it by votes ? or where god requireth ability in them for church-government ? or where he calleth them to leave their callings and attend this work ? when those that must perform it , he separateth to it as by office , and calleth them to give themselves wholly thereunto . tim. . , . tell us when the people were authorized to baptize ? or to rule the church , that is , themselves . obj. mat. . . tell the church : if he hear not the church , &c. answ. many expositors think that by the church there is meant the ministers only , by this reason : the church that m●st teach m●st be heard : the church that must be heard must be told : but that is only the pastors and not the people : ergo — but i easily grant you , that the word [ church ] there signifieth the whole congregation ( as dr. taylor in his second disswasive hath well shewed ) but it is as an organized body only . and so the office is to be performed only by the organical part ; and not by any of the rest . when i say to a man [ hear me ] i do not mean that he should hear me with his eyes , but only with his ears : and when i bid him see or read. i bid him not do it with his ears but with his eyes . nor do the eyes receive this power from the feet or hands , but immediately from the head : though if they were separated from the body they could not retain it . so if another kingdome send to england , to desire an army of men to help them , they mean the king only as the commander of them , and the people as the executors of his command . so when you are bid to tell the church , it is qu●t●nus aurita , that it must be told ; and when you are bid to hear it , it is as teaching that it must be heard . so that this talketh not of any government in the people , either to use or to give . obj. cor. . paul biddeth all the church to put from among them that wicked person . answ. note ; that paul passeth the sentence first himself [ i have judged as if i were present ( not that you deliver , but ) to deliver such an one to satan : and therefore he doth this in himself [ in the name of the lord iesus ] and supposeth himself among them in spirit and power when they do it [ and my spirit with the power of our lord iesus christ. ] . and i have said , he speaketh to an organized church , which had two parts , and accordingly two works to do : the ruling part was to put away the offender by iudgement , or sentence ; and the people were all to put him away , by actual shunning his communion , which is but the obeying of that sentence . if the king send to a corporation to execute any law , he meaneth not that all persons must do it in the like manner ; but the magistrates by command , and the people by obeying them , and executing their commands . if i desire a man to transcribe me a book and bring it me ; i mean not that every part of him shall herein have the same office ; but that he read it only with his eyes , and understand it with his reason , and transcribe it with his hand , and travel with his feet . the pastors only excommunicate by judgement or sentence ; and the people by obedient execution of it . obj. who then shall cast out an heretick or pernicious pastor , if he himself must be rejected ? answ. . the neighbour pastors shall renounce communion with him , and reject him from their neighbour communion . and they shall warn that people to avoid him ( by virtue of the common relation which they have to the universal church of christ. ) . the people ( as cyprian determineth ) are bound to forsake him : not by an act of government over him or themselves ; but by an act of obedience to god , and of self-preservation ; as souldiers must forsake a trayterous general , or seamen a perfidious or desperately unskilful pilot that would cast them all away . as the people did always choose their pastors to govern them , so may they in such a case refuse them , without usurping any government themselves . well! now let us see what influence this truth should have upon your church-communion . do you say that your neighbours are not to be accounted members of the church , nor to be communicated with ? who took them into the church by baptism ? was it not a minister of christ ? if you say no , you must prove your accusation . if you grant it , was it not his office so to do ? hath not god made his ministers judges whom they are to baptize ? and afterward also whom to catechise and instruct and admit to the communion of the church ? there is no doubt of it . if then they are admitted by an entrusted officer , will you venture to usurp the place , yea and to do them the wrong to say that they are no members ? is it any of your trust or work ? i pray you mark what a mercy it is to you , that the officers and not the private members are entrusted with this work . first , if it were your work , you must study and be able to perform it . secondly , you must watch for it , and constantly attend it . if a heretick pervert the text of scripture , you must convince him by your skil in the originals or in the sense . how many hundred or thousand persons are there in a parish to be tried ? the worst of them must have a hearing and just trial at least , before you can refuse him lawfully : and how accurately must this difficult work be done , that the weakest be not denied his right , nor the unfit admitted ? how long must a sinner be admonished and exhorted to repentance ? and are you able and willing to leave all your callings , to do all this ? if the minister that doth it , must lay by the business of the world , how think you that you can do the same without laying by your worldly business ? if he must have so many years learning and preparation , can you do it without ? mistake not , it is not for sermons only that ministers need all their learning and labour ; but also for the discipline and guidance of the flocks . thirdly , and if it be your work , you must be accountable for it before god. and do you not fear such a reckoning ? and if these busie people had their wish , would they not be in a worse case than the most dumb and lazy minister ? consider it well , and you will find that you are not at all bound to know what the spiritual state of any man is , as he is to joyn in church-communion with you , but upon your pastors trust and word . whether their understanding be sufficient at their admittance , you are not any where called to try : but the pastor is : and if he have admitted them , you are to rest in his judgment ( unless you would undertake the office your selves ) whether their profession of faith and repentance be serious and credible , you are not called to try and judge : but if your pastor have admitted them , he hath numbred them with the visible christians : and it is the credibility of the pastor that you have to consider ; and by him you must judge of the credibility of the professour , and not immediately by your own trial . who are the persons that you shall meet at a sacrament or in publike communion , you are not at all required to try ; and if you never saw them before or heard them speak , you may perform your duty nevertheless : indeed if as a neighbour you are called to instruct or counsel or comfort them ; you must do it : but there may be five thousand in one church with you , whose names or faces you are not bound to know ; but to rest in the knowledge of them to whom the keyes are committed , who according to their office take them in . obj. but what if they are notoriously wicked ? must i be blind ? answ. no ▪ you must do your best by neighbo●rly watchfulness and help ( though not by pastoral government ) to reform all about you whom you are able to do good to . and if you know them to be so bad , you must privately admonish them , as is proved ; and then if they hear not , tell the church : but if you see a man in the church at the sacrament , or a thousand men , who are unreformed , and you know it not , you have no reason to avoid the communion of such : and if there be a thousand in the church whose case you are strangers to , th●s may be no sin of yours , and should be no impediment of your communion . obj. but what if c●rn●l neglig●nt ministers will let in 〈◊〉 into the church by baptism and give them the lords supper ? shall it be thus in their power to corrupt the church : and must we joyn with them and take no care of it ? answ. there is no person in any office or trust , but may too easily abuse it : and the more noble the work and trust is , the greater is the si● and calamity of such abuse . and no doubt but a bad unfaithful minister is one of the greatest sin●ers on earth , and one of the most pernicious plag●es to the church . which could not be , unless it were in his power to do very much hurt . but it will not follow that therefore you must take his place , and become the church governours , or try all the peoples fitness your selves . if a judge be bad , you may say what an intollerable thing is it , that one man shall have power to give away mens estates , and take away the liv●s of the innocent , and to acquit the guilty . ] but for all that you must not mend it , by stepping up into the judgement seat your self , and saying , that you or the rest of the people will do it better . some body must be trusted with it . if you are fittest , offer your self to the office . the thing that you must do is , to do your best to deliver the church from so bad a pastor : use all your wisdome and diligence to amend him : and if you cannot do that , use all your interest to get him out , and get a better : and if you cannot do that , deliver your own soul from him , by removing to a better , if you are free ; but if as servants or children or wives you are under another government which restraineth you , be patient , and use such means as god provideth for you . this is the true way of your church-duty , and not to think that you must have a knowledge of the godliness of all that you communicate with ; or that you must refuse communion if the p●stor he remiss and negligent . obj. but will it not be my sin if i communicate with such as i know to be notoriously wicked ? when a little leaven , leaveneth the lump . answ. it will be your sin if you obey not christ , mat. . . in admonishing them ; and so if it be long of you , that they are not removed : or if you do not your duty to reform the pastor or remove him : but otherwise if they be there without your fault , it is no more your sin to communicate with such men , than it is to live and converse with fellow servants that are wicked ; when it is not you , but your master that hath the choice of them . and the leavening of the lump which the text speaketh of , is the tempting of others to the like sin ; and not that the innocent shall be held guilty of it : nor were the words spoken to the people to perswade them to do the pastors work , or to separate from the church ; but to the pastors to perswade them to cast out the sinner ; and to the people to perswade them to execute their sentence , ( and the apostles in particular . ) it would rule and quiet people , if they knew the trust and work of the pastors , from their own . direct . xii . well study the gracious nature and office of iesus christ , and his great readiness to receive those that come to him , though weak in faith ; and his backwardness to refuse such commers ; that so you may desire a church-discipline that is suitable to the nature and office of christ , and to the design and tenor of the gospel . christs outward discipline is agreeable to his inward . as those that come to him by faith , he will in no wise cast out or reject ; so those that come to him by profession of faith , he would not have his ministers in any wise reject . and coming to christ when he was personally on earth , did signifie the following of him in presente , as well as believing in him : just so far as men will come , so far they shall be received by christ ? if they will come but towards him , he will not put them back . if they will come but to his visible church , by a dead profession , he would not have his ministers repulse them . the outward priviledges of the visible church which they come to , they shall possess . if they will come over to the church of the regenerate , they shall be saved . but where ever they stop it shall be their own doing . many came to christ when he was on earth , whom he never repulsed , though he was marvelled at and grudged at for entertaining them . some came so far as to own his name , and did miracles by it , that yet did not follow him : whom the apostles would have hindered , but christ reproved them , mar. . . luk. . . some came only to receive a cure of their diseases from him , whom his disciples sometimes repulsed , but so did not he : when little children were brought to him , his disciples rebuked those that brought them , as thinking them unfit for his reception : but christ rebuked them for their forbidding of such guests . when he eat and drank with publicans and sinsinners , and when he received the kindness of a woman that had bin a great sinner , the pharisees , censured him therefore as ungodly : but yet he would not abate his clemency . many at this day can scarce digest it , that he sent forth a iudas to preach the gospel , when he knew that he was a thief and an hypocrite , and fore●new that he was a son of perdition , and would betray him , and that the devil would enter into him ; yea , knew that he was a devil . ioh. . . & . . ye● , that this iudas should be one of the twelve select apostles , and one of the family of christ. yet christ repulsed him not ; and if he did not partake of the sacrament at his last supper , it was not because christ did turn him , out , but because he went away himself . and accordingly the apostles received at once into the church , upon their sudden profession of repentance , even of such as had killed the lord of life . and though simon magus would not come out of the gall of bitterness , and bond of iniquity , yet was he not kept out of the visible church , when he professed to believe and desired baptism . indeed if men will not come so far as to the profession of true faith and repentance , they are not to be received into th● church ; because the church is a society of such professours : and if they will not come , they cannot be received . the church and sacrament must not be altered , and made another thing than christ made it , for the receiving of another sort of men . we must not do as some that would have no profession of saving faith and repentance , but only a consent to learn , required of them that are baptized ; and so baptism changed into another sort , which christ never instituted and the church never used to this day . but if christians had well studied the compassions of a saviour , and the tenour of his gospel , and his practice upon earth , and instead of a surly flying from their neighbours , and groundless censuring them , were possessed themselves , with that love and tenderness which is the evangelical temper ▪ and the image of their lord ; it would put in end to many of our divisions , and bring us neerer the truth and one another . direct . xiii . yet , left you run into the worse extream , remember still that the destroying of sin , and the sanctifying of mans nature and life by recovering us to the obedience and love of god , was the design and work of the redeemer : and that holiness and peace must go together : and that the outward order and discipline of the visible church , must be subservient to the inward spirituality and prosperity of the regenerate church : and no such favour must be shewed to sinners , as favoureth and strengthneth their sin , and hindereth the increase of holiness . it is woful work which ungodly pastors make in the visible church , under the name and pretense of vnity , concord , peace and order ; when an enemy to true holiness ; hath the managing of these , you may easily imagine how they will be used : but sad experience hath told the christian world , these years more doleful things th●n could otherwise have bin imagined . the compassion which christ shewed to sinners was to convert and save them from their sin : but the compassion which ca●nal pastors shew them , is to harden them in their sin , and make them believe that repentance and holiness are but hypocrisie or needless things . the unity and concord which christ intended , was a vnity in himself and ● concord in holy obedience to his lawes : but it is a vnity in the will of man and a concord in obeying the dictates of the proud , which treacherous pastors do require . it is a peaceable progress of the gospel , and unanimous endeavor to convert and sanctifie and save the world , which christ requireth us to promote : but it is a peaceable enjoyment of their own prosperity , wealth and honour , and a peaceable forbearance of a holy life , which wolvish pastors do desire . it is an orderly management of holy doctrine , worship and conversation , for the edification of the flock , and the increase of godliness , which christ commandeth . but it is an absolute obedience to their wills , and an exact observance of their new-made religions , and needless scandalous inventions , and an adoring of their titles and robes of honour , covering their ignorance , pride and sensuality , which church-yrants call the order of the church . all christ● indulgent tenderness and discipline , are but to further his holy designe , of killing sin and sanctifying souls . but the images of piety , government , unity , peace and order , which hypocrites and pharisees set up , are devised engines to destroy the life and serious practice of the things themselves , and are set up in enmity against spirituality and holiness , that there might be no other piety , government ; unity ▪ peace or order in the church , but these lifeless images . it is far from the mind of christ , that no difference should be made between the holy and the profans , the precious and the vile : o● that serious piety should be suppressed or discouraged ; or faithful preachers hindered from promoting it , on ignorant graceless ministers countenanced , under pretence of peace or order . the design of christ was not like mahomet's , to get himself an earthly kingdom , and numerous followers meerly to cry up his name : and therefore he will not indulge men in their sin● , nor abate o● alter the conditions of his covenant , to win disciples : he will have his ministers deal plainly with all to whom they preach , and let them know that without self-denial and forsaking all ( in estimation and resolution ) and a willing exchange of earth for heaven , they cannot be his true disciples : nor without a profest consent to thus much , they cannot be his visible profest disciples ▪ but all that will not repent must perish . and therefore in their baptism they must profess a renunciation of all competitors . his ministers also must impartially exercise the keyes which he hath committed to their trust , and must not fear the faces of men , who at most are able but to kill the body . luk. . . they must discern between the righteous and the wicked ; and draw all scandalous sinners to repentance , or else exclude them from the communion of saints , that the world may see that christ is no friend to prophane persons , or sensual ●leshly bruits . as chrysostome commandeth the presbyters not to give the body and blood of christ to the unworthy , though he were the greatest commander or wore a diadem , and professeth that he would suffer his own blood to be shed , before he would give the blood of christ to the unworthy : and as blessed paul would become all things to all men to win them , and commandeth us not to please our selves , but to please our neighbours for their good to edification : and yet when it came to the flattering of men in their sins , he saith that if he should so please men , he should be no longer the servant of christ. and as to his own interest in mans esteem , he saith , with me it is a small thing to be judged of you , or of mans judgment . rom. . , , . cor. . . gal. . . tim. . . cor. . . take heed therefore of pretending unity , order , peace , or charity , against the strictest obedience of god●laws , or against the faithful preaching of the gospel , and exercise of true church-discipline , or against the necessity of the ancient profession of saving faith and true-repentance in all that will be admitted to the communion of the church : it is not an ungodly unity , peace or order that we plead for . direct . xiv . though your governours and not you , must judge what persons shall be of your publike church-communion , yet it is you that must judge who are fit or unfit for your private company and familiarity . here therefore exercise your strictness in your own part . as it is not you , but the king that must judge , who shall be of the same kingdome with you : nor the servant but the master , that must choose who shal be in the family with him : nor the scholler but the schoolmaster that must choose who shal be of the same school with him : so it is not you , but your pastor that must judg who shall be of the same church with you . as to the universal visible church , this is confest by all : and there is no reason why it should be denied of particular churches , as is proved . but who shall be your pastors or your masters , your husbands or your wives , if you are yet free , you your selves must be the choosers : and who shall be your intimate companions , or your bosome friends : here therefore make as strict a choice as you can . if you meet a prophane person at the lords table , it is his own fault or the pastors : but if you keep company needlesly with such , or marry such , it is your own fault . if the pastor do not excommunicate them , you may choose not to be familiar with them : though you must meet them at the church and pray with them ; you need not meet them at the ale-house and drink with them . though you may not with a few of the most godly separate from the publike communion of all the rest ; yet may you keep a more intimate familiarity with those few than with all the rest . and if you will consider , this is all that is necessary to your own duty , and that which is best for your own edification . keep thus to a strictness within the bounds of your own place and calling , and god will bless you in such a strictness . direct . xv. understand well how much it hath pleased god , to lay all mens good or evil , happiness or misery , upon their own choice : and observe the reasons of it , that you may not oppose this order of god. though god by his grace must change the perverse disposition of mens wills , before they will make a gracious choice ; yet it is most certain , that the teachings , commands , exhortations and reproofs of god , are directed to the will of man : and that the promises and threatnings , mercies and judgements , are used to move and change the will : and that in the tenor of his laws and covenants christ hath set life and death before men , and put their happiness in their own choice ; and that no man shall have better or worse than he made choice of : that is , none shall be either happy or miserable , but as they did choose or refuse , the causes of happiness or misery . and the reason of this is , because natural-free-will , was part of the natural-image of god on adam ; and it is as natural to a man to be a free-agent , as to be reasonable . and god will govern man as man , agreeably to his nature . therefore do not wonder if church priviledges are principally left to mens own wills or choice , when their salvation is left to it . indeed god would not have any man admitted into the church and to its communion , in his own way , and on his own terms : the way and terms are of christs appointment : that they must profess faith and repentance is his appointed condition : that the minister must be the publike judge of this profession ; and accordingly receive them ●olemnly by baptism , and that they must enter under the hand of the key-bearers of the church ; all this is of christs institution . but whether they will make this profession or not ? and whether they will make it in truth or in falshood ; and whether they will live according to it , or play the hypocrites and live contrary to it ; these are at their own choice . and good reason ; for the gain or less must be their own . if any be in the communion of the church , who either never made profession of christianity , or who is proved before them to have apostatized from that profession , or to live impenitently in any gross sin , after the churches admonition , it is the pastors fault ; and yours if it be by the neglect of your duty . but if any other be there it is their own fault , and the loss and hurt must be their own . if any one that professeth christianity ignorantly , unbelievingly , and hypocritically be there : or if they come to the sacrament whilest they live in secret or open sin , before they have been openly admonished by the church , it is their own sin ; and not you but they shall bear the blame . god leaveth such matters to their own choice : and as they choose they speed . and for us to grudge at this order of god , is but to quarrel at wisdome and goodness , and to correct gods order by our disorder . the man that came in without a wedding garment , is blamed , and bound hand and foot , and punished : but the minister that called him in and admitted him , is not blamed ; because he did as he was bidden : he went to the high-ways and hedges and compelled them ( by importunity ) to come in , that the house might be filled : nor are any that came in with him blamed , for having communion with such : for they were in their places , and did as they were exhorted to do . and s●●will it be in the case that is before us . direct . xvi . though the profession of christianity which entituleth men to church-communion , must be credible : yet remember that there are divers degrees of credibility ; and that every profession which is not proved false is credible in such a degree as must be accepted by the church . profession of christianity is every mans church-title . no man is to prove the sincerity of his own profession ; nor may the church require such proof at his hands ; for how can a man prove to another the sincerity of his own heart ? but the fuller testimony he giveth of it , the better it is : and therefore none should refuse to make his own profession , as fully credible to the church as he is able , no● is the church to be blamed for enquiring after the fullest credibility , so be it they do it but ad melius esse , and not ad esse ; not laying his title upon it , nor refusing him for want of it . but every profession as such is credible in some degree , which is not disproved . because men are under god , the only competent judges of their own hearts : and the belief of one another is the ground of humane converse : and it is an injury to any man to account him a lyar , without sufficient proof . he that will disprove a mans profession , must prove first , that he doth not tolerably understand what he saith ; secondly , or that he speaketh not seriously , but in jest ; or not voluntarily , but in hypocrisie by constraint , or for some by end : thirdly , or that he contradicteth his own words by some more credible words or deeds . and if you never yet thus disproved mens profession of christianity before the pastors of the church and yet cry out against the pastors for admitting them , you are not true reformers , but disorderly mutineers , and peevish censurers in the church of christ. christs orders , and mens right , and all church-justice , must not be trodden down and sacrificed to your humour , and arbitrary way . direct . xvii . know how far either grace or gifts are necessary to a minister ; that you may give both grace and gifts their due . there have been two great questions which long have troubled the church , whether we may take him for a true minister of christ , that is ungodly ? and what measure of gifts is necessary to the being of the ministry ? i have carefully answered them both in my disputation of ordination long ago , and shall now only say in brief . first , that no ungodly man is so called to the ministry , as to excuse himself before god for his usurpation and hypocritical administrations . secondly , but many an ungodly man is so far called to the ministry as that his admin●st at ons are all valid to the church , and the innocent people shall not have the loss . thirdly , no people should choose and prefer such an ungodly minister before a better . fourthly , but they should rather submit to such than have none , when a better cannot ( by them ) be had . iudas had a place in the ministry with the apostles , act. . . and his ministration might be valid to others , though his hypocrisie might turn it into sin to himself . and his ministry might have been accepted of the people , though they had known his hypocrisie as christ did : but a sincere apostle was to be preferred before him . and for gifts , first the greatest degree is best ; and secondly , god maketh so great use of them , that many an hypocrite wi●h excellent gifts , doth edifie the church more than many good men that are ungifted . thirdly , but that measure of gifts only is necessary to the being of a minister without which the essential parts of his office cannot be performed . learn therefore to prefer them that have most grace and guifts ; but not to take them for no ministers that want grace totally , or want only a greater degree of gifts . and marvel not that gifts are more necessary to the validity of ministration than grace is . he may perform the office of a minister to the benefit of the church , that hath no saving grace at all : so did iudas : so did those in math. . . that prophesied and cast out devils in christs name , to whom he will yet say , depart from me ye workers of iniquity , i know you not : for grace is to save him that possesseth it : but gifts are to teach and profit others . yet grace is an exceeding furtherance of the right and successful use of gifts : for ordinarily he that speaketh from the heart speaketh to the heart ; when an unexperienced hypocrite speaketh without life . but sometimes a dulness and want of utterance in the sincere , and a natural and affected servency in the hypocrite , with a voluble tongue , do obscure this difference ; and make the hypocrite the more profitable to the church . direct . xviii . understand well the necessity of your communion with all the universal church , and wherein it consisteth , and how far to be preferred before your communion with any particular church . with the vniversal church mystical , you must have communion by the same spirit , the same regeneration , the same faith and love , and the same laws of god ; and obedience thereto . with the universal church visible , you must have communion , in the same profession of faith and repentance , and the same baptism , and the same sort of ministry and publike worship , so far as they are universally determined of by christ. and though you are absent in body , you must be as present in spirit by consent , with all the churches of christ on earth . you must have spiritual communion with the whole spiritual church , and visible communion in kind ( in the same rule of faith , and kind of workship ) with all the visible church ; and l●cal-presential communion with that particular church where you are present , and with any other where your presence afterwards may be needful ; unless they hinder you by unlawful terms . so that it is not the same kind nor measure of communion which you are obliged to hold with all ; but you must have communion with all men as a man ; and with neighbours as a neighbour , and with relations according to the relations civil or domestical ; and with all true christians , as a true christian ; and with all professed christians , as a professed christian ; and with the particular church of which you are a part , as a part of that church . and with your bosome friends and intimate companions , as a friend and companion . and yet in all this , you must communicate with no church or person in their sin it self : and yet not refuse their communion in good , though mixt with sin . you must own all the prayers of all the churches in the world , so far as they are good , and joyn in spirit by consent , as if you concurred with them in presence , and made all their prayers to be your own ( as you do by the prayers of the church where you are present . ) if there be disorders or imperfections or sinful blemishes in their prayers , you must disown all those faults , but not therefore disown any part of all their prayers which are good , but desire to have a part in them and desire the pardon of their failings . and here you may perceive what a mischief pievish separation is on both sides . it hindereth you from pr●ying aright for others , as the members should do for all the body ; and it hindereth you from partaking in the benefit of the prayers of most of the church of god on earth . indeed god may hear those prayers for you which you your selves disown : but whether this may be expected , according to the ordinary course of his dealing , is much to be doubted : seeing he hath made every mans will or choice the ordinary condition of his participation of such benefits , it is hard to conceive , that he that abhorreth the prayers of other men , or taketh them for such as god abhorreth , or will not accept , and in his mind disowneth all participation , and communion in them , should yet have a part against his will. but of this more anon . as your baptism maketh you members of the universal church , in order of nature before you are members of a particular church ; so your relation to the universal church is more noble , more necessary , and more durable , than your relation to any particular church : it is more noble , because the society is more noble . the whole is more excellent than a little part : it is more necssary ; because you cannot be saved and be christians without being members of the universal church : but you may be christians and be saved , without being a member of any stated particular church . it is more durable , because you can never separate from the unive●sal church , or cease to be a member of it , without being separated from christ : but divers occasions may warrant your removeall from a particular church . live not therefore in those narrow and dangerous principles , as if your congregation or your party were all the church of christ ; or as if you had no christian relation to any other ministers or people , nor owed any duty to them as members of the same body . but remember that all christians , persons and congregations , are but the members of the kingdom of christ. direct . xix . take heed of engaging your selves too far in any divided sect , or of espousing the interest of any party of christians , to the neglect or injury of the common interest of the universal church , or cause of christianity . i doubt not but among several ranks of christians , the soundest and most upright are to be best esteemed , and ( caeteris paribus ) their communion to be preferred , before theirs that are more unsound and scandalous . but it s one thing to prefer the eye or hand , before the foot ; a noble member before a more ignoble ; and another thing to own a sect as such , or a party as they either divide from others , or take up a dividing opposite interest . you are sure that the universal church of christ can never erre against the essentials of christianity , nor against any truth or duty necessary to their salvation . for then the church were no church , and then christ were not its head. and then the body of christ might perish : and then christ were not the saviour of his body . but you cannot say of any one part , that you are sure that part shall never fall away and perish . there may fall out a necessity which may warrant the body to cut off a hand or leg , to save the rest : but no corporal necessity can warrant you to destroy the whole ; nor any one member to forsake the body , before it is forcibly cut off . he that seeth not how the espousing of parties and divided interests , doth corrupt most christians in the world , and lacerate and deface the church of christ , doth not understand or not observe the condition of mankind . it is somewhat rare to meet with any serious christians , who are not so deeply engaged into some sect or side or party , as to darken their judgements , and pervert their affections as to all the rest , and to corrupt their converse in the world : how blindly do such look on all that is good in those that differ from them ? how partially do they judge of the judgements and practises of others ? how small a thing will serve the turn , to excuse the faults of any of their party ? and how small and common a good seemeth excellent in them ? and how perversly do they aggravate the faults of all that are against their way ? as if every infirmity were a crime , and had no excuse ? yea , they are oft glad to hear of some miscarriage in them , for which they may speak against them . and very readily take up such reports , and are the willing-tongues of slanderous fame : and in all this their faction maketh them impenitent : for they think it tendeth to the disgrace of the other party , and so of their cause , which they account an errour ; and consequently that god hath use for their malicious calumnies to his glory . what company can you come into of forward christians , but they are talking against those of other parties ? ( except a few true entire christians , who are throughly possessed with the loving compassionate spirit of their lord , and have received the true impression of the gospel . ) and if you mark the cause you will find it as a sectarian spirit , that prevaileth against the catholick spirit of christianity . and in no sect more , than in those that pretend to be the only catholicks , and to do all this against the sectaries as such ! what bitter lies do the popish sects under the name of catholicks daily vent not only against luther , calvin , and other reformers , but any that stand against the peculiar interest of their party . and they that can get the upper hand-and by worldly advantages become the domineering sect , do think that thereby , they are exempted from the name and number of sectaries ; and that all are sectaries that question their authority , and do not absolutely obey them . in all their discourse the stigmatizing of dissenters is an ordinary part ! one side reproacheth the other as hereticks and schismaticks ; and the other reproacheth them as hypocrites , formalists , and pharisaical persecutors : and every party think that all this is a part of christian zeal ; and if they did it not they should be guilty of lukewarmness and neutrality , and consenting to the sins of others . and thus the church of christ is engaged in a war against it self : and when all men should know them to be christs disciples by loving one another ; most men may perceive that they have too much contrariety to the christian nature , by their endeavouring to make each other odious . and all because instead of distinguishing the members of the same body by their several offices and degrees , we are grown to make several bodies of them , and to set one part against another . how many a kingdomes conversion from infidelity hath been hindered ? and how many a faithful minister silenced or reproached ? and how many excellent christians slandered and vilified ? and how many blamless customs , forms , and practises accused ? and how many infirmities aggravated as mortal crimes , by a siding factious disposition , and to promote the cause and interest of a sect. therefore as you love your integrity and peace , keep up an impartial universal love and honour to all christians as such , and take heed of a dividing spirit . direct . xx. be very suspicious of your religious passions ; and carefully distinguish between a sound and a sinful zeal ; lest you should father your sin on the spirit of holiness , and think that you are most pleasing god , when you offend him . we are seldome more mistaken in justifying our selves than in our passions : and when our passions are religious the mistake is both most easie and most perillous : easie , because we are apt to be most confident , and not suspect them , the matter seeming so great and good , about which they are exercised . and perilous , because the greatness and goodness of the matter , doth make the errour the greater and the worse . i have shewed before how easie it is , to think that our religious passions , are all the works of the spirit of god ; for we are apt to estimate them , by the depth and earnestness which we feel . but excellent persons have been here mistaken , as iames and iohn were . and not only so , but when the passion is up , the judgement it self is seldome to be far trusted ; for it inclineth us to err in all things that concern the present business . therefore still remember the difference between true zeal and false : and know that he that is upright in the main , and whose zeal for christianity is sound , may yet have much zeal that is unsound with it . first , it is an ill sign when your zeal is raised about some singular opinion which you have owned , and not for the common salvation and substance of the christian faith or practise . or at least , when your odd opinion hath a greater proportion of your zeal , than many more plain and necessary truths . secondly , when your zeal is moved by any personal interest of your own : by honour or dishonour ; by any wrong that is done you , or any reputation of wisdome or goodness , which lieth on the cause . or at least when your own interest hath too large a proportion in your zeal . thirdly , when your zeal is more for the interest of your party , than for the universal church , and the common cause of godliness , and christianity ; and can be content that some detriment to the whole , may further the interest of the party . fourthly , when your zeal tendeth to hurt and crueley , and would have god rather to glorifie his iustice by some present notable judgement ; than his mercy by patience and forgiving : and when your secret desire of fire from heaven , or some destruction of the adversaries is greater than your desire and prayer for their conversion . the sure mark of true zeal is , that it is zealous love : it maketh you love your neighbours and enemies more fervently than others do : but false zeal : maketh you more inclined to their suffering ; and to reproach and hurt them . fifthly , it is an ill signe when your zeal is beyond the proportion of your understanding : and your prudence and experience is as much less than other mens , as your zeal is greater . true zeal hath some equality of light and heat . sixthly , it is an ill sign when it is a zeal which is easily kept alive , and hardly restrained : for that sheweth the slesh and the devil are too much its friends . the true zeal of the spirit doth need the fuel of all holy means , and the bellows of meditation , and prayer to kindle it : and all is too little to keep it up in the constancy that we desire . but carnal zeal will burn of it self without such endeavours . seventhly , it is an ill signe when some sect or false-teacher was the kindler of it ; and not the sober preaching of the truth . eighthly , and it is an ill sign when it burneth in the same soul where lust and wrath and pride and malice burn ; and when it prospereth at the same time , when the love of god , and a heavenly mind and life decay , the zeal of a sensualist , of a proud man , of a covetous man , of a self-conceited empty person , can hardly be thought a spiritual zeal . . and it is an ill sign w●en it carrieth you from the holy rule ; and pretendeth to come from a spirit which will not be tryed by the scripture : or when it driveth you to use means which god forbiddeth in his word : and putteth you upon ways which the sealed law and testimony condemn : it cannot be of god , which is against gods word . . lastly , it is a suspicious sign , when it is contrary to the judgement , experience and zeal of the generality of the most wise , experienced , tryed , sober , godly christians ; and so to the ordinary working of gods spirit in other men , who are as good as you . for gods spirit is not contrary to it self . by all these signs you may easily perceive , how the dividing zeal of a sect as a sect , doth differ from the genuine christian zeal . the one is a zeal for some singular opinion : the other is a zeal for godliness and christianity . the one is kindled by some interest of our own religious reputation : the other is kindled by the interest of the will and glory of god. the one is for the strengthning of a party : the other is to increase the church universal , and promote the common cause of christianity : even when some particular truth or duty is the matter of it , yet the general cause of godliness is the end . the one is a burning , hurting zeal , even the same which hath made matter for so many martyrologies , and frightful histories , by inquisitions , torments , prisons , flames , massacre● and bloody wars : and the same which hath silenced so many faithful ministers , and disturbed so many states and churches : the other is a zeal of love , which maketh men fervent in doing good to others : the one causeth men to revile and despise and censure and backbite , and zealously to make all dissenters seem odious , that the hearers may abate their love to them . the other maketh us value all that is good in others , and to hide their nakedness , and to make them better , and to provoke the hearers to love and to good works . the one tendeth to divisions and sidings and separations and distances from our brethren ; and to feed contentions : the other is a zeal for unity , amity and peace . the one is the complexion of the weak , and childish , the proud , and self-conceited , the peevish and surly sort of professours : the other is the zeal of solid knowledge , and of the prudent , humble , meek and well grounded sort of christians . the one is a zeal which flyeth most outward , against the sins of other men , and can live with pride , and covetousness , and selfishness , and sensuality at home : such serve not the lord iesus , but their own bellies , rom. . , . the other beginneth at home , and consumeth all these vices in the heart ; and as zeal increaseth humility , and meekness , and love , and self-denyal , and temperance , and heavenly mindedness increase . the one is easily got and easily kept , and hardly kept under ! o how easie is it to get and keep a contemptuous , censorious , backbiting , dividing or persecuting ●eal ! but the other is not so much befriended by satan or the flesh , and therefore must be preserved by prayer and meditation , and very great diligence . how hard is it to keep up a zealous love of god and man ? and a fervour in all our heavenly and spiritual desires ? abate but your diligence and this will presently decay : when the fierce , contending , hurting , separating and persecuting zeal doth need no such fuel or labour to maintain it : the one is kindled by the enflaming censures of some rash and passionate preacher , that knoweth better how to kill love than to cause it ; or by the singular conceits of some sectary or divider ; or by the backbitings of some do●g , or malicious calumniator : the other is kindled by the humble , and heavenly preaching of the gospel , and by the meditations on christs example , and a study to imitate him and his saints in patience , forbearance , fo●giving others and doing good . the one is a zeal which carrieth men from the scripture , to pretenses of such revelations , and inspirations , and impulses as have no proof , but the feeling and fancy of the person : or at least , to abuse the word of god , and plead it for that which it condemneth : it provoketh men to some unlawful pract●se , under pretense of misinterpreted texts , and of good ends and meanings . the other still putteth you upon good , and striveth against evil , and goeth for tryal of every cause to the law and to the testimony . lastly , the one is a zeal which pretendeth the spirit , and yet goeth contrary to the common workings of the spirit , in the most part of the best and wisest christians . but the other is the common vital heat , which animateth all the body of christ , and actualeth all his living members ; and keepeth up love and holiness in the church ; and is the same in all humble heavenly christians in the world . it will be of great use to you , in order to your own and the churches peace , to understand and observe the difference between these contrary sorts of religious zeal . direct . xxi . lend not a patient ear to back-biters ; much less must you hastily believe them when they speak ill of others : but shew your detestation of that sin , though they should be most religious people that use it , and do it upon a religious pretence . i do not say that it is always unlawful to speak that which is ill of another behind his back . sometime wicked men will take occasion to justifie sin it self , by the advantage of a sinners name : and sometime they will magnifie the vertues of some wicked man , or of some of their sect , on purpose to cast reproach on godliness , or to make others odious by the comparison . yet in such cases we must repress their malignity more by a defensive than an offensive opposition . but the usual course of back-biting in all sorts of men , is sinful . the back-biter ( how great or learned or religious soever ) is but the devils minister , to preach down the love of others , and to exhort you to hate your brother , or to abate your charity to him . and he that patiently hearkeneth to such , is a partaker of their sin . and he that believeth them , hath taken the infection . most of our odious thoughts of others , and our false and uncharitable censures , do come in this way . for the most part , men censure and separate and persecute most , where they are acquainted least , but go by hear-say , and judge of men by back-biters mis-reports : and acquaintance and familiarity usually reconcileth them , and sheweth them their errour . you think it is a fair excuse for you , when you either believe or report evil of another , to say , that you heard it from very honest and religious , or reverend persons ; or you heard it from many , and confidently uttered . but god hath not allowed you to receive back-biters , because they are godly , or because they are many . this very age and time doth experimentally confute this excuse : in which it is so common a thing , for false reports and news to be uttered with confidence , and that by multitudes , and many of them religious , and yet neither truth nor ground at all , for what is said . back-biters , and haters of god are conjoyned rom. . . he that back-biteth not with his tongue , nor doth evil to his neighbour , nor taketh up a reproach against his neighbour , is one that hath the mark of a citizen of zion . psal. . . an angry countenance must drive away a back-biting tongue . pro. . . paul was afraid of that which we all now feel the evil of , even this evil spirit which i am now detectcting . cor. . . lest there be debates , e●vyings , wraths , strifes , back-bitings , whisperings , swellings , tumults , and so god would humble him among them . rebuke back-bitings and whisperings , or you will hardly avoid the rest of these iniquities . it may be the report which you hear may be all false : or it may be it is some little matter made much greater than it is . or it may be some part of the truth is concealed and some circumstance which would make it better understood . however , if it be true , when the reporter hath no call to speak it , or when the accused is not heard speak for himself , and you never heard what he hath to say , there is sin and injustice in the back-biter , the believer and reporter . direct . xxii . make not your selves selves judges of other mens actions , much less of their state , before you have a call , and before you have sufficient acquaintance or proof , of the person and of the case . very common reports and very confident presumptions , may all prove injurious and false . you may hear that such a family is prophane , and that such a person hath no religion , that such a one is covetous , & such a one erroneous , &c. and when it comes to the trial , it may all prove false . however it must be as false to you , till you know , or prove it to be true : you may be ignorant of another mans faults , without any faultiness of your own : but you cannot rashly censure another without being your self faulty though the matter should prove true . justice must be observed as well in private as in publike judging . as no judge in any civil or ecclesiastical court , must condemn any man without sufficient proof ( which made christ say matth. . , . take one or two more , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses , every word may be established ) so no man in his own thoughts must condemn his brother , by any rash or groundless sentence . it is safer for you to judge better of another than he is , than it is to judge worse of him than he is . in many cases it may be your duty to judge better of him than he is ; because you must judge according to proof ; and if the evidence or proof deceive you , it is none of your fault to be so deceived . and yet you are not hereby bound to believe a falshood : all that you are bound to believe is , that it is probable that such a person is vertuous , innocent or sincere : and this is no falshood : for that may be probable or likely which is not true . few well consider of the meaning of christs words in math. . , . iudge not that ye be not judged : for with what judgement ye judge ye shall be judged : and with what measure ye mete , it shall be measured to you again : i doubt not but part of the sense may be , he that judgeth without mercy of another , shall have judgement without mercy from god ; as st. iames expresseth it . but that● not all ; but the rest of the sense is [ and he that j●dgeth cruelly rashly and falsly of his brother , shall be so judged of by other men himself . ] not that god will cause it , but he will permit it ; and therefore can foretel it ; and make a righteous punishment , of the sin which he doth but permit . do you not know that other men will censure and backbite you , as boldly and as busily as you do censure and backbite others . is it such a pleasure to you to imitate the devil , the great accuser , as that you will be as much accused your selves , and as hardly thought of , rather than you will give it over . and see here how sin doth cross it self . most of the censorious , are proud persons , who think others much worse than themselves ; and therefore speak worse of their common and more ignorant neighbours , that they may be thought to be no common nor ignorant persons themselves ; and they are offended with the pastor of the church , for admitting such persons into communion with such as they : that so their piety may be more conspicuous than their neighbours : when all this while they are but preparing for their own dishonour ; and others will judge as bad of them . when usually the meek and humble and merciful christian who judgeth hardly of himself and tenderly of all others ; is tenderly and lovingly judged of by all . the prelatist saith , [ what obstinate persons are these non-conformists , they do all to keep the approbation of their party ▪ ] and are they not requited by many of them whom they censure , who say [ what temporizing hypocrites are these formalists and latitudinarians ! they would turn papists or any thing to save their skins , or get preferment . what perjury or other heinous crime will they not number with things indifferent . ] the papist thinks the protestant a heretick unworthy to live on earth and therefore thirsteth for his blood ; and is he not requited by the censures of them that think that he is but a blood thirsty limb of antichrist himself ? if he think that the protestant cannot be saved , because he is not a member of the pope , or roman church , the protestant requiteth him oft times with concluding , that a papist cannot go beyond a reprobate , nor a worshipper of the beast be saved . if the independent censure the presbyterian as a favourer of looseness and formality , the presbyterian can requite him , by censuring him to be an enemy to order , government & peace , and a turbulent cause of all confusion . the same i may say of all other sects : it is not now my purpose to take part with any of them , nor to speak against any one of them more than the rest : but to them tell all of their mistake in their censorious way , & how certainly they prepare for the same measure and judgement which they give to others . rom. . . who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? to his own m●ster he standeth or falleth : yea he shall be holden up , for god is able to make him stand . — but why judgest thou thy brother , or why dost thou set at nought thy brother ? we shall all stand before the judgement seat of christ — so then every one of us shall give account of himself to god. it is strange that those men that can understand a text against swearing and drunkenness , can see no light nor feel no power in such words as these . direct . xxiii . mistake not the nature of the sin of scandal : think not that it is the bare displeasing or grieving of another ; for it is the laying of a stumbling block , that is , a temptation , or occasion of sinning before another . indeed the word [ offend ] hath occasioned the mistake of many in this point , to the great ensnaring of themselves and others . offending sometime signifieth only displeasing or grieving another : and this is not the scandal which the scripture speaks against . but it signifieth also the laying of a stumbling block before another , upon which he may be occasioned to fall into sin ; and this is the offence which is called scandal . abundance of well meaning people , have thought that they must not use any form or words or order or action ( especially if it be indifferent in it self ) which others are displeased or grieved at : because they think that is scandal : indeed there is a grieving others which is scandal ; that is , when by grieving them we occasion them to sin . but consider i beseech you these two things . first , what a wretched person that is . who will sin against god every time that his brother doth not humor him ? durst these persons profess this openly with their tongues ? dare you say , do not you use such a form of prayer or such a ceremony for if you do , i will sin against god ? what elfe do you mean , when you blame men for scandalizing you ? i hope you do not mean that no body must displease you ? if not , you must know that this only is true scandal , to occasion you to sin ? and is it not a shame that you will sin so easily ? . and if bare displeasing had been scandal , then peevishness and ignorance would have advanced all that had them to be the governours of the world . for what is it to govern , but to have all others obliged to fulfil your wills ? and if no man must displease you then all must fulfil your wills : and he is scandalous that is not ruled by you . and if this were so , the most childish and womanish sort of christians , who have the weakest judgement and the strongest wils , and passions , must rule all the world : for these are hardliest pleased , and no man must displease them . but i beseech you remember that scandal lieth in pleasing men as well as in displeasing them , when it may harden them in an errour , or tempt them to any sin : i will instance to you but in two scandalous acts of peter himself . the first was to christ in math. . , . where he thought to please christ and save him from suffering , and would have had him to spare or favour himself . and christ saith , get thee behind me satan , thou art an offence to me : the greek word is , a scandal : that is , thou wouldst do as satan did , even tempt me to sin , & neglect the work which i came into the world about . the other was in gal. . , ▪ where peter did scandalize the iews by pleasing them ! for fear of offending the weak juda●zing christians , he separated from familiar communion with the gentiles . by which he laid a stumbling block or temptation before them , to harden them in the sinful opinion of separation . if it had been done in our dayes many would have been drawn away with barnabas , and thought that peter had not given scandal to the iewish christians , but only separated for fear of scandalizing them . many a time i have the rather gone to the common prayers of the publick assemblies , for fear of being a scandal to those same men that called the going to them a scandal : that is , for fear of hardening them in a sinful separation and errour : because i knew that that was not scandal which they called scandal , that is , displeasing them and crossing their opinions : but hardening them in an errour or other sin , is true scandalizing . understand this or you will displease god under pretence of avoiding scandal . direct . xxiv . make conscience of scandalizing one party as well as another : and those most who are most in danger by your offence . many persons pretend the avoiding of scandal , only to slatter one party and to preserve their own reputation and interest with that side which they are lothest to displease . and perhaps discern not the deceit of their own hearts in all this ; but think that it is indeed the sin of scandal which they avoid . but why make you no conscience of scandalizing others , on the contrary side ? who perhaps are more in number , and whose salvation should be as much desired by you ? the papist perhaps will not deliver the lords supper in both kinds , nor will forbear his image-worship , lest he offend the roman-catholicks : but he careth not much that by so doing he offendeth the protestants and other churches ; nor that his images are a scandal to all the mahometans , and keep them from the christian faith . and thus every sect saith ; if you do this or that , you will scandalize and offend many good people : meaning their own side : but they ●ever regard how many others they shall really scandalize by the contrary : one saith , it is scandalous to use extemporary prayers ; and another saith , it is scandalous to pray by forms and books : and both sides usually mean no more , but that their own party will be displeased and take it for a sin . but as he is not scandalized by me , who only taketh my action to be a sin ; but he that is ensnared by it in any sin himself ; so whether it be displeasing or tempting that you mean , you must regard one side as well as the other . the heavenly wisdome is without partiality and without hypocrisie . jam. . . and usually they talk most against scandalizing those whom they account to be the lest : and the best are least in danger of sinning . and so they accuse them to be the worst , or else they know not what they say . for suppose a separatist should say , if you hold communion with any parish minister or church in england , it will be a scandal to many good people ! i would ask such a one why call you those good people that are easily drawn to sin against god ? nay that will sin because i do my duty ? he will say , no , they will not sin , but they will take it to be your sin , and they will be troubled at it ? i must answer him , you talk of scandal , and know not what scandal is : scandal is not troubling men , nor making them take me for a sinner ; but occasioning them to sin themselves by some unlawful or needless act of mine . therefore if you know what you say , you make the separatists almost the worst of men , that will sin against god because another will not sin : yea if they would but sin , because another sinneth it were bad enough . i would ask you therefore , whether you take not the people of the parish churches to be more than you ? and to be worse than you ? if you took them not for much worse than your selves , you would not separate from them . and if you do think them worse , you must think that they are more in danger of sinning , or being turned from the liking of godliness and of the gospel . and if so , then we are bound to be more afraid of giving scandal to them than unto you . are not men most afraid of overthrowing the children and the weak , rather than those that are stronger than themselves ? if you are apter to sin and turn from christ than the people of the parish churches , we should rather separa●e from you than from them . if not , we must more take heed of scandalizing them than you . obj. but christ pronounceth a ●o to them that offend his little ones . answ. if by [ offending them ] be meant only persecuting and hurting them as many think , then it is nothing to the question in hand . for i hope communicating with others is not a persecuting you ▪ and bare [ displeasing them ] it is certain that the text doth not mean at all . but if by [ offending them ] be meant scandalizing them , that is , laying snares before them , whether by fraud or persecution , to turn them from christ , and draw them to sins , then it confirmeth all that i say : and the term [ little ones ] conteineth the reason of the words : because as little children are easily overthrown & easilier deceived , so the young & weak believers of little faith , are most in danger of being turned away from christ , or ensnared in any sin or errour . and therefore if you think the parish churches to consist of weaker persons than your selves , the woe is to you or us if we offend them . the truth is , offending and giving scandal , is commonly taken in the gospel , for any action ( which is not our necessary duty ) by which either heathens and in●idels and enemies to christ , are like to be drawn to harder thoughts of the christian faith ; or any wicked man is like to be kept from a godly life ; or else by which the young ungrounded and unsetled sort of christians , may be tempted to turn back and forsake the faith which they have professed , or fall into any dangerous sin . and therefore seeing the separatists profess to be setled in the faith already , and many in the parish churches are weak , and many averse to some duties of religion , and more in danger of being turned away , we are bound to be much more afraid of giving scandal to the parishes , than to the separatists . obj. but christ cared not for offending such perverse ones as herod or the pharisees ? answ. christ feared not to displease the greatest , when it would be done by doing good : no more must you or they be pleased by our neglect of any duty . but christ was against laying any trap before either herod or the pharisees , to make them sin . and it is not your censure of others that will warrant us to use them as reprobates , forsaken of god. if every man that can be uncharitable enough , to call his neighbours pharisees or enemies of christ , without proof , shall keep us from communion with them , then the worse any man is , the more he shall be lord of all other mens consciences . direct . xxv . be not over-tender of your reputation with any sort of men on earth ; nor too impatient of their censures , displeasure , or contempt . the fangs of the censorious are a common scandal ; and as strong a snare or temptation to some men , as worldly preferments are to others : when we come among men whom we take for the most religious , and hear them keenly censure all for hypocrites , or formalists , profane or schismaticks , who are contrary to them in opinion or practise ; at the first we are in danger of being carried away as barnabas in dissimulation , and to say as they say , or at least comply with them by our silence and practise , lest we should be censured by them as others are . especially ministers are greatly in danger of this snare . for the prophane hate them for their doctrine and their holy lives ; and it is the godly that are the fruit of their labours , and the satisfaction which they have for all their sufferings , and the comfort of their lives : and if these forsake them and despise them , with whom shall they find any comfort in the world ? therefore they are very much in danger of complying too far with their errours and weaknesses , to keep their interest in them : and they think it is that they may do them good . and perhaps this was the case of peter and barnabas , with the weak judaizing christians . for paul telleth us rom. the . that it was the use of the weak ( who thought those things to be duties and sins which were not so ) to judge the strong , who knew their liberty : and it was the custome of the strong to despise the weak : just as at this day , the mistaken superstitious christian , saith , they are prophane that are not against all that he is against : and those that see his errour say , what giddy whimsical fanaticks are these ? so was it then ; and so it is like to be , till god give the world a better mind . many a faithful minister i have known , who have freely confessed to me , that the censures of peevish self-conceited christians , enclined to separation , was a far stronger temptation to them to forsake or overrun their own understandings , than all the offers of honours , or riches could be on the other side . it is a hard thing , when we have spent our labour and lives to bring men to christ , and have got them into a state of hope and forwardness , to be shortly after cast off by them as formalists o● temporizers or any thing that their sick fancies will call us . but for all this , it is but one of those trials which god will have his servants undergo : and both ministers and private persons must be above the praise and the dispraise even of self-conceited religious persons , before they can be sit to follow christ , as tried and firmly setled men . stand your ground if you are in the right . truth will bear all your charges at the last , and will defend it self and you : if you please men ( whoever they be ) contrary to god and conscience , you are servants of men , and verily you have your reward . math. . but you are no longer the servants of christ. gal. . . and you will never be setled , but change as the moon as the parties or opinions of the censurers change . but if you stick to the words of truth and soberness , at last the sober part of the religious will be your encouragers , and many of the giddy will come to you by repentance , when experience hath shewed them that which they would not learn of you . that which is vertiginous will at last settle its rest on that which is permanent and firm : as boys when they have made themselves wheel-sick with turning round , will lay hold on the next post , to keep them from falling . therefore bear the censures of the ignorant . please them in all things lawful for their good and edification ; and become all things to all men in a lawful way : but depart not from the principles or practise of christian-union , communion , charity , or sobriety , to please a dividing hot-brain'd party , nor to escape their sharpest censures . he is unfit to be a physician that cannot bear a mad m●ns railing● , or the harsh expressions of his friends , when a phrensie or feaver makes them brain-sick . when you have followed them in their violent hea●● a while to avoid their censure , either you must come back with sorrow , or run to the end with them , as many in this age have done to their own , and to the churches , and the states confusion ; or which is worst of all , god may ●●stly give you up , to be of their minds , and to think that way right and necessary at last , which at first you only yielded to , in compliance with the heats of other men . and when you have sinned against god to avoid their censures , and keep an interest in them , it s two to one , but they will turn on still further and further , till you are forced to let them go , and you shall in the end be more censured and despired by them , than if you had never humoured them at all . these things are written in an age of full experience , by one that hath seen the proof in multitudes . for my part , i will be so ingenuous and thankful , to the dis●ngenuous and unthankful world as to confess , that they have used me with unusual moderation and civility ; in that they have still mixed too high commendations with their blind unreasonable censures . but yet i must say that he is worse than a fool who would not be taugh ▪ by so much experience as i have had , of the vanity of the judgings of the vertiginous world , to choose a more stedfast seat for his rest , than a windmills-sails . the malicious censurers and railers on one side , and the pe●vish censurer● on the other side , have taught me to stand to the judgment of god , and to pity the poor hypocrite , who hath no better a reward , than , the thoughts and praise of mortal men . do i speak according to the most common judgment of divines ▪ the sectary saith , my light is divine : i speak but by rote , and not by true illumination . do i pretend to add any clearness to the methods or points received , or to correct any error which hath got the major vote of the injudicious ? then i am self conceited , and a novellist ; and if not a heretick , it s well i and the honour of all the divines which are of a contrary mind , must be engaged to promote the censure . and the fear that sober christians have of novelty and errour , must be called up to make them abhor any truth which the grave and ignorant censurer doth not understand : and they that confess that they never seriously read what i have written , on such or such a subject , yet have wisdom and honesty little enough to say behind my back , o take heed of such a mans books , for they are tantum non heretical ▪ though in presence they are as gentle as lambs , or as quickly silenced ( or worse ) as the owls at the approach of da● light : if such a judicious writer , as camer , or dav●nant , or usher , or gr●cius , or bengi●● , or amyrald , or placa●u● , or ●apellus , or test●rdus , or bl●ndel , or d●ll●us , or 〈◊〉 blan● ( in his late excellent impartial judicious theses ) or iunius , or v●ssius , or strangius , &c. do tell any of the unstudied or injudicious sort of divines , any more than they have received from that party of teachers , who are in greatest reputation with them ; you shall have those that never understood them , tell the ignorant ( that cannot contradict them ) how erroneous they are , and how they contradict themselves : and what inconsistencies and absurdities they speak : and it all goes down with deluded auditors , as if the speaker were an oracle ; or at least , knew what he said . and to teach you to despair of the hypocrites reward , let me tell you ; that till god make the world another thing than now it is , there is no hope that ever the honester sort of christians or teachers ( much less the dishonester ) should ever come to so high attainments , that the major part should be truly judicious in judging of deep and difficult controversies ! and that there is as little hope , that either of them should know how little they know , till their knowledge in the matter it self increase ; or that ever the world ( whether christians or heathens , pastors or people ) should cease to overvalue their own apprehensions ; till greater light and study bring them first to doubting , and lastly to separate the certainties from the uncertainties , and to fasten upon one , and lay by the other . but i have been long upon this instance . and it is so in almost all things else . scarce a day or hour that i spend , but i must sin or be censured for it . if i neglect my most publike labours , my conscience and those at a distance censure me . if i do not , those at hand who expect all my time should be spent in private converse with them , censure me , if my publike duty command me away , yet he that expected that hour in conference , thinks that i disdainfully neglect him ; and if i should cast off preaching and writing , it is almost all one : for that hour which i have been spending with one , another hath been that while expecting ▪ and censuring me as sharply for his frustration . if i had a benefit to do or give , which i can give but to one , ten shall censure me , because they have it not , when the one that had it is scarcely thankful . if you would give all that you have to the poor , when all is given , many that had nothing will censure you more then those that had it will be grateful . expectations with most men are high , and they understand not your inability : and mens necessities are many and great ; and every one will say , why i look but for so much ; when all set together is ten times more than you have to give . and as to the manner of our duties , the censures will be as sure and many . if i would cure any hearers of an error , instead of a cure , they make me know they feel the smart ; and that they came not to be taught , but to be pleased . ( so dangerous a thing is it for men to come into the school of christ , as iudges and not as scholars , ( or disciples . ) it s two to one but there are present many persons of contrary opinions ▪ what shall i do to please them all ? shall i first preach for separation , anabaptism , antinomianism , p●pery , to please those on those sides ; and then preach against them all again to please those on the other side ? this would displease them all : ( and god and conscience who are more than all . ) if i speak on one side , i lose the other . if i meddle with no controversie ▪ i must meddle with no truth : for one or other controverteth all things ; ( the immortality of the soul , christianity and the deity , not excepted . ) if in prayer it self i let fall a confession of the controverted sin , which any are guilty of who are present , they censure that confession , and instead of repentance , are ready to say they will joyn with such a one no more ; and it is the confession which must be the sin . but if once we have to do against the sin , of any that are great or godly , that power or piety is made a patron of the errour ; then it may be a smarting censure indeed , which we may expect : one crieth out , he is a pestilent fellow , and a mover of sedition , as they did of paul , though i hate and preach-against sedition . another saith , he is bitter and speaketh against the godly , when i spend my self to preach up godliness . but if it be a party that is engaged in the errour , you must expect the censure of all the party . and what errour is it that hath not a party ? or that hath neither greatness nor godliness for a refuge ? if in doctrinal or practical consultations of great moment you have to do with injudicious unskilful men , if you contradict their way ( be it never so modestly ) you are proud and self-opi●ionated , and must have your own way : if you follow their mistakes , and contradict them not , you may wound the church and cause of christ , and be more generally censured at the last . in a word , when such a multitude of things are matters of controversie , as many may be the matters of censure . one will censure me for praying with a form , or book , and another for praying without it . one for being too long , and another for being too short : one for this gesture , and another for that : one for preaching when i am silenced ; another for not preaching more . one for being too gentle to dissenters , and another ▪ for being too severe : one for being too narrow in my principles , and communion ; and another , for being too large and universal . and if in the sense of the sin and misery of some christians love-killing principles and practises , i have spent the best of twenty years , in writing , preaching ( while i had leave ) conferring and praying for the union of christians and the churches peace ; i have but made a wedge of my bare hand , by putting it into the clift ; and both sides have closed upon me to my pain . but i have turned both parties in the fray , which i endeavoured to part , against my self ; when each side had one adversary , i had two . nay this is not the worst to be expected : but moreover i must add , that i was never more accused of any thing as a crime , than of that which i did most against , and even for doing so . never more suspected of carnal compliance , than when i exercised the greatest self-denial : never more accused of unpeaceableness , than for labouring for the churches peace . never was i more accused of schism , than for striving with all my power , to have united the ministers , and healed the church , or at least prevented further divisions . never more accused of enmity against the true discipline of the church , than when i have done most ( and at the dearest rates ) to stablish it , and to prevent its fall . in all this i meddle not with my civil superiours , as thinking it meeter patiently to bear , than to aggravate their censures , though not all so tolerable as private mens . i might give you as many instances of the matters of common converse : he that hath much to do in the world , shall hardly escape the censure of many . the buyer will say he sells too dear : the seller will say , he would buy too cheap . every one that expecteth a commodity , will censure him that hindereth it , and steps in before him . if i have a friend or kinsman unworthy of any office or preferment , he is nevertheless peremptory in his desires and expectations , for being unworthy . if i will not speak for him and further his suit , i am censured as unnatural and unkind , and turn a friend into an enemy : if i do speak for him , i am false to my conscience and the common good ; and i must look to be censured accordingly by many . but i will add no more instances , lest what i intend for instruction , seem to be but a complaint . but to what purpose is all this ? it is to let the reader know , that man is not god , nor his judgement to be rested in , nor his favour to be over-valued . to call to you , o cease from man whose breath is in his nostrils ; whose heart is deceitful and desperately wicked ! for wherein is he to be accounted of ! look up to god , and take him for your god indeed : rest in his love , and be satisfied in his approbation ▪ despise not man , nor lay any stumbling blocks before them ; but as to your own interest in their esteems ( farther than gods service and their benefit requireth it ) account it but a shadow , and a thing of nought : and say of it as paul , with me it is a very small thing , to be judged of you or of mans day ( or judgement ) for i have one that judgeth me even the lord. cor. . . it is god ( christians ) it is god , it is only god , whose infallibility , justification , and unspotted truth and goodness , you must make your rest . it is heaven , it is heaven , it is only heaven , where perfect truth , and impartial righteousness , and the full vindication of all the just , and the fruition of perfect love and concord , is to be expected : and where malice , and lies , and discord , and the father of them , are totally and finally shut out . as you would not be used as hypocrites by god , and deprived of the true reward of faith , o seek not after the hepocrites reward ! what is the applause of mortal man ! can you not bear the censure of such a shadow ? how then would you suffer martyrdome for christ ? over-value not the esteem of high or low , of the great or of the godly , of the many or of the few . gods approbation is sufficient to be your reward . see that you be godly , and then be more indifferent though you are thought ungodly . see that you be loyal , and peaceable , and then you may bear it , if you be called the contrary . abhor all unwarrantable divisions , and then you may bear to be reputed schismaticks . study you to be good , and not to be accounted good . and what if i should look further , to historical fame when i am dead ! away with the over-valuing of that too , as part of the hypocrites reward ! i confess god usually blesseth the memory of the just , and sets their names above the power of the greatest tyrants , and causeth the names of the wicked to rot : but this is but a temporal and uncertain thing . if one write in my praise to the highest , and another write a volume of false reproaches , how shall posterity know which is true , who knew neither party nor the cause ? but yet the nearer reason of all this admonition is , to let you know that as contention comes by pride , so over-valuing the esteem and censures of men ( though good or great ) is a dreadful snare , and cause of schismes : for then you will be stretching your consciences , and using your wits to please the party whose censures you must escape : and you will wound the truth ▪ and be warping to their errours and extreams : and though by this you may think , that some present necessity may be satisfied , and some inconveniencies avoided , yet at the long running , the wound will be found to be increased ; and the cure the harder because of the delay . converse with all men as those that must be finally judged by god : and remember that the judg is at the door . direct . xxvi . use not your selves needlesly to the familiar company of that sort of christians , who use to reproach and censure them , that are more sober , catholick and charitable than themselves : unless you also be as much or more with the soberer sort , who will shew you the sin and mischiefs of uncharitableness , censoriousness , and divisions . nothing is more experienced , than the power which the converse of chosen familiars hath upon the minds of the injudicious and unsetled . which maketh education and the converse of our youth , to have so great a hand in choosing mens opinions and religion : and is the cause that religion is as languages are , diversified by the territories or bounds of countries . they that are bred among such as use to speak of dissenters , as odious , as hypocrites , as hereticks , as schismaticks , as ungodly , as proud fanaticks , are very like to be possessed themselves with the same spirit of malice and detraction . the words of those whom you respect , especially when you hear them not confuted , will make you believe that it is so indeed , and that the persons are as mad or as odious as they make them . and thus , the papists think odiously of the protestants , and the lutherans of the calvinists ; and the arminians and anti-arminians , the diocesans and the presbyterians , the paedobaptists and anabaptists of one another : because they converse only with such as paint them in an odious shape . and thus if you use only or chiefly to converse with the censorious separatists , you shall hear so many invectives against them that are truly catholick , and sober , as will make you think that love and peace and catholick communion , are some sinful and mischievous things . sometimes they will deride them as ridiculous ; and sometimes they will call them temporizers , formalists , or luke-warm hypocrites , who will do any thing in compliance with their own commodities , and for the saving of their flesh . and sometimes they will thunder out some terrible threatnings against them and their way , as heinously sinful . and this language will form the belief and affections of ignorant christians , into its own uncharitable mold ; as a necessary part of christian zeal . as it was the common way of the success of the quakers , to come into christian assemblies , and in a prophetical strain , like men commissioned from heaven , in the name of the most high god to denounce his judgements against the faithfullest pastors and their flocks , and pronounce them condemned enemies of the light ; and so by the very terrour of their words , they frightened many women and boys into their sect , before they understood at all what it was that they were against or for : so do the separatists declaim against the sinfulness of parish assemblies and communion , and of forms of prayer and such like , till they have frightened the ignorant into their mistaken zea●● therefore , though i am not perswading you to separate from these feaverish persons , as they do from others , yet i would advise all the younger and unsetled sort , that love themselves , not needlesly to choose the familiar frequent company of such : our private company is at our own choice . and as the company of fierce self-conceited dividers , is so very dangerous , so on the contrary , the company of grave , experienced , sober , charitable and judicious divines and other christians , is exceeding helpful to settle the minds of the younger and weaker sort : with them they shall hear the unity of the church , and the doctrine of christian love and concord , humility , meekness and moderation opened ; and the sinfulness and lamentable consequents , of schism , self-conceitedness , censoriousness and discord ; which among others they should never hear . and let me leave this warning to the church of god , that if ever it may be hoped that unity , love and peace shall be recovered , it must be by the training up of the younger christians , under the precepts and examples of such grave , judicious , experienced and peaceable guides , instead of educating them in the smoaky schorching chimney , of young , unexperienced , self-conceited teachers , who burn with the ambition of applause . and let the sober be-think them whether our times and teachers are better and purer than theirs , to whom paul said , act. . . of your own selves shall men arise , speaking perverse things , to draw away disciples after them . and eph. . . he gave the church pastors and teachers , for its unity and per●ection [ that we henceforth be no more children , tossed to and fro , and carried about with every wind of doctrine , by the sleight of men and ●unning craftiness , whereby they lye in wait to deceive . ] direct . xxvii . take heed of mis-judging of the answers of your prayers , and of taking those things to be from god , which are but the effects of your prejudice , passion or weakness of understanding . this is a sin , which i know not whether i may say is more common with many godly persons , or more injurious to god , or more pittiful as to themselves . it is so common , that it is hard to meet with many women and passionate christians , who are earnest in prayer , but sometimes they run into this mistake , and judge ungroundedly of the answer of their prayers , by such feelings and strong apprehensions of their own , as never came from the spirit of god at all . and it is a great wrong to god , to be made the author of mans infirmities and errours , and of that which is contrary to his word . and yet it is a very pitiful case as to the offenders ; because it is usually the sin of persons that are very upright and honest in the main , and that are very serious in their prayers to god ; and of such as have naturally such weakness of reason and strength of affection , as that they are less blemeable , though less curable than others are . to understand this matter the better , i pray you consider , that prayer is not to change gods mind ; but to make us the meet receivers of his mercies : and this it doth by exciting and exercising those apprehensions and desires , which make us fit by valuing them to improve them . therefore such principles , dispositions and desiers as are in us , prayer doth excite and exercise : and every man prayeth according to his own judgement , disposition and affection . and that apprehension and affection , which is most stirred up and exercised , is most felt . and that which is most felt , doth most take us up , and is most observed : and so we think that it is the impulse of gods spirit , and the answer of our prayers , when it is but the operation of our own spirits , and the sensible activity of our former principles . there are very few that take their impulses and resolutions , for the spirits answer of their prayers , but they had before an understanding most inclined to that opinion , or else a byas upon their affections , bending them that way ; or something in themselves which occasioned the scales to turn that way . obj. but i did bring my mind to a pure impartiality , and prayed to god that he would shew me the truth , be it what it would be : and that if this were not right , he would blast it and never suffer it to go on : and the more i prayed , the more i was confirmed , that this is the right . answ. all this may be , without any of gods approbation of the conclusion which you think is his answer to your prayers . for whilest you prayed that god would turn your mind from it , if it were not right ; yet at that time your judgement was inclined to it ; or your affections at least : and it is an easier thing to speak impartial words in prayer than to get an impartial unprejudiced mind . and when you think that your mind is brought to an impartiality , alas , there may be many deep roots of prejudice which you observe not : and there is scarce one of a thousand who thinketh that he prayeth with a pure impartiality , but his opinion , disposition , inclination , interest , or secret affection , doth byas and ponderate his mind , more to one side than to the other . but if you were never so willing to know the truth , yet there are passions in you , and corruptions , and ignorance and former errours , which may all do much to hinder you from knowing it , and may breed many false apprehensions in your mind ; and yet may cherish them with as dear an espousal and affection , as if they were certainly from god. and moreover , you have been gilty of former sins : and whether god for any of them , may leave you to run into mistakes , you know not . or whether any present self-conceitedness may occasion him to leave you to mistakes . but the principal part of my answer is this god hath no where promised to reveal all his truth to you , because you desire him so to do . it is not every prayer of yours , which he hath promised to hear and grant ; but only those which are agreeable to his will : his will is either his decree , his command , or his promise . though the first be not it that is meant in the text , yet it is certain that your prayers cannot change gods decrees . the will of his command doth more concern the sense of the text ; but it is only a negative which may hence be gathered ; that is , that if your prayers be contrary to gods commands , they are your sins and have no promise of his grant . but it will not follow that god will grant all the prayers which are put up in obedience to his laws : but only that you shall be no loosers by such obedience ; but he will give you that , or something which shall be as good for you . it may be gods command that godly children should pray for the lives of their sick parents ; and that parents pray for the conversion of their ungodly children , and that we pray for all men : and yet it doth not follow that we shall have the very thing which we obediently pray for . but it is his promising will which is the measure of our hope , as his commanding will is the rule of our obedience . whatsoever he hath promised , he will certainly give us . now god hath no where promised in his word , that he will reveal the true meaning of every text of scripture , to every godly person that asketh it . praying is but one of the means which god hath appointed you to come to knowledge . diligent reading , hearing , and meditation , and counsel of the wisest is another means . even to dig for it as for silver , and to search for it , as for hidden treasure , and to continue so doing , and wait at the posts of wisdoms doors , that knowledge may come into you by degrees in time . god hath not promised you true understanding , upon your prayers alone , without all the rest of his appointed means : nor that you shall attain it by those means , as soon as you desire and seek it ; for then prayer would be a notable pretense for laziness , and they that would not be at the labour , of study , meditation , or conference , might save all their pains , and go to god and ask wisdome of him and he would give it them . even as idle beggars think without working , to get an alms to maintain them in their slothfulness . if instead of all our reading , hearing , and meditation , we could but pray , and so get all the knowledge which other men study , labour and wait for , it would be too cheap a way to wisdome . solomon that got it by prayer extraordinarily , commandeth us very great diligence to get it . it is very considerable , not only that christ increased in wisdome in his youth , but also that he would not enter upon his publick ministery ( as is aforesaid ) till he was about thirty years of age . when it had been more easie for christ to have got all knowledge by two or three earnest prayers , than for any of us . moreover you must pray according to gods will of precept , not only in the matter but in the manner of your prayers . and there may be more selfishness , and many other corruptions in the manner of them than you discern . and there are many things which submissively you may lawfully pray for , which god hath never promised you at all : you may pray for the life of the sick , and for the conversion and salvation of all your relations , and of thousands of others which god will not give you . otherwise all the relations of every true christian should be saved , yea and all his enemies and all the world . to apply all this , it may be you are in doubt whether this or the other be the meaning of such a text of scripture ? or whether you should joyn with such a church , in the use of such preaching and prayers or not ? and when you have prayed earnestly , you are confirmed for one way and against the other . and perhaps all this is but to be confirmed in your errour : for first , you came with a secret prejudice ; secondly , or you came with distempered affections ; or with such a fear of going one way rather than the other , that the very fear doth much to cause your apprehensions . thirdly , or you come with the gnilt of former sin . fo●rthly , or you have some partiality on your spirit , and a secret inclination to one side more than to the other ; or some overvaluing of your own understandings , persons or prayers . fifthly , or you are lazy and presumptuous ; and think god must teach you that in one hour , and at a wish or prayer , which others better than you must learn with prayer and twenty years study , diligence and patience . sixthly , or you think god must needs resolve you of that which he never promised to resolve you in . where hath he promised upon all your prayers , that ever he will teach you in this life the sense of every text of scripture ? if ever he promised this he will perform it . and is it to one christian , or to every praying christian that he hath promised it ? if to every one , why are we not all of a mind ? why be not all as wise as you ? what need we commentaries then ? or what need have others of your revelations : if it be but to some , who be those some ? and how shall we know them ? and how know you that you are one of them ? and why do not those some , condescend to write an infallible commentary upon all the bible , when they themselves are taught it of god , that so we may doubt and differ no more ? but if you say that it is not the meaning of every text that god hath promised to make known to you when you pray , but of some few , how will you know which those few be ? and where is the promise which maketh this difference ? except only that to all true christians , he hath promised to reveal so much as is necessary to their salvation . but if you will pray for more , your belief of your success must not go beyond the promise . if you will promise to your selves , you must perform for your selves ? obj. but hath not god bid us believe that we shall receive what ever we ask , and promised to believers that they shall receive it ? answ. he hath first made a law to command you prayer , and then made a promise to grant , what you pray for , according to his will , that is , according to his command and promise , and hath made your believing of this promise , one of the conditions of his fulfilling it to you . so that if you believe not his power and promise you shall not have right immediately to the thing promised . but if you pray and believe and withall use those other means with diligence and patience which god hath appointed you , you shall know in that measure as is suitable to your state ( for god hath not promised the same measure of knowledg to all true believers . ) so that this is all that the promise giveth you , and not that you shall know all that you pray to know , and that immediately . obj. but then you leave us at utter uncertainty , whether we have the answer of our prayers or not ? answ. not so . but the answer of your prayers must not be tried by your conceits but by gods rule . if you p●ay for that which you have neither a command nor promise for , your prayer is sin , and your answer can be nothing but gods rebuke , or your own delusion . but if you pray for that which you have a command for , but no particular promise , then you have only the general promise that your prayer shall not be lost , but shall bring down either the thing you pray for , or something else which the wisdome of god seeth to be best for you and others ; and to his ends . and this is all that you can warrantably believe . but if you pray for that which hath both a command and a particular promise ( as the pardon of sin , and necessary grace and life eternal to a believer ) you may be sure that this prayer shall be granted in kind . so that you are not to judge of the answer of prayers , by your feelings and passions and impulses , but by the promise of god , which you must believe will be fulfilled what ever you feel : faith and not feeling must tell you whether your prayer be accepted . nay if you should receive health or wealth or gifts for your selves or others , when you have prayed for them ; you cannot tell whether it be a merciful answer to your prayer , or a judgement , unless you try it by faith according to the promise . i have nothing now to say of the case of miracles , but this : if god promise a miracle , you may believe it because it is promised : if he perform it without a promise , then either you must not believe it till it is done , or else your faith must be a miracle also ; and then the faith it self is its own justification . but miracles are now so rare , that all sober christians will take heed how they expect them , or over-hastily believe them ; and especially how they take their own belief for a miracle . all the talk that some men make of a particular faith , may be tried by what i have here said . to conclude , the warning which i give you in this case , is from long and sad experience . i have known too many very honest hearted christians , especially melancholly persons and women , who have been in great doubt about the opinions of the millenaries , the separatists , the anabaptists , the seekers , and such like , and after earnest prayer to god , they have been strongly resolved for the way of errour , and confident by the strong impression , that it was the spirits answer to their prayers , and thereupon they have set them into a course of sin . if you say , how know you that they were mistaken ? i will tell you how . first , because they have been resolved contrary to the word of god. and i know , that gods spirit did first make a standing rule , to try all after-impulses by ; and what ever impulse is contrary to that rule , is contrary to gods spirit . the law and the testimony are now sealed , and all spirits to be tried by them . isa. . . secondly , because i have found their impulses contrary to one another . one hath been resolved for infant baptism , and another against it : one hath had a revealation for a prelacy , like the order of aaron , and the priests , and another against all prelacy . one hath been confident of an answer of prayers for antinomianism , and another against it for arminianism : one for publike communion , and another to detest it : and both came in , in the same way . and gods spirit is not contrary to it self . thirdly , because i have seen abundance of prophesies of things to come , which people have this way received with the greatest confidence to prove all false . fourthly , because i have staid till many of the persons have found by experience that they were deceived , and have confessed it with lamentation . and fifthly , because perhaps i know more of the nature of prejudice , affection , melancholy , feminine weakness , and self-conceit , and of tempting god in the way of prayer , and of satans transforming himself into an angel of light , than every reader will know till they have paid for their learning . direct . xxviii . do not too much reverence the impulses or revelations or most confident opinions of any others , upon the account of their sincerity or holiness : but try all judiciously and soberly by the word of god. many that have no such impulses themselves , are yet so much taken with the reverence of others , that they are very apt to be seduced by their confidence . when so great a man as tertullian was deceived by montanus and his prophetess : when such a one as hacket could deceive not only coppinger and arthington , but abundance more , some taking him for the messiah , and some by his breathing on them thinking that they received the holy ghost ! when david george in holland , and iohn of leyden in munster , and behmen stiefelius and so many more pretended prophets in germany could deceive so many persons as they did ? when the pretended revelations of the ranters first , and the quakers after could so marvellously transport many thousand professours of religion in this land ; i think we have fair warning to take the counsel of st. iohn , believe not every spirit ; but try the spirits whether they be of god. it is a pitiful instance of the good old learned commenius , who so easily believed the prophesies of daubritius and the rest which he hath published : yea when he saw the prophesies fail , yet when he adjured the prophet to speak truth , and got him to swear as before the lord that it was truth ; this seemed enough to confirm his belief of him : whereas if he had been as well acquainted with the nature of melancholy and historical passions as many others are , he would have known that as strange things as that he recordeth of the man or women , may be done without any divine inspirations : and that it is no wonder if that person swear that his words are true , who is first deceived himself before he deceive others . for a crackt brain'd person to believe his delusions to be real verities , is little wonder . i have many a time my self conversed with persons of great honesty and piety ( though of no great judgment ) who have some of them affirmed that they had angelical revelations , and some of them thought that the spirit of god did bring this scripture or that scripture to their mind in answer to their prayers ; and were so very confident that what they affirmed was the certain truth or voice of god , that i have been stricken with a reverence to their professions , and with a fear lest i should resist god in resisting them . but resolving to take none on earth for the master of my faith , but to try the spirits whether they be of god , by going to the law and testimony , i was constrained to turn my reverence into pity . for i found that their seeming revelations were some of them scripture-doctrine , and some of them contrary to the scripture : as for that which is already in the scripture , what need i further revelation for it ? is it not there sufficiently revealed ? can their words add any authority to the word of god ? and have i not gods own ministers and means to help me to the knowledge of his word ? and as for that which is contrary to scripture , i am sure that it is contrary to the will of god : and if an angel from heaven should preach another gospel to me , i must hold him accursed : gal. . , . so that if these persons should have the appearance & voice of an angel speaking to them . i would despise it as well as the words of a mortal man , if they be against the recorded word of god. but by what i have seen and heard , i know that it is a great temptation to some weak christians to hear one that is much in prayer , say , take heed what you do : have no communion with this sort of men , nor in this or that way of worship ; nor in this or that opinion ; for i am sure it is against the mind of god : i once thought as you do , but god hath better made known his mind unto me . but saving the due respect to the honesty of such persons , ask them , how shall i know that you are in the right ? if they say , i will not reason the case with you , but i know it to be the mind of god ; tell them , that god hath made you reasonable creatures , and will accept no unreasonable service of you ; and you have but one master of your faith , even christ : therefore if they believe that themselves , which they can give you no reason to believe , they must be content to keep their belief to themselves , and not , for shame , perswade any other to it , without proof ! if they say that god hath revealed it to them , tell them , that he hath not revealed it to you , and therefore that 's nothing to you , till they prove their divine revelation : if god reveal it to them but for themselves they must keep it to themselves . if he reveal to them for others , he will enable them to make some proof of their revelations , that others may be sure that they sin not in believing them . if they say , that the scripture is their ground , tell them that the scripture is already revealed to all ; and if indeed what they speak be there , you are ready to believe it . but if they pervert the s●●pture by false interpretation , or abuse it and m●●apply it , none of this is the work of the spirit of god. if they say that the spirit hath told them the meaning of the scripture , say as before , that is not told for you , which is not proved to you ? the scripture is written in such words as men use , of purpose that they might understand it ; and is to be understood by all men that hear it , though they have no revelation : god hath set pastors in his church to teach it ; if therefore revelations be still necessary to the understanding of the scripture revelations , then the scriptures seem to be in vain ; and these last revelations must again have new revelations to the right understanding of them also . the truth is , it is very ordinary with poor fanciful women and melancholy persons , to take all their deep apprehensions for revelations . and if a text of scripture come into their minds , they say , this text was brought to my mind , and that text was set upon my spirit ; as if nothing could bring a text to their thoughts , but some extraordinary motion of god ? and as if this bringing it to their mind , would warrant their false exposition of it . to conclude , decry not the necessity of the ordinary sanctifying work of the spirit , to bless the scripture to your true illumination and sanctification : and if any pretend to any other revelations or inspirations , or expositions of the scripture which they cannot prove to you● despise them not , but modestly leave them to themselves : but take heed that the reverence of any ones holiness , tempt you not to depart from the certain sufficien● word of god and draw you not into any 〈◊〉 heresie , or separation , or opinion contrary to gods standing law. direct . xxix . take heed lest the trouble of your own disquieted doubting minds do become a snare , to draw you to some uncouth way of cure , and so make the fancy of some new opinion , sect or practise , to seem your remedy , and give you ease , and thereby perswade you that it is the certain truth . this is the pitiful case of the ignorant , and ungrounded , and troubled sort of religious persons ; that they are looking every way for ease and comfort : and having not wisdom enough to fetch true grounded satisfaction from the scriptures , and from the solid truth , in the use of gods appointed means , they hearken to any one that will promise them comfort and salvation , by what means soever . like ignorant people is their sickness ; some of them know not an able physician , and some of them will not be at the cost ; and some of them will not take such unpleasing medicines ; and most of them have not patience to stay for a cure , unless the medicine at twice or thrice taking do give them ease , they will not believe that it will do them any good : and so in their foolish ignorance , and the weariness of their pain , they will go to any ignorant woman or unskilful fellow , who will take cheapest of them , and be boldest in his undertakings : and those that die by it , are out of sight , and forgotten by the living : and those that by the strength of nature do recover , do magnifie their ignorant physician as if there were none such , and so entice others to their graves . thus many troubled unquiet souls , either not●ound ●ound doctrine and teachers from deceit , or else will not be at the pains or patience , to wait on god in the use of the right means ; or most commonly spoil the remedy offered them , by their own misapplications ; and then for ease they hearken to any ignorant sectary , that will fiercely cry out against ●ound teachers , and revile all that are wiser than himself , as if he knew more than all the ministers in the country . o saith the deceiving papist , you will never have setled comfort while you follow these ministers , and till you come to us , who are the true church — saith the anabaptist , you will never be well setled while you follow these preachers : they have not the spirit , but speak only by the book : come to us and be baptized , and you will have peace . and thus saith the quaker , the familist , and other sects . i have known some that have lived long in doubts and fears of damnation , who have turned anabaptists , and suddenly had comfort : and yet in a short time they forsook that sect and turned to another . i have known those also that have lived many years in timerous complaints , and fears of hell ; and they have turned to the antinomians , and suddenly been comforted : and others have turned arminians , which is clean contrary , and been comforted : and others have but heard of the doctrine of perfection in this life , and suddenly been past their fears , as if hearing of perfection had made them perfect : and from thence they have turned familists , and at last shew'd their perfection by fornication and licentiousness and meer apostasie ; who yet liv'd very conscionably and blamelesly , as long as they lived in their fears and troubles . the reason of all this is plain to any judicious observer . . the persons are ignorant and never had the right knowledge and skilful improvement , of the sound doctrine which at first they seemed to embrace . and . the power of conceit and fancy brought them comfort or quietness in their change . for they thought before , that if they had not somewhat extraordinary they could have no assurance of salvation : and while they held that sound doctrine which all about them held as well as they , and found no extraordinary power of it on their hearts , they perceived no difference between themselves and others : but when they had entertained new opinions , and entered into a new sect , which confidently told them , that they only were in the right , they had then something extraordinary to trust their souls on . and the novelty of the matter , and greatness of the change with the conceited excellency of the opinions and party , did make them think that they were now grown very acceptable to god. to this may be added , that as a life of holiness hath far more opposition from the devil , the world and the flesh , than the changing of an opinion or joyning with a party hath ; so it must be harder to get and keep that comfort which is got and kept by faith and holiness , than that which is got by such an easie change . we see among us what abundance of persons can live like beasts in most odious whoredomes , drunkenness and rage ; or like devils in bloody cruelty against the good , and yet be comforted , because they are of the church of rome , which they think is the true church . as if god saved men for being of such a side or party ! and why may not separatists , anabaptists and others easily take such kind of comfort ? o therefore labour for well-grounded faith and solid knowledge ; that you may attain the true evangelical comforts , and your ignorance may not prepare you for deceit ? and you may not be like children toss'd to and fro and carried up and down with every wind of doctrine by deceived and deceitful men . nor may not have need to go to the devil to be your comforter , nor to steal a little unlawful peace from parties and opinions , as if there were not enough to be had in christ and holiness and eternal life . direct . xxx . keep in the rank of a humble disciple or learner in the church of christ , till you are fit and called to be your self a teacher . christ owneth no disciples which are not in one of these two ranks ; either teachers by office upon a lawful call , or learners who submit to be taught by others . when his ministers have made men his disciples , they must afterward teach them to observe all things whatsoever he hath commanded them . matth. . , . and a learner must hear and read and discourse in a learning way , by humble asking the resolution of his doubts , acknowledging the weakness of his own understanding , and the superiority of his teachers . this is the common ruine of raw professours , that they presently grow proud of a poor ignorant head , as if it were full of knowledge and spirituality : and while they continue hearers , they continue not disciples or learners , but come with a proud and carping humour , to quarrel with their teachers as poor ignorant men , in comparison of them ; and therefore choose them a heap of teachers according to their own opinions : and all this while they have such list to be some body and to vent their seeming wisdome , that they can hardly stay from being teachers themselves , till they have any thing like a lawful call . whereas if they would have kept in the rank of humble learners till they had grown wiser , they might have preserved the churches peace and their own . direct . xxxi . grow up in the great substantial practical truths and duties , and grow downwards in the roots of a clearer belief of the word of god and the life to come ; and neither begin too soon with doubtful opinions , nor ever lay too much upon them . he that taketh this course will have all these advantages . first , he will be himself a solid christian , and will make sure of the man , which is his own salvation . secondly , he will have so fast hold of the necessary points , that no controversies or opinions , will shake his faith or destroy his love to god or man. thirdly , he will honour god by upright practise , and shew forth the power and excellency of religion in the true success upon the heart and life : his religion which begins in solid faith , will grow up into sincere love and good works . fourthly , he will be without partiality , a lover of all the servants of christ , and therefore escape temptations to faction and division , because his religion consisteth in those common truths and duties , which all profess . fifthly , he will not only safely receive all further truths from these principles , but all his knowledge and disputes will be sanctified , as being all subservient to faith and love and holiness . whereas he that taketh the contrary course , and presently falleth to the study of by-opinions , and layeth too much upon them , will prove too like a superficial hypocrite , and a deceiver of himself , by thinking that he is something when he is nothing . gal. . , . and he will make a pudder in the world for nothing , as children do in the house about their babies and their bawbles : he will make but an engine of his by-opinions , to destroy true piety and christian love in himself first , and then in all that will believe him . he will first make himself , and then many others , believe that religion is nothing but proud self-conceit and faction ; and he will be the shame of his profession , and the hardener of the wicked in their sin and misery ; by perswading them that the religious are bnt a few ignorant whimsical fanaticks . these are too sad experienced truths . direct . xxxii . lay not a greater stress upon your different words or manner of prayer , than god hath laid : and take heed either of scorning , reproaching or slighting , the words and manner of other mens worship , when it is such as god accepteth from the sincere . it is an easie thing to turn the native heat of religion , into a feaverish out-side zeal about words , or circumstances or ceremonies , whether it be for them or against them . o what a wonder is it , that by so palpable a trick as th●s , the devil should deceive so many , and make such a stir and disturbance in the church . i know that one party will cry up order , & the other will cry up spirituality , and both will say that god maketh not light of the smallest matters in religion , nor no more must we : and in this general position there is some truth . but if nothing could be said for both their errours , they would then be no deceits , nor be capable of doing any mischief . some things that you contend about , god hath left wholly undetermined and indifferent ; and some things in which your brother erreth , his errour is so small a fault , as not at all to hinder his acceptance with god , nor with any man that judgeth as god doth . had you ever understood , rom. & . you would have understood all this . it would make a knowing christian weep between indignation and compassion , to see in these times , what censures and worse are used on both sides , about the wording of our prayers to god! how vile and unsufferable some account them , that will pray in any words which are not written down for them ? and how unlawful others account it to pray in their imposed forms : some because they are forms , and some because they are such forms ; and some because that papists have used them , and some because they are imposed ! when god hath given them no command , but to pray in faith and fervency , according to the state of themselves , and others , and in such order as is agreeable to the matter , and in such method as he hath given them a rule and pattern of . but of all quarrels about forms and words , he hath never made any of their particular determinations , no more than whether i shall preach by the help of notes , or study the words , or speak those which another studied for me . it is a wonder how they that believe the scriptures , came first to make themselves believe , that god maketh such a matter as they do , of their several words and forms of prayer : that he loveth only extemporary prayer as some think , and hateth all prescribed forms : or that he loveth only prescribed forms as others think , and hateth all extemporary prayers by habit ? certainly in christs time both liturgies by forms , and also prayers by habit were used ? and yet christ never interposed in the controversie , so as to condemn the one or the other . he condemneth the pharisees for making long prayers to cover their devouring widdows houses , and for their praying to be seen of men : but whether their prayers were a liturgy and set forme , or whether they were extemporary , he taketh no notice , as telling us that he condemned neither ! ( and it s like the pharisees long liturgy , was in many things worse than ours , though the psalms were a great part of it : and yet christ and his apostles oft joyned with them , and never condemned them . ) nay as far as i can find , the pharisees and other jews were not in this so blind and quarrelsome as we ; nor never made a controversie of it , nor ever presumed to condemn either liturgies or prayers by habit . i shall now pass by their errour who are utterly against publike prayers from a habit , as having spoken of it at large elsewhere when i had opportunity . i shall now only answer the contrary extreme . obj. where hath god given any men power to prescribe and impose forms for others ? or commanded others to obey them ? answ. first , where ever he hath given any power to teach their inferiours to pray , who cannot do it in a better way . he hath given parents this power where he hath bid them , bring up their children in the nurture , and admonition of the lord : is it not by the law of nature , the parents duty to teach their children to pray ? and is not the learning of the words first , profitable to their learning of the sense ? may they not teach their children the lords prayer or a psalm , though it be a form ? and why not then other words which are agreeable to their state ? and he that taught his own disciples a form and rule of prayer , and telleth us that so iohn taught his disciples , and saith to his apostles , as my father sent me , so send i you ; by making them teachers to his church , did allow them to teach either by forms or without , as the cause required . all the scripture is now to preachers , a form of teaching : and when we read a chapter , we read a prescribed form of doctrine : and it ha●h many forms of prayer and praise , and forms of baptizing & administring the lords supper . if you say , that the apostles had an infallible spirit , i answer , true : and that proveth that that their doctrine was more infallible than other mens : but not that they only and not other men may teach by the way of forms . all the books of sermons now written are so many prescribed words or forms of teaching : and if we may use forms of teaching as well as the apostles , why not also forms of praying . if you say that the apostles prescribed the church no liturgy , i answer , that only proveth that no one is universally necessary , nor to be universally imposed ? but not that therefore no use of forms of prayer are lawful ; may we not now use the lords prayer , or pray in some other scripture form ? obj. but the apostles compelled none to use them . answ. christ and his apostles assumed not the civil sword , and therefore so compelled men to nothing : but yet their authority bound the conscience ; when christ said , when ye pray , say , our father , &c. he bound them in duty to do as he bid them , though he forced them not . but secondly , tell me if you can where god forbiddeth you to use good and lawful words in prayer , meerly because the magistrate or pastor bids you use them . is this the meaning of all the precepts of honouring and obeying your superiors [ do nothing which they bid you do , though otherwise lawful . ] o strange exposition of the fifth commandment ? if you command your child to learn a catechism or form of prayer before his meat , or for other times , will you teach him to say father or mother , it had been lawful for me to use this form , if neither you nor any body had bid me ; but because you bid me , now it is unlawful . o whither will not partiality lead men ! obj. but though it be lawful to impose forms on children , yet not upon aged christians . answ. aged persons have too many of them as much need of such forms as children . age maketh not the difference : we are fain to teach many aged persons forms of catechism as well as children ; why not therefore forms of prayer ? obj. but it is not lawful to impose forms publikely on whole congregations of believers . answ. all sects in the world do it . i never heard any separatist or anabaptist or any other publike minister , but he imposed a form of prayer upon all the congregation . he is void of common sense that thinketh that his extemporary prayer is not as truly a form to all the people , as if it had been written in a book . the order and words are not of your own invention , but invented by another to your hand ; and imposed upon you to use : for i hope you come together to pray , and not to hear a prayer only . but the difference is , first , that one imposeth every day a new form on you , and the other imposeth every day the same : secondly , and that one telleth you not what words you shall pray in , before you hear them ; and the other writeth them down for you to know before hand . for my part i wonder why written or unwritten , long-premeditated or suddenly expressed prayers should be taken for unlawful . but however do not think the difference to lie where it doth not : for doubtless to the people , they are both formes , and both imposed , though not imposed by the same persons and authority . obj. but at least you have no proof for imposing forms ●n the ministers themselves . ans. first , i know no man that questioneth but some form of prayer and praise were imposed by god himself , on the iewish ministers ; and one was taught by christ to his apostles : and a form of profession of faith , and of baptism and the lords supper is imposed on all the ministers of the church . and ioel . . a form of prayer is taught the priests : secondly , but we are not now pleading for the needless imposing of any forms , nor the causless restraint of extemporarary prayers . i have fully born my testimony against that in due season : but many things are lawfully and necessarily obeyed , which are not lawfully commanded , as i shall shew you more anon . i could heartily wish that we could say that all ministers ( of any party ) were such as were wholly above the need of forms . or at least such whose own composures were better for for the church , than any that could be offered them by others ( if it were not a contradiction ) but all that i now expect from the objectors is , that they tell me or themselves , what proof they have that it is a sin for a minister only to use an imposed form , when all the congregation else may use it ? answer this well before you go . and i pray let all the people note here , that it is not , nor cannot be denied , but that a form ( even a new one every day ) may be lawfully be imposed upon all them ; and that the question is only of the ministers use of imposed forms . obj. but our ministers do not impose their prayers by forc● . answ. do you think that there is no imposition but by force ? your pastor is your guide in the worship of god ; and god hath imposed it on you to to follow him , and joyn with him in lawful prayer . and what the words shall be , and what the matter and order chosen for that time time the speaker chooseth for you ! and so he , bindeth you by his ministerial authority ( which is a true and lawful imposing ) though he compel you not by the sword or force . obj. but christ hath given gifts to all his ministers and commanded them to use them . and they use them not when they use imposed formes : therefore we must not obey men against christ. answ. no doubt but all that are lawful ministers , have such gifts as are necessary to the essential works of their office . but the degrees of their gifts have very great variety , as paul fully sheweth in cor. . and oft elsewhere . and the necessary gift for hearty acceptable prayer , is true desire excited by the spirit of supplication , which sometime venteth it self but by sighes and groans , rom. . , . but the ministerial gift of prayer is knowledge and utterance ; by which a minister may be able to express the desires and wants of the people unto god : which includeth memory in some degree . even as knowledge and utterance are his gift of preaching . and some have more knowledge and worser vtterance ; and some have better vtterance and less knowledge ; and some through want of memory are defective in both . the lowest rank of lawful ministers , may be so defective in their own gifts , both of knowledge , memory and utterance , as to have need of the help of the gifts of others , who much excel them . as a minister who hath tollerable gifts for prea●hing , may yet need the writings of other men before hand ; and may bring both their matter and method into the pulpit , yea and oft times their words ; so that though he have gifts , yet being weak , he may use the gif●s of others . i have been counselled since i was silenced , to compose sermons my self , and give them in writing to some weak minister , that hath an excellent voice and utterance , and to let him preach them . and really if i had not known that such have good books enough at hand for such a use , i think i should have done it : and who can prove that this had been his sin ? and yet this was a using of another mans gifts instead of his own . and i have heard men that are much against parish churches and liturgies wish that some unlearned men of good utterance , might read some excellent sermon●books to the people , in ignorant places that can get no better : and who can prove the reading of a homily unlawful . moreover , christ hath given to all his members such gifts as are suitable to their places , as well as to ministers such gifts as are suitable to theirs , and the place of a master of a family requireth the gift of catechising and instructing the family ? and they are as truly obliged to use their gifts , as ministers are theirs . and yet who doubteth but it is lawful for parents to teach and catechize their children , by such books and forms of catechisms as are composed by the gifts of abler men ? moreover prayer is the duty of every one , and specially of the heads of families : and therefore every true christian hath gifts procured by christ , for so much as is his duty . and he is bound to use his gifts . and yet those gifts are so low in many , that i fear not to call that man effectively an enemy to families , souls and prayer , who forbiddeth all such , to use such forms of prayer as are composed by the gifts of others . the famousest divines in the church of god , even luther , zwinglius , melancthon , calvin , perkins , sibbs , and abundance of nonconformists of greatest name in england , did ordinarily use a form of prayer of their own , before their sermons in the pulpit , and some of them in their families too . now these men did it not through idleness or through temporizing , but because some of them found it best for the people , to have oft the same words : and some of them found such a weakness of memory , that they judged it the best improvement of their own gifts . now besides the first composure of these prayers , ( which perhaps was done years before ) none of these men did use their own gifts , any mo●e than if they had used a form composed by another . for the memory & utterance is the same of both . these all were famous worthy men , whom no wise man judgeth to be insufficient for the ministry for want of gifts . but if such as these may so many years forbear the exercise of their gift of extemporary prayer , much more may far weaker ministers do it . abundance of young ministers are trained up under aged experienced divines , what if one of these should sometimes make use of the same words of prayer , which the aged minister used the day before , as finding them fitter than any that he could devise himself . must he forbear to do better , because he cannot do so well , by the use of his own gifts alone ? and in some ordinances as baptism and the lords supper , &c. the same things must be daily prayed for : and he that thinketh he must not frequently speak the same things , will quite corrupt the ordinance of christ. and he that will im●gine that he must have always new words , will at last have new things , or worse than nothing . if then it be meet to use often the same words , why may not a weak minister use the better words of others , when he hath none meerly of his own that are so fit ? nay is it not the duty of such to do it ? every man is bound to do gods service in the best manner that he can : ( cursed be the deceiver that hath a better in his flock , and bringeth that which is corrupt ) but to utter prayers and praise to god , in a full , methodicall and congruous manner , and in words suitable to the majesty of the worship of god , is better ( to the people and to the honour of religion ) then to do it in a more confused , disorder●y , broken manner , with barrenness and incongruity of speech . but this l●st is the best that many honest ministers can do by their own gi●ts , when they may do it in the former better manner , by making use of the words and gifts of other● . therefore it is a duty for such men so far to use others gif●s of inventing words , before their own . and among us there is no man forbidden in the pulptt to use his own gifts to the utmost , and pray without any set form of his own or other mens . and i would at last desire any of the objectors but to name that text of scripture which directly or indirectly commandeth every minister , to use his gift of inventing words and method , or his gift of extemporary prayer , every time that he prayeth to god : or which forbiddeth to use the gifts of others , though better than his own . obj. but what if the forms imposed be worse than the exercise of our own gifts ? answ. first , that may be below one mans own invention , which is above-anothers . secondly , and that may be more defective than your own invention could reach to , which yet may be more desirable for other advantages . as if all the churches for some good ends , should agree to to use one mode or method or form , ( as now we do in singing psalms ) the benefit of that concord might do more to the churches service than my singular better form or words could do . and if the lawful rulers commanded me that which perhaps i could somewhat exceed my self , i should do much in obedience to their command : or if the people had a greater averseness or unfitness for my more congruous words than for others more fective , i should take that for the best food or physick , which is most agreeable to the stomack and disease . but especially if i am restrained from the publick preaching of the gospel , or exercise of any of my ministry , unless i will use a more disordered or defective form , i shall take it for my duty then to use it . because it is more to the churches edification . in a word , god hath bound all his ministers to use all their gifts to the churches greatest edification : but to use a more defective form , with liberty to use my best gifts also , and to exercise my ministry publickly to all , is more to the churches edification , than to use my own gifts only a few days in a corner , and then to lie in prison and use them no more . though no man must of choise prefer the less congruous before the more congruous , when he is free ; ( which i confess is a sin ) yet it is a duty to prefer a less congruous order before none , or before a better for a day , with a restraint of that and all our ministery hereafter . for my part i have often truly professed , that i look at many liturgies which i have read as i do at the prayers of some honest men , who use little method , nor very meet words and often toss gods name through weakness ; who put that last which should be first , & that first which should be last , but yet the matter is honest & good . i would not prefer such a man in a congregation , before an abler man , who will speak more composedly & agreeable to the matter : but yet i would not be so peevish , as utterly to refuse to joyn with such a one . but as god doth not reject his prayers notwithstanding all his weakness , no more would i. and i had rather have such prayers , than none at all . o that men would discern what is the true worth of prayer ? and how little god is taken with the oratory of them , in comparison of the faith and love and desire which is the soul of prayer . and o that men would lay no greater stress on their peculiar modes and words than god doth ; and condemn no mens prayers further than they are condemned by god ; nor separate from any further then god rejecteth them or commandeth our separation . i cannot forbear telling you the aggravation of this kind of sin . it seemeth to me akind of blasphemy against god. as if you would make the world believe that god is so much for your mod● and words , that he overlooketh all the desires of the spirit ; and all his promises , and all mens interest in christ , and forgetteth all his love to his people : so that christ shal not intercede for them , or shal not prevail , unless they pray to god in the words and mode which you have fancied to be best , whether with a book or without , in these words or in those . me thinks you are renewing the old controversie , whether in this mount or at ierusalem men ought to worship ? and knew not that the time is come that god will neither accept men for worshipping at this mount or at ierusalem , here or there , with a book or without book ; but the true worshippers whom he chooseth , do worship him as a spirit , in spirit and in truth , as well with forms as without them . and yet some are more wicked than barely to condemn their brethrens prayers , because they be not cloathed just as their own . they will also break jests and scorns at them , and take this for the ingenuity of their piety . like men of several countreys who th●nk the fashions of all countryes save their own , to be ridiculous , and laugh at strangers as if they were cloathed in fools coats . so many do by the cloathing of other mens devotions . some scorn at extemporary prayers , and some scorn at forms and liturgies : and the litany they call conjuring , and the responses they take for a formal jocular playing with holy things ; when in all these , the humble heavenly christian , is lifting up his soul to god. by this petulant carnal kind of zeal , i remember our divisions were here raised at the first : to derid● the common prayer , and deride them that used it , was too common with some kind of religious people : and they excused it by elias his example , as if idolaters , and the true worshippers of god , that differ from us in a form , or ceremony were all one . i remember how some of the contrary mind were inflamed to indignation by such scorns , when they were going into the churches in london , and heard some separatists that lookt in at the church door , say , [ the devil choke thee , art thou not out of thy pottage yet ? ] because the common prayer was not ended . so little did men know what spirit they were of . but wise and holy mr. hildersham , mr. iohn ●all , mr. bradshaw , mr. iohn paget , and other learned non-conformists of old , did foresee and greatly fear this spirit . it is a dangerous thing to scorn and jest at any thing that is done about gods worship , though it should be it self unwarrantable ; while you scorn at one anothers worship of god , you raise a bold unreverence and contempt of holy things in the he●rer● , and perhaps before you are aware in your selves too . and you will teach the atheist to scorn you all ; unless 〈…〉 , where the very object is to be derided , as being no god , you should be very suspicious of this way . i am afraid of making a mock of the grossest erroneous worship of the true god. it is fitter to confute it in a way that more expresseth our reverence to the object , god himself , & our respect to that pious affection which may be engag'd in it . i have seldom seen the best tempered people inclined to this way of jesting at other mens manner of worship ? nor have i observed much good come by it : but i have oft seen that it is the way by which young pr●ud self-conceited persons do kindle a carnal dividing zeal , and a contempt of their brethren , and quench all holy sober zeal and love together . direct . xxxiii . when you are sure that other mens way of worship is sinful , yet make it not any other or greater sin , than indeed it is : and speak not evil of that much in it , which is good ; and accuse not god to be a hater or rejecter of all mens service which is mixed with infirmities . as st. iames saith , . . in many things we ●ffend all ; but he that ●ffendeth not with his tongue is the perfect man. so we may here say in the same sense , in many particulars of our prayers and other worship we all offend god : but he that bridleth not his tongue from the reproaching of his brothers different way of worship , may prove the greatest offendor of all . it would move a charitable understanding hearer to grief and pity , to read and hear one party call all prayer by habit , no better than crudities , whinings , bold talking to god and nonsence ; and whatsoever bitter scorn can speak : and to read and hear many on the other extreme , to call the liturgy , no less than idolatry ! i desire the reader to peruse a judicious treatise of mr. tombes in answer to one of this language : as much as he and i have written against each others opinion about infant baptisme , our concenting admonition to you should so much the rather be accepted in this . and what pitiful arguments have they to prove this charge of idolatry ? false worship of the true god is idolatry as well as worshipping a false god : but such is the liturgy : ergo — this is all that these rash preachers must trouble the church , and seduce men into a hating factious zeal with . but what mean these men by false worship ? do they mean worship contrary to gods word ? that is , which is sinful ? and do they mean all such sinful worship or some only ? if they mean all such sinful worship , than these words of theirs are idolatry ; for they are part of their preaching , which is part of gods worship , in their own sense : and it is false doctrine , and tendeth to mens perdition . and so they and all false teachers should be idolaters . by this they would turn all sins in worship into one : it is all idolatry . is not every confused prayer sinful , which hath unmeet expressions and disordered , and hath wandering thoughts and dull affections ? is there any of these love-killers that dare say they pray without sin ? and must we not separate from them then as idolaters ? yea and every man from himself ; that is , he must give over praying because its all idolatry ? but perhaps they will say ; this sin is but in the manner and not in the matter . answ. very good ; it seems then that sin in the manner of worship is not idolatry . and how prove you that the faults of the liturgy are not as far from the matter of the worship , as your own are ? will you find some words which you can call false in the matter ? suppose it were so ? when an antinomian , an anabaptist , a separatist , or any one that erreth doth drop some of his errours in his prayers , ( as i think none will deny that they use to do ) must we needs believe that his prayer is idolatry therefore , as being false worship ? and is it unlawful to joyn with such ? then we shall have more separation than you yet plead for , or practise your selves . no two men in the world must joyn together if all sinful worship , or worship false sometime in the very matter doth necessitate a separation : at least where no one knoweth before hand what another will say with his tongue , when i know that every man hath some false opinion in his mind . but where did these men learn to call their brethrens worship false any more than their own , upon the account that god hath not commanded the manner of it ; when he hath neither commanded us to use a form , nor to forbear it ; but by general precepts of doing all to edification ; if one man preach in one method and another in another ; one by written notes to help his memory , and another without , one by his own gifts only , and another by the help of others ; which of these is the false prophet , the false worshipper or idolater ? hath god said you shall use notes in preaching ? no more hath he said , you shall preach without notes : yet hath he commanded both , to severall persons where edification variously requireth it● is he an idolater that useth meeters , tunes , versions , translations , directories , p●lpits , cups , table cloaths , fonts , basins , &c. which god commandeth not . o lord pity thy poor church , whose pastors themselves are so peevish in their ignorance , and tempt other men by their follies , to ●●stifie all their severities against them and others . but what text of scripture is it that ever told these men that all false worship is idolatry ? what text do they name , but such as if they did it on purpose , to shew their boldness in adding to gods word ? the second commandment is the chief which they insist on . but what ever expositions they may forge , there is no such word nor sense in the commandment . we all hold that as the gross direct idolatry , is the worshipping of a false god , against the first commandment ; so to make any such false representation of the true god , by words or deeds , as maketh him like an idol , and contradicteth his nature , and so to worship him , this is also a secondary kind of idolatry : because god is none such as they represent him , and therefore it is not god indeed , but an idol which they worship . and because god is not like to any thing corporeal in heaven or earth ; therefore he that maketh an image of any thing in heaven or earth as like to god , or to represent him , he maketh an idol of god by blasphemy . to what will you liken me , that ● should be like unto it , saith the holy one ? this is the idolatry forbidden in the second commandment : it is not all false worship , but one sort of false worship , which is idolatry : what else that commandment forbiddeth , is neither called idolatry , nor can so be proved . it is an odious sound , to hear an ignorant , rash , self-conceited person , especially a preacher , to cry out , idolatry , idolatry , against his brethrens prayers to god , because they have something in them to be amended ▪ while perhaps his own prayers have so much false doctrine in them , or false fire of carnal passions and uncharitableness , as maketh it a much harder question , whether it be lawful to joyn with such as he is , while he abhorreth so much to joyn with others . all that know me know that it is not my own case and interest , that i fit this reprehension to . it is twenty times harder to me to remember a form of words , than to express what is in my mind without them . but we must not fit our opinions of all our brethrens prayers , to our own temperament . direct . xxxiv . think not that all is unlawful to be obeyed , which is unlawfully commanded . many a ruler sinneth in his commands , when it is no sin but a duty of the inferior to obey them . he that hath but a bad end , or bad circumstances may sin in commanding : as if a magistrate command religious duties in meer policy for his own advantage , or if he enforce a lawful command with unlawful penalties : and yet it will be the subjects duty to obey . yea , as to the matter it self , it may be unlawful for a ruler to command a thing that will do no good , ( because it is a vain command , and maketh men spend that time in vain : ) and yet it may be the subjects duty to do it . if the magistrate choose an inconvenient place for publike worship , or an unfit hour , or if the pastor choose a less fit translation , meeter or tune , or other circumstances of worship , it may be their sin to do so , and yet the peoples duty to obey them . if a father bid his child but carry a straw from one place to another , it is his fault so to imploy his time in vain ; but the child is not faulty in obeying . indeed if the thing commanded be such as is simply evil , and forbidden us by god , in all cases whatsoever , than no ones commands can make it lawful . but if it be a thing that is only inconvenient , or unlawful by some lesser accident , then the command of authority may preponderate as a more weighty accident . if it be lawful to give a thief my purse , to save my life , which is not lawful for him to demand or take ; then sure it is lawful to obey a king , a parent , a master o● a pastor , in things not evil in themselves , though they unlawfully command them . i say not that we must do so in all things which are evil but by accident : for some accidents may make it so great an evil , as no mans command can preponderate and make it lawful : but in some cases it is so , though not in all . therefore remember that you do not prove it sinful in you to do such things , by proving it a sin in the imposer , unless you have some better reason , and can shew a law of god forbidding you . direct . xxxv . think not that you are guilty of all the faults of other mens worship with whom you joyn ; no not of the ministers or congregations ; nor that you are bound to separate from them in worship ; because of all the faults in their performance . this errour is a common cause of separations ; but such as will suffer no two men to joyn together , but will turn all chur●●es into confusion , and crumble them to dust , if it be fully practised . for there is no man alive that worshippeth god without some sin , as i said before . do you ever pray your selves in secret or in your families without sin ? must all separate from you for this ? or may not you bear anothers failings as patiently as your own ? your own you are still guilty of , because they are your own : but not of another mans which you cannot help . if i believed that i were partaker of the guilt of all the false doctrine , or faulty preaching , or prayer which was used in the church where i am , i would flye from all the churches in the world : but whither to go i could not tell . obj. but if i joyn with them that worship god amiss , do i not approve of their sin or signifie my consent to it ? answ. approving and consenting are acts of your own mind : and whether you do so or not , is best known to your self : but it is a profession of consent that we have now to speak of . and i say that our presence at the prayers of the church , is n● profession of consent to all that is faulty in those prayers . why do you not offer to prove it to be so , but barely affirm it without any proof ? i never heard a word of proof for this bare assertion to this day . but it s easily disproved . first , no man can in reason and justice take that for my profession , which i never made by word nor deed , according to the common sense of words and actions : but according to this common sense i never did by word or deed profess that i consent to all which is uttered by the pastor in the publike prayers . secondly , when the profession which we make by our church-commun●on is publikely declared to be another thing , totally distinct from this , no man may justly interpret it to be this which is quite different : but it is another thing which we profess by our church-communion ; that is , i profess my self only to be a christian , in my baptism when i enter into the church , and in my daily communion with it : and i profess to be a member of a christian society , and to hold communion with them in faith and love and in worshipping god according to his word : and i pro●ess subjection to the particular pastors of that church , as christian pastors , who are to teach the people that word of god , and guide them in worship and discipline according to that word . this is every mans profession in his church-communion and no more ; unless he make some some further particular expression of more , as every sect useth to do , in professing the opinions of their party . why then should any lyar charge me to make a profession which i never made , when my profession in my christian communion is described by christ himself who instituted it ? and why should i turn lyar against my self , and say that my presence is a profession of that consent which i never made the least profession of ? thirdly , the wording of the publike prayers , is the pastors work and none of mine : it is part of his office , as the wording and methodizing of his sermons is : and if he do it well the praise is not mine but his : and if he do it ill the dispraise is not mine but his . why should any hold me guilty of another mans fault , which i neither can help , nor belongeth to any office of mine to help , any further than to admonish him . fourthly , i do not profess an approbation and consent to all the faults of my own secret or family prayers : much less to another mans , who is not in my power . i have d●sorders , and defects and incongruities and other faults in all my prayers ; and if my very speaking and committing them signifie not my approbation of them , how much less is it signified where it is not i but another man that speaketh and committeth them . fifthly , and as i have said , this opinion would make it unlawful to joyn with any pastor or church on earth , because no sin must be approved of and consented to : and every one mixeth sin with their prayers . obj. but ( say those on the one extream ) if i joyn with one that is known to be a separatist , an anabaptist , an antinomian , an arminian , &c. his own profession doth before hand bid me to expect not only that the manner but the matter of his prayer be erroneous . answ. first , it is granted that no man may in his choise , prefer an erring person or mode of worship before a better . secondly , but when the question is not , whom you should prefer but whom you may joyn with , it is not his errours that are yours , nor his profession that is yours . i come to joyn with him as a christian pastor whose office is to preach the gospel : and while men are the agents i know that all that they do will be imperfect and ●aulty : and it is not my knowing their ●aults that makes them mine , but rather may preserve me from them . obj. but for ought i know he may put heresie or blasphemy into his prayers , when i know not what he will say , before i hear it . answ. for ought you know your physician , or your cook , may give you poison , and your nurse may poison your child : but though that should make you careful whom you trust , yet somebody must be trusted for all that . you go not upon certainty in any case where man is to be trusted , but upon probability . men are not to be distrusted in their own profession , if they be lawfully called to it , by cautelous and able triers , till they have forfeited their trust : and as he would not mend the matter who should make a law , that no physician shall give any medicine but one and the same to all in such diseases , and that fetcht from the kings apothecary ; and no cook shall sell any meat but what is drest by the kings cooks ; for fear lest they should poison men ; so he that would say , no pastor shall preach or pray but in prescribed words , lest he should speak heresie or blasphemy , would but destroy the pastoral office , for fear lest it should be abused . but here you have no great temptation to this errour ; because though a man may poison your bodies against your wills , yet no one can poyson your souls but by your own consent . if he speak words of heresie or blasphemie , if you disown them in your minds , and consent not to them , they are none of yours , nor can do you hurt : they may be your temptation and your grief , but they are not your sin . and yet i shall tell you in the next direction , how far they are to be avoided . obj. but ( say those on the other extream ) when i know before hand by their common-prayer-book , what their errour in worship is , and yet joyn in it , do i not seem to approve it ? answ. do not barely affirm , but prove , that all fore-known●faults of the pastors words in prayer are mine , if i separate not : how doth fore-knowing them make them mine . take heed that thus you make not god the greatest sinner and the worst being in all the world . for god fore-knoweth all mens sins ; and god is present when they commit them ; and he giveth them all that life and time and strength and breath , by which they do them : and he hath communion with all the prayers of the faithful in the world , what faults soever be in the words or forms : he doth not reject them for any such failings . will you say therefore that god approveth or consenteth to all these sins ? i know before hand ( as is said before ) that every man will sin that prayeth ( either by defect of desire , love , faith or fervency , or by wandering thoughts , or disordered words , &c. ) and i know that every erroneous person ( commonly ) doth use to put his errours into his prayers and preaching . but how doth all this make it mine ? i am bound to hold communion with all gods people on earth as i have occasion ; not as they are sinners , but as they are saints : and i come as to the communion of saints : and though both they and i do bring our sins to that communion , and i fore-know them ; yet i lament both theirs and mine ; and so far am i from consenting to them , that they are my grief , and i beg forgiveness both for them and me . obj. but you said that it belonged to the pastors office to word his own sermons and prayers : therefore prescribed forms destroy the pastors office : and i may not consent to such usurpations by tyrannical men . answ. first , the pastor is the mouth of god to the people , & of the people to god : and he doth word his own sermons and prayers ; or else his voice could not conduct you . but if he that is conscious of his own infirmity , do take the help of others in wording them , that doth not destroy his office , but help him in the exercise of it . if a weak minister learn a prayer out of the writings of some abler divine and use it in the pulpit , this is no destroying of his office . secondly , and if they that fear the effect of ministers weakness shall force them to use the words of others , the speaker still maketh them his own words before you joyn with him . and if it did hinder the free exercise of all his office , it doth not destroy it . obj. but he doth it voluntarily , whereas the weakness of conceived prayer is involuntary . answ. it is with more probability said , that a man is involuntary , in doing that which another compelleth him to do , than that which no man but himself only is the author of : it is said to him that readeth the liturgy [ do this , or nothing ] but no body saith to an erring , weak , confused minister , [ put in your errours into your prayers , or pray disorderly or you shall be punished . ] every separatist , anabaptist and antinomian doth too willingly put his errours into his prayers . obj. but the liturgy is imposed on the ablest as well as on the weakest ministers . answ. whether it be well or ill imposed , is none of the question now in hand : no nor whether it be lawfully used by the speaker : but whether you may lawfully joyn in it . and however it be imposed , till the minister consent to use it , you shall not be put to joyn with him in it . and when he doth consent , he maketh it his own words , and ( for reasons which seem good to him ) he doth choose those expressions rather than others : ( even because he must use those or none ) so that he is still in the exercise of his office ; and it is his personal fault , if it be a fault , to use those words , and none of yours : whether he do it willingly as the best , or do it with a half will as of necessity , or whether there be tyranny in the imposing them or not ; you are not guilty of any of this , by joyning with a christian church that useth them . direct . xxxvi . yet know what pastors you may own , and what not , and what church-communion you may remove from or forbear : and think not that i am perswading you to make no difference . this is a point that i have more largely handled elsewhere , and can give you now but these brief hints , lest i be too tedious . first , he that is not at all able to do the essential works of the ministry , that is , to teach the people the christian faith , and a holy life , and to pray and praise god with them , and administer the sacraments , and in some measure oversee the manners of the flock , is no minister , nor to be owned : for he wanteth the essential qualifications : as an illiterate man can be no schoolmaster , nor he a physician , a pilot , an architect , who is utterly ignorant of their work . secondly , he that preacheth heresie , that is , denieth any essential point of christianity or godliness , after the first and second admonition is to be avoided . thirdly , he that in his application , endeavoureth to disgrace a godly life , and to disswade the people from it , on false pretenses , and encourage them to a life of wickedness , is a traytor to christ , and not to be owned in the ministery . in a word , any one whose ministery is such , as tendeth to destruction more than to edification and to do more harm then good . but then remember , that it is not partiality and passion that must here be judge : nor is every one an opposer of godliness , who opposeth the errours of a party , or the faults or follies of godly men . fourthly , that pastor or church who will not let you have communion with them , unless you will say or subscribe some falshood , or commit any sin of wilful choice , doth drive you from their communion by their unlawful terms ; and it is not you that are the separatists , but they . fifthly , when you are to choose what minister or church you will statedly have your ordinary communion with , you should not prefer a less reformed church or a less worthy pastor , or one that is erroneous , before a better , but choose that which is most to your true edification . sixthly , if you live under a worse and unreformed church , or unprofitable minister , if necessity hinder not , you may remove your dwelling to a better . seventhly , and where churches are near and there is no great hurt or disorder will follow it , you may joyn with another church without removing your dwelling : but this you may not do , when the hurt to the publick is like to be greater than the good to you . eighthly , and you must not conclude that the more faulty church and minister may not lawfully be communicated with though for your benefit you choose a better , for this is the true crime of sinful separation . but surely a mans soul is so precious , that all men should prefer the greatest helps for their salvation before the less ; and think no just means too dear to purchase them . direct . xxxvii . in your judging of discipline , reformation , and any means of the churches good , be sure your eye be both upon the true end , and upon the particular rule , and not on either of them alone : take not that for a means , which is either contrary to the word of god , or is in its nature destructive of the end. there are great miscarriages come for want of the true observation of this rule . first , if a thing seem to you very needful to a good end , and yet the word be against it , avoid it : for god knoweth better than we , what means is fittest , and what he will bless . as for instance , some think , that many self-devised ways of worship , contrary to col. . , . would be very profitable to the church : and some think that striking with the sword as peter did , is the way to rescue christ or the gospel : but both are bad , because the scripture is against them . secondly , and if you think that the scripture commandeth you this or that positive means , if nature and true reason assure you that it is against the end , and is like to do much more harm than good , be assured that you mistake that scripture . for first , god telleth us in general that the means as such are for the end , and therefore are no means when they are against it ! the ministery is for edification and not for destruction . the sabbath is for man and not man for the sabbath . secondly , god hath told us , that no positive duty is a duty at all times . to pray when i should be saving my neighbours life , is a sin and not a duty , though we are commanded to pray continually . so is it to be preaching ; or hearing on the lords day , when i should be quenching a fire in the town , or doing necessary works of mercy : wherefore the disciples sabbath-breaking was justified by christ ; and he giveth us all a charge to learn what this meaneth , i will have mercy and not sacrifice ; which must needs import , i prefer mercy before sacrifice and would have no sacrifice which hindereth mercy . therefore if a sermon were to be preached so unseasonably or in such unsuitable circumstances , as that according to gods ordinary way of working , it were like to do more hurt than good ; it were no duty at that time . discipline is an ordinance of christ : but if sound reason tell me , that if i publickly call this man to repentance , or excommunicate him , it is like to do much hurt to the church and no good to him , it would be at that time no duty but a sin . as physick must be forborn where the disease will but be exasperated by it . therefore christ boundeth our very preaching and reproof , with a [ shake off the dust off your feet as a testimony against them . and give not that which is holy to dogs , &c. when treading under foot , and turning again and rending us , is l●kest to be the success , the wisdome of christ , and not that of the flesh only , requireth us to take it for no duty . this is to be observed by them that think that admonitions , and excommunications , and exclusion from the sacrament , must be used in all places and at all times alike , without respect to the end , come of it what will : or that will tempt god by presuming that he will certainly either bless or at least justifie , their unseasonable and imprudent actions , as if they were a duty at all times . to be either against the scripture , or against the end , is a certain proof that an action is no duty , because no means . direct . xxxviii . neglect not any truth of god , much less renounce it or deny it : for lying and contempt of sacred truth is always sinful : but yet do not take it for your duty to publish all which you judge to be truth , nor a sin to silence many lesser truths , when the churches peace and welfare doth require it . to speak or subscribe against any truth , is not to be done on any pretense whatsoever : for lying is a sin at all times . but it is the opinion of injudicious furious spirits , that no truth is to be silenced for peace . truth is not to be sold for carnal prosperity , but it is to be forborn for spiritual advantage , and true necessity . first , if the publishing of all truths were at all times a duty , then all men live every moment in ten thousand sins of omission , because there are more than so many truths which i am not publishing : nay which i never shall publish whilest i live . secondly , positives bind not always and to all times . thirdly , while you are preaching that opinion which your zeal is so much for , you are omitting far greater and more necessary truths . and is it not as great a sin to omit them as the lesser . fourthly , mercy is to be preferred before sacrifice : what if the present uttering some truth would cost many thousand mens lives ? were not that an untimely and unmerciful word ? and is it not as bad if ( but accidentally ) it tend to the ruine of the church , and the hurt of souls ? it were easie to instance in unseasonable and imprudent words of truth spoken to princes , which have raised persecutions of long continuance , and ruined churches , silenced ministers , and caused the death of multitudes of men . fifthly , and where is there any word of god which commandeth us to speak all that we know , and which forbiddeth us to forbear the utterance of any one truth . sixthly , and for the most part those men , who are most pregnant and impatient of holding in their opinions on the pretense of the pretiousness of truth , do but proudly esteem their own understandings precious , and do vend some raw undigested notions , vain janglings or errors , under the name of that truth which must by no means be concealed , though the vending of it tend to envy and strife , and to confusion and every evil work . when those that have the truth indeed , have more wisdome and goodness to know how to use it . it is not truth but goodness which is the ultimate object of the soul. and god who is infinite goodness it self , hath revealed his truths to the world to do men good , and not to hurt them . and the devil , who is the destroyer , so he may but do men hurt , will be content to make use even of truth to do it ; though usually he only pretendeth truth to cover his lies : and this angel of light , hath his ministers of light and righteousness ; who are known by their fruits ; whilest the pretenses of light and righteousness are used to satans ends and not to christs , to hurt and destroy and to hinder christs kingdome , and not to save and to do good : as the wolf is known by his bloody jaws , even in his sheeps cloathing . direct . xxxix . know which are the great duties of a christian life , and wherein the nature of true religion doth consist ; and then pretend not any lesser duty , against those greater ; though the least when it is indeed a duty , is not to be denied or neglected . heaven-work and heart-work , are the chiefest parts of christian duty . christ often giveth us his summaries of the law , and inculeateth his great command ; iob. . . matth. . , , . luk. . . and so doth the apostle rom. . . pet. . . iohn . . , , . & , , , . ioh. . and the fruits of the spirit are manifest gal. . , . iames saith , that pure religion and undefiled before god even the father is this , to visit the fatherless and widows in adversity , and to keep our selves unspotted of the world , jam. . . paul saith , tim. . . the end of the commandement is charity out of a pure heart , and of a good conscience and of faith unfeigned : and then addeth , from which some having swarved , have turned aside to vain janglings — in a word [ the effectual belief of pardon and eternal glory given through christ , and the love of god and man , with the denial of our selves , and fleshly desires , and contempt of all things in the world , which are competitors with god and our salvation , with a humble patient enduring of all which must be suffered for these ends ] is the nature and sum of the christian religion . do nothing therefore as a duty which is a hinderance to any of this . contentious preachings , and factious sidings which weaken love , are not of god. the servant of the lord must not strive , but be gentle to all men , tim. . . when you come into a family and find that their religion consisteth in promoting some odd opinion , and pleading for a party , and vilifying others , be sure that this is a religious way of serving the devil , being contrary to the great and certain duties of a godly li●e . when you fall into company , which sti●leth all talk of heaven , and all heart-searching and heart-humbling conference , by pleading 〈◊〉 this or that opinion , be sure that it is but one way of enmity to holiness , though not so gross as scorning and persecuting it . that which i said before of truth , is applyable to this of duty . it is one of the most important things in the world , for the resolving of a thousand cases of conscience , and the directing of a christian life , to know which duties are the greater and which are the lesser , and so which is to be preferred in competition ; for that which is a duty at another time , is a sin , when it is done instead of a greater ! as christ hath resolved in the case of the sabbath . if good must be loved as good , then the greatest good must be most loved and sought . sacrifice instead of mercy is a sin : our gift must be left at the altar , while we go to be reconciled to our brother . math. ● . never hearken to those men who would set up their controverted duties , or any positives and lesser things , against the duties of nature it self , or the great substantial parts of godliness . direct . xl. labour for a sound judgement to know good from evil , left you trouble your selves and others by mistakes : and till you gr●w so judicious , forsake not the guidance of a judicious teacher , nor the company of the agreeing generality of the godly . almost all our contentions and divisions are caused by the ignorance and injudiciousness of christians ; especially the most self-conceited . they are for the most as children , that yet need to be taught the very principles of the divine oracles , and to be fed with milk , when they think themselves fit to be teachers of others . heb. . , . and therefore as children they are tossed to and fro , and caried about with every wind of doctrine , eph. . . and when they have many years together been crying up an opinion , and vilifying dissenters , at last they turn to some other opinion , and confess that they did all this upon mistake . and was it not a pitiful life that they lived that while ? and a pitiful zeal which did set them on ? and a pitiful kind of worship which they thus offered to god ? alas to hear a man pray and preach up antinomianism one year , and arminianism the next , and socinianism the next ! to hear a man make separation and anabaptistry a great part of his business to men in preaching and to god in prayer for seven and seven years together ; and at last confess that all this was his errour and his sin : ( or if he confess it not , it is so much the worse . ) is it not sad that ignorance and hasty rashness , should so much injure the church and mens souls that so many well meaning people , should put evil for good and good for evil , darkness for light and light for darkness , isa. . . but because there is no hope that most should be judicious , there is no other remedy for such but this of christs prescript which i have here set down . first , happy is he that chooseth a judicious faithful guide and learneth of him till his own understanding be better illuminated ; and that escapeth the conduct of ignorant , erroneous , self-seeking , proud , dividing teachers . secondly , continue in the communion of the generality of agreeing christians : the generality of the godly are more unlikely to be forsaken of christ , than a few odd self-conceited singular professours . this is the way of peace to your selves and to the church of christ. direct . xli . let not the bare fervour of a preacher , or the lowdness of his voice , or affectionate manner of utterance , draw you too far to admire or follow him ; without a proportionable degree of solid understanding and judiciousness . it is pity that any wise and judicious minister should want that fervour and seriousness of speech , which the weight of so great a business doth require . and it is greater pity , that any serious affectionate minister , should be ignorant and injudicious : and it is yet greater pity that in any good men , too much of their fervour should be meerly affected , and seem to be what it is not ; or at least be raised by a selfish desire to advance our selves in the hearers thoughts , and to exercise our parts upon their affections . but it is most pitiful that the church hath any hypocrites who have no other but such affected dissembled fervency . and it is not the least pity that so many good people , especially youths and women , should be so weak , as to value an affectionate tone of speech , above a judicious opening of the gospel . i confess there is something in an affectionate expression , which will move the wisest : and as light and judgement tend to generate judgement , so heat of affection tendeth to beget affection . and i never loved a senseless delivery of matters of eternal consequence ; as if we were asleep our selves , or would make the hearers to be so : or would have them think by our cold expressions , that we believe not our selves , when we set forth the great inestimable things of the life to come . but yet it grieveth my very soul to think , what pitiful , raw , and ignorant kind of preaching , is crowded most after in many places , for the meer affectionate manner of expression , and lowdness of the preachers voice ! how oft have i known the ablest preachers undervalued , and an ignorant man by crouds applauded , when i that have been acquainted with the preacher ab incunabulis , have known him to be unable well to answer most questions in the common catechism . and i durst not tell them of his great insufficiency and ignorance , for fear of hindering the success of his labours , and being thought envious at other mens acceptance . i have known poor tradesmens boys have a great mind of the ministry ; and we that were the ministers of the countrey , contributed to maintain them while they got some learning and knowledge : but they had not patience to keep out of the pulpit till they competently understood their business there : and yet many of the religious people valued these as the only men : and some of them shortly after turned to some wh●msical sect or other , and contemned the ministers that instructed and maintained them : and all this while , understood not half so much as many of our sober auditors understood . this prepareth the poor people to be hurried into any disorder or division , when they no better know how to choose their guides . direct . xlii . your belief of the necessary articles of faith , must be made your own , and not taken meerly upon the authority of any : and in all points of belief or practice which are of necessity to salvation , you must ever keep company with the universal church : for it were not the church if it erred in these : and in matters of peace and concord , the greater part must be your guide ; in matters of humane obedience , your governours must be your guides : and in matters of high and difficult speculation , the judgment of one man of extraordinary understanding and clearness is to be preferred before both the rulers and the major vote . in several sorts of controversies and cases , you must prefer several sorts of guides or judges : it is a grand pernicious errour to think that the same mens judgments must be most followed in every case . and it is of grand importance to know how to value and vary our guides , as the cases vary . and for the most part , every man is more to be regarded in his own way of study and profession , than wiser men in other matters , of other studies and professions : as a lawyer is to be valued in the law more than the ablest and most illuminated divine : and a philosopher in philosophy , and a linguist in the tongues , and a physician in physick , &c. for instance , first , suppose it were a controversie whether christ be god , or whether there be a life to come , or a resurrection , &c. here no man must be judge , because if you are christians indeed , it is past controversie with you : and you believe this upon the evidences of truth , which have convinced you : and herein the universal church are your associates . secondly , suppose it be made a controversie whether you shall use this translation or version in publick , or another , or whether you shall meet at this hour or that ; at this place or that ; what words of prayer shall be used in publick ; what persons you shall communicate with in publick , and what not , &c. in all such , your lawful pastors and rulers are the judges , and their judgments must be preferred before more learned men that are not related to you . thirdly , suppose the question be among many associated churches , whether this church or pastor be to be disowned as heretical , or owned by the rest as orthodox christians . here the judgement of the pastors of those associated churches in councels , is to be preferred as of the proper judges . fourthly , suppose the question were among a free people , that want a pastor , whether this man or that or the other ( being all sufficient ) shall be the pastor of that church : here the major vote of the people of that church should be preferred . fifthly , suppose the question be , whether iohn . . e. g. be canonical scripture ; or the doxology after the the lords prayer , &c. here a few learned antiquaries , are to be believed before a major vote or councel , unskilled in those things , who contradict them . sixthly , suppose the question were of the object of predestination , of the natur●● of the wills liberty , of the concourse of god , and determining way of grace , of the definition of justification , faith , &c. here a few well studied judicious divines must be preferred before authority and majority of votes : as one clear-sighted man seeth further and better than a thousand that have darker sight : so that you must in such vary your guides , according to their several capacities and the case . obedience hearkneth most to authority ; unity and concord must depend most on some majority of votes : hard questions must be decided by the best studied persons , and the quickest clearest sights , and not by bare commands or votes . direct . xliii . take heed lest you be tempted to reject a good cause , because it is owned by some bad persons ; or to like a bad cause when it is owned by men that are otherwise good : and that you judge not of the faith and cause by the persons , when you should judge of the persons ●ather by the faith and cause . i confess when we have no other reason to encline us to one opinion or to another , but only the reputation of them that hold it , caeteris paribus , in matters of meer godliness , the judgment of godly men is much to be preferred before theirs that are ungodly , and they are much liker to be in the right . but when god hath given us other means to know the truth , we must impartially make use of them . it too oft falleth out that honest people are like straying sheep : if one leap over the hedge , the rest will croud and strive to follow him : and therefore errours are like languages and fashions , that follow the country where they are bred . the religious people in sweden and denmark have one sort of errour ; in holland and helvetia perhaps they have another : in france , and spain , and italy they have others : in greece , and armenia , and ethiopia they have others . and it is an easie matter before we are aware , to fall into the common epidemical disease ; and to think , this is best , because the best and strictest people are of this mind . and indeed sin doth seldome get so great an advantage in the world , as when it hath won the major vote among the most religious sort of people : if but a peter separate , barnabas and many more will follow . and on the other side , sometimes the worser sort of men may hold fast the truth , and many ignorant persons are apt to reject it , because it is owned by men so bad . but if truth be the religion of their king and countrey , or of their ancestors in which they were brought up ; or if their reputation or peace of conscience lie upon it ; or if the defence of it shew their wit or learning ; or if they can take an advantage by it , against better men , who erre in that one point : it is no wonder in all these cases , if the worser sort of men defend the truth . for instance ; if any sect should rise in england , who should deny christ , or the scripture , or the resurrection , or the life to come , or the lords day ( for all that they cannot keep it holy , yet ) the worser sort of the people would all rise up against such errours . shall we therefore think that the people are in the wrong ? so if any better persons deny infant baptisme , or the use of the lords prayer , &c. the worser sort of people would be all against them ; and yet be in the right . and yet how many do take a form of prayer or liturgy to be unlawful , meerly because the most of the worser sort are for it ! as a pharisee can gratifie his hypocrisie by long prayers , which yet are good in themselves ; so can an ungodly person gratifie his hypocrisie and sloth by forms and liturgies : which yet doth not prove them to be unlawful . direct . xliv . ye take the bad example of religious men , to be one of your most pe●ilous temptations : and therefore labour to discover especially what are the sins of professours in the age that you live in , that you may especially watch and sortifie your souls against them . sometimes the strictest sort run in a gang after one opinion , and sometimes after another : sometimes to overvalue free will with the pelagians : sometimes to abuse the name and notion of free grace : sometimes they are drawn with peter to lay about them with a private unwarranted swor● ; or by politicians tempted into unlawful tumults : sometimes they run together into unlawful compliances and conformities to escape some censure or danger to the flesh : and most commonly they are hurried by passion to follow some erroneous leader into schisme and divisions , which are contrary to unity , love , and peace . study well what is the common errour of the religious party in the times and places where you live , that you may take a special care to escape them , ( for some such or others it is too probable they have . ) like not their fault for their religions sake : but specially take heed lest the devil draw you , to dislike their religion for their faults . joyn with them heartily in the one , but not in the other . direct . xlv . desire the highest degree of holiness , and to be free from the corruptions of the times : but affect not to be odd and singular , from ordinary christians in lawful things . an affectation of singularity in indifferent things , doth either come from such ignonorance as those were guilty of in rom. . or most commonly from pride , though you perceive it not your selves . if it be to go in a meaner garb than others , and as the quakers , not to put off the hat ; or with the fryars , to go b●refoot , or in a distinguishing habit , that all men may see and say , this is a singular person in religion , it is easie to see how this gratifieth pride . humility desireth not to be specially taken notice of : and therefore in all things lawful , to do as others do , doth gratifie humility very much . it 's strange to observe how much stress some persons lay upon their singular habits , gestures , expressions and actions , when they have once taken them up ? and how sharp they are against all that are contrary ? for as the masters of every sect of monks among the papists had their several rules of singularity in things indifferent ; and yet presently desired to get disciples to take their names , and follow their rules ; so is it with most that begin in singularity : they would have all follow them , that it might grow common . direct . xlvi . when you have to do only with stigmatized scandalous ones , to vindicate the honour of of christianity from their scandal , go as far from them as lawfully you can : but with the common sort of sinners , whose conversion you are bound to seek , go not as far from them as you can , but purposely study to come as near them , as lawfully you may , that you may have the better advautage to win them to the truth . when it is our work to avoid persons that they may be ashamed , or that we may shew our detestation of their wickedness , then going from them is our duty , and we must do it ; ( to the excommunicate in-publick , and to the notoriously wicked and impenitent after admonition , in our private way of life . ) but with most men , our duty is to labour their conversion , and in hope to seek the saving of their souls , till they prove as dogs and swine to their exhorters . it is a common question whether we should go as far as we may from wicked-men , or come as 〈◊〉 them as we may . and it is very great ignorance to say either the one of the other , without distinguishing of wicked men ! seeing our duty lyeth the clean contrary way , towards one sort of them and towards another . and there is much difference also to be made of the matter in which our joyning with them , or going from them doth consist . for there are some things which though they are no sin , yet are so like sin , that our doing them is most like to be a snare , and to hinder mens repentance , and not to further it : and in this we must not come too near them . but there are other things in which our going too far from them is like to hinder their repentance . the injudicious zeal of many young christians , doth often carry them into this extream . any fashion of apparel which the common people use , they will avoid as far as modesty will permit them . and any lawfull recreation which they use , they will fly the further from because they use it : and they think it a scandal , to shoot or bowl or use any such game which bad men use . and any form or manner of speech which is lawful in it self they think they must avoid because such use it . but especially any way of worshipping god , or any controvertible opinion in religion , which is owned by bad men , they flye as far from as they can ; by which means all this evil is committed . first , their own faith and practise is corrupted : for many an errour is taken up , by going too far from other mens faults . many a one turneth pelagian , by flying indiscreetly from antinomianism . and many a one turneth antinomian by avoiding pelagianism . many a one turneth papist to shew his detestation of multitudes of sects : and many a one turneth to the giddiest sects , to avoid the things which are held and practised by the papists ; and are so zealous in avoiding the papists ceremonies and forms and holidays too far , that at last they renounce their ordination and their baptism , and some at last deny the scriptures , the creed , and the christ , which the papists own . many a one turneth separatist and anabaptist and quaker , to get far enough from bishops and liturgies : and many a one is ready to over-run his consideration , and abuse his conscience in the extent of his compliance with all impositions , through the indignation or contempt against the unreasonable humours of the sectaries . and thus mens own judgement and practise is depraved , while they think more from whence to go , than whither . secondly , you lose your advantage of doing good to those you flye from : and therein disobey the will of god , and have a hand in the loss of the souls of men : paul became a jew to the jews , and all things to all men to save some . cor. . , , , . i pray you mark his words : it had been no strange thing , if he had become wise to gain the foolish , and shewed himself strong to win the weak , &c. but to become a iew ( as when he circumcised timothy , and shaved his head because he had a vow , &c. ) and to be as under the law to them that are under law ; and as without law to them that are without law ; and to become as weak to them that are weak , to gain the weak , and to be made all things to all men , to save some , this is far from the religion of the separatists . what abundance of things do many now blame , and censure others for as temporizers , which they have nothing against ( that may be called reason ) but only that their neighbours use them ? if a man stand up at the profession of the belief ; or if he stand up when the psalms and hymns of praise to god are uttered , they say , he con●ormeth to the gestures of the congregation : and make that his dispraise which is his praise . and what ! is not standing a fit gesture to profess our faith in ? and a fit gesture to praise god in ? or is it praise-worthy to be odd and singular in the church ? and not to do as the rest of the church doth ? austin professed his resolution , in all such gestures and lawful orders to do as the church doth where he is : and paul would have us with one mouth as well as with one mind to glorifie god. i entreat these men to mark whether it was christ or the pharisees that came nearest to their way , and whom they now imitate ? was it for going too far from sinners that the pharisees did censure christ ? or was it not for eating and drinking with publicans and sinners ( though he did it not to harden them in their sin , but as a physician conversing with the sick to heal them ) was it not for sabbath-breaking and not being strict enough in such mat●ers , that they were offended with christ and his disciples ? the case is plain : but corrupted nature more favoureth the separating zeal of the pharisees , than the loving winning zeal of christ ; and will easilier suffer us to be imitators of the pharisees than of christ. thirdly , this going too far from those whom we should win , doth not only lose our advantage to do them good , but greatly tendeth to harden them in all their prejudices against a religious life ; and to hinder their conversion and to undo their souls . when they hear and see us place any of our religion , in avoiding a lawful recreation , or a lawful use of words , or a lawful fashion of apparel , or a lawful gesture or circumstance in gods worship , they will judge of the rest of our religion by that part : and this is one thing that hath hardened thousands ( especially of the rich who are enclined to excesses ) in a scornful contempt of strictness in religion , under the name of puritans and bigots and precisians , and such like : they think they are but an ignorant humorous sort of people , who are almost mad with a pride of their singularity in religion ; and think that when you tell them of a conversion , you would have them become such whimsical fanaticks : and that the difference between their religion and yours is but , whether such a form of prayer , or such a gesture , or such a fashion of apparel , or such musick or other recreation , be lawful , or unlawful ; in which they are confident that they are in the right ? and what greater cruelty can you shew to souls , than thus to harden them in their sin and misery ? little do such persons think , how many be in hell , through these scandals and snares which they have set before them ? and yet they take on them , that is because they would not encourage men in sin , that they thus flye from them . when they do their worst to make all the world believe that strict religiousness , is but the whimsie of a giddy sort of people , who are almost out of their wits with pride . and what greater injury can men do to christ and to religion than this ? to make it the scorn and contempt of the world ? i know they will say that religion was ever scorned by the wicked , and ever will be ? but if it be scorned for its genuine nature , its heavenly wisdome , purity and goodness , this is the disgrace only of them that scorn it : or if they maliciously and causelesly call wisedome , folly , or call good , evil , this will redound to the speakers shame , where true reason hath but leave to work . but if you will therefore do as the jews did , and cloath christ in a fools coat , and put a reed in his hand for a scepter , to expose him to the laughter and scorn of the beholders , it is you that will be found his deriders and crucifiers ! if you blind-fold him , and others smite him , and say , read who smote thee ; his buffetting will prove to be caused by you : if you will paint a saint in the garb of a mad man , the countries hatred and abuse of saints will be imputed unto you . fourthly , yea i may add , that you are the great cause of the persecutions of the godly , and of the damnation of the persecutors . while godly people appear in their own likeness , in wisdome and love and humility and meekness and sobriety , the world doth usually bear some reverence to them , though it hate them . but when you have made men believe that those that call themselves godly people , are but a company of superstitious pharisees , that cry , touch not , tast not , handle not ; or a sort of melancholly humorists , who must sit because their neighbours stand , or must go out of the way , because their neighbours go in it ; this maketh them justifie all their cruelties , to you and others , and think persecution to be their duty : and to say that , the whip is for the fools back , and wanton children must be made wise by the rod ; and that it is no wrong to a mad man to lie in bedlam . if you say , that godliness hath been alwayes perse●uted , i answer , but if you are the causers of it , though it must needs be that scandal or offence come , yet wo to him by whom it cometh . math. . . luk. . , . the way of heavenly wisdome is pure , but peaceable and gentle and easie to be entreated : the way that christ and his apostles have led us , is to draw as near to sinners as we can , by love and all the offices of love , neither following them in any sin , nor flying from them in any thing that is lawful ; that they may be convinced that it is not humour and disdain and pride , but true necessity and gods command , which maketh us differ from them as we do . and that we may not be disabled by any contrary errours of our own from evincing and oppugning theirs . direct . xlvii . when ever you are avoiding any errour or sin , forget not that there is a contrary extream to be avoided , of which you are in danger as well as of that which you are opposing . the minds of most men are so narrow , that they cannot look many wayes at once . if they be intent on one thing , they forget another . but it is a narrow bridge betwixt dangerous gulfs , which christian faith and obedience must pass over : and he that looketh on the one side , with the greatest fear and caution , is undone , if he look not also on the other . the common way of avoiding any errour o● vice , is to run into the contrary . and on those terms satan himself will be orthodox , and a reformer , and an enemy to vice . i gave you some instances even now . he is a rare person , that is so wise and happy , as to flye from every errour and sin , with an impartial awakened fear of the contrary . and thence it is that the most judicious old experienced christians are usually in controversies for a middle way ; and in the croud of contentious sects , they commonly are the reconcilers : not only because they are more calm and moderate , and peaceable than others ; but especially because they have seen the errour on both extreams , when others see only the errour on one side . only in our inclination to our ultimate end , that is , in our love to god , we never need to fear over-doing . but all the means may be perverted and turned into sin by extreams . many that observe the pollution of the church by the great neglect of holy discipline , avoid this errour by turning to a sinful separation : and many that are offended at separation avoid it ; by a gross neglect of christian discipline , and taking it for a needless thing . many who observe how heartlesly and hypocritically prescribed forms of prayer are used by too many , do avoid it by denying the lawfulness of all forms : and many who see the errour of this opinion , do escape it by turning to meer formality , and deriding all prayer which is not written in a book , or prescribed by another . if any who see how those that were baptized in infancy , are admitted to adult communion without ever understanding or seriously owning the covenant into which they were then entered ; and seeing how the church is corrupted hereby ; do avoid this errour by denying the baptism of infants . and many that see the errour of the anabaptists , do avoid it by countenancing the aforesaid church-corruption : and if infants be but baptized , they never care whether they be called at years of discretion , to the solemn renewing and owning of their covenant . and many that see both these extreams do plead for confirmation , as the middle way : but they turn it into a meer ceremony , and defeat the ends of it , and never bring the baptized to a solemn renewall of their holy vow . and many who see the papists abuse of confirmation , do wholly cast it off , and deny the healing use aforesaid . many who see the effects of papal tyranny , dislike all general ministery , which taketh the care of many churches . and many who see the incoherence of independent churches , and the calamity of sects , do incline to papal usurpation . many who see the evils of indepency in respect of council and concord , are inclined to a regimental dependency and subordination of one church to another , as of divine appointment . and many who see that there is no proof that god ever appointed such a regimental dependency , do turn to independency in point of council and concord . many who observe the grossness of their error , who would have the people have the power of the keys , and govern ▪ the church by the major vote , do deny the people the liberty of choosing their pastors , and being guided in spirituals as volunteers . and many who see this errour of denying the people liberty , do give them the fore-said power of the keyes , and make them governours of themselves by vote . many who hear the papists talk so much of merits and of good works , do deny our own faith , and love , and repentance , the place that god hath assigned them in order to pardon and salvation , in subordination to christ : and many who hear the presumptuous boast of being righteous by christs imputed righteousness , without any fulfilling of the conditions of the covenant of grace on their parts , do make as a jest of imputed righteousness ▪ ( as it is taken in a sound and warrantable sense ) and do ascribe too much to the works of man. many who hear the socinians make faith and obedience to be all one , do deny that the faith by which we are justified , is a giving up the soul in covenant to christ intirely in all his office , even as our redeemer and lord , and so an engagement to obedience by subjection . and many that hear men say , that faith justifieth us only as an instrument , apprehending christs satisfaction and meritorious righteousness as their own , do confound our faith and obedience ; and forget that the faith by which we are justified , is [ our becoming christians , or , assent and consent to the covenant which we make in baptisme ( nothing more or less ; ) and not our living as christians in after obedience , which is the fruit or effect of faith . and , even in civil things , many who observe how turkish , tartarian , japonian , china's , and other heathenish and infidel tyranny , is the chief resister of the gospel , and suppresser of christianity to the damnation of millions of souls ; and how papal tyranny , and muscovian , and spanish cruelties , are the chief maintainers of ignorance and unreformedness in the churches , are ready hereupon to think dishonourably of monarchy it self , and to murmure at the power of christian princes , and to rush into seditions and rebellions . and many that see the mischiefs of seditions , conspiracies● and rebellions , are ready to forget the grand and heynous sin of tyranny , and the calamity of souls , and churches , and kingdoms thereby : ( as campanella saith , the abuse of the potestative primality , is tyranny , the abuse of the intellective primality is heresie , and the abuse of the volitive primality is hypocrisie : though indeed he should have mentioned both extreams ) . in a word , woe be to the reformer , who feareth not running into the extream , which is contrary to the errour and sin which he would reform . direct . xlviii . think more and talk more of your faults and failings against others ; especially against princes , magistrates , and ministers , than of their faults and fail●ngs against you . the reason of this counsel is very obvious and past contradiction . another mans sin as such is not yours : no mans sin shall damn you ▪ but your own ; no nor bring any proper penalty on you . our suffering by other mens sin , is the common way to heaven , by which christ and his apostles went : but our own sin is that which must have the blood and spirit of a saviour for its cure , or it will undo us . he came to destroy the works of the devil , and to save his people from their sins : math. . . ioh. . . but not to keep us from being persecuted by sinners : math. . , . without escaping persecution we may be saved , ( for every one that will live godly in christ jesus must suffer persecution , tim. . . ) but except we repent of our own sin we shall perish , luk. . , . we must mourn for the sins of others ( ezek. . . ) but we properly repent of none but our own . should we not most fear that which we are most in danger of ? and most lament that , which we are most guilty of ? and most talk against that which most concerneth us ? and all this is not other mens faults , no not magistrates or ministers ( though much to be bewailed ) but our own . every one will confess , that the true spirit of christianity is agreeable to what i say . and yet how contrary is the practise of no small number of the religious ? in all companies how forward are they to talk of the sins of princes and parliaments ? of courtiers and nobility , and gentry ? especially of ministers ; and not only of the scandalous that are guilty indeed , but of the innocent that are not of their way ; whose faults they rather make than find ? but how seldome do you hear them tell any how bad they are themselves ? ( unless it be in formality to seem humble persons ) yea , how impatient are they with any other that find fault with them ? it would be much more acceptable to god and wise men , to hear you talk of your own infirmities , than of the rulers or ministers , or neighbours ? the one is a work of repentance ; and the other of detraction and backbiting . the one is a work which you are commanded by god ( to judge your selves , and confess your faults one to another : ) but the other is a work which you have seldomer a call from god to do . one rendeth to your pardon ; the other to your guilt : therefore if you fall into the company of backbiters , that are dishonouring their rulers or their pastors , or telling how bad their neighbours are ; labour to purifie these stinking waters , or turn the stream : say to them , [ o friends how bad are we our selves ! what pride is in our hearts ! what ignorance in our minds ! so wanting are we even in the lowest grace , humility , that we have scarce enough to make us take patiently , such censures as now we are giving out upon others ? so selfish as dishonoureth our profession with the brand of contractedness , and partiality ; so weak that all our duties are liable to greater censures than we can bear : and our inward graces weaker than our outward duties . of such ungoverned thoughts , that confusion and tumult instead of order , and fruitful improvement , are the dayly temper and employment of our imaginations : so passionate , impatient , and corrupt , that we are a trouble to our selves and others , and a dishonour to the gospel , and a hinderance to the conversion of those whom our holy exemplary lives should win to god : so strange to heaven , as if we had never well believed it : and to say all in one , so empty of love to our dear redeemer and the god of love , that our hearts lie vacant to entertain the love of worldly vanities ; and draw back from the serious thoughts of god , which should be our daily work and pleasure ; and flie from the face of death , as if we should be worst , when we are nearest to our god. and when we are our selves no better , should we not rather complain of the sore that is so near us ? and marvel that our neighbours vilifie not us , and that the church doth not judge us unworthy of its communion ! nature teacheth or constraineth all men , to be more sensible of their own diseases , than of their neighbours ; and to complain of them most as loving themselves best : is it then because you love your neighbours better than your selves , that you speak more of their faults and infirmities than of your own ? if not , take heed lest it prove not to be the voice of love ! and then i need not tell you how bad it signifieth ! god is love , and he that dwelleth in love dwelleth in god , and god in him . the devil is the love-killer : and what way can you imagine so powerful to kill love to any others , as to make men think them to be very bad ? doth any man love evil that knoweth it to be evil ? certainly therefore these speakings evil of others , are love-killing words ( though to his face to make him know himself , they might be medicinal : ) and therefore they are the service of the love-killing spirit . ] direct . xlix . take notice of all the good in others which appeareth , and rather talk of that behind their backs , than of their faults . if there were no good in others , they were not to be loved : for it is contrary to mans nature , to will or love any thing , but sub ratione boni , as supposed to be good . the good of nature , is lovely in all men as men , even in the wicked and our enemies ( and therefore let them that think they can never speak bad enough of nature take heed lest they run into excess : ) and the capacity of the good of holiness and happiness , is part of the good of nature . the good of gifts and of a common profession , with the possibility or probability of sincerity , is lovely in all the visible members of the church . and truly the excellent gifts of learning , judgment , utterance and memory , with the virtues of meekness , humility , patience , contentedness , and a loving disposition inclined to do good to all , are so amiable in some , who yet are too strange to a heavenly life , that he must be worse than a man who will not love them . to vilifie all these gifts in others , savoureth of a malignant contempt of the gifts of the spirit of god. and so it doth , to talk all of their faults , and say little or nothing of their gifts and virtues : yea , some have so unloving and unlovely a kind of religiousness , that they backbite that man as a defender of the prophane , and a commender of the ungodly , who doth but contradict or reprehend their backbitings : and are ever gain-saying all the commendations which they hear of any whom they think ill of . but if you would when you talk of others ( especially them who differ from you in opinions ) be more in commendation of all the good , which indeed is in them . . you would shew your selves much liker to god who is love , and unliker to satan the accuser . . you would shew an honest impartial ingenuity , which honoureth virtue where ever it is found . . you would shew a humble sense of your own frailty , who dare not proudly contemn your brethren . . you would shew more love to god himself , when you love all of god whensoever you discern it ; and cannot abide to hear his gifts and mercies undervalued . . you would increase the grace of love to others , in your selves , by the daily exercise of it ; when backbiting and detraction will increase the malignity from which they spring . . you would increase love also in the hearers ; which is the fulfilling of the law ; when detraction will breed or increase malice . . you will do much to the winning and conversion of them whom you commend , if they be unconverted . for when they are told that you speak lovingly of them behind their backs , it will much reconcile them to your persons , and consequently prepare them to hearken to the counsel which they need . but when they are told that you did backbite them , it will fill them with hatred of you , and violent prejudice against your counsel and profession . yet mistake me not : it is none of my meaning all this while , that you should speak any falsehood in commendation of others ; nor make people believe , that a careless carnal sort of persons , are as good as those that are careful of their souls , or that their way is sufficient for salvation ; nor to commend ungodly men in such a manner , as tendeth to keep either them or their hearers from repentance ; nor to call evil , good , or put darkness for light , nor honour the works of the devil . but to shew love and impartiality to all ; and to be much more in speaking of all the good which is in them , than of the evil : especially if they be your enemies , or differ from you in opinions of religion : tit. . . put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers ; to obey magistrates , to be ready to every good work , to speak evil of no man , to be no brawlers but gentle , shewing all meekness to all men . for we our selves were sometime foolish , &c. grace is clean contrary to this detracting vice . direct . l study the duty of instructing and exhorting , more than reproof and finding fault . i deny not but that it is duty to tell a brother of his fault , and to reprove and that with plainness too . math. . . lev. . . and it is but few that do this rightly , of many that will backbite and censure . but yet i have long observed , that many christians are enquiring , how they must manage the duty of reproof , who ne-never enquire how to perform the duty of christian exhortation or instructing of the ignorant . when as this later is much more usually a duty than the former ; and you are bound to exhort a multitude whom you are not bound to reprove . and exhortation to good is a duty which the hearer is usually less offended at ; it doth not so much gall and exasperate his mind : it shameth him not so much , and yet is the greater part of our duty to him ; as the positives of religion are before the negatives . exhortation ( rightly used ) is the plain direct expression of love , and an earnest desire of anothers good : when reproof doth savour of a mixture of love and displeasure ; and the wrath doth often cloud the love . and i must say , that i find many surly proud professors , much proner to reproof , than to exhortation : their pride and self-conceitedness makes them too forward to reprove their governours , and the ignorant people are ready enough to reprove their teachers , and the servant to reprove the master or the mistris ; but not to be reproved by them . ministers must be wise and cautelous how they set such people on reproving and finding fault with others , when their own pride and passion and fond self-opinion , is ready to put them on too far . direct . li. the more you suffer by your rulers ( or any men ) the more be watchful lest your sufferings tempt you to dishonour them . and the more you are wronged by your equals , the more be afraid lest you should be tempted to withdraw the love which is their due . the honouring of our superiours , is a moral or natural duty ( of the fifth commandement ) which sufferings will not excuse us from : and so is the love of all men , even of our enemies . and selfishness and passion are things so powerful , that it is wonderful hard to escape their deceit : they will blind the mind , and change the judgement , and corrupt the affections , before you are aware , or believe that you are at all perverted . every man must watch most where his temptation is strongest . do you not think that you have a far stronger temptation , to dishonour a persecuting magistrate than a good one ? and to hate an enemy than a friend ? therefore arm your selves , and one another against this snare . and when others are aggravating the fault and injury , do you in company remember each other , in what danger you are now of losing your innocency , and of doing your selves more hurt by that , than any powers or enemies can do you . it is an easie thing to love one that loveth you , and to honour a magistrate that doth good to you and all . but as the apostle saith of servants , pet. . , , . ( be subject — not only to the good and gentle , but also to the froward : for this is thank-worthy , if a man for conscience toward god endure grief , suffering wrongfully : for what glory is it , if when ye be buffeted for your faults you take it patiently ? but if when ye do well and suffer for it , ye take it patiently , this is acceptable with god. direct . lii . make conscience of heart-revenge , and tongue-revenge , as well as of hand-revenge . it is so notorious that revenge is a usurpation of gods prerogative , & a heinour sin , that professors could not so frequently & easily commit it , if they did not first deceive themselves , and take that to be no revenge which is . to do any open hurt to another , they take notice of as sinful revenge . but is there no secret wish in your heart , that some evil may befal another ? nor no secret gladness that some evil hath befaln him ? you will say , it is not in revenge , but in hope he may repent : but take heed what is in your heart . it s one thing to repent of his injury to you as such , and to make you amends and repair your honour : and it s another thing to repent of it as a sin against god , to the saving of his own soul. is it not the former that you more desire than the later ? and are not your tongues employed too often in revenge ? what are all your secret reflections , and endeavours to dishonour those that have wronged you , but revengeful speeches ? railing , and backbiting , and nibling at anothers honour and good name may be acts of revenge as truly as the actions of the hand . direct . liii . when you are exasperated at the hurt which you feel from magistrates , remember the good which the church receiveth by them , as well as the hurt . if you look all at the evil in any man , and overlook the good , you cannot choose but hate h●m : and if you think only of what you suffer by magistrates , you may easily know what the effect must be . and the sin is so great , that it should not be made light of , by a tender conscience . the good of the office and of the person is of god ; and the evil is of satan : and should you so look at satans part , as to pass by all gods part ? what ingratitude is it , to take notice so deeply of your suffering , and to take no notice of your mercies . there are few heathen magistrates , from whom those christians who live under them , receive not much more good than hurt . much more christian magistrates are a blessing to believers . for if they persecute some , yet they usually protect more , from the fury of the vulgar rabble , who would quickly devour them , if rulers did not restrain them . and the countenancing of the christian religion in the essentials , and defending christian assemblies for gods worship is an unvaluable mercy . if paul said to the romans [ rulers are not a terrour to good works , but to evil — do that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the same : for he is the minister of god to thee for good ] rom. . , . how much more may those say so who have christian magistrates ! or if some particular persons do suffer more under some such , than paul or the christians did under heathens ( acts . last ) yet every true christian , must more regard the publick interest than his own : and must rejoyce that the gospel hath any protection and furtherance , and the souls of the people any benefit , whatever his personal suffering be . read phil. . , to the . direct . liv. learn to suffer by ministers and good people , and not only by magistrates , nor only by the ungodly . i confess it is a thing most unnatural for one true christian to afflict another ; and especially for a minister , who is the father of the flock , to be a hurter of them , and to do like an enemy ; and to fleece them and devour them . but yet it is a thing which sometimes must be born . i have observed that religious people when a magistrate ( though a usurper ) persecuteth them , they can in some sort undergo it , as no strange thing . and they are not so forward to cast off the office and abhor the persons by whom they suffer . but if they suffer never so little by a minister , they flye away from him , and are uncapable of comfortable communion with him , and the breach is hardly ever made up . i confess there is some more colour for this impatiency ; ( to be mentioned in another place . ) but yet gods servants have been tryed by this kind of suffering also , and therefore you must not be so tender of it , nor be driven by it into sinful separations , or into a contempt of the ministers of the gospel , as too many sects in these times have been . read what at large is said of the afflicting shepherds , ezek. . & zech. . & . and you will see that it is not a thing to be wondered at , to have shepherds which fleece and destroy the flocks , and tread down their pasture and muddy their waters , and feed themselves and not the flocks , and gather not that which goeth ●stray : nay their own shepherds pitied them not . zech. . , i know that it is the magistrates that are often meant by shepherds in the prophets : but the priests also are usually meant with them , and sometime distinctly by the same word . and their falshood and cruelty oft expressed , as in ier. . , . & . . and . , , . & . . ezek. . . hos. . . mich. . . zeph. . . mal. . , & . . &c. and remember that all the wickedness of these priests , and their abuse of the people , did not warrant the people to forsake the jewish church : though the ark was taken by the philistines for the wickedness and violence of eli's sons ; and the people tempted to desire a king , by the sins of the sons of samuel , yet none of their mis-doings did warrant a separation from that church . yea christ who was persecuted by the priests , did yet bid the cleansed lepe● go shew himself to the priest , and offer according to the law. therefore a true christian must learn ( though not to favour any mans sin , nor to be indifferent what ministery he liveth under , yet ) patiently to suffer much abuse and persecution , sometimes from ministers themselves ; and to see that it drive them not in peevish impatiency into any extream , or to any unlawful sect or separation , nor to a disdain of the sacred office which they abuse , nor to lose the benefit of it , or be unthankful for it . and though it be sad that true christians should abuse each other , yet this also must be born . many can bear●th : scorn and cruelties of the openly profane , who can scarce bear to be neglected or set light by , much less to be hardly censured by the religious . but observe first , that your pride may notably appear in this : and it is no great sign of humility to suffer only from the worst . for you look on them as persons of no honour , and the ●fore not capable of dishonouring you : for a dog to bark at you , you take for no disgrace : nay you take it for your honour to suffer by such persons , as supposing it a mark of christs disciples . but the religious you more reverence , and think their contempt is a great dishonour to you ; and fore your pride will not suffer you to bear it patiently . secondly , and remember that different opinions and interests may possibly so far exasperate some that are otherwise religious , as to make them afflicters , or more plainly , persec●tors of one another , though godliness it self be applauded by them all . the experience of england , scotland and ireland within these years doth sadly tell us and the world , how far men can go in persecuting each other for different interests and opinions , who all profess a zeal for godliness . and let it have your special remark , that one reason why all men as christians and godly do more easily and commonly love one another , is because a● christians and godly , they do not hurt or wrong each other : but as they are of various sects they hate and envy one another , because as they are sectaries they hurt and injure one another . for the spirit and zeal of a sect as such is censorious , hurtful , unpeaceable and dividing : but the spirit and zeal of godliness and christianity , is kind and gentle and inclineth to do good to all . remember that you have never lear●n the christian art of suffering aright , till you can suffer not only by bad men , but by men that otherwise are good ; nor only by enemies but by friends , nor only by them that bear the sword , but also by some who preach the word ; and will not by oppression be made mad , nor driven from your innocency . direct . lv. when you complain of violence and persecution in others , take heed lest you shew the same inward sin , by church-persecution and cruelty against them , or any others . but because i know that guilt causeth impatience , and passion disposeth men to mistakes and false reports , before i proceed , i must here foretell you , . that i mean not by separatists all that are so called by interessed injudicious persons : but those . that account true churches of christ to be no churches , . or that account it unlawful to hold communion with those churches , whose communion is not unlawful ; because they are faulty , or because they differ from them in some opinions or circumstances of worship : . especially if they practise , and perswade others to practise according to these two opinions ; of which the first is the higher sort of separation , and the second the lover . and secondly , that by church-dividers , i mean both these and all such whose principles and practises are against that love of a christian as a christian , and that forbearance of dissenters , which should be exercised to all the members of christ ; and who fly from the ancient simplicity and primitive terms of church-communion , and adde ( as the papists do ) their own little novelties as necessary things . and those that do causlesly separate from their own lawfully called pastors ; for ubi episcopus , ibi ecclesia ; where the true pastor is , there the church is ( what ever place it be that they assemble in ) ( as cyprien once said . ) and lastly , those that are of uncharitable , humerous , peevish , contentious and fiery spirits , and will stir up m●tinies and ●idings , and causeless divi●ions in any church where they come . and truly they that think of the present state of hartford and some other churcheses in new england , ( which i will not here make a narrative of ) me thinks should fear separations , schismes or divisions , from o● in the churches called independent , as much as those of a different discipline do as to theirs : ( if not somewhat more , on several accounts . ) thirdly , and remember that i am not here speaking of any mens former faults , by way of uncharitable bitterness , insulting or reproach ; but verily brethren , if we are not impartially willing to know the truth of eve●y side , and of our own selves as well as othe●s , we choose deceit , and resist the light , and provoke god to forsake our understandings . do we not yet know where iudgment hath begun , after such plagues and flames , and church convulsions ? and do we not yet know where repentance must begin ? enquire for good news whence you will , i vvill enquire whether we are awakened to a true repentance ; and by that i will fetch my prognosticks of our f●ture state ? not whether you cry out against other mens sins , but against your own , and that particularly with all their aggravations ; and whether professo●rs of religiousness do as heartily lament their own notorious publick scandals , as they expect that drunkards and fornicators , and the friends of loosness , should lament theirs ! till we see this , what promise have we of the pardon of our dreadful temporal penalties ? ( to say nothing of the greater . ) woe to the land and people that can multiply sin and cannot repent ! and wo to them that pretend repentance , and love to be flattered in their sin , and cannot endure to be admonished , but take all the discoveries of their sin to be injurious reproach ? among the prophane we take this to be a deadly sign of impenitency ? and is it so bad in them , and good in us ? it is part of my office to cry with holy bradford , repent o england ; and to say after christ , except ye repent , ye shall all perish , and can i call men to repent , when i must not dare to tell them of what ? nor to mention the sin which is most to be repented of ? i use all this preface because i know that guilt and impenitency are touchy and tender , and galled , and querulous , and such will bestow the time in backbiting their monitor , which they should bestow in lamenting their sin . but shall i therefore forbear , and betray their souls , and betray the land through cowardly silence ? must i shew that i ha●e professours by not admonishing them , ( lev. . . ) when i must shew that i love the looser sort by my sharp reproofs ? must i not fear them that can kill the body ? and must i fear to displease a professed christian , by calling him to repentance in a time of judgments . lord , hide not my own miscarriages from my ●ight ! and suffer me not to take any sin that i have committed to have been my innocency or duty , lest i should dare to father sin on god , and lest i should live and die without repentance , and lest i should be one that continueth judgments and danger to the land ? stir up some faithful friend to tell me , with convincing evidence , where it is that i have miscarried , that contrition may prepare me for the peace of remission ? o save me from the plague of an impenitent heart , that cannot endure to be told of sin ! & from that ungodly folly , which taketh the shame that repentance casteth upon sin , to be cast upon god and religion , which bind us to repentance and confession ! nay in this place , i am not mentioning things past , so much to humble you , as necessarily to inform you , of the groundlesness of your present arguings , that you may see the truth . fourthly , note also that i lay not any miscarriages on any whole parties , ( anabaptists or others . ) for i have found that all parties of christians indeed have some good , experienced , sober , charitable persons , and some self-conceited and contentious novices , ( tim. . . ) but i speak only of the persons that were guilty and no more . fifthly , lastly , remember that while i seem to compare the faults of one sort of persons , with anothers , it is none of my intent to equal them ; much less to equal the state of the several sorts of offenders as to the rest of their lives : but only to mention so much of the similitude , as is nenessary to represent things truly and impartially to your view . read on now with these memento's in your eye : and if after so plain a premonition you will venture to charge me with that which i disclaim , do it at your own peril ; i stand or fall to the judgment of god , and look for a better reward than the hypocrites , which is to have the good opinion of men , be they professours of piety , or profane . and with me , by gods grace , it shall hereafter be accounted a small thing ( to the hindering of my fidelity to christ and mens souls ) to be judged of men , cor. . . and if there should be any pastors of the churches , who instead of concurring , to heal the flocks of these dividing principles , shall rather joyn with backbiters , and encourage them in their misreports and slanders , because it tendeth to the supposed interest of their party or themselves . let them prepare to answer such unfaithfulness to their consciences which will shortly be awakened , and to the great shepherd of the flock who is at the door , and who told even the devils agents , that a house or kingdom divided against it self , cannot stand , but is brought to nought ! math. . ( if alas , alas , experience hath not yet , not yet , not yet , done enough to teach them this ! ) for my part i have had humane applause enough : i 'le value that vanity as dying men do . and temptations to man pleasing from covetousness i have none : for i have nothing of worldly gain or expectations which i should fear to lose , to tempt me to betray my conscience or the truth by silence . but ( mark and remember brethren , what i say to you , ) whosoever is of your mind at present , p●sterity will say as i have told you : and though wrong ways seem fit or necessary for some present exigence , or j●bb , vet nothing but truth , and integrity , and charity 〈◊〉 concord , will do the main work , and hold 〈◊〉 to the last . the ●oresight of impatient guilt , & censure having caused me here to give you this premonition ( besides what is in the epistle ) now reader , go on . o the deceitfulness of the heart of man ! little do many real separatists , who cry out against the spirit of persecution , suspect that the same spirit is in them ! whence is persecution , but from thinking ill of others , & abhorring them , or not loving them ? and do not you do so by those whom you causlesly separate from ? you will say , that though you think them not to be true christians , yet you love them as men , and wish their good : and so will those say by you , whom you call your persecutors : though they think you to be proud and humerous , and disobedient ; yet they say they love you as men , and do but correct you to cure your self-willedness and humour , and to do you good , and to preserve the publick peace . they think you to be bad , and therefore imprison you : you think them to be bad , and therefore avoid communion with them . they think you so bad as to be unworthy of civil liberty , and priviledges : you think them so bad as to be unworthy of church priviledges and liberties . they think you unworthy to be suffered in the land perhaps . and you think them unworthy to be suffered in the churches . they cry against you , away with them they are schismatical or heretical : you cry against them , away with them , they are prophane ! obj. but they who would not give us 〈…〉 lilerties , do more against us , than we would do against them . answ. i pray you think on that again . first , is not the priviledge of the church , ●ette● than the priviledges of the commonwealth ? as the soul is better than the body ? secondly , is it not a deeper accusation to charge one to be ungodly and prophane , than to charge him only to be schismatical ? obj. but charity must not be blind : they are prophane : i charge them truly : ●ut i am not schismatical or heretical ; but they accuse me falsly . answ. you say so , and they say the same of you . they say that you are schismatical , but they are not proph●ne . now how shall a stander by know which of you is in the right ? doubtless by the witnesses and evidences : they try you in some court or before some magistrate before they punish you . you never try them , 〈◊〉 hear them speak for themselves , nor examine 〈◊〉 witness publickly against them , ●or allow them any church-justice , but avoid their communion upon reports or pretense of private kn●wledge . they judge you personally one by one : you condemn whole p●rishes in the ●●mp , 〈◊〉 : they condemn you as for a 〈◊〉 cr●me : but you condemn them without charging any one crime upon them , because they have not yet given you a satisfying proof of their godliness ; they say , we prove you guilty : you say , you have 〈…〉 proved your selves innocent . it a 〈…〉 on the high way , and you and another were both charged with the robbery ; and to the other it is said , i prove by witness that thou didst rob me ; and to you it is said , do thou bring sufficient proof that thou didst not rob me ? would you not think that you had the more injustice ? obj. but of all men living no man can think that a persecutor is godly and fit for church-communion . ansu. either of these answers may stop your mouths , first , what is that to the whole parishes whose communion you avoid , who never persecuted you ? did all the ministers and common people persecute you ? secondly , was it no persecution when many anabaptists and separatists made such work in england , scotland and ireland in cromwels time and after as they did ? when so many were turned out of the universities for not engaging ? and so many out of the ministry ? and so many out of the magistracy & corporation priviledges ? and when an ordinance was made to cast out all ministers who would not pray for the success of their wars against scotland , or that would not give god thanks for their victories . when i have heard them profess that they believed that there were many thousand godly men , that were killed at dunbar ( to instance in no other ; ) and yet we were all by their ordinance to be cast out , that would not give god thanks for this ? and the execution of it was much threatned , though they did it not . and what more harsh kind of persecution could there be , than to force men to go hypocritically to god against their consciences , and take on them to beg for the success of a war which they judged unlawful , and to return him a publick counterfeit thanks for blood-shed ; yea for the blood of thousands ; and the blood of confessed godly men : when the crime which they would have forced us to ( had we been so ductile as to obey them ) was no less than publick hypocrisie and owning such blood-gailtiness ; and the penalty no less than separation from our flocks and publick maintenance ( though not silencing . ) i speak not any of this to trample upon those whom god in justice hath cast down . ( a thing which i so abhorred that i have avoided it to the great displeasure of others ) but if you are of the mind , either that gods justice should not be observed or justified ; or that you should not be called to repentance ; or that you should be suffered quietly to forget your sin , and die impenitently ; or that the nation should forget the effects of religious pride and faction , and so lose the warning which they have had from god at so dear a rate , and be tempted again into the same sin and calamity , for fear of offending the ears of the guilty ; i am in all this as far from your minds , as i was in the acting of these crimes : and can no more consent to you , than i should have done to have had all the israelites murmurings , idolatry and unbelief ; and the sins of noah , lot , david , solomon , peter , &c. forgotten , and the history of them never mentioned in the bible . but ( i pray you mark it ) the way of god is to shame the sinner , how good soever in other respects that the sin may have the greater shame , and religion may not be shamed as if it allowed men to sin , nor god the author of religion be dishonoured ; nor others be without the warning . but the way of the devil is , to hide or justifie the sin , as if it were for fear of disparaging the goodness of the persons that committed it ; that so be may thereby dishonour religion and godliness it self , and make men believe that it is but a cover for any wickedness , and as consistent with it as a looser life is ; and that he may keep the sinner from repenting , and blot out the memory of that warning which should have preserved after-ages from the like falls . scripture shameth the professours ( though a david , solomon , peter , noah , or lot ) that the religion professed may not be shamed but vindicated . satan would preserve the honour of the prof●ss●urs , that the religion prosessed may bear the shame ; and so it may fall on god himself . when god turneth lots wife into a pillar of salt , satan is willing to seem so tender of the honour of the godly , as to take it down , that it may be forgotten . god saith to the israelites , that when those that pass by shall ask why hath god done all this great ●vil against this people , the posterity shall recount their ancestors sins , and say , because they sinned against the lord their god , &c. but satan could find in his heart to pretend more tenderness of the names and honour of the church , so he might but undo the present age by impeni●ency , and after ages by taking gods publick warnings from before their eyes . on these terms he will be all for the honour of professours . but god will make men more tender of his honour and less tender of our own , and more willing openly to take shame to our selves to vindicate the honour of religion , before he will give us a 〈◊〉 discharge . it is the nature of true repentance , to cry out as publickly as we can to all the world , and be glad to leave it upon record [ it was not god or religion that ever encouraged me to these sins ; but it was my own doing : religion is clear but i am guilty . ] pardon this long excursion on this subject . and if you cannot bear it , i cannot help that . i made not the sore , nor galled place which is so tender . i only mind you , in answer to your objection , that faction and opinions will raise persecutions , and have done , even by such as you , yet do not separate from . i know none of you that separate from the anabaptists and separatists who were the authors of these aforesaid persecutions , nor do i urge you to it . therefore do but impartially judge of the sin . obj. but it is one thing to persecute for particular opinions and interests ( as almost all parties have sometimes done ) and another thing to perse●nte for godliness it selfe . answ. i confess it is , and the difference between these two is very great . but i pray you consider , first , that they are but few , perhaps not one , of all that you separate from , that ever persecuted you any way at all : nor can you prove that ever they so much as allowed of it . secondly , that they whom you and i do suffer by , do not believe that they persecute us for godliness , but think that here the case is more defensible than yours was . for you had no just authority over us : when the anabapt●sts did pull down the ministers they pull'd down the magistrates too ; and therefore it was a perscution of equals , without authority ; but those that we ministers suffer by now are our lawful rulers , who have made laws to require us to subscribe , and say and swear and do the things which we do not ? and therefore they think that we suffer but for a different opinion joyned with disobedience . it is not all men whom they forbid to preach , but us who dissent and do not obey them : it is not all men that are godly whom they imprison ; but those that meet to worship god in a place and manner differing from theirs , and forbidden by them . so that how can you say that this is not for differing opinions . obj. but we forbid not them to hold their own church-communion , though we separate from them , we never denied them the liberty of their consciences . answ. some of your judgement denied many of them much of that liberty which consisteth in worshipping of god in their own way , when you were in power . but suppose they had not , it is but another way of uncharitableness : the vice expressed seemeth to be the same . for you condemn them as unfit for christian-communion , and therefore you exclude them from yours : and you take their church-communion among themselves , to be but a prophanation of holy things : which maketh them the more impious , and therefore the more odious : and you tolerate it in them as you tolerate mens folly and madness , or leprosie or plague , because you cannot cure it . and i pray you judge whether there be any more christian love in this kind of dealing , than there is in that which you call persecution ? or at least , whe●her it proceed not from the same uncharitableness ? i suppose you to be spiritual and not carnal persons , at least in profession and therefore that you are not so tender of the flesh , as to take its suffering to be any great matter to you , in comparison of any of the sufferings of the soul. when you refuse communion with men , as judging them unfit for fellowship with the visible churches of christ , you judge them the visible members of the devil , and condemn them to the loss of the greatest priviledges on earth , and to be left out with the dogs , with publicans and heathens : though you think that you have no more to do your selves in the execution of this sentence , but to separate from them , yet you declare that you think that all others should do the same : so that your tolerating their communion among themselves , is no great signification of your charity . the sum of all that i say to you is this : it is but one and the same sin in the persecutor and the divider or separatist , which causeth the one to smite their brethren , and the other to excommunicate them : the one to cast them into prisons as schismaticks , and the other to cast them out of the church as prophane : the one to account them intollerable in the land , and the o●her to account them intollerable in the church : the one to say . away with them they are contumacious ; and the other to say , away with them they are ungodly . the inward thoughts of both is the same , that those whom they smite or separate from , are bad and unlovely and unfit for any better usage . when love which thinketh no evil till it is necessitated , and believeth all things which are at all credible , and hopeth all things which are not desperate , and covereth sins instead of condemning without proof , would equally cure them both . and let me yet conclude with this double protestation against the carping slanderer who useth to falsifie mens words . first , that i intend not in all this any flattery of the ungodly , or making them better than they are , or forbearing plain reproof or church-discipline , nor any unlawful communion with the wicked , nor countenancing them in any of their sins , nor neglecting to call them to repentance . secondly , that while i here name persecution , my purpose is not to mark out any persons or party above others , or determine who they be that are the persecutors : but only to detect the deceitfulness of our hearts when we most complain of it ; and to shew that wherever that sin is indeed , it cometh but from the same principle as sinful separation doth : even from the death of love to others . thirdly , and i add , that though i here aggravate the persecution of unjust excommunications or separations , as robbing men of the priviledge of christians , yet leaving them the common liberties of men and subjects ; it is none of my purpose to equal this absolutely with that destroying cruelty , which leaveth them neither ; and will not suffer them to enjoy so much liberty , as heathens and infidels may enjoy , or as paul had under such . act. . ult . direct . lvi . keep still in your thoughts , the state of all christs churches upon earth : that you may know what a people they are through the world , whom christ hath communion with ; and may not be deceived by ignorance , to separate from allmost all christs churches , while you think that you separate from none , but the few that are about you . thousands of well meaning people live as if england were almost all the world . and do boldly separate from their neighbours here , which they durst not do , if they soberly considered that almost all the christian world are worse than they . but narrow minds who can look but little further with their reason than with their eye-sight , do keep out at once both truth and love. it is a point that i have often had occasion to repeat , and yet will not forbear to repeat it here again ; it is but about one sixth part of the known world who make any profession of christianity and are baptized : ( besides how much peopled the unknown part of the world may be , we know not . ) of this sixth part the ethiopians , egyptians , syrians , armenians , the greek churches , the muscovites , and all the papists , are so great a body , that all the protestants , or reformed churches are little more than a sixth part of this sixth : ( the papists being about a fourth or fifth part ; and the other christians making up the rest ) and of these protestants , sweden , denmark , saxony , and many other parts of germany , making up the greatest part , are such as are called lutherans ! and of the other half , which are supposed to be more reformed , there is scarce any of so reformed lives as these in england and scotland : and among these , how great a number are they that you separate from ? if you look to the papists , their worship is by the mass : if you look to the muscovians , they have a liturgy much more blameable than ours , and have a few homilies instead of preaching ? if you look to the greek church , to the armenians , the abassines , and all the eastern and the southern churches , in asia and africa , they also worship god by liturgies , much more lyable to blame than ours , and have but little preaching among them , besides homilies ; and the members of their churches are commonly far more ignorant than the worst of ours , even than the rudest part of wales . if you look to the lutherans , they have liturgies , and ceremonies , and images in their churches , though not adored ; and have far worse preachers , and of worse lives , and more unprofitable preaching than is usually found with us ; and the people more ignorant and vicious . if you look to the remnant , called the more reformed churches , in holland , france , helvetia , germany , though they have much less of liturgy , or ceremonies , yet are their church-members usually as ignorant as ours , and more addicted to intemperance , and there is no less scandal in their lives , than among ours . now this being the true state of the world , and though we daily pray that it may be better , yet it is no better , i would only intreat you but to think of it as it is , and that to answer me deliberately these few questions . quest. . do you believe that all baptized professed christians . ( not denying any essential part of christianity ) are christs universal visible church ? qu. . do you not believe that this church is only one ; and that every particular church , and every christian is a part of it ? qu. . do you not believe that it is unlawful in any case whatsoever to separate from it ? and that to separate from the universal visible church , is visibly to separate from christ ? qu. . do you not believe that to give a bill of divorce to the universal church , or to many hundred parts of it , or to any one part , and to declare that they are none of the church of christ , is not great arrogancy , and injury to men , and unto christ himself ? qu. . dare you say before god , let me have no part in any of the prayers of all these churches on earth who use a liturgy as culpable as ours ? because i will have no communion with them ? do you set so light by your part in their prayers ? q. . if you travelled or lived in abassia , armenia , greece , or any christian country , ( where their worship is not idolatry nor substantially wicked , nor they force not the worshippers to any false oaths , subscriptions or other actual sin ) would you refuse all communion with them , and all publick worshipping of god ? or would you not rather joyn with them , than with no church at all ? q● . . when you remember on the lords days , that now all the christian world are congregate , and are calling upon god and praising him , in the name of one christ , and in the profession of one faith , dare you think of being a body separated from them all ? and can you think that christ disowneth them all , save you ? qu. . can you think it agreeable to the gracious nature , design and office of jesus christ , to cast off and condemn so many hundred parts of the church-universal , and to accept that one part only which you joyn with ? judge by his actions and expressions in the scriptures . qu. . if there were b●t ten persons of your mind in all the world , would you believe that god would save none but those ten , or accept the worship of no more , or that it were lawful to have communion with none but those ten ? if not , how can you think so in a case so neer it ? qu. . can you prove that christ doth separate from all the christians of the world which you separate from ? or that they have no visible comm●nion with him ? or that he taketh them for no churches , and disowneth the administration of all the ministers in the world whom you disown ? or yet that it is safe , to separate where christ doth not separate , and to be gone from his ho●se while he there abideth ? and to condemn those whom he condemneth not ? nor yet commandeth you to forsake or to condemn ? obj. the church of christ is a little flock , and not to be estimated by number : and if he confine his grace to never so few , i will confine my communion to as few . answ. first , grace is not visible to you , but the profession of it only : therefore your communion must be extended according to mens profession , and not according to sincerity which you know not ? when the question is , who hath grace , and who hath not , god hath not made you a heart ▪ searching judge , but hath made profession the sign which you must judge by . and he that professeth christianity , professeth all that is of necessity to salvation . secondly , if christs flock was little when he spake those words , it is much greater now . and if it be little still ( as it is in comparison of the world of heathens , infidels , and hypocrites ) will he give them thanks that will make it less , yea a thousand times less than it is indeed ? hath he so few ? and will you take from him almost all those few ? if you had but a hundred sheep when your neighbour had a thousand , would you thank him that would rob you of all save one ? thirdly , so far as god hath revealed the fewness of the saved , we reverence his counsels , and believe his word : but if you will make it so much less a number , while you falsifie gods word , you will tempt your selves at last , not to b●lieve it , because you have made it false and incredible by making it your own . brethren , i beseech you be not angry with us while we pity you , and would save your souls from your own snares and del●sions . you know not how fast you are hastening to infidelity , and to the renouncing of christ himself ? you little suspect that your extraordinary strictness , for the purity of the church doth tend to your turning heathens , and denying the whole church ? but remember , that the nature of god is so infiaitly good , as well as iust , and the gospel is such glad tydings to all the world , and christ called , the saviour of the world , and god is said so to love the world in giving him , joh. . . that if you should say god would save but one man in the world , or ten , or a thousand , and damn all the rest , if you did in your bravad● believe your selves this year , by the next you might be like enough to believe that the gospel is but a fable . i have much adoe to forbear naming some high professours ( known lately at w●rcester , exeter and other parts ) who died apostate-infidels , deriding christianity and the immortality of the soul , who once were separatists . and i must profess to you that for my own part , if i did believe that christs church were no more numerous than all the separatists on earth , it would make the work of faith more difficult : for as he is no king that hath no kingdom ; so he is next to no king , whose kingdom is next to none : he that would prove that our king is only king of ●slington , or hackney and no more , would by deriding him to day , prepare for the deposing him to morrow . they are glorious things that are spoken of the kingdom of christ ; even that the kingdoms of the world are become his kingdoms . and if you will take from him all save two or three cottages , i mean the separated churches only , it is but a little addition to your treason to take the rest , and to crucifie christ afresh and write over him in der●sion , the title of a king. you do not discern the design of satan . he that cannot entice an apple from a child , if he can get him to let him eat all the rest till it come to a little of the core , will then easily get him to throw away that worthless relict . if to day you will needs believe that christ will reject all the world , and all the churches , save only a few persons who have pride enough to condemn all the rest , by to morrow or e●e lo●g you are like ▪ enough to add one other degree to your derision , and to deny him to be christ. obj. but we are more than were in the ark of noah . answ. first , you never yet proved that all that were out of the ark were damned , and no more saved from hell , than were saved● from the deluge . secondly , if you had ; yet th●● scripture speaketh such great things of the universal gospel church , as that which maketh up 〈◊〉 former diminutions and losses , and helpeth 〈…〉 against such difficulties . direct . lvii . yet let not any here cheat you by overdoing , nor meer names and titles of unity deceive you instead of the thing it self : nor must you ever dream of any head and center of the unity of the catholick church , but christ himself . there is no part of religion which satan doth not endeavour to destroy , under pretense of promoting it : and his way is to overgo christ and his apostles , and to seem more zealou● than ever they were , and to mend their work by doing it better or doing more . christ was not strict enough for the pharisees , in keeping the 〈◊〉 , nor in his company , nor in his diet . sata●● hath always two ways to destroy both truth and duty ; the first is by direct opposing it ; but 〈◊〉 that will not do , the next is by overdoing and pretending to defend it . if he cannot destroy zeal , by scorning it , and quenching it ; he will try to do it by overheating and distempering it . if he cannot destroy knowledge , by the way of gross ignorance , he will try to spin it out into the finer threds of vain and innumerable questions and speculations , and to crumble it into such invisible atomes , that it shall be reduced to scepticisme or nothing . if he cannot destroy faith by open infidelity , he will try to make men believe too much , by making the objects of their own belief ▪ and calling that a particular faith , & altering god word , and casting away the reasons and evidences of faith , to shew the strength and nobleness of their faith , which needeth no such helps as these ; till by over-doing they have raised their edifice in the ayr , and rejected their foundations , and put out their eys in honour of the sun , and of their physician , lest either of them should be accused as insufficient . even so when satan findeth that he cannot directly destroy the unity of the church , and bring division into credit , he will be more zealous for unity than christ himself : he will then endure no disagreement among christians , no not in an opinion , nor a form , or ceremony ; not in meats or drinks or keeping of days , or in judging of things lawful or unlawful , which are not of necessity to the churches concord . he is either for tolerating all pr●pagation of heresie and practise of wickedness , or else he is so much for vnity , that no difference almost is to be tolerated . for he well knoweth that while men are imperfect such differences will still be : and then if he can but perswade the world , that for concord sake they must not be endured , what followeth but that the dissenters must be fined , imprisoned or banished to bring them ( or the rest ) to unity . and so he will se● all the world together by the ears , in cruelties and blood-shed , and in hating one another , and all under pretense of making them one . you may think that till mankind be all turned bedlams , they can never be so cheated by such a gross deceit , nor ever guilty of so mad a work . but what will you say if this be the common case , of the far greatest part of the christian world ? and what will you say further , if after above a thousand years universal experience of the unhappy success , they continue it still as the only way to unity and peace ? look but about you with opened eyes , and see whether it be not so . were not he a gracious promoter of unity in the world , that would say [ unity is so excellent a thing , that it is meet we should be all of one complexion , or at least that the world should speak but one language ; and therefore no other but one should be tolerated ] and here how easie is it to dilate of the great inconveniences of many languages : i could write a volume in folio of it my self ; and all true and evident . methinks i see hereupon how these books are scattered and read , and how those called learned men and politicians applaud them , and shake their heads and gnash their teeth at those that would have so great a mischief tolerated : and hereupon they set about the business , and desire a law that upon pain of imprisonment and banishment ( i know not whither ) no one in the world shall speak any other language but one . and now i hope unity will be promoted indeed ; when all the world is thus engaged in a war to perfect nature and make men one . but me thinks i hear one man that is awake thus bespeak the promoters of this concord [ unity and concord in those points where god hath made them necessary , cannot be over-valued : but yet it is visible that there is a marvellous dive●sity which nature is delighted in : when of all faces and of all voices , and of all the sorts of animals and plants ; there is so discernable a difference : yea of all the millions of stones in the field , no two is perfectly like each other . and where greater unity is most desirable , it must first be considered how much of it is possible , or to be hoped for , and next , what are the proper means to attain it . for first , the medicining of all incurable disease , especially with violent physick , is not the way to make it better , but to exasperate it and hasten death , when a palliate and patience might do better . it is very desirable , that all the kings subjects were strong , and beautiful and ingenuous and learned ; but it is not to be hoped : but that they may be all loyal , and honest in their dealing with others , may be well endeavoured . and secondly , a wrong kind of medicine will much more hasten and ascertain death , than to let the disease alone to nature : it is desirbale that all the kings subjects be as is said , both wise and learned , yea and perfect in honesty and piety without fault : but if you make a law that for the honour of vnity , all that are not learned and perfect in vertue shall be fined , imprisoned or banished , the king nor his subjects will be but little beholden to you for their unity . so one language is very desirable to the world : but first it is not attainable , and secondly a law to punish all that speak another language is not the way to procure it ; but to set them together by the ears : you must appoint parents and schoolmasters to teach them all one language by degrees , and keep them to their duties , and remove impediments , and thus stay the time ; and what cannot this way be attained must not be expected in this world . ] the speech being ended the hearers derided it , and made a law for unity to destroy it , and set every man on hating and fighting against his neighbour , to make all one . it is very desirable that all christians were perfect in knowledge , gifts and graces , and consequently that there were no different opinions , nor no different forms or modes of worship ; but that all were equal to the wisest , and to the most sober , pious , zealous and sincere . but if a law be made that none shall be endured in any kingdom● , that are not of this temperament and stature , the subjects of all princes may soon be numbered . set ` parents , schoolmasters and ministers at work , to make men wiser , and drive them on to diligence in their duty , and restrain men from hindering them , and from intollerable wickedness and sin , and patiently expect the success of this : and what this will not do expect not . and i intreat the separatists who will think this doctrine of forbearance gratifieth them , to observe that i speak all this to them as well as to magistrates . i told you that there is a church-persecution and a church-forbearance , as well as a civil . if christ will have magistrates frobear the weak , he will have you forbear them ▪ and not say , we will have no communion with those that pray by such f●rms and l●tt●rgies , or that use such a ceremony , or are not of our own opinions : read rom. . and . and you will see that it was a church-forbearance towards one another , and a receiving dissenters to christian communion ( even as christ receiveth us for all our weaknesses ) which paul there pleadeth for , and not only a forbearance of smiting them with the sword . what a wonder and what a lamentation is it , that those men that cry out so much for forbearance to the magistrate , should themselves be as rigid and more by church-severities , and less forbear dissenters , even in a form or ceremony , as to communion , and yet never see the same sin in themselves , which they so much complain of . and here my principal business is to warn you of the papal way of vnity : they are so great enemies to divisions and sects , that they must have all the christian world , united not only in one christ , by one profession & baptism , but also in one mortal monarch as his vicar , that men may know at the antipodes when they understand not the scripture , or differ in opinions , who to step to for the ending of their controversies , and to give them an infallible commentary on the bible , and to tell them with whom they must hold communion . and all their differences may thus have a speedy dispatch : if it be doubted whether one in abassia or much further off , be a heretick , or an impenitent sinner and to be excommunicated or not ; and the church where he liveth is divided about it , if the matter be but referred to the pope , as the supream judg , it is but going to rome , and sending thither all the parties and witnesses on both sides , and the pope can decide it much more judiciously than those that are on the place and know the persons and all the circumstances . and all this may be done in three years time or less , if wind and weather and all things serve : and if all the persons die by the way , the controversie is ended : if one part only die , let the longer liver have the better , and be justified . or if the pope will rather send governours to the place to decide the controversie , whether the next lords day you shall hold communion with such a man , or not , and so forward , its like in a few years time some of them may live to come thither . and if you must still appeal to the pope himself for fear lest a priest be not the infallible or final judg ( and can do no better than other folks priests , ) you may after all , have the liberty of the voyage : and if you cannot in that age get the case dispatched , yet you must believe that you have appeared to the only center of unity . this cheating noise and name of vnity , hath been the great divider of the christian world . and under pretense of suppressing heresie and schism , and bringing a blessed peace and harmony amongst all christians , the churches have been set all together by the ears , condemning and unchurching one another , and millions have been murthered in the flames , inquisition and other kinds of death , and those are martyrs with the one part , who are burnt as hereticks by the other : and more millions have been murdered by wars . and hatred and confusion is become the mark and temperament of those , who have most lo●dly cried up vnity , and concord , order and peace . it is a common way to set up a sect or faction , by crying down schism , sects and factions . and a common way to destroy both unity and peace , by cry●ng up unity and peace . therefore let not bare n●mes dec●ive you . remember that one of the old sects or factions of carnal christians , cried up cephas , that is , peter , and said we are of cephas ; which i know not how they could be blamed for , if he was the churches constitutive or governing head. cor. . . and . . and remember that the church is not the body of any apostle , but of christ , and that all the apostles are but the nobler sort of members , and none of them the head. cor. . , . now ye are the body of christ , and members in particular : and god hath set some in the church , first apostles , secondarily prophets , thirdly teachers , &c. but bellarmine ( aware of this ) hath devised this shift , that the pope succeedeth peter , in more than his apostle-ship , even his head-ship : but when he hath proved peter more than an apostle , and the pope his successor , he will do the business : till then we must say , that if the pope were but a good priest or bishop , below an apostle , we should give him more honour , than his treasonable usurpation of christs prerogatives is like to procure him . for he that will needs have all , shall have none , and he that exalteth himself , shall be brought low ; and he that will be more than a man shall be less than a man. direct . lviii . take heed of superstition , and observe well the circular course of zealous superstition , malignity , formality , and peevish singularity and schism , that you may not be misled by respect of persons . i mean , that first , indiscreet zeal and devotion hath been the usual beginner of superstition ; secondly , malignity in that age hath opposed it for the authors sake ; thirdly , in the next age the same kind of men have adored the authors and made themselves a religion , of the formal part of that superstition , and persecuted those that would not own it . fourthly , and then the same kind of men that first made it , do oppose it in enmity to those who impose and own it , and suffer and divide the church in dislike of that which was their own invention . it is marvellous to observe this partial dance : but church-history may convince the understanding reader , that so it hath been , and so it is ; first , the zeal of some holy persons doth at first break forth in some lawful , and in some indiscreet and unwarrantable expressions . secondly , the malignant enemies of godliness , hate and oppose these expressions , for the sake of the persons and the zeal exprest . . when they are dead , god performing his promise , that the memory of the just shall be blessed , prov. . . the carnal party of that age as wel● as others , do honour those whom their fore-fathers hated and murthered . math. . , . wo to you scribes and pharisees , hypocrites : because ye build the tombs of the prophets , and garnish the sepul●hres of the righteous , and say , if we had been in the dayes of our fathers , we would not have been partakers with them in the blood of the prophets : wherefore ye be witnesses to your selves , that ye are the children of them which killed the prophets : fill you up then the measure of your fathers . the wicked of one generation kill gods servants , and the wicked of the next generation do honour their names , and celebrate their memorial : the reason is because , it is the life of godliness , which the sinner is troubled with and hateth : and therefore it is the living saint whom he abhorreth . but the name and form of godliness is less troublesome to him , yea and may be useful to make him a religion of , to quiet his conscience in his sin : and therefore the name of dead saints he can honour , and the form of their worship , and corps of piety he can own . and having become so religious , both his former enmity to living holiness ; and his carnal zeal for his image of religion , engage him to make a stir for it ; and persecute those that are not of his way . and when the zealous and devout people of that age see this ; they loath that carkass or image which the formalist contendeth for , and many ●lye from it with too great abhorrence for the persons sake who now esteems it ; forgetting its original , and that it was such as they , that set it up , and were the first inventers . for instance : the most of the persons whom the papists now keep holy dayes for , were very religious godly people : and the zealous religious people of that age , did think that the honouring of the memories of the martyrs , was a great means to invite the infidels to christianity , and to encourage the weak to stick to christ : and therefore they kept the dayes of their martyrdome , in thanksgiving to god , and in honour of them . the wicked of that age hated and persecuted both the martyrs and them that honoured them . in the next age religion being uppermost in the world , the wicked did turn hypocrites , and keep holy dayes for the honour of their names whom their fore-fathers murthered . at last when it was observed that the papists who burned the living saints , were the greatest honourers of the dead , the most religious people turned quite to dislike and reject those very dayes , which their predecessors had set up in thanksgiving to god , for the doctrine , example and constancy of the martyrs . the same all along i may say about the relicts of martyrs , and pilgrimages to their shrines , which the religious sort begun at first , and loathe at last . so also those forms of liturgy which now are most distasted , were brought in by the most zealous religious people at the first : the many short invocations , versicles and responses which the people use , were brought in when the souls of the faithful did abound with zeal , and in holy servours break out into such expressions , and could not well endure to be bare auditors , and not vocally to bear their part in the praises of god , and prayers of the church . and in time those very words which signified their raptures , were used by formal hypocrites without their zeal who first exprest them ; and so being mortified , and made dead images and used but by rote , in a senseless canting among the papists , and also forced upon others ; it is now become a point of zeal to avoid them , and take them as unlawful , and it is a great reason , because they are in the mass-book : when the mass-book received them from the predecessors of many of those men that now refuse them : but though indeed the highest expressions of zeal and rapture , are most lothsome when they are counterfeited and turned into a meer lifeless form : yet it is the privation of life which is the fault of the image , and not the thing as in it self . restore the same spirit to those words , and they will be as good as they were at the beginning . i might instance in most of the popish superstitions , and shew you , that for the most part , it was the godliest sort of people of that age , who at first did either set them up , or that which did occasion them ; and that the hypocrite after made them his religion , taking up the form without the life , and that upon this the godly of after ages did abhor them . but what is my inference from all this ? why first , i would advise you , to look more to the nature of the things themselves , and less to the persons ; and regard the honour of humanity , if you regard not the honour of religion ; and make not the infidel world deride you , while they see you alter your opinions and practise in meer opposition to one another ; and to take up and lay down as the two ends of the ballance move , which must be contrary to each other . secondly , that you truly understand what interest such zealous persons as your selves had in those opinions , forms and practises at the first , that if you will avoid them for some mens sake , you may think the better of them for other mens : so far as to bring you to some impartiality . thirdly that you suspect that zeal in your selves , which you think so much miscarried in your ancestors . i do not take all that i have mentioned for superstition , but i shew you the circulation which zeal , and formality and maligni●y make , both in things warrantable and unwarrantable . but especially take heed of that which is true superstition indeed : by which here i mean , the making of any new parts of religion to our selves , and fathering them upon god , who never made them . of this there are two sorts , positive and negative : when we falsly say , this is a duty commanded by god ; or when we falsly say , this is a sin forbidden by god. take heed of both . i do not speak here of doing or not doing the same things upon any other account ( as humane duties , or meer conveniences or the like ) but as they are falsly pretended to be divine . for first , this is properly a belying of god , and that adding to his word ( whether precepts or prohibitions ) which he hath so strictly forbidden us . ier. . . deut. . . secondly , it debaseth religion objectively considered as mixture of base mettals debaseth the kings coyn : to joyn things humane with things divine , and say they are divine when they are not , is putting of dung into the treasuries of god. nothing will be found fit for divine reverence and honour , which is not divine indeed . thirdly , it corrupteth religion in the minds of men ; and causeth them to fear where no fear is , and to be devout erroneously : as if one should mistake the person of the king , and give his honour to another who is like him : or should run into a play-house to do his devotion , and think that he is in the church . ye worship ye know not what : we know what we worship , ioh. . . fourthly , this superstition tendeth to destroy true religion , by gratifying and increasing aversation and opposition ; by making it seem an unlovely tiresome thing . all that is truly of god is rational and amiable , and wisely contrived for our good : and the enemies of godliness , have not a word of solid reason , to say against it : but that which is brought in by corrupters may be confuted : and unnecessary things become a burden , act. . . what a toilsome task doth popery contain ? of positives and negatives ? ceremonies , and austerities , and useless labours ? and then they that take their pilgrimages , and penances , and night-risings , and multiplied formalities to be a burden , and hear them called by the name of religion , do account religion it self a burden , as taking this to be a part of it : and when religion is not loved it is lost . to make it seem bad and unlovely , is the way by which the devil destroyeth it in the world . fifthly , superstition is the great dividing engine , which satan useth to cut the churches of christ into sects and pieces ; and consequently to stir up party against party , to the hating and persecuting of one another : for while some take that for religion which is none ; others will see their errour and avoid it : and thus the division will lay the foundation of disputes and quarrels , of enmity and opposition . for who can think that all the churches should ever be so blind and slavish , as to take up that as a part of religion , and a divine institution , which was forged by the private spirit of some erroneous person of an over-heated brain . sixthly , lastly , superstition much displeaseth god ; and maketh us sinners , even in that , in which we think especially to honour him . math. . . in vain do they worship me , teaching for doctrines the commandements of men : though god in mercy can distinguish between his own and ours , and doth not count the whole worship to be in vain , where any degree of superstition is mixed ( for then most zealous persons were undone ; ) yet the superstitious part of worship is alwayes in vain ; and all the rest is made as vain , where that is the predominant and denominating part . thus over-doing is undoing , and thus the superstitious are ( materially ) righteous overmuch . and not only much cost and pains is lost , but the soul corrupted , the church divided , religion debased and endangered and god displeased , by ignorant zeal . here note to prevent mistakes ; first , that as god is related to our actions , either as the efficient commanding , or as the final cause ; so there is a double superstition ; one ( which is the greatest as comprehending the other ) when that which god never commanded or forbade , is feigned to be commanded or forbidden by him : the other when we feign him finally to be pleased with a religious worship of our own invention , though we confess it to have no higher an original than our selves . secondly , that the matter of this later sort of superstition is either that which god forbiddeth and so is displeased with ; or that which he hath made and holdeth indifferent ; and so is neither pleased or displeased with , in any moral consideration , in it self considered . he that of●ereth god a ●●crifice of sin ( or things prohibited ) or of a worthless and indifferent thing , and taketh god to be pleased with the later , or not displeased with the former , doth indeed displease him by either of these conceits . and the general prohibition of not adding or diminishing , rightly understood , may notifie things as under the former head . thirdly , but it is no superstition to hold a good thing to be good ; a bad thing to be bad ; or an indifferent thing to be indifferent . fourthly , nor yet to determine of those circumstances of worship which god hath left to humane determination ; being made necessary in genere by nature or scripture : nor yet to judge that god is pleased with such a prudent determination . fifthly , it is not superstition to do the same material thing , which another doth superstitiously ; if we have not the same superstitious conceit of it as he hath . if a papist should ananoint the sick , as a sacrament , and a protestant do it as a medicine , the former is snperstition , and not the later . and so in other things . sixthly , whether that indifferent thing remain indifferent to our use , which others use to superstition , is a case which a judicious collation of circumstances must determine . his superstitious use doth not make it simply a sin in any other , who hath none of his false conceits and ends : ( else some superstitious persons so abusing meat and drink and cloaths , and all things in the world might make all things become unlawful to us : or at least deprive us of all our liberty in things indifferent . ) seventhly , if we avoid anothers uperstition as to the form or intention which maketh it superstition , and this as a sin , we do well : if we avoid the matter it self which he useth superstitiously , because it is by him made scandalous , we do our duty , when it is scandalous indeed , & no contrary greater accident maketh it our duty . but if we take it to be simply superstition or sin , to do materially the same action , which a snperstitious person doth , we are superstitious in avoiding his superstitious act . for instance , a papist vi●iteth the lady of lauretto as a divine duty : this is superstition : a protestant goeth thither upon lawful and necessary business : this is no superstition : another protestant who hath no necessary business there , avoideth it that he may not be scandalous and encourage others to it . this is well done . a sectary thinketh it superstition or other sin , simply to go thither what ever his necessity or intention be : this is superstition : or a feigning god to forbid that which he forbiddeth not . a papist fasteth on friday , or avoideth flesh in lent as a divine duty : superstitiously : a protestant fasteth the same day , because an act of parliament commandeth it , which renounceth the papists religious end ; or because his physician prescribeth it as necessary for ●is health . this is not superstition . another protestant avoideth it through necessity for his health : and another in popish countries avoideth it only as scandalous : neither of these are superstitious . another fasteth on a friday for his own necessity or conveuience , as a time which he may lawfully choose . and another fasteth on a friday ; because the master of the family , or the pastors of the church , have appointed a fast on that day . this is no superstition . a sectary thinketh that it is superstition or some other sin to fast the same day that the papists do , because the papists do it superstitiously . this is superstition ( unless in the case of scandal as aforesaid . ) the multitudes of superstitions by which the papists or any others , have corrupted and debased the christian religion , i shall not n●w digress to mention ; but only touch upon a few instances , of the superstitions of those godly persons of this age , to whom i am now writing : to shew them , that it is the religious sort , that are the common beginners of superstition , by over-doing , out of a mistaken zeal , or fear of sinning . i refer the reader to bi●●on for full proof . but here again i must first crave the patience of those that love not errour better than information ; and desire them not to be too angry with me for telling them what i confidently hold , though it diff●● from the opinions of many whom i greatly reverence and honour ; while i profess withall that i do it not in a magisterial imposing way , nor as slighting the persons from whom i differ , but as offering my brethren that light which i think needful to their own and to the churches cure : and i will thank them if they will do the like by me , if i be guilty of any superstitious errour . first , the scripture telleth us of no church-elders but what were ordained ; and of none but such as were of the same office with the preaching pastors or elders : of none that had not authority to baptize and administer the lords supper : nor doth church-history tell us of any other as a divine office . but when one assembly had many elders or pastors , those that were best gifted for publike sermons did preach ; and the rest did help to rule the church , and to catechize , and instruct and visit particular families and persons , and other parts of the office , as there was cause . but now we have concluded that there is a distinct office of ruling-elders , who need not be ordained , and who have no power to baptize or to administer the lords supper . this i think is a superstition : for we feign god to have made a church-office which he never made . and though we must honour and hold communion with the churches which have this blemish ; yet still it cannot be freed from superstition . secondly , god hath required nothing but profession of the baptismal covenant , to prove a mans title to his enterance and priviledges in the universal church : and a consent to our relation to the particular churches , to our membership in them . but mistaking-zeal hath accounted this too loose a way , and hath devised stricter terms : many must have other proofs of godliness , besides the understanding , voluntary assent and consent to the baptismal covenant : yea of those that are in the universal church already ; before they can be admitted to its priviledges , or to a particular church . and which is worse , they here give the church no certain rule , instead of christs rule , which they cast by : but one man requireth one account , and another requireth another ; and the rule and test doth vary as the charity or prudence of men do vary . this is a superstition , which hath already torn the churches in pieces , and is going on still to do worse : and it s raised by mistaking-zeal . thirdly , that none that at the same time or before are not entered members of some particular church , may by baptism be entered into the universal church ; is a superstition , which some good men have taken up . fourthly , that he who is a member only of the universal church , may not in transitu be admitted to communion with particular churches , unless he bring a certificate from a particular church of which he ●ometime was a member . fifthly , that the pastor may not lawfully receive any member into a particular church without the consent of the major vote of the people . sixthly , that a minister of christ may not by baptism receive any into the universal church , but by the consent of the major vote of some particular church . seventhly , that no man is a minister or commissioned officer of christ , for the discipling and baptizing of those without the church , unless he be also the pastor of some particular church ( or at least have been such . ) eighthly , that the people do not only ch●sse the persons who shall be their pastors , but also give them their office or power . ninthly , that the people have the power of the keyes , or of church-government , by vote . tenthly , that the people of a particular church , do give authority to men to be ministers in the vniversal church , and to preach and baptize among those that are without . eleventhly , that he that is a member of one church , may not communicate with any ot●er , but by the consent of the pastor and people of that one . twelfthly , that he that is a member of a church may not remove his relation to another church , ( when his occasions and personal benefit require it , and the publick good of many is not hurt by it ) without the consent of the pastor and people of that church . thirteenthly , that it is simply unlawful to use a form of prayer , or to read a prayer on a book . fourteenthly , that if a school-master impose a form upon a schollar , or a parent on a child , it maketh it become unlawful . fifteenth , that our presence maketh us guilty of all the errours or unmeet expressions of the minister in publick worship : at least if we before know of them . and therefore that we must joyn with none whose errours or mis-expressions , we know of before . sixteenth , that as oft as a minister is removed from his particular flock , he becometh but a private men , and is no longer a minister and officer of christ. seventeenth , that we are guilty of the sins of all unworthy or scandalous communicants if we communicate with them : though their admission is not by our fault . eighteenth , that he whose judgement is against a diocesan church , may not lawfully joyn with a parish church ; if the minister be but subject to the diocesan . nineteenth , that whatsoever is unlawfully commanded is not lawful to be obeyed . twenty , that it is unlawful to do any thing in the worship of god which is imposed by men , and is not commanded it self in the scripture ( as what translation of the scripture shall be read ; what meetre and what tune of psalms shall be in use ; what hour and at what place the church shall meet ; pulpits , tables , fonts , &c. printing the bible , &c. dividing it into chapters , verses , &c. ) these and more such as these are superstitions which some religious people have brought up . and among those who are of another opinion , & wil speak against all the fore-mentioned superst●t●ons , there are too many introduced , which they are as fond of , because they are their own . ☞ as that all the pastors of the protestant churches abroad , who had only the election of the people and the ordination of parochial pastours , and not of diocesan bishops , are no true ministers of christ , but lay-men . that therefore those churches are no true churches ( in a political sense , and as organized . ) that therefore their baptism is unlawful , and a nullity , and all those nations are no baptized christians . ( though the papists who hold the validity of lay-mens baptizing , do here censure more easily . ) that it is not lawful to communicate in such churches , and receive the sacrament of the lords supper from such ministers . that those countries which are baptized by such , should be rebaptized . that those ministers who are ordained by such , should be re-ordained . that it is unlawful to joyn with those churches , where the minister prayeth only from a habit of of prayer ( called extemporary ) without a fore-known form ; because they know not but he mayx put somewhat unlawful into his prayers ; and because the mind cannot so readily try and approve and consent to words , which are hastily uttered , and not known to the hearers before . these and abundance other superstitions some men would introduce on the other side . and by all such inventions fathered upon god , and made a part of religion , the minds of men are corrupted and disquieted , and the churches disturbed and divided ; by departing from primitive simplicity . i shall only now propose this to the consideration of those of the first sort . whether they are sure that these superstitions of theirs may not run the round as other superstitions have done before them ? or some of them at least ? what if the next age should turn them into a dead formality ? and what if the next age after that should make laws to enforce them ? and then godly people first scruple them , and then flye from them as discerned superstition ? and then the worst men b● glad of that advantage to persecute those that would not submit to them ? by this circulation , if the same men who invented un-ordained elders , new and needless church-covenants , &c. could but live two or years , they might come to be among the number of those who cry out of them as superstitious , and suffer persecution because they will not use them . yea there are among you now many things of a lower nature , which some dare scarce plainly say , god commandeth or forbiddeth , and yet they are censorious enough about them : as heretofore many were against wearing the hair of any considerable length ; against wearing cuffs upon a day of humiliation : against dressing meat or feasting at least , on the lords day ( which is a day of thanksgiving of divine institution ) and held , that it is necessary to feast twice at least , upon a day of thanksgiving ( of mans appointment : ) that a minister should not life up his eyes , much less kneel down to signifie his private prayer , when he goeth into the pulpit . nor any other when they enter into the church : that no prayer may be used , and no psalm sung in our common mixt assemblies , which have any expressions , which all both good and bad may not fitly use as for themselves : that no minister may use notes in preaching to help his memory . that the sacramental bread and wine must not ( say some ) or must ( say others ) be delivered by the minister into each mans hand . that no gesture but sitting is lawful at the sacrament . that it is unlawful to wear a gown in divine worship , if it be commanded : that it is unlawful to keep any aniversary day of humiliation or thanksgiving of mans appointment : that just such and such hours for family worship must be observed by all : or as others say , that no set times or number of family prayers are to be observed . that it is not lawful to preach or hear a sermon upon a humane holiday . with abundance more such , ( about phrases , and gestures , and fashions of apparel , and customes , &c. i am not at all now accusing these opinions of superstition , nor telling you whe●her i take them to be right or wrong : much less would i perswade any to make no conscience how they order these or any other the smallest circumstances of their lives : obedience must extend to the smallest parts of the lawes of god. but i am shewing you the circular course of many religious people in the world . suppose now that the next age should make strict lawes for every one of your own opinions , in all these points . and that the religious people should then scruple them , because they are imposed : and that the rulers then should make their lawes more strict , and that all the common people should take up these opinions , and all that sort of men that first were zealous for them , should turn against them , because the common people are for them ; and should call them popish superstitions , and should suffer imprisonment rather than conform to them ; i pray you tell me if you fore-saw all this , what is it you would advise a sober christian to do , in such a time and case as that ? would you have the same men that now are for these opinions , cry out against them , and censure all as superstitious who are for them : and separate from them ; and rejoyce in their sufferings on that account ? why i tell you that many of the customes and practises in the church , which you now thus avoid as superstition , were brought in at the first thus , by the most religious sort of people : and yet it is now accounted by many , a necessary part of religion to avoid them : and all because that men take up their opinions of such matters in religigion , from the estimation of the persons that are for them ; and avoid those things with prejudice and scrupulosity , which are liked , or practised or commanded by those , whom they think ill of , and take for the adversaries of religion . direct . lix . if through the faults of either side or both , you cannot meet together in the same particular church or place , yet preserve that unity in faith , love and practise , which all neighbour churches should maintain with one another , and use not your different assemblies to revile each other , and kill your love. all distances are undesirable and tend to more : but yet our unity lyeth not so much in meeting in one place , as in being of one mind , and heart and life : many occasions may warrant our corporal distance ; but heart-divisions should be most avoided . it is the principles and motives upon which you withdraw , which are more considerable than the local distance . therefore on one side let us take heed how we ●nchurch and unchristen any with whom we do not corporally joyn : and on the other side , let us take heed how we revile them all as sectaries and separatists , who do not joyn with our assemblies : but let us know the reason of their practise before we peremptorily judge them . i. perhaps you think that such or such a church-government , or forms , or ceremonies , are unwarrantable , and such and such oaths and subscriptions are unlawful , and therefore you cannot have local communion with the churches that impose them . if it were so , yet take heed of 〈◊〉 these no churches of christ , or pretending that christ disowneth and rejecteth them . if they cast out you by imposing any thing which you think is sin , yet take heed that you excommunicate not them . if there be a difference between a weak and culpable christian , and no-christian , there is a difference between a weak and culpable church , and no-church ; and as there are innumerable degrees of good or evil , strength or weakness in particular christians , so there is in churches also . you may perhaps find that another minister is more profitable to you , and another churches principles more pleasing to you , and their discipline better in your account : and therefore you think that you are bound , to choose the best for your personal communion . be it so : there is yet some modesty in these terms : but do not therefore conclude that communion with that church which you turn from is simply unlawful ; or that another may not use it who can have no better ! or that you your selves should not rather joyn with that than with none ? or that you may not occasionally sometimes communicate with them , though your more ordinary communion be elsewhere . nor do not disown all spiritual communion with them , though in body you are absent . but when ever you pray to god , go to him as a member of the universal church , and and not of a sect only : pray for the whole church , and desire a part in the prayers of the whole . own them and their worship so far as christ owneth them . while you disown their errours and failings , yet own their faith , and all that is sound in their prayers and worship ; and see that you love them as members of christ , who if weak are yet christians , and perhaps in other respects better than you . ( to say nothing whether it be they or you that are in the right . ) you like not all that is done in the lutherans churches , much less in the greek and ethiopian : and yet i hope you disown not their spiritual communion as churches though faulty , and as members of the same body . but if you are not content to choose an ordinary communion most suitable to your self , but you must conclude that such are no ministers or no churches of christ : their worship is not accepted by him , it is not lawful to have communion with them , but rather to joyn with no church , than with them ; and will accordingly contemn them and irritate and alienate mens minds against them ; be sure that you prove well what you say , or wonder not if all wise and sober men do take this for downright odious schism , and one of the worst of the works of the flesh . gal. . , . cor. . , , , . ii. on the other side if any withdraw from our communion , let us not too hastily accuse them of schism : and when we do , let us well distinguish of schism , and not go further from them than they have gone from us , and to be our selves the schismaticks while we oppose it . there are many cases in which local separation may be lawful . first , as if our callings justly remove us to another place or country . secondly , if our spiritual advantage bind us to remove to a better minister and more suitable society when we are free . thirdly , if our lawful pastors be turned out of the place , and we follow them , and turn away but from usurpers . fourthly , if the pastors turn hereticks or wolves . fifthly , if the publick good of the churches require my removal . sixthly , if any sin be imposed on me , and i be refused by the church unless i will commit it . in these and some other such cases a remove is lawful . and when it is not lawful , yet it may be but such a blemish in the departers , as the departer● find in the church which they depart from ; which will on neither side dis-oblige them from christian love , and such communion as is due with neighbour churches . there is a schism from the church , and a schism in the church : there is a schism from almost all the churches in the world , and a schism from some one or few particular churches . there is a separation upon desperate intollerable principles and reasons , and a separation upon some weak but tollerable ones . these must not be con●ounded . the novatians were tolerated and loved by the sober catholicks , emperours and others ; when many others were otherwise dealt with . if any good christians in zeal against sin , do erroneously think that an undisciplin'd church should be forsaken , that they may exercise the discipline among themselves which christ hath appointed ; it is the duty of that church to take this warning to repent of her neglect of discipline , and then to love and honour those th●t have ( though upon mistake perhaps ) withdrawn . but if when they have occasioned the withdrawing by their corruption , they will prosecute the persons with hatred , revising , slanders , contempt or persecution , and continue impenitent in their own corruption , they will be the far greater schismaticks , and err a more pernicious errour . direct . lx. when the love-killing spirit , either cruel or dividing is abroad among christians , be not idle nor discouraged spectators , nor betray the churches peace by a few lazy wishes ; but make it a great part of your labour and religion , to revive love and peace , and to destroy their contraries : and let n● censures or contempt of any sect or party take you off : but account it an honour to be a martyr for love and peace , as well as for the faith. of all parts of religion , ( i know not how unhappily it comes to pass ) men think that negatives are sufficient for the service of peace : if a man live not unpeaceably and do no man wrong , nor provoke any to wrath , this is thought a sufficient friend to peace . and therefore it is no wonder that love and peace so little prosper . when satan and his instruments do all that they can by fraud and force against it , and we think it enough to stand by and do no harm . it is the peace-makers that christ pronounceth blessed , for theirs is the kingdome of heaven , math. . . here he that is not with christ and the church is against it . why should we think that so much actual diligence , in hearing , reading , praying , &c. is necessary to the promoting of other parts of holiness , and nothing necessary to love and peace , but to do no hurt , but be quiet patients ! is it not worthy of our labour ? and is not our labour as needful here as any where ? judge by the multitude and quality of the adversaries : and by their power and success . is it a mark of hypocrisie to go no further in duties of godliness , than the safety of our reputation will give us leave ? and is it not so in the duties of love and peace ? if the kingdome of god be in righteousness and peace , then what we would do to promote gods kingdome , we must do for them . rom. . . and if dividing christs kingdome is the way to destroy it ( and satan himself is wiser than to divide his own kingdome , math. . ) then what ever we would do to save the kingdom of christ , all that we must do to preserve and restore the peace of it , and to heal its wounds . i know if you set your selves in good earnest to this work , both parties who are guilty will fall upon you , with their censures at least : one side will say of you that you are a favorer of the schismaticks , and sectaries , because you oppose them not with their unhappy weapons , & love them not as little as they . ( as they say of socrates and sozomen the historians , that they were novatians because they spake truth of them & called them honest men : and as they said of martyn , and sulpitius sever●s , that they were favourers of unlearned fanaticks , and of the priscilian gnosticks , because they were not as hot against them as ithacius and idacius , but refused to be of their councels or communicate with them , for inviting the emperour to the way of blood and corporal violence . ) and the other side will say that you are a temporizer , and a man of too large principles , because you separate not as they do ; and perhaps that you are wise in your own eyes , because you fall in with neither sect of the extreams : but these are small things to be undergone for so great a duty . and he that will not be a peace-maker upon harder terms than these , i fear will scarce be meet for the reward . i again repeat iam. . . the wisdome from above is first pure and then peaceable , gentle and easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without partiality , without hypocrisie : and the fruit of righteousness is sown in peace of them that make peace . rom. . . if it be possible , as much as in you lyeth live peaceably with all men . heb. . . follow peace with all men , and holiness . obj. but is it not as good sit still as labour to no purpose . what good have ever any peace-makers done among differing divines . answ. a grievous charge upon divines and christians : are they the only bedlams or drunken men in the world ? if princes fall out , or if neighbours fall out , arbitrators and peace-makers labour not alwayes in vain : but i answer you , it is not in vain : peace-breakers would have yet prevailed more and made the church unhappier than it is , if some peace-makers had not hindered them . the minds of thousands are seasoned with the love of peace , and kept from cruelties and schisms , by the wholesome instructions and examples of peace-makers . and it is worth our labour to honour so holy and sweet a thing as love and peace ; and to bear our testimony for it in the world . and gods promise of reward doth tell you that you labour not in vain . is that in vain which heaven is promised to ? quest. but what is it that you would have 〈◊〉 do for love and peace , and against the contraries ? answ. first , preach and write , if it be your calling . secondly , let the cause of love and peace , be much in your secret and open prayers to god. thirdly , instruct all that learn of you with principles of love and peace , and labour to plant them deep in their minds , and make them as sensible of the evil of the contraries , as they are of any other sin . unless divines and parents do take the way to bring up the people , and children under this kind of doctrine , that love and peace may become their religion , the church is never like to be recovered . fourthly , in all your conference , labour ( seasonably and prudently ) to inculcate these matters on the hearers minds , and to bear your testimony against cruelty and division . fifthly , put such books into peoples hands as plead best the cause of love and peace . among others get men to read these : bishop usher's sermon on eph. . . at wansted before king iames , bishop hall's peace-maker : mr. ieremiah burroughs of heart-divisions ; and mr. stillingsteet's irenicon ; and all mr. duries . sixthly , disgrace not your doctrine by the badness of your own lives ; but be as much more holy than them as you are more peaceable , that they may see that it is not a carnal unholy peace that you desire . but these things belong to the following directions . finally , brethren , farewel , be perfect ; be of good comfort : be of one mind : live in peace : and the god of love and pea●e shall be with you . cor. . . phil. . . thes. . . and the god of peace shall bruise satan under your feet shortly . rom. . . now the god of peace be with you all . amen . rom. . . martyrdome for love and peace is as honourable and gainful , as martyrdome for the faith. part. ii. directions to the pastors , how to esteem and use christs flock ▪ even the weak ones and the quarrelsome children : and what must be done by themselves in the first place , both to prevent and heal divisions . the practise of which , the author doth humbly and earnestly beg of them , as with tears upon his knees , for the sake of christ , that purchased the weakest with his blood ; for the sake of those that must live in peace with christ for ever ; for the sake of those who are in danger of turning to popery or contemning godliness , through the scandal of our divisions , to their own damnation : for the sake of these poor distracted churches ; for the sake of the king , that he may have the comfort of governing a quiet and united people : and for their own sakes , that they may give up their account with joy , to the chief shepherd and bishop of our souls , and not with terrour , for the consuming and scattering of his flock . and ( that he may both begin and end with divine authority ) the author humbly beggeth of them all , that england may but see and feel , that the pastors do vnderstand , believe , consider and obey that will of god , which these following texts of scripture do express . psal. . . in whose eyes a vile person is contemned , but he honoureth them , that fear the lord. math. . , . verily i say unto you , in as much as ye did it not , to one of the least of these ( my brethren ) ye did it not to me . math. . , . but who so shall offend one of these little ones which believe in me , it were better for him that a milstone were hanged about his neck , and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea — take heed that ye despise not one of these little ones : for i say unto you , that in heaven their angels do alwayes behold the face of my father which is in heaven . ii for the son of man is come to save that which was lost . cor. . . but if our gospel be hid , it is hid to them that are lest . cor. . . for necessity is laid upon me , yea wo is unto me if i preach not the gospel . act. . , , , . i have taught you publickly and from house to house — but none of these things move me , neither count i my life dear unto myself , so that i might finish my course with joy , and the ministry which i have received of the lord iesus — take ●eed therefore to your selves and to all the flock over which the holy ghost hath made you overseers , to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with his own blood — i have coveted no mans silver or gold or apparel — pet. . , . feed the flock of god which is among you , taking the oversight thereof , not by constraint , but willingly ; nor for filthy lucre , but of a ready mind ; neither as being lords over gods heritage , but being ensamples to the flock . and when the chief shepherd shall appear ye shall receive a crown of glory , that fadeth not away . luk. . , . and there was a strife among them , which of them should be accounted the greatest : and he said unto them ; the kings of the gentiles exercise lordship over them , and they that exercise authority upon them are called benefactors ; but ye shall not be so : but he that is greatest among you let him be as the younger ; and he that is chief , as he that doth serve — i am among you as he that serveth . thes. . , . know them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you , and esteem them very highly in love , for their work sake , and be at peace among your selves . tim. . . let the elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour ; especially , they who labour in the word and doctrine . phil. . , , , . some indeed preach christ even of envy & strife , and some also of good will : the o●r preach christ of contention , not sincerely , supposing to add affliction to my bonds : what then ! notwithstanding every way , whether in pretence or in truth , christ is preached , and i do therein rejoyce , yea and will rejoyce . act. . , . and paul dwelt two whole years in his own hired house , and received all that came in unto him ; preaching the kingdome of god , and teaching those things which concern the lord iesus christ , with all confidence , no man forbidding him . rom. . , , , . him that is weak in the faith receive ye ; but not to doubtful disputations : for one believeth that he may eat all things : another who is weak , eateth herbs : let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not ; and let not him which eateth not judge him that eateth : for god hath received him : who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? to his own master he standeth or falleth : yea he shall be holden up : for god is able to make him stand . one man esteemeth one day above another : another esteemeth every day alike . let every man be fully perswaded in his own mind . rom. . , , , , , , . we then that are strong , ought to bear the infirmities of the weak , and not to please our selves : let every one of us ● ease his neighbour for his good to edification . for even christ pleased not himself — now the god of patience , and consolation grant you to be like minded one towards another , according to christ iesus : that ye may with one mind and one mouth glorifie god — wherefore receive ye one another , as christ also received us to the glory of god. rom. . , , , . for the kingdome of god is not meat and drink , but righteo●sness and peace and ioy in the holy ghost : for he that in these things serveth christ , is acceptable to god , and approved of men. let us therefore follow after the things which make for peace , and things wherewith one may edifie another — for meat destroy not the work of god — happy is he that condemneth not himself , in the thing which he alloweth ( that is acknowledgeth to be indifferent or lawful . ) and he that doubteth is damned if he eat . the rest , and some of the same again you shall have in the conclusion , and i shall not accuse my self of vain repetition ; but account my self and england happy if twice or ten times warn●ng you of your undoubted duty , in the plain words of god which you cannot without professed infidelity deny ; will but perswade you to heal our grievous wounds , at so cheap a rate , as the doing of that good and blessed work , which none may so easily do as you , and none are more obliged to do , nor shall suffer more everlastingly for not doing it , if no scripture , no reasons , no experience , no petitions , no groans and tears of the distressed church of christ can intreat you to it . but alas , rom. . , , . destruction and misery are in their wayes : the way of peace they have not known : there is no fear of god before their eyes . — eccles. . . surely oppression maketh a wise man mad. rev. . . quamdiu domine , sancie , verax . psal. . . diu habitavit anima mea , inter osores pacis . the preface . the reason why i think it needful , to adjoyn these few directions to the pastors , are : first , because i think that the rest will do but little good without them . though the people are more inclined to separations than the pastors , yet are the pastors the greater causes of most of the divisions in the church ; and therefore must be the chiefest in the cure : because the advantage of their parts and place , doth make them most significant in both : ( and their office obligeth them to be the most skilful and forward in the cure. ) secondly , because i should be chargeable with such partiality as beseemeth not a minister of christ ; if i should fall upon the miscrariages of the people only , and say nothing to my self and brethren , who are as deeply concerned in the matter in hand . yet i must here premise , that as i have done this part with greater brevity , so also with submissive tenderness and respect : and that i do not at all intend any of the directions following , as a magisterial dictator to those in authority ; nor any of the admonitions , as factious reflections upon superiors or inferiors ; or as pleading for or against any party now among us . to the reasons after given for tenderness to religious dissenters , though too much inclined to separations , i shall here only add first , that the general weakness , even of the pastors through most of the churches upon earth , should make us rather pity the weakness of the people , than angrily revile them : and to think of christs words , let him that is without sin cast the first stone . alas , our preaching , our praying , our conference , our living , tell all the world too lowdly that we are weak ! how few are there that be not either ignorant , or injudicious , or imprudent , or dull and liveless , or dry and barren , or of a st●mmering tongue , in our ministerial work ? and in so high a business , any one of these is a lothsome blemish . if we are put to defend our religion , or any necessary part thereof , how weakly and injudiciously is it usually done ? in a word , our great divisions among our selves , with our censures and usage of one another , do tell●all the world not only that we are weak , but that too many of us account one another to be worse than weak , even intollerable , and unworthy of our sacred office . and shall we by our weakness and faultiness become the peoples scandal , and tempt them to undue separations ; and when we have done be impatient with their weakness , while we overlook our own ? secondly , let us be so impartial as to remember , how far some have spoken to their sense , who have been of most veneration in the church . i instance but in two : first , the wise and ancient britain , gildas , who saith no less , than , apparet ergo eum qui vos sacerdotes sciens ex corde dicit , non esse eximium christianum : sane quod sentio proferam — o inimici dei & non sacerdotes ! o licitatores malorum , & non pontifices ! traditores , & non sanctorum apostolorum successores ● impugnatores , & non christi ministri ! — sed quomodo vos aliquid solvetis , ut sit solutum & in coelis , a coelo ob scelera adempti , & immanium peccatorum sun●bus compediti ? &c. if the author of these words ●e venerable , account not the speakers of such like now , to be utterly intollerable . the second is st. martin , whose story out of sulpitius severus , i have afterwards abbreviated . if a sainted bishop most famous for myracles , pretend to angelical revelation for so much as is there mentioned ; let us be charitable and patient to those tender conscionable christians , who mistakingly go in such like wayes . i am my self so sensible of the evil and danger of dividing separating principles and ●ayes , that it is much of my labour to cure them with all ! and therefore i have written what i have here done , though i am sure i shall displease the guilty : but overdoing and illdoing will prove but undoing . the lord give more wisdome , holiness and love , to pastors and people ; and open our ears to healing counsels ▪ before we are incurable ! amen . directions to pastors how to deal with those weak christians who are inclined to divisions . when the young and ungrounded sort of christians , do by their errors , pride or passions disturb the churches peace & orde , it is the pastors usually that are first and most assaulted by their abuses , and therefore are most impatient and exasperated against them : and it were well if we were so innocent our selves , as that our consciences need not call us to enquire ; whether all this be not partly the fruit of our own miscariages . however seeing that both the eminency of our grace , and the nature of our office , should make us more sensible of the churches dangers , and more solicitous of its safety , than the private members are ; i think that the chief part of the duty is incumbent upon us , which must be done in order to the prevention of these maladies , and to the cure . and therefore i think that the principal work of a director or counsellor in this case , must be with the ministers of christ themselves ; the churches peace lieth most upon our hands : and if we miscarry , and will not understand instruction , nor bear admonition , nor do our parts , how little hope will be left of our tranquility ? the body must needs languish , when the physician is as bad as the disease . direct . i. let it be our first care to know and do our own duty , for the strengthening and uniting of the people : and when we see their weakness and divisions , let us first examine and judge our selves , and lament and reform our own neglects . that the state of the flocks doth usually follow the state of the pastors , is known by the experience of all the churches , in all ages and places of the world . where there is a holy , faithful , able , diligent , concordant ministry , there is usually a reformed and agreeing people . and where there is an ignorant , lazy , formal , ungodly and contentious ministery , there is either a people divided , or else agreeing in ignorance , formality and ungodliness . at least if such a ministry have been long among them . and we need no other proof of this , and of the chief cause of the peoples divisions and mistakes , than the accusations and charges of the ministers against each other . on every side it is the pastors of the flocks that are accused , by those of the adverse party , as the chief offenders . one side saith , it is you that teach the people errours , and put scruples into their minds , and lead them into contempt of order and authority ! and the other side saith , it is you that proudly usurp authority which christ never gave you , and lord it over gods heritage , and by your own inventions lay snares before the people to divide them , and will not suffer them to unite in their proper center , and agree in the primitive simplicity . and that bring the ministery into hatred and contempt by your cruelty and vicious lives . ] and whilest each side is thus accused by the other , they have all the greater cause to suspect themselves : because it seemeth to be agreed on all hands , that it is the pastors who are principally in the fault , though it be not agreed what the fault is , nor which party of the pastors must bear the blame . and indeed where are there any sects or factions , but there are ministers that head them , and that caused them at first , and keep them up ? is it not the bishops that have caused the long division , between the greek and latin churches ? was it not principally a contention for their interests , which of them should be the greatest ( so little doth c●rists own decision of that controversie among his apostles , signifie with those men , who are contending about a successive infallible judge . ) is it not their councils and their contentious writings and practises , which have been the grand causes of this woful schism ? and are not the dividing snares , which cause most of the rest of the schisms of christendome , the meer usurpations , and impositions of the roman prelates ? it was the bishops of each party , with their presbyters , who headed the divi●i●● in the second council of ephesus , and in the council of ariminum , and many others : and by them the heres●es of the arrians , the nestorians , the eutychians , &c. with the schisms of the novatians , donatists and most others , have been maintained . and among our selves , most parties have their leaders , who first made the breach , and still keep it open . it is therefore but reasonable that we all suspect and search our selves : and perhaps the lot may find out that achan who is thought most innocent , and ionah who is not the worst in the ship , may be the man ; and he may be the iudas who is last in asking , master is it i ? and it is ten to one but the leaders of every party will be found blame-worthy in part , though not in equality . besides all that shall be intimated in the following directions , these causes of the peoples weakness and divisions are so openly manifest in too many pastors , that they cannot be concealed or excused . first , there is so much ignorance in many that they are not able judiciously to edifie the flocks ; nor to teach sound principles in a suitable manner and method to their hearers . who can teach others that which they never learned themselves ? secondly , too many are strangers to the people whom they teach , and know not the weaknesses of the vulgar , and therefore neither justly resolve their doubts , nor answer their objections , nor indeed speak that language which the people understand . they have been bred from their childhood in the universities among schollars , and have little conversed with plow-men and poor people and ignorant persons , who have quite other conceptions and expre●●●ons than schollars have . their accurate stiles and well-couched words , and elegant phrases , are most of them like an unknown tongue , to the greatest number of their auditors . and that which they use as congruous to the matter , is so incongruous to their hearers , that its little to their benefit . thirdly , and some in avoiding this exream , do fall into the contrary ; and never go beyond the present understanding of the people , and teach them nothing but what they know already ; and hereby they bring themselves into contempt entising the hearers to think that their teachers , are as ignorant as they , and know no more than they teach ; and they tempt the people to be puffed up , and think themselves worthy to be preachers , because they can do as much and as well as their teachers use to do . fourthly , and how cold and unskilful are many in the application of that doctrine which they have tolerably opened ? and speak the truths of the living god , without any affecting reverence or gravity . and talk as drowsily of the evil of sin , the need of grace , the love of god in jesus christ , yea of death and judgement , heaven and hell , as if it were their design to rock the auditors asleep , or to make them believe that it is but an histrionical fiction which they act , and that nothing which they say is to be believed ! there is no need of any more forcible means to entice men to sin , than to hear it preacht against so coldly : nor is there need of any more to teach men to set light by christ and grace and heaven it self , than to hear them so hearteslly commended : we speak a few good words to the people in a reading tone , like a child that is saying his lesson , as if we believed not our selves ; and then we blame the people for their being no more edified by us ; and we look they should be much affected with that which never much affected the speakers . if christ himself who preached with authority , and used to awaken them , with an [ he that hath ears to hear let him hear ] did yet convert no more than he did , what can we expect upon our drowsie and dry discourses , but drowsiness in the hearers , if not contempt . fifthly , and alas the private work of the ministery is done as poorly by too many who do pretty well in publick , as if they knew not that it is any considerable part of their employment ; or as if indeed they believed not the immortality and preciousness of souls ! and if the praise of men constrained them not , to do the publick part somewhat better , they would become contemptible burthens of the church . sixthly , the great duty of catechizing is so much neglected , that few of the people understand the great fundamental truths ; and few are instructed in the true method of the christian doctrines , who know somewhat of the matter of them . and such defects and languor in the vital parts , will one time or other appear in the externals . seventhly , formality and imagery choaketh or excludeth the sense , life and power of the most necessary truths . they that teach youth the ●●rds of the catechism , do oft content themselves with that much , as if they had made them understanding christians ; and leave them as ignorant & sensless of the importance of those words , as they were before ever they learnt them . the foresaid unacquaintedness with the people and their weaknesses , doth make many teachers lose their labour ; while they measure the common people by themselves , and think that they can understand such words as they themselves can understand : when they little know how utterly ignorant abundance are of the matter , when they have learned to speak all the words by rote . therfore experience hath oft constrained me to say ▪ that after all their study and learning in the universities , such pastors as did never familiarly converse with the poor and vulgar of the flocks , and try the exercise of personal instruction and exhortation upon them , are no more to be regarded in many controversies about the pastoral work and discipline , than an unexperienced physician , or chyrurgeon , or soldier or pilot in many cases of their professions : which maketh many learned self-conceiced doctors , become the plagues , while they think themselves the pillars of the church . there are no parents or masters but find it presently in their children , how quickly they will learn a catechism , and therein the creed , lords prayer and decalogue , while they scarce understand the sense and matter of any of the plainnest words which they have uttered : and we find it is just so with too many of the aged also . and therefore if by other questions and explications , you put them out of their rode , and teach them not to fix their thoughts upon the matter , as well as on the words , it will all prove but as the teaching of a pa●rot , and not of a true believer . and what i have said of catechising , is true also of prayer & confession and every other part of worship : in which the hypocrites part is easie ; even the out-side form and lifeless image ; but it is the inward life , the spirit and truth , which is the excellent , heavenly and difficult part . eighthly , and some make a formality and a snare of the gift of extemporary expression ; and by a preposterous care to avoid all forms , they teach them not these catechism forms , with that diligence as the matter doth require : but leave their minds void of those orderly well-setled second notions , which should help the first : and thus while some neglect the soul or spirit of christ●anity , and others neglect the form or body of it ; betwixt them both it is too much neglected by almost all . ninthly , too many are meer wordlings , and ungodly self-seekers , and enter upon the ministery but as a trade to live by , and never had that humble holy mind themselves , which they expect in the people ; but as riches , and preferment and honour and ease , are the things which they most seek , so they do proportion and choose the means accordingly ; and when they have thus made themselves contemptible , and alienated the hearts of the people from them , they the● call them all that passion can suggest , not for their sin against god , but for crossing their carnal ends and interest . tenthly , and under all this ignorance , negligence and vice , pride maketh too many of them to be enemies to repentance , and to all that would bring them to it : so that they are not so much offended with the people for their own faults , as for disliking theirs : scarce a drunkard a swearer in all the parish is so impatient of hearing of their sins , as many of these high minded impenitent ministers . nay so far are they from enduring to be accounted of as they are , that they expect applause and great veneration , when they deserve not pardon : and they think they are neglected or treated unreverently , if their ignorance be not called wisdome , and their hypocrisie go not for the only pie●y , and their carnal discourse and conversation , ( for which god threatneth their damnation , rom. . , , , , . ) be not cloathed with some fair and honourable names . and when they have thus set the people so pernicious an example , they storm against them for not being more obedient to them , than they themselves will be to god ; and for rejecting the precepts and reproofs of that scripture which they have rejected and despised before their faces . i humbly propound it therefore to my brethren , that if they have a people who despise their ministery , and turn away from them , and speak against them , and seek after other teachers ; that they would first impartially ask their consciences , i have we given them no cause or occasion of all this ? is it not long of us ? have we so preached , so privately overseen and taught them , and so lived , as that all this confusion will not be justly laid at our doors ? ] when we have first truly cleared things at home , we are the fitter then to expostulate with our people ; and when we have pulled out the beam of selfishness , carnal●ty , negligence , and pride out of our own eyes , we may the better see to cast the motes of childish peevishness , and discontent out of the peoples eyes . direct . ii. ●t is needful to the peoples edification and concord , that their pastors much excel them in knowledge and utterance , and also in prudence , holiness and heavenliness of mind and life : that so both the reverence of their calling and persons may be preserved , and the people instructed by their examples . i doubt not but the ministrations of a weak and of an ungodly minister , are valid and may be effectual to the flock ; and that the innocent people forfeit not their priviledges in acceptable worship and effectual sacraments , though a wicked pastor may forfeit his own acceptance and reward with god. but yet because there are none of us so innocent , whose consciences may not justly tell us that we have deserved to be afflicted in that kind , and because god useth to work by means , and vary the success according to the quality of the means and instruments , we may well conclude that the gifts and holiness of the pastors is a very excellent and needful help , to the peoples setled piety and pence : and that where this help is wanting , that ordinary means is wanting , by which god useth to convey this blessing . i have met with many who are either insufficient or ungodly themselves , or are guilty of bringing such into the churches , who use to make very light of this , and say , god is not tied to mens goodness or abilities in distributing his graces : which is true , but nothing to the purpose : he is not tied by any force or necessity ; nor is he so tied as that he cannot do otherwise : but yet this is his ordinary way of working : which hath made it a maxime , that as to means , infused graces are obtained in the same way as acquired gnifts : and let the contrary minded answer me these questions . first , if it be only the office of the ministery , and not the gifts and graces that are ordinarily needful to their success , why doth religion decay and perish in all parts of the world , where the gifts and graces of the ministers decay ? why are almost all the greek churches , the armenians , the russians , the abassians , so lamentably ignorant ? and most of them as vicious as ignorant ; in so much that the notorious wickedness of their lives , and contemptibleness of their understandings , doth keep christianity out of most of the heathen and infidel nations of the world , that are acquainted with them ? and keepeth up the reputation of mahometanism and heathenism . is not the experience of all the christian world a sufficient proof ? the greeks and other such corrupted churches , have a truly ordained ministery as well as we , if that were enough to serve the turn . secondly , what is more evident among our selves than that parishes do much vary in piety and concord as their pastors vary in ability , piety , diligence and fidelity . thirdly , though parents have all equal authority to instruct and rule their children and families , is any thing more notorious , than that notorious ignorance and impiety prevaileth in most families where the rulers are ignorant and impious ? yet they have as true a power from god to do their duty , as the pastor hath to do his : yea and promises from god for the success . fourthly , what is the office , but an authority and obligation to do the ministerial work ? and will work succeed well that is not done ? or will it be done by bare authority and obligation to do it ? will it serve to the building of your house , to the conduct of an army , to the healing of your sores or sicknesses , that you have an architect , a captain , a chyrurgeon , and physician , whose office is to do these works ? fifthly , what need men study or bestow so many years at the university , if ordination and office be enough ? sixthly , interpreting the original text is one part of the ministerial work : if the bare office without the tongues , did never make any of you a good translator and expositor , why should the bare office serve turn for other parts of the work , without proportionable abilities ? seventhly , why do you lay so much blame on the ministers who dissent from you , or that are the teachers of the dissenting people , as if all the divisions were caused by them , if the difference of teachers make no difference in the work and flocks . eighthly , why is it that in most ages of the the world , the pastors of one mind have desired the silencing or deposing of those that were against them , as being injurious to the flocks , if all ministers be alike to them , what need there so much silencing , imprisoning and banishing as the world hath seen , if the office alone do make sufficient pastors ? ninthly , why also is there so much difference between the pastors reputations and their labours when they are dead ? why is the name and works of an augustine , a hierome , a basil , a nazianzen , more honourable than of any other pastor , who had as true ordination and office as they ? tenthly , why should the kingdome be at so much cost upon the ministery ? and why should one have more maintainance than another ? if the office alone be all that 's necessary , one ab●na may serve for ordination in all the empire of abassia , and a few priests may be had for ten pounds a year , who have the same ordination as the ablest men . but having sufficiently shamed this errour i dismiss it . if the reverence due to the office be once lost , the labours of all the ministery will be obstructed : and if only the person lose the reverence of his place , his own labours will be hindred : the contempt of the office , and so the whole ministery tendeth to infidelity or atheism : and the contempt of particular ministers , tendeth to schism , and to the ignorance and corruption of their flocks . and though the contempt of the person is bad enough of it self , yet if it fall on many , and there remain not a considerable number who preserve their necessary reputation , it turneth to the contempt of the office it self , and consequently of the gospel . and it must be apparent worth , that must preserve the persons honour . the silver lace did make the apprentices in apelles shop to reverence a foolish gallant a while ; but when he began to talk , they all fell on laughing at him . our grave attire will go but a little way , to keep up our reputation , without some better testimony of our worth . an empty head , a stumbling and hesitant tongue , dry and dull and disorderly preaching ; and sensless , cold or confused praying , a vain and frothy kind of talk ; a common and carnal conversation ; all these or any one of these , will more abate the reverence of our persons , than the title of doctors , or the length of our clothing , or the enlarging of the philacteries , will advance it . math. . . mark. . . luk. . . it is their double measure of the spirit , of wisdome , and goodness , which must procure a double measure of honour to the ministery . and if we excel them never so much in learning , it will not suffice unless we excel them in our proper ministerial gifts of preaching exhortation and prayer , which are the works of our office , it will neither preserve the honour of our office , nor attain its ends . when many of the people can open the case of their souls in prayer , in more orderly , clear and congruous expressions than the pastor can , it tendeth to bring down the honour of the pastor , in the peoples esteem . some think to repair this , by casting out all prayer except that which is read out of a book , or recited by memory alone ; that so there may be no observable difference of mens abilities : but this is so far from curing the peoples disease , that it increaseth it : and they still say , all this is no more than we can do our selves , or then a child of ten years old can do . and if you extend the case to all other parts of the ministery , where the reason is the same , they will say [ what reverence is due to such ? or why should we maintain and honour men , for doing no more than our children can do ? ] and the popish devise , to make a disparity , by keeping the people in ignorance , is the basest and most pernicious plot of all . when the pastors instead of excelling the people , would keep down the people from increasing in their knowledge and expression , this is so notorious a discovery of envy , pride and malignity conjunct , that the people presently flye from such pastors , as supposing them to be ministers of the devil , because they see them bear his image . what do we teach them for , if we would not have them learn and profit ? what greater honour can a teacher have , than to make his schollars as wise and able as himself ? every one who is a child of light , and believeth in him who is the light of the world , will suspect that man to be a minister of the prince of darkness , who is a malicious adverstry of light. this is that brand of the roman iniquity , the hindering men from the reading of the scriptures , and magnifying ignorance , which maketh men so commonly think them to be the ecclesia malignantium and the antichristian brood . thus cardinal wolsey declaimed against the art of printing , as that which would take down the honour and profit of the priesthood , by making the people as wise as they . it is not by keeping them down , or envying their abilities , that we must keep our distance from the people ; but by rising higher our selves , and excelling them in all ministerial gifts . else why should we be thought any fitter to be their teachers and guides , than they to be ours ? yea though we excel them in all these abilities , it will not serve turn to the ends of our ministery , unless we also excel them in holiness and every christian vertue . the devil knoweth more than ministers : and if he have a tongue to speak he wanteth not utterance . he is the most excellent and honourable , who is likest to god , and hath most of his image . and god hath more proposed himself to mans imitation in goodness , than in greatness : he hath not said , be great , for the lord your god is great : but [ walk in the light , as he is in the light , iob. . . and be holy for the lord your god is holy . pet. . . lev. . . & . . & . . to be great and bad is to be able to do mischief : to be learned ingenious and bad , is to be wise to do evil , and a crafty and subtle instrument of the devil , ier. . . it was no laudable description of elymas , act. . , . [ o full of subtlety and all mischiefs , thou child of the devil and enemy of all righteousness , wilt thou not cease to pervert the right wayes of the lord ? satan would never transform himself into an angel of light , nor his ministers into the ministers of righteousness ; nor would pharisees and hypocrites cover oppression by long prayers , if light , righteousness , and long prayers , were not laudable in themselves , and necessary in the preachers of the word of god , and had not a goodness in them capable of being a cloak to their iniquity . cor. . , . mat. . . god is light. iob. . . and god is holy : if therefore satan or any hypocrite would credit their falshood and wickedness , they must pretend to light and holiness : and he that will keep up the true honour of his ministery , and be accepted with god , and reverenced by good men ; m●st do it by real light and holiness . an ungodly minister hath a radicated enmity to the holy doctrine which he preacheth , and to the holy duties and life which he exhorteth the people to : and how well , how sincerely , how readily , how faithfully , they are like to do the work which they are enemies to , you may easily judge . the carnal mind is enmity to god : for it is not subject to his law , nor indeed can be . rom. . , , . i kno● that they are not enemies to the honour nor to the maintenance : and therefore may force themselves to do much of the outside of the work : but where there is an inward enmity to the life and ends of it , we can expect but a formal , unwilling , and unconstant discharge of such unpleasing duty . truth is for goodness : the knowledge which maketh you not good is lost , and hath mist its end . if therefore your love to god and man , your mortification and unblameableness of life , your heavenly mindedness , be no greater than the peoples ( or perhaps much less ) do not wonder if you lose your honour with them , and if you grow contemptible in their eyes . mal. . . . i have no pleasure in you saith the lord — cursed be the deceiver which hath in his flock a male and voweth and sacrificeth to the lord a corrupt thing . mal. . and now o ye priests , this commandement is for you : if ye will not hear , and if ye will not lay it to heart , to give glory to my name , i will send a curse upon you — the law of truth was in levi's mouth , and iniquity was not found in his lips : he walked with me in peace and equity , and did turn away many from iniquity ! for the priests lips should keep knowledge , and they should seek the law at his mouth ; for he is the messenger of the lord of hosts : but ye are departed out of the way ; ye have caused many to stumble at the law , ye have corrupted the covenant of levi , saith the lord of hosts : therefore also have i made you contemptible and base before all the people , according as ye have not kept my wayes , but have been partial in the law. sam. . . , . the sin of the young men was very great , before the lord ; for men abhorred the offering of the lord : — ye make the lords people to transgress — wherefore kick ye at my sacrifice , and at my offering , which i have commanded — i said indeed that thy house — should walk before me for ever : but now the lord saith , be it far from me ; for them that honour me , i will honour , and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed . if as moses you stand nearer to god than the people do , you must be so much holier than they , and your faces must shine with the beames of god in the peoples eyes . they that with open face behold in christ as in a glass the glory of the lord , are changed into the same image from glory to glory , as by the spirit of the lord. cor. . . , . if therefore by your low and common parts , and carnal lives , you make your selves contemptible , instead of exclaiming against the people , cry out against your selves , and lament your sins ; and the more you have aggravated the crimes of schism and other errors in your flocks , the more penitently bewail your sin which caused it , and remember that you have aggravated your own transgression . if you are children in parts and goodness your selves , you are unfit either to upbraid the people with their childish weaknesses , or to cure them . direct . iii. in all your publick doctrine and private conference , inculcate still the necessary conjunction of holiness and peace ; and of the love of god and man ; and make them understand that love is their very holiness , and the sum of their religion ; the end of faith , the heart of sanctification , and the fulfilling of the law : and that as love to god uniteth us to him , so love to man , must unite us to one another ; and that all doctrine or practice is against god and against christ and against the great work of the spirit , and is enmity to the church and to mankind , which is against love a●d unity . press these things on them all the year , that your hearers may be bred up and nourished with these principles from their youth . if ever the church be recovered of its wounds , it must be by the peaceable disposi●ions of the pastors and people . and if ever men come to a peaceable disposition , it must be by peaceable doctrine and principles : and if ever men come to peaceable principles , it must be by the full and frequent explication of the nature , pre-eminence , necessity and power of love : that they may heat of it so much , and so long , till love be made their religion , and become as the very natural heat and constitution of their souls . and if ever men be generally brought to this , it must be by daily sucking it from those breasts which nourish them in the infancy and youth of their religion , and by learning it betimes as the sum of godliness and christianity . and if ever they come to this , the aged experienced ripe and mellow sort of ministers and private christians , must instil it into schollars and into the younger sort of ministers , that they may have nothing so common in their ears and in their studies , as uniting-love : that they may be taught to know that god is love , and tha● he that dwelleth in love dwelleth in god , and god in him . ioh. . . and that the love of god , doth ever work towards his image in man : ioh. . , , , . and that all men as men have some of his image in their nature , as they are intellectual , free agents exalted above the bruits . gen. . and therefore we must love men as men , and love saints as saints ; that it is love to god and man , which is the true state of holiness , and the new creature , and which christ came to recover lapsed man to , and which the holy ghost is sent to work , and all the means of grace are intended and fitted for , and must be used for , or they are misused . in a word , that faith working by love ; or love and the works of love kindled by the spirit by faith in christ ; is the sum of all the christian religion . gal. . , , . tim. . . he that crieth up holiness and zeal , without a ●ue commemoration of love and peace , doth first deceive the hearers about that very holiness and zeal which he commendeth , whilest he lamely and so falsly representeth and describeth it ; and doth not make them know how much of holiness consisteth in love ; nor that true zeal is love it self in its ferv●ur and intense degree : and so people are enticed to think that holiness is nothing but the passions of fear and grief , and earnest expressions in preaching and praying , or scrupulousness and singularity about some controverted things , or some other thing than indeed it is . and they are tempted to think that christian zeal is rather the violence of partial passions , and the fervor of wrath , and the making things sinful which god forbiddeth not , than the fervors of love to god and man. and when the mind is thus mocked with a false image of holiness and zeal , it is cast into a sinful mold , and engaged in the pursuit of an erroneous dangerous course of life ; and at last it cometh to an enmity and contempt of that which is holiness and zeal indeed : for it accounteth love but a moral-vertue ( which they ignorantly take for a diminutive title of the great and primitive duties required by the light and law of nature it self . ) and zealous love is accounted by them but a carnal and selfish compliance and temporizing , and a pleasing of men instead of god ; and ● zealous promoting of unity and peace , is taken but for a cowardly neutrality and betraying of some truth , which should be earnestly contended for . and on the other side they that preach up love to man , and peace and concora without putting first the love of god , and a holy and heavenly mind and life , they will cheat the poor ignorant carnal people , by making them believe that god and heaven may be forgotten , and good neighbourhood to each other is all that is needful to make them happy . and they will tempt the more religious sort to sin more against love and peace than before : because they will think that it is but a confederacy for satan against christ , and a submission to the wills of proud usurpers , to strengthen their worldly interest against godliness , which these preachers mean when they plead for peace . and thus as i have known ungodly preachers by crying down schism , bring schism into request , while it was no such thing as real schism , which they meant in the●r exclamations ( till at last the true eruption of schism with its monstrous effects , made good people see that such an odious sin there is ; ) even so i have known that a carnal preacher , contemning holiness , and crying up love and peace , hath tempted the people to have too light thoughts of love and peace , ( because it was but a confederacy in sin with a neglect of godliness , which the preacher seemed to cry up . ) till riper knowledge better taught good people to perceive , that love and peace are more divine and excellent things , than carnal preachers or hearers can imagine . the wisedome from above is first pure then peaceable : let it therefore be a true conjunction of holiness and peace which you commend . direct . iv. if others shew their weakness by any unwarrantable singularities or divisions , shew not your greater weakness by passions , impatiency or uncharitable censures or usage of them : especially when any self-interest doth provoke you . none usually are so spleenishly impatient at the weakness of dissenters or separatists as the pastors are ? and what is the cause ? is it because they abound most in love to the souls of those who offend , or them who are endangered by them ? if so , i have no more to say to such . but when we see that the honour and interest of the pastors is most deeply concerned in the business , and that they are carried by their impatiency into more want of charity , than the other express by their separations ; and when we see that they well enough bear with themselves in such sins as this , or in others as great ; and that they can beat with as great sins in the people with too much patience , when their own interest concurreth not to raise their passions ; in such cases we have reason enough to fear , lest pride and selfishness have too great a part , in much that is said and done against schism in the world . is it a greater shame for children to cry and wrangle with the nurse and one another or for the nurse or parents to go to law with them for it , or to hate them , and turn them out of doors ? is it a fault for children to be so impatient as to cry and quarrel ? and is it not a greater fault in parents that pretend to greater wisdome , to be impatient with them for it ? i know you will say that parents must not be so patient with sin , as to leave their children uncorrected : but , i answer , correction must not be the effect of impatiency , but of love and wisedome and dislike of sin , and must be chosen and measured in order to the cure of it . it s one thing to be angry for god against sin , and its another thing to be angry for our selves against the crossing of our wils and interests : and it s one thing to correct so as tendeth to a cure ; and another thing to be revenged or do mischief , or to cast out of doors . are not you guilty of ministerial weaknesses in preaching and praying , and of many omissions in your private oversight ? and do you think that it is meet for the people therefore to revile you with odious titles , and stir up the magistrate against you for your infirmities ? is it seemly for them who are the fathers of the flock and should excel the people in love and lowliness , in patience and gentleness and meekness , to be so proud and passionate , as to storm against the most conscientious persons , if they do but set light by us and cast off our ministery , though perhaps they hear and submit to others who are as able and as faithful and more profitable to them than we ? when we can ●asi●er bear with a swearer or drunkard or the families that are prayerless and ungodly , than with the most religious , if they do not choose our mini●●●●y , but pr●●er some others before us as more edifying ? when we can bear with them that have no understanding or seriousness in religion at all , but make the world or their lusts their idols , but cannot bear with the weak irregularities of the most upright and devout ? if they were never so irregular in preferring us before others , and in leaving others to follow us , we can easily bear with them , and think their disorders may be well excused : and to shew the height of our pride , we still are confident ( whether we are uppermost or undermost , whether we have publick liberty or are forbidden to preach ) that we are the persons only that are in the right , and therefore that all are in the right that follow us , and all are in the wrong that turn away from us ; that it is unity and duty to follow us and adhere to us , and all are schismaticks who forsake us and choose others . and thus the selfishness and pride of the pastors , making an imprudent and impatient stir against all who dislike them , and applauding all how bad soever who adhere to them and follow them , is as great a cause of the disorders of the church , as the weakness and errours of the people . direct . v. distinguish between those who separate from the universal church , or from all the orthodox or purest and reformed parts of it , and those who only forsake the ministery of some one person , or sort of persons , without refusing communion with the rest . as many occasions may warrant a removal from a particular church , but nothing can excuse a separation from the vniversal church , so he that separateth only from some particular churches , and yet is a member of the vniversal church , may also be a member of christ and be saved . he may be a christian who is no member of your flock , yea or of any particular church : but he is no christian who is no member of the vniversal church . paul and barnabas may in the heat of a difference part from one another , and yet neither of them part from christ or the church-universal . i do not excuse the fault of them who sin against any one church or pastor : but i would not have the pastors therefore sin as much , by making their fault greater than it is ; nor to suffer their own interest partially to call men schismaticks or separatists , in a sense for which they have no ground . if they can learn more by another minister than by me , what reason have i to be offended at their edification , though perhaps some infirmity of judgement may appear in it . a true mother that knoweth her child is like to thrive better by a nurses milk than by her own , will be so far from hatred or envy either at the nurse or child , that she will consent , and be thankful , and pay the nurse . solomon made it the sign of the false mother , that could bear the dividatur , the hurt of the child for her own commodity ; and of the true mother , that she had rather lose her commodity than the child should suffer . and paul giveth god thanks that christ was preached , though it was by them that did it in strife and envy , to add affliction to his ●ands . phil. . he is not worthy of the name of a physician , who had rather the patients health were deplorate , than that he should be healed by another who is preferred before him . if i knew that man by whom the salvation of my flock were like to be more happily promoted than by me ( whatever infirmity of theirs might be the cause ) i should think my self a servant of satan the envious enemy of souls , if i were against it . direct . vi. distinguish between those who deny the being of the church or ministery , from which they separate : and those who remove only for their own edification , as from a weaker or worse minister , and from a church more culpable and less pure . for these last are not properly separatists in a full sense : though they think it unlawful to joyn with you , as supposing that you impose some sin upon them , or that you deprive them of discipline or some ordinance of god ; whether they be in the right or in the wrong , yet still they hold inward communion with you , in faith and love and in the same species of worship . and this is such a communion as we hold with many forreign churches , with whom we have no local present communion . direct . vii . distinguish between those who hold it simply unlawful to have communion with you ; and those who only hold it unlawful to prefer your assemblies before those which they judge more pure ; but hold it lawful to communicate with you occasionally ; yea and statedly when they can have no better . i excuse not all such from the guilt of all sin herein . for if they prefer that church or ministery which they should not prefer , it is their sin . but it is not that sin which of old hath been called separation and schism . while a man is free , if he love himself we cannot wonder if he choose that society and ministery where he thinketh his salvation may be best furthered and secured : all sober divines who write of the ministery and of company , do declare that the difference between good and bad , yea good and better , in both these , is of so great imp●●tance , that all wise men should be very careful of their choise . if we may without reproach be allowed to be cautelous what wife we choose , what master or servants , what house , what neighbourhood , what soil , what ayr ; much more may we be allowed to be cautelous what church and ministers we joyn with ; and if we are allowed to choose what physician we will commit our health and lives to , and are not constrained to use one that we judge to be ignorant or false , surely it would be no heinous schism , if the like liberty be granted and used for our souls . the very papists give the people liberty to ch●ose their confessours , without removing their dwellings for it : and surely my conscience would tell me at last , that i am very selfish and proud if i thought none so fit to instruct and edifie any of the people as my self ? no nor tolerable in endeavouring it . have i not heard many , do i not know many , who preach more convincingly , more plainly and more powerfully than i ? and what harm is it then if the people hear them ? so christ be preached , and the people instructed , sanctisied and saved , what if it be done by another rather than by me ? have not i liberty to do my best ? shall i be an envier at the gospel and its success ! god forbid that i or any faithful minister , should ever be guilty of so odious a sin ! i speak without respect of persons : it is easie and usual both in publick allowed churches , and in privater assemblies , to preach our selves while we seem to be preaching christ ; and by our perverse preaching to seek disciples and esteemers for our selves , when we are preach●●g up self●denial , and seem to be most zealous for the saving of souls . acts . . . direct . viii . remember christs interest in the weakest of his servants , and do nothing to them which christ will not take well . think well how far he beareth with them , and how far he owneth them , and how tender he is of them in all their weaknesses . if it be a member of christ that you are offended with , though you must never the more love the fault , yet remember how you must use the person . it was not for nothing that he setteth little children before his disciples , when he would teach them not only humility , but respect and patience towards each other by his example . math. . and how terrible a passage is it v. , . who so shall receive one such little child in my name , receiveth me : but who so shall offend one of these little ones , that believe in me , it were far better him that a milstone were hanged about his neck and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea . and math. . what is done to one of the least of his brethren ( for so he calleth them ) christ judgeth as done unto himself . he will not break the bru●sed reed , nor quench the smoaking flax , until he bring forth judgement unto victory . remember but christs interest in them and affections to them , and imitate his tenderness and pity . direct . ix . distinguish between weakness of gifts and of grace , and remember that many that are weak in the understanding of matters of church-order , may yet be stronger in grace than you . he is the strongest christian and the most godly man , who hath the greatest loveto god , and heavenliness of mind and life : and this may be the case of many a one , who by some errour about the circumstances of discipline and worship , is yet a trouble to the church . he that offendeth yo● by his mistake and unwarrantable singularity , though he be weak in judgement in that point , and perhaps in many other controversies , may yet be a far stronger christian , than i who see his errour : he may have more love to god and man , more humility and self-denial , more fear of sinning , and more fitness to die , and more heavenly desires , and patience in tribulation . let us therefore value men according to the image of god upon them , and not despise them as weak in grace , because they are weak in this point of knowledge : though still their errours are not to be owned . direct . x. remember the common calamity of the church and of all mankind : what strange disparity there is in mens understandings ! and how the church on earth is a hospital of diseased souls , and no one man perfectly healed in this life . who can say i have made my heart clean ? prov. . . he that is kept from presumptuous sins , and heartily prayeth and striveth against his known infirmities , and is desirous to know his unknown sins that he may avoid them , hath attained so far as to be justified by christ , and loved of those who love as christ doth . psal. . ioh. . , . seneca could say that to carp at th●t fault which was every mans fault , is not to reprove an offender , but to reproach humane nature and all mankind : christians indeed must lament even the vices which are common to depraved nature , but it is with a common lamentation , which falleth on one man no more than on another . even as we lament mortality , which is the common punishment of mankind . but he that would have punishment inflicted for a fault which is common to all , would have all men punished or is partial . if our infirmities are not all the very same , yet it is certain that we are all infirm . yea we are all of imperfect and erroneous understandings , though all err not the same errour . ● and we are every man certain in general that we have errours , though no man know in particular which be his own errours ! ( for it is a contradiction to say that while i err in judgement i know my errour ) so that other men know our errours when we know them not our selves , as we know theirs which are unknown to them . for as all have their common defects , so most men have their peculiar defects and errours , and others excel those persons in some particulars , who excel them in almost all the rest . therefore if no errour were to be tolerated , no man were to be tolerated : and the wisest in the world must be numbered with the intolerable as well as the rest . and every one that punisheth others , must be conscious of the same intolerable evil in himself , and that nothing but power exempteth him from the same suffering , and therefore none but the king should escape . in many things we offend all : therefore be not many masters ( too imperious or too censorious towards dissenters and the infirm ) lest ye receive the greater condemnation . jam. . , . god who is one , hath made the creatures many and divers : and the further they go from him , the more they run into multiplicity and diversity : it is admirable in nature to see that among the millions of persons in the world , there are no two that differ not sufficiently to be discernable from each other : and among the bruits and inanimates it is so too : among horses and oxen and sheep and all creatures , yea though non ovum ov● similius be a proverb , yet there are no two that do not differ : no nor among the millions of stones which lye scattered over the surface of the earth . there are no two persons in all the world , who are just of the same intellectual complexion and degree , nor no two who are in all things of the same opinions or apprehensions : no nor any one man who is in all things long of the same apprehensions and opinions with himself : nor is there any man whose thoughts and affections do perfectly consent with themselves in matter and order , any two hours in all his life . and if multiplicity and diversity have so much cause in nature , how much more must needs be added by the common corruption and pravity of nature ? when all mankind hath so much ignorance of the mysteries of religion , and so many degrees of enmity and unsuitableness to holy things , a great difference of judgement is an unavoidable consequent of this . and mens various educations , and converse , and employments must needs cause a great variety of apprehensions : as their nature so their education may agree in some generals : but there are no two persons at age in the world , whose educations have been the same in all particulars : though they were children of the same parents , and bred in the same house and time , yet all that they have seen and heard and medled with hath not been in all points just the same : the same in matter , and time and order and all circumstances . and we see what great diversity of judgements any one of these doth daily cause . to have parents of several minds and tempers : to be bred in families where there is great diversity of knowledge and practise : to live among company of contrary principles and practise ; when one man heareth one thing , talkt of and maintain'd in his daily converse , and another the contrary : when one hath a teacher of one opinion and another of another : or one hath a teacher that is cold , and another one that is servent ; one a judicious one , and another a rash and intemperate one ; what diversity of apprehensions may arise from any one of these ? and so there may from variety of passions of the mind , through a diversity of bodily temperatures : one that is naturally fearful is apt to apprehend a thousand things as terrible , and consequently to be filled with scruples , and to run away from doctrines and practises as dangerous , where another doth apprehend no danger . and one that is dark , or incredulous , or rash or stupid , or hardened by any sinful course , is apt to conceive that he is safe in every dangerous way , and to sleep quietly at the brink of death and hell , and to laught at them that tell him of his peril : as men sit under the same instructions with variety of affections , of fear or hope , of love or hatred , of joy or sorrow , so variously are they disposed to apprehend what they hear , seeing recipitur ad modum recipientis . and variety of gods disposing providences must needs also have some such effect . while one is rich and another is poor ; one hath crosses of divers sorts , and another hath prosperity ; one is full and another is hungry ; one is observed , admired and honoured , and another is taken little notice of , or is vilified and despised ; one hath many friends and another many enemies : one hath friends that are kind and constant , and the other such as are unkind and mutable ; one is preferred by rulers , and the other is ruined or oppressed ; all these will occasion variety of apprehensions : as it was with the lady who coming in very cold , in a frosty day , pitied the naked beggars at the door ; but when she was well warmed chid them away : we all find that our apprehensions are very apt to vary in sickness from what they were in health ; and in poverty from what they were in plenty ; and when we are angred , displeased or abused , from what they were when we were pleased : yea when we have but read a lively book , or heard a lively sermon , from what they were before our affections were so excited . also variety of temptations may occasion great variety of apprehensions : when one mans temptations are all alluring , to lust or gaming or stage-playes , or romances , or drunkenness , or gluttony , or pastime ; and anothers temptations are all to melancholy , and inordinate at sterities and despair ; when one man is tempted to errours of one kind , and another to the contrary . even he that overcometh in the main , yet seldome so far conquereth as to receive no misimpression upon his mind . moreover variety of callings , studies and employments occasioneth variety of apprehensions : a mans mind is much wrought upon by the business and objects which he is daily conversant about : and therefore we find that usually the courtier , the souldier , the sea-man , the citizen and the country-man much differ in their apprehensions . and usually ( though not every individual yet ) as to the most part , all men are wisest in their own professions : lawyers are wisest in matters of law and divines in matters of divinity . opportunities of study and instruction make exceeding great differences in the world . the lawyer and physician perhaps may on the by , have bestowed a few years time in divinity , in the midst of other interrupting studies : when the divine hath studied almost all his life , and drawn out his meditations in one uninterrupted thred . and so we discern that lawyers and physicians have oft different apprehensions , of matters of doctrine , worship and discipline , from those of the best divines . and diversity of interests maketh no small difference of apprehensions . and those that are advantaged by their helps and studies may be disadvantaged by their interests . and therefore we say the magistrate and the subject , the lawyer and the divine , the prelate and the presbyter , the papist and the protestant ( both princes , prelates and people ) so strangely differ in their thoughts ; that one seemeth certain of that which another seemeth certain to be false ; and one ventureth his salvation on that , which another ventureth his salvation against . interest worketh secretly and too much with the best ; but openly and predominantly with the worst . and then the interest and opinion of the several kingdomes , churches , pastors , parties or sects which men are related to , or are engaged with , doth strongly tend to different apprehensions in all matters which those interests are concerned in . and many very good men think , that publick interest may be allowed much power upon their minds , though private and personal must be denied . is it not a wonder to see , not only that almost all christians are incorporated into one sect or party or other , but how easily the inconsiderable reasons of their party can prevail with them , and how hardly the better reasons of their adversaries , seem to them of any weight or worth ? not only the parties of papists and protestants , lutherans and reformed , &c. shew this ; but in the same church the regulars and seculars , the bishops and the jesuits , the dominicans and jesuits , the thomists , scotists , &c. declare it . and the difference made by , natural capacities is yet more than all this . when one man is born to a duller understanding , and another hath a quick and clear apprehension ; all that these men read and hear and meditate on , is like to make different impressions on their minds . and this is the greatest thing of any one , which maketh many controversies endless , and maketh both divines and people run away from one another as dangerously erroneous : if a few men have clearer understandings than the duller and unstudied sort , they are like to be the minor part : for the dull and slothful ( and yet self-conceited ) will ever be the greater part , many to one , till the golden age return . and when all the world feeleth the consequents of this difference , can we doubt of it , or so far dote , as to think it possible to cure it ? yet the various degrees of the grace of god , do certainly also make great variety of apprehensions . when god giveth to some those true illuminations , those ●hirsting desires after truth , those heart-experiences , those delightful rel●shes , those powerful effects and victories , which he giveth not to others , they are made to differ & must needs have different apprehensions of such things . in which sense christ saith , that he came not to send peace but division , that is , to be such an object , and preach so holy a doctrine , and give such grace , as would ●ccasion divisions , by making his sanctified ones differ from the world , and occasioning the erritation of the worlds malignity . and indeed the grand difference between the seed of the woman and of the serpent , the holy and the carnal seed , is that which is the root of the greatest and sorest divisions in the world ; which will never be reconciled till christ at the day of judgement shall say to one part , come ye blessed , and to the other go ye cursed : for the carn●l mind is enmity against god , and is not subject to his law , nor indeed can be ( in sens● comp●sito . ) rom. . , , . it was not for nothing that god permitted that great eruption of it , in the first man that ever was born into the world , against his innocent brothers life , on the bare account of their religious sacrifices ! and the cainites are still too strong for alel's successors , and too numerous . and why did he kill his brother ? but because his own works were evil and his brothers righteous . gen. . , . joh. . . and as paul saith of the two sons of abraham , as he that was born of the flesh , persecuted him that was born after the spirit , even so it is now . gal. . . for the flesh fighteth against the spirit and the spirit against the flesh , and these are contrary the one to the other . gal. . . and that which is born of the flesh is flesh , & that which is born of the spirit is spirit . joh. . . and they that are of the flesh do savour mind or understand the things of the flesh , and they that are after the spirit do mind the things of the spirit . rom. . , . our heavenly teacher told his disciples , that if they were of the world the world would love them ; but because they are not of the world , but he had chosen them out of the world , the world would hate them ( even as it hated him . ) ioh. . , , , . ioh. . . and every one that doth evil hateth the light . ioh. . , . nothing then can be surer or plainer to a believer , than that there will be still as great divisions and diversitie of apprehensions as radicated enmity can breed . and ( to prevent many objections ) let these three things be noted . first , that this grand difference which lieth in the greatest matters , in head and heart , must needs have influence upon abundance of inferiour controversies : both as the persons and main cause are concerned in them . reason and experience have put this past controversie . secondly , that this doth not concern only the visible church and the world , but the visible church within it self : for all the hypocrites and carnal worshippers , have still the cainish serpentine nature : yea those that by advantages and interest are brought over to the orthodox as well as christian side . and it is a happy church where the hypocrites are not the greater part : and it is neither great learning , nor degrees , nor the pastoral office , nor the profession of the highest zeal , which will serve turn to cure the carnal enmity , without the sanctifying spirit of grace . so that when controversies arise , we see not in the hypocrites that carnal mind , which in the strictest pro●ession , or greatest learning , or most venerable function , will work against the interest of holiness : but we are sure that there it is , though we know not the persons in whom but by the full effects . thirdly , and note also that there is a mixture or remnant of this unhappy root and principle even in the sanctified themselves . and it is hard in a controversie to perceive in our selves , much more in others , how much our judgements may be moved by this party ; and what influence it may have into our conclusions . so that all this maketh it but too manifest , what a certainty there is of perpetual differences in the church , upon all these foresaid accounts . add also this great and unavoidable cause , that one errour leadeth in another : and no man being without some ; and every one being generative , and inferring more , what will it come to when all those also shall have their off-spring ? and the further they go , the more they will increase and multiply ? and as the judgement by one is laid open to another ( even as truth inferreth truth ) so the will is engaged , and espouseth mens own opinions as their interest ; which maketh them stretch their w●ts in study to maintain what once they have received and asserted : and alas how often have i heard wise and reverend persons cry out against this pride and partiality in others , who in their next discourse or the same , have shamefully shewed it in themselves : making much of their own inconsiderable reasonings , and vilifying cogent evidence against them ; and being so intent on their own inventions and cause , that they could scarce have patience to hear another speak ; and when they have heard him , their first words shew , that they never well weighed the strength of his arguments , but were all the while thinking what to say against him , or how to go on as they had begun . lastly ( not to run into any more causes ) there is an universal lamentable cause of differences , that almost all people naturally are apt to be very confident of all their own apprehensions , and very few have any due suspicion of their own opinions ; or an understanding submission to wiser men . yea boyes ( that are once past their tutors dictates ) and the weakest women , are usually as confident that they are in the right , as the most learned and experienced persons . yea none are so apt to be too doubtful and di●●ident of their own understandings , as the learned who are next the highest form : for they have knowledge enough to know what can be objected against them , and to see an hundred difficulties , which the ignorant never saw . so that the more weak & worthless and erroneous any ones judgment is , usually the more furious are they in their prosecution of it , as if all were most certain truth which they apprehend : these are the boldest both in schisms and persecutions ; as being so sure that their conceits are right , that they dare censure or separate or scorn or despise , or afflict dissenters . it is a common thing to hear religious people speak meanly and humbly of their own understandings in the general ; but when it cometh to particulars , it is the rarest part of humility in the world , to find : very few do shew any competent modesty ( except the grosly ignorant who have no pretence to wisdome ) : what abundance of good people of the darker sort , have i been fain to rebuke for their over-valuing me and my understanding ; who when i have but crost their opinions about any thing , which most groundlesly , they took for a duty or a sin , have held as fast their vain conceits , and made as much of their most senseless reasonings , and as passionately and confidently rejected the most unquestionable proof which i have offered them , as if they had been infailible , and had taken me for an errant fool . and this is not the case of one or two sects only ; but naturally of almost all men , till god hath taught them that rare part of humility , to have humble understandings , and low thoughts of their own judgements , and a due suspicion of their apprehensions . and their cure is the harder because they know not how to have a humble suspicion of themselves without running into the contrary , extream of scepticism , and being cold and unfaithful to the truth ; they know not how to hold fast that which is good , and to be constant in religion , without holding fast all which they have once conceited to be good , and being constant in their errour : especially when good or evil is voted to them by that party whose piety they most esteem and reverence . nor is this a religious distemper only , but it is so natural to mankind , that even in common matters neighbours and neighbours , masters and servants , husband and wife , and almost all , have a strange diversity of apprehensions : one thinks that this is the best way , and another that the other is best ; and let them reason and wrangle it out never so long , usually each party still holdeth his own , and hardly yieldeth to anothers reasons . and when they do yield , they are so unhappy that they are as like to yield to one more erroneous than themselves , and to change into a worse opinion , as to yield to the truth . for commonly , appearance , advantage , interest , and a taking tone and voice , do more with them than solid evidence of truth . out of all this if you infer a necessity of government , so do i. but if a necessity of force and rigor , think on it again , and first hear what i shall further say : and consider what i have said already . distinguish between the common frailties of mankind , and special enormities : and forget not that you are men and live among men : and let not men be cast out for original sin ; nor punish a few for that which is common to all the world ; nor condemn not your selves in condemning others . of which i further add : direct . xi . evermore distinguish between the necessary truths and duties , and those which are not of necessity ; and between the tollerable and the intollerable errours : and never think of a common unity or concord , but upon the terms of necessary points , and of the primitive simplicity of doctrine , discipline and worship ; and the forbearance of dissenters in tollerable differences . if i were to speak but once to the world whilest i lived , this should be my theam : and yet ( for ought that i can perceive by any visible effects ) i never spake of any thing with less success . one party writeth copiously of the mischiefs which will ●ollow tolleration . and they say true , i● they mean the tolleration of things intollerable : the other write as copiously of the necessity of tolleration and liberty of conscience : and they say true , if they mean only the tolleration of things tollerable . but neither of them saith true if they mean universally , and speak in any other sense : there is nothing more plain and sure , than that the tollerating of all errours and faults which conscience may be pretended for , or of none at all , are utterly destructive of christian and humane peace and safety . he is scarce well in his wits that holdeth either part universally and unlimitedly : for the one would have no government , and the other would have no subjects to be governed . seeing therefore bounds and limits there must be , we may reckon them as the third sort of distracted persons , who think that the bounds are so undiscoverable , that the mention of them is in vain ; and therefore either all or none must be tollerated according as rulers are disposed , or their interest seemeth to require : and therefore they say , what points be they that are necessary , and what unnecessary ? what errours are tollerable , and what are intollerable ? can you name and number them ? or , who must be the judge ? to which i answer . first , let it be first supposed that god hath given us a law to judge by , and then we shall quickly tell you who shall be the judge ( a question which the confused world doth further their confusion by , when they are a thousand times answered past all rational contradiction ) iudgement is private or publick : the judicium privatum discretionis , which is but the guide of rational acts , belongeth to every private man ( which none that is a man did ever yet deny ) the judicium publicum is either in foro civili determining in order to corporal coaction , and this belongeth only to the magistrates ; or it is in foro ecclesiae determining in order to church-communion or excommunication ; and this belongeth only to the church ; ( but under the coactive government of the magistrate : the pastors being the governors , and the people in part the executioners . ) he that requireth more understands not this . secondly , and what if ther● be a difficulty what points are necessary and what errours are into●erable ? yet as long as it is certa●n that such a difference there is , and that accordingly men must do ; doth it not rather concern both parties to search after it , and practise as far as they can discern , than to cast away reason , because there is a difficulty in using it aright ? just thus the papists do with us about the like notion of fundamentals or essentials of christianity ; they call to us for a just enumeration of the fundamentals , and because they find so much difficulty there , as may find words and work for a perverse wrangler , they insult as if they might therefore take either all things or nothing to be essentials , and of necessity : as if christianity had no constitutive essentiall parts , and so were nothing . and when they have all done they are forced themselves in their writings to distinguish the fundamentals , essentials , and universally necessary points from the rest , ( as dave●p●rt , costerus , bellarmine , holden , &c. do . ) and doth it not then concern them as much as us , to know which they be ? what if it be a hard thing to enumerate just how many bits a man may eat , and not be a glutton ? or how many drops a man may drink and be no drunkard ? or just what meats and drinks must be used , to avoid exce●s in quality ? or just what sort of stuffes or silks or cloth or fashions may be used without excess in apparel ? will you thence infer that men may eat and drink any thing in quantity and quality , or else nothing ? or that he may wear any thing , or must go naked ? what if you cannot justly enumerate what herbs or roots or drugs are wholsome and what are unwholsome ? which purge too much and which too little ? must therefore all be used indifferently or none ? if i am not able to enumerate just how many faults or weaknesses may be tollerable in my servants ? must i therefore have none , till i have those that are faultless ? or else must i allow them to do any thing that they list ? though just at the verge of evil , even that which is good may be matter of doubt , yet god in nature and scripture hath given us sufficient light for an upright , safe & peaceable life . thirdly , and if ever baptism had been well understood , by these objectors , the essentials of christianity had been understood . hath not christ himself determined who they be that shall be admitted into the church and numbered with christians , in the very tenor of the baptismal covenant ? and did not the church take the creed to be sufficient for its proper use , which was to be the matter of the christian profession , as to the articles of faith to be believed ? and yet are we now to seek in the end of the world , what christianity is , and what are the essentials of our faith , and who is to be received as a professor of christian●ty . but this is a subject more largely to be handled if rulers will permit it : and in the mean time because it is not the magistrates but the pastors that i am now speaking to , i shall pretermit the most which is to be said , and only acquaint you in the conclusion , that one of these following wayes must be chosen . i. either to tollerate all men to do what they wil , which they will make a matter of conscience or religion ; and then some , may offer their children in sacrifice to the devil , and some may think they do god service in killing his servants ; ●nd some may think it their duty to perswade people that there is no god nor life to come , nor duty , nor sin ; but all things are left to our own wills as lawless . secondly , or else you must tollerate no errour or fault in religion ; and then you must advise what measure of penalty you will inflict . if but a little , then you tollerate the errour still : for they that err will err still ; and they that conscienciously pray as daniel did , dan. . or forbear to obey the king as the three confessours did . dan. . will do so still , for all your penalty ; and so there is no cure , but a tolleration still . but if you inflict upon them , banishment , or death , you must resolve that the king shall dwel alone , and have no subjects , and so be no king ; nor have any servant , and so be no masters ; nor endure so much as a wife , and so be no husband ; and if he have children must use them as k. philip of spain did his eldest son prince charles , and so be no father . it can be no less than this at last . or if you will imprison them , every subject must be in prison , and then who shall be the jaylor , and who shall find them food ? thirdly , or else you must deal partially and unjustly , and condemn one while you acquit another , for the same fault ; or condemn one sort of errours , while you allow to tollerate others as great : as if all were to be punished who believe not christs descent into hell , while all are tollerated , who deny the rest of the articles of the creed . fourthly , or else you must make sure that all the kings subjects shall be born under the same planets , and of the same parents , and have the same temperament and complexion , and the same teachers , and company , and all hear the same words , and all see the same objects , and all have the same callings , employments , interests , passions , temptations , advantages , and the same degree of natural capacity , and of grace : that so there may be no difference or defect in their apprehensions . fifthly , or else you must ●istinguish and say , that some are tollerable and shall be tollerated , and some errours ar● intollerable and shall not be tollerated ( in the tongue i mean ; for you must tollerate them in the mind whether you will or not ) and then you will find a necessity of discerning as well as you can , the tollerable from the intollerable . and if so , for christs sake and his churches sake and your own sake , bethink you whether christ be not the king of his church , and whether he hath given his church no laws for its constitution and administration ? by which we must try who are to be the members of himself and his church , and to have communion with himself and one another ? and who are to be rejected and avoided ? and whether the holy ghost i● not the author of the church-establishment in the scriptures ? and whether we can expect more infallible deciders of such cases , than christ , and his spirit and apostles ? and whether the church be not the same thing now as then , and and its universal constitution and necessary administration the same ? and whether the primitive church or ours be the purer and more exemplary ? and whether it would do kings and kingdomes and the souls of men any dangerous hurt , to have all christians hold their union and communion just on the same terms as they did under peter and paul and all the apostles ? or at least whether it be worthy all the calamitous divisions in christendome , and the blood of the many hundred thousands that have for conscience sake been shed , and the enduring of the outcries of the imprisoned and banished , and their prayers to heaven for deliverance from mens hands , and the leaving of such a name on record to posterity , as is usually left in history on the authors of such sufferings ; besides the present regret of mind , in the calamities of others , and the sad divisions and destruction of charity , which cometh hereupon ; i say whether it be worth the suffering of all this ( and o how small a part is this ) and all to keep our churches from the primitive simplicity , and from the same way and communion which peter and paul and the churches of their times , established and practised ? shall we speak so highly of christ and his apostles and the sacred scriptures , and yet think all this blood and misery , division and distraction , worthy to be endured , rather than our union and communion should be held on the terms which they did appoint and practise ? or rather than such terms should be tolerated among us ? i know what is said against all this ; but this is no place to answer all that is said by such as cannot see how to answer themselves in so clear a case . direct . xii . remember that the pastoral government is a work of light and love : and what cannot be done by these is not at all to be done by you : and therefore you must make it your great study and employment , first to know more than the people , and to love them more than they love you or one another ; and then to convince them by unresistable evidence of truth , and to cause the warmth of your love to be felt by them , in every word and act of your ministration ; as the mi●k is wa●m by the natural heat of the mother , and so is fitted for the nourishment of the child . as the gospel is the revelation of the love of god , and it is a message of love which we have to bring , and a work of love which we cooperate to effect ; so it is a spirit of love which must be our principle , and it is an office and work of love which we are called to ; and the manner must be answerable to the work . faith is the head , and love is the heart of the new creature : and as there is no light in our office and work , if there be no faith and evidence of truth , so there is no life in it , if there be no love. god himself in the great work of our redemption , & christ in his incarnation , life and suffering , hath taught the world , that the manifestation of love is the way to win love and to cure enmity : and he is not worthy the name of a minister of christ , who hath not learned this lesson , and doth not imitate his lord in this : that as our office participateth subordinately of his office , both ruling , teaching & priestly , so we may participate of that spirit of love , which was his principle and must be ours . if it be not a work of love which we do , it is not the work of a minister of christ , and preacher of the gospel . can you well preach so great love of christ to men without love ? if you shew not love to them , you can never expect to win their love to your selves . and when you overmuch desire to be loved your selves ( as which of you doth not , ) you pretend that it is , to make your endeavours more successful , when you perswade them to the love of christ. and doubtless a just love to the person of the preacher is a good advantage to this success . and in good sadness , can you believe that any thing is so likely to win love as love , or did experience ever teach you , that reproach , or contempt , or hurting men , was the effectual way to make them love you ? this way hath been long tried by the mountebanks in italy , spain and many other countries , but alas with what success ? indeed solitudinem faciunt & pa●●m vocant , as tertullian saith : when they have killed those that they had first oppressed , they affrighted the rest to say they loved them , and really won the love of their surviving blood-thirsty enemies : but that was all . if the new knack of transfusion of blood cannot do this feat , by letting in the blood of a spaniel ( who loveth him that beateth him ) when you let out their own , phlebotomy will never do it . account then that sermon , that converse , that reproof , that discipline in which love is not apparently predominant , to be but a lifeless useless thing , as to the winning of a sinners heart to christ. though i deny not but when the case of the sinner appeareth desperate , the severity of discipline in casting him off , may express more of another affection as to him : but that is because in so doing you must shew greater love to the church which must be saved from the infection . but perhaps you 'l say , they despise me , and injure me , and follow others and admire them , who deserve not so well of them as i do . answ. first , we are most of us too partial to be competent judges of our own deserts . selfishness too often maketh us think better of our selves , our preaching and our lives , than there is cause : and it too often filleth men with envy against those , whose greater worth and better labours cause them to be preferred by the hearers : and envy usually breeds detraction . i know that many giddy persons heap up teachers to them selves and follow seducers , & coutemn the faithfullest servants of the lord. but i know withall , that there is usually a convincing power in the preaching of able experienced ministers , which is not to be found in the cold & formal discourses of an hypocrite . and that there is a suitable principle in true spiritual experienced christians , which causeth them to relish this spiritual experimental preaching much more than the more-adorned carkas●es of formality : and seriousness is still acceptable to serious christians : yea even to common natural men , unless the malicious possess them by slanders with prejudice against it . now if this should be the cause that others are preferred before you , o how heynous were your sin ? as if it were not enough for you to neglect your duty , and to do the work of god deceitfully , and injure the souls of men in a cause of such importance , but you must also impenitently justifie such a crime , and also maligne those that have more of the grace and gifts of god than you , and that do more to help to save mens souls ! secondly , but suppose that your deserts be as great as you conceive , and their love to you as little ; i would further ask you : first , is it for their own sake who thus hinder their own edification by it , that you are troubled at them ? or is it for your selves , because you have not the respect which is your due . if it be the later , i need not tell you what it is for ministers of christ thus to seek themselves , and overvalue their own esteem : if it be the former , why doth it not please you then that they are edified by others , though not by you . do you think that it is not the same gospel which others preach to them . and may not that gospel edifie and save them , by the preaching of another as well as by yours . and if their dis-esteem of you , be a sign or means , that they are not edified by you , is not their great esteem of others who are as faithful a sign and means that they are or may be edified by them . thirdly , and why are you not much more troubled at the state of all those who are not converted or edified by you , though they do not slight you or forsake you . how many be there that seem to love and honour you , and yet do not love and honour god ? but despise religion and their own salvation ? if it be for their sakes and not your own that you are offended , you will grieve most for them that are most ungodly , though they honour you never so much ; and you will be glad for them that are faithful and godly , whose ministery soever it be that they most esteem . fourthly , but suppose them yet so foolish and faulty , as to run from you to their own perdition ; the question is , what is the way to c●re them ? is love caused by hard words or stripes ? will you say to them , love me , or you shall be fined or imprisoned ? christ doth not teach you , to use such arguments when you speak for him , but to beseech men in his name and stead tobe reconciled to god , cor. . , . but your own work will be done in your own way . obj. but christ threatneth hell to the impenitent , and paul pronounceth him anathematized that loveth not the lord iesus : and he talketh to his hearers of coming with a rod. answ. no doubt but the corrupted mind of man , hath need not only of love to draw them home to god , and work the cure , but of threatnings to drive them and to help on the cure ! and though it be love that causeth love , which is their holiness , yet fear removeth many impediments : but still remember that it is love which is predominant , and fear is but subservient ; and that the fear which is contrary to love is a vice , and hindereth the●r salvation : and remember that fear and love towards god , will better stand together , than fear and love to you will : for men know gods soveraignty and iustice ; and know that he is not to be questioned or resisted : but if they suffer by you , it will not be so digested , nor will it so consist with love . a patient will not bear to be whipt by his physician to force him to take his medic●nes , though a child will bear it from his parents , whose love and power are more unquestionable to him . i desire you but to mark your own experience , and let your love be predominant in all your ministrations , and use no force or hurting course which will really abate their love to you , and then i shall leave you in the rest to your discretion . secondly , yet still we grant that christs threatnings may be preached by you , and must be ; thirdly , and that the rod of discipline must be used : but this must be done only on the scandalous and such as more dishonour christ than you : and it must be so done , that it may appear to be christs own work , and done by you upon his interest and at his commund , and not either arbitrarily or for your selves . and i shall be bold with confidence to add that in those cases where violent restraint or ●oaction is necessary , the pastor is the unmeetest person to meddle in it . it is the magistrates work to drive and force ( where it must be done ) and the pastors to perswade and draw . the flock of christ is led by himself the lamb of god , and his ministers must go before with him , and attend him in the conduct ; and the magistrate must come behind and drive ; and it is the hindermost , and not those before that must be driven . pastors should be so far from calling out for the help of violence ( unless it be to keep the peace ) that they should rather shew their love and tenderness , by seeking as far as they may to mitigate it : and they should desire that no such ungrateful work be at all imposed upon them , as to seem the afflicters of their flocks : because when once they have lost their love , they have lost their opportunity and advantage of edifying them . and it is not pilate's hypocritical washing of his hands , that will excuse him : nor the romish clergies disclaiming to meddle in a judgement of blood , which will reconcile the minds of sufferers to them , as long as they are masters of the inquisition , or deliver them up to the secular power , and excommunicate and depose the temporal lords who will not do such execution as they require . though i have some where else mentioned it , i will again request the reverend pastors of the church , to peruse the story of idacius and martin in sulpitius severus . the sum of it is this . priscillian and many others ( some bishops and some presbyters and some private persons ) were zealous in religion , but heretical ( gnosticks saith sulpitius : ) ithacius and idacius were two orthodox bishops who were very hot against these her●ticks : both of them men of rash and haughty spirits , and one of them at least ( saith sulpitius ) an injurious person that scarce cared what he said or did by others ( see what persons a good cause may be defended by . ) these bishops drew in the bishops of the neighboring churches , & in their synods first condemned the priscillianists ; and next provoked the emperour against them . the priscillianists found that if that were the way , an emperours court was not so orthodox or constant , but there might be as good hopes for them : and therefore they got a powerful friend in court to undertake their business , and got the better of the bishops : the bishops being born down for a time , at last maximus was proclaimed emperour , and came over with power and victory into germany ( such another as cromwel , who by the bishops was accounted a very religious christian , but usurped the empire , and fought against and killed one of the emperours , and pretended that the souldiers made him emperour against his will. ) this maximus ( whether sincerely or for his own advantage is unknown ) did take part with the orthodox and greatly honour the bishops and promote religion , and got a great deal of love and honour . ithacius and idacius and the rest of the bishops apply themselves to maximus against the priscillianists ; who hearkened to them , and to please them put priscillian and some others to death , and punished others by other wayes of violence . the more rude ungodly sort of christians , so far concurred or over-went the bishops , that they turned their fury against any that seemed more religious than their neighbours : so that if any one did but fast and pray more , and read the scriptures more than others , he was reproached as a heretick and favourer of the priscillianists : martin bishop of turen was at that time a man of no great learning , but so famous for holiness , charity , and numerous miracles , as the like is scarce written with credibility of any man since the apostles ( for which he is canonized a saint . ) this martin was grieved partly to hear strictness brought into reproach , and partly to see magistrates called to the suppression of heresies by the bishops ; and so every heretick taught how to persecute and suppress the truth , who could burget the emperor on his side : therfore he petitioned the emperour for mercy to the priscillianists , and told him that it was a thing not used by christians , to propagate sound doctrine or suppress mens errours by the sword : he also avoided the synods of the bishops , and refused not only their councils , but their communion : whereupon the bishops not only despise him as an unlearned man , and one that deceived the people with false miracles ; but also suggested to the emperour that he was a favourer of the hereticks himself : insomuch that martin hardly escaped suffering with them , through the bishops calumnies . but the great piety and clemency of the emperour preserved him ; and at last did promise him the saving of the lives of some that were further appointed to suffer , on condition that he himself would communicate with the bishops . martin saw that there was no other means to save the life of one that else was presently t●odie , and thinking that christ who would have mercy and not sacrifice , would in such a case allow it , he promised to have communion with the bishops , and so did communicate with them the next day , and saved the mans life . when he had done it he was in great doubt and perplexity about it , whether he had done well or not ? and in this trouble went secretly out of the city homewards : and by the way in a wood as he was in heaviness and doubt , an angel appeared to him , and rebuked and chastened him , for communicating with them , and bid him take warning by this , lest the next time he hazarded his salvation it self by it . and martin professed that long after this , the gift of miracles was denied him ; but he communicated with the synod and bishops no more . this history i only recite without determining how far the reader is to believe it : but i must say that the reading of it was a temptation to me , to doubt concerning my communion , the reader may easily know with whom . for though i know how credulous and fabulous many ancient writers were , yet i considered , that th●s historian is one of the most ancient , one of the most learned , one of the most strictly religious of all the old historians of the church ; and that he was himself an intimate acquaintance of martins , and had it from his own mouth ; and most solemnly protesteth or sweareth that he feigneth nothing , and that the miracles of martin were known to him partly by his own sight , partly by martin's own relation , and partly by many credible witnesses : and they were so believed commonly in that age by good men , that it was the occasion of his canonizing . and if such history is not to be believed , i will not mention the consequences that will hence follow . and yet on the other side i considered ; first , that it was possible that a holy man might be mistaken by fear and scrupulosity , and take that for an angels appa●ition which was but a dream : secondly , that his avoiding communion with the bishops might be only a prudential act , fitted to that time and place , upon accidental or circumstantial reasons which will not suit with another time and place : thirdly , it is dangerous making the actions of any men , upon pretense of any revelations and miracles , to be instead of scripture , the rule of our faith or duty ; much more to prefer them before the scripture when there is a contrariety between them . fourthly , and his separation was but temporary , not from the order , nor from any of the other pastors , or from the people ; but only from those individual persons , whom he supposed to be scandalous . and these considerations i judge sufficient to resist that temptation . whoever understandeth what a man is , and what a christian is , and what the office and work of a pastor is , will make no doubt , but that his guidance must be paternal , and that as love is the effect to be produced in the people , so love in him must be the means of causing it ; & that he must expect that the success of his preaching & discipline should not exceed the measure of love , which is manifested therin ; further thanas god may extraordinarily work beyond the aptitude of the means . and when he hath complained of the people as sharply as he will , he shall find that whatsoever it is that love cannot do , in order to their conversion and edification , and which light or evidence cannot do in order to their conviction , is not by him to be done at all . and if he will be trying with edge tools , he may cut his own fingers sooner than cure an erring mind ; and shall find that the people will much worse endure acts of force and corporal penalty , from a pastor , than from a magistrate ; and will hardly believe by any cloathing that he is a sheep , if they once perceive that he hath bloody teeth . our work is to win the heart to christ : and he is unfit to be a pastor , that knoweth not how hearts are to be won . direct . xiii . when you have thought of all the evils that will be uncured , when love and evidence have done their part ; yet reject not this way till you have found out a better ; which will do the work that is to be done , and that with fewer inconveniences . i am not now about to state the bounds of liberty in matters of religion ; ( it requireth a full treatise by it self ; and many tediously dispute the case before they ever truly stated it . ) much less am i perswading magistrates , that they must permit every deceiver to do his worst , to dra● the people from god , or from christ iesus the mediator , from faith● and godliness , any more than from loyalty , peace and honesty . but i am speaking only against that partial , factio●s , needless , dividing and pernicious violence ; which is pretended to be the chief , if not the only cure of all the errours or disagreements in the churches , by those that know no part of chyrurgery but amputation . some speak much of the many disorders which will be uncured , if violence do not more than teaching and love : but i humbly ask of them : first , are those disorders such as are curable in this life ; or such as are the unavoidable miseries of our corrupt and imperfect state ? secondly , will force cure them better than evidence of truth , and love will do ? thirdly , will they be so cured without a greater mischief ! god telleth the sabbath-breakers of israel , that when they were rooted out , the land should keep her sabbaths : was that a mercy or a judgement ? would you so cure sabbath-breaking and disorder ? and take a solitude for peace ? fourthly , is not the work to be done , the saving of mens souls ? and shall any be saved against his will ? and then should not all force be meerly such as is subservient to the ends of love ? fifthly , will stripes change the judgement in matters of religion ? sixthly , is he any better than a knave or an hypocrite , who will say or swear or do that through fear , which he verily thinketh god forbiddeth him , and is disple●sed for , and feareth it may damn his soul ? seventhly , is it the honour and felicity of so●ls to be such ? or of church or kingdome to be composed of such ? eighthly , is not a conscientious fear of sinning against god , a thing well pleasing to him , and necessary to mens salvation , and to the churches welfare , and to the safety of the lives of kings , and of the kingdoms peace ? and is there not then great cause to cherish it ( though not the errours that abuse it . ) and should not all care be used to cure the ungodly world , of impiety and ●earedness of conscience , which makes them make a mock of sin . and if conscience were once debauched and mastered by fear , and the people be brought to prefer their their fleshly interest before their spiritual , and to fear mens punishment more than gods , would not such debauched consciences have a great advantage , to make such men the masters of the estates and lives of others ? and are the lives of kings , and the estates of neighbours , and the peac● of kingdomes , competently secured , where god is not feared more than fines or corporal penalties ? ninthly , if force be so far followed till it have changed mens judgements or conquered conscience , or exterminated and destroyed all that will not be thus changed or conquered , who differ from superiors in unnecessary things , will it not ( all things well considered ) prove a dear price for that which might be had at much cheaper rates ? are not the most conscientious , necessary helpers of the ministery , by their example , to cure the unconscionableness of the rest ? and therefore should be countenanced & encouraged ? tenthly , would not the cessation of unnecessary impositions , cast out the most of the scruples of conscientious people , and cease the saddest divisions of the churches ? if rome could have been content with a religion of no more articles than the apostles was , and would on those terms have held communion with other churches ? o what rends and ruines had it prevented in the christian world ? are not the old apostolical rules and terms sufficient to the safety and peace of christians ? were those worthy persons . b. vsher , b. hall , b. davenant , b. morton , with the bergii , the crocii , and all the great pacificators deceived , who wrote and preached and cried out to the world that [ so much as all christians are agreed in , is sufficient matter for their concord ; if they would lay it upon no more ] vid. vsh. serm . before king iames at wansted . or do you think it was their meaning [ let all rulers multiply unnecessary scrupled impositions in their own dominion , and for scrupling them , let them silence , imprison and banish at home ; and then let them send to their neighbour churches for unity , peace and concord , and tell them that the subscribing to the scriptures generally , and to the creed , lords prayer , and decalogue and sacraments particularly , are terms sufficient to this end . ( supposing that good order , deconcy and peace be kept up by suitable discipline both ecclesiastical and civil . ) and why would not this serve for all the world ? or why should more scrupled things be called necessary to order and decency than indeed are so ? my desire of the churches peace which caused me to write all the rest , provoketh me to touch this subject briefly , which will scarce endure to be touched . direct . xiv . when you reprove those weak christians , who are subject to errours , disorders or divisions , reflect not any disgrace or contempt upon religion , and conscientious strictness ; but be the more careful to proclaim the innocency and honour of serious godliness , lest the prophane and ungodly take occasion to despise it , by your opening the faults of such as are taken for the zealous professours of it . honest hearers take most notice , what is the main scope which the preacher aimeth at , and the business which he driveth on . some men take occasion by the errours and faults of such as have seemed seriously religious , to make all seriousness and diligence for our salvation , to seem to the hearers to be meer hypocrisie , and not only a needless , but a hurtful thing ; and to perswade the people that an ignorant carelesness of their souls , with good neighbour-hood , quietness and mirth , is better than all this ado . which is no more or less than to preach for atheism and ungodliness in practise , so it be veiled with the hypocritical profession of the christian faith . and this unhappy sort of preachers do seldome miss to fall upon the real and supposed miscarriages of men that are or seem religious , in some part of their sermons and familiar discourse ; which being done to so odious an end , as to bring seriou● religiousness it self into dislike , it maketh the best of the hearers abhor such reflections , because they abhor the scope of them ; believing that holiness need not to be preached against in the world , till mens hearts are more enclined to it , and till all its enemies abate their opposition ▪ and if it were to be done , yet not by a minister of christ : he that preacheth against holiness ( how covertly soever ) preacheth against god. whereas if a mans designe be to promote religion , the sober hearers ( though partly guilty ) will bear his reproof of the faults of professours , with much more patience , when they see it is for god and godliness that he doth it . i speak by experience , and must give them this testimony , that i have many and many a time poured out my soul in earnest reprehensions of the errours and disorders of rash - dividing zeal ; and the hearers have taken all with patience : when the same persons could not bear the tenth part so much , from some preachers whom they imagined to aim in it at the depressing of the honour of true and serious religion . therefore be sure what sort of men soever you are reproving , that you say nothing which tendeth to make the ignorant or ungodly sort of your auditors think , that it is zeal , or strictness , or careful diligence about their souls , which you condemn : but still put in sufficient caution for the necessity of a holy heart and life . direct . xv. discourage not the religious from so much of religious exercises in their families , or with one another , as is meet for them in their private stations . by this means many pastors have been very great causes of schisms and separations . some of them are so carnal and selfish , that they make the ministery but a trade for their benefice and honour : and therefore for fear left the people should encroach upon their advantages , they drive them as far off as they can , and care not how ignorant they are , so that thereby they may but lock up the mystery of their trade securely for themselves ; and keep the people in a blindfold reverence , dependance and obedience : how ordinarily the roman clergy practise this iniquity , the nations that are kept in darkness by them , are doleful testimonies . like the great dog that will not endure the little one to come near his carrion or his bone . and some are so excessively fearful of schism , that they dare not endure the people to pray together , or repeat a sermon , or search the scripture , and exhort one another daily , in that manner which god requireth private men to do , for fear lest they should go further , and grow proud of their own gifts and doings , and despise their pastors , and set up for themselves ! when as this very inordinate jealousie is the likely and the commo● way to bring them , to the evil that is so much feared . while peoples care of their salvation is cherished and stirred up , and the pastors do provoke them to pray and search the scriptures and help each other in the way to heaven , they are honoured and loved by the faithful of their flocks , as men that indeed are true to their great trust , and have a love and care for the peoples souls : and then those pastors who further the people in such religious exercises , may usually as fathers rule them in it , and keep them from usurping any thing that is proper to the officers of christ , and from errours , and factions and divisions ; and may easily suppress any arrogancie when it appeareth . and that honest desire which religious persons have to do good to others , is thus satisfied by such sober exercises as belong to them : and so pastor and people do peaceably , lovingly and successfully concur to carry on the work of christ , whilest each one moveth in his proper place . i speak this , through the great me●cy of god , from very great and long experience : having still kept up such lawful meetings and sober exercises as are not unfit for private christians , and thereby kept out all heresies , factions , schisms , and arrogancies from the flock ; with the great increase of their knowledge , humility , piety , and just observance of their guides . whereas when the foresaid inordinate jealousie doth restrain people , or discourage them from any of that which is their proper work ; first , they grow into distaste of such pastors , and take them for enemies to godliness and to their souls : secondly , they grow next as jealous of all the pastors doctrine , as he is of them ; and think it no fault to draw oft further from him themselves , and then to disaffect others to him : thirdly , their appetite to religious exercises , when it is restrained groweth inordinate , and affecteth that which belongeth not to them . fourthly , they conceit that there is some necessity of their turning teachers , to do that which the teachers will not do . fifthly , they next keep their meetings by themselves , from under the eye and inspection of their teachers . sixthly , then they take liberty to vent what cometh in their minds , whilest there is none to regulate and contradict them . seventhly , and at last they set up for themselves , and the chief speakers among them become pastors to the rest , and so too often speak perverse things to draw away disciples after them . act. . . wisdome and love may prevent all this : envy not the gifts or graces of your people ? is it not the end of all your studies and labours to to promote them ? are they not the fruits of gods mercies and your own endeavours : will you grudge at your own successes ? in stead of restraining them , let none so earnestly drive them ●n , to such religious exercises that belong to them , as your selves ; and help them and over●●e them in the performance ; and then you shall have advantage to restrain them from that which belongeth not to them : and you shall have them the great assisters of your ministery , who will more uphold your honours , than all the prophane and ignorant will do : yea they will be your glory , crown and joy at the appearing of jesus christ. thes. . , . direct . xvi . be not wanting in abilities , watchfulness , or diligence , to resist seducers by the evidence of truth ; that there may be no need of other weapons : and quench such sparks among your people before they break out into flames . the clamours and wayes of violence used by many pastors , are oft but an unhappy means to supply the defect of their own abilities and duties : and those who are conscions of an insufficiency in themselves to do their parts , do most intemperately call out to the magistrates to help them , and do most unmannerly censure them , if they answer not their expectations : and indeed if the sword of the magistrate be such an universal remedy , and may serve instead of the ability and labour of the minister , let it also serve to cure the sick , instead of the skill and labour of the physician ; and let all other callings as needless be put down , and let us have none but magistrates alone . first , some ministers are so ignorant , that if one of their people do but turn antinomian , anabaptist or separatist , they are not able to confute them : much less if one that is learned and well-studied introduce these errours : if the sectary challenge them to dispute , it s two to one but errour will triumph , through the insufficiency of him that should defend the truth . and then this insufficient minister , will turn to railing , or call out to the magistrate for his help , to declare to all that he is too weak : which will harden and encrease the seduced party , and make them think that it is the weakness of his cause . secondly , and too many ministers , who seem more able , are lordly and lazy , and carry themselves strangely and at a distance from the people , and are seldome familiar with them in private : and so they give advantage to such seducers as creep into houses , to sow their tares ; and for the weaker sort to vend their errours , when there is none to contradict them : these pastors take their proper work , to which they are called , for a slavery or a toil . they are so proud and idle , that for them to watch over all the ●lock , and to teach them publickly and from house to house , night and day with tears as paul did , and to watch where any spark appeareth , and presently to quench it , doth seem to them such a drudgery and burden , that god were unmerciful if he should impose it on them : that is , they think god unmerciful if he will not rather let the patient die , than put the chyrurgeon to the trouble of dressing his sores : if he will not let the people be damned rather than put ministers to so much labour to instruct and save them . if it were but to take their tythes and honour , and to be reverenced by the people , and to preach once or twice a week , a sermon which tendeth to their applause , they could submit to this much : but paul's exhortation act. . seemeth intollerable preciseness . but souls will not be informed or reformed at so cheap a rate . sin hath corrupted them more than so . if we will sleep , the envious man will not sleep : but when we awake , we shall find that he hath sowed his tares . sometimes grievous wolves will enter , not sparing the flock : and sometimes of our own selves will men arise , speaking perverse things , to draw away disciples after them : therefore watch . study hard and meditate on these things , and give your selves wholly to them , that your profiting may be known to all : that you may be able to stop the mouths of gainsayers ; and to edifie and stablish all the flock ; that they be not as children tossed to and fro , and carried up and down by every wind of doctrine , by the c●nning slight and subtilty of men , by which they lie in wait to deceive . for to this end did christ give offices and gifts : study therefore to shew your selves workmen that need not be ashamed , rightly dividing , methodizing , opening , and so defending the word of truth . act. . , , , . eph. . , . tim. . , . tim. . ● , . direct . xvii . be not strange to the poor ones of your flock : but impartial to all ; and the servants of all ; mind not high things , but condescend to men of low estate . rom. . . all souls are equally precious unto christ ; whether rich or poor . o set the strange example of christs condescension still before your eyes . was it the high or the low that were his familiars ? did he live in fulness , and ride in po●p , and associate only with the rich and great ? o see him washing his disciples feet ? and hear him teaching them by that example , what they ought to do for one another . he came not to be ministred unto but to minister : how sharply did he rebuke his disciples when they strove who should be greatest ? and setting a little child before them , hath taught us what must be our ambition : and that he that will be the greatest must be the servant of all : our greatness lieth in the greatest of our humility and usefulness : math. . , , , . & . . luk. . , , . math. . . it is lawful and meet that men in power should be honoured by us , and also that the people be taught to honour them : and that you keep such interest in them as is needful to the publick good : and therfore all converse with them is not unlawfull : but when ministers only attend on the rich , and are strange and seldome among the poor , it makes them accounted carnal worldly men ; and is unsuitable to their lords example , and to the work of their calling . the poor are far more numerous than the rich ; and therefore our work is more among them . and death will quickly level all . and when we have all done , we shall find , that the poor receive the glad fidings of the gospel ; and the poor of the world may be rich in faith , and heirs of the kingdome , which god hath prepared for them that love him . mat. . . iam. . , . and that the rich do hardly enter into the kingdome of heaven . iam. . , . but ye have despised the poor : do not the rich men oppress you , and draw you before the judgement seats ? it is the poor that must be the chief crown and comfort of your labours : therefore be not strangers to them ; if you would not have them account you lordly , worldly and self-seeking men : if you will leave them to themselves , and think your selves too good to be their companions , or to come into their smoaky cottages , and then think that a lordly command or rebuke , should serve the turn to keep them from errour and schism and disorder , you may find your errour to the churches cost , when it is too late . and it will be but a pitiful excuse for your pride or laziness , to cry out of seducers for creeping into such houses , which you disdained to come into your selves : what do you by avoiding them , but invite any others thither that will come , and leave them as it were swept and garnished for such evil spirits ? direct . xviii . spend and be spent for your peoples good ; and do all the good that possibly you can for their bodies as well as for their souls : and think nothing that you have too dear to win them : that they may see that you are truly fathers to them , and that their well-fare is your chiefest care and business . all men love themselvs ; and naturally and necessarily love those that they know do greatly love them . and all men are sensible of their bodily concernments , and consequently of that good that is done to their bodies : he that setteth himself to relieve the poor , and to put on others to relieve them , to visit the sick , and help those that are in trouble , and to comfort the afflicted , to do what good he can to all , and hurt to none , shall find that their ears will be open to his doctrine , and that they will follow him towards heaven with much less resistance , than otherwise he must expect . few such ministers do ever want success of their labours . and the coveto●s , close handed , self-seeking and cruel , are alwayes hated . and let his mony perish with him , who thinketh it better than the souls of men , and the work of god. direct . xix . keep up the reverence of the ancient and experienced sort of christians , and teach the younger what honour they owe to those that are their elders in age and grace : for whilest the elder who are usually sober and peacaable , are duly reverenced , the heat of rash and giddy youth will be kept in order . usually where the elder bear the sway , the church hath peace ( though i know some deceive is grow worse and worse : ) and it is where the young and rash are become the predominant most esteemed party , that schism and disorders do prevail . and though some tell the people , what honour they owe their elders by office ; yet few acquaint them what honour youths owe both to the elder in age and in experience and grace . it will therefore be much of the prudence of the pastors , to keep up the honour of the elders of the people , and to preserve in the younger a due esteem and reverence towards them . direct . xx. the pastors who will preserve the churches peace , must neither neglect to preserve their interest in the religious persons of their charge ; nor yet be so tender of it as to depart from sober principles or wayes to please them , nor to make them their rulers , nor follow them into any exorbitancies to avoid their censures . both these extreams will tend to confusion : first , they that care not at all what men think of them , do but despise their advantages to do good , whilest they think that they only despise the praise or dispraise of men . we are commanded not to please our selves , but to please all men for their good to edification . rom. . , , . our power over them is upon their minds and wills , and not like magistrates upon their bodies or estates : therefore when we have lost their hearts , we have lost our power to do them good : they will not easily hear him that is despised or abhorred by them . therefore a prudent care must be taken , that we be not prodigal of our interest in them , lest it prove to be cruelty to their souls . secondly , and yet if we give up our selves to their conceits and humours , and forsake the way of truth or peace to keep their favour , it will prove the more dangerous extream . i have before noted the peril of ministers and the church by this temptation . the rawest and the rashest professours are commonly the most violent and censorious ; and so ready to scorn and vilifie the gravest wisest pastors , who cross their opinions , that many honest ministers have been overcome by the temptation ; to forsake their own judgement , and to comply with the violent to escape their censures and contempt : but this is not the way to the churches peace . it may prove a palliate cure for a time , to put by at the present some sudden inconvenience : but it prepareth for after troubles and confusions . first , it will make the rashest and indiscreetest people ( which is usually the women and young men ) to be the governours of the church : whilest all their teachers must humour them lest they displease them . secondly , when you have followed them a little way , and think there to stop , you must follow them still further , and never can foresee the end : for that weakness and passion of theirs which crieth up one errour to day , is pregnant with innumerable more ; and may cry up more to morrow , and so on . and one errour commonly draweth on more , and one miscarriage engageth them to another : and the last are usually the worst : and the same ends and reasons which made you go out of the way to please them , will make you still follow them , how far soever they go , unless you repent . thirdly , and if you repent and leave them , it must cost you dearer than prevention would have done : and you might have at much cheaper rates , forsaken them just there where they forsook the way of truth and peace . fourthly , and you will by following the conduct of giddiness and passion , dis●dvantage your ministry as to all the less zealous , and all the more sober and peaceable of the godly ; and you will bring your selves into contempt with these , for your levity injudiciousness and instability : and so you will lose much more than you will get . fifthly , and in the mean time you will be made but the vulgars instrument to do hurt : you will be used by them but to confirm themselves in their errours , and to further dividing and unpeaceable designes-sixthly , and when all is done , and your consciences are wounded , and you are made the heads or leaders of factions , at last those of themselves that god sheweth mercy to , will see their errour , and when they repent , they will give you little thanks for your compliance . a sinful humouring of rash professours , is as great a temptation to godly ministers , as a sinful compliance with the great ones of the world : i mean it is a sin , which our station and disposition afford us as great temptations to . for though to a worldling , wealth and honour be stronger temptations ; yet to a godly man the applause or censure of those whom we account most wise and godly may tempt much stronglier . and alas how ordinarily doth the fire of church and state , which flameth about our own ears , convince us of our errour , in following those whom we should lead ! o how many doleful instances of it doth church history afford us ! there are not many of the tumults that have cost the lives of thousands about religion , but were kindled by the young injudicious professours , who drew in their teachers to humour them in countenancing too much of their disorders . historians tell us that when king francis of france had forbid the reproaching of the papists way of worship , and silenced the ministers for not obeying him ; many of the hot brain'd people , took up the way of provoking them by scornful pictures & libels ; hanging up and down in the streets suchridi●ulous and reproachful rhimes and images : but this ( which was none of the way of god ) began that persecution ( by provoking the king ) which cost many thousands , if not hundred thousand lives before it ended . and the synod at rochel which refused the grave counsel of du plessis , du moulin and many such others , was stirred up by the peoples zeal ; and ended in the blood of many score thousands , and the ruine of the power of the protestants in france . abundance of such sad instances might be given , if england need to go any whether else for matter of warning than to it self . he that after the experiences of this age , will think it fit to follow the conduct of injudicious zealots , is left as unexcusable as almost any man , that never had a sight of hell . the dreadful ruine of ierusalem according to christs prediction ( such as the world hath scarce seen besides ) was just in the like manner brought about , by those furious ones whom iosephus calleth the zealots . but if you will do all things good and lawful to win men , and offend them by no unnecessary thing ; and yet stand your ground , and stir not an inch from truth or seberness , piety or peace , to please any people in the world . this way shall do your work at last : men will at last perceive the worth of sober principles and wayes : at least when mountebanks have killed most of their patients , the rest will repent , and wish that t●ey had hearkened to the counsellers of peace . they that run round , when they find themselves giddy and ready to fall , will lay hold upon somewhat which is firm and stable . compliance with one of the contentious parties , may make you cried up by that party for a time : but the contrary faction will as much cry you down ; and your estimation is but like an almanack for a year : and they themselves that needed your sinful help for some present job , will be like enough ere long to cast you off ( as is aforesaid : ) and if they do not , you are objects of pity to sober standers by : and in the next age , the name of a melancthon , a bucer , a bergiu● , a crocius , an vsher , and other such peace-makers , will be pretious to posterity , when the memory of fiery dividers will be dishonourable . keep your standing , and stick closer to truth and justice and peace , than to any party , and resolvedly give up your selves to please god , and you will be no loosers by it ; and its two to one but at last some of the contenders , will desire you to be the arbitrators of their controversies , when they are weary of contending , and will give you the honour of healing the wounds , which their rash injudicious zeal hath made . direct . xxi . the pastors who will preserve the peace of the people , must not contend among themselves : especially they must take heed , that they engage not in any needless enmity , against any of those divines , who for their learning or piety are most highly reverenced in the church . first , when pastors fall into parties , they alwayes draw the people with them : some will take one part , and some another . if the officers divide , the souldiers will certainly be divided . and though one of the dividing parties may get the advantage of the sword , and suppress the other , they are nevertheless in the way to increase the schism , while the people will think never the worse of the party which is afflicted and trodden down . schismes are most commonly begun or at least formed among the pastors : and among them the cure must be begun ; and principally performed . and when the wound is made , it must not be despised ; but the threatned issues must be foreseen ; and the necessity of a cure apprehended : and scarce any pains or cost must be thought too great to quench the fire . the proud and carnal person , who thinks all is well , if he can but secure his interest , and by spurning at dissenters , make them seem contemptible ; doth cast oil upon the flames , and may himself feel the greatest heat at last . and he that can stand by as unconcerned , and deny his service to love and peace , and to the wounded church , lest it cost him too dear , may soon find that he hath lost , even that which he hath thought to save . o that the peace-makers would cry aloud , and sound the retreat to contending pastors , and o that god would rebuke that pride and carnality , self-conceitedness and love of worldly things , which will not suffer them yet to hear . secondly , and especially when those that are most reverenced and valued by the zealousest christians , are envied , or afflicted by the rest , it ever tendeth to divisions in the church . for the sufferings of such will never abate their esteem , with those who honour them . and if fear should stop their mouths for a time , the fire will still burn within , and be too ready to break out into more open schisms when opportunity serveth them . yea the churches of old have found great cause to be very tender how they used such reverenced valued pastors , though they should fall into any errour ; and sometimes to connive or bear with much , lest they should occasion a far worse disease , by the imprudent curing of a lesser . and i dare be bold to proclaim to the contentious pastors , of all the churches wheresoever , that true piety , love , humility and prudence , can happily heal a great many of dissentions , which to the carnal , uncharitable , proud and imprudent , seem uncurable , and by their malignant-medicines are still exasperated a●d made worse . but alas this quarrelsome distemper in ministers , hath had such pernicious effects upon the church , and is still going on to more confusion , that it deserveth and calleth for our common lamentation . and if we must lament it with despair , as an uncurable disease , i fear we must with equal despair lament the churches ruines , and the consumption of religion . for how can we expect that the people should hear , if the pastors be obdurate and remediless ? and who shall cure them , if their physicians themselves be they that do infect them ? i speak not against the necessary defence of truth , so be it that it be truth indeed which we defend , and that the defence be indeed necessary ; and that the manner be suited to the end , and to the nature and rule of christianity . but the itch which caused the churches scab , is of a different description . for fi●st , it proceedeth from a salt acrimoni●us humour in the blood : not that there is no blood in our veins which hath better principles and qualities : but alas it is tainted with this c●rroding salt , which hath bred our leprosie : as if christ had made us the salt of the earth , not to preserve the world from putresaction , but to bite and fret all that we have any thing to do with ( yea and those that we have nothing to do with ) and by the salt ca●a●●hs of our back-bitings and peevish censures and reproaches , to bring the church of christ into a consumption . there is in many of us a love and zeal for truth in the general ( and no wonder if we are but men . ) but when we meet it we know it not ; but ●evile it , and scratch it by the face : as the jews did long for the coming of the messiah , but when he came , they knew him not , but crucified him as a deceiver and blasphemer ; their prejudice fixing them in the dungeon of unbelief . mal. . , , . the lord whom ye seek shall suddenly come to his temple ; ●ven the messenger of the covenant whom ye delight in — but who may abide the day of his coming , and who shall stand when he appeareth . for he is like a refiners fire , and like fullers sope : and he shall sit as a refiner , and purifier of silver , and he shall purifie the sons of levi — what abundance of the zealous ●●nourers of tristh are daily employed in revising and contradicting it ? as they do by peace , even prosecute it to the death , by the most perverse oppositions , and unpeaceable principles and practises , while they cry up nothing more than peace ? and do they deal any better by holiness it self . he that is for a holiness , which consisteth not in love to god and man , ( to god for himself and to man for his sake ) is like the heathens who are zealous for a god ; but he must be made of something unlikest to him that is god indeed : or like the mahometans , who are zealous musselmans or believers ; but it is in the most gross deceiver . and he that will promote love by sna●ling and barking at all that are strangers to him , and not of his own house , shall at last partake of the fruits of such love as he promoted : and he may as wisely hope at last to bring the church to peace also , by werrying it , by splenetick censures and divisions , in despight of the experience of our present age , and of all the world . what ever is done against love is done against holiness and against god , and against the life of the church : and therefore if any love-killer do call himself , a servant of christ and a friend to holiness or to the church , he must first prove that murdering it is an act of friendship , and a service acceptable to christ : one would think by their practise , that some men took abrahams trial for their law , and accounted it the work of justifying faith , to kill the church , and offer it up in sacrifice to christ : but before they bring us to believe that such a sacrifice is acceptable to him , who offered himself a sacrifice for the church , and who calleth for a living acceptable sacrifice , rom. . . they have need to make a better proof of their authority , than kelley did of his revelation , when he brought doctor dee to consent to adultery by the same pretended warrant : god who is love accepteth not such a sacrifice at the hands of love-killers and church-destroyers . but especially when besides this acrimony of mind , there shall other more pernicious diseases be contracted , and foment these censures & reproaches of their brethren ; the malignity of the disease is a sad prognostick . two such causes of it paul layeth open , one act. . . the other rom. . , . one is the devilish sin of pride ; and a desire to have many disciples to be our applauders [ they shal speak perverse things to draw awaydisciples after them ] the other selfishness , carnality and coveteousness [ they serve not the lord iesus , but their own bellies . ] and so pet. . . through coveteousness they shall with feigned words make merchandise of you : they buy and sell mens souls for gain : these are gainsayers in a double sense : their craft bringeth them in no small gain , and lest it should be set at nought , for gain they do gain-say the truth , and raise up tumults against the best of the servants of christ ; as act. . , . it is for gain and worldly glory , that they say what they say against those that are wiser and sincerer than themselves . the sum of all this ( and most that followeth ) is in tim. . , , . if any man teach otherwise , and consent not to the wholesome words , the words of our lord iesus christ ( mark , it is not to the words of any new faith-makers dev●sing , and to the doctrine which is according to godliness , he is proud ( though he may cry down pride ) knowing nothing ( though he may cry down ignorance ) but doting about questions ( though he may seem to be wise and of high attainments ) and strifes of words while he seemeth to plead for the life of religion ) whereof cometh envy , strife , railings , evil surmisings ( while they pretend to no less necessary a work , than the saving of truth and the peoples souls ) : perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds ( the impatient scratchings of those whose corrupt blood must needs have vent , and therefore causeth this itch of quarrelling ) and destitute of the truth ( whilest they think they are saving the life of truth ) supposing that gain is godliness ( being so blinded by the love of gain that they make themselves believe , that is the cause of truth and godliness which maketh for their gain ; and that the raising of them , is the raising of the church ; and that all tendeth to the interest of religion , which tendeth to make them great and rich ) from such turn away ( that is ; own them not in hypocritical wranglings , but turn your backs upon them , as men unworthy to be disputed with in their way . answer not the fool according to his folly , i. e. word it not with him in his foolish way ; lest you make him think himself worthy to be disputed with . talk not with him at his rates ; and yet answer him according to his folly ; by such conviction and rebukes as is meet for fooles , and as may make him understand his folly , lest he be wise in his own eyes , and think that none can stand before him . secondly , and it is commonly the most ignorant sort of ministers , who are the liberallest of their supercilious contempt of those , whose understandings and worth are above their censures . if a controversie be started , which they either never studied , or have only turned over the pages of a few books , to number the sheets , and never spent one year in the deep and serious search of the truth which is in question ; or if they have clumsie wits , that cannot feel so fine a thred , nor are capable of mastering the difficulties ; none then are ( usually ) so ready to shoot their bolt , and pass a magisterial sentence , and gravely and ignorantly tell the ignorant , what e●rours such or such a one maintaineth , as these that talk of that which they never understood . for as i have known many unlearned sots , that had no artifice to keep up the reputation of their learning , than in all companies to cry down such and such ( who were wiser than themselves ) for no schollars , but unlearned men ; so many that are or should be conscious of the dulness and ignorance of their fumbling and unfurnished brains , have no way to keep up the reputation of their wisedome , with their simple followers , but to tell them , o such a one hath dangerous errours , and such a book is a dangerous book ; and they hold this , and they hold that ; and so to make odious the opinions or practises of others , which they understand not : and this doth their business with these silly soals , who hear not what can be said against them , as well as if they were the words of truth and soberness . as for the younger and emptier sort of ministers , it is no wonder , if they understand not that which they had never opportunity to study , or have taken but a superficial taste of : but it were to be wished that they were so humble as to confess that they are yet but beardless ; and that time and long study is needful to make them as wise as those ( who with equal wit and grace ) have had many more years of serious study , and greater opportunities to know the truth : and that they have not their wisdome by special inspiration or revelation ; nor so far excel the rest of mankind in a miraculous wit , as to know that by a few years lazy study , which others know not by the laborious humble fear●h●s of a far longer time . one would think that a little humility 〈…〉 the turn for thus much . but it ignorance get poss●ssion of the ancient and 〈◊〉 headed , it triumpheth then , and desi●● 〈…〉 , and saith , give me a man that 〈…〉 with him ? or rather , away with 〈…〉 is not worthy to be disputed 〈…〉 groweth not with years : 〈…〉 wit may be poaring forty or fifty 〈…〉 that which another may sooner understand . much time and study is necessary to great wisedome : but much time and study may consist with very mean attainments ; and doth not alwayes reach the wisedome which is sought . and in such a case , the ancient and grey-headed think that veneration is their due ; and that if they gravely sentence such or such to be erroneous , they are injured if they are not believed . they have not wisdome enough to make their age honourable ; and therefore they expect that their age should make their wisdome honourable . thirdly , and because they are not able to endure the light , nor to stand before the power of open truth , they find it necessary to do almost all their work by back-biting : when they are out of the hearing of those whom they back-bite , among such as are as little sensible of this hateful sin as they ; then they have this man and that man ; this party and that party to reproach . fourthly , and ( as mr. robert bolton well noteth ) to hide the malignity of their sin , and to cheat the hearers and their own consciences ) they will first seem to praise him , and to confess that he is in other respects a very worthy , a learned or a pious man , and then bring in their back-biting with a [ but. ] and that which must sanctifie all this sin , and turns it into a work of zeal , is the seeming interest of god , and of religion . they do all out of a zeal of god ( i cannot say , a zeal for god ) though it be not according to knowledge . if it was an untruth which they spake it was for religion : if they did back-bite it was to preserve the hearers from errour and danger : if they reviled that which they never understood , it was to keep the church from the infection : if they tear the church , and use their reputation to murder love , and to make others odious who are wiser than they , all this is but for the defence of truth : and if it be non-sense or envy which they vent , they never repent of it ( that 's the mischief ) because they think that the lord and the church , and the hearers have need of it . and so all those texts are to them apocripha , which condemn their sin . psal. . . cor. . . rom. . . prov. . . and sin is so be friended in mans corrupted nature , that they meet but with few angry countenances to drive away such reverend back-biting tongues . nay that they may abuse gods word and name , against god , to the devils service , they arm themselves ( as the tempter did math. . ) with gods authority and scripture , and will charge those with sin who would reprove their sin , and bring them to repentance : and as master herbert noteth , how the pope under the reverend garb of christs vicar , doth do the like things to the suppressing of the church and truth , as turks and heathens do under the name of open enemies : so these men find that the names of ministers and christians , with the words of god abused , are among the well-meaning , a more effectual means to do that work which god abhorreth . i have long used to resist this sin of back-biting ; and ( not to justifie the faults of any , but ) to convince the back-biter of his sin . and i seldome do it , but they report of me that i am a defender of such and such corruptions : one backbiteth men as prelatists and formalists ; another the presbyterians ; another the independents ; and another the anabaptists ; and say such a one is of such a sect , and ever with epithetes of reproach : and when i tell them that the way to do them good , is to convince them of their errour to their faces , and not to talk of them behind their backs , they report me presently to be a patron of the sect , because i was a reprover of their unchristian vice . and many of them having not so far digested their religion , as to see the evidences of it in themselves , are fain to take it upon trust from others : and they choose that party to cast this great trust upon , which they think to be most venerable . the papist chooseth for number and worldly pomp and order : the carnal self-seeker chooseth the party , which may most further his preferment and honour in the world : the honester sectaries do choose the party , which seemeth to them to be the most illuminated or most strict : and some have the wit , to look most at those , that set as many of these together as may be hoped for . but among whomsoever they cast their lot , their way to preserve the reputation of orthodoxness , and the peace of that conscience which made the choice , is to be liberal in reproaching those that differ in any thing from the sect which they have chosen . ( for how much of the christian world is now in sects , is a thing which requireth more lamentation , than proof . ) as the dominicans when they have written far much more than calvin about predetermination , they have no way to keep their honour with their sect ( the papists ) but to rail at the calvinists and belye them , and charge them with that which they abhor , that so they may seem sufficiently to differ from them . but the greatest reason of this contentious back-biting quarrelling humour , is ignorance it self ; which will not give them leave so much as to see the difficulty of the points which they oppose ; much less the truth of that which they have not been used to . the way which is spoken against , they think they may also boldly speak against . and hypocrisie ( though mixed with sincerity ) hath too great a hand in this with many . the less men are taken up in that true religion which consisteth in hea●en-work and heart-work , in the love of god and man , and the mortification of their selfishness and pride ; the more they are addicted to make it up with a contentious zeal for their several wayes , opinions and modes of worship , that they may not seen to be cold or neutral in religion . they never understood the third chapter of i●mes , nor many other such texts of scripture . o that the ministers of christ were once sensible , not here only but through all the christian world , what a plague the conjunction of their ignorance and contensiousness , and their dividing selfish zeal hath been to the churches of christ ? and what they have done against the souls of men , by violence , and by heading parties , and by laying heaven and hell upon the opinions , which they never understood ! and by departing from the primitive simplicity and charity ! and how odious a practise it is , of ignorant ministers , to keep up the reverence of their wisedome , or orthodoxness or piety , by the secret back-bitings and reproaches of others , whose persons perhaps they never saw ; or whom they never once soberly discoursed with face to face ; or whose writings perhaps they never read , or thought it not worth their time and labour to understand them ; and yet take it to be their piety to revile by hear-say and blind surmises , and judge in a cause which they never impartially heard and understood . there is none of those ministers of christ whom you reproach , but is to be serviceable to h●s master for the saving of mens souls : and you are satans instruments to block up their way , and to turn away the hearts of people from their doctrine . if every minister ( especially your selves ) who hath as great an errour , should be made odious for it to their hearers ; you might all put up your pipes , and find that your artifice hath first silenced your selves , by the righteous law , — nec enim lex justior ulla est : quam necis artifices arte perire sua . or in the words of christ ; with what measure you mete , it shall be measured to you again . did you see the ugliness of ignorant peevish contentious zeal , as contrary to holy light and love , you would think you saw a devil , spitting out fire and brimstone , and would never more take it for your honour , nor for a mark of a child of god. and if you knew how every word of oblequy especially by back-biting against your brethren ▪ doth tend to infect the hearers with the same vices and kill their love , and lead them into divisions , you would take heed for the sake of others . ( unless you are of those who are foolisher than the devil , and would build christs house and kingdome by dividing it . math. . ) one raileth at luther , and another at calvin , and another at arminius , and another at this man , and another at that , for matters which are above their reach ; and the people are taught to rail at all ; and to make it also their talk behind mens backs , ●o prate against this man and that man and the other ; and in time to shew it , by breaking into sects : in a word such carnal courses of their teachers , do make or harden carnal professors , to be one for paul , and another for apollo , and another for cephas , but few sincerely and prudently for christ : so that instead of holiness , love and concord , we have in almost all company little but ignorant censorious wrangling , at the opinions of those that they never were acquainted with , or at the controverted practises , or circumstances of worship , which are not suitable to their prejudice and custom , and of which they never desired to be the impartial hearers of a just account . if ever god will shew mercy to his church , he will give them pastors after his heart , who shall abound in light and love , and lead the people into concord upon the ancient terms ; and make it their work , to bring this love-killing spirit in●o hatred ; whether it work by the way of st●iving-disputes , or dividing principles or practises , or by reproaching others : by corporal cruelty , or by a religious censorious cruelty , which doth not strike men , but unchurch and damn them , and separate from them as men unfit for christian communion . and whilest the pastors take another course , we must patiently wait and pity the church , and fore-see our further misery in this prognostick ; though the guilty being puffed up with the conceits of their preciousness to god , do promise themselves the desires of their hearts . are not the sons of levi yet refined ? when they have been in so many furnaces and so long ! when wisedom , holiness and humility are their nature , and selfish pride and worldliness are cured , this wrinkled malignant envy will then cease ; and an honest emulation to excel one another in wisdome and love and all good works , will then take place . and then we shall not , like drunken men , one day fight and wound each other ; and the next day cry out of our wounds ; and yet go on in our drunken fits , to make them wider . direct . xxii . lastly , let all the ministers of christ , so deeply study their wonderfull pattern of love and tenderness , meekness and patience , and all those passages of holy scripture , which still commend those vertues to his servants , till their souls are cast into this sacred mould , and habituated to this image and imitation of their lord : and then vertue will go from them , and they will be healing among all where-ever they shall come ; as fire goeth out from the flinty contenders by their collisions , which maketh them still incendiaries and consumers of the churches peace . i will therefore end these directions with the bare repetition of some more of those sacred words , ( besides those forecited ) which may be fit to breed such a gracious habit , in those that will faithfully study and receive them . isa. . , . the government shall be laid upon his shoulder , and his name shall be called wonderful , counsellor , the mighty god , the everlasting father , the prince of peace : of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end . isa. . . he shall feed his flock like a shepherd ; he shall gather the lambs with his arm , and carry them in his bosome , and shall gently lead those that are with young . isa. . , , . . behold my servant whom i uphold : mine elect in whom my soul delighteth : i have put my spirit upon him ; he shall bring forth judgement to the gentiles : he shall not cry , nor lift up , nor cause his voice to be heard in the street : a bruised reed shall he not break ; and the smoking slax shall he not quech : he shall bring forth judgement unto truth : he shall not fail nor be discouraged , till he have set judgement in the earth ; and the isles shall wait for his law . isa. . , , . i will pour water upon him that is thirsty , and floods upon the dry ground : i will pour my spirit on thy seed and my blessing on thy off-spring : and they shall spring up as among the grass , as willows by the water-courses : one shall say , i am the lords , and another shall call himself by the name of iacob : and another shall subscribe with his hand unto the lord , and surname himself by the name of israel . psal. . , . rule thou in the midst of thine enemies : thy people shall be willing in the day of thy power , in the beauties of holiness . ezek. . , , , . wo to the shepherds of is●ael that feed themselves ; should not the shepherds feed the flocks ? ye eate the fat and cloath you with the wool , ye kill them that are fed , but ye feed not the flock : the diseased have ye not strengthened ; neither have ye healed that which was sick ; neither have ye bound up that which was broken ; neither have ye brought again that which was driven away , neither have ye sought that which was lost ; but with force and with cruelty have ye ruled them ; and they were scattered because there is no shepherd — read the rest of that chapter . isa. . and there shall come forth a rod out of the stem of iesse , and a branch shall grow out of his roots : and the spirit of the lord shall rest upon him , the spirit of wisedome and understanding , the spirit of counsel and might , the spirit of knowledge , and of the fear of the lord : and shall make him of quick understanding , in the fear of the lord , and he shall not judge after the sight of his eyes , nor reprove after the hearing of his ears ; but with righteousness shall he judge the poor , and reprove with equity for the meek of the earth : and he shall smite the earth with the rod of his mouth , and with the breath of his lips shall he slay the wicked — the wolf shall dwell with the lamb , and the leopard shall lie down with the kid : and the calf and the young lion and the fa●ling together ; and a little child shall lead them : and the cow and the bear shall feed ; their young ones shall lie down together : and the lion shall eat straw like the oxe ; and the sucking child shall play on the hole of the asp , and the weaned child shall put his hand on the cockatrice d●n . they shall not hurt , nor destroy in all my holy mountain : for the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the lord as the waters cover the sea . see also cap. . . isa. . , , , . and it shall come to pass in the last dayes , that the mountain of the lords house shall be established in the top of the mountains , and shall be exalted above the hils , and all nations shall flow unto it : and many people shall go and say , come ye and let us go up to the mountain of the lord , to the house of the god of iacob , and he will reach us of his ways , and we will walk in his paths : for out of zion shall go forth the law , and the word of the lord from ierusalem : and he shall judge among the nations , and shall rebuke many people : and they shall beat their swords into plow-shares , and their spears into pruning-hooks : nation shall not lift up sword against nation , neither shall they learn wa●s any more . o house of iacob , come ye and let us walk in the light of the lord. mal. . , , , , , . my covenant was with ( levi ) of life and peace ; and i gave them to him for the fear wherewith he feared me , — the law of truth was in his mouth , and iniquity was not found in his lips : he walked with me in peace and equity ; and did turn many from iniquity : for the priests lips should keep knowledge and they should seek the law at his mouth : for he is the messenger of the lord of hosts . but ye are departed out of the way : ye have caused many to stumble at the law : ye have corrupted the covenant of levi ; — therefore have i also made you contemptible and base before all the people , according as ye have not kept my wayes , but have been partial in the law. zech. . behold thy king cometh unto thee ▪ he is just , and having salvation ; lowly and riding on an ass — he shall speak peace to the heathen , and his dominion shall be from sea to sea — math. . . learn of me , for i am meek and lowly in heart ; and ye shall find rest unto your souls . luke . . he hath anointed me to preach the gospel to the poor , he hath sent me to heal the broken-hearted — i must preach the kingdome of god to other cities also , for therefore am i sent . mark. . , . the multitude cometh together again , so that they could not so much as eat bread . and when his friends heard of it , they went out to lay hold on him ; for they said , he i● beside himself . ioh. . , . i have meat to eat that ye know not of — my meat is to do the will of him that sent me and to finish his work . ioh. . . i must work the works of him that sent me while it is day : the night cometh when no man can work . luk. . . and there was a strife among them , which of them should be accounted the greatest . math. . , , . but jesus called them to him and said , ye know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authority upon them . but it shall not be so among you : but whosoever will be great among you let him be your minister ; and whosoever will be chief among you let him be your servant : even as the son of man came not to be ministred to , but to minister and to give his life a ransome for many . ioh. . . my kingdome is not of this world — ●lse would my servants fight . luk. . . who made me a judge or a divider over you ? pet. . , , . feed the flock of god which is among you , taking the over-fight thereof ; not by constraint but willingly ; not for filthy lucre , but of a ready mind . neither as being lords over ( or , over-ruling ) gods heritage , but bein ensamples to the flock : and when the chief shepheard shall appear , ye shall receive a crown of glory . cor. . . not for that we have dominion over your faith , but are helpers of your joy . math. . . be not ye called rabbi ; for one is your master christ : and all ye are brethren . cor. . , . let a man so account of us as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god. cor. . . & . , . for we can do nothing against the truth , but for the truth ; according to the power , which the lord hath given me to edification , and not to destruction . act. . , . ye know after what manner i have been with you at all seasons : serving the lord with all humility of mind , and with many tears , — and have taught you publickly and from house to house — in every city bonds and afflictions abide me ; but none of these things move me , neither count i my life dear unto my self , that i might finish my course with joy ; and the ministery which i have received of the lord jesus , to testifie to you the grace of god. — , , . grievous wolves shall enter — and of your own selves men shall arise , speaking perverse things to draw away disciples after them : therefore watch , and remember that by the space of three years i ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears . , . i have coveted no mans silver or gold or apparel : yea your selves selves know that these hands have ministred to my necessities , and to them that were with me : i have shewed you all things , how that so labouring ye ought to support the weak — cor. . . of my self i will not glory but in my infirmities . so , . i take pleasure in infirmities , in reproaches , in necessities , in persecutions , in distresses for christs sake : for when i am weak , then am i strong . tim. . , , . but foolish and unlearned questions avoid , knowing that they do gender strifes : and the servant of the lord must not strive but be gentle to all men ; apt to teach , patient in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves , if god peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging of the truth . tim. . , . a bishop must be blameless , apt to teach — no striker , nor greedy of filthy lucre , but patient — tit. . , , , . a bishop must be blameless as the steward of god , not self-willed ( or self-pleasing , or stiffe in his own conceit ) not soon angry , not given to wine , no striker , not given to filthy lucre , but a lover of hospitality , a lov●r of good men , sober , just , holy , temperate , holding fast the faithful word , as he hath been taught , that he may be able by sound doctrine , both to exhort & to convince the gain-sayers , for there are many un●uly and vain talkers and deceivers , whose mouths must be stopped — cor. . , , . for though we walk in the flesh , we do not war after the flesh : for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal but mighty through god , to the pulling down of strong holds , casting down imaginations , and every high thing that exalteth it self against the knowledge of god , and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of christ. rom. . . him that is weak in the faith receive ye , but not to doubtful disputations — let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not ; nor him that eateth not judge him that eateth : for god hath received him — to him that esteemeth any thing unclean , to him it is unclean ▪ but if thy brother be grieved with thy meat , now walkest thou not charitably : destroy not him with thy meat for whom christ died — for the kingdome of god is not meat and drink , but righteousness , and peace and joy in the holy ghost : for he that in these things serveth christ , is acceptable to god , and approved of men . let us therefore follow after the things which make for peace , and things wherewith one may edifie another — he that doubteth is damned if he eat — rom. . , , . we then that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak , and not to please our selves . let every one of us please his neighbour for his good to edification : for even christ pleased not himself . now the god of patience and consolation grant you to be like minded one towards another , according to christ jesus , tha● ye ▪ 〈◊〉 with one mind and one mouth glorifie god — wherefore receive ye one another , as christ received us to the glory of god. phil. . , . let us as many as be perfect be thus minded , and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded , god shall reveal even th●s unto you . nevertheless whereto we have already attained , let us walk by the same rule , let us mind the same things . eph. . , . with all lowliness and meekness , with long suffering forbearing one another in love : endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace — . speaking the truth in love — . edifying in love . phil. . . let nothing be done through strife or vain-glory , but in lowliness of mind , l●t each esteem other better than themselves . look not every man on his own things , but every man also on the things of others . let this mind be in you which was in christ jesus — that made himself of no reputation — . do all things without murmurings and disputings . iam. . . the wisdome from above is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy , &c. thes. . , , . neither at any time used we flattering words , as ye know , nor a cloak of covetousness , god is witness : nor of men sought we glory , neither of you nor yet of others , when we might have been burthensome ( or used authority ) as the apostles of christ : but we were gentle among you , even as a nurse cherisheth her children . so being affectionately desirous of you , we were willing to have imparted to you , not the gospel of god only , but also our own souls , because ye were dear unto us . gal. . . the fruit of the spirit is love , joy , peace , long-suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness — cor. . . i paul beseech you by the meekness and gentleness of christ — gal. . . brethren if a man be overtaken in a fault , ye that are spiritual restore such a one in the spirit of meekness — bear ye one anothers burdens and so fulfill the law of christ. col. . , . put on as the elect of god , holy and beloved , bowels of mercy , kindness , humbleness of mind , meekness , long-suffering , forbearing one another , and forgiving one another , &c. tim. . . follow after righteousness , godliness , faith , love , patience , meekness . tit. . . to speak evil of no man , to be no brawlers , but gentle , shewing all meekness to all men — pet. . . the ornament of a meek and quiet spirit , in the sight of god is of great price . lev. . . thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . rom. . , . be kindly affectioned one to another with brotherly love , in honour preferring one another . rom. . . owe nothing to any man but love — love worketh no ill to his neighbour — love is the fulfilling of the law. ioh. . . by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples , if ye have love one to another . ioh. . . & . , . this is my commandement that ye love one another — as i have loved you — a new commandement — gal. . . the law is fulfilled in this , thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . thes. . . ye are taught of god to love one another . pet. . . love one another with a pure heart fervently . pet. . . be all of one mind ; having compassion one on another ; love as brethren ; be pitiful be courteous : not rendring evil for evil , 〈◊〉 railing for ra●ling ; but contrariwise blessing , knowing that ye are thereunto called , that ye should inherit a blessing . pet. . . who when he was reviled , reviled not again : when he suffered he threatned not . math. . , . love your enemies ; bless them that curse you , do good to them that hate you ; and pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you ; that you may be the children of your father , which is in heaven — for if ye love them that love you , what reward have you ? do not even the publicans the same ? and if ye salute your brethren only , what do you more than others ? do not even the publicans the same ? math. . . for if ye forgive men their trespasses , your heavenly father will also forgive you . but if ye forgive not men their trespasses , neither will your father forgive your trespasses . math. . , , . i say unto you that ye resist not evil : but whosoever shal smite thee on thy right cheek , turn to him the other allso : and if any man will sue thee at law , and take away thy coat , let him have thy cloak also — thes. . , , . we beseech you brethren to know them which labovr among yov , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you , and to esteem them very highly in love for their work sake , and be at peace among your selves : now we exhort you brethren warn them that are unruly , comfort the feeble minded , support the weak , be patient toward all men : se ●hat none render evil for evil to any man ; but ver follow that which is good , both among your selves and to all men . cor. . . though i be free from all men , yet have i made my self servant unto all , that i might gain the more . and unto the jews i became as a jew that i might gain the jews : to them that are under the law , as under the law , that i might gain them that are under the law : to them that are without law as without law ( being not without law to god , but under the law to christ ) that i might gain them that are without law : to the weak became i as weak , that i might gain the weak : i am made all things to all men , that i might by all means save some : and this i do for the gospels sake . cor. . . knowledge puffeth up , but charity edifieth : & if any man think he knoweth any thing he knoweth nothing yet as he ought to know : but if any man love god , the same is known of him . v. . but take heed lest by any means this liberty of yours become a stumbling block to those that are weak : . but when ye sin against the brethren and wound their weak conscience , ye sin against christ. . wherefore if meat make my brother to offend , i will eat no flesh while the world standeth , lest i make my brother to offend . ioh. . . jesus knowing that the father had given all things into his hands , and that he was come from god and went to god , he riseth from supper and laid aside his garments , and took a towel and girded himself ; after that he poureth water into a bason , and began to wash the disciples feet , and to wipe them with the towel wherewith he was girded . , . so after he had washed their feet and had taken his garments , and was set down again he said unto them , know ye what i have done to you ? ye call me master and lord , and ye say well , for so i am : if i then you lord and master have washed your feet , ye also ought to wash one anothers feet : for i have given you an example , that ye should do as i have done to you . verily , verily , i say unto you that the servant is not greater than his lord , neither he that is sent greater than he that sent him . if ye know these things , happy are ye if ye do them . qu. to what purpose do you set together all these words of scripture , without any exposition , or telling us what you conclude from them ? answ. i purposely avoid glosses and collections , that you may not say that i obtrude any thing on you of my own , which is not the mind of your lord himself . and i set them together that they that overlook them , may have a deeper apprehension than they have had . first , what is the true spirit of a christian , and nature of christianity ? secondly , what is the office and work of the ministery , and which way they are to win souls , and convince or silence gain-sayers and extirpate errours , and prevent or cure schismes , and secure the churches peace ? and as for them that can seriously peruse all these words of the spirit of god , and yet can find in them no matter of correction or instruction without a commentary and argumentation , i have no more to say to them at this time ; but to add christs next words ioh. . . i speak not of you all ! i know whom i have chosen . ] and i shall annex a few texts which characterize the contrary spirit ; contrary i say , to christianity and the faithful ministery , and with them i shall conclude . ioh. . , . not as cain who was of that wicked one , and slew his brother . and wherefore slew he him ? b●cause his own works were evil and his brothers righteous ( heb. . . by faith abel offered to god a more excellent sacrifice than c●in ) v. . marvel not my brethren if the world hate you — whosoever hateth his brother is a murderer : and ye know that no murderer hath eternal life ab●ding in him . ( we ought to lay down our lives for the brethren . ) ioh. . . ye are of your father the devil , and the lusts of your father ye will do : he was a murderer from the beginning — sam. . . . as his name is so is he : nabal is his name , and folly is with him — he is such a son of belial that a man cannot speak to him . read the story of doeg , sam. . read also ezra . , , , . esth. . . haman said to the king — there is a certain people scattered abroad , and dispersed among the people , in all the provinces of thy kingdome ; and their laws are divers from all people , neither keep they the kings laws : therefore it is not for the kings profit to suffer them . dan. . . there are certain jews — that o king have not regarded thee ; they serve not thy gods , nor worship the golden image which thou hast set up — dan. . . we shall not find any occasion against this daniel , except we find it against him concerning the law of his god — . all the presidents of the kingdome , the governours and princes , the counsellors and captains have consulted together to establish a royal statute , and to make a firm decree , that whosoever shall ask a petition of any god or man for dayes , save of thee o king he shall be cast into the den of lions . v. . these men assembled and found daniel praying and making supplication before his god ( which he did three times a day as aforetime ) — they said , that daniel that is of the captivity , regardeth not thee o king , nor the decree that thou hast signed , but maketh his prayers three times a day — amos . , . amaz●ah said to amos , o thou seer , go flee thee away into the land of juda , and there eat bread and prophesie there : but prophesie not again any more at bethel : for it is the kings chappel , and it is the kings court. math. . , , . wo unto you scribes , pharisees , hypocrite● , because ye build the tombs o● the prophets , and garnish the sepulchres the righteous , and say , if we had been in the dayes of our fathers , we would not have been partakers with them in the blood of the prophets . wherefore ye be witnesses to your selves that ye are the children of them which killed the prophets : fill ye up then the measure of your fathers — ioh. . . if we let him thus alone , all men will believe on him , and the romans shall come and take away both our place and nation . act. . , . and as they spake to the people , the priests and the captain of the temple , and the sadduces came upon them , being grieved that they taught the people — and they laid hands on them and put them in hold — v. . that it spread no further among the people , let us straitly threaten them that they speak henceforth no more in this name . . and they called them and commanded them not to speak at all , nor teach in the name of jesus . gal. . . but as then he that was born after the flesh , persecuted him that was born after the spirit , even so it is now — ioh. . , . i wrote to the church , but i●● otrephes who loveth to have the pre-eminence among them receiveth us not — and not content therewith neither doth he himself receive the brethren , and forbiddeth them that would , and casteth them out of the church . beloved follow not that which is evil , but that which is good . he that doth good , is of god ; but he that doth evil hath not seen god. thes. . , . for ye also have suffered like things of your own countrymen , even as they have of the jews : who both killed the lord jesus and their own prophets ; and have persecuted us : and they please not god , and are contrary to all men ; forbidding us to speak to the gentiles that they might be saved ; to fill up their sin alway : for the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . ☞ luk. . , . lord wilt thou that we command fire to come down from heaven , and consume them , even as elias did ? but he turned and rebuked them and said , ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of : for the son of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them . i conclude as i began : that the consciousness of our own ordinary and lamentable infirmities , and the greatness of the churches sufferings thereby , in all fore-going ages and in this , will condemn us of impudent self-ignorance , if ministers be not compassionate and tender towards the weaknesses of the people , who cannot be expected to equal them in knowledg . alas , brethren , what are we ( even after so many years study & preparation ) that we should be supercilious and cruel to the infirm ! what difficulties puzzle us ? what a loss are we at in our ordinary studies ? how weakly do we preach and pray and write ? how easily do we see this in one another , as our mutual censures and severities shew ? who troubled paul and the first churches , but erroneous teachers ? who prated malitiously against iohn , and cast out the brethren , but a diotrephes ? who brought in the errours of the millenaries , the corporeity of angels , the errours of the arrians , eunomians , nestorians , eutychians , macedonians , and almost all the rable ine epiphanius , augustine and philastrius , but bishops or presbyters ? who have caused and kept open the wounds of the churches of the east and west so long ? who introduced all the errours ( about praying for & to the dead , &c. ) that are in most of the liturgies of the churches in east and west ? and all the errours that are found in so many councils and confessions of churches ; and in so many volumes of controversie as are extant ? who set up the roman usurpation and tyranny ? who set up the papal power above princes ; and determined in the laterane council for their power to depose them and alienate their dominions ? who set up usurpers and raised wars against emperors and kings upon these grounds ? who brought in transubstantiation with the rest of the roman absurdities ? who have been the masters of the bloody inquisitions ? and who hindereth the preaching of the pure doctrine of the gospel in all the romanists dominions ? is it not an erroneous clergy ? you 'l say , those are papists and so are not we ? ans. no , god forbid we should ! but they are a mistaken clergy ; which sheweth us that the clergy are as liable to be dividers and troublers of the church as the laity are ; and have done much more . if any hence would infer , that the pastors must be vilified or deprived of their just liberties and power , i would more largely tell such a one , that it is also the clergy that have opposed all these heresies and sins ; and that have maintained obedience to princes ; and that have preserved the scriptures and the christian saith ; and that have been the salt and lights of the world , without whom christianity never long continued in any nation ; and that have been the chief instruments of bringing all the souls to heaven that have passed thither from the militant church . ( but i have done this in two sheets for the ministery long ago . ) so that our faults consist with the honour of our function , and of our necessary labours , and with the praise of the more blameless . and even so , though the peoples weakness , and inclinableness to unwarrantable separations and schisms , be blameworthy , as a fruit of their infirmity and injudiciousness : yet must we remember that they are the members of christ , and we must ●ot deny his interest in them ; nor judge or use them hardlier than christ himself hath done , or alloweth us to do : but study his love and tenderness and forbearance , that we may follow him in serving him ; and not follow our uncharitable passions , and call it , a serving of him ; who liketh no such hurtful service . he that loveth christ in none of his infants or weaker members , but in the strong and more prudent sort alone , doth love him in so few , that he may question whether he loveth him indeed at all ; and whether ever he shall hear , in as much as ye did it to the least of these my brethren , ye did it unto me . april . . the way of division by violence . i. depart from the apostolical primitive simplicity ; and make things un-necessary , seem necessary in doctrine , worship , discipline and conversation . ii. endure no man that is not of your mind and way ; but force all t● concord upo● these terms of yours , what ever it cost . iii. ●rand all d●● . ●ters with the 〈…〉 maticks , ●●ereticks , or ●●ditious re●els ; that the● 〈◊〉 become ●teful to high ●nd low . iv. when this ●ath greatly ●ncreased their ●isaffection to ●ou , accus●●heir religio● of all the expressions of that disaffection , to make i● odious also . v. take thos● for your enemies that ar● their friends , ● . those for your friends which are their enemies ▪ and cherish those be th●y never so bad that will be against them , and help you to roo● them out . but remember that for all this you must come to judgement . and read these following words of mr. r hookers , which he useth of some part of the history , which out of sulpitius i before mentioned ▪ eccles. p●l . epist. dedic . the way of peace by love and humility . i. adhere to the ancient simple christianity , and make nothing necessary to your concord and communion , which is not necessary . ii. love your neighbors as your selves ; receive those that christ receiveth , and that hold the necessaries of communion ; be they episcopal , presbyterian , independants , anabaptists , arminians , calvinists , &c. so they be not proved heretical or wicked . iii. speak evil of no man , and especia●ly of dignities & ru●lers : revile not when you are reviled : speak mo●● of the good that is in dislenters ; and do them all the good you can . iv. if any wrong you , be the more watchful over your passions , & opinions , and tongues : lest passion carry you into extreams : love your enemies ; ●less them that curse you ; do good to them●hat ●hat hate you : and ●ray for them that desp●ghtfully use you and persecute you : and do no● evil , ●hat good may come by it . v. impartially judg of men by gods in●erest in them , and ●ot your own or your parties . reprove the wayes of love-killers and backbiters ; and let not the fear of their wrath or censures carry you into a compliance with them , or cause you by silence to encourage them : but rejoyce if you should be martyrs for love and peace : for — blessed are the ●eek , for they shall inherit the earth . blessed are the peacemakers , for they shall be called the children of god. blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness sake ; for theirs is the kingdome of heaven . the way of division by separation . i. depart from the apostolical primitive simplicity ; on pretence of strict observing it ; and make new duties and new sins , which scripture makes not such . ii. account all those ungodly that use set prayers , or worship not god in the same manner as you do . iii. brand all dissenters with the odious names of gracele●s forma●ists ▪ that you may make them all seem unlovely to others . iv. when this hath stirr'd them up to wrath , call them wicked persecutors , and have no communion with them . v. backbite and reproach all those as compliers with sin ; or such as strengthen the hands of the wicked and the persecutors , who would recal you to love and humility : and cherish all sects be they never so erroneous or passionate that will take your part , and speak against them : but first , when the wrath which you thus kindled hath consumed you ; secondly , or your divisions crumbled you all to dust : thirdly , and your scandals hardened men to scorn religion to their damnation ; remember , wo to the world because of offences , and wo to him by whom offence cometh . read act. . . cor. . . . & . . rom. . , . iam. . , , , , . study these on your knees . i deny not but that our antagonists in these con●roversies , may peradventure have met with some not ●nlike to ithacius , who mightily bending himself by ●●ll means against the heresie of priscillian , ( the ha●red of which one evil was all the vertue he had ☜ ) became so wise in the end , that every man carefull of vertuous conversation , studious of the scripture , and given to any abstinence in diet , was set down in his kalender ▪ for suspected priscillianist● ☜ for whom it should be expedient to approve th●ir soundness of faith , by a more licentious and loose behaviour . ☜ such pr●ctors and patrons the truth might ●are . yet is not their grossness ▪ so ●●●●llerable as on the contrary side , the scurrilous and more than satyrical immodesty of marrinism ; the first published schedules whereof being brought to the hands of a grave and very honourable knight , with signification given that the book would refresh his spirits , he took it , saw what the title was , read over an unsavoury sentence or two , and delivered back the libel with this answer ; i am sorry you are of the mind to be solaced with these sports , and sorrier you have herein thought my affection like your own . finis . errata . p r●f p. ● . lin . . for 〈◊〉 read not , pag. 〈◊〉 . l. . for en●●ame●r . enslave . contents p. . l. . dele to be ▪ p ▪ l. . for timer . true p. . l. . for own church read outward church , p. . l. . for solomons knowledge r. common knowledge , p ▪ . l. ▪ for their r. then , p. . l. . r. christianity , p. . l. . for moved r. proved , p. 〈◊〉 . for s●em r. serve , p ▪ . l. for they read the ▪ p. 〈◊〉 . dele in , p. . l. . read ●word th●m , p. . l ▪ . for ever ▪ r. even , p ▪ . l. . for them 〈…〉 p. . l. . for historical read histerical , p. ● . l. . read reveal 〈◊〉 p. ● . l. penultu . for is read in . p. . l. dele be , p. l. ● . dele time , p. . l. . read years , p . l. read de●ecti●e , p. ● . l. . read 〈◊〉 , p. . l. ● . read 〈◊〉 ta●● p. ● . l. ● . read independency , p. . l. . read appealed ▪ p. . l. . for be , read become . a catalogue of books written and published by the same author . . the aphorisms . . the saints everlasting rest , in quarto . . plain scripture proof of infant church-membership and baptism , in quarto . . the right method for a setled peace of conscience and spiritual comforts , in thirty two directions , in octavo . . christian concord : or the agreement of the associated pastors and churches of worcestershire , in quarto . . true christianity , or christ absolute dominion , &c. in two assize sermons preacht at worcester , in twelves . . a sermon of judgement preacht at pauls , london , decemb. . . & new enlarged . o. . making light of christ and salvation too oft the issue of gospel-invitations , manifested in a sermon preached at lawrence iury , in london , in octavo . . the agreement of divers ministers of christ in the county of worcester , for catechi●ing , or personal instructing all in their several parishes that will consent thereunto ; containing . the articles of our agreement . . an exhortation to the people to submit to this necessary work . . the profession of faith and catechism , in octavo . ▪ 〈…〉 ; the refo●med pastor● shewing the nature of the pastoral work , especially in private instruction and catechizing , in octavo . . certain disputations of right to sacraments , and the true nature of visible christianity , in quarto . . of justification : four disputations clearing and amicably defending the truth , against the unnecessary oppositions of divers . learned and reverend brethren , in quarto . . a treatise of conversion , preached and now published for the use of those that are strangers to a t●ue conversion , &c. in quarto . ▪ one sheet for the ministery against the malignants of all sorts . . a winding-sheet for popery . . one sheet against the quakers . . a second sheet for the ministery , &c. . directions to justices of peace , especially in corporations , to the discharge of their duty to god , &c. ▪ the crucifying of the world by the cross of christ , &c. in quarto . . a call to the unconverted to turn and live , and accept of mercy ; while mercy may be bad , as ever they would find mercy in the day of their extremity : from the living god : to be read in families where any are unconverte●● 〈◊〉 . of saving faith : that it is not only gradually , but specifically distinct from all common faith. the agreement of richard 〈◊〉 with that very learned consenting adversary , that hath maintained his assertion by a pretended consu●ation in the end of 〈◊〉 shepheards book of sincerity and hypoc●●●● in quarto . . directions and perswasion● to a sound conversion , &c. in octavo . . the grotian religion discovered , at the invitation of mr. thomas pierce in his vind●cation : with a preface , vindicating the synod of dore from the calumnies of the new ti●●nus : and david , peter , &c. and the puritans , and sequestrations , &c. from the censures of mr. pierce , in 〈◊〉 . confirmation and restauration , the necessary means of reformation and reconciliation , &c. in octavo . . five disputations of church-government , in quarto . . a key for catholicks , to open the jugling of the jesuites , and satisfie all tha● are ▪ but truly willing to understand , whether the cause of roman or reformed churches be of god ; and to leave the reader utterly ●nexcusable that after this will be a papist , in quarto . . a treatise of self-denial , in quarto . . his apology against the exceptions of mr. blake , kendal , crandon , eires , l. moulin● in quarto . . the unreasonable●ess of infidelity in four part● , &c. in octavo . . the worcester-shire 〈◊〉 to the parliament , for the ministery of england , defended , &c. in quarto . . his holy common●wealth or political aphorisms , opening the true principles of government , 〈…〉 . his con●ession of faith. &c. in quarto . . his humble advice ; or the heads of those things which were offered to many honourable members of parliament , in quarto . . the quakers catechism ; or the quakers questioned , in quarto . . an account of his present thoughts concerning the controversies about the perseverance of the saints , in quarto . . his letter to mr. drury for pacification , in quarto . . the safe religion ; or three disputations for the reformed catholick religion , against popery , &c. in octavo . . catholick unity ; or , the only way to bring us all to be of one religion , &c. in twelves . . the true catholick and catholick church described , in twelves , &c. . the successive visibility of the church of which protestants are the soundest members , &c. in octav . . the sermon of repentance . . of right rejoycing . . sermon of faith before the king. . treatise of death . . the vain religion of the formal hypocrite , &c. in several sermons preached at the abbey in westminster , in i●●lves . . two sheets for poor families , &c. . short instructions for the sick : a sheet . . a saint or a b●●it , &c. in quarto . . the mischief of self-ignorance , and benefit of self-acquaintance , in octavo . . universal concord &c. in octavo ? . the last work of a believer , &c. in 〈◊〉 . . the divine life in three treatises ▪ the first of the knowledge of god : the second , of walking with god : the third , of conversing with god in solitude , in quarto . . the reasons of the christian religion , &c. . directions for weak distempered christians ▪ to grow up into a confirmed state of grace , &c. 〈◊〉 . the characters of a sound confirmed christian written to imprint on mens minds the true idea or conception of godliness and christianity , in octavo . . now or never , in twelves . . the life of faith , in parts , in quarto . these books following are also printed for nevil simmons , at the three crowns near holborn conduit . the novelty of popery opposed to the antiquity of true christianity . by peter dismoulin , d. d. in folio . a commentary or exposition upon the five books of moses together with the following books ; ioshua , iudges , ruth ; first and second of samuel ; first and second of kings ; and first and second of chronicles , in folis . the beauty of magistracy , in an exposition on psal. . by thomas hall , b. d. the souls looking glass ; wherein a man may discern what estate his soul stands in towards god , and what evidences he hath for heaven , &c. by edward bury , ●●ate minister of great bol●s in shropshire , in octavo . the profit of godliness , set forth in sermons , on tim. . . the unprofitableness of worldly gain , in four sermons on mark . , . the parable of the barren fig-tree , in seven sermons , on luk. . , , , . victorious violence , in two sermons , on mat. . . by tho. brindal , late minister of walshal in staffordshire , in octavo . the girdle of holy resolution , in two sermons , on pet. . . by william gearing , minister of the gospel , in quarto . the love-sick spouse , in sermons on ca●t . . . by wil. gearing , minister of the gospel , in quart . a discourse on prodigeous abstinence , occasioned by the twelve months fasting of martha tayler . by iohn reynolds , in quarto . the dead pastor yet speaking , in two sermons , preached on bartholome● day , aug. . . in bewdly chappel . by henry osland , then minister there , in octavo . the christians daily walk , a sheet . by the same author . a sinners justification on the lord jesus christ , the lord our righteousness ; in several sermons . by obadiah grew , d. d. late minister in coventry , in octavo . the repenting sinner pardoned , being a brief relation of the wicked life and penitent death of iames wilson of wolverhampton in st●ffordsh . in . the english school ; or the readiest way to teach children , or elder persons , to read , spell and rightly pronounce english ; fitted to the use of common english schools , illustrated with five bras● cuts . by tobias ellis , in octavo . d● ▪ bryan's eight sermons , in octavo . finis . sectaries vnmasked and confuted. by the treating upon divers points of doctrine in debate betwixt the presbyterialists and sectarists, anabaptists, independents, and papists. / by george palmer wel-wisher to a warrantable uniformity in godly religious exercises. palmer, george, b. or . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) sectaries vnmasked and confuted. by the treating upon divers points of doctrine in debate betwixt the presbyterialists and sectarists, anabaptists, independents, and papists. / by george palmer wel-wisher to a warrantable uniformity in godly religious exercises. palmer, george, b. or . [ ], , - p. printed by richard cotes, london : . in four parts. part has a separate dated title page which reads: the voice of infants by infants defender; part caption title reads: certain observations, cautions, and instructions for mr. lambe, and other anabaptists, to prevent their perverting of others to errors and schisme; part caption title reads: an appendix for the reader, shewing the cause of our distractions, .. ; pagination and register are continuous. text is continuous despite pagination. annotation on thomason copy: "july th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng lamb, thomas, d. -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . christian sects -- england -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century. a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no sectaries vnmasked and confuted.: by the treating upon divers points of doctrine in debate betwixt the presbyterialists and sectarists, ana palmer, george d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sectaries vnmasked and confvted . by the treating upon divers points of doctrine in debate betwixt the presbyterialists and sectarists , anabaptists , independents , and papists . by george palmer wel-wisher to a warrantable uniformity in godly religious exercises . out of the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast ordained strength , because of thine enemies , psal. . . matth. . , . if these should hold their peace , the stones would immediately cry out , luke . . and my speech , &c. was not with enticing words of mans wisdome , but in demonstration of the spirit , and of power , that your faith should not stand in the wisdome of men , but in the power of god , cor. . , . london , printed by richard cotes , . to the christian reader . beloved , it may seem strange to you , that i am approached to the presse ; and i confesse it is strange to my self . and therefore , both you and i may revive the ancient proverb , viz. is saul among the prophets ? but yet considering the great distractions among the children of god generally , and that in a time after so manifest issues of blood , which have been mortall to many hundred thousands , and yet notwithstanding wee being in want of the two happy staves ; viz. the staffe of beauty , and the staffe of bands : and that they are obtained , first , by a warrantable uniformity in godly exercises of our true religion , which is compared ●o a staffe of bands ; and the second ( which is a consequence of the first ) viz. unity of affection , which is compared to a staffe of beauty , these two being the supporters of a people from confusion and destruction , where-ever they have their being . secondly , considering also , that although a man ought to see to his owne house , and not to adventure to meddle with his neighbours dwellings , untill hee bee called by an outward voice , as well as by an inward provocation , and that notwithstanding upon an extraordinary case of danger , hee may ( if not absolutely prohibited ) put to his helping hand when a whole city is on fire , for it is then expected that their neighbours should come without an outward call , and put to their helping hands . provided that when hee appeareth , hee bee allowed and approved by those in authority there , that he bee able to doe good and not hurt ; and also , considering how many have adventured now in these times of danger , that have been much defective in some things by them put forth : and further seeing some have thrust forth the poyson of aspes to the increasing of our kingdomes sicknesse : and also that many have been permitted to use their pens , who were but private men , and perhaps , they have not all of them brought gold , nor much silver , yet accepted too : these things being by mee thus considered , and being absolutely perswaded that i have some water to quench the fire ; and also some gold , if not silver , and pearles , to helpe repaire what wilde fire hath exhausted ; i therefore have adventured toward the ruinated house of this our israel : and my chiefe care is to bring such materialls as is most wanting to it , for if i come not with fitting matter , i shall doe little good , if not much hurt , as some others have done before mee : yea , i , in so doing , may too easily increase the flame . for sometimes , the lesse straw or combustible matter is best , especially when the fire is too neare the thatch already ; and so many ( that seeme to bee friendly helpers ) are crafty hinderers in this our great necessity : and truly i see many at worke , and labour at it too , but they cannot well conclude about those things that are wanting to this house . therefore i am busied in the viewing of the materialls , which ( as i thinke ) bee those that truly belong to some speciall parts of this frame ; the which are sought for by many , and yet scarce found ; ( especially by divers of the sectaries : ) one saith , this is the piece that ought to be next ; and another saith to him , that that piece doth not belong to any part of the building , but that it belongs to romes synagogue ; and another hee would lay a foundation where there is a good one already ; and a fourth , hee would take away both that good one already laid , and the other that perhaps should lye somewhat neare it too ; and a fifth , hee like a cunning fox , would perswade them that it doth not belong to any of them all to build about that frame , and tells them in plaine termes , that they are not lawfully called to build there in this workmanship ; his policy was no other , but to keep them at strife from building , untill the house were quite consumed by his wilde-fire brought from rome , to which place hee did belong , ( but that hee had cloathed himself in a sheeps skin , and would be thought to bee a true sheep , that hee might the more easier deceive . ) but i am sure there are many honest builders , and they are lawfully called too , and also that they have true materialls , but that notwithstanding this fox , with wolves , and certaine beasts of the bottomlesse pit doe hinder them , by putting all the parts of the materialls of the house in such a mixture of confusion , that many who have least policy , cannot easily finde the true piece that is to bee laid next in the building : and some other of them doe know the right pieces , but will not confesse which they are , because they would hinder the other builders , that so they may take some of the parts of it , and build little caves for their owne private profit and gaine ; my paines herein , is to describe the true parts of this frame , and to lay them in order ready for those that are the true builders , and to unmaske the counterfeit builders , ( or rather , the pullers of it downe ) as also to helpe the weake in judgement , who can scarce know the right piece , or true part of the building , because the smoakie flame hath discoloured it : i doe perswade my selfe , if this could well bee done , wee should soone build peaceably , lovingly , and in a godly uniformity , though some peevishnesse would bee still amongst many , because they have suffered some losse since this flame began . my endeavour is to shew what the church of christ in the largest sense , doth consist of , and who ought to feed them , and who ought to ordaine those pastors ; and where , or how they should dwell , and many particular points that are in difference betwixt the presbyterialists , and those that dissent from them in the government of the church , &c. if you thinke mee too tart in my passages , i pray consider with me , that the government of the church is no light fly ; it is either a great happinesse if it be in a good frame , or a great misery if it be in confusion , we have experience of it too much already . secondly , my sharpnesse is not intended to any , but to those that deserve it , to others it is not meant . thirdly , i beleeve that rationall men , and single-hearted , will not much dissent from me in those things which i have laboured to prove and maintain for truth . fourthly , i am ready to receive a confutation in any thing wherein you can with either scripture or reason confute mee ; provided , that you doe not argue against scripture , where a babe may not onely read , but as easily conclude what is truth . sixthly , perhaps my plainnesse in phrase and method may dislike some that have more learning in the tongues , and other liberall arts to display truth with , i intreat them to note what my end is in this my paines , not to come with excellency of speech , if i had it , i aime at truth of matter , for it is that which we have need of in these times . seventhly , i beleeve that they are the vulgar sort of people that have most need of helpe in these points i treat of ; for the learned i hope , there are not many of them that doe much miscarry in these things , nor will dissent from the substantialls in them . eightly , if i chance to come out a second time , it may hap i may sore higher then some looke for , but i would first appeare to the weakest , for they are those that the wolves doe watch to make a prey of chiefly ; therefore i would endeavour to secure them , and then i passe very little to meet with both fox , wolfe , and all the frogs of rome : and so much i beleeve you will conclude upon , when you see their skins so pulled about their eares , as in this booke they lye , if a course be but timely taken with them , they will rather be gone from us , then stay to be so mangled , as here they be . ninthly , i intreat you to bee advised by mee in this one thing , especially , viz. when any point is treated upon in any booke , wherein the text to prove a doctrine by , is not expressed at large by the author , but the place named by figures onely , there take good heed lest you ( too soone ) make a conclusion of a ( supposed ) truth , before you looke in the text it selfe ; for many writers doe not rehearse the sentence it self , but name the place , and so goe on in argument with it ; and many times the reader makes a conclusion as the author of the booke doe conceive to bee the truth , although it bee many times false ; therefore it were good that all writers would rehearse the sentence of the scripture they quote to prove any thing by , at least in a matter that is of any great weight , as in this book i doe . another thing i intreat of you , which is this , that you will read seriously , and minde onely that you read ( free from distraction or trouble of minde ) as you read ; and read through a point from the beginning to the end , when you read . and when you have a booke , whose matter is sure divinity , and short for memory , and plaine for capacity , keep that by you to view continually . i intreat the reader to accept of this my good will to doe him good , and by his so doing , i shall bee well satisfied ; and bee ready in any way i may or can be able to be your servant george palmer . canterbury , june . . sectaries unmasked and confuted . no separation ought to bee in the church of christ , nor divisions , or forsaking the assemblies of our selves together in the publick ordinances of godly and religious exercises ; rom. . . mark them which cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which yee have learned , and avoid them , &c. cor. . . now i beseech you brethren , by the name of our lord jesus christ , that yee all speak the same thing , and that there bee no divisions among you ; but that yee bee perfectly joyned together in the same minde , and in the same judgement . and in chap. . . yee are yet carnall ; for whereas there is among you envie and strife , and divisions , are ye not carnall ? &c. and heb. . , . let us consider one another , to provoke unto love and to good workes : not forsaking the assembling of our selves together , as the manner of some is , &c. cor. . , , . god hath tempered the body together , having given more abundant honor to that part which lacked , that there should be no schisme in the body , but that the members should have the same care one of another , that they should suffer one with another . by all these places of scriptures it doth appear that the church should have no divisions , viz. christs body : i say it should not have divisions ; for although at some times it had some divisions , yet the apostles did alwayes endeavour to reclaime them from such divisions , as you may see by these texts of scriptures here now quoted . but it is to bee now considered , what kind of divisions those were ( at least chiefly ) that the apostle doth disclaim , which was amongst those members hee then did dehort these corinthians from : and how farre he then ( for the present ) did ( condescending to their weaknesse ) permit them liberty of conscience ; for , as i said , hee did endeavour to settle them in one way of religious exercises void of division , though ( for the present ) hee permitted them some liberty of conscience in some things that were of least concernment , and not destructive to the whole body , or indanger it to an absolute confusion ; and to this end , i will first look over the texts already quoted , and produce what i am able from them ; and after that produce reasons to shew the inconveniences that comes by the divisions that are amongst christians in their religious exercises . briefly , and also the happines that we may attain unto by a godly unity in affection ; and next after i will by arguments endeavour to shew , that this unity in affection is much forwarded by a uniformity in religious exercises , where it may be attained in a warrantable way ; and next , whether we may not now in these our dayes attain unto these things , without offending ( at least much ) any ( good ) conscience though weak . and then i will hang forth some signes or characters by which wee may collect which party is in most fault in their conversations between those that stand for the presbyterialists government , ( or at least nearest it ) and those that dissent from it , and proceed to the independent ways , which they call congregationall , that so we may by that meanes see our hearts more clearly : for doubtlesse many of us that are assured that we have some goodnes in truth in us , are not so forward and apt to espy our sinister ends , or by-respects ; and that it is a great tryall to a man ( who having once interessed himself to maintaine an opinion ) to undergoe a disgrace by renouncing it afterwards , though he be convinced in his judgement ; and i will briefly note some things that may move us to give god the glory , and our selves take some shame , seeing wee all deserve it . and lastly , indeavour to perswade those that stand for the presbyteriall government to imbrace those ( that renounce the other wayes , or any sins whatsoever ) without casting their sins in their teeth ; for , in many things wee sin all . the first text quoted , is , rom. . . now i beseech you brethren , marke them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which yee have learned , and avoid them ; for they that are such , serve not our lord jesus christ , but their own belly and by good words and faire speeches deceive the hearts of the simple . the scope of these texts , is , to prevent divisions in the church of these romans which in some was already begun , and that division was in their not assembling themselves according to the apostles institution , and that in some pretence , that all that paul had taught , was not an absolute truth , for they divided contrary to the doctrine , which they had received ( saith the text ) ( for in some case a man may divide , but he must have some warrantable cause ) but the end of this their division was not to serve christ jesus , but their own bellies ; ( for so saith the text ) and this must be done in or by some faire colourable demeanor , viz. good words , and fair speeches ( saith the text ) but all this was but to deceive , ( saith the apostle ) and because they could not delude the wise , therefore they would tamper with the ignorant , ( for so saith the text ) they deceive the hearts of the simple ; from hence i note also , that these were false teachers , that did make this division for their own private gain ; viz. to suck from the poore silly people , in way of pretence to teach them the truth ( for they did it to serve their belly . ) you shal see more of them in some of the next scriptures following . the next scripture quoted , was cor . . now i beseech you brethren , by the name of our lord jesus christ , that yee all speake the same thing , and that there be no divisions among you , but that you be perfectly joyned together in the same mind , and in the same judgment . in this scripture the apostle perswades these corinthians , from division amongst the common hearers there , ( chiefly at least ) and shewes some cause of it in them , and that was for want of a mind and judgement well informed , and therefore they did much contend with each other , as in the verse you may see . and therefore they were partiall in respecting and affecting of their teachers without just cause ; ( for those preachers were so knowing , that they did not differ in their judgements in those things they taught ) but this was their carnality in affecting the preacher more for his wisdome in words and phrases , &c. rather then for the truth of matter , ( as is very likely and cleare in the verse ) for there hee saith he did not preach the gospel with wisdome of words , ( that is , chiefly ) lest the crosse of christ should be made of none effect . but by what hath been observed here chiefly for our purpose , is , that there ought to have been no divisions amongst them , seeing there was no cause ; and in chap. . ver. . he did also forbid divisions , and tells them the reason of it , viz. they were carnall , and lookt upon their teachers more then to gods word and working by the ministery of their preachers , as is to be seen in the fifth verse : and truly i must note one thing more from the words of the third verse , and that is this ; the reason why men have not their judgement better informed , is , because they doe not renounce their carnall corruptions , for the more a man desi●eth to renounce his corruptions , the better understanding he shall have in the word of god ; yee are carnall , said hee . but i passe to the two other scriptures named , for they are those which i doe most intend for my ( chiefe ) purpose . the first of them is heb. . , . these are the words of the text , not forsaking the assembling of our selves together , as the manner of some is , &c. in this verse the apostle pre-admonisheth them to beware that they bee not drawne away from their publick assemblies in their godly exercises by the examples or enticing of some that had already forsaken them . by the apostles expression in this verse it seems those that did forsake , did not shew forth any notorious evill ayme or end , ( for the present ) wherefore they did forsake the assembling of themselves together with those that the apostle here forewarneth , therefore those might have some close colourable pretence , which as yet did not breake out , but some evill ayme they had , for the apostle noteth them and forewarneth the rest , selah . surely , it was an evill in them , ( for the apostles constitution was good in the government he had established amongst them ) it seemes here also that amongst the church of god divisions are naught , for the apostle endeavours the contrary , what ever the intent be of those that forsake and divide without some apparent and weighty cause . the next place is cor. . , , . i will name but part of the first verse , and then all the rest ; these are the words , god hath tempered the body together , having given more abundant honour to that part which lacked , that there should bee no schisme in the body ; but that the members should have the same care one of another ; and whether one member suffer , all the members suffer with it ; or one member be honoured , all the members rejoyce with it ; the apostle in these verses excellently alludeth to the body of a man , to shew the constitution or frame of christs mysticall body , viz. his church on earth , that , as the body of man consists of divers members , so doth the church of christ , and have their severall offices of care and good performances one unto the other , and if any member suffer , the residue are sensible of its wants of prosperity ; and if it bee well and healthfull , the residue of the members of the body rejoyce with it , because the honouring of one member is the honouring of the whole , ( as a gold-ring on the finger , is esteemed an ornament to the whole body ) &c. thus it is with the mysticall body of christ , ( saith the apostle in ver. , . ) they are to take care one of another , as the corporall body of man , the which it cannot doe if it bee divided member from member ; therefore ( saith the apostle in ver. . ) god hath tempered the body together , &c. and in ver. . he tells us , that the end of gods joyning the members together thus , is , that there should be no schism in the body , but that the members should have the same care one of another ; thus it is with the mysticall body of christ , if the members be divided , then is the body ( spirituall ) weakned , and in great imperfection and danger , especially if many members be either lame , or quite divided from it . thus you see by all these texts of holy scriptures , that schismes , divisions , and forsakings the assemblies ( of gods people ) in the onely way of religious exercises is utterly forbid , and the reasons ( in some particulars ) also rendred by the apostle in the words of this chap. of cor. , , & verses : now next i am to perform three things which i have promised you , before i come to the goliah and his younger brethren , and of these three things i will be briefe , ( for i long untill i come to the main ones . ) the first is , to shew by reasons , that divisions in godly exercises of our religion , do occasion great inconveniences to the church or children of god ; first , it estrangeth and weakeneth their affections one towards the other : this we have experience of enough already on both sides , amongst us in these dayes : i shall not need to use many words to cause you to conclude with me this truth , for by our divisions in some points of doctrine , and much more in the government of the church , and the severall ways that severall persons and congregations steer ; the church is divided or weakned in their affections . secondly , by these divisions there is produced an evill opinion one of another , whereupon one is jealous of the other , lest the one do circumvent the other in his way , which hee hath resolved to walke and rest in , ( for all men in every way in religion , accounts his one way best , and therefore thinks him not so good as himselfe that differs from his wayes ) whereupon ( upon smal occasions ) they wil be ready to flout and scoffe at each other , and to fall at length to blows perhaps too . thirdly , when our affections are so weake towards each other , then civill wars are apt to bee amongst us , for every one will bee jealous lest the other would rob him of , or divert him from that which hee accounts so precious in his own way of religion . fourthly , when wee be so much divided , then wee are liable to be a prey to a common enemy . fifthly , by divisions ( in these kinds ) we are liable to have teachers of divers errors , to a farther confusion in religion ; for the severall preachers of the word of god , that are preachers to so many severall sorts of sects , will bee as strange to each other themselves , so that they will not meet to conferre together about religion ( or at least but few together ) because there are but few of many sects , that are of good ability in knowledge ( as preachers ) and so they will bee the more unable to know and preach the truth to the people . sixthly , there will bee little power in any to punish or restrain those that are to be restrained or punished , because the state will bee so divided both in opinions and severall companies : in sum , we shall be an absolute babel . the next in order ( which i promised you ) is the benefit or happinesse which we may attaine unto by a godly unity in affection ; i hope much need not to bee said of this , for all people have experience of it ( unlesse fooles and little infants , &c. ) but yet something of it i will note in particular . first , i will ( in summe ) conclude in this truth , that the deprivation of inconveniences is an injoying of happinesse ; for if that which is evill bee taken away , there remaineth that which is good , and so saith solomon in these words , take away the drosse from the silver , and there remaineth a vessell for the refiner . wee shall then bee joyned in our affections to love each other , the which will have joyned to it a good opinion of each other , and this is in holy scripture called the staffe of beauty ; neither shall we be so jealous of each other with an evill suspition , nor fall to blowes , nor jars , nor civill wars . for then we shall be joyned together in one , and be a staffe of bands ; and being so , wee shall the lesse feare a common enemy ; then shall our preachers meet , advise , and conferre together , for to be the better able to teach us the truth , yea , they and we shall bee so amiable to each other , as that they will bee incouraged to watch over us with joy , and not with grief , the which will be ( not unprofitable , but ) profitable unto us ; then we may retain a power to restrain errors , heresies , and stubbornnesse in evill ; ( in sum ) i say , we shall not be a babel of confusion , but as a flock of doves or sheep , by this blessed unity in godlinesse , here in this world , and attain everlasting blisse after this life ended , in heaven with god and his holy angels . one point more i have to wade in , before i come to the hydra and his young ones ; and that is this , viz. that a godly unity in affection is much forwarded by a lawfull uniformity in divine ordinances . i hope i shall not need to trouble my self nor the readers hereof with many arguments to make this good , seeing we now are taught it by wofull experience , ( by the want of it ) but yet i will begin with an authentick scripture , and that is in matter of religion , for that is it which most occasions either unity , ( if we well comply together ) or divisions , if we dissent from others in it , ( for we esteem that best , which wee think will most advantage us ) for men do not usually strive much for chaffe or drosse , but for wheat , gold , silver , or pearles , or such like things . this scripture is heb. . , . these are the words , let us consider one another to provoke unto love and good works , not forsaking the assembling of our selves together , as the manner of some is ; but exhorting one another , &c. let us , said hee , ( we who are not disunited in our way of our godly exercises of religion ) provoke one another to love and good works ; as if hee should say , wee who are not divided from each other in our ways of godly exercises , are not divided in our assemblies , whereby we may be helpfull one to each other , in provoking each other to love , ( that is , unity in affection ) and good works . and that this is the true genuall sense of the verse , it will appeare in the next verse , where he dehorteth them from forsaking the assembling of themselves together , as the manner of some then was . in which words you may see that some ( having forsaken the uniformity in those godly exercises , which these that are here exhorted did perform ) had forsaken their assemblies also , and therefore had lost this good opportunity which these in ver. . had ( that is to say ) to provoke unto love and to good works ; you may know by experience , that what one man disliketh in another , doth cause so much the less love or liking in him towards that man in whom he imagineth something worthy of his dislike ; for the true proverb is , like loveth its like , and the more they faile in their likenesse , the lesse they love : and this holdeth in every thing that is esteemed good , and the more good the matter or thing is accounted by one party , and disliked by the other , the more will their affections of love bee abated , especially in mankinde , and much more in divine things and heavenly ordinances . now i come to the chiefe master-piece , or goliah with his armour-bearer : and that is , whether wee in these our times may not attaine to this uniformity in a warrantable way , without much offending any good conscience , ( though weake ) that so we may attaine to this unity of affection in godlinesse , and thereby attaine to the happinesse i spake of , both in this life and the world to come sempiternally . and i will name some points of doctrine which those that stand for the presbyteriall government ( or nearest it ) doe hold and maintaine , the which those that doe dissent from us doe oppose , some of them in one point , and some of them in another point , &c. the which points are not ( amongst most of us ) held to bee fundamentalls of our religion , as in truth they are not ; that is to say , both parties ( if honest and true hearted in the fundamentalls ) may bee saved without them : ( if they could hold and continue so to the end of their dayes , and their seed also successively ) but those things we differ in are such as are to maintain and preserve us in those fundamentalls chiefly , and without which we cannot long stand upon them , but shall fall off : and these points doe chiefly concern the government of the church , and divers particulars in the demeanors or manners in the same ; as also , who ought to bee accounted worthy to bee esteemed a member of the church , and accordingly received to be of the company and partakers of the ordinances belonging to the church . therefore i will name so many points , as i have heard differenced between those that are for the presbyteriall government ( or nearest it ) and their opposites , ( and perhaps i will insert a few more points too ) and produce what scriptures i can remember to cleare the truth of the points , and bring divers reasons for some points too , by which meanes many may not pretend liberty of conscience without just cause , and bring ruine to the whole body spirituall : to name these points in order ( strictly ) i will not promise content to every one : and first for the church , viz. who are it : to this i answer , in strict knowledge of it , none but god can tell ; but so farre as the scriptures give us light to see , so farre we are to conclude in a charitable esteem , and that is thus , those that professe to be saved by faith in christ jesus ( according to the fundamentalls contained in the word of god ) and are partakers of his ordinances , and frame their lives according to his commandements . now herein we differ much about this latter part , the independents and we presbyterialls . the presbyterialls say , that there be divers degrees of sanctification , which in some is more , and in some is lesse , yea , so little in some , as that they doe but eschew the habituall acting of capitall sins in their outward demeanors to mans view , ( so to speak comparing one sin to another ) as those the apostle hath laid down as a rule for us to be guided by in this particular point now in hand , viz. to judge and account of a fit member ( in some degree ) of a church , as we may see in ephes. . . no whoremonger , nor unclean person , nor covetous man , which is an idolater , hath any inheritance in the kingdome of christ , and of god . cor. . , . neither fornicators , nor idolaters , nor adulterers , nor effeminate , nor abusers of themselves with mankinde , nor theeves , nor covetous , nor drunkards , nor revilers , nor extortioners , nor such like , shall inherit the kingdome of god . but the independents , or ( as they will rather be called ) the congregationall party , they hold , that except there be a more greater and more larger or stricter walking in the wayes of god , there can be no conclusion made that those persons have any saving grace in them at that time , and therefore not to bee received as members of a church , but that if they will be esteemed members of the true church , they must have such godly exercises in their families in a more demonstrative degree and manner , then doe appeare to bee in them that are for the presbyteriall government , ( for the more part ) and more zealous and frequent in the exercises of divine ordinances , or else they are not to be received as members of christs mysticall body . now to decide this question , i will bring divers scriptures to prove , that there were divers sins , and divers sorts of sins both of omission and commission amongst the true beleevers , not onely in the time of the old testament , as the sins of david a man after gods own heart , ( as the scripture termeth him , and divers others also of good report : ) but in the primitive churches , in the apostles time . and first i will begin in cor. . . to . these are said to be carnall and addicted to strifes &c. and yet they are called babes in christ ; heb. . , . these are such as are said to have need to be taught again the first principles of the oracles of god , &c. they were not capable of strong meat , but had still need of milk , ( viz. babes diet ) for they were still babes , these were relapsed in part , yet christian babes ; col. . the former verses , these had their affections too much set upon the things of this life ; pet. . , . these must then adde to their faith , vertue , and to vertue , knowledge , &c. thess. . . to the end of ver. . and also ver. , . these are wanting in knowledge and holinesse , and were addicted to carnall lusts , to uncleannesse , and to fraud and deceit , ( as too many professors are now adayes . ) cor. . . these were exhorted to cleanse themselves both of flesh and spirit too ; thes. . , . these were to increase in love one toward another , and toward all men , that god might establish their hearts unblamable in holinesse ; chap. . . here the apostle prayeth for these , that god would sanctifie them wholly , &c. heb. . . these were dehorted from covetousnesse ; col. . . the apostle prayeth for these , that they might bee filled with the knowledge of gods will , in all wisdome and spirituall understanding , and that they might be fruitfull in every good worke ; joh. . . in this place christ prayed for his apostles , that they might be ( yet more ) sanctified ; and the corinthians were too much hankerers after fornication and adultery , as you may see in cor. . . to the end of the chapter , and some of the former verses also ; and in the eight first verses you may see a great fault in them , reproved by the apostle , viz. so great a defect of love and good will each to other , that they went to law one against another , and that before the ( unjust ) unbeleevers , yea , they themselves did use fraud to each other , as in v. . appeareth , and yet these to whom this reproof was given , were beleevers , as you may see in ver. . by all these scriptures it doth appeare , that many ( in the present state of grace ) have been charged and reproved for many sins and corruptions at that time when they were in the faith , and present state of salvation ( yet the apostle did not make a separation , nor divisions , nor schismes . ) i doe not note these faults and defects of sanctification ( which betoken weaknesse in the faith ) to strengthen any in sin , far be it from me to incourage or comfort any in their persisting in vice ; but i would not have any judge of men too rashly and uncharitably , contrary to the rule of gods word , lest wee condemne some to be in the way of damnation , when they are in the present state of salvation . and from this mistake ariseth a spirit of uncharitable and unwarrantable , and dangerous separation from all the ordinances and meanes of salvation ( or at the least the most part of them ) by this their blind judging without the true rule . how shall such weake christians ( beset with corruptions ) be helped and strengthened against their sinnes and ignorances , if the stronger christians separate from them . we that are strong ( saith the apostle ) ought to bear the infirmity of the weake , viz. instruct them , exhort them , reprove them , and allure them by the word of truth , by the danger of damnation in hell , and salvation in heaven . now consider these things , you that are so forward to censure men so much uncharitably , as to separate your selves from men that are not worse in their conversation then these men aforesaid were ; nay , you separate from some that are not so scandalous as many of these now quoted were , and you do debar these and such like men from receiving the holy sacrament of the lords supper which is due to all christians , and such as you are to account so , ( they being not worse then these aforesaid , in their outward demeanor ) nay , we are to hope better of some that are worse then these before quoted . see for this also in thess. . . these are the words , if any man obey not our epistle , note that man , and have no company with him , that he may be ashamed ; yet count him not as an enemy , but admonish him as a brother , as in v. , & in the . such a person is named to them also ; and in thess. . . are these words , warne the unruly : by all these places it doth appeare , that these were not to bee separated from the church , for still they were to admonish them as brethren , which they were not to doe , if they were utterly cast out or rejected , onely they were to estrange themselves from them , that is to say , not to have so much familiarity as before , or as with those that were not so disorderly or unruly , but yet admonish him as a brother still , and thus much shall suffice for this point , now thus stretched and tagged . now having found a rule out of gods word , by which we are to esteem and receive a member of the church , viz. the body of christ , ( lest we cast out or reject more lambs of christ then wee shall retaine sheep : ) in the next place it is requisite to know who ought to feed them , or bee their most publike teachers , ( for although the members of christ are all to bee helpfull each to other , that is , as the apostle commandeth , edifie one another ) yet the same apostle did ordaine publike preachers over the flocks , as we may see easily in timothy and titus , and divers other places , and that successively too , as i shall afterward shew in the point for the ordination of the ministers of the gospel : now for this , i will be brief , thus , they ought to be the teachers , that are best able , and true christians , according to the former rule in the former point , that is , those that are most knowing , and obedient to the will of god so known , according to the rule which god hath given us to judge by , and of those two properties neither ought to bee wanting , but if a man have in some good measure the latter , and have not the former , viz. knowledge , he then cannot give strong meat to any ; and if such a one be a teacher , we shall have but babes at the best , yet ( which is worst ) he will for the more part bee medling with the matters too high above his reach , and so lead those whom he teacheth to errours and heresies ( as we have too much experience of at this time . ) but some may demand , how if the preachers have knowledge ( in a competent degree ) and too little honesty , he will doe much hurt that way by his ill-example , for men live more by example then by precept , ( for the more part , ( if they bee very ignorant especially . ) to this i answer thus , briefly , were it not for the love of god to us , we should have neither knowledge nor honesty , neither the preachers nor hearers ; therefore we are to look to god in this point , more especially , for if those that are the people to be taught , do frame their lives according to that little measure of knowledge that god doth give them in faith and obedience in christ ; he then wil provide such as shall be both able and honest too , to be their guides and examples also ; however we may not choose a novice , tim. . . for wee must take it as a curse of our god to us , when we want such as should be able and honest too , the scriptures of god do testifie thus much , & thus i prove it , when the people of israel did perversly sinne against their god , ( after long instruction and meanes of their edification in the will and word of god ) then he did threaten them , and said thus , by men of other tongues , and stammering lips , will i speak to this people , &c. as in esa. . . and in ezek. . . it is said thus , i ( said god ) will make thy tongue cleave to the roof of thy mouth , that thou shalt bee dumbe , and shalt not bee to them a reprover , for they are a rebellious house . these places are clear for this purpose , that god will send unable teachers to a people as a curse to them for their sins against him in time of plentiful knowledge : and for their sins he did at another time tell them that he would let them have as bad prophets in their lives and conversations , to be evil examples for them , see this in mich. . . these are the words , if a man walking in the spirit of falshood doe lye , saying , i will prophecy of wine and strong drinke , even he shall be the prophet of this people ; and in another place it is said , there shall be like people , like priest . and so much for to prove that , because of the peoples disobedience when they have the word of god taught them truly ; they shall have evill teachers as a curse to them , in the stead of good and fit guides : and now that god will give better teachers of his people , when they walke obediently to him , according to his will revealed in his word , is also as true ; for in a certaine place god promised to send them pastors that should teach them with knowledge and understanding . and when the people under king sauls government were well humbled , and brought down by his oppressing them ; then god heard their cry , and pityed them in their misery , and provided them a blessed guide and feeder of them with knowledge and understanding , viz. the kingly prophet david ; thus you may see , that it is the love of god to us , in giving us able teachers , the which wee shall have when wee live obediently to him with all our hearts , according to his will revealed in his word : and thus much shall serve for this point , viz. who ought to bee the publick teachers , and also some objections answered . and i have concluded , that those that are best able ought to bee the publick preachers of the word of god to the people . but now followeth in good order another point , and this is a speciall one too , and this point the independent party , ( for some congregations at least ) and almost all sectaries are against me in ; onely the presbyterialls are on my side ; and this point is concerning the proving , allowing , and ordaining these preachers for the work of this great ministration : i shall for this , pitch upon scriptures in the first place , and after that confirm the point by reasons , and my reasons will be strong i am sure ; this question is , who ought to ordain the preachers of the gospel . i answer , that chiefly and ordinarily ( at the least ) the preachers of the word of god ought to doe it : and the first scripture is act. . . and when they had ordained them elders in every church , and prayed with fasting , they commended them to the lord on whom they beleeved : for the places where they did ordaine them , you may see in the end of ver. . if you doubt whether these were preaching elders that the apostles did there ordain , i must say , that it is very likely they were : but if not , yet it makes for my point in hand , for if it belonged unto the apostles to ordain inferiour elders , then i am sure you will grant me the other , viz. that they did ordain the preaching elders , i can prove it out of other scriptures plainly , but i know you will not oppose me in this . but here is another objection , and that is this , although the apostles did it , yet we are not to follow that rule still , unlesse we had a command left unto us , so to doe for evermore successively . to this i answer , that what the apostles did then , was for our imitation in that particular , for they did not give or leave any other order or rule to us in the word of god , and therefore wee must say as paul said , whatseever was written , was written for our instruction . but i will proceed to other texts , titus . . to the end of ver. . these are the words , for this cause left i thee in cre●e , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every city , as i have appointed thee . that these were preaching elders which titus was to ordain ( or at least some of them ) is apparent in vers . . for those that in ver. . paul had called elders , he in this verse called bishops ; now in that titus was left to ordain those bishops , you may see a succession of the ordination of preachers of the word of god , by the preachers of the word of god ; and tim. . . you may see what paul commanded timothy ; these are the words , the things that thou hast heard of mee among many witnesses , the same commit thou to faithfull men , who shall be able to teach others also . tim. . . lay hands suddenly on no man ; neither be partaker of other mens sins , keep thy self pure ; here you may see a second succession of the ordination of the ministers of the word of god , by the ministers of the word of god , for now timothy must commit the doctrine or the word of god to others that he could find able and fit to teach others also : the word commit carries weight with it , and signifieth the leaving in trust ( as it were ) the word of god , to their dispensation to whom it was to be so committed ; here you may see that the common hearers were not to ordain the preachers of the word of god , and the true reason thereof is rendred in tim. . . in these words , thou hast fully known my doctrine , &c. it seemeth paul knew well , that those that were best able in knowledge , were the fittest to ordain the preachers , and they were most knowing men , that were then the preachers of the word of god ; and farther paul gave him a rule whereby hee might know who were those fit men to bee the preachers of the word of god , as you may see in tim. . to the end of ver. . whom in ver. . he called bishops , yea , he had characters given him , whereby he might know how to choose fit and able deacons also , as in ver. , , . are to be seen , and they did use to lay hands on them that they ordained for the ministery of the word of god at that time , as in tim. . . & in chap. . . & tim. . . at which time timothy had a speciall gift given him when paul ( or others with paul ) did ordain him to be a preacher of the gospel , and also in heb. . . alas , if every one may be permitted to preach that would doe it , we ●hen must needs have a babel , therefore they ought to be proved by the preachers of the gospel before they do preach . and now i demand of those that would have every congregation ordaine their own pastor or preacher , why those that are in the synod ( or ministers like them ) should not be the ordainers of men for to bee the preachers of the word of god , rather then those that are more ignorant by thousands of particulars in the word of god , and so many honest men there too : what , are they not so ? i say they are , and ablest , and honest too ; but put case , some should be thought otherwise , you know that no company of any sort is usually so intirely good , but that some may be defective ; what think you of your selves , may there not bee some worse then others ? nay , may there not be hypocrites and varlets too , if so , then you every way are worse then the learned , and therefore every way more unfit for to ordain men to be preachers of the word of god . now a touch of one thing more , and then i will passe to another point , and this is somewhat differing from the former , but i will joyn them together , and that is this ; the preachers of the word of god were superintendents of other preachers in the apostles time , and this i prove as followeth , tim. . , . where you may see that timothy was to charge some ( that were already the preachers of the gospel ) that they should teach no other doctrine , then that which they had received , &c. from the which some had already then swarved and turned aside to vaine janglings , as many doe now amongst us in these dayes ; and in tim. . . you may read the like , these are those words , charge them before the lord , that they strive not about words to no profit , but to the subverting of the hearers ; these men , to whom this charge was to be given by timothy , are those men that are deciphered in ver . . of this chapter , that is to say , to those that were already in the ministry of the gospel , this authority the apostle sent to timothy to exercise towards those preachers , and did not send it unto those preachers directly , this power to give the charge was seated in timothy by the authority of the apostle : and truly if it may not bee somewhat like it now at the least , in some degree , we shall be in great danger to bee distorted upon all occasions , though i can well wish that some choise men from among the people may bee joyned with them too , in this superintendency ; for it will give the people great satisfaction from their feares of an unjust compulsion . this one thing more i will note as the great cause of our distractions , yea , the greatest of all , ( next the peoples sins in generall ) and that is the allowing of men , and ordaining them to be ministers of the gospel , before they were fitted for that great employment . alas , i have seen some in the pulpit that have thought a sentence in latin would have given such a box on the eare , that it would make an opposer of truth to have the staggers , and if he brought in a phrase of greek , it must needs beat him to the earth ; but if hee produced some scraps of hebrew , that would beat him into the earth , so deep , as that he could never rise more untill the generall day of resurrection ; although the matter bee poore and un●ound divinity , and his method as bad ; i am not against the knowledge in the tongues , and other liberall arts , but honor the learning of the same ; but if they are not better grounded ( or at least as well ) in divinity , what should then the pulpit doe with them ? poore silly ignorant people come to learn matter wherby they may be saved , and if the teacher be not well grounded in divinity , how can hee defend the ignorant from sophisticall and knavish foxes , and devouring wolves ? the next point which the separatists pretend to be unwarrantable in our ministers for to ordaine preachers of the gospel , is , that they are of the popes order , and receive their owne ordinations from him ; it being first and primarily received of him , and therefore ( he being the maintainer of idolatry ( from whom they had their ordination ) they cannot be the lawfull preachers of the word of god , and therefore ought not to bee the ordainers of the preachers of the gospel . this objection is like a remora who turns his belly upward , ( as is said ) opens his legs , or some such parts of his body , & claspeth about this goodly ship of ours , viz the church , to the hindering of us from arriving pleasingly and safely to our heavenly haven . but i will knock him off thus , first , you cannot prove that ( if in case they have their ordination from the pope ) the pope at first was absolutely an idolater , but that he then held the fundamentalls of the true gospel , though he then was received as the universall head of those that subjected themselves unto him : that this may appear a truth to you , i pray you take a view of a book called the apology of the protestants , written about the time of the massacre in france , dedicated to the king of navarre , in which you may see the canons of the pope and popes at first , and also those that had been made by succeeding popes since untill that time , and there you may observe that those canons that were made by the former popes , are so much different from those that have been made since , as that if he would hold himself to those first canons of those first popes , hee must then renounce his antichristianity and idolatry , and so joyn with us , and walk together to heaven , although it was a sin in him to assume that universall stile and power . but secondly , put case it had been so , yet this makes little for you , for if they see the evill that he persisted in , and yet themselves hold the fundamentall truths of the gospel of christ , ( though perhaps tainted in some particulars ) and so part from him to hold to christ , what is or may be objected against them for their so doing ? shal we condemn them for their forsaking the badnes of the pope , and adhering to the goodnes of the truth of christ ? god forbid ; nay , i will say more in their behalf , they have converted ( instrumentally ) many thousands to the true faith by their ministery , and built them up in it also , which is a sign that they were true ministers of the gospel of christ , and thus much the apostle avoucheth in these words in one of his epistles , cor. . . if i am not an apostle to others , yet doubtlesse i am unto you , for the seale of our apostleship are yee in the lord , &c. it seems there were some such jesuiticall tricks in some of his adversaries , at that time , who were subtle prevaricators , or dangerous sectaries ; from such cunning foxes , and barking dogs , good lord deliver us ; i condemn not all , there may be honest men , but yet deluders must needs bee there ; and so much for this point , with this conclusion , viz. where we had one was bad before , if this remain , you 'l have a score . now seeing i have found out a church , according to the rule the apostle hath left us to esteeme and judge the church by , ( for secret things belong unto the lord : ) and also who are fittest to feed , or to be the preachers of the word of god to it : and who are to ordaine those that ought to be their preachers ( at least chiefly and ordinarily ) with other points ( as younger sisters to those chief points : ) now it follows in the next place for me , to view out a habitation for them , viz. where it is fittest they should dwell , or in what order , manner , or fit accommodation they should be in . i shall be very briefe in this , especially if i doe not meet with some ravening wolves in the way , who perhaps will think that i am labouring to prevent them of their prey . in brief thus , they ought to live neare together , both shepheard and sheep , for conveniency , that so in the first place they may have more familiar acquaintance one with the other , thereby performing neighbourly duties each to other , knowing thereby so much the better each others wants , and accordingly accommodating themselves the better together in the more frequent exercise of edifying themselves in the truth , by the admonishing of themselves in the principles of religion , ( though not in things too high for their intellectuall faculties , ( for that more chiefly is the publick pastors duty , ) and also in the accommodating themselves in these outward comforts of the things of this life . and it is fit that their preachers of pastors should live amongst them also , that so they may the better view and know the state of their severall flo●ks , that they may give them their meat in due season , as they are able to digest it , ( for some must have milk being babes ) and some ( at some times ) may be able to concoct and digest stronger meat ; and also that he may keep out wolves the better , that would devour the flock ; and theeves that would rob them of their fleeces , and especially in cold weather , viz. when they cannot well spare it ; and that they may the better maintain their own pastors or teachers , that so they may have a maintenance for themselves and their families , and provide some portions for their children , yea , leave their wives some better maintenance after their death , ( if they chance to survive them ) and not leave them in want to their grief and disgrace ; yea , their pastors or teachers should have to give to those that want , viz. to the poore especially , that so he may bee a good example to his flock , and so be well incouraged to take care of his flock with joy , and not with grief ; because that will be unprofitable for themselves , viz. the flock . not like some that would have them live anywhere scattered abroad as sheep without a shepherd among them , somewhat like some in some times , whose pastors would have them come from every quarter ; yea , and to allure them to them from other their faithful watchers and feeders that are abler then themselves , yea , draw as many as they can get from all parts , under pretence that their pastors are not able to teach them truth , nor that they are lawfully called to be preachers of the gospel unto them , and so discourage them in the ministery of the gospel , & deprive them of a maintenance for their livelihood , and their wives and children ; they thus occasioning such people with fair words and insinuations to approach too often ( as is said ) to their boles or basins or such like thing , or some other thing in stead thereof ; which if this be , and be permitted long time together , they will ( as perhaps some of them hope ) ere long have as great sums of mony , as some whom they have condemned for having too much . and further , what ( think you ) will become of the residue of the poor sheep , left in all those parishes , from whom these were thus allured ? they must starve , for their pastors or teachers have not wherewith to live , therefore if they stay there still , many of them may starve , and hunger you know is a sharp sauce , surely they must leave the rest of the flock , and then that remnant of the flock must starve for want of spirituall food ; and this wil occasion them to be more wicked , to the dishonour of god , and their own damnation , and the perverting of the whole kingdome . judge now if this way of the separatists be not a dangerous way , thus dividing without just cause , doubtlesse this is a sin that will be closely laid to their charge that are the workers of it ; therefore if you will doe it still , cause them then to allow to their own pastors that are able and honest ( in some competent degree ) their own maintenance , and this you may easily do , by not suffering them to follow you , or be of your company , unlesse they will doe this their duties to their own pastors or teachers , that so you may not be thought to have silver coloured fingers , and golden coloured hearts . but me thinks i spy a monster now appearing , arising out of the bottomlesse pit , with a foxes head , and a crocodiles heart ; its heart had a dark superscription on it , hard to be read ( but that god gives some some ability in times of great danger to discern it ) but looking wishfully upon it , i discerned it to bee anagrammatticall , and then i knew how to read it , & the word was ( as i had put the letters in their due place ) covetousnesse ; as for his head , i did read presently what that did portend or foreshew , i knew there must be subtlety , i bethought my selfe of this mysterie , and thus interpreted it ( summarily . ) this monsters heart whose name is covetousnesse ( in the mystery ) doth imploy his foxes head to prevent this fair accommodation of the church , which i am now working with my pen , and me thought he presented to me an objection , to prevent my diverting of him of his ungodly ( and kingdom-destroying ) gain ; and that was this as followeth , viz. you cannot prove that there is any promise that a nationall church is to be anywhere , at least not now under the gospel ; upon this me thought i soon understood his head , and the anagram of his heart also , and then i compared them together , and easily and truly knew him to be one of baalzebubs crew ; and from that conclusion i quickly drew another , and that was this , he ( that is ) this monster , under pretence of a more purified church , ( which i wish also ( but with a true heart in the sight of god ) would in pleading against a nationall church , overthrow parochiall churches , otherwise he could never have hopes to obtaine his desire . then i bethought of what i had before concluded concerning the church of christ , what it doth consist of in the largest sense , and that is this , those that make an open profession of faith to bee saved by the merits of jesus christ , and declare it in the partaking of his ordinances , and frame their lives accordingly , viz. do not habitually act capital sins , though it may sometimes fall out ( through more then ordinary temptation ) they be , as it were , overtaken now and then , as david was sometime one way , and others some another way ; these we are to esteeme the church of god , although perhaps they may not have grace in their hearts , nor yet be saved ; but this is the rule that we ought to be guided by , to esteem of a supposed member of christs mysticall body , untill hee declareth the contrary by wicked words , or more sinfull deeds ; for secret things doe belong to god onely , and the strict knowledge of the heart is one of those secrets . thus when i had noted againe this point , i then thought , and was fully satisfied , that christ hath more members amongst us , in most parishes , then this monster did pretend , although by reason he hath much hindered the setling of the government of the church with us in the presbyteriall way ( or at least very neare that way . ) many for want of a good discipline and laws to restrain vice , be lame in their practise of godlines , &c. i then adventured as a lion ( me thought ) to encounter this monster , and i took the way which my saviour did in the wildernesse , viz. it is written psal. . . blessed is the nation whose god is the lord , &c. this was spoken of the jewes then the people of god : gen. . . in thy seed shall all the nations of the earth bee blessed : gen. . . all the nations of the earth shall be blessed in abraham . i know some will not be satisfied fully with these texts of scripture , and i know their objections , therefore i will produce some other , although i know these are for the same purpose . another scripture saith , that nations shall flow to thee , viz. to christ . but let us see what the lord saith by the mouth of his prophet esay , chap. . ver. . these are the words , thou shalt call a nation whom thou knowest not , and nations that knew not thee , shall run unto thee , viz. to christ ; he did not mean that whole nations should , or would run to christ singularly generall , viz. not every particular man or woman should bee converted to christ ; but that the nation should in the more generall profession embrace the doctrine of christ ; and many of them in truth of heart , as the jews did at that time , when david the kingly prophet spake those words now quoted out of the psalm aforesaid , though there be many rebellious corahs , and other sinfull murmuring people and wicked transgressors amongst these , as there was amongst those jews , as they were in the way to canaan land ( the type of heaven . ) and now me thinks this monster is stopped in his aime and hopes ; i therefore now will proceed to another point , as i have proved it by reason and scripture , that divisions in the divine exercises of our religion , is naught and dangerous to the state of christians : and also that it is a great happinesse to bee united together in a warrantable uniformity in the divine ordinances of our religion ; now i come to prove more particularly what speciall decrees and ordinances the apostles did ordain and appoint for the churches of god in the primitive time , the better to accommodate them in a warrantable uniformity , and thus i prove it , acts . . to , & ● . compared with chap. . v. . in ver. . wee may see the apostles and elders , and brethren sent greeting to the brethren in antioch , in syria , and cilicia , ( these were divers churches ; ) and in ver. . you may see what the decrees were that they had decreed for them , or at least what some of the decrees were , the which were for ( all ) those churches . and in chap. . paul and silas going through the cities , delivered them the decrees for to keep that were ordained of the apostles and elders which were at jerusalem . here wee may see , that all those cities had but one sort of decrees , as is more then likely , for the apostles did ordain for antioch , syria , and cilicia , but one sort of necessary things as in ver. , . of chap. . doth appeare plainly ; the which paul and the rest delivered to those in antioch , as in ver. . appeareth , and afterward they came to syria and cilicia , as in ver. . you may see , and those ordinances did much confirme the churches , as you may see in the last words of this . ver. aforesaid ; and in ver. . of chap. . also ; surely uniformity in the truth is a meanes of confirmation and unity of affection ; and in cor. . . thus ordain i in all churches ; in this place the apostle resolves some questions to the corinthians , and putteth them and other churches into one uniformity , as is cleare by the words of the text , viz. thus ordain i in ( all ) churches , and so in cor. . , . as i have given order to the churches of galatia , even so doe yee ; there was a uniformity in providing for the poor . thus we may see the blessed apostle did endeavour uniformity in all the churches of god , i wish the like practice were amongst us in these dayes , viz. uniformity in godly wayes . but some may demand a question , if the apostle did not sometime in some cases give leave to christians in case of conscience for want of true knowledge in some particulars , to doe , or not doe . it 's true , he did so , but not in those things that were of any danger to the state of the church or churches , for those that were weak in knowledge for the present , that they might not sin against their conscience in eating of herbs , by him that did think he might not eat flesh ; & likewise to celebrate service to god upon some speciall day or dayes rather then in some other days , ( provided that they did not doe it as having respect to the old types or shadows ) that did foreshew the comming of christ , the substance , lest they either be intangled with justification by works , or else in stead of relying on the true christ already come , should ( as the jews do now ) look for a jesus to come , as hee is already come : but this liberty the apostle did not confirm to be as a law alwayes for them to rest on , as not to seek for better assurance of knowledge therein , for hee at that time did shew the very legs of that statue , in these words , viz. he that eateth herbes is weake , and so said he of him that should bee opinionated about the observation of a day ; not that which before was to be observed as a type , gal. . . but that we may set apart some days more especially then others for divine exercises , for the apostle had done so himself very likely , setting apart the first day of the week , as in cor. . . and as you may perceive by their usuall meeting upon the lords day , and other dayes so often spoken of in the scriptures . but what is all this to those things that are now in these our dayes so much pleaded for ? alas , those things were but flea-bitings , to them that some would have now adayes ; shall we give way to such things as are so materiall , as will ruinate the state of christians ? god forbid , the government of the church is of a higher nature , the apostles did not give toleration in such great matters ; this is the staffe of bands , the which if it be broke , i am sure the other staffe called beauty , wil soon be all to shivers . if all that plead tendernesse of conscience may have liberty as they desire , every one that is without grace will take up that plea ; do you not think that a very varlet , or peevish , or perverse man , out of a malignant disposition will plead liberty of conscience to act meer knavery ? surely yes . i condemne not all , but if men may bee allowed to plead , and in pleading obtain liberty as they list , you will hold them in no good duty : to speak plain , and short , hee that hath been a professor of christianity any competent time , and yet is pleading for liberty of conscience against those things that common capacity can fathome , is either a vain professor , or else his teacher or guider is to be much suspected ; and i fear such leaders teach not sincerely , to shew what is the truth in those things , but hold men blind for their own advantage , especially if it bee any long time together . but take this for a rule , that if we find a man that is apprehensive in matters of divinity in the generall , among many things , and yet is defective in his confession of some truths that are as easie , and of as low a nature , as those he confesseth to be truth , and sensible too , and thus remaineth a long time together , such a one is ( ungodly ) wilfull in his way , against his own conscience , and ought to be dealt withall by force , for he hath an obstinate or malignant spirit ; and you may know , that after a man have persisted in sinne wilfully against his conscience , god doth then usually blind the eyes of such a one ; yea , sometime the very children of god have some lower degrees of this blinding ( for a time ) but the froward much more . these things considered , wee have cause to dislike like confusion , and love a godly uniformity , imitating the apostles in the same . but i suppose many that plead so much for diversity of government , ( which is confusion ) doe not beleeve that it is the best way for christians so to be ; but that indeed there is some greater matter lyeth couchant in this heap of confusion . and in plaine english , i think it is a blind uncharitablenesse in many , mixt with malignity in their intellectuall faculty and heart together ; i would not have caused my pen to have drawne this curtaine , at this time , but that mee thought i heard one at my elbow , longing to heare something of the cause ( in some measure ) of our kingdoms confusion ; for some things may be accounted and esteemed less worthy of so much striving for to maintain this confusion on the sectaries part , then some wil allow of , although we have no expresse command for it ; if you think otherwise , why then did the apostle st. paul deliver some things in such generall termes , as he did in cor. . . in these words , let every thing be done decently and in order ? it seemeth paul knew well , that those who had any measure of true knowledge , and true sincerity together , ( far from hypocrisie ) might be able to judge what was fit in some things of a low nature , without any strict precept for every particular wagging ones finger ; cor. . god is not the author of confusion but of peace , as in ( all ) churches of the saints , and chap. . . yea , from the . to the end of the . these are some of the words , judge in your selves , &c. and phil. . . are these words , viz whatsoever things are comely , &c. and so rom. . . these are those words , the kingdome of god is not meat and drinke , but righteousnesse , peace , and joy in the holy ghost ; for hee that in these things serveth christ , is acceptable to god , and approved of all ( good ) men . it seemeth that this apostle had no such intent , as to have them hazard their peace , or endanger themselves to a civill war , nor give an occasion to a forain enemy to break in upon us , nor yet to hinder those that are without , to stand off the further from being of our true religion , to their everlasting damnation . neither is it necessary to let men alone in their separations and divisions , for such matters as the government of the church , ( for that 's of a high nature ) lest their leaders ( viz. some of them ) do make the divisions so great ( in time ) that there will be no power to reclaim them : therefore those things that you know not , and therefore have scruple in your conscience concerning them ; you should ( to satisfie your selves therein ) ask of your teachers : but because it hath been so long time your weaknesse , and yet is so still , it doth cause some to think , you are either wilfully obstinate , ( not all so ) or else your pastors ( many of them ) doe forbear in policy from revealing them unto you , lest you should forsake them and joyn with those that are on the presbyteriall way , which ( for the more part ) are the most knowing men : and truly it is a great sign that the sectaries are the weakest in knowledg in divinity , because ( as it is reported ) most of the women-kind bendeth that way . if these things bee not so , then i will tell you what the next apprehension is , ( as many say and absolutely conclude ) and that is this , there are some preachers that lead the silly weake people in this way into by-corners , because they want ability to give them strong meat , or little better then such as is fit for babes , and so occasion the building our babel of confusion with the content they have in their boles and basins , &c. ( as some think and say ) to the undoing of the parishioners lawfull pastors , and occasioning and hindering those ministers that are able for the work of the ministery of the gospel from undertaking the cure of soules , and perhaps to the undoing of those so blindly led by them , and the starving of the soules of those inhabitants that remain behind in those parishes too . i know what objection some subtle head will make to this my latter assertion , but i will prevent him , because i would not have him shew forth openly his weaknesse or subtlety to his shame , or else his wickednesse to his open condemnation ; his answer is this , those people that have a mind to come out and heare the word of god , may , if they will come and follow us , and heare us preach in our owne houses , and sometimes in some other places also , and all of them may pay us as others doe for their comming to us , and hearing of us ; and we will have one free way for it , viz. a common offering . but i answer , by this meanes of their alluring them , to their private houses , &c. they keep themselves from shewing what their inabilities are from them that are more judicious in many points which they teach in private ; yea , and by those points , so in private taught , they hold these silly lambs to them as they list for their owne sinister ends ; making them believe , that those points are of such concernment , that if they desert from them , as they themselves with mouth ( though perhaps not with heart ) do teach , they then are in exceeding great danger , and then the poore lambes in stead of safe refuge , are held in the wolves clawes ; i hope better of some . and thus much shall serve for this point , and i hope all honest men will joyn with me : some doe invent malignity , with breezes in their eares ; the truth his mouth doth so untie , of god he has no feares . now in the next place i will treat upon another point in difference between the presbyterialls and some of the sectaries , and they are called led antinomians : i shall pitch upon scripture to confute these , who hold this cursed tenet ; i told you that the last monster ( as i thought ) did arise out of the bottomlesse pit from baalzebub , but i think this is that old dragon himself ; neverthelesse i beleeve , some honest people might be intangled in this error also , because this hath been a time of difference , in many things among the learned ; the first scripture is , acts . . compared with ver. . in ver. . you may see , that the jewes that were beleevers were zealous of the law ; and in ver. . you may easily collect , that they still observed the old ceremonial rites and customes from which paul did disswade them in teaching ; but in ver. . you may see it clearly , that paul observed the old morall law still , for there you may perceive that some had given a false information of pauls not observing the law , ( as is very likely ) the which is by those jewes mentioned in this verse , and confessed to be an untruth , being now better informed , for these are the words of the text , at the latter end of it , all may know that these things whereof they were informed concerning thee , are nothing , but that then thy self also walkest orderly , and keepest the law . now paul had alwayes preached down the ceremoniall law : that were but types and figures of christ , &c. therefore it was the morall law : and truly , why not to be observed by us under the gospel , as well as by the beleevers before christs comming in the flesh ? provided we observe it but as those beleevers did , for they used it but as a guide to live honestly by , for abraham , isaac , and all the servants of god recorded in the scriptures of truth are said to be justified by faith , and therefore god commanded the jewes that were beleevers in the promise of everlasting life , by faith in christ , in the time of the prophet malachi , to remember the law of moses , which he had commanded in horeb ; these are the words of that text , remember yee the law of moses which i commanded him in horeb for all israel , &c. & rom. . . we know the law is spirituall , saith the apostle there , viz. it is suitable to the pure spirit of god , by the which our spirits should be qualified and guided to thoughts , words , and deeds , and therefore in matth. . , . our saviour christ forbiddeth us to have so much as a thought , that the law or the prophets should be destroyed , but shall continue till all things be fulfilled , ( and that will not be till heaven and earth be passed away , &c. ) now that he meant the written law in this text is plaine , for the words are , vntill heaven and earth passe , the law shall not passe ; but if hee had meant the law onely written in the hearts of the godly , darkly , ( for so it is but darkly in the best ) then he would not have said , till heaven and earth passe ; for the law spirituall in the hearts of those that are to be saved shall be more perfect in them for evermore . and beside , to put you out of all doubt , see cor. . . where paul confesseth ingenuously , that hee was then under the law to christ , even then when hee was a beleever in christ for salvation ; yea , as in rom. . . hee confessed hee did delight in the law of god , after the inner man , but even then there were some that did slander him in this very point , ( as is more then likely ) as you may easily perceive in rom. . . by his speech there as by way of vindication ; the words are these , doe we then make void the law through faith ▪ god forbid , yea , we establish the law ; thus you may see that he did not null the moral law , by his preaching of faith , nor yet by his beleeving it , therefore o yee antinomians detest your cursed tenet , for the best of us doe see our sins but dimly in our selves ; and although the more a man is sanctified the more hee can discerne the remnants of his sins in him , yet he cannot see them all : and you know the lesse a man is sanctified , the darker he is in his judgement in the knowledge of sin ; to speak plainly thus , we have all ( even the best of us ) need of a guide , for god hath ordained outward meanes , as well as inward , for the edifying of his saints ; and if we retain the law for a looking-glasse to shew us our deformities , and not to be justified by it , what hurt then is there in the retaining it ? it is to us not a curse but a blessing ; but if we reject it , and cast it off from using it , i am sure we shall thereby procure not a blessing but a curse , therefore beware lest you have unawares admitted of some jesuiticall spirits . i will note one thing more out of that in mat. . . viz. that our saviour joynes the law and the prophets together , and saith , that he was not come to destroy the law or the prophets ; why will you understand one of them in the spirituall sense onely , and the other in the literall onely ? for i hope you will all conclude , that he spake of the prophets in the literall sense , that their prophesies that are written shall last no longer then the end of the world ; therefore it is the law also that is written that our saviour meant , and not the law written in the hearts of his children ; and i hope that in cor. . . and also that in rom. . & . will fully satisfie any honest man , that is capable of babes meat ; but i feare they hold another dangerous tenet , which this latter cursed tenet doth produce , viz. god is not angry with his children , though they act or commit such actions or deeds which god by his morall law hath forbid , as adultery , or fornication , or theft , or idolatry , and the rest ; and consequently , that a man needs not repent after any such vile actions . to this i answer , that god is angry with them when they so transgresse against him , and also did usually afflict them sore ; see for this , deut. . . the lord was angry with aaron , even to destroy him , in making the golden calf , although he were occasioned therunto , through fear of the peoples doing him some hurt ; this evill deed of aaron you may see in exod. . , , & . , . deut. . , . moses said , that the lord was angry with him for their sakes , for they occasioned him to be rash and unadvised in his words ; as in psal. . , . and hee smote the rock in a rash anger , and therefore god was angry with him , deut. . . & chron. . . therefore is wrath upon thee from before the lord ; for my part , i doe conclude with saint paul , and say , i am under the law to christ , cor. . . for he , in ( almost all ) his epistles brings some of the morall law against them , dehorting them from sins contained in it ▪ as for this morall law , it brings to us no curse , that rule may still us awe , and we be ne'r the worse . now in the next place ( having found a law by the which we ought to walk by as a guide to us ) we are to encounter with another enemy , and this is one that would run where he pleaseth , and doe what he list without controule , and this i thought came so fierce as though hee came from bedlam , for he seemed to be a stark mad atheist , for he ran against his captain , reason , and his lievtenant both together ; the points of divine threats hee laboured to blunt , and nothing must restrain him , neither must he be punished for any of his mad and unruly deeds ; he will obey no law , but what he out of his inherent devillish inclination thinketh fittest , and yet he ( being blind ) will not bee restrained from dashing himself in pieces : i knew not how , or which way to meddle with him at the first , untill i heard of a pair of stocks , a cage , a gaole , and a jibbet , and then i began to walke a little nearer him , remembring what ( as it is said ) a champion once did with a spear ( though on hors-back ) his name was called george for england , and when i came neare him , i intending to joyn battail with him , ( as hee thought ) he began to pause , being almost weary and out of breath ; so then i began to endeavour to perswade him to a fair and right understanding to the yeelding to be ruled by some wholsome restraint of correction , alledging the authority of heaven against him ; my first allegation was deut. . , . if there bee a controversie between men , and they come into judgement , that the judges may judge them ; then they shall justifie the righteous , and condemn the wicked . and it shall be , that if the wicked man be worthy to be beaten , that the judge shall cause him to lie down , and to be beaten before his face , according to his fault , by a certain number of stripes ; and in deut. . . it is thus written , if a man have a stubborn and rebellious son which will not obey the voice of his father , or the voice of his mother ; and then when they have chastened him , will not hearken unto them , then shall his father and his mother lay hold on him , and bring him out to the elders of the city , and unto the gate of his place ; and they shall say unto the elder● of his city , this our son is stubborn and rebellious , he will not obey our voice , he is a glutton and a drunkard , and all the men of the city shall stone him with stones that he die ; so shalt thou put evill away from among you , and all israel shall heare and feare ; and in exod. . , , . you may see that moses called a host of men to put idolaters to death , ( for those idolaters were many at that time ) they had a calfe-god made of gold ; and chron. . . whosoever would not seek the lord god of israel , was to be put to death , ( by a covenant which they then made ) therefore they had the use of the magistrate at that time also : and surely a compulsive law to make people come to the ordinances of god ( in a kingdom where there is a power seated in the magistrate , hereditary , or otherwise ( among a people , especially that do profess the religion of god , as these in chron. did ) ought so much the more to be used & put in execution , as those laws were in the time of asa , as in the place before quoted ; & so much you may easily conclude from that of our saviour , luk. . beginning at v. . and so forward to the end of v. . for the jewes being invited to the great supper , made light of it ; for which cause they were rejected of the king , viz god the father ; upon which rejection we gentiles were , and are invited , and in case we be unwilling to come to the supper , the servants have power put into their hands to compell men to come into this feast , ( that is to say ) the fatted calfe ; for these are the words of the text , go out into the high wayes and hedges , and compell them to come in , that my house may bee filled , viz. that they may partake of the ordinances of salvation , and yet all these had not on the wedding garment , as another of the evangelists informeth us , there was no strict choyce to bee made of all that mixt company that were in the high-ways and hedges ( at first ) before they were partakers of the ordinances of god , ( so to speak in the spiritual sense . ) if any object , that st. paul in acts made a separation , and therfore we may also separate from them , and not punish . i answer , that paul had no power to compel the unbeleevers to submit themselves to him , neither had he power to punish them for any fault , for hee , and those that were then converted had not the lawfull power of superiority ; but if the principal powers of that people had been beleevers , then they might have punished the people for not obeying their commands in matters of the gospel , as well as they then would have done it for any other misdemenor , neither would the apostle have forbad them ; but when a man comes into a strange place , he may not exercise any authority of superiority , it belongs to the magistrate , and if the magistrate or magistrates , ( in whom the power is seated , together with the chief part of the people ) will not comply with the gospel of god , nor be favourable to the beleevers in christ , but oppose , and be injurious to the professors of salvation by faith in christ , then may the saints separate from the unbeleevers ; and we may see in the booke of nehemiah , ch. . v. . that nehemiah did not onely curse the jewes with the curse of god , ( that is , wished them some punishment ) but he also smote them , and plucked off their haire , &c. if we were but so wise , as to note the end wherefore punishment was ordained and appointed by god , to be exercised upon the bodies of men , ( for the more part ) we might soon see more clearly then blinde men doe ; for these are the words at the ends of many texts of the holy scriptures , viz. all israel shall heare and feare , and doe no more so : and again , so shall you put away evill from among you . but i wish with my heart and soule , that our punishing or afflicting were such as god appointed by moses , at least , in most particulars ; corporall punishment was then the command of god ( most ordinarily ) and that without respect of persons , or very little favour to those that were higher then others , ( amongst those that were under the king : ) surely men would more feare and be ashamed of bodily punishment , then of purse-punishment , for he that hath this worlds goods , maketh very light of paying a competent sum of mony for his offence ; but if ( as god commanded ) they might bee otherwise afflicted , viz. on their bodies , without much partiality , they would forsake their sins sooner ; but this would then hinder the filling of many purses , & therefore me thinks i hear their owners crying out against me : but if this were amended , i hope many that would have now no civill magistrates , would then easily conclude with the apostle st. paul , and yeeld obedience to principality and powers , as in tit. . . & rom. . , . and if they will not bee a terror to good works , but to the evill workers , and will bee protectors of those that doe well , then i hope many will obey for conscience sake , as in ver. , , . o that all had hearts to say with me this truth . amen . the next point that hinders us and the independents , and divers sectaries from joyning in a uniformity in the government of the church , is the images , pictures , yea , and the monuments of idolatry , because they are not more fully taken away , the which causeth them to doubt , that idolatry will increase in this our kingdome again , ere long time be . but for this , i will answer them thus , the parliament hath made a good progresse already against them , and therefore i hope well for time to come , that there will be some farther progresse in this particular ; and for my part i will willingly joyne with you in this point , and i hope to produce clear scriptures for it too , for unlesse we have a speciall care to keep idolatry out , i know the wrath of god will fall upon us , for that is the sin which our saviour christ himselfe did say would bring desolation : my first scripture , is deut. . . burn the images , covet not the silver nor gold that is upon them , &c. and chap. . . moses burnt the golden calfe with fire , and stamped him , and ground him small even to dust , and cast the dust thereof into the river , and made the people drinke it , ( in a holy indignation against them , and the golden calfe , as you may see in exod. . . ) and in king. . . was the like zeale of hezekiah , in breaking in pieces the brazen serpent , the which was set up for a good use and end at the first , ( but that the people had afterwards idolatrized to it , and therefore it was broken , to take away , or cut off the occasion of idolatry in future time : ) and he called it nehushtan , viz. a piece of brasse , in way of detestation , &c. so that we shall wel enough agree herein , and i hope all honest men wil say amen to this ; for see ezek. . , , . and there also you may learne , that god would not be appeased towards those jews , unlesse the carkasses of those kings that had been idolaters were taken away , which then lay there as monuments , &c. another point which those that divided from us are afraid of very much , is this , viz. lest idolatry be occasioned to be in this kingdom , by reason of the permitting of idolaters to live amongst us ; and some peoples marrying with those that are idolaters ; and truly that is some cause to be feared : yet wee have good grounds of hope to the contrary too , for much is amended in this kinde already , we may expect a farther care will be taken herein , by the chiefe eyes of this our israel , for it is a dangerous sin , as we may prove by scripture and experience too : we will produce them as followeth , the first is exod. . , , , , . in this place you may see that the parents of those people there mentioned , viz. the jewes , might not take the daughters of the idolaters , ( that were idolaters ) to be their sons wives , nor give their daughters to be wives to their sons , as you may see in deut. . , . and therefore those were to be drove out of the land from the people of god , as you may see in exod. . , , . but the people would not doe as god had commanded them , but mixed themselves amongst them , and ( too soon ) learned their works , as you may see in numb. . , , . and the lord was so fiercely angry with them for this their so doing , that hee spake to moses to take the heads of those people , and hang them up against the sun , that the fierce anger of the lord might be turned away from israel ; i pray you see the place . and by this their mixing with them they learned their works , as you may see in psal. . , , . and ahab was forwarded in idolatry , by marrying of a daughter of a zidonian king , for which cause the lord sent a sore famine , as you may see in kings . , . it is such a bewitching sin , that even wise solomon himself was led and occasioned to it by such marriage , as you may see in kings . , , . and therefore he lost ten tribes of his kingdom from his son afterwards for it . thus we see how prevalent a thing it is to be mixed with idolaters , but more especially to have a wife lie in his bosome that is an idolater ; and see what severity nehemiah used to the jews in his time for this sin , even for such marriages ; he did separate them again , and pulled them by the haire , and smote them for it also , even for this their sinne , as in nehem. . . to the end of that chapter . doubtlesse his heart cannot be right with god , that liketh idolaters no worse , then to take of them to be his bosome friend , and especially in marriage ; and popish idolaters are worse then those ; if any will say that the papists are not idolaters : to this i answer , they are worse then many other idolaters ; and thus i close against them : first , their images are idols , which they bow unto , and therefore their worship is idolatry , see chron. . . if they say they doe not worship the image , but that they worship god by that image ; i say they lie : they cannot make a resemblance of god . and they cannot prove that ever god commanded any such manner of worship . god hath forbid the making of such images throughout the holy scriptures , but hath commanded his servants to break them down ; and if you look in zeph. . . you may see the jews had intended some such hodge-podge , for they worship the lord , and yet they would sweare by their malchom too ; and you may read , kings . . that the israelites at that time are said to feare the lord , and yet they then served their images too , where you may see clearly , that those jews pretended to worship god by way of those images ; and this is just so as our papists do plead for their idolatrous worship , or worship by images ; and so in many places in that chapter aforesaid are the like passages : where you may see also , that the lord threatens them for it ; yea , those in zephany . aforesaid , are threatened to be cut off , as in the former part of that first chapter you may see , in deut. . god forbad the making of any resemblance of him , and tells them by moses , that they saw no manner of similitude , in the day the lord spake with them in horeb , &c. lest they should corrupt ●hemselves , and make a graven image , the similitude of any figure , the ●ikenesse of male or female , or the likenesse of beast , fowle , fish , or ●reeping thing , or sun , moon , or stars , or host of heaven , and so they ●hould be driven to worship them , and serve them ; i pray observe the word , driven , viz. god will deliver such a one up to the power of sa●an , and so become a worshipper of the image it self : and truly it is the onely way to become an idolater : first , to invent a similitude of god , and make it accordingly ; and then worship god by it ; and after that to worship and adore the thing it selfe ; and history doth declare thus much to us , as we may read in the book of wisdome , chap. . ver. , , . to the end of ver. . now if we have cause to beware of idolaters , then much more of popish idolaters , for they are more dangerous then those former idolaters were , for these do more persecute the true servants of god , then those idolaters did ; these professe they do god good service in slaying of us the true servants of god , as our saviour foretold , and we always have found it to be true , by all their treacherous and murtherous plots ; yea , they are so much the more dangerous , because ( that although they call themselves christians in way of dissimulation ) they call us hereticks , and our religion heresie too ; and therefore wee ought to bee more wary of them , then of other idolaters , for all the devils in hell cannot devise a more dangerous people and religion then they , and theirs is , therefore it is good to lay out some of their tenets , by the which we may see them the more clearly to bee the doctrine of devills , leading to damnation . and thus i do begin briefly , they hold that there is a purgatory , or a place to purge us of our sins , after this life , so that if wee bee not the true servants & children of god in this life , yet notwithstanding we may be there made capable of everlasting salvation in heaven : the which will nourish all men in sin that so beleeveth ; for if men be perswaded that there is another place after their death to prepare them for heaven , then they will live here as they list , and so be damned : but to what end is the doctrine of faith and sanctification so much preached in this life , both by the prophets , our saviour , his apostles , and succeeding ministers ; and why is dives complaining in hell , ( so to speak ) if this be a truth ; those that are not converted in this life , shall not be acknowledged by christ after this life ended , he will then say to them , goe yee cursed into everlasting fire , prepared for the devil and his angels . secondly , that images of god and saints are to bee worshipped . thirdly , that prayers to saints departed are to be made , and their intercession to be required . fourthly , that there is a propitiatory sacrifice to be offered daily in the masse for the sinnes of the quick and dead . fifthly , that a man may merit heaven by his good works . sixthly , that it is a mortall sin to read the scripture , ( but by the popes dispensation . ) seventhly , that their clergy ought to preach in an unknown tongue . eightly , that if the pope do pronounce a man to be a saint , he then is one , and must be so . ninthly , that there is a vertue in their water with which they baptize their infants , that doth conjure the evill spirits out of them , putting oyle upon them , and salt and spittle in their mouths . tenthly , that the pope cannot erre in his judgement or decrees . that the laity are not to drink the blood of christ in the sacrament , viz. the wine . that those are hereticks that have recourse to the hebrew and greek tongues . they represent god the father in the similitude of an old man . they represent god the son sometimes like a lambe , &c. they may as well make a rock , a brasen serpent , a pillar in a cloud , &c. they resemble the holy ghost like a dove , and why not as cloven tongues , as fire ? but as the holy ghost saith by the prophet esay , . . to whom will ye liken me that i may be like him ? they pray to the crosse blasphemously , in these words , haile crosse our only hope , give to the godly righteousnesse , and to the guilty pardon : yea , all that passe by it must worship it , otherwise they are liable to be punished . they offer cakes to the picture of the virgin mary , and worship it . bonaventure hath transformed the psalter of david , to the honor of the virgin mary , changing god into goddesse , and lord into lady , and where it is said by david , praise the lord , by him it is said , praise the lady ; and for , trust in the lord , trust in the lady ; and in his psalm are these words , incline the countenance of god upon us , and compell him to have mercy upon us . bellarmine affirmed , that if the pope did erre , commanding vice , forbidding vertue , the church should bee bound to believe vice to be good , and vertue to bee evill , except shee would sin against conscience . they offer incense to the saints in generall , and pray unto them , and sweare by them . the roman church maintaineth that the merits , intercession , and blood of the saints and martyrs , are mixed as satisfactory with the blood , merits , and intercession of christ : o horrid blasphemy ! they baptize bels and ships . they blesse holy water , ( as they call it , and sprinkle it upon men and beasts upon st. anthonies day , ( as they call it ) and on all the horses and beasts in the countrey , ( as some that are converted from their religion affirm ) whereby the monks get abundance of mony to maintain them in their base knavery and idlenesse a long time afterward . they allow incestuous marriages , contrary to the fourth commandement . they deny concupiscence to be formally sin after baptisme , as if in any article of time it might bee said of man , that he is without sin . ( notwithstanding all these blaspemies and abominations ) hee yet affirmeth himself to bee the vicar of christ , yea , the head or supreme over the catholick church of christ . and now i will note the popes pride : frederick barbarossa was forced to lay down his neck upon the stairs of the church of st. mark ( as it is called ) in venice , to bee trod upon by that proud man of sin ; and his son ( after the pope had crowned him ) was uncrowned again , by the popes kicking off his crown with his foot , &c. kings and emperors must act the parts of foot-grooms , to lead his horse by the bridle , and supporting him by holding his stirrup , and mounting him upon his horse . they must be as pioners or porters to beare him upon their shoulders . they must be as pages , to hold water to his hands . he commands the angels to transport soules out of purgatory , ( i hope you will say he is climed very high now . ) he ( even the pope ) wears a triple crown , signifying that he is the three-one-god ; and so much the apostle saith of him in thess. . in some of the former verses , that he should sit in the temple of god , shewing himself that he is god . and now ( according as i have collected out of history ) i wil note the horoscope of his nativity ; and thus i begin it : this popery was conceived in the apostles time , as in thess. . is shewed . it was quickned in the time of victor . it did stir more powerfully under stephanus and cornelius , bishops of rome . more under damasus and others following . it moved more strongly in the time neare its birth , under leo the first . it was born and brought to the view of the world by boniface the third , upon whom the title of universall bishop was conferred by phocas the emperor . it came to its height and ripenesse in the time of hildebrand , in whom antichrist was visible , france and germany espyed it then , and greece , syria , africa , and aethiopia hath disclaimed his power , as antichristian ; i will adde one people more in particular , that have and doe now see him to bee antichrist , and child of the devill , and those are we in england ; now those that have seen him in these colours , may well ( if they have any saving grace in them ) know and beleeve , that both the independents , ( so many as are sincere hearted ) and wee the presbyterialists , have great cause to be jealous of his wiles ▪ and fear lest he get footing again with us in england , i hope in this we shall all be joyned in uniformity . but now in order i come to note another great hinderance of many of the sectaries joyning in a uniformity in this presbyteriall government , and that is this , viz. they have a feare lest we should have some want of laws to punish those that shall hap to be idolaters amongst us : for if so , then the sheep that as yet have not the scab will soon bee itchy , and be spoyled too , for ( say they ) the true proverbe is , that one scabbed sheep will spoile the whole flock : it 's true so , i am not against you in this neither , because you have the word of god for your direction to this conclusion , both commands , and the reasons for it too , and examples of the inconveniences that have followed the neglecting of the putting in execution those good laws that god hath commanded us to use against idolaters , to prevent this so great a mischief , yet now i hope we shall have care taken by the parliament for this matter too , and we have some experience of it already . let us now see what it is that god hath commanded in this case , and then we willl endevour to make a true conclusion from the word of god , ( for he is no honest man that will refuse to be ruled and guided by that ) i will produce some scripture for this point also , and the first place is in deut. . , , , , . where we may see , that those that were occasioners of idolatry in israel were to bee put to death , yea , though it were a mans own child , yet he must die for it , and his parent must not conceal him , but bring him out that he may die for it : and the parents hands must be first upon him to put him to death ; and a speciall reason is rendred for it too in ver. . viz. all israel shall hear and fear , and doe no more such wickednesse ; pray see these texts , for i conclude it is a most hellish sin in any man to make a separation between god and his people , thereby robbing god of his glory , and his people of their salvation ; and in kings . you may read that josiah did put to death the idolatrous priests , and eliah did the like to the priests of baal , as it is to be seen in king. . . and in exod. . you may see gods command is so there , these are the words , he that sacrificeth ●o any god , save to the lord only , shall be slain & l●v . . . yea , the bones of idolaters that were dead and lay in the m●numents were burnt , kin. . . and the bodies of the idolatrous kings , must not lye near the place of gods worship and service , as you may see in ezek. . . let us leave this a while to the parliament to consider of : thus you see that i am willing to yeeld to you in any thing that is certainly to be concluded on . and thus much for this point . if nought but truth you will maintaine , i strive to have the same , if you the golden truth would claime , then i am for that name . now appeareth another point unto me ready for its taggs , sent to me as from a messenger of heaven , bemoaning and lamenting in the behalf of the lords prayer , sanctified with his own lips . and truly this almost affrighted me . and i wondered what beast ( amongst those in the apocalyps mentioned ) this was , that sent forth such a smoaking sulphurous favour . at length , i thought i had espyed two kinds of creatures ; and the one me thought was a subtle jesuite in an honest mans habit , who seeing an honest man willing and forward to run away from rome , and that they had but a weak judgment , ( and therefore might run too farre ) hee therefore fluttering with the invented wings of either dedalus , or the wings of his son i●arus ) beat the wind so close to their backs as they ran , that they were too far gone of a sodain , and were almost in the red sea before they were aware of it , and were like to have been drowned in their own bloud . and then i was well perswaded in my minde concerning this beast , and knew hee was one of romes croaking frogs : but as for the other , me thought he had some goodnesse in him indeed , but yet hee had some malignity and peevishnesse in him against those that had abused the formes of prayer before , ( for there is some malignity in some of those that are in the most right way ) and so he helped forward this distemper . i seeing thus where the distemper lay , did resolve to walke in the middle way of truth , that so i might guide the simple , and settle him in the truth , and send the croaking frog to his home at rome ; and thus i began to argue ; first , that a form of prayer of it selfe , being the word of god , must needs be good . secondly , that a man may pray to god in the words of that form ; for though some doe but babble in a form , yet you may not conclude that all are babblers that use a form , for then you will condemn our saviour , for hee used a form two or three times together a little before his death ; and the psalms of david were penned for praises to god for some mercies before received , and were to be sung afterwards to gods glory ; this you cannot deny i am sure . and if you say , men do now but speak the words of it ; and therefore if they were debarred of them , then they would pray in the spirit , ( if they have any saving grace in them . ) to this i answer in the first place , with the words of st. paul , to the pure , all things are pure , but to the contrary party nothing is pure , for their mindes and consciences are defiled ; the meaning is this , that those that have honest hearts , will honestly make use of honest things . again , if you would utterly deprive all sorts of a form of prayer , how then shall ignorant youths , and little young maids pray ? nay , many times old men are but new converts , and what will you have them do ? if they use many words in a prayer , they will too soon ask they know not what , like the mother of zebedees children ; yea , they ( being ignorant ) will presently in their pride of spirit think themselves fit to fit at the elbows of christ in heaven , ( for they will think they are fitter for the place then moses or aaron ; ) surely it were safer for such to use that form which god taught the people in the time of moses , deut. . it was to them a form , viz. amen . but if you can pray knowingly , then poure out your hearts to god according to true knowledge : but i have heard some pray , or say many words , and but little matter , but chiefly it was tautologie , and often repeating the same words , and could not proceed farther , and thought themselves highly gifted too ; therefore take heed of spirituall pride , judge of your abilities with a single eye . i know some that have applauded a minister for making such an admirable prayer , as none near him was to be compared unto him , but it was the sillyest tautologie , that i was ashamed to heare it . doe you think in your conscience , that if you were taught in a form to ask for a hundred pounds of some that are both able and willing to give it ; and also you wanted bread to put in your belly , ( being hungry and empty ) that then you could not ask in that forme ? yes , i warrant you ; therefore beware of spirituall pride . but now having thus a little prepared you ( as i hope ) for some sure instruction , i now come more home to you , luke . . you may see that our saviour taught his disciples a form of prayer , ( they not knowing how to pray , as it seems ( unlesse some short prayer , as at some other times they did , as in these words , lord increase our faith , &c. ) in these words , when ye pray say , our father which art in heaven , &c. here you may see that they were to use the words that he taught them . and although luke hath it in this manner , pray you , that 's nothing to overthrow this evangelist , for both wayes are lawfull ; nay , god sometime did bid the jews that they should take unto them words , and come to him in prayer , and taught them a form of words too by the prophet h●sea , . , . these are the words , take unto you words , and turn to the lord ; say unto him , take away all iniquitie , and receive us graciously , so will wee render the calves of our lips ; ashur shall not save us , we will not rid : upon horses ; neither will we say any more to the work of our hands , ye are our gods , for in thee the fatherlesse findeth mercy . all this form of prayer the lord taught the people by the prophet hosea : and col. . . let the word of christ dwell in you richly in all wisdome , teaching and admonishing one another in psalms , hymnes , and spirituall songs , singing with grace in your hearts to the lord , &c. he did not here mean ( in this place ) any new psalmes or hymnes , for he bad them admonish each other in those psalmes and hymnes ; therefore those psalmes and hymnes were then canonicall : although i could wish that upon some occasion , ( were it not for startling the weak in knowledge ) that some preacher that were a solid man , would frame a psalm for that speciall occasion , ( for he that can make a prayer according to the word , is able also to make a psalm ) but this i think would be inconvenient ; but this is fit to bee done , viz. the preacher himself should fit a psalme out of the book of psalmes for the severall occasions , and suitable to his sermon . and thus much for this point also , with this conclusion : now since we had no prayer-booke , the sabbath afternoons ; the sleep so much , some heads have tooke , that dead they are in swoons . some scriptures we in stead thereof , might safely entertaine ; lest wee so much from it be off , that there wee sit in vaine . and now me thinketh i see another stand by , with a question in his mouth ; ( for these times are fraught with them now ) and this is it , viz. how if pipes and organs should chance to be put upon us againe , as they were before the parliament begun , will not that bee idolatry thinke you ? and if so , then i hope you will graunt us a warrant to run out of the church ? to this i answer , first , what is lawfull in it selfe is one thing , and what is an inconvenience , is another thing ; therefore ye ought to be informed well in your judgement before you bee too forward to make a conclusion . first , if in it selfe it be idolatry now , what was it all that time , when god himself in davids time allowed it , in the praises of his people ? if you say that the pope useth it to his idols , and therefore it is idolatry . i answer , so did the heathen very likely ; and besides , if that be it by the which you would gather a conclusion , viz. that because the papists use it , therefore we may not use it , then may not we sing unto the true god because the papists sing unto their idols , ( for singing is melody ) therefore this your argument is of no validity . but here is another question put to mee , and this is the maine one , viz. in the time of the old law it was lawfull , but is not now , it being not now commanded , therefore it is unlawfull . to this i answer , briefly : if you consider the end wherefore it was at the first allowed , you may easily make conclusion . the end why it was first allowed was this , to occasion joyfulnesse or chearfulnesse in the users and hearers of it , that so they might praise god with the more lively affections , ( for all know it is an outward occasion of naturall joy ; ) and the word of god being then used with it , viz. in psalmes or hymnes , doe turn the use of it ( by the operation of gods spirit ) to the more hearty praising of god . secondly , to your question more fully , that is , because it is not commanded by the apostles , therefore it is not now lawfull for us to use it in the praises of god . why , the apostles would have us to use all meanes possible to inable us to praise god the more chearfully : but ( saith some ) some doe regard the melody more then the matter they sing , or god to whom they sing . to this i answer , so without all question doe some that sing without musicke , and have no devotion to god . therefore the apostles conclusion must bee ours , viz. to the pure , all good things are pure , but to them that are otherwise is no good thing pure . thirdly , but the parliament hath forbid it now , and therefore it is unlawfull . i doe answer , that many things at this time are forborn for divers reasons . first , it is ( and especially hath lately been ) a time of mourning , yea , to mourne with sorrowfull hearts , rather then joyous hearts , although wee bee godly disposed at that time , ( for you know in the time of david musick was not used , when they fasted to god , and were humbled for some punishment that then was upon them . ) secondly , it might be forbid by the parliament to satisfie the people who are weake in their judgement and thought every thing was popery or idolatry , because some did begin to leave that way , and then it ought to be taken away for the present . thirdly , because the people were addicted to idolatry , ( many of them ) therefore it ought to bee taken away . for the brasen serpent that was set up ( at first ) for good use , was taken downe , yea , and broken in pieces , in way of detestation and called a piece of brasse , when the people had idolatrized to it ; but this shall be my conclusion , it is no great matter whether it be or bee not , and so i end this point , with a generall reason why i have treated thus much in it , which is this , i would gladly learn the reader hereof , to make some distinctions ; for , for want of this , many mischiefs are amongst us ; and the leaders of the sectaries , either cannot or will not doe it : what the reasons are i leave to you , to be guided by some of those i mentioned in my former points , viz. policy . but now i will set to your view some scriptures to you to pitch your judgement on more clearely , both out of the old and new testament : first in exod. . . miriam the prophetesse did praise the lord with instruments of musick . judg. . , . there you may see jephthah's daughter did it too . chap. . , , . there was a feast at shiloh yearly , a feast of the lord , ( saith the text ) and the daughters of shiloh did use to dance there at that feast . psal. . . l●t them praise the lord in the dance , let them sing praises to him with the tymbrell and harpe : and psal. . & psal. . , , . psal. . , . and i will end with that in the revelation of john , chap. . v. , . and i pray consider of it ; these are the words , i heard the voice of harpers , harping with their harps , and they sung , as it were , a new song before the throne , &c. and chap. . . . these are the words of those that had gotten the victory over the beast , they had harps of god , ( saith the text ) and they sang the song of moses the servant of god , and the song of the lamb , saying , great and marvailous are thy workes lord god almighty , just and true are thy wayes , thou king of saints . and thus much for this point . some have such tender sculls , they 'l dye with little haile ; as goslings tender be , alas what doe they aile ? and now i desire to know wherein the difference lyeth betwixt those that stand for the presbyteriall government , and those that separate from them , by reason of those things contained in those points thus lately treated of ; and consequently why we may not joyn together in the presbyteriall government . and now i come to the first of the last three things i promised to touch , and that is to answer some of the sectaries to some things which they affirm of themselves , concerning their conversation , that they are the most godly people in their lives and conversations , and therefore they have the better judgements . to this i answer , wee may not take your bare word for it neither ; for if men plead for a confusion , it is rather a sign of the contrary . secondly , it is is an ill signe in you , to be so uncharitable in your censures of us the presbyterials , you account most of us to be uncapable of the sacraments , although you cannot prove us to live in such sins , ( and especially in that degree in those sins ) which the word of god doth exclude a man for ; and is this a good sign think you ? thirdly if you say that you are more zealous in your following the preachers , and the exercises of religion ; & therefore you are better , and more godly then the presbyterials . i answer , so might the pharisees have said , for which cause they had their name zelotes ( many of them ; ) yea , this was the cause that they did separate from the residue of the people , and would be called pharisees , the which word commeth of the hebrew word phares , which signifieth to make a breach by separating from others ; and is this a commendation alwayes think you ? you know the pharisees were worse then the common people were from whom they separated , for inwardly they were full of rottennesse ; yea , our saviour said of them , that they were ravening wolves , although they were so zealous to pay tithe of mint , anise , and cummin . by all this you see now , that your argument therein is stark naught ; besides , i have found that the presbyterialls are more forward to neighbourly goodwill , and to accommodate a man with what they can , then you are : this i have proved to be true ( although i have not any thing of any man , but what i pay for . ) but the independents are full of shifts and excuses , ( so many as i have been acquainted with ) i wish they would not equivocate so much as they doe ; i hope they will ●eale truly in their shops . fourthly , they say they have more knowledge in the word and will of god then the presbyterialls have . i answer , ( if this were true ) you are so much the worse , if your hearts are not thereby made better ; for you come much short of the pharisees in our saviours time , in the literall knowledge of divine things , yet they were the worst of people . besides , it is not true neither which you affirm of your selves , viz. that you are the most knowing , for you are exceeding weak in your judgements , ( for the more part ) and many of the presbyterialls , which have not the tenth part of literall knowledge , have notwithstanding a better understanding in many things in the word of god , and sincere hearted too . fifthly , i wish i might not say that there is with you too many mountaines of spirituall pride ; for there was another sect among the jews , that called themselves sadduces , and would be thought to be more just in their dealings then other men , and yet were not such as had saving grace in their hearts , they called themselves sadduces from the hebrew word tsedek , ( as some expositors affirm ) and yet they denyed the resurrection from the dead , therefore this is no true infallible signe neither . sixthly , are you not as forward to corporall pride , as the presbyterialls too ? ( although i think you are not so sick of the fashions , as some of the presbyterialls are . ) seventhly , are you not more obstinate in your way of separation after conviction , then the presbyterialls are ? i wish i could not justly complaine of this ; for i have knowne many , when they have yeelded in many chief things in their way of separation , and yet would go on still in their way of divisions ; so that with you is wilfull obstinacy also . i doe not speak this to excuse the presbyterialls from many sins , no , i blame our selves exceedingly too : but this is the maine thing which i aime at , to beat downe men from esteeming of themselves above that which they are . and thus much for this point also . some have such shallow-heads and gnats about their eares ; i think their hearts be dead ; where is their hopes , their feares ? now farther ( you say ) that many of our side are ignorant in the word of god , and live loosly in their conversations ; it is true , they doe so ; and you say they be proud and scornfull in their carriage to their inferiours , and think to have others to stoop to them because of their gay-cloaths and big looks , they having ( many of them ) much of this worlds good ; but yet they have little or no vertue in them ; the which is that which is worthy of the true respect , and not a bare title . in this i will not dissent from you , but will conclude , that a wise man will not much respect any thing that is but an adjunct of a man , and is no part of the man , for dives was gay , and had this worlds goods , but yet he was not any whit the better esteemed of god , but hell must be the place of such a one : but yet these with us may have some saving grace in them ; for you must endevour to distinguish degrees of good and evill , otherwise you will never bee able to make a true conclusion . and truly this is a great reason for me to conclude that your leaders are either ignorant of these things , or else they keep you blinde on purpose , that so you may remaine separatists still . you may know that those that have this worlds goods are lyable to many temptations , which other inferiour people are more free from ; and though they themselves fail as much another way perhaps too . have you never seen a man that being holden in from occasions of temptations , by being in a mean estate , and thereby afflicted ; who , afterwards , having been raised to a greater estate , was more vaine then those whom hee before counted wicked ; see how good david failed in godlinesse , when great temptations encountred him , as being at rest in his kingdom of wealth , walking and solacing himself upon his house top , and having such an object of carnall delight ; and that sin did occasion another as great , o that was a great one indeed ! for having faln into the sinne of adultery , and thereby being lyable to disgrace , he thought to cover it , by using policy , and yet that policy must neverthelesse goe somewhat neare him too ; but yet he thought , having such an occasion to hazard vriah in battail , it would be the more tolerable , and therefore hee adventured upon the cutting off of vriah , that so he might take her to be his wife , to cover the sin from being known : to be short , they are more lyable to carnality and vanity then many other men are , although they have saving grace in them . but what is all this for the point we stand for , viz. the government of the church ? i still stand for truth , although abuses be ; for i know , no outward accommodations will bestead us at the great and dreadfull day of judgment . no strouts , nor clouts , nor words that swell , that will bestead us then ; for i know well , and doe you tell 't is vertue maketh men . and now in the next place i must note another thing which is prevalent in keeping men from renouncing an opinion once maintained by them , though now convinced ; and that is the undergoing of some disgrace , lest others doe deride them ; and truly my heart almost bleedeth to think of it , for it is a great tryall indeed , and especially if men have not a great measure of grace ; but yet i hope we do consider that god is to have his glory , what ever we undergoe ; let god be true , and every man a lyer . and i hope , ●f the presbyterialls be well admonished , they will forbeare scoffing at those that shall come and joyn with us . for , ( as one once said , so say i ) are there not sins with us also ? yes surely , in many things we sin all : o that we could joyn together , then might wee easily prevail of the parliament , wholsome laws , yea , and officers too , to keep us in a more stricter way in godlinesse . now let us take some notice of such things as may whet our affections more specially to perform our duties severally : first , god is worthy of all honour , and to have all glory ascribed to him , yea , all good is ( and ought ) to be ascribed to him , for he is the totality of all things ; in him we live , move , and have our being ; and in him all things consist , whose goodnesse doth appeare in his creating of us after his own image , in holinesse and righteousnesse , and knowledge , and other qualities ; in a fit degree for creatures to have resemblance of their creator , and to be blessed for evermore ; whose purity may be seen in his law which he hath set to our view , to behold his excellency in ; the which moses the man of god admired with these words to the children of israel , what nation is there under heaven that have lawes so righteous as ye have ? and david saith thus of them to god , thy law is very pure , therefore thy servant loveth it . and consider also how wee ( in the loines of our first parents ) are falne from that happy estate of that blessed creation ; and also what is due to us now by falling from god by our disobedience , even everlasting damnation and torture , and torment in hell for evermore . consider also the goodnesse of god in providing for us a remedy , that we may not be subjects of torments in hell , but be vessels of glory in heaven , onely upon good and honest conditions , faith in the merits of his son our saviour , and requi●eth nothing of us but to walk honestly , righteously , and godly in this world , according to those graces of his holy spirit knocking at the doores of our hearts , and bidding us open , yea , that giveth us power and ability to open , onely that we be not wanting in the not using those abilities which he doth give us ; but if we slight and neglect this second great mercy of his , then must we be subjects of the greater torments in hel for evermore with dreadful devils , and cursed fiends , and damned angels , and with men in a woful condition , being tortured and tormented , easless , and endless , gnashing their teeth in anguish and pain . consider this , and beware , and take heed in time , before time be no more . now let us consider what allurements the lord our god hath set forth in his scriptures of truth for our encouragement , the prophet daniel in his chapter , saith , those that be wise shall shine as the sun ; and those that turn many unto righteousnesse , shall shine as the stars for ever , and ever . and in the book called the ap●calyps or revelation , are many allurements for us to be whetted on in godlinesse ; to him that overcommeth will i give ( said god ) to eate of the manna that is hid ; and to walk in white ; and to drink of the water of the pure river of god that is in that celestiall paradise ; yea , to weare a crown ; and to eat of the tree of life in the midst of the paradise of god ; and to have power over the nations , ( which betokeneth the glory of an emperor ; ) and to have a morning star ; yea , he shall be a pillar glittering in the temple of god ; yea , christ will write upon him the name of god ; and the name of the city of his god , new jerusalem , &c. yea , christ will write upon him his own name also . rev. . . and be will s●p with him , yea , ●e shall sit in the throne of christ with him , ver. . thus we see the goodness of god in giving us such allurements to become his sons and heires of the celestial kingdom . and these are held forth to us , to the end we might not be weary in wel-doing , though we meet with many discouragements ; for god hath ordained , that wee must through many afflictions enter into the kingdom of heaven ; these things made moses , joseph , and the rest of the patriarchs ( or the most of them ) to undergo many tryals ; and the prophets to bee content to be sawne asunder , beheaded as iohn baptist was , and to be slain as iames the apostle , and divers of the rest of them , and to bee cast into dungeons , as ieremiah ▪ &c. to be bound and imprisoned , and slaine or beheaded , as paul was ; yea , to be so tortured as those you may see in heb. . and cruly i wish some in these our dayes would beware lest they use some little better then those that stripped honest joseph of his goodly coat , because it seemed in their eyes to be too good for him ; i am sure at length they confessed that their trouble and afflictions were repayed into their own bosomes , because they were guilty concerning their brother ; and therefore behold , ( said reuben ) his blood is required . i will conclude with that holy and heroicall-spirited habakkuk in chap. & , , verses ; these are his words , although the fig should not blossome , neither fruit be in the vines ; though the labour of the olive should faile , the field should y●eld no meat ; though the flock should be cut off from the fold , and there bee no herd in the stalls , yet i will rejoyce in the lord , i will joy in the god of my salvation ; the lord god is my strength , and ●e will make my feet like hindes feet , and he will make me to walk upon mine high-places ; to the chief singer on my stringed instrument , &c. here followeth a few other points , that some fearfully doe miscarry in , and the first i stand amazed at , viz. that any should either beleeve or say , that our saviour took not flesh of the virgin mary ; i will onely quote scriptures to satisfie some , lest weak honest soules do chance to stumble and fall by such hereticks ; the first is rom. . . whose are the fathers , and of whom as concerning the flesh christ came ; here you see that christ came of the fathers , yea , that of them he received his flesh . rom. . . jesus christ was made of the seed of david according to the flesh ; here the apostle saith , that he was made of the seed of david , &c. act. . . of the fruit of davids loines according to the flesh , god would raise up christ to sit on his throne . acts . christ was of the seed of david according to the flesh . and so much for this point . another sort there is , ( i know not what to call them ) that hold that the soule of man is begot or derived from its parents , or one of them ; but this is such a fancy , that i detest to think of it : first , a word or two by reason , against it , why should not every childe have two souls and so be a monster , if that your conclusion were a truth , by receiving it from its parents ? for although the matter of the body is to be derived by reason of its nourishment which it receiveth from the elements , yet the soul is not to bee derived so from the parents , for that is a spirituall inspiration , and is not nourished by any of the four elements , but hath its existence and subsistence from god onely . and now i come to scriptures , the first is mal. . . when god made one , yet ●e had the residue of the spirit , &c. therefore man had no more spirit , neither hath any man , any more spirit or soul but what he hath received from god immediatly , for saith the text , god had the residue of the spirit . eccles. . . the spirit shall return to god who gave it ; and hence it is ( very likely and chiefly ) that god is said to be the god of the spirits of all flesh , rather then of the flesh it self ; for although god be the god of the flesh too , yet that being made of the four elements , is not so specially regarded of god , as the spirit or soul is ; and hence it is very likely that moses calleth god , the god of the spirits of all flesh , as in numb. . . let the lord the god of the spirits of all flesh , set a man over the congregation : so much shall serve for that point . gods dearest children sometimes falling into some capitall sinne or sins , may thereby occasion the lord to scourge them temporally for it , especially if it be openly committed or publickly known , though they repent of it , and more especially if it be not more speedily repented of , as we may see in david for his numbring his people in his pride , and sam. . . there you may see , that a man may have a scourge for som sin as long as he liveth ; for because of davids sin with bathshebah , and his slaying of vriah in a kind of politick way to save his credit , and cover his sin , the sword did never depart from his house : let us beware of sin in that regard also . now a word for the comfort of all that are in christ by faith , to prevent some mens discouraging of good christians , telling them that they cannot be sure of everlasting life , so long as they are here on earth . here followeth some scriptures to prove that a man may be assured of his salvation here in this world ; the first is in joh. . . verily , verily i say unto you , he that beleeveth on me hath everlasting life ; here the evangelist doth not barely say , that a beleever hath life , but that he hath everlasting life ; & in ver. also , & joh. . . he that beleeveth on him that sent me , hath everlasting life , and shall not come into condemnation ; but is passed from death to life ; & pet. . , . make your calling and election sure ; for if you doe these things you shall never fall , for so an entrance shall be ministred unto you abundantly into the everlasting kingdom of our lord and saviour iesus christ ; now if you would know what things those bee that you must have , that so you never fall , but be assured to be entred into heaven , as it were , before-hand , then look in ver. , , . going before , and there you may see them ; the which if you get , you are sure never to fal i doe not affirm that all beleevers have that faith of assurance , spoken of in this last text , but that it is and may be obtained . the reason why men doe not see the salvation of god in christ is ( among many ) especially because they doe not yeeld obedience in their hearts to so much of the morall law , as they know , either in the letter of it , informing their hearts or consciences ; or without the letter , viz. written in their conscience . if any man will doe his wil , he shall know of the doctrine whether it be of god , or whether i speak of my self , jo●. . . psal. . . to him that ordereth his conversation aright , will i sh●w the salvation of god ▪ ezek. . , . if they be ashamed of all that they have done , shew them the form of the house , &c. i know there must bee some generall hopes in a man that hath the knowledge of his sins which hee seeth in him ; although that knowledg be not with saving faith in the merits of christ , but some generall notions that will not bestead him that resteth in them . cor . . when the heart shall be turned to the lord , the vail shall be taken away . until a man repenteth himself of those sins which god hath convinced him of in his conscience , he shall remain blinde in the matter of salvation by christ , for there must goe a legall repentance before an evangelicall repentance ; therefore christ saith , mat. . ▪ you when you heard , repented not that you might beleeve him ; god giveth many gifts , but man neglecteth him . here are places to shew , that there is a difference between a man that is in the true justifying faith concerning inherent holinesse , and a man that is out of christ , contrary to some mens conclusion , that all men are alike in their inward hearts or quali●ications ; the first place is psal ▪ . , , . to the . & psal. . psal. . psal. . , . & in sam. . very largely . see all these places , and there you may have assurance that a man may speak in his owne defence concerning his owne integrity of heart , if in case others would blast his due reputation ; provided that it bee so in deed and in truth . i speak this to stop the mouths of some wicked people , that are ready to say that there is no difference among men , viz. that all are alike now in the state of grace , excepting onely the imputative righteousnesse of christ ; yea , i have heard with my own eares to my great grief , some man say , that those that are justified have no inherent holinesse nor righteousnesse . but if this be a truth , why then did our saviour pronounce a blessednesse to those that are pure in heart ? and why did all the apostles preach sanctification to be inherently in the justified ones ? yea , if any man be in christ he is a new creature , yea , paul himselfe ( in the behalf of himself , and the residue of the apostles and brethren ) said thus , god hath revealed the hid mysteries to us his holy apostles and prophets , &c. and all the apostles calleth upon men to be ( not onely beleevers in christ , but ) sanctified throughout both in body and soule , &c. but yet notwithstanding it is imperfect in regard of degrees ; and therefore it is that the prophet concluded that all our righteousnesse were as filthy rags ; and the apostle james affirmed , that in many things we offend , &c. this point is to shew how many subjects have neglected , refused and opposed their kings commands , when those commands were unjust by gods expresse word ; yea , they did hinder their king from acting sin himself , and that by force too . my first scripture is chron. . , , , , . azariah , and fourscore valiant men withstood vzziah their king , to hinder him from sinning against god , in doing that which belonged to his subjects to be done , he being forbid by gods speciall command ; and if they had not hindred him , then they should have smarted for it as well as their king. sam. . . sheweth , that the people of israel did hinder their king saul from committing a sin against one of his subjects , which he had sworn to doe , but they did resist him , and swore that jonathan should not die , ( seeing he did not deserve death : ) jonathan knew not of his fathers oath concerning that thing ; if the oath it self had been lawfull , as you may read in ver. . and such a one was to be pardoned by gods command , as in ezek. . . numb. . , . & levit. , . and this is noted also as a good deed of the people , in opposing their kings in these things . and in sam. . , , , . and so forth , jonathan would rescue good david from sauls ma●●cious and murderous intent , though he had sauls displeasure so farre , as to the hazarding of his own life , for this his so doing . this did good jonathan contrary to the command of his father , though the king ; and this also is recorded for his commendation . but contrariwise when the people did not hinder their kings , but joyned with them in that which was evill ; then they and their kings must smart for it too ; as you may see by the peoples joyning with their king ahaziah , against elijah the prophet , as in king. . and so alwayes throughout the scriptures , you may observe the like punishment upon the people for seconding their governors in evill . yea , this was the very cause of the casting off of the jewes chiefly ; for they joyned with their high-priest , chiefe priests and pharisees , and the rulers of the jewes in crucifying of christ ; and therefore his blood is upon them , as well as upon their governours unto this day : do you not think it had been happy for the people of the jewes , if they had opposed their elders and governors , and kept them from slaying our saviour christ ? yes truly , it had been well for that people . and the subjects of ahab were accessory to ahabs sparing of benhad●d , and see what they were to receive of god for that sin , as in king. . . they must die for it . here followeth certain scriptures shewing what was to be done to the places where the idolaters worshipped their false gods , viz. the places that were built for that purpose , and so used publickly ; and the reason rendred by god himself , viz. to take away , or destroy the name of idolatry , ( and idolaters ) out of that place , &c. neverthelesse their cities , vineyards , and dwelling houses were to stand still for their habitations , ( except those places where they publickly or usually wove hangings for their groves , &c. kin. . . ) as you may see in deut. . . and chap. . . idolatry ( it seemes ) is too easily entertained into the hearts of men by small occasions ; and we have had wofull experience of it with us , in not watching to prevent it , before it was entertained into many hearts , so prevalent is this sin with the sons of men . how soon were the asian churches be-pestered with corruption in this sin , as others also , but that god out of his infinite mercy forewarned them before they were utterly faln away ; and so have we now been warned from god by many instruments which hee hath stirred up in his cause , to set us in a right way again , contrary to the expectation of the roman frogs , which have troubled us with baalzebubs sulphur . when some did wink , and closely think to leave us in their lurches ; god did provide with pen and ink , his johns to save his churches . finis . the voice of infants by infants defender . luke . . forbid him not ; for he that is not against us , is for us , is there not a cause , sam. . . behold the babe wept , exod. . . and i brethren , when i came to you , came not with excellency of speech , or of wisdome , declaring to you the testimony of god , cor. . . but truly i am full of power by the spirit of the lord , and of judgement , and of might to declare unto jacob his transgressions , and to israel his sins , micah . . i thank thee o father , lord of heaven and earth , because thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent , and hast revealed them to babes : even so father , for so it seemed good in thy sight , matth. . . now i beseech you brethren , mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which yee have learned , and avoid them ; for they that are such , serve not the lord jesus christ , but their own belly ; and by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple , rom. . , . london , printed by r. cotes , . an advertisement to the reader , for the better understanding of the subject in the ensuing discourse , as a preparative . . i pray you note the occasion of this discourse , it was upon a challenge to dispute the case of baptisme , at which time i found the party so weak , that i was both ashamed to observe his imbecillity , and grieved to observe people so misled ; therefore out of pity i have thought good to shew the chief heads of the discourse , though it bee not so exquisite as perhaps you all could wish it ; but i did not intend any more should see it then himself , and some few of his followers ; but perceiving the importunity of some of my acquaintance , i supposed they would cause it to bee somewhat more publike : but had my thoughts stretched so farre at first , i would have inlarged the matter , and drawn the discourse into more particulars , and more orderly , whereas now you have but the substantialls summarily , and somewhat confusedly . . observe , i have shewed the institution of circumcision , and that it was an outward sign or token of inward circumcision in the party to whom it was first given , he being a man , namely , abraham . . that his seed were to receive the same signe in their infancy , whether they had inherent holinesse , yea , or nay , as having a right to the ordinance , they being children of the faithfull , or at least children of the professors of the faith of abraham . . that this sign of circumcision was belonging to those that were not of abrahams naturall seed also , if they would joyn to abraham and his seed in the profession of the same faith ; and that then the children of those strangers were to receive the same signe of circumcision also , and to the same end that abraham and his seed were , untill the comming of christ , at which time the sign of faith was changed from circumcision to baptism to the beleeving jewes , or those of abrahams naturall seed , as well as to the gentiles which then did beleeve . . that the signe being changed from circumcision to baptisme , them , for with their mouth they shew much love , but their heart goeth after their covetousnesse . and loe , thou art unto them as a very lovely song , of one that hath a pleasant voyce , &c. ezek. . , . and ●ee that departeth from evill maketh himselfe a pray , and the lord saw it , and it displeased him , &c. esay . . i will make thy tongue cleave to the roofe of thy mouth , that thou shalt be dumb , and shalt not bee to them a reprover , for they are a rebellious house , ezek. . . by men of other tongues and stammering lips will i speake to this people , &c. isay . . if a man walking in the spirit of falsehood doe lie , saying , i will prophesie of wine and strong drinke , even hee shall bee the prophet of this people , micah . . . oh ephraim what shall i doe unto thee ? oh judah what shall i doe unto thee ? for your goodnesse is as a morning cloude , and as the early dew it goeth away , hosea . . repent and turne your selves from all your transgressions , so iniquitie shall not bee your ruine , ezek. . . come and let us returne unto the lord , for hee hath torne , and hee will heale us ; hee hath smitten , and hee will bind us up , hosea . . turne yee , oh turne yee , for why will yee die o yee people of england ? ezek. . . let us search and try our wayes , and turne againe to the lord , let us lift up our hearts with our hands unto god in the heavens , lam. . , . to the law , and to the testimony , if they speake not according to this rule , it is because there is no light in them , esay . . if any man will doe his will hee shall know the doctrine whether it bee of god , or whether i speake of my selfe , john . . when the heart shall bee turned to the lord , the vaile shall bee taken away , cor. . . to him that ordereth his conversation aright , will i shew the salvation of god , psal. ▪ ● . if yee bee willing and obedient , yee shall ●ate the good of the land , but if yee bee wicked , and rebell , yee shall bee consumed with the sword , &c. esay . , . finis . machine-generated and other supplemental data notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- the texts a● named . question , wh●● divisions thos● were , to bee examined . the inconveniencies of divisions promised to be observed . the excellen●ie of godly u●ity . this unity is much forward●d by a uniformity . and whether we may not ar●●in it now . the hinderers of this uniformity to be ex●mined . ●t's a great tryal ●o them that ●ave once inte●essed themselves in an op●osing way , to ●eforme from 〈◊〉 , though con●inced , because ●f disgrace . motives to the ●ontrary : ●erswading ●hose that stand ●●r the presby●erians to im●●ace them &c. the text ex●mined and ●bserved . the text proper to the point intended , viz. not to forsake the assembling , &c. the chief text or illustration the doctrine ●ncluded on . the first reason to prove that such divisions are naught ; it estrangeth their affections reason , it causeth an evil opinion of each other . reason , it occasious civil wars . we are lyable to a common enemy , &c. errors will hereby be increased , &c. wee shall have little restraint of evill , &c. the benefit ●●at comes by a ●●dly unitie . 〈◊〉 godly unitie 〈◊〉 affection is ●uch forwar●ed by a law●●ll uniformi●●e in divine ●rdinances . whether wee may not attain● to this uniformity in a warrantable way . the chiefe points named . the first chiefe point aimed at viz. who are the church , &c. these are without the pale of the church . what corruptions were in those that were beleevers in the apostles time . ●●om those ●remises ari●eth their sepa●ation . these were ●●ruly , and yet ●aul gave no order for sepa●ation , but to ●dmonish them ●till . the chiefe point now followeth in order , concerning the ministers of the word . &c. those that are best able , ough● to be the teachers . if a minister have honesty , & want knowledge , then he● is dangerous , hee will lead men into errors . if hee want honesty , and have knowledge , how then , what 's to be done then ? yet wee mus● not choose a novice , as in tim. . . it is a punishment of god to us , when wee want fitting preachers . who ought to ●rdaine the ●reachers of ●●e gospel . the preachers ●well qualifi●d ) ought to ●rdain the mi●isters of the gospel . titus was to ordaine elders for the ministry of the gospel . the ministry of the word of god , was to be committed to those that timothy could find fit to be the teachers of the people . the reason why timothy shall ordaine &c. timothy did choose deacons also . they used to lay ha●ds on them that were ordained . some ministers were superintendents of o●hers too . some being ordained to be ministers of the gospel before they are able , do much hurt . the separatist's objection against our ministers , viz. they are of the popes order , &c. the true signe of a minister of god . where it is fittest the church of christ should dwel , or how neer to each other , viz. together . the preacher ought to live among , or very neare those he is to bee the preacher unto , &c. the peoples preachers are undone by others that draw their flocks from them . and the residue of the poore sheep must starve . the monster . the objection against a nationall church . the nation should in the more generall profession embrace the doctrine of christ . the special de●e●s that the apostles did ●eave with the churches for ●heir rule or ●uide . some cases of conscience . the government of the church is of greater weight then 〈◊〉 &c. if men may have what they list , under pretence of tender conscience , then knaves may plead for knavery . a rule to judge by in some measur● ▪ ●t is wilfulness ●ather then ●enderness of conscience . divers general precepts are so ●eft to the church for small matters . it 's fit wee should have some way to restrain those that make such confusion . whether their leaders do no● hold them in these errors o● purpose , &c. boles and basins &c. the sectaries answer , to maintaine his drawing of inhabitants to him , and leaving the rest toget●● what they can , and where . the antinomians . some hold that god is not angry ▪ the use of the ●ivill magi●●ate . compelling men to heare the word of god . ●●ages , pi●●ures , and mo●●ments an of●●nce to the ●●ctaries and ●●esbyterialls ●●c . idolatrous marriages , &c. the permitting idolaters to live with us , doth offend sectaries ; and that is no fault in them . papists are idolaters . how idolatry came into the world , as history reports . the papists call us hereticks . the popes tenets , or some of them . the popes pride . the assenden● of the popes nativity . ●●e indepen●●nts ( many of ●●em ) doe fear ●●at we shall ●●ve no lawes 〈◊〉 punish ido●●ters as god ●●●h comman●ed . the lords prayer . tit. . . of musicke . signes to shew whether party is the best in their conversations . coruptions in gods people , and especially in those that live in wealth , and at ease . davids failings . the hinderances that keep men from the ●●nouncing an opinion , ●hough convinced of it in their conscience . motives to the presbyterialls to be kinde to those that renounce the other wayes . motives to ●oth parties to perform our duties , whatsoever hap to us , ( so to speak ) viz. look to the great allurements mentioned in the word of god , and the punishment if we neglect our duty , &c. ●ereticks deny ●●at christ ●●ok flesh of ●●e virgin ●ary . ●ome hold ●●at the childe ●eriveth or re●eiveth its soul ●●om its pa●●nts . if gods people sin some capitall sin , ( especially openly ) they may smart temporally for it as long as they live here , though repented of . a man may be assured of his salvation . men ( not repenting of known sinnes ) are still left blind in matter of salvation . a man may speake in the defence of his own integrity , ●f the same be ●n him indeed , &c. accidentall ignorance pardoned . this is zan●hi●s resolution also , who was a good reformer . a letter of many ministers in old england requesting the judgement of their reverend brethren in new england concerning nine positions written anno dom. : together with their answer thereunto returned, anno : and the reply made unto the said answer and sent over unto them, anno / by simeon ash, and william rathband. ashe, simeon, d. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing l a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no or : ) a letter of many ministers in old england requesting the judgement of their reverend brethren in new england concerning nine positions written anno dom. : together with their answer thereunto returned, anno : and the reply made unto the said answer and sent over unto them, anno / by simeon ash, and william rathband. ashe, simeon, d. . rathband, william, d. . [ ], [i.e. ] p. printed for thomas vnderhill ..., london : . errata: p. [ ]. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library and harvard university libraries. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -- early works to . congregational churches -- doctrines. new england -- church history -- th century. great britain -- church history -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter of many ministers in old england , requesting the judgement of their reverend brethren in new england concerning nine positions . written anno dom. . together with their answer thereunto returned , anno . and the reply made unto the said answer , and sent over unto them , anno . now published ( by occasion mentioned in the epistle to the reader , following in the next page , ) upon the desire of many godly and faithfull ministers in and about the city of london , who love and seeke the truth . by simeon ash , and william rathband . thes . . . prove all things ; hold fast that which is good . london , printed for thomas vnderhill , at the signe of the bible in great woodstreet . . i have diligently perused this reply to the answer , of the ministers of new-england , to the nine positions which i have approved , and judge very necessarie , and seasonable to bee printed , and published , iuly the fifth , . iames cranford rector of christophers london . errata . page . marg. read romae . p. line r. society . p . l. . r. of all true churches . p . l. ● . r. parium . p. . l. r. saith . p . l. . r. quin. p. . l. r. ordinance . the faults escaped in the quotation p. ● . in some copies , the reader is desired to correct by beza de presb. p l. . r. is the same . p l . r. objection . p. . l. . r. were dispensed . p l ● r. which without . p. . l. . r parium . p. l. ▪ r. therefore to them , p. ● . l. . r. with christ . to the reader . good reader , vpon the receipt of the answer returned unto the nine positions , master ball moved by the request of brethren , drew up this reply , which upon perusall and joynt approbation , was directed unto the reverend elders of the severall churches in new england . the reply sent miscarrying in the hand , to which it was committed , though both letters and printed bookes trusted in the same hand were delivered : hereupon another copie was from new england desired , and accordingly prepared in the yeare following . in the meane time , the answer being tendered to the presse , it was judged more meete to keepe the reply in readinesse to attend the publishing of the answer , then to part with it in the other way . this intelligence was the last yeare conveyed into new england , since which time , there hath been an expectation to see that in print , which now is sent abroad to open view . by this relation it is manifest who are voluntiers , and who are pressed to come forth as defendants in these controversies . these differences betwixt the loving brethren of old england and new , had not been made thus notorious , if some who cry up the church way in new england , as the only way of god , had not been forward , to blow them abroad in the world . but surely the providence of god is remarkeable in bringing these questions into debate at this time . when the ministers of the gospell from all the counties in the kingdome are called together by both houses of parliament , to consult about the healing of our breaches , which are very many and dangerous : the copie of this reply being committed to our custodie we are necessitated to appeare in the publication of it : yet we shall preface nothing concerning the treatise it selfe , because our known respects to the reverend and judicious author will tender us partiall , and our testimony can adde no credit to his works which withall indifferent readers will plead sufficiently for their own acceptance . if this discourse shall adde any discovery of light unto them , who desire a sound judgement in the controversies here agitated , our end is obtained , and our prayers answered , who are . thy servants in and for the truth , simeon ash , william rathband . the letter of those ministers in england , who requested to know the judgement of their brethren in new england , in nine positions , wherein the reasons of this their request , are truly reported . ( reverend and beloved brethren ) whiles we lived together in the same kingdome , we professed the same faith , joyned in the same ordinances , laboured in the worke of god to gaine soules unto his kingdome , and maintained the puritie of worship against corruptions , both on the right hand and on the left . but since your departure into new england , we heare ( and partly beleeve it ) that divers have embraced certaine vain opinions , such as you disliked formerly , and we judge to be groundlesse and unwarrantable . as that a stinted forme of prayer , and set liturgie is unlawfull ; that it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer , or to receive the sacrament , where a stinted liturgie is used . . that the children of godly and approved christians , are not to be raptized , untill their parents bee set members of some perticular congregation . . that the parents themselves , though of approved piety are not to be received to the lords supper , untill they bee admitted as set members . . that the power of excommunication , &c. is so in the body of the church , that what the major part shall allow , that must be done , though the pastors and governors , and part of the assembly be of another minde , and peradventure , upon more substantiall reasons . . that none are to be admitted as set members , but they must promise , not to depart , or remove unlesse the congregation will give leave . . that a minister is so a minister to a particular congregation , that if they dislike him unjustly , or leave him he ceaseth to be a minister . . that a minister cannot performe any ministeriall act in another congregation . . that members of one congregation may not communicate in another . these and other such like ( which we omit to reckon up ) are written and reported to be the common tenents in new england , which are received with great applause , maintained with great confidence , and applauded , as the only church way , wherein the lord is to be worshipped . and letters from new england have so taken with divers in many parts of this kingdome , that they have left our assemblies because of a stinted liturgie , and excommunicated themselves from the lords supper , because such as are not debarred from it . and being turned aside themselves , they labour to ensnare others , to the griefe of the godly , the scandall of religion , the wounding of their owne soules ( if they did advisedly consider the matter ) and great advantage of them , that are wily to espy , and ready to make use of all advantages to prejudice the truth . ( beloved brethren ) if you stood in our places , we are well assured it would be no small griefe unto you , to heare and see the people led afide to the disgrace of the gospell , upon weake and groundlesse imaginations , and in rash and inconsiderate zeale to deale with that which is of god ▪ as if it were of man. and if it be to us griefe of heart to heare that you have changed from that truth which you did professe , and embrace that for truth which in former times upon sound grounds you did condemne as erroneous , we hope you will not be offended . you know how oft it hath beene objected , that non-conformists in practice are separatists in heart but that they goe crosse to their own positions , or smother the truth for sinister ends . they of the separation boast that they stand upon the non-conformist's grounds . a vainglorious flourish and sleight pretence . but both these are much countenanced by your sudden change if you be changed , as it is reported . how shall your brethren bee able to stand up in the defence of their innocencie and the uprightnesse of their cause , when your example and opinion shall be cast in their dish ? must they leave you now , with whom they have held society ? or will you plead for separation , which you have condemned as rash and inconsiderate ? you know that thy who have run this way have fallen into manifold divisions , and may not you justly feare , lest the same befall you ? some warnings you have had already , and have you not cause to feare every day more and more ? errour is very fruitfull and will spread apace . a cracke in the foundation may occasion a wide breach in the building , where there will not be means , or mind to amend it . experience every day may tutour us herein . but to let passe all inconveniences , our request in all meeknesse and love is , that if these , or any of the forementioned opinions be indeed your tenants you would be pleased to take a second review of your grounds , and send us your strongest reasons that have swayed you in these matters : and if we shall find them upon due examination to be such as will carry weight , we shall be ready to give you the right hand of fellowship ; if otherwise you shall receive our just and modest animadversions in what we conceive you have erred from the truth . you will not judge , if we cannot apprehend the strength of your grounds , it is because we love not the truth , or bee carryed with by-respects ( though these conceipts prevaile too much : ) such rigid and harsh censures , cannot lodge in meeke and humble breasts . weighty reasons promote the truth not unadvised judging . you your selves have judged that to be errour , which now you take to be truth when yet you were not blinded with by-respects , nor hudwinked your eyes , that you might not see the light . and if you have just warrant from god to pull downe what you have builded , and to build what you have pulled downe , we desire you would lovingly and maturely impart it ▪ for as yet we have scene none , which we are not ready to prove , and shew by the rule of truth to be too weake to carry any burthen . we adore with you the fulnesse of the scripture , and we know the counsell of the lord shall stand : if you can shew that you walke in the wayes of god , we shall heartily rejoyce to walke with you : but if you have turned aside , we shall earnestly desire that you would be pleased seriously to consider the matter , and speedily reforme , what is out of order . thus not doubting of your favourable interpretation of this our motion , for the preventing of distraction , maintenance of peace , and searching out of the truth , whereby we may be directed to live to the praise of god the good of his people , and comfort of our soules , beseeching god to lead and guide us into all truth and holinesse , and keepe us blamelesse untill his glorious appearance , we rest your loving brethren . an epistle written by the elders of the churches in new-england , to those godly ministers fore-mentioned that sent over the positions . reverend and beloved brethren : in these remote coasts of the earth , whereunto the good hand of god hath brought us , as we doe with much comfort of heart call to mind the many gracious blessings , which both with you , and from you , we injoyed in our christian and holy communion , ( the memory and fruit whereof we hope shall never be blotted out ) so we have also seen cause to looke back to our former administrations there , and to search and trie our wayes ; that wherein soever we have formerly gone astray , we might judge our selves for it before the lord : and that seeing now god hath set before us an open doore of libertie , wee might neither abuse our libertie in the gospel , to runne out into any groundlesse unwarrantable courses , nor neglect the present opportunitie to administer ( by the helpe of christ ) all the holy ordinances of god , according to the patterne set before us in the scripture ; in our native countrey , when we were first called to the ministery , many of us tooke some things to be indifferent and lawfull , which in after-times we saw to be sinfull , and durst not continue in the practise of them there ; afterwards some things that we bare as burthens , that is , as things inexpedient , though not utterly unlawfull ; we have no cause to retain and practise the same things here , which would not have been not onely inexpedient , but unlawfull : such things as a man may tollerate when he cannot remove them , hee cannot tollerate without sinne , when he may remove them ; besides some things we practised there ( which wee speak to our shame and griefe ) which we never took into serious consideration whether they were lawfull , and expedient or no , but took them for granted , and generally received ; not onely by the most reformed churches , but by the most godly and judicious servants of god amongst them ; which neverthelesse when we came to weigh them in the ballance of the sanctuarie , we could not find sufficient warrant in the word to receive them , and establish them here : of one of these three kinds will these our present practises appeare to be , which you call our new opinions , or , innovations here ; except it be some few of them , which though they have been reported to you to be our judgements and practises , yet are indeed farre from us : the partieulars are too many , and too weightie to give you account of them , and the ground of our proceedings about them in a letter . but to give you ( if it be the will of god ) the better satisfaction , we have sent you a short treatise touching each particular , that according to your desire you might understand from us how farre we do acknowledge any of these tenents , and upon what ground , hoping that according to your promise , if upon due examination you shall find any weight in them , you will give us the right hand of fellowship . but if otherwise , you will send us your just and faithfull animadversions , and we doe not suspect your loves to the truth , or your sincere speaking according to your conscience in the sight of god. neither taxe we you as siding from the truth with by-respects , whereof you complain , verily we abhorre such rash , harsh , and presumptuous notoriousnesse , we see as much cause to suspect the integritie of our own hearts , as yours ; and so much the more , as being more privie to the deceitfulnesse of our own hearts then to yours . and we cannot but with much thankfulnesse of heart acknowledge the many rich precious treasures of his grace , wherewith the lord hath furnished sandrie of you above your brethren , which causeth us with great reverence to accept , and receive what further light god may be pleased to impart unto us by you . but as we have beleeved , so have we hitherto practised , and so have most of us spoken this our answer to your particulars , most of us we may say , because there wants not some brethren amongst us who proceed further , even to looke at all set formes of prayer invented by men of another age or congregation , and prescribed to their brethren to be read out of a book for the prayers of the church , as images , or imaginations of men , forbidden in the second commandement ; but as we leave them to their libertie of their own judgements without prejudice , so do we also concurre with the rest of them , so farre as we all goe in bearing witnesse against any set formes , or the corruptions in them ; in dispatching whereof , we have been the more slow because it behoved us first to inquire into , and to settle some controversies amongst our selves , before we could well attend to entertaine discourse about forraigne questions which do not so neerely concerne our present estate and practise . besides your letters being sent to the ministers of the churches , and some of us dwelling farre asunder , it was not an easie thing for all of us often to meet together to consider of these questions , much lesse to resolve upon one just answer . but having at length ( by the assistance of god ) brought our answers to this issue , we commend it to the blessing of the lord , and in him to your christian , and judicious consideration ; where if all things bee found safe , and duely warranted from scripture grounds ; do you also as seemeth vigilant watchmen of the lords flock , and faithfull witnesses to god ; if any thing seeme doubtfull to you , consider and weigh it very well before you reject it : if any thing appeare to be unsound , and dissonant from the word ( which we for our parts cannot discerne ) we shall willingly attend to what further light god may send unto us by you : in the meane while wee intreat you in the lord , not to suffer such apprehensions to lodge in your minds , which you intimate in your letters ; as if we here justified the wayes of riged separation , which sometimes amongst you we have formerly borne witnesse against : and so build againe the things we have destroyed ; you know they separate from your congregations , as no churches ; from the ordinances dispensed by you as meere . antichristian , and from your selves as no visible christians . but wee professe unfainedly , we separate from the corruptions which we conceive to be left in your churches , and from such ordinances administred therein as we feare are not of god , but of men ; and for your selves , we are so farre from separating as from no visible christians , as that you are under god in our hearts ( if the lord would suffer it ) to live and die together ; and we looke at sundrie of you as men of that eminent growth in christianitie , that if there by any visible christians under heaven , amongst you are the men , which for these many yeeres have been written in your foreheads ( holinesse to the lord ) which we speake not to prejudice any truth which our selves are here taught and called to professe , but we still beleeve though personall christians may be eminent in their growth of christianitie : yet churches had still need to grow from apparent defects to puritie ; and from reformation to reformation , age after age , till the lord have utterly abolished antichrist with the breath of his mouth , and the brightnesse of his comming to the full and cleare revelation of all his holy truth ; especially touching the ordering of his house and publick worship ; as a pledge of this our estimation of you , and sincere affection to you , we have sent you these answers to your demand , and shall be readie , by the help of christ , to receive back againe from you , wise , and just , and holy advertisements in the lord. now the lord god , and father of our lord jesus christ , your lord and ours ; lead us all unto all truths , purge out all leaven out of his churches , and keepe us blamelesse and harmlesse in his holy faith and feare , to his heavenly kingdome , through him that hath loved us ; in whom we rest , your very loving brethren , the elders of the churches in new-england . reverend and dearely beloved brethren , it is not to be doubted but while we live here , we shall have just cause to search and try our ways , look back upon former courses , and call things done to more strict examination . for being over-clouded with ignorance , compassed about with infirmities , and beset with many temptations to sinne , knowing what we know best , but darkly and in part , no marvell , if in many things we offend ignorantly , of frailty for want of due consideration , rashly mistaking errour for truth , condemning truth for errour , suspecting evill without cause , and not suspecting where is just reason , drawing erronious conclusions from sound principles , and maintaining truths upon weak grounds ; so that in examination of our wayes , and endevours of their reformation wee had need to looke warily , that wee turn not to the right hand or to the left , for in the one we add to the word of god , as well as in the oother , and of our selves are apt to strike aside to both . a loose conscience will be profane , a tender , scrupulous . it stands us therefore upon to have our selves in suspition , in as much as experience teacheth that many have swerved from the path of sound peace and comfort on each hand . wherefore ( beloved brethren ) if since your comming into new england , upon serious review of former actions you have discovered any truths heretofore not taken notice of , we shal be so far from rejecting them because of your former judgment and practice , that we shall heartily desire to know and imbrace the same with you , and blesse god for you as the happy instruments of his glory , our instruction & the advancement of the truth . but if the discoveries be of the like nature with the positions mentioned in the letter ; as before , so still , we conceive them to be new opinions , and not warranted by scripture , which is the true antiquity . opinions we say , not practices , for not changing your opinion , you might lawfully alter your practice ; nay , what you did tolerate formerly as a burthen , in case not free , you might well forgoe being at your liberty . your judgement being the same , you might use your liberty in forbearance of a set liturgie , and yet retaine the same judgement of a stinted liturgie , that you had before ; you might forbeare for a time upon speciall reason ( such as present state and occasion might suggest ) to receive to the sacrament approved christians , not set members of a particular congregation ; as some brethren do ) who yet dare not think it unlawfull to communicate with such in the act of worship , or deem it just and right altogether to debar them , as having no right nor title to those priviledges of the church . it is your opinions whereto we had respect , not simply your practice . it never entred into us to perswade you to a set liturgy , much lesse to complain that you had not accepted ours . but that all stinted liturgies should be condemned as devised worship , and so condemned as that none may lawfully be present at , or pertake of the sacraments administred in a stinted or devised forme , this wee called a new opinion . neither do we mention it because we knew it to be the private opinion of some brethren among you , whom we had left to the liberty of their owne judgment , so far as the maintenance of the truth , and a just call did not ingage us : but because it was cryed up , and advanced with all diligence , and endeavour of some among us standing affected england-ward , as if a chief point of holinesse consisted in separation . you know how great a fire a little sparkle kindles . and seeing this distraction and rent had its originall , growth and continuance from some brethren in those parts , or affected to that way , when in loving and friendly manner we could neither receive grounds at home for our conviction , nor procure just satisfaction to the contrary ; what could wee doe lesse then call upon you joyntly to know your judgment , and either by sound proof to be by you convinced ( if happily you should approve their separation ( which we esteem groundlesse , rash , unlawfull , and prejudiciall to outward peace ) or being backed by a testimony of its dislike from you , we might the better be both incouraged , and furnished to endevour the quenching of that fire which was kindled but in too many places , in other perticulars also , wee conceive , you goe beyond commission given of god : granting them authority to whom god hath not committed it , debarring others from the priviledge of the sacraments , who have title thereto by the covenant of grace . your love in that you were pleased to signifie first your kinde and respective acceptance of our letter , and now also to send us an answer thereto , we acknowledge it with all thankfulnesse , and shall endevour ( through the grace of god ) to return like affection in truth of heart , if in measure we fall short . of your respect to us in particular , we make no question , your expressions are beyond that we could expect , as also what we dare own . but we humbly beseech the lord to direct , uphold , and guide us , that in some measure we may walk worthy of our vocation , and approv our selves faithfull to your consciences . it was one end of our writing to be satisfied in this point , whether you approve the ways of separation ( whereof wee complain ) and their courses who laboured with all their might , ( when they conceived hope to be heard ) to perswade therunto . against which ( if we knew your judgment ) you testified among us . you know they that separate are not all of one straine and temper . some deny all communion with us publick and private , some admit of private , but deny all publick , and some joyne in prayer before , and after sermon , as also preaching of the word ( because in their esteeme , this may be done without communion in a church-way ) but refuse to partake of the sacraments . all which separations wee judge uncharitable , contrary to the commandement of christ , and have ever thought that you ( whilst with us ) and we were of one minde herein . if of late we have conceived fears of some of you ( deere brethren ) as leaning too much to what formerly you disliked , we beseech you weigh what urgent and pressing reasons forced us thereunto , and we shall most gladly ( wee heartily desire you to rest assured ) lay hold of every line and syllable , that may tend to dislodge such apprehensions . for as we conceive , the dispute to be unreasonably moved , the rent offensive , the opinions themselves prejudiciall to the cause of god , and the advancers thereof to have passed the limits prescribed by god ; so wee shall esteem it an inestimable blessing , if ( now what hinders being removed ) wee might joyn with one heart and soule , in one way of god to promote his glory , and seek the good of his church and people . we trust in the lord , we should not draw back in any course wherein wee may see the lord going before us , nor be an offence to any to keep the lords way ; wee seek the truth , and are perswaded it is the cause of god which we defend : we plead for communion with the churches of christ , no further then they hold communion with christ , still desiring to keepe the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , with your selves and all others , who walke in the right way of truth , peace and comfort . how the lord may be pleased to deale with us , or dispose of us wee know not ( his blessed will be done . ) but of this we are resolved , through his grace , not willingly to raise trouble or dissention among you , if through ignorance or infirmity we shall not so fall in , as to be of one minde with you in these matters . and here we desire you to consider that in these particulars you dissent as much one from another as we dissent from you , and that wherein we dissent from you ( and perhaps from the lesser part of you ) you dissent from the judgement and practice of all reformed churches . this wee speake not to prejudice your cause , but to intreat your serious re-examination of what you have sent us , and this tryall thereof , by the touchstone of the word . for if we mistake not , in many things it will not abide the test . you have written in great love and tendernesse , that your positions might be so scanned , and wee shall endeavour with such affection to try all things , and hold fast that which is good . and now ( beseeching the guidance of the spirit ) with your leave , wee shall endeavour to deale fully and plainly , as the nature of the cause requireth , intreating you impartially to consider the grounds whereupon we , go and weigh what wee shall say in the ballance of the sanctuary . the lord of his rich mercy in jesus christ , direct us in discerning what is right and pleasing in his sight , cast offences out of the church , close up rents and divisions , reveal his truth more and more , set up and mayntain the purity of his own ordinances , unite the hearts of his people to the love and feare of his holy name , teach us self-deniall , and keep us blamelesse to the comming of the lord jesus christ . amen . i position . that a stinted forme of prayer and set liturgie is unlawfull . answ . before we proceed to declare our selves concerning this position : it will be needfull that some thing be premised , for the explication of the terms thereof . we suppose , by a liturgy and forme of prayer , you mean not a forme of private prayers composed for the helpe and direction of weaker christians : but the system or body of publike prayers generally used in the english parishes , compiled for the churches use by other men not infallibly guided by god , to be said or read out of a book by their ministers as the churches prayers . and that this is your meaning , may appeare from your letter it self , wherein you complain that divers in many parts of that kingdome have left their assemblies , because of a stinted liturgy . now we know not of any other stinted liturgy from which the people do absent themselves , but onely that which is in use in the english churches . for as for a forme of prayer in generall , wee conceive your meaning cannot be of that . for it is evident that many preachers constantly use one set form of prayer of their own making before their sermons , with whom the people refuse not to joyn . by stinted and set , you mean such prayers , as are so imposed upon the churches and ministers , as that they are limited to that very form of words expressed in the book without addition , diminution , or alteration ; for that liturgy and forme among you , is in this sense set and stinted . by unlawfull , you mean that we looking at that form , as swerving from the rule ; neither dare first practice it our selves , nor secondly approve the use of it by others . this being the true state of the question , so far as it appears to us , from the letter . we answer , for our own practice , the churches here doe not use any stinted forme of prayer and set liturgy , for these and other such reasons . because we finde no necessity of any stinted liturgy to be used among us , by vertue of any divine precept . and seeing the commission of the apostles limited them , to ●each men to observe and do onely what christ did command them in matters of this nature , math. . . who are we and what are our churches , that we should presume above this commission ? and , we hope , it will not be offensively taken by any godly brethren , that we stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made us free in this , as well as in all other things . secondly , because the lawfulnesse of set forms and stinted liturgies is questioned and doubted of by many faithfull servants of god : whereas for church-officers to edifie the churches by their own gifts , as well in praying as in preaching , all sorts without controversie grant it to be lawfull . now spirituall prudence guideth believers , when two ways are set before them , one doubtfull though ventured on by some , the other certainly safe and good , though neglected by many , to choose that which is safe , declining the other . thirdly , because primitive paterns of all the churches of god in their best times ( when as touching this point they kept the rule in their eye ) whether jewish before christ , or christian above a yeers after christ , yield not the least footstep to shew us another safe way to walk in , then this which we have chosen . as for after times towards the end of the second , and beginning of the third century , we know how far the churches were then degenerated and declined from the first purity ; neither do we marvell at it , seeing in the apostles time the mystery of iniquity began to work , and it was then foretold , that the power of godlinesse would be in aftertimes exchanged for empty formes . in which respect , we look not at them as our guides neither in this , nor other particulars not warranted by the rule , herein following the advise of cyprian , who himself saw the corruption of those times , non est attendendum quid aliquis ante nos faciendum putaverit , sed quid qui ante omnes est christus fecerit & faciendum praeceperit . to conclude , seeing our christian liberty freeth us from binding our selves to any religious observances , whereunto the written word doth not bind us . and seeing spirituall prudence directs us to choose those ways , which on all hands are confessed to be s●fe , avoiding those that be doubtfull and hazardous . and seeing it will not be safe for us , needlesly to swerve from the constant practice of all churches that are recorded in scripture , and there held forth as a cloud of witnesses for us to follow in matters of this nature , wee therefore may not , doe not , dare not use set forms of prayers and stinted liturgies in these churches . more particularly , in that we doe not use that forme of prayer and stinted liturgy , which is in use among your selves : these and such other like reasons have induced us thereunto . the many and just exceptions whereunto that liturgy is lyable both for matter and manner ; for the proofe whereof wee referre you to those faithfull servants of god , who have gone before us in witnessing against the same : amongst others to master cartwright , and the abridgment . in as much as that liturgy was never commanded of god , and hath been greatly abused to idolatry and superstition , and is not of any necessary use , and therefore we are affraid to bring it into the worship of god , as knowing the jealousie of the lord , in matters of this nature ; exod. , and how strictly hee commandeth his people , that all monuments and remnants of idolatry and superstition should be abolished from among them , deut. . , . exod. . . esay . ● . cor. . . in which respect the holy ghost hath greatly commended iacob , david , iehu hezechia and iosiah for taking away the remembrance of such things , gen. . , . psal . . . king . , . & . . & ● . all the chapter . and where other kings of iudah came short of the like zeale , the scripture notes it as a blemish in them that the high places were not taken away , albeit the people did not sacrifice in them to false gods , but onely to the lord , chron. . . & . . & . . yea , moreover , it appeareth by the scripture , that somethings that had a good originall and use ( if they be not still necessary and commanded of god ) are unlawfull when once they are knowne to be defiled by idolatry , and abused to it , king. . . hos . . , . as the brazen serpent was at the first an institution though but temporary : but when the children of israel burned incense to it , hezechiah , is commended for breaking it in pieces , and the lord witnesseth of him that he did that which was right in the sight of the lord , and according to his commandement , which he commanded moses , king. . , . how much more in the like case ought other things to be removed , which never were commanded of god , but onely were devised by men ? and that that liturgy hath been superstitiously abused , may be cleer to any that shall consider that it is the same for substance that was used in the days of popery . and therefore when the papists in devonshire and cornwall , had made a commotion and rebellion upon the change of religion , in the days of king edward the sixth . it was told them by the king , for the pacifying of them : that it was the self-same service in english , which had been before in latine : and if the service of the church was good in latine , it remayneth good in english , for nothing is altered : fox acts and monuments , edward . and pope pius the fifth did see so little variation in it from the latine service , that had been formerly used in that kingdome , that he would have ratified it by his authority , if q. elizabeth would have so received it . and many of the people put such holinesse in it , that they think god is not rightly worshipped , nor his sabbath well observed , nor the sacraments sufficiently administred , if there be no reading of that service . and others put such holinesse and necessity in it , that they preferre it before gods holy ordinance of preaching the word . in so much as the ministers are in the danger of being called in question , and of being censured , if they doe not read that liturgy every lords day without omitting any part thereof , either in respect of preaching or otherwise . in regard of the many wofull scandals , and dangerous consequences of using that liturgie , of which we suppose you are not ignorant . to mention but two , viz. the hardning of papists who are imboldned to think better of their own breviaries , masse-books , portuisses , seeing that liturgie hath bin extracted out of those books , and rather fetched from them then from the forms used in any of the reformed churches . the conntenancing and establishing of an unlearned idol ministery , of not-preaching curates , non-residents , pluralities , &c. in whose skirts is to be found the blood of so many mens souls living and dying in their sins , while they ignorantly content themselves with , and harden themselves in some empty forms of religion and blinde devotion , which are begotten and cherished chiefely by such prayers and ministers . neither is there lesse scandall hereby ( we meane not onely taken but given ) then by the eating of an idolathite , in the idols temple condemned by the apostle cor. . . for if the eating of an idolathite by him that had knowledge , and knew that an idol was nothing , and that all meats were lawfull , did imbolden others to honour the idol , and therefore was a scandall given , so also it is in this case . seeing that booke is so imposed as that the minister in reading of it , is limited to the very words set downe without any diminution , addition , or alteration ; therefore we dare not use it . for the lord himselfe hath not limited his people to his own formes and therefore we see not , how it can be lawfull to be limited to other mens formes ; for in thus doing we should subject our selves to the exercise of such an authority and power of the prelates , as in this case puts forth a stronger act of limiting power then christ himselfe , who doth not limit us to those formes , which himselfe hath set downe in scripture : for though we acknowledge the lords prayer and other formes set down in scripture , may be lawfully used as prayers ( due cautions being observed ) yet there is not a limitation lying upon the churches in the use of those prayers . and therefore we do not find that the apostles ever used that form taught by christ in those very words , much lesse limited themselvs to it , when they prayed , nor did they teach the churches so to doe . if the lord would not have us limit our selves in our own forms , whiles we are exercising our own gifts ( which he hath specially sanctified to edify his church act. . . eph. . . cor. . . ) least we should quench or at least straiten his spirit in prayer , thes . . . would he then have us limited to other mens forms , which have not beene in like sort sanctified of god , but will rather quench or straiten the spirit of god , whiles we are so limited to them ? the entertainment of this form hath been a manifest snare unto the churches who upon the same ground on which they have received this forme into the desks have beene limited to others in the pulpit , by meanes whereof the poore church of christ hath bin wholly deprived of the publike use of the ministers gifts in prayer , and the spirit of prayer in the ministers in publike , hath beene greatly restrained . as for our judgement concerning the practice of others , who use this liturgie in our native countrie , we have alwayes beene unwilling to expresse our mindes there against unlesse we have been necessarily called thereunto , and at this time we thinke it not expedient to expresse our selves any further concerning this matter , as loath to intermeddle with the affaires of other churches , but contenting our selves with , and blessing the lord for those liberties which we , by the mercie of god , do here enjoy , reserving also due reverence to the judgements of our beloved brethren and deere countreymen , who may concerning this matter be otherwise minded . reply . this position cannot beare that meaning which you give it , if you take it according , o our mindes , and the plain construction of the words . we never questioned why you made not use of a stinted liturgy , much lesse why you did not wholly and in every part tye your selves unto , and approve of that forme in use amongst us . you might well thinke we had little to doe to put forth such a demand , viz. whether you thinke it lawfull to approve in others and practice your selves , what swerveth from the rule , and we thinke it strange you should give our words such a meaning . the thing we craved resolution in was , whether in your judgements all stinted and set formes of prayer and liturgies be unlawfull . the reason hereof was because in writings from new-england , we had seene all set liturgies , and set formes of prayer condemned as devised worship which god would not accept , and partaking in the sacraments of the supper in our assemblies , therefore disallowed , because administred in a stinted liturgie , which things were received with such likeing among some brethren with us , and by them imparted and recommended to others , that they occasioned that rent and distraction whereof we complain . it is true , the people among us separate from our forme of prayer or liturgy , but the reason hereof is because it is stinted , not because this or that or ours in particular . you confesse you want not some brethren among you who look at all set formes of prayer invented by one of another age or congregation , and prescribed to their brethren , to be read out of a booke for the prayers of the church , as images and imaginations of man forbidden in the second commandement , and that the lawfulnesse of liturgies , and set formes is questioned and doubted of by many faithfull servants of god , such also as come over occasionally , who withdraw themselvs from the sacraments in the congregation , doe it on this pretence , that a stinted liturgie is a humane invention . and if we examine the reasons brought against stinted formes and liturgies , we shall finde them to strike at all formes and liturgies though devised by men of the same age and congregation , and to be used but now and then , or but once on set purpose , and that either in publike or in private , as elsewhere we may have occasion to shew . you say it is evident , many preachers constantly use a set forme of prayer of their own making before their sermons with whom the people refuse not to joyne ; and you know ( we doubt not ) that such set formes are disliked also . and if the grounds be examined ( in our understanding ) they make as much against the one as the other . view but the reasons why you admit not a stinted liturgie and forme of prayer , and see whether the two last will not in the same terms directly conclude gainst both . but what ever is to be thought herein , or whether mens practises agree with their opinions we now dispute not . this is plaine and manifest , that mens opinions are to be judged by their expresse words and reasons , not by their practises . the brownists ( as they are commonly called ) can separate from no stinted liturgie amongst us , but that which is in use , and for ought we know they may joyne with their owne pastors , though they oft use the same forme of prayer in whole or in part , in thanksgiving before meat , or in prayer before sermon , or the like . and yet their opinion is that all stinted liturgies and set formes of prayer be unlawfull , humane inventions forbidden by the second commandement . but if any thing had beene left doubtfull in the letter , that it might be strained to another sence , either because we were short in expression , or many of you not informed in the passages which gave occasion to the question , it is well knowne what the words meane in ordinary construction . and we doubt not but many brethren among you , might and could fully informe you of our meaning that there need no such straining to find it out . that which followeth in your answer to the position ( as you interpret it ) wee passe over , because it is not to the matter intended . and wee are as unwilling to trouble you with the affaires of other churches taking you from your owne weightie occasions , as you are unwilling to be interrupted . onely in regard of promise , and because plaine dealing serves to maintaine love , we thinke good to advertise you these few things . that your reasons why you accept not of a stinted lyturgie be ambiguously propounded , for sometimes you plead onely for your libertie herein , and that a stinted forme is not necessary , and sometime you speake so , as they that looke at stinted lyturgies , as images forbidden in the second commandement will easily draw your words to their meaning . the reasons you bring against a set forme of prayer or liturgie doe hold as strong against a set forme of catechisme confession and profession of faith , blessing , baptizing and singing of psalmes . wee have not called upon you at this time to witnesse for , or against the corruptions in the communion-booke . this you fall upon by straining the sense of our demands contrary to the true meaning thereof . the reasons which you bring against it , we cannot approve them all ; the exceptions which have bin taken both from the matter and manner thereof we know : but to esteeme the whole for some corruptions found therein , a monument of idolatry , that we have not learned . the argument in the abridgement which is used against conformity to the ceremonies did not in their judgement who were authors of the booke hold against the lyturgie , of which opinion we are also . if these reasons be intended onely to shew why you receive not our forme of administration , it is that which ( we are perswaded you know ) we never required of you . if to disallow the use of the booke amongst us altogether in things lawfull , good and pertinent , they will not hold weight . you are generally ( as you say ) loath to meddle with the affaires of other churches , unlesse you have been necessarily called thereunto . but when some upon the request ( as we suppose ) of private friends , and others out of their zeale and forwardnesse have laboured to draw many to separation from the sacrament , because ministred in a stinted lyturgie : wee cannot apprehend any just ground of this apologie . the rent is wide , and some brethren had their hands deepe therein , which made us at this present to crave your judgements , and the reasons thereof to make up the breach . i. d. objecteth to master p. that his manner of preaching was disorderly in carrying that matter , he speakes of , to the classes , before he had declared to the church the equity of his refusing the ministers desired by the scriptures . and may not we with like reason object , that this manner of proceeding is disorderly in seeking to draw men to separation , because of stinted liturgie , before you had shewed to us or other brethren ( whom it may concerne ) by scripture , or reasons drawne from thence , that a stinted liturgie was unlawfull ? but of this wee may intreat more fully elsewhere . ii. position . that it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer , or receive the sacraments where a stinted liturgie is used , or as we conceive your meaning to be in this , as in the former question viz. where , and when that stinted liturgie is used . answer . it seemeth by this your letter , the ground of this position hath beene the separation of divers from your assemblies , because of a stinted liturgie : and we are not ignorant of the rigid separation of divers people , who withdraw themselves from an able faithfull ministry , as no ministry of christ , and from their godly congregations as no churches of christ ; because of some corruptions from which ( through want of light , not love of the truth ) they are not throughly cleansed . against which practise we have ever witnessed . as for our judgement concerning the position it selfe , we would promise two things ; first concerning the persons reading this liturgie , which may be either an ungodly or unable minister , or an able and a godly . secondly , concerning the liturgie it selfe , which may be either of the whole or some select prayers , which may be conceived to be the least offensive . now if the question be of joyning in prayer with , and when that whole liturgie is used , or where that which is used , is read by an unable and ungodly minister , we then see not how it can be lawfull to joyne in prayer in such cases ; for the prayers of the minister are not his private prayers , but the publike prayers of the whole assembly , whose mouth he is to god. and when the prayers offered up by the minister , as a living holy , and acceptable service to god , are not through humane frailty , but otherwise for matter and manner corrupt , wee see not what warrant any one hath to joyne with such prayers , mal. . . . when men ioyne therein with an insufficient ministry , they doe not only countenance them in their place and office , whom the lord hath rejected from being his priests . hos . . . but also set up those idolls and means of worship to edifie themselves by , which god never appointed in his holy word ezeck . . . but if the question be of joyning in some few select prayers read by an able and painfull minister out of that booke as on the one side wee are very tender of imputing sin to the men that so joyne : so on the other side , we are not without feare , least that such joyning may be found to be unlawfull : unlesse it may appeare that the ministers with whom the people have communion in reading those prayers doe neither give any scandall by reading of them nor give unlawfull honour to a thing abused to idolatry , and superstition , nor doe suffer themselves to be sinfully limited in the reading of them . reply . sufficient hath been spoken of the meaning of the position and the grounds thereof and if we have not mistaken your judgment & practice both , you have born witnesse against both that you call the rigid seperation , and this more moderate also ; and we humbly wish , the moderate doe not degenerate into the rigid ere long . it is very strange , if they take not great incouragement upon your grounds . the truth of our ministery , churches , ordinances , and calling is questioned , and where men will stay the lord knoweth , and what more common then that our liturgie is unlawfull , because it is the devise of man ; the author ( or publisher at least ) of a letter against our service booke beginneth with such like distinction . against this prayer-booke ( saith he ) divers have pleaded in a different manner . first some arguments are proper to the separatists qua tales , viz. that it is offered in a false church ; . by a false minister ; . in the behalfe of the subjects of the kingdome of antichrist . these are properly theirs , being the grounds whereupon they make a totall separation from all the churches in this land , as no churches of christ . these i approve not , yet note them that yee may see upon what different grounds , the same position is maintained by severall persons , and that yee may be delivered from the prejudice , which hinders many from receiving those truths , because they feare the reproach of brownisme . secondly , there are other grounds which are common to all that plead for the the puritie of christs ordinances , and which doe not necessarily inferre such separation , but only serve to shew the unlawfulnesse of that practise , and our communicating therein . thus the epistle wherein the same distinction of separation is noted : but how truly , let the indifferent judge . if none must be counted separatists , but such as have pleaded against the booke of common prayer as unlawfull , because offered up in a false church , &c. then are there none such in the world , that we have knowne or heard of : for it is apparent they cast us off as no churches of christ , because our service is a humane devise , will-worship , idolatry ; and not on the contrary , that our service is will-worship , or idolatry , because our churches are false churches . against all communion with us they plead , because we are a false church , but against our stinted liturgie they argue not in that manner . the grounds on which that authour builds ( which he saith are common to all , that plead for the purity of gods ordinances ) are one and the same with the grounds of the separatists , shafts taken out of the same quiver and peculiar to them , some few brethren onely excepted , who of late have looked towards that opinion . see how affection will transport . those reasons shall be common to all that plead for the purity of christs ordinances , which were never taken to be sound and true , either by the reformed churches abroad , or by the godly brethren at home , whether now at rest with the lord , or for the present living , or yet by the most of the brethren among whom they live , and with whom they hold societie , or by any minister or societie which did hold the unitie of the spirit in the bond of peace for the space of this yeares and upwards , by your owne confession , unlesse within these few dayes , and that by a few onely . if this be not to strengthen the hands of the separatists , or at least , to lay blocks of offence in their way , what is ? as yet we thinke most of them that have separated , are not so farre gone , as to condemne all our assemblies as no churches of christ , but we judge they have proceeded further then christ the lord and saviour of his church hath given them commission or allowance , that the grounds whereon they build are unsound , and such as make way for further danger , if the lord prevent not . and that the reasons mentioned in the letters are the proper grounds of separatists , and not common to all them that seeke the purity of religion , for they are not approved by your selves : and if all this tend not to turne them who halt , out of the right way , wee heartily intreate you to consider . your judgement concerning the position , you deliver in three propositions ( for so many they be for substance ) in respect of the persons reading the liturgie , or the thing it selfe that is read . as if any part of the liturgie bee read , ( put case some few selected prayers onely , by an unable and ungodly minister : it is unlawfull ( say you ) for the people to joyne in that case . but if it be unlawfull for the people to joyne , when an ungodly minister readeth some few select prayers , it is either in respect of the minister , or the prayers themselves . not of the prayers themselves , for they be select and choyce , faultlesse both in respect of matter and manner , as it is taken for granted , unlesse this distribution be to no purpose ; if in respect of the minister , then it is not lawfull to joyne with such a one in any ordinance of god whatsoever . for if the minister make it unlawfull , then all communion in any part of gods worship , with such ministers is unlawfull , and so the church in all ages of the world , the prophets , our saviour christ , the apostles , and the faithfull in the primitive churches sinned , in holding communion with such , when the priests were dumbe dogges that could not barke , and greedy dogges that could never have enough ; when the prophets prophesied lies , and the priests bare rule by their meanes ; when the priests bought and sold doves in the temple , and tooke upon them to provide such things for them that were to offer ; when the pharisees corrupted the law by false glosses , taught for doctrines mens precepts , made the commandements of god of none effect through their traditions , under pretence of long prayer devoured widowes houses , taught the law , but practised it not ; when they were such , and did such things , they were ungodly ministers ; but we never find that the prophets , our saviour , the apostles , did either forbeare themselves , or warne the faithfull not to communicate with such in the ordinance of worship . we reade our saviour charged his disciples , to beware of the leaven of the scribes and pharisees , to let them alone , because they were the blind leaders of the blind , but he never forbade to communicate with them in the ordinances of god. it is not then for private christians to withdraw themselves from the ordinance of worship , and communion of the church , because such are permitted to deale in the holy things of god , whom they judge or know unfit : when men joyne in the worship of god with unworthy ministers , they doe not countenance them in their place and office , but obey the commandement of god , who requires their attendance upon his highnesse in that way and meanes . to goe no further then the text you quote , because thou hast despised knowledge , i will also reject thee , &c. properly the text is spoken of the ten tribes called israel , and the priests among them who worshipped the calves which ieroboam had set up , whom the lord threatneth to reject , because they had rejected knowledge being either wilfully ignorant , or withholding the truth in unrighteousnesse . whether they were for the present absolutely rejected , or the lord threatens only to reject them we will not dispute . this may suffice that it is not to be found either in this or any other text of scripture , that the people joyning in the true worship of god , with unworthy ministers , do countenance them in their place thereby . on the contrary , if you will extend this text to all unworthy ministers of what sort soever , whom the word of truth doth condemne as not approved ministers of god , the scripture teacheth evidently not onely that the people by joyning do not countenance them in their place and office , but that they must and ought to joyne with them in the worship of god , and in separating from the ordinance they shall sinne against god , much lesse then do they in such joyning set those idols and meanes of worship , which god never appointed in his word . for the worship is of god , and the ministery is of god , the person unworthily executing his place , is neither set up by some few private christians , nor can by them be removed . and warrant to withdraw themselves from the worship of god , because such as ought not , are suffered to entermeddle in the holy things of god , they have none from god. dumbe dogs , greedy dogs , idol-sheepheards , false prophets , strangers , are unworthy ministers , but they that communicate with such in the ordinance of worship , are never said to set up idols or means of worship which god never appointed . the sheep of christ will not heare strangers in the lords sense , but outwardly they heard those strangers preach ( if the scribes and pharisees were such ) and by hearing them discovered them to be strangers , i. e. false prophets ; some strangers at least , of whom our saviour speaks , were of the true church , and of israel , but brought false doctrine tending to kill the soule , such strangers none should heare , that is , believe and follow : but as they be tolerated in the church , so they may hear them , so long as they bring the truth . unworthy ministers are no ministers for themselves , but they are ministers for the people of god , that is , so long as they be in the place of ministers , the acts of their administrations are of force to the faithfull , if they observe the forme of administration prescribed by christ ; for christs ordinances have their efficacy from him , not from them that serve about them , and evill ministers minister not in their own name , but in christs and by his commission . it hath evermore bin held for a truth in the church of god , that although somtimes the evill have chiefe authority in the ministration of the word and sacraments , yet for as much as they doe not the same in their own name but in christs , and minister by his commission and authority , wee may use their ministery both in hearing the word , and receiving the sacraments ; neither is the effect of christs ordinance taken away , by their wickednesse , nor the grace of gods gifts diminished from such as by faith , and rightly doe receive the sacraments administred to them which are effectuall ; because of christs institution and promise , although they be ministred by evill men . beza de presbyt . et excōmunicat . p. . ista vero , quia nonnulli à sacris caetib . & sacrament . usu propter aliorum vitia ultro abstinent i. e. seipsos excommunicant magnam reprehensionem merentur . the reasons whereby the ancient churches condemned the donatists and catharists for their voluntary and seditious separation and the moderne churches condemne the anabaptists for their unwarrantable departure from , and so renting of the body of christ , will hold against separation from the prayers of the congregation , because they are read by an ungodly minister . the second proposition . where the whole liturgie is used , though by an able and godly minister , it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer in that case . herein wee cannot be of your judgement ; for in the times of the prophets , and our saviour christ , as great abuses , no question , were found in the church of the jews in the administration of holy things of god as can be imagined in our liturgie or forme of prayer : but the prophets and our saviour who taught the people to keepe themselves pure and undefiled , never taught them to separate from the administration of the holy things of god. and if the presence at our forms of prayer be not lawful by reason of the corruptions alleaged , there can be no visible society named throughout the world since . yeeres after christ or thereabouts , wherein a christian might lawfully joyne in prayer , reading the scripture , hearing the word or participation of the sacraments . for compare the doctrines , prayers , rites at those times in use in the churches with ours , and in all these , ( blessed be the name of the lord ) wee are more pure then they . but no man will be so bold ( we hope ) as to affirme the state of the churches within . yeeres after christ , to be so miserably decayed that the faithfull could not without sin hold communion with them in the aforesaid ordinances . the prayers of the minister , whether conceived or stinted in a set forme , be not his private prayers , but the publike prayers of the whole assembly , whose mouth he is to god both in the one and the other . but you will not say , the people ought not to joyne with their pastor in the publique assembly , if ought bee amisse in his prayer for matter , or manner , or both . it is all one to the people in this case , whether the fault be personall ( as some distinguish ) or otherwise knowne beforehand or not knowne : for if simple presence defile , whether it was knowne beforehand or not , all presence is faulty . and if simple presence defile not , our presence is not condemned , by reason of the corruptions knowne , whereof we stand not guilty , whether the corruption be through humane frailty or not , it is not in us to enquire , but rather whether we be called to come , and the faults such as one christian cannot or must not tolerate in another without breach of charity . for if the errour be such as may be tolerated , and i am called to be present ; by such fault i am not defiled though knowne before . if the error be such as in conscience may not be tolerated , though not knowne before hand , i am bound , if present some way to professe against it . this distinction of personall and ministeriall faults in this case untill it be cleared by some text of scripture or sound reason from the word , must goe for the devise of man. a church , a minister , or a christian may be stiffe in an error ( being misperswaded it is a truth ) after many meanes long used to convince them , with whom yet we must hold communion in the ordinances of religion : and the error may be such as we cannot without hypocrisy or denyall of the truth hold communion , though such meanes of conviction have not gone before . but the corruptions alleadged against our forme of prayer for matter or manner , are such as one christian may and must tolerate in another where he hath no power to redresse them . hath not christian wisdome and experience of humane frailties lessoned you ( deere brethren ) to beare one with another in matters of greater consequence then any have or can be objected truly against the form of prayer in use among us ? and why such corruptions should not be ascribed to humane frailty ; we see not : for if a godly minister make use of a book in things which he judgeth lawfull for matter and manner , the corruption in him that useth it according to his judgement , from what cause can it spring but humane ignorance and frailty ? we rest assured you question not the integrity of many , who make much more use of the booke then onely in a few select prayers . from the bottome of our hearts we desire and pray that god would remove out of his church and worship whatsoever offendeth for matter or manner , and that all things may be so done , not onely that they may be tolerated but that they might be approved in the conscience of all men . but we are perswaded that not onely some few select prayers but many prayers & other exhortations may lawfully be used , with fruit and edification to gods people . to aggravate faults especially when it tends to draw away people from the ordinances of god , is no lesse fault then to excuse them , it may be greater , and therefore we dare not esteeme the prayers read by a godly and faithfull minister according to the booke in use among us , a corrupt sacrifice whether in such as read them , or them that be present . in them that join according to christs command ( and liberty of absence from christ hath not beene shewed ) notwithstanding the corruptions , we hold the prayers to be an holy and acceptable sacrifice to god , and pleasing to jesus christ . the corrupt sacrifice is that , which the deceiver bringeth voluntarily , and out of neglect , having a male in his flock : but the faithfull bringeth himself and his godly desires according to the will of god , and as for corruptions , whether respecting matter or forme , they are none of his , they cleave not to his sacrifice to staine or pollute it . as for the text of the prophet mal. . , . it is cited by many in this businesse , and to many purposes applyed , but we cannot finde that in the prophet for which it is here brought , the deceiver is accursed that offereth a corrupt thing to the lord. this we reade and beleeve , but that a godly man , being present at this forme of prayer among us , read by a godly and faithfull minister , is the deceiver , who offereth a corrupt thing unto the lord , that is not proved . no argument can be brought from this place to the purpose , but by analogy , which is a kinde of arguing of all other most ready at hand , but lyable to most exceptions , and apt to draw aside , if great care be not had , ( which in this place we finde not ) to take the proportion in every materiall point just and right . and we desire such as alleadge this passage of scripture against simple presence at the prayers of our liturgy , advisedly to consider whether god allow them to make such application of his truth which wee much doubt of , to say no more . your third proposition . that as you are very tender of imputing sinne to those men that joyne in some select prayers read by an able and godly minister : so on the other side you are not without feare , least such joyning may be found unlawfull , unlesse it may appeare that the ministers with whom the people have communion in reading those prayers , neither give any scandall by reading them , nor give unlawfull honour to a thing abused to idolatry and superstition , nor doe suffer themselves to be sinfully limited in the reading of them . we cannot conceive how you should imagine the practice of a godly minister in reading some few select prayers to be scandalous or offensive in their congregations when the people generally , not in their assemblies onely , but throughout the whole land , were perswaded of the lawfulnesse of that course till now of late some have beene drawne away to separate , who yet by warrant of scripture produce nothing of weight to countenance that practice . if the booke should be as you take it an idolathite , latent offence doth not oblige . if any man say unto thee , this is sacrificed to idols , eat it not , so that if it doe not manifestly appeare that this practice is scandalous ; it is not lawfull for the people to withdraw themselves . the book ( we speake of the liturgie so far as it is sound and good ) by your confession is no idolathite , neither was it taken out of the masse-book in such sense as you object , but rather the masse & other idolatrous prayers were added to it , for popery is as a scab or leprosie cleaving to the church , and many truths belonging to the church as her proper legacie were stollen and heaped together in that denne . and why the true man may not challenge his goods where ever he finds thē , or the thiefe plead title to the true mans goods by prescription , we know not ? it is no hard taske to shew that our service-booke was reformed in most things according to the purest liturgies which were in use in the church long before the masse was heard of in the world . and if that could not be shewed , yet formes of speech generally taken ( we speak not of this or that speciall word or phrase ) is no more defiled by idolatry then the light aire , or place where idolatry is committed . it is not unlawfull to pray , lord helpe , or lord have mercy , or to give thankes , praised bee god , because the papists say , lady helpe , or , praised be god and the virgin mary . fourthly , put case the minister in reading such prayers gives offence , or attributes unlawfull honour to a thing abused to idolatry and superstition , or suffer himselfe to be sinfully limited in the reading of them , what is that to the faithfull ? this can be no just ground of the people 's not joyning with them in the worship of god , for that offence is personall onely , and not the sin of them that be present , they joyn in prayer onely , and not in his reading or limiting himself . not to say that every particular person must be herein both accuser and judge . if he give offence must they stumble at the stone , and separate from the ordinance of grace ? wee should rather think it is their duty to look unto their feet , that they goe not awry . let it be shewed out of the word of god , that either the minister is guilty of giving unlawfull honour , or that the people may lawfully withdraw themselves in case he should do so , and we will then say as you do , but untill that be proved , ( being pressed and called to proffer our judgements ) we believe that separation is scandalous and sinfull , never taught of god , nor confirmed by the approved example of the godly in any age or time of the church : yea , against the positive law of god , injurious to the churches distracting christians , bringing contempt upon the ordinances of god , and defrauding believers of the spirituall food of their souls , which is indeed to infringe their christian liberty , and what ever may be thought of it now , in former times it hath been accounted no small offence . fiftly , if this and such like scruples make it unlawfull to joyn in the ordenance of worship , we must hold communion with no society under heaven . for may not the brethren which hold all stinted liturgies , and set forms unlawfull say with like strength of reason , it is unlawfull to joyn in conceived prayer with others , if either they give too little honour to it , as deeming the other lawfull , or sinfully limiting , or suffering themselves to be limited to one stinted forme , though conceived at first by them selves ? and may not the brethren who hold a stinted forme lawfull in like manner object ? it is unlawfull to joyn in prayer with them because they attribute too much honour to conceived prayer , as making their device and method the worship of god ? and may not the brethren which hold it lawfull to use some selected prayers according to the forms among us , upon the same grounds condemne communion with both sorts ? and all of them one with another , because they either limit themselves too much , or too little ? you say in the exposition of the first position , many preachers constantly use a set form of prayer of their own making before their sermons , must you not say upon this ground , that it is unlawfull to joyn with them , because they sinfully stint themselves ? in probability a christian may presume , that in the publike worship of god , there will be through humane ignorance & infirmity somwhat amiss for matter , or manner , or both , & that upon this ground , he must joyn with no society in any part of gods worshipat all . the advancing of every small difference to this height , is that which will bring all to confusion , if men walk uniforme to their own principles . it is well observed by master i. da. that unlesse men will yield so much favour each to other in some difference of opinions , a dissolving not onely of churches , but of humane societies also must necessarily follow , & not onely not two ministers , but not two men should live together , which were to put off even humanity it selfe . sixtly , wee have credibly heard that you hold fellowship with professed , rigid separatists without any acknowledgment of their errour , and receive them as members , or communicate with them in the priviledges of the church , though you professe you approve not their opinion or practice . and if in godly wisdome , you can see grounds to joyn with them , we marvell you should be so timorous in this particular . seventhly , if you judge the practice of such godly ministers , scandalous to them that separate from the ordinance , because it is not administred in this , or that but in a stinted form . it is a scandall taken , and not given ; and by forbearing , if to confirme men in errour , be to scandalize them , they should offend them the more : yea , they should prejudice the truth , and it might be an occasion to beget needlesse scruples in others , and draw them ignorantly from the fellowship of the saints in the holy ordinances of god , and strengthen them who by your owne confession , are run too far into schisme already . iii position . that the children of godly and approved christians , are not to be baptized untill their parents be set members of some particular congregation iv position . that the parents themselves , though of approved piety , are not to be received to the lords supper , untill they be admitted as set members . answ . these two positions may be maintained with one and the same defence , being somewhat coincident , and therfore we joyn them as if they were but one . therefore to prevent all mistakes , it may please you to take notice that we are not of their judgement who refuse all religious communion with such as are not church members , nor doe wee appropriate communion in this priviledge of the seals only to the members of our own churches , excluding all other churches of christ from the same , though they may be through errour or humane frailty defective in some matters of order , provided that the liberty of our churches be preserved , of receiving such satisfaction as is meet ( as well by letters of recommendation , or otherwise if it be requisite ) concerning those whom wee admit unto fellowship in the seals . for as we account it our duty to keepe the unity of spirit inviolate with any , in whom we discerne any fruits of the spirit , so we hold our selves bound to discharge this duty , according to order . spirituall cōmunion in prayers , holy conferences & other religious actions of like nature we maintain with al godly persons , though they be not in church order : but church communion we hold onely with church members admitting to fellowship of the seals the known and approved , & orderly recommended members of any true church . but into fellowship of the censures , admittance of members and choice of officers , onely the members of that particular church whereof they and we ( any of us ) stand members . these things being premised , the considerations whereupon our judgement and practice is swayed for administration of the seals onely to such as are in order of a true visible church are these that follow . reply . vvhat is here premised to prevent all mistakes , doth seem more to raise then to abate scruples if we mistake not your meaning . you refuse not all religious communion with all that are not church members , and so much they professe , who formerly have gone for , and professed themselves separatists from our assemblies . you do not appropriate this priviledge of the seals onely to the members of your own churches , excluding all other churches of christ from the same ; if your meaning be onely this , that you deny not the sacraments administred in other churches to be the true sacraments of christ for substance , then you ascribe little more to the churches of christ in this , then to the synagogue of satan , the church of rome . for you will not deny baptisme administred among them to be true for substance : if you deny not to have fellowship with them in the scals , and to admit them to the sacrament , and to communicate with them : then either your judgment is contrary to your practice , or you exclude the churches of england from the number of true visible churches of christ , which is to destroy what you formerly builded , and here professe . all possible care to keep the ordinances of god from contempt , we allow and commend , provided you go not beyond the lords warrant , and deny not the priviledges of the church to them , to whom they are due by divine appointment , nor the name and title of church to those societies , which god hath plentifully blessed with means of grace , have received the tables and seals , and have entred into covenant with his highnesse . your liberty to receive such satisfaction as is meet , is not called into question , nor whether you are to keep the bond of the spirit inviolate according to order . but whether this be to keep the bond of the spirit inviolate ( viz ) to exclude from the sacrament true visible believers or knowne recommended christians , formerly members of visible churches among us ; and their children ; because they are not members ( as you speak ) in church order . and whether god alloweth to put this difference between church mēbers of your societies & other visible believers walking in holines , though not admitted members of any society according to your church order , as to receive the one , though members of another society , unto the seals , and to debar the other and their children . these are the things to be considered in these present positions . and first we will examine your reasons for your judgment and practice by themselves , and then so far as we judge meet , try your answers to the objections you make against it . consideration . the seals baptism & the lords supper are given to the church , as a priviledge peculiar therto in ordinary dispensation . indeed the preaching of the word is not so , being an ordinance given not onely for the edifying of the church already gathered but also for the gathering of men to the churches that yet are without : wheras the dispensing of the seals is gods ordinance , given onely for the edifying of the church being gathered , and not for the gathering of it : and because there is now , no universall visible church on earth wherein the seals are dispenced , there being no place , nor time , nor officers , nor ordinances appointed in the new testament by christ our lord , for any such assemblies as the iewes had under moses . it remains that the christian churches , whereunto these priviledges were given , are congregationall , consisting onely of so many as may and do meet together ordinarily in one place for the publike worshipping of god , and their own edifying . hence it is that we read so much in the new testament of the churches in the plurall number , the churches of christ , the churches of god , the churches of the saints : and not onely when they were of divers nations , the churches of the gentiles , but also of the same nation , the churches of iudèa , and not onely when that country was of large extent and circuit , the churches of asia , but also of a small part of the country , the churches of galatia : yea , when congregations in severall cities are spoken of , they are called churches , as the churches of ierusalem , the churches at antioch . to wind up all , seeing the churches in the gospell are congregationall , and that baptisme and the lords supper ( being church priviledges ) belong onely to the churches , it will follow , that as city priviledges belong onely to citizens and their children : so baptisme and the lords supper being church priviledges , belong onely to the members of particular churches , and their seed . and that seeing sigillum sequitur donum , to apply them to others what is it but to abuse them ? as a seal of a corporation is abused if added to confirme the grant of priviledges which are peculiar to any towne corporate to one that being no free-man of that corporation is uncapable thereof . reply . if by the church be understood the society of men , professing the entire faith of christ , the seales are given unto it as a peculiar priviledge ; but if by the church you understand onely a congregationall assembly in church order , the seales were never appropriated to it . but to examine every thing in order as it is propounded . the seales , baptisme , and the lords supper , are given to the church as priviledges peculiar thereunto , not onely in ordinary ( as you say ) but also in extraordinary dispensation . true baptisme is not without the church , but within it ; an ordinance given to it , and they that are baptised , must needes be of a church . the sacraments are the seales of the covenant to the faithfull , which is the forme of the church , and when for substance rightly used , tokens and pledges of our spirituall admittance and entertainment into the lords family , and symbolls or testimonies whereby the people of god are distinguished from all other nations . this is most certain , as in the ordinary ; so in the extraordinary dispensation of the seales , as is confirmed by the texts of scripture alleadged in the margine . for the apostles ( as you say ) dispenced the seales in an extraordinary way , but the seales dispenced by the apostles were seales of the covenant , priviledges peculiar to the church , priviledges of spirituall admittance and entertainment into the lords family . and when you say the dispencing of the seals is an ordinance given onely for the edifying of the church being gathered , and not for the gathering of it , must it not be understood in extraordinary , dispensation as wel as ordinary : to what pupose then are those words ( in ordinary dispensation ) added to the proposition ? if thereby you would intimate that the sacraments be not the peculiar priviledges of the church , and seales of the covenant in extraordinary dispensation , it is evidently crosse to the text you cite , and to your selves afterward . if your meaning be , that in ordinary dispensation the sacraments doe of right belong to them onely , who bee set members of a visible congregation , it is all one with the conclusion , that which is in question and should be proved , and that which this very scripture doth plentifully disprove ' ; for they that were baptised were not set members of a particular congregationall church whereunto they were baptised , nor in a church way before baptisme ( as is evident and granted by the most of your selves ) but by baptisme solemnly admitted into the church , and then it is not for your purpose ; or they were set members ( as some of the brethren seeme to contend in answer to the objection framed against this consideration ) and then the words are more then superfluous . added , they were to prevent the objection which you foresaw might be made from the apostles practice and example but so as they cut asunder the sinews of the consideration it selfe , and make it of no force . for as those beleivers were of the church : so are approved christians and their seed among us : therefore the priviledges of the seales belong unto them . and as the seales : so is the word of salvation preached and received a priviledge of the church . if by the preaching of the word you understand nothing but the tender of salvation or the publishing of the will of god , concerning the salvation of man , whether by private or publike persons ; it is not proper to the church but an ordinance given for the gathering of men to the church , and not only for the edifying of the church . for the apostles first preached to the gentiles when infidels , that they might be converted ; and we doubt not but a minister or private christian comming into a country of infidells , may as occasion is offered , and as they shall be inabled , instruct and perswade them to receive the faith of christ : but if by the preaching of the word be meant the giving of the word to a people , to abide and continue with them , and consequently their receiving of it at least in profession then it is proper to the church of god. the word makes disciples to christ , and the word given to a people is gods covenanting with them , and the peoples receiving this word and professing their faith in god through iesus christ is the taking of god to bee their god. the lawes and statutes which god gave to israell , was the honour and ornament to that nation , and a testimony that god had separated them from all other people , even the gentiles themselves being iudges . the word of reconciliation is sent and given to the world reconciled in iesus christ , and they that receive the doctrine , law , or word of god are the disciples , servants and people of god. in your second consideration you intimate that there is a two fold preaching , the one by office and authority , the other in common charity , or how ever else it may be called . for thus you write . god hath joyned to preach ( viz by office ) and to baptize together , therefore we may not separate them . now to preach unto , that is to instruct or counsell in charity is a duty which may be performed to an infidell , but to preach by office is proper to them that are called to that office : and so to be taught and instructed by officers in the church is proper to the church . to have pastors who shall feed with knowledge and understanding is a gift of matrimoniall love which god vouchsafeth unto his church . the apostles first gathered churches and then ordained elders in everie citie or church ; so that it is proper to the church to be fed and guided by true spirituall pastors who teach and blesse in the name of the lord. and if the word preached and received bee a certaine note of the true church , they that have intyrely received the word of salvation and have pastors godly and faithfull to feede and guide them , they and their seed have right and interest unto the seales in order . moreover the true worship of god is an inseparable and infallible marke of the true church of god , for where christ is , there is his church . this is the prerogative of the church . the prince shall be in the midst of them , and he shall go in when they goe in , &c. and christ saith , where . or . are met together in my name there am i in the middest among them . and for certain they are gathered in the name of christ that being lawfully called doe assemble to worship god and call upon his name in the mediation of iesus christ . in times past , the church was acknowledged by the feare of god , and entyre service of his majestie , by the professing of the true faith and faithfull calling upon gods name . the signes of apostolike churches are these . the continuance in the apostles doctrine and fellowship , and breaking of bread and prayer . and if faith , true and lively ( though mixed with many doubtings and errors ) make a man a living member of iesus christ , the entyre profession of true faith joyned with holynesse of life in some measure answerable thereunto , makes a man a true member of the visible church . and if the feales belong to the church in right and orderly dispensation , they that joyne together in the true worship of god , according to his will , with godly and faithfull pastors , they have right and title to the sacraments according to divine institution . thirdly , that there is now no visible catholike church in your sense will easily bee granted . i. e. there is no universall society consisting of all such as are accounted or to bee esteemed christians , subjected to one or many vniversall pastors or guides , wherwithall subordinates must communicate in some sacred things which may make them one church and which may and can be performed by that vniversall and head church only . such an vniversall christian church christ never ordained , no not in the dayes of the apostles , to whom all the care of all the churches , was committed . the churches planted by the apostles had all the same substantiall lawes and customes , the same guides and officers for kinde , the same ordinances of worship and meanes of salvation : but one flock or society in the fore mentioned acceptation they were not , because they were but subordinate to one visible head , christ , with which they were to hold union and communion in some worship to be performed by them all jointly assembled at some speciall solemnity , nor subjected to the government of any supreame tribunall constantly to be erected and continued among them . neverthelesse , in some respects of reason , the visible church , may be called the church , sheepfold or flock of christ ; for if the whole society or body mysticall of christ be one , this church militant in like sort is one : the unity of which society consists in that uniformity , which all severall persons thereunto belonging , have by reason of that one lord whose servants they all are , and professe themselves , that one spirit whereby they are animated as the body by one soul ; whereby they believe in christ , and which they acknowledge and professe , that one baptisme inward and outward , whereby they put on christ , and are initiated . this society is one in the inward fruition and enjoying of the benefits of christs death and resurrection , and in outward profession of those things which supernaturally appertain to the very essence of the church , and are necessarily required in every christian , this acceptation of the word is not unusuall in scripture . as god hath set some in the church . his bodies sake which is the church . the church viz. whereof paul was made a minister , and whereunto the rest of the apostles were ordained , which was the catholike visible church , the society of men professing the faith of christ throughout the world , divided into many particular churches whereof some are pure , others impure , some more , others lesse sound . hereunto it may be added , that every multitude and society of believers are indefinitely called the church , i persecuted the church of god. the house of god which is the church of the living god. in which sense all the churches in the world may truly be called one . and thus the apostle peter writing to many dispersed churches , who could not assemble in one place nor be fed by one shepherd , speaketh of them singularly as one flock . feed the flock of god which is among you . but that flock are the strangers dispersed through pontus , galatia . asia , cappadocia , and bythinia , which could not possibly joine together in the ordinances of worship , or make one distinct congregated assembly . and if the catholike militant church be one society , the seals that are given as a prerogative to the church are given unto it , and the true members of the catholike church have right and title to them in due order , though they be not admitted into the church fellowship you speak of . for as the flock or society is one : so is the ministery , faith , covenant , and sacraments , which are given as a communion prerogative unto the whole church , and not appropriated to this or that part ormember , as separated from the whole ; which is further evidenced hereby , that sometime it hath , and too often it may fall out , that a christian may be a true member of the universall visible church ( i. e. he may hold , professe , and maintain that holy catholike faith , pure , and undefiled , without which no man can be saved ) who for the present is no actuall member of any particular or visible society in church order . as for example , a man may be cut off by excommunication , from all commerce with the present visible church wherein hee was bred and born , when hee is not cut off from the catholike , orthodoxall church . hee may be deprived of participation of the ordinance in every particular society , when his right and title to them is much better then these who have most injuriously cast him out , or debarred him of the means of salvation . the communion of saints , whether visible or invisible is the effect and property of the church catholike , and agreeth to the severall parts and members thereof , as they be members of that body under the head , and if particular churches have communion together it must of necessity be , that they bee parts and members of the whole body which is one . . though there be no universall congregation or assembly nor can be imagined , yet there are and have beene many visible assemblies or societies , true churches of christ , to whom the prerogative of the seals is given , which have not beene united and knit together , in church-order into one congregationall body or society , for every society in covenant with god is the true church of god : for what is it to be the flock , people or sheepe of god , but to be the church of god ? and where there is a covenant , there is the people of god. they that are of the faith of abraham , are the children and seed of abraham , and within the covenant of abraham ( though but two or three ) and so of the same church with him by that covenant . the communication and accepting of the tables of the covenant is an undoubted token of a people in covenant or confederate , but every society professing the true and entire faith , joyning in prayer and thankesgiving , receiving the truth of god to dwell among them , and in some measure conforming themselves to the obedience of gods commandements , is in covenant with god. it is simply necessary to the being of a church that it be laid upon christ the foundation , which being done , the remaining of what is forbidden , or the want of what is commanded , cannot put the society from the title or right of a church . for christ is the foundation and head corner stone of the church , and a people comming unto christ , united unto him , built upon him , having communion with him and growing up in him , are the true church of god : and if the seals be annexed to the covenant by god himselfe , as we cannot deny a people in covenant to be the church , so we must not deny their right and title to the sacraments . if therefore the meaning of the proposition be , that the seales be given to the church , that is , to true and sound christians , and people in covenant with god , as a priviledge whether in ordinary or extraordinary dispensation we accept it as good and sound , but it makes against your judgement and practice in keeping away such as have right and title to the ordinances . if you meane the seales are given to the church , that is , onely to set members of some particular society combined by covenant ( as it is among you ) we cannot receive it , because it implieth a distinction not taught in scripture , and crosse to your selves . and for the thing it selfe the scripture hath nothing but many things against it as hath beene shewed . if it be granted that the seales are the prerogative of a particular visible church , known and approved christians among us , and their seed are members of true and visible churches , and so to be esteemed among you before they be entred into church membership as you call it . for every society professing the intire and true faith , and joyning together in the right use of the sacraments in matters substantiall is the true church of god , and every visible beleever receiving the word and professing the true intire faith , admitted to the right and lawfull participation of the sacraments is a visible member of the true church , if he have neither renounced that society , nor deserved justly to be cast out by excommunication or church censure . for the intire profession of the truth , the dwelling of the truth among men , the right use of the sacraments ( which is ever joyned with truth of doctrine , and to be esteemed by it ) is proper to them that be in covenant with god , and they that truly partake of the seales must needes be of a church , for the seales are not without but within the church an ordinance given unto it , and if they be true members of the true churches of jesus christ , other churches , are bound to hold communion with them in the ordinance of worship as divine providence shall minister occasion . in answer to the ninth position you say the members of other churches , well known and approved by vertue of communion wich churches , doe mutually and with good acceptance communicate each of them at others churches , even so often as gods providence leads them thereunto , and themselves desire it . in your preface to this consideration , you say you admit to fellowship of the seales , the known , approved , and orderly recommended members of any true church , and if knowne and approved christians , members of our churches comming over into new england , shall desire either to have their children baptized , or to be admitted themselves to the lords supper before they be set members of any society these , we desire to know upon what grounds from god you can deny them , if you acknowledge our churches , ministery , and sacraments , to be true and of god ( as you professe ) and the members of the church be known and approved , orderly recommended unto you . it is the priviledge of christians baptised themselves , and walking in the faith , that their children should have right to baptisme in all true churches in the world . it is the priviledge of christians lawfully and justly admitted to the lords supper in one visible church , and walking in covenant with god , that they have right to this priviledge in all churches professing their intire faith , and you must shew just and sound reasons from god of your judgement and practice in debarring their seed from baptisme , and parents themselves from the supper , or else ( to use the words of a reverend elder among you , in a case of lesse importance , and not concerning so many ) you will be found guilty of adding to the words , and making eleven commandements , and setting up humane customes , and selfewill against gods appointment . for the sacraments are given to the church as a priviledge peculiar thereunto , but you deny this priviledge to the true visible members of the church , ( as your selves confesse . ) for if the ministers be the ministers of christ , and their congregations the churches of christ , then knowne and approved christians are members of the church . in your opinion the members of the jewish church might be received unto baptisme , upon confession of the christian faith , before they were entred into church fellowship , and it is more then strange to us that you should not thinke the true visible members of the churches of christ to have as much title and interest to the seales , as the members of the jewish church to the sacrament of baptisme . the distinct churches mentioned in the new testament , it is not certain that they were congregationall societies consisting onely of so many as might and did meete together ordinarily in one place at one time for the publike worship of god , and their own edification , and if this were granted it would not carry the weight that was laid upon it , but because it may make way for the clearing of some other points pertaining to discipline and church orders , we intreat leave to set downe , and desire you to examine what may be objected against it . we will not insist upon this that the least circuite wherein there is mention of churches is ample enough to containe some diocesses and the least city , populous enough to make many numbersome congregations . nor upon this , that to meete at one time and one place , as one assembly is a thing meerely accidentary to the unity of the church and society ecclesiasticall which is still one , when they are dispersed asunder , and no particular man of that society at first remaining now alive . the number of beleevers was so great in some cities as they could not conveniently meete in one place as one assembly to worship the lord according to his will and for their edifying . that there was a church gathered in the city of samaria by the ministery of phillip will not be denyed , for they received the word and were baptised , but that the church in that city was onely a congregationall assembly is more then can probably be concluded out of scripture . for the whole city or the greatest part could not ordinarily assemble in one place to their edification : but the whole city of samaria , in a manner , ( as it is probable ) imbraced the faith . as the whole city from the least to the greatest had given heede to simon magus before , so to phillip now when he preached christ , and the text saith expresly that samaria received the gospell . the christian church at ierusalem was one and distinct , but it grew and increased first to . then to . afterwards multitudes of men and women were added , and the multitude of disciples increased ; it is also noted that a company of the priests received the faith . the syriacke hath it of the jews , ( scil . ) inhabiting judea , but the greeke , arabian , vulgar , chrisostoms & ethiopians approve the former , and the number of the priests was not small : there is mention also of millions of beleevers . and when all the apostles , or the greatest part of them remained at jerusalem for a time continuing in the ministery of the word and prayer , and that they might doe it the more earnestly and diligently , left the care of the poore to others : how can we thinke but that church did grow exceedingly , and the number of beleevers there to be more then could fitly meete ordinarily in one congregation . without question the number of beleevers in antioch was not small , of which it is said expresly , that a great number beleeved , turned to the lord and that a great multitude was added to the lord by the preaching of barnabas , and that paul and barnabas continued there one whole yeere preaching the word of god , and teaching the multitude , so that the disciples were first called christians at antiach . after that this church was visited by paul and barnabas , who continued there teaching and preaching the word of god with many others also , and may wee not thinke that this church did quickly rise to such bignesse that they could not well assemble in one congregation as now wee call them ? it will easily be credited that the number of believers was not small at ephesus , if we call to minde that when paul had been there but two yeers , all they that dwelt in asia had heard the word of the lord both iews and grecians , that a great doore and effectuall was opened to him at ephesus , that the art for making shrines , and dianaes temple was in danger to be set at nought , and that those that had used curious arts , came and burnt their books in the sight of all men , which could not be done without great danger unto the church , unlesse a great part of the city had believed . where a church did comprehend a city with its suburbs and the country circumjacent , i. e. the believers who professed the faith within that circuit . it might well be that the number did so increase through the extraordinary blessing of god , which accompanied the preaching of the word in those primitive times , and first planting of the heavenly kingdome , that they could not well meet ordinarily in one place , and yet continued one society . for when a number is gathered in small villages , or some added to the number already gathered , it is not meet they should be neglected because small , nor divided from the body , because the number not competent to make an intire and perfect body of it selfe . the increase of the churches doth require an increase of elders , and ( if they grow to bignesse more then ordinary ) an increase of places for their assembling , when the essence of the visible church is not changed , nor one multiplied or divided into many . and it is more available for the good of the church , and further removed from all ambition , if the society shall assemble occasionally in divers places as parts and members of the body , then to constitute a distinct free society consisting of a few believers , not fit to make up an intire body contrary to the precedent examples of the apostles . in times of grievous and hot persecution the churches of god could not assemble in any great number in publick places , but have been compelled to meet in woods , caves , dens , and dark corners , as the lord hath offered opportunity , one and the same society in sundry places : so that either it is not essentiall to the church to meet together in one place ordinarily , or their society is broken off by persecution , when their meeting together in one place is interrupted . it is said by some where the church grew greater , sometimes by the suddain and extraordinary conversion of more then could well so assemble , then was there presently a dispersion of the former , and a multiplication of more particular assemblies . but in the scriptures quoted no such thing doth appeare , but rather the contrary as hath been proved . in aftertimes when the church was within the cities as of rome , ephesus , alexandria , carthage , ierusalem , &c. the number of believers did greatly exceed the bignesse of a convenient and fitting assembly which might ordinarily congregate in one place to worship god according to his appointment when the church was but one . seventhly seeing then both the seals in ordinary and in extraordinary dispensation belong to the church , id est , to the faithfull , and repentant , taught made disciples , who have received the word , believe , and professe the faith , have received the holy ghost , and walke in obedience , who are members of other visible churches , or to be made members of a visible church for the time being , by admittance unto the sacraments , and not unto set members of congregationall assemblies only . and seeing the godly and faithful ministers among us are the true ministers of christ , and their godly congregations , true churches , and knowne , and approved christians , true members of visible churches formerly baptized , and admitted to the lords supper . this consideration is of no weight to justifie your opinion and practice in debarring known and approved christians , professing the faith , members of the true visible churches amongst us from the lords supper , or their seed from baptisme , because they be not yet received as set members of some particular cōgregation amongst you : and if such believers are not to be received to the seals , we desire you to consider if ever the sacraments of the new testament , were rightly dispensed in the church of the new testament from the first plantation thereof unto this day . the seale doth follow the grant , and as the seale is prophaned , if it be put to a false grant or charter , so are the faithfull wronged if the seale in a lawfull way desired , be denied to them that have received the grant , i. e. have right unto jesus christ , and communion with him . but the faithfull who have received the word with gladnesse , believe , and professe , be members knowne and approved by other visible churches , or such as desire to be admitted members of that visible society for the time by communicating in the ordinance , are already partakers of the grant or charter , have right and interest in christ , may lawfully desire the seals , and may be admitted as members for the time being of that particular society . therefore to debar such , from the lords supper , and their seed from baptisme , is against the law of nature , and the positive law of god , an injury to the faithfull and their seed , a wrong to the catholike visible church , that particular society , and the pastors themselves that so debar them . they sinned grievously who deferred baptisme to the end of their life , and the negligence of pastors and teachers who did not instruct the ignorant and reprove the superstitious , was great . and is not the severity in debarring such as crave and desire to be admitted to the seals an injury to be reprehended ? answ . confider the ordinary administration of the seales is limited to the ministery and the ministery to a particular church ; therefore the seals also must necessarily be proper to the church and to the members thereof . . that the administration of the seales is limited to their ministery is evident from the first institution math. . . where god hath joyned ( to preach ) viz. by office , and ( to baptize ) together , therefore wee may not separate them . for howsoever : any man may by the appointment of the lord and master of the family , signifie his minde and deliver his message from him to the family , yet the dispensing of a fitt portion of food to everie one of the houshold is a branch of the stewards office . indeed the keies are given to the whole church yet the exercise and dispensation of them in this as well as in other particulars is concredited to the ministers who are called to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . and no church office can be orderly performed by any , but one that is called thereunto nor will god vouchsafe his presence , and blessing ( wherupon all spirituall efficacy depends ) in an ordinance dispensed , but when it is dispensed by those whom he hath ordayned and appointed therunto . . that the ministery is limited to the church appeares as from evident texts of scripture : so also upon this ground . the office is founded in the relation betweene the church and the officer , wherfore take away the relation , and the office and the worke ceaseth . for where he hath not power , he may not doe an act of power , and he hath no powerwhere he hath not a relation by office . herein the proportion holdeth between an officer of a towne corporate , and of a church that as the power of the former is only within his owne corporation : so the power of the latter is confined to his owne congregation . reply . the proposition is granted that the dispensation of the sacraments in the new testament both ordinary and extraordinary is limited to the ministery . but in that you alleadge for confirmation , somethings may be noted . the first institution of baptisme is not contained in that passage math. . . but confirmed ; for the seales of the new testament were instituted by christ before his death , and his disciples had baptized many which they could not doe before the institution of the sacrament . secondly we see not how you can apply that text to preaching by office , which according to our exposition must bee a dispensing of a fit portion of food to everie one of the houshould . for it is plaine the apostles were sent forth to preach to everie creature or unto the world , to convert men unto god , to make them disciples and not to preach unto disciples only , or members of the houshould . the apostles certainly had authority , and preached by authority , but they preached not to infidells and heathens , as to disciples or members of the church , much lesse did they give a portion to them as to the houshold which is the preaching by office , which you acknowledge . thirdly if under the power of the keyes you comprehend preaching by office , dispensing the seales , casting out , and receiving againe into the bosome of the church wee deny the power of the keyes to belong to the church or community of the faithfull : we cannot find in scripture that christ ever granted such power to the faithfull , as faithfull joyned together in covenant in those passages which speake of this power , the execution of this authority is given to them to whom the authoritie is committed . if the power of the keyes be given to the whole church the apostles themselves must derive their authoritie immediatly from the church , and not from christ , for the power must be derived from them , unto whom it was given ; but their power , and authority was not from the church , but from christ immediatly . and if the dispensation , and exercise of the keyes , be concredited to the ministers ; doth it hold in all things or onely in the dispensation of the sacraments , and preaching by office ? doe they dispense the seales as the stewards of christ , from whom they receive their authority immediately or as the servants of the church , from which they derive their authority ? if in the first sense ; the power of the keys is not in the community of the faithfull . if in the second , the office of a minister is not the immediate gift of christ , nor the minister , so much the servant of christ , as of the church , from whom he must receive lawes , in whose name he must doe his office , and to whom he must give an account . we could wish you had explained in what sense , you hold the dispensation , and execution of the power of the keyes is concredited to the ministers , and by whom . for if the community of the faithfull have to doe in all matters concerning the body , to admit members , and cast them out , to make and depose ministers , to bind and loose by authority derived from christ , wee cannot see how in your judgement the dispensation , and execution of the power of the keyes is concredited to the ministers . fourthly that which you add , that god will not vouchsafe his presence and blessing to an ordinance but when it is dispenced by those , whom hee hath ordayned and appointed thereunto , must bee warily understood , or it may occasion errors and distractions not a few , you know what corruptions soone entred into the church of god , both in respect of doctrine , worship , offices , and entrance thereunto , and how ready and apt is the conclusion from your words , that christ hath not vouchsafed his presence , and blessing in his ordinances to his church ? but of this before . and on the contrary , seeing god hath vouchsafed his blessing in his ordinances dispensed by your selves , when you stood as visible ministers in the congregation , and churches of old england , you must confesse , did approve both your standings and his ordinances dispensed by you . secondly , as for the assumption , that pastors and teachers are limited to a particular charge or society ; but that flock is not ever one congregationall assembly meeting in one place , neither the band so streight , whereby they are tied to that one society , that they may not upon occasion performe some ministeriall act or office in another congregation , or to them that be not set members of their proper assembly . for first to dispence the seals of the covenant is a ministeriall act , an act of office , and not an exercise of gifts onely : but the pastors of one assembly may dispence the sacrament to the set members of another society upon occasion , as you confesse in this and in your answer to the ninth position . and if the members of one church may lawfully upon occasion receive the sacrament of the supper in another society from the pastor thereof , then may the pastor of one congregation performe a ministeriall act to the members of another , and if to the members of another then in another congregation with consent , and upon occasion . secondly , as the ministers are exhorted to feed their fleek : so is every christian and minister to try and examine himselfe whether hee be in the faith , but you will not allow this conclusion . i must examine my self . ergo no man is debarred from the sacrament for his unworthinesse , or to be tried or examined by others , to be observed , admonished , and brought to repentance for notorious sin . no more can it be rightly gathered from the former passages of scripture , that the minister is not upon occasion to performe any ministeriall act to any other people or society , because ordinarily he is to attend his own flock . thirdly , as the ministers have peculiar relation to their particular flocks , so the people unto their particular ministers , unto whom they are ried in speciall manner , as to their overseers , who must give account for theirsculs . and if this peculiar relation betwixt the people & the minister doth not hinder the people from receiving the lords supper at the hands of another minister ; nor the minister from performing the ministeriall act to the members of another congregation . neither doth his peculiar relation to his own flock hinder him , from administring unto others upon just occasion being intreated thereunto . as the combining of the people to their peculiar minister , doth not quite cut off their communion with other ministers : so neither doth the restraining of a minister to a peculiar flock quite cut him off from administring upon occasion : unto another people . paul appointeth the ephesian elders unto the care & charg onely of their own particular flock , but so to attend them ordinarily according to the rules of the scripture ; that as occasion was offered , might performe some ministeriall acts in another congregation . the taking heed unto their flocks which paul requires in this place doth cōprehend under it the administration of the word , prayer , and sacrament , and if it must be restrained to their owne particular churches onely , it is unlawfull for a pastor to preach or call upon the name of god in any publike assembly save his own , upon any occasion , as these be duties prtaining to common confession or profession of faith . ordinary pastors and teachers it is true , are not apostles , who are to go from place to place , from country to country , to plant and erect churches , but they are tied ordinarily to one flock , as the text proveth , and to which purpose it is commonly cited . but that a pastor is so tied to his flock , that he can perform no ministeriall act to any other upon any occasion that it proveth not , nor can we find that it was ever so understood by divines ancient or modern . w. b. telleth us , the learned bring these allegations to this purpose . but the authour in alledging the consent of the learned was very carelesse or much abused , for there is not one that speaketh to the purpose . i. d. disclaimeth that position ; and for the rest it is a matter notorious , they were never thought to be of that opinion ; and wee doubt not if any could be named to free this allegation from suspition of novelty , you would have cited one or more as you have done in that which followeth . feed the flock of god ( saith peter . ) but he speaks of all those dispersed churches to whom he writes , which he calls a chosen generation , a royall priesthood , a peculiar people : and in some respect of reason , under which we may apprehend them , are one flock , but not really as combined under the same pastor , or meeting in one place . and as these dispersed believers , or socieities make one flock : so the ministers attending their flocks or societies , and the ministery exercised by them is , or maketh one . a minister chosen and set over one society , is to looke unto his people committed to his charge , and feed the flock over which the lord hath made him overseer , but he is a minister in the church universall , for as the church is one , so is the ministery one , of which every minister ( sound or orthodox ) doth hold his part , and though he be minister over that flock onely which he is to attend , yet he is a minister in the universal church . the functiō or power of exercising that function in the abstract , must be distinguished from the power of exercising it , concretely , according to the divers circumstances of places . the first belongeth to a minister every where in the church , the latter is proper to the place and people where hedoth minister . the lawfull use of his power is limited to that congregation ordinarily . the power it self is not so limited and bounded . in ordination , presbyters are not restrained to one or other certaine place , as if they were to be deemed ministers there onely , though they be set over a certain people . and as the faithfull in respect of a community betwixt them , must and ought to performe the offices of love one to another , though of different societies , so the ministers in respect of their communion , must and ought upon occasion to performe ministeriall offices towards the faithfull of distinct societies . if this be not so , what shall become of the poore flock when the pastor is driven away by personall persecution , so that he cannot , if others may not afford them helpe and succour : what when the congregation it selfe is dispersed , must no sheepherd receive them into fold , when they are driven from their own , or neglected by him ? if the pastor may be absent from his flock upon necessary , just , and weighty occasion , respecting his own good , the good of that society , or the common good of churches consociate , then may the pastor , the society , the churches procure some man to supply the defect , and doe the office of a pastor , preach the word , pray , and as occasion is offered , administer the sacrament in that congregation unto that assembly untill their sheepheard shall returne . shall the people be left as sheepe without a sheepheard ; because for the good of the churches their owne sheepheard is called from them for a time , that he might returne with greater joy and comfort ? the pastor is appointed to feed his own flock , and yet for the good of the whole church he may be called to leave , if not the care , yet the over-sight of his flock fot a while ; and by the same reason a pastor of another flock or congregation may performe the office , and doe the acts of a minister in his congregation during absence : yea if for the good of the churches he be called away , doe not the churches stand obliged in conscience to provide that the flock sustain no hurt by his absence which possibly yee cannot doe if one minister may not performe a ministeriall act in another congregation . if the prophets of one church may prophesy in another , and apply their doctrines , exhortations and prayers to any of the occasions of the churches where they speake , whereof they are not set members , what hinders why the pastor of one congregation , may not preach and pray , administer the sacraments in another ? the pastor of one congregation is appointed to his peculiar charge but he is a minister in the universall church , as well as the prophets of one church may bee called prophets of the universall church by vertue of that communion which all true churches have one with another . without consent the prophet may not prophesie by exhortation , and with consent the pastor may administer the sacraments . in the primitive churches when elders were ordained in every city , they were not onely to looke to their flock but indeavour the conversion of poore infidels among whom they lived , and the inlargement of christs kingdome , for the worke of the lord must be done in its season , and then was the time of the calling of the gentiles : it was not their office proper and essentiall to travail from countrey to countrey as did the apostles , nor were they pastors of the infidels , but by private instruction and publique teaching ( if any of them would bee penitent ) they were to labour the comming of them to god. and these infidels converted to the saith were to be baptised of the elders ordinarily in those cities , though the number might bee so great as they could not well meete in one congregation , nor be subject to the same pastor ; for either they must bee baptized by the pastors among whom they lived , ( being converted to the faith ) or continue unbaptized untill they were a number convenient to make a distinct society , or grow together into one body , and to elect and choose their own minister by whom they may be baptised : but that either they must stay so long without baptisme , or that a society of unbaptised men had power in those times to elect and choose their minister , by whom they should be baptised is contrary to all presidents in scripture . and so if a pastor may not performe a ministeriall act to any other person or people but his own flock onely , then a company newly converted from infidelity , which cannot joyne themselves as set members to another assembly , must remain unbaptised till they have chosen their minister to doe that office . then must the people thus converted want officers til there be among themselves able men to pray , preach , exhort in the congregation at the ordination of their minister , or ( if that may bee omitted ) till there be fit men among them to examine the fitnesse of him that is chosen . if subtile heretikes arise , and seduce , and draw away many from the faith , and the body of the society be not able to convince them , either they must be let alone or cast out without conviction , for neighbouring ministers stand in peculiar relation to their flocks onely , and must not meddle beyond their calling according to your tenent . there is no precept or example in scripture more to warrant the admitting of a set member of one congregation unto the supper in another , or the baptising of his child , occasionally in another assembly then there is for receiving of knowne and approved christians and their seede that are not set members . the pastor is no more the pastor of the one then of the other , nor the one more of his flock then the other , neither of them set members , and both sorts may be members for the time being , and they most properly who are of longest abode among them . but as we heare it is frequent among you ( as at dorchester , &c. ) to baptise the children of another assembly , and usually you admit to the supper of the lord , members of other churches , and therefore the minister is not so limited to his particular church or flock but he may dispence the seales to others , which in this consideration is denyed . if the want of one officer in a congregation for a time may be supplyed by another , as the want of the doctor , ruling elder , or deacon , by the pastor ; why may not the defects of some congregation or christians be supplyed by pastors or ministers of another congregation , when they are requested and desired ? the minde herein is godly , and the means lawfull , and well pleasing unto god. and if a synod consisting of sundry members of particular churches , met together in the name of christ about the common and publike affaires of the churches shall joyn together in prayer and communion of the supper , wee can see no ground to question it as unlawfull , although that assembly be no particular congregation or church , hath no pastor over them , make not one ecclesiasticall body as a particular congregationall church , unlesse it be for the time onely . the minister therefore may do an act of office to them that be not set members of his flock as he may stand in relation to them for the time . your comparison betwixt an officer of a town corporate , and of a particular congregation is not alike , unlesse you will say that a member of another corporation occasionally comming into the towne , is thereby a member of that society , and subject to the authority of the officer . for so you professe that the members of one society may occasionally communicate with another , and so be subject to the pastor for the time being , which if you grant , it overthrows the whole strength of this consideration . howsoever the comparison it selfe is very perilous if it be pressed . for if the officer of a town corporate , presume to doe an act of power out of his owne corporation , it is a meer nullity , but if a minister of the gospell dispence the sacrament of baptisme , or the lords supper to believers of another society ( though done without consent ) it was never deemed or judged a nullity in the church of god. let the comparison hold good , and most christians have cause to question whether they be truly baptized , or ever lawfully received the sacrament of the lords supper . if it may not be doubted , whether ever the sacraments of the new testament were truly or by authority dispenced , especially if we consider what follows in the other considerations . this argument from comparison is very usuall in the writings of brethren against communion with our churches , but for the most part greatly mistaken , to say no more . answer consideration . circumcision and the passoever were to be administred onely to the members of the church . ergo , baptisme and the lords supper is so to be administred also . the consequence is made good by the parity of these ordinances . for if the argument hold strong for the proofe of paedo-baptisme which is taken from the circumcision of infants , why may we not as well infer a necessity of church membership to baptisme , from the necessity of it to circumcision . and that circumcision was peculiar to the church members of the church , may appeare in that persons circumcised , & onely they , might eat the passeover , and they onely might enter into the temple , which were the priviledges of church members . in our answer to the second objection against the first consideration we have shewed that circumcision was not administred to all that were under the covenant of grace ( which all believers were ) but onely such of them as joyned themselves to the church , at first in abrahams family , whereunto baptisme doth so far answer that the apostle counteth these expresse equivalent to be circumcised in christ with circumcision made without hands , and to be buried with christ in baptisme . indeed , in somethings they differ as onely the males were circumcised , whereas with us females are also baptized . the reason is because god hath limited circumcision to the males , but under the gospel that difference is taken away . againe , circumcision was administred in the private family ; but baptisme , onely in the publick assemblies of the church . the reason of this difference is , because they were bound to circumcise the males on the eighth day , but that could not stand with going to the temple which was too far off , for the purpose , to bring every child thither from all parts of judaea to be circumcised the eighth day . nor had they alway opportunity of a solemne convention in the synagogue on every eighth day ; when some child or other might be to be circumcised . but there is no precise day set downe so baptisme , nor are opportunities of publick assemblies so remote where churches are kept in a congregationall frame , but that every first day of the week baptisme may be administred if it be required . again , for the aforesaid reason , circumcision required not a peculiar minister ( for ought we finde in scripture ) but it is not 〈◊〉 in baptisme , as was shewd in the second consideration . but no good reason can be given , why , in this they should not both agree , viz. that they are both to be dispensed onely to members of the visible church , as it hath been proved in the first consideration . reply . this whole reason as it is propounded makes onely against it selfe ; who eve● thought that the seals of the covenant were not proper to confederates or th● church of god ? but of old all visible believers under the covenant of grace walking in holinesse , were of the visible church , and in church order according to the dispensation of those times , though not joyned in externall society with the family of abraham . and to exclude melchisedeck or iob , because they were n●● members of the visible church , when yet they were visible believers under the covenant of grace , and in church order as those times required , is well-nigh a contradiction , and so it is to debar known and approved christians members of ou● congregation , and their seed from the seals , because they be not of the visible church , for they are members of the church , and so to bee held and esteemed all true churches and members of the church , the true & proper meaning of this consideration , is that as circumcision and the passeover were not to be dispensed to all visible believers under the covenant of grace , but onely to such as were joyned to abrahams family , or to the people of the god of abraham , no more may baptisme and the lords supper be administred to any believers now , unlesse they be joyned to some particular congregation in church membership , or unlesse by solemne covenant , they be set members of some particular assemblies . the strength of this consideration stands in the parity which is betwixt the sacraments of the old and new testament , circumcision and baptisme , for parum par est ratio , but this parity is not found in every thing ( as is manifest by the particulars alleadged in the consideration it self . ) and wee must justly require some reason to prove them like in that particular , but to unfold it more fully , we will consider three things . first , how far an argument may be drawn soundly from one sacrament to another , or wherein the sacraments agree , and wherein they differ . secondly , what wee are to think of the proposition it self . thirdly , whether the reason of circumcision and baptisme be one in that particular . first the sacraments of the old testament and the new agree in their common ●uthor , nature and end , and therfore what is spoken of one in respect of the common author , nature and end that doth hold true of everie one . if circumcision be of divine institution a seale of the righteousnesse of faith , and of the covenant of grace , a sacrament in generall is an ordinance divine , a seale of the covenant pro●er and peculiar to them that bee confederates . but what is peculiar to one sacrament that agreeth not to another . what is proper to the sacraments of the old te●●ament , in respect of the manner of dispensation that agreeth not to the new , as if ●he sacraments of the old testament be with bloud , obscure in signification , painfull ●or use , peculiar to one nation , and to bee abolished , the sacraments of the new testament must be without bloud , cleere for signification , easie for use , universall ●o all nations , and perpetuall to continue in the church for ever . circumcision and baptisme are both sacraments of divine institution , and so they ●gree in the substance of the things signified , the persons to whom they are to bee ●dministred , and the order of administration , if the right proportion bee observed . ●s circumcision sealed the entrance into the covenant the righteousnesse of faith , and ●ircumcision of the heart : so doth baptisme much more clearly : as abraham and ●is houshold , and the infants of beleiving iews were to be circumcised , so the faithful , ●heir families , and their seed are to bee baptized . none must eate the passeover who was not circumcised , women excepted , who were circumcised in the males . nor may a man unbaptized be admitted to the lords supper . circumcision was but once applied by gods appointment and the same holds in baptisme according to ●he will and good pleasure of god : but circumcision and baptisme agree not in ●heir speciall forme , and manner of dispensation appointed of god. and in these ●hings a reason cannot be drawn from the one to the other affirmatively . the males onely were to be circumcised as only capable of that signe : but males and females both ought to be baptized . the infants males were to be circumcised the eighth day because seaven dayes they were legally uncleane . but the seed of the faithfull are not to bee reputed uncleane . ergo , no set tyme is appointed for baptisme . circumcision as other ceremonies did distinguish the iewes from the gentiles ; but christ now of two hath made one . circumcision signified christ to come , baptisme is the seale of ●he new covenant made in christ already come . and so in the degree of grace given , some difference may be put : the other differences alleadged in the considerations with the reasons thereof are not so cleere and undoubted : for baptisme is not tyed to the first day of the weeke : and the jewes might gather an assembly on ●he eighth day as occasion required , and it might be appropriated to the priests and levites though done in private : but in whatsoever they agree or differ we must ●ooke to the institution and neither stretch it wider , nor draw it narrower then the lord hath made it . for hee is the institutor of the sacraments according to his owne good pleasure . and it is our part to learne of him , both to whom , how , and for what end the sacraments are to be administred , how they agree , and wherein they differ . in all which we must affirme nothing but what god hath taught us , and as he hath taught us . secondly , as for the proposition it selfe ; certaine it is , circumcision and the passeover were to be administred onely to the visible members of the church , i e. to men in covenant , professing the true faith ; but that in abrahams time none were visible members of the church , which joyned not themselves in church orders to the family of abraham , wee have not learned . in the first institution of circumcision , we find that god gave it to abraham , as the seale of the covenant formerly made with him : but of any church covenant or order whereunto abrahams family should enter before circumcision we read not . melchizedeck , lot , iob , &c. were not onely visible beleevers under the covenant of grace , but visible members of the church , according to the order and dispensation of those times . wee read not ( you say ) that melchizedeck , lot or iob were circumcised , but that is no good reason to inferre negatively that they were not circumcised . we read not that iohn the baptist , or the apostles , or the . brethren were baptized , wee must not forthwith conclude , that they were not initiated by that seale . moreover , if they were not circumcised , it may bee the institution of that sacrament was not knowne unto them , or the authour of circumcision ( upon whose will and pleasure they must depend ) did not command it unto them , or require that they should joyne themselves in covenant with abrahams family : and in that case if they had circumcised themselves they had transgressed . but then the reason why they were not circumcised was not this , that they were not ( as you speake ) in church order : but because circumcision was appropriated to abrahams family by divine institution in some speciall and peculiar respects belonging to the manner of administration . after the church of the jewes was constituted ( when wee can no more imagine that there was a church among the gentiles , then that there are christians among the barbarians at this day ) we finde none must be admitted to the passeover that was not first circumcised , but nothing was required of a stranger to circumcision , but that he professe the true faith , and a vouch the god of abraham to be his god , which of necessitie must be done before he could be reputed a visible beleever , or under the covenant of promise . thus a learned and reverend divine , circumcision was a seale of the covenant , that god made with abraham concerning christ that should come as concerning the flesh of isaac and so of iacob of whom were the tribes who were the israelites , &c. rom. . . . so that as in abrahams time none were bound to be circumcised but those that were of his family as being borne there or bought , and so brought thither which were not of his seed : so afterwards none were bound to be circumcised which were not borne in the family of jacob and patriarchs , or joyned to them . and after their comming out of egypt none were bound to be circumcised but the children of the iewes ( then the only church of god , ) and those that desired to joyne unto them . the summe is thus much , god gave circumcision to abraham as a seale of the covenant but whether it was given to other beleevers in his time it is ( at least ) a thing uncertaine . and if they were not circumcised it was by reason of the speciall institution of god , and peculiar manner of administration of the covenant of promise which in some respect was proper , to the family of abraham , and not common to all the visible members of the church at that time in church fellowship and order . afterwards when there were none in covenant but the seed of iacob or strangers professing the faith of abraham , circumcision was not to be administred to any man who was not in covenant nor any man to bee admitted to the passeover who was not circumcised . this is the most that can be said with any probability : but hence it will not follow by iust analogie or proportion , that the seed of the faithfull must not bee admitted to baptisme , or visible beleivers be received to the lords supper unlesse they bee set members of some particular congregation united in church order . thirdly , presupposing therefore that melchizedeck , lot and iob , were not circumcised , we say there is not the like reason of circumcision and baptisme in this particular . for , first if circumcision was ever appropriated to the family of abraham , and might be communicated to other visible beleevers , it was in the first institution and administration ; but in the first institution and administration of baptisme , it was not observed that beleevers should be first gathered into a politicall body or christian church membership , and then baptized . iohn the baptist baptized such as came to him confessing their sins . the apostles baptized disciples , such as gladly received their doctrine , beleeved in jesus christ , and received the gifts of the holy ghost , before they were gathered into christian church order , or made fit members of a christian congregationall assembly . if circumcision was by speciall institution given as a priviledge to the males of abrahams familie , melchizedecke , iob , lot , and other visible beleevers were not bound to joyne themselves as members to abrahams familie , or desire and seek to be circumcised : but they that have received the doctrine of salvation , beleeve christ , and professe the faith , are bound to seek , and desire the priviledge of the seals in an holy manner . . melchizedech , job , and lot were not onely visible beleevers , but visible members of the church , according to the manner of dispensing in those times : but the seals ( as you confesse ) belong to all beleevers knit together in church-covenant . . if circumcision be appropriated to the family of abraham , it is because the covenant sealed by circumcision is peculiar to abrahams posteritie , ( sc . ) that christ should come as concerning the flesh , of isaac . but baptisme is the seal of the covenant of grace without any peculiar or speciall tye or respect . . you contend , that baptisme did belong to such beleevers as were members of the then jewish church , which cannot stand , if abrahams familie did answer to a christian societie or congregationall assembly ; just reason therefore may be given why circumcision was dispensed onely to the males of abrahams familie , when baptisme is not to be limited onely to the set members of a particular societie ; and if this consideration be applied to the purpose , instead of saying , circumcision and the passeover were to be administred onely to the members of the church , you must say circumcision was to be desired of or administred unto all the true approved visible members of the church . and if there be the same reason of both , then all visible approved members of the church must not desire nor be admitted to the seals , but this conclusion you will not acknowledge . answ . . consideration . they that are not capable of the church censures , are not capable of the church priviledges . but they that are not within church-covenant are not capable of church censures . ergo. the proposition is evident , the assumption may be proved , corinth . . . what have i to do to judge them that are without . now to be without is not onely the case of heathens and excommunicates , but of some beleevers also , who though by externall union with christ they are within the covenant of grace , yet being not joyned externally to the visible bodie of christ ( a particular church ) are in regard of visible church communion said to be without . to this purpose is this text alledged by other divines also , as dr. ames cas . of consci . l. . c. . q. . resp . . reply . first , men are capable of church censures in two respects , either in having the power of the keyes , and authoritie to dispense them according to god , or as subject to the censures of the church . in the first sense , many are capable of church priviledges that are not capable of church censures , as the seed of christian parents , children and women . you say you admit to the seales the knowne and approved , and orderly recommended members of any true church : but to fellowship in the censures , admittance of members , and choice of officers onely , the members of that particular church whereof they and we ( any of us ) stand members . in the second sense also many are capable of church priviledges who are not subject to church censures : as the children of christian parents are capable of baptisme , the known and approved members of any true church are capable of the seales in other congregations among you who are not subject to the censures of that other society . spirituall communion in publick prayer is a church priviledge , which is not denied to visible beleevers and godly persons , though not in church order , and so not in subjection in your sense to church censures . secondly , a person baptised is not baptised in that particular congregation onely , but into all churches , and every particular church where he cometh he hath all the priviledges of a baptised person in respect of his baptisme , and is so to be esteemed by them . now the priviledge of a baptised person who is able to examine himself , and walketh in the truth , is to be admitted to the lords supper . all circumcised persons had right thereby to eat the passeover in any societie , in the place which god should chuse to put his name there . exod. . . . deut. . , . so all baptised persons have true and intire right to the lords supper in everie true church where god hath set his name . thirdly , there is not the same reason of every church priviledge , for one may have right to some , who is not to meddle with others . the members of one society may hear the word , joyne in prayer , and receive the sacraments in another , when they are not to meddle in the election and ordination of their teachers . the ministers of the gospel may preach the word , and administer the sacraments in another congregation , and hereto he needs no other calling but that god offers an opportunitie ; there is much need of his help , and he is intreated , or hath leave from them in place or office ; but he is not to admit members into the societie , or cast them out that be admitted . and if the pastor of one church shall preach or administer the sacraments in another , contrary to the liking and approbation of the society and governours , though the act be irregular , it was never esteemed a nullitie ; but if he shall presume to excommunicate the members of another societie , without the consent o● the church , and approbation of pastors and teachers , under whose charge and jurisdiction they live , it hath been judged a meer nullity . therefore the proposition is not so evident as to be taken without proofe , that they have no power to admit a beleever into communion in any church priviledge who have no power to excommunicate . fourthly , that visible beleevers baptised into a true church professing the true faith , and walking in holy obedience , and godly conversation , that they and their seed should be judged such as are without in the apostles sense , because they be not externally joyned as set members to some particular congregation in church-covenant is affirmed , not proved . . it hath , and may fall out many times through the ignorance , rashnesse , or pride of a prevailing faction in the church , that the true members of the catholique church , and the best members of the orthodox visible flock , or congregation of christ may be no members of any distinct visible societie . and shall their posteritie be esteemed aliens and strangers from the covenant , and debarred from the sacraments , because their parents are unjustly seperated from the inheritance of the lord ? surely as parents unjustly excommunicated do continue still not onely true members of the invisible body ; but visible members of the flock of christ : so the right of baptisme doth belong to the infants of such parents , though not actuall and constant members of this or that present assembly in church order . . if they be without , because no members of a politike bodie or spirituall fellowship : then all members which are of one societie are without to another : for they that be not of the bodie are not capable of church censures , or subject to the authoritie one of another . and so not being under the judgement of that particular church to it they are without ; whereas in ancient and moderne times distinct societies did communicate together , admit and receive each other as brethren , to testifie their fellowship in the faith . if the reason whereupon the apostle saith the church of corinth was not to judge them that were without , was because they were not within the church of corinth , and so not under their censure or judgement : this holds true of them that be of another society admitted to the sacrament , as well as of such as be no set members desiring to be received to the lords supper . . ( the fornicators of this world ) do they not explaine whom the apostle pointeth unto by the title of being without , ver . . . such as had not received the covenant of grace . . church order is necessarie we denie not ; but this order that a man should be a constant and set member of a particular societie by covenant , to make him a true member of the visible church , or to give him title or interest to the publick order , this is not taught of god. . paul divides all men into two ranks , the first and greater without ; the last and lesser within : but that beleevers who have received the holy ghost , and have been baptised into jesus christ , that they and their children should be reckoned among them that are without , that we read not in this nor any other scripture , but in phrase of scripture hereticks themselves are within the church . . the beleevers not yet gathered ( as the godly learned think ) into a certain distinct body are called beleevers , brethren , disciples ; but that they should be comprehended under them that are without , it hath not been beleeved in the church . . without ( saith the apostle whether alluding to this place or not , let others judge ) are dogs , inchanters , whoremongers , not such as are called faithfull and holy , walking in integritie , beleeving in and professing jesus christ to be their saviour . . they that are without in the apostes sense are aliens from the common-wealth of israel , strangers from the covenant of promise , having no hope , and without god in the world : but we hope you will not passe such rash and unadvised censure upon your brethren , who be not gathered into your societie as set members . . let the interpretation stand , and he is without , not onely who is no set member of some congregationall assembly , but he that is not subject to the censure of the community of that particular combination few or many , with , or without officers . and so all the reformed churches in the world who ascribe the power of the keyes to the presbitry or classes , and not to the community , and some amongst your selves ( if not the most ) shall be without also . and therefore we cannot think approved christians desiring to be received unto the sacrament , either to be without , or uncapable of church censures for the time being if they should offend , though not set members of any particular congregation : for desiring baptisme for their children or themselves to be admitted to the lords supper for the time they put themselves under the ordinance of jesus christ there . and as they are members for the time , so they might be proceeded against according to the rule prescribed by our saviour , as they would proceed with an offending member . . if upon just and good reason a passage of scripture can be cleared to prove that for which it was never alledged by any writer , we are not to except against any truth of god , because it wanteth mans testimonie . onely if we desire credit in such cases , our reasons must be weightie and convincing . but for your exposition of this text of scripture , as yet we have not observed one substantiall ground , or approved author to be alledged . doctor ames shewing the necessitie of christians ioyning themselves to some particular church , giveth this reason , quoniam alias fieri non potest qu●● conturbentur signa illa quibus fideles ab infidelibus discerni possunt . . cor. . . but herein dr. ames manifestly sheweth that by them that are [ without ] heathens , and unbeleevers must be understood , and not beleevers and godly men though of no particular setled societie for the time , for thus we conceive he argueth . the signes and evidences whereby the faithfull are to be discerned from unbeleevers , must not be confounded : but unlesse christians make themselves actuall members of a societie or church , the signes whereby the faithfull are discerned from unbeleevers , will be obscured and darkned . and if this be his reason how can that text of scripture be alledged for confirmation , unlesse by [ men without ] infidels be understood . again doctor ames in the same book , lib. . ca. . speaking of infants to be received , it is required ( he saith ) that they be in the covenant of grace in respect of outward profession , and estimation in respect of their parents , and that there is hope they shall be instructed and brought up in the same covenant . . that baptisme doth most properly belong to those infants whose parents , at least one of them is in the church , and not without , because baptisme is a signe and seale of the covenant of grace . . that children that are cast forth are in charitie to be esteemed the children of christian parents , when there is no just cause of presuming the contrary , that in admitting unto baptisme a difference must be put betweene the infants of those who in some sort belong to the church , but openly break the covenant of god , and the children of others . . because a distinction must be observed in holy things betweene the cleane and uncleane ; seeing else the ordinance of god cannot be preserved from all pollution . to say nothing of that which he addeth touching the baptisme of infants borne in fornication , excommunication , and papists , which is more then sufficient to cleare his meaning in the former passage . to this may be added that he holdeth it not necessarie that christians should gather themselves into a particular society , but as opportunitie and occasion should offer it self . so that it was never his mind to censure them who be not gathered into church-covenant , because they want means or opportunitie as men without in the apostles sense . his judgement is further manifested in his second manuduction , pa. . so many parish assemblies of england ( saith he ) as have any competent number of good christians in them , united to worship god ordinarily in one societie , so many have the essence and integrall forme of a visible church , and all they have intire right to christ , and to all the meanes of injoying him , how ever they are defective in the puritie of their combination , and in the compleat free exercising of their power , whereupon a reverend * elder now among you draws this conclusion , ergo to dischurch them wholly , and to separate from them as no churches of christ , or to denie baptisme to the infants of their known members is not warrantable by any rule of scripture that i know , nor justified by any assertion or practise . answ . . consideration . vve may adde hereunto for a fifth consideration , the evill and pernicious consequences of extending communion in church priviledges beyond the bounds of church fellowship : for thus , . the extraordinarie office of the apostles , and the ordinarie office of pastors and teachers will be much confounded , if the latter be as illimited as the former in the execution of their office beyond the bounds of their own particular churches . . the distinction of church assemblies from the confused multitude is abrogated , if without membership in a particular church the parents may communicate with the churches in the lords supper , and their seed in baptisme . . the church shall indanger the profaning of the seals , and want one speciall meanes whereby the grace and pietie of men may be discerned and made known ; for if without respect to their church estate men of approved pietie ( as you say ) are to be admitted to fellowship in the seales , how shall their pietie be approved to the church not by their own report of themselves alone without attestation of such as are approved by the church ; and how can such beare witnesse to their approved pietie , who against light refuse to professe subjection to the gospel of christ by orderly joyning themselves in fellowship with some approved church of christ as members thereof when they have opportunitie thereunto , seeing such fellow-ship is an action of pietie required of all beleevers in the second commandment ; and true pietie frameth mens spirits to have respect to all gods commandments . and we have had much experience of it , that men of approved pietie in the judgement of some have been found too light , not onely in the judgement of others , but even of their own consciences , when they have come to triall in offering themselves to be members of churches , with such a blessing hath god followed this order of taking hold of church-covenant by publick profession of faith and repentance before men be admitted to the seales ; but this meanes of discoverie of mens pietie and sinceritie would be utterly lost , if men should be admitted unto the lords table without entring in church-fellowship . reply . if it be repugnant to divine institution to admit of approved christians lawfully baptized , walking in the faith , members of the visible churches , and partakers of church priviledges among us to the lords supper , or their children to baptisme , because they be not entred into church fellowship according to your order , then it is unlawfull though no such evill consequences are to be feared . but if by accident some abuse should fall out , the evill is to be prevented by all lawfull meanes : but the faithfull are not utterly to be debarred of the order of god , whereto they have right and title by his free grant and gracious invitation . and no question but the seales of the covenant may be profaned many times when it is not in the power of the dispensers to put back or expell such as profane them . if the congregation shall admit of , or tolerate an unworthy member , the churches priviledges are profaned ; and yet we conceive you will say the pastor is not faulty in receiving him , when the church doth tolerate unworthily , if he do what pertaineth to his office to keep the holy things of god from contempt . but in the case propounded there is no feare or danger of such consequences necessarie to follow : for the question is not of all sorts at randame , but of christians professing the faith intirely , lawfully baptised , known , and approved to the consciences of the wise and judicious visible members of the churches of christ among us often admitted to the lords table , whether these either sufficiently knowne unto you , or orderly recommended may upon desire and suite themselves be admitted to communicate in the lords supper , and their children to be baptized , what feare is there now that the extraordinarie office of the apostles , and the ordinarie office of pastors and teachers shall be much or little confounded ? is this to take as illimited power as the apostles did in the execution of their office ? how shal this tend to abrogate the distinction of church assemblies from the confused multitude ? or how is the profanation of the seals thereby indangered ? you aske if without respect to their church estate men of approved pietie ( as we say ) are to be admitted into fellowship in the seals , how shall their pietie be approved to the church , not by their own report of themselves alone , &c. do not you say the same , that there be many godly persons , and of approved pietie among us , who are not approved by their own report of themselves ( unlesse ye will take their wisedome , faith , patience , courage , constancie , and holinesse of life for their report ) approved , we say by as ample and sufficient testimonie as the apostles exacted of them whom they received into church fellowship , or can be required of members admitted unto the priviledges of the church , if men will follow the lords direction , or as you can give to ordinances members of your societies . you professe high respect of your brethren in old england , but it seemes you judge them insufficient to give orderly testimonie of the sinceritie and uprightnesse of approved christians , well known unto them , and living among them , which two cannot well agree . we speake not of such who against light refuse to professe subjection to the gospel of christ to joyne themselves orderly in fellowship with some approved church : but of such as do with all readinesse professe subjection , and walk accordingly , and heartily desire to joyn themselves to the most pure and compleat churches so farre as they are taught of god , or have opportunitie thereunto . and if exception be taken against them onely , who refuse against light to submit themselves to the gospel ; by what rule do you proceed when you judge men to refuse against light , or debarre them who do not refuse against conscience , but for lacke of opportunitie . no doubt ( as you say ) but now and then a man of approved pietie in the judgement of some may be found too light , yea and in the judgement of his owne conscience when he hath come to triall . and no question but many have been admitted by the church , who indeed and truth are much too light ; and some refused who deserved better then they that cast them off , we will not dispute what errours have been committed , nor what blessing ye have found upon your proceedings ; we heartily beseech the lord to keep your congregation pure , make his ordinances more and more effectuall , go before you in the way wherein you should walk , and multiply his mercies upon you in the same . but this we are perswaded , and therefore we speak , that in debarring godly christians from the lords supper , and much more the children of those parents who are in covenant with god , from holy baptisme you exceed your commission you have received from god , and go beyond your due bounds . and notwithstanding your circumspection more worthy and faithfull christians have been denied when of lesse worth , and meaner sufficiencies have passed , and been by you received . answ . . consid . none have power to dispence the seales but they that are called to the office of ministery ; and no man can be so called till first there be a church to call him , seeing the power of calling ministers is given by christ unto the church ; and thence it follows , that all those that desire to partake of the seales , are bound to joyne themselves in church state , that so they may call a minister to dispense the seales unto them . and this dutie by the appointment of god lieth not onely upon some christians , but equally upon all : ergo no christian can expect by the appointment of god to partake in the seals till he have joyned himselfe in church fellowship , and in the call of the minister . and indeed seeing a church , and a minister called by the church , is of such necessitie for the dispensing of the seales , it may seeme unreasonable that some christians should be bound to become a church , and to call a minister that so the seales may be dispensed , and other men ( when this is done ) have equall libertie to the seals who refuse to joyne unto the church . reply . this conclusion is not to the question propounded , for we speake of such as cannot , not of such as refuse to joyne themselves unto the church ; or if they do not joyne , it is not out of contempt or wilfull neglect of gods ordinance , or desire of carnall libertie , and not to be in subjection to christ , but for lacke of opportunitie , or through their fault that should admit them but do not . for if in any of your churches you shall require more of members to be admitted then christ the chiefe shepherd of the flock doth , or presse that upon their consciences which they cannot consent unto , if they shall sit downe quietly for the time and serve god in private , when they cannot injoy church priviledges , it is your fault and not theirs . and they may more justly challenge the assemblie as injurious and tyrannicall , then you them as wilfull despisers of gods ordinance . we accuse not the wisedome and discretion of your chuches , but we know the zealous multitude may sometimes be rash ; and when a reason is craved of your judgement , why you do debarre the most knowne and approved christians which come over , and their children from the seals of the covenant , we dislike you should put this note upon them , as if against light they refused orderly to subject themselves to the gospel of jesus christ : what warrant you have thus to censure , what use of this manner of dispute we leave it to your godly wisedome to judge . in the consideration it self there are many propositions couched together , which we must examine severally as they have reference to the conclusion intended , and then try whether it can be raised from them . the first proposition , that none have power to dispence the seales , but they that are called to the office of ministery , is freely granted . the second , that no man can be so called till first there be a church to call him , needeth explication . for by the church you must understand the community of the faithfull , as they are one bodie , without officers or guides . and such a church there cannot be without a ministery to call and admit them into church-fellowship . the apostles baptised not themselves , but by the help of others , & those not called of the people to be baptised , cor. . . the apostles appointed by electiō , elders in every city or church . and so there was a church before elders were set over it , but this church was a societie of beleevers by baptisme admitted into church-fellowship . there can be no church to call a minister to feed the flock , and dispence the seals , till they have received the doctrine of salvation intirely , and by the seale of initiation be solemnly received into the societie of men professing christ . a company of men converted to the faith being unbaptized , may and ought to desire baptisme , but they have not power to elect and chuse one among themselves to dispence the seales unto the rest for ought is to be found in scripture : the churches constitution into which christians are to gather themselves must be apostolicall , and not one day or houre younger in nature and forme of it , thus the first church of the new testament . but it can never be shewed in scripture that any societie of unbaptised persons did first chuse from among them a pastor or teacher by whom they might be baptised : you cannot produce one example or other proofe in the scripture , of one man teaching the gospel ministerially but he was baptised , and a member of a true church , or of a societie who made choice of a pastor and teacher , but they were baptised persons . the third proposition , that the power of calling ministers is given by christ unto the church , must also be rightly understood : for by the church must be meant the societie of the faithfull , not onely ingrafted into christ , set into the state of salvation , and made heires apparent of everlasting blessednesse , but solemnly entred and inrolled into the societie of christs flock , and acknowledged members by free admission into the seales of the covenant . againe , by the church if we speake of ordinary calling , must not be understood of the faithfull alone , but their guides and officers together with them , who are to goe before the rest , and to direct and governe them in their choice . neither can we say , that any two or three beleevers linked together in societie doe make such a church , as to whom the calling of the minister doth belong : but that right was given by christ to such churches as were gathered and established by the apostles . the church hath a ministery of calling one whom christ hath described , that from christ he may have power of office given him in the vacant place . but the office , gift , and power of the ministery , is immediately from christ and not from the church . the church doth neither virtually nor formally give power to her officers but ministerially onely , as ministring to him who hath power and vertue to conferre it . and this right of election is so given to the communitie and body of the people , that if they have consented to give away their right , or if it be taken injuriously from them , the calling of the minister notwithstanding may be true , and ministeriall acts done by him that is thrust upon the people without their consent may be effectuall to their salvation . a wrong it is altogether to debarre the godly of their consent in the calling of such as must watch for their soules ; but it makes not the calling it selfe a meere nullitie ; for then many churches in the world within a few hundred yeares after christ should have wanted both ministery and sacraments , and they would have been altogether destitute of both ministery and sacraments for many hundred yeares . the fourth , that all those who desire to partake in the seales , are bound to joyne themselves together in church-state , that so they may call a minister to dispence the seales unto them , will not follow from the former rightly understood . we deny not but christians are bound to joyne themselves together in holy fellowship , if god give them opportunitie : but they must partake in the seales before they can joyne themselves together in church-state . and such as for lack of meanes and opportunitie cannot joyne themselves into such an estate , or be dispersed by persecution , or be destitute of pastors and teachers , may for a time desire and seek to have the seales dispenced unto them by the pastors and teachers of other societies , with whom they hold communion in the faith . the people also who are deprived of right and libertie to choose their pastor , may desire and seek to have the seales dispenced unto them by him who is set over them . if a company of infidells should be converted to the faith , they must desire to partake in the ordinances of grace before they could joyne together in a church-way to call a minister of their own , who might administer the sacraments unto them . to make disciples and baptize are joyned together . and if these propositions be allowed for current , a nation or people plunged into idolatry or infidelitie , or otherwise dischurched , cannot by ordinary meanes recover into a church-estate , wherein they may lawfully and according to gods appointment desire or expect that the seales of the covenant should be dispenced to them . the fifth proposition riseth beyond measure , that no christian can expect by the appointment of god to partake in the seales till he have joyned himselfe in church-fellowship and the calling of the minister . wee conceive you will not say that children and women have to doe in the call of the minister ( for women they are debarred by their sex as from ordinary prophesying , so from any other dealing wherein they take authority over the man ) if some part of the congregation doe not consent in the election of pastors or teachers , have they not right to expect to have the seales of the covenant dispenced to themselves or their seede ? if the people be deprived of that libertie to choose or call their minister , must they seperate from the ordinances of worship there dispenced , and from the congregations as no true churches ? if some persons by the providence of god live in such places where they cannot joyne in church-fellowship and call of the minister ( as suppose the christian wife , childe , or servant ) nor lawfully remove to any such societie must they and their children live as strangers and aliens from the covenant of grace , wherein they may not expect to partake of the seales ▪ if infidels be converted to the faith , must they not partake in the seales , because they cannot joyne in church-fellowship and call of the minister , before they be admitted to baptisme ? here you say the people must joyne together in the call of the minister , before they can lawfully desire to be admitted to the seales . and another hath zealously affirmed ( it is a presumptuous sin in any to choose an officer not trained up and tryed ( scil . ) in the debating , discussing , carrying , and contriving of church-affaires , as also in admonition , exhortation , and comfort , publickly occasioned and so manifested ) lay these two together , and let it be considered how long many a poore soule converted to the faith must be compelled to want the comfort of gods ordinances . besides , if a people be joyned together in church-fellowship , and have called a pastor to feed and watch over them , wee desire ( not words but ) proofe why the poore dispersed christians wanting means or opportunitie to joyn themselves together into societie , ought not to desire , and that others be not bound in conscience to afford them the comfort of gods ordinances . if the propositions may stand for good , i feare we shall scarce finde that ever in ordinary way , the sacraments were lawfully dispenced or received in the christian churches of god since the first foundation of them . now the premises being liable to so many exceptions , the conclusion to be laid upon them , will fall of it selfe . and thereunto wee oppose the direct contrary . that infidels converted to the faith , or godly christians , formerly visible beleevers , knowne and approved members of congregations professing the intire faith , and joyning together in the lawfull use of the sacraments for substance according to the institution , may and ought to desire and expect the seales of the covenant to be dispenced to them , and to their seede , though for the present they be not joyned into such church-state and call of ministers as you require . answer . consideration . that our practise may not be censured as novell and singular , give us leave to produce a president of the like care observed and approved by publick countenance of state in the dayes of edward . of blessed and famous memory , who in the yeare . granted johannes alasco a learned noble man of poland under the great seale of england , libertie to gather a church of strangers in london , and to order themselves according as they should finde to be most agreeable to the scriptures . among other godly orders established in that church , that which concerned the administration of baptisme to prevent the prophanation of it we will repeate in alascoes owne words . baptisme in our church ( saith he ) is administred in the publique assembly of the church after the publique sermon : for seeing baptisme doth so belong to the whole church that none ought to be driven thence , which is a member of the church , nor to be admitted to it who is not a member of it , truely it is equall that that should be performed publiquely in the assembly of the whole church , which belongs to the whole church in common . againe , he addeth ; now seeing our churches are by gods blessing so established by the kings majestie , that they may be as it were one parish of strangers dispersed throughout the whole citie , or one body corporate ( as it is called in the kings grant ) and yet all strangers doe not joyne themselves to our church , yea there are those who while they avoyde all churches , will pretend to the english churches that they are joyned with us , and to us that they are joyned to the english churches , and so doe abuse both them and us , lest the english churches and the ministers thereof should be deceived by the impostures of such men ( and that under colour of our churches ) wee doe baptize their infants alone who have adjoyned themselves to our churches by publique confession of their faith , and observation of ecclesiasticall discipline . and that our churches may be certaine that the infants that are to be baptized are their seede , who have joyned themselves thereto in manner aforesaid , the father of the infant to be baptized ( it possible he can ) or other men and women of notable credit in the church , doe offer the infant to baptisme , and doe publickly professe that it is the seede of the church , yet wee suffer no stranger to offer infants to baptisme in our churches , who hath not made publique profession of his faith , and willingly submitted himselfe to the discipline of the church , lest otherwise they who present their children to baptisme , might in time plead that they belong to our churches , and so should deceive the english churches and their ministers . to those which presented infants to baptisme , they propounded three questions , the first was ; are these infants which yee offer the seed of this church , that they may lawfully be here baptized by our ministery ? &c. answer , yea. this instance is the more to be regarded , because alasco affirmeth in the preface of that book , that this libertie was by the king granted to them out of his desire to settle alike reformation in the english churches , which in effect you see the same with our practise in this particular . reply . the practise of the church of strangers in london , recorded by john alasco , is farre different from your judgement and practise , not in some by-circumstances , but in the maine point in question ; for your judgement is that true visible beleevers , baptized and partakers of the lords supper in other churches not yet gathered into church-estate or fellowship , have no right or interest in the seales , ( they nor their seede ) but this church of strangers held no such opinion as their own words ( which you have omitted ) doe plainly speake . and paul testifyeth ( say they ) that by christs ordinance the church it selfe without exception of any member of it , is to be accounted cleane or holy by the ministery of baptisme . whence we may easily see , that baptisme doth neither belong to those who are altogether without the church , nor to be denyed to any member of the church . secondly , they held communion with the church of england as one and the same with theirs . for so they professe : yet neverthelesse , that we may openly shew that the english churches and ours are one and the same church ( though we differ somewhat from them both in language and ceremonies ) we doe not refuse that the english may as publick witnesses of the church offer the infants of our members to baptisme in our churches , if they have both the use of our language and a certain testimony of their piety . as in like manner our members are accustomed to offer the infants of the english to baptisme in the english churches . if your judgement be this of the english churches , your judgement in acknowledging us members of true churches , and practise in debarring visible beleevers and their seede from the seales , are opposite the one to the other . thirdly , this order was observed by them to prevent the impostures of some , who whilst they avoyded all churches , pretended to the english , that they were joyned to the strangers , and to the strangers that they were joyned to the english . but you debarre knowne christians who desire to joyne themselves with you , not to prevent impostures of them who avoyde all churches : yea , you debarre them as men having no right to the sacraments , because they be not in church-fellowship : and herein you can shew no president ancient or moderne , either from scripture or monuments of the church : and as your practise is without example , so without warrant from the word of god. and this is the maine reason why we cannot consent unto you in this particular which we thus propound . reason . that sacred order which god hath set in his visible church for all his saints to keep and walk by , that is religiously to be observed . but for men to set up that as a necessarie order which god never allowed , approved , or commanded , is great presumption . now the lord hath not ordained that a man should be a set member of a particular societie , or body politique of faithfull people joyned together in spirituall church-fellowship by covenant , before he be admitted unto the lords supper , or that the parents should be actuall visible set members of some particular distinct body before their children be baptised . they that beleeve in jesus christ have received the word of promise and walk therein , they and their children are within the covenant , and have right and title to the seales of the covenant , but in their order , the infants to baptisme , parents baptised , to the lords supper . and if in that state by divine grant they have interest to the sacraments , the church in debarring them because they be not yet grown into one distinct separate societie of mutuall covenant , doth exceed the bounds of her commission . for a ministeriall power onely is committed to the church to admit or refuse them who are to be admitted or refused by authoritie from god : but the church if she thrust beleeving parents from the supper of the lord , and their seed from baptisme ; she denieth these benefits to them who by the grace and gift of god have lawfull right and title thereto . . for first , the baptisme of john was true baptisme , and truly administred by him : and they that were baptized by him received the seales of the covenant , and were esteemed members of the visible church : but john never demanded of them who came to his baptisme whether they were entred into spirituall fellowship by mutuall covenant one with another . this was not then knowne to be a necessarie and essentiall point in the lawfull , due , and orderly administration of the sacrament . the disciples of our saviour made and baptised disciples professing the faith , but not combined into church-state or fellowship . the apostles commission was first to teach the gentiles , and then to baptise them having received their doctrine . and this they carefully observed in the execution of their ministery upon grounds and reasons common to them and us : for as soone as any man or number of men gladly received the doctrine of salvation , and gave their names to jesus christ , if they desired to be baptised forthwith they accepted them , never excepting , that they were no set members of a distinct visible congregation . when the first . converts , being pricked in their consciences , came to peter , and the rest of the apostles , saying . men and brethren , what shall we do ? peter returns this answer , repent and be baptised every one of you in the name of jesus , &c. for to you is the promise made , and to your children , and to all that are afar off , &c. as soon as the samaritanes beleeved , philip who preached the things that concerned the kingdom of god , they were baptised both men and women . when the eunuch asked of philip , see here is water , what doth let me to be baptised ? he answereth not if thou beest first received as a set member into a visible congregation thou mayest : but if thou beleevest with all thy heart , thou mayest . can any man forbid water ( saith peter , speaking of the gentiles upon whom was powred the gift of the holy ghost ) that these should not be baptised who have received the gift of the holy ghost as well as we ? at that time it was not held a bar sufficient to keep them from the sacrament of baptisme , because they were not set members of a distinct societie , which had it been essentiall to the lawfull and orderly administration of the sacraments , questionlesse it had been observed in the first institution and administration of them . annanias baptised paul before he was any set member of a congregationall assembly . lydia and her houshold , the jaylor and his house were baptised without regard to their church-estate . for in the same night which he was converted , he was baptized with all his houshold . and this was done not by the apostles onely upon speciall dispensation , but by others upon grounds and reasons common to them , and all ages , viz. because they were disciples , beleeved , gladly received the word , had received the holy ghost , were called , and the promise was made to them , and to their seed , even to all them that were afarre off . now if the apostles dispensed the seales to them that were not in church-fellowship upon common grounds , it is not essentiall to the lawfull dispensation of the seales , that all partakers should be under such a covenant . if the baptised disciples , beleevers , such as gladly received the word , and had received the gift of the holy ghost , then the seals of the covenant belong unto such , and by the grace of god they have right and title unto those priviledges . . as we received the sacraments from god by divine institution ; so must we learne from him , how and to whom the same are to be administred , observing what he hath commanded without addition or diminution . but we have learned from christ the author of baptisme , and the constant practise of the apostles ( the first dispensers of these holy seales who best understood the mind and pleasure of the lord herein ) that such as be called of god to whom the promise is made , who have received the gifts of the holy ghost , beleeved in the lord jesus , professed their faith in him , and repentance for sins past with purpose of amendment for the time to come , that such have right unto , and desiring it ought to be received unto baptifme , and are greatly wronged if they be deprived of that unspeakable benefit . . by a lively faith a man is made a living member of jesus christ , and hath internall communion with him by the intire profession of christian faith joyned with conformity of life in righteousnesse , and holinesse , and fellowship of love , he is a member of the visible congregation or flock of christ , though no set member of a free distinct independant societie . and baptisme is the seale of our admission into the congregation or flock of christ ; but not evermore of our receiving into this or that particular societie as set members thereof . this latter is accidentall to baptisme , not essentiall . it may fall out to be so , but it is not ever necessarie ; nor is the sacrament to be denyed , nor can we say it is imperfectly administred where it cannot be attained . for the catholique church is one intire bodie , made up by the collection and agregation of all the faithfull unto the unity thereof ; from which union there ariseth unto every one of them such a relation to , dependance upon that church catholique as parts use to have in respect of the whole . and this holds true , not onely of sound beleevers in respect of internall fellowship with christ their head , and so one with another ; but of all men professing the true and intire doctrine of faith and salvation in respect of them that hold and professe the same faith of christ , and worship god according to his will ; whereupon it followeth that neither particular persons , nor particular guides , nor particular churches are to worke as severall divided bodies by themselves , but are to teach , and be taught ; and to do all other duties as parts conjoyned to the whole , and members of the same flock or societie in generall : and so beleevers professing the faith , and walking in holinesse , may and ought to be admitted to the seales as actuall members of the church of christ , and sheep of his pasture , though not set members of one congregationall church . . not to insist upon this here , that it hath and may fall out many times through ignorance , rathnesse , or pride , of a prevailing faction in the church , that the true members of the catholique church , and the best members of the orthodox visible flock , or church of christ , may be no actuall members of any distinct societie , and shall they for this be accounted men out of covenant , and their posteritie be esteemed aliens and strangers : but if they be in covenant , then are they holy in respect of the covenant , and their children holy as pertaining to the covenant , and have right to the sacrament of initiation . thus mr. rob. frameth the argument . the sacrament of baptisme is to be administred by christs appointment , and the apostles example onely to such as are ( externally , and so far as men can judge ) taught and made disciples , do receive the word gladly , do beleeve , and so professe , have received the holy ghost , and to their seed . and thus the church of god ever since the apostles dayes understood the covenant and promise , and their practise in receiving beleevers and their seed to the seales of the covenant was answerable , as might be shewed at large , if it was not a thing confessed . hereunto you answer . answer . vvhere the holy ghost is given and received ( which was the case of the centurion ) and where faith is professed according to gods ordinance ( which was the case of the rest ) there none may hinder them from being baptised , viz. by such as have power to baptise them . in the instances given baptisme was administred either by apostles or evangelists , not ordinary pastors : the persons baptised , if they were members of churches , had a right to baptisme in their state , and the apostles being officers of all churches might dispense the seales to them where ever they came , which yet will not warrant ordinary officers to do the same . nor is it improbable but that all these were in church-order , aret , on act. . . is of opinion , that the centurion had a constituted church in his house ; the eunuches coming to jerusalem to worship , argueth him to be a proselyte , and member of the jewish church not yet dissolved : and therefore upon the profession of the christian faith capable of church priviledges at that time . as for lydia and the gaylor it appeareth that in the beginning of the gospel there was a church at philipp● which communicated with paul as concerning giving and receiving : as he expresly saith , before his departure was from macedonia , which departure was immediately upon the gaylors conversion . in which respect what should hinder that lydia and the gaylor should first be joyned to the church , and then to be baptised though it be not mentioned in that story ? as neither there is mention of a christian church , which paul mentioneth in his epistle to the philippians . at least it is probable that lydia was a member of the jewish church , because she is said to be one that worshipped god. but if any man think they were not members of any church yet baptised , though we see not how it will be proved , yet if it were so , the object doth no whit weaken the argument , which speaketh of the ordinary dispensation of the seales , and not of what was done in an extraordinary way . so that suppose that in the cases alledged , baptisme dispensed to some that were not in church-fellowship , yet the examples of the apostles and evangelists in so doing will not warrant ordinary pastors to do the like . the reason of the difference why apostles and evangelists might administer baptisme out of church-order , whereas pastors and teachers may not , is double . . because their calling gave them illimited power over all men , especially christians wheresoever they came . but we do not find that ordinarie pastors and teachers can do an act of power , but onely over their own church , which hath called them to watch over them in the lord. . because they were assisted with an immediate direction and guidance of the holy ghost , in the places of their administration in the cases alledged . but ordinary church-officers are to walke according to ordinary rules of the scripture in the dispensation of the seales , and not to expect immediate inspirations and extraordinary revelations for their helpe in such cases . this difference between apostles and ordinary church officers must needs be acknowledged , or otherwise a man might from their example justifie baptisme in private houses . reply . this answer stands of many parts , wherein things doubtfull are affirmed , and that which more weakeneth the force of the consideration before alledged , and the answer it selfe , then of the reason whereunto it is applyed . for first , if where the holy ghost is given and received , and where faith is professed according to gods ordinance , there none may hinder them from being baptized , viz. by such as have power to baptize them : then either men that have received the holy ghost , and professe the faith , be members of the church , or baptisme is not a priviledge of the church , then it is not essentiall to the first institution of baptisme , that it should be dispenced to none but such as were entered into church-fellowship , or were set members of a congregationall assembly . then the apostles in dispensing the seales unto such , or commanding them to be dispenced , did walk according to the rules of scripture , and upon grounds common to them and us , viz. they admitted them unto the sacraments who had right and interest to them , according to the minde and pleasure of the institutor , not extraordinarily revealed , besides the common rules , or by speciall dispensation and prerogative excepted from the common rule , but made knowne in the institution it selfe . and then the difficultie remaining is onely this , whether a pastor or teacher hath authority from christ to dispence the seales of the covenant to one who hath right and title to them , and doth orderly desire that benefit because he is not as yet received as a set member of that particular societie which your practise in admitting of set members of other congregations unto the seales doth manifestly convince . for if both have equall interest unto the seales , the pastor upon lawfull suite and request hath equall authoritie to receive the one as well as the other . secondly , in the particular instances given , it is not probable that baptisme was evermore administred by apostles or evangelists ; for before the death of christ , the disciples baptized when they were properly neither apostles nor evangelists : after the death of christ ( not to insist upon conjectures whether any assisted the apostles in the baptizing of the first three thousand converted ) it is not certaine , whether peter baptized cornelius and his family , or commanded others then present with him to baptize them : the words may be read : et jussit eos baptizari in nomine domini . syr. & arab. praecepit eis ut baptizarentur . the interlineary glosse leaveth it doubtfull , associis suis vel a scipso . others are of opinion that peter did baptize them himselfe . it cannot be proved that philip and ananias were both evangelists , when the one baptized the samaritans and the eunuch , the other paul. paul himselfe baptized but a few as he testifieth of himselfe , and reason to convince that others converted by his preaching were baptized by evangelists , we know not any . and if philip , ananias , and others might baptize such as had right and title to the seales , being as yet no set members of any particular congregation : and a congregation destitute of their proper pastor , may desire another to baptize their infants , and dispence the sacrament of the supper to them in that their necessitie . and if the members of one congregation may lawfully communicate in another , then may the pastors of particular congregations upon occasion admit to the seales of the covenant such known and approved christians , as have right and title thereunto , and duely and orderly require the same ; for of all these the reason is like and perpetuall . thirdly , it is very improbable that the persons baptized , were in church-state or order . if they were members of the jewish church not yet dissolved , this is not to the purpose ; for men have not right to baptisme , because they were members of the jewish church , but because disciples and ( as you say ) joyned together in covenant , and have fellowship and calling of their minister , who is to dispence the seales unto them . and baptisme is the sacrament of initiation , not into the jewish but the christian churches . secondly , when you say , the seales in ordinary dispensation are the priviledges of the churches . there are no ministers but of particular churches . baptisme and the lords supper are to be administred onely to the members of the church . no societie may lawfully desire the seales , unlesse they have joyned in the choice and calling of their minister . beleevers not yet joyned in church-order are without . doe yee not in all these understand a christian societie , united in a church-way , &c. which cannot agree to the members of the jewish church , not yet dissolved . thirdly , the constitution of the church ( saith mr. robin . ) is the orderly collection and conjunction of the saints into and in the covenant of the new testament ; but the members of jewish churches not yet dissolved , were not in such constitution . if the eunuch and centurion were proselytes and members of the church of the jewes ; the samaritanes whom philip baptized were not so . and that any gentiles , or the gailor whom paul baptized in the apostles times , were set members of a christian assembly before baptized , is very strange if there was a church at philippi , yet the gailor who was baptized and converted the same night , could not be a set member by solemne admission before baptisme . it is said the apostles baptized these persons in an extraordinary way . but in this practise of the apostles two things are to be considered . . the circumstance of the action . . the qualitie or substance of the act . in some circumstances the baptizing of some of these persons might be extraordinary , but the substance and qualitie of the action was grounded upon rules perpetuall and common to us with them . . that is done in an extraordinary way , which by peculiar priviledge of dispensation is made lawfull to some one or few men , which is unlawfull to all others , not having the same dispensation , but where the ground and reason of the action is common : we must not conceive the thing to be done in an extraordinary way by speciall dispensation . what was done by the apostles upon speciall revelation and immediate direction , besides the ordinary and common rule , in that wee are not to immitate or follow them , because we have not their warrant . but what they did upon reasons and grounds reaching unto us no lesse then unto them , in that we have the same libertie , allowance , or commandement that they did walk by . in one and the same action there may be and oft is something ordinary , something extraordinary or peculiar to speciall times or persons . so it was in the apostles administration of the seales : but in every place where they came by illimited power ( as you speake ) they did baptize disciples , if they did baptize ; this was proper to them , and could not be communicated to any others by them ; for there is no passage of scripture which teacheth this , that one officer may communicate his power to another , or doe that which particularly belongeth to his office by a deputie : but that they baptized beleevers professing their faith in the lord jesus , and repentance towards god , such as had gladly imbraced the word , and received the gifts of the holy ghost : this was common to them with all pastors and teachers , because they did it , not by power illimited or speciall dispensation , but upon this standing perpetuall reason , that the promise was made to them and to their seede , and to as many as the lord shall call , that they had received the holy ghost , and the kingdome of heaven belonged to them . and if the grounds and reasons of their practise be common reaching to us , no lesse then unto them , the practise it selfe was not extraordinary . to say nothing that this answer will not stand with the former ; for if the parties baptized were set members of particular societies , the apostles did not baptize them in an extraordinary way , they did it by the guidance and direction of the spirit , that is true , but not by guidance of dispensation , or prerogative , whereby that was made lawfull without such inspiration had been unlawfull . but they were infallibly guided to doe that which was according to the word of god , and might stand for our direction : that in case it be orderly desired a pastor hath authoritie in his owne congregation , to receive knowne and approved christians to the seales of the covenant , hath been proved before . if the apostles dispenced the seales onely to the church , disciples , faithfull , who received the doctrine of salvation with gladnesse of heart , and were partakers of the holy ghost , then they dispenced the seales in an ordinary way , for such have title and interest to the seales by the institution and appointment of god. and every pastor by his office may and ought to dispence the seales unto such , within the bounds and limits of his calling : but the apostles dispenced the seales onely to the church , disciples , faithfull , &c. . an argument followeth necessarily from particular example to a generall ; when one particular is proved by another particular , by force of the similitude common to the whole kinde , under which those particulars are contained : but the practise of the apostles in baptizing disciples and faithfull , by force of similitude common to the whole kinde , agreeth with the practise of ministers receiving to baptisme the seed of the faithfull , though as yet not set members of any particular societie , in some circumstances there may be difference when yet the reason is strong , if the difference be not in the very likenesse it selfe whereupon the reason is grounded . one circumstance that is materiall to the point may overthrow the likenesse pretended , and twenty different circumstances , if they be not to the point in hand make no dissimilitude . now in this matter wee speake of , no circumstance is or can be named why we should thinke it lawfull for the apostles to baptize disciples as yet being no set members of particular societies , and the same should be unlawfull in all cases for ordinary pastors in their particular congregations , though it be desired . . what is done by extraordinary dispensation , that is lawfull for them onely who have received such dispensation , and by them cannot be communicated to others . but the apostles baptized by others seldome by themselves , as hath been shewed . . we might urge the rule which a reverend elder among you , giveth in another matter , ( scil . ) those examples which are backed with some divine precept , or which are held forth in the first institution of an ordinance , being part of the institution , or which were the constant lawfull actions of holy men in scripture , not civill but sacred so binde us to imitation , as that not to conforme thereunto is sinne . for the assumption to this proposition , it is plaine and naturall : but the practise of the apostles in receiving the faithfull , disciples , &c. is backed with divine precept , held forth in the first institution , and was their constant lawfull practise , agreeable to the practise of all others who were imployed in that service ; ergo , &c. . in the first consideration , you prove the seales to be the priviledge of the church in ordinary dispensation , by this passage of scripture , then they that gladly received the word were baptized : but if apostles baptize by extraordinary dispensation in your sense this testimony is insufficient for that purpose . reason . our second reason . in due order , the seales belong to them to whom the grant is given , viz. baptisme to the seed of the faithfull , and the lords supper to beleevers , able to try and examine themselves : but the grant is vouchsafed to the faithfull and their seed , forgivenesse of sinnes , sanctification , adoption , and what other good things are promised in the covenant of grace are the grant or good things sealed in the sacrament . but those are granted to beleevers according to the covenant ; and they are so linked together , that under one promised all are understood ; and if one be vouchsafed , none is denied . when god promiseth to circumcise the heart , the forgivenesse of sinnes is implyed . and when circumcision is said to be the seale of the righteousnesse of faith , the circumcision of the heart by spirituall regeneration is included . to whomsoever then the spirituall gift , or inward grace of the covenant is given and granted , to them the seales of that gift and grant doth belong in their due order . but the spirituall gift or grace which is the thing signified in the sacrament , is freely granted to true beleevers , who have received the doctrine of salvation , and walk in the wayes of truth and righteousnesse , therefore the priviledges of the seales belong unto them . to this you answer . the scope of the apostle in the place , rom. . . is not to define a sacrament , nor to shew what is the proper and adequate subject of the sacrament ; but to prove by the example of abraham that a sinner is justified before god , not by works but by faith . thus as abraham the father of the faithfull was justified before god , so must his seed be ( that is , all beleevers whether jews or gentiles , circumcised or uncircumcised ) for therefore abraham received circumcision which belonged to the jews to confirm the righteousnesse which he had before , while he was uncircumcised , that he might be the father of both : but lest any one should think his circumcision was needlesse if he was justified by faith before circumcision ; he addeth that his circumcision was of no use as a seale to confirme to him his faith , and the righteousnesse which is by faith : yet as justification is not the onely thing that circumcision sealed , but the whole covenant also made with abraham and his seed was sealed thereby ; so abraham is to be considered in using circumcision not simply , or onely as a beleever without church relation , but as a confederate beleever , and so in the state and order of a visible church . though the apostle maketh mention of the righteousnesse of faith as sealed thereby , which was not that which served for his purpose . now that circumcision also sealed the church-covenant , may appear from gen. . . , . where you may find that abraham and his seed , though beleevers , were not circumcised till god called them into church-covenant ; and there is the same reason & use of baptisme to us which serveth to seal our justification as circumcision did , yet not that alone , but also the whole covenant with all the priviledges of it , as adoption , sanctification , and fellowship with christ in affections , and the salvation of our souls , and the resurrection of our bodies . and not onely the covenant of grace which is common to all beleevers : but church-covenant cor. . . covenant also which is peculiar to confederates . according to that of the apostle , by one spirit we are baptized into one body , cor. . . and by one bodie he meaneth that particular church of corinth whereunto he writeth and saith , now ye are the body of christ , and members in particular , ver . . and ergo church-membership is required as well to the orderly partaking of baptisme as it was of circumcision . nor do we find that circumcision was administred to all that were in the covenant of grace ( as all beleevers were ) but onely to such of them as were joyned to the people of the god of abraham . melchizedech was under the covenant of grace , so was lot , so was job and his foure friends ; yet we no where read that they were circumcised , nor do beleeve they were . so that if circumcision was administred to none but those that were joyned together in abrahams familie , and to the church of god in his seed , then may not baptisme in ordinarie course be administred to any beleevers now , unlesse they be joyned to the church of christ , for parum par est ratio . but the first is true , ergo , the second also . reply . the particulars in this answer hath been examined alreadie , and might have well been passed over , because it is tedious to repeat the same things againe and againe . two things are affirmed by you . . that the scope of the apostle , rom. . . was not to define a sacrament , nor to shew what was the proper and adequate subject of a sacrament . but this weakneth no part of the argument , for if the apostle do not fully define a sacrament , nor mention every particular benefit or prerogative sealed in the sacrament ; yet he sheweth sufficiently to whom the sacraments in due order do appertaine , even to the heires of salvation , to them that are justified by faith , and walk in the steps of our father abraham . and thus we argue from the text of the apostle . they that are partakers of the good things sealed in the sacrament , to them belong the seales of the covenant , according to gods institution . but they that are justified by faith are partakers of the good things sealed in the sacrament , to them belong the seales of the covenant according to gods institution . if justification be not the onely thing that circumcision sealed , this is nothing to the point in hand . for the gifts of the holy ghost is not the onely thing that is sealed in baptisme : but you confesse in your answer immediately going before , that they have right to baptisme who have received the holy ghost ; and the reason is the same of justification . besides if justification be not the onely thing that is sealed in the sacrament , it is one principall thing which doth inferre the rest . for the blessings of the covenant of grace in christ are inseparable ; where one is named , others are implyed : and where one is given , no one is absolutely wanting . christ is made of god wisedome , righteousnesse , sanctification , and redemption : whom god doth justifie , them he doth sanctifie , and them he will glorifie . . the second thing you affirme is , that not onely the covenant of grace which is common to all beleevers ; but church-covenant also which is peculiar to confederates is necessarie to the participation of the seales . this sense your words must beare , or else they reach not the point in hand : but this is that which should be proved substantially , and not barely affirmed ; and which ( as we conceive ) is contrary to the first institution of the sacrament , and the lawfull practise of john the baptist , our saviour christ , his apostles , and all others who are recorded lawfully to administer the seales . in gen. . we find the first institution of circumcision recorded , and that it was the seale of the covenant to abraham and his seed , to them that were borne in his house , or bought with his money : but we find no mention of any church covenant besides the covenant of promise which god made with abraham . there is no mention of any church-order into which abrahams family was now gathered more then formerly . god gave circumcision to abraham and his seed as a seale of the righteousnesse of faith ; but that this family was first gathered into church-order as you speak we cannot beleeve , because the scripture saith it not whether lot , job , melchizedech were circumcised or not , we will not dispute ; but if they received not the seale , we cannot think the reason to be because they were not in church-order as those times required , if any such thing had been required , we cannot think that either they were ignorant of it , or that they walked against their light : but accordiug to the dispensing of those times we judge as they were visible beleevers , so they walked in that church fellowship which god prescribed ; and therefore if circumcision had been the seale of such church-covenant as you conceive , it should have been given to them no lesse then to abrahams family . but of this sufficient is said before . as for baptisme it is the seal of the whole covenant , which the passages quoted prove it to be . whether it be the seale of our fellowship which christ in affliction , and the resurrection of our bodies , we leave it to your consideration : but that it should be a seal of a church-covenant which is peculiar to confederates , that to us is very strange . that it is a solemne admission into the church of christ , and that of necessitie it must be administred in a particular societie ( though in the passage to the corinthians the mysticall bodie of christ be understood ) will easily be granted . but that it is the seale of any other covenant but the covenant of grace we cannot digest . the sacraments are of god , and we must learne of god for what end and use they were ordained . but by the institution of baptisme recorded in scripture we have learned it belongeth to the faithfull , to disciples , to them that are called of god : and as for any other covenant necessarie to the right participation of the seales , there is deep silence of it in the institution , in the lawfull and approved practise of the first dispensers of these sacred mysteries . enough hath been said to this matter alreadie , but we will conclude it with the words of that reverend author whom we have cited many times before upon occasion . afterwards ( saith he ) john the baptist walked in the same steps , and by the same rule administred baptisme in the church whereof he was a member , required of all that came to his baptisme a profession of repentance , and amendment of life for remission of sinnes whereof baptisme was a seale , and preached christ to them . this order our lord jesus christ after his resurrection established to continue in the christian churches , giving a commission to his disciples to preach the gospel to the gentiles , and to gather all such as should beleeve through the world , as a testimonie to them , that the righteousnesse of faith did belong to them also , and not to the church of the jews onely . accordingly the apostles and servants of christ were carefull to observe this rule in their administring baptisme . thus peter when he saw those three thousand souls pricked in their hearts , preached unto them concerning repentance , remission of sin , christ , the promise , baptisme , faith , amendment of life , baptised those that gladly received his word , and testified the same by joyning together in the prosession thereof . the same course philip took with the church that was gathered in samaria , where many were baptized , but none till they professed their beliefe of the gospel , and their receiving of the word of god. and therefore it is said expresly , when they beleeved philip preaching the things concerning the kingdome of god , and the name of jesus christ , they were baptised both men and women . when ananias was commanded to go and baptise paul , he objected against it at first , till the lord assured him that he was one to whom the seale of the covenant belonged , and then he went and did it . when peter and those that came with him saw that the holy ghost fell on cornelius , and those that were assembled at that time in his house , whilest he spake these words , to him give all the prophets witnesse , that through the name of jesus whosoever beleeveth on him shall receive remission of sinnes . peter demanded , can any man forbid water that these should not be baptised , which have received the holy ghost as well as we ? in this catalogue we see profession of faith and repentance required in them that were admitted to partake in the seals ; but there is not a word of church-covenant , either in the institution or administration of the seales before they were admitted to them . that christians are solemnly ingrafted into the body of christ , and into particular societies by the seales , is a truth acknowledged on all sides : but that ever it was deemed necessarie , that a christian should be a set member of a particular congregationall church before he were admitted to the seales , or that by divine institution any such thing is ordained as necessarie thereunto , that upon the grounds before mentioned we denie , and cannot account it lesse then an addition to the institution . for if the sacraments be seales of the covenant of grace , and baptisme by divine institution belong to disciples , faithfull , saints , who have gladly received the word of grace , are justified by faith , sanctified by the spirit , adopted to be the children of god by grace , and heires apparent to the kingdom of heaven ; then to debarre such from the seales , and their seed from baptisme , because they be not in church-covenant ( as you speake ) is an addition to the ordinance of grace , and many wayes injurious to the people of god. v. position . that the power of excommunication is so in the body of the church , that what the major part shall allow must be done , though the pastors and governors and the rest of the assembly be of another minde , and that peradventure upon more substantiall reasons . answer . if the question had been , whether the power of excommunication lies in the body of the congregation , consisting of officers and members ; our answer should be affirmative , and according hereunto is also our practise , and wee hope your judgement and ours are not different herein : but seeing the question is , whether it is so in the body of the congregation , that what the major part doth allow that must be done , though the pastors and governors , and the rest of the assembly , doe dissent upon more substantiall reasons . our answer is negative , viz. that the power of excommunication is not sealed in the congregation , neither ought it to be so in any of the churches of the lord jesus , who ought not to carry matters by number of votes against god , as this position implyeth , but by strength of rule and reason according to god. the power of the apostles was not to doe things against the truth but for the truth , cor. . and not for destruction , but for edification , cor. . . and the same may be said concerning the power which god hath given to the church , and if any church among us have swerved from the rule ( which is more then we know ) we doe not allow them in such a practise , but should be ready as the lord should helpe to convince them of their sin therein . reply . this question is much mistaken , for the demand is not whether in the congregation matters should be carryed by number of votes against god , as you interpret the position , but whether the power of excommunication so lye in the body of the congregation as that sentence must proceed in externoforo , according to the vote and determination of the major part , and so whether power of admission of members doe so reside in the communitie , as that they must be refused whom the major part refuse , though the pastors and governors and part of the congregation be of another judgement , and he admitted whom the major part doth approve . and though the church hath received no power against god , but for god , yet in the execution of the power no doubt the members of that church may be of different judgements and affections , wherein the one side or other doth erre , and is deceived . now the question hereupon moved is , whether the power of the keyes be so given and committed to the society of the faithfull , as that in externall court that act or sentence must stand and be in force which the greater part shall determine amongst them which hold the power of the keyes to be given to the church . some a distinguish betwixt the power it self which they give to the church , and the execution and exercise of it , which they confine to the presbytery : b others give the power of the keyes with the exercise thereof to the whole body of the church , or if in the dispensation they attribute any thing to the officers , it is but as servants of the church , from whom they derive their authoritie . by church also some understand the communitie of the faithfull , together with their officers and guides . and here lyeth the stone at which they of the seperation stumble , and which we conceive to be your judgement and practise , wherein we required your plaine answer , with your reasons , but have received no satisfaction . you referre us to mr. parkers reasons to prove the power of the keyes to belong to the whole church , who are of farre different judgement from mr. parker in the point it selfe . and if your judgement and practise be according to that of the seperation ( which we feare ) you dissent from him , and we cannot but dissent from you upon these considerations . . no power agreeth to the multitude or communitie of the faithfull , but that which is given them of the lord by his positive law ; for the whole spirituall power for the gathering and government of his church is given to christ as mediator . and if the power of the keyes be derived from , and communicated by christ unto his church , of necessitie it must draw its originall from divine positive law , and can agree to none but as it is communicated . but the communicated power of the keyes with the execution thereof , christ hath not given immediately to the whole multitude , but to some persons and officers designed and appointed thereunto . peruse the severall passages of scripture , wherein power and authoritie of preaching the gospel , administring the sacraments , binding and loosing is given to the church : and it is apparent that distinct severall persons are spoken of , and not the whole communitie ; goe teach all nations , and baptize them , &c. whose sinnes yee remit , they are remitted , &c. feed my lambes , feed my sheepe , &c. were these things spoken to the whole communitie , or to speciall persons ? . if christ gave this power to the communitie , was it from the beginning of the church , or tooke it effect after the churches were planted and established by the apostles . not the first , for then the apostles themselves should derive their power from the communitie and societie of the faithfull , which they did not , but from christ immediately , both in respect of gifts and graces , their calling it selfe , and the designation of their persons . it is said the power of the keyes given to the apostles was given to the church , in tuitu ejusdem tanquam finis & totius . and it is true the apostles were given to the church , and the power they received was for the good of the whole ; but this is not enough . that power may be said to be received immediately by the church , as the first receptacle of it , and from it derived to others . but this power must be in the communitie as the first subject , from whom it commeth to the officers . as the power of seeing is not onely given in tuitu hominis , as the end of it , and the totum to whom it agreeth , but is in homine as the first subject from which it commeth to the eyes . the apostles and other governors were given of christ for the church as for their end , and all their authoritie was given unto them for the church as for the whole : but the authoritie it selfe was immediately derived from christ , and is not in the church as the immediate subject , nor derived from the church , but from christ the king of the church . the authoritie of governors is given of christ for a gift to the church , but not for a gift absolute , that it may reside in the power of the whole church , to whom it is given , but for a conditionall gift communicated to the governors themselves for the good of the whole . it is one thing then to aske for what end or use the keyes are given , another to whom . to every one is given the declaration of the spirit for profit , i. e. for the good of the church . but was this gift given to the communitie of the faithfull first and immediately ? no ; by gift and possession it was given to some , but for use and profit it was publick . after the churches were established it tooke not effect ; for then it must be shewed where christ committed the power of god , first to the apostles , and after to the communitie of the faithfull . but that is no where to be found in holy scripture . the ministers and guides of the church were immediately of jesus christ , from whom immediately they derive their power and authoritie , by whom they are set over their charge , in whose name they must execute their office , whose stewards , legates and ambassadors they are , and unto whom they must give an account . yea , pastorship is the gift of christ no lesse then apostleship , and that the more because it is perpetuall in the church ; every pastor is not immediately called , but the office and order of pastors , the calling , authoritie and jurisdiction is immediately from christ , and not from the church : the steward is appointed of the master of the family alone , and hath all his authoritie and jurisdiction from him : every ambassador in the cause of his ambassage doth immediately depend upon him from whom he is sent . but if the function , order and authoritie of pastors and teachers , be immediately from christ , then it is not received from the church as the immediate receptacle . thus protestant divines dispute against papists . if bishops receive their power and authority of exercising immediately from christ , by mandate , mission , and commission from him , then they derive it not from the pope . and if presbyters receive their order jurisdiction and power of execution from christ by his mandate and commission , then they receive it not from the bishop . and by the same reason , if the power of the keyes be the immediate gift of christ to his ministers , then they derive not their power and authoritie from the people . it is usually objected that the church cannot convey what she never had , but the people may elect their pastor . whereunto the answer is direct and plaine . nothing can give that which it had not formally or virtually , unlesse it give it as an instrument ministring to one who hath it , but so it may give what it never had , nor is capable of . a steward may give all the offices in his masters house , as ministerially executing his masters pleasure . electors have not evermore authoritie over him whom they elect : but power and authoritie onely to apply that power to him whom they choose . the power and authoritie whereunto a minister is elected , is not in the people that elect him , but from christ the king and head of his church , who out of power doth conferre that office upon him . if we consider what men give , or give not universally , it must be deemed that any men can make ministers , because they give not the office , gifts , or authoritie , which are from christ alone . . if ecclesiasticall and spirituall power be in the multitude and community of the faithfull , the church doth not onely call , but make officers out of power and vertue received into her selfe , and then should the church have a true lordlike power in regard of her ministers . for as he that will derive authority to the church maketh himselfe lord of the church : so if the church derive authoritie to the ministers of christ , she maketh herself lady and mistris over them in the exercise of that authoritie over them . for all men know it is the property of the lord and master to impart authoritie . did the church give power and authoritie to the pastors and teachers , she might make the sacraments and preaching which one doth in order no sacraments , no preaching . for it is the order instituted of god that gives being and efficacie to these ordinances . and if the power of ruling , feeding , and dispensing the holy things of god , do reside in the faithfull , the word and sacraments in respect of dispensation and efficacie shall depend upon the order and institution of the societie . if the power of the keyes be derived from the community of the faithfull , then are officers immediately and formally servants to the church , and must do every thing in the name of the church , rule , feed , bind , loose , remit and retaine sinnes , preach and administer the sacraments , then they must performe their office according to the direction of the church more or lesse , seldome or frequent , remisse or diligent . for from whom are they to receive direction how to carry themselves in their office but from him or them from whom they receive their office , whose works they do , and from whom they expect their reward ? if their power and office be of god immediately , they must do the duties of their place according to his designement , and to be accountable unto god : but if their power and function be from the church , the church must give account unto god , and the officers unto the church whom she doth take to be her helpers . if it be said that god will have the church to chuse officers to execute the power committed unto her . the answer is , either god will have her elect officers of his designement to do his work according to that power which he shall give them , and by his direction , and then they are god servants , and not the churches , and receive their charge and function immediately from god , and not from the people : or he leaveth it to the arbitriment of the church , to chuse according to their pleasure such as must receive charge and authoritie from her . and then they must execute their office in her name so as shall seeme good unto the church , and neither longer nor otherwise . for if the ministers of the church be subject to god and christ by the intervention of the people onely , they have it from them , and not from god : but they preach or administer the sacraments , rule , or feed , and if they depend immediately upon the faithfull , viz. two or three gathered together in covenant , they must draw what in order they are to preach unto them in the name of the lord ; for from him must the ambassadour learne his arrand from whom he receiveth his commission . we forbeare to presse the a confessions and reasons of such as maintaine this opinion , that the officers of christ be both of and for the people , and that in relation as the officers are called servants , the church may be called lord. . moreover if the power of the keyes be given first and immediately to the community of the faithfull , what reason can be alledged why in defect of officers the church might not rule , governe , feed , bind , loose , preach and administer the sacraments , or if any faile in any office , why she might not supply that want by her power . for the power of the keyes doth containe , both authority and exercise , power being given to this end , that it might be exercised as it is vouchsafed . but the church when she is destitute of officers , cannot exercise those acts of rule , nor by her power supply the want of any officer . onely she hath a ministery of calling one whom christ hath described , that from christ he may have power of office given him in the vacant place . for these reasons ( not to insist on any more ) we judge the multitude or community of the faithfull not to be the immediate receptacle of ecclesiasticall authoritie , and so the power of excommunication not to belong to them . if consent of the churches of god be asked in this point ( to omit others ) the churches of scotland speake fully and expresly for us , in the second book of disci . cap. . the church as it is taken for them that exercise spirituall functions in the congregation of them that professe the truth , hath a certain power granted by god according to which , it useth a proper jurisdiction and government exercised to the comfort of the whole flocke . power is an ecclesiasticall authority granted by god the father through the mediator jesus christ unto his kirke , gathered , and having its ground in the word of god , and to be put in execution by them unto whom the spirituall government of the church by lawfull calling is committed . the policie of the kirke flowing from this power is an order or spirituall forme of government which is exercised by the members appointed thereto by the word of god , and therefore is given immediately to the office-bearers by whom it is exercised to the weale of the whole body . vt universam scripturam evolvat d. erastus , nunquam tamen inventurum verba ligandi , & solvendi aliis quam publico ministerio fungentibus , & quidem met aphoricè , divinae videlicet & spiritualis potestatis respectu , tribui . sunt enim judicialia haec verba . &c. beza de presb. p . see helvet . conf . ca. . sect. nunc ergo , &c. belgic . confess . art . . argentinens . conf . art . . bohem. confes . art . vi. position . that none are to be admitted as members but they must promise not to depart or remove unlesse the congregation will give leave . answer . our answer hereto is briefly this . we judge it expedient and most according to rule , that such brethren as are in covenant with the church , and ours as fellow-members , and have committed their soules to our charge as ministers , should not forsake our fellowship , nor obruptly breake away from us when and whither they please ; but first approve themselves therein to their brethrens consciences , and take their counsell in so weightie a matter . for which we propound to confider these two reasons following . the former is drawne from the nature of the church-covenant , which consists in these foure particulars . . every member at his admission doth openly professe , and solemnly promise , that by christs helpe assisting , he will not onely in generall give up himselfe ( as to the lord to be guided by him , so ) to the church according to god to be directed by it , which is no more then the members of the church of macedonia , did in a parallel case , cor. . . but also in particular , that he will performe all duties of brotherly love and faithfulnesse to all the members of the body , as of diligent watchfulnesse over all his brethren , thereby to prevent sin , so of faithfull admonition after their falls to regaine them to the lord , from their sinne , the former being injoyned , hebr. . . and the want thereof deeply condemned in cain , that would not acknowledge that duty of being his brothers keeper , gen. . . the latter given in charge to the church-members of israel by the hand of moses , levit. . . and so by christ himself , matth. . . and by paul also to the galat. c. . , . secondly , the ingagements are not made onely by the members admitted into the church , but by the church back again to the member . so that thereby the whole church in generall , and every member thereof in particular , stand as well in conscience bound to performe all duties of love and watchfulnesse to him , as he doth to them ; and this we do according to the golden rule of love and equitie injoyned by our saviour , matth. . . fearing that contrary practise of scribes and pharisees so much condemned by christ , of laying greater burthens upon others , then we our selves are willing to undergo . matth. . . . these promises thus lawfully and mutually made , that member , as also the whole church , are bound not onely every one for himselfe , actively to performe them , but passively also to suffer his brethren to do those offices upon and towards himself : if he neglect the former , he shall falsifie his covenant so solemnly before god , angels , and men made , and so not onely breake promise to his brother , contrary to psal . . . but also in some sort commit the sinne of ananias and saphira in lying against the holy ghost , condemned and punished severely by gods own hand , act. . . . . if he faile in the latter , he shall not onely be guiltie of the same sinne of breach of covenant with god and man as in the former ; but shall also be guilty of this folly of despising counsell so much condemned , prov. . . and . . and shall also proclaime this his folly and pride by shewing to all the church that he is wise in his own eyes , and leanes to his own wisedome both reproved , prov. . . and . . seeing need of no further light to be held forth by his brethren , then what he apprehends himselfe , which is one of the greatest properties of folly . . from all these things premised , it appears that we can do no lesse ( and yet we do no more ) then require a member before he depart according to our covenant thus lawfully , deliberately , and mutually made , to expresse to his brethren his desire of departing , and the place and societie to which he tends , whether to a godly church where he may be edified ; or to some corrupt assembly where he may be destroyed . and . his grounds and reasons which move him so to do , which if they hold good being scanned by the word , he may be not onely confirmed in his way by the consent and advise of many , but counselled also how to manage his departure for his best comfort . and so after all , solemnly with the whole churches prayers , and blessings in the name of christ dismissed : but if his grounds either be none at all , or weake and sinfull , and that his desire of departing savours of self-will , inordinate love of gaine , rash precipitancie , or a spirit of schisme , more strongly then of sound reason , then what can we do lesse without breach of covenant , then in love and tendernesse shew him his weaknesse , disswade him from his purpose , and refuse to consent . yet if after all this we see his spirit stedfastly and stiffely bent for a departure , then though we dare not act against our light by consenting or counselling , yet if his finne be not apparent , and danger eminent , we use rather ( through indulgence in cases of like nature ) to suspend our vote against him , as not willing against his will to detain him , abhorring to make our churches places of restraint and imprisonment . but if any should object that this argument holds firme where this church-covenant is allowed to be lawfull , but with some it is questioned , and with them it avails not . ans . some indeed have questioned the necessitie of our church-covenant , but none ( we hope ) of these our reverend brethren that we write unto do question the lawfulnesse of such a covenant being nothing else for the matter of it , but a promise of doing such christian duties as the gospel of christ requires of all saints in church-estate ; for we doe not herein promise to performe any new dutie to our brethren which was not before commanded us of the lord , but onely revive and renew our purposes afresh of performing such duties unto that particular body into which we are then incorporated as were before injoyned in the word , as to love each other , and to watch over each other out of love for their good , to be ready to give counsell to , and to take counsell from each other , to prevent sinne in them , or to gaine them from sinne . all which are plentifully and frequently held forth in the scriptures ; for the defect of which care and watchfulnesse , all the body shall be wrapt in the same guilt & punishment with the member that commits the sinne , as the whole church of israel was in achans sinne and punishment . secondly , it s a thing very reasonable , and a knowne fundamentall rule in all societies , that he that is incorporate thereto , and so participates of the priviledges thereof , should ingage himselfe to conforme to all such lawfull rites and orders as are expedient for the well being of that societie , the contrary whereto will be a thing injurious in him to offer , and confusion to themselves to accept . the second ground is drawne from the necessitie that may fall upon the body if every particular member should depart at his owne pleasure . for as every societie , so much more a church of saints , both from principles of nature and christianitie also , not onely lawfully may , but in dutie are bound to endeavour the preservation of it selfe , and ergo timely to foresee and wisely to prevent all such things as would bring destruction to it selfe . now if any member might , when , whither , and wherefore he please without consent of the church depart away from it , this may by unavoydable consequence dissipate the whole ; for if one man may so depart , why may not another also , though never so usefull in that body , and whose absence might much shake the well-being of it : and if one why not two , six , ten , twent● as well ? for where will yee stop seeing any may plead the same libertie , and if members may so doe why not the pastor and teacher also ? seeing they are tyed to him by the same relation that he is to them , and so the principalls falling , the whole building must downe : and if this may be so in one church , why not in all , and so christ should have no setled church on earth . reply . it is one thing abruptly to breake away when and whither they please , and forsake fellow-ship , another thing not to depart or remove habitation , unlesse the congregation will give leave . also it is one thing mutually to compound and agree not to depart from each other without consent and approbation , another to require a promise of all that be admitted into societie , that they shall not depart without the churches allowance . if such a promise be required of all members to be admitted , we cannot discerne upon what grounds your practise is warranted . first , you exclude all such as be not set members from the sacrament of the supper , and their children from baptisme , and yet hinder them from entrance into church societie , because they cannot promise continuance in the place where they are resident for the present . here we desire to be satisfied from the word of god by what you require it . did the apostles ever stipulate with such as desired to be baptized , that they must abide in particular societie , and not remove thence without approbation from the church ? or did they deny the seales unto them , because they could not make any such promise ? was it ever heard of in the church of god from the beginning thereof unto this day , that any such thing was propounded unto , or required of , members to be admitted into church-fellowship ? that church covenant which is necessary was not in use in the apostles times , but the covenant they entred into bound no man to this condition for ought we reade . they did not prescribe it , no church ever yet covenanted it as necessary to the preservation of the body . secondly , it pertaines not to the whole congregation to take notice of , be acquainted with , or judge of the cause of every particular members removall . may not a servant remove from his master to another congregation ? or the father bestow his sonne or daughter in marriage to one of another congregation , but the whole church must be called to councell in this matter ? if the assembly once grow to be populous , of necessitie they must be negligent in , or weary of such an heavy taske ; and for the present , for every one to challenge so much authoritie over other is usurpation . let it be shewed that ever by divine right this power was committed to the church , and then we will confesse it to be expedient and necessary . but till then we thinke the church is over ridged in exacting such a condition of the members , and the members themselves goe beyond their measure as busi-bodies in other mens matters , and things whereof they are not well able to judge many times , if they arrogate such power unto themselves wee allow not rashnesse , or precipitancy , pride or self-conceitednesse , we know it is meete that weightie matters should be mannaged by councell , but it is not necessary to bring every particular thing to the whole church . in the multitude of councellors there is peace , but over many councellors oft causeth distraction , and different apprehensions breed delayes . the nature of your church-covenant , as you describe it , inferreth not a necessitle of bringing every such businesse unto the church ; for you binde your selves mutually to watch over one another , and in love to admonish one another in the lord , to prevent sinne and to encourage in well-doing , as it concerneth every man within the limits of his place and calling . but this essentially tyeth not any man to a perpetuall residence in one place , for then even occasionall absence should be a breach of covenant , unlesse it be by consent and approbation of the church . you say in your covenant you promise to performe no new dutie to your brethren which was not before commanded of the lord , but onely revive and renew your purposes afresh of performing such duties to that particular body into which you are then to be incorporated , as were before injoyned in the word . but in the word of truth , it is not commanded either expresly or by consequent , that no member of a congregation should remove , or occasionally be absent from the place of his habitation , before he have acquainted the church whither he goeth , and upon what occasions , and whether the place be dangerous , where he is likely to be infected ; or safe , where he may be edified . these things are matters of weight and to be undertaken with advice , but the knowledge thereof belongeth not to every particular member of the societie . and the church shall burden her selfe above measure if she take upon her to intermeddle in all such occasions . neither is it safe to commit the determination of such matters ever to the vote of the multitude , or weight of reasons , as they shall apprehend the matter . and if such businesse must be determined on the lords day , and to goe before the administration of the word , sacraments , and almes , least the holy things be polluted by notorious obstinate offenders , wee feare the time appointed for the exercise of religion shall be prophaned with unseasonable disputes . instances might be alledged , if it were a matter to be insisted upon . as for the covenant it selfe which you mutually enter into , if therein you exact nothing but what god requires both for tryall and stipulation , far be it that we should disallow it , but if yee constraine men to meddle with things that belong not to them , and winde them up higher then god would , and straine every thing to the pitch that you seeme here to doe in this branch a godly and sober minde may well pause before he make such promise . all members of the church are not equally necessary to the preservatiō of the whole body ; & if to the removall of some , it were expedient to have the cōsent , not only of the whole society , but of neighbouring societies , ministers especially , it is very much to draw this to the removall or abode of every particular member . and if any man shall not intermeddle with every businesse of this kinde , as questioning whether it doth belong to him or no , or not aske the advice of the whole societie , as knowing the most to be unfit to counsell in such a case , doth he break his covenant therein , and so commit a sinne in a sort like the sinne of ananias and saphira ? judge your selves if in other cases you would not censure this to be an high incroachment upon christian libertie , and a strict binding of mens consciences by humane constitutions . may you not expect to heare from your own grounds that herein you have devised an expedient , or necessary rite or custome to preserve the unitie , and prevent the dissolution of the body , which never came into the minde of the lord jesus , the saviour of the church , and that in so doing ( if your exposition will hold good ) you breake the second commandement . rites and customes expedient to prevent confusion for the time , let them be observed as customes expedient , and what god requires in the examination or admission of members , let that take place according to the presidents given in the scriptures , and the constant practise of the universall church in the purest times . but to presse customes onely expedient for the time , as standing rules necessary at all times , and for all persons , to put that authoritie into the hands of men which god never put upon them , to oblige men to intermeddle further in the affaires of men , then the word doth warrant , to binde the conscience , and that under so heavy a penalty as the sinne of ananias and saphira , where god hath not bound it , and to debarre known and approved christians from the seales of the covenant , because they cannot promise as setled members to abide and stay in the societie , unlesse they shall obtaine leave of the congregation to depart , and to charge them in the meane season to be men , who against light refuse subjection to the gospel ; this is that which we cannot approve , which yet wee suspect will follow from your judgement , and desire to be resolved of in your practise . and here we intreat leave to put you in minde of that which you have considered already , schil . that the church and every member thereof hath entred into covenant , either expresly or implicitely to take god for their god , and to keepe the words of the covenant and doe them , to seeke the lord with all their hearts , and to walke before him in truth and uprightnesse : but we never finde that they were called to give account of the worke of grace wrought in their soules , or that the whole congregation were appointed to be judge thereof . you stand all of you this day ( saith moses ) before the lord your god , &c. that thou shouldst enter into covenant with the lord thy god. all the people that were borne in the wildernesse joshua circumcised , but it is incredible to thinke that among that great multitude , there was not one who did not give good testimony of the worke of grace in his soule : we reade often times that israel after some grievous fall and revolt , renewed their covenant , to walke with god , to serve him onely , and to obey his voyce , as in the dayes of joshua , the judges , david , samuel : also joash , josiah , and nehemiah , &c. but no particular enquiry was made , what worke of grace god had wrought in the hearts of every singular person . but the confession and profession of obedience was taken . when john baptist began to preach the gospel , and gather a new people for christ , he admitted none to baptisme but upon confession of their sinnes ; but we reade of no question that he put forth unto them to discover the worke of grace in their soules , or repelled any that voluntarily submitted themselves upon that pretence . it appeareth many wayes that when the apostles planted churches , they made a covenant between god and the people whom they received . but they received men upon the profession of faith , and promise of amendment of life , without strict in quirie what sound work of grace was wrought in the soul . in after ages , strangers from the covenant were first instructed in the faith , and then baptised upon the profession of faith , and promise to walk according to the covenant of grace . now the profession at first required of all that were received to baptisme was that they beleeved in the father , sonne , and holy ghost . this was the confession of the eunuch when he was baptised , i beleeve that jesus christ is the sonne of god. the creed is honoured of the ancients with glorious titles , as the rule of faith , the summe of faith , the body of faith , the perswasions of faith : but by the creed they understand that rule of faith , and law of faith , and institution of christ which was then given when he was about to ascend into heaven , and commanded his disciples , saying , go teach all nations , &c. it is true , that in after times as occasion required some other articles were added as explanations of the former , to meet with the heresies of the times which began to trouble the church . but for substance of matter in things to be beleeved , the church never required other acknowledgement of them that were to be received into the congregation of christs flock , and admitted into her communion . and for things to be done , or the practicall part , she requireth of them that were to be received to baptisme an abrenuntiation of the devill , the world , and the flesh , with all their sinfull works and lusts . the first principles then of the doctrine of christ being received , and the foresaid profession being made , the apostles , and the church following the example of the apostles , never denied baptisme unto such as sought or desired it . if this be the covenant that members admitted into church-fellowship do enter into , and this be all you require of them whom you receive , you have the practise of the apostles , and the whole church in after ages for your president . but if you proceed further then thus , and put men to declare what worke of grace god hath wrought in their soul , in this or that way , which perhaps is not determined by the word of grace , at least not agreed upon among your selves , we beseech you consider by what authority you do it , and upon what grounds you stand . but we will enter no further upon this matter , because it comes not within the compasse of these positions , and to attribute so much to private letters , as to make them the ground of another dispute we may not . vii . position . that a minister is so a minister of a particular congregation , that if they dislike him unjustly , or leave him , he ceaseth to be a minister . answer . our answer to this consists in two branches . . in case a minister be set aside by the church meerly through his own default . . by the churches default without any desert of his . in the former case it is evident he ceaseth to be a minister to them any longer , as appears in foure conclusions . . it is cleare from the word , that a pastor or teacher in these dayes hath no apostolicall power over all churches , but onely limited to that one church where god hath set him . paul gives not the elders at ephesus a generall commission to go teach all churches , but to go feed that one flock over which the holy ghost hath made them over-seers . act. . . so peter gives direction to elders to feed that flock of god onely which was among them , and take the over-sight thereof . pet. . . . it is as cleare that all this power of feeding which the minister hath in that church is nextly derived to him from christ by the church , who hath solemnly called him to the work , and promised to obey him therein : for if he have it elsewhere , it must be either from christ immediately , or from some other men deputed by christ to conferre it on him , or he must take it up of himselfe . not the first , for that was proper to the apostles or apostolicall men , therefore paul proving his apostleship , saith he was called not of men , nor by men , but by jesus christ himself . gal. . . not the second , for we never read in gods word that any ordinary officers , or other besides the church , that had any commission given them from christ to call ministers unto churches . not the third , for no man taketh this honour , viz. of a priest under the law , or of a minister under the gospel , but he that is called of god , hebr. . . therefore it must needs be from christ by the church . . as the church in the name of christ gave this power to a minister to be what he is , and do what he doth amongst them : when such a minister shall make and manifest himself apparently , unworthy , and unfit to discharge the place , which they thus called him unto , so that they may discerne that christ the head of the church hath refused him , from being a minister unto him , they may then upon as good grounds depose him from it , as they called him to it . . when a church hath thus in christs name put forth this power of shutting , as before it did of opening to a minister , then he must cease to be a minister unto them any more , for we know no such indelible character imprinted upon a minister , that the ministery ceasing , the minister ceaseth also . . in case the church shall without cause , or sufficient weightie cause , rashly or wilfully set him aside whom christ hath set over them , and whom they so solemnly called , and promised before the lord to submit unto , and so abuse their power given them by christ ; it is doubtlesse a very great wrong unto the minister , and sinne against christ himselfe before whom it was done ; and not onely christ himself will take it ill at their hands , for such contempt done to him in his ministers according to christs speech , luke . . he that rejecteth you , rejecteth me . and gods speech , sam. . . they have not cast off thee but me . but even other churches also may admonish them . and if they prove obstinate therein , withdraw the right hand of fellowship from them ; and concerning the minister himself thus deposed , seeing it is done not by christ , but by the church without christ , yea against the mind of christ , we conceive though he be by them deprived of the execution of his ministery among them , yet untill he accepts of a call to another people , he doth yet still remain a minister of christ , in whose account ( notwithstanding such deposition ) he hath true right of administration among that people . reply . the question is of ministers unjustly forsaken , or driven from the church or congregation : and your answer is for the most part of ministers set aside or deprived through their own default . we never purposed to speak one word for any unworthy minister whom christ hath put out of office , and therefore your labour to prove that such justly rejected by the church are no longer ministers might well have been saved . but sitting them aside , we will in few words examine your conclusions upon which you bind the certainty of that sentence you passe against them . first , it is certain and clear from the word , that a pastor or teacher neither in these dayes hath , nor in any other age of the church , ought to have apostolicall power over all churches . the apostles had onely power to serve the church with the personall service of their apostleship . but pastorall power of ordinarie ministers or teachers they never had : and if the apostles had not the power of ordinarie ministers , much lesse can pastors receive the power of apostles , for christ gave both the one and the other order . but as the apostles were not pastors of that church to which they preached , and among whom they continued for some space ; no more do pastors become apostles if they preach the word , or dispence the sacraments to another flock or people beside their own , whereof they have the speciall oversight . but of this matter we have spoken before , and of the texts of scripture here alledged , therefore we will not repeat what hath been said alreadie : onely it seemeth somewhat strange , that you should cite those texts of scripture , as if the apostle had said , feed one flock , or feed that flock of god onely . for we find the word ( one ) or ( onely ) neither in the text expresly , nor in the sense for which it is here alledged , viz. as if he might not perform any ministeriall act in another congregation upon any occasion whatsoever . secondly , the power of feeding which the minister hath is neither confined to one societie onely , nor nextly derived to him from christ by the church . the office and authoritie of a pastor is immediately from christ . the deputation of the person which christ hath designed is from the church ministerially , but neither virtually nor formally . the consent of the people is requisite in the election of pastors and teachers we grant , the direction of the elders going before or along with them ; but the authoritie , office , and gift of a pastor is not from the people or elders , but from christ alone . when an apostle was to be chosen in the place of judas , act. . , . no one had the handling of that businesse , but peter declared unto the brethren present , what an one ought to be taken , and they present two , whereof one was elected by lot . in this example somethings are extraordinarie , for one onely was to be chosen , and that immediately by god himselfe : and somethings ordinarie for our imitation . for if peter would do nothing without consent of the disciples , thenmay not ordinarie elections be passed without consent and approbation of the church , but it is not a popular election , not governed by the fore-direction of elders , which is concluded from this passage of scripture : but a church election by the free consent , and judgement of the faithfull with the fore-leading of the presbyterie . when deacons were to be chosen , act. . . . in the church of jerusalem , it was done by the consent of the church . the mutinie of the hellenists against the hebrews occasioned that election , but was no cause why it was made by free consent . the apostles shew what persons must be chosen , and who ever thought the church was left at libertie to chuse as she please without direction . but in this election the people did first chuse , the apostles onely directing whom the people ought to make choice of : when most commonly the apostles instructed the people , and went before them in the election , and they consented . act. . . the apostles by consent chose elders , and so in every matter of great importance belonging directly to the whole bodie of the church , whether severally in one congregation , or joyntly in many , the consent of the faithfull by observation of the apostles was required . act. . . and . . and . . cor. . . but in the primitive times after the apostles , one church might elect and chuse a pastor for another . as ignatius exhorts the phyladelphians , that they would elect a pastor for the church of antioch . and so when the east church was infected with arrianisme , basil . epist . . . . thought it a fit meanes to remove the heresie , if the bishops of italie being sent thither did condemne the heresie , and he imploreth the aid of the bishops of italy , france , and all the east . cyprian saith , all bishops sunt mutuae concordiae glutine copulati : that if any hold heresie the rest should help . it would be too long to reckon up examples which in this case might be produced . if here it be questioned whether your election of the people be essentiall to the calling of a minister : we answer . . a thing is essentiall two wayes . first , as absolutely necessarie , so that the thing can have no existence without it . secondly , as necessarie to the integritie of the thing , so that it is maimed without it . againe , either the people be few in number , and simple apt to be led aside , unable to judge of the sufficiencie of their minister , or they be more in number , increased in wisdome , sound in faith , and able to discern betwixt things that differ . in the first sense the election of the people is not necessary or essentiall ; but in the second we cannot say he is no minister that is not chosen by the people , but his calling in that respect is maimed . if the people be few and simple , apt to be deceived , they stand in more need of guidance and direction , both from their own elders , and other churches . if the people be many in number , full of wisdome and understanding , their libertie to choose is the greater ; and it is the greater wrong to be deprived of it . the practise of the apostles and the primitive churches for many ages will confirme this ; for sometimes men were propounded to the church to be chosen : sometimes the choice was wholly left to them : and was not that for our direction , that more libertie is given where the danger is lesse , and more restraint and caution used where the danger is more apparent , that if they be left to themselves , either an ill or unfit choice will be made ? in reason this is evident , for the childs consent is required in marriage , but the more able he is to choose for himselfe , the more libertie may parents grant , the lesse able , the more watchfull must they be ; and so in this businesse . brotherly societie requires that we mutually exhort , admonish , reprove and comfort each other as occasion requires , and as need requires . it is a dutie of neighbour-churches to lend their helpe to their brethren in the choice and election of their minister . when the scripture willeth that one should admonish another , it is not onely a command to every singular man towards his fellow , but also to any whole company too : another societie bellarmine asketh , quo jure unus populus episcopum alterius populi elegere potest ? junius answereth ; certe charitatis jure & communione sanctorum . and paul when he teacheth that all the faithfull are members of one mysticall body of christ , who ought to have a mutuall care one of another , laid the foundation of this policie . it is a blemish in the calling of a minister , if either the people be not fit to choose , or being fit they be shut forth from the choice , but this maime doth not make a nullitie in his calling ; for in every true church where the word is preached and received , and the sacraments for substance rightly administred , there is a true and lawfull ministery , and a true and lawfull calling of that ministery , though in some things defective . in the church of god all sound and saving truth is to be found , for it is the pillar and ground of truth , and where the true profession of all saving truth , with the right use of the sacraments for substance is to be found , there is the church , which ordinarily cannot be had , maintained and continued without a lawfull ministery , nor that without a calling . the saving truth of god & a lawfull ministery , are both essentiall to a true church . something of this remaines in every compleat societie that hath any thing of the church ; and for essence and substance they are true in every true , lawfull , compleat societie . the profession of the truth may be true and sound in all necessary and fundamentall points , though mixed with diverse errors , and the ministery for truth and substance lawfull , though many wayes deficient . in the true church there is a true ministery , but the true church hath continued there by the blessing of god , where the election of ministers hath been given away by the people , or taken from them . in the primitive church , when the people had a voyce in the choice of their pastor , oftentimes there were factions in the church , the people stood against their guides and challenged the whole power of election to themselves . sometimes they were divided among themselves . sometimes they gave away their power , at least in part , and sometimes ministers were set over them without their councell and advice , whose ministery notwithstanding was not reputed voyde and of none effect . if it be objected that many things were amisse in those primitive elections , what will follow thence , but that the ministery may be lawfull and good , where there be many wants in the manner of calling ? if this be not granted , what shall be done when the people and their elders be divided in the choice of a fit officer . if the people prevaile against their elders , he whom they choose is no minister to them , because not chosen by their suffrages : if the elders against the people , he whom they approve is no minister unto theirs , because not chosen by their suffrage ; and so if there be dissention they must seperate from , or excommunicate one another , because he is no minister to the one whom the others approve . the orthodox pastors did professe , so that the donatists would returne to the true and apostolicall doctrine , they would not disallow their bishops , that they might understand that catholiques did not detest christian consecration ( as augustine speakes ) by humane error . the high priesthood was bought and sold for money , and sometimes made annuall , and every yeare new high priests created , sicut isti praefecti quos singulis annis promutant reges , as sol : jarchi saith . that as every man would lay out more or lesse money , he should get or lose the priesthood , which may be seene in the examples of jason or menelaus . neverthelesse , so long as the jewes continued the true church of god , the priesthood was true also . the reformed churches who have seperated from the abhominations of rome , professe the first reformers among them received some ordinary calling in the romane synagogue . they that thinke the basest of rome , will acknowledge baptisme unduely administred by priests or jesuites , to be for substance the holy sacrament of christ . and if the baptisme of god may be derived from the ministery , it is no absurditie to thinke that the first seekers of reformation derived authoritie from christ to preach the word and administer the sacraments by them , as stewards used of god to set them in that office : for the seekers of reformation derived their authoritie from god , and that which is instituted by christ , is not made voyde by the corruptions of men . the third and fourth consideration we will passe over , because from what hath been spoken , it is easie to understand in what sense they may be admitted , and in what denyed , and we have no desire to trouble you with the examination of that which falleth not into question . as for the second branch of your answer , that in case the church shall without cause , or without sufficient weightie cause , rashly or wilfully set him aside whom christ hath set over them , yet he still remaines a minister of christ ( untill he accepts of a call from another people ) in whose account , notwithstanding such depositions , he hath true right of administring among that people : we know not well your meaning ; if this be your minde that a minister lawfully called and set over one congregation , is to be esteemed a minister in the usuall church , as the particular church hath unitie with , and is part of the universall or catholique : and as a partie baptized is not baptized into that particular congregation onely , but into all churches ; and that the ministery is one , cujus à singulis in solidum pars tenetur , as cyprian speakes ; and therefore though the minister be unjustly cast off by one congregation , yet he is not to be esteemed as no minister , we freely consent . but if your meaning be that he is onely by right a minister of that particular congregation , because unjustly deposed , as formerly in the execution of his office he was a minister to them onely , and to none other societie whatsoever , or in what respect soever ; your opinion is contrary to the judgement and practise of the universall church , and tendeth to destroy the unitie of the church , and that communion which the churches of god may and ought to have one with another ; for if he be not a minister in other churches , then are not the churches of god one , nor the ministers one , nor the flocke which they feed one , nor the communion one which they have each with other . and if the pastor derive all his authoritie to feede from the church , when the church hath set him aside , what right hath he to administer among that people . if they erre in their deposition , it is true they sinne against christ . but as they give right to an unworthy man to administer among them , if they call him unjustly , so they take right from the worthy if wrongsully they depose him . the minister is for his ministery the office for the execution , and so the pastor and the flocke are relatives : and therefore if their election gave him authoritie among them to seed , their casting him off hath stripped him of the same power which formerly they gave him . and his ministery ceasing , he should cease to be their minister , if he stood as minister onely to that congregation in every respect . whit. depont . q. . sec. . pa. . certe lex naturae & ratio clamitat cujus est instituere ejus est destruere , sive destituere , ad quem institutio pertinet ad eundem destitationem , seu destructionem pertinere . rob. aga . b. p. . if the congregation may chuse and elect their governours , then they may refuse and reprobate them . viii . position . that one minister cannot performe any ministeriall act in another congregation . answer . if you take ministeriall act improperly as sometimes it is taken by some , onely when the minister of one church doth exercise his gifts of praying and preaching in another church , being by themselves so desired . then we answer , in this sense a minister of one church may do a ministeriall act in another , which he doth not perform by vertue of any calling , but onely by his gifts ; and thus upon any occasion we mutually perform those acts one in anothers churches : but if you meane by ministeriall act , such an act of authoritie and power in dispensing of gods ordinance as a minister doth perform to the church , whereunto he is called to be a minister ; then we deny that he can so perform any ministeriall act to any other church but his own , because his office extends no further then his call . for that solemne charge , act. . . is not to feed all flocks , but that one flock onely , over which the holy ghost hath made them over-seers . if the question were propounded to any minister so exercising in an others church , which was once to our saviour by the chief priests and elders : by what power doest thou these things , and who gave thee this authoritie ? let that minister whosoever he be , study how to make an answer . reply . the preaching of the word , publick prayer in the congregation met together solemnly to worship god , and the administration of the sacraments , are acts properly ministeriall ( if any other ) to be performed by power and authoritie from christ , as you acknowledge , for the preaching of the word , and dispensation of the seales in your second consideration . but these acts one minister may performe in another congregation , or towards the members of another church . you know by whom your question hath been propounded touching one ministers exercising in another ministers church , and how it hath been answered ; and if you see more light and truth then formerly , we would desire you substantially to confute what answers some of you have returned to that demand . to admit ( saith mr. j. d. ) those that are known members of another church to communion in the sacraments upon fitting occasions i hold lawfull , and do professemy readinesse to practise accordingly . again , i conceive that ( besides my membership else where , and the right which those churches give to known passants of being admitted to the communion for a short time ) both himself and the whole church acknowledge me for a member with them for the time of my abode in that service , which they testified by desiring the help of my publick labours , and their cheerfull admittance of me to that ordinance during that time without the least scruple . and if a minister may pray , preach , blesse the congregation in the name of the lord , and receive the sacrament with them , being thereunto requested ; we doubt not but by consent of the pastor and the congregation he may lawfully dispense the seals amongst them also as need and occasion requires . that distinction of preaching by office , and exercising his gifts onely , when it is done by a minister , and desired of none but ministers , and that in solemne , set , constant church-assemblies , we cannot find warranted in the word of truth , and therefore we dare not receive it . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e it is truly observed by master davenport out of ambros . offic. l . c. . et quantum libet quisque profecerit , nemo est qui doceri non indigeni dum vi●it . appoll . preface to the reader . wrence these men ( saith cann against robi ) superstitiously addicted to their new devise , that beware how to reject the unanimous judgment and practice of all learned men and true churches . stay against straying . pag. . i am and shall be always ready to give all due respect to those good customes of churches , which are taken upon good warrant and ground , and long continued among gods people . i. d. apol. p. . good customes taken up by the churches upon good grounds should not lightly be broken or laid downe , wherein i doe fully agree with the authour of that elaborate commentary upon the fourth chapter of iohn , i. d. apol. sect. . examina . p. . notes for div a -e this argument is used by the abridgment against conformity to the ceremonies , and we do not see but it is as strong against this liturgy . whereas the publisher of this answer to the six positions , refers the reader to mr. cottons answer unto mr. ball for satisfaction in this point concerning set formes of prayer . the reader is earnestly intreated to compare master balls treatise , and mr cottons answer with seriousnesse and indifferencie , because mr ball having received that answer before the publishing of his treatise ( being much enlarged , whereof mr , cotton was ignorant ) was confident , that with addition of some marginall no●es ( which in reference thereto he added ) his treatise would sufficiently defend it selfe , against all the assaults , which that answer made against it . notes for div a -e we may not communicate at all in that ministery , which is exercised by an unlawfull person or in an unlawful . place robinson against bern. counsell debated p ibid. pag esa . . . ezech ● . , . mic . , . ier. . . esa . , . ioh. . . math . , . & . , . & ▪ . . math. . . & . . see whitak de pontif q . f : . pag. . phil. . . hos . , . sam. . , , , , . ier. . , . mic . , . phil . . helv conf . cap § . & §. , gal. conf . art . arg. conf . art. . saxon. conf . art. zep. de sac l. . c. . art. of religion , hybera . art carlton praelect de ecclesia , cap. . we see no warrant why for every particular act , that in a larger sence is idolatrous , adjoyned to gods true worship , we should forbeare our presence at the true worship it self . unreason . of seperation . answ to . argument . compare what ' master i. d. hath written in defence or excuse in resorting to the assemb . of the separatists , called brownists . apol. sect. . exam . p. ● . & apol. sect. exam . pag. . notes for div a -e rom . cor. . & . rom . gal ● . thess . cor . gal. ● . act . & . & . . eph. . , . acts. . . . gen . . math. . . robins . against bern. reas . discus . pa. . lev . . deut. . . & . . . rom. . deut. . psa . neb. . . act. . . luk. . . cor & . . deut . . . . robin against bern p . act . t it . rob : against bern. act . in the same verse the same persons are called the church disciples , and christians pag. . &c. also pag. ezeck . . see lava●er on ezek math . . ier. . . ios. . rom. . act . as christ is that one great pastor , so hath hee generally one fold and flock , iohn . . ezeck . , which is his church , as he saith . and ye my flock , the flock of my pasture are men , ezek . . aynsw . cant . . sure it is that hee is none of christs sheepe visibly , or in respect of men which is without christs sheepfold , for there is one sheepfold and one sheepheard . iohn . robins against bern likelihoods , p. . hieron . tom . . ep. . nec altera romae urbis ecclesia , alteratotius orbis existimanda est , & gallia , & britannia , & asia , &c. & omnes barbarae nationes unum christum adorant , unam observant regulam veritatis . cor . . col. . . cor. , . cor. . . gal. ● . . phil. . . tim. . . pet. . . pastores sunt omnes , sed grex unus qui ab apostolis omnibus unanimi consensu pascatur . cypr. de unitate ecclesiae . etsi pastores multi sumus , unum tamen gregem pascimus , cypr. l. . epistola . cum sit a christo una ecclesia per totum mundum in multa membra divisa item episcopatus unus episcoporum multorum concordi numero diffusus , &c. cypr. l. . ep. . iohn . . & . & . . a●●anasius may be for an example . gen . . lev. . . apo. . . heb. . . rob. against bern. pa. . rom. . . ● . gen. . . gal. , , , , , rob. against b●r. pa. ● . see mr. i. d. apol. . sect. exam p. . i. d. apol. . sect. exem . pag. , & . bucer . diss . ep pa & ep . pa. . act. . . & . act . . . & . . acts . . & . . & . & . . & . ezra . . , , . act. . & . . , , , , & . . & . . act . . act. act. et . . et . , . acts . & . & . . acts . . robinson against bern p. . euseb h●st l. ● c. ●at . g●ae● . raff . hit de sacra contr de bapt . qu & pag , . a●●ers . of the sacr : l. c fol. . 〈◊〉 de p●es●y● . pag. . act. ● col. . pet . act . ioh. . . & . mark. . . act . & . . rob. against ●ern . p these keyes in d. &c. in the corporation ( the church ) there is alwayes the whole power of christ to residing , which you may call officers for the use of it selfe , to which it is sufficient that it can without officers use this power for things simply necessary ; as for receiving in of members by profession of faith and confession of sins , for edifying of them by exhortation and comforts in the ordinance of prophesying , and so for excommunication . rob. against b. pag. . see rob. against ber. pag. . . . if you call it consultation in an assembly wherein all have equall power and voyce in determining things some one going before the rest idem pag robins against bern. coun. debated , p . ibid. p. . cor. . cor. . . beza de presbyt . & excom . pag. robins against bern. pag. . acts the word of god and canons of councels will have pastors so to care for their own flock , that they forbid them not to care for the whole church , especially in a time of common combustion . the answer of some brethren , pag . publica dei invocatio non minima pars communis in unâ fide consensionis . beza contra erastum , de presbyt pap . . euseb . hist . c. . graec. cham●●● panst . tom . l. . c. . sect. . the churches plea , pag . ap●l pag. & . orig. in isa . hom. . qui vocatur ad episcopatum , vocatur ad servitutem totius ecclesiae . chrysoft . in cor. hom . . vniversae curam gerimus . see cham panstr . tom. . pag. . cap. . sect. , , . &c. jun. animadv . in bellar. contro . . lib. . c. . not . . & cap. not . . act. . . rom. . . phil. . , . & . . ●am . , . act. . . & . & . . & . . cor. . , . esay . . ezr. . . . . . . & . . & . . revel . . what example have you but grounds for the baptising of infants ? or where read you of any officer excommunicated by any rob. against ber. p. . we may not expect examples of any pastors in scriptures : who did thus . i. d. apol. . sect. exam p. ● . see i. d. apol. texts . exam pa. . exod . exod. . col . , . erast so objects against bern. sicut a circumcisione ad baptismum argumentamur ut probemus infantes esse baptizandos , ita etiam licet ab agno paschatis ad coenam domini , &c. whereto hee truly replyeth . ego vero , non negolicere &c. at non temere & universaliter . beza contra erast . pag. . ●ev . . . & . exo. . , eph. . etiam si daremus nullam legi ab apostolis excommunicationem non tamen sequeretur ita esse , quum satis constet non omnium singularia apostolorum gesta perscripta fuisse . bez. de presb. p. . et si de melchizedeck & iobo quae huc adferuntur non sunt extra controversiam . nam foedere cum abra. inito non excluduntur ij qui ante erant in foedere sed accensentur foederi . ita autem se habuit melchizedeck , &c. omnino enim consors promissionis divine fuit ante foedus cum eo initum . gen. . job vero & credens fuit promissionibus foederis & de sententia veterum fuit circumcisus etiam haereditarià circumcisione a paterno maternaque sanguine . vt elegantèr scribit author libri de verà circumcisione qui hieron . ad scribitur . iun. anim adv . in bellar . contrav . . lib. . cha . . not . . ● . d. exam 〈◊〉 tents p . mat. . . . act. , . . & . & . . . . cor. . . . job . . . . cor. . . rev. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & script . ethnici apud patres audiunt . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . matth. . . ephes . . . rob. against ber. p. . * mr. . d. apol. sect. . exam p. . what though this inconvenience do arise sometimes through mans corruption it should be otherwise ; and we must ever consider of the nature of gods ordinances in their right use , &c. rob. against ber. pa. . respondit caam nullam fuisse cur . bapt. istos accedentes rejiceret ut qui ad ejus bapt . venirent cum peccatorum agnitione nec ipse potestatem haberet eos excommunicandi etiamsi fuissent excom . digni . beza de presb. p . recte sane quis illos à sacris prohibuerat , &c. etsi sit tam sceleratus quispiam quam esse exist imatur tum si tale judicium sibi quisque sumat quae mox fuerit ecclesie facies ? sed pretered tenendum est istud in hoc negotio inita cujuspiam cons . non probabillas rectam alterius consciam . id. pa. . id in privatorum arbitrio relinquere ut alibi diximus & periculosum nimis & toti ecclesiae valde damnosum fuisset . id. p. . demonstr . of disc . ca. . rob. against bern. likely veiwed . p. . john . . math. . . cor. . , . tit. . , . rob. ag . ber. pa. . rob. ag . bern. pa. . matth , . iob. . and . . matt. . . act. . , . act. . . act. . . & . . . act . act. . and . . . act. . . act. , . . . cor. . . matth. . . act. . . and . , , . helv. conf . c. . gallic . sect. . anglic. & ab eo neminem qui velit profiteri nomen christi ne infantes quidem christianorum hominum , &c. scot. conf . c. . belgi● . act . . zengerm , conf . de bapt. insant . pro. . argent . conf . ca. . saxon , confes . ca. . palab . conf . sect. ad usum vero ipsum , &c. rob. against ber. pa. . matth. . . act. . . & . . and . . and . . cor. . . act. . . act. . . joh . , . & . . act. . . whit. de sacra . q. . de bap. cap. . pa . act. . . & . . cor. . . against b. pa. . see j. d. ap. sect. . pa. , , . deut. . . rom. . , , , . rom. . . gen. . , and . . act. . . gal. . . . tit. . . mat. . . pet. . . cor. . . matth. . . . mark . . . luk. . . . matth. . , . mar. . , . act. . . . act. . . . act . - . act. . - . notes for div a -e vid. park . pol. ecclesiastica . l. . c. , &c. a fen. theol. lib. . park . de pol. lib. . c. . j. d. apol. . sect. exam . p● . , , . b rob. against ber. pa. . by two or three are meant the meanest communion or societie of saints , with or without officers . rob. against ber. certaine observations , p. . onely he that is of the true visible church and furnished with the power of christ , the keyes of the kingdome for the censure can admonish his brother in order , and those degrees which the word prescribeth mat. . . . id. pa . the power as to receive in , so to cut off any member is given to the whole body together of every christian congregation , and not to any one member apart , or to more members sequestred from the whole , using the meetest number for pronouncing the censures , id. pa. - . if the brethren have libertie in the ordinance of prophesying , they have also libertie in the other ordinance of excommunication , for they are both of the same nature ; looke to whom christ gave the one key of knowledge , to them he gave the other key of discipline , rob. against bern. pa. , . mat. . . joh. . , . & . , . gal. . . ioh . . whit. de pont . q. . c. . . cor. . . & . . tim. . . authoritas rectorum pro dono quidem ecclesiae à christo data est , sed non pro dono absoluto , ut penes totam ecclesiam resideat cui datur , sed pro dono conditionali , ut rectoribus ipsis communicetur ad totius aedificationem , park . de polit. lib. . cap. . cor. . . cor. . . . tim. . . cor. . . act. . . eph. . . . co. . , co. . , . tit. . . successor habet jurisdictionē ab eo a quo praedecessor , alioqui non verè succedit . but pastors and teachers are the successors of the apostles . whit. de pont . q. . c. . fr : victor rel . . de potest ecclesiae q. . alphons . de castr . li. . c. . de insta baret . whit. de pont . q. . c. . cham. panstr . tom . . lib. . c. . sect . . in the church the officers are the ministers of the people , whose service the people is to use for administration and executing their judgements , that is , pronouncing the judgement of the church ( and of god first ) against the obstinate . rob. against ber. p. . the officers in the church are both christs and the peoples servants and ministers . id. p. . ames bel. enerv . tom . . l. . c. . ministri ecclesiastici sunt ecclesie tanquam objecti circa quod versantur ministri sunt christi tanquam principalis causae & domini à quo pendent ministri sed nullo modo episcoporum . omnis legatus in causâ legationis suae immediatè pendet ab eo à quo mittitur , & instrumento mandatorum in corrupto est indelebili . a we denie the order of elders to be superiour to the order of saints , since it is not an order of mastership but of service . rob. against bern. pa. . it were a strange thing that men could have no command over their servants , as i have oft shewed the church-officers to be her servants . id. p. . the order of servants is inferiour to the order of them whose servants they are : but the order of church-officers is an order of servants , and they by office to serve the people , id. p. . . notes for div a -e heb. . . pro. . . & . . gen . . . levit. . . mat. . . gal. . . rob. ag . bern. pa. . exod. . . deut. . . & . . . & . . ezek. . . . nū . . . . deut. . . , . josh . . . , , . iudg. . . . & . . . & . . & . - . chr. . kin. . . & . . chr. . . heb. . act. . . & . . & . , , . act. . . notes for div a -e whit. de pontq . ca. . p. . ep. . li. . rom . . heb. . . bel. de cler. li. ● . c. . jun. animad . contr . . l. c . no● . . rom. . . theod. hist . l. . c. . aug epist . . & . socrat. hist . l . c. , . . zozom . hist . l. . c. , . nazian . in epitaphium patris evagr. l. . c. . . theod. hist . l. . c. . jun. animadver in bel. cont . l. . c. . nor . , . cartur . reply d . part . pa. . illiris . catal . test . li. . tit . ecclesiae gubern . jos . antiq. l. . c. . c. . see ambros . de officijs . l. . c. . hieron . ad ocean & epist. ad nepotian . t. c. reply . pa. . a rever . cathol . orth . tract . . q. . sect. . cartw. reply . par . . pa. . notes for div a -e to baptise is a duty of the pastors pastoriall office . ● . d. apol ser. exam . pa. . exam. of texts , pa. . apol. exam . of texts . p. . cxi propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the church gillespie, george, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing g ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) cxi propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the church gillespie, george, - . [ ], [i.e. ] p. printed by evan tyler ..., edinburgh : . reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng church of england -- government. church polity. a r (wing g ). civilwar no cxi propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the church. gillespie, george c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ●●● propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the church . edinburgh : printed by evan tyler , printer to the kings most excellent majesty . . act approving viii generall heads of doctrine against the tenents of erastianisme , independencie , and liberty of conscience , asserted in the cxi propositions , which are to be examined against the next assembly . being tender of so great an ingagement by solemn covenant , sincerely , really , and constantly to endeavour in our places and callings , the preservation of the reformed religion in this kirk of scotland , in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , the reformation of religion in the kingdomes of england , and ireland , in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed kirks , and to endeavour the nearest conjunction and uniformity in all these , together with the extirpation of heresie , schisme , and whatsoever shall bee found contrary to sound doctrine : and considering withall that one of the speciall meanes which it becometh us in our places and callings to use in pursuance of these ends , is in zeal for the true reformed religion , to give our publike testimony against the dangerous tenents of erastianisme , independencie , and which is falsely called liberty of conscience , which are not only contrary to sound doctrine , but more speciall lets and hinderances as well to the preservation of our own received doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , as to the work of reformation and uniformity in england and ireland . the generall assembly upon these considerations , having heard publikely read the cxi following propositions exhibited and tendered by some brethren , who were appointed to prepare articles or propositions for the vindication of the trueth in these particulars , doth unanimously approve and agree unto these eight generall heads of doctrine therein contained and asserted , viz. . that the ministery of the word and the administration of the sacraments of the new testament , baptisme and the lords supper , are standing ordinances instituted by god himself , to continue in the church to the end of the world . . that such as administer the word and sacraments , ought to be duely called and ordained thereunto . . that some ecclesiasticall censures are proper and peculiar to be inflicted onely upon such as bear office in the kirk ; other censures are common and may bee inflicted both on ministers and other members of the kirk . . that the censure of suspension from the sacrament of the lords supper , inflicted because of grosse ignorance , or because of a scandalous life and conversation ; as likewise , the censure of excommunication or casting out of the kirk flagitious or contumacious offenders , both the one censure and the other is warrantable by and grounded upon the word of god , and is necessary ( in respect of divine institution ) to be in the kirk . . that as the rights , power , and authority of the civill magistrate are to bee maintained according to the word of god , and the confessions of the faith of the reformed kirks ; so it is no lesse true and cert●ine , that jesus christ , the onely head and onely king of the kirk , hath instituted and appointed a kirk government distinct from the civill government or magistracie . . that the ecclesiasticall government is committed and instrusted by christ to the assemblies of the kirk , made up of the ministers of the word and ruling elders . . that the lesser and inferiour ecclesiasticall assemblies , ought to bee subordinate and subject unto the greater and superiour assemblies . . that notwithstanding hereof , the civill magistrate may and ought to suppresse by corporall or civill punishments , such as by spreading errour or heresie , or by fomenting schisme , greatly dishonour god , dangerously hurt religion and disturbe the peace of the kirk . which heads of doctrine ( howsoever opposed by the authors and fomenters of the foresaid errours respectively ) the generall assembly doth firmely beleeve , own , maintaine , and commend unto others , as solide , true , orthodoxe , grounded upon the word of god , consonant to the judgement both of the ancient and the best reformed kirks . and because this assembly ( through the multitude of other necessary and pressing bussinesse ) cannot now have so much leisure , as to examine and consider particularly the foresaid cxi propositions ; therefore , a more particular examination thereof is committed and referred to the theologicall faculties in the four universities of this kingdome , and the judgement of each of these faculties concerning the same , is appointed to bee reported to the next generall assembly . in the meane while , these propositions shall bee printed , both that copies thereof may bee sent to presbyteries , and that it may be free for any that pleaseth to peruse them , and to make known or send their judgement concerning the same to the said next assembly . a. ker. cxi propositions concerning the ministerie and government of the church . . as our lord jesus christ doth invisibly teach and governe his church by the holy spirit : so in gathering , preserving , instructing , building and saving thereof , he useth ministers as his instruments , and hath appointed an order of some to teach , and others to learne in the church , and that some should be the flock , and others the pastours . . for beside these first founders of the church of christ extraordinarily sent , and furnished with the gift of miracles , whereby they might confirme the doctrine of the gospel , he appointed also ordinary pastors and teachers , for the executing of the ministery , even untill his coming againe unto judgement , eph. . , , . wherefore , also as many as are of the number of gods people , or will bee accounted christians , ought to receive and obey the ordinary ministers of gods word and sacraments , ( lawfully though mediately called ) as the stewards and ambassadours of christ himself . . it is not lawfull for any man how fit soever and how much soever inriched or beautified with excellent gifts , to undertake the administration either of the word or sacraments by the will of private persons , or others who have not power and right to call ▪ much lesse is it lawfull by their owne judgement or arbitr●ment , to assume and arrogate the same to themselves : but before it bee lawfull to undergoe that sacred ministery in churches constituted , a speciall calling , yea beside , a lawfull election ( which alone is not sufficient ) a mission , or sending , or ( as commonly it is tearmed ) ordination , is necessarily required , and that both for the avoiding of confusion , and to bar out or shut the door ( so far as in us lieth ) upon impostors ; as also by reason of divine institution delivered to us in the holy scripture , rom. . . heb. . . tit. . . tim. . . . the church ought to bee governed by no other persons then ministers and stewards preferred and placed by christ , and after no other manner then according to the laws made by him ; and therefore , there is no power on earth which may chalenge to it self authority or dominion over the church : but whosoever they are that would have the things of christ to bee administred not according to the ordinance and will of christ revealed in his word , but as it liketh them , and according to their own will and prescript , what other thing goe they about to doe then by horrible sacriledge to throw down christ from his own throne . . for our onely law-giver and interpreter of his fathers will , jesus christ , hath prescribed and foreappointed the rule according to which hee would have his worship and the government of his owne house to bee ordered . to wrest this rule of christ laid open in his holy word , to the counsells , wills , manners , devices 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of men , is most high impiety ; but contrarily , the law of faith commandeth the counsell and purposes of men to bee framed and conformed to this rule , and overtuneth all the reasonings of worldly wisdome , and bringeth into captivity the thoughts of the proud swelling minde to the obedience of christ . neither ought the voice of any to take place or bee rested upon in the church , but the voice of christ alone . . the same lord and our saviour jesus christ , the only head of the church hath ordained in the new testament , not only the preaching of the word and administration of baptisme and the lords supper , but also ecclesiasticall government , distinct and differing from the civill government , and it is his will that there bee such a government distinct from the civill in all his churches every where , as well those which live under christian , as those under infidell magistrates , even untill the end of the world . heb. . , . tim. . , . rom. . . cor. . . thes. . . acts . , . luke . . tim. . . apoc. . . . this ecclesiasticall government distinct from the civill , is from god committed , not to the whole body of the church or congregation of the faithfull , or to bee exercised both by officers and people , but to the ministers of gods word , together with the elders which are joyned with them for the care and government of the church , tim. . . to these therefore who are over the church in the lord , belongeth the authority and power , and it lyeth upon them by their office , according to the rule of gods word to discerne and judge betwixt the holy and prophane , to give diligence for amendment of delinquents , and to purge the church ( as much as is in them ) from scandalls , and that not only by enquiring , inspection , warning , reproving , and more sharply expostulating , but also by acting in the further and more severe parts of ecclesiasticall discipline , or exercising , ecclesiastick jurisdiction ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the greatest and weightiest censures , where need is . . none that is within the church ought to bee without the reach of church-law , and exempt from ecclesiastick censures ; but discipline is to be exercised on all the members of the church , without respect or consideration of those adhering qualities , which use to commend a man to other men , such , as power , nobility , illustrious descent , and the like : for the judgement cannot bee right , where men are led and moved with these considerations . wherefore , let respect of persons be farre from all judges , chiefly the ecclesiasticall : and if any in the church doe so swell in pride , that he refuse to be under this discipline , and would have himself to be free and exempt from all tryall and ecclesiastick judgement , this mans disposition is more like the haughtinesse of the romane pope , then the meeknesse and submissivenesse of christs sheep . . ecclesiasticall censure moreover , is either proper to bee inflicted upon the ministers and office-bearers onely , or with them common to other members of the church ; the former consisteth in suspension or deposition of ministers from their office ( which in the ancient canons is called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) the latter consisteth in the greater and lesser excommunication , ( as they speak . ) whatsoever in another brother deserveth excommunication , the same much more in a mininister deserveth excommunication : but justly sometimes a minister is to bee put from his office , and deprived of that power which by ordination was given him , against whom neverthelesse to draw the sword of excommunication , no reason doth compell . . sometime also it happeneth that a minister having fallen into heresie or apostasie , or other grievous crimes , if hee shew tokens of true repentance , may bee justly received into the communion of the church ; whom notwithstanding , it is no way expedient to restore into his former place or charge ; yea , perhaps it will not bee found fit to restore such a one to the ministery in another congregation , as soone as hee is received into the bosome of the church ; which surely is most agreeable as well as to the word of god , king. . . ezech. . , , , , . as to that ecclesiasticall discipline , which in some ages after the times of the apostles was in use . so true is it that the ministers of the church are lyable as well to peculiar as to common censures ; or that a minister of the church is censured one way , and one of the people another way . . ecclesiasticall censure , which is not proper to ministers , but common to them with other members of the church , is either suspension from the lords supper , ( which by others is called the publicanes excommunication , ) or the cutting off of a member , which is commonly called excommunication . the distinction of this twofold censure ( commonly , though not so properly passing under the name of the lesser and greater excommunication ) is not onely much approved by the church of scotland , and the synode now assembled at westminster , but also by the reformed churches of france , the low-countreys , and of pole-land , as is to be seen in the book of the ecclesiastick discipline of the reformed churches in france . chap. . art. . in the harmonie of the belgicks synodes . chap. . art. . . in the canons of the generall synode of torne , held in the yeare . . that the distinction of that twofold church censure was allowed also by antiquity , it may be sufficiently clear to him who will consult the sixtie one canon of the sixth generall synode , with the annotations of zonaras and balsamon ; also the thirteenth canon of the eighth synode ( which is termed the first and second ) with the notes of zonaras ; yea besides , even the penitennts also themselves of the fourth degree , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is , which were in the consistency , were suspended from the lords supper , though as to other things of the same condition with the faithfull ; for , to the communion also of prayers , and so to all priviledges of ecclesiasticall society , the eucharist alone excepted , they were thought to have right : so sacred a thing was the eucharist esteemed . see also beside others , cyprian . book . epist. . that dyanisius the author of the ecclesiastick hierarchie . chap. . part. . basil. epist. to amphilochius . can. ambros. lib. . de officiis , chap. . augustine in his book against the donatists , after the conference , cap. . chrysostom homil. . in matth. gregor. the great epist , lib. . chap. . and . walafridus strabo of ecclesiasticall matters . chap. . . that first and lesser censure by christs ordinance , is to be inflicted on such as have received baptisme , and pretend to be true members of the church , yet are found unfit and unworthy to communicate in the signes of the grace of christ with the church , whether for their grosse ignorance of divine things , the law namely and gospel , or by reason of scandall either of false doctrine or wicked life . for these causes therefore , or for some one of them , they are to be kept back from the sacrament of the lords supper ( a lawfull judiciall tryall going before ) according to the interdiction of christ , forbidding that that which is holy be given to dogs , or pearles bee cast before swine , matth. . . and this censure of suspension is to continue , till the offenders bring forth fruits worthy of repentance . . for the asserting and defending of this suspension , there is no small accession of strength from the nature of the sacrament it self , and the institution and end thereof . the word of god indeed is to bee preached , as well to the ungodly and impenitent that they may bee convened , as to the godly and repenting , that they may be confirmed : but the sacrament of the lords supper is by god instituted , not for beginning the work of grace , but for nourishing and increasing grace , and therefore none is to be admitted to the lords supper , who by his life testifieth that hee is impenitent and not as yet converted . . indeed if the lord had instituted this sacrament , that not onely it should nourish and cherish faith , and seal the promises of the gospel , but also should begin the work of grace in sinners , and give regeneration it self , as the instrumentall cause thereof , verily even the most wicked , most uncleane and most unworthy were to be admitted . but the reformed churches do otherwise judge of the nature of this sacrament , which shall be abundantly manifest by the gleaning of these following testimonies . . the scottish confession , art. . but we confesse that the lords supper belongs onely to those of the houshold of faith , who can try and examine themselves , as well in faith , as in the duties of faith towards their neigbours . whoso abide without faith , and in variance with their brethren , doe at that holy table eat and drink unworthily . hence it is that the pastors in our church doe enter on a publike and particular examination , both of the knowledge , conversation and life of those who are to be admitted to the lords table . the belgick confession . art. . wee beleeve also and confesse that our lord jesus christ hath ordained the holy sacrament of his supper , that in it he may nourish and uphold them whom hee hath already regenerated . . the saxon confession . art. . of the lords supper . the lord willeth that every receiver bee particularly confirmed by this testimony , so that hee may bee certified that the benefits of the gospel doe appertaine to himself , seeing the preaching is common , and by this testimony ▪ by this receiving , he sheweth that thou art one of his members , and washed with his blood . and by and by . thus therefore we instruct the church , that at behooveth them that come to the supper , to bring with them repentance or conversion , and ( faith being now kindled in the mediation of the death and resurrection , and the benefits of the son of god ) to seek here the confirmation of this faith . the very same things are set downe , and that in the very same words in the consent of the churches of pole-land in the sendomi●ian synode , anno . art. of the lords supper . . the bohemian confession . art. . next our divines teach that the sacraments of themselves , or as some say , ex opere operato , doe not confer grace to those , who are not first endued with good motions and inwasdly quickened by the holy spirit , neither doe they bestow justifying faith , which maketh the soul of man in all things obsequious , trusting and obedient to god ; for faith must goe before ( wee speake of them of ripe yeares ) which quickeneth a man by the work of the holy spirit , and putteth good motions into the heart . and after : but if any come unworthily to the sacraments , hee is not made by them worthy or cleane , but doth only bring greater sinne and damnation on himself . . seeing then in the holy supper , that is in the receiving the sacramentall elements ( which is here distinguished from the prayers and exhortations accompanying that action ) the benefits of the gospel are not first received , but for them being received are thanks given ; neither by partaking thereof doth god bestow the very spirituall life , but doth preserve , cherish and perfect that life ; and seeing the word of god is accounted in the manner of letters patents , but sacraments like seals , ( as rightly the helvetian confession saith , chap. . ) it plainly followeth that those are to be kept back from the lords supper , which by their fruits and manners doe prove themselves to be ungodly or impenitent , and strangers or alients from all communion with christ ▪ nor are the promises of grace sealed to any other then to those to whom these promises doe belong , for otherwise the seal annexed should contradict and gainsay the letters patents ; and by the visible word those should bee loosed and remitted , which by the audible word are bound and condemned : but this is such an absurdity , as that if any would , yet hee cannot smooth or heal it with any plaister . . but as known , impious , and unregenerate persons , have no right to the holy table : so also ungodly persons by reason of a grievous scandall are justly for a time deprived of it ; for it is not lawfull or allowable that the comforts and promises which belong onely to such as beleeve and repent , should be sealed unto known unclean persons , and those who walk inordinatly , whether such as are not yet regenerate , or such as are regenerate , but fallen and not yet restored or risen from their fall . the same discipline plainly was shaddowed forth under the old testament , for none of gods people during their legall pollution , was permitted to enter into the tabernacle , or to have accesse to the solemne sacrifices and society of the church : and much more were wicked and notorious offenders debarred from the temple ever untill by an offering for sinne , together with a solemne confession thereof , being cleansed , they were reconciled unto god . num. . , , . lev. . to the . vers. lev. . to vers. . . yea that those who were polluted with sins and crimes were reckoned among the unclean in the law , maimonides in more nevochim , part. . chap. . proveth out of lev. . . lev. . . num. . , . therefore seeing the shedding of mans blood was rightly esteemed the greatest pollution of all ; hence it was , that as the society of the leprous was shunned by the cleane , so the company of murtherers by good men was most religiously avoided , lament . . , , . the same thing is witnessed by ananias the high priest , in josephus of the jewish warre . . book , chap. . where hee saith that those false zelots of that time , bloody men , ought to have been restrained from accesse to the temple , by reason of the pollution of murther ; yea as philo the jew witnesseth in his book of the offerers of sacrifices ; whosoever were found unworthy and wicked , were by edict forbidden to approach the holy thresholds . . neither must that be part by which was noted by zonaras , book . of his annals , ( whereof see also scaliger agreeing with him , in elench . triheres . nicserrar . cap. ) namely that the essenes were forbidden the holy place as being hainous and p●acular transgressers , and such as held other opinions , and did otherwise teach concerning sacrifices then according to the law , and observed not the ordinances of moses , whence it proceeded that they sacrificed privately ; yea and also the essenes themselves did thrust away from their congregations those that were wicked . whereof see drusius of the three sects of jews , lib. . cap. . . god verily would not have his temple to bee made open to unworthy and uncleane worshippers , nor was it free for such men to enter into the temple . see nazianzen , orat. . the same thing is witnessed and declared by divers late writers , such as have beene and are more acquainted with the jewish antiquities . consult the annotations of vetablus and of ainsworth an english writer upon psal. . , . also constantius l'empereur annotat , in cod. middoth , cap. . pag. , . cornelius bertramus , of the common-wealth of the hebrews . cap. . henrie vorstius , animadvers. in pi●k . rab. eliezer . pag. . the same may bee proved out of ezech. . , . jer. . , , , . whence also it was that the solemne and publike society in the temple , had the name of the assembly of the righteous , and congregation of saints . psal. . , . psal. . . psal. . . hence also is that , psal. . , . of the gates of righteousnesse by which the righteous enter . . that which is now driven at , is not that all wicked and unclean persons should be utterly excluded from our ecclesiasticall societies , and so from all hearing of gods word ; yea there is nothing lesse intended : for the word of god is the instrument as well of conversion as of confirmation , and therefore is to bee preached as well to the not converted as to the converted , as well to the repenting as the unrepenting : the temple indeed of jerusalem had speciall promises , as it were pointing out with the finger a communion with god through christ , king. . , . dan. . . chron. . . and . , . but t is far otherwise with our temples , or places of church assemblies , because our temples containe nothing sacramentall in them , such as the tabernacle and temple contained ; as the most learned professors of leyden said rightly , in synops. pur. thelogie disput. . thes. . . wherefore the point to be here considered as that which is now aimed at , is this , that howsoever even under the new testament , the uncleannesse of those to whom the word of god is preached bee tolerated ; yet all such , of what estate or condition soever in the church , as are defiled with manifest and grievous scandals , and doe thereby witnesse themselves to be without the inward and spirituall communion with christ and the faithfull , may and are to bee altogether discharged from the communion of the lords supper , untill they repent and change their manners . . besides , even those to whom it was not permitted to go into the holy courts of israel , and to ingyre themselves into ecclesiasticall communion , and who did stand betweene the court of israel and the utter wall , were not therefore to be kept back from hearing the word ; for in solomons porch , and so in the intermurale or court of the gentiles , the gospel was preached , both by christ , john . and also by the apostles , acts . . and . . and that of purpose , because of the reason brought by pineda , of the things of salomon , book . chap. . because a more frequent multitude was there , and somewhat larger opportunity of sowing the gospel : wherefore to any whomsoever , even heathen people meeting there , the lord would have the word to be preached , who notwithstanding , purging the temple , did not onely overthrow the tables of money changers , and chaires of those that sold doves , but also , cast forth the buyers and sellers them●elves , matth. . . for hee could not endure either such things , or such persons in the temple . . although then the gospel is to be preached to every creature , the lord in expresse words commanding the same , mark . . . yet not to every one is set open an accesse to the holy supper . t is granted that hypocrites do lurk in the church , who hardly can be convicted and discovered , much lesse repelled from the lord supper . such therefore are to be suffered , till by the fanne of judgement the graine bee separate from the chaffe ; but those whose wicked deeds or words are knowne and made manifest , are altogether to bee debarred from partaking those symboles of the covenant of the gospel , lest that the name of god bee greatly disgraced , whilest sins are permitted to spread abroad in the church unpunished ; or lest the stewards of christ by imparting the signes of the grace of god , to such as are continuing in the state of impurity and scandall , bee partakers of their sinnes . hitherto of suspension . . excommunication ought not to be proceeded unto , except when extreme necessity constraineth : but whensoever the soul of the sinner cannot otherwise bee healed , and that the safety of the church requireth the cutting off of this or that member , it behoveth to use this last remedy . in the church of rome indeed excommunication hath beene turned into greatest injustice and tyrannie ( as the pharisees abused the casting out of the synagogues , which was their excommunication ) to the fulfilling of the lust of their own mindes ; yet the ordinance of christ is not therefore by any of the reformed religion to be utterly thrust away and wholly rejected . what protestant knows not that the vassals of antichrist have drawn the lords supper into the worst and most pernicious abuses , as also the ordination of ministers and other ordinances of the gospel ? yet who will say that things necessary , ( whether the necessity be that of command , or that of the means or end ) are to be taken away because of the abuse ? . they therefore who with an high hand do persevere in their wickednesse , after foregoing admonitions stubbornly despised or carelessely neglected , are justly by excommunication in the name of the lord jesus christ cut off and cast out from the society of the faithfull , and are pronounced to bee cast out from the church , untill beeing filled with shame and cast downe , they shall returne againe to a more sound minde , and by confession of their sinne and amendment of their lives , they shall shew tokens of repentance , matth. . , , . cor. . . which places are also alleadged in the confession of bohemia , art. . to prove that the excommunication of the impenitent and stubborne , whose wickednesse is known , is commanded of the lord : but if stubborne heretickes or unclean persons be not removed or east out from the church , therein doe the governours of the church sinne , and are found guilty rev. . , . . but that all abuse and corruption in ecclesiasticall government may be either prevented and avoided or taken away , or lest the power of the church either by the ignorance or unskilfulnesse of some ministers here and there , or also by too much heat and fervour of minde , should run out beyond measure or bounds , or contrariwise beeing shut up within straiter limits then is fitting , should be made unprofitable , feeble , or of none effect : christ the most wise law-giver of his church hath foreseen and made provision to prevent all such evills which he did foresee were to arise , and hath prepared and prescribed for them intrinsecall and ecclesiasticall remedies , and those also in their kinde ( if lawfully and rightly applyed ) both sufficient and effectuall : some whereof he hath most expresly propounded in his word , and some he hath left to bee drawne from thence by necessary consequence . . therefore by reason of the danger of that which is called calvis errans , or a wrong key ; and that it may not bee permitted to particular churches to erre or sin licentiously , and lest any mans cause be overthrown and perish , who in a particular church had perhaps the same men both his adversaries and his judges ; also that common businesses which doe belong to many churches , together with the more weighty and difficult controversies , ( the deciding whereof in the consistories of particular churches is not safe to bee adventured upon ) may bee handled and determined by a common counsell of presbyteries . finally that the governours of particular churches , may impart help mutually one to another against the cunning and subtill enemies of the truth , and may joyne their strength together ( such as it is ) by an holy combination , and that the church may bee as a camp of an army well ordered ; lest while every one striveth singly , all of them bee subdued and overcome ; or lest by reason of the scarcity of prudent and godly counsellers ( in the multitude of whom is safety ) the affaires of the church be undone : for all those considerations particular churches must bee subordinate to classicall presbyteries and synodes . . wherefore t is not lawfull to particular churches or ( as commonly they are called ) parochiall , either to decline the authority of classes or synodes , where they are lawfully setled , or may be had ( much lesse to withdraw themselves from that authority , if they have once acknowledged it ) or to refuse such lawfull ordinances or decrees of the classes or synodes , as being agreeable to the word of god are with authority imposed upon them . acts . , , , , , , . acts . . . although synodes assemble more seldome , classes and consistories of particular churches more frequently ; yet that synodes both provinciall and nationall assemble at set and ordinary times as well as classes and parochiall consistories is very expedient , and for the due preservation of church policie and discipline , necessary . sometime indeed it is expedient they bee assembled occasionally , that the urgent necessity of the church may be the more speedily provided for , namely when such a businesse happeneth , which without great danger cannot bee put off till the appointed time of the synode . . but that besides occasionall synodes , ordinary synodes be kept at set times , is most profitable , not onely that they may discusse and determine the more difficult ecclesiasticall causes coming before them , whether by the appeal of some person agrieved , or by the hesitation or doubting of inferiour assemblies ( for such businesses very often fall out ; ) but also that the state of the churches whereof they have the care , beeing more certainly and frequently searched and knowne , if there be any thing wanting or amisse in their doctrine , discipline or manners , or any thing worthy of punishment , the slothfull labourers in the vineyard of the lord may bee made to shake off the spirit of slumber and slothfulnesse , and be stirred up to the attending and fulfilling more diligently their calling , and not suffered any longer to sleep and snort in their office ; the straglers and wanderers may bee reduced to the way ; the untoward and stiffe-necked , which scarce or very hardly suffer the yoke of discipline , as also unquiet persons which devise new and hurtfull things , may bee reduced to order . finally , whatsoever doth hinder the more quick and efficacious course of the gospel , may be discovered and removed . . it is too too manifest ( alas for it ) that there are , which with unwearyed diligence do most carefully labour , that they may oppresse the liberties and rights of synodes , and may take away from them all libertie of consulting of things and matters ecclesiasticall , at least of determining thereof , ( for they well know how much the union and harmonie of churches may make against their designes . ) but so much the more it concerneth the orthodox churches , to know , defend and preserve this excellent liberty granted to them by divine right , and so to use it , that imminent dangers , approaching evils , urging grievances , scandalls growing up , schismes rising , heresies creeping in , errours spreading , and strifes waxing hote , may be corrected and taken away , to the glory of god , the edification and peace of the church . . beside provinciall and national synodes , an oecumenicall ( so called from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is from the habitable world ) or more truely a generall , or if you will , an universall synode , if so be it be free and rightly constituted , and no other commissioners but orthodox churches bee admitted ( for what communion is there of light with darknesse , of righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse , or of the temple of god with idols ) such a synode is of speciall utility , peradventure also such a synode is to be hoped for , surely t is to be wished , that for defending the orthodox faith , both against popery and other heresies , as also for propagating it to those who are without , especially the jews , a more strait and more firme consociation may bee entered into . for the unanimity of all the churches as in evill t is of all things most hurtfull , so on the contrary side , in good it is most pleasant , most profitable and most effectuall . . unto the universall synode also ( when it may bee had ) is to bee referred the judgement of controversies , not of all , but of those which are controversiae juris , controversies of right , neither yet of all those , but of the chief and most weighty controversies of the orthodox faith , or of the most hard and unusuall cases of conscience . of the controversies of fact there is another and different consideration to be had ; for besides that it would be a great inconvenience that plaintifes , persons accused , and witnesses bee drawne from the most remote churches , to the generall or universall councell ; the visible communion it self of all the churches ( on which the universal counsel is built , and whereupon as on a foundation it leaneth ) is not so much of company , fellowship , or conversation , as of religion and doctrine . all true churches of the world doe indeed professe the same true religion and faith ; but there is beside this a certaine commixture and conjunction of the churches of the same nation , as to a more near fellowship , and some acquaintance , conversing and companying together , which cannot be said of all the churches throughout the habitable world . . and for this cause , as in doctrinall controversies which are handled by theologues and casuists , and in those which belong to the common state of the orthodoxe churches , the nationall synode is subo dinate and subjected to the universall lawfully constituted synode , and from the nationall to the oecumenicall synode ( when there is a just and weighty cause ) an appeal is open : so there is no need that the appeals of them who complaine of injurie done to them through the exercise of discipline in this or that church , should goe beyond the bounds of the nationall synode ; but t is most agreeable to reason that they should rest and acquiesce within those bounds and borders : and that the ultimate judgement of such matters bee in the nationall synode , unlesse the thing it selfe be so hard and of so great moment , that the knot be justly thought worthy of a greater decider : in which case the controversie which is carried to the universall synode , is rather of an abstract generall theologicall proposition , then of the particular or individuall case . . furthermore the administration of the ecclesiastick power in consistories , classes and synodes , doth not at all tend to weaken in any wise , hurt or minish the authority of the civil magistrate , much lesse to take it away or destroy it , yea rather by it a most profitable help cometh to the magistrate , forasmuch as by the bond of religion , mens consciences are more straitly tyed unto him . there hath been indeed phantasticall men who under pretence and cloak of christian liberty , would abolish and cast out lawes and judgements , orders also , degrees and honours out of the commonwealth , and have been bold to reckon the function of the magistrate armed with the sword , among evill things and unlawfull : but the reformed churches doe renounce and detest those dreames , and do most harmoniously and most-willingly confesse and acknowledge it to be gods will that the world bee governed by lawes and policy , and that hee himself hath appointed the civill magistrate , and hath delivered to him the sword to the protection and praise of good men , but for punishment and revenge on the evill , that by this bridle , mens vices and faults may be restrained , whether committed against the first or against the second table . . the reformed churches beleeve also and openly confesse the power and authority of emperours over their empires , of kings over their kingdomes , of princes and dukes over their dominions , and of other magistrates or states over their commonwealths and cities , to be the ordinances of god himself , appointed as well to the manifestation of his owne glory , as to the singular profit of mankinde : and withall , that by reason of the will of god himself revealed in his word , wee must not onely suffer and be content that those doe rule which are set over their own territories , whether by hereditary or by elective right , but also to love them , fear them , and with all reverenee and honour imbrace them as the ambassadours and ministers of the most high and good god , being in his stead , and preferred for the good of their subjects ; to powre out prayers for them , to pay tributes to them , and in all businesse of the commonwealth which are not against the word of god , to obey their lawes and edicts . . the orthodoxe churches beleeve also , and doe willingly acknowledge , that every lawfull magistrate , being by god himself constituted the keeper and defender of both tables of the law , may and ought first and chiefly to take care of gods glory , and ( according to his place , or in his manner and way ) to preserve religion when pure , and to restore it when decayed and corrupted ; and also to provide a learned and godly ministery , schools also and synodes , as likewise to restraine and punish as well atheists , blasphemers , hereticks and schismaticks , as the violaters of justice and civill peace . . wherefore the opinion of those sectaries of this age is altogether to be disallowed , who , though otherwise insinuating themselves craftily into the magistrates favour , doe deny unto him the authority and right of restraining hereticks and schismaticks , and do hold and maintaine that such persons how much soever hurtfull and pernicious enemies to true religion and to the church , yet are to bee tolerated by the magistrate , if so bee he conceive them to bee such as no way violate the laws of the commonwealth , and in no wise disturbe the civill peace . . yet the civill power and the ecclesiasticall ought not by any meanes to be confounded or mixed together : both powers are indeed from god and ordained for his glory , and both to be guided by his word , and both are comprehended under that precept , honour thy father and thy mother : so that men ought to obey both civill magistrates and ecclesiasticall governours in the lord ; to both powers their proper dignity and authority is to be maintained and preserved in force : to both also is some way entrusted the keeping of both tables of the law , also both the one and the other doth exercise some jurisdiction , and giveth sentence of judgement in an externall court or judicatory : but these , and other things of like sort , in which they agree notwithstanding , yet by marvellous vaste differences are they distinguished the one from the other , and the rights of both remaine distinct , and that eight manner of wayes , which it shall not bee amisse here to adde , that unto each of these administrations , its own set bounds may bee the better maintained . . first of all therefore they are differenced the one from the other , in respect of the very foundation and the institution : for the politicall or civill power is grounded upon the law of nature it selfe , and for that cause it is common to infidels with christians : the power ecclesiasticall dependeth immediatly upon the positive law of christ alone , that beer longeth to the universall dominion of god the creator oveall nations ; but this unto the speciall and oeconomicall king dome of christ the mediator , which hee exerciseth in the church alone , and which is not of this world . . the second differences in the object , or matter about which : the power politick or civill is occupied about the outward man , and civill or earthly things , about warre , peace , conservation of justice , and good order in the commonwealth ; also about the outward businesse or externall things of the church , which are indeed necessary to the church , or profitable , as touching the outward man , yet not properly and purely spirituall , for they doe not reach unto the soul , but only to the externall state and condition of the ministers and members of the church . . for the better understanding whereof , t is to bee observed that so farre as the ministers and members of the church are citizens , subjects , or members of the commonwealth , it is in the power of the magistrate , to judge , determine and give sentence concerning the disposing of their bodies or goods ; as also concerning the maintenance of the poor , sick , the banished , and of others in the church which are afflicted ; to regulate ( so farre as concerneth the civill order ) marriages , burials , and other circumstances which are common both to holy , and also to honest civill societies ; to affoord places fit for holy assemblies and other externall helps by which the sacred matters of the lord may be more safely , commodiously , and more easily in the church performed : to remove the externall impediments of divine worship or of ecclesiasticall peace , and to represse those which exalt themselves against the true church and her ministers , and doe raise up trouble against them . . the matter may further bee thus illustrated : there is almost the like respect and consideration of the magistrate as he is occupied about the outward things of the church , and of the ecclesiastick ministery as it is occupied about the inward or spirituall part of civill government , that is , about those things which in the government of the commonwealth belong to the conscience . it is one thing to governe the commonwealth , and to make politicall and civill lawes ; another thing to interpret the word of god , and out of it to shew to the magistrate his duty , to wit , how he ought to governe the commonwealth , and in what manner he ought to use the sword . the former is proper and peculiar to the magistrate ( neither doth the ministery intermeddle or intangle it self into such businesses , ) but the latter is contained within the office of the ministers . . for to that end also is the holy scripture profitable , to shew which is the best manner of governing a commonwealth , and that the magistrate as being gods minister may by this guiding starre bee so directed , as that he may execute the parts of his office , according to the will of god , and may perfectly be instructed to every good work ; yet the minister is not said properly to treat of civill businesses , but of the scandalls which arise about them , or of the cases of conscience which occurre in the administration of the commonwealth : so also the magistrate is not properly said to be exercised about the spiritual things of the church , but rather about those externall things which adhere unto and accompany the spirituall things . . and in such externall matters of the church , although all magistrates will not , yet all , yea even heathen magistrates may and ought to aide and help the church ; whence it is that by the command of god , prayers are to be made also for an heathen magistrate , that the faithfull under them may live a quiet life with all godlinesse and honesty . tim. . , . . unto the externall things of the church belongeth , not onely the correction of hereticks and other troublers of the church , but also that civill order and way of convocating and calling together synodes which is proper to the magistrate ; for the magistrate ought by his authority and power both to establish the rights and liberties of synodes assembling together , at times appointed by the knowne and received law , and to indict and gather together synodes occasionally , as often as the necessity of the church shall require the same ; not that all or any power to consult or determine of ecclesiastick or spirituall matters doth flow or spring from the magistrate as head of the church under christ ; but beecause in those things pertaining to the outward man , the church needeth the magistrates aid and support . . so that the magistrate calleth together synodes , not as touching those things which are proper to synodes ; but in respect of the things which are common to synodes with other meetings and civill publike assemblies , that is , not as they are assemblies in the name of christ , to treat of matters spirituall , but as they are publike assemblies within his territories ; for to the end that publike conventions may bee kept in any territorie , the licence of the lord of that place ought to be desired . in synodes therefore a respect of order , as well civill as ecclesiasticall is to bee had ; and because of this civill order , outward defence , better accommodation , together with safe accesse and recesse , the consent and commandment of him who is appointed to take care of , and defend humane order , doth interveene . . moreover when the church is rent asunder by unhappy and lamentable schismes , while they who have raised the troubles , and have given cause of solemne gathering a synode ( whether by their heresie or schisme or tyranny , or any other fault of others ) use to place the great strength and safeguard of their cause in declining and fleeing the triall and sentence of a free synode , as being formidable to them ; who seeth not that they cannot be drawn to a publike and judiciall tryall , nor other disobedient persons be compelled to obedience without the magistrate publike mandate and helpe ? . the object of ecclesiasticall power is not the same with the object of the civill power , but much differing from it ; for the ecclesiasticall power doth determine and appoint nothing concerning mens bodies , goods , dignities , civill rights , but is imployed only about the inward man , or the soul ; not that it can search the hearts , or judge of the secrets of the conscience , which is in the power of god alone : yet notwithstanding it hath for its proper object those externalls which are purely spirituall , and do belong properly and most nearly to the spirituall good of the soul ; which also are tearmed , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the inward things of the church . . those things then wherein the ecclesiasticall power is exercised , are the preaching of the word , the administration of sacraments , publike prayer and thanksgiving , the catechising and instructing of children and ignorant persons , the examination of those who are to come to the holy communion , the ecclesiasticall discipline , the ordination of ministers , and the abdication , deposing , and degrading of them ( if they become like unsavory salt ) the deciding and determining of controversies of faith and cases of conscience , canonicall constitutions concerning the treasury of the church and collections of the faithfull , as also concerning ecclesiasticall rites , or indifferent things , which pertaine to the keeping of decency and order in the church , according to the generall rules of christian love and prudence contained in the word of god . . t is true that about the same things , the civill power is occupyed , as touching the outward man , or the outward disposing of divine things in this or that dominion , as was said ; not as they are spirituall and evangelicall ordinances piercing into the conscience it self ▪ but the object of the power ecclesiasticall is a thing meerly and purely spirituall ; and in so far as it is spirituall ) for even that jurisdiction ecclesiasticall which is exercised in an outward court or judicatory , and which inflicteth publike censures , forbiddeth from the use of the holy supper , and excludeth from the society of the church ) doth properly concerne the inward man , or the repentance and salvation of the soul . . surely the faithfull and godly ministers , although they could doe it unchallenged and uncontrolled , and were therein allowed by the magistrate ( as in the prelaticall times it was ) yet would not usurpe the power of life and death , or judge and determine concerning mens honours , goods , inheritance , division of families , or other civill businesses ; seeing they well know these things to bee heterogeneous to their office : but as they ought not to entangle themselves with the judgeing of civill causes , so if they should bee negligent and slothfull in their owne office , they shall in that bee no lesse culpable . . to the object also of ecclesiasticall power belongeth the assembling of synodes , so far as they are spirituall assemblies proper to the church , and assembled in the holy ghost ; for being so considered , the governours of churches after the example of the apostles and presbyters , acts . in a manifest danger of the church , ought to use their owne right of meeting together and conveening , that the churches endangered may be relieved and supported . . thirdly , those powers are differenced in respect of their formes , and that three wayes : for first the civill power , although in respect of god it bee ministeriall , yet in respect of the subjects it is lordly and magisteriall . ecclesiasticall power is indeed furnished with authority , yet that authority is liker the fatherly then the kingly authority ; yea also t is purely ministeriall , much lesse can it bee lawfull to ministers of the church to bear dominion over the flock . . emperours , kings , and other magistrates are indeed appointed fathers of the countrey , but they are withall lords of their people and subjects ; not as if it were permitted to them to bear rule and command at their own will and as they list ( for they are the ministers of god for the good and profit of the subjects ) yet it belongs to their power truely and properly to exercise dominion , to hold principality , to proceed imperiously . it is indeed the duety of ministers and rulers of the church to oversee , to feed as shepherds , to correct and rectifie , to bear the keyes , to bee stewards in the house of christ , but in no wise to bee lords over the house , or to governe as lords , or lordlike to rule ; yea in brief , this is the difference between the civill magistrate and the ecclesiasticall ministery , in respect of those which are committed to their trust , that the lot of the former is to bee served or ministred unto , the lot of the latter to minister or serve . . now we have one onely lord which governes our souls , neither is it competent to man , but to god alone to have power and authori●y over consciences . but the lord hath appointed his owne stewards over his own family , that according to his commandment they may give to every one their allowance or portion , and to dispense his mysteries faithfully ; and to them hee hath delivered the keyes , or power of letting in into his house , or excluding out of his house those whom hee himself will have let in or shut out . matth. . . and . . luk. . . cor. . . tit. . . . next , the civill power is indued with authority of compelling , but it belongs not to the ministery to compell the disobedient ; if any compulsion bee in or about ecclesiasticall matters , t is adventitious from without , to wit , from the help and assistance of the magistrate , not from the nature of ecclesiasticall power , from which it is very heterogeneous ; and therefore if any suspended or excommunicate person should be found who shall be so stiffe-necked , and so impudent , that at once he cast off all shame , and make no account at all of those censures , but scorne and contemne the same , or peradventure shall insolently or proudly engyre and obtrude himself upon the sacrament , or being also filled with devillish malice do more and more contradict and blaspheme ; the ecclesiasticall ministery in such cases hath nothing more to do by way of jurisdiction : but the magistrate hath in readinesse a compelling jurisdiction and externall force , whereby such stubborne rebellious and undaunted pride may bee externally repressed . . last of all , the power of the magistrate worketh onely politically or civilly , according to the nature of the scepter or sword , maketh and guardeth civill lawes , which sometimes also he changeth or repealeth , and other things of that kinde hee effecteth with a secular power : but the ecclesiasticall power dealeth spiritually , and onely in the name of our lord jesus christ , and by authority entrusted or received from him alone : neither is it exercised without prayer or calling on the name of god ; nor lastly doth it use any other then spirituall weapons . . the same sinne therefore in the same man may be punished one way by the civill , another way by the ecclesiasticall power ; by the civill power under the formality of a crime , with corporall or pecuniary punishment ; by the ecclesiasticall power , under the notion and nature of scandall , with a spirituall censure , even as also the same civill question is one way deliberate upon and handled by the magistrate in the senate or place of judgement ; another way by the minister of the church , in the presbytery or synode ; by the magistrate so farre as it pertaineth to the government of the common-wealth , by the minister , so far as it respects the conscience ; for the ecclesiasticall ministery also is exercised about civill things spiritually , in so far as it teacheth and admonisheth the magistrate out of the word of god what is best and most acceptable unto gods or as it reproveth freely unjust judgements , unjust warres , and the like , and out of the scripture threatneth the wrath of god to be revealed against all unrighteousnesse of men ; so also is the magistrate said to bee occupied civilly about spirituall things . . therefore all the actions of the civill magistrate , even when hee is imployed about ecclesiasticall matters , are of their own nature and essentially civill : he punisheth externally idolaters , blasphemers , sacrilegious persons , hereticks , prophaners of holy things , and according to the nature and measure of the sinne hee condemneth to death or banishment , forfeiture of goods , or imprisonment ; he guardeth and underproppeth ecclesiasticall cannons with civill authority , giveth a place of habitation to the church in his territorie , restraineth or expelleth the insolent and untamed disturbers of the church . . hee taketh care also for maintaining the ministers and schools , and supplieth the temporall necessities of gods servants , by his command assembleth synodes , when there is need of them ; and summoneth , calleth out , and drawes to triall the unwilling , which without the magistrates strength and authority cannot be done , as hath been alreadie said ; he maketh synodes also safe and secure , and in a civill way presideth or moderateth in them ( if it so seem good to him ) either by himself or by a substitute commissioner . in all which the power of the magistrate though occupied about spirituall things , is not for all that spirituall but civill . . fourthly , they differ in the end : the immediate nearest end of civill power is , that the good of the commonwealth may bee provided for and procured , whether it be in time of peace , according to the rules of law and counsell of judges ; or in time of warre according to the rules of militarie prudence ; and so the temporall safety of the subjects may bee procured , and that externall peace and civill liberty may bee preserved , and being lost may be againe restored . . but the chiefest and last end of civill government is , the glory of god the creator , namely , that those which do evil being by a superiour power restrained or punished , & those which doe good getting praise of the same , the subjects so much the more may shun impiety and injustice , and that vertue , justice and the morall law of god ( as touching those eternall dueties of both tables , unto which all the posterity of adam are oblieged ) may remain in strength and flourish . . but whereas the christian magistrate doth wholly devote himself to the promoting of the gospel and kingdom of christ , and doth direct and bend all the might and strength of his authority to that end : this proceedeth not from the nature of his office or function , which is common to him with an infidell magistrate ; but from the influence of his common christian calling into his particular vocation . . for every member of the church ( and so also the faithfull and godly magistrate ) ought to referre and order his particular vocation , faculty , ability , power and honour to this end , that the kingdome of christ may bee propagated and promoted , and the true religion bee cherished and defended : so that the advancement of the gospel and of all the ordinances of the gospel , is indeed the end of the godly magistrate , not of a magistrate simply ; or ( if yee will rather ) t is not the end of the office it self , but of him who doth execute the same piously . . but the end of ecclesiasticall power , yea the end as well of the ministery it self , as of the godly minister , is , that the kingdome of christ may bee set forward , that the pathes of the lord bee made straight , that his holy mysteries may bee kept pure , that stumbling-blocks may bee removed out of the church , lest a little leaven , leaven the whole lump ; or lest one sick or scabbed sheep infect the whole flock ; that the faithfull may so walk as it becometh the gospel of christ , and that the wandering sheep of christ may be converted and brought back to the sheepfold . . and seeing this power is given of the lord , not to destruction but to edification ; therefore this same scope is propounded in excommunication , ( which is the greatest and last of ecclesiasticall censures ) namely , that the soul of an offending brother may be gained to christ , and that being stricken with fear , and the stubborne sinner filled with shame , may by the grace of god be humbled , and may ( as a brand plucked out of the fire ) bee snatched out of the snare of the devill , and may repent unto salvation ; at least the rest may turne away from those which are branded with such a censure , lest the soul infection do creep and spread further . . fifthly , they are distinguished by the effect . the effect of civill power is either proper or by way of redundance ; the proper effect is the safety temporall of the common-wealth , externall tranquillity , the fruition of civill liberty , and of all things which are necessary to the civill society of men : the effect by way of redundance is the good of the church , to wit , in so far as by execution of justice and good lawes , some impediments that usually hinder and disturbe the course of the gospel , are avoided or taken away . . for by how much the more faithfully the magistrate executeth his office in punishing the wicked , and cherishing and encouraging good men , taking away those things which withstand the gospel , and punishing or driving away the troublers and subverters of the church ; so much the more the orthodox faith and godlinesse are reverenced and had in estimation , sinnes are hated and feared : finally , all the subjects contained ( as much as concerneth the outward man ) within the lists of gods law ; whence also by consequence it happeneth by gods blessing , that the church is defiled with fewer scandals , and doth obtaine the more freedome and peace . . but the proper effect of the ecclesiasticall power , or keyes of the kingdome of heaven is wholly spirituall ; for the act of binding and loosing , of retaining and remitting sins , doth reach to the soul and conscience it self ( which cannot be said of the act of the civill power : ) and as unjust excommunication is void , so ecclesiasticall censure being inflicted by the ministers of christ and his stewards according to his will , is ratified in heaven , matth. . . and therefore ought to be esteemed and acknowledged in like manner as inflicted by christ himself . . sixthly , they are also differenced in respect of the subject : the politick power is committed sometimes to one , sometimes to more , sometime by right of election , sometime by right of succession : but the ecclesiasticall power is competent to none under the new testament by the right of succession , but he who hath it must be called by god and the church to it ; neither was it given by christ to one either pastor or elder , much lesse to a prelate , but to the church , that is to the consistory of presbyters : t is confessed indeed , and who can bee ignorant of it , that the power ( as they call it ) of order doth belong to particular ministers , and is by each of them apart lawfully exercised ? but that power which is commonly called of jurisdiction is committed not to one , but to the unity , that is to a consistory ; therefore ecclesiasticall censure ought not to be inflicted but by many . cor. . . . seventhly , they differ as touching the correlative . god hath commanded that unto the civill power , every soul , or all members of the commonwealth , of what condition and estate soever be subject ; for what have wee to doe with the papists , who will have them whom they call the clergy or ecclesiasticall persons , to bee free from the yoke of the civill magistrate ? the ecclesiasticall power extends it self to none other subjects then unto those which are called brethren , or members of the church . . eighthly , there remaineth another difference in respect of the distinct and divided exercise of authority . for either power ceasing from its duty , or remitting punishment , that doth not ( surely it ought not ) prejudice the exercise of the other power ; namely if the magistrate cease to do his duty , or do neglect to punish with secular punishment those malefactors which by profession are church members : neverthelesse , it is in the power of the governours of the church , by the bridle of ecclesiasticall discipline to curb such men ; yea also by vertue of their office they are bound to doe it ; and on the other part , the magistrate may and ought to punish in life and limme , honours or goods , notwithstanding of the offenders repentance or reconciliation with the church . . therefore the one sword being put up in the scabbard , it is free and often necessary to draw the other . neither power is bound to cast out or receive him whom the other doth cast forth or receive : the reason whereof is , because the ecclesiasticall ministery doth chiefly respect the repentance to salvation , and gaining of the sinners soul ; wherefore it also imbraceth all kindes of wicked men repenting , and receiveth them into the bosome of the church : the magistrate proposeth to himself another and much differing scope ; for even repenting offenders are by him punished , both that justice and the lawes may be satisfied , as also to terrifie others ; hence it is that absolution from ecclesiastick censure freeth not at all the delinquent from civill judgement and the externall sword . . seeing then there are so many and so great differences of both offices , and seeing also that the function of ministers and elders of the church is not at all contained in the office of the magistrate ; neither on the other part , this is comprehended within that ; magistrates shall no lesse sin in usurping ecclesiasticall power , ministring holy things , ordaining ministers , or exercising discipline ecclesiasticall , then ministers should sin in rushing into the borders of the magistrate , and in thrusting themselves into his calling . . neither are those powers more mingled one with other , or lesse distinguished , where the magistrate is a christian , then where he is an infidell ; for as in a beleeving father and in an infidell father , the rights of a father are the same , so in a christian magistrate , and in an infidell magistrate , the rights of magistrates are the same ; so that to the magistrate converted to the christian faith , there is no accession of new right , or increase of civill power , although being indued with true faith and piety , he is made more fit and willing to the undergoing of his office and the doing of his duety . . so then the word of god and the law of christ which by so evident difference separateth and distinguisheth ecclesiasticall government from the civill , forbiddeth the christian magistrate to enter upon or usurpe the ministery of the word and sacraments , , or the juridicall dispensing of the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , to invade the church-government , or to chalenge to himself the right of both swords , spirituall and corporall ; but if any magistrate ( which god forbid ) should dare to arrogate to himself so much , and to enlarge his skirts so far , the church shall then straightway be constrained to complaine justly , and cry out , that though the pope is changed , yet popedome remaineth still . . it is unlawfull moreover to a christian magistrate to withstand the practise and execution of ecclesiasticall discipline , ( whether it be that which belongs to a particular church , or the matter be carried to a classe or synode ) now the magistrate withstandeth the ecclesiastick discipline , either by prohibitions and unjust lawes , or by his evill example stirring up and inciting others to the contempt thereof , or to the trampling it under foot . . surely the christian magistrate ( if at any time hee give any grievous scandall to the church , ) seeing he also is a member of the church , ought no wayes disdaine to submit himself to the power of the keyes ; neither is this to be marvelled at , for even as the office of the minister of the church is no wayes subordinate and subjected to the civill power , but the person of the minister , as he is a member of the common wealth is subject thereto : so the civill power it self , or the magistrate , as a magistrate , is not subjected to ecclesiastick power ; yet that man who is a magistrate ought ( as hee is a member of the church ) to be under the churches censure of his manners , after the example of the emperour theodosius , unlesse he will despise and set at nought ecclesiastick discipline , and indulge the swelling pride of the flesh . . if any man should again object that the magistrate is not indeed to resist ecclesiasticall government , yet that the abuses thereof are to be corrected and taken away by him : the answer is ready , in the worst and troublesome times , or in the decayed and troubled estate of things , when the ordinance of god in the church is violently turned into tyranny , to the treading down of true religion , and to the oppressing of the professors thereof , and when nothing almost is found or whole , divers things are yeelded to be lawfull to godly magistrates , which are not ordinarily lawfull for them , that so to extraordinary diseases extraordinary remedies may be applyed . so also the magistrate abusing his power unto tyranny , and making havock of all , t is lawfull to resist him by some extraordinary wayes and meanes , which are not ordinarily to bee allowed . . yet ordinarily and by common or known law and right in settled churches , if any man have recourse to the magistrate to complain , that through abuse of ecclesiastick discipline , injury is done to him , or if any sentence of the pastors and elders of the church , whether concerning faith or discipline , do displease or seem unjust unto the magistrate himself ; it is not for that cause lawfull to draw those ecclesiasticall causes to a civill tribunall , or to bring in a kinde of politicall or civill popedome . . what then ? shall it be lawfull ordinarily for ministers and elders to do what they list , or shall the governours in the churches , glorying in the law , by their transgression dishonour god : god forbid . for first , if they shall trespasse in any thing against the magistrate or municipall lawes , whether by intermedling in judging of civill causes , or otherwise disturbing the peace and order of the common-wealth , they are lyable to civill tryall and judgements , and it is in the power of the magistrate to restrain and punish them . . again it hath been before shewed , that to ecclesiasticall evils ecclesiasticall remedies are appointed and sitted , for the church is no lesse then the common-wealth , through the grace of god , sufficient to it self in reference unto her own end : and as in the common-wealth , so in the church , the errour of inferior judgements and assemblies , or their evil government , is to bee corrected by superior judgements and assemblies , and so still by them of the same order , lest one order be confounded with another , or one government bee intermingled with another government . what shall now the adversaries of ecclesiasticall power object here , which those who admit not the yoke of the magistrate may not bee ready in like manner to transferre against the civill judicatories and government of the common-wealth ? seeing it happeneth sometimes that the common-wealth is no lesse ill governed then the church . . if any man shall prosecute the argument , and say that yet no remedy is here shewed , which may bee applyed to the injustice or errour of a nationall synode : surely he stumbleth against the same stone , seeing he weigheth not the matter with an equall balance ; for the same may in like sort fall back and be cast upon parliaments , or any supreme senate of a common-wealth : for who seeth not the judgement of the supreme civill senate to be nothing more infallible , yea also in matters of faith and ecclesiasticall discipline , more apt and prone to errour ( as being lesse accustomed to sacred studies ) then the judgement of the nationall synode ? what medicines then , or what soveraigne plaisters shall be had which may be fit for the curing and healing of the errors and miscariages of the supreme magistrates and senate ? the very like , and beside all this , other and more effectuall medicines by which the errors of nationall synods may bee healed , are possible to be had . . there wanteth not a divine medicine and soveraigne balme in gilead ; for although the popish opinion of the infallibility of counsels , be worthily rejected and exploded ; yet t is not in vaine that christ hath promised , he shall be present with an assembly , which indeed and in truth meeteth together in his name ; with such an assembly verily he useth to be present by a spirituall aide and assistance of his own spirit , to uphold the falling , or to raise up the fallen . whence it is that divers times the errors of former synods are discovered and amended by the latter : sometimes also the second , or after thoughts of one and the same synode are the wiser and the better . . furthermore , the line of ecclesiasticall subordination is longer and further stretched then the line of civill subordination ; for a nationall synode must be subordinate and subject to an universall synode , in the manner aforesaid , whereas yet there is no oecumenicall parliament or generall civill court acknowledged , unto which the supreme civill senate in this or that nation should bee subject . finally , neither is the church altogether destitute of nearer remedies , whether an universall counsell may be had or not . . for the nationall synode ought to declare , and that with greatest reverence , to the magistrate , the grounds of their sentence , and the reasons of their proceedings , when hee demandeth or enquireth into the same , and desireth to bee satisfied : but if the magistrate neverthelesse do dissent , or cannot by contrary reasons ( which may be brought , if hee please ) move the synode to alter their judgement , yet may he require and procure that the matter be again debated and canvassed in another nationall synode ; and so the reasons of both sides being throughly weighed , may be lawfully determined in an ecclesiasticall way . . but as there is much indeed to be given to the demand of the magistrate ; so is there here a two-fold caution to be used : for first , notwithstanding of a future revision , it is necessary that the former sentence of the synode , whether concerning the administration of ecclesiastick discipline , or against any heresie , be forthwith put in execution ; lest by lingering and making of delayes , the evil of the church take deeper root , and the gangrene spread and creep further : and lest violence be done to the consciences of ministers , if they be constrained to impart the signes and seales of the covenant of grace to dogs and swine , that is , to unclean persons , wallowing in the mire of ungodlinesse ; and lest subtile men abuse such interims or intervals , so as that ecclesiasticall discipline altogether decay , and the very decrees of synods be accounted as cobwebs , which none feareth to break down . . next it may be granted that the matter may be put under a further examination , yet upon condition , that when it is come to the revision of the former sentence , regard may be had of the weaker which are found willing to bee taught , though they doubt , but that unto the wicked and contentious tempters , which do mainly strive to oppresse our liberty which we have in christ , and to bring us into bondage , we do not for a moment give place by subjecting our selves ; for what else seek they or wait for , then that under the pretence of a revising and of new debate , they cast in lets and impediments ever and anone , and that by cunning lyings in wait they may betray the liberty of the church , and in processe of time may by open violence more forceably breake in upon it , or at least constrain the ministers of the church to weave penelope's web , which they can never bring to an end . . moreover , the christian magistrate hath then only discharged his office in reference to ecclesiasticall discipline , when not onely he withdraweth nothing from it , and maketh no impedient to it , but also affordeth speciall furtherance and help to it , according to the prophecie , isa. . . and kings shall be thy nursing fathers , and queens thy nursing mothers . . for christian magistrates and princes embracing christ and sincerely giving their names to him , doe not only serve him as men , but also use their office to his glory , and the good of the church ; they defend , stand for , and take care to propagate the true faith and godlinesse , they afford places of habitation to the church , and furnish necessary helps and supports , turne away injuries done to it , restraine false religion , and cherish , underprop , and defend the rights and liberties of the church ; so farre they are from diminishing , changing or restraining those rights , for so the condition of the church were in that respect worse , and the liberty thereof more cut short , under the christian magistrate , then under the infidell or heathen . . wherefore seeing these nursing fathers , favourers , and defenders , can doe nothing against the trueth , but for the trueth , nor have any right against the gospel , but for the gospel ; and their power in respect of the church whereof they bear the care , being not privative or destructive , but cumulative and auxiliary , thereby it is sufficiently cleare , that they ought to cherish , and by their authority ought to establish the ecclesiasticall discipline ; but yet not with implicite faith , or blinde obedience : for the reformed churches doe not deny to any of the faithfull , much lesse to the magistrate , the judgement of christian prudence and discretion concerning those things which are decreed or determined by the church . . therefore , as to each member of the church respectively , so unto the magistrate belongeth the judgement of such things , both to apprehend and to judge of them ; for although the magistrate is not ordained and preferred of god , that he should be a judge of matters and causes spirituall , of which there is controversie in the church : yet is hee questionlesse judge of his own civill act , about spirituall things ; namely of defending them in his own dominions , and of approving or tolerating the same ; and if in this businesse hee judge and determine according to the wisdome of the flesh , and not according to the wisedome which is from above , he is to render an account thereof before the supream tribunall . . however the ecclesiasticall discipline , according as it is ordained by christ , whether it bee established and ratified by civill authority , or not , ought to be retained and exercised in the society of the faithfull ( as long as it is free and safe for them to come together in holy assemblies ) for the want of civill authority is unto the church like a ceasing gaine , but not like damage or losse ensuing ; as it superaddeth nothing more , so it takes nothing away . . if it further happen ( which god forbid ) that the magistrate do so farre abuse his authority , that hee doth straitly forbid what christ hath ordained ; yet the constant and faithfull servants of christ , will resolve and determine with themselves , that any extremities are rather to be undergone , then that they should obey such things , and that wee ought to obey god rather then men ; yea they will not leave off to performe all the parts of their office , being ready in the mean time to render a reason of their practise to every one that demandeth it , but specially unto the magistrate , ( as was said before . ) . these things are not to that end and purpose proposed , that these functions should be opposed one against another , in a hostile posture , or in termes of enmity , then which nothing is more hurtfull to the church and commonwealth , nothing more execrable to them who are truely and sincerely zealous for the house of god ( for they have not so learned christ : ) but the aime is , first and above all , that unto the king of kings and lord of lords jesus christ the onely monarch of the church , his own prerogative royall ( of which also himself in the world was accused , and for his witnessing a good confession thereof before pontius pilate , was unjustly condemned to death ) may be fully maintained and defended . . next , this debate tendeth also to this end , that the power as well of ecclesiasticall censu●e as of the civill sword being in force , the licentiousnesse of carnall men , which desire that there be too slack ecclesiasticall discipline or none at all , may be bridled , and so men may sin lesse , and may live more agreeably to the gospel . another thing here intended is , that errours on both sides being overthrowen , ( as well the errour of those who under a fair pretence of maintaining and defending the rights of magistracie , do leave to the church either no power , or that which is too weak ; as the errour of others , who under the vaile of a certaine suppositious and imaginary christian liberty , do turne off the yoke of the magistrate ) both powers may enjoy their owne priviledges ; adde hereto that both powers being circumscribed with their distinct borders and bounds , and also the one underpropped and strengthned by the help of the other , a holy concord betweene them may be nourished , and they may mutually and friendly imbrace one another . . last of all , seeing there are not wanting some unhappy men , who cease not to pervert the right wayes of the lord , and with all diligence goe about to shake off the yoke of the ecclesiasticall discipline , where now t is about to bee introduced , yea also where it hath been long agoe established , and as yet happily remaineth in force , it was necessary to obviate their most wicked purposes ; which things being so , let all which hath been said , passe with the good leave and liking of those orthodoxe churches in which the discipline of excommunication is not as yet in use : neither can any offence easily arise to them from hence ; yea ( if the best conjecture doe not deceive ) they cannot but rejoyce and congratulate at the defence and vindication of this discipline . . for those churches doe not deny but acknowledge and teach , that the discipline of excommunication is most agreeable to the word of god , as also that it ought to bee restored and exercised ; which also heretofore the most learned zachary vrsine in the declaration of his judgement concerning excommunication , exhibited to prince frederick the third count elector palatine , the title whereof is , judicium de disciplina ecclesiastica &c. excommunicatione , &c. . for thus he , in other churches where either no excommunication is in use , or t is not lawfully administred , and neverthelesse without all controversie , it is confessed and openly taught , that it ought justly to bee received and bee of force in the church : and a little after , lest also your highnesse by this new opinion doe sever your self and your churches from all other churches , as well those which have not excommunication , as those which have it ; forasmuch as all of them doe unanimously confesse , and alwayes confessed that there is reason why it ought to bee in use . . to the same purpose it tendeth which the highly esteemed philip melancthon in his common places , chap. of civill magistrates doth affirme : before ( sayeth he ) i warned that civill places and powers are to bee distinguished from the adhering confusions which arise from other causes , partly from the malice of the devill , partly from the malice of men , partly from the common infirmity of men , as it cometh to passe in other kindes of life and government ordained of god . no man doubteth , that ecclesiasticall government is ordained of god , and yet how many and great disorders grow in it from other causes . where he mentioneth a church government distinct from the civill , and that jure divino , as a thing uncontroverted . . neither were the wishes of the chief divines of zurick and berne wanting , for the recalling and restoring of the discipline of excommunication . so bullinger upon cor. . and hitherto ( faith he ) of the of the ecclesiasticall chastising of wickednesse , but here i would have the brethren diligently warned , that they watch , and with all diligence take care that this wholesome medicine thrown out of the true church , by occasion of the popes avarice , may be reduced , that is , that scandalous sins bee punished , for this is the very end of excommunication , that mens manners may be well ordered , and the saints flourish , the prophane being restrained , lest wicked men by their impudencie and impiety increase and undoe all . it is our part ô brethren with greatest diligence to take care of these things ; for we see that paul in this place doth stirre up those that were negligent in this businesse . . aretius agreeth hereunto . problem . theolog. loc. . magistrates doe not admit the yoke , they are afraid for their honours , they love licentiousnesse , &c. the common people is too dissolute , the greatest part is most corrupt , &c. in the mean while i willingly confesse , that wee are not to despaire , but the age following will peradventure yeeld more tractable spirits , more milde hearts then our times have . see also lavater agreeing in this , homil. . on nehem. because the popes of rome have abused excommunication for the establishing of their owne tyrannie , it cometh to passe , that almost no just discipline can be any more settled in the church , but unlesse the wicked bee restrained , all things must of necessitie runne into the worst condition . see besides , the opinion of fabritius upon psal. , , , , . of spirituall corrections , which hee groundeth upon that text compared with matthew . . and . . john . . . it can hardly bee doubted or called in question , but besides these , other learned and godly divines of those churches were and are of the same minde herein , with those now cited ; and indeed the very confession of faith of the churches of helvetia , chap. . may bee an evidence hereof . but there ought to bee in the mean time a just discipline amongst ministers , for the doctrine and life of ministers is diligently to be enquired of in synodes : those that sinne are to be rebuked of the elders , and to be brought againe into the way , if they bee curable ; or to be deposed , and like wolves driven away from the flock of the lord , if they bee incurable . that this manner of synodicall censure , namely of deposing ministers from their office for some great scandall , is used in the republike of zurick , lavater is witnesse , in his book of the rites and ordinances of the church of zurick , chap. . surely they could not be of that minde , that ecclesiasticall discipline ought to bee exercised upon delinquent ministers onely , and not also upon other rotten members of the church . . yea the helvetian confession in the place now cited , doth so taxe the inordinate zeal of the donatists and anabaptists ( which are so bent upon the rooting out of the tares out of the lords field , that they take not heed of the danger of plucking up the wheat ) that withall it doth not obscurely commend the ecclesiasticall forensicall discipline , as distinct from the civill power , and seeing ( say they ) t is altogether necessary that there bee in the church a discipline ; and among the ancients in times past excommunication hath been usuall , and ecclesiasticall courts have been among the people of god , among whom this discipline was exercised by prudent and godly men : it belongeth also to ministers according to the case of the times , the publike estate and necessitie , to moderate this discipline ; where this rule is ever to be held , that all ought to be done to edification , decently , honestly , without tyrannie and sedition ; the apostle also witnesseth , cor. . that to himself , was given of god a power unto edification , and not unto destruction . . and now what resteth but that god bee intreated with continuall and ardent prayers , both that hee would put into the hearts of all magistrates zeal and care to cherish , defend , and guard the ecclesiastick discipline , together with the rest of christs ordinances , and to stop their eares against the importunate suites of whatsoever claw-backs which would stirre them up against the church ; and that also all governours and rulers of churches , being every where furnished and helped with the strength of the holy spirit , may diligently and faithfully execute this part also of their function , as it becometh the trustie servants of christ , which study to please their owne lord and master , more then men . . finally , all those who are more averse from ecclesiastick discipline , or ill affected against it , are to be admonished and intreated through our lord jesus christ , that they bee no longer entangled and enveagled with carnall prejudice , to give place in this thing to humane affections , and to measure by their owne corrupt reason spirituall discipline , but that they doe seriously think with themselves and consider in their mindes , how much better it were , that the lusts of the flesh were as with a bridle tamed , and that the repentance , amendment , and gaining of vicious men unto salvation may be sought , then that sinners bee left to their own disposition , and bee permitted to follow their owne lusts without controllment , and by their evill example to draw others headlong into ruine with themselves ; and seeing either the keyes of discipline must take no ruste , or the manners of christians will certainly contract much ruste ; what is here to be chosen , and what is to bee shunned , let the wise and godly , who alone take to heart the safety of the church , judge . finis . the due right of presbyteries, or, a peaceable plea for the government of the church of scotland ... by samuel rutherfurd ... rutherford, samuel, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing r estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : , :e , no ) the due right of presbyteries, or, a peaceable plea for the government of the church of scotland ... by samuel rutherfurd ... rutherford, samuel, ?- . [ ], [i.e. ] p. printed by e. griffin, for richard whittaker and andrew crook ..., london : . numerous errors in paging. errata: p. [ ]. this work appears on reels and . reproduction of originals in the yale university library and the thomason collection, british library. (from t.p.) . the way of the church of christ in new england in brotherly equality and independency, or coordination, without subjection of church to another -- . their apology for the said government, their answers to thirty and two questions are considered -- . a treatise for a church covenant is discussed -- . the arguments of mr. robinson in his justification of separation are discovered -- . his treatise, called, the peoples plea for the exercise of prophecy, is tryed -- . diverse late arguments against presbyteriall government, and the tower of synods are discussed, the power of the prince in matters ecclesiastical modestly considered & divers incident controversies resolved. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -- government -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . presbyterianism -- early works to . congregational churches -- government -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the due right of presbyteries , or , a peaceable plea for the government of the church of scotland , wherein is examined . the way of the church of christ in new england , in brotherly equality , and independency , or coordination , without subjection of one church to another . . their apology for the said government , their answers to thirty and two questions are considered . . a treatise for a church covenant is discussed . . the arguments of mr. robinson in his justification of separation are discovered . . his treatise , called , the peoples plea for the exercise of prophecy , is tryed . . diverse late arguments against presbyteriall government , and the power of synods are discussed , the power of the prince in matters ecclesiastical modestly considered , & divers incident controversies resolved . by samuel rutherfurd professor of divinity at saint andrewes . cant . . . who is she that looketh forth as the morning , faire as the moone , cleare as the sun , and terrible as an army with banners ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 london , printed by e. griffin , for richard whittaker , and andrew crook and are to be sold at their shops in pauls church-yard , . to the most noble and potent lord archbald marquesse of argile , one of his majesties honourable privy councell , wisheth grace , mercy and peace . who knoweth ( most noble and potent lord ) how glorious it is , and how praise-worthy , when the mighty , and these who are a called the shields of the earth , and the cedars of lebanon cast their shadow over the city of god ? airie wits and broken spirits chase fame , but fame and glory shall chase him , who is ( as the spirit of god speaketh ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sonne of courage , and one who hath done b many acts for the lord. the followers of christ are the sonnes of nobles c all blood is of one colour , holinesse maketh the difference . fortuna vitrea est , tum cum splendet , frangitur . things we rest on here be made of cristall glasse , while they glister , they are broken . plures tegit fortuna , quam tutor facit . the world may cover men , it cannot make them secure . but the lord is a sun and a shield . what hath jesus christ on earth , which he loveth , as he doth his church ? what a created peece is the true church ? a woman clothed with the sunne , and the moone under her feet , and upon her head a crowne of twelve starres . her very servants are the e glory of christ. yet is this poore woman in brittaine , crying , travelling in birth , pained while shee be delivered , because of the idolatry of the land , and our defection and apostacy practised , countenanced , tolerated in both kingdomes . many graves , many widowes , and the land turned into a field of blood are the just fruits of many altars , of masse-idolls , of bread worship , of many inventions of men , let then : have a name and flourish in the house of the lord , and let them be written with the living in jerusalem who contribute help for the desired birth of the manchild . prelacy and popery wither , as in a land of drought , except they be planted beside rivers of blood ; but the lord shall build his own jerusalem . your honour may justly challenge this little expression of my obliged respects to your lordship . i acknowledge it is little , though it may have some use . etiam capillus unus habet umbram suam ; one haire casteth its owne shadow . jmpotency to pay debt layeth not upon any the note of unthankfulnesse , except it be impotency of good will. if i be not a debter for will , i am nothing . and this i owe , and this church and nation may divide the sum with me ; for which , wishing to your lordship all riches of grace , i stand obliged . your lordships servant at all dutifull observance in christ jesus . samuel rutherfurd . to the reader . there be two happy things ( worthy reader ) as a one sayth , the one is not to erre , the other is to escape from the power of error . times wombe bringeth forth many truths , though truth be not a debter to time , because time putteth new robes on old truth ; but truth is gods debter , and oweth her being to him only . it is a great evil under the sun , and the sicknesse of mans vanity , that the name of holy men should be a web to make garments of for new opinions , but the errors of holy men have no whitenesse , nor holinesse from men . and it is a wrong that mens praise should be truths prejudice , and mens gaine , truths losse . yet i shall heartily desire that men herein observe the art of deep providence , for the creator commandeth darknes to bring forth her birth of light , and god doth so over-aw , with a wise super-dominion , mens errors , that contrary to natures way , from collision of opinions , resulteth truth ; and disputes , as stricken flint , cast fire for light , god raising out of the dust and ashes of errors a new living truth . what mistakes , errors , or heresies have been anent church government , that vigilant and never slumbering wisdome of providence , hath thence made to appeare the sound doctrine of gods kingdome . so here satan shapeth , and god seweth , and maketh the garment . error is but dregs , by the artifice of all compassing providence , from whence are distilled strong and cordiall waters . and what antichrist hath conceived for a hierarchy and humane ceremonies , hath put christ in his two witnesses in brittaine to advocate for the truth and native simplicity of his own kingdom . but i heartily desire not to appeare as an adversary to the holy , reverend , and learned brethren who are sufferers for the truth , for there be wide marches betwixt striving , and disputing . why should we strive ? for we be brethren , the sonnes of one father , the borne citizens of one mother ierusalem . to dispute is not to contend . we strive as we are carnall , we dispute as we are men , we war from our lusts b we dispute from diversity of star-light , and day-light . weaknesse is not wickednesse , a roving of wit must not be deemed a rebellion of will , a broken inginne may part with a dead child , and yet be a mother of many healthy children . and while our reverend and deare brethren , fleeing the coast of egypt , and babylons wicked borders , aym to shore upon truth , wind may deceive good sailors , naturall land-motions ( as when heavy bodies move downward , toward their own ( clay countrey ) are upon a straight line . but sea-motions of sailing are not by right lines , but rather by sea-circles . we often argue and dispute , as we saile . where grace and weight of scripture make motion , we walke , in a right line , toward god. but where opinion , a messenger only sent to spie the land of lies , and truth , usurpeth to conduct us , what marvell then we goe about truth , rather then lodge with truth . and christ his kingdome , scepter , glory , babylons fall , be the materiall object of opinions , on both sides ; and yet the word of god hath a right lith , that cannot suffer division . in gods matters there be not , as in grammar , the positive and comparative degrees , there are not here , truth , and more true , and most true . truth is in an indivisible line , which hath no latitude , and cannot admit of spleeting . and therefore we may make use of the philosophers word , amicus socrates , amicus plato , sed magis amica veritas . though peter and paul bee our beloved friends , yet the truth is a dearer friend : the sonnes of babylon make out-cries of divisions and diversity of religions amongst us , but every opinion is not a new religion . but where shall multitude of gods be had , for multitude of new wayes to heaven , if one heaven cannot containe two gods , how shall all papists be lodged after death ? what astronomy shall teach us of millions of heavens , for thomists , scotists , franciscans , dominicans , sorbonists ? &c. but i leave off , and beg from the reader candor and ingenuous and faire dealing , from formalists , men in the way to babylon , i may wish this , i cannot hope it . fare-well . yours in the lord , s. r. a table of the contents of this book . a company of believers professing the truth and meeting in one place every lords day , for the worshipping of god , is not the visible church endued with ministeriall power . p. . , . & seq . the keys of the kingdome of heaven are not committed to the church of believers destitute of elders , p. , . the keys are given to stewards by office , p. , , seq . the places , mat. . and mat. . fully discussed , by evidence of the text , and testimonies of fathers , and modern writers , p. , , , . seq . power ministeriall of forgiving sins , belongeth not to private christians , as m. robinson , and others imagine , p. . . seq private christians , by no warrant of gods word , not in office , can be publick persons warrantably exercising judiciall acts of the keys , p. , , . & seq . who so holdeth this , cannot decline the meere popular government of morellius , and others , p. . these who have the ministeriall power by office , are not the church builded on the rock , p. . the place col. . . say to archippus , discussed , p. , . the keys not given to as many , as the gospell is given unto ; as mr. robinson saith . p. , . seq . there is a church-assembly judging , excluding the people as judges , though not as hearers and consenters , p. . . reasons why our brethren of new england allow of church-censures to the people , examined , p. , , , . there is no necessity of the personall presence of all the church in all the acts of church censu●es , p , . seq . the place , cor. . expounded , p , , . how farre lictors may execute the sentence that is given out , without their conscience and knowledge , p. . . seq . a speculative doubt ●nent the act , maketh not a doubting conscience , but onely a practicall doubt anent the law , p. . ignorance vincible and invincible , the former may bee a question of fact , the latter is never a question of law. p. , , . the command of superiors cannot remove a doubting conscience , p. , . the conscience of a judge , as a man , and as a judge , not one and the same , p. , . the people of the jewes not judges , as ainsworth supposeth , p. , . that there is under the new testament , a provinciall and nationall church , p. . . seq . a diocesian church farre different from a provinciall church , p. , . the place , acts . . proveth the power of a visible catholick church , p. , . the equity and necessity of a catholick visible church , p. . , , . how the catholick church is visible , p. , . the jewish and christian churches were of one and the same visible constitution , p. , , . the iewish church was a congregationall church , p. . . seq . excommunication in the iewish church , p. . , , . separation from the jewish , and the true christian churches both alike unlawfull , p. . . the iewish civil state and the church different , p. . , . separation from the church for the want of some ordinances how far lawfull , p. , , . a compleat power of excommunication how in a congregation , and how not , p. . . how all are to joyne themselves to some visible church . p. . , . the place , cor. . considered , p. . that all without are not to be understood of all without the lists of a parishionall church , ibid & . . that persons are not entered members of the visible church , by a church-covenant , p. , , , , . seq . that there is no warrant in gods word , for any such covenant , ibid. in seq . the manner of entering in church state in new england , p. . . the place , act. , , . is not for a church-covenant . ibid. the ancient church knew no such church-covenant , p. . . no church-covenant in england , p. . . nor of old , the places genes . . . exod , . . acts . . favour not the church-covenant , p. . , . nor deut. . . p. , . seq . the exposition of deut. . given by our brethren favours much the glosse of arminians and socinians , not a church-covenant , p. . . . . a church-covenant not the essentiall forme of a visible church , p. , . the place , chro. . . chro. . . speak not for a church-covenant . p. . . nor doth nehemiahs covenant ch . . plead for it , the place of esai . . alledged for the church-covenant discussed , p. . . the place ezech. . . considered . p . . and the place , jer. . . p . . and the place , esay . . p . . the place , cor. . . violently handled to speak for this church-covenant , p . . seq . a passage of iustine martyr , with the ancient custome of baptizing , vindicated , p. . john baptists baptising vindicated , p. . the place acts . and of the rest durst no man joyne himselfe to them , &c. wronged and put under the arminian glosse , p. . . the pretended mariage betwixt the pastor and the church , no ground of a church-covenant , and is a popish error , p. . . power of election of pastors not essentiall to a pastor all relation , p. , . it is lawfull to sweare a platforme of a confession of faith , p. , , . seq . our brethren and the arminian arguments on the contrary are dissolved , p. , , . pastors and doctors how differenced , p. . of ruling elders , p. . . and the place , tim. . . farther considered , the place tim. . . elders that rule well examined , p. , , . especially , , . seq . arguments against ruling elders answered , p. . . seq . the places , cor. . . rom. . discussed and vindicated p. . , , . seq . of deacons , p. . . seq . the place acts . for deacons discussed , p. . . the magistrate no deacon , p. , . deacons instituted , p. . . seq . deacons are not to preach and baptize , p. , . seq . os widdowes , p. . , . how the church is before the ministery , and the minestery before the church , p. , . the keys and power of ordaining officers not committed to the church of believers destitute of elders , p. . . . robinsons reasons on the contrary , siding with arminians and socinians , ( who evert the necessity of a ministery ) are dissolved , p. . . no ordination of elders by a church of onely believers , but by elders , in a constituted church , p. . . seq . ordination and election differ , ibidm corrupt rites of the romish church added to ordination destroy not the nature of ordination , though such an ordination be unlawfull yet is not invalid and null , p . , . the various opinions of romanists anent ordination , ibid. election may stand for ordination , in case of necessity , p. . of the succession of pastors to pastors , p. . . calling of pastors seems by our brethrens way not necessary , p. arguments for ordination of elders by a church of onely believers dissolved , p. . , seq . believers , because not the successors of the apostles , have not power of ordination , p. . , . seq . the keys , by no warrant of gods word , are given to pastors as pastors , according to the doctrine of our brethren , p. . seq . they side with sociaians who ascribe ordination to sole believers , p. . election belongeth to the people , p. . . seq . in the ancient church this was constantly taught , till papists did violate gods ordinance , p. . election of a pastor not essentiall to his calli●g , p. . the calling of luther how ordinary , and how extraordinary , p. , , . seq . the essence of a valid calling , p. . . how it may be proved by humane testimonies that the now visible church hath been a visible church since the dayes of the apostles , p. . . & seq . since the long continuance of the waldenses , p. , . seq . a calling frow the papists church as valid , as baptisme from the same church , p. , . seq . robinsons arguments are removed , p. . . of addition of members to the church , p. . what sort of professors , whether true or seeming believers doe essentially constitute a visible church ; divers considerable distinctions anent a visible church , p. ib. . , seq . the invisible , not the visible church the prime subject of the covenant of grace , and of all the priviledges due to the church , and of all title , claime and interest in jesus christ , and how by the contrary doctrine our brethren imprudently fall into a grosse poynt of arminianisme , p. . , , , . seq . the invisible church hath properly right to the seales of the covenant , our brethren in this poynt joyne with papists whom otherwise they sincerely hate , p. , , . seq . what sort of profession doth constitute a visible church p. . that christ hath provided no pastors as pastors , for converting of soules and planting visible churches , is holden by our brethren , p. . the arguments of our brethren for a pretended church of visible saints , not only in profession , but also in some measure of truth and sincerity , as the author saith , are disolved , p. . , . robinsons arguments at length are discussed , p. . , seq the lords adding to the church invisible , no rule for our adding , p. . the places mat . & mat. of the man without his wedding garment comming to the feast , and of the t●res in the lords field discussed , p. , . . the typical temple no ground for this pretended visible church p. , . nor the place , tim. . . p. . nor rev. . . without are dogs , p. . . and of diverse other places and persons at length , in seq . ordinary and prosessed hearing is church-communion , p. , , & seq . excommunicated persons not wholy cut off from the visible church , p. , , seq . sundry distinctions thereanent collected out of the fathers and schoolemen , p. , , , . some separatists deny that the regenerated can be excommunicated , as robinson ; some say onely the regenerated are capable of excommunication , as peter coachman , p , , . of the diverse sorts of excommunication and the power thereof p. , , . the reason why papists debar not the excommunicated from hearing the word , p. , . how the seals are due to the visible church , only in foro ecclesiastico properly , p. . in what diverse considerations the word preached is a note of the visible church , p. , . seq . the difference betwixt nota and signum , p. . and nota actu primo & notificativa , and nota actu secundo , and notificans , p. . arguments of robinson and others answered , p. . . whether discipline be a note of the true church , diverse distinctions thereanent , p. , . the order of gods publick worship , p. . of the communion of the visible catholik church , p. , . the ministery and ordinances are given principally to the guides of the catholick church , and to , and for the catholick church , p. , , . and not to a congregation only , ibid . congregations are parts of a presbyteriall church , p. , . christ principally the head of the catholick church and secondarily a spouse , head , lord , king of a praticular congregation , p. . the excommunicated is east out of the catholick visible church p. , . a sister congregation doth not excommunicate consequenter only , but antecedenter also , p. . how presbyteriall churches excommunicate not by power derived from the catholick visible church , p. , . of the power of the catholick visible church , p. , . a congregation in a remote i le hath power of jurisdiction , p. . a presbyteriall church is the first and principall subject of the ordinary power of jurisdiction , p. , . what power generall councells have and how necessary , p. . power of excommunication not in a single congregation consociated with other churches , p. , . synods or councels occasionall , rather then ordinary , p. . a congregational church , how it is by divine right , p. . tell the church , mat. . not restrained to a single congregation only , p. , . the place ( mat. . . tell the church ) considered , p. , , , , seq . an appeale from a church that hath lawful power , p. . a representative church , p. . the power of a single congregation , p , , . matthew . tell the church , establisheth a church court , p. , , . what relation of eldership do the members of the classicall presbytery beare to the whole presbyteriall church , and to all the congregations thereof , p. , , , , & seq . they have power of governing all congregations in those bounds , and not power of pastorall teaching in every one of them , ibidem oncrousnesse of ruling many churches , whereof the elders of the classicall presbytery are not pastors , no more then the onerousnesse of advising that is incumbent to sister churches , p. , , . the power of presbyteries auxiliary , not destructive to the power of congregations , p . . a church-congregationall within a church presbyteriall , p. , , . entire power of government in one congregationall church against nature and the order of grace , p. , . a nationall church no iudaisme , but christian , p. , . how pastors are pastors in relation to these congregations , p. , . and churches whereof they are not proper pastors , p. , , . the place , cor. . considered , if it can prove that all the multitude have an interest of presence in all acts of iurisdiction , p. , , . the place acts . for a lawfull synod considered at length , acts . p. , , , , , , , . & seq . all the requisites of a juridicall synod here , p. , , . the apostles did not act in this synod , as apostles , p. , , . , , & seq . . , . the power of this synod not doctrinall onely , but also juridicall , p. , , . the church acts . . seemeth to be a synodicall church , p. , . if the apostles as infallible did reason in this synod , p. , . how the holy ghost is in all lawfull synods , p. , . and what holy ghost is meant , ibidem this synod not a company of counsellors , p. , , . church power intrinsecally in every part of the church and not derived either by ascending or descending , p. , . which is the first church , and five necessary distinctions , thereanent , p. , , . presbyteriall government warranted by the light of nature , p. , . power of censures in this synod , p. , , seq . acts of this synod could not have been performed by any one man , p. , , . . reasons proving that the apostles acted in this synod as apostles , are removed , p. , , . a power to act church-acts cannot want a power of censuring the contraveners , p. . how the decrees acts . bind all the churches , p. , . what was in question acts . p , . the apostles proceeding by way of disputing not by apostolick infallibility in this synod , p. , . seq . the question acts . a church question , p. , . the synagogue of the iewes a compleat church though all the ordinances of god were not there , p. , . the power of an oecumenick synod above a nationall church , what it is , p. , , . there is a visible catholick church , cor. . p. , , . the church of herusalem was a presbyteriall church , p. , . the church of jerusalem an ordinary christian church , p. , , , . a presbyteriall church after the dispersion , p , . the apostles exercised acts of a classicall presbytery as ordinary elders , acts . p. . . seq . the seales not to be denied to approved professors , though they be not members of a parishionall church , p. , seq . whether the invisible or visible church hath right to the seales , p. . the visible church of the jewes , and the visible church of the gentiles of one and the same nature and essentiall constitution , p. , , . whether for every sinne of ignorance there was need of a sacrifice , p. . arguments to prove that only members of a parishionall church are capable of the seales dissolved , p. . no strong hand of providence , such as necessary absence from the congregation , as traffiquing , but only morallimpediments maketh men uncapable of the seales , p. , . the place , cor. , . concerning these who ore without , again discussed , p. , . pastors doe warrantably performe pastorall acts in other congregations , then their own , p. , . seq . the place , acts . . discussed . p. , . the congregation make and unmake pastors , by our brethrens doctrine ex opere operato , , & seq . arguments of our brethren hereanent dissolved , p. . that persons are received into the visible church by baptisme , diverse distinctions hereanent , p. , , , . the efficacy of the sacraments handled , p. . a fourefold consideration of sacraments , p. , . the error of papists making sacraments physicall instruments , the error of arminians , socinians and of our brethren , making them naked signes , p. . . of sacramentall grace , p. . arguments of our brethren removed , p. . . the mind of socinians , the difference of a sacrament and a civill seale most considerable , p. , , , , , . in what case separation is lawfull , p. . fundamentalls , p. . of fundamentals , superstructures circa fundamentalia , things about the foundation , p. , . matters of faith , and poynts fundamentall different , p. . ignorance of gods matters have a threefold consideration , p. , . ignorance of fundamentals , ibidem knowledge of fundamentals how necessary , p. . what are fundamentall poynts , p. . how iewes nnd papists have all fundamentals , and how not , p. , . the error of papists hereanent , that the churches determination maketh fundamentals , p. . nine considerable distinctions anent fundamental poynts , containing diverse things anent fundamentals , p. , . & seq . our brethren ignorant of the nature of a visible church , p. , . neither believing , nor unbelieving essentiall to the visible church , ibidem robinsons arguments for separation found light and empty , p. . . seq . the place cor. . . fully vindicated , p. , . seq . by evidence of the place , fathers and protestant divines , ibid. the place iohn , , . fully vindicated , robinson his interpretation borrowed from arminius , and other places and reasons discussed at length , p. , , . seq . eight distinctions anent separation , p. , , & seq . infants of visible professors are to be baptized , p. , seq . arguments on the contrary dissolved , ibid. what right to baptisme the child hath from parents , p. seq . conversion of soules an ordinary fruit of a sent ministery , p. , , . seq . rom. . . how shall they preach except they be sent , diseussed , diverse sending acknowledged by our brethren , p. . seq . no warrant for the preaching of gifted personsnot called by the church in a constituted church , six distinctions thereanent , p. , . seq . socinians deny the necessity of a sent minister , p. . robinson expoundeth the place rom. , . as socinians do ibid. & , , . robinsons arguments for preaching of unofficed prophets , answered , as from eldad and medad , p. , . and chro. . . from the hebrew text and r. jarchi salomon his exposition cleared , p. , . and jehoshaphat his sermon , how kings may exhort , p. , . that christs disciples before his resurrection and the seventy disciples were not unofficed preachers , p. , . and other places , p. . as joh. . . luk. . . act. . , . . p. . , . seq . and pet. , . . rev. . . rev. . . fully vindicated , p. , , , . that there be no ground for unofficed prophets , cor. , p. , , . seq . the place heb. . . vindicated all objections from cor. . of robinson , particularly discussed , and found empty and most weake , p. , , , seq . mr. coachmans arguments dissolved , p. , , . seq . the way of church judging in independent congregations examined , p. , . that there be no peculiar authority in the eldership , for which they can be said to be over the people in the lord , according to the doctrin of independency of churches , and their six ways of the elders authority confuted , p. , , , , . seq . that independency doth evert communion of sister-churches , and their seven wayes of churches-communion refuted from their own grounds , p. , , . seq . the divine right of synods , ten distructions thereanent , p. , . seq . the desinition of a generall or oecumenick synod , p. . the place acts farther considered , p. , . synods necessary by natures law , p. . papists no friends to councells , p. , , . seq . , . three ways of communion of sister-churches according to the doctrin of independent churches confuted , p. , . seq . how the magistrate hath power to compell persons to the profession of the truth , p. , . seq . six distinctions thereanent , part . p. , . the magistrates power over a people baptized , and over pagans who never heard of christ , in this poynt of coaction to profession , not alike , p. , , . the magistrates compelling power terminated upon the externall act , not upon the manner of doing , sincerely , or hypocritically , p. , . the magistrates power over hereticks , with sundry distinctions thereanent , p. , , . seq . socinians judgement and arminians hereanent , p. , , a farther consideration of compelling , or tolerating diverse religions , p. , . some indirect forcing lawfull , p . erroneous opinions concerning god and his worship though not in fundamentalls censurable , p . diverse non fundamentalls are to be believed with certainty of faith , and the non-believing of them are si●nes punishable , p. . seq . arguments on the contrary dissolved and the place philip. . . cleared , p . & seq . how an erring conscience obligeth , p. , , , seq . arguments on the contrary answered , p. , . seq . the princes power in church affairs ; ten distinctions thereanent , p. , . . how the magistrate is a member of the church , p. , . the prince , by his royall office , hath a speciall hand in church-affaires . p , . the intrinsecall end of the prince is a supernaturall good to be procured by the sword and a coactive power , and not only the externall peace of the state , spalato resuted , p , , . seq . how the magistrate is subordinate to christs mediatory kingdome , p , , , seq . the ordinary power of the prince is not synodicall teaching , or making church-lawes , p. , , , . seq . the influence of the princes civill power in church-canons , p. . , seq . the government of the visible church spirituall , and not a formall part of the magistrates office , p. , . seq . the power of ordination and deprivation not a part of the magistrates office , p. , . seq . instances from david , salomon , ezechiah , &c. answered , and our doctrine and iesuites differenced , p. , . seq . difference betwixt the princes commanding church-duties , and the churches commanding these same , p. , , seq . the kings ordinary power to make church-lawes examined , p. , , . seq . the intrinsecall end of the magistrate a supernaturall good , p. , , , , . the popes pretended power over kings , protestants contrary to to papists herein , what ever the author or popish libeller of the survey , and the night-author of treason lysimachus nicanor say on the contrary , p. , , , . seq . the way of reformation of congregations in england , according to the independent way , examined , p. , . the originall of church-patronages , p. . and how unwarrantable by gods word , p. , . other wayes of reformation of england according to the way of independent churches modestly considered , as about maintenance of ministers , and replanting of visible churches there , p. , , . seq . errata . the author could not attend the presse , therefore pardon errors of the printing ; observe , that the author was necessitated to make some occasionall addition to the mids of this treatise which occasioned-variation of the figures of the pages , and therefore stumble not , that when the booke commeth to page the next page not observing due order , is page . and so forth to the end of the treatise , page . title of the page , &c. page , . . dele not ; and for , not of the same essentiall frame , &c. read of the same essentiall frame , &c. page , line , churches their persecution , read churches through their persecution , for page read . for page . read . for . p. . r. p. . יהוה the way of the church of christ in new england , measured by the golden reed of the sanctuary . or , the way of churches walking in brotherly equality and independence , or coordination without subjection of one church to another , examined and measured by the golden reed of the sanctuary . propositions concerning the supposed visibility and constitution of independent churches , examined . chap. . sect . . prop. . the church which christ in his gospell hath instituted , and to which he hath committed the keys of his kingdome , the power of binding and loosing , the tables and scales of the covenant , the officers and consures of his church , the administration of all his publick worship and ordinances , is , coetus fidelium , a company of believers , meeting in one place , every lords day , for the administration of the holy ordinances of god to publick edification . cor. . . because it was a company whereof peter confessing and believing was one , and built on a rock , mat. . . a such as unto whom any offended brother might complaine , mat. . . such as is , to cast out the incestuous ▪ corinthian , cor. . which cannot agree to any diocesian , provinciall , or nationall assemblie . ans. from these we question . quest. . if a company of believers and saints builded by faith , upon the rock christ , and united in a church-covenant , be the only instituted visible church of the new testament , to the which christ hath given the keys : let these considerations be weighed . . dist. the matter of an instituted visible church is one thing , and the instituted visible church is another , as there be ods betwixt stones and timber , and an house made of stones and timber . dist. it is one thing to govern the actions of the church and another thing to governe the church , the moderator of any synod , doth govern the actions of the synod , but he is not for that a governour , ruler , and pastor of the synod . or , ordering actions , and governing men are diverse things . . dist. a thing hath first its constituted and accomplished being in matter , forme , efficient and finall causes , before it can performe these operations and actions that flow from that being so constituted , a church must be a church , before any ministeriall church actions can be performed by it . . dist. it is one thing for a company to performe the actions of a church mysticall and redeemed of christ , and another thing to performe actions ministeriall of a church instituted and ministeriall . . concl. a company of believers professing the truth is the matter of the church , though they be saints by calling and builded on the rock , yet are they but to the church instituted , as stones to the house . . because they cannot performe the actions of a constituted church , till they be a constituted church . . our divines call men externally called , the matter of the visible church , so trelcatius , tilenu● , professors of leyden ; piscator , bucanus , so say our brethern . . concil . ordination of pastors , and election of officers , administration of the seales of grace , and acts of church censures , are holden by gods word , and by all our divines , actions of a ministeriall and an instituted visible church , and if so , according to our third distinction . it is a wonder how a company of believers united in church-covenant , cannot performe all these , for they are united , and so a perfect church , and yet cannot administrate the sacraments : for though they be so united , they may want pastors , who onely can performe these actions , as this treatise sayth , and robinson and the confession . and it is no lesse wonder that officers and rulers who are to feed , and governe the flock , are but only accidents and not parts , not integrall members of a constituted church : no perfect corporation maketh its owne integrall parts or members , a perfect living man doth not make his owne hands , feete , or eyes , the man is not a perfect one in all his members , if all the members be not made with him ; but officers by preaching make church-members . . concl. the visible church which christ instituted in the gospel is not formally a company of believers meeting , for publick edification , by common and joynt consent , as this author sayth . . the instituted church of the new testament is an organicall body of diverse members , of eyes , eares , feete , hands , of elders governing , and a people governed . cor. . , . rom. . , , . act. . . but a company of believers , meeting for publick edification by common consent , are not formally such a body ; for they are a body not organicall , but all of one and the same nature , all believers and saints by calling , and are not a body of officers governing , and people governed ; for they are , as they are a visible church , a single uncompounded body , wanting officers , and are as yet to choose their officers : and all thus combined are not officers , rom. . . how shall they preach except they be sent ? cor. . . are all apostles ? are all prophets ? we justly censure the papists , and amongst them , bellarmine , who will scarce admit an essentiall church of believers , but acknowledgeth other three churches beside , to wit , a representative church of their clergy onely , excluding the laickes ( as they call them ) a consistoriall church of cardinalls . . a virtuall church , the pope who hath plenitude of all power in himselfe , against which our writers calvin , beza , tilenus , iunius , bucanus , professors of leyden , whittaker , willet doe dispute ; so the other extremity can hardly be maintained , that there is an instituted , visible , ministeriall church to which christ hath given the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , exercising church actions , as to ordaine , and make and un-make officers and rulers without any officer at all . the major of our proposition is grantted by our brethren , who cite , cor. . rom. . acts . . to prove a single congregation to be the onely visible church instituted in the new testament . nothing can be said against this , but a church of governours and people governed is an instituted visible church ; but there is an instituted visible church before there be governours , but such an instituted church we cannot read of in gods word , which doth and may exercise church acts of government without any officers at all . . that company cannot be the church ministeriall instituted by christ in the new testament , which cannot meete all of them , every lords day , as the church of corinth did for administration of the holy ordinances of god , and all his ordinances to publick edification ; for so this author describeth a visible instituted church , cor. . . but a company of believers meeting for publick edification , by joynt and common consent cannot meete for the publick administration of all the ordinances of god , . they cannot administer the seales of the covenant being destitute of the officers , as the scripture , and their confession saith , . they cannot have the power of publick edification , being destitute of pastors , because the end cannot be attained without the meanes appointed of christ. but christ for publick edification and church edification hath given pastors , teacher● and other officers to his church eph. . . tim. . . i● is not enough to say , that such a company meeting hath power of pastorall preaching and administration of the seales of grace , because they may ordaine and elect officers , for such publick edification , but . we prove , that that which our brethren call the onely instituted visible church of the new testament , hath not power to administrate all the ordinances of christ , and how then are they a church ? can we call him a perfect living man , who cannot exercise all the vitall actions , which flow from the nature and essence of a living man ? . if this be a good reason that such a company should be the only instituted church in the new testament having power of all the ordinances , because they may appoint officers , who have such a power ; then any ten believers , who have never sworne the church-covenant , meeting in private to exhort one another is also the only instituted church ministeriall , in the new testament , for they have power to make such officers , and may invest themselves in right , to all the ordinances of christ , by our brothers doctrine , . all the places cited by the author , speake of a church visible made up of , officers governing , and people governed & as mat. . mat . cannot exclude pastors who binde on earth , and in heaven , or pastors who are stewards , and beare the keyes , as hereafter , i shall prove . also the church of corinth did meete for the administration of the lords supper , cor. . . and so were a church of officers and governed people , they met with pauls spirit , and the authority of pastors . cor. . . another church that exercised discipline , as collosse col. . . was a church of officers and people col. . . philippi consisted of saints , bishops , and deacons . phil. . . . ephesus of a flocke , and an eldership , acts . . so the visible ministeriall church that the word of god speaketh of , as all the seven churches of asia and their angels , had in them officers to governe , and people governed , and therefore they were not a number of sole . believers united in a church-covenant , which in very deed i● but stones and timber , not an house builded of god ; for in the ministeriall church of the new testament , there is e●e● a relation betwixt the elders and the flock : wee desire to to see a copy of our brethrens instituted visible church , to the which elders are neither essentiall , nor integrall parts , for their instituted visible church hath its compleat being and all its church-operations , as binding , loosing , ordeining of officers , before there bee an edldership in it , and also when the eldership is ordained , they are not eyes and eares to the instituted church , nor watchmen , because it is a body in essence and operation compleat without officers . . the officers are not governors , for as i trust to prove , they have no act of ministeriall authority of governing ; over the people by our brethrens doctrine , . all their governing is to rule and moderate the actions of the whole governing church , which maketh them no wayes to be governours , nor over the believers in the lord , nor overseers , nor watchmen : as a preses who moderateth a judicatorie , a moderator in a church-meeting , a prolocutor in a convocation , is not over the judicatorie , synod , or meeting , or convocation . . the eldership are called by them , the adjuncts , the church , the subject : the subject hath its perfect essence without its accidents and common adjuncts . quest. whether or not christ hath committed the keys of the kingdom of heaven , to the church of believers , which as yet wanteth all officers , pastors , doctors , &c. the author sayth , this company of believers and church which wanteth officers , and ( as we have heard ) is compleat without them , is the corporation to which christ hath given the keyes of the kingdom of heaven ; which deserveth our brotherly censure : for wee then aske a scripture for the lords giving of the keys to pastors and elders ; if the keys be given to peter , mat. . as a professing believer , by what word of god are they given to peter , as to an apostle and pastor , it would seem the pastors have not the keys jure divino ; for by this argument our divines prove the bishop not to bee an office of power and jurisdiction above a pastor and presbyter , because the keys were not given to peter as to the archbishop , but as to a pastor of the church , and indeed this would conclude that pastors are not officers of authority and power of jurisdiction , jure divino . hence the question is , if it can be concluded that the keyes of of the kingdom of heaven , mat. . mat. . were given to peter , as he represented all professing believers , or if they were given for the good of professing believers , but to peter as carrying the person of apostles , pastors , and church-guides ? . distinction , there is one question of the power of the keyes , and to whom they are committed , and another of the exercise of them , and toucheth the government of the church , if it be popular and democraticall or not ? . dist. it is not inconvenient , but necessary that christ should give to his church , gifts , pastors and teachers , of the which gifts the church is not capable , as a subject as if the church might exercise the pastor and doctors place : and yet the church is capable of these gifts , as the object , and end , because the fruit and effect of these gifts redoundeth to the good of the church , see a parker , see the b parisian schoole and c bayner . . distinct. there is a formall ordinary power , and there is a vertuall or extraordinary power . . concl. christ iesus hath immediatly himselfe without the intervening power of the church or men , appointed offices and officers in his house , and the office of a pastor , and elder is no lesse immediately from christ ( for men as christs vicars and instruments can appoint no new office in the church ) then the office of the apostles , eph. . . cor. . . mat. . . the offices are all given to the church immediatly , and so absolutely , and so the power of the keys , is given to the church the same way . but the officers , and key bearers now are given mediatly , and conditionally , by the intervening mediation of the ruling and ministeriall church , that she shall call such and such , as have the conditions required to the office by gods word , . tim. . , . hence we see no reason , why the keys can be said to be given to believers , any other wayes , then that they are given for their good . . concl. i deny not , but there is a power virtuall , not formall in the church of believers , to supply the want of ordination of pastors , or some other acts of the keyes simply necessary , hic & nunc ; this power is virtuall , not formall , and extraordinary not ordinary , not officiall , not properly authoritative , as in a church in an iland , where the pastors are dead , or taken away by pest or otherwayes , the people may ordaine pastors or rather doe that which may supply the defect of ordination , as david without immediate revelation , from heaven to direct him , by only the law of nature , did eate shewbread ; so is the case here , so answer the casuistes and the schoolemen , that a positive law may yield in case of necessity , to the good of the church ; so a thomas b molina c suarez d vasquez e vigverius , f sotus g scotus h altisiodorensis i durand k gabriel , and consider what the learned l voetius sayth in this . what if in an extreame case of necessity , a private man , endued with gifts and zeale should teach publickly , after the example of the faithfull at samosaten . yea and flavianus and diodorus preached in antioch , as m theodoret sayth ; yea , saith voetius , an ordinary ministery might be imposed on a laick , or private person by the church , though the presbytery consent not , in case of necessity . god ( sayth n gerson ) may make an immediate intermission of a calling by bishops ; yea ( sayth o anton. speaking of necessities law ) the pope may commit power of excommunication , quia est de jure positive , pure laico & mulieri , to one meere laicke , or a woman ; though we justifie not this , yet it is hence concluded that god hath not tied himselfe to one set rule of ordinary , positive lawes : a captive woman ( as socrates saith ) preached the gospell to the king and queen of iberranes , and they to the people of the land. . concl. the author in the foresaid first proposition , will have no instituted visible church , in the new testament , but a congregationall or parishionall church , that meeteth together ordinarily , in one place , for the hearing of the word . but we thinke , as a reasonable man is the first , immediate and principall subject of aptitude to laugh , and the mediate and secondary subjects are , peter , iohn and particular men , so that it is the intention of nature to give these and the like properties , principally and immediately , to the speci●e , and common nature , and not immediately to this or that man ; so are the blessings of the promises , as to bee builded on a rock ; victory over hell , and such , given principally and immediately to the catholick and invisible church , as to the first and principall subject ; and no wayes to a visible congregation consisting of or . professing the faith of christ : but onely to them , not as professors , but to them as they are parts and living members of the true catholick church . for sound professors , though united in a church-covenant , are indeed the mysticall church , but not as professors , but as sound believers , and therefore these of whom christ speaketh , mat. . are builded on a rock , as true believers ; but the keys are given not to them , but for them , and for their good , as professors making peters confession , and in gods purpose to gather them into christ. but the text evinceth that these keys are given to peter , as representing the church-guides especially , though not excluding believers , giving to them popular consent , and not to believers , as united in a company of persons in church-covenant , excluding the elders . . to that church are the keys given , which is builded on the rock as a house , the house of wisdome , prov. . . the house of god , tim. . . heb. . . by the doctrine of the prophets and apostles , by doctors and teachers , whom christ hath given , for the building of his house , eph. . . but this house is not a company of professing believers united by a church-covenant and destitute of pastors and teachers , but a church edified by the word , seales , and discipline : ergo such a church is not heere understood . the propofition is granted by the author . i prove the assumption . the church of believers combined in church-covenant , but wanting their pastors and teachers , is not wisdomes house , nor builded by pastors and doctors given to edifie and gather the body , but they are only the materialls of the house : yea wanting the pastors , they want ministeriall power , for pastorall preaching and administrating the seales , and for that , they want the power of edifying the body of christ , which is required in a visible church eph. . . though the building of this church on the rock christ may well be thought to be the inward building of the catholick and invisible church in the faith of christ , yet as it is promised to the church , to the which christ promiseth the keys of the kingdome of heaven , it can be no other beside external and ministeriall building by a publick ministery . . arg. to these are the keys here promised , who are stewards of the mysteries of god , cor. . . and servants of the house by office , cor. . . and are by office to open the doores and behave themselves aright in gods house , tim. . . and to divide to these of the house their portion in due season , mat. . . and to cut the word , tim. . . but a company of professing believers joyned together in a church-covenant , and destitute of officers , are not stewards by office , nor servants over the house , &c. ergo , to such a company the keyes are not here given . the proposition especially is to be proved ( for the assumption is granted by our brethren and evidently true ) but it is sure by the phrase of scripture , esai . . . and i will lay upon his shouldier the key of the house of david . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clavis a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apperuit , proveth this . a shindlerus in lexico , metonymicè significatur , authoritas , facultas , potestas omnis gubernationis , iubendo , ac vetando , expediendo ac coercendo , power of government b musculus , so c calvin : these who are made masters of housholds receive keys , whereby they open and shut , it is a token of power given to kings d iunius , it noteth a full government , by this borrowed speech , sayth e beza , is signified the power of ministers , isai. . mat. . f pareus . i shall make the steward of my house , g hierom the key is a power of excellency , and h chrysostom , i augustine , k beda sayth the same . a fulgentius calleth this the power of binding and loosing given to the apostles ; so other scriptures expound the keyes to be a power of office , as esa. . . and the government shall be upon his shoulder , interpreters say , davids keys are given here , rev. . . these things ( saith he ) that hath the key of david , who open●h and no man shutteth , and shutteth and no man openeth , rev. . . i have the keys of hell and death , rev. . . and to him was given the key of the bottomlesse pit ; so b stephanus on the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clavis . c whittaker , it signifieth a power of office given to some , and not to all ; as d calvin here ( saith he ) christ speaketh of peters publick office , that is , of his apostleship e so , bullinger , f erasm. g zwinglius h marlorat , i pareus on the same place . i think , while of late , never interpreter dreamed , that in the text , mat. . the keys of the kingdome of heaven are given to all believers , but only to the stewards of the house builded upon the rock . . arg. to these in this text doth christ give the keys , to whom he giveth warrant , for the actuall exercise of the keys , to wit , to bind and loose on earth , and so open and shut the doores of the kingdome . but this warrant and officiall authority of binding and loosing , christ giveth to peter onely as representing apostles , teachers and elders , and not to the church of believers convened covenant-wayes , and destitute of officers ; ergo , the proportion is cleare in the text ; to the same person , to whom the promiseth the power or keys , to the same he promiseth officiall warrant to exercise the speciall acts of the keys , but to peter is the promise of both made . and if christ allude to the place , is. . . then ( i say ) these to whom christ gave the keys , doe by office represent him who hath the keys of davids house and the government on his shoulder , and i will give to thee the keys of the kingdome of heaven , there is the power and authority granted ; and whatsoever thou shall bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven : there is a warrant , for the exercise of the acts of the power given also to peter ; now if the keys be not given to peter as to a pastor ; peter and pastors , by this place , as pastors , neither have the keys , nor officiall warrant to preach , and to remit , or retaine sinnes ; and if by this place , they have it not , we desire to see a warrant from christ , before he went to heaven , for pastorall preaching a beza in his marginall notes in this text , sayth , here is the heavenly authority of the church ministery ; also binding and loosing is all one , with opening and shutting heaven gates , and with remitting and retaining sinnes , ioh. . papists , i know , deny that the apostles were made priests judicially to remit sinnes before christs resurrection , ioh , . so b the cardinall tolet , and c maldonat d cajetanus ; but the truth is , what is given here mat. . is but repeated and enlarged joh . and they are now sent to the whole world , whereas before they were to preach to iudea only , but this ioh , . e ( sayth rollocus ) is but a reiterated power , it was given before his resurrection , and f beza sayth the same , and g bullinger sayth , the promise is made here and fulfilled ioh. c. and h pareus expoundeth ( what thou shalt loose ) here by these words ioh. . so i calvin k vvhittaker l zwinglius m musculus , now this same n author acknowledgeth that ioh. . christ gave pastorall power to all the apostles to forgive sins . . to bind and to loose , are act . s of officiall power , and of princes , rulers , and feeders , ergo they are not given to the church destitute of feeders and governors . i prove the antecedent . . to bind and loose , by all interpreters , augustine , cyrill , chrysost. c●prian , euthymius , hyeromi , basilus , ambrose , sedulius , primasius , and by our owne calvin , musculus , gualther , pareus , beza , zwinglius , rolloc , vvhittaker , and the evidence of scripture , i● , by publick and pastorall preaching , to re●nit and retaine sins , to believers or unbelievers ; and o bullinger saith it is taken from the scripture isa. . v. . where christ is said to loose the prisoners , and so p musculus q beza , and r calvin will have them to be words signifying the ●fficiall authority of princes , ambassadours , to set at liberty prisoners , or to cast malefactors in bands and prison , as magistrates and rulers doe , so binding in scripture s is an authoritative act of princes , superiors , governors and rulers . and so is lo●sing a judiciall and authoritative act of rulers and overseers l as scripture teacheth us . but the church of believers wanting their officers , watchmen , and overseers , though combined in a church covenant , is not a company of overseers and rulers , or judiciall and authoritative binders and loosers exercising power over themselves . . arg. if christ doe not say in this place , nor in mat. . that the keys and the actes of the keys , to wit , binding and loosing , are given to the church of believers , without their officers ; then neither places prove , that the keyes are given to such a church . but christ doth not say it ; ergo , the text cannot beare it : the assumption i prove . christ , mat. . . speaking of the church builded on a rock , sayth not , i will give to the church so builded , the keys ; but he turneth the speech to peter , when he promiseth the keys v. . and i will give to thee , ( peter , not to the church ) the keys of the kingdome of heaven , surely none needeth to teach our lord to speak . this change of the persons to whom the keys are promised , wanteth not a reason . our brethren say , the promise is made to peter , because he gave a confession of christ in the name of all believers , and because the keys are given to believers , as the spouse of christ , and as his body united to him : but this author , granteth every company of believers , because they are believers , are not an instituted visible church , but they must be a company of believers professing covenant-wayes faith in christ , and church-communion . but , . then the keys are not given to believers because they are believers , and the spouse of christ , but because they are such professors , so and so combined in a church-covenant . but yet i aske , whether true or false profession be the neerest intervening cause of these , to whom the keyes are given . if a true profession , then . . unbelieving pastors are not pastors ; for their profession is not true . and children baptized by them are as not-baptized , or as baptized by women , . if one shall be excommunicated by seven ( for such a a number this author requireth to make a visible church ) even , clave non errante , and most deservedly , he is not bound in heaven , and excommunicated , in foro dei , before god : for the profession of these seven may be false , and so the church actes performed by them , are a non habentibus potestatem , and null , if they be no church , . we can prove by scripture b that iudas though the child of perdition , was a called apostle . but if a false profession be sufficient to make persons a true visible church , the● . . the keys are not given to believers , because they are believers , and united to christ , as his body and spouse , but. . this author sayth amisse , that the church instituted by christ is a company of believers , and faithfull and godly men , whereof peter was one ; for a company of hypocrites are not such . . our brethren prove the keys , to be a part of the liberty of the redeemed ones , but counterfeit professors are not redeemed ones , nor have they that liberty purchased to them in christ. it shall follow , that our brethren widely mistake a supposed difference which they devise , betwixt the iewish and christian church , to wit , that to make men members of the iewish church , externall holinesse , as to be borne jewes , was sufficient , and to be circumcised , and not a bastard , not descended within three or foure generations of a moabite , or ammonite , but that the visible church of the gentiles after christ must be the bride of christ , and by true faith united to him . whereas the members of a christian visible church are and may be hypocrites , though not known to be such , as were the members of the iewish church . also mat. , . christ changeth the persons , v. . after he hath spoken of the church v. . he sheweth v. . of what church he speaketh , and directeth his speech to these to whom he spake v. . to the disciples who were pastors , verily i say unto you , what soever yee shall bind on earth , shall be hond in heaven , and therefore none can make an argument from , mat. . to wit thus , to as many are the keys promised , as are builded on the rock , but all the faithfull are builded on the rock , ergo to all the faithfull are the keys promised . . the proposition is not in the text either expressely , or by consequent . . the proposition is false , for the catholick invisible church is builded on the rock , but by our brethrens confession the keys are not given to the catholick invisible church , but only to such a company of professing believers , as make a parishionall congregation . . that christ speaketh to peter as to one representing the apostles , and not as to one representing all believers , is cleare . . because by the confession of our brethren binding and loosing are denyed to many that make peters confession , thou art jesus the son of the living god , as to believing women and children ; and many out of church . state . . if believers as giving peters confession , and as builded upon the rock , christ , by this place made a ministeriall church , by christ , and gifted with the power of the keys , then the ministery & officiall power of preaching and binding and loosing should be made as stable and firme from defection , as the church of elect believers , against whom the gates of hell cannot prevaile : now besides that this is most untrue since , visible churches doe fall away , as these seven churches in asia , the church of corinth , ephesus , galatia , thessalonica may prove , when as it is impossible that the elect believers in christ can fall away , it shall also give good warrant to papists , to make such use of this place , as they doe , that the church may erre in points of conversation and life , but cannot fall from the rock , nor be overcome by the powers of hell in the definition of articles of faith. so a gretser b bellarmine c suarez . d gregor . de valent. e cardi. hosius f turrecremata , reason from this place ; and the connexion must be good , if the ministeriall power not only be given to the church as to the object , that is , for the good and salvation of the church , but also to the church as to the subject , who hath all the power of the keys , and may use it also , because they are believers and builded upon the rock christ ; nothing hindereth , but ministeriall power should be as stable and free from being overcome with the ports of hell , as the christian state of perseverance in grace . now we see , these who have ministeriall power , abuse it , and fall from the rock and perish eternally ; which we cannot say of these , who by faith are builded upon the rock christ iesus . . these to whom christ giveth the keys , doe represent the person of christ , and who despiseth them despiseth christ , and he that honoureth them , honoureth christ , which is evidently spoken of the ministers of christ , matthew . . and is said here matthew , . . whatsoever then yee shall bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven , &c. thus christ bindeth and looseth in heaven , when these to whom the keys are given , binde and loose ; and so they are to be looked unto as co-workers with god. now scripture never maketh all believers ambassadours in christs roome . where doe we reade that the despising of all believers commanding in christs name , is a despising of christ , and that in obeying them , we obey christ ? nor are all ambassadors , pastores , &c. . these to whom the keys are given doe authoritatively forgive and retaine sins , and their acts of forgiveing and retaining are valid in heaven , according as the party repenteth and believeth , or according as they remain impenitent , as our divines teach against the papists , in their doctrine of sacramentall absolution . but the church , or company of believers wanting their officers , by no scripture can authoritatively forgive , and retaine si●s . robinson , smith and others answer , that believers out of office may forgive , as mat. . . peter said , how oft shall my brother offend me , and i forgive him ? lu. . . . cor. . . but i answer , the place , cor. . . is controverted , and we doubt not , but of that same nature , with the power of excommunicating . cor. . . but for private forgiving , it is not the church-forgiving here meant , because . the private forgiving is a duty of charity commanded in the law of nature to all , even out of church-state , and obligeth the excommunicate , who , though they be cast out of the church , are not exempted from the law , that bindeth all , mat. . . , . mat. . . . but the church-forgiving is an act of obedience to a positive church-law of christ , . private christians are to forgive their enemies whether they repent , or not , even as christ forgave those who crucified him , col . . luk. . . and when the party repenteth not , this forgivenesse is not ratified in heaven , yet are we obliged to forgive , and to commit vengeance to god ; but the authoritative forgiveing is a thing that the church , is not obliged unto , absoiutely ; nor may they , or can they forgive , except the offender repent : and if they see that he repenteth not , they cannot lawfully forgive ; but , being in gods roome , must take vengeance on all disobedience , and their retaining of sin and forgiveing , is valid in heaven , because they are in gods place . now any forgiving or retaining of sin but these two , together with gods forgiving and retaining , we know not . but peters forgiving his offending brother seventy times seven times , is common to all private christians , even out of church-state , and so the instance given is not to the purpose , . to these only are the keys given , who having pauls pastorall spirit , may convene and deliver to sathan , but the church of believers without officers , not having pauls pastorall spirit which is a spirit officiall , and authoritative to preach , excommunicate , and administrate the seales of the covenant , may not convene and doe this ; ergo , &c. indeed a francis johnson sayth it is holden now by some of the separation , that people out of office may execute all the workes and duties of the ministery , in baptisme , the lords supper , censures , &c. which i thinke followeth from the grounds of our brethren , to wit , that believers without office are a compleat church , having the whole power of the keys : if administration of the sacraments be not a speciall part of the keys , and the opening of heaven and forgiving of sins , we know not what belongeth to the power of binding and loosing ; yea this is not only contrary to scripture b but also to their c own confession , and d is the doctrine of arminians e and socinians f cartwright sayth the sanedrin , mat. . to these who have skill in the rabbines , especially in the iewes talm●d , was a selected judicatory , and that to this christ alludeth mat. . g learned beza , sayth much from scripture for this , that the church here signifieth not the multitude , h parcus also is most cleare on this place i calvin hath reason to say , he alludeth to iewish synedrie , k see also vveems . i● it needlesse to cite iunius , zanchius , peter martyr , vvillet , whittaker , tilen , becan , and all our divines of the reformed churches ; for when he hath spoken of the church representative , mat. . , . and speaketh to these , to whom the sermon was made , v. . at the same time came the disciples to jesus ( they were then apostles in office and called to preach and baptize , though not yet sent to the whole world ) saying who is the greatest in the kingdom of god ? now to these christ sayth , . to the apostles , verily i say to you , whatsoever you shall bind on earth ; and this place is to be expounded by mat. . . where the keys are given in a more restricted manner to peter only , though as representing the whole apostles and church-rulers , and we have better reason to expound this place , mat. . by the place foregoing , mat. . then they have to expound the place , mat. . by this place , mat. . because these ●am● keys that binde and loose in the one place , remit and retaine finnes , in the other ; and we find the keys given to officers and stewards only . and here is no church , mat. . or yet mat. . without pastors , except they say , that christ mat. . . speaketh not to the disciples , but to the multitude of the jewes , which is a great crossing of the text. and to say , that christ speaketh to the apostles , not as to apostles , but as to the church of believers , is only a bare affertion , and cannot be proved , and all they can say , hangeth upon this one place , and this is the most . the power of binding and loosing is given to the church , which is to be obeyed and heard in the place of god. but this church , is never in the vvord of god ( say they ) taken for a company of officers , pastors , and elders only ; it signifieth alwayes the body of christ , his spouse , his saints by calling , partakers of the most holy faith. to which i answer , the body , spouse of christ , and saints by calling , as they are such , is the invisible church , and the keys and seales a sayth this author ) are not to be dispensed to all the faithfull as such , but as they arè confederate or joyned together in some particular visible church , that is , sayth he ) as they are members of a visible church ; ergo , &c. the body and spouse of christ , as such , is not the church here meant of , but the visible congregation . now the essence of a visible church of which christ speaketh here , is saved in ten , who are only visible professors , and not a church of sound believers , not the true body mysticall and spouse of christ : and yet , by this place , the keys are given to such a church ; now wee desire againe , a place , in all gods word , for a church in this sense , and a body of christ and his spouse in this meaning : for certainly , professors this way confederate , as professiors , are no more a church of christ , redeemed ones , and his spouse , then an assembly of elders onely can be called such a church of believers ; for both churches are , and may be ; where no believers are at all , at least for a time , and even while they exercise this power of binding and loosing , and so th● place , matthew . is as much against our brethren , as against us . and lastly our doctrine is acknowledged , by all our divines , against the papists , proving that mat. . the keyes were given to peter as representing the apostles , and his successors in the pastorall charge , not as representing all believers . also the fathers irenaeus , nazianz●nus , cyprianus , basilius , ambrosius , theophilactus , cyrillus , euthymius , hyeronimus , augustine , beda , chrysostomus . and ordinaria glossa , hugo de sanct . victor . haymo . cardinalis cusanus . anastasius , leo , durandus , thomas , adrianus , scotus , making a comparison between peter and the rest of the apostles , say , the keys were given to all the apostles , when they were given to peter : and peter received them in the name and person of the rest of the apostles , wherby , they declare , it was never their mind that peter received the keys in name of all believers . also the learned , as a augustine b beda c gregorius , expound the church builded upon the rock to be the catholick church , and not a particular visible church . and d gerardus giveth a good reason , why this church , mat. . cannot be a particular visible church , because the gates of hell prevaileth against many joyned to the visible church in externall society , e and vvicklif writing against the monkes resureth that error of the papists , that any members of the true church can be damned ; and f whittaker sayth , augustin g against petilian sayth , the church builded on the rock is the church of the elect , not the visible church . chap. . sect . . prop. this church ( saith the author ) doth meete together every lords day , all of them , even the whole church , for administration of the ordinances of god , to publick edification . ans. two things are here said , . that all , even the whole church , must meete for administration of the ordinances of god , that so all and every one of the church may be actors and judges in dispensing of censures , this we take to be popular governement . . that there is a necessity of personall presence of all and every one of the church ▪ hence quest. . whether or no the multitude of believers , and the whole people are to be judges , so , as private christians out of office are to exercise judiciall acts of the keys ? for the more easie clearing of the question , let it be observed . . dist. there is a dominion of government lordly and kingly , and this is in christ only in relation to his church and in civill judges , and is no wayes in church - guides , who are not lords over the lords inheritance ; there is a government ministeriall , of service , under christ , and this is due to church-guides . . dist. regall power , being a civill power founded in the law of nature ( for the ants have a king ) may well be in the people originally and subjectively , as in the fountaine , nature teaching every communitie to govern themselves , and to hold off injuries , if not by themselves , yet by a king , or some selected rulers ; but power of church-government being supernaturall , and the acts of church-government , and of the casting such as offend out of christs kingdome , being supernaturall , neither of them can be originally in the multitude of professing beleevers , but must be communicated by christ to some certaine professing beleevers , and these are officers . therefore to put power and acts of government in all professors , is a naturall way drawne from civill incorporations . christ is not ruled by our lawes . . dist. the government of christs kingdome is the most free and willing government on earth ; yet it is a government properly so called , for there be in it authoritative commandements , and ecclefiasticke coaction , upon the danger of soule penalties ; in regard of the former , all the people by consent and voluntary agreement have hand in election of officers , inflicting of censures , because it concerneth them all : but in regard of the latter , the whole people are not over the whole people ; they are not all kings reigning in christs government over kings , but are divided into governours and governed ; and therefore the rulers ecclesiasticke onely , by power of office , are in christs roome , over the church , to command , sentence , judge , and judicially to censure . . distinct. the officiall power of governing superaddeth to the simple acts of popular consenting , the officiall authoritative and coactive power of christs sceptor in discipline . that distinction in the sense holden by our brethren a that the state of the church is popular , and the government aristocraticall in the hands of the eldership , is no wayes to he holden ; nor doe the parisian b doctors , the authors of this distinction , mind any church-government to be in the people . our brethren in the answer to the questions sent to them from england , explaine their minde thus : . we acknowledge a presbytery , whose worke it is to teach and rule , and whom the people ought to obey , and we condemne a meere popular government , such as our writers condemne in morellius . they adde ▪ government meerly aristocraticall , where all authority is in the hands of the eldership , excluding the people from intermedling by way of power , we conceive to be without warrant and injurious to the people , infringing their liberties in chusing officers , admitting members , censuring offenders , even ministers , col. . . to which doctrine we oppose these conclusions : . concl. our brethren hold a meere popular government , with morellius . . because nothing is left peculiar in government to the officers which all the people have not . . because a greater power of church-jurisdiction , as i shall prove , is given to the people then to the guides ; for , cursing by excommunication of all the officers , and blessing of them by pardoning their faults , and admitting of members and laying on of hands , is the greatest power that can be given to people . but this and many other acts of jurisdiction the people have by our brethrens doctrine . . the people is no more obedient to the eldership , in teaching , then indians and infidels , who are hearers of the word , and are under an obligation to obey the word ; and under the very same obligation of an evangelicke offer made to all : the people ( say they ) are under the obligation of obedience to pastorall teaching , under the paine of church censures , but so are not indians , who may be onely hearers , but are in no church-membership . i answer , obligation to church censures from the pastors , as pastors , lyeth not on the people , by our brethrens doctrine . . because pastors , as pastors , are not the church builded on the rocke , nor the spouse of christ , nor any part thereof ; nor any part of the visible church , to the which christ hath given the keys : for the visible church is a compleate church in esse , & in operari , in their being and church actions of a visible church without all pastors of any officers , as they teach . . because pastors are onely parts of the visible church , as believers , and so have the power of the keyes as believers ; and this the believers have , which the pastors have not ; and so seeing the pastors as pastors have not the keyes , nor can they use the keyes , or excommunicate as parts or members of the visible church ; because , as pastors , they are neither parts nor members of the church , but adjuncts , and meere accidents of the visible church , and therefore the people are under no obligation of obedience to pastors , as pastors under paine of ecclesiasticke censures , more then indians or infidels , who are their hearers . . concl. christ hath given no warrant at all of actuall church government , to all the whole visible church . . so the places that i cited before a iadde the styles of officiall dignity given to officers , because of their government , are given onely to officers , and never to the people ; ergo , the people have no power of government ; the consequence is sure , those who are priviledged of christ to governe , ordinarily should be , and duely are governours . but the stile of gods is given to church-guides , ioh. . , . ioh. . . which title for governing is given to judges , psalm . . . exod. . . and his master shall bring him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the judges . now the people are not gods , nor are they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. . . over the people in the lord. which word , no doubt , the apostle borrowed from the septuagint , so stiling the rulers , not because of their place of preaching onely , but of governing also , as jos. . . micah . . ezech. . . dan. . . acts . . matth. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it is given to the kings or supreame rulers , pet. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so it is frivolous , that they say church-officers are never called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for these words of officiall power of government are no lesse powerfull , and never communicated to any but to church-officers , such as are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , watchmen , not onely for preaching , but also for government , phil. . . tim. . . acts . . and the people are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , governours , cor. . . nor are they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rom. . . nor obliged to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rulers , as they are the visible church , nor should they bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tim. . . nor are they to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , labourers , and over the saints in the lord. thess. . . . if all the people as contradistinguished from officers , are to watch over one another , and by office to rebuke , censure , excommunicate , ordaine , and exauthorate officers , then must they in conscience attend the judging of all causes , of adultery , fornication , drunkennesse , swearing , oppressing , defrauding one another , as they fall under scandall . now this is a calling distinct from their owne calling , in respect the holy ghost alloweth to the elders stipend and maintenance , tim. . . yea , and hire as to labourers , matth. . . as to souldiers , husbandmen , dress●rs of vineyards , feeders of flocks , cor. . , . yea , as to the oxe that treadeth out , or thresheth the corne , vers . . and by this all the people are made officers and stipendiaries , to whom by the law of god and nature stipend is due : now this looscth them from their own proper callings of merchandise , trading , husbandry , laws , medicine , manufactures , and maketh all these callings sinfull & unlawfull to the saints by calling , who are members of a visible church , according to that tim. . . no man that warreth , in t angleth himselfe with the affairs ( or callings ) of this life , which is grosse anabaptisme condemned by gods word , cor. . , . eph. . . col. . . thess. . . now certainly , if actuall government , with the power of the keyes , be committed to all the members of the visible church , the epistles to timothy and titus , and canons of right government must be written to timothy and titus , not as to pastors , but as to beleevers , as the keyes were given in peters person , and a warrant to binde and loose , matth . matth. . as representing beleevers , not as to a pastor : then they are to commit the word to faithfull men , who are able to teach others , and to give up their earthly callings , as tim. . , . and to lay hands suddenly on no man , and not to receive a testimony against an elder , but before two or three witnesses , tim. . , . and to war a good warfare , tim. . . and this must needs follow , since separatists teach , that all the people are obliged in conscience to judge , and to be personally present , and that by their office and church-calling , when ever any sentence is given out against offenders ; for , if the elders be onely present and the people absent , the elders shall tyrannize * ( saith answorth ) over the peoples consciences ; for the people being absent shall not know if the eldership have proceeded right , yet must they repute the excommunicated person as an heathen or a publicane . . arg. that government is not to be admitted which maketh men take honour to themselves , without god calling them thereunto . but the doctrine of government in the hands of people is such , ergo ; the assumption is proved : . by it , all are kings , rulers , and guides , and all have the most supreame power of the keyes , as authoritative receiving in of members , and judiciall casting out , by the pastorall spirit of paul , and all governe over all . . beleevers are a ministeriall church , a company of private christians put in office , and doing acts of a ministeries now a ministerie is a peculiar state of eminency that god calle●h some selected & gifted persons unto that to the which he calle●h not all professors , as in israel he chosed , one tr be a to minister to himselfe , not all the visible church of israel , as the scripture teacheth us . ministers of the house of god , the levites , the lords ministers , ministers of gods sanctuary , and the ministery of the b new testament , is a speciall emi●ency of office given to some few , and not to all believers , c a matter of worke that some , not all believers are put upon , and employed in , d the act , of the ministery not common to all , but restricted to the ministers of the church , and not common to the whole visible church . now to ordaine elders , excommunicate , admit members into the church , are positive actes of a received ministery , and must flow from an other principle , then that which is common to all professing believers . . arg. all who have received such a ministeriall state to discharge such excellent and noble actes , as laying on of hands , receiving of witnesses , committing the gospell to faithfull men , who are able to teach others , and must save some by gentle awaiting , and stop the mouthes of other pastors , as a the scripture saith , these must acquit themselves as approved worke-men to god , and shall therefore receive a crowne of glory at the appearance of the chiefe shepheard , and must in a speciall manner fight the good fight of faith , and must be worke-men who neede not to be ashamed . but these are not required of all the church visible ; all are not men of god , and ministeriall souldiers of christ , and feeders of the flock , but only such as timothy , titus , and elders like to peter , as these b scriptures prove . for the reward of a prophet is not due to all . . arg. that government is not of god which taketh away the ordinary degrees of members in christs body the church . but government exercised by all the visible body taketh away the deversity of offices , members , places , of rulers and ruled , ergo ; i prove the assumption . . all have one and alike equall power of governing , all the members are one in place , and office , all are eyes , all eares , all are hands , according as all have one joynt and common interest , and claime to christ. one is not an eye and head in relation to another : for all are both governours and governed , all the watchmen , and all the city ; all the flock , and all the feeders , all the house , and all rulers , key-bearers , stewards , all the children of the house , all the fathers , tutors , to bring up , nu●ture , and correct the children . . if the power and use of the keys result from this , that the corporation is the spouse , body , sister of christ , the redeemed flock , what should hinder but according as god inequally dispenseth the measure of grace , to some more , to some l●sse , so some should have more , some lesse power of the keys , and some exercise more eminent acts of government , as they be more eminent in grace ; some lesse eminent acts ; and if we grant this , we cannot deny the order of a hierarchy amongst pastors . this connexion may be denied happily by our brethren , but there is no reason , if their arguments be good , they alwayes conclude church-power from the graces of the members of the church . . concl. it is cleare then that the state of the church cannot be called popular , and the government aristocraticall , or in the hands of the elders , as our brethren meane . . because by our brethren , the government and the most eminent and authoritative acts thereof are in the hands of the people . ergo , both state and government are popular . . because the people are not only to consent to the censures , and acts of government , but also authoritatively to judge with coequal power with the eldership , as they prove from , cor. . . . a the parisian doctors , the authors of this distinction acknowledge a visible monarchy in the church , and are far from popular government . let us heare what our brethren say for the government of the people , and their judiciall power in generall . quest. . our brethren say , the colossians are exhorted , col. . . to say to archippus , take heed to the ministery , that thou hast received of the lord , to fulfill it in all points ; ergo , the people are to censure and rebuke the pastors , and therfore they may , and ought to exercise acts authoritative . ans. . this is an argument off the way with reverence . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 say to archippus , take heede , ergo , say judicially and rebuke with all authority , it is an argument à genere ad speciem affirmativè , and a non-consequence , mat. . . if he will not heare them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tell the church ; ergo , exercise an act of authority over the church , ioh. . . the jewes said unto him . ergo , they said it authoritatively , ioh. . . if we say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we have no sinne ; by no authority can we say we have no sinne , luk. . . take not thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what ye shall say rev. . . . the fathers , as a augustine , b chrysostome , c ambrose , d hyeronimus ; the schoolemen , as e aquinas , f d. bannes , g suarez , say , correcting of our brother is , ( sublevatio miseriae peccantis . ) a succouring of the misery of a sinner . h cajetan●ait , actum correctionis elici à prudentia , imperari à misericordia : to warne or rebuke our brother is an act of prudence commanded by mercy and compassion . i and. duvalius saith , it is an act , non solum juris divini , sed etiam naturalis ; and he citeth lev. . thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart , but shalt rebuke him ; and shall beare one anothers burdens , and so fulfill the law of christ. and k greg. de valent. saith it is a spirituall almes , & actum misericordiae , quo subveniatur spirituali necessitati fratris . so the doctors l of the canon law. so the fathers say , m as basilius , esse benevolentiam potius , quam severitatem . n augustin . vulnus fratr is contemnis , vides cum perire & negligis , pejor es tu tacendo , quam ille te offendendo . o excellently hieronim . sivide at in corpore carnes putridas , & dicat . an ad me pertinet ? scias , quiae crudelis est . and p nazianz. charitatem potius hic quam potestatem ostendendam . to rebuke is a worke of charity , rather then of power . q calvin saith , good ministers stand in need to be admonished . r davenant thinketh that archippus in the absence of epaphras his collegue was to supply his absence , and , it is like , was somewhat cold , and therefore needed to be admonished . but because the collossians were to exercise an act of mercy towards their pastor , which the law of nature enjoyned them , it is a wide inference , therefore they had church authority and power over him , to censure , deprive excommunicate him ; so the faithfull receiveth a charge , hos. . . say ye to your brethren ammi , and to your sisters ruhammah . . plead with your mother , plead ; pleading for wheredomes is more then a simple exhorting of archippus , yet none can well collect from these words , that those faithfull who kept themselves cleane from the common defection , had power of jurisdiction over their breth en , sisters , and mother , to censure them judicially , and by authority to un-church them . and certainely the apostle , if he had commanded here the judiciall act of church-jurisaiction to all the saints of colosle , men and women who may admonish archippus , we we would looke he had said , ( command , and charge with all authority archippus to take heed to his ministery . ) also , it is much to be doubted , if the duties of rebuking , exhorting , and comforting one another , be positive acts of church-membership , which the fellow-members of a visible congregation owe one to another by vertue of a church-covenant , or that the people owe to the pastor in a church way , for these ( ex hort , teach , comfort one another ) are duties mutuall , not restricted to fellow-members of a visible church , or parish , but such as we owe to all the members of the catholique church , as we are occasionally in company with them . yea , and duties ( as our brethren say ) that sister churches owe to sister churches , and acts of the law of nature that we owe to all , as brethren , not as brethren in church-membership , levit. . . onely . i will here answer : what robinson saith , a by the keyes is meant the gospell opening a way by christ and his merits , as the doore into the kingdome , the power of binding and loosing , opening and shutting heaven , is not tied to any office or order in the church , it dependeth onely upon christ , who alone properly forgiveth sinnes , and hath the key of david , and this key externally is the gospell , which , with himselfe , he giveth to the church , isa. . . rom. . . ergo , the keyes are given to all , though not to be used by all and every one alike , which were grosse confusior . the keyes were not given to peter as prince of the apostles , as papists say , nor to peter as chiefe officer of the church , and so to prelates ; nor to peter as a minister of the word and sacraments ; but we say , to the conf●ssion of faith , which peter made by way of answer to christs demand , and therefore to every faithfull man and woman , who have received the like precious faith with peter , pet. . . ans. . if the keyes be given to as many as the gospell is given unto , all have the keyes who are beleevers , children , women , whether within or without the church ; for all have obtained alike precious faith . so it is vaine to speake there of a church builded on the rock● , or of any ministeriall churc● . . the keyes are not given to the naked office or order , distinct from the spirits working and proving the acts of preaching and discipline to be mighty through god , cor. . to open hearts , act. . . for what , or who is paul ? and who is apollo , but ministers by whom ye beleeved ? cor. . . and christ alone worketh with the sacraments , and without him great iohn baptist can but baptize with water . joh. . . yet all say administration of sacraments externally is so tied to the office , as none can administer them without warrant , but pastors , john . math. . cor. . . and therefore this is weake , to prove that because christ onely hath the keyes of the word ; yea , and of the sacraments also . that therefore he hath not committed the keyes to certaine officers under him , who are stewards , and key-bearers . . the places alledged prove not is. . . christ is given to us , that is , to the church , as to the subject ; o say it not , but to us the church , as the object and end for our salvation . ergo , the keyes and the gospell are given to the church , yea and to every faithfull , that they may , by preaching , open and shut heaven . you cannot say so . also rom. . . to the jewes were committed the oracles and scriptures , that every one might be a priest and prophet , to teach and sacrifice ; it is a shame to say so : but to the jewes , as to the object and end , that by the scriptures and faith in these oracles , they might be saved . . the keyes , that is , the gospell , is given to all , though not to be used alike by all and every one ; which were grosse confusion : that is the same we say , the gospell in use is not given alike to all ; but to the believers as to the object and end ; to the officers , as to the subject and proper instrument . and so you fall into grosse confusion while you eschew it . robinson , a the keyes be one and the same in efficacy and nature , and depend not upon the number and excellencie of any persons , but upon christ alone , though the order and manner of using them be different . ans. the sacraments remaine one and the same in nature and efficacy , who ever be the persons , many or few , excellent or not excellent , in whose hands soever they be ; it followeth not therefore , the power of administration of sacraments is given to all . . we see no difference in the order and manner of using the keyes ; if all , even a faithfull man or woman either , may also truly and effectually loose and binde both in heaven and in earth , as all the ministers of the world , for those be b your words . robinson . c these keyes in doctrine may be turned also as well upon them , which are without the church , as upon them which are within , and their sinnes either loosed or bound , matth. . in discipline not so , but onely on them that are within . cor. . answ. if this distinction were in gods word , we would receive it , but seeing by preaching there is receiving in and casting out , and binding and loosing . i aske , how these , who were never within , can bee judged and cast out by preaching more then by discipline ; may pastors judge these who are without by preaching , and not judge those who are without by discipline , and that in a setled church ? robinson . a there is an use of the keyes publike , ministeriall , by men in office , by the whole church joyntly together , or private , by one person severally who is out of office , and yet the power of the gospell is still one and the same , notwithstanding the divers manner of using it . answ. . if one alone have the keyes spoken of , matth. . there be keyes ministeriall made by christ before the house be builded , and have walls , roofe , or doore , the keyes all take to be metaphoricall , and to presuppose a company , a constituted church , where some are put in , some put out ; these private keyes of women to open and shut heaven upon men , and so to usurpe authoritie over the man , are no church-keyes , and if they be not church-keyes they are not for our dispute . robinson b if the keyes of the kingdome of heaven be appropriated to the officers , then can there be no forgivenesse of sinnes without the officers , and there is no entrance into heaven but by the doore , there is no climbing over any other way , and without the key the doore cannot be opened : then if there be no officers in the church , or if they take away the key of knowledge c then must the multitude perish eternally . answ. though the keyes be appropriated to officers , it followeth not , there is no forgivenesse of sinnes , nor opening of heaven at all without officers ; but onely no ecclesiasticall forgivenesse , no church-opening by a ministeriall power , but through ministeriall keyes ; and opening cannot ordinarily be without officer● . faith commeth by hearing , ergo , no faith by reading . baptisme saveth , ergo , no salvation without baptisme , so doe anabaptists reason , as saith d gerardus ; so reasoneth a socinus , averring , it is a worke of charity necessary to salvation , therefore all may preach ; and the same doth both the raccovian● b catechisme and c ostorodius say , yea , and theoph. nicolaides d defending muncerus the anabaptist . though keyes bee a publike ordinary meane in a constituted church , it followeth not therefore , there is no other way of opening heaven . in the sacraments remission of sinnes is sealed , and heaven opened , it follows not therefore , all may administer the sacraments . . what inference is here ? if the keyes bee appropriated to officers , then people must perish when officers faile ; certainly so saith the lords spirit : proved . e where there is no vision , the people perish ; and this is a fearfull soul judgement , when god removeth the f candlestick ▪ g and there is no prophet to shew how long ; h and the people are plagued with a famine of the word of god ; yet there be other meanes then publike ministery . he addeth : i they which may forgive sinne and sinners , save soules , gaine and turne men to the lord , to them are the keys of the kingdome of heaven given , by which they open the doore to such as they thus forgive , gaine , and save . but all th●se , such as are no ministers may doe , as matth. . . corinth . . , , , , . acts . . answ. the proposition is false , for all who open the doore by exhorting and gaining soules , as christians in no church-state may in some cases doe , have not the church-keyes ; for this were to make church keyes without any church , and to make keyes without house , doore , or lock : for the keyes are metaphorically so called , with necessary relation to the church , the house of god , and to the stewards of the house ; the places alleadged are the controversie it selfe , and to others of them i shall answer hereafter . robinson . k the twelve apostles were not called to the office of apostles , matth. . ergo , they doe not as apostles receive the keyes . answ. i trust to prove the contrary hereafter . . if the apostles , matth. . received not the keyes , by no warrant are the keyes given to pastors at all . robinson . l every servant in the house , no lesse then officers have authority ; for the word carrieth authority with it whither soever it goeth , matth. . . and all have received some good thing or gift for the good of the church , and all should watch , but especially the porter . answ. what can be hence collected ? ergo , the keyes are given to all , and all are porters , and all should watch as porters ; for , the word of exhorting given to all , is of like authority when a woman or boy speaketh it , as when a prophet speaketh it . but it is not good to helpe arminius and jesuits , who reason for universall grace given to all and every one from these parables : mr. pemble , and opposers of jesuits , in the doctrine of grace , expound this of pastors . . but let the parable speake of all ; all have authority , because all have the word , all who privately exhort have the word , have authority objective , and of divine obligation , as christians , it is true ; ergo , all have the keyes , it followeth not : but all who privately and occasionally exhort , have not authority officiall by the calling of god and his church , and therefore they have not this , they have not the keyes ; and the word by publike preaching none have , but usurpers , ( save onely called officers ) and because they steale the word , they steale the keyes also ; and because the sacraments have authority from god , it followeth not therefore that baptisme administrated by women is of authority . robinson m acknowledgeth , that elders and bishops were ordained to suppresse false doctrine , and lay hands suddenly on no man ; but it followeth not ( saith he ) that they are to doe this there alone . answ. there alone they must lay on hands , that is , with the presbytery , and in a judiciall way excluding all the people ; for people never in the new testament laid on hands upon any , to ordaine them elders , nor did they it in the old testament . robinson . n the officers , ephes . . are chosen of christ to watch ; so mark . the porter should watch ; ergo , the rest of the servants should not watch , it followeth not , officers are to knit together the saints , and so are all who are spirituall , gal. . . the officers are to edifie , so are all to edifie one another , thess. . . answ. the argument must be thus , these who are to watch , to knit together the saints , to edifie them , have received the keys , and are governours , and are officers ; but all the faithfull are to watch , to knit together the saints , ergo ; first , the major is false ; for if because the saints may edifie , they shall have joynt power and use of the keys with the officers , they may administrate the sacraments . now , because they may in a christian way doe some acts of edifying , it followeth not that therefore they may doe these acts by power of the keyes , and with an ecclesiasticall and church-power ; they may doe the same duty , ergo , with the same power . a scholler may teach his school-fellow the same lesson that his master doth teach him ; ergo , he may doe it by the same magisteriall authority : a wife may cure a disease , ergo , shee may by the same authority that a doctor of physicke , approved by the incorporation of physicians , cure a disease , it followeth not : beleeve me , so still doth a socinus , and b ostorodius , c theoph. nicolaides , reason against gods ordinance of a sent ministerie . d robins . god hath indeed set in the body some to be eyes and mouth , and hath not said to all the church , goe and preach ; but , first , they have not their gifts from the church . secondly , you would have the body to starve , if such hands as deacons will not feed ; and all the body blinde , if the eyes of the watchmen be blinde . answ. yet thus much is granted , that gifts give not the keyes , nor authority to use gifts ; and so that all beleevers , though gifted and graced also , have not power of the keyes . . it 's certaine , that in a constituted church there be no hands nor mouthes to doe and speake by authority , and ex officio , by vertue of an office , save onely elders and pastors , and that if they doe or speake , they doe it extraordinarily , when churches hands are lame , and her eyes blinde ; or if they doe and speake ordinarily , it is from the law of charity in a private way , not by power of the keyes , and as judges and officers . manuscript . ch . sect . the churches , not the angels of the churches , are blamed for not executing censures against balaam , jezabel , the nicolaitans . ( g ) robinson saith more , . these whose workes christ commendeth , for that dwelling where sathans throne was , they kept his name and denyed not his faith ; these he reproveth for suffering the doctrine of balaam and the nicolaitans , , , . . they which were commended by christ , for their workes , love , service , faith , patience , increase of workes ; are reproved for suffering jezabel , but these were not the angels onely . . these conjunctions ( but ) ( never the lesse ) say , though they were z●alous in many things , yet they failed in not being zealous enough against false teachers . ans. . these connexions prove guiltinesse in angels or pastors , and one common fault may be laid upon them all , but hence it followeth not ; that they all , abused one and the same power of the keyes , as being all collaterall judges , no doubt the angels preached not against balaam , j●zabel , and the nicolaitans doctrine , and yet women dwelt where sathans throne is , and there faith and patience was commended , and yet our brethren will not say women are rebuked , and all the beleevers , because they did not pastorally preach against balaam , and iezabel ; so this argument hurteth them as much as our cause . the pastors were guilty , because they did not in their place use the keyes ; and the people , because they did not say to archippus and their officers , take heed how you governe ; as israel was involved in achans trespasse , because they warned not one another . . seeing the spirit of god maketh mention of churches in the plurall number , and every one of the seven churches , of ephesus , rev. . . of s●yrna , v. . of pergamus . of thyatira of sardis . . philadelphia . laodicea . it is cleare , there were more churches then a single congregation , and an independent incorporation in every one of them , and so a presbytery of angels in every one of them behoved to be guilty of this neglect of discipline , yet not all one and the same way . it is not cleare enough , though that the whole church in ephesus was to be rebuked , or that all and every one of the elders , whereof there were a good number , ( act. . . he prayed with them all they all wept sore , ) were guilty of these abuses of the power of the keyes ; for in sardis there were a few names which had not defiled their garments , yet the whole body is rebuked . manuscript , ch. . sect. . when the word congregation is put for the elders or judges only , it is never understood of them sitting in consistery and judgement there alone by themselves , and apart from the people , but in the presence of the publick assembly , who also had liberty in such cases to rescue an innocent from unjust judgment , sam. . . i answer , we urge not a church assembly of elders only to exclude the people from hearing yea and in an orderly way , from speaking , reasoning and disputing even in our generall assembly , but for judiciall concluding , we find not that given to any , but to the church-guides , act. . . act. . . it is not a good argument , the people sate with the rulers and rescued innocent jonathan , sam. . therefore all the people may fit and give judiciall sentence or impede the elders to sentence any . this i grant , is alledged by ainsnorth a for to give popular government to the people ; as also , king . . and ier. . , . but . a fact of the people is not a law. . it was one fact and that in an extraordinary case of extreame iniquity in killing innocent ionathan a prince and leader of the people . . in a civill businesse , and the people were to be executioners of the sentence of death , and they saw it manifestly unjust . . they were not the common people only , but in thar company were the princes of the tribes and heads , and the king and his family only on the other side ; what will this infer , but that there were no kings in israel , who had power of life and death , nor any judges , as ainsworth , contrary to scripture sayth , but that the people were joynt judges with the king , and that the people in the new testament are co-equall judges with the elders , from so poore an example ; and so the separatists b proving from the peoples power of judging in civill causes ( which yet is a wide mistake ) and a punishment bodily to be inflicted upon strangers as c paget doth learnedly observe ; doe conclude the peoples power of judging in ecclesiastick causes , which concerneth only the members of the visible church . manuscript . we grant , it is orderly to tell the elders the offence , that the whole church be not frivolously troubled ; but it followeth not , that the officers may judge there alone without consent of the people : he who told his complaint to the levite , told it orderly enough to the whole congregation assembled at mizpeh jud. . ans. these to whom we are to complaine , these and these only , are to be heard , and obeyed as judges binding and loosing in earth and validly in heaven , mat. . but these are not the multitude , nor one elder only , but the church of elders . . if the church of believers be the only subject ( as you teach ) of the keys , and not the elders , but in so far as they are parts of the believing church , then it is more orderly to complaine to the multitude who only are proper judges , then to elders who are not properly judges . manuscript . a second reason why we allow such power to the people in church censures , is from the church of corinth . . he directeth the whole church of corinth to whom he writeth , to excomunicate the incestuous man. ans. he writeth to all the faithfull , and so to women ; the woman is not to usurpe authority over the man , cor. . . tim. . , . but to voyce judicially in excommunication is an act of apostolick authority . manuscript . ib. the whole church is to be gathered together and to excommunicate , ergo not the bishop and elders alone , . pauls spirit was to be with them and christs authority , . the whole church , cor. . did forgive him , . nothing is in the text that attributeth any power to the presbytery apart , or singularly above the rest , but as the reproofe is directed to all , for not mourning , so is the commandement of casting out directed to all . ans. . it is cleare that if some were gathered together in the power of christ and the spirit of paul , that is , in the authority that he received over the corinthians , for edification , . cor. . . and pauls rod , cor. . . then as many as were convened church-ways , and mourned not for the same , did not cast out and authoritatively forgive ; seeing women and believing children did convene with the whole church , and were not humbled for the sinne ; and yet women and believing children cannot be capable of pastorall authority over the church , which was given for edification . . the power of the lord jesus , that is , the keys of the kingdom of god were committed to peter , as to a pastor , mat. . and power to bind and retaine , to loose and pardon sinnes , joh. . , , . which power is given to these who are sent as ambassadors as the father sent christ , v. . which power cannot be given to puffed up women , . except this be said , the text must beare that there was not a presbytery of prophets , governors and teachers there of all , who had a more eminent act in excommunicating and church pardoning , then the women who mourned not , for by what reason our brethren would have the act of excommunicating an act of the whole church convened , including all to whom paul writeth , women and children , by that same reason we may appropriate it to these only , who are capable of pauls pastorall spirit , and authority , according as attributes are appropriated ( by good logick ) to their own subjects , else that cannot be expounded cor. . . for ye may all prophecy one by one . what ? may all that the apostle writeth unto , cor. . . prophecy one by one ? even the whole church , even all sanctified in christ jesus ? called to be saints , and all that in every place call upon the lord iesus ? i thinke our brethren will not say so : so when paul sayth , thess. . . esteem highly of these that are over you if that command be directed to the whole church of the thessalonians which is in god our father , as the epistle is directed to them all , thess. . . then doth paul command the elders in thessalonica to esteem highly of themselves , for their own workes sake : if exhortations be not restricted according to the nature of the subject in hand we shall mock the word of god , and make it ridiculous to all . ainsworth sayth , the putting away of leaven was commanded to all israel . ergo , the putting away of the incestuous person is commanded to them all in corinth without exception , and the putting away of the leper was commanded to all israel . i answer . . proportions are weake probations , . every single woman , . privately in her own house , . without churches consent and authority was to put away leaven ; but it is a poore inference , therefore every woman in corinth he●e alone might excommunicate without the churches authority , and in their private houses . . the priest only judicially putteth away the leper , deut. . . and the priests without the peoples consent put out uzzah their prince from the sanctuary , when he was a leper . . ch●on . . . manuscript . lest this judgement should be restrained to presbyteries only , he magnifieth the judging of the saints , taking occasion from thence to stretch their judicature , in some cases , even to the deciding of civill causes , rather then that they should fly suddenly to law one against another , before infidels . ans. that upon this church judging , he taketh occasion to magnifiy the judging of the saints , i see not , for he passeth to a new subject in reprehending their pleadng , before heathen judges . . though that cohesion of the chapters were granted , yet doth he not magnifie the judging , of all the multitude , the saints of men and women shall judge the world by assenting to gods judging , but all the saints , even women , are not church-iudges . also he extendeth judging of civill causes to the most eminent seniors amongst them v. . is there not a wise-man amongst you ? no , not one who shal be able to judge betwixt his brethren ? and therefore he layeth a ground , that far lesse can all the rest of men and women be judges ecclesiastick to binde and loose validly in earth and heaven , but onely the wiser and selected elders . i may adde what master robinson sayth , that our argument from confession , may be objected to the apostles no lesse then to separatists , acts . . they presented two ; that is , the multitude which were about an hundred and twenty men and women , and act . . and the while multitude presented seven deacons to the twelue apostles , and the twelve apostles called the multitude , and so spake to them and v. . prayed and laid hands on the deacons . now when the multitude acts . presented joseph and matthias , it behoved them to speak ; spake they joyntly , or all at once ? this were confusion , contrary to , cor. . . did the women speak ? they must not meddle in church-maters , v. . did children speak ? it is impossible ; so acts . did all the twelve apostles speak at once ? and pray ( vocally ) at once ? did the whole multitude speak when they presented the seven deacons ? that is confusion ; by these and the like , women and children are utterly excluded from the church , as no parts of it , acts . . the whole church sent messengers to antioch , co● . . . the whole church commeth together in one , to exercise themselves in praying and prophecying , but children could not send messengers nor pray , nor prophecy , and women might not speak in the church , and therefore women and children must be excluded from being parts of the church ; if one be excluded , why not another ? and so till we come to the chiefe of the congreation . ans. this is much for us every way ; therefore the , acts . and the multitude , acts . did present the two elect apostles , and the seven deacons by some select persons , and when these select persons spake , the church spake , and when one apostle prayed the whole twelve prayed ; ergo , there is a representative church which performeth church actions in the name of the church , and you will have a representative church in the new testament to be a point ( as you say a ) of judaisme ; yet here you are forced to acknowledge it , . by all good reason when christ , mat. . sayth if he refuse to heare the church , that is , the speaking and commanding church , let him be as a heathen , he must speak of a representative church ; for a collective body of all believers even women and children cannot command , nor soeak in the church , and it were confusion that women and children should bind and loose on earth as christ doth in heaven , and when paul sayth that the convened church , cor. . should cast out the incestuous person , he meaneth not that they should all judge him by the power and authority of christ , and the pastorall spirit of paul ; therefore your doctrine is false , that as many are judges in the judiciall acts of excommunication , as did not mourn for the sin , as were saints by calling , and to whom paul writeth , cor. . and as met together for the publick worship , for it is as great confusion for women and children who are true parts of the church to be iudges , cloathed with christs authority , and pauls ministeriall spirit , as for women to speak , or for twelve apostles to pray all at once vocally in the church ; and the whole church is said , acts . . to send messengers , and canons to antioch to be observed , and yet that whole church are but , in the act of governing and decerning , and judiciall passing of these acts , only apostles and elders , acts . . v. . act . : act. . . ( ergo ) it followeth not that we exclude women and children from being parts of the church , or that all are excluded except elders ; all are parts of the mysticall , and redeemed church ; officers are only the ministeriall church , and mat. . christ speaketh only of a ministeriall church in the judiciall act of excommunication ; though if you speak of excommunication in all the acts of it , we doe not exclude the whole multitude , mat. . nor cor. . from a popular consenting to the sentence , and a popular execution of the sentence of excommunication and therefore though the whole church convene , yet the whole church conveneth not with pauls ministeriall spirit to excommunicate judicially ; either must our brethren here acknowledge a synocdoche , as well as we , yea and a representative and select church in the judiciall act of excommunication , else they must say , that women and children , ex officio , by a ministeriall spirit doe judge and so speake in the church , for he who judgeth ex officio , in the church , may and must speake and excommunicate in the church ex officio : but more of this hereafter . chap. . sect . . quest . . whether or no is there a necessity of the personall presence of the whole church in all the acts of church-censures ? the author a giveth us ground for this question , whiles as he holdeth the company of believers cloathed with the whole power of the keys , and these meeting all of them , even the whole church to be the only visible instituted church . and b ainsworth sayth , with what comfort of heart can the people now excommunicate him , if they have not heard the proceedings against him ? let wise men iudge , if this be not spirituall tyranny , that elders would bring upon the conscience of men ? also it would seem● if the people be to execute the sentence of excommunication , that they cannot in faith repute the excommunicated man , as a heathen and a publican , and eschew his company , except they be assured in conscience , that he is lawfully cast out : now how shall they have this assurance ? the elders say , he is lawfully cast out , and the cast out man sayth , no , but he is wronged ; therefore it would seem that all the people must be personally present to heare that the processe be lawfully deduced against him , else they punish , upon a blind faith , now the like question is , if souldiers can make war , if they be not present at the counsell of war to know the just reasons of war , which the prince and states doe keepe up to themselves , upon grave considerations . and the same is the question , if the lictor and executioner of the judges sentence be obliged in conscience to know , if the judge have proceeded orderly and justly , or if he upon the testimony of the judge , may execute the sentence of death . . distinction , there be oddes betwixt a free willing people executing the sentence of the church , and meere executioners and lictors . . dist. there is a doubting of conscience speculative , through ignorance of some circumstance of the fact ; and a doubt of conscience practicall through ignorance of something , which one is obliged to know , and so there is also a speculative and a practicall certainty of a thing . . dist. there is one certaeinty required in questione juris , in a question of law , and another in questione facti , in question of fact . . dist. there is , and may be an ignorance invincible which a man cannot help , in a question of fact ; but papists and schoole-men erre , who maintaine an invincible ignorance in questione juris , in a question of law , and in this they lay imperfection on gods word . . dist. there is a morall diligence given for knowledge of a thing which sufficeth to make the ignorance excusable , and there is a morall diligence not sufficient . . dist. there is a sentence manifestly unjust as the condemning of christ by witnesses , belying one another , and a sentence doubtsomely false . . conclu . the members of the visible church are not meere lictors and executioners of the sentences of the elder-ship , . because they are to observe , warne , watch over the manners of their fellow members and to teach , exhort , and admonish one another ; and are guilty , if they be deficient in that , . because by the law of charity , as they are brethren under one head christ , they are to warne and admonish their rulers . and by the same reasons the people of the jewes were not meere executioners , though they were to stone the condemned malefactors , yet were they not judges as ainsworth sayth . it is true levit. . . they were to kill him who offered his seed to moloch ; but the precept is given first to moses the supreme magistrate , the accused for innocent blood stood before the children of israel , num. . . but their gnedah signifieth the princes , i●s . . . the slayer shall declare his cause before the elders of that city , sam. . . there be tribes who are feeding or governing tribes , or chron. . . judges : there is no reason to understand by the children of israel or the congregation , only the common people , when the word doth include a congregation of princes , so num. . . the levites are the children of israels shake-offering a ainsworth saith the people are put for the princes , the sins of unjust judges are peoples sinnes , not because they judicially exercise unjust acts , for they should not judge at all , but because they mourne not for the publick sins of judges , eze. . and because the people love to have it so , jer. . . . concl. when the sentence of the judge is manifestly unjust , the executioners and lictors are not to execute it ; for doeg the edomite sinned in killing the lords priests at the command of saul , and the footmen of saul did religiously refuse that service , sam. . . the souldiers who crucified christ , not only as men , but as licto●s , sinned against a principle of the gospel which they were obliged to believe ( maries sonne is the true messiah ) nor are we to joyne with a church excommunicating a man , because he confessed christ iob. . nor need we consent to these , that the senate of venice is excommunicated by paul the fift an. . and henricus borbonius king of navarre by sixtus . and elizabeth of england by pius . and henry the . by gregory . or hilderland , and martin luther by leo the . an. . the pope is not the catholick church , as many learned papists , especially , the parisian theologues teach . . concl there is not required the like certainty of conscience practicall in a question of fact , that is required in a question of law. . because in a question of law all ignorance is morall and culpably , evill to any who undertaketh actions upon conscience of obedience to others ; for to all within the visible church the word of god is exactly perfect , for faith and manners ; and every on is obliged to know all conclusions of law that are determinable by gods word . . every one in his actions is to do● out of a plerophorie , and a full perswasion of heart , that what he doth , pleaseth god , rom. . . i know and am perswaded by the lord jesus , that nothing is uncleane of it selfe . . we are to doe nothing but what is lawfull , and what in our consciences we are perswaded is lawfull , and are to know what is sinne , and what is no sin . all souldiers in war , and lictors , and these who execute the sentence of excommunication , are to know , what are the just causes of war , and what crimes by gods law deserve death , and what not , as what homicide , sorcery , parricide , incest , and the like sinnes deserve by gods law , and what not : because every one is obliged to know morally , what concerneth his conscience that he be not guilty before god ; the executioner who beheaded iohn baptist sinned , because he was obliged to know this ( a prophet who rebuketh incest in a king , ought not to be put to death therefore ) it was unlawfull for the men of iudah to come and make war with ieroboam and the ten tribes , because god forbade that war , ki. . , . . concl. it is not enough that some say , if the question be negatively just , then souldiers and executioners , and people may execute the sentence , that is , if they see no unlawfulnesse in the fact , i meane unlaw fulnesse in materiâ juris , in a matter of law ; hence some say , subjects and common souldiers not admitted to the secrets of the councell of war , may fight lawfully , when there is this negative justice in the war ; but forraine souldiers who are conduced , may not doe so a for the law sayth he is not free of a fault who intermedleth with matters which belonge not to him , to the hurt of others ; so teacheth b suarez c d. bannes d andr. duvallius , yet the command of the prince can remove no doubt of conscience , also that the cause of the war in the matter of law , so far as it is agreeable to gods word is not manifest to executioners , is there culpable ignorance no lesse then the ignorance of a sentence manifestly unjust , ergo , the practise of these who execute a sentence negatively only just , is not lawfull , i prove the antecedent , beacuse the practicall ignorance of what we doe which is not warranted by gods word is alwayes culpable , whether the cause be cleare or darke : for no obscurity of gods law doth excuse our ignorant practise , when the word of god can sufficienty resolve us . . it is not enough that our morall actions in their lawfulnes be just negatively ; because actions morall which are beside the word of god ( praeter dei verbum ) to us , who hold gods word perfect in faith and manners , are also , contra dei verbum , against the word of god , and so unlawfull . . because actions morall having no warrant but the sole will and commandement of superiors , are undertaken upon the sole faith : that what superiors command , if it seeme not to us unjust , though it be in it selfe unjust , may lawfully be done . now we condemne this in schoolemen and popish casuistes , that the commandement of superiors ( as sayth gregor . de valent. bannes , suarez , silvester , navarre ) may take away and remove all doubting of conscience , and make the action lawfull . whereas a navarre , b corduba c sylvester d adrian , hold that an action done without a due practicall certainty is unlawfull . if he shoud diligently ( e sayth suarez ) search for the truth , and cannot find it , yet the doubter may practise , so he practically perswade himselse , he doth it out of a good mind ; and whereas the jesuite sayth , that it is his negligence in not seeking the truth , he answereth , his negligence which is by past , cannot have influence in his present action , to make it unlawfull , because it is past and gone . but i answer , it is physically past , but it is morally present , to infect the action as habituall ignorance , maketh the acts of unbeliefe morally worse or ill . and to these we may adde , that he who doth with such a doubt , . he sinneth , because he doth not in faith f . he exposeth himselfe to the hazard of finning , and of joyning with an unjust sentence . . it is the corrupt doctrine of papists who muzzle up the people in ignorance , and discharge them to reade gods word , and so maintaine ( because of the obscurity and imperfection of gods word which is not able to determine all questions ) that there is an ignorance of many lawfull duties which is invincible , and to be excused , as no wayes sinfull , and which vitiateth not our morall actions , so a thomas b bonaventura , c richard d gabriel e occam f antoninus g adrianus h almaine i suarez , though occam and almain may be expounded favourably . . concl. souldiers , lictors , servants , people under the eldership , are not meere instruments moved only by superiors , as schoolemen say . . because they are morall agents , and are no lesse to obey in faith , then superiors are to command in faith and they are to obey their superiours only in the lord. . they are to give all diligence that they be not accessary to unjust sentences , lest they partake of other mens sinnes . what k aquinas l greg. de valent m and and. duvallius saith against this , is not to be stood upon . . concl. but in questione facti , in matters of fact , there is not required that certainty of conscience . but that we may more clearely understand the conclusion , a question of fact is taken three wayes . . for a fact expressely set down in gods word , as that moses led the people through the wildernesse , that cain slew his brother ab●l , these are questions de facto , not questiones facti , and must be believed as n almaine and o occam say well , with that same certainty by which we believe gods word . . a question of fact is taken for a question , the subject whereof is a matter of fact , but the attribute is a matter of law , as ( if christ in saying he was the son of god did blasphem ) if the lords priests in giving david shew-bread , did commit treason against king saul ) there is some question there made circa factum , about the fact , but it is formally a question of law. for these questions may be cleared by gods word , and the ignorance of any questions which may be cleared by gods word , is vincible , and culpable , for the law sayth a the ignorance of these things which we are obliged to know is culpable , and excuseth not . but thirdly a question of fact is properly a question ( whether this corinthian committed incest or no ) ( whether tittrs committed murther , or no ) and in this there is sometimes invincible ignorance , when all diligence morally possible is given , to come to the knowledge of the fact . now we know here the question of law must be proved by the law , all are obliged in concience to know what sinnes deserve death and excommunication . but whether this man iohn , anna , marie hath committed such sins , is a question of fact and cannot be proved by the law , or the word of god , for a the l●● is not anent singulars or particulars , this is proved by sense and the testimonie of witnesses ; and therefore the certainty practicall of conscience here is humane and failible , not divine and infallible . now though souldiers , lictors , or people joyne to the execution of a sentence , and have their doubtings anent the fidelity of the witnesses , yet when all diligence morally possible is given to try the matter , they may well be said to doe in faith , though they have not certainty of faith concerning the fact , , because there cannot be certainty of divine faith in facts ; mens confession , sense , the testimony of witnesses cannot breed divine faith : yea here the judge himselfe may condemne the innocent , and yet the sentence of the judge may be most just because the witnesses are lyers , and the judge giveth out that sentence in faith , because gods word hath commanded him to proceed , secundum allegata & probata , he must give sentence under b two or three witnesses ; yea , though the judge saw , with his eyes , the guilty commit the fact , yet he cannot by gods law condemne him , but upon the testimony of witnesses ▪ for the wise lord seeth what confusion and tyranny should follow , if one might be both index , actor , & t●stis , the iudge , the accuser , and the witnesse . and when the judge giveth out a sentence to absolve the guilty and condemne the innocent , his sentence is judicially and formally just , and materially and by accident and contrary to his intention only unjust , if the judge in that case should say ( as master weemes observeth well ) c such a proposition is true when he knoweth it to be false , and being posed and urged in conscience , is this an innocent man or no ? it he should answer and say he is not , he should then answer contrary to his knowledge ? but as a judge he must answer , he is not innocent , because witnesses being with all possible diligence examined , have condemned him , and it is no inconvenience here to say , that the judge hath one conscience as a man , and another contrary conscience as a judge , in the question of fact ; for god hath tyed his conscience , as a judge , to the fidelity of witnesses , known not to be false . i desire the reader to see anent this more in a bonaventura b richardus c occam d antoninus e adrian , f and our countreyman iohn weemes and g henricus . now because souldiers , lictors , and people are not judges , if they know the fact in law deserveth such and such punishments , where the sentence is not manifestly false and unjust , but in the matter of law just , though erroneous in the matter of fact , all possible dilligence being used by the judges , they are to execute that sentence upon the testimony of the judges , though they be not personally present at the proceedings of the judges and eldership which may be proved many wayes . . by the confession of our brethren , i● any of the congregation be absent by sicknesse , child-birth paine , trading over sea , imprisonment , the congregation doth justly put away from amongst them the incestuous corinthian , and they who are absent are to repute the party excommunicate , as a heathen ; as their own practise is at censures in the week-day , the largest halfe of the congregation is absent , yet the absent upon the testimony of the church hold valid what is done by the church . . other sister churches who ought not to be present at church-censures , as our brethren teach , are to repute the excommunicate cast out by a sister church-independent ( as they say ) as an heathen , because being bound in heaven : here , is he not bound in a church visible , one mile distant from the church excommunicating ? yet this is no tyranny of conscience . . women are to execute the sentence and to eschew the company of the party excommunicated , yet are they not to be present ●s judges to n●●rp authority over the men . this h robinson granteth . . this should evert all judicatories of peace and war , so many thousands , acts . could not be present at every act of censure and that dayly , nor are acts o● discipline necessarily tied to the lords-day they are ( i grant ) acts of divine worship , but the whole multitude of women and children are deprived of the liberty that god hath given them for six dayes to the works of their calling , if they must be personally present , at all the acts of discipline , to cognosce of all scandals , and to here and receive testimonies against elders under two or three witnesses , which is the office of timothy i this way the overseeing of the manners of the people , which also our brethren laye upon the whole people , taketh up the great part of the pastors office , and the whole office of ruling elders . and if we lay upon the people the worke and all the acts of the office , how can we not lay upon them the office it selfe ? . all israel gathered to war , from dan to beersheba , could not , by vertue of duty and obligation , be present personally at the determination of lawfull war : nay if they were all present , as judges , as c mr. ainsworth would have them , there be no governors and feeders in israel , but all the governed are feeders , and so no magistrate and ruler , as anabaptists teach here . . it were not lawfull for one to be king over more people , then he could in his own personall presence judge , contrary to gods word , that teacheth us to obey these who are sent by the supreme magistrate , as we obey the king , pet. . . . ergo , these who are sent by him are lawfull judges , and yet the king judgeth by them , and in them . . this error is founded upon a worse error , to wit , that the supreme magistrate had no power of life and death in israel , without consent of the people , but certainly there are as specious and plausible reasons , if not more specious , for the peoples government in all civill matters , then there can be for their church-power of judging in the church-matters , and government therof . yet there is no ground for it . . because the rulers only could not be charged , to execute judgement in the morning , to deliver the oppressed , to execute judgement for the fatherlesse and the vviddow , nor can there be a promise made to establish , the kings throne for obeying that commandement , as ( a ) gods word teacheth ; if the people have as great , yea , greater power in judging , then the rulers have by this our brethrens argument . they say all the believers at corinth . cor. . could not be commanded to cast out the incestuous person , nor could they all be taxed for omitting that duty , if they had not power to excommunicate . . neither can the spirit of god complaint that the judges builded zion with blood , and the heads of the house of jacob , and princes of the house of israel did abhor judgement and pervert equity as the prophets say , e nor could they be condemned as roaring lyons and evening wolves , as the prophet sayth : for the judge● might well be faultlesse , when the poore were crushed in the gate , and judgement turned into gall and wormewood , because they cannot helpe the matter , the people are the greatest part in caring matters in judgement . . we see f davids practise in condemning the amalckite out of his own confession , not asking the peoples consent , and in condemning to death g baanah and rehab , for killing ishbosheth . solomon gave sentence h against adoniiah , ioab , shimei , without consent of the people , david pardoned shimei contrary to the counsell of zerviahs sons . . if from the peoples witnessing and hearing of judgement in the gate , we conclude the people were judges , with the rulers , there was never a time , when there was no king in israel , and no iudge to put evill doers to shame , but every man did what seemed good in his own eys , contrary to scripture i because all are a generation of kings and princes no lesse then the ruler himselfe , as anabaptists teach . by the doctrine of our brethren i deny not but he that gathered stickes on the sabbath was brought , num. . . to moses and to aaron and to all the congregation , but the congregation signifieth not the common multitude . for . moses received the sentence from god and pronounced it , and the congregation stoned him to death , and numb . . . the daughters of zelophehad stood before moses , eleazar , and before the princes as iudges , and before all the congregation , as witnesses , not as judges : but v. . . moses gave out the judiciall sentence , from the lords mouth . and king. . . naboth stood in presence of the people to be judged , but the nobles and princes were his judges , because v. . iezabel wrote to the nobles and princes that v. . they should carry out naboth and stone him , to wit , judicially , and v. . the nobles and princes did as iezabel had sent unto them . and ieremiah cap. . pleaded his cause before the princes and people , for v. . the princes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 set down ( judicially ) in the entry of the new gate of the lords house , nothing can be gathered from the place to prove that the people judged , but because ieremiah spake to the princes and the people who vers . : were in a fury and rage against ieremiah , if ahikam had not saved him from their violence . chap. . sect . . quest . . whether there be no nationall or provinciall church under the new testament , but only a parishionall congregation meeting every lords day , in one place for the worship of god ? the author , in this first proposition denieth that there is any nationall or provinciall church , at all , under the new testament , for clearing of the question observe these . . dist. vve deny that there is any diocescan , provinciall or nationall church under the care of one diocesan or nationall prelate or bishop , but hence it followeth not , there is no visible instituted church now , but only a particular congregation . . dist. vve deny any nationall typicall church , where a whole nation is tyed to one publick worship , in one place , as sacrificing in the temple . . dist. vve deny not but the most usuall acception of a church , or visible meeting is given , as the a refutator of tylenus sayth , to a convention of people meeting ordinarily to heare the word and adminstrate the sacraments b stephanus deriveth it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and c cyrillus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as d causabon observeth ; so these who meete at one sermon are called ecclesia , a church , and it is called ecclesia & concio , sayth the refutator of tilen , e but this hindreth not the union of more particular congregations , in their principall members for church-government , to be the meeting or church representative of these many united congregations . . dist. a parish-church materiall , is a church within such locall bounds , the members whereof dwell contiguously togegether , one bordering on the other , our brethren , meane not of such a church ; for as f pa●● baynes sayth well this god instituted not , because a company of papists and protestants may thus dwell together , as in a parish , and yet they axe of contrary churches , a parish-church formally is a multitude who meete in manner or forme of a parish , as if they dwelt neere together in a place ordinarily , to worship god , as the 〈◊〉 of those who came together to celebrate the lords supper , is called the church , cor. . . for first of all when ye come together in the church , i heare that there are divisions amongst you . 〈◊〉 what ? have ye not houses to eat and drink in ? or despise ye the church of god ? . concl. if we shall evince a church-visible in the now testament which is not a parishionall church , we evince this to be false which is maintained by our brothren , that there is no visible instituted church in the new testament save onely a parishionall church , or a single independent congregation . but this church we conceive to have been no parishionall church . . because these who met dayly and continued with one accord in the temple , and breaking bread from house to house , that is , administrating the sacraments together as our brethren say , were a visible church . but these being first an hundred and twenty , as acts . and then three thousand added to them , acts . . could not make all one single independent congregation , whereof all the members had voyce in actuall government ▪ ergo , they were a visible instituted church , and yet not a parishionall church . the proposition is cleare , the church of ierusalem was one visible church , and did exercise together a visible act of government , in sending messengers to 〈◊〉 acts . . then pleased it the apostles and elders and the whole church ( our brethren say , the whole collective church men , women , and children at ierusalem ) to send men of their own company to antioch . and wrote letters , and some decrees and commandements to be observed . now the many thousands of the church of ierusalem , by no possibility could meete a● one parish , in one materiall house to administrate the lords supper : farre lesse could they be , as is said ; acts . . all continuing stedfastly in the apostles doctrine and followship ( our brethren say in p●rishionall or congregationall fellowship ) and in breaking of bread and prayer , nor could they dayly continue in the temple and breake bread from house to house , being all one church , or a fixed parishionall meeting in one materiall house . now it is cleare , they were 〈◊〉 even after they exceeded many thousands in number , in one parishionall and congregationall government , as our brethren would prove from acts , , , , . and acts . , . else how could they have all their goods common , if there be not one visible government amongst them ? but this government could not be of one single congregation ; for all who sold their goods , and had all things common , could not meete to give voyces in discipline , a judicatory of so many thousand judges were impossible and ridiculous . . paul writeth to the galatians , where there were many parish , churches , gal. . . as our brethren teach , yet doth he write to them , as he doth to the corinthians : where our brethren will have one parish - church , and writeth to them of uniformity of visible government , that they meete not together to keepe dayes , sabbaths , and yeers gal. . . as the iewes did , that they keep not iewish and ceremoniall meetings , and conventions , gal. . . these churches are called one lumpe in danger to be leavened , as corinth is a parishionall lumpe in hazard to be leavened , as our brethren teach . now how could paul will them that the whole lump of all the churches and congregations in galatia , be not leavened , except he lay down a ground , that they were with united authority to joyne in one visible government , against the false teachers : suppose there were twenty sundry kings in brittaine , and twenty kingdoms , could our friends over sea write to us as to one nationall lump , to beware of the spanish faction , except they laid down this ground , that all the twenty little kingdomes , had some visible union in government , and might with joynt authority of all the twenty kingdomes concurre to resist the common enemie ? here that godly and learned divine mr. baynes sayth , communion in government is not enough to make them one church , this ( sayth he ) a maketh them rather one in tertio quodam separabili ( in a third thing which may be separated ) then one church ; government being a thing that commeth to a church now constituted , and may be absent , the church remaning a church , i answer this is a good reason against the prelates diocese●n church , which , as baynes sayth well , is such a frame in which many churches are united with one head - church ( under one lord prelate , common pastor to all the pastors and particular congregations of the diocese ) as part aking of holy things , or at least in that power of government , which is in the chiefe , church , for all the others within such a circuit . now the prel●tes frame of a properly so called church , under one pastor being a creature with a hundred heads , having church and pastorall care of a hundred little congregations and churches , is a dreame , for we know no such church fed by a prelate , nor no such prelaticall argos to oversee so many flocks ; nor doe we contend that the many congregations united in a presbyteriall government , doe make a mysticall visible church meeting for all the ordinances of god. but union of many congregations in a visible government is enough to make all these united churches one visible , ministeriall and governing church who may meete , not in one collective body , for the worship of god ; yet in one representative body , for government : though worship may be in such a convened church also , as we shall heare . the name of the church i thinke is given to such a meeting , mat. . . acts . . though more usually in scripture the church is a fixed congregation , convened for gods worship : now government is an accident separable , and may goe and come to a mysticall church ; but i thinke it is not so to a ministeriall governing church . so the church of ephesus is called a church in the singular number , rev. . . and all the churches of asia , rev. . . but seven churches ; and christ directeth seven epistles to these seven , and writeth to ephesus as to a church having one government , v. . thou hast tryed them which say they are apostles and are not , and hast found them lyers . this was ecclesiasticall tryall by church-discipline , yet ephesus contained more particular congregations then one . . because christ speaking to ephesus only , sayth , v. . he that hath an ear● to heare let him heare what the spirit sayth unto the churches , in the plurall number . because there were a good number of preaching elders in ephesus , acts . . . . and it is incongruous to gods dispensation to send a multiude of pastors , to over see ordinarily one single and independent congregation . . this i have proved from the huge multitudes converted to the faith in ephesus , so huge and populous a city where many iewes and greeks dw●l● , and where the word of god grew so migh●●ly , acts . , , , . and christ writeth to every one of the seven churches as to one , and yet exhorteth seven times in every epistle , that churches in the plurall number heare what the spirit sayth . now as our brethren prove that the churches of galatia , so called in the plurall number , were many particular churches , so doe we borrow this argument , to prove that every one of the seven churches , who are seven times called churche in the plurall number , contained many congregations under them , yet doth . christ write to every one of the seven , as having one visible government . . concl. a nationall typicall church● was the church of the iewes , we deny . but a church nationall or provinciall of cities , provinces , and kingdomes , having one common government , we thinke cannot be denyed : so paul baynes citeth for this , pet. . . pet. . . though we take not the word church for a my sticall body , but for a ministeriall company . but acts . matthias was elected an apostle by the church , as our brethren confesse , but not by a particular congregation who met every lords-day , and in ordinary to partake of all the holy things of god , the word and sacraments . . here were the apostles , whose parish - church was the whole world , mat. . . goe teach all nations . in this church were the brethren of christ from galilee , acts . . and some from jerusalem v. . . no particular church had power ecclesiasticall , as this church had power to choose an apostle , who was to be a pastor over the churches of the whole world , as our brethren teach , so * mr. paget sayth well ; these disciples who waited upon christ , such as barsabas and matthias , were no members of the church of jerusalem , and so what pow●r had a particular church to dispose of them , who were no members of their church ? . that which concerneth all , must be done by all , and that which concerneth the feeding and governing of the church of the whole world , must be done by these who represent the church of the whole world ; but that matthias should be chosen , and ordained an apostle to teach to the whole world , concerned all the churches , and not one particular church 〈◊〉 , therefore there was here either no church ( which no man dare say ) for ●here is here a company of believers where there is preaching and church ▪ government , v. . . . or then there was here a congregation which is against sense and scripture ; or there is a church provinciall , naturall , or oecumenick ; call it as you please , it is a visible church instituted in the new testament , after the ascension of christ , and not a parishionall church . some answer , this was extraordinary and meerely apostolick , that an apostle should be ordained , and is no warrant for a nationall church now , when the churches of christ are constituted . but i answer , this distinction of ordinary and extraordinary is wearied and worne to death with two much employment . . beza , calvin , piscator , tilenus , whittaker , chamier , pareus , bucanus , professors of leyden , walaeus , vvillet , p. martyr , ursinus , &c. and all our divines , yea a lorinus the j●suite , b cajetan , alledge this place with good reason to prove , that the ordination and election of pastors belongeth to the whole church , and not to one man , peter , or any pope . yea c robinson and all our brethren , use this place , to prove , that the church to the second comming of christ hath power to ordaine , and exanthorate and censure her officers . . we desire a ground for this , that the ecclesiasticall power of the church which is ordinary and perpetuall to christs second comming , should joyne as a coll●terall cause in ordination and election of an apostle ▪ which ordination is extraordinary , temporary & apostolick ; see for this d pet. martyr e vvhittaker f bilson g chamier , h pareus , i beza . k calvin , l harmonie of the confessions m iunius , n cartwright o fulk p ursinus q zwinglius r munsterus , and s theodoret ▪ would have us to rest upon apostolick demonstrations like this . and t irenaeus speaketh against rectifiers of the apostles in this u cyprian sayth the like , acts . a church of hebrewes and graecians , together with the twelve apostles is not a particular ordinary congregation , and a governing church choosing deacons , therefore they are a nationall church ; though the first ordination of deacons be meerely apostolick , and immediately from iesus christ , yet the ordination of these seven persons was a worke of the churches power of the keys . now let our brethren speake , if this was a congregationall church , that meeteth ordinarily to the word and sacraments , such as they say the church of corinth was , cor. ● . . so say i of the church , acts . . called apostles , elders and brethren and the whole church , this could not be a particular church ; for no particular congregation hath ecclesiasticall power to prescribe decrees , and canons to all the churches of the gentiles , and that this was done by an ordinary ecclesiastick power that remaineth perpetually in a church , such as this was , is cleare , because our brethren prove that the whole multitude spake in this church from vers . . then all the multitude kept silence , and therefore the multitude ( say our brethren ) spake from v. . all the church voyced in these decrees and canons , say they . . sister churchers keepe a visible church-communion together . . they heare the word , and partake of the seales of the covenant , occasionally one with another . . they eschew the same excommunicated heretick , as a common church-enemy to all . . they exhort , rebuke comfort , and edifie one another , as members of one body visible . . if one sister church fall away , they are to labour to gaine her , and if she will not be gained , as your author sayth a they tell it to many sister churches , if shee refilse to heare them . they forsake communion with her . . here is a visible body of christ , and his spouse , having right to the keyes , word and seales of grace . . here is a visible body exercising visible acts of church-fellowship one toward another . hence here a visible provinciall , and nationall church exercising the specifick acts of a church . ergo , here is a provinciall and nationall church . for to whom that agreeth which essentially constituteth a church visible , that must be a visible church . you will say , they are not a visible church because they cannot , and doe not ordinarily all meete in one materiall house , to heare one and the same word of god , and to partake of the same seales of the covenant joyntly : but i answer . this is a begging of the question . . they performe other specifick acts of a visible church , then to meete ordinarily , to partake joyntly , and at once , of the same ordinances . . if this be a good reason that they cannot be a nationall church , because they meete not all ordinarily to heare the some word , and to partake of the same ordinances , then a locall and visible and ordinary union joyntly in the same worship , is the specifick essence of a visible church ; but then there was no visible nationall churches in iudea , for it was impossible that they could all meete in one materiall house , to partake of the same worship . . these who for sicknes and necessary avocations of their calling , as navigation , traffiquing and the like , cannot ordinarly meet with the congregation to partake joyntly with them of these same ordinances , loose all membership of the visible church , which is absurd ; for they are cast out for no fault . . this is not essentiall to a nationall church , that they should ordinarily all joyntly meet for the same worship , but that they be united in one ministeriall government , and meet in their chiefe members , and therefore our brethren use an argument , à specie ad gen●s negativè ; a provinciall or nationall company of believers cannot performe the acts of a particular visible church ; ergo , such a company is not a visible church , just as if i would reason thus : a horse cannot laugh ; ergo , he is not a living creature , or it is an argument à negatione unius speciei , ad negationem alterius , such a company is not such a congregationall church , ergo , it is no visible church at all ; an ape is not a reasonable creature . ergo , it is not an ape . . conclu . there ought to be a fellowship of church communion amongst all the visible churches on earth ; ergo de jure and by christ his institution there is an universall or catholick visible church . i prove the antecedent . . because there ought to be mutuall fellowship of visible church-duties , as where there is one internall fellowship , because eph. . . we are one body , one spirit , even as we are called in one hope of our calling , v. . one lord , on father , one baptisme , v. . one god , and father of all . there also should there be externall fellowship , and church - fellowship , of exhorting , rebuking , comforting , and church-praying , and church-praising , in the behalfe of all the visible churches on earth , even for those , whose faces we never saw , coloss. . . and when one nationall church falleth away , the visible churches of the christian world are obliged to rebuke , and to labour to gaine such a church , and if she will not be gained , to renounce all the foresaid communion with such an obstinate nation . . as the apostles had one publicke care of all the churches , and accordingly kept visible fellowship , as they had occasion to preach , write to them , pray , and praise god for them , so this care as apostolick i grant is gone and dead with the apostles ; but the pastorall and church-care , and consequently acts of externall fellowship are not dead with the apostles , but are left in the church of christ , for what church-communion of visible fellowship members of one particular congregation keepe one with another , that same by due proportion , ought nationall churches to keepe amongst themselves . . this is cleare act. . where particular churches with the apostles did meete , and take care to provide a pastor and an apostle , matthias , for the whole christian church , and why ●ut particular churches , are hereby taught to confer all church-authority that god hath given them , for the rest of the visible churches ; and the churches conuened in their speciall members , acts . . extended their church-care , in a church-communion of ecclesiastick canons to all the visible churches of the jewes and gentiles . hence oecumenick and generall councells should be jure divino , to the second comming of christ ; neither need we stand much on this that our brethren say , that one catholick visible church is a night dreame , because no church is visible save only a particular congregation , the externall communion whereof in meeting in one materiall house ordinarily , and partaking of the same word and sacraments , doth incurre in our senses , whereas a church communion and visible fellowship with the whole christian churches on earth is impossible , and no wayes visible . but i answer , if such a part of the sea , the brittish sea be visible , then are all the seas on earth visible also , though they cannot all come in one mans senses at one and the same time ; so if this church particular be visible , then all the churches also in their kind are visible . . there be acts of church-communion externall with all the visible churches on earth , ergo , the whole catholick church according to these acts is visible . i prove the antecedent , we pray in a church-way publickly for all the visible churches on earth , we praise church-wayes publickly for them , we fast and are humbled church-wayes before god when they are in trouble , and so ought they to doe with us ; we by preaching , writing , and synodicall constitutions proclaime the common enemie of all the churches to be the antichrist , his doctrine and the doctrine of that body whereof he is head to be false and hereticall , by writings we call all the people of god to come out of bab●l , and we renounce externall communion with rome , in doctrine , discipline , ceremonies : and rites , all which are church-acts of externall communion with the reformed catholick visible churches , neither to make a church visible to us , is it requisi●e that we should see the faces of all the members of the catholick visible church , and be in one materiall church with them at once , partaking of the same visible worship : yea , so the church of iudea should not be one visible church , which our brethren must deny , for they had one priest hood , on temple , one covenant of god visibly professed by all ; yet could they not all meete in one materiall temple to partake together at once of all gods o dinance● . for i partake in externall worship with these of new england , who are baptised according to christs institution , without the signe of the crosse , though i never saw their faces . hence all may see that oecumenick councel's are de jure and christs lawfull ordinances , though de facto they be not , through the corruption of our nature ; yet such a visible church-fellowship in externall church-communion is kept in the whole catholics church visible , as may be had , considering the perversity of men , and the malice of satan . it is constantly denied by our brethren , that the church of the iewes was a congregationall church , and of that frame and institution with the christian church : but that it was peculiar and meerely in laicall to be a nationall church ; yet let me have liberty to offer a necessary distinction here . . a nationall church is either when a whole nation , and all the congregations and synogogues thereof are tied by divine precept , to some publique acts of typicall worship , in one place , which the lord hath chosen ; so all israel were to sacrifice at jerusalem onely , and the priests were to officiate in that kind , there onely , and they to pray toward the temple , or in the temple , and they to prese●t the male children there , as holy to the lord , luke . &c. this way indeed the church of the jewes , in a peculiar manner , was a nationall church ; and thus farre our brethrens arguments doe well conclude , that the jewish church was nationall in a peculiar manner proper to that church onely . but a nationall church is taken in another sense now , for a people to whom the lord hath revealed his statutes and his testimonies , whereas he hath not d alt so with every nation , psal. . , . which church is also made up of many congregations and synagogues , having one worship and government that doth morally concerne them all . thus the iewish church was once nationall , and that for a time ; god chose them of his free grace , to be a people to himselfe , deut. . . and deut. . . when the most high divided to the nations their inheritance . iacob was the lot of his inheritance , amos . . you onely have i chosen of all the families of the earth . but the jewish church was in this sence but nationall for a time ; now hath god ( act. . v. . ) also granted to the gentiles repentance unto life , and called the gentiles , and made them a nationall church , hos. . . pet. . , . esay . , , . that is , he hath revealed his testimonies to england , to scotland , and he hath not done so to every nation . so if a false teacher should goe through israel and call himselfe the power of god , as simon magus did . all the congreations and synagogues in israel might joyne together to condemne him ; if there were such a thing as an arke in scotland , if it were taken captive as the prelates kept the gospell in bonds , it were a morall dutie to all the congregations , to convene in their principall rulers and pastors to bring againe the arke of god , and by the power of discipline to set it free ; and if the whole land were involved in a nationall apostacie , they are to meet in their principall members , and this is morall to scotland , as to israel by ordinances of the church to renew a covenant with god , that his wrath may be turned off the land. in this sence , we see it never proved , that it was peculiar to israel , onely to be a nationall church . nay , i affirme , that the jewes had their congregationall churches , as we have . for that is a congregationall church which meeteth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that same place , for doctrine and discipline . but the jewes meet every sabbath in their synagogues , for teaching the people , gods law , and for discipline . ergo , the people of the jewes had their congregationall churches , as we have . the major proposition is the doctrine of our brethren , except they say , ( as its like they must ) that except they meet to pa●take of all the ordinances of god , they are not a congregationall church . yet truely this is but a knot in a rush , for cor. meeting for prophecying onely , is a church convention ; and the forbidding of women to teach in the church , is an ordering of a congregationall worship ; and the meeting of the church for baptising of infants , is in the mind of our brethren the formall meeting of a congregationall church , though they should not celebrate the lords supper . . what ecclesiasticall meetings can the meeting of gods people be , in the synagogues of god , as they are called ▪ psal. . for hearing the word , and for exercise of discipline , if not the church meeting in a congregation ? i prove the assumption by parts , and first i take it to be undeniable , that they did meet for doctrine , act. . . for moses of old time hath in every city them that preach him , being read in the synag●g●e every sabbath day . and ps. . , . these two are joyntly complained of , as a great desolation in the church , the burning of gods synagogues in the land. and v. . that there are no prophets which know how long . and math. . . christ went about all cities and villages teaching in their synagogues . luke . he went into the synagogue on the sabbath day , and stood up to read , math. . . and when the sabbath day was come , he began to teach in the synagogue ; and many hearing him were astonished . luke . . and it came to passe , another sabbath day , he entered into the synagogue and taught . john . . i ever taught in the synagogues , and daily in the temple whither the jewes alwayes resort . math. . . and when he was come into his own● countrey , he taught them in their synagogue , in as much as they were astonished . and that there was ruling & government in the synagogue , is cleare , , by their rulers of the synagogue , act. . . act. . . . luke . . marke . . . and if this ruler had beene any save a moderator , if he had beene an unlawfull officer , christ would not have acknowledged him , nor would paul , at the desire of the rulers of the synagogue have preached , as he doth , acts . , . . also , if there was teaching cisputing , concerning the law in the synagogue , there behooved to be some ordering of these acts of worship ; for onely approved prophets were licensed to preach in their synagogues , to say nothing that there was beating in the synagogues , and therefore there behoved to be church discipline . hence that word of delivering up to the synagogue . luke . . . there was the censure of excommunication , and casting out of the synagogue , and a cutting off from the congregation . hence that act of casting out of the synagogue any who should confesse jesus . john . . which they executed on the blind man , john . . it is true , our brethren deny that there was any excommunication in the church of the jewes , and they alledge , that the cutting off from the people of god , was a taking away of the life by the magistrates sword ; or , ( as some other say ) gods immediate hand of judgement upon them . but . to be cut off from the congregation , or from the people of god , is never called simply off-cutting , and expounded to be destroying , as it is genes . . . but expressed by dying the death : for who will conceive that the sword of the magistrate was to cut off the male child that is not circumcised , who is said to be cut off from the people of god , gen. . . or to cut off by death the parents ? i grant the phrase signifieth bodily death . exod. . . and for this god sought to kill moses . but divines say it was excommunication , and never ruler in israel executed this sentence : not moses , nor any judge that ever we read tooke away the life of an infant for the omission of a ceremony . nor are we to thinke , that for eating leavened bread in the time of the passover , the magistrate was to take away the life , as is said . levit. . , . . ●his word , to cut off , is expounded , cor. . to put away ; which was not by death , for he willeth them , cor. . to pardon him , and confirme their love to him . . neither could paul rebuke the corinthians because gods hand had not miraculously taken him away , or because the magistrate had not taken away his life , which was not the corinthians fault . . i am perswaded , to be cast out of the synagogue , was not to be put to death , because ioh. . the blind man after he is cast out of the synagogue , jesus meeteth with him in the temple , and he believeth and confesseth christ , and christ ioh. . distingusheth them cleerely , they shall kill you , and beside that , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they shall excommunicate you . but though it were granted , t●●t the jewish church used not excommunication had they no ecclesiasticall censures before for that ? i thinke it doth not follow ; for the excluding of the leper , that these who touched the dead were legally uncleane , and might not eate the passover , were censures , but they were not civill ; ergo , ecclesiasticall they must be , as to be excluded from the lords supper is a meer . ecclesiasticall censure in the christian church . also if pastors and preachers be complained of , that not only at ierusalem , but every where , through all the land , they strengthened not the ●● eased sheep ; they did not bind up the broken , nor bring againe the loosed , but with force and cruclty they did governe , ezek. . . and if every where , the prophets did prophecy falsely , and the priests bare rule by their meanes , and the people lov●d to have it so . jer. . . then in synagogues there was church-government , as at ●erusalem ; for where the lord rebuketh any sinne , he doth recommend the contrary duty . now prophets and priests are rebuked , tor their ruling with force and rigour every where , and not at ierusalem onely , for that they were not compassionate to carry the lambs in their bosome , as iesus christ doth , esai . . . their ill government every where must be condemned . . luk. . . christ , as his custome was , went into the synagogue on the sabbath day ; paul and barnabas were requested , to exhort in the synagogue , as the order was , that prophets at the direction of the rulers of the synagogue , if they had any word of exhortation , they should speake , and consequently their order was that every one should not speake ; ergo , they had customes and orders of church-discipline to the which christ and his apostles did submit themselves , and to tie all church-government to the temple of ierusalem were to say , god had ordained his people elsewhere to worship him publickly , but without any order , and that christ and his apostles subjected themselves to an unjust order . i further argue thus . those churches be of the same nature , frame , and essentiall constiutions , which agree in the same essentials , and diff●r only in accidents ; but such are the church of the iewes , and the christian churches ; ergo , what is the frame and essentiall consti●●tion of the one church , must be the frame and essentiall constitution of the other . ergo , &c. the major is of undeniable certainty . i prove the assumption . these which have the same faith , and the same externall profession of faith , these have the same frame and essentiall constitution , but they and we be such churches ; for we have the same covenant of grace , jer. . . jer. . . heb . , . therefore that same faith , differing only in accidents : their faith did looke to christ to be incarnate , and our faith to that same very god now manifested in the flesh . heb. . . they were saved by faith , as we are , heb. . acts . , . acts. . , , . and consequently , what visible profession of faith doth constitute the one visible church , doth constitute the other . i know , papists , arminians , socinians doe make the doctrine , and seales of the iewish and christian church much different , but against the truth of scripture . the onely answer that can be made to this , must be , that though the church of the jewes wanted not congregations , as our christian churches have , yet were they a nationall church of another essentiall , visible frame , then are the christian churches , because they had positive , typicall , and ceremoniall and carnall commandements that they should have one high priest for the whole nationall church , the christian churches have not for that , one visible monarch and pope ; they had an altar , sacrifices , and divers pollutions ceremoniall , which made persons uncapable of the passover ; but we have no such legall uncleannesse , which can make us uncapable of the seales of the new testament : and therefore it was not lawfull to separate from the jewish church , in which did sit a typicall high priest , where were sacrifices , that did adumbrate the sacrifice of our great high priest , & c. not withstanding of scandalous persons in that church ; because there was but one visible church , out of which was to come the redeemer christ , according to the flesh , but the christian churches under the new testament , be of another frame , christ not being tyed to one nation , or place , or congregation : therefore if any one congregation want the ordinances of christ , we may separate therefrom , to another mount sion , seeing there bee so many mount sions no● . answ. . if the church of the iewes was a visible church in its essentiall constitution different from our visible churches , because they were under the religions tie of so me carnall , ceremoniall , and typicall mandats and ordinances , that we are not under , then doe i inferre , that the tribe of levy was not one visible church , in the essentiall frame , with the rest of the tribes , which is absurd , for that tribe conteyning the priests and levites , was under the obligatory tie of many typicall commandements proper and peculiar to them only , as to offer sacrifices , to wash themselves , when they were to officiate , to weare linnen ephods , to beare the arke of the covenant , now it was sinne for any that were not of the sonnes of aaron , or of another tribe to performe these duties ; yet , i hope , they made but one nationall church with the rest of the tribes . secondly , i infer , that the christian church that now is , cannot be of that same essentiall frame with the apostolick churches , because the apostolick church , so long as the jewish ceremonies were indifferent , ( in statu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and mortall , but not mortiferae , deadly , was to practice these ceremonies , in the case of scandall , cor. . , , . and yet the christian church that now is , can in no sort practice these ceremonies : yea , i inferre that the eldership of a congregation doth not make one church of one and the same essentiall frame and constitution with the people , because the elders be under an obligatory tie to some positive divine commandements , such as are to administer the seales , baptisme and the lords supper , and yet the multitude of believeres , in that same congregation , are under no such tie ; and certainly if to be under ceremoniall and typicall ordinances doth institute the whole jewish church in another essentiall frame different from the christian churches , reason would say that then , if the members of one church be under divine positive commandements , which doth in no sort tie other members of the same church , that then there be divers memberships of different essentiall frames in one and the same church , which to me is monstrous ; for then , because a command is given to abraham to offer his sonne isaak to god , and no such command is given to sarah , in that case abraham and sarah shall not bee members of one and the same visible church . but the truth is , different positive commandments of ceremoniall and typicall ordinances put ●o new essentiall frame of a visible church upon the jewish church , which is not on the christian churches . these were onely accidentall characters and temporary cognizances to distinguish the jewish and christian churches , while as both agree in one and the same morall constitution of visible churches : for first , both had the same faith , one lord , one covenant , one iesus christ , the same seales of the covenant in substance , both were visibly to professe the same religion ; the differences of externals made not them and us different visible churches , nor can our brethren say , they made different bodies of christ , different spouses , different royall generations , as concerning church-frame . yet are wee not tied to their high priest , to their altars , sacrifices , holy dayes , sabbaths , new moones , &c. no more then any one private christian in such a congregation , or a beleeving woman is tied to preach and baptize ; and yet her pastor archippus , in that congregation , is tied both to preach and baptize . secondly , the jews were to separate from b thaven , and so are we . thirdly , they were not to joyne with idolaters in idol-worship , neither are we . whereas it is said that it was not lawfull to separate from the jewish church , because in it did sit the typicall high priest , and the messiah was to be borne in it , and because they were the onely church on earth ; but now there be many particular churches . all this is a deception , a non causi● pro causâ , for separation from that church was not forbidden for any typicall or ceremoniall reason , not a shadow of reason can be given from the word of god for this : because there can be no ceremoniall argument why there should be communion betwixt light and darknesse , or any concord betwixt christ and belial , or any comparting bètwixt the beleever and the infidell , or any agreement of the temple of god with idols , nor any reason typicall why gods people should goe to gilgal , and to bethaven , or to be joyned with idols , or why a david should sit with vaine persons , or goe in to dissemblers , or why he should offer the drinke offerings of these who hasten after a strange god , or take up their names in his mouth . this is then an unwritten tradition ; yea , if dagon had beene brought into the temple , as the assy●ian altar of damascus was set up in the holy place , the people ●ught to have separated from temple and sacrifices both , so lo●g as that abomination should stand in the holy place : nor can it be proved , that communicating with the church of israel as a member thereof ; was typicall and necessary to make up visible membership , as ceremoniall holinesse is ; for to adhere to the church in a sound worship , though the fellow-worshippers be scandalous , is a morall duty commanded in the second commandment ; as to forsake church-assemblies is a morall breach of that commandment , and forbidden to christians , hebr. . . who are under no law of ceremonies . and it is an untruth , that those who were legally cleane , and not ceremonially polluted , were members of the jewish visible church , though otherwise they were most flagitious : for to god they were no more his visible israel then sodome and gomorrah , isaiah . . or the children of ethiopia , amos . . and are condemned of god , as sinning against the profession of their visible incorporation in the israel of god , jerem. . , , , . but shall we name and repute them brethren , whom in conscience we know to be as ignorant and void of grace , as any pagan ? i answer , that if they professe the truth , though they walke inordinately , yea , and were excommunicated , paul willeth us to admonish th●m as brethren , thes. . . and calleth all the visible church of corinth ( for he writeth to good and bad ) amongst whom were many partakers of the table of devils , pleaders with their brethren before heathen , deniers of the resurrection , yea those to whom the gospell was hidden , cor. . brethren and saints by calling . but ( say our brethren ) to be cast out of the iewish church , was to be cast out of the common-wealth ; as to be a member of the church , and to be a member of the state is all one , because the state of the jewes and the church of the jews was all one ; and none is said to be cut off from the people , but he was put to death . answ. surely esay . vers . . these who are cast out by their brethren , and excommunicated , are not put to death , but men , who after they be cast out , live till god comfort them and shame their enemies ; but he shall appeare for your joy . secondly , that the state of gods israel and the church be all one , because the jewish policie was ruled by the judiciall law , and the judiciall law was no lesse divine then the ceremoniall law , is to me a wonder : for i conceive that they doe differ formally , though those same men , who were members of the state , were members also of the church ; but , as i conceive , not in one and the same formall reason ; first , because i conceive that the state , by order of nature , is before the church , for when the church was in a family state , god called abrahams family , and by calling made it a church . secondly , the kingdome of israel and the house of israel in covenant with god , as zion and jerusalem are thus differenced , that to be a state was common to the nation of the jewes with other nations , and is but a favour of providence ; but to be a church is a favour of grace , and implieth the lords calling and chusing that nation to be his owne people of his free grace , deut. . . and the lords gracious revealing of his testimonies to jacob and israel , whereas he did not so to every nation and state , psal. . . but say they , the very state of the iewes was divine , and ruled by a divine and supernaturall policie , as the judiciall law demonstrateth to us . but i answer , now you speake not of the state of the jewes , common with them to all states and nations ; but you speake of such a state and policie which i grant was divine , but yet different from the church ; because the church , as the church is ruled by the morall law and the commandments of both tables , and also by the ceremoniall law ; but the jewish state or common wealth , as such was ruled by the judiciall law onely , which respecteth onely the second table , and matters of mercy and justice , and not piety and matters of religion which concerne the first table ; and this is a vast difference betwixt the state of the jews and the church . thirdly , when israel rejected samuel , and would have a king , conforme to other nations , they sought that the state and forme of governmnent of the common-wealth should be changed , and affected conformity with the nations in their state , by introducing a monarchy , whereas they were ruled by judges before ; but in so doing they changed not the frame of the church , nor the worship of god , for they kept the priesthood , the whole morall , ceremoniall , and judiciall law entire , and their profession therein ; ergo , they did nothing which can formally destroy the being of a visible church , but they did much change the face of the state and civill policie , in that they refused god to reigne over them , and so his care in raising up judges and saviours out of any tribe , and brought the government to a monarchy , where the crowne by divine right was annexed to the tribe of judah . fourthly , it was possible that the state should remaine entire , if they had a lawfull king sitting upon davids throne , and were ruled according to the judiciall law : but if they should remaine without a priest and a law , and follow after baal , and change and alter gods worship , as the ten tribes did , and the kingdome of iudah in the end did , they should so marre and hurt the being and integrity of a visible church , as the lord should say , she is not my wife , neither am i her husband ; and yet they might remaine in that case a free monarchie , and have a state and policy in some better frame ; though i grant , de facto , these two twins , state and church , civill policy and religion , did die and live , were sicke and diseased , vigorous and healthy together ; yet doth this more , that state and church are different . and further , if that nation had made welcome , and with humble obedience beleeved in , and received the messiah , and reformed all , according as christ taught them , they should have beene a glorious church , and the beloved spouse of christ ; but their receiving and imbracing the messiah should not presently have cured their inthralled state , seeing now the scepter was departed from iudah , and a stranger and heathen was their king ; nor was it necessary that that saviour , whose kingdome is not of this world , john . . and came to bestow a spirituall redemption , and not to reestablish a flourishing earthly monarchy , and came to loose the works of the devill , heb. : . and not to spoile cesar of an earthly crowne , should also make the jews a flourishing state , and a free and vigorous monarchy againe : ergo , it is most cleare that state and church are two divers things , if the one may bee restored , and not the other . fifthly , the king , as the king was the head of the common-wealth , and might not meddle with the priests office , or performe any ecclesiasticall acts , and therefore was uzzah smitten of the lord with leprosie , because he would burne incense , which belonged to the priests onely . and the priest in offering sacrifices for his owne sinnes , and the sinnes of the people did represent the church , not the state. and the things of the lord ; to wit , church-matters , and the matters of the king , which were civill matters of state , are clearly distinguished , chron. . . which evidenceth to us , that the church and state in israel were two incorporations formally distinguished . and i see not , but those who doe confound them , may also say , that the christian state and the christian church be all one state , and that the government of the one must be the government of the other ; which were a confusion of the two kingdoms . it is true , god hath not prescribed judicials to the christian state , as he did to the jewish state , because shadows are now gone , when the body christ is come ; but gods determination of what is morally lawfull in civill laws , is as particular to us as to them ; and the jewish judicials did no more make the jewish state the jewish church , then it made aaron to be moses . and the priest to be the king and civill judge : yea , and by as good reason moses as a judge should be a prophet , and aaron as a prophet should be a judge ; and aaron as a priest might put a malefactor to death , and moses as a judge should proph●sie , and as a prophet should put to death a malefactor ; all which wanteth all reason and sense : and by that same reason the state and common-wealth of the jews , as a common-wealth , should offer sacrifices and prophesie ; and the church of the jews , as a church , should denounce warre and punish malefactors , which are things i cannot conceive . our brethren , in their answer to the eleventh question , teach , that those who are sui juris , as masters of families , are to separate from these parish-assemblies , where they must live without any lawfull ordinance of christ ; and to remaine there they hold it unlawfull for these reasons : first , we are commanded to observe all whatsoever christ hath commanded , matth. . . secondly , the spouse seeketh christ , and rests not till she finde him in the fullest manner , cant. . , . and . , , . david lamented when hee wanted the full fruition of gods ordinances , psal. . and . and . although he injoyed abiathar the high priest , and the ephod with him , and gad the prophet , sam. . , . . sam. . . so did ezra . , . yea and christ , though he had no need of sacraments , yet for example , would be baptized , keepe the passeover , &c. thirdly , no ordinances of christ may be spared , all are profitable . fourthly , he is a proud man , and knoweth not his owne heart in any measure , who thinketh he may be well without any ordinance of christ. fifthly say they , it is not enough the people may be without sinne , if they want any ordinances through the fault of the superiours , for that is not their fault who want them , but the superiours sinfull neglect , as appeareeth by the practice of the apostles , acts . . and . . for if they had neglected church-ordinances till the magistrates , who were enemies to the gospell , had commanded them , it had beene their grievous sinne . for if superiours neglect to provide bodily food , we doe not thinke that any mans conscience would be so scrupulous , but he would thinke it lawfull by all good meanes to provide in such a case for himselfe , rather then to sit still , and to say , if i perish for hunger , it is the sinne of those who have authority over me , and they must answer for it . now any ordinance of christ is as necessary for the good of the soule , as food is necessary for temporall life . ans. . i see not how all these arguments , taken from morall commandments , doe not oblige sonne as well as father , servant as master , all are christs free men , sonne or servant , so as they are to obey what over christ commandeth , matth. . . and with the spouse to seeke christ in the fullest measure , and in all his ordinances , and sonne and servant are to know their owne heart , so as they have need of all christs ordinances ; and are no more to remaine in a congregation where their soules are samished , because fathers and masters neglect to remove to other congregations , where their souls may be fed in the fullest measure ; then the apostles acts . . and . were to preach no more in the name of iesus , because the rulers commanded them to preach no more in his name . and therefore , with reve●ence of our godly brethren , i thinke this distinction of persons free , and sui juris , and of sonnes and servants , not to be allowed in this point . . it is one thing to remove from one congregation to another , and another thing to separate from it , as from a false constitute church , and to renounce all communion therewith , as if it were the synagogue of satan and antichrist , as the separatists doe , who refuse to heare any minister ordained by a prelate : now except these arguments conclude separation in this latter sense , as i thinke they can never come up halfeway to such a conclusion , i see not what they prove , nor doe they answer the question , &c. concerning standing in parish-assemblies in old england , and if it be lawfull to continue in them . which question must be expounded by the foregoing , quest. . if you hold that any of our parishionall assemblies are true visible churches , &c. hence the . question goeth thus in its genuine sense ; are we not then to separate from them , as from false churches ? now neither the spouse , cant. . . c. . . , . nor david , psal. . psal. . psal. nor ezra . . , . nor christ , in these cases when they sought christ in all his ordinances in the fullest measure , were members of false churches : nor did they seeke to separate from the church of israel , nor is it christs command , mat. . . to separate from these churches , and to renounce all communion with them , because these who sate in moses chaire , did neglect many ordinances of christ , for when they gave the false meaning of the law , they stole away the law , and so a principall ordinance of god , and yet christ ( i believe ) forbad separation , when he commanded that they should heare them , mat. . . nor doe i judge that because there was but one visible church , in israel , and therefore it was not lawfull to separate therefrom , and because under the new testament there be many visible churches , and many mount sions , therefore this abundance doth make separation from a true church , lawfull to us , which was unlawfull to the people of the jewes . for separation lawfull , is , to not partake of other mens sins , not to converse bretherly with knowen flagitious men , not to touch any uncleane thing , not to have communion with infidels , idols , belial , &c. now this is a morall duty obliging iewes and gentiles , and of perpetuall equity ; and to adhere to , and worship god aright , in a true church is also a morall branch of the second commande , and a seeking of christ , and his presence and face in his owne ordinances , and what was simply morall , and perpetually lawfull , the contrary thereof cannot be made lawfull , by reason of the multitude of congregations . . the most that these arguments of our brethren doe prove , is but that it is lawfull to goe , and dwell in a congregation where christ is worshiped in all his ordinances , rather then to remaine in that congregation , where he is not worshipped in all his ordinances ; and where the church censures are neglected , which to us is no separation from the visible church , but a removall from one part of the visible church to another , as he separateth not out of the house , who removeth from the gallery , to remaine and lie and eate in the chamber of the same house , because the gallery is cold and smoaky , and the chamber not so , for he hath not made a vow never to set his foote in the gallery . but to our brethren to separate or remove from a congregation , is to be dismembred from the only visible church on earth , for to them there is not any visible church on earth , except a congregation . and our brethrens mind in al these arguments , is to prove , that not only it is unlawfull to stand in the parish assemblies of old england , because of popish ceremonies ( and we teach separation from these ceremonies to be lawfull , but not from the churches ) but also that it is necessary , to adjoyne to independent congregations , as to the onely true visible churches on earth , and to none others , except we would sinne against the second commandement , which i conceive is proved by not one of these arguments . and to them all i answer , by a deniall of the connex proposition . as this , these who must doe all which christ commandeth , and seek christ in all his necessary ordinances , though superiors will not doe their duties , these must separate from true visible churches , where all christs ordinances are not , and joyne to independent congregations , as to the only true visible churches on earth . this proposition i deny . . if our brethrens argument hold sure that we are to separate from a church , in which we want some ordinances of christ , through the officers negligence , because ( say they a ) the spouse of christ will not rest , seeking her beloved untill she finde him , in the fullest manner , cant. . v. . & . , . then the spouse cant. . . & . , . is separating from one church to another , which the text will not beare . . i would have our reverend brethren to see and consider , if this argument doth not prove ( if it be nervose and concludent ) that one is to separate from a congregation , where are all the ordinances of christ , as in new england now they are , so being , hee goe from a lesse powerfull and lesse spirituall ministery , to another congregation , where incomparably there is a more powerfull and more spirituall ministery , for in so doing the separater should onely not rest as the spouse doth , cant. . & . seeking his beloved untill he find him , in the fullest manner . for he is to be found in a fuller manner , under a more powerfull ministery , and in a lesse full manner under a lesse powerfull ministery . but this separation i thinke our brethren would not allow , being contrary to our brethrens church-oath which tieth the professor to that congregation , whereof he is a sworne member to remaine there . . the designe and scope of our reverent brethrens argument , is that professors ought to separat from churches where presbyteriall government is , because in these churches , professors , as they conceive , doe not injoy all the ordinances of god. because they injoy not the society of a church consisting of onely visible saints , and they injoy not the free use of the censure of excommunication in such a manner as in their owne churches , and because in them the seales are often administred by those pastors who are pastors of another congregation then their owne , and for other causes also , which we thinke is not sound doctrine . but we thinke it no small prejudice ( say our brethren ) to the liberty given to a congregation , in these words , mat. . tell the church , if he heare not the church , &c. that the power of excommunication should be taken from them , and given to a presbyterian , or nationall church , and so your churches wante some ordinances of christ. answ. farre be it from us , to take from the churches of christ any power which christ hath given to them , for we teach that christ hath given to a single congregation , mat. . a power of excommunication , but how ? . he hath given to a congregation that 's alone in an iland separated from all other visible churches a power which they may exercise there alone , and. . he hath given that power to a congregation consociated with other sister congregations , which they may use but not independently , to the prejudice of the power that christ hath given to other churches , for seeing all sister churches are in danger to be infected with the leaven of a contu●acious member , no lesse then that single congreation , wherof the contumacious resideth as a member , christs wisdome , who careth for the whole , no lesse then for the part , cannot have denied a power conjunct with that congregation to save themselves from contag●ons , to all the consociated churches , for if they be under the same danger of contagion with the one single congregation , they must be armed and furnished , by christ iesus , with the same power against the same ill : so the power of excommunication is given to the congregation , but not to the congregation alone , but to all the congregations adjacent , so when i say , the god of nature hath given to the hands a power to defend the body , i say true , and if evill doe invade the body , nature doth tell it , and warne the hands to defend the body , but it followeth not from this , &c. if the power of defending the body be given by the god of nature , to the hands therefore that same power of defence is not given to the feete also , to the eye to foresee the ill , to reason , to the will to command that locomotive power , that is in all the members , to defend the body , and if nature give to the feete a power to defend the body , by fleeing , it is not consequence to infer , o then hath nature denied that power to the hands by fighting , so when christ giveth to the congregation ( which in consociated churches to us is but a part , a member , a fellowsister of many consociated congregations ) he giveth also that same power of excommunicating one common enemy , to all the consociated churches , without any prejudice to the power given to that congregation whereof he is a member , who is to be excommunicated , because a power is commmon to many members , it is not taken away from any one member . when a nationall church doth excommunicate a man who hath killed his father , and is , in an eminent manner , a publick stumbling ●lock to all the congregations of a whole nation , it is presum●d that the single congregation , whereof this parricide is a member , doth also joyne with the nationall church and put in exercise its owne power of excommunication , with the nationall church , and therefore that congregation is not spoyled of its power , by the nationall church , which joyneth with the nationall church in the use of that power . and this i thinke may be thus demonstrated , the power of excomunication is given by christ , to a congregation not upon a positive ground , because it is a visible instituted church , or as it is a congregation , but this power is given to it upon this formall ground and reason , because a congregation is a number of sinfull men , who may be scandalized and infected with the company of a scandalous person ; this is so cleare that if a congregation were a company of angels , which cannot be infected , no such power should be given to them , even as there was no neede that christ as a member of the church either of iewes , or christians should have a morall power of avoyding the company of publicans and sinners , because he might possibly convert them , but they could no wayes pervert , or infect him , with their scandalous and wicked conversation , therefore is this power given to a congregation , as they are men , who though frailty of nature , may be leavened with the bad conversation of the scandalous , who are to be excommunicated , as is cleare , cor. . . your glorying is not good , know yee not that a little leaven leavneth the whole lumpe ? therefore are we to withdraw our selves from drunkards , fornicators , extortioners , idolaters , and are not to eate and drinke with them , v. . and from these who walke inordinately , and are disobedient , thess. . , , . and from hereticks after they be admonished , lest we be infected with their company , just as nature hath given hands to a man , to desend himselfe from injuries and violence , and hornes to oxen to hold off violence , so hath christ given the power of excommunication to his church , as spirituall armour to ward off , and defend the contagion of wicked fellowship . now this reduplication of fraile men which may be leavened , agreeth to all men of many consociated congregations , who are in danger to be infected with the scandalous behavior of one member of a single congregation , and agreeth not to a congregation as such , therefore this power of excommunication must be given to many confociated congregations , for the lord iesus his salve , must be as large , as the wound , and his mean must be proportioned to his end . . the power of church ●jection and church separation of scandalous persons must be given to those to whom the power of church communion , and church confirming of christian love to a penitent excommunicate is given , for contraries are in the same subject , as hot and cold , seeing and blindnesse , but the power of church-communio at the same lords table , and of mutuall rebuking and exhorting , and receiving to grace after repentance , agreeth to members of many consociated churches , as is cleare , col. . . heb. . . cor. , , and not to one congregation only ; ergo , &c. the assumption is cleare , for except we deny communion of churches , in all gods ordinances , we must grant the truth of it . . we say that of our saviours ( tell the church ) is not to be drawen to such a narrow circle , as to a parishionall church only , the apostle practice is against this , for when paul and bannabas had no small dissention with the iewes of a particular church , they determined that paul and barnabas , and certaine others of them , should goe and tell the apostles , elders and whole church nationall or oecumemek , acts . . v. . and complaine of those who taught that , they behoved to be circumcised , acts . . and that greater church v. . . commanded by their ecclesiastick authority the contrary , and those who may lay on burdens of commandements as this greather church doth expresly , v. . acts . v. . ch . . v. . they may censure and excommunicate the disobeyers . and acts . . the greek church complained , acts . of the hebrewes , to a greater and superior church of apostles , and a multitude made up of both these v. . and . and they redresed the wrongs done to the grecian widdowes by appointing deacons ; also though there was no complaint , acts . yet was there a defect in the church , by the death of judas , and a catholike visible church did meete , and helpe the defect , by chosing mathias : it is true the ordination of matthias the apostle , was extraordinary , as is cleare by gods immediate directing of the lots , yet this was ordinary and perpetuall , that the election of mathias was by the common suff●ages of the whole church , acts . . and if we suppose that the church had been ignorant of that defect , any one member knowing the defect , was to tell that catholick church , whom it concerned to choose a catholick officer ; we thinke antioch had power great enough intensively to determine the controversie , acts . but it followeth not that the catholick church v. . ( let me terme it so ) had not more power extensively to determine that same controversie , in behalfe of both antioch , and of all the particular churches : subordinate powers are not contrary powers . chap. . sect . . prop. . quest . . manuscript . all who would be saved must be added to the church , as acts . . if god offer opportunity , gen. . . because every christian standeth in need of all the ordinances of christ , for his spirituall edification in holy fellowship with christ jesus . answer : for clearing of this we are to discusse this question . whether all , and every true believer must joyne himselfe to a particular visible congregation , which hath independently power of the keys within it selfe , god offering opportunity , if he would be saved ? dist. there is a necessity of joyning our selves to a visible church , but it is not necessitas medii , but necessitas praecepti , it is not such a necessity , as all are damned who are not within some visible church , for augustine is approved in this , there be many wolves within the church , and many sheepe without ; but if god offer opportunity , all are obl●ged by god his command●ment of confessing christ before men , to joyne themselves to the true visible church . . dist. there is a f●llowship with the visible church internall , of hidden believers , in the romish babel this is sufficient for salvation , necessitate medii , but though they want opportunity to joyne themselves to the reformed visible churches , yet doe they sin in the want of a profession of the truth and in not witnessing against the antichrist , which is answerable to an adjoyning of themselves to a visible church , and so those who doe not professe the faith of the true visible church , god offering opportunity , deny christ before men , and this externall fellowship is necessary to all , necessitate praecepti , though our lord graciously pardon this as an infirmity in his own , who for feare of cruell persecution , often dare 〈◊〉 confesse christ. . dist. the question is not whether all ought to joyne themselves 〈…〉 ●isible church , god offering occasion , but , if all ought by christs command , to joyne themselves to the churches independent of their visible congregations , if they would be saved ? our brethren 〈…〉 it , we deny it . . concl. an adjoyning to a visible church either formally to be a member thereof , or materially , confessing the faith of the true visible church , god offering occasion , is necessary to all . . because we are to be ready to give a confession of the ●●pe that is in us , to every one who asketh , pet. . . because he who denieth christ before men , him also will christ deny before 〈◊〉 father , and before the holy angells , mat. . . yet if some die without the church , having faith in christ , and want opportunity to confesse him before men , as repenting in the h●u●e of death , their salvation is sure , and they are within the invisible church : so is that to be taken , extra ecclesiam nulla salus , none can be saved who are every way without the church , both visible and invisible ; as all perished who were not in ncahs arke . . concl. when god offereth opportunity , all are obliged to joyne themselves to a true visible church . . because god hath promised his presence to the churches as his sonne walketh in the midst of the golden candlesticks , rev. . . because faith commeth by hearing a sent preacher , rom. . . separation from the true visible church is condemned , heb. . . iud. v. . iohn . . . . good men esteeme it a rich favour of god to lay hold on the skirt of a jew , zech. . . and to have any communion , even as a doore keeper in gods house , and have desired it exceedingly and complained of the want thereof , psal. . . v. , . psal. . , psal. . , , , . psal. . v. , . . concl. our brethren , with reverence of their godlinesse and learning , erre , who hold all to be obliged , as they would be saved , to joyne to such a visible congregation of independent jurisdiction , as they conceive to be the only true church visible instituted by christ. that this is their mind is cleare by the first proposition of this manuscript , and by their answer a to the question where they say , that all not within their visible congregation as fixed sworne members thereof , are without the true church , in the apostles meaning , cor. . . what have i to doe to judge them also that are without ? doe not yee judge them that are within ? which is a most violent torturing of the word . for , . without are dogs , rev. . so our brethren expound the one place by the other , then all not fixed members of the congregationall church ( as they conceive it ) of corinth , are dogs , what ? was there not a church of saints on earth at this time , but in one independent congregation of corinth ? and were all the rest dogs and sorcerers ? . if judgeing here especially is the censure of excommunication used according unto christs institution , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord , and so to be used only toward regenerated persons , then paul was to intend the salvation of none by excommunication , but these who are members of one single congregation , who are within this visible house of christ , then all the rest are without the house and so in the state of damnation . . these who are without here are in a worse case , then if they were judged by the church , that their spirit may be saved . so they are left , v. . to a severe judgement , even to the immediate judgement of god , as a cajetan doth well observe ; for , sayth b erasmus sarcerius , deus publica & occulta sceler a non sinet impunita , and c bullinger maketh ( as it is cleare ) an answer to an objection , shall these who are without , even the wicked gentiles commit all wickednesse without punishment ? the apostle answereth , that , ( saith he ) god shall judge them , non impune in vitiorum lacunis se provolvent prophani , sed destinato tempore commeritas dabunt deo ultori paenas . and d paraeus , num impune ibunt eorum scelera ? ●mo judicem deum invenient . . these who are within here , are these who are of christs family , sayth e p. martyr , and opposite to gentiles and infidels saith f paraeus , for all men are divided into two ranks , some domesticks , and within the church , and to be judged by the church ; and some strangers , without the covenant , not in christ , neither in profession , nor truth , as gentiles , who are left to the severity of gods judgement , but our brethrens text shall beare that paul divideth mankind into three ranke . . some within , as true members of the church . . some without as infidels , and some without as not members of a fixed congregation , now believers without , and not members of a fixed congregation , are not left to the severity of the immediate judgment of god , as these who are without here , because they are to be rebuked , yea nor was the excommunicated man , after he should be cast out , left to the immediate judgement of god : but he was , . to remaine under the medicine of excommunication , and dayly to be judged , and eschewed as a heathen , that his spirit may be saved . . he was to be rebuked as a brother t●ess . . . . paul saying what have i to doe to judge these that are without , god judgeth them , he meaneth as much , as he will not acknowledge them , as any wayes belonging to christ ; but the believers of approved piety , because they are not members of a fixed congregation , are not thus cast off of paul , he became all things to all men , that he might gaine some , and would never cast off believers , and say what have i to doe with you ? in a word ; by those who are without are meant gentiles , as a ambrose b oecumenius c theophilact . &c. d calvin e martyr f bullinger g paraeus h beza , i pelican . k pomeranus l meyer m sarcerius n marloratus o paraphras . p the papists , haymo q aquinas and r with them erasmus , and all who ever commented on this place . lastly , our brethren expound these , who are within , to be the church of corinth , saints by calling , and saints in christ jesus , these to whom he prayeth grace and peace unto , and for whom he thanketh god for the grace given to them by iesus christ , cor. . . . now these thus within must be regenerated , and opposed to all not within : this way , but without , that is who are not saints by calling , not in christ iesus , then by these who are without , cannot be understood , all not fixed members of one visible congregation , who yet are by true faith in christ iesus ; and our brethren must mean , that paul , if he were living , would take no care to judge , and censure us , who believe in christ , and are members of provinciall and nationall churches , and are not members of such an independent congregation , as they conceive to be the only instituted visible church of the new testament . but if they all not without the state of salvation who are not members of such an independent flock . . all the churches of corinth , galatia , ephesus , th●ssalonica , philippi , rome , the seven churches of asia , who were not such independent churches must be in the state of damnation . . all are here obliged , who looke for salvation , by iesus christ , to joyne themselves to this visible independent church ; then all who are not members of such a church are in the state of damnation , if ( say our brethren ) they know this to be the only true church , and joyne not to it . o but ignorance cannot save men from damnation , for all are obliged to know this so necessary a meane of salvation , where only are the meane● of salvation , for then it should excuse scribes and pharisees , that they believed not in christ , for they knew him not , and if they had knowen , they would not have crucisied the lord of glory . cor. . , . now we judge this to be the revived error of-the donatists , whose mind was as a augustine saith , that the church of christ was only in that part of africa , where donatus was , and augustine writing to vincentius b objecteth the same , as morton answereth bellarmine , and the same say papists with donatists , that out of the church of rome there is no salvation . and c field answereth well , yee are to be charged with donatisme , who deny all christian societies in the world , ●to be where the popes feete are not kissed , to pertaine to the true church of god , and so cast into hell all the churches of aethiopia , armenia , syri● , graecia , russia , and so did optatus ( sayth d morton , answer , donatists you will have the church only to be where you art , but in dacia , misi● , thracia , achaia , &c. where you are not , you will not have it to be , nor will you have it to be in graecia , cappadocia , aegypt , &c. where you are not , and in innumerable istes and provinces . see how gerardus refuteth this e and certainly , if this be the only true visible christian church , to which all who looke for salvation by christ jesus , must joyne themselves , there is not in the christian world , a true visible church but with you . . i● all upon hazard of losing salvation , must joyne to such a church , having power of jurisdiction independently within it selfe , then must all separate from all the reformed churches , where there be provinciall and nationall churches , now this is also the error of the donatists and anabaptists , against which read what a learned parker saith and reverend b brightman , and c cartwright , but of this hereafter . . the principall reason given by the author , is , the lord added to the church acts . such as should be saved , this is not in the independent visible congregation , as is proved elsewhere . a second reason he giveth , because every christian standeth in neede of the ordinances of christ , for his spirituall edification , in holy fellowship , with christ iesus , or else christ ordained them in vaine , therefore all who would be saved , must joyne to a visible independent congregation ; hence no church hath title and due right to the word and sacraments , but members of such a congregation : this is the reason why men of approved piety are denied the seales of the covenant , and their children excluded from baptisme and themselves debarred from the lords supper , because they are not members of your congregation , and members they cannot be , because they finde no warrant from gods word , to sweare your church-covenant , and to your church-government , which is so farre against the word of god : the seales of the covenant belong to all professing believers , as gods word sayth , acts . . acts . . acts . , , . cor. . . whether he be a member of a particular independent church , or not , god the lawgiver maketh not this exception , neither should man doe it . propos. . all are entered by covenant into a church-state , or into a membership of a visible church . answ. here are we to encounter with a matter much pressed by our reverend brethren , called a church covenant . a treatise came unto my hand in a manuscript of this subject ; in their apology , and in their answer to the questions propounded by the brethren of old england this is much pressed . i will first explaine the church-covenant according to our reverend brethrens minde . : prove there is no such thing in gods word . . answer their arguments taken out of the old testament . . answer their arguments from the new testament , both in this treatise here in this chapter , and hereafter ; and also their arguments in all their treatises . hence for the first two , i begin with this first question . whether or not all are to he in-churched or entered members of a visible church by an explicit , and vocall or prof●ssed covenant ? our brethrens mind is first to be cleared . . the state of the question to be explained . . the truth to be confirmed . in the answers to the questions a sent to new england they require of all persons come to age , before they be received members of the church : . a publiqu● vocall declaration of the manner and soundnesse of their conversion , and that either in continued speech ( saith b the apologie ) or in answer to questions propounded by the elders . . they require a publick prof●ssion of their faith , concerning the articles of their religion , the foresaid way also . . an expresse vocall covenanting by oath , to walke in that faith ; and to submit ( saith the authour ) c themselves to god , and one to another , in his feare ; and to walke in a professed subjection to all his holy ordinances , cleaving one to another , as fellow members of the same body in brotherly love and holy watchfulnesse unto mutuall edification in christ iesus . . and a covenanting , not to depart from the said church , without the consent thereof . this church-covenant ( saith the apologie ) d is the essentiall or formall cause of a visible church , as a flocke of saints is the materiall cause , and so necessarily of the being of a church , that without it none can claim church-communion ; and therefore it is that whereby a church is constituted in its integrity , that whereby a fallen church is againe restored ; and that , which being taken away , the church is dissolved , and ceaseth to be a church ; and it is that whereby ministers have power over the people , and people interest in their ministers , and one member hath interest and powerover another fellow-member . the manner of entring in church-state is this : . a number of christians , with a gifted or experienced elder meet often together ( saith this e authour ) about the things of god , and performe some duties of prayer , and spirituall conference together , till a sufficient company of them be well satisfied , in the spirituall good estate one of another , and so have approved themselves to one anothers consciences , in the sight of god , as living stones , fit to be said on the lords spirituall temple . . they having acquainted the christian magistrate , and neerest adjoyning churches , of their purpose of entring into church-fellowship convene in a day kept with fasting and praying , and preaching , one b●ing chosen with common consent of the whole , in name of the rest , standeth up , and propoundeth the covenant , in the foresaid four articles above named . . all the rest declare their joynt consent in this covenant , either by silence , or word of mouth , or writing , . the brethren of other churches , some specials , in name of the rest , reach out to them the right hand of fellowship , exhorting them to stand stedfast in the lord. which done , prayers made to god for pardon and acceptance of the people , a psalm is sung . but when a church is to be gathered together of infidels , they must be first converted believers , and so fit materials for church fellowship , before any of those things can be done by them . . baptisme maketh none members of the visible church . . a church fallen , cannot be accepted of god to church fellowship , till they renew their church covenant . thus shortly for their mind about the gathering of a visible church . let these distinctions be considered for the right stating of the question . . distinct. there is a covenant of free grace , betwixt god and sinners , founded upon the surety christ iesus ; laid hold on by us , when we believe in christ , but a church covenant differenced from this is in question , & sub judice lis est . . distinct. there is a covenant of baptisme , made by all , and a covenant vertuall and implicite renewed , when we are to receive the lords supper , but an explicite positive professed church covenant , by oa●h in-churching a person , or a society , to a state-church is now questioned . . distinct. an explicite vocall covenant whereby we bind our selves to the first three articles in a tacite way , by entring in a new relation to such a pastor , and to such a flocke , we deny not , as if the thing were unlawfull ▪ for we may sweare to performe gods commandements , observing all things requisite in a lawfull oath . . but that such a covenant is required by divine institution , as the essentiall forme of a church and church-membership , as though without this none were entered members of the visible churches of the apostles , nor can now be entered in church-state , nor can have right unto the seales of the covenant , we utterly deny . . distinct. we grant a covenant in baptisme which is the seale of our entry unto the visible church . . that it is requisit that such heretickes , papists , infidels , as be received as members of our visible church , ( from which papists have fallen , having received baptisme from us ) doe openly professe subjection to god , and his church , in all the ordinances of god. and that infidels give a confession of their faith , before they be baptized . . nor deny we that at the election of a pastor , the pastor and people tie themselves , by reciprocation of oathes , to each other , the one to fulfill faithfully the ministery that he hath received of the lord ; the other to submit to his ministery in the lord , but these reciprocall oathes , make neither of them members of a visible church , for they were that before these oathes were taken . . distinct. any professor removing from one congregation to another , and so comming under a new relation to such a church , or such a ministery , is in a tacite and vertuall covenant to discharge himselfe in all the duties of a member of that congregation , but this is nothing for a church-covenant ; for when six are converted in the congregation whereof i am a member , or an excommunicated person heartily and unfainely repenteth , there ariseth a new relation betwixt those converts and the church of god ; and a tie and obligation of duties to those persons greater then was before , as being now members of one mysticall and invisible body . yet cur brethren cannot say , there is requisite , that the church renew their church-covenant towards such , seeing the use of the covenant renewed is to restore a fallen church , or to make a non-church to be a church ; and if those six be converted by my knowledge , there resulteth thence an obligation of a vertuall and tacite covenant betwixt them and me ; but there is no need of an explicite and vocall covenant , to tie us to duties that we are now obliged to in a stricter manner then we were before ; for when one is taken to be a steward in a great family , there may be a sort of covenant betwixt that servant and the lord of the house , and there resulteth from his office and charge a tie and obligation , not onely to the head of the family , but also to the children and fellow-servants of the house ; but there is no need of an expresse , vocall , and professed covenant betwixt the new steward and the children and servants ; yea and strangers also , to whom he owes some acts of steward-duties , though there doe result a vertuall covenant . farre lesse is there a necessity of an expresse and vocall covenant before that steward can have claime to the keyes , or be received in office . so when one entereth into covenant with god , and by faith layeth hold on the covenant , there resulteth from that act of taking the lord to be his god , a covenant-obligation to doe duty to all men , as the covenant of god doth oblige him ; yea , and to doe workes of mercy to his beast ( for a good man will have mercy on the life of his beast ) and he is obliged to a duty by that covenant with god to his children , which are not yet borne , to servants who are not yet his servants , but shall hereafter be his servants , to these who are not yet converted to christ , now it is true a vertuall and tacite covenant , resulteth toward all these , even toward the beast , the children not yet borne , &c. when the person first by faith entereth in covenant with god ; but none , master of common sense and judgement will say there is required a vocall and explicite , and professed covenant , betwixt such an one entered in covenant with god , and his beast , and his children not yet borne , or that the foresaid tacite and vertuall covenant , which doth but result from the man his covenanting with god is either the cause , or essence , or formall reason , whereby he is made a formall contracter and covenanter with god. so , though when i enter a member of such a congregation , there ariseth thence an obligation of duty , or a tacite covenant , tying me in duties to all members present , or which shall be members of that congregation , though they should come from india ; yet in reason it cannot be said , that there is required an expresse vocall covenant betwixt me and all , who shall be fellow-members of this congregation ; and farre lesse that such a covenant doth make me a member of that congregation , yea because i am already a member of that congregation ; thence ariseth a tacite covenant toward such and such duties and persons . . i understand not how our brethren doe keepe christian and religious communion , with many professours of approved piety , and that in private conference , praying together , and publiquely praising together , and yet deny to have any church-communion with such approved professors , in partaking with them the seales of the covenant , and censures of the church , i doubt how they can comfort the feeble minded , and not also warne and rebuke them , which are called acts of church-c●nsure . then the question is not , if there be a tacit and vertuall covenant when persons become members of such a visible congregation . . nor doe we question whether such a church-covenant may be lawfully sworne . we thinke it may , though to sweare the last article not to remove from such a congregation without their consent , i thinke not lawfull , nor is my habitation in such a place a matter of church-discipline . . but the question is , if such a church-covenant , by divine or apostolick warrant , not onely be lawfull , but the necessary and apostolick meane , yea and the essentiall forme of a visible church ; so as without it persons are not members of one visible church , and want all right and title to a church-membership , to the seales of grace , and censures of the church . our brethren affirme , we deny . concl. the former considerations being cleare , we hold that such a church-covenant is a conceit destitute of all authority of gods word , old or new testament , and therefore to be rejected as a way of mens devising , . argum. all will-worship laying a band on the conscience , where god hath layed none , is damnable ; but to tye the oath of god to one particular duty rather then another , so as you cannot , without such an oath , enter into such a state , nor have title and right to the seales of grace and gods ordinances , is will-worship , and that by vertue of a divine law , and is a binding of the conscience where god hath not bound it . the major is undeniable . papists as a alphonsus à castro , and b bellarmin● lay upon us , that which was the errour of lampetians , that we condemne all sorte of vowe● , ●● snares to the consciences of men . but bellarmine c saith , that luther and ca●●in acknowledge , we thinke vowes of things commanded of god lawfull ; the truth is , we teach it to be will-worship to a person to vow single life , where god hath not given the gift of continency , because men binde with an oath that which god hath not bound us unto by a command . so d origen , gregory , nazianzen , ambrose , augustine say , those which want the gift of continency cannot live without wives , and so should not burne . see how e bellarmine and f maldonat contending for will-worship , prescribe the contrary . i prove the assumption ; for a minister to sweare the oath of fidelity to his flocke , is lawfull ; but to tye an oath so to his ministery , as to say the apostles teach , he cannot be a minister who sweareth not that oath , is to lay a bond on the conscience , where god hath laid none . that a father swear to performe the duties of a father , a master the duties of a master towards his servant , is lawfull ; but to lay a bond on him , that he is in conscience , and before god no father , no master , except he sweare to performe those duties , is to lay a bond on the conscience where god hath laid none . so to sweare subjection to such a ministery and visible church , is lawfull ; but to tie by an apostolike law and practice the oath of god so to such duties , as to make this church-oath the essentiall forme of such membership , so as you cannot enter into church-state , nor have right to the seales of the covenant without such an oath , is to binde where god hath not bound ; for there is no law of god , putting upon any church-oath such a state , as that it is the essentiall forme of church-membership , without the which a man is no church-member , and the church visible , not swearing this oath is no church . that way are members to be in-churched , and to enter into a church-fellowship , which way members were entred in the apostolike church . but members were not entred into the apostolike church by such a covenant , but onely they beleeved , professed beleefe , and were baptized ; when the incestuous person is re-entred ( it is said ) onely , cor. . he was grieved , and testified it , and they did forgive him , and confirme their love to him , , . there is here no church-covenant ; and samaria . . received the word gladly , beleeved , and was baptized ; when saul is converted acts . simon magus baptised , acts . cornelius and his house baptized , acts . the church of ephe●us planted , acts . of corinth , acts . . of berea , acts . . philippi acts . th●ssalonica , acts . of rom , acts . we heare no expressed vocall covenant . so acts . three thousand were added to the visible church ; now they were not gathered nor in-churched as you gather : first , they did not meet often together for prayer and spirituall conference , while they were satisfied in conscience of the good estate one of another , and approved to one anothers consciences in the sight of god , as living stones fit to be laid in the lords spirituall temple , as you require ; a because frequent meeting and satisfaction in conscience of the regeneration one of another could not be performed by three thousand , all converted and added to the church in one day ; for before they were non-converts , and at one sermon were pricked in heart that they had slaine the lord of glory , acts . . . and the same day there were added to them three thousand souls . our brethren say , it was about the p●ntecost , when the day was now the longest , and so they might make short confessions of the soundnesse of their conversation before the apostles , who had such discerning spirits . answ. truly it is a most weake and reasonlesse conjecture for all the three thousand behoved to be miraculonsly quicke of discerning ; for they could not sweare mutually one to another those church-duties , except they had beene satisfied in conscience of the regeneration of one another . surely such a miracle of three thousand extraordinarily gifted with the spirit of discerning would not have beene concealed , though it be sure , ananias and saphira , who deceived the apostles , were in this number . secondly , how could they all celebrate a day of fasting and prayer , and from the third houre , which is our ninth houre , dupatch the confessions and evidences of the sound worke of conversion of thirty hundred , all baptized and added to the church ? capiat qui volet ; because this place is used to prove a church-covenant , i will here once for all deliver it out of our brethrens hands : the author of the church-covenant b saith , there was hazard of excommunication , john . . and persecution . acts . . and therefore the very profession of christ in such peri●●us times was a sufficient note of discerning , to such discerning spirits as the apostles . answ. if you meane miraculous power of discerning in the apostles , that was not put forth in this company , where were such hypocrites as ananias and saphira . secondly , this miraculous discerning behoved to bee in all the three thousand , for the satisfaction of their consciences , of the good estate spirituall of all of them . and if it be miraculous ( as it must be , if done in the space of sixe houres , as it was done the same day that they heard peter , vers . . ) then our brethren cannot alleadge it for ordinary inchurching of members as they doe . secondly , if it be an ordinary spirit of discerning , then at one act of profession are members to be received , and so often meeting for the satisfaction of all their consciences is not requisite . thirdly , if profession for feare of persecution be an infallible signe , then those who are chased out of england by prelates , and come to new england , to seeke the gospell in purity , should be received to the church , whereas you hold them out of your societies many yeeres . fourthly , suffering for a while for the truth is not much , iudas , alexander , demas , did that for a while . the c apologie and discourse of the church-covenant saith , d these converts professed their glad receiving of the vvord , vers . . in saving themselves from that untoward generation , else they had not beene admitted to baptisme . but all this made them not members of the church for they might havereturned , notwithstanding of this , to pontus , asia , cappadocia , &c. but they continued stedfastly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the doctrine of the apostles . secondly , they continued in fellowship , this is church-fellowship ; for we cannot say , that it was exercise of doctrine and sacraments , and confound this fellowship with doctrine , no more then we can confound doctrine and sacraments , which are distinguished in the text , and therefore it is a fellowship of holy church-state , and so noteth ; . a combination in church-state . . in gifts inward to edification , and outward in reliefe of the poore by worldly goods . answ. . they could not continue stedfast in the apostles doctrine and fellowship before they were added to the church , for stedfastnesse in doctrine , and saving themselves from the froward generation , could not be but habituall holinesse , not perfected in sixe houres . now that same day , vers . . in the which they gladly heard the vvord , they were both baptized and added to the church ; and therefore their stedfast continuing in church-state , can no wayes make them members in church-state . secondly , though they should have returned to pontus and asia , &c. they returned added to the church ; church-state is no prison-state , to tie men to such a congregation locally , as you make it . thirdly , there is no word of a church-covenant , except when they were baptized they made it , and that is no church-covenant , and that should not be omitted , seeing it conduceth so much , first , to the being of the visible church , in the which we must serve god acceptably ; secondly , and is of such consequence to the end , that the holy things of god be not prophaned , as you say . thirdly , that the seales of the covenant be not made signes of falshood . fourthly , wee would not be stricter then god , who received upon sixe houres profession three thousand to church state . fifthly , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fellowship is no fellowship of church-order , which made them members of the visible church , because the first day that they heard peter they were added to the church , and being added they continued in this fellowship , and in use of the word , sacraments , and prayer ; as a reasonable soule is that which makes a man discourse , and discoursing is not the cause of a reasonable soule e beza calleth it fellowship in christian charity to the poore . and f the syrian interpreter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g the arablan interpreter saith the same . h the ancient latine interpreter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . fourthly , if baptisme bee the seale of our entry into the church , as cor. . . as circumcision was the seale of the members of the jewes visible church , then such a covenant is not a formall reason of our church-membership , but the former is true , as i shall prove hereafter ; ergo , so is the latter . the proposition standeth , because all the baptized are members of the visible church before they can sweare this covenant , even when they are infants . . argu. this church-covenant is either all one with the covenant of grace , or it is a covenant divers from the covenant of grace ; but neither wayes can it be the essentiall forme of a visible church ; ergo , first , the covenant of grace cannot be the forme of a visible church , because then all baptized , and all beleevess should be in covenant with god , as church members of a visible church , which our brethren deny . if it be a covenant divers from it , it must be of another nature , and lay another obligatory tie , then either the covenant of workes , or the covenant of grace , and so must tie us to other duties then either the law or gospell require of us ; and so is beside that gospell which paul taught and maketh the teacher , though an angell i from heaven , accursed , and not to be received . the k apologie answering this , saith , first , we call it a church-covenant , to distinguish it from civill covenants , and also from the covenant of grace ; for the eunuch and godly strangers , isaiah . . were in the covenant of grace by faith , and yet complained that they were separated from the church , and not in covenant with gods visible church . answ. . no doubt an excommunicated person , whose spirit is saved in the day of christ , may be in the covenant of grace , and yet cut off from the visible church for enormous scandals ; but this is no ground to make your church-covenant different from the covenant of grace . a beleever in the covenant of grace may not doe a duty to father , brother , or master ; but it is a weak consequence , that therefore there is a covenant-oath betwixt brother and brother , sonne and father , servant and master , which is commanded by a divine law of perpetuall equity under both old and new testament , as you make this covenant of the church to be , which persons must sweare , ere they can come under these relations of brother , son , and servant . the covenant of grace , and the whole evangell , teach us to confesse christ before men , and to walke before god , and be perfect , and so that we should joyn our selves to the true visible churh . but none can in right reason conclude , that it is a divine law that necessitateth me to sweare another covenant then the covenant of grace , in relation to those particular duties , or to sweare over againe the covenant of grace , in relation to the duties that i owe to the visible church , else i am not a member thereof . and that same covenant in relation to my father , brother , and master , else i cannot be a sonne , brother , or servant ; this were to multiply covenants according to the multitude of duties that i am obliged unto , and that by a divine commandment . the word of god l layeth a tie on pastors to feed the flock , and the flock to submit , in the lord to the pastors . but god hath not , by a new commandment , laid a new tie and obligation , that timothy shall not be made a pastor of a church at ephesus , and a member thereof , nor the church at ephesus constituted in a church-state , having right to all the holy things of god , while , first , they be all perswaded of one anothers regeneration ; secondly , while all sware those duties in a church-oath ; thirdly , and all sweare that they shall not separate from church followship , but by mutuall consent . heare a reply againe to this of the m apologie ; such promises as leave a man in an absolute estate as he was before , and ingage onely his act , not his person , these lay no forcing band on any man , but as every man is tied to keepe his lawfull promise , are tied : but yet such promises or covenants as are made according to the ordinances of god , and doe put upon men a relative estate , they put on them a forcing band to performe such duties , such as are the promises of marriage betwixt man and wife , master and servant , magistrate and subject , minister and people , brother and brother in church-state ; these put on men a divine tie , and binde by a divine ordinance to performe such duties . but these scriptures make not these relations , these places make not every man who can teach , a pastor to us , except we call him to be our pastor ; indeed if we call him , we ingage our selves in subjection to him : you might as well say , it is not the c●venanting of a wife to her husband , or the subject to the magistrate , that giveth the husband power over his wife , and the magistrate power over his subject , but the word of god that giveth power to both , and yet you know well the husband cannot call such an one his wife , but by covenant made in marriage . answ. this is all which with most colour of reason can be said . but these places of scripture are not brought to prove the pastors calling to the people , or their relative case of subjection to him , but onely they prove , that the covenant of grace and whole gospell layeth a tie of many duties upon us , which obligeth us , without comming under the tie of an expresse , vocall , and publique oath , necessitating us by a divine law , because in this that i professe the faith of christ , and am baptized , i am a member of the visible church , and have right to all the holy things and seales of grace , without such an oath , because the covenant of grace tieth me to a●joyne my selfe to some particular congregation , and a called pastor who hath gi●●● , and a calling from the church , is a member of the visible church , before he be called to be your pastor , though he be a member of no particular congregation ; for you lay down as an undeniable principle , and the basis of your whole doctrine of independent government ; that there are no visible churches in the world but a congregation meeting in one place to worship god , which i have demonstrated to be most false : for if my hand be visible , my whole body is visible , though with one act of the eye it cannot be seene ; if a part of a medow be visible , all the medow , thought ten miles in bredth and length , is visible : so , though a congregation onely may be actually seene , when it is convened within the soure angles of a materiall house , yet all the congregations on earth make one visible church , and have some visible and audible acts of externall government cummon to all ; as that all pray , praise , fast , mourne , rejoyce , one with another ; and are to rebuke , exhort , comfort one another , and to censure one another , so farre as is possible , and of right and by law meet in one councell , and so by christs institution are that way visible ; that a single cong egation is visible which meeteth in one house , though many be absent de facto , through sickenesse callings , imprisonment , and some through sinfull neglect ; and therefore you doe not prove , that we are made members of the visible church , having right to all the holy things of god , by a church-oath or covenant as you speake ; neither doe we deny but when one doth enter a member to such a congregation under the ministery of a. b. but he commeth under a ●ew relative state , by an implicite and vertuall covenant , to submit to his ministery , yea and a. b. commeth under that same relative state of pastorall feeding of such an one . but you doe not say , that a. b. entereth by a vocall church-covenant , in a membership of church order , and that by a commanded covenant of perpetuall equity , laying a new forcing band upon both the person and the acts of a. b. just as the husband and the wife come under a marriage covenant . so c. d. sometime excommunicated , now repenteth , and is received as a gained brother , in the bosome of the church ; all the members of the church come by that under a new relation to c. d. as to a repenting brother , and they are to love , reverence , exhort , rebuke , comfort him , by vertue of the covenant of grace , but ( i conceive ) not by a new church covenant entering them as in a church membership , and church order towards him . so a new particular church is erected , and now counted in amongst the number of the visible churches ; all the sister churches are to discharge themselves in the duties of imbracing , loving , exhorting , edifying , rebuking , comforting this sister church new elected . but i thinke our brethren will not say , that all the sister churches are to make a new expresse vocall church covenant with this sister church , and such a church covenant as maketh them all visible churches , which have right to all the holy things of god , in and with this new sister church ; it is the covenant of grace once laid hold on by all these sister churches , which tieth them to all christian duties , both one toward another , and also toward all churches to come in . i thinke there is no necessity of an expresse covenant of marriage betwixt this new church , and all the former sister churches , as there is a solemne marriage oath betwixt the husband and the wife , and a solemne covenant betwixt the supreame magistrate and the king and his subjects , when the king is crowned ; all we say is this , if for new relations god laid a bond and compelling tie of conscience , and that of perpetuall equity , whereby we are entered in every new relative state , beside the bond that law and gospell lay on us , to doe duties to all men both in church and common-wealth , then when a person is converted unto christ , and another made a lawyer , and another a pastour , another a physitian , another a magistrat , another a learned philosopher and president of an academy , another a skilled schoolemaster , and so come under new relations many and diverse in the church and state , i should not be obliged to love , honour , and reverence them all by vertue of the fifth commandement ; but i behoved by vertue of a particular covenant ( i know not how to name it ) to come under some new relative marriage toward all these , else i could not performe duties of love and reverence to them ; and though there be a convenant tacite betwixt a new member of a congregation , and a. b. the pastor , and they come under a new relation , covenant waies ( which i grant ) is not the point in question , but this new covenant is that which by necessity of a divine commandement of perpetuall equity , maketh the now adjoyner a member of the visible church , and giveth him right and claime to the seales of the covenant , so as without this covenant he is without , and not to be judged by the church , but left to the judgement of god , as cor. . , . one who is without . thirdly , the * apologie saith , and a author of the church covenant . the covenant of grace is done in private in a mans closet , betwixt the lord and himselfe , the other in some publique assembly . . the covenant of grace is of one christian in particular , the other of a company joyntly , some call the one personall , the other generall . answ. though the covenant of grace may be layd hold on in a closet or private chamber , yet the principall party contracter is god on the one part ; and on the other not a single man , but christ , b and all his seed , c yea the catholique church , d all the house of israel ; but our brethrens mind is , that conversion of soules to christ is not a church act , nor a pastorall act , but a worke of charity , performed by private christians ; yet by the pastorall paines of peter , three thousand , act. . were converted ; and this is a depressing of publique ministery , and an exalting of popular prophecying , which is the onely publique and ordinary meane blessed of god , for conversion . . by this all the covenants sworne in israel and iudah were not a swearing of the covenant of grace but of a church covenant , which we must refute hereafter . . we desire an instance or practice of receiving any into the publique assembly , by this church covenant ; publique receiving by baptisme we grant in cornelius , act. . the eunuch , act. . lydia , and her house , act. . the iayler , act. . but we never read of sauls church●covenant , and church confession , wherby he was publiquely received into church membership , nor of such private tryall of church members and therefore wee thinke it to bee a devise of men . . arg. if this church-covenant be the essence and forme of a visible church , which differenceth betwixt the visible and invisible church , then there have beene no visible churches since the apostles dayes , nor are there any in the christian world , this day , save only in new england and some few other places , for remove the forme and essence of a thing , and you remove the thing it selfe : now if this be true , and if ministers have ministeriall or pastorall power over people , and the people no relation unto them as to pastors , except they mutually enter into this church-covenant , then are they no pastors to the people at all , and so all baptised in the reformed churches , where this covenant was not , are as pagans and infidels , and all their baptisme no baptisme , and all their church acts no church acts , and they all are to be rebaptized . the author of the church-covenant a saith , there is a reall , implicite , and substantiall comming together , and a substantiall professing of faith and agreement , which may preserve the essence of the church in england , and other places , though ●hers be not so expresse and formall a covenanting , as neede were ; the eternity of the covenant of god is such , that it is not the interposition of many corruptions , that may arise in after time , that can disanull the same , except they willfully breake the covenant , and reject the offer of the gospel , which we perswade our selves england is not come unto , and so the covenant remaineth which preserveth the essence of the churches to this day ; and he giveth this answer from learned parker b and he alleadgeth fox c who out of gilda , saith england received the gospell in tiberi●● his time , and joseph of arimathea was sent from france to england by philip the apostle an . ● . answ. i deny not but tertullian , and nicephorus both , say , the gospell then came to the wildest in brittaine , and no doubt be ●●ved to come to scotland , when simon zelotes cam● to brittaine ; but so did the gospell come to rome , philippi , corinth , will i● follow that the covenant is there yet ? and . if the not wilfull rejecting of the gospell save the essenc● of a visible church in england ( which charity we command in our brethren ) rome may have share of the charity also , and there may be a true visible church there , as yet : and we then wronged them in separation from them , because gods people in babel , did never wilfully reject the covenant . . our brethren professe a they cannot receive into their church , the godly persecuted and banished out of old england , by prelates for the truth , unlesse ( saith he ) they be pleased to take hold of our church-covenant . now not to admit into your churches , such as cannot sweare your church covenant , in all one as to acknowledge such not a true church , and to separate from them , and so the want of an explicite and formall church-covenanting , to you maketh professors no church-visible , and unworthy of the seales of grace ; but reverend parker b saith , that there is such a profession of the covenant in england , sic ut secessionem facere salvâ conscientiâ nullus possit , that no man with a safe conscience can separat therefrom . . the ignorants and simple ones amongst the papists have not rejected the gospell obstinately , in respect it was never revealed to them , yet the simple ignorance of points principally fundamentall maketh them a non-church , and therefore the want of your church-covenant must un-church all the reformed churches on earth : it is not much that this author saith , the primitive church never did receive children to the communion , nor any till they made a confession of their faith. what then ? a confession of their faith and an evidence of their knowledge , is not your chuoch-covenant for by your church-covenant the parties to be received in the church must give testimony of their conversion to the satisfaction of the consciences of all your church ; the old confirmation of children was not such a thing . . the tryall of the knowledge of such , as were of old not yet admitted to the lords supper , is not an inchurching of them , because , if ●ny not that way tryed in the ancient church , did fall into scan●alcus sins , they were , being come to yeeres lyable to the censures of the church , which said , certainly the ancients acknowledged them to be members of that visible church , but you say expresly , they are without , and you have not to doe to judge them , cor. . . and let the author see for this a the coun●ell of laodicea , b gregorius c leo , d augustine e tertullian , f cyprian , g ambrose , h the councell of elibert , i perkins , k martine bucer l chemnitius m peter martyr , who all teach that confirmation was nothing lesse then your church-covenant . . that it had never that meaning to make persons formll members of the visible church . . that that was sufficiently done in baptisme . . that comfimation was never the essentiall forme of a visible church , but rather the repetition of baptisme ; so n whitgift , ( a man much for confirmation , ) confirmatio apud nos usurpatur , ut pueri proprio ore , proprioque consensu , pactum quod in baptismo inibant coram ecclesiâ confirment , o pareus sayth they were in the church before , sed impositione manuum in ecclesiam adultorum recipie bantur . p beza saith the same q calvin , liberi infidelium ab utero adoptati , & jure promissionis pertinebant ad corpus ecclesiae , r bullinger acknowledging that in baptisme infantes were received into the church , saith , pastorum manus illis impone bantur , quorum fidei committebatur ecclesiarum cura . . argum. a multitude of unwarrantable wayes partly goeth before , partly conveyeth this church-covenant , as. . it is a dreame that all are converted by the meanes of private christians , without the ministery of sent pastors , by hearing of whom faith commeth , all are made materialls and convertes in private without pastors ; judge if this be christs order and way . . how it is possible a church shall be gathered amongst infidells ? this way infidells cannot convert infidells , and pastors as pastors cannot now be sent , by our brethrens doctrine , for pastors are not pastors but in relation to a particular congregation , therefore pastors as pastors cannot be sent to indians . . they must be assured in conscience , at least satisfied in every one anothers salvation , and sound conversion : were the apostles satisfied anent the conversion of anainas , saphira , simon magus , alexander , hymeneus , philetus , demas and others ? . by what warrant of the word are private christians , not in office , made the ordinary and onely converters of soules to christ ? conversion commeth then ordinarily and solely by unsent preachers , and private persons ministery . . what warrant have the sister churches , of the word , to give the right hand of fellowship to a new erected church ? for , to give the hand of fellowship is an authoritative and pastoriall act , as gal. . when iames , cephas , and iohn perceived the grace that was given unto me , they gave unto me and barnabas the right hands of fellowship , that is , saith pareus , a they received us to the colledge of the apostles , so bullinger b and c beza , now this is to receive them in amongst the number of churches , as pareus , and members of the catholick church , but churches being all independent , and of a like authority , the sister churches having no power over this new erected church , what authority hath sister churches , to acknowledge them as sister churches ? for . they cannot be upon two or three houres ●●ght of them , hearing none of them speak , satisfied in their consciences of their regeneration . . by no authority can they receive them as members of the catholick church , for this receiving it a church-act and they have no church-power over them . . what a meeting is this of diverse churches for the receiving of a new sister church ? it is a church ( i believe ) meeting together , and yet it is not a congregation , and it is an ordinary visible church , for at the admitting of all converts to the church-order , this meeting must be : surely here our brethren acknowledge that there is a church , in the new testament made up of many congregations , which hath power to receive in whole churches , and members of churches unto a church-fellowship ; this is a visible provinciall , or nationall church , which they other wayes deny . . we see no warrant , why one not yet a pastor or elder should take on him to speake to a congregation , though they all conse●t that he speak , exhort and pray , we desire a warrant from gods word , that such a thing should be ; here is preaching , and church-preaching , church-praying and praysing , and yet there is no pastor nor man called to office , we see not how this will abide the measure of the golden-neede , especially in a constituted church ▪ . we desire to see such a church-action , acts . where three thousand were added in one day to the church . . if it be enough that all be silent , and testify their consent to the church covenant by silence , how is the church-magistrate and these of other churches satisfied in conscience of the conversion of all ? for all consent to this , the magistrate may be a king , and he cannot acknowledge these as a church , whose faces he never saw before . . they sweare to be good stewards of the manifold graces of god , and so to publick prophecying , for converting soules , here be men sworn in a church-way to feede the flock , and yet they are not pastor● . . here are church-acts and the power of the keyes exercised in preaching , and praying , and discipline , and yet no stewards nor officers of the house who have received the keys to feede . quest. . whether it can be proved from the old testament , that christs visible church was gathered , and being fallen , restored to a visible church-state , by this church-covenant . our reverend bretheren contend that the church was ever gathered by this church-covenant . the author a saith , that the lord received abraham and his children into the church , by a covenant , gen. . . then when they violated the covenant , he renewed this covenant , exod. . . . whence they were called the church in the vvildernesse , acts . . answ. . the covenant , gen. . . is not a church-covenant such as you dreame off . . that covenant is the covenant of grace , made with all the people of the jewes , yea , with children of eight dayes old , v. . i will establish my covenant betwixt me and thee , and thy seed after thee in their generations , for an everlasting covenant , to be a god , to thee , and to thy seed . your covenant is not made with infants , for to you infants are not members of the church visible , none are in your church-covenant , but believers , of whose sound conversion you are satisfied in conscience : . this is the everlasting covenant made with job , melchisedech and many believers ; not in church-state , as you grant , your church-covenant made with a visible church , is no everlasting covenant . . infants can make no confession ere they be receied in a visible church . . if by this covenant abrahams house was made a visible church and all his children circumcised , then every family in the new testament professing the faith and covenant made with abraham , and baptised as abrahams children were circumcised , are the visible church , and the place is for us . . abraham and his house before this , when they were first called out of aegypt , were a church of called ones professing the faith of the messiah to come a . the lord had a church visible , before the renewing of the covenant at mount sinai , exod. . even in aegypt and when he brought them first out of that land of bondage . jerem. . , . and before this they did celebrate the passover , the very night , that they came out of egypt , exod. . and therefore it is false , that for that covenant renewed , exod. . they are called the church in the vvildernesse , all the forty yeares that they were in the wildernesse , they were the church in the vvildernesse , the apology b and c author of the church-covenant and manuscript d alledge deut. . . yee stand all of you this day before the lord , & c. v. . that thou mightest enter in covenant with the lord thy god , and the oath which the lord thy god maketh with thee , v. . that he may establish thee to day a people to himselfe . hence they argue , that which maketh a society a people to god , to serue him in all his ordinances , that is that whereby a society is constituted in a church-state ; but by a covenant , god maketh a society a people to god , to serve him in all his ordinances ; ergo. now that those were a true visible church they prove , though the word say they had eyes and see not , &c. yet they were not in a carnall estate , but only dull and slow of hearkening , to discerne sundry gracious dispensations , which sinfull defects were in the lords apostles , mat . . dull and slow of heart , for this was the generation which was not excluded out of canaan , for their unbeliefe , whose carcasses fell not in the wildernesse , and they were now within the space of a moneth or thereabout , to enter into the promised land , deut. . . and it was they who entred by faith , and subdned kingdomes , and kept their children poore and constant in gods worship all the dayes of josuah . . it is true ( say they ) a god entered also into a covenant with their fathers , yeares before , but not till he had humbled them to a conscionable ( though a legall ) feare of his great name ; and even some of them also ( it may be ) remembred that they were borne under the covenant of grace , from the loynes of abraham , though needfull it was that god should enter with them into a new covenant , and lead them from the law to christ , because they had so long degenerated from the spirit and wayes of abraham , during their abode in egypt , exod. . , . answ. this place maketh both against the constitution of a visible church , and against the church-oath framed by cu● brethren , therefore once , for all , it must be vindicated ; and . i answer , the swearing of a covenant in truth by sound faith putteth person● in state of membership , with the invisible and true body of christ ; it is true , but not in the state of a church as visible , and therefore the major of the first syllogisme it false , it is one thing to be a member of the church as true , and of the people internally in covenant with god , or a iew in the heart ; and another thing to be in covenant externally and a member of the visible-church , to be borne a jew and circumcised , and to professe the doctrine of moses his law did formally make persons members of the jewish visible church , though they should never sweare this covenant , as many died in egypt , and lived and died members of the jewish church , and did eate the passover , and were circumcised , whose carcasses fell in the wildernesse , because of their murmuring , these did never sweare , neither this covenant , deut. . nor the covenant exod. . . here is a people in carnall estate and cannot be a covenanted , and churched society of saints , for v. . the lord objecteth to them habituall hardnesse . . the great temptations that thine eyes have seene , the signes and these great miracles . . yet the lord hath not given you an heart to perceive , and eyes to see and eares to heare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to this same day ; this is an habituall blindnesse , propagated from fathers to sonnes as ez● . . . they and their fathers have rebelled against mee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even to the body of this day . jerem. . . and jeremy . . we have sinned we and our fathers from our youth to this day . now this is not the state of the disciples , mar. . for christ is not judging them of their state , as if they were yet carnall , but of their faithlesse actions , in some particular : when they wanted bread , they distrusted the lord , when i brake the five loaves amongst many thousands , how many baskets took yee up ? christ rebuketh them , that they were yet hardened , notwithstanding some great miracles which might have induced them to believe he would furnish them with bread , but this people was hardened , ( i meane not of them all , but of the greatest part ) against all the meanes of grace , though moses , by a synecdoche , mention only signes , temptations and miracles , yet he understandeth and meaneth no lesse , then they were disobedient to all gods dispensation of meanes , since the time that god first sent moses to pharaoh , and preached the covenant to them , exod. . , , . exod. . , . and therefore nameth he pharaoh and egypt with a note of universality , yee have seen all which the lord did to egypt , and to pharaoh and therefore this is an universall habituall hardnesse , and cannot be their infirmity . . this is his expression in the like stile , ez● . . . esa. . . . mat. . . this interpretation of our brethren doth but helpe arminians , our divines say against it , a iunius , god ( saith he ) gave not an heart , cum fructu , with fruite , to observe what you heard and saw , b amesius hence proveth , that they were not converted , and that they wanted sufficient grace c piscator d calvin hence prove that many are externally called , who are never converted , yea a papist as e cajetan , and f abulensis , carnalis itaque manifestatur hic populus , arminians as these at dort g vorstius h grevinchovius i episcopius k are of mind , that such places as this hinder not , but all have sufficient grace , if they would believe : so doe the socinians as the catechis . l of racovia m socinus , n edward poppius , and our brethren by it will prove all these jewes to be in the state of regeneration . . the author of o the church-covenant saith , they were generally a generation of believers , but this covenant is made universally with all , as is cleare , it is made with israel , captaines , tribes , officers , little ones , vvives , children , strangers , the absents , and these who are not borne , v. . , , , . now i aske , if all these were satisfied in their consciences , of one anothers salvation , as our p author requireth , in fit materialls of a visible church ; it was impossible , ergo , this is not the church-covenant of converted persons , knowne to the conscience of moses , to be converted . . moses saith expresly of the same generation , ch . . . that when they were come to the holy land , they would serve other gods , and provoke god unto wrath . and of that same generation god saith , v. . for i know their imaginations , which they goe about even now before i have brought them unto the land which i sware ; this was ( as you say ) about a moneth before their entry to the holy land. . i know thy rebellion and thy stiffe-necke ( saith moses ) behold while i am yet alive , this day , ye have been rebellious against the lord , how much more then after my death ? were they all then a generation , who by faith subdued kingdomes ? surely this was but verified in their holy judges , like ioshuab , and some few others ; it is true they did not prosessedly in ioshuabs daies make defection , yet they were not all renewed , ( as our brethren say ) for ioshuab saith ▪ ▪ ch . . . put away the strange gods , which your fathers served in the other side of the flood , and in egypt , and serve the lord. v. . now therefore put away the strange gods , which are amongst you . and that song of moses , ch . . was made for the conviction of the present generation . ch . . , , , . now in this song much is said of corrupting themselves , serving idols , forgetting of the rocke , and father who begate them , their sacrificing to devils , and therefore such were not generally such as subdued kingdomes by fath , and by faith entered into canaan , as yee say . and so also ( say we ) our churches under the new testament , though consisting of a mixed multitude , are rightly constituted , and true visible churches ; therefore this covenant is not the formall being and essence of a church . and what sort of people were they when the lord covenanted with them in hore● , exod. . a generation who grieved the lords spirit , tempted him in the wildernesse , offered to stem moses , committed idolatry , would appoint themselves a captaine to returne backe to egypt , lusted in the wildernesse , distrusted the lord , and could not enter in through unbeliefe , and their carcasses fell in the wildernesse , and three and twenty thousand were slaine for fonnication . and therefore there is no ground that moses first or last made a church covenant onely with some selected and choice persons , partakers of the heavenly calling , heires annexed with christ , kings , and priests unto god , for all promiscuously were the materials of this church ; yea those , who were not borne , and the absents , deut. . . yee stand this day , all of you before the lord your god , your captaines of your tribes , you elders , and your officers , with all the men of israel . v. . your little ones , your wives , and the stranger that is within thy gate , from the h●wer of wood , to the drawer of water . v. . that thou shouldest enter into covenant with the lord thy god , &c. now were moabites and amonites made members of the iewish church , and all the strangers ? then they must enter into the temple ; how then are they forbidden to enter into the congregation of the lord , to the tenth generation ? you admitted not to your church covenant in new england all professours , here none are excepted ; this covenant is made with absents , and those who are not yet borne ; now those who are not personally present , and those who are not yet come into the world , can make no restipulation of a covenant with god , nor can be the fellow members of the church , except you make persons invisible to be visible members of a visible church . . there is farre lesse ground to say , that because they had degenerated from the spirit and waies of abraham , by idolatry , it was fit that god should renew a covenant with this generation , and so make them a visible church ; for this is as fitting to say , a sicke man in whom there is a living soule , is made a living man by the entring of a new living soule in his body , for before this covenant the people was the church visible in the wildernesse ; the renewing of a covenant may quicken a decaying life of god in some , but it cannot give the being , and essentiall forme of a visible church , to that which before was a visible church . . papists would be glad that we should put this in print , that there is a time when god hath no visible church on earth at all , bellarmin , stapleton , pererius , and others lay this upon us , but unjustly . it would gratifie arminians as a episcopius b the remonstrantes in their confession , c iacobus arminius . and the socinians , such as d theophilus nicolaides , ( e ) smalcius , f and ostorodius , to say that christ may be a king and head , a husband and redeemer , and yet have neither subjects , members , spouse , nor redeemed people , and that it may fall out that christ have no church on earth ; for the laying hold on the covenant giveth being and life to the church , as the body of christ and his true spouse , as well as it giveth being to the visible church , according to ou● brethrens doctrine , and if this covenant cease , there is not a church of christ on earth . . we have heard nothing here as yet , but the covenant of grace , and no church-covenant . but saith the authour of the church-covenant , ( g ) though it be indeed the covenant of grace , and made principally with god ; it followeth not hence , that it is not a covenant of the members amongst themselves , for the covenant of god tyeth us to duties to our neighbour , and to watchfulnesse , and edification one of another , levit. . deut. . . the neglect whereof in the matter of achan , brought sinne on all the congregation , josh. . yea it tieth us to duties to children not yet borne , who shall after become members of the church , when iehojadah made a covenant betwixt the king and the people ; it was but a branch of the lords covenant , obliging the king to rule in the lord , and the people to obey in god. answ. . but if particular duties to our brethren bind us by a new church-covenant , because gods covenant commandeth these duties , then because gods covenant commandeth sobriety toward our selves , and righteous dealing toward our brethren , there is required a selfe-covenant towards your selves , for temperance and sobriety toward your selves , as there is required a church-covenant to binde you to duties to those who are in church membership with you , this no man can say , nor can severall duties require severall covenants . . it is true when we enter into covenant with god , we sweare duties to all to whom we are obliged , but then we are made members of the visible church , before we sweare this church-covenant ; and this is , as if abraham were made a living man before he have a reasonable soule , and as if abraham were israel his father , before israel be abraham his sonne , for if abraham be in-churched when he did sweare the covenant of grace , ( as the authour granteth ) then he must be a member of a visible church , while as yet there is not a visible church ; to which abraham is tied ; i deny not but israel may sweare obedience to all gods covenant , and all duties therein , and that he may sweare also in particular , to performe all duties to abraham his father , in another oath , but that he cannot enter in the state of relation of sonneship to his father , while he sweare that oath in particular , is a dreame which hardly can be conceived . . the peoples finne in not warning achan was a finne against a duty of the covenant , exacting obedience of all in brotherhead , though not in a church-state , levit. . . and iob and his friends who were members of no visible church , ( as you say ) did performe this , one to another , iob . . iob . . iob. . . . the covenant that jehojadah made betwixt the king and the people , will prove the lawfullnesse of a covenant to performe church-duties , beside the generall covenant of grace , which we deny not , but doth not prove , that a covenant to church-duties is the essentiall forme of church-membership , and the onely way , by divine precept , of entring persons in a church-state ; for persons already in church-state may , upon good reasons , sweare a covenant to these duties , yet are they not of new inchurched to that congregation , whereof they were members before . their next principall argument as ( a ) the apology saith , if a church-covenant be the essentiall forme of a church , as a stock of saints is the materiall cause , then the church-covenant is necessary to the being of the church , and it is that wherby ecclesia integra constituitur , collapsa restituitur , & quo sublato ecclesia dissolvitur & destituitur , that is , it is by this covenant a church is instituted in its integrity , and when it is fullen , it is restored to its integrity , and when this covenant ●eas●th , the church is no longer a visible church . answ. when a church falleth it is not restored to the state of a visible church by circumcision , and yet circumcision is given as a signe of a covenant betwixt god and his church , gen. . . nor is a church restored by baptisme , or baptizing over againe , and yet baptisme is that whereby we are entered members of the visible church . . when persons faile in omitting church duties ; i thinke they faile against your church-oath , yea when they fall into any sinne that may be a scandall to others , yea the finne of adultery , yet if they repent and heare ●he church , they are not excommunicated , neither doe they ●ose the right of church-membership and right to the seales of the covenant , nor is it needfull they be restored by renewing a church-covenant , but we desire to heare from gods word proofes of the singular vertues of this church-covenant . . discipline is by all divines thought necessary to the well being of a church , but not to the simple being thereof , and for this we apeale to the learned parker who denieth a discipline to be an essentiall note of the visible church , and citeth b cartwright for this , and therefore saith that calvin , bortrandus de logues , mornaeus , martyr , marloratus , galusius , and beza omitteth discipline amongst the notes of the church . the apology addeth c if the nationall church of the jewes was made a nationall church by that covenant , and therby all the synagogues had church-fellowship one with another in the temple , then the congregationall church is made a visible church by that covenant . . also the fallen church of the jewes was restored to a church-state ( say they ) by renewing a covenant with the lord in the dayes of asah & hezekiah , and these who fell to judah chron. . . are commanded not to stiffen their necks , or ( as in the originall ) to give their hand unto the lord , that so they might enter into the sanctuary chron. . & . answ. is it credible or possible , that all the synagoues of so many hundred thousand people , as were in the . tribes were all satisfied in conscience , anent the regeneration one of another● and this is required of you to the right swearing of a church covenant , else how could they in the oath joyne themselves to all israel , as to a generation of saints ? ●● israel before this oath , was circumcised , and had eaten the passoyer , and so was a visible church before , yea then god had no church visible before this oath , which is against gods promise made to david , and his seed , psal. . . ● . also in abijahs dayes judah was the true church of god , chron. . . and now y●t think to withstand the kingdome of the lord in the hands of the sonnes of david . . but as for us , the lord is our god , and we have not forsaken him. . the inchurching of members is a church-action , as all the church casteth out , so all the church receiveth in , as you a say , but the putting of iudah and the strangers of israel to this oath , was by the kings authority , who convened them , . chron. . . and asah gathered all judah , and benjamin , and the strangers with them , and they were compelled by the royall sanction of a civill law to this covenant , v. . and they entred into covenant , &c. . that whosoever would not seek the lord god of israel , should be put to death , whether small or great , man or woman . . how were they all in , conscience satisfied anent the regeneration one of another , . being such a number of iudah , benjamin and strangers out of ephraim , manasse and simeon , v. . were . . gathered together and meet but one day ? . this covenant obliged young ones , your covenant seekes no church duties of little ones , for to you they are not members of a visible church . . the place , chron. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yeild to god as servants b iunius , humbly imploring his help , as the same phrase is lament . . . we have served the egyptians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the assyrians to be satisfied with bread , neither doth the text say in infinitive , that yee may enter into the sanctuary , as if a renewed covenant were a necessary preparation , before they could enter into the sanctuary ; but it is set downe as an expresse commandement of the king 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enter yee into his sanctuary , and there is not a word of a covenant in the text , but only of the peoples keeping the passover , and though there had been a covenant ( of which the spirit of god , speaking so much of iosiah's zealous reformation , would not have been silent ) it is not to a purpose iudah was a visible church , before hezekiah wrote letters to them , to ●ome to jerusalem ; to keepe the passover , as is cleare ch . . . they begun to sanctifie the house , the first day of the first moneth , and all the congregation worshipped . . and hezekiah rejoyced at their zeale , and so there was a visible church , and the passover was eaten the . day according to the law , also in all covenants renewed by the people of the jewes , the matter was done suddenly , and all convened in a day , when a voluntary preparation , and evidenced regeneration , could not be evidenced to the satisfaction of the conscience of all the people ; nor can this preparation be called jewish and temporary , for it is as morall to all who sweare churches duties one to another , as the covenant it selfe , which our brethren say , is of perpetuall equity . and all these may be answered to the covenant , neh. . where there is no insinuation of church duties , but in generall . . yo walke in gods law , and to observe and ●●e all the commandements of the law , and not to marry strange ●vives . the apology b saith it is to no purpose that the people . chro , . was a church before this covenant , because the place is not alledged to prove that a people are made a church by entering into covenant with god , but to prove that a decayed church is restored by a covenant , now the church at this time was corrupted with idols , sodomy , &c. answ. . yet it proveth well that this covenant is not the formall cause of a visible church ; for a visible church hath not its formall being , before it hath its formall cause . . the convening of all the people to sweare , is an act of the church visible , now nothing can have operations , before it have the formall cause . . the author saith , who knoweth that all the tribes of israel were yet in covenant with god , from the dayes of their fathers ? answer ; i think that it is easily knowne , that they used and exercised many church actions also , and so were a church visible of a promiscuous multitude , and it is know●n that none were excluded from this covenant , none selected and chosen out as regenerates , who onely were thought fit to sweare this covenant , and so that it is not your church-covenant that all were forced to , and commanded under pain● of death , to attest . our brethren , as first a our author , secondly b the apology , thirdly the author of the church-covenant , repose much on isai. . . where the stranger is joyned to the lord , in a personall covenant , for his own salvation , for so the text saith v. . . yet are they not joyned to the visible church , while they lay hold on the covenant , that is , to sweare a church-covenant , now that they are not members of the visible church is cleare f●r deut. . , , . the moabit , ammonite , though never so holy , cannot be members of the visible church , because they are discharged , to enter into the congregation of the lord. . they complain● that they are not of the visible church . the lord hath separated me from his people . . adjoyning of them to the visible church is promised ; as a reward of their faith and obedience , v. . even a name in gods house , hence it is cleare , persons under the new testament have a promise and propbecy th●● if they be inward●s joyned by faith god shall give them a name of church-membership amongst his people , by swearing a church-oath , or if they lay hold on the covenant of the church . ans. . there is no churching here of strangers and eunuches by church-oath , but as c calvin , musculus , gualter , d iunius , observe , the eunuch and stranger are comforted that under the messi●hs kingdome , they shall have no cause to complaine of their ceremoniall separation from gods people and the want of some ceremoniall priviledges of that kind , because the stranger and eunuch shall have . v. . an everlasting roome , and honor in gods hous● , and the son of the stranger a place in the catholick church v. . . so being , they believe and obey . but . v. . to lay hold on my covenant is not to lay hold on the church-covenant ; give us precept , promise , practise , or one syllable in gods word for this interpretation . . v. . to take hold on the covenant is to believe the covenant , and not to sweare a vocall oath . . to lay hold on the covenant , saith e musculus , is to keep the covenant , and not to depart from it , to live according to it , f saith iunius ) and to rest on god , to doe what is gods will commanded in the covenant ( saith ) g calvin , and h gualter ) and so all who spake sense on that place , and never one dreamed of a church-covenant before . . god saith of it ( my covenant ) there is no reason then to call it a church-covenant here more then ierom. . . . psal. . . isai. . . ierem. . . zach. . . laying hold on the covenant is not an externall , professed , vocall , visible and church embracing of the covenant , for then the lord promiseth to the eunuch the name of a faithfull visible fellow member , in a congregation , if he shall lay hold on the covenant , and sweare it in the church assembly , this church-swearing is not rewarded so , for how is it proved that a name , even an everlasting name , better then the names of sonnes and daughters , is the name of a fellow-member in some obscure congregation or parish ? is this better then the name of a borne jew , who was also a member of the visible church , and if he believed in christ , had also the everlasting name of a member of the jewish church ? surely there is no ground for this in gods word , the everlasting name must be some spirituall remembrance and some invisible honour beyond the externall honour of being named the sonne or daughter of a jew , and by what warrant also of gods word is gods holy mountaine and his house of prayer . v. . which in the new testament can no more be literally expounded , then offering of burnt offerings by what warrant is this called a parochiall visible congregation , where visible saints meets in one materiall house ordinarily , and in one visible church-way ? the house of prayer there , is joh. . expounded of the typicall temple , which spiritually did typifie christs body , as he expoundeth it himselfe , ioh. . , , . deare brethren doe no violence to gods word . . there is no ground that the eunuch and stranger had no other complaint , but want of visible membership : for his laying hold on the lords sabbaths saith the contrary , and though he should complain of that , it is a small comfort promised , th●● he shall be a member of a visible congregation , which membership many iudasses and hypocrites injoy also . . though there were a visible church-membership here promised ( as no intepreter that ever yet saw it , but your selves ) yet it should onely follow , before heathen , who are come to age , be baptized , and so inchurched , they should externally lay hold on a professed covenant , and so , that they might be members of the invisible church , before they be members of the visible church , which is much for our baptisme-covenant , and nothing for your church-covenant . . church-membership , by your exposition , is promised to none , but these , who inwardly by true faith are joyned to the covenant ; then all church-acts performed by pastors and professors not converted , though they proceed , clave no● errante , following christ his rule are null , and no bapti●ing , no binding in heaven , for a promise conditionall is no promise ( say reason and lawyers ) where the condition is not fulfilled . the author of the church-covenant a citeth that of ez●k . . . i entred into covenant with thee , and thou becamest min● , eze. . . i will cause you to passe under the rod ; here is a covenant , not of a person , but of the whole house of israel , v. . . this covenant is called a band , and junius observeth well , takes from shepheards , who went amongst their sheep with a rod , and selected and poynted out such as were for the lords sacrifice , lev. . . ergo , under the new testament , men enter not into the church , hand over head , but they passe under the rod of due tryall , and then , being ●ound meet , are inchurched . answ. he entered into covenant with hierusalem , dying in her owne blood , v. . v. . your covenant is made with a people washed and converted . . all are taken in promiscuously in this covenant externally , good and evill , who prospered to a kingdome , and were renowned amongst the heathen , v. . . your church covenant is of persons who passe under the rod of pro●ation , and passe for sound converts . the other place is not to a purpose , for god is not speaking of gathering his people to a visible church , but as a calvin b polanus , c iunius , god is meeting with the peoples wicked conclusion , who said , v. . they were banished and cap●ives mixed amongst the nations , and so free from gods cor●ecting rod , or band of discipline , and god saith , and i will make you to passe under the rod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and i will bring you under the ●and of my covenant ; the word is also psal. . . and it is true ●hat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a staffe and a rod , prov. . . but it signifieth also a kings scepter , gen. . . but the band of the covenant signifieth no union of a visible church , nor is the lord in that place promising the mercy of a gathered church , but by the contrary , he threatneth an evill , as v. . and i will bring you unto the wildernesse of the people , and there will i plead with you face to face , . like as i peaded with your fathers . and i will cause you to passe under the rod , &c. to select you out from amongst the heathen , as sheep for sacrificing , as the next verse . . and i will purge out from amongst you the re●●lls , &c. this place is violently brought to witnesse unjustly : and what though god would have them tryed , who were taken under his covenant of protection ? it should be the covenant of grace , and not a church-covenant , for he meaneth no such thing . they alleadge , jerem. . . and in those dayes , and at that time , the children of israel shall come , they and the children of judah together , saying let us be joyned to the lord , in a perpetuall covenant , that shall not be forgotten . answ. . israel and judah together cannot be a parochiall congregation ; nor . can sion be a parish church ; nor . is the church-covenant , from which a man is loosed , when upon good warrants , and the consent of the congregation , he removeth cut of that church to another , a perpetuall covenant that shall never be forgotten ; for eternity is proper to the covenant of grace betwixt god and man , jerem. . , , . jerem. . . isal. . . isai. . . isai. . . and there is no covenant betwixt mortall men , who shall d●e , an eternall covenant . the author a saith , there is nothing more plaine then isai. . . one shall say , i am the lords ; and another shall call himselfe by the name of jacob ; and another shall subscribe with his hand , and sirname himselfe by the name of israel : these words are so plaine as nothing can be more plaine . answ. this is a cleare place , that under the m●ssiah all people shall professe themselves in covenant with god , and the children of god and the church , and b calvin citeth psal. . . and of sion it shall be said , this and this man was borne in her . but this is not plaine at all , that these professe themselves sworne members of a particular parish ; yea , the contrary is most plaine , that they shall call themselves by the name of jacob and israel ; that is , children of the whole visible church , for jacob and israel is not restricted to one particular congregation . before the peoples captivity , saith musculus , c the names of b●●l and idoll gods sounded in their mouthes , but then they shall professe the true god , and that they are his people . now gods covenant is made principally , not with one single congregation , not is the blood that sealeth the covenant shed for one single congregation ; nor are the promises of the covenant , yea and amen is christ , for one single flocke onely , and primò & principaliter , but for the whole catholike church , and therefore they shall name themselves christians . the author addeth , d every church is christs married spouse , united to christ by covenant , the violation of marriage is the violation of a covenant ; yea , and there is a marriage betwixt the church - members , isa. . . as a young man marrieth a virgin , so shall thy sonnes marry thee . answ. a marriage betwixt christ and his church we grant and betwixt christ and every particular soule beleeving in him , in respect of the love . . mutuall interest and claime one to another , cant. . . and what holdeth betwixt christ and a church catholick , or particular , holdeth also betwixt christ and every soule , and to extort a church covenant betwixt christ and a particular soule , who may be and often is a beleever , & yet out of church-state , from the borrowed phrase of marriage , is ●oo violent blooding of comparisons ; and therefore from marriage belonging to the catholike church principally , how can a marriage visible be concluded ? . the sonne● are the whole church of the gentiles ; too large a p●rish incolaeterrae , saith musculus , b and excellently calvin , c christ so is the husband of his church , that he marrieth upon his church all people and nations which are gathered to her , because while the church wanteth children , she is as it were a widow ; now this is nothing for a church-covenant . thirdly , there is a relative obligation of mutuall duties of love betwixt fellow members of a visible church , and betwixt sonnes and the mother congregation ; but this is first done in baptisme expresly ; secondly , in our comming to be members of such a congregation , but the person is before a member of the visible church . the author addeth d if dissolving a covenant be that which dissolveth a church , as zach. . . . then the making of a covenant is that which constituteth a church ; if dissipating of stones unbuild the house , then compacting of them together doth build the house ; but the breaking of the covenant under the name of breaking of the two staves , beauty and bands , z●ch . . is the inchurching of the iewes , ergo ; answ. the dissolving and breaking of the covenant of grace , and the removing of the candlestick , and the word of god , revel . . . am●s . , . taketh away the being of a church , both as a true church , and as a true visible church ; and of such a breaking of the covenant doth the lord speake zach. . v. . and i said i will not feed you ; that which dieth , let it die ; and that which perisheth , let it perish , &c. and it taketh away the union of brotherhead amongst the members , verse , . so the thing in question is not hence concluded ; for the question is , if a church-covenant make a church as visible , and the breach of that church-covenant unmake and dissolve a church as visible , and this place proveth what maketh and unmaketh a church simply as a church , not as visible and under that reduplication . quest. . whether by testimonies from the new testament , and good reasons , a church-covenant can be evinced . our author e alleageth , cor. . . i have espoused you to one husband , that i may present you as a chaste virgin to christ ; so also the apologie , f this was nothing else but the planting of the church at corinth ; if you say this paul did while he converted them to the grace of christ by his ministery ; if this were true , saith he , then should christ have many thousands , hundreds , and scores at least of spouses in one church , which we thinke inconvenient . secondly , it is plaine he speaketh of the whole church as of one spouse , and as it were one chaste uirgin ; which argueth , he perswaded them all ( as the friend of the bridegroome ) to give up themselves with one accord as one man into one body , to the fellowship and worship of the lord jesus . answ. it is a weake cause , that hangeth upon the untwisted thred of a misapplied metaphor . for . espoufing into christ in the text is opposed to being deceived and corrupted from the simplicity that is in christ , as evah was deceived by the serpent , and opposed to the receiving of another spirit , and another gospell ; so then to be corrupted from the simplicity that is in christ , and to receive another gospell , must have this meaning ; as evah was deceived by the serpent , so i feare that your simple minds be un-churched and loosed from the visible church of corinth , and that you forget your covenant , wherein ye sweare to take christ for your husband , and me for the friend of the bridegroome , and that you be remisse in the duties of externall discipline ; and church-fellowship , and in excommunicating scandalous persons , &c. a● brethren , let not our lords word be thus tortured and wrested . . he expoundeth this espoufing , the presenting of them to christ in the day of god , as a washed , redeemed , and saved wife of christ , and not of their church continuing in visible society . yea , all interpreters , ancient and moderne , as augustine , theophylact , chrysostome , oecumenius , cyrillus , ambrose , our latter , calvin , bullinger , beza , pom●ran , pellicanus , sarcerius , marlorat , paraphrastes , erasmus ; and papists , aquinas , haymo : give this sense . paul as the friend to the bridegroome finding the corinthians despising him , and in love with false teachers , grew jealous of them for his lords cause , that though he had betrothed them to christ , as a virgin hand fastned by promise to a husband , left they should be drawne away to other lovers , by the cunning of false teachers as evah was led from her lord , by subtill satan . . though he speake of them , as of one body , spouse , virgin , how doth it follow that he speaketh of them , as of a ministeriall and a parochiall body ? for the marriage , the betrothing to christ , and the acts contrary , the receiving of another spirit , the corrupting of their simple minds , are acts altogether spirituall , internall , invisible , and acts of a church , as a true church , & the contrary are acts of a false church , as false , and not acts of a church as visible , in a visible meeting , in a visible external act of marrying , nor is their any insinuation , that paul feared the dissolving of the church oath and visible order of government . . it is not inconvenient , that there be many spouses , as in every true beleever , there be many single acts of marriage love , and of beleeving , and so of taking christ for their husband and lord. a visible church is the house of god , tim. . . the temple of god , rev. . . and yet every beleever is a temple , cor. . . and every one his house ; seeing he dwelleth in them by saith , ephes. . . also if this be a good reason , he speaketh of them all , as of one chaste virgin . ergo , he speaketh of them all , as of one visible parochiall church . then brethren , because christ speaketh , joh. . . of the whole church of the new testament , as of one bride of himselfe as the bridegroome , and of the whole catholique church , that christ hath washen and redeemed , as of one glorious virgin , ephes. . . and of the one lambes wife , revel . . , . it shall follow that the catholique church is one visible church , and so one parochial congregation , for you mock at a catholike visible church , ( as your authour doth ) who calleth it a a chimaera , though without reason . . and certainely twenty beleevers in one house and so twenty hundred convened in one , yet out of church-state , are a body married upon christ in respect of his spirit , and their faith laying hold on him , as on their husband ; yea , and the church of corinth , as saints by calling ; and considered without the respect of a visible church-fellowship , is more properly christ● wife , and christ their husband , then they can be called christs wife , for an externall communion of a visible profession , which is common to them with many repro●ates ; yea , there is no ground at all to call a company , because of their visible profession , christs wife , no● doth gods word speake so ; the converted by prophets not in office are most properly his wife ; and these may say , we have betrothed you to christ ; and be not deceived nor corrupted from the simplicity that is in christ jesus . hence that place also is not for our brethren , cor. . . the apostle thanketh god for the corinthians professed subjection to the gospel , in their liberall contribution . then ( saith the apologie a ) here is a church covenant ; but if this professed subjection be a ground of a church-covenant , the corinthians extended this charity to the poore a● hierusalem , as the churches of macedonia did also , then many particular congregations are church-members in church-fellowship , with the church of ierusalem ; for they professed this subjection to the gospell toward the distressed at ierusalem , and so corinth exercised church-acts toward other churches then their owne ; independencie by this must fall . secondly , to relieve the poore is a duty of christian charity , common to beleevers in church-state , or not in church-state , how then can it prove a duty of church-state ? the b apology addeth , hebr. . the hebrews are commanded not to forsake the assembly of themselves together , as the manner of some is ; ergo , they convened by mutuall consent , and so by covenant . answ. doe not infidels and indians , as you teach c come to your assemblies to heare the vvord , and partake of the prayers and praises of the church ? but ye will not say , they are to come to those assemblies by a church-covenant . secondly , what though they intended assemblies by consent , and tacite covenant ? it will not follow therefore by your covenant , which is the formall cause of a visible church , and this place proveth nothing , cor. . . the churches of macedonia first gave themselves to the lord , and then to us , therefore they were in-churched , by way of covenant to our ministery , so a the discourse ; but these churches gave themselves to god ( in that dutie of charity ) and then to us , the exhorters to that charity , and the conveyers thereof to ierusalem ; then the church of corinth was married on god , on paul , yea and on the churches of jerusalem , for the author maketh this mariage-love , and so jerusalem is erected a mother church , and corinth subjected unto her ; for these who give almes , as becometh saints , are said to give their heart to god , and to the poore , as isai. . . to draw out their heart to the poore , and that because of their chearefull and compassionate giving . our author b saith john baptist repelled scribes and pharisees , and the prophane multitude , from his baptisme , luke . . mat. . . and this was godly zeale , for they were a generation of vipers , luk. . . . and therefore they were not meet for baptisme , which is a baptisme of repentance , luke . . philip baptised not the eunuch while he made profession of faith . these and the like the author and our brethren bring to prove , that men are not inchurched but by confession covenant-wayes , and also to prove that the matter of the church should be saints by calling , hence c the apology citeth iustin martyr d who saith three things were required of such ▪ as were to be received into the church . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they be dedicated to god as members of their church . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or regeneration , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith or a confission of faith and. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is a promise or covenant to live according to the rule of the gospell ; and the author saith e there were three questions prop●unded to these who were received by baptisme , abrenuncias ? abrenuncio . credis ? credo . spondes ? spon●eo , f zipperus the author saith hath more of this g . answ. . yee read not in the word that iohn baptist rejected any from his baptisme , who desired to be baptized , yea by the contrary , luk. . . it is said , and all they that heard him , and the publicans justified god , being baptized with the baptisme of john. v. . but the pharisees and lawyers rejected the counsell of god , against themselves , being not baptized of john : then the pharisees and lawyers refuse to be baptized , and mat. . . then went out unto him , jerusalem and all judea , and all the regions round about jerusalem , confessing their sins , but when he saw many of the pharisees and sadduces come to his baptisme , he sayd unto them . o generation of vipers , &c. but that he baptized , them by the same sermon , is cleare , for v. . he exhorteth them to repentance , and v. . dehorteth them from a● hypocriticall profession , v. . he threatneth judgement to them , and v. . saith , i did baptize you with water , that ( you ) is relative , to these whom he called a generation of vipers , and includeth them , for there is no ground in the text to exclude them , and luk. . . and he said to the multitude , that came forth to be baptized , o generation of vipers , & c. v. . and when all the people was baptized , &c. iesus also was baptized . it is true , all that were baptized , and come to age confessed their sins , but they were entered members of the christian church by professing the covenant in baptisme , and their covenant was no church-covenant , entering them members of a parochiall church oath , but entered them members of the whole visible church , and they were not tyed to such and such church-acts of prophecying and judiciall binding and loosing ; also could they all be satisfied in conscience of one anothers regeneration , for they did not meete frequently together to prayer and spirituall conference ? . how could all jerusalem and all judea , ma. . , . and all the regions round about , and all the people baptized , luk. . . all sweare a church-covenant , and give a particular confession of their sinnes to the satisfaction of iohn baptistes conscience ? yea iohn saith expresly of this visible baptized church , mat. . . . that they were some of them fruitles trees to be hewen down , and some of them ch●ffe to be burnt with unquenchable fire , so the materials of this baptized church are not visible saints , and lawyers hold of the covenant , as our brethren say . . the eunuch coming to jerusalem to worship , ( which is an act of a church-member ) was in church-state before he was baptized , and a proselite . . it is true that you cite out of iustin martyr , but you omit a word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith martyr ) a baptisme-covenant and professed by the heathen come to age , of which also onely and of no other , iustine martyr speaketh , we wilingly acknowledge , but by that covenant they were received unto the catholick visible church , and not unto a single independent church only . . these questions were propounded to the aged before they were baptized , and reason that heathen be tryed , before they be baptized , and in this we agree with the synod of a heidelburge , b in concione lugdunensi against papiste , and in synods parisiensi c and what mr. parker d saith further of this kind may be admitted , if well expounded . . zipperus helpeth us , consuetum est , &c. he thinketh it an ancient custome in the primitive church , that before any were received into the church they should give a confession , either themselves , or ( saith he ) parents and tutors , and so he acknowledgeth that infants in baptisme were made members of the church , though they could not sweare this church-covenant , nor give evidences of their conversion , and this is acknowledged by all the reformed churches , of france , germany , holland , helvetia , poland , england , scotland , &c. the apology e citeth , acts . . and of the rest durst no man joyne himselfe to them , greece , durst not be glewed to them , a word of marriage covenant , mat. . . & acts . . saul desired to be glewed to them , the former word must note some voluntrary act of joyning to the visible church , and that different from the act of conversion , for otherwayes it is grosse armimainsme , to say that our conversion dependeth upon our daring , or not daring , or that it is suspended upon an act of our freewill , for it dependeth upon the omnipotent working of the grace of god ; and saul acts . . though converted , yea and baptized , yet was he not received into the churchfellowship , untill they were better satisfied of his spirituall estate , by barnabas , hence it is an error , that to be added to the church is only to be converted to the faith , ergo , a covenant is requisite . answ. how strong is gods truth , brethren , yee make your opinion weake which hangeth upon a grammatication of one borrowed word , none durst joyne mariage-way to the church-visible ; f erasmus , g beza say it is a word translated from trees glewed together , and signifieth neither marriage , nor covenant , and signifieth either naturall or artificiall or morall conjunction , acts . . philip is bidden joyne himselfe to yonder chariot , joyning of chariots is neither by marriage , nor covenant , so is the word , luk. . . . it is not joyned to a visible parish church , but to the whole christian church out of which ananias and saphira were cast . v. . . which made great feare , and made those who were not baptized ( saith c pomeranus ) to feare to joyne to the church of god , and so it behoved to be the unbaptized and unconverted , who were feared , v. . and they were all with one accord , in salomons porch , that is , all the faithfull added to the church , now opposite to these , he saith of the unconverted and not added to the church . v. . and of the ●est , without the church , durst no man joyne himselfe to the church : now this cannot be in a visible society , for then luke should intimate , that the unconverted might have added themselves to the church if they durst , and had not beene stricken with the terror of the miraculous killing of ananias and saphira , now this they could not have done ( as our brethren say ) hand over head , they behoved first to be converted , and testified their conversion by a church oath , nay cajetan a saith well , they durst not haunt their company , they sled from them , and from the apostle peter , as from a man slayer , nor doth the holy ghost ( i thinke ) meane of any church fellowship , he presupposing that they were unconverted , at least our brethren must say this . . it is an unlearned reason that they give to prove , he meaneth not of conversion , for all voluntrary acts supernaturall even of joyning to a visible church and marrying of themselves to christ , and his visible church ( as our brethren say ) are acts wrought by the irresistible , and omnipotent working of gods grace , no lesse then our first conversion ; and to thinke otherwayes of our supernaturall actions , is grosse arminianisme , for so all who have written against arminians as the learned doctor twisse , amesius , pareus , triglandius , have expounded that passage ( it is god who worketh in us both to will and to doe ) so calvin , beza , sibrandus , pareus , ursine , tilenus , bucan , make all the operations of saving grace in conversion , and after conversion , irresistible . and it is knowen how the dominicanes , alvarez , estius , bannes fran. cumel , matthew rspolis , and many of that side hold a predeterminateing operation of grace ad modum causoe physicoe , which beginneth before free will , so that no operations supernaturall , yea nor naturall are suspended upon the liberty of freewill , and they hold againsti pelagianes , and the jesuites , snarez , vasques , valentia , becan , lod. meratius , hyeron . fasolus , did. ruiz ; and if you suspend all voluntrary acts upon the influence of freewill , you follow pelagians , jesuites , socinians , and arminians in that point . . it is true the disciples were affraid to admit saul to their society , and no wonder , for he had not long since made havock of the church ; but. . they did not inchurch him by an oath . . they received him upon the sole testimony of barnabas v. . which order you keepe not , refusing communion to christians of approved piety , and knowen so to you , because they cannot sweare your church covenant . . who they be , who thinke , to be converted to the faith , and to be added to the visible church , to be all one i know not ; our divines never said it . . though all were granted you , they durst not joyne to the apostolick visible church ; ergo , there is a church covenant , it is a great consequent . now i desire to try your reasons for a church covenant . it is not ( saith the apology ) a hearty affection that uniteth church-members in a visible church , for so england and scotland are united , nor . . cohabitation , for papists and protestants may cohabite , and yet they are not of one visible church , nor . meeting in one assembly uniteth not persons together , for infidels and turkes . cor. . may come to church-assemblies , and heare the word , ergo , this union must be as in all bodies , cities , houses , armies , by covenant ; none is made a citizen to have right to the priviledges of the city , but by a covenant , for when one is received a member of an house or of an army , or of any incorporation , 〈◊〉 is by a covenant . answ. . the ennumeration is unsufficient , for the seale of baptisme and a profession of the truth , is that which maketh one a member of the visible church . cor. . . for by one spirit , we are all baptized into one body , and can you deny the covenant , which is sealed in baptisme ? and by this are all the citizens and domesticks inchurched and received into the visible church , and when one removeth from one congregation to another , hee maketh a tacite covenant to serve god in all his ordinances with that new society , but he is not thereby made a member of the visible church ; for that he was before : nor hath hee right to the seales , as they are seales of such a church , but as they are seales of the whole catholick church . the apostles ( saith the a apology ) did two things when they planted churches . they joyned them together in a church covenant . . they constituted elders in every church , acts . what the apostles did , after they converted their hearers , a baptizing , praying for them , laying on of hands , exhorting , inchurching against persecuters , disputing against adversaries , miracles ▪ are acts tending to the good of the church , not acts of planting a church . answ. . the first of these two is in question , we reade not of such a covenant , as our brethren speake of . . converting of soules after the church is constitute , is an adding to the church , and preaching tendeth to this ; the law of the lord converteth , psal. . and when the church is planted , it is not a perfect house , but stones are fitted and laid upon the corner stone dayly . . that the apostles act of planting is conversion and gathering to a visible body by a covenant , we deny ; for planting is an erecting of professors and judges or officer , whether they be converted , or not , so they professe the truth . . arg. all churches ( saith the discourse b ) are confounded , if there be not this covenant to distinguish them , smyrna is not ephesus or thyatira , none of them is laodicea . . every one of them is rebuked , for their own faults . . faith or cohabitation doth not distinguish them . , ergo , this church-covenant only doth distinguish them . answ. particular congregations differ not in essence and nature , as church covenants differ not in nature ; onely they differ in accidents and number , and it is folly to seeke differences , for church covenants make not the difference ; for ● church covenant ia common to them all . . so peter may be rebuked for his fault , and john for his , yet peter and john differ not in nature . the apology c addeth , it is not a covenant simply and is generall , that doth constitute a church , or distinguish it from another , but a covenant with application , or appropriation , to these persons , as in mariage all promise these same duties , yet a covenant applyed to this man , and this woman , maketh this man such a woman● husband , and no other man. answ. if this be all , baptisme and professed faith applied to this man rather then to this , shall as well distinguish persons and churches , as church covenants , so applied . . this is not a good and fit division , so to appropriate this pastor to this flock , as he shall be a pastor to no other people , but to them , and everteth all communion of churches and saints and denieth the use of the seales in this congregation from all members of another congregation whereas ; god hath made him a pastor in relation to the whole visible church on earth , though his labours be tyed to one determinate church ; so papists marry the bishop and his church , hence they thought it unlawsull for a bishop to d mit his church in any case , for a enaristus calleth that spirituall adultery , and we cannot approve of the b councell of antioch , and c sardis , that none can leave his wife , that is , his married church , etiamsi à populis eri● episcopus necessitate adactus ; and they say that d cres●on was condemned in the councell of carthage , for changing his wife , to wit , his church , e and innocentius . saith , the spirituall baend of mariage betwixt a bishop and his church , is stronger , then the mariage-band betwixt a man and his wife ; yea , dominicus a soto f saith , to change churches is against the law of nature , as to change wives ; yea saith innocentius . . g onnipotens deus conjugium quod est inter episcopu● & ecclesiam suo tantum judicio reservavit dissolvendum . . argu. a free people ( saith our author ) h cannot be joyned in a body , but by mutuall consent , as appeareth in all relations , betwixt parents and children , husband and wife , no church ( saith he ) i can take charge of a stranger believer comming from another congregation , unlesse he give himselfe , and offer his professed subjection to the gospell , also it is a part of the liberty wherewith christ hath made us free , that every one choose ●his own pastor , rom. . . we are to receive a weake believer ; ergo , he is to offer himselfe to the church and to their order , by covenant . answ. . it is true , the relation of pastor and free people is founded upon a tacite covenant , but this covenant is made in baptisme , for a pastor is a pastor to yound children whom ●he received into covenant , in baptisme , according to that , acts . . feed the flock over which the holy ghost hath made you overseers , now infants are of these , because he is to feed them as a pastor loveing christ his lambes and young ones , no lesse then the aged . . because hee exercised pastorall acts over young ones , when he baptizeth them , yet infants are not under a ministery by a church covenant . . the act of election includeth a tacite promise of subjection to the minister , who is elected , and the pastors acceptation of the church-office includeth a tacite promise to feede that flock , but this is no church-covenant , which i prove by one argument unanswerable . the church-covenant ( say our brethren ) is the formall cause of our churchmembership , and of a visible church , as a reasonable soule is the formall essence of a man , now the covenant that can intervene betwixt a pastor elected , and a people electing , is a posterior and later by nature , then a church-covenant ; for a people is a church , as our brethren teach ) and so constitute in its full power of all church operations , and so hath its entyre essence , and essentiall forme , before they elect a pastor , as a man must be a reasonable man , before he can exercise the second operations , or actus secundos flowing from a reasonable soule . therefore a church and pastor d●e take charge of a stranger comming to the congregation though there be no church-covenant , betwixt the pastor and stranger , for the church covenant is prior to the comming of this stranger and hath already constituted the church in its entyre essence and operations , though no stranger come at all , and though that stranger never covenant to obey the pastor , and the pastor never covenant to take care of that stranger . . whereas it is said , it is a part of the liberty wherewith christ hath made us free , that every one choose his own pastor , i see not the truth of this in scripture ; the people hath power to choose , but that is a part of christian liberty in this sense , i see not : the prophets and apostles exercised pastorall acts over many who made not choise of their ministery , yea they preached to them against their will , and paul preached as a pastor to many in corinth , against their will , and a faithfull pastor may preach to many , who never made choise of him for their pastor , and to whom the word is the savour of death unto death , and to whom he hath vengeance in readinesse . . there is no liberty purchased to us by christ , but such as is regulated by gods word , and found reason , a liberty of sole will in embracing or refusing a minister , is licence , not liberty : now in christ , we are called to liberty , not to licence , and if some of a congregation wanting the spirit of discerning upon prejudice , refuse a called pastor , to be their pastor ; yet if the most part of the congregation elect him , he is a pastor to all , and to those who refused him , as christ doth reigne in the word and ministery , over hypocrites , in a congregation , who say in their hearts we will not have this man to reigne over us ; yet here is a ministeriall charge which a pastor hath lawfully over such , as are not willing to submit to that ministery : the power of electing a pastor is not infallible ; what if they or most of them , upon sole groundlesse prejudice , refuse such a man to be their pastor , is he not their pastor because all consent not ? are we to thinke that christ purchased a liberty in his bloud of refusing a called pastor ? nor can we thinke these who taught the doctrine of the nicolaitans in pergamus , and these who held the doctrine of balaam , or that the woman jezebel which called her selfe a prophetesse in thyatira , and seduced the people of god to commit fornication , and to eate things sacrificed to idols , were received in pergamus and thyatira by a church covenant ; nor hath it colour of truth , that the faithfull there were satisfied in conscience , with the conversion of i●zabel , and such as held the doctrine of balaam , and that they consented , and did choose the angell of the congregation of pergamus , and thyatira ( as our brethren speake ) for their pastor , and yet the pastors and church are rebuked for not executing the censures of the church over the followers of balaam , revel . . , . and upon iezabel the false prophetesse ; ergo they are not all such materialls of a visible church , ( as our brethren say ) even saints by calling , and a church doth well take the charge of those , who never offered their professed subjection to christs ordinances , we are not to thinke , that these who called themselves apostles , and yet were lyers , were visible saints approved in the sight of god to the consciences of the church of ephesus , and that such did offer their professed subjection to the angell and church of ephesus , as you teach , yet that church tooke care of them , by the censures of the church , and are commended therefore , revel . . . thou canst not beare them that are evill , and hast tryed them , which say they are apostles , and hast found them liers . if a false teacher shall come to a congregation , and be a hearer for some yeares , and at length fall to , and teach pernitious doctrine , will not the church censure him , labour to stop his mouth , yea and excommunicate him , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord ? i thinke they cannot but exercise some church censures , and that the pastors convincing of such a gaine-sayer , and a stopping of his mouth , is the very pastorall charge , layd upon titus by paul , tit. . , , . as is most cleare v : . rebuke them sharply , that they may be sound in the faith . . that place ro. . is not rightly , expounded , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to receive into church-state by way of covenant , but it is , as pareus a saith , am●●ter & placide instituere , patienter tolerare , to instruct him patiently in the christian liberty about meates and dayes , and so b beza , take him in ; and far lesse , slee not his company , c marlorat , institute , fovete , donec proficiat , and so d calvin , ( e ) castellio , opitulemini , helpe him , and the word is philem. . receive him as my bowells , not unto church-state , for philemon was no pastor . question . vvhether or not , it be lawfull for one , or many particular churches , to sweare a plate-forme , and prescribed vocall covenant , called the confession of faith , of such a church . it is a fit place , having spoken so much of a church covenant , to speake of a covenant of the faith of a church ; our brethren being asked , what meanes have you to preserve unity and verity . answ. . we have ( say they ) scriptures . . the pastors , epk● . . and gods promise to leade them in all truth , ierem. . . ier. . . but this is not a right answer , for when we inquire of the meanes to preserve verity and unity , we aske for the externall meanes , whereby the scriptures are kept , from false glosses ; it is true the scriptures keepe themselves from false interpretation : but the question is , by what externall meanes doe the scriptures keepe themselves from false glosses ? the answer is not right , the scriptures keepe themselves from false glosse● , by keeping themselves from false glosse● . also the question is by what meanes doe pastors keep unity amongst themselves . it is not right answered , that pastors , by pastors , keepe ●nity amongst themselves . but we think a plat-forme ( say ●ur brethren ibid : ) of doctrine and discipline , or a confession of faith , or doctrine according to godlines , may be made by any church or person , but ( say they ) ●● plat-forme to be imposed on our selves or others , as a binding rule ●f faith , and practise , so that all men must believe and walke according to that plat-forme , without adding , altering , or omitting , we doubt whether such be lawfull , or convenient . whence our brethren con●emne the swearing or subscribing by oath , of a confession ●mposed or stinted by the church . let these considerations be weighed . . distinction , there is a principall and originall and formall ●round of faith which is the word of god in the old or new testament , this is the onely persit and formall ground of faith. . there is a secondary and materiall ground of faith , which is so far ● ground of faith and practise , as it agreeth with the vvord ●f god. . distinct. there is a confession which containeth fundamentalls only , the knowledge whereof is simply necessary for salvation , and the simple ignorance whereof condemneth ; there is a confession which containeth fundamentalls and non - fundamentalls , which are not simplie necessary to be knowen by all , necessitate ●●edii . . dist. a confession of faith , is to be respected in regard of the matter , which is divine scripture , or according to the stile , conception and in●erpretation , which is in some respect , humane . . distinct. there is a confession of a particular man , what such a person , or church believeth de facto , as the confession of ●●e belgick arminians , and a confession de jure , what every one ought to believe , as the nicen creed , the creed of ●thanasi●s . . dist. there is a confession of a faith firme and sure , quoad ●ertitudinem fidei , quoad substantiam articulorum credendo●um , sure in the articles believed , and a confession sure , quoad radicationem fidei in subjecto ; the first way all are obliged ●● believe the articles contained in the word , but we see not , how now after the canon of scripture is closed , but the certainty of faith , according to the measure of light more or lesse , as our lord more or lesse doth reveale himselfe , in a more , or lesse measure of ligh : doth not grow , wo● , or decrease , according to the certainy of faith , the second way , hence we say . . conclusion , onely the word of god is the principall and formall ground of our faith , eph. . , , . tim. . . luk. . . . concl. a confession of faith containing all fundamentall points , is so farre forth the word of god , as it agreeth with the word of god , and obligeth as a rule secundary , which wee believe with subjection to god , speaking in his owne word , and to this plat-forme wee may lawfullly sweare . . what ever wee are obliged to believe and professe as the saving truth of god , that we may lawfully sweare to professe , believe and practise , that the bond of faith may be sure : but wee are obliged to believe and professe the nationall confession of a sound church ; ergo. the proposition is cleare , from davids and the saints practise who layed bands on their soules to tie themselves to that which is lawfull , as , psal. . . i have sworn , and will performe it , that i will keep thy righteous judgements . the major is the doctrine of our dvines , and cleare , when they explaine the matter of a lawfull oath as a pareus b bucanus c tilenus , d profess leydens . e calvin , iunius , beza , piscator , zanchi● , &c. that things lawfull , may lawfully be sworne to god , observing other due circumstances . the assumption is ●●deniable . . arg. that whereof we are assured in conscience to be the truth and true religion , bringing salvation to mens soules , to that we may tie our selves , by an oath , upon the former grounds . but the sound confession of faith , set downe in a platform● is such , as we may and are to be assured of in conscience , ● the truth of god ; ergo , the assumption is proved , because what is gods word and truth , of that we are to be assured of i● conscience , as col. . . being knit together in love unto all riches of the full assurance of understanding , and heb. . . should keepe the full assurance of hope to the end , col. . , . eph. . . . if the people of the lewes did sweare a covenant with god , to keep the words of the covenant , to doe them , deut. . . , . to seeke the lord god of israel with all their heart , and with all their soule , chron. . . and if they entered into a curse , and an oath , to walke in the lords law which was given by moses the servant of god , to observe and doe all the commandements of the lord , and subscribed and sealed the covenant , with their hands , nehem. . . v. . then is it lawfull for a church to sweare , and by oath subscribe an orthodox confession . but the former is true , as the places alledged cleare ; ergo , so is the latter . that which onely may be doubted of , is the connexion of the major proposition , because israel did sweare to nothing but to moses written law , which in matter and forme was gods expresse written word ; but it will not follow , that we may sweare a plat-forme of divine truth framed and penned by men ; but the connexion notwithstanding of this remaineth sure , because israel did sweare the lords covenant , according to the true meaning and intent of the holy ghost , as it is gods word , and we also sweare a nationall covenant , not as it is mans word , or because the church or doctors , at the churches direction , have set it down in such and such words , such an order or method , but because it is gods word , so that we sweare to the sense , and meaning of the platforme of confession , as to the word of god ; now the word of god , and sense and meaning of the word is all one ; gods law and the true meaning of the law are not two different things . when a jew sweareth to the doctrine and covenant of god in the old testament , in a jewish meaning , he sweareth not to the word of god , because the word of god unsoundly expounded is not the word of god ; and though the sadducees and pharisees sweare the five bookes of moses , and the very covenant which asah and the kingdome of iud●h did sweare chron. . yet doe they not sweare the covenant of god , and that same which gods people did sweare chron. . or if any professing they worship idols should sweare that covenant , alledging the covenant doth not forbid idols to be memorials and objects by which absolute adoration is given to god , we would not thinke that they had sworne the covenant of god , but onely words of god falsely expounded , yea and made to be not gods word , but a plaine lying invention . therefore it is all one whether a church sweare a confession , in expresse words of scripture ; or a covenant in other words expounding the scriptures true meaning and sense according to the language and proper idiom of the nation and church ; for we sweare not words or a platforme as it is such , but the matter , sense , and meaning of the scriptures of god set downe in that platforme ; and it is certaine , in nehemiahs time there was some platforme , either the writings of moses , or some sound exposition thereof ; else i see not how they could seale it , nehem. . . and because of all this , we make a sure covenant , and write it , and our princes , levites and priests seale unto it . now that which was written could not but be a platforme either in scripture onely , according to the meaning of the exacters of the oath , or some interpretation ; else every man writ his owne covenant and sealed it , which is not like , for they all joyntly sware this covenant ; and the reason of this written , sworne , and sealed covenant , being morall , as is cleare , because of the apostasie of the whole church , and judgements upon them , for their apostasie , v. . and because of all this , we make , and write a sure covenant , saith the text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & in toto hoe ( vertit a arias montanus ) nos excidentes fidelitatem b iudaei excudentes faedus fidele , c iunius , pro toto hoc pepigimus constitutionem ; now sinnes , back-slidings , and judgements may be and often are in all the christian churches . . to sweare to the true religion , the defence and maintenance thereof is a lawfull oath ; as to sweare to any thing that is lawfull , and to lay a new band on our soules to performe holy duties , where we feare a breach , and finde by experience there hath beene a breach , is also a dutie of morall and perpetuall equity ; therefore such a sworne covenant is lawfull : i say not from this place , that it is necessary , that all subscribe with their hands a covenant , because i thinke onely the princes , levites , priests and heads of families did subscribe the covenant , nehem. . . but nehem. . , . the whole people , all who had separated themselves from the lands sinne , and their strange wives , even their wives , their sonnes , their daughters , every one having knowledge , and having understanding . v. . they clave to their brethren , their nobles and entered into a curse , and into an oath to walke in gods law. if it be replied , that there was in israel no written covenant drawne up by a man , and put in a mans stile , language , method , and frame , they did sweare to keepe moses his law. i answer , when we sweare a covenant , our faith doth not relie upon words , characters , stile of language , or humane method , or any humane respects , but upon the truth of god , in that platforme ; and suppose we should swear and subscribe the old and new testament translated into our vulgar language ; we doe not sweare to the translation , characters , and humane expression ; but to the matter contained in the translation ; and that because iehovah our lord hath spoken it in his word . and if this be a good argument why we cannot sweare a platforme , then should none sweare a covenant at all , or make any holy vow , but those who understand the originall languages in hebrew and greeke ; and yet the characters and imprinting is humane even in the original , so all religious covenants and oathes should be unlawfull . . argum. what a church or person is to suffer for , or to believe , and obliged to render account of to every one that asketh account of us , that we may sweare , and seale with our hands , because what we are to suffer death for , and the losse of temporall life , for which we owe a reckoning to god by vertue of the ●ixt commandement , that is a matter of truth which we professe before god and men , and our dying for the truth , is a sort of reall oath , that we are before god professing that truth , is to be preferred to our life . but we are to suffer ( if god call us ) even death for the true religion , revel . . . act. . , . luk. . . phil. . , . ●nd the truth ; and we are obliged to believe , and to give account thereof before all men , and a reason of our faith and hope , pet : ● , . ergo , we may sweare it . argum. . if an oath to the true religion , and forme of wholesome doctine , be a speciall remedy against back●iding , and a meane to keepe off false and heretical doctrine ; then is such an oath lawfull : but the former is true ▪ ergo ; the proposition is cleare ; gods people say , nehem. . . because of all this ; that is , because they had done wickedly , and were tempted still to doe more , therefore they write and seale a covenant ; and if false teachers teach , circumcision must be if we● would be saved , then the church may , according to acts . condem●e that false doctrine by the vvord of god , and set downe canons which the churches are to observe ; and what they are to observe as warranted by gods vvord , layeth on bands upon the conscience , and what layeth on such a band , that wee may binde our selves , by oath , to performe , it being a speciall remedy lawfull against backsliding from the truth . . arg. our brethren have their grounds and reasons against the swearing of confession common to them , with the arminians and socinians , and their arguments are all one ; for a arminians censure the belgick confession and the pala●ines catechisme , and propound thirteene questions against it , as the third question is , an quaecunque dogmata in confessione & cat●chisme tractantur talia sunt , ut cuilibet christiano ad salutem creditu necessaria sint . and their seventh question is , if such confessions may be called secundaria fidei norma ; a secundary rule of faith : also all confessions , say they , b declare that confessions serve not to teach what we ought to beleeve , but what the authors of these confessions did beleeve . hence they reject all the determinations of the orthodox councels , condemning the heresies of arrius , eutiches , macedonius , apollinaris , sabelli● , samosate●us , pelagius , and all the oxthodox confessions of the reformed churches . secondly , also upon these grounds they alledge in their apologie c there be few things to be beleeves , that every sect may be the true church , so they beleeve some few articles not controverted amongst christians , such as these , th● there is a god , and that the word of god is true , &c. thirdly , they will not condemne the macedonians , arrians , anti-trinitar●● , pelagians , or others , of fundamentall herefies . fourthly , that one church of christians may be made up of papists , protestants , anabaptists , macedonians , sabellians , &c. and all sects so they leade a good life , according to the few articles necessary to salvation , may be saved , and all may be saved of any sect or religion . fifthly , that to sweare declarations , confessions , canons of orthodox councels , is to take away the liberty of prophesying and growing in the knowledge of the word of god , and the praying for grace and light of the holy spirit for the right meaning of gods word . sixthly , that athanasius spake amisse , when he said of the creed , that it was to be beleeved of every one who is to bee saved , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the same is the doctrine of the socinians , who doe in all these oppose all confessions of faith , and all orthodox decisions , canons , and determinations of sinods . so a socinus rejecteth all synods , all confessions and decisions even of the church universall . so b smalcius cal●eth it a rejecting of the word of god. and c theol. nico●aides saith , that it is enough to know things absolutely necessary for salvation ; and that the churches determination cannot remove errours and heresies . our brethens first argument against a nationall covenant ● , d if the doctrine contained in your platforme of confession ●warve from the scriptures , then the imposing thereof is so farre unlawfull ; if the doctrine be according to scripture , the platforme is ●eedlesse , the scripture being sufficient . ans. . this is the argument of arminians , episcopius saith , e and expresly f smalcius , qui vnlt sensum scripturae ab il●s ( confessionibus ) peti , tacitè deserit scripta apostolica , & traditiones humanas commendat . and therefore such decisions are ●ay the g remonstrantes ) pestes ecclesiarum & regni an●christi , idest , tyrannidis fulcra & tibicines . secondly , this ar●ument may be as well propounded against the preaching of the word , all printed sermons , commentaries , and interpretation of scripture , as against a confession : for if the doctrine in ser●ons bee not agreeable to scripture , then in so farre as ministers commend and command it to their hearers , it is unlawf●ll ; if it be agreeable to the scripture , it is needlesse , the scriptures ( saith the socinian smalcius ) are sufficient . our brethren answer , preaching is an ordinance of god , but a ●atforme of confession is not an ordinance of god. answ. a platforme , as it is conceived , in such a stile , me●hod , and characters , and words , is a humane ordinance , tali ●rie & ordine , and so is preaching ; but we sweare to no plat-●orme in that consideration ; but a platforme according to the truth contained in it , in which sense onely it is sworne unto , is the word of god , as are systemes of divinity , ●ermons printed and preached , and so though preaching be an ordinanced god , as it is , rom. . . yet according to the words , expression , dialect method , or doctrine , it is an humane ordinance ; and so the argument is against preaching as against our platforme . our brethrens second argument is ▪ the platforme abridgeth christian liberty , to try all things , and so though it be some means of unity , yet it is a dangerous hinderance of some verity , binding men to rest upon their former apprehensions , and knowledge , without libery to better their judgements . ans. . this in stile of language and truth of words is the very argument of arminian● . so in their a preface , and in their b apology it selfe they say . all liberty of prophecing and disputing against the orthodox faith is taken away , if men be tied and obliged to decisions and confessions of churches , and synods . yea to make an end of controversies ( saith c episcopius ) otherwayes then by perswading , is to bring a tyranny into the church of jesus christ , and wonderfully to bind , if not to take away liberty of consciences ; so in their apology they say , confessions and decisions of synods imposed by oath , and to be firmely believed ar● contrary to the prayers of saints , where they pray , that god would teach them his starutes , and reveale his law and testimonies ●● them , and open their eyes to behold the wonders of gods law. but the truth is , though these of berea did well to try pauls doctrine , if it was consonant to the scriptures , or not . yet pauls doctrine was the determination apostolick of gods spirit , to the which they were firmely to adhere , and their judgements are to be bettered , in graduali revelatione creditorum , ●●● revelatione plurium credendorum , in cleare revelation of things revealed . for so the children of god are to grow in grace , and in the knowledge of our lord and saviour , pet. . . after christ is once revealed : but not in believing in a new christ , or in believing of poynts contrary to the confession of faith . the argument presupposeth the doctrine of the arminians , that there be a number of points in our confession , of which we have no certainty of faith , that they are gods truth , but are things controverted , and , being not fundamentall poynts , may be holden , or we may forsake them , as false , after better information . which indeed maketh our faith of gods word , ●o full perswasion , but as the learned professors of leyden d say , a faith of an houre , or a month , or a yeare , which we may ●ast away , the next yeare . and this is to deny all confessions and points of truth , with pretence that the spirit hath revealed new truth : but how are these new revealed truths ( the revelation whereof wee obtaine by prayer ) rather workes of the spirit of truth ; then the former poynts which wee retract ? no man by this can be rooted and built in the faith , of any thing , except in the faith of things simply fundamentall . by which meanes all poynts at least many of them betwixt us and papists , arminia● , macedonians , sabellians , arrians , anabap●tiste , are matters reconcileable ; and either side may be holden , without hazard of salvation . neither is this definition of confessions any tyranny . because confessions are to be believed , in so far , as they are agreable to gods word , and lay upon us an obligation secondary onely , yet are they not so loose , as that we may leap from poynts of faith , and make the doctrine of faith arena gladiatoria a fencing field for gamesters and fencers . the materiall object of our faith , and the secondary ground and foundation thereof , may be very well , and is , gods word ; primary is preaching , confessions , creeds , symbols , which are not serie & ordine scripturae : and yet have wee certainty of divine faith in these things , because the formall object is , because god so saith in hi● scripture , and wee believe these with certainty of divine faith , under this reduplication , because the lord hath spoken these quoad sensum , in true meaning , though not in illâ scrie & ordine ; but more of this hereafter . chap. . sect . . touching officers and their election . our author laboureth to prove that pastors and doctors are different officers , which wee will not much improves , but if the meaning be , that they are inconsistent , in one man person , wee are against him . . because the apostles in their owne persons , and in feeding the flock , tim. . doth both under the name of overseers and bishops , and exercised both , as they could , according as they did finde the auditory . . because the formall objects the informing of the judgement , and exhorting are not so different , as that they should be imcompatible , for if god give them gifts both for the doctors chaire , and the pastors pulpit , as hee often doth , what should hinder but the church may call one and the same man , to both the pastor and the doctors chaire , as hee is able to , overtake both . author . . reas. cor. . . to one is given a word of wisdom● ( for direction of practice , ) to another a word of knowledge ( for direction of judgement . ) ans. this proveth they be different gifts and offices , yet not that they are incompatible in one person , as one may have both gifts given unto him , as is cleare by experience . reas. author ib. hee speaketh of diverse members of the church , as of diverse members of the naturall body , v. . . all the members have not one office , it is the action of the tongue to speak , not to see . ans. the comparison holdeth not in all . the eye cannot heare , the eare cannot see , yet the pastor may both see as pastor , and heare and delate to the church , as the churches eare , the manners of the scandalous . . reas. author , if the apostle speake of severall exercises of severall gifts , but both coincident to the same person or church office ; why then doth he command the teacher to waite on teaching , and the exhorter upon exhorting ? one who hath a gift of giveing almes , and shewing mercy , is not commanded to wait upon almes giving , unlesse it be his office , as well as his gift . ans. it is not fit that the doctor should attend the pastorall duties , except he be a pastor also , and have both gift and office , but having gifts for both , he may attend both , as the church calleth him to both . author . teaching and exhorting flow from severall gifts , and they are seldome found in one in eminency . ans. then where they are found in one in eminency ( as sometimes they are ) either hath god given a talent , for no use , which is against the wisdome of gods dispensation , or then hee who hath gifts for both , may discharge both , as hee may and can through time and strength of body . but wee contend not with our brethren in this , seeing they confesse , he that is gifted for both , may attend both . chap. . sect . . of ruling elders . we subscribe willingly to what our author saith , for the office of ruling elders in the church . for paul , rom. . . from foure principall acts requisite in christs house and body , v. , , . teaching , exhorting , giveing of almes , r●ling , maketh foure ordinary officers , teachers , pastors , deacons and elders . opposite to the office of ruling elders , object , that by rulers may be understood , governours of families . ans. families as they are such , are not churches , but parts of the church , and cleare it is that the apostle speaketh of christs body , the church in that place . . as we have many members in one body , &c. they object that paul speaketh of severall gifts , not of publick offices in the church , for he speaketh of all the power and actions , of all the members of the body of christ ; now the offices alone are not the body , but all the multitude of believers . ans. this cannot well be answered , by these , who make all the believers governours , and a generation of kings and teachers : because it is expresly said , v. . all members have not the same office . ergo , they are not all to attend ruling , and to rule with diligence . . 〈◊〉 is false that he speaketh not of officers , and publick officer . hee who speaketh of reigning doth indeed speak of a king , as he who speaketh of exhorting which is the specifick act of a pastor , speaketh of a pastor . the place , ● cor. . . . is cleare for ruling elders : but some say , that governours are but arhiters , which paul biddeth the corinthians set up in the church for decyding of civill controversies . . cor. . that they goe not to law one against another ▪ before heathen judges . ans. paul commandeth to obey judges , but never to set up a new order of judges in their roome . . these arbitees we●● not governours to command , but rather faithfull christians to counsell , and remove controversies , or christian reconcilers to hinder them to goe to the law , one with another before infi●●● judges . . the apostle is speaking here of such officers as christ hath set in the church , as the church and kingdom of christ , but these civill arbitrators , are no church-officers , ●● tim. . . the elders who rule well are worthy of double honour , &c. this place speaketh cleare for ruling elders . the adversaries say : here are meant deacons to whom are allowed stipends , for either here , or elsewhere wages are allowed for deacons . answ. . paul would not speake so honorably of deacons , as to allow them the worth of a double honorable reward . yea gods word purteth the deacons out of the roll of rulers and governours in gods house , as having nothing to doe by their office to labour in the word and prayer , but are in gods wisdome set lower to attend tables , nor doth the word call them elders , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in relation to the church but onely in relation to their owne family and house . tim. . . their office is an office of meere service of tables . . he is a labouring elder worthy of wages , that the apostle speaketh of here , as , v. . the deaconship being to receive the mercy and charity , which is almes , and not debt , cannot be such an office as taketh up the whole man , so as hee must live upon the churches charges . . bilson a a man partiall in this cause , against the minde of all the ancients ( saith didoclavius b giveth this interpetation . but it is seconded with no warrant of gods word , for governours and deacons are made two species of officers , rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he who ruleth with diligence , and he who hath mercy with chearefulnesse . and two opposite species are not predicated , the one of the other . and if well governing , rom. . be ●ell teaching and diligent exhorting , all are confounded in that text , where the apostle marshalleth the officers and their severall exercises so accurately . nor can hee meane here bishops so old that they are not now ab●e to labour in the word and doctrine , for then pasto●s for their age and inhability to preach , should because of their age and infirmity , deserve lesse honour and reward , then the yonger who are able to labour in the word and doctrine . this is crosse to the sift commandement , which addeth honour and double honour to age , and gray haires , being found in the way of righteousnesse . . against justice , that because yeares and paines in gods service , hath made them aged , for that they are to have lesse honour and reward : whereas they deserve the double ; rather then that the younger should be preferred to them . nor. . can the apostles meaning be , that these who rule well that lead an exemplarily holy life , are worthy of honour , especially painefull preachers . because . a person is never called a labourer , and worthy of hire , as the oxe that treadeth out the corne , because of holinesse of life , especially the church ●s not to give stipend to a pastor , for his holy life . . their life should be exemplarily holy , who did not labour in the word and doctrine , that is , we have a pastor passing holy in his life , but he cannot preach , or keepeth an ill conscience in his calling , because he is lazy and a loyterer in preaching . . what word of god , or dialect in the word expresseth a holy life , by well gover●ing , for a holy life is the sanctity of mans conversation be he a private , or a publick man. but to govern well , is the paraphase of a good governour and officer , in the greeke tongue or any other language . nor. . can the apostle understand by labourers in the word and doctrine ( as bilson a saith ) such as w●nt thorough the earth , and made j●urnies , as apostles and evangelists did , to plant visit and confirme churches , and by these who govern well , such as labour indeed in the word and doctrine , but are fixed to a certaine place . i answer , then the well ruling elders are not labourers in the word and doctrine ; for out of question one of the species of elders here mentioned , doe not labour in word and doctrine at all . but by this interpretation , both labour in the word and doctrine ; but the one in a fixed place , the other by apostolike journeys through the world. and the object of one of these offices , to wit , the word and doctrine differenceth the one from the other , whose object must be not the word and doctrine ; for word and doctrine need not to be governed , but the church , and persons in church-state need to be governed . . there is no warrant of the word , that to labour in the word is proper to the apostles and evangelists , journeying through the world , seeing ( as a didoclavius observeth● ) the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is ascribed to those who in a fixed place labour , thes. . , . who labour amongst you . yea , and it is taken for any travell of minde or body in the word . . he is not here to deny , nor can the apostle deny , but travelling apostles and evangelists did governe well , especially in planting elders in every church , and governing the planted churches , but he cannot speake of travelling to the wearying of the body : when the object of travelling is exprest , to wit , ( in word and doctrine ) which object is not given to the well ruling elder . a more speciall consideration of ruling elders , deacons , and widdowes . tim. . . after the apostle hath spoken of widdowes , and their service in the church , he passeth from them to speake of excellenter officers , to wit , of the ruling and the teaching elders . there be many interpretations ( say the opposers of ruling elders ) given upon this place ; and therefore it is hard to build a new church-officer on a text so obnoxious to various debates . answ. this would be concludent in part , if the nature of the text were the native seminary of these various interpretations ; but most of these debates arise from the wits of parties interressed in the question , such as papists , prelates , or deniers of all church-government . but i provoke to all the fathers , especially to chrysostome and the greeke fathers , who have expounded the place , if any ever did deny but this place holdeth forth two sorts of elders , though i grant they vary concerning the elders , which labour not in the word and doctrine . and this interpretation , elders who rule well are worthy of double honour , especially 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because , or upon this consideration and respect , that they labour in the word and doctrine , was never knowne till of late . but we desire these five circumstances in the text to be considered ; for we build not our interpretation on any one , or two , or three of them , but we desire they may be looked on copulatively ; for i confesse a participle being attributum , or quasi attributum , though doubled or multiplied , doth not multiply subjects , because two , six , an hundred attributes may agree to one subject ; and the scripture and greeke language can well beare this . as col. . . i am present with you in the spirit , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) rejoycing and beholding your order . one paul onely did both rejoyce and behold . and pet. . . what manner of persons ought we to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , looking for and hastening unto the comming of the day of god. here is no multiplying of persons . . i confesse also , that two articles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doe not multiply subjects , or make a distinction of divers sorts of persons . as revel . . . these things saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is one and the same jesus who holdeth the seven starres in his right hand , and who walketh in the middest of the golden candlestickes . but we desire that the confluence of these five may be looked unto : as . there is a genus , a generall attribute , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders ; and this agreeth both to well ruling elders , and to those which labour in the word and doctrine . . there be here two participles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . two articles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . two species , two kinds of elders , under the generall attribute of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as the one species or kind is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such elders as rule well ; and the other kinde of elders be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as labour in the word , as pastors ; and in doctrine , as doct●rs . and fiftly , which is most considerable , here be two participles , two articles , two speciall elders divided and separated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the discretive particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and i provoke to all the authours of the greeke language , demost●enes , isocrates , aristophanes , pindarus , &c. to the septuagint in the old testament , to the whole new testament for one parallel place , where one and the same subject or kinde is so expressed , except you play foule play to the text : also that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a particle of discretion and multiplication of divers kinds , to me is cleare , ●● ti●us . vers . . there ●● many unruly and vaine talkers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especially those of the circumcision , if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the particle ( especially ) doe not divide two sorts of vaine talkers , some vaine talkers of the circumcision , and some vaine talkers not of the circumcision ; then must this particle conjoyne them , and make no vaine talkers , save onely these of the circumcision ; and paul shall say then , there be many unruly and vaine talking persons of the circumcision , but especially those of the circumcision ; which non-sense is not to be ascribed to the spirit of god , so tim. . . who is the saviour of all men , especially of believers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doe not inferre that christ is the saviour of some who believe , and in a generall sence a saviour of some who believe not ; then must christ bestow one and the same salvation on all men , and also on beleevers , which neither arminians nor common sence can affirme , tim. . . he who provideth not for his olvne , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especially for those of his own house . if it be not required that a believer provide for two sorts , to wit , these of his family , children and servants in an especiall manner ; and for friends also , who are not of his owne house ; then will paul have the believer to provide for none but for his owne house , which doth belie the text , which saith , he must provide for all his owne , and in a speciall manner for his owne house ; now if he be to provide for them , for this respect because they are of his owne house , then by this text he is not to provide for his brethren , sisters , and blood-friends , because they are not of his owne as members of his house , or his owne , gal. . . let us doe good to all , but especially , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to those who are of the houshold of faith . ergo , we are to doe good to some who are of the houshold of faith , and to some who are not of the houshold of faith ; except you say the text doth beare onely , that we are to doe good to none , save onely to those who are of the houshold of faith , which is non-sense , phil. . . all the saints , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , salute you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 especially those of caesars house . hence two sorts of saints saluted the philippians , some saints of caesars house , and some not of caesars house ; this you must say if you will not have the text to beare either that no saints did salute the philippians , save onely the saints of caesars house , contrary to sense ; for the text saith , all the saints ( here with me at rome ) salute you . otherwaies you must say , that the reason and motive why the saints saluted the philippians , was because they were saints of caesars house , as you say , the speciall cause and respect why the well ruling pastor is worthy of double honour , is because he laboureth in the word and ' doctrine ; for so you expound it . now this is two waies false , for . this can be no respect and cause why all the saints saluted the philippians , except all the saints which did salute them were onely the saints of caesars house ; and so both the argument should be false , and the conclusion false , for they were not all of caesars house who saluted the philippians . nor . was this the reason why they did salute them ; for the saints did salute the philippians upon this ground of christian relation , because they were saints , and loved one another in christ , and not upon this civill and common consideration , because they were caesars domestickes , and courtiers with the emperour . so a tim. . . bring with thee the cloake which i left at troas , and bookes , but especially the parchments . and thus doe also the hebrews speake , prov. . . retribution shall be made to the just , far more to the wicked . here be clearely two sorts of retributions , and two kinds of persons which are recompenced . and prov. . . the li●s of honour are not seemely for a foole , much lesse is falsity to a liberall man , or to a prince . i know these examples doe not every way come home to our point , but they prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to the hebrews a note of discretion ; as also , ● psalm . . v. . is even as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to the greekes . it is true , where a genus and a species , a generall and a speciall under that are set downe , ( for as much as genus & species non faci●nt numerism ) there is no need that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the particle ( especially ) should be as a note of dicretion or multiplication . as if ( i should say , a iudge is to be honoured , but especially judging righteously , ) i should not inferre that there are two sorts of judges ; but the case is not so here , because two species are expresly set downe , to wit , those who rule well , and those who labour in the word and doctrine . and if i should say , ( a iudge judging righteously for all , is worthy of much honour , especially he that judgeth righteously for the widow and the orphane ) i should in this hold forth , either two sorts of righteous judges , or then i should say no other , but he who judgeth righteously for a●● , is to be honoured , especially he who judgeth righteously for these , and these comprehended under this ( all . ) thirdly , i should in that also say that there be two things , though not two sorts of judges , worthy of much honour , to wit , the office of a iudge , and his equall and unpartiall judging are both worthy of double honor . but paul is not here allowing honour to the office in abstracto , and in a generall notion , but to the officer in specie and in concreto , who doth rule well , and labour in the word and doctrine . object . . but paul doth here understand by him that ruleth well , the civill magistrate . answ. when paul is here speaking of the oeconomy of gods house , it is not consonant to the text , that he would instruct timothy of the wages due to the emperour nero , and yoice the emperour in one verse , with the pastor and the doctor labouring in the word and doctrine , and prove from the law that the mouth of nero should not be muzled . nor doth the vvord give this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to magistrates , but some higher stiles , calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tit. . . principalities and powers , rom. . . secondly , this text would prove that double wages were due to paul above nero the emperour , and that pastors are more to bee honoured then emperours and kings . thirdly , the text speaks clearly of two parallel species of elders in the church , but the magistrate is no parallel line with preaching elders . object . . by those who rule well , are understood deacons , who take care of the poore . answ. didoclavius observeth , that deacons are never called rulers , but distinguished from them , rom. . . secondly , the well ruling here taketh up the halfe of the pastors office , and all that belongeth thereunto , except labouring in the word and doctrine ; as to receive accusations against an elder , to judge and governe with the pastor , to visit the sicke , to exhort and rebuse in a judiciall way ; but to serve tables , and to take care of the poore onely , is the least and most inferiour part of well-governing of gods house , and is but a care for their bodies : vvhereas to rule well , is an ecclesiasticall magistracy , to goe in and out before gods people , to watch for their soules , as those which must give an accompt , hebr. . . thess. . . the deacon careth for the body onely , and the deacon , that bilson and others would have with him , is neither in this place , nor in all gods vvord , as we shall heare . o● . . by these who rule well , are understord , bishops , who for age , cannot preach yet rule well . ans. surely these who have laboured in the word and doctrine , and spent their strength in painefull preaching , and now , in old age , rule well , cannot in reason bee thought worthy of lesse honour and wages , then preaching elders , but above them , as emeriti milites are not to be degraded : and if they have never laboured in the word and doctrine , they being bishops , by office , must be dumb dogs , and worthy of no honour at all . . they cannot rule well , as pastors , and yet be dumbe , and not labour in the word . . the text speaketh not of elders , aetate , by age , but of elders , officio , by office , who labour , as work-men in a vineyard , v. . ob. . by ruling well he meaneth a holy life , so as he meaneth not only that pastors should live holily , but also preach painfully . answ. didoclavius answereth , that then all that live holily , should have stipend , as workmen ; and certainly if paul had spoken nothing of these who labour in the word and doctrine , yet the text doth hold forth that these who rule well , and doe not labour in the word and doctrine are worthy of honour ; for the comparative here , or superlative degree , doth well inferre the positive degree . but . ministers shall bee worthy of honor , though they preach not . . the arguments which i brought , to prove , and that undeniably , that there be two sorts of elders , in the text fight against this sense , which inferreth that their is but one sort of preaching elders here , to whom double honor is due , for two respects , to wit , holinesse of life , and painfull preaching . . holinesse of life in all gods word , is never expressed by well governing , which is a worke of a publick church-officer , as is cleare . rom. . . thess. . . . holinesse of life is common to all private christians , yea and to women , who cannot rule , nor rule well . ob. . the rulers here ought to have wages , as workmen , but your elders have no wages . ergo , your elders are not in this text. answ. that is not concluded , which is in question ; for the assumption should be , but your elders ought to have no wages , and are worthy of no honour , ) and the assumption is onely de facto , ( they have none ) . this argument might prove that a noble man , called to be a minister , if he should take no stipend , were not a lawfull minister ; and paul then was no lawfull pastor , at corinth , because hee refused stipend ; but stipend is due to both pastor and elder , and in the case of scandall , it is due to neither of them , hic & hunc . ob. . if there be two sorts of elders here , there must be two sorts of bishops , for presbyter and bishop are synonyma , and one and the same , as is cleare , tit. . , . acts . . they are called elders , and v. . bishops . but we cannot admit of two sorts of bishops : some to rule , and some to preach , that were antichristian . answ. though there be two sort of elders here , it doth not follow that there be two sorts of bishops : and it is not proved because elder and bishop are not proved to be synonyma from the alledged places , genus & species , as a living creature and a man are not synonyma , but have different definitions . gladius & ensis have the same definitions , as a man and a discoursing creature are synonyma . an elder is a generall , and a bishop a sort of elder , and an apostle is an elder , and so peter tearmeth himselfe , pet. . . an elder : ●u● divines say that a preaching elder , and a bishop are synonyma , one and the same , and synonyma non faciunt mum●rum , as gladius & ensis : but they never taught that an elder in general and a bishop , are synonyma and the same , nor doe the places , acts . tit. . prove it ; for if they be all preaching elders , to whom paul preached at ephesus , acts . as the text seemeth to make them , acts , , . then the elders that paul called for v. . are preaching elders , and the same with bishops v. . and tit. . paul willeth titus to ordaine elders , that is , both preaching & ruling elders , and there he giveth an instance in preaching elders , or bishops , and sheweth what sort of men bishops should be . . if there be two sorts of elders , tim. . . then should there be two sorts of bishops ; i distinguish the proposition , then are there two sorts of preaching bishops , i deny the proposition in this sense , but if the meaning be , there be two species of bishops , or overseers , one ruling overseers , and another preaching bishops , we shall not contend for the word , if we agree upon the thing , though i much doubt , if the ruling elder in the scripture , come under the name of bishop or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . this objection falleth under the stroake of the arguments proving that there be two sorts of elders in this text , and how they can bee answered , i know not . ob. . that office is not in scripture , whose characters , qualities , and notes are not specified in scripture , as the characters of a deacon are , tim. . and of a bishop ibid. but the characters , qualites and notes of a ruling elder are not in the scripture , ergo , &c. answ. . i deny the major proposition ; for then , because the scripture saith not , an apostle should be blameles , the husband of one wife , vigilant , sober , and thus and thus , and an evangelist should be thus and thus , and a prophet should be thus and thus qualified , therefore apostles , evangelists , prophets , are not in scripture . it is true these were but temporall offices , yet it is enough to take off and breake the argument , for these temporary ●ffices , must be no lesse warranted , by the word , except they be unlawfull , then the offices that are of perpetuall indurance . . i distinguish the major proposition , that office is not in scripture , whose characters are not in scripture , neither in one particular place , expresly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is not true ; for baptism : in no one place is so expresly set downe in scripture , from all its characters in particular , as is the supper of the lord , which is described , mat. . luk. . mark. . cor. . in the elements , sacred actions , prayer , consecration , words of institution , efficient , forme , end , gesture , &c. yet is baptisme for that not excluded from the classe and number of gods ordinances and seales , or , that office is not in scripture whose characters are not in scripture , nether in divers places of scripture , nor by good consequence , and lawfull analogy with other its fellow offices , that i yeeld willingy : but now the assumption is false : for as baptisme by analogy is described in many of its characters , as prayer , consecration of the elements , end &c. when the supper of the lord is described , making a just proportion betwixt baptisme and the other sacrament , and by other places of scripture , so is the ruling elder in his characters described ; when the bishop his fellow-officer is described . . the assumption also is false ; for the ruling elder is described out of this text. . negatively , that hence is gathered , by strong consequence , as is said , that he is an elder who laboureth not in the word and doctrine . . hee is described affirmatively , for an office is sufficiently described , when the specifick acts thereof are set downe , as a man is described when wee say , hee is a creature who doth discourse , and make use of reason ; so is this elder described , when wee say it is his office to rule well , tim. . . hee is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and a government which christ hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instituted in the body , cor. . . and he is rom. . . an organ and member of christs body , whose office it is to rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with diligence , rom. , . ob. . but it is but a generall , that he rule , we have not these wherein the particulars of his ruling , consist . ans. if this be strong , you have not , tim. . the particulars of the pastorall teaching , but onely the generals , a bishop must be apt to teach . yet in other places we have the particulars , a● instructing , rebuking , confuting , convincing ; so what ever the scripture saith of the preaching elders ruling , that same is saith of the ruling elders ruling , seeing the ruling elder is the assistant officer to help the preaching elder , and both of them with the doctor are to rule the house of god. ob. . but if ruling be the specifick and essentiall note of the ruling elder , he cannot be a speciall officer different from the preaching elder , for what is essentiall to one species cannot agree to another , and what constituteth one species , doth not agree to another . answ. this connexion may well be denied , and it is said well by one ; the ruling elder solùm regit , doth onely governe , sed non solus regit , but he doth not govern his alone , but with the pastor and doctor . from these things i infer that as this is not a good consequence , mat. . luk. . mark. . the spirit of god doth set downe the lords supper in all its materialls , and passeth over baptisme in silence , and goeth to another subject ; ergo , baptisme is not the other sacrament of the new testament so neither is this a good consequence , ( paul , tim. . discribeth the bishop , and over skippeth the ruling elder , passing to the deacon ; ergo , the ruling elder is not an ordinance of god ) for while hee describeth the bishop , he teacheth what an one , both the doctor , and ruling elder should be , by cleare analogy , and it had beene superfluous for the holy ghost to say more , then he doth . and by this wee may answer to what is tenthly objected , the ruling elder is omitted in christs roll , eph. . . ergo , there is no such officer . answ. it followeth in no sort negatively , from one particular place of scripture , rev. . it is said onely god hath made us kings and priests unto god ; ergo , he hath not made us prophets also , the contrary is , esai . . . ioh. . . so because , it is life eternall to know the father , and the sonne , joh. . socinians collect ; erge , the holy spirit is not god , because no mention is made of him , in this place . . in this place paul ennumerateth offices necessary rather for planting churches , then for ruling churches already constituted and planted : miracles and tongues are ad benè esse ; elders and deacons are not named here , because they are for the leading on of the church , and the body already set up in a visible frame , and therefore reckoned out , rom. . . . cor. . . and consider , i pray you , how uncertaine and lubrick a way it is to pin gods spirit , and to fetter him to any one place in his enumerations , behold , rom. . ▪ all the ordinary officers are expressed , and yet apostles , evangelists , miracles , tongues are omitted , all which are ennumerated , cor. , . yet are specifick acts of prophets , teachers omitted , cor. . at lest onely spoken of in generall under the notion of hearing , seeing , walking , and rom. . they be more particularly set downe . and . tim. . phil. . . onely bishops and deacons are mentioned , and governments , and elders ruling well ●mitted ; and also all the extraordinary officers are omitted , and yet mentioned , cor. . , . and miracles , tongues , deacons , governments are omitted , eph. . . and , tim. . . preachers , rulers , doctors are expressed , deacons and extraordinary officers , apostles , evangelists , &c. passed over in silence : ob. . the keyes are not given to this ruling elder , ergo , he is no lawfull officer : the antecedent is proved , the keyes of jurisdiction , because they can operate nothing , but by the key of knowledge , cannot be given to this new officer , now the key of knowledge is given only to the preaching elder . ans. all dependeth upon this false proposition ; to these only are the keyes of jurisdiction , and power of binding and loosing given , to whom the keyes of knowledge are given , ) for though the one key worke nothing without the other , yet the proposition is not from this made good , for the key of knowledge , and the power of pastorall preaching is given , uni subjectivè , non unitati nisi objectivè , to one man as to the subject , and to the church , for her salvation and good , as for the end and object ; and the pastor being once ordained a pastor , may use these keyes , quoad specificationem independently , for hee may preach mercy and wrath , not waiting the churches suffrages , et potestas clavium quoad jurisdictionem data ●st ecclesiae & subjectivè & objectivè , & data est non uni , sed unitati : but the power of the keyes , in censures , for binding and loosing is given to no one mortall man , but to the church , both as to the subject , and the object . i meane the ministeriall church ; and not one man pastor , pope , o● prelate may use the keyes , the church hath them , and can onely validly use them . ob. . but how is it proved that ruling elders are of divine institution ? ans. god hath placed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ruling elders in the body , as is said , cor. . . and this is , rom. . . compared with v. . an office that christ hath appointed , and as these places prove the exhorter or pastor to be of divine institution , and the apostle , teacher , prophet , cor. . . and the elder who laboureth in the word and doctrine , to be an instituted worke-man worthy of wages , tim. . , . so must they prove the man who ruleth well , and with diligence , to be of divine appointment . ob. . but the ruling in diligence , rom. . . and the governments , cor. . . are generalls , and so cannot constitute a speciall office , in the body : for it is against logick , that that which is generall , and common to all the officers , can constitute a species , or a speciall kind : answ. this obligeth the opponent , to teach , what is meant by governors , whether magistrates , but these be not an office in christs body as is here said , rom. . . and cor. . , . or doe they meane masters of families ? but these be parts of heathen societies , as well as of christian , and a family as it is such , is not the church . . nor can hee meane here of preachers , for rom. . . cor. . . the exhorter and the ruler with diligence , the teacher , and prophet , and governments are clearely differenced , as different organs of the body , eye , eare , hand , foote , cor. . , . rom. . . nor ( ) can they understand rulers in generall : for , a genus , a generall doth not exist , or have actuall subsistence , but in some determinnate species ; as a living creature doth not subsist but in man , or in some specifick nature of birds and beasts : now god is sayd to place these governments in the body , cor. . . even as the eye , and eare and hand are seated in the body , cor. . , , . now as a generall eye , or an organ in generall is not placed in the body , but such a determinat organ , an eye , an eare , an hand , a foot ; so neither hath the wisdome of christ appointed a governor in generall , and left it to the churches discretion to specifie what this governour shall be , whether a prelate , a pastor , a ruling elder : but as god hath not set teachers in the body in generall , but hee hath placed such and such species , apostles , not popes , evangelists , not cardinalls ; so must hee have determined such and such governors , ruling elders , rather then a certaine creature named a diocesan prelate , an uncouth beast in the holy scripture . a very jesuite , salmeron , saith , by the two elders hee meaneth , tim. . . ( apertè sermonem esse de presbyteris & episcopis ) of elders and pastors , and with that of ambrosius , which wee all know to be ruling elders , who were out of use in the church , by the negligence , or rather by the pride of preaching elders , forte doctorum d●sidiâ , aut magis superbiâ ; and we are not to thinke , chrysostom was ignorant of his mother tongue , and hee findeth tim. . . two sorts of elders in this place , and a popish expositor estius , porrò manefeste colligitur ex hac sententia , fuisse , etiam apostolorum tempore , quosdam in ecclesia presbyteros , qui & benè praeessent , & duplici honore digni essent , nec tamen labotarent in verbo & doctrinâ , neque id hodierni sectarii negant ; and all the haeresie that he layeth on calvin , in this point , is that calvin maketh these lay-men ; and estius maketh a question what these elders were , whether they be the cardinalls , which the pope hath , or the canonicall elders , which their bishops use as councellors in grave matters , or elders which rule well , and labour not in the word and doctrine , such as were in the apostles time , or rather such as did help the bishops in offering sacrifice , and in administrating the sacraments ; or if they be such as rule the people , but cannot preach , such as alipius and val●rius were in augustines time ; so estius knoweth not what these elders bee , but inclineth to make them elders to the apostles , in the administration of the sacraments . ob. . but rom. . . the apostle speaketh of divers gifts , as v. . having then gifts , differing according to the grace , that is given to us , whether prophecy , let us prophecy , &c. ergo , the apostle doth not speak of divers offices . . one and the same man may both teach , and exhort , and therefore pastor and doctor are not here differenced . . the deacons office shall be here described , by the interjection of the ruling elder , but the two acts of the deacon , which is to give with simplicity , and , to shew mercy with cheerefulnesse , and which is an insolent order , therfore the apostle doth not here ennumerate divers offices . answ. there is no better consequence in this , to say , he speaketh of divers gifts ; ergo , he speaketh not of divers offices , then to say , he speaketh of divers faculties and habilities in the naturall body , as of an hability of seeing , hearing ; ergo , hee acknowledgeth not divers members with divers offices , as the eye to see , the e●re to heare , yea the contrary is rather a good consequence ; and the text is cleare that he speaketh of divers offices , v. . for as we have many members in one body , and all members have not the same office . so we being many , are one body , in christ , and every one members , one of another . yea the text holdeth forth these five to us to be distinctly considered . . that the church is one body organicall , having divers members . . that there be divers gifts of the spirit in this body , as is cleare , rom. . v. . , . ( ) that there be divers offices , and places and functions in this body , which the apostle excellently divideth into two generalls according to the necessities of the members of christs body . now in generall this necessity is two fold , one respecting the soule , and for this , hee hath ordained , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prophecy , and for the bodily necessity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ministery and service . v. . and v. . and these two having set downe in abstracto , hee commeth to divide them , in concreto , according to their severall offices and functions , which be foure in the text. . the teacher , or doctor . v. .   . the exhorter , or pastor . v. .   . the ruler , or governing elder . also ● . .   . the distributer , who is to shew me ●● on the poore , or the deacon also . v. . then ( ) the apostle doth set downe the severall specifick actions and operations of these offices , and that againe two wayes . . in generall . . prophecying . v. .   . ministering . v. . . he setteth down the operations and specifick actions of the foure offices in particular , as . teaching , in the doctor . v. .   . exhorting , in the pastor . v. .   . ruling in , the elder . v. .   . distributing , and shewing mercy , in the deacon . v. . then ( ) he setteth downe the manner and holy qualification of these operations , and exercises of their offices ; and that also two wayes . . in generall . . in the foure particulars in generall . . in prophecying ; but how ? according to the proportion of faith v. .   . ministering , and how ? by being given or addicted to ministering v. . . he setteth them downe in foure particulars , as . the doctor or teacher , is to be in , or given to teaching . v. .   . the pastor , is to be in exhorting , sedulous and painefull . v. .   . the ruling elder , to rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with diligence . v. .   . the deacon is to distribute , and shew mercy , on the sick , poore , imprisoned , stranger , distracted , in simplicity , in chearefulnesse . v. . also though it be true , that one and the same man may both teach and exhort , and the comparison of the naturall body doth not in all things hold , for one member cannot both be the eye to see , and the eare to heare , but both are here a sort of eye to the church ; yet hath christ made the pastor and the doctor different . ( it is needlesse to dispute , if they differ in nature , and if it be a confounding of christs order , that one be both , when christ hath given gifts for both to one man ) for first , the vvord of god doth difference them ; secondly , we know that many have gifts to teach , who are but dull and weake to perswade and worke upon the affection , as is observed amongst the fathers . augustine excelled in teaching and disputing , chryostome in exhorting . salmeron observeth , that there thomas aquinas was eminent in informing the understanding , and bonaventura excellent for moving the affections . and many are fitted to worke on the affections , as pastors , who are not able to teach as doctors in the schools . so hath chrysostome and theodoret observed upon these words , rom. . , . nor doth it move me much , that paul speaketh twice in one verse of the deacon , it is not unusuall to the spirit of god in divers scriptures so to doe , as prov. . prov. . psal. . how dangerous it is to affirme , that all the officers are not set downe in gods vvord , we may be taught by papists , for estius giveth a reason , why the apostle setting downe , cor. . . the officers in gods house , hath omitted the pope ; he answereth , the apostle is not here setting downe the degrees of the hirarchicall order , for then he should have set downe bishops , presbyters , deacons , which be parts of that order , but onely he setteth downe some chiefe members of the church , indued with rare gifts , and commenting on ephes. . he saith , the pope is set downe under the name of pastors and doctors , because he sendeth pastors and doctors to all the world ; and this was the reason why the prelate was reputed a pastor , and the onely pastor , because though it was too base for him to preach ; yet he preached in and through poore presbyters whom he sent . and salmeron moveth the question , why cor. . . the pope , cardinals , and patriarches are omitted in this place ; and we say , why are bishops , archbishops , primates , metropolitans , deanes , archdeacons , chancellours , officials , &c. never once mentioned in the vvord of god. but salmeron answereth , . they are implicitely set downe here , and under the name of helps , opitulations ; paul hath instituted deans , archdeans , and the foure lesser orders . and what else doe divers answer , who teach that government cor. . . is but a generall ; and the church , in a prudentiall way , under this may substitute and introduce such and such species of governments as they shall finde convenient , as ruling elders , ruling prelates , and such like . but i would gladly know why the spirit of god hath particularly set downe the last specified officers , as cor. . . apostles , under which are no species of apostles , but onely such individuall persons , matthias , paul , &c. and hath also set downe pastors in specie , doctors and teachers in specie , ephes. . . under which there be onely such individuall persons who are pastors and teachers , as john , epaphroditus , archippus , thomas , &c. and there is no roome left for the church to subdivide pastors or doctors into such and such new sp●cies , as popes , cardinals , &c. and yet under the generall of governments , many species and new kindes of governments in a prudentiall way may be brought in . if christ have set downe the particulars of pastors , prophets , apostles , according to their last specified nature , why hath his wisdome not beene as expresse and particular in all other offices necessary for feeding and governing the flocke of christ ? a pope , a prelate , a cardinall , an officiall , would take as small roome in print , and in christs testament , as apostle , doctor , pastor , though i grant they doe take halfe so much more roome in the state and parliament . of deacons . we conceive , according to gods vvord acts . that deacons be of divine institution , because when some poore widowes were neglected in the dayly ministration , the apostles appointed seven men of good report , and full of the holy ghost , to take care of tables and provide for the poore , that the apostles might give themselves to the word and prayer . object . . there is not one word of deacons , acts . not one word of the poverty of widows , and these seven were but civill curators and tutors of the widows , and not church-officers , for any thing that can be collected from gods word . answ. the equivalent of a deacon in name , is acts . there are those who are not to preach the vvord , but are to serve tables , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and some did complaine because their widowes were neglected , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if widowes were neglected through the want of a dayly deaconry , the text must insinuate a deaconry , and a want of a table to these widowes . secondly , it is unknowne divinity , that the twelve apostles in a church-assembly doe institute , and that with solemne prayer , and imposition of hands , officers meerly civill to tutor widowes . thirdly , the daily ministration was the want of sustenance , as it is said , that certaine women ministred to christ of their substance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts . . yea your selves doe know that those hands have ministred to my necessities . and is it like that the apostles were civill curators to widowes before this time ? object . . it is evident from the text that these deacons were not of divine institution , but of a meere temporary erection , for the present necessity of the church . first , it is said they were appointed , acts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . secondly , they were erected upon occasion of the multiplying of the disciples . thirdly , upon occasion of the poverty of widows , and therefore when there be no poore , there is no need of deacons , and so it is but an office of a temporary standing in the church . answ. these words ( in those dayes ) are not so much referred to the institution of deacons , as to the order of the history . secondly , to satans malice , who raised a schisme in the church , when the number of disciples grew . and thirdly , are referred to the murmuring of the widows ; and they doe no more prove that deacons are a temporary institution , and brought in , by the church , in a prudentiall way for the chuches present necessity , then the lords supper is concluded to be but a temporary and prudentiall institution of the church , because it is said , in the night that iesus was betrayed , he tooke bread , &c. secondly , the occasion of the multiplying of disciples & the neglecting of the widows , doth not prove that deacons are a prudentiall and temporary institution : for here i distinguish betwixt an occasion and a motive and cause ; divers ordinances of god have both these . as the occasion of writing the epistle to philamon , was the flight of onesmus a fugitive servant from his master , and his willing minde to returne to him againe , and upon that occasion paul did write to philamon ; but that will not prove that the epistle to philemon is but a prudentiall letter , and obliging for a time , because the motive and cause why the holy ghost would have it written , was , that it should be a part of canonicall scripture , obliging to the second comming of christ. the like i say of the epistle to the galathians , written upon occasion of seducing teachers , who had bewitched the galathians , and made them beleeve , they must be circumcised and keepe the law , if they would be justified in christ : yet hence is not proved , that the epistle to the galathians is but a prudentiall letter , and not of divine and perpetuall institution ; for the cause and motive of writing was , that it might be a part of the canon of faith . so also the covenant of grace and the gospell was made upon this occasion , by reason that the first covenant could not save us , heb. . vers . . rom. . . gal. . , . is therefore ( i pray you ) the covenant of grace but a temporary and a prudentiall peece ? upon the occasion of the death of zelophead , who died in the wildernesse without a male-childe , whose name thereby was in danger to be delete and blotted out of israel , the lord maketh a generall law through all israel , binding till the messiah his comming , numb . . . if a man die and have no sonne , then shall you cause his inheritance to passe unto his daughter ; this was no prudentiall law. i might alleage infinite ordinances in scripture , the like to this . yea , most of all the ordinances of god are occasioned from our spirituall necessities ; are they therefore but humane and prudentiall statutes , that are onely to endure for a time ? i thinke , no. ob. . but if the civill magistrate had been a friend to the church , acts . his place had beene to care for the poore , for the law of nature obligeth him to take care of the poore , therefore did a woman in the famine at the siege of samaria cry , helpe o king ; and if this were done by christian magistrates , pastors should be eased thereof , that they might give themselves to the word and prayer , and there should be no neede of a divine positive institution of deacons for this charge . answ. that the godly magistrate is to take care of the poore , as they are members of the common wealth , i could easily grant . but this is not now in question ; but whether , or not , the church , as it is an ecclesiasticall society , should not have a treasure of the peoples e●angelike free-will-offering for the necessity of the saints , as heb. . . cor. . , . cor. . , , , , and concequently , whether or not christ hath ordained , not the pastors , but some officers besides , to attend this worke ? vvee affirme he hath provided for his poore members , even their bodily necessi ies . secondly , if this be true , that there should be no deacon but the christian magistrate , then were these seven deacons but the substitutes and vicars of the emperour and king. now certainly , if apostolike benediction and laying on of hands , in the wisdome of god was thought fit for the vicars and deputies of the magistrates , it is like that beside the coronation of the roman emperour , the twelve apostles ought to have blessed him with prayer , and separated him by laying on of hands for this deaconrie ; for what apostolike calling is necessary , for the temporary substitute is more necessary , and at least that same way necessary for the principall . but that civill magistrates , ex officio , are to be separated for this church-office so holden forth to us , tim. . . i can hardly beleeve . thirdly , i see not what the magistrate doth in his office , but he doth it as the minister of god who beareth the sword , rom. . and if he should compell to give almes , then should almes be a debt , and not an almes and free-will-offering . it is t●u● , there may intervene some coaction to cause every man to do his duty , and to force men to give to the poore ; but then i say , that forcing with the sword should not be an act of a separated church-officer , who , as such , useth no carnall weapons . four●●ly , the law of nature may lead to a supporting of the poore , but that hindreth not but god may ordaine it as a church-duty , and appoint a church-officer to collect the bounty of the sain●● , cor. . . . i see not how the apostle , tim. . should not hold forth his cannons concerning a deacon , to the king , if he ex officio be the church-treasurer , but the apostle doth match him with the bishop , acts . the appointing of the deacon is not grounded acts . upon the want of a christian magistrate , but on another ground , that the apostles must attend a more necessary worke , then tables . object . . but the occasion of appointing deacons was to disburden the pastor , who was to give himselfe wholy to preaching and praying ; ergo , at the first the apostles and so also pastors were deacons ; if therefore the poore be fewer then they were at ierusalem , act. . where the church did exceedingly multiplie ; this office of deaconry was to returne to the pastors , as its prime and native subject ; and therefore is not essentially and primarily an office separated from the pastors office. and if the poore cease to be at all , the office ceaseth also . ans. i cannot well deny but it is apparent from act. . . that the apostles themselves were once those who cared for the poore , but i deny that hence it followes in the case of fewer poore , that the office can returne to the pastors as to the first subject , except you suppose the intervention of a divine institution to place it againe in the pastors ; as the power of judging israel was once in samuel , but upon supposition that saul was dead , that power cannot returne backe to samuel except you suppose that god by his authority shall re-deliver and translate it backe againe to samuel . for seeing god by positive institution had turned the power of judging over from samuel into the person of saul , and changed the same into a regall and kingly power , that same authority who changed the power must rechange it againe , and place it in , and restore it to its first subject . . the fewnesse of poore ; or no poore at all , cannot be supposed , joh. . . for the poore you have alwaies with you . and considering the afflictions of the churches , the object of the deacons giving and shewing mercy , as it is rom. . . cannot be wanting , as that the churches fabricke be kept in good frame , the poore , the captives of christian churches , the sicke , the wounded , the stranger , the distracted be relieved , yea and the poor saints of other churches , cor. . be supported . . not onely because of the impossibility that pastors cannot give both themselves to praying and the word , and to the serving of tables ; but by reason of the wisdome of christ in a positive law , the pastor cannot be the deacon ex officie in any case . for . christ hath made them distinct offices , upon good grounds , act. . . . the apostle hath set downe divers qualifications , for the bishop , tim. . . and for the deacon , v. , . and . the pastor who is to give the whole man to the preaching of the gospell , cannot entangle himselfe with tables , tim. . . tim. . , , . if we should say nothing , that if there were need of officers to take care of the poore , when there was such grace and love amongst the saints and apostles able and willing to acquit themselves toward the poore , and when all things were common act. . , , , . act. . . , , . far more now is the office needfull , when the love of many is waxen cold . object . . but if there were a community of goods , and no man lacked any thing , act. . . there were no poore at all , and so no need of deacons . answ. this is to carpe at the wisdome of god , who appointed seven men to serve tables ; for justice might say , those who had nothing to give to the publique treasury of the church , should expect nothing thence , charity would say the contrary . object . . distribution of earthly goods is not such a thing , at requireth a spirituall office ; for money given by a church-officer hath no spirituall influence on the poores necessity , more then money given by the magistrate , or one who hath no church-office . answ. i deny the consequence : for then the priests killing of bullockes to god had no more influence , if we speake physically , then a bullocke killed by another man. now the churches bounty and grace , cor. . . being a spirituall offering to god , by vertue of christs institution , hath more in it then the common charity of an heathen , if it were but for this , that the wisdome of god , in his ordinance is to be considered ; and if we speake physically , the word of god hath no more influence when spoken by a pastour in publique , then when spoken by a private man ; yet if we looke to gods ordinance , the one hath more assistance when it is spoken , then the other , caeter is paribus . object . . the office of a deacon is not mentioned in the word , and what should be his charge is scarcely holden forth in scripture . answ. the scripture saith the contrary , tim. . . they that have used the office of the deacons well , &c. v. . likewise must the deacon be grave , phil. . . . the scripture holdeth forth to us , that he must take care that widdows and the poore be not neglected in the daily ministration , act. . . and therefore must he serve tables , v. . and . he must be appointed over this worke , v. . and . looke how farre giving and shewing mercy , and how farre singlenesse of heart and cherefulnesse in these things extend , as farre must the office of the deacon extend , hence all in poverty , want , captivity , bonds , sicknesse , are to be helped by him . object . . but it would seem , that a deacon hath a higher imployment then to distribute goods , and that he is to preach , as stephen and philip did : for . they did choose men act. . full of the holy ghost ; now to be full of the holy ghost is a requisite in a preacher , and is not required in a man to distribute money ; yea these who are least esteemed in the church , cor. . . may judge in things pertaining to this life , ergo , they may suffice to distribute 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , things which belong to this life . answ. to distribute in a civill and naturall way requireth not a man full of the holy ghost , but to distribute in simplicity , and with the grace of heavenly cheerfulnesse , rom. . . and with the qualities of a compleat deacon , tim. . , , . requireth the holy ghost , though they may be good deacons who are not full of the holy ghost , but such were chosen , . because this was to be a rule to all ' deacons to the worlds end , and the rule should be as streight and perfect as can be . . because there were choice of such men , as those in the apostelike church , and reason that god be served with the best of his owne . . the holy ghost is required for sanctification , as well as for gifts of preaching , luke . . matth. . v. . . stephen did no more ch . . in his apology then any witnesses of christ convened before rulers may doe who are obliged to be ready alwaies to give an answer to every one who asketh them of the hope that is in them , with meeknesse and feare , pet. . . yea though it were a woman who yet may not preach , cor. . . philip was an evangelist . . the apostle , cor. . . doth sharply checke the corinthians , for going to law one with another , before heathen judges , whereas the smallest amongst them might have supplied the bench of an heathen judge in matters of this life , the losse whereof was nothing comparable to the great scandall they gave . but there is a greater grace required to the church-distribution , and the officiall regulating of the conscience in a constant office of distribution , then in a transient and arbitrary act of deciding a matter of money . object , . tim. . . the deacon must hold the mystery of the faith ; ergo , he must be able to preach . answ. it followeth not , for there is a twofold holding of the mystery of faith : one for the preaching of sound doctrine recommended to timothy , of this paul doth not speake ; there is another holding of faith for stedfast beleevers , and for an holy and blamelesse conversation ; and therefore it is not said simply , holding the mystory of faith , but , holding the mystery of faith in a pure conscience . in which sense christ saith to the church of pergamus , rev. . . thou holdest fast my name , and hast not denied my faith . and paul saith of himselfe , tim. . . i have fought a good fight , i have finished my course , i have kept the faith . he meaneth not , that he kept so much of the knowledge of the sound doctrine of faith as made him fit for the ministery , and qualified him to teach , and tim. . . holding faith and a good conscience , which is meant of the grace of saving faith . but that the deacon is not to preach is , cleare , . because paul clearely differenceth the deacon from the preaching elder , tim. . , , , . and requireth that the preaching elder be apt to teach , but requireth not this of the deacon , and act. . they are made two offices not consistent in one man ; for if the deacon must be a teacher , he must either be a teacher as a gifted man , or he must be a teacher in office ; he cannot ex officio , by his office , be a teacher as a gifted man , for the authours of that opinion hold that men are preachers that way as christians , and so the deacon though he were not a deacon , he might be a teacher in that sense , though he were onely a gifted christian : ergo , he cannot be such a teacher by his office : but neither can he be an officiall teacher as a deacon , for he who doth teach that way must also pray , for the one cannot be granted , and the other denied ; if then the deacon , ex officio , by his office must pray and preach ; he must pray and preach 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in season and out of seasor , and give himselfe to it . but if he must give himselfe to praying and preaching by his office , then by his office he must give over the sorving of tables , as is said , act. . . and if he must leave tables by his office , the deacon by his office must quit and give up his office , and it shall belong to the deacon by his office , to be no deacon . . whoever by his office may teach , by his office may administer the sacraments , for christ giveth one and the same royall patent and commission for both , matth. . cor. . . joh. . , . but this is to be a minister by office , and so a deacon , as a deacon , is a pastor . . the deacons office is to preach if he be thereto called by the bishop : hence the bishop is the principall and sole pastor ; the preacher , elder , and deacon , none of them may preach or baptize , except they be called thereunto by the bishop . hence judge what a pastor that man i● , who actu primo , and by office is a preacher , but cannot nor may not exercise his office , but by the will of a mortall man. object . . the deacon must be the husband of one wife , ruling his children and his own house well tim. . . ergo , he must be able to governe the church well , no l●sse then the pastor of whom the same qualification is required , v. . and so the deacon must be somewhat more then a carer for the poore . answ. the deacon is never called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a ruler ; nor is that same dignity of ruling the church put upon the deacon , v. . which is put upon the pastor , v. . nor are these same words spoken of both . nor is it said that the deacon must rule the house of god ; but the meaning is , he who cannot rule his owne children and house shall not be able to rule the hospitall houses of the poore and sicke ; and this ruling is nothing but a cari●g for tables , and for the houses of the poore . whereas taking care for the house of god is given to the pastor , v. . but if you give to the deacon the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , he is higher then his first institution can beare , act. . where he is expresly removed from all officiall medling with word and prayer , and set to the serving of tables . object . . the deacon by his office is to serve tables , act. . . that is , to administer the sacraments , at least he is by office to baptize ; for iesus himselfe baptized not , but his disciples , io● . . . and christ sent not paul to baptize , but to preach ; therefore the dpostles baptized by others , by deacons , and by others whose ministery and helpe they used in baptizing , ergo , the deacons office is not onely to care for the poore . answ. i yeeld that the deacon is to serve at the communion table , and provide the elements , and to carry the cup at the table : but that is no wayes the meaning of serving tables in this place , acts . . because the serving of tables , here , is such a service , as was a remedy of the widowes neglected in the dayly ministration , for of this neglect they complaine v. . but they did not complaine that they were neglected of the benefit of the lords supper , for the apostles doe never thinke that the administration of the lords supper is a burden which they put off themselves as inconsistent with the preaching of the word and prayer , and which they devolve wholly over to deacons , it s not so sayth the sixt councell , and chrysostome seemeth to teach the same ; and because a table signifieth an altar , ( as salmeron saith ) therefore some papists say that deacons served at the altar ; and so saith pontificale romanum oportet diaconum ministrare ad altare , baptizare , & praedicare : and salmeron saith , to serve at the altar is essentiall to the deacon , but to preach and baptize agreeth to him by commission and of necessity . . the apostles in the text , acts . doe denude themselves , of serving of tables in an officiall way , or , as serving of tables was a peculiar office imposed upon seven men , of honest report , and full of the holy ghost , with apostolick benediction , and laying on of the hands of the apostles , and doe manifestly make it an office different from their pastorall charge , which was to give themselves continually to prayer , and to the ministery of the word , v. . . for baptizing cannot but include praying and preaching . mat. . . or at least must be necessarily conjoyned in one and the same church-officer ; for where doth the word of god hold forth to us such a rare and strange creature , who by office is to baptise , but by office is neither to preach nor pray ? now the text doth clearely difference the office of serving tables , and the office of continuall praying and preaching , as not consistent in one person v. . , , . object . . paul , tim. . requireth that the deacon v. . should first be tryed , and thereafter use the office , so he be found blameles ; ergo , the deacon must be ordained with imposition of hands , as the presbyter , and so must be , by office , some more eminent person , then one who serveth tables only ; for grace was given to timothy ; by the laying on of hands , tim. . . and chrysostome observeth , that steven did no miracles ; nor did he speak with wisdome , that the adversaries were not able to resist v. . . . till first hee was appointed a deacon , by imposition of hands , which evidenceth to us more then a poore office of giving almes to the poore . answ. there is need that deacons be tryed ; and it is sayd , they must be found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blamelesse in conversation , not 〈◊〉 , apt to teach , which is required in a teacher , tim. . . for these who are to shew mercy with cheerfulnes , and to give with simplicity , as deacons must by their office doe , rom. . . must be of approved and tryed blamelesnes , lest they detrand the poore . . it is not sayd that deacons were ordained with fasting and prayer , acts . as the elders are chosen in every church , acts . . and as hands are layd upon paul and barnabas ; acts . v. . . but simply that the apostles , acts . . prayed and layd their hands on them . which seemeth to mee , to be nothing , but a signe of praying over the deacons , and no ceremony , or sacrament conferring on them the holy ghost ; and steven his working of miracles , and speaking with wisdome irresistible , was but the fruit of that grace and extraordinary measure of the holy ghost , abundantly powred forth on all rankes of persons , in those dayes , when the prophecy of iocl was now taking its accomplishment ; act. . , , . iocl . . . . which grace was in steven before hee was ordained a deacon , by the laying on of hands . act. . , , . and the text saith not that steven did wonders and signes amongst the people by vertue of imposition of hands , or of his deaconry , but because he was full of faith and power . v. . else you must make working of miracles a gift bestowed on all those who serve tables , and are not to give themselves to continuall praying , and the ministery of the word . i thinke , papists will not say so much of all their priests ; and we can say it of none of our pastors , nor doth chysostome say that steven , as a deacon , and by vertue of the office of a deacon wrought miracles ; but onely that his miracles and disputing was a meere consequent of laying on of hands . fa●ther laying on of hands was taken from the cus●ome of blessing amongst the jewes , christ layd his hands upon young children and blessed them , yet did hee not , thereby , designe them to any office . the fourth councell of carthage saith , deacons should administer the sacraments ; but times were growing worse then : and two things in ancient times made the office degenerate . . the l●zinesse of pastors who layd preaching and baptizing on the deacon . . the deacons having in their hands aerarium ecclesiasticum , the church treasury , as the church became rich , the deacons were exalted ; and then came in their archiliaconi , archdeacons and deacons , and so some deacons were above pastors , whereas acts . in their first institution they were inferior to pastors ; this moved spalato to tell us of two sorts of deacons , the apostolick deacons , which we assert , and the ecclesiastick deacons , popi● and of the newest cut ; which we discla●me . as concerning the perpetuity of deacons . i conceive that deacons must be as permanent in the church , as distribution and shewing mercy on the poore . ob. . how doe those words act. . v. . and the word of god grew , and the number of disciples multiplied in jerusalem greatly , &c. follow upon the institution of deacons v. , . , . if deacons were not , according to their primitive institution and office , ordained to be preachers of the word , by whose paines the word grew ? answ. the cohesion three wayes is good . . because the apostles being exonerated of serving tables , and giving themselves to continuall praying and the ministery of the word v. . through the constituting of the seven deacons the word thereby did grow ( ) satan stirred up a schisme betwixt the grecians and hebrewes , which is prejudiciall to the growth of the gospell and church , yet the lord being superabundantly gratious , where satan is exceedingly malitious , will have his gospell and church to flourish . . these words v. . doe cohere kindly with the last verse of the foregoing chapter . v. . and dayly in the temple , and in every house , they ceased not to teach and preach jesus christ and ch. . v. . and the word of god increased , &c. god blessing the labours of his persecuted apostles , and the story of the ordained deacons is cast in by luke upon occasion of the neglected grecian widdowes , and the growth of the word could not arise from the appointing of such officers who were not to labour in the word and prayer , but imployed about tables , to the end that the apostles might labour in the word and prayer . ob. . but doth not the faithfull administration of the deacons office , purchase to the deacon a good degree , that is , doth it make him ●●●ter in a preparatory way to be a pastor ? answ. the word of god , tim. . and elsewhere setting downe the qualification and previous dispositions of a teacher , doth no where teach us , that none can be a minister , but he who is first a deacon . . didcclavius saith , many are faithfull deacons who are never teachers , nor apt to be teachers , and many in the ancient church were , of lay men , made teache●r . ambrosius heri catechumenus , hodie episcopus ; and estius granteth , many good deacons can never be teachers , because of their ignorance . hugo cardinal saith , this is onely against these , qui subito ascendunt in pr●lationes , who suddainly ascend to prelacies , cornelius a lapide saith , ut promereantur altiùs promoveri in sacerdotia ; they are to serve so , as they may deserve to be promoted to higher places ; but this doth not infer that none can be presbyters who have not first beene deacons . as chrysostome saith , we use not to place a novice in an high place , antequam fidei suae & vitae dederit doc●m●nta , before hee have given proofe of his faith , and good conversation . and cyprian writing to antonianus , commendeth cornelius that hee came not by a leap and suddainly to be a bishop , sed per omnia ecclesiastica officia promotus , being promoted by degrees to all church-offices ; and bernard followeth the same meaning . lyra , merebu●tur quod fiant sacerdotes , acquirunt altiorem gradum , saith salmeron . now it is cleare that the fathers and papists could extort no more out of the text ; but that hee who useth the office of a deacon well , doth deserve of the church , to be promoted to an higher office , but there is no ground for papists , or others to make the deacons office a necessiary degree , without the which none can be a teacher . a sozomenus saith the deacons office was to keepe the churches goods b epiphanius , diaconis in ecclefia non con creditum est , ut aliquod mysterium perficiant , sed ut administrent solùm & exequantur commissa ; then they might neither teach nor baptize , c eusebius saith , the care of the poore and the keeping of the church and the vessels thereof were committed to the deacons d ruffinus saith , deacons disputed in synods ; and athanasius , when hee was a deacon , helped his bishop alexander at the nicen councell ; but this came ( as i suppose ) because about the fourth century , they were admitted to be scribes in synods e ambrose saith at the beginning , deacons did preach and baptise , but after when the church was well furnished with officers , they durst not presume to teach . the f canon of the councel of nice saith ; diaconi ne sedeant in concessu presbyterorum , aut illis praesentibus eucharistiam dividant , sed illis agentibus solùm ministrent ; if there was not a presbyter present g ruffinus saith , then the deacon might distribute the elements . i conceive , the place tim. . saith , that widowes were in the apostolick church , both poore aged women , who were to be mantained by the church , and also auxiliary helps , for meere service to helpe the deacons in these hot countries . both is apparent from the text ▪ honour widowes that are widowes indeed , that is as h hugo cardinalis expoundeth it , who want both the comfort of an husband and of children to maintaine them ; and so also i chrysostome , before him expounded it ; and k hugo cardinalis , the honour that is due to them , is , say chrysostome , theophylact , anselmus , that they bee sustained by the oblations of the church . ecclesiae oblationibus sustententur , say l salmeron and m estius ; and cornelius n à lapide , saith , as ( honour thy father and thy mother ) doth include ( h●norem sustentationis ) that children are to give the honour of maintenance to their indigent parents , no lesse then the honour of obedience and reverence , so are widowes to have this honour . ( ) it is said , if any vvidow have children or nephewes , let them learne first to shew mercy at home , and to requite their parents ; ergo , the children or grand children of these vvidowes were to sustaine them , and not to burden the church , with them , and so they were poore widowes ; and this . . the text clearely holdeth forth , while the apostle proveth that the children who are able , are to helpe the parent being a desolate widow ; because v. . all are to provide for these of their owne house , and to maintaine them in their indigence , else they be , in that , worse then infidell children , who by natures love , doe provide for their poore parents . . this is cleare from , v. . if any man or woman that believeth , hath widows , let them relieve them , and let not the church be charged , that they may relieve them that are widowes indeed ; ergo , these widowes called also , v. . widowes indeed , did some way burden the church with their maintenance , and they were not to be layd upon the churches stock , to be maintained thereby , except they were desolate and without friends . but some may object , if these widowes had a charge , and did any worke or service to the church , ( as it is cleare from the text , v . they did ) in overseeing the poore , and the sick , were not wages due to them , for their worke ? for the labourer is worthy of his hire ; the scripture saith not , if a preacher have a father who is rich , and may sustaine his son ; let not the church be burdened with his wages , but on the contrary , the preacher is to have his wages for his work , as an hire ; ad modum debiti , non ad modum eleemo●ynae ; as a debt , not as an almes . i answer , the reason is not alike of the preaching elder , and of the widow ; for the pastors service requiring the whole man was of that nature , that it was a worke deserving wages , as any worke-man , a dresser of a vineyard deserveth wages , cor. . or a plower , or one that thresheth v. . therefore the preachers wages is so wages that its debt , not almes : but a widow of sixty yeeres being weake and infirme , cannot acquit her selfe , in such a painfull office as doth merit poore wages , and therefore the reward of her labour was both wages and an almes . againe , that this widow had some charge or service in the church , ( i meane not any ministeriall office , for she was not ordained as the deacon , acts . with imposition of hands ) i prove from the text. . because this widdow was not to be chosen to the number or colledge of widowes , except shee had beene . yeares , this is a positive qualification of a positive service , as if it were an office ; for else what more reason in . yeares then in . or . or in . or . if shee was a meere eleemosynary and an indigent woman ? or can godlinesse permit us to thinke that paul would exclude a widow of . or . or yeeres , from the colledge of widowes , who were desolate and poore ? nor , . would paul rebuke the widow taken into the society of these widowes , because shee married an husband , except she had entered to this service , and had vowed chastity , nor is marrying the second time which is lawfull , rom. . . . a waxing wanton against christ and a casting off of the first faith ; as the marrying of these widowes is called . v. . . therefore this widow , had some charge and service , in the church . . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let a widow be chosen of such an age , and not younger , and with such morall qualifications , as is required in the deacon , &c. doth also evidence that it was an election to some service or charge , as is she be of good report , if she have brought up her children ; if she have lodged strangers ; if she have washed the saints feete ; which qualifications not being in a widow poore and desolate , cannot exclude her from the churches almes , and expose her to famishing for want : this also doth ambrose , augustine , tract . . in ioan. chrysostomus , theophylact. hieronymus observe on this place ; it is not unprobable to me that phaebe called a deacon , or servant of the church of cenchrea , was such a widow , seeing she is rom. . . expresly so called : how shee came to rome , if shee was a poore widdow and now . yeares old , i dispute not , seeing gods spirit calleth her so . we can easily yield that vvidows of sixty yeares entring to this service did vow not to marrie againe ; so teach cyprian . l. . epist ▪ ad pomponium , hyeronym . contr . jovia● . epihan . . the last canon of the councell of nice ( as ruffinus l. . c. . saith ) denieth widowes to be church-officers , because they were not ordained with imposition of hands . hyeronimus in c. . ad roman . saith , diaconisses in the orientall church had some service in baptisme . epiphanius l. . tom . . heres . . saith , they were in the church , non ad sacrificandum , sed propter horam balnci , aut visitationis — quando nudatum fuit corpus ●●lieris . constantine placed them amongst the clergy , to governe the corps of the dead ; but papists then have no warrant for their nuns . chap. . sect . . of election of officers . here the author teaches , that election of officers belongeth to the church whose officers they are . . that the church of believers , being destitute of all officers , may ordaine their own officers and presbyters , by imposition of hands , in respect that the power of the keys is given to the church of believers , mar. . answ. election of officers ( no doubt ) belongeth to the whole church , not in the meaning of our brethren ; but that this may be cleared , whether a church without officers , may ordaine elders , there be diverse other questions here to be agitated ; as . whether the church be before the ministery , or the ministery before the churches . . dist. there is an ordinary , and an extraordinary ministery . . there is a mysticall church of believers , and a ministeriall church of pastors and flock . . a church may be so called by anticipation , as hos. . jacob served for a wise ; or formally , because it is constituted in its whole being . . a ministery is a ministery to these , who are not as yet professors , but only potentially members of the church . . concl. there is a church of believers sometime before there be a ministeriall church . . because a company of believers is a mysticall church , for which christ died , eph. . . and such there may be before there be a setled ministery . as there is a house , before there be a candlestick , because conversion may be by private meanes , as by reading and conference ; yea a woman hath carried the gospell to a land , before there was a ministery in it . . adam was first and evah by order of ●ature a church created of god , before there was a ministery ; so adams ministery is founded upon a nature created according to gods image . . concl. a publick ordinary ministery is before a church of believers . eph. . . pastors , teachers , and a ministery , are given to the inbringing and gathering of the church ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , edifying , and not onely for confirming , but for the converting of the body of christ. nor is robinson a and his fellowes here to be heard , that the word of restoring is the same which is used , gal. . . and so nothing is meant but repairing of christians already converted , not the converting of these who are yet unconverted . but i answer . the word of restoring doth no more import that they were converted before , then the word of renewing , eph. . . rom. . . and the word of awaking from sleepe of sinners , ep● . . . doth import that these were new creatures before , and that they had the life of god , before they be said to be renewed againe and made new , and awaked out of their sleepe . and this pelagian and popish exposition , is a faire way to elude all the places for the power of grace ; and to helpe papists and arminian● . . by this there is , . no necessity of a publick ministery , for the conversion of soules to christ , nor is a ministery and pastors , and teachers given by jesus christ , with intention , to open the eyes of the blind , and to convert soules to god. all the ordinary wayes of conversion of soules , is by the preaching of men out of office , and destitute of all calling of the church to preach , which is a wonder . . the fathers begetting , by order of nature , are before the children ; the pastors are fathers , the seede before the plant or birth ; the word preached , rom. . . is the immortall seed of the new birth , pet. . . the ministery and ordinary use thereof , is given to the pastors as to christs ambassadours , cor. . . . therefore the ministery is before the church of believers , though wee will not tie the lord to these only : yet is this his ordinary established way : but more of this hereafter . robinson objecteth b the apostles and brethren were a church of god , acts . . when as yet no pastors or teachers were appoynted in it . how then are the ministers spoken of eph. . . before the church out of which they were taken ? yea the office of pastors was not heard of in the church then . ans. . it is cleare there were in that meeting , eleven apostles called to be pastors ; mat. . , , . sent of god , mat . inspired or the holy ghost to open and shut heaven , ioh. . , . before christs ascension ; and this meeting was after his ascension , acts. . . and here was a governing church , and without the apostles , an apostle could not be chosen and called by men . and an instance of such a calling is not in gods word . . he objecteth . the apostles themselves , were first christians and members of the church , before they were ministers . answ. men may be a church of christians , and a mysticall church before they have a ministery , but they are not a governing church , having the power of the keyes , so long as they want officers and stewards , who only have warrant ordinary of christ to use the keys . . he objecteth , god cor. . . hath set officers in the church ; ergo , the church is before the officers , as the setting of a candle in a candlestick . presupposeth a candlestick . the church is the candlestick . rev. . the officers candles , lights , stars answ. god hath put and breathed in man a living soule . ergo , he is a living man , before the soule be breathed in him : friend your logick is naught . the church is the candlestick , not simply without candles and lampes : the church ministeriall is the candlestick , and the ministers the candles set in the church ministeriall , as eyes and eares are seated , and all the seales are seated in a living man ; ergo , he is a living man before the senses be seated in him , it followeth in no sort . because by the candles seating in the church , the church becommeth a ministeriall and governing church : it is as you would say the lord giveth the wife to the husband ; ergo. he is an husband before god give him the wife . . he objecteth . that it is senseles , that a minister may be sent as a minister , to the hidden number not yet called out , which are also his st●ck potentially , not actually ; as mr. bernard saith , because it is the property of a good shepheard , to call his own sheep by name . ioh. . also it is a logicall error , that a man may have a● actuall relation to a stock potentially , it is as if a man were a husband because he may have a wife . but i answer ; he not onely may be , but is a pastor to these that are but potentially members to the invisible church , though unconverted , except you say , a man hath no relation as a pastor to the flock , to all and every one of a thousand soules , which are his flock , except they bee all truly converted , and members of the invisible church , which if you say , i can refute it easily as an anabaptisticall falsehood ; for if they all professe the truth , and chuse him for their pastor , hee is their pastor , but they are a saved flock potentially , though actually a visible flock having actuall relation to him , as to their pastor . but. . that a good minister know all his flock by name , be requisite , and is spoken of christ ▪ ioh. . in relation to the whole catholick church , as is expounded v. . yet will it not follow , he is not a pastor nor not a good pastor , who knoweth not all his flock at all times . . a man is indeed not properly a pastor , and a church officer to indians , who neither are called nor professe the truth , if he preach to them , though he have not relation to such , as to a christian flock , yet he hath a relation of a pastor to them in that case . yea i desire our brethren to satisfie me in this even according to their grounds . a number of christians is a church mysticall , but they are not a church ministeriall , while they be conjoyned covenant-wayes , and use the keyes in such acts of church union : ergo , they are not a church ministeriall before they bee a church governing : which is all wee say ; for then they should be a body seeing and hearing , before they be a body seeing and hearing . quest. . vvhether there be any church in the scripture having power of the keys , yet wanting all church-officers ? the question is neere to the former , yet needfull in this matter to be discussed . the question is not , if the name church be given to a company of christians , without relation to their officers , for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is given to a civill meeting . the hebrews call , sometimes , any meeting of people a church : as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth sometime signifie , gen. . . my soule come not thou 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their assembly . so the rabbines use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a place , where the congregation meeteth . so the chaldaick and arabick use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the place where the worshippers met , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caldaice & syriace , adoravit , because it is a place of meeting for adoration ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thè congregation from the arabick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 congregavit . yet speaking of a governing and orderly constituted church , you shall never finde , such a church having the name of a church , but such a company as hath officers , and is spoken of as a house and family , where there are stewards , keys , doores , bread and other things noting a city-incorporation . . because the keys are given to stewards , who , by ▪ office , beare the keys ; for taking in and casting out , by power of censures , is proper to an ordered city , where there are governors , and people governed . . because wee reade not that the keyes are given to a company of single believers , out of office . . wee never finde in the word of god , any practice , or precept , that a single company did use the keyes , or can use them , wanting all officers . heare what robinson objecteth , that he may establish a popular government . a two or three making peters confession , mat. . are a church . but two or three may make this confession without officers ; ergo , the proposition is cleare , by the promise made to build the church upon the rock of peters confession . answ. . i deny the proposition , and it is not proved : two or three making peters confession are not the church ministeriall , to which christ gave the keyes ; for the keys include pastorall power to preach and baptize , which separatists b deny to two or three wanting officers , they may be a mysticall church or a part of the redeemed church , eph. . . . nor doth christ promise to build the ministeriall church properly on the rock , but only the church of believers , for whom he gave the keyes , but to whom he gave no keyes . . this argument will hurt our brethren : for two or three not entred in church-state , nor in courch-covenant , without church-state , as well , as without officers , may , and doe often make peters confession ; yet are they not for that a governing church , because they may not happily as yet bee united covenant-wayes . . he objecteth , if the apostles appoint elders in every church . acts . . if god se● in the church apostles , prophets , teachers , cor . . then there is a church before officers , apostles , prophets : a major presupposeth there was a city , before he was major , a steward presupposeth a family ; is not the eldership an ordinance of the church , and called the elders of the church ? the church is not an ordinance of the elders , or given ●● the elders . ans. job . . . god hath granted to iob life ; ergo , iob was a living man before god had given him life . the lord breathed in man the breath of life ; ergo , he was a breathing and a living man , before god breathed that life in him . god formed man of the dust , gen. . . ergo , hee was a man before god formed him . all these are as good consequences . so iac●● served for a wife , hos. . . ergo , she was his wife before hee served for her ; it followeth not . . this proveth not there is a governing church without officers , but the contrary , because for that end doth the lord appoint elders in every church , and a ruler in a city , a king in a kingdome , to governe them , to feed the flock , acts . . ergo , before there be officers in a church , there is no government in it . and so it is not a governing church ; nor is a city a governing incorporation without a major or some other rulers , nor a kingdome a monarchicall state without a king. and so the elders , are the churches elders , as life is the forme of a living man. and this argument is much against them god ( say our brethren ) hath appoynted a church-covenant , in his church , will it follow : ergo , there is a church , before a church-covenant ; they cannot say this . . these with whom ( sayth robinson ) god hath made a covenant , to be their god , and to have them his people , and to dwell it them as his temple , which have right to the promises of christ and his presence , are his church . but a company of believers without officers are such ; ergo , the proposition is scripture , gen. . . levi. . , . mat. . . the assumption is true , because they may believe , separate themselves from the world , come out of babel without officers , except you say they must go to rome , to jerusalem , and beyond sea , to seeke a church . answ. the major is false ; for god is in covenant with six believers before they sweare a church-covenant , and so all the promises are made to them , and yet by your grant , they are not a church . yea all these agree to the invisible church , and every single member thereof . . without officers , believers may not separate themselves from the world , and come out of babel , by a positive and authoritative separation , to erect a new church without pastors , or in an ordinary way ; though as christians they may separate from rome , negatively and touch no uncleane things . . we send none to ierusalem and babylon to seeke a church yet , but except we fall unto the tenets of anabaptists , socinians and arminians : wee must send farther then to every house , where three believers are , to seeke such as have warrant from christ to adminstrate the seales of grace , except you in casting downe babel , build iericho , and raise up a tower of confusion , and evert the ministeriall order that christ hath appoynted in his church . . then how often ( saith he ) the officers die , so oft the church dieth also ; to remove the candlestick is to dischurch the assembly ; but the death of officers ( which may be in a great persecution ) is never said to be a dischurching of an assembly . and all communion of saints shall perish , when the officers are removed ; for baptisme is without the visible church ; eph. . answ. . when the shepheards are removed , the tents cannot be called the shepheards tents , and persecution often doth deface the visible face of a ministeriall church , and to remove the candlestick is to remove the ministery , as to take away eyes , and eares and hands from the body , is to hurt the integrity of it , and make it lame . . all communion ministeriall whereby we are a body visible , cor. . . eating one bread , may well be loosed , when pastors are removed , whose onely it is , by your owne confession , to administrate the sacraments , except you allow all to administrate the lords supper , and women to baptise ; nor is there a communion in a family betwixt husband and wife , if you remove husband and wife out of the family , except , you meane a communion by way of charity , to rebuke , exhort , comfort one another , which communion is betwixt two independent congregations , who are not in church-state one to another : but if you meane in church-communion , take heed that the keys of every christian family , and the keys of the kingdome of heaven be not by this , made all one . also it is ( saith he ) unequall dealing to make a prophane multitude , under a diocesian prelate a church , and to deny , that a company of faithfull believers is a church . . god hath not tied his power or presence to any order , or office of the world , but accepteth of them that feare him , and worke righteousnes . . a power to enjoy the officers is seated in the body , as an essentiall property . . th● lord calleth the body of the saints the church , excluding the elders acts . . . tim. . . because the church is essentially in the saints , as the matter and subject formed by the covenant , unto the which the officers are but adjuncts , not making for the being , but for the welbeing of the church , and so the furtherance of their faith and their service . answ. a profane multitude under a diocesian prelate , is not a church mysticall of redemed ones , as a company of believers are , but professing the truth and consisting of a flock of called officers , they may wel be a ministeriall church , which foure believers cannot be . it is true god hath not tied his power and presence to any order or office , as anabaptists say : and so speaketh the catech. of raccovia a and smalcius b and nicolaides c say , there is no necessity of a ministery , after that the evangel i● preached by the apostles and confirmed by miracles : and that a ministery is onely profitable ad benè esse , and not necessary ; the arminians teach so , the d remonstrantes , praedicationem verbi ad id simplicitèr necessariam negant : quid clarius ? so e eipscopius , pastoris actio non tam necessaria est quam utilis ad edificationem , postquam scriptura omnibus & singulis legenda data est , ut ex ca suopte marte discat quisque quantum satis est . but paul maketh it in the ordinary way , necessary for salvation to believe , * to call on the name of the lord , and to heare a prophet sent ; and the presence and power of god in the seales of righteousnes , is tyed to lawfull pastors , who onely can administrate those seales , mat. . . as to meanes ordained of god , not as if god could not save without them , and accept the righteous doers without them , but see how this man would beare us in hand , that the comfort of pastorall preaching and the sacraments cannot be tyed to called ministers , exccept we call god an accepter of persons , which is denied , acts ? i believed teachers and doctors and elders , had beene the eyes , eares and hands , and so integrall parts of the visible church , as christ is the head of the catholick church . and this man maketh integrall parts adjunctes of the church , thereby declaring ministers may be well wanted , and that they are passements ad bene esse , and things of order . never did anabaptists speake louder against the ordinances of christ ; and socinians and arminians are obliged to him . thirdly , the beleevers have right to the officers , and this right is an essentiall property of the church ; then also , because beleevers have right to the keys , the keyes are onely an adjunct of the visible church , which our brethren must deny . . acts . . tim. . . the church excluding the officers is ( saith robinson ) called the church , as the elders of the church , and timothy was to behave himselfe well in the church of god. this is answered ; they are first a mysticall church , not a governing church . secondly , a man is called a man excluding his soule , ( if your soule were in my soules stead . ) therefore a man is a thing living , and a reasonable man without his soule : what vanity is here ! fifthly , if the church-covenant be the essentiall forme of the church , it is as accider tall to the well being of beleevers , as officers are ; for they are the light of the world , the salt of the earth , which is more necessary then a church-covenant . and robinson saith a further , two or three have received christ , and his power and right to all the meanes of grace , and christ and his power are not divided ; also the wife hath immediate right to her husbands person and goods for her use . answ. two or three ( yea one beleever ) and these not entred in church-state , but beleeving in christ , have received christ and his power in all christian priviledges due to that state : true ; they have received christ and his power in all ministeriall and church-priviledges , it is false ; nor can our brethren admit of this by their grounds : for then should they have right in their owne person to preach pastorally , and administrate the sacraments ; if christ and the pastorall power to such acts cannot be divided , and if they have as immediate right to use the keys in pastorall acts as the wife hath to the husband and goods . also ( saith he ) b of the churches of the gentiles , some were converted to god by apostles , others by private christians , acts . . and . , , , . and . , , . and . , , . and . , . can we in reason thinks , during the apostles absence , that the churches never assembled together for edification in praying , prophesying , and other ordinances ? were not all they converts , who desired to be admitted to their fellowship ? had they not use of excommunication ? the apostles came but occasionally to the churches , where they appointed elders , acts . . why did paul leave titus at crete , save onely that men of gifts might be trained up in prophesying ? answ. all here said is conjecturall , he cannot give us an instance of a church exercising church-power , and destitute of officers , onely he saith , can we conceive that in the apostles absence there was no church meetings for edification ? but were there no elders and officers in the apostolike church , but onely apostles ? i thinke there have beene pastors , and when the apostles first left the planted churches , can we conceive that they left new converted flockes without pastors ? and if without officers they met for prophecying , can wee conceive that they wanted the seales of the covenant ? certainly , sacraments without officers are no rules for us to follow . secondly , of conversion by private persons , i purpose to speake hereafter ; if they preached , it is not ordinary , nor a rule to us . thirdly , at crete there have beene preachers , but of government without them i see nothing ; since elders timothy and titus are limitted in receiving accusation : against elders , and are forbidden to lay hands suddenly on any man ; i see not how the people without officers did this . it is good , that this church that they give us , is all builded upon conjectures , and an unwritten church is an unwritten tradition . if the apostles appointed elders in the church for this end , to governe ; wee gather the contrary of your collections . ergo , there was no government in the churches before there were governours , for the end could not be existing in gods wisdome without the meanes ; that watchmen should goe about the walls before the city bee walled , and discipline erected , i cannot conceive : without officers , the ordinary disciplinators , the city of god can be no governing city . it is ( saith he ) strange where multitudes are converted ; and that where neither apostles nor officers were present , that there were no churches here ; it is grosse to say . that in the apostles times nothing was begun but by them . a. there was conversion of multitudes to the lord ; ergo , there was a church-covenant in stating them all in church-state ; you cannot say it your selves . secondly , it is not grosse , but apostolike , that all new acts of government should take their beginning from the apostles , as the chusing of matthias , acts . the ordaining of deacons , acts . the preaching to the gentiles , acts . had their beginning from the apostles , who founded and planted churches . . quest. whether or not ordination of elders may be by the church of beleevers wanting all elders or officers . here these particulars must be discussed ; first , from whence is ordination of elders from elders or from the people . secondly , if election by the people be all that is requisite in a lawfull calling . thirdly , the argument from the calling of our reformers must be discussed . for the first , observe the following considerations : first , a succession in the church is necessary ordinarily ; extraordinarily , and in cases of necessity it may be wanting . secondly , we deny the popish succession to be a note of the church , nor doe we in any sort contend for it . first , because a right succession must be a succession to truth of doctrine , not personall or totall to the chaire and naked office . so a tertullian , and falshood may succeed to truth , sicknesse to health , as b nazianzen . yea , as c occam saith , laymen and teachers extraordinarily raised up , may succeed to hereticall pastors . secondly , there is succession to the errors of preceding teachers , either materiall without pertinacie , holding what they hold ; or formall to the same errors , with hatred of the truth and pertinacie ; the latter we reject , the former may be in lawfully called pastors . see what beza d saith of this . neither will we here go from true succession , whereas e ireneus saith , men , cum episcopatus successione charisma veritatis acceperunt . and as f augustine , when they doe prove themselves to be the church onely by scriptures , non nisi caenonic is libris . thirdly , we deny not but asia , africa , egypt , and a great part of europe heard not a word of christ for a long time , as binnius g observeth in the h la●eran councell . and succession was interrupted many ages in the world , saith i prosper and k augustine . nor can l bellarmine deny it . . we desire that more may be seene of this also in m 〈◊〉 , n cyprian , o augustine . and a great iesuit p suariz in words passeth from this note . the epistles of a●acletus to all ingenious men , except to such as stapleton , are counterfeit ; and the greeke church hath as much of th●s as the roman , and more . antiochia , alexandria , and constantinople , may say more for it also . distinct. it is one thing to receive ordination from a p●●lat● lawfully and another thing to receive lawfull ordination . the former w● deny ; ministers si●ne who receive ordination from a pr●late , as they sinne , who receive baptisme from the romish church ; yet is the ordination lawfull and valid , because prelacy , though different in nature from the office of a true pastor , is consistent in the same subject with the pastors office . . distinct. though election by the people may make a minister in some cases , yet it is not the essentiall cause of a called pastor , as a rose caused to grow in winter by art is of that same nature with ar●se produced by nature in summer , though the manner of production be different . so are they both true pastors , those who have no call ba● the peoples election , and those who have ordination by pastors . . distinct. the substance and essence of ordination ( as we sh●● after heare ) consisteth in the appointing of such for the holy ministery by persons in office . all the corrupt rites added to this by papists , take not away the essence and nature of ordination . for the greeke church , even this day at rome , receiveth ordination by imposition of hands , & not by the reaching a cup and a platter , and that with the popes good will. whereas the lati● church have far other ceremonies following the decree of e●ginius the fourth , and the common way of rome , approved by q innocentius the third , and yet they grant both wayes of ordinations lawfull ; because as r bellarmine , s uasq●● t joan. de lugo the popes professor this day at rome saith , these are but accidents of ordination ; and because ( say they ) christ ordained that this sacrament should be given by some materiall signe , but whether by imposition of hands , or otherwise , he hath not determined in individuo ( particularly : ) see for this , peter arcudius his reconciliation of the easterne and vve●erne church u in the councell of florence . x the greek church is not blamed , though imposition of hands be commanded in b the councell or carthage . see that variations may be in a sacrament , and yet such as make not the sacrament invalid , in c sotus d suarez , e vasquez , f ioan. de lugo , g scotus . but since h robinson granteth , that the baptisme of the romish church is not to be repeated , ordination of pastors is of that same nature , and must stand valid also . hence our first conclusion . in cases of necessity , election by the people onely may stand for ordination , where there be no pastors at all . this is proved before by us ; i first , because god is not necessarily tied to succession of pastors . secondly , because where men are gifted for the worke of the ministery , and there be no pastors to be had , the giving of the holy ghost is a signe of a calling of god , who is not wanting to his owne gracious intention , though ordinary meanes faile . and see for this that learned voetius k nor do we thinke that we are in this straited , as the papist iansenius l in that place saith , that wee must wait for an immediate calling from heaven , as also m robinson saith . . conclus . thence may well be deduced that they are lawfull pastors , and need not a calling revealed , who , in cases of extraordinary necessity , are onely chosen by the people , and not ordained by pastors ; and that pastors ordained by pastors , as such , are pastors of the same nature ; as matthias called by the church , and paul immediately called from heaven , had one and the same office by nature . . conclus , the established and setled order of calling of pastors , is by succession of pastors to pastors , and elders by elders , tim. . . lay hands suddenly on no man. tim. . . neglect not the gift which was given to thee by proph●cie , with the laying on of the hands of the elders . secondly , the practice of the apostles is our safe rule , because at all ordination of church-officers the apostles and pastors were actors and ordainers , as acts . , . acts . . . acts. . . cor. . . tit. . . and this a robinson granteth , because the charge of all the churches did lie on the apostles . as also before the law , the people did not ordaine the priest hood , but god ordained the first borne by succession to be teachers and priests ; b and after he chose the tribe of levi , without consent of the people , though the princes and heads of tribes said hands upon them . and also god of sundry other tribes raised up prophets , and did immediately call them , they had onely of the people not the calling , bu●●●t the least the silent approbation of the faithfull amongst the people . christ comming in the flesh chose twelve apostles not knowing either the governing church or the people ; at length , when the apostles established a church-government , and a pastor to a certaine flocke , they ordained that the ch●sing of the man should be with consen of the people , and beg●n this in ma●thias , then the seven deacons , then acts . . elders were chosen by lasting up of the peoples hands . but that persons were ordained pastors and sanctified , and set apart for the worke of the ministery , by the authority of the sole multititude , and that without all officers , we never read . and the laying on of the hands we see not in the new testament ; we shall be d●si●ous to be informed of this by our deare brethren , and intreat them in the feare of the lord to consider of an unwritten calling of a ministery . thirdly , if ordination of pastors bee laid downe in the apostolike canons to officers , as officers , then is not this a charge that doth agree to the people , especially wanting officers . but the former is true ; ergo , so is the latter . i prove the proposition : what is charged upon officers as officers cannot be the charge of the people , because the people are not officers . i prove the assumption , because tim. . , . to commit to faithfull men the things of the gospell , which timothy heard paul preach , is a charge laid on timothy in the very tearms , that he is vers . . not to intangle himselfe with the affairs of this life , but to be separated for preaching the gospell , from all worldly imployment ; as a souldier sworne to hi● captaine , can attend no other calling , vers . . and as he is to put other pastors in minde of these things , and to charge them that they strite not about words ; and as he is to be an approved workman , dividing the word aright , vers . . . but these are laid upon timothy as a pastor . so tim. . as he sheweth the honour and reward due to elders , so doth he charge timothy not to heare accusations of elders , but upon two or three witnesses testimony , which is the part of church-iudges ; even as hee is to rebuke sinne publikely , that others may feare , vers . , . so according to that same office , must imposition of hands be conserred upon pastors advisedly , vers . . as the apostle commandeth all beleevers to lay hands suddenly on no man. also paul would have said , i left a church of beleevers at crete to appoint elders in every city ; if it be the churches part , even though destitute of elders to appoint elders over themselves , but by what po●er titus was to rebuke sharpely the cretians , that they may be found in the saith , by that power was he left at crete to appoint elders in every city ; but this is an officiall power , titus . . due to bishops , as a part of their qualification , vers . . . argu. the speciall reason against ordination of elders , by elders onely , is weake ; and that is , a succession of pastors must be granted ever since the apostles times , which is ( say ourbrethren ) popish . this reason is weak , because a succession of elders and pastors , such as we require , is no more popish then a succession of visible beleevers ; and visible churches ordaining pastors , is popish : but our brethren maintaine a succession of beleevers and visible prosessors since the apostles daye . secondly , we deny the necessity of a succession perpetuall , which papists hold . thirdly , we maintaine onely a succession to the true and apostolike doctrine : papists hold a visible cathedrall succession to the chaire of rome , and titular office of peter . . quest. whether or not our brethren doe prove that the church of believers have power to ordaine pastors ? in answering our brethrens reasons ; i first returne to our author ; secondly , i obviate what our brethren say in the answer to a the questions sent from old england ; and thirdly , shall answer robinsons arguments . our b author saith , beleevers have power to lay hands on their officers , because to them christ gave the keyes ; that is , the ministeriall power of binding and loosing , matth. . , , . and acts . the voices of the people went as farre as any humane suffrages could goe , of an hundred and twenty they chose two . and acts . . the apostles ordained elders by the lifting up of the hands of the people . acts . they are directed to looke out and chuse seven men to be deacons . and the ancient church did so from cyprians words , c vlebs vel maxime potestatem habet , vel dign●s sacerdotes eligendi , vel indignos recusandi . answ. the places math. . and . give , to some power ministeriall to bind and loose , open and shue , by preaching the gospell , and administring the sacraments , as to stewards the keyes of an house are given : but this power is given to elders o●ely , by evidence of the place , and exposition of all divines . . if the ministeriall power and the warrantable exercise thereof , be given to all ; then are all ministers ; for the faculty and exercise doth denominate the subject and agent ; but that is false by d scripture . . that all the hundred and twenty did ordain● matthias an apostle , act. . is not said , they did nominate and present him . . they did choose him . but authoritative separation for the office was christs and his apostles worke . . that women , and mary the mother of iesus , v. . being there , had voice , and exercised authority in ordaining an apostle cannot be orderly . yea the apostles names are se● downe , and these words , v. . and they appointed two , are relative to v. . these words , for he was numbred with us the apostles , and to these v. . wherefore of these men which have companied with us , &c. and to these v. . must one be ordained to be witnesse with us of his resurrestion , and they appointed two , that is , the apostles ; and the rest are set downe as witnesses , v. . these continued , that is the apostles , with the women , and mary the mother of iesus , &c. the women and others were onely consenters . . here is no probation , that onely a company of believers wanting pastors are ordainers of matthias to the apostleship , and this is the question . . the place act. . . proveth that elders appoint or ordaine elder . with consent , or lifting up of the hands of the people , which is our very doctrine . . act. ▪ the multitude are directed to choose out seven men , as being best acquainted with them . yet if nicholas , the sect master of the fleshly nicolaitans was one of them ; it is likely they were not satisfied in conscience of the regeneration of nicholas , by hearing his spirituall conference and his gift of praying , which is your way of trying church-members . but . they looke out seven men . . they choose the● . but v. . the apostles prayed , and laid their hands on them ( which we call ordination ) and not the multitude . . cyprian give●● election of priests to the multitude , but neither cyprian , nor any of the fathers give ordination to them . author sect. . if the people have power to elect a king , they have power to appoint one is their name to put the crown on his head . ergo , if beleevers elect their officers they may by themselves or some others lay hands on them and ordaine them . ans. the case is not alike , the power of electing a king is naturall , for ants and locusts have it , prov , , . therefore a civill society may choose and ordaine a king. the power of choosing officers is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a supernaturall gift . and because god giveth to people one supernaturall gift , it is not consequent that he should give them another , also beside ordination is another thing , then coronation of a king. presbyters in the word have alwaies performed ordination . neither will it hence follow ( saith the authour ) as some object that because the church of believers neither make the office nor authority of pastors , that both are immediately from christ , and that therefore the beleevers may not lay hands upon the officers ; nor doth it follow , because they receive ordination from the church , that therefore they should execute their office in the churches name ; or that they should be more or lesse diligent at the churches appointment , or that the church of beleevers have a lordly power over them , or that the elders must receive their commission from the church , as an ambassadour doth from the prince who sent him , or that the church in the defect of officers may performe all duties proper to officers , as to administer the sacraments . for . most of the objections doe strike as much against imposition of hands by bishops and presbyters . . though officers receive the application of their office and powerly the church , yet not from the church ; and if from the church , yet not from her by any lordly power and dominion , but onely ministerially as from instruments under christ , so that they cannot choose or ordaine whom they please , but onely him whom they see the lord hath fitted and prepared for them ; nor can they prescribe limits to his office , nor give him his embassage , but onely a charge to looke to the ministery that he hath received of the lord. ans. . i know none of ours who use such an argument , that because a pasters or elders office is from christ , that therefore the church cannot ordaine him . for it should prove that the presbyterie cannot ordaine him a pastor , because his office is from christ and not from the presbyterie . it would prove also , that because the office of a judge is from god , that the free states of a kingdome could not ordaine one to be their king ; or that the king could not depute judges under him , because the office of a king and judge is from god , and not from men . . if elders have their ordination to that heavenly charge from the people , as from the first principall and onely subject of all ministeriall power , i see not how it doth not follow , that elders are the servants of the church in that respect ; and that though it doth not follow , that they come out in the name of the church , but in the name of christ , whose ambassadours they are , yet it proveth well that they are inferiour to the church of beleevers . for . though the power of the keys given to beleevers in relation to christ be ministeriall , yet in relation to the officers whom the church sendeth , it is more then ministeriail , at lest it is very lordlike . for as much of this ministeriall power is committed to the church of possibly twenty or forty beleevers , as to the mistresse , lady , spouse , and independent queen , and highest dispencer of all ministeriall power ; and the elders , though ambassadours of christ , are but meere accidents or ornaments of the church , necessary ad benè esse onely , and lyable to exauthoration at the churches pleasure ; yea , every way the officers in jurisdiction are inferiour to the church of beleevers , by your grounds , and not over the people of the lord. for if the church of believers , as they are such , be the most supreame governing church , then the officers , as officers , have no power of government at all , but onely so farre as they are beleevers ; now if they be not believers ( as it falleth out very often ) then have they no power of the keyes at all , and what they doe , they doe it meerely as the churches servants , to whom the keyes are not given marriage-waies , or by right of redemption in christs blood : yea , officers as they are such , are neither the spouse , not redeemed church , yea nor any part , or members of the redeemed church . . the church of believers are the ●od , the officers meanes leading to the end , and ordained to gather the saints ; if therefore , as the end , they shall authoritatively send officers , they should call and ordaine officers as the states of a kingdome , with more then a power ministeriall ; yea with a kingly power , for all authority should be both formally and eminently in them , as all regall or aristocraticall power is in the states of a kingdom , as in the fountaine . but neither doe we bring this argument to prove a simple dominion of the church of believers over the officers , or a power of regulating , limiting , and ordering the ambassage of officers , as king and state lay bands upon their ambassadours ; but we bring it to prove that this doctrine degradeth the officers from all power of government above the believers , and putteth them in a state of ministeriall authority under these , above whom jesus christ hath placed them , contrary to a scripture . . the authour saith , believers may not administer the sacraments in the defect of pastors , because that , by appointment of christ , belongeth onely to such as by office are called to preach the gospell , math. . . which is indeed well said ; but i desire to be satisfied in these . . these places math. . . mar. . , . luke . . being all one with math. . . and joh. . , , . the keyes of the kingdome are given to church-officers because of their office. so the text is cleare , and so the ancients have taught , as tertullian , irenaeus , origen , cyrill . theophylact. oecum●nius ▪ clemens alexandrin ▪ iustin martyr , chrysost. august . hilarius , ambrose , basil. epiphanius , ierome , eusebius , cyprian , damascen , beda , anselme , bernard . so our divines , calvin , luther , beza , martyr , iunius , bullinger , gualt●r , daneus , ti●enus , bucanus , trelcatius , piscator , pareus , tossanus , polanus , decolampadius , bucer , hipperius , viret , zuinglius , fennerus , whittakerus , feildus , reynoldus , anto. wallaeus , profess . leydens . magdeburgersis , melanthon , chemnitius , hemingius , aretius . then the keyes be given to church-officers , because they are officers , and stewards of the kingdome . and you will have the keyes to be given to believers as believers , and as the spouse of christ. now elders and believers may be opposed , as believers and no believers , as the church of the redeemed , and not the church of the redeemed , but the accidents onely of that church ; as you teach , and as the spouse of christ and his body , and not the spouse nor his body . i see not by our brethrens doctrine that officers as officers have any right title or warrant to the keyes , or to any use of them , seeing they are given to believers as believers , and as christs body and spouse . . the place matth. . . is against you ; for you say , that pastorall preaching and administration of the seales are given onely to such as are preachers by office . now the converting of infidels and other unbelievers , to make them fit materials of a visible church , is not ( as you say ) the charge proper to pastors as pastors , and by vertue of their pastorall charge , as baptizing ; by this place is their proper charge , because pastors as pastors convert none at all , nor can they as pastors exercise any pastorall acts toward the un-converted ; the un-converted by your way are under no pastorall charge , but converted by prophets , not in office ; pastors as pastors exercise all pastorall acts toward these onely who are members of a visible church , as toward these onely who have professed by oath subjection to their ministery , ad are partakers of the precious faith , and are the sonnes and daughters of the lord god almighty . so you teach . so by this text , pastors as pastors cannot convert infidels , and we desire a warrant from gods word for the pastorall acts in converting soule● ; yea , seeing by this place persons out of office onely doe convert soules by your doctrine , with all reason persons out of place should baptize , for teaching and baptizing here , and by your owne doctrine are of a like extent . see to this , and satisfie us in this point of such consequence as everteth the ministery of the new testament , which we believe our brethren intend not , being so direct anabaptatisme and socinianisme , points that , we know , our deare brethren doe not love or affect . the author addeth , he who said to the apostles , whose sinnes ye retaine they are retained , and whose sinnes ye remit they are remitted , joh. . . he also said to the church , whatsoever ye bi●● on earth shall be bound in heaven . math. . . which is a commission of the same power , and to the same ●ffect ; and so the apostles and the churches both received the same power immediately from christ : and therefore though the church presented their officers chosen by themselves to receive ordination from the apostles , 〈◊〉 now when the apostles are ceased , and no other successors left in t●●● roome from whom their officers might receive ordination , but fr●● the presbyterie of their owne churches ; where such a presbytery is yet wanting , and is now to be erected , the church hath full power to give ordination to them themselves , by the imposition of their hands . answ. if the reverend authour had framed an argument here , it should have been thus : those who have received immediately from god a commission of the same power , and to the same effect , by the text math. . . which the apostles of our lord received by the text , joh. . . these may doe what the apostles did in ordaining of elders , seeing they are the successors of the apostles , where there be no elders . but the church of believers received the same commission , matth. . . which the apostle did joh. . . and where edders are wanting in the church , the church of believers is their successors . erge . &c. first , the assumption is false ; for if the church receive the same commission math. . the apostles received joh. . and you must adde math. . . for the same commission is given to the apostles , math. . . which is given joh. . . but the disciples received commission , ioh. . and math. . of pastorall binding and loosing , and preaching , by vertue of their office ; and to administer the sacraments in their owne persons , as you grant : therefore the church of believers received commission from christ ( where presbyters are not ) to preach by vertue of an office , and administer the sacraments in their owne persons . ergo , the church of believers may , where there is no presbytery , preach by verue of an office , and administer the sacraments . you will happily say , there is no such necessity of baptizing as of ordination of ministers , and baptizing is incommunicable , because we read not that any in the apostolique church baptized , but pastors . i answer , there is , in an extraordinary necessity where there are no presbyters at all , as little necessity of ordination if there be presbyters in other congregations to ordaine ▪ and since you never read that any in the apostolique church ordained pastors , but pastors onely ; why , but we may have recourse to a presbytery of other congregations for ordination , as well as for baptizing ; for it is petitio principii , a begging of the question , to say that baptizing is proper to pastors , but ordination is not so . yea but ordination by precept & practice is never given but to pastors , and elders in consociation tin. tim. . . tim. . . tim. . , . tit. . . act. . . act. . act. . . there is good reason why pastors should be successours of the apostles in the act of ordaining pastors ; & you grant , where pastors and elders are , they succeed to the apostles in the acts of ordination ; but that all believers men and women should be the apostles successours to ordaine pastors , is a rare and unknowne case of divinity , for cor. . . are all apostles ? are all prophets ? yea , not long agoe you said that act. . an hundred and twenty , amongst whom there were women , had all hand in the ordination of matthias to be an apostle ; so that beleevers by you are made the apostles successours ; and more , yea even co-ordainers , and joynt-layers on of hands with the apostles . yea , if believers received immediately this same commission from christ , math. . which the apostles received ioh. . believers are to ordaine pastors no lesse , when the presbytery and elders are present , then when they are absent ; yea , and rather then the apostles , because the church of beleevers their patent passed the seales first , even before the lords resurrection . . it is good you grant that ordination and election are different , we will make use of it hereafter . the authour addeth , we willingly also acknowledge , where god hath furnished a church with a presbytery , to them it appertaineth by imposition of hands to ordaine elders and deacons chosen by the church ; but if the church want a presbytery , they want a warrant to repaire to other churches to receive imposition of hands to their elders . . because ordination is a worke of church power , now as church hath power over another , so no presbytery hath power over another church then their owne ; all the apostles received alike power , ioh. . . the power of the keyes is a liberty purchased by christs blood , math. . . phil. . , . therefore it is unlawfull for any church to put over that power into the hands of another . answ. we desire a warrant from gods word , where elders , where they are present , are to ordaine elders by imposition of hands , and not believers ; for ordination is a worke of the church ; officers are not the church , nor are they parts or members of the church , but onely accidents ; the church hath its full being , the power and use of the keyes given to them by math. . though there be not a pastor or officer among them ; and if christ before his resurrection gave the keyes to beleevers as to his spouse , living body , and such as have peters faith math. . resolve us , we beseech you brethren , in this , how christ can give the keyes after his resurrection , ioh. . . to the apostles as pastors , and as no believers , not his spouse , not his body ; for officers , as officers , are not the redeemed of god , nor christs spouse . if you say that christ , ioh. . gave the keyes to his disciples as beleevers , then he gave the power of baptizing after his resurrection also , by the parallel place math. . . to the apostles as to beleevers . hence . christ hath never given the keyes to officers as officers . . the place ioh. . is but a renewing of the keyes given to the church , math. . and math. . and all believers are sent and called to be pastors , as the father sent christ , and as christ sent his apostles , as our lord speaketh , john . . this i thinke all good men will abhorre , though m. smith saith these words , and that power iohn . . was given to cleo●has and mary magdalen . and by your way , paul ( as i thinke ) without warrant interdicted women of the use of that power , that christ purchased by his blood . . there is no warrant of the word to make good , that christ gave the keyes to officers as officers , by your way , but onely to officers as to beleevers ; and therefore believers ought rather to ordaine pastors then the officers , though there be officers to ordaine . . that pastors of other congregations may not ordaine pastors to congregations , who have no pastors of their owne . as they may baptize infants to them also , we see no reason . yea , and church power is not a thing that cannot be communicated to another church by your doctrine , for ye grant members of one congregation may receive the lords supper in another congregation , except you deny all communion of sister churches , for it is a worke of church power to give the lords supper to any , then if you give that sacrament to members of another congregation ; consider if the liberty purchased by christs blood be not communicable to other churches . thirdly , ( saith he ) if one church repaire to another church for ordination , they may submit to another church for censuring of offenders , now how can churches censure these that are not members ? is not this a transgression of the royall law of governement ? mat. . , , , . answ. the offence being great , and the offender deserving to be cast out of all the visible congregations round about , yea and to be bound in earth and heaven , the congregation is to have recourse to all the congregations consociated , when they are convened in one presbytery ; that they , being convened in their principall members , may all cast him out , because it concerneth them all : as if onely one congregation doe it , they transgesse that royall law , quod omnes tangit , ab omnibus tractari debet . . the author granteth , that the church presented their officers chosen by them , to receive ordination from the apostles ; ergo , the church did give a way their liberty of ordination , bought by christs bloud , to the apostles , not as to apostles , but as to pastors : which is against our brethrens doctrine ; for except the apostles bee said to ordaine officers , as pastors , and not as apostles , our brethren shall find none to be the successors of apostles in the power of ordination , but onely believers ; so pastors have no power at all to ordaine pastors , the contrary whereof our brethren teach . now i come to the brethrens minde in their questions . it was objected a how can it be lawfull for meere lay and private men to ordaine elders ? they answer , the persons ordaining are the publick assembly , and so cannot , in any congruity of speech , be called meere lay-men . i answ . seeing they have no church office , they can be nothing , but meere private men ; for the unwarrantable action of ordination maketh them not publick officers . as if a midwife baptize in the name of the church , shee is not a meere private person . . they say , the church hath power from christ for the greater , to wit , for election ; ergo , she hath power to doe the lesse , which is ordination ; or ordination dependeth upon election , and it is nothing but the putting of a person in actuall possession of that office , wherunto he had right by election . answ. ordination , by your owne grant , is more then election , for the apostles ordained , acts . and must have done the most , and the multitude elected the seaven deac̄ons , acts . ordination is more then the installing of a person chosen , it is a supernaturall act of the presbytery separating a man to an holy calling , election is posterior to it , and is but an appropriation of a called person his ministery , to such a particular flock . . say they ; ordination may be performed by the elders , where there be elders , tim. . . yet it is an act of the whole church , as the whole man seeth , but by the eye . answ. though you say , pastors in the churches name baptize , yet doth it not follow ; ergo , where pastors are not , the church of believers may baptize . . they object , when the church hath no officers , the prime grave m●n performe ordination ; as nu● . , the israelites layd on hands on the levites , that is , some prime man layd on hands . answ. israel wanted not officers . . these prime men are called the congregation ; ergo , there is a representative church . . they object ; if b lievers may not ordaine , it shall follow either that officers may minister without ordination , against the sripture , tim. . . heb. . . or , by vertue of ordination received in another church , they might minister . now if this be , we establish an i●d●l●ble character of papists , but if being called to another church , there be need of a new election , then there is need of a new ordination , for that dependeth upon this ; ergo , then ordination commeth by succession , but we see not what authority ordinary officers have to ordaine pastors to a church , whereof themselves are not members . answ. . that ordination be wanting , where ministers are wanting , is extraordinary , and not against , tim. . no more then that one not baptized for want of a pastor should yet believe in christ. . we see no indeleble character , because a pastor is alwayes a called pastor ; if the man commit scandals , the church may call all his character from him , and turne him into a meere private man. but to renew ordination , when election to another congregation is renewed , is to speake ignorantly of ordination and election : for election maketh not the man a minister , nor giveth him a calling , but appropriateth his ministery to such a flock . but they speake of election to a charge as of marriage , which is not well understood , for by marriage a man is both made a husband , and a husband to this wife onely : by election a pastor is not made a pastor , by ordination he is made a pastor of the church universall , though hee be not made an universall pastor . . the ordination by succession of pastors , where pastors are , you hold your selves . but a popish personall succession , wee disclaime , as well as you doe : the . objection i omit to another time . the . * objection is ; if there be a magistrate before , the succeeding magistrate receiveth keys or ( word from the preceding magistrate : but if there be none , he receiveth them from the people . so here . answ. christs calling is not ordered according to the patterne of civill governments , his kingdome is not of this world . people may both ordaine and elect to a civill office , without consent of the preceding magistrate . but we reade of no officers ordained by the people , only in an ordinary way . ordination ( say they ) is not of such eminency as is conceived , it is not mentioned in the apostles first commission , mat. , . marke . , . the apostles accompted preaching and praying principall . so a perkins b vvillet c vvhittaker , d amesius . answ. so answer arminians e and so doth the socinian f theol. nicolaides , and g socinus ; and so in your words saith h to reforme , but this is not to take away the necessity of ordination , by pastors . i come now to answer , what mr. robinson doth adde , to what is said for the ordination of pastors by pastors , and not by single believers , mr. robinson i saith , the question is , whether succession of pastors be of such absolute necessity , as that no minister can in any case be made but by a minister , and if they must be ordained by popes , and prelates . answ. but we say that this is no question at all , wee affirme ordination of pastors not to be of that absolute necessity , but in an exigence of necessity the election of the people , and some other thing , may supply the want of it . nor doe wee thinke a calling from papists no calling , as we shall heare : before i proceed this must be discussed . q. . uuhether election of the people be essentiall to the calling of a minister . ● . election we are to consider , to whom it belongeth of right . . the force and influence thereof to make a church-officer ; but let these considerations first be pondered . . consid. election is made either by a people gratious and able to discerne , or by a people rude and ignorant ; the former is valid , jure & facto , the latter not so . . consid. election is either comparative or absolute ; when election is comparative , though people have nothing possibly positively to say against a person , yet though they reject him and choose one si●ter , the election is reasonable . . consid. peoples election is not of a person to the ministery as a vvi●is choyse of a man to be a husband , but of a minister ; election doth not make a minister . . consid. election is either to be looked to , quoad jus , or , quoad f●ctum . a people not yet called externally , cannot elect their own minister , a synod or others of charity ( as reverend junius a saith ) may chuse for them , though , de facto , and in respect of their case , they cannot chuse their own pastor . . conclus . the people have gods right to chuse , for so the b word prescribeth . so c tertullian , d eyprian . non blandiatur sibi plebs , quasi immunis à contagione delicti esse possit , cum sacerdote peccatore communicans & ad injustum atque illicitum propositi episcopatum consensum s●um accommodans , &c. and d nefas sine consensu po●uli : and this cyprian writ an hundreth yeeres before the nicen councell . bellarmine lo●ed hi● face e to say this custome began in the time of the nicon councell . it was not a consuetude f qu●d ipsum ( inquit cyprianus ) videmus de divina autoritate descender● ; g ignatius , it is your part , as the church of god to chuse the pastor ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so speaketh hee to the people of philadelphia ; and so speaketh h ambrose to valentinian , omitto , quia jam ipse populus judicavit , i origen : requiritur ergo in ordinando sacerd te praesentia populi , &c. and his reason is scripture , a pastor must be of good report . and k chrysostome saith , all elections of pastors are null , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the conscience of the people . and the councell of nice did write this to the bishops of alexandria as l theodoret saith , and the fi●st generall councell of constantinople wrote the same to daemasus , ambrose , and others , as m theodoret also sheweth n the councell of africa is cited by cyprian producing scripture , as acts . . acts . to prove that the people had their consent in elections ; and o the councell of chalcedon p the councell of ancyron , and q of laodicea ; and the popes owne r canons say this , s so nicolaus the pope in his decrees saith , the clergy and people did chuse the pope , reliquus clerus & populus romanus ad consensum nova electionis pontificis à cardinalibus factae accedant . so t gelasius the pope writeth to philippus and cernuti●● bishops , so stephanus ad romanum u archiepiscopum rav●●natensem , is cited in the glosse to that purpose ; in x the epistles of ivo bishop of chartres , we being called , by the will of god , the cle●gy and people of such a city , and this pope ur●●● practised upon ivo . . conclus . but elections in the ancient church were not by one single congregation , but by the bishops of diverse other churches . in the y councell of sardis , si unum tantùm in provincia contigerit remanere episcopum , suporstes episcopus con●●care debet episcopos vicinae provinciae . & cum iis orainare sibi comprovincales episcopos ; quod si id facero negligat , populus convocare debet episcopos vicinae provinciae & peter● sibi rectorem . in the z councell of toledo it was ordained , that the bishop of toledo might chuse in quibustibee pr●vinciis , in any provinces about bishops to be his successors , salvo privilegio unius●njusqu● provinciae . cardinalls are forbidden to usurp to chuse a bishop , if the see vace in the time of a generall councell , this was enacted in the councell of * constance and a basil. the abbot of panormo saith , it was obtained of the councell of carthage b to avoyde dissension , that they should transfer their right to the cardinalls . so c almain and d gerson prove the equity of this by good reasons . that wicked councell of trent , labouring to exalt the popes chaire , did abrogate these good acts to the offence of many , as the author e of the review of the councell of trent sheweth ; nor should good men stand for leo his abrogation of what the councell of basil did in this kinde , as may be seene in that wicked councell of lateran f wherein much other wicked power is given to the pope and his legates by iulius iii. and paul the iii. and pius the iiii. and g theodoret saith , all the bishops of a province ought to bee at the ordination of a bishop . the ordination of the worthy , ambrose , as hee h himselfe saith , was confirmed by all the bishops of the east and west . cornelius bishop of rome was confirmed by the bishops of africa . more of this may be seene in i zonaras , in k theodoret l the councell of carthage and m petrus a navarre , who all witnes ordination of a bishop was never done in the ancient church by one single congregation , and these destitute of pastors and elders . the learned say , that gregory the vii . or hildebrand did first exclude the people from voycing in elections of pastors . illiricus sayth onely from the time of frederick the xi . about the yeare , they were excluded from this power . and though it were true , that the election of alexander the iii. was made yeeres before that , by the cardinalls onely , without the peoples consent , the law and logick both say ; from one fact no law can be concluded . yea the election of gregory the vii . ( saith n vasquez ) was five hundred yeeres before that , and like enough that such a monster and such a seditious head to the lords annoynted to henry the iiii , as this gregory was , could violate christs order . o platina sayth so ; yet bellarmine , suarez and others grant , in the apostles time it was so ; b●● because it was a positive law ( some say ) and others that it was a church constitution , not a divine law , the pope might change it . yet the jesuite sanctius p in his comment proveth it from scripture , q azorius sayth , it should be common law , communi jure , r krantius layeth the blame of wronging the people in this , on gregory the ix . yea s the councell of bracare , the t second councell of nice ; the councell of constantinople . called the eight generall councell u the councell of * laodicea are corruptly expounded by x bellarmin . y v●squez and others : because . . they forbid onely disorder and confusion . . that all the multiude , without exceptionosage , gifts , or sexes , should come , and speak and voyce at the election . for in the councell of antioch z it is expressely forbidden that the multitude should be debarred . and wee will not deny but a pastor may be sent to a church of infidels that knoweth nothing of christ , without their knowledge , as a ruffinu● sayth , that frumentius was ordained bishop to the indians , they knowing nothing of it , indis nihil scientibus neque cogitantibus . epiphanius writeth to iohn bishop of ierusalem , that hee had ordained paulinianus a presbyter , the people not consenting . gregorius ordained augustine bishop of england and sent him to them to teach them , anglis nescientibus . and gregorius ii. ordained bonifacius a bishop to bee sent to germany , germanis nihil de eare cogitantibus . and thus b perkins , if the gospell should arise in america , where there were no ministers , ordination might be wanting . and why not ( say i ) election also in another case , if as c petrus martyr sayth well ; a woman may be a preacher of the gospell ; yea , and a turke ( sayth d zanchius ) converted by reading the new testament , and converting others , may baptize them whom hee converteth , and be baptized where both ordination and election should be wanting : and this may answer what e robinson saith for ordination by the people . nor did the people first begin to have hand in election in f tertullians time , as bellarmine saith , nor yet that the people might love their bishops , nor yet by meere custome . conclus . iii. it is false our g brethren say , that the calling of a minister consisteth principally and essentially in election of the people , for the apostles were essentially pastors , yet not one of them , except matthias was chosen by the people . . if , as our brethren say , the peoples after acceptance may supply the want of election at first , as iacobs after consent to leah made her his wife , yet all the pastorall acts of word , sacraments , and censures going before the after consent shall be null , because he wanteth that which most principally and essentially is required in a calling . and all baptized by him must be rebaptized . and what if the people shall never assent , and it is ordinary that hypocrites in hearts will never consent to the ministry of a gratious pastor , shall his acts of converting , and baptizing be no pastorall acts , and to the hypocrites no pastorall acts : and shall all be infidels , who are baptized by him ? the people are not infallible in their choise , and may refuse a man for a pastor , whom god hath called to be a pastor ; election maketh not one a pastor , in foro dei , then he shall be no pastor whom god hath made a pastor , because people out of ignorance or prejudice consent not to his ministery . nor are we of dr. ames judgement , that the calling of a minister doth essentially consist in the peoples election ; for his externall calling consisteth in the presbyters separation of a man for such a holy calling , as the holy ghost speaketh . wee finde no church-calling in all gods word of sole election of the people , and therefore it cannot be the essentiall forme of a right calling . all the arguments of doctor ames prove , that election is necessary to appropriate a made minister to such a congregation , but concludeth not the poyn . qu. . from whence had luther , calvin , and our blessed reformers their calling to the pastorall charge ? this question there is moved because of our brethren , who thinke . . if ordination of pastors by pastors , be so necessary for an ordinary calling to the ministery , and if election of people be not sufficient , though they want pastors and elders then luther and our reformers had no calling , for they were called by the pope and his clergy , for saith n robinson when there be no 〈◊〉 church-officers on earth to give ordination , we must hold with arrians , and expect new apostles to give ordination ; neither can a true , pastor go and seek a calling from a false pastor . hence observe carefully the following distinctions , to obviate both papists cavillations and our brethrens doubts . . distinct. that is . . properly extraordinary , which is immediately from god , without any other intervening cause ; so moses his calling , when god spake to him out of the bush to goe to pharaoh and command the letting goe of his people , was extraordinary , for , both the matter of the calling , and the persons designation to the charge was immediately from god luthers calling this way was not extraordinary , because hee preached no new gospell , nor by any immediate calling from god. . that is extraordinary which is contrary to the law of of nature . neither the calling of luther nor of hus and wiccliff was extraordinary ; for , that any inlightened of god and members of the catholick church should teach , informe , o● helpe their fellow-members being seduced , and led by blind guides , is agreeable to the law of nature ; but according to our brethrens grounds luthers calling here , was not onely extraordinary , but unlawfull and contrary to a divine law. for now when apostles are ceased , luher had no warrant ( if our brethren say right ) no calling of god , to exercise pastorall acts of preaching , converting soules to christ , and baptizing through many visible churches & congregations , because that is ( say they ) apostolick ; and no man now can bee a pastor , but in one fixed congregation whereof he is the elected pastor . . that is extraordinary , which is beside a divine positi●● law. so that one should be chosen a pastor in an iland where there be no elders nor pastors at all , and that the people onely give a calling , is extraordinary , and so it is not inconvenient tha● something extroardinary was in our reformers . . that is extraordinary , which is against the ordinary corruptions , wicked and superstitious formes of an ordinary caling : so , in this sense , luher and our reformers calling was extraordinary . . dist. a calling immediately from god , and a calling from god , some way extraordinary , are farre different . an immediate calling often requireth miracles to confirme it , especially the matter being new , yet not alwayes ; john baptists calling was immediate , his sacrament of baptisme beside the positive order of gods worship , yet hee wrought no miracles , but an extraordinary calling may be , where there is an immediate and ordinary revelation of gods will , and requireth not miracles at all . . dist. though ordinarily in any horologe the higher wheele should move the lower , yet it is not against ordinary art , that the hotologe be so made as inferiour wheeles may move without the motion of the superiour . though by ordinary dispensation of gods standing law , the church convened in a synod should have turned about hus , wicliff , luther , to regular motions in orthodox divinity ; yet it was not altogether extraordinary , that these men moved the higher wheeles , and laboured to reforme them . cyprian urged reformation , aurelius bishop of carthage , augustin and the african bishops did the like , the bishop of rome ●epining thereat it is somewhat extraordinary that reformation should begin at schollers , and not at principall masters . . dist. a calling may be expresly and formally corrupt , in respect of the particular intention of the ordainers , and of the particular church , ex intentione ordinanris & operantis . thus luthers calling to bee a monke was a corrupt calling , and eatenus , and in that respect hee could not give a calling to others . but that some calling may be implicitely and virtually good and lawfull in respect of the intention of the catholick church and ex inte●tione op●ris & ipsius ordinationis , he was called ●o preach the word of god. . dist. luthers oath to preach the gospell did oblige him as a pastor , this is his calling according to the substance of his office , and is valid ; but his oath to preach the roman faith intended by the exacters of the oath was eatenus , in so far ▪ unlawfull , and did not oblige him . even a wife married to a turke , and swearing to bee a helper to her husband in promoving the worship of the mahomet , or being a papist is ingaged in an oath to promote romish religion ; if shee bee converted to the true faith of christ , needeth not to be married de novo , but remaineth a married wife ; but is not obliged by that unjust oath to promove these false religions , though the marriage oath , according to the substance of marriage duties , tieth her . . dist. a pastor may , and ought to have a pastorall care of the catholick church , as the hand careth for the whole body , and yet neither luther nor zuinglius are universall pastors , as were the apostles . for they had usurped no power of governing and teaching all churches : though , i professe , i see no inconvenience to say that luther was extraordinarily called by god , to goe to many churches , to others then to wittenberg , where hee had one particular charge , yea even through germany and the churches of saxony , and zuinglius through the helvetian and westerne churches , which yet doth not make them essentially apostles , because . . they were not witnesses of christs death , and resurrection , which as a new doctrine to the world , as apostles , they behoved to preach , acts . v. . they only revealed the old truth borne downe by an universall apostacy . . because they were not immediately called , nor gifted with diverse tongues . and the like i may say of athanasius , for men in an extraordinary apostacy to goe somewhat farther then to that which a particular church calleth them to , is not formally apostolick , yet lawfull . . a calling to the ministery is either such as wanteth the essentialls , as gifts in any messenger , and the churches consen● , or these who occupy the roome of the church , the church consen●ing , such a minister is to bee reputed for no minister . or. . an entry to a calling , or a calling , where diverse of the apostles requisites are wanting , may bee a valid calling , as if one enter as caiphas who entered by favour and money , and contrary to the law was high-priest but for a yeer : ●yet was a true high-priest , and prophecied as the high-priest . . if the church approve by silence , or countenance the ministery of a man who opened the church doore to himselfe , by a silver key , having given the prelate a bud . the ordinance of god is conferred upon him , and his calling ceaseth not to be gods calling , because of the sins of the instruments both taking and giving . . though luther was immediately called by men an. . by the church of vvittenberg as may be seene a in his writings as gerard b sheweth , and the jesuit becanus c saith , hee was called and ordained a presbyter , and so had power to preach and administer the sacraments , yet that hindereth not that his calling was ●●t from the church , whereof hee was a member , that is from the roman church , and from god , and that his calling to cast downe babylon was not from the church of rome : and his gifts being extraordinary . . his spirit heroick and supernaturally couragious , and so extraordinary . . his faith in his doctrine greate , that hee should so bee blessed with successe in his ministery extraordinary , his calling in these considerations may well bee called extraordinary , though not immediate or apostolick . . then wee may well acknowledge a middle calling betwixt an ordinary and every way immediate calling , and an extraordinary and immediate calling , for the calling of luther was neither the one , nor the other , in proper sense , but a middle betwixt two ; and yet not an immediate calling . see d sadaecl and e 〈◊〉 . . the question , if such a pastor bee called lawfully , is a question of fact not a question of law ; as this , if such an one be baptized and there be an invincible ignorance in a question of fact which excuseth . and therefore wee may heare a gifted pastor taken and supposed by the church , to have the churches calling , though indeed he received no calling from the church , at his entry . . conelus . to shew that our church was a visible church before luther arose , and that our reformers were lawfully called o● god , and h● church , is a question of fact : and cannot be proved by the word of god. because the word of god is not a chronicle of these who were the true church and truly called to the ministery since the apostles departed this life . . because these must be proved by sense , and the testimony of humane writtings , who can erre . . c●nclus . yet may it be gathered from humane writers , that the visible church of protestants this day , hath beene since the apostles dayes . i meane the determinate persons may be knowen by humane reasons and signes ; as . . if orthodox doctors are knowen to have lived in all ages since the apostles it is likely that there was a visible church , which approved of these doctors ; and if we teach that same doctrine in substance , that these doctors did , then hath our church , this determinate church , beene since the apostles time . but orthodox doctors are knowen to have lived in all ●ges as men of approved learning and soundnesse in the faith ; ergo , our present church visible hath continued since the apostles time . the proposition is probable , for these fathers would not be so renowned , if the church about thē had not approved their doctri● . it is probable ( i say ) because the writters against them have beene suppressed , false teachers have beeve spoken of and renowned , and true prophets ill reported of , mat. . , . i prove the assumption ; for there lived in the first age , iohn the baptist , the apostles , and polycarpus , the scholler of iohn ( as they say ) and ignatius . and in the . age , iustinus , clemens alexandrinus , ireneus , melito sardensis , theophilus . in the . age tertullian , cyprian , dyonisius , alexandrin , methodi●s , origen ; it is likely they opposed purgatory , prayer for the dead , reliques and the popes supremacy , which in their seede did arise in this age . in the . age were eusebius caesariensis , basilius , athanasius , magnus gregorius , nissenus , nazian . macarius , cyrillus bishop of jerusalem , arnobius , lactantius , ep●phanius , optatus melivitanus , hilarius , ambrose , prudentius , hieronymus , ammonius , ephrem , faeustinus . i thinke they opposed the infallibility of councells , invocation of saints , and the monastick life springing up in this age . in the . age were anastasius , chrysostome , augustine , alexandrinus , theodoretus , leo , socrates , vigilianus , cassianus , prosper , elutherius , marcus eremita , marius victorius . wee conceive these opposed the corrupt doctrine anent freewill , sinne originall , justification by works , mens merits . in the . age were fulgentius , cassiadorus , fortunatus , olympiodorus , gregorius mag●●s , max●ntius ; these opposed the heresies of this age , as the doctrine of worshipping images , indulgences , satisfactions , crossing , pilgrimages , service in an unknowen tongue , offerings for the dead , worshipping of reliques of saints , necessity absolute of baptisme , the making the sacrament a sacrifice for the dead . in the . age being a time of darknesse very few , isiodorus , and few others , here the holiest opposed the popes stile and place of being universall bishop , and the abominable sacrifice of the masse . in the . arose beda , paulus diaconus , joann , damascen , a superstitious monke , carolus magus , albinus ; in this age came in transubstantiation , the sacrament of penance , and confirmation . it was an evill time . in the . age were rabanus , haymo , re●igius , hinaemarus , pashasius , then extreme unction , orders , and marriage were made sacraments . in the . age was theophylact , smaragdus , giselbertus . in the . anselme , algerus . in the . schoole doctors , such as peter cluniarensis , alexander alensis , thomas aquinas , scotus , at length luther and melanthon came , but from these we build no infallible argument to prove our church to be the true church . . the very visible church that now is , was in the waldenses . . one of their owne writters a rainerus saith , quod duraverit à tempore sylvestri , alii dicunt quod à tempore apostolorum , a novator set out by the jesuite gretserus b petrus pilichdorffius saith , they arose eight hundereth yeeres after silvester in the time of innocentius the . in the city of walden in the borders of france one arose , who professed voluntary poverty , and because they were against preaching of the gospell , he and his followers were excommunicated , but he is found a lier by popish writters who lived long before innocentius the . and make mention of them . the articles of iohn hus , saith c aeneas silvius , cum confessionibus calvinianorum consonant , and silvius is not our friend . i grant d gretser denieth this , that the faith of such as are called calvinists agreeth with the articles of hus ; because hee will have them grosser e flaccius saith these waldenses called leonistae , their doctrine was spread , per l●mbardiam , alsatiam , totum tractum rhenanum , belgicam , saxoniam , pomeraniam , borussiam , poloniam , luciniam , sueviam , silesiam , b●h●miam , moraviam , calabriam , & siciliam . carolus lotharingus f the cardinall complaineth , as also g hegesippus , that for sixteene ages since christ , the first onely was of god , and of the church was a virgin. and none made these complaints , but these who were waldenses . so also complaineth h lactantius , and i isiodorus pelus●ota : why did l costerus taking on him to prove the succession of the roman church for yeeres , leaves . years blanck , where hee cannot finde his mother church ; and yet m nicephorus saith simon zelotes preached the gospell in maur●tania & aphrorum regione , even to brittaine , that is , to the end of the earth , yea balaeus , flemingus , sirop●s say , that ioseph of ●rimathea preached in bri●taine , and n tertullian in the second century which was his owne time saith the like . see the o centuriasts , yea and p barontus , and q origen about an . . saith the same ; and ierome r an . . gattia , britannia , africa , persis , oriens india , & omnes barbarae nationes u●um christum adorant , & unam observant regulam veritatis . what were all these but such as after were called vvaldenses ? and in the first ages s pius . saith , ante concilium nicenu●● parvus respectus babitus fuerat ad romanam ecclesiars ; before the nicen councill little respect was ●ad to th . church of rome . see this learnedly demonstrated by the learned t voetius , and his reason is good . ignatius , ireneus , iustin. martyr , cl●m . alexandr . tertullian , cyprian speak not one syllable of popery or popish articles ; also lucian , porphyrius , tryphe● , cellus , sosymus , symmachus , iulian , mockers of reiligon would have spoken against transubstantiation , one body in many thousand places , worshipping of dead bones , the worshipping of a tree , crosse , and dumbe images , and bread , a pope who could not erre , and they would have challenged and examined miracles , and i adde if they scoffed at the doctrine of these called after vvaldenses as the confession beareth , then were the church of waldenses ( though not under that name ) in their time . the jewes objected against the fathers tatian , theophilus , athenages , iustin , tertullian , alexand. cy●rian , chrysostome , isiodorus , hispalensis , iulianus po●nerius , they objected all they could devise against the christian faith , but not a word of poynts of popery now controversed ; ergo , popery hath not beene in the world then , an . . in the time of victor many opposed victors tyranny : and as plessaeus w and doctor molineus x saith , were called schismaticks therefore , and excommunicated . neither can gretserus y nor bellarmine z defend this , but by lies and raylings . yea from the . to the . age ( saith a voetius ) produce one martyr , professor , or doctor . see augustine de side ad petrum , ruffinus his exposition of the creed , g●nnadius of the articles of the church , theodoret his epitome divinorum decretorum , cyrillus his tract de fide , and produce one holding the popish faith. b clemens romanus and elutheri●s c in the epistle to the bishops of france maketh all bishops pastors of the church universall . any who readeth d gre●serus against pl●ssie may see in the . age that baronius and bellarmine cannot desend , that appeale was made to the pope in the councell of carthage , yea the popes legate brought apiarius to the councell , that his cause might be judged there , becaus● the pope could not judge it , and that the councell of chalcedon was , per precepta valentiniani , convened . and that canstantinople was equall with rome . that simplicius , g●lasius and symmachus were judges in their owne cause , and that hormisda an . . had no command over the o●ientall churches , as may be seene in e baronius . so pelagius the . ioan. the . and pelagius the . were refused the honour of universall bishops , and could not helpe the matter ; see f gretser , and g honorius must be defended as not denying two wills ; and two natures in christ. see what saith b●ronius of this . the councell of h constantinople would not receive the worshipping of images . the best part of the western churches were against it . the churches of france , germany , italy , brittaine . the i councell of franckford , of k paris , so did they all refuse the power of the pope . so occam , gerson , scotus , in most poynts were not papists . nor cajetan , contaren , alm●in , ioa , major , caranza . therefore said l thuanus the doctrine of the vvaldenses were now and then renewed by 〈◊〉 and hus , and when hildebrand came in , all know what wicked new poynts hee brought in , as in the tomes m of the councells may bee seene ; and n onuphrius sayth , quod major pars antea parum in usu fuerit ; the greatest part of his novelty not heard before , or little in use . his tyranny upon the consciences of church-men forbidding marriage : and over the lords people may be seene in o sleidan p in lampadius , and his forme of excommunicating the emperour as it is written by q beruriedenses and r sigonius , s also aventinus , t gerochus reicher sperge●sis t orthuinus ; gratius and others can tell . but ere i speake of this monster head i should not have omitted humble stephanus the . to whom lodovick the emperour , descending from his horse , fell down upon the earth thrice before his feete , and at the third time saluted him thus , blessed be the lord god , who commeth in the name of the lord , and who hath shined upon us . as u theganus saith that pashalis excuseth himselfe to the emperour lod. that hee had leapen to the popedome without his authority , which saith , this headship is not supreame , as x aimoinus saith , who was a murderer of theodorus , the roman churches seale-keeper and of le● . for having first put out their eyes , hee then beheaded them , say the same aimoinus , gregory the . caused lodovick the emperours sons to conspire against the father and was upon that plot himselfe . sergius the . made an act that a bishop should be convinced of no fault but under sevety and two witnesses . siconulphus a prince desiring to have this popes blessing , came to rome and kissed ( sayth y gretserus after z anastasius ) his precious feete . anguilbert archiepisc. mediolanensis departed out of the roman church for the pride of rome , and simon of sergius , sayth sigonius , a it was ordinary for all , sayth b anastasius , to kisse the seate of leo the . platina c saith , hee was guilty of a conspiracy against gratianus a godly and worthy man , to expell the french-men out of the kingdome and bring in the greciane● . gretser the jesuite saith , their owne platina is a lyer in this . wee all know there was an english woman-pope called ioanna , betwixt leo the . and benedictus the . bellarmine , baronius , gretser , lipsius will have it a fable . platina a popish writter is more to be believed then they all , for hee affirmeth it as truth . a great schisme arose in the church because benedictus the . was chosen pope without the emperours consent . the emperour did hold the bridle and lead the horse of nicolaus the . d gretser cannot deny this ) hee defended and maintained baldvinus , who was excommunicated by the bishops of france , because he ravished iuditha the daughter of c●rolus calvus . hee pleaded that there was no reason ; but the decretalls of the popes should be received as the word of god , but because they were not written in the bookes of church-canons : for by that reason some bookes of the old and new testament are not to be received as gods word ( e grets . ) said , these epistles were equall with gods word , and said , they had , neither these epistles , nor the scriptutes authority from the holy spirit , but from the church . that the church was foure hundred yeeres ignorant of the authority of the scriptures : that hee himselfe was jehova eternall , and that gratianus had inserted it in his distinct . . that hee was god. adrian the . approved of basilius his killing of michael the emperour his father . f onuphrius who observeth . schisms of antipopes thinketh schismatick popes , no popes , as benedict . . and honorius . clement . gregor . . celestinus : victor . some popes have beene declared hereticks by papists , as g gregorius . benedictus . in the councell , of pisa● ; and h iohn . in the councell of constance ; moreover bonifacius . sergius . benedictus . eugenius . iohn . and iohn . had no tolerable measure of learning to be priests , how then could they be universall prophets who could not erre ? liberius was an arrian ( as i athanasius and alphons . saith ) zepherinus was a montanist , as tertullian k saith . honorius was condemned , for saying christ had but one will , in l generall councells at constantinople , marcellinus sacrificed to idolls as m bellarmine confesseth ; faelix was an arrian and consecrated by an arrian bishop , ( as n hieronim . saith ) anastasius was a nestorian ( as o alphonsus saith ) iohn . said , soules did not see god untill the resurrection , as p erasmus saith ) innocentius . ordained the eucharist to be given to infants , as a jesuite saith q to wit maldonatus . all this is observed to prove the church could not be in the pope . . that the waldenses were opposers of the pope , whose confession is set downe by r gulielmus reginaldus turco-papista : as s vsserus saith , and cast to by t the jesuite gretser to the end of peter pilichdorffius his treaties contra waldenses , and u by reinerus contra waldenses , their confession containing a condemning of the popes supremacy , unwritten traditions , worshipping of images , invocation of saints , &c. and all the articles of popery . we know how well x calvin thinketh of their confession y the slanderous gr●tser saith , that wicliffe renewed their errors and taught this article . d●u● debet obedire diabolo . god should obey satan . but that faithfull witnesse of christ , hath no such thing in his writtings . many other poynts are objected to the waldenses , but z thuanus saith , reliqua quae à waldensi●us affing untur , per invidiam assinguntur . other lies and false doctrines are laide upon them , but the a magdeburgenses set downe faithfully the articles that they held , which wee owne as the truth of god. what b sanderus c coccius d and parsonius objected to them that they taught that carnall co●cupiscence was no sin . . that all oathes in any case are unlawfull . . that the magistrate may not use the sword . . that the apostles creed is to be contemned these and other calumnies are well refused by usser e and proved by the testimony , that papists gave of the holy life of the waldenses , to bee but lies and meere cal●mnies . these who of old ( saith serarius ) f were called berengariani from berengarius , are this day called calvinists , and these who are this day ( sayth g ioan , wendelstonus ) called protestants , are novi , s●n g●rmanici waldenses . the new waldenses of germany . nec vero ( saith h usser , citing the foresaid authors ) justam a●l●●c causam videre p●ssimus , quam●brem horum majnum pudere nos debcat ; we neede not thinke shame of our forbearers the waldenses . whether did berengarius feare leo the . his unjust sentence of excommunication : but contrary to victor the . he did stoutly plead that the e●ements were a figure or signe of the body and blood of christ , ar. . and before nicol●us the . in a synod at rome before . bishops , for the space of seven dayes hee pleaded the same cause . so saith albericus i diacon . cassinens . and k carolus sig●nius . yea , and hee lest behind him in his age multitudes of his followers , so as rome was not able to suppresse the visible church ever since her cedar branches did spring up to the cloudes . and we know that the faith of the councell of trent , as pressed by oath prescribed by pius . and by the command of gregorius . was not in the world the . age , ambrosius , catharinus , martinus , isengrenius , contarenus , the sorbonists of paris , and the doctors of venice , in many substantiall poynts contradicted the church of rome : yea l thuanus m and the bishop of spalato teach that after the councell of trent the reformation spread through the christian world. in the . and . ages , the doctrine of the waldenses , of wicliffe and berengarius did grow , but few did write , ( saith n voetius , ) in these times because of heavy persecution , multitudes in germany austria , moravia , silesia leiden , collen , osenbruge , and many other parts opposed popery . now we say there were multitudes professing the truth , both of doctors , fathers , and witnesses opposing the roman church ! and what calling the church of rome gave to our reformers must be measured by the best of the church consenting to their c●l●i●g : for wee are not to thinke that all professed popery , but many of the gu des opposed , many were burdened in 〈◊〉 and yet out of weakenesse durst not professe , because of the 〈◊〉 ●●ea●nesse . . they durst not write and preach ag 〈…〉 n of the time . . many were simple , many 〈◊〉 . . 〈…〉 luther and zuinolius had their whole calling from the 〈…〉 ye● think we not that calling no calling , but that it hath that which ●ssentially constituteth a ministe . . c●j phas entered most c●r●n●●ly to the priesthood , by the favour of men , and to bee high-priest for one yeare contrary to the law , which ordained the high-priest to remaine for his lifetime . but as o iosephus said p toletus q cajetan r maldonat s iansonius : yea and our owne writers t calvin u marlorat x musculus y rollock z bullinger observe , all was done by the will and lust of men ; yet cajaphas was the high-priest and prophecied , which is a specifick act of a called prophet . john , ex. . . it is said , he prophecied as high-priest . . the scribes and t●aisees set in moses chaire , and are to be heard , mat. . in so far as they teach gods truth , and yet their entry to their calling was corrupt , if it be true that diverse say , that christ , john ▪ calleth the scribes and pharises . theeves and robbers , because they came not in by the doore , but climbed up another way , but however there was corruption in the way of their comming to the chaire , for they leavened all other the ordinances of god , and the high priest was entered a false way , the rest of the rulers could not come , but in a corrupt way . but though augustine a and b clemens alexa● . expound the place , john . of such as want a lawfull calling ; but then the place cannot agree with scribes and pharisees , which seemeth to fight with the course of the text. but our interpeters c brentius d b●z● e rollocus , expound the place of these who preach not christ soundly , and to be the doore and the foundation , but humane traditions , and yet had a calling ; and the text saith so much , where v. . salvation is promised to every one who entereth in by christ the doore , now salvation is not promised to a man , because hee hath a lawfull calling to the ministery ; hee may have that and yet b●e a child of perdition . . wee are no where forbidden in gods word to heare teachers sent and called , but onely wolves in sheepe skinnes , voyd of all calling , and intruders : for pastors may be antichristian in the manner of the entry , as cajaphas . . in the matter of their doctrine teaching some of mens traditions , in place of gods word as scribes and pharisees . . yea , and brooke an antichristian calling , as prelates doe and have done in brittain● , and yet their ministery be valid . for that the calling of a minister be valid , and his ministeriall acts not null , it is sufficient that the governing church give him a calling , either by themselves , their expresse call , their silence , or tacite consen● , or their approbation communicating with him in his ministery , or by these to whom the church resigned her power , or by these who stand in place of the church ; though prelates invade the place of the church : yet because first they themselves be pastors and have power to teach and baptize as pastors called of christ. mat. . . . because they stand for the church the church approving , or some way by silence consenting ( as in the case of cajaphas entry to the priest-hood ) thereunto . these who are baptized of them , are not rebaptized , and these who are ordained pastors by them are not reordained , but have a calling to the ministery and doe validly confer a calling upon others . yea , many of great learning thinke that at the beginning of reformation thousands being under popery baptized by midwives and private persons , were never rebaptized , not that they thinke such baptisme valid , but where the sacrament is wanting , ex invincibili ignorantia facti , out of an invincible ignorance of a fact , such that way baptized doe indeed want the lords seale ; but wee cannot for that say that they are no better then infidells and unbaptized turkes and iewes , because . . their being borne in the visible church giveth a federall holinesse , as all of jewish parents had a federall right to circumcision , and were , eatenus , in so far , separated from the wombe . . because their profession of that covenant whereof baptisme is a seale , separateth them sufficiently from infidells , though they want the seale externall . but our divines esteeme , and that justly , baptisme administrated by women , or such as have no calling , to be no baptisme at all ; for which let the reader see a calvin b beza c the learned rivetus . we stand not for what d bellarmine e maldonatus f gretserus and other papists say on the contrary : and also g cajetan and h toletus . . robinson i and our brethren acknowledge that the church of rome hath true baptisme , for they retaine the essentiall causes of baptisme , even as the vessells of the lords house profaned in babylon may be carried back to the temple , but if these vessells were broken and mingled with brasse and iron , and cast in another mould they could not obtaine their former place in the temple . baptisme is a vessell profaned in babell , but not broken ; but the ministry and priest hood of rome is like the new melted and mingled vessell , and essentially degenerated from the office of pastorship . but i answer , if baptisme be valid in rome so are the ministers baptizers , for if the ministers and priests be essentially no ministers , the baptisme administrated by the romish priests is no ministery , and all one as administrated by midwives and private persons , who therefore cannot administrate the sacraments validly in the essentiall causes , because they are essentially no ministers . if therefore robinson will have the romish priest-hood essentially no ministery , by that same reason he must say , baptisme administrated by romish priests i● no baptisme , the contrary whereof he confesseth : otherwise hee must say baptisme administrated , à non habente potestatem , even by women and private men , is valid , and cannot be but esteemed lawfull in the substance of the act . . these have a ministery essentially entyre who have power under christ to preach the gospell and administrate the sacraments , matthew . . the romish priests have this , and are called to this by the church . but saith robinson . how can england forsake the church of rome , and forsake the ministery , which is in the church , as in the subject , especially , seeing you teach that a true ministery maketh essentially a true church ? i answer , england may well separate from rome everting the fundamentall parts of faith , and not separate from romes baptisme , or ministery , in so farre , as they be essentially the ordinances of christ : and i retort this argument ; how can separatists separate from both us and rome , and yet retaine the baptisme in both our church and rome . . a ministery true in the essence may make a church true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in so far ; but because of many other substantiall corruptions in rome , it is a church which we ought to forsake . but sayth robinson , a apostates in the . tribes leaving the church which was radically at jerusalem , upon their repentance were readmitted to enter into the temple , into which no uncircumcised person might enter , but any of the priests following idolls , were never readmitted to be priests , though they should repent ; therefore the ministery and baptisme are not alike . i answer , that the true church was onely at jerusalem radically , as , you say , would import that the . tribes revolting from davids house ceased to be a church , which is false : israel though all the land were in covenant with god , had circumcision and the passover , and so were a true visible church , even when they did meete in their synagogues . the altar , sacrifices , temple , are not the essentialls of a visible church , they were a church , and did pray toward the temple even in babylon , and were to professe the true god before the heathen , ierem. . . . there be typicall reasons to hinder men why they cannot be capable of the priest-hood , that did not exclude them from church state ; but this hindereth not but if the seales administated by a minister be true seales , then is the minister thereof catenus , in so far , a true minister . he addeth b a minister may leave off to be a minister , and be justly degraded and excommunicated , but none ever attempted to unbaptize one who was baptized , nor can he be unbaptized who is baptized . answ. that proveth a difference betwixt the ministery and baptisme , which is not the question ; but it proveth not this to be false , if romes baptisme be lawfull in its essence , so is romes ministery . chap. . sect . . of the addition of members to the church . the author sayth , a church cannot consist of a fewer number then seven , since there must be foure of them , a pastor , doctor , elder , and a deacon . ans. and wee contend not for number , but foure may be a church of your making , and in church-covenant : for it is a wonder , that you require officers who by your doctrine , cannot be parts of the church , seeing you make them accidents of the church , and teach that the church , in its being and operation , is before any officers be ordained in it : the accidents of a subject , and a subject make not multiplication , peter & his learning and whitenesse make not two peters . and therefore seeing three believers may be united in your church-covenant , they must be a church : and seeing these foure officers , a pastor , an elder , a doctor , and a deacon must be chosen by the church , yea and ordained also ( by your doctrine ) neede they must have their ordination and lawfull calling from three , and so these three must be their church electing them ; and a numerous congregation , we dislike with you . author , these who are to be added , are to make knowen to the elders their desire to be added , that they may be tryed , if he be found graceles or scand●lous , he is not to be presented to the church ; if no exception be against him , he confesseth his faith publickly , and sheweth the grace of god to his soule in drawing him out of the state of sin . answ. . wee reade not that three thousand added to the church at one sermon , acts . nor any other that we reade of , were in this manner and order added , and therefore this way we suspect . . you require in one to be added that he be not graceles and scandalous , to be free from scandals is visible and is required in a visible church member , but grace is invisible and can be a note of a member of the invisible church , but no wayes a note of a member of the visible church . the apostles required it not in simon magus . the author in the same place proceedeth to prove that none can be members of the visible church , but such as be regenerated so far as the church can discerne . hence our , . quest. whether the members of the visible church be only visible saints , sons and daughters of the lord god almighty , temples of the holy spirit , &c. . distinct. any who blamelesly professeth christ is ecclesiastically , in foro ecclesiae , a true and valid member of the church visible , having ecclesiasticall power valid for that effect : but , except he be a sincere believer , he is not morally and in fo●o dei , a living member of the invisible church . . dist. that which is unseene is the forme and essence of an invisible church , and that which is visible must be the essentiall forme of a visible church . . dist. the invisible church catholick is the principall , prime and native subject of all the priviledges of christians , the covenan● premises , titles of spouse , bride , redeemed temple of the holy spirit , &c. and the church visible as she is such , is no wayes such a subject , the non-consideration whereof we take to be the ground of many errors , in our reverend brethren in this matter , which also deceived papists , as our divines demonstrate . . dist. a seene profession is the ground of members admission to the visible church . hence there is a satisfaction of the conscience of the church in admitting of members , either in the judgement of charity , or in the judgement of verity . . dist. there is a satisfaction in the judgement of charity positive , when we see signes which positively assure us that such an one is regenerate : and there is a satisfaction negative when we know nothing on the contrary which hath a latitude : for i have a negative satisfaction of the regeneration of some , whose persons or behaviour i know neither by sight nor report . this is not sufficient for the accepting of a church-membership , therefore somewhat more is required . . dist. there be three rankes of men here considerable . . some professedly and notoriously flagitious and wicked ; little charity may exclude these . . some professedly sanctifyed and holy , little charity may accept and welcome such to the visible church . . some betwixt these two , of whom we have neither a certainty full and satisfactory to the conscience , that they are regenerate ; nor have we any plerophory or persuasion , that they are in the state of nature . . it is no lesse sin to sadden the heart of a weake one , and to break the bruised reed , then out of overplus of strong charity , to give the hand to an hypocrite , as a true church-member . . materially it is all one not to admit members of such a church to your church , as to separate from such a church , and to excommunicate such members : for it is a negative and authoritative leaving of such to satan , if it be not a positive excommunication . . there is a visibility of the church by writing . . by synods which meete for consultation , as our brethren teach . . by martyrdome . . the seene profession of many churches , and these being without the bounds of a congregation , it is not iustice to restrict all visibility to one single congregation . . visible security , backslyding , over swaying predominants tolerated may consist with the church , membership of a visible church : . conclus . these two be farre different , ( hic vel in hoc satu est ecclesia vera ) there or in this company there is a true church . and this ( haec est ecclesia vera ) this determinat company of such persons by name is a true church ) the former is true , where ever god setteth up his candle , there be their church-members of christs body either actually or potentially ; for asmuch as if their be no converts there at all , yet in respect of gods decree which hee beginneth to execute while as hee erecteth a ministery , certainly there must be some converted there at last . but as concerning the latter proposition , none can say certainly , such visible persons by name , iohn , paul , anna , mary , &c. are the true spouse and redeemed of christ , because , as divines answer to papists , we believe the church of christ rather then see it . yea , the spouse of christ , as the true spouse , is all glorious within , psal. . . and that which essentially constituteth a spouse of christ , is not visible , but the hidden man in the heart , pet. . . neither is there any union of believers as believers visible . . faith and true grace are not the essence of a visible church , as it is visible , because nothing simply invisible can essentially constitute that which is visible . . con. the invisible and not the visible church is the principall , prime , and onely proper subject , with whom the covenant of grace is made , to whom all the promises doe belong , and to whom all titles , stiles , properties and priviledges of speciall note , in the mediator doe belong . if our reverend brethren would be pleased to see this , they should forsake their doctrine of a visible constituted church , of separation , of popular government , of independency , of parochi●ll churches , which they conceive to be the only visible churches under the new testament . . the church , to whom the covenant , and the promises of the covenant are made , is an church , and a seed which shall endure as the dayes of heaven . psal. . . and such as can no more fall away from being gods people in an eternall covenant with him , then their god can alter what he has spoken , or lic , psal. , , . they can no more cease from being in gods favour , or be cast off of god , then the ordinances of heaven can depart from before god , then heaven can be measured above , or the foundations of the earth searched out beneath . jerem. . . , . nor the mountaines and hills can be removed out of their places . esa. . . or the world can be destroyed , with the waters of noah againe : or then god can retract his o●th and promise . heb. . , , . but the visible church of 〈◊〉 or that congregation or parish ( as our brethren say ) of rome , corinth , colosse , thessalonica , philippi , and the seven churches of asia , shall not endure as the dayes of heaven , yea they are all this day under horrible defection of antichistian idolatry and turcisme and judaisme : if it be said , the faithfull and believing of the visible churches at rome , corinth , colosse , &c. could no more fall away , then the house of israel and seed of david could cease to be gods people . i answer , this is to flee to the invisible church ; but the professors of these visible churches as professors and in church-state might fall away from the church profession . if they say , they cannot fall from the sincerity of a true profession ; now yet they are aside , and flee from the visible professors , and churches visibility agreeing to the church as visible ; to the churches sincerity and invisible grace of constancy proper to the invisible church , and by this meaning , none are the true visible church , nor members thereof , but only such as have profession , and withall sincerity of profession ; so hypocrites , though never so fairely inchurched , have no power of the keyes , of censures of excommunication , of admitting of church members , of baptizing , &c. all which is very anabaptisme , that there is no visible church on earth , but a company of truely , and ( in foro dei ) regenerated and converted persons and the onely redeemed of god ; and. . our divines in vaine contend with papists anent the visible churches failing on earth , for most certaine it is ( except we hold with arminians , socinians and papists the apostacy of believers ) neither the catholick church , nor a particular congregation of sincere believers can fall into heresies and lose true and saving faith. but we hold that there is not a visible church consisting of only visible professors never so orthodox , but it may fall into fundamentall heresies , and we give instance , in the sometime orthodox and visible church of rome which hath fallen from the sound faith , and is become b●bel and a whore and mother of fornications . . a church consisting of seven professors ( which our brethren in this place say , is a visible church ) may have foure or five , yea six hypocrites in it , and yet the essence of a visible church , the nature of a church-state , church-covenant , the power and use of the keyes is 〈◊〉 in such a church of seven : for it is certaine , professon , 〈◊〉 uniting themselves together in one church-state , are not led by an infallible and apostolick spirit , that they cannot erre inconstituting a visible church : but if they be fallible and obnoxious to error , then in erecting a church of seven , five , six , and by the same reason all the seven may be ( in foro dei ) in gods court , yea and ( in an ordinary providence now with relation to the state of man fallen into sin ) often are unbelievers and unconverted persons , and yet a visible church performing all church-acts of a visible profession . now if our brethrens grounds hold good , seven unbelievers are a company in covenant with god , and can no more fall from the covenant and grace thereof , then god can lie or alter that which is gone out of his mouth . . the church with whom the covenant is made , and to whom the promises of the covenant are made , is the spouse of christ , his mysticall body , the sons and daughters of the lord god almighty , a royall priest-hood , a chosen generation , kings and priests to god : but this is the invisible church of elect believers , not the visible church of visible professors . therefore the invisible , and not the visible church , is the first subject of all the priviledges of christians , and all the promises of the covenant . the proposition is not doubted . i prove the assumption ; the visible church as it is such , is a company of professors of the truth , and connot be , as it is such , the spouse of christ and his body . . because then professors , as professors , should be christs redeemed body , which is openly false and against the word of god : for rom. . . for they are not all israel , which are of israel . . our brethrens argument is strong to prove , that the church of elders are not the true church spoken of in the word ; for , say they , the true church is a flock that christ hath redeemed with his blood , acts . . the temple of the living god , cor. . but the church of elders is not a flock of redeemed ones , and temples of the holy spirit , but in so far as they believe , and are elected to glory , and not as a flock of elders , are they redeemed : so they say , true elders , as elders , are not a part of the true church , nor the church to whom christ gave the keyes , mat. . but the church making peters confession . so say wee , the church of visible professors , as they are such , are not the redeemed of christ , and temples of the holy spirit , but in so far as they are believers and the elect of god. for if our brethren say , the church , as it is a company of visible professors , is also essentially the church of redeemed ones , then only the church of visible professors , and all the church of visible professors are redeemed of god , but this is absurd and false . quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . our brethren acknowledge there may be an hundred believers and temples of the holy spirit , who are a flock of redeemed ones , and yet not be a company of visible professors . . because they are not united ( say they ) covenant-wayes into a church-body . . ( say they ) because of weakenesse and for feare of persecution , men may hide their profession as many doe in the church of rome , and yet be the redeemed of god , and be the seven thousand who have not bowed their knees to baal ; and our brethren cannot say , that all the visible church are the flock redeemed of god , for then should there be no hypocrites in the visible church . . in this our brethren maintaine one of the ●●ossest poynts of the arminian , popish and socinian doctrine , even that all visible professors are chosen to glory , redeemed of god , and the children of the promise , and that in gods purpose , the cove●ant of grace and the promises of the covenant are made to all and every one in the visible church , and that god hath an intention that christ shall die for all and every one of the visible church , and that he inteneth to save all and every one of the visible church . this i prove , for if th● covenant and promises of the covenant , if the stiles of christs body , his love , his spouse , his sister and d●ve , if the revelation of christ made not by flesh and blood , but by christs father the ground of that blessed confession of peter mat. . . for which the keys were given to the visible church , if i say all these be proper to the visible church as visible , and due to her as to the first principall and prime subject , and not to the chosen redeemed and invisible church as such , then the promises of the covenant , and all these styles belong to the visible church , and god promiseth and intendeth a new heart and a new spirit to all visible professors as such , and so he intendeth redemption in christ and salvation , and christs righteousnesse and forgivenesse of sins to all the visible church . but our brethren do not ( i hope ) thinke that gods intentions , are castles in the aire , and new ilands beyond the moone , as if his intentions could be frustrated , and he could misse the white of the scope he shooteth at ; for certainly these to whom the covenant , and promises thereof belong as to the prime and first subject , these are his covenanted people ; now the orthodox and reformed church holdeth , that the covenant and promises are preached to the whole visible church , but for the elects sake , and that howsoever externally , the covenant of grace and promises be promulgated to every one , and all within the lists of the visible church ; yet they belong in gods intention and gratious purpose only to the elect of god , and his reseemed ones , to that invisible body , spouse , sister , whereof christ alone is lord , head , husband , and brother , and the first begotten amongst many brethren . hence let me reason thus . the church whose gathering together , and whose unity of faith , knowledge of the son of god , and growth of the measure of the stature of the fulnes of christ , the lord intendeth by giving to them for that end , some to be apostles , some prophets , some pastors and teachers , eph. . , , . must be the church to which all the promises of the covenant and priviledges do belong . but the lord intendeth the gathering together , the unity of faith , the knowledge of the son of god and growth of the measure of the stature of christ only of the invisible elected and redeemed church , not of the visible professing or consesing church , nor doth the lord send pastors and teachers up-on a purpose and intention of gathering the visible church , and visible israel , except you flie to the tents of arminians . i conceive these arguments cannot be answered . if any say , that christ in giving prophets , pastors and teachers to his church intendeth to save the true visible church of the chosen and redeemed , in so far as they are chosen and redeemed , now they who answer thus , come to our hand and forsake the doctrine of their visible church , and say with us , that the ministery and the keys are given only upon a purpose on gods part to save the invisible church , and that all these promises of the covenant , the styles of christs spouse , sister , faire one , are not proper to the visible church , nor any ground or argument to prove that the keys , the power of excommunication , ordaining of officers are given to the visible church , as to the prime and principall subject . . the invisible church ; and not the visible church as it is such , hath right to the sacraments , because these who have right to the covenant , have right to the seales of the covenant ; and this is peters argument to prove the baptizing of infants to be lawfull , acts . , . but only the invisible church hath right to the covenant . for god saith only of , and to the invisible church . and not of the visible church in his gratious purpose , jerem. . . and i will be their god , and they shall be my people , jer. . . i will put my law in their inward parts , . they shall all know me ( all within the covenant ) i will forgive th●ir iniquity . now the visible church as the visible church is not within the covenant , therefore the visible church as the visible church , and being no more but the visible church , hath not right to the seales of the covenant , but in so far as they are within the covenant , and in so far as god is their god , and they his pardoned and sanctified people , as it is , ierem. . . . it is knowen that our brethren here joyne with papists , for papists ignorant of the doctrine of the visible church , labour to prove that the visible church on earth , the ministeriall , teaching and governing church , cannot erre , but that she conver●ed in a visible synod , and met in christs name , hath a promise of an infallible assistance . and by what argumunts do they prove it ? you know here bellarmine , pererius , tolet , stapleton , bail●●s , suarez . vasquez , harding , gretsirus , costerus , turrecremata , salmoron , locinus , cajetan , and an host of them say , because the church is builded on a rock , and against it the gates of hell shall not prevaile : because christ saith , i have prayd to the father that thy faith faile thee not : because christ saith , i will send you the holy spirit , and he shall leade you into all truth . now our divines say , that the invisible church of elect believers cannot fall off the rock , and cannot fall from saving faith , and cannot erre by falling into fundamentall heresies , but it followeth not ; ergo , the visible ministeriall and teaching church , either out of a synod , or convened in a synod , have an infallible and apostolick spirit to lead them so , as in their determinations they cannot erre . just so our brethren take all the places for the priviledges , covenant , promises , stiles of sister , love , dove , spouse , mysticall body of christ , &c. which are proper only to the invisible , redeemed , chosen , sanctified church of god : and they give all these to their only visible ministeriall and right constituted church in the new testament ; and say that this visible church gathered in a church-state , because of the foresaid priviledges and stiles , hath the supreame and independent power and authority of the keys , above all teachers and pastors whatsoever , and that the right visible church consisteth only of a royall generation , temples of the holy ghost , a people in covenant with god , taught of god , partakers of the divine nature , &c. and that all visible churches that meet not in a materiall house , in a visible and conspicious society , as on visible mount zion , and not consisting of such a covenanted , sanctified , and separated people , are a false church , false in matter , not an ordinance of christ , but an idoll , an antichristian device , a synagogue of satan voyd of the power of the keys . . a church in covenant with god , and the spouse of christ , and his mysticall body , and a church which he redeemed with the blood of god , acts . . eph. . . . col. . . cor. . . is a church whereof all the members without exception are taught of god. jerem. . . they shall all know me ( saith the lord ) from the least , unto the greatest . esa. . . all thy children shall be taught of the lord. and therefore they all haveing heard and learned of the father , come to christ , iohn . . and therefore have all the anointing within them which teacheth them all things , iohn . . and so they have all eares to heare . yea among such a company , esai . . . . there is no lyon , no ravenous beast , but the redeemed and ransomed of the lord. but so it is that no visible congregation on earth , that are visible professors of any competent number , is such a church whereof all the members are taught of god , all ransomed and redeemed , and therefore no visible church , as such is a people or church in covenant with god. see a rodgers catechisme . . conclus . a visible profession of the truth and doctrine of godlinesse , is that which essentially constituteth a visible church , and every member of the visible church ; onely our brethren and we differ much about the nature of this profession which is required in members added to the church . our brethren will have none members of the visible church , but such as are satisfactory to the consciences of all the visible church , and give evidences so cleare , as the judgement of discerning men can atraine unto , that they are truly regenerated . we againe do teach , that the scandalously wicked are to be cast out of the church by excommunication , and these of approved piety are undoubtedly members of the visible church , so these of the middle sort are to be acknowledged members of the church , though the church have not a positive certainty of the judgement of charity , that they are regenerated , so they be knowen . to be baptized . . that they be free of grosse scandals . . and professe that they be willing hearers of the doctrine of the gospell . such a profession , as giveth evidences to the positive certainty of the judgement of charity , of sound conversion , is not required to make and constitute a true visible church . . argu. israel entered in covenant with god , deut. . was a true visible church , as our brethren teach , because that they conceive to be a church-covenant , deut. , but churches by that oath were not such , as to the satisfaction of moses , and the whole people their consciences gave positive certainty of sound conversion . because v. . the lord ( saith the text ) hath not given you an heart to perceive , nor eyes to see , nor eares to heare to this day , deut. . . for i know thy rebellion and thy stifneck , behell , while i am yet alive with you this day , yee have been rebellions against the lord. ver . . deut. . v. . v. , , . josh. . . . argu. christ would not seven times have said . he that hath eares to heare , let him heare what the spirit saith to the churches , if he had not supposed that in these seven churches , there were blind , obdurate , and carnall hearers , as there were when , mat. . upon occasion of the like hearers , he uttereth these same words in substance . now christ would have blamed their ill discerning in admitting such to be the materialls of a visible church , as hee reproveth their other faults in government . neither could christ reprove these churches , for not exercising the church-censures against liers , false apostles , fleshly nicolaitans , followers of balaams wicked doctrine , jezebed and other ill doers and seducers , if these had not been church-members , as our brethren teach , how can we conceive , that christ would call these churches , who were false in the matter , or give his presence and communion by walking among the golden candlestickes , and holding the starres , the ministery , in his right hand ? and if every one of these churches were approved to the consciences one of another , that they positively knew they were all of them , a royall priest-hood , an holy generation , all taught of god , all sonnes and daughters of the lord god almighty , how are there such grosse scandals put upon them by jesus christ ? . argu. paul clearely teacheth , cor. . that the church of corinth convened had the power of the lord iesus amongst them , and was a betrothed bryde espoused in a church covenant , even all of the visible church as one chaste virgin to god , as our brethren prove from the , cor. . , , . who had received the spirit and the gospell , their minds being knit thereunto , in the simplicity of iesus christ ; now if the matter of this betrothed church was such , as our brethren say , then christs power , and presence and spirit , were in these as the temples of the holy ghost , and these were betrothed to christ iesus , and had received the spirit and were saints by calling , were justified , washen , sanctified , who were incestuous , fornicators , drunkards , railers , carnall , schismaticks , going to the law one with another before infidells , partakers of the table of christ and of divells , deniers of the resurrection , to whom the word was the savour of death , and the gospell as it is to these , whom the god of this world , satan , hath blinded . what can be more repugnant to the truth and to the gospell of christ ? it cannot be answered , that these in corinth who were hypocrites and walked so contrary to the gospell were not members of the church of corinth . for only the truly converted were such . i answer . . then paul writeth not to the visible church and to all whom he doth rebuke , the contrary whereof is cleare . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . . cor. . . . . cor. . , . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . and in many other places . . then the visible church was not betrothed to christ as a chaste virgin : contrary to this our brethren alleadged , cor. . , . . not only is conversion professedly true in the judgment of charity , but also in the judgement of verity , essentiall to a visible church as you teach ; and so none can be a member of the visible church , but he who is a member of the invisible church , which is anabaptisme . . three thousand in one day were added to the visible church , who could not ( as i have proved ) all be approved to the conscience one of another , as true converts , acts . since amongst them were ananias and saphira , and the time was short . . if we are to beare one anothers burdens , and so fulfill the law of christ , and if grace may be beside many and great sinnes , as we see in asa , in salomon who remained the children of god , under many out breakings , if the children of god may be the children of god , and yet some of them habitually proud , passionate , some of them worldly minded , some talkative and imprudently rash in zeale , some lustfull , some slothfull , some ambiticus , yea and if simon magus his profession , though false , was esteemed sufficient , for to give him baptisme , the seale of the covenant , acts . . then it is not required that all the members of the visible church be such as positively wee know ( so farre as humane knowledge can reach ) that they are converted , yea if this were true , then speciall commandements would be given , that as we are to examine and try our selves , cor. . . cor. . . and to try officers before they be admitted , tim. . . tim. . and to try the spirits of prophets and their doctrine , iohn . . and , thess. . . acts . . so would god in his word give a charge , that we try , examine and judge carefully one another , and that every man labour to be satisfied in conscience anent the regeneration one of another . but such commandements we reade not of . . if many be brought and called into the visible church , of purpose both on gods revealed intention in his word to convert them , and on the churches part that they may be converted ; then doth not the church confist of these who are professedly converted , but the former ●● true ; ergo , so is the latter . the proposition is sure , these whom god purposeth to convert by making them church-members , they are not church-members because they are already converted . i prove the assumption , because . . the contrary doctrine , to wit , that none are under a pastors care till they be first converted , maketh to the eversion of the publick ministery , and gratifieth arminians and socinians , as before i observed , because faith commeth not by hearing of sent pastors , as gods ordinance is , rom. . . but by the contrary , we aske a warrant from the testament of christ , that now since the apostles are not in the earth , private men not sent to preach , should be ordinary fishers of men , and gatherers of christs church and kingdome . . that christ hath provided no pastors nor teachers to watch over the elect , yet remaining in the kingdome of darknesse , and that christ ascending on high , as a victorious king hath not given pastors and teachers by office to bring in his redeemed flock , which he hath bought with his blood , acts . . . it is against the nature of the visible kingdome of christ which is a d●aw-net and an offici●● , a workehouse of externall calling into christ , even such as are serving their honour , buying a farme ; and their gaine , buying five yoke of oxen ; and their lusts , having married a wife . luk. . , . . it is against the nature of the ministery , and wisdomes maides , sent out to compell them to come in . luke . . matthew . , , . prov. . , , , . who are yet without . . if none can be members while they be first converted . . the church visible is made a church visible without the ministery of the church . . these who are baptized are not by baptisme entered in the visible church contrary to gods word , cor. . . and the sound judgement of all divines . . all these who are baptized . . who write as doctors for the defence of the orthodox faith. . who seale the truth with their sufferings and blood . . who keepe communion with visible churches , in hearing , partaking of the word and seales , as occasion serveth , if they be not professedly and notoriously to the consciences of a particular parish converted to christ , are no members of the visible church . . all our brethrens arguments to prove this doctrine doe onely prove the truly regenerate to be members of the invisible church , and not of the visible church . and if the arguments bee naught , the conclusion must bee naught and false . . it is against the doctrine of fathers , as a augustine b cyprian c gregorius d chysostome e nazianzen f eusebius . who al accord that the visible church is a company of professors , consisting of good and bad , like the arke of noah as g hierome maketh comparison . i might cite ireneus , tertullian , origen , cyrillus , basilius , hilarius , presper , ambrosius , primasius , sedulius , just. martyr , clemens alexandrinus , euthymius , theophylact , epiphanius , theodoret , and luther , melanchton , chemnitius , meisnerus , hunius , hemingius , gerardus , crocius , calvin , beza , voetius , sadeel , plesseus , whittakerus , ioannes whyte , fransc. whyte , reynoldus , iuellus , rich. feildus , perkinsius , pau. baynes , trelcatius , tilenus , piscator , ursinus , paraeus , sibrandus , professores leydenses , antonius wallaeus , and. rivetus , pet. molineus , dam. tossanus , mercorus , fest. hommius , bullingerus , mnsculus , rollocus , davenantius , mortonus . quest. . whether or no our brethren prove by valid aguments , the constitution of the church visible to be only of visible saints , of sanctified washen and justified persons . let us begin with our present authour , and with what the ( a ) apology saith . we admit all , even infidells to the hearing of the word , cor. . ▪ . yet we receive none as members ●●to our church , but such as ( according to the judgement of charitable christians , ) may be conceived to be received of god , unto fellowship with christ the head of the church . our reasons be . . from the neere relation betwixt christ jesus and the church , as also betwixt the church and other persons of the trinity . the lord jesus is the head of the church ; even of the visible church , and the visible church is the body of christ jesus cor. . and . answ. to admit as ordinary hearers of the word and church prayers , is a degree of admission to church-communion , and they who are baptized , and ordinarily heare , and professe a willing mind to communicate with the church in the holy things of god , they being not scandalously wicked are to be admitted , yea and are members of the church visible . ● . set the first reason in forme it is thus ; these only are to be received as church members who are conceived to be members of that body whereof christ is head . but the promisccous multitude of professors are not conceived to be such , but only the sanctified in christ iesus are such . or thus , if christ be the head of the visible church , then only such are to be admitted members of the visible church , as are conceived to be members of christ the head , and not the promiscuous multitude of good and bad . but the former is true ; ergo , so is the latter . . if christ be the head of the visible church as visible , it would seeme onely these who are conceived members of christ , should bee admitted members of the visible body . true and in this meaning let the major passe ; but if christ be the head of the visible church not as it is visible , but as it is a body of believers and invisible , then we see no reason to yeeld the connexion : because christ is the head of true believers , therefore none should be admitted members of the church , but such as we conceive are believers , because they are to be admitted to the visible church , who are willing to joyne themselves are baptized and doe professe christ to be their head , though we cannot conceive whether they be sound believers or not ; for a profession is sufficient to make them members of the visible body , though indeed to be sou●d believers , maketh them members of christs body invisible . . that christ is the head of the visible church , as visible , i● not in all the word of god , he is the head of the church catholick and invisible , by influence of the life and spirit of christ , eph. , , . eph. . . coloss. . . and in a large sense may be called the head of the church-visible , as visible , in regard of the influence of common graces for the ministery ; government , and use of the keys : but because of such a degree of christs head-ship , it followeth only that these are to be admitted members under christ the head , whom we conceive to be ●t members of the church , as it is a ministeriall and a governing society , and for this there is not required an union with christ , as head , according to the influence of the life of christ , but only an union with christ , as head , according to the influence of common gifts , for the governing a ministeriall church ; in which respect , christ may be called the head of judas the traitor , and of some other hypocriticall professors ; and also though the promiscuous multitude , that is a multitude of prophane atheists and scandalous mockers , be not members of christ , nor are to be acknowledged as his members , but to be excommunicated , yet the promiscuous multitude of professors , whereof there be reprobate and elect , good and bad , are to be received and acknowledged as members of christs visible body , wherof he is head in the latter sense . . the argument proceedeth upon the false ground before observed and discovered , that christ is head of the church and the spouse , redeemer and saviour of the visible church , as it is visible , which is the arminian doctrine of universall grace . . if these who are conceived to be members of christ the head and sound believers are to be admitted , why doe you professe that brethren of approved piety , and so conceived to be believers by you , and consequently members of christ the head , cannot be members of your church , except they sweare to your church government , which you cannot make good from gods word . now to refuse communion to these who are knowen to be members of christs body , and to separate from them is all one , and therefore in this you separate your selves from christs body . the author addeth . the visible church is said to be the habitation of god by the spirit , eph. . . to be the temple of the holy ghost , and the spirit of god to dwell in them , cor. . , . to he espoused to christ as a chaste virgin. cor. . and sonnes and daughters of the lord god almighty . cor. . . and are exhorted to be followers of him as deare children , eph. . . now how can the visible church be the members of the body and the spouse of christ , & c. except they be in charitable discerning ( as indeed the holy ghost discribeth them to be ) saints by calling . cor. . . and faithfull brethren , gal. . . and that not only in externall profession ( for these are too high stiles for hypocrites ) but in some measure of sincerity and truth . answ. the argument must be thus . these only we are to admit members of the visible church , who in the judgement of charity are conceived to be such as were the members of the visible church of corinth and ephesus . but only such as are the habitation of god by his spirit , and the sons and daughters of the living god , not only in profession , but in some measure of truth and sincerity , were the members of the visible church of corinth and ephesus : ergo , such onely are we to admit to be members of the visible church . now this argument concludeth not what is in question ; ergo , only these are to be admitted members of the visible church , whom we conceive to be the spouse of christ , and truely regenerated . now if our conception be erroneous ( as it cannot be infallible ) then we may admit these who are not regenerated , to the church-membership , if we conceive them to be regenerated ; and so our brethren say falsely , that the admitted must be saints and faithfull , not only in profession , but in some measure of sincerity und truth , for these are members of the invisible church who are truly and in a measure of sincerity regenerated , if our conception be not erroneous : yet it is by accident , that they are admitted de facto , who are not saints in truth , for the church may be deceived , and receive in for members of the head christ , hypocrites and such as are not the habitation of god by his spirit , but of satan ; as is cleare in ananias and saphira admitted by the apostles to church-fellowship , acts . . . and in simon magus , acts . admitted to the church and baptized by the apostolick church , who was yet in the gall of bitterness . but. . the assumption is false , for the apostle admitted to be members of the church visible of corinth and ephesus , not only saints by true profession , but also carnall men , deniers of the resurrection , partakers of the tables of divells , and in ephesus false apostles and liers , revel . . . but paul speaketh of corinth according to the best part : for the epistle and doctrine of the covenant is written and preached for the elects sake and for believers ; neither is the covenant of grace made with the reprobate and unbelievers , nor doe the promises of the covenant , indeed , and in gods intention belong to the visible church , though the word be preached to carnall men for their conviction . this proposition is false ( these onely we are to admit to the visihle church , whom we conceive to be saints , and are in the judgement of charity perswaded they are such ) for the apostles admit all professors , even three thousand at one sermon in one day , acts . and they could not be perswaded in the judgement of charity , that they were all saints . . this argument sayth , that all the visible church of ephesus was a spouse betrothed to christ , and saints by calling , which the word of god sayth not . for were all the carnall in corinth betrothed as one chaste virgin to christ ? were these who called themselves apostles in ephesus and tryed by church censures to be liers , revel . . , . betrothed to christ as a chaste virgin ? were all the visible church the sinnes and daughters of the lord god almighty ? and that not only in profession but in some measure of sincerity and truth ? it is true , the stiles given to the church of corinth are too high to be given to hypocrites , but these stiles are not given to that church precisely , as visible and as a professing church , as you suppose , but as an visible and true church of believers : for a church of believers and a church of professors of beliefe are very different . paul writing to the corinthians writeth to a visible church , but he doth not speake alwayes of them as a visible church , but as of an invisible , when he calleth them temples of the holy ghost , saints by calling , &c. he wrote the epistles to the incestuous man , whom he commandeth to cast out of the church . we reade ( saith the author ) acts . . that the lord added to the church such as should be saved , and how then shall we adde to the church , such as god addeth not ; such as have no shew of any spirituall worke in them to any spirituall discerning ? ought not the lords stewards to be faithfull in gods house ? and to doe nothing therein , but as they see god going before them , receiving whom he receiveth , and refusing whom he refuseth . so upon this ground paul willeth the romans to receive a weak brother , because god hath received him , rom. . , , . answ. gods acts of speciall and gratious providence , are not rules of duties to us ; god addeth to the church as it is invisible and christs body , it followeth not therefore we are to adde to the church visible as visible . gods adding is invisible by giving faith and saving grace to some to professe sincerely , because we see not faith nor sincerity , therefore gods adding cannot be a rule to our adding . god doth adde a person falling into an open scandall to the church invisible , having given him true faith , but the church is not to adde him , but to cut him off , if he be obstinate to the church , and refuse him , and so this proveth nothing , nor is the place , rom. . by any , except your selves , expounded of a receiving into a church-communion , as is elsewhere declared . . where there is no shew of saving worke of conversion ; there you thinke the stewards want god going before to receive , but then except god be seene to goe before to regenerate , the church stewards cannot follow to adds such to the church ; but since that same power that casteth out of the church holdeth out of the church , if any after they be received , shall be found to be not added of god , because they be not regenerated , yet we are not to cast any out for non-regeneration , even knowen , except it breake out into scandals , and then the person is not cast out for non-regeneration , for though he were knowen to be regenerated , yet for scandals the church is obliged to cast him out , because the scandall leaveneth the whole church , and. . the casting out is a meane to save the spirit in the day of the lord. but i prove , none are to be cast out for non-regeneration , where there be no outbreakings into scandalls . . because , de occultis ecclesia non judicat , non-regeneration where it is not backed with publick scandalls is a hidden thing , that the church can neither judge nor censure . . none are to be cast out but for such a scandall , that if the party deny , should be proved by two witnesses , as christs law provideth , mat. . . tim. . . . onely publick scandalls which offend many , are to be censured by the church , tim. . . that others may feare . but non-regeneration breaking out into no scandalls , can neither be proved by witnesses , if the party deny , nor is it a seene thing which giveth publick scandalls , and therefore is not the object of church censures . for it is evident though the stewards see some not regenerated , and so not added by the lord to the church they are to adde these same and cannot cast them out . and yet god goeth before them in adding them to the visible church , when they professe the truth . . god addeth such as should be saved to the visible church by baptisme , because the adjoyning to a visible church is a way to salvation , but it followeth not that all whom god addeth to the visible church are saved ones , for then the visible church should consist only of believers , which only anabaptists teach . . whereas he sayth , the stewards should be faithfull , and should not adde except god adde , it seemeth to infer that either all the people are stewards , and so officers contrary to gods word , eph. . . cor. . . or that onely officers admit church-members , which is against our brethrens doctrine , for they teach , that the whole multitude of believers are only to adde and cast out . . if peters confession ( sayth the author ) be a rock on which the visible church ( to which onely the keys are given ) is built , then to receive these who can hold forth no such profession is to build without a foundation . answ. this conclusion is against your selves , no lesse then against us , except all and every one whom you admit , be builded upon this rock ; if there be hypocrites in your church ( as you cannot deny it ) then you build without a foundation . . by this , peter before this confession was an un-churched pastor built upon no church-foundation , . by this place is not proved that the keys are given to the church of believers , but to the ministers , for then against no parochiall church can the gates of hell prevaile . all the fathers with good reason , as augustine , chrysostome , cyrill , tertullian , hieronim . nazianzen , cyprian , ambrose , &c. and our divines against papists ( whom you side with in this ) deny , that christ meaneth here of the visible church , such as rome or corinth , but of the catholick and invisible church . . when ( saith the author ) christ saith , mat. . . friend , how camest thou here not having thy wedding garment , he doth intimate a taxing of these , by whose connivence he came . answ. the contrary is in the text , v. . goe ye therefore to the high wayes , and as many as you finde , bid . here is a charge that ministers invite and call all , and so the church is a company of externally called , though few of them be chosen , as v. . and their obedience is commended , v. . so these servants went out into the high wayes , and gathered together all , as many as they found both good and bad . this is a praising rather then a taxing , seeing they are commanded , without trying or selecting only the regenerated , to call in as many as they finde both good and bad . for as many as you finde is as good in sense , as both good and bad , and the latter doth expound the former , and when the lord commandeth them to bring in as many as they finde , and they finde in the streetes both good and bad , therefore they bee commanded to bring in both good and bad . . yea , the very scope of the parable is contrary to this ; the scope is that many are called externally , and so are the visible church and that by gods speciall command both here , v. . . and luk. . v. . v. . v. . and yet few are chosen , and of the invisible church . and luk. . severall times the servants or pastors call all ( by the lord of the feasts commandement ) without exception of regenerated or not regenerated . . christ in the parable imputeth it to the sleepines and negligence of the servants , that tares were sowen amongst his wheat , mat. . , , . ergo , pastors are to be blamed that there be scandalous persons in the visible church . answ. this doth but strengthren anabaptists who objected the same a it is a fault that a very popish doctor aquinas condemneth . theologia symbolic● non est argumentativa . for it is not said , while the servants sleeped , the envious man did s●w his seed , but while men sleeped , which is spoken ( saith b pareus ) according to the manner of men , for otherwise gods providence can hinder the growing of tares ; and c cajetan saith , here is not accused the negligence of pastors , and certainly since as d bullinger observeth well , christ when he expoundeth the parable , passeth this part of it , to teach us ( as e calvin saith ) not to presse every part and tittle of a parable , except we would be ( saith bullinger ) christo argutiores , sharper sighted then christ , and therefore the author alleadgeth that by sleeping of men is understood the negligence of pastors , but that is beside the text and is not expounded at all of christ , but signifieth that men cannot see the hollownesse and falsehood of hypocrites , till it breake out in their actions , no more then the sleeping husbandman can see when weeds grow up in his f●elds . and if the lord here condemne the sleepinesse of pastors , for suffering scandalcus professors to be members of the church , how doth the lord forbid these servants to plucke up the tares , but to let them grow till harvest ? for he commandeth the officers to cast out of the church and excommunicate the scandalous persons . yea certainly , seeing the field is the field of the visible church , it maketh for us against our brethren , that wicked men are growing in the visible church . it is true that barow with the anabaptistes expound the field to be the field of the world , mistaking christs words , v. . which indeed signifie the field of the visible kingdome of christ , because the world of all mortall men is not the lords field , where he soweth his wheate , but the visible church only is such a field . for seeing the gospell , the immortall seed of the regenerate , pet. . . is not sowen through the whole world of mortall men , psal. . . mat. . , . acts . . but only in the visible church , the field must be christs field , or his world of church-professors . and also by this , their exposition falleth , for then it is the sleepines and sloth of preachers that wicked men are borne in the world of mortall men , which is absurd . we are bidden , tim. . . turne away from such as have a form of godlines , and have denied the power thereof ; ergo , we cannot joyne in church communion with them . answ. it is cleare by this argument , to our brethren , that one and the same reason holdeth for turning away , and separation from all persons and churches , which are not inchurched by covenant , and constituted of visibly regenerated persons , and the not admitting church-members . so our brethren by this professe the lawfulnesse of separation from all churches , except from their owne . . no marvell then paul will have timothy to separate from apostates and from resisters of the truth , v. . and from proud boasters , blasp●emers , traitors . for such are to be excommunicated , as tim. . . . at l●quitur paulus ( saith a parkerus ) de fundamentali corruptione istius doctrinae , qu● est secundum pi●tatem : but paul here forbiddeth to exhort the proud and malitious blasphemers and resisters of the truth , and not to waite upon them any longer , whereas otherwise he had said in the end of the preceding chapter , . . . others , who are detained in the snare of satan , must be waited on , and instructed with meekenesse , if god will give them repentance ; ergo , tim thy was as a pastor to instruct unconverted persons , and to joyne in communion with them , but as for desperate enemies and blasphemers , he was not to waite on them , nor to exhort them with meekenesse . and if this text prove any thing it will conclude against our brethren , that such as deny the power of godlinesse , should not be hearers of the word , and farre lesse ( as our breathren reason ) members of the visible church . can any ( sayth the author ) judge such persons fit materials for the constituting and edifying of a church , who are more fit for the ruine and destruction of the church , such as leave their first love ( as all hypocrites will at length do ) they procure the removall of the candlestick . answ. the argument must be thus formed . all these whom god intendeth shall edifie and not ruine the church , are to be only members of the visible church : but all knowen hypocrites are such ; ergo. the proposition is false , for if we speake of gods secret intention and his decreeing will ; it is not a rule for the church to square and to regulate them in the choysing or refusing church-members , because god intendeth in his decreeing wi●l , that many hypocrites , such as judas and d●mas , shall be church-members , and let our brethren judge if they be fit materialls to edifie the church . if we speake of gods revealed will , the proposition also is false ; for by our brethrens doctrine , it is gods revealed will that the church receive as church-members latent hypocrites , such as simon magus , acts . who are conceived to be regenerated , as the church , acts . conceived simon magus to be a sound believer , as our brethren say , and yet latent hypocrites , are no lesse unfit materialls to build the church , then knowen hypocrites . . we doe not thinke that hypocrites fallen from their first love , and by scandalous living declaring themselves to be such should bee kept in the church . but so the author alleadgeth , revel . . that the church of ephesus falling from her first love , must bee a false constituted church , in which there were members fitter to ruine , then to edifie the church . and yet certaine it is , paul , eph. . and christ , rev●l . . acknowledgeth the church of ephesus to be a true visible church . we passe ( saith the author ) the types of the old testament , which yet are not without their due weight . rough stones were not laid in the building of salomons temple till they were hewen and prepared before , king. . . and behold a greater then salomen is h●re , the attendance of the porteres suffering none to enter into the temple who were uncleane ( chron. . . ) doth evidently type forth the watchfulnesse of the officers of christs church , to suffer none uncleane in estate or in this course of life , to enter into the fellowship of the church , which ought to be a communion of saints . their apology sayth a though all israel were admitted to the fellowship of the ordinances administrated in the synagegne , yet none uncleane were admitted into the temple ; for revel . . without are dogs , &c. so master can and robinson presse this place . answ. in this type many things are loose and doubtfull . . we desire a warrant from the word , that the temple was a type of a visible congregation , and that all must be as really holy before they enter into a visible congregation , as they behoved to be typically holy , who entered into the temple of jerusalem . the temple is a type of christs body , iohn . and of the church of the new testament invisible , which must consist of sanctified ones , but how it is a type of the visible church we see not . for the lords spirituall building whereof the corner-stone and the foundation is christ ▪ is the church invisible built by faith as lively stones upon christ , pet : . . unto you therefore which believe he is precious , v. . yee also as living stones are built up a spirituall house . opposite to the disobedient , v. . who stumble at the word , v. . cor. . . yee are gods building , eph. . , , . expressely the building are these who are built on the doctrine of the prophets and apostles , and grow up into an holy temple in christ , and are the habitation of god through his spirit . this cannot agree to a visible church , the members whereof may be ( as our brethren teach from revel . . ) hypocrites who fall from their first love . yea also the laying on of stones on the bulding is not the act of inchurching , or of union to a church , as it must be , if the comparison prove the poynt , but the joyning of the stones to the building is the union of these stones by faith to christ , the chiefe corner stone , as is expounded , pet. . to whom comming as to a living stone , v. . yee also as liveing stones are built , &c. yea , and peter doth not build this comfortable doctrine all upon the comforts of a church-state in a single congregation ; for many of these to whom he writ , were dispersed and persecuted through pontus , asia , and cappadocia , &c. and might have , and had an union with christ by faith without a church union in a parish . . though in this type were signified a morall obligation , that all before they be inchurched in a visible congregation , should be converted , how is it proved that the church should receive none to a visible congregation till they bee converted ? for these are farre different . all should be converted , but there is no new law commanding the church to receive none into her fellowship , but the converted . . the hewers of stones or builders of the temple , must typifie pastors in office , dressing stones for the spirituall building , our brethren make them to typifie private christians out of office , and deny that any pastors as pastors doe fit and prepare stones to bee layd on the spirituall building . also none layd stones on that temple save onely builders by office , but by our brethrens doctrine , onely pastors doe not convert soules . there were no stones at all in the temple of jerusalem , but choice and well squared stones , are no members of the visible church but the chosen of god ? . if the porters typifie the ministers of visible churches , first only porters hold out the uncleane ; ergo , onely pastors should hold out the scandalous , but you admit the whole church with equall authority to take in , or refuse church-members . . if the temple be a type of the visible church , then no prophane person , nor uncircumcised in heart should meet with the visible church to heare the word , for hearing of the word prophanes the holy things of god. this you cannot say , for infidels may be , as you say , fellow-partners with the church , in hearing the word . . robinson holdeth a that abrahams seed , and so all the jewes were to separate themselves from the world , that they might be a visible church to god , but we read not that the porters were to hold out any wicked person . yea jer. . professedly they came to the temple of the lord who were theeves , adulterers , and wicked persons . and so by that neither are the porters of the visible churches of the new testament to hold out unconverted persons because they are unconverted . lastly , the place , revel . . . for without are dogges , &c. is fouly abused when it is applied to the visible church , where there may be , and ordinarily are dogges ; yea and liers , revel . . . idolaters , v. . napper , pareus , marlorat , expoundeth it of the kingdome of glory , for it is that kingdome spoken of , rev. . . but within that kingdome cannot enter any thing that defileth , neither what soever worketh abomination or maketh a lie , but they which are written in the lambes booke of life , but it is against all reason and the lords word that in the visible church is nothing that defileth , that is no sinne , but onely those who are written in the lambes book of life . this is the very doctrine of anabaptists though we know our deare brethren hate that sect , and their doctrine . a robinson . the purest church on earth may consist of good and bad in gods eye , but the question is about the true and naturall members , whereof the church is orderly gathered , but as it were fond philosophy , in the discription of wives and children , to make rebellion a naturall property of a child , and whoredome of a wife , so it is as profane divinity to make ungodly persons the true matter of the church , and prophanenesse a property of the same , because many seeming saints creepe in . answ. if the holiest church visible on earth consist of good and bad , before god , then to be partakers of the divine nature , temples of the holy ghost , saints by calling , is not of the essence of a visible church , nor is it essentiall to make one a member of the visible church , that he be converted . it is sufficient that he be a professor of the faith. and it is a poore comparison to say , that prophannesse cannot be put in the description of a visible church , for in the essence of a visible church as visible , we neither include holinesse nor propanenesse , but only a visible company professing the faith of christ and called by the ministery of the word , whether they be believers or unbelievers it is all one , neither of the two belongeth to the essence of a visible church : a visible church is saved in the number of fourty , all being converted , or in . being all unconverted , so they be externally called by the ministery of the gospell and prosesse the same . and it is as foolish to make holinesse the essence of a child , as to make it of a visible church , and as vaine to make chastity the essence of a married wife ; for this is not our philosophy , but a conceit of mr. robinson falsely imputed to us . a robinson . all the churches that ever the lord planted consisted of good only , as the church of the angells in heaven and of mankind in paradise . god hath also these same ends in creating and restoring his churches , and if it were the will of god that persons notoriously wicked should be admitted into the church , then should god directly crosse himselfe and his owne ends , and should receive into the visible covenant of grace , such as were out of the visible estate of grace , and should plant such in his church for the glory of his name , as served for no other use , then to cause his name to be blasphemed . answ. this argument proveth that the visible church is not a visible church , except it consist of onely holy and gratious persons , without any mixture ; and so not only holinesse in profession , but holinesse reall and before god is required essentially to a visible church . then pastors , doctors and professors , binding and loosing , clave non errante , are not a visible church . yea , this is downe right anabaptisme that no visible churches are on earth , but such as consist of reall saints only . . it is most ignorantly reasoned , that god in creating man and angells good , did not intend that they should fall by his permission , but that they should continue holy and then god was frustrated of his end , as arminians and socinians teach . so sayth a arminius antiperk . b corvinus . the remonstrants c at dort , and d socinus , that god intendeth and purposeth many things which never come to passe . . his decrees faile and are changed . . men may make gods decrees of election fast and sure , or loose and unsure , as they please . . here is much ignorance that god intendeth nothing that may be against the glory of obedience due to him , as law-giver ; as if sinners and hypocrites being in the church because they are dishonorable to god , should crosse gods end , and purpose : so tertullian e bringeth in some whom he calleth dogges , thus reasoning against providence , which suffereth sinne to be in the world so contrary to his will and goodnesse : and who denieth but christ commanded judas to preach , and that the apostles according to gods will and cammandement received ananias , saphira , simon magus in the visible church by baptizing them ( for i hope the apostles sinned not against gods revealed will in admitting them to the visible church . ) and shall we say that god directly in that crosseth himselfe and his own ends , because god gathered hypocrites into his churcch , and yet they dishonour and blaspheme the name of god ? whiles robinson saith , gods maine end in gathering a visible church is , that they being separated f from the world , may glorifie his name , he speaketh grosse arminianisme , that god faileth in his ends . lastly , he saith that god cannot will that persons notoriously wicked should be in his visible church , for then he should crosse himselfe and his owne ends advert ( notoriously ) is vainely added , seeing we teach that notoriously wicked ought to be cast out of the visible church ; as also if he shall will wicked persons , let alone notoriously wicked , or latent hypocrites to be in the church , yea or in this visible world , he should by this arminian argument crosse himselfe and his owne ends ? do you believe with arminians that gods end is , that angells and men should have stood in obedience , and that a redeemer should never come to save sinners ? and that blasphemy and sinne is against gods purpose and intended end , and that sinne crosseth him ? but when all is done it is his intention and revealed will that hypocrites be invited to the visible and preached covenant , and yet he knoweth that they are out of the visible , yea and invisible state of grace . a robinson . in planting the first church in the seed of the woman , there were only saints without any mixture , now all churches are of one nature and essentiall constitution , and the first is the rule of the rest . answ. though god planted adam and eve two restored persons , to be the first repenting church ; from gods fact you cannot conclude a visible church gathered by men , should be voyd of all mixture , so as it is no visible church ; if it be a mixed company of good and bad , this is contrary to his owne commandement , mat. . go and call as many as you finde . . gods acts are not rules of morall duties , his word and commandement doth regulate us , not his works . god hardeneth pharaos heart , should pharao harden for that his owne heart ? god forbid . robinson . cajan that evill on was broken off , and cast out of the church , and by moses it is imputed for sin , that the sonnes of god married with the daughters of men ; ergo , it is far more unlawful to contract with the wicked in a religious covenant of the communion of saints . answ. wee grant such as cain are to be excommunicated , but what then ? ergo , none can be members of a visible congregation but such as abel , we love not such consequences , a though god forbade his people to marry with the canaanites , yet he forbade not that the godly and ungodly should come to the temple together , and that noah and cursed cham should be in one arke together . . though it be a sinne that the wicked should mix themselves with the godly and come unto the kings supper without the wedding garment , yet that is not the question , but if the pastors inviting all to come to the supper do sin , and . if the church be not a true visible church , though it consist of good and bad . robinson . circumcision is a seale of the righteousnesse of faith , gen. . . rom. . . now to affirme that the lord will seale up with the visible seale of faith any visibly unrighteous and faithlesse person , were , that god should prophane his own ordinance . answ. god doth by this argument profane his owne seale , when a visibly wicked person is sealed with the seale , as when one visibly unrighteous is sealed , for the latent hypocrite profaneth the seale of righteousnesse , as the open and visibly unrighteous and faithlesse person doth . yet it is gods command that the latent hypocrite have the seales of righteousnesse , since the church conceiveth him to be a sound professor ; ergo , by your doctrine god commandeth to prophane his owne seales , but this is the wicked reasoning of arminians , and socinians . so arminians against perkins , corvinus against molin●us , the arminians at the synod of dort would prove an universall grace accompanying the word and sacraments , and they say that sacraments doe not seale remission of sins , redemption in christ , and that they be empty and toome ordinances yea and mocking signes , except all who receive the seales , both elect and repro●ate be redeemed in christ , and have grace to believe . but the truth is , god doth not prophane his owne seales , because he commandeth that they be received with faith : and let us see where any male child , reprobate or elect , borne amongst the iewes , but he is by gods commandement to be circumcised , yet that seale was an empty ordinance to thousands in israel . . nor is the seale , a seale of righteousnesse , actu secundo , sed actu primo it is a seale of righteousnesse , as the word of god is the power of god to salvation , not to all , nor of it selfe , but by the efficacious grace of god , to every one that believes . iohn baptist ( saith robinson ) christ and his apostles being to repaire the desolation of sion , did not by the coactive lawes of men s●● ffle together good and bad , as intending a new monster or chimaera , but admitted of such and none other , as confessed their sins a and justified god , and were not of b the world , but chosen out of it , and c did receive the word gladly , and communicated all of them in all things , as every one had neede , and that in gladnesse and singlenesse of heart , as receiving testimony of the holy ghost himselfe , that they were such as should be saved , as were d all of them purchased by the blood of god , as e for all for whom there was cause to thinke god , as whom the apostle f did remember in his prayers with gladnesse , being perswaded that god would perfect his good worke begun in them , as became him to judge of them all , being all partakers of the grace of god with him in the confirmation of the gospell , and after whom all he longed from the g very heart roote in christ , and for all whom he gave thankes , alwayes making mention of them in his prayers , without ceasing remembring their effectuall faith , diligent love , and patient hope in the lord jesus , which did grow in every one of them . answ. here is much scripture abused to no good use ; . that coactive laws of princes be the onely way of inchurching people , we never taught ; but of this hereafter . . he calleth the kingdome of god which is a draw-net of good and bad h a called company invited to the supper of the gospell , whereof many are called , but few are chosen . i which is the field where grow wheat and tares k the barne-floore wherein is corne and chaffe . l he calleth ( i say ) these men good and bad shuffled together in a new monster or chimaera . sinne is a monster , but that it should be in the world is not without the decree of efficacious providence , except we turne epicures with arminians . . that all and every one baptized by iohn baptist justified god , and were true converts is more charity , then the verity of the text luk. . can warrant . . and that the visible church consisteth onely of men chosen out of the world , as he spake from ioh. . is a plaine contradiction to that ( many are called , but few chosen out of the world ) and serveth much for huberians , who will have all the visible church chosen , and for arminians who make all in gods intention separated from the world , and so make election to life eternall , as universall in the visible church as the preached gospell . . it is an adding to the text , acts . that the visible church ( all of them ) and you say did communicate in all things with singlenesse of heart , and were to be saved . for we have not so much charity to bestow on an●nias , saphira , and simon magus , who were added to the church visible : but why call you this the testimony that the holy ghost giveth of all them ? where did you reade or dreame this ? the holy ghosts testimony is true , and what divinty is it , that all added to the visible church shall be saved ? deeme you with origen and some others that none are eternally d●mned ? . and you say of the visible church , acts , . . all of them were redeemed by the blood of god. if luke had said so , i could have believed it , but your saying is groundles . all whom they are commanded to feede , and all who were to be devoured by grievous wolves , and all the drawen away disciples of false teachers , . . are all these redeemed by the blood of god ? th●● church is an arminian chimaera : that all to whom the gospell is preached by feeders and pastors , must be obliged to believe that christ by his blood redeemed all and every one of them , is arminianisme . a corvinus and b jac. arminius , c nic. grevinchovius d episcopius , e socinus f smaleius g ostorodius will thanke you , for they hold that christ gave his blood for all the damned in hell , and purposely to redeem them , and for his part gave his life for all the world , and especially for the visible church . . that the apostle gave thanks to god , for the sound faith of all who professed the gosspell at rome , and were perswaded that god would perfect the worke of salvation in all and every one of the philippians , is a wicked dreame , that they were all partakers of the grace of the gospell , and that all the thessalonians , without exception had effectuall faith , diligent love , and patient hope . all this is said , without ground of gods word : and contrary to the word . were there none , rom. . servants of sinne ? none who walked after the flesh ? rom. so rom. . and phil. . . . phil. . . thess. . . thess. . , . none in philippi whose god was their belly ? none who minded earthly things ? no dogs ? no evill workers ? a robinson ; the jewes were forbidden by god , under the law to sow their field with diverse seeds , and will he sow his own field with wheate and tares ? and b the lords field is sowen with good seed , mat , , . his vine noble c and all the seed true , his church saints and beloved of god d but through the malice of satan , and negligence of such as keep the field adulterate seed and abominable persons may be . answ. god who is above a law forbiddeth the father to kill the son , yet may he command abraham to kill his son , in positive lawes , such as sowing of seeds , gods practice is not a law to us ; i remember jesuites , especially suarez , didac . ruiz molina , laessius , lod. meratius hiero. fasolus and their disciples , the arminians , labour to prove that god cannot predeterminate the will of man to the positive acts that are in sin : for then he should be the author and cause of sin which he forbiddeth us to do , and he would not do himselfe , say they , that which he forbiddeth us . which is but in the generall a weake answer , for it followeth not hence , that he is the author of the malice , because he praedeterminates the will to the positive act of sinning . for though god in his working providence permit wicked men to be in the church ( as you cannot deny his providence here ) yet doth it not follow , that he soweth wicked men in the church . nor doe we say , that it is the lords appoving and revealed will that hypocrites should joyne with his friends at the marriage supper of the gospell , they wanting their wedding garment . it is hypocrites sin that they joyne themselves to the church , they being heart enemies to the truth . and in this respect god soweth them not in the church . but the question is if the church and pastors sin in receiving such into the bosome of the church , because they see not , in conscience , that they are regenerated : that we deny , yea the servants bid all come whom they finde . mat. . . and that by the commandement of god. and in this respect god doth not plant his visible church a noble vine , and a field sowen with good seed , yea it is his revealed will that the church and the servants of god invite all to come to wisdomes banquet , prov. . . . and so all the called externally are not the choise vines . this you are to prove , that the visible church in all its members , or essentially as it is a visible church is a choise vine , and an holy seed . nor is it the pastors negligence that tares grow in the lords field ( though it be satans malice ) yea the pastors here are to invite all to come in , and to call externally all to come to christ. that they who are invited give not obedience is their own wickednesse , but neither the churches , nor the pastors sinne . ( a ) robinson . there be amongst you hundreds and thousands partakers of the life of god in respect of your persons , but in respect of your church communion , and your ordinances , you are all alike , because you are all alike partakers of one set forme of worship . answ. the church of the jewes so should be a falsely constituted church , because however there were many believers amongst them , yet all are commanded to receive one ministery of sc●ibes and pharisees sitting in moses chaire . but know that the leaven of the externall worship ( except it evert the foundation ) doth not make the church a falsely constituted church . a robinson , mr. smith truely affirmeth your church to be a greater antichristian ministery and worship then rome , as the temple which sanctifieth the gold , and the altar which sanctifieth the offering is greater then the offering : so the temple of the new testament , the church and people of god , by whose faith all the ordinances of the church are sanctified , is greater then the ministery , worship , or any other ordinance , and being idolatrous is a greater idoll . answ. this is a new poynt of divinity that the faith of the ministery or congregation sanctifieth the worship ; as the temple did the gold and the altar the offering : yea though the minister were a judas , and the people latent hypocrites , the ordinances of god lose no authority , for all the ministeriall sanctifying of the ordinances is from christ the instituter , not from the instruments ; and the donatists did suspend the power of the ordinances of god , upon the holinesse , or unholinesse of the instruments . . the ministery in its substance is not antichristian , though it be from the antichrist . for prelates giving of a ministery is not to be measured by the particular intention of the ordainers , but by the nature of gods ordinances , and the generall meaning of all the catbolick church . robinson here objecteth , the law sayth nemo potest plus juris in alium transferre , quam ipse habet . prelates have no calling of god themselves , therefore they cannot give it to others . answ. prelates reduplicativè , as prelates have no calling , yet as pastors they have , and antichristian prelacy destroyeth not the essence of a pastors office in the subject . they object , as a prelate he ordaineth ministers , and not as a pastor . answ. . as a prelate he usurpeth to give a ministery , but as a pastor he giveth it . . he invadeth the place of the church and with consent of the church standeth for the church , though he be not the church , but a simple pastor , therefore what ministery he conferreth , it is the deed and fact of the church . . they object , no man can give that which he hath not . answ. no man can give that which he hath not , neque virtualiter neque formaliter , true ; what he hath in no respect , that he cannot give . what he hath in vertue or in some respect , that he can give . what baptisme the hereticall minister hath ministerially , that he may give validly . a hieronimus saith , the luciferians admitted baptisme conferred by an heretick , but not a ministery , anatolus was consecrated by dioscorus , faelix by the arrians , as mr. b ball observeth . so c bellarmine . d gratian e nazianzen , f august . they say g we finde it by experience that the refusing of church-communion hath been blessed of god , to their conversion who were holden cut . answ. manass●h his being bound in fetters was a meanes of his conversion . david by his afflictions learned to keep gods commandements : did therfore the persecuters of manasseh or david right and lawfully ? the apostles ( say they h had commission to baptize none but disciples , mat. . . answ. see you doubt not of a warrant for baptizing children , who are not disciples : for then the apostles from this place had no warrant to baptize the infants of believers . we should ( say they i open the doores of the church more wi●● then god alloweth , how shall we lay wittingly and willingly dead stones in the living temple ? if christ be a head of pure gold , and the churches golden candlestick , how shall we be allowed to put in leaden members ? answ. this argument is against the lords dispensation , because not without his providence are hypocrites in the church . it is not against his commandement , for he alloweth and commandeth the church to take in hypocrites , so they professe the truth , and so commendeth that leaden toes and members be added to christ the head of gold . christ is the head of the invisible church properly and according to the influence of the life of god , but he is the head of the visible church as it is such according to the influence of common gifts , which may be in reprobates . and they may be this way in christs body , who are not of christs body , as augustine sayth . we are ( say they ) accessary to the prophaning of the lords ordinances . answ. so far as they are notoriously scandalous they are to bee cast out of the church , and debarred from the seales . the church ( say they ) shall be pestered with prophane and carnall men , and the blind shall lead the blind , if all be admitted to church f●llowship . answ. the admission or keeping in of all to partake especially of the lords supper , we doe not allow . . the multitude of carnall men in the church is an inconvenience of providence , and resulteth by accident , from the receiving of professors to christs body visible ; but it is no kindly fruit growing therefrom . a faithfull servant ( say they a would admit none into his lords house , but servicable instruments , therefore neither may the stewards of gods house ( which is a spirituall building ) admit any but men of spirituall gifts , living stones , sanctifyed and meet for the lords worke. answ. the comparison halteth many wayes . . all in a noble mans house , are not stewards , you make all the church to be stewards having the power of the keys to put in , and out . . members are received into the church , not onely because they are serviceable , for the masters use , but to be made servicable and to be polished by the word of god , and care of pastors , but servants are taken into great houses because they are servicable ; for if that follow , that they are made more servicable , it is not the intent of the lord of the house , or of the under-stewards . . the oeconomy of princes houses is no rule for the government of the house of the king of kings . mr. coachman b while the materialls and pillars of the house are rotten , and the house founded upon briers , brambles and rubbish , that is , while wicked men are members , no discipline , 〈◊〉 reformation , no censures , no election by the multitude will doe good . answ. the connexion is naught , the fruit and power of gods ordinances depend not upon the conversion or non-conversion of the instruments , the preaching , sacraments , censures are of themselves golden and exercisers and dispensers thereof , following christs direction therein are golden , eatenus in so far , though in respect of their personall estate they be wooden and clay members voyd of faith . . it is false that the visible church is founded upon men or their faith. god strengtheneth the barres of his own sion . and christ and the gospell are the pillars thereof . nay the church strandeth not upon peter and paul and the apostles faith subjective , because the apostles were holy men and believers , but upon the apostles faith objectivè , that is , upon the saving truth that the apostles delivered from christ to the churches , ephes. . . cor. . , . mat. , v. . quest. . whether or no there be a true church communion with ordinary hearers of the word , who cannot be admitted to the lords supper , and what union excommunicated persons who d● heare the word have with the visible church ? and how the preaching of the gospell is an essentiall note of the visible church ? for the clearing of these confiderable poynts tending much to a fuller understanding of a true visible church in its right constitution , let these considerations make way to what we can say of these poynts . . dist. there is a difference betwixt ordinary and setled bearers of the word , and transient and occasionall hearers . . dist. publick ordinary preaching for the converting of soul●● is a publick church - worship . another set way of ordinary publick use of converting soules , by preachers not in office , wee know not . . dist. some be members of the visible church properly and strictly , such as are admitted to all the seales of the covenant and holy things of god. others are lesse properly , or in an inferiour degree , members of the visible church , such as are baptized and are ordinary hearers of the word , but not admitted to the lords supper , of old the catechumenoi were such . as there be decr●●s of citizens , some having all the priviledges of the city and some onely right to some priviledges , but not to all . . some have right to all , and are most properly in the visible church . . dist. excommunication being medicinall and for edificati●● , cannot cut off the member close , except we should confound killing and curing . . dist. there is a note of a ministeriall church , such as is preaching of the word of god , and a note of the visible church of believers , and obedience professed to the word preached is such a note . . dist. preaching of the word may well be a note of the church invisible in fieri while it is in gathering , because god purposeth to convert where the word is purely preached . . a note of the invisible church already constituted , in so far as it is obeyed . and. . a note of the ministeriall church , in respect where god holdeth out the standard of the preached word , there is his ordered army . . conclusi . to communicate with the church ordinatily and of set purpose is an act of externall church communion . . because if the preacher in preaching edifie the church convened for that effect to receive edification , and if he convince the i●fidell by preaching and cause him fall downe and worship god , and report that god is in that meeting , then to communicate with the church in hearing and preaching is an act of externall church communion . because an act of worship terminated and bounded upon the church is a church-act . but the prophet prophecying in publick to the church edifieth the church and converteth infidells in causing them to worship & acknowledge gods presence in a church-meeting . as is cleare . . cor. . . he that prophecieth , edifieth the church . v. . v. . seek that you excell to the edifying of the church . . yet in the church i had rather speak five words with my understanding , &c. . if therefore the whole church be come together into some place and all speake with tongues , and there come in these that are unlearned and unbelievers , will they not say that yee are mad ? . but if all prophecy and there come in one that believeth not , or one that is unlearned , he is convinced of all , &c. and that this is a church-meeting formally , it is cleare , because it is said , . let your women keepe silence in the churches , now women out of a church-meetings are not commanded silence , for tit. . . they are to teach the younger women : and at home in the house , prov. . . she openeth her mouth with wisdome , and the law of grace is in her lips . acts . . and upon the first day of the week the disciples came together to breake bread , and paul preached to them . had they not then a church communion in hearing the word , as in the receiving the sacrament : our brethren say that eating one bread together at the lords table is properly a church communion . for thereby , we may eat one bread we are one body , for we all partake of one bread cor. . . but heating one word is not a church-communion , because infidels and turkes who are not members of the church may heare one word , cor. . . i answer . wee speake of a professed and resolved hearing . turks and infidels comming in without purpose to joyne with the church , as cor. . . . are not such hearers . . if this were a good reason , a latent hypocrite eating one bread with sound believers at the lords table , should keepe no church-communion with the church , for by our brethrens doctrine , a ●ypocrilt is no more in deed and truth a member of the visible church then a leg of wood is a member of a living body . but we hold that he is a true member of the church as visible , and that his binding and loosing with the church ( suppose he be an elder ) is no lesse valid in heaven , when christs order is followed , then the binding and loosing of a believing elder , and therefore that his eating at the lords table is an act of externall church-communion , and of visible fellowship in a visible body , and the same is every way strong for a visible church-fellowship , in hearing the word , for that same christ and fellowship with him , which is sealed in the sacrament , is preached in the word ; and as joynt communicating of hypocrites and believers is an externall church-communion , ought to seale an internall communion with christ and his church , so the joynt-hearing in a professed adjoyning to the visible church it a compartning visible in a visible worship , and a prosessing of an union with that same christ and his church in the same word preached . for as the apostle concludeth the unity of the catholick church by one baptisme , so doth he conclude it from one faith , and one lord of the covenant preached to all . . the visible church of called and chosen , and not chosen , is the scope of the parable , mat. . and luk. . . . &c. now v. . mat. . all are bidden come to the supper , and be joynt-hearers of the word of the gospell , though all be not choses who are externally called . . also if converting of soules to the faith of christ be the most formall and specifick act of edifying , and of laying stones upon the chiese corner stone in the building , pet. . . . seeing edifying is the end whereof christ ascending on high , gifted his visible church with pastors and doctors , eph. . , , . then hea●ing and joynt-hearing of a sent pastor , rom. . . must be formally externall co●worshiping in a visible church . for our brethren hold that there be now no pastors under the new testament , but in relation to a particular and visible congregation . now if our brethren say , that pastorall teaching is an act of a visible church , hearing of pastorall preaching must also be an act of church worship . for they are relata quae se mutuo ponunt & tollunt ; yea members of a visible congregation have no church-worship except receiving of the sacraments and church censures , if hearing of a pastor be not church-worship . . under the new testament every congregation to our brethren is a visible mount sion . now if under the new testament the people are to incite one another to publick church worship , and say . let us go to the mountaine of the lord , to the house of the god of jacob. and he will teach us his wayes , esa. . . and if they shall publickly worship and aske the way to sion , that they may be joyned in covenant to the lord , jer. . v. . then is hearing of he doctrine of gods wayes and covenant , a publick church-worship , and the service of the church or house of the god of jacob . but the former is true ; ergo , so is the latter . . if it be not church-worship to heare the word , a pure and sound preaching of the word is no note of the church , contrary to the word , and the unanimous consent of the reformed churches . . hearing of the word is a worshiping of god. ergo , the church-hearing of the word must be church-worship . for all professing by their visible communion in hearing the word , one faith , one lord , one hope of glory , and that as one visible body , must thereby testifie they be all joynt-worshippers of christ and of one god , whose covenant they preach and heare . . professed hearing separateth a visible member of the church ( in genere notarum visibilium , in the kind of visible marks ) from an infidell and turke no lesse then the receiving of the lords supper doth . . professed hearing maketh the hearer under a ty of being particularly rebuked of his sinne , but particular pastorall rebuking being done by the power of the keyes presupposeth the rebuked to be within ; for the church cannot judge those who are without . . conclu . excommunicated persons though they be debarred from the lords supper , and delivered to satan , and to be accompted as heathen and publicans , yet are they not altogether and every way cut off from the visible church . . thess. . . if any obey not our word by letter , ●arke such an one , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the note of excommunication ( saith a beza ) and have no fellowship with him , that he may be ashamed , that is , as calvin well expoundeth , exclude him out of the company of the faithfull , and excommunicate him . so also c bullingerus d marlorat and e iodoc. vullichius , v. . yet accompt him not as an enemy , but admonish him as a brother . i know mr. robinson f denieth this place to be understood of any excommunicated person , but he willeth the thessalonians not to countenance , but to shew their dislike of idle persons ▪ and his reasons are . . because if christ biddeth accompt the excommunicated person as an heathen and a publican , would paul thereafter accompt him as a brother ? . idolaters and hereticks are to be excommunicated , and will you have such a brotherhood , as brother idolater ? but i answer , . we read not in the new testament , where christ , or his apostles bid break off christian fellowship with any but there is excommunication signified . if these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have no fellowship with him , that he may be ashamed , signifie , not to forbeare fellowship with him , as a cast out person , but only to shew their dislike of the sin , that he may see it , and be ashamed : as robinson sayth , there is no more punishment to be inflicted on a contumacious person who will not obey the apostles words , then is inflicted for any sinne to which contumacy is not added ; for we are to shew our dislike of any sinne , even the seene infirmities of our brethren . for augustine saith , peccatum tuum est , quic quid tibi non displicet , every sin in another is thine , against which thou shewest not thy dislike . . the law of nature doth inforce , that lev , . . we should generally rebuk our brethren , and so shew our dislike for any sinne . . be not mixed in fellowship with such a man , is a publicke ab●●nence from communion with him , else it doth not shame him . for every showen dislike or not-communion with another in his sinne , is not that which will put publick shame on him , that he may repent , as is intimated here . . christ biddeth not accompt him a publican , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a note of similitude . simile qua simile non est idem . every thing like is not the same . so that he may well be accompted as an heathen , not being altogether an heathen , and yet a brother , whose salvation and gaining you must intend . nor is it altogether against the comparison of christ , and that gentle waiting on perverse idolaters and excommunicate persons to admonish them as brethren . seing it becommeth us to be mercifull as our heavenly father is , tim. , . mat. . . and we must forgive our offending brethren seventy seven times , mat. . . and therefore though he were twice excommunicated , he is to be dealt with as a brother . and an idolatrous brother is no worse then a samaritan neighbour or friend . . if excommunication be a medicine of the church toward a sick sonne , the end whereof is salvation , that the spirit may be saved in the lords day , cor. . . that he may learne not to blaspheme , tim . . that be may be gained , mat. . . ergo , he is not altogether cut off from the church , for delivering to satan is medicinall , not vindictive , as the great excommunication is which is called anathema maranatha , which we cannot use , but against such , as have sinned the sin against the holy ghrist , and is hardly discerned , and i would think , such an one as julian the apostate should be debarred from the communion of the word preached . but these who are ordinarily excommunicated for contumacy and particular faults , and not for universall apostacy , are not altogether excluded from all brotherhood of the church . . if the excommunicate person be excluded from all priviledges of church-fellowship , then also is he excluded from hearing the word as a sick patient under church-medicine , for it is a pastorall , and so to our brethren a church-act , that the shepheard strengthen the diseased , heale that which is sick , bind up that which is broken , bring againe that which is driven away , seeke that which is lost , ezec. . . and feed the flock with knowledge , as a pastor according to gods heart and a bishop . jer. . . act. . . pet. . . jerem. . , , . jer. . . esay . . z●ch . . , , , . it is a pastorall act to preach with all authority , reprove , rebuke , exhort with all long suffering and doctrine , tim. . . . he should as a pastor teach sound doctrine , exhort , convince the gainsayers , and silence heretickes , tit. . . but seeing the excommunicated person is not excluded from hearing the word , and the pastor hath a pastorall care of his soule , and is to intend that his spirit may be saved in the day of the lord , cor. . . he cannot be utterly cut off from all church-fellowship . also this authour a saith , that church-members are to be admonished , and if we doe it not , we hate them in our heart , levit. . . and if we warne not an achan , his sin is the sin of all israel . now if an excommunicated brother remaine one , whom we are to gaine , and whose salvation we are to intend , if he be an ordinary coworshipper in hearing , the object of pastorall and brotherly teaching and admonishing , he cannot be wholly excluded from all church-fellowship . and this also proveth that these be members of the visible church in some degree of church-worship , who yet are deba●red from the ●eale● of the covenant . and it cannot be said that the excommunicated person ought not to rebuke his brother , and not hate him in his heart , as levit. . . penall excommunication looseth not from the law of nature . but our brethren make rebuking and mutuall exhorting one of another church duties of watchfulnesse ; then is the excommunicated in some degree of church-membership . nor can our brethren here reply with good reason . indians and turks may heare the word as well as the excommunicated person , and therefore hearing of the word is no note of church communion . i answer , the turke and indian must heare the word , but at the by , and not professedly ; but the excommunicated person by the●ty of his covenant made in baptisme , and that relation he hath to the church under whose cure he is , for the saving of his spirit , and to that gospel which he professeth , is obliged to the church-communion of publique hearing the word ; yea , and according to his oath given , to be subject to the ministery of such a man whom he chose for his pastor , to give obedience to him in the lord , however in that one particular for which he is cast cut , he hath failed against all the foresaid obligations . . the church , as a visible church , exerciseth no medicinall acts upon turks or heathen persons , and doth not repute them as heathen , but doth repute them to be heathen . nor hath the pastors any pastorall charge of turkes and heathens , except they would desire to be baptized and professe the faith . but the church as the church exerciseth medicinall acts of shunning christian f●ll●wship with the excommunicated , and that with a continuated intention even when he is excommunicated , that his spirit may be saved in the day of god , and the pastor hath a pastorall , and so a ministeriall care and obligation of pastorall teaching , admonishing and perswading him to returne to god. . neither doe we meane with a suarez and other schoolmen , that excommunication doth not so cut off a member as it removeth not that baptismall character , or that passive power to receive the sacraments ; or that the prayers of the church are not offered of direct intention , for the inwardly humbled and repenting excommunicated person , while the sentence of absolution be pronounced by the church , as b soto , c adrianus , d and alanus thinketh , because forsooth f innocentius . saith , the excommunicated person , though repenting , and doing what he can to be reconciled to the church , yet without absolution from the censure , he is mortuus ecclesiasticè dead ecclesiastically , and so in heaven also . though g navar , h turrecremata , i richard , k anton. thinke the penitent excommunicated person is included in the generall desires of the church in their prayers , because it is not the intention of the church to exclude a true and living member of christs body from a communion spirituall with christ. but our meaning is , that the excommunicated person is deprived of actuall fellowship with christ in the seales of the covenant , as the l councell of arausican , a gremio 〈◊〉 matris ecclesiae & consortio totius christianitatis climina●us . his sin is bound in heaven , yet so as the salvation of his spirit is intended by the church , see for this m augustine . we understand not a baptismall character , except regeneration and 〈◊〉 of sins , which cannot be taken away by excommunication , and therefore a morall claime to the holy things of god , and that for that time and state is rather removed , then any internall right to christ. therfore some say , in this he loseth rather possessionem quam jus , possession then right . as a nobleman , for some offence , of three dwelling houses that he hath , is confined to one of the three , so as he may not remove from that one ; yet doth he not lose right to the other two . . our brethrens doctrine is , that none can be judged and excommunicated , but those who are within the visible church ; n now none are within to them but such as are supposed to be regenerated and saints ; yea and more , faithfull brethren , not onely in profession ( saith our o authour ) but also in some measure of sincerity and truth . hence none are to be excommunicated and delivered to satan , but regenerated persons ; then it cannot be the churches mind , that the excommunicated persons are wholy cut off from the visible church , since they being the true matter of the church , as our brethren teach , remains therefore a part of christs body in covenant with god , having right to the promises of the covenant , and so these to whom the keyes are given , by our brethrens grounds , and are regenerated , can onely be excommunicated , and none else can be excommunicated , by their way also , for the unregenerated are without , and so cannot be cast out . i know not what mr. robinson can meane p that the church cannot cast out ( as he saith ) any part or parcell of her true matter . the church cannot excommunicate the regenerated , . because ( saith he ) the true matter of the church , hath the forme and essence of the church , and the church cannot cast out her owne essence . . the church should deliver to satan the true members of christs body , which he abhorreth to write . but i have learned of q mr. coachman that onely the converted are to be excommunicated , because they have a spirit to be saved in the day of the lord , cor. . the non-converted are flesh ▪ but truely this is strange , paul speaketh of the incestuous person according to the judgement of charity , as supposing hi● to have flesh and spirit , as he professeth himselfe to be a member of the church ; but truely this is weake : for in the same chapter paul will have drunkards , railers , extortioners , idolaters , to be excommunicated . peter did really excommunicate simon magus excluding him from part and portion in the visible church . act. . . and are such not to be excommunicated because they cannot be cast out , who were never within ? see into what inconveniences our brethren are fallen , while they agree ( i speake with reverence of those godly men ) with anabaptists in the nature of the visible church . but truely hypocrites are within the church , and when their hypocrisie doth breake out into grievous scandals , they are to be cast out of the visible church ; but they cannot indeed be cast out of the invisible church , because they were never within the same , but our brethren still doe confound the visible and invisible church , which in nature and essence are opposed by way of contradiction , if augustine say right , multae oves extra visiblem ecclesiam , & multi lupi intra . for the church invisible as it is such and essentially , is not the church visible ; and the church visible is not essentially invisible . but to returne to robinson , if the regenerate cannot be excommunicated , they cannot fall into such grievous sinnes as incest , murder , and contumacy to the church , which deserveth excommunication . but this latter none can say but novatians . ergo , neither can the former be said . the major is undeniable , whosoever can , and may commit sins deserving excommunication , are to be excommunicated , as christ saith , matth. . . . and paul , cor. . , . now if the converted cannot fall into grievous sins against the church , such as contumacy ; neither can they fall into grievous sins against god , . by this doctrine no professors are to be excommunicated at all , for all within the visible church are either converted or non-converted ; the converted are not to be excommunicated , saith robinson , because they are the true members of the church , and of christs body ; now the non-converted far lesse can be excommunicated , because those cannot be cast out who are not within , as our brethren teach . for they are the false matter of the church , and no part of it , yea ( and as our authour saith , ) have no measure of sincerity and truth ; and therefore cannot be members of the church . now the church ( say our brethren ) cannot judge those which are without , cor. . . this opinion is just the opinion of the anabaptists , that the true members of the visible church are onely regenerate persons , and they onely have the essence of the true membership , which is false ; they are within the visible church , and truely within the net , and a part of the ground called the kingdome of god , matth. . . though they be not members of the invisible church of believers and the redeemed in christ. . the nicolaitans , iezabel , the false apostles , the spreaders of balaams doctrine , revel . . and those who offend in christs kingdome are all necessarily either not to be excommunicated at all , or necessarily they are all unconverted , by robinsons doctrine , or all converted , by mr. coachmans way . and the church then shall not bind and loose in heaven , but clave errante , except they be all known certainly to be converted who are excommunicated , or certainly knowne not to be converted . but this were ridiculous ; the object of excommunication by christ is one which refuseth to heare the church , whether he be converted , or not converted . . all our divines standing for the cerainty of the perseverance of the regenerated , answer papists and arminians alledging for the apostacy of the saints , the example of the regenerated who may be excommunicated , that excommunication doth never evince that the person excommunicated is out of the state of grace , but onely that he hath fallen into a scandalous externall fact , which deserveth that he should be delivered to satan , and that one may be a member of the visible church and converted to god , who is excommunicated . lastly , robinsons arguments doe bewray great ignorance in the doctrine of the true church ; to wit , that first it should follow , that if the church excommunicate a converted person , it should destroy its own essence ; for conversion is the essence of the invisible church , not of the visible church , and is not destroyed by excommunication . but the beleever is edified thereby , for he is delivered to satan for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord ; but that he is cut off from the visible church is no more inconvenient , then to cut off a rotten apostume of excrescent carnosity of the body , which hurteth the physicall integrity of the body , but doth not take away any part of the essence , so as it should not thereafter be a living body . his mixt argument hath a cry , but no force ; it should follow that the member of christs body ( saith he ) should be delivered to satan ; which is not inconvenient , for this is the ordinance of christ to save the mens spirit , and to teach him not to blasph●me , cor. . . tim. . . it were an inconvenience to deliver a member of christ to satan morally , as cor. . . this is a sinfull deliverance , when one is given over to satan , that satan may worke in him as in his work-house , and as in a childe of disobedience , ephes. . . a converted soule cannot thus be delivered to satan , and this we abhor to write , no lesse then robinson . but to deliver to satan penally , as to a penall tortuter who worketh sorrow and feare in the conscience for sinne , to humble the offender , and to save his spirit in the day of christ , is neither horrour by word nor by writ , but the word of god , cor. . . now to say something of the sorts and nature of excommunication . we acknowledge not what a navarrus and b gregory say , that excommunication , whether just or unjust , is to be feared ; for , the curse causl●sly doth not fall . the sentence is either given out , a jure , vel ab homine by the law , or the persons . secondly , it is either just or unjust . thirdly , and that three wayes ; exanimo , good or ill zeal ; secondly , ex causa , a just or unjust cause ; thirdly , ex ordine , when order of law is kept . an unjust sentence is either valid or null . that which is invalid is either invalid through defect of the good minde of the excommunicators , and this is not essentiall to the excommuncations validitie . that which is invalid this way onely , ligat , it bindeth in fo●o exteriore . but that which is u●just through want of a just cause , it onely bindeth from externall communion ; but because gods ordinances are to be measured from their own nature , and the generall intention of the catholike church , and not from abuses and particular intentions of such excommunicators ; therefore they doe not exclude from the generall church-desires . the fourth councell of carthage , c as also d gerson saith , an unjust sentence neminem gravare debet ; should affright no man. i see not a warrant for division of excommunication into penall and not penall excommunication . the ancients made some excommunication not penall , as the e fifth councell of carthage , and f concilium arelatense . g turraconense , h concilium agathense . as if one should culpably absent himselfe from a synod , erat privatus episcoporum communione ; he was for a space excommunicated from the communion of other bishops . the canonists i infer , that this excommunication was no church-censure ; and k m. antonius of spalato defendeth them in this . but since christ for scandals appointed onely publike rebuking ; or secondly , confessing ; or thirdly , excommunication from the church , not onely of church guides , but of professing beleevers ; l we see not how any are to be excommunicated from the fellowship of the clergy , or church-guides onely . for christ ordained no such excommunication . and therefore wee are to repute this a popish device . zosimus m saith zancbius , n celestinus , o hormisda and pelagius . p did threaten to excommunicate iohn of constantinople from the communion of the apostolike seat , and of all bishops . spalato his argument q for this sort of excommunication is , thessalonians . . which commandeth all thessalonians to forbeare any fellowship with such as obeyeth not the apostles doctrine , and doth not infinuate any excommunication from the society of church-guides onely . nay , such an excommunication is not in gods word . cajetan r calleth it excommunicatio claustralis , whereby some were interdicted the company of some other church-orders . it is true , that in the ancient church the excommunicated person was debarred from comming to the church to heare divine service . and sylvester appointeth three degrees of excommunication ; first , debarring of the contumacious from entring into the church ; secondly , a suspending of them from communion with the church ; thirdly , an anathema or imprecation by cursing them . so the fifth synod under symmachus appointed first that the contumacious should be deprived of the communion ; and if he should not repent , it was ordained , ●● anathemate feriatur , that he should be cursed . so say diverse of the schoolmen and casuists , as s soto , t paludanus , u cajetanus , x sylvester , y navarrus , that it is not lawfull to heart service , or to be present at a masse with an excommunicated person . but in the z fourth councell of carthage , as a papists acknowledge , no excommunicated person is debarred from hearing the word . but it is to bee observed carefully , that for the same reasons papists think the excommunicated persons should heare sermons and the word preached , that our brethren say , because preaching is an act of jurisdiction and authority , but not an act of order ; and therefore preaching is not an act of church-communion , but common to any who have not received orders , and may be performed , as the reading of the vvord by deacons , and those who have priest-hood or power to administrate the sacraments . and b innocentius the third saith , preaching is proper to priests , who have received orders by no divine law. c indeed leo the first made a law of it , for which cause d suarez saith , that christ in these words , iohn . feed m●sheep ; and matth. . preach the gospel ; gave power of jurisdiction , but not of order onely : it is given commonly ( saith he ) to the clergy to preach , and to deacons , because decentius , it is more fi●ly and decently performed by them then by laicks . though it be true that two cardinals , e toletus and f cajetanus be against suarez in this , and say , that , iohn . peter is made the head and universall pastor over sheep and lambs to feed and governe them . and g navarrus saith , preaching ( soli sacerdotio institutione divina adjuncta est ) is by divine institution proper to the priesthood . yet this excluding of them from comming into the church , was from comming in to the holy place only where the lords supper was celebrated ; and they stood at the church doore where they might heare the vvord , and therefore were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hearers and murmurers , as h bas●lius saith , and i field , excommunication doth not wholly ( saith he ) cut off men from the visible church , and his reason is good , because they may and often doeretaine , first , the profession of pure truth ; secondly , the character of baptisme ; thirdly , they professe obedience to their pastors ; fourthly , they will not joyne to any other communion . and therefore to say with our author k we dare not , to wit , that though the seed of faith may remaine in the excommunicated person ; yet to the society of the faithfull joyned in a particular visible church , they are not knit , but wholly cut off from their communion . also , he is delivered unto satan , and therefore wholly cut off from the communion of the church ; and so from the seals , he and his seed , as heathen and heathens seed are . we condemne novatians , because ( as l cyprian saith ) they denied mercy to the repenting excommunicated person , and because ( as m socrates said of them ) god onely can forgive sins . and we condemne the donatists , who would not ( as n augustine saith ) receive into the churches commmunion againe such as had delivered to persecuters the bible and other holy things . so we are to condemne these who are more rigorous toward such as are excommunicated , then christ is : for christ keepeth them , as sick children , within his visible church , and useth satan as the physitians servant who boyleth herbs and dresseth drugs for them , while he by gods permission , tormente●hthes spirit with the conscience of sinne . as when a child is sick ( saith worthy o cartwright ) the father calleth a colledge of physicians to consult about medicine , to be given to the child . so i● the contumacious person under the medicine of excommunication administred by the church-presbytery . now this wee cannot say of heathen and publicans . and therefore p augustine sayth excellently , excommunicated persons non esse ethnicos , sed tanquam ethnicos ; are not heathen , but estemed as heathen . c. . and q chrysostome saith the same in sense . yea , i gather this necessary distinction out of the fathers : as chrysostome r theophylactus s hilarius t that they are not members of the visible church actu pleno , in a full act , because they want externall communion with the church , yet actu imperfecto , imperfectly they are members . a second distinction i collect from w ireneus x gregorius y hieronim . z optatus a augustine , that they are exclusi ab ecclesia quoad communionem , non ab ecclesia ipsa . they are excluded from the visible communion of the church , rather then from the church . a third distinction may be drawen from b eugenius c chrysostome d gregor . nazianz●● , while they call baptisme januam spiritualem , and lavacrum animae , the doore of our entry to the church ( for which cause papists , though fondly , place their font at the church-doore ) as the lavat●r of the soule . so as excommunicated persons are within the doore of the visible church , though not admitted to the kings table . . the schoolemen do allow to the excommunicated persons , jus , non consortium ; right , but not fellowsh ●● . e turr●cremaeta f vega. g soto h canus insin●●● distinctionem inter partes & membra ecclesiae visibilis , because of some externall communion that they have , as teeth are parts of the body in a new borne infant ; but they are not members , but they deny them to be members because they are cut off . . i suarez excellently , pr●vantur quoad communicationemcum al●s membris , non quoad esse membri . they are deprived acording to the act of communion with other members , not as if they ceased to be members ; as a member which cannot receive nourishment is yet still a member . our divines from scripture make three degrees of excommunication . . a debarring from the lords supper , mat. . . but it is not indeed a delivering to satan or excommunication : this is called the lesser excommunication . . a delivering to satan , the greater excommunication . cor. . . . of this we speake here especially . . maran-atha in the syriack an is utter cursing till christs second comming . . conclus . wee hold the preaching of the word to be an essentia note of the visible church . our brethren as k mr. coachman l robinson m our present author , deny that the profession or preaching of the word is a true note of the visible church . because , acts , paul preached to the scoffing athenians , who were not for that a visible church . . papists have some of gods ordinances , and hereticks also , as baptisme ; and the old and new testament as the philistins had the arke of god amongst them . . the word may be preached , where christ is but gathering a church , and so is a meane of gathering a church , and therefore not an essentiall note of a gathered and constituted church . but herein our brethren say no more against the reformed churches , then n stapleton ; to wit , that truth of doctrine is no note of the church , because it is not perpetuall and constant . . truth of doctrine concurs to give being to the church and to the constitution of it . o bellarm. this note may be found in other societies and companies beside the church , a● amongst scismaticks and hereticks . more of this please the reader to see in p costerus q in the jesuite gordonius , huntlaeus . and this is the doctrine of socinians , as may be seene in the cathechisme of r raccovia s in theo. nicolaides , and t francis. smalcius , and arminians second both in their w confession : because they think with socinians , that there is no ministery now necessary , and so publick preaching is not a note of the church , especially since every gifted man may preach the word . socinus in his tractate de ecclesiâ , and his catechisme of raccovia , saith . notae evangelicorum nihil valent ; ' doctrina pura est ecclesiae natura & essentia quae dat ei esse , ad●óque signum ejus esse non potest ; cum signum ipsum , a re c●jus est signum , differre oporteat . but the truth is , the preaching of the word hath diverse relations . . as the members of the visible church are in fi●ri , in the way to be gathered , the word preached and believed is a way of gathering a church , rom. . . cor. . . cor. . . acts . . . that same word preached , believed , and outwardly professed is a signe of the visible church . for where gods pastors and shepheards are , there be flocks of redeemed ones , cant. . . iohn . , , . the word simply preached and professed in a setled way of a fixed ministery is a note of a ministeriall church ; this is cleare from gods intention , for he sendeth it of purpose to save his own , as rom. . . acts . . for a man lighteth not a candle in his house for nothing . so this word preached , as it is gods word , is not properly the forme and essence of the church , but as believed and received , it is the forme of the church invisible . . but to professe this word savingly , est signum ecclesiae , non not a , it is a signe , that doth not infallibly notifie to us that such is for this time an invisible church of redeemed ones : for i have not infallible certainty what one man , or what determinate number of men by name are true believers , profession may beguile me , as also the invisible church ( as such ) is believed , and not knowen infallibly by any note or externall marke that incurreth into the senses . neither is the preaching of the word a note or infallible marke of the church ministeriall to all , or in relation to infidels ; for the word preached actu primo & ex naturâ suâ , essentially and of its own nature , is more knowen and more sensible then the church : because the preached word is a doctrine expounding what the true church is , and we do not expound ignotum per ignotius , vel per aequè ignotum . darknesse cannot let us see darknesse , or colours ; only light doth reveale things . but the word preached in relation to unbelievers cannot be an infallible note of the church , for to a blind man the morning as not a sensible marke that the sun is rising ; nor is smoake to a dead man , a sensible marke of fire , because he hath no senses to discerne either . so to the infidell though the word as a sound , or in a literall evidence be clearer then the church , and in a confused knowledge he knoweth the one better than the other ; yet is the true word , in respect of certaine knowledge and spirituall evidence , as darke to him as the church : for he hath not eares to heare , nor eyes to see any of the things of god , either the word preached , or the church ; and therefore the word is both by nature and to us , & naturâ & nobis , in respect of distinct knowledge , more knowen , but not simply as the word , actu primo , but actu secundo , as it both striketh upon outward and inward senses and as i● revealeth and discovereth the things of god , according to that , cor. . . but if all prophecy , and there come one who is an unbeliever , and an unlearned , he is convinced of all and judged of all . v. . and thus are the secrets of his heart made manifest , and so falling downe on his face , he will worship god and report that god is in you , of a truth . so here is gods order how the word preached is a notifying marke discovering to an unbeliever the true church . it i would poynt out one of the kings courtiers by this , that he hath a purple cloak and a blew scarf , if the man to whom i notifie the courtier , do neither know what a purple garment is , nor what a blew scarf is , the marke shall be no marke to him : yet are these sufficient markes in their owne nature , if we suppose that no other courtiers are in that manner apparelled . therefore i would difference betwixt notam notificantem & notam notificativam , a note that of its owne nature doth make a thing knowen , or that which actually maketh a thing knowen to some . the settled professed preaching of the word is a note of the visible church ministeriall , and that there either is , or in gods own time shall be some invisible church of sanctified ones there . . because , deut. . the hearing and doing of gods word maketh the church of the jewes a renowned and wise people in the fight of the nations . . the preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments are proper to the church and distinguish them from other nations , psal. . . hee sheweth his word unto iacob , and to israel his statutes and his judgments , . he hath not dealt so with any nation . so deut. . . . the lords worship is so peculiar to his church as it differenceth them from all others . so esd. . . . esa. . last verse . . the church is defined , acts . . a company of these who professe truly , and continue in the apostles doctrine and breaking of bread . . the planting and gathering of churches is expounded to be teaching and baptizing , mat. . . . . christs sheep heare his voyce in his own sent shepheards , joh. . . . the church is a company built upon the doctrine of the prophets and apostles , eph. . . the church is the pillar and ground of truth , tim. . . because the church teacheth , professeth , and keepeth the truth . so a augustine b tertullian c hierom. d and chrysostome will have us to seeke the true church by the true word of god , and not by mens word . e robinson objecteth first ; profession of the truth made by men of lewd conversation maketh them not the church ; because they deserve to be cast out of the church , but by men visibly and externally holy , mat. . . acts . . act. . , . cor. . . mat. . . . acts . , . answ. these and many other places do strongly prove our poynt ; and especially , that the profession of simon magus who before god deserved to be cast out of the church , acts . is sufficient to make one a member of a visible church . yea but none deserve in foro ecclesiae , in the churches court to becast out , but such as either confesse scandalous sins , or are contumacious , or convicted judicially of the same before witnesses , otherwayes the dearest to christ , do legally before god deserve all to be cast out . robinson saith , the word in the bible is no note of the true church , but the word believed and obeyed ; for papists have the bible . and f mr. coachman saith , the philistims had the arke amongst them ; and a iesuit at a river side baptized with a skoop a thousand indians ; were they for that a true church ? and papists , ( saith our g authour ) have baptisme . ans. the like is objected by socinus , theoph. nicolaides , cattch . raccoviensis , and by anabaptists . but first we make not the word and materiall bible , and naked seales the marks of the true invisible church ; we are now disputing about the markes of a visible church . . we make not the naked presence of word and sacraments true markes of the church ; but a setled professed erected feeding by shepheards , feeding with knowledge , we make a marke of the shepheards tents ; which way neither philistines nor indians have the word of god : and for the church of rome ; we cannot deny but she retaineth so much of the essence of a ministeriall church , as maketh baptisme administrated by them to be true baptisme , that is , a valid seale , though she cannot 〈◊〉 be called a true ministeriall church . other two questions here are shortly to be discussed , as belonging to this purpose ; as . whether discipline be a marke of the visible church ? mr. robinson h saith , the power of censures is simply necessary for the being of the church , sundry of our divines affirm it is . so the i learned professors of leyden , and k ursin with pareus . great l junius saith , it is a note belonging to the churches order , ad decorum , the m augustine confession leaveth it out from amongst the notes , and so doth calvin n and whittakerus o make two notes onely , word and sacraments . learned p beza maketh onely the preaching of the word a note , not excluding the other two . i thinke distinctions may help the matter ; . there is a power of discipline , and there is a care thereof . true churches have a power given them of christ , and this robinson proveth , and no more ; yet the care to exercise the power may be wanting in a true church . . distinct. right discipline is not necessary for the essence of a visible church . all our divines condemne anabaptists and pelagians , who plead that righteous men onely , and such societies as have right discipline to be true churches . . novatians and donatists came neere to them in this also , as we may see in q augustine . so r rich. field , s parker , t cartwright make it necessary to the wel-being of the church ; . because it is not indifferent . . because it is commanded in gods word . . discipline in the substantiall points is immutable . . it is necessary in respect of the end . and all this w the learned parker demonstrateth to be true . but it is not necessary simply to the being of it : as a city may be without walls , a garden without an hedge . . distinct. the power and right to discipline is a propriety essentiall to the church , and is not removed from it , till god remove the candlesticke , and the church cease to be a visible church ; but the exercise may be wanting and the church a true visible church , from which we are not to separate . discipline is a necessary note and unseparable from a visible church , whole , intire , and not lame and imperfect . but ● church may retaine the essence and being of a visible church , and yet have no discipline in actuall use , or little , and though want of discipline doe leaven a church , yet it doth not ( as robinson saith ) evert the nature thereof , and turne it into babylon and a den of dragons . robinson will have prophanenesse and impiety by absolute necessity rooted out by discipline , but he is too hasty . nay not by publique preaching of a sent pastor , through absolute , but onely through ordinary and conditionall necessity . you bind the almighty too hard . the other question is , if conversion of sinners be an ordinary effect of a publique and sent ministery ? our brethren in their answer to the questions sent to them , deny this ; but no marvell , seeing all conversion to them is done without the publique ministery by onely private christians , and in this we see no necessity of a called ministery to convert men to christ , which is the doctrine of socinians and anabaptists . so x chemnitius , so y gastius teacheth . the socinian z theo. nicolaides , luther erred , ( saith he ) when he asked from muncerus his calling to preach , muncerus was an anabaptist . so a ostorodius in his institutions , and b raddetius who objected the same that our brethren doe , that the whole beleevers be a royall priesthood . but though we deny not , but some may be converted by the teaching and private conference of private christians ; yet the ordinary publique way is by the word preached by a se●● pastor , as is cleare , rom. . . cor. . . acts . . acts . , , &c. chap. . sect . . concerning our order and form in administration of gods publique worship . the authour here contendeth for the worship of god in its native simplicity , without all ceremonies ; to which i can oppose nothing , but shall prove the unlawfulnesse of humane ceremonies in another treatise , god-willing . of the communion of the visible catholique church . iesus christ hath now under the n. testament a catholique visible church on earth ( for of that part of the catholique church now triumphing in glory ; or of that part which onely is a church of elected saints , and are not yet formally a professing church , but onely such in the predestinatiun of god , i spake not now ) and to this church universall , visible , hath the lord given a ministery , and all his ordinances of word and sacrament principally and primarily and to the ministery and guides of this catholique visible church hath the lord committed the keyes , as to the first subject , and for the visible church catholique , including also the invisible church ; as for the object and end hath he given his ordinances and the power of the keyes ; and the ministery and ordinances are not given to this or this congregation which meeteth ordinarily in one place , principally , . the lord iesus gave this ministeriall power to the universall guides of the catholick church , the apostles as they did represent the presbytery of the whole catholick visible church , ioh. . . as my father sent me , so send i you . . and when he had thus sayd he breathed on them , and said , receive the holy ghost . whosoever sinnes you remit , they are remitted ; and whosoever sinnes you retaine , they are retained . the apostles here receive the keys in name of the whole catholick ministeriall guides . for in this the apostles must stand in the person and roome of a single society of believers united by a church covenant in one parishonall church , if our brethrens grounds stand good ; so as a parishionall church must be the onely successors of the apostles , but this no word of god can warrant . nor is the eldership of a single congregation that which the apostles here represented ; except you say to this eldership , as to the first subject , is this message of sending , as the father sent christ , committed , and to this eldership within one congregation is the power ministeriall of pardoning and retaining sinnes given ; for i aske , from whence , or from whose hands do the eldership of a congregation receive the keys ? from jesus christ , say they , but this is no answer , the ministery according to its institution is no doubt onely from the head of the body the church , from iesus christ. but i aske now of an ordinary church-calling ; and i demand from whose hands under jesus christ have this particular eldership received ministeriall power : they cannot say from themselves , for they doe not make themselves ministers : they will not say from a colledge of presbyters of many congregations , for they are flatly against all such presbyteries , and that which they say indeed , the eldership of a congregation hath their ministeriall power from the people . well then , the apostles when they received the keys they did represent the people : but what people ? not the people of a classicall presbytery , of a province , of a nation , of the whole redeemed church , but of one single congregation ; how shall this be made out of the text , or out of one word of god , i see not . . christ ascending on high , and giving some to be apostles , and some prophets , and some evangelists , and some pastors and teachers , . for the perfecting of the saints , ( not of ephesus , far lesse of one single congregation onely ) for the worke of the ministery ( in generall ) for the edifying of the body of christ ( not a congregationall body onely ) . till we all meet in the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the sonne of god , unto a perfit man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of christ. consider i pray you , that christs intention in giving a ministery is not for a congregation of forty , or sixty , or a hundred , as if hee intended to impawn all power in that congregationall body ; but hee intended the edifying of his body catholick , and the comming of all to the unity of the faith. a congregation of sixty cannot be all saints , and this power is clearely given to that body , which the lord is to make a perfit man , according to the measure of the fulnesse of the stature of christ , this is a mysticall man , and the catholick body of iesus christ. call it a congregation and you wrest the scripture , and vilifie the noble and large end for the which christ hath given a ministery : as aske to what end , and to what first and principall subject hath the lord given reason and a faculty of discoursing , is it to peter , to iohn , &c. as to the first subject , and for them as for their good ? no , no , it is for and to the race of mankind . the case is is just so here , cor. . . god hath placed some in the church , first apostles , secondarily prophets , thirdly teachers , &c. is the meaning thus ? god hath placed in the body of a single congregation apostles ? where do you read that ? i believe apostles have the catholick visible church for their parish ; and is it a congregationall body , wherein god placed such variety of members , as apostles , prophets , teachers , workes of miracles , gifts of healing , helps , governments , & c ? so rom. . . so we being many are one body in christ , and every one members of another . hence hee reckoneth out divers offices in this body . now this is not one congregation onely , but that one body of christ whereof christ is head , this is the catholick church . . what power ministeriall our brethren affirme to bee given to a congregation , they say it is given to them under the notion of a flock of redeemed ones , of the spouse , and body of christ , as they cite for this act , . . & col. . . eph. . and under the notion of the city of god , the kingdome , house and building of christ , but so they come to our hand , for this reduplication , or notion of a flock of redeemed ones , of the body and spouse of christ , of the city , kingdome , house , building , agree first to the catholick church as is clear , col. . . eph. . . tim. . . eph. . , , , . and secondarily only to a congregation as it is a part of this universall flock . . the whole catholick church visible is made one ministeriall body cant. . . beautifull as tirzah , comely as the city of jerusalem , terrible as an army with banners . by reason of their order of discipline , and is there called an organicall body having v. . eyes , haire , teeth temples , locks and haveing particular churchs under her , three score queens , fourescore concubines , and virgins without number . yet is it sayd , v. . my dove , my undesiled is but one , she is the only one of her mother . ainsworth who here may be more then a witnesse , sayth this one church is the daughter of jerusalem who is above and the mother of us ●ll . c●ton a witnesse not inferior saith on this place : the true catholick church of christ is the mother of all reformed daughters , and that argument that our brethren useth to prove a particular church to be visible , because of externall communion ( not in one house , for that is accidentall to visibility , one congregation may meet in three caves of the earth , in time of persecution , and yet remaine one congregation ) holdeth good in this catholick church made up of so many organs , as a congregation is formed . . begetting by the ministery of the word , daughter-churches to god , as they say a congregation doth , nor is it enough to say ierusalem is not one by externall government and order of discipline , because they cannot meet together to exercise discipline , but shee is one invisibly , because shee hath one faith , one lord , one baptisme , one spirit , one hope of glory . for the text sayth , they have one and the same organs , teeth , eyes , haire , temples , locks ; they are one ierusalem , and compact city , one army terrible by the sword of of discipline . . we do not say , to make them one visible church , that they must have one visible actuall government , in externall order : for when of a congregation of . their be absent through sicknesse and the busines of a lawfull calling , they are one church visible , though in one metting you cannot see them all with one cast of your eye ; and when the church of ierusalem exceeding in number ten thousand , did meet in part . from house to house , that is in sundry houses ; yet continuing in the same doctrine of the apostles , and in fellowship and in breaking of bread , and in prayer , acts . . . our brethren will say , they are one church . and therefore the power of discipline , and the exercise of the word , seales , and discipline in parts , is sufficient to make one visible catholick church . . to that church hath christ given , as to the first church , the ordinances and ministery , which he principally intendeth to perfit , to gather , and to bring to the unity of faith in a perfit body by these ordinances and that ministery ; because the wisdome of christ hath not given his ministery , and ordinances to the catholick church , intending principally to save them , except he give them a power in that ministery to the first subject , which being put forth in acts may compasse that end . but jesus christ principally intends , to perfit to gather , to bring to the unity of faith in a perfit body , by these ordinances and ministery , the whole catholick visible church , and secondarily only this or this particular congregation . ergo , christ hath given to the whole catholick church , as to the first church , the ordinances and ministery , and so in this mioistery catholick , hee ha h given the keys to this catholick church visible as to the first church . . i prove it thus , when ever chrst giveth gifts to a whole , he giveth it to the whole , by order of nature , before he give it to the parts of that whole , as is cleare by induction . he gives christ a gift to the whole church , by order of nature , first to the world , joh. . . then to this or this believer of the world. so he giveth redemption and grace by order of nature first to his church in generall , eph. . . christ dieth first for his church , not this or that single company , or particular person , first for his sheep , that is , the whole flock , joh. . v. . then for this or this company , or this of this straying sheep ; he came to seeke and save , first the lost , luk. . . then this or this lost man. he died first to gather together in one , not one man onely , yee not the nation of the iewes onely , but to gather together in one , all the children of god , which were scattered abroad , ioh. . . and he is a propitiatiou by order of nature . first , for the sinnes of the whole world , ioh. . . and then secondarily , for our sinnes , so hath hee given the gifts of apostles , prophets , and teachers , first to , and for saints , in common and in generall , and not for this and that saint , or for this company of saints at ephesus . now that particular congregations are parts of the great visible church ; i prove , and first that they are parts visible of a presbytery , or a circuit of congregations , within the locall bounds of a presbytery . i make good thus . those who have one common necessary object of externall government in church-affairs , those are a whole visible community gifted with power from christ to rule in that common and necessary object of government , and this and this portion of this whole community must be parts of that whole . but those congregations within the locall bounds of the circuit of a presbytery have one common necessary object of externall government , in church affaires ; ergo , those congregations in such a circuit must be parts of this whole . the major i take from our brethren , who therefore make a particular congreation to be one in respect of ordinary meeting , to partake of word , seales , and to transect matters of jurisdiction , amongst themselves , but this agreeth to many congregations within one circuit , for they meet occasionally one with another in hearing the word and receiving the seales ; and for the assumption i prove it thus , all those congregations have these particulars of externall government in church affaires , which they cannot transact within their owne congregations , but doe ex aequo belong to them all . as . that they doe not give offence one to another ; that one church doe not hold the doctrine of balaam to the effence and scandall of other churches . . that one congregation make not acts and canons against the word of god , and against the acts of another congregation agreeable to the word of god. . that one church admonish , rebuke , comfort , provoke another to love and to good works , in such and such poynts ; now though a congregation make acts and constitutions for governing this , or that member of the community ; yet they doe not , nor cannot make acts that oblige the community and the church as the church ; the church as the church being a part is to be regulated by the whole , and if there be things that ex aequo concerne all , and doe not concerne one particular church more then another , one particular congregation cannot governe in these . and by the like reason particular churches and classicall presbyteries , and provinciall and nationall churches , are parts of the whole catholick visible church . . because christ hath not given the power of ministery and ordinances , and jurisdiction to the single congregation as to the first subject upon the ground that our brethren speake , to wit , because the single congregation is that spouse to which christ is referred as an husband , and that body to which hee carrieth the relation of an head , communicating life to all the members , eph. . . col. . . nor is it that adequat number of ransomed persons , of sheepe , of lost ones , of fellow-citizens , of spirituall stones , &c. to the which christ doth carry that adequat and compleat relation of a saviour , of a good shepheard , of a seeker of lost ones , of a king and governour , of the chiefe c●●ner-stone . therefore that visible church for whose salvation christ hath given the ministeriall power , must be the larger visible church , just as the god of nature hath given to the whole race of sheep , a power to seeke their own food , and because of their simplicity , a power to be ordered and led by the shepheard , and secondarily this power is given to this or this flock feeding on mount caermel , or elsewhere : so hath the god of grace given a power to the whole visible catholick flock to submit themselves , in the lord , to other guides , and he hath given to the whole company of shepheards as to the first subject the power of the keys , and secondarily the power is given to this or this visible church , and company of pastors . . when any scandalous person is delivered to satan , he is cast out of the whole catholick church ; ergo , he was before his ejection a member of the whole catholick church , for hecannot be cast out , who was never within . and when he is excommunicated , his sins bound , as in heaven , so on earth , that is , not only in that tract of ground , where a handfull of a little congregation independent ( as they say ) of or or an doth ordinarily feed , but in all the visible world where god hath a church . and all both within the little congregation where hee is , and without , are to repute him as an heathen and a publican . it is true some of our brethren say , he is excommunicated onely out of that congregation whereof hee is a member antecedentèr , because christ hath given the power of excommunication onely cor. . . to the congregated church , when they are met together to deliver to satan , and they must do it , in collegio , in consessu , coram tota ecclesia , before and in presence of the church congregationall , which is to give their consent and hath a certaine power of interest in the busines , but he is cast out and excommunicated to all other churches onely consequentèr , by consequent , and by vertue of the communion of churches : i answer , the plaine contrary ; hee is antecedentèr and formally delivered to satan , by the power of the catholick visible church which is put forth in exercises , and in act before that church whereof he is a neerest member . even as the left hand doth cut off a finger of the right hand , which otherwayes should infect the whole body . now it is not the left hand onely that cutteth off the contagious and infectious finger , but the whole man , deliberate reason and the will consenteth it should be done for the preservation of the whole man ; the left hand is a meere instrument , and the losse of the finger is the losse of the whole body , and the finger is cut off the right hand not antedentèr , and onely off the right hand by that power intrinsecall onely in the right hand , but intrinsecall in the whole body ; it is true the contagion should creepe through , and infect the right hand , and right arme first , and therefore incision is made upon the right hand . so if the eldership of a congregation deliver to satan , it is not done by that power that is intrinseally onely in that congregation , but by the power intrinsecall in the whole universall church , who shall keepe communion with him that eldership cuts him off as the instrument , or hand of the church catholick , and the incision ( as it were ) is performed there in that meeting ( i will not say of the whole congregation , that is to be proved ) because the contagion shall come first upon these with whom the delinquent is to keepe the nearest fellowship , and that excommunication be performed in a meeting i grant , and the place , cor. . . saith so much , and a meeting of the church . but that that is a meeting of the congregation ▪ with favour of the learned , cannot be proved cogently ; though i thinke excommunication when it is actually performed , it should be done before the congregation , but that is for the edification and nearest and most immediate practice of that congregation , for the contagion is nearest to them , but the reason why the presence of the congregation whereof the delinquent is a member is requisit , is not because this congregation hath the sole intrinsecall power in her selfe ; and because shee onely doth formally and antecedentèr excommunicate , and the rest of the churches consequenter , and by vertue of a communion : for the sister churches are to debarre this excomunicate person from their communion with christ in the seales of the covenant , and that by an intrinsecall authoritative , and church power , where as if he were not excommunicated , they should have received him to a communion with them in the seales , and that by an intrinsecall authoritative and church power , for one man cannot receive another to the seales of the covenant with him ; because no one man hath a church authority . if therefore the church as the church is consociated by an intrinsecall church-power should have admitted him , if he had not been excommunicated , it is evident that hee was a member not onely of the congregation out of which he is excommunicated , but also of the whole consociated congregations . , the man sins are bound on earth antecedentèr , to all the consociated churches . he is now equally uncapable of church-fellowship in all the consociated churches , as in that congregation whereof he is a member . all without and within that congregation are to hold him for no visible saint ; not to eate or drinke with him , he is now to all the visible churches , in regard of visible communion , no member of that body whereof jesus christ is head , no part of that city , of that building whereof christ is the lord and chief corner-stone . and he is to the sister churches in their authoritative & church-estimation ( to speake so ) and in relation to their power of jurisdiction , in the very same case a member of satan , that hee is in relation to the authoritative power of jurisdiction of that congregation whereof he was a neerest member ; just as the finger cut off is alike separated from the body , yea the whole body as from the hand ; and it is a wonder to me that christ giveth an intrinsecall power to a congregation of twenty believers to cut off a member , for the preservation of that little company of the lords flock , and that he hath denied that intrinserall power to the whole , which is no lesse in danger to be infected , seeing christ principally intendeth in the giving of a ministery to the whole church , especially the gathering of the whole body ; to the full and perfit stature of the age of christ , in the unity of faith , eph. . . yet he intendeth the salvation & preservation of the whole from infection more then the salvation of a part of this whole body . that is , as it you would say , the god of nature hath given an intrinsecall power to five hundred in a city to set guides over themselves and to rule themselves by wholesome lawes , but hee hath denied that power to the whole city consisting of ten thousand ; and he hath given to the right hand an intrinsecall power to consent that a finger in the right hand infected with a gangrene , be cut off , but he hath denied this intrinsecall power to the whole man. i beseech you doth the god of nature in conferring this power to the right arme , intend the preservation of the right arme onely , and its wellbeing , and not rather the preservation of the whole body ? so doth not christ intend that the whole consociated churches shall be preserved from infection , and not that particular congregation onely ? then if christs meanes be congruously fitted for his owne end , he must have given an intrinsecall power to many consociated churches to cast out a contagious lumpe ; other wayes the consociated churches are to exercise the punishment of avoyding the excommunicated person as an heathen , which floweth from a power which is no wayes in them ; what conscience is here ? . what if the congregation cast the man out , clave errante , and undeservedly ? shall they , consequentèr , as sister churches , in a brutish fraternity execute a sentence of a power intrinserall in another church , and not any of them , or their guides have any power to discerne , whether the censure be justly or unjustly infflicted ? this our brethren condemne in their owne congregation : for because the reputing the ejected man an heathen , is a matter of practise , that concerneth the conscience of every one of the congregation , therefore must all the congregation give their powers and consent ; yea do more then consent ( say some ) even exercise jurisdiction , or a power not different from it . some things are objected against this way . ob. . the power of the keys cannot be given to the catholick representative church , or catholick presbytery , as to the first subject to be an ordinary and constant meane of edification ; the exercise whereof , in an ordinary and constant way , is unpossible ; but the exercise of this ministeriall power given to the catholick visible presbytery , as to the first subject , in an ordinary and constant way , is unpossible ; ergo , such a power is not given to the catholick representative church , as to the first subject , to be an ordinary and constant meane of edification . the proposition is cleare , it is uncongruous to the wisdome of jesus christ that hee should give that to bee a meane , which possibly cannot attaine the end . the assumption is as evident ; for the catholick visible presbytery cannot meete in an ordinary and constant way . answ. . by distinguishing the major proposition ; that power of the keyes remote cannot be given to the catholick presbytery as to the first subject , the exercise whereof in an ordinary and constant way is impossile physically and ex natura rei . true , but now the assumption is false ; that neerer power cannot be given as a meane of edification , the exercise whereof is morally and through the corruption of mens nature physically impossible . that is false , and denyed , and in either sense the conclusion cannot be true . . i grant the whole , and yet nothing is concluded against us . for the power of the keyes is not given to the catholick presbytery as to the first subject , to be a meane of edification in an ordinary and constant way ; but onely in an extraordinay and occasionall way , in those things which concerne the power of jurisdiction belonging to the whole catholick church . by ( extraordinary ) here i meane not that which is against a particular law of god , and cannot bee done without a divine dispensation of providence , but by ( extraordinary ) i meane that which is rarò contingens , and doth not oft fall out ; as almost it never falleth out that the universall church hath neede to excommunicate a nationall church , for all and every one of a nationall church doe never fall away from the faith. yet a remote power for excommunication , is in the catholique visible church . . it is objected , if the visible catholick church be the first and principall subject of all church-power , then a presbyteriall church cannot excommunicate , but by a power derived from the catholick visible presbytery , and so the presbytery should ●● excommunicate , but by consulting with the catholique visible church , but this latter were impossible and absurd ; ergo , so must the antecedent be . the counexion is proved thus ; for as ●● things have beate in so farre as they partake of the fire ; because heate is originally in the fire , as in the first subject , so all churches exercising excommunication must partake of the power of censures , that is , first and principally in the originall subject , to wit , in the catholick visible church . and it would seeme that none can use or put forthin acts , the power of the catholique church visible , without the conscience of the catholique church visible . answ. this occasioneth me to speake somwhat of the power of the presbyteriall and catholick church . hence i say . . with submission to the learned . first , it is an hard way of arguing , to reason from the power to the severall exercises and diverse acts of the power . our brethren hold that all power of the keys , and all power ministeriall of preaching , administrating the seales , is originally in caetu sidelium , in a church of believers : but they cannot say that therefore the acts of preaching , administrating of the sacraments and all acts of jurisdiction can be exercised by the believers , because they are the first subject . secondly , the farther that the members , or churches either congregationall , presbyteriall , or nationall are removed in locall distance , one from another ; the lesse is the visible and externall communion of rebuking , comforting , and admonishing one another ; yet the power and obligation of these duties are not removed . so though the nationall churches be locally distant one from another , yet their power of exercising duties , and so their power of jurisdiction , in an o●cumenicke councell , is not from thence concluded to be null . yea , nationall duties upon occasion are still obligatory● and communion of men of sundry nations is cleare to mee , esai . . . many nations shall flow unto the mountaine of the lords house , zach. . . ten men shall take hold out of all languages of the nations , they even shall take hold of the skirt of him that is a jew , saying , we will goe with you , for wee have heard that god is with you . i do not say , these nations doe meete all in one synod , but the places doe well prove the power lawfull of performing duties , whereas the exercise of them in one place is not hic & nunc , in ordinary providence , possible . and so this consequence must be weake ; the whole catholick visible churches in their principall guides cannot ordinarily , and constantly meet , hic & nunc , for the exercise of their power ; ergo , they have no such power . for if the power be exercised in parts , which through occurrences of providence , and the corruption of mens nature cannot be exercised in whole , at once ; yet it s not hence evinced to be a power not given of christ for e●ification ; for by our brethrens grant three thousand are added to the congregationall church of jerusalem , acts . and to this church of three thousand , and a hundred and twenty , christ hath given the ordinary power of the keyes as to the first subject , though through occurences of providence , and the corruption of mans nature , some of these , suppose a thousand , through sicknesse , pest , danger of persecution , and sinfull separating from the assembly of saints , could not hic & nunc meet in one house , to exercise joyntly all the acts of that power which our brethren say is given to them by christ ; they cannot say therefore christ never gave to this whole church consisting of three thousand and a hundred and twenty , any such power . thirdly , there is a great difference betwixt the power given ad esse simplictèr , to the being of a church , and the power given ad benè esse tantùm , onely to the well-being . . great difference also there is betwixt ordinary power to be exercised constantly , and ordinarily , because of neerer consociation of the churches , in those things that concerne that church in particular : suppose a presbyteriall or congregationall church , and a power to be exercised , but more rarely , not ordinarily , because of the lesse communion visible , and great locall distance of churches , as it falleth out in the whole visible church . now from this . first , the ordinary power of jurisdiction because of neerest vicinity , and contiguity of members is given by jesus christ to one congregation in an isle . . because that church is a church properly so called , though it be not a perfit and complete church . i say it is a church properly so called , because . . it is a little city , and a little kingdome of jesus christ having within it selfe power of the word and sacraments : and that is a church and hath the essence of a church to which agree the essentiall notes of a visible church . now preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments are essentiall notes of a visible church . but i say it is not a compleate and perfit church in the latitude of visibility , ( for churches , are lesse or more visible , according as they have lesse or more visible communion ) for visible communion constituteth a visible church . now a congregation in a remote island hath a lesse communion visible with other visible churches , then conscciated visible churches have . . it is not compleate and perfit in its operations , because in case of doubts of conscience touching government and practice , and dogmaticall poynts , it wants the joynt authority , and power of jurisdiction needfull for the well-being of a church , which it should have , if it were consociated with many other congregations : so as wee say an hand with five fingers is a compleate hand , but it is not a compleat organicall body , but a part of the organicall body of a man ; so is a congregation a church wanting nothing of the being and essence of a church ; yet is it incompleate , because it is a part or member of a presbyteriall church , and not being consociated wanteth that which belongeth to the well being of a compleat visible church . for visibility of a church must have a latitude , because it is an accident or adjunct of an organicall politick body , which is totum integrale . secondly , the ordinary power of ordinary jurisdiction in a more perfit way , because of ordinary and perfiter consociation , is given to the presbyteriall church , as to the proper subject in the constant and ordinary exercise of discipline , because contignity being the foundation of visible externall government , the presbyteriell church of ierusalem , ephesus corinth , antioch , and rome , is a perfit compleat consocia●d body . to which the power of ordination , exauthoration , or deprivation of pastors , of excommunication in a constant and ordinary way doth belong . for this is a principle of church-policy . every politick body of christ hath power of church government within it selfe . but a presbyteriall church is such . . this is a received maxime also . quod tangit omnes . ab omnibus , suo more , tractari debet . vvhat concerneth all , should be agitated by all , according to their degrees of concernment , but excom nunication of a person , in a consociated church , concerneth all the consociated churches in a presbytery ; all are scandalized , all may be , and are in danger to be leavened with the infectious lumpe . and here it is to be observed , that as preaching of the word is an essentiall note of the visible church , and agreeing to the visible church , as necessary ad esse simpliciter , to the very being of a visible church . for if the word as preached and some way promulgated be not in such a society , we cannot call it a visible church ; so discipline is a note of the visible church , and necessary ad bene esse , and it cannot be a ministeriall church in a good condition exercising acts of edification , if the wall of discipline be broken downe : and meeting in one place for word and sacraments is but accidentall for a ministeriall church . if the word be preached , and the sacraments administrated in sundry congregations , though not in a presbyteriall church all convened in all its members in one place , yet hath the presbyteriall church the essentiall note of a visible church . because there is a difference betwixt carrying the colours in an army tali modo , as all the army at once may see the colours , and the carrying of the colours . yet the colours are a note visible of such an army : so there is a difference betwixt preaching the word , simpliciter , and preaching the word , tali modo ; in such a way in one materiall house onely . and therefore it is necessary that government which concerneth many churches consociated , be in its exercise hic & nunc , larger then preaching of the word in its exercise , hic & nunc : which cannot be done , but to a multitude which conveneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the same materiall place . and we see an act of government , acts . by confession of our brethren , belonging to divers consociated churches and performed by them , and yet these cannot ordinarily meete to one and the same place in all their members for hearing of the word . thirdly , an extraordinary , and remote power of jurisdiction which is but rarely and in extraordinary cases to be put forth in acts , is given to the catholick visible presbytery of the whole catholick visible church . because the oommunion externall and visible is lesse , where the locall distance of visible churches is more : and therefore because oecumenicall councells , being necessary for the catholick visible church , neque ad esse simpliciter , neque ad b●●è esse , sed ad melius seu optimum esse , neither in respect of the churches being , nor in respect of the churches well-being , ●u● onely in respect of her best and most spirituall well-being , these councells are seldome to be had in an ordinary providence . for the cresse of iesus christ is rather a marke of the catholick visible church , then bellarmine his prospe●ous condition , that he will have to be one of his fifteene notes of the church : and since the church cannot have her wishes , the want of generall councells is the catholick churches crosse , not her sin ; we doe not say that god is deficient in meanes necessary to his church , or to some of his owne children ; because the woman hath wings given her of god to stie to the wildernesse to hide her selfe from the dragon , rev. . . and so cannot enjoy gods ordinary presence , in his sanctuary . nor doe wee say that god hath denied a power to his church in the wildernesse , to enjoy them in a visible sanctuary , i meane a morall power , and jus , a right and interest in that presence , because he interrupteth the churches physicall power , for a while , in the injoying of these comforts of a visible church-communion , in the sanctuary . fourthly , hence it doth not follow , that because the catholick representative visible church is the first subject of the power of the keys , that the power of excommunication is derived from the visible church to a presbyteriall church , or that a presbyteriall church cannot excommunicate without consulting with , or fetching authority from the catholick visible church : because the catholick visible church is a great integrall body of iesus christ , and he is the head of this body ; because though the power of seeing by order of nature be first in the whole man , and then in the eye , yet the power of seeing in the eye is not derived from the rest of the body , from hands , leggs , shoulders , armes , to the eye . the light is first in the whole body of the sun , as the first and prime subject of light ; yet supposing now the received opinion of astronomers , that the body of the sun doth exceede the quantity of the earth an hundred sixty and seven times , it doth not follow that this or that part of the sun hath no light intrinsecall in it ; but that which is derived from the whole body of the sun ; for then this or this part of the sun should have borrowed light derived to it from another : so the soule doth at one and the same instant , animate , and quicken the whole organized body as its first matter and subject , but it doth not follow that the hand hath life derived to it from the whole body : so because the power of the keyes is also intrinsecall in the presbytery , as in an o●cumenicall councell : it doth not follow , that the power that is intrinsecall in the presbytery is by derivation , or borrowed and at the second hand , from the catholick presbytery of the whole world ; farre lesse that the presbytery cannot excommunicate , except it consult with the catholick visible church . the power of the keys , by order of nature , is onely in the catholick representative church as in the first subject , but in order of time this power is communicated from the head christ to all the integrall parts of this great body according to the capacity of every part , so as it is intrinsecall in the particular eldership of a single congregation in these poynts of discipline , that concerne a congregation as a congregation , and it is intrinsecall in the classicall presbytery as it is such , and it is intrinsecall in the provinciall , and nationall synod , in poynts belonging to them as such . . they object ; if a single congregation have not power of excommunication , and of entire and compleat government within it selfe , because it is but a part of a presbyteriall church , and so an incompleat church : by that same reason a presbyteriall church shall be a compleate church , and not have entire and compleat power of government within it selfe ; because a presbyteriall church is a part of a provinciall church , and a provinciall church shall be in the same case , because it is a part of a nationall church , and a nationall church , in that same case ; because it is a part of the catholick visible church , and there shall bee no perfit visible church on earth , which hath full and entire power of jurisdiction , save onely the caholicke visible church , which by no possibility can convene , before her oecunenick and highest catholick court , a nationall church , or the church of great brittaine , and upon the testimony of three witnesses deliver her to satan , and upon supposall of repentance receive her againe to the catholick power of that same court ; into fellowship of church-union with the great catholick body . for so because this catholick church , for many centuries , yea possibly for a million of yeeres , cannot convene to exercise her authority in a court ( and out of her court shee hath none ) the repenting nationall church , shall remaine in satans bands for ever , by a physicall and invincible necessity . answ. a single congregation is a church , but so as it is a part also and a member of a presbyteriall church , and because of neernesse of communion with consociated churches under one presbytery ; it can neither have compleat power of casting out one of its owne members , because that member hath so strict a visible union of membership also with consociated churches , nor can it exercise that intrinsecall power that it hath as a remote part of christs catholick body , but the case for ordinary and constant power of ordinary and constant jurisdiction is not so in a presbyteriall , in a provinciall , in a nationall , in the catholick visible body . and therefore it followeth not that they are not compleat bodies , and entire churches for all ordinarie and constant jurisdiction ; and the reason is cleare , because synods or synodicall churches above a presbytery to me are not ordinary ; not constant courts , but extraordinary , and prore nata occasionall , having their rise from some occurrence of providence , as is most cleare , by scripture . the church of ephesus being a presbyteriall church , did constantly exercise discipline , and try false prophets , and those which called themselves iewes , but were lievs , revel . . . whereas that famous councell at ierusalem was not an ordinary and constant court , but extraordinary , that is , occasionall ( for so i take the word , for expressions cause ) and had its rise , acts . . from a meere occasion , because some came from iudea and taught the brethren , except yee be circumcised after the manner of moses , you cannot be saved , and the subject of this court was not the constant and ordinary affaires of discipline , that belonged to the presbytery of ierusalem , and antioch . no , v. . the subject was only an incident controversy raised by false teachers , subverters of soules , v. . and therefore it is said , v. . the apostles and elders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to consider of this matter ; therefore the presbyteriall church hath both word and sacraments dispensed in it distributively through all the churches , and for the power of jurisdiction ordinary intensivè , and quoad essentiam ecclesiae ministerialis , according to the entire essence of a ministeriall church , it is as perfit and compleat in one single congregation , as in a provinciall , as in a nationall , yea as in the catholick visible body , whereof christ is the head ; onely a provinciall , nationall , and the catholick church visible , extensivè , according to the power of extension , is a larger and a superior church , and though the presbyteriall church be a part of the catholick , it is so a part , as it is a perfit whole church : as a man is a part of this great all , the world , yet so , as he is a perfit reasonable creature , and so a whole man , and a part of the world : but a congregation is so a part of the presbytery , that it hath not a whole , entire , compleat intensive power over its owne members to excommunicate them , because its members are for contiguity and necessity of neere visible communion , parts that cannot avoyd dayly edifying or scandalizing of consociated churches , and therefore the consociated churches trust have a power over the members of a congregation . but our brethren will say ; contiguity of locall cohabitation doth not in be a visible church , but only the voluntary agreement of professors who doe , ex pacto , and by covenant tacit or expresse , make up a conseciation : for a papist and a protestant may cohabit in one house . answ. that is true , but contiguity is such a necessary foundation of externall visible church fellowship in one presbytery , as without that contiguity , i see not how , jure divino , there can be either a congregationall church , or any other church : for , sure i am , christ hath not ordained me to be a member of a congregation in america , or of a presbyteriall church in geneva . and that such persons and no more be members of a congregation , is not juris divini , yet without a contiguity lesse or more they cannot be members of a congregation , nor is this single congregation a limbe of this presbyteriall church , jure divin● ; onely this in abstracto is jus divinum , that there be a congregation of a convenient number , and a presbytery of such as may meete conveniently in their guides . but to returne , the brethren do deny that god gave a power of jurisdiction to the catholick visible court of the o●cumenick church . and why ? because a generall councell cannot excommunicate , nor relax from excommunication a nationall church , but i answer , . it is by accident , and not through want of innate and intrinsecall power , that the court of a catholick councell cannot in an ordinary and constant way , exercise the power that christ hath given to her , as the presbyteriall church doth ; and the exigence of providence maketh it so , because it falleth out by the blessing of god , that zion must say , as it is , esai . . . the place is too streight for me , give place to me that i may dwell . and because she inlargeth the place of her tent , and stretcheth forth the curtains of her habitation , and lengthneth her cords , and breaketh forth on the right hand , and on the left , and her seed inheriteth the gentiles , esai . . . and because from the rising of the sun , to the going d●●ne thereof , his name is great amongst the gentiles , and in every place incense is offered to him , mal. . . yet have generall councells condemned hereticks , as nestorians , macedonians , eutyches and others ; and i see nothing to prove that a generall councell hath no power to excommunicate a nationall church . if the lord should be pleased to give the christian churches a generall councell this day , they might lawfully , in a juridicall way , declare the faction of romish pretended catholicks , to be mysticall babylon , a cage of uncleane birds , which is excommunication in the essence and substance of the act ; nor is there need of a legall and juridicall citation of nationall churches , or a citation of witnesses to prove romish heresies , and perfidious and detestable obstinacy : for their writings , and deeds , are so notorious , that the senses of men may as infallibly prove the fact , as we know there is such a city in the world as rome , and c●n●tantinople ; as for the instance that a catholick councell cannot ordinarily be had , to relax a repenting nationall church : i answer , the same inconvenience will follow , if we suppose an ordinary case , the church congregationall ( as our brethren suppose ) of ierusalem , acts. . consisting of three thousand and a hundred and twenty , having excommunicated ananias , saphira , and others , who yet by the grace of god , should truely repent ; in the meane time , the sword of the roman emperor intervening scattereth this church , that they cannot convene in a spirituall court , to relax them ( and out of court they have no authority of jurisdiction ) here were an invincible necessity of their remaining in satansbonds , in foro externo ecclesiae . but what then ? this is to limit god , as papists do in binding and tying salvation of infants to the outward signe of externall baptisme ; as if god , in soro caeli , in his own court could not absolve penitent sinners , because the church will not , which is more ordinary , through mens corruption , or cannot absolve , through the necessity of exigence of divine providence : and the more catholick that crosses be , as war● , the universall and catholick cruelty , and treachery of the church of m●lignants against the true catholick church of christ , the more easily are the juridicall and court-operations , actions and proceedings of the catholick universall church impedited . and therefore this of our saviours , tell the church , is necessarily to be applyed to all churches and courts of christ , even to a catholick councell , though christ gave instances in an offended brother , who is to tell the church , but i am sure , ( tell the church ) is not to be restricted to a vocal & personall complaining of one brother against another , in the face of a single congregation . for if the offence be committed before the sun at noon-day in the seeing and hearing of the church , either congregationall , or presbyteriall , as some may , and one do by word and writ openly blaspheme god : in this case christs affirmative command , tell the church , doth not in conscience oblige one man to come and deale with the delinquent in private , and then ( if he repent not ) before witnesses , & then to tell the church , so as one sinneth if he tell not the church ; for here gods providence disposing of the notoriousnesse and publicknes of the scandall doth tell the church ; and yet , i hope , our brethren could not deny , but this text doth w●●●● that such a publick offender who scandalizeth many churches should be excommunicated by this place , mat. . from which i gather the weakenes of what is said for the independency of churches from , mat. . ob. . here we cannot understand the church universall . . because he would not say where two or three are gathered in my name , i will be in the midst of them , for two or three cannot represent all the churches comprehended under the catholick visible body of jesus christ. ans. this is an argument from the lesse to the more . if i be present ( would our saviour say ) where two or three , though they be but two or three : i will far rather be present in the assemblies of the church . nor can the words stand according to the letter strictly , according to our brethrens mind , that two should be a church ; for there should be pastors and elders , and christian witnesses , two at least , and the accused brother here . . two or three , and brother and brother are not to be taken as singular men only , but as two or thee men , or churches , who as they may be offended . cor. . so may they give scandall and offence ; so may three , foure , of consociated congregations give the offence , and that publickly ; what ? hath christ provided no remedy against scandals in his whole kingdome , but only for scandals fallen out in the single persons of a small congregation consisting of ten , . or . only when these little congregations offend sister congregations , they are left to the immediate judgement of god ? this is wonderfull . ob. . the christian magistrate as a nursing father is to punish those who offend , and hath power to command churches to confesse offences done to sister churches , and command church censures , as excommunication , to be used , and christs power to be put forth in practise , according to the will of jesus christ. answ. yet doth it follow that the apostolick churches , & the succeeding churches to them under the ten bloudy persecutions , when magistrates were enemies to christ , and his church , that the churches wanted spirituall meanes to gaine fallen and scandalous churches . . christ hath provided an ecclesiasticall power to remove scandalls betwixt church and church ; for the magistrates power is civill and put forth by the sword , and by carnall weapons . christs 〈◊〉 in this , mat. . . s to remove scandalls , and gaine soales v. for heare thee , thou o●st gained thy brothe . the sword of the magistrate is not ordained to gaine so●les to repentance . that 〈◊〉 who careth for the part of a visible church , doth he not far rather care in a spirituall way , for the whole ? . what can the magistrate command here ? the eldership of a congregation turn●● here●icks and scandalous to sister churches and infecteth then . to● magistrate commadeth that church censures be used 〈◊〉 them as you say , who should use them ? not a sister church 〈◊〉 is offended . she hath no power ; not the eldership themselves offending . christ never ordained that a church should excommunicate her selfe ; not the people ; who gave them power ? and the major part of them turneth scandalous . also christ nere hath left n●re ne●y . but let them grow till harvest , so say a●abaptists . ob. . christ here speaketh for a present and constant removing of scand 〈◊〉 brother and brother of one congregation . a cathalick 〈◊〉 of the whole visible church is far off , ●nd cannot be 〈◊〉 . answ. that he speaketh of a present and constant remedy only , and of no remedy against the scandall of whole churches , is de●ed . he speaketh of all remedies to gaine any offenders , persons or churches . ob. . then should an universall councell of the whole world be absolutely necessary , if in some cases we must tell the whole catholickchurch ans. neither doth that follow generall councels are neither necessary to the being , nor to the well-being , but only to the best being of the catholick church , and if the catholick church enjoyed its best-being to which it hath jus , and due right , that is , a perfit reformation in doctrine and discipline , then should generall councell be necessary for the keeping of this best being . and this rule of discipline given by christ supposeth a particular congregation right constituted ( say our brethren ) else this rule cannot be necessarily kept . so say we , that it may necessarily be kept in the catholick church , it supposeth the catholick church to be reformed ; but christs church must sayle with a second wind , when she cannot have a first . ob. . refusing communion with sister churches in case of scand●ll is as effectuall a way for edification , as authoritative excommunication of congregations by presbyteries . answ. excommunication of congregations is a possible , not an ordinary supposition ; but our grounds proceed , when the members of one sister-church offendeth another , if there be no presbyteriall power superi●r to both , that may take order with them , then hath not christ , in the ordinary supposition of ill administration of the eldership of a particular congregation , provided an ecclesiastick way to remove scandalls out of his kingdome . . non-communion is no more then i may do to a brother who offendeth me . . it is not so efficacious as a binding and loosing ratified in heaven . . it hath not that speciall promise of christs church presence walking in the midst of the golden candle-sticks . . it is a secret condemning of the wisdom of christ in the institution of excommunication , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord , cor. . . that some may learne not to blaspheme , tim. . . as if excommunication which is a publick authoritative meane were superfluous , if a private and brotherly non-communion be sufficient , and as efficacious a meane of edification , as christs mean. ob. . either must you complaine to a presbyteriall , provinciall , and nationall church , before you complaine to that congregation of which the ' delinquent is a member , or after that you have complained to that congregation ; if the former be said , then you cannot tell the presbytery , or superior courts , but in case of obstinacy ; for if you can gaine a brother , or a church in a private way , you are not to bring him to a more publickeshame , that is contrary to christs order , v. . if he heare thee , thou hast gained thy brother . and if you tell it the presbytery and the superior courts , after you have told it to the church , whereof he is a member , then you make foure steps , in your reclaiming your brother , where christ hath made but three . ans. christs order according to the number of steps are three , when the fault is private , scandalls of many congregations cannot be private , and in publick scandalls we cannot go but to that church which the offence doth immediatly concerne ; and if you make foure steps or five according to your grounds , i see no transgression ; if . you admonish the offender . . before two . . before the half of the elders . . before all the elders , and. . if you be willing that the elders bring it to the hearing of the congregation the number of three precisely are not of positive divine institution , they are only set downe by christ to shew we are to labour to gaine our brother in private , before we publish his shame to the church ; and if he commit the offence before two , i think you need not tell him your selfe alone , but before two , and yet the offence is private , if three only be privy to it ; seeing it is not yet come to the church . . i much doubt if no faults be punishable by excommunication , but only obstinacy : i thinke the 〈◊〉 of incest , parricide and the like deserveth excommunication , though no contumacy be supervenient to such crimes . ob. . the church spoken of , mat. . is all one with the house of god , and the house of prayer , where two or three agree to pray for onething . v. . and the place where worshiping is , and word and sa●raments , that society in which stewards give a portion of the trea●● of life to every child of the house , mat. . , cor. . . . 〈◊〉 publick rebukes are tendered to these who sin publickly , before all , that others may feare , tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : this must be in the churches hearing and before the congregation meet for the word and sacraments , for these ordinances of god worke for the edifying both of the party reproved and before all the congregation , which shall heare and feare ; and they worke upon the heart , as the word of god doth : now a presbyteriall church convened in some elders of divers congregations , for church censures and exercise of jurisdiction , is not such a house of god , where are the word , sacraments and publick rebukes in the hearing of the congregation ; for the congregations of all the presbytery being . or . cannot meet in one church . answ. that onely a congregation and not the catholick church is the house of god , i judge , the word of god cannot teach ; as esai . . . to them will i give a name within my house . what a name ? to be a member of a single congregation ? no , but of a whole visible church , opposed to the condition of eu●uches and strangers , v. . that were not of the people of god. cant. . the beames of our house are cedars , this is the catholick church and spouse of christ , cant. . i would not let him goe , till i brought him to my mothers house , not a congregation , but ierusalem , ( saith ainsworth ) the mother of us all , cotton , the catholick church ; alstedius , ierusalem , heb. . . as moses was faithfull in all his house . not a single congregation . . this church here is formally a ministeriall church meeting to bind and loose , and excommunicate . nor is there need to expound it of an house of praying congregationally , but rather . . of ligatory and authoritative prayers of the presbytery . . nor is rebuking in a congregation for the edifying of the hearers , any thing but the execution of the judiciall sentence of a presbyteriall church , which we grant may be done in the congregation , whereof the delinquent is a member , and yet the church here shall not signifie a congregation convened for the word and s●crame●ts , except you say , all the people must necessarily be present , yea and authoritative actors to bind and loose , as this church is expresly called , v. . for if the place speake , tim. . . of concionall rebuking ; then it proveth nothing , that is done by timothy as a pastor , virtute potest at is ordinis , and not by the presbytery , as an act of jurisdiction which is done by the church , not by one man , if it be meant of juridicall rebuking that is done in a court , where all the congregation are not present ; or if it be done before the congregation in name of the presbytery , what is done before the church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before many is not done by those many , as if they were the church , which our saviour biddeth us tell , and sure nothing i● here against us . ob. . the word church is never used in the new testament , for the presbytery ; and if it signifie a representative church ; the meaning of this , the angell of the church of pergamus might be the angell of the church of pergamus ; for the representative church is the eldership of that church . answ. this being the first time that christ spake of the church ( which the hebrewes or iewes who knew his language , behoved to understand ) hee could not meane any thing but a representative church , not the common multitude ; and though it were taken other wayes in all scriptures beside , here it must have this meaning ; because he speakth of a court . if he heart not the church &c , of a company who bindeth and looseth on earth . . whose sentence is ●atified in heaven . . binding and loosing are words of highest royall judiciall authority in scripture , psal. . . the king sent and loosed him . . he made him lord over his house , v. . to bind his princes at his pleasure , psal. . . to bind their kings with chaines , and their nobles with fetters of iron . v. . to execute upon them the judgement written , mat. . . take him and bind him ; pauls being in bands , is to be under the judges power , acts . peter was bound with two chaines ; so the captaine of the guard , j●r . . . and now be hold i loose thee this day from thy chaines . . the representative church is not called the elders of the representative church , nor the angell of the representative church , but of the collective church : and therefore there is no angell of a church , of a church here . ob. . from the church here spoken of , their is no appeale , because the sentence is ratified in heaven . . it inflicteth the highest punishment , the censure of excommunication , and a higher judicature can doe no more . . their is no reason to appeale to a higher judicature , because the inferior may erre , because all above a congregation are courts which may erre : for presbyteries , provinciall , nationall , the universall councell of the catholique church may erre . so mr. mather . answ. this is no reason why wee may not appeale from a congregation , because the sentence is ratified in heaven , because the sentence of an inferior judge proceeding rightly is ratified in heaven ; yet we may appeale from him : to appeale is but upon feares of ill administration to desert a lower court , and go to a higher court , so when we feare a counsell and advice given by a sister church to be not according to the word of god , which yet is according to the word of god , upon the supposall of that feare wee decline that counsell , and take another . neither are we to appeale , de jure , from a just sentence in a presbytery . illud possumus quod jure possumus . what the inferior sanedrim of israel did justly , was ratified in heaven : yet by gods law there might be an appeale from it to the highest sanedrim . . nor is this a good reason that we may not appeale from a judicature which may inflict the highest censure ; for inferior judicatures in israel had power of life and death , yet might man appeale from them . . the cause of appeales is not because inferiour judicature● may erre , for so wee might appeale from all judicatures , even from a general councell , for it may erre . but the true cause is . . because rariùs errant , they do not so frequently erre . . they are not so inclined and disposed to erre , for many eyes see more then one , and many eyes doe more seldome miscarry in not taking up the right object then one . . because we conceive more equality and lesse partiality in higher courts . ob. . you grant that a single congregation in an island hath power intrinsecall of excommunication within it selfe ; ergo , th● inconvenient which you put on independent congregations , shall follow in the case of a remote congregation , christ hath not then provided sufficiently for that church in that case . answ. it followeth onely ; ergo , christ hath not provided so sufficiently for that church as for others in a consociation , which is nothing against us . for woe to him that is alone , and two are better then one . ob. . if the church here be a representative church , the● it hath power from those whom they represent , but they represent the people , and so the power is first in the people , and the people must be the first visible church , not the presbytery , not a generall councell . i prove the major , because the power the representer hath that must be first in the represented . answ. a representer standeth for another either objectively or subjectively . what ever representeth another objectively , that is , doth such a businesse for another , or in remejus , for his behalfe and good , though he some way represent that other , yet hath he not his power from that which he representeth ; as the eye objectively in seeing , and the eare in hearing representeth the body , for the eye seeth for the whole body , the eare heareth for the whole body . but the eye hath not its visi●e , or seeing faculty from the body , nor the eare the hearing faculty from the body . now the presbytery doth represent the people onely objectively , that is , for the good and salvation of the people , and so the elders have not all their power of ruling from the people , but from iesus christ. that which representeth another subjectively hath indeed its power from that which it representeth , as he who carrieth the person and roome of a king as an ambassador , doth fetch his power from the king , and that power is more principally in the king. but now the assumption is false , because the eldership doth not represent the people , in their power of jurisdiction , subjectively , as standing in the place of the people , but as the ambassadors of christ , and as stewards they have both the keyes from christ , not from the people , and doe actually use the keyes , in his name and authority , not in the peoples name and authority . hence is easily answered that delegatus seu deputatus non potest facere delegatum ; one delegate cannot transfer his power to another delegate , that would bring a progresse infinite in government ; for one deligate standing in the roome of others , sibjectively cannot transfer his whole power to another , its true ; he cannot transfer his power in part and according to some singular acts , it is false : for acts . . it is said by the councell , it seemed good unto us with one accord , to send chosen men to you , with paul and silar . paul and silas and these chosen men , suppose six or ten are in this embassage , are but the deputies and messengers of the councell , and yet they doe agree to make paul their deputy , and mouth to speake for them all , seeing order requireth that six at once should not speake , in this case paul speaking the minde of all the rest , in this singular act , he is a deputy of deputies , and he representeth the whole six , who were messengers of the church sent with the epistle , and these six were deputies and messengers of the councell , but as these six messengers sent by the councell could not lay their whole power on another to carry the epistle to the church of antioch , and bestow their labours elsewhere , nor could one of these six deligates , being chosen as deligate to speake for the rest , put that power of speaking the mind of the whole six off himselfe to another ; in which sense , one deligate cannot make another , one messenger cannot send another ; so the presbyteriall or classicall court convened as the deligates of the whole congregations under them , or rather deligates for them , then of them , decerning that one of a congregation should be excommunicated , may deligate one in that congregation to pronounce the sentence , and this one pronouncing the sentence as the deligate , and messenger of the church is a deligate & a deputy of deligates , and deputies , in one particular act ; and this our brethren in their own church-sentences pronounced by one elder , must also say . object . . that neerest church to whom we delate the offence of one single offender , is a single congregation , else we must over-leap this church , and tell the presbytery , contrary to christs direction ; but if he heare not that very church to whom we tell the businesse , he is excommunicated by that neerest church , as the words beare ; ergo , that nearest church being single congregations , may excommunicate , and so it is the first church , and the presbyterial church is not the first church . ans. that neerest church to whom we delate the offence of the delinquent ; first , in the case of wilfull obstinacy ; secondly , in the case of consociation of churches ( whom the obstinacy concerneth ) is not a congregationall church , having power of jurisdiction entirely and compleatly , to whom we must tell the offence , which is the subject of excommuncation . the whole ministeriall church is that particular church , together with the presbytery ; and my reason is , there is a church , acts . consisting of one and thirty hundred and twenty , all called one church . now it is said of this church that they continued , vers . . stedfastly in the apostles doctrine and fellowship , and in breaking of bread , and prayer ; but where did they meet ? vers . . not onely in the temple , but dayly from house to house . this whole number hath had v. . one church-fellowship , one word , one supper of the lord ; but in one meeting at once ? no , but they met from house to house , that is , in any private house , as the phrase is here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and acts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now it is cleare there were congregations and churches , when word and sacraments were in private houses at jerusalem , and from house to house in ephesus ; but i hope these were but parts of the church at ierusalem and ephesus , and that they could not meet all in one house . if one therefore complaine of a scandalous person to the church of ephesus convened in a house , possibly in an upper chamber , or elsewhere , this is a meeting that continueth in prayer and breaking of bread , and so hath power of church-censures to admonish and rebuke , which things belong to that single congregation or church in a private house ; but it hath not power to censure those that offend the consociated congregations that meet also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in houses , that is , to excommunicate ; and therefore he must complaine to the elders of ephesus , ●o● we are not to thinke that the false jewes who were censured by the apostles of ephesus , rev●● . . . did onely infest houses , or one congregation meet in a house , or that one house-church , or house-congregation of ephesus , did try and censure those that called themselves iewes , revel . , but christ giveth the praise of this to the whole church of ephesus , who had the power of censures . but it may be said , ascandalous person may infect two congregations of two neighbouring presbyteries , he dwelling neere the borders of both : ergo , if he be to be excommunicated , not by a congregation onely , but by the presbytery , because ●e may leaven many consociated churches ; this man is not to be excommunicated , except you tell two presbyteriall churches , and so a whole province ; and if he dwell in the borders of two nations , betwixt england & scotland , he may leaven two parts of two nationall churches ; and if the matter concerneth both the nationall churches , a higher church then a presbytery , to wit a church made up of two presbyteries , yea , of parts of two presbyteries of two nations , must by divine institution be that church compleat and entire to which we must complaine , and which hath the power of excommunication . answ. it is certaine , as the locall limits of a congregation and the number is not properly of divine institution , onely a convenient number there must be to make up a congregation ; and suppose a man do dwell in the borders of two congregations , where he is equally distant from the place of meeting of these two congregations , it is not of divine institution whether he be a member of the one or the other ; yet where his parents did willingly associate themselves to such a congregation , or he himselfe did associate himselfe , and where he received baptisme , he hath now a relation to that church as a member thereof , and that pastor is his pastor , not any other , as the elders of the church of ephesus ( suppose it were one single congregation ) and the angell of ephesus is not the angell of thyatira ; the angell of pergamus is not to be called the angell of sard●s . so i● the matter in a presbytery , or two presbyteries of two distinct nations ( i meane now a classicall presbytery ) therefore these doe make presbyteries , . a convenient number of churches may be governed by one colledge , or society of elders . . having ordinary conversing one with another . . voluntarily upon these two grounds combining themselves in one society ; and upon these three the supervenient institution of christ is grounded . and therefore though it be true , that one dwelling in the borders of two congregations , of two classicall presbyteries of two nations , may equally infect other , and so ex natura rei , and in reality of truth he may leaven both ; yet the god of order having made him a combined member now by institution of one presbyteriall church , not of the other , he is to be excommunicated by the one , not by the other : for though locall distinction of congregations and presbyteries bee not of divine institution ; yet supposing consideration be had to , first , a competent number which may be edified ; secondly , to ordinary conversing ; thirdly , to voluntary combination , either formall , as at the first molding of congregations and presbyteries , or tacit and vertuall combination , as in after tracts of time . gods institution maketh a relation of a particular membership of this man , so to this congregation or presbyterie ; as that now upon their foresaid suppositions , though he may leaven the neighbouring presbyteries or congregations , no lesse then those whereof he is a member , yet may he be censured by those and none others now , in respect of christs ordinance applied to this presbyteriall church in this place , and in this nation , and not in this . object . . if the congregation may admonish and rebuke , then may they excommunicate , for you may not distinguish where the law of god distinguisheth not : for there is no reason why this or this exercise of jurisdiction should be given them , and not the exercise of all . answ. the law clearly differenceth , matth. . i may rebuke and convince my brother with the consent of three witnesses , which is some degree of church-censure , especially if a pastor rebuke before three , yet may not a pastor excommunicate ; the church doth that . . we acknowledge that a congregation may exercise all jurisdiction in re propria ; but excommunication , where churches are consociated , is not a thing that is proper to a congregation , but concerneth many . obj. . we doe not thinke that the church , math. . . is the community its alone , nor the elders there alone ; but the elders in presence of the community . for even act. . when the apostles and elders did give out decrees , they did it before the church of ierusalem , and in their presence , v. . then pleased it the apostles , elders , and whole church , to send chosen men to antioch . for shew us a warrant in the word , where the elders there alone did exercise jurisdiction , the people not being convened , and where such a company of elders there alone is called a church . the iudges in israel judged in the gates before the people ; the elders judged in , or , before the church , as the eye seeth united to the head , not separated from it . answ. nor doe we exclude these from hearing the elders exercise jurisdiction , if the matter concerne them ; but we aske if the whole people of israel were obliged by vertue of divine institution to be present in the gates of the city when the judges did sit there , and judge , as our brethren therein say ; by a divine institution the people are to be present , and to consent ; yea and have an honour above consenting , ( say they ) so as , if the people be not there to have their share of excommunication in their way , then is christs order violated , because the church cannot be said to excommunicate and bind and loose on earth ; whereas the elders onely , without the people , do only bind and loose , and excommunicate ; and the elders ( say they ) without the people are not the church , nor can be called the church , and so the acts of the elders , judging , and separated from the people are null , because not acts of the church ; seeing the alone elders are not the church ; & by this reason the judges could not judge in israel , except all israel had been present to consent , for all israel are bidden to execute judgement in the morning , both the rulers and people . . all the thousands in ierusalem which made up many congregations , were not , nor could they , and the whole congreations of a●tioch , syria , and silicia , who were all concerned in conscience no lesse then ierusalem , be present , and that by obligation of a divine institution : and therefore that church , and that whole church , act. . . can be no other then the whole representative church . and so we say , both here and act. . the church representative exerciseth jurisdiction without the people ; if people were present , it was by vertue of no divine institution : so as if they had not beene present the decrees could not have been called the decrees of the church : and certainely the comparison of the eye which seeth not but as united to the body , if it be strictly urged , may well prove that the elders , if the people be not present , even all and every one whom it concerneth , c●● no more exercise jurisdiction , or decerne that a scandalous person can be excommunicated , then an eye can see when it is plucked out of the head . object . . divines bring an argument from math. . by ●●●logy and proportion from particular congregations , to prove na●i●nall and generall synods of the whole christian world . ergo , they suppose that a particular church is the measure and patterne , and first church which hath power of excommunication , answ. parker , and some few enclining to our brethrens mind doe so , but divines understand by a church a presbyteriall church , which they make the measure and patterne of assemblies . object . here is a particular church , because here is an offended brother who is a member thereof . this particular church hath elders , this particular church is a whole church , cor. . if the whole church come together . jam. . send for the elders of the church . it cannot be , that the sick● person is to send for the elders of a presbyteriall church that are so farre removed from the sicke man. answ. an hand with five fingers is a whole hand , but not a whole body ; a congregation is a whole church in its owne kind , whole for those things that concerne it selfe , but not whole and compleat for all jurisdiction . if iames should bid , send for all the elders , this consequence should have some colour . object . . a presbyteriall church can be an offending church , but this , math. . is for an offending brother , if thy brother sinne against thee , &c. answ. christ giveth an instance onely in an offending brother , but the doctrine is for the curing of an offending church also , for all persons to be gained , thou hast gained thy brother . we are to gaine churches even as we are not to offend churches , cor. . . object . ▪ there are no church-censures meant here , christs scope is to resolve a case of conscience , how farre we are to goe on with an offending brother before we behave our selves to him as to an heather . ● , it is said , if thy brother sinne against thee , ergo , it is a private offence , not a publique church-scandall , that deserveth excommunication . answ. christs purpose is to shew how we may gaine to repentance an offending brother , thou hast gained thy brother . and he will have us use both publique and private meanes to gaine him . . it is such a sinne as must be told to the church , when obstinacy to the church is added , and therefore at length it is a publique scandall and so deserveth excommunication . ob. . reprove him , that is , convince him , but is it not reproving to be brought before the church ? must i reprove every one who offendeth me , even the king ? it is a mans glory to passe by an offence ; and salomon for biddeth us to over-heare our servant cursing us . answ. god hath made every man his brothers keeper , and we are not to suffer sin in our brother , but in any case to rebuke him , lev. , . the king is not every mans brother whom he is to use familiarly , as the brother meant of here ; though kings should be rebuked by their nobles , and by pastors . . we are to passe over offences , that is , to forgive those that sin against us , and not to be too curious to know who reproacheth us , as salomons meaning is to be taken , and to be willing to forgive , and yet to labour to gaine our brother by rebukes ; one act of love fighteth not with another . ob. . tell the church , is not meant of a christian church , but he speaketh of a thing present , but there was no christian church as yet . answ. it followeth not , it is a rule especially for time to come , though christ speake after this manner , as if it were a thing present . ob. . it is not much that the word , church , signifieth onely in this place a company of godly men , witnesses of the mans offence ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth onely once , joh. . the wind . . christ spake in the syriak and gnedah , psal. . gnedah a company , or many buls have comp●ss●d m● , san. . a company of prophets , gnedah . the meaning is , if he be not convinced by the testimony of two , rebuke him before many . answ. it is not like , that seeing in the chapter preceding he s●ake of the church , as of a company to whom the keys of the kingdome of heaven were given , and that here he speaking of a church which hath authoritative power to bind and loose , that christ hath any such ●nsolent meaning of the word church , as onely to note many christians . . the syriak is not the originall , but the greeke . ob. . the witnesses sp●ken of here are not witnesses of the offences , but of the reproofe , and therefore there is nothing here of a judiciall proc●s . answ. yea , but these witnesses are witnesses both of the reproote , and of that obstinacy , for the which the mans sinnes are bound in heaven . ob. . let him be to thee as an heathen . he saith not , let him be to the c●urt as an heathen , and therefore here is no shadow of any court. ans. it is an ordinary hebraisme , when the second person is put for the third , especially in laws , as , thou shalt not send him away empty . also , thine eye shall not spare him . also , then shalt out away evill out of israel . and therefore here is a reall court , it the context be considered . christ speaketh so , let him be to thee as an heathen ; in opposition to that which he was called to be , for his obstinacy ; to wit , a brother , if thy brother offend . and how weake is this ? let him be to thee as an heathen . ergo , he should not be to the church as an heathen . the contrary consequence is most necessary , if he be to thee as an heathen , because he is now convinced of obstinacy before two brethren , and before all the church . ergo , these two brethren and the whole church are to count him as an heathen , for the offended brother hath gone along all the way in the unanimous judgement , and a consort of mind , with both the witnesses and the church ; ergo , this obstinate man is the same to the church that he is to the offended brother , that is , he is to both as an heathen and a publican , and both are to abstaine from eating or brotherly conve si●g with him , as the jewes would not familiarly converse with the heathen , and as paul commandeth cor. . , . that with an excommunicated man , we are not to eate . ob. . whatsoever you bind on earth , is in good sence , that he who offendeth any little one that believeth , his sinne is bound in heaven , as the friends of job c. . were not accepted of god , till they made their peace first with iob , yet iob had no power of the keyes over his friends , and an offering is not accepted , while first the offerer be reconciled to his broth●r , and so his sinnes are bound in heaven , and yet one brother hath not a jurisdiction over another . answ. binding and loosing in this , chap. . must be the same with binding and loosing , chap. . . but expresly their binding and loosing is by the church . power of the keyes , and is all one with that authoritative power of remitting and retaining sins 〈◊〉 . . , . and in scripture the keyes , and binding , and loosing , are never ascribed but to stewards , officers , princes , and judges , who have power of jurisdiction , as i have proved already ; and therefore that which is spoken of jobs friends , and of the offerer not reconciled to his brother , come not up to the point , for iobs friends doe not binde on earth , and the offended brother is a more private man destitute of the keyes , and of all power of j●risdiction . it is first objected by our reverend brethren , the extent of the power of jurisdiction in the elders of a classicall presbytery must be proved by gods word , which cannot be . for if many classicall elders have power over many congregations , possibly twenty or thirty churches , then they beare the relation of elders to these thirty congregations , and they must all be elders of these churches , as the scripture saith , the elders of ephesus , the angel of the church of pergamus , the angel of the church of thyatira ; now this cannot be : for then , first , deacons must be deacons of many congregations , and deacons might meet in one colledge to dispose of the treasury of these thirty , and yet these thirty churches should not be consulted with , nor could they all convene in one to give their consent and judgement concerning their treasury . now though deacons be inferiour to pastors , yet are they no l●sse officers in their owne sphere , having power , then the pastors ; and paul writing to the church of philippi , writeth to the deacons as to the bishops , insi●uating that deacons are deacons in relation to that church , no lesse then pastors . answ. i deny the proposition , to wit , if many elders be one presbytery ruling many congregations , then doe they beare the relation of elders to these many congregations , as proper pastors to every congregation , of , or within that presbyteriall church : nor doe they beare that relation of watchmen and proper pastors to every one of these congregations , that a pastor of a particular congregation beareth to his particular flock , that is to be ●oved . it is true they are called the elders of the presbyteriall church of ephesus , the colledge of the angells of the church of pergamus ; but this is a generall and different relation from that which each pastor , doth carry to his owne flock in those respects . . the presbytery are elders to the classicall church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●● ; not in things proper to each congregation but in things common to all , or in that which is the proper object of government , to wit , those things which rather concerne the consociation , and combination of those thirty churches then the thirty consociated , and combined churches in particular . . the presbytery doth rather take care of the reg●lation of the acts of governing in all these churches , then the governed churches : for they are to heed to the pastors ordained , and to lay h●nds suddenly on no man , to commit the word to faithfull m●n , to see that pastors preach sound doctrine , and exercise discipline according to the rule , but they doe not feede as speciall pastors the particular flocks , but every one is to feede his owne flock over the which the holy ghost hath set him , acts , . the elders of the classicall presbytery are elders to all these churches , as the elders themselves are , in collegio presbyteriali , in the colledge of presbyters and properly as they are in the court , but not separatim , and oct of court , so this and this archippus is not an elder , or pastor to all these congregations , so as he hath to answer to god and to watch for the soules of them all , but hee hath a charge of them onely in collegio ; and if he doe any thing , as a classicall elder , as if hee lay hands on a pastor ordained to bee the pastor of such a congregation , hee doth it as the hand and instrument and deligate of the presbytery , or if hee pronounce the sentence of excommunication in a congregation , hee is virtualitèr in collegio , when he doth that act , in respect he doth it as the deligate of the presbytery . and this our brethren may see in their owne particular eldership of their independent flock , if an elder occasionally rebuke any of the flock , never convened before the church , he doth not in that exercise an act of church jurisdiction , because he is not now in a court , and when hee is not in the court hee cannot excommun●cate , yet ●iting in court hee doth , in collegio , with the rest of the eldership exercise church jurisdiction . and separatim , and not joyned in the court they cannot exercise church jurisdiction . . the presbytery hath a church-relation to all these . churches not taken distributively , but collectively as all those are united in one church classicall under one externall and visible government , even as the elders of an independent church are not elders of their single congregation , being separated from their court , and extra coll●gium presbyteriale , in the notion of the relation of a church-jurisdiction , for they are elders by reason of church jurisdiction only in their court. . classicall elders in the court have power of jurisdiction in relation to this presbyteriall , or classiciall church , but they have not properly an ordinary power of order to preach to them all and every one , and to administrate the sacraments to them . the elders of a particular congregation , have power of order and power of jurisdiction without the court , but they have not power of church jurisdiction , but in the court ; for there is a difference betwixt a power of jurisdiction which elders have as watchmen , and a power of church-jurisdiction which elders have not but in foro ecclesiae , in the court of church-jurisdiction . so the great sanedrim beare rule over all the tribes of israel . but this judge of the tribe of dan a member of the sanedrim is not a judge of the tribe of benjamin , or a judge to a thousand of that tribe , as the captaine of that thousand . . i distinguish the proposition , if the elders of the presbytery be elders of the presbyteriall church , then are they elders in relation to the many congregations in that church , if they bee elders in these common affaires which concerne government in generall , then are they elders in feeding , by the word of knowledge , and in governing in all the particulars which concerne the government of each congregation . that i deny , for their oversight in governing in things belonging to all the consociated churches , doth not make them elders of all those particular congregations . . deacons in some cases are also deacons in relation to all the particular churches in some reserved cases : if all the deacons of macedonia , corinth and other churches , should meete in one and take course for supplying the distressed saines at jerusalem , what inconvenient were in this ? ob. . if presbyteriall elders be elders to mary congregations in a generall relation , what sort of elders are they ? are they elders ruling , or are they elders teaching ? it is unpossible that they can be elders teaching , to so many congregations ; for teaching is a personall and incommunicable act , that m●n cannot commit to any others , they must performe it in their owne persons , a●● cannot commit it to others , if they be ruling elders onely , and not teaching elders , this is against the scripture ; for the exten : of teaching and the extent of ruling are commexsurable in the word , and of alike extersion , acts . . these same whoe are to feede the fl●ck at eph●sue , are to governe and rul● , and they are to feede the whole fl●ck● , not a part of it ; so the text sayth , take heede to the whole fl●cke , then they are not to governe all in a presbytery , and to feede with teaching the word , one particular congregation onely ; so pe● . . . feed the flock of god which is amongst you , not with knowledge onely , but be addeth their duty of governing : taking the oversight thereof , not by constraint , but willingly , &c. so h●b . . . remember them that have the rule over you , who have spoken unto you the word of god ; ergo , these same who have the rule over the flock , and governe , du also speake the word of the lord and teach , v. . obey them that have the rule over you and submit to them , for they watch for your soules as these who must give accompt ; ergo , these same who governe , doe also as pastors watch for the flock , as those that are to give an accompt ; but the governing classicall presbytery doe rule , but it is unpossible that they can give an accompt for all the congregations of a classicall presbytery , for they cannot watch over them all , except every one of these must have many eyes : nor can they be both ruling and teaching officers , for then they should have two offices , if one man be both a physitian and a chyrurgion to two severall companies , he must have two offices in relation to two charges which he hath to those two companies , if he practise physick to the one company , and chyrurgery to the other , this is against the order that paul col. . rejoyced to behold . therefore the classicall elders cannot be rulers having the oversight of the whole c●●ssicall church , and yet every one of them must be a 〈◊〉 and teaching pastor only to the single congregation over which 〈◊〉 . answ. as grand-fathers and fathers doe beare a relation to these same children divers wayes , both are fathers and may tutor and provide for the children , but both are not begetting ●athers , so also doe the classicall elders and the elders of particular congregations , beare divers relations to the flocks . the question then is what sort of elders are the presbyteriall elders to the presbyteriall church ? i distinguish church , i distinguish elders . they are elders classicall only to the classicall church collectively taken , and they have an authoritative care over this church . but they are proper elders to the classicall church taken distributively , that is , this man is an elder to this part , or member of the presbytery , to wit , to this congregation . and another man to this congregation as the elders ; in the court and aslembly at jerusalem , acts . they are elders in relation to the whole churches of antioch , syria , and silicia , and the gentiles collectively taken in those dogmaticall poynts , with the confession of our brethren , and these same elders were in speciall manner elders to the congregations of antioch , syria and silicia , and other churches taken distributively ; so also the elders of many consociated , and neighbouring churches are speciall watchmen over their own fl●cks , by teaching and ruling , according to our brethrens grounds , and also they have a brotherly care over all the consociated church , to councell , ●dmonrth , comfort ; seeing every man is his brothers keeper , by a divine law , and the care is like as is it were authoritative , onely , by our brethrens way , it wanteth the relation of authority ; vet doth it not follow that elders this way have two offices . but onely that they performe two acts of one and the same office ; also a pastor of an independent flocke , who writcth ● b●●ke for the instruction of sister-churches as hee preache●● those same sermons that are in the printed b●oke to his owne people and flocke , hath two relations , one to his owne flocke whom hee preacheth unto . as a pastor , another as an instructer of other churches by his writings , yet for that hee hath not two offices , as one who is a ' physitian and a chyrurgion to two sundry companies . if any say , hee writteth not bookes as a pastor , by vertue of his office , but as a gifted man by power of fraternity , let mee deny the truth of the distinction , for this is to begge what is in question ; for to teach the churches by writing should proceede from the authoritative power of a pastor , as a pastor ; and by that same officiall power that hee teacheth his owne flocke vivâ voce , by vocall preaching , as a doctor hee teacheth other churches by writing . but it was asked , whether are the classicall elders ruling elders , or teaching elders to the classicall church ? answ. they are both , and they are neither , in divers considerations , they bee teaching elders in all the congregations , distributively taken , they are rulers in all collectively taken , they are teachers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in some reserved acts , resolving synodically some cases of conscience and dogmaticall poynts upon occasion , but they be not the constant teachers to watch for the soules of all . . the places , acts . . pet. . . heb. . . prove that those that rule in common many churches should be teachers of these same churches distributively , and all the eldership at ephesus should rule the whole churches amongst them . and there should no pastor be a sole ruler and not a teacher , as the prelate is ; nor is there a pastor who is a sole teacher , and it is very true hee who is a ruling pastor is also a teaching pastor , but not to that same flock alwayes . neither is this true , that because power of jurisdiction is founded upon power of order , therefore teaching should be every way commensurable with ruling ; for . the eldership convened in court , and onely formalitèr in foro ecclesiae , in this court hath church-power of jurisdiction , in a congregation , and in this court they governe , but the eldership in this court neither doth preach , nor can preach . . the power of ruling is in the ruling elder , but not the power of teaching , and the power of teaching publickly is in the un●fficed prophet , as our brethren teach , and yet in him there is no power of ruling . ob. . it is strange that to excommunicate agreeth to the ruleing elder in a classicall presbytery , which he may doe in many congregations , and so he may performe his principall acts over thirty or forty congregations ; and yet the pastor may not performe his principall act of teaching in many congregations , by vertue of his office , but onely in one congregation , by this frame of a classicall church . answ. the ruling elder doth onely in some common cases with the presbytery performe his speciall acts , but all the ordinary acts of the spirituall jurisdiction the ruling elder performeth in that congregation whereof he is an elder , nor is this an inconvenient ; but preaching which is given to unofficed men by our brethren , should not be called the principall part of a pastors charge . ob. . it is unreasonable that a prelate or a pope should rule me , and not teach me , and we condemned this in prelates that they would onely rule , and not teach : but the classicall presbytery doth fall in that same fault , for they governe the whole classicall church , but they doe not teach the whole classicall church ; it is dreadfull for a man to watch for the soules of one single congregation , as being under necessity to give an accempt ; ergo , far more dreadfull it is to watch also for a whole tract of thirty or forty churches , the apostle will have him who watcheth for one flock to entangle himselfe with no other imployments . how then shall hee take the burden of thirty , or forty flockes ? answ. it is unreasonable that prelate and pope should rule me , and so many hundred churches . as the sole and proper pastors , and all under them be but suffragans and deputed pastors , doing by borrowed authority from pope and prelate . . that their sole office should be to command feeders as pastors of pastors , and not to feede with knowledge the flocke , that is most true ; but the classicall presbyters are neither principall nor proper pastors of the whole classicall churches collectively , nor are two or three pastors under them as deputies . . nor is their office to rule onely , not to feede with knowledge also . . the pastors of independent flocks are obliged by brotherly association , to be vine-keepers , governours , fellow-counsellers to forty sister - churches , for they acknowledge that churches cannot subsist in good government without the helpe of synods ; now if wee distinguish onerousn●sse , care , and labour of b●therly watching over one another , and oner●u●n●sse , care , and labour , by way of jurisdiction , the former is as great in foro dei , in the court of conscience as the latter , and so ou● brethren make governing without teaching , as well as wee doe ; they in a brotherly way , wee in a way of jurisdiction . i prove that their way is as dreadfull and labo●ous in the ●oynt of conscience , and in a way of giving accompt to god , as our way . for . a divine command that wee be our brethrens keepers , and we watch over one another commandeth onerousnesse , and care in brotherly governing to them , as to us . . wee make the ground and foundation of governing a classicall church that band of love and union of the members of one body of christ , and this band of lovely and brotherly consociation of many congregations commandeth , and ti●th us to doe no more in governing and i● helping , and promoting the edification of sister - churches , then if wee had no further warrant to prom●te edification , then the alone relation of brotherly consociation , for the onely and very reason why the wisdome of our law-giver christ hath put a speciall commandement on consociated churches to make one presbytery , and to governe one classicall church , in these common poynts that concerne the whole classicall church , in the poynt of sound doctrine and lawfull and ministeriall jurisdiction , is the necessity that members of one body have of broth●rly helpe , light , direction , comfort one of another . which poynt i desire carefully to bee observed : for wee see no ground to make the powers of a congregation , of a presbytery , of a province . of a nationall church , powers formally and essentially different , they differ onely in more or lesse extension , as the adjunct or genuine property of one and the same great visible body , which is one integrall part ; that same . . covenant of god. . that same lord . that same spirit . . that same faith and baptisme . . that same power of the keyes in nature and essence belongeth to all ; onely the power must bee more or lesse , as the body is more or lesse , as there is more of that vis loc●motiva , the power of moving in the hand then i● one finger , and in the whole arme then in the hand onely , and in the whole body then in the hand . and i cleare it in this , a man is a gifted preacher in a congregation in an island , there is none other gifted of god to preach the gospell but hee onely . i would thinke , as a brother hee were under as great an obligation of care , and laborious onerousnesse of conscience to bestow his talent for the gaining of soules by preaching , though hee were not called to bee their pastor , and that by vertue of his brotherly relation to the people , as if hee were called to bee their pastor . i desire to know what the naked relation of authority , or jurisdiction addeth to his care and onerousnesse in poynt of labouring by preaching the gospell . indeed now being called , his care is pastorall and more authoritative . but if according to the measure of the talent , every one is to proportion his paines to gaine more talents to his lord , and if the relation of a pastor adde no degrees of gifts to his talent , as wee may suppose , i thinke his onerousnesse in labouring was as great before hee was a pastor as after : but i speake not this , to say that in a constituted church there is no calling required other then giftes . nor doe i speake this to say , that a calling is not a new motive why a man should imploy his gifts for the honour of the giver ; but only to shew that christ hath united powers of jurisdiction in congregations , in presbyteries , in churches of provinces and nations ; that so , not onely gifts might conduce to helpe and promove edification , but also united powers of jurisdiction which are also gifts of god , and though some may say that a calling to an office layeth on m●n a more speciall obligation , to make accompt for soules , then gifts onely ( which in some sense , i could also yeeld ) yet seeing wee thinke the relation of the eldership to a whole classicall church is not founded upon an office different from the offices of pastors and elders which they have , and are clothed with in relation to their particular congregations , but onely authoritative acts of the same office , and that for the common promoving of edification in the whole classicall church , grounded in the depth of his wisdome who hath seven eyes , upon a brotherly consociation , in which they must either edifie one another , and occasionally partake of these same holy things , or then scandaliz● and leaven one another , with their publique transgressions ; wee cannot see how presbyteriall elders are more to give accompt for the soules of the whole classicall church in scriptures sense , hebrewes . . then consociated pastors and elders of consociated churches are to give an accompt to god for sister churches , over which they are to watch , and whose soules they are to keepe , and so farre as they are brethren must make a reckoning to god for them . and how can the presbytery be more said to intangle themselves , in governing the classicall church in some things , with things not proper to their calling , seeing consociated churches , in a brotherly way , doe medle with those same things , though not in a way of jurisdiction ? for helping the classicall church by way of fraternity is not unproper to a christian calling of brethren , and the joyning of power of jurisdiction ; i meane of power lesser to another power greater , to helpe the classicall church , upon the same ground of fraternity , cannot bee unproper to the calling of a colledge of presbyters . objecti . . the power of presbyteries taketh away the power of a congregation , therefore it cannot bee lawfull . the antecedent is thus confirmed . . because if the presbytery ordain● one to bee excommunicated , whom the elders of a congregation in conscience thinke ought not to bee excommunicated , the man , jure divino , must be excommunicated , and the power of the congregation , which christ hath given to them is nul . and the exercise thereof impeded by a greater power . . the voyces of two elders of a congregation , which are now sitting in the greater and classicall presbytery , are swallowed up by the greater number of elders , of thirty or forty congregations met in one great presbytery ; ergo , the power of the congregation is not helped by the presbytery , but close taken away . answ. the argument doth presuppose that which is against gods law , to wit. . that there is a contradiction of voyces , betwixt the elders of a cong egation , and of the greater presbytery ; which should not bee , for brethren even of galathia , which contained many congregations , as our brethren confesse , should all minde and speake , and agree in one thing that belongeth to church discipline , as is cleare , gala. . . gala. . v. . gala. . . . . the argument supposeth that the greater presbytery is wrong in their voycing , that such a man should be excommunicated , and the two elders of the congregationall church is right , and hath the best part in judging that the same man ought not to be excommunicated . but christ hath given no power to any church to erre , and that power which in this case the presbytery exerciseth is not of christ ; and de jure , the power of the greater presbytery in this case ought to bee swallowed up of the two voyces of the elders of the congregation . but suppose that the elders of one congregation , and the whole meeting all agree in the truth of god , as they all doe acts . will you say that peter , paul , and iames their power is null , and taken from them ; and their three voyces are swallowed up in that great convention , because to their power and voyces are added , in this dogmaticall determination ( which you grant even now to many consociated churches ) the power and voyces of the rest of the apostles and elders ; yea and as some say , of the whole church . acts . , v. . . acts . . acts . . ? i believe addition of lawfull power doth not annull lawfull power , but corroborate and strengthen it . so this shall fall upon your owne eldership of your independent congregation . suppose ●en pastors , elders and doctors in one of your congregations , whereas sometime there were but three , and these three had the sole power of jurisdiction and exercise of the keyes , you cannot say that the accession of six elders to three , hath made null the power of three , and swallowed up their voyces ; for if their power and voyces were against the truth , it is fit they should be swallowed up : if they were for christ , they are strengthened , by the accession of lawfull power and moe voyces , and neither annulled nor swallowed up . object . . the church at the first , for example , when it was but a hundreth and twenty , had the full entire power within it selfe : ergo , it should bee in a worse case by the multiplication of churches , if now that power bee given to presbyteries . ans. it is a conjecture , that the whole christian church acts . was onely an hundreth and twenty . i thinke there were more , though these onely convened at the ordination of matthias , for there were above five hundred brethren at once which saw christ after his resurrection , cor. . . and these , i judge , belonged to the christian church also . . it is constantly denied that addition of lawfull power to lawfull power doth arnull , or put in a worse condition the prexistent power ; it doth helpe it , but not make it worse : and twenty churches adding their good and christian counsells , and comforts to two churches doe not annull , or hurt or swallow up either the power of good counseling in these two churches or their good counsels , but do much confirme , and strengthen them . object . . it is absurd that there should be a church in a church , and two distinct kind of churches , or a power above a power , a jurisdiction above a jurisdiction , a state above a state , as master and servant , and father and sonne , so there is here a governing and a commanding classicall presbytery , and a governed and commanded classicall church , and in a politicall consideration formally different : now where there bee two different states , there be two different names , titles , and adiuncts , as cor. . . god hath set some in the church , first apostles , secondarily prophets . so it is said , genesis . god made two distinct lights , a greater light to serve the day , and a lesser light to rule the night . but the scripture maketh no mention of greater or lesser presbyteries , wee have the name of presbytery but twice in the new testament , and in matter they differ not , for these same elders are the matter of both : in form they differ not , for the same combination and union is in all : they differ not in operations , for the superior hath no operations but such as the inferior can exercise , for because a pastor exhort●th a pastor comsorteth , we doe not make two kindes of pastors , if wee cannot finde a distinction betwixt presbyter and presbyter , how can w●e 〈◊〉 a distinction betwixt presbytery and presbytery ? hath the wisdome of christ left these thrones in such a confusion , as by scripture they cannot be knowen , by name , title , nature , operations ? and if there be a power above a power , wee have to a●end to a nation and so to subdite a whole nation , and their consciences to this government , and we are to put a kingdome within a kingdom . answ. a church-congregationall within a church-classicall is no more inconventent , then a part in the whole , an hand in the body , and that is a lesser body in a greater , and our brethren call the people a church , and the elders the elders of the church , and what is this but a church in a church ? . a power above a power , is not absurd , ex●ept it be a church-power , so above a church-power , as the superior power be privative and destructive to the inferior , as the popes power distroyeth the power of the chu●ch universall , and the prelates power destroyeth the power of the 〈◊〉 where of he is pretended pastor . but the power of the presbytery is a●xiliarte , and cumulative to helpe the congregation , not privative and destructive to destroy the power of congregations . secondly , a power above a power in the church cannot be denied by our brethren : for . in the eldership of a ●●●gle congregation , the eldership in the court hath a power of jurisdiction above a power of order , which one single minister hath , to preach the word and administrate the sacraments ; for they may regulate the pastor and censure him , if he preach hereticall doctrine : is not this a power above a power ? yea two elders in the court have a power of jurisdiction to governe with the whole prebsytery , but the power of the whole presbytery is above the power of a part . but to com● neerer ; the apostles and elders at ierusalem met in a synod have a power , in dogmaticall poynts over the church at antioch , and others : and our brethren say that the church at antioch might have in their inferiour synod determined these same poynts which the synod determined at ierusalem ; her 's power above power . thirdly , we doe not see how they be two , or divers indicatures formally and specisically different in nature and operations , for they differ onely in more or lesse extension of power , as the reasons doe prove , as the power of government in one city or borough , doth not differ formally from the power of the whole cities and boroughs , incorporated and combined in one common judicature , and the power of two or three , or foure colledges , doth not differ from the power of the whole combination of colledges combined in the comm on judicature of the universities : so here the powers of the inferior judicatures do differ from the superior onely in degree , and in number of members of the judicatures ; the policy divine is one and the same , though the superior can exercise acts of jurisdiction different from the acts of the inferior in an ordinary way ; such as are ordination of pastors and excommunication , where many churches are consociated ; though , where this consociation is not , ordination and excommunication may be done by one single congregation : also to argue from the not distinction of names , titles and adjuncts of the iudicatures is but a weake argument , because congregationall , and presbyterian , provinciall and a nationall church-body make all one body , and the inferior is but a part and member of the superior , and thefore it was not needfull that as apostles and prophets , and the sun the greater light by name and office is distinguished from the moone gen. . the lesser light , that congregation and presbyter should be distinguished by names and office and titles in the scripture ; for a prophet is not formally a part of an apostle , but an officer formally different from him , and the moone is not a part of the sun , as a congregation is a part of the classicall church : so mat. . the scripture distinguisheth not the people and elders in the word ( ecclesia ) church , as our brethren will have then both meant in that place , mat. . teil the church . now we say as they doe to us in the like , we are not to distinguish where the law doth not distinguish . but the scripture sayth , mat. . the church that the offended hath recourse unto , is that church which must be obeyed as a judicature and spirituall court , but the people is neither a judicature , nor any part thereof . and . of that church christ doth speake that doth actually bind on earth and loose on earth , and that by the power of the keyes , but the people neither as a part of the court doth actually bind and loose on earth by power of the keyes . . christ speaketh of that court , and of that church which doth exercise church-power on earth , under the title of binding and loosing ; but we find not a church in the face and presence of the people binding and loosing under the name of the church , in the word of god. shall we use such an insolent signification of the word church , as the word of god doth not use ? and lastly , i say of these of corinth gathered together convened together in the name of the lord jesus , with the ministeriall spirit of paul and with the power of the lord iesus ; these cannot be the church excommunicating before the people . the text destinguisheth not the court of elders who hath the power of jurisdiction from the people , and all these to whom he writeth , and who were puffed up and mourned not for the scandall , have no such power of jurisdiction : nor can the text beare that the elders set up a court before the eyes of all the people , and delivered such a man to satan , so as this is called the head of elders and people , as our brethren teach , and here they distinguish where the scripture distinguisheth not . fourthly , if the scripture give to us thrones really different , though names and titles cannot be found , more then we find expresly and in words ; two sacraments , three persons and one god , christ iesus in two natures , and one person , then have we what we seeke : but wee have these different in the things themselves , as acts . . wee have a church meeting in an house , for word and sacraments , as acts . . and a congregation in corinth meeting in an house , cor. . . cor. . . and consequently here must bee some power in this meeting to order the worship of god : this single meeting is to rebuke those that sinne openly , and to hinder women to preach in the congregation ; and to forbid , by the power of the keys , that two speake at once ; because god is the god of order ; to borbid doctrine that edifieth not , and speaking gods word in an unknowen tongue , &c. . there is an eldership 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every city in ephesus , in ierusalem who met for jurisdiction , acts . . who layd hands on timothy , tim. . . in antioch , acts . . . there is a meeting of a provinciall church in galathia ; where there are many churches , as may be gathered from acts . . . who were to purge out the scandalous and false teachers who leavened all others , and who were gal. . . to restore with the spirit of meekenesse any fallen brother ; and . there a map and patterne of a generall synod warranting both a nationall church-meeting , and an o●cumenick councell . and the like may be gathered from that synod , acts . and acts . where these universall guides of the whole christian world , to wit , the apostles were , and did exercise jurisdiction , by ordaining of officers ; and though instances of these could not be given in scripture , there is a morall ground and warrant for it . because joynt power of jurisdiction are surer and better , then a lesser and dispersed power . for if the keys be given to the church visible , not to this or this little church , as meetting in a private house , acts . . acts . . the division or union of this power , the extension of it must be squared by the rule of most convenient edification , and it cannot stand with edification if it be given to one congregation onely : the god of nature for conserving humane societies , hath given the power of government originally , not to one , but to a multitude ; for one onely is not in danger to be wronged and oppressed in a society ; but a society is in this danger , therefore hath god given this power to a multitude : and a multitude is the formall object of policy and government , and cannot but be d●ssolved , where lawes and government are not ; so the god of grace must have given a power of government to a society and multitude of little churches : for a multitude of congregations is a multitude , and therefore this society and consociation cannot subsist , except christ have provided a supernaturall government for it . it is not reasonable , that some say , a morall institution is not an institution ; for magistracy is both morall , and a divine institution ; that god have a certaine day for his service is both morall , and also a divine institution : all institutions are not meerly positive , as some suppose , such as is , that the last day of the week be the sabbath , that bread and wine be signes of christs body br●ken , and his blood shed for us . so supposing that christ have a visible church , it is morall that shee have power of government also , in so farre as shee is a church . yea power of government , upon this supposition , is naturall , or rather con naturall ; so by the same ground upon supposall that christ have , in a nation , a multitude of consociated churches , who for vicinity may either edifie , encourage , comfort and provoke ●re another to love and good workes , they submitting themselves to the lawes of christs policy , or may scandalize one another ( as many consociated churches in galathia were bent to bite , dev●ure and consume one another , gal. . . ) it is morall , yea and con-naturall that they be under a divine policy externall . nor is it more agreeable to the wisdome of christ that a multitude of consociated churches in one land should be left to the lawes of nature , and christian brother-hood , and be loosed from all lawes of externall policy , then that the just lord who intendeth the conservation of humane societies should leave every man to the law of nature , and not give them a power to set up a magistracy , and to appoynt humane and civill lawes whereby they may be conserved . and i thinke we should all say , if god had appoynted every great family ▪ yea or every twenty families in the world to be independent , within it selfe and subordinate to no civill law , to no power , to no magistracy without that independent little incorporation , that god had not then appoynted a power of civill policy , and civill lawes for the conservation of mankind ; and the reason should be cleare , because in one shire , countrey , province and nation there should be a multitude , to wit , ten hundred , ten thousand independent kingdomes subject to no lawes , nor civill policy , but immediately subordinate to god in the law of nature , and when these ten thousand should rise up and with the sword devoure one another , and one society independent should wrong another , the onely remedy should be to complaine to god , and renounce civill communion with such societies ; that is , traffique not with them , ( doe not take or give , borrow or lend , buy or sell with them ) but it is unlawfull to use any coercive power of naturall , or civill reparation to compell them to doe duty , or execute mercy and judgement one toward another : now seeing grace destroyeth not nature , neither can there be a policy independent which doth contradict this maxime of naturall policy , acknowledged by all , in all policies , civill , naturall , supernaturall , god intending the conservation of societies both in church and state hath subjected all societies , and multitudes to lawes of externall policy : but so it is , a multitude of little congregations is a multitude ; and a society . then it must follow , that government of independent little bodies , under no coactive power of church censures , must want all divine institution and so be will worship . for these it shall be easie to answer the obloquies of some , saying , that a nationall church under the new testament is judaisme . hence say they , a nationall religion , a nationall oath or covenant , is like a world-church , a church , a huge body as big as the earth : and so , if some augustus should subdue the whole vvorld to himselfe with the sword , hee might compell the vvorld to bee all of one church , of one religion . answ. the terme nationall-church is not in the word of god , but i pray you in what sense can the iewish-church bee called a nationall-church ? i conceive not , because of the typicall and ceremoniall observances that put a church-frame on the whole nation : for if so , then the name of a nationall church or a nationall religion cannot , by envy it selfe , bee put in the reformed churches , or on church of scotland which hath suffered so much for iewish and romish ceremonies . but if the jewes were a nationall-church , because they were a holy nation in profession , and god called the nation , and made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a church externally called to grace and glory and the whole nation commensurable , and of equall extent then all christian nations professing the true faith , and the gentiles , as well as the iewes ; then the believing iewes of pontus , asia , cappadocia , and bythinia ( as augustine , eusebius , oecumenius , athanasius doe thinke that peter wrote to the iewes ) yea and the gentiles , ( as many interpreters with lorinus , thomas , lyra and others thinke ) are yet pet. . . an holy nation , and so a nationall church ; and there is no more reason to scoffe at a nationall church in this sense , then to mocke the holy spirit which maketh but one church in all the world , cant. . . as cotton , ainsworth , and other favorable witnesses to our brethren , confesse ; and if the gentiles shall come to the light of the jewish church , and kings to the brightnesse of of their rising , esai . . . if the abundance of the sea shall be converted to the iewes true faith and religion ; and the forces of the gentiles shall come to them , vers . . and if all flesh shall see the revealed glory of the lord , esai . . . and the earth shall bee filled with the knowledge of god , as the seas are filled with water . it is most agreeable to the lords word that there , is and shall be a church through the whole world ; you may nickname it as you please , and call it a vvorld-religion , a vvorld-church . as if the lost and blinded world , ioh. . , . joh. . . corin , . . were all one with the loved , redeemed , pardoned and reconciled world , ioh. . . ioh. . . cor. . . as if wee confounded these two worlds , and the religion of these two worlds . and if this world could meet in its principall lights , neither should an universall councell , nor an oath of the whole representative church be unlawfull , but enough of this before . and what if the world bee subdued to the world , and a world of nations come in , and submit to christs scepter , and royall power in his externall government : are the opposers such strangers in the scriptures , as to doubt of this ? reade then esai . . . . c. . , , , , : v. . , . psal. . , . psal. . . . . esai . . . esai . . . esai . . . . psal. : , , , . and many other places , and there is a kingdome in a kingdome . christs kingdome and his church lodging in a worldly kingdome , and christ spiritually in his power triumphing over the world , and subduing nations to his gospell . object . . if classicall presbyters be not elders in ●elation to the classicall church , and so to all the congregations in it , yee must forsake all these places , where it is said , the elders of jerusalem , the elders of ephesus , the angels of the seven churches , which is absurd ; if they be elders to all these churches , then . all those people in those churches must submit their consciences to them and their ministery , as to a lawfull ordinance of god. . all the people of those churches must have voyce in election of them all . . all these people owe to the●s maintenance and double honor . tim. . . for if the oxes mouth must not be muzl●d , but he must be fed by me and my corne , he must tread my corne , and labour for me . these churches cannot all meet in one , to ordaine , and chuse all these ministers , and to submit to their ministery . answ. the elders are elders of ephesus and elders of jerusalem , not because every elder hath a speciall , pastorall charge over every church distributively taken , for it was unpossible that one congregation of all the converts in ierusalem extending to so many thousands , could all beare the relation of a church to one man as their proper elder , who should personally reside in all , and every one of those congregations to watch for their soules , to preach to all and every congregation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in season and out of season . but they are in cumulo called elders of ephesus , in that sense that kings are called the kings of the nations not because every king was king of every nation , for the king of edom was not the king of babylon ; and the king of babel was not the king of assyria , yet amongst them they did all fill up that name to be called the kings of the nations , so were the elders of ierusalem in cumulo , collectively taken , elders of all the churches of ierusalem collectively taken ; and as it followeth not that the king of edom , because hee is one of the kings of the nations , is elected to the crowne of caldea , by the voyces of the states and nobles of caldea ; so is it not a good consequence , such a number are called the elders of the church of ierusalem , therefore the elder of one congregation at the easterne gate at ierusalem , is also an elder of a congregation of the westerne gate . nor doth it follow that these two congregations should submit their consciences to one and the same elder as to their proper pastor ; to whose ministery they owe consent in election , obedience in submitting to his doctrine , and mainetenance for his labours ; all these are due to him , who is their owne proper pastor : the as caldeans owe not honour , allegiance , tribute to the king of edom , though the kingdome of caldea bee one of the kingdomes of the nations , and the king of edom one of the kings of the nations . but if indeede all the kings of the nations did meete in one court , and in that court governe the nations with common royall authority , and counsell in those things which concerne all the kingdomes in common ; then all the nations were obliged to obey them in that court , as they governe in that court , but no farther : and when the people doe consent to the power of that common court ●●citly , they consent that every one of these shall bee chosen king of such and such a kingdome ; and promise also tracitly obedience , and subjection to every one of the kings of the nations , not simply as they are kings in relation to such a kingdome , but onely as they are members of that court ; so the congregations acknowledging and consenting to the classicall presbytery , doe tracitly chuse and consent to the common charge and care that every pastor hath , as hee is a member of that common court which doth concerne them all , therefore all these consequences are null . object . . but when the presbytery doth excommunicate in a particular congregation by a delegate , they may with as good reason , preach by a delegate , as exercise jurisdiction by a delegate ; the one is as personall and incommunicable , as the ●●●r . answ. it is certaine there bee great oddes ; for the acts of jurisdiction performed by speaking in the name of iesus christ , doe come from a colledge and court , and because it were great confusion that a whole court should speake , therefore of necessity such acts must be done by a delegate . indeed the juridicall acts of the whole juridicall proceeding of decerning the man to be excommunicated cannot bee done by one man onely , it would bee most conveniently done by the whole senate , or at least by a select number against which the accused party hath no exception , and is willing to bee judged by ; but the acts of order , as preaching flowing from the power of order , can be performed only by the pastor in his owne person , and not by a deputy . except that a synodicall teaching , which commeth from the power of jurisdiction may bee sent in writ by messengers and deputies to the churches , acts . . acts . . object . . a pastor is not a pastor , but in relation to his owne church , or congregation . therefore hee cannot doe pastorall acts of either order , or jurisdiction in a presbyterie . answ. how a pastor is a pastor in relation to all the world deserveth discussing . first , some have neither power of order nor jurisdiction in any place , as private persons . secondly , some have both power of order and jurisdiction through all the world , as the apostles who might teach and administrate the sacraments , and excommunicate as apostles , in every church . thirdly , some have power of order , and jurisdiction in a certaine determinate place , as pastors in their owne particular congregations . fourthly , some have power of order in relation to all the vvorld , as pastors of a congregation , who are pastors validly preaching and administrating the sacraments , but orderly and lawfully preaching , where they have a calling of those , who can call to the occasionall exercise of their calling hic & nunc . in this meaning a pastor of one flock is a pastor , in regard of power of order to all the world. because though his pastorall teaching be restrained by the church in ordinary , onely to this congregation , yet hath hee a pastorall power to preach to all the world , in in an occasionall way , both by word and writ , yet doth not this power being but the halfe of his ministeriall power , denominate him a pastor to all the world , as the apostles were ; and the same way hath hee power to administrate the sacraments , and this way may our brethren see that power of order to be a minister or pastor is given by the presbytery , so as if the man were deprived clave non errante , hee now hath lost his pastorall relation to both the catholick church , and that congregation , whereof hee is a pastor . so as hee is now a private man , in relation not onely to that congregation whereof hee was a pastor , but also in relation to the whole visible church ; now no particular congregation hath power to denude him of this relation , that he had to the whole catholick church . but a pastor of a flock is a pastor in respect of power of jurisdiction , not over all the world , to excommunicate in every presbytery , with the presbytery , hee is onely capable by vertue of his power of order , to exercise power of jurisdiction , where hee shall come , upon suposall of a call , if hee be chosen a pastor there , or be called to be a commissioner in the higher , or highest courts of the church catholick , but other wayes he hath no power of jurisdiction , but in that court whereof he is a member ; that is , in the eldership of a congregation , and in the classicall presbytery : for hee is so a member of a congregation , as he is also a member of the classical presbytery , and therefore though he be not a pastor one way in this classicall court , i meane in respect of power of order , yet is hee a pastor , 〈◊〉 , in watching over that church , in respect of power of jurisdiction . our brethrens ground then is weake when they say . a pastor cannot give the seales to those of another congregation , because he hath no ministeriall power over those of another congregation ; if they meane power of jurisdiction , it is true , he hath no jurisdiction over those of another congregation : but if they meane , hee hath no power of order over them , that is , for what ever be the churches part in this , it is certaine the pastor doth administrate the seales by power of order , and not by power of iurisdiction , and the church as the church hath not any power of order , for shee is not called to any pastorall dignity , though wee should grant that , which yet can never bee proved , that shee is invested with a ministeriall power . object , . if the church , which you suppse to be presbyteriall , to wit , the church of corinth , did excommunicate , or was commanded to excommunicate the incestu●us person , before the congregation convened and met in one , then must your classicall church exercise all other acts of iurisdiction , before all the congregationall churches of the classicall presbytery meete in one . but this latter is as unpossible , as absurd ; for how shall thirty or forty congregations meet all , in one place , for all the severall acts of jurisdiction ? also you confesse that many congregations cannot meete in one place : that the proposition may be made good ; we suppose these grounds of the presbyteriall frame of churches : . that the presbyteriall church of corinth , not the congregation had the onely power of excommunication . . that this man was to be excommunicated in presence , and so with the consent of the whole multitude , for so the text sayth , cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . when you are gathered together . . excommunication is the highest act of iurisdiction in the church , being the binding of the sinner in heaven and earth , if therefore this highest act of iurisdiction must bee performed before all the church congregated in one , then must all acts of iurisdiction be performed also in presence of the congregated church ; for it concerneth their edification , and is a matter of conscience to then : all . . the reason why wee thinke sit hee should be excommunicated before , or in presence of that congregation whereof hee is a member , is because it concerneth them , and hee is a member of this congregation , but by your grounds , the whole presbyteriall or classicall church should be present , which were unpossible ; for hee is to you a member of the whole classicall church , and the power of excommunication is in the whole classicall church , and they ought to bee present by the same reason , that the congregation , whereof hee is a neerest member , is present . answ. . there be many things in this argument to be corrected , as . that the church of corinth conve●ed in the whole multitude whom it concerned , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth not prove it ; for the same word is spoken of the meeting of the apostles and elders , who met in a synod with authority , acts . . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is attributed to the multitude , acts . v. . and to the church of believers , cor. . . and cor. . . therefore the one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seemeth to bee no cogent argument . . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is not here in all this chapter , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in the new testament , and by the seventy interpreters , whose translation christ and his apostles doe frequently follow in the new testament , use the words for any meeting of good or ill , of civill or ecclesiasticall persons . as i might instance is a great many places of the old and new testament ; then what is it , i pray you , which restricteth the signification of these words to signifie a civill , rather then an ecclesiasticall meeting ? certainly the actions which the company doth when they are met , and the end for which they meete . i give an instance in acts . . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the like i say of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) signifieth not the church of christ , and why ? it is a reason that cannot bee controlled . they were assembled for to raise a tumult against paul which was no church-action , and so no church end is here . so v. . but if you enquire any thing in other matters , it shall be determined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a lawfull assembly ; surely the end of such an assembly in ephesus , where this man was town-clark in the meeting , could be . no church-businesse , hence wee are led to know what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an assembly or church signifieth here not the church of christ , so psal. . . the assembly of the wicked hath inclosed mee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 merighem the seventy interpreters turne it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and t●rtullian followeth them , the persons congregated , the actions and end for which they convenc lead us to this , that the word signifieth not a church of christ. so wee may see , psal. . . the congregation of elders cannot bee a true church , . cor. . . for first when you come together to the church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i heare there are divisions amongst you . the place must signifie the church of believers , because the end of their meeting was the supper of the lord , or their communion , v. . as the text cleareth , and cor. . . when the whole church commeth together , that was for prophecying and hearing of the word , as the text is evident , v. , , , , , , . and therefore here the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must signifie the church of pastors preaching , and people hearing the word , praying and praising god. so in the third place when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church is convened to bind and loose , and to excommunicate , as mat. . . . . there is no necessity that the word church , should include those who have no power of the keyes , and cannot by power of the keyes bind and loose . and therefore from the naked and meere grammar of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no argument can bee drawen to prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 matth. . . must signifie that same which it doth signifie , corin. . . corin. . . corin. . . for the word actu primo , and originally , signifieth any meeting , but the persons who are congregated and the end for which they meete leadeth us to the meaning and grammaticall sense of the word , in that place . now matth. . the ecclesia , a church congregated there is such as bindeth and looseth in heaven and earth , and congregated for that use : therefore i see not how the circumstances of the place helping us to the grammaticall sense of the word here , as in all other places , doth not inforce us to say in this place mat. . the word ecclesia , church , must signifie onely those who have power to bind and loose , that is , only the elders , and not the people . so to come to the place , cor. . those who come under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , congregated together , must bee expounded by the persons office , and the end of their meeting , now the persons office is ministeriall , hee will have them congregated by pauls ministeriall spirit , and in the name and with the power of the lord jesus , this is the power of the keyes , which hee who hath davids keyes esai . . . on his shoulders , revel . . . giveth to his owne officers , matth. . . and these persons cannot be all that hee writeth unto v. . all that were p●ffed up , and mourned not at the offence given by the incestuous 〈◊〉 , to iesus christs holy nam● and church , all who are to forbeare eating and drinking with excommunicated persons , vers . . all who were in danger to be leavened , vers . all who were to keepe the feast in sincerity , not with the old leaven of wickednesse and malice : for these directly were the whole multitude of believers , men , women , and children , who ( i am sure ) were not capable of the keyes and the ministeriall power of paul. . the end wherefore these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who were convened , did meete and convene , was , vers . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to deliver the man to satan , they were not convened to celebrate the lords supper , as the church is convened , cor. . . nor for hearing the word of prophecy , or preaching , as cor. . , . and whether you construe the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the power of the lord iesus , with the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to deliver to satan , or with the participle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 congregated in the name and power of christ , all is one ; the multitude of common believers , of men , women , and children , are neither capable of the power , nor of the exercise of that power to deliver to satan . and therefore this meeting together , by no grammar doth leade us to say that the sentence was to be pronounced in face and presence of the multitude convened , vers . . giving , but not granting that the church of corinth , in all its members , must bee convened . though i hold it not necessary by this place , yet it followeth not that all other acts of jurisdiction must bee exercised in face of the whole congregation : for there is a speciall reason of the pronouncing of the sentence , which is not in other acts : the pronouncing of the sentence , concerneth more the neerest congregation of which the delinquent is a member , in relation of nearest and dayly communion , it concerneth also other congregations of the classicall church , of which also the delinquent is a member , but not so immediately and neerely , because ( as i sayd before ) the more universall the church visible is , the externall visible communion is l●sse ; even as when the number of a family is cut off , by the sword of the magistrate , the matter first and more intimately and more neerely concerneth the family whereof hee is a member , yet it doth also concerne the common-wealth , of which also hee is a member . a finger of the right hand is infected with a contagious gangren , it is to bee cut off ; yet the cutting-off concerneth more neerely the right hand , then it doth the left hand , and the whole body . for the contagion should first over-spread the right hand and arme , and shoulder , before it infect the left hand , and the whole body ; though it doe not a little concerne the whole body also . so though actuall excommunication concerne all the churches of the presbyterie : yet it doth more neerely concerne the congregation whereof hee is a member . . the pronouncing of the sentence being edificative , it is a fit meane to worke upon others , but calling and trying of witnesses , and juridicall decerning of a man to bee excommunicated , requiring secrecies , yea and some scandals , and circumstances of adultery , incest , pestiality , requiring a modest covering of them , from virgins , young men , children and the multitude , wee have no warrant of god , that they should bee tryed before the whole multitude , nor are acts of jurisdiction for their excellency , to bee brought forth before the people but for their neerenesse of concernment , and use of edification . object . . the people are to consent , yea they must have a power , and some thing more than a consent in excommunication ; ergo , they are all to bee present . the antecedent is proved , . because they were not puffed up , they did not keepe the feast , they did not dostaine from eating with the incestuous person , onely by consent . . others not of that church did excommunicate by consent . . it is said , v. , doe yee not judge them that are within ? answ. if you will have them to excommunicate the same way , that they doe other duties , you may say they excommunicate the same way that pastors and elders doe , and if they judge , vers . . as the elders doe , either all the people are judges , and where are then all the governed , if all bee governours ? or then hee speaketh in this chapter to the churches-iudges onely . . there bee degrees of consent , these of other churches have a tacite and remote consent , the people of the congregation are to heare , and know the cause , and deale in private with the offender , and to mourne , and pray for him . object . . the highest and double honour is due to him who laboureth in the word , tim. . . but if the presbyteriall church be the highest church , it shall not have the double honour , for it is onely the governing church . answ. highest honour is due in suo genere , to both . and this is , as if you should compare obedience and honour , that i owe to my father with that which i owe to my grand-father , . paul , tim. . . compareth elders of diverse sorts together ; as the ruling and teaching elder , here you compare pastors to bee honoured in respect of one act , with themselves to bee honoured in respect of another act ; and this might prove , i am to give more honour to my pastor for preaching in the pulpit , then for ruling in the church-senate . object . . the congregation is the highest church , for it hath all the ordinances , word , sacraments , jurisdiction ; ergo , there is not any presbyteriall church higher which hath only disciplinary power . answ. there is a double highnesse , one of christian dignity . . another , of church-prehemenency , or of ecclesiasticall authority : indeed the congregation , the former way , is highest , the company of believers is the spouse and ransomed bride of christ. but the eldership hath the ecclesiasticall eminency ; as the kings heire and sonne is above his master and teacher one way , yet the teacher ( as the teacher by the fift commandement ) is above the kings sonne as the teacher is above him who is taught ; and so is the case here . object . . the arguments for a classicall , or presbyteriall church do much side with prelacy ; for you make many lords ruling and not teaching . answ. let all judge whether the independent power of three elders accountable to none , in a church-way , but to iesus christ onely , as you make your little kingdomes on earth , be neerer to the popes monarchy , and especially when there is but one pastor in the congregation , then the subordinate government of fourescore , or an hundred elders● sure i am , three neighbours are neerer to one monarch , then three hundred . . one monarchicall society is as tyrannicall antichristianism as one monarchicall pastor . . if wee made many ruling and dominering lords , you should say something ; but wee make many servants endued onely with ministeriall power , onely to teach and rule , and to bee accomptable to the church ; your eldership in this agreeth with the pope , that though they deliver many soules to satan , yet no man on earth can , in a church-way , say , what doe you ? act. xv. a patterne of a juridicall synod . that the apostles in that famous synod , act. . did not goe on by the assistance of an immediately inspired spirit and by apostolick authority , but onely , as elders , and the doctors and teachers assisted with an ordinary spirit , to me is evident from the course of the context . . because act. . when a controversie arise in the church ●● antiochia , a epiphanius saith , as also b hieronymus , by c●●mbus , and others , touching the keeping of moses his law , especially the ceremonies , except they would bee losers in the bu●nesse of their salvation , paul could not goe as sent by ami●h to submit that doctrine , which hee received not from flesh and blood , but by the revelation of jesus christ , gal. . . to the determination of a synod of apostles and elders for who would think that the immediatly inspiring spirit i● p●ul , would submit himselfe , and his doctrine to the immediately inspiring spirit in paul , peter , apostles , and elders , therefore paul and birnabas , come as sent to jerusalem , not ●● apostles , or as immediately inspired , but as ordinary teach●● . therefore saith c diodatus , not because these two a● 〈…〉 were every wayequall to the rest in the light and conduct 〈◊〉 spirit , and in apostolicall authority , gal. . . . had any 〈◊〉 instruction , or of confirmation , but only to give the weake 〈◊〉 , who had more confidence in peter and james , and in the church at jerusalem , and to stop false doctors mouths , and to esta●●●● , by common votes , a generall order in the church . hence when a controversie ariseth in the apostolicke church , and the controversie is betwixt an apostle as paul was , and others , and both sides alledge scripture , as here both did , out of all controversie , there is no reason , that the apostle paul , who was now a party should judge it : and when a single congregation in the like case is on two sides , about the like question , nature , reason and law cry that neither can bee judge , and therefore a synod is the divine and apostolick remedie which must condemne the wrong side , as subverters of soules , as here they doe , v. . and the apostle when hee will speake and determine as an apostle , hee taketh it on him in another manner , as gal. . . behold i paul say unto you , that if you bee circumcised christ shall profit you nothing ; hee speaketh now as an immediatly inspired pen-man and organ infallible of the holy ghost : but it were absurd to send the immediately inspired organ of the holy ghost as such , to aske counsell and seeke resolution from the immediatly inspired organs of the holy ghost . . the rise of controversies in a church is not apostolick , nor temporary or extraordinary , but to ordinary wee have the scriptures indeed to consult with , so had the churches , whose soules were notwithstanding subverted , v. . and this assembly doth determine the controversie by scripture , v. . simeon hath declared how god at the first did visit the gentiles , &c. v. . and to this agree the words of the prophets , as it is written , &c. but because scriptures may bee alledged by both sides , as it was here , and wee have not the apostles now alive to consult withall , can jesus christ have left any other externall and church-remedy , when many churches are perverted , as here was the cases of the churches of the gentiles , v. . in antioch , syria , and cilicia , then that teachers and elders bee sent to a synod to determine the question according to the word of god ? . here also is a synod and a determination of the church of antioch , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they determined to send paul and barnabas to jerusalem : i prove that it was a church determination , for chap. . . paul and barnabas come to antioch ; v. . and when they were come , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having gathered together the church of antioch , they rehearsed all that god had done by them , and how hee had opened the doore of faith unto the gentiles , ( . and there they abode a long time with the disciples ) chap. . . and certaine m●n which came downe from iudea , taught the brethren , except yee bee circumcised after the manner of moses , yee c●●●● bee saved ; hence v. . when there was much debate about the question , and it could not bee determined there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they made a church-ordinance to send paul and barnabas as church-messengers , o● church-commissioners to the synod , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 relateth to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gathered together church , chap. . v. . and it is ●eare , ● . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being sent on their way by the church , to 〈◊〉 of antiach : ergo , this was an authoritative church sending , and not an apostolick journey performed by paul as an apostle , but as a messenger of the church at antioch , and as a messenger paul returneth with barnabas and giveth a due rec●oning and account of his commission to the church of antioch , who sent him , v. . so when they , ( paul and barnabas having received the determination of the synod ) w●en they were dismissed , they came to antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which words are relative to chap. . . having gathered together the church , and to chap. . . being sent on their way by the church , so here having gathered the whole church , the multitude , they delivered the epistle of the synod , and read it in the hearing of all the multitude , for it concerned the practise of all whereas it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the church which sent them , cb. . . ch. . . . so here wee have a subordination of churches and church-synod , for the synod or presbytery of antioch , called the church con●eened , ch. . . and the church ordaining and enacting that paul and barnabas shall be sent as commissioners to jerusalem , is subordinate to the greater synod of apostles and elders at jerusalem , which saith to mee that controversies in an interiour church-meeting are to be referred to an higher meeting con●●ting of more . . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this dissention and disputation betweene paul and b●rnabas , and some of the beleeving jewes who taught the brethren they behoved to be circumcised , was a church-entroversie ; paul and barnabas did hold the negative , and defended the church of the brethren from embracing such wicked opinions ; and when antioch could not determine the question , paul and barnabas had recourse to a synod , as ordinary shepheards , who when they could not perswade the ●rethren of the falsehood of the doctrine , went to seeke helpe against subverters of soules , ( as they are called , v. . ) at the established judicatures and ecclesiasticail meetings ; for when pauls preaching cannot prevaile , though it was canonicall , hee descendeth to that course which ordinary pastors by the light of nature should doe , to seeke helpe from a colledge of church-guides ; ergo , paul did not this meerely as an apostle . . vers. . the apostles & elders came together in an assembly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to consider of this matter this synodicall consideration upon the apostles part , was either apostolick , or it was ecclesiastick . it was not apostelick , because the apostles had apostolically considered of it before , paul had determined v. . against these subverters , that they should not bee circumcised , nor was it a thing that they had not fully considered before , for to determine this was not so deepe a mystery as the mystery of the gospell ; now he saith of the gospell , 〈◊〉 . . . i received it not of men , neither was i taught it , but by the revelation of jesus christ , v. . when it ples'ed god to reveale his sonne to me that i should preach him among the ●eathen , i conferred not with flesh and blood , neither went i up to jerusalem to them that were apostles before me , &c. then farre lesse did hee conferre with apostles and elders , as touching the ceremonies of moses his law. if any say , this was an ecclesiastick meeting , according to the matter , apostolick , but according to the forme , ecclesiastick , in respect the apostles and elders meet to consider how this might be represented to the churches as a necessary dutie in this case of scandall ; this is all wee crave , and the decree is formally ecclesiastick , and so the apostles gave out the decree in an ecclesiasticall way , and this consideration synodicall is an ecclesiasticall discussion of a controversie which concerned the present practise of the churches , and it not being apostolick must obliege many churches convened in their principall guides , otherwise wee agree that the matter of every ecclesiasticall decree , be a scripturall truth , or then warranted by the evident light of nature . . the manner of the apostles proceeding in this councell holdeth forth to us that it was not apostolicke , because they proceed by way of communication of counsells . . what light could elders adde to the apostles as apostles , but the elders as well as the apostles , convened to consider about this matter , and act. . . . all the elders of jerusalem with james take on them these acts as well as the apostles , and they are the decrees of the elders no lesse then of the apostles , act. . ● . . a derivation of the immediate impi●ing spirit to ●●● elders , and by them as fellow-members of the synod to the apostles , and a derivation of this immediat apostolick spirit , by the apostles to the elders to make them also infallible , is unknowne to scripture ; for one prophet did not immediatly inspire another , and one apostle did not immediatly inspire another , wee read not in the word of any such thing , and therefore it is said , act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and when there had beene much disputing peter s●●d up . all who interpret this place say , even papists not ex●pted , as salmero com . in 〈◊〉 salmeron , l●●mus ● . lorinus , cornelius a lapt . cornelius a lapide , and others on the place , that when there is not consultation and disputing on both sides to find out the truth , but an absolute authoritie used by commanding , the proceeding of the counceil is rash ( saith salmeron ; ) now the prophets were immediatly inspired , without any consultation with men in delivering gods will , and they saw the visions of god , as it is said . and the word of the lord came to jeremiah , to ezechiel , to hosea , &c. and bee said , &c. yea when a propheticall spirit came upon ba●●m , num. . bee seeing the visions of god , hee prophecied directly contrary to his owne carnall mind , and to his consultation with bal●●k : now it is cleare that the apostles , what they spake , by the breathings and inspirations of that immediatly inspiring spirit is no lesse cannonick scripture , then the prophecies of the immediatly inspired prophets , who saw the visions of god , and therefore pet. . , , , the voyce that the apostles heard from heaven , this is my beloved sonn● in whom i am well pleased , is made equall with the word of proph●cie and propheticall scripture , which the holy men of god spale , ● they were moved by the holy ghost , v. , , . and pet. . . pauls epistles are put in the classe with other scriptures , v. , . now all scripture , tim. . . is given by divine inspiration , and peter . . puteth the words of the prophets and apostles in the same place of divine authority , pet. . . that yee bee mindfull of the words which were spoken before , by the holy prophets , and of the commandements of us the apostles of the lord and saviour , whence to mee this synodicall consultation is not apostolicall , but such as is obligatory of the churches to the end of the world , and a patterne of a generall synod . . this assembly is led by the holy spirit , as is cleare , v. . . but this is not the holy spirit immediatly inspiring the apostles as apostles , but that ordinary synodicall spirit ( to borrow that expression ) that is promised to all the faithfull pastors and rulers of the church to the end of the world : because the immediatly inspiring spirit comming on prophets and apostles in an immediate inspiration , did necessitate the prophets and apostles to acquiesce , and prophesie , and to doe and speake whatsoever this spirit inspired them to doe , and to speake : but this spirit spoken of , v. . doth not so , but leaveth the assembly to a greater libertie , because the assembly doth not acquiesce to that which peter saith from gods word , v. , , , , . nor doth the assembly acquiesce to what barnabas and paul saith , v. . but onely to that which james saith , v. , , , , , . but especially to his conclusion which hee draweth from the law of nature , not to give scandall , and from the scriptures cited by himselfe , and by peter , v. , . wherefore my sentence is , saith james , &c. and this clearely is the sentence of james as a member of the synod , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is an expression clearly insinuating that the judgement of james , though it was not contrary to that which peter , paul , and barnabas had spoken , yet that is was somewhat diverse from them , and more particular , and the very mind of the holy ghost which the whole synod followed ; and therefore though peter and paul spake truth , yet did they not speake that truth , which did compose the controversie , and this is to mee an argument that they all spake , as members of the synod , and not as apostles . . the immediatly inspired apostolick spirit , though it may discourse and inferre a conclusion from such and such premisses , as paul doth , rom. . . and hee proveth from the scripture , rom. . . . . that wee are justified by saith without workes , and tim. . . . and act. . . act. . . . and so doth christ reason and argument from scripture , matth. . . luk. . , , . and so have both the prophets and apostles argued , yet the immediatly inspired spirit of god in arguing doth not take helpe by disputing one with another . and yet doth not obtaine the conclusion in hand , but here pe●●● and paul argue from scripture , and they prove indeed a true conclusion that the gentiles should not keepe moses his law , as they would bee saved , yet they did not remove the question , nor satisfic the consciences of the churches , in their present practise , for if james had not said more , then the churches had not beene sufficiently directed in their practise by the synod , and for all that peter and paul said , the churches might have ea●●n meates offered to idols , and blood , and things strangled , which at that time had been a sin against the law of nature , and a great stumbling block , and a scandalizing of the jewes . except therefore wee say that the apostles intending as apostles to determine a controversie in the church , they did not determine it , which is an injury to that immediatly inspiring spirit that led the apostles in penning scripture , wee must say that peter , paul , and james here spake as members of an eccle●iasticall synod , for the churches after-imitation . . if the apostles here as apostles give out this decree , then it would seeme that as apostles , by virtue of the immediatly inspiring spirit , they sent messengers to the churches , for one spirit directeth all , and by this text , wee should have no warrant from the apostles practise , to send messengers to satisfie the consciences of the churches , when they should bee troubled with such questions : now all our divines and reason doth evince that a synod may by this text send messengers to resolve doubting churches , in points dogmaticall ; for what the apostles doe as apostles , by that power by which they writ canonick scripture , in that wee have no warrant to imitate them . . i propounded another argument before , which prevaileth much with mee ; the elders of an ordinary presbytery and churches , such as conveened at this synod cannot be collaterall actors with the immediatly inspired apostles for the penning of canonick scripture , but in this synod not onely elders , but the whole church , as our reverend brethren teach , were actors in penning this decre , act. . . ergo , this decree is synodicall , not apostolick . i have heard some of our reverend brethren say , all were not actors in the decree , pari gradu authoritatis , with a like degree : and equall authoritie , every one according to their place did concurre in forming this decree . i answer , it cannot bee said that all in their owne degree saw the visions of god , and all in their owne degree were immediatly inspired to bee penmen of canonick scripture , for paul in penning this , the cloake that i left at troas bring with thee , and the parchmen●s , was no lesse immediatly inspired of god , then were the prophets , who saw the visions of god , and then when hee penned the , tim. . . that jesus christ came into the world to s●●● sinners ; except wee flee to a popish distinction which duvallius and jesuits hold , that all and every part , tota scriptura , and totum scripturae , is not given by divine inspiration , because ( say they ) the apostles spake and wrote some things in the new testament as immediatly inspired by god , as did the prophets , but they spake and wrote other things 〈◊〉 necessary , with an inferiour and apostolick or synodica●● spirit , which the pe●e and church may decree in synods to ●ee received with the like faith and subjection of conscience , as if the apostles had written them . . you must say there was two holy 〈◊〉 the penning of the decree , one immediatly inspiring the apostles , another inferior assisting the elders ; or at 〈◊〉 diverse and most different acts of that same ho●y 〈…〉 way inspiring the apostles , and in a fallible way , inspiring the elders . but with your leave , act. . . the ordinary i●es●ytery at ierusalem , by that same synodicall spirit , by which they or●aine paul to purifie himselfe , doe ascribe to themselves this decree , v. . . wee de●ire a warrant from gods word , of commixion of immediatly inspired apostles as immediatly inspired with elders , assisted with an ordinary spirit , for the p●●ning of scripture . . wee thinke the presbytery of jerusalem as an ordinary presbytery , act. . . and contradivided from the church of jrusalem , v. . the multitude must needs come together , for they heare that thou art come , did ordaine paul to purifie himselfe , and it is cleare paul otherwise would not have purified himselfe , and therefore hee did not by the immediatly inspired spirit purifie himselfe , and obey their decree , which was grounded upon the law of nature , not to scandalize weake beleevers , v. ● , . and bt this same holy spirit did paul with other of the apostles write this decree , as is cleare v. . . if the apostles did all in this synod as immediatly inspired by god , then should the synod have followed the determination of any one apostle , of peter and paul , as well as of 〈◊〉 , for the immediatly inspiring spirit is alike perfect in all ●●s determinations , but it is said expresly , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. then it seemed good to the apostles , &c. and so to 〈◊〉 , and peter , and paul , to follow the sentence of james , 〈◊〉 the rest of the apostles ; now if james spake as an immediately inspired apostle , and not by vertue of that synodicall spirit given to all faithfull pastors conveened in a lawfull synod , then should james have acquiesced to what peter and paul aid , and not to what hee said himselfe , and peter should have acquiesced to what hee said , and paul to what hee said , ●● every inspired writer is to obey what the immediatly inspiring spirit saith , and then there was no reason why the synod should rather acquiesce to what peter and paul said who spake of no abstinence from blood and things strangled , then to what james said , ergo , by the apostles consequence , v. . ( we gave ●● such commandement , that you must bee circumcised , ergo , you should not bee circumcised ) so this consequence is good , peter and paul speaking as apostles gave no commandement in this synod to abtaine from blood , ergo , by the like consequence the synod was not to command n● abstinence from blood , which consequence is absurd , ergo , they command not here as apostles , . the synod should have been left in the midst to doubt , whether shall wee follow paul and peter , who speake and command n● abstinence from blood and things strangled , o● shall wee follow james , who commandeth to abstaine from blood and things 〈◊〉 , for all here command as immediatly inspired apostles , and what the apostles judge lawfull and command as apostles , that must the churches follow , and what they command not , that by an immediatly inspiring spirit they command not , as is cleare , v. . and that also must the churches not follow , therefore i thinke we must say they did not here speak as apostles . . these words , v. . some who pervert your soules say , you must bee circumcised , and keep the law , to whom wee gave no such commandement ) doe clearely hold forth what the apostles as apostles command in gods worship that the churches must doe , what the apostles as apostles command not , in gods worship , that the churches must not doe whence they teach , . that an apostolicke commandement of any one apostle without any synod might have determined the question , to what use then doth a synod conduce ? ergo , certainly either the synod was convened for no use , which is contrary to gods word , act. . . . act. . . . it served to resolve the controversie and edifie the churches , act. . . they delivered them the decrees , &c. . and so the churches were established in the saith , and increased in number daily , or then the synodicall commandement , and so the synodicall spirit spoken of v. . must bee some other thing then the apostolicall commandement , and the immediatly inspiring spirit . . the apostles gave no positive commandement to keep moses his law as apostles , nay nor to keepe any part of it , they did not as apostles forbid , before this synod , that the gentiles should abstaine from blood , and things strangled , which were mosaicall lawes before this synod , yet now they give a commandement to keepe some mosaicall lawes , in the case of scandall ; hence wee must either judge that now as apostles they command in positive commandements the keeping of moses his law , contrary to what they say , for their not commanding to keepe moses his law is a commanding not to keepe it , ( observe this ) or then their commandement here is but synodicall and so far binding as the case of scandall standeth in vigor , which certainly a synod may command , and one church may injoyne , by way of counsell , to another , for otherwise as apostles forbidding scandall , which is spirituall homicide , they forbid also eating of blood , in that case when it stood indifferent . . the apostles saying , to whom wee gave no such commandement , they clearely insinuate that their commandement as apostles de jure , should have ended the controversie , but now for the edification and after-example of the churches they tooke a synodicall way . . the way of the apostles speaking seemeth to mee synodicall , and not given out with that divine and apostolicall authoritie , that the apostles may use in commanding : it is true , they use lovely and swasory exhortations in their writing , but this is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a decree , not an exhortation , now james saith , ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is set downe as his private opinion , with reverence to what peter and paul saith , and v. . peter when many had disputed and spoken before him , standeth up and speaketh , and v. . barnabas and paul , after the multitude is ●●nt doth speake , which to mee is a synodicall order , and the whole synod , v. . say , it seemed good to us . they answer . . consociated churches have some power in determining of dogmaticall points , but this is no power of jurisdictim . the seventh proposition to which almost all the elders of new england agreed , saith ; the synod bath no church-power , but the cause enimeth with the church . corpus cum causa , the church-body , and the cause which concerneth the church-body , doe remaine together , ●nd therefore quaestio defertur ad synodum , causa manet penes eccleiam , the question is brought to the synod , the cause remaineth with the church . another manuscript of godly and learned divines i saw , which saith ; that the ministeriall power of applying of the rules of the word and canons to persons and things from time to time , as the occasions of the church shall require , pertaineth to , and may be exercised by each particular church , without any necessary dependance on other churches , yet in difficill cases wee ought ( say they ) to consult with , and seeke advise from presbyteries and ministers of 〈◊〉 churches , and give so much authoritie to a concurrence of judgements as shall , and ought to be an obligation to us , not to depart from any such resolutions , as they shall make upon any consideration but where in conscience , and hence our peace with god is apparently concerned . answ. i perceive , . that our brethren cannot indure that a synod should bee called a church ; but . i verily thinke that when paul and barnabas , act. . , . had much dissention with those who taught , you must bee circumcised after the manner of moses , that the church of antioch resolved to tell the church , that is the synod , while as they fall upon this remedy , v. . they determined that paul and barnabas and certaine other of them , 〈◊〉 goe up to jerusalem unto the apostles and elders , about this question , that is , that the church of antioch , ( when the subver●ers of soules would not heare their brethren of antioch ) did tell the synod convened at jerusalem , that is , according to our ●viours order , ma●●● . . . they did tell the church : and my reason is , if the church at antioch could not satisfie the con●c●en●es of some who said , you must bee circumcised , else you cann●x in saved , they could not , nor had they power , in that cast not to goe on , but were obliged to tell the synod , that is , the church , whom it concerned as well as antioch : for if they had sent the matter to the synod as a question , not as a cause proper to the synod , or church ; then when the synod had resolved the question , the cause should have returned to the church of antioch , and been determined at antioch , as in the proper court , if that hold true , the question is deserred to the synod , the cau●e remaineth with the body , the church ; but the cause returned never to the church of antioch , but both question and cause was determined by the synodicall-church , act. v. . , . and the determination of both question and cause ended in the synod , as in a proper court , and is imposed as a commandement and a synodicall canon , to bee observed both by antioch , v. , , , , . and other churches , act. . , . ergo , either the church of antioch lost their right , and yet kept christs order , matth. . , , . or the question and cause in this case belongeth to a synod . . it is said expresly , ● . . it pleased t● apostles , elders , and the whole church to send chosen men of their own company to antioch , &c. what church was this ? the whole church of ●●leevers , or the fiaternitie at jerusalem ; ( say our brethren ) but with leave of their godlinesse and learning no , say ● . . what reason that the church of all beleevers men and women of jerusalem , should de jure , have beene present to give either consent or surfrage there : because it concerned then practise and conscience , but i say it concerned as much , if not more , the conscience and practise of the church of antioch , if not more , for the cause was theirs ( say our brethen ) and cause ad corpus ( say they ) quaestio ad synodum , and it concerned as much the practise and conscience of all the churches , who were to observe these decrees , act . . act. . . yet they were not present . if the multitude of ●●leevers of jerusalem was present , because they were 〈…〉 to the synod , whereas antioch & other 〈…〉 were nor off , were not present , but in their commissioners , then i say the church ●● the multitude of jerusalem , whose commidic●●●s were here 〈◊〉 ; i say the multitude was present ●uely de 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 nor was there more law for their presence , then ●or all other churches , who also in conscience were obliged to obey the councells determinations : but i , deare a warrant that the fact of the synod , such as was sending of the decrees and commissioners with the decrees to antioch , should bee ●●●●ibed to the multitude of beleevers at jerusalem , who by no law of god were present at the synod , and by no law of god 〈◊〉 more consent then the church of antioch , and were present 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by accident , because they dwelt in the 〈◊〉 where the synod did sit , therefore say i , the 〈◊〉 church in the whole synod . . by what law can jerusalem a sister church have influence or consent de jure , in sending binding acts , as these were , as is cleare , v. . ch. . , . ch. . . to the church of antioch ? for this is an authoritative sending of messengers , and the canons to the church of antioch , as is evident , v. . . it is utterly denied that the church of jerusalem , i meane the multitude of beleevers , could meet all at one synod . . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. . which is said to hold their peace , is referred to the apostles and elders met synodically , v. . and is not the multitude of beleevers . . where are these who are called elders , not apostles , they are ever distinguished from the apostles , as act. . . v. . v. . act. . . act. . . . ●are is no reason that they were all elders of jerusalem , for 〈◊〉 can elders of one sister church impose lawes , burdens , ● and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decrees , ch. . . upon sister churches ? or h●w can they pen canonicall scripture joyntly with the apostles ? some of our brethren say so much of those degrees , that they obliged formally the churches as scriptures doe oblige : the learned junius saith well , that the apostles did nothing as apostles where there was an ordinarie and established eldery●● in the church ; therefore those elders behoved to bee the 〈◊〉 of antioch , for act. . v. . 〈…〉 commissioners were 〈◊〉 from antioch then paul and 〈…〉 . i thinke also the churches of cyria and 〈◊〉 〈…〉 there , as well as antioch , and de jure , 〈…〉 should have beene there ; the case was theirs every way the same with the church of antioch , and their soules subverted , v. . . those who are named v. . apostles , elders , and the whole church are called v. . apostles , and elders , and brethren , and elsewhere alwayes apostles and elders ( elders including brethren , or the whole church , v. . of some chosen men , and brethren ) as act. . . v. . ch. . . act. . . . . i desire to try what truth is here , that this synod but power and authoritie in points dogmaticall , but no church-power ( saith the seventh proposition of the reverend and godly brethren of new england ) and no power of jurisdiction , but the church of antioch had church-power and power of jurisdiction to determine this cause and censure the contraveeners , as our brethren say . but i assume , this synod tooke this church-power off their hand , and with the joynt power of their owne commissioners sent from antioch , v. . v. . . determined both cause and controversie , and it never returned to any church-court at antioch , as is cleare , v. , , , . ergo , this synod had a church-power . . a power and authoritie dogmaticall to determine in matters of doctrine is a church-power proper to a church , as is granted by our brethren , and as wee prove from , act. . . this is a part of the over-sight committed to the eldership of ephesus , to take heed to men rising amongst themselves speaking perverse things , that is , teaching false doctrine ; and if they watch over them , as members of their church ( for they were v. . men of their owne ) they were to censure them . . if pergamus bee rebuked , re●el . . . . and threatned with the removing of their candlesticke , because they had amongst them those who held the doctrine of balaam , and the doctrine of the nicolaitans , hated by christ himselfe , and did not use the power of jurisdiction against them ▪ then that church which hath power dogmaticall to judge of doctrine , hath power also of jurisdiction to censure those who hold the false doctrine of balaam , and v. . christ saith to thyatira . notwithstanding i have a few things against thee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because thou suff●●● that woman jesabel , which calleth herselfe a prophetesse , to teach and to sedu●e my servants to commit fornication , and to eate things sacrif●●d to idols . hence i argue , what church hath power to try the false doctrin of jesabel , and is blamed for not censuring her , but permitteth her to teach and to seduce the servants of god , hath also power of jurisdiction against her false doctrine : this poposition i take to bee evident in those two churches of pergamus and thyatira . i assume : but this synod , act. . hath authoritie and power to condemne the false doctrine taught by subverters of soules , teaching a necessitie of circumcision , in the churches of syria , cilicia , antioch , &c. act. . vers . , . therefore this synod hath power of jurisdiction . . every societie which hath power to lay on burdens as here this synod hath , v. . and to send decrees to be observed by the churches , as act. . . and to send and conclude , that they observe no such thing , and that they observe such and such things , act. . . by the power of the holy ghost , conveened in an assembly , . and judging according to gods word , as ● . , , , , , , &c. these have power of juridiction to censure the contraveners : but this synod is such a societie , ergo , it hath this power . the proposition is , matth. . . if hee refuse to heare the church , let him be to thee as a heathen and a publican ; nothing can bee answered here , but because this synod commandeth onely in a brotherly way , but by no church-power , therefore they have no power of jurisdiction . but with reverence of these learned men , this is , petitio principii , to begge what is in question ; for the words are cleare , a brotherly counsell and advise is no command , no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no decree which wee must observe , and by the observing whereof the churches are established in the faith , as is said of these decrees , act. . , . to give a brotherly counsell , such as abigail gave to david , and a little maide gave to namaan , is not a burden laid on by the commander ; but it is said of this decree , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it seemed good to the holy ghost to lay no other burden on you . also we do not say that power of jurisdiction is in provinciall or nationall synods as in the churches , who have power to excommunicate ; for . this power of jurisdiction in synods is cumulative , not privative ; . it is in the synod quoad actus imperatos , potius quam act us elicitos , according to commanded rather then to elicit acts , for the synod by an ecclesiasticall power added to that intrinsecall power of jurisdiction in churches , doth command the churches to use their power of jurisdiction rather then use it actually her selfe . let me also make use of two propositions agreed upon in a synod at new england . their . proposition . the fraternitie have an authoritative concurrence with the preshyteny , in judiciall acts. . proposition . the fraternitie in an organicall body , actu subordinate , id est , per modum obedientiae , in subordination by way of obedience to the presbytery in such judiciall acts , cor. . . now if here the whole church of jerusalem , as they say from v. . was present , and joyned their authoritative concurrence to these decrees , there was here in this synod an organicall body of eyes , eares , and other members , that is , of apostles , teachers , elders and people , and so a formed church by our brethrens doctrine , ●●gs , paul and barnabas , v. . being sent to this synod by the church of antioch to complaine , were sent to tell the formed and organicall churches , as it is matth. which is a good argument , if not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as aristotle saith , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if the brethren here concurre as giving obedience to the elders , and the apostles doe here determine as apostles and elders , then the brothren in this organicall body doe concurre to the forming of these decrees by way of obedience to the elders ● presbyters , and by the same reason the elders concurre by way of obedience to the apostles , for as the elders as elders and above the fraternitie , so the apostles as apostles are above the elders : but then i much wonder how the acts are called the decrees of the apostles and elders joyntly , act. . . and how the elders of ierusalem doe ascribe those decrees to themselves , act. . . and how all the assembly speake as assisted by the holy ghost , act. . . shall wee distinguish where the scripture doth not onely not distinguish , but doth clearly hold forth qualitie and an identitie ? but some object , that the holy ghost , v. . is the immediatly instiring apostolick spirit● and so the apostles must here concurre in giving out those decrees as apostles , not as ordinary elders . . is peter and paul alledge scripture and testimonies of gods spirit in this syned , as elders , not as apostles , then they reason in the synod as falli●● men , and men who may erre , but that is impossible ; for if they 〈◊〉 scripture , as men who may erre , the scripture which they al●●dge 〈◊〉 be fallible . answ. though the apostles here reason as elders , not as ap●st●●s , i see no inconvenience to say they were men who might ●re , though as led with the holy ghost , they could not erre in this syned following the conduct of the holy ghost , as is said , ● . . though the holy ghost there bee onely the ordinary holy ghost given to all the pastors of christ assembled in gods name and the authoritie of iesus christ , yet in this act and as led by this spirit , they were not fallible , neither men who could erre : for i see not how ordinary beleevers as led in such and such acts by the holy ghost , and under that reduplication can erre , for they erre as men in whom there is flesh and a body of corruption , and therefore , though both apostles and elders , modaliter , might erre , as logick saith ; aposta●●s err are est possible , yet de facto , in this they could not erre , being led by the holy ghost , v. . and the necessitie of their not erring is not absolute , but necessary by consequent , because the spirit of god led them , as v. . but the reason is must , weake , if they might erre , ergo , the scripture they alledge might bee fallible : for though hereticks alledge scripture , and abuse it , and make it to bee no scripture , but their owne fancie , while as they alledge it to establish blasphemous conclusions , yet doth it no way follow that scripture can bee fallible , or obnoxious to error , but onely that abused and a●● applved scripture is not scripture . object . . if ever the apostles were led by an infallible spirit , 〈◊〉 to bee in a matter like this , which so much concerned the 〈◊〉 and consciences of all the christian churches amongst the gen 〈◊〉 : e●go , in this synod they could not bee led by a fallible spirit , but ●● an infallible , and so by an apostolick spirit . answ. i conceive the spirit which led both apostles and elders in this synod , was an infallible spirit , but ergo , an immediatly inspiring and apostolick spirit , it followeth not ; yea the holy ghost of which luke doth speake , v. . as the president and leader of this first mould of all synods , and so the most perfect synod , is never fallible , no not in the meanest beleever , and it were blasphemy to say the holy ghost in any can bee obnoxious to errour ; and i thinke de facto , neither apostles nor elders could erre in this synod , because , de fact● , they followed the conduct of the holy ghost , without any byas in judgement ; but it followeth not , . that the men could not erre , because the holy ghost leading the men could not erre , as wee answer papists who produce this same argument to prove that generall councells , and so the church must be infallible . . it followeth not , ergo , this holy ghost was that immediatly inspiring and apostolick spirit leading both apostles and elders , which is the question now in hand . object . . this is a patterne of all lawfull synods , then may all lawfull synods say ; it seemed good to the holy ghost , and to us : if therefore the men might erre , the leader , to wit , the holy ghost might erre , which is absurd . answ. it followeth onely that all lawfull synods should so proceed , as they may say , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us , and there is a wide difference betwixt law and fact , all are lawfull synods conveened in the name and authoritie of christ , and so by warrant of the holy ghost speaking in his word ; but it followeth not ( as papists inferre , and this argument proveth ) that therefore all which de facto , those lawfully assembled synods doe and conclude , that they are the doings and conclusions of the holy ghost , and that in them all , they may say , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us . . the consequence is false and blasphemous , that if all lawfully conveened synods may not say , it seemed good to the holy ghost and us , that therefore the holy ghost is fallible , and may erre , but onely that men in the synod following their owne ghost , and spirit , can say no more but , it seemed good to our ghost and spirit , and cannot say , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us : for an ordinary pastor lawfully called and preaching sound doctrine in the power and assistance of gods spirit doth speake in that act from the holy ghost , and yet because in other acts , wherein with nathan and samuel hee may speake with his owne spirit , see with his owne eyes and light , it followeth not that he is infallible , or that the holy ghost is infallible . object is the apostles did not conclude in this synod , what they 〈…〉 an ap s●a ●●k spirit , it shall follow that the holy ghost 〈…〉 . . is not that same holy ghost of which peter 〈◊〉 , pet. . . but holy men of god spake as they were moved 〈◊〉 ghost , and if so , that holy ghost which spake in the pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not also speake in the apostles . answ. i see no necessitie of two holy ghosts , cor. . . now 〈◊〉 ●●●●ersities of gifts , but the same spirit , there be divers acts of the same holy ghost , and i willingly contend that the synodicall acts of apostles and elders in this synod , though comming from the holy ghost assisting them as elders in an ordinary synod , v. . are different from the acts of that same holy ghost as immediatly inspiring the prophets and apostles in prophecying and penning canonick scripture ; and yet there bee not two holy ghosts , for paul did not beleeve in christ by that same spirit which immediatly inspired him and the rest of the apostles and prophets to write canonick scripture . ● meane it is not the same operation of the spirit , because paul by the holy ghost given to all the faithfull as christians , and not given to them as canonicall writers , or as apostles or immediatly inspired prophets doth beleeve in christ , love christ , contend for the prise of the high calling of god , as is cleare rom. ● . , , . cor. . . . phil. . . . cor. . . yea paul beleeveth not in christ as an apostle , but as a christian , and yet hee beleeveth by the grace of the holy ghost ; but ●● followeth not that the same spirit which immediatly inspired the prophets doth not immediatly inspire paul as an apostle , and all the rest of the apostles . object . . these decrees , act. . . are called the decrees of the apostles and elders , but if the apostles in giving out these decrees gave 〈◊〉 as ordinary elders , not as apostles , then the sense of the words , act. . . should bee , that they were the decrees of the elders and of the elders , which is absued . answ. it followeth onely that they are the decrees of the apostles who in that give them out as elders , and as a part of the ordinary established elders of jerusalem . whence if christ promise the holy spirit to lead his apostles in all truth , hee promiseth also the holy spirit to all their successors , pastors , teachers and elders , not onely conveened in a congregationall-church , but also in a synod , as hee maketh good his promise here , act. . . and whereas the holy ghost commandeth in a synod of apostles and elders who are lawfully conveened , by our brethrens confession , and speaketh authoritatively gods word by the holy ghost , act. . . they cannot speake it as a counsell and brotherly advise onely , for that a brother may doe to another , a woman to a woman , abigail to david , a maide to naaman : wee desire a warrant from gods word , where an instituted societie of pastors and elders conveened from sundry churches , and in that court formally consociated and decreeing by the holy ghost , as act. . . against such and such heresies , shall bee no other then a counsell and advise , and no church-commandement , nor binding decree backed with this power : hee that despiseth you , speaking by the holy ghost , the word of god , despiseth mee , and whether doctrines , or canons concerning doctrine , comming from a lawfull court , conveened in christs name , have no ecclesiasticall power of spirituall jurisdiction to get obedience to their lawfull decrees ; for if every one of the suffrages of elders bee but a private counsell having onely authoritie objective from the intrinsecall lawfulnesse of the thing , and no authoritie officiall from the pastors , because pastors , then the whole conclusion of the synod shall amount to no higher rate and summe then to a meere advise and counsell . if it bee said , that when they are all united in a synod , and speaking as assembled , act. . . and speaking thus assembled by the holy ghost , v. . the authoritie is more then a counsell , yet not a power of church-jurisdiction . then . give us a warrant in gods word , for this distinction . . wee aske whether this authoritie being contemned , the persons or churches contemnibg it , bee under any church-censure , or not ; if they bee under a church-censure , what is this but that the synod hath power of censure , and so power of jurisdiction ? if you say non-communion is a sufficient censure . but i pray you spare mee to examine this ; . if the sentence of non-communion bee a sentence of 〈◊〉 . it must proceed from a judicature that hath a 〈◊〉 of jurisdiction , but give mee leave to say as all church - 〈◊〉 have and must have warrant in gods word , so must 〈◊〉 , such as non-communion , for the ordinary church punishments , such as publike rebu●ing have warrant in the word , as in tim. . . and excommunication , cor. . . 〈◊〉 ● . and the great anathema maranatha , cor. . . and forbearing to eate and drinke with scandalous persons , cor. . , . withdrawing from his company , th●s . . . and i pray you where hath the word taught us of such a bastard 〈◊〉 - ensure , or if you will not allow it that name , a censure indicted by the church or churches , as is non-communion . may our brethren without christs warrant shape any punishment equivalent to excommunication without gods word ? 〈◊〉 they may as well without the word mould us such a censure as excommunication : if they say , separation warrenth this censure of non-communion . but . by what law of god can an equall give out a sentence of non-communion a 〈◊〉 an equall , an equall cannot as an equall punish , when a christian denieth followship to another because hee is excommunicated , hee doth not punish as an equall , for the punisher in this case denying fellowship to the excommunicated doth 〈◊〉 an equall , but as having authoritie from the church , who hath given this commandement in the very sentence of communication . cor. . . compared with v. , . separation under a great controversie , and denyed in many cases ●● the way of those who are more rigid therein , even by our 〈◊〉 . . christ , matth. . , . will not have any brother , who 〈◊〉 but private authoritie and no church-authoritie over a bro●●●● 〈…〉 non habet potestatem ) to presently renounce 〈◊〉 give up all communion with his brother , though hee bee 〈◊〉 before two or three witnesses , and inflict on him the sentence of non-communion , while hee first tell the church , and non-communion is inflicted on no man as if hee were a heathen 〈◊〉 ( to speak no thing of delivering to satan ) while hee ●● conveened and judicially sentenced before the church ; 〈◊〉 our brethrens sentence of non-communion is in inflicted by an equall church upon a ●●ster church in a meere p●●●● way , and by no church-proces . . non-communion , if it bee warranted by the law of ●●ture , as communion of equalls is , yet should wee not bee refused of the like favour , when wee plead that the law of nature pleadeth for combination and communion of joynt authorities of s●s●er-churches , in one presbytery : for if non-communion of churches bee of the law of nature , so must communion of churches , and authoritative communion , and authoritative and judiciall non-communion , by natures law must be as warrantable upon the same grounds . they . object . ● the apostles , were in this synod as ordinary elders th●n , the synod might have censured , and in case of obs●inacie excommunicated the apostles which were admirable . answ. for re●ukeing of apostles wee have against papists a memorable warrant in paul , gal. . withstanding peter to ●ce face , and peter his giving an account , act. , , . to the church of jerusalem of his going in to the gentiles , which parker acknowledgeth against papists and prelats to bee a note of peters subjection to the church . papists say it was peters humilitie ; other papists say peter gave but such a brotherly account to the church , such as one brother is oblieged to give to another : also all our divines , and those papists who contend that the pope is inferiour to universall councels . doc with good warrant alledge that by matth. . peter is subjected to the church-censures , if hee sinn against his brother , and therefore we doubt not , but the church hath , jus , law to excommunicate the apostles , in case of obstinacie , and would have used this power i● judas had lived now when the power of excommunication was in vigor ; but wee say withall , de facto , the su●position was unpossible in respect that continued and habituall obstinacie , and flagitious and at●ocious scandals deserving excommunication , were inconsistent with that measure of the holy spirit bestowed upon those catholick organs and vessels of mercy : but this exempteth the apostles from act all excommunication , de facto , but is our brethren ex●●pt them , a jure , from the law , they transforme the apostles into popes , above all law , which wee cannot doe , apostolick eminencie doth 〈…〉 neither peter nor paul to bee above either the 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 law , or the positive lawes gi 〈…〉 one doth wittily say on these 〈…〉 matth. . . the pope is either a 〈…〉 if hee bee a brother offending , 〈…〉 complaine of him to the church , 〈…〉 bee no brother , there 's an end 〈…〉 his father , and never after this 〈…〉 〈…〉 in a synod as apostles , doth not 〈…〉 in apostolick acts could not use sy 〈…〉 others ; . because daniel , . . 〈…〉 understood by books the num 〈…〉 lord came to jeremiah the 〈…〉 paul. cor. . . and timothi 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 , thess. . . and . the 〈…〉 , and yet ● oph●ts and apostles were immedi 〈…〉 which they ●●ote and spake . answ. . daniel ●●d the prophecie of jeremiah , and the pro 〈◊〉 the books of moses , and the apostles read the old testament , 〈◊〉 and paul read ●eathen poets , and citeth them , act. . 〈◊〉 . ti● . . . and maketh them scripture . . but the question is now , if as prophets and immediatly in●●● prophets and apostles they did so consult with scripture which they reade , as they made any thing canoni●k scripture upon 〈◊〉 medium , and formall reason , because they did read it , 〈◊〉 it out of bookes , and not because the immediate i●●piration of the holy ghost taught them , what they should 〈◊〉 canonick scripture . suppone a sentence of a ●eathen 〈◊〉 suppone this , that paul left his cloake at tro●s , not the ●●●wledge of sense , not naturall reason , not experience , none ●● these can bee a formall medium , a formall meane to make scripture but as , ( thus saith jehovah in his word ) is the formall reason why the church beleeveth the scripture to be the word ●● god , so the formall reason that maketh prophets and apostles to put downe any truth , as that which is formally canonicall scripture , whether it bee a supernaturall truth , as , the 〈◊〉 was made flesh , or a morall truth , as , children obey your 〈◊〉 , or a naturall truth , as the oxe knoweth his owner , or an experienced truth , as make not friendship with an angry 〈◊〉 a truth of heathen moralitie , as , mee are the off-spring of god , or a truth of sense , paul lest his clo●ke at t●oas , i say the 〈◊〉 , formall reason that maketh it divine and scripturall truth is the immediate inspiration of god , therefore though 〈◊〉 learned by bookes that the captivitie should indure seventi . yeares , yet his light by reading made it not formally scripture , but daniels putting it in the canon by the immediat acti●r , impulsion , and inspiration of the holy spirit ; and though matthew did read in esaiah , a virgin shall conceive and beared sonne , yet matthew maketh it not a part of the new testament , because esaiah said it , but because the holy ghost did imdiatly suggest it to him , as a divine truth : for a holy man might draw out of the old and new testament a chapter of orthodox truths , all in scripture words , and beleeve them to bee gods truth , yet that chapter should not formally bee the scriptur . of god , because though the author did write it by the light of faith , yet the propheticall and apostolicall spirit did not suggest it and inspire it to the author . i know some school● . papists have a distinction here . they say there bee some sepernaturall truths in scriptures , as predictions of things that tall out by the mediation of contingent causes , and the supernaturall mysteries of the gospell , as that achab shall bee killed in the wars , the messiah shall bee borne , &c. christ came to 〈◊〉 sinners , and those were written by the immediatly inspiring spirit : others were but historicall and naturall truths of fact , as that paul wrought miracles , that hee left his cleake at troas , and these latter are written by an inferior spirit , the assisting , not the immediatly inspiring spirit , and by this latter spirit ( say they ) much of scripture was written ; and from this assisting spirit commeth the traditions of the church ( say they ) and the decrees of popes and councells ; and this holy spirit though infallible , may and doth use disputation , consultations , councells of doctors , reading ; but wee answer that what counsells determin by an assisting spirit is not scripture , nor yet ●m-ply infallible , nor doth daniel advise with jeremialis writing what hee shall put downe as scripture , nor paul with sos●h●●●● , with timothy and silvamus , what hee shall write as canonick scripture in his epistles , for then as the decrees of the coun 〈◊〉 at jerusalem are called the decrees of the apostles and elders and this decree which commeth from the apostles and elders assem●led with one accord , and speaking with joynt suffrages from the holy ghost , v. , , , &c. v. . as collaterall authors of the decree , is the conclusion of apostles and elders ; so also should the proph●cie of daniel , at least the first two verses of the ninth chapter , bee a part of daniel , and a part of jeremi●hs prophecie , and pauls epistles to the corinthians should bee the epistle of paul and s●sthe●es , and his epistles to the colossians , and thessah●ian● , the epistles of paul , of timothy , of silvanus , whereas sosthenes , timothy , silvanus were not immediatly inspired collaterall writers of these epistles with paul , but onely joyners with him in the salutation . the erring and scandalous churches are in a hard condition , if they cannot bee edified by the power of jurisdiction in presbyteries . object . but it never or seldome in a century falleth out , that a church is to bee excommunicated , and christ hath provided lawes for things onely that fall out ordinarily . answ. it is true , wee see not how an whole church can bee formally convented , accused , excommunicated , as one or two brethren may bee , in respect all are seldome or never deserted of god to fall into an atrocious scandall , and wilful obstinacie , yet this freeth them not from the law : as suppose in a congregation of a thousand , if five hundreth bee involved in libertinisme , are they freed , because they are a multitude , from christs law ? or from some positive punishment by analogie answering to excommunication ? . the eldership of a congregation being three onely , doth not seldome scandalously offend , and are they under no power under heaven ? the people may withdraw from them saith the synod of new england , what then ? so may i withdraw from any who walketh inordinately , . thes. . . . ( ) it is not well said that christ giveth no lawes for sinnes that seldome fall out . what say you of anathema maranatha , cor. . . to bee used against an apostate from the faith , and against such as fall into the sinne against the holy ghost ? i thinke visible professors capable both of the ●nne and the censure , yet i thinke it falleth seldome out , it fell seldome but that an apostle was to bee rebuked , ha● paul then no law to rebuke peter . gal. . object . . a synod or presbytery may pr●nounce the d●●dfull sentence of non-communion against persons and churches 〈…〉 . answ. but i aske , where is the power , and institution from christ , that one private man , as hee may counsell his brother , so hee may by our brethrens grounds , pronounce this sentence . object . . one private man may not doe it , to a whole church , ●● a classicall presbytery and a synod hath more authoritie over him , then hee hath over them . answ. one private man may rebuke another , yea bee may plead with his mother the whole church , that hee liveth in , for her whoredomes , hos. . . but if hee justly plead and his mother will not heare , may hee not separate ? our brethren of new england , i thinke , shall bee his warrant to separate ; for their sixth synodicall proposition saith , the fraternitie , and people are to separate from the eldership , after they refuse wholesome counsell . now what scripture warranteth twenty to withdraw and separate , shall also warrant ten , and five , and one , for no reason that if twentie bee carelesse of their salvation in the dutie of separation , and shall not separate , that one man shall not separate ; because a multitude doth evill , i am not to doe evill with them . object . . but a synod or a classicall presbytery hath more 〈◊〉 and authoritie , then one private man , or one single congregation . . because they are a company of elders , to whom , as to the priests of the lord , whose lips should preserve knowledge , the ●●yes of knowledge , and consequently a power and synodicall authoritie is given , though they have no power of jurisdiction . . because as a private mans power is inferiour to a pastors , so is the power of classicall and synodioall meeting of elders above a man , or a single congregation ; and a synod , in dogmaticall power , ariseth so higher then these , ●● divine institution doth fall upon it . answ. the power of order and the key of knowledge doth elevate a pastor , whose lippes doth preserve knowledge , above a private christian , yea as i conceive above a multitude of beleevers ; but i would know if a synods dogmaticall power bee above the power of single congregations ; i thinke it is not , by our brethrens ●enents , for they say expresly a that every particular 〈…〉 , jus , to decide dogmaticall points , and this ●ight the church of antioch had , act. . and laboured to end that 〈…〉 in her selfe , which sheweth that they had right and ● we , but they had not habilitie , and therefore in that case , they 〈…〉 , light and advise from other churches , and they say b the c●niociation of churches into classes and synods , wee 〈◊〉 to bee lawfull , and in some cases necessary ; as namely in things 〈…〉 not peculiar to one church , but common to all . and likewise when a church is not able to end any matter , that concernes onely themselves , the● they are to seek advise & counsell from neighbour churches : hence the power of synods is only by way of counsel and advise , & a pastors advise is but an advise , & he giveth not his advise , virtute 〈◊〉 , as he is a pastor , for then his advise should bee pastorall and auth●●itative , and proceeding from the power of order , though not from the power of jurisdiction ; hee onely giveth his advise as a gifted and inlightned man , and so , to my poore knowledge , two hundreth , five hundreth holy and learned pastors determining in a synod any dogmaticall point , they sit all there not as in a court , not as pastors , for then their decrees should have pastorall authoritie , and some power formally ministeriall to determine , yea and to sway , in a ministeriall way , by power of the keyes of knowledge , all the inferiour churches , whom the decree concerneth , even as the eldership of perg●mus , which to our brethren is a congregationall church , doth decree by the dogmaticall power of the keyes of knowledge that the doctrine of balaam is a false doctrine , therefore they sit there as gifted christians , and so have no church-power more then a private brother or sister of the congregation hath toward , or over another : for though a multitude of counselling and advising friends be safer and more effectuall to give light , then a counselling friend , yet are they but a multitude of counselling friends , and the result of all counselling and advising men doth never rise higher then a counsell and advise , and can never amount to the nature of a command : as twenty sch●●●-fellowes , suppose as ●udent and wise as the twentie masters of an universitie , if these twentie schoole-fellowes give their advise and counsell 〈◊〉 a weightie businesse that concerneth the practise and obedience of all the students , the result of their counsell and advise can never bee more then an advise , and cannot amount to the same determination of the twentie masters of the universitie , the result of whose determination is a soveraigne commandement and an authoritative and judiciall decree and statute to all the whole universitie . . whereas these godly brethren say the power of synods in things which belong to particular churches is but a counsell and advise , they should have told their mind , whether or no the synod hath more then advise and counsell in things that are not peculiar to one church , but common to all the churches in that bounds , for it would seeme that a synod is a colledge of commanders in dogmaticall points , that doe equally concerne all churches ( this should have beenespoken to ) though in those things which are peculiar to each particular church , they bee but a colledge of friendly advisers and counsellers . . if a synod bee but a societie of counsellers , they have no more any authoritative power to pronounce the sentence of non-communion , against any single congregation or private man , then a private man or a single congregation hath authoritative power to pronounce that sentence against them : but . you make the synodicall power so above the power of private christians in counselling , as that this synodicall power is of divine institution , as you say , but let me aske what to doe ? to counsell and advise onely ? then that power of counselling in abigail to david , in one brother or sister to another brother and sister is of divine institution , warranted by the law of nature , levit. . . by the law of charitie , by the communion of saints , col. . . thes. . . heb. . . heb. . . mal. . . zach. . , , . for there is a divine institution , for one brother to counsell and teach another . but if our brethren give a positive power to a synod , to advise and counsell , which private christians have not , then this synodicall power shall not bee different from the power of private christians gradually onely , as a lesser power to advise differeth from a greater power , but specifically and in nature . and indeed some of our brethren teach so , though i doubt if their brethren will returne them thankes ; for this way , which to me is doubtsome . for then the members of the synod at jerusalem , seeme to mee , to bee more then counsellers , and there must bee a positive institution by our brethrens grounds to warrant a power synodicall sentially different from a church-power , and essentially above it : for wee teach that because a congregation is a part of a classicall church , and a classicall church a part of a provinciall church , that this power in congregations , presbyteries , and synods differ onely gradually , in more or lesse extention , and by the way . whereas some derive all church-power from a single congregation to presbyteries and classes , ascendendo , by ascending , others derive it from presbyteries to a congregation , descendendo , yea and some from the catholick visible church to nationall assemblies , and from nationall assemblies to provinciall synods , and from synods to presbyteries , from presbyteries to congregations ; i , with reverence of the learneder , doe here conceive , that there is no such cursory derivation to bee dreamed of ; but because the catholick visible church is the great organicall body whereof christ jesus god blessed for ever is head and king , & it is to●um integrale , therefore there is no derivation either by climbing up staires , or going downe , but jesus christ hath communicated his power to this great politicall body , and all its parts immediatly ; to a congregation hee hath given , by an immediat flux from himselfe , a politicall church power intrinsecally in it , derived from none but immediately from jesus christ , and the object of this power is those things that concerne a congregation ; and that same head and lord hath given immediatly an intrinsecall power to the presbytery , in things that are purely classicall , and that without either the intervening derivation of either a congregation that is inferior to the presbytery , by ascending , or without any derivative flux of a synodicall , nationall or catholick visible church , by descending ; and the like immediatly conveyed power politicall commeth from this glorious head to a synodicall , or nationall , or the catholick visible church , and the reason is , the very nature of the visible church which is totum integrale , a great integrall intire body , now we know that life commeth to the thighes immediatly from the soule , neither by derivation from the feet and legs , by way of ascending , nor yet from the armes , brea●s , and shoulders , by descending . i deny not but here there may bee in other considerations , some order ; as , if you aske which is t●● first church ; i answer with these distinctions of primatus , firstnesse . . the first church , by way of constitution , is a congregation , in the family of adam and e●● . . the first church , by way of divine intention , is the catholick church . hence secondly , the first church , by generation , or the order of generation , and so the lesse perfit , is a congregation , and here is an ascension still from the part to the whole , from a congregation to a presbytery , from thence to a provinciall church , from thence to a nationall , from thence to the catholick church . and the first church by way of perfection , is that catholick queen and spouse which christ is to present to the father , without sp●● or wrinkle , and all parts are for this perfect whole , all the ministery , ordinances , the dispensation of the worke of redemption , christ , his death , resurrection , intercession , &c. are for this as the end , the perfectum totum , ephes. . , . ephes. . . . . cor. . , . hence thirdly , if wee regard the order of operation ; the congregation is primum movens , and primum operans , for all the motions of the catholick-church beginneth at the inferior wheeles and at the lower spikes , if a generall councell bee to inact any thing , motions must begin at the single congregation at antioch , at jerusalem , and from thence ascend to a preshytery , and from thence a nationall church is to send their commissioners to act in a catholick councell , though if wee looke to the power it selfe , it is intrinsecally in the whole and in every part of the catholick church . the fourth distinction considerable here is , that wee are to regard either , . the order of nature , or . the order of the inhesion of this power . or . the order of time . or . of the reall derivation of 〈◊〉 power . if wee respect the order of nature , the power , by order of nature , is given by christ immediatly , first to the whole catholick church , as is proved before at length , and by this order of nat●●● inhereth first in the whole catholick church , as mans organized intire whole body is , by natures order , the first adequat and principall subject of life and the reasonable soule , not this ●● this part , but in regard of order of time , or reall derivation of 〈◊〉 , this whole power is immediatly conferred by jesus christ on the whole catholicke visible church , and to every part of it , and any reall derivation of power from one part of the catholick church to another by ascension or descension is not to bee dreamed of here . as commissioners of cities and shires have from those cities and shires who choosed them a virtuall power parliamentary , yet is it not formally a power parliamentary while the parliament receive them as formall members , and then , by law of the state , there falleth on them a formally parliamentall power : so commissioners have from their churches which sent them , onely a virtuall or radicall power , but they have never a formally synodicall power , by virtue of a divine institution , while they bee convened in christs name syn dically . it is true , the members of a generall councell derive their virtuall power to voyce , and conclude from the na●●●n●ll church that sent them to the councell , but give me leave , this is but a derived power of membership making them fit to bee incorporated in a synod , but being once incorporated , they have by their power of order , and by christs immediate institution , a power immediatly given by christ , in whose ●ames they conveene , to voyce and conclude as a formall coun●●● , and to say , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us ; they cannot say , 〈◊〉 good to the churches that sent us . the . distinction is , that the power is considered either ●exercised ordinarily , or . occasionally . in regard of the ●●mer ordinary power is seated collaterally in the congregation and presbytery , in each according to its proportion of power , but because the power is compleater in the presby●● , which is a compleat body , and lesse compleatly in the congregation , which is lesse compleat , it is more principally seated in the presbytery ; in regard of the latter synods are the first subject of the occasionall church-power , in things which ●e in common belong to many presbyteries , or to a nationall - church . but to returne , if the synodicall power bee different in essence and nature and not gradually onely , from the counsell and advise of christians , then , first , it is not a determination that bindeth , by way of counsell and brotherly advise onely , but under some higher consideration , which is as like a church-relation of church-power , as any thing can bee , seeing here bee pastors acting as pastors ; . formally gathered in a councell ; . speaking gods word ; . by the holy ghost . but this shall bee against the church-government of new england . a . if it bee essentially different from an advise and councell and warranted by divine institution , why doe not our brethen give us scripture for it ? for if they give us act. . then can they not say that the apostles in this synod did determine and voyce as apostles by an apostolick , and immediatly inspiring spirit , for the spirit synodicall is a spirit imitable and a rule of pertually induring moralitie in all synods , and must leade us , for an apostolick spirit is not now in the world . . as they require a positive divine institution , for the frame of a presbyteriall church in power above a congregation , and will not bee satisfied with the light of nature , which upon the supposall of a spirituall government instituted by christ in a congregation which is a part , may clearely , by the hand , lead us to the inlarging of that same spirituall government in the whole , that is , to a number of consociated churches which are all interessed , as one common societie in a common government , so they must make out , for their synod endued with dogmaticall power a positive divine institution . . we desire a warrant from the word why a colledge of pastors determining by the word of god as pastors having power of order and acting in a colledge according to that power , should not bee a formall and ordinary great presbytery . . how can they , by our brethrens determination , exercise such pastorall acts out of their owne congregations towards those churches to which they have no pastorall relation , virtute potestatis ordinis ? . how can the wisedome of christ , ( who provideth that his servants bee not despised , but that despisers in a church way should bee censured , tim. . , . ) cloth his messengers in a synod with a power dogmaticall and deny all power of i●●●diction to them , upon the supposall that their determinations be rejected ? i feare there bee something under this , that none are to bee censured or delivered to satan for heterodox opinions , except they erre in points fundamentall . but farther it may bee made good that a power dogmaticall is not different in nature from a power of jurisdiction , for we read not of any societie that hath power to meet to make lawes and decrees , which have not power also to backe their decrees with punishments : if the jewish synedry might meet to declare judicially what was gods law , in point of conscience , and what not , and to tie men to it , they had power to conveene and make lawes , farre more may they punish contraveners of the law , for a nomothetick power in a societie which is the greater power and is in the fountaine , must presuppose in the societie the lesse power , which is to punish , and the power of punishing is in the inferior judicature , so a nomothetick power ministeriall cannot want a power of censuring . it is true , a single pastor may ministerially give out commandements in the authoritie of christ , but hee cannot his alone censure or excommunicate the contraveners of those commandements , but it followeth well in an assembly hee hath power to censure and excommunicate , now here pastors and elders are in an assembly . it is objected ; pastors in a synod have no jurisdiction as pasters ; for what they doe as pastors that they may doe there alone , and on ; of a synod : but they doe not , nor cannot determine and give out canons there alone , and they cannot there alone determine juridically ; therefore they doe not wholly and poorely as pastors in relation to those churches , give out these decrees , yet doe they not give out the decrees as privite men wholly , but in some pastor all relation , for pastors as pastors have something peculiar to them in all churches whither they come to preach so as a speciall blessing followeth on their labours , though they be not pastors in relation to all the churches they come to , even as a sermon on the lords day is instamped with a more speciall blessing b●●●use of gods institution imprinted on the day , then a sermon preached in another day . answ. this argument is much for us , it is proper to acts of jurisdiction ecclesiasticall that they cannot bee exercised by one onely , but must bee exercised by a societie , now a pastor as a pastor his alone without any collaterally joyned with him exerciseth his pastorall acts of preaching and of administrating the sacraments , but those who give out those decrees , cannot give them out synodically , but in a synod and court-wayes as forensicall decrees , and so in a juridicall way , and because pastors , whither so ever they come , doe remaine pastors . . the apostles are not in this synod as apostles , secondly , nor yet as gifted christians to give their counsell and advise ; nor , thirdly ( as this answerer granteth ) meerely as pastors , then it must follow that , fourthly , they are here as such pastors conveened synodically , by divine institution , and that this is the patterne of a synod . object . . but there is no censuring of persons for scandalls in this meeting , because there is nothing here but a doctrinall declaration of the falsehood of their opinion who taught a necessitie of circumcision ; and that all is done by way of doctrine and by power of the keyes of knowledge , not of jurisdiction , is cleare from the end of this meeting , act. . . paul and barnabas were sent from the church of antioc● unto jerusalem unto the apostles and elders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning this question , and v. . the apostles and elders came together to consider , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of this matter , consideration of questions being the end of the synod is a thing belonging to doctrinal power meerely , so mr. mather . answ. . it is false that there is no censuring of persons here , for to say nothing that peter accuseth those of the wrong side as personally present at the synod , either being summoned or comming thither by appeale , v. . now therefore why tempt ye god to put a yoake upon the necke of the discip'es , &c. which reproofe comming from one man onely , cannot be called a synodicall reproofe ; it is more then evident that the publick synodicall censure of rebuke is put upon those who held and urged the necessitie of circumcision , and why not excommunication also in case of obstinacy ? for the synodicall censure of a publick synodicall rebuke is onely gradually different , not specifically from excommunication and both must proceed from one and the same power ? now the synodicall censure is evident in the text , v. . certaine went out from us , ( so it is cleare they pretended they were in this point followers of the apostles ) and lorinus thinketh that some deemed them schismaticks . . they have troubled you with words ; lorinus citeth the sy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vedalacachum , they have terrified you , as if your salvation were not sure , except you keepe moses his law of ceremonies and the morall law. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , destraying by false arguments your soules , it is a word contrary to building up in sound knowledge ( as aristotle taketh the word ) saying that you must bee circumcised and keepe the law. . they abused the name of the apostles as having an apostolick commandement , and so a divine warrant for their false doctrine , and therefore are they refuted as liars , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence it is cleare they did labour to prove a necessitie of circumcision not onely from the old testament and an expresse divine law , but also from the authoritie of the apostles , which was manifestly false ; out of which i argue thus . if the apostles doe not onely in a doctrinall way refute a false doctrine in this synod , but also in a church-way , and by a juridicall power rebuke and synodically charge the authors , as sub●erters of soules , and liars , then they doe not onely use a meere doctrinall power in this synod , but also a juridicall power : but the former is true : ergo , so is the latter . . observe two things in these obtruders of circumcision . first , the error of their judgement . it is more then apparent , that they had a heterodox and erroneous opinion of god and his worship , and the way of salvation , as is cleare , act. . . and certaine men which came downe from judea , taught the brethren , ( and said ) except yee bee circumcised after the manner of moses , yee cannot bee saved . this doctrine is clearely refuted both by peter v. . that yoake of the law wee disclaime , there is a way of salvation without that yoake , v. . but wee beleeve that through the grace of the lord jesus , wee shall bee saved as they , and it is synodically refuted , v. . wee gave no such commandement , it is not the mind of us the apostles of the lord that you keepe moses law , as you hope to bee saved ; there was for this error in their judgement required a doctrinall or dogmaticall power , and this the synod used . . besides this erroneous opinion in their judgement , there was another fault and scandall that the synod was to censure , to wit , their obtruding of their false way upon the soules and consciences of the churches , as vers . they taught the brethren this false doctrine . . that they wilfully and obstinately did hold this opinion , and raised a schisme in the courch , v. . wherefore paul and barnabas had no small 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dissention , ( the word signifieth sedition which was raised by those who held that erroneous opinion ) and great disputation with them . . they laid a yoake upon the brethren , v. . and v. . they made great disputation against the apostles , and v. . they troubled the brethren and perverted their soules . this was not simply an heterodox opinion which is the materiall part of a heresie , but had something of the formall part of an heresie , to wit , some degrees of pertinacie , of brutish and blind zeale , even to the troubling and perverting of the soules of the churches , while as they would make disciples to themselves , and lead away soules from the simplicitie of the gospell ; now the synod doth not helpe this latter simply , in a synodicall way , by a dogmaticall and doctrinall power , but by an authoritie synodicall , and therefore they authoritatively rebuke them , as subverters of soules ; and whereas these teachers laid on an unjust yoake to keepe moses his law upon the churches , v. . the synod by their ecclesiasticall and juridicall authoritie doth free the churches of that yoake , and they say in their decree . v. . it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us , ( not to lay the yoake of moses his law on you , as those who trouble you have done ) to lay upon you no greater burden , then these necessary things , &c. now if there had beene nothing to doe but to resolve the question , if this had beene the totall and adequat end of the synod , in a meere doctrinall way to resolve the question , whether must wee bee circumcised , and keepe the law morall and ceremoniall of moses , upon necessitie of salvation , as the argument of our brethren contendeth ; peter , v. . . made a cleare issue of the question , we are saved by the grace of god , both ●●nes and gentiles , and it is to tempt god to lay the yoake of the law of moses upon the brethren ; the resolving of that question is the end of the synod , but not the adequat end , for here that , not onely the doctrinall power was to bee used , but beside that , . the schisme was to bee removed , and the authoritie of the synod to bee used against the wilfulnesse and obstinacie of those obtruders of circumcision , in rebuking them as perverters of soules . . for the scandall which might have been taken if the gentiles should have eaten blood and things strangled , and meats offered to idols , and therefore the apostles and elders behoved , as a conveened synod to forbid a grievous scandall and a spirituall homicide against the law of nature , to wit , that the gentiles for feare of scandalizing weake . beleevers amongst the jewes , should abstaine from the practise of some things at this time meerely indifferent in their nature , though not indifferent in their use , such as were to eate things offered to idols , things strangled and blood : and whereas our brethren , . object , if the apostles did any thing more then might have been done by private pastors out of a synod , it was meerely apostolicall , and the elders did but assent to the apostles apostolicall determination ; and every one did here , apostles , elders , and brethren , more suo , apostles as apostles , elders and brethren as elders and brethren , after their manner as consenters to the apostles , but other wayes it is a begging of the question , for to say the apostles and elders , rebuked synodically the obtruders of circumcision , it s but said , because one pastor might have rebuked those obtruders ; for the specification of actions must not bee taken from their efficient causes , but from their formall objects , therefore this is no good consequence , the synod rebuked those obtruders , ergo , the synod rebuked them as a synod , and by a power of jurisdiction , it followeth not , for paul , gal. . rebuked peter ; ergo , paul had a power of jurisdiction over peter . i thinke your selves will deny this consequence . i answer , . these two answers are contradictory , and sheweth that our brethren are not true to their owne principles , for sometime they say the apostles gave out this decree as apostles , and sometime there is nothing here done by a meere doctrinall power , such as paul had over peter , or one single pastor hath over another , now it is sure that paul had no apostolick , power over peter , and that one pastor have not apostolick power over another . . when our brethren say here that the apostles as apostles by an infallible spirit gave out this decree , they doe in this helpe the papists , as bellarmine , becanus , gr●●rut , and in particular the jesuit a lorinus , who saith , decr●um authenticum cujus inspirator spiritus sanct● , and so saith b cornelius a lapide , visi●m est nob is inspiratis & decretis a spiritu sanctus , therefore saith hee the councell cannot erre , and so c salmeron and d cajetan say , and expresly e stapleton saith this apostosack definition flowed from the instinct of the holy ghost ; observandum ( saith stapleton ) quanta habenda sit ecclesiae definienth authorit●s ; hence our brether here must yeeld either that all synods are infallible , as papists say , this synod the patterne of all synods being concluded by an apostolick spirit could not erre , and so neither can councells erre , or they must with socinians and arminians say there is no warrant for synods here at all . and certainly though wee judge our brethren as farre from popery and socinianisme , as they thinke wee detest anti-christian presbytery , yet if this synod bee concluded by an apostolick spirit , it is no warrant to bee imitated by the churches , and wee have no ground hence , for lawfull synods . whittakerus , calvin , beza , luther , and all our divines do all alledge this place as a pregnant ground not of apostolick , but of ordinary and constant synods to the end of the world ; and f diodatus , good to the holy ghost ) because they did treat of ecclesiasticall reders concerning the quietnes and order of the church , wherein ecclesiasticall authoritie hath place , the assembly used this tearme , it seemed good to us , which is not used , neither in articles of faith , nor in the commandements which meerely concerned the conscience : and to shew that authoritie was with holy reason and wisedome , there is added , and to the holy ghost , who guided the apostles in these outward things also , . cer. . . . . if our brethren meane that the elders and brethren were in this apostolick and immediatly inspired synodicall determination , not as collaterall penners of scriptures joyned with the apostles , but onely as consenters and as consenters by power of an ordinary holy ghost working consent in them , more suo , according to their capacitie as ordinary elders . . they yet more helpe the papists because they must say onely apostles , and so onely their successors ; the prelates had definitive voices in this synod , the presbyters and brethren did no more then papists and prelates say presbyters did in generall councells of old , and therefore the presbyter is to subscribe , ego , a. n. presbyter consentiens subseribo , whereas the prelate subscribed ( say they ) ego , a. b. episcopus definiens subscribo ; wee crave a warrant in gods word to make an apostle or a prelate a synodicall definer , having a definitive voyce , and the elder brother , or presbyter to have a consultative voyce , for here all the multitude ( if there was a multitude present ) doe make synodicall decrees by consulting and consenting , yea all the nation may come to a nationall synod , and both reason , dispute , and consent , because matters of doctrine and government of the church concerneth all , therefore all have an interest of presence , and all have an interest of reasoning ; and . by consequent all have an interest of consenting ; yea of protesting on the contrary , if the synod determine any thing against the word of god. if they say there is a threeford consent in this synod , . an apostolicall , . a second synodicall agreeing to elders as elders , and a third , that of the people , or a popular ; what a mixt synod shall this be ? but . then as the epistle to the tlxssalonians is called the epistle of paul , not the epistle of silvanus and timotheus , though silvanus and timotheus did consent , so these ( dogmata ) or decrees should not be called the decrees of the apostles and elders , as they are called , act. . . act. . . act. . . but onely the decrees of the apostles ; seeing the elders did onely consent , and had no definitive influence in making the decree , by this doctrine , as silvanus and timotheus were not joynt pen-men of scripture with paul. . when as it is said the specification of actions must not bee taken from the efficient cause , but from the formall object , and all that a done in this synod might have beene done by a single pastor . i answer , wee doe not fetch the specification of this rebuke and of these decrees from the efficient causes , but from the formall object , for an apostle might his alone have rebuked these obtruders of circumcision , and made this decree materialiter , for paul did , more his alone then this , when hee wrote the e●istle to the romans , but yet one pastor could not have synodically rebuked , and given out a decree formally synodicall , laying an ecclesiasticall tie on moe churches then one , there is great ods to doe one and the same action formally , and to doe the same action materially , and i beleeve though actions have not , by good logick , their totall specification from their efficient cause , yet that ordinances of god as lawfull have their specification from the efficient causes in part our brethren cannot deny . for what made the difference betwixt aaron his fire offered to the lord , and nadab and abihu their strange and unlawfull fire , that they offered to the lord , but that the on fire had god for its author , the other had men , and the like i say of gods feasts , and the feasts devised by jeroboam , else if a woman preach and administrate the lords supper in the church , that preaching and sacrament administrated by her should not have a different specification and essence , if wee speake morally or theologically , from that same very preaching and celebration of the supper performed in the church by a lawfull pastor ; it is ( as i conceive ) of the essence of an action synodicall ( i say not its totall essence ) that it cannot bee performed by one in a church-way , and with an ecclesiasticall tie , but it must be performed by many , else it is not a synodicall action , and it is true that paul , rom. . and cor. . . hath in substance the same canon forbidding scandall , which is forbidden in this canon prohibiting eating of meats offered to idolls , and blood , in the case of scandall ; but ( i pray you ) is there not difference betwixt the one prohibition and the other ? yea there is , for , rom. . cor. . . it hath undenyably apostolick authoritie , here it hath onely synodicall . . there it is a commandement of god , here it is a canon of the church . . there it commeth from one man , here from a colledge of apostles and elders conveened , and yet materially it is the same prohibition . object . . the acts of this synod are finaliter acts of government , because they are rules conducing for the governing of the church , but formaliter , they are acts of dogmaticall power , and not formally acts of jurisdiction , for there is no rebuking of subverters of soules inordine to excommunication , no penall power is exercised here , sub poona , under the paine of excommunication , and therefore there an here no formall acts of government . answ. . the acts of church-government finaliter , that is , government , because to prescribe rules and directive lawes ( for they are not properly lawes which the church prescribeth , christ is the onely law-giver ) are formall acts of governing , and one power doth not make lawes for governing the church , and another power different in nature punish the contraveners . and what power disposeth and ordereth , the meanes doe also dispose and order the end ; canons of the church tending to the edification of the church are meanes tending to the government of the church , and i appeale to the judgement of our reverend brethren , if wee suppose that one single congregation should doe all that this synod doth , if they would not call it a formall governing of that particular congregation : for example , in the church of pergamus , one ariseth and teacheth the doctrine of the nicolaitans , suppose that fornication is indifferent is the eating of blood , and is no sinne ; the angels of the church of pergamus preach against this doctrine , in private , they deale by force of arguments from scripture , that it is a wicked doctrine , and destructive to holinesse , as paul and barnab as disputeth , act. . . . with the obtruders of a necessitie of circumcision , yet they prevaile not , now suppose this independent church following the apostle pauls way , thinke good to convene a synod or a parishionall assembly to determine synodically that this is a wicked doctrine , and shall in their decree call the holders of this doctrine subverters of soules , and forbid fornication in their synod , now supposing pergamus to be a single church in a remote iland consociated with no neighbouring churches , who could in reason deny that this synodicall power so inacting were a power formally governing the church of . pergamus ? it is true , some of our brethren say , that it is even to us a received tenent that the power that disposeth of the meanes of governing doth not for that governe in respect that we teach that the classicall presbytery doth decree and in act , and the congregation doth execute these decreed , but i pray you doth this prove that the power ordering the meanes of governing is no formall act of governing ? yea the contrary is true , because the congregation executing the acts of the classicall presbytery , as subordinat in that act to the classicall presbytery , & by their authority , therfore while they give out these acts or canons , doe formally governe , that congregation executing their acts , in this particular . mr. mather and mr. thomson against mr. herle , c. . p. . teach that there is a power of clearing truth dogmatically , and that 〈◊〉 ‑ 〈◊〉 , ultimately , where the controversie is ended , but they will have this ultimate power not in a synod onely , but also in a congregation . but . they seeme to make this dogmaticall power a church-power , and the exercise thereof formally an act of church-government , and so it must bee church-power and church-government in the synod , as well as in the congregation . . the last period and conclusion of the controversie cannot bee both in the congregation , de jure , by right onely , and in the synod by right onely , for two last powers cannot bee properly in two subordinate judicatures , for if antioch appeale to a synod , as they doc , act. . . then antioch is not the sole , last and ultimate and finall judge ; and . if the controversie concerne many churches , as this doth , act. . . . . i see not how a congregation , except they transgresse their line , can finally determine it . and here while as our brethren doe all edge that a synod hath a power to decree , and make lawes , but hath no power at all to execute these lawes or to punish the contraveners , but power of punishing is all in the single congregation . ● . they tie all governing power to a punishing power , as if there were no other wayes to governe , but upon supposall of scandalls , whereas all scripture and polliticians make a power of giving lawes formally a governing power . . when one societie and synod maketh the lawes , and another must execute them and punish the contraveners , the single congregation that punisheth , is more subjected by a truely prelaticall bondage , then if the law-makers had onely the power of punishing the contraveners , at they onely have the power of making the lawes . i take not here lawes for lawes properly so called , but for ministeriall directories having ecclesiasticall authoritie : and here in effect , our brethren lay truely a prelaticall bondage on the churches of christ , for they teach that a synod may make a law by a pastorall power , and that this synod is an ordinance of christ by act. . and that as prelates did , they send those synodic●ll decrees to bee obeyed and put in execution by the churches , and ordaine the contraveners to bee punished by the churches , and here is a power above a power , and mandates for government sent by the synod to the churches to bee obeyed , and a synod governing by churches , this they call prelaticall in us . but . there is no penall power here ( say they ) and nothing decerved to bee obeyed , sub paena , under the paine of excommunication , therefore no power of jurisdiction . but this consequence is justly denyed , for no politician , no reason in the world can say that all power of jurisdiction is included in the power of excommunication . what ? hath the church a church-power to threaten , and no church-power to pardon the penltent ? i think if the church as the church , matth. . receive a power from christ to bind in heaven and earth , doth not christ in that same patent give to her also a power to loose in earth and heaven ? and when hee saith , if bee refuse to beare the church , let him be to thee ● aube●hen and publican ; doth hee not give to the church a power to command ? if hee command to heare and obey the church , hee must give a power of jurisdiction to the church to command , and a power to command not penall onely , but promissorie also , to loose and absolve upon condition of prosessed repentance . now suppose the church make a law , that theresurrection of the dead is a truth of god to bee beleeved , and professed , upon occasion that in the congregation hymeneus & alexander den yeth that article , in that very commandement doctrinall the church doth governe the whole congregation , and exerciseth a power of formall governing , though in their act they say nothing of the censure of excommunication , to those who shall deny that article of the resurrection , for ( i hope ) a simple sanction maketh a law , though no penaltie bee expressed in it , and though there had beene in the decree , act . . an expresse punishment , this should , to our brethren prove no power of jurisdiction exercised by many , for this which is said , gal. . . though wee or an angel from heaven preach unto you ( another gospel ) then that which wee have preached let him bee accursed , and that cor. . . woe unto mee if i preach not the gospel , and many other threatnings in scripture , though a punishment bee annexed expressely , cease not to bee meerely doctrinall , and are not threatnings importing formally any power of church-jurisdiction , and therefore though mention should have beene made of a censure , if there bee not here a synod . . having power and authoritie from christ. . commanding by the holy ghost , ( as these indeed are all here ) the name of censure should prove no power of jurisdiction . object . . the laying on of the yoake spoken of , v. . is a meer● , doctrinall yoake , and it importeth no more a poner of jurisdiction , then we can conclude that the obtruders of circumcision bad a power of jurisdiction , because they are said to lay on a yoake also , and to tempt god in so doing , vers . . answ. i retort this reason , for we can then no more conclude that the apostles by an apostolick authoritie layd on this yoake , then wee can conclude that the obtruders of circumcision did lay on this yoake , because they are said to lay on a yoake and to tempt god , v. . it is a most unequall reasoning to argue against a iust synodicall power from a sinfull and unjust power , for these obtruders of circumcision had no lawfull power at all to lay a yoake on the disciples , but sinned and tempted god in laying on that yoake , but it is not denyed by our brethren , but the apostles and elders had a lawfull power to lay on a yoake in this synod , onely it is controverted whether it bee a meere dogmaticall or doctrinall power , or if it bee a power of jurisdiction , nay the obtruders of circumcision by neither of these two powers layd on a yoake upon the dsciples . object . . these decrees which did no other wayes bind the church of jerusalem , then they did bind all the churches of the world , cannot bee decrees of power of jurisdiction over the church of jerusalem , and over the church of antioch . but these decrees did no otherwise bind the church of jerusalem , then they did bind all the churches of the world , for the decrees of apostles and elders at jerusalem , act. . , . were sent to all the churches of the world to bee observed , and seeing they could not as synodicall canons obliege all the churches of the world , by an ecclesiasticall tie , because all the churches of the world sent not commissioners , and all the churches of the world couldnot be represented in this synod , but onely the churches of jerusalem and antioch ; yea wee see not that this synod is any more then the church of antioch seeking counsell from the sister church at jerusalem ; as one church may advise another church that is weaker in knowledge , in a matter of such difficultie , because the apostles were at ierusalem , and that 〈◊〉 . . the whole canons are ascribed to the church of jerusalem onely , to the apostles , elders and the whole church , act. . . and act. . . and act. . , . and act. . . the elders of jerusalem take this act or canon to themselves . . it cannot be proven that the churches of syria and cilicia had any commissioners he●● , farre lesse had all the churches of the gentiles , who yet are commanded to keepe those decrees by commissioners there , c. . . act. . . act. . , . . it cannot bee proven that antioch sent elders to this meeting , but onely commissioners , act. . . answ. this answer is much contradicent to what our brethren other waies hold , for if it be a patterne of a sister church , giving advise and counsell to another , this is imitable to the worlds end , and if the canon come from the apostles as apostles it is not imitable . . that one sister church can lay burdens on another , and give out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , decrees to bee kept is unwarrantable ; now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are called by all that understandeth greeke , are not friendly advises of brethren ; the seventie interpreters use the word , daniel . . to expresse a law made by darius , luke useth the word , c. . . saith a decree 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came from augustus caesar to taxe all the world. . it is a graver businesse then we can thinke of , to beleeve that these who onely give advise and counsell , and must conveene in a synod , as apostles and elders doe here , v. . ( ) that they can say as it is v. . it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us to lay no other burden on you then t●●se necessary things , for a counsell or advise can never amount to the burden imposed by the holy ghost speaking in a synod : . it is denied that this decree oblieged the church of jerusalem no other way then it oblieged all the churches of all the world , for here bee three sorts of churches , and three sorts of churches are under a tie by this synod ; first , jerusalem , secondly , antioch , syria and cilicia , thirdly , universally all the churches of the gentiles . the church of jerusalem have formall commissioners , here under an ecclesiasticall tie as concerning the faith of the things contained in the decree , that it is lawfull for the gentiles to abstaine from things offered to idolls , from things strangled , and from blood ; and they were simply under a tie both of the seventh commandement , and by the fifth commandement , to abstaine from fornication , because the synod had forbidden it . . they were under a tie by due proportion , not to keepe the law of moses and not to bee circumcised by any necessitie of a divine law , but onely by permission to use these ceremonies for feare of scandall . . they are tied by proportion also to give no offence in things indifferent . . not to reject the gentiles whom the lord had called to his heavenly kingdome , as well as the jewes . . these churches of the gentiles who never heard of the synod , and so were not oblieged to bee there in their commissioners or not tied at all by this decree , by vertue of any ecclesiasticall tie , but are onely tied by the law of nature , not to abuse their libertie in the use of things in their owne nature indifferent , and so this is false that the church of jerusalem was tied no other way by these acts then all churches of the world , for some of the churches of the world were not tied at all , by any ecclesiasticall bond , but onely for the necessitie of the law of nature . . jerusalem , antioch , syria and cilicia were tied by an ecclesiasticall tie , because jerusalem and the churches of antioch had here commissioners , for antioch sent paul and barnabas with certaine other of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this must relate to pastors and elders , if syria and cilicia had no commissioners here , as certainly they were oblieged to send commissioners , as well as antioch , seeing their case was one with antioch , v. . and they could not but heare of this apostolick remedie to remove the scandall of false doctrine , and therefore their commissioners were either here , or then they were oblieged to bee here , and here wee have the true essence of a synod , to wit , a meeting of the churches of antioch and jerusalem at jerusalem to determine of this question . but that the church of jerusalem did not determine all the businesse in a presbyteriall way , and that others had hand in it , is cleare . . because paul and barnabas and others with them are expresly sent from antioch to jerusalem as commissioners and elders , and here they reason and voyce , as is cleare , ch . . v. . v. . v. . ch . . . ch . . , . and the acts and decrees are ascribed to all the apostles and elders who were present at the councell , ch . . . ch . . v. . v. . and amongst these were paul and barnabas , with certaine others sent from anti●b , act. . . and the elders of jerusalem , act. . . with the apostles , act. . . ( . ) the reasons alledged are false , for act. . . act. . . act. . . the acts and synodicall decrees are not ascribed to elders of jerusalem onely , but to the apostles who were not elders at jerusalem , and to the elders in jerusalem , act. . . not of jerusalem . . it is no matter though it cannot bee proven that the churches of syria and cilicis had no commissioners there , for first , the contrary cannot bee proven ; secondly , they ought to have had commissioners here ; thirdly , the acts are sent to them conjunctly with antioch , and messengers to report the mind and sense of the assembly as to antioch , v. . ( . ) it is but a groundlesse conceit to say that paul and barnabas came to the synod as commissio●●●s , or as servants to receive information , not as elders to give their decisive voices , because paul carried himselfe in the assembly as peter and james who were elders in the assembly , and they being apostles , the decrees are ascribed to the apostles without any distinction , act. . . act. . . and if paul and barnabas , and silas a prophet of the church at antioch , act. . v. . with judas , v. . also a prophet , had beene onely commissioners and servants of the church at antioch , and not elders and members of the assembly , how could they have voices in the church or congregation of jerusalem ? for the messengers of one congregation hath not place to voyce in another congregation . . it is said expressely , it seemed good to the apostles and elders , with the whole church to send chosen men of their owne , with paul and barnabas , namely , judas surnamed barsabas , and silas , chiefe men , ( leading men ) amongst the brethren ; now i desire to bee resolved in two ; . how judas and silas were men of their owne company 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , certainly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must relate to the assembly , to wit , to elders and apostles , by all good grammar , and how are they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , captaines and leading men amongst the brethren , which brethren are certainly these mentioned in the same verse , apostles , elders , and the whole church , and these mentioned in the next verse , . apostles , elders and brethren , that is , chosen men of this assembly ; now it is evident that judas and silas were no part of elders of the church of jerusalem , but prophets at antiab , v. . and members of that presbytery spoken of act. . , . and act. . v. . and what power then had the assembly to send them , and especially what power had the eldership or presbytery of jerusalem to send men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of their owne company who were not men of their owne company ? therefore they were called chosen men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their owne company , and leading men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the brethren , because they were members of the assembly , and of that councell gathered together with one accord , v. . and not because they were naked messengers of the church of antioch , but elders , prophets , v. . and members of the assembly , v. . . and when as it is said act. . . act. . . these decrees are ascribed to the elders in jerusalem . i answer they are not called the elders of the church of jerusalem , as revel . . . to the angel of the church of ephesus , v. . to the angel of the church of smyrna , and v. . of the church of pergamus , and v. . and act. . . but the eders which were at jerusalem assembled : and this doth no more prove that all these elders were onely the elders of the church at jerusalem , then it proveth that the apostles were the apostles of the church at ierusalem which no man can say : yea by the phrase of scripture used in other places , it is cleare they were not the elders of the church of jerusalem ; and for act. . . the elders of the church of jerusalem taketh those decrees upon them , not as if they made the whole synod , but because they were a considerable part of the synod , for it is cleare from the story , act. . that the apostles and others were members of that assembly , and therefore , that v. . wee have written and concluded , &c. must bee expounded , wee as a part of the synod , have written , &c. and it is a synecdoche , and the pronoune 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( wee ) includeth no apostle but james , whereas peter , paul , barnabas , iudas , sil●s and others elders and brethren were members of the synod , yea and ( as our brethren say , though to mee it is not probable ) the whole church of ierusalem from v. . c. . object . . they take away the scandall in a doctrinall way only , declaring that they ought to abstaine from things scandalous . answ. the very delivering to satan may thus bee called doctrinall , because it is a declaration that the mans sinnes are retained in heaven , yet it is an authoritative declaration , and if it bee meere doctrinall , one pastor and one prophet might have done all which this venerable colledge of apostles and elders disputed , reasoned , and concluded synodically . a meere doctrinall power layeth not on burdens and decrees . herodian calleth such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 senatusconsult●in , and bude●●s a man excellently skilfull in the greeke language saith the like of it , and so doth the civill law make it a statute of the senate . object . . the reason why patel could not , though hee was an apostle , determine this at antioch , was not because hee wanted apostolick authoritie , but because his apostolick power was more questionable , hee not having seene christ in the flesh , nor being a witnesse of the life , death and resurrection of christ , then the authoritie of james and peter who wer● eye-witnesses of christs life , doctrine , and sufferings , and saw him visibly ascend to heaven , and the believers doubted if hee was an apostle , and the synod was convened to have theresolution of the apostles , and so it was meerely apostolicall . ans. though i grant there beesome truth in this , that pauls apostolick calling was now more question 〈◊〉 , then the rest of the apostles ; and i easily yeeld that these who disputed with him could not rest upon his authority ; yet i deny that hence wee can inferre no synod : for if the apostles had convened in synod to satisfie those who doubted of pauls authoritie as an apostle ; then they would have reterred the matter to james and peter , who to these beleevers were undoubtedly the apostles of the lord : but if the apostles had had no intent , but to end the controversie in a mere apostolick way , and not intended a synodicall and an ●clesiasticall and perpetuall remedy in such cases of controversies , in particular churches ; i shall not beleeve that the apostles when they were to determine by a superior , an apostolick and infallible light , they would have joyned with them the elders , as act. . . to consider of the question , and that the church of au●ioch doubting if paul was an apostle , would have decreed to seeke a resolution from elders , and that in an apostolick way , for they sent to the elders at jerusalem for a resolution as well as to the apostles , act. . . and judge yee if the apostles being to determine infallibly as apostles , would joyne the falliblo and inferiour light of elders , v. . and brethren , v. . if tlloy had not had a mind to determine the question in a synodicall way . object . . but it is not cleare that in this act they either censure persons , or doe any thing in order to church-censure , but onely exercise a naked doctrinall power . answ. a doctrinall power was in a higher measure in the apostles , then in all the elders of the world , who were all but fallible men , and james and peter to these beleevers , who moved the question , were undenyably apostles , and what doctrinall power could they seeke in the elders to whose determination , by intention both of antioch , ch . . . and by the apostles intention , v. . the question is referred as well as to the apostles ? if the matter was not to bee ended by a formall synod . . nor can they deny a power of jurisdiction though there were no persons rebuked and censured in this synod ; for the object of a juridicall power is not onely persons , but things of order , decencie , circumstances , questions of doctrine , as is cleare , re●el . . . . & officers to be ordained , act. . , , , . tim. . . tim. . , . ( . ) our brethren cannot deny but the sentence of non-communion is a censure , and a great one , yea and of kindred and blood most neare to excommunication , and that if any churches should have ref●●sed those canons , by this canon the churches might have pronounced the sentence of non-communion against them , and to pronounce this sentence is an act of government as properly so called , as to pronounce the sentence of excommunication , for it is the formall halfe of the sentence of excommunication . object . . it seemeth that apostles here determine as apostles , for they condenme the obtruders of circumcision , because they taught these things without any apostolick , commandement , v. . they teach that you must bee circumcised and keepe the law , to whom , wee , ( the apostles ) gave no such commandement . answ. this is no more a good argument to prove that the obtruders of circumcision did teach false doctrine , and were not condemned by the apostles and elders synodically , then if one should say , this is not a synodicall decree of the church , because it is proven and made good by the word of god , for synodicall decrees exclude not gods word , though they bee not formally scripture ; for in some part of the epistle the apostles may well speak of themselves as distinguished from elders and as apostles , and yet the assembly is an ordinary synod and not an apostolick meeting , for if wee should argue thus , the whole church , men and women , v. . sent messengers to antioch , as the church , and not as apostles , our brethren would thinke it a weake consequence to inferre , ergo , this was nothing but a congregational , not an apostolical meeting . yet our brethren contend that the whole church and single congregation of ierusalem did concurre in this meeting as consenters , and having power also , though not of jurisdiction ; but i wonder why our brethren should so contend that there was no power of censuring put forth in this assembly , seeing one of their speciall answers , whereby they would prove that this it not a patterne of an ordinary synod , and such a synod as wee contend for , having power of jurisdiction is , that this was an ordinary meeting of the elders and church of ierusalem , giving counsell and advise with the apostles to the church of antioch , but i am sure the businesse of not scandalizing did as much concerne the church of ierusalem , and therefore in the synod they ought to put forth power of jurisdiction , if any of their members , hearing that the apostles contended that the ceremoniall law did not lay a tie on the conscience of either jew or gentile , in foro dei , before gods court , as the places cited by iames prove , v. , , . ( & peter saith expresly that god now putteth no difference betwixt iewes and gentiles , v. . but 〈◊〉 are saved through the grace of our lord iesus , v. . ) should ab ●aine from blood , to the offence of the weaker , should not this congregation all church condemne such , in ordine ad censuram , in order to excommunication ? yea the eldership and congregation of jerusalem here convened as our brethren say , should have failed in this first synod , and also the apostles with them , if they neglected to exercise juridicall power over their owne congregation in the case of scandall , and a scandall as possible to them to fall in as the gentiles , and therefore either this assembly consisting of apostles and of the particular church of ierusalem erred , which wee cannot say , or then they did exercise power in order to excommunication towards their owne church , and so there is some juridicall power put forth in this meeting . object . . though the apostles in this synod proceed by way of disputing and borrow light one from another , it followeth not th●● they goe not on here as apostles , yea though peter and paul d●e not say all the truth , nor fall upon that which is the conclusion of the assembly , as i ames doth , it doth not hinder but they are led in all these synodicull deba●e● by the infallible and apostolick spirit , because some things are revealed to one evangelist and to one prophet , which is not revealed to another ; iohn the divine saw visions and heavenly mysteries which none of the rest of the apostles saw , nor could write in their writings and canonicall epistles , yet it doth not hence follow that james , peter , jude and paul in their canonicall writings and epistles were not immediatly inspired . it is enough to make the apostles in their writings infallible apostles and immediatly inspired , if that which they write bee the infallible truth and canonick scripture , though every apostle write not all canonick truth ; now what the apostles setteth down in this synod is scripture , and the object of our faith , and written for our instruction ; so something was revealed to james which was not revealed to peter and paul in this dispute , but it followeth not , ergo , what peter and paul spake , they spake it not by immediate revelation , and what they spake is not scripture . answ. . the strength of my argument is close mistaken , for i did not argue simply from the apostles borrowing light one from another , to prove they act not here as apostles but as elders , neither did i argue simply from this , james saith more then peter doth , ergo , peter is not immediatly inspired in what hee saith : for i grant the apostles borrow ●ight from the prophets , and their writings , one saith and writeth what another saith not , and cannot write , and yet all are immediatly inspired , in what they write . but i argued thus ; when ever the apostles are consulted with to resolve a question as apostles & do conveen● synodically & intend to resorve the question if the apostles in that case , or any one of them come short of the resolution , & do not see the conclusion they intend to see , but in so sarre as they are helped on by another in a way of disputation , in that they doe not act as apostles , but the case is so here ; . all were consulted with , act. . . ( ) all intended to resolve the question , and did meet together for that end to resolve it fully , v. . ( ) yet divers of the apostles , as peter , paul and barnabas see not the resolution fully that they aimed at , but determine the question imperfectly , and so , as if iames had beene absent , or if hee had seene no more in resolving the question , then paul and barnabas and peter said , which was onely that the law of moses was not to bee kept by either iew or gentile , upon the necessitie of salvation , but that both jewes and gentiles are saved by the grace of jesus christ ; if james ( i say ) had seene no more then this , the consciences of both sides had not beene satisfied , and the question not resolved , but the jewes should have gone on in a totall abstinence from all ceremonies , which because of the indifference of the ceremonies , was then dangerously scandalous , and spirituall homicide , and the gentiles should freely have eaten blood , meates offered to idols , and things strangled , which also was scandalous in a high measure to the weake jewes , and so the matter should have beene worse after this synod , and the controversie hotter , the fire bolder , and the scandall more dangerous then it was before the synod , which i cannot beleeve that the apostles as apostles could have done ; so wee know nathan to have spoken as a man , and not as a prophet , when being consulted with by david anent the building of the temple , and purposing and intending fully to resolve the question , yet resolved it amisse and quite contrary to the mind of god ; now what the penmen of holy scripture intended to write as scripture , that they fully wrote and no more , and what they wrote not , that they intended not to write , but leave it to others of the penmen of the holy ghost , because the immediatly inspiring holy ghost consulted with and intending to resolve such a canonick truth , cannot misse in his blessed intention . and also the elders at jerusalem were consulted with to resolve the question as well as the apostles , as is cleare act. . . now if the church of antiech had beene minded to referre the resolution to the apostles as infallibles apostle , they would never have referred it to the elders , whom they knew could erre as well as themselves , nor would the elders have joyned as fellow-disputers with the apostles as apostles , as they expresly doe , v. . for that is as you would say , some countrey men of ordinary spirit destitute of all propheticall light concurred with esaiah to see the visions of god ; and it is as if david as king counsell at god , whether the men of keilah would deliver him up to saul , had consulted with god and with abiathar , and some foure or five elders of keilah voyd of all propheticall spirit , whether the men of keilah should deliver him up to saul , or no : for these elders of jerusalem and antioch and other brethren were as voyd of an apostolick spirit as the elders of keilah were of a propheticall spirit . it were a vaine action for the elders to joyne themselves as joynt-disputers and fellow-resolvers of the controversie with the apostles , for the fellow-resolvers were to seeke resolution at the apostles , who could as apostles infallibly resolve them . . what the apostles set downe is scripture , and is the object of our faith , and written for our instruction , ergo , the apostles did give it forth in the synod as scripture , it followeth not : i may preach scripture , and that which is the object of faith , and written for our instruction , ergo , i preach it as an apostle by an apostolick spirit , it followeth not ; for so if the elders had spoken scripture which is written for our instruction , the elders should have spoken it by an apostolick spirit , which is manifestly false ; and so if the elders of corinth , cor. . should have proven in their presbytery that the incestuous person should bee delivered to satan , from matth. . they should have spoken that in the presbytery by an apostolick spirit : all which are manifestly false . the holy ghost by luke did make it scripture formally , but that the apostles spake it as scripture by an apostolick spirit , because it is the object of our faith that luke did insert it in the canonicall history , is no more hence proven then one might inferre that gamaliel by the immediate inspiration of the spirit spake the oration that hee uttereth to the councell of priests and pharisees , act. . , . & c. for that is formally made scripture by luke his inserting of it in the register of scripture ; yea the words of satan , matth. . by that reason behoved to bee spoken by divine and immediate inspiration : but the truth is , wee are not to take what peter speaketh from the prophet amos , act. . v. . to bee scripture , because amos spake it in the old testament , but because luke by immediate inspiration saith that peter uttered these words from the prophet amos. immediate inspiration maketh any saying scripture , and not the apostles historicall relating of it out of the writings of the prophets , though the sayings of the prophets as they are registred in the bookes of old testament bee formally scripture , yet as cited by the apostles they d●e not become scripture , except these saying , bee cited , tali modo , that is , by the influence of the immediatly inspiring holy ghost , which influence onely maketh formally any saying to bee scripture . object . . if the apostles did not in a synod , with the elders dispute and voyce as apostles , it should follow that as apostles , they did plant churches , but after the churches were planted they ceased to bee apostles , and did all as ordinary elders , which is most incongr●o●s , for then should they descend from an infallible to a fallible spirit . answ. the apostles did onely use their apostolick power , when there was need of it ; as god worketh not miracles , but in some necessitating exigence of second causes : and what they could doe by an ordinary power , when the churches were once constituted , they did not attempt to doe by their apostolick power ; and though their apostolick power was in them as a habit , yet the exercise thereof was rather under the dominion of an extraordinary and immediate rapt and influence of god , then under the mastery of their owne free-will . i would aske why the church of antioch , no doubt most lawfully , act. . . did send to seeke resolution at the fallible spirit of elders , and also ( as our brethren teach ) at the infallible spirit of the apostles ? and why did they not from their infallible and apostolick spirit seeke out and choose seven men to bee deacons , but remitted to the fallible spirit of the multitude who are not infallible or apostolick in their choise , both the nomination and election of these seven men ; but the apostles did much honour the churches of christ in cooperating with them , and in doing most things with their consent , that by example they might interdict dominion , and assert a ministeriall power , and make christ most monarch-like in the government of his spirituall kingdome : nor did they put off , or interdict themselves , nor forfeit their apostolick power , after churches were constituted , but used their apostolick power at the commandement of that great king exalted jesus christ , whose catholick ambassadours they were , as god immediatly moved them . object . . paul exercised the power of the keyes of knowledge upon barbarians , and might have preached to indians , and did pres●h to the scefling athenians . ergo , hee might exercise power of jurisdiction over them , and judge those who are without , it is no consequence , and against the word of god , cor. . . yea paul by this power dogmaticall rebuked the athenians , act. . . i perceive that in all things yee are too superstitious , yet paul had no power to excommunicate the athenians . mr. mather . answ. i deny not , but there is great odds betwixt a concionall rebukin● , by way of preaching , which may bee , and is alwayes performed by one , and a juridicall rebuking by a power juridicall of the keyes , which is performed onely by a church-s●ci●tie : now it cannot bee denyed but the rebuking of men , because they subverted soules , v. . is not a meere concionall rebuking , which may bee performed by one ; . it is a rebuking , v. . ( ) it is a rebuking performed by many , by a whole synod , v. . v. . ( ) it is performed by a politicall societie and body having a dogmaticall power to judge and determine in a doct●inall way , as our brethren say , and consequently as wee say , having a juridicall power , v. . it seemed good unto us , being assembled with one accord , to send chosen men unto you , &c. which is undenyably a politicall body , an assembled company , as v. . met about a question which concerneth the churches of christ , as is cleare , v. . v. . v. . c. . , . c. . . compared with v. . hence a businesse of doctrine which troubleth the churches of antioch , c , . . and of jerusalem , v. , , , . and syria and cilicia , v. , . must bee a church-businesse in respect of the subject . . the question is a church-question in the matter of practise , it cono●rneth the consciences of the churches in the point of taking and giving offence , in a church-societie as this doth , v. . that yee trouble not them which amongst the gentiles are turned unto god , and v. , . compared with cor. . , , , , & c. rom. . , . this was a church-●candall or publick offence , as touching the matter , materia qu●nt . ( ) the forme and manner of deciding the controversie was a publick church-way by the word of god , act. . so 〈◊〉 proveth , v. , . . and james , v. , , &c. maketh good . ( ) the efficient causes and agents in the question , are . church - 〈◊〉 , v. . apostles and elders . . church-officers conveened church-wayes in a church-body or societie , v. . c. . and the apostles and elders came together ( in a synod , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word which cur brethren acknowledgeth doth , cor. . . note a formall church-assembly ) to consider of this matter , and ● , . it seemed good to us being assembled with one accord , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the very word church is not wanting though with reverence of others , it seemeth not to bee the multitude , seeing the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beeing so generall , must have its signification from the action and end , for which the meeting is intended , as before i said ) as is cleare , v. . it pleased the apostles , elders , and whole church . . the action they performe , when they are met in a politicall body , is to decide a church-controversie , that troubled many churches , act. . . v. , . ( ) the end is the peace and edifying of the churches , as that the churches of the gentiles bee not troubled with needlesse ceremonies , as james saith , v. . and the good of the churches , v. . from which if you keepe your selves , yee shall doe well , c. . . and ●s they went through the cities they delivered them the decrees to 〈◊〉 , v. . so were the churches established in the faith . consider 〈◊〉 is the happy end and fruit of this synod ; the establish●●● of the churches . therefore have our brethren without reason ( i speake with reverence of their learning and godlinese ) denied the word church to bee given to a synod , or a meeting of elders , which to mee is cleare , act. . v. . the 〈◊〉 sending is the eldership of antioch ; the church recei●●● , v. . is the eldership at jerusalem , and cannot conveniently bee exponed of the whole and numerous thousands that ●●e●ed at jerusalem ; the rebuking cannot then bee meerely ●●●●inall by the power of the keyes of knowledge which is exercised by one , nor are the apostles and elders here considered as meerely preachers and teachers in the act of teacher , for why then should they not bee formally a church and a church-assembly , as our brethren say , if they bee an assembly meeting for preaching the word ? for the exercise of the keyes of knowledge in the hearing of a multitnde is essentially an act of preaching the word . object . . this synod declares only in a doctrinall way what is necessary , what is scandalous , the same way , that paul doth , rom. . , . i cor. . cor. . answ. this synod and paul declare one and the same thing , ergo , with one and the same authoritie , it followeth not ; paul writeth , cor. . that the incestuous man should bee excommunicated , and this hee wrote as canonicall scripture , by the immediat inspiration , of the holy spirit , if then the church of corinth should have excommunicated him , shall it follow that they gave out the sentence of excomunication by the immediate inspiration of the holy spirit ? i thinke not , their churches sentence had been given out by a meere ecclesiasticall authoritie , according to the wch churches of christ to the worlds end doth excommunicate , following the church of corinth as a patterne . obj. . though these obtruders of ceremonies did pervent so●ks , v. . yet the synod doth not summond them before them , nor excommuncite them , but remit them to the particular churches to whom it properly belonged to censure , and not to any synod , or superiour judicature . answ. there was no need to summon them , for these subverters of soules were personally present at the synod , and rebuked in the face of the synod as perverters of soules , v. . for if they were not present ; . to whom doth peter speake , v. . now therefore why tempt yee god to put a yoake on the necke of the disciples , &c. the apostles and elders did not impose the yoake of moses law upon the beleeving disciples , nor any other , save onely the obtruders of circumcision . . who were they in the synod who made much disputing ? v. . note the apostles , not any save these obtruders . ergo , they were personally present at the synod , nor needed they to excommunicate them , for i judge that they acquiesced to the determination of james , which was the sentence of the synod , and the great dispute spoken of , v. . ceased , v. . and the conclusion is agreed upon , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then it seemed good to the apostles , elders and whole church , and there was reason why these obtruders should acquiesce , so that there was no need of further censure , for there was satisfactiou in part given to both siddes . the question was , whether or no are beleevers now to keepe the law and the ceremonies of moses his law ? it was answered by the synod , by a distinction which favoured , in part , both sides , . there is no necessitie that the beleeving gentiles who are saved by grace as well as the jewes bee troubled to keepe all the ceremonies , and this satisfied the apostles who taught that the gentiles were now made one people with the jewes , and both are freed in conscience from moses his yoake , the other part of the distinction it was this , yet there bee some ceremoniall commandements , as not to eate things offered to idols , blood , and things strangled , ( for fornication is of another nature , and abstinence therefrom is of perpetuall necessitie , cor. . , , , . thess. . . col. . . ) these must bee avoided , for scandals sake , by all the jewes , but especially by the gentiles , lest the weake jewes , who take these to be divine commandements yet in force , take offence , and this was satisfactorie to the obtruders , and wee heare no more of their disputing , and there is an end of the controversie by the blessed labours of a lawfull synod . . i could easily yeeld that there is no necessitie of the elicit acts of many parts of government , such , as excommunication , ordination , admitting of heathens professing the faith to church-membership , in synods provinciall , nationall or oecumenicall , but that synods in the case of neglect of presbyteriall-churches , command these particular churches whom it concerneth , to doe their dutie , and in this sense the synod , act. . is to remit the censure of excommunication to the presbytery of antioch and jerusalem , in the case of the obstinacie of these obtruders of circumcision , but so some power of government is due to the synod , as prescribing of lawes and canons for presbyteries and congregations . object . . therefore was the synagogue of the jewes no compleat church , because all the ordinances of god cannot bee performed in the synagogue , and therefore were the jewes commanded onely at jerus salem and in no other place to keepe the passeover , and to offer offerings and sacrifices , which were òrdinary worship , deut. . but there is not any worship or sacred ordinance , ( saith that a worthy divine dr. ames ) of preaching , praying , sacraments , & c. prescribed , which is not to bee observed in every congregation of the new testament : nor is there any ordinary minister appointed who is not given to some one assembly of this kind . so also b mr. mather and mr. thomson , teachers in new england . others say because there was a representative worship of sacrificing of all the . tribes at jerusalem , therefore all the synagogues were dependent churches , and jerusalem was the supreme and bighest church , but there is no representative worship in the new testament , and therefore no need of synods , as higher churches . answ. surely the aforesaid reverend brethren of new england have these words , c but it seemeth to us that the power ( of a synod ) is not proporly a power and exercise of government and jurisdiction , but a power of doctrine , and so a synod is rather a ●aching then a governing church ; from which i inferre ; . that out brethren cannot deny a power of governing to a synod , but it is not so proper governing , as excommunication and ordination performed in their congregations , but ( say i ) it is more properly governing , as to make lawes and rules of governing , is a more noble , eminent and higher act of governing ( as is evident in the king and his parliament ) then the execution of these lawes and rules . . our brethren incline to make a synod a teaching church ; but i inferre that synodicall teaching by giving out decrees tying many churches , as our brethren of d new england , and the forenamed e authors teach , is an ordinance of christ that can bee performed in no single congregation on earth , for a doctrinall canon of one congregation can lay no ecclesiasticall tie upon many churches . ergo , by this reason our congregations shall bee dependent , as were the jewish synagogues . . with favour of these learned men it is a begging of the question to make jerusalem the supreme church , and the synagogues dependent churches , because it was lawfull onely at jerusalem to sacrifice , for i hold that jerusalem was a dependent church no lesse then the smallest synagogue in all the tribes , for in a catholick meeting of all judah for renewing a covenant with god , ierusalem was but a sister church , with all of iudah , benjamin , ephraim , manasseh , who chron. . . . , . made up one great church which did sweare that covenant . ordinances doe not formally make churches visible , nor divers ordinances divers churches ; profession of the truth formally constituteth a visible church , and church union in ordinances and government , and this was alike in the synagogues and in ierusalem . it was a thing meerely typicall that at ierusalem onely , and in the temple onely should there bee offerings and sacrifices , because in christ god-man , all our worship and service and prayers are accepted of the father , but ( i pray you ) did this instampe ierusalem with any note of church-supremacy above the meanest synagogue in all israel and iudah ? i see it not , all the synagogues and all the land were members of the nationall church , and every one a member of his owne synagogue , the persons processing the truth and dwelling at ierusalem had no supremacie over the synagogues , because they did inhabit that typicall place , but the priests and levites were indeed servants to all the land , in offering sacrifices , and in governing in the synedry either the greater , or the lesse , but these professors who did constitute the visible church at ierusalem had no church supremacie at all for their relation to the temple , their cohabitation or bodily contiguitie was no church-relation then or now ; and that these of the synagogues behooved to worship in some solemne acts onely at ierusalem , did no more give supremacie to the inhabitants of ierusalem to bee a church over them , then the synagogues could claime supremacie over the inhabitants of ierusalem , for the inhabitants of ierusalem were tied to worship there , and in no other place , and to stand to the determinntion of the great synodrie without appeale , because there was not a catholick visible church in the world but the church of the iewes ; and this argument with as great force of reason might conclude that all the cities and incorporations of england are in government dependent and subordinate to london and the suburbs , because they are subordinate to the honorable houses of parliament , if wee should suppone that westminster by a standing law of the kingdome were the unal●erable seat where the parliament can fit , and in no other place , which yet could prove nothing , seeing london and the suburbs are in their government no lesse subordinate to the parliament , then the meanest village and towne in england , and therefore i see no ground , because some representative worship was tied to jerusalem , to give jerusalem a church-supremacie , . because one congregation doth pray for another that is under pestilence and diseases , and praises god for the deliverance from these evills which also is a sort of representative worship ( every church and person partaking of a christian priesthood to offer up prayers and praises one for another ) it will not ( as i conceive ) prove that one congregation hath church-supremacie , and power of jurisdiction over another . because . all israel was alike circumcised ; . all alike the called people of god , in covenant with god ; . all had claime to the altar , sacrifices , temple , arke , &c. . all alike professed their subjection to god , to priests and prophets in these same ordinances , whether typicall , or judiciall , or morall , therefore every synagogue alike at ierusalem , at dan or bersheba , were alike congregationall churches , without dependance one upon another , and all depended upon the whole nationall church , and on the synodries supreme , subordinate , and the synagogue-government according to their subordinations respectively ; and i see no nationall church in israel peculiar to them , or typicall , more then there is a nationall church in scotland or england , though god put some distinguishing typicall notes upon their government , yet it never made either the invisible or visible church of the iewes to differ in nature and essence from the christian churches . object . . from the power of jurisdiction , in a synod , you may inferre a power of jurisdiction , in a nationall church , and a power of jurisdiction in the whole christian world , and wee know not any politicall church catholick and visible in scripture , and if then were any such church catholick , then might they conveene and sweart a catholick-covenant for uniformitie of doctrine , worship , and government of the church , as wee have done in britaine , and this catholick church might impose it , upon a nationall church , even by that same law of proportion , by which the nationall church may impose it on particular churches which are parts of the nationall church . answ. i see not how the consequence holdeth every way good , that as wee inferre from a juridicall power in a presbytery , the same power juridicall in a synod , and the same in a nationall assembly , that therefore wee may inferre the same juridicall power in an oecumenick councell : and the reasons of the disparitie i take to bee these ; . the farther remote in locall distance of place that churches bee , ( as it falleth out in the catholick visible church ) the danger of scandalizing one another , by visible communion , and so the opportunitie of edifying one another is the lesse , and so the communion visible is the lesse , and consequently the power of jurisdiction is the lesse . . an universall and oecumenick councell of all the visible churches on earth , is an act of the visible church which supposeth all the visible churches on earth to bee in that morall perfection of soundnesse of faith , of concord and unitie , that some one congregation or classicall presbytery of elders according to gods heart may bee in , which morall perfection perhaps is not de facto attainable , ( though it bee not physically impossible ) in this life , except wee suppose the heavenly dayes of christs visible reigne on earth a thousand yeares , when yet there shall bee no temple nor externall ministery , of which state i cannot now dispute , and therefore i conceive these sixteene hundred yeares there never was an integrall and perfect oecumenick councell of all the churches on earth , and therefore if wee should dispute of the juridicall power of such a catholick assembly whether it may impose an oecumenick and catholick oath on a nationall church against their will , and excommunicate a nationall church , is but a needlesse and a ch●mericall dispute , and it includeth two contradictory suppositions . . that all the churches on earth are of one sound faith , worship , doctrine and church-government , and yet one nationall church is supposed to bee heterodox , scandalous , and obstinate , so that that whole nationall church must bee constrained to take a lawfull oath and must bee excommunicated ; such an hypothesis is not possible where the gospell is preached , for even the whole romish church in all its members deserveth not excommunication , in respect wee are sure god hath thousands in the bosome of that church ; who beleeve in christ , and doe not defend popery with obstinacie , and such an hypothesis is contradicent to the supposition of the soundnesse of faith and unitie of all christian churches on earth , and therefore i plainely deny that christ hath given the like power of jurisdiction to the catholick visible church , that hee hath given to a nationall church , over a provinciall church or synod , and to a synod over a classical presbyterie ; yea i much doubt if a catholick councell can formally excommunicate a nationall church , though such a councell may use a power analogicall like to the power of excommunication . object . . but you cannot demonstrate from gods word , that there is such a thing in the new testament , as a catholick visible church . answ. i said something of this before , but i conceive the subject of the cor. . is a catholick , visible church , but , . wee doe not understand a politicall body with ordinary visible government from one man who maketh himselfe the vicar of christ , the pope , whose members are cardinals , bishops , & c. and such like . but the catholick body mysticall of jesus christ , and that as visible : and . that the apostle is to bee understood of an universall , not of a congregationall and particular politick church that meeteth in one place , is cleare ; . hee speaketh of that church wherein are diversities of gifts for the good of the whole catholick body , as miracles , the gift of prophecie , the gift of interpretation , the gift of healing , &c. of whom hee saith , v. , . there is the same spirit , and the same god , who worketh all in all , the particular congregation is not such an all in all . . hee speaketh of such a church as taketh in all baptized into one spirit , but this is the whole visible church , not one single congregation onely . . hee speaketh of such a church as taketh in all , both jewes and gentiles , making them one body , v. . and that taketh in all the world . . hee speaketh of such a church as hath an adequat and full relation to christ , from which this church is denominated christ mysticall , all the beleevers meeting in one mysticall body of christ , as lines in one center , v. . now a single congregation hath not a foot to fill this measure . . hee speaketh of such a body as hath need of the helpe one of another , as the head hath need of the feet , v. , , . those of a single congregation have need of those , who are eyes and eares without the congregation . . hee speaketh of such a body , as is not to separate in their members , one from another , to make a schisme in the body . v. . but a single congregation ought not to separate from the rest of the great body made up of many sister churches . . hee speaketh of such a body , the members whereof must care one for another , and suffer one with another , v. . now single congregations are such members of this great bodie , as must mourne with these that mourne and rejoyce with these that rejoyce , therefore one single congregation cannot bee this whole body , but its part onely . . hee speaketh of such a body in which god hath set , v. . apostles , prophets , teachers , mi●●cles , &c. now christ hath not wedged in apostles the catholick pastors of the whole world , to one single congregation , nor hath hee confined such a multitude of officers ordinarie and extraordinary to one single congregation . and that hee speaketh here of a catholicke visible church is cleare ; . hee speaketh of such a body , to which is given the manifestation of the spirit to profit withall , v. . this must bee a visible policie . . hee speaketh of a politicall and organicall body , having eyes , eares , hands , feet , &c. which must bee a visible ministery . . hee speaketh of a body capable of the seales , such as baptisme , v. . we all are baptized by one spirit into one body , this must bee a visible baptized body ; discerned by the visible character of baptisme from all societies of jewes , pagans , and others who professe not christ jesus . . hee speaketh of such a body as standeth in need of the helpe one of another , as the eye cannot say to the hand , i have no need of the , v. . this evidently cryeth that hee supposeth a visible and externall policie in this body . . hee speaketh of a body so tempered of god , as that there should bee no schisme in the body , nor separation from it , v. . now this cannot bee a separation from the invisible body of christ , for so hypocrites which are members of this visible body , and are often officers , as eyes and eares , yea pastors , and teachers remaining in the body without any schisme or separation , are yet separatists from the invisible body of christ , and no more parts of that body , then a woodden leg or arme is a member of a living man. . he speaketh of that body which is to expresse its care in praying , praising , mourning and rejoycing with the rest of the members as they are in a good or adverse condition of prosperitie or adversitie , v. , . and this must bee a visible church praying or praising god. . hee speaketh of such a church as the fellow members may see and know by their senses , to suffer , and bee in a hard condition , or to rejoyce , as v. . . and this is more then apparently cleare to bee a visible church . . hee speaketh of such a church as god hath furnished with severall officers , in severall orders visibly knowne to bee different officers , as v. . now god hath set some in the church , first apostles , secondarily prophets , thirdly teachers , these bee parts and most eminent and considerable organs of a visible church . and the like i might prove by divers of these arguments of that body politicall of which the apostle speaketh , rom. . , , , . to the end of the chapter . these speciall exceptions there bee against this . . that the church , cor. . is the invisible and mysticall body of christ , because it is a body baptized by one spirit . . a body called christ , that is christ mysticall . answ. it is true that this visible body hath also an inward and spirituall baptizing , answerable to the externall and outward baptizing , and so according to that internall and mysticall union it is an invisible body , as these reasons prove : but the question is , if the apostle speake of the body of christ in that notion , we deny that , for hee speaketh plainly here of the church , as it is a politicall , organicall and visible body . object . . if one should say , god hath placed in the common-wealth emperours , kings , dukes , princes and rulers , as the eyes and eares of the commonwealth , it should no wayes follow that all the common-wealths in the earth are one visible civill body having a government , so though it hee said god hath placed in the spirituall common-wealths of the church apostles , prophets , teachers , &c. it followeth not that the church is all one spirituall , politick visible body , it followeth onely that the lord hath placed in the church apostles , prophets , teachers indefinitly , that is , that these may bee in any one single congregation , as it is said , james . . if there come into your assembly , or synagogue , a man with a gold ring , &c. now this will not prove that all the dispersed jewes , to whom james wrote , were all but one congregation . answ. . it is true , if any should say , god hath placed in the common-wealth emperors , kings , dukes , princes , it should not folow that common-wealths are one body , even jewes , gentiles , barbarians , americans , because there is not this externall union of visible communion in the common-wealths of the earth , as there is in the churches ; but if one should say , god hath placed emperors , kings , dukes , princes in the common-wealths , as in one organicall body , having one head who hath given influence to so many orgins of head feet , hands , eyes , eares , &c. as the apostle speaketh of this body of the church , he should then say all the common-wealths of the world made but one body , but this indefinite speech must , by good logick , have the vertue either of an universall or a particular proposition , as if i say ( the church hath seated in it apostles , prophets , teachers , &c. ) you meane either the cathlick visible church , or the particular congregation , or . some church betwixt these two : our brethren cannot say they meane of a middle church , for then they grant ( contrary to their owne principles ) a politicall visible church , beside a congregation ; if they say the first , wee have what wee crave ; if they say that the congregation hath seated in it apostles , prophets , they fall in the former absurditie , for god hath placed apostles , in the whole christian world . object . . when the apostle saith , v. . the head cannot say to the feet , i have no need of you ; either must wee acknowledge here that ●ee meaneth the head of a congregation , to wit a pastor , or a doctor , and so hee speaketh here of a congregation ; or if hee speake of the catholick church , then estius his argument may stand in force to 〈◊〉 the pope to bee the head of the church ; for estius exponing these needs ( the head cannot say to the feet , i have no need of you ) by the head of the catholick church ( saith hee ) you either understand christ the principall head , or then , some mortall man , the pope , who is a ministeriall head ; the former you cannot say , because christ being god , and also man perfectly happy , hee may say to all the members of his church great and small , yea to the very angels , i have no need of you ; for hee can sanctifie and governe his church without the ●●d , the sacraments , or any ministers , therefore the head which 〈◊〉 in need of the feet , must bee the ministeriall head the pope , 〈◊〉 standeth in need of the feet for the governing of the body in a ministeriall way . i answer , there is no reason for a popish argument to leave the truth , for this argument shall no lesse militate against cur brethren , then against us , because it shall prove that there is a ministeriall head and pope in every congregation , which is no lesse absurd then to make a catholick head over all the visible catholick church . secondly , as for the argument it is easily answered , for the apostle here useth a comparison from the naturall body , and there is no ground to presse every to● , lith and sinew of a comparison ; and wee deny that the word ( head ) here doth signifie literally either pastor or bishop , for the eye also being that which watcheth and seeth for the whole body should also signifie the pastor , but the intent of the spirit of god is , that the most eminent members which are as the eyes & the head , whether their eminencie bee excellencie of saving grace , called , gratia gratum faciens , or excellencie of gifts , called , gratia gratis data , they have need of the gifts and graces of others inferiors and of meaner parts , and there is neither ministeriall head , nor ministeriall feet , nor ministeriall eyes in the text. object . . to every visible church there should bee a paster to feed and rule that church , if then there bee here a catholick visible church , thers should also be a catholick visible pastor , & that is a pope . answ. that to every church meeting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into one place , for word and sacraments , there should bee one pastor onely and a supreme one , i deny ; there may bee more pastors then one , but that to every catholick church there should be one head most eminent , that is farre rather to bee denied , for this is so great a flocke that there bee a necessitie of multitude of pastors and watchmen to attend so catholick a flock . object . . you teach that the government of consociated churches is warranted by the light of nature , which if it bee true , surely this light of nature being common to us , in civill , as in ecclesiasticall ca●ses , then by natures light every citie governed with rulers within it selfe , is suberdinate to a classe of many cities , and that classe to a nationall meeting of all the cities , and the nation must in its government bee subordinate to a catholick or ●ecumenick civill court , and this same way may appeales ascend in civill courts ; and because by the same light of nature ( saith mr. mather , and mr. thomson ) there must bee some finall and supreme judgement of controversies le●t ●ppeaks should bee spun out in infinitum , it must bee proved that this sup●em 〈◊〉 lyeth not in a congregation . answ. . appeales being warranted by the morall counsell which je●hro gave to moses , in which there is nothing typicall or ●remoniall , but a patterne that all common-wealths on earth , without any danger of judaizing may fellow , cannot but bee ( as whittaker hath observed ) naturall , and supposing that god hath given warrant in his word , for monarchies , which are knowne by gods appointment to bee independent , as also the government of all free and unconquered states are , it doth follow by the light of nature , that appeales in all states are naturall , and that god hath appointed that the supremacie should lie within the bounds of every free monarchie or state , so that there can bee no appeale to any oecumenicall or catholick civill court , for that is against the independent power that god hath given to states ; but in the church it is farre otherwise , for god hath appointed no visible monarchie in his church , nor no such independencie of policie within an congregation classicall , provinciall or nationall church and therefore though appeales bee warranted both in church and state , by the light of nature , yet appeales to exotick and forraine judicatures is not warranted by any such light , but rather contrary thereunto . . church-appeales , though warranted by the light of nature , yet it is supposed they bee rationall , and grounded on good reason , as that either the matter belong not to the congregation , or then it bee certaine or morally presumed the congregation will bee partiall and unjust , or the businesse bee difficill and intricate , and if appeales bee grcundlesse and unjust , neither christ , nor natures light doth warrant them , yea in such a case the supremacie , from which no man can lawfully appeale , lyeth sometime in the congregation , sometime in the classicall presbytery , so as it is unlawfull to appeale , for illud tantumpossumus quod jure possumus , and neither christ nor natures light doth warrant us to unjust appeales , or to any thing against equitie and reason : but that supremacy of power should bee in a congregation without any power of appealing , i thinke our brethren cannot teach ; for when the church of antioch cannot judge a matter concerning the necessitie of keeping moses his law , or any difficill dogmaticall point , they by natures direction , act. . . decree to send pau ' , barnabas and others to jerusalem to the apostles and elders , as to a higher judicature , that their truth may bee determined , and this they did without any positive law that wee can imagine : for a mr. mather and mr. thomson , as also b the author of the church government of new england teach that the church of antioch had , jus , power to judge and determine the controversie , but because of the difficultie had not light ●o judge thereof ; ergo they must acknowledge appeales by natures light warrantable as well as wee , for suppose wee , that a congregation inclineth to this ( that arminianisme is the sound doctrine of grace opposite to stoicisme ) one man is cited before the congregation for holding the contrary , hee knoweth all the congregation in those points to be pelagians , would not our brethren say , that this man so unjustly accused for holding the truth against the enemies of grace may appeale to a synod ? i thinke they must teach this by their grounds , though by the way i thinke the brethren erre in this to teach that antioch had power to determine the controversie , act. . in this case ; . when the churches of syria and cilicia , to their knowledge , were troubled with the like question , as v. . may cleare ; . when as the partie against the truth was so prevalent within the church of antioch , act. . . as that they opposed the apostle pau ' , and barnabas , also in this case i doubt much if they had power to determine a question , that so much concerned all the churches , for that was proper to a synod of many churches . . when the greatest part of a church , as antioch , is against the truth , as is cleare , act. . . i beleeve in that they lose their jus , their right to determine ea●enus , in so farre , for christ hath given no ecclesiasticall right and power to determine against the truth , but onely for the truth , and therefore in this , appeales must bee necessary . mr. mather and mr. thomson against herle , c. . p. . . say we do much judaizein that we multiply appeales upon appeales , from the congregation to a classe , then to a synod , then to a nationall assembly , then to an ●eckmenick councell , and this way , while the world indureth , causes are never determined , and synods cannot alwayes bee had , even as in jerusalem the supreme judicature was farre remote from all proselytes , as from the eunuch of aethiopia , act. . and from the remotest parts of the holy land ; but god hath provided better for us , in the new testament , where every congregation , which is at hand , may decide the controversie . answ. . the speedinesse of ending controversies in a congregation , is badly compensed with the suddainnesse and temerity of delivering men to satan , upon the decision of three elders , without so much as asking advise of any classes of elders , and with deciding questions deepe and grave , that concerneth many churches , which is a putting a private sickle in a common and publick harvest . . all appeales without just warrant from christs will , wee condemne , as the abuse of appeales to a court , which is knowne shall never bee . . antiochs appeale to a synod two hundreth miles distant ( as our brethren say ) in so weighty a question , was no judaizing , but that which paul and the apostles was guiltie of , as well as wee . . matters concerning many churches must bee handled by many . the doctrine of the presbyteriall churches of jerusalem , corinth , ephesus , antioch , vindicated . vvee are convinced from the numerous multitude of beleevers , and the multitude of pastors at this famous and mother church of the christians at jerusalem , to beleeve the frame and mould was presbyteriall , and that it cannot bee so much as imagined or dreamed that it was moulded to the patterne of one single congregation which could all meet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into one place . the frame of an independent single congregation is such as no more doe meet ordinarily in one house , then may conveniently bee edified , in partaking of one word , and one breaking of bread , that is , one table at the supper of the lord ; nor can wee imagine that the first mould of a christian visible church was so inconvenient as that it crossed edification and conversion , which is the formall effect of a church-meeting : now the multitude was such as could not , neither morally ; nor physically , meet in one house . for at one table many thousands and multiplied thousands could not meer and therefore consider their number ; they were , act. . a hundreth and twentie met in one place , but i shall not bee of the opinion that this was all , seeing , cor. . . christ after his resurrection was seene of cephas , then of the twelve , after that hee was seene of above five hundreth brethren ; then in one day at one sermon about three thousand soules , act. . . and ch . . . though they were apprehended who preached the gospell , yet many of them which heard the word beleeved , and the number of the men was about five thousand . i deny not but worthy calvin saith , id potius de tota ecclesia , quam de nova accessione intelligendum , this was the whole number including the three thousand that were converted , c. . but first hee saith , potius , hee inclineth rather to this opinion : but secondly the text saith of those which heard the word , it would seeme to mee , at the second sermon of peter , and a augustine , b chrysostome , c bed● , d basilius , e oecumenius , f hieronym . g ireneus make this number divers from the former , so doe h cornelius a lap. i salmeron , k stapletonus , ( l ) sanctius , m lorinus , n lyranus , o cajetanus ; but we shall not contend about the matter , nor yet whether the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 includeth women , which it often doth in the greek , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in demosthenes doth also ; yet the wisdome of god in the apostles cannot admit us to imagine that five thousand could ordinarily meet to the word , sacraments , and government in one house , and after this many thousands were added to this church . . our brethren say , it is one thing to say that they could not meet in one place by reason of extrinsecall impediments of persecution , and through want of a capacious and large roome , and another thing to say , that it was unpossible that they could bee one congregation , and meet in one place , for though wee prove they could not meet because of persecution , wee doe not prove that they were so numerous that they could not conveniently meet in one place . answ. though it bee evident that the apostles were persecuted , cast in prison , and beaten , act. . . c. . . . . . it is as evident that they had assemblies , and churches meetings , act. . . . . c. . , , . c. . . v. . now the question then is not if they could not meet , for extrinsecall impediments of persecution ; for both our brethren and wee agree in this , that they had their church-assemblies for word and sacraments , then the question is upon the supposall of church assembles , which the persecution of the jewes then fearing the people was not able to hinder , c. . , whether or no was the church at jerusalem of such a competent number , onely as that they could meet not occasionally onely to heare a sermon , but in an ordinary church-meeting to heare the word , and communicate in the breaking of bread , and seales of the covenant ; and though the want of a capacious house bee also an extrinsecall impediment why they could not meet , yet that they wanted such a capacious house as the temple , will prove nothing , but it cannot bee said that they wanted a capacious house for the ordinary meeting of a congregation , the ordinary and genuine use whereof is to bee edified by the word and sacraments , and that an ordinary house could containe such a number of thousands and multitudes as can bee edified in a congregationall way , is denyed . . our brethren say ; that they did not eate the supper in private houses , for the breaking of bread , act. . . was common bread , and they had the use of the temple , and taught in the temple , for the senate of the jewes durst not extend their malice to the highest , act. . . for they feared the people , and act. . . so when they had s●●●her threatned them , they let them goe , finding nothing how they might punish them because of the people ; for all men glorified god , for that which was done , so the people favouring the apostles , they made use of their libertie to the full , and bad their publick meetings for word and sacraments in the temple , and did meet in private houses , act. . . in a private way , not in a church way , so act. . . they had favour with all the people . answ. it is said these beleevers , v , . were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one place , and those who , v. . did eate bread 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from house to house , met then being in one place , and ( eating of bread from house to house ) must bee exponed as wee doe , distributively , that is , divided in small assemblies , for the argument that we bring militateth against the eating of their common meat in houses , all being in one private house ; were three thousand in ●ne place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all at one banquet , and that daily ? . it is true , divers expone the breaking of bread , v. . not of the supper of the lords yet of the banquets of love where there was an assembly of many ; but v. . it is cleare these three thousand did receive the supper of the lord together , and it is so true that the syriack hath it in his exposition thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 un●isht an●hephin bavau but luthi u●aktsa●a deu●ha●rskia , it is memorable , saith lorinus , that hee retaineth the name of eucharistia , it a is rendred , et communica●ant in oratione & fractione eucharistia , yea and b lutherus and c calvin both expound it so , and as d lorinus , e cajetanus , f cornelius a lapide , they bee all spirituall exercises named here . but how can wee imagine that many thousands could in one meeting communicate at one table in the lords supper , and that ordinarily ? . what voyce could reach to so many thousands , as they did grow unto ? . what table could suffice to a congregation of so many thousands added to the church , for the supper is a table ordinance , and requireth table communion , table gestures , which the apostles could not so soone remove and change into an altar , that all might conveniently heare and bee edified . . can wee beleeve , that seeing congregationall meetings of fewer , and that in private houses , was lesse obnoxious to the indignation of authoritie , then meeting in the temple , as is most evident , act. . , . and seeing the apostles had libertie to meet , act. . . that they would draw the first mould of the christian visible church , after the patterne of a convention most unfit , yea unpossible , for attaining the intended end , to w●t , edification , especially not being compelled thereunto , by an extrinsecall necessitie . our brethren say , three thousand , five thousand might all communicate in one place , though not at one time , súccessively , as it is in many numerous congregations ; but i answer . after they were five thousand , ch . . i dare say , taking in the hundreth and twentie , the five hundreth brethren that all saw christ at once , cor. . . and the fruit of the preaching of the other ten apostles , all now present at jerusalem , when the 〈…〉 the spirit on all flesh , joe . . , . 〈◊〉 , , . was now to take effect at this time , there were 〈◊〉 thousand , but after there all it is said , act. . . the 〈…〉 were multiplyed , v. . and the word of god 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the 〈…〉 disciples grew exceedingly , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a great 〈◊〉 the priests were obedient to the faith ; how many of the people were then obedient to the faith ? could all these make on : congregation to eate at one table ? but . when they are put to this shift , to say , that they did communicate suc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 table , and ( which must bee ) not all in one day , then 〈◊〉 brethren grant there was not here such a congregation as is , cor. . when you come together therefore into one 〈…〉 eat the lords supper , . wherefore my brethren 〈…〉 together to eate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tarry one for another ; when 〈◊〉 come to eate at the love-feasts , especially at the lords supper , saith di●datus ; if every one of the congregation bee to waite on while another come , then in the apostolick church all the congregation came together to the lords supper to one place and at one time , and this is not the congregation where of hee speaketh , cor. . . if therefore the whole church c●me together to the same place , and all speake with tongues , 〈…〉 in th●se that are unlearned and unbeleovers , will they 〈…〉 mad ? hence all the congegration come together to one place , at one time , and the place was so that heathen and unbeleevers might come into their worship of the congregation , but our brethren make the meeting of this congregation such as they were not to s●ay one for another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all at one time , but successively , and so as the whole congregation could not come to one place at once , but by 〈◊〉 and quarters , and fractions and divided parts , now one 〈◊〉 , or two thousand , then another two thousand the next day , for the apostles then celebrating the supper at night and after supper , c●r . . . few thousands should bee able to communicate after supper . . there was no necessitie , that these wise master-builders should divide the church , and the first visible church in so many parts , and this successive communion doth clearely prove our point , that there were many congregations , for every successive fraction being a competent convention of beleevers having the word and sacraments , and so power of jurisdiction not to admit all promiscuously to the lords table , is to our brethren a compleat church , for to it indeed agreeth the essentiall characters of a visible instituted church , for there is here a ministery , the word and sacraments , and some power of jurisdiction within it selfe , and so what lacketh this successive fraction of an intire congregation ? but what ground for so needlesse a conjecture , that the apostolick church did celebrate the lords supper in the temple , never in private houses ? the contrary is , act. . . and upon the first day of the weeke the disciples came together to breake bread , paul preached unto them , v. . and there were many lights in an upper chamber , where they were conveened , so the text is cleare , the first day of the weeke , cor. . . was the day of the christians publick worship , and a augustine , b calvin , c lu●her , d melancthon , bullinger , e diodatus ; and so f lorinus and g sanchius say this was the lords supper , who can imagine that the apostles did bring so many thousand christians after supper to the temple , to celebrate a new evangelick feast , and that immediatly after peters first sermon , act. . ? . before the apostles had informed the jewes , that all their typicall and ceremoniall feasts were now abolished , yea while they stood in vigor , and the apostles themselves kept them in a great part ? was this like the spirit of the gospel , which did beare with moses his ceremonies for fortie yeares ? . the apostles , act. . . are indited before the synedry , that they taught , in the temple , jesus christ : if they had with so many thousands , gone to the temple with a new extraordinary ceremoniall ordinance as a new sacrament , so contrary in humane reason , to all the sacred feasts , sacrifices , and ceremonies , should not this with the first have beene put in their inditement , that they were shouldering moses out of the temple ? yet are they onely accused for teaching the people ; yea christ the law-giver , who preached the gospell daily in the temple , would not take the last supper to the temple , but celebrated it in a private chamber ; and paul being accused alwayes as an enemy to moses and the temple , his enemies the jewes who watched him heedfully , could never put on him , that hee celebrated a sacrament in the temple : as for baptisme it being a sort of washing , ( whereof the pharisees used many , matth. . mark. . ) it was performed often sub di● in rivers , never in the temple ; wee desire any author , father , ( ocecumenius doubteth onely ) doctor , divine , protestant , or papist , late or old , who said the apostles celebrated the supper in the temple . . our brethren say all , these did conve●ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for act. . . when they had prayed the place was shaken where they were assembled together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. . . and they continued daily with one accord in the temple , and breaking bread from house to house , did eate their meat with gladnesse . answ. the place , act. . . saith not , that all the five thousand beleevers were in that one place , which was shaken , for v. . that when the apostles were let goe by the priests and captaines of the temple they returned to their owne company 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to their owne , but no circumstance in the text doth inferre that they came backe to the whole five thousand , but onely to some few of the first beleevers , that were converted before the first sermon of peter was made , cap. , they returned , lyra and hugo cardinalis , to their owne company , ad domesticos suos , and so saith lorinus , who citeth the syriack 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hachaiehin ad fratres suos . salmeron , ad suos ●apostolos , sive condiscipulos & domesticos fidei , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not signifie the whole church , but friends and domesticks , as , mark. . . goe home to thy own house and shew thy friends , luke , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 compared with , luk. . . and gal. . , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and tim. . . therefore the place saith that the five thousand were gathered together in this one place which was shaken . . giving and not granting that they were all conveened to prayer , it doth not follow that they did meet ordinarily in one place , for partaking of word and sacraments , as one congregation , for ●oe might conveene to prayer and hearing the word , then could meet ordinarily in a congregationall-way . neither will any text inforce us to expone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , collectively , but distributively , as wee say , all the congregations in scotland met , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in one , every lords day , that is , every one of the congregations is in one place , but the sense is not that all the congregations collectively are in one place . and wee may justly aske what this place was which was shaken , it is not like that it was the temple , that which should have beene more prodigious like , and presaged a ruine to the temple , would not have beene concealo● by the holy ghost , for it would have more terrified the jewes , and the temple is never called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sine adjecto , without some other thing to make it bee knowne to bee the holy place , if it was a private house , give us leave to say it could not containe five thousand to heare prayer , farre lesse a more numerous multitude . wee re●it it to the judgement of the wise , if the apostles were so lazie to propagate the gospell , that where twelve of them were present undoubtedly , act. . . act. . . and ( as many of the learned thinke , the seventie disciples ) that eleven apostles did heare the word onely , and one did speake to one congregation onely , which consisted of so many thousands , for to the five thousand , if there were no moe , c. . . mere beleevers were added to the lord , multitudes both of men and women , who could not conveniently heare ? this i thinke not imaginable ; for . now the harvest was large , thousands were to bee converted . . the spirit was now powred upon all flesh . . christ , when hee sent the tw●lve but to jude● , hee sent them two and two , and would have every man at worke , and the apostles went out in twoes , act. . paul and b●rna●as and sometimes but one peter was sent to the jewes , paul to the gentiles , and the world divided amongst them , . of other officers timothy is sent to ephesus , titus to crete , that so they might the more swiftly spread the gospell to all the world . what wisedome could wee imagine would lead the twelve apostles to speake to one single congregation met in one place , at one time ? the rest , to wit the eleven and the seventic disciples being silent ? for in the church the god of order will have one to speake at once , cor. . . but our reverend brethren seeing and considering well that the church at jerusalem could not all meet in one congregationall way , and that they were a christian church , and so behoo●ed to bee a presbyteriall church , they doe therefore betake themselves to another answer , for they say that this church at 〈…〉 an extraordinary constituted church , and . wanted an eldership , and presbytery , as christian churches have now : . the government was meerely apostolicall : . the constitution was somewhat jewish , rather then christian , for their service was mixed with legall ordinances and jewish observances for many yeares , and therefore cannot bee a patterne of the christian visible church which wee now seeke . to which i answer . . because our brethren consider that the church of jerusalem will not bee their independent congregation , before wee obtaine it , for us , as a mould of a presb●t●riall church , they had rather quit their part of it , and permit the jewes to have it , for us both , but wee are content that their congregations in some good sense bee given to them , and not to jewes . . there is no reason , but the church of jerusalem bee a christian church ; . the externall profession of a visible church maketh it a visible christian church , but this church professeth faith in christ already come in the flesh and the sacraments of the new testament , baptisme , and the sacramentall breaking of bread , act. . , . wee desire to know how saving faith in a multitude constituteh an invisible church , and the externall and blamelesse profession of that same saving faith doth not contitute a visible church also ? and how this is not a christian visible church not differing in essence and nature from the 〈◊〉 churches that now are , to which the essentiall note of a visible church agreeth , to wit the preaching or profession of the sound faith : if it bee called an apostolick and so an extraordinary christian church because the apostles doth governe ●it , that is not enough , if the apostles governe it , according to the rule of the word framing the visible churches of the new testament , this way the church of corinth , cor. . shall bee an apostolick and so an extraordinary church , which our brethren cannot say . but wee desire to know wherein the frame of this first patterne christian church at jerusalem is so extraordinary , that it cannot bee a rule to us to draw the mould of our churches according to it , for if the apostles make it a patterne of an ordinary christian church in word and sacraments , to say it was extraordinary in the government , except you shew that that government was different from the rule that now is in government , is petitio principii , to begge what is in question , for these same keyes both of knowledge and jurisdiction that by your grant , were given to the church , matth. . , , . were given to the apostles , matth. , , . and joh. . . if you say it is extraordinary , because as yet they had not deacons , for the apostles did as yet serve tables , where as afterward act. . that was given to the deacons by office , and so they had not elders , nor doctors , nor pastors as we now ha●e , but the apostles were both pastors , ruling elders , doctors , and deacons , and they were the onely governing eldership , and this was extraordinary that they had no eldership , and so they were for that same cause no presbyteriall church , whence it followeth that you cannot make this church which had no presbytery , a patterne of a presbyteriall church . but i answer , this will not take off the argument , if wee shall prove that after they were more then could meet in one congregation , and so after they were so numerous that they were moe congregations then one , they had one common government , and . wee say though the apostles had power to governe all the churches of the world , and so many congregations , yet if they did rule many congregations as elders , and not as apostles , wee prove our point . now we say where baptisme and the lords supper was , there behoved to bee some government , else the apostles admitted promiscuously to baptisme and the lords supper any the most scandalous and prophane , which wee cannot thinke of the apostles : it is true say you , they admitted not all , but according to the rule of right government , but this right government was extraordinary , in that it was not in a setled eldership of a congregation , which was oblieged to reside and personally to watch over that determinate flock , and no other flock , but it was in the hands of the apostles , who might goe through all the world to preach the gospell , and were not tied to any particular flock : and so from this neither can you draw your classicall eldership , nor wee our congregationall eldership . but i answer , yet the question is begged , for though it bee unlawfull for a setled eldership not to reside where their charge is , yet the question is now of a government in the hands of those who are oblieged to reside and give personall attendance to the flock , and the government in the hands of the apostles , who were not oblieged to personall attendance over this and this particular flock , which they did governe ; were governments so different in nature , as the one is a patterne to us , not the other , and the one followeth rules different in nature and spirit from the other ; for though it were granted that the apostles did governe many congregations as apostles , not as elders , yet there was no extraordinary reason why these many congregations should bee called one church , and the beleevers added to them , said to bee added to the church , as it is said , act. . . and the lord added to the church daily such as should bee saved , except this church bee one entire body governed and ruled according to christs lawes . . there bee seven descons chosen to this church , act. . and deacons are officers of the church of philippi which our brethren calleth phil. . . a congregationall church , and pnebe was a deaconisse ( say they ) of the church of cenchrea , rom. . . and if they had deacons , they could not want elders , who are as necessary . . this church could not bee so extraordinary as that it cannot bee a patterne to us of the constant government of churches by elders , which wee call aristocraticall , seeing it is brought as a patterne of the churches government by the voices of the people , which is called by divines , in some respect , democraticall , and this place is alledged by our brethren , and by all protestant divines against bishops and papists to prove that the people have some hand in government , to wit , in election of officers , and so the words are cleare , act. . . and this saying pleased the whole multitude , and they choosed steven , &c. so this multitude did not make one congregationall church , but it was a company of the multiplied disciples , both of grecians and hebrews , as is clearely related to these spoken of , v. . c. . now hebrewes and grccians were directly one church having one government , and seven deacons , common to both , now that could not bee a single independent congregation , as is already proved . . if the con●titution of this church at jerusalem bee sewish , because of some jewish observations , and so no patterne of the frame of ordinary visible churches christian ; i say . this is no good argument , seeing the christian visible church , and the jewish visible church is of that same frame and constitution , having that same faith , s●all grant , except papists , socinians and armini●ns , and so that same profession of that same faith . . if this were a good reason , then all the churches of the gentiles which are commanded for a time , in the case of scandall , to observe some jewish lawes , to abstaine from eating meates offered to id●ls , and from blood , and from things strangled , act. . . act. . . shall bee also churches in their constitution jewish , and so no patterne to us ; and the church of rome and of corinth shall bee jewish also , and no patterne to us , because in case of scandall they are to abstaine from meats forbidden in the law of moses , rom. . cor. . c. . but this our brethren cannot teach . . though apostles did governe all these congregations , yet wee are not to thinke● that seeing there were such abundance of gifted men in this church , on which the spirit , according to joels prophecie , was powred in so large a measure , that they did not appoint elders who did personally watch over the converted flock , especially seeing apostles use never this apostolicall and extraordinary power , but in case of necessitie , where ordinary helpes are wanting , else this answer might clude all reasons drawn from the first moulded churches which were planted by the apostles and watered by their helpers . but i have heard some say , that multitude of pastors at jerusalem doth not prove that the apostles were idle , if they did all attend me congregation , because they had worke enough in the synagogues 〈◊〉 convert the unconverted jewes , all the twelve did not labour in preaching to the one single new converted congregation . answ. but if you lay downe our brethrens supposition , that the apostles had no publick meetings for the word and sacraments of the christian church , but the temple , and that they ceased not daily in the temple , and from house to house to teach and preach christ , as is said , act. . . then consider that they preached not daily in the synagogues , but in the temple and i● houses , and their first conquest of five thousand was above three congregations , beside those who daily came in : and c●r●ainly it the first was but one congregation , yet one of the twelve preached to that congregation , the other eleven b●hoor●d to have a congregation also . . our brethren acknowledge the church of jerusalem to be one church , for it is called , even before the dispersion , one church in the singular number , act. . . and the lord added to the church daily . 〈◊〉 as should bee saved , act. . . great feare came upon all the church , and act. . a● that time there was a great persecution 〈◊〉 church . . they grant before the disportion that it had a government , but they deny this government to bee presbyterial , thy s●y it was apostolick and extraordinary , and that it had not in eldership , nor read wee of any elders till after the dispersion , act. . when their number was diminished , so as it is cleare they 〈◊〉 meet in one congregation . . you must prove this government bee one if you prove a presbyteriall church at jerusalem . . 〈◊〉 must prove divers formed and organicall and severall con●●●nions at jerusalem , if you prove such presbyteriall churches as 〈◊〉 have in scotland ; but i pray you , the apostles ( you say ) 〈◊〉 the church of jerusalem as apostles , and so as extraordinary elders , not as an ordinary eldership and presbytery , but give mee leave to say this is a meere shift . . what reason to call the apostles governing of the church extraordinary , more then their preaching the word and their administration of the sacraments is extraordinary ? and if word and sacraments doe prove that this was the first visible church and a type and patterne to all visible churches , why should its government bee extraordinary ? . why should the government bee extraordinary , because the apostles did governe it , in respect they were extraordinary officers , and should not the government bee by the apostles ; and exercised by them as a common ordinary presbytery , seeing this church in its goods , was governed by seven ordinary and constant chu●ch-officers , the seven deacons ? act. . and seeing the people did exercise an act of ordination ( say our brethren ) but an act of popular election ( say wee ) which cannot bee denynyed to bee a politick act of divers churches , hebrewes and grecians choosing their owne ordinary officers in relation to which they made one governed church , under one common government , which is not congregationall ; because not of one congregation , but of moe congregations conveened in their principall members ( for they could not all meet in one , as wee have proved ) ergo , it must bee presbyteriall . and that this government is one to mee is evident , because these seven deacons were officers in ordinary to them all . . wee see not how wee need to prove that the severall congregations were severall formed , fixed and organicall bodies ; . because it shall bee hard to our brethren to prove a parishionall church in its locall circuit in the apostolick church , and when churches were moulded and framed first in locall circuits of parishes , i will not undertake to determine . . ten congregations in a great citie , though not moulded locally and formally in ten little distinct churches organicall , yet if sixteene or twentie elders in common feede them all , with word , seales and common government , they differ not in nature from ten formed and fixed congregations , and the government is as truely aristocraticall , and presbyteriall , as if every one of them had their owne fixed eldership out of these sixteene elders , for fixing of this or this elder to this or this congregation is but accidentall to the nature of an organicall church ; if ten little cities have ten magistrates who ruleth them all in common , they are ten perfect politicall incorporations and societies , no lesse then if to every one of these ten were a fixed magistrate , to this or this citie ; because the king and state might accuse them all for any misgovernment or act of unjustice done by the whole ten conveened in one judicature to judge themall ; for what unjustice is done by the major part is to bee imputed to the whole colledge , in so farre as the whole colledge hath hand in it . . the formall acts of a politicall congregation not fixed are one and the same in nature and essence with the formall church-acts of a fixed congregation ; for . the word and sacraments are one and the same : . their acts of government , in rebuking , accusing , and joynt consenting to deliver to satan an incestuous man are one and the same , whether the congregation bee fixed , or not fixed ; shew us a difference . but it is said , they are different in a politicall or in a church-consideration , . because this determinate congregation is to subject their consciences in the lord , to this fixed eldership whom they have called and chosen to bee their elders , and not to the ministery of any others , as thess. . . know them that labour amongst you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( not those who are over others , ) and that are over you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and are over you in the lord , not over others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and adm●nish you , not others : and . the pastors are to feed such a flocke over which the holy ghost hath set them , acts . . and they are to feede the flocke amongst them , pet. . . not any other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , therefore pastors are fixed by the holy ghost to a fixed congregation . . pastors are not rebuked by the spirit of god , for remisse exercise of jurisdiction and church-power , but over their owne fixed congregation , not because they doe not exercise their power over other congregations over which they are not , and for whose soules they do not watch , as is evident in the severall rebukes tendered by christ to every angell or eldership of the seven churches in asia , revel . . c. . where every angel and church is rebuked for their owne omissions towards their owne fixed and particular flocks . answ. the places doe not come up , to prove fixed congregations in the apostles times ; for . wee deny that the church of thessalonica was one single fixed congregation , or the church of ephesus either , and farre lesse can the churches of pontus , galatia , cappadocia , asia , and bythinia , to which peter writeth , and whose elders , pet. . . . hee exhorteth to feede the flock of god , bee one fixed congregation , nor doe they prove that fixed congregations were , though i thinke it not unprobable that when phebe , rom. . . is called a deac●nisse of the church , which is at cenchrea , that there were fixed congregations at that time , but many things not without apparent strength of much probabilitie may bee said by the learned , on the contrary . . the eldership of ephesus i dare not call the eldership of one congregation , farre lesse of one fixed congregation , and they are all commanded to feed the flocke over which the holy ghost had set them , and no other church that is most true . but how doe our brethren inferre a fixed congregation at ephesus from thence ? farre lesse i think can they in ferre that the formall church-acts of a fixed , and a not fixed congregation are different in nature ; and therefore , if we can show that in the apostolick churches they had many congregations though not fixed , under one common eldership , which did feed them in common with word , sacraments and discipline , as is clearely proved , then have wee a patterne of a presbyteriall church . . the elders of ephesus and these elders , pet. . , , . had all of them a burden of the soules amongst them , and over which the holy ghost had set them , and they had not a burden and charge in particular of others as watching in particular for the soules of others : but how fixed congregations are hence inferred i see not , for i may have with other six pastors , a pastorall burden and charge to watch for three congregations , according to my talent and strength , though i bee not a fixed pastor to all the three collectively , or to any fixed one distributively , so as all the omissions of my six fellow-labourors shall bee laid to my charge , in the court of the judge and lord of all , if i do what i am able : which i demonstrate thus . . that morall obligation of conscience which did obliege the apostles as pastors of the christian world which was to bee converted , is not temporary but perpetuall and morall and did obliege the apostles as christians . therefore this morall , obligation did lie upon the apostles to feed the catholick fiocke of the whole christian world over which the holy ghost had set them , just as the elders of ephesus , act. . . are commanded to feed the whole flock of god which is at ephesus : now i aske if every single apostle is to make a reckoning to god for the soules of all the christian world ? . if peter must bee answerable to god , because paul by negligence should incurre the woe of not preaching the gospell , cor. . ? ( . ) if upon this morall ground of an obligation lying on the apostles to feed the catholick flock of the whole world , amongst which they were , for the most part , by speciall commandement of christ , to preach to all nations , matth. . . to every creature , mark. . v. . if ( i say ) the apostles bee tied to plant churches in such determinate quarters and fixed kingdomes of the habitable world , and if the dividing of the world into twelve severall parts , and large parishes to the twelve apostles , bee juris divini , of divine institution ? i believe this can hardly bee proved by gods word . . where there bee six elders in a congregation supposed to bee independent , every one of the six are oblieged in their place to feed the whole flocke , over which the holy ghost hath set them , and that by the commandement of god , act. . . . pet. . . as our brethren teach , but i hope by these places no humane logick would inferre , nor could our brethrèn collect , that , . every one of these six should , by divine institution , bee set over each of them the sixt determinate and sixt part of that congregation . . that every one of the sixt were not to give a reckoning for the whole congregation , and did not watch for the whole congregation according to his talent . . that one might not be accused , even one archippus possibly at colosse , col. . ▪ for his owne particular neglect to the whole flock , though others were also joyned with archippus who fulfilled their part of their ministery , col. . v. . yea & we justly aske if all the elders of thyatira were guiltie of remisse discipline against the false prophetesse jezabell , and if all the church of sardis did become sleepie , and secure , and had a name that they were living , and yet were dead , though the eldership under the name of the angel of the church , bee indefinitely rebuked , revel . . . c. . , , . . yea it is like to mee that seeing the lord jesus commendeth the one for love , service , faith , patience , revel . . . and the other , that c. . they had a few names that had not defiled their garments , that onely those who were guiltie , were rebuked , i beleeve , and therefore this is to bee proved that elders are not rebuked , but for their remisse watching over an unfixed congregation , the places to me , doe not prove it . now whereas our brethren say , that they read of no eldership before the dispersion of the church at jerusalem , act. . . and therefore of no presbyteriall government , and after the dispersion , the number was so diminished as they might all meet in one congregation , bec●use it is said , act. . . they were all scattered abroad through●●● the regions of iudea and samaria except the apostles . it is easily answered . . to what effect should the twelve apostles not also have followed their scattered flocks , and to what end did twelve apostles stay at jerusalem to preach to one single handfull , that might all conveniently meet in one house , and a private house , for i thinke the persecution could as easily put them from publick meetings in the temple and synagogues , as it could scatter them all to so few a number as one congregation ? was the the harvest so great , and the apostolick labourers so sparing in reaping , as eleven should bee hearers in one congregation ? and one speake onely at once ? . our brethren may know that wee prove a presbyterlall government before the dispersion . . if our brethren elide the force of our argument from multitude of beleevers at jerusalem , to prove a presbyteriall church , they must prove that this dispersion did so dissolve the church as that three thousand , act. . and some added daily , v. . and five thousand , act. . . and beleevers more added , multitudes both of men and women , act. . . and jerusalem was filled with the doctrine of the apostles , c. . . and yet the number of the disciples multiplied , c. . . and the word of god increased , and the number of the disciples multiplied in jerusalem greatly , and a great company of the priests were obedient to the faith , they must ( i say ) prove ( for affirmanti incumbit probatio ) that all this number and all these thousands by the dispersion , act. . . came to one thousand and to a handfull of a single congregation . . i see no necessitie that these ( all ) be the whole body of the church , i grant diod●tus saith so , and a baronius conjectureth that there were fifteene thousand killed at this first persecution , b but dorotheus saith there were but two thousand killed , and ( c ) salmeron saith of dorotheus his relation , quae si vera sunt , profecta magna fuit persecutio , if it bee true , the persecution was indeed great , and wee cannot but thinke , seeing the spirit of god saith this was a great persecution , but the church was greatly diminished : but let us see if the text will beare that so many thousands ( for i judge at this time that the church hath been above ten thousands ) were partly killed , partly scattered , so that the church of jerusalem came to one single congregation which might meet ordinarily for word and sacran●ents in one private house , where the tewelve apostles came to them : for my part i cannot see it in the text , onely the persecution was great . . all were scattered except the apostles . . act. . paul saith of himselfe at this time , . many of the saints did i shut up in prison , having received authoritie from the high priests , and when they were put to death , i gave my voyce against them . . and i punished them oft in every synagogue , and compelled them to blaspheme , and being exceedingly mad against them , i persecuted them to strange cities ; all which saith many were imprisoned . . some scattered , but the text saith not that thousands were put to death , and it is not like that the holy ghost who setteth downe the other sort of persecution and the death of steven , would have beene silent of the killing of thousands . . whereas it is said , they were all scattered except the apostles , i see no ground of the text to say that by ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) all scattered , hee understandeth , all the disciples as d lyranus saith , so saith e eusebius , though f sanctius saith hee meaneth of the . disciples . and my reasons are , . the text saith , v. . saul entering into every house , ●aling men and women committed them to prison , as you may read , act. . , . ergo , all and every one without exception of any , save the apostles , were not scattered . . amongst so many thousands of men and women , many for age , weakenesse and sicknesse , and having young children , and women with child were not able to flee , therefore ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) cannot bee taken according to the letter every way . . paul after this dispersion , act. . . punished them in every synagogne . what ? punished hee jewes ? no christians ; ergo , after the dispersion there were christians left in synagogues at jerusalem which were not dispersed . . the text saith that the scattered abroad were preachers , and as i prove elsewhere here after , extraordinary prophets , and therefore all were scattered except the apostles , seemeth to imply that especially the whole teachers were scattered , except the apostles ; and g chrysostome , h athanasius , i nissenus observes that god out of this persecution tooke occasion to spread the gospell , by sending scattered preachers to all the regions about , so k lorinus , l sanctius , m cornelius a lapide , say they were not all sattered , and n cajetan exponeth these ( all ) onely of those upon whom the holy ghost descended . . though this church should come to one congregation now , this is but by accident , and from extrinsecall causes of persecution and scattering , but wee have proved at the first founding of this church apostolick the church of jerusalem called one church , the first draught and patterne of the visible christian church was such as could containe many congregations , and could not all meet in one . . there is no ground to say that apostles after this dispersion erected an ordinary eldership in jerusalem , whereas before there was an extraordinary , because the apostles was present with them , and you read of no elders while after the dispersion , because . you read not of the institution of ordinarie elders in the church of jerusalem after the dispersion , more then before , and so you are here upon conjectures . . there is no ground to say that the apostles changed the government of the first patterne of the christian churches from extraordinary to ordinary . . nor is there ground that the government of the first samplar of instituted churches of the new testament , should rather bee extraordinarie , then that first ordering of the word and sacraments should bee extraordinary , seeing the apostles the first founders of instituted churches under the new testament , had as ordinary matter to institute an ordinary presbytery and government , having beleevers in such abundance , upon whom , by the laying on of hands , they might give the holy ghost , as they had ordinary matter , to wit , a warrant , and command from christ , to preach and administer the sacraments . . the apostles abode many yeares at jerusalem , after there was an erected eldership , act. . . . act. . . act. . , , . gal. . after three yeares i went up to jerusalem to see peter , gal. . . then foureture yeeres after , i went up againe to jerusalem , &c. . and when james , cephas , and john who seemed to bee pillars , perceived the grace that was given unto mee , they gave to mee and barnabas the right hands fellowship . . though wee should give , and not grant that this dispersion did bring the church of jerusalem to so low an ebbe as to make it but one single congregation , yet after the dispersion , all the churches , act. . . had peace , and were edified , and multiplyed , and so the church of jerusalem also was multiplied , if all france be multiplied , paris which is a part of france must bee multiplied , and if there were many thousands of the jewes that did beleeve , act. . . though these many were for a great part come up to the feast at pentecost , as some thinke , yet may wee well thinke a huge number of these thousands were of the church of jerusalem : it is said , v. . they are informed of thee that thou teachest all the jewes which are amongst the gentiles to forsak moses , these belike were the jewes at jerusalem who heard that paul was come to jerusalem , and act. . . the word of god grew and multiplied ; it is the same phrase that is used , act. . v. . to expresse the multiplying of the church , by the multiplying of the word , for there is no other multiplication of the word but in the hearts of numbers who receive the word in faith . our brethren object ; . though there bee elders at jerusalem , act. . . v. . and act. . . yet that doth not prove an eldership o● a formall presbytery , even a presbytery of a classicall church doth not prove that these classicall elders are elders of a classicall church . answ. our brethren should give to us the measure which they take to themselves , for they prove from that which the scripture , act. . . doe name the elders of the church of ephesus that there was an eldership at ephesus , which governed all the people of ephesus ; and from bishops and deacons at philippi , phil. . . that there was an eldership in that church ; and from the angel of the church of smyrna , pergamus , thyrtira , &c. that there was a colledge of elders or a presbytery in those churches : for if those churches had elders in them , though they were in their meaning elders of a particular congregation , and so an eldership and a presbytery , they must give us the favour of the like consequence , in many of those churches , they had elders ; ergo , they had a presbyteriall or classicall eldership , and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as seldome in scripture to our brethren to prove their congregationall eldership , as it is to us to prove our presbyteriall or classicall eldership , and in this , jam sumns ergo pares ; and one government , and combination voluntary under one congregationall presbytery shall bee as hardly proven , as one government , and one voluntary combination of many congregations , and where the multitude is so numerous , as that they cannot meet in one , it is unpossible to prove that so many thousands did all agree , and that according to christs institution , to meet ordinarily in one for doctrine and discipline , whereas the meeting in one of so many thousands is most inconvenient . . an eldership doth prove there is a relation of those that make up the eldership to all the church distributively to which they have the relation of elders , but doth not prove that the eldership is an eldership in a church-relation to any one single person , and that that single person hath a reciprocall church relation to that eldership ; so here the classicall eldership carrieth a relation to a classicall church , and a classicall church doth retort and reflect a reciprocall relation to the eldership , but it doth not follow that every congregation of the classicall church doth reflect a reciprocall relation of a church classicall to either the classicall eldership , or to any one elder of the classicall presbytery . . they affirme , that there was no presbyteriall government exercised by the apostles in the church of jerusalem ; for they say , for the substance of the act ( it is true ) the apostles did governe as elders , that is , their acts of government were not different from the acts of government of ordinary elders : but the apostles did not governe under this formall reduplication as ordinary elders , but as apostles , because as apostles they were elders both in the church of jerusalem , and in all churches of the world : but this proveth not an ordinary eldership , titus at crete did but the ordinary acts of an ordinary elder at crete in appointing elders in every citie , yet this proveth not that there is in the successors of titus an ordinary episcopall government , for because of the extent of the apostles power to all churches on earth , you may from this prove as well an episcopall power as a presbyteriall power in an eldership over many congregations ; and before you prove a presbyteriall power you must prove an extent and an ordinary extent of an eldership over many congregations , which you shall never prove from the extent of the apostles power , which was universall and alike in all churches . i answer , if our brethren had formed their arguments in a syllogisme , i could more easily have answered , but i will doe it for them . those who did rule with an universall extent of power of government in all churches , these did rule as apostolick rulers , and not as ordinary presbyters , in the ruling and governing the church of jerusalem : but the apostles before the dispersion did rule thus , ergo , the apostles before the dispersion did rule as apostles , not as ordinary presbyters . the proposition they make good , because if those who rule with an universall extent of power , doe it not as apostles , they have then prelates to succeed them as ordinary officers in their extent of power and extent of pastorall care over many churches . but i answer by granting the major , and the probation of it in the connex proposition , because those who rule with an universall extent of power doe it as apostles , but i deny the assumption that the twelve apostles did rule the church of jerusalem with an universall extent of power over all churches ; for it is true , the apostles who did governe the church of jerusalem had an universall power over all churches , but that they did rule the church of jerusalem as having this universall power , and by virtue of this universall and apostolicall power , i utterly deny , and i deny it with the reduplication , and except our brethren prove that the apostles did governe the church of jerusalem as having this apostolick power , and under this reduplication , they doe not prove that they ruled as apostles , which is the conclusion to bee proven . now that i may give a solid reason of this , wee are to consider , what apostles doe as apostles and what as ordinary elders , as take along this rule with you , what apostles doe as apostles ; every one of the apostles his alone may doe , as quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conv●nit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what ever agreeth to an apostle as ●● apostle , agreeth to all apostles , as because apostles may worke miracles , any one apostle may worke a miracle , so peter his alone , extra collegium , when hee is not with the twelve , hee may worke a miracle , his alone hee may speake with tongues , and his alone hee may preach and baptize through all the world , and therefore peter as an apostle , not as an ordinary elder doth raise the dead , speake with tongues , preach and baptize in all nations without any calling of the people or without consent of the presbytery ; but what the apostles doe as ordinary presbyters , and as a classicall colledge that by cannot doe in that relation , but in collegie : as the eye doth not see but as fixed in the head , so when the apostles do any thing in collegio , not without the suffrages of a colledge , that they must doe as ordinary elders ; for example , paul if hee delivered hymeneus and alexander his alone to satan , tim. . . as many thinke hee did , then hee did that as an apostle ; but suppose hee had beene present at corinth , cor. . to obey his owne epistle and direction that hee gave to excommunicate the incestuous man , hee should with the eldership of corinth delivered him to satan as an elder , not as an apostle ; yea in a presbyteriall way paul could not have delivered him to sathan without the concurring joynt suffrages of the eldership of corinth . so because act. . . . . the whole twelve doe call together the multitude , the whole twelve doe that as ordinary elders , which i prove , for if they had conveened them as apostles , by that transcendent apostolick power by which they preach and baptize in all the churches and by which they raise the dead , peter his alone might have conveened them ; so they ordaine elders by imposition of hands , as an ordinary eldership now doth , all the twelve doe it in a court , whereas if they had put on these seven men to bee deacons upon the people by vertue of their apostolick calling , they should not have convened the people , nor sought the free consent of the people ; for any one apostle his alone , as peter might , by the transcendent power of an apostle have ordained those seven men to bee deacons , but then hee should clearely have done it not in an ordinary church way , so now the apostles must , act. . governe as ordinary elders , also what the apostles do by the interveening help of ordinary perpetually established meanes , that they doe not as apostles but as ordinary elders , as they work not miracles by advise and consent of the multitude , because they do it as apostles , but here the twelve do all by the interveening help of the ordinary and perpetually established free voices of the multitude . . because the twelve apostles conveene . the apostles did nothing in vaine , and without warrant , any one of the twelve might have instituted the office , then that all the twelve conveene it must bee to give a pattern of an ordinary eldership ; for you never finde all the twelve meet to doe with joynt forces an apostolick worke , they never met all twelve to pen a portion of scripture , twelve of them , nor a colledge of them never met to raise the dead , to worke a miracle , to speake with tongues , because these bee workes above nature , and one is no lesse an instrument of omnipotencie to work a miracle , then . or . therefore wee must say that these twelve conveened as ordinary elders to bee a patterne of a presbytery . . the complaint is made by the grecians to the court , not to one apostle , for the whole twelve doth r●dresse the matter . . tht colledge hath a common hand in this government for the poore , as their words cleare . . it is no reason that wee should leave the word of god , and serve tables . . they put on the people what is their due , to looke out and nominate to them seven men , as apostles they should have chosen the men . . they doe put off themselves the charge of deaconrie , and the daily care , as v. . ergo they were before daily constant deacons , and why not elders also ? . they will doe nothing with out the free voices of people , and give to the people the ordinary election , this day , and to christs second comming , due to them , ergo , the apostles stoope beneath the spheare of apostolick power and condescend to popular power , and so must here bee as ordinary elders , not as apostles . . they doe ordaine seven men to be constant officers . . from this it is easie to deny that we may as well inferre prelates to be the lawfull successors of t●us whose power was universall in every church of crete , as to in●erre a presbyteriall power , because titus his alone 〈◊〉 an 〈◊〉 appointed elders ; and wee cannot inferre a monarchi● in the church , from some extraordinary acts of the the first planters of churches , because wee inferre from the aristocraticall and ordinary power of the apostles an aristocraticall power of presbyteries now in the church , shall wee hence inferre a monarchie ? . if the acts of government performed here , act. . by the apostles , bee extraordinary and apostolick , they are not imitable by us , but all divines teach that from act. . the ordinary presbytery may according to this very patterne ordaine deacons and elders . the reverend brethren object . the apostles did ordaine a new office here , to wit , an office of deacons , as all our divi●●s prove from the place , but the apostles as ordinary elders in an ordinary colledge presbyteriall cannot appoint a new office in the church , for the presbyteries now also by that same presbyteriall power might also appoint a new office in gods house which is absurd . answ. i grant that the apostles as apostles performe some acts of government in this place , and that they appoint a new office of deacons here , but that is neither the question , nor against our cause , but i desire the opponents to make good that the apostles did appoint this new office in a church-way , as they ordaine these seven men to the office , and that , in collegio . i aske did the apostles , . crave the concurrence of the conveened multitude , and their free voices shall wee appoint this new office , men and brethren , or shall wee for beare ? . did they voice the matter in a colledge amongst themselves , as they doe act. . and do they say amongst themselves in the presbytery apostolick , have wee warrant from christ to appoint a new office of deacons ? what is your mind peter , what is your sentence , james , matthias , & c ? now this is to proceed formally , in collegio , this they did not , nor could they doe in appointing the office , for they were immediatly inspired by the spirit to appoint new offices , but in ordaining the officers , in concreto , that is , in ordaining the men , steven , philip , &c. they proceed after a presbyteriall way , every way as an ordinary presbytery doth . object . but they ordaine elders here upon this apostolick ●round , because they were apostles and pastors to all the world , &c. if the ground was apostolick , the action was formally apostolick . answ. wee must distinguish betwixt ordination comparative and absolute : ordination comparative is in relation to the place , if the question bee , upon what ground doe the apostles ordaine in all the world ; i answer because they are apostles , and every where , ergo , they may ordaine every where ; but as for absolute ordination , here in jerusalem , if the question bewhy they did ordaine stephen , philip , &c. tali modo , by conveening the church ; i answer , because the apostles were elders . but our brethren say , then the apostles in this act laid downe their infallible apostolick spirit . i answer , they laid downe the ininfallible spirit , which they had as apostles , and tooke them to ● fallible spirit , but they did not operate and governe in this act , from this infallible spirit , but from an ordinary spirit , else you must say , . when the apostles did eate and drinke , they laid downe an infallible and apostolick spirit , and tooke an ordinary and fallible spirit , for they did not eate and drinke by immediate inspiration and as apostles , but as men ; . because they were apostles where ever they came , it shall follow by this that they did all by this apostolick spirit ; as if the question bee upon what ground , did the apostles every where baptize , pray pasi●a●●y , exhort as pastors , governe in corinth , deliver the incestuous man to satan at corinth ? if you answer , because they were apostles , then i say because they were apostles alwayes , and in every place , they never used the ordinary power of the keyes given to them , as common to them and all pastors to the end of the world , matth. . . matth. . . john . . and so they could not doe any thing as ordinary pastors , or ordinary elders . . christ gave to the apostles an ordinary power which they could never put forth in acts . we have no warrant from the apostles preaching , baptizing , exhorting , governing , retaining and remitting sinnes , excommunicating , rebuking , to preach , baptize , exhort , governe , retaine and remit sinnes , excommunicate and rebuke , because the apostles , in acts apostolick and extraordinary , are no more to bee imitated by us , then wee are to imitate them in speaking with divers tongues , and raising the dead . hence upon these grounds wee are certainly induced to beleeve that the apostles did here ordaine , not as apostles , but as ordinary elders ; . because in these acts the apostles are imitable , but in what they doe as apostles they are not imitable . . what ever rules of the word doth regulate the ordinary classicall presbytery , the apostles goe along in all these acts here condescending to these rules , such as the meeting of the presbytery , the twelve do meet . . they tacitely acknowledge a neglect of the daily ministration to the widowes which is an act of misgovernment of the deaconrie , which is an ordinary office of the presbytery , and therefore they desire of the church to bee freed of this office . . they referre the nomination and election of the seven men to the people . . they ordaine seven constant and perpetuall officers , as the presbytery doth , ergo , they doe not ordaine by their transcendent power , as apostles . . from this place our brethren prove their congregationall presbytery , which they would not doe , if the apostles did here manage aff●ires as extraordinary officers . . this colle●ium of apostles doe nothing in all this , which by confession of both sides may not bee done , and to the end of the world is not done in the transacting of the like businesse , by the ordinary presbytery . . what the apostles doe as apostles agreeth onely to apostles , and can be done by none but apostles , or by evangelists , having their power , by speciall warrantable commission from them , as what a man doth as a man , what a pastor doth as a pastor , a deacon as a deacon , a prophet as a prophet , can bee done by none but by a man onely , a pastor onely , a deacon onely , except whereas one act , as to teach , agreeth both to a pastor and a doctor , which yet have their owne differences , but all here done the apostles might have done , if wee suppose , they had not beene apostles . . if as apostles they ordaine , any one of the twelve apostles should compleatly and entirely ordaine all the seven , and so the seven deacons should have beene twelve times ordained at this time , which needles multiplication of apostolick actions were uselesse , served not for edification , and is not grounded in the word , for the whole twelve , in collegio , doe ordaine , and what any one apostle doth as an apostle by the amplitude of a transcendent power , every apostle doth it compleatly , and wholly his alone , as without helpe of another apostle , peter worketh a miracle , especially any one apostle as paul his alone might ordaine timothy an evangelist . . if they did here act as apostles , any one apostle might have ordained the deacons in an ordinary way , as here ; but that wee cannot conceive , for then one and the same action should have beene ordinary , and not ordinary , for one man cannot bee a church or a societie to doe the ordinary acts of an ordinary societie , for it should bee extraordinary to one to act that which is the formall act of many as many , and should involve a contradiction , except it were an act which cannot bee performed by many , as when one paster speaketh for many , for a whole church ; but that is ordinary and necessary , because a multitude as a multitude cannot speake , without confusion in a continuated discourse , for that all the people say one word ( amen ) is not a multitude as a multitude using one continuated speech . object . . if the apostles did not all their ministeriall acts as apostles , they did not fulfill their commission given to them , as to apostles , matth. . goe and teach all nations . answ. the consequence is nought , if they had not done all things , which by vertue of their apostolicall office they were commanded to doe , they had not then fulfilled their commission given to them by christ. that is true , but now the assumption is false , they were under no commandement of christ to doe all their ministeriall acts as apostles , prove that they did neither preach , nor baptize as apostles ; but only as apostles they did preach infallibly . . in all places of the world , as catholick pastors . . with the gift of tongues . . working of miracles , which by divine institution were annexed to their preaching , but their preaching according to the substance of the act was ordinary . object . . the apostles went to jerusalem by revelation , as paul did , gal. . ergo , all their acts that they did there , they did them by immediate revelation . answ. the consequence is null , paul went by revelation up to jerusalem , and there gal. . hee rebuked peter , as an apostle ? no , as a brother , for then paul should have exercised apostolick authority over peter , which is popish . object . . if the apostles did act as presbyters here , they did wrong the particular churches , and took their liberty from them , in exercising ordinary ministeriall acts there , which are proper to that church . answ. it followeth upon the denyed principles of an independent congregation onely , for a church without elders hath no presbyteriall power , and therefore such a power can not bee taken from it , you cannot take from a church , that which by law it hath not . if the acts of the government in the apostles , are according to the substance of the acts all one with the acts of government , in the ordinary presbytery ; ergo , say i , those acts come not from an apostolicall and extraordinary power , even as the apostles preaching and baptizing are not different in nature and essence , from the acts of preaching and baptizing in ordinary pastors , though they had power to preach and baptize every where , and wee onely where wee have an ordinary calling of the church , and from the apostles preaching and baptizing every where , wee may inferre , it is lawfull for the ordinary elders their successors to preach and baptize in some place , why may we not inferre because the apostles , in collegio , in one presbytery did ordaine ordinary officers , that we have thence a patterne for an ordinary presbytery ? object . . if there were no institution for preaching and baptizing , but onely the apostles naked practise , we were not warrantably to preach and baptize from the sole and naked example of the apostles . answ. shew us an institution for preaching and baptizing then , for that which we alledge is an institution , matth. . , . mark. . v. . to you is a commandement given to the apostles as apostles , as you said , in the . objection proponed by you , and therefore we have no more warrant to preach and baptize from the apostles example , then we have to work miracles , and because by the same reason of yours , christs command to his apostles to preach before his death , matth. . is not ordinary presbyteriall preaching , but conjoyned also with the power of casting out devills , matth. . , , . it must also upon the same ground bee a commandement given to the apostles not as ordinary pastors , but as apostles , if we compare matth. . , , . with mark. . , , , . if you flee to john baptist his practise of baptisme , . you are farther off then you were ; . what warrant more that john baptist his practise should warrant preaching and baptizing , if it want an institution , then the apostles preaching and baptizing when it is separated from an institution ? . this argument pincheth you as much as us , for a thousand times in your bookes , a warrant for our ordinary elders to preach and baptize is fetched from the sole practise of the apostles . . by this the argument for the christian salbath , from the apostles observing that day , shall also fall . . this also shall make us loose in fundamentalls of church government which are grounded upon the apostles practise . . the apostles had no apostolick and extraordinary ground which moved them to preach and baptize , according to the substance of the acts , for they did preach and baptize upon these morall and perpetuall motives and grounds which doe obliege ordinary elders to preach and baptize even to christs second comming , ergo , their very practise , not considered with the institution , is our patterne and rule . it is as evident that there was a presbyteriall church at ierusalem after the dispersion , seeing the dispersion , as we have proved did not re●rench them to one congregation , because our brethren doe conclude from a company of elders of the church of ephesus , acts . of ierusalem , from the angell of the church of pergamus , of thyatira a formall ordinary presbytery of ephesus , of ierusalem , of thyatira . let us have the favour of the same argument , upon the supposall of many congregations which the word doth warrant , and upon the supposall that it is called one church alwayes , as acts . . the lord added to the church , acts . . feare came upon all the church , acts . . there arose a great persecution against the church , acts . . herod stretched forth his hand to vex certaine of the church , v. . prayer was made without ceasing of the church unto god. acts . . and when they were come to jerusalem they were received of the church , and of the apostles and elders , acts. . . paul went up to jerusalem , and v. . the day following paul went in with us , into james , and all the elders were present . here be elders of the church of ierusalem , and ierusalem is named one church frequently , and alwayes before and after the dispersion ; it is called a church in the singular number , not onely in relation to persecuters , but also in relation to government , and because they were a politicall society to which there were many added acts . . and which hath elders acts . . acts . . . and a church-union in a constituted body hearing the word and receiving the sacraments , as this church did , acts . . is not a church but in regard of church-policy , and church-government . they reply , that enemies doe persecute the church , acts . . acts . . acts . . saul made havock of the church , that is , of the faithfull of the church , for saul had no regard in his persecution , to a church in their government , or church - combination , therefore the enemies are said to persecute the church materially . i answer , this objection i tooke off before . but . principally the enemies persecuted the church under the notion of ● society politicall holding forth in a visible church-profession their faith in christ , and that by hearing , receiving the seales , and subjecting themselves in a visible way obvious to the eye of all , to the government of the christian church , yea the enemies had no better character to discerne them to be saints , and so worthy of their malice , then church-characters of a church-profession . but . whereas the holy ghost giveth the name of one church , to the church of ierusalem , all constantly speaking of it both as a church , and in relation to persecuters , and that every way in that notion , as our brethren say , that the scripture speaketh of their own corgregationall church , wee have the same reason to call it one church , because of one government ; for the question is not now if it bee many congregations , but it it bee one church . object . . they are called the elders at jerusalem , not the elders of the church of jerusalem ; ergo , from this it is not concluded that they were one church . answ. acts . . they are called apostles and elders in , or at ierusalem acts . . for another cause , these were elders from other churches , from antioch no lesse , then elders of ierusalem , they onely sate in synod at ierusalem . . all ierusalem was not converted to the christian faith , and therefore they may well bee tearmed elders at ierusalem , as the church at ephesus , at , or in thyatira . . i deny that the scripture speaketh any other wayes of the elders of the church of ierusalem , then of the elders of other churches . . those elders ought to meete for the governing of the church of jerusalem , for this was their duty ; ergo , they were one presbytery . . they did meet acts . . to receive paul and barnabas , and to heare what god had done by them for their edification ; and acts . paul goeth to ierusalem and is received v. . by the brethren , but the next day , v. . the day following paul went in with us unto james and all the elders were present ; and there the elders doe presbyterially act for the removing of a church-scandall , v. . the believing jewes were informed that paul taught all the iewes which were amongst the gentiles to forsake moses . this was a publick scandall . . the offended multitude were to convene , v. . as plaintiffs . . the eldership ordaineth paul to remove the scandall by satisfying the offended , by purifying himselfe after the manner of the jewes , and it is cleare paul should not have satisfyed the scandalized iewes , except iames and the elders had injoyned him so to doe . . this the very course of a presbytery , yea , our brethrens doctrine , which a congregationall presbytery would , and doth take with any other person who doth give offence , yea though it be taken and not given , if the way of remedy be lawfull and expedient , as this presbytery conceived pauls purifying of himselfe to be , and if any scandalizing person should be disobedient to the voyce of a congregationall eldership , such as our brethren believe the eldership of jerusalem to be ; they would say they are to censure him , and therefore if paul should have beene disobedient to this , he should have incurred a censure ; it is true lorinus saith that chrysostome and oecumenius will have this to be a counsell , not a synod , to command paul , and they deny any juridicall power here , but v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to mee it is , they were gathered together : diodatus calleth them the colledge of the governours of the church , beda saith there were foure synods and hee maketh the synod acts . at the chusing of matthias the first , the second at the chusing of deacons acts . the third acts . and this the fourth , acts . . the text seemeth to mee to say it , for as acts . there was course taken for the gentiles that they should abstaine from blood , lest they should either scandalize , or bee scandalized ; so the eldership here taketh course that the infirme iewes be not scandalized , as is cleare , v. . as touching the gentiles which believe , we have written , &c. and to me they seeme to do both synodically , some thinke that this fact of the elders and paul was not lawfull : but how ever , though it was not a generall councell , a presbytery i take it to be taking course to remove a scandall from the weake iewes in this place , as they had by a synodicall power removed it from the gentiles , act. . it is objected by master mather , that if a church in an island by divine institution , and so this first founded congregation at jerusalem which did meete in salomons porch , had once an entire power of iurisdiction within it selfe , though in an extraordinary case . . the case is ordinary , as in the dominion of wales , there is scarce a congregation to be found within twenty or thirty miles . . suppose the case were extraordinary and rare , may they violate the ordinary rules of christ ? for so some may thinke and say , that though according to ordinary rules , baptisms and the lords supper must be dispensed only by men and by ministers , yet in the want of these , the one may be dispensed by a woman , or mid-wife , and both of them by such as are no ministers . answ. we thinke a ministery and discipline more necessary to a congregation in a remote island , or to the church of ierusalem before they increase to such a number as cannot meet for their numerous multitude in one congregation , then the sacraments , when there be no ministers to dispense them . . that the church be so in the island its alone , may possibly be extraordinary , but that in such a case they have the word preached and entire power of discipline whole and entire within themselves to excommunicate scandalous persons is not extraordinay , when there be no consociated churches , whom excommunication concerneth , that are in danger to be scandalized , for it floweth connaturally from a church to which agreeth the essence of a church , to exercise jurisdiction over all its owne members , if there be no more consociated with that church , that is by accident and an extraordinary exigence of gods providence . as a master of a family is to do his duty to educate his children in the feare of god ; but if god take all his children from him by death , he doth not transgresse the ordinary rule of educating his children in the feare of god , when hee hath none . this argument supposeth that a congregation hath no power of excommunication at all either compleat or incompleat , as the mid-wife hath no power to baptize at all either compleat or incompleat : neither doth a congregation transgresse any rule of christ at all when it exerciseth entire power of censures within it selfe , whereas there be no consociated churches to share with it in that power . a congregation is capable of entire jurisdiction , because it is a church ; but a woman in no case is capable of administrating baptisme , or the lords supper , except shee were extraordinarily and immediatly inspired to be a prophetesse , but for the exercise of entire power of jurisdicton by a congregation in a r●mote island , i hope , it hath no such need of immediate inspiration . . there is no such morall necessity of the sacraments , as there is of the ministery of the word and consequently of some use of the keys , where a scandalous person may infect the lords flock . for where vision ceaseth the people perish , but it is never said , where baptisme ceaseth the people perish , and therefore uncalled ministers in case of necessity , without ordination or calling from a presbytery may preach , and take on them the holy ministery and exercise power of jurisdiction , because the necessity of the soules of a congregation , in a remote island requireth so , but i hope no necessity in any the most extraordinary case requireth that a midwife may baptize , or that a private man remaining a private man may celebrate the lords supper to the church without any calling from the church . but mr. mather , if the power of iurisdiction flow immediately and necessarily from the essence of a church , and a congregation be essentially a church , then this power agreeth to all churches , whether consociated , or not consociated , and without respect of what neighbours they have , whether many , or few , whether any , or none . . a congregation its alone cannot have sole power of jurisdiction , and then be deprived of it , when god sendeth neighbour churches ; for then neighbouring churches which are given for helpe , should be given for losse , the contrary whereof ames saith . nor doe synods ( saith he ) constitute a new forme of a church . answ. power of iurisdiction floweth from the essence of a congregation in an iland ; ergo , a totall and compleat power of jurisdiction , floweth from the essence of a church or congregation consociated ; it followeth no wayes , so a pastor of a congregation hath as a pastor power to rebuke sinne , and to administrate the sacraments , ergo , when three pastors are added to help him , he hath the sole power of rebuking sinne , and the sole and entire power to administrate the sacraments , and none of these three pastors hath power with him , it followeth not ; and because these three pastors are added to help him and their pastorall power added to him is cumulative and auxiliary , but not privative or destructive of his pastorall power , therefore the first pastor suffereth losse by the addition of these three to him : who will say this ? our brethren do conceive the power of congregations , in its kind and essence , to be monarchicall , so as if any power from consociated congregations be added thereunto , the congregations power monarchicall is d minished ; and the essence of it changed . . compleat and entire power to rule both the congregation and the members of consociated churches in so far as they do keep communion with that congregation , and may either edifie , or scandalize them , floweth not immediatly and necessarily from the essence of every congregation even in remote islands not consociated with others , that we never said . . a power to governe well , and according to the rule of the word added to another power to governe well and according to the word , is an auxiliary power and no way destrective of that power , to which it is added , indeed a power to governe well , added to a power of male administration in a congregation is distructive of that power , and reason it should be so , because christ never gave any such power of male administration to a congregation ; but a power of right governing , added to a power of right governing is neither destructive thereof , nor doth it constitute a new forme of a church , or a church - power , but only inlarge the pr●existent form to extend it selfe farther , for the edification of more soules . but ( saith mr. mather ) if it be against the light of nature that the adverse party be the sole judge which must be , if the s●le power of iurisdiction be in the congregation ( as we grant in an extraordinary case , when a congregation is in an island its alone ) and so it shall be lawfull for a single congregation to doe that which is against all equity and the very light of nature , it must then follow that it is not against the light of nature that a congregation ( though consociated with other congregations ) have entire jurisdiction within it selfe . answ. none of us do teach that it is against the light of nature that the adverse party be the judge , it might fall out in a generall councell lawfully convened , from which there is no provocation , yea and in a nationall councell , ( for all councels may erre ) the adverse party may judge , as it was a lawfull councell according to a church-constitution that condemned christ of blisphemy , and they were also his enemies ; but we teach that it is not congruous to the wisdome of christ , nor to the light of nature , that christ should have appointed all the ordinary churchcourts , so many thousand congregations , who may rather erre then extraordinary and higher synods , to be the onely ordinary judges in their owne cause ; nor doth any thing more follow from this argument , that when there is one congregation its alone in an iland destitute of the helpe of consociated churches ( which is a defect of an extraordinary providence of christ in that one singular exigence ) that that congregation shall be both judge and party in its owne cause , if we suppose that one micaiah shall contend for the truth , and all the rest of the prophets and people of that congregation to be against the truth , and to judge and condemne one man , who seeketh the lord in truth . it is a wonder to me that thessalonica was but one single congregation , all hearing one word , partakers of one lords supper at one table ; yet the apostle ascribeth to them that which is a note to worthy baynes of the numerous multitude of the church of ierusalem , from whence went the word of god to all the world , thes. . . for from you sounded out the word of the lord , not onely in macedonia and achaia , but also in every place your faith to god-ward is spread abroad . i deny not what mr. mather and thomson say , but may meet to heare the word , and many thousands were gathered together luke . to heare christ ; but these reverend brethren doe leave out , . the inconvenience of thronging so all at once ; for , they trode one upon another . . christ preached not to all those thousand at once , for it is expresly said , v. . he began to say to his disciples . so christ refusing to preach to such a disorderly confluence of people , who could not heare , and his doctrine being all for his disciples , the very sermon being preached to his disciples onely , matth. . , , , &c. and the parable of the rich man v. . he applieth to his disciples , then he said to his disciples , therefore i say unto you , take no thought for your life , &c. it evidenceth to me that christ condemneth a numerous multitude in one congregation to heare at once . and whereas chrysostome saith , persons did heare his voyce , at once , in one congregation , by meanes of scaffolds and galleries ; and mr. mather is willing to yeeld eight thousand an hundred and twenty were all assembled in one place to heare the word , and that all the multitude of converts at ierusalem were together in salomons porch , act. . . i grant three thousand could heare one at once ; but alas , this is a great uncertainty for independent congregations . but . this is to be proved that eight thousand ( mr. mather hath not added many other multitudes mentioned , act. . . act. . . v. . and elsewhere ) did meet daily in the temple . . daily and ordinarily from house to house . . to celebrate the lords supper daily in the temple and in every private house ( there were need of many scaffolds and galleries ) to sit at one table . . to make one judicature , and have more then power of consenting in church . censures , as our brethren prove the whole church of beleevers had , from matth. . . cor. . . act. . . cor. . . for my part i thinke such a miraculous church cannot be the first mould of independent churches to be established congregations meeting in one place , for to be edified by word , seales and censures . yea mr. mather will have the whole convening as one independent congregation act. . , , . and the many myriades or thousands of beleeving jewes , act. . , , . to meet as one congregation . certainly the apostles practice must be our rule , and then five hundred or a thousand being so farre beneath ten or eight thousand , may wel seem a number for fewnesse not competent ; and what shall we then thinke of seven onely , or ten ? now let it be considered , if rome being granted to be one church , and in which to me there was a congregation and church in the very family of aquila and priscilla , rom. . v. . and whose faith was spread through all the world , rom. . . so as famous writers say the halfe of the city beleeved , if they be but one single congregation meeting all in one place ? ard to me it is cleare , there was a single congregation in the very house of aquila and priscilla , act. . , , . v. , . and that paul preached when he was there daily , beside his disputing in the synagogue ; when he was at rome there was a church at his house , rom. . . so diodati saith on the place , that the church at aquila his house was the assembly of beleevers , who assembled themselves in their house ; for there were divers small assemblies in one and the selfe same city , cor. . . col. . . greet the church that is at their house . col. . . salute nymphus , and the church at his house . where paul speaketh of believers only in a house , he giveth them not the name of a church , as ro. . . salute them that are of aristobulus houshold . v. . greet them that are of the houshold of narcissus . phil. . . all the saints salute you , especially those that are of caesars house . i desire to know a reason of the difference of this grammar , if there were no constituted church in the house of aquila and priscilla , why in one chapter the apostle should change the phrase ? and i desire know what reason we have to goe from the literall meaning of the word , that is , a church at aquila his house , as well as a church at c●rinth . for whereas some say that rom. . . he saluteth not all of the house of narcissus , but onely v. . those which are is the lord ; . this exception is not brought concerning the house of aristobulus , v. . this exception confirmeth what i say , because where there is not a church and an institured society and politicall church-meeting in the house of any of the saint , there they are called beleevers of such a house , and not a church at such a house . . this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used rom. . . cor. . . col. . . phile. . must be the same with the saints assemblea for the word & sacraments . act. . . in the temple , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from house to house daily , and it must be allope with act. . . where they continued daily in the temple with one accord , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and breaking bread from house to house ; and all one with the assembly of disciples act . . where they assembled for the word and sacrament of the supper , especially seeing as the learned acknowledge , the christians could not have temples or houses built for the publique assemblies of the saints as rome and corinth , but they met in private houses ; which seeing it cannot be denied , then were there at rome two churches at least ; one at the house of aquila and priscilla , cor. . . and another also pertaining to the rest of the saints at rome . and this saith , that if there had beene but one single congregation at rome , whereas one family had a church , c. . and so many illustrious families received the faith of christ , it is like their faith could not have been published through all the world , rom. . . if the christian faith had not had a greater prevalency in comparison of the false god● then worshipped at rome , then to be in one poore single meeting . and for the church of corinth , i humbly conceive they could not be one single congregation , if these foure circumstances be considered : . the multitude of beleevers there . . the multitude of teacher● . . the diversity of tongues . . a presbyteriall meeting of prophets , cor. . for the first , act. . . many of the corinthians believed , and were baptized . now if we shall believe that the apostolique church conjoyned preaching and baptizing , the word and the sacraments ; and that the apostles baptized none but those to whom they preached , i conceive it cannot be denied but there were divers assemblies for the word and the sacrament ; for paul , cor. . . baptized n●ne but crispus and gaius , and the houshold of stephanus ; it many were baptized , other pastors , not paul baptized them , cor. . , , . and so they were baptized in other assemblies , then in those in which paul baptized . . it is cleare that to comfort paul whose spirit could not but be heavy , as you may gather from rom. . , . because he was act. . , . resisted so in his ministery by the blasphemies of the jewes rejecting the gospel , that he shooke his rayment on them , and said , your blood be upon your owne heads , i am cleane ; from henceforth i will goe to the gentiles ; the lord saith unto him in a vision , . be not afraid , but speake , and hold not thy peace , . for i am with thee , and no man shall set on thee , for i have much people in this city . . and he continued there a yeere and six moneths , teaching the word amongst them . now let this in equity be considered , if the gaining of one single congregation which meet for the word , sacraments , cor. . , , . cor. . . and also to acts of church-censures cor. . . as our brethren teach , which could not exceed one thousand conveniently in a setled and daily meeting , had first been much people ; secondly , much , in comparison of thousands of the jewes who rejected the lord jesus , as may be gathered from comparing act. . , . and act. . , , . with act. . ● . where it is said , many thousands of the jewes believed , for the greatest part of the iewes rejected christ , as is cleare thess. . . . . and so many more thousands behoved to reject christ then believed ? now what comfort could paul have had in this , that many thousands of the jewes rejected the gospell , and yet all the much people that god had in corinth were but fo●soot● to the number of one compleat assembly of a single congregation , which did meet in a private house , for the celebration of the lords supper ? for piscator with all our divines , cor. teach that their were no capacious temples in corinth , where they did meet for gods worship . . judge if one single congregation ( for the congregations planted by the apostles behoved to be competent , and convenient for edification , that all might heare and all partake of one bread , cor. . . and one table of the lord , v. . ) could necessitate paul to stay at corinth a yeare and six moneths , when as paul by one sermon made in a certaine mans house named justus did bring many to believe and be baptized , acts . . and these many might conveniently make a congregation beside the much people that god had there , v. . not yet called , but yet they were , as interpreters say , the lords people , by gods decree of predestination . . the multitude of teachers proveth that their were more congregation then one ; for . it is incongruous to the wisdome of christ to raise up many reapers , where the harvest is narrow , many builders for one congregationall house . . it is contrary to christs practice , who sent not twelve pastors to one place , but sent them out two by two , that all might find worke : now can we thinke , that where god had much people , as acts . . that he would have hundreths of prophets to be hearers and one at once to speak to one single congregation ? to what end gave the lord a talent to such a huge multitude of prophets ? that they might be oftener hearers , then they could be in actuall prophecying ? it is not like . . whereas it is said , cor. . . you may all prophecy one by one , that all may learne , and all may be comforted , di●datus saith , yee may all prophecy , namely by course and in diverse or severall assemblies . and estius saith the same , to wit , that these prophets were to prophecy in diverse assemblies ; and for this it is that he saith , v : . let your women 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 keepe silence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the churches ; ergo , he supposeth there were more congregations then one at corinth ; nor is there reason to say with some , he speaketh of churches in the plurall number , because he made mention of all the churches of the saints in the verse going before , for . he saith , your wom●n , let them be silent : now if he had not meant that there were many congregations at corinth , he would not have forbidden it in their women , but of all women , and it is knowen there was a great abuse of spirituall gifts in corinth , so as women did prophecy in the assemblies , and this the apostle forbiddeth in their churches in the pl●● all number . and i pray you what roome or place was there for such a multitude of prophets to edifie the churches in one private house ? for there were no temples where they might meet at corinth . . if kenchrea be comprehended under the church of corinth in this epistle , and the apostle writing to the corinthians wrote also to this church called romans . . the church at kenchrea , then have we more congregations then one at corinth . now the learned teach that kenchrea was a sea-port or harbour of the corinthians , a origen saith it was a place neer to corinth . off the aegean sea one the east , and as b strabo saith , ad sinum saronicum , as lechea was the other port . see c plinius . and the multitude of teachers ( i humbly conceive ) which did preach at korinth may be gathered from cor. . . cor. . . . cor. . , . cor. . , . cor. . where there are multitudes of these who were all gifted to edifie others , as those who spake with tongues , wrought miracles , had the gift of healing . and so many prophets that paul saith , v. . for yee may all prophecy , that all may lear●e , and all may be comforted , if these ( all ) who were to learne , and to be comforted be the much people which god had in this city acts . . and this ( all ) to be instructed and comforted , i have no farther to say . and . i can hardly believe that the end why god sent the gift of diverse tongues amongst them was to e●ifie one single congregation : for it is true that our brethren say , that corinthia●s vers . . . tongues are for a signe , not to them that believe , but to them that believe not . but that which they hence collect is most groundlesse , to wit , that therefore the gift of tongues , according to its genuine end and intention is onely a miracle for the gaining of heathen to the faith , and not intended to edifie the church and people of a strange language , after they are brought in to the church , and therefore there is no ground for people of divers congregations to be instructed by strange tongues . ans. the whole current of divines answer , ( as also estius observeth on the place ) tongues are given especially for infidels , ut novitate mirac●li convertantur , that by the newnesse of the miracle they may be converted , though also tongues serve to instruct these who believe , and consequently ; say i , that the churches of divers tongues may be edified . and let me adde that strange tongues were a mixt miracle . i say mixt , because both they were given to be a miraculous signe to assure heathen , that the sending downe of the holy ghost was a miraculous fruit of christs ascension to heaven ; who promised that when he was ascended to the father , he would send the other comforter , as is cleare acts , , , . and also it was so a miracle that paul proveth that it is fruitlesse and wanteth the naturall and genuine end of speech and an humane voyce in the church , if it edifie not , as . tongues edifie not the church , except you speak to these who know the language , or except there be an interpreter , for other ways the speaker with tongues shall be as a barbarian to these to whom ●e speaketh , and they as barbarians to him cor. . . . , , . he that speaketh with tongues is to pray that he may interpret , v. . that he may edifie the church . . he that speaketh with tongues , if he be not understood , is fruitlesse and uselesse to others , because the hearers can neither say amen to his preaching , nor to his praying , v. . , , . ( ) except a man teach others , his gift of tongues teacheth not the church , v. , . ( ) strange tongues in the church when the hearers understand not , are a judgement of god rather then an edifying of the church , v. . & c. hence it is more then evident , that the edifying end , why the lord had raised up these in the church of corinth , ( which was now a planted and watered church , cor. . . ch . , , . and a building , the foundation whereof was layd , v. . , , &c. ) was that the church might be edified . and so the gift of tongues , as touching its edifying use and end , was fruitlesse , and of no effect ; yea as we teach against papists , unlawfull in gods publick worship , except there had been diverse assemblies and congregations , which understood these tongues . nor can it be said , that all in corinth understood greeke . and therefore these of divers tongues might be understood by all : for . this layeth a ground that there was no tongue a strange tongue , but the greeke tongue . . that all speaking with strange tongues was well understood , whereas the apostle sayth the contrary , v. . , . v. . v. . that many spake with tongues in that church , and yet the hearers could not say amen to them , nor be edified by their preaching or praying , v. . if then strange tongues were gifts of god given to that planted church to edifie these who believed , and to edifie the church , as well as to gaine heathen , there must needs be divers congregations at corinth , and therefore i cannot but thinke that weak which mr. mather ; and mr. thomson say ; but the place , cor. . . that speaketh of the whole church comming together to one place doth unavaydably prove , that corinth had their meetings , and not by way of distribution into severall congregations , but altogether in one congregation : and it is plaine , that though they had variety of teachers and prophets . yet they all used to c●●●e together to one place . i answ . . the place , cor. . . if the whole church come together , &c. doth evince the contrary , for the apostle doth there reason ab absurdo , from a great incongruity ; it were incongruous ( saith he ) and ridiculous that the whole church of corinth , and all their gifted men speaking with diverse tongues ( so that they could not be understood by infidells ) should all convene in one place , and speake with divers tongues , for the unlearned and the unbelievers would say they were madde ; therefore hee presupposeth that the whole church should not all come to one place , but that they should so come to one place v. . in diverse assemblies , and all prophecy in a tongue knowen to the infidells , as the unbeliever being convinced and judged of all the prophers . he might fall down on his face , and worship god , and say , god is in you of a truth . . the whole church is not the whole , much people of corinth that believed , that did ordinarily meet in one place ; the text saith no such thing , and that is to be proved and not taken as granted , and so the consequence is most avoydable ; for . you must say that at any one assembly , all the prophets and teachers of corinth did prophecy , for the text saith , v. . he is convinced of all , he is judged of all . whereas the consequence should be absurd , it should be a longesome and we●●● some meeting ; for interpreters say they meet in diverse assemblies , and the text saith expresly , v. . that at one meeting they prophecied , but two or three : now if two only prophecied in one congregation at one assembly , as this text will warrant clearely , then how doth this whole church consisting of all the believers of corinth , a● is supposed by our brethren , convince the infidell , so as it may beare this sense , v. . he is convinced of all , he is judged of all ? can two prophets be all prophets ? and how doth it be●re this v. . but if all prophesie , & c ? surely , for my part , i think it must unavoydably be said , that they all prophecied distributively and in severall congregations . and it is very probable to me , that as women prophecied , so many prophecied at once , and that the apostle correcteth their abuse , when he will have them to prophecy by course , v. . and that too numerous a multitude did prophecy in one assembly , and therefore the apostle reducing this church to order , retrencheth the number v. . to two or three , and so this which he saith v. . for you may all prophecy one by one , &c. must unavoydably be understood distributively in divers congregations and assemblies , and so must we take the words where it is said , v. . all the prophets convince , all judge , distributively ; and the whole church v. . by this cannot beare this sense , that the whole church of corinth comprehending the the whole prophets . teachers , and ●elievers , did all collectively meet in one single assembly . and that the much people which the lord had at corinth , acts . . was one society partaking of one table of the lord , in one private house , and all in one consistory judging and censuring and excommunicating . lastly , i thinke ( with reverence of the learneder ) that these prophets were a colledge of teaching prophets whose gifts were imployed in edifying severall congregations ; only some , say they , were prophets extrordinarily inspired . . they were not prophets of the church of corinth , and therefore are not any patterne of a presbytery , but i answer . . though they were prophets extraordinarily inspired , yet do they prove well some ordinary acts of a presbytery , and that . they were prophets of that same church of corinth , i conceive ; for they do here prophecy according to the analogy of faith , and that they have common with prophets now adayes . . they are by these same rules regulated that our pastors are now . . they exercise these same acts of jurisdiction which pastors do now exercise . . they are to prophecy in a knowen tongue , v. . , , ▪ and that the edification and comfort of the church , ● . . even as p●stors now adayes , only the internall principle , to wit , the insused gift of prophecying made them extraordinary prophets , in fi●ri , as our prophets become prophets by ordinary industry and studies , in furi : but in facto esse , and according to the substance of the acts of prophecying , these extraordinary prophets , and our ordinary prophets and pastors differ not in specie and nature . as the eyes put in the man borne blind ioh. . and these eyes which we suppose he was capable of from his mothers wombe , and the wine miraculously made out of water by iesus christ , ioh. . and the wines that grew in iudea , according to their manner of production and in fieri differed , but in facto esse they were of the same nature . hence you see in the text these prophets are every way regulated as ordinary prophets , and as the prophets of the church of corinth . because it is acknowledged by all interpreters that the scope of the chapter is to prescribe what is order and decency in the publick worship in the church of corinth ; as the last verse saith , v. . let all things be done decently and in order , and consequently how these prophets should edifie the church of corinth , v. . , . ( ● ) that these prophets should not speake in publick the language of barbar●an , v. , . to the which the hearer could not say amen , v. . and this way are our ordinary prophets regulated , except that papists will but say service in latine , ( ) a direction is put on the prophets , on these who speake with tongues , that they be not children in understanding , and that they be , in malice , as children , but as concerning understanding , men , v. . which agreeth well to prophets as they are ordinary pastors . ( ) what more ordinary , then the comming together of the whole church for prophecying , v. . . and convincing of unbelievers ? a● . ( ) the prophets are to be limited to a way of speaking to edification , as he who speaketh with tongues , who must speake by an interpreter , or then be silent in the church , v. . . ( ) these prophets , a● our ordinary prophets , must speake orderly , and that but one at once , to eschew confusion , v. . ( ) what they speake is to be judged and put under censure , for the whole colledge must judge , v. . . ( ) and as the women are here put under a rule , when to speak , and when to be silent , v. . . so are these prophets , all which , and divers other rules doe regulate our ordinary prophets , which clearely saith to me , that this is a patterne of a colledge of ordinary prophets under that same policy and rules of policy as the ordinary colledge of pastors at corinth , and . to this colledge agreeth a power dogmaticall of judging , and censuring the doctrine of the prophets delivered , . let the prophets speak two or three , and let the other judge . this is not a power of judging that every christian hath . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith piscator , doth relate to the prophets who are to judge ; but ( as i take it ) a propheticall judging , which may , by good anology , warrant the juridicall power of a presbytery to judge and examine these who preach the word , that there creep not in false teachers into the church . and for ephesus . the huge number of believers and yet making one church , rev. . . saith that ephesus was a presbyteriall church as many circumstances evince , acts . for . . paul established twelve men prophets who spake with tongues , and prophecied . to what end did paul set up twelve labourers at epheseus , with diverse languages , but to establish divers assemblies ? did they all meet dayly in one house with paul to heare him , and turned silent prophets themselves , when they were indeed with the gift of tongues to speake to the edification of assemblies of divers tongues ? it is not credible . . and v. . paul continued here for the space of two yeares , ( and was this for one competent number , who did all meet in one private house ? how can this be credible ? ) . all that dwelt in asia heard the word of the lord iesus , both jewes and greeks , then in great ephesus there behoved to be more then one congregation . . the great miracles done by paul. v. . . to admiration of all , and to procure the imitation of false prophets . . the name of the lord iesus was magnified by the iewes and greeks that dwelt at ephesus . . there behoved to be a great work of god , when great ephesus turned to the faith . it is , . remarkable that christ the wisdome of the father directed his apostles to the most famous cities , to cast out their nets , for conquering of soules to christ , as in indea they came to samaria , and to great jerusalem ; in syria to antiochia , in grecia to corinth , in italy to rome , in asia the lesse to ephesus ; now the scripture is cleare the apostles , that ever we read , planted but one church , as is cleare in one city in ierusalem , in antiochia , in corinth , in rome , in ephesus : and observe , the basis and prime principle of our brethrens independent churches doth all ly upon this meer conjecture , that the lords grace did restrict and limit the fruits of the triumphing gospell , in the hands of the apostles the conquerors of the world to iesus christ , that they planted but in the greatest cities they came to ( and they appoynted elders in every city ) onely one poore single congregation , as a patterne of all independent churches , and this consisted of no more then could meet conveniently in one house for word , sacraments , one lords table , and one ecclesiasticall church - court for censures . certainly this church being a patterne to all instituted churches , could not exceed the number of a thousand men , or two thousand believers , and this is a greater number by some hundreds , i am sure , then can make a competent church-meeting , and i hope no man could say we erred , if we should now make eight or ten thousand one congregation in ordinary , as our brethren say the first congregationall church of jerusalem wa● . b●t . . this city was the mother city and flower of asia . . it was noble , because of diana's temple , the length whereof was foure hundred and twenty five foot , the breadth two hundred and twenty foot , the pillars were an hundred and twenty seven , the height of every pillar was sixty foot . amongst which there were thirty pillars most curiously carded . others say they were an hundred and thirty seven pillars made by severall kings , the temple was built by all asia for the space of two hundred and twenty , ( some say ) fourty yeares . it was inlarged by alexander ; and thither came all asia the lesse to the temple of great diana . for they had no other religion , here dwelt the proconsull of asia , as saith a philostratus , it abounded with artes and sciences , philosophers and orators , b chrysostom saith that in it were pythagaras , parmenides , zeno , democritus , it was compassed with excellent cities , and noble for asiatick commodities , see c plinius , and d alexander neopolitanus , e ignatius highly commendth it from the purity of the gospell . all this i relate not as an unpertient digression , but to shew that the gospell behoved to be more mighty here ; then that paul set up but one single congregation and an eldership congregationall only , acts . . v. . . especially consider what beasts paul fought with at ephesus , for here were many jewes who opposed him . . all the multitude , by the instigation of demetrius , avowing that their diana was the goddesse not only of ephesus but of all asia ; yet god made the word so mightily to prevaile , for v. . paul remaining there by the space of two yeares , all that dwelt in asia heard the word of the lord , both jewes and greeks . i aske how it could stand with pauls universall commission to preach to iew and gentiles , cor. . . . as an apostle , to ●em●ine neere three years at ephesus for one single congregation , and the erecting of one congregationall presbytery ? . we see how zealously mad they have been on their religion , when they had such a curious temple for diana . and . demetrius and the crafts had their living by making silver shrines to diana . and . what power of the gospell it behoved to be , which made their learned men who used curious arts , to submit to the gospell and bring their books and burne them before all men ? and the sums of these books extended to a great sum of mony , the common people ordinarily follow the learned and the wise of the city and land ; this could not have been done except the far greater part of the city had submitted to the gospell , for when they were well neer ready to tear paul in peeces , they behoved to be wounderfully tamed , when many believed , and came and confessed and shewed their deeds , v. . baynes com . on . ch . ephes. saith , ephesus was a city sogiven to riot that it banished hermodor . upon no other consideration , but because he was an honest sober man ; and also paul cor. . saith , v. . for a great doore and effectuall is open to me at ephesus , this was , as all interpreters protestant and popish say , uno ore , a large harvest . upon these considerations , i leave to our reverend brethren their judgement : if mr. mather , and mr. thomson say right , we doe not thinke they were more in number at ephesus , then in corinth and ierusalem , where the christians met all in one place . likewise samaria a numerous city was one church , for that it is said of them , acts , , . they heard philip , v. . samaria received the word , it was a publick visible churchreceiving of the word ; and v. . they believed and were baptized both men and women . where a multitude no better then heathen as samaria was , receive the seale of the covenant , to wit baptisme , they must receive it in a church-way , except we thinke that promiscuously all come to age were received to the seales , and when peter and iohn came to samaria to helpe philip in the worke , it cannot be that they all went to one house , and to one single assembly to preach the word ; the church of antiochia must be a presbyteriall church , a● it is acts . v. . . for the multitude of believers may be collected from these who were scattered abroad upon the persecution that arose about steven — — when they were come to antioch , spaks unto the grecians preaching the lord jesus . . and the hand of the lord was with them : and a great number believed and turned to the lord. this is not like to be one congregation , seeing they are , . much people . . many scattered preachers . . and the hand of the lord accompained their labours . v. . when barnabas , sent by the church of ierusasalem , came and saw the grace of god , he exhorted them all , that with purpose of heart they would cleave to the lord , and upon barnabas his preaching , v. . — much people was added to the lord. here is a second accession made to the church of antioch . ( ) v. . then departed barnabas to tarsus to seek saul . . and when hee had found him , hee brought him to antioch . and it came to passe that a whole yeare they assembled themselves with the church , and taught much people ( here is a third accession ; ) and such a huge multiplication , that the church of antioch giveth a denomination of christianity to all the christian churches of the world. all which saith , it cannot be one poore single congregation , for there was at least , if not more then one congregation at antioch , when tidings came to jerusalem that the lord had a church at antioch , before they sent barnabas to these churches , v. . and what might this church grow to when much people was added to the lord , by the labours of barnabas ? v. . and how was it increased when barnabas and paul after that taught the word to much people a whole yeare ? v. . it grew after that a great church , so that a chrysostom commendeth antioch for the prime church . and b oecumenius saith , for this cause there was a patriarch appointed at antioch , which certainly sayth thus much , that it was a more numerous church then one single congregation , and c cyrillus so extolled the church of antioch , because the disciples were first named christians there , that he saith , this was the new name that esaiah said the mouth of the lord d should name , and so doth e hilarius expound the text ; which , seeing it is clearely the new glory of the church of the gentiles , adjoyned to the church of the iewes , it cannot arise from a handfull of a single congregation , in the mind of these fathers , and though we love not with some antiquity to make antioch the first church before rome ; yet seeing it was of old before rome , we may hence collect that that church which was patriarchall , was not congregationall , and therefore i make no use hereof , f volaterranus who saith of old the patriarch of antioch had under him . metropolitans , . bishops , and temples , onely it is like that antiquity hath believed that there was a great number of believers in this church at first . now to these , which to mee prove it was more then one congregation , wee may adde that there was , ch. . . in the church that was at antioch , certaine prophets and teachers , as they are reckoned out ; these at antioch ministered to the lord , in publick prayers ( saith g beza ) and preaching , and ( saith n diodatus ) in administration also of the sacraments , and other parts of the evangelick ministery i oecumenius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now i would know what all these prophets and doctors , beside paul and barnabas who preached a whole yeare at antioch , did , in peaching to one single congregation ? and also it is said , acts . . paul and barnabas continued at antioch , teaching and preaching the word of lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with also many others . certainly here is a colledge of preaching pastors , who also did lay hands on paul and barnabas , acts . v. . which all could not be busied in teaching one single congregation at antioch . mr. mather saith that the whole multitude of the church of antioch were gathered together acts . . and acts . , . to heare the epistle read which was sent from the synod . therefore this church was no more then might meete in one place . answ. i answer , the place acts . . is the representative church , for they met for a poynt of discipline , at least for a matter that concerned all the churches , to wit , to know how god had opened the doore of faith to the gentiles , then must the many thousands of men and women , which made up the church at ierusalem , acts . . acts . . acts . . acts . . v. . acts . v. . be many congregations ; now any man may judge , how unpossible it was for the many thousands of the church of ierusalem to meet as one congregation , for the lords supper and matters of discipline , and it is knowen that the many thousands of the believing iewes convened to the feast did not make one church , acts . . , . for our brethren say , that was an extraordinary confluence of many people from all ●udea came to the feast of pentecost . and this , many learned protestant divines answer to that place . but . i doe believe that the assembling of the multitude at antioch , c. . v. . which sayth judas and silas gathered to●ether the multitude , and delivered the epistle , and acts . . and barnabas and paul their assembling with the church a yeare , must be taken distributively . and that there were more assemblings of the multitude and church at antioch then one , for silas , paul , barnabas abode a good space at antioch and taught the word of the lord with many others , acts . . and therefore there is no ground or warrant , to say , that the epistle was read to all that meeting in one day , and at one meeting , and as little warrant there is to say that barnabas and paul assembled themselves , acts . . with one and the same single church-assembly consisting of all the christians at antioch , in one house , and in one day , the space of the whole yeare in which they abode at antioch , nor shall i believe that paul and barnabas and many other teachers at antioch , acts . . acts . , . acts . , , , . assembled all in one materiall house at one single church-convention : but it suteth not with the wisdome of christ who sent his disciples out , two by two , for the hastening of the worke , mat. . that they did all , even the many prophets at antioch , acts . . acts . . . onely bestow their labours upon one single congregation . and the word church , and ( synagogue ) both are taken distributively in the scripture , and must of necessity be taken so . and so must we take the word , exod. . . and so a ainsworth readeth it , and the ( lambe ) shall be kept by you , untill the fourteenth day of this moneth , and the whole church of the congregation of israel shall kill it . between the two evenings , & immolabunt eum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b arias montanus turneth it , omnis cetus catus synagogae israel . now the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that place must be taken distributively . for all the children of israel collectively did not meet to slay the lambe ; for the text saith , v. . it was to be slaine in the house , that is , ( saith c ainsworth ) as the greeke translateth , houses . and here v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the house of their fathers . the word ( house ) here must bee taken distributively for d rivetus with great reason inclineth to thinke that the passeover was not a sacrifice properly so called . and truly to me the lord doth determine the question , jer. . . for i spake not to your fathers , nor commanded them in the day that i brought them out of the land of egypt concerning burnt offerings and sacrifice , for chro. , v. . . there is no necessity to expound the place of these convivall lambes of the passeover , but of other sacrifices offered at this time , see e lyran , and f cajetanus . and also g cornelius a lapide saith on the words ( because he can find no ground for the mosse in the place ) hinc pate● universos sacerdotes non immolasse hos agnos paschales in templo , uti sentit claudius sainctes , . repet . eucharist . c. . abulensis in exod. . & ex eo serrarius in josu . . . . and it is certaine every master of the family did slay his owne lambe , and h diodatus on these words ( in every house ) to shew the communion of the church , in the enjoying of christ and his benefi●s . and the i seventy interpreters render the place , exo. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and k the chaldee paraphrast , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 immolabunt eum omnis ecclesia filiorum israel . l hieron . immolabit eum universa multitudo filiorum israel . however , there were neither priests nor temple as yet in israel , when they came out of egypt . and therefore every head of a family did slay the lambe , and so the church of the congregation distributively taken slew the lambe , every one by himselfe ; and so is the word ( synagogue ) taken where it s every way a congregationall assembly ; as mat. . . and when hee was come to his owne country , he taught them in their synagogue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word ( synagogue ) must be taken distributively . for he did not teach in one single synagogue onely in his own countrey , but in many synagogues , one after another , in diverse places , and at divers times ; as it is expounded , luke . . and hee was preacking , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the sgnagogues of galilee , in the plurall number , mat. . . he went about all townes and villages teaching in their synagogues , &c. joh. . . i ever taught in the synagogues , and dayly in the temple whither the iewes alwayes refort . and therefore ( synagogue ) mat. . . in the singular number must be expounded distributively , for many synagogues in diverse places and diverse times , and so doe i thinke the word ( church ) and muluitude acts . . acts . . must be taken distributively ; and so the word church is taken . cor. . . yet in the church i had rather speak five words with my understanding , that i may teach others , then ten thousand words in an unknowen tongue . paul ( i hope ) desired not to speake in a knowen tongue to edifie in one single congregation of corinth onely , but in all the churches where he taught , and cor. . it is a shame for a woman to speake in the church : the word church cannot be in that place restricted to the one single congregation , supposed to meet all in one house at one time in corinth , because it is a shame for a woman to preach in all the churches of the world , as is clear , tim. , , . and exod. . . all the church , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of israel shall doe it , that is , they shall eate the lambe in their houses , and shall not break a bone thereof , so the . interpreters render it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chaldee paraphrast , omnis caetus israel faciet illud . it were easie to b●ing infinite instances out of the word of god to make good that a collective , noun such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a church , is taken distributively . so james . . if toere came unto your assembly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man with a gold ring , &c. except the word ( assemblie ) or , church , be taken distributively and not collectively , it shall follow that all the dispersed iewes , to whom iames doth write , have one single place of church-assembly , as heb. . . not forsaking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the assembly of your selves together , a● the manner of some is ; but can any inferre from this place , more then from acts . . acts. . . that all the whole hebrewes , to whom that apostle doth write had one ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) single church-meeting , and one congregation , in the which they did all meet for worship ? i thinke not : or will it follow that there were none amongst all these iewes who did separate from any church-assemblie , except onely from the church-assembly of a single congregation , because the apostle mentioneth onely one single church-meeting ? i think not , and therefore the apostles mentioning of one assembling of the church , acts . . and of one multitude , in the singular number , acts . . can never prove that there was but one single congregation at antioch . therefore there be great ●dds betwixt meeting in a church , and meeting in the church . also tit. . . for this cause was titus left at creet , that he might appaynt elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in every city , if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be not all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts . . acts . . . that is , if ordaining of elders of every city , bee not as good , as ordaining of elders in every church , then must there be but in all , and every city , where ever the apostles or evangelists planted churches , but one single congregation , and not any more then could meet in a single congregation ; which is a conjecture , and much contrary to these times when the gospell admirably grew in the world. and it must follow that every city had but such a competent number as met in one place ; and if this hold , as an uncertaine thing , in great cities , then must we say an eldership in a city , and an eldership of many congregations were the first planted apostolick churches , and so rules to us also . and looke what frame of churches the apostles did institute in cities , that same they behoved to institute in villages also , for places cannot change the frame of any institution of christ. . the communion of saints and church-edification is as requisite for villages , as for cities . arguments removed , which mr. richard mather , and mr. william thomson pastors in new england , in their answer to mr. charles herle , do bring , so far as they make against the authors former treatises , and a scanning of some synodicall propositions of the churches of n. england . mr. mather , mr. thomson , c. . . governing power is only in the elders , cor. . . rom. . . heb. . . the people hath no power but rather a liberty or priviledge , which when it is exercised about ordination , deposition , excommunication , is of the whole communiter , or in generall , but not of all and every member in particular ; women for their sex , children for want of discr●tion are d●barred . answ. if there be no governing power in women , nor any act at all in excommunication . you loose many arguments that you bring , cor. . to prove that all have hand in excommunication . . because paul writeth to all . . all were to mourne . . all ware to forbeare the company of the excommunicated men . then belike paul writeth not to all saints at corinth , not to women , and women were not to mourne for the scandall ; nor to forbeare his company . . the priviledge being a part of liberty purchased by christs body , it must be due to women , for the liberty wherewith christ hath made women free cannot be taken away by any law of god from their sex , except in christ iesus there be difference betwixt iew and gentile , male and female ; nor is it removed because i● i● a power or authority , for the authors say it is no power , but a priviledge . . what priviledge the people have in ordination to confer a ministery which they neither have formally , nor vertually , i know not . but i doe willingly say something here of the peoples power ; the first synodicall proposition of new england , is . . propos. the fraternity is the first subject of all ministeriall power , radicalitèr , idest 〈◊〉 per modum collationis , some say suppletivè , non habitualitèr , non actualit ●r , non formalitèr . that is , ( if i conceive it right ) the people voyd of all officers have a vertuall power to conferre a ministery on their officers though they have not this power in themselves . i could in some sense yield that believers not angells , are capable of the ministeriall power to exercise it formally , but that believers doe , or can , by any way of causative influence , make church-officers , i see not : they may design a man qualified to bean officer to the office , and that is all . but say they , people wanting , or being naked and without all officers hath not formally or habitually any power in them , this latter part igrant , and the . proposition i grant , to wit. that the presbytery is the first subject of all presbyteriall power habitually , and formally . but i doe not see how it standeth with the third proposition ; which is . the fraternity or the people without the officers , and without women or children , have an authoritative concurrence with the presbytery , in judiciall acts . because if the brethren have an halfe ministeriall power with the officers in acts of jurisdiction and excommunication , deposition , and censures , i see not how there is not a ministeriall power formally and habitually , at least in part , in the brethren ; and so contrary to the third proposition , the prasbytery is not the first subject of all prebyteriall power , for the brethren are sharers with the elders in this power . . we desire to see it made good by gods word , that the brethren have a joynt power of jurisdiction with the elders , for the table giveth them a brotherly publick power not by way of charity , but a politick church power , in many eminent acts , especially in those eight ; and that constantly , . in the admission . . in sending messengers to the churches . . in the excommunication of members . . . in interpretation of scripture . . in the calling . . in a judiciall determination of controversies of religion in a synod . . and deposition of ministers . . in a power of disposing of things indifferent . i cannot see any judiciall power , or any farther then a charitative yielding by way of a loving and brotherly consent , that the scripture giveth to brethren . . how this can be denied to be a power of jurisdiction and governing ; and an actuall ministeriall using of the keyes of the kingdome by those who ex officio , by place , and calling are no officers , i believe is not easily understood . . the letter that i saw sayth , that that learned and godly divine mr. cotton and some others thinke , that the church as it is an organicall body made up of elders , and people is the first subject of all ecclesiasticall power , and they divide it into a power of authority , and a power of liberty , whereof the power of authority belongeth to the elders or eldership , and the power of liberty to the fraternity , or brethren that are not officers ; and therefore these reverend brethren deny any authoritative concurrence to the brethren , and they thinke that the church as it is an homogeneall body , that is , a company destitute of officers , cannot formally ordaine , excommunicate , or censure the elders , though in case of obstinacy they may doe that which is equivalent , and so separate from them . the . proposition is ; the fraternity or brethren in an organicall body , or in a ●●med and established church consisting of officers and people , act and use their authority , subordinate per modum obedi nt●ae , subordinately , and by way of due obedience to the elders , c●r . . . but i desire a word of christs testament for this , where wee a●de that collaterall judges acting as judges doe act by way of obedience and subjection one to another : for if the brethren , cor. . convened in court with the elders to deliver the incestuous man to satan , do act in that court as giving obedience to the elders , i see not how they concurre authoritatively is sharers with them of that same ministeriall power : if it be said , brethren though they act as judges in excommunicating , yet they remaine brethren and a part of the flock , and so in all their morall acts of authoritative concurring with the elders , they are under the pastorall care of these who watch for soules , and so they judge and act even in the court as under subjection to their watchmen , who must give an accompt for their soules ; i answer , so the elders in their acts of the most supreame ministeriall authority and acting in a church . court , leave not off to be brethren and a part of the flock of christ , and so in subjection one to another ; for six elders watch for the soule of one , and one also for the soules of six , and so if this were a good reason the elders should act with subordination of obedience to elders . as the people act with subordination to the elders . . the place cited for this cor. . . where it is said , that the preachers have in readinesse to revenge all disobedience , must inferre that they are to revenge , by the word which is mighty through god to cast downe strong holds , as is said there , v. . . even disobedience of elders ruling unjustly and abusing the keyes , no lesse then disobedience of the people . and i see not how brethen acting in a church-court joyntly with elders , how in that they put on the relation of the flock , and the part governed in the very act of exercising acts of governing , for otherwayes one pastor in the act of preaching in the name of jesus christ , and so in authority above these to whom he preacheth , doth preach subordinatè , and as in subjection to the whole organicall and formed church , who hath power to censure him , if he preach erroneous doctrine . . i see not how the third proposition doth stand , to wit , that the brethren , share with the elders in authoritative acts of the keyes , and yet they ●ct ( according to the. . proposition ) as under the eldership by way of subjection and obedience to them . except this be that which our brethren meane , that the people of a single congregation exercise acts of jurisdiction by way of dependence , so as they may be censured by the elders if they erre , but the elders if they erre , are every way popes , and so independent ; that there is no church-power on earth above them , that in a church-way may censure them , or call them to an accompt . . the table of new england divideth the actuall exercise of the power in a charitative power by way of love and charity , and a politick or church-exercise , the politick exercise againe is either brotherly , fraternall , or presbyteriall , and the presbyteriall exercise is either . teaching .   or ,   . governing . and teaching is either by way of office , or administrating the sacraments . the presbyteriall exercise of the keyes is independentelders , in the power of governing , sed respect● apotelesmatis s●u complementi censurae , in respect of the effect , or a compleat act of governing , the elders rule and act with dependence upon the people , in these foure cases . in excommunication .   . in judging .   . in sentencing the aocused .   . in election or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in calling of a minister . so that the elders there alone without the people , can exercise none of these acts completely , without the people so heare the elders depend upon the people in their actuall governing , and the fraternity or brethren depend on the elders by way of subjection , or obedience to them . yet give me leave , the letter informeth me that it is said by many learned and godly men in new england , that if their policy should make the government of the church popular , they should give up the cause . but i conceive the government to be popular , though the people only be not governours , for mor●llius never taught any such thing ; now this government maketh elders and people to governe the church joyntly with mutuall dependence one upon another , which certainly maketh the brethren in the lord , as well as the elders ; for if the elders be not these onely which watch for the peoples soules as these which must give an accompt heb. . , . and they be not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over the people in the lord , as is said thess. . . . then the brethren must be taken in with them a● joynt governours , as is said propos. . which certainly must confound the scripturall order established by god betwixt the pastors and the flock , the watchmen , and the city , the shep●eards and the flock , these who are to obey , and these who are over them in the lord. the . and . proposition is , the brethren may not excommunicate an elder but mediante concilio , by the intervening sentence of the elders ; is , but the brethren may separate and withdraw from the presbyteris , after they refuse sound advise . answ. . this is much contrary to that which they ordinarily teach , to wit , that people destitute of officers may ordaine and excommunicate their officers . . by this learning the soules of elders are in an hard case , for when they do all scandalously 〈◊〉 , there is no ecclesiasticall meane of edifying them , for there is no church on earth to excomunicate elders when they ●●re . separation from them is an unwarrantable way , except they be excommunicated . . in the case of the elderships incorrigible scandalls , the power of excommunication retireth into the brethren . yet it was never formally in the brethren , nor can they exercise this power , but mediante presbyteri● , that is , they cannot excommunicate the eldership , but by the judiciall sentence of the eldership , and so the power is but a shadow . mr. mather , mr. thomson , cap. . pag. , . though some have appealed , as luther and cranmer from the pope to a generall councell . yet not from a congreation to a generall councell . answ. in matters doctrinall , some as luther and others have justly appealed from a congregation , to a generall councell , though luther and cranmer did it not ; though verily i professe i cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandalls can be in a generall councell , there may be some meerly doctrinall power , if such a councell could be had , and that is all . m. mather , mr. thomson , c. . pag : . if churches be dependent on synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government , by the same reason churches must end in a monarchy on earth . answ. i see this sayd , without any probation . churches depend on many above them for unity ; but what consequence is this ; ergo , they depend upon one visible monarch . it is an unjust consequence . mr. mather , mr. thomson , c. , pag. . the graecians and hebrewes made not two churches , but one congregation , they called the multitude of disciples together , v. . answ. that the chiefe of both grecians and hebrewes were convened in one to give their consent to the admission of their officers the deacons , i conceive ; but that all the thousands of the church of jerusalem were here , as in one ordinary congregation i judge unpossible . mr. mather , c. . pag. . . if your argument be good , if thy brother offend and refuse to submit tell the church , because christs remedy must be as large as the disease : then if a nationall church offend , you are to complaine to a higher church above a nationall church ; and because offences may arise betwixt christians and indians , you may complain of an indian to the church . ans. because ordinary communion faileth , when you got higher then a nationall church , and christs way suppoleth an ordinary communion , as is cleare . if thy brother offend , &c. therefore i deny that this remedy is needfull in any church above a nationall church . . christs remedy is a church . remedy for offences amongst brethren , and members of the visible church . and indians are no members of the church , and so being without , they cannot bee judged , co. . . we say that if the magistrate be an enemy to religion , may not the church without him convene and renew a covenant with god ? mr. mather , and mr. thomson answer , c. . pag. . if the supreame magistrate be an enemy to religion , it is not like , but most or many of the people will be of the same mind . regis ad exemplum — as it is in france , and spaine , and was in the dayes of queene mary , and then the believers in the land will not be able to beare the name of the land or nation , but of a small part thereof ; nor can it be well conceived how they should assemble in a nationall synod , for that , or any other purpose , when the magistrate is a professed enemie , nor doth god require it at their hands . answ. this is a weake answer : the christians under ner● were not like their prince , and it s not like but sincere christians will bee sincere christians and professe truth . even when the magistrate is an enemy . and . if your meaning be , it cannot be conceived how they should assemble in a nationall assembly when the magistrate is an enemy ; because it is not safe for feare of persecution . then you say nothing to the argument , because the argument is drawen from a duty , a nation professing the gospell after many backslidings are obliged to convene in a nationall synod , and are to renew their covenant with the lord , and your answer is from an ill of affliction : and if you meane that because the princes power is against their synodicall convening , this is nothing against the power of the synods that christ hath given to his church ; but if your meaning be that it is not lawfull to them to convene in a nationall synod to renew a covenant with god against the supreame magistrates will , i hope you minde no such thing● ; for so doe malignants a now alledge that wee never read of any reformation of religion in scripture warranted , but where the prince did contribute his authority , because he onely is to reforme , and he onely rebuked for the standing of the high places , but hee may soone be answered . . both israel and iudah were so bent to backsliding , that wee read not that ever the people made any reall reformation of religion , josiah , hezekiah and asa did it for them . but what an argument is this : iudah did never , for the most of the land , seeke the lord god of their fathers with all their heart ; ergo , the seeking of the lord god with all the heart is an unwritten tradition ? . princes are obliged to remove high places ; but are they obliged with their owne hands to breake all the images ? no , i thinke if they remove the high places by the hands of their subjects , or command their subjects to remove them , they doe full well . but i see not this consequence . ergo , princes onely are obliged to remove the high places , it followeth not . . if it be the princes part to command his subjects this duty of reformation and removall of the high places , then they may performe their duty without the prince . . there is a twofold reformation , one an heart-reformation . sure this is not the princes onely . all the land may repent without the king. there is another , an outward reformation . and that is twofold , either negative , or positive● negative is to refraine from ill , and the unlawfull and superstitious manner of worshipping god , as in new offices not warranted by his word , antichristian ceremonies , and a masse-booke , &c. certainly all the land are to abstaine from sinne , though the king command not : now all the reformation for the most part in both kingdomes is in obstinence from superstitious superadditions that defiled the worship of god , and to this there is no necessity of the magistrates authority , more then wee need● the kings warrant , to put an obligation upon gods negative commandements . all that is positive is the swearing of a lawfull covenant to observe and stand by the faith and true religion of the land , but i see no more a necessity that a king warrant the lawfull vow of twenty thousand , then the lawfull vow of one man , seeing it is a lawfull profession of christ before men commanded in the third commandement . and to the observance of that law of god , which god and conscience hic & nunc doe oblige us , there is no addition of a kingly authority by necessity of a divine law required to make it valid , no more then if all the kingdome at such a solemne day of humiliation , should all in every severall church sweare to reformation of life . . the apostles and christ positively did reforme religion , and the church without and contrary to the mind of civill authority , nor is it enough to say the apostles were apostles , but wee are not apostles , for upon this morall ground , acts . . wee ought rather to obey god than man , ) they reformed contrary to the magistrates mind . and wee doe but contend for that very same faith , jud. . which was once delivered to the saints . so to reforme is to seeke the old way , and to walks in it , jeremy . . to turne to the lord with all the heart , jeremy . and for this cause , jeremy . . iudah is sayd not to veturue to the lord with her whole heart , but fainedly , because when a zealous king reformed , them they returned not with all their heart . whence reformation of religion must bee the peoples duty , no lesse then the kings ; and i believe such a divine precept carrying the new sense of our malignant divines should bee black policy , not sound divinity , if any ierimiah or prophet should say ; amend your wayes and turne to the lord with all your heart , and put away your idolls and your strange gods , providing the king will goe before you , and command you so to doe . hence i say that 's a poore court-argument of parasites for kings . wee never read of any reformation of religion in israel and judah but when holy and zealous kings commanded the reformation ; ergo , the reformation begun in scotland without the consent of the supreame magistrate , and a reformation now prosecuted in england against the kings will is unlawfull . to which . i desire the malignant divines to receive these answers for justifying the zeale of both kingdomes in their reformation . . it is a question , if they question not the reformation according to the substance of the action , that is , if they are not offended that the queenes masse , the popery of prelates and divines under their wings , and their arminianisme , and socinianisme should be abolished , or if they condemne not the doctrine , but question onely the manner of abolishing such heterodox stuffe . if the former be said , i● is knowen , never malignant , prelate or other had grace , by word , or writing , to entreate his m●jesty for a reformation , and this is enough for the former . if they meane the latter , they bee very like the pharisees , who when they durst not question the doctrine and miracles of christ , they onely questioned the manner of doing . and sayd by what authority doest thou these ? but because they are joyned to the papists side , and fight under their banner ; it is most evident it galleth their stomacks , that popery , atminianisine , and socinianisme are cryed downe ; else the manner of doing a good worke , and such a necessary worke as reformation , would not have offended them so highly , as to move them to kill the people of god ; an error in the circumstances of a good worke is very veniall to papists and arminians . . let them give to us , since they argue from a practice , a warrant of any such practice , where a whole land went on in a negative reformation without the prince ergo , negative precepts , by this logick , shall lay no divine obligation on us , except it bee the kings will to forbid that which god forbiddeth , then suppose episcopacy and the ceremonies were the idoll of the masse established by a standing law , it should bee unlawfull for the kingdomes to forbeare and abstaine from idolatry , except the kings law forbid idolatry . what were this else but to say , we are obliged to obey christs will , but not except with a reservation of the kings will ? . this is an argument negative , from one particular in scripture , and therefore not concludent . for it is thus , reformation without the king wanteth a practise in the sc●ipture ; ergo , it is unlawfull , it followeth not , except it want precept , promise and practise , for the argument negative from scripture is onely undeniable in this sense ; and in this sense onely pressed by our divines against papists . and therefore it is like this argument , purgatory is not commanded in this chapter , idolatry is not forbi●den in this commandement , ergo , neither purgatorie , nor idolatry is forbidden in gods word . so let the adversaries give me a practise in the word of god , where a brother kept this order of christs three steps , mat. . first , to reprove an offender alone . secondly , before two or three witnesses . thirdly , in case of obstinacy , to tell the church ; and to these adde , that the man was by the church to be reputed as an heathen and a publican . and i hope , because such a practise we doe not read , yet it followeth not that it is unlawfull . so where read you a man forgiving his brother seventy seven times : ergo , it is unlawfull to forgive him seventy and seven times ? where read you that christ and his apostles , and the christian church in the new testament raised warre and armies either to defend or offend , but i hope anabaptists have not hence ground to inferre , then must all warres be unlawfull to christians , for wee can produce warrantable precepts , where we want practise . fourthly , where it is said , kings onely are rebuked for not removing high places , and kings onely are commended , because they are removed , therefore none should reforme but kings . this followeth no wayes , but onely kings by royall authority should reforme ; but it followeth not ; ergo , the people without the king are not obliged to reforme themselves in their manner , for i am sure , that the people should all universally resolve and agree , never to sacrifice in the high places and accordingly to practise : and to sacrifice onely in the place which the lord had chosen to place his name there , at gods expresse law commanded , deuteronomy . . deuteronomy . . . deuteronomy . . . . . deut. . . had beene a removall of the high places and a warrantable reformation , though the king should have , by a standing law , commanded that they should sacrifice in the high places , for the people are rebuked , because kings . . they burnt incense in all the high places , chronicles . . hosea . . and , a chronicles . . the reason why the high places were not taken away , is : for as yet the people had not prepared their hearts unto the god of their fathers . if then not sacrificing in the high places was the peoples duty , they were to remove the high places , in their place ; and so farre to reforme without the king , yea suppose the king command the contrary , the people ought to obey god , and the parliament may by gods law abolish episcopacy , popish ceremonics , and the popish service though the king consent not , upon this ground that those he the high places of england , for the which the wrath of the lord is kindled against the land. fifthly , the adversaries may read , chronicles . . that the strangers out of ephraim , and manasseh and simeon gathered themselves together to asa without the consent of their king , and did enter in a covenant to seek the lord god of their fathers . sixtly , the pastors of the land are obliged to preach all necessary truth , without the king , and accordingly are to practise what they preach ; now reformation is a most necessary truth , they are then to reforme themselves and religion without the king : for the word of god , not the kings will is the pastors rule in preaching , and hee is to separate the pretious from the vile , that hee may be as gods mouth , jeremy . . and ezekiel . . thou shalt speake my words unto them , that was the doctrine of reformation , not the kings words , vers . . but , thou sonne of man , heare what i say to thee ; yea pastors are to preach against kings and their sinnes , kings . . . . jer. . . ier. . , , . seventhly , if no reformation can be without the king , . people are not to turne to the lord , and repent th●m of the evill of their doings , and to prevent the babylonish captivity , or a worse judgement , except the king will , and all religion and. . church-worship must bee resolved ultimately on the kings will and pleasure : for if it be not the kings pleasure to reforme , the people must continue still where they were , and scotland who contrary to the will and heart of authority at our first reformation put away the masse and popery , and established religion in sincerity , is greatly to bee condemned . luther had authority against him , and the powers of the world , it was one point of reformation that john baptist tooke up , against the law of the land to preach against herods sinne ; for if popery be in a land , to leave popery is a great degree of reformation , and if the people , without the prince , may goe on in the greatest step of reformation , why not also in the lesser ? except you say the people without the king , are not to abstaine from the grossest idolatry under the sunne , which is to worship and adore the worke of the bakers hands . mr. mather , mr. thomson . the name church , cor. . , . . , . . is plainly given to that company that did assemble and come together for performance of spirituall duties , and for the exercise of spirituall gifts , as acts . . acts . . . . . . cor. . . . . . ioh. . which places doe abundantly shew that a company gathered together to one place is called by the name church , as cenc●rea , rom. . . which could not containe many congregations , being but the prot of corinth . answ. we seeke no more , if it be called a church which conveneth for performance of spirituall duties : as some of your places doe well prove ; ergo , no assembly should have the name of church , but such as assemble for word and sacraments ; this now you cannot affirme , and it followeth not , the church spoken of matthew . is not assembled to word and sacraments , but to bind and loose on earth . the meeting , cor. . . is not for word and sacraments , but to deliver to satan , for ought wee can read , the word church , acts . . is not an assembly for word and sacraments ; but to heare how god had opened the doors of faith to the gentiles , and whether this was preaching of the word and receiving the sacraments , or rather a matter that concerned the apostles and elders that they might not thinke hard to preach the gospell to the gentiles , i leave to the judicious reader ; and if to be received of the church , acts . . be a matter of word and sacraments , let all judge . and if to lend a decree of a synod , acts . . be the act of a church assembled for word and sacraments , let the world judge : and therefore all these places doe strongly confirme a presbytery assembled for acts of iurisdiction , and matters that belong to many churches , as is most cleare , acts . . acts . . acts . . and seeing wee finde the name ( church ) given to a meeting assembled onely for discipline or things that concerne many churches , for any thing wee can read or observe from the word : as acts . . acts . . . matthew . . and also the word church given to a meeting assembled for the word , cor. . cor. . . , , . rom. . . and not for acts of jurisdiction for ought that wee can collect from the word . i beseech you , brethren , why doe we contend ? if the word church , be a meeting of persons assembled to one place , for spirituall duties , sometimes for word and sacraments onely , sometimes for acts of jurisdiction onely , then is the word church , by our brethrens argument taken both for the congregation , and for the elders of one , or of diverse churches ; and so wee have our intent . and we desire our brethren to prove ( which they must prove , if they oppose our principles ) that the word ( church ) is never taken for the eldership onely , in all the word of god , but these places prove the contrary , as i have shewen . . whereas our brethren say ; a company gathered into one place ( which is nothing else but a congregation ) are called by the name of a church . i answer . such a company is onely called by the name of a church , as i have proved ; for a company meeting for discipline onely , matthew . cor. . . is a church also . . it is false that a company gathered in one place are nothing else but a congregation . as you take the word ( congregation ) for to you ( congregation ) is an assembly of men and women meeting for word and sacrament with the elders of the church , i appeale to the judgement of our reverend brethren ; if the church , mat. . . assembled to bind and loose , if the church , cor. . . ( though the text speake nothing of the word ( church ) assembled to deliver to satan . if the church assembled , acts . . acts . . to heare things which concerned the apostles , and many churches , rather then one ; if the multitude convened , acts . . to heare the decree of the synod read , and if the church of apostles and elders from antiosh and ierusalem . acts . . be a congregation or a congregationall church assembled for word and sacraments , as the word church is taken , acts . . cor. , , . mr. mather , and mr. thomson , num. . . the children of israel which were not the church of officers layd on hands on the levites , therefore when a church hath no elders the people may conferre ordination , and it is not to be tyed to the presbytery onely . hence other of our brethren say , ordination is but accidentall to a ministers calling , and may be wanting , if the people shall chuse , in the defect of elders . answ. here two poynts are to be discussed shortly . . if ordination belong to the people . . if ordination to a certaine stick be necessary , for certainly the people doe not call but to a certaine flock . to the first i say ; there is not a place in all the word of god where the people conferre ordination to the pastors of the new testament . therefore our brethren flee to the old testament to prove it from the levites who received imposition of hands from the children of israel ; but our brethren hold , that the calling of the levites and of the pastors of the new testament are different , as the officers and churches of the jewish and christian church are different . . our brethren grant pag. . that it wanteth all example in the new testament that the people lay on hands . . these who layd on hands on the levite , num. . were elders and ( our brethren say , ) it is like they were , but. . they did it not as elders . . but as representing the people , not as elders civill , for that belonged to aaron and his sonnes , levit. . else it will follow that where the church hath no magistrate to lay on hands , the church may doe it . nor did they lay on hands as ecclesiasticall elders , because what these which layd on hands did , they did as from the congregation for . these levites were taken in stead of the first borne of israel and not in stead of the first borne of the elders only , num. , . . they were presented to the lord , as an offering of the children of israel , not of the elders only . . when the multitude brought an oblation , the elders put their hands on the head of the sacrifice levit. . . in stead of all the multitude . answ. these who layd on hands , did it as a worke peculiar to the elders , because the elders were a part of the first borne , who by office were elders , and in whose stead the levites were assumed , num. . . . else the church of israel being a constituted church before this time , wanted officers , which is against all truth . . we grant the magistrates layd not on hands , but they who layd on hands did it as ecclesiasticall elders . and the reasons against this conclude not . . the first reason concludeth not because these who layd on hands were the first borne , who by office were church men . . the other two reasons prove nothing , for because these who layd on hands , did lay on hands as representing the whole congregation , alas it doth no wayes conclude that they layd not on hands as it is a works peculiar to them as elders , for the priest offered sacrifice first for his owne sinnes , and then for the peoples , heb. . . and so did represent the people . but , i hope , it followeth not that therefore the priest did not sacrifice as a priest , and by vertue of a peculiar office , but onely as a principall member of the congregation . . what if there be no elders in a single congregation , as our brethren suppose there were no elders in office in israel to lay hands on the levites ? it will not follow therefore , the people are to lay on hands , except there were no elders in all the land or nationall church to lay on hands . and though i thinke imposition of hands not so essentiall perhaps as a minister can be no minister without it , yet i thinke not so of ordination ( for these to mee are as different as the authoritative calling of a minster , and a rite annexed to that calling ) because none can be a minister in a constituted church , but one which is called of god as was aaron . but you will say , in a church , in an island one may bee a pastor without any ordination , if the people elect him , and there be no elders to ordaine . i answer , it is true : but so many pastors send a pastor to bee a pastor to a congregation , though that congregation never chuse him , as possibly they bee for the most part popish , or unwilling , yet both cases are extraordinary and the church not constituted and established . m. mather , if the people may elect officers , then in some cases they may ordaine them ! also , because ordination is lesse then election , and dependeth , upon it as a necessary antecedent , and it is nothing but a● consummation of election , or the admission of a person into the possession of that office , whereto hee had right before by election . if then a single congregation may elect , which is the greater , they may ordaine which is the lesser . answ. ordination is the more , and election the lesse ; for ordination is an act authoritative of the presbytery , tim. . . and , for ought i see , the authors might argue thus , the people may ordaine ; ergo , they may preach and baptize , for all the three are presbyteriall acts given to men in office . . some doubt if i said rightly in my former treatise , that ordination is prior to election , because ordination is that whereby a minister is made a minister , and election that whereby he who is a minister first by order of nature , is made the minister of such a fl●ck . i will not contend with any of either sides for order . but when i said so , i tooke the word ( election ) for the peoples actuall receiving and their compleat taking him for their minister , after hee is now ordained a minister this is his installing in his office. and my reason is ; because the peoples naming of such a man to bee their pastor doth stand with his never being their pastor ; hee being unwilling to be their pastor , and the presbytery thinking it unfit hee be the pastor of such a people . . the people elect him as a pastor to be their pastor , they doe not elect him as a gifted man. and whereas some say . acts . . , . election of seven men to be deacons goeth before ordination and imposition of hands , v. . answ. election of the people goeth before ordination in the relation of luke , true ; ergo , election is prior by order of nature , it followeth not . but acts . ordination of matthias ( god casting the lot upon him , vers . . ) is prior to the peoples electing of him , for the peoples appoynting of two , vers . . cannot be their election ; for they were to elect one , but i submit to the learneder my thoughts in this . as also my tearming paphnutius neither bishop nor elder at the councell of nice , which i did not as denying him to bee a bishop , but because hee was called to that councell of nice where as before hee had beene deprived , but was restored by constantine , though in the estimation of these who contended for the single life of priests , whose corruptions paphnutius opposed , hee was in an ecclesiasticall sense neither bishop nor presbyter but deprived from both . but let the righteous rebuke mee , and it shall be as oyle to my head. . it cannot bee that election of the people is the whole calling of a man to the ministerie , and ordination onely a supplement and an consummatory rite , or a benedictory signe which may bee spared . . because by the imposition of the bands of the presbytery , timothy was made a minister , timothy . . paul and silas separatted to preach to the gentiles , acts . , , , . the deacons ordained , acts . . and this is enjoyned with the right manner of acting it to timothy , timothy . . timothy . . as a ministeriall act . . a ministeriall caling standeth in an authoritative sending , romans . . and i see not well how the people themselves doe send a minister to themselves . ( ) the people have not either formally , or by any grant of christ , vertually , the keyes committed to them , how then can they give the keyes to pastors ? . people may as the sheepe of christ , ioh. . decern his voyce , and so have a power of election of their owne pastors , nor doth this make good which our brethren say . mr. mather sayth , that because they are all taught of god , esa. . . and they knew christs ' doctrine , joh : . therefore they may judge of a ministers fitnesse , for it is plaine that there it a twofold knowledge ; one of christians , esal . . . not denied to women and believing children , who cannot lay on hands nor ordaine ministers , as the presbytery doth , timothy . . acts . . acts . . . timothy . . timothy . . but for trying of ministers if they bee the sonnes of the prophets and must be apt to teach , timothy . , . able to convince subtile hereticks and gain-sayers and to put them to silence , titus . . . there must be in a constituted church a colledge of pastors and prophets to try the prophets , with a presbyteriall cognizance . but here some object . if election bee absolutely in the h●●ds of the people , then is the peoples will , because will , the absolute determiner who shall be the pastor to such a flock ; but people certainly may erre , therefore the presbytery must bee the last determiner in election ; and people have onely a rationall consent , and if their consent be irrationall , the presbyter must chuse for them . i answer shortly in these propositions . pro. neither is the people infallible in chusing , nor the presbytery infallible in regulating the peoples choice , yet is power of regulating the choice , the presbyteries due , nor power of election to be denied to gods people . . pro. you must suppose the church a settled and an established church of sound professors , for if the congregation or presbytery , either of them be , for the most part , popish , arminian or unsound in the faith , in so far hath christ given neither power to the one , or other . . prop. when it is acknowledged by both people and presbytery , that of two or three men , any one is qualified for the place , then the man is absolutely to bee referred to the peoples choice , and though the people give no reason why they chuse this man , rather then any of the other two , yet i● the peoples choice reasonable , for no doubt acts. . there were more men then these seven of good report and full of the holy ghost , and fit to be deacons , therefore the multitudes choice of these seven , and their nomination of them to be apostles rather then the nomination of any other men is rationall and approved by the twelve apostles , though they give no reason ; yea , though nicolas be the s●ctmaster of the nicolaitans ( as the learned thinke ) yet the election is ecclesiastically lawfull and needeth not that a reason be given to the apostles . . prop. we never read that in the apostles-church a man was obt●uded upon the people against their will. and therefore election by the people in the apostolique church , as acts . . acts . , , . revel . . . acts . . must be our rule , any election without the peoples consent must be no election , for if it please not the whole multitude , as acts . . it is not a choice . . prop. we must distinguish election and regulation of the election . . there is a regulation of the election , positive ; and a regulation negative . hence the presbyteries power consisteth only in a negative regulation of the peoples choice , not in a positive ; for example , election is an elicit act of the people , and their birthright and priviledge that christ hath given to them , and it cannot be taken from them ; if there be any election , it must be made by the people , the presbytery even in case of the peoples aberration cannot usurpe the act of election ; because the apostles , who yet had the gift of discerning spirits , in a greater measure then the multitude , remit the choice of the seven deacons to the multitude ; ergo , the presbytery should doe the same ; yet may the presbytery negatively reggulate the election , and if the people out of the humour of itching eares chuse an unfit man , in that case the presbytery may declare the election irregular and null ; as suppose the multitude , acts had chosen such a man , or all the seven men , like simon magus , the twelve apostles by their ministeriall power might have impeded that election , or rather nomination as irregular , and put them to chuse other seven men ; but the apostles could not have chosen for them other seven , for then election should have bin taken out of the peoples hands ; hence that distinction of elicit and imperate acts , even as the understanding commandeth and directeth the will to such and such elicit . actions , and regulateth the will therein , and yet the understanding can neither nill , nor will , and the king may punish pastors who preach hereticall doct in & vitiate the sacrament ; but the king can neither preach the word himself , nor administate the sacraments ; so the presbytery may regulate negatively and hinderth election of an unfit man , but the presbytery cannot do , as the p●elate did who would name a man to the people , and desire their consent ( but consent is not all , the presbytery and neighbour congregations have consent , but no elective liberty given them by christ ) but if the people refused their consent , he prelate without more a do , chose and ordained the man , and so he was obtruded on the people without any election at all . ordination of an ordinary pastor is always to a certain flock , act. . . pet. . . rev. . . yet here must we distinguish'd dedication to christs service by the office . . the exercise of the office , in the former respect the pastor is a pastor every where , and may be sent as a pastor to plant churches , but ratione finis . he is primariò principally to feed this flock , and secundario and ratione med●i , secondarily , while he feedeth this flock , he feedeth the church universall . mr. mather , if people may not m●dle with ordination , because it is proper to timothy and titus , this may prove that they were bishops who did ordaine elders there alone , which ministers may not do there ; for these epistles are not written to them , as bishops alone , nor as elders alone , but as to a mixt state , including the people . answ. some parcells of these epistles are written to timothy and titus as evangelists , such as none may now do but they only , ●● tim. . . tit. . . tim. . . and some other things which they gave in charge to elders . . some things are written to them as christians , as tim. . . tit. . . & finaliter or objectively all is written for the churches good ; but ( ) the builk of the epistle is written to them as elders , and is a rule of perpetuall government , and especially , tim. . . . tim. . . for these and the like they were to doe with the presbytery , as is cleare , tim. . . object . the congregations of jerusalem were not fixed in their members and officers , onely the apostles preached to them ( if they were many congregations , which is possible ) in a circular way , now one apostle to this assembly , then another . but in regard not one paster could say ( this is my flock , not this ) nor any flock could say ( peter is our pastor , not andrew . ) therefore there was no church-state in any of these congregations as where there is not a head of a family and members , there is not a family , and so you prove not jerusalem a presbyteriall church over many fixed and formed churches , as they are in scotland , and if the apostles were pastors in a circular and fluid way to many congregations , every one was a pastor to many congregations and so elected by many congregations : which is absurd . ans. . fixed or not fixed cannot vary the essence of the government . . the priests , levites , and prophets teaching in the wildernes from place to place , and the people by war scattered to sundry tribes , doth not make these meetings not to be under the government of the great sanedrim , more then if the meeting made a fixed synagogue , divers members and dverso heads in one family occasioned by death , and pestilence , diverse souldiers and new commanders in a regiment , diverse inhabitants , yea and weekly altered rulers and watchmen in a city , doth not infer that that family , regiment , and city is not under one government of the city , one of the whole army , and one parliamentary law of the whole kingdome ; no more then if all were fixed in members and heads . . churches their persecution may have both members and teachers removed to a corner , and altered , yet they remain the same single congregation having the same government . . officiating in the same word , seales , censures , by peter , to day , and by andrew , to morrow , though members also be changed , is of the same species and nature , even to the worlds and , if we suppose the church of ierusalem to be one congregation induring a patterne these sixteen hundred yeares , members and officers must be often altered , yet it is one congregation in specie , and one single church in nature , though not in number , and the government not altered , through the fluidity and alteration of members and officers , as it is the same parliament now which was in the raigne of king iames , though head and members be altered ; fluidity and alteration of rulers and members must be , by reason of mortality accidentall to all incorporations , and yet their government for all that doth remaine the same in nature , if these same lawes , and government in nature by these lawes remaine . chap. . sect . . why we doe not admit the members of the churches of old england to the seales of the covenant . quest. i. vvhether the seales of the covenant can be denyed to professors of approved piety , because they are not members of a particular visible church , in the new testament . our brethren deny any church communion , and the seales of the covenant , baptisme , to the children of beleevers , the lords supper to beleevers themselves , who come to them from old england , because they be not members of the particular congregation to which they come , and because there is no visible , church in the new testament , but one particular parish , and all who are without a particular parish , are without the visible church , and so are not capable of either church censures , or the seales of the covenant , because 〈◊〉 have right to the seales of the covenant , but onely this visible church . we hold all who professe faith in christ , to be members of the visible church , though they bee not members of a visible congregation , and that the seales of the covenant should not be denyed to them . and for more full clearing of the question , let these considerations be observed . first , dist. all beleevers , as beleevers , in foro dei , before god have right to the seales of the covenant , these to whom the covenant and body of the charter belongeth , to these the seale belongeth , but in foro ecclesiastico , and in an orderly church-way , the seales are not to be conferred by the church upon persons because they beleeve , but because they professe their beleeving : therefore the apostles never baptized pagans , but upon profession of their faith . second dist. faith in christ truely giveth right to the seales of the covenant , and in gods intention and decree , called voluntas beneplaciti , they belong onely to the invisible church , but the orderly way ●f the churches giving the seales , is , because such a society is a professing or visible church , and orderly giving of the seales according to gods approving will , called , voluntas signi & revelata , belongeth to the visible church . third dist. the church may orderly and lawfully give the seales of the covenant to those to whom the covenant and promises of grace doth not belong in gods decree of election . fourth dist. the church may lawfully adde to the church visible , such as god addeth not to the church invisible , as they may adde simon magus , and the church may lawfully cast out of the visible church , such as christ hath not cast out of the invisible church , as the church may excommunicate regenerate persons for scandalous sinnes . fift dist. then the regenerate excommunicated have right to the seales of the covenant , as they have to the covenant , and yet the church doth lawfully debarre them , hic & nunc , in such a scandalous case , from the seales of the covenant . wee hold that those who are not members of a particular congregation , may lawfully be admitted to the seales of the covenant . first , because those to whom the promises are made , and professe the covenant , these should be baptized . but men of approved piety are such , though they be not members of a particular parish . the proposition is peters argument , act. . . secondly , those who are not members of a particular church may be visible professors , and so members of a visible church , ergo , the seales of the covenant belongeth to them . thirdly , the contrary opinion hath no warrant in gods word . fourthly , the apostles required no more of those whom they baptized , but profession of beleefe , as act. . . can any forbid water that these should not be baptized , who have received the holy ghost , as well as we ? act. . . if thou beleevest with all thy heart , thou mayest he baptized : no more is sought of the jaylor , act. . . . the authour saith : to admit to the seales of the covenant , is not an act of christian liberty , that every christian may dispense to whom he pleaseth , but an act of church power given to the ministers , to dispense to those over whom the holy ghost hath made them overseers ; but we have no ministeriall power over those of another congregation , and who are not members of a particular congregation . answ. first , to dispense the seales to whom we please , as if mens pleasure were a rule , were licentiousnesse , not christian liberty . there may be a communion of benefits , where there is no communion of punishment : beneficia sunt amplianda . secondly , it is false that pastors have no ministeriall power over those who are not of their congregation ; for if so , all communion of churches should fall , for letters of recommendation from other churches , whereof they are members , cannot make pastors of new england to have a ministeriall power over those of another congregation , as set over them , by the holy ghost , as they are set over their owne parish , to whom they be onely pastors , having ministeriall power , by a church covenant , and the peoples ordination , as our brethren teach . . manuser . those over whom ( saith our authour ) we have no power of censure , over those we have no power to dispense the communion . now if we should censure any such for drunkennesse , or other scandals , who are not of our congregation , it should be a non habente potestatem , an act done by those who have no power . answ. the major proposition by your owne doctrine , is clearely false , for you say your a selfe , strangers sojourning with us , members of other churches , knowne not to be scandalous , are admitted to the lords supper ; yet can you not excommunicate strangers , sojourning for a time , falling in scandals . for , first , to you they are without , how then can you judge them ? as you say . secondly , you have by the holy ghost no ministeriall power over them , as over your owne flocke , as you expone , act. . . thirdly , you looke aside at excommunication , for those of other churches consociated in a classe , we doe lawfully excommunicate and censure ; for excommunication is not a cutting off of a person from one single parishionall church onely , as you imagine , but a cutting off of a person from all the visible churches consociated : first , because he is delivered to satan , and his sin is bound in heaven , in relation to all the faster churches , and is so to be esteemed , and not in reference to the one single congregation , whereof he is a member . secondly , all are to be humbled and mourne for his fall , and to consent he be cut off , and not one single congregation onely . thirdly , all consociated churches shall be leavened , by keeping church-fellowship with such a lumpe . fourthly , all are to repute him as a heathen , and a publican . fifthly , all are to admonish him as a brother , thessalon . . . sixthly , all are to forgive him , and receive him in church-communion , if he shall repent , and occasionally to edifie him as a brother . the seales of righteousnesse of faith a saith the author ) are not seales to the faithfull as such , but as they are joyned together and consederate in some visible church , none but in a visible church may dispense the seales , in the o●d testament , none were partakers either of the passeover , or of circumcision , unlesse they were either israelites borne , or proselytes in the church of israel . we read not that job and his friends , though righteous through faith , were circumcised , nor would they have omitted to speake of circumcision , as of a pertinent evidence of the corruption of mans nature , of which they speake much ; the sacraments ( saith this same author b are not given to the invisible church , nor to the members thereof as such , but to the visible particular churches of christ , and to the members thereof ; therefore the seales are not to be givento those , who are of no particular visible church ? answ. . the seales of the covenant are principally given to the invisible church , as the covenant it selfe in gods decree of election is especially made with the elect , and such as shall never fall away , as is cleare , jer. . . jer. . . esay . heb. . . . and the invisible church as such , as a number of beleevers have onely right before god to both covenant and seales , yea and consequently are onely christs body and spouse , and redeemed saints , and so onely have all the power of the keyes , and the ministeriall power of dispensing the seales , and by our brethrens doctrine , the visible church not as visible , but as the true body , spouse , and bride of christ , & so as the invisible company of the redeemed ones have the seales , and covenant , and so all ministeriall power of christ is given unto them . . it is true the orderly and ecclesiasticke way of dispensing the seales , is that they bee dispensed onely to the visible church , but this visible church is not one parish , but all professing the faith of christ , though they be not joyned in one visible parish by one church oath , as the author meaneth : for the saints in scripture , as cornelius , the eunuch , the jaylor , did professe and visibly evidence their faith , and so that they were capable of the seales by desiring to be saved , and saying , what shall we doe to be saved , by trembling at the word of god , by asking the meaning of the word of god , which expressions are in many not in-churched to particular congregations , not did the apostles aske if they were members of one parish before they baptized them , but if they beleeved in christ. . whether job , his friends , melchisedeck , lot , and others the like were circumcised , we need not dispute , but that they were not circumcised , because they were not in a visible church estate with abraham , is a question and uncertaine , and therefore not sure to be a foundation of new opinions in church government ; but though it were granted , it followeth not , because none were circumeised but abrahams seed , and all , and onely abrahams seed were circumcised , therefore none are to be baptized but those who are members of one particular congregation : alas this is a weak● consequence , rather it followeth all borne of jewes were circumcised , ergo all borne of christian parents are to be baptized ; and we see not but sacrificing was restricted to the visible church , no lesse then circumcision , yet job sacrificed to god , job . and chap. . the author addeth the difference here is . the circumcised in israel might rightly keepe the passeover amongst themselves , because the whole nation of israel made but one church , and the officers and ministers of any one synagogue and the priests and levites were ministers in ●●mmune of the whole house of israel , in proportion whereunto they that are baptized in any particular church may in like manner require the lords supper , if there be no other impediment , in regard of their unfitnesse , to examine themselves , which is a thing requisite , to receive the lords supper , more then was required to receive the passeover . but now because the churches of the new testament are of another constitution , then the nationall church of all israel , baptisme in one church doth not give a man right to the lords supper in another , unlesse the officers of the one church were officers of all ( as in israel they ●er● ) or unlesse that one church and the officers thereof did recommend their right and power to another . answ. . it is true , in the one church of israel there was something typicall , that is not in our churches , as one temple , ●●e high priest , one place of sacrificing , one priesthood , one a●ke , &c. but this was peculiar to israel , as such a specifice church , and typi●ied also the externall visible unitie of the whole visible church of the new testament in professing one lord , one faith , one baptisme , one externall communion , and government externall , de jure : but this agreed not to the church of israel properly as a church ; for as a church of a nation they might convene and assemble themselves in one nationall assembly to reforme religion , to renew a nationall covenant , to turne away a nationall judgement , to make nationall acts , that they should seeke the lord god of israel , and put away strange wives , deut. . chron. . , . nehem. . and this is morall , yea naturall to a number of churches united in one nation , and no wayes typicall . . the proportion betwixt israel and a parishionall church is questioned , the author beggeth what is in question , for it is evident that in gods word there is a visible church of many congregations , associated in many visible acts of government . . if the church of israel and the churches of the new testament be of different constitutions , as anabaptists , arminians and socinians teacheth , we shall try . i affirme that the constitution in matter and forme was one with the christian visible church . . our brethren bring arguments from the constitution of the church of the jewes , that for matter they were a holy people , a royall generation , for forme they were united in one church-state covenant-wayes , as they prove from deut. . . separation from sinne and the wicked world , but not from the worship of god , was commanded to them , psal. . , . esay . . cor. . . levit. . , . communion with the wicked was forbidden to israel , chron. . . chron. . . but communion in worship both in the synagogue and temple was commanded to them . . that god required not morall preparation in them for eating the passeover , as he doth in us , before wee eate the lords supper , i conceive to bee an untruth . . because not to prophane the holy things of god , and not to take gods law in their mouth and to hate to be reformed , psal. . . not to sacrifice with bloody hands , esa. . , , &c. psal. . , , . esa . . was morall , and did bind and oblige the jewes as they doe us , and chron. . . the postes are sent to gather the people to the passeover , charging them to turne to the lord god of their fathers , not to be like their fathers ; and it is cleare by hezekiab● prayer , ver . , . good lord pardon him that prepareth his heart to seeke the lord god of his fathers , though he be not cleansed according to the purification of the sanctuary , vers . . and the lord hearkened , and healed the people . ergo , there was required a preparation of the heart for the right eating of the passeover , besides the typicall and ceremoniall preparation . yea god counted the ceremoniall preparation voyd of the morall preparation , but abomination , as esa. . . esa. . , , , . and josiahs passeover is commended from this , kings . ( as junius well observeth ) that none did with such care and zeale , as josiah did prepare the pr●es●s , the people and himselfe for the passeover , in removing all id●latry and abominati●n , and in renewing their covenant and resoluti●n , vers . . to walke after the lord , and to keepe his commandements with all their heart , and with all their soule . . the uncleane and uncircumcised in heart were no more members of the true and invisible church of the jewes , and of christs mysticall body , his spouse , his royall generation , then sodom and gomorrah , esa. . then the ethiopians , amos , . . then ammon and moah , j●r . , . as in the new testament , and the true invisible church amongst them , as amongst us were kings and priests unto god , exod. . . . psal. . . as we are , pet. . , . rev. . . . amongst them no man could invade the priests office , or runne unsent , no more then under the new testament , heb. . . tim. . . though they were to rebuke one another , levit. . and they had sacrifices for sins of ignorance , levit. . . . the place seemeth not to want difficultie , how many sacrifices would men offer , how often , yea while they were going home from jerusalem ( which was a long journey to many ) they might fall in these sinnes of ignorance , and as a master paget noteth there was no dispensation for this law , yet when abraham travelled three dayes to mount moriah from beersheba in the south , and some of the tribes northward , would bee al 's farre distant , it would be seven dayes journey to many ; therefore the text is , if be sinne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ignorance , or through ignorance , that is , meerely of ignorance , as when a man in drunkennesse killed a man , he shall offer a trespasse offering for it , the jewes call it in their language 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 timgnol , magnal , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 megnal signifieth pallium , if he sinned with a cloake casten over his eyes , and b weemes said the sinnes were done of ignorance , not ignorantly , or the word in the hebrew , is vel notificatum fuerit ei peccatum ejus , when the conscience is wakened and convinced , and he can finde no rest , let him offer sacrifices . and a third step was excommunication and casting out of the synagogue after the captivity , which are the very degrees of our church censure . they answer , israel had civill c government which we have not . i answer , deut. . . he that will not hearken to the priest ( that standeth before the lord to minister ) or unto the judge , even that man shall dye . he saith not , hee that hearkeneth not unto the people . . they say they could not in israel forgive one anothers sinnes , as we doe in the new testament . answ. it is a divine law in the old testament , they were to forgive even their enemies , prov. . . &c. a robinson saith , no church hath the absolute promise of the lords visible presente , which that church then had , till the comming of christ , gen. . . and . . exod. . , . it was simply necessary that the messiah should be borne in the true church . . in their deepest apost asy god shewed them some signes of his presence , by raising up some godly king , priest , or prophet . answ. that they had prerogatives above us is cleare , rom. . , , . rom. . . and that in other respects , farre more excellent , wee have prerogatives above them , is as cleare , cer. . , , . matth. . , . so one christian church have prerogatives above another , but the essentiall constitution of the church of the jewes , and ours is one . . they were a ro●a●d priest-hood , a people holy to the lord , the covenant made with them , as with us . . to them one little leaven , leavened the whole lumpe . . separation from sinne and idolatrous worship was commanded them , as it is us . . amongst them , none who hated to be reformed , were to take the law of god in their mouth . but to returne to our author , it is a false ground that one that is baptized in one church , hath not right to the lords supper in all churches , for if he be baptized to christs death , he is baptized to all churches . and . professedly in covenant with god in all churches , and so hath right to the seales of the covenant in all churches , for gods covenant is not principally and first made with a parishionall congregation , but with the catholike and universall church comming under the name of israel and iudah ; and secondarily with a parishionall congregation . is a beleever a member of christs body in one congregation and not in all congregations ? hath he the keyes as a member of christs body , and a dwelling house for the holy spirit in one congregation , and loseth them and the holy spirit both when he goeth to another congregation ? manuscript , those who come from england to us are under publike scandals and reproach . it is an offence that they come to us , as members of no particular church visible , ( for they leave that relatiin where they left their habitation ) but of one nationall church , whereof christ hath given us no patterne in the new testament , and in 〈◊〉 he hath appointed no nationall worship to be performed . answ. it is admirable that leaving a parishionall church in england , they leave not the true visible church , so all the parishionall churches in england must be separated from , as ●●om no churches ; yet in that church , many of you had your baptisme , your conversion to christ , your calling to the mini●e●● . . how can it be an offence to be members of no independent churches in england , whereas no such may be had there ? . is it a fault to be members of a nationall church ? see if act. . act. . act. . there be not a church-meeting , and publike exercise of praying , discussing of matters by the word , choosing of officers , refuting of false doctrine ? this is worship , and it is not the worship of a particular church , but there be no true churches but yours , and all are in offences and scandalls , who are not members of your churches ; this a augustine layeth to donatists , this b pareus layeth upon au●baptists , that they taught , they onely were the true church . i conceive our deare brethren are not of this mind . manuscript , it is a publike offence , that though they were baptized in some parish church in england ( saith the author ) upon som● covenant and stipulation of parents , or god-fathers , which also was without warrant , yet they come to the lords table , without any publike profession of their faith or repentance ? answ. to say nothing of god-fathers , who are civill witnesses , that the parents shall take care to educate the childe , in the true faith , we see no publike profession by a church-oath , ( as you meane ) in the church of corinth , but onely that every man was to trye himselfe , and then to eate , nor in the apostles church at all , if you debarre them from the lords supper , who are not inchurched by your oath , all the reformed churches on earth did never worthily eate and drinke the lords body and blood . it is ( saith he ) a publike offence , that in the parish communion ( which not communion of spirits , but cohabitation begetteth ) they partake with all ignorant and scandalous persons , not excluding drunkards , prophane swearers , whereby it commeth to passe that not a little leavin , but a great measure of leavin doth deepely leavin the whole lumpe . answ. this tolleration of drunkards and swearers in the lords church , and at his table , infecteth and is apt to leavin all , with their evill conversation , but doth not leavin the worship to the fellow-worshippers , nor is the sinne of private persons , yea nor of our ministers , who hath not power to helpe it , ( but it is the fault of the church ) except you make no separation from a church where a scandalous person is tolerated ( for suffering moe or sewer doth not vary the spece ) to be a sin publickely to be repented , before any can be members of your church , which is prodigious to us . fourthly , it is a publicke offence ( saith the authour ) that they have worshipped god , according to the precepts of men , &c. answ. this is the crime of conformity which i wish were publickely repented , by all which hath defiled themselves with submitting to a antichristian government , and the will-worship of men , yet doth not this make ministers no ministers , so as they must receive ordination to the ministery of new . peters fall took not away his apostleship , nor jonah● flying from god , nor davids adultery made them not leave off to be prophets . other arguments that i find in papers from new england are these : first , there is not a church ( say they ) under the new testament , but a congregationall church , so it will follow , that as city priviledges belong onely to the citizens and their children , so baptisme and the lords supper , being church priviledges , belong onely to the members of particular churches , and their seed ; and that seeing sigillum sequitur donum , to apply them to any other , is to abuse them . as the scale of an incorporation is abused , when it is added to confirme a gift to one who is not a free man of that incorporation , he being incapable thereof . answ. first , the case is not here , as in earthly cities , a man who is a free citizen in one burrough is not for that a free citizen of all the burroughes and cities on earth ; nor is he who is civilly excommunicated and cast out of his city priviledges in one city , cast out of his city priviledges in all other cities , whereof he is a free member : and the reason is , there is not one common owner , and lord of all the cities on earth , who can give , or take away , in a law-way , city priviledges ; but the case is farre otherwayes in the priviledges of visible churches , for he who is a member of one visible congregation , is by his baptisme , and sincere profession , and his professed standing in covenant with god , a member of all visible congregations on earth , as he is baptized in all congregations on earth ; and if he be excommunicated out of a single congregation , he is excommunicated out of all , and loseth right to the scale of the lords supper , in all visible congregations , as his sinnes are bound in heaven to all also , for that one common head and saviour , who giveth him right to the seales of christs body and blood in one , giveth him right to these seales in all . for we worthily communicate with christ in his body and blood , 〈◊〉 his body was broken , and his blood shed for one single visible congregation , but as broken and shed for the whole 〈…〉 universall . but this forme of reasoning utterly abolisheth all communion of churches , nor can a member of one noble church be capable of the seales of grace in another visible church , because he is not a member of that visible church , no more then one is capable of the priviledges of paris , who is onely a citizen of london , and not a citizen of paris . if it be said , one who is a member of a visible church , may receive the seales in another congregation , if he be recommended by letters , as a sound professor , to that other congregation . i answer , recommendatory letters can never give a church-right to the church-priviledges of the seales of the covenant , they doe but onely notifie , manifest , and declare the church-right , which the man had before . ergo , either he cannot in any sort be capable of the seales of the covenant in another congregation , then his owne , whereof he is an inchurched member , which destroyeth all communion of sister churches , or if he be capable of the seales in another congregation , he was capable and h●d a church-right , in himselfe , before he received reconime●●a●ory letters : yea , these whom we recommend by letters as ●it to partake of the sacraments in another congregation , ●● presuppose they have church-right to the seales in another congregation visible , then in their owne , whereof they are members ; except our testimony be false . ergo , before our recommendatory letters , the person of approved piety was a member of all the visible churches about , hoc ipso , and by that same reason , that he is a member of one visible congregation ; yea peter clearely insinuateth that all who have received the holy ghost , are to be baptized , act. . . as philip , act. . . and that if the eunuch beleeved , be might be baptized . so that faith , to speake properly , doth give us right to the seales , and to speake accurately , a visible profession of faith doth not give a man right to the seales of grace , but onely it doth notifie and d clare to the church , that the man hath right to the seales because he beleeveth , and that the church may lawfully give to him the seales , and that profession is a condition required in the right receivers of the seales in an ecclesiasticall way ; but faith giveth the right to these seales , and because the faith of the beleever goeth with the beleever , when he goeth to another visible congregation then his owne , that faith giveth him right to the seales in all places , and in all congregations : for faith giveth right to receive christ sacramentally , not in one congregation onely , but in all , and a visible profession doth , as a condition notifie this faith , and church-right in all congregations . ergo , the man hath right in all congregations , as he hath right in a parishionall church . but our brethren reply , peter might baptize cornelius , though he was no member of a visible congregation , because the apostles being ●fficers in al churches , might dispense the seales in all churches : but ministers now are pastors onely of the determina●e flocke , over which the holy ghost hath set them , therefore they have not citie seales at their power to dispense to any other then to citizens . answ. peter his argument to baptize is not from a temporall reason , that endureth for a while , but from a morall argument of perpetuall equitie and necessitie , till christs second comming . he that beleeveth and hath received the holy ghost is to be baptized . but many out of church-state , and who are not members of a particular congregation , have received the holy ghost , and doe beleeve , being christians of approved pietie ; we are to adde no restrictions , or exceptions where god addeth none . non est distinguendum , ubi lex non distinguit . they that beleeve should receive the seales , but not except they be in-churched and members of a particular congregation . the proposition is gods word , but the restriction or exception is not gods word . . the apostles , though they were universall pastors of the world , yet teach us by word and practise , who are to be admitted to the seales , even to the supper , those who do try and examine themselves , and that to the end of the world . . our brethren say , it is probable that cornelius was in church-state , and the eunuch comming to jerusalem to worship , argueth he was a proselyte , and a member of the jewish church not yet dissolved ; lydia and the jaylor were members of the church of philippi , which church communicated with paul at the beginning of the gospel , psal. . . at least it is probable , that lidia was a member of the church of the jewes . answ. it is hard to build a new church government contrary to the doctrine of the reformed churches upon probabilities . . if cornelius , lydia and others were members of the jewish church , it was not a good consequence by our brethrens doctrine to make them members of a christian congregation , without in-churching of them by your church-oath , for you make the constitution of the jewish church , and ours different ; yea and as you teach , all circumcised were members of the jewish church , and had right to their passeover , but all circumcised are not meet to bee members of a christian church , for many circumcised were idolaters , murtherers , prophane mo●ke●s of god , esay . , , , . jer. . , , , , . ezek , . . . , . and though the church of philippi was one of the 〈◊〉 church 〈◊〉 communicated with paul , yet was there no christian church of elders and people there , when lydia was converted , for acts . . in the place where prayer was wont to be made on the sabbath day , none heard paul preach , but some women , ergo there could not be a christian church there ; and it is certaine the jaylor before was a persecutor , and no member of a christian church . they say abraham and his seede were not circumcised , till god called him into church-covenant , and so into church-state , and there is the same reason and use of baptisme , as of circumcision . if the argument taken for baptizing of infants be good , why may we not inserre a necessitie of church-membership , before baptisme , as of church membership before circumcision ? so the apologie saith . it cannot be proved that baptisme was imposed upon all beleevers , as such , no more then it can be proved that circumcision was imposed upon all beleevers as such ; and baptisme is no more now necessary to a beleever , whose calling or another strong hand of gods providence will not suffer to live in church fellowship with gods people , then circumcision was necessary to melchisede●k , job or others , whom the hand of god detained from church-fellowship , with the posteritie of abraham ; yea circumcision and the passeover , seeing they were administrated in private houses , might more conveniently be administrated to persons not in church-state , nor baptisme and the lords supper can be administrated so , in respect they are seales given to a church body in an assembly , cor. . . and . . answ. abraham , sarah , and the soules they had gotten in charran , were in church-state , obeyed god , built an altar gen. . , , . before the church covenant , which you speake of , chap. . and it is denyed that that supposed oath of the covenant made them a church : so we see no necessitie of church-membership , to one single congregation , before either circumcision or baptisme ; for baptisme is a seale of our entry into the visible church , as i shall prove . . we say not that baptisme is imposed on all who beleeveth , as they are such , for god saveth divers beleevers , who are not baptized , but gods will , the supreme i aw-giver , here is to be looked into , god would have no circumcision from adam to abraham , and would himselfe have the people want circumcision in the wildernesse fortie yeares , and would have it administrated in private houses , it being a bloody and painefull sacrament , but we have an expresse commandement of god to baptize all ordinarily of the visible church ; yet not because they are members of one single congregation , but because they beleeve & testifie themselves to be members of the visible church in generall : we deny that the want of membership in a particular congregatiō , is that strong band that should hinder baptisme or the seales of the covenant . god hath appointed no lawfull calling , such as traffiquing by seas & ●equent travelling ordinary to transient members of the visible church , to be inconsistent with the lawfull partaking of the ordinances of grace , & seales of the covenant ; for only those who doe not try and examine themselves , and are prophanely scandalous are excluded , as swine , from the holy things of god , and from the lords supper , not men , because they are necessarily busied in a lawfull calling , and must ordinarily travell to farre countries , and so cannot be members of a single parish . . this is a physicall impediment and not a sinne , nor a morall impediment , excluding any from the seales of grace , yea and an unwritten tradition . . i speake against that difference which the author maketh , betwixt the seales of grace in the old testament , and the seales of grace in the new testament , for there were physicall and civill defects in the old testament , which by a divine law , made some incapable of the passeover , as if any were lepers , bastards , borne moabites and ammonites , or typically uncleane , or had touched the dead , they could not eate the passeover , though otherwise they did beleeve in christ to come , and were morally cleane , but by the contrary under the new testament , there be no physicall or ceremoniall defects , no callings , no civill relations , but onely morall defects , and sinfull scandals , which doth exclude men from the seales of grace , except you bring in ceremonies in the new testament , of your owne devising , for all nations , so they beleeve in christ , jew , or gentile , barbarian , or scythian , bond or free , male or female , are to be baptized , matth. . . god is no accepter of 〈◊〉 , or nations , or callings , act. . , . compare this with ver . , . and gal. . . for as many of you as have beene baptized unto christ , have put on christ , v. . there is neither iew nor g●●ek there is neither bond nor free , there is neither male nor female , for 〈◊〉 all me in christ jesus , so gal. . . for in christ jesus neither circumcision● waileth any thing , nor uncircumcision , but a new creature . i must then say , it is boldnesse in men to say , that there is a lawfull calling in the new testament , which our brethren are pleased to call the strong hand of god , which maketh persons who are new creatures , and baptized unto christ , uncapable of the seales of grace . deare brethren , yeeld to the cleare and evident truth of god. and for this cause , the seales of the new testament must be more necessary in this respect , then were the seales in the old testament . our brethren say , all circumcised might eate the passeover ( though i doubt much of it ) and might enter into the temple , if they were not legally uncleane , but all baptized may not ca●e the lords supper ; and all baptized , though excommunicated , may enter into the congregation for the publicke worship , hearing the word , praying , praising , &c. but all circumcised , might not enter into the congregation . the places cor. . . and . . prove not , that the seales of grace are administrated to a church body , of a particular congregation only , as they are such ; for these seales are common to all the visible churches on earth . we many are one body , it is not to be exponed , we many are of one parishionall congregation , and onely are one body ; but we many of all the visible churches on earth , are one body in christ. this you must say , except you deny all visible communion of sister churches . the object . they who are not capable of church censures , are not capable of church priviledges . but those that are not within the church covenant of a particular congregation , are not capable of church censure . the proposition being evident , the assumption is proved , cor. . . what have i to doe to judge those who are without , that is , without the communion of a particular congregation , so amesius , de consc . l. . c. . quest . . resp . ad . answ. first , i answered before , the major is false , by your owne doctrine , those of another congregation cannot be censured , but by their owne congregation , yet by letters of recommendation , they may receive the lords supper in another congregation . also strangers of approved piety , may be capable of church rebukes , which are church censures . secondly , the place , cor. . . is manifestly abused , for by those who are without , are meant onely the insidels and heathens who are without the whole visible church , and not those of approved piety , who are baptized and professe the truth sincerely : for peter martyr , beza , calvin , marlorat , pareus , zwinglius , so also haymo , aquinas , expone it with us ; which is cleare , first , by the phrase of speaking ( what have i to doe ? ) being a note of estrangement , as , joh. . . woman what have i to doe with thee ? and sam. . . david said , what have i to doe with you , ye sonnes of zerviah ? now paul and the faithfull at corinth are not estranged from those of approved piety of other congregations , he tooke care to edifie and rebuke them , and so are all the saints to edifie , censure , and rebuke one another . thirdly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , alwayes those who are without , are taken in an ill part , in the word of god , as mark. . . those who are without , are the blinded and hardned , and rev. . . for without are dogges , our brethren expone it of the visible church . now not to be in membership of such a particular congregation , is not a sin , nor a just ground of pauls estrangement of his ministeriall power from them , it may be caused by persecution when the flocke are scattered by wolves . fourthly , those who are here without , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are left by paul to the immediate judgement of god , and not to be judged of the church , ver . . but them that are without god judgeth . now those who are members of another congregation then the church of corinth , or members of no particular congregation , and yet of approved piety , are not left to the immediate judgement of god , because they are without . the banished servants of god , who suffer for the truth , or transient members , who because their calling is ordinarily traffiquing , and so not consistent with a membership in a setled congregation , are they ( i say ) without , not to be edified by the censures of the church , but left to the immediate judgement of god ? this is contrary to gods word , and an insolent interpretation , and i find i● not in your place of amesius . they reason from inconveniencies , hence ( say they ) church assemblies shall be confused meetings , if all out of church membership ●e admitted . answ. if by confused meetings you meane , meetings of sound beleevers and hypocrites , then christs kingdome compared to a draw-net , wherein are good and bad , are confused meetings and unlawfull ; which none can say but anabaptists . but if you meane meetings of these of your owne congregation and strangers of approved piety , these are not confused meetings , but you begge what is in question , and utterly abolish all communion of churches . they adde , the church shall endanger the propbaning of the seales , and want a speciall meanes whereby their grace and piety shall be dis●erned , if without respect of their church estate , men be admitted to the seales ; for their owne testimony is not enough : also how can they be of approved piety , who against light refuse to professe subjection to the gospell , by an orderly joyning themselves with some approved church when they have opportunity ? seeing church-fellowship is an action of piety required in the second commandement , and this meane of tryall hath beene so blessed that many approved men have beene after tryall found light to others , and to their owne consciences . answ. meanes of discovering sincerity or hypocrisie would be warranted by gods word , and meanes of eschewing the prophaning of the seales also . simon magus was not so tryed , yea when peter found him in the gall of bitternesse , we sinde not that he cast him out of the visible church in respect his sinne was not that publikely scandalous , as to offend the whole church . . we grant that strangers are not rashly to be admitted to the seales , but you prove them not to be of approved piety , because they will not sweare your church-oath , and your discipline , as the onely true way , and in so doing , you say they refuse church-fellowship commanded in the second commandement ; but this is to be proved , and not to be nakedly averred by you ; they beleeve , and can give evidences of their beliefe , & so should by the word of god be admitted to the seales . act. . . act. . . act. . , . ver . , , . cor. . . you deny them the seales , as i● they were dogges and unworthy prophaners of the seales onely , because they cannot sweare to your church-government , which you cannot prove from the word of god. . you deny them to be of approved piety who will not joyne to an approved church , you meane your owne onely . but you adde if they have opportunity , but what if they want opportunity , then the strong hand of god deharreth them , & their seed from the seales of grace ; now if any be to traffique by seas , and to travell to farre countries in a lawfull calling , he is legally uncleane and incapable of the seales to himselfe or his seede ; for he cannot in conscience and through necessity of his lawfull calling sweare your church-oath , for he must sweare to observe the manners of his fellow-members , to edifie them by exhortation , consolation , rebuking , to joyne himselfe in an eternall covenant to that visible church , yea never to remove thence , except the congregation consent : so your oath obligeth him to all these , now this is impossible because of his lawfull calling , and because he cannot be a church-member for ever : while he traffiqueth in his lawfull calling , the comfort of the lords supper is denyed to him , and baptisme to all his seede , and that by a strong hand of providence without any fault in him : shew us a warrant from the law and the testimony , where any are to be debarred from the seales of the covenant , and that ordinarily , ( where sicknesse and some other physicall impediments doth not occurre ) where there is no morall unworthinesse or guiltinesse in the persons debarred : will you debarre all from church-comforts , the presence of christ in his church , the comfort of his walking , beside the candlestickes , and his influence in the word preached , the power of the keyes , the rebukes of the saints , their exhortation and private comforting of sinners , the comforts of the ordinances of baptisme , and the supper of the lord , because a strong hand of providence in a lawfull calling doth perpetually debarre them ? . you say your trying of church-members is a meane blessed of god , to try many mens sincerity . i answer , unlawfull meanes , as the persecution of tyrants , may have this successe , what then ? is it a lawfull meane ? . i would gods name were here spared ; it is not a meane blessed of god , it chaseth away many from the net of the gospell , and the pastorall care of the shepheards , and is not a conquering way to gaine soules . john alasto ( say they ) in the dayes of edward the sixth , would bapize none , but such as were members of that church : and therefore p●●paned this question to the fathers , ( are these infants that you 〈◊〉 , the seede of this our church , that they may lawfully be baplized ? ) answ. john alasto had reason because of some present abuse , some indifferent atheists , infidels in heart , refused to joyne to either churches , either protestant or papists , and sought baptismeto their children in either churches , as they might have it , and therefore was that question proponed to the fathers , but it proveth not your point . alasto excluded the children of atheists , who would joyne to no church , as his words cited beare . ergo approved christians and their seede are to be excluded from the seales of the covenant . how weake is your reasoning ? if the rechabites ( say they ) the posterity of jethro , shall live in the ●idst of the common-wealth of israel , & some of them prove true beleeters , as jonadab the sonne of rechab . yet if they shall refuse to take bold of the covenant of israel , & to become pr●selytes , it is no sinne for israel to withold the passeover from them , & circumcision from their children ? answ. you might have proved your point a nearer way , many legally uncleane , and yet sound beleevers , because of leprosie , for no sinne were debarred from the seales amongst the jewes : but have you any law to debarre any from the seales of the covenant of grace under the new testament , and that ordinarily for no sinne ? . a calvin thinketh their vow not lawfull . b bucanus , c polyander , and d willet think it the lawfull vow of the nazarites , commanded numb . . what then ? if by gods law of the nazarites , they abstained from wine , and the passeover ? god is above his owne law , ergo , you may debarre men from the seales under the new testament for no sinne ; it doth not follow . . how prove yee , they abstained from the passeover ? being so divine a law , might not their vow suffer an exception for a greater law in eating the passeover ? i thinke it might , for in case of necessity they came and dwelt at jerusalem , for feare of the army of the chaldeans , jer. . . and yet their vow was to dwell in tents . from these ariseth , quest. i. if pastors may performe ministeriall acts in any other congregation than their owne . this is answered unto , by a manuscript , if you take a ministeriall act improperly , when a minister doth exercise his gift of praying and preaching , being required so to doe , so hee may exercise some ministeriall acts , but this he doth not by vertue of any calling , but only by his gifts and occasionally : but if you meane by a ministeriall act , an act of authority and power in dispensing of gods ordinances , as a minister doth performe to the church whereunto he is called to be a minister , then we deny that he can so performe any ministeriall act , to any other church , than his owne . hence though he may preach to another congregation , yet may he not administer the sacraments to an other then to his owne . answ. first , we hold that by a calling or ordination he is made a pastor , by election he is restricted to be ordinarily the pastor of his flocke . secondly , a pastor is a pastor of the catholike church , but he is not a catholike pastor of the catholike church , as were the apostles . thirdly , the reformed churches may send pastors to the indians , for that which acosta saith of jesuites , wee may with better reason say it of our selves : that pasiors are as souldiers , and some souldiers are to keepe order , and remaine in a certaine place , others run up and don ne in all places ; so some are affixed to a congregation , to feed them , others may be sent to those people , who have not heard of the gospel . which sending is ordinary and lawfull , in respect of pastors sending , and the pastors who are sent , because in pastors , even after the apostles be dead , there remaineth a generall pastorall care for all the churches of christ. thus sending is not ordinary , but extraordinary , in respect of those to whom the pastors are sent , yet is it a pastorall sending . this opinion of our prethren , is against the care of christ , who hath left no pastorall care on earth by this way , now since the apostles dyed , to spread the gospell to those nations who have not heard of the name of christ ; but a pastorall care for the churches , is not proper to apostles onely , but onely such a pastorall care by speciall direction from christ immediately to preach to all . . backed with the gift of tongues and of miracles ; and this essentially differenceth the apostle from the ordinary pastor ; but the former pastorall care to preach the gospell to all nations , and to convert , is common both to the apostle and pastor . . our brethren distinguish betwixt office and the calling , and they say that the office extendeth no further then the call , and by 〈◊〉 he is onely a pastor of this determinate flocke . but if he be a pastor essentially in relation to none , but to his owne congregation from which he hath all his calling , as is supposed , by that same reason a christian , is a baptized christian to none but in relation to that particular church in whose society he is admitted , and he doth partake of christs body and blood in the lords supper in relation to no visible professors on earth , but onely to the parish church whereof he is a member , cor. . . for they expone that onely of a parishionall communion within one single independant congregation . and he must be a heathen , or as a pagan in all congregations on earth , but in his owne , yea and he is a visible professor of the covenant of grace , which is one in substance , ( as they say ) with the church-covenant , and hath claime to christ and all his ordinances in no congregation save in his owne . i prove the consequence , for by baptisme the baptized person is incorporated in christs visible church . cor. . . if this be true when one removeth from one congregation to another , hee must bee re-baptized and incorporated a visible member of a body visible with them . and i see not how one can be in-churched to another congregation , and made one body therewith , while he eate of one bread with them , as they expone , cor. . . if he be not also a member of all visible churches on earth . . if a pastor can exercise no pastorall acts toward any congregation , save toward his owne , then a pastor as a pastor cannot pray for the whole visible churches of god : but the latter is absurd : ergo , so is the former . i prove the major , the praying for the whole visible churches is a pastorall act , due to a pastor as a pastor . . because every visible church is oblieged as it is a church to pray for all the visible churches on earth : for as a christian is oblieged to pray for all churches visible ; so farre more is a church : now a visible church doth not pray but by the pastor , who is the mouth of the people to god ; and that this is a pastorall duty due to a pastor , i thinke is said isa. . . i have set watchmen on thy tower , o jerusalem , which shall never hold their peace day nor night . yee that make mention of the lord , keepe no silence till he establish , and t●ll ●● make jerusalem the praise of the whole earth . also pastors as pastors are to pray for the king , though the king be no member of that congregation , whereof they be pastors . tim. . , . every pastor as a pastor is to preach against the sinnes of the land , else how can the people mourne for these sinnes ? ergo , the pastor doth exercise pastorall acts upon all the visible churches on earth , upon the king , and upon the whole land , to which he is not a pastor by speciall election . . if a pastor be oblieged to preach in season and out of season , and that as a pastor , and because he is a pastor . tim. . . ergo he is to preach as a pastor in any congregation where he shall be desired . they answer , he may preach the word in another congregation , not by vertue of a calling or office , but by vertue of his gifts . i answer , first , if he preach by vertue of a gift onely , he preacheth in that case , not as sent of god , and so int●udeth himselfe , and runneth unsent , and a meere gift to be a king or a magistrate , maketh not a magistrate , as a master robinson granteth . ergo one cannot warrantably exercise a pastorall act by vertue of a meere gift . . he may in another congregation preach with pastorall authority , and use the keyes by binding and loosing sinnes , according as hearers doe repent and harden their nockes against the gospell . ergo , he may preach as a pastor to another congregation . . there shall be no communion betwixt sister churches in pastorall acts as pastorall , which is absurd , the communion shall onely be of pastorall acts as christian acts , but in no sort betwixt them as pastorall acts . . the scriptures for this opinion are weak , ergo the opinion it selfe is weake , i prove the antecedent . act. . . feede the flocke , over which the holy ghost hath made you overseers . &c. there is no ground to feede even by preaching , or by vertue of a gift , these flockes over which the holy ghost hath not set you : obey them that are over you in the lord , heb. . . & c. there is no warrant to submit to other pastors that are not over you in the lord , though they command by vertue of a gift , not by vertue of an office or calling : these be loose consequences . . all reciprocation of mutuall duties amongst sister churches , whereby they exhort , rebuke , comfort one another , must be unlawfull , for these be church acts , and this author saith , the office extendeth no further then the calling , but there is no calling of church-membership betwixt sister-churches , and therefore all these duties are not acts of the communion of churches , as they are such churches or incorporations in a church-state , but onely duties of churches as they are saints , but communion of churches as churches in the act of church-dispensing of the word and seales reciprocally one to another , is not in the word of god , as this opinion will inferre , which is a weighty absurd . . the authors of this opinion hold , that if the congregation , for no fault , reject the pastor , whom they once called and elected to ●e their pastor , though in so doing they sinne , and reject god in rejecting him , yet they take nomen & esse , the name and nature of a pastor from him , yet ( say they ) hee still remaineth a minister of christ , till he accept a call from another congregation . hence . such a one is a pastor , and yet the people have taken name and nature of a pastor from him , as they gave him name and nature : ergo , he is either a pastor without a calling , which is absurd , or he remaineth a person in relation to another flocke , who never choosed him , nor gave him any calling . . to adde by the way , if he be capable of a calling to another church , ergo , for the time he is no minister , else they must say , he may be a minister capable of two callings , to two sundry ministeries , which yet maketh him a pastor not in relation to one single congregation onely . it is true , they object that the apostles , matth. . were commanded to preach to all nations , but pastors are not so now , but are commanded to feed the flocke over which god hath appointed them , act. . . but it is as true the apostles were commanded to preach to all nations , in opposition to the charge that the prophets of old were to speake to the people of israel onely , and the apostles matth. . forbidden to preach to the samaritans and gentiles ; and it is as true that gods spirit limited the apostles to preach to macedonia , not to bithynia ; now because this particular direction for places is wanting in the church , it is certaine that a man is yet a pastor in office in relation to as many as gods hand of providence shall send him unto , though he be chosen by a people to feed ordinarily one determinate flocke , and though he be not an extraordinary and immediatly inspired planter of churches , or the first planter , as were the apostles , yet is he a pastor in relation to all . and if this be not said , . it were simply unlawfull for pastors now to plant churches , and spread the gospell to those nations , who have not heard it , because all pastors now are ordinary , and none are immediatly inspired apostles : but it is certaine what the apostles did , by an extraordinary gift , as such immediatly called pastors , it is unlawfull for ordinary pastors to attempt to doe , as to attempt to speake with tongues , and to plant churches by speaking with tongues and confirming it with miracles , is unlawfull . papists , as bellarmine , suarez , acosta , ascribe this to the pope and his apostles . our divines answer that the apostles that way have no successors ; but what the apostles did by an ordinary pastorall gift , as to preach the word , administrate the sacraments , to erect and plant churches by ordinary gifts , where the pastors can speake to the churches by an ordinary gift in their owne language , they are oblieged both within and without the congregation , to preach as pastors , because where god giveth gifts pastorall to pastors , he commandeth them to exercise these gifts , else they digge their lords talent in the earth : but god giveth to pastors pastorall gifts to preach to others then their owne congregation , and to administrate the seales to them also , and to plant churches . ergo , it is presumed that the church doth give authoritie and an externall ministeriall calling to the exercise of these gifts . . it is an unwarrantable point of divinitie that the apostles and the pastors succeeding to them doe differ essentially in this , that apostles might preach as pastors to more congregations then one , and might plant churches , but pastors succeeding to them may not as pastors preach to more congregations then their owne , and may not plan● churches , for then planting of churches now were utterly unlawfull , because it is certaine there be no apostles on earth , and it is not lawfull for a pastor , yea nor it is lawfull for any other gifted person to doe that which is essentiall to an apostle and agreeth to an apostle as to an apostle . it is then unlawfull for our brethren , seeing they be not apostles , to plant churches in india . nor is that comparison to be regarded much ; a magistrate or an alderman of a citie may not lawfully exercise his office of magistracie in another citie whereof he is not a maior , and therefore a pastor cannot preach , ex officio , as a pastor in another congregation , whereof he is not a pastor , nor can he exercise discipline in another congregation then his owne , seeing another congregation hath not by voluntary agreement , oath or paction submitted themselves to his ministry , nor chosen him for their pastor . for i answer , the comparison halteth and doth not prove the point , for by one and the same act the citie hath chosen such a man both for to be a magistrate , and to be their magistrate , and have given him thereby authority over themselves onely , so he cannot exercise the office of a magistrate over another citie who hath not chosen him to be their maior or ruler . but the flocke doth not both call such a man , in one and the same act to be a pastor , and to be their pastor , but hee is made by the laying on of the hands of the elders , a pastor , and a pastor in relation to all to whom god in his providence shall send him to speake , the congregation by election doth give him no authority pastorall , but onely appropriate his pastorall authoritie to themselves in particular ; and when they refuse him againe and cast him off , they take not pastorall authoritie from him , for they cannot take away that which they cannot give ; he remaineth a pastor though they cast him off , as a colledge of physitians do promote a man to be a doctor of physicke to cure diseases , a towne calleth him to be their physitian , he may yet exercise acts of his calling , and ex officio , as a doctor , upon other cities and inhabitants of the countrey ; and when the city who choosed him for their physitian doth cast him off , they take not from him the office of doctorship which the colledge of physitians conferred upon him , for they cannot take from him that which they cannot give to him . yea if any of another flocke shall come and heare the word , the pastor offereth all in one pastorall sacrifice to god in prayer , though there be many of another congregation in the church hearing ; yea strangers beleevers communicate with him at the same table , yet is he not their pastor . if a pastor of a congregation die or be sicke , shall the children of beleevers , yea shall converted pagans being desirous to be baptized be defrauded of the comfort of baptisme , and of the lords supper , for no fault in them , but onely because their pastor is dead , may not the congregation by their desires and requests appropriate the office of pastors of another congregation in some particular acts to their necessitie ? yea is not their receiving of his ministry in that act ( when their pastor is dead ) a calling warranting him to officiate , hie & nunc ? even as the desires and choise of his owne flocke electing him to be their constant pastor , gave him a calling to be their pastor constantly , and in all the ordinary acts of his calling ? yea and it is sure as the holy ghost set him over his owne floeke in ordinary , because they choosed him to be their pastor , so that same holy ghost set him over this other congregation , in this act , to preach and administrate the sacraments to them , in this exigence of the death of their pastor ; for god who ruleth officers and disposeth of them in his house , disposeth of particular acts of his owne officers , and he is sent as a pastor from god to speake to the stanger hic & nunc , and to worke his heart to the love of christ , and that as a pastor no lesse then to his owne flocke , except we destroy communion of gifts , and of pastorall gifts , paul by the holy ghost was made the apostle of the gentiles , peter of the jewes , gal. . . yet peter as an apostle preached to , and baptized the uncircumcised gentiles , act. . . and paul exercised his office of an apostle upon the jewes also , both by preaching and baptizing , as the history of the acts , chap. . chap. . and other places may cleare , rom. . so that the contrary doctrine is a new conceite , not of god , and against the pastorall care of bringing in soules to christ. quest. ii. whether or no children be received into the visible church by baptisme . in this chapter the author will not have persons of approved pietie and baptized to be within the visible church , and a the author of the apologie saith , we doe not beleeve that children are received within the visible church by baptisme , for if they be not in christs church , before they be baptized , what hath a minister to doe to baptize them who are not of the church ? and if they be within the church before baptisme , how shall they be received in the church by baptisme ? if you say , they may be received , that is , declared by baptisme to have beene received into the church by the covenant of their fathers : we demand into which church ? not into our owne church , for their parents were never members of a church , and we cannot put the seale of god upon a falsehood ? not into the church from whence their fathers came , for we know not whether their fathers were casten out of the church , or not . some considerations are here to be set downe . . baptisme is not that whereby we are entred into christs mysticall and invisible body as such , for it is presupposed we be members of christs body , and our sinnes pardoned already , before baptisme come to bee a seale of sinnes pardoned , but baptisme is a seale of our entry in christs visible body , as swearing to the colours is that which entreth a souldier to be a member of such an army , whereas before his oath , he was onely a heart friend to the army and cause . . baptisme as it is such is a seale , and a seale as a seale addeth no new lands or goods to the man to whom the charter and seale is given , but only doth legally confirme him in the right of such lands given to the man by the prince or state , yet this hindereth not but baptisme is a reall , legall seale , legally confirming the man in his actuall and visible profession of christ , remission of sinnes , regeneration , so as though before baptisme he was a member of christs body , yet quoad nos , he is not a member of christs body visible , untill he be made such by baptisme . . this question toucheth the controversie anent the efficiencie , working and operation of the sacraments , of which i give a tast shortly . sacraments are considered as sacraments , in abstracto , in genere sign●rum ; the reprobate doe receive holy seales and sacraments , else they could not be said to prophane the holy things of god , and so they may be sacraments and worke no grace either by themselves or from god , all operation from , or about the sacrament then must be accidentall to a sacrament . . sacraments are considered in concreto , according to all which they include in their use , to wit , as they consist of the signe , the thing signified , the institution of god , and the promise of grace , and in this meaning a altisiodorensis ( as i conceive ) maketh the sacraments not efficient causes of grace , yet materiall causes containing grace , uti vas medicinam , so the scripture saith , baptisme saveth , as the physitians glasse cureth the disease , and b guliel . parisiens . said not ill , that the sacraments have a power to obtaine grace by faith and prayer , that is , being used in faith and sincere calling upon god , they obtaine grace ; so to speake accurately this is all about the sacrament , rather then from the sacrament : to which sense c durandus , d occam e gabriel biel f aliacensis doe deny the sacraments to be physicall instruments producing grace in a physicall way , ( though papists cry out against our divines for teaching so ) onely they say , god at the presence of the sacrament produceth grace of his meere free will , ad praesentiam sacramenti operatur deus gratiam ex solâ liberâ suâ voluntate . and for this cause g gregorius de valentia saith these schoolemen nihil amplius tribuere sacramentis , quam haeretici tribuunt , give no more to the sacraments then hereticks give ; yet h vasquez , and a jesult professor at rome i joan. de lugo teach that the sacraments are morall causes of grace , but not physicall . it is grosse that k henricus saith , that god createth grace , per tactum sacramentorum , by the touch of the sacraments , as christ cured the leper by the touch of his hand : for sacraments are not miracles , as papists say , phisicke worketh upon a mans body when he sleepeth , so doe sacraments justifie and worke grace , ex opere operat● , though the faith of the sacrament-receiver doe worke nothing at all . . sacraments are considered . . as holy signes . . as religious seales . . as instruments by which faith worketh . . as meanes used by , us out of conscience of obedience to christs commandement who hath willed us to use them . sacraments as signes are objective and morall causes , exciting the mind as the word doth in a morall way , they represent christ and him crucified , and this sacraments have commune with the word . the sacrament is a visible word teaching us . . sacraments have the consideration of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tantum , they be seales , and not teaching and representing signes onely : this way also they have no reall or physicall action in them or from them ; for a seale of a prince and state , as it is such , conferreth not an acre or rigge of land , but it is a legall declaration that those lands written in the body of the charter , doe duely belong to the person to whom the charter is given . but a arminians do here erre , as b episcopius , and also , c socinus , and d smalcius , who teach that the sacraments be nothing but externall rites and declarative signes , scadowing out christ , and the benefits of his death to us , because they find a morall objective working in the word of god , but a substantiall and physicall working betwixt us and christs bodie ( they say ) is ridiculous , but they would remember that this is an insufficient enumeration , the seale of a kings charter hath besides a morall action on the mind , by bringing to the mind such lands given to such a man , and so the seales , worketh upon the witnesses , or any who readeth the charter as well as upon the owner of the charter : i say beside this the seale hath some reall action , i grant not in it , but about it , and beside it ; for it sealeth that such lands are really and in effect given by the prince and state , the action is about the seale , not in or from the seale : when a generall of an army delivereth the keyes of a castle to a keeper thereof , he saith [ i deliver the house to you ] when he delivereth the keyes onely physically , and not the stones , walls or timber of the house , by a physicall action or physicall touch , contactu physico , yet in delivering the keyes , he doth really deliver to him the castle , but in a legall and morall way . arminians and socinians may see here that there is neither an action by way of naked representation and teaching , for the sacrament is a teaching signe to the beholders who receive it not , nor is it a physicall action , as if christs physicall body in a physicall way were given ; yet it is an action reall , and morall : so the sacraments are signes exhibitive and not naked signes . our brethren doe side with arminians and socinians , who so often teach that sacraments make nothing to be what they were not , but onely declare things to be what they are . it is true , the formall effect of a sacrament is to seale and confirme ; to seale and confirme is but a legall strengthning of a right , and not the adding of any new thing . yet in this the sacrament differeth from a seale . . that to a civill seale there is not required the beleeving and faith of the owner of the charter , to make the seale effectuall ; for whether the lord of the lands beleeve that his seale doth confirme him in the lands , or not , the seale of it selfe by the law of the prince & state maketh good his right to the lands : but sacraments doe not worke ex opere operato , as civill seales doe worke , even as physicke worketh upon the body , without the faith of the mind , though the man bee sleeping . hence the third consideration of a sacrament as an instrument , faith , in and through the sacrament being wakened and stirred up layeth hold upon christ his death and benefits , and for this cause there is a reall exhibition of the thing signified , and the sacrament is an exhibitive seale . . the sacrament in the use is considered as wee use it in obedience to god , who saith in the lords supper , do this in remembrance of me , and in this it differeth from a civill seale also . the prince doth not conferre a seale to confirme a man in his land upon condition , that he will make use of it , otherwayes it shall be to him as no seale . but god hath given the scale of grace upon condition that wee make use thereof in faith , else the sacrament is blanke and null . therefore if you beleeve , and not otherwayes , the sacrament of the supper sealeth and confirmeth you in this , that christ is given already , and is in the present given to be nourishment to your soule to life eternall ; and so oft as you eate , the certioration and assurance groweth , and the faith is increased , and a further degree of a communion with christ confirmed ; but it is not so in civill seales , though yee repeate and reiterate the same seale of lands , ten thousand times , it never addeth one aker more to the in heritance , because the repetition of a civill seale is not commanded under the promise of addition of new lands , nor is it commanded , as obedience to the owner of the charter , that hee should make use of the seale ; but from the using in faith , the sacrament , we receive increase of grace , and a sacramentall grace . hence baptisme is a seale of our incorporation in christs visible church , cor. . . for by one spirit we be all baptized into one body , whether we be jew or gentile , or whether we be bound or free , act. . . then they that received the word were baptized , and the same day there were added unto them three thousand souls , so matth. . . the taught disciples are to bee baptized in his name , act. . . philip was this way received in the christian church , and cornelius , act. . . and lidia , act. . . and the jaylor , vers . . . that which distinguisheth by a visible note the church as visible from the invisible church , and from other visible societies , and sealeth our visible union with christs body , that is , the seale of our entry in the visible church , but baptisme is such , ergo. . what circumcision was to the church of the jewes , that baptisme is to the christian church , because , in re significatâ , in the thing signified and inward substance of the sacrament , they were both one , col. . . . phil. . . but circumcision was a seale of the jewish entry in the visible church , gen. . . it being the covenant of god in the flesh , & the uncircumcised being commanded to be cut off from gods people , v. . . this is according to the scriptures and the doctrine of the fathers , augustine , cyrill , basilius , tertullian , hieronymus , theophylact , theodoret , ambrose , cyprian who constantly so teach ; so doe our divines a calvin , b beza , c bu●nus , d pareus , e piscator , f anton. wallaeus , g tilenus , h kickermanus . so zanchius , polanus , sihrandus , rivetus , fennerus , whittakerus , raynoldus , willetus , and the professors of leyden 〈◊〉 . our brethren say , it is the opinion of the i anabaptists , that the church is made by baptisme , and papists have the same conceit , and therefore place their font at the church doore to signifie mens entry into the church by baptisme ; but we beleeve not that baptisme doth make men members of the church , nor to be administrated to them who are without the church , as the way to bring them in , but to them that are within the church , as a seale to confirme the covenant of grace to them . answ. . anabaptists deny that any ought to be baptized while thy come to age , and while they beleeve and be regenerated : and they say not farre from your selves in this , who teach it to bee absurd , to put a blanke seale upon a falshood , and so you presuppone all to be regenerated , and truly within the covenant before they can be sealed to be within the covenant by baptisme ; and yet you do not think all infants of beleeving parents to be regenerated and truly within the covenant , then is the seale blanck . also you say , baptisme is not to be administrated to those who are without , but onely to those who are within the church , you meane not within the church by profession , for infants have no profession , and you say the sacrament cannot be put on a blanke or a falshood , ergo , you thinke all that are baptized ought to be within the church really , and not in profession ouely ; ergo they must all come to age and beleeve before they can be baptized . . we say not that baptisme maketh a church mysticall , and the true and lively body and spouse of christ , but that it is a seale confirming us of our entry in the visible church . . the placing of the font at the church doore as a mysticall signe of our entry in the church is an antichristian ceremony of mens devising , which wee disclaime . . if infants baptized must bee within the church , before they can be baptized , how deny you to receive them to the lords supper when they come to age , while they bee againe , by your church-oath , received within the church ? then are they both within the church , because they are baptized , and without the church , because they are not received in by your church-oath againe . . if baptisme be a seale of grace to confirme the covenant of grace to those who are within the church , that is , onely a single congregation , ( for you deny that there be any visible churches in the new testament save these onely ) then are persons baptized persons , and confirmed in the covenant of grace onely within a single congregation . i would know if baptisme should not then be repeated and reiterated in every ones person , as they come to a new congregation ; for they are confirmed in the covenant of grace , by baptisme onely in one single congregation , as you teach . their second and third reason is , a baptisme and all ordinances are priviledges given to the church , so it maketh not the church , but the church is before baptisme and all ordinances ; the use also of baptisme is to be a seale of the covenant , now a seale is not to make a thing which was not , but to confirme a thing which was . answ. . the church is indeed the church mysticall and the invisible body of christ before baptisme , but this proveth not but baptisme is a seale of our entry in the visible church , for if this be a good argument , your church-covenant , which to you is an ordinance of god , falleth to the grrund ; for persons are the true churches of christ before all the ordinances of christ ; ergo , by your church-covenant men doe not become christs visible church . . the argument hath no feet , for the ordinance of preaching the word is a priviledge of the church and ordinance of god , yet is not the church before the preaching of the word ; for birth is not before the seed , but the seed before the birth ; the preaching of the word is the seed of the church , pet. . . and a meane of gathering the church , rom. . . and it is also a priviledge of the church , for hee dealeth not so with every nation to send his gospell to them , psal. . , . . when you say that a seale doth not make a thing that was not , but confirme a thing that was ; while you would seeme to refute papists , who vainely teach that sacraments doe confe●re grace ex opere op●rato , by the deed done ; yet doe you make the sacrament but a naked signe , and take part with arminians and socinians , whose very arguments in expresse words you use ; for a socinius goeth before you in this argument , and so doth b smalcius follow him . 〈◊〉 and sealing there is required the trying of the thing , and some ●●●hing or document ; but that ceremony ( a baptisime ) and that rite , though it bee ●●ly , doth nothing to the remission of sins , but it doth onely shadow out , and as it 〈◊〉 deline●ue and point forth remission of sinnes by the washing of water ●xp●ned in the word of god. you say , sacraments 〈◊〉 make a thing that was not , but confirme a thing that was before ; you can have no other meaning then to deny all cansalitie and all reall exhibition of grace in the sacraments : for if a sacrament make not a thing that was not before , or if god give n●t , and really produce , conferre and exhibite grace , and a stronger measure of faith , and assurance of remission of sinnes , at the due and right use of the sacrament , the sacrament is a naked signe , and not an exhibitive seale . but if christ give and in the present exhibit as surely remission of sinnes , as the infant is washen with water , as our divines , and the c palatinate catechise teacheth , yea and d the confession thereof , and e the synod of dort teacheth , then by the sacrament of baptisme , a thing is made that which it was not . it is true a civill seale , as i said before , addeth no new lands to the owner of the charter , but if christ by his seales rightly and in faith used , doe not onely confirme grace and pardon , but also really exhibite and give grace and pardon in a further degree , and a new measure of assurance to the conscience which there was not before , you goe not a streas breadth from arminians and socinians , especially seeing f episcopius , g henricus welsingius saith that remission of finnes is not sealed by baptisme , but signified onely , and h the remonstrants in their apologie while they expone our communion with christ in the lords supper , and will reject a physicall union of our soules with the physicall substance of christs body , which we also reject , they say that communion signifieth onely a profession of one and the same worship , whereby christians sol●mnly testifie that they adhere to christ as to ●● partaker of the table of devils and of devils themselves , cor. . . is a testimony of a communion with the devills : but the word of god saith more , gal. . . as many of you as are baptized , have put on christ , so rom. . . therefore we are buried with ●im by baptisme unto his death , that like as christ was raised up from the dead , by the glory of the father , even so we also should walke in newnesse of life , ephes. . . that he might sanctifie and cleanse his church with the washing of water by the word , t it . . . and pet. . . the like figure whereunto even baptisme doth also now save us , &c. all this is more then a naked signification , otherwise manna saved israel , and the water of the rocke did wash them from their sinnes , and the sacrifice of bulls and goates did cleanse from sinne , and open heaven to sinners . therefore by baptisme and the lords supper something is made what it was not before , as by partaking of the table of devils , the partaker is really made a partaker with the devill , and an idolater ; and his idolatry that he committed before was not onely confirmed and signified to be what it was before . and in this civill seales and sacraments differ , as i observed before . argu. . god ( say they ) had a church when there was neither baptisme nor circumcision , yea baptisme hath beene administrated and no church-members made thereby , and men have beene made members of christ and not then baptized ; and john and christs disciples baptized , matth. . . john . . but neither christ nor john made new churches , they all living and dying members of the jewish church of which they were before , and if any of them after became members of christian churches , they were not then baptized when they were so admitted , having beene baptized before . answ. we teach not that baptisme constituteth the church simply , as the church , but that it is a seale of a visible membership , and all baptized by john baptist , and the disciples of christ , were thereby entred in a visible profession that they beleeved in christ already come , and so were made members and citizens by that publicke symbole and seale , that they were members of the christian church , though as yet it received not that name of a christian church , and they were members both of the jewish and christian church : for these are not contrary incorporations , and they needed not to bee baptized againe when they were added to the christian church , for they were never added to the visible christian church ; nor needed they to be added , seeing they were members of that church before . argu. . these inconveniences ( say they ) should follow . . baptisme should be administrate by such as are not ministers at all ; for who should baptize them who are converted without the church ? extraordinary officers are ceased and ordinary are limited onely to their owne f●●ks : also the church is before the ministers , for the church hath power to choose ministers ; now if baptisme make the church , then must ●●n be baptized before there be ministers to baptize them . answ. you see to what absurdities your owne grounds drive you , for if none can baptize but these of a fixed congregation , and if they can baptize none but their owne congregation , none as a sent pastor whose feet is pleasant on the mountaines , can preach and beget faith in a company of unbeleevers , not in a church-state , which is a limiting of the wise god , who by pastors as pastors can beget faith in men without a parishionall church , which is contrary to gods word , rom. . . . it is false that the church ministeriall , which only can baptize , is before the officers , for they should then be before themselves , which is absurd , nor is there such necessitie of baptisme , as that those who are no ministers should baptize . . inconvenient . it should follow that papists should be members of the church , for they have baptisme so farre right , as that it cannot be repeated . answ. if your church-covenant bee that which essentially constituteth a church-member , then papists , atheists , and hypocrites may be church-members also by this reason , because they may sweare your church-oath . hypocrites doubtlesse doe it . and this argument is as much for the anabaptists as against us , for it should prove that none should be baptized but members of the true church and sound beleevers : now by baptisme none a●e made members of the true church except where baptisme is received by true faith , which is more , nor can bee done by a papist ; nor is it inconvenient to say that papists as baptized & under that reduplication are members of the visible church , though as baptized thus and thus , they be not members of the true visible church , professing the sound faith . also ( say they ) baptisme may remaine where as church-membership is dissolved , as in the case of excommunication , matth. . . or of voluntary and unjust departure , job . . . jude . heb. . . in which case such schismaticks are no members of the visible church , as a am●sius saith : and if the church bee dissolved , the church membership ceaseth , for , relata se mutuo ponunt & tollunt . answ. this is against your selves , and doth as well prove that baptisme is not a seale of the covenant of grace , for an excommunicate person may remaine externally without the covenant to the visible church , when baptisme remaineth a seale , and may be a seale of a grace or priviledge , which is interrupted or removed in act , but remaineth in habite : as to bee the eldest sonne of a king , may be a seale of the sonnes hei●eship , and yet he may for a fault be disherited and cast out of his place . the church and church-membership are relata secundum es● , not secundum dici onely , or relata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but baptisme and church-membership are not so perfect relatives , but baptisme doth remaine and the church-membership may bee dissolved : as the burgesse ticket whereby a man hath right to all the citie priviledges may remaine , when the man for some crime committed against the citie hath lost all his citie priviledges and is not now a free citizen , in which case his burgesse ticket sealeth nothing to him : so baptisme sealeth not actuall membership in case of excommunication , yet remaineth baptisme valid in the acts of sealing other things . as for schismatickes who onely for schisme are out of the church , and doe hold no erroneous point of doctrine , and are not yet convinced , they are yet members of the visible church , as a morton saith from gerson , as also b glorianus ; but he who is casten out as a schismaticke , is in the same case with an excommunicate person . lastly , baptisme is not a priviledge of a particular visible church onely ; nor doth the place of cor. . vers . . meane of the visible parishionall church of corinth , but of the whole visible church of jew and gentile , bond and free , as the words doe beare . quest. iii. in what cases it is lawfull to separate from a church . in this discourse three things must bee discussed , . with what church retaining the doctrine of fundamentalls , we are to remaine . . whether our separation from rome bee not warrantable . . whether wee may lawfully separate from true churches , for the sinnes of the churches . cor. . . another foundation can no man lay , then that which is laid , jesus christ. hence jesus christ is the foundation of faith reall or personall , and the knowledge of christ is the dogmaticall foundation of faith , upon this foundation some build gold , that is , good doctriae : some hay and stubble , that is , as c calvin faith , curious doctrine , d pareus , vaine and frivolous doctrine . we are to distinguish betwixt articles of faith , or res fidei , matters of faith , and fundamentall points of faith . matters of faith i reduce to three . . fundamentall points . . supra-fundamentalia , superstructions ●●illed upon fundamentalls . . circa-fundamentalia , things about ma●ers of faith ; for praeter fundamentalia , things indifferent and besides the foundation in matters of religion , and morall carriage , i acknowledge none ; fundamentalls are the vitall and noble parts or the soule of divinitie . the ignorance of fundamentalls condemneth , which is to be understood two wayes . . the ignorance of fundamentalls , such as are supernaturall fundamentalls , condemneth all within the visible church as a sinne ; but it doth not formally condemne those who are without the visible church , job . . . it onely maketh those who are without the church incurable , but doth not formally condemne them : as medicine not knowne , and so not refused , maketh sicke men incurable , as a losse , but doth not kill them as a sinne . . superstructures , which by consequence , arise from fundamentalls , are fundamentalls by consequent and secondarily ; as the second ranke of stones that are immediatly laid upon the foundation , are a foundation in respect of the higher parts of the wall , and therefore are materially fundamentall : and the ignorance of these virtually condemne , and the denying of such , by consequence is a denying of the foundation . things about the foundation , circa fundamentalia , are all things revealed in the word of god , as all histories , miracles , chronol●gie , things anent orion , the pleiades , the north starres , job . . . that paul left his cloakc at troas . the knowledge of these is considered three wayes . . as necessary , by necessitie of a meane , necessitate medii , and the knowledge ; so is not necessary to salvation , many are in glory ( i doubt not ) who lived in the visible church , and yet knew never that sampson killed a lion ; but the knowledge of all these is necessary , necessitate praecepti , because all in the visible church are oblieged to know these things , therefore the ignorance of these onely doth not actually condemne , but virtually and by demerit lead to condemnation . . this knowledge is considered as commanded in the excellency thereof , and so error and bad opinions about these are sinfully ill , though in the regenerate , by accident , such errors condemne not , where the foundation is holden . . the knowledge of these is considered as commanded and enjoyned to us with the submission of faith ; for the authority of god the speaker , and the malicious opposing of these is a fundamentall error , not formally , but by evident consequent , for though the matter of these errors be not fundamentall , yet the malicious opposing of these is a fundamentall error against this principle [ what ever god saith is true ; ] but god saith there were eight soules in the arke of noah . hence because the historiall things of scripture and things about the foundation , as that paul purified himselfe with the jewes , act. . that paul rebuked peter , gal. . is no lesse true , because god hath so spoken in his word , then this fundamentall point [ jesus christ came into the world to save sinners ] it is cleare that the specifice and essentiall forme of a fundamentall article is not taken from the authoritie of god speaking in the word , ( seeing gods authoritie is one and the same in all that he speaketh ) but from the influence that the knowledge of an article hath to unite us to god in christ , and bring us to salvation . and secondly , it will follow that this [ thou shalt not by the use of things indifferent kill him for whom christ died ] and the like be no lesse fundamentall , by evident consequent , in respect it is spoken by gods own authority , then articles of our faith , thirdly , it followeth that formalists ignorantly divide matters of gods worship , into matters of faith , or points fundamentall , and things indifferent , as if many scripturall truthes were not to be found in gods word , such as the miracles of moses , and elias , the journeyes of paul , which are neither matters fundamentall , nor yet things indifferent . fourthly , many things may be fundamentall , by consequent , to one who can reade the word , and heareth it read , which is not by consequent fundamentall to a rude and ignorant man. the knowledge of points fundamentall is necessary . . to obtaine salvation . . to keepe communion with a true church ; for we are to separate from a church subverting the foundation and laying another foundation . fundamentalls are restricted by many to the creed of athanasius , and b gregorius nazimzen , and c cyrillus of jerusalem , to the apostles creed ; ( as it is called ) others reduce all fundamentalls to the famous creeds of ni●e , of constantinople , of ephesus , of chalced●n ; d estius restricteth fundamentalls to things necessary for the well ordering of our life ; e davenantius saith better , that such are fundamentall , the knowledge whereof is simply necessary to salvation , i● ignorance whereof doth condemne . doctor potter calleth them p●ime and capitall doctrines of our religion , or of that faith which essentially constituteth a true church , and a true christian ; which is good , but that he contradivideth from these things not fundamentall , which may be disputed on either side , and cannot be determined by the word of god , and must lie under a [ non liquet ] is his error . yet he may know that g bellarmine saith right many things are of faith , ( and cleare in scripture , as historicall relations ) which are not fundamentall . h camero , and a greater divine then camero i dom. beza reduceth all fundamentalls to things which necessarily belongeth to faith and obedience : and k great calvin retrincheth fundamentalls within the apostles creed : l occam will have the militant ( catholicke ) church alwayes explicitely or expressly beleevings things necessary to salvation : and our divines teach that the catholike church cannot erre in fundamentalls : they meane with pertinacie and obstinacie . . in all fundamentalls . . totally and finally . but wee are not to beleeve papists , who say things are fundamentall , materially in themselves , as all points necessary to bee beleeved , but things are not formally fundamentall , but such things onely as the church d●fineth to be fundamentall . but . the foundation of our faith is gods word , and gods word is necessary to be beleeved to salvation , whether the church define it or no : to abstaine from idolatry is necessary to be beleeved , though aaron and the church of israel say the contrary , neither doth gods word borrow authority from men . . if the church may make points to be fundamentall by their definition , whereas before they were not fundamentall , then may the church make articles of faith ; sure i am paipsts , as gerson , occam , almaine , suarez , yea and a very bellarmine is against this . yea and by that same reason they may make fundamentall points to bee no fundamentall points , and they may turne the apostles creed into no faith at all , for ejusdem est potestos creare & annihilare . . there cannot be a greater power in the church , to define articles of faith , then is in god himselfe ; but the very authority of god doth not define a matter to bee an article of faith , except the necessitie of the matter so require , for god hath determined in his word , that paul left his cloake at treas , but that paul left his cloake at troas , is not ( i hope ) an article of faith , or a fundamentall point of salvation . . what can the church doe , ( saith a vincentius lyrinens . ) but declare that that is to be beleeved , which before in it selfe was to bee beleeved : and b bellarmine saith , councells maketh nothing to be of infallible verity , and so doth c scotus say , verity before heresies ( erat de fide ) was a matter of faith , though it was not declared to be so by the church : determinatio non facit vertatem , saith o●cam , the churches determination maketh no truth . . the evidence of knowledge of fundamentals is gravely to bee considered . hence these distinctions . . one may beleeve that christ is the sonne of god by a divine faith , as peter doth , matth. . . and yet doubt of the necessary consequences fundamentall . ergo , christ must bee delivered into the hands of sinners , and bee crucified , as the same peter doubted of this : for as one may fall in a grievous sinne , though regenerated , and faile in act , and yet remaine in grace , in habitu , the seed of god remaining in him ; so may peter and the apostles doubt of a fundamentall point of christs rising from the dead , john . v , . in an act of weakenesse , and yet have saving faith in christ , as it is like many of of the saints at corinth denyed an article of their faith , the rising againe of the dead : one act of unbeleefe maketh not an infidell . . dist. a simple papist and a lutheran not well educated doth beleeve upon the same former ground , that christ is true man , & hath an habitual faith of this article , that jesus christ is truly the son of david , & yet holdeth transubstantiation , or consubstantiati● , that christs body is in many sundry places in heaven , and earth , on this side of the sea , & beyond sea , yet the conn●xion betwixt christs humanitie and this monster of transubstantiation not being possible , all the error may be meerely philosophick , that the extention of quantitative parts without or beyond part , is not the essence of a quantitative body ; while as the rude man beleeveth firmely that christ is true man , and so beleeveth contradictory things by good consequence ; therefore the qualitie of the conscience of the beleever is to be looked into , since fundamentall heresie is essentially in the mind , and pertinacy and selfe-conviction doth inseparably follow it . . there is a conscience simply doubting of fundamentall points , this may be with a habit of sound faith . . a scrupulous conscience which from light grounds is brangled about some fundamentall points , and this is often in sound beleevers , who may and doe beleeve , but with a scruple . . a conscience beleeving opinions and conjecturing and guessing , as in atheists , this is damnable ; but where obstinacy is , as defending with pertinacie transubstantiation , and that it is lawfull to adore bread , this pertinacious defending of idolatry doth inferre necessarily , that the faith of the article of christs humanitie is but false and counterfeit , and not saving . . dist. there is a certitude of adherence formall , and a certitude of adherence virtuall . a certitude of adherence formall is , when one doth adhere firmly to the faith of fundamentalls . a certitude of adherence virtuall is , when with the formall adherence to some fundamentall points , there is an ignorance of other fundamentall points , and yet withall a gracious disposition and habit to beleeve other fundamentalls , when they shall bee clearely revealed out of the word , so luke . christ exponed the resurrection , and the articles of christs sufferings and glorification , vers . , , . to the disciples who doubted of these before , and yet had saving faith of other fundamentall points , matth. . . . . hence there be two sorts of fundamentalls , some principally and chiefely so called , even the elements and beginning of the doctrine of christ , as credenda , things to be beleeved in the creed , the object of our faith ; and p●tenda , things that we aske of god , expressed in the lords prayer , the object of our hope specially . . agenda , things to be done , contained in the decalogue , the object of our love to god and our brethren ; others are so secundarily fundamentall , or lesse fundamentalls , as deduced from these ; yea there be some artcles of the creed principally fundamentall , these all are explicitely to be beleeved , noted by a vigilius martyr , and b pareus : as that christ died and rose againe , &c. other articles are but modi articulorum fundamentalium , and expositions and evident determinations of cleare articles : as christs incarnation , and taking on our flesh is explained by this , conceived of the holy ghost , and borne of the virgin mary ; the death and suffering of christ is exponed by subordinate articles , as that he suffered under pontius pilate , was crucisied , &c. and these lesser fundamentalls are to be beleeved , necessitate praecepti , because god commandeth them , but happily non necessitate medii . it is possible many bee in glory who beleeve not explicitely , but onely in the disposition of the mind , ( as some are baptized , in voto , in their desire onely ) these lesser fundamentalls , it is enough they have the faith of non-repugnancy , or negative adherence to these , so as they would not deny them , if they had beene proponed to them in a distinct and cleare way . . the faith of fundamentalls is implicit three wayes . . in respect of the degree of beleeving . . in respect of the object . . in respect of the subject , or our adherence to things beleeved . in respect of degrees the faith is implicite and weake three wayes , as calvin may teach . . because we are ignorant of some lesse fundamentalls . . because we see in a mirror and imperfectly . . in respect of beleeving upon a false ground , as for miracles . in respect of the object , the certaintie is most sure , as sure as that god cannot lie . in respect of our adherence of understanding and affections ; in this respect the knowledge of fundamentalls must bee certaine . . by a negative certitude which excludeth doubting , and so pastor and people must have a certitude of fundamentalls , as rom. , . col. . . heb. . . but for a positive certitude there is not that measure required in a teacher that is in a scholler , for all the body cannot be an eye , cor. . . yet is a christian certitude and fulnesse of perswasion required even of all christians , colos. . . colos. . . highest and greatest in its kind , though many may bee saved with lesse , yet a distinct knowledge of fundamentalls in all is not necessary by a necessitie of the meanes , necessitate medii , as beza and doctor ames teach . there is a faith of fundamentalls implicite in respect of the will and affections which papists make a wide faith , as the j●u●e becanus thinke to beleeve these two fundamentalls , . that there is a god. . that this god hath a providence con●●●ning mens salvation , though other particulars be not knowne . or implicite faith is , saith estius , when any is ready to beleeve what the church shall teach ; which faith ( suarez saith ) though it include ignorance , yet keepeth men from the danger of errors , because it doth submit the mind to the nearest rule of teaching , to wit , to the church ; the knowledge of fundamentalls in this sense doth not save , but condemne . thomas saith better then he . . dist. they are not alike who beleeve fundamentall here●ies . . and who defend them . . and who teach them , and obtrude them upon the consciences of others . for the first , many beleeve fundamentall errors who are ignorant of them , and doe thinke that they firmely adhere to christian religion , o●cam termeth such , haereticos nescientes , ignorant heretickes , as the marcionites , and the manicheans , and these the church should tolerate while they bee instructed . it is true the jesuite meratius saith , when many things are proposed to the understanding for one and the same formall reason , to wit , for divine authoritie , the understanding cannot imbrace one but it must imbrace all , nor ●●ject one , but it must reject all , which is true of a formall malitious rejecting ; the manichean beleeveth nothing because god saith it , and hath faith sound and saving in nothing , but it is not true of an actuall or virtuall contempt , in one or two fundamentalls , because beleevers out of weakenesse , ignorance , and through strength of tentation may doubt of one fundamentall , as the disciples doubted of the resurrection , joh. . . and yet in habite beleeve all other fundamentalls , but the church is to correct such as professe fundamentall heresies , and to cast out of the church seducers and deceivers . . dist. it is one thing to hate a fundamentall point , as that [ christ is consubstantiall with the father ] as the arians doe , and another thing , by consequence to subvert a fundamentall point , as papists by consequence deny christ to bee true man , while they hold the wonder of transubstantiation , yet doe not they hate this conclusion formally [ that christ is true man. ] . dist. though it were true which doctor christo. potter saith , if we put by the points wherein christians differ one from another , and gather into one body the rest of the articles , wherein they all gnerallaly agree , we should finde in these propositions , which without all controversie are universally received in the whole christian world , so much truth is contained , as being joyned with holy obedience may be sufficient io bring a man to everlasting salvation . i say , though this were true , yet will it not follow that these few fundamentalls received by all christians , papists , lutherans , arians , verstians , sabellians , maccdonians , nestorians , eutychanes , socinians , anabaptists , treithitae , antitrinitarii ( for all these be christians and validely baptized ) doe essentially constitute a true church , and a true religion . because all christians agree that the old and new testament is the truth and word of god , and the whole faith of christian religion is to bee found in the old testament , acknowledged both by jewes and christians ; for that is not the word of god indeed in the old testament , which the jewes say is the word of god in the old testament . yea the old and new testament , and these few unc●n●●averted points received universally by all christians are not gods word , as all these christians expone them , but the dreames and fancies of the jewes saying , that the old testament teacheth that christ the messiah is not yet come in the flesh , the treithitae say there be three gods , yet are the treithitae christians in the sense of doctor potter : so that one principall as that there is one god , and christ is god and man , and god is noely to be adored , not one of these are uncontraverted , in respect every society of sectaries have contrary expositions upon these common fundamentalls , and so contrary religions . who doubteth but all christians will subscribe and sweare with us protestants the apostolicke creed but will it follow that all christians are of one true religion , and doe beleeve the same fundamentalls ? now these fundamentalls are the object of faith according as they signifie things . to us and to the treithitae this first article ( i beleeve in god ) as i conceive doth not signifie one and the same thing ; now joyne this ( i beleeve in god ) with holy obedience as wee expone it , and as the treithitae expone it , it could never bee a step to everlasting salvation ; for it should have this meaning , ( i beleeve there is one only true god , and that there be also three gods ) and what kind of obedience joyned with a faith made up of contradictions , can bee availeable to salvation ? . one generall catechise and confession of faith made up of the commonly received and agreed upon fundamentalls , would not make us nearer peace , though all christians should sweare and subscribe this common christian catechise , no more then if they should sweare and subscribe the old and new testament , as all christians will doe , and this day doth . . disl . though the knowledge of fundamentalls be necessary to salvation , yet it cannot easily be defined , what measure of knowledge of fundamentalls , and what determinate number of fundamentalls doth constitute a true visible church , and a sound beleever , as the learned voetius saith . hence . they are saved , who soundly beleeve all fundamentalls materially , though they cannot distinctly know them , under the reduplication of fundamentalls , nor define what are fundamentalls , what not . . though a church retaine the fundamentalls , yet if wee beforced to avow and beleeve as truth , doctrines everting the foundation of faith , against the article of one god ; if we must worship as many gods as there bee hosties , if christs kingly , priestly , and propheticall office be overturned , as we were forced in popery to do , we are to separate from the church in that case . it is not true that master robinson saith , this distinction of fundamentalls and non-fundamentals in injurious to growing in grace , whereas we should be led on to perfection , as if it were sufficient for a house , that the foundation were laid . answ. it followeth not , for the knowledge of fundamentalls is onely , that wee may know what is a necessary meane of salvation , without which none can be saved , notwithstanding , he who groweth not , and is not led on to perfection , never laid hold on the foundation christ ; nor are we hence taught to seeke no more , but so much knowledge of fundamentals , as may bring as to heaven , that is an abuse of this doctrine . . robinson faith fundamentall truthes are holden and professed by as vile heretickes as ever were since christs dayes , a company of excommunicates may hold , teach and defend fundamentall truths , yet are they not a true church of god ? answ. papists hold fundamentalls , and so doe jewes hold all the old testament and papists hold both new and old , but we know they so hold fundamentalls , that by their doctrine they overturne them ; and though there bee fundamentalls taught in the popish church , which may save if they were beleeved , yet they are not a true and ministeriall church simply , because , though they teach , that there is one god , they teach also there is a thousand gods whom they adore , and though they teach , there is one mediator , yet doe they substitute infinite mediators with and besides christ , so that the truth is , not a formall , ministeriall and visible active externall calling is in the church of rome , as it is a visible church , in the which wee can safely remaine , though fundamentalls be safe in rome , and the bookes of the old and new testament be there , yet are they not there ministerially as in a mother whose breasts we can sucke ; for fundamentall points falsely exponed , cease to be fundamentall points , yea as they be ministerially in rome , they be destructive of the foundation , though there bee some ministeriall acts valid in that church , for the which the church of rome is called a true church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in some respect , according to something essentiall to the true church , yet never sine adjecto , as if it were a true church , where we can worship god. fundamentalls are safe in rome materially in themselves , so as some may be saved who beleeve these fundamentalls ; but fundamentalls are not safe in rome , ecclesiastice , ministeraliter , pastoraliter , in a church way , so as by beleeving these from their chaires so exponed , they can be saved who doe beleeve them . . out of which we may have the doctrine of faith and salvation as from a visible mother , whose daughters we are . some say the fundamentalls amongst lutherans are exponed in such a way as the foundation is everted ? i answer , there is a twofold eversion of the foundation . . one theologicall , morall and ecclesiastick , as the doctrine of the councell of trent , which is in a ministeriall way , with professed obstinacy against the fundamentall truths rightly exponed , and such an eversion of the foundation maketh the popish church no church truely visible , whose breasts we can sucke . but for lutheranes , their subversion of the foundation by philosophick consequences without professed hatred to the fundamentalls , and that not in an ecclesiasticke and ministeriall way , doth not so evert the fundamentalls , as that they bee no visible church . the learned pareus sheweth that there be no difference betwixt us and lutherans in heads absolutely necessary to salvation , the dissention is in one point onely anent the lords supper , not in the whole doctrine thereof , but in a part thereof , not necessary for salvation . there were divisions betweene paul and ba●nabas , betwixt cyprim an african bishop , and stephanus bishop of rome , anent baptisme of hereticks , which cyprian rejected as no baptisme ; betwixt basilius magnus and eusebius ce●ariensis , because basilius stood for the emperour va●ns his power in church matters ; so was there dissention betwixt augustine and hier●nimus anent the ceremonies of the jewes , which hyeronymus thought might be retained to gaine the jewes ; so there was also betwixt epiphanius and chrysostome anent the bookes of orig●n . the orthodox beleevers agreed with the novations against the arrians anent the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the consubstantialitie of christ ; and though excommunicate persons defend and hold all fundamentalls sound , and so may bee materially a true church , yet because their profession is no profession , but adenying of the power of godlinesse , they cannot be formally a visible church , but are for scandalls casten out of the visible church . but ( saith robinson ) most of england are ignorant of the first rudiments and foundation of religion , and therefore cannot bee a church . answ. such are materially not the visible church and have not a profession , and are to be taught , and if they wilfully remaine in that darknesse are to be cast out . but ( saith he ) the bare profession of fundamentalls maketh not a church ; they must be a company of faithfull people , and if they must not be truely faithfull , then they must be falsely faithfull ; for god requireth true and ready obedience in his word , according to which wee must define churches , and not according to casuall things . answ. this is a speciall ground that deceiveth the separatists , their ignorance ( i meane ) of the visible church , for the visible church consisteth essentially neither of such as be truely faithfull , nor of such as must be falsely faithfull ; for the ignorant man seeth not that the visible church includeth neither faith , nor unbeliefe in its essence or definition . it is true , to the end that professors may be members of the invisible church , they must be beleevers , & must beleeve , except they would be condemned eternally ; but to make them members of the visible church neither beleeving nor unbeleeving is essentiall , but onely a profession ecclesiastically in tear , that is not scandalous & visibly & apparently lewd and flagitious , such as was the profession of simon magus , when he was baptized with the rest of the visible church , act. . and god indeed requireth of us true worship and ready obedience , as he saith , but not that a visible church should be defined by true and sincere obedience : for essentials onely are taken in a definition , and casuall corruptions are only accidentall to churches , and fall out through mens faults , and therefore should not be in the definition either of a visible or an invisible church ; nor should ready and sincere obedience which is a thing invisible to mens eyes , be put in the definition of a visible church , for it is accidentall to a visible church , and nothing invisible can be essentiall to that which essentially is visible ; the visible church is essentially visible . anent separation from rome we hold these propositions . . profession consistetly not onely in a publike ministeriall avowing of the truth , but also in writing , suffering for the truth , and death-bed-confessions of the truth ; these worthy men in their owne bowells , as occam , petrarcha , gerson , mirandula , these who in their death bed renued confidence in merits , saints , images , were the true church , and the other side the false church , all the churches of asia excommunicated by victor , as a bellarmine saith and binnius ; b pope stephen then and his councell denying communion to cyprian and fourescore of bishops must bee the separatists , and cyprians and his adherents the true church . . in this division we are united to the true apostolick , to the ancient church , to the true ancient church of rome , which opposed the apostate church of rome , but an immediate and personall adherence to , and union with the ancient church is not essentiall to a visible church . the separation from a true church , where the word of god orthodox is preached , and the sacraments duely administred , wee thinke unlawfull ; and the place for separation mainely i would have vindicated , cor. . . be ye not unequally yoaked together with unbeleevers , &c. robinson will have this strong for their separation , and saith . . it is true , he findeth fault with the beleeving corinthians , communicating with the unbeleeters in the idol feasts , but with all it must be considered , that the apostle up in this particular occasion delive●eth a generall doctrine , as from ●●●●●tion , cor. . to forbid commingling with fornicators , with 〈◊〉 persons , with idolaters , &c. and as he forbiddeth partaking with the wicked in their evills , yet then therein did he forbid all religious communion with them , since their very prayers , and other sacrifices are their evills , wherein whilst the godly doth communicate with them , what doe they else but acknowledge their common right and interest in the holy things with them ? answ. . it is good that robinson with the interpreters doth acknowledge , that paul forbiddeth communicating with unbeleevers a● idol feasts , as the place will command us to separate from the masse service , and therein let it be that hee inferreth a generall ; ergo , you are to separate from all the worship of the gentiles idols , and are not to be mixed with them in their service , which they give to their false gods : but this is not the generall which includeth separation from a church , in the service of a true god , the service being lawfull , and onely evill to some worshippers and by accident , because they eate to themselves damnation , but not damnation to others . . but he forbiddeth ( saith he ) all partaking with the wicked in their evills . i distinguish their evills in their evills , of their personall sins in not worshipping the true god in faith , sincerity & holy zeale , that i deny , and it is to be proved , christ himselfe and the apostles eated the passeover , and worshipped god with one whom christ had said had a devill , and should betray the sonne of man , and was an uncleane man , job . . , . . he forbiddeth all partaking with the wicked in their evills , that is , in the unlawfull and idol-worship , or in their superstitions and will-worship ; that is true , but nothing against us , or for your separation . if it be said , judas was neither convicted of his traitory to christ , nor was he knowne to the apostles by name to be the man , for some of them suspected themselves , and not judas to bee traytor : but you communicate with such as be professed and avowed traytors , and persons knowne to be scandalous , and so you acknowledge you have a common right in these holy things , with these persons . answ. . christ shewed to the disciples that they were an uncleane societie , and that one had a devill , and therefore though they knew not the man by name who had the devill , they knew the societie to have a devill , and to be uncleane , for that one man his cause , and so neither christ nor his disciples should have taken part with the evills , and the prayers and sacrifices of the wicked , for in so doing they acknowledge that they have commune right and interest in the holy things of god , with some who have a devill , and with an uncleane societie ; but you cannot condemne christ and the disciples communicating at that supper . . though the scandalous person bee not convicted of the scandall , that doth make the scandall more grievous and haynous to the scandalous person , in that he dare remaine in a sin , though he be convicted of his guiltinesse by the church , but it doth not make the persons scandall to be no scandall , and no uncleannesse at all ; for magis & minus non variant speciem , more or lesse of sinne doth not vary the nature of sin : now if paul will the corinthians to meet together to eate the lords body , as hee doth , cor. . and know that there bee amongst them carnall men , such as goe to law with their brethren before infidels , such as deny the resurrection , such as come drunke to the lords supper , though they bee not convicted of these sinnes by the church , yet if they be knowne to others , as paul doth declare them in that epistle , they must pollute the lords table before the church convict them , no lesse then after the church hath convicted them , though the pollution may bee more and greater after church-conviction , then before , yet paul willeth all the corimbians to acknowledge their communion with the sinnes of the non-convicted , and with their abominable and wicked sacrifices and prayers , which none can teach or beleeve of the apostle led by an infallible spirit , and therefore to communicate with them , is not to take part of their evills . . he saith at last , they who communicate at the same table with scandalous persons , what doe they else but acknowledge their commune right and interest in the holy things of god , with such scandalous persons ? and this is that which master coa●hman saith , this banquet of the lords supper , is the nearest fellowship that the saints have in this world ; what lying signes and dec●avable demoust●ations d●e these make who communicate they care not where , nor with whom , but thinke if they examine themselves , it is well enough , forgetting that it is an act of communion ? for if we sever the word sacrament from communion , we put out gods tearme and put in our owne . but i answer . . these who are baptized by one spirit unto one body , as all the visible churches are , cor. . . & professedly heare one word preached , doe thereby acknowledge they have one communion , right and interest in these holy things , to wit , in a communion with christ in remission of sinnes , and regeneration sealed in baptisme , and in one common saviour , and common faith preached in the gospell ; and is this communion unlawfull , and this fellowship a lying signe , because all baptized , and all hearing one gospell , and that in an avowed profession , are not knowne to be regenerated ? then should no infants be baptized , except they know all in the visible congregation baptized with them to bee regenerated also , for it is certaine that we have a communion most inteare and visible with all who are baptized . . it is no inconvenient to professe that we are all one visible body in the lords supper , cor. . . though wee be not one invisible , true , and mysticall , and redeemed body of christ , as it is said , cor. . . that all were baptized unto moses in the cloud , and in the se●t , v. . and that all did eate the same spirituall meat , v. . and that all did drinke the same spirituall drinke , the rocke christ , yet did they not sinne in this , and partake with the wicked in their ●ills , to wit in their wicked prayers and sacrifices , because it is said , v. . god was not pleased with many of them in the wildernesse , because , v. . they lusted after evill things , and many of them were idolaters , epicures , fornicators , tempters of christ , and mumurers , and there sell of them in one day twenty three thousand , v. . , , . and upon the same ground paul saith in the same place , v. , . that we many ( speaking of the corinthians ) are all 〈◊〉 ●read , and one body , and yet v. . many of these were parta●ers of the table and cup of the devills : and in the next chapter , many came drunke to the lords table , many did eate and drinke their owne damnation , and were stricken therefore of god with sicknes and de●th , v. , , . , , &c. and yet v. . paul charg●th them to come together to the lords supper , so farre is hee from a shadow of separation . the sacrament is a seale of their unitie of one body , and is a seale of their communion with christ , v. . but all who receive the signe , have not a communion with christ , nor are they all sealed , as one body mysticall of christ , onely they are in profession by eating one bread , declared to be one body , and doe become one body visible , and no question many make the sacrament to themselves a lying signe , and a blaneke ordinance . but first , this is not the sinne of such as doe communicate with those , who receive the blaneke seale , and make the sacrament to themselves a lying seale and damnation ; for they are commanded to exaamine themselves , and so to eate , but they are not commanded to examine their fellow-communicants , and they are to judge themselves , but not to judge their fellow-communicants . master coachman . how can any godly man consent , or say amen ( saith be ) to such an holy action , when it is joyntly done , by such , as for the most part , are the enemies of god ? answer . this maketh against the man , and the churches of new england , for they admit constantly to the hearing of the word , and so to the prayers of the church , those who are not received members of the visible church : how can any godly man say amen to the action of hearing the word , when it is joyntly done by gods enemies ? i prove the antecedent , the unity of faith hearing one word of faith preached , eph. . . maketh a visible body in profession , even as the joynt partaking of one bread , and one cup in the lords supper , maketh one body , by obsignation or sealing , cor. . , . . division of hearts in hearing , while some follow paul , some apollo , some cephas , maketh a schisme and division in christs body , cor. . ergo , in hearing one and the same word preached , there is a visible church-union , for all division of that kind presupposeth a union , and unity in a visible incorporation . . cor. . . when yee come together ( as one church body ) every one of you hath a psalme , hath a doctrine , vers . . he that prophecieth edifiesh the church , vers . . so yee may all prophecy one by one , that all may learne , and all may be comforted , , it is shame for a woman to speake in the church . therefore the saints meet together in one church to be edified , and comforted by doctrine and hearing of the word , doe all joyntly performe an action of hearing and learning of the word of god , and are in that one church , and one visible body , and called one church , verse . . that the church may receive edifying , verse . seeke that yee may excell ( by prophecying ) to the edifying of the church , vers . . if therefore the whole church come together , unto some place , &c. vers . . if there be not an interpreter , let him keepe silence in the church , verse , . and these who understand , are all to say , amen , to that which is prophecied , verse , . and yet that action of hearing and saying amen to the word preached , and to the prayers of the church , is done by many unregenerated , who are yet in the state of enmity with god , as our brethren grant , in that they doe admit all to be a church , and one church hearing the word preached . . but how can they say amen , ( saith he ) to a holy action done 〈◊〉 gods enemies ? i answer , . this objection is no lesse against paul and the word of god , then against us ; for many enemies to god , whose hearts are rockie , thorny and stony ground , doe heare the 〈◊〉 of god , and that by gods commandement , matth. . vers . . , , . & c. the deafe and the blind are commanded to heare , esai . . . esai . . , . and these whom god hath covered with a spirit of slumber , are to heare the words of the sealed booke , isai. . . , . even those who stumble at the word , and fall , and are broken , esai . . . , . pet. . v. . what godly man can say , amen , to such a holy action , as is performed by gods enemies ? . the godly say amen to actions of gods worship two wayes , . as it is the ordinance of god injoyned , and commanded , to the wicked and hypocrites , no lesse then to the godly , and we are to countenance their communicating , as we doe their hearing of the word , and to joyne with them both , in our reall and personall presence , and say amen with them , as the disciples gave their personall amen , and their countenance and presence to a holy action at the last supper , with one of their number , whom they knew to have a devill , and to be a traitor , and dipped their hand in the dish with this man , after christ had warned them , that there was such an one : but this is but to say amen to the externall worship , which is lawfull , according to the substance of the act . . the godly may be throught to say amen to the actions of worship performed by the enemies of god , by approving , allowing , and commending the manner of their performing the holy actions of gods worship , that is , they may be thought to approve the manner of their hearing and receiving the sacraments , that is , when they approve their performing of those holy actions without faith , and with wicked hearts and hands , and when they allow that they eats their owne damnation , thus no godly man can say amen to holy actions performed by gods enemies , nor is our externall communicating with them , a saying amen to the wicked manner of receiving the seales , this is most unreasonable , and cannot be proved by gods word . but robinson will prove that in this place , cor. . the lord forbiddeth communion not onely with evill workes of wicked men , but with their persons , and that he commandeth a separation , not onely reall , but personall . . because ( saith he ) the scripture hath reference to the yoaking of the unbeleevers in marriage , as the occasion of spirituall idolatrous mixture , which he reproveth ; now this joyning was not in an evill , or unlawfull thing , but with the wicked and unlawfull persons . answer , if the man had formed a syllogisme it should be a crooked proportion , if paul allude to the marriage with insides , then as we are not to joyne with pagans in lawfull marriage , so neither with scand ●●ous christians in lawfull worship . this connexion is gratis said , and we deny it ; but as we are not to marry with pagans , so not to sit in their idoll-temple , and to be present in their idoll-worship , else we were not to admit them , or their personall presence to the hearing of the word , contrary to your selves and to cor. . , . so if because we are not to marry with them , we are not to be personally present with them , at the receiving of the sacrament , neither at the hearing of the word , nor are we to be baptized , because sim●n magus , and many hypocrites are baptized . . locall separation from idoll-worship , in the idoll-temple , we teach as well as robinson , but what then ? he commandeth locall and personall separation from all the professors of the truth , in the lawfull worship of god , this we deny to follow . . the very termes saith robinson ) beleevers , unbeleevers , light , darknesse , christ , belial , doe import opposition not of things only , but of persons also , for things sake , so the faithfull are called a righteousnesse , b light , and the ungody c darknesse , and so not onely their workes , but their persons are called . answer . . we deny not opposition of persons , and separation locall from persons in idoll-worship , at an idoll-table , but hence is not concluded personall separation from wicked men in the lawfull worship of god. . this is for us , we are to separate from the persons ; because the worship is unlawfull , and idoll-worship , and therefore the contrary rather followeth , i● the worship were lawfull , we would not separate , for remove the cause and the effect shall cease . . the apostle ( saith he ) forbiddeth all unlawfull communion in the place , but there is an unlawfull communion of the faithfull with the wicked in things lawfull , as with the excommunicated , idolatrous , 〈◊〉 , or my other flagitious person in the sacraments , prayers , and other religious exercises , and the iewes were to separate themselves , 〈◊〉 from the manners of the he●then , but even from their ●ers●s , ●zr . . . . and . , . nehem. . . . and paul 〈◊〉 the corinthians , cor. . for having fellowship , not onely in ●● persons in●est , but with the incestuous person , whom therefore they 〈◊〉 ●urge out , and to put away from amongst themselves , verse . ● . . answer , it is true , there is an unlawfull communion of the faithfull that is overseers and guides of the church , to whom god hath committed the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , with excommunicated persons , in that they retaine one worthy to be excommunicated in the bosome of the church : but communion with the church in the holy things of god , is not hence concluded to be unlawfull , because the guides of the people communicate with that church where the excommunicated person is suffered , it is the sinne of the church-guides , that an excommunicated person is not cast out , and that he is suffered to communicate at the lords table , and to profane ● , in not discerning the lords body , but it is not the sinne of either guides or the people , to communicate at one table with the excommunicated person , or him that deserveth to be excommunicated ; for not casting out is one thing , and to communicate with the excommunicated in the true visible church is another thing ; the former is a sinne , not to use the power that christ hath given , but to communicate with the excommunicated person , is not a sinne , but a remembring of the lords death at christs commandement ; for one sinne maketh not another sinne to be lawfull , or to be no sinne ; to deliver one unto satan is to debarre one from the lords supper , and to repute him as a publican , and to judge him not worthy of the communion in the holy things of god , with the church ; but this is not to repute the church or guides or members as publicans and heathens , and as not worthy of church-communion with the man who is cast out : we see the church of corinth rebuked , for not excommunicating the incestuous man , but not forbidden to come and eate the lords supper with him , and these who came and did eate their owne condemnation● cor. . yea they are commanded to come to the publike meeting : ergo , it is one thing not to excommunicate the scandalous , a sinne , and another thing to communicate with the scandalous , which is not a sinne directly , nor forbidden at all . though paul have an allusion to the lords separating of the jewes from all other people , yet it followeth not that we are to separate from the wicked men and unrenewed , professing the truth that way ; first , because there was a typicall separation in marriage with canaanites ; if the jewes should marry with the canaanites , the marriage was null , and the moabites and ammonites ought not to enter in the temple . . the jewes are to separate from the manners of heathen , and from the persons of strange wives , yea and to put their wives of the canaanites after they had married them , away from them , in token of their repentanee , because the marriage was not onely unlawfull , but null , as is cleare , ezra . . , , . n●hem . . , . and this was a peculiar law binding the holy seed , but doth not inferre the like separation of christians , for cor. . , . it is not lawfull for a christian to put away a pagan wife , or for the beleeving wife to forsake the pagan husband , and therefore that jewish separation cannot inferre a separation from the persons and worship of unbeleevers ; and it is true that paul commandeth , to cast out the incestuous person , and to separate him from the church , but it followeth not , therefore the church was to separate from the publike worship because he was not cast out . . saith robinson , the apostle inj●yneth such a separation , at upon which a people is to be esteemed gods people , the temple of the living god , and may challenge his promise to be their god , and to dwell amongst them , and to walke there ; and as for the temple , the stone● and timber thereof , were separated from all the trees of the forest , and set together in comely order ; and he hath reference to the separating of the jewes from all other people , as appeareth , levit. , , . , . and this must be the condition of the israel of god , to the worlds end . answ. there is a separation from idol-worship here , such as is proper to the people in covenant with god , de jure , the visible church should separate from idols and the prophane world in their idol-worship , and sinfull conversation . ergo they should separate from the worship of god ; what sewing is here ? this is nothing for separation from the true church , or true worship , for the sinnes of worshippers . heare what interpreters say , as a non debet hoc simpliciter , de solo discessu , ●x● migratione , quae corpore fit , accipi , quasi mox migrandum sit ex●mnibus locis , in quibus vel superstitiones exercentur , vel stagiti●s●ct inhoneste vivitur , sic ex hoc mundo migrandum esset . b calvin , de sugienda idololatria hic concionatur . item , nihil non sibi lice● putabant in externis , promiscue se impiis super ft itionibus pollu●bant , siquidem insidelium couvivia frequent ando , communicabant prophanos ● impuros ritus cum ill is , atqui cum gravissime peccarent , sibi tamen ●idebantur innoxii , ergo hic invehitur paulus in externam idololatri●● . c bullinger , ego quam simplicissime intelligo de contagione ●orum , volupt●tum , sacrorum adeoque idolothytorum et rerum prophanarum omnium communione , putant quidam prot●nus migrandum ●x quibuslibet urbibus , si non omnes , in his , per omnia deo obediant . d meyer , objurgat ne majorem , quam dedeceret christianos , cum ethnicis haberent consuetudinem , vel idolothytis vescendo , vel ●●●jugium contrahendo , vel ludos theatrales spectando . e marlorat , h●tur ut caveant ab omni contagione tot sordium . ita theophylactus , ambrosius , et augustinus . paraphrastes , non in 〈◊〉 ( inquit ) sed in affectibus est fuga , quam suadet : so beza , and papists are not against this . estius , neque corinthii vocabantur h●bitare cum infidelibus , neque negotiari , neque cibum sumere . chap. . v. . signis vocat vos ad mensam &c. vetat arctam so●i●atem , et necessitudinem ex qua oriebatur periculosa quaedam necessit●s communicandi in moribus et religione . salmeron docet non li●ere christianis jungi cum idelolatris , non relinquendo patriam aut lxum , sed cultum illorum ; all which divines accord in this , that separation from idolatry and the idoll-tables of the gentiles is here commanded , and that because the church of god in the new testament , is no lesse a people in covenant with god , to whom the promises doe belong , and the presence of god working in them , then the people of the jewes were of old : but it followeth not hence that one part of the israel of god under the new testament should separate from the other . what weaknesse is this ? he alludeth to israels separation from the nations , which was personall ; therefore we are in person to separate from the true church for their personall sinnes , when the worship is right . but m robinson saith , papists , atheists , idolaters , anabaptists , and many more , doe worship jesus , from whose societies notwithstanding you professe separation . . the ismaelites and edomites doe worship the true god , though not after a true manner , and yet the israelites were a people separated from them , an edomite might not beare any publike office among the jewes to the third generation : yea israel was commanded to separate from israel , for a usurpation of the ministery , num. . and upon jeroboam his defection in the ministery , worship and new devised holy dayes , chron. . , , . king. . , , , , . answ. . papists , anabaptists , idolaters , are disavowed by us , and from them we separate , because though they professe the true god as edom did , yet they closely doe evert the fundamentals ; neither we , nor the reformed churches , in words or by consequence doe evert the fundamentals , and necessary points of salvation , and if the church of corinth was not to be separated from , nor thyatira , where the resurrection was denyed , and false doctrine maintained , you have no reason to parallell us with papists , atheists , anabaptists . . no covenant is made with the one true god , and the edomites and ismaelites , but the promises are made to us , and to our children , and to as many as the lord shall call , by the true gospell preached , act. . . robinson . the apostles ( saith he ) disjoyneth righteousnesse and unrighteousnesse , light and darknesse , as farre asunder , as beleevers and unbeleevers , as the temple of god and idols , in which former also the union betwixt christ and belial , is as monstreus as in the latter : also all unbeleevers are led by the devill , and cannot be the marter of the true church , and that some persons led by the devill and some not should be the marter of the true church is unknowne to scripture . answ. . in the text , cor. . righteousnesse and unrighteousnesse , light and darknesse are as farre asunder as the temple of god and idols , and as israel and edom. i answer in respect of the object materiall of false worship , they cannot morally be united , that is true , beleevers at corinth worshipping the true god in christ , cannot be united with such , as in idols temples are at one and the same idol worship : and as to marry christ and belial , light and darkenesse , is a monster , so it is no lesse morally monstrous , that the true worshippers of god in corinth , who give themselves out for the servants of god , should be joyned in any societie with the service of dumbe idols ; and thus farre israel and edom , a servant of god and an idolater , must separate and part companies , but in respect of the persons they may be united in one visible corporation and church ; else you may say by this argument , because faith in the eleven apostles and unbeleefe in judas , are as contrary as light and darkenesse , christ and belial , and as israels true worship and edoms false worship , and because the righteousnesse , light and faith of the apostolick church . act. . and the unrighteousnesse , darkenesse and unbeleefe of simon magus are contrary to others ( as they are as contrary as light and darknesse ) that therefore the eleven disciples and judas made not one visible church and the apostolick church , and simon magus and others in the gall of bitternesse with him , though baptized and joyned to the church , did not make up one visible church ; now since you acknowledge no visible church , but there be in it beside unbeleevers , though not seene , there is no visible church of your owne , wherein this monstruous combination of light and darkenesse is not . and so all your churches are false in their constitution , if there may not be a union of the persons of men led by god , and regenerated , and of hypocrites led by satan , and unregenerated ; and these meeting to one and the same true worship , as judas and the eleven did eate one and the same passeover . the scripture ( saith robinson ) denounceth the same judgement of god , ezech. . upon him that defileth his neighbours wife as to him who lifteth his eyes to the mountaines and the idols thereof , and murtherers are excluded out of the heavenly jerusalem as well as idolaters , and matth. . we are to esteeme every obstinate offender as a heathen and a publican , and paul chargeth the corinthians to avoyd f●rnicators , &c. cor. . as well as idolaters , so all carnall men are idolaters , making their belly their god : and the apostle to titus calleth prophane persons unbeleevers or infidels ; ergo , wee should walke toward the one , as toward the other , that is , separate from them both . answ. . it is true , god denounceth judgement against leud and unknowne hypocrites , as against worshippers of the gods of the zidonians , as your places prove , ezek. . rev. . but your logick is poore and blind , that you will separate from the true church , in which there bee secret hypocrites , and so from your owne churches , as you would separate from the church of the zidonians , who worship professedly baa● , and deny jehovah to be god , you make arguments without head or foote . . murtherers are excluded out of heaven , and haters of their brethren , who are murtherers from life eternall , joh. . . as idolaters , what then ? ergo , yee will exclude them out of the visible church , and separate from them . it is good that you come out with anabaptists to make these onely of your visible church , who shall reigne in glory with christ , and these onely , and all without your visible church to be firebrands of hell , as revel . . . . we are cor. . to avoyd fornicators , no lesse then idolaters , true . ergo , we are to separate from the church , where there be fornicators , seeing they make the church to bee false in its constitution , as we are to separate from a societie of heathen idolaters who worship a false god : doe you love such consequences ? men not forsaken of mother wit would say , i must separate from aaron , and the whole church of israel , in the act of adoring the golden calfe , which is indeed a separation from the false worship of the church , but not separate from the church ; but would you hence inferre , because god punisheth fornication no lesse then idolatry , that i am to separate from the church , and all their persons and societie in the very true worship of god , because some few persons there bee fornicators and carnall ? surely then paul did not his dutie , who commanded communion with the church of corinth , cor. . wherein there were carnall men , and deniers of the resurrection , and such as for gaine went to the law , with their brethren , and that before infidels ; yea because all sinne in the demerit thereof ( except you devise venials ) exclude men out of the new hierusalem , we must separate from all churches on earth , for there be none so cleane , but there bee some sinne in it , which excludeth out of the new hierusalem , as idolatry doth , though there bee degrees of sinne . but some ignorant ones say the place , cor. . . is to be expounded of eating at the communion table , or if it bee of familiar eating and drinking , of civill conversing , then much more are wee not to communicate with them at the lords table . but not to eate with such a one , is not to keepe intire fellowship with him , as the phrase noteth , psal. . . he that eat of my bread hath lift up his b●ele against me . joh. . . psal. . so doth chrysostome , the●phylact us , oecumenius expound this place , bullinger , contub●●nium & interiorem convictum prohibet ; so calvin , peter martyr , b●za , piscator , pareus ; so erasmus and aquinas , haymo , gagneius . nor is all eating whatsoever with heathen persons forbidden , paul practised the contrary , act. . . . . act. . . . act. . , . act. . , , . act. . , . cor. . . . the wife is not to separate , a toro & mensa , from the excommunicated husband , nor the sonne from the excommunicated father , no positive law can cancell the law of nature , nor can hence bee concluded that it is unlawfull to keepe any church communion with these , or to separate from the communion , though they be at the table . . because such eate damnation to themselves , not to others . . because no private person can separate , for the churches sinne , if the man be not convicted ; and lastly , here is to bee observed , that if the church be not in its right constitution , that is , as mr. robinson teacheth us , if it be not a people in whose hearts the lord ●●th written his covenant , wee are to separate from it ; so as if one be found to be a non-converted , though not scandalous , he must be excommunicated for non-conversion , never breaking out in scandalls , a thing contrary to the word of god , as i have proved already . mr. robinson objecteth , act. . . save your selfe from this untoward generation . ans. that is , from the malicious jewes who deny christ to be the messiah . but what is this to separate from the true church , professing christ ? but robinson saith , you deny visibly god , and his sonne christ. answ. . such as are thus scandalous are to be cast out . . if the church neglect to cast them out , we are not to cast out and excommunicate the church by separating from them , no more then the godly forsooke the church of the jewes , where there were many scandalous persons . . there be great oddes betwixt a froward generation professedly denying christ to bee come in the flesh , as the jewes , act. . ( and from such a church wee are to separate totally ; ) and betwixt a church where there bee many wicked persons , who in their life and conversation deny christ , and yet doe beleeve soundly or orthodoxly the fundamentall points of salvation , and hold in profession the orthodox faith : for though wee are to separate from the bad conversation of such a generation , yet are we not to separate from the church-worship , and church-societie of such a generation : therefore paul might well break off communion with the church of the jewes , whereof he was once a member , because after christs death , ascension , and the gospell was preached , it now became a fundamentall point of salvation , simply necessary to bee beleeved by all ( that the sonne of mary was the messiah ) which because the jewes maliciously denyed , they left off to be a church ; but a scandalous life in many of the professors , is not for that any ground to separate from the visible church , professing such fundamentall points . robinson saith from job . . . . . where the church is said to be given to christ , and chosen out of the world , it is cleare that the true visible church is gathered , by separation from the world . but i answer , to be given to christ and chosen out of the world is meant onely of the elect and invisible church . but arminians , pelagians , and old anabaptists expound it of the visible church , that they may make judas , whom they alledge was chosen out of the world , no lesse then peter , an example of their universall election , and of the small apostasie , of the truly elected and regenerated . and you have to side with you in this the apostate a peter bertius , b the arminians at hage , c arminius himselfe , the socinians , as d socinus , e theoph. 〈◊〉 ; and you may see your selves refuted by amesius f refuting the arminians in the conference at hage : and this you expressely say with arminians and socinians . . because , ( as you say ) judas was one of them , whom the father had given to christ out of the world , whom alone of all them so given to him , he hath losed ; ergo , christ speaketh of a visible donation . answ. the antecedent is false , joh. . . all that the father had given me , commeth unto me , and him that commeth unto me i will in no wayes cast out , v. . and this is the fathers will which ●●th sent me , that of all which he hath given me , i should lose nothing , but should raise it up at the last day . but judas was cast out and losed , and is not raised up at the last day , as one which commeth , that is , beleeveth in christ. . this is the very exception of the arminians , and amesius answereth , quae scriptura manifesto est judicio iudam non it a christo datum & commendatum fuisse a patre ut ●aeteros . christ ( saith robinson ) speaketh of such persons as the world hated , because they were not of the world , job . . . but the wicked world 〈◊〉 not hate men , as they are elected before god , and invisibly or inwardly separated , ●ut as they are outwardly separated , whether they bee inwardly so or not . answ. . invisible election and the contrary spirit that the children of god are led by , which is most unlike to the spirit that leadeth the world , is the true ground and cause why the world doth hate them ; and this choosing out of the world , is seene and made visible by the fruits of the spirit to the wicked world , but the consequence is nothing , he speaketh of election that is visible or made visible , yet not as visible for often paul t●●rmeth the visible churches , saints , temples , of the holy spirit , the sonnes and daughters of the living god , and when he tearmeth them such , he speaketh to , and of a visible church , yet not as visible , because to be the temple of the holy spirit , and a sonne and daughter of the living god , is a thing formally , and properly invisible : for faith and the spirit of adoptien are not things visible or obvious to the senses , but separatis●s are often deceived with this , hee speaketh to the visible saints , ergo , he speaketh to them as visible saints , this is the vaine collection of ignorant anabaptists ; paul writeth to the visible church , but every priviledge that hee doth ascribe to them doth not agree to them , as they are visible . he saith to the visible church of colossians , ch . . v. . your life is hid with christ in god , an unvisible life cannot agree to the colossians , as they are a visible church , so separation from the world made manifest and visible is the cause why the world hateth the children of god , yet that separation is formally invisible and not seene to the eye of men , for it is an action of god to choose men out of the world , and no eye mortall can see his actions , as they be such . and therefore except robinson prove that this choosing out of the world is common to elect and reprobate , and to be seene in peter and iudas , he bringeth nothing against us to prove his point , but hee plainly contradicteth his owne tenents ; for in his first reason , he will have the true church separated from the world , as iudas the traytor was separated from the world , which we grant that is separation in show , and in profession , and so maketh his visible church to be made up of traytors and hypocrites , who cannot bee the spouse of christ , nor a part of christ his mysticall body , and his redeemed flocke . now hee still harpeth on this , that the visible church rightly constitute is the spouse of christ , the redeemed of god , the mysticall body of christ , and so hee contradicteth himselfe , and saith with us that there bee no visible separation from the world , essentiall to such a church as they dreame of , to wit , of called saints , temples of the holy spirit , &c. and therefore never one of that side understood to this day the nature of a true visible church , though they talke and write much of it ; for the truth is , the essence and definition of a church agreeeth not equally to a true church and a visible church , yea a visible church as it is visible is not formally a true church , but the redeemed church onely is the true church . lastly , he speaketh ( saith he ) of such a choosing out of the world as he doth of sending unto the world , v. . which sending as it was visible and externall , so was the selection and separation spoken of . answ. the choosing out of the world is not opposed to sending unto the world , for sending unto the world is an apostolick sending common to judas with the rest , whereby they were sent to preach the gospell to the world , of chosen and unchosen , of elect and reprobate , but to bee chosen out of the world , and given to christ , is proper to the elect onely , who are chosen out of the loosed and reprobate world . . it is also false that the sending of the apostles is altogether visible , for the gifting of them with the holy spirit is a great part of sending the apostles , as our brethren say , a gifted man is a sent prophet ; but the lord his gifting of the apostle is not visible . you cannot ( saith robinson ) be partaker of the lords table and of devills . ergo , we must separate from the ungodly . answ. the table of idols is that table of devils and of false worship kindly in respect of the object that wee must separate from , but a scandalous person at the lords supper partaketh of the table of devils by accident , in respect the person being out of christ eateth damnation to himselfe , but it is not per se and kindly , the table of devils to others , and therefore i must not separate from it ; the supper was to judas the devils table , because satan entered in him with a sup , to cause him to betray the lord ; and christ told before , one of them twelve had a devill , and so to one of the twelve the supper was the devils table , yet could not the disciples separate therefrom . further he objecteth , paul condemned the church of corinth as kn●●ed lumpe , and as contrary to the right constitution , finding so many aberrations and defections from that state , wherein they were gathered unto a church ; who dare open so prophane a mouth as to affirme , that this faithfull labourer would plant the lords v●neyard with such impes , or gather unto the church flagitious persons , drunkards , i●●es●tous persons , or such as denied the resurrection ? answ. . paul never insinuateth in one letter , that these wicked persons , marred the constitution and matter of the visible church , but onely that they marred the constitution of the invisible church , that being bought with a price , they should give their bodies to harlotry , and that in denying the resurrection they denyed the scriptures , and turned epicures , who said , let us ●a●e and drinke , for to morrow we shall die ; but there is nothing to insinuate separation from the church , as false in the constitution . . paul doth not plant wicked men as impes in the lords vineyard , they plant themselves in the roome of true members of the church invisible , and as the redeemed of god , when they are not so indeed , and this sort of planting is given improperly to the pastors . but if you understand by planting , the casting out of the draw-net of the word of the kingdome preached , and the inviting of as many to come in as the pastors doe finde , matth. . . . even good and bad ; this way it is the mouth of truth , and not a prophane mouth , that pastors invite professors to come in , and bee members of the visible church , though their act of inviting have no kindly influence in the hypocrisie of their profession who are invited . to professe the truth is good and laudable , and to deny it before men , damnable , and to invite men to this profession of the truth , is good and laudable also . and wisedome sendeth out her maidens , and by them inviteth simple ones and fooles to professe the truth , and to come to the visible church , prov. . . prov. . , . but pastors doe not plant drunkards , and flagitious persons in the visible church , but the apostolike church calling to her communion simon magus , act. . but doth not plant them as hypocrites , but as externall professors . mr. coachman saith , it is no wrong to leave the carnal multitude , as it was no hurt to jehosaphat , when elisha in his presence protested against joram , as one , betwixt whom and god hee would not intercede . answ. put case jehosaphat be a church visible worshipping god aright , you wrong his societie , if you leave the shepheards tents , where christ feedeth amongst the lilies till the day breake , because there bee foxes in these tents and wicked persons . is it not ( saith he ) sweeter to converse with the godly , then with the ungodly ? is not the presence of faithfull christians sweeter , when one commeth to powre out his prayers , and offer his oblation , then the society of carnall men ? answ. this will prove it is lawfull to separate from pharisees preaching the truth in moses his chaire , the contrary whereof you were , sect. . pag. . because it is sweeter to heare the word with the godly , then with the ungodly . we have not found ( saith coachman ) the honorable name of christians or godly men given to liars , swearers , &c. no comfort , no priviledges belong to them in that state , it belongeth not unto them , but unto us to build the house of the lord , ezra . . answer . yea , god bestoweth the priviledges of externall calling unto good and bad , even to those who preferre their lusts to christ , matth. . . luk. . , , . . the place of ezra is corrupted , for those were the open adversaries of judah and benjamin , v. . and were not the church at all . . onely pastors are publicke and authoritative builders of the church , not private christians . the wicked ( saith he ) have the things of this life above the godly , ergo they should not be invested in the highest prerogatives above the godly : also it is a presumption to say to any carnall man , this is the body of the lord , that was given for thee . answer . it is the cry of a stone to reason thus , this argument is as much against gods providence as against us , for god sendeth to capernaum and bethsaida , the priviledge of christs presence , in preaching the gospel , and working miracles , yet they are an unworthy people . . pastors of the separation give the body of christ to lurking hypocrites , are they not herein presumptuous also ? they object , to live in the want of any of gods ordinances is not lawfull , as matth. . . chron. . . cant. . . . so saith robinson . a man is not onely bound in his place to admonish his neighbour , but also to see his place be such , as be may admonish his brother ; a calling absolutely tying a man to the breach of any of gods commandements , is unlawfull and to be forsaken . answ. seeing affirmative precepts tye not ad semper , and christian prudence is to direct us here ; there be some in church communion whom we cannot without palpable inconveniences rebuke : the ministers of new-england in their answer to the n● question , say , such as are not free ( servants or sonnes ) may stay in paroch assemblies in old england , so as they partake of no corruptions , and live not in the want of any ordinances ( they meane wanting the lords supper ) through their default ; now to separate from the lords supper , because of the wickednesse of the fellow-worshippers is their default , which is against robinson , yet we see not how masters or fathers should separate from christs true church more then servants or sonnes . . not to admonish , in some cases , is not a breach of a commandement , nor living besides scandalous persons in a church , or for any to abstaine from the seales because such be in the church , except we would goe out of the world , for robinson presseth alwayes personall separation , no lesse then church separation . robinson . there is the same proportion of one member sinning , of a few , of many , of a whole church : now if one brother sinne and will not be reclaimed , he is no longer to be reputed a brother , but a heathen : ergo , so are we to deale with a church though there be a different order , the multitude of sinners doe no wayes extenuate the sinne . answ. . then may a whole church by this reason be excommunicated , which our brethren deny . . there is the same proportion to be kept when one sinneth , and when a whole church sinneth , but by observing due order ; one may admonish a private brother , but not any one , or many private persons , may admonish and proceed after our saviours order , against a whole church in a church way , in respect they are still inferiour to a whole church : sister churches and synods are to keepe this order with one particular church , that is incorrigible , for private persons have relation of brotherhood to private persons , and the relation is private , and churches have church relation to churches , and the relation is publike ; nor are whole churches to be excommunicated , while god first remove the candlesticke , as we see in rome , and the seven churches in asia . . it is considerable , . if the whole church be obstinate and incorrigible , or some few , or the most part . . if the sinnes be against the worship of god , as idolatry , or sinnes of a wicked conversation , the worship of god remaining pure , and sound , at least in professed fundamentals . . if the idolatry be essentiall idolatry , as the adoring of the worke of mens hands , or onely idolatry by participation , as popish ceremonies , the surplice , and crosse , being as meanes of worship , but not adored , and so being idols by participation ; as a amesius and b m. ball doe well distinguish , and before them , so doth the learned c reynold , and d bilson make use of the distinction . . all lenity must be used against a church , if not more lenity , then we use in proceeding against single persons . . divers degrees of separation are to be considered : hence these considerations , . there is a separation negative , or a non-union , and a separation positive . though a church of schismaticks retaining the sound faith , yet separating from other , be deserted by any , it is a negative separation from ● true church , and laudable : as the faithfull , in augustins time , did well in separating from the donatists , for with them they were never one , in that faction , though they separated not from the true faith holden by donatists , but kept a positive union with them ; so doe all the faithfull well to separate from the churches of the separatists . . if the whole and most part of the church turne idolatrous , and worship idols , ( which is essentiall idolatry ) we are to separate from that church : the levites and the two tribes did well , as e mr. ball saith , to make a separation from jero●oams calves ; and the godly laudably , king. . . did not separate from the israel , and church of god , because the altar of damascus was set up , and because of the high places . things dedicated unto idols , as lutheran images , may be called , and are called cor. . . idolatry , yet are they idolatry by participation , and so the cup of devils , cor. . paul doth not command separation from the church of corinth , and the table of the lord there . . consideration . there is a separation from the church in the most part , or from the church in the least and best part . in achabs time israel , and the church thereof , for the most part , worshipped baal ; elias , micaja● , obadiah , and other godly separated from the church of israel in the most part : jeremiah wished to have a cottage in the wildernesse ( no doubt a godly wish ) that he might separate from the church all then for the most part corrupted , yet remained they a part of the visible church and a part in the visible church , and therefore did he not separate from the church according to the least and best part thereof ; the godly in england who refused the popish ceremonies , and antichristian bishops , did well not to separate from the visible church in england , and yet they separated from the mainest and worst part , which cannot be denied to be a ministeriall church . . considerat . if a church be incorrigible in a wicked conversation , and yet retaine the true faith of christ , it is presumed god hath there some to be saved , and that where christs ordinances be , there also where christs ordinances be , there also christs church presence is ; and therefore i doubt much if the church should be separated from , for the case is not here as with one simple person , for it is cleare , all are not involved in that incorrigible obstinacy , & that is yet a true visible communion , in which we are to remaine , for there is some union with the head christ , where the faith is kept sound , and that visibly ; though a private brother remaining sound in the faith , yet being scandalous and obstinately flagitious be to be cast off , as an heathen , yet are we not to deale so with an orthodox church , where most part are scandalous . . considerat . i see not , but we may separate from the lords supper , where bread is adored , and from baptisme where the signe of the crosse is added to christs ordinances , and yet are we not separated from the church , for we professedly heare the word , and visibly allow truth of the doctrine maintained by that church , which doe pollute the sacraments , and we are ready to seale it with our bloud , and it is an act of visible profession of a church , to suffer for the doctrine mentioned by that church . . we may well hold that f ambrose saith well , that a church wanting the foundation of the apostles , is to be forsaken . . there is a forced separation through tyranny from personall communion , and a voluntary separation ; david was forced to leave israel , and was cast out of the inheritance of the lord ; the former is not our sinne , and our separation from rome hath something of the former , the latter would be wisely considered . . there may be causes of non-union with a church , which are not sufficient causes of separation : paul would not separate from the church of the jewes , though they rejected christ , till they openly blasphemed , act. . , , . act. . . and when they opposed themselves and blasphemed , paul shooke his ●ayment and said unto them , your blood be upon your owne heads , i am cleane , from henceforth i will goe to the gentiles . there is a lawfull separation , and yet before the jewes came to this , there was no just cause , why any should have joyned to the church of the jewes , who denyed the messiah , and persecuted his servants , act. . act. . seeing there was a cleaner church , to which converts might joyne themselves , act. . , . . there is no just cause to leave a lesse cleane church ( if it be a true church ) and to goe to a purer and cleaner , though one who is a member of no church , have liberty of election , to joyne to that church , which he conceiveth to be purest and cleanest . . when the greatest part of a church maketh defection from the truth , the lesser part remaining sound , the greatest part is the church of separatists , though the maniest and greatest part in the actuall exercise of discipline be the church ; yet in the case of right discipline , the best though sewest , is the church ; for truth is like life , that retireth from the maniest members unto the heart , and there remaineth in its fountaine , in case of danger . chap. . sect . . the way of the churches of christ in new england . in this section the reverend author disputeth against the baptizing of infants of unbeleeving , or excommunicated neareit parents , of which i have spoken in my former treatise : onely here i vindicate , our doctrine . and first the authour is pressed with this , the excommunicated persons want indeed the free passage of life , and vertue of the spirit of jesus , till they be tuitched with repentance , yet they are not wholly cut off from the society of the faithfull , because the seed of faith remaineth in them , and that knitteth them in a bond of conjunction with christ. the authour answereth , it is true , such excommunicates , as are truely faithfull , remaine in covenant with god , because the seed of faith remaineth in them , yet to the society of the faithfull joyned in a particular visible church , they are not knit , but wholly cut off from their communion , for it is not the seed of faith , nor faith it selfe , that knitteth a man to this , or that particular church , but a holy profession of the faith , which when a man hath violated by a grievous sinne , and is delivered to satan , he is now , not as a dead palsie-member , cut off from the body , though bee may remaine a member of the invisible church of the first borne , yet he hath neither part , nor portion , nor fellowship in the particular visible church of christ jesus , but is as an heathen and a publican : now sacraments are not given to the invisible church , nor the members thereof , as such , but to the visible particular churches of jesus christ , and therefore we dare no more baptize his childe , than the childe of an heathen . i answer , first , if faith remaine in some excommunicated person , ( as you grant ) it must be seene in a profession , for though for some particular scandall , the man be excommunicated , yet is he not cut off ( as we now suppone ) for universall apostasie from the truth to gentilisine , or judaisme , for then he should be cursed with the great excommunication , cor. . v. . and so though he be to the church as a heathen , in that act , yet is he not to the visible church an heathen , but a brother , and to be admonished as a brother , thess. . . and the church is to use excommunication as a medicine , with intention to save his spirit in the day of the lord , cor. . , . tim. . . an excommunicated apostate is not so : now if hee retaine faith to the churches decerning , he retaineth the profession of faith , and in so farre a visible membership , with the church in the covenant ; ergo , for that professed faith , by our brethrens grant , his childe should be baptized , and so is not wholly cut off , but is as a dead palsie member of the church , and so as a member , though in a deliquie , and lethargie . . you say to the faithfull of a particular church , the excommunicate is wholly cut off : what doe you meane ? if his sinnes be bound in heaven , ( as they are , if he justly be excommunicated ) is he not also cut off , to all the visible churches on earth● are not all the churches to repute him as a publican and a heathen ? i beleeve they are , but you deny in this all visible communion of chur●hes . . you say , it is not the seede of faith that knitteth a man to a particular visible church , but an holy profession . but in the excommunicate person , ( if the seede of faith remaine as you grant ) this faith must be seene , by you , in a holy profession , else to you , he hath no seed of faith ; and if his profession of faith remaine intire , though it bee violated in the particular obstinate , remaining in one scandall , for the which he is excommunicated , you have no reason to say , that to the particular church , hee is wholly cut off , since his profession remaineth . . you say , it is not the seed of faith , nor faith it selfe that knitteth a man to this or that particular visible church , but a holy profession of faith . then i say , one may be knit to a particular visible church , and a true member thereof , though he want both the seed of faith , and faith it selfe . i prove the connexion . a man is a perfect and true member of a church , though he want that which doth not knit him to the church , this is undenyable : but without the seed of faith or faith it selfe , ( as you say ) hee is knit to the true church : ergo. but this is contrary to your doctrine , who require , chap. . sect . . that none must bee admitted members of a visible church , but those who are christ his body , the habitation of god by the spirit , the temples of the holy ghost , &c. and that no● onely by external● profession , but in some measure of sincerity and truth . now consider my reverend brethren , if there bee a measure of sincerity and truth , where there is neither the seed of faith , nor faith it selfe : and surely by this you cast downe and marre the constitution of your visible church , when you exclude from the members thereof , the seed of faith , and faith it selfe ; and you come to our hand , and teach , that the seed of faith , and faith it selfe , is accidentall to a visible church as visible , which wee also teach : and so there is no measure of truth and sincerity required to the essentiall constitution of a visible church . . but i would gladly learne how you contra-distinguish these two , faith , and a holy profession of faith ? doe you imagin that there can be a holy profession knitting a man to the visible church , where there be neither the seed of faith , nor faith it selfe ? it is arminian holinesse , which is destitute of faith , but if you meane by a holy profession , a profession conceived to be holy , though it be not so indeed , then you doe yet badly contradivide a holy profession from faith , for before any can be knit as a member to the visible church , you are to conceive him to be a saint , a beleever , and so to have both the seed of faith , and faith it selfe , though indeed he have neither of the two , and so faith is as wel that which knitteth a man as a member to the visible church , as holinesse . . if he remaine a member of the universall church of the first borne , is hee therefore so as a heathen , and so that you dare no more receive him to the supper , nor his seed to baptisme , nor you dare receive a heathen , and his seed to the seales of the covenant ? is a heathen a member of the invisible church of the first borne ? but the excommunicated you presume is such a one . . what warrant have you for this doctrine , that the sacraments are not given to the invisible church , as it is such , but to the visible ? certainely , god ordaineth the sacraments to the beleevers as beleevers , and because they are within the covenant , and their interest in the covenant , is the onely true right of interest to the seales of the covenant , profession doth but declare who beleeve and who beleeve not , and consequently , who have right to the seales of the covenant , and who not , but profession doth not make right , but declareth who have right . the author subjoyneth , christ giveth no due right unto baptisme to the child , but by the fathers right unto the covenant and communion of the church , so by taking away right unto the covenant and communion of the church from the father , he taketh away the childrens right also , the personall sinne of the parent in this case is not a meere private personall sinne , but the sinne of a publike person of his family : for as his profession of his faith at his receiving unto the church , was as the profession of a publike person receiving him and his children , who could make no profession but by his mouth unto the church , so his violation of his profession by a scandalous cri●● , was as a publike violation thereof for himself and his seed , who stand or fall before the church in his name and his person . answ. . it is true , christ giveth right to baptisme to the child , by the fathers right . i distinguish that , by the nearest father onely i deny , by the right of fathers in generall , true ; but then it will follow , that no infant is to be debarred from baptisme for the sinnes of his nearest parents , for if these who are descended of abraham and david , many generations upward from them , were within the covenant , and so had right to circumcision , for the covenant made with david and abraham , and the nearest fathers sinne is not the cause of taking away the right to the covenant from the child , and right to the church communion . . i much doubt if the child have right to the seales of the covenant , for the faith of the father , and so i deny that hee loseth right to the seales of the covenant for the fathers scandalous crime , which is a violation of the covenant . i doe reverence grave and learned divines , who speake so ; a oecolampadius , and b zuinglius say that insants are sanctified by their parents faith ; but i conceive they take the word faith objectively , for the doctrine of faith profeffed by the father , and not subjectively . but i think that great divine c beza saith well , that no man is saved by another mans faith , nor can the parents faith be imputed to the children , which is no lesse absurd , nor to say that one man liveth by the soule and life of another man , and that he is wise by the wisedome of another man : how then are infants within the covenant for their parents ? i answer , for the faith of their fathers , that is , for the covenant of their fathers they have right to baptisme , for that i will be thy god , and the god of thy seed , galat. . . comprehendeth all the beleeving gentiles . and for this cause the children of papists and excommunicate protestants which are borne within our visible church are baptized , if their forefathers have beene found in the faith ; and i thinke the reason is given by d doctor morton , who saith , the children of all papists , anabaptists , or other hereticks , are to be distinguished from the children of turkes and pagans , because the parents of papists and anabaptists have once beene dedicated to christ in baptisme , and the child ( saith he ) hath onely interest in that part of the covenant , which is sound and catholike , while as the parents themselves stand guiltie of heresie , which by their owne proper and actuall consent , they have added unto the church . and i thinke the scripture saith here with us , that the nearest parents be not the onely conveyers and propagators of federall holinesse to the posteritie , psal. . . they were mingled with the heathen and learned their workes , . and they served their idols , &c. . neverthelesse he regarded their affliction , . and he remembred , for them , his covenant . what covenant ? his covenant made with abraham , and yet their nearest fathers sinned , v. . we have sinned and our fathers , v. . our fathers understood not thy wonders in egypt , they remembred not the multitude of thy mercies , but provoked him at the sea , even at the red sea , v. . neverthelesse be saved them for his names sake . his name was the glory of the covenant made with abraham , by which his name and truth , by promise was ingaged , esa. . . but they rebelled and vexed his holy spirit , therefore hee was turned to bee their enemy , and hee fought against them , v. . then he remembred the dayes of old , moses and his people , saying , where is he that led them , and brought them out of the red sea ? so also esay . , , . and most evidently , ezek. . . they rebelled against me , &c. but i wrought for my names sake , that it should not be polluted before the heathen , among whom they were , in whose sight i made my selfe knowne unto them , in bringing them forth out of the land of egypt . now this name is to be expounded his covenant , jerem. . . which he made with them , when hee brought them out of the land of egypt , which covenant is extended unto the christian church , heb. . . , . now if god gave right unto the sonnes of the jewes , i meane federall right , to temporall deliverance , and the meanes of grace , for the covenant made with abraham , though their nearest parents rebelled against the lord , that same covenant in all the priviledges thereof indureth yet , yea and is made to all the gentiles , ●al . . . heb. . , , . for it is the covenant nationall made with the whole race , not with the sonnes upon the condition of the nearest parents saith , as is cleare after christs ascension unto heaven , act. . . for the promise is to you and to your children , and to all that are afarre off , even to as many as the lord our god shall call . now it is cleare that their fathers killed the prophets , matth. . , , , , , . they were a wicked generation under blood , v. . . it is cleare that these externally , and in a federall and church profession have right ecclesiastick to the covenant , to whom the externall calling of the preached gospell doth belong , while he saith the promise ( of the covenant ) is made to as many as the lord our god shall call , so the called nation , though the nearest parents have killed the prophets , and rejected the calling of god , matth. . . . . is the nation which have externall and church-right to the promises and covenant , and rom. . . as concerning the gospell they are enemies for your sake , but as touching the election they are beloved for the fathers sake : now their nearest fathers maliciously opposed the gospell , therefore it must be for the election of the holy nation , in which respect , the nation of the jewes , v. . was a holy seed , and a holy root , and the children were also the holy branches , holy with the holinesse of the covenant ; and joshua had no reason to circumcise the people at gilgal , for the holinesse of their nearest parents , whose earcasses fell in the wildernesse , yet he circumcised them , to take away the reproach of his people ; now this reproach was uncircumcision in the flesh , the reproach of the philistims , ( so goliah is called an uncircumcised philistim ) and of all the nations without the covenant of god : yea by this there were no reason to circumcise the sonnes of achab and jezabel , whose nearest parents were slaves to idolatry , and who were bloody persecutors of the prophets ; nor was there reason to circumcise jeroboams sonne , in whom there was some good , for both father and mother were wicked apostates : and very often , by this doctrine , should the people of the jewes leave off to be the visible church , and so the promise of the covenant should faile in the line from abraham to david , and from david to christ ; even so oft as the nearest parents did evill in the sight of the lord ; and many times should god have cast off his people whom be foreknew ; contrary to that which paul saith , rom. . , , . to these i adde , if the infants of the christian church have onely right to baptisme , through the faith of the nearest parents onely , then is this to be conceived either to bee true and saving faith , in the nearest parents , or onely faith in profession : if you say the former , then . the seed of the excommunicated parents , in whom is faith , or the seed thereof is to be baptized , the contrary , of which you affirme . . then the seed and infants of no parents , but of such only as are members of the invisible church of the first borne , are to be baptized , the contrary whereof you teach , while you say , the sacraments are not given to the invisible church , and the members thereof , but to the visible particular churches . . the infants of the unbeleeving parents , though members of the visible church , have no right to baptisme , and the covenant , though they be the elect of god , and borne within the visible church , which is admirable to us , now it is knowne that hypocrites and unbeleeving parents have often such a luster of a greene and fairelike profession , as that they goe for visible members of the church , so as their children are by christs warrant and right baptized . i come to the other point , if the faith of nearest parents , onely true in profession and show before men , give right to their infants to bee sealed with the seales of the covenant : then . apparent and bypocriticall faith conferreth true right to the seales to infants , and there is not required ( as the author saith chap. . sect. . ) that the members of the visible church be the called of god , the sonnes and daughters of the lord god almighty , not onely in externall profession , but also in some measure of sinceritie and truth . . god hath warranted his church to put his seale upon a falsehood , and to conferre the seales upon infants , for the externall profession of faith , where there is no faith at all , this your writers thinke inconvenient and absurd . also it is objected by us , that excommunicates children are in no better case by this doctrine , then the children of turkes and infidels . the author answereth . we willingly ( saith he ) put a difference ; excommunicates are nearer to helpes , and meanes of salvation and conversion , then turkes , cor. . . because excommunication it selfe is a meane that the spirit may be saved : and turkes are nearer then apostates , who turne enemies to the truth , for better never have knowne the way of truth , then to turne backe . but in this they agree , they are all of them as heathen , matth. . and therefore neither parents nor children have right to the seales . answ. this is not an answer , for the infants of excommunicates , though they be the seed of ancestors , as grandfathers , who were true beleevers , yet as infants and dying in infancy , are no lesse without the covenant , and excluded from the seales thereof , by you then the infants of turkes . . the infants of nearest parents in the jewish church , though wicked , were not excluded from circumcision , nor were they in the case of the infants of the prophane heathen ; and the same covenant made to the jewes and their seed , is made to us , and to our seed , gal. . . heb. . . . rom. . . . act. . , . we also affirme , that the lord extendeth the mercy of the covenant to a thousand generations , and therefore the line of the covenant-mercy is not broken off , for the unbeleefe of the nearest parents . our author answereth . is the extension of gods mercy to a thousand generations be a sufficient ground to extend baptisme to the children of excommunicates in the right of their ancestors , it may suffice as well to the children of turkes and insidels , and apostates , for it is not above sixty and six generations from noah to christ , as is plaine in the genealogie , luk. . . and there have not passed as many more generations from christs time to the turkes , and infidels of the present age . and all will not amount ( say they in their answers ) to the summe of two hundred generations . the true meaning is , that god out of his abundant and rich mercy may and doth extend thoughts of redeeming and converting mercy and grace unto thousand generations , but he never allowes his church any warrant to receive unto their covenant and communion the children of godly parents , who lived a thousand yeares agoe , much lesse a thousand generations ; nay rather the text is plaine , cor. . . that the holinesse of the children depends upon the next immediat parents , to wit , upon such faith as denominateth them beleevers in opposition to pagans and infidels , and that holinesse to the children is called federall , which receiveth them unto the covenant and seales thereof . answ. . we stand not on the number of a thousand precisely , nor doth the holy ghost intend that , for as it is usuall in scripture , a a definite number is put for an indefinite : wrath followeth the ammonite and moabite to the tenth generation , deut. . , . and the edomite and egyptian though cursed , entereth into the congregation of the lord , the third generation , v. . . the lord here walketh in a latitude , yet so as the mercy of the covenant is extended to more generations , a thousand for foure , beyond the anger of god to the generation of the wicked ; nor doth the authors consequence stand good , that then wee had right and warrant to baptize the children of turkes , pagans and indians , ( as for one single apostate , i account him as one single excommunicate christian in this point ) because the lords comparison of proportion holdeth in generations of the same kind , and is restricted to the generations within the visible church , sheweth mercy unto thousands of them that love me and keepe my commandements , which must be extended to professed love of a nation that is federally holy . now turkes and indians are neither lovers of god , nor in profession , through federall holinesse such ; and it is most pregnant against such as confine and imprison the mercy of the covenant towards poore infants , to their next immediate parents , and by the authors interpretation , the thousand generations to which god extendeth mercy , is confined to one , because if the wicked two , the father and mother bee violaters of the covenant , though nine hundreth foregoing generations have beene lovers of god , yet the covenant mercy is interrupted to the innocent infants , ( in this innocent ) and they are translated over to the classe and roll of the children of turkes and pagans under the curse and wrath of god for hundreth of generations . the lord in this having a respect to that people whom hee brought out of the land of egypt , in whom hee fulfilled this promise of shewing mercy to many generations , though their nearest parents were grievers of his holy spirit , and rebellers against him : for abraham , isaac and jacobs sake , cannot bee so narrow and pinched in mercy to the posteritie , as to reduce a thousand generations to one , as this author would have him to doe . . it is a hungry extention of mercy , as the author exponeth it , to gods extending of thoughts , of redeeming and converting to a thousand generations , which hee hath to turkes ; for these thoughts of redeeming are from the free and absolute decree of election to glory , but this is an expresse promise of extending the mercy of the covenant to a thousand generations , and such as the lord by necessitie of his veracitie and faithfulnesse of covenant , cannot contraveene . . the place cor. . is corrupted contrary to the apostles intent , which is to resolve a case of conscience , whether the beleeving wife married on a pagan husband , or a beleeving husband married on a pagan wife should divorce and separate , because the seed would seeme by gods law to bee uncleane , para . . paul answereth , if one be holy and professe the faith , the 〈◊〉 is holy , v. . whereas if both father and mother were pagans and heathen , the seed should be unholy , and voyde of federall holinesse , then were the children uncleane . but the consequence is frivolous , if both be pagans , and heathen , and unbeleevers ( for so the author doth well expound the unbeleeving husband ) then the seed is uncleane and voyde of federall holinesse . but it followeth not : ergo , if both the christian parents be excommunicated , and be scandalous and wicked , they are not members of a parishionall visible church , then are the children uncleane and voyd of all federall holinesse , and have no right to the seales of the covenant . we deny this connexion , for there be great odds betwixt the children of turkes , and children of excommunicated and scandalous parents . the children of turkes and heathen are not to be baptized , but the children of excommunicates , are as turkes and heathen ; ergo , the children of excommunicates are not to bee baptized . the syllogisme is vitious in its sorme ; . it faileth in its matter , for children of excommunicates , because of the covenant made with their ancestors , are in covenant with god , and the children of turkes are not so . the author addeth , the wickednesse of the parents doth not 〈◊〉 the election or redemption , or the faith of the child : 〈◊〉 a bastard is reckoned in the catalogue of beleevers , he●●●nes . . yet a bastard was not admitted to come unto 〈◊〉 congregation of the lord to the tenth generation , deuteronom . ● . . answ. it is true , the want of baptisme is no hazzard to the salvation of the childe , nor doe we urge that the infants of excommunicates , should be baptized , because we thinke baptisme necessary , necessitate medii , as papists doe , but neither we nor papists , nor any except anabaptists , and the late belgi●●e arminians and socinians , as a episcopius , b henri us s●●tius , c somnerus , d socinus deny baptisme to be necessary in respect of gods commandement ; and indeed if you urge the constitution of a visible church , as you doe of members called of god , and saints , not onely in externall profession , but also in some measure of sincerity and truth , as you doe expressely say ( e ) in this treatise , we see not how you can hold that infants can be baptized at all while they come to age , and can give tokens to the church of their faith , and conversion to god , for if they beleeve not , you put gods seale upon a blanke , which you thinke absurd . in the closing of this section , the author reasoneth against god-fathers , which are to us of civill use , and no part of baptisme : he alledgeth , he knoweth not any ground at all to allow a faithfull man liberty to entitle another man his childe , to baptisme , onely upon a pretence of a promise , to have an eye to his education , unlesse the childe be either borne in his house or resigned to him , to be brought up in his house as his owne . i answer , . the infants of beleeving fathers absent in other lands , upon their lawfull callings , are by this holden from the seale of the covenant , as if they were the children of pagans , for no fault in the parents . . a promise of education in the christian faith is here made a sufficient ground for baptizing an infant , whereas alwayes before the author contendeth for an holy profession of faith in both , or at the least in one of the nearest parents , but we know that a friend may undertake the christian education of the childe of an excommunicate person , who is to you as the childe of a pagan , we think , upon such a promise , you could not baptize the childe of a turke : ergo , excommunicated persons and turkes are not alike , as you say . chap. . sect . . and . t●●●hing the dispensation of the censures of the church . authour . we proceede not unto censure , but in case of some knowne offence . answ. what if a member of your church doe ●how himselfe in private , to some brethren , to be a non-regenerated person , and so indeede not a member of the visible church , by your doctrine , he should be excommunicated for non-regeneration , which is against christs way , matth. . who will have such sinnes as , if denyed , may be proved by two witnesses , onely to be censurable by the church , else you shall retaine such an one , and admit him to prophane the table of the lord. in this first and second section i have nothing to examine but what hath beene handled already , especially the peoples power in church-affaires hath beene fully discussed ; onely the author will have the preaching of the word , a worship not pecu●iar to the church , but commune to those who are not in the church-state at all , and that ordinarily in respect that indians and heathens may come and heare the word , cor. . but this proveth not but that preaching of the word is proper and peculiar to the church : but there is another mystery here , as from the first chapter , second section , then preaching of the word is to be performed by gifted persons , yea ordinary preaching for the conversion of soules , before there be any pastors in the church to preach . hence is that . quest. i. whether conversion of soules to christ , be ordinarily the proper fruite & effect of the word preached by a sent pastor ; or if it be the 〈◊〉 and effect of the word preached by pastors not as pastors , but as 〈◊〉 to preach , and so of all persons not in office , yet gifted to preach ? the churches of new-england in their answers to the thirty two questions , sent by the ministers of old - england , answer by certaine theses , which i set downe and examine . . the conversion of sinners followeth not alwayes the preaching of every one that is in lawfull office of the ministery . . when conversion doth follow , it doth not follow from the preaching of a pastor , or by vertue of his office , but by the blessing of god. answ. . the former reason is most weake , conversion followeth not alway upon christs preaching , and the apostles their preaching did not alwayes produce conversion : but i pray you because they were not efficacious meanes of conversion , doth it follow , therefore they were not ordinary meanes ? i thinke not . . the second is as weake , conversion followeth not upon the preaching of a pastor by vertue of his office , but by the blessing of god. what ? ergo , pastorall preaching is not an ordinary meane of conversion ? neither doth conversion follow upon preaching , by vertue of the gift , no more then by vertue of the office , but by the blessing of god : ergo , neither is preaching of a gifted man , the ordinary mean of conversion , as you teach , nor are the sacraments by this reason , ordinary meanes to seale up our communion with christ , and the graces of the covenant , for sacraments are efficacious meanes onely by the blessing of god , and not by vertue of the office ; we doe not hold that the office hath influence , either in the word preached , or in the soules of people , but it followeth not that the pastorall preaching of these who are sent , rom. . . esa. . . and that with pastorall authority , are not the meanes appointed of god for conversion , but here they confound meanes , actu primo , lawfull and ordinary , with meanes efficacious , and , in actu secundo , blessed with successe from the lord. this we acknowledge ( say they ) that sound conversion of sinners , argueth that the instruments of such conversion were sent of god , rom. . , . jer. . . yet we dare not say that gods word is not effectuall to conversion , unlesse the man that speaketh it be a minister , that is , a church-officer , the contrary being evident , joh. . . act. . . matth. . , . cor. . . and to say so , mere to limit the spirit of god , where he hath not limited himselfe . cor. . . cor. . . . answ. . sending rom. . . is an officiall and authoritative sending , not onely a bare gifting and habilitating of the man sent , for it is such a sending , as the sending of prophets , whose feete were pleasant upon the mountaines , and the watchmen who lift up their voice , esa. . , . nah. . . and this is not a naked gifting , but besides they were commanded by god to speake , and so had authority : now though private christians be instruments of conversion , yet it followes no wayes , that they are preachers sent of god , in the sense that the scripture speaketh , rom. . . . and farre lesse in the sense that is spoken , jer. . . for it is said these who prophecie lyes in gods name , and were not sent , shall profit the people nothing ; now the sending denyed to be in these false teachers , is not onely want of gifts , but want of an authoritative command of god to preach , as is cleare , v. . i have not sent these prophets , yet they ranne ; i have not spoken unto them , yet they prophecyed . when it is said , the word of the lord came to jeremiah , to ezekiel , &c. the meaning is not that jeremiah was gifted onely , but beside 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an hability to prophecy , the lord gave him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , authority by a speciall commandement , saying , go speake , loe i have sent thee , &c. now this immediate commandement from god himselfe speaking from heaven , or in a vi●on , is not in the churches of the new testament , yet god speaketh by the elders and presbytery to pastors now , tim. . . tim. . . tit. . . . except you i say with arminians and socinians , there is no neede now of the churches sending , all gifted may preach the gospell , without any church-call . . this consequence is loose , conversion of sinners argueth that the instruments were sent of god ; ergo , the preaching of pastors ●● pastors is not the ordinary meane of conversion . lastly , we deny not but private christians may be instruments of conversion , but the places which afterward shall be examined , prove not the point , that pastorall preaching , in a constitute church , is not the ordinary meane , but your doctrine is that pastors as pastors doe onely confirme those in the faith , who are already converted , but that they convert none at all , as pastors , but that the onely ordinary meanes of conversion , and of planting of men in formall state of church-membership are men gifted to preach , and not pastors by office ; sending ( say they ) sometimes importeth but an act of gods providence , whereby men are gifted , and permitted to do such a thing , though they be not commanded of god , nor do in obedience to god , but for sinisterous ends , so god sent the king of assyria , esay . . king. . . so they that preached of envy , phil. . . are sent : so balaam was sent . . some are sent who beside gifts and permission , have also a sincere mind to imploy their gifts , god by his spirit stirring them up , joh. . . . those are sent of god , who have both gifts , permission , and a sincere mind to imploy their gifts , and withall a lawfull calling to the office : if men want a lawfull calling to that office of the ministery , and are not sent of god the third way , yet may they preach and convert soules , as sent of god , the first and second way . answ. . there should have beene places of scripture to prove that balaam and the enviers of paul , phil. . . who preached christ of envy , were sent the first way : for balaam prophecied of the starre of iacob , as one lawfully sent and a called prophet , as all other prophets , ( though hee was not a gracious man ) for numb . . . balaam saw the visions of god , and the spirit of god came upon him . . he saw the visions of the almighty , and fell in a trance : and isaiah , ieremiah , ezekiel had no other calling as prophets , though in zeale and simplicitie of prophecying , they differed from balaam : and paul would never have rejoyced that these teachers preached christ , phil. . . if they had without all calling of god preached christ ; doubtlesse they had a calling of the church to preach , except you thinke that none have a calling , as called pastors , but those who are converted . . by this distinction you hold that men may be ordinary preachers gifted , and so sent of god to preach , and may and doe convert soules , though they have no calling of the church ; which unsound doctrine the arminians and socinians hold this day : for they teach , . that all gifted persons may preach the gospel , and convers soules . . that all who are gifted to preach , are sent and lawfully called to preach , though the church doe not call them . . that now since the gospell is sufficiently revealed , and the apostles are dead , there is required no calling of the church , to make one a lawfull minis●er : and your arguments they have , and you have their arguments to evert all ministerie and order of calling of pastors ; so teach the arminians , and so episcopius ; disp . . thes . . . necessitatem missionis jam cessare dicendum est , ac p●inde fas licitumve esse homini christian● , non tantum in magno necessitatis casu , aut in enormi ecclesiae defectione , sed quovis etiam tempore v●rbum divinum docere , si ad docendum sit idoneus , & qui doari v●lunt , id serio & obnixè postulant . so doe the socinians , a● lr . roddeccius in not is in lib. smiglecii pag. . confitemur & olim ●●l●sie ministros vocari potuisse , imo vocatos fuisse , & nunc etiam voc●ri posse ; in vero id quod olim factum est , & hodie fieri potest , ad m●nus ministrorum requiratur , hoc vere & perpetuo quaeritur ; cat●ch si● raccoviensis , cap. . . . cum per hujusmodi , ex praes●ripto apostolicae doctrinae constituuntur , & in his duabus rebus praest ●ut , vitae innocontiâ & ad docendum aptitudine , propter ejusmodi constitutionem apud omnes authoritatem suam merito in venire debent . smaleius in refut . thes . d. frantzii parte . disp . . pag. . hoc enim in questione est , an hujusmodi constitutio sit prorsus necessaria ad constituendum verbi dei ministrum : hoc autem nos negamus , nihil enim tale , ( quod caput reiest ) in descriptione eorum , quae ad episcopum constituendum requiritur , nec uspiam judicatum vel levissime videmus , cum qui talis sit , postea vocari , & mittiab aliquo debere , imo posse aliquem per se munus tale concupiscere vel aff●ctare manifeste scriptum legimus . theoph. nicolaid . in refut . tract . de miss . ministrorum cap. . pag. , . . munus docendi non tam est honos , quam labor , laborem autem semper sumere li●et , h●ores non item : & pag. . docet paulus rect● id fieri posse , unumqu●mque munus docendi aggredi , m●do ad id aptus sit , quod aggredi cogitat , vel cupit . quest. ii. whether or not all gifted persons may preach the word of god publikely , and ordinarily , for the gathering in of soules to christ , though they be destitute of all officiall authoritie , or church calling to that ministery ? our brethren hold all gifted persons not in office may ordinarily preach publikely ; so teach mr. robinson in a treatise intituled the peoples ple t for prophecying , the arguments of which booke i shall shortly discusse . hence these considerations . . distinct. there is one power of publike preaching in a church not constitute , and another in a church constitute ; gifted persons in extraordinary cases , where a church is not planted , may publikely preach , but the case is otherwise in a church constituted . . distinct. pastors not onely as gifted men , but as pastors are ●illed of god , for the conversion of soules , and the visible church is christs visible kingdome , and visible society , to make persons members of the invisible church of the first borne . . dist. publike preaching , as it is the ordinary meane of saving such as beleeve , is proper and peculiar to the church , both subjectively , as being onely in the church , and objectively as being onely exercised on the church members , perse , but upon p●gans by accident . . dist. there is a call to an habituall and ordinary prophe●ying , here is required not onely a calling by gifts , but also a collation of authoritie to the office , either immediately by god , or mediately by the church , and there is a call to some particular or occasionall acts of exhorting , as the martyrs and stephen are called to give consession of their faith , and a king in battell , to exhort his army , or a prince his subjects to piety , and to this latter there is no other call required , but the place and profession of the exhorter , though hee bee not by office a pastor . . dist. there is a formall calling of the church , as the laying on of the hands of the elders , and a virtuall and interpretative calling or tacite approbation of the church , when learned men of eminent gifts , not in office , do write commentaries , sermons on canonick scriptures , and tractates resuting heresies ; to this the tacite approbation of the church is required , but these have not ordinary pastorall care , nor are they the ordinary converters of soules to christ , as the pretended prophets of separatists are . . dist. gifted christians may occasionally admonish , warne , rebuke and exhort one another ; . privately ; . without any pastorall care of soules as they are a church , but onely as they occasionally converse with them ; . excommuni officio charitatis , by the law of nature , charitie tying one member to helpe another ; . not authoritatively by speciall office ; but all authoritie here is from the word occasionally spoken . the pastor is to preach , . publikely ; . to the church as the church . . with a pastorall obligation to all alike , whether he converse daily with them or not . . not onely by the tie of common charitie , but by a vertue of a speciall office . . with authority both objective from the word , and officiall from his charge . . and is obli●ged to separate himselfe for this charge allanerly , as a watchman who must give an account in a speciall manner to jesus christ. our brethren hold that the ordinary and established way in the church of christ to the end of the world , is that all that are converted are made fit materialls for the visible church by private christians , as gifted of god to preach publikely , and to gather a true church to christ. . that none unconverted , as they are such , are under any pastorall care of christs officers . . that pastors as pastors , doe convert none , but onely confirme those who are already converted ; and that if pastors shall convert any to christ , it is by accident , as we say , with aristotle , musicus curat aegrotum , a musician cureth a sick man , which he doth no wayes as a musician : for pastors doe convert as gifted persons , and not as pastors , and conversion of soules is no proper church-worke , but accidentall to pastors . but that none can take on him lawfully to preach the word publikely , in the established and ordinarily approved way of christ for the conversion of soules , but he who is not only gifted , but also called thereunto by god and his church , i prove . . argum. if faith come ordinarily by hearing a pastor sent of god , and such pastors as are called messengers with good newes , and watchmen not onely gifted , but also instructed with authority of office , then are not gifted persons , because gifted , called of god to be ordinary converters of soules . but the former is true , rom. . . for they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and of these the prophet saith , isa. . . thy watchmen shall lift up the voyce . and it is thus confirmed , that gospel which is the power of god and the wisedome of god to those who are saved , is the gospel preached by such as are sent both to preach and baptise : but the gospel preached by gifted men , only out of office , is not the gospel preached by those who are sent both to preach and to baptise : ergo , the gospel preached by onely gifted persons voyd of all office , is not the power and wisdom of god to those who are saved . the assumption is granted , for gifted men out of office may not lawfully baptise . i prove the proposition , cor. . . but wee preach christ , &c. that this [ wee ] is to bee understood of those who are sent both to preach and baptise , is cleare , vers . . but christ sent mee not to baptise , but to preach , that is , he sent mee not to baptise principally , ergo , in one and the same patent from heaven , paul was warranted to preach , and to baptise , as one commission is given , matth. . . to teach all nations , and to baptise , yea it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then it is such a preaching as must bee backed with the sealing by baptisme ; also if he had meant that preaching was not peculiar to apostles and other successors , hee should have said . but yet preach christ crucified , &c. for separatists do teach , with socinians , that there was a multitude of unofficed prophets at corinth . robinson , as if he had learned in socinus his schoole , saith to this , but for the word sending which he so much urgeth , it must bee knowne , that all who teach lawfully are sent by christ , in respect of their personall gifts and graces , so ordinary officers are not sent by those who appoint them to minister , as was the extraordinary apostles sent by christ who appointed them . sending importeth a passeth of the sent from the sender to another , and so the apostles were sent by christ to preach the gospel to the jewes and gentiles , and so are not pastors sent by the church ( which calleth them ) unto others , but to minister unto her selfe , after the exercise of publike ministery is ended , the church doe publikely exhort and require , as the rulers doe paul and barnabas , act . . that if they have any word of exhortation , they would say on . answ. surely mr. yates , and wee both have much for us to urge the necessitie of sending , except men would runne unsent , and so be guilty of intrusion , for so doth the scripture , exod. . . take to thee aaron thy brother , &c. numb . . . thou shalt appoint the levits over the tabernacle of the testimony , and over all the vessels , and all that belongeth thereunto : so saith hezekiah to the levites , the lord hath chosen you to stand before him , and to minister unto him : esay . . and i heard the voyce of the lord saying , whom shall i send , and who shall goe for me ? . and hee said , goe and say to this people , jerem. . . and the word of the lord came unto me , saying , v. . hos. . . and the word of the lord came to me , heb. . . joh. . . there was a man sent of god , luk. . . matth. . . those twelve jesus sent forth , isa. . . isa. . . heb. . . joh. . . matth. . . mark . . rom. . . rom. . . gal. . . act. . . paul and barnabas ordained elders in every church , tim. . . tim. . . ●im . . , . tit. . , . if you urge not sending , you goe from the scriptures . . he saith all who lawfully teach are sent of god in respect of personall gifts . but . where doth the holy ghost speake so in the scripture ? all then who have gifts to be kings and magistrates are sent of god to the throne and bench ? what bloody confusions would hence fellow ? yea if they have gifts to bee kings and do not all flie to the throne , they resist the calling of god , and sinne in so doing , as jonah did , and hide their lords talent . . women in whose lipps is the law of grace , prov. . . and who are to teach the younger women , tit. . . . are so sent of god to preach ; o but ( say they ) they are forbidden to preach . i answer , true , then ( to be gifted to preach : ) is not all one with this ( to bee sent to preach ) for to bee sent to preach of god , is to be commanded to preach . if then women bee sent in respect of gifts , they are commanded to preach , and that by god , and yet gods word forbiddeth them to preach ; ergo , that same will of god revealed doth command and forbid one and the same thing , which is absurd . ergo , to be gifted is not to be sent to preach . . you here clearely side with arminians and so●inians , for episcopius a requireth no more to preaching , but that the man bee idoneous and apt to teach . and b theoph nocolaides , that there be in him an holy life and aptitudo ad docendum alios , aptitude to teach others . . arminians and socinians teach that the sending , rom. . . and other places are meant of extraordinary sending which is now ceased , since the apostles are dead . so ( c ) episcopius d and arminians in their confession . e socinus f ostorodius expound the place , rom. . . paulum de suo duntaxat tempore loqui , and so there is no need of sending now : and robinson sympathizing with them , saith , ordinary officers are not sent now by the church , as the apostles were then sent of christ ; but the professors of leyden g refuting the arminians , say there is a necessitie of sending now as there was then , and h calvin , i beza , k paraeus accord to this , that paul speaketh of ordinary calling . . the word of god differenceth the giving of gifts to the ministery , and the giving of authoritie , and sending authoritative by a lawfull calling , the one being collatio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other 〈◊〉 , as matth. . . then he called the twelve , and gave them power , and v. . their sending and gifting by authoritie is cleare , these twelve he sent out : so jer. . . i have separated thee , &c. this is calling and sending , & v. . then the lord put forth his hand and touched my mouth , this is a giving of gifts , and isa. . . isaiah is gifted when he saw the visions of god , but chap. . . he is sent and receiveth authority to goe , beside that v. , . and job . . when christ breathed upon the disciples , hee giveth them the gifts of the holy spirit , but when he saith , go and teach , and as my father sent me , so send i you , he giveth them authoritie and sendeth them : yea though prophets did prophecie true things that should come to passe , yet were they false prophets , de●t . . , . because the lord sent them not . and for the place , rom. , . cited from isa. . though prophets hearing isaiah and jeremiah prophecie of the peoples returne from babylon , should prophecy the same that isaiah and jeremiah had prophecied , yet not being sent of god , they should have beene false prophets : and after the spirit is entered unto ezecbiel , ch . . . and so he is gifted , yet is there another sending , v. . then said the lord unto me , &c. and might ( i pray you ) baruch have preached all his master jeremiahs prophecies ? but i thinke that should not have made him a prophet : yea and christ in whom was all fulnesse of gifts and grace , job . . . col. . . yet tooke not on him to be a priest of the new testament till he was called of god , as aaron , heb. . , . job . . . and calvin , musculus , gualter , expone the prophets and pastors , prophecying peace , isa. . to be the prophets , who not onely were gifted to preach , but sent with speciall authority , to prophecie the peoples deliverance out of babylon . and lastly , by this also have the gifted prophets a calling of god , to administrate the sacraments , because , if to be gifted , be to be sent of god , certainly they are gifted to administrate the sacraments no lesse then to preach , and so l saith the arminians , with their socinians , as m socinus and n smalcius , if they say , christ requireth a particular minister to the sacraments , but not so to the word : i answer , to pastorall preaching he requireth also a peculiar minister , as our brethren teach , from act. . . pet. . . but to teaching by vertue of a gift any gifted man is sufficient : the same distinction may as well hold that there is a pastorall administration of the sacraments and a common administration of them by vertue of a gift , yea and o gerardus observeth well , that to the calling of the ministery belongeth the administration of the sacraments , as a speciall part thereof , cor. . . ephes. . . jam. . . . yea and if ministers bee stewards , cor. . . are they not dispensators of the sacraments , by their office , as of the word ? . robinson giveth for shame a sort of calling to the unofficed prophets , to wit , that the church requireth them , if they have a word of exhortation , to speake on , as act. . but . not his church , but the rulers required paul and barnabas to speake . . the rulers knew them to be apostles and pastors by office , for there were prophets there , chap. . . but the apostles would have none to preach , as pastors by office , but such as are proved , and authorized by the elders , tim. . . ch . . . tim. . . tim. . , . . this calling of the church is onely for orders cause in the constitute church , but a thing not necessary by divine institution , and so the socinians . so smalcius p teach us that the churches sending and calling in the apostolick church was a custome , 〈◊〉 decorum arbitramur ( saith smalcius ) u● id observaretur ; and and so saith q andr. raddecius , and the r arminians have also the same distinction : but this place approveth not that every by person ( so to speake ) might preach in the jewes synagogues . . argum. if christ ascending on high led captivitie captive , and gave gifts unto men , some to be apostles and some pastors and doctors , and that for the gathering of christs body , and if some , not all are prophets , cor. . . then hath god appointed pastors in office to bee the ordinary gatherers of soules in to jesus christ , and if this bee not said , when hee ascended on high , hee made all private christians de jure , preachers to edifie publikely the whole church , and if any bee not gifted , it is their owne fault , for they are obliged to bee such . . argum. he who matth. . . contradistinguisheth the prophet and the righteous man , as different persons , and having different rewards , he doth not acknowledge a righteous man to be a prophet , hoc ipso , because he is a righteous man. but christ doth contradistinguish them , v. . he that receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet , shall receive a prophets reward , and he that receiveth a righteous man , in the name of a righteous man , shall receive a righteous mans reward ; ergo , christ acknowledgeth them to differ . now if a righteous man , hoc ipso , because hee is a righteous man , and a member of the church , should exercise these same specifice acts with a prophet , that is , if hee should publikely preach to convert soules , he should by this place bee a prophet , and the reward of a prophet should be given to the receiver of the righteous man , yea and more then the reward of a prophet , in respect he is both a righteous man , and a prophet . . to all prophets a speciall promise of gods assistance and presence is made in the word , as jerem. . , . matth. . luk. . verse . . act. . verse . but to these who are not prophets by office , there is no such promise in the word ; ergo , . all that are sent of god as ordinary converters of soules from the kingdome of darkenesse to the kingdome of jesus christ , must seeke out fit words , as the preacher did , eccles. . . . hee must convince and judge the hearer , and make manifest the secrets of the heart , as cor. . , . he must cut the word aright , as a timothy , tim. . he must give every one of the house meate in due season , matth. . . he must know and try the wayes of the people , jerem. . . when he seeth the sword comming , he must warne the wicked to turne from his evill way , ezech. . , . hee must watch for soules , as one who is to give an account , heb. . . hee must exhort the people to bee reconciled to god , and this hee must pray and request in christs stead , cor. . . and hee must give himselfe wholly to reading , tim. . , . and not intangle himselfe with any 〈◊〉 calling , tim. . . all these cannot be done by prophets not in office . and all these are duties of pastors in office , and to ty private christians , who are commanded to attend their owne callings were unreasonable , and repugnant to the word of god. the proposition is cleare ; no man can preach , but hee who must give himselfe to reading , and must watch and speake to the present case of the hearers ; but especially such preachers as are the onely ordinary converters of soules to christ , must give warning that the unrighteous die not in his sinne : now to say that all these were duties incumbent to merchants , artificers , fashioners , carpenters , cloathiers , were to mocke the word of god , and to say , these and these onely were the gatherers of a church , and kingdome to christ , were unknowne divinity . . all prophets are set downe in christs roll of lawfull officers . . the rules and canons for the right exercise of their ministery is set downe , especially seeing these pretended prophets are presumed to be the greatest part of the visible church . . the onely ordinary gainers of soules to christs kingdome and visible church , even to the second comming of jesus christ. . seeing the lord doth so often complaine of idle pastors , of dumbe dogges , by whose sleeping , soules are losed . now this argument for the proposition seemeth most reasonable . in the old testament priests , levites , prophets ; and all the edifying officers are set downe there , and so are the officers and canons anent their government set downe in the new testament , eph. . . cor. . . tim. . tim. . act. . , . io●l . . act. . . but no such things are written in the old or new testament of gifted prophets not in office . . all lawfull officers have power authoritatively from iesus christ to remit and to retaine sinnes , by the preaching of the word . but preachers out of office have no such power , ergo , preachers out of office , are not lawfull preachers . the proposition is , ioh. . . the assumption is evident , for where are they sent as the father sent his sonne christ ? and that promise is made onely to the apostles , and to their successors , prophets without office are not the successors of the apostles . a robinson saith , the commission there given is peculiar to the apostles onely , and confirmed by the miraculous inbreathing of the holy ghost , and by them to be dispensed principally to unbeleevers , of all which nothing is common to ordinary officers , but else where , this power is given to the whole church , matth. . . cor. . cor. . . yea to every faithfull brother , matth. . . ch. . . luk. . . this is that which anabaptists teacheth ( as b chemnitius saith ) and the very doctrin of c ostorodius , d nicolaides , e socinus , but except the miraculous inbreathing of the holy ghost , there is nothing here peculiar to the apostles onely : for the loosing and retaining of sinne , is nothing but binding and loosing of the sinnes , and this is nothing but the forgiving and retaining of sinne by the preaching of the word , and censures of the church , and that binding and loosing , matth. . is not given to the whole church of beleevers , for the text saith no such thing , but power of the keyes is given to peter , that is , to the church-guides the successors of peter . . authoritative power of forgiving of sinne , is not matth. . said to bee ratified in heaven , but onely when the church doth bind and loose ; and forgiving , luk. . is betwixt sister and sister , who have not power to bind and loose in heaven . . all prophets are either ordinary or extraordinary , as is cleare in gods word ; extraordinary now are not in the church , and the ordinary prophets now are not gifted to preach the word , except as timothy , from their youth they have beene trained up in the scriptures , and have learning , sciences , knowledge of the tongues , if he would bee a man able to teach others , tim. . . tim. . hee must meditate , reade , and give himselfe wholly to these things , tim. . , . and so must leave his calling contrary to the apostle his commandement , cor. . , , . thess. . . ephes. . . but if hee have a gift for publicke preaching , he is to separate himselfe for it , seeing a gift is a token of gods separation . quest. iii. whether the arguments of mr. robinson for the p●ophecying of private persons , not in office , doe strongly conclude ? i shall set them downe in order and discusse them . if a bishop must be apt to teach , then he must be tryed before he be● admitted to the office . ergo , while be is o●t of office he must prophecie . answ. this argument concludeth not the question , for by as good reason the sonnes of the prophets or young prophets , who behoved to exercise their gift , as sam. . . king. . . king. . . king. . . before they bee fully received as prophets , must be prophets and officers not in office differing from prophets in office , even as their lay prophets are different from pastors , but an apprentise of a trade is not a different tradesman from the master to whom hee serves as apprentise , but he is onely different from him in degree . but their lay-prophets are tradesmen , not sonnes of the prophets , not ayming at the pastorall charge , but ordinary officers for converting of soules , and doe differ from pastors , as those who are non-pastors , differ from pastors . robinson . if the lords gifting of eldad and medad , numb . . . with the spirit of prophecying , inabling them to prophecy , and made them extraordinary prophets , why should not by due proportion an ordinary gift inabling a man to an ordinary prophecy , serve also to make him an ordinary prophet ? now moses in wishing that all the people were prophets , wisheth as well the use , as possession of the gift . answ. the jewes say that eldad and medad were of the . elders , upon whom was powred part of that spirit of prophecy , that was on moses , and they say they were written in the . papers , but not elected , because they drew the papers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a part and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 senex , but it is not like joshu● would have envied if they had beene now judges , or that moses would have likened them unto the people . however , prophets they were . but both the antecedent is false , and the consequence nulle , for if you meane by the lords gifting of eldad and medad , a naked and a bare revealing to them of the visions of god , without an impulsive commandement from god , setting them on action to prophecie , ( this impulsion is an authoritative sending and calling , ) the antecedent is false , for that gifting of them onely made them able , but not formally authorized prophets : but if the gifting of them did include both the gift and the command of god , to use the gift , as certainly it did , now the consequence is null , for the naked giving of an ordinary gift , except god by himselfe , and now by the authority of his church , command the use of the gift , no gifted man , because gifted , is by and by a prophet , but he must have a commandement ecclesiasticke now to preach , as eldad and medad had impulsive commandement to prophecy ; and if any be gifted by an ordinary way as eldad and medad was extraordinarily , then they are to be thrusted out to the pastorall calling , and none but a fleshly man will envie them . robinson , chron. . . jehos●aphat sent his princes to preach or teach in the cities of iudah , and with them the levites , so the . interpreters , so pagnine , so ierom , and the english translation : ergo , princes are prophets not in office , who may teach . answ. . doctor alexander colveill my reverent colleague , and as learned , so well experienced in the hebrew , saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and noteth the accusative case , and is to bee read ; and he sent the princes , as buxtorfius noteth , thesaur . l. . e. . and this chaldaisme is to be seene in these bookes of the chronicles written after the captivitie , as chron. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they might praise jehovah , and chap. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he writ letters also , to raile on the lord , and so the parallell place , king. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the place , as the doctor citeth , is well exponed by r. salomon iarc●i in his commentary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , it was proper to the priests and levites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to teach & instruct , as it is written , deut. . . according to al that the priests and levites shal teach you , do yee ; but the princes went with them lest they should have rebelled against their words , that they might compell them to obey , &c. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in pihel signifieth this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in kall , didicit , in pihel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he caused him to learne , dan. . , . nebuchadnezzar commanded also penaz 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to teach them learning and the language of chaldea ; that honorable courtier was not a schoolemaster to teach the children of the captivitie himselfe , but he did it by others . the king of syria saith to the king of israel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thou shall cure naaman of his leprosie ; the maide exponed it , thou shalt cure him by another , elisha shall cure him . pilat scourged jesus , but livius saith , the judge said to a burrio , i. lictor , colliga manus : so deut. . . moses therefore writ this song the same day , and taught it , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 teach them this song , and put it in their mouth . it was impossible that moses in his owne person , could teach the people , and put this song in their mouth , therefore he behooved to teach them by the priests and levites , as . . . the hebrewes may read so , but he sent to his princes , for the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a note of the accusative case , of the dative , of the genitive , or of the accusative case with a certaine motion as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to david , or of david . valet haebraeis ( inquit schindlerus ) ad , in , vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super , and it noteth a motion to a thing , gen. . . & aedificavit , he made the rib in a woman 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iud. . . and gideon made it in an ephod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sam. . they annointed david 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bee king. then it must bee read , hee sent to the princes , benchail , &c. to teach in the cities of iudah , v. . and with them he sent levites , v. . and they taught in iudah : there is not the least signification in the text that the princes taught . robinson . princes and iudges are to open and expone the law by which they governe , else they governe with tyranny . answ. judges are to convince the theefe and the murtherer , . in a coactive way , not in an ecclesiastick way . . as these sinnes are troublesonie and hurtful to the state and common-wealth . that others may feare to hurt the state by the like sinnes , not that the malefactors may be converted to god , and their soules may be saved ; but your lay-prophets simpliciter , not in ordine ad paenam , are the onely ordinary converters of soules . robinson . there is an excellent sermon ( saith he ) of iel oshaphats to the iudges , chron. . . and to the levites , . . and a divine prayer , . . and hezekiah hath an excellent sermon to the priests and levites , in the very temple , chron. . , . and nehemiah taught the people the law of the lord : kings are shepheards and feeders , not onely by government , but also by instruction . answ. . these sermons of iehoshaphat and hezekiah were first in time of extraordinary defections , when the priests ( whose it were to teach the people ) were corrupted and turned dumbe dogs . . they were sermons of propheticall instinct and divine impulsions , as the very stile of them cleareth , and therefore cannot warrant christian princes to bee ordinary prophets , except you make the king a nationall pastor over pastors , and two thousand congregations ; for if , as prince , hee bee their pastor , he is equally pastor and teacher to all these congregations , and he must be as prince , obliged to bee a prophet to convert all : how exclude they a pastor of pastors and a diocesian prelate , who introduce a nationall pastor ? yea how deny we a pope , if the king carry both the swords , both of the spirit as a prophet , and that ordinarily , by his calling to feed soules , and the civill sword to take vengeance upon evill doers ? for whosoever preacheth the word of god as a prophet , hath the keyes of the kingdome of heaven committed unto him , to bind and loose , to remit and retaine sinnes on earth , and in heaven , for the preached gospell is the keyes of the kingdome , as is the power of church censures . then must the kings have both keyes of church and state , and what hindereth but they admit the king as king , and a nationall pastor , to be the head of the church under christ. . consider the king as a christian and gifted with learning , hee is parens patriae , and publick nurse father of the church , and may occasionally upon some extraordinary exigent , at the meeting of the states , or when his armies are going out to battell , make use of the word of god , to exhort them to generall duties of religion , and justice , and to be prepared for meeting with eternitie and judgement ; and this he doth as a christian father , his subjects being his children : but what is this to inferre that the king as king is a prophet , and an ordinary feeder of soules ex officio , by office , and that by knowledge and instruction , as robinson saith , and an ordinary converter of soules , and such a prophet as doth preach in the church ordinarily , to the edifying of the church , and conviction and conversion of infidels , and gathering of a people to god , as they say of their prophets out of office , cor. . , . . , , . . and upon the same ground a king who hath the spirit of adoption , may publikely pray , as jeboshaphat did for the lord of hosts his presence , to goe out with his armies against the enemies of the gospel , but à speciei positione ad generis positionem male sequitur , hee may be the peoples mouth to god in such an exigence , and hee may give a word of exhortation anent duties generall of good subjects ; ergo , hee is an ordinary prophet , for the ordinary preaching of the gospel to all his subjects ; it is a loose and vaine collection . lastly , nehemiah a prince taught the people , saith he . i answer , nehemiah was a prophet and author of canonick scripture , as was salomon , and therefore his teaching proveth not the point , nehem. . v. . nor can i finde where nebemiah preached or prophecied to the people at all , but that ezra the scribe , nehem. . and the levites , chap. . 〈◊〉 . ( which robinson citeth without warrant ) did instruct and ●each the people . robinson . and if it were not ( saith he ) the received order in israel of old for men out of office to speake and teach in publicke , how did scribes , pharisees and lawyers teach publickly among the jewes , of whom yet many were not levites , or churchmen , but indifferently of any tribe ? phil. . . and how was iesus admitted to dispute in the temple with the doctors , luk. . . and to preach in the synagogues , matth. . . luk. . , . and how were paul and barnabas desired , if they had any word of exhortation , to say on ? act. . . . for the rulers acknowledged christ and paul for no extraordinary praphets , but onely admitted them to the use of their gifts . answ. . it is great ignorance , if you thinke scribes , pharisees and expounders of the law were not prophets , because they were not of the tribe of levi , for priests behooved onely to bee of the tribe of levi , but prophets , as ieremiah and others , were extraordinarily raised up of god out of any tribe , as calvin well observeth , and all versed in scripture , and that they were teachers in office is cleare , matth. . . they sit in moses his chaire , v. . . &c. and the office of teaching , though abused , is also ascribed by christ , to the expounders of the law , luk. . . and what is said of pharisees in taking away the key of knowledge , is said of them , v. . . christs asking of questions , and that when hee was . yeares of age , all wondering at his learning , luk. . . was no act of prophecying : and granting it had beene the practise of the iewish church to admit a child of twelve yeares to preach in the temple , and to admit hand over head , tradesmen , and all to prophecy in the temple , it is an argument from their corrupt practise , à facto ad jus , and no more a rule for the preaching of fashioners , cloathiers , mariners , in the temple , then the jewes their taking up stones in the temple to stone christ : and it is knowne that christ did not publickly prophesie in the synagogues till he was baptized ( as all the learned thinke ) and while his name and fame spread abroad , that a great prophet was arisen , luk. . , , . luk. . , , . yea and the pharisees knew him to be a teacher sent of god , ioh. . . and all the people tooke him to be a prophet , and therefore the rulers feared to apprehend him , and his doctrine and miracles got him the name of a prophet sent of god , and paul and barnabas were known to be teachers in office , else the rulers would not have desired a word of exhortation , for they did not invite strangers promiscuously to prophesie , and this you onely say , but doe not prove , and is more for us nor against us . robinson alleadgeth a place out of ieremiah , . . . where it is said , that israel and iudah in a spirituall conference shall incourage ●●● another ( as calvin saith ) to repentance , and to joyne themselves to the true church ; which is nothing for publicke prophecying , for thus much private christians , yea all that feare god , women not excepted , may doe in christian conference , as is cleare , zach. . . mal. . . psal. . . esa. . , , . heb. . . heb. . , , . the fourth place which he bringeth is , matth. . v. . ● . . christ sent out the twelve disciples to preach the kingdome of ●eaven to the lost sheepe of the house of israel , but they were not apostles or preachers in office , till his resurrection , but onely apostles elect as you say , the major elect ; for . they received not commission till after christs resurrection , ioh. . . . matth. . , . . the least in the kingdome of god is greater then iohn baptist , for the christian church began not properly till his resurrection , and the apostles being members of the church of the new testament , they could not be apostles in office , before christs death , except an adjunct be before the subject , and an officer before the incorporation , whereof he is an officer . . they were ignorant of many mysteries of christ , his death , resurrection , nature of his kingdome , matth. . &c. which was unbeseeming apostolick dignitie , to the which the highest degree if infallible revelation was requisite . . how did they returne , as non-residents to remaine with christ till his death ? . ephes. . . christ till he ascended on high , and not till then , gave some to be apostles , &c. hence it must follow that the disciples were prophets not in office , and so did preach all this time . answer . . i answer these frivolous reasons . . i prove they were apostles , or at least prophets in office , before christs death and resurrection . and . they received not ample and largest commission to go and preach to all nations , before christs resurrection , matth. . . that is true , but what then ? therefore they received no commission as pastors in office to preach to israel , not to the gentiles or samaritans , it no wayes followeth ; yea the contrary , a calling to a pastorall charge they had , matth. . . these twelve did iesus send out , and commanded them saying , goe , &c. and these directions and canons which concerne watchmen , tim. . are fully set downe , matth. . when they receive both gifts , v. . and authoritie and a calling , v. . and speciall instructions , v. , , , . how they should discharge and acquit themselves in their ministery , the like whereof is never given to lay-prophets ( i must crave leave to use this word . ) to the . i answer , that it is false that christ died and lived a member of the iewish church onely , he received the sacrament of baptisme as a member of the christian church , as hee was circumcised and keeped the law of moses , to testifie hee was a member of jewish church ; and it became him to bee a member of both churches , who was to make of two one people , ephes. . . and it is false that the apostles were adjuncts of the christian church ; as apostles invested in their full apostolike dignity , to preach to all the world , they were parts and members , not adjuncts of the catholick visible church of christians : when pastors are called adjuncts of the visible church , it is cleare that they are made but accidents of the visible church , & so that the ministery is not simply necessary to the visible church , which is the wicked doctrin of a arminians , b episcopius , c socinus , nicolaides , d & the anabaptists taught the same , as saith e gasti●s , but though the apostles , as invested with full apostolick authority , be members of the christian church , and the new ierusalem bee founded upon their doctrine , ephes. . . revel . . . yet this hindereth not , but as called apostles and officers , limited to preach to losed israel onely , matth. . , , . they were members of the jewish church , and called apostles . to the . i answer , ignorance of fundamentall points not fully proposed and revealed , if there bee a gratious disposition of saving faith , to beleeve these when they shall be revealed , such was as in the lords disciples , matth. . , . luk. . . luk. . , . may well stand with the dignitie of young , and as yet limited apostles , matth. . , , . who had not yet received the holy ghost , in that measure , act. . , . that was requisite for apostles , in their full apostolicke charge , and made infallible pen-men of canonick scriptures , sent to preach to all the world . to the . i answer , they were not non-residents , because they returned to reside with christ after they had casten out devils , ioh. . , . ( which your lay-prophets by your owne confession cannot lawfully doe ) not to bee idle , but to learne more , and to be eye and care witnesses of the doctrine , life , death , resurrection and ascension to glory of christ , pet. . , , . joh. . , , . matth. . , , . luk. . , , . joh. . , . act. . . which was necessary , that they might preach these things to the world . nor is a pastor in his studie attending , reading , as tim. . , . though he be not , then teaching , a non-resident . to the . i say , when christ ascended unto heaven , ephes. . . he gave some to bee apostles , &c. but that gifting of apostles is not to restrict the institution of apostles , to the precise time of his ascension : for you grant that after the lords resurrection , and before his ascension they were ordained apostles , matth. . . joh. . . but the full sending of the holy spirit to apostles , evangelists , pastors and teachers , is ascribed to his ascension as a speciall fruite of his ascension , act. . , . joh. . v. , , . and therefore is their sending called an effect of the holy spirit . for the second point , giving and not granting that the apostles were not apostles , till after the resurrection , yet will it not follow , that they were lay-prophets , or prophets out of office , for they might have beene pastors in office , though not apostles in office , for there were beside these , others in the jewish church , else where were scribes , pharisees , lawyers , doctors , all sitters in moses his chaire ? they were not apostles sure ; what were they then ? all teachers out of office ? no ; if then i prove that the apostles were teachers in office , though it were granted that they were not apostles ( as in the fulnesse and plenitude thereof they were not ) till christ arose from the dead , i prove as much as taketh this argument for lay-prophets out of their hands . but that they were not non-officed teachers , but called apostles or pastors , i prove . . argum. judas was chosen one of the twelve and an apostle , ergo , farre more were the rest . i prove the antecedent , . act. . let another take his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his charge , . v. . he took part with us ( say they ) in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in this ministery . . matthias v. . was chosen in that place and apostleship from which judas fell . now lay-prophets have no officiall episcopacie , no ministery , nor can any chosen in their place said to bee chosen to an apostleship , ioh. . . have not i chosen you twelve ? this choosing was to an embassage ; saith cyrill , augustine , euthymius , and all our divines with them . . matth. . . these are the names of the twelve apostles ▪ v. . he send them , what power he giveth to them in respect of al the world to remit and retaine sinnes , iob. . that hee giveth to them toward the house of israel , v. , , . under the name of offered peace , ( magis & minus non variant speciem ) mark. . . mark. . . hee ordained twelve , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee made twelve to be with him , which he might send to preach , luk. . . and he called the twelve , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be sent them , hee tooke them from their fishing , and made them fishers of men ; and matth. . . hee calleth them workmen worthy of their hire : private prophets are not gifted , nor sent , nor taken from their callings , nor are they workmen deserving stipend , for that is due to prophets by office , cor. . . . gal. . . tim. . . . those who have power to dispense the seales of grace , and to baptize , are not private or unofficed prophets , but sent of god and in office , as matth. . . cor. . . and a robinson granteth this , and so doe separatists teach b . but the disciples of christ , before his resurrection , baptized , ioh. . . . those who were witnesses of the life , miracles , doctrine of christ , and preached the same , and confirmed it by miracles , were pastors . . those who were twelve selected men chosen , luk. . . named apostles , mark. . . mark. . . luk. . . to whom the keyes of the kingdome were given , matth. . , , . matth. . . are not unofficed men . . this is a popish opinion , and to be suspected , for papists to advance peter to a popedome , will have him no apostle , while after the resurrection , for c bellarmine saith , imposition of hands is essentiall to holy orders , and that the apostle ordained no presbyters while christ was risen , and made the apostles and gave them the holy spirit : d the councell of trent hinteth at the same opinion ; bellarmine saith the apostles were made priests , at the last supper , to sacrifice christs body , but not presbyters till after that , when they received the holy ghost ; and e cardinall hosius , f martinus ledesma , g petrus a soto say the disciples are made apostles , ioh. . h toletus saith they had power before this time to preach , but not to forgive sinnes , in the sacrament of pennance while now . and i cardinall cajetan saith here was first the sacrament of pennance ordained : and it is true k cyrillus and l chrysostome say that iohn . soli sacerdotes , onely pastors by this place have power to forgive sinnes , but not by this place onely , for they say that matth. . power is given , m joannes de lugo the popes professor at rome , teach , that joh. . the apostles first received this power . and jayne with him n suarez o thomas sanchez , p aegidius coniuk q and vasquez , though as good as they say the contrary , as r panormitanus , a late schooleman , s avila , and t sylvester , and u john bishop of rochester writing against papists , and their popes power of dethroning kings , saith , how could the apostles who are examples of good order preach and baptize , if they were meere layicks , and not pastors while , after christ was arisen from the dead ? x robinson citeth luk. . . christ biddeth the dispossessed man g●shew what great things the lord had done for him , and hee went and preached it ; now miracles are a part of the gospel , and written that we should beleeve , joh. . . and they prove that jesus is the sonne of god. ergo , this man being no prophet , preached the gospel . answ. . this will not conclude the question . . one man published one single miracle wrought upon himselfe , which is a part of the gospel onely . . and upon a particular occasion did show what things the lord had done for him . . he is commanded to publish it to his friends , and domesticks onely , matth. . . go to thy house , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to thine owne friends , and show them what the lord hath done for thee . hence from this narrow antecedent a vaste and broad conclusion is drawne ; ergo , it is lawfull , because this man published one particular of the gospel , for any gifted man to preach the whole gospell , because one man did it upon a miraculous occasion to his friends ; ergo , all gifted men may prophesie the whole gospel to all the churches ordinarily , it is a vaine consequence . . because hee published one particular , upon a particular exigence , therefore any gifted man may ordinarily , and weekly and daily preach for the conversion of soules . . because hee published one miracle to his friends in a private way , therefore any gifted man may preach the whole gospell in publick , to all the church , truly here is a weake reason . . it is most like that this man was an intruding prophet , like the separatists prophets , for he requested that hee might be with jesus , and bee made a disciple to preach the gospell , as calvin , marlorat , bullinger expone it ; but jesus suffered him not . now if christ had commanded him to be a prophet , as robinson will have him , he should have granted what he sought . lastly , the man did more then christ commanded , for mark. . . hee published it in decapolis throughout all the citie , whereas christ had limited the publishing thereof to his friends and house onely . robinson saith , luk. . the seventie disciples preached , and yet they were men out of office . i answer . . the seventie disciples were pastors in office . . satan by their ministery fell from heaven as lightning , v. . christ saith , behold i give you power to tread upon serpents , luk. . . after these things the lord apponted other seventie , and sent them out ; here is a cleare calling , they confirme their doctrine by miracles , and casting out of devills , as the twelve apostles . . christ sent out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , also other seventie , ergo , as hee gave a calling to the twelve , so hee did to these seventie , and the same pa●●orall commission is given to them . behold , i send you &c. luk. . , , , . . the seventie are called workmen , sent out to the lords harvest , luk. . . and the same is said of shepheards in office , matth. . , , . to whom wages are due , as to pastors in office , cor. . , . gal. . . tim. . . . it is said by christ of these seventie , he that heareth you heareth me , he that despiseth you despiseth me . ergo , they were ambassadors in christs stead , as pastors in office are , cor. . . the samaritane woman ( saith robinson ) job . . . preached , and many of the samaritans beleeved because of her , v. . and without preaching of the word of god , none can beleeve , rom. . , . if a woman may teach without the church , then may a man teach in the church . answ. . a woman may teach . . in a non-constituted church , where there is no salvation , and they worship they know not what , joh. . . . a woman may occasionally declare one point of the gospel , that maries sonne is christ ; but hence it followeth not , therefore , a man , in a constituted church , may ordinarily preach the whole gospell to the church in publick : a weake sparre for so vast a roofe . . he abuseth the place , rom. . . and would hence prove that a woman or any gifted teacher , is a sent preacher by whom faith ordinarily commeth ; for otherwayes who dare deny but faith commeth by reading ? and just as the catechise of raecovia exponeth the place , rom. . . to evert the necessitie of a sent ministery , so doth robinson expone the place . robinson , act. . , , , . act. . , . all the churches were scattered abroad , except the apostles , and those who were scattered , preached every where the gospell , ergo , disciples out of office may lawfully preach the gospel . answ. whether these of the scattered church , who preached , were the seventie disciples , as learned divines thinke , i dispute not ; but that they were prophets out of office , the text saith not . but that they were extraordinarily gifted prophets who preached , i conceive the text doth insinuate , for it is said , act. . . the hand of the lord was with them , the very word which is , ezek. . . the hand of the lord was strong with me . . in a scattered and dissolved church , gifted persons may prophesie , ergo , in a constituted church gifted persons are the ordinary and onely ministers of conversion , though they bee never called to the office , it doth no wayes follow . robinson saith , it is not reasonable to think that they were all extraordinary prophets , and that if they were immediately inspired , there had beene no need of so speedy sending of barnabas from hierusalem to antioch with supply , though he were a man full of the holy ghost , for ●● were such prophets as well as ●ee , ephes. . . and . . answ. wee doe not affirme , that all and every one of the church , even women and children were extraordinarily gifted , but whether their gift was ordinary or extraordinary , the text doth not say that they were prophets out of office , and the law of disputing saith , affirmanti incumbit probatio ; the hand of god was with them , as it useth to bee with prophets . . they travelled as farre as phenice , cyprus and antioch , preaching the word of the lord , this is that which the apostolick planters of churches did , as master builders , laying the foundation of churches , and calvin calleth them ministers , planters of the gospel . nor is it like that prophets not in office , would so travell and preach the gospel to the gentile ●s and calvin saith , singulari dei impulsu hoc factum , and that many were turned unto the lord. . barnabas saw the grace of god in them . . and exhorted them that with purpose of heart they would cleave unto the lord , ergo , there was grace and a profession visible of cleaving to the lord , before barnabas came , and so a founded church ; and if it had beene done by gifted christians of ordinary gifts , and wanting the spirit of prophecy , the work had been the more illustrious , and it would not have beene concealed , yea and helpe in so great an harvest by barnabas an apostolick man , was very needfull , the number being so great of those who were converted to the faith , seeing the great apostles sought helpe , and paul tooke titus and timothy with him often , for helping the worke of the lord. the next scripture ( saith robinson ) is pet. . , . as every man hath received the gift , so let him minister as good stewards of the manifold graces of god ; if any man speake , let him speake as the oracles of god. answ. this saith with us , for private christians are not stewards ; who gave them the keyes ? yea cor. . . it is a word of office , and it is not given to ministers not in office , as beza observeth well ; he setteth downe one generall , that the ministers be ready to distribute , and then two species . preaching ministers , that they speake the oracles of god. . serving ministers , elders and deacons , that they minister out of the habilitie that god giveth them ; and the place is against private prophets . robinson alledgeth , revel . . . i will give power to my two witnesses , and they shall prophecy a thousand two hundreth and sixtie dayes , clothed in sackcloth . the clergie men are not onely witnesses against the antichrist . in the antichrists raigne , no church officer , a● an● officer , witnesseth against him , but all for him , as both having their authority from him , and binding themselves to submit their doctrine to his censure . the persons indeed that were officers , even masse-priests , monkes , and friers , witnessed some of them against him , but so did not their office , something was extraordinary , i acknowledge , in respect of the then prevailing order , and in respect of their degree of gifts and graces , but no extraordinary and miraculous gift of prophecying : and brightman exponeth the two witnesses to bee the holy scriptures and assemblies of the faithfull . answ. the two witnesses ( saith a junius ) are the ministers , for number , few , and for place , contemptible , so saith couper ; b and c paraeus induceth many paires of witnesses , as in bohemia , john hus , and jerome of prague , an. , . in saxonie , luther and melancthon ; in argentine bucer and cariton ; in helvetia , zwinglius and oecolampadius ; in france , farell , and calvin , and these were pastors in office . we need not stand upon the number of two , but because two is the least and fewest number , the witnesses were two . but first there is no reason to fetter and restrict the text , to witnesses and martyrs out of office , excluding the ministers and prophets in office , and to inferre thence that gifted persons in a constitute church are the ordinary ministers of conversion . . these two witnesses did prophecie in the midst of popish babylon , where god had no visible church . they did upon a particular exigence , being called thereunto as the martyrs of christ , to give a witnesse for christ against antichrist , and they sealed the truth with their blood : but the consequence is null , a martyr at the stake , though no pastor , may give a confession of his faith , to the persecutors , as stephen did . therefore a gifted person not in office , may ordinarily preach in the church . i would not buy such logick with a rotten nut . . many women were witnesses and martyrs , and gave a testimony against antichrist ; ergo women may preach in the church : what vanitie is this ? . also if those witnesses had an extraordinary measure of gifts and graces to beare witnesse to the truth , it followeth not ; ergo , christians gifted with an ordinary measure of the spirit are ordinary prophets for the conversion of soules . . though these witnesses were only unofficed prophets , yet the prophecying ascribed to them , after they arose from the dead , will not inferre that unofficed prophets are ordinarily to preach , for the rising againe of slaine prophets is not to be exponed of the raising againe of the persons of unofficed prophets to preach , but it is to be exponed of the rising againe of the buried gospel ; which in the ministery of faithfull pastors and in other new martyrs , pastors and others arose againe from the dead , with the spirit and power of these martyrs , and that buried truth , that was in former times persecuted by antichrist did now revive againe to the wondering of babylon ; for the intent of the spirit is to show that the gospel , and true church , slaine and buried , shall arise againe within a short time , as three dayes and a halfe . . it is vaine that he saith none of the clergy witnessed and prophecied against antichrist ; he is not versed in the churches history who teacheth so , for monkes and fryars were ministers , ( though their office unlawfull ) and as ministers of christ. luther , melancthon , and thousands other gave testimony against antichrist . robinson addeth , revel . . . where an angell flyeth in the midst of heaven , that is , in the visible church , having the everlasting gospell to preach to them that dwell on the earth , and to every nation and kinred . that is , god raised men in the midst of popery , not miraculously inspired ( for you can show me no such ) who preached the gospel , not by vertue of an office ; the office of a friar , monk , or mass●-priest , is no ministery of christs appointment ; and when they gave their clearest testimony , they were almost all excluded out of rome , and so in respect of their personall gifts and graces , they were angels of god , in respect of their office , they were angels of antichrist . answ. . there is no reason to reject the interpretation of d junius , that this angell was a type of the servants of god , who opposed popery after the times of bonifacius the eight , as cassiodorus the italian , arnoldus de villa nova , occam , dante 's , petrarcha , ioann●s de rupe the franciscan , wickliff ; and pareus e refers the type to wickliffe , marsilius patavinus , petrarcha ; our country man f napper exponeth it of luther , melancthon , and calvin in the seventh age , anno , and it is false that they were all excommunicated , and though the accident of their office , to be a monke , a fryar , was antichristian , yet the ministery it selfe was of christ , and by it they did preach against antichrist , as they did validely baptize , for i hope they did not baptize as unofficed prophets . lastly , this angel did not preach in the visible church , but in the midst of popery , and therefore doth not prove it is lawfull in a true visible constituted church , for gifted prophets out of office , to bee ordinary preachers . robinson much urgeth the place , cor. . because the apostle speaketh of the manifestation of the gifts and graces common to all , as well brethren as ministers , ordinary as extraordinary . . hee speaketh of the fruits common to all , edification , exhortation , and comfort , compared with , thess. . . . and of that which at all times remaineth amongst the christians , to wit , love . answ. the cohesion of this chapter with the former is cleare , charitie should be followed , because so excellent . therefore cover gifts , which are most conducing to love and edification , and that is to prophecie ; he proveth excellencie of prophecying above others , and teacheth in this chapter the right ordering of publick church meeting . now robinsons argument is this , if it stand good , as many as may love one another , and may edifie , exhort and comfort one another , may expresse their love by publick prophecying , for edification in love : but all christians , even such as are not in church-state , nor officers , are to love one another , to edifie , exhort and comfort one another . ergo. the proposition is most false ; women are obliged to love one another , and to exhort and edifie one another , prov. . . til. . . yet can they not prophesie in the church , cor. . , . yea excommunicated persons are not loosed from the duties of love and mutuall rebuking in private , if they may bee exhorted as brethren , thess. . . they may exhort and rebuke others , levit. . . which the law of nature requireth , yea peter as a pastor out of love to christ is to preach , ioh. . . , . but therefore private christians are not obliged to pastorall preaching , and administration of the seales , which are expressions of the love of christ , yet to administer sacraments is an act of edification , is therefore every act of edification and love common to all , because to love , and in some private way , to edifie all , is incumbent as a dutie to all ? nay a king out of love of christ , should governe gods people , a captaine fight gods battells , a sea man saile , & a professor teach in the schooles ; will it follow , because to love one another is common , that all private men may bee kings , may kill men in battell , and that the plowman should saile and invade the mariners calling ? this were anabaptisticall confusion of places and callings , and should evert states , places , charges and callings , and overturne church and state , and make the church an old chaos ; the god of order hath not so ordered callings and places . but ( saith the man ) if the end , which is edification and comfort , continueth , therefore the gift of prophecying continueth . answ. . prophecying continueth , who taketh it out of the world ? it continueth in such , as god hath set in the church for that end and use , cor. . . but not in all , and every plowman , who in his place is obliged to edifie . . the argument is also weake , that continueth , the end whereof continueth , forso circumcision , passeover , sacrificing , the end of all which was edifying , should continue in the church : mr. yates answered to him , extraordinary gifts , as strange tongues , miracles , are for edification , yet they continue not . mr. robinson answereth to him , strange tongues and the office of the ministery doe not properly edifie , but the use of strange tongues . i answer , there doth much weaknesse here appeare , love in mr. robinsons breast doth not edifie , nor his habit of prophecying , but the acts of expressions of love , and the use of prophecying , edifieth , and for that cause wee may well say that the office doth edifie there being ( saith robinson ) no other meanes to edifie , exhort , and comfort , left in the church , but propbecying , paul argueth from the common grace of love , as well upon brethren as officers , to ordinary , as to extraordinary , and at all times prophecying , that all out of office may prophesie to the worlds end , if they have gifts . answ. is there no meanes to edifie , exhort , and comfort , but prophecying ? and that prophecying publick in the church and pastorall ? that is denyed , what say you of private and domestick exhorting , praying , praysing , reading , and christian conference , coloss. . . mal. . . zach. . . are not they singular meanes of edifying ? hath christ left no meanes of edifying , exhorting , and comforting , but the publick prophecying of clothiers , mariners , fashioners ? . faith commeth by hearing of a sent minister , rom. . . it pleased god by preaching , of sent pastors , cor. . . . to save those who beleeve . robinson . argu. v. . you may all prophesie , that all may learne , that all may be comforted ; be speakes of prophecying of all , as largely as of learning of all , according to the received rule of exponing the notes of universalitie . answ. women , ungifted brethren , infidels in the church , by his owne grant , may learne , but they may not prophesie in the church , ergo , many more are to learne then may prophesie : and the one ( all ) is narrower then the other , for all are not prophets , cor . . therefore all may not prophesie in one and the same verse , cor. . v. . and isa. . v. . the notes of universalitie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( wee all ) are taken divers wayes ; yea one and the same word applyed to divers subjects is taken divers wayes , as sam. . . and the people greatly feared the lord and samuel ; and my sonne ( saith the wise man ) seare the lord and the king. prov. . . mr. yates said well , all ought to have the gift of hearing , but not of prophecying . robinson answereth , every particular person is not bound to have the gift of prophecying , but if he speake to purpose , he must say , that no ordinary brethren out of office ought to have the gift of praphesie , which if it be true , then ought none to strive for fitnesse to become officers , neither were that reproofe just , heb. . . answ. he speaketh to purpose , to destroy your argument , which you destroy your selfe , while as you grant , many may learne who may not prophecie . . hee may say truely , no ordinary brethren out of office , but purposed to remaine artificers , are to strive for fitnesse to the office of ministery ; but many out of office may have the gift of prophecying , who are not prophets ; and you grant , i thinke , many are gifted to be kings , who neither are kings , nor may lawfully exercise acts of royall majestie , without treason both to god and their king : for the place , heb. . . the apostle rebukes the hebrewes , both officers and people as dull of hearing , whereas they ought to bee teachers of others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , ( as you expone it ) prophets out of office , who ought to prophesie publickly to the edifying of the church . but take home this argument thus . those whom the apostle rebuketh as dull of hearing , who ought to bee teachers and unofficed prophets , are obliged to be indeed such prophets ; for a rebuke is for the omission of a morall dutie which wee are oblieged to doe , or for the committing the contrary , but he rebuketh teachers in office , women , children , and ungifted brethren as dull as hearing , for that they ought to be prophets & were not , ergo , all , even teachers in office , women , children and ungifted brethren ought to be prophets not in office . now the conclusion is absurd and against your selfe , for you say , pag. . every particular person in the church is not bound to have the gift of prophecying , women are not bound i am sure , yet are women rebuked for being dull of hearing , and for that they ought to be teachers of others , and were not . . hence it is cleare that you corrupt the word of god , and to be teachers , in that place , is to be such , as so aboundeth in the knowledge of god , as to teach , rebuke , admonish , and comfort mutually one another in a private way , not to preach publikely in the church , for the ordinary conversion of soules , for which sort of prophets you do contend . robinson addeth . the apostle cannot meane extraordinary prophets , cor. . there could not bee such a number of extraordinary prophets , now when extraordinary prophets were beginning to cease in the church . answ. . when the church of corinth abounded in every thing , in all knowledge , and utterance , and came behind in no gift , cor. . . . and so much grace was given them in jesus christ , v. . it is cleare there were abundance of prophets even then in corinth . . it is not to purpose for lay-prophets whether they were ordinary or extraordinary prophets . they were prophets as the spirit of god calleth them , cor. . . set in the church as officers , even as apostles , and governors , and teachers , who are officers . and there is no reason that you should impose significations on words , at your owne pleasure , without warrant of the word . now shew us in all the old , or new testament , when the word prophet signifieth a naked gifted man out of office , in the lords house , for you have as good warrant for you to say there were lay-apostles , lay-teachers , lay-governors , who were gifted persons not in office , as you have for lay-prophets . . multitude of prophets may consist with the time , when seers and foretellers of things revealed in visions were beginnings to cease , even as the gifts of the holy ghost given abundantly at the pentecost , act. . . . ioel . . did consist with the time when things concerning christ must now have an end , luk. . . luk. . . robinsons . argument is . the apostle in forbidding women to prophesie in the church , licenceth men . . the apostle in , and for the worke , opposeth the men to the women , sexe to sexe , and in forbidding women , hee must license men , when the holy ghost opposeth faith and workes in the cause of justification and denyeth that we are justified by workes , is not then the consequence good , we are justified by faith ? . if in prohibiting women he gave not libertie to men , where were the prerogative of men above women , which is the onely ground upon which hee buildeth the prohibition ? . ver. . . women are not permitted to speake in the church , yet may they speake to their husbands at home ; now if the husbands might not speake in the church more then the women , what reason can be rendred of the apostle his so speaking ? . the apostle in the whole chapter , taketh order that some should prophesie in the church , and debarring women therefrom , he must either admit men , or then we have a third sort of persons to prophesie , who are neither men , nor women . answ. here is a great noyse of arguments for just nothing , and a faire sophisme , concluding that secundum quid , which should be concluded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for we deny not but some men in office are permitted , yea and commanded to prophesie in publick ; and we grant that sex and sex are opposed , but the opposition made by robinson is creeple and throwne-backed , for all and every one of mankind are not permitted to prophesie , as all and every woman is forbidden to prophesie or teach in the church ; by the lawes of france a woman may not sit on the throne and sway the scepter ; but friend , can you say then the lawes of france doth license any frenchman whatsoever he be to sit on the throne and be king ? mr. robinson proveth men are licensed to preach , sed indefinita propositio in materia contingente ●quipollet particulari , but he knoweth all men are not licenced to prophesie in publick , for ungifted men are not sent of god , and we say , neither all gifted tradesmen , never called by the church , nor educated in schooles , or sent of god to preach in the church . this he covereth and proveth never , onely he setteth downe foure armies of arguments to prove , i know not what , to prove forsooth that men may prophesie in publike , and not women , but who denyeth that ? and the similitude of faith and workes crooketh here , for saving faith is opposed to all good workes whatsoever , both in kind and individualls , for wee are neither justified by good workes in specie , nor by any one good worke in individuo , but though all women be debarred from teaching in the church , yet are not all men licensed to teach in the church , but onely those ( say we ) who are called of god , as was aaron . . i would bandy the argument thus ; it is not permitted to women to administer the sacraments , ergo , it is permitted for any man , though not a prophet by office , to administer the sacraments . the antecedent is pauls , the consequence is yours ; and so all these foure arguments prove not what is in question , to with that ; ergo , a gifted person not in office may preach publickly . mr. robinson addeth , in restrayning women he sheweth his meaning to be of ordinary , not of extraordinary prophets , because women immediatly and extraordinarily inspired , might speak without restraint , exod. . . jud. . . luk. . . act. . , . answ. robinson cannot show that the same kind of prophecying in women , v. . is taxed by paul , which is regulated in men , v. , , . and therefore that connexion is denied , hee restraineth women from ordinary prophecying in the temple , ergo he speaketh of the ordinary prophecying of men ; for , . he compareth prophecying with tongues , extraordinary with extraordinary , and he desireth them to covet to prophesie , ordinary he cannot meane , for in all the word you find not private professors are commanded to desire to bee ordinary prophets , for so god should command them to pray , that they might leave their callings and stations , contrary to cor. . . and give themselves to study sciences and tongues : for if the holy ghost command the meanes , he must command the end , and if hee command the end , hee must command the meanes . but v. . he setteth downe a new canon about women who tooke on them to prophesie publickly , and hee inhibiteth so much as ordinary prophecying , yea so much as speaking in the church ; and i deny not but a irenaeus , b eusebius , yea and tertullian , cyrill , chrysostome , theophylactus , with warrant teach , that alwayes women extraordinarily inspired may prophesie , for in that god immediately exalteth them above men . but for ordinary prophecying in publick , it is of morall equitie , and perpetuall , that the women should not teach , for adam was first formed ; this paul bringeth as a morall argument against womens preaching . his fourth argument is from and . verses . let the prophets speake two or three , and let the rest judge . the apostle cannot ( saith robinson ) speake of extraordinary prophets , for they cannot erre , but are infallible ; but the prophets here spoken of are not infallible , because they are to be censured , and their doctrine judged by the prophets : now if such could erre , our faith were not immediately builded upon the doctrine of the prophets and apostles . answ. this is before examined by me , the consequence is null , for the holy spirit ( saith pareus ) did not dite all things which the prophets spake , they might have mixed in some thing of their owne . robinson saith , that paul could not have said , ( if any thinke himselfe to be a prophet , &c. let such an one acknowledge that the thing i wrote are the commandements of the lord ) if these had beene extraordinary prophets , they should have knowne pauls writings undoubtedly to have beene the canonick word of god , and could not have beene ignorant thereof . answ. this presupponeth that these extraordinary prophets might have beene ignorant , that the apostles commandements was the commandements of the lord , which is not absurd , for nathan and samuel were ignorant of gods will in some points , for prophets see and know sometimes as men , and sometimes as prophets , in the former they may erre , in the latter they are infallible . he subjoyneth . the word of god came it to you , or came it from you ? if the word of god came after a sort to the corinthians , and not from them , then were they not immediatly and extraordinarily inspired , whereas indeed the word of god came from the apostles . answ. this proveth not the point , for hee condemneth the arrogancie of some immediately inspired prophets , came the word of god from you ? that is , are yee above the apostle to whom the word of god was committed , that it may bee preached to all the world , that it might come from the apostles to others ? or came it to you onely , as to the only apostolick teachers , that you neede no admonition ? but hence it followeth not , but they were extraordinarily inspired prophets , for peter might be rebuked , though an apostle & a chief one . neither is it any imputation to paul , or to any who hath received the spirit in measure , to be censured . it is true , canonick doctrine , as it is such , cannot be censured , but the teachers thereof , though infallible , even paul , act. . , . and every spirit is to bee tried , whether they be of god or no , joh. . . yea to say that the church cannot be builded upon the foundation of the prophets and apostles ( as mr. robinson saith , pag. . ) if these prophets extraordinary can erre , or can bee subject to the censure and judgement of the church , is the very argument of papists ; for they say , that the word of god borroweth authoritie quoad nos , in respect of us , from the church , and is to be beleeved , because peter , paul , the prophets and apostles , the then present church , say it is the word of god. so a stapleton ( as whittakerne teacheth ) that christ was the sonne of god , dependeth to our faith upon the testimony of john baptist. see bellarmine , gregorius de valent. gretser ; so three famous commentators say , b jansenius , c cardinalis cajetan , and d cardinalis toletus . but our divines answer , that the word of god is true in it selfe , and the authentick ground of our faith , not because the prophets and apostles say it is the word of god , not because paul or an angel from heaven saith it is so , gal. . . for even the prophets and apostles were but men , and so their testimony not infallible , but because god himselfe saith so . see for this e rivetus , f whittakerus , g bucerus , h calvinus , yea and the fathers most expressely say , that the prophets and apostles are not the foundation of our faith , nor their word , because they were infallible , but gods word , by their mouths and penne . so i thea●●●lact , k chrysostome , l beda , m ambrosius , n occam , and o gerson doe roundly acknowledge that their popes word is not the foundation of faith , quia papa potest hereti●ari , because the pope may erre . what ? because samuel was deceived in calling eliah the lords annointed , are not his bookes a part of canonick doctrine , whereupon our faith is builded ? lastly saith p robinson , pastors must preach and pray before they hee put in office , otherwise they cannot bee tr●ed , if they bee apt to teach , as they must be , tim. . . tit. . . it is decreed that all may preach , q ministers , teachers , elders , deacons , and if there beam , ex ipsa plebe , any of the common people , who would imploy their gift for the good of the church , and it is practised in the colledges , where all must preach , though they were never priests . answ. . it is lawfull , that these ayming at the office ; . brought up in humane sciences ; . called by the church preach , by way of tryall , before they be admitted to the office : but hence it cannot be concluded , that tradesmen and artificersvoyd of learning and ignorant of the scriptures should preach , not for try all , or as ayming at the office of the ministery , but as ordinary ministers of the conversion of soules to the faith , and that without any calling of the church either to the office , or to the degree preparatorie to the office . . all gifted should preach , yea and in england ought to bee put in office , where there is a reading ministery which christ never ordained to bee in his house , and this the harmony of confession and synods teach , and no more . it is a fault that in colledges all doe preach , whether christ hath called them , or not ; such unsent runners mr. robinson cannot approve . r ambrose saith at the beginning it was granted that all should preach , and baptize , that the church might grow ; and s origen said the same . but otherwise t hieronymus saith , it is praesumptio temeritatis , a rash presumption for any to preach , who are not sent ; and u theophylact calleth them false prophets ; x augustine will have them all to come before christ , and so to bee theeves and robbers who commeth not sent , sicut moses & prophet● , as moses and the prophets were sent . y coachman saith , if preaching be tyed to the ministery , and that order , there shall neither bee faith nor grace in a church where there is no ministery . answ. it followeth not , for faith may come by reading , by conference , and you expone , rom. . . as arminians and socinians doe . . we as embassadors pray you in christs stead to be reconciled , cor. . . ephes. . . cor. . . are all prophets ? ergo , would you say no reconciliation in a land without apostolick ambassadors ? it followeth not , ex negatione unius medii , for then there should be no grace , nor salvation , where there be none of your lay-preachers . coachman . knowledge , judgement , utterance , with gravitie , authoritie , power , maketh a man a minister , whether he be in office or not ; preaching is accidentall to the office , and no part of the office , but onely an ornament or appendix of it , a minister is in full office of the order of priesthood , though he never preach ; an office maketh not a preacher , it maketh him onely such a peoples preacher , when they have chosen him , hee preacheth by vertue of his gift , not by vertue of his office . answ. . here are socinian mysteries revealed , z gerardus saith , by this meane the heretickes called pepuziani permitted , in the primitive church , to women , the ministery of the sacraments . and upon this ground the socinians and anabaptists proceeded , that except a man would digge his talent in the earth , hee may preach , though he have not a calling of the church ; so doth mr. coachman make talents , as judgement and utterance , enough to constitute one a minister , whether he be called to the office , or not . and gerardus setteth downe a good answer of a luther to the argument . god giveth talents , but to those whom hee calleth , therefore gifted men should in the use of their calling attend and accept the calling of god. it may be the church perversly set , denyeth a calling to one who is gifted . then i say , let him use his talent in private . god reapeth not where he doth not sow . . this is a wild saying , a man is a minister whether he be in office or not . a ministery is essentially an office , or a place that the lord hath called a man unto , else define what an officer is , and how can he expone that , rom. . . how can they preach except they he sent ? if as our divines doe ? then none are sent , but such as are called to the office , and this is against him , if as s●ini●ns say , all gifted men are sent of god to preach , then gifts essentially constituteth a sent man , and what is a sent man , ●ut a man called to the office ? . preaching is accidentall to the office of a man that maketh court and the world his conscience , it is true indeed , but that preaching is accidentall to the office of a pastor , is popish and prelaticall ; for what is essentiall to the office ? to administer the sacrament and consecrate the body of christ ? well said for the popish cause . b pope eugenius in his decree and the councell of florentine teach us , that the essential forme of the office of the priests is in these words , receive power to offer a sacrifice in the church , for the living and the dead : for saith c scotus and the councell of d trent teach us , that all the essentials of the priesthood be in two . ● . in a power to consecrate christs body , and this is given in the last supper . . in a power to absolve a sinner , so saith e meratius the jesuite , where the reader shall observe silence of preaching the word , and f bellarmine saith the same ; g gulielmus eslius saith , the essentiall and most principall worke of the priest is to offer christs body , and then to absolve from sinnes , and this they have from their h master aquin●s , and further warrant for a priest essentially dumbe , you may find in suarez , and vasquez doth collect from i the fainzed canons of the apostles from k clemens his epistles , such a priest. i desire ( if preaching be accidentall to the office of a pastor ) to know if feeding of the people , act. . . and ●eeding the flock , ezekiel , . . be all in administring of the sacrament . it is strange , if a watchman as as a watchman , and by office , should not preach and give warning , ezek. . , . if an ambassadour , as an ambassadour , in christs stead should not pray the people to be reconciled to god , cor. . . if a pastor , as a pastor , should not feed the flocke with knowledge , jer. . ● . . if as a workeman and a minister he should not divide the word aright , tim. . . if as a fisher he should not catch men ; but of this enough . lastly , cor. . v. . christ sent mee not to baptize , but to preach , joh. . . christ baptized none , but was sent to preach , luk. . . chap. . sect. . the way of church judging in new england . vve doe not ( saith the author ) carry matters either by an over-ruling power of the presbytery , nor by the consent of the major part of the church , but by the generall and joynt consent of all the members of the church , and we are of one accord as the church of christ should be , act. . if any disassent out of ignorance , we labour to bring him to our mind , by sound information . . if by pride bee disassent , the libertie of his voyce is taken from him . if , . the matter be difficill , we seeke advice of sister churches . answ. unitie is much to be desired in the church with veritie , but your way we understand not . nor doe we in our synods carry matters by the major and maniest voices , because they are maniest , nor because they are the the voice of men , but because the thing concluded is agreeable to the word of god : but what if the church be divided , and the people ( upon whose voyces principally the conclusion of the church dependeth ) goe against both the truth and the elders ? they answer , these are miserable mistakes , either to thinke that the people or elders must needs disassent , or that except they all consent , there can be no rule ? i answer , it is a miserable necessitie , through the corruption of our nature , not a mistake ; for simon magus , and fortie like to him , in a church consisting of threescore , must dissent from twentie , whose hearts are streight in the truth : you have no refuge here , but let the maniest carry the matter to a mischiefe , and the other twentie must separate , and make a new church presently . againe say i , what if the church differ ? they answer , that ought not to bee , nor will it bee , if the church will lay aside corrupt judgement and affections , and if they attend the rule , and depend upon christ , considering the promises made to the church , jer. . . zech. . . matth. . . but if such a thing fall out , as not often it doth , if the elders and major part consent , and one disassent ; it is either of corrupt affection , and pride , and so he ioseth his voyce , or of weaknesse , and then he is to submit his judgement to the church . answ. but to beginne at your last , if one out of weaknesse disassent , he is to submit his judgement to the church . but i say , what if forty out of weaknesse disassent from twenty , may not that whole church as well submit to a synod , as act. . as one must submit his judgement to a church ? the conscience of one should no more be fettered , then the consciences of a whole church . . i grant the maniest should have scripture , but what if they say the scripture , yea and the apostles are with them , when there is no such thing , as the case was act. . . the wrong side alleadged scripture and the apostles commandement , when the apostles gave no such commandement , should you not take gods remedy to appeale to a synod , as the apostolike church doth ? act. . . they answer , in our churches hitherto , the major part , yea all mind one thing , as rom. . . cor. . . act. . . i answer , . that is because they are in church-government all one , and a conspiracy in error , is but seeming unity . but . i say , good men as paul and barnabas will differ . but . what if all be wrong of three parts , as cor. . . some said , i am of paul , some , i am of apollo , some , i am of christ ; all the three were wrong , in that case , doth not a synod by the word of god determine the matter best ? certainly , though synods may erre , yet are they of themselves christs lawfull way to preserve veritie and charity and unity . but our brethren answer us , divisions ought not to be , and they will not but all agree in the truth , if the church will lay aside corrupt judgement , and depend on christ , considering the promises made to the church , jer. . ephes. . . matth. . let me answer , there is much more charity in this answer , then verity . . they ought not to disassent from truth : true , but what then ? the remedy is not given except you returne to a synod ; the division , act. . ought not to be ; the house should not be fired : true , but the question is how shall water be had to quench it , for many things are , which ought not to be . . ( neither will divisions be , ) that is false , cor. . . . as heresies must be , so scandals must be , our author saith ( they will not be ; they will not be ) ( say the brethren ) if the church lay aside corrupt judgement , and affection , and attend upon the rule , and depend on christ. i answer . there is but vanity , and no solidity ( i crave pardon ) in this answer , it is the vaine answer of arminius in the case of the saints perseverance . the regenerate ( say they ) cannot fall away if they be not inlaking to gods grace , and if they in holy feare take heed to their wayes , so saith a arminius in his declaration ; and in his b answer to perkins : so also c say the arminians in their confession , and d episcopius . but what is this , but regenerate persons shall persevere , upon condition that they shall persevere ? for not to be inlaking to the grace of god , is to cooperate to the grace of god , or with the grace of god , and to cooperate with the grace of god is very perseverance it selfe ; for saith the e the wicked socinus , and f smalcius , and so say our brethren , all shall agree in the truth , if they lay aside corrupt judgement . and what is that , if they lay aside corrupt judgement ? that is , if they agree with the truth , and assent to the word of god. but so it is , that the best regenerate , even barnabas , a man full of the holy ghost , act. . doth not lay aside corrupt judgement . but our brethren proveth they will law aside corrupt judgement ; but how ? you alleadge the papists abused scriptures , ier. . god promiseth to put his spirit and feare in his church , that they shall not depart from the lord. true ( say i ) they shall not depart from god , providing they lay aside corrupt judgement , as you teach us . but doe you not teach us by your answer to elude these pregnant places , which unanswerably prove the necessity of the perseverance of the regenerated ? but . what though god promise to put his feare in the heart of the regenerate ? this promise is not made to the visible church conveened in a synod , as it is such , nor will it prove that a synod shall all agree in the truth , & that the whole church shall lay aside corrupt judgement , except you serve your selves with these and the like places , as papists , and by name as bellarmine , g●etserus , snarez , bucanus , stapleton , gregorius de valentia doe serve themselves with them , and the like , to prove that councels are in fallible . what is said in the fourth section anent the power of the people in church-govern●●●● is already examined , onely in the closure thereof , they seeme to give something peculiar to the elders , which the people have not , which i discusse in the insuing question . quest. viii . what peculiar auhority is in the eldership , for the which they are over the people , in the lord , according to the doctrine of our brethren ? we hold that christ hath given a superiority to pastors and overseers in his house , whereby they are , by office , government , and power of the keyes , above the people . but . this authority is limited , and conditionall , not absolute , as if they may doe what they please . . it is a power ministeriall , not a dominion ; for as meere servants and ambassadours of christ , they doe but declare the will and commandement of the king of kings . . when this authority is not exercised by the precise rule and prescript of the law of god , it is not valid , but null , and of no force . . they are so above the people , as . they are their servants , for christs sake , cor. . . yea we are their servants servants : not as if the people had a dominion over the pastors , or as if they had their authority from the people , they have it immediately from christ , but because all their service is for the good , and the salvation of the people . . they have so superiority , as they are subject to the prophets to be judged , and censured by the church representative of pastors , doctors and elders . it will be found that our brethren give no authority or superiority to the eldership above the people . in their answers to the . questions . we acknowledge ( say they ) a presbytery , whose worke it is , to teach and rule , and whom the people ought to obey , and condemne a meere popular government , such as our writers condemne in morellius . answ. so say our brethren in their doctrine , we acknowledge that the people , and gifted men not in office , should teach , and all the faithfull is the governing church , to which christ hath committed the keyes , and power of ordination , and highest church censures , even excmmunication , and that the elders should obey the church of beleevers . ergo , in teaching and ●uling you acknowledge no presbytery . . seeing you ordaine the elders to be ordained by the imposition of the peoples hands , to be elected , called , censured , excommunicated , exauthorited , shew us why the people are not the rulers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the elders ruled . . the key of knowledge is a chiefe part of the keyes , and these keyes by which sinnes are remitted and retained , and men bound or loosed on earth and heaven : and seeing morellius , anabaptists , and your selves teach that these keyes were given to the whole church of beleevers , how doe you thinke that people are not in teaching , overseers as properly as the elders , and that your government is meerely popular , as morellius taught ? to say nothing that when you deny your government to be meerely popular , you doe not deny , but it is popular ; for a government meerely popular admitteth of publike men to rule for the people , and we never read of a government in athens , lacedemonia , or any where , in the which all the people did actually judge , rule , and command , and so was meerely popular . but the word of god giveth a reall superiority to the pastors and church guides over the people in the lord , as jer. . . so i have set thee this day over the nations , and over the kingdomes , to roote out , and to pull downe , and to destroy , and to throw down , to build and to plant , here is a reall authority given to jeremiah , onely by his office of his prophecying , without any power of the seales or sacrificing , or judging , or governing , which was the part of the tribe of levi , of which tribe jeremiah was not , matth. . v. . he who receiveth you , receiveth me , luke . . he that heareth you , heareth me , he that despiseth you , despiseth me , and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me , john . . cor. . . for though i should boast something of the authority which the lord hath given us for edisication , and not for your destruction , i should not be ashamed , cor. . . let a man so account of us , as of the ministers of christ , and of the stewards of the mysteries of god , john . . whose soever sinnes yee remit , they are remitted , and whose sinnes yee retaine , they are retained , cor. . . and he hath given to us the word of reconciliation , . now then wee are ambassadours for christ , cor. . . and god hath set some in the church , first apostles , secondly prophets , &c. eph. . . and he gave some apostles , &c. thes. . . and we beseech you brethren to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you , heb. . . obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your soules , as they that must give an account , acts . . take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the flocke over which the lord hath made you overseers , to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with his owne bloud , pet. . . feed the flock of god , which is among you , taking the over-sight thereof , not by constraint , &c. tim. . . a bishop then must be blamelesse , &c. . one that ruleth well his owne house , &c. tim. . . let the elders that rule well , be counted worthy of double honour , v. . . tim. . v. , , , , , , . tit. . , , . . the lord in his house , putteth a difference betwixt the feeders , and the flocke , the governours , and the governed ; those who are over the people in the lord , and those who are under them in the lord ; the overseers and watchmen , and the city over which they watch ; the stewards , and the family ; therefore there must be a peculiar authority in those who are elders . . the flock is to obey , heare , follow , in the lord , to have the elders in high estimation , to submit to their doctrine , to receive them as christ ; ergo , some authority they must have . . the lord hath given to them an over-sight , act. . . and hath committed to them a ministery , cor. . . hath put them in his worke and ministery , tim. . . . god will seeke an account of the bloud of the lost at their hand , ezech. . . heb. . . and god giveth a reward for the discharge of their office , pet. . . tim. matth. . v. . . ergo , they must have a place of authority over the people , which the people have not . . the proportion betwixt the priesthood in the old testament , and the ministery of reconciliation which is more excellent and glorious , cor. . , . requireth the same . now the lord in a peculiar manner choosed the tribe of levi , deut. . , . esay . . num. . . v. . ch . . v. . separate the levites to me , ch . . . josh. . . chron. . . josh. . . . but let our author speake what peculiar authority , or what singular acts of authority are due to the elders above the people . the church ( saith he ) exerciseth severall acts of authoritie over the elders . . in calling and electing them to office , and ordaining them in defect of the presbytery . i answer . . calling and electing are not to be confounded ; electing is no act of authority ; but that the people calleth and ordaineth the elders , wanteth example in the word of god , and therefore the author addeth , that the people ordaineth the elders in defect of their presbytery , that is , where there is no presbytery ; then in case of extraordinary necessitie , and where the church is not constituted , they are to ordaine the elders , but in a constitute church , the power of ordination is in the presbytery ; ergo , ordinarily the people doe not exercise this authoritie over the elders . . the church of beleevers , saith the author , sendeth forth the elders for the publick service of the church ; as the whole church of jerusalem sent forth chosen ministers , with letters of instruction to antioch , and to other churches , act. . . now the ambassadour is not greater then he that sent him , but usually inferiour , joh. . . answ. . i deny not , but a church of beleevers in the least congregation is greater then any pastor , or number of pastors , as they are such ; for the pastors are servants for the church , and meanes for the end , and lesse and inferior in respect of christian dignity , but this is not the point , wee doe not now dispute of christian dignitie , one redeemed soule in that respect is of more worth then a thousand pastors as they are but meere pastors , but because the church sendeth the elders , the elders are a part , and a great part of the visible church , which also send themselves ; but it proveth not the peoples church authority , as they are contradistinguished from elders to be superior and above the authority of elders ; for here the comparison must not be betwixt one or two elders , and the church including all the people and the rest of the elders , but the comparison is betwixt spece and spece , the office and dignitie and authoritie of the elders as elders , and the people as people ; and the church of jerusalem was not a parishionall , but a presbyteriall church , consisting of many elders , and congregations : now we deny not two elders to be inferior in authoritie to the whole colledge of elders and people , and so there is no authoritie of the people above the elders , from this proved . . a morton answereth papists in the like argument , that sending proveth onely that those who are sent , are not superiors to those who sent them , for the father sent his sonne into the world . . ( saith the author ) if an elder or a whole eldership erre , the church may call him , or them to account , and in case of obstinacie excommunicate them : for it is not reason that elders should want the medicine of excommunication to save their soules , if they stand in need thereof , more then other . as peter gave an account , act. . to the church of jerusalem of his going in to the uncircumoised . answ. . if a warrant or example from the word , that one single company of sole beleevers wanting elders , did in a church way censure any one pastor , or a whole eldership , and that the church of jerusalem consisting onely of beleevers without elders , called peter before them judicially to give an account of going in to the uncircumcised , is a dreame : and though peter should have given satisfaction to a number of sole beleevers , to remove the scandall , it proveth not that they had authoritie over peter , for one private offender is obliged to give an account , and a satisfaction to another private brother , whom he hath offended , matth. . . yet hath not a brother church authoritie over one another , to excommunicate him , as our brethren say , that a company of onely private beleevers may excommunicate all the elders of the congregation . . it followeth not that elders should want the medicine of excommunication , when they stand in need thereof , because the people may not excommunicate them , for there be others who of office should excommunicate ; and also the want of a meane of salvation , as the want of baptisme , where such are wanting , as have the onely church power , to administer such means , doth not condemn men . on the other side , ( saith the author ) the elders have rule over the church , and that in sundry acts , as . in calling together the church upon any weighty occasion , act. . . answ. . this power of conveening the multitude , cannot bee the power of governing gods house spoken of , tim. , , . tit. . . to obey those who watch for our soules , heb. . . cannot bee to conveene to a church meeting at their commandement . . to conveen the church meeting or synods , is an action of the whole church , for christ hath given power to his owne church an ecclesiastick power to conveen her owne courts , and this can no more be a peculiar act of authoritie , agreeing onely to the elders , or to a pastor , then the act of excommunication , for it is given to all the faithfull by your owne grounds , cor. . . cor. . cor. . . how then is it a peculiar act of auhoritie in the elders ? . the elders , if they bee to bee accused and censured , are they to conveen the judicatory , as the consull did conveen the senate , and to summon themselves ? also if they have any power to conveen the church , it is but delegated , for orders sake , to them , by the church ; ergo , this authoritie is principally and first in the church , and so it is no authoritie peculiar to the elders ; also , if it be but a thing of meere order , it is not an act of jurisdiction over the church ; a moderator who conveeneth the synod , or a consul who conveenth the senat , have not in that , jurisdiction or authoritie over the synod or senat , and may the elders hinder , i pray you , the conveening of the church ? i thinke not . . this is but a popish argument , pope julius the third , in his bull taketh this upon him , to conveene councells . the cardinall de monte president for the pope gave leave by a speciall bull from the pope to the councell of trent to advise about the translating of the councell from trent to bonony . and a good bellarmine and b harding , as jewell teacheth us , make this a part of the transcendent power and authoritie of the pope over the church , to conveen the church catholick ; and if it bee an act of authoritie over the church to conveene the church , farre more must it bee in the pope to conveene the catholick church . lastly , this power in elders should bee made good by the word of god. secondly , ( saith hee ) their authority over the church is in opening the doores of speech and silence to any of the assembly , act. . . unlesse it be where the elders themselves lie under offence or suspition , then the offended party may begin with them , act. . . yet with due reverence observed , as to their yeares , so to their place , tim. . . answ. if to speake first in a church meeting , prove that the elders have authority over the church ; then one elder hath authority over all the rest of the elders , and must be a little pope , or a great prelate , for two or foure elders cannot all speake first . we seeke now an act of authority due to elders or pastors , as they are such , and above the people ; if you make this an act of authority , you then give us in every church-meeting and synod a pastor of pastors , and an elder of elders , and a pope . . if this be an act of authority over the church , then have papists well proven that peter hath an authority and power over all the church , for c suarez , and d bellarmine , and e harding prove peter to be a pope , because he speaketh first in the councell , act. . . and the text that you cite , they cite also : but f whittakerus , and g gerson saith , as also h lyran , and i carthusian , it is like that james spake first as president of the councell . . the author leaveth this act of authority , as weake , and saith , that the offended party may speake first . ergo ( say i ) to speake first is not an authoritative act of pastors as pastors agreeing to them , by vertue of their office , seeing this act is communicated to those who are out of office . ergo , they have not shewen as yet any pastorall act of office due to the elders as elders ; and if it were most convenient that elders should first speake , our brethren will not say that it is due to them by their office , but for their age and gifts , and so they say nothing . thirdly , ( saith the author ) elders have rule over the church in preaching the word , and they have power to teach and exhort , to charge and command , to reprove and rebuke with all authoritie , tim. . . and . . thes. . . answ. it can not be denied , but elders , that is , preaching elders or pastors , have authoritie over the people in preaching and rebuking with all authoritie ; but . i aske at our brethren , by what authoritie of the scripture is pastorall binding and loosing an authoritative act of the preaching elder onely ? for the concionall or preaching power of remitting and retaining sinnes , joh. . . is all one with the power of the keyes , matth. . and that is given ( saith our brethren ) to the whole church , and by these texts are not restricted to pastors as they expone them . . our brethren alledge there is a two-fold power of preaching in pastors , one by vertue of their gift , another by vertue of their office . by the first pastors doe preach to infidels , turkes , and unconverted ones ; now this preaching is not proper to pastors as pastors , nor is it any authority peculiar to pastors over all the flocke , for all gifted persons ( as our brethren teach ) may preach , and so the gifted ones amongst the people have authority over the pastors in this meaning , as well as the pastors have over them , and so the difference of rulers and ruled , of feeders and the fed , is taken away . now for the power of pastorall teaching , the pastors have authority over the church , but that is over the invisible church of beleevers , and regenerated persons , for pastors as pastors doe not convert soules , and so they preach to the unconverted not as pastors , or with any pastorall care : for they teach that pastors , doctors , and church-officers are given , ephes. . . onely for confirming of those who are already converted , not for converting of soules , and by this meanes , . pastors doe not preach the law , for the humbling of unconverted sinners , they doe not as pastors , or by vertue of the office open the eyes of the blinde , nor are they ministers by whom men beleeve , cor. . . nor are they fathers who begot men in christ jesus , through the gospell , as cor. . . nor doe they pray men in christs stead to be reconciled unto god , as cor. . . which is strange and uncouth doctrine of our brethren , for all these acts ministeriall are performed upon non-converts , who are not properly members of christs mysticall body , nor of the spouse of christ , nor members of the visible church , nor the sonnes and daughters of the lord god almighty , nor have some measure of sincerity and truth , as this author chap. . sect. . requireth of members of the visible church , and these are not under any pastorall care , really and in very deed , who are yet unconverted to the faith , therefore the pastor , if hee convert any by his preaching , he doth it by vertue of his gift , not as a pastor or by vertue of his office , as they teach in their answer to the . questions , & so as pastors they have no authoritie over the unconverted within the visible church ; and this authoritative act of elders over the people , falleth to the ground , by their principles . . this authoritative preaching doth not yet make over to the elders authoritative power above , or over the people , such as wee now seeke . for . by this ruling elders who do not preach and labour not in the word and doctrine , tim. . . by office , have not this power ; ergo , yet you give no peculiar authoritie to the whole eldership over the people . . the spirit of god requireth an authority of overseeing and governing to bee in pastors beside the authoritative power of preaching ; for besides that a bishop should bee ●apt to teach , tim. . . hee must also , v. , , . bee one , who can both govern his own house , and also the church of god , and not onely must hee not neglect the gift of prophecying , tim. . . but also hee must know , tim. . . how to behave himselfe in the church of god , and must bee circumspect in receiving accusations against an elder , and lay hands suddenly on no man , and not be partaker of other mens sinnes , tim. . . . he must not onely bee an approven workman , to divide the word aright , timothey . . and preach in season and out of season , tim. . . but also must commit the word to faithfull men who are able to teach others , tim. . . all which are singular points of authoritative power of government different from authoritative power of teaching . and so titus must not onely have the oversight by sound doctrine to exhort and convince the gainesayers , tit. . . but hee hath power in governing to order the things of discipline , and to appoint elders in every citie , tit. . . act. . . yea there is an oversight in watching for soules , in governing no lesse then in teaching , h●b . . . now this author sheweth us nothing , that is a peculiar authoritative power in ruling , governing and a disciplinary overseeing of soules , which the word giveth to elders , as they are elders , and called governors of gods people , as yet , yea all the people are governors , rulers and overseers in government by them , no lesse then the elders . . the author saith , elders have rule over the church in dispensing all the censures of the church , ( unlesse it bee in their owne cause ) for though they take the consent of the church in dispensing a censure , yet they set on the censures with great authoritie , in the name of the lord ; yea it is no small power , that they put forth in directing the church , what censures are due according to the word : as , though the judge dispense no sentence , but according to the verdict of the jury , yet his authority is great both in directing the jury to give their verdict according to the law , and in pronouncing the sentence with power and terrour ; the like d●e the elders in dispensing church censures . answ. this dispensing of church censures hath two branches . . a directing of the church in the qualitie of the censures . . a binding of the censures upon them , or in executing the censures of the church . for the former , if it bee a pastorall direction , it is all one with preaching of the word , and is not an act of authority by way of governing , but by way of pastorall teaching . but , . wee would have a word from god , giving this power of the keyes peculiarly to the pastors , for if you give the keyes to all the church of beleevers , as beleevers , and because they are christs spouse , his mysticall body , the habitation of his spirit by faith , then with your good leave , there bee neither keyes , nor any power of the keyes given to the pastors as pastors , and in respect of their office , but onely as they are a part of christs body ; now as pastors or elders , they are neither beleevers , nor the bride , nor a part of the bride , but at best the friends of the bridegroome , joh. . . especially seeing the church as the church , and as using actually the keyes , doth censure and judicially prescribe the qualitie and quantitie of the censure , as they are directed , matth. . cor. . , , , . yea and the church judicially , and authoritatively pronounceth the sentence , and maner of the censure on the sentence : for example , of ten collaterall and coequall judges , if two of these ten bee skilled juristes , and shall direct the rest in the qualitie of the punishment to bee inflicted upon a malefactor , that direction commeth from them , not as judges over the rest , nor by any peculiar power that they have above the rest , seeing all the ten are equally and joyntly judges of a like power , but that direction commeth from them as skilled jurists : so here , though the elders direct the church anent , the qualitie of the censure , they doe not this by an authority above the church , seeing the church with them have received the keyes ; yea they principally as the spouse of christ , and his mysticall body , have received the keyes , and the pastoes and elders as such have the keyes , not but as they are beleevers and a part of the mysticall body , but as they are pastors and elders they have not received the keyes at all , by our brethrens doctrine ; yea as elders or officers they are not parts of the church , but onely adjuncts and ornaments thereof . for the second , to wit , the execution of the censures of the church , if they doe it as pastors , and by vertue of their office execute the sentence of the church as pastors , they are meere servants of the church , not collaterall judges , with the church , and are not as the judge who doth direct the jury : for the jury doth only cognosce of the fact , but hath no judiciall power to pronounce the sentence or discerne the qualitie of the punishment , nor can the jury at all discerne any punishment . but the judge cognosceth both of the law , and the fact , and authoritatively pronounceth sentence ; but the elders have no authoritative power in directing the people to pronounce , or not pronounce the sentence ; or what sentence to pronounce , or what censure to inflict ; for if they have this authoritative power , then we seeke scripture to warrant this power . . the elders must then have the keyes in a more emminent manner then the people or church of beleevers ; so all bee but blanke and emptie titles given to elders hitherto . fiftly , saith the author , the elders have power to dismisse the people or church , and that with a blessing , numb . . . to . which is an act of seperioritie , heb. . . an. this is but an emptie title also . for , . the pastoronly , & one dismisseth doctor , elders , deacons , and the whole congregation ; and so one is a pastor of pastors , and an arch-elder of elders hath authority , by this , over his fellow elders , and candismisse them , therefore there is nothing peculiar in an officiall power , here to the whole presbytery , above the people . . a majority or superioritie is one thing , and a power of jurisdiction is another . blessing of the church at their dismission is nothing , but a prayer of the whole church ( the minister being mouth ) who blesseth all , and is no act of superioritie of jurisdiction , or power of the keyes , of which wee now dispute . and you cannot thinke that to obey those who are over you in the lord , and submit to them , as it is , heb. . . is nothing but to receive a dismissory blessing from the pastor . and i much doubt , if the priests blessing of the people , numb . . was morall , and if it was not typicall , hee not taking in himselfe , but as a type of christ , pronouncing the whole visible church blessed , sorypifying christ our priest , in whom all the nations of the earth are blessed , gal. . . and do not the people pay the pastor home in his owne coyne , for you make the church of beleevers to ordaine their owne elders , and to lay hands upon them and blesse them , so you teach . . nor is dismissing of the church an act of authoritie , or of officiall power , for your preaching and unofficed professors may dismisse , as well as they may publikely pray and preach . . a dismission is agreed upon by the church , before hand , and floweth from the nature of all publike meetings . . ejusdem est potestatis congregare & dimittere caetum congregatum ; you know to conveene christs courts authoritatively is due to no man on earth ; the church hath an intrinsecall power of herselfe to conveene ( being the court of the lord jesus ) and so also to dissolve , and this is the usurped power that the antichrist taketh to himselfe to conveene the generall councells ; as a bellarmin , b suarez , c pighius , and d cajetanus teach us . sixtly , our author saith ; in case of apostasie of the church , or other notorious scandals , or obstinacie thereof , their elders have power to denounce the judgement of god against the church , and withdraw themselves from it ; as upon the idolatry of the israeli●es , moses tooke the tabernacle and pitched it without the camp , exod. . and paul with barnabas rejected the jewes for their blasphemy , and turned to the gentiles , act. . , . answ. here be two diverse things sewed together to make up one thing : . to denounce the judgement of god is one thing , . to separate from the church is another thing ; the former is an act of authoritie , being rightly taken , the latter is an act of no authoritie . but for the first , to denounce judgement on a visible church , and that with a separation , is ● nothing but an act of pastorall teaching , and so no act of officiall power of governing in the elders above the church , is brought in all these six , and so yet the difference betwixt the feeders and the fed , the shepheards and flocke , the watchman and the citie , or the people who are to submit and obey these who are over them in the lord , who rule well , is close everted , and all the churches are turned masters , feeders , governors , rulers ; for elders have no officiall authoritie by our brethrens doctrine , which is not in the church of beleevers . . to denounce judgement to an idolatrous and obstinate church , who by their apostasie do declare themselves , not to bee christs body , is a pastorall act of pastors exercised on those who now leave off to be churches , and this is to play the pastors to that which is not a flocke , and as unlawfull as for a husband to exercise the actions of a husband to one who is not his wife . . to separate from an obstinate church is by you thought lawfull to all private christians , who would not defile themselves with the pollutions of the church , how then do you make it an authoritative act of ruling pastors ? . for pastors to remove the gospell , and preach no more to an obstinate church , is not , nor can it , in reason , be , that wherein wee are to submit and obey those , who are over us in the lord. my reason is , we are to be agents , at least , for most part , in submitting and yeelding our selves to those who in teaching and governing are over us in the lord , because they watch for our soules . but in their separating from us and removall of the gospel , wee are meere patients and cannot be agents . . moses his removall of the tabernacle , and paul his turning from the jewes , was by another spirits warrant , then pastors now a dayes can dare to remove themselves , and their ministery from a visible church , for paul turned from the jewes for their universall apostasie , blasphemy , and opposing of the maine and principall foundation of the christian faith , to wit , that christ jesus came in the world , died for sinners , rose againe , and ascended to heaven , &c. the . case , to wit , of any particular scandall , or scandals and of obstinacie therein , cannot bee the like ground for elders to separate from a church and never preach the gospel againe to them . chap. . sect . . of communion of sister churches amongst themselves . i here bee seven wayes , saith the author , by which wee leepe the communion of saints in divers churches . . by way of participation . . of recommendation . . of consultation . . of congregation . . of contribution . . of admonition . . of propagation , or multiplication of churches . it is allowed by the consent of our churches , that when the members of any other churches are occasioned to rest with us on the lords day , when the supper commeth to be administred , and neither the persons themselves , nor the church they came from , under any publick offence , they bee by us admitted to the participation of the lords supper : for wee looke at the lords supper , not onely as a seale of our communion with the lord jesus , but also of our communion with his members , and that not onely with the members of our owne churches , but of all the churches of the saints ; and this is the first way of communion with other churches , to wit , by participation . answ. . we heartily embrace the doctrine of the communion of saints , but many things are here which are incompatible with your doctrine ; as first communion of churches , which you call a branch of the communion of saints , cannot consist with your doctrine , for a church by you is relative onely , to the eldership of a church , as sonnes are relative to fathers , but a sonne is not relative to a brother , so neither is a parishionall church properly a church in relation to a neighbour church ; for a church hath no church-state , no church-priviledges , no church-worship , in relation to a sister-church ; therefore you should say , the communion of christians of sister-churches , not the communion of churches , for no church by your doctrine hath any church-state ; or church-worship in relation to any , but to its owne members . . this enumeration is defective , you make a communion of churches in the members of sister churches , in the lords supper , though the members of neighbour churches bee not inchurched in church-state , by oath , as a member of that church , where hee partaketh the lords supper ; and why should not the child of beleeving parents in the death or absence of the pastors of neighbour churches have communion with you in baptisme also ? for this communion in baptizing , you deny to any but those who are members of that church , wherein they receive baptisme . . if you admit communion of churches in some things , to wit , in the lords supper , how can you deny communion of churches in other holy things of god ? for you admit no communion of churches in the power of the keyes , as in mutuall counselling , warning , rebuking , binding and loosing , for christ hath left no common power of the keyes in many visible churches , who are united together in an iland or nation , or continent , by which these acts of communion should bee regulated , and in case of neglect and abuse , censured according to gods word as you say , for you deny all authoritative power in synods , let me bee resolved , deere brethren , in this , how christ hath put whole churches and their soules in worse case then members of your independent congregations are , for the keyes of the kingdome of heaven in binding and loosing , in excommunicating , that the spirit may bee saved in 〈◊〉 day of the lord , the removing of scandalls out of sister parishionall kingdomes of christ , the gaining of sister churches from heresies and scandalls , as brethren are to bee gained , matth. . . cor. . . tim. . . by censures , the keeping of the holy things of god from profanation , authoritative rebuking , warning , that others may feare , and that the rebuked may bee ashamed , and all these meanes of salvation are denied to your particular congregations , as if they were angels and popes , who cannot be lacking in duties , and yet all these are granted to members of any one particular church , how hath the care & wisedome of christ denied these meanes to many united churches , and yet you acknowledge that sister churches have communion amongst themselves , and that seven wayes , in visible acts of externall communion ? i beleeve this one argument , though there were no more , doth strongly conclude the lawfulnesse of synods , and by consequent , the law of nature would say , if christs wisdome provide wayes to regulate the publike actions of the members of a particular church , that they may be edified and builded up in the most holy faith , farre more hath he taken care for many churches united in a visible communion seven wayes , that lord that careth for the part , must farre rather care for the whole body . . you say members of other churches are admitted to the lords supper amongst you , by consent of your churches , but what consent doe you meane ? is the consent authoritative , by power of the keyes ? . this consent authoritative is either concluded in a synod of many churches , and so you acknowledge the authoritative power of synods , if it be done and agreed upon in every particular church by them alone ▪ then i aske , seeing to administer the lords supper to any , and so to make in your church meeting , that it shall be administred to any , is ( as you teach ) an act of ministeriall power over those , to whom you administer the seale , chap. . sect. . now how doe you exercise acts of ministeriall power , or conclude ecclesiastically to exercise these acts in your parishional meeting toward those over whom you have no ministeriall power ? for members of neighbour churches are under no ministeriall power in your particular church , as you teach in the same place , as you can exercise no power of the keyes when some are absent , that is tyranny upon the conscience , saith a answorth , who will have none censured , or excommunicated , except the whole congregation be present : also he who of another church communicateth with you , . hath no faith of the lawfull calling , and choosing your ministers , for he neither could nor ought to be present thereat . . he knoweth not but he may be leavened by a scandalous lumpe , which leaveneth the whole church , and is enough , as you say ( chap. . sect. ) to hold any from communicating in the seales with any church . now these and many other things he must take in trust from you , which answorth thinketh tyranny of conscience ; neither can a letter of recommendation make one of another congregation , capable of seales with you ; for to dispone is to alienate and give away the ministeriall power of the seales to another church . now this power ( say you , chap. . sect. . ) is a part of the liberty wherewith christ hath made you free , and so you cannot dispone it to another church , except you bring your selfe in bondage , contrary to gal. . . . mr. best . b and your c selfe , bold that a pastor can exercise no pastorall act , but over his owne flocke , and you say that the scripture saith so , act. . . pet. . . ergo , either to administer the lords supper , is no pastorall act , and may be done by non-pastors , ( as arminians and socinians destroying the necessity of a ministery , doe averre ) or then a minister cannot administer the lords supper to any but his owne flocke : see you to this . . if the sister church lie under any offence , you will not admit any of their members to the lords supper , though these members be of approven piety ; and why ? what a separation is this ? what if these members do not consent to that offence , as some of the godly in corinth might be humbled and mourne , that the church did not cast out the incestuous person , shal they be debarred by you from the seales , because they separate not from that infected lump ? the apostle alloweth communicating , ( so that every one examine himselfe , cor. . . . ) with drunken persons , and where many were stricken of god , with death , and diverse diseases , as eating and drinking their owne damnation . . you looke at the lords supper , as a seale of communion with all the churches of the saints . what communion meane you ? invisible ? no. you deny that the seales are given to the invisible church , and the members thereof , but to the visible church , as you say ; d if you meane a visible communion of all the visible churches of the saints , why then brother doe you call the universall visible church a chimera , or a dreame , as you say ? e and if all the visible churches have a visible communion , it is to deny christs wisdome and care of his church , to deny the lawfulnesse of a oecumenick and generall councell of all the churches of the saints . we recommend ( saith the author ) brethren for a time to other churches , as paul recommended phoebe to the church of rome , rom. . . . or we give letters dismissorie to such as are for ever to reside in another congregation ; but members are not to remove from their congregation , but upon just and weighty reasons made knowne and allowed by the whole church , for wee looke at our church covenant , as an everlasting covenant , jerem. . v. . and therefore though it may be resigned , and translated from one church to another , ( as gods hand shall direct ) yet it is not to be violated , and rejected by us ; if members cut off themselves by excommunication , it is their owne fault ; if any upon light reasons be importunately desirous to remove , the church is to use indulgence , as not willing to make the church of god a prison , but often the hand of god in poverty and scandall followeth such , and driveth them to returne : when a person recommended by letters commeth to another congregation , the church by lifting up their hands , or by silence receive him ; if he ●e altogether unknowne , and doubted of , because the church may erre , be is not received till due triall be taken of him . answ. we see not how letters of recommendation , most lawfull , as we judge , and necessary , can resigne ministeriall power , a liberty bought with christs bloud , ( as you say ) to any other church , for we think all the visible churches are one catholike visible church , and should have a visible communion , and so that there is no resignation of ministeriall power in these letters , but they are declaratory of the christian behaviour of the dismissed christian. we aske if dimissory letters be authoritative , and done by the church as the church , and how can a church usurp authority ( by your way ) over a sister church to recommend a sojourner to a church state and church liberties , and seales of the covenant ? one church hath no authority over another . if these letters be meerely private , and meerely declaratory , to manifest and declare the sojourners christian behaviour only then he had power and right without these letters , or any act of resignation , or giving away ministeriall power , to be a church-member , of the visible church to the which he goeth . ergo , he was a member of the visible church , to which he goeth before the dimissory letters were written ; and the letters doe resigne no right , but onely notifie and declare the sojourners preexistent right , and so there is a visible church and a visible communion of all congregations on earth , and most be an externall power and authority in all , for synods . let our brethren see to this . . the person to remove must be dismissed and loosed by the consent of the whole congregation ( it conveniency permit ) else he is not exonered of his church-oath made to that congregation ; what if conveniency doe not permit ? then is he loosed from an oath without consent of the church , which did by oath receive him . i thinke eju●dem p●testatis est ( as the law saith ) ligare & solvere , that church power which bindeth must loose . . if the church-covenant be an everlasting covenant , as jer. . . tying the man to the membership of that particular congregation for ever ; i see not how the church can use indulgenees , and pope-like dispensations against the oath of god , to breake it upon light and frivolous reasons ; for if god punish covenant breaking , so also should the church , and can by no indulgence be accessory to the breach of gods oath , there is too great a smell of popery , arminianisme , and socinianisine in this way , in my weake judgement . but if the man be not sworne a member of that particular church by his oath , he is sworne a member of the visible church universall , which our brethren cannot well say . neither is any covenant called an everlasting covenant in the scripture , but the covenant of grace , jer. . . c. . . isa. . , . and that is made with the invisible catholike church of beleevers , as is the covenant , jer. . . and not a covenant with one visible congregation , and what warrant hath the church to dispense with the breach of such an everlasting covenant ? . the testimony of other churches , if it be a warrant to you , in faith , to receive into the church such a one as a saint , and a temple of the holy spirit , how should it not also be a warrant to you , to cast out and excommunicate also ? . the person comming from another church , if of approven piety , is received , by lifting up of the hands , or silence of the church , as you say , . have we a warrant from gods word , for such a new inchurching ? . why is he not received by a church oath ? as a minister transplanted to another church , must have ordination and election of new , for to you there is alike reason . . if there be no need of a new church oath to make him a member of that visible congregation , seeing now he is loosed from the former , you in●inuate his former church-oath did make him a member of a visible church , and so ●e that is a visible member in a church , is a visible member of all , and so there must be a visible church-catholike , if there be a catholike visible membership in any one member , and so you destroy what you build . manuscr . . a third way of communion with other churches ( saith the author ) is by seeking their helpe and presence . . in admitting of members . . in case of differences of judgments . . in matters darke and doubtsome . answ. we seeke a warrant from the word for this , for elders are present at the admission , and choosing of officers , as prime agents by authority , not by way of naked counsell and advise . act. . . c. . . c. . . act. . . tim. . . manuscr . the fourth way , ( saith he ) is by gathering many churches , or their messengers in a synod , to examine and discusse either corrupt opinions , or suspicious practises . here . the magistrate is acquaint with our assembly , he being a nourishing father of the church . . they meete in christs name . . the elders declare their judgement in order , and the reasons thereof . . all may speake till the truth either be cleared , and all either convinced or satisfied , as act. . . . if things be not fully cleared , and if it seeme that the nature of them admit farther disquisition , yea and difference of judgements , without disunion of affections , or prejudice of salvation , each man is left to his christian liberty , and if any be otherwayes minded , god shall reveale the same thing to him . answ. this section being closed , i have here two considerable points to be discussed ; the one anent the power of synods : the other anent the power of the civill magistrates . quest. i. whether or not synods have authority , by divine right , to obleige the churches to obedience , in things lawfull and expedient ? for the fuller clearing of this grave question , i would have these considerations weighed by the godly reader . consider . . canons of councells may be thought to ●ye as authoritative commandements , or as advises and friendly counsells . . an advise or counsell doth obleige and tye both for the intrinsecall lawfulnesse of the counsell , it being for matter gods word , and also for the authority of the friends counselling , because the first commandement enjoyneth obedience to all our betters , not onely inplace , and officiall relation , as to kings , fathers , pastors , &c. but also to all above us in age , gifts , knowledge , experience . . hence there is a superiority of dominion , or jurisdiction , and a superiority of reverence , and endowments : the former is the narrower , inadequate , and straiter subject of the fifth commandement , and both are considerable objects , in this commandement . . all who as friends , equalls , brethren , and indued with more grace , experience and light , doe advise and counsell good , are superiors in so farre , but it is a superiority of reverence , not of jurisdiction : for by this they who are aged , and may counsell what is lawfull , have not power to censure or excommunicate those who follow not their counsell . yet if david had rejected the counsell of abigail , disswading him from passionate revenge , he had in that despised god , unlessethe prince or the high-priest had given that counsell by way of command , though there be degrees of latitude in despising the one , rather then the other . . there is a difference betwixt hability to judge , and right or power to judge : a presbyteriall church may have right , jus , and ecclesiasticall law to judge of a point , to the judging whereof , they want hability , and therefore de facto , it belongeth to a higher synod , where more learned men are , though de jure the presbytery may judge it . . though government of the church by synods , be gods positive law , yet upon the laid downe ground , christ hath given the keyes and power of government to every visible church , the government of united churches by synods , is a branch of the law of nature . . synods are necessary for the well-being of the church , and still are in the visible church in more , or lesse degrees , for the authority of synods consisting of fix onely , differeth not in nature and essence , from a generall councell of the whole catholike visible church . magis et minus non variant speciem . and therefore if synods be warranted by the word of god , ( as no question they are ) there is no neede to prove by particular places of the word , the lawfulnesse of every one of these , a sessionall meeting of the eldership of a single congregation . . a presbytery , or meeting of the elders , or pastors & doctors of more congregations . . a provinciall synod of the presbyteries of a whole province . . the nationall assembly , or meeting of the elders of the whole nation . . the generall and occumenick councell of pastors , doctors , and elders of the whole catholick church visible ; for all these differ not in essence , but degrees , and what word of god , as matth. . , . proveth the lawfulnesse of one , is for the lawfulnesse of all the five sorts of synods . . grant the consociation of authorities in sundry churches , and you cannot deny the authority of synods above particular churches . . consociation of churches to give advise and counsell , is not consociation of churches as churches , but onely consociation of christian professors , who are obleiged to teach , admonish , and rebuke one another . . there is a right of dominion , and a right of jurisdiction , as we shall heare anon . hence our first conclusion , a generall councell is a congregation of pastors , doctors , and elders , or others , met in the name and authority of jesus christ , out of all churches , to determine according to the word of god , all controversies in faith , church-government , or manners , no faithfull person , who desireth , beeing excluded from reasoning and speaking . neither is the definition of a a●m●in , and b gerson much different from this , save that they thinke that councells are lawfully conveened , if such and such onely , as are of the hierarchike order be members thereof , which we thinke antichristian . . as also the pope president here , we disclaime . yet doth almain confesse that a generall councell may be conveened without the pope in three cases . . when the pope is dead , either departing this life , or civilly dead , being excommunicated . for any crime of heresie : for the apostolike sea hath vaiked often two yeares together . . when the pope is averse and opposeth reformation . . when time and place hath beene assigned for the next generall , councell , as was done in the councell of basil ; and the papists grant that , matth. . tell the church , is a warrant for a generall councell . . because it is a meane for the saving of the spirits of all men , even pastors and apostles in the day of the lord. . because apostles , though in prophecying and writing canonick scripture , when they were inspired , could not erre , yet otherwise they might erre ; and if peter should have remained obstinate in his judaizing , gal. . and resused to heare paul or the church , hee was to bee excommunicated . . by the church , matth. . ( saith d the schoole of paris ) cannot bee understood , the prelats of the church onely , because christ did speake to peter ; and saith almain and gerson , peter cannot bee both an ac●user , a witnesse , and a judge . . there is a power of the keyes to bind and loose , given immediatly by christ to all the rulers of the catholick or universall church visible ; ergo , the exercise of this power , though it bee sometimes ( physice ) impossible , because of the corruption of mans nature , there being bloody warres in christendome , yet it is morally lawfull , for many things may bee inconvenient , through mans wickednesse , and so hic & nunc not expedient , which are morally lawfull . . conclusion ; every particular pastor hath a power , though unproper , of dominion and authoritie , even out of a synod , about the acts of preaching and determining truth ; according to the word of god , as jer. . . see , i have this day set thee over the nations , and over the kingdomes , &c. tim. . . charge them that are rich that they bee not high minded , &c. tim. . . i charge thee before god , and the lord jesus christ , who shall judge the quick and the dead , &c. so any pastor hath power of dominion and authoritie over a synod , and paul as a pastor might preach , even before the councell at jerusalem passed their synodicall determination , act. . that circumcision was not necessary , and that to obstaine from things strangled , from blood and fornication was necessary and lawfull , yea and in preaching truth the pastor is subject to no synod . but the pastor hath not full power of jurisdiction about his acts of preaching necessary truth . . because the church may for just causes deprive him from preaching . . because hee cannot use the censure of excommunication against those who refuse to receive his true and necessary doctrine , without the church joyne her power of jurisdiction with him . . he , his alone , cannot in a synod determine ecclesiastically , and in an authoritative church power , that same truth which as a pastor hee determined , and with the power of pastorall dominion hee pressed upon the consciences of the church , yea of the whole synod , because one man is not the church , or synod ; and james his alone , act. . v. . could but say , wherefore my sentence is that yee trouble not them , which from among the gentiles are turned unto god , though this was the very word of god , which james as a pastor , even as an ordinary pastor might have preached in the name of god ; yet is it not the decree of the church , which the churches is to keep , act. . . while it bee determined by the church . an example wee may have possible not unlike to this . a man hath a power of dominion over his owne proper lands and goods to use them in god , for his owne use , but the supreme magistrate and parliament hath a dominion of jurisdiction in a judiciall sentence over those same lands to forfeit them for crimes committed against king and state : or this may cleare it , samuel hath a power immediately from god , to annoint david king , and in this hee is not subject to the suffrages of the tribes of israel , hee hath a power of dominion here ; but suppose wee that samuel live till gods time , when all israel shall crowne david king at hebron , samuel as a part of the assembly of israel , his alone , without the suffrages of israel , could not make him king at hebron . hence wee may see how weake the assertion of our brethren is , who e say , that synods should have power to bind the churches ( say they ) wee see not ; f bellarmine indeed holdeth so . but orthodox writers hold that the sentence of councels is but a certaine inquisition of the truth , and a ministeriall and limited sentence , so that the decree of a councell is of as great force as the reason thereof , so saith amesius and g junius . but certainly this is a meer mistake of our brethren , as if they were not orthodox writers , but conspirers against the truth with bellarmine , who hold the authoritie of synods . the essentiall end ( to speak so ) of synods is unitie , and the eschewing of schisme ; and wee doubt not , but peter , paul , james had in their sermons , and doctrine determined that same veritie , to wit , that the law of moses and ceremonies was a yoak not to bee laid upon the christian churches , yet it was not a decree for unities sake , and fuller authoritie binding the churches to observe these , as act. . . while it was determined in a synod , act. . . . but truely wee hold nothing in this common with jesuites and papists , for wee condemne not that in bellarmine , that hee holdeth that lawfull synods ( for of such wee dispute with him ) do bind the churches to obedience in god , to their decrees , not because they say it , but because they say it authoritatively from gods word ; authoritie of synods no orthodox writers deny , authoritie officiall as the representative church of christ they have , he that heareth you heareth mee , hee that despiseth you despiseth me ; where two or three are gathered together ( in a synod , say our divines ) i will bee amongst them . but authoritie objective they have not , so as what they say , because they say it , therefore the very matter , object and thing said by them , is no lesse the word of god , then if the prophets and apostles by divine inspiration had said it ; at least it is not infallibly true , because they say it , for that wee disclaime , and it is that authoritie of synods , which bellarmine and papists hold , councells ( saith h bellarmine ) and scripture are both infallible , and i the jesuits of rhemes , and k lorinus the jesuite said councells are infallible , the holy spirit is there present ; l gratian said , all the decretall epistles of popes , and m the canons of the councells are of equall authoritie with the scriptures : and their o gregorius said hee received with the same reverence and authoritie the foure generall councells , & the foure evangelist● ; it is certaine ( saith p suarez ) that a councell is an infallible rule of faith , and q turrecremata saith the same : it is certaine ( saith r bailius ) councells are ●● the oracles of god to us in difficulties , so saith s cajetanus , t canus , and u gregorius de valentia ; wee hold the authoritie of councels , but ascribe to them as much power over the conscience , as there is reason in them from gods word , and no more . but . this is a weake reason , councels have no power to command obedience , because their canons and decrees are of no more force , then they have reason from gods word . for . friends , brethren , equals , by that have no warrant to rebuke , because their rebukes have but as much force , as they have reason from the word of god , for the reason is alike in both ; lawfull pastors cannot command obedience in the lord , your independent congregations cannot command that which bindeth the church to obedience , because the word or a commandement of a pastor , or your independent church is onely a commandement ministeriall and limited , and hath as much force as there is reason in it , from the word of god ; yea the church of corin●h hath not then the power of the lord jesus to excommunicate the incestuous person , nor the church of thyatira , to cast out and condemne jezabell the false prophetesse ; nor do these commandements of the synod , or church assembly have any power to bind the churches to obedience , because these commandements and decrees of censure are but ministeriall and limited , and in so farre onely of force , as they have reason from the word of god , as you say . . conclusion : there is an authoritative power in synods , whereby they may and doe command in the lord the visible churches , in their bounds ; the whole churches are subject to the ordinance and decree of the church , act. . where with common consent of a synodicall meeting , matthias is ordained an apostle ; ergo , all the churches are to take him for an apostle . this argument cannot bee repelled , because the apostles by their extraordinary power did choose matthias . because , . they themselves cite this place to prove the peoples power ordinary , which is to indure to christs second comming , in calling and electing their owne officers and elders . . almain x a papist alleadgeth the place with good reason , to prove that a generall councell is above peter or the pope , because peter would not choose matthias without consent of the apostles and church . . if this was extraordinary that matthias was chosen , why then is the vow and consent of the church sought ? for there is nothing extraordinary and apostolick flowing from an apostolick spirit , which is concluded or done by the spirit ordinary of the church of beleevers . so also act. . if the apostles did not by the ordinary and synodicall power of ordinary pastors choose seven deacons , how doe they first require that the churches of grecians and hebrewes should seek out seven men ? v. . and did ordaine them with the common consent of the whole multitude , v. . act. . a synod of moe churches give decrees which obliege the churches , v. . ch . . v. . ergo , synods have authoritie over the churches . those who say this synod is not a patterne for after synods , say farre aside ; for their reason is , this was . an apostolick synod ; . the holy ghost was here ; . the thing determined was canonick scripture . but this is a way to clude all the promises made to pastors in the word , when as they are first made to apostles : this promise , behold i am with you to the ●nd of the world , and this , i will send you the other comforter , who 〈◊〉 lead you in all truth , cannot bee made to faithfull pastors , and the christian church , that now is , for it is certaine christ is otherwise present with his apostles , then with his pastors after them . and that he gave them a tongue & a spirit when they were before the councels and rulers , as to apostolick men , as act. . . , . act. . . as christ promised , matth. . . . luk. . , , . for they were full of the holy ghost before rulers , but by our brethrens doctrine , it shall follow none of these promises belong to pastors now adayes in the like , because no pastors now are apostles . surely this were to fetter and imprison many glorious promises within the pale of the onely apostolick church ; and because christ ascending to heaven sent downe the apostolick spirit to his apostles to write and preach canonick scripture , it shall follow he fulfilleth that promise , john . . to none now adayes , because none have the apostolike spirit in the manner and measure that the apostles had . yea further it is canonick scripture that the apostles at the last supper did shew forth the lords death till be come againe ; therefore it shall follow that we have no warrant to shew forth the lords death till he come againe . . but that the apostles in an ecclesiastick way did determine in the synod for our imitation , and not in an apostolike way , is cleare by many evidences in the text , as act. . . paul and barnabas were sent commissioners to the apostles and elders about this question : paul as an apostle needed not be sent to know more of the matter then he knew , as an apostle ; for as an apostle he knew the whole mystery of the gospel , gal. . . . ephes. . , . ergo , he was sent to the synod as a pastor , and that as an ordinary pastor . . they came together , v. . to consider of this businesse , but as apostles they needed not the help of a synod . ergo , they came together as ordinary pastors for the churches after imitation . . there was much debating and disputing , v. . about the matter . . they set down their minds and sentences in order , one after another , as peter first , v. . . then barnabas and paul , v. . then james , v. . and to james his sentence the whole councell agreeth , v. . now what the apostles , as apostles and from an infallible spirit do , they doe it not by seeking light and help one from another . . the decree of the councell is a thing that apostles , elders , and brethren , and the whole church resolveth after much dispute , v. . but all these , especially brethren , and the whole beleevers , as our brethren say , doe not joyne themselves with the apostles , either to write canonick scripture , or to give their consent to the writing of it , therefore they doe consent by a synodall authority , for the after imitation of the churches . also there bee reasons of moment for synods ; and . if according to the law of nature , and nations , no man can bee a judge in his owne cause , then are appeales from the eldership of one congregation , when they are a party to the accused person , naturall , and from a session to the presbyteries and synods of many moe elders . but the former is reason , nature , law of nations . ergo , so is the latter . . it is best reason which hath most of scripture . paul and barnabas , act. . . . had no small disputation with those who said circumcision was necessary ; finding their parties could not be judges . they appeale to a generall councell at jerusalem , where were the apostles and elders ; the church of the grecians and the church of the hebrewes strive , neither of them can judge other , and both appeale to a higher judicatory , to the twelve apostles , and their owne churches meeting with them , and there is the matter determined a●ent helping the poore by deacons ; if the judge doe wrong , and one particular congregation shall oppresse one sincere and sound beleever , what remedy hath the care of christ provided for this ? that the oppressours may be edisied by church censures , and the oppressed freed , and delivered by remedy of discipline of christ , whose it is to judge the poore of the people , and to save the children of the needy , ps. . . now it is knowne that diotrephes doth sometime excommunicate , a and the evill se●vant ruleth all , b hieronymus saith arrians ruled all in the dayes of constantius and valens : c basil saith , we may say in our time , that there is neither prince , nor prophet , nor ru●●● , nor oblation , nor incense : d athanasius and e vincentius lirinent complain'd that it was in the arrians times , as with the church and prophets in the dayes of elias : and amongst papists f occam g the author of onus ecclesiae , and h picus mirandula complaine , there was in their time , no saith , no truth , no religion , no discipline , no modesty ; but all sold offices , churches , dignities , and benefices , and that ambitious popes spill all , the clergy entered by simony , ruled by simony , the holy place corrupted . at which times all the godly were crying for a free generall councell , as a remedy against the corruption of inferior judicatories . sa●ano●ala reputed a prophet , counselled charles the eighth of france , to reforme the church , as he would returne from italy , with honour , as saith i philip de comines . k gerson pleadeth for the necessity of a generall councell . l genebrard saith , for an hundred and fifty yeeres , popes , to the number of fifty , had made defection , from the faith and godlinesse of their ancestors . m aventinus maketh the same complaint , and n almain also , that prelats were more eaten up with the zeale of money , then the zeale of gods house . is there not need then of a generall councell ? hence came also appeales from the pope . the emperour lodovicus bavarus ( saith o the german chronicle ) appealed from pope john . misinformed to a generall councell , and the pope better informed , and the crime was , because he had taken the title of emperour before he was confirmed by the pope , for which he was excommunicated . sigismond duke of austria appealed from pope pius the second , to the next succeeding pope , and a generall councell under him , for the pope excommunicated sigismond , because he kept backe cardinall cusan from the bishoprick of brixen within his dominion ; for the bishoprick was given to him , by a commendam , by the pope : see p aeneas silvius . philip the fourth appealed from wicked boniface the eighth , to the sea apostolike then vacant , and to a future councell ; so q platina relateth . the university of paris appealed from leo the tenth , who wickedly condemned the councell of basill , to a future councell , as you finde it in the treatise called r fasciculus , &c. the archbishop of cullen excommunicated by paul the third , appealed to a lawful councel in germany , because the pope stood accused of heresie and idolatry , as s sleidan saith . the t glosse of the canon law saith , the pope cannot be judge in his owne cause ; and we all know how justly luther appealed from leo the tenth , to a generall councell : all which saith that the like is warranted by the law of nature , where a particular eldership and congregation is accused of scandals , that superiour synods there must be to discusse such causes . and the good use of councels you may see in one : the councell of constance , sess. . art . . condemned john . because he taught there was no life eternall , neque●aliam , post hanc , vitam ; pertinaciter credidit animam hominis cum corpore mori , & extingui , ad instar animalium brutorum , dixitque mortuum semel esse etiam in novissimo die minime resurrecturum . the necessity of assemblies when common enemies trouble the church , prove that christ hath instituted synods . and . our present authour reasoneth from the churches necessity , synods may conveene to examine ( saith he ) either corrupt opinions or suspitious practises ; and citeth for this the councell of jerusalem , act. . now this councell did authoritatively command , act. . . act. . . act. . . and not give advise or counsell onely . . if by the law of nature , and by vertue of the communion of saints , churches conveened , may give advise ; then say i , as communion of counsels and advises is lawfull , so by the law of nature communion of authoritative power is lawfull . as after the eye ( saith w almain ) seeth the danger of the body , it should give warning to the rest of the members to use their power . and this power ( saith he ) denunciative , or by way of charity , though not authoritative , is in private persons for the conveening of a councell . as after ( saith almain x in the same place ) any is instructed by a skilled physitian of that which is necessary , for the health and safety of the whole body , he is obliged to use that necessary meane , not now by vertue of the precept , or rather counsell and advise of the physitian , but by vertue of the precept and authoritative power of the law of nature , for the safety of his body : yea further ( saith he ) if the right band were fettered with chanizees , or should refuse pertinaciously at the nodde of the imagination to defend the body , then the whole power of defending the body , should remaine in the left hand . and certainly this is most naturall , if a forraine enemy should invade a whole land , or any part of a land , the whole land by the law of nature were obliged with joynt authority and power to resist that common enemy . now seeing a number of consociated sister churches make one visible church body , having visible communion together , as the author granteth in the sacrament of the lords supper , which is ( saith he ) a seale of the communion of all the churches of the saints , and in other externall acts of church communion , as hearing the word , exhorting , rebuking , comforting one another , then are all these visible churches with united authority and church power , as churches , and not as christians onely , to conveen and condemne a common heretick infecting all or any part of that visible church body ; and if any one church or congregation under the pretence of plenitude of independencie of government within themselves , should refuse to joyne with the whole , yet the authoritative power of synodicall judging and condemning such a heretick , doth reside by the law of nature , in the rest of the body . if there bee a communion of gifts , there is also a communion of authoritie . and if a nation have intrinsecally authoritative power under a prince to repell a common enemy , for the safetie of the whole , then hath a visible body of many churches in joyning one externall communion of sisterly consociation , under one christ , one church , power to repell a scandalous heretick , who is a common enemy to the whole churches visible . this argument is grounded upon the necessitie of synods ; our brethren are forced to acknowledge their necessitie , by way of counselling , and advising , but synods as synods to bee necessary , they thinke popish . the best popish councell wee read of , is that of basil , where it was ordained that a a generall councell should be holden within five yeers next following , the next councell within seven yeers , and alwayes after that , every ten yeers ; and in the b councell of basil the pope is discharged to transgresse that time of convocating a councell . now the councells as councells are no popish devices , but rather hated by right downe , and well died papists , as is cleare by gersons complaint c who saith omission of generall councells is the churches plugue ; a lover of reformation d franc. zabarell saith , wicked p●pes neglecting generall councells , have undone the church . the learned e author of the review of the councell of trent saith gravely , it is but a theating of christ●ndome above board , to leave the judgement of the necessitie of generall councells to the popes will. and no marvell then popes decline councells ; for the councell of pisan ( as f bellarmine granteth ) was convocated against julius the second that wicked man , and therefore was rejected by julian the second in the councell of g lateran , yet this councell and all the decrees thereof was approven and confirmed by alexander the first , who was accounted lawfull pope ; and ( b ) platina faith , this councell was approved , and that in it gregory . and benet . were deprived of their papall dignitie , all nations assenting , except neither spaine , the king of scotland , and earle of arminac , who followed pope benet : and for approbation of the councells of pise , constance , and basil , which censured popes and deprived them , and subjected them to a generall councell , let any man read the i review of the councell of trent , and bellarmine is therein fully consuted . also generall councells have condemned the doctrine of the church of rome , for which they thinke them not necessary , as the councell of frankford , saith k bellarmine , and basil and constance are not approved in all , because they favour not the roman churches doctrine and the popes supremacy above councells ; yea and generall councells cannot bee simply necessary ( saith hee l because the catholick church remained safe , the first three hundreth yeers after christ , without generall councells , and might have remained safe other three hundreth yeers , and so a thousand yeers , and faults may bee amended by the lawes of popes , and by provinciall councells ( saith hee ; ) and their costerus m saith , the pope him selfe without councells hath condemned many heresies , and this is a shorter and more compendious way , then by councells , for it is hard and laborious to conveene councells , therefore the churches salvation doth not depend upon them , saith n bellarmine , yea it is in vaine ( saith the jesuit o pererius ) to doe that by many , which may as conveniently bee done by fewer , he meaneth councels may be wanted . our brethren rejecting councells , and their necessitie at all , in this sideth with papists . though p calvin saith , nullum esse nec melius , nec certius remedium , that there is no better , nor surer remedy to find out the truth , then a synod of true pastors . and arminians and socinians thinke that synods are neither necessary , nor profitable ; for as our brethren here give no authoritie to synods , but to counsell and advise : the very same is taught by a grand arminian q episcopius , who saith , synods are not profitable , for the establishing the truth , or rooting out of errors and heresies , but onely to advise , sist , examine , and by reasons and arguments to perswade , and therefore are not profitable , either for the being , or for the well being of the church . synodici conventus nec ad ●esse , nec ad bene esse ecclesiae absolute necessarii sunt ; ad veritatis divinae stabilimentum , & hereseon , errorumque averruns itionem vel exstirpationem , eo tantum casu utiles esse statuimus , si ad deliberandum , ventilandum , examinandum , & rationibus argumentisque persuadendum congregentur ; litium finem facere , circa religionis capita , aliter quam persuadendo , est tyrannidem in ecclesiam invehere , & libertatem conscientiarum , si non omnino tollere , saltem vehementer astringere & ligare . to ●nd controversies in the church any otherwise , then by perswading , is to bring in a tyranny in the church of christ , and to hurt , if not altogether to evert the libertie of consciences of men . and the arminians in their apologie r teach us that a decision or a determination of a synod obligeth not those who were not present at the making of that decision . and so have i shown from s answorth , and our brethrens doctrine that they teach , people cannot assent , without tyranny of consciences , to the decrees of the elders , at the making whereof they were not present , and present , consenters . . a synods decision doth incline the mind to consider of the decision , but doth not compell authoritatively to consent and obey . . this is violence to the conscience . . to setch expositions of the word from confessions of faith , or decrees of councells is dangerous ; and this is the doctrine of socinians : for t theophil . nicolaides saith , the church in a synod cannot decide controversies , because shee may erre , neither can shee take them away , for that were to doe violence to mens consciences : and u smalcius saith , this were ( tacite ) quietly to leave the writings of the apostles , and commend humane traditions . so our brethren give nothing , but a power of counselling and morall perswading to synods , and no authoritie to command , because ( say they x in their answers to the . questions ) synods may erre , and their decrees have no more force then they fetch reason from gods word ; and truely our brethren with socinians and arminians here do fall in many foule errors . for , . all preaching of the word , and all power of authoritie of pastors commanding in the name of the lord , faith and obedience , is onely morall and to perswade , and not authoritative to command , because pastors may as well erre in preaching , as the church may erre in synods . . because what pastors preach hath no more force over the conscience , then they have warrant to speake from the word of god , as is cleare , ezek. . . gal. . . thess. . . . all confessions of faith that are set downe by lawfull synods are null . . libertie of prophecying , and a cassandrian licence of beleeving in things controverted , any thing in this or on that side , is lawfull . . a perpetuall doubting of conscience , except in two or three points fundamentall , that all christians beleeve , yea and all hereticks , is brought in in the church . . the lords working with the word preached , is but by way of morall perswasion . . but our divines hold the authoritie of synods , and of pastors preaching the word from the scriptures : z but i find both our brethren and arminians do misken the authority of the church , and of pastors in both preaching and synods , for they thinke to set up the authoritie of synods , is to cast downe the authoritie of the scriptures , because things to bee distinguished are confounded ; for wee deny that synods or pastors have peremptory , absolute , and illimited authoritie , and power to determine as they please in sermons and synods , their power is limited according to the word of god , and their word is onely to bee beleeved , in so farre as it is agreeable to the word of god ; but hence it followeth not , that pastors and synods have no power and authoritie at all to determine , but onely to counsell , advise and perswade ; for private christians , our equalls and inferiours , have power to counsell , perswade , and advise in a private way by teaching , a admonishing , b exhorting , c rebuking , d conference . they build upon the reproving of events of councells by e nazianzen , which is not against their authoritie and true fulnesse , and he speaketh of the councells of his time , and it is not to bee denyed but f panormitan saith well , dictum unius privati est praeferendum dicto papae , si ille moveretur melioribus rationibus veteris & novi testamenti ; and g augustine saith , latter councells may correct older councells ; and petrus de h monte under eugenius complained that there was no godly and learned bishops in his time , to determine truth in a synod , when doctors , professors , bishops , and all have sworne obedience to the pope , to their occumenick councells , and to the wicked decrees of the councell of trent , as the bull of pius the fourth requireth . but before i say any thing of the second question anent the magistrates power , i shall close the other wayes of communion of sister churches . chap. . sect . . three other wayes of communion of sister churches . a fift way of communion ( saith the author ) is by helping and contributing to sister churches , prophets , and teachers , when they are in scarstie , as act. . . rom. . . . ans. this way of communion we acknowledg , but we see not how this communion can stand , wi●hout the authoritie of synods ; if churches bee not united in one visible body , they cannot authoritatively send helpe of teachers one to another ; and this is a direct acknowledgement of a visible union of more churches in one visible body ; for the church of jerusalem authoritatively sent pastors , paul and barnabas , as pastors to the gentiles , you will have them sent as gifted men , and that they are not pastors while they bee ordained , and chosen by these churches to which they goe . a sixt way of communion ( saith hee ) is by admonition ; if a sister church or any member thereof bee scandalous , wee are then to send elders to warn them to call archippus or any other elder , to take beed to do their dutie ; if the elders or church bee remisse in consuring , wee are to take the helpe of two or three churches moe ; if yet that church ●eare not , wee are to tell a congregation of churches together ; or if the offence bee weightie , wee are to withdraw the right hand of fellowship from such a church , and to forbeare all such sort of exercise of mutuall brotherly communion with them , which all the churches of christ are to walke in , one towards another . answ. you acknowledge that same order which christ commandeth , matth. . to gaine a brother , is to bee kept in the gaining of scandalous churches . but . what warrant have you of the two first steps of christs order against scandalous churches , and to omit the third judiciall and authoritative way , when sister churches turne obstinate ? christs order for gaining the scandalous is as necessary in the third , as in the former two . . why doe you allow the third in a sort ? for if the sister church will not bee admonished , you will have her rebuked , before moe sister churches , that are conveened , that is , before a synod ; is it because you thinke there is more authority in a synod , then in one sister church ? then you thinke there is authoritie in a synod ; for by good logick , wee may inferre the positive degree from the comparative , and there is no other reason why the matter should come before a synod , for all in a synod wanteth authority and power to censure , as you thinke , yet to complaine to a synod is an acknowledgement of the authoritie of a synod , as christs order saith , matth. . . if hee neglect to heare them , tell it to the church . . what is the withdrawing of brotherly communion from obstinate sister churches , but as a amesius saith well , excommunication by proportion and analogie ? ergo , say i , in this a synod hath a synodicall authoritie over the churches within the bounds of the synod by proportion , for who can inflict a punishment of a church censure , by proportion answerable to excommunication , but a church , or a synodicall meeting , which hath the power of the church by proportion ? amesius would prove that a particular church cannot bee excommunicated , because a church cannot bee cast out of communion with it selfe , for then she should bee cast out of herselfe . but this argument with reverence of so learned and godly a man , proveth onely that a particular church cannot excommunicate herselfe , which i grant , but it concludeth not , but a particular obstinate church may bee excommunicated out of the societie of all sister churches , who meeting in a synod in the name of jesus christ have power to save the spirits of sister churches in the day of the lord , and are to edifie them by counsell and rebuking , as the author granteth , and why not by an authoritative declaring that they will have no communion with such an obstinate sister or rather daughter church ? wee have never , saith the author , been put to the utmost extent of this dutie , the lord hitherto preventing by his grace , yet it is our dutie . the church , cant. . tooke care not onely for her owne members , but also for her little sister , that had no brests , and would have taken care , if having breasts they had been distempered with corrupt milke : if the apostles had a care of all the churches , cor. . . is that spirit of grace and love dead with them ? ought not all the churches to care for sister churches , if not , virtute officii , by vertue of an office , yet intuitu charitatis , for charities sake ? answ. that you have never beene put to these duties to the utmost , will never prove that the government is of god , for corinth , ephesus , pergamus , thyatira , which were glorious churches by your owne confession , were put to a necessitie of the utmost extent of these duties ; yea it proveth your government to bee rather so much the worse , because christs government is opposed by secret enemies in the church . . you make the spirit of love in a pastorall care over other churches to bee dead , because none have any pastorall care over any other churches , but the particular congregation over which they are pastors , and pastorall love to unconverted ones , as pastorall , you utterly deny . the last way of communion ( saith the author ) is by propagation or multiplication , which is , as the apostles had immediat calling from god to travell through the world , and to plant churches , so have particular churches given to them immediatly from christ , the fulnesse of measure of grace , which the inlargement and establishment of christs kingdome doth require , that is , when the bee-hive a parishionall congregation is surcharged , they have power to send forth their members , to enter , by covenant , in church-state amongst themselves , and may commend to them such able gifted ministers , as they thinke may bee ministers in that young church . answ. . this way of inlarging christs kingdome is defective . . it sheweth the way of inlarging the number of invisible churches , and multitudes of converts into new incorporations , but doth shew no way how to plant soules who were non-converts , and branches of the wild olive in christ jesus , and to make new visible churches ; but it is certaine that the apostles as apostles , and as pastors , by vertue of their office converted obstinate sinners to the faith of christ , and planted them in a visible church , consisting of professors of the faith , partly converted , partly not converted ; but the pastors by your doctrine have no power as pastors , or by any pastorall authoritie , to plant the gospell where it hath never beene , that pastorall spirit is dead with the apostles ; and in this , contrary to all reason and sense , and contrary to the scriptures , you make private christians the successors of the apostles to plant churches , and to convert soules , and to make them fit materialls for the visible church of regenerate persons ; for pastors as pastors , and visible churches as visible churches doe nothing at all to the multiplying of churches , seeing pastors and visible churches as they are such , by your doctrine , are but nurses to give suck to those who are already converted , but not fathers to convert them ; for private christians , or pastors as christians gifted to prophesie , not as pastors , doe multiply churches , and convert men to christ , as you teach , now wee all know that nurses as nurses doe not propagate , or by generation multiply people in the common-wealth , that fathers and mothers onely can doe ; your churches have no ministeriall breasts , but to give suck to babes who are already borne : but wee see by your doctrine no ministeriall power of pastors or churches to send forth members to enter in a church covenant , or to enter in a new church relation of a daughter , or a sister visible church ; if they send a number to bee a new church , your pastors or visible church did not multiply them , it is presumed they were converts , before they were members of the visible church , which now sendeth them out ; and if they bee multiplied in the bosome of your visible church and converted , they were not truely members of that visible church before their conversion , and also that they were not converted by any publike ministery , but by private christians gifted to prophesie , who are the onely successors of the apostles to plant visible churches : but what pastorall authoritie have you to send them forth to bee a new visible church ? none at all ? they have as beleevers power to remove from you , and because of multiplication , to make themselves a new church , and this ministeriall power of making themselves a new church they have not from you , but from their fathers who converted them , so that you make a visible church within a visible church , but not a church begotten or borne of a visible church , as a child of the mother ; and wee desire a word of god , either precept , promise , or practise of such a church multiplication , mans word is not enough . . wee hold that the sending of the apostles to all the world was not in it selfe , that which essentially distinguisheth the apostle from the now ordinary pastor , who is fixed to a single congregation , but the gift of tongues to preach to all the world upon the lords intention to send the gospel to all nations , that as many as were chosen to life , might beleeve , was that which essentially differenceth the apostle from the ordinary pastor , together with a speciall revelation of god , to goe to such and such people , to macedonia , and not yet to bythinia . and now seeing these two are taken away , the ordinary pastors which now are , have as pastors a sufficient calling to preach the gospel to all nations , to whom by gods providence they shall come , and can understand their language , whether of their owne congregation or not . neither is a pastor tied as a pastor by gods word , to one onely congregation , for then it should bee unlawfull for a pastor as a pastor to plant a new church ; but shall it bee lawfull for private christians to plant new churches , who are not the apostles successors , and yet it shall bee unlawfull for pastors , who are the undoubted successors of the apostles , to plant new churches ? i would think that admirable doctrine , for so you give to private christians that which you make essentiall to the apostles , and you deny it to the undoubted successors of the apostles , to wit , to pastors . but we hold a lawfull pastor is a pastor in relation to all the world , with this distinction , hee is by christs appointment and the churches a pastor to all congregations , to plant and water , and preach , but by speciall designation of gods providence , and the churches appointment designed and set apart for such a determinate flock , just as the apostles in generall were made pastors to all the world , matth. . go teach all nations , but by speciall revelation and apostolick appointment , peter was appointed the apostle of the jewes , paul of the gentiles , gal. . . yet paul was a pastor in relation to the jewes , and peter also in relation to the gentiles : so by speciall revelation , act. . they are forbidden to preach the word in bythinia , and commanded to preach it elsewhere ; and for this cause , pious antiquity , as morton a observeth , called some learned fathers pastors of the world , b athanasius is saluted pontifex maximus , as russinus saith , and origen magister ecclesi●rum , master of the churches , so c hieronymus , and cyprian totius orbis praeses , cyp●ian the bishop of all the world , yea and pope , so d nazianz. hilarius is called by e augustine insignis ecclesiae doctor , a renowned teacher of the church , and f nazianzenus calleth basilius the light of the word , and g damascenus the light of the whole world , and h theodoret saith chrysostome is called totius orbis terrarum doctor , the doctor and teacher of the whole world : all which titles saith evidently that antiquitie beleeved never a pastor , or bishop , not to bee a pastor onely in relation to the one single congregation , whereof hee is pastor , but a pastor in relation to the whole visible church , though by designation of the church his ministery bee appropriated to one particular church . thus it is cleare that our brethren deny all communion of churches , while they confine a visible church to one onely single and independent congregation , subjected in its visible government to christ jesus immediatly , and to no universall visible church or synod on earth . quest. ii. whether the magistrate hath power to compell persons to a church profession ? anent magistrates sundry things are questioned to make presbyteriall government odious . and first our brethren complaine that our churches are constitute by the authoritie of the magistrate , i robinson saith , it was a presumptuous enterprise , that people were haled against their will into covenant with god , to sweare obedience to the protestant faith , being a profane multitude , living before in grosse idolatry , and that by the authority of the supreme magistrate , for the commandement of the magistrate ( say they ) can make no members of the visible church , or of christs body , because it is a voluntary act of obedience to christ , that men adjoyne themselves to the visible church ; ergo , none can be compelled thereunto by the authoritie of the magistrate ; faith may bee counselled , it cannot bee compelled . for the clearing of this question , these considerations are to bee weighed . . the magistrate may compell to the meanes , and externall acts of worship , and to desisting from externall false worship of the false god , or of the true god worshipped in a false way , hee cannot compell to internall acts of faith , love , and such like , as having no power over the conscience . . there is one consideration of a heathen or pagan nation which never received christianitie , and the true faith , and another consideration of a nation baptized and professing christ. . a magistrate may compell a heathen nation to the negative reverence of christ in a indirect way , and that with the sword , though he cannot compell to the positive worshipping of him : if a christian prince subdue a pagan nation , hee cannot force them with the sword to a positive receiving of the doctrine of the gospell , but if it bee a nation expressely blaspheming christ , as the nation of the jewes now do , hee may compell them to an abstinence from a professed blaspheming of christ , because he is to use the sword against blasphemy . . the weapons of the church as the church are not carnall , but spiritual and mightie through god. . the compelling power of the magistrate is terminated upon externall worship as abstracted from either hypocrisie or sinceritie in worship , . though no man resist the magistrate in a matter of religion , except in a hypocriticall way , save onely he who thinketh hee hath reason 〈◊〉 , and is led by the judgement and inditement of conscience to resist , ●et is not the in litement of conscience , but onely the word of god ●et rule of mans obedience , or resisting in actions , purposes & conversation . . conclusion . fire and sword , or warre , or the coactive power of a magistrate is not gods way of planting the gospell in a heathen nation , which never heard of the gospell before . . because the apostles were commanded , by teaching the gospell to all nations , matth. . , . mark. . . act. . . and not by warre , to spread the gospel . . because christs kingdome is not of this world , for then his servants would fight for him , joh. . . nor are the weapons of our warfare carnall , cor. . . nor is christs sword any other thing , then the word of god , rev. . . gal. . . and in this meaning , and with relation to the internall acts of sound beleeving , have the learned taught us , that , religio suaderi potest , cogi non potest : if these bee the constitutions of a clemens , let it goe for a truth in this sense , that god hath given libertie of will to men , not punishing them with temporall death , but calleth them to give an account of ●●eir doings , in the life to come : which yet cannot bee universally true , except that the author with anabaptists take away the power of the civill magistrate ; and b athanasius meaned with us , when hee citeth that , if any will come after me , let him take up his crosse ; to prove that the will cannot bee compelled ; and that of c lactantius is approved by all , defendenda tamen religioest , non occidendo , sed moriendo , non saevitiâ , sed sapientiâ , non s●●lere , sed fide ; illa enim malorum sunt , baec bonorum ; & necesse est bonum in religione versari , non malum : nam si sanguine , si tormentis , si malo religionem defendere velis , jam non defendetur illa , fed polluetur , & violabitur . nihil est tam voluntarium quam religio , in qua si animus sacrificantis est eversus , jam sublata , jam nulla est : all which tendeth to this , that religion is like free-will , and free-will like a virgin which cannot bee ravished . let that of d tertullian stand , lex nostra non se vindicat ultore gladio● e procopius saith that justinian was blamed , because hee compelled the samaritans to imbrace the christian faith . . conclusion . a christian prince subduing a heathen nation , may compell them to desist from a negative dis●onouring of christ , and from an externall false worship . dan. . . therefore i make a decree , that every people , nation , and language , which speake any thing amisse against the god of sadrach and abednego , shall be cut in peeces , and their houses shall be made a dung●ill . . the magistrate beareth not the sword for nothing , or invaine , for he is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath on those who doe evill , rom. . . therefore he should be gods minister to execute wrath on those who dishonour christ. nor must we approve of that of tiberius , f that gods take care of wrongs dene to themselves : and that of the emperour alexander , g it 's sufficient that the breach of an oath hath god to be the revenger . yet the emperour h constantine commanded all the churches of the pagan gods to be closed up , and i ambrose and k augustine both commended the fact ; and ferdinand king of spaine , commanded all the jewes , who would not turne christians , to remove out of spaine . . conclus . where a nation hath embraced the faith , and sworne thereunto in baptisme , it is lawfull for the magistrate to compell them to professe that truth to the which they have sworne in baptisme . . because the magistrate is a keeper of both tables of the law. ergo , he may take care that these who are baptized , and sworne to be followers of christ , should professe what they have sworne to professe . . because the magistrate may compell , ad actus imperatos , non ad actus elicitos , commanded and externall acts of worship , though he have no power over the conscience to command the elicit acts of will and mind . . he may command to use the meanes of religion , though he cannot force religion it selfe : and this jehoshaphat , ezechiah , asa , and josiah , and other good kings commanded , and in that are set forth to all princes as patterns of zeale . . the most pungent argument of our brethren in the contrary is of no weight , because ( say they ) for one to adjoyn himself to the visible church in a profession of the faith , it is a supernaturall worke of grace , and must be voluntary , else the magistrate should compell men to hypocrisie , yea and he should , saith l gregorius de valentia , following cajetanus , indirectly concurre to sacriledge , to profane the holy things of god ; and feare of punishment maketh an action against the will , secundum quid , in some respect , and for the point of supernaturality of professing , m durandus handleth it . now ( i say ) that this is of no weight , because ( as n suarez . saith ) one may be compelled to heare the word , who yet cannot be compelled to beleeve ; so ( say i ) to make such a profession , as may constitute any one a member of the visible church , is no supernaturall act , though there be a morall obligation tying the professours to the supernaturall sincerity of the act , yet there is no essentiall obligation , as touching the essence of a visible member tying him thereunto , and therefore the magistrate may compell thereunto , and so o antonius following p gregorius doe teach that an indirect compulsion to the faith is lawfull ; and the compelling power of the magistrate is terminated upon the profession , not upon the hypocrisie of the profession ; else it were as good an argument to prove that the magistrate by the sword cannot compell subjects to ab●taine from murther , sorcery , perjury ; because many in an hypocriticall and servile manner , for feare of the magistrates wrath , not for feare of god , doe abstaine from these ils , nor is their abstinence from worshipping idols , a thing of it selfe , as the magistrate commandeth it , supernaturall . neither would men by the covenant of the lord , which king asa did cause the people to sweare , to wit , that they should seeke the lord god of their fathers , chron. . . be compelled , so as their seeking of god , should not be willingly performed . . this opinion is the way to arminian liberty of conscience , that men in a christian common-wealth , may be of any religion , and the magistrate is to behold men as an indifferent spectator , not caring what religion they bee of , whether they be papists , jewes , pagans , anabaptists , socinians , macedonians , &c. which should inferre , that the magistrate were no nurse-father of the true church , nor yet a preserver of religion , if men might be of any religion . neither is this the way ( as saith q robinson ) to the papists implicite faith , when men beleeveth , as the church beleeveth , though they know not what it is : nor is it a compelling of men ( as he saith ) to blasphemy , and apparent wickednesse , because the magistrate is not to compell to profession of the truth immediately , and without any foregoing information of the mind ; for the church is to teach and instruct in all the externall acts of worship , before the magistrate doth compell to these acts ; yea and the same r robinson acknowledgeth that jehoshaphat made compulsive lawes about religion . ergo , if he should execute these lawes , he should compell to some acts of religion , and should compell to hypocrisie , as the same mr. robinson argueth against us . . conclus . it is one thing to command acts of divine worship , under the paine of civill punishment , and another thing to punish , or inflict civill punishment , when these commandements are transgressed , christian princes may doe both . and that they doe the latter by gods commandement and warrant is cleare , in that jehu destroyed all the house of ahab for idolatry , and killed baals priests . good josiah killed the priests of the high places , and burnt their bones upon the altar . elias , when the magistrate would not doe his duty , in an extraordinary way , killed baals priests ; and if the magistrate also in the new testament have the sword given to him of god , for the punishing of evill doers , as rom. . , . that same law must now also have force , though in the use of the sword sundry hereticks are here to be distinguished , as . seducing hereticks , drawing others away , from the worship of the true god to idolatry , such are not to be pitied by the magistrate , as deut. . , , . zach. . , , . whereas seduced , and drawne away soules , for simple heresie , cannot be put to death . . hereticks falling away in many particulars from the faith to popery , or other hereticall wayes , are more severely to be punished , then those who are hereticks in one or two fundamentall points onely . and those who are universall apostates , and fall from the christian faith to judaisme and paganisme , deserve no lesse then death . . selfe-condemned hereticks , after sufficient information , and malitious opposers of the truth , deserve harder dealing , then simply seduced hereticks . . all who beleeve blasphemies to be truth , and hold them , are not to be reckoned amongst formall blasphemers , whose malice carrieth them on to raile upon the unspotted wayes of god. . no hereticks having false opinions of god , such as antinomians and libertines , who thinke that the regenerate cannot sinne , or that the worshipping of a creature is not idolatry , can be innocent , as if ●●●mply acts of the judgement and mind not conforme to gods will revealed in his word were not sinnes , ( as arminians teach ) whereas all the faculties of the soule are under gods law. . hardly doth the mind conceive false thoughts of god , or his worship , but there be wicked crookes in the will and affections inclining thereunto the mind , and smoaking the mind with will-guiltinesse . . except god was too rigorous and cruell in the old testament ( god avert such blasphemous thoughts ) what ever punishment even to bloud and death was inflicted upon hereticks , seducing prophets , idolaters , apostates , these same stande yet in the plentitude of morall obligation against such as offend in the new testament , if the magistrate beare the lords sword , as he doth in the new testament , rom. . , . monfortius the anabaptist as s beza saith , had no scripture to say , because christ is a meeke saviour , all corporall punishment inflicted upon hereticks in the old testament , is turned over in spirituall punishment ; onely our brethren who deny that the magistrate can compell any to an externall profession of the gospel , doe herein follow arminians and socinians . so the t re●onstrants , and w episcopius deny that the magistrate can use any bodily punishment against hereticks . the learned x professors of leiden observe that arminians here teach that same with the socinians , and the same is refuted well by y vedelius , yea and gerardus , and z mersnerus , and other pretended disciples of luther in this side with arminians and socinians : and socinians teach in this , . that hereticks should not be molested nor punished with the sword . so a socinus , b theophilus nicolaides , c ostorodius , because the tares are not to be rooted out till harvest . . d episcopius , e slatius amongst arminians , and f ostorodius , and g the catechise of raccovia teach farther , that the magistrate may punish by fines and pecuniall mulcts , but he cannot shed bloud , or punish to death any murtherer , because the commandement of our meeke saviour , doth not permit to take away any mans life ; now it is certaine meeke jesus , while hee was on earth , did neither fine nor imprison , more then put to death . . so●inians teach that all warres under the new testament are unlawfull ; for saith smal●ius , h warres cannot consist with the 〈◊〉 of our enemie , commanded by christ : i socinus and ostorodius say it is an old precept not to shed blood , and never retracted in the new testament , and god licenced it to the jewes , because he promised to them an earthly kingdome , which hee hath not now promised under the new testament . our divines hold ringleading and seducing hereticks are to bee punished to death , for so k beza , l junius , m bucanus , n zanchius , o perkinsius , p daneus , q bullingerus , r the professors of leiden teach . all that can be said commeth to this , that hereticks should not bee punished , . s cyprian saith to demetrius that hee was greater then his gods , because he revenged the wrongs done to his gods , and that it was a shame for him to hope for helpe from the gods which hee behooved to defend . answ. this proveth that the false gods of demetrius were but false gods , because they were not able to revenge the wrongs done to themselves , as the true god , who made the heaven and the earth , can doe , but nothing against the punishing of the hereticks , for then it should follow , that blasphemy against the holy ghost , and no sinnes should bee punished , for all sinnes are injuries done to god , and therefore neither magistrates , nor parents , nor doctors , yea nor the church should use any rod , either corporall or spirituall , against subjects , children , or scandalous persons , because god can revenge his owne quarrell ; yea excommunication is a revenging of a wrong done to god. . they object the apostles way was to watch against hereticks , act. . . . and rom. . . to es●hew them , tim. . . the servant of the lord must bee gentle . answ. this is objected by t gerardus , as also because they may bee converted , ergo , they are not to bee killed , christ would not have fire comming downe from heaven to destroy the sa 〈◊〉 , for afterward they were converted ; but wee thinke not any should be put to death for simple heresie , as u mus●u●us and whittaker teach , they are to bee instructed , censured , x rebuked , eschewed , but though ananias and saphira might bee converted , peter strake them with death , and paul did right in ●iking elymas the sorcerer with blindnesse , act. . because he laboured to turne away sergius paulus from the faith , these were extraordinary judgements , but yet they doe well prove that where the magistrate is armed with authority , hee ought to inflict bodily punishment upon the seducing hereticks , so it hee done as y augustine saith , animo corrigendi , non vindicandi . see z beza , a professors of leyden , and what elias did by an extraordinary power in killing baals priests , that achab the then supreme magistrate should have done . . they object that it is contrary to the meeke spirit of christ in the new testament , that any should bee punished for heresie , and that it is proper to enemies of the truth , and antichrist so to doe , as their b practise declare . nestorius being made archbishop of constantinople , said to the emperour , i will give thee heaven o emperour , if thou with free the earth of hereticks ; dioscorus compelled , with armed souldiers , the bishops to subseribe to the heresie of entyches ; eud●xius the arrian obliged valens the arrian emperour to root out 〈◊〉 orthodox professors . the turke in his alcoran commandeth to kill all who obey not his law . answ. the sword is expressely given by god , rom. . to christian magistrates , and this is not against the meeknesse of christ , no more nor to deliver to satan , or to curse and excommunicate apostats with that great curse called anath●ina maranatha , cor. . . and though hereticks and mahomet teach that hereticks , as also they teach that manslayers , adulterers , paricides should die the death , it followeth not that we are not to teach the same . fourthly , the parable of letting the tares grow , while the day of judgement is alleaged . it is true c chrysostome saith that many innocent persons are killed in the rooting out the tares by bloody warres ; d chrysologus saith , neither matthew the publican , nor paul should have beene comerted , if the sword had beene used , and augustine e seemeth to call the tares haereticorum falsitates , and f theophylact , zizania sunt haereses . but i answer , christ exponeth the tares 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , syriace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g beza , filii illius improbi , h erasmus diaboli , the children of the devill , and theophylact addeth , zizania sunt h●reses , vel malae cogitationes , and gerardus perverteth theophylact , for he extendeth the tares not onely to hereticks , but also to wicked men , to matthew who was a publican , but not a heretick properly . and first the field is the world of the visible church , where the seed of the word is sowne , and it must bee meaned of all scandalous persons in christs visible kingdome , so all shall bee spared , and there shall neither bee use of the magistrates sword , nor of the church discipline in the church , as anabaptists expone the place . . there should not so much as rebukes and threatnings beene used , but wicked men should bee permitted to grow , while the day of judgement , that the angels root them out . now it is knowne that the power of the word preached hath rooted out some tares , because it hath converted them . . hereticks are not all things which offend ; the incestuous corinthian offended also . . onely hereticks are not such as worke iniquitie , there bee others also in the visible church , as our brethren expone , revel . . . nor are onely hereticks to be cast out in the furnace of fire , where there shall bee weeping and gnashing of teeth . . nor are onely the good wheat those who are orthodox and opposite to hereticks , who shall shine as the sunne in the kingdome of their father , p. . . except wee would say that all sound in the faith and holding no hereticall doctrine shall shine in the firmament as the sun. . the casting out of hereticks out of the visible church by excommunication is a rooting of them out of the field of the visible church ; let more of this be seen and considered in those who have written thereof , as in g●rardus , loc . cit . beza de puniend . haeret. bellarm. de laicis , c. . costerus enchirid. de mori●us haereticor . pelr. gregorius , lib. . de repub . c. . suarez . de tripl . virtut . theolog . disp . . sect . . gregorius de valent. 〈◊〉 . . disp . l. q. . punc . . jus canonicum c. quid autem . dist . . meiser . lib. . de legibus , sect . . ● . , , . lipsius l. . 〈◊〉 . c. . co●●d b●unus , l. . de haeretic . c. . paulus windeck . lib. de exs●irpandis haeretic . appendix . a further consideration of compelling , or tolerating , those of contrary religions and sects in the church . wee still hold ( as is already said ) that christian magistrates cannot compell pagans to embrace the christian faith . nor can the church in a church-way compell pagans or jewes comming to remaine amongst us christians , because pagans are to bee gathered to a church , by the preaching of the word , and by that way that the apostles planted churches , which was by the sword of the spirit only , as matth. . , . cor. . . . cor. . , , . but the argument which the a jesuit tannerus , & other papists bring for it , i judge most weake , for they will not have them compelled to the faith , because , . faith is a voluntary and free act , . because it is a supernaturall worke of god , and so they are not under the stroake of the magistrates sword ; for freewill in supernaturall acts is alike uncogible and free from all externall violence , in both those who are baptized professors within the bosome of the visible church , and in pagans ; and the truth is , neither the magistrate nor the church can censine opinions , even erronious in fundamentall points , as they are opinions ; for no societie , no humane authoritie can either judge of , or punish the internall acts of the mind , because as such they are indeed offensive to god , but not offensive or scandalous to either church or commonwealth , and so without the spheare of all humane coercive power : nor is titus , tit. . to rebuke gainesiyers , v. . that they may be sound in the faith , v. . but in so farre as that faith is visible , and as it commeth out of perverse mouthes , which must be stopped , v. . also punishments either civill or ecclesiasticall do no other wayes worke upon the mind and heart , but by a morall & swasory influence , for it is a palpable contradiction , that freewil can physically be compelled , & therefore here ( saith b philip gamacheus ) there is no need of an emperours sword , but of a fishers angle . let it goe then , which is taught as a truth , in this point , by c covarruvias , ( e ) gregori . de valent. e gamacheus , f tannerus , g malderus , that princes have neither from the law of nature , or from any divine law , a coercive power over the faith of pagans ; nor is h scotus in this to bee heard , that the same divine law obliegeth all princes , and the churches , that did lie upon israel to destroy the cansanites . yet may it bee lawfull in some cases indirectly to force them , in their false worship , ( as i molina saith against k alphonsus a castro ) if they kill their innocent children to their false gods , because it is lawfull to defend the innocent ; neither is that to bee regarded , as a sufficient reason that these infants doe not consent , that they should bee defended , because as l malderus saith it is lawfull to hinder a man , who is willing to kill himselfe , from unjust violence against his owne li● . . it is lawfull as saith m aegidius conin k , n lorca , o aquinas , and p cajetanus , to compell pagans to desist from violent impeding of pastors to preach the gospell to some amongst them , who are willing to heare , because in that they are injurious to the salvation of those , who are appointed to bee saved , and doe manifestly hinder the gospels progresse , which the church is ( so farre as is in her power ) to propagate , even as her prayer is , let thy kingdome come . d . nor doe we thinke that princes may compell pagans , who are under their dominions , to the faith , without foregoing information of their conscience , or that simply they may compell them to embrace the faith ; except that here princes have greater libertie , indirectly to force them , because they being now living ( as wee suppose ) in a visible church , they may infect the church , and therefore here should bee an indirect hindering of the exercise of their false religion , in so farre as it is infectious to the church of god , ne pars sincera trahatur : for to this by a certaine proportion the power of excommunication given to the church by christ , may lead us , cor. . . and if wee must live by lawes , and not by examples , q paul the fourth his suffering of the jewes synagogues at rome , and their ancient feasts , which faith r malderus ) of themselves are not evill , is no law to us , yea but s to christians it is a falling from christ , and his grace ; nor is t rome who tolerateth jewith religion , nor the u edict of honorius and theodosius our warrant . . nor can wee beleeve , that no other sinnes , in opinion , concerning god , his nature , attributes , worship and church-discipline , ( except onely such as are against those points , which are called fundamentall , and the received principles of christianitie ) should bee censurable by the church , or punishable by the magistrate . . because jesus christ , mat. . ordaineth that every sin against our brother , or a church , cor. . , . in which the delinquent shall continue , with obstinate refusall to heare the church , should bee censured with excommunication . but there bee divers opinions concerning god , his nature , attributes , worship and church-discipline , which are not against points fundamentall , which being professed are sinnes against our brother and the churches . ergo , many opinions not against points fundamentall , if professed , are censurable by the church , and punishable by the magistrate . i prove the proposition , because christ , matth ▪ . maketh no distinction and exception of any sinne , but saith universally , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if thy brother trespasse against thee , &c. and wee can make no exception against an indefinit and catholick statute , and ordinance of jesus christ. i prove the assumption : because there bee many scandalous points of arminianisme , pelagianisme , of poperic anent church government , traditions , the power and ●fficacie of grace , circumci●ion , forbidding of marriages , and of meates , which are doctrines of devills , comming from such , as have consciences burnt with an hot iron , tim. . , , . many points of anabaptisme , antinomianisme , socinianisme , and of divers other sects are not points fundamentall , because many ( no doubt ) are glorified , who lived and beleeved in christ and died ●gnorant of either opinions , either on the one side or the other , & yet being professed , preached and maintained , especially wilfully and obstinately , do wonderfully scandalize our brethren and the churches . nor can i say that such as beleeve that marriage of churchmen is unlawfull , and defend it , as many holy and learned men in popery did , and died in that error , if otherwise they beleeve in christ , and the like i say of chastising the body , and abstaining from such and such meates , which yet are doctrines of devills , and offensive to our brethren , tim. . , , . can bee points fundamentall , so as the holding of these must bee inconsistent with saving faith . some doe yet maintain that circumcision is lawfull , and yet beleeve all points fundamentall ; shall wee say , that such are damned ? and wee read , gal. . . beh●ld i paul say unto you , that if yee bee circumcised , christ shall profit you nothing . . opinions in points not fundamentall , are either sinnes forbidden by gods law , or they are not sinnes ; the latter can by no reason bee asserted , because god hath in his word determined all controversies not fundamentall , as well as fundamentall , therefore it is necessary , necessitate praecepti , by vertue of a divine precept , that ●ee beleeve that to bee true , what god saith in his word , therefore the not beleeving of it must bee a sinne and a transgression of a divine law. . if it bee no sinne , it must bee because the mind is under no law of god , except in so far as the minde is ruled and led by the dominion of free-will ; but this is pelagianisme and arminianisme , and papists and pelagians will needs examine the inclinations , powers , and motions of the soule , which goe before the wills consent , or arise in us without the wills consent , from all subjection to a law , that so originall sinne may bee no sinne , because ( as p●●agius said ) it is not voluntary , and concupiscence , when the will joyneth no consent to it , is no sinne ; yea so the unbeleefe and ignorance of fundamentall points , as they remaine in the mind , shall bee no sinne . . if this bee no sinne , we are not to pray for illumination , to see either the truth on the one side , nor on the other ; and what actions wee doe according to these opinions , in things not fundamentall , wee doe them not with any certaintie of faith , or any plerophorie , but blindly , or doubtingly , and so sinfully , which is expresly condemned , rom. . . and is expressely against that full assurance of faith , that wee are to have in those very actions , which in their owne nature are indifferent , as is evident , rom. . . i know and am perswaded by the lord jesus , that there is nothing uncleane of it selfe , ● . . let every one bee fully perswaded in his owne mind . . if they be not sinnes , then are none to bee rebuked for these opinions , no more then they are to bee excommunicated for them , and though any erre in points not fundamentall , they are not to bee rebuked , yea nor to bee convinced of them by the light of the word . ( . ) if they bee sinnes , then when they are publickly prosested , they must scandalize our brother , but there bee no sinnes which scandalize our brother , but they are susceptible and in capacitie to bee committed with obstinacie ; every sinne sub ratione scandali , is the subject of church-censure ; yea i●m . . . every one is to bee avoyded , who causeth divisions , and 〈◊〉 es contrary to the doctrine which the church hath learned of the apostles , and every one who walketh disorderly , thess. . . and 〈◊〉 not the commandement of the apostles , is to bee excommunicated , 〈◊〉 hee bee ashamed , v. . but opinions contrary to the apostles doctrine in non-fundamentalls , are not fundamentalls , and if they bee professed , cause divisions and offences contrary to the apostolik doctrine , for many non-fundamentalls are the apostles doctrine . . what ever tendeth to the subversion of fundamentalls , tende●●●● 〈…〉 to the subversion of faith , and so doth much truly scandaliz●an● bring on damnation , that christ hath ordained to be removed out of the church by church-censures : but erroneous opinions , in points not fundamentall , and in superstructures , being professed and instilled in the eares and simple mindes of others , tend to the subversion of fundamentalls , as having connexion , by just consequent , with fundamentalls , and doe scandalize and bring on doubtings about the foundation , and so bring damnation . ergo , erroneous opinions , in points not fundamentall , must be removed out of the church by church-censures . the proposition is cleare , he that falleth in a publicke scandalous sinne is to be delivered to satan , both for his owne sake , that he be not damned himselfe , but that cor. . . to the destruction of the flesh , the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord ; and so also for others , because a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump , v. . the assumption is proved by dayly experience , for corruption in discipline and government in the church of rome , brought on corruption in doctrine , and the same did we find in the churches of scotland and england . . fundamentalls are no other thing , then that which the apostle calleth , heb. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first principles of the oracles of god , and ch . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the doctrine of the principles of christ , which are laid as foundations , as ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not laying the foundation againe , &c. then non-fundamentalls must be such superstructures as are not the first principles of the oracles of god , and are not the doctrine of the principles of christ. but the apostle will not have us to fluctuate and doubt as skeptickes , in a py●rhonian vacillation and uncertainty , in these , which he calleth the superstructures . . as is evident by his words : of whom we have many things to say , and hard to be uttered , but you are dull of hearing . . for when , for the time , yee ought to be teachers , yee have need that one teach you againe , which be the first principles of the oracles of god , and are become such as have neede of milke , and not of strong food . . for every one that useth milke is unskilfull in the word of righteousnesse : for he is a babe . . but strong meate belongeth to them that are of full age , even those who by reason of use , have their senses exercised to discerne both good and evill . chap. . . therefore leaving the doctrine of the beginning of christ , let us goe on unto perfection , not laying againe the foundation of repentance from dead workes , &c. whence it is more then evidently apparent to any intelligent mind . . that when he saith , they ought to be teachers of others , he cannot be thought to meane that they should teach fundamentalls onely to others , because he would have them to be capable of the food of such as are stronger , and have their senses exercised to discerne good and ill , and will have them carried on to perction : now fundamentalls are expressely the foode of babes which b●● neede of milke , c. . v. . and not the foode of the stronger ; if then they ought to teach superstructures , and non-fundamentalls to others , they cannot teach and exhort privately , ( for of such he speaketh ) these things whereof they have no certainty of faith , and which they beleeve with a reserve , as ready to reject them to morrow , upon second thoughts , for what we teach to others , those ( as i conceive ) we are oblieged to speake , because we beleeve . psal. . . cor. . . and those we are to perswade , because we know ( not with a reserve , but with certainty of faith ) the terror of the lord , cor. . . if it be said , teachers now are not oblieged to know all that they teach now to be divine truths , with such a certainty of faith , as prophets and apostles , who were ledde by an infallible spirit : for our private exhorting , our publick sermons come not from a spirit , as infallible as that spirit which spake and wrote canonick scripture , for we may erre in exhorting , in preaching , in writing , but the pen-men of canonick scripture were infallible . i answer , the pen-men of scripture when they did speak and write scripture , were infallible . & de jure , & de facto , they could neither erre actually , and by gods word they were oblieged not to erre , and in that they were freer from error , then we are , who now succeed them to preach and write ; but what god hath revealed in his word , whether they be fundamentalls or superstructures , doth obliege us to belief and certainty of faith , no lesse then it obliegeth the pen-men of scripture ; and our certainty of saving faith , is as infallible as the faith of the prophets and apostles , except with papists we say no man can be assured that he is in the state of grace . if therefore we be oblieged to beleeve all revealed superstructures , though not fundamentall , as the prophets and apostles were , we sinne scandalously ( when obstinacie is added to ignorance ) if we beleeve them with such a reserve as is contrary to faith , and because there is no ignorance of those who teach others , but it is capable of ob●tinacie , and consequently it is capable of church censure , matth. . . i grant the weake and unlearned , though ignorant of their christian liberty , in that interim , and case when many things are indifferent , as the case was , rom. . though they be instructed by paul sufficiently , that nothing is uncleane , and that they erre in that , out of an erring consciences light , or rather darkenesse , they abstain from such and such meates as gods law hath now made lawfull to both jew and gentile , yet are they not to be censured , nor troubled with thorny disputations , but if these weake ones , . persist in their error , and . teach it to others and mislead them , they knowing that they beleeve these errors with a reserve , are ( as i conceive ) false teachers , and censurable by the church and state , and not weake , but obstinate . . we are not to be dull of hearing , but are to be fully instructed , und certainly perswaded so of superstructures , which are not the first principles of the oracles of god , as that we are to teach others . ergo , a pyrrbonian fluctuation in these , is damnable . how then can it be a principle , next to gods word , most to bee followed , not to make our present judgement and practise , in matters not fundamentall , a binding law to us for the future ? . the apostle ought not to rebuke them for being dull of hearing of those things , whereof either sides may be beleeved , in a necessary case of syncretisme and pacification , without any hazard of punishment or church-censures ; for what is a necessary principle , and to be holden and enacted , as the most sacred law of all others , next unto the word of god , the matter of that principle being unknowne , and neither sides understood , received , or beleeved , cannot put on any the rebuke of dull hearing : for example , if the point of presbyteriall government of the church , or of independencie of single congregations , be a point not to be received , with such certainty of faith and assurance , but we are to reject either , or both , when we shall receive new light , that they are false and contrary to the rule of holy scripture ; and againe , if we are to reject the opinion contradicent to these former points of presbyteriall government and independent congregations , for there is by this opinion , the same reason of the contradicent , as of the formerly affirmed opinions ; i see not how i may not be dull of hearing , yea how i may not simply be ignorant of both and not sinne against god. . those superstructures which are not fundamentall , are the strong persons food , as the knowledge of principles fundamentall is the food of babes , vers . , . then i must be perswaded of the truth of them , else they cannot feed my soule with knowledge , because knowledge of pyrrhonian fluctuation , which is conjecturall , and may be no lesse false then true , and which i must so beleeve for truth , as possible the tyde of a contrary light may carry me to beleeve the just contrary as truth , can never be the strong food of such as are skilled in the word of righteousnesse . . the knowledge of these superstructures or non-fundamentals belongeth to those who are of full age , and have their senses exercised to discerne both good and ill , vers . . and which are carried on to perfection , c. . v. . having now left the fundamentals , as food to babes and unskilled , c. . v. . but i heartily crave to learn , what perfection doewe arive unto ? and what encrease of fuller age , what experience of more spirituall knowledge , perfecting the spirituall senses , doe i attaine , to know certaine truths , which to me may be no lesse rotten conclusions , and meere forgeries of mens braines , then divine truths ? hence if this arminian liberty of prophecying , and this perpetuall fluctuation of men alwayes learning , and never comming to the knowledge of the truth ; be contrary to growing in the knowledge of our lord and saviour jesus christ , pet. . . and contrary to that which is called , cor. . . all knowledge , and to the abundance of knowledge , which in the last dayes , is to fill the earth , as the sea is filled with waters ; so that when i have once over-sailed that point of the coast of the knowledge of fundamentall articles , i am now in a sea of foure contrary winds , and foure contrary tydes at once , and i know nothing for truth , but its contradicent may be , yea , and to me is as true , ( i say ) if this fluctuation of knowledge be contrary to growing in knowledge , it must be rejected as a chimera , and the dreame of mens heads . . let us take one point not fundamentall , to wit this , ( every congregation hath absolute power of church government within it selfe , without subjection to classes , presbyteries , and synods ) you are so perswaded of the truth of this , that your present judgement and practice is no binding law to you , for the morrow ; but you leave roome in your judgement to beleeve , to morrow , the contradicent , when new light shall appeare . well then to morrow , this non-fundamentall , and this contradicent is now to you true , ( no congregation hath absolute power of church-government within it selfe , but hath its power in dependance upon , and with subjection unto classes , presbyteries , and synods . ) well , to morrow is come , and this you beleeve now to be gods truth , yet so , as your present judgement , and practice is no binding law to you , for the second morrow , but you leave roome for light , which shall appeare the second morrow ; well , in the second morrow , new light appeareth and convinceth you , that the contradicent is true , and you recurre in a circle , to beleeve your first proposition againe is true , to wit , the contradicent of your second dayes proposition , and now to you this is true , as it was once , ( every congregation hath absolute power of church-government within it selfe , without subjection to classes , presbyteries , and synods : ) now , on the third morrow , a new light appearing , you are to beleeve the contradicent ; and because all circular motions are in credit to be deemed eternall , and your mind is alwayes obliged to stoop and fall downe before new light , and the conscience is to render her selfe captive to every emergent truth : what can you here say but there is no end of fluctuations and doubtings ? but you say , gods spirit , the revealer of all truth , doth not fluctuate , though i change , god jebovah changeth not , he can reveale no contradictory truths , for one of them must be a lie , and he is the lord who cannot lie . answ. then i say , these non-fundamentals are in themselves and intrinsecally certaine , and if god reveale them in his word , he must reveale them under the notion of things certaine , and we are to beleeve them as certaine truths , having intrinsecall necessity in themselves from the authority of god the revealer , therefore i am not to beleeve them with a fluctuation of mind to casheere the truth of them , to morrow , and the next , and the third morrow . but you say , i doe beleeve non-fundamentals as they are revealed , now they are not revealed to me in the word , in that measure and degree of clearnesse and evidence of light , that fundamentall points of faith are revealed , therefore i may lawfully beleeve these non-fundamentals , which are lesse evidently revealed , with a reserve , that , upon the supposall , i see i had an error of judgement in taking them to be truths , whereas now i see them to be untruths , i doe renounce them ; but because fundamentals are clearely revealed , i am to beleeve them , without any reserve at all . answ. the degrees of revelation and proposals of truths to our minds , lesse or more , evident , or lesse evident , so they be revealed by god , in a sufficient measure of evidence , they free us from obligation of faith , in tanto , non in toto , as is cleare , john . . if i had not come to them , they should not have had sinne , the sin of unbeliefe , and in such a measure ; yet if god reveale these non-fundamentals , though not so perspicuously as he revealeth fundamentals , we are obliged to know them and beleeve them with certainty of faith , and upon this formall reason , because jehovah speaketh them in his word , no lesse then we are obliged to know and beleeve fundamentals : for our dulnesse and blindnes of mind doth not licence us to beleeve what god revealeth to us in his word with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a fluctuation of mind , no more then the naturall man is licenced to beleeve the fundamentals of the gospel with doubting , because they come in under the capacity of his understanding , as foolishnesse , cor. . . but , say you , upon supposall that our darkened hearts doe not see these non-fundamentals clearely , we are obliged to take their meaning and sense , with a reserve , and so to receive and entertaine the truths of these non-fundamentals , as we leave roome , upon supposall of our misapprehensions , to retract our judgement , and to beleeve the contrary of what we once beleeved , and this bindereth not but that we are simply and absolutely obliged to beleeve the non-fundamentalls . answ , if we be simply and absolutely obliged to beleeve non-fundamentals , though they be not so clearely revealed to us as the fundamentals , as no doubt we are , then doe we contrary to the morall obligation of a divine precept , and so sinne in beleeving , with a doubting and hesitation , of that which god hath revealed in his word : and when we beleeve gods truth with a reserve to retract our judgement , when a cleare light shall make naked to us our error , that revealed error , if revealed to be an error , by the lord speaking in his word , doth clearely evince that god never revealed , nor meant to reveale in his word , the former truth that was beleeved with a reserve , for god cannot reveale things contradictory , and out of the mouth of the lord commeth no untruth : therefore god in these non-fundamentals revealeth to us but one thing to be beleeved , and that absolutely without all reserves , for god can no more shine with a new light , to delare the contradicent of what he hath once revealed as truth , then he candeny himselfe , or lie ; which to assert were high blasphemy : and if the first truth of the non-fundamentall doe onely appeare truth to our understanding , and be no such thing , but in it selfe an untruth , then doth the god of truth reveale no such thing . . upon supposall that we see not the truth of these non-fundamentals clearly , we are neither to beleeve with a reserve , nor to beleeve them absolutely , nor yet are we to suspend our beliefe , because i conceive all the three to be sinfull , and we are never obliged to sinne , but we are obliged to know and beleeve simply without all reserve , having laid away our darke and confused conscience , and are to know clearely and beleeve firmely that god speaketh this , not this in his word ; nor , because i doe fluctuate about the truth of these non-fundamentals , am i obliged to follow in non-fundamentals the endictment of a fluctuating conscience , seeing holding the plenitude and plenary perfection of gods word , the lord hath no lesse manifested his will , in setting downe superstructures and non-fundamentals , in his word , then he hath revealed his mind to us in fundamentals . but our brethren prove that we may tolerate one another in diverse and contrary opinions about non-fundamentals , from phil. . . let us therefore , as many as be perfect , be thus minded : and if in any thing yee be otherwise minded , god shall reveale this unto you . . neverthelesse , whereunto we have already attained , let us walke by the same rule , let us mind the same thing . now there is nothing more opposite to this rule , then the practises of some , who will exclude and allow communion in nothing , where there is difference in anything . the labours of davenant and others in this needfull case of syncretisme and pacification in those times are very seasonable . i answer , i distinguish three things that may be judged the object of syncretisme or mutuall toleration . . fundamentalia , fundamentall points . . supra & circa fundamentalia , things that are builded on the foundation or superstructures , or things about the foundation , as many positive and historicall things that cannot result by good consequence off , or from the foundation , as that there were eight soules in noahs arke , and some rituals of gods institution in the sacrament of the supper and baptisme , &c. . praeter fundamentalia , things meerely physicall , not morall , having no influence in gods worship at all ; as such a day for meeting of an assembly of the church , wednesday rather then thursday ; a cloake when you pray in private , rather then a gowne ; these have , or contribute of themselves no morall influence to the action , as in what corner of your chamber you pray in private , these are meerely indifferent , and tolerance in these i would commend . it is true , there is a strict connexion often betwixt the physicall and the morall circumstances , so as the physicall circumstance doth put on , by some necessity , a morall habitude and respect , and then the physicall circumstance becommeth morall , as in what corner of your chamber you pray , it is meerely physicall and indifferent , but if that corner that you pray in , cast you obvious to the eyes of those who are walking in the streets , that they may see and heare your private prayers , then the place putteth on the morall respect of a savour of some pharisaicall ostentation , that you pray to be seene of men ; and so the circumstance now is morall , and is to be regulated by the word , whereas the circumstance that is meerely physicall is not , as it is such , in any capacity to receive scripturall regulation , nothing is required but a physicall convenience for the action . now for fundamentall superstructures , for things about the foundation , in so farre as they have warrant in the word , to me they oblige to faith and practises , in so farre as the lord intimateth to us in his word , either expressely , or by good consequence , that they are lawfull . now i may adde to these , that there be some things adjacent , circumvenient , circumstantiall to these fundamentals , superstructions , and others that i named , wherein mutuall tolerance is commendable ; nor doe we thinke any church reformation so perfect as that reformers have not left it in some capacity more or lesse of receiving increase and latitude of reformation ; but truely i doe not see the consequence , that therefore in all points not fundamentall the conscience must be of that compliable latitude of kid-leather to take in , and let out , so as none of these superstructures or non-fundamentals are to be beleeved but with a reserve , that you take them to day as gods truths , and are in capacity to beleeve their contradicents to be gods truth to morrow . and for the place , phil. . . . the sense given by zanchius pleaseth me . we that are reputed perfect , let us all think and mind this truth that i write , to contend for the price of the high-calling of god ; and if any mind any other thing contrary to , or diverse from my doctrine , god in his owne time shall reveale it to him . zanchius saith , deus id quoque revelabit suo tempore , nempe an falsum sit vel verum . god shall reveale it to him in his owne time , whether it be true or false : to which part i doe not subscribe ; that god shall reveale to any other minded then paul , whether his doctrine be true or false , for that may inferre a possibility that paul taught in this point , or in the matter of ceremonies , something false : but the meaning is , god shall make him know by the revelation of truth , that what i have taught is true ; and he addeth as zanchius , estius , cornelius à lapide , s●lmeron , yea our owne calvine , marlorat , and others , upon this condition , that they walke with us in peace and concord , according to the 〈◊〉 the gospel : and that these words are a condition , i beleeve , because christ saith , john . . if any man will doe his will , he shall know of the doctrine whether it be of god , or whether i speake of my selfe . but i see nothing here that reacheth the conclusion that we deny ; it will beare this indeed , if any man be otherwise minded , and thinke that paul hath not delivered sound doctrine , either concerning our pressing forward toward the prise of the high calling of god in jesus christ , or concerning ceremonies ; that is , if any man beleeve untruths contrary to pauls doctrine , let him beleeve these untruths , leaving roome to gods light , to bow downe under truths feet , when god shall reveale that pauls doctrine is true , and that his thoughts diverse from pauls doctrine was misapprehensions and errours ; but there is nothing here , that if any beleeve true non-fundamentals , he is to beleeve them with a reserve , that if god , with a new light , shall appear , to discover these truths to be untruths , he shall change his mind . now the supposition is vaine , and as unpossible , as to say , god can contradict and belie his owne truth , nor is there any word of toleration of sects in the text . yea , but ( say they ) paul professeth to walke according to the rule to which they 〈◊〉 all attained , with those who are contrary minded . ergo , we are to tolerate and to keepe peaceable communion with those who are contrary minded in opinions , and disagree from us . answ. marke , i pray you , that paul doth not say he will walke with them , and keepe communion with them simply ; but onely , . while god shall reveale their error , and by his light make them see that pauls doctrine is true . . so in other things , they be of one minde with paul , as perfect men should be : and so i thinke paul doth indeed condemne separation and breach of love for diversity of opinions in some things ; and we doubt not , but if the servant of the lord should with gentlenesse instruct malicious opposers of the truth , and wait on them to see , if god , peradventure , will give them repentance , to the acknowledgment of the truth , tim. . , . farre rather should paul walke with those that are perfect according to the same rule , though they be of another mind ; but it followeth not that those who are of another mind from paul , should , obstinately continue in that mind , after that god hath by writings and dispute convinced them of their error . . it followeth not that their ob●tinate continuance in their error should alwayes be tolerated , and never censured , especially if it be such an error as causeth divisions and offences , rom. . . for then such should be avoided , saith paul , in that same place . . it followeth not that we are to beleeve no superstructures or non-fundamentals , but with a reserve : it is observable that paul speaketh here of those who beleeve errors and doctrines contrary to pauls doctrine ; now consider then the force of the argument , those who beleeve errors contrary to pauls doctrine , have no certainty of faith , that what they beleeve is true , and therefore must beleeve with a reserve , leaving roome to new light ; therefore those who beleeve any true superstructures and any non-fundamentals , have also no certainty of faith , but must beleeve with a reserve , that when light shall appeare , they shall beleeve the contradicent of what they now beleeve , there is no force in this connexion . it is just like the question betwixt us and the papists , whether a man can be certaine with any divine and infallible certainty that he is in the state of grace and salvation . papists say hypocrites beleeve that they are in the state of grace , and yet they have no certainty thereof , ergo , ( say they ) the regenerate beleeving that they are in the state of grace , can have no certainty . this is a very ill consequence , for a sleeping man is not certaine whether he be dreaming or waking . ergo , a waking man knoweth not whether he be waking , or not . so a distracted man hath no certainty that he is as wise as seven men who can render a reason ; therefore a man sober in his wits knoweth not that he is in his sober wits : these be poore and loose consequences . it is true , when we beleeve some alterable circumstances of some things rather about , then in doctrine and discipline , which are disputable , and to us both sides have great probability , we have not certainty of faith , and possible here in our opinions learned and holy men ; yea and whole churches may looke beside their booke , and be deceived ; and these we take not to be the subject of a sworne confession of faith , and here we grant a [ non liquet ] on both sides , and doe allow some graine weights of reserve to persons and churches , to retract in those things : but hence it is badly concluded that we beleeve these non-fundamentals of discipline , for which we have certainty of evidence from gods word , with a reserve , and with a loosnesse of assent and credulity to beleeve the contrary to morrow ; for so the same argument should militate against the certainty of faith in some fundamentals : for a person , yea any particular church may erre in denying the resurrection of the dead , as some did in the church of corinth ; and christs disciples , though true beleevers , doubted of his rising from the dead , john . . peter and the disciples doubted of christ dying for the losed world , mat. . , . luke . , . and because any true beleever may fall in that temptation and weaknesse , as to deny all the articles of faith , taken divisively , for they may deny this or this article fundamentall , ( though i doe not thinke a regenerated person can deny the whole systeme and body of fundamentals collectively ) it shall follow by this argument that regenerated persons and particular churches are to beleeve some fundamentals with a reserve , and keeping roome for light to beleeve the contrary , and so if this argument be good , wee have no certainty of faith in beleeving any one fundamentall article its alone . nor can nathan or samuel have certainty of faith in beleeving their owne prophecies flowing from the immediate inspiration of the spirit ; but they are to beleeve them with a capacity to receive the faith of the contradicent prophecies , because nathan had no certainty of faith in commanding david to build the temple ; and samuel had as little certainty in pronouncing eliah to be the lords annoynted . another doubt against this is , that if any , out of weaknesse and meere tendernesse of conscience , deny some superstructures , which are indeed scripturall truths , they are not to be counted hereticks , because out of weaknesse , not out of obstinacy they erre , nor to be censured with excommunication or censures of church or magistrate , and therefore in these we are to beleeve truths , with a reserve , and to tolerate the contrary minded , if they agree with us in fundamentals . answ. that this may be answered , . the object of these opinions would be distinguished . . the persons , weak or strong . . the manner of refusing instruction , or of admitting light , of meere weaknesse , or of obstinacy . for the first , if the matter be faultlesse or light , as eating meats or not eating meats , in time when they are meerely indifferent , and the person weake and scarce capable of disputation , he is to be tolerated , and not received into knotty and thorny disputations , about things indifferent : for so paul rom. . is to be understood , when he will not have the weake taken in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so michael strove with the angel disputing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : if the matter concerne an institution of christ , and our necessary practise in a church , and the party be not weake . it is a question what maketh obstinacy , and what tendernesse and weaknesse , a turrecremata saith , he who is ready to yeeld to light , is not obstinate , b scotus , grosse ignorance , c canus saith , affected ignorance maketh obstinacie , d malderus saith that grosse ignorance may leave a man ready to yeeld to the information of the church , e alphonsus a castro saith better , he is obstinate who . defendeth an opinion against the scripture , or , saith he , ( which is his error ) against the definition of a generall councell , or of the pope . . who being admonished doth not amend . . who seeketh not resolution from the learned , with a purpose to render himselfe truths captive . . who sweareth that he shall adhere to the end , to that opinion . by the light and knowledge of the holder of the opinion , it may be collected whether he seeketh truth , and is ready to yeeld himselfe and his understanding thereunto : and except the point be fundamentall , it can hardly be judged heresie : if the point may be holden without any scandall , or breach of peace , much tolerance is required where error seemeth to be a temptation to holy men , but finall tolerance , and unlimitted , where the party is of great knowledge , and hath sway in the minds of many , to prevaile to draw others after him , is harder . object . but hee that serveth god in these is acceptable to god , rom. . . and if a man judge some doctrine to bee error , though it bee no error , yet to him that so judgeth it is error ; if hee suffer death for that hee judgeth truth , hee suffereth for righteousnesse , being truth in his judgement , and therefore libertie of conscience is to bee given to all sects ; christ would not forbid a man that preached in his name , to preach , though hee did not follow him , mark. . . luk. . . the best way to hinder sects is to re●ute them by the scriptures , and not to set decrees of synods to others , because that is done already by christ and his apostles ; for gods judgement shall still bee on you , while you establish christs jubilee , and freedome of consciences , luke . . answ. let none thinke that these bee the words of our brethren , but of a certaine anabaptist , and of arminians and socinians who object the same ; for paul , rom. . . hee that serveth god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to bee understood ( as the context teacheth us ) that is , that they relate the words going before , v. . hee who serveth god in righteousnesse , in peace , in joy of the holy ghost , the meaning is not that hee is acceptable who serveth god in following the inditement of his light and conscience , because it is his conscience , for then some should please god in sinning against god. but it is a point worthy our consideration , what tie and obligation an erroneous conscience layeth on men : hence with correction these considerations . . the true cause why an erring conscience obliegeth to abstinence from the fact in the case of error and misrepresentation of conscience , is , . because conscience is the nearest divine principle of our morall actions , and standeth in the roome of god , and therefore hee who doth any thing against the very erroneous ditement of conscience , is hence convinced to have a perverse will to sinne against the majestie of god , because hee who should beleeve usury to bee theft , ( though we should suppose with calvin and other great divines usurie to bee in some cases lawfull ) should yet take usury , hath a the●teous will in that , and doth steale . . because the oblieging law of god is not applyed to our actions at all , but by the interveening actuall use of our conscience ; see f pirerius . . consideration in the question , whether an erroneous conscience doth obliege a man , or no. it is taken for a thing out of controversie , yea that this is no question at all , whether or no doth an erroneous conscience so bind , that we can doe nothing against the standing enditement of an erring conscience : for the scripture is cleare in this , rom. . . i know and am perswaded by the lord jesus , that there is nothing ( of meat-kind now under the gospel ) uncleane ( or unlawfull to eat ) of it selfe , but to him that esteemeth any thing to bee uncleane , ( in the light of his il-informed and erroneous conscience ) to him ( so thinking ) it is uncleane , that is , to this man now under the actuall darknesse and errour of an ill-informed conscience it is not lawfull to eat , but hee must abstaine from eating , not simply from eating , but from eating , ●●li modo : so all who have commented on the place , calvin , beza , par●us , rollocus , &c. and of the fathers , all who either commented on , or handled the text occasionally , as theodoret , chrysostome , basilius , augustine , cyprian , ambrose , origen , anselm , all the popish writers , lyra , hugo cardinalis , aquinas , toletus , pirerius , estius , cornelius a lapide , &c. yea g adrianus , h vasquez , i pezantius , say it is manifestly against the scripture , and hereticall to say , it is no sinne to doe contrary to the commandement or prohibition of an erring conscience . . hence the conscience carrieth to the agent from god a twofold obligation most considerable here ; . one from the action it selfe to be done , or not done ; and this commeth wholly from the oblieging law of god , and not from the conscience : there is another obligation that consisteth not in the action , and commeth not from the action , but in the manner of doing , and this obligation commeth from conscience it selfe , and that is that we doe nothing , in such a manner , that is against the light or inditement of our conscience : for this is an imbred rose & flower of divinifie and majestie that groweth kindly out of conscience according to that high place of some sort of royaltie , that it hath to bee something of god , a little breast-god , a little deputie and judge not to bee contemned ; so when a proconsull bringeth to mee a forged commandement from my soveraigne and prince , i may receive it with non-obedience , if i know it to bee a forgery , but i am not to despise and put any note of disgrace upon the proconsull , be cause hee is in respect of his office the deputie of my soveraigne , though in this particular mandat , hee doth prevaricate , and not represent the soveraigne power and prince , whose deputie otherwayes he is , by vertue of his office ; so is this the deputed royaltie of conscience , that it standing to me , bic & nunc , as representing a message from god , though it represent it falsely , that i can doe nothing in the contrary , that deputry and message standing actually in vigor . . i desire that these two obligations of conscience bee carefully kept in mind ; hence i say , that conscience carrying the former obligation of gods law , from which formally the action hath its lawfulnesse , and in an eccentrick and irregular discrepance from which , it hath its unlawfulnesse , it doth not obliege mee to the action , because it is conscience simply ; for when it offereth an action to mee as lawfull , which in very deed , and a parte rei , in it selfe is unlawfull , i am not oblieged to that unlawfull action : for as god hath given to no ruler made of clay , any royall power to bee a tyrant and to destroy , where as his office is as a father to save and governe ; so hath not god given to conscience any power to obliege me to sinnes ; yea and conscience remaineth conscience , when it representeth forged and illegall mandates under the notion of things good , even when men love to goe to hell by reason , yet in that false representation conscience is not gods deputie ; therefore though if a man judge some doctrines to bee errors , though they bee in themselves truths , to him that so judgeth they are errors , yet are these truths not to bee rejected simpliciter and absolutely , by him who judgeth so , ony they are to be rejected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in some respect as they come in under the notion and garments of errors ; & also , if any suffer death for an error which in conscience he conceiveth to be truth , that error is to him truth . distinguo : it is to him truth , that is ; he conceiveth and dreameth that it is truth ; that is most true : but to him it is truth , that is , it ought to bee beleeved by him as truth , and practised as lawfull ; that is most false : for it ought to bee rejected both in point of beleefe , and in point of practise , and the erroneous opinion thereof should bee rejected , and therefore if hee receive it as truth , and professe it , and die for it , hee dieth not for righteousnesse sake , but hee dieth for errour , and for the dreames of his owne head , and so is not blessed as one who dveth for righteousnesse ; for this vaine reason saith , . that it is no sinne for the mind to beleeve a lie , to bee a divine truth : and it is righteousnesse upon the beleefe , whereby i beleeve a lie to bee a truth , to suffer for a lie under the notion of a truth . both these are false : the former is false , for the mind is under gods oblieging law to conceive aright of all divine truths , as all the faculties of the soule are under a law. . the latter is false , for to beleeve lies as divine truths , and suffer for them , because the erring conscience saith they are divine truths , is not righteousnesse , but sinfull credulity , and blind zeale . . because wee are not to beleeve what our conscience dictateth as truth , under this formall reduplication , because our conscience thus doth dictate , and saith it is truth , but because gods spirit saith to our conscience , it is a divine truth ; not because our owne spirit and our owne dreaming and mis●ed conscience saith so . this is the controversie betwixt us and papists , anent the authoritie of gods word , but with a little change , for our conscience or the testimony of our conscience as such , is no more the formall object of our faith , and the formall medium and reason why with a divine faith i beleeve a divine truth to bee a divine truth , then the testimony of the church or the pope is the formall reason of my faith ; so an ●baptists make a pope and an infallible spirit of their owne conscience : but the whole formall obligation tying mee to receive this , and this point as a divine truth , is because god hath revealed it in his word ; the consciences representing of it is but a necessary condition of my beleeving , but not the formall object of my beleeving : the conscience is the cause why i beleeve it , tali modo , after a rationall way , and by the evidence of practicall reason , but it is not the formall cause why i beleeve it simpliciter ; for papists , arrians , macedonians , and the most detestable hereticks have consciences representing to them fundamentall truthes , as lies and untruths , and have died for these lies , did they suffer for righteousnesse for that ? and yet to their judgement that which they suffered for was truth . all the legall obligation is here from gods law , not from our conscience . arminians , socinians , anabaptists imagine that our conscience is the nearest rule of our actions , which is most false ; our present judgement is never a binding law to us for the time to come , no not when we beleeve fundamentalls ; gods word , because it is gods word , is a binding law onely ; our judgement is regula regulata , and not regula regulans , to be led , and not a leading or binding law to us ; for conscience , because conscience , is no more a pope to us , then the dictates of the bishop of rome speaking out of his chaire , can captivate the conscience of any man ; and malderus g holdeth that our opinion is a law , according to h ambrose , and hee correcteth himselfe , and saith our opinion or conscience ( non tam legem esse , quam legis quaddam praeconium , promulgationem , insinuationem ) is not so much the law of god , as the promulgation of gods law : but hee addeth , ( which maketh the businesse as bad ) and saith , promulgatio legis recte dicitur obligare ; but the truth is , the promulgation of the law doth not obliege , for who can say that the law hath an oblieging power from the herald his act of proclaiming , reading or declaring the law ? the promulgation of the law is an approximation of it to the understanding of the people , but the law of man hath its oblieging power from the honesty of the matter of the law , and it hath its obligation to punishment not from the herauld , but from the authoritie of the law-giver . and our conscience doth onely promulgate gods oblie●ing law , but it layeth not on us the oblieging power , except wee speake of an oblieging power in the manner of receiving and beleeving the law of god , that is , ( as i said ) that wee receive not as a truth what god proposeth as an untruth , or that wee receive not as a lie , what god proposeth as spoken by himselfe , for that is to receive truths against the light of our conscience . and when ambrose calleth our opinion an obliging law , he speaketh ( as augustine often doth ) of the law of nature , which is that habituall opinion naturall that wee have of right and wrong , or of the ●aw written in our heart . i would not here distinguish betwixt ( recta ratio ) right reason , and ( vera ratio ) true reason , for some make right reason the nearest rule of our actions , so as the action is lawfull , it our conscience perswade to it , though the action swa●ve and decline from gods law , for to mee reason is never right which is not true and agreeable to gods law. it is objected , if one shall beleeve it is lawfull to kill a protestant king , because it is good service in god , to kill a heretick ; ( as there bee good store of consciences of this mettall amongst the nation of jesui●es ) if hee kill him not bee sinneth against god , because be sinneth against the light of his conscience by the sinfull omitting of good service to god , and if bee kill him 〈◊〉 sinneth also in committing murther , both against the sixt commandement , and also against the fist , which commandeth to honour kings ▪ out of which it must follow that either an erring conscience , because it is conscience , obliegeth us to doe that , which because wee doe it , in obedience to an erring consceence , now leaveth off to bee sinne to the actor under this condition of conscience ; or then that there may bee such a perplexitie wherein a man by way of contradiction , whether hee doe such ●n all , or doe it not , is necessitated by gods providence to sinne , which absurdity shall make god the author of sinne . answ. there is no necessitie by way of contradiction , that a man thus perplexed must sinne , whether hee doe or not doe such anaction : for i give easily a third case different from both , for such a perplexed jesuite is neither oblieged to kill the prince , nor yet to abstaine from killing in such a perplexed manner ; but hee is oblieged not to kill the lords annointed , tali modo : hee is oblieged to abstinence , but not to abstinence tali modo , such a way , for hee is oblieged to lay aside his erroneous and hereticall conscience , and so to abstaine from killing with a well informed conscience : for no man is brought under a lawfull perplexitie to sinne , but men may bring themselves under sinfull perplexities of conscience , which is not to bee fathered upon the holy lord , who hateth sinne with a perfect hatred . i answer to the places , mark. . . and luk. . they be manifestly corrupted , for the man who cast out devills in christs name , and followed not christ , was not a man who followed the light of an erroneous conscience , who thought it service to god to cast out devills in christs name , and not to follow christ ; for hee was not oblieged to follow christ as the disciples followed him , except he had had the same command to follow christ that the apostles had , which wee read not of ; nay it is most like if it had beene the error of his conscience not to follow christ , then should christ have rebuked it , but christ did not rebuke it in the man , but directly insinuateth , v. . that the man was with christ , and a spirituall follower of christ , though hee did not in such a bodily way follow christ , as did judas and the eleven ; and it was the fault of the disciples to tie all the duties of a disciple , casting out devills in christs name , to a bodily following of christ , which was their pride . . it is a good way , to refute sects , and erroneous opinions by scriptures , and so is it a good way to convince an incestuous man of the hainousnesse of his sinne by scriptures , and to convince hymeneus and alexander of their blasphemous opinions by scripture , for scripture layeth open the vildnesse of sinnes and here●es : but it doth not follow , therefore it is not also a good way to deliver incestuous persons , and blasphemets to satan , that the spirit may bee saved in the day of the lord , and that they may learne not to blaspheme , cor. . . tim. . . preaching of the word is one meane to beare downe sects and erroneous opinions , but it taketh not away , but establisheth church-discipline as another meane , and the one is subordinate to the other : if matth. . an offending brother can bee convinced and brought to repentance by the power of the word ( as all rebukes must bee from the word ) it is good , but if he remaine obstinate in his offence , christ will have the man excommunicated , and esteemed a heatben and a public●n . . it is a vaine thing to say that god hath refuted all here●●s in the word , and therefore there is no need of synods to refute them , and to make determinations on the contrary , for it was certaine that the word of god had refuted the necessitie of circum●ision and of observing moses his law , as peter , james , paul , act. . doe strongly prove from the word of god and the word of god condemned the eating of things strang●●● , and of things sacrificed to idolls in the case of scandall ; therefore none of sound judgement will inferre that the determination of a synod , such as is act. . . is not necessary ; yea because the bookes of moses condemned the sadduces in their epicurith opinion of denying the resurrection of the dead , i hope it is not for that superfluous for christ out of moses his writings to determine and prove , matth. . that the dead must ●i●c againe ; you may by as good reason say , nothing should bee determined in preaching , nor in writings , because all these are already determined in the word , by the lord , his prophets and apostles : this shall close evert all ministery , ( as s●inians doe ) especially now after the cannon of the scripture is closed , for they use the same very arguments against the necessitie of a ministery , because now the gospell is fully revealed , there is no necessitie of a sent ministery , as was in the apostles time : so teach a andr. raddeccius , b smalcius , and c the arminians . and lastly , it is a vild abusing of scripture to say that the accept th●e yeare of the lord , of which christ speaketh , luk. . , ● . is that jubilee yeare of libertie of conscience to all sects of papists , arminians , socinians , anabaptists , &c. . because a libertie of hereticall and blasphemous opinions of god , his nature , worship , and word , cannot bee the acceptable yeare of the lord which christ as mediator came to proclaime , esa. . . for that is licence , not libertie ; christs acceptable yeare , fsiy . is the spirituall jubilee of remission of sinnes , and eternall redemption proffered in the gospel , and really bestowed upon the meeke , the broken hearted , the captives , the prisoners , the mourne●s in zi●n , and those whom christ is sent to comfort , and to clothe with the garments of praise ; but hee is not sent to comfort macedonians , sabellians , papists , socinians , &c. because they are sectaries , and doe adhere to their rotten and false grounds of divinitie ; for then libertie of conscience should have beene a mercy purchased by christs death , and arius should obtaine by christs death a power to bee an arian , and to deny the divinitie of jesus christ. . in the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ultio , a revenging , is an allusion to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 naeham , consolatus est , for this yeare was to the beleevers nechama , or consolation , and to unbeleevers nekama , a revenge or a vengeance , which cannot sort with sectaries . . the acceptable yeare is as paul expoundeth it , cor. . . the acceptable time of the gospell , and the day of salvation , and as d hugo cardinalis expoundeth it well , the time of the fulnesse of grace under the gospel , and that which is called , esay . . the day of salvation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratson , the day of good will ; and so e beda , f toletus , g cyrillus , h and the jesuit salmeron and i glossa ordinaria expoundeth it faith and salvation , k procopius the day of the lords incarnation , as l hieronymus expoundeth the day of vengeance opposit thereunto , to bee the day of damnation ; and m lyra the yeare of christs suffering , in which christ is pleased with mankind . quest. iii. whether the jesuited lysimachus nicanor , and the author of the survey of discipline , doth with good reason impute ●● the church-government of the reformed churches , the eversion of the 〈◊〉 magistrates power ●n matters ecclesiasticall ? there came to the light of day , a night-peece of darkenesse , anno . a pamphlet by one lysimachus nicanor , acting the person of a ●esuite , but better resembling ● is nature , against our blessed reformation , imputing to us treason to kings , as the popish author of the survey had ledde the poore man : a both of these , as jesuites , doe raile against calvin , beza , and the geneva-discipline , as becanus , suarez , uasquez , bellarmine , gre●serus , and other their doctors and teachers doe leade them . that i may adde to what i have said before , i desire the reader to eye and consider these distinctions . . b paraeus teacheth that there is a double church-power , one internall and proper , as to preach , hinde , and loose , to administrate the sacraments , &c. this is not in the prince : and there is another improper and externall , which is exercised about church-matters , and church-officers : and this distinction is grounded upon that saying of constantine the emperour to the bishops , as c eusebius relateth it . . an externall power about matters ecclesiasticke is three-fold . . a power of order and jurisdiction about the externall , or rather in the externall acts of the church , which are visible and incurreth in the 〈…〉 , as to preach , baptize , and these , ( as saith that learned and d worthy preacher at middleburgh , guliel . apollonii ) doe properly pertaine to the spirituall and proper church-government , and without controversie doe not belong to the prince . . a power externall about church-matters , which is objective , in respect of the object , sacred or ecclesiastick , but improperly , and by a 〈◊〉 enely ecclesiasticke , and essentially and in it selfe politick , such as we hold to be the magistrates power in causing church-men doe their duty in preaching sound doctrine , and administrating the sacraments , ●cording to christs institution , and punishing hereticks and false teachers . . some have devised a mixed power ecclesiastick , ( as henric. e salcobrigiensis ) whereby the prince is the head of the church , and hath a nomotheticke , and legislative power , in things ecclesiasticall : and this is not onely objective in respect of the object ecclesiasticall , but also subjective in respect of the subject , ecclesiasticall , in respect that the prince by vertue of his civill office , as a king may ordaine prelats , and make lawes in church-matters . distinction . . there is a twofold power in a king , one in a king as a king , this is alike in all , and ordinary , regall , coactive ; whether the king be a heathen , a turke , or a sound beleeving christian . there is another power in a king , as such a king , either a king and a prophet also , or as a propheticall king : and this extraordinary power was in solomon and david , to write canonicke scripture , and to prophecie , and is not properly a kingly power : or there is in a king as such a king , even as a christian beleeving king , an other power ordinary indeede , but it is not a new regall power , but potestas executiva , a power or a gracious hability to execute the kingly power that he had before as a king ; so christianity addeth no new kingly power to a king , but onely addeth a christian power to use , inlarge , and dilate the kingly power , that he had before . distinction . the magistrate as a magistrate is a politicke head and ruler of the common-wealth , but as a christian he is a member of the church . . the kings power as king in things ecclesiasticke , is not servi●e and meerely executive , as the churches servant , to put their decrees in execution , but it is regall , princely and supreame . . the object of the kings power is not simply a peaceable life , and externall peace of humane societies , but also honesty and godlinesse , but to be procured by a civill , politicke , regall and coactive way , by the sword of the secular arme , as the object of the church power is honesty and godlinesse to be procured by a ministeriall , ecclesiasticall , and spirituall power , without any forcing of men by externall power . . the end of kingly power , de jure , by gods right and divine law , exintentione dei approbativâ , is godlinesse , but the end of kingly power according to its essence , and de facto , is a quiet life , though it attaine not godlinesse , as it doth not attaine that end , nor can it attaine it , amongst pagans , and yet there is a kingly power in its essence , whole and intire amongst pagans , where there is no godlinesse , or christian religion . . there is in heathen kings a regall and kingly power to establish christian religion and adde regall sanctions to christian synods , though there neither is , nor can be , during the state of heathen paganisme , any christian religion there ; this power is essentially and actu primo , regall , yet as concerning execution , it is vertuall onely . . there is a difference betwixt a royall command under the paine of 〈◊〉 punishment , with a royall power to punish the contraveners 〈◊〉 ecclesiasticke , and a nomotbeticke power to make church lawes ; 〈…〉 hath the former power , but not the latter . . if the royall power be of that transcendent and eminent greatnesse , as to make lawes in all things , belonging to church 〈◊〉 , and so as f camero must be heard , saying , that the ●ing is the supreame ruler , and church-men be as servants , and instruments under him , and doe all in the externall government of the church by vertue of the kings supreame authority , the king is not much honoured by this ; for they must say that the king in the physitian giveth dregs to the sicke , in the plow-man laboureth the earth , in the fashioner seweth and s●a●eth garments , whereas paraeus g who without reason also giveth to the prince a nomothetick power in church-matte●s , doth except some things that the prince cannot doe , sometimes for want of right and law , other sometimes for want of knowledge , sometimes because it is against the dignity of his majesty , as in sordid and base arts . . the power of governing the church of the jewes , though it was ordinarily in the priesthood , the sonnes of aaron , whose ●ippes did preserve , ex officio , knowledge , mal. . yet as the prophets were raised up by god , extraordinarily to teach , they 〈◊〉 by that same extraordinary power did governe , and therefore though the kings of israel were not priests , yet without doubt some of them were prophets , and as prophets they did prophecy , and as prophets determine many things of government , by that same extraordinary power by which some of them , to wit david , and solomon , did prophecy , and pen ca● ni●k scripture . . there is one consideration of abuses and heresies manifestly re 〈◊〉 to gods word , and another of those things that are ordinar● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the former there is no neede of the churches ministeriall power of condemning them , and therefore ezechias , jos●as , asa , ●●osaphat , did manifestly by the light of nature , and gods word 〈◊〉 abuses , and idolatry in gods worship without the churches 〈◊〉 , seeing the church representative was guilty of these cor 〈◊〉 us themselves ; but in the latter , seeing the kings place is to com 〈◊〉 and compell by externall force and bodily punishments , and it is the churches part to teach , inserme , binde , and loose , therefore the king can make no church canons . hence our first conclusion . the christian magistrate as a christian is a member of the church , but as a magistrate he is not formally a member or part of the church . . because he is neither a pastor , doctor , elder , nor deacon , as is cleare to any , for these offices were compleate in the church without the magistrate , ephes. . . else christ ascending to heaven should have given kings , for the edifying of his body ; neither is hee as a magistrate a part of the company of beleevers . . because then all magistrates as magistrates should bee professors of the faith , which is knowne to bee false . . because the magistrate , as such , is the head of an externall politick civill societie , not of christs body . . the magistrate as a magistrate wanteth such things as essentially constituteth a member of the church , as a magistrate onely hee hath neither baptisme , profession , nor faith , because then heathen magistrates should not bee magistrates , the contrary whereof the word of god saith , jeremiah in gods name commanded to obey the king of babylon , and paul commanded to pray for kings and heathen magistrates , tim. . . hence let us have leave to deny these , ( hee who is the churches nurs-father , is the churches father , and a part of the family . ) . ( whose office it is to cause all in the visible church to professe the truth , obey god , and keep his commandements , hee is a member of the church . ) . ( hee who is a keeper and preserver of law and gospell by his office , hee is by his office a member of the church . ) for the first : hee is a father metaphorically , and doth by an externall coactive power , and by the sword nourish the church , and therefore is not the church , nor a part of the church , ex officio , by his office , as the nurs-father is not the child , nor a part of the child , whereof hee is nurse-father ; and this , and both the other two are to bee denyed , because the magistrate doth neither nurse the church , nor cause the church doe their dutie , nor desend the law and gospell by any power that is intrinsecally church-power , but by the sword , and coactive power , which in no sort belongeth to christs kingdome as a part thereof , either as it is internall , and invisible , or externall or visible , which is not of this world , joh. ● . . . by no word of god can h salcobrigiensis , and i weemes prove , that the magistrate as the magistrate is a mixt persen , and his power a mixt power , partly civill , partly ecclesiastick , for ●● the ruler commeth in amongst the ordinary church-officers , ● m. . ephes. . . tim. . . which the word of god doth ●●ver insinuate , and hee should no lesse watch for soules , as ●●e who is to give an account to god , then other church-officers , heb. . . for the magistrates office may bee performed by himselfe alone , hee himselfe alone may use the sword in all things , which hee doth as a magistrate , as is cleare , rom. . . and pet. . . the king judging his alone , and the kings deputie sent by him judging his alone is to bee obeyed , but no church power , mixt or pure , and unmixt is committed to any one man , but to many , as to the church , matth. . . cer. . . . cor. . . the magistrate as the magistrate hath a civill dominion ever the body , goods and lives of men . . and hath the sword to compell men to doe their duties . . and compelleth to externall obedience , and leadeth men on to godlinesse and to eternall life , by externall pompe , force and the terrors of bodily and externall punishment , and his warfare is carnall , a● the k scripture doth prove ; but the church , and members of the church as they are such , have no majoritie of dominion , pet. . , . luke . . . over the body , and goods , and blood of men . . they have not the sword , nor power of the sword , joh. . . john . . luke . . . cor. . . . the church as the church dealeth by the word of admonisting , teaching , rebuking , excommunicating , praying and requesting , as the l scripture cleareth : therefore the power of the church and the power of the magistrate must dister in spece and nature . . if the magistrate be a chiefe member of the church , as a magistrate with mixt power to make church-lawes , then is the church not perfect in its beeing , and operations , to obtaine the end convenient to the church as the church , so long as it wanteth the magistrate , because it should bee made defective , and not able to exercise all its operations for the edification of christs body , and gathering of the saints , ephes. . . without this principall member , especially seeing the magistrate is alleadged to bee a member , or integrall part of the church , such as the head or eyes , otherwise without this , or that professor , a church may be perfect , as an army may be perfect , without this or that common souldier , but wanting a leader it should not bee perfect . but so it is that the church is and was perfect in its being , and operations , without the civill magistrate ; the church of corinth where the magistrate was a heathen , and a pagan , cor. . , , . is yet a church sanctified in christ jesus , called to bee saints , cor. . graced , v. . inriched by christ in all utterance and knowledge , v. . comming behind in no gift , v. . with power of excommunication which attaineth its proper end , the saving of the spirit in the day of the lord jesus , cor. . . a perfect body of christ , cor. . able to edifie the whole body , cor. . . , , . having power of the seales of the covenant , cor. . , , , . so was there a perfect church-synod without the civill magistrate , act. . act. . act. . and all for the saving of the redeemed church is laid upon the eldership of ephesus , act. . , , , . without the magistrate . . if the king bee a mixt person indued with church power to make canons , and because annointed with holy oyle , capable of jurisdiction ecclesiasticall , as some say , then as hee is a king by birth , so is hee also borne with an ecclesiasticall power to exercise spirituall jurisdiction : but paul saith , all ecclesiasticall power that hee had , was given of god , not borne with him ; hee was made , not borne a minister , col. . . the power to edifie was given him , cor. . . . conclusion . wee cannot by the word of god acknowledge that difference , betwixt the magistrate , and the christian magistrate , that the magistrat as a magistrate hath a kingly power to rule over men as men , and the christian magistrate hath a christian kingly power to rule over men as they are christians . because by one and the same kingly power the king ruleth over men as men , and men as christian men , commanding by the sword and kingly power that pastors preach sound doctrin , administrate the sacraments aright , that all the church professe christ , and abstaine from blasphemy , and idolatry . hee is the minister of god for good , rom. . ergo , hee is the minister of god for all good , for a christian good , and is a king compelling to a christian good : also though the king were not a christian magistrate , yet hath hee a kingly power to command men as christians , and it is by accident , that hee cannot in that state actually command christian duties , and service to christ , because hee will not , and cannot command these duties remaining ignorant of christ , even as a king ignorant of necessary civill duties cannot command them , not because hee wanteth kingly power to command these civill things , for undeniably hee is a judge in all civill things , but because hee hath not knowledge of them . . christianitie maketh him not a king over christians as christians , for then hee could not bee their king , and were not a king over christians , so long as hee wanteth christianitie , which is false , for the christians acknowledged heathen emperours as their kings ; the people of god were to obey nebuchadnezzar , darius , cyrus , and other beathen kings . paul will have obedience and subjection due to every power , rom. . , . tim. . , , . pet. . . . . it maketh way to the popish dethroning of kings when they turne hereticks , and leave off to bee members of the christian church , which wee abhorre . . a king is parens patriae , the father of the commonwealth . now christianitie addeth no new fatherly power to a father over his children , for a heathen father is as essentially a father , as a christian father , and a heathen commander in warre , a heathen husband , a heathen master , a heathen doctor or teacher , are all as essentially commanders , husbands , &c. in relation to their soul diers , wives , servants , and schollers , as are the christian commander , the christian husband , the christian master , and christian doctor , in relation to christian souldiers , christian wives , &c. and no man can say that christianitie giveth a new husband-right to the husband , once a heathen , over his wife , that hee had not before . . conclusion . the king is not debarred as king from the inspection , oversight , and care of ecclesiasticall affaires , but the end of the kingly power , is not onely externall peace , but also godlinesse , tim. . . and in the intrinsecall end of magistracie as magistracie , is not onely naturall happinesse , and a quiet of life ; as a spalat● , and after him that learned author b apollonius saith , but also godlinesse that wee may lead a quiet and a peaceable life , in all godlinesse and b●nes●ie ; ergo , in all that may conduce to life eternall , hee is a king by office , but in a coactive and regall way . . the ruler is ( rom. . ) the minister of god to thee for good , v. . do that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the ruler : then looke how farre good and well doing , which is praiseworthy extendeth , as farre doth the intrinsecall end of magistracy reach ; but this good , and welldoing which the magistrate as the magistrate procureth , is not onely a naturall happinesse , and the quiet life of a civill societie , but also the good and well doing of christians as christians , to wit , publick praying , praysing , preaching , hearing of the word , religious administration and receiving of the sacraments , all which the king as king is to procure ; for what ever good externall pastors as pastors doe procure , that same also , but in a civill and coactive way , is the king as the king to procure , and therefore his end as king is godlinesse , and eternall life , but he is busied about this end , after a farre other and more carnall way then the pastor , the weapons of whose warfare are not carnall . . that the kings end intrinsecall , as king , is more then externall and naturall peace , is cleare , because ill doing against which he as the minister of god , is to execute vengeance , and wrath , rom. . , . is not onely that which is contrary to externall quietnesse of the commonwealth , and the naturall happinesse of civill societies , but also that which is contrary to the happinesse supernaturall of the church as beleevers in the way to life eternall , for hee is to take vengeance upon blasphemy , idolatry , professed unbeleefe , neglect of religious administration of the seales , and the eating and drinking damnation at the lords table , which are ills not formally contrary to externall quietnesse , but which are directly scandalls , and morall ills hindering men as members of the church in their journey to life eternall ; for though men should never falle o● sinne against the externall quietnesse of the naturall happinesse of the members of a commonwealth , yet the magistrate as the magistrate is to execute vengeance upon all externall ill-doing , as blasphemy , adoring of idolls . . the magistrate as the magistrate , in the zeale of god , is to set himselfe against sinnes , as dishonorable to god , and his glory , seeing the judgement that hee executeth , is not mans , but the lords , chron. ● . . and hee is a little god in the roome of god , yea god ●●tteth judging in , and through him , psal. . v. . and therefore his end is not onely to punish sinnes , as they trouble the externall peace of the commonwealth , but all externall sinnes , that may wound the honour of god , and against which the magistrate , as he is such , is to be armed and cloathed with zeale . . those who with spalato teach that life eternall is not the end of the magistrate , as a magistrate , but onely the extrinsecall end of the magistrate , or the end of the person who is the magistrate , must foulely erre ; so it is not , in their meaning , the end of the office or kingly art to maintaine religion and pi●tie , but this is the end of the person cloathed with the office , and so they deny that god hath destined the kingly office to helpe men as christians to heaven , and to promove christs kingdome mediatory , and they must bee forced to say , god hath ordained magistracie to helpe men as men , or as they have a life common to them with the beasts , and not to helpe them as christian men , to ●●ie from the wrath to come , and obtaine life eternall , which certainly is against the honour of magistracie , b which of its owne nature is destined for the promoving of religion , else the magistrate as the magistrate is not a nurs-father in the church , nor to bring his glory to the new jerusalem , nor to kisse the sonne , nor to exalt the throne of jesus christ , contrary to the word of god. . yea they were onely to promove the church as a societie of men , and to set up the throne of justice for the second table of the law , and not a throne for pietie , and for the first table of the law , which is observed by c augustine , who will have kings to serve the lord , not onely ●●men , but also as kings , in such sort which none can doe , who are not kings , and that ●● onely in civill ●ffaires , but also in matters concerning divine religion : which passage , as d bellarmine corrupteth it on the one hand , making the king a governour of men according to their bodies , and his old father the antichrist a governou● of men according to their soules , so doth that virulent libeller e lysimachus nicanor , with no reason inferre that the king is head of the church , and hath a nomothetick power to impose the service booke , and booke of canons upon the church of scotland . but because the king as king is to promove religion , therefore f saith junius ) minos , ly●urgus , charondas , zeleu●us , and numa obli●ged men to their lawes by some colour of religion . . nor doe i thinke what is said against this by some learned men of great weight ; see g guliel . apollonius , h spalatensis , i tilenus , k daneus , l bu●anus , m professor . leidens . some say the magistrates power and the ecclesiastick power differ in the objects , the magistrates powers ( say they ) object is things earthly , and the externall man ; the power of the church is things spirituall , and the inner man. i answer , these two powers differ in the objects no question , i meane in the formall objects , not in the materiall , for the magistrate as a magistrate is a nurs-father , and keeper , and avenger of both tables of the law , and hath a coactive power about hearing the word , administration of the sacraments , idolatry , blasphemy , and the right serving of god in jesus christ , and these things are not res terrenae , earthly things , or things of this life , but spirituall things . yea the affaires of jehovah and the kings matters , chron. . . saith amesius , o are not so different , non it a disparata sunt , as that the care and knowledge of the things of god , belongeth not to the king , sed it a distinguuntur , ut in modo procurandi , rex politice suas partes agat , & sacerdos ecclesiastice suas ; the objects of the magistrates power , and of the churches power may be materially and are one & the same , but the king worketh in a coactive and kingly way , and the church in an ecclesiastick and spirituall way . for doe not both the king as king , and the church as the church , command and forbid one and the same thing ? doth not the king command the right worship of god , and forbid idolatry , and the blasphemy of god ? and doth not the church in their synodical canons command and forbid one and these some things ? yea certainly , but the king doth command and forbid by a kingly and coactive power , under the paine of bo●●lv punishment , as incarceration , exile , proscription , or death , according to the quality of the fact . and the church commandeth also the right worship of god , and forbiddeth blasphemy and idolatry , but by a spirituall and ecclesiastick power , and under the paine of spirituall and ecclesiasticall censures , as open rebuke , suspension , and excommunication ; and they differ not so in their ends , as some teach , so as the end of the church powes should be the communion of saints , and the edifying of the body of the church , which i grant is true , and the end of the ruler should be onely preservation of peace , and the externall tranquillity of the common-wealth : yea ( i say from the word of god ) that externall peace is too narrow an end , and it doth belong to the second table , the kings end as nurse-father and his a like care is to preserve the first table , and as a nurse-father , to see that the childrens milke be good and wholesome , though the milke come not from his owne breasts ; and so his power hath a kingly relation to all the word of god , and not to externall peace and naturall happinesse onely . and the king as the king , his end is edification and spirituall good of soules also , but alwayes by a kingly power , and in a coactive way , by the sword , whereas the church , are in their care of edifying soules , to use no such carnall weapons in their warfare , cor. . . for which cause p that learned p. martyr , and q 〈◊〉 parker , and also r the professors of leyden say that ministers deale with consciences of men , quoniam spiritus sanctus ( inquit martyr ) vim suam adjungit cum praedicationibus orthodoxis , the holy spirit conjoyneth the power and influence of grace with sound preaching ; and the magistrate doth onely exercise externall discipline . and parker reasoning against whitgift and 〈◊〉 , proveth well that the church visible , though externall , yet is christs spirituall kingdome , and that church discipline is a part of christs spirituall kingdome , and that the externall government of christ by discipline , is spirituall every way , according to the efficient , cor. . . according to the end , spirituall ●dification , ephes. . . according to the matter , the word and sacraments , cor. . , . according to the forme of working , by the evidence of the spirit , cor. . . . and this is the cause ( i conceive ) why great divines have said the object of the magistrates power as a magistrate is the externall man , and earthly things , because he doth not in such a spirituall way of working , take care of the two tables of the law , as the pastor doth ; and yet the spirituall good and edification of the church in the right preaching of the word , the sacraments , and pure discipline is his end . it is true , whether the blasphemer professe repentance , or not , the magistrate is to punish , yea and to take his life , if he in seducing of many , have prevailed , but yet his end is edification , even in taking away the life ; for he is to put away evill , that all israel may feare , and doe so no more : but this edification is procured by the sword , and by a coactive power , and so the church power and the kingly power differ in their formall objects , and their formall ends . but s spalato speaketh ignorantly of kings . who saith , as the internall and proper end of the art of painting , the art of sailing , &c. is not life eternall , but onely to paint well , according to the precepts of art , and to bring men safe to their harborie , though the persons who are painters and sailers may direct works of their art to life eternall : so ( saith he ) the end of the kingly art is not life eternall , but onely the externall peace of the common ▪ wealth ; hence inferreth he , that there is no subordinatim betwixt the power of the magistrate , and the power of the church , but that they are both so immediate under god , as the church cannot in a church way regulate the king , as a king , but onely as he is a christian man ; the church may rebuke the king , while as he abuseth his kingly power to the destruction of soules , and that the church power , as such , is not subordinate to the kingly power , onely the king may correct with the sword the pastors , not as churchmen and pas●ors , but as men who are his subjects . but , . whereas it is certaine the king in respect of politick power is the immediate vicegerent of god , and above any subject in his dominions , so doth the bishop , make the shoe-maker , the painter , the master-fashioner immediate unto god and censurable by none , as they are artificers , even as the king is censurable by none as king , and so the king is dishonoured , who by office is the lords annoynted , and a little god on earth , psal. . v. . ( ) the intrinsecall end of kingly power is no more the advancing of godlinesse , and the promoving of the kings daughter towards life eternall , by the sincere milke of the word , as the lords vicegerent , and nurse-father of the church , then the painter as a painter , or a sea-man as a sea-man is to advance godlinesse : for this mans intrinsecall and is onely a safe harbour and shoare to temporall lives , not the harbour of salvation to soules ; and his end is onely a faire image of art in paper or clay , not the image of the second adam ; and by this the king as king is interdicted of any church businesse , or care of soules to be fed by the word or sacraments , to keepe them cleane ; if he looke to any of these , as an end , that is not the eye or intention of the king as king , but of the king as a godly christian , ( saith spalato : ) hence to care for the spirituall good of the church , and the promoving of the gospel is as accidentall , as to say , an excellent painter , such as ap●ies , intendeth in his painting life eternall : so the king , by this , looketh to the law of god , to religion and the eternall happinesse of the church , by guesse , by accident , and as king , hath neither chaire nor roome in christian synods , nor a seat in the church . . if the meaning be , that the king as king , that is rightly exercisng the office of a king , is subordinate to no church power , that is , he cannot be justly and deservedly rebuked by pastors , that is most true , but nothing to any purpose ; for so the pastor as a pastor , jeremiah as he doth truly and in the name of the lord exercise the propheticall office , cannot be deservedly censured , nor punished either by the church-synodrie , or the king and princes of the land : but thus way all members of the church , an i any one single beleever , doing his duty , should be as immediate , and independent , and highest next on earth to christ as the king , and his three estates of the honourable parliament are in civill matters , and as an occumenick councell , or in our brethrens meaning , independent congregation , which is against reason . but if the meaning be , the acts of a king as aberring from justice , not as a king , but as a fraile man , may be censured and rebuked deservedly by pastors in a church way ; this way also , the pastor as a pastor is not subject to the church , but onely as a fraile man , and so nothing is said to the purpose in this more then the in the former . but if the meaning be thirdly , that which onely maketh good sense , that the acts of the king abstracted from good or bad , or as kingly , or not morall , nor acts of justice or injustice , more then the acts of painting , of sailing , of making of shooes , and thus the king is not subject to the church power , nor is his intrinsecall end as king , justice , and godlinesse and preservation of religion , the man speaketh non-sense , and wonders ; for the king as a king is a morall agent , and not infallible in his lawes or administration . ergo , as a king he is under the scepter of the king of saints in discipline , and in the keyes of the kingdome of god , and so the kingly office is subordinate to the power of christ in his ministers and church discipline , and by that same reason , the power and offices of ministers as they are morall agents and obnoxious to sinne , to false doctrine , blasphemy , idolatry , idlenesse and sleepinesse in feeding the flock , are under the coactive power of the supreme governour ; and he doth as king use the sword against them : hence it is cleare that both the kingly power is subordinate to church-power , and that the subordination is mutuall , that also the church-power is subordinate to the kingly power , and that both also in their kind are supreme ; the kingly power is the highest and most supreme , and under no higher coactive power : i meane the kingly as kingly conjoyned with the collaterall power of parliaments , where the realme is so governed , and the church-power is the highest in the kind of ecclesiasticall power . t joan. major saith well , that they are not subordinate , that is , not one of them is above another , that i grant , but that which he and spalato saith , neutri in alteram est imperium , that neither of the two hath a commandement over another , that we deny , yet are they powers in office and nature different , for they differ in their objects . . use and end . . and their manner of specifick operations , and the kings power is not ecclesiastick . others say that there was a perfect civill policy , having no need of the church power , anent the perfect civill government amongst the heathen , and in christian common-wealths , the civill power of it selfe and of its owne nature can doe nothing , for the attaining of eternall happinesse , except we would goe to the tents of pelagians , whither papists doe lead us , while as they teach that the naturall end of civill power , of its owne nature and intrinsecally is ordained to eternall happinesse . but the civill power of it selfe doth conferre nothing , whereby the spirituall power of the church hath intrinsecally , and properly , and formally its dignity , power , strength , and proper vertue ; and doth produce its owne proper effect and end , because , as saith w spalato , the civill magistrates end is of another republike different from the church , he is head of the common-wealth , and civill body : see x apollonius . but i answer , there is a policy civill without the ecclesiasticall policy , and the king is essentially a king , though neither he be a christian himselfe , nor his subjects christians ; and to the essence of a king , and to the essence of a civill government , christianity and a church-power is not required , yet hath the king as king essentially a right and civill coactive power to promove christian religion , and the edification of christs body , though he be a heathen ; the want of christianity doth not take away his kingly right , onely it bindeth up and restraineth the exercise thereof ; but though he be a king essentially , and actu primo , while he wanteth christianity , and so is a perfect magistrate , quoad esse , and the state that he ruleth over , a perfect civill body , quoad esse , in respect of essence and being , yet is he not a perfect magistrate , quoad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 operari , neither he nor his civill state and body are perfect in operations . and it followeth not that the king as king can doc nothing about the obtaining of life eternall , for as a king he hath a perfect right , and kingly power to doe , and being a christian he actually exerciseth that power , as a nurse-father of the church , to see that the kings daughter be fed with wholsome milke , to see that the first and second table be kept , and that men serve christ , and have the seales of the covenant in purity , under the paine of suffering the weight of his royall sword ; and i wonder that this should be called nothing for the obtaining of eternall happines , seeing it is a way to eternall happinesse to be thus fed under a christian king as a king. but ( say they ) it is pelagianism that the kings power compelling the nurses to let out their breasts to the kings daughter , that she may sucke the sincere milke of the word , should be a meane of eternall happinesse . i answer , and it is also pelagianisme to say , that the planting of paul , and watering of apollos , and the ministeriall power and paines of ministers , without the grace of god , can produce or effectuate supernaturall happinesse , and it is false that the kingly power of it self doth confer nothing whereby the spirituall and ecclesiasticall power hath intrinsecally and formally dignity , and power , and its proper effect ; for it is true , the kingly power maketh not the ecclesiasticall power , but it setteth it on worke , in a coactive way , for the edifying of christs body , and doth causatively edifie . lastly , whereas it is said the king as king is over the civill body and the common-wealth , which is a body different in nature from the christian body or church ; i say , that is false , for the king as king ruleth over men , as men , and also as christian men , causing them to keepe both the tables of law. but . ( say they ) the office of a king is not a meane sanctified of god for a supernaturall good , because it is amongst the gentiles . i answer , this is no consequence , for that office of it selfe is sanctified and ordained of god , for keeping of both tables of the law , and that it worketh not this , in its owne kind , is not from the nature of the kingly office , but from the sinfull disposition of the gentiles ; so the word is the savour of death to some , through their default . ergo , it is not a meane sanctified for that end ; it followeth not . but . the office of the king of it selfe and its owne power doth not governe or subdue the inward man , for immediately and of its owne power it cannot bind the conscience , but onely by the interveening mediation of the word of god. ergo , of it selfe it intendeth not to produce a supernaturall and eternall good . answ. nor can the office of a minister of it selfe , and in its owne power , produce a supernaturall good , but onely by the authority of the word , esa. . . jer. . v. . tit. . . . is it therefore no office sanctified for a supernaturall end ? but . they reason , a supernaturall good , and life eternall , are effects flowing from the mediatory office of christ , bestowed upon the church : but the kingly power floweth not from the mediator christ , but from god as creator , who bestoweth lawfull kings and magistrates upon many nations , who know nothing of a saviour . i answer , when i consider the point more exactly , i see not how kings , who reigne by the wisdome of god jesus christ , prov. . . . have not their kingly power from christ , who hath all power given to him in heaven and in earth , matth. . . for they are nurse-fathers of the church as kings , esa. . . they are to kisse the sonne , and exalt his throne , as kings , psal. . . they bring presents and kingly gifts to christ as kings , psal. . v. . . and they serve christ not onely as men , but also as kings , as augustine saith : y therefore are they ordained , as meanes , by christ the mediator , to promote his kingly throne . some of our divines will have the kingly power to come from god as creator , in respect god giveth kings , who are his vicegerents , to those who are not redeemed , and to nations who never heard of christ ; and others hold that the kingly power floweth from christ-mediator , in respect he accomplisheth his purposes of saving of his redeemed people , by kings authority , and by the influence of their kingly government , procureth a feeding ministery and by their princely tutory , the edification of his body the church , which possibly both aime at truth . see a the groundlesse carping at cartwright , calvin , beza , and others , by that sharp toothed envier of truth the author of the survey of holy discipline : of this hereafter more . . conclusion . the king as king hath not a nomothetick , or legislative power to make lawes in matters ecclesiastick , in a constitute church , nor hath he a definitive sentence , as a judge . . all power of teaching publikely the church or the churches of christ , is given to those who are sent and called of god for that effect : but magistrates as magistrates are not sent nor called of god to the publike teaching of the church . ergo. the proposition is cleare from the like , rom. . . how shall they preach , except they be sent ? ergo , how shall they publikely and synodically teach , except they be sent ? heb. . . no man taketh this honour upon him , but he that is called of god , as was aaron , &c. ergo , if none be a priest to offer a sacrifice without gods calling , neither can he exercise the other part of the priesthood , to teach synodically , & to give out ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) decrees , acts . . that obligeth the churches ecclesiastically , but he who is called . . who so hath nomothetick power to define and make lawes in matters ecclesiastick , have onely a ministeriall power to expone christs will in his testament , under paine of church-censures , and hath no coactive power of the sword to command these lawes enacted , and to injoyne them on the churches . but onely church-men , who are formally members of the church , as pastors , doctors , elders , and others sent by the church have this ministeriall power ; without the coactive power of the sword , and what ever the magistrate as the magistrate , commandeth , he commandeth it , in things ecclesiastick necessary and expedient , under bodily punishment ; i adde this , because threatning of bodily punishment , is not essentiall to lawes in generall , because some lawes are seconded onely with rewards , as the judge offereth by law a reward to any , who shall bring unto him the head of a boar , or of some notorious robber . ergo , &c. the proposition is cleare ; the learned b junius giveth to the magistrate with our divines , an interpretation of scripture , as a judge ; which concerneth his owne practise , they are interpreters , pro communi vocationis modo , in a christian way , as private men , but they have no power of ecclesiastick interpretation . . c gul. apollonius saith , the prince as a christian , hath an office to exhort the svnod , by word or epistle , as constantius did the fathers of the nicen councell ; and his legates exhorted the councell of chalcedon , ut deo rationem reddituri . see d ruffinus e and the acts of the councell of chalcedon . . the magistrate hath a power judiciall , as a magistrate , in so farre as his owne practise is concerned , to expone the things defined , but this expotition he useth , non instruendo synodice , non docendo ecclesiastice , sed docendo seu potius mandando cum certa relatione ad paenam à brachio seculari insligendam contemptoribus , not in an ecclesiasticall way teaching and instructing synodically , but teaching or rather commanding with a certaine relation to civill punishment , to be inflicted upon the contemners ; as he teacheth , what is just , or unjust in his civill lawes , not directly to informe the mind , but to correct bad manners , and this maketh the object of kingly power about churches matters , and the object of ecclesiasticall power , formall objects different . . those who have a nomothetick power to define in synods , are sent by the church to synods with authoritative commission and power for that effect , representing the church which sent them , as all who are sent with any ambassage doe represent those who sent them . but magistrates as magistrates , are not sent to represent those who sent them with authoritation commission of the church . ergo , they have no such power ●●d●ine in synods . i prove the proposition from the apostles practise : paul and barnabas were sent as chosen men by the church 〈◊〉 antioch , acts . . . acts . . the apostles and elders came from the church to consider of this matter , acts . . acts . . 〈◊〉 cor. , . if the apostle with the church sent titus 〈◊〉 brother , whose praise is in the gospel , as chosen of the churches , to travell with us , v. , in gathering the charity of the saints , for the poore at jerusalem , then by the like , those who are sent to declare the minds of the churches , are also clothed with the authority of the churches , who sent them ; but magistrates a● such , are not sent , but are there with the sword of common-wealth , and not with the mind of the church , as magistrates , except they be also christians . . the apostolike synods , is to us a perfect patterne of synods . but persons defining in them are apostles and elders , acts . . acts . . the church , matth. . . defineth , and cor. . . those who are conveened in the name of the lord ●esus , and the apostles pastorall spirit , those who are over us in the lord , and watch for our soules , thes. . . heb. . . but in these synods there are no magistrates , yea there was at c●rinth a heathen magistrate , cor. . . and in the apostolike church a persecutor , acts . , , . &c. and the magistrate as the magistrate , is not a member of the church , and is neither pastor , elder , nor doctor , nor a professor of the gospel , except he be more then a magistrate . . no ecclesiasticall power , or acts formally ecclesiasticall , are competent to one who is not an ecclesiasticall person , or not a member of the church , but a civill person ; but a power to define in synods , and the exercise of acts ecclesiasticall and matters ecclesiasticall , are due to ecclesiasticall persons , and to the church . ergo , they are not competent to the civill judge . the proposition is evident by differences betwixt ecclesiasticall persons and civill magistrates , which might be more accurately set downe by others , then by me . but they differ , . that the churches power is spirituall , the magistrates causatively , effectively or objectively spirituall , but not intrinsecally and formally spirituall , because he may command by the power of the sword spirituall acts of preaching , administrating the sacraments purely , of defining necessary truths in synods , and forbid the contrary , but he cannot formally himselfe exercise these acts . . the church-men are members of the church , the magistrate as such is a politick father and tutor of the church , but not formally , as he is such a member of the church . . the power of the magistrate is carnall , and corporall , and coactive upon the bodies ; for which cause , tylenus , daneus and others say , the externall man is the object of his power , the power of the church is spirituall , not carnall , not coactive , not bounded upon the body ; the church hath neither power of heading or hanging , but onely they may use the sword of the spirit , exhortations , rebukes , censures , excommunication . . edification to be procured by the word and sacraments and church-censures , is the end of church-power , but edification to be procured by the sword , is the end of the civill magistrate . . the magistrate judgeth not what is true and false to be beleeved simply , as teaching , instructing , and informing the conscience , but onely what is true and false to be beleeved or professed in relation to his sword and bodily punishment , or civill rewards . . the magistrates judgement is kingly , supreame , peremptory , and highest on earth , from which we are to provoke in no sort , except in appealing to god ; the churches judgement is ministeriall , conditionall , limited by the word of god. . the magistrates power is over all , heathen and christian , over men as men , and over men as christians , and agreeth to heathen and christian magistrates alike ; the church power agreeth onely to members of the church , and is onely over members of the church as they are such . . what ever causes the magistrate handleth , as hurtfull to the common-wealth , and contrary to the law of god , in a politicke and civill way , these same the churches handleth as they promote edification ; or if they be sinnes , the church cognosceth of them , sub ratique scandali , as they are church scandals . . the civill power is above the church-men as they are church-men , and members of a christian common-wealth , and the church power is above the magistrate as he is a member of the church and to be edified to salvation , or censured for scandals , matth. . . this. . . tim. . . and therefore there is both a mutuall subordination betwixt the honors , and also because both are highest and most supreme in their ●ind , they are also coordinate , and two parallel supreme powers on earth : as the church hath no politick power at all , so hath the church no politick power above the king , but he is the onely supreme power on earth immediate under god ; so the king hath no power formally and intrinsecally ecclesiasticall over either the church , or any member of the church , but the churches power is supreme under christ the king and head of the church . . the churches power may be without the magistrate , and is compleat both in being and operation , as acts . . and acts . , . cor. . , , , . without it , yet it is helped much by the magistrates power , which is cumulative , to ad help to the church , and not privative , to take away any right or priviledge from the church , for then the church should be in worse case and greater bondage , under a christian king , then if there were no king to defend the church at al , if the kings power were privative ; and it is true the churches own power is cumulative , & not privative , because the church hath no power to take nothing from it selfe ; but the king is to adde his royall ●●ield to the bride of christ , out of zeale to the honour of the bridegroome , for a politick promoving of godlinesse , which the church as such wanteth . but the kingly power though it may be , and is , in heathen nations perfect in its being without the church power , yet is it not perfect in its operations , as is said . . the church power is to goe before , and to define , prescribe and teach first , and the civill power to adde a civill sanction thereunto , as an accumulative and auxiliary supplement . . the magistrate hath no power properly to define controversies , yet hath he the power of the judgement and discretion , and also may with a coactive power cognosce in a politick way of church matters in reference to the use of the sword , but the church as the church hath a ministeriall power 〈◊〉 , to define controversies according to the word of god. . every one helpeth another to obtaine their owne ends , but hey cannot be contrary one to another formally , yet doe these differences prove , that the magistrate , as such , cannot detine in a synod , what is truly to be beleeved and practised by members of the church , what not . and also godly princes have refused this . hosius cordubensis writeth to constantius the arrian emperour , which words athanasius commendeth . desine , desine , quaeso , & memineris te mortalem esse , reformida di●m judi●ii , neque te immisecas eco'esiasticis , nec nobis in hoc genere praecipe , se●e● potius a nobis disce : tibi autem d●us imperiun● commisit , nobis autem quae sunt ecclesiae , concredidit . ambrosius epist. . ut alii . . ad marcellinam sororem , dicit , se valentiniano dicere , nolite gravare , imperator , ut ●u●es te in e t , quae divina sunt , imperiale jus habere , noli te extollere , sed si vis divinitus imperare , esto &c. subditus — ad imperatorem palatia pertinent , ad sacerdotem ecclesia ; publicorum tibi maenium jus ancessum est , non sacrorum . augustin . epist. . & . neque ausus est christianus imperator , sic eorum ( donaristarum ) tumultuosas et fallaces querelas suscipere , ut de judicio episcoporum , qui romae sederent , ipse judicaret . iis ipse ( imperator ) cessit ut de illa causa , post fpiseopos , ipse judicaret , a sanctis antistitibus postea veniam petitucus . chrysost. hom . . & . de verbis esa. qumquam admirandus videtur thronus regius , tamen rerum terrenarum administrationem sortitus est , nee praeter potestatem hanc , praetere ●quicquam autoritatis habet . leontius tripolis lydiae episcopus , cum constantius in eonventu episcoporum multa praescriberet , miror ( inquit ) qui fiat , ut aliis curandis destinatus , alia tractes , qui cum rei militari et reipublicae praesis , episcopis ea praescribas , quae ad solos pertinent episcopos . constantinus magnus in concilio niceno ( ut ait ruffinus hist. l. ● . addit . eusebio cap. . ) re●usavit ferre ju licium inter episcopos . d●us ( inquit ) vos constituit sacerdotes , & nobis a d●o d ●ti isiis judices , & conveniens non est , ut homo judicet deos . s●zomenus hist. l. . c. . mibi ( inquit ualentinianus senior ) qui sum in sorte plebis , fas non est talia negotia & ecclesiastica , ●erserutari ; sacerdotes , quorum ista curae funt , inter seipsos , quocunque voluerint loco , conveniant . theodosius junius epist. ad fphesinum synodum . deputatus est candidianus magnificus comes strenu●rum domesticorum transire usque ad sanctissimam synodum testram , ac in nullo quidem , quae facienda sunt , de piis dogmatibus qu●stiones ●ommunicare : illicitum namque est , eum qui non sit ex ord●●●anctorum episcoporum , ecclesiasticis immisceri tractatibus . gregorius mag. l. . epist. . notum est piissimos dominos dicip●inam diligere , ordines servare , canones venerari , & in causis sa 〈◊〉 ●ese non immiseere . distin. . c. satis evidenter , illicitum est imperatorihus ecchsiasti ● s● immiscere tractatibus . constantius would not take on him to judge the arrian cause , but conveened a councell , and commanded them to judge according to the word : so saith eusebius de vita constant. l. . c. . ad theodor. l. . c. . neither can it be said that constantine judged with the synod as emperour , as some affirme , for though it be true , yet he judged not in the synod as emperour , but as episcoporum conservus as he nameth himselfe , and as eusebius saith , de vita constant. l. . c. . ipse tanquam unus e vestro numero , non recusabam . now constantine as emperour was not a fellow-servant with pastors or one of the number , but above them , as the annointed of the lord ; but he judgeth with them , as one of their number , as a christian having one faith , one baptisme , one lord , with them ; and so as a member of the church , and so saith he in that same place , literarum divinitus inspiratarum testimonio res in quaestionem adductas dissolvamus . and let this be our first distinction . emperours of old defined in synods , as christian members of the church , not as emperours , for as emperours they be politicke heads of the men of the church . gerardus tom. . de magist. polit . n. . pag. , . who giveth also a nomotheticke power to magistrates in matters ecclesiasticall , furnisheth us with an argument here , because the magistrate is a principall member of the church , and all the members of the church are to judge and try the spirits , and to try all things , now this proveth well as a member of the church , and so as a christian he may judge , and that in a meere ecclesiastick way , as pastors and elders doth , as private christians may doe , being called thereunto by the church , though the ground be weake , for the kingly power maketh not new , tiberius and other emperours , members of the church , onely grace , faith , and communion with christ , maketh kings members of the invisible church , and baptisme and profession of the faith , and not any earthly prerogative of scepter , or crowne , maketh them members of the visible church . our second distinction from fathers , is , that emperours have a kingly power politicke to confirme , and adde their civill sanction to church constitutions , but they have no power formally ecclesiasticke to define and make church-lawes . so a augustine : as a man the king serveth the lord , vivendo fideliter , by living the life of a sound beleever , and as a king he serveth the lord , by adding the convenient vigour of a civill sanction to just lawes — as the king of ninive did , by compelling the men of ninive to pacifie god. and when gaudentius the donatist objected that the emperour could not take course with the schism made in the church by their separation , because god hath laid upon prophets , not upon kings , the preaching of the word : augustine b answereth , not that kings may either preach , or define controversies in the church , but that , sinco donatists separate from the church , it should be the care of kings to see , that none rebell against the church of christ. hence i reason thus , no synods ecclesiasticall can meddle with the blood and temporall lives of men , nor can they forbid the beliefe and profession of heresies and erroneous doctrine , or scandalls against pure discipline under the paine of bodily punishment , as banishment , imprisonment , heading or hanging . but emperours and kings , either in a synod or out of a synod , may lawfully forbid such things , and that by a kingly power , therefore if emperours in synods make any lawes of this kinde , they are not synodicall , nor ecclesiasticall lawes , nor doe they make such lawes , jointly with the church-synod , as some teach , nor by any ecclesiastick power , for coactive power , and ecclesiasticall power , cannot be joyned together as one power , to make one and the same ecclesiasticall lawes . let any judge then if the ancient lawes of some emperours were any other things , but civill and politick sanctions of church-constitutions . and judge of this law , which some call the ecclesiasticall determination of c heraclius the emperour by the consent of pope john , he ordained that there is n●●ther one nor two operations in christ. heraclius a monothelite commanded this under the paine of civill punishment , as is certaine . but had pope john as collaterall judge with the emperour in this , that same coactive power that the emperour had ? i thinke none can say it . so d three emperours commanded all people to hold the doctrine of the trinity , and that those who hold not this be heretickes . this is but a civill sanction of a church law. so e martianus commandeth that the decrees of the councell of chalcedon be established , and that no man dispute or call in question these decrees . this is clearely the emperours civill ratification of church-lawes : and f justinianus forbiddeth any publick service to be in the church by laicks onely , in the absence of the clergie , and g commandeth the bishops not to muttter in to themselves , but to speake in the administration of the sacraments with a cleare and distinct voice . if emperours did proceede any further , as some say that theodosius deposed the nestorian bishops , though indeed he onely h commanded them to be deposed , their deeds are not lawes , a facto ad jus non valet consequentia . papists here are in two extremities . for . they will not have princes to meddle with church-affaires , whereas by office they are nurs-fathers in the church . charles the fift is rebuked by paul the third , because he conveened councells for composing of dissentions in the church , and he compareth him to uzzah , who touched the arke without warrant , as we may see i wolsius . . stapleton , bellarmine , k and papists will have them to be brutish servants , to execute whatsoever the pope and councells shall decree , good or bad , without examination also ; as l suarez , the councell of paris , their n law saith , and o innocentius the first , and p gregory the seventh doe teach : making kings in their judgement slaves to the pope and ' his determinations , and to have no light but from their vertuall church , as the moone hath all her light from the sunne . our third distinction is , that the magistrate as magistrate , and a preserver of publicke peace , may doe some thing , when a schisme and dissention is among the church-men in a synod . . in this case he may punish perturbers of peace , as augustine answereth q gaudentius the donatist , and the separaters from the church , in which case the magistrate indirectly condemneth one of the parties , which the church hath condemned : but there be many other cases of dissention in this case ; therefore when the magistrate findeth the synod divided in two parties equally ; or three , i● the corrupt part prevaile ; or foure , in the case of the churches aberration in one particular fact : or five , if there be an universall apostasie of the whole representative church : or sixe , an universall defection of both the representative and essentiall church : all these being too casuall and of too frequent occurrence , one and the same answer cannot be given , and here be sundry subalterne distinctions considerable . hence our fifth conclusion : when there is an equall rupture in the body , nothing extraordinary would be attempted , if ordinary wayes can be had : if saul the ordinary magistrate had at gods commandement killed hagag , samuel the prophet should not have drawne his sword , and therefore in this case the magistrate would first seeke helpe from other churches , as that r learned apollonius saith . but if that cannot be conveniently had , as in a nationall church it may fall out , then the magistrate as a preserver of peace and truth , may command the sincerer part to conveene in a synod , and doe their duty , as the good kings of the people of god did : chron. . asa gathered together a people who entered in covenant to seeke the lord god with all their heart , and layed an obligation of punishment to death on the rest , v. , . and jehoshaphat , chron. . . he layed charge on hilkiah the high priest , and the priests of the second order , whom he knew to be better affected to the worke , to bring out the vessels made for baal ; which proveth that the king should put the sincerest to doe that , which in common belongeth to the whole , in which case of the erring of the most part of the church , the prince indirectly condemneth the erring part of the synod , because it is his place to forbid and to punish with the sword , the transgressors of gods law. but because his power is accumulative , not privative , under that pretence hee hath not power to hinder the sincerer part to meet and determine according to the word of god. . conclusion . in the case of the prevailing of the corrupt part of the church , or in the fourth case of the aberration of the church in one particular , the king hath a regall power to punish the canonists , if they shall decree in their synod popery , and hereticall doctrine , and so give to the bride of christ noysome and deadly milke ; the prince as nursefather may punish the canonists . . because hee is a keeper of both tables of the law , and hath a royall power to inflict bodily punishment upon all sinnes , even committed , in foro exteriore ecclesiae , as the king may punish false teachers . . because the magistrates power is auxiliary & accumulative , as a tutor and nur●efather , who hath law to helpe the pupill , and to adde to the inheriritance , but hath no law nor power to take away any part of the inheritance from the pupill ; ergo , as a nursefather , hee is to helpe the church of christ , against the wicked canons of the representative church . if any object , then the king as king hath power to rescind and annull the ecclesiasticall canons ; the contrary whereof that learned author of altare damascenum s doth prove . i answer , that learned and worthy author proveth that the prince cannot annull the church-canons , and that the councell of trent thought shame that the pope should absolve any condemned by the church-canons ; and certainely the same power that maketh canons should dissolve them ; but the kings power cannot make church-canons , for it is a part of the ministeriall calling to make canons , and therefore hee cannot annull and dissolve canons : but some greater kingly power is due to the king in the case of the churches aberring , then in the case of the churches right administration ; and as our divines doe justly give to the prince an extraordinary kingly power in the case of universall apostasie of the church , as jehoshaphat , hezekiah , josiah , and other worthy reformers in the church of the ●ewes , did warrantably use their kingly power , when the church-men were corrupted and negligent in their dutie ; so in a particular case of a particular error of the synod , the king as king , may use his kingly power in this fact , that is , secundum quid extraordinarie , for the king is oblieged as king to adde his accumulative power of a civill sanction to all just and n●cessary church constitutions , and it the canon or church constitution bee wicked and popish , he is oblieged to deny his civill sanction , and not that onely , ( for hee that is not with christ is against him ) but hee is to imploy his kingly power against such canons , and so is to deliver the church of god in that , and in denying his accumulative power to unjust canons , hee addeth his kingly power accumulative to the true church , in saving them from these unjust canons . . also it may bee objected , if the king by a regall and coactive power may annull and rescind unjust canons , hee may by this coactive power make canons , for it is that same power to make and unmake canons . i answer , if hee may annull unjust canons , that is , liberate his subjects from civill punishment to bee inflicted for refusing obedience to such canons , and for bid the practise of wicked church constitutions under the paine of the sword ; it will not follow , that therefore hee may make canons , but onely that hee may adde his civill sanction to just canons . . neither can the king properly annull the canon , but onely deny to adde his civill authoritie for the execution of such canons . but thirdly , it is objected , that the king bath a judgement that such canons are wicked and superstition ; the church-mens judgement at the assembly of glascow , edenbrough , an . , . is that such canons are lawfull , edificative , and necessary , then is the king obliged as king to deny his royall sanction , and who shall bee judge in the matter ? if you say the word of god , it satisfyeth not , because both the king , and the synod , alledgeth the word of god , as norm ● judicandi , a rule of judging , but the rule of judging is not formally the judge , but wee uske who shall bee the visible ministeriall and vocall judge under christ , speaking in his owne testament , for the king is a politick and civill judge , and the church an ecclesiasticall judge . i answer , this same is the question betwixt us and papists anent the judge of controversies , whether the judge bee a synod or the scriptures ; and wee answer by a distinction , the scripture is norm i judicandi . . christ , the peremptory and infallible judge speaking in his owne word . . a synod lawfully conveened , is a limited , ministeriall , and bounded visible judge , and to bee beleeved in so farre as they follow christ the peremptory and supreme judge speaking in his owne word . but wee deny that there is on earth any peremptory and in fallible visible judge . but to come yet nearer ; if the king have sworne to that same religion which the church doth professe , and so acknowledge and professe the reformed religion of that church , hee must then acknowledge the lawfull officers of that church to bee his ordinary teachers , and the lawfull ministers of the church , and that they are both in a synod , and out of the synod , to preach , and to bee ministeriall definers of things contraverted , and that they shall first determine in an ecclesiasticall way according to gods word , and hee as king is to command them to determine according to gods word , under the paine of civill punishment , and the kings civill and coactive way of judging is posterior and ratificator●e of the right and oxthodox ecclesiasticall determination , and junius saith that the magistrates judging politick , presupposeth the church judging ecclesiasticall , going before ; and d calvin e and amesius are cleare that in this case the church is to cognosce of hee owne ecclesiasticall affaires . ambrose writeth to the emperor valentinian , that none should judge of this cause which is ecclesiasticall as one said , but a church-man , qui nec munere sit impar , ne●jure dissimilis . gelasius the pope inveigheth against anastasius the emperour , because hee confounded these two , civill and ecclesiasticall causes . but if the emperour or king professe not the religion of the land , and repute it false , and if the religion bee indeed hereticall , then the church is not constitute , and the case extraordinary ; but the truth is , neither the kings judgement , as a certaine rule to the representative church , nor the representative churches judgement a rule to the king , but the word of god the infallible rule to both . judgement may crooke , truth cannot bow , it standeth still unmoveable like god the father of truth ; but in this case if both erre , ex cellently saith f junius , the magistrate erring the church may do something extraordinarily , and t●e church erring the magistrate may do something also in an extraordinary way , as cōmon equitie and mutuall law requireth that friends with mutuall tongues bicke the wounds of friends . also fourthly , some say , they who make the king the head of the church , acknowledge that the king doth not judge , except the matter be first defined in the scriptures , and in the generall councells , yet they give a primacie spirituall in matters ecclesiasticall to the king , and therefore if the king as king may forbid the inacting of wicked canons , hee determineth them to bee wicked , before the synod have passed their judgement of them . i answer , that learned g calderwood saith indeed , the pretended lords of high commission have an act for them under h queene elizabeth for this effect , but it is made for the fashion , for all errors and heresies are condemned in scripture , but not onely should there bee a virtuall and tacit determination of matters ecclesiastick , which is undeniably in scripture , and may bee in generall councells also , but also a formall synodicall determination in particular must goe before the princes determination in a constitute church . the prince may before the synods determination exhort to the determination of what hee conceiveth is gods will in his word , but hee cannot judicially and by a kingly power determine in an orderly way , what is to bee defined in a synod , except hee infringe the churches liberties , and judicially prelimit under the paine of civill punishments , the free voyces of the members of the synod , which is indeed , an abuse of the authoritie of a nurs-father . but fiftly , it may bee objected that hee may , in a thing that is manifestly evident by the word of god to bee necessary truth , command by the power of the sword , that the synod decree that , or this particular , so cleare in the word , the contrary whereof being synodically determined , hee may punish by the sword , and so hee may judicially predetermine some things before the s●nod passe their synodicall act thereon , and if hee may predetermine judicially one thing , hee may predetermine all things . i answer : what the king may judicially determine and pun●●h with the sword , that hee cannot judicially predetermine and command in any order that hee pleaseth , but in a constitute church , whereof hee is a member and to bee taught , hee is to determine judicially in an orderly way , as a nurs-father . but sixtly , it may bee objected , that if the king have a judiciall power by the sword to annull unjust acts , then hath hee a power to 〈◊〉 them , though hee abuse that power in making them , as unjust , and then hath hee a power to interpret church acts , and to defend them ; 〈…〉 law i saith , it is not same power to make lawes , and to d●●●nd them , and interpret them : see k paraeus . i answer , the proposition is not universally necessary , except onely in civill matters , in the which , as the prince who is absolute hath supreme authority to defend , and interpret civill lawes , so hath hee power to make them ; for if the magistrate hath a supreme judiciall power to interpret church-lawes , hee is a minister of the gospell in that case , and may by that same reason administer the sacraments , so the argument is a just begging of the question . . though the king have power in case of the church aberration ( which is somewhat extraordinary ) it followeth not therefore , in ordinary , hee hath a nomothetick power to make church-lawes . also seventhly , it may bee objected , if the king in case of the churches aberration , may by the sword rescind church-lawes , then may hee make a law to rescind them : but those who a●firme that the king hath a sort of primacie and headship over the church , say not that the king hath any power formally ecclesiasticall to make lawes , as ministers in a synod do , but onely that hee hath a power to command any forme of externall worship , under the paine of bodily punishment , they say not that the king may preach , administrate the sacraments , or excommunicate or inflict any church-censures . i answer , the transcendent power of princesand their commissioners is not well knowne , for the authors ( saith l calderwood ) agree not among themselves ; but it is true in words , the author m est tortura torti , the bishop of eli denyeth in words ( if you have strong faith to beleeve him ) all spirituall headship over the church , to the king , and n burbillus also . but o henric. salcobrigiensis calleth the king primatem ecclesiae anglicanae , the primate of the church of england and ●ges oleo sacro uncti , capaces sunt jurisdictionis spiritualis , because they are annointed with holy oyle , therefore are they capable of spirituall jurisdiction ; also may ( saith hee p creat propria autoritate , by his owne authoritie , create bishops and d●prive them . see what q calderwood hath said , and excerped out of the writings of these men ; the king as king , . convocateth synods ; . defineth ecclesiasticall canons ; . giveth to them the power of an ecclesiasticall law ; . executeth church canons ; . appointeth commissioners , who in the kings authoritie and name , may try heresies and errors in doctrine , punish non-conformitie to popish ceremonies , may confine , imprison , banish ministers ; . descerne excommunication and all church censures , and use both the swords ; . relax from the power and censures of all ecclesiastick lawes , give dispensations , annull the censures of the church , upon causes knowne to them , give dispensations against canons , unite or separate parish churches , or diocesan churches ; and by a mixt power partly coactive and civill , partly of jurisdiction and spirituall , the king may doe in foro externo , in the externall court of church discipline , all and every act of discipline , except hee cannot preach , baptize , or excommunicate . and whereas cartwright saith , when a lawfull minister shall agree upon an unlawfull thing , the prince ought to stay it ; and if church ministers shew themselves obstinate , and will not bee advised by the prince , they prove themselves to be an unlawfull ministery , and such as the prince is to punish with the sword . o but , saith hee r the author of the survey , how shall the prince helpe the matter ? shall be compell them to conveene in a synod , and retract their mind ? but they will not doe this . . by what authoritie shall the prince doe this ? even by extraordinary authority , even by the same right that david did eate of the shew-bread , if by ordinary authority the prince would doe it , yet doe you resist that authority also . answ. though the prince had not externall force to compell church-men to decree in their synods things equall , holy , ju● , and necessary , yet it followeth not that the king as king hath not gods right , and lawfull power to command and injoyne them to doe their dutie ; force and law differ much , as morall and physicall power differ much . . if they decree things good , lawfull and necessary , the prince hath a power given him of god to ratifie , confirme , and approve these by his civill sanction , but hee hath no power ordinary to infringe , or evert what they have decreed . . and if the church bee altogether uncorrigible and apostate , then wee say as followeth . . conclution . when the representative church is universally apostaticall , then may the prince use the helpe of the church essentiall of found beleevers , for a reformation , and if they also bee apostatick , ( which cannot be , except the lord utterly have removed his candlestick ) wee see not what hee can doe , but heare witnesse against them , but if there bee any secret seeker of god , in whose persons the essence of a true church is conserved . the king by a royall power , and the law of charitie is oblieged to reforme the land , as the godly kings , with a blessed successe have hitherto done , asa , j●siah , jehoshaphat , 〈◊〉 , in which case the power of reformation , and of performing many acts , of due belonging to the church officers , are warrantably performed by the king as in a diseased body , in an extraordinary manner power recurreth from the members to the ●●●●tick head and christian prince , who both , as a king , 〈◊〉 ●● , in an authoritative way is oblieged to do more then ord●●●y , and as a christian member of the church , in a charitative and common way , is to care for the whole body . . conclusion . the influence of the princes regall power in making constitutions is neither solitary , as if the prince his 〈…〉 could doe it ; nor is it . collaterall , as if the prince and church with joynt concurrence of divers powers did it ; nor is . as some flatterers have said , so eminently spirituall as the consultation and counsell of pastors , for light onely hath influence in churches canons , but the princes power hath onely the power to designe , so as the canon hath from the prince the power of a law in respect of us . the kings influence in church canons ( as wee thinke ) is as a christian antecedent , to exhort that the lord jesus bee served ; . concomitant , as a member of the church to give a joynt suffrage with the synod ; . consequent , as a king to adde his regall sanction to that which is decreed by the church according to gods word , or otherwise to punish what is done amisse . now that the prince as a solitary cause , his alone defineth church matters and without the church , and that by his ordinary kingly power , wanteth all warrant of the word of god. . the king might have given out that constitution , act. . it seemeth good to the holy ghost , and to us , which in reason is due to the ministeriall function , for these are called act. . . the decrees of the apostles and elders , not the decrees of the king or emperour , either by law or fact . . christ ascending to heaven gave officers requisite for the gathering of his church , and the edification of the body of christ , but amongst these in no place we finde the king. . if this bee true , heathen kings have right to make church-canons , though they bee not able , and bee not members of the christian church , and so without , and not to bee judged by the church , nor in any case censured , matth. . . . cor. . . and this directly is a king pope , who giveth lawes by a kingly power to the church , and yet cannot bee judged by the church . burhillus and thomson acknowledge that a heathen king is primat and head of the church ; and must hee not then have power aciu primo , to make lawes , and to feede the flocke by externall government ? but lancel . andreas , biship of ely s tortura torti saith that a heathen king hath a temporall kingly power , without any relation to a church power , and when hee is made of a heathen king a christian king , bee acquireth a new power . but the question is , if this new power be a new kingly power , or if it be a power christian to use rightly his former kingly power ; if the first bee true ; then . as learned voetius t and good reason saith , hee was not a king before hee was a christian , for the essence of the kingly power standeth in an indivisible point , and the essence of things admit not of degrees . . then should hee bee crowned over againe , and called of god to bee a christian king , and so hee was not a king before , which is against scripture ; for nebuc●adnezzar was to bee obeyed , and prayed for as king by the people of god , at jeremiahs expresse commandement . . so a pagan husband becomming a christian should by that same reason acquire a new husband-right over his wife ; contrary to the cor. . , , . the captains , or masters , who of heathens become christians , should obtaine a new right and power over their souldiers and servants , and they should come under a new oath and promise to their captaines and masters . . if the heathen king have onely temporall kingly power , he had no power as king to take care that god were worshipped according to the dictates of the law of nature , and law of nations , & had power to punish , perjury , sodomie , parricid , as sins against the law of nature , and the heathen king should not by office and kingly obligation bee oblieged to be a keeper and a defender of the tables of the law of nature , which is against all sense . but if the power which a heathen king becomming a christian king acquireth , be onely a christian power to use for christ the kingly power that hee had while hee was a heathen king , then a heathen king , jure regali , by a regall right is the head of the church , though hee bee a woolfe and a leopard set over the redeemed flocke of christ ; yea though hee bee the great turke , hee is a pastor called of god & the church , though for his moralls , hee bee a woolfe and a hireling , yet by office and law , hee is a feeder of the flocke . talis est aliquis , qualem ius offi●ii requirit . and certainly it is impossible that a heathen king can bee a member of the true church , hee wanting both faith and profession , which doe essentially constitute a church-membership : if it bee said hee is ex officio , by his office a member , that is nothing else but hee ought to bee a member of the church , so all mankind are members of the church , for they are oblieged to obey christ , and submit to him upon the supposall of the revealed gospel , and the heathen king is no otherwise a member by the obligation regall that layeth upon him as king ; yea when the gospel is preached , and the heathen king converted to the faith , hee is not a member of the christian church , as a king , but as a converted professor , and so christianitie maketh him not a kingly head of the church , but what essentially constituteth him a king , that also constituteth him a christian king ; christianitie is an accidentall thing undoubtedly to the office of a king. . they doe no lesse erre , who make the king and the church officers collaterall judges in church matters , so as with joynt and co●quall influence they should bee canon makers . . because perfect synods are and have beene in the apostolick church without any influence collaterall of christian magistrates , as being against their will and mind , who were rulers of the people , as acts . , . acts . , . acts . , . acts . , , , . acts . , , . &c. . what the church decreeth in the name of christ , standeth valid and ratified in heaven and earth , matth. . , . joh. . , . whether the magistrate assent to it or not , so that he hath not a negative voyce in it by any ecclesiastick power , for christ saith not , what yee bind on earth , in my name , shall be bound in heaven , except the magistrate deny , as a collaterall judge , his suffrage ; now if he be a collaterall judge by divine institution , no church act should be valid in christs court without him , as excommunication not in the name of christ , or performed by those who are not the church , but onely in civill offices , is not excommunication ; also what ever the magistrate doth , as the magistrate , he doth it by the power of the sword . ergo , if he take vengeance on the ill doer , as his office is , rom. . . . his acts are ratified in heaven , though the church as collaterall judges say not amen thereunto . . the coactive power of the king , and the ecclesiasticall power of the church , differ as carnall and spirituall , spirituall and not spirituall , of this world , and not of this world , and are not mixed by the word oft , as joh. . . cor. . , . tim. . . and therefore it in one and the same church constitution , the king and the church be joynt and coequall judges and joynt definers , the constitution must both be injoyned under the paine of bodily punishment , which the church , whose weapons are not carnall , cannot command , and under the paine of church censures , as suspension , rebukes , and excommunication the king must command . now the canon should neither be an ecclesiasticall , nor yet a civill canon , but mixt , for the canon makers injoyneth with powers and paines which are not due unto them , nor in their power . now to make a law ( saith w feild ) is to prescribe ●●aw under the paine , which the law-maker hath power to inflict : but neither hath the church the power of the sword , cor. . , . joh. . . nor hath the king , by gods ●aw , the power of excommunication . see x calderwood . and one and the same law should be backed both by a carnall and worldly power , and not by a worldly and carnall power . . the king as king must have a mixt power , halfe kingly , ●●● halfe ecclesiastick , and by the same reason , the church must have a mixt power , partly ecclesiasticall and partly civill , and this were to confound the two kingdomes , the kingdome of this world , and the spirituall kingdome of christ , which is not of this world , joh. . . condemned by y anselm● , and a hilarius , and b bernard , and c augustin . put if they say , that every one hath their influence partialitate causae , non eff●cii , according to the nature of causes , then is not one and the same church constitution from both king and church . see d apollonius . but the kings canon is civill , the churches ecclesiasticall , and every one of them without another , perfect in their one kind . see e what the learned gerson , bucer , and f amesius saith , further to adde light to this point . those who maintaine a third , that the church canons hath all the power of being church lawes from the king , and all ecclesiasticall and oblieging authority from him , and that they have onely some helpe of consulting power from the church , are grosser divines . see g joan. weemes , for so the king is the onely canon maker , and the church-men giveth advice onely , as h the kings proclamation speaketh , having taken 〈◊〉 counsell of our clergy , we command such a worship , & ● . and so the canon runneth , it seemeth good to the holy ghost and the king as the canon speaketh , acts . . the king is made an ecclesiasticall and ministeriall pr●acher to expone publikely the scriptures to the church of god , for all lawfull church canons are but ecclesiasticall expositions of gods word , and so the emperours and christian kings are the onely lawfull canon makers and definers in oecumenick councels , and bishops , and pastors , and doctors have all a meere power of advising and counselling , which certainely all christians on earth sound in the faith , except women , have . o whither are all the tomes of the councels oecumenick , nationall , and provinciall , evanished unto ? . kings justly by this are made popes , and more then popes , for kings onely have a definitive voyce in councells , whereas papists give a definitive voyce to all the lawfull members of the councell , no lesse then to the pope . i weemes hath a distinction to save the kings invading the church-mens place , while as hee giveth to pastors a ministeriall interpretation of scripture in the pulpit , and to the king a decretive and imperiall power of interpreting scripture in the senat. but . there is no exposition of the word at all imperiall , but onely ministeriall by the word of god , except that imperiall interpretation , that the pope usurpeth over the consciences of men , and this is as k bancroft said , that the king had all the honors , dignities and preheminencies of the pope , as l calderwood observeth , and yet edward the sixth , and edward the eighth would neither of them take so much on them . what difference betwixt a sermon made by the king in the senat , and the pastor in the pulpit ? it is that same word of god preached ; only the kings is imperiall , and so must bee in his owne as king , the pastors ministeriall , in the name of christ ; the distance is too great . the administration of the sacraments may be imperiall due to the king also , as a pastorall administration is due to the pastors . in the government of church there is nothing set downe of the king , but of pastors , to feede the flocke , act. . , . to edifie the body of christ , ephes. . . to rule the house of god , tim. . , , . . to feede the sheepe and lambs of christ , john . , , . and alwayes this is given to pastors and elders . i know that kings are nurs-fathers , to feed , edifie , and watch over the church , causatively , by causing others so to doe ; but this will not content the formalists , except the king command and prescribe the externall worship of god. tooker , bancroft , whitegift , la●celot andreas , salcobrigiensis have a maine distinction here : that pastors and elders rule the church , as it is an invisible body , by the preaching of the word and administration of the sa●raments , and of this government the foresaid places speake : but as the church is a politick visible body , the government thereof is committed to the king. m bancroft said all the externall government of the church is earthly , and w●i●e●gyft and bancroft two grosse divines made for the court , say t●e externall government of the church , because externall , is ●●spi●●tuall , and not a thing belonging to christs externall kingdome , ( ●aith bil●●n : ) but this is , false , . popish , . anabaptisticall , . ●yrannicall . false , . because externall and vocall preaching , and a visible administration of the sacrament in such an orderly way , as christ hath instituted , is an externall ruling of church members according to the ●aw of christ as king , an externall ordaining of the worship , is an externall ordering of the worshippers according to the acts of worship thus ordered , as sense teacheth us : but the externall ordaining of the worship , to preach , this , not this , to celebrate in both kinds , by prayer and the words of institution , and not in one kind onely , is an externall ordering of gods worship : therefore as kings cannot administrate the sacraments , nor preach , so neither can they have the externall government of the church in their ●ands . . the feeding of the flocke by pastors set over the church by the holy ghost , act. . . includeth the censuring by discipline , even the grievous woolves entring in , not sparing the flocke , but drawing disciples after them , vers . , , . and therefore pastors as pastors are to watch , and to try those who say they are apostles 〈◊〉 not , but doe lie , r●vel . . . by discipline ; so this externall ●e●ding is externall governing committed to pastors , whereas inward governing is indeed proper to christ the head of the church . . what ? doe not the epistles to timothy containe comman dements about externall government to bee kept invi●●able by timothy , not as a king i hope , but as a pastor , even 〈◊〉 the appearing of our lord jesus christ , tim. . . and this taketh away that poore shif● , that the externall government of the church , as n tookerus saith , was in the apostles hands , so long as persecuting magistrates were over the church . but now , when the magistrates are christians , the case is changed , but the government of all su●● as timothy is , must bee visible , externall , and obvious to men , as tim. . , , , . . , , , . ● . . tim . . tim. . , , , . tim. . , , , . tim. . all which must bee kept untill the comming of christ , tim. . . tim. . . tim. . , . . if externall government were in the kings power , then were it his part to rebuke publikely , to excommunicate , and to lay on hands upon the timothies of the church ; all which are denied by the formalists , and are undoubtedly the churches part , as the church , matth. . , . tim. . , , , , tim. . . tim. . . cor. . , , , . . o parker proveth well that the keyes are christ as kings ruling in word and discipline . . this is popish , for so doth the papists teach , as p stapleton and q becanus , that the pope , quo ad externum infiuxum , according to externall influence of visible government is head of the church , and christ according to the internall influence of the spirit is the head of the invisible body of christ , and here the king is installed in that externall government , out of which our divines by scriptures have extruded the pope , which is a notable dishonor done to kings ; and as r parkerus observeth . s joan. raynoldus answereth that , from two offices of the head , which is to give life and influence of motion to the members , and also to guide and moderate the actions externall of the body , wee cannot make two heads ; and because the king hath some civill government about the church , wee cannot make two heads over the church , christ one , and the king another under him . . this is anabaptisticall ; for because the visible government of the church is externall , wee are not to cut off all necessitie of the ministery to feed and rule with ecclesiasticall authority , and because the prince is gifted and a christian , to give all to him , for a calling there must bee from god , for the king to governe the church of christ by lawes , and prescribing externall worship therein , for christ hath left , ephes. . cor. . tim. . men to bee feeders and governours of his church by office , whose it is to bee answerable for soules , heb. . . . it is tyrannicall , because it putteth power into the magistrates hand , to take from the church , that inbred and in●rinsecall power of externall and visible government over her selfe and members , which all civill incorporations by instinct of nature have , and the magistrate , as such , not being a member of the church hath a headship , even being a heathen magistrate , over the redeemed body of christ. . by this reason , the lord jesus as king hath no pastors in his name to use the ●●ves of his kingdom , by binding and loosing ; for discipline being an externall thing ( say they ) is not a part of christs kingly power , but the king as christs civill vicar hath this power : but i say all acts of christ as hee is efficacious by the gospel to gaine soules , are acts of christ as powerfull by the scepter of his word , and those who are his instruments to exercise these acts are subordined to him as king of the church , but church-men by an externall ecclesiasticall power delivering to satan , and externally and visibly casting out of the church , that the spirit may bee saved in the day of the lord , are instruments subordined to christ , who is efficacious to save spirits by excommunication , and to gaine soules by rebukes . t gregorius magnus saith , those to whom christ hath given the keyes of his kingdome , by these hee judgeth , and why is this word the word of his kingdome ? the scepter of his kingdome ? the sword that commeth out of his mouth , by which hee governeth his subjects , and subdueth nations , so called ? but because christs kingly power is with those , whom hee hath made dispensators of his word . . conclusion . nor hath the king power of ordaining pastors , or depriving them , or of excommunication . . all these are acts of spirituall and ecclesiasticall power , tim. . . tim. . . act. . . act. . . act. . . tit. . , . and flow from the power of the keyes , given by christ to his apostles and their successors , matth. . , , . mark. . , , . joh. . , , . hence i argue , to whom christ hath given out his power , as king of the church , matth. . , . power of the keyes , matth. . . matth. . . and a commandement to lay hands , and ordaine qualified men , for the ministry , and those who by the holy ghosts direction practised that power by ordaining of elders , these onely have right to ordaine elders , and their successors after them : but apostles and their successors onely are those to whom christ gave that power , and who exercised that power , as the places prove . . ordination and election both in the primitive church of the apostles was done by the church , and consent of the multitude , act. . act. . , , . , , &c. but the civill magistrate is neither the church , nor the multitude . . ordination is an act formally of an ecclesiasticall power , but the magistrate as the magistrate , hath no ecclesiasticall power ; ergo , hee cannot exercise an act of ecclesiasticall power . . if ordination were an act of kingly power , due to the king as king ; then . the apostles and elders usurped in the apostolick church the office and throne of the king , and that behoved to bee in them an extraordinary and temporary power , but wee never find rules tying to the end of the world , given to timothies and elders of the church anent the regulating of extraordinary and temporary power , that were against the wisedome of god to command timothy to commit the word to faithfull men , who are able to teach others , as tim. . . and to set downe the qualification of pastors , elders , doctors , and deacons to timothy , as a church man , with a charge to keepe such commandements unviolable to christs second appearing ; if timothy and his successors in the holy ministry were to bee denuded of that power , by the incoming of christian magistrates . . the king by the laying on of his hands , should appoint elders in every citie , and the spirits of the prophets should bee subject to the king , not to the prophets , as the word saith , cor. . . . those who have a church power to ordaine and deprive pastors , must by office try the doctrine , and be able to 〈…〉 sayers , and to finde out the foxes in their hereticall wayes , and to rebuke them sharpely , that they may bee sound in the faith : but this by office is required of pastors , and not of the king , as is evident , tim. . . tim. . ● . tit. . , , . it is not enough to say , it is sufficient that the king try the abilities of such as are to bee ordained , and the bontgates of hereticall spirits to bee deprived , by pastors and church men , their counsell and ministery , and upon their testimony the king is to ordaine , and make , or exauthorate , and unmake pastors ; because . so were the king a servant by office , to that which church men shall by office determine , which they condemne in our doctrine , which wee hold in a right and sound meaning . . he who by office is to admit to an office , and deprive from an office , must also by office , bee obliged to bee such as can try what the office requireth of due to bee performed by the officer ; nor is it enough which some say , that the ignorance of the king in civill things taketh not away his legall power to judge in civill things , and by that same reason , his ignorance in church matters taketh not away his power to judge in ecclesiasticall matters , for i doe not reason from gifts and knowledge that is in the king simply , but from gifts which ●x●fficio , by vertue of his kingly office is required in him . it is ●●ue as king hee is oblieged to read continually in the book of the law of god ▪ deut. . and to know what is truth , what here●ie , in so fa●re as hee commandeth that pastors preach sound doctrine , and that as a judge hee is to punish heresie . some say hee is to have the knowledge of private discretion , as a christian , that hee punish not blindly . i thinke hee is to know judicially as a king , . because hee hath a regall and judiciall knowledge of civill things , even of the major proposition and not of the assumption and fact onely . ergo , seeing hee is by that same kingly power to judge of treason , against the crown & the civill state , by which he is to judge of heresie , & to punish heresie , it would seeme as king hee is to cognosce in both , by a kingly power , both what is law , and what is fact . . because the judgement of private discretion , common to all christians , is due to the king as a christian , not as a king : but the cognition that the king is to take of heresie and blasphemy , whether it bee heresie or blasphemy , that the church ●●●●eth heresie and blasphemy , is due to the king as king , because hee is a civill judge therein , and if the church should call christs doctrine blasphemy , caesar and his deputie pontius pilat , as judges civill , are to judge it truth . neither would i ●●i●●●ly here contend ; for whether the kings knowledge of herese in the major proposition bee judiciall , or the knowledge of discretion onely , as some say , wee agree in this against papist● , that the king is not a blind servant to the church , to punish what the church calleth heresie , without any examination or tryall ▪ but though the kings knowledge of heresie in the proposition and in law , bee judiciall and kingly , yet because hee is to cognosce onely in so farre as hee is to compell and punish with the sword , not by instructing and teaching . it would not hence follow that hee is to make church constitutions as king , but onely that hee may punish those who maketh wicked constitutions , because the canon maker is a ministeriall teacher , the king as king may command that hee teach truth , and hee may punish hereticall teaching , but as king he is not a teacher , either in synod or senate , in pulpit or on the throne ; now if the king by office ordaine pastors , and deprive them , by office hee is to know who are able to teach others , a●d must bee able also to stop the mouthes of the adversaries , and to rebuke them sharpely , that they may bee sound in the faith , and this is required in titus , ch. . , , , , . as a pastor , and as an ordainer of other pastors ; therefore that which is required of a pastor by his office , must also bee required to bee in the king by his office . . it is admirable that they give to kings power to deprive ministers , but with these distinctions . . he may not discharge them to preach and administer the sacraments , but to preach and administer the sacraments in his kingdome , or dominions , because the king hath a dominion of places . . hee may discharge the exercise of the ministery ; but hee cannot take away the power of order given by the church . . hee may deprive ( say some ) by a coactive and civill degradation , because the supreme magistrate may conferre all honours in the christian common-wealth , ergo , hee may take them away againe , but hee cannot deprive by a canonicall and ecclesiasticall degradation . . hee may caus●tively deprive , that is , compell the church to deprive one whom he judgeth to bee an heretick , and if the church refuse , hee may then in case of the churches erring , and negligence , as king deprive himselfe . but i answer , the king as king hath dominion civill of places and times , as places and times , but not of places as sacred in use , and of times as sacred and religious : for his power in church matters being accumulative , not privative , hee cannot take away a house dedicated to gods service , no more then hee can take away maintenance allotted by publick authority , upon hospitalls , schooles , doctors and pastors . god hath here a sort of proprietie of houses and goods as men have . places as sacred abused are subject to regall power , hee may inhibit conventions of hereticks . . the apostles might preach in the temple , though civill authoritie forbid them . . kings are as much lords of places as sacred and publick , as they have a dominion of civill places , in respect the king may be coactive power hinder that false and hereticall doctrine bee preached , either in publick , or private places , for this hee ought to doe as a preserver of both tables and a beare of the sword for the good of religion ; and if they may command pure doctrine to bee preached , and sound discipline to be exercised , they may command the same to bee done in publick places . the second distinction is not to purpose . . to discharge the exercise of a ministery ( saith u calderwood ) is a degree of suspension , and suspension is an ecclesiasticall degree to the censures of excommunication , and therefore the king may as well excommunicate , and remit and retaine sinnes , ( which undoubtedly agreeth to the apostles , ) as hee can suspend . . as for taking away the power of order , it is a doubt to formalists , if the church can doe that at all , seeing they hold sacraments administred by ministers justly deprived to bee valid ; ergo , they must acknowledge an indeleble character in pastors , which neither king nor church can take away . if then the king deprive from the exercise , hee must simpliciter deprive , by their grounds it is weake that they say , the king may deprive from the exercise of a ministry within his owne dominions ; for ( saith calderwood x they all know well that the king hath not power to deprive men from the exercise of the holy ministery , in ether forraine kingdomes . for the third way of deprivation , it hath a double meaning also . . if the meaning bee , that as the king by a regall and coactive power may take away all honours , either civill or ecclesiasticall , as hee giveth all honours , then this way of depriving ministers cannot bee given to the king , for the king may give and take away civill honours , for reasonable causes , according to the lawes . but in ecclesiasticall honours there bee three things . . the appointing of the honour of the office to bee an ambassadour of christ. . to give the true foundation and reall ground of a church honour , that is , gifts and gracious abilities for the calling , neither of these two doe come either from king or church , or from mortall men , but onely from jesus christ , who ascending on high gave gifts unto men , and appointeth both office , and giveth grace for to discharge the office . yea since morall philosophy maketh honor to bee praemium 〈◊〉 , a reward of vertue ; the king doth not give that which is the soundation of honour civill , for civill vertue is a grace of god but in church honour there is a third , to wit , a de●●●nation of a qualified man , for the sacred office of the ministry , and an ordination by the imposition of hands used in the apostolick church , act. . . act. . . act. . tim. . tim. . whether imposition of hands bee essentiall to ordination , or not , i disput not , it is apostolick by practise , yet there is something ecclesiasticall , as praying of pastors , and an ecclesiasticall designation of men , or the committing of the gospell to faithfull men , who are able to teach others , tim. . . tim. . . no scripture can warrant that the king ordaine pastors by publick praving , by laying on of hands , or ecclesiasticall blessing , or by such an ordination , as is given to timothy , and the elders of the church , acts . . acts . . tit. . , . , . tim. . . tim. . . tim. . . if any say the king hath a publick and regall power in ordaining of ministers , and so in d●priving them , or a mixt power , partly regall , partly ecclesiasticall , as hee is a mixt person , and the church hath their way of purely and unmixt ecclesiasticall calling or ordaining of ministers , or the church and the magistrate both doth elect and choose the man , yet so that he is not elected without the consent of the king or magistrate in the kings roome . i answer , many things are here to be replyed . . that the king who may be borne an heire to an earthly kingdome , is also borne and by nature a mixt person , and halfe a minister of the gospell , is against gods word ; ministers in whole , or in part , are made so of god , not so borne by nature : in aaron● priestha●d men by birth came to a sacred office , but that is done away now in christ. . with as good reason may the king preach and administer the sacraments , as a mixt person , as he may ordaine , by ecclesiasticall blessing , imposition of hands , ecclesiasticall designation any person to the ministery , that same auth nity of christ which said to timoth , lay hands suddainly 〈◊〉 man , said also to him , tim. . . study to be approved unto 〈◊〉 , a workeman that needeth not to be ashamed , dividing the word right ; that is , both ordaining of ministers , and pastorall preaching of the word , or pastorall acts flowing from an ecclesiasticall power . how then can the one be given to the king by vertue of that same mixt power ? especially seeing baptizing it directly called c●r . . . a lesse principall worke of the ministery then preaching . it it be said , as ordination is performed by the king , is not an ecclesiasticall action , but civill , or mixt , partly civill , partly ecclesiasticall . i answer : by that reason , if the king should preach and administrate the sacraments , these actions should not be called ecclesiasticall actions , and uzzah's touching the arke , should not be called an action by office incumbent to the levites only ; and it might be said , the person being civill , the actions are civill . and uzziah's burning of incense upon the altar of incense , was not a priestly act , but an act of a mixt power , he was partly a king , and partly a priest , who did performe the action , but he was a priest by sinfull usurpation in that action , as we know . . this answer is a begging also of the question . . whereas it is said that the church ordainech pastors , and the king also , but divers wayes : the one by a regall power , the other by me el●siasticall power . i answer : this is spoken to make the people , ad saciendum populum , for ejusdem potestatis est , ( saith the law ) constituere & desti●●ere , it is the same power to ordaine and to destroy . the high-commission by the kings authority doth deprive ministers , without so much as the knowledge of the church . if then the king as king may deprive ministers without the notice of the church , then may the king as king also ordaine pastors without the notice of the church . for the action of the instruments as such , is more principally the actions of the principall cause . election of a pastor is farre different from ordination of a pastor : the whole multitude as christians have voyces in the election of a pastor , and so hath the king or his magistrate , as a part and member of the church , but this giveth no negative voice to the magistrate in election , but ordination is not done by all the multitude , it is a worke of authority done onely by the church-officers . . the coactive and civill degradation , must have also correspondent thereunto a coactive and civill ordination of pastors . now i ask what is a coactive ordination . if it be the kings royall and civill authority , commanding that the church officers ordaine pastors at christs commandement ; this we deny not , they fight with a shadow or a night ghost ; not against us , who contend for this . but if they meane a coactive degradation by the sword , in banishing , imprisoning , yea and for just causes , punishing ministers to death with the sword , this indirect deprivation we doe not deny . but so the king depriveth a man from being a minister , when he is beheaded , or hanged , or banished for civill crimes , no other wayes , but as he depriveth a man from being a fashioner , a sai●●r , a plower , a souldier , or a father to his owne barnes , a husband to his owne wife , for when the man is beheaded or hanged , by the sword of the magistrate , he is d●prived from being a fashioner , a sailer , a father , a husband : and solomen did not other way deprive abiathar from the priest-hood , then indirectly by consining him for treason at anathoth , so as he could not exercise the priests office at jerusalem . so after a junius , b calderwood , c gul. apollonius , d sibrandus , yea e muketus , a man for the times , denyeth that the prince can take away that ecclesiasticall power that the church hath given . and so f acknowledgeth wedelius the same . that reasonlesse lyer lysimach nicanor in this ▪ and in other things , hath no reason to say , we borrow jesuites doctrine to answer this argument , for g the jesuite becanus is not ●nacquainted with jesuits doctrine against the power of kings , yet he answereth that solomen as king had no power over abiathar for treason , or any other crime , and therefore following bellarmine and gretserus saith , that solomon did this by an extraordinary propheticall instinct , yet h abulensis a great textuall papist , and i b●naventura a learned schooleman saith this p●oveth that the king is above the priest , and that priests in the old testament were not eximed from the civill judges sword and power : this is very doubtsome to k suarez who ●aith , that it was a temp●rall civill punishment of exi●e , and that ●●●siti●n from the exercise of the priests office followed upon the other . but we neede not this answer , for solomons sentence containeth in t●rminis , a meere civill punishment ; and these words king. . s. solomon thrust out abiathar from being priest to the lord , seem not to be words of the kings sentence of banishment , but are relative to the fulfilling of the lords word , and a consequent of divine justice relative to the prophesie against elies house . though verily i see no inconvenience to say that solomon did indeed deprive him from the priest-hood by an extraordinary instinct of the spirit , as he was led of god to build the temple . . because the text saith , so solomon thrust out abiathar from being priest to the lord , and ver . . and zadok the priest did the king put in the roome of abiathar , which is a direct deprivation from the priest-hood : but i contend not here . but that the king causatively may deprive , that is , command the church to cast out hereticks , and to commit the gospell to faithfull men , who are able to teach others , tim. . . wee confesse : as for the power of convocating of synods , some thinke that the king may convocate synods as men , but as church men they have power , if the magistrate bee averse , to convocate themselves , see l junius who insinuateth this distin●tion . but certainly though the kingly dignity be thought meerely civill , yet let this be thought on ; it may be thought that the kings power is divine three wayes . . effectually , and so we thinke that the kingly power is an ordinance of god lawfull , jure divin● ; many papists say the contrary , but we thinke with gods word , it is of divine institution , as is cleare , psal. . . prov. . . . rom. . , , , , , . matth. . . p●t . . , . eccles. . . prov. . . prov. . . the kings power may be thought divine , formally , and so as divine is opposed to civill , it is a humane ordinance , and not formally divine or ecclesiasticall , nor subjectively . . it may be thought divine and ecclesiastick , objectively and finaliter . the end intrinsecall being a spirituall good , and so the king hath power to conveene synods not onely as they are men , and his subjects , but also as they bee such subjects and christian men , and members of synods ; as the king may command the minister of the gospell both as a man , yea and as a preacher in the pulpit , to preach ●ound doctrine and to give wholesome and good milke to the church , and this is formally an act of a nurie-father , such as the king is by his kingly office : and this way also doth the king send members to the synod , and moderate , and preside in synods , actu imp●rato ▪ n●n elicito : actu objective ecclesiastico ; non intrinsece , non formaliter , non subjective eccles●astico . the king ruleth by the sword , and commandeth the synods to meete , ordereth politically and civilly the members and meeting , and as king cooperateth , but by a civill and regall influence , with the synod , for the same very end that the synod intendeth , to wit , the establishing of truth , unity , and the edification of christs-body . but this power of the kings to conveene synods , is positive , not negative , auxiliary and by addition , not by way of impedition or privation . for the church of her selfe , hath from christ her head and lord , power of conveening without the king , beside his knowledge or against his will , if he be averse , as is cleare matth. . , . if they be conveened in his name he is with them ; not upon condition that the prince give them power . and joh. . . there is a church-meeting without the rulers , and a church-meeting for praying , preaching , and discipline , act. . , . &c. without the magistrate , & act. . , . and when the magistrate is an enemy to the church . . where christ commandeth his disciples to preach and baptize , matth. . , . and with all faith in the exercise of their ministry , they shall be persecuted by rulers , as matth. . , , . luk. . , , . he doth by necessary consequence command church-meetings , and synods , even when the magistrate forbiddeth , and this is practised , cor. . , , , , . where the magistrate is an heathen , chap. . , , . . it should follow that christ cannot have a true visible church , and ministry on earth , except the magistrate countenance his church , which is both against experience , and christs kingly power , who reigneth in the midst of his enemies , psal. . . and what glorious cour●bes had christ in asia , with power of doctrine and discipline , and ●o with all church-meetings , rev. . chap. . where tyrants did slay the witnesses of christ , rev. . . and certainely by what power kings allead●e that synods may not meet , for the exercise of discipline and good order in gods house , by that same power they may say there should be no church meeting for the hearing of the word and receiving the sacraments , without their authority . for church synods for doctrine differ not , in spece , and nature , from synods for discipline , all be one and the same acts under christ as king and head of his church , for which see m spalato , n u●●tius , o am●sius , p calderwood , q the professors ●● l●yden . now what any say on the contrary , for the power of princes in matters ecclesiasticall , is soone answered , r gerardus saith that moses gave lawes both to the people and priests , exod. . lev. . num. . i answer , if this be a good argument , the magistrate his alone without advise of the church may impose lawes , yea and institute new laws , and dite canonicall scripture also , as did moses , deut. . exod. . but it is certaine that moses gave these laws , not as a magistrate , but as a prophet of god , who spake with god face to face , and it is more for us , then for our adversaries . david also brought the ark to its place , at gods speciall direction , the levites carrying it by gods law , though they failed in that sinfull omission , sam. . but david did convocate the chosen of israel , even thirty thousand , to reduce the ark to its place , and so the levites and church-men , and did it not as king his alone , as chron. . hee did it . and s junius saith ( and the text is cleare ) that he did it by the counsell of an assembly and the whole church , and that a king may doe that in gods worship , in case of the negligence of the church , that is warranted by gods word , is but his duty . now jesuites answer not to any purpose in this , for t becanus , and u suarez answer nothing to davids placing of the arke in its place , onely they say all the people conveved the arke and danced before it , as well as david , but it is not hence proved , that all the people are heads of the church , as they say the king is : and lysimachus the jesuite seeth in this that wee a●●ee not with his friends the jesuits . solomon builded the temple , and dedicated it to gods service , but this is no ground to make the king a law-giver in the church . . because none can deny but solomon did all this , as a prophet , by speciall revelation : for . if solomon might not build an house to the lord , but by speciall revelation , that hee should bee the man , and not david his father , sam. . . . farre more could hee not as an ordinary king , build that typicall house , which had a resemblance of christ , and heaven it selfe , especially seeing the signification of the holy of holiest in the sanctuary is expressely given to the holy spirit , heb. . , . and the temple was a type of christ , joh. . , . and they may say kings by an ordinary power as kings might pen canonick scripture , as well as they could build a typicall temple like solomons . god filled that temple with his glory , and heard prayers made in that temple and toward that temple . i thinke kings as kings cannot now build such temples ; therefore solomon by a propheticall instinct built that house . jesuites give no answer to this , for u suarez saith kings may build churches to god ; because of it selfe it is an act of religion which requireth riches for the building thereof , and for the dedication it includeth two , . by some religious action to consecrate a house to god ; and this way onely the priests by sacrificing dedicated the temple , and god by filling of it with his presence , dedicated it to himselfe . . it includeth an offering and giving of an house to gods service . i answer : by this solomon as a private man builded the temple , and dedicated it to god , and not as either king or prophet ; but this is a vaine answer , for no private man could have builded an house to god , with such typicall relations to christ , and to the church of the new testament , except hee had been immediatly inspired by the holy ghost . x becanus saith three sorts of men were actors here , . solomon , . the priests , . the people : solomon prayed and gave thankes , the priest● ●arried the arke , the tabernacle , the holy vessels , and sacriji ●s , the 〈…〉 present , rejoyced and gave thank●s to god : there is nothing 〈…〉 solomons headship ; solomon dedicated a temple to god , what , it will no more follow , hee was the head of the church for that , 〈…〉 ●ffered stones and timber to god , then the wom●n can ●ee 〈◊〉 of the church , who offered to god g●●d , purple , 〈…〉 budd●● temple to god , many mer●han●s ●ubild temple● upon their 〈…〉 god , and pray to god to accept these temples ; 〈◊〉 in england 〈◊〉 temples to god , they are not for that head of the church . answ. . this is another temple then temples builded daily ; . because it was wil-worship for david to build this temple , and service to god for solomon a king of peace , and a type of our king of wisedome christ , to build this temple and for no other ; any merchant may build a common house to gods service , without a speciall word of promise , which word solomon behoved to have , or then hee could not build this house . . to dedicate an house to god typicall of christ ; . filled with the cloud of gods presence , where god said , hee would dwel in this house ; . with such ornaments as the holy of holiest in it ; . in which god said he would heare prayers ; whereas now in all places hee heareth prayers , joh. . . timoth● . . this is another positive worship then that a merchant build a house for gods daily service , which hath no relative holinesse in it , but onely is holy in the use , and to dedicate a house in these termes is more then an ordinary dedication to gods service , and their prelates in england , who dedicated temples to god , cannot answer this reply of the jesuites , nor can the new jesuite lysimachus nican●r their brother answer the jesuite herein ; wee say from warrant of gods word , that solomon did all this , by a propheticall instinct , by the which also hee prophecied , and did write the booke of the pro●●rbs , ecclesiastes , and solomons song ; else jesuites may say that these bookes doe no more prove solomon to bee a prophet , then the tomes written by becanus and suarez , doth prove that they were divinely inspired prophets . obj. david also prepared materialls for the temple , chron. . . and dicided the levites in certaine rankes and orders , chron. . . answ. chron. . . for so had david the man of god commanded , the man of god is the prophet of god , not the king of israel as king , chron. . . and hee set the levites in the house of god with cymba's and psalteries and ●arpes according to the commandement of david , and of gad the kings seer , and n●uh●n the prophet , for so was the commandement of the lord by his prophets ; they may prove then god the prophet is the head of the church , and hath power to make church-lawes . but it is a great mistake . h●●●●iah , david , solomon , commanded the people and the ●evites to doe their duties according to gods word . ergo , kings may make church-constitutions by a mixt power , it followeth in no so●● ; wee deny not but the king may command in gods worship , what is already of cleare and evident divine institution , but that hee may obtrude it , as a thing to bee observed , by all church men , and urge it , as a constitution come from authoritie , to b●e observed under the paine of ecclesiasticall censures , wee deny : now this formalists teach , that hee may command in the externall government , as a church constitution to bee in his royall name executed , by church men with church censures , though the church never heard of it before . it is true that jehoshaph ●t , chron. , , , . set of the levites and priests , and the chiefe of the fathers of israel , for the judgement of the lord , and for controversies — and charged them , to doe in the feare of the lord , v. . and behold amariah the chie●e priest ( saith hee ) is over you in all the matters of the lord ▪ and zebadiah the sonne of ismael , the ruler of the house of judah , for all the kings matters ; also the levites shall bee officers before you ; deale c●●ra●iously , and the lord shall bee with the good . hence doth t●oker and other court parasites inferre , . that the king constituting levites , and priests in a citie , must bee head of the church , and . that jehoshaph at having constitute two vicars and d●puties under him , one in church matters , to wit , amariah , another in civill matters , to wit , zebadiah , therefore hath the king a jurisdiction and headship in both church and state. answer . the institution of priests is one thing , and the calling of the persons to the office another ▪ the former was gods due , who himselfe chused the tribe of levi , and this the king did not . but it is another thing to constitute priests and levites , who were instituted and called of god , to serve in such a place at jerusalem , rather then in any other place ; this is but to apply a person , who is jure divine , by gods right in office , to such places and times . this is not a point of ecclesiastical jurisdiction , for placing and timing preachers belongeth to the people calling them , and in the time of apostasy , as this was , jehoshaphat sent levites to teach , and commanded them to do their duty ; but that the high priest is the kings deputy or vicar , as if the king offered sacrifices to god , as the principall and church head , or by the ministry and service of amariah , as his instrument , deputy and servant , is most idly , and untruely spoken . yet will i not use the argument of be●anus the jesuite , who saith , if amariah was the kings vicar , then may the king by himselfe sacrifice , for what ever the vicar o● deputy may d●e , that may the person above him , who giveth him power , d●e without the vicar . the kings royall commandement is formally terminated upon the quality and manner of ecclesiasticall acts , that they bee done according to gods law , rather then upon the acts according to their substance . it * is one thing for ministers to preach sound doctrine , and administrate the sacraments in obedience , and at the kings commandement , which wee acknowledge a truth , and another thing for ministers to preach in the name and authority of royall majesty , as having a calling from him : this latter is false : as the king may do an act of justice , at the direction of a minister , commanding him in gods name to execute judgement impartially : yet the king doth not an act of justice in the name and authority of the church . and that is true which be●anus saith , what the instrument doth , the principall cause may do , where the vicar or deputy , and the principall substitut●r of the vicar are both civill persons , or are both ecclesiasticall persons , for in a large and unproper sense , the nurse is a sort of deputy under the nurse father , the father may take care that the nurse give milke , and wholsom milke to his child , yet cannot the father give milke himself . the king may take care , actu imperato , as one intending , in a kingly way , that christs body bee edifyed , that the priests and prophets feed with knowledge , the church and sister of christ , and so are the priests under the king , and at his command to feed , and to feed with wholsome food the flocke , and in obedience to the king all are to do their duty , and his care is universall over all , and his end universall . that which is the end of pastors , doctors , elders , deacons , lawyers , judges , &c. is , in an universall intention , the kings end , even gods honor , by p●●curing in a regall way , that all do their duty in keeping the two tables of the law , and so is hee the great politick wheel moving by his royall motions , all the under wheeles toward that same end : yet cannot the king without sinne , and being like a bird wandring from her nest , do that which is properly pastorall , so that the office is not subordinate to him , but immediately from god , yet are the operations of the office , and to preach tali modo , diligently sound doctrine subordinate to him , but in a generall and universall way , as hee is a kingly mover of all , to keep the two tables of the law. neither did the king ( as a suarez saith ) one and the same way appoint both the high priest and the civill judge . and b cajetan saith , he decerneth the two chiefe heads of church and common-wealth , but hee appointed not both , for god appointed amariah , to bee high priest , and not the king , but here is nothing to prove the kings headship . asa reformed the church and renewed the covenant ; ezekia● reformed religion also , and brake in peeces the brazen serpent , and all these in the case of universall apostasie , and the corruption of the priest-hood did reforme the lords house , breake in peeces graven images , but all this giveth to them no mixt ecclesiasticall power of making canons , of ordaining and depriving pastors . whereas some object , that the care both of temporall good , and spirituall good , belongeth to the magistrate , therefore , hee must have a power to make church laws . see c pareus . for his care cannot bee supreme , if hee must rule at the nod and beck of church-men . i answer , the connexion is weak : hee who hath the care of both the temporall and spirituall good of the people , hee hath a nomothetick power to procure both these two goods , it followeth no way , for then might hee have a power in his own person to preach , and administrate the sacraments , this power procureth the spirituall good , but such as is the care , such is the power , the care is politick and civill , ergo , the power to procure the spirituall good , must bee politick and civill . . neither is the king to do all at the nod and direction of the priesthood , blindly and without examination . that is the blind doctrine of papists , wee hold that hee hath a regall power to examine , if the decrees of the church bee just , orthodox , and tend to edification , for hee is the minister of god , for good , and to take vengeance on evill doing . and there is no just obligation to sinne , hee is not obliged to punish with the sword , well-doing , but evill doing , and the church can oblige the magistrate to do nothing , but that which in case there were no church law , and in case of the churches erring , hee should doe . . they object , he to whom every soule is subject , he hath a power to make church laws , about all good : but all and every soule , without exception of apostles , or church-men , is subject to the civill magistrate . ergo. the proposition is proved from the law of relatives , for he to 〈◊〉 we are subject , he may give lawes unto us , for our g●●d . see d pareus . answ. he to whom we are subject , may give any lawes , or command any manner of way , for our good . i deny the proposition in that sense ; for then he might in the pulpit preach the commandements of god , for our good . he might give laws under the paine of excommunication . it is enough that he may give laws by sanction and civill enacting of church laws , and pressing us by the power of the sword , to doe our duty , for the attaining of a spirituall good . he to whom we are subject , he may give laws , that is presse , in a coactive way , obedience to laws , that is most true , but it proveth not a nomothetick power in the king. . they object , what ever agreeth to the kingly power concerning the good of subjects , by the law of nations , that doth farre more agreeth kings by the law of god. for the law of god doth not desir 〈…〉 ●e law of nations . but by the law of nations , a care 〈◊〉 religion belong th to the king , for religion by the law of nature is ind●●ed and brought in by the law of nations . as e cicero saith . and therefore to a christian kingly power , the care of religion must be due . answer : we grant all , for a care in a civill and politick way belongeth to the christian prince , but a care by any meane whatsoever , by preaching , or by making church canons , is not hence proved by no light of nature , or law of nations , in an ecclesiasticall care of religion due to the christian prince , but onely in a politick and civill way . . all beleevers , even private men , may judge of religion , not onely by a judgement of apprehension , but also of discretion , to try what religion is true , and to be holden , and what is false , and to be rejected . ergo , farre more may the christian magistrate definitively judge of religion , so he doe it by convenient meanes , such as are sound and holy divines , and the rule of gods word . the consequence is proved , because the faithfull prince hath supreame power , which is n●mothetick , and a power to make lawes . answer : it is true , all private beleevers may try the spirits , whether they be of god or not : but hence we may as well conclude , therefore princes may preach and administer the sacraments , as therefore the prince may define matters ecclesiasticall . for a eivill coactive power giveth to no man an ecclesiasticall power , except he be called thereunto , as aaron was . . the meanes alleadged are the judgement of holy and pious divines , and the word of god , but moses whom they alleadge for a patterne of a civill ruler , who had a nomothetick power in church matters , used not the advise of divines , nor the rule of the written word , but as a prophet immediately inspired of god , gave lawes to gods people , and prescribed a law to aaren , and to the priest-hood . now if rulers have such a power of defining lawes , they neede not follow the rule of gods word . but how shall they prove that moses gave the law to the people and the priesthood , as a king , and not as the prophet of god , inspired immediately of god ? for if moses his law came from the ordinary power of kings , as it is such , then commeth moses law from a spirit which may erre , for the ordinary spirit to kings , is not infallible , but with reverence to kings , obnoxious to erring . god save our king. . it is a princes part by office to defend religion , and to banish false religion , and to roote out blasphemies and heresies . ergo , he ought to know and judge by his office of all these . but if he be to use the sword at the nodde onely of the church , without knowledge or judgement , he is the executioner and lictor of the church , not a civill judge . answ. in a church right constitute , we are to suppone , that the lawes of synods are necessary and edificative , and that the magistrate is obliged by his office to adde his sanction to them not by an unfolded faith , and as blind ; but he is to try them , not onely by the judgement of discretion , as a christian , ( for so all christians are to try them ) but also ( saving the judgement of some learned ) by a judiciall cognition , as he tryeth civill crimes , which he is to punish : but his judiciall cognition is onely in relation to his practise , as a judge , to authorize these lawes , with his coactive power , not to determine truth in an ecclesiasticall way , under the paine of church censures . neither doe i beleeve , that the magistrate is not subordinate to the kingdome of christ , as mediator , but subordinate to god as creator onely . though some divines teach , that there should have beene kings and supreme powers in the world , though man had never fallen in sinne , and a saviour had never beene in the world , and so that kings are warranted by the law of nature , and nations , and not by any law evangelick and mediatory : yet we thinke with reverence , this argument not strong , for generation and creation and multiplication of mankind should have beene in the world , though never a sinner nor a saviour thould have beene in the world , yet are creation , generation and multiplication of mankind , by our divines , junius , trekatius , gomaras , calvin , beza , melancthon , polanus , rollocus , and many others , and with warrant of the word of god , made meanes subordinate to the execution of the decree of prede●tination to glory , which decree is executed in christ , as the meane and meritorious cause of salvation purchased in his blood . what heathen magistrates as magistrates know not christ the mediator ; ergo , they are not means subordinate to christs mediatory kingdome . it followeth not . for by christ the wisedome of god , kings doe reigne , though many of them know him not . as they are created by christ , as the second person of the trinity , though they know not the second person of the trinity . it is their sinne that they know him not . . it is objected . the magistrate is not given to the church under the new testament , by the calling of christ , as an exalted saviour , as all the gifts instituted for the government of the mediatory kingdome are instituted for that end , ephes. . . but it is instituted by god , as governer of the world , rewarding good and ill , rom. . . . answ. neither is creation a gift of christ as exalted mediator , therefore it is not a meane leading to the possession of that life purchased by the mediators bloud , it followeth not . for the magistracy is a nurse-father of the redeemed spouse of christ with the sincere milke of the word . i meane a formall meane procuring , by a coactive power , that the church shall be fed , and it procureth not onely the churches peace , which respecteth the second table of the law , but also godlinesse , which respecteth the first table of the law , tim. . . and ephes. . . there be reckoned downe onely officers , which actibus elicitis , by formall elicit acts , procureth the intended end of christs mediatory kingdome . not all the offices which procureth edification any way . such as is in civill governours , who are to see that the body of christ be nourished , and grow in godlinesse , for that is an essentiall and specifick act of the churches nurs-father . . it is objected . magistracy compelleth men to the observance of gods law , deut. . and doth not immediately , of it selfe , by spirituall gifts of the evangell , produ●e its effects . but all the mediatory kingdome of christ and the government thereof , of its selfe and its owne nature , produceth the saving effects of the evangel● , by vertue of its institution , as faith , repentance , and salvation . answ. a magistracy as a magistracy , of it selfe concurreth , but in a coactive way , for producing of peace , honesty , and godlinesse , and serveth to edification : but i grant , not in such a spirituall way , as a church-ministry , therefore it is not a meane subservient to the end of christs mediatory kingdome . it followeth not . it is not a spirituall meane . ergo , it is not a meane . the consequence is null , and it is false , that all the meanes of christs mediatory kingdome are of their owne nature spirituall , for that is to begge the question , for the magistrate procureth that the church be fed , he punisheth blasphemers , that others may feare , and so abstaine , and so be edified , though the way be coactive , yet is it a way and meane appointed of god , as the nurse-father is a meane for the childs nourishing , though the nurse-breasts be a more subordinate meane , immediate meane . . it is objected . the magistrate is not the lords ambassadour and minister in name of the mediator christ , as the minister is , but it is extron ●call to the government of christs mediatory kingdome , and 〈◊〉 helpe onely to those things , which concerne the externall man. answ. hee who is called god , and so is the vicegerent of god , is gods ambassador politick commanding in gods name , but in another way then a preaching ambassador commandeth : and though christ as mediator , may attaine to his end without the king , as many were edified in the apostolick church where the civill magistrate contributed no helpe , and was rather an enemy to the kingdome of christ , and so magistracy may bee called accidentall to christs mediatory government : but if this bee a good argument to prove that magistracie is not subordinate to christs mediatory kingdome , then oecumenicall and provinciall synods consisting onely of church men shall be no meanes subordinate to christs kingdome , because christs kingdome may subsist in one congregation , without a provinciall assembly , and circumcision is no meane subordinate to that kingdome in the jewish church , because that mediatory kingdome substisted fortie yeeres in the jewish church in the wildernesse without circumcision ; yea and apostles and evangelists are no meanes subordinate to that kingdome , because christs mediatory kingdome subsisteth now without these officers . . neither is it true that magistracie conferreth no helpe to this kingdom , but in these things which concerne the externall man , for in a politick and coactive way , the magistracy taketh care by commandements , that the church bee fed with the pure word of god ; onely this proveth that magistracie , and church ministery have two different objects , and the way of proceeding of these two states , the one carnall and with the sword , joh. . . rom. . , . the other spirituall , to the manifestarion of the truth to the conscience , cor. . , . psal. . . . es●y . . heb. . . which we grant to be true . . it is objected , christ himselfe performed all the parts of his mediatory kingdome , and all the functions thereof , in his owne person , and by his disciples , while hee was on earth ; but hee refused all civill magistracy , and did inhibit his disciples thereof , because it is not contained under the administration of his mediatory office , as subordinate thereunto . answ. christ refused magistracie , not because it is not subordinate to edification , which is the end of christs mediatory kingdome , but because it is not compatible with his spirituall kingdome , in one and the same person , and therefore this is a caption , à non causa pro causa , in one and the same person and subject ; the civill and the ecclesiasticall power are inconsistent and incompatible , that is true . ergo , in the kind of lawfull meanes these two powers are unconsistent and uncompatible . i deny it to follow , for both royall power and church power concurre for the producing of one and the same end , to wit , edification and obedience to both tables of the law , but after different wayes , carnall and spirituall . * i thinke it most considerable that though the prince may by a coactive way , command that same which a church synod may command in an ecclesiasticall way , yet differeth these same powers in their formall objects , because the king commandeth that which is good , religious , decent in gods worship as a thing already taught and determined judicially , either expressely in gods word , or then by a pastorall or synodicall determination , and that not by way of teaching , informing the mind , exponing the scripture , or by pastorall dealing with the conscience , as oblieging to a church liturgie , and ceremonies , as one who intendeth formall edification and faith , repentance , and obedience to god ; but the king commands that which is good and extra , as it is already taught , and expounded , and as it is an imperated act of externall worship , or mercy and justice done by a coactive power . hence the magistrates power is not to edifie formally , but to procure that edification may bee . . the magistrates power is lordly , the churches power is onely ministeriall . . the magistrates power may bee in one , to wit , in the king , the churches power of the keyes is in the church . . they differ in formall objects , as hath been said . now to obviate what the jesuite lysimachus nicanor saith , wee are no wayes of papists mind in the matter of the magistrates power , for papists , . exclude kings and emperours from any medling with church matters . charles the fift was upbraided by paul the third , the pope of rome , because hee did , as became a prince , ordaine meetings , conferences , and assemblies for composing of differences in churches matters , not giving the power of conveening councells , onely to the pope , a comparing his fact to the attempt of uzzah , who put his hand to the ark , and to c●rah , dathan and abirams conspiracie against moses ; yea and b nicolaus the first in his epistle to michael the emperour , denyeth that emperours are to bee present in synods , except in generall synods , where both church men and laicks are present : wee teach that the magistrate is as the hand , the ministry as the eyes , and both are to concurre for the spirituall good of the body of christ. . papists will have the magistrates so to defend the faith , as they have not power to judge , not as christians with the judgement of descretion what is right , or wrong , but they must , as blind servants , execute what prelates decree , yea and see ( non pr●priis ( saith c henr. blyssemius ) sed alienis episcoporum ac p●aelatorum suorum oculis videre ) not with their owne eyes , but with the eyes of their prelates , yea and the magistrate should not read the scripture , ( say papists and nican●rs brethren the jesuits ) expresly contrary to gods word , deut. . . hee shall read in the booke of the law , all the dayes of his life , joshua . . but onely beleeve as the church beleeveth , and this is blind obedience that they require of princes ; this faith or obedience wee thinke abominable in all men , as in princes . of old , popes and prelates were subject to kings and emperors , as wee teach from the word of god , rom. . . and . wee teach against the jesuit lysimachus nicanor , that his prelates should not invade the king and civill magistrates sword , and be civill judges , as popes and prelates are ; against which writeth a tertullian , b origen , c hilarius d chrysostome , e ambrosius , f augustinus ; the g author of the survey saith , that if every eldership be the tribunall seat of christ , what appellation can bee made there from to either provinciall or generall councell ? and hee meaneth , that there can bee no appellation to the king , seeing the presbytery in churches causes is as immediatly subject to jesus christ , and the highest judicature on earth , as the king is gods immediate vicegerent on earth , nearest to jesus christ , in civill causes . i answer : the cause that is meerely ecclesiasticall , as the formall act of preaching and ecclesiasticall determining of truth in pulpits , and the determining the truth in church assemblies , in an ecclesiasticall way in synods , and the excommunicating of a scandalous person , are immediatly subject to jesus christ , speaking in his owne perfect testament : and these causes lie not at the feet of princes to bee determined by them , as kings , but in a constitute church they are to bee determined by the ordinary church assemblies , and in this place there is no appeale from the presbytery to a king ; but it followeth not , that there can bee no appellation from a presbytery to a provinciall , or to a nationall assembly ; . because though every presbytery bee the tribunall seate of christ , yet it is but a part of the tribunall seat of christ , and such a part as may easily erre , and therefore appellation may bee made from the weaker , and the part more inclined to erre , to the stronger and maniest , or the whole , who may more hardlier erre : and that is not denied by this author , who dare not deny , but they may appeal from a bishop who doth , and may misleade soules , and emptie purses , to a metropolitan , and an archbishop , who is as dexterous and happy in emptying of poore mens purses , and destroying soules , if not large better , as a pettie lord prelate , from whom hee appealed ; yet is the one lord prelate the vicar of christ , as well as the other , by formalists bookes . and , . if the cause bee proper to the presbytery , they have just right to judge it , as well as the provinciall assembly hath , but possibly not such knowledge , and if the partie complaine that hee is wronged , or may bee wronged , hee may well appeale to a larger part of christs tribunall , lesse obnoxious to erring , which is no wrong done to the presbyterie . this man laboureth to make a division amongst our divines , because we know not whether to make our pastors , doctors , and elders immediat 〈…〉 to christ , as priests , because then they are priests of the new testament , or ●ubject to christ , as king , and then all our officers shall 〈◊〉 kings , under christ , and the christian m●gistrate shall be so thrust out of his kingdome and chaire . and the ignorant railer maketh much adoe in this matter , but the truth is stronger then this popish scribler ; for . as christ is a priest having a body to offer for the sinnes of the people , and a reall sacrifice , our divines deny that christ hath any substitute and demie priests under him , or master priests to offer sacrifices reall to god : if this author put any priests under christ in this meaning , hee is upon an unbloody masse-sacrifice , much good doe it him ; if h fenner make this propheticall office of christ a part of christs priesthood , because the priest was to teach the people , matth. . . hos. . . and i abraham henrick say the same , there is no absurd to make the officers of the new testament subordinate to christ , as to our high priest teaching us gods will , not to christ as our high priest offering a bloody or a reall sacrifice to god , & this author maketh much ado to cite k cartwright , l fenner , m bez●● , n and sonnius , men whose bookes hee is not worthy to beare , making the officers of christs kingdome subordinate to christ as king , for as much as christ as king prescribed the forme of ecclesiasticall government , and then saith the poore man o the pastors under christ ●● king must bee all emperors , the doctors kings , the elders dukes , the deacons lords of the treasury , &c. and if they bee christs immediat vicegerents , within their owne kingdomes , who shall controll any of them , on whithot shall an injured man appe●le ? answ. . wee are to blesse god that these officers , pastors , doctors , elders & deacons are expresly in the word of god , and that this railers officers , to wit , bishops , archbishops , metropolitans , primats , deanes , archdeanes , officials , &c. are in no place of christs testament , onely they are in the popes masse book : now if the man offend , because they are subordinate to christ as king , hee must make his primates , his metropolitans , his diocesan lords , his deans , officials , and such wild officers , emperours , kings , dukes and lord treasurers under christ , for some roome these creatures must have , else they must bee put out at the church doors , and if a man bee injured by the primate , to whom shall hee appeale , but to some above him , a cardinall ? and if that creature be a christ , who cannot do wrong , well and good it is , wee rest , but if hee bee a man like the rest of the world , surely poor folk must appeale to his high holines the pope . . deacons are not men of ecclesiastick authoritie in our account , but are to serve tables , acts . . nor are our officers little kings under christ , ( for the man cannot hold of the sent of a lord bishop ) but meere ministers and servants , and the ambassadors of the king of kings , who have no power to make lawes , as if they were little kings , but are to propound christs lawes ; hee is ignorant of christs kingdome , for the officers of the new testament are under christ as their king ; ergo , they are under him as little deputie kings to make lawes , as judges earthly are under those whose kingdome is of this world , joh. . . the man is both beside his booke , and his wit , to infer this ; christ hath no popes nor visible substitute kings under him , but under him are meere servants and heralds . . wee are farre from holding , that one church man such as the pope may excommunicate kings ; gregorius the second excommunicated the emperour leo , and gregorius the seventh , alias wicked hildebrand , excommunicated henry the fourth ; christ hath committed the power of excommunication to the whole church , cor. . . matth. . , . and therefore lysimachus nicanor cannot but side with papists in laying this power upon one prelate , as the kings substitute , or rather the popes vicar . . wee doe not teach that the pope or any church man may dethrone kings , and alienate their crownes to others . gregory the first in a certaine decree saith , kings and judges , who contr●veneth the constitution of the sea of rome , are to bee deprived of her honour ; gregory the second having excommunicated the emperour leo , discharged the italians to pay him tribute , and that because leo was against the worshipping of images ; see p haiminsfieldius , and q arniseus , and r baleus saith the pope drew the subjects of this leo isaurus , in apertam rebellionem , to 〈◊〉 rebellion , and so the emperors of the east were deprived of the kingdome of italy , per sanctissimum diabolum , by a most holy devill : pope zachariah , ( not the prophet ) deprived childericus king of france of his kingdome , and procured that pipinus the father of charles the great , should bee created king , so saith s baleus also . let the third transferred the empire from the grecians to the romans , and by the hand of pope leo ( saith sigebertus ) charles was crowned ; see for this t shardius . gregorius the fift being the brother germane of otbo the emperour , made a law that the emperour should bee chosen by seven princes electors , which fact weakned the majestie of the empire , which went before by inheritance , hence an. . charles the fourth , that his sonne might succeed him in the empire , laid in pledge the free cities of the empire , in the hands of the prince electors , which to this day are not redeemed . so did the pope shake the empire , at his owne will. gregory the third began , and leo the third finished the devise of erecting a new empire in the west , and weakned the power of the emperour of constantinople . gregorius the seventh , alias gracelesse hildebrand , deprived henry the fourth , and created another in his place , as u sleidan and x lampadius relateth . innocentius the third dethroned otho the fourth : and innocentius the fourth dethroned frederick the second , and the like did clemens the sixth to lodovick the fourth , by bellarmines owne confession . no emperours can bee created but by their consent , saith the y author of that learned worke , catalog . testium veritatis . they loose the subjects from the oath of fidelitie . lodovick the fourth answering the calumnies of john the . z saith it is against all law that the emperour hath no imperiall authoritie and power , except hee bee anointed , con●e●rated and crowned by the pope ; he citeth their owne a law on the contrary . that joannes the . ( saith the emperour ) insinuateth in his bull , that hee is universall lord in both temporall and spirituall matters . bonifacius the eighth setteth out a bull against philip the faire , philippus pulcher king of france ( as saith b stephanus aufrerii ) and speaketh thus , that he is universall lord of the earth in both temparall and spirituall thing● bonifacius episcopus servus ser●orum dei , philippo fr●n 〈◊〉 regi , deum time & mandata ejus serva , seire te volumus quod in spritualibus & temporalibus nobis su●es , benificiarum & pre●end●●● ad te c●●●io nuda spectet , &c. beleeve if ye will , that constan●●●● gave to the popes of rome freedome and immunity from the imperiall laws , and that he gave to the pope the territories of rome , and the city of rome the seat of the empire to be peter the fishers patrimony , and this ( say they ) constantine gave to silvester , which is the patrimony of the crowne , and the very empire it selfe given to peter , we teach no such kingly power given to church-men , and judge this donation to be a forged lye , invented by papists , because they are their owne witnesses of this donation . for c hieronymus pa●●●us cath●lanus , a lawyer , and chamberlaine to pope alexand●r the sixth , saith exprelly there was no such donation made by constantine . and because those who are most diligent observers of memorable antiquities speake nothing of this donation , as neither eusebius , nor hieronymus , nor augustine , nor a●brase , nor basilius , nor chrysostome , nor ammianus , nor histeri● t●ip ●●tita , nor pope damasus in his chronicle , nor beda , nor oros●us , it is but a dreame , yet it is certaine that three hundreth veares after constantine the emperours keeped rome , and the townes of italy , by their presidents and deputies , as may be seene in d justini●n . and this they did to the time of inn●●●ntius the second , as chronicles doe beare . . wee doe not teach that church-men are loosed from the positive lawes of emperours and kings . bellarmine e saith that the magistrate can neither punish church-men , nor conveene them before the tribunall● so innocentius the third , saith f the empire is not above the pope , but the pope is above the empire . and bonifacin● the eighth g saith , all upon hazard of their salvation , are subject to the pope of rome , who hath the power of both swords , and judgeth all and is judged by no man. now it is knowne to 〈◊〉 nicanor , that the prelats of england and scotland in their high commission , had the power of both swords , and that by episcopall lawes , the primate 〈◊〉 all the 〈◊〉 , and is judged by none , and who but he ? and who ever spake as h suarez ? that church-m●n 〈…〉 co 〈…〉 against princes , even to detbrane them . and as he saith , 〈…〉 , by divine law the pope is eximed from a● laws of princes : and shall we in this beleeve i bellarmin● , k sato , l ●●●etanus , m turrecremata , n gr●g●rius de valent. o sua●●●● and then forsooth they bring us their p canon law to judg the law of god , & to prove it , because it is said by their silvester , nemo judicabit primam ●dem , and their q gratian learned this jus divinum , this divine law from innocentius the pope . and what they alledge for peters exemption from paying tribute , will exime all the disciples , and so all church-men by divine right from the lawes of princes . yea all clergy-men ( say they ) by a divine positive law are eximed from the laws of magistrates . so saith r suarez , s bellarmine , and t the 〈◊〉 of rbeimes , but with neither conscience , nor reason . and contrary to their owne practise and doctrine . for paul will have every soule subject to superiour powers , and except the roman clergy want soules , they must also be subject . salomon punished abiathar , josiah burnt the bones of the priests upon the a●tar , christ subjected himselfe to his parents , payed tribute to caes●r , and commanded scribes and pharisces to doe the like , matth. . willing that they should give to cesar those things which are caesars . paul appealed to caesars tribunall , and rom. . as many , as may doe evill , as many , as are in danger of resisting the power , are to be subject . rom. . . . but church-men are such , therefore they are subject . agatho bishop of rome writing to constantius the emperour , calleth himselfe imperii famulum , a subject of the empire , and saith , pro obedientia quam debuimus . leo submitted himselfe to lodovick the emperour . w the clergy of constantinople may be conveened before the patriarch or president of the city . see the x law. and y and z bishops , clerks , monkes , &c. for criminall causes are judged by the presidents : if a man have a suit with a clerk , for a money matter , if the bishop resuse to heare , tunc ad civilem judicem , &c. a say they . sigebertus , as also b luitprandus doth witnesse that the bishops of rome were compelled to pay a certaine summe of money to the emperors , to be confirmed in their bishopricke , ev●n till the yeare . leo the fourth , who is canonized by papists as a saint , c writeth to lotharius the emperour , that they will keepe the emperors lawes for ever , and that they are lyars who say the contrary . arcadius made a law , that if a priest were found to be seditious and troubling the publick peace , he should be banished an hundred miles from that place . but how farre popes have surpassed bounds in these ; see their blasphemies . as they say d god should not have beene discreet , nisi potestatem pontifici super principes contulisset , except he had given power to the pope above princes . also e papam superioritatem habere in imperatorem , & vacante imperatore , imperatori succedere . also f papa habet utriusque potestatis , temporalis nempe & spiritualis , monarchiam . also g quanto sol lunam , tanto papa superat imperatorem . the pope is above the emperor and succeedeth to the emperors throne , when it is vacant , and he is as farre above the emperor , as the sunne is above the moone . the pope also ( h ) in the nativity night , blesseth a sword , and giveth it to some prince , in signe , that to the pope is given all power in heaven and in earth . . the pope may loose all subjects from their oath of loyalty and may command that a jesuite stabbe or poyson a king , when he turneth enemy to the roman faith. all these satan and envy it selfe cannot impute to our doctrine . let l●simachus the jesuite heare this , and see if his owne little popes , the prclats , doe not teach or aime at all these points against the kings of the earth . chap. . sect . . of the way of reformation of the congregations of england . in the first article , the author acknowledgeth the church of england was once rightly , and orderly gathered , either by apostles ●● apostolick men , whether philip , or joseph of arimathea , or simon zelotes , as we may read in fox , &c. sothat all the worke now , is not to make them churches which were none before , but to reduce and restore them to their primitive institution . answ. though the churches of england were planted by the apostles , yet since popery universally afterward prevailed , in both england and scotland , as beda and nicephorus and ancient histories witnesse , we thinke by our brethrens grounds england losed the very essence of a true church . so that there be neede of the constituting of a new church , and not of simple restitution to the first restitution . . because the congregations wanteth the essentiall constitution of right visible churches , as you say . . because you receive none comming from the church of new-england , to the seales of the covenant , because they are members of no visible church . sect. . certaine propositions tending to reformation . in the third or fourth proposition the author condemneth laicks patronages . . dedicating of lands to the ministry ; to these adde what the ministers of new-england say a in their answer to the thirty two questions sent to them from old-england , where they condemne stinted maintenance . though the right of church patronages were derived from romulus , it is not for that of noble blood . ●or b dionysius halicarnasseus saith romulus instituted patronages , when he had divided the people in noble and ignoble , called , patricii & plebeii . but this patronage was civill , and when servants and underlings were hardly used , it hath a ground in nature , that they choose patrons to defend them , therefore hee who gave libertie to a a servant , amongst the romans was called a patron , and c he who defended the cause of the accused , as valla saith , was called a patron . if it bee said that the servant was the proper goods , and part of the masters patrimony , because hee might sell his servant , and therefore there could bee no law given to prove men may limit the dominion of the master over the servant . i answer ; the servant was a part of his masters patrimony , but a part thereof for sinne , not as his oxe or his asse , is a part of his patrimony ; therefore by the law of nature , whereby the weaker imploreth helpe of the stronger , as the lambe seeketh helpe from the mother , and the young eagle from the old , the slave might well have libertie to choose a patron , and this is a ground that the magistrate the churches nurs-father by office should plead the churches cause , as her patron , and every one in power is to defend the church in her liberties and patrimony ; and therefore in the apostles time , when holinesse and the power of religion did flourish , and was in court , there was not need of any positive , civill or church law , for a patron to the church , every beleever in power is oblieged to defend the church : but when men became vulturs and ravenous birds to plucke from the church what was given them , the councell of millian d in the yeare of god . wherein some say augustine was president , under honorius and arcadius , some holy and powerfull men were sought from the emperour to defend the church in her patrimony , and rights against the power and craft of avaritious men , and they were called patrons , and the same was desired e in the first councell of carthage , but with the bishops advice , cum provisione episcoporum . hence it is cleare , patronages from their originall were not church priviledges , and bishops being a part of the church , could not be the patrons , quia nemo sibi ipsi potest esse patronus , and for this cause that learned f thinketh this was the originall of church patronages , but the patrons have beene chosen with consent of the church ; hence they were not as our patronages are now , which goeth . by birth , . and are a part of a mans patrimony , and civill thing , that the patron hath right unto , under the kings great seale ; but as a minister is not a minister by birth , neither was a patron a patron by birth : and from this wee may collect , that the patrons right was but a branch of the magistrates right , and accumulative , not primitive , and that hee could take nothing from the church , and 〈◊〉 lesse might the patron forestall the free election of the people , by tying them and their free suff●ages to a determinate man , whom hee presented ; and it is not unlike which g a●entinus 〈◊〉 , when bishops gave themselves onely to the word of god , to preaching and writing bookes in defence of the truth , the emperour tooke care that they should bee furnished with food and ●aiment , and therefore gave them a p●tronus quem 〈◊〉 patronum curatoremque vocabant , whom they called a patron ; and here observe the bishop of old was the client , and the sonne and pupill , now hee must bee the patron and tutor , and therefore in time of popery , antichristian prelates would bee patrons both to themselves and to the churches . but this seemeth not to bee the originall of patronages , because this ground is common to all churches , but not all , but onely some certaine churches have patronages , therefore their ground seemeth rather to bee that some religious and pious persons founded churches , and dotted , and mortified to them benefices , and the church by the law of gratitude did give a pat●onage over these founded churches to the first foundators and their heires , so as they should have power to nominate and present a pastor to the church . but there were two notable wrongs in this ; for . if the fundator have all the lands and rents in those bounds , where the church was erected , hee is oblieged to erect a church , and furnish a ●●pend , both by the law of nature and so by gods law also . ergo , the church owe to him no gift of patronage for that , nor is hee to keepe that patronage in his hand , when hee erecteth a church ; but and if hee being lord heritor of all the lands and rents , both erecteth a church , and dotteth a stipend , sub modum eleemosynae , non sub modum debiti , by way of almes , not by way of debt , then is there no gratuitie of honour , nor reward of patronage due to him , for almes as almes hath no reall or bodily reward to bee given by those on whom the almes is bestowed , but onely the blessings of the poore , joh . . it being a debt payed to god , hee doth requite it . and h calderword saith , no wise man would thinke that the church men should allure men to found churches , and to workes of pietie , by giving them the right of presenting a man to the change : and also hee would call it simonie , not pietie or religion , if one should refuse to doe a good worke to the church , except upon so deare●t rate , and so hard a condition as to acquire to himselfe po●er over the church of god. though the ●ight of presenting a man to benefice were a meere temporall thing , yet because it removeth the libertie of a free election of the fittest pastor , as i origen saith , it cannot bee lawfull , but it is not a temporall or civill right , but a spirituall right , though wee should grant that the people have a free voyce in choosing , and that the patron were oblieged to present to the benefice , the man onely whom the people hath freely chosen , and whom the elders , by imposition of hands , have ordained . . because the pastors hath right to the benefice , as the workeman is worthy of his hire , and hee hath a divine right thereunto by gods law , cor. . , . & c. gal. . matth. . . ergo , if the patron give any right to the pastor to the benefice , it must bee a spirituall right . if it bee said , hee may give him a civill right before men , that according to the lawes of the commonwealth , hee may legally brook and injoy the benefice ; this is but a shift , for the civill right before men is essentially founded upon the law of god , that saith , the workeman is worthy of his hire : and it is that fame right really that the word of god speaketh of : now by no word of god , hath the patron a power to put the preacher in that case , that hee shall bee worthy of his wages , for hee being called , chosen as pastor , hee hath this spirituall right not of one , but of the whole church . . it is true , papists seeme to bee divided in judgements in this , whether the right of patronage bee a temporall or a spirituall power ; for some canonists as wee may see k in abb. decius , l and rubio , and the glosse m saith it is partly temporall , partly spirituall . others say it is a spirituall power , as n anton. de butr. and o andr. barbat . and p suarez , and whereas papists doe teach that the church may lawfully give a right of presenting to church benefices , even to those who are not church men , the power must bee ecclesiasticall and spirituall , and cannot bee temporall ; also suarez saith , that the right of patronage may bee the matter of sim●ny , when it is ●●ld for m●ney . ergo , they thinke it an holy and spirituall power . it is true q the bishop of spalato calleth it a temporall power , which is in the hand of the prince , but there is neither reason nor law , why it can bee called a temporall power due to a man , seeing the patron hath ( amongst us ) a power to present , and name one man , whom he conceiveth to be qualified , for wee find the nomination of a list , or the seeking out of men fit for the holy ministry , some times ascribed to the church , as act. . then they appointed two , joseph called barsabas , who was surnam d jus●us , and matthias , which words may well bee referred to the eleven apostles , and so they nominated men , or to the church of beleevers , and so though it bee not an authoritative action , it is an ecclesiasticall action , and belongeth to the church as the church , and so to no patron : and the looking out of seven men to be presented as fit to bee ordained deacons , is expresly given to the church of beleevers , act. . . wherefore brethren , looke yee out amongst you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seven men of honest report ; and sometimes the apostles doe nominate men for the ministery , but never doth the holy ghost mention a patron . but if the thing it selfe ( say they ) hee necessary , then is the office not unlawfull . but it is most necessary that some one or more eminent and powerfull men , should have power to see that the church goods bee not delapidated . answ. it is a part of the magistrates office , with his accumulative power , whereby hee seeth that every one doe their dutie , to take care that vulturs and sacrilegious devourers of church livings bee punished ; and the church themselves are to censure all guiltie of simony or delapidation of the rents of the church , as may bee gathered by due analogie from peters punishing with death , the sacriledge of ananias and saphira , and the simony of simon magus . . the ancient church ●ooke care of dividing of the church rent very carefully in foure parts ; one was given to the pastor , who was not to imploy ●ents of the church upon horses and coaches , and conquering baronies and lordships to their sonnes , as our idle belleys were in custome to doe , but the bishop was to entertaine hospitalls , and to feed the poore , to take care of bridges , rep●ring of churches , so as r ambrose saith , what ever is the biships , it is the poores ; a second part was given to the elders and deacons ; a third part was for the repairing of churches , and a fourth part for hospitalls , for poore and strangers ; this distribution with some other order , is made , if wee beleeve papists , s in a synod at rome under silvester the first , though socrates , theodoret , sozomen , and others well versed in antiquitie speake nothing of this synod , but you may see this cleare in t synodo bracarensi , in u aventinus , in x gregorius , so there is no need of a patron , nor was there any in the apostolick church . deacons were to take care for tables , and the goods of the poore , no reason that men seeme more carefull for the good of the church then jesus christ. . though there bee a necessitie that the church bee defended in her liberties , yet is there no reason , an office should be made thereof ; as the canonists make it an office , with a sort of stipend ; and therefore to make a patron they require not onely the founding of a church , but also the building of the house , upon his owne charges , and the dotation of a mainten●nce for the church , y and for this cause the patrou hath a buriall place in the church ; and if hee or his children become poore , they are to be entertained of the church rents ; and therefore they call it jus ●uti'e , a gainefull power . . it is jus b●norifioum , hee hath power to nominate and present a man to the benefice of the vaiking church . . it is jus onerosum , because hee is oblieged to defend the church ; see the● z law for this ; so see also a calderwood , b gerardus , c suarez , d anton. de dom . arcb . spal h●spinianus ; yet justinianus himselfe forbiddeth that the patron should present a man to the bishop to bee examined and tryed , and certainly this place and charge for the defending of the church of christ from injuries and wrongs 〈◊〉 christ of want of foresight and providence , who hath not appointed officers civill and e f eccle●●asticall to take care of his church , for no power over the church was ever given to builders of synagogues , and therefore a calling by the patron is no more christs way , then a calling by the prelate and his chaplaine . . nor would the church receive the ministers from christ jer. . . and the laying on of the hands of the elders , tim. . . tim. . . but by the authoritie of the patron , who doth nominate the man , and may charge the presbyterie , by law to admit him minister of such a flock . nor is it enough to say that the patron doth present to such a benefit onely , and doth leave all the ecclesiasticall part to the church , and the officers thereof , for this would say something , if the patron were tied to the churches free choise , whereas the contrary is true , that the church is tyed to the patrons free election of the man , but this is nothing , because the patron being but one man onely , and so the church can have no lawfull proprietie , right and dominion over the rents of the church , for christ is onely lord and proprieter , and just titular of all rents dotted for the maintenance of the ministery , and under christ , when the place vaiketh , the rents recurre to the church , as the proper proprieter under christ : as the goods of ananias and saphira are the goods of the church , after they had given them in to the publick treasurie of the church ; ergo , the patron can give no right to any person to bee presented and ordained , for no man can give to another that title and right which hee hath not in himselfe . if it bee said , hee may give in the churches name , as the churches patron , those goods which are mortified to the church , well , then is the patron in the act of presenting the representative church , and hath the churches power ; ergo , hee is but the churches servant in that , and to doe at the churches will , and the church is the first presenter , this is a new representative church , that wee have not heard of . . this is against the nature of the patrons office , whose it is , when hee foundeth and buildeth a church , to reserve the right of patronage to himselfe , and never to give that right to the church ; ergo , by his owne authoritie , and not in the churches name , hee giveth title to the benefice , to the pastor of minister . . the church hath not power to alien ate and dispose to one particular man , those goods which are given to god , and to his church , so as that one hath power in law to dispose those goods to any , without the churches consent , as the patron may doe . the church may dispose and give power to one man to doe certaine actions in the churches name , but yet so as the church retaineth power to regulate that her delegate , or commissioner in these acts , and to correct him , in case of aberration ; but the church hath no power over the patron as patron to limit him in the exercise of his power , for the right of patronage is his by birth , he may sel it for mony to another ; to a papist , to an excommunicate person , to a jew , or an enemy of the church , as hee may sell his lands and houses , and hath a civill right thereunto under his majesties great seale ; therefore the patron doth here , proprio suo jure , by his owne proper right , present and give title and law to the church benesice , and doth not present in name of church , or as having from the church a power . . what ever taketh away an ordinance of christ , that is not lawfull : but the power of patrons taketh away the ordinance of christ , and the free election of the people , because the people have power to choose out of many one fittest , and most qualified , for the office ; as is cleare , act. . . act. . v. last . act. . . because the man chosen should bee one of a thousand , as g didoclavius or calderwood saith in that learned treatise , called altare damascenum . nor can it be said ( saith that learned author ) that the church may transferre her right of presenting to a patron , for that is in effect to transferre her power of election , but that ( saith hee ) . the particular church cannot doe except by the decrce of a gener all assembly , neither can that right bee transferred over to a generall assembly , especially a perpetuall and hereditary right , because ( as saith h cartwright ) it is a part of that libertie , which is purchased by christs blood , which the church can no m●re alienate and dispose , then shee can transferre or dispose to another her inheritance of the kingdome of god , to the which this libertie is annexed : thus he . . the discerning of the spirits , and the knowing of the voyce of christ speaking in his called servants , is laid upon the flocke of christ , whose it is to elect , but not upon the patron , which may bee a heathen , and a publican , and as such is no member of the church . . every humane ordinance not warranted by christs tostament , and abused to sacriledge , rapine , delapidation of church-rents , and simoniacal pactions with the intrants into the holy ministery , is to bee abolished , and is unlawfull : but the right of patronages is such as experiences teacheth to many and lamentable . the proposition is above cleared . . that calling in part or in whole , which giveth no ground of faith , and assurance of a lawfull calling to the ministers entry to that holy charge , cannot belawfull ; but the calling to the ministery by the good will and consent of the patron as patron , is such . ergo. the proposition is cleare , every lawfull meane and way of entry unto that calling is warranted by a word of promise , or precept , or practise ; the calling by the patrons consent , hath neither word of promise , or precept , or practise in the word ; and stayeth not the conscience of the man of god , that hee did not runne unsent : but a man is never a whit the more staid in his conscience , that hee is presented by a patron , to the tithes , and parsonage and vicarage of such a congregation . it is but a cold comfort to his soule , that the patron called him . . what ever priviledge by the law of nature all incorporations have to choose their owne rulers and officers , this christ must have provided in an eminent manner to the church : but all cities , societies , incorporations and kingdomes have power to choose their owne rulers , officers , and members , as is cleare by an induction of all free colledges , societies , cities and republicks . ergo , this cannot bee laid upon a patron ; see for this also i amesius , k guliel . apollonius , who citeth that of l ath●nasius , where is that canon in the word , that the sent minister of christ , is sent from the court , or the princes pala●e ? as concerning the other two , this author condemneth lands dedicated to the ministery , because the new testament speaketh nothing of such lands . answ. this speaketh against glebes of ministers , but the new testament speaketh not of manses or houses , or of moneys for ministers ; yet a wage wee know is due , matth. . . cor. . , , . gal. . . and the levites were not to bee distracted from the most necessary worke of the tabe●●acle , and service of god , more then ministers , yet they had lands and townes assigned of god to them ; though the lesse dis●ract●ous the wages bee , the better , and the more convenient they are , tim. . . . . as for the tithes wee thinke quotta decimarum , or a sufficient maintenance , of tithes , or what else may conduce for food and raiment , of divine right , matth. . . cor. . , . tithes formally as tithes are not necessary , so the ministers bee provided , and a stipend bee allowed to them , not as an almes , but as a debt , luk. . . but the stinting of maintenance for ministers the author condemneth , because when constantine gave large rents to the church , it proved the lane of the church . but i answer , stinting maketh not this , but excesse , for mountaines of rents may bee stinted , no lesse then mole-hills . in the first proposition pastors are to bee chosen of new , in england , though they have beene pastors before , and that by the imposition of the hands of some gracious and godly christians . answ. such an ordination wanteth all warrant in the word of god. . why are they ordained over againe , who were once ordained already ? belike you count them not ministers , and baptisme administred by them , no baptisme , though these same gracious christians have beene baptized by such , and so england hath no church visible at all , and no ministry ; see what you lay upon luther and some of our first reformers , who had their externall calling from antichristian prelates , the same very thing which papists lay upon them . . if there bee called pastors in england to lay on hands on ministers , why are not they to impose hands on such as you judge to bee no ministers ? because possibly the prelates laid hands upon them , seeing you grant chap. . sect. . where there are presbyters to lay on hands , it is convenient that ordination should bee performed by them . i confesse i am not much for the honoring of the prelates foule fingers , yet can they not bee called no pastors , no more then in right wee can say , caiaphas was no high priest. proposition . hee willeth pastors , and doctors , and elders to bee put in the ●●●me of parsons and vicars . answ. if the offices of parson and vicar bee set up , it is reason they be abolished , but for the names there is not much necessitie of contending , though in such cases it bee safer to speake with the scripture , then with papists : the vicar generall is indeed the bishops delegat , and a creature to bee banished out of the house of god , of whose unprofitable place & stile , see that learned writer m d●●id calderwood , who findeth him to bee made of the metall of the popes service , base copper not gold. n and the popish parson is as the vicar ; firewood for antichrists caldron . in the . and . propositions , it is said , that it is necessary 〈◊〉 preachers countenanced from king , and state , were sent to 〈◊〉 to congregations generally ignorant , and prophane , and till they 〈…〉 measure of gracious reformation , as they can testifie their faith and repentance , it were meet they should never renew their c●●●nant made in baptism , nor yet have the seales of the covenant con●●●ed upon them , but till then they shall lament after the lord , as the 〈◊〉 did when the arke had beene long absent , sam. . . answ. in these propositions most of all the congregations of england , except some few following the way of independencie of church government , though they bee baptized and professe the truth , are brought just to the state of turkes and indians willing to heare the word , or of excommunicated persons , for they and their seede are to want the scales , their children bapti●me , themselves the lords supper . but . how can the 〈◊〉 in ordinary rebukes , and excommunication from the s●al● bee exercised upon these who are without , and no churche as yet ? for while they sweare the covenant , they are not churches . . it is said , godly preachers must bee sent to them , 〈◊〉 th●y 〈◊〉 reformed ; but why not godly pastors ? because th●ugh these preachers preach unto them , yet exercise they no pastorall care over them , because they are not yet a visible church and flocke , and therefore have no more pastors to care for their soules , then turkes and indians , and preachers have 〈◊〉 a pastorall relation to these , though baptized , and 〈◊〉 christ , then to indians , jewes or turkes , as our brethren teach , & a paterne of such flocks is not hard in the word , where ordinarily the word is preached to a number of people baptized , and yet baptisme denyed to all their seed , and the lords supper to themselves . . it is the same covenant the author speaketh of here with the church covenant that 〈◊〉 and judah made with god , and which they say essentially constituteth a church , and hinteth at the covenant of the church of scotland , sworne and subscribed by many thousands ign●rant and prophane , and who never came to such a measure of gracious reformation , as they can testifie their faith and repentance ; yet did this nation right in putting all to sweare and enter into a covenant with god , for israel , deut. . where there was many who had not eyes to see , eares to heare , and a heart to understand , v. . . and where there were many rebellious and stiff-hearted , deut. . . entered all of them into covenant with god , captaines , elders , officers , all the men of israel , deut. . v. . little ones , wives , children , hewers of wood , &c. all which attained not to such a measure of gracious reformation . chron. . . all judah and benjamin , and the strangers with them out of ephraim and manasseh , and out of simeon , entered into a covenant with god ; who after such apostasie could not all have attained to that measure of gracious reformation , as to testifie their faith and repentance by prayer , conference , experiences of gods wayes in their heart and confession , and yet the author saith o that there is no colour to conceive this way of entering into church estate by covenant , to be peculiar to the pedagogue of the old testament . . israels lamenting after the lord , sam. . . was not the repentance of a people , who was not a church visible , but was onely a people to bee prepared for a church state , and not fit to receive circumcision and the passoever ; as you conceive of the ignorant and prophane in england , which to you are no visible churches ; for israel at this time was a true visible church . the rest of the propositions tending to reformation not discussed elsewhere , i acknowledge to be gracious and holy counsells , meet for a reformation . the lord build his owne temple in that land , and fill it with the cloud of his glory . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a psal. . . b sam. . v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c omnis sanguis concolor . franc. petrarch . psal. . . revel . . . e cor. , . notes for div a -e a cassian . de incar . lib. . c. . primum est errores penitus non in curr●rc , sec●ndum bene repudiare . b james . . notes for div a -e the way of the churches of christ in new england , c. . sect . fundamentalls authority of elders . magistrats power in matters ecclesiasticall . notes for div a -e the way of the churches . trelcat . loc . . a●t . ● . tylen . syntag. disp . . de eccl. dis . . thes. . profess . leyd . synop pur . theol. dis . . thes . . piscator dis . . n. , . bucan . loc . . quest . . s. . answer to quest. . way of the church . ch. sect , compare with . chap. . robins . iustifie . pag. . confess . separ . art . . bell de eccl. li. cap. . cor. . . mat. . . cor. . . confess . art . . quest. . a parker de po●it . eccl. l. . c. . b c●hol . paris . pag. . c paul baynes docesart tyrall . . q. concl . . pa. . a thom. . q. . art ad . b molina tom . tract . . dis . . n. . c suarez . tom. de legib . lib. . cap . d vasq. . dis . . cap. . e viguertus in institut theol. cap. . s. . f sotus de instit li. . q. . art . . g scotus . dist . . quest . . h altisiodore . l. sum tract . . cap. . qu. . i durandus . k gabriel . . dist . . q. . art. . concl. . l voetius des . causa . pap . li. . c. ca. . sect . . . m theodo . l. . ca. . c. . n gerson par . . sermon rhen. dom . . postpashat o anton. . l. . c. . a shindler in lexico . b muscul. com . in is. . . insigne acceptae potestatis , occonoms & praeposito domûs commendantur claves , quibus potestatem suam administret . c calvin comment ib. gualter homil. . claves symbolum potestatis , regibus claves offerunt d iunius . plenam administrationem e beza in . ma. aunot . potestas ministrorum , in mat. . f pareus . domus meae faciam te aeconomum g hieron . clavis , potestas excellentiae h chrysostom . homil. . in mat. magnam potestatem i august . de civit . de lib. . ca. . potestatem pastoris k beda in iohan. clavis est potestas ligandi & solvendi . a li. de fide ad pet. b stephan . in thesaur . ling. graecae . c whittakee tom . . contr . . c● . . d calvin . ib. dissert . de apostolatu petri. e bullinger ib. f erasm. para. g zwinglius . h marlorat com . i pareus . ib. a beza . ministerii ecclesiastici , authorit●● caelestis . b tolet comment in joan. in loc . an . . c maldonat . harm . in loc . d cajetan . com . in ioh. . . ideo hoc in loco instituitur & promulgatur sacramentum paenitentiae . e rolloc . ib●cpetita & reiterata potestas . f beza in ani . mad . in mat. . sicut ioannes iuterpretatur in sra . c. . g bulling . mat. . h pareus . quicquid solveris , id est , joh. . quorum peccata remiseritis . i calv. instit . . ca. . k whittaker . tom . . contr . . q. . ca. . l zwinglius com . m asuscul . in joh. . n way of the church of n. e. ca. . sect . o bulling . in loc . mat. . bullinger comment , mat. p muscul. ibid q beza an . r calvin comment s psa. . judg. . . psal. . . mat. . . acts . . acts . . mark. . . l levit. . . psal. . . jer. . . ps. . . act. . . rom. . . cor. . . rev. . . rev. . . job . . . a cap. . sect. . b mat. . . joh . . acts . . . a gretser de in augnr doctor luther . p. ● . b bel● . de cöcli . vut . l. , ca. . c suarez de trip . virt●dis . . de eccl. sec. . n. . d greg de valent tom . . dis . . q. . punct . . e hosius in confess . polmiea . f joan. de turre cremat . de gal. l. . ca. , , . a fran. iohnson art . . in m. clisions booke . p. . b mat. . . cor. . . cor. . . joh. . . c consess . art . . d remonst . conf . . & apol . cons. ib. e socin . tract . de eccl c. . n. . gatechis . raccoviens . c. . n. . f cartwright ans . to the adm●nit . tract . . c. ● div . . p . g beza an . in mat. . h pareus , apostolis dict manisestum est , quicquid vos apostoli ligaveritis , ut supra petro dixerat christus , mat. . . i calvin com . ib. k joh. weemes vol. . expos . of the judiciall law. c. . a way of the church of n. e. c. . sec. . irenaus i● qui in ecclesia sunt , presbyteris obed● oportet , iis qui successionem habent ab apostolis : qui cum episcopatus successione , charisma veritatis certum , secundum beneplacitumpatris , acceperunt . nazianzen . o● at . . de laud. bas. ejusdem throni particeps est petrus , cum reliquis apostolis , in illa verba , dabo tibi claves cyprian de unita ecclesia , christus eandem dedit omnibus apostolis potestatem , & hoc erant utique & caeteri apostoli , quod , pe●●us suit , pari consortto praediti & honoris & potestatis , he should have said , hoc erant utique & caeteri credentes in christum , quod petrus suit ; also basil de vita solitar . c. . omnibus pastoribus & doctoribvs candem potestatem tribuit , cu●us signum est , quod omnes , exaequo & ligant & solvunt . he should have said , omnibus credentibus in christum eandem potestatem tribuit . ambros. in ps. . & in luc. . ser. . quod hic dictum est , apostolis omnibus dictum ; non ait , omnibus credentibus dictum . the p●ilact . in mat. . quamvis soli petro dictum , tamen omnibus apostolis concessae sunt ( claves . ) cyrill● in joh. . l. . responsionem illi christus committebat , qui ordine primus , omnibus apostolis : non ait , omnibus credentibus . euthymius in mat. ca. tibi dabo claves , atqui donum hoc ceterorum fuit apostolorum . hugo de sanct . victor tom. . institut sanct . monaster . quamvis potestas solvendi & ligandi soli petro data videatur , tamen caeteris apostolis data est , haymo . homil in festo petri & pauli . quod petro dixit , in petro , caeteris apostolis dixit . cardin cusan . concord . cathol . . c. . nih l dictum a●●ctrum , quod alits apostolis n●n di●tum . glossa ordinaria , pet●us tanquam principa is inter alios ( apostolos ) non inter alios creientes , pro aliis dat respensionem . cyrill in es. . orat . sancti apostoli & evangelist●e fundamenta . hyeron li. cont . iovian , omnes apostoli acceperunt claves , non solus petrus . anselm in mat. . habent eandem judiciariam potestatem al●i apostoli . anastasius in quest . sac . script q. . in . tom biblioth . potestatem clavium non soli petro , sed aliis etiam apostolis , & toti ecclesie in episcopis & presbyteris datam . august . tract . in joh . & lib. de ag●d . christi c. . beda , homil . in mat. . chry●ostom homil. . ad popul . hilarius ae trinit l. . euscbius histor . eccl. lib . c. . leo serm. . de assumpt . & citat bellar. de pont. lib. . c. . petro hoc singulariter creditur , quia cunct is rectoribus petri formâ proponitur , lyra in mat. . durand dis : . q . pro omnibus apostolis dictum . thom. . d. . q. . scot. . d. . q. . adrian . in . . d. q. . synod coloniens . sub . adulph c. . med . . hugo cardinal . in matthew . concilum aqu●sgranens . cap. . a augustine de trinit . lib. . cap. & in psalm . . b beda in joh. . c gregor . li. . c. . d gerard. loc . com●tom . . de eccl. c. . n. . e wiclefus tract . cont . monach . c. . f whittaker cont . . q. . c. . g august . cont . petilian . l. . c. ult . a presbytetiall government examined , p. . b doct. parisiens . de polit . eccles. pag. , . quest . a pauls presbytery , c. . . . * answ. in his animadvers . pag. , . a h●b . . . ez●k . . . ezr. . . jer. . . ezek. . . jod . . . ez●k . . . ex. . . . . ex. . ex. . . levit. . num. . . deur . . . deut . . . chron. . . chron. . . chron. . . b eph. . . col. . . col. . . thest. . . tim. . . acts . . c eph. . . colos. . . tim. . . act. . . . d cor. . . . cor. . . . cor. . , , . cor. . , , . gal. . . a tim. . . . tim. . . tim. . . tit. . . b tim. . pet. . , . . tim. . tim. . . tim. . , . a pag. . a august . de civ . det. l. . c. . b chrysost. homil. in exod. . c ambros. in luc. . d hiieronimus in luc. . e aquinas , . q. . art . . f bannes , in . art . . g suarez , tom . de fid . spe & charit . d●s . . de con . h cajetan . in . q. . ar . . i and. duvallius in . tom . poster . tract . de charit . q. . art . . k gregor . de valent . tom . . dis . . de correc . fra . quest . . punct . . l doct. juris canonici in decret . . q. . caus . peccaverit haec . m basil in ps. . n august . de verbo domin . serm . . o hieronim . in ps. . in illud corripiet me j●stus . p nazianzen in or at . de moderatione , in disputat . q calvin in epist. ad col . c. . r davenantius com . ib. a robinson justif . separation p , . . a robinson justif . p. . b rob. lb. pag. . c lb. a rob. ib. , . b ib. . c mat. . . d gerard. loc . com . tom . . de minist . eccles. n. . pag. . a socinus tract de eccles. pag. . b catechis . ● raccov . . pag. . c ostorod . in insi●t . german . cap. . p. . d theoph. nicolaides defens . soc. de eccles. cap. . pag. . e prov. . . f rev. . . g psal . . h amos . , . i rob. justif . of separation , pag. , . k rob. . l robins . , . m rob. , . n rob. , . a socin . tract . de eccl. pag. . b ostorodius in instit . cap. . pag. . c the. nicol. tract . soc. dc eccl. c. . p. . d rob. , . . way of the church of christ , in n. e. ( b ) robinson pag. . way of the church of ch . in n. e. a ainsnorth . b cons. art . . ap . c john paget defence of church-gover . ch . . pa. . and p . manus . ih , ch . . sect. . ib. ch. . sect. . manuscript , ●b . a inf. pag. a manuscript . the way of the church of ch. in n. e. b ainsworth animad vers . p. . . a ainsworth animadvers . p. . a regula juris . in . and . in ff . non est sine culpa , qui , rebus , quae ad ipsum non spectant , se immiscet , cum periculo alterius . b suarez , de tripl . virt dis . . de bello sect . . n. . c bannes in . q. . concl . . d an. duvallius in . tract . de charit . art . . a nava●re dist . . de poe●itē . c. st qu●s aute● . b corduba dist . q. & . c sylvester confessor . . s. . d adrian quo . l libet . e suarez . . . par . . de oper . sex dier . de proxim . regul . bonit . & malit . dis . . sect . . n. . f rom. . a thomas . q. . art . . b bonavent . ib. art . . q. c richard act . . q. ● . d gabriel ib. a●t . e occam in . q. . f antoni . part tit . . c. . s. . g adrian quod . l. . ar . . h almaintrac . de opere morali . . c. . i suarez de oper . sex dic● in par . . de prox . reg. bon. & mal . act . dis . . sect . n. . k aquin. . q. . art . . l valentia . tom . . dis . . q. princ . . m duvallius . tom. . tract . de human . act . q. . art . . n almain . de potest . eccle. & laica . c. . o occam . in . . q. . a reg. juris culpabilis est ignorantia rerum quas scire tenemur . a reg. juris lex non est de singularibus , lex non c●rat de particula●●bus . b deut. . . mat. . . ● tim . . exod. . . c ioh. weemes . vel expos . of judiciall larres ch . . p. . a bonavent . . q . b rich. a●t . . q . c occam . q● . a● . . d anton. . ● . ● act . . ca. . ● . . e adrian . quod . lib. 〈◊〉 . ●● . f weemes loc . cit . g henricus ● . q●●●ll . . q. . h robnson justi● . of sepa●at . p. . i ● tim. . ●● . c ains . loc . cit . jer. . , , . deut. . , , . ki. . . . isa. . . . e micah . . , . . f zeph. . . g sam. . h sam. . . . i ki. . jud. . . v. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cont . tylen . parenes . l. . c. . sect . . & . b steph. in thesau . c cyrill . hyerosolamita . d causab . cont . baron . . . e loc. cit . f baynes diocesan tryall . q. . p. . cor. . a paul baynes dioces . tryal . q. . p. . ib. p. . * paget defence of church government chap. . a lorin . comment in act . b cajetan com . ●b . c robin justi . p. , . d pet. martyr com in cor. . e whittaker com . q. . p. f bilson perpet . govern . p . g chamier pan . l. . ●om . h pareus cor. . . com . mat. . i beza , annot . in act . . v. . & . k calvin . comment in act . . . l harmon . confess . art . , . m 〈◊〉 de eccl. li . c. n cartwright refut r●em gor. o fulk against the rhemistes act . p ursin explic . par . p. . q zwinglius expl act . . . r munsterus in mat. . s theodoret. dialog . . t irenaeus cont herm●g lib. . u cyprian l. . epist. . a way of the church of chin n. e. c. . sect . . hosea . . to the eleventh question , pag. , . church-government discussed . lb. pag. , . a church government discussed , answer to quest . . pag. . when christ layeth 〈◊〉 a warrant for the power of binding and looseing given to all churches , his wisdome hath fitted the rule , so that it agree to al churches , to a congregation that 's alone in a remote iland , to a church presbyteriall , or nationall , as parker doth apply it to prove the power of synods . if a little body of a congregation , in a remote isle , have power from christ , to cut off a rotten member , l●st it infect the whole body ; shall we doubt but our wise lawgiver hath given that same power to a greater body of many visible congregations , which is under the danger of the same con●agious infection ? the way of the church of christ in . n. eng. a the . question propounded by the godly and learned brethren of old england . a cajetan . coment . ib. b eras. sarcer . in loc . c bullinger oomment . d paraeus v. . e p. martyr . ib. f paraeus in ●s . . a ambrosus . b oecumenius in loc . c theophylact. d calvin . e pet. martyr . comment . f bullinger . g pareus h beza . i pelican . k pomeran cō . l meyer . m sarcerius com . n marloratus . o paraphraste● . p haymo com . q aquinas . r eras●●● paraph. a augustine saith , haeres . . eccl. siam christi de ●oto te●rarum or●e 〈◊〉 , ●que●s africa dona●i parte remansyle . b augustin . epist. ad uincent in illa verba , indica , ubi pascis in meridie viden. solam & solam illi in meridie , vos in occidents ? saith morton apolog p. . c. . answereth bellarmine de ecclesia mil●● l. . c. . c field of the church . book . . ch . d morton grand imposture ch . . . challeng p. . e gerard. to . . de ecclesia c. . p. . . nu . . a pa●k●r ●n the crosse parag . . c. . p. . d● c. . b brightman in apocal. . c cartwright repl . . p. . non distinguendum , ubi lex , ubi legislator non distinguit . manuscript ch . . sect . . a quest. . b apology of the churches of new england , c. . c the way of the church of christ in new england , ch . . sect . . prop. . d apology for the church of n. e. ch . . e way of the church , chap. . sect . . the state of the question concerning the church covenant . a alphonsus à castr. tit . vota . b bellarm. de eccles . milit . lib. . cap. . ●andem heresin . lampetianorum lutherus tenet . c bellarm , de monarch . l. . c. . d origen . nazianzen . ambrose . augustinus exponit i●lud , matth. . . e bellarm. de monach , lib. . cap. . f maldonat . in math. . a the way of the churches , chap. sect. . b discourse of church-covenant , fol. , . c apolog. chap. . d discourse of the church-covenant , fol. . e beza annot . marg . act. . . f syrus interp . ibid. g arab. interp . ibid. h latin. interp . ibid. i gal. . . ep. joh. . k apologie of the church of new england . l act. . . 〈◊〉 . . . tim. . . pet. . ● , . m apol. ●● . * apology for the churches of new england , c. . a discouse of a church covenant , fo . . b gal. . . psal. . , . esau . . c heb. . . d ier. . . ch . . v , , , , . i●rem . . . a discourse of the church-covenant fol. , , . b parker de pol. eccles. l. . c. . p. . . c fox acts & monum . . a apology c. . b p●●ker de polit . . c. . a concl. laodi● . c. . b gregorius de consecrat . c. . c. ab antiqua . c leo epist. . d augustin . in joan. tract . . de trinit . li. . c. . de baptismo l. . c. . e tertulli●n de resurrell . carnis . f cyprian . epist . ad iubajan . g ambros. de sacram l . c. . h concil . elibert . c. . & . i perkins . problem p. . k martin . bucer in leiturg . angl. ch . . l chemnitii examen concili trident. l. . p. . m pet. martyr loc . com . class . . de confirm . n whitgift p. . . o pareus comment : in heb. . p beza annot . in job . . q calvin comment in heb. . r bullinger comment . heb. a pareus , in collei●●m apostolorum nos receperunt , dextrit nobiscum jūctis , quod intimae conjunctionis nostrae signum fuit & obsignatio . b bullinger ib. c beza , a●not . a way of the churches of christ in . n. eng. ch . . sect . . prop. . a esai . . . , . josh. . , , . b apology ch . . c. . . c discourse of the church covenant . fol. . . d the way of the church ib. a apolog , c. . a iunius anal . deut. . non dederat vobis co● ad res visas & auditas observandum . b amesius coron . . art. arg. . p & antisy● . art. . c. . p. . c piscator . amicâ duplicat . ad vorst . p. . d calvin com . in deut. . e cajetan in deut. f abulensis . g remons . in script . dordr . art . . p. . h vorstius contra piscat . p. . . i grevinchov . con . amis . p. . k episcop . disp . . th●ll . . l catech. raccov . c. p. . m socin . ad object . critteni . p. . n edvard . poppius , august . part . p. . & . c. . . o discourse of the church-covenant fol. . p way of the church ch . . sect . . a episcop . disp . . thesi , , , . b remonst . in confess . cap. . thesi . c iac armin. antiperke , pag. . in illa math. . d theoph. nicolaides in refut . tractat● de eccle . cap. , p , . smalcius disputat de eccles . . p. . f ostorodius jnslit . c. . p. . . a apology c. . a parker de polit . l. . c. . b cartwright adversus harrin . sonum . c apology ch . ● . a way of the church ch . . ●ct . . b juni●● in annot . prostrati auxilium cjus imploran●es . b apolog. ubi supra . a the way of the churches of christ in new england ch . . sect . . b apolog. c . author of the discourse of church-covenant . fol. . c calvin musculus in comme . gualther in loc . d iunius annot . e musculus ib. f iunius annot g calvin com . h gualter . regul . j●ris conditionatum ●ihil ponit , nisi ponatur conditio . a discourse of the church covenant art . . a calvin . b pola● . com . c iunius . a discourse of a church-covenant , ●ol . . b calvin praelect . ●b . c musculus com . isai. . d discourse of the church covenant . f. . b musculus . c calvinus pr●l●ct . ●●●o sic deus ecclesia m●●itus est , ut ecclesie sue maritet ●●nes p●pulos , qui ad cam aggregantur . d author of the church-covenant . e the way of the churches , chap. . sect . . prop. . f apologie chap. . a way of the churches of christ in new england , ch . . sect . . a apology , ch . . b apology , ch . . c the way of the churches of christ in new england , c. . sect . . a discourse of the church covenant , fo . . b the way of the churches c. . sect . . c apolog. ch . . d iustin martyr apol . e discoruse of the church coven . . f zipperus de polit . ecclesiastica . l. . c. . consuctum est nt qui admittantu● ad s. caenam corā totâ ecclesia , publicè sidei consessionem edam per parentes aut c●s qui erant parentum loco . g discourse fol. . also if you w●ge a confession of faith before baptisme of all and every one , ourdivines from iohn his baptizing of all judea , doe prove the baptizing of infants , you call in question with anabaptists , if it be law full to baptise infants , & you make a church covenant necessarily requisite before baptisme , and so all baptized must be members of the visible church , which you deny . a synod . heideburg . c. . b synod . lugdinens . act . . c parisiens . art . . d parker de polit . ecclesiast . l. . c. . , , . e apology ch . . f erasmus in paraph. g beza annot in loc . c pomeran . comment . a cajetan . com . in loc . a apolog. c. . arg. from reason . a apolo ib. ch . arg. b discourse of the church covenant ●●l . . . c apology p. . a enaristus epis● . de episcopis ●j●ctis sicut vir non debet adul●erare uxorem suam , ita neque episcopus ecclesi● suam ut cam demitttat . b concil . antioch . c. . c concil . sardi . cons. . d concil carthaginense . c. . e i●nocetius . . f dominicus sotus justit . & jure . l. . quest . . art . . g innocent . h way of the church ch . . sect . prop. . i ibid. ch . . sect . . a pareus comment , rom. . b beza ann●t . c calvin . com . d castellio . quest. . sent and resolved by the postors of new england . a pareus urfin . in mand . . q● . . art . . b ' bucanus loco . quest . . c tilen . sint . disp . . in tert . pr●c●pt disp . . thess . d profess . leyd . synop . purior . theolog . disp . . thess. . e calvin in mand . . a arias mont. b hebraei . c iunius annot . a remonst . in scrip . synodicis pag. . b remonst . in presat . ● declarat . suam confessiones co fine editae , non ut authores earum , testatum facerent quid sit credendum sed quid ipsi crederent . c apolog. rem●str . fol. . a socinus respon . & resp. & volani pag. . b smalcius refut . lib. de error . arr. au . . c. . f. . c nicolaid . in resut . tract . de ecclesia c. . pag. . d quest. ● ● e episc●pius disp . . thes . . f smalcius loc . cit . g remonst . apol. f. . a remonstrant . apol . hoc itaque fundamento se●el 〈◊〉 j●cto , semper in ecclesia christi sarta tecta man●●it libertas ( 〈◊〉 ●an-di ) quâ sine periculo in formulas islas ( ●d est fidei cōfessiones ) inquirere , iisque sine periculo contradicere licebit . b apol. remonst . s . theologiae ipsius ani ma suffocatur atque eliditur , ubi decisiones sunt , quibus constanter sirmiterque haerendum esl . c episcop . disp . . thes. . li●i ●m sinem facere circa religionis capita ( per confessones & cavones synodicos ) aliter quam persuadendo , est tyrannidem invehere in ecclesiam , l. c. et libertiu● conscientiarum si non omnino toll●re , saltem vehementer astringere & ligare . d censure declar ▪ profess , leyd . in praefa . fides ●orari● , vel menstrua stc erit . ruling elders . acts . v. . a bilson . de gube● nat . eccles. c. . p. . b didoclav . in altar damascen . p. . a bilson . de gubern . p. . a didoclavius altar . damascen . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prov. . v. . bilson de guber . c. . p. . didoclavius altar . damascen . p. . salmeron in tim. . . disp . . tom. . ambrosius in tim. chrysost. hom . . estius , comment . tim. . salmeron comment . in rom . v. . estius com . in cor. . idem com . in ephes. c. . . salmeron in cor. . . luke . . . synod . can . invenimus eos esselocutos ( act. non de viris qui ministrant mysterits , sed de ministerio quod in usu mensarun● ad hibebatur , secundum chrysostom . chryost . ●omil . . ● act . altar damas● . p. . estius com . in . tim. hugo card. com . in loc . cornelius a lap . in loc . chrysostome in locen . cyprian l. . epist. . ad antonianū . bernard serm. . de ●ssiupt . lyra in loc . salmero com . in loc . a sozomen l. . c. . b epiphan . l. . c. . c eusebius l. . de vna cons. d ruffinus l. . c. . e ambros. c. . ad ephes. f concl. nice c. . g ruffin . l. . c. . h hugo cardinal . com . in loc . i chrysost. in loc . k hugo cardin . c. in . loc . chrysosto . theophyl . anselmus . l salmer . com . in loc . m estius in loc . n cornelius à lapid . com . in loc . the way of the churches of christ. a robinson iust. of s●pa● . p. . b iust of separ . p. . . a robinson . just. separ p. . . b confess art . . lb. . robins . iust of sepa● . p. . ● a catech. rac. de eccles . ch . p. . . b smalcius in refut . thesiii dr. sra●zii . par . . disp . p. . c nicolai● . in defens . tract . socinian● de ministr . missione contra miedziboz●um p. . d remons . apol . f. . e episcop . disp . . thes. . * rom. . , . a p. , . b just. p. ● ▪ a t●rtul . de praescrip c. . b naz. orat . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c occam dial . p. . l. . c . & sect . c. . &c . qut sidem primitus fundavit catholicam , tot●st date pauperes , simplices ill●crator & rusticos in aedis●●ationem eccles. orthodoxae . d beza to . ● in . opusc . p. , . e iren. l. . c. . f aug. de vinc . c. . g binnius to . p. . h concil . lateran . c. . s. . iacet desolata asia &c. i prosper de voc t gent●um l. c. . k aug. de con e●s . evang. s. . c. . l bellarm de pont. rom. . cap. . m lren . l. . c. . n cyprian l. ● . cp . . o 〈◊〉 p 〈…〉 . the 〈◊〉 do eccles . sect . . n. q innocent . . ca. de sacram. non iteran . tis . r bell. tom . . 〈◊〉 sacr . or . l. l. . c . s uasquez in . part . theol. disp . . t joan de lugo to●n . de sacra . disp . sect . n. . u petr. arcudites de co ●cor . eccles. occ. & orient . in sacra . administrat . l. . c. . cired initium rapitis . x concil . floren . b concil . carthag . llll . c. an . , . c sotus . d. . q. . art . . d suarez in part . disp . . sect . e vasq. in . part . disp . . c. . & c. . f joan. de lugo desacra . disp . . sect . . n. , . g scotus in . . disp . . q. . h robins . inst. sapa p . i ut supra ; k u●et . disp . causa papatus . l. . sect . c. . & c. . p. , , . l apud uoetium loc . cit . m robinson just. sepa . a robinson iust. of sepa . p . b gen. . . gen . , num. . , ● num. , , a quest. . b the way of the churches of christ in new england , c. . sect . . c cyprian epist. . l. ● . d cor. . , . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . , . cor. . ephes. . manuscript . ( a ) way of the churches of christ in new england , ch . . sect . a ier. . . ioh. . , . rom. . , . cor. . , , , . ephes. . . cor. . . thes. . ● . heb. . . tsm. , . tim. . . . . acts . . tit. . . pet. . . revel . . . ib. sect . . vbi sup . sect . . c. . a quest. . quest. . * . reas. ib. a perkins . on gala. b willet synop . con . . , . p. . c whittaker de eccles . q. . c. . d ames . bel. l●m . enerv . de cler . l. . de ordin . c. . e apol. remostran . c. . ● . missio seu ordinatio episcoporum non est ●am necessaria in ecclesia constitut● . f nicola●d . in d●s●tract . de miss . min. c. . ● . . in c●●ombus apostolorum , quibus describuntur om●●● . quae pertinent ad constituend●● episcopos & doctores , quon●am nulla sit mentio missionis ( ordinatio is ; ) h●nc concludinus eam ad ips● muneris episcopalis substantiā & naturam nul●o modo requi●i . g socinus in loc . ad rom. . h ostorodius in de sens . de eccles. & miss . ministr● . adversus m●edzeboz . c. . f. ● . & . c. . falsum est apostolos semper requisivisse in ministro ordinationem . i robins . ins●i● . p. , . a iunius contra bellarm. de cl●r . l. . c. . b acts . . cor. . . cor. . . acts . . acts . . c tertul. apol . . d cyprian . l. . epist. . ad soeli . presbyterum . d cyprian cp . c. . l. ep . . e bellarmine . f cyprian ep . g ignatius ep , ad philadelph . h ambros. ●p . quae est ad valentin . i origen h●m . . ad c. . levit. k chrysost. de sacerdot . l. . l theodoret bist . l. . c. . m theodoret. bist . l. . c. . n concil . africanum . o con. chalcedon . . . p concil . ancyr . c. . q conc. laodic . can . . & can . r gratian. ex constis . glossa ad regul . . s nicolaus papa c. in nomine d. . t gelasius pap . ad phil. & ser. epist. dist . . u dist. . x jvo episcop . carnatensis ep . . y concil . sardicens . ut ha be●ure . . dist . . z concil . tolet , . can . . ut citatur cum longe dist . . * concil , constan . sess. . a concil . basil. sess. . b in c. licet de electione dist . . c jac. ahnain de potest . eccles. d ja. gerson de potest eccles. e review of the councell of trent . l . c. . f concil . l●teran . g theodoret. l. . c. . h ambros. epist. . i zonaras in con. laodic . c. . & . k theol. hist , l. . c. l concil . carthag . an . . m petru● a navar. de rest . ablator . l. . c. . n vasquez . 〈◊〉 . . disp . . c. . uum . . o platin. i● vit . pontis . p sanctius cō . acts . . q azorius instit . moral . par . . l. ● . c. . r krantius metropol . l. . c. . s concil . bracar . c. . t concil . nic. . ca. . u concil . constant . . c. . * conc. laodic . c. . x bellarm. de cler . . c. . & l. de ordin . c. . y vasquez in . ●om . . de sacra . dis . . c. . z concil . antioch . a ruffinus histor. l. . c. . b perkins on gal. . . c peter martyr on judg. c. . v. d zanchius com . in , eph. . e robinson iustification of separ . p. , , . f tertulliam apologe● . c. . g quest. . n robinson iustif. p. . a tom. . wettenber . p. . b gerard. lo●cem . to . de minister . eccles sect . p. . c be●an . in opulc de voc . min n t thil . . p. . d saddeel adversus articul . burdegal●uses art. ● p. . e paraeus com . ad rom. a raynerus rerum bohemic . script . p. . . b petr. pilichdorff . cōtra ●●aldenses c. . c aneas sylvius hist. bohe● . c. . d gretserus in exam . plessaeani myst . c. . e flaccius in catalog . testim . verit . f petr. ram. epist. ad lotharing . ann . . g hegesippus apud euseb. l. . c. . h lactantius div . instit. l. . c. . i pelusiot . l. . ep . l costerus . cont . causab . p. . m nicephor l. . c. . n britannoru loca romanis i●accessa ( id est . scotia ) christo subdua sum advers . judeos c. . . o c●nt . l . p baron anna . an. . sect . . q origen hom . . in ezech. r hierom. ad euagrium . s pius ep. . l. . t voetius disp . caus . papatus l. sect . . w plessaeus in myster . iniquit . c. . x molin . de novitate papismi . c. . l. . part . . y gretser . exam . myster . pless . ● . . z bellarm de pontif . ro. l. . c. . a vo●t . disp caus p●pat . l. . sect . . b ●l●m . romā . ●●nstit . l . c. . c eleuther . d gretser , exam . pless . myster . c. . . c. . e baron . an. . p. . f gretser . exā . m●st . pless . c. . g honorius . h concl. constant . an. . i concl. francosurtens . k concil . parision . an. . l thuanus histor . l. p. . doctrinam ( haldensiū ) per intervalia intermortuam renovavit . m concl. ●om . par . . p. . n onuphrius in gregor . . vita . o sleidan hist. . , period . c. . p lampad . in me●●isic . hist. p. . , . q b●rur●edensses de vit . greg. r sigon . de regno ●tal . l. . s avent . l. . p. , . t geroch . reichers l. . de investig . anti-christ . t orthuin . grat. in fasciculo rerum expetendarum , & . an. . u thegan . de gest . lod. imp. c. . x aimoin . l. . c. . y gretser . exam . pless . myster . c. . z anast. in ●ergio . a sig. de reg●● ital. l. . b anast. in lev. . c platin. in vit . l●on . . d grets . in exa . myst . pless . c. . e grets . ibid. f onuphr . l. de pontis . et cardin . in praefat . g concil . pisanum , an. . h concil . constan . genebraid , chron. ad anno. . per annos sere . a ioanne scilice● . ad leonem . pontifices circiter q●●quaginta ● virtute majorii desecerunt , apostatiei verius qua apostolici . the monk mantuanus l. de calam , romae , templa , sacerdotes , altaria , sacra , coronae , ignis , thur● , preces , coelum est venale deusq . i athanasius ep. ad solitar . alphonsus a cast. adversus haereses l. . c. . k tertullian adversus praxean . c. . l tom. . concil . art. . m bell. de pon . ro. l. . c. . n hyerom . in catalog . in acac. o alphonsus ● c●str . l. . c. . p erasm. prae fat . ad jrenae . l. . q maldon . in joan. . c. . r reginald in calvino-turk . l. . c. . s vsserus de eccles. christ. suc . c. . p. . t gret . ad petr. pilichd . p. . u reinerus . x calvin ep. . ad waldenses . ep. . ad tolonos . y gret . in exam 〈◊〉 . c. . z thuanus h●jlor . l. . a magdeburgenses ●ent . . c. . p. , . b sanderus de visibil monarch . l. . an. . c coccius thesau tom . . l. . art. . d parsonius de tribu● anglie conversionib . p : . c. . e usser de c●r . eccles . suc . c. . p. . , , , & 〈◊〉 . f serarius 〈…〉 g ioan wendelstonus p 〈…〉 & dec●et . pe●t . h usser . de eccles. christ. s●c . & stabil . c. p. . i albericus cass●● in chrom . l. . c. . k sig●nius de regm italic . l. . au. . l thuand . . p. . m aut●n . de dom . archi spalatens . l. . sect . . c. . n voetius disp . ca● . papat . l. . sect . . p. . o josephus antiq l. . c. . p tolet. com . in ioan. . q cajetan . r maldonat . s ianson . can . t calvin . u marlorat . x muscul. com . in ioan. y rollocus . z bullinger . a augustinus contra . advers . leg . & pro. l. . c. . vencrunt a seipsis , non missi . b clem. alex. strom. . non missi a deo. c brentius , bumanarum traditionum doctores . d beza in loc . e rolloc . com . ib. a calvin inst. l. . c. . sect. . epst. . b beza libel . quest . de baptism . c rive●●s in cathol . orthod . ●om . . tract . . q. . d bellarm. de baptism . c . e maldonat . com . in ioann . c. . v. . f gretser . in cas . conscien . q. . de baptism . p. . . & seq . g cajetan . com . in loan . . h toletus in . an. . i robins . iustific . p. , . a robinson iustif. p. . b page . way of the church of christ in , n. e. cap. . sect. . a rodger . catechism part . . art . . p. , . a augustin . contr . crescom . l. . . de baptis . l. . c. . contr . donati● . coll . . b cyprian● . l. eph. . c gregror . hom . , & . in evang . d chrysost. in psal. . & l. . de sacerd . e nazianzen , orat . . in julia. f eusebius de ● praep . evang . l. . c. . g hierom contr . pelag. & luciser . dialog . way of the churches of christ in n. e. ch. . sect. the way of the churches in n. e. ibid , a an●ibaptist . in coloquio francola●●ns . b pareus com . ib. c cajetan com . d bullinger com . e calvin com . ib. barow discov . of a false church . the author objecteth . ib. a parkerus de polit l. . . . p. . the author ibid. ibid. a a●olog . c. . can. necessit . of separat c. . sect . . p. . a robinson 〈◊〉 ● . it is true that our divines say , that it is one & the same church which is both visible and invisible , and that visibility is an accident of the church , but they then speake of the catholick visible church , but if we speak of a particular visible church in this , or that place , all in such a church as they exist , are either holy or prophane , but neither is holinesse , nor prophanes essentiall to a church visible , as visible . a robinson justi . separat p. . a robinson . ibid. . a arm. antip. p. . b corvinus ep . ad wallachros p. . c remonst . in script . synod . art . . p. . in apolog . c. . sol . . d socinus contra puticum . c : sol . ● . e tertullian contra marcionem . o ca●es &c. si deus bonus & praescius futuri & potens , cur hominem possus est lahi ? f robins . p. . a robinson p. . ●id . page . robinson justif. of lepat . p. . a luk. . . . b john . . , . c acts . . . d act . e rom. . . f phili. . . , . g thes. . , . & ep. , . h mat. . . . i mat. . . k mat. . , , . l mat. . . a corvinus contra . molm. c. . b a●n . antip. p. . . c grevincho . contra . am●sium . p. . , . , . d episcop . disp . . thess. . . e socinus praebet . theol. c. . f. . f smalicus resp . ad . par . resu smigles . c. s. . g ostorodius iustit . c. , . sect . . a robinson . ib. p. . b page . c jer. . . d rom. . . ( b ) robinson . justis . . a robinson iustis p. . a hieron . in diale● advers . lucif●rian . b iohn ball answer to can p. . c bellarm. de sacrific . li c. . d gratian. decret c. . q. . c. . . e nazianz. orat. . f august . consess . ar . s. g apol. c. . h apol. c. . i apol c. . a apol. c. . b peter coachman cry of ● stone sect . . p. . . mat. . the church of he●rers is called the visible kingdome , v. . exod. . heare o israel ez. . they sit before thee ( to heare the word ) as my people . a beza . an . in loc . calvin com . in loc . c bulling . com . in loc . d marlorat . in loc . e iodoc●s vullichius in loc . f robin . . a the way of the churches , ch . . sect . . p●op . . a suarez to● . . ad tert . part . thom. de censur . disp . . sect . . de excom . not . . b soto . d. . q. . c adrian de clavibus q. . ad . d alanus de sacrif . misse , l. . c. . f innocentius . de excom . g navar. c. . n. . h turrecrem . c●si quis episco . . quest . . i richard. in . d. . sect . . q. . k anton. . part . tit . . c. . l concil . araus . . q. . m augast . in joa● . tractat . . and epist. . n cor. . , , o the way of the churches , cap. . sect . . p robin . justif . of separat . p. . q coachman , cry of the stone sect . . p. . august . de doct . christi , l. . c. . contra cresoen . l. . c. . a navar. enc●●r . c. . n. . b g●●g . n. q. . c. . c concil . carthag . d gerson de excom . cons. . e concil . carthag . . c. . f concil . arelatens . . c. . g concil . turraconens . c. . h concil . agathens c. . i stephan . qu. in summa . bulla . con . provinc . n. . q. . k m antonius de dom. arch. spalat . de repub . eccles . l. c n. , . l mat. . , . m z●s . epist. . n coelcst . cp . . o horm . cp . p pelag. . cp . q m. anton. de dom . loc . citat . n. . r cajet . com . in thess. . s solo disp . . q. . art . t paludanus . d. . q. . u cajet . in verb. excom . major . c. ultimo . x sylvest . excom . n. . y navar. in summ● . n. . z concil . car. ●hag . . c. . ep●scopus nullum pre●ibeat ingredi ecclesiam , & audi● verbum ' dei sive gentilem , sive h●reticum , sive iudaemn a ' de consestat . dist . . c. b innocent . . verb. excom . c leo . cp cap. adjicimus ib q. . d suarez . to . . disp . . de excom sect . . n. . christus hic joan. . mat. non dedit po●estatem ordinis sed jurisdictionis . neque jure divino hic actus requirit ordinem , se● authoritatem pasloris . e tol. com . in joan. . an . f cajet . com . in . joan. . v. ib. g navar. sum . c. . . h basil , cp . . ad amph. c. . i field book of the church . cap. . k the way of the churches of christ in n. e. ch . . sect . . l cyprianl . . cp . . m socrates l. . c. . n august . contra donatistas de bapt . lib. . cap. . o cartwright c t●h . p august . de 〈…〉 . q chrysostm . ●om . . ad eph. r chrysostome . s theophylact. ●● mat. . t hilarius . w ireneus l. . c. . x gregor . hom . . in evang. y hieron . in au●s . z optatus con . parm●nd . . c. . a august tract . ●● 〈◊〉 . . b eugenius . 〈…〉 ent . c chrysost. hom . . in ●oann . d gregor . nazi●a . orat . ad ●anct . e turr●●rem . l. . c. . f vega in trident●n . con . l. c. . g pet. a scto . ● part . defens●●n . b●ent . h can. loc . com . . i suarez . de ●●ipl . virtute theolig●d . . sect . . n. . k coachman . the cry of a stone sect . p . l robinson . justis . of separat . p. . m the way of the churches ch. . sect. . n stapleton relect . . con . de eccl. . . ar . . & ib. note ● . o bellarm. de eccl . militant . l. . c. . p costerus de eccl c. . p. . q gordonius huntlaeus tom . . cont . . c. . p. . q. . r raccovia . c. s theol. nicolaides in defenstractat . de eccles . p. . . t smalcius in refut . fran . disp . . p. . . w remons . in belgro in confess . sua . c. . thes. . a august . l. de unitat . eccles. c. . b tertullian advers . heret . c hieron . com . in psal. . d chrysostom . bom . . in mat. e robins . just . p. . f coachman ●ry of the stone sect . pag. . & p . g the way of the churches ch . . sect . h robins . just . of separ . p. , . i prof. leyd . in synop. pur . theol. disp . . thes . . k ursin , pareus in catech. expl. q. . art . de ecces . l jun. to . disp . theol . . thes. . m august . confes . art . . n galvin . inst . . c. . sect . . o whittak . de eccl. cont . . q. . c. . p beza in confes . art . . q august . cont . don●●ist . r serv. of the church book . . ch . . s parker de polit . eccl. l. . c. . t cartwright advers . haeres . ibid citatur . w parker de politia l . per totum lib●um . x chemnitius part . . locor . de eccles. p. anabaptis●ae dicunt si quis doctrinam evangelii tr●elligat seve sit sutor sive sartor 〈◊〉 faber eam do●ere & concionari d●bere . y gastius de err●ribus catabaptistarnm , l. . c. . z theol. nicolaides ●● act . 〈◊〉 de eccles. c. . p. . a ostorodius inst . c. . b raddetius in notis ad lib. smigles . p. . ainsworth an . in cant. . cotton in cant. . abulensis ●u loc . etiam si non si●t 〈◊〉 . ainsworth an . in can . . cotton expo . on cant. . . alst. in loc . quod ●rat veluti conclave ecclesi● catholicae . m. mather and mr. tom●on in ans. to mr. he●le . c. . p. . . isa. . . , ass●●tion of 〈…〉 ● . . a epiphanius haer . . al●●s b hieronymus epist. . c diodatus , au in act. . a church . government . answ. to qu. . pag. , . b lb answ. ●● q. . pag. so mr. mather and mr. thomson against mr. herlo , c. . church-power in the church intrinsecally , and not by other ascending or descending derived to any one part by another . constitution and intention . generation and perfection . exercise of power , and power it selfe . a quest. . pag. . . mr. mather and mr. thomson against mr. herle , c. . p. . aristot. . 〈◊〉 . text . a lorinus com . in loc . b cornelius a lap. in loc . c salmeron in loc . d cajetan in loc . e stapleton in antidot . apost . inc . . v. . actor . apost . f diodatus in in ann . on the place . ac . . . budens cōme●t . l●ng . 〈◊〉 . c. l. n●m & demostbenes ss . delegis . mr. mather against mr. herle , c. p. , . a ames medul . theolo . lib. . c. . ch . . lib. . . thes● . b a modest and brotherly answer to mr. herle , c. . p. . . c ib. c. . pag. . d church-government of new-england , answer to q. . pag. , . e mr mather & mr. thomson answer to mr. herle , c. pag. , , sig . mr. mather and mr. thomson , answ . to mr. herle , c. . p. and p. . a mr. mather and mr. thomson answer to mr. herle c. p. . b church-government and church-covenant of new england , answ. to quest . . p. . a augustine , : rac . in ioan. b chrysostom . hom . . hom . . in matth. c beda in act. . . matth. . d basilius homil . ps. . e oecu●enius , in loc . f hieronymus in esa. c. . et c. . in illa adjiciet dominus secundo manu●n . g ireneus , l. . c. . h cornelius a lapide , diversa pro●sus sunt hae e quinque millia , a tribus millibus prima concione conversis , c. . i salmer● in loc . distinctus numerus ab illo c. . k staplet . in antido . apostolic . c. . m lorinus non in tribus millibus computanda haec millia . n lyran. in loc . o cajetan . in loc . a lerinus com in ac . . . b lutherus serm. de eucharistia . c calvin , inst●t . l. c. . d lorinus , ib. e cajetan . com . ib. f corneli . a lapide . a augustin . ● epist. . b calvin , in loc . c luther . serm. de eucharist . d melancthon . lib de usu sacrament . e diodatus . ●nnot . in loc . f lorinus in loc . g sancks . a ba●on . an. . b dorotheus l de vit . & mor. prophet . & apostol . ( b ) salme ron , com . in ac. . d lyran. an . in loc . e eus●bius l. histo . eccle. c . f sanctius com ib. answ to q. . & . g chrysost. in lcc . h athanasi . ● serm. de sem . i nyssenus or at de s. stephano . k lorinus in certum an omnino omnes ( dispersi ) an soli antiquores discipuli . l sanctius ib. m cor. a lapide , ib. n cajeta . in lo. peaceable plea. c. . ad . ob . . pag. . lorinus diodatus , in loc . beda . mr. mather and mr. thomson in their modest and brotherly answer to mr. charles herle , c. . p. . mr. mather , & mr. thomson ● . p. : ames medull . theol. l. . c. . sect . . mr. mather , and mr. thomson ib. p. . m mather and thomson c. . p. , . chrysostome on math. . m. mather . c. pag. . a origen , prefa . in 〈◊〉 . b strabo . l. . c plinius nat . hist. l. . c. . mr. mather , mr. thomson answ . t● mr. h● . l● c. . ● . ● . mr. mather and mr. thomson against herle . c. . p. . a philostratus l. . in vit . apollonii . b chrysostom . in praesa . ad ephes. c plinius l. c. : d alexander ab alexandro . l. . c. . e igna ●i epist. . mr. mather , ans . to mr. herle . c. . p. , . a chrysostom . homil . . ●● popul . antioch . b oecumenius in loc . c cyril . catech. . d esai , . v. e hilarius l. ● . de trinitats . f volaterranus l. . c. . g beza in loc . n diodatus an . i oecumenius in loc . mr. mather , against herle c. ●op . . a ainsworth an . in exo. . b arias montan exo. . . c ainsworth , d rivet . com . in ex. . e lyran in . . par. c. . f caset . ib. g corcel . a lap . com in loc . v. . h diodatus on exod. . i . inter. k chald. para . l hieron . . interpreters chaldee para . a the. fuller , truth maintained pag , . c. . pag. . cap. . pag. ●● . ordination . page . i● , . c. . page . ib. c. . the way of churches of christ in new england . the way of the churches of new england , chap. . sect . a chap. . sect. . a manuser . ibid. . b lb. sect. . a paget . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b weemes ● . par . c. . pag. . c robinson iustific . pag. , . a robinson 〈…〉 p. , . manus●●● . ibid. a august lib. . c. , , . vos ergo , qua●e sacreliga separatione pacis vin●ulum d●s●●●●pitis ? b pareus com . in matth. . manuscr . apologie cap. . morton ap●log . part ● . . . f●r is sunt generaliter omnes , qui non dederunt sua nomina christo : aug , tom . , ser● . , non tollo idola ethnicorun , quia non habe● in illos potestatē habe● autem cum fuerin● facti christiani : apol. ch . . apology . apol. . a calvin comment . in jer. . , , . b bucan . l●● . com . dis . . ● . . c polyander in synop . pu●io . theol . profess . leyd . dis . thes . . d willet synop . papis●ni . gener . controv . . acosta d● saint . 〈◊〉 , l. . c. . a master robinson just if . of separ . pag. . answer to quest of old england . if the congregation take name & nature from any called pastor , and that without any all deserving in him , their censure worketh clave er●ante , et ex opere operato ; the lord must make valid in heaven , an unjust censure inflicted by his church on earth . a apologie for the churches of new england against the exceptions of ric : bernard . cap. . a altisiodorens . lib. . sim. tract . . in princip . b gul. paris . ract . de sacram . in gen. cap. . sacramenta habent vim impe●●a●or●ā gratiae , ratione or ationum minist●● et ecclesiae . c du●and . . d. . art . . c . d occam . in . quaest . . e gab. biel. d. ar . c. . f aliacensis in . q. . art . . con●l . . g greg. de valent. de offic . sacr. c. . . h vasquez in . thom. tom . . dis . . c. . i joan de lugo de sacram. dis . sect . . & sect . . k henricus quodli . . q. . a romonst . in apol ca. . in caena non obsipnatur pe●catorum re●nissi● , sed tantum ●●nsequente● una cum christ● morte , cujus effectus illa obsignatio est , illam ●lim obsignatam fuisse comme moratur ac praedicatur . b episcop . dis . . thes . . c socinus de officio ●omini christs cap . d smalcius disp . . contra ●rautzium pag. . fabulae sunt aliquam esse internam eff●caciam in baptisme . a calvin insti ut . lib. cap. sect. . b beza quaest . & resp quaest . . christianos tu●n a reliquis hominibus sejungtt , tum in●e● se quasi unum sub codem cap●●e corpus consociat . c pareus . vrsin . catech. quae . . art. . symbolum ingressus & receptionis in ecclesiam . d p●s●ator , loc. . th●s . . e wallaeus in syn●ps . purior . theol. dis . . thes. . f t●len . syntag . dis . . thes. . g system . theol. loc . ca. symbolum , quo recipimur in cae●um filiorum dei. h answer to qwest . of old england . i answer to qwest . of old england . a quest. . ibid. a socinus , per baptismum non confirmatur ●ides ( uti dicunt evangelia ) cum per baptismum non quidem obsignetur , sed tantum adu●nbre●ur peccato●um ●emissio● ad obsignationem e●●n requi●●tur rei pr●batis & d●cumentum aliqu●d , ●ujusm● li nihil praestat ceremonia , & r●●us iste . quantumvis sacer , quod ad pe●●ato●um 〈◊〉 a●●tnet , sed tantum ill●m ve●●is i●n exp sita ablutione sua adu●nbrat & quodam●●d● del●●a● . b smalcius dis . . cont . frantz 〈◊〉 . ● . c catech●s . palat. d confess●an . , . e synod derd●a●●● . . sect . . deus usu sacra●●nti poll●●●tis seu p●omiss●s ●pus gra●● preducit ad sinem et persic● . f episcopius dis . . t●es . , . g ●en icus welsingius de ●ffi● . ●om . ch●ist pag. . remessi● pe●●a●●wn n●n ●●signa●● , sed significatu● . h remenst . apol. ca. . pag tantu● significat professionem 〈◊〉 & ejusdem cul●us quo christo cum d●●●● , adhaerent & solemn●ter testantur . answ to the . q arg. . a am●s ●as . c●●se . l. . c. . . . a morton apologia de no●is r●cl . ca. . ●at . . pag . b doct. glorianus lib. de schismat . pag. . c calvin com . ibid. d pareus com . ibid. b nazian . . ( a ) s●●● . athanas . c cyrill . 〈◊〉 . ca●●ch . . sy●●b . d estius . l. d●st . . s . ad●●tam ●●cte instituen●●●● . e davenin● . de pa●e e●●l . ● act . pag. . d●ci . p●tt● , charity mistaken , cap. , . sect . . pag. . g bell. de eccle. l. . c. s. . multa sum de fide quae non sunt necessaria ad salutem h camero . de eccl. pag. , . i beza volu . opusc . . de notis eccl. pag. . k calvin . instit . lib. . cap. . . l occam dial . pag. . lib. . cap. . semper ●●unt aliqu● catholici qui in vera fide ( de necessari● ad salutem ) explicite permanebunt . a vincentius lyrinens advers . 〈◊〉 . . denique quid unquam concilioium d●cretis e●is● est ( ecclesia ) nisi ut quod an●●a simpli●●●e●●●e l●●●tar , 〈◊〉 idem posted diligentius ●●d●etur . b bellar de ●●ne auto● . l. . c. can●●lia cu● desin●unt non 〈◊〉 u 〈◊〉 ●sse in●allib●l● . ve●tatis , sed declarant c scotus in i ●l ● . q. t. a vigilius martyr . l. . c. b pareus in prolegomen . in comment . in hos. . peza vol . opul p . amesius de c●ust● . l. . c. . q . becanus . part de v●tu●i . theolog . c. . q. . estius l. . d. q. . suarez de trip. disp . virt . theolo . . sect . thomas . q . art . . o●cam dialog . p. . l. . c. . ●●ac . ● moratius de fide dist . . sect . n. . . doctor potter charitie mistaken , c. . s. . pag. . voetiu . de●p . cans . papa●s● . robinson lust ●s● . pag. . pareus in jere. c. , , , &c. robinson justifi . pag. . pag. , . a bellarmine de ve● bo dei lib. . cap . b binnius tom . . conc●l . fel. . just. fic . pag. , . robert coachman , the cry of the s●o●e , sect . . pag. . ● . master coach-mans cry of the stone . sect. pag. . just if pag. . a cor. . ● b matt. . c sphes . . a gual●her com . in loc . b calvin com . c bullinger com●nent pa●ke●us de p●lit . eccles lib. . cap. n. . cot. . . at loquitur de infidelibus pau●● , apud quos lnec legis ●ultusque der , ne● ver● fidei nec evangelii vel fundamenti rudera erant . d sch. meyer . e se● . meyer . m robinson 〈◊〉 . pag. , . ●ag . . pag. . pag. . pag. . 〈◊〉 . of separation . pag. . a pet●●s bert●u● de ap●st●●a sanct ru●n , pag. . . b coll●cut . hagiensi● , pag. 〈…〉 illud ●ean qu●● dedisti ●ihi 〈◊〉 cust●divi . respondent resutari c●nfecutione ( ●de 〈◊〉 possibil●●ate ●p●st 〈◊〉 ) ver●is illis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c armin. 〈◊〉 . pag ● . d socinus pr●●ect . theol●g . cap. pag. , cap. pag . e theoph. ni●●laid . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 . cap. . pag. . & cap. pag. , . f amesius in 〈◊〉 art . cap. . fuse pag. , . pag. ●● coachman cry of the stone . pag. . iustif. p. . a amesius his fresh suite against ceremonics . b . ball his answer to m. cann . par . . pag. . c reynold de idololatria lib. . cap. . d bilson of chri. ar. subject . part . pag. , . e ball lo● ci● , f ambros. commen . in luc. lib. . cap. . signa est ecclesia quae fidem respuat , nec apostolicae praedicationis fundamenta possideat , ne quālabē perfidiae possit aspergere , deserenda est . the way of the churches of christ in new england . chap. . sect. . a oecolampadius in epist. b zuinglius lib. . pag. , . c beza quaest . & ●esp lib . nequaqu●n tamen facile dixc●●m , quempiam aliena fide servari , nequis hoc peri●de accipiat , ac si d x●rim , parentum fidem imputari infantibus , quasi aliena side credentibus ; quod quidem non minus falsum & absurdum fuerit , quam si dixerim , quempiam posse aliena anima vivere , aut alterius sapientia sapere . d doct. morton his appeale , lib. . cap. . sect . . pag. . chap. . sect. . . commandement , exod. . answers to the . questions sent from old england to new england . a sam . . revel . . . psal. . . prov. . . . esay . . cant. . . cor. . . deut. . . psal. . . micah . . a episcopius disp . priv . . coller . . ritum fuisse tantu●n temporarium ex nullo praecepto iesu christi●surpa●um . b hen●icus slatius declar . a per. pag. . c somnerus tract . de baptis . d socinus de baptis . c. . par . . . . the way of the churches of christ in new england , chap. . sect. . author of the treatise of the way of the churches of christ in new england . chap. . sect. . quaest. . episcopius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 robinson , the peoples pea for the exercise of prophecying against mr. yates , arg. . pag. . a episcop . disp . . . b theophil . nicolaides tract . demissiono minist . cap. . cap. . d remonstr . in confess . cap. . sect . . . e socinus tract . de ecclesia cap. . pag. . f ostorodiut inst. cap . raddecius in not . simgle●ii pag. . ipse textus doce● de solis apostoli● sermonem esse . g profes . leyd . eens . confess . cap. . sect . . . h calvinus comment . in rom. . i beza ann●● . de ministerio vel ordinariovel extraordinarie debet intelligi . k pareus de ordinaria etiam vocatione debet intelligi . l arminiani in apolog. cap. . fol. . quid obstat cur in casu necessitatis non potest ● fideli aliquo , infa●s aqua ting●● out inter ●deles cana domini non celebrari posse● ? m socinus tr●c . de eccles . pag . n smalcius disp de minist . sect . . o gerardus tom . . loco comm . de ministerio ecclesiastico . c. . sect . . n. . pag. . p smalcius in refut . thes . franzii par . . disp . . pag. . non negamus ex ist a consuctu●●ine primitivae ecclesiae apost●licae consequii ●llud etiam nunc fieri posse — sed hoc est in questione , an ejusm●di constitutio sit prorsus necessaria ad constituendum verbi dei ministerium . q andr. raddecius in notis ad lib. smiglecii pag. . r remonst . in apolog. cap. . sol . . missionem esse necessariam concedimus necessitate ordinis & decori . a robinson peoples plea , arg. . pag. , . b chemnitius loc . com . part . . cap. de eccles. pag. . c ostorodius in instit. cap. . pag. . d nicolaides in defens . tract . socini de ecclesia & ministerio , cap. . pag. . e socinus tract . de eccles pag. . peoples plea for prophecying , pag. . plea pag. . . pag. , . calvin praelect . in ierem. . . pag. . robinson , pag. . a remonst . in confess . cap. . sect . . b episcop . disp . . thesi. , . c socinus tract . de ecclesi . per totum & pag. , . d nicolaides in desens . socini tract . de eccles . cap. . pag. . e gastius de cata-baptistarum erroribus lib. . pag. . it is a vaine thing to say that teachers of all israel , remaining in israel were non-residents , that is , pastors not attending their charge . a iustific . pag. b confess . of separatists , art. . c bellarmin . desacr . ord . lib. . cap. . d concil . trident. sess. . cap. . e hosius in confes . polonica tit . . f martinus ledesma in . qu●st . . art . . ad . . g pet. a soto de sacram . ordinis lect. . h toletus com . in ioan. . an . : i cajetanus comment . in ioan. . ideo hoc loco instituitur & promulgatur sacramentum poenitentiae . k cyrillus lib. . cap. . l chrysostome in ioan. homil . . m joan. de lugo , tomo de saram . paenit disp . . sect . . n suarez disp . . de censura sect . . not . . o sanchez in decalog . lib. . c. . n. . p aegidius coniuk de sacr. disp . . n. . q vasquez tom. de excom . dub . . n. . r pano●mit . in dic● . a nobis , &c. n. . s avila de censur is part . . cap. . disp . dub. . t sylvester verbo subsolvo . n. . u ioan. episcop . rossens . de potest . papae in temporabus lib. . cap. . x peoples plea , pag. , . pag. . pag , , . pag. , , , . calvin com. in act. . pag. . a iunius annot . in locum apocalyps . b cooper on revel . . c pareus comment in apocalyps . cap. . pag. , . d iunius annot . in cap. . e paraeus in locum . f napper comment . on the revel . ch . . par. . . pag. . pag. . and . pag. . a irenaus adversus hares . lib. cap. . b fusebius , bistoria eccles l. . cap. . tertullian . cyrill . chrysostom . theophylact. robinson , pag. , . par●us com . ibi . pauls presbytery , chap. . pag. , . pag . . a stapleton apud whittaker . de sac . script . authorit . l. . c. . arg . . sect . bellarmine , valentinian gretserus . b transenius harmon . c. . c cajetan com . in loan . . in hoc ab ho●nine non accipio . d toletus in . ioh. . tom . . e rivetus tom . . contrav . trac . . q. . f whittakerus to . . desac . scrip. authorit . lib. . c. ●r . . g bucer in ioan. . de testimonio baptistae . h calvinus in art . . v. , . i theapl●y● . in a●t ● ibid. k chrysost in ioan. hom . . l beda in ioan. cap . m ambrosius in ● . tim. n occam . d●ale . l. . ca. par . . & c. . probatu● quod pap● canonice electus manens papa potest errare a fide & bareticari , quindecem ration●bus . o gerson de infallibilitat papae , consid . p robinson . pag . . q synod of england . r ambrosius com . in eph. ut ●resecret plebs & multiplicaretur , omnibus inter initia concessum est & exangelizare , & baptiza●e . s origenin num. hom . . cap. . t hieronymus comment . in matth. in prcaemi● . u theophylact . in art . . x augustin . contr . faustum , lib. . c. . y coachman . z gerard. loc . com . tom . . de minister . eccles . c. . sect . . n. pag. , . a luthe●us tom . . com. in ps. . fol lat . tradidi● quidem dominus talenta servis . sed non ●●si ●●catis . expecta igitur & ●u donec vocc● is , intereane amb●●s . b fugeni● de - 〈…〉 . c scotus in l. . d q. . d concil●i t●i. d●ntine . s●ss . . cap. . e lodo meratius tom . . trac . de erdi . disp . . sect . . bishops preach not , nor is it essentiall to their office , and therfore papists by contempt call our ministers , predicant preachers , saith gerard , tom . q. . n. pag. . f bellarm. tom . de sacr . ordin . l. . c. . g guliel . estius l . dist . . s. . h aquinas supplem . q. . act . . . i canon . aposto . lic . . . , . . . . k clemens in epist. . ad iacob . manuscript . the way of the churches of christ in new england . in the answ. . quest . . . answ. to the . quest . answ. to quest . . a ar●in . in declar sen. p. b armin. ant●perkins . pag. . qua●nd●u am●r det in ipso●u●n cord●bus vigebit , imped●en . ui ne ●ccedant ● d●o . c remonst●an . confess . c. . sect. . . d episcopius disp . . ch . . e socinus de just●● . ●●l . . quod si a● hac obedientia deficiamus , &c. f smalcius 〈◊〉 in ioan . fol. . answ to . quest . q. . a morton grand imposture . sect . pag. . ar● . . sess. of trent . april . . an. . a bellar. l. . de concil . c. . b harding . article of peters suprema●●e as ●●well saith . c suarez t● . detripl●● . vitr . disp . . de sam ●on● . sect. . num. . d bellarm. de p●n●●f rom. l. . c. . pe●●us in conc●l●● primo 〈◊〉 l●quttur . e harding loco cita● . f 〈◊〉 kerus tom . . contrev c. . responde 〈◊〉 posse colligi ex hoc loco petrum esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 citio primum : na● constat ante 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quis pri●us 〈◊〉 su● 〈◊〉 evangel●sta tacuit . g gerson t● . . in propos ut●●● . ad ●●ter scbisma . h lyranus in 〈◊〉 . i carthusian in locum . a bellar. l. . de conc . c. . b suarez de tripl . tra . theo. disp . sect . . c pighius l. . c. . d cajetan , de ●uthorit . pap. ● . . also your unofficed prophets may as well denounce judgement against an apo sta● church , as they may publikely preach mercy in the gospel , and s● this is no officiall act of authoritie . the way of the churches of christ in new england . a answorth pag. . . in his animadver . b best . the churches plea. pag. c chap. . ser. . d chap. . sect. . e chap. . ser. . manuscript . . it is true , none should remove from one congregation to another without god goe before them , nor can they change countries without gods warranting 〈◊〉 , gen . . chap. . . but that such removall is a matter of church-discipline , and must be done by a ministeriall power , is unwar●anted by any word of god. a fac de almain de p●testa . eccles . et lav . c. . est congregatio authoritate legitime facta , ad aliquem locu● ex omni statu hierarchico , nulla persona fideli perente audir● exclusa , ad nactandum ea quae concernunt publicam ecclesiae utilitatem et ipsius mares . b ge●s●n de p●test . eccles . d schola pa●s●r● de poust . eccles. pag. . a pastor may propone james the apostles mind , aneut fornication , blood , &c. act. . permodum consilii , as a counsel to some other pastor , but it hath the power of a synodicall decree not from iames , though an apostle , but from the joynt voyces of the synod ; and it is not like that iames as an apostle said , wherefore my sentence is , &c. as an apostle hee should have said as paul doth , what i received of the lord , that i delivered unto you , &c. e answer to . questions ad qu●st . . f bellarmine de concil . lib. . c. . est tantum ( inquiunt ) inquisitie quaedam & dictae sententiae ministratoria et limitata , ita ut tantum valeat decretum concilii quantum valeat ejus raise . g iunius animadversan bellarm . lib. . de concilae . . h bellarm. de concil . authorit . lib. . c. . concilia & scripturae sunt ut raque infallibilis ●●rttatis . i rhemists in art . . . . k lorinus co●●ent . in act. . l grati●n . dis . . in canon . m dist . can decretale● . o gregorius . epist. . p suarez de tripl . virtut . disp . . sect . . men . . ce●●issimum est cencilium genera●e , in quo ●aes●ns adest pontifex , esse infallibilem regulam fidei . q turre●●●m . su●n . de ecclesi . lib. . r bailius catechis . trac . . q. ● . concilia nobis in di●ficultatibus sunt instar ora●ulorum . s ca●etan . t●ac . de author . pontis c. . t 〈◊〉 i● canus de loc . com . l. . c . u 〈◊〉 de ●alent , tom . . disp q. . de objecto fi●● : p●●ct . x almain de potest . eccles . et civ . a . epist. joh . 〈◊〉 . . . b hieronymus co● , lucif . & ●n gal. . c basilius ●● epist. nob● 〈◊〉 dicere licet , quod in hoc , tempore non ●●● , neque princep● , neque prophets , neque 〈◊〉 que oblatio , ●●que incensu●● , ● d athanasius lib. adsali● . 〈◊〉 . agend . e ●ineen●●us lyrinens . ha●s . c. . f occam . dial . pak . . l. ● . c. . g onus ecclesiae , c. . h pra●e pic. miran . orat . ad leon. . i philippus de comin . l. . c. . k gerson de coxil . unius obedient . l genebra●d . chron. l. . an . . pag. . m aventinus annal . boior . l. pag. . n almain . in questio . vesperti . o german . chron. l. . pag. . p aene is silvius epist. . q platina in bonifac. . r fasciculus rerum expetendarum . s sleidan com . l. . t can. . q. . ne quis in propria causa judicet . see also how great romanists have made councels a terrour to wicked popes and vicious prelats , as fanormitan decretal . d. elec . signif . cusan . concord . l. . c. . c. . c. . c. . ocoam . dialog . pa● . ch . . c. almain . vesp . question . w almain de authorit . eccles . cap. ult . prop . x almain ibid. propos . . si enim ligata fores dextera manus , aut ad mutum imaginationis pertinaciter nolles vacare defensient co●poris , apud simstram tune defendendi corpus tota residebit authoritas . e●si una pars provincia , inimicis volentibus earn destruere , nollet suceu●rere , quis dubitat reliquam partem , quamvis sit minor numero , pro tunc habere authoritatem totam provinciam defendend● , &c. chap. . sect. . bellarm. de pontif. rom. l. . c. . saith the councell of chalcedon , is of no force . azorius instit . moral . to . . l. . c. . a lawfull councell going a naile breadth from the instruction of the pope , may erre . a concilium constant. sess . . b concilium basil. sess . and sess . . c gerson de eccles . potest . consid . d fran za barell tract . de schism . e review of the counsell of trent , l. . c. . by a french papist . f bellarmiu . de concil . l. . c. ● . g concilium lateran . sess . . & . ( a ) platina in g●egorio . . and because councells are against papists and popes , therefore they have taken the sting out of councells , as ge●a●dus prove●● , to . pag. . i review of the councell of trent , l. . ● . . k bellarmin . de concil . 〈◊〉 . l bellarmin . . c. . quemadmodum 〈◊〉 annis illis . ecclesia sine conciliis generalibus incolwnis mansi● , sice●iam potu●sse● aliis c c c. & ●ursus aliis dc . atque aliis mille permanere . m costerus in enchir●d . de pon●if pag . n bellarmin . de pontif. r m. l. . c. . o pererius com . in exo. . disp . . n. . p calvin . instit . l. . c. . sect . . q episcopius disp . . thes . r remonst . in apol. c. . fol. . s answorth animadver . pag. . remon . . decisi●nem factam in synodo non leviter habendam , quin & merito inclinare animos nostros ad acriorem decisionis factae considerationem , sed ut ea cuiquam pros●ribat aut diffentientem cogat ad assensum aut obsequium , ratio non permi●tis . t theoph. nicolaid . in refu . trac . de eccl . c. . f. . hac ratione synodica errores aut controversias non ●olli , sed tantum vim inferri conscientiis nostris . u smalcius in refut . lib. de errorih● . arrian . . c. . fol. . x answer to the . quest . so the papists . pighius lib. . c. . de eccles . hierarch . calleth generall councells , constantini magni inventum , a devise of constantine without any warrant of the word of god ; and iohn weemes of craghton denyeth councells to be necessary by any commandement of god , de regis primatu , l . c. . pag. . cleme●s the seventh said , counsels are dangerous , if the popes power be called in question . z matth. . . matth. . . joh. . . act. . . . cor. . . and . . , . gal. . . coloss. . . . a col. . . b thes. . . . heb. . . c i. evit . . . d mal. . . e nazienzen ad procopium epist. . alias . ego , si vera scribere oporiet , ita am●no affectus sum , ut omnia ●piscoporum concilia fugiam , quoniam nulli●s concilii fine us 〈◊〉 faustuinque vidi . f panormitan de electr●ne , c. significast● . g augustine contra do●●tist . l. . c. . priora concilia a pos●erioribus cor●●gi h petrus de monte in monarchia concil . terti● . nu . . manuscrip . a amesius , l. . c. ● . n. . de conscient . manuscript . manuscript . a morton apol. par . . c. . pag. . b russinus l . ●ist . c. . c hieronymus de loc . hele●o . d nazianz. seimon . de cypriano . e augustin l. . contr . julian . f nazianz. epist. . ad basilium . g damasc. de fid . orthod . l. . c. . h theodoret. hist. l. . c. . i robinson iustific . of separat . pag . a clemens in constitut . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b athanasius . c lactantius inst it . l. . c. . d tertul. e procopius in arca. histor . f ta●itus in tiberio , de●rum in ●u●iae d●●s curae sant . g l. . god. de ●eb . ged . juris juran●ts contempia religio satis de●● ultorem habet . h in lege nemo codice de pagan . i ambr●sius epist. . k augustin . epist. . l gregorius de valentia to . . disp . . punc . . q. . de infidelita te arg . . m d●●andus . santen . d. . q. . 〈◊〉 . . n suarez , de 〈…〉 disp . . sect . n. . o antonius . p. . c. . p gregorius . epist. . q robinson justif . of separa . pag. . r robinson . justif . pag. . king. . s beza de haeretic . a magist . pun . pag. . . t remonst . in confess . c. . sect. . qui haereticidie aut simili tyrannidi aut persecution● ullo modo patrocinentur , a m●●issimo christi spiritu prorsus alieni sunt . w epis●●pius . disp . . thes. . x professores leidens . in sua cens . . id socinianae doctrinae c●rsentaneum quidem est . y nicolaus vedelius ar●a . arminianis . par . . l. . c. . z joan. gerard. . . de magistrat . politico . n. q. . n. . pag. . . a socinus de off●c . ●om . christ. c. . b nicolaides defe●● . tract . de eccles . c . fol. . . . c ostor●dius christ. relig . c. . d episcopius disp . . . thes. . . e henr. slatius apert . doct . f. . f ostorodius inst . relig . c. . g cateches . ra●cov●ens . de proph . mun. i. christi c. . f. . h smal●ius 〈…〉 . disp . . pig . . acut● ejus●nadi d●lectio est quae interficere ali u●n permit●● et jubet . i v●d . socin . in defens . sent v●●es . p. ● raccoviensi adversus jac. paeleol . de mag . p ●n pag. fol. . k beza . 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 is a magist . puniend . advers ma●tin ●●lling vol. . ●pus pag. . & se● . l junius advers . 〈◊〉 . edit . heidelbu● . an . . p. . m bucanus loc . com . . n zanchius , . . m●s● . de 〈◊〉 . o perkias . in cath●l . reformat . convo . . c. . pag. . p daneus in etlic christian. l . c. . q bulling . 〈◊〉 . . fol. . r professo . leyden ●s c●nsa re non . c : sect . . s cyprian ad de 〈◊〉 . si quid 〈◊〉 tuis nu 〈◊〉 & poteslatis es● , ipsi in 〈…〉 su●gent , ipsi se majestate sua defendent : pude●t te ●os celere , quos ipse de sendis , pudeat tutelam ab ipsis sparare , quos tu 〈◊〉 . t 〈…〉 . u 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉 p. : x 〈◊〉 ad campian . pag ▪ . y augustine cp●st . . ●d 〈…〉 . ad 〈…〉 . z beza de la 〈…〉 . punten● . pag. , . a professors of i ciden in censur . confess . remonst . c. . sect . . b 〈◊〉 . histori . l. . c. c chrysostom . ●om . . in matth. . d chrysolog . serm . . e augustine in lib. quaest . ex matth. . f theophylac . com . in loc . matth. . g beza in anno● . mar. matth. . . h erasmus in locum eundem . deus non per●ittit haeretico be llis consumi similiter neque propter mal●s cogitatienes vult deus exscindi hominem : si mattheus excisus esset ex hac vita , cum esset zizanium , simul etiam excisum esset fr●nent●n quod postea ex ipso erat oriturum . a tannerus , . ● . b phil. gamachaeus com . in . q. . c. . non hic opus gladio imperatoris , sed hamo piscatoris . ( a ) quicunque et l. haeretic● . et l. manichei god. de haeretic . as tertullian in scorpiac . c. . haeetict compelli debent , non alli ci , et duritia vincenda , non suadenda ; which saith , that hereticks are otherwise to be delt with then those who never imbraced the christian faith . c covar●uvias in regula peccat . p. . sect . e gamacheus loc . cit . f tannerus in . q. . art . dub. . g malderus de virtut . theolog. q. . art . . h scotus in a. dist . . i molina de just . et jure tract . . disp . . k alphons a castro de puni●i . baeretic . l. . c. . l malderus loc . cit . m coninck . de artib . supernatur disp . . de infidelit . dub . . n . n lorca in . q. . art . . o aquinas . q. . art . . p cajetan . in thomam . ibid. d ( d ) greg. de valent. in . q. . art . . punct q extravan . pauls iiii. decret . l . 〈◊〉 . de de iudae●s . r malderus in q. . de insidel . cap. . s gal. . . t cap. qui sincera . et cap. de iudaeis dist . . u codt . de iudaeis . zanch. com . in phil. . a turrecrema . qui paratus est tenere contrarium , li. sum . de eccle . p. . c. . b scotus ignorantia crassa , d. . ar . . c canus l. . de loc . c. . affectata ignoran . facit pertinacem . d malderus crassa ignorantia relinquit ho●ninem paratum obedire ecclesia idecque non exclude●et objectum formale fidei . de virtut . theol. in . de haeres . q. . ad . men . . e a cost●o de punitio hare● . li. . c. . f pirerius com in rom. v. disp . . g adrianus quolib . . punct . ad . . h vasquez in . q. . ar . , . disp . . c. . i pezantius ib. disp . . g malderus 〈◊〉 . t●co● . q. art . . disp . . h ambros. l. de paradis . c. . a andr. raddeccius in ne●s ad l●brun smiplec●● pag. . & in defens . tract de ●● sfi. pag. . b s●alcius in ●●fut . thes. frantz . dis . pag. . c r●mons●r . in ap lo●● . s l . . and and fpis●●p●us disp . thes . n. d hugo cardinalis com . in esa . e beda in locum . f toletus luc . g cyrillus . h salme●en . i gloss. ordin . annum placabilem , id est , fidem & salutem hominum . k procopius in ●arnationis domini tempus innui● . l hieronymus diem 〈◊〉 , ●d est , damnatio●●s roman●s . m lyra , annus dominicae passionis in quo placa●●s est gene●i 〈◊〉 . a survey of discipl . c. ● b far●us com in rom. c. . dub . . in appendic ad fol. arg resp . . c puschius l c. . de ●ita constantin● , ●es istis episcopi in ecclesia , ego extra ecclesiam seu ●emplum a deo s●●n constitutus . d gul apollo 〈…〉 . vedelium de episco . constan . c . nu . . e salcobrigiens . p. . f camero . praelect . . . p. . . g paraeus com . in rom. . in append . ad du● . . p●arogn●t . . h salc●b●ig . pap . i 〈…〉 p 〈…〉 . . c . k dan . dan. . , . luk. . . rem . pet. , . &c. tim . . l col. . . ● thes. . , . l ●v . . matth . . , . cor. . , , . tim . . tim. . . cor. . , . cor. . . a m. anton. de domi . archie . spala●ens . l. . c. . n. , , . seq . b gulielm . apollon . de jure magist●a . in sacr . pa● . ● . c. & . b esa. . ● . revel . . . psal. . , , . psal. . v. , , . c august . con●r . liter . petilian . l. . c. contr . cr●sco . lib. . c. . d bell●●m . de pontif . rom. l. . c. . e lysimach . nicanor , epist. to the cove nan of scotland , pag. . f junius eccles . l. . c. . g guliel . apollon . de jure magist . contr . vedeli . par . . ● . . pag. . h m. antkon . de domi . archiepis . spala● . de rep . eccle . l. . c. . sect . . i tilenus syntag. pag. . disp . . thes . . k daneus polit . ch. l. . c. . l bucan loc . com . ● . ▪ ● . m professor . leidens . d. . thes . . o ames . de conscien . l. . c. . amesius medul . theol. l. . c. . 〈◊〉 entm est res , aut causa 〈◊〉 ecclesiastica qu●n aliqua ratiene pertineat ad jwisdictionem mag●stratus , neq●ulla est 〈◊〉 tam secula●● , modo ab ecclesiae memb●o p●aestetur qum qua●enus observant●am e●ga 〈◊〉 resp●●●t ▪ per●mere possi● ad ecclesiasticam 〈◊〉 ●nem . p martyr . loc . com . elas . . loc . q parkerus de ●olue . a eccles . l. ● . . ● . r professor . 〈◊〉 . ●●col . disp . . thes. , , . parkerus . ecclesia visibilis , quanquam externa , ad regn●● christ●●●leste per●●ne● . s anthon. de dom. arch●epis●● . spalatens . l . c. . . . t joan. major parisien . lib. . sent . dist . . q. . w sp●l●tens de ●ep . eccles . l. . ● . . n. . x guli●l n. apollonius pastor 〈◊〉 magist. par . . c . pag. ● , . y august epist ad ro●●faccom . . a survey of discipline . c. b iunius c●nt . . l. . c. . not . . c gul. apolon . de jure magistr . par . . c. pag. . d ruffinus eister . eccles l c. ● . e act. conc . clalced . act . distinct. . gerardus . distinct. . a augustin ad bonisac . comit . circa epist. . quia vero etiam rex est ser vit , leges justa praecipientes , & contraria prohibentes , conventente rigore sanciend● , sicut servivit rex ninivitatum , universam civitatem ad placandum dominum compellendo . b august . l. . co●r . epist . gaudentii . c. . quamdiu vos non tenetis ecclesia● , quam praenunciaverunt piscatores , apestoli plantaverunt , tam diu reges qui eam tenent , rectissime ad s●am curam indicant per●nere , ne ●os adversus eum rebelletis impune . c imperat constitut. ● . d in c●dice l. leg ●unctus populu● . c. le s●m . trinit . e c●d●ce leg . . synod chaicedenensis de ●●de christiana justa cap●sitinnes a 〈◊〉 a ●●●●d 〈◊〉 , per nost●a decreta statuta sunt . f iustinian . novell . . c. . g novell . . c. . h l. . de s●●● . tr●n . i wolsius tom . lect . moral . pag. . k bellarmin . l . de la●cis c. . l suarez in opuscul . l. . de p●●mat . sum●● pontif c. . n d●s●●on . . si 〈◊〉 . o d●st . . inc . qu●ties . q. . p in cap●●e qu● di●●et . q august . cont . epist. gauden . l. ● . c. . r apollonius de jure magist. ●oc . cit pag. . s didoclavius dad . caldern ●●d in altars damas●cnode commentatus ●egi●s , pa. , . d calvinus inst●● . l. . c. . sect . . e amesius to n. in bellarm . 〈◊〉 at . c. . n. ● . f junius ar● nad . in ●ellarm . de concil . l . c. . 〈◊〉 . . desiciente conjunctione magist 〈…〉 aliquid ecclesia extra ordine●n sace●● , q●●d ordina●ie non potest , & ●●ntra desiciente ecclesia a suo officio , potest magi●●●atus 〈◊〉 ordinein procurare , ut ecclesia ad 〈…〉 , ●d enim juris communis est , extraordinar●is mai●s remedia eti am extra ordinem adhiberi posse . g calderwood in 〈◊〉 damas●en● , pag. . h elizabeth stat . ● . ● . ● . i lib. . si 〈◊〉 ● . de leg●●●s princ●p . k paraeus . comment . in r ●● . . dul . . mappend p●● . . arg . . l calderwood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . da●nas . pag. . lance● . andreas . m tortur . torti . . dicimus regem gubernare ecclesiastica , sed non ecclesiastice . n burbilius in vindic . tortu a tc●ti . pa. . non dicit ( ep. sc. eliensis ) primatum spiritualem , sed primatum quoad spiritualia , de be ●i regibus omni jure . o hen. salcobrigiensis in becano . baculo pag. . p pag. q calderwood in altar . damas pag. , , . & seq . r survey of discipl c. . pa. , . s episco . fliens . tortur . terti pag. . in ethnico e●st tera potestas temporalis , idque sinc ordine ad potestatem ecclesiasticam . item rex quivis own de ethnico christianus fit , non perdit terrenum ju● , sed acquirit jus nov●●● . itidem own de christiane fit sicut ethnicus , vigore sententiae , ami●●● novum jus quod acquisiverat , sed retinet terrenum jus in temporalibus , quod sacrat illi proprium , priusquam christianus fieret . t voetius de potest . ecclesi . tract . w 〈◊〉 . f●l 〈◊〉 . ●● . . x 〈…〉 . y anselm● 〈◊〉 matth. . a hilarius ●●ntra 〈…〉 b●pist b bernard b●p●st . ad fu●en . c 〈…〉 d . . . e g●●son . bucer de 〈…〉 . pag. ● . f amesius in 〈…〉 . de ● . . ● . . g ●●an weem●s de 〈◊〉 . de 〈…〉 pag. . . seq . h the kings 〈◊〉 for the service b●ok of 〈◊〉 land , a● . . i vvee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . daplex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est , un● 〈◊〉 & . 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 , alia 〈◊〉 s●u imperialis in senatu , illa pastorum , haec p●incipis est . k bancroft s●●na● pauli cruce● . . p . l calderwood in altar . damas. pag. . m bancroft pag. . n pag. . & . o parker . de polit . eccl . l . c. . p stapleton de princip doctrinal . l. . c q becanus . . opise cont . spalat . l. . de repub . christi . c. . r parkerus de politeia eccles . l. . c. . s raynold . collat . cum hartio . c . divis . . t greg. magnus in psalme pen●tent . u alta● da 〈◊〉 pag. . . x alta● damas● pag. ● . ch●on . . , . a junius de ●en●il●animad . l. . c. . a●t . . b altar . damas●●n pag. . c gulied . apollonius de ju●e magist● . ●nsa●●●● c. . pag. . . d sibrandus c●nt●a . pag. . . e muketus de polit●ia potest . pag. f nico. ● wedelius in tractatu de epis●●pain constan●●ni . g becanus ●n ●pi●s●ul . . . de 〈◊〉 . ●●g . l. . 〈◊〉 . n . . h abulensis q . & . i 〈…〉 ● k 〈…〉 c. ● n. . l junius 〈◊〉 . . l. . c. . a●t . . m spalato de repub eccles l. c. ● . ▪ . n u●●tius . tract . de potest . ●●cles o am●sius 〈…〉 . de concil . c. . ad . . p calderwood 〈…〉 . pag. , . &c. q professor . leydens . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 . . r gerardus de magistr . polit . to . . n. . pag. ●● . s junius chron. . . t becanus in 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 . n 〈…〉 . u suarez 〈…〉 . . n. . u suarez opused . . 〈…〉 . n. ● . x becanus de prima●● reg●o l. . ob . . pa. . * note . a suarez l. . de prima . pontif . c. n. . b cajetan cōment . . paic . . v. . supren●a duo capita judicio●um decernit . c paraeus cōment . ad ro● . . dub . . d paraeus loc . citat . e cicero ● tus●ul . nulla tam fera . tam 〈◊〉 nis unq●am natio fu● , quam non unbue●it religio ●●r●n . object . object . * note . a later ● pauli . ad carol. . imperatorem . apud wolsium tom . ● . lect. memor . pag. ● . b nicol. in epist. ad mi●ha . impera . c. ul● na●n dist . c henric. blyssemius tract . de eccles p. . a tertullian de idol . c. . christus gloriam seculi & sibi & sais alienam esse judicavit . b origen homil . . in matth. c hilarius ad auxe●t . d chrysostom . hom . . in joan. christus fugit ( diadema ●errenum ) ut oftenderes suum regnum nullis secularibus rebus indigere . e ambrosius . ●om . . . in dei rebus sollicitus ( sit episc●pus ) a secul●i negotio alienus , non enim convenitunum , duplicem habere potestatem . f august . trin . cos. in joan. g survey of discipline , cap. . pag. , . h fenner 〈◊〉 . pa 〈◊〉 i 〈…〉 . pag. . k 〈…〉 . p. 〈◊〉 . l 〈…〉 . pa. ● m ●span . . v. . n sonnius ap . t●n . . pag. o survey of discipl cap. ● . pag. . emanuel sa. in 〈◊〉 cle●●cus spake like a j●suite , the ●ebellion of a clerg● man , against a king , is no ●●eason because hee is no subject ▪ the jesuits vow out of julius the third his bull , qua con 〈…〉 jesu●tarum , c. . l. . de vita ●gnat . laiolae . all people are subject to the pope : we 〈◊〉 beside the communitie of the three ordinary vowes be bound by a more specialty to w●●●soever the present pope and all others hereafter shall command , &c. and that is as mr. all●n principall of the colledge of jesui●● at rheimes i● a solomne oration , it is 〈…〉 kill kings . p haiminsfieldius 〈…〉 q arniseus de 〈…〉 . r baleus in 〈◊〉 pag. s baleus , . t 〈◊〉 shardius in 〈…〉 . go●stad par . . pag. . u sleidan peri●d . . c . x lampadius part . pag. . y catalogus test●um v●●ita . t is lib. seculo . pag. , . z apologia l●dov . . contra calumnias joan. papae . a in decret . . dist . c. cum ad verum & canone duo sunt . b stephanus aufrerii . c hieronymus pa●●us in 〈◊〉 qui 〈…〉 pract●●●●●●c●llariae ap 〈◊〉 . d iustm●an lib . & . de off praes praes ap●ric . e bell●●mm de clericis c. . f inno●●ntius iii. decret . . t●t ● . de major . 〈…〉 . imperium non paeest tace●datio , sed sudsubest , & 〈…〉 . g bonifacius . extra de 〈◊〉 & obed . c. una●n ●●n●●m . ●mnes christ sideles de nec●ssit●● sa ●uis sub●●nt pon●fici rom●an 〈…〉 habet , & ●mnes ●u●●cat , 〈…〉 . h 〈…〉 . i 〈…〉 . k 〈…〉 . l 〈…〉 . m 〈…〉 . n 〈…〉 . o 〈…〉 . p silvest . in concil . 〈◊〉 . c. . q gratian ● . c. nemo judicabit . r 〈…〉 . s 〈…〉 . t 〈…〉 . w . quest . . x cod l . leg . . an●●emius , cler●●● ex●●ane● . y cod. l. . ●●● . . leg . . z cod. l. . ●●● . . leg . . anthemius praesi lal● ju●isd● ctio . . &c. a caus●n . . ca. . decret . grego . l. . tit . . c. . clem. . b luitprandus in vir●s pontif in agat●ore . c ext●a . de major & obed . c●unam . in gloss. d clement . pastor de re ju dic . e c. fundamen . de elect . in . f c. solit extrav . de major . & obed . g in l. . ceremoni . eccles . rom. ●t . . the way of the churches of christ in new england . a answer to the . question . b dionys. halicarnass . l. antiquit . optiene cuiquam ex ●ulgo data , ut que●n vellent sibi pa●●onu●n el●ge●ent c terentius in eunu●ho●e mi●● patronum cupie . i ●a● . d concilium melevitanu●n ●n . . e concilium car●bagin . . c. . an . . f hosp●nian de orig . te●nplo . to . . de orig . honor . eccles . c. . g a●entinus in 〈…〉 . . a●al . h fdvar . dido . lav . in 〈…〉 . p. . i origen . 〈◊〉 . in levit. is eligendus ex omni populo qui praestantior , qui doct●● , qui sanctier . k abb. decius & l rubi . in c. quanto de jud . & in d. ca. de 〈◊〉 . m glossa in c. piae menus . q. . n anton de butr. & o andr. barbat . in d. c. quando . p f●ancis . suarez 〈…〉 & statu 〈…〉 de 〈…〉 ● . q ma● . an 〈…〉 spalate● de 〈…〉 . . pag. ● . r a●brosius l. ● . epist. ●● . epist. ●● . 〈…〉 , quod pa●peru ●●●● est . s sy●ol . 〈…〉 . c . t synod . braca●ens . ● c. . u ●span anal. ●o . x gregorus 〈…〉 . y 〈…〉 . z c●●decernimus 〈◊〉 . . . a altar . dam●s● . pag. ● . b gera●dus loc . co●n . . de min●ster . eccles . sect pag . . c suarez to●n . de vi●tut & stai● relig . l. . de sinon . c. n. , . . d spalat●●sten●error . suarez c. n . ( ● ) 〈◊〉 . q . e hospinian . de origi . templ . de or●g . bonor . eccles . c. . c. . f justiman . n●vel . . c. 〈◊〉 & c. . nov. . g a●●● da●nas . pag. . h cartwright . reply , ● pa●t . pag. . i amesius , de c●nscient . l. . c. q . n. , . k gul. ap l 〈…〉 . in sac a sect . c. . pag. , . l athanasius epist ad solitariam ●●●am agentes . uhille canon ut a palatio mittatur is , qu● sutu● us est epis●opus : m alta● da●●● . par . . n 〈…〉 o chap. . sect. . a tryall of the nevv-church vvay in new-england and in old ... by that learned and godly minister of christ, john ball of whitmore ; penned a little before his death and sent over to the new england ministers, anno , as a reply to an answer of theirs in justification of the said positions ... ; now published ... by william rathband and simeon ash. ball, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing t estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a tryall of the nevv-church vvay in new-england and in old ... by that learned and godly minister of christ, john ball of whitmore ; penned a little before his death and sent over to the new england ministers, anno , as a reply to an answer of theirs in justification of the said positions ... ; now published ... by william rathband and simeon ash. ball, john, - . rathband, william, d. . ashe, simeon, d. . letter of many ministers in old england requesting the judgement of their reverend bretheren in new england. [ ], p. printed by t. paine and m. simmons for thomas underhill ..., london : . a reissue, with cancel t.p., of a letter of many minsters in old england, requesting the judgement of their reverend brethren in new england concerning nine positions. london, . reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity. congregational churches -- doctrines. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a tryall of the nevv-chvrch vvay in new-england and in old . wherein are handled these questions following . . whether a stinted forme of prayer and set liturgie be unlawfull . . whether it be unlawfull to joyne in prayer , or receive the sacraments where a stinted liturgie is used . . whether the children of godly and approved christians , be not to be baptized till their parents be set-members of some particular congregation . . whether the parents themselves being of approved pietie , ought not to be received to the lords supper , untill they be first admitted as set-members . . whether the power of excommunication , &c. be so in the body of the church , that what the major part shall allow , that must be done , though the pastors and governors , and part of the assembly be of another minde , and peradventure upon more substantiall reasons . . whether those that are admitted as set-members , ought not to depart or remove , without the consent of that congregation whereof they are members . . whether a minister be so a minister to a particular congregation , that if they dislike , or leave him , he utterly ceaseth to be a minister . . whether a minister may not performe ministeriall acts to another congregation then his owne . . whether members of one congregation , may not communicate in another . by that learned and godly minister of christ , john ball , of whitmore . penned a little before his death , and sent over to the new england ministers , anno . as a reply to an answer of theirs in justification of the said positions . now published ( by occasion mentioned in the epistle to the reader following in the next page ) upon the desire of many godly and faithfull ministers , in and about the citie of london , who love and seek the truth . by william rathband and simeon ash . thes . . . prove all things , hold fast that which is good . london : printed by t. paine and m. simmons , for thomas vnderhill in great wood-street , . to the reader . good reader , vpon the receipt of the answer returned unto the nine positions , master ball moved by the request of brethren , drew up this reply , which upon perusall and joynt approbation , was directed unto the reverend elders of the severall churches in new england . the reply sent miscarrying in the hand , to which it was committed , though both letters and printed bookes trusted in the same hand were delivered : hereupon another copie was from new england desired , and accordingly prepared in the yeare following . in the meane time , the answer being tendered to the presse , it was judged more meete to keepe the reply in readinesse to attend the publishing of the answer , then to part with it in the other way . this intelligence was the last yeare conveyed into new england , since which time , there hath been an expectation to see that in print , which now is sent abroad to open view . by this relation it is manifest who are voluntiers , and who are pressed to come forth as defendants , in these controversies . these differences betwixt the loving brethren of old england and new , had not been made thus notorious , if some who cry up the church way in new england , as the only way of god , had not been forward , to blow them abroad in the world . but surely the providence of god is remarkeable in bringing these questions into debate at this time , when the ministers of the gospell from all the counties in the kingdome are called together by both houses of parliament , to consult about the healing of our breaches , which are very many and dangerous : the copie of this reply being committed to our custodie we are necessitated to appeare in the publication of it : yet we shall preface nothing concerning the treatise it selfe , because our known respects to the reverend and judicious author will render us partiall , and our testimony can adde no credit to his works , which withall indifferent readers will plead sufficiently for their own acceptance . if this discourse shall adde any discovery of light unto them , who desire a sound judgement in the controversies here agitated , our end is obtained , and our prayers answered , who are . thy servants in and for the truth , simeon ash , william rathband . the letter of those ministers in england , who requested to know the judgement of their brethren in new england , in nine positions , wherein the reasons , of this their request , are truly reported . ( reverend and beloved brethren ) whiles we lived together in the same kingdome , we professed the same faith , joyned in the same ordinances , laboured in the worke of god to gaine soules unto his kingdome , and maintained the puritie of worship against corruptions , both on the right hand and on the left . but since your departure into new england , we heare ( and partly beleeve it ) that divers have embraced certaine vain opinions , such as you disliked formerly , and we judge to be groundlesse and unwarrantable . as that a stinted forme of prayer , and set liturgie is unlawfull ; that it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer , or to receive the sacrament , where a stinted liturgie is used . . that the children of godly and approved christians are not to be baptized , untill their parents bee set members of some perticular congregation . . that the parents themselves , though of approved piety are not to be received to the lords supper , untill they bee admitted as set members . . that the power of excommunication ▪ &c. is so in the body of the church that what the major part shall allow , that must be done , though the pastors and governors , and part of the assembly be of another minde , and peradventure , upon more substantiall reasons . . that none are to be admitted as set members , but they must promise , not to depart , or remove unless the congregation will give leave . . that a minister is so a minister to a particular congregation , that if they dislike him unjustly , or leave him , he ceaseth to be a minister . . that a minister cannot performe any ministeriall act in another cogregation . . that members of one congregation may not communicate in another . these and other such like ( which we omit to reckon up ) are written and reported to be the common tenents in new england , which are received with great applause , maintained with great confidence , and applauded as the only church way wherein the lord is to be worshipped . and letters from new england have so taken with divers in many parts of this kingdome , that they have left our assemblies because of a stinted liturgie , and excommunicated themselves from the lords supper because such as are not debarred from it . and being turned aside themselves , they labour to ensnare others , to the griefe of the godly , the scandall of religion , the wounding of their owne soules ( if they did advisedly consider the matter ) and great advantage of them , that are wily to espy , and ready to make use of all advantages to prejudice the truth . ( beloved brethren ) if you stood in our places , we are well assured it would be no small griefe unto you , to beare and see the people led aside to the disgrace of the gospell , upon weake and groundlesse imaginations , and in rash end inconsiderate zeale to deale with that which is of god , as if it were of man. and if it be to us griefe of heart to heare that you have changed from that truth which you did professe , and embrace that for truth which in former times upon sound grounds you did condemne as erroneous , we hope you will not be offended . you know how oft it hath beene objected that non-conformists in practice are separatists in heart , but that they goe crosse to their own positions , or smother the truth for sinister ends . they of the separation boast that they stand upon the non-conformists grounds . a vainglorious flourish and sleight pretence . but both these are much countenanced by your sudden change if you be changed , as it is reported . how shall your brethren bee able to stand up in the defence of their innocencie , and the uprightnesse of their cause , when your example and opinion shall be cast in their dish ? must they leave you now , with whom they have held society ? or will you plead for separation , which you have condemned as rash and inconsiderate ? you know that thy who have run this way , have fallen into manifold divisions , and may not you justly feare , lest the same befall you ? some warnings you have had already , and have you not cause to feare every day more and more ? errour is very fruitfull and will spread apace . a cracke in the foundation may occasion a wide breach in the building , where there will not be means , or mind to amend it . experience every day may tutour us herein . but to let passe all inconveniences , our request in all meeknesse and love is , that if these or any of the forementioned opinions be indeed your tenents , you would be pleased to take a second review of your grounds , and send us your strongest reasons that have swayed you in these matters : and if we shall find them upon due examination to be such as will carry weight , we shall be ready to give you the right hand of fellowship ; if otherwise you shall receive our just and modest animadversions in what we conceive you have erred from the truth . you will not iudge , if we cannot apprehend the strength of your grounds it is because we love not the truth ▪ or bee carryed with by-spects ( though these conceipts prevaile too much : ) such rigid and harsh censures , cannot lodge in meeke and humble breasts . weighty reasons promote the truth not unadvised judging . you your selves have judged that to be errour , which now you take to be truth when yet you were not blinded with by re-respects , nor hudwinked your eyes , that you might not see the light . and if you have just warrant from god to pull downe what you have builded , and to build what you have pulled downe , we desire you would lovingly and maturely impart it , for as yet we have seene none , which we are not ready to prove , and shew by the rule of truth to be too weake to carry any burthen . we adore with you the fulnesse of the scripture , and we know the counsell of the lord shall stand : if you can shew that you walke in the wayes of god , we shall heartily rejoyce to walke with you : but if you have turned aside , we shall earnestly desire that you would be pleased seriously to consider the matter , and speedily reforme , what is out of order . thus not doubting of your favourable interpretation of this our motion , for the preventing of distraction , maintenance of peace , and searching out of the truth , whereby we may be directed to live to the praise of god , the good of his people , and comfort of our soules , beseeching god to lead and guide us into all truth and holinesse , and keepe us blamelesse untill his glorous appearance , we rest your loving brethren . an epistle written by the elders of the churches in new-england , to those godly ministers fore-mentioned that sent over the positions . reverend and beloved brethren : in these remote coasts of the earth , whereunto the good hand of god hath brought us , as we doe with much comfort of heart call to mind the many gracious blessings , which both with you , and from you , we injoyed in our christian and holy communion , ( the memory and fruit whereof we hope shall never be blotted out ) so we have also seen cause to looke back to our former administrations there , and to search and trie our wayes ; that wherein soever we have formerly gone astray , we might judge our selves for it before the lord : and that seeing now god hath set before us an open doore of libertie , wee might neither abuse our libertie in the gospel , to runne out into any groundlesse unwarrantable courses , nor neglect the present opportunitie to administer ( by the helpe of christ ) all the holy ordinances of god , according to the patterne set before us in the scripture ; in our native countrey , when we were first called to the ministery , many of us tooke some things to be indifferent and lawfull , which in after-times we saw to be sinfull , and durst not continue in the practise of them there ; afterwards some things that we bare as burthens , that is , as things inexpedient though not utterly unlawfull ; we have no cause to retain and practise the same things here , which would not have been not onely inexpedient , but unlawfull : such things as a man may tollerate when he cannot remove them , hee cannot tollerate without sinne , when he may remove them ; besides some things we practised there ( which wee speak to our shame and griefe ) which we never took into serious consideration whether they were lawfull , and expedient or no , but took them for granted , and generally received ; not onely by the most reformed churches , but by the most godly and judicious servants of god amongst them ; which neverthelesse when we came to weigh them in the ballance of the sanctuarie , we could not find sufficient warrant in the word to receive them , and establish them here : of one of these three kinds will these our present practises appeare to be , which you call our new opinions , or , innovations here ; except it be some few of them , which though they have been reported to you to be our judgements and practises , yet are indeed farre from us : the particulars are too many , and too weightie to give you account of them , and the ground of our proceedings about them in a letter . but to give you ( if it be the will of god ) the better satisfaction , we have sent you a short treatise touching each particular , that according to your desire you might understand from us how farre we do acknowledge any of these tenents , and upon what ground , hoping that according to your promise , if upon due examination you shall find any weight in them , you will give us the right hand of fellowship . but if otherwise , you will send us your just and faithfull animadversions , and we doe not suspect your loves to the truth , or your sincere speaking according to your conscience in the sight of god , neither taxe we you as siding from the truth with by-respects , whereof you complain , verily we abhorre such rash , harsh , and presumptuous notoriousnesse , we see as much cause to suspect the integritie of our own hearts , as yours ; and so much the more , as being more privie to the deceitfulnesse of our own hearts then to yours . and we cannot but with much thankfulnesse of heart acknowledge the many rich precious treasures of his grace , wherewith the lord hath furnished sundrie of you above your brethren , which causeth us with great reverence to accept , and receive what further light god may be pleased to impart unto us by you ; but as we have beleeved , so have we hitherto practised , and so have most of us spoken this our answer to your particulars , most of us we may say , because there wants not some brethren amongst us who proceed further , even to looke at all set formes of prayer invented by men of another age or congregation , and prescrib●d to their brethren to be read out of a book for the prayers of the church , as images , or imaginations of men , forbidden in the second commandement ; but as we leave them to their libertie of their own judgements without prejudice , so do we also concurre with the rest of them , so farre as we all goe in bearing witnesse against any set formes , or the corruptions in them ; in dispatching whereof , we have been the more slow because it behoved us first to inquire into , and to settle some controversies amongst our selves , before we could well attend to entertaine discourse about forraigne questions which do not so neerely concerne our present estate and practise . besides your letters being sent to the ministers of the churches , and some of us dwelling farre a sunder , it was not an easie thing for all of us often to meet together to consider of these questions , much lesse to resolve upon one just answer . but having at length ( by the assistance of god ) brought our answers to this issue , we commend it to the blessing of the lord , and in him to your christian , and judicious consideration ; where if all things bee found safe , and duely warranted from scripture grounds ; do you also as seemeth vigilant watchmen of the lords flock , and faithfull witnesses to god ; if any thing seeme doubtfall to you , consider and weigh it very well before you reject it : if any thing appeare to be unfound , and dissnant from the word ( which we for our parts cannot disterne ) we shall willingly attend to what further light god may send unto us by you : in the meane while wee intreat you in the lord , not to suffer such apprehensions to lodge in your minds , which you intimate in your letters ; as if we here justified the wayes of riged separation , which sometimes amongst you we have formerly borne witnesse against ▪ and so build againe the things we have destroyed ; you know they separate from your congregations , as no churches ; from the ordinances dispensed by you as meere antichristian , and from your selves as no visible christians . but wee professe unfainedly , we separate from the corruptions which we conceive to be left in your churches , and from such ordinances administred therein as we feare are not of god , but of men ; and for your selves , we are so farre from separating as from no visible christians , as that you are under god in our hearts ( if the lord would suffer it ) to live and die together ; and we looke at sundrie of you as men of that eminent growth in christianitie , that if there be any visible christians under heaven , amongst you are the men , which for these many yeeres have been written in your foreheads ( hoiinesse to the lord ) which we speake not to prejudice any truth which our selves are here taught and called to professe , but we still beleeve though personall christians may be eminent in their growth of christianitie : yet churches had still need to grow from apparent defects to puritie ; and from reformation to reformation , age after age , till the lord have utterly abolished antichrist with the breath of his mouth , and the brightnesse of his comming to the full and cleare revelation of all his holy truth ; especially touching the ordering of his house and publick worship ; as a pledge of this our estimation of you , and sincere affection to you , we have sent you these answers to your demand , and shall be readie , by the help of christ , to receive back againe from you , wise , and just , and holy advertisements in the lord. now the lord god , and father of our lord jesus christ , your lord , and ours ; lead us all unto all truths , purge out all leaven out of his churches , and keepe us blamelesse and harmlesse in his holy faith and feare , to his heavenly kingdome , through him that hath loved us ; in whom we rest , your very loving brethren , the elders of the churches in new-england . reverend and dearely beloved brethren , it is not to be doubted but while we live here , we shall have just cause to search and try our ways , look back upon former courses , and call things done to more strict examination . for being over-clouded with ignorance , compassed about with infirmities , and beset with many temptations to sinne , knowing what we know best , but darkly and in part , no marvell , if in many things we offend ignorantly , of frailty for want of due consideration , rashly mistaking errour for truth , condemning truth for errour , suspecting evill without cause , and not suspecting where is just reason , drawing erronious conclusions from sound principles , and maintaining truths upon weak grounds ; so that in examination of our wayes , and endevours of their reformation wee had need to looke warily , that wee turn not to the right hand or to the left , for in the one we add to the word of god , as well as in the other , and of our selves are apt to strike aside to both . a loose conscience will be profane , a tender , scrupulous . it stands us therefore upon to have our selves in suspition , in as much as experience teacheth that many have swerved from the path of found peace and comfort on each hand . wherefore ( beloved brethren ) if since your comming into new england , upon serious review of former actions you have discovered any truths heretofore not taken notice of , we shal be so far from rejecting them because of your former judgment and practice , that we shall heartily desire to know and imbrace the same with you , and blesse god for you as the happy instruments of his glory , our instruction & the advancement of the truth . but if the discoveries be of the like nature with the positions mentioned in the letter ; as before , so still , we conceive them to be new opinions , and not warranted by scripture , which is the true antiquity . opinions we say , not practices , for not changing your opinion , you might lawfully alter your practice ; nay , what you did tolerate formerly as a burthen , in case not free , you might well forgoe being at your liberty . your judgement being the same , you might use your liberty in forbearance of a set liturgie , and yet retaine the same judgement of a stinted liturgie , that you had before ; you might forbeare for a time upon speciall reason ( such as present state and occasion might suggest ) to receive to the sacrament approved christians , not set members of a particular congregation ; as some brethren do ) who yet dare not think it unlawfull to communicate with such in the act of worship , or deem it just and right altogether to debar them , as having no right nor title to those priviledges of this church . it is your opinions whereto we had respect not simply your practice . it never entred into us to perswade you to a set liturgy , much lesse to complain that you had not accepted ours . but that all stinted liturgies should be condemned as devised worship , and so condemned as that none may lawfully be present at , or pertake of the sacraments administred in a stinted or devised forme , this wee called a new opinion . neither do we mention it because we knew it to be the private opinion of some brethren among you , whom we had left to the liberty of their owne judgment , so far as the maintenance of the truth , and a just call did not ingage us : but because it was cryed up , and advanced with all diligence , and endeavour of some among us standing affected england-ward , as if a chief point of holinesse consisted in separation . you know how great a fire a little sparkle kindles . and seeing this distraction and rent had its originall , growth and continuance from some brethren in those parts , or affected to that way , when in loving and friendly manner we could neither receive grounds at home for our conviction , nor procure just satisfaction to the contrary ; what could wee doe lesse then call upon you joyntly to know your judgment , and either by sound proof to be by you convinced ( if happily you should approve their separation ( which we esteem groundlesse , rash , unlawfull , and prejudiciall to outward peace ) or being backed by a testimony of its dislike from you , we might the better be both incouraged , and furnished to endevour the quenching of that fire which was kindled but in too many places , in other perticulars also , wee conceive , you goe beyond commission given of god : granting them authority to whom god hath not committed it , debarring others from the priviledge of the sacraments , who have title thereto by the covenant of grace . your love in that you were pleased to signifie first your kinde and respective acceptance of our letter , and now also to send us an answer thereto , we acknowledge it with all thankfulnesse , and shall endevour ( through the grace of god ) to return like affection in truth of heart , if in measure we fall short . of your respect to us in particular , we make no question , your expressions are beyond that we could expect , as also what we dare own . but we humbly beseech the lord to direct , uphold , and guide us , that in some measure we may walk worthy of our vocation , and approve our selves faithfull to your consciences . it was one end of our writing to be satisfied in this point , whether you approve the ways of separation ( whereof wee complain ) and their courses who laboured with all their might , when they conceived hope to be heard to perswade thereunto . against which ( if we knew your judgment ) you testified among us . you know they that separate are not all of one straine and temper . some deny all communion with us publick and private , some admit of private , but deny all publick , and some joyne in prayer before , and after sermon , as also preaching of the word ( because in their esteeme , this may be done without communion in a church-way ) but refuse to partake of the sacraments . all which separations wee judge uncharitable , contrary to the commandement of christ , and have ever thought that you ( whilst with us ) and we were of one minde herein . if of late we have conceived fears of some of you ( deere brethren ) as leaning too much to what formerly you disliked , we beseech you weigh what urgent and pressing reasons forced us thereunto , and we shall most gladly ( wee heartily desire you to rest assured ) lay hold of every line and syllable , that may tend to dislodge such apprehensions . for as we conceive , the dispute to be unreasonably moved , the rent offensive , the opinions themselves prejudiciall to the cause of god , and the advancers thereof to have passed the limits prescribed by god ; so wee shall esteem it an inestimable blessing , if ( now what hinders being removed ) wee might joyn with one heart and soule , in one way of god to promote his glory , and seek the good of his church and people . we trust in the lord , we should not draw back in any course wherein wee may see the lord going before us , nor be an offence to any to keep the lords way ; wee seek the truth , and are perswaded it is the cause of god which we defend : we plead for communion with the churches of christ , no further then they hold communion with christ , still desiring to keepe the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , with your selves and all others , who walke in the right way of truth , peace and comfort . how the lord may be pleased to deale with us , or dispose of us wee know not ( his blessed will be done . ) but of this we are resolved , through his grace , not willingly to raise trouble or dissention among you , if through ignorance or infirmity we shall not so fall in , as to be of one minde with you in these matters . and here we desire you to consider that in these particulars you dissent as much one from another as we dissent from you , and that wherein we dissent from you ( and perhaps from the lesser part of you ) you dissent from the judgement and practice of all reformed churches . this wee speake not to prejudice your cause , but to intreat your serious re-exmination of what you have sent us , and this tryall thereof , by the touchstone of the word . for if we mistake not , in many things it will not abide the test . you have written in great love and tendernesse , that your positions might be so scanned , and wee shall endeavour with such affection to try all things , and hold fast that which is good . and now ( beseeching the guidance of the spirit ) with your leave , wee shall endeavour to deale fully and plainly , as the nature of the cause requireth , intreating you impartially to consider the grounds whereupon we , go and weigh what wee shall say in the ballance of the sanctuary . the lord of his rich mercy in jesus christ , direct us in discerning what is right and pleasing in his sight , cast offences out of the church , close up rents and divisions , reveal his truth more and more , set up and mayntain the purity of his own ordinances , unite the hearts of his people to the love and feare of his holy name , teach us self-deniall , and keep us blamelesse to the comming of the lord jesus christ . amen . i position . that a stinted forme of prayer and set liturgie is unlawfull . answ . before we proceed to declare our selves concerning this position : it will be needfull that some things be premised , for the explication of the terms thereof . we suppose , by a liturgy and forme of prayer , you mean not a forme of private prayers composed for the helpe and direction of weaker christians : but the system or body of publike prayers generally used in the english parishes , complied for the churches use by other men not infallibly guided by god , to be said or read out of a book by their ministers as the churches prayers . and that this is your meaning , may appeare from your letter it self , wherein you complain that divers in many parts of that kingdome have left their assemblies , because of a stinted liturgy . now we know not of any other stinted liturgy from which the people do absent themselves , but onely that which is in use in the english churches . for as for a forme of prayer in generall , wee conceive your meaning cannot be of that . for it is evident that many preachers constantly use one set form of prayer of their own making before their sermons , with whom the people refuse not to joyn . by stinted and set , you mean such prayers , as are so imposed upon the churches and ministers , as that they are limited to that very form of words expressed in the book without addition , diminution , or alteration ; for that liturgy and forme among you , is in this sense set and stinted . by unlawfull , you mean that we looking at that form , as swerving from the rule ; neither dare first practice it our selves , not secondly approve the use of it by others . this being the true state of the question , so far as it appears to us , from the letter . we answer , for our own practice , the churches here doe not use any stinted forme of prayer and set liturgy , for these and other such reasons . because we finde no necessity of any stinted liturgy to be used among us , by vertue of any divine precept . and seeing the commission of the apostles limited them , to teach men to observe and do onely what christ did command them in matters of this nature , math. . . who are we and what are our churches , that we should presume above this commission ? and , we hope , it will not be offensively taken by any godly brethren , that we stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made us free in this , as well as in all other things . secondly , because the lawfulnesse of set forms and stinted liturgies is questioned and doubted of by many faithfull servants of god : whereas for church-officers to edifie the churches by their own gifts , as well in praying as in preaching , all sorts without controversie grant it to be lawfull . now spirituall prudence guideth believers , when two ways are set before them , one doubtfull though ventured on by some , the other certainly safe and good , though neglected by many , to choose that which is safe , declining the other . thirdly , because primitive paterns of all the churches of god in their best times ( when as touching this point they kept the rule in their eye ) whether jewish before christ , or christian above a yeers after christ , yield not the least footstep to shew us another safe way to walk in , then this which we have chosen . as for after times towards the end of the second , and beginning of the third century , we know how far the churches were then degenerated and declined from the first purity ; neither do we marvell at it , seeing in the apostles time the mystery of iniquity began to work , and it was then foretold , that the power of godlinesse would be in aftertimes exchanged for empty formes . in which respect , we look not at them as our guides neither in this , nor other particulars not warranted by the rule , herein following the advise of cyprian , who himself saw the corruption of those times , non est attendendum quid aliquis ante nos faciendum putaverit , sed quid qui ante omnes est christus fecerit & faciendum praeceperit . to conclude , seeing our christian liberty freeth us from binding our selves to any religious observances , whereunto the written word doth not bind us . and seeing spirituall prudence directs us to choose those ways , which on all hands are confessed to be s●fe , avoiding those that be doubtfull and hazardous . and seeing it will not be safe for us , needlesly to swerve from the constant practice of all churches that are recorded in scripture , and there held forth as a cloud of witnesses for us to follow in matters of this nature , wee therefore may not , doe not , dare not use set forms of prayers and stinted liturgies in these churches . more particularly , in that we doe not use that forme of prayer and stinted liturgy , which is in use among your selves : these and such other like reasons have induced us thereunto . the many and just exceptions whereunto that liturgy is lyable both for matter and manner ; for the proofe whereof wee referre you to those faithfull servants of god , who have gone before us in witnessing against the same : amongst others to master cartwright and the abridgment . in as much as that liturgy was never commanded of god , and hath been greatly abused to idolatry and superstition , and is not of any necessary use , and therefore we are affraid to bring it into the worship of god , as knowing the jealousie of the lord , in matters of this nature ; exod. . and how strictly hee commandeth his people , that all monuments and remnants of idolatry and superstition should be abolished from among them , deut. . , . exod. . . esay . ● . cor. . . in which respect the holy ghost hath greatly commended iacob , david , iehu , hezechia and iosiah , for taking away the remembrance of such things , gen. . , . psal . . . king . , . & . . & . all the chapter . and where other kings of iudah came short of the like zeale , the scripture notes it as a blemish in them that the high places were not taken away , albeit the people did not sacrifice in them to false gods , but onely to the lord , chron. . . & . . & . . yea , moreover , it appeareth by the scripture , that somethings that had a good originall and use ( if they be not still necessary and commanded of god ) are unlawfull when once they are knowne to be defiled by idolatry , and abused to it , king. . . hos . . , . as the brazen serpent was at the first an institution though but temporary : but when the children of israel burned incense to it . hezechiah , is commended for breaking it in pieces , and the lord witnesseth of him that he did that which was right in the sight of the lord , and according to his commandement , which he commanded moses , king. . , . how much more in the like case ought other things to be removed , which never were commanded of god , but onely were devised by men ? and that that liturgy hath been supertitiously abused , may be cleer to any that shall consider that it is the same for substance that was used in the days of poperty . and therefore when the papists in devonshire and cornwall , had made a commotion and rebellion upon the change of religion , in the days of king edward the sixth . it was told them by the king , for the pacifying of them : that it was the self-same service in english , which had been before in latine : and if the service of the church was good in latine , it remayneth good in english , for nothing is altered : fox acts and monuments , edward . and pope pius the fifth did see so little variation in it from the latine service , that had been formerly used in that kingdome , that he would have ratified it by his authority , if q. elizabeth would have so received it . and many of the people put such holinesse in it , that they think god is not rightly worshipped , nor his sabbath well observed , nor the sacraments sufficiently administred , if there be no reading of that service . and others put such holinesse and necessity in it , that they preferre it before gods holy ordinance of preaching the word . in so much as the ministers are in the danger of being called in question , and of being censured , if they doe not read that liturgy every lords day without omitting any part thereof , either in respect of preaching or otherwise . in regard of the many wofull scandals , and dangerous consequences of using that liturgie , of which we suppose you are not ignorant . to mention but two , viz. the hardning of papists who are imboldned to think better of their own breviaries , masse-books , portuisses , seeing that liturgie hath bin extracted out of those books , and rather fetched from them then from the forms used in any of the reformed churches . the conntenancing and establishing of an unlearned idol ministery , of not-preaching curates , non-residents , pluralities , &c. in whose skirts is to be found the blood of so many mens souls living and dying in their sins , while they ignorantly content themselves with , and harden themselves in some empty forms of religion and blinde devotion , which are begotten and cherished chiefely by such prayers and ministers . neither is there lesse scandall hereby ( we meane not onely taken but given ) then by the eating of an idolathite , in the idols temple condemned by the apostle cor. . . for if the eating of an idolathite by him that had knowledge , and knew that an idol was nothing , and that all meats were lawfull , did imbolden others to honour the idol , and therefore was a scandall given , so also it is in this case . seeing that booke is so imposed as that the minister in reading of it , is limited to the very words set downe without any diminution , addition , or alteration ; therefore we dare not use it . for the lord himselfe hath not limited his people to his own formes and therefore we see not , how it can be lawfull to be limited to other mens formes ; for in thus doing we should subject our selves to the exercise of such an authority and power of the prelates , as in this case puts forth a stronger act of limiting power then christ himselfe , who doth not limit us to those formes , which himselfe hath set downe in scripture : for though we acknowledge the lords prayer and other formes set down in scripture , may be lawfully used as prayers ( due cautions being observed ) yet there is not a limitation lying upon the churches in the use of those prayers . and therefore we do not find that the apostles ever used that form taught by christ in those very words , much lesse limited themselvs to it , when they prayed , nor did they teach the churches so to doe . if the lord would not have us limit our selves in our own forms , whiles we are exercising our own gifts ( which he hath specially sanctified to edify his church act. . . eph. . . cor. . . ) least we should quench or at least straiten his spirit in prayer , thes . . . would he then have us limited to other mens forms , which have not beene in like sort sanctified of god , but will rather quench or straiten the spirit of god , whiles we are so limited to them ? the entertainment of this form hath been a manifest snare unto the churches who upon the same ground on which they have received this forme into the desks have beene limited to others in the pulpit , by meanes whereof the poore church of christ hath bin wholly deprived of the publike use of the ministers gifts in prayer , and the spirit of prayer in the ministers in publike , hath beene greatly restrained . as for our judgement concerning the practice of others , who use this liturgie in our native countrie , we have alwayes beene unwilling to expresse our mindes there against unlesse we have been necessarily called thereunto , and at this time we thinke it not expedient to expresse our selves any further concerning this matter , as loath to intermeddle with the affaires of other churches , but contenting our selves with , and blessing the lord for those liberties , which we , by the mercie of god , do here enjoy , reserving also due reverence to the judgements of our beloved brethren and deere countreymen , who may concerning this matter be otherwise minded . reply . this position cannot beare that meaning which you give it , if you take it according , o our mindes , and the plain construction of the words . we never questioned why you made not use of a stinted liturgy , much lesse why you did not wholly and in every part tye your selves unto , and approve of that forme in use amongst us . you might well thinke we had little to doe to put forth such a demand , viz. whether you thinke it lawfull to approve in others and practice your selves , what swerveth from the rule , and we thinke it strange you should give our words such a meaning . the thing we craved resolution in was , whether in your judgements all stinted and set formes of prayer and liturgies be unlawfull . the reason hereof was because in writings from new-england , we had seene all set liturgies , and set formes of prayer condemned as devised worship which god would not accept , and partaking in the sacraments of the supper in our assemblies , therefore disallowed , because administred in a stinted liturgie , which things were received with such likeing among some brethren with us , and by them imparted and recommended to others , that they occasioned that rent and distraction whereof we complain . it is true , the people among us separate from our forme of prayer or liturgy , but the reason hereof is because it is stinted , not because this or that or ours in particular . you confesse you want not some brethren among you who look at all set formes of prayer invented by one of another age or congregation , and prescribed to their brethren , to be read out of a booke for the prayers of the church , as images and imaginations of man forbidden in the second commandement , and that the lawfulnesse of liturgies , and set formes is questioned and doubted of by many faithfull servants of god such also as come over occasionally , who withdraw themselvs from the sacraments in the congregation , doe it on this pretence , that a stinted liturgie is a humane invention . and if we examine the reasons brought against stinted formes and liturgies , we shall finde them to strike at all formes and liturgies though devised by men of the same age and congregation , and to be used but now and then , or but once on set purpose , and that either in publike or in private , as elsewhere we may have occasion to shew . you say it is evident , many preachers constantly use a set forme of prayer of their own making before their sermons , with whom the people refuse not to joyne ; and you know ( we doubt not ) that such set formes are disliked also . and if the grounds be examined ( in our understanding ) they make as much against the one as the other . view but the reasons why you admit not a stinted liturgie and forme of prayer , and see whether the two last will not in the same terms directly conclude gainst both . but what ever is to be thought herein , or whether mens practises agree with their opinions we now dispute not . this is plaine and manifest , that mens opinions are to be judged by their expresse words and reasons , not by their practises . the brownists ( as they are commonly called ) can separate from no stinted liturgie amongst us , but that which is in use , and for ought we know they may joyne with their owne pastors , though they oft use the same forme of prayer in whole or in part , in thanksgiving before meat , or in prayer before sermon , or the like . and yet their opinion is that all stinted liturgies and set formes of prayer be unlawfull , humane inventions forbidden by the second commandement . but if any thing had beene left doubtfull in the letter , that it might be strained to another sence , either because we were short in expression , or many of you not informed in the passages which gave occasion to the question , it is well knowne what the words meane in ordinary construction . and we doubt not but many brethren among you , might and could fully informe you of our meaning that there need no such straining to find it out . that which followeth in your answer to the position ( as you interpret it ) wee passe over , because it is not to the matter intended . and wee are as unwilling to trouble you with the affaires of other churches taking you from your owne weightie occasions , as you are unwilling to be interrupted . onely in regard of promise , and because plaine dealing serves to maintaine love , we thinke good to advertise you these few things . that your reasons why you accept not of a stinted lyturgie be ambiguously propounded , for sometimes you plead onely for your libertie herein , and that a stinted forme is not necessary , and sometime you speake so , as they that looke at stinted lyturgies , as images forbidden in the second commandement will easily draw your words to their meaning . the reasons you bring against a set forme of prayer or liturgie doe hold as strong against a set forme of catechisme confession and profession of faith , blessing , baptizing and singing of psalmes . wee have not called upon you at this time to witnesse for , or against the corruptions in the communion-booke . this you fall upon by straining the sense of our demands contrary to the true meaning thereof . the reasons which you bring against it , we cannot approve them all ; the exceptions which have bin taken both from the matter and manner thereof we know : but to esteeme the whole for some corruptions found therein , a monument of idolatry , that we have not learned . the argument in the abridgement which is used against conformity to the ceremonies did not in their judgement who were authors of the booke hold against the lyturgie , of which opinion we are also . if these reasons be intended onely to shew why you receive not our forme of administration , it is that which ( we are perswaded you know ) we never required of you . if to disallow the use of the booke amongst us altogether in things lawfull , good and pertinent , they will not hold weight . you are generally ( as you say ) loath to meddle with the affaires of other churches , unlesse you have been necessarily called thereunto . but when some upon the request ( as we suppose ) of private friends , and others out of their zeale and forwardnesse have laboured to draw many to separation from the sacrament , because ministred in a stinted lyturgie : wee cannot apprehend any just ground of this apologie . the rent is wide , and some brethren had their hands deepe therein , which made us at this present to crave your judgements , and the reasons thereof to make up the breach . i. d. objecteth to master p. that his manner of preaching was disorderly in carrying that matter , he speakes of , to the classes , before he had declared to the church the equity of his refusing the ministers desired by the scriptures . and may not we with like reason object , that this manner of proceeding is disorderly in seeking to draw men to separation , because of stinted liturgie , before you had shewed to us or other brethren ( whom it may concerne ) by scripture , or reasons drawne from thence , that a stinted liturgie was unlawfull ? but of this wee may intreat more fully elsewhere . ii. position . that it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer , or receive the sacraments where a stinted liturgie is used , or as we conceive your meaning to be in this , as in the former question , viz. where , and when that stinted liturgie is used . answer . it seemeth by this your letter , the ground of this position hath beene the separation of divers from your assemblies , because of a stinted liturgie : and we are not ignorant of the rigid separation of divers people , who withdraw themselves from an able faithfull ministry , as no ministry of christ , and from their godly congregations as no churches of christ ; because of some corruptions from which ( through want of light , not love of the truth ) they are not throughly cleansed . against which practise we have ever witnessed . as for our judgement concerning the position it selfe , we would promise two things ; first concerning the persons reading this liturgie , which may be either an ungodly or unable minister , or an able and a godly . secondly , concerning the liturgie it selfe , which may be either of the whole or some select prayers , which may be conceived to be the least offensive . now if the question be of joyning in prayer with , and when that whole liturgie is used , or where that which is used , is read by an unable and ungodly minister , we then see not how it can be lawfull to joyne in prayer in such cases ; for the prayers of the minister are not his private prayers , but the publike prayers of the whole assembly , whose mouth he is to god. and when the prayers offered up by the minister , as a living holy , and acceptable service to god , are not through humane frailty , but otherwise for matter and manner corrupt , wee see not what warrant any one hath to joyne with such prayers , mal. . , . when men ioyne therein with an insufficient ministry , they doe not only countenance them in their place and office , whom the lord hath rejected from being his priests . hos . . . but also set up those idolls and means of worship to edifie themselves by , which god never appointed in his holy word ezeck . . . but if the question be of joyning in some few select prayers read by an able and painfull minister out of that booke as on the one side wee are very tender of imputing sin to the men that so joyne : so on the other side , we are not without feare , least that such joyning may be found to be unlawfull : unlesse it may appeare that the ministers with whom the people have communion in reading those prayers doe neither give any scandall by reading of them nor give unlawfull honour to a thing abused to idolatry , and superstition , nor doe suffer themselves to be sinfully limited in the reading of them . reply . sufficient hath been spoken of the meaning of the position and the grounds thereof and if we have not mistaken your judgment & practice both , you have born witnesse against both that you call the rigid seperation , and this more moderate also ; and we humbly wish , the moderate doe not degenerate into the rigid ere long . it is very strange , if they take not great incouragement upon your grounds . the truth of our ministery , churches , ordinances , and calling is questioned , and where men will stay the lord knoweth , and what more common then that our liturgie is unlawfull , because it is the devise of man ; the author ( or publisher at least ) of a letter against our service booke beginneth with such like distinction . against this prayer-booke ( saith he ) divers have pleaded in a different manner . first some arguments are proper to the separatists qua tales , viz. that it is offered in a false church ; . by a false minister ; . in the behalfe of the subjects of the kingdome of antichrist . these are properly theirs , being the grounds whereupon they make a totall separation from all the churches in this land , as no churches of christ . these i approve not , yet note them that yee may see upon what different grounds , the same position is maintained by severall persons , and that yee may be delivered from the prejudice , which hinders many from receiving those truths , because they feare the reproach of brownisme . secondly , there are other grounds which are common to all that plead for the the puritie of christs ordinances , and which doe not necessarily inferre such separation , but only serve to shew the unlawfulnesse of that practise , and our communicating therein . thus the epistle wherein the same distinction of separation is noted : but how truly , let the indifferent judge . if none must be counted separatists , but such as have pleaded against the booke of common prayer as unlawfull , because offered up in a false church , &c. then are there none such in the world , that we have knowne or heard of : for it is apparent they cast us off as no churches of christ , because our service is a humane devise , will-worship , idolatry ; and not on the contrary , that our service is will-worship , or idolatry , because our churches are false churches . against all communion with us they plead , because we are a false church , but against our stinted liturgie they argue not in that manner . the grounds on which that authour builds ( which he saith are common to all , that plead for the purity of gods ordinances ) are one and the same with the grounds of the separatists , shafts taken out of the same quiver and peculiar to them , some few brethren onely excepted , who of late have looked towards that opinion . see how affection will transport . those reasons shall be common to all that plead for the purity of christs ordinances , which were never taken to be sound and true , either by the reformed churches abroad , or by the godly brethren at home , whether now at rest with the lord , or for the present living , or yet by the most of the brethren among whom they live , and with whom they hold societie , or by any minister or societie which did hold the unitie of the spirit in the bond of peace for the space of this yeares and upwards , by your owne confession , unlesse within these few dayes , and that by a few onely . if this be not to strengthen the hands of the separatists , or at least , to lay blocks of offence in their way , what is ? as yet we thinke most of them that have separated , are not so farre gone , as to condemne all our assemblies as no churches of christ , but we judge they have proceeded further then christ the lord and saviour of his church hath given them commission or allowance , that the grounds whereon they build are unsound , and such as make way for further danger , if the lord prevent not . and that the reasons mentioned in the letters are the proper grounds of separatists , and not common to all them that seeke the purity of religion , for they are not approved by your selves : and if all this tend not to turne them who halt , out of the right way , wee heartily intreate you to consider . your judgement concerning the position , you deliver in three propositions ( for so many they be for substance ) in respect of the persons reading the liturgie , or the thing it selfe that is read . as if any part of the liturgie bee read , ( put case some few selected prayers onely , by an unable and ungodly minister : it is unlawfull ( say you ) for the people to joyne in that case . but if it be unlawfull for the people to joyne , when an ungodly minister readeth some few select prayers , it is either in respect of the minister , or the prayers themselves . not of the prayers themselves , for they be select and choyce , faultlesse both in respect of matter and manner , as it is taken for granted , unlesse this distribution be to no purpose ; if in respect of the minister , then it is not lawfull to joyne with such a one in any ordinance of god whatsoever . for if the minister make it unlawfull , then all communion in any part of gods worship , with such ministers is unlawfull , and so the church in all ages of the world , the prophets , our saviour christ , the apostles , and the faithfull in the primitive churches sinned , in holding communion with such , when the priests were dumbe dogges that could not barke , and greedy dogges that could never have enough ; when the prophets prophefied lies , and the priests bare rule by their meanes ; when the priests bought and sold doves in the temple , and tooke upon them to provide such things for them that were to offer ; when the pharisees corrupted the law by false glosses , taught for doctrines mens precepts , made the commandements of god of none effect through their traditions , under pretence of long prayer devoured widowes houses , taught the law , but practised it not ; when they were such , and did such things , they were ungodly ministers ; but we never find that the prophets , our saviour , the apostles , did either forbeare themselves , or warne the faithfull not to communicate with such in the ordinance of worship . we reade our saviour charged his disciples , to beware of the leaven of the scribes and pharisees , to let them alone , because they were the blind leaders of the blind , but he never forbade to communicate with them in the ordinance of god. it is not then for private christians to withdraw themselves from the ordinance of worship , and communion of the church , because such are permitted to deale in the holy things of god , whom they judge or know unfit : when men joyne in the worship of god with unworthy ministers , they doe not countenance them in their place and office , but obey the commandement of god , who requires their attendance upon his highnesse in that way and meanes . to goe no further then the text you quote , because thou hast despised knowledge , i will also reject thee , &c. properly the text is spoken of the ten tribes called israel , and the priests among them who worshipped the calves which ieroboam had set up , whom the lord threatneth to reject , because they had rejected knowledge being either wilfully ignorant , or withholding the truth in unrighteousnesse . whether they were for the present absolutely rejected , or the lord threatens only to reject them we will not dispute . this may suffice that it is not to be found either in this or any other text of scripture , that the people joyning in the true worship of god , with unworthy ministers , do countenance them in their place thereby . on the contrary , if you will extend this text to all unworthy ministers of what sort soever , whom the word of truth doth condemne as not approved ministers of god , the scripture teacheth evidently not onely that the people by joyning do not countenance them in their place and office , but that they must and ought to joyne with them in the worship of god , and in separating from the ordinance they shall sinne against god , much lesse then do they in such joyning set those idols and meanes of worship , which god never appointed in his word . for the worship is of god , and the ministery is of god , the person unworthily executing his place , is neither set up by some few private christians , nor can by them be removed . and warrant to withdraw themselves from the worship of god , because such as ought not , are suffered to entermeddle in the holy things of god , they have none from god. dumbe dogs , greedy dogs , idol-sheepheards , false prophets , strangers , are unworthy ministers , but they that communicate with such in the ordinance of worship , are never said to set up idols or means of worship which god never appointed . the sheep of christ will not heare strangers in the lords sense , but outwardly they heard those strangers preach ( if the scribes and pharisees were such ) and by hearing them discovered them to be strangers , i. e. false prophets ; some strangers at least , of whom our saviour speaks , were of the true church , and of israel , but brought false doctrine tending to kill the soule , such strangers none should heare , that is , believe and follow : but as they be tolerated in the church , so they may hear them , so long as they bring the truth . unworthy ministers are no ministers for themselves , but they are ministers for the people of god , that is , so long as they be in the place of ministers , the acts of their administrations are of force to the faithfull , if they observe the forme of administration prescribed by christ ; for christs ordinances have their efficacy from him , not from them that serve about them , and evill ministers minister not in their own name , but in christs and by his commission . it hath evermore bin held for a truth in the church of god , that although somtimes the evill have chiefe authority in the ministration of the word and sacraments , yet for as much as they doe not the same in their own name but in christs , and minister by his commission and authority , wee may use their ministery both in hearing the word , and receiving the sacraments ; neither is the effect of christs ordinance taken away , by their wickednesse , nor the grace of gods gifts diminished from such as by faith , and rightly doe receive the sacraments administred to them which are effectuall ; because of christs institution and promise , although they be ministred by evill men . the reasons whereby the ancient churches condemned the donatists and catharists for their voluntary and seditious separation , and the moderne churches condemne the anabaptists for their unwarrantable departure from , and so renting of the body of christ , will hold against separation from the prayers of the congregation , because they are read by an ungodly minister . the second proposition . where the whole liturgie is used , though by an able and godly minister , it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer in that case . herein wee cannot be of your judgement ; for in the times of the prophets , and our saviour christ , as great abuses , no question , were found in the church of the jews in the administration of holy things of god as can be imagined in our liturgie or forme of prayer : but the prophets and our saviour who taught the people to keepe themselves pure and undefiled , never taught them to separate from the administration of the holy things of god. and if the presence at our forms of prayer be not lawful by reason of the corruptions alleaged , there can be no visible society named throughout the world since . yeeres after christ or thereabouts , wherein a christian might lawfully joyne in prayer , reading the scripture , hearing the word or participation of the sacraments . for compare the doctrines , prayers , rites at those times in use in the churches with ours , and in all these , ( blessed be the name of the lord ) wee are more pure then they . but no man will be so bold ( we hope ) as to affirme the state of the churches within . yeeres after christ , to be so miserably decayed that the faithfull could not without sin hold communion with them in the aforesaid ordinances . the prayers of the minister , whether conceived or stinted in a set forme , be not his private prayers , but the publike prayers of the whole assembly , whose mouth he is to god both in the one and the other . but you will not say , the people ought not to joyne with their pastor in the publique assembly , if ought bee amisse in his prayer for matter , or manner , or both . it is all one to the people in this case , whether the fault be personall ( as some distinguish ) or otherwise knowne beforehand or not knowne : for if simple presence defile , whether it was knowne beforehand or not , all presence is faulty . and if simple presence defile not , our presence is not condemned , by reason of the corruptions knowne , whereof we stand not guilty , whether the corruption , be through humane frailty or not , it is not in us to enquire , but rather whether we be called to come , and the faults such as one christian cannot or must not tolerate in another without breach of charity . for if the errour be such as may be tolerated , and i am called to be present ; by such fault i am not defiled though knowne before . if the error be such as in conscience may not be tolerated , though not knowne before hand , i am bound , if present some way to professe against it . this distinction of personall and ministeriall faults in this case untill it be cleared by some text of scripture or sound reason from the word , must goe for the divise of man. a church , a minister , or a christian may be stiffe in an error ( being misperswaded it is a truth ) after many meanes long used to convince them , with whom yet we must hold communion in the ordinances of religion : and the error may be such as we cannot without hypocrisy or denyall of the truth hold communion , though such meanes of conviction have not gone before . but the corruptions alleadged against our forme of prayer for matter or manner , are such as one christian may and must tolerate in another where he hath no power to redresse them . hath not christian wisdome and experience of humane frailties lessoned you ( deere brethren ) to beare one with another in matters of greater consequence then any have or can be objected truly against the form of prayer in use among us ? and why such corruptions should not be ascribed to humane frailty ; we see not : for if a godly minister make use of a book in things which he judgeth lawfull for matter and manner , the corruption in him that useth it according to his judgement , from what cause can it spring but humane ignorance and frailty ? we rest assured you question not the integrity of many , who make much more use of the booke then onely in a few select prayers . from the bottome of our hearts we desire and pray that god would remove out of his church and worship whatsoever offendeth for matter or manner , and that all things may be so done , not onely that they may be tolerated but that they might be approved in the conscience of all men . but we are perswaded that not onely some few select prayers but many prayers & other exhortations may lawfully be used , with fruit and edification to gods people . to aggravate faults especially when it tends to draw away people from the ordinances of god , is no lesse fault then to excuse them , it may be greater , and therefore we dare not esteeme the prayers read by a godly and faithfull minister according to the booke in use among us , a corrupt sacrifice whether in such as read them , or them that be present . in them that join according to christs command ( and liberty of absence from christ hath not beene shewed ) notwithstanding the corruptions , we hold the prayers to be an holy and acceptable sacrifice to god , and pleasing to jesus christ . the corrupt sacrifice is that , which the deceiver bringeth voluntarily , and out of neglect , having a male in his flock : but the faithfull bringeth himself and his godly desires according to the will of god , and as for corruptions , whether respecting matter or forme , they are none of his , they cleave not to his sacrifice to staine or pollute it . as for the text of the prophet mal. . , . it is cited by many in this businesse , and to many purposes applyed , but we cannot finde that in the prophet for which it is here brought , the deceiver is accursed that offereth a corrupt thing to the lord. this we reade and beleeve , but that a godly man , being present at this forme of prayer among us , read by a godly and faithfull minister , is the deceiver , who offereth a corrupt thing unto the lord , that is not proved . no argument can be brought from this place to the purpose , but by analogy , which is a kinde of arguing of all other most ready at hand , but lyable to most exceptions , and apt to draw aside , if great care be not had , ( which in this place we finde not ) to take the proportion in every materiall point just and right . and we desire such as alleadge this passage of scripture against simple presence at the prayers of our liturgy , advisedly to consider whether god allow them to make such application of his truth which wee much doubt of , to say no more . your third proposition . that as you are very tender of imputing sinne to those men that joyne in some select prayers read by an able and godly minister : so on the other side you are not without feare , least such joyning may be found unlawfull , unlesse it may appeare that the ministers with whom the people have communion in reading those prayers , neither give any scandall by reading them , nor give unlawfull honour to a thing abused to idolatry and superstition , nor doe suffer themselves to be sinfully limited in the reading of them . we cannot conceive how you should imagine the practice of a godly minister in reading some few select prayers to be scandalous or offensive in their congregations when the people generally , not in their assemblies onely , but throughout the whole land , were perswaded of the lawfulnesse of that course till now of late some have beene drawne away to separate , who yet by warrant of scripture produce nothing of weight to countenance that practice . if the booke should be as you take it an idolathite , latent offence doth not oblige . if any man say unto thee , this is sacrificed to idols , eat it not , so that if it doe not manifestly appeare that this practice is scandalous ; it is not lawfull for the people to withdraw themselves . the book ( we speake of the liturgie so far as it is sound and good ) by your confession is no idolathite , neither was it taken out of the masse-book in such sense as you object , but rather the masse & other idolatrous prayers were added to it , for popery is as a scab or leprosie cleaving to the church ; and many truths belonging to the church as her proper legacie were stolen and heaped together in that denne . and why the true man may not challenge his goods where ever he finds thē , or the thiefe plead title to the true mans goods by prescription , we know not ? it is no hard taske to shew that our service-booke was reformed in most things according to the purest liturgies which were in use in the church long before the masse was heard of in the world . and if that could not be shewed , yet formes of speech generally taken ( we speak not of this or that speciall word or phrase ) is no more defiled by idolatry then the light aire , or place where idolatry is committed . it is not unlawfull to pray , lord helpe , or lord have mercy , or to give thankes , praised bee god , because the papists say , lady helpe , or , praised be god and the virgin mary . fourthly , put case the minister in reading such prayers gives offence , or attributes unlawfull honour to a thing abused to idolatry and superstition , or suffer himself to be sinfully limited in the reading of them , what is that to the faithfull ? this can be no just ground of the people 's not joyning with them in the worship of god , for that offence is personall onely , and not the sin of them that be present , they joyn in prayer onely , and not in his reading or limiting himself . not to say that every particular person must be herein both accuser and judge . if he give offence must they stumble at the stone , and separate from the ordinance of grace ? wee should rather think it is their duty to look unto their feet , that they goe not awry . let it be shewed out of the word of god , that either the minister is guilty of giving unlawfull honour , or that the people may lawfully withdraw themselves in case he should do so , and we will then say as you do , but untill that be proved , ( being pressed and called to proffer our judgements ) we believe that separation is scandalous and sinfull , never taught of god , nor confirmed by the approved example of the godly in any age or time of the church : yea , against the positive law of god , injurious to the churches distracting christians , bringing contempt upon the ordinances of god , and defrauding believers of the spirituall food of their souls , which is indeed to infringe their christian liberty , and what ever may be thought of it now , in former times it hath been accounted no small offence . fistly , if this and such like scruples make it unlawfull to joyn in the ordenance of worship , we must hold communion with no society under heaven . for may not the brethren which hold all stinted , liturgies , and set forms unlawfull say with like strength of reason , it is unlawfull to joyn in conceived prayer with others , if either they give too little honour to it , as deeming the other lawfull , or sinfully limiting , or suffering themselves to be limited to one stinted forme , though conceived at first by them selves ? and may not the brethren who hold a stinted forme lawfull in like manner object ? it is unlawfull to joyn in prayer with them because they attribute too much honour to conceived prayer , as making their device and method the worship of god ? and may not the brethren which hold it lawfull to use some selected prayers according to the forms among us , upon the same grounds condemne communion with both sorts ? and all of them one with another , because they either limit themselves too much , or too little ? you say in the exposition of the first position , many preachers constantly use a set form of prayer of their own making before their sermons , must you not say upon this ground , that it is unlawfull to joyn with them , because they sinfully stint themselves ? in probability a christian may presume , that in the publike worship of god , there will be through humane ignorance & infirmity somwhat amiss for matter , or manner , or both , & that upon this ground , he must joyn with no society in any part of gods worshipat all . the advancing of every small difference to this height , is that which will bring all to confusion , if men walk uniforme to their own principles . it is well observed by master i. da. that unlesse men will yield so much favour each to other in some difference of opinions , a dissolving not onely of churches , but of humane societies also must necessarily follow , & not onely not two ministers , but not two men should live together , which were to put off even humanity it selfe . sixtly , wee have credibly heard that you hold fellowship with professed , rigid separatists without any acknowledgment of their errour , and receive them as members , or communicate with them in the priviledges of the church , though you professe you approve not their opinion or practice . and if in godly wisdome , you can see grounds to joyn with them , we marvell you should be so timorous in this particular . seventhly , if you judge the practice of such godly ministers , scandalous to them that separate from the ordinance , because it is not administred in this , or that , but in a stinted form . it is a scandall taken , and not given ; and by forbearing , if to confirme men in errour , be to scandalize them , they should offend them the more : yea , they should prejudice the truth , and it might be an occasion to beget needlesse scruples in others , and draw them ignorantly from the fellowship of the saints in the holy ordinances of god , and strengthen them who by your owne confession , are run too far into schisme already . iii position . that the children of godly and approved christmas , are not to be baptized untill their parents be set members of some particular congregation iv position . that the parents themselves , though of approved piety , are not to be received to the lords supper , untill they be admitted as set members . answ . these two positions may be maintained with one and the same defence , being somewhat coincident , and therfore we joyn them as if they were but one . therefore to prevent all mistakes , it may please you to take notice that we are not of their judgement who refuse all religious communion with such as are not church members , nor doe wee appropriate communion in this priviledge of the seals only to the members of our own churches , excluding all other churches of christ from the same , though they may be through errour or humane frailty defective in some matters of order , provided that the liberty of our churches be preserved , of receiving such satisfaction as is meet ( as well by letters of recommendation , or otherwise if it be requisite ) concerning those whom wee admit unto fellowship in the seals . for as we account it our duty to keepe the unity of spirit inviolate with any , in whom we discerne any fruits of the spirit , so we hold our selves bound to discharge this duty , according to order . spirituall cōmunion in prayers , holy conferences & other religious actions of like nature we maintain with al godly persons , though they be not in church order : but church communion we hold onely with church members admitting to fellowship of the seals the known and approved , & orderly recommended members of any true church . but into fellowship of the censures , admittance of members and choice of officers , onely the members of that particular church whereof they and we ( any of us ) stand members . these things being premised , the considerations whereupon our judgement and practice is swayed for administration of the seals onely to such as are in order of a true visible church are these that follow . reply . vvhat is here premised to prevent all mistakes , doth seem more to raise then to abate scruples if we mistake not your meaning . you refuse not all religious communion with all that are not church members , and so much they professe , who formerly have gone for , and professed themselves separatists from our assemblies . you do not appropriate this priviledge of the seals onely to the members of your own churches , excluding all other churches of christ from the same ; if your meaning be onely this , that you deny not the sacraments administred in other churches to be the true sacraments of christ for substance , then you ascribe little more to the churches of christ in this , then to the synagogue of satan , the church of rome . for you will not deny baptisme administred among them to be true for substance : if you deny not to have fellowship with them in the seals , and to admit them to the sacrament , and to communicate with them : then either your judgment is contrary to your practice , or you exclude the churches of england from the number of true visible churches of christ , which is to destroy what you formerly builded , and here professe . all possible care to keep the ordinances of god from contempt , we allow and commend , provided you go not beyond the lords warrant , and deny not the priviledges of the church to them , to whom they are due by divine appointment , nor the name and title of church to those societies , which god hath plentifully blessed with means of grace , have received the tables and seals , and have entred into covenant with his highnesse . your liberty to receive such satisfaction as is meet , is not called into question , nor whether you are to keep the bond of the spirit inviolate according to order . but whether this be to keep the bond of the spirit inviolate ( viz ) to exclude from the sacrament true visible believers , or knowne recommended christians , formerly members of visible churches among us ; and their children ; because they are not members ( as you speak ) in church order . and whether god alloweth to put this difference between church mēbers of your societies & other visible believers walking in holines , though not admitted members of any society according to your church order , as to receive the one , though members of another society , unto the seals , and to debar the other and their children . these are the things to be considered in these present positions . and first we will examine your reasons for your judgment and practice by themselves , and then so far as we judge meet , try your answers to the objections you make against it . consideration . the seals baptism & the lords supper are given to the church , as a priviledge peculiar therto in ordinary dispensation . indeed the preaching of the word is not so , being an ordinance given not onely for the edifying of the church already gathered , but also for the gathering of men to the churches that yet are without : wheras the dispensing of the seals is gods ordinance , given onely for the edifying of the church being gathered , and not for the gathering of it : and because there is now , no universall visible church on earth wherein the seals are dispenced , there being no place , nor time , nor officers , nor ordinances appointed in the new testament by christ our lord , for any such assemblies as the iewes had under moses . it remains that the christian churches , whereunto these priviledges were given , are congregationall , consisting onely of so many as may and do meet together ordinarily in one place for the publike worshipping of god , and their own edifying . hence it is that we read so much in the new testament of the churches in the plurall number , the churches of christ , the churches of god , the churches of the saints : and not onely when they were of divers nations , the churches of the gentiles , but also of the same nation , the churches of iudea , and not onely when that country was of large extent and circuit , the churches of asia , but also of a small part of the country . the churches of galatia : yea , when congregations in severall cities are spoken of . they are called churches as the churches of ierusalem , the churches at antioch . to wind up all , seeing the churches in the gospell are congregationall , and that baptisme and the lords supper ( being church priviledges ) belong onely to the churches , it will follow , that as city priviledges belong onely to citizens and their children : so baptisme and the lords supper being church priviledges , belong onely to the members of particular churches , and their seed . and that seeing sigillum sequitur donum , to apply them to others what is it but to abuse them ? as a seal of a corporation is abused if added to confirme the grant of priviledges which are peculiar to any towne corporate to one that being no free-man of that corporation is uncapable thereof . reply . if by the church be understood the society of men , professing the entire faith of christ , the seales are given unto it as a peculiar priviledge ; but if by the church you understand onely a congregationall assembly in church order , the seales were never appropriated to it . but to examine every thing in order as it is propounded . the seales , baptisme , and the lords supper , are given to the church as priviledges peculiar thereunto , not onely in ordinary ( as you say ) but also in extraordinary dispensation . true baptisme is not without the church , but within it ; an ordinance given to it , and they that are baptised , must needes be of a church . the sacraments are the seales of the covenant to the faithfull , which is the forme of the church , and when for substance rightly used , tokens and pledges of our spirituall admittance and entertainment into the lords family , and symbolls or testimonies whereby the people of god are distinguished from all other nations . this is most certain , as in the ordinary ; so in the extraordinary dispensation of the seales , as is confirmed by the texts of scripture alleadged in the margine . for the apostles ( as you say ) dispenced the seales in an extraordinary way , but the seales dispenced by the apostles were seales of the covenant , priviledges peculiar to the church , priviledges of spirituall admittance and entertainment into the lords family . and when you say the dispencing of the seals is an ordinance given onely for the edifying of the church being gathered , and not for the gathering of it , must it not be understood in extraordinary , dispensation as wel as ordinary : to what pupose then are those words ( in ordinary dispensation ) added to the proposition ? if thereby you would intimate that the sacraments be not the peculiar priviledges of the church , and seales of the covenant in extraordinary dispensation , it is evidently crosse to the text you cite , and to your selves afterward . if your meaning be , that in ordinary dispensation the sacraments doe of right belong to them onely , who bee set members of a visible congregation , it is all one with the conclusion , that which is in question and should be proved , and that which this very scripture doth plentifully disprove ; for they that were baptised were not set members of a particular congregationall church whereunto they were baptised , nor in a church way before baptisme ( as is evident and granted by the most of your selves ) but by baptisme solemnly admitted into the church , and then it is not for your purpose , or they were set members ( as some of the brethren seeme to contend in answer to the objection framed against this consideration ) and then the words are more then superfluous . added , they were to prevent the objection which you foresaw might be made from the apostles practice and example but so as they cut asunder the sinews of the consideration it selfe , and make it of no force . for as those beleivers were of the church : so are approved christians and their seed among us : therefore the priviledges of the seales belong unto them . and as the seales : so is the word of salvation preached and received a priviledge of the church . if by the preaching of the word you understand nothing but the tender of salvation or the publishing of the will of god , concerning the salvation of man , whether by private or publike persons ; it is not proper to the church but an ordinance given for the gathering of men to the church , and not only for the edifying of the church . for the apostles first preached to the gentiles when infidels , that they might be converted ; and we doubt not but a minister or private christian comming into a country of infidells , may as occasion is offered , and as they shall be inabled , instruct and perswade them to receive the faith of christ : but if by the preaching of the word be meant the giving of the word to a people , to abide and continue with them , and consequently their receiving of it at least in profession then it is proper to the church of god. the word makes disciples to christ , and the word given to a people is gods covenanting with them , and the peoples receiving this word and professing their faith in god through iesus christ is the taking of god to bee their god. the lawes and statutes which god gave to israell , was the honour and ornament to that nation , and a testimony that god had separated them from all other people , even the gentiles themselves being iudges . the word of reconciliation is sent and given to the world reconciled in iesus christ , and they that receive the doctrine , law , or word of god are the disciples , servants and people of god. in your second consideration you intimate that there is a two fold preaching , the one by office and authority , the other in common charity , or how ever else it may be called . for thus you write . god hath joyned to preach ( viz by office ) and to baptize together , therefore we may not separate them . now to preach unto , that is to instruct or counsell in charity is a duty which may be performed to an infidell , but to preach by office is proper to them that are called to that office : and so to be taught and instructed by officers in the church is proper to the church . to have pastors who shall feed with knowledge and understanding is a gift of matrimoniall love which god vouchsafeth unto his church . the apostles first gathered churches and then ordained elders in everie citie or church ; so that it is proper to the church to be fed and guided by true spirituall pastors who teach and blesse in the name of the lord. and if the word preached and received bee a certaine note of the true church , they that have intyrely received the word of salvation and have pastors godly and faithfull to feede and guide them , they and their seed have right and interest unto the seales in order . moreover the true worship of god is an inseparable and infallible marke of the true church of god , for where christ is , there is his church . this is the prerogative of the church . the prince shall be in the midst of them , and he shall go in when they goe in , &c. and christ saith , where . or . are met together in my name there am i in the middest among them . and for certain they are gathered in the name of christ that being lawfully called doe assemble to worship god and call upon his name in the mediation of iesus christ . in times past , the church was acknowledged by the feare of god , and entyre service of his majestie , by the professing of the true faith and faithfull calling upon gods name . the signes of apostolike churches are these . the continuance in the apostles doctrine and fellowship , and breaking of bread and prayer . and if faith , true and lively ( though mixed with many doubtings and errors ) make a man a living member of iesus christ , the entyre profession of true faith joyned with holynesse of life in some measure answerable thereunto , makes a man a true member of the visible church . and if the seales belong to the church in right and orderly dispensation , they that joyne together in the true worship of god , according to his will , with godly and faithfull pastors , they have right and title to the sacraments according to divine institution . thirdly , that there is now no visible catholike church in your sense will easily bee granted ▪ i. e. there is no universall society consisting of all such as are accounted or to bee esteemed christians , subjected to one or many vniversall pastors or guides , wherwithall subordinates must communicate in some sacred things which may make them one church and which may and can be performed by that vniversall and head church only . such an vniversall christian church christ never ordained , no not in the dayes of the apostles , to whom all the care of all the churches , was committed . the churches planted by the apostles had all the same substantiall lawes and customes , the same guides and officers for kinde , the same ordinances of worship and meanes of salvation : but one flock or society in the fore mentioned acceptation they were not , because they were but subordinate to one visible head . christ , with which they were to hold union and communion in some worship to be performed by them all jointly assembled at some speciall solemnity , nor subjected to the government of any supreame tribunall constantly to be erected and continued among them . neverthelesse , in some respects of reason , the visible church , may be called the church , sheepfold or flock of christ ; for if the whole society or body mysticall of christ be one , this church militant in like sort is one : the unity of which society consists in that uniformity , which all severall persons thereunto belonging , have by reason of that one lord whose servants they all are , and professe themselves , that one spirit whereby they are animated as the body by one soul ; whereby they believe in christ , and which they acknowledge and professe , that one baptisme inward and outward , whereby they put on christ , and are initiated . this society is one in the inward fruition and enjoying of the benefits of christs death and resurrection , and in outward profession of those things which supernaturally appertain to the very essence of the church , and are necessarily required in every christian , this acceptation of the word is not unusuall in scripture . as god hath set some in the church . his bodies sake which is the church . the church viz. whereof paul was made a minister , and whereunto the rest of the apostles were ordained , which was the catholike visible church , the society of men professing the faith of christ throughout the world , divided into many particular churches whereof some are pure , others impure , some more , others lesse sound . hereunto it may be added , that every multitude and society of believers are indefinitely called the church , i persecuted the church of god. the house of god which is the church of the living god. in which sense all the churches in the world may truly be called one . and thus the apostle peter writing to many dispersed churches , who could not assemble in one place nor be fed by one shepherd , speaketh of them singularly as one flock . feed the flock of god which is among you . but that flock are the strangers dispersed through pontus , galatia , asia , cappadocia , and bythinia , which could not possibly joine together in the ordinances of worship , or make one distinct congregated assembly . and if the catholike militant church be one society ; the seals that are given as a prerogative to the church are given unto it , and the true members of the catholike church have right and title to them in due order , though they be not admitted into the church fellowship you speak of . for as the flock or society is one : so is the ministery , faith , covenant , and sacraments , which are given as a communion prerogative unto the whole church , and not appropriated to this or that part or member , as separated from the whole ; which is further evidenced hereby , that sometime it hath , and too often it may fall out , that a christian may be a true member of the universall visible church ( i. e. he may hold , professe , and maintain that holy catholike faith , pure , and undefiled , without which no man can be saved ) who for the present is no actuall member of any particular or visible society in church order . as for example , a man may be cut off by excommunication , from all commerce with the present visible church wherein hee was bred and born , when hee is not cut off from the catholike , orthodox all church . hee may be deprived of participation of the ordinance in every particular society , when his right and title to them is much better then these who have most injuriously cast him out , or debarred him of the means of salvation . the communion of saints , whether visible or invisible is the effect and property of the church catholike , and agreeth to the severall parts and members thereof , as they be members of that body under the head , and if particular churches have communion together it must of necessity be , that they bee parts and members of the whole body which is one . . though there be no universall congregation or assembly nor can be imagined , yet there are and have beene many visible assemblies or societies , true churches of christ , to whom the prerogative of the seals is given , which have not beene united and knit together , in church-order into one congregationall body or society , for every society in covenant with god is the true church of god : for what is it to be the flock , people or sheepe of god , but to be the church of god ? and where there is a covenant , there is the people of god. they that are of the faith of abraham , are the children and seed of abraham , and within the covenant of abraham ( though but two or three ) and so of the same church with him by that covenant . the communication on and accepting of the tables of covenant is an undoubted token of a people in convenant or confederate , but every society professing the true and entire faith , joyning in prayer and thankesgiving , receiving the truth of god to dwell among them , and in some measure conforming themselves to the obedience of gods commandements , is in covenant with god. it is simply necessary to the being of a church that it be laid upon christ the foundation , which being done , the remaining of what is forbidden , or the want of what is commanded , cannot put the society from the title or right of a church . for christ is the foundation and head corner stone of the church , and a people comming unto christ , united unto him , built upon him , having communion with him and growing up in him , are the true church of god : and if the seals be annexed to the covenant by god himselfe , as we cannot deny a people in covenant to be the church , so we must not deny their right and title to the sacraments . if therefore the meaning of the proposition be that the seales be given to the church , that is , to true and sound christians , and people in covenant with god , as a priviledge whether in ordinary or extraordinary dispensation we accept it as good and sound , but it makes against your judgement and practice in keeping away such as have right and title to the ordinances . if you meane the seales are given to the church , that is , onely to set members of some particular society combined by covenant ( as it is among you ) we cannot receive it , because it implieth a distinction not taught in scripture , and crosse to your selves . and for the thing it selfe the scripture hath nothing but many things against it as hath beene shewed . if it be granted that the seales are the prerogative of a particular visible church , known and approved christians among us , and their seed are members of true and visible churches , and so to be esteemed among you before they be entred into church membership as you call it . for every society professing the intire and true faith , and joyning together in the right use of the sacraments in matters substantiall is the true church of god , and every visible beleever receiving the word and professing , the true intire faith , admitted to the right and lawfull participation of the sacraments is a visible member of the true church , if he have neither renounced that society , nor deserved justly to be cast out by excommunication or church censure . for the intire profession of the truth , the dwelling of the truth among men , the right use of the sacraments ( which is ever joyned with truth of doctrine , and to be esteemed by it ) is proper to them that be in covenant with god. and they that truly partake of the seales must needes be of a church , for the seales are not without but within the church an ordinance given unto it , and if they be true members of the true churches of jesus christ , other churches , are bound to hold communion with them in the ordinance of worship as divine providence shall minister occasion . in answer to the ninth position you say the members of other churches , well known and approved by vertue of communion with churches , doe mutually and with good acceptance communicate each of them at others churches , even so often as gods providence leads them thereunto , and themselves desire it . in your preface to this consideration , you say you admit to fellowship of the seales , the known , approved , and orderly recommended members of any true church , and if knowne and approved christians , members of our churches comming over into new england shall desire either to have their children baptized , or to be admitted themselves to the lords supper before they be set members of any society the●e , we desire to know upon what grounds from god you can deny them , if you acknowledge our churches ministery , and sacraments , to be true and of god ( as you professe ) and the members of the church be known and approved , orderly recommended unto you . it is the priviledge of christians baptised themselves , and walking in the faith , that their children should have right to baptisme in all true churches in the world . it is the priviledge of christians lawfully and justly admitted to the lords supper in one visible church , and walking in covenant with god , that they have right to this priviledge in all churches professing their intire faith , and you must shew just and sound reasons from god of your judgement and practice in debarring their seed from baptisme , and parents themselves from the supper , or else ( to use the words of a reverend elder among you , in a case of lesse importance , and not concerning so many ) you will be found guilty of adding to the words , and making eleven commandements , and setting up humane customes , and selfewill against gods appointment . for the sacraments are given to the church as a priviledge peculiar thereunto , but you deny this priviledge to the true visible members of the church , ( as your selves confesse . ) for if the ministers be the ministers of christ , and their congregations the churches of christ , then knowne and approved christians are members of the church . in your opinion the members of the jewish church might be received unto baptisme , upon confession of the christian faith before they were entred into church fellowship , and it is more then strange to us that you should not thinke the true visible members of the churches of christ to have as much title and interest to the seales , as the members of the jewish church to the sacrament of baptisme . the distinct churches mentioned in the new testament , it is not certain that they were congregationall societies consisting onely of so many as might and did meete together ordinarily in one place at one time for the publike worship of god , and their own edification , and if this were granted it would not carry the weight that was laid upon it , but because it may make way for the clearing of some other points pertaining to discipline and church order , we intreat leave to set downe , and desire you to examine what may be objected against it . we will not insist upon this that the least circuite wherein there is mention of churches , is ample enough to containe some diocesses and the least city , populous enough to make many numbersome congregations . nor upon this , that to meete at one time and one place , as one assembly is a thing meerely accidentary to the unity of the church and society ecclesiasticall which is still one , when they are dispersed asunder , and no particular man of that society at first remaining now alive . the number of beleevers was so great in some cities as they could not conveniently meete in one place as one assembly to worship the lord according to his will and for their edifying . that there was a church gathered in the city of samaria by the ministery of phillip will not be denyed , for they received the word and were baptised , but that the church in that city was onely a congregationall assembly is more then can probably be concluded out of scripture . for the whole city or the greatest part could not ordinarily assemble in one place to their edification : but the whole city of samaria , in a manner , ( as it is probable ) imbraced the faith . as the whole city from the least to the greatest had given heede to simon magus before , so to phillip now when he preached christ , and the text saith expresly that samaria received the gospell . the christian church at ierusalem was one and distinct , but it grew and increased first to . then to . afterwards multitudes of men and women were added , and the multitude of disciples increased ; it is also noted that a company of the priests received the faith . the syriacke hath it of the jews , ( scil . ) inhabiting judea , but the greeke , arabian , vulgar , chrisostoms & ethiopians approve the former , and the number of the priests was not small : there is mention also of millions of beleevers . and when all the apostles , or the greatest part of them remained at jerusalem for a time continuing in the ministery of the word and prayer , and that they might doe it the more earnestly and diligently , left the care of the poore to others : how can we thinke but that church did grow exceedingly , and the number of beleevers there to be more then could fitly meete ordinarily in one congregation . without question the number of beleevers in antioch was not small , of which it is said expresly , that a great number beleeved , turned to the lord and that a great multitude was added to the lord by the preaching of barnabas , and that paul and barnabas continued there one whole yeere preaching the word of god , and teaching the multitude , so that the disciples were first called christians at antioch . after that this church was visited by paul and barnabas , who continued there teaching and preaching the word of god with many others also , and may wee not thinke that this church did quickly rise to such bignesse that they could not well assemble in one congregation as now wee call them ? it will easily be credited that the number of believers was not small at ephesus , if we call to minde that when paul had been there but two yeers , all they that dwelt in asia had heard the word of the lord both iews and grecians , that a great doore and effectuall was opened to him at ephesus , that the art for making shrines , and dianaes temple was in danger to be set at nought , and that those that had used curious arts , came and burnt their books in the sight of all men , which could not be done without great danger unto the church , unlesse a great part of the city had believed . where a church did comprehend a city with its suburbs and the country circumjacent , i. e. the believers who professed the faith within that circuit . it might well be that the number did so increase through the extraordinary blessing of god , which accompanied the preaching of the word in those primitive times , and first planting of the heavenly kingdome , that they could not well meet ordinarily in one place , and yet continued one society . for when a number is gathered in small villages , or some added to the number already gatherd , it is not meet they should be neglected because small , nor divided from the body , because the number not competent to make an intire and perfect body of it selfe . the increase of the churches doth require an increase of elders , and ( if they grow to bignesse more then ordinary ) an increase of places for their assembling , when the essence of the visible church is not changed , nor one multiplied or divided into many . and it is more available for the good of the church , and further removed from all ambition , if the society shall assemble occasionally in divers places as parts and members of the body , then to constitute a distinct free society consisting of a few believers , not fit to make up an intire body contrary to the precedent examples of the apostles . in times of grievous and hot persecution the churches of god could not assemble in any great number in publick places , but have been compelled to meet in woods , caves , dens , and dark corners , as the lord hath offered opportunity , one and the same society in sundry places : so that either it is not essential to the church to meet together in one place ordinarily , or their society is broken off by persecution , when their meeting together in one place is interrupted . it is said by some where the church grew greater , sometimes by the suddain and extraordinary conversion of more then could well so assemble , then was there presently a dispersion of the former , and a multiplication of more particular assemblies . but in the scriptures quoted no such thing doth appeare , but rather the contrary as hath been proved . in aftertimes when the church was within the cities as of rome , ephesus , alexandria , carthage , ierusalem , &c. the number of believers did greatly exceed the bignesse of a convenient and fitting assembly which might ordinarily congregate in the place to worship god according to his appointment when the church was but one . seventhly . seeing them both the seals in ordinary and in extraordinary dispensation belong to the church , id est , to the faithfull , and repentant , taught made disciples , who have received the word , believe , and professe the faith , have received the holy ghost , and walke in obedience , who are members of other visible churches , or to be made members of a visible church for the time being , by admittance unto the sacraments , and not unto set members of congregationall assemblies only . and seeing the godly and faithful ministers among us are the true ministers of christ , and their godly congregations , true churches , and knowne , and approved christians , true members of visible churches formerly baptized , and admitted to the lords supper . this consideration is of no weight to justifie your opinion and practice in debarring known and approved christians , professing the faith , members of the true visible churches amongst us from the lords supper , or their seed from baptisme , because they be not yet received as set members of some particular cōgregation amongst you : and if such believers are not to be received to the seals , we desire you to consider if ever the sacraments of the new testament , were rightly dispensed in the church of the new testament from the first plantation thereof unto this day . the seale doth follow the grant , and as the seale is prophaned , if it be put to a false grant or charter , so are the faithfull wronged if the seale in a lawfull way desired , be denied to them that have received the grant , i. e. have right unto jesus christ , and communion with him . but the faithfull who have received the word with gladnesse , believe , and professe , be members knowne and approved by other visible churches , or such as desire to be admitted members of that visible society for the time by communicating in the ordinance , are already partakers of the grant or charter , have right and interest in christ , may lawfully desire the seals , and may be admitted as members for the time being of that particular society . therefore to debar such , from the lords supper , and their seed from baptisme , is against the law of nature , and the positive law of god , an injury to the faithfull and their seed , a wrong to the catholike visible church , that particular society , and the pastors themselves that so debar them . they sinned grievously who deferred baptisme to the end of their life , and the negligence of pastors and teachers who did not instruct the ignorant and reprove the superstitious , was great . and is not the severity in debarring such as crave and desire to be admitted to the seals an injury to be reprehended ? answ . confider the ordinary administration of the seales is limited to the ministery and the ministery to a particular church ; therefore the seals also must necessarily be proper to the church and to the members thereof . that the administration of the seales is limited to their ministery is evident from the first institution math. . . where god hath joyned ( to preach ) viz. by office , and ( to baptize ) together , therefore wee may not separate them . for howsoever : any man may by the appointment of the lord and master of the family , signifie his minde and deliver his message from him to the family , yet the dispensing of a fitt portion of food to everie one of the houshold is a branch of the stewards office . indeed the keies are given to the whole church yet the exercise and dispensation of them in this as well as in other particulars is concredited to the ministers who are called to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . and no church office can be orderly performed by any , but one that is called therunto nor will god vouchsafe his presence , and blessing ( wherupon all spirituall efficacy depends ) in an ordinance dispensed , but when it is dispensed by those whom he hath ordayned and appointed thereunto . that the ministery is limited to the church appeares as from evident texts of scripture : so also upon this ground . the office is founded in the relation betweene the church and the officer , wherfore take away the relation , and the office and the worke ceaseth . for where he hath not power , he may not doe an act of power , and he hath not powerwhere he hath not a relation by office . herein the proportion holdeth between an officer of a towne corporate , and of a church that as the power of the former is only within his owne corporation : so the power of the latter is confined to his owne congregation . reply . the proposition is granted that the dispensation of the sacraments in the new testament both ordinary and extraordinary is limited to the ministery . but in that you alleadge for confirmation , somethings may be noted . the first institution of baptisme is not contained in that passage math. . . but confirmed ; for the seales of the new testament were instituted by christ before his death , and his disciples had baptized many which they could not doe before the institution of the sacrament . secondly we see not how you can apply that text to preaching by office , which according to our exposition must bee a dispensing of a fit portion of food to everie one of the houshould . for it is plaine the apostles were sent forth to preach to everie creature or unto the world , to convert men unto god , to make them disciples and not to preach unto disciples only , or members of the houshold . the apostles certainly had authority , and preached by authority , but they preached not to infidells and heathens , as to disciples or members of the church , much lesse did they give a portion to them as to the houshold which is the preaching by office , which you acknowledge . thirdly if under the power of the keyes you comprehend preaching by office , dispensing the seales , casting out , and receiving againe into the bosome of the church wee deny the power of the keyes to belong to the church or community of the faithfull : we cannot find in scripture that christ ever granted such power to the faithfull , as faithfull joyned together in covenant in those passages which speake of this power , the execution of this authority is given to them to whom the authoritie is committed . if the power of the keyes be given to the whole church the apostles themselves must derive their authoritie immediatly from the church , and not from christ , for the power must be derived from them , unto whom it was give ; but their power , and authority was not from the church ; but from christ immediatly . and if the dispensation , and exercise of the keyes , be concredited to the ministers ; doth it hold in all things or onely in the dispensation of the sacraments , and preaching by office ? doe they dispense the seales as the stewards of christ , from whom they receive their authority immediately or as the servants of the church , from which they derive their authority ? if in the first sense ; the power of the keys is not in the community of the faithfull . if in the second , the office of a minister is not the immediate gift of christ , nor the minister , so much the servant of christ , as of the church , from whom he must receive lawes , in whose name he must doe his office , and to whom he must give an account . we could wish you had explained in what sense , you hold the dispensation , and execution of the power of the keyes is concredited to the ministers , and by whom . for if the community of the faithfull have to doe in all matters concerning the body , to admit members , and cast them out , to make and depose ministers , to bind and loose by authority derived from christ , wee cannot see how in your judgement the dispensation , and execution of the power of the keyes is concredited to the ministers . fourthly that which you add , that god will not vouchsafe his presence and blessing to an ordinance but when it is dispenced by those , whom hee hath ordayned and appointed thereunto , must bee warily understood , or it may occasion errors and distractions not a few , you know what corruptions soone entred into the church of god , both in respect of doctrine , worship , offices , and entrance thereunto , and how ready and apt is the conclusion from your words , that christ hath not vouchsafed his presence , and blessing in his ordinances to his church ? but of this before . and on the contrary , seeing god hath vouchsafed his blessing in his ordinances dispensed by your selves , when you stood as visible ministers in the congregation , and churches of old england , you must confesse , did approve both your standings and his ordinances dispensed by you . secondly , as for the assumption , that pastors and teachers are limited to a particular charge or society ; but that flock is not ever one congregationall assembly meeting in one place , neither the band so streight , whereby they are tied to that one society , that they may not upon occasion performe some ministeriall act or office in another congregation , or to them that be not set members of their proper assembly . for first to dispence the seals of the covenant is a ministeriall act , an act of office , and not an exercise of gifts onely : but the pastors of one assembly may dispence the sacrament to the set members of another society upon occasion , as you confesse in this and in your answer to the ninth position . and if the members of one church may lawfully upon occasion receive the sacrament of the supper in another society from the pastor thereof , then may the pastor of one congregation performe a ministeriall act to the members of another , and if to the members of another then in another congregation with consent , and upon occasion . secondly , as the ministers are exhorted to feed their flock : so is every christian and minister to try and examine himselfe whether hee be in the faith , but you will not allow this conclusion . i must examine my self . ergo , no man is debarred from the sacrament for his unworthinesse , or to be tried or examined by others , to be observed , admonished , and brought to repentance for notorious sin . no more can it be rightly gathered from the former passages of scripture , that the minister is not upon occasion to performe any ministeriall act to any other people or society , because ordinarily he is to attend his own flock . thirdly , as the ministers have peculiar relation to their particular flocks , so the people unto their particular ministers , unto whom they are tied in speciall manner , as to their overseers , who must give account for theirsouls . and if this peculiar relation betwixt the people & the minister doth not hinder the people from receiving the lords supper at the hands of another minister ; nor the minister from performing the ministeriall act to the members of another congregation . neither doth his peculiar relation to his own flock hinder him , from administring unto others upon just occasion being intreated thereunto . as the combining of the people to their peculiar minister , doth not quite cut off their communion with other ministers : so neither doth the restraining of a minister to a peculiar flock quite cut him off from administring upon occasion : unto another people . paul appointeth the ephesian elders unto the care & charg onely of their own particular flock , but so to attend them ordinarily according to the rules of the scripture ; that as occasion was offered , might performe some ministeriall acts in another congregation . the taking heed unto their flocks which paul requires in this place doth cōprehend under it the administration of the word , prayer , and sacrament , and if it must be restrained to their owne particular churches onely , it is unlawfull for a pastor to preach or call upon the name of god in any publike assembly save his own , upon any occasion , as these be duties prtaining to common confession or profession of faith . ordinary pastors and teachers it is true , are not apostles , who are to go from place to place , from country to country , to plant and erect churches , but they are tied ordinarily to one flock , as the text proveth , and to which purpose it is commonly cited . but that a pastor is so tied to his flock , that he can perform no ministeriall act to any other upon any occasion that it proveth not , nor can we find that it was ever so understood by divines ancient or modern . w. b. telleth us , the learned bring these allegations to this purpose . but the authour in alledging the consent of the learned was very carelesse or much abused , for there is not one that speaketh to the purpose . i. d. disclaimeth that position ; and for the rest it is a matter notorious , they were never thought to be of that opinion ; and wee doubt not if any could be named to free this allegation from suspition of novelty , you would have cited one or more as you have done in that which followeth . feed the flock of god ( saith peter . ) but he speaks of all those dispersed churches to whom he writes , which he calls a chosen generation , a royall priesthood ▪ a peculiar people : and in some respect of reason , under which we may apprehend them , are one flock , but not really as combined under the same pastor , or meeting in one place . and as these dispersed believers , or societies make one flock : so the ministers attending their flocks or societies , and the ministery exercised by them is , or maketh one . a minister chosen and set over one society , is to looke unto his people committed to his charge , and feed the flock over which the lord hath made him overseer , but he is a minister in the church universall , for as the church is one , so is the ministery one , of which every minister ( sound or orthodox ) doth hold his part , and though he be minister over that flock onely which he is to attend , yet he is a minister in the universal church . the functiō or power of exercising that function in the abstract , must be distinguished from the power of exercising it , concretely , according to the divers circumstances of places . the first belongeth to a minister every where in the church , the latter is proper to the place and people where he doth minister . the lawfull use of his power is limited to that congregation ordinarily . the power it self is not so limited and bounded . in ordination , presbyters are not restrained to one or other certaine place , as if they were to be deemed ministers there onely , though they be set over a certain people . and as the faithfull in respect of a community betwixt them , must and ought to performe the offices of love one to another , though of different societies , so the ministers in respect of their communion , must and ought upon occasion to performe ministeriall offices towards the faithfull of distinct societies . if this be not so , what shall become of the poore flock when the pastor is driven away by personall persecution , so that he cannot , if others may not afford them helpe and succour : what when the congregation it selfe is dispersed , must no sheepherd receive them into fold , when they are driven from their own , or neglected by him ? if the pastor may be absent from his flock upon necessary , just , and weighty occasion , respecting his own good , the good of that society , or the common good of churches consociate , then may the pastor , the soaiety , the churches procure some man to supply the defect , and doe the office of a pastor , preach the word , pray , and as occasion is offered , administer the sacrament in that congregation unto that assembly untill their sheepheard shall returne . shall the people be left as sheepe without a sheepheard ; because for the good of the churches their owne sheepheard is called from them for a time , that he might returne with greater joy and comfort ? the pastor is appointed to feed his own flock , and yet for the good of the whole church he may be called to leave , if not the care , yet the over-sight of his flock fot a while ; and by the same reason a pastor of another flock or congregation may performe the office , and doe the acts of a minister in his congregation during absence : yea if for the good of the churches he be called away , doe not the churches stand obliged in conscience to provide that the flock sustain to hurt by his absence which possibly yee cannot doe if one minister may not performe a ministeriall act in another congregation . if the prophets of one church may prophesy in another , and apply their doctrines , exhortations and prayers to any of the occasions of the churches where they speake , whereof they are not set members , what hinders why the pastor of one congregation , may not preach and pray , administer the sacraments in another ? the pastor of one congregation is appointed to his peculiar charge , but he is a minister in the universall church , as well as the prophets of one church may bee called prophets of the universall church by vertue of that communion which all true churches have one with another . without consent the prophet may not prophesie by exhortation , and with consent the pastor may administer the sacraments . in the primitive churches when elders were ordained in every city , they were not onely to looke to their flock but indeavour the conversion of poore infidels among whom they lived , and the inlargement of christs kingdome , for the worke of the lord must be done in its season , and then was the time of the calling of the gentiles : it was not their office proper and essentiall to travail from countrey to countrey as did the apostles , nor were they pastors of the infidels , but by private instruction and publique teaching ( if any of them would bee penitent ) they were to labour the comming of them to god. and these infidels converted to the faith were to be baptised of the elders ordinarily in those cities , though the number might bee so great as they could not well meete in one congregation , nor be subject to the same pastor ; for either they must bee baptized by the pastors among whom they lived , ( being converted to the faith ) or continue unbaptized untill they were a number convenient to make a distinct society , or grow together into one body , and to elect and choose their own minister by whom they may be baptised : but that either they must stay so long without baptisme , or that a society of unbaptised men had power in those times to elect and choose their minister , by whom they should be baptised is contary to all presidents in scripture . and so if a pastor may not performe a ministeriall act to any other person or people but his own flock onely , then a company newly converted from infidelity , which cannot joyne themselves as set members to another assembly , must remain unbaptised till they have chosen their minister to doe that office . then must the people thus converted want officers til there be among themselves able men to pray , preach , exhort in the congregation at the ordination of their minister , or ( if that may bee omitted ) till there be fit men among them to examine the fitnesse of him that is chosen . if subtile heretikes arise , and seduce , and draw away many from the faith , and the body of the society be not able to convince them , either they must be let alone or cast out without conviction , for neighbouring ministers stand in peculiar relation to their flocks onely , and must not meddle beyond their calling according to your tenent . there is no precept or example in scripture more to warrant the admitting of a set member of one congregation unto the supper in another , or the baptising of his child , occasionally in another assembly then there is for receiving of knowne and approved christians , and their seede that are not set members . the pastor is no more the pastor of the one then of the other , nor the one more of his flock then the other , neither of them set members , and both sorts may be members for the time being , and they most properly who are of longest abode among them . but as we heare it is frequent among you ( as at dorchester , &c. ) to baptise the children of another assembly , and usually you admit to the supper of the lord , members of other churches , and therefore the minister is not so limited to his particular church or flock but he may dispence the seales to others , which in this consideration is denyed . if the want of one officer in a congregation for a time , may be supplyed by another , as the want of the doctor , ruling elder , or deacon , by the pastor ; why may not the defects of some congregation or christians be supplyed by pastors or ministers of another congregation , when they are requested and desired ? the minde herein is godly , and the means lawfull , and well pleasing unto god. and if a synod consisting of sundry members of particular churches , met together in the name of christ about the common and publike affaires of the churches shall joyn together in prayer and communion of the supper , wee can see no ground to question it as unlawfull , although that assembly be no particular congregation or church , hath no pastor over them , make not one ecclesiasticall body as a particular congregationall church , unlesse it be for the time onely . the minister therefore may do an act of office to them that be not set members of his flock as he may stand in relation to them for the time . your comparison betwixt an officer of a town corporate , and of a particular congregation is not alike , unlesse you will say that a member of another corporation occasionally comming into the towne , is thereby a member of that society , and subject to the authority of the officer . for so you professe that the members of one society may occasionally communicate with another , and so be subject to the pastor for the time being , which if you grant , it overthrows the whole strength of this consideration . howsoever the comparison it selfe is very perilous if it be pressed . for if the officer of a town corporate , presume to doe an act of power out of his owne corporation , it is a meer nullity , but if a minister of the gospell dispence the sacrament of baptisme , or the lords supper to believers of another society ( though done without consent ) it was never deemed or judged a nullity in the church of god. let the comparison hold good , and most christians have cause to question whether they be truly baptized , or ever lawfully received the sacrament of the lords supper . if it may not be doubted , whether ever the sacraments of the new testament were truly or by authority dispenced , especially if we consider what follows in the other considerations . this argument from comparison is very usuall in the writings of brethren against communion with our churches , but for the most part greatly mistaken , to say no more . answer consideration . circumcision and the passoever were to be administred onely to the members of the church . ergo , baptisme and the lords supper is so to be administred also . the consequence is made good by the parity of these ordinances . for if the argument hold strong for the proofe of paedo-baptisme which is taken from the circumcision of infants , why may we not as well infer a necessity of church membership to baptisme , from the necessity of it to circumcision . and that circumcision was peculiar to the church members of the church , may appeare in that persons circumcised , & onely they , might eat the passeover , and they onely might enter into the temple , which were the priviledges of church members . in our answer to the second objection against the first consideration we have shewed that circumcision was not administred to all that were under the covenant of grace ( which all believers were ) but onely such of them as joyned themselves to the church , at first in abrahams family , whereunto baptisme doth so far answer that the apostle counteth these expresse equivalent to be circumcised in christ with circumcision made without hands , and to be buried with christ in baptisme . indeed , in somethings they differ as onely the males were circumcised , whereas with us females are also baptized . the reason is because god hath limited circumcision to the males , but under the gospel , that difference is taken away . againe , circumcision was administred in the private family ; but baptisme , onely in the publick assemblies of the church . the reason of this difference is , because they were bound to circumcise the males on the eighth day , but that could not stand with going to the temple which was too far off , for the purpose , to bring every child thither from all parts of judaea to be circumcised the eighth day . nor had they alway opportunity of a solemne convention in the synagogue on every eighth day ; when some child or other might be to be circumcised . but there is no precise day set downe for baptisme , nor are opportunities of publick assemblies so remote where churches are kept in a congregationall frame , but that every first day of the week baptisme may be administred if it be required . again , for the aforesaid reason , circumcision required not a peculiar minister ( for ought we finde in scripture ) but it is not so in baptisme , as was shewd in the second consideration . but no good reason can be given , why , in this they should not both agree viz. that they are both to be dispensed onely to members of the visible church , as it hath been proved in the first consideration . reply . this whole reason as it is propounded makes onely against it selfe ; who ever thought that the seals of the covenant were not proper to confederates or the church of god ? but of old all visible believers under the covenant of grace , walking in holinesse , were of the visible church , and in church order according to the dispensation of those times , though not joyned in externall society with the family of abraham . and to exclude melchisedeck or iob , because they were no members of the visible church , when yet they were visible believers under the covenant of grace , and in church order as those times required , is well-nigh a contradiction , and so it is to debar known and approved christians members of our congregation , and their seed from the seals , because they be not of the visible church , for they are members of the church , and so to bee held and esteemed all true churches and members of the church , the true & proper meaning of this consideration , is that as circumcision and the passeover were not to be dispensed to all visible believers under the covenant of grace , but onely to such as were joyned to abrahams family , or to the people of the god of abraham , no more may baptisme and the lords supper be administred to any believers now , unlesse they be joyned to some particular congregation in church membership , or unlesse by solemne covenant , they be set members of some particular assemblies . the strength of this consideration stands in the parity which is betwixt the sacraments of the old and new testament , circumcision and baptisme , for parum par est ratio , but this parity is not found in every thing ( as is manifest by the particulars alleadged in the consideration it self . ) and wee must justly require some reason to prove them like in that particular , but to unfold it more fully , we will consider three things . first , how far an argument may be drawn soundly from one sacrament to another , or wherein the sacraments agree , and wherein they differ . secondly , what wee are to think of the proposition it self . thirdly , whether the reason of circumcision and baptisme be one in that particular . first the sacraments of the old testament and the new agree in their common author , nature and end , and therfore what is spoken of one in respect of the common author , nature and end that doth hold true of everie one . if circumcision be of divine institution a seale of the righteousnesse of faith , and of the covenant of grace , a sacrament in generall is an ordinance divine , a seale of the covenant proper and peculiar to them that bee confederates . but what is peculiar to one sacrament that agreeth not to another . what is proper to the sacraments of the old testament , in respect of the manner of dispensation that agreeth not to the new , as if the sacraments of the old testament be with bloud , obscure in signification , painfull for use , peculiar to one nation , and to bee abolished , the sacraments of the new testament must be without bloud , cleere for signification , easie for use , universall to all nations , and perpetuall to continue in the church for ever . circumcision and baptisme are both sacraments of divine institution , and so they agree in the substance of the things signified , the persons to whom they are to bee administred , and the order of administration , if the right proportion bee observed . as circumcision sealed the entrance into the covenant the righteousnesse of faith , and circumcision of the heart : so doth baptisme much more clearly : as abraham and his houshold , and the infants of beleiving iews were to be circumcised , so the faithful , their families , and their seed are to bee baptized . none must eate the passeover who was not circumcised , women excepted , who were circumcised in the males . nor may a man unbaptized be admitted to the lords supper . circumcision was but once applied by gods appointment and the same holds in baptisme according to the will and good pleasure of god : but circumcision and baptisme agree not in their speciall forme , and manner of dispensation appointed of god. and in these things a reason cannot be drawn from the one to the other affirmatively . the males onely were to be circumcised as only capable of that signe : but males and semales both ought to be baptized . the infants males were to be circumcised the eighth day because seaven dayes they were legally uncleane . but the seed of the faithfull are not to bee reputed uncleane . ergo , no set tyme is appointed for baptisme . circumcision as other ceremonies did distinguish the iewes from the gentiles ; but christ now of two hath made one . circumcision signified christ to come , baptisme is the seale of the new covenant made in christ already come . and so in the degree of grace given , some difference may be put : the other differences alleadged in the considerations with the reasons thereof are not so cleere and undoubted : for baptisme is not tyed to the first day of the weeke : and the jewes might gather an assembly on the eighth day as occasion required and it might be appropriated to the priests and levites though done in private : but in whatsoever they agree or differ we must looke to the institution and neither stretch it wider , nor draw it narrower then the lord hath made it . for hee is the institutor of the sacraments according to his owne good pleasure . and it is our part to learne of him , both to whom , how , and for what end the sacraments are to be administred , how they agree , and wherein they differ . in all which we must affirme nothing but what god hath taught us , and as he hath taught us . secondly , as for the proposition it selfe ; certaine it is , circumcision and the passeover were to be administred onely to the visible members of the church , e. to men in covenant , professing the true faith ; but that in abrahams time none were visible members of the church , which joyned not themselves in church orders to the family of abraham , wee have not learned . in the first institution of circumcision , we find that god gave it to abraham , as the seale of the covenant formerly made with him : but of any church covenant or order whereunto abrahams family should enter before circumcision we read not . melchizedeck , lot , iob , &c. were not onely visible beleevers under the covenant of grace , but visible members of the church , according to the order and dispensation of those times . wee read not ( you say ) that melchizedeck , lot or iob were circumcised , but that is no good reason to inferre negatively that they were not circumcised . we read not that iohn the baptist , or the apostles , or the . brethren were baptized , wee must not forthwith conclude , that they were not initiated by that seale . moreover , if they were not circumcised , it may bee the institution of that sacrament was not knowne unto them , or the authour of circumcision ( upon whose will and pleasure they must depend ) did not command it unto them , or require that they should joyne themselves in covenant with abrahams family : and in that case if they had circumcised themselves they had transgressed . but then the reason why they were not circumcised was not this , that they were not ( as you speake ) in church order : but because circumcision was appropriated to abrahams family by divine institution in some speciall and peculiar respects belonging to the manner of administration . after the church of the jewes was constituted ( when wee can no more imagine that there was a church among the gentiles , then that there are christians among the barbarians at this day ) we finde none must be admitted to the passeover that was not first circumcised , but nothing was required of a stranger to circumcision , but that he professe the true faith , and avouch the god of abraham to be his god , which of necessitie must be done before he could be reputed a visible beleever , or under the covenant of promise . thus a learned and reverend divine , circumcision was a seale of the covenant , that god made with abraham concerning christ that should come as concerning the flesh of isaac and so of iacob of whom were the tribes who were the israelites , &c. rom. . . . so that as in abrahams time none were bound to be circumcised but those that were of his family as being borne there or bought , and so brought thither which were not of his seed : so afterwards none were bound to be circumcised which were not borne in the family of jacob and patriarchs , or joyned to them . and after their comming out of egypt none were bound to be circumcised but the children of the iewes ( then the only church of god , ) and those that desired to joyne unto them . the summe is thus much , god gave circumcision to abraham as a seale of the covenant but whether it was given to other beleevers in his time it is ( at least ) a thing uncertaine . and if they were not circumcised it was by reason of the speciall institution of god , and peculiar manner of administration of the covenant of promise which in some respect was proper , to the family of abraham , and not common to all the visible members of the church at that time in church fellowship and order . afterwards when there were none in covenant but the seed of iacob or strangers professing the faith of abraham , circumcision was not to be administred to any man who was not in covenant nor any man to bee admitted to the passeover who was not circumcised . this is the most that can be said with any probability : but hence it will not follow by iust analogie or proportion , that the seed of the faithfull must not bee admitted to baptisme , or visible believers be received to the lords supper unlesse they bee set members of some particular congregation united in church order . thirdly , presupposing therefore that melchizedeck , lot and iob , were not circumcised , we say there is not the like reason of circumcision and baptisme in this particular . for , first if circumcision was ever appropriated to the family of abraham , and might be communicated to other visible beleevers , it was in the first institution and administration ; but in the first institution and administration of baptisme , it was not observed that beleevers should be first gathered into a politicall body or christian church membership , and then baptized . iohn the baptist baptized such as came to him confessing their sins . the apostles baptized disciples , such as gladly received their doctrine , beleeved in jesus christ , and received the gifts of the holy ghost , before they were gathered into christian church order , or made fit members of a christian congregationall assembly . if circumcision was by speciall institution given as a priviledge to the males of abrahams familie , melchizedecke , iob , lot , and other visible beleevers were not bound to joyne themselves as members to abrahams familie , or desire and seek to be circumcised : but they that have received the doctrine of salvation , beleeve christ , and professe the faith , are bound to seek , and desire the priviledge of the seals in an holy manner . . melchizedech , job , and lot were not onely visible beleevers , but visible members of the church , according to the manner of dispensing in those times : but the seals ( as you confesse ) belong to all beleevers knit together in church-covenant . . if circumcision be appropriated to the family of abraham , it is because the covenant sealed by circumcision is peculiar to abrahams posteritie , ( sc . ) that christ should come as concerning the flesh , of isaac . but baptisme is the seal of the covenant of grace without any peculiar or speciall tye or respect . . you contend , that baptisme did belong to such beleevers as were members of the then jewish church , which cannot stand , if abrahams familie did answer to a christian societie or congregationall assembly ; just reason therefore may be given why circumcision was dispensed onely to the males of abrahams familie , when baptisme is not to be limited onely to the set members of a particular societie ; and if this consideration be applied to the purpose , instead of saying , circumcision and the passeover were to be administred onely to the members of the church , you must say circumcision was to be desired of or administred unto all the true approved visible members of the church . and if there be the same reason of both , then all visible approved members of the church must not desire nor be admitted to the seals , but this conclusion you will not acknowledge . answ . . consideration . they that are not capable of the church censures , are not capable of the church priviledges : but they that are not within church-covenant are not capable of church censures . ergo. the proposition is evident , the assumption may be proved , corinth . . . what have i to do to judge them that are without . now to be without is not onely the case of heathens and excommunicates , but of some beleevers also , who though by externall union with christ they are within the covenant of grace , yet being not joyned externally to the visible bodie of christ ( a particular church ) are in regard of visible church communion said to be without . to this purpose is this text alledged by other divines also , as dr. ames cas . of consci . l. . c. . q. . resp . . reply . first , men are capable of church censures in two respects , either in having the power of the keyes , and authoritie to dispense them according to god , or as subject to the censures of the church . in the first sense , many are capable of church priviledges that are not capable of church censures , as the seed of christian parents , children and women . you say you admit to the seales the knowne and approved , and orderly recommended members of any true church : but to fellowship in the censures , admittance of members , and choice of officers onely , the members of that particular church whereof they and we ( any of us ) stand members . in the second sense also many are capable of church priviledges who are not subject to church censures : as the children of christian parents are capable of baptisme , the known and approved members of any true church are capable of the seales in other congregations among you who are not subject to the censures of that other society . spirituall communion in publick prayer is a church priviledge , which is not denied to visible beleevers and godly persons , though not in church order , and so not in subjection in your sense to church censures . secondly , a person baptised is not baptised in that particular congregation onely , but into all churches , and every particular church where he cometh he hath all the priviledges of a baptised person in respect of his baptisme , and is so to be esteemed by them . now the priviledge of a baptised person who is able to examine himself , and walketh in the truth , is to be admitted to the lords supper . all circumcised persons had right thereby to eat the passeover in any societie , in the place which god should chuse to put his name there . exod. . . . deut. . , . so all baptised persons have true and intire right to the lords supper in everie true church where god hath set his name . thirdly , there is not the same reason of every church priviledge , for one may have right to some , who is not to meddle with others . the members of one society may hear the word , joyne in prayer , and receive the sacraments in another , when they are not to meddle in the election and ordination of their teachers . the ministers of the gospel may preach the word , and administer the sacraments in another congregation , and hereto he needs no other calling but that god offers an opportunitie ; there is much need of his help , and he is intreated , or hath leave from them in place or office ; but he is not to admit members into the societie , or cast them out that be admitted . and if the pastor of one church shall preach or administer the sacraments in another , contrary to the liking and approbation of the society and governours , though the act be irregular , it was never esteemed a nullitie ; but if he shall presume to excommunicate the members of another societie , without the consent or the church , and approbation of pastors and teachers , under whose charge and jurisdiction they live , it hath been judged a meer nullity . therefore the proposition is not so evident as to be taken without proofe , that they have no power to admit a beleever into communion in any church priviledge who have no power to excommunicate . fourthly , that visible beleevers baptised into a true church professing the true faith , and walking in holy obedience , and godly conversation , that they and their seed should be judged such as are without in the aposles sense , because they be not externally joyned as set members to some particular congregation in church-covenant is affirmed , not proved . . it hath , and may fall out many times through the ignorance , rashnesse , or pride of a prevailing faction in the church , that the true members of the catholique church , and the best members of the orthodox visible flock , or congregation of christ may be no members of any distinct visible societie . and shall their posteritie be esteemed aliens and strangers from the covenant , and debarred from the sacraments , because their parents are unjustly seperated from the inheritance of the lord ? surely as parents unjustly excommunicated do continue still not onely true members of the invisible body , but visible members of the flock of christ : so the right of baptisme doth belong to the infants of such parents , though not actuall and constant members of this or that present assembly in church order . . if they be without , because no members of a politike bodie or spirituall fellowship : then all members which are of one societie are without to another : for they that be not of the bodie are not capable of church censures , or subject to the authoritie one of another . and so not being under the judgement of that particular church to it they are without ; whereas in ancient and moderne times distinct societies did communicate together , admit and receive each other as brethren , to testifie their fellowship in the faith . if the reason whereupon the apostle saith the church of corinth was not to judge them that were without , was because they were not within the church of corinth , and so not under their censure or judgement : this holds true of them that be of another society admitted to the sacrament , as well as of such as be no set members desiring to be received to the lords supper . . ( the fornicators of this world ) do they not explaine whom the apostle pointeth unto by the title of being without , ver . . . such as had not received the covenant of grace . . church order is necessarie we denie not ; but this order that a man should be a constant and set member of a particular societie by covenant , to make him a true member of the visible church , or to give him title or interest to the publick order , this is not taught of god. . paul divides all men into two ranks , the first and greater without ; the last and lesser within : but that beleevers who have received the holy ghost , and have been baptised into jesus christ , that they and their children should be reckoned among them that are without , that we read not in this nor any other scripture , but in phrase of scripture hereticks themselves are within the church . . the beleevers not yet gathered ( as the godly learned think ) into a certain distinct body are called beleevers , brethren , disciples ; but that they should be comprehended under them that are without , it hath not been beleeved in the church . . without ( faith the apostle whether alluding to this place or not , let others judge ) are dogs , inchanters , whoremongers , not such as are called faithfull and holy , walking in integritie , beleeving in and professing jesus christ to be their saviour . . they that are without in the apostles sense are aliens from the common-wealth of israel , strangers from the covenant of promise , having no hope , and without god in the world : but we hope you will not passe such rash and unadvised censure upon your brethren , who be not gathered into your societie as set members . . let the interpretation stand , and he is without , not onely who is no set member of some congregationall assembly , but he that is not subject to the censure of the community of that particular combination few or many , with , or without officers . and so all the reformed churches in the world who ascribe the power of the keyes to the presbitry or classes , and not to the community , and some amongst your selves ( if not the most ) shall be without also . and therefore we cannot think approved christians desiring to be received unto the sacrament , either to be without , or uncapable of church censures for the time being if they should offend , though not set members of any particular congregation : for desiring baptisme for their children or themselves to be admitted to the lords supper for the time they put themselves under the ordinance of jesus christ there . and as they are members for the time , so they might be proceeded against according to the rule prescribed by our saviour , as they would proceed with an offending member . . if upon just and good reason a passage of scripture can be cleared to prove that for which it was never alledged by any writer , we are not to except against any truth of god , because it wanteth mans testimonie . onely if we desire credit in such cases , our reasons must be weightie and convincing . but for your exposition of this text of scripture , as yet we have not observed one substantiall ground , or approved author to be alledged . doctor ames shewing the necessitie of christians joyning themselves to some particular church , giveth this reason , quoniam alias fieri non potest quum conturbentur signa illa quibus fideles ab infidelibus discerni possunt . . cor. . . but herein dr. ames manifestly sheweth that by them that are [ without ] heathens , and unbeleevers must be understood , and not beleevers and godly men though of no particular setled societie for the time , for thus we conceive he argueth . the signes and evidences whereby the faithfull are to be discerned from unbeleevers , must not be confounded : but unlesse christians make themselves actuall members of a societie or church , the signes whereby the faithfull are discerned from unbeleevers , will be obscured and darkned . and if this be his reason how can that text of scripture be alledged for confirmation , unlesse by [ men without ] infidels be understood . again doctor ames in the same book , lib. . ca. . speaking of infants to be received , it is required ( he saith ) that they be in the covenant of grace in respect of outward profession , and estimation in respect of their parents , and that there is hope they shall be instructed and brought up in the same covenant . . that baptisme doth most properly belong to those infants whose parents , at least one of them is in the church , and not without , because baptisme is a signe and seale of the covenant of grace . . that children that are cast forth are in charitie to be esteemed the children of christian parents , when there is no just cause of presuming the contrary , that in admitting unto baptisme a difference must be put betweene the infants of those who in some sort belong to the church , but openly break the covenant of god , and the children of others . . because a distinction must be observed in holy things betweene the cleane and uncleane ; seeing else the ordinance of god cannot be preserved from all pollution . to say nothing of that which he addeth touching the baptisme of infants borne in fornication , excommunication , and papists , which is more then sufficient to cleare his meaning in the former passage . to this may be added that he holdeth it not necessarie that christians should gather themselves into a particular society , but as opportunitie and occasion should offer it self . so that it was never his mind to censure them who be not gathered into church-covenant , because they want means or opportunitie as men without in the apostles sense . his judgement is further manifested in his second manuduction , pa. . so many parish assemblies of england ( saith he ) as have any competent number of good christians in them , united to worship god ordinarily in one societie , so many have the essence and integrall forme of a visible church , and all they have intire right to christ , and to all the meanes of injoying him , how ever they are defective in the puritie of their combination , and in the compleat free exercising of their power , whereupon a reverend * elder now among you draws this conclusion , ergo to dischurch them wholly , and to separate from them as no churches of christ , or to denie baptisme to the infants of their known members is not warrantable by any rule of scripture that i know , nor justified by any assertion or practise . answ . . consideration . vve may adde hereunto for a fifth consideration , the evill and pernicious consequences of extending communion in church priviledges beyond the bounds of church fellowship : for thus , . the extraordinarie office of the apostles , and the ordinarie office of pastors and teachers will be much confounded , if the latter be as illimited as the former in the execution of their office beyond the bounds of their own particular churches . . the distinction of church assemblies from the confused multitude is abroagated , if without membership in a particular church the parents may communicate with the churches in the lords supper , and their seed in baptisme . . the church shall indanger the profaning of the seals , and want one speciall meanes whereby the grace and pietie of men may be discerned and made known ; for if without respect to their church estate men of approved pietie ( as you say ) are to be admitted to fellowship in the seales , how shall their pietie be approved to the church not by their own report of themselves alone without attestation of such as are approved by the church ; and how can such beare witnesse to their approved pietie , who against light refuse to professe subjection to the gospel of christ by orderly joyning themselves in fellowship with some approved church of christ as members thereof when they have opportunitie thereunto , seeing such fellowship is an action of pietie required of all beleevers in the second commandment ; and true pietie frameth mens spirits to have respect to all gods commandments . and we have had much experience of it , that men of approved pietie in the judgement of some have been found too light , not onely in the judgement of others , but even of their own consciences , when they have come to triall in offering themselves to be members of churches , with such a blessing hath god followed this order of taking hold of church-covenant by publick profession of faith and repentance before men be admitted to the seales ; but this meanes of discoverie of mens pietie and sinceritie would be utterly lost , if men should be admitted unto the lords table without entring in church-fellowship . reply . if it be repugnant to divine institution to admit of approved christians lawfully baptized , walking in the faith , members of the visible churches , and partakers of church priviledges among us to the lords supper , or their children to baptisme , because they be not entred into church fellowship according to your order , then it is unlawfull though no such evill consequences are to be feared . but if by accident some abuse should fall out , the evill is to be prevented by all lawfull meanes : but the faithfull are not utterly to be debarred of the order of god , whereto they have right and title by his free grant and gracious invitation . and no question but the seales of the covenant may be profaned many times when it is not in the power of the dispensers to put back or expell such as profane them . if the congregation shall admit of , or tolerate an unworthy member , the churches priviledges are profaned ; and yet we conceive you will say the pastor is not faulty in receiving him , when the church doth tolerate unworthily , if he do what pertaineth to his office to keep the holy things of god from contempt . but in the case propounded there is no feare or danger of such consequences necessarie to follow : for the question is not of all sorts at randame , but of christians professing the faith intirely , lawfully baptised , known , and approved to the consciences of the wise and judicious visible members of the churches of christ among us often admitted to the lords table , whether these either sufficiently knowne unto you , or orderly recommended may upon desire and suite themselves be admitted to communicate in the lords supper , and their children to be baptized , what feare is there now that the extraordinarie office of the apostles , and the ordinarie office of pastors and teachers shall be much or little confounded ? is this to take as illimited power as the apostles did in the execution of their office ? how shal this tend to abrogate the distinction of church assemblies from the confused multitude ? or how is the profanation of the seals thereby indangered ? you aske if without respect to their church estate men of approved pietie ( as we say ) are to be admitted into fellowship in the seals , how shall their pietie be approved to the church , not by their own report of themselves alone , &c. do not you say the same , that there be many godly persons , and of approved pietie among us , who are not approved by their own report of themselves ( unlesse ye will take their wisedome , faith , patience , courage , constancie , and holinesse of life for their report ) approved , we say by as ample and sufficient testimonie as the apostles exacted of them whom they received into church fellowship , or can be required of members admitted unto the priviledges of the church , if men will follow the lords direction , or as you can give to ordinances members of your societies . you professe high respect of your brethren in old england , but it seemes you judge them insufficient to give orderly testimonie of the sinceritie and uprightnesse of approved christians , well known unto them , and living among them , which two cannot well agree . we speake not of such who against light refuse to professe subjection to the gospel of christ to joyne themselves orderly in fellowship with some approved church : but of such as do with all readinesse professe subjection , and walk accordingly , and heartily desire to joyn themselves to the most pure and compleat churches so farre as they are taught of god , or have opportunitie thereunto . and if exception be taken against them onely , who refuse against light to submit themselves to the gospel ; by what rule do you proceed when you judge men to refuse against light , or debarre them who do not refuse against conscience , but for lacke of opportunitie . no doubt ( as you say ) but now and then a man of approved pietie in the judgement of some may be found too light , yea and in the judgement of his owne conscience when he hath come to triall . and no question but many have been admitted by the church , who indeed and truth are much too light ; and some refused who deserved better then they that cast them off , we will not dispute what errours have been committed , nor what blessing ye have found upon your proceedings ; we heartily beseech the lord to keep your congregation pure , make his ordinances more and more effectuall , go before you in the way wherein you should walk , and multiply his mercies upon you in the same . but this we are perswaded , and therefore we speak , that in debarring godly christians from the lords supper , and much more the children of those parents who are in covenant with god , from holy baptisme you exceed your commission you have received from god , and go beyond your due bounds . and notwithstanding your circumspection more worthy and faithfull christians have been denied when of lesse worth , and meaner sufficiencies have passed , and been by you received . answ . . consid . none have power to dispence the seales but they that are called to the office of ministery ; and no man can be so called till first there be a church to call him , seeing the power of calling ministers is given by christ unto the church ; and thence it follows , that all those that desire to partake of the seales , are bound to joyne themselves in church state , that so they may call a minister to dispense the seales unto them . and this dutie by the appointment of god lieth not onely upon some christians , but equally upon all : ergo no christian can expect by the appointment of god to partake in the seals till he have joyned himselfe in church fellowship , and in the call of the minister . and indeed seeing a church , and a minister called by the church , is of such necessitie for the dispensing of the seales , it may seeme unreasonable that some christians should be bound to become a church , and to call a minister that so the seales may be dispensed , and other men ( when this is done ) have equall libertie to the seals who refuse to joyne unto the church . reply . this conclusion is not to the question propounded , for we speake of such as cannot , not of such as refuse to joyne themselves unto the church ; or if they do not joyne , it is not out of contempt or wilfull neglect of gods ordinance , or desire of carnall libertie , and not to be in subjection to christ , but for lacke of opportunitie , or through their fault that should admit them but do not . for if in any of your churches you shall require more of members to be admitted then christ the chiefe shepherd of the flock doth , or presse that upon their consciences which they cannot consent unto , if they shall fit downe quietly for the time and serve god in private , when they cannot injoy church priviledges , it is your fault and not theirs . and they may more justly challenge the assemblie as injurious and tyrannicall , then you them as wilfull despisers of gods ordinance . we accuse not the wisedome and discretion of your chuches , but we know the zealous multitude may sometimes be rash ; and when a reason is craved of your judgement , why you do debarre the most knowne and approved christians which come over , and their children from the seals of the covenant , we dislike you should put this note upon them , as if against light they refused orderly to subject themselves to the gospel of jesus christ : what warrant you have thus to censure , what use of this manner of dispute we leave it to your godly wisedome to judge . in the consideration it self there are many propositions couched together , which we must examine severally as they have reference to the conclusion intended , and then try whether it can be raised from them . the first proposition , that none have power to dispence the seales , but they that are called to the office of ministery , is freely granted . the second , that no man can be so called till first there be a church to call him , needeth explication . for by the church you must understand the community of the faithfull , as they are one bodie , without officers or guides . and such a church there cannot be without a ministery to call and admit them into church-fellowship . the apostles baptised not themselves , but by the help of others , & those not called of the people to be baptised , cor. . . the apostles appointed by electiō , elders in every city or church . and so there was a church before elders were set over it , but this church was a societie of beleevers by baptisme admitted into church-fellowship . there can be no church to call a minister to feed the flock , and dispence the seals , till they have received the doctrine of salvation intirely , and by the seale of initiation be solemnly received into the societie of men professing christ . a company of men converted to the faith being unbaptized , may and ought to desire baptisme , but they have not power to elect and chuse one among themselves to dispence the seales unto the rest for ought is to be found in scripture : the churches constitution into which christians are to gather themselves must be apostolicall , and not one day or houre younger in nature and forme of it , thus the first church of the new testament . but it can never be shewed in scripture that any societie of unbaptised persons did first chuse from among them a pastor or teacher by whom they might be baptised : you cannot produce one example or other proofe in the scripture , of one man teaching the gospel ministerially but he was baptised , and a member of a true church , or of a societie who made choice of a pastor and teacher , but they were baptised persons . the third proposition , that the power of calling ministers is given by christ unto the church , must also be rightly understood : for by the church must be meant the societie of the faithfull , not onely ingrafted into christ , set into the state of salvation , and made heires apparent of everlasting blessednesse , but solemnly entred and inrolled into the societie of christs flock , and acknowledged members by free admission into the seales of the covenant . againe , by the church if we speake of ordinary calling , must not be understood of the faithfull alone , but their guides and officers together with them , who are to goe before the rest , and to direct and governe them in their choice . neither can we say , that any two or three beleevers linked together in societie doe make such a church , as to whom the calling of the minister doth belong : but that right was given by christ to such churches as were gathered and established by the apostles . the church hath a ministery of calling one whom christ hath described , that from christ he may have power of office given him in the vacant place . but the office , gift , and power of the ministery , is immediately from christ and not from the church . the church doth neither virtually nor formally give power to her officers but ministerially onely , as ministring to him who hath power and vertue to conferre it . and this right of election is so given to the communitie and body of the people , that if they have consented to give away their right , or if it be taken injuriously from them , the calling of the minister notwithstanding may be true , and ministeriall acts done by him that is thrust upon the people without their consent may be effectuall to their salvation . a wrong it is altogether to debarre the godly of their consent in the calling of such as must watch for their soules ; but it makes not the calling it selfe a meere nullitie ; for then many churches in the world within a few hundred yeares after christ should have wanted both ministery and sacraments , and they would have been altogether destitute of both ministery and sacraments for many hundred yeares . the fourth , that all those who desire to partake in the seales , are bound to joyne themselves together in church-state , that so they may call a minister to dispence the seales unto them , will not follow from the former rightly understood . we deny not but christians are bound to joyne themselves together in holy fellowship , if god give them opportunitie : but they must partake in the seales before they can joyne themselves together in church-state . and such as for lack of meanes and opportunitie cannot joyne themselves into such an estate , or be dispersed by persecution , or be destitute of pastors and teachers , may for a time desire and seek to have the seales dispenced unto them by the pastors and teachers of other societies , with whom they hold communion in the faith . the people also who are deprived of right and libertie to choose their pastor , may desire and seek to have the seales dispenced unto them by him who is set over them . if a company of infidells should be converted to the faith , they must desire to partake in the ordinances of grace before they could joyne together in a church-way to call a minister of their own , who might administer the sacraments unto them . to make disciples and baptize are joyned together . and if these propositions be allowed for current , a nation or people plunged into idolatry or infidelitie , or otherwise dischurched , cannot by ordinary meanes recover into a church-estate , wherein they may lawfully and according to gods appointment desire or expect that the seales of the covenant should be dispenced to them . the fifth proposition riseth beyond measure , that no christian can expect by the appointment of god to partake in the seales till he have joyned himselfe in church-fellowship and the calling of the minister . wee conceive you will not say that children and women have to doe in the call of the minister ( for women they are debarred by their sex as from ordinary prophesying , so from any other dealing wherein they take authority over the man ) if some part of the congregation doe not consent in the election of pastors or teachers , have they not right to expect to have the seales of the covenant dispenced to themselves or their seede ? if the people be deprived of that libertie to choose or call their minister , must they seperate from the ordinances of worship there dispenced , and from the congregations as no true churches ? if some persons by the providence of god live in such places where they cannot joyne in church-fellowship and call of the minister ( as suppose the christian wife , childe , or servant ) nor lawfully remove to any such societie , must they and their children live as strangers and aliens from the covenant of grace , wherein they may not expect to partake of the seales ▪ in infidels be converted to the faith , must they not partake in the seales , because they cannot joyne in church-fellowship and call of the minister , before they be admitted to baptisme ? here you say the people must joyne together in the call of the minister , before they can lawfully desire to be admitted to the seales . and another hath zealously affirmed ( it is a presumptuous sin in any to choose an officer not trained up and tryed ( scil . ) in the debating , discussing , carrying , and contriving of church-affaires , as also in admonition , exhortation , and comfort , publickly occasioned and so manifested ) lay these two together , and let it be considered how long many a poore soule converted to the faith must be compelled to want the comfort of gods ordinances . besides , if a people be joyned together in church-fellowship , and have called a pastor to feed and watch over them , wee desire ( not words but ) proofe why the poore dispersed christians wanting means or opportunitie to joyn themselves together into societie , ought not to desire , and that others be not bound in conscience to afford them the comfort of gods ordinances . if the propositions may stand for good , i feare we shall scarce finde that ever in ordinary way , the sacraments were lawfully dispenced or received in the christian churches of god since the first foundation of them . now the premises being liable to so many exceptions , the conclusion to be laid upon them , will fall of it selfe . and thereunto wee oppose the direct contrary . that infidels converted to the faith , or godly christians , formerly visible beleevers , knowne and approved members of congregations professing the intire faith , and joyning together in the lawfull use of the sacraments for substance according to the institution , may and ought to desire and expect the seales of the covenant to be dispenced to them , and to their seede , though for the present they be not joyned into such church-state and call of ministers as you require . answer . consideration . that our practise may not be censured as novell and singular , give us leave to produce a president of the like care observed and approved by publick countenance of state in the dayes of edward . of blessed and famous memory , who in the yeare . granted johannes alasco a learned noble man of poland under the great seale of england , libertie to gather a church of strangers in london , and to order themselves according as they should finde to be most agreeable to the scriptures . among other godly orders established in that church , that which concerned the administration of baptisme to prevent the prophanation of it we will repeate in alascoes owne words . baptisme in our church ( saith he ) is administred in the publique assembly of the church after the publique sermon : for seeing baptisme doth so belong to the whole church that none ought to be driven thence , which is a member of the church , nor to be admitted to it who is not a member of it , truely it is equall that that should be performed publiquely in the assembly of the whole church , which belongs to the whole church in common . againe , he addeth ; now seeing our churches are by gods blessing so established by the kings majestie , that they may be as it were one parish of strangers dispersed throughout the whole citie , or one body corporate ( as it is called in the kings grant ) and yet all strangers doe not joyne themselves to our church , yea there are those who while they avoyde all churches , will pretend to the english churches that they are joyned with us , and to us that they are joyned to the english churches , and so doe abuse both them and us , lest the english churches and the ministers thereof should be deceived by the impostures of such men ( and that under colour of our churches ) wee doe baptize their infants alone who have adjoyned themselves to our churches by publique confession of their faith , and observation of ecclesiasticall discipline . and that our churches may be certaine that the infants that are to be baptized are their seede , who have joyned themselves thereto in manner aforesaid , the father of the infant to be baptized ( if possible he can ) or other men and women of notable credit in the church , doe offer the infant to baptisme , and doe publickly professe that it is the seede of the church , yet wee suffer no stranger to offer infants to baptisme in our churches , who hath not made publique profession of his faith , and willingly submitted himselfe to the discipline of the church , lest otherwise they who present their children to baptisme , might in time plead that they belong to our churches , and so should deceive the english churches and their ministers . to those which presented infants to baptisme , they propounded three questions , the first was ; are these infants which yee offer the seed of this church , that they may lawfully be here baptized by our ministery ? &c. answer , yea. this instance is the more to be regarded , because alasco affirmeth in the preface of that book , that this libertie was by the king granted to them out of his desire to settle alike reformation in the english churches , which in effect you see the same with out practise in this particular . reply . the practise of the church of strangers in london , recorded by john alasco , is farre different from your judgement and practise , not in some by-circumstances , but in the maine point in question ; for your judgement is that true visible beleevers , baptized and partakers of the lords supper in other churches not yet gathered into church-estate or fellowship , have no right or interest in the seales , ( they nor their seede . ) but this church of strangers held no such opinion as their own words ( which you have omitted ) doe plainly speake . and paul testifyeth ( say they ) that by christs ordinance the church it selfe without exception of any member of it , is to be accounted cleane or holy by the ministery of baptisme . whence we may easily see , that baptisme doth neither belong to those who are altogether without the church , nor to be denyed to any member of the church . secondly , they held communion with the church of england as one and the same with theirs . for so they professe : yet neverthelesse , that we may openly shew that the english churches and ours are one and the same church ( though we differ somewhat from them both in language and ceremonies ) we doe not refuse that the english may as publick witnesses of the church offer the infants of our members to baptisme in our churches , if they have both the use of our language and a certain testimony of their piety . as in like manner our members are accustomed to offer the infants of the english to baptisme in the english churches . if your judgement be this of the english churches , your judgement in acknowledging us members of true churches , and practise in debarring visible beleevers and their seede from the seales , are opposite the one to the other . thirdly , this order was observed by them to prevent the impostures of some , who whilst they avoyded all churches , pretended to the english , that they were joyned to the strangers , and to the strangers that they were joyned to the english . but you debarre knowne christians who desire to joyne themselves with you , not to prevent impostures of them who avoyde all churches : yea , you debarre them as men having no right to the sacraments , because they be not in church-fellowship : and herein you can shew no president ancient or moderne , either from scripture or monuments of the church : and as your practise is without example , so without warrant from the word of god. and this is the maine reason why we cannot consent unto you in this particular which we thus propound . reason . that sacred order which god hath set in his visible church for all his saints to keep and walk by , that is religiously to be observed . but for men to set up that as a necessarie order which god never allowed , approved , or commanded , is great presumption . now the lord hath not ordained that a man should be a set member of a particular societie , or body politique of faithfull people joyned together in spirituall church-fellowship by covenant , before he be admitted unto the lords supper , or that the parents should be actuall visible set members of some particular distinct body before their children be baptised . they that beleeve in jesus christ have received the word of promise and walk therein , they and their children are within the covenant , and have right and title to the seales of the covenant , but in their order , the infants to baptisme , parents baptised , to the lords supper . and if in that state by divine grant they have interest to the sacraments , the church in debarring them because they be not yet grown into one distinct separate societie of mutuall covenant , doth exceed the bounds of her commission . for a ministeriall power onely is committed to the church to admit or refuse them who are to be admitted or refused by authoritie from god : but the church if she thrust beleeving parents from the supper of the lord , and their seed from baptisme ; she denieth these benefits to them who by the grace and gift of god have lawfull right and title thereto . . for first , the baptisme of john was true baptisme , and truly administred by him : and they that were baptized by him received the seales of the covenant , and were esteemed members of the visible church : but john never demanded of them who came to his baptisme whether they were entred into spirituall fellowship by mutuall covenant one with another . this was not then knowne to be a necessarie and essentiall point in the lawfull , due , and orderly administration of the sacrament . the disciples of our saviour made and baptised disciples professing the faith , but not combined into church-state or fellowship . the apostles commission was first to teach the gentiles , and then to baptise them having received their doctrine . and this they carefully observed in the execution of their ministery upon grounds and reasons common to them and us : for as soone as any man or number of men gladly received the doctrine of salvation , and gave their names to jesus christ , if they desired to be baptised forthwith they accepted them , never excepting , that they were no set members of a distinct visible congregation . when the first . converts , being pricked in their consciences , came to peter , and the rest of the apostles , saying , men and brethren , what shall we do ? peter returns this answer , repent and be baptised every one of you in the name of jesus , &c. for to you is the promise made , and to your children , and to all that are afar off , &c. as soon as the samaritanes beleeved , philip who preached the things that concerned the kingdom of god , they were baptised both men and women . when the eunuch asked of philip , see here is water , what doth let me to be baptised ? he answereth not if thou beest first received as a set member into a visible congregation thou mayest : but if thou beleevest with all thy heart , thou mayest . can any man forbid water ( saith peter , speaking of the gentiles upon whom was powred the gift of the holy ghost ) that these should not be baptised who have received the gift of the holy ghost as well as we ? at that time it was not held a bar sufficient to keep them from the sacrament of baptisme , because they were not set members of a distinct societie , which had it been essentiall to the lawfull and orderly administration of the sacraments , questionlesse it had been observed in the first institution and administration of them . annanias baptised paul before he was any set member of a congregationall assembly . lydia and her houshold , the jaylor and his house were baptised without regard to their church-estate . for in the same night which he was converted , he was baptized with all his houshold . and this was done not by the apostles onely upon speciall dispensation , but by others upon grounds and reasons common to them , and all ages , viz. because they were disciples , beleeved , gladly received the word , had received the holy ghost , were called , and the promise was made to them , and to their seed , even to all them that were afarre off . now if the apostles dispensed the seales to them that were not in church-fellowship upon common grounds , it is not essentiall to the lawfull dispensation of the seales , that all partakers should be under such a covenant . if the baptised disciples , beleevers , such as gladly received the word , and had received the gift of the holy ghost , then the seals of the covenant belong unto such , and by the grace of god they have right and title unto those priviledges . . as we received the sacraments from god by divine institution ; so must we learne from him , how and to whom the same are to be administred , observing what he hath commanded without addition or diminution . but we have learned from christ the author of baptisme , and the constant practise of the apostles ( the first dispensers of these holy seales who best understood the mind and pleasure of the lord herein ) that such as be called of god to whom the promise is made , who have received the gifts of the holy ghost , beleeved in the lord jesus , professed their faith in him , and repentance for sins past with purpose of amendment for the time to come , that such have right unto , and desiring it ought to be received unto baptisme , and are greatly wronged if they be deprived of that unspeakable benefit . . by a lively faith a man is made a living member of jesus christ , and hath internall communion with him by the intire profession of christian faith joyned with conformity of life in righteousnesse , and holinesse , and fellowship of love , he is a member of the visible congregation or flock of christ , though no set member of a free distinct independant societie . and baptisme is the seale of our admission into the congregation or flock of christ ; but not evermore of our receiving into this or that particular societie as set members thereof . this latter is accidentall to baptisme , not essentiall . it may fall out to be so , but it is not ever necessarie ; nor is the sacrament to be denyed , nor can we say it is imperfectly administred where it cannot be attained . for the catholique church is one intire bodie , made up by the collection and agregation of all the faithfull unto the unity thereof ; from which union there ariseth unto every one of them such a relation to , dependance upon that church catholique as parts use to have in respect of the whole . and this holds true , not onely of sound beleevers in respect of internall fellowship with christ their head , and so one with another ; but of all men professing the true and intire doctrine of faith and salvation in respect of them that hold and professe the same faith of christ , and worship god according to his will ; whereupon it followeth that neither particular persons , nor particular guides , nor particular churches are to worke as severall divided bodies by themselves , but are to teach , and be taught ; and to do all other duties as parts conjoyned to the whole , and members of the same flock or societie in generall : and so beleevers professing the faith , and walking in holinesse , may and ought to be admitted to the seales as actuall members of the church of christ , and sheep of his pasture , though not set members of one congregationall church . . not to insist upon this here , that it hath and may fall out many times through ignorance , rashnesse , or pride , of a prevailing faction in the church , that the true members of the catholique church , and the best members of the orthodox visible flock , or church of christ , may be no actuall members of any distinct societie , and shall they for this be accounted men out of covenant , and their posteritie be esteemed aliens and strangers : but if they be in covenant , then are they holy in respect of the covenant , and their children holy as pertaining to the covenant , and have right to the sacrament of initiation . thus mr. rob. frameth the argument . the sacrament of baptisme is to be administred by christs appointment , and the apostles example onely to such as are ( externally , and so far as men can judge ) taught and made disciples , do receive the word gladly , do beleeve , and so professe , have received the holy ghost , and to their seed . and thus the church of god ever since the apostles dayes understood the covenant and promise , and their practise in receiving beleevers and their seed to the seales of the covenant was answerable , as might be shewed at large , if it was not a thing confessed . hereunto you answer . answer . vvhere the holy ghost is given and received ( which was the case of the centurion ) and where faith is professed according to gods ordinance ( which was the case of the rest ) there none may hinder them from being baptised , viz. by such as have power to baptise them . in the instances given baptisme was administred either by apostles or evangelists , not ordinary pastors : the persons baptised , if they were members of churches , had a right to baptisme in their state , and the apostles being officers of all churches might dispense the seales to them where ever they came , which yet will not warrant ordinary officers to do the same . nor is it improbable but that all these were in church-order , aret. on act. . . is of opinion , that the centurion had a constituted church in his house ; the eunuches coming to jerusalem to worship , argueth him to be a proselyte , and member of the jewish church not yet dissolved : and therefore upon the profession of the christian faith capable of church priviledges at that time . as for lydia and the gaylor it appeareth that in the beginning of the gospel there was a church at philippi which communicated with paul as concerning giving and receiving : as he expresly saith , before his departure was from macedonia , which departure was immediately upon the gaylors conversion . in which respect what should hinder that lydia and the gaylor should first be joyned to the church , and then to be baptised though it be not mentioned in that story ? as neither there is mention of a christian church , which paul mentioneth in his epistle to the philippians . at least it is probable that lydia was a member of the jewish church , because she is said to be one that worshipped god. but if any man think they were not members of any church yet baptised , though we see not how it will be proved , yet if it were so , the object doth no whit weaken the argument , which speaketh of the ordinary dispensation of the seales , and not of what was done in an extraordinary way . so that suppose that in the cases alledged , baptisme dispensed to some that were not in church-fellowship , yet the examples of the apostles and evangelists in so doing will not warrant ordinary pastors to do the like . the reason of the difference why apostles and evangelists might administer baptisme out of church-order , whereas pastors and teachers may not , is double . . because their calling gave them illimited power over all men , especially christians wheresoever they came . but we do not find that ordinarie pastors and teachers can do an act of power , but onely over their own church , which hath called them to watch over them in the lord. . because they were assisted with an immediate direction and guidance of the holy ghost , in the places of their administration in the cases alledged . but ordinary church-officers are to walke according to ordinary rules of the scripture in the dispensation of the seales , and not to expect immediate inspirations and extraordinary revelations for their helpe in such cases . this difference between apostles and ordinary church-officers must needs be acknowledged , or otherwise a man might from their example justifie baptisme in private houses . reply . this answer stands of many parts , wherein things doubtfull are affirmed , and that which more weakeneth the force of the consideration before alledged , and the answer it selfe , then of the reason whereunto it is applyed . for first , if where the holy ghost is given and received , and where faith is professed according to gods ordinance , there none may hinder them from being baptized , viz. by such as have power to baptize them : then either men that have received the holy ghost , and professe the faith , be members of the church , or baptisme is not a priviledge of the church , then it is not essentiall to the first institution of baptisme , that it should be dispenced to none but such as were entered into church-fellowship , or were set members of a congregationall assembly . then the apostles in dispensing the seales unto such , or commanding them to be dispenced , did walk according to the rules of scripture , and upon grounds common to them and us , viz. they admitted them unto the sacraments who had right and interest to them , according to the minde and pleasure of the institutor , not extraordinarily revealed , besides the common rules , or by speciall dispensation and prerogative excepted from the common rule , but made knowne in the institution it selfe . and then the difficultie remaining is onely this , whether a pastor or teacher hath authority from christ to dispence the seales of the covenant to one who hath right and title to them , and doth orderly desire that benefit because he is not as yet received as a set member of that particular societie which your practise in admitting of set members of other congregations unto the seales doth manifestly convince . for if both have equall interest unto the seales , the pastor upon lawfull suite and request hath equall authoritie to receive the one as well as the other . secondly , in the particular instances given , it is not probable that baptisme was evermore administred by apostles or evangelists ; for before the death of christ , the disciples baptized when they were properly neither apostles nor evangelists : after the death of christ ( not to insist upon conjectures whether any assisted the apostles in the baptizing of the first three thousand converted ) it is not certaine , whether peter baptized cornelius and his family , or commanded others then present with him to baptize them : the words may be read : et jussit eos baptizari in nomine domini . syr. & arab. praecepit eis ut baptizarentur . the interlineary glosse leaveth it doubtfull , associis suis vel a seipso . others are of opinion that peter did baptize them himselfe . it cannot be proved that philip and ananias were both evangelists , when the one baptized the samaritans and the eunuch , the other paul. paul himselfe baptized but a few as he testifieth of himselfe , and reason to convince that others converted by his preaching were baptized by evangelists , we know not any . and if philip , ananias , and others might baptize such as had right and title to the seales , being as yet no set members of any particular congregation : and a congregation destitute of their proper pastor , may desire another to baptize their infants , and dispence the sacrament of the supper to them in that their necessitie . and if the members of one congregation may lawfully communicate in another , then may the pastors of particular congregations upon occasion admit to the seales of the covenant such known and approved christians , as have right and title thereunto , and duely and orderly require the same ; for of all these the reason is like and perpetuall . thirdly , it is very improbable that the persons baptized , were in church-state or order . if they were members of the jewish church not yet dissolved , this is not to the purpose ; for men have not right to baptisme , because they were members of the jewish church , but because disciples and ( as you say ) joyned together in covenant , and have fellowship and calling of their minister , who is to dispence the seales unto them . and baptisme is the sacrament of initiation , not into the jewish but the christian churches . secondly , when you say , the seales in ordinary dispensation are the priviledges of the churches . there are no ministers but of particular churches . baptisme and the lords supper are to be administred onely to the members of the church . no societie may lawfully desire the seales , unlesse they have joyned in the choice and calling of their minister . beleevers not yet joyned in church-order are without . doe yee not in all these understand a christian societie , united in a church-way , &c. which cannot agree to the members of the jewish church , not yet dissolved . thirdly , the constitution of the church ( saith mr. robin . ) is the orderly collection and conjunction of the saints into and in the covenant of the new testament ; but the members of jewish churches not yet dissolved , were not in such constitution . if the eunuch and centurion were proselytes and members of the church of the jewes ; the samaritanes whom philip baptized were not so . and that any gentiles , or the gailor whom paul baptized in the apostles times , were set members of a christian assembly before baptized , is very strange . if there was a church at philippi , yet the gailor who was baptized and converted the same night , could not be a set member by solemne admission before baptisme . it is said the apostles baptized these persons in an extraordinary way . but in this practise of the apostles two things are to be considered . . the circumstance of the action . . the qualitie or substance of the act . in some circumstances the baptizing of some of these persons might be extraordinary , but the substance and qualitie of the action was grounded upon rules perpetuall and common to us with them . . that is done in an extraordinary way , which by peculiar priviledge of dispensation is made lawfull to some one or few men , which is unlawfull to all others , not having the same dispensation , but where the ground and reason of the action is common : we must not conceive the thing to be done in an extraordinary way by speciall dispensation . what was done by the apostles upon speciall revelation and immediate direction , besides the ordinary and common rule , in that wee are not to immitate or follow them , because we have not their warrant . but what they did upon reasons and grounds reaching unto us no lesse then unto them , in that we have the same libertie , allowance , or commandement that they did walk by . in one and the same action there may be and oft is something ordinary , something extraordinary or peculiar to speciall times or persons . so it was in the apostles administration of the seales : but in every place where they came by illimited power ( as you speake ) they did baptize disciples , if they did baptize ; this was proper to them , and could not be communicated to any others by them ; for there is no passage of scripture which teacheth this , that one officer may communicate his power to another , or doe that which particularly belongeth to his office by a deputie : but that they baptized beleevers professing their faith in the lord jesus , and repentance towards god , such as had gladly imbraced the word , and received the gifts of the holy ghost : this was common to them with all pastors and teachers , because they did it , not by power illimited or speciall dispensation , but upon this standing perpetuall reason , that the promise was made to them and to their seede , and to as many as the lord shall call , that they had received the holy ghost , and the kingdome of heaven belonged to them . and if the grounds and reasons of their practise be common reaching to us , no lesse then unto them , the practise it selfe was not extraordinary . to say nothing that this answer will not stand with the former ; for if the parties baptized were set members of particular societies , the apostles did not baptize them in an extraordinary way , they did it by the guidance and direction of the spirit , that is true , but not by guidance of dispensation , or prerogative , whereby that was made lawfull without such inspiration had been unlawfull . but they were infallibly guided to doe that which was according to the word of god , and might stand for our direction : that in case it be orderly desired a pastor hath authoritie in his owne congregation , to receive knowne and approved christians to the seales of the covenant , hath been proved before . if the apostles dispenced the seales onely to the church , disciples , faithfull , who received the doctrine of salvation with gladnesse of heart , and were partakers of the holy ghost , then they dispenced the seales in an ordinary way , for such have title and interest to the seales by the institution and appointment of god. and every pastor by his office may and ought to dispence the seales unto such , within the bounds and limits of his calling : but the apostles dispenced the seales onely to the church , disciples , faithfull , &c. . an argument followeth necessarily from particular example to a generall ; when one particular is proved by another particular , by force of the similitude common to the whole kinde , under which those particulars are contained : but the practise of the apostles in baptizing disciples and faithfull , by force of similitude common to the whole kinde , agreeth with the practise of ministers receiving to baptisme the seed of the faithfull , though as yet not set members of any particular societie , in some circumstances there may be difference when yet the reason is strong , if the difference be not in the very likenesse it selfe whereupon the reason is grounded . one circumstance that is materiall to the point may overthrow the likenesse pretended , and twenty different circumstances , if they be not to the point in hand make no dissimilitude . now in this matter wee speake of , no circumstance is or can be named why we should thinke it lawfull for the apostles to baptize disciples as yet being no set members of particular societies , and the same should be unlawfull in all cases for ordinary pastors in their particular congregations , though it be desired . . what is done by extraordinary dispensation , that is lawfull for them onely who have received such dispensation , and by them cannot be communicated to others . but the apostles baptized by others seldome by themselves , as hath been shewed . . we might urge the rule which a reverend elder among you , giveth in another matter , ( scil . ) those examples which are backed with some divine precept , or which are held forth in the first institution of an ordinance , being part of the institution , or which were the constant lawfull actions of holy men in scripture , not civill but sacred so binde us to imitation , as that not to conforme thereunto is sinne . for the assumption to this proposition , it is plaine and naturall : but the practise of the apostles in receiving the faithfull , disciples , &c. is backed with divine precept , held forth in the first institution , and was their constant lawfull practise , agreeable to the practise of all others who were imployed in that service ; ergo , &c. . in the first consideration , you prove the seales to be the priviledge of the church in ordinary dispensation , by this passage of scripture , then they that gladly received the word were baptized : but if apostles baptize by extraordinary dispensation in your sense this testimony is insufficient for that purpose . reason . our second reason . in due order , the seales belong to them to whom the grant is given , viz. baptisme to the seed of the faithfull , and the lords supper to beleevers , able to try and examine themselves : but the grant is vouchsafed to the faithfull and their seed , forgivenesse of sinnes , sanctification , adoption , and what other good things are promised in the covenant of grace are the grant or good things sealed in the sacrament . but those are granted to beleevers according to the covenant ; and they are so linked together , that under one promised all are understood ; and if one be vouchsafed , none is denied . when god promiseth to circumcise the heart , the forgivenesse of sinnes is implyed . and when circumcision is said to be the seale of the righteousnesse of faith , the circumcision of the heart by spirituall regeneration is included . to whomsoever then the spirituall gift , or inward grace of the covenant is given and granted , to them the seales of that gift and grant doth belong in their due order . but the spirituall gift or grace which is the thing signified in the sacrament , is freely granted to true beleevers , who have received the doctrine of salvation , and walk in the wayes of truth and righteousnesse , therefore the priviledges of the seales belong unto them . to this you answer . the scope of the apostle in the place , rom. . . is not to define a sacrament , nor to shew what is the proper and adequate subject of the sacrament ; but to prove by the example of abraham that a sinner is justified before god , not by works but by faith . thus as abraham the father of the faithfull was justified before god , so must his seed be ( that is , all beleevers whether jews or gentiles , circumcised or uncircumcised ) for therefore abraham received circumcision which belonged to the jews to confirm the righteousnesse which he had before , while he was uncircumcised , that he might be the father of both : but lest any one should think his circumcision was needlesse if he was justified by faith before circumcision ; he addeth that his circumcision was of no use as a seale to confirme to him his faith , and the righteousnesse which is by faith : yet as justification is not the onely thing that circumcision sealed , but the whole covenant also made with abraham and his seed was sealed thereby ; so abraham is to be considered in using circumcision not simply , or onely as a beleever without church relation , but as a confederate beleever , and so in the state and order of a visible church . though the apostle maketh mention of the righteousnesse of faith as sealed thereby , which was not that which served for his purpose . now that circumcision also sealed the church-covenant , may appear from gen. . . , . where you may find that abraham and his seed , though beleevers , were not circumcised till god called them into church-covenant ; and there is the same reason & use of baptisme to us which serveth to seal our justification as circumcision did , yet not that alone , but also the whole covenant with all the priviledges of it , as adoption , sanctification , and fellowship with christ in affections , and the salvation of our souls , and the resurrection of our bodies . and not onely the covenant of grace which is common to all beleevers : but church-covenant also which is peculiar to confederates . according to that of the apostle , by one spirit we are baptized into one body , cor. . . and by one bodie he meaneth that particular church of corinth whereunto he writeth and saith , now ye are the body of christ , and members in particular , ver . . and ergo church-membership is required as well to the orderly partaking of baptisme as it was of circumcision . nor do we find that circumcision was administred to all that were in the covenant of grace ( as all beleevers were ) but onely to such of them as were joyned to the people of the god of abraham . melchizedech was under the covenant of grace , so was lot , so was job and his foure friends ; yet we no where read that they were circumcised , nor do beleeve they were . so that if circumcision was administred to none but those that were joyned together in abrahams familie , and to the church of god in his seed , then may not baptisme in ordinarie course be administred to any beleevers now , unlesse they be joyned to the church of christ , for parum par est ratio . but the first is true , ergo , the second also . reply . the particulars in this answer hath been examined alreadie , and might have well been passed over , because it is tedious to repeat the same things againe and againe . two things are affirmed by you . . that the scope of the apostle , rom. . . was not to define a sacrament , nor to shew what was the proper and adequate subject of a sacrament . but this weakneth no part of the argument , for if the apostle do not fully define a sacrament , nor mention every particular benefit or prerogative sealed in the sacrament ; yet he sheweth sufficiently to whom the sacraments in due order do appertaine , even to the heires of salvation , to them that are justified by faith , and walk in the steps of our father abraham . and thus we argue from the text of the apostle . they that are partakers of the good things sealed in the sacrament , to them belong the seales of the covenant , according to gods institution . but they that are justified by faith are partakers of the good things sealed in the sacrament , to them belong the seales of the covenant according to gods institution . if justification be not the onely thing that circumcision sealed , this is nothing to the point in hand . for the gifts of the holy ghost is not the onely thing that is sealed in baptisme : but you confesse in your answer immediately going before , that they have right to baptisme who have received the holy ghost ; and the reason is the same of justification . besides if justification be not the onely thing that is sealed in the sacrament , it is one principall thing which doth inferre the rest . for the blessings of the covenant of grace in christ are inseparable ; where one is named , others are implyed : and where one is given , no one is absolutely wanting . christ is made of god wisedome , righteousnesse , sanctification , and redemption : whom god doth justifie , them he doth sanctifie , and them he will glorifie . . the second thing you affirme is , that not onely the covenant of grace which is common to all beleevers ; but church-covenant also which is peculiar to confederates is necessarie to the participation of the seales . this sense your words must beare , or else they reach not the point in hand : but this is that which should be proved substantially , and not barely affirmed ; and which ( as we conceive ) is contrary to the first institution of the sacrament , and the lawfull practise of john the baptist , our saviour christ , his apostles , and all others who are recorded lawfully to administer the seales . in gen. . we find the first institution of circumcision recorded , and that it was the seale of the covenant to abraham and his seed , to them that were borne in his house , or bought with his money : but we find no mention of any church covenant besides the covenant of promise which god made with abraham . there is no mention of any church-order into which abrahams family was now gathered more then formerly . god gave circumcision to abraham and his seed as a seale of the righteousnesse of faith ; but that this family was first gathered into church-order as you speak we cannot beleeve , because the scripture saith it not whether lot , job , melchizedech were circumcised or not , we will not dispute ; but if they received not the seale , we cannot think the reason to be because they were not in church-order as those times required , if any such thing had been required , we cannot think that either they were ignorant of it , or that they walked against their light : but according to the dispensing of those times we judge as they were visible beleevers , so they walked in that church-fellowship which god prescribed ; and therefore if circumcision had been the seale of such church-covenant as you conceive , it should have been given to them no lesse then to abrahams family . but of this sufficient is said before . as for baptisme it is the seal of the whole covenant , which the passages quoted prove it to be . whether it be the seale of our fellowship which christ in affliction , and the resurrection of our bodies , we leave it to your consideration : but that it should be a seal of a church-covenant which is peculiar to confederates , that to us is very strange . that it is a solemne admission into the church of christ , and that of necessitie it must be administred in a particular societie ( though in the passage to the corinthians the mysticall bodie of christ be understood ) will easily be granted . but that it is the seale of any other covenant but the covenant of grace we cannot digest . the sacraments are of god , and we must learne of god for what end and use they were ordained . but by the institution or baptisme recorded in scripture we have learned it belongeth to the faithfull , to disciples , to them that are called of god : and as for any other covenant necessarie to the right participation of the seales , there is deep silence of it in the institution , in the lawfull and approved practise of the first dispensers of these sacred mysteries . enough hath been said to this matter alreadie , but we will conclude it with the words of that reverend author whom we have cited many times before upon occasion . afterwards ( saith he ) john the baptist walked in the same steps , and by the same rule administred baptisme in the church whereof he was a member , required of all that came to his baptisme a profession of repentance , and amendment of life for remission of sinnes whereof baptisme was a seale , and preached christ to them . this order our lord jesus christ after his resurrection established to continue in the christian churches , giving a commission to his disciples to preach the gospel to the gentiles , and to gather all such as should beleeve through the world , as a testimonie to them , that the righteousnesse of faith did belong to them also , and not to the church of the jews onely . accordingly the apostles and servants of christ were carefull to observe this rule in their administring baptisme . thus peter when he saw those three thousand souls pricked in their hearts , preached unto them concerning repentance , remission of sin , christ , the promise , baptisme , faith , amendment of life , baptised those that gladly received his word , and testified the same by joyning together in the profession thereof . the same course philip took with the church that was gathered in samaria , where many were baptized , but none till they professed their beliefe of the gospel , and their receiving of the word of god. and therefore it is said expresly , when they beleeved philip preaching the things concerning the kingdome of god , and the name of jesus christ , they were baptised both men and women . when ananias was commanded to go and baptise paul , he objected against it at first , till the lord assured him that he was one to whom the seale of the covenant belonged , and then he went and did it . when peter and those that came with him saw that the holy ghost fell on cornelius , and those that were assembled at that time in his house , whilest he spake these words , to him give all the prophets witnesse , that through the name of jesus whosoever beleeveth on him shall receive remission of sinnes . peter demanded , can any man forbid water that these should not be baptised , which have received the holy ghost as well as we ? in this catalogue we see profession of faith and repentance required in them that were admitted to partake in the seals ; but there is not a word of church-covenant , either in the institution or administration of the seales before they were admitted to them . that christians are solemnly ingrafted into the body of christ , and into particular societies by the seales , is a truth acknowledged on all sides : but that ever it was deemed necessarie , that a christian should be a set member of a particular congregationall church before he were admitted to the seales , or that by divine institution any such thing is ordained as necessarie thereunto , that upon the grounds before mentioned we denie , and cannot account it lesse then an addition to the institution . for if the sacraments be seales of the covenant of grace , and baptisme by divine institution belong to disciples , faithfull , saints , who have gladly received the word of grace , are justified by faith , sanctified by the spirit , adopted to be the children of god by grace , and heires apparent to the kingdom of heaven ; then to debarre such from the seales , and their seed from baptisme , because they be not in church-covenant ( as you speake ) is an addition to the ordinance of grace , and many wayes injurious to the people of god. v. position . that the power of excommunication is so in the body of the church , that what the major part shall allow must be done , though the pastors and governors and the rest of the assembly be of another minde , and that peradventure upon more substantiall reasons . answer . if the question had been , whether the power of excommunication lies in the body of the congregation , consisting of officers and members ; our answer should be affirmative , and according hereunto is also our practise , and wee hope your judgement and ours are not different herein : but seeing the question is , whether it is so in the body of the congregation , that what the major part doth allow that must be done , though the pastors and governors , and the rest of the assembly , doe dissent upon more substantiall reasons . our answer is negative , viz. that the power of excommunication is not sealed in the congregation , neither ought it to be so in any of the churches of the lord jesus , who ought not to carry matters by number of votes against god , as this position implyeth , but by strength of rule and reason according to god. the power of the apostles was not to doe things against the truth but for the truth , cor. . and not for destruction , but for edification , cor. . . and the same may be said concerning the power which god hath given to the church , and if any church among us have swerved from the rule ( which is more then we know ) we doe not allow them in such a practise , but should be ready as the lord should helpe to convince them of their sin therein . reply . this question is much mistaken , for the demand is not whether in the congregation matters should be carryed by number of votes against god , as you interpret the position , but whether the power of excommunication so lye in the body of the congregation as that sentence must proceed in externo foro , according to the vote and determination of the major part , and so whether power of admission of members doe so reside in the communitie , as that they must be refused whom the major part refuse , though the pastors and governors and part of the congregation be of another judgement , and he admitted whom the major part doth approve . and though the church hath received no power against god , but for god , yet in the execution of the power no doubt the members of that church may be of different judgements and affections , wherein the one side or other doth erre , and is deceived . now the question hereupon moved is , whether the power of the keyes be so given and committed to the society of the faithfull , as that in externall court that act or sentence must stand and be in force which the greater part shall determine amongst them which hold the power of the keyes to be given to the church . some a distinguish betwixt the power it self which they give to the church , and the execution and exercise of it , which they confine to the presbytery : b others give the power of the keyes with the exercise thereof to the whole body of the church , or if in the dispensation they attribute any thing to the officers , it is but as servants of the church , from whom they derive their authoritie . by church also some understand the communitie of the faithfull , together with their officers and guides . and here lyeth the stone at which they of the seperation stumble , and which we conceive to be your judgement and practise , wherein we required your plaine answer , with your reasons , but have received no satisfaction . you referre us to mr. parkers reasons to prove the power of the keyes to belong to the whole church , who are of farre different judgement from mr. parker in the point it selfe . and if your judgement and practise be according to that of the seperation ( which we feare ) you dissent from him , and we cannot but dissent from you upon these considerations . . no power agreeth to the multitude or communitie of the faithfull , but that which is given them of the lord by his positive law ; for the whole spirituall power for the gathering and government of his church is given to christ as mediator . and if the power of the keyes be derived from , and communicated by christ unto his church , of necessitie it must draw its originall from divine positive law , and can agree to none but as it is communicated . but the communicated power of the keyes with the execution thereof , christ hath not given immediately to the whole multitude , but to some persons and officers designed and appointed thereunto . peruse the severall passages of scripture , wherein power and authoritie of preaching the gospel , administring the sacraments , binding and loosing is given to the church : and it is apparent that distinct severall persons are spoken of , and not the whole communitie ; goe teach all nations , and baptize them , &c. whose sinnes yee remit , they are remitted , &c. feed my lambes , feed my sheepe , &c. were these things spoken to the whole communitie , or to speciall persons ? . if christ gave this power to the communitie , was it from the beginning of the church , or tooke it effect after the churches were planted and established by the apostles . not the first , for then the apostles themselves should derive their power from the communitie and societie of the faithfull , which they did not , but from christ immediately , both in respect of gifts and graces , their calling it selfe , and the designation of their persons . it is said the power of the keyes given to the apostles was given to the church , in tuitu ejusdem tanquam finis & totius . and it is true the apostles were given to the church , and the power they received was for the good of the whole ; but this is not enough . that power may be said to be received immediately by the church , as the first receptacle of it , and from it derived to others . but this power must be in the communitie as the first subject , from whom it commeth to the officers . as the power of seeing is not onely given in tuitu hominis , as the end of it , and the totum to whom it agreeth , but is in homine as the first subject from which it commeth to the eyes the apostles and other governors were given of christ for the church as for their end , and all their authoritie was given unto them for the church as for the whole : but the authoritie it selfe was immediately derived from christ , and is not in the church as the immediate subject , nor derived from the church , but from christ the king of the church . the authoritie of governors is given of christ for a gift to the church , but not for a gift absolute , that it may reside in the power of the whole church , to whom it is given , but for a conditionall gift communicated to the governors themselves for the good of the whole . it is one thing then to aske for what end or use the keyes are given , another to whom . to every one is given the declaration of the spirit for profit , i. e. for the good of the church . but was this gift given to the communitie of the faithfull first and immediately ? no ; by gift and possession it was given ●o some , but for use and profit it was publick . after the churches were established it tooke not effect ; for then it must be shewed where christ committed the power of god , first to the apostles , and after to the communitie of the faithfull . but that is no where to be found in holy scripture . the ministers and guides of the church were immediately of jesus christ , from whom immediately they derive their power and authoritie , by whom they are set over their charge , in whose name they must execute their office , whose stewards , legates and ambassadors they are , and unto whom they must give an account . yea , pastorship is the gift of christ no lesse then apostleship , and that the more because it is perpetuall in the church ; every pastor is not immediately called , but the office and order of pastors , the calling , authoritie and jurisdiction is immediately from christ , and not from the church : the steward is appointed of the master of the family alone , and hath all his authoritie and jurisdiction from him : every ambassador in the cause of his ambassage doth immediately depend upon him from whom he is sent . but if the function , order and authoritie of pastors and teachers , be immediately from christ , then it is not received from the church as the immediate receptacle . thus protestant divines dispute against papists . if bishops receive their power and authority of exercising immediately from christ , by mandate , mission , and commission from him , then they derive it not from the pope . and if presbyters receive their order jurisdiction and power of execution from christ by his mandate and commission , then they receive it not from the bishop . and by the same reason , if the power of the keyes be the immediate gift of christ to his ministers , then they derive not their power and authoritie from the people . it is usually objected that the church cannot convey what she never had , but the people may elect their pastor . whereunto the answer is direct and plaine . nothing can give that which it had not formally or virtually , unlesse it give it as an instrument ministring to one who hath it , but so it may give what it never had , nor is capable of . a steward may give all the offices in his masters house , as ministerially executing his masters pleasure . electors have not evermore authoritie over him whom they elect : but power and authoritie onely to apply that power to him whom they choose . the power and authoritie whereunto a minister is elected , is not in the people that elect him , but from christ the king and head of his church , who out of power doth conferre that office upon him . if we consider what men give , or give 〈◊〉 universally , it must be deemed that any men can make ministers , because they give not the office , gifts , or authoritie , which are from christ ●●ene . . if ecclesiasticall and spirituall power be in the multitude and community of the faithfull , the church doth not onely call , but make officers out of power and vertue received into her selfe , and then should the church have a true lordlike power in regard of her ministers . in the church the officers are the ministers of the people , whose service the people is to use for administration and executing their judgements , that is , pronouncing the judgement of the church ( and of god first ) against the obstinate . rob. against ber. p. . the officers in the church are both christs and the peoples servants and ministers . id. p. . for as he that will derive authority to the church maketh himselfe lord of the church : so if the church derive authoritie to the ministers of christ , she maketh herself lady and mistris over them in the exercise of that authoritie over them . for all men know it is the property of the lord and master to impart authoritie . did the church give power and authoritie to the pastors and teachers , she might make the sacraments and preaching which one doth in order no sacraments , no preaching . for it is the order instituted of god that gives being and efficacie to these ordinances . and if the power of ruling , feeding , and dispensing the holy things of god , do reside in the faithfull , the word and sacraments in respect of dispensation and efficacie shall depend upon the order and institution of the societie . if the power of the keyes be derived from the community of the faithfull , then are officers immediately and formally servants to the church , and must do every thing in the name of the church , rule , feed , bind , loose , remit and retaine sinnes , preach and administer the sacraments , then they must performe their office according to the direction of the church more or lesse , seldome or frequent , remisse or diligent . for from whom are they to receive direction how to carry themselves in their office but from him or them from whom they receive their office , whose works they do , and from whom they expect their reward ? if their power and office be of god immediately , they must do the duties of their place according to his designement , and to be accountable unto god : but if their power and function be from the church , the church must give account unto god , and the officers unto the church whom she doth take to be her helpers . if it be said that god will have the church to chuse officers to execute the power committed unto her . the answer is , either god will have her elect officers of his designement to do his work according to that power which he shall give them , and by his direction , and then they are gods servants , and not the churches , and receive their charge and function immediately from god , and not from the people : or he leaveth it to the arbitriment of the church , to chuse according to their pleasure such as must receive charge and authoritie from her . and then they must execute their office in her name so as shall seeme good unto the church , and neither longer nor otherwise . for if the ministers of the church be subject to god and christ by the intervention of the people onely , they have it from them , and not from god : but they preach or administer the sacraments , rule , or feed , and if they depend immediately upon the faithfull , viz. two or three gathered together in covenant , they must draw what in order they are to preach unto them in the name of the lord ; for from him must the ambassadour learne his arrand from whom he receiveth his commission . we forbeare to presse the a confessions and reasons of such as maintaine this opinion , that the officers of christ be both of and for the people , and that in relation as the officers are called servants , the church may be called lord. . moreover if the power of the keyes be given first and immediately to the community of the faithfull , what reason can be alledged why in defect of officers the church might not rule , governe , feed , bind , loose , preach and administer the sacraments , or if any faile in any office , why she might not supply that want by her power . for the power of the keyes doth containe , both authority and exercise , power being given to this end , that it might be exercised as it is vouchsafed . but the church when she is destitute of officers , cannot exercise those acts of rule , nor by her power supply the want of any officer . onely she hath a ministery of calling one whom christ hath described , that from christ he may have power of office given him in the vacant place . for these reasons ( not to insist on any more ) we judge the multitude or community of the faithfull not to be the immediate receptacle of ecclesiasticall authoritie , and so the power of excommunication not to belong to them . if consent of the churches of god be asked in this point ( to omit others ) the churches of scotland speake fully and expresly for us , in the second book of disci . cap. . the church as it is taken for them that exercise spirituall functions in the congregation of them that professe the truth , hath a certain power granted by god according to which , it useth a proper jurisdiction and government exercised to the comfort of the whole flocke . power is an ecclesiasticall authority granted by god the father through the mediator jesus christ unto his kirke , gathered , and having its ground in the word of god , and to be put in execution by them unto whom the spirituall government of the church by lawfull calling is committed . the policie of the kirke flowing from this power is an order or spirituall forme of government which is exercised by the members appointed thereto by the word of god , and therefore is given immediately to the office-bearers by whom it is exercised to the weale of the whole body . vt universam scripturam evolvat d. erastus , nunquam tamen inventurum verba ligandi , & solvendi aliis quam publico ministerio fungentibus , & quidem metaphoricè , divine videlicet & spiritualis potestatis respectu , tribui . sunt enim judi●ialia haec verba . &c. beza de presb ▪ p . see helvet . conf . ca. . sect. nunc ergo , &c. belgic . confess . art . . argentinens . conf . art . . bohem. confes . art . . vi. position . that none are to be admitted as members but they must promise not to depart or remove unlesse the congregation will give leave . answer . our answer hereto is briefly this . we judge it expedient and most according to rule , that such brethren as are in covenant with the church , and ours as fellow-members , and have committed their soules to our charge as ministers , should not forsake our fellowship , nor obruptly breake away from us when and whither they please ; but first approve themselves therein to their brethrens consciences , and take their counsell in so weightie a matter . for which we propound to consider these two reasons following . the former is drawne from the nature of the church-covenant , which consists in these foure particulars . . every member at his admission doth openly professe , and solemnly promise , that by christs helpe assisting , he will not onely in generall give up himselfe ( as to the lord to be guided by him , so ) to the church according to god to be directed by it , which is no more then the members of the church of macedonia , did in a parallel case , cor. . . but also in particular , that he will performe all duties of brotherly love and faithfulnesse to all the members of the body , as of diligent watchfulnesse over all his brethren , thereby to prevent sin , so of faithfull admonition after their falls to regaine them to the lord , from their sinne , the former being injoyned , hebr. . . and the want thereof deeply condemned in cain , that would not acknowledge that duty of being his brothers keeper , gen. . . the latter given in charge to the church-members of israel by the hand of moses , levit. . . and so by christ himself , matth. and by paul also to the galat. c. . , . secondly , the ingagements are not made onely by the members admitted into the church , but by the church back again to the member . so that thereby the whole church in generall , and every member thereof in particular , stand as well in conscience bound to performe all duties of love and watchfulnesse to him , as he doth to them ; and this we do according to the golden rule of love and equitie injoyned by our saviour , matth. . . fearing that contrary practise of scribes and pharisees so much condemned by christ , of laying greater burthens upon others , then we our selves are willing to undergo . matth. . . . these promises thus lawfully and mutually made , that member , as also the whole church , are bound not onely every one for himselfe , actively to performe them , but passively also to suffer his brethren to do those offices upon and towards himself : if he neglect the former , he shall falsifie his covenant so solemnly before god , angels , and men made , and so not onely breake promise to his brother , contrary to psal . . . but also in some sort commit the sinne of ananias and saphira in lying against the holy ghost , condemned and punished severely by gods own hand , act. . . . . if he faile in the latter , he shall not onely be guiltie of the same sinne of breach of covenant with god and man as in the former ; but shall also be guilty of this folly of despising counsell so much condemned , prov. . . and . . and shall also proclaime this his folly and pride by shewing to all the church that he is wise in his own eyes , and leanes to his own wisedome both reproved , prov. . . and . . seeing need of no further light to be held forth by his brethren , then what he apprehends himselfe , which is one of the greatest properties of folly . . from all these things premised , it appears that we can do no lesse ( and yet we do no more ) then require a member before he depart according to our covenant thus lawfully , deliberately , and mutually made , to expresse to his brethren his desire of departing , and the place and societie to which he tends , whether to a godly church where he may be edified ; or to some corrupt assembly where he may be destroyed . and . his grounds and reasons which move him so to do , which if they hold good being scanned by the word , he may be not onely confirmed in his way by the consent and advise of many , but counselled also how to manage his departure for his best comfort . and so after all , solemnly with the whole churches prayers , and blessings in the name of christ dismissed : but if his grounds either be none at all , or weake and sinfull , and that his desire of departing savours of self-will , inordinate love of gaine , rash precipitancie , or a spirit of schisme , more strongly then of sound reason , then what can we do lesse without breach of covenant , then in love and tendernesse shew him his weaknesse , disswade him from his purpose , and refuse to consent . yet if after all this we see his spirit stedfastly and stiffely bent for a departure , then though we dare not act against our light by consenting or counselling , yet if his sinne be not apparent , and danger eminent , we use rather ( through indulgence in cases of like nature ) to suspend our vote against him , as not willing against his will to detain him , abhorring to make our churches places of restraint and imprisonment . but if any should object that this argument holds firme where this church-covenant is allowed to be lawfull , but with some it is questioned , and with them it avails not . ans . some indeed have questioned the necessitie of our church-covenant , but none ( we hope ) of these our reverend brethren that we write unto do question the lawfulnesse of such a covenant being nothing else for the matter of it , but a promise of doing such christian duties as the gospel of christ requires of all saints in church estate ; for we doe not herein promise to performe any new dutie to our brethren which was not before commanded us of the lord , but onely revive and renew our purposes afresh of performing such duties unto that particular body into which we are then incorporated as were before injoyned in the word , as to love each other , and to watch over each other out of love for their good , to be ready to give counsell to , and to take counsell from each other , to prevent sinne in them , or to gaine them from sinne . all which are plentifully and frequently held forth in the scriptures ; for the defect of which care and watchfulnesse , all the body shall be wrapt in the same guilt & punishment with the member that commits the sinne , as the whole church of israel was in achans sinne and punishment . secondly , it s a thing very reasonable , and a knowne fundamentall rule in all societies , that he that is incorporate thereto , and so participates of the priviledges thereof , should ingage himselfe to conforme to all such lawfull rites and orders as are expedient for the well-being of that societie , the contrary whereto will be a thing injurious in him to offer , and confusion to themselves to accept . the second ground is drawne from the necessitie that may fall upon the body if every particular member should depart at his owne pleasure . for as every societie , so much more a church of saints , both from principles of nature and christianitie also , not onely lawfully may , but in dutie are bound to endeavour the preservation of it selfe , and ergo timely to foresee and wisely to prevent all such things as would bring destruction to it selfe . now if any member might , when , whither , and wherefore he please without consent of the church depart away from it , this may by unavoydable consequence dissipate the whole ; for if one man may so depart , why may not another also , though never so usefull in that body , and whose absence might much shake the well-being of it : and if one why not two , six , ten , twentie as well ? for where will yee stop seeing any may plead the same libertie , and if members may so doe why not the pastor and teacher also ? seeing they are tyed to him by the same relation that he is to them , and so the principalls falling , the whole building must downe : and if this may be so in one church , why not in all , and so christ should have no setled church on earth . reply . it is one thing abruptly to breake away when and whither they please , and forsake fellowship , another thing not to depart or remove habitation , unlesse the congregation will give leave . also it is one thing mutually to compound and agree not to depart from each other without consent and approbation , another to require a promise of all that be admitted into societie , that they shall not depart without the churches allowance . if such a promise be required of all members to be admitted , we cannot discerne upon what grounds your practise is warranted . first , you exclude all such as be not set members from the sacrament of the supper , and their children from baptisme , and yet hinder them from entrance into church societie , because they cannot promise continuance in the place where they are resident for the present . here we desire to be satisfied from the word of god by what you require it . did the apostles ever stipulate with such as desired to be baptized , that they must abide in particular societie , and not remove thence without approbation from the church ? or did they deny the seales unto them , because they could not make any such promise ? was it ever heard of in the church of god from the beginning thereof unto this day , that any such thing was propounded unto , or required of , members to be admitted into church-fellowship ? that church covenant which is necessary was not in use in the apostles times , but the covenant they entred into bound no man to this condition for ought we reade . they did not prescribe it , no church ever yet covenanted it as necessary to the preservation of the body . secondly , it pertaines not to the whole congregation to take notice of , be acquainted with , or judge of the cause of every particular members removall . may not a servant remove from his master to another congregation ? or the father bestow his sonne or daughter in marriage to one of another congregation , but the whole church must be called to counsell in this matter ? if the assembly once grow to be populous , of necessitie they must be negligent in , or weary of such an heavy taske ; and for the present , for every one to challenge so much authoritie over other is usurpation . let it be shewed that ever by divine right this power was committed to the church , and then we will confesse it to be expedient and necessary . but till then we thinke the church is over ridged in exacting such a condition of the members , and the members themselves goe beyond their measure as busi-bodies in other mens matters , and things whereof they are not well able to judge many times , if they arrogate such power unto themselves wee allow not rashnesse , or precipitancy , pride or self-conceitednesse , we know it is meete that weightie matters should be mannaged by councell , but it is not necessary to bring every particular thing to the whole church . in the multitude of councellors there is peace , but over many councellors oft causeth distraction , and different apprehensions breed delayes . the nature of your church-covenant , as you describe it , inferreth not a necessitie of bringing every such businesse unto the church ; for you binde your selves mutually to watch over one another , and in love to admonish one another in the lord , to prevent sinne and to encourage in well-doing , as it concerneth every man within the limits of his place and calling . but this essentially tyeth not any man to a perpetuall residence in one place , for then even occasionall absence should be a breach of covenant , unlesse it be by consent and approbation of the church . you say in your covenant you promise to performe no new dutie to your brethren which was not before commanded of the lord , but onely revive and renew your purposes afresh of performing such duties to that particular body into which you are then to be incorporated , as were before injoyned in the word . but in the word of truth , it is not commanded either expresly or by consequent , that no member of a congregation should remove , or occasionally be absent from the place of his habitation , before he have acquainted the church whither he goeth , and upon what occasions , and whether the place be dangerous , where he is likely to be infected ; or safe , where he may be edified . these things are matters of weight and to be undertaken with advice , but the knowledge thereof belongeth not to every particular member of the societie . and the church shall burden her selfe above measure if she take upon her to intermeddle in all such occasions . neither is it safe to commit the determination of such matters ever to the vote of the multitude , or weight of reasons , as they shall apprehend the matter . and if such businesse must be determined on the lords day , and to goe before the administration of the word , sacraments , and almes , least the holy things be polluted by notorious obstinate offenders , wee feare the time appointed for the exercise of religion shall be prophaned with unseasonable disputes . instances might be alledged , if it were a matter to be insisted upon . as for the covenant it selfe which you mutually enter into , if therein you exact nothing but what god requires both for tryall and stipulation , far be it that we should disallow it , but if yee constraine men to meddle with things that belong not to them , and winde them up higher then god would , and straine every thing to the pitch that you seeme here to doe in this branch a godly and sober minde may well pause before he make such promise . all members of the church are not equally necessary to the preservatiō of the whole body ; & if to the removall of some , it were expedient to have the cōsent , not only of the whole society , but of neighbouring societies , ministers especially , it is very much to draw this to the removall or abode of every particular member . and if any man shall not intermeddle with every businesse of this kinde , as questioning whether it doth belong to him or no , or not aske the advice of the whole societie , as knowing the most to be unfit to counsell in such a case , doth he break his covenant therein , and so commit a sinne in a sort like the sinne of ananias and saphira ? judge your selves if in other cases you would not censure this to be an high incroachment upon christian libertie , and a strict binding of mens consciences by humane constitutions . may you not expect to heare from your own grounds that herein you have devised an expedient , or necessary rite or custome to preserve the unitie , and prevent the dissolution of the body , which never came into the minde of the lord jesus , the saviour of the church , and that in so doing ( if your exposition will hold good ) you breake the second commandement . rites and customes expedient to prevent confusion for the time , let them be observed as customes expedient , and what god requires in the examination or admission of members , let that take place according to the presidents given in the scriptures , and the constant practise of the universall church in the purest times . but to presse customes onely expedient for the time , as standing rules necessary at all times , and for all persons , to put that authoritie into the hands of men which god never put upon them , to oblige men to intermeddle further in the affaires of men , then the word doth warrant , to binde the conscience , and that under so heavy a penalty as the sinne of ananias and saphira , where god hath not bound it , and to debarre known and approved christians from the seales of the covenant , because they cannot promise as setled members to abide and stay in the societie , unlesse they shall obtaine leave of the congregation to depart , and to charge them in the meane season to be men , who against light refuse subjection to the gospel ; this is that which we cannot approve , which yet wee suspect will follow from your judgement , and desire to be resolved of in your practise . and here we intreat leave to put you in minde of that which you have considered already , schil . that the church and every member thereof hath entred into covenant , either expresly or implicitely to take god for their god , and to keepe the words of the covenant and doe them , to seeke the lord with all their hearts , and to walke before him in truth and uprightnesse : but we never finde that they were called to give account of the worke of grace wrought in their soules , or that the whole congregation were appointed to be judge thereof . you stand all of you this day ( saith moses ) before the lord your god , &c. that thou shouldst enter into covenant with the lord thy god. all the people that were borne in the wildernesse joshua circumcised , but it is incredible to thinke that among that great multitude , there was not one who did not give good testimony of the worke of grace in his soule : we reade often times that israel after some grievous fall and revolt , renewed their covenant , to walke with god , to serve him onely , and to obey his voyce , as in the dayes of joshua , the judges , david , samuel : also joash , josiah , and nehemiah , &c. but no particular enquiry was made , what worke of grace god had wrought in the hearts of every singular person . but the confession and profession of obedience was taken . when john baptist began to preach the gospel , and gather a new people for christ , he admitted none to baptisme but upon confession of their sinnes ; but we reade of no question that he put forth unto them to discover the worke of grace in their soules , or repelled any that voluntarily submitted themselves upon that pretence . it appeareth many wayes that when the apostles planted churches , they made a covenant between god and the people whom they received . but they received men upon the profession of faith , and promise of amendment of life , without strict inquirie what sound work of grace was wrought in the soul . in after ages , strangers from the covenant were first instructed in the faith , and then baptised upon the profession of faith , and promise to walk according to the covenant of grace . now the profession at first required of all that were received to baptisme was that they beleeved in the father , sonne , and holy ghost . this was the confession of the eunuch when he was baptised , i beleeve that jesus christ is the sonne of god. the creed is honoured of the ancients with glorious titles , as the rule of faith , the summe of faith , the body of faith , the perswasions of faith : but by the creed they understand that rule of faith , and law of faith , and institution of christ which was then given when he was about to ascend into heaven , and commanded his disciples , saying , go teach all nations , &c. it is true , that in after times as occasion required some other articles were added as explanations of the former , to meet with the heresies of the times which began to trouble the church . but for substance of matter in things to be beleeved , the church never required other acknowledgement of them that were to be received into the congregation of christs flock , and admitted into her communion . and for things to be done , or the practicall part , she requireth of them that were to be received to baptisme an abrenuntiation of the devill , the world , and the flesh , with all their sinfull works and lusts . the first principles then of the doctrine of christ being received , and the foresaid profession being made , the apostles , and the church following the example of the apostles , never denied baptisme unto such as sought or desired it . if this be the covenant that members admitted into church-fellowship do enter into , and this be all you require of them whom you receive , you have the practise of the apostles , and the whole church in after ages for your president . but if you proceed further then thus , and put men to declare what worke of grace god hath wrought in their soul , in this or that way , which perhaps is not determined by the word of grace , at least not agreed upon among your selves , we beseech you consider by what authority you do it , and upon what grounds you stand . but we will enter no further upon this matter , because it comes not within the compasse of these positions , and to attribute so much to private letters , as to make them the ground of another dispute we may not . vii . position . that a minister is so a minister of a particular congregation , that if they dislike him unjustly , or leave him , he ceaseth to be a minister . answer . our answer to this consists in two branches . . in case a minister be set aside by the church meerly through his own default . . by the churches default without any desert of his . in the former case it is evident he ceaseth to be a minister to them any longer , as appears in foure conclusions . . it is cleare from the word , that a pastor or teacher in these dayes hath no apostolicall power over all churches , but onely limited to that one church where god hath set him . paul gives not the elders at ephesus a generall commission to go teach all churches , but to go feed that one flock over which the holy ghost hath made them over-seers . act. . . so peter gives direction to elders to feed that flock of god onely which was among them , and take the over-sight thereof . pet. . . . it is as cleare that all this power of feeding which the minister hath in that church is nextly derived to him from christ by the church , who hath solemnly called him to the work , and promised to obey him therein : for if he have it elsewhere , it must be either from christ immediately , or from some other men deputed by christ to conferre it on him , or he must take it up of himselfe . not the first , for that was proper to the apostles or apostolicall men , therefore paul proving his apostleship , saith he was called not of men , nor by men , but by jesus christ himself . gal. . . not the second , for we never read in gods word that any ordinary officers , or other besides the church , that had any commission given them from christ to call ministers unto churches . not the third , for no man taketh this honour , viz. of a priest under the law , or of a minister under the gospel , but he that is called of god , hebr. . . therefore it must needs be from christ by the church . . as the church in the name of christ gave this power to a minister to be what he is , and do what he doth amongst them : when such a minister shall make and manifest himself apparently , unworthy , and unfit to discharge the place , which they thus called him unto , so that they may discerne that christ the head of the church hath refused him , from being a minister unto him . they may then upon as good grounds depose him from it , as they called him to it . . when a church hath thus in christs name put forth this power of shutting , as before it did of opening to a minister , then he must cease to be a minister unto them any more , for we know no such indelible character imprinted upon a minister , that the ministery ceasing , the minister ceaseth also . . in case the church shall without cause , or sufficient weightie cause , rashly or wilfully set him aside whom christ hath set over them , and whom they so solemnly called , and promised before the lord to submit unto , and so abuse their power given them by christ ; it is deubtlesse a very great wrong unto the minister , and sinne against christ himselfe before whom it was done ; and not onely christ himself will take it ill at their hands , for such contempt done to him in his ministers according to christs speech , luke . . he that rejecteth you , rejecteth me . and gods speech , sam. . . they have not cast off thee but me . but even other churches also may admonish them . and if they prove obstinate therein , withdraw the right hand of fellowship from them ; and concerning the minister himself thus deposed , seeing it is done not by christ , but by the church without christ , yea against the mind of christ , we conceive though he be by them deprived of the execution of his ministery among them , yet untill he accepts of a call to another people , he doth yet still remain a minister of christ , in whose account ( notwithstanding such deposition ) he hath true right of administration among that people . reply . the question is of ministers unjustly forsaken , or driven from the church or congregation : and your answer is for the most part of ministers set aside or deprived through their own default . we never purposed to speak one word for any unworthy minister whom christ hath put out of office , and therefore your labour to prove that such justly rejected by the church are no longer ministers might well have been saved . but setting them aside , we will in few words examine your conclusions upon which you bind the certainty of that sentence you passe against them . first , it is certain and clear from the word , that a pastor or teacher neither in these dayes hath , nor in any other age of the church , ought to have apostolicall power over all churches . the apostles had onely power to serve the church with the personall service of their apostleship . but pastorall power of ordinarie ministers or teachers they never had : and if the apostles had not the power of ordinarie ministers , much lesse can pastors receive the power of apostles , for christ gave both the one and the other order . but as the apostles were not pastors of that church to which they preached , and among whom they continued for some space ; no more do pastors become apostles if they preach the word , or dispence the sacraments to another flock or people beside their own , whereof they have the speciall oversight . but of this matter we have spoken before , and of the texts of scripture here alledged , therefore we will not repeat what hath been said alreadie : onely it seemeth somewhat strange , that you should cited those texts of scripture , as if the apostle had said , feed one flock , or feed that flock of god onely . for we find the word ( one ) or ( onely ) neither in the text expresly , nor in the sense for which it is here alledged , viz. as if he might not perform any ministeriall act in another congregation upon any occasion whatsoever . secondly , the power of feeding which the minister hath is neither confined to one societie onely , nor nextly derived to him from christ by the church . the office and authoritie of a pastor is immediately from christ . the deputation of the person which christ hath designed is from the church ministerially , but neither virtually nor formally . the consent of the people is requisite in the election of pastors and teachers we grant , the direction of the elders going before or along with them ; but the authoritie , office , and gift of a pastor is not from the people or elders , but from christ alone . when an apostle was to be chosen in the place of judas , act. . , . no one had the handling of that businesse , but peter declared unto the brethren present , what an one ought to be taken , and they present two , whereof one was elected by lot . in this example somethings are extraordinarie , for one onely was to be chosen , and that immediately by god himselfe : and somethings ordinarie for our imitation . for if peter would do nothing without consent of the disciples , then may not ordinarie elections be passed without consent and approbation of the church , but it is not a popular election , not governed by the fore-direction of elders , which is concluded from this passage of scripture : but a church election by the free consent , and judgement of the faithfull with the fore-leading of the presbyterie . when deacons were to be chosen , act. . . . in the church of jerusalem , it was done by the consent of the church . the mutinie of the hellenists against the hebrews occasioned that election , but was no cause why it was made by free consent . the apostles shew what persons must be chosen , and who ever thought the church was left at libertie to chuse as she please without direction . but in this election the people did first chuse , the apostles onely directing whom the people ought to make choice of : when most commonly the apostles instructed the people , and went before them in the election , and they consented . act. . . the apostles by consent chose elders , and so in every matter of great importance belonging directly to the whole bodie of the church , whether severally in one congregation , or joyntly in many , the consent of the faithfull by observation of the apostles was required . act. . . and . . and . . . cor. . . but in the primitive times after the apostles , one church might elect and chuse a pastor for another . as ignatius exhorts the phyladelphians , that they would elect a pastor for the church of antioch . and so when the east church was infected with arrianisme , basil , epist . . . . though it a fit meanes to remove the heresie , if the bishops of italie being sent thither did condemne the heresie , and he imploreth the aid of the bishops of italy , france , and all the east . cyprian saith , all bishops sunt mutuae concordiae glutine copulati : that if any hold heresie the rest should help . it would be too long to reckon up examples which in this case might be produced . if here it be questioned whether your election of the people be essentiall to the calling of a minister : we answer . . a thing is essentiall two wayes . first , as absolutely necessarie , so that the thing can have no existence without it . secondly , as necessarie to the integritie of the thing , so that it is maimed without it . againe , either the people be few in number , and simple apt to be led aside , unable to judge of the sufficiencie of their minister , or they be more in number , increased in wisdome , sound in faith , and able to discern betwixt things that differ . in the first sense the election of the people is not necessary or essentiall ; but in the second we cannot say he is no minister that is not chosen by the people , but his calling in that respect is maimed . if the people be few and simple , apt to be deceived , they stand in more need of guidance and direction , both from their own elders , and other churches . if the people be many in number , full of wisdome and understanding , their libertie to choose is the greater ; and it is the greater wrong to be deprived of it . the practise of the apostles and the primitive churches for many ages will confirme this ; for sometimes men were propounded to the church to be chosen : sometimes the choice was wholly left to them : and was not that for our direction , that more libertie is given where the danger is lesse , and more restraint and caution used where the danger is more apparent , that if they be left to themselves , either an ill or unfit choice will be made ? in reason this is evident , for the childs consent is required in marriage , but the more able he is to choose for himselfe , the more libertie may parents grant , the lesse able , the more watchfull must they be ; and so in this businesse . brotherly societie requires that we mutually exhort , admonish , reprove and comfort each other as occasion requires , and as need requires . it is a dutie of neighbour-churches to lend their helpe to their brethren in the choice and election of their minister . when the scripture willeth that one should admonish another , it is not onely a command to every singular man towards his fellow , but also to any whole company too : another societie bellarmine asketh , quo jure unus populus episcopum alterius populi elegere potest ? junius answereth ; certe charitatis jure & communione sanctorum . and paul when he teacheth that all the faithfull are members of one mysticall body of christ , who ought to have a mutuall care one of another , laid the foundation of this policie . it is a blemish in the calling of a minister , if either the people be not fit to choose , or being fit they be shut forth from the choice , but this maime doth not make a nullicie in his calling ; for in every true church where the word is preached and received , and the sacraments for substance rightly administred , there is a true and lawfull ministery , and a true and lawfull calling of that ministery , though in some things defective . in the church of god all sound and saving truth is to be found , for it is the pillar and ground of truth , and where the true profession of all saving truth , with the right use of the sacraments for substance is to be found , there is the church , which ordinarily cannot be had , maintained and continued without a lawfull ministery , nor that without a calling . the saving truth of god & a lawfull ministery , are both essentiall to a true church . something of this remaines in every compleat societie that hath any thing of the church ; and for essence and substance they are true in every true , lawfull , compleat societie . the profession of the truth may be true and sound in all necessary and fundamentall points , though mixed with diverse errors , and the ministery for truth and substance lawfull , though many wayes deficient . in the true church there is a true ministery , but the true church hath continued there by the blessing of god , where the election of ministers hath been given away by the people , or taken from them . in the primitive church , when the people had a voyce in the choice of their pastor , oftentimes there were factions in the church , the people stood against their guides and challenged the whole power of election to themselves . sometimes they were divided among themselves . sometimes they gave away their power , at least in part , and sometimes ministers were set over them without their councell and advice , whose ministery notwithstanding was not reputed voyde and of none effect . if it be objected that many things were amisse in those primitive elections , what will follow thence , but that the ministery may be lawfull and good , where there be many wants in the manner of calling . if this be not granted , what shall be done when the people and their elders be divided in the choice of a fit officer . if the people prevaile against their elders , he whom they choose is no minister to them , because not chosen by their suffrages : if the elders against the people , he whom they approve is no minister unto them , because not chosen by their suffrage ; and so if there be dissention they must seperate from , or excommunicate one another , because he is no minister to the one whom the other approve . the orthodox pastors did professe , so that the donatists would returne to the true and apostolicall doctrine , they would not disallow their bishops , that they might understand that catholiques did not detest christian consecration ( as augustine speakes ) by humane error . the high priesthood was bought and sold for money , and sometimes made annuall , and every yeare new high priests created , sicut isti praefecti quos singulis annis promutant reges , as sol : jarchi saith . that as every man would lay out more or lesse money , he should get or lose the priesthood , which may be seene in the examples of jason or menelaus . neverthelesse , so long as the jewes continued the true church of god , the priesthood was true also . the reformed churches who have seperated from the abhominations of rome , professe the first reformers among them received some ordinary calling in the romane synagogue . they that thinke the basest of rome , will acknowledge baptisme unduely administred by priests or jesuites , to be for substance the holy sacrament of christ . and if the baptisme of god may be derived from the ministery , it is no absurditie to thinke that the first seekers of reformation derived authoritie from christ to preach the word and administer the sacraments by them , as stewards used of god to set them in that office : for the seekers of reformation derived their authoritie from god , and that which is instituted by christ , is not made voyde by the corruptions of men . the third and fourth consideration we will passe over , because from what hath been spoken , it is easie to understand in what sense they may be admitted , and in what denyed , and we have no desire to trouble you with the examination of that which falleth not into question . as for the second branch of your answer , that in case the church shall without cause , or without sufficient weightie cause , rashly or wilfully set him aside whom christ hath set over them , yet he still remaines a minister of christ ( untill he accepts of a call from another people ) in whose account , notwithstanding such depositions , he hath true right of administring among that people . we know not well your meaning ; if this be your minde that a minister lawfully called and set over one congregation , is to be esteemed a minister in the usuall church , as the particular church hath unitie with , and is part of the universall or catholique : and as a partie baptized is not baptized into that particular congregation onely , but into all churches ; and that the ministery is one , cujus à singulis in soliaum pars tenetur , as cyprian speakes ; and therefore though the minister be unjustly cast off by one congregation , yet he is not to be esteemed as no minister , we freely consent . but if your meaning be that he is onely by right a minister of that particular congregation , because unjustly deposed , as formerly in the execution of his office he was a minister to them onely , and to none other societie whatsoever , or in what respect soever ; your opinion is contrary to the judgement and practise of the universall church , and tendeth to destroy the unitie of the church , and that communion which the churches of god may and ought to have one with another ; for if he be not a minister in other churches , then are not the churches of god one , nor the ministers one , nor the flocke which they feed one , nor the communion one which they have each with other . and if the pastor derive all his authoritie to feede from the church , when the church hath set him aside , what right hath he to administer among that people . if they erre in their deposition , it is true they sinne against christ . but as they give right to an unworthy man to administer among them , if they call him unjustly , so they take right from the worthy if wrongfully they depose him . the minister is for his ministery the office for the execution , and so the pastor and the flocke are relatives : and therefore if their election gave him authoritie among them to feed , their casting him off hath stripped him of the same power which formerly they gave him . and his ministery ceasing , he should cease to be their minister , if he stood as minister onely to that congregation in every respect . whit. de pont . q. . sec. . pa. . certe lex naturae & ratio clamitat cujus est instituere ejus est destruere , sive destituere , ad quem institutio pertinet ad eundem destitutionem , seu destructionem pertinere . rob. aga . b. p. . if the congregation may chuse and elect their governours , then they may refuse and reprobate them . viii . position . that one minister cannot performe any ministeriall act in another congregation . answer . if you take ministeriall act improperly as sometimes it is taken by some , onely when the minister of one church doth exercise his gifts of praying and preaching in another church , being by themselves so desired . then we answer , in this sense a minister of one church may do a ministeriall act in another , which he doth not perform by vertue of any calling , but onely by his gifts ; and thus upon any occasion we mutually perform those acts one in anothers churches : but if you meane by ministeriall act , such an act of authoritie and power in dispensing of gods ordinance as a minister doth perform to the church , whereunto he is called to be a minister ; then we deny that he can so perform any ministeriall act to any other church but his own , because his office extends no further then his call . for that solemne charge , act. . . is not to feed all flocks , but that one flock onely , over which the holy ghost hath made them over-seers . if the question were propounded to any minister so exercising in an others church , which was once to our saviour by the chief priests and elders : by what power doest thou these things , and who gave thee this authoritie ? let that minister whosoever he be , study how to make an answer . reply . the preaching of the word , publick prayer in the congregation met together solemnly to worship god , and the administration of the sacraments , are acts properly ministeriall ( if any other ) to be performed by power and authoritie from christ , as you acknowledge , for the preaching of the word , and dispensation of the seales in your second consideration . but these acts one minister may performe in another congregation , or towards the members of another church . you know by whom your question hath been propounded touching one ministers exercising in another ministers church , and how it hath been answered ; and if you see more light and truth then formerly , we would desire you substantially to confute what answers some of you have returned to that demand . to admit ( saith mr. j. d. ) those that are known members of another church to communion in the sacraments upon fitting occasions i hold lawfull , and do professe my readinesse to practise accordingly . again , i conceive that ( besides my membership else where , and the right which those churches give to known passants of being admitted to the communion for a short time ) both himself and the whole church acknowledge me for a member with them for the time of my abode in that service , which they testified by desiring the help of my publick labours , and their cheerfull admittance of me to that ordinance during that time without the least scruple . and if a minister may pray , preach , blesse the congregation in the name of the lord , and receive the sacrament with them , being thereunto requested ; we doubt not but by consent of the pastor and the congregation he may lawfully dispense the seals amongst them also as need and occasion requires . that distinction of preaching by office , and exercising his gifts onely , when it is done by a minister , and desired of none but ministers , and that in solemne , set , constant church-assemblies , we cannot find warranted in the word of truth , and therefore we dare not receive it . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e it is truly observed by master davenport out of an. bros . offic. l . c. et quantum libet quisque profecerit , 〈◊〉 est qui doceri non indige●● d●m vivit . appoll . preface to the reader . were not these men ( saith cann against robin ) superstitiously addicted to their new devise , that beware how to reject the unanimous judgment and practice of all learned men and true churches . stay against straying . pag. . i am and shall be always ready to give all due respect to those good customes of churches , which are taken upon good warrant and ground , and long continued among gods people . i. d. apol p. . good customes taken up by the churches upon good grounds should not lightly be broken or laid downe , wherein i doe fully agree with the authour of that elaborate commentary upon the fourth chapter of iohn , i. d. apol. sect. . examina . p. . notes for div a -e this argument is used by the abridgment against conformity to the ceremonies , and we do not see but it is as strong against this liturgy . whereas the publisher of this answer to the six positions , refers the reader to mr. cottons answer unto mr. ball for satisfaction in this point concerning set formes of prayer . the reader is earnestly intreated to compare master balls treatise , and mr. cottons answer with seriousnesse and indifferencie , because mr ball having received that answer before the publishing of his treatise ( being much enlarged , whereof mr , cotton was ignorant ) was confident , that with addition of some marginall notes ( which in reference thereto he added ) his treatise would sufficiently defend it selfe , against all the assaults , which that answer made against it . notes for div a -e we may not communicate at all in that ministery , which is exercised by an unlawfull person or in an unlawful . place robinson against bern. counsell debated p ibid pag . esa . . . ezech . , . mic. . , . ier. . . esa . . , . ioh. . . math . , . & . , . & — ▪ . math. . . & . . see whitak de pontif . q. . f . pag. . phil. . . h●s . , . sam. . , , , , . ier . , . mic . , . phil. . . helv cons . cap. § . & §. , gal. conf . art . . arg. conf . art. saxon. conf . art. zep de sa● l. . c. . art. of religion , hybern . art. carlton praelect de ecclesia , cap. . beza de presbyt . et excōmunicat . p. . ista vero , quia nonnulli à sacris caetib . & sacrament . usu propter aliorum vitia ultro abstinent i. e. seipsos excommunicant magnam reprehensionem merentur . we see no warrant why for every particular act , that in a larger sence is idolatrous , adjoyned to gods true worship , we should forbeare our presence at the true worship it self . unreason . of seperation . answ to . argument . compare what master i. d. hath written in defence or excuse in resorting to the assemb . of the separatists , called brownists . apol. sect. . exam . p. . & apol. sect. exam . pag. . notes for div a -e rom. . cor. . & . . rom . . gal ● . . thess . . . cor ▪ . gal. . . act ▪ . & & . . . eph. . , . acts . . . gen . . math. . . robins . against bern. reas . discus . pa. . lev . . deut. . . & . . . rom. . deut. . . psa . neh. . . act. . . luk. . cor & . deut . . io. . robin against bern p . act. . tit. . rob : against bern. act . la the same verse the some persons are called the church disciples , and christians pag. . . &c. fo pag. ezeck . . see lavater on ezek math . . ier. . . ios. . rom. . ▪ act . as christ is that one great pastor , so hath hee generally one fold and flock , iohn . . ezeck . . which is his church , as he saith . and ye my flock , the flock of my pasture are men , ezek. . . aynsw . cant . . sure it is that hee is none of christs sheepe visibly , or in respect of men which is without christs sheepfold , for there is one sheepfold and one sheepheard . iohn . . robins against bern likelihoods , p. . hieron . tom . . ep. . nec altera roma urbis ecclesia , altera totius orbis existimanda est , & gallia , & britannia , & asia , &c. & omnes barbarae nationes unum christum adorant , unam observant regulam veritatis . cor . col. . ● . cor. , . cor. . gal. . . phil. . . tim. . . pet. . . pastores sunt omnes , sed grex unus qui ab apostolis omnibus unanimi consensu pascatur . cypr. de unitate ecclesiae . et si pastores multi sumus , unum tamen gregem pascimus , cypr. l. . epistola . cum sit a christo una ecclesia per totum mundum in multa membra divisa item episcopatus unus episcoporum multorum concordi numero diffusus , &c. cypr. l. . ep. . iohn . . . & . & . . athanasius may be for an example . gen. . . lev. . . apo. . . . heb. . . rob. against bern. pa. . rom. . . . gen. . . gal. , , , , , rob. against ber. pa. . see mr. i. d. apol. . sect. exam p. . i. d. apol. . sect. ex●m . pag. , & . bucer . diff . ep . . pa. . & ep . pa. . act. . . & . act. . . . & . . acts . . & . . & . & . . & . ezra . . , , . act. . & . . . , , , , & . . & . . . act. . . act. act. et et . . , . acts . & . . & . . acts . . robinson against bern p. . euseb hist l. . c. . lat . graec. . ruff. ●hit de sacra contr . de bapt . qu & . pag , . atters . of the sacr : l. . c. fol. . 〈◊〉 de presbyt . pag. . act. . col. . pet . act . . ioh. . . & . mark. . . act . & . . rob. against bern. p these keyes in d. &c. in the corporation ( the church ) there is alwayes the whole power of christ to residing , which you may call officers for the use of it selfe , to which it is sufficient that it can without officers use this power for things simply necessary ; as for receiving in of members by profession of faith and confession of sins , for edifying of them by exhortation and comforts in the ordinance of prophesying , and so for excommunication . rob. against b. pag. . see rob. against ber. pag. . . . if you call it consultation in an assembly wherein all have equall power and voyce in determining things some one going before the rest idem pag. robins . against bern. coun. debated , p. . ibid. p. . cor. . cor. . . beza de presbyt . & excom . pag. robins . against bern. pag. . acts. the word of god and cano is of councels will have pastors so to care for their own flock , that they forbid them not to care for the whole church , especially in a time of common combustion . the answer of some brethren . pag. ● . publica dei invocatio non minima pars communis in unâ fide consensionis . beza contra erastum , de presbyt pap . . euseb hist . . c. . graec. chami●● . panst . ●om . l. . c. . sect. . the churches plea , pag . apol. pag. & ● . orig. in isa . hom. . qui vocatur ad episcopatum , vocatur ad servitutem totius ecclesiae . chrysost . in cor. hom . . vniversae curam gerimus . see cham panstr . tom. . pag. . cap. . sect. , , . &c. jun. animadv . in bellar. contro . . lib. . c. . not . . & cap. not . . act. . . rom. . phil. . , . & . ● . iam . , . act. . . & . & . . & . cor. . , . esay . . eza . . io. . . . & . . & . . revel . . what example have you but grounds for the baptising of infants ? or where read you of any officer excommunicated by any rob. against ber. p. . we may not expect examples of any pastors in scriptures : who did thus . i. d. apol. . sect. exam . p. . see i. d. apol. texts . exam pa. . exod . exod. . col . , . erast so objects against bern-sicut a circumcisione ad baptismum argumentamur ut probemus infantes esse baptizandos , ita etiam licet ab agno paschatis ad coenam domini , &c. whereto hee truly replyeth . ego vero , non nego licere &c. at non temere & universaliter . beza contra erast . pag. . lev. . . . & . exo. . , eph. ▪ . etiam si daremus nullam legi ab apostolis excommunicationem non tamen sequeretur ita esse , quum satis constet non omnium singularia apostolorum gesta perscripta fuisse . bez. de presb. p. . et si de melchizedeck & iobo quae huc adferuntur non sunt extra controversiam . nam foedere cum abra. inito non excluduntur ij qui ante erant in foedere sed accensentur foederi . ita autem se habuit melchizedeck , &c. omnino enim consors promissionis divinae fuit ante foedus cum eo initum . gen. . job vero & credens fuit promissionibus foederis & de sententia veterum fuit circumcisus etiam haereditariâ circumcisione a paterno maternoque sanguine . vt elegantèr scribit author libri de verâ circumcisione qui hieron . ad scribitur . iun. animadv . in bellar . contrav . . lib. . cha . . not . . io. d. exam of tents p . mat. . . io . act. . . . & . & . . . . cor. . . . joh. . . . cor. . . rev. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & script . ethnici apud patres audiunt . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . matth. . ● . ephes . . . rob. against ber. p. . * mr. io. d. apol. sect. . exam . p. . what though this inconvenience do arise sometimes through mans corruption it should be otherwise ; and we must ever consider of the nature of gods ordinances in their right use , &c. rob. against ber. pa. . respondit caam nullam fuisse cur io. bapt. istos accedentes rejiceret ut qui ad ejus bapt . venirent cum peccatorum agnitione nec ipse potestatem haberet eos excommunicandi etiamsi fuissent excom . digni . beza de presb. p . recte sane quis illos à sacris prohibuerat , &c. etsi sit tam sceleratus quispiam quam esse existimatur tum si tale judicium sibi quisque sumat quae mox fuerit ecclesie facies ? sed preterea tenendum est istud in hoc negotio inita cujuspiam cons . non probabillas rectam alterius consciam . id. pa. . id in privatorum arbitrio relinquere ut alibi diximus & periculosum nimis & toti ecclesiae valde damnosum fuisset . id. p. . demonstr . of disc . ca. . rob. against bern. likely veiwed . p. . john . . math. . . cor. . , . tit. . , . rob. ag . ber. pa. . rob. ag . bern. pa. . matth. . , . ioh. . . and . . matt. . . . act. . , . act. . . act. . . & . . . act. . . act. . . and . . . act. . . act. , . . . cor. . . matth. . . act. . . and . , , . helv. conf . c. . gallic . sect. . anglic. & ab eo neminem qui velit profiteri nomen christi ne infantes quidem christianorum hominum , &c. scot. conf . c. . belgic . act . zengerm . conf . de bapt. infant . pro. . argent . conf . ca. . saxon. confes . ca. . palab . conf . sect. ad usum vero ipsum , &c. rob. against ber. pa. . matth. . . act. . . & . . . and . . and . . cor. . . act. . . act. . . joh , , . & . . act. . . whit. de sacra . q. . de bap. cap. . pa . act. . . & . . cor. . . against b. pa. . see j. d. ap. sect. . pa. , , . deut. . . rom. . , , , . rom. . . gen. . , and . . act . . gal. . . . tit. . . mat. . . pet. . . cor. . . cor. . . matth. . . . mark . . . luk. . . matth. . , . mar. . , . act. . . . act. . . . act . - . act. . - . notes for div a -e v●d . park . pol. ecclesiastica . l. . c. , &c. a fen. theol. lib. . park . de pol. lib. . c. . j. d. apol. . sect. exam . pa. , , . b rob. against ber. pa. . by two or three are meant the meanest communion or societie of saints , with or without officers . rob. against ber. certaine observations , p. . onely he that is of the true visible church and furnished with the power of christ , the keyes of the kingdome for the censure can admonish his brother in order , and those degrees which the word prescribeth mat. . . . id pa . the power as to receive in , so to cut off any member is given to the whole body together of every christian congregation , and not to any one member apart , or to more members seque●tred from the whole , using the meetest number for pronouncing the censures , id. pa. - . if the brethren have libertie in the ordinance of prophesying , they have also libertie in the other ordinance of excommunication , for they are both of the same nature ; looke to whom christ gave the one key of knowledge , to them he gave the other key of discipline , rob. against b●rn . pa , , . mat. . . joh. . , . & . , ● . gal. . . ioh . . whit. de pont . q. . c. . . cor. . . & . . tim. . . authoritas rectorum pro dono quidem ecclesiae à christo data est , sed non pro dono absoluto , ut penes totam ecclesiam resideat cui datur , sed pro dono conditionali , ut rectoribus ipsis communicetur ad totius aedificationem , park . de polit. lib. . cap. . cor. . . cor . . tim . . cor. . . act. . . eph. . . . co. . , co . , . tit. . . successor habet jurisdictionē ab eo a quo praedecessor , alioqui non verè succedit . but pastors and teachers are the successors of the apostles . whit. de pont . q. . c. . fr : victor rel . . de potest ecclesiae q. . alphons . de castr . li. . c. . de insta . haeret . whit. de pont . q. . c. . cham. panstr . ●om . . lib. . c. . sect . . ames bel-enerv . tom . . l. . c. . ministri ecclesiastici sunt ecclesiae tanquam objecti circa quod versantur ministri sunt christi tanquam principalis causae & domini à quo pendent ministri sed nullo modo episcoporum . omnis legatus in causâ legationis suae immediatè pendet ab eo à quo mittitur , & instrumento mandatorum in corrupto est indelebilis . a we denie the order of elders to be superiour to the order of saints , since it is not an order of mastership but of service . rob. against bern. pa. . it were a strange thing that men could have no command over their servants , as i have oft shewed the church-officers to be her servants . id. p. . the order of servants is inferiour to the order of them whose servants they are : but the order of church-officers is an order of servants , and they by office to serve the people , id. p. . . notes for div a -e heb. . . pro. . . & . . . gen . . . levit. . . mat. . . gal. . . rob. ag . bern. pa. . exod. . . deut. . . & . . . & . . ezek. . . . nū . . . . deut. . . , . josh . . . , , . iudg. . . . & . . . & . . & . - . chr. . . kin. . . & . . chr. . . heb. . . . act. . . & . . & . , , . act. . . notes for div a -e whit. de pont . q. . ca. . p. . ep . li. . rom . . heb. . . bel. de cler. li. . c. . jun. animad . contr . . l. c . not . . rom. . . theod. hist . l. . c. . aug epist . . & . socrat. hist . l . c. , . . zozom . hist . l. . c. , . nazian . in epitaphium patris evagr. l. . c. . . theod. hist . l. . c. . jun. animadver in bel. cont . . l. . c. . not . , . cartur . reply d . part . pa. . illiric . catal . test . li. . tit . ecclesiae gubern . jos . antiq. l. . c. . c. . see ambros . de officijs . l. . c. . hieron . ad ocean & epist. ad nepotian . t. c. reply . pa. . a revet . cathol . orth . tract . . q. . sect. . cartw. reply . par . . pa. . notes for div a -e to baptise is a duty of the pastors pastoriall office . i. d. apol . ser. exam . pa. . exam. of texts , pa. . apol. exam . of texts . p. . a sermon preached before the right honourable the house of lords in the abbey church at westminster, upon the th of august, being the day appointed for solemne and publique humiliation : whereunto is added a brotherly examination of some passages of mr. colemans late printed sermon upon job . , in which he hath endeavoured to strike at the root of all church-government / by george gillespie, minister at edenburgh. gillespie, george, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing g ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a sermon preached before the right honourable the house of lords in the abbey church at westminster, upon the th of august, being the day appointed for solemne and publique humiliation : whereunto is added a brotherly examination of some passages of mr. colemans late printed sermon upon job . , in which he hath endeavoured to strike at the root of all church-government / by george gillespie, minister at edenburgh. gillespie, george, - . [ ], p. printed by f. neile for robert bostock ..., london : . reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng coleman, thomas, - . bible. -- o.t. -- malachi iii, -- sermons. sermons, english -- th century. church polity -- sermons. a r (wing g ). civilwar no a sermon preached before the right honourable the house of lords, in the abbey church at westminster, upon the th. of august. . being gillespie, george d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached before the right honourable the house of lords , in the abbey church at westminster , upon the th . of august . . being the day appointed for solemne and publique humiliation . whereunto is added a brotherly examination of some passages of mr. colemans late printed sermon upon job . . . in which he hath endeavoured to strike at the root of all church-government . by george gillespie minister at edenburgh . hieron , in epitaphio fabiolae . alie sunt leges caesarum , aliae christi : aliud papinianus , aliud paulus noster praecipit . london : printed by f. neile for robert bostock dwelling in pauls church-yard at the sign of the kings head . . to the christian reader . i have in this sermon applied my thoughts toward these three things ; the soul-ensnaring errour of the greatest part of men , who choose to themselves such a way to the kingdom of heaven as is broad , and smooth , and easie , and but little or nothing at all displeasing to flesh and blood ; like him that tumbled down upon the grasse and said , utinam hoc esset laborare . the grumbling and unwillingnesse which appeareth in very many , when they should submit to that reformation of the church which is according to the minde of jesus christ ; like them that said to the seers , see not ; and to the prophets , prophecy not unto us right things ; speak unto us smooth things ; and again , let us break their lands asunder , and cast away their cords from us . the sad and desolate condition of the kingdom of scotland , then calling for our prayers and tears , and saying , call me not naomi ( pleasant ) call me morah ( bitter ) for the almighty hath dealt very bitterly with me . we were pressed out of measure , above strength , and had the sentence of death in our selves , that wee should not trust in our selves , but in god which raiseth the dead ; who delivered us from so great a death , and doth deliver , in whom we trust that he will yet deliver us ; our brethren also helping together by prayer for us , that for the mercy bestowed on us by means of the prayers of many , thanks may be given by many on our behalf . the lord liveth , and blessed be our rock , and let the god of our salvation be exalted . he is our god , and we will prepare for him an habitation ; our fathers god , and we will exalt him . blessed be the lord god the god of israel , who onely doth wondrous things : and blessed be his glorious name for ever , and let the whole earth befilled with his glory . scotland shall yet be a crown of glory in the hand of the lord , and a royall diademe in the hand of our god , and shall be called hephzi-hah and beulah . only let us remember our evill wayes , and be confounded , and never open our mouth any more because of our shame , when the lord our god is pacified towards us . now are both kingdoms put to a triall , whether their humiliations be siliall , and whether they can mourn for sin more then for judgement . and let us now hear what the spirit speaketh to the churches , and not turn again to folly . new provocations , or the old unrepented , will create new woes ; therefore sin no more , lest a worse thing come unto us . a sermon preached before the right honourable the house of peers , at a late solemn fast .. malachi . . but who may abide the day of his coming , and who shall stand when he appeareth ? for he is like a refiners fire , and like fullers sope. if you ask , of whom speaketh the prophet this , of himselfe or of some other man ? it is answered , both by christian and jewish interpreters : the prophet speaketh this of christ , the messenger of the covenant , then much longed and looked for by the people of god , as is manifest by the preceding verse : and as it was fit that malachi the last of the prophets should shut up the old testament with clear promises of the coming of christ ( which you find in this , and in the following chapter ) so he takes the rather occasion from the corrupt and degenerate estate of the priests at that time ( which he had mentioned in the former chapter ) to hold forth unto the church the promised messiah ; who was to come unto them to purifie the sons of levi . but if you ask again , of what coming or appearing of christ , doth the prophet speak this ? whether of the first , or of the last , or of any other ? the answer of expositors is not so unanimous . some understand the last coming of christ in the glory of his father , and holy angels , to judge the quick and the dead . this cannot stand with ver. . he shall purifie the sons of levi , and purge them , &c. but at the last judgement it will be too late for the sons of levi to be purified and purged ; or for juda and jerusalem to bring offerings unto the lord , as in the dayes of old . others understand the first coming of christ ; and of these , some understand his incarnation , or appearing in the flesh : others take the meaning to be of his coming into the temple of jerusalem , to drive out the buyers and sellers , at which time all the city was moved at his coming . this exposition hath better grounds then the other , because the coming of christ ( here spoken of ) did not precede , but soon follow after the ministery of john baptist ; and therefore cannot be meant of our saviours incarnation , but rather of his appearing with power and authority in the temple . but this also falleth short , and neither expresseth the whole , nor the principall part of what is meant in this text : for how can it be said , that the prophecy which followeth , vers. , . ( which is all of a peece with vers. . ) was fulfilled during christs appearing and sitting in the temple of jerusalem ? or how can it be conceived , that the offerings of juda and jerusalem were pleasant to the lord at that time , when the gentiles were not , and the jews would not be brought in , to offer unto the lord an offering in righteousnesse ? so that whether we understand by juda and jerusalem , the jewish church , or the christian ; this thing could not be said to be accomplished , while christ was yet upon earth . and in like manner , whether we understand by the sons of levi , the priests , and levites of the jews , or , the ministers of the gospel , it cannot be said that christ did in the dayes of his flesh purifie the sons of levi , as gold and silver . i deny not , but the lord jesus did then begin to set about this work . but that which is more principally here intended , is christs coming and appearing in a spiritual , but yet most powerfull and glorious manner , to erect his kingdom , and to gather and govern his churches , by the ministery of his apostles and other ministers , whom he sent forth after his ascension . of this coming he himself speaketh , matth. . . verily i say unto you , there be some standing here which shall not taste of death , till they see the son of man coming in his kingdom . mark addeth with power . neither was that all . he did not so come at that time , as to put forth all his power , or to do his whole work . he hath at divers times come , and manifested himself to his churches . and this present time is a time of the revelation of the son of god , and a day of his coming . we look also for a more glorious coming of jesus christ , before the end be ; for the redeemer shall come unt● sion , and turn a way ungodlinesse from jacob . and he shall destroy antichrist with the brightnesse of his coming , thes. . . in which place the apostle hath respect to isai. . . where it is said of christ , the rod of jesse , with the breath of his lips shall be slay the wicked . there withall , you have the churches tranquility , the filling of the earth with the knowledge of the lord , and the restoring of the dispersed jews , as you may read in that chapter . some have observed ( which ought not passe without observation ) that the chaldee paraphrase had there added , the word romilus : he shall slay the wicked romilus : wherupon , they challenge arias montainus for leaving out that word to wipe off the reproach from the pope . however , the scriptures teach us , that the lord jesus will be revealed mightily , and will make bare his holy arm , as well in the confusion of antichrist , as in the conversion of the jews , before the last judgement , and the end of all things . by this time you may understand what is meant in the text , by the day of christs coming , or coming in , as the septuagints read , meaning his coming or entering into his temple , mentioned in the first verse : by which temple , jerome upon the place , rightly understandeth the church , or spirituall temple . when this temple is built christ cometh into it , to fill the house with the cloud of his glory , and to walk in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks . the same thing is meant by his appearing , when he appeareth , saith our translation : when he shall be revealed , saith the chaldee : others read , when he shall be seen , or in seeing of him . the originall word i find used to expresse more remarkable , divine , and glorious sights , as gen. . . have i also here looked after him that seeth me ? gen. . . in the mount of the lord it shall be seen . from this word had the prophets the name of seers , s●m . . . and from the same word came the name of visions , chron. . . zechariah who had understanding in the visions of god . now but what of all this , might some think ? it christ come , it s well : he is the desire of all nations . o but when christ thus cometh into his kingdom among men with power , and is seen appearing with some beams of his glory ; who may abide , and who shall stand , saith the text ? how shall sinners stand before the holy one ? how shall dust and ashes have any fellowship with the god of glory ? how shall our weak eyes behold the sun of righteousnesse , coming forth like a bridegroom out of his chamber ? did not ezekiel fall upon his face at the appearance of the likeness of the glory of the lord ? did not isaiah cry out , wo is me , for i am undone , for mine eyes have seen the king , the lord of hosts ? but why is it so hard a thing to abide the day of christs coming , or to stand before him when he appeareth in his temple ? if you ask of him as joshua did , art thou for us , or for our adversaries ? he will answer you , nay , but as a captain of the hoste of the lord , am i now come . if you ask of him , as the elders of bethlehem asked of samuel ( while they were trembling at his coming ) comest thou peaceably ? he will answer you as samuel did , peaceably . what is there here then to trouble us ? doth he not come to save , and not to destroy ? yes , to save the spirit , but to destroy the flesh . he will have the heart blood of sin , that the soul may live for ever . this is set forth by a double metaphor : one taken from the refiners fire , which purifieth metals from the drosse . the other , from the fullers sope ; others read , the fullers grasse , or the fullers herb . some have thought it so hard to determine , that they have kept into the translation , the very hebrew word borith . jerome tels us , that the fullers herb which grew in the marish places of palestina , had the same vertue for washing and making white , which nitre hath . yet i suppose , the fullers sope hath more of that vertue in it , then the herb could have . however , it is certain that borith cometh from a word which signifieth to make clean , according to that , mark . . his raiment became shining , exceeding white as snow : so as no fuller on earth can white them . but to whom will christ thus reveal himself ? and who are they whom he will resine from their drosse , and wash from their filthinesse ? that we may know from the two following verses . he is not a resiners fire to those that are reprobate silver , and can never be refined : neither is he as fullers sope to those whose spot is not the spot of his children . nay , christ doth not thus lose his labour : but he refineth and maketh clean the sons of levi , also judah and jerusalem . this ( i doubt not to aver ) doth principally belong to the jews , for to them pertain the promises , saith the apostle , and the naturall branches shall be grafted into their own olive-tree . but it belongeth also to us gentiles , who are cut out of the wilde olive-tree , and are grafted into the good olive-tree , god hath perswaded japhet to dwell in the tents of sem. and so we are now the judah and jerusalem , and our ministers , the sons of levi. gods own church and people , even the best of them have need of this refiners fire , and of this fullers sope . and so much for the scope , sence , and coherence of the text . the generall doctrine which offereth it self to us from the words , is this : the way of christ , and fellowship with him , is very difficult and displeasing to our sinfull nature : and is not so easie a matter as most men imagine first of all , this doth clearly arise out of the text . as when the people said to joshua , god forbid that we should forsake the lord , to serve other gods . joshua answered , ye cannot serve the lord , for he is an holy god , he is a jealous god . just so doth the prophet here answer the jews , when they were very much desiring and longing for the messiah , promising to themselves comfort , and peace , and prosperity , and the restoring of all things according to their hearts desire , if christ were once come . nay , saith the prophet , not so : who may abide the day of his coming , and who shall stand when he appeareth ? secondly , other scriptures do abundantly confirm it . the doctrine of jesus christ was such as made many of his disciples say , this is a hard saying , who can hear it ? and from that time many of them went back , and walked no more with him . a young man , a ruler , who came to him with great affection , was so cooled and discouraged at hearing of the crosse , and selling of all he had , that he went away sad and sorrowfull . the apostles themselves having heard him say , that , it is easier for a camel to go thorow the eye of a needle , then for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of god ; they were exceedingly amazed at this doctrine , saying , who then can be saved ? as for his life and actions , they were such , not onely did the gadarens beseech him to depart out of their coasts ; but his own friends and kinsfolks were about to lay hold on him ; for they said , he is beside himself . his sufferings were such , that all his disciples did forsake him , and went away every man to his own home again . and what shall be the condition of those that will follow him ? if we will indeed be his disciples , he hath forewarned us to sit down first , and count our cost . he hath told us , it will cost us no lesse then the bearing of the crosse , the forsaking of all , yea , ( which is hardest of all ) the denying of our selves : we must even cease to be our selves , and cannot be his , except we leave off to be our own . and what shall the world think of us , all this while ? know ye not , ( saith james ) that the friendship of this world is enmity with god ? whosoever therefore will be a friend of the world , is the enemy of god . let no man deceive himself , saith paul : if any man among you seem to be wise in this world , let him become a fool , that he may be wise . what do ye think now ? are not all these hard sayings for flesh and blood to hear ? i might adde much more of this kinde . but thirdly , thus it must be , to set the higher value upon christ , and upon the lot of gods children . will i offer burnt-offerings to the lord my god , saith david , of that which doth cost me nothing ? and shall our lines fall to us in pleasant places ? or shall we have a goodly heritage , which doth cost us nothing ? how should the preciousnesse of the saints portion be known , if we lose nothing that is dear to us , to come by it ? phil. . . what things were gain to me , those i counted losse for christ . matth. . , , . the kingdom of heaven is like unto a treasure hid in a field , the which when a man hath found , he hideth , and for joy thereof , goeth , and selleth all that he hath , and buyeth that field . again , the kingdom of heaven is like unto a merchant-man seeking goodly pearls , who when he had found one pearl of great price , he went and sold all that he had , and bought it . jacobs family must give away all the strange gods , and all their ear-rings also , before they get leave to build an altar unto the lord at bethel . abraham must get him out of his countrey , and from his kinred , if he will come unto the land which the lord will shew him . moses must forsake the court of egypt , if he will take him to the heritage of jacob his father . the disciples must leave ships , nets , fathers , and all , if they will follow christ . and as they who come in sight of the south-pole , lose fight of the north-pole : so when we follow-christ , we must resolve to forsake somewhat else , yea , even that which is dearest to us . fourthly , if it were not so , there should be no sure evidence of our closing in covenant with christ : for then ( and never till then ) doth the soul give it self up to christ to be his , and closeth with him in a covenant , when it renounceth all other lovers , that it may be his onely . shall a woman be married to a husband , with the reservation of another lover , or upon condition that she shall ever stay in her fathers house ? so the soul cannot be married to christ , except it not onely renounce its bosome-sins , lusts , and idols ; but be content also to part with the most lawfull creature-comforts for his sake . forget thine own people , and thy fathers house , saith the psal. . . the repudiating of creature-comforts , and a covenant with christ , go hand in hand together , isa. . , . nahash would not make a covenant with the men of jabesh-gilead , unlesse they would pluck out their right eyes , intending ( as josephus gives the reason ) to disable them from fighting , or making war : for the buckler or shield did cover their left eye when they fought , so that they had been hard put to it , to fight without the right eye . this was a cruell mercy in him : but it is a mercifull severity in christ , that he will make no covenant with us , except the right eye of the old man of sin in us be put out . o then let us learn from all this , how miserably many a poor soul is deluded , imagining as the jews did , that christ shall even satisfie their carnall and earthly desires , and that the way of salvation is broad , & easie enough . if the way of christ be such as you have now heard , then surely they are far from it ; who give loose reins to the flesh , as david did to adonijah , who have not displeased their flesh at any time , nor said , why hast thou done so ? who do not withhold their heart from any joy , and whatsoever their eyes desire , they keep it not from them : who are like the wiide asse used to the wildernesse , that snuffeth up the winde at her pleasure ; and like the swift dromedary , traversing her wayes : who cannot endure to be inclosed into so narrow a lane , as ministers describe the way to heaven to be . these are like fed oxen , which have room enough in the meadows , but they are appointed for slaughter ; when the labouring oxen which are kept under the yoke , shall be brought home to the stall and fed there . was it not so with the rich man and lazarus ? nay , and many of the children of god fall into this same errour , of making the way of christ broader and easier then ever christ made it , and taking more libertie then ever he allowed . therefore mark ye well our saviours words , matth. . , . enter ye in at the strait gate ; for wide is the gate , and broad is the way that leadeth to destruction , and many there be which go in thereat . because strait is the gate , and narrow is the way which leadeth unto life , and few there be that finde it . there be but few that seek it , and yet fewer that finde it , but fewest of all that enter in at it . but how doth all this agree with matth. . . my yoke is easie , and my burthen is light : and joh. . . his commandments are not grievous ? i answer . . that is spoken to poor souls that are labouring , and heavy loaden ; a metaphor taken from beasts drawing a ful cart , which both labour in drawing , and are weary in bearing . but my text speaketh to those that are like undantoned heifers , and like bullocks unaccustomed to the yoke : the same christ is a sweet and meek christ to some ; but a sowre and severe christ to others . . christs yoke is easie in comparison of the yoke of the law , which neither we , nor our fathers were able to bear . . as wisdom is easie to him that understandeth , so is christs yoke easie , & his burthen light to those that are well acquainted with it , and have good experience of it , prov. . . when thou g●est , thy steps shall not be straitned , and when thou runnest , thou shalt not stumble : this is spoken of the way of wisdom ; but he saith , when thou goest , not , when thou beginnest , or , when thou enterest . if thou art but once upon thy progresse , going and running , thou shalt finde the way still the easier , and still the sweeter . . mark christs own words . it s a yoke though an easie one ; and a burthen , though a light-one . a yoke to the flesh , but easie to the spirit : a burthen to the old man ; but light to the new man . he poureth in wine and oyl into our wounds . oyl to cherish them , and wine to cleanse them . he can both plant us as trees of righteousnesse , and at the same time lay the ax to the root of the old tree . he will have mercy upon the sinner , but no mercy upon the sin . he will save the soul , but yet so as by fire . and thus much in generall of the difficulty and hardship of the way of christ ; the great point held forth in this text , which i have the rather insisted upon , as a necessary foundation for those particulars , which i am to speak of . were this principle but rightly apprehended , it were easie to perswade you , when we come to particulars . some papists have alledged this text for their purgatory . here is indeed a purgatory , and a fire of purgatory ; and such a purgatory , that we must needs go thorow it , before we can come to heaven : but this purgatory is in this world , not in the world to come . the flesh must go through it , and not the soul separated : and it must purge us from mortall , not from veniall sins : and by a spirituall , not a materiall fire . i will now come to the particulars . christ is to us as a refiners fire , and as fullers sope , three wayes : in respect of . reformation . . tribulation . . mortification . which make not three different sences , but three harmonious parts of one and the same sence . i begin with reformation , concerning which i draw this doctrine from the text . the right reformation of the church , which is according to the minde of iesus christ , is not without much molestation , and displeasure to mens corrupt nature . it is a very purgatory upon earth : it s like the fire to drossy silver : and like fullers sope to slovenly persons , who would rather keep the spots in their garments , then take pains to wash them out . look but upon one peece of the accomplishment of this prophecy , and by it , judge of the rest . when christ cometh to jerusalem meek , and sitting upon an asse ( as the prophet said ) all the city is troubled at his coming , matth. . , . when he had but cast out the buyers and sellers out of the temple , the priests and scribes begin to plot his death , luke . , . nay , where christ and the gospel cometh , there is a shaking of heaven and earth , hag. . . the lesse wonder , if i call reformation like a refiners fire . the drosse of a church is not purged away without this violence of fire . this is the manner of reformation held forth in scripture , and that in reference . . to magistrates and states men . . to ministers . . to a people reformed . . to a people not reformed . in reference to magistrates and states-men , reformation is a fire that purgeth away the drosse , isa. . , ● . and i will turn my hand upon thee , and purely purge away the drosse , and take away all thy tin . here 's the refiners fire : and the chaldee paraphrase addeth the fullers borith . then followeth , and i will restore thy judges as at the first , and thy counsellors as at the beginning : afterward , thou shalt be called the city of righteousnesse , the faithfull city . interpreters note upon that place , that no effectuall reformation can be looked for , till rulers and magistrates be reformed ; and that therefore the lord promiseth to purge away the drosse and tin of corrupt rulers and judges , and to give his people such judges and rulers as they had of old , moses , joshua , the judges , david , solomon , and the like . in reference to ministers , the doctrine is most clear . the next words after my text , tell you ; that this refining fire is specially intended for purifying the sons of levi. the same thing we have move largely , though more obscurely , in cor. . . to ver. . i do not say , that the apostles there meaneth onely of times of reformation : but this i say , that it holdeth true , and most manifestly too , of times of reformation ; and that this is not to be excluded , but to be taken in as a principall part of the holy ghosts intendment in that scripture . he is speaking of the ministers of the gospel and their ministery , supposing alwayes that they build upon christ , and hold to that true foundation : upon this foundation some build gold , silv er , precious stones , that is , such preaching of the word , such administration of the sacraments , such a church-discipline , and such a life as is according to the word , and favoureth of christ : others build wood , hay , stubble , whereby is meant whatsoever in their ministery is improfitable , unedifying , vain , curious , unbeseeming the gospel ; for the ministers of christ must be purified , not onely from heresie , idolatry , prophanenesse , and the like , but even from that which is frothy and unedifying , which favoureth not of gods spirit , but of mans . now saith the apostle , every mans work shall be made manifest , for the day shall declare it , because it shall be revealed by fire , and the fire shall try every mans work of what sort it is . the church shall not alwayes be deluded and abused with vanities that cannot profit . a time of light and reformation discovereth the unprofitablenesse of those things wherewith men did formerly please and satisfie themselves . there is a fire which will prove every mans work , even an accurate trial and strict examination thereof , according to the rule of christ : a narrow enquiry into , and exact discovery of every mans work ( for so do our divines understand the fire there spoken of ) whether this fiery triall be made by the searching and discovering light of the word in a time of reformation , or by afflictions , or in a mans own conscience at the hour of death . if by some or all of these trials , a ministers work be found to be what it ought to be , he shall receive a speciall reward & praise ; but if he have built wood , hay , and stubble , he shall be like a man whose house is set on fire about his ears , that is , he shall suffer losse , and his work shall be burnt , yet himself shall escape , and get his life for a prey , so as by fire , that is , so that he can abide that triall and examination , whereby god distinguisheth between sincere ones and hypocrites ; or , so that he be found to have been otherwise a faithfull minister , and to have built upon a right foundation . in the third place , you shall finde reformation to be a refining fire , in reference to a people or church reformed . he that is left in zion shall be called holy , saith the prophet , when the lord shall have washed away the filth of the daughters of zion , and shall have purged the blood of jerusalem from the midst thereof , by the spirit of judgement , and by the spirit of burning , isa. . , . where you may understand by the filth of the daughters of zion , their former idolatries , and such like abominations against the first table ( which the prophets call often by the name of filth and pollution ) and by the blood of jerusalem , the sins against the second table . these the lord promiseth to purge away by the spirit of judgment , that is , by a spirit of reformation ( according to that , joh. . . now is the judgement of this world , now shall the prince of this world be cast out : ) which spirit of reformation is also a spirit of burning ; even as the holy ghost is elsewhere called fire , and did come down upon the apostles in the likenesse of cloven tongues of fire . the spirit of reformation may be the rather called the spirit of burning , because ordinarily reformation is not without tribulation ( as we shall hear ) and by the voice of the rod doth the spirit speak to mens consciences . when the lord hath thus washed away the filthy spots , and burnt away the filthy drosse of his church , then ( isa. . . ) she becomes a glory or a praise in the earth , and the promise is , that upon all the glory shall be a defence : but you see she is not brought to that condition , till she go thorow the refiners fire . it is no easie matter to cast satan out of a person ; how much lesse to cast his kingdom out of a land ? another place for the same purpose we find , zech. . . when two parts of the land are cut off , the remnant whichescape , the third part which is written to life in jerusalem , even they must be brought thorow the fire i will bring the third part through the fire , saith the lord , and will refine them as silver is refined , and will try them as gold is tried . this is the fiery triall of affliction , but the fruit of it is a blessed reformation to make the church , as most pure refined gold . they shall call on my name , and i will hear them , that is , they shall no longer worship idols , but me onely , and they shall offer to the lord an offering in righteousnesse , which shall be accepted ; and what more ? i will say , it is my people ; and they shall say , the lord is my god : behold , a reforming people , and a covenanting people : but he that hath his fire in zion , and his furnace in jerusalem , doth first refine them , and purifie them . we are not reformed in gods account , till the refining sire have purged away our drosse , till we be refined as silver is refined , and tried as gold is tried . lastly , in reference to a people not reformed , hear what the prophet saith , jer. . , , . they are brasse and iron , they are all corrupters : the bellows are burnt , the lead is consumed off the fire , the founder melteth in vain ; for the wicked are not plucked away . reprobate silver shall men call them , because the lord hath rejected them . the chaldee paraphrase expoundeth it of the prophets who laboured in vain , and spent their strength for nought , speaking to the people in the name of the lord , to turn to the law and to the testimony ; but they would not turn . i might draw many vses from this doctrine : but i shall content my self with these few . first of all , it reproveth that contrary principle which carnal reason suggesteth : reformation must not grieve , but please it must not break nor bruise , but heal and binde up ; it must be an acceptable thing , not displeasing : it must be as the voice of harpers harping with their harps , but not as the voice of many waters , or as the voice of great thunders . thus would many heal the wound of the daughter of zion slightly , and daub the wall with untempered morter ; and so far comply with the sinfull humours and inclinations of men , as in effect to harden them in evil , and to strengthen their hands in their wickednesse ; or at least , if men be moralized , then to trouble them no further . saith not the apostle , if i yet pleased men , i should not be the servant of christ ? and again , the carnall minde is enmity against god , and is not subject to the law of god , neither indeed can be . so that either we must have a reformation , displeasing to god , or displeasing to men . it is not thright reformation , which is not displeasing to a tobijah , to a sanballat , to a demetrius , to the earthly-minded , to the self-seeking polititians , to the carnal and profane . it s but the old enmity between the seed of the woman and the seed of the serpent . nay , what if reformation be displeasing to good men , in so far as they are unregenerate , carnal , earthly , proud , unmortified ? ( for who can say , i have made my heart clean , i am pure from my sin ? ) what if a joshua envie eldad and medad ? what if an aaron and a miriam speak against moses ? what if a religious asa be wroth with the seer ? what if a david will not alter his former judgement , though very erroneous , and will not ( no , not after better information ) have it thought that he was in an errour ? what if a jonah refuse to go to nineveh , when he is called ? what if the disciples of christ must be taught to be more humble ? what if peter must be reproved by paul for his dissimulation ? what if archippus must be admonished to attend better upon his ministery ? what if christ must tell the angels of the churches , that he hath somewhat against them ? if reformation displease both evil men , and ( in some respect ) good men ; this makes it no worse then a refiners fire ; and so it must be , if it be according to the minde of christ . my second and chief application shal be unto you , my noble lords . if you be willing to admit such a reformation as is according to the minde of christ , as is like the refiners fire and fullers sope ; then , in the name of the lord jesus christ , ( who will say , ere long , to every one of you , give an account of the stewardship ; for thou mayest be no longer steward ) i recommend these three things unto you ; i mean , that you should make use of this refining fire in reference to three sorts of drosse . . the drosse of malignancy . . the drosse of heresie and corruption in religion . . the drosse of profanenesse . touching the first of these , take the wise counsell of the wise man , prov. . , . take away the drosse from the silver , and there shall come forth a vessel for the finer . take away the wicked from before the king , and his throne shall be established in righteousnesse . remember also the fourth article of your solemn league and covenant , by which you have obliged your selves , with your hands lifted up to the most high god , to endeavour the discovery , triall , and condign punishment of all such as have been or shall be incendiaries , malignants , or evil instruments , by hindering the reformation of religion , dividing the king from his people , or one of the kingdoms from another , or making any faction or parties among the people contrary to this covenant . there was once a compliance between the nobles of judah and the samaritanes , which i hope you do not read of , without abominating the thing : you find it , nehem. . . . in those dayes , the nobles of judah sent many letters to tobijah , and the letters of tobijah came unto them . also ( saith nehemiah ) they reported his good deeds before me , and uttered by words to him . but you have also the errour of a godly man set before you as a rock to be avoided , chron. . . shouldst thou help the ungodly , and love them that hate the lord ? therefore is wrath upon thee from before the lord . i am not to dwell upon this point : i speak as to wise men , judge ye what i say . in the second place , think of the extirpation of heresie , and of unsound dangerous doctrine , such as now springeth up apace , and subverteth the faith of many . there is no heretick nor false teacher , which hath not some one fair pretext or another : but bring him once to be tried by this refining fire , he is found to be like a potsheard covered with silver drosse . what is the chaff to the wheat , saith the lord ? and what is the drosse to the silver ? if this be the way of christ which my text speaketh of , then ( sure ) that which now passeth under the name of liberty of conscience , is not the way of christ . much hath been written of this question . for my part , i shall for the present onely offer this one argument : if liberty of conscience ought to be granted in matters of religion , it ought also to be granted in matters civil or military . but liberty of conscience ought not to be granted in matters civil or military , as is acknowledged : therfore neither ought it to be granted in matters of religion . put the case now there be some well-meaning men ( otherways void of offence ) who from the erroneous perswasion of their consciences , think it utterly sinfull , and contrary to the word of god , to take arms in the parliaments service , or to contribute to this present war , or to obey any ordinance of the lords and commons , which tendeth to the resisting of the kings forces : now compare this case with the case of a socinian , arminian , antinomian , or the like : they both plead for liberty of conscience : they both say , our conscience ought not to be compelled ; and if we do against our conscience , we sin . i beseech you , how can you give liberty of conscience to the heretick , and yet refuse liberty of conscience to him that is the conscientious recusant in point of the war ? i am sure there can be no answer given to this argument , which will not be resolved into this principle . mens consciences may be compelled for the good of the state , but not for the glory of god . we must not suffer the state to sink ; but if religion sink , we cannot help it . this is the plain english of it . when i speak against libertie of conscience , it is far from my meaning to advise any rigorous or violent course against such as being sound in the faith and holy in life , and not of a turbulent factious cariage , do differ in smaller matters from the common rule . let that day be darknes , let not god regard it from above , neither let the light shine upon it , in which it shall be said that the children of god in brittain are enemies and persecutors of each other . he is no good christian who will not say amen to the prayer of jesus christ , that all who are his may be one in him . if this be heartily wished , let it be effectually endeavoured . and let those who will choose a dividing way , rather then an uniting way , bear the blame . the third part of my application shall be to stir you up ( right honorable ) to a willing condescending to the setling of church-government in such a manner , as that neither ignorant nor scandalous persons may be admitted to the holy table of the lord . let there be in the house of god fullers sope to take off those who are spots in your feasts , and a resining fire to take away the drosse from the silver . thou puttest away all the wicked of the earth like drosse , saith david . take away therefore the wicked from before the king of glory ; for they shall not stand before him who hateth all workers of iniquity . you see god puts all profane ones in one categorie , and so should you . there is a like reason against seven , and against seventy scandals . or , if you please to make a catalogue of seven , you may , provided itbe such as god himself makes in the fifth verse of this chapter , where seven sorts are reckoned forth ( as some interpreters compute ) but the last of the seven , is generall and comprehensive , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as the septuagints have it , and those that fear not me : those , saith one , who are called in the new testament {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ungodly . jerome noteth upon the place , that though men shall not be guilty of the aforementioned particulars , yet god makes this crime enough , that they are ungodly . nay i dare undertake to draw out of erastus himself ( the great adversarie ) a catalogue of seven sorts of persons to be kept off from the lords table , and such a catalogue as godly ministers can be content with . but of this elsewhere . most horribly hath the lords table been prophaned formerly in this kingdom , by the admission of scandalous persons , god will wink at it no longer : now is the opportunity of reformation . the parliament of england ( if any state in the world ) oweth much to jesus christ ; and he will take it very ill at your hands if ye do him not right in this . i say do him right , for , alas , what is it to ministers , it were more for their ease , and for pleasing of the people , to admit all : but a necessity is laid upon us that we dare not do it , and wo unto us , if we do it . and for your part , should you not establish such a rule as many put a difference between the precious and the vile , the clean and the unclean ; you shall in so far make the churches of christ in a worse condition , and more disabled to keep themselves pure , then either they were of old under pagan emperours , or now are under popish princes . you shall also strengthen instead if silencing the objections both of separatists and socinians , who have with more then a colour of advantage opened their mouthes wide against some reformed churches , for their not exercising of discipline against scandalous and prophane persons , and particularly for not suspending them from the sacrament of the lords supper . nay which is yet more , if you should refuse that which i speak of , you shall come short of that which heathen● themselves in their way did make conscience of : for they did interdict and keep-off from their holy things all such as they esteemed prophane and scandalous , whom therefore they called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is , accused or delated persons : in this manner was alcibiades excommunicate at athens , and virginia at rome : the former recorded by plutarch , the latter by livius . i trust god shal never so far desert this parliament , as that in this particular , pagan and popish princes , separatills , socinians and heathens shall rise up in judgement against you . i am perswaded better things of you , and things that accompany salvation : and , namely , that you will not suffer the name and truth of god to be through you blasphemed and reproached . do ye not remember the sad sentence against eli and his house , because his sons made themselves vile , and he restrained them not , sam. . . the apostle tels us , that the judgement of god abideth not onely those that commit sin , but those also who consent with them : roms. . . aquinas upon that place saith we may consent to the sins of others two waies . . directly by counselling , approving , &c. . indirectly , by not hindering when we can . and so did eli consent to the vilenesse of his sons , because though he reproved them he did not restrain them . there is a law , exod. . . if an ox were wont to push with his horn in time past , and it hath been testified to his owner , and he hath not kept him in , but that he hath killed a man or a woman , the ox shall be stoned , and his owner also shall be put to death . it could be no excuse to say , i intended no such thing , and it is a grief of heart to me , that such mischief is done . that which i ayme at , is this . the directory which you have lately established saith , the ignorant and the sca●d●lous are not fi● to receive this sacrament of the lords supper : and therefore ministers are appointed to warn all such in the name of christ , that they presume not to come to that holy table . it is now desired , that this ( which you have alreadie acknowledged to be according to the word of god and nature of that holy ordinance ) may be made effectuall● and for that end that the power of discipline be added to the power of doctrine : otherwise you are guilty in gods sight of not restraining those that make themselves vile . in the third and last place , i shall apply my doctrine to the sons of levi , and that in a twofold consideration . actively . passively . actively , because , if we be like our master , even followers of jesus christ , or partakers of his unction , then our ministery will have not onely light , but fire in it , we must be burning as well as shining lights ; not onely shining with the light of knowledge , and of the doctrine which is according to godlinesse , but burning also with zeal for reforming abuses , and purging of the church from the drosse thereof . which made ang●s●ine to apply propologically to ministers that which is said of the angels of heaven , psal. . . who maketh his angels spirits , and his ministers a flaming fire . sathan hath many incendiaries against the kingdom of christ . o that we were christs incendiaries against the kingdom of sathan . if we will indeed appear zealous for the lord , let it not seem strange if the adversaries of reformation say of us as they said of the apostles themselves . these that have turned the world upside down , are come hither also . yet it shall be no grief of heart to us afterward , but peace and joy unspeakable , that we have endeavoured to do our duty faithfully . passively also the application must be made , because the sons of levi must in the first place go through this refining fire themselves , and they most of all other men have need to be and must be refined from their drosse . i find in scripture that these three things had a beginning among the priests and prophets . i sin , error , and scandall beginneth at them . jer. . . their shepherds have caused them to go astray . and jer. . . from the prophets of jerusalem is prophanenesse gone out into all the land . judgement begins at them . ezek. . . slay utterly old and young , and begin at my sanctuary . . the refining work of reformation beginneth or ought to begin at the purging and refining of the sons of levi , so you have it in the next words after my text , and chron. . , . &c. where hezekiah beginneth his reformation at the sa●ctifying of the priests and levites . but as it was then in judah , it s now in england , some of the sons of levi are more upright to sanctifie themselves then others . the fire that i spake of before will prove every man and his work . i am sorrie i have occasion to adde a third application but come on and i will shew you greater things than these . what will you say , if any be found among the sons of levi , that will neither be active nor passive in the establishing of the church-refining and sin-censuring government of jesus christ , but will needs appear upon the stage against it . this was done in a late sermon now come abroad , which hath given no small scandal , and offence . i am confident every other godly minister will say , let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth , before i do the like . i have done with that which the text holds forth concerning reformation . the second way how christ is like a refiners fire , and like fullers sope , is in respect of tribulation which either followeth , or accompanieth his coming into his temple . affliction is indeed a refining fire , psal. . . for thou o god hast proved us : thou hast tried us as silver is tried , vers. . we went through fire and through water , pet. . , . ye are in heavinesse through manifold temptations , that the triall of your faith being much more precious then of gold that perisheth , though it be tried with fire , might be found unto praise , &c. affliction is also the fullers sope to purifie and make white , dan. . . and . . many shall be purified and made white , and tried : where the same word is used from which i said before , the fullers sope hath its name . the doctrine shall be this . tribulation doth either accompany or follow after the work of reformation , or purging of the house of god . so it was when christ himself came into his temple . luk. . . i am come to send fire on the earth , vers. . suppose ye that i am come to send peace on earth , i tell you nay ; but rather divis●●on . so it was when the apostles were sent forth into the world . peter applieth to that time the words of joel . and i will shew wonders in heaven above , and signes in earth beneath , blood and fire , and vapour of smoke , the sun shall be turned into darknesse , and the moon into blood . acts . , . the meaning is , such tribulation shall follow the gospel , which shall be like the darkening of the great lights of the world , and as it were a putting of heaven and earth out of their course , so great a change and calamity shall come . the experience both of the ancient and now-reformed churches doth also abundantly confirm this doctrine . neither must we think that all the calamities of the church are now overpast . who can be assured that that houre of greatest darknesse , the killing of the witnesses is past , and all that sad prophecie , rev. . fulfilled . and if some be not much mistaken , it is told , dan. . . that there shall be greater tribulation about the time of the jews conversion , then any we have yet seen . at that time , saith the angel to daniel , there shall be a time of trouble , such as never was since there was a nation , even to that same time : and at that time thy people shall be delivered , every 〈◊〉 that shall be found written in the book . i make haste to the uses , and first , let me give unto god the glory of his truth , if we have been deceived , surely he hath not deceived us , for he hath given us plain warning in his word , and hath not kept up from us , the worst things which ever have or ever shall come upon his church . and now when the sword of the lord hath gotten a charge against these three covenanting and reforming kingdoms , is this any other then the word of the lord , that when christ cometh into his temple , who may abide the day of his coming , and who shall stand , when he appeareth ? so he is like a refiners fire , and like fullers sope . and for the invasion of scotland by such an enemy after a reformation , is it any new thing ? may we not say that which is , hath been ? did not senacherib invade judah , after hezekiahs reformation . chro● . . . and though after the reformation of asa , and after the reformation of jehosaphat also , the land had a short rest and a breathing time , yet not long after a forrain invasion followed both upon the one reformation and the other . nay , look what is the worst thing which hath befallen to scotland as yet , as much , yea worse hath formerly befallen to the church & people of god toward whom the lord had thoughts of peace , and not of evil ; to give them an expected end . i say it not for diminishing any thing either from the sin or shame of scotland ; the lord forbid , we will bear the indignation of the lord because we have sinned against him , we will lay our hand upon our mouth , and accept the punishment of our iniquity , we will bear our shame for ever , because our father hath spit in our face , our rock hath sold us , and our strength hath departed from us . but i say it by way of answering him , that reproacheth in the gates , and by way of pleading for the truth of god . some have objected to our reproach , that when the lord required the israelites to appear before him in jerusalem thrice a yeer , he promised that no man should invade their habitations in their absence , exod. . . . which gracious providence of his , no doubt , saies one , continues still protecting all such as are employed by his command ; yet thath not been so with scotland , during the time of their armies being in england . i answer , besides that which hath been said already , even in this , the word and work of god do well agree , and that scripture ought not to be so applyed to us , except the canaanites , and the am●rites , and the jebusites of our time had been all cast out of our borders , ( we find this day too many of them lurking there , and waiting their opportunity ) for the septuagints , and many of the interpreters read that text thus , for when i shall cast out the nations before thee , and enlarge thy borders , no man shall desire thy land , when thou shall go up to appear before the lord thy god thrice in the yeer . and this is the true sence , read it as you will . for the promise is limited to the time of casting out the nations and inlarging their borders , ( which came not to passe till the dayes of solomon ) it is certain that from the time of making that promise , the people had not ever libertie and protection for keeping the three solemne feasts in the place of the sanctuary : as might be proved from divers forrain invasions and spoylings of that land for some yeers together , whereof we read in the book of the judges . but i go on . in the second place , let god have the glory of his just & righteous dealings . let us say with job , i will leave my comp●aint upon my self , and say unto god , shew me wherefore thou contendest with me . but by all means take heed you conceive not an ill opinion of the covenant and cause of god , or the reformation of religion , because of the tribulation which followeth thereupon . say not , it was a good old world when we burnt incense to the queen of heaven , for then we were well , and saw no evil . but ( said the people to jeremiah ) since we left off to burn incense to the queen of heaven , and to poure out drink-offerings to her , we have been consumed by the sword , and by the famine , jer. . , . to such i answer in the words of solomon , say not thou , what it is the cause that the former times were better then these , for thou diest not enquire wisely concerning this . was the peoples coming out of egypt , the cause why their carcasses did fall in the windernesse ? or was it their murmuring and rebelling against the lord , which brought that wrath upon them . if thou wilt enquire wisely concerning this thing , read zephaniah , cap. . in the dayes of i siah , even in the dayes of judahs best reformation , the lord sent this message by the prophet , i will utterly consume all things from off the land . v. . and i will bring distresse upon men , that they shall walk like blind men , and their bloud shall be poured out as dust , and their flesh as dung , vers. . what was the reason of it ? it is plainly told them , ( and let us take it all home to our selves ) because notwithstanding of that publick reformation , there was a remnant of baal in the land , and the chemarins , and those who halt between two opinions , who swear by the lord ( or to the lord which is expounded of the taking of the covenant in josiahs time ) but they swear by malcham also v. . . there are others who do not seek the lord nor enquire after him , and many that turn back from the lord in a course of back-sliding , v. . other clothed with strange apparell , vers. . others exercising violence and deceit , vers . a number of atheists also living among gods people , ver. . for these and the like causes doth the land mourn . it is not the covenant but the broken covenant , it is not the reformation , but the want of a reall and personall reformation , that hath drawn on the judgment . blessed are they who shall keep their garments clean , and shall be able to say , all this is come up on us , yet have we not forgotten thee , nor dealt falsely in thy covenant . thirdly , give god the glory of his wisdom , many are now crying , how long lord wilt thou hide thy self for ever ? shall thy wrath burn like fire ? your answer from god is , that the rod shall be indeed removed , and even cast into the fire in your stead , but when ? it shall be when the lord hath performed his whole work upon mount zion , and on jerusalem . isa. . if the iudgement have not yet done all the work it was sent for , then they shall go out from on fire , and another fire shall devoure them , saith the lord . god is a wise refiner , and will not take the silver out of the fire , till the drosse be purged away from it . he is a wise father who will not cast the rod of correction , till it have driven away all that folly which is bound up in the hearts of his children . behold , therefore saith the lord , i will gather you into the midst of jerusalem , as they gather silver and brasse , and iron , and lead , and tinne into the midst of the furnace , to blow the fire upon it , to melt it : so will i gather you in mine anger , and in my fury , and i will leave you there , and melt you . he speaks it to those who had escaped the captivity of jeboiakim , and also the captivity of jehoiachin , and thought they should be safe and secure in jerusalem , when their brethren were in babylon , i will gather you , saith the lord , even in the midst of jerusalem , and when thou think you are out of one furnace , you shall fall into another ; and if you will not be refined from your drosse , you shall never come out of that furnace , but i will melt you there , and leave you there , which did so come to passe ; for the residue that escaped to egypt , and thought to shelter themselves there , as likewise these that remained in jerusalem , and held out that siege with zedekias , even all these did fall under the sword , and the famine , and the pestilence , till they were consumed ; jer. . . . let those that are longest spared , take heed they be not ●orest smitten . say not with agag , the bitternesse of death is past . the child chast●ed in the afternoon , weeps as sore as the child chastised in the forenoon . remember the lord will not take away the judgement till he have performed his work ; yea his whole work ; and that upon mount zion and jerusalem it self . it is no light matter , the rod must be very heavy before our uncircumcised heart can be humbled , and the furnace very hot , before our drosse depart from us . we have need of all the ●ore strokes which we mourn under , and if one lesse could do the turn it should be spared , for the lord doth not afflict willingly ; we our selves rive every stroke out of his hand . but in the fourth and last place , let us give god the glory of his mercy also , he means to do us good in our latter end . it is the hand of a father , not of an enemy : it is a refining , not a consuming fire . the poor mourners in zion are ready to say , our bones are dried , and our hope is lost , we are cut off for our parts : we are like to lie in this fire and furnace for ever , because our drosse is is not departed from us , we are stil an unhumbled , an unbroken , an unmortified generation ; yea , many like ahaz in the time of affliction trespassing yet more against the lord , many thinking of going back again to egypt . to such i have these two things to say for their comfort : first , there is a remnant which shall not onely be delivered , but purified , and shall come forth as gold out of the fire . the third part shall be refined , and the lord shall say , it is my people , zach. . . and a most sweet promise there is after the saddest denunciation of judgement , ezek. . , . yet behold therein shall be left a remnant that shall be brought both sons and daughters , ●ehold they shall come forth unto you , and ye shall see their way and their doings , and ye shall be comforted concerning the evill that i have brought upon jerusalem , even concerning all that i have brought upon it . and they shall comfort you when you see their wayes and their doing● : and ye shall know that i have not done without cause all that i have done in it , saith the lord god . dan. . . many shall be purified and made and tried : but the wicked shall do wickedly , and none of the wicked shall understand , but the wise shall understand , jer. . . after the promise of delivering those that were carried away to babylon , there is a nother promise added of that which was much better : i will give an heart to know me that i am thy lord , and they shall be my people , and i will be their god , for they shall return unto me with their whole heart , psal. . he shall redeem israel from all his iniquities , zebp . . , . i will also leave in the mid●● them an afflicted and poore people , and they shall trust in the name of the lord . the remnant of israel shall not do iniquity , not speak lies , neither shall a deceitfull tongue be found in their mouth . let your souls now apply these and the like promises , and cry , lord remember thy promise , and let not a jot of thy good word fall to the ground . secondly . as the promises of spirituall and eternall blessings , so the promises of peace and temporall deliverances , are not legall but even evangelicall : if we be not refined and purged as we ought to be , that is a matter of humiliation to us , but it is also a matter of magnifying the riches of free mercy , isa. . , , . for my names sake will i deferre mine anger , and for my praise will ●refrain for thee . behold , i have refined thee , but not with silver , i have chosen thee in the fornance of affection , for mine own sake , yea for mine own sake will i do it . the lord is there arguing with his people , to humble them , to convince them , and to cut off all matter of glorying from them . and among other things , left they should glory in this , that what ever they were before , they became afterward as silver refined seven times in the fornace ; nay , saith the lord , i have refined you in some sort , but notas silver , not so as that you are clean from your drosse : but i have chosen you , and set my love upon you , even while you are in the fornace not yet refined : and i will deliver you even for my own names sake , that you may owe your deliverance for ever to free mercy , and not to your own repentance and amendment . a land is accepted , and a peoples peace made with god , not by their repentance and humiliation , but by christ beleeved on , micah : . this man shall be the peace when the assyrian shall come into our land . there were sin-offerings , and burnt-offerings appointed in the law for a nationall atonement , levit. . . . num. . , . which did typifie pardoning of nationall sins through the merit of jesus christ . we must improve the office of the mediator , and the promise of free grace , in the behalf of gods people , as well as of our own souls , which ( if it be indeed done ) will not hinder , but further a great mourning , and deep humiliation in the land . and so much of tribulation . the third thing held forth in this text ( of which i must be very short ) is mortification : this also is a refining fire , matth. . . he shall baptize you with the holy ghost and with fire , mark . . for every one shall be salted with fire ; and every sacrifice shall be salted with salt . he hath been before speaking of mortification , of the placking out of the right eye , the cuting off the right hand , or the right foot , and now he presseth the same thing by a double allusion to the law , there was a necessity both of fire and salt , the sacrifice was seasoned with salt , and the fire upon the altar was not to be put out , but every morning the wood was burnt upon it , and the burnt offering laid upon it . so if we will present our selves as a holy and acceptable sacrifice to god , we must be seasoned with the salt , and our corruptions burnt up with the fire of mortification . the doctrine shall be this : it is not enough to joyn in publick reformation , yea to suffer tribulation for the name of christ , except we also endeavour mortification . this mortification is a third step distinct from the former two ; and without this , the other two can make us but almost christians , or , not far from the kingdom of god in the parable of the sower and the seed , as we find it both in matthew , mark , and luke , this method may be observed , that of the four sorts of ground , the second is better then the first , the third better then the second ; but the fourth onely is the good ground , which is fruitfull , and getteth a blessing . some mens hearts are like the high way , and the hard beaten road , where every soul spirit , and every lust hath walked and converted , their consciences through the custome of sin , are as it were seared with a hot iron : in these the word takes no place , but all that they hear doth presently slip from them . others receive the word with a present good affection and delight , but have no depth of earth , that is , neither having had a work of the law upon their consciences for deep humiliation , nor being rooted and grounded in love to the gospel , nor paradventure so much as grounded in the knowledge of the truth , nor having counted their cost , and solidly resolved for sufferings ; thereupon it comes to passe , when suffering times come , these wither away , and come to nothing . thing . there is a third sort , who go a step further , they have some root , and some more solid ground then the former , so that they can suffer many things , and not fall away because of persecution , yet they perish through want of mortification . one may suffer persecution for christ , not being sore tried in that which is his idol lust , yet enduring great losses and crosses in other things . of such it is said , that the cares of this world , and the deceitfulnesse of riches , and the lusts of other things entering in , choke the word , and it becometh unfruitfull . mark that , the lusts of other things , that is , whether it be the lust of the eyes , or the lust of the flesh , or the pride of life ; and he speaks of the entring in , meaning of some strong tentation coming upon a man to catch him in that which is the great idol of his heart , and his beloved lust , what ever it be , such a tentation he never found before , and therefore thought the lust had been mortified , which was but lurking . did not judas suffer many things with christ , during the time of his publike ministery ? did not ananias and saphira suffer for a season , with the apostles and church at jerusalem ? what was it then that lost them ? they neither made defection from the profession of the truth , nor did they fall away because of persecution : but having shined in the light a sound profession , having also taken up the crosse , and born the reproach of christ , they make shipwrack at last upon an unmortified lust . i shall enlarge the doctrine nofurther , but touch upon some few uses , and so an end . first , let all and every one ofus be convinced of the necessity of our further endeavouring after mortfication . the best silver which cometh out of the earth , hath drosse in it , and therefore needeth the refiners fire ; and the whitest garment that is worn , will touch some unclean thing or other , and therefore will need the fullers sope . the best of gods children have the drosse of their inherent corruptions to purge away , which made paul say , i keep under my body , and bring it into subiection ; lest that by any means when i have preached to others , i my self should be a castaway . it is a spee●h borrowed from reprobate silver which is not refined from drosse , and so is the word used by the septuagints , isa. . . thy silver is become drosse . the apostle therefore sets himself to the study of mortification , lest , saith he , when i have been refining and purifying others , i my self be found to be drossie silver . and as there is inherent drosse , so there is adherent uncleannesse in the best , and who can say , that he hath kept his garments so clean that he is unspotted of the world , or that he hath so separate himself from the pollutions of the world , as that he hath touched no unclean thing . so that there is an universall necessity of making use both of the refiners fire , and of the fullers sope . secondly , let us once become willing and contented , yea desirous to be throughly mortified . a mans lus●s and corruptions are indeed so strongly interested in him , that sin is himself , and his corruptions are his members , therfore when we leave off sin , we are said to live no more to our selves . and morification is the greatest violence that can be done to nature , therefore it is called a cutting off of the chief members of the body , mark . . . . a salting with salt , and a burning with fire , ver. . a ciccumcision , col. . . a crucifying , rom. . . so that nothing can be more difficult or displeasing ; yea , a greater torment to flesh and blood . yet now art thou willing , notwithstanding of all this , to take christ on his own terms , to take him not only for rightousnesse and life , but to take him as a refiners fire , & as fullers sope ? o that there were such a heart in thee . when christ bids thee pluck out thy right eye , and cut off thy right hand , say not in thy heart , how shall i do without my right eye , and my right hand . nay thou shalt do well enough , thou shalt even enter into life without them , thou shalt be a gainer , and no looser . say not thou , how shall i go through this refining fire : fear not , thou shalt lose nothing but thy drosse . thus get thy heart wrought to a willingnesse , and a condesending , in the point of mortification . lastly , if you say , but after all this , how shall i attain unto it ? put thy self in the hands of iesus christ , trust him with the work , if you mark the text here ; and the verse that followeth , christ is both the refiner , and the refiners fire : thou shalt be refined by him , and thou shalt be refined in him . thou deceivest thy self if thou thinkest to be refined any other way but by this refiner , and in this refiners fire . the blood of christ doth ! not onely wash us from guilt , but purge our consciences from dead works to serve the living god , heb. . . and they that are christs , have crucified the flesh with the affections and lusts , gal. . . here you may see the thing is feceable and attainable , and not onely by an apostle or some extraordinary man , but by all that are christs . being his and in him , they are inabled through his strength to crucifie the flesh with the affections and lusts thereof . finis . a brotherly examination of some passages of mr. colemans late sermon upon job . . as it is now printed and published : by which he hath to the great offence of very many , endeavoured to strike at the very root of all spiritual and ecclesiasticall government , contrary to the word of god , the solemn league and covenant , other reformed churches , and the votes of the honourable houses of parliament , after advice had with the reverend and learned assembly of divines . i have before touched this purpose in the third branch of the third application of my second doctrine : and did in my sermon in the abbey church , expresse my thoughts of it at some length . but as i was then unwilling to fall upon such a controversie so publickly , & especially in a fast sermon , if that which i intend to examine had not been as publikly and upon the like occasion delivered : so now in the publishing , i have thought good to open my mind , concerning this thing distinctly , and by itselfe . that which had been too late to be preached after sermon , is not too late to be printed after sermon . others ( upon occasion offred ) have given their testimony against his doctrine ; and i should think my self unfaithful in the trust put upon me , if upon such an occasion i should be silent in this businesse : and i beleeve no man will think it strange , that a peece of this nature and strain get an answer : and i go about it , without any disrespect either to the person or parts of my reverend brother . onely i must give a testimony to the truth when i hear it spoken agai●st , and i hope his objections have made no such impression in any mans mind , as to make him unwilling to hear an answer . come we therefore to the particulars . foure rules were offered by the reverend brother , as tending to unity , and to the healing of the present controversies about church-government . but in truth his cure is worse than the disease : and instead of making any agreement , he is like to have his hand against every man , and every mans hand against him . the first rule was this . est●blish as few things jure divino as can well be . which is by interpretation , as little fine gold , and as much drosse as can well be . the words of the lord are pure words , as silver tried in a furnace of earth , purified seven times . what you take from the word of god is fine gold tried in the fire . but an holy thing of mans devising is the drosse of silver . can he not be content to have the drosse purged from the silver , except the silver it self be cast away ? the very contrary rule is more sure and safe , which i prove thus . if it be a sin to diminish or take ought from the word of god , in so much that it is forbiden under pain of taking away a mans part out of the book of life and out of the holy city : then as many things as are to be established jure divino , as can well be . but it is a sin to diminish or take ought from the word of god , in so much that it is forbiden under pain of taking away a mans part out of the book of life , and out of the holy city . therefore as many things are to be established jure divino , as can well be . it must be remembred withall . . that the question is not now whether this or that form of church-government be jure divino ? but whether a church-government be jure divino ? whether jesus christ have thus far revealed his will in his word , that there are to be church-censures , and those to be dispenced by church-officers ? the brother is for the negative of this question . neither is it stood upon by any ( so far as i know ) that what the parliament shall establish concerning church-government , must be established by them jure divino . if the parliament shall in a parliamentary and legislative way establish that thing which really and in it self is agreeable to the word of god , though they do not declare it to be the will of jesus christ , i am satisfied , and i am confident so are others . this i confesse , that it is incumbent to parliament-men , to ministers , and to all other christians , according to their vocation and interest , to search the scriptures , and thereby to info●● their own and other mens consciences , so as they may do in faith what they do in point of church-government , that is , that they may know they are not sinning , but doing the will of god : and it ought to be no prejudice nor exception against a form of church-government that many learned and godly divines do assert it from scripture , to be the will of god . and why should jus divinum be such a noli me tangere ? the reason was given : this was the onely thing that kindered union in the assembly , ( saith he ) two parties came biased , the reverend commissioners from scotland , were for the jus divinum of the presbyteriall ; the independents for the congregationall government . how should either move ? where should they both meet ? if it was thus , how shall he make himself blamelesse , who made union in the assembly , yet more difficult , because he came byased a third way , with the erastian tenents ? and where he asketh , where the independents and we should meet ? i answer , in holding a church-government jure divino , that is , that the pastors and elders ought to suspend or excommunicate ( according to the degree ofthe of the offence ) scandalous sinners . who can tell , but the purging of the church from scandals , and the keeping of the ordinances pure ( when it shall be actually seen to be the great thing endeavoured on both sides ) may make union between us and the independents more easie than many imagine . as for his exception against us , who are commissioners from the church of scotland , i thank god it s but such , yea not so much as the arminians did object against the forrai●ne divines who came to the synod of dorti . they complained that those divines were pre-ingaged and byased in regard of the judgement of those churches from which they came : and that therefore they did not help but hinder union in that assembly . and might not the arrians have thus excepted against alexander , who was ingaged against them before he came to the councell of nice ? might not the n●storians have made the same exception against cyrill , because he was under an engagement against them , before he came to the councell of ephesus ? nay , had not the jewish . zealots , the very same objection to make against paul and barnabas , who were ingaged ( not in the behalf of one nation , but of all the churches of the gentiles ) against the imposition of the mosaicall rites , and had so declared themselves at antioch , before they came to the synod at jerusalem ? act. . . it 's not fault to be engaged for the truth , but against the truth : it 's not blame-worthy , but praise-worthy to hold fast so much as we have already attain'd unto . nothwithstanding we , for our part , have also from the beginning professed , that we are most willing to hear and learn from the word of god , what needeth futher to be reformed in the church of scotland ? the second rule which was offered in that sermon , was this ; let all precepts , held out as divine institutions , have clear scriptures , &c. let the scripture speak expressely , ( saith he . ) i answer ; the scripture speaks in that manner , which seemed fittest to the wisdom of god , that is , so as it must cost us much searching of the sripture , as men search for a hid treasure , before we find out what is the good and acceptable and perfect will of god concerning the government of his church . will any divine in the world deny that it is a divine truth , which by necessarie consequence is drawn from scripture , as well as that which in expresse words and syllables is written in scripture ? are not divers articles of our profession , for instance the baptisme of infants necessarily and certainly proved from scripture , although it make no expresse mention thereof in words and syllables ? but let us hear what he hath said concerning some scriptures ( for he names but two of them ) upon which the acts of spirituall or ecclesiasticall government have been grounded . that place , cor. . takes not hold ( saith he ) on my conscience for excommunication , and i admire that mat. . so should upon any . it 's strange that he should superciliously passe them over without respect to so great a cloud of witnesses in all the reformed churches , or without so much as offering any answer at all to the arguments which so many learned and godly divines of old and of late have drawn from these places for excommunication ; which if he had done , he should not want a reply . in the meantime , he intermixeth a politick consideration into this debate of divine right . i could never yet see ( saith he ) how two co-ordinate governments exempt from superiority and inferioritie , can be in one state . i suppose he hath seen the co-ordinate governments of a generall , and of an admirall ; or if we shall come lower , the governments of parents over their children , and masters over their servants , though it fall often out , that he who is subject to one man as his master , is subject to another man as his father . in one ship there may be two co-ordinate governments , the captain governing the souldiers , the master governing the mariners . in these and such like cases , you have two co-ordinate governments , when the one governor is not subordinate to the other . there is more subordination in the ministers and other church-officers toward the civil magistrate . for the ministers of christ must be in subjection to the magistrate ; & if he be not , he is punishable by the law of the land as well as any other subject . the persons and estates of church-officers and all that they have in this world is subject to civill authoritie . but that which is chri●s and not ours , the royall prerogative of the king of saints , in governing of his church , according to his own will , is not subject to the pleasure of any man living . but the reverend brother might well have spared this . it isnot the independency of the church-government upon the civil government , which he intended to speak against . it is the very thing it self , a church-government , as is manifest by his other two rules . i come therefore to his next , which is the third rule , lay no more ●urthen of government upon the shoulders of ministers , then christ hath plainly laid upon them . he means none at all , as is manifest not onely by his fourth rule , where he saith , that he finds no institution of other governments beside magistracy , but also by the next words , the ministers have other work to do , saith he , and such as will take up the whole man : he might have added this one word more , that without the power of church-government , when ministers have done all that ever they can , they shall not keep themselves nor the ordinances from pollution . before i proceed any further , let it be remembred when he excludes ministers from government : first , it is from spirituall or ecclesiasticall government , for the question is not of civill government . secondly , he excludes ruling elders too , and therefore ought to have mentioned them with the ministers , as those who are to draw the same yoke together , rather then to tell us of an innate enmity between the clergie and the laity . the keeping up of the names of the clergy and laity savoureth more of a domineering power , then any thing the brother can charge upon presbyteries . it is a point of controversie between bellarmine and those that writ against him , he holding up , and they crying down those names , because the christian people are the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the heritage of the lord , as well as the ministers . thus much by the way of that distinction of names . and for the thing it self , to object an innate enmity between the ministers of the gospel and those that are not ministers , is no lesse then a dishonouring and aspersing of the christian religion . to return , you see his words tend to the taking away of all church-government out of the hands of church-officers . now may we know his reasons ? he fetcheth the ground of an argument out of his own heart ; i have a heart ( faith he ) that knews better how to be governed , then govern . i wish his words might hold true in a sence of plyablenesse and yeelding to government . how he knows to govern i know not ; but it should seem in this particular he knows not how to be governed : for after both houses of parliament have concluded , that many particular congregations shall be under one presbyteriall government ; he still acknowledgeth no such thing as presbyteriall government . i dare be bold to say , he is the first divine in all the christian world that ever advised a state to give no government to church-officers , after the state had resolved to establish presbyterian government . but let us take the strength of his argument as he pretendeth it . he means not of an humble p●iablenesse and subjection ( for that should ease him from his fear of an ambitious ensnarement , and so were contrary to his intention ) but of a sinfull infirmity and ambition in the heart , which makes it fitter for him and others to be kept under the yoke , then to govern . and thus his argumentation runs , might i measure others by my self , and i know not why i may not ( god fashions mens hearts alike ; and as in water face answers face , so the heart of man to man ) i ingeniously professe , i have a heart that knows better how to be governed , then govern : i fear an ambitious ensnarement , and i have cause ; i see what raised prelacy and papacy to such a height , &c. the two scriptures will not prove what he would . the first of them , psal. . . he fashioneth their hearts alike , gives him no ground at all , except it be the homonomy of the english word alike , which in this place noteth nothing else but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , all mens hearts are alike in this , that god fashioneth them all , and therefore knoweth them all aeque or alike ( that is the scope of the place . ) the hebrew jachad is used in the same sence , ezra . . we our selves together will build ; they mean not they will all build in the like fashion , or in the same manner , but that they will build all of them together , one as well as another . so psal. . . the rulers take counsell together , jer. . , they are fallen both together . the other place , prov. . . if you take it word by word as it is in the hebrew is thus , as in water faces to faces , so the heart of man to man . our translators adde the word answereth , but the hebrew will suffer the negative reading , as in waters faces answer not to faces . the septuagints read , as faces are not like faces , so neither are the hearts of men alike . the chaldee paraphrase thus , as waters and as countenances which are not like one another , so the heart of the sons of men are not alike . thus doth master cartwright in his judicious commentary give the sense , as in the water face doth not answer fully to face , but in some sort , so there may be a conjecture , but no certain knowledge of the heart of man . but let the text be read affirmatively , not negatively , what shall be the sence ? some take it thus , a mans heart may be someway seen in his countenance , as a face in the water . others thus , as a face in the water is various and changeable to him that looketh upon it , so is the heart of man inconstant to a friend that trusteth in him . others thus , as a man seeth his own face in the water , so he may see himself in his own heart or conscience . others thus , as face answereth face in the water , so he that looketh for a friendly affection from others , must shew it in himself . it will never be proved that any suchthing is intended in that place , as may warrant this argumentation : there is such a particular corruption in one mans heart , for instance , ambition , which makes him unfit to be trusted with government ; therefore the same corruption is in all other mens hearts : even as the face in the water answereth the face out of the water so just , that there is not a spot or blemish in the one but it is in the other . i am sure pan ! taught us not so , when he said , in lowlinesse of minde let each esteeme other better then themselves , phil. . . nay , the brother himself ha●h taken off the edge of his own argument ( if it had any ) in his epistle printed before his sermon , where speaking of his brethren , from whose judgement he dissenteth in point of government , he hath these words , whose wisdom and humility ( i speak it confidently ) may safely be trusted with as large a share of government as they themselves desire . well , but suppose now the same corruption to be in other mens hearts , that they are in great danger of an ambitious insnarement , if they be trusted with government . is this corruption onely in the hearts of ministers , or is it in the hearts of all other men ? i suppose he will say in all mens hearts ; and then his argument will conclude against all civill government . last of all , admit that there be just fears of abusing the power and government ecclesiasticall ; let the persons to be intrusted with it be examined , and the power it self bounded according to the strictest rules of christ . let abuses be prevented , reformed , corrected . the abuse cannot take away the use , where the thing it self is necessary . why might he not have satisfied himself without speaking against the thing it self . once indeed he seemeth to recool , and faith , onely i would have it so bounded , that it might be said , hitherto shalt thou come , and here shalt thou stay thy proud waves ; yet by and by he passeth his own bounds , and totally renounceth the government to the civill power , which i shall speak to anon . but i must first ask , whence is this fear of the proud swelling waves of presbyteriall government ? where have they done hurt ? was it upon the coast of france , or upon the coast of holland , or upon the coast of scotland ? or where was it ? or was the dashing upon terra in cognita ? he that would forewarn men to beware of presbyteriall usurpations , ( for so the brother speaking to the present controversie about church-government must be apprehended ) and to make good what he ●aith , fals upon the stories of pope paul the . and of the bishop of canterbury , is not a little wide from the mark . i should have expected some examples of evils and mischiefs which presbyteriall government hath brought upon other reformed churches . well , the reverend brother hath not done , but he proceedeth thus ; i●n as the king of sodomes speech to abraham , give me the persons , ta●eth ● the goods ; so say i , give us doctrine , take you the government as 〈◊〉 said : right honourab . c , give me leave to make this request in the behalf of the ministery , give us two things and we shall do well ; give us earning ; and give us a competency . this cals to ●inde a story which clemens alexandrinus tells us ; when one had painted helena with much gold , apelles looking upon it , friend , ( saith he ) when you could not make her fair , you have made her rich ; learning and competency do inrich : the jesuites have enough of both , but that which maketh a visible ministeriall church to be beautifull as tirzah , comely as jerusalem : that which maketh fair the outward face of a church , is government and discipline , the removing of scandals , the preserving of the ordinances from pollution . he had spoken more for the honour of god , and for the power of godlinesse , if he had said this in the behalf of the ministery , it were better for us to want competency and helps to learning , then to partake with other mens sins , by admitting the scandalous and prophane to the lords table ; his way which he adviseth , will perhaps get ●s an able ministery , and procure us honour enough , as he speaketh , but ( sure ) it can neither preserve the purity , nor advance the power of religion , because it putteth no black mark upon prophanesse and scandall in church members , more then in any others : the king of sodoms speech cannot serve his turn , except it be turned over , and then it will serve him as just as any thing , thus , give us the goods , take you the persons , ( or the souls , as the he●rew and the chaldee hath it ) give us a competency , saith he , here he asketh the goods , take you the government , here he quitteth the persons or souls to be governed onely by the civill power ; however , as at that time abraham would take nothing that was not his own , insomuch as he answered the king of sodome , i will not take from a thred , even to a shoe latchet , and i will not take any thing that is thine : so this parliament , i trust , shall be so counselled and guided of the lord , that they will leave to the church , what is the churches , or rather to christ what is christs : and as a●raham had lift up his hand to the most high god , to doe that ; so have the honourable houses , with hands lifted up to the most high god , promised to do this . and now seeing i have touched upon the covenant , i wish the reverend brother may seriously consider , whether he hath not violated the oath of god , in advising the parliament to lay no burden of government upon church officers , but to take the government of the church wholly into their own hands . in the first article of the solemn league and covenant , there is thrice mention made of the government of the church ; and namely , that we shall indeavour the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of england and ireland , in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches . where observe , . the extirpation of church-government is not the reformation of it . the second article is indeed of things to be extirpated ; but this of things to be preserved and reformed . therfore , as by the covenant prelacy was not to be reformed , but to be abolished : so by the same covenant church government was not to be abolished , but to be reformed . . church-government is mentioned in the covenant as a spirituall , not a civill thing . the matters of religion are put together ; doctrine , worship , discipline , and government : the priviledges of parliament come after , in the third article . . that clause , according to the word of god , implieth , that the word of god holdeth forth such light unto us , as may guide and direct us in the reformation of church-government . . and will the brother say , that the example of the best reformed churches leadeth us his way , that is , to have no church-government at all distinct from the civil government ? and so much concerning his third rule . the fourth was this : a christian magistrate , as a christian magistrate , is a governor in the church . and who denieth this ? the question is , whether there ought to be no other government in the church , beside that of the christian magistrate . that which he driveth at , is , that the christian magistrate should leave no power of spirituall censures to the elderships . he would have the magistrate to do like the rich man in the parable , who had exceeding many flocks and herds , and yet did take away the little ewe-lamb from the poor man , who had nothing save that . the brother saith , of other governments besides magistracie , i finde no institution ; of them i d● , rom. . , . i am sor●y he sought no better , else he had found more . subjection and obedience is commanded , as due , not onely to civil , but to spirituall governors , to those that are over us in the lord , thes. . . so tim. . . let the elders that ru●e well , be counted worthy of double honour . heb. . . remember them which have the rule over you , who have spoken to you the word of god . vers. . obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves ; for they watch for your souls . and what understandeth he by him that ruleth , r●m . . ? if the judgement of gua●ther and bullinger have any weight with him ( as i suppose it hath ) they do not there exclude , but take in , under that word , the ruling officers of the church . but now in the close , let the reverend brother take heed he hath not split upon a rock , and taken from the magistrate more then he hath given him . he saith , christian magistrates are to manage their office under christ , and for christ . christ hath placed governments in his church , cor. . , &c. i finde all government given to christ , and to christ as mediator ( i desire all to consider it ) eph. . . last vers. and christ as head of these given to the church . if this be good divinity , then i am sure it will be the hardest task which ever he took in hand , to uphold and assert the authority either of pagan or christian magistrates . first , he lets the pagan or infidel magistrate fall to the ground , as an usurper who hath no just title to reign , because all government is given to christ and to him as mediator : but which way was the authority of government derived from christ , and from him as mediator , to a pagan prince or emperour ? next , he will make it to fare little better with the christian magistrate : for if the christian magistrate be the vice-gerent of christ , and of christ as mediator ; and if he be to manage his office under and for christ ; then the reverend brother must either prove from scripture , that christ , as mediator , hath given such a commission of vice-gerent-ship and deputy-ship to the christian magistrate ; or otherwise acknowledge that he hath given a most dangerous wound to magistracie , and made it an empty title , claiming that power which it hath no warrant to assume . god and nature hath made magistrates , and given them great authority : but from christ as mediator they have it not . i finde in scripture , that church-officers have their power from christ as mediator , and they are to manage their office under and for christ , and in the name of the lord jesus christ do we assemble our selves together , matth. . . in his name do we preach , luke . . acts . , . and . . . and . . in his name do we baptize , act. . . and . , . and . . in his name do we excommunicate , cor. . . but i do not find in scripture that the magistrate is to rule , or to make laws , or to manage any part of his office in the name of the lord jesus christ . and as the mediator hath not anywhere given such a commission and power to the magistrate : so , as mediator , he had it not to give : for he was not made a judge in civil affairs , luke . and his kingdom is not of this world , job . . . how can that power which christ as mediator hath not received of the father , be derived from christ to the christian magistrate ? i know that christ , as he is the eternall son of god , and thought it no robbery to be equall with god , doth with the father and the holy ghost reign and rule over all the kingdoms of the sons of men . he that is mediator , being god , hath , as god , all power in heaven and earth , ( and this power was given to him , matth. . . both by the eternall generation , and by the declaration of him to be the son of god with power , when he was raised from the dead , rom. . . even as he said to be begotten , when he was raised again , act. . . he had relinquished and laid aside his divine dominion and power , when he had made himself in the form of a servant ; but after his resurrection it 's gloriously manifested . ) and so he that is mediator , being god , hath power to subdue his and his churches enemies , and to make his foes his footstool . but as mediator he is onely the churches king , head and governor , and hath no , other kingdom . the phatinians have defined the kingly office of christ thus . it is an office committed to him by god , to govern with the highest authority and power all creatures endued with understanding , and especially men , and the church gathered of them . but those that have written against them have corrected their definition in this particular , because christ is properly king of his church onely . as for those two scriptures which the brother citeth , they are extremely misapplied . he citeth . cor. . , to prove that christ hath placed civil governments in his church . if by the governments or governors there mentioned , be understood the civil magistrates ; yet that place saith not that christ hath placed them , but that god hath done it . next , the apostle speaks of such governors as the church had at that time ; but at that time the church had no godly nor christian magistrates . this is calvins argument , whereby he proves that ecclesiasticall , not civil governors , are there meant . thirdly , i ask , how can we conceive that civil government can come into the catalogue of ecclesiastical and spiritual administrations ? for such are all the rest there reckoned forth . lastly , the brother , after second thoughts , may think he hath done another disservice to the magistrate , in making the magistracy to be below and behinde the ministery . the apostle puts them in this order : god hath set some in the church , first apostles , secondly prophets , thirdly teachers , after that miracles , then gifts of healings , helps , governments , &c. how makes the brother this to agree with his interpretation ? next , he citeth eph. . , , . to prove that all government is given to christ , and to him as mediator ; and christ , as head of these , given to the church . but this place maketh more against him then for him : for the apostle saith not that christ is given to the church as the head of all principalities and powers . the brother saith so ; and in saying so , he makes christ a head to those that are not of his body . the apostle saith far otherwise , that god gave christ to be the head over all things to the church , which is his body ; which the syriack readeth more plainly , and him who is over all , he gave to be the head to the church . he is a head to none but the church : but he who is head to the church is over all , god l●●sed forever , rom. . . yea , even as man , he is over or above all . the very humane nature of christ which was raised from the dead , being set at the right hand of the majesty of god , is exalted to a higher degree of honour and glory , then either man or angel ever was , or ever shall be : so that he that is head of the church , is over all , because he doth not onely excell his own members , but excell all creatures that ever god made . it is one thing to say that christ is exalted to a dignity , excellency , preeminence , majesty , and glory , far above all principality , and power , and might , and dominion : another thing to say that christ is head of all principalities and governments , and as mediator excerciseth his kingly office over these . the apostle saith the former , but not the latter . shall i need to illustrate this distinction ? is there any thing more known in the world ? will any say , that he who excels other men in dignity , splendor , honour , and glory , must therefore reign and rule over all those whom he thus excels ? the apostle saith indeed , in another sense , that christ is the head of all principality and power , col. . . but that is spoken of christ not as he is mediator , but onely as he is god : and the apostles meaning in those words is nothing but this ; that christ is true god , saith tosanus ; that he is omnipotent , saith gualther ; that he , being the naturall son of god , is together with the father lord of all things , saith bullinger . that this is the meaning , will soon appear : . from the scope of the place , which is to teach the colossians not to worship angels , because they are but servants , and the son of god is their lord and head . . the apostle expounds himself , how christ is the head of all principality and power , col. . , , . who is the image of the invisible god , the first-born of every creature : for by him were all things created that are in heaven , and that are in the earth , visible and invisible , whether they be thrones , ord●minions , or principalities or powers : all things were created by him , and for him ; and he is before all things , and by him all things consist . now all this is without controversie , to be understood , not of the office , but of the person of jesus christ ; not of his governing and kingly office , as he is midiator , but to prove that he is true and very god . therefore beza , zanchius , gualther , bullinger , t●ssanus , m. bayne , and divers other interpreters upon the place , do generally agree , that the apostle , vers. . , , speaks of the dignity and excellency of the person of jesus christ , proving him to be true god ; and that vers. . he cometh to speak of his office , as he is mediator : and be is the head of the body , the church , &c. so that we may distinguish a twofold headship of jesus christ . one , in regard of his godhead ; and so he is head of all principality and power : another in regard of his office of mediatorship ; and so he is head of the church onely . the present question is of the later , not of the former . the former is common to the son of god , with the father and the holy ghost : the latter is proper to christ god and man . the former shall continue for ever : the latter shall not continue for ever . the former doth not necessarily suppose the latter ; but the latter doth necessarily suppose the former . christ can reign as god , though he reign not as mediator ; but he cannot reign as mediator , and not reign as god . the object of the former is every creature : the object of the latter is the church gathered out of the world . this digression concerning the headship of jesus christ , may for the future prevent divers objections . so i shall return . and now ( i desire all to consider it ) there is not one word in those three last verses of eph. . which will give any ground for that which the brother with so much confidence averreth . vers. . affordeth this argument against him . the honour and dignity of jesus christ there spoken of , hath place not onely in this world , but in that which is to come . but the kingdom and government which is given to christ as mediator , shall not continue in the world to come ( for when christ hath put his enemies under his feet , he shal deliver up the kingdom to the father , and reign no longer as mediator , cor. . , . ) therefore the government given to christ , as he is mediator , cannot be meant in that place , but the dignifying , honouring , preferring and exalting of christ , to a higher degree of glory then either man or angel . come on now , and see whether vers. . maketh any whit more for him ; he hath put all things under his feet ; that is , saith zanchius , all things but the church , which is his body . but this must be meant in respect of the decree and foreknowledge of god , as hierome expounds the place ; and so doth the scripture expound it self , heb. . . but now we see not yet all things put under him . . . . he must reign till he hath put all his enemies under his feet . acts . , sit thou on my right hand till i make thy foes thy footstool . now when christ shall have put down all rule , and all authority and power , and shall put his enemies under his feet ; then he shall cease to reign any more as mediator ( which i have even now proved : ) but before that be done , he reigns as mediator . so that it can never be proved , that the meaning of these words , he hath put all things under his feet , is , that all government in this world is given to christ as mediator : and whoever saith so , must needs acknowledge , that christs exercising of government ( as he is mediator ) over all principalities and powers , shall continue after all things shall be put under his feet ; or that christ shall not govern as mediator , till all things be put under his feet ; which is so contrary to the apostles meaning , that christ shall then cease to reign as mediator . the next words , and he gave him to be the head over all things to the church , do furnish another argument against him . christs headship and his government as mediator , are commensurable , and of an equall extent . christ is a head to none but to his church : therfore no government is given to him as mediator , but the government of his church . the last verse doth further confirm that which i say : for the apostle continuing his speech of the church , saith , which is his body , the fulnesse of him that f●lleth all in all . he cals the church christ fulnesse , in reference to his headship , that which makes him full and compleat so far as he is a head or king : having his church fully gathered , he hath his compleat kingdom , his perfect body ; and this being done , he wants nothing , so far as he is mediator . so that the holy ghost doth here as it were on purpose anticipate this opinion , lest any should think all c●●●l government is given to christ as mediator . though , as god , he filleth heaven and earth ; yet , as mediator , his filling of all in all extends no further then his body , his church ▪ which is therefore called his fulnesse . finally , to avoid the mistake of this place , and upon the whole matter ; let these three things be well distinguished , in the mediator jesus christ . . his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} his eminence and highnesse in respect of the glory and majesty he is exalted to , far above whatsoever is highest among all the creatures . . his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the power , by which he can , and doth by degrees , and will more and more subdue his and his churches enemies , and dash them in pieces like a potters vessel , and break them with a rod of iron . . his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , his kingly power , by which he exerciseth acts of government . these three are distinguished in an earthly king , the first two being of a larger extent then the third . the conclusion of that prayer which our lord taught his disciples , doth distinguish the same three in god . thine is the kingdom , and the power , and the glory . now these being distinguished in the mediator jesus christ , i conclude with these three distinct assertions ( the truth whereof i hope i have made to appear . ) . as mediator , he is exalted and dignified above all creatures , and his glory is above all the earth . . as mediator , he exerciseth acts of divine power and omnipotency over all creatures , in the behalf of , and for the good of his church , and restraineth , or diverteth , or destroyeth all his churches enemies . . as mediator , he is king , head , and governour to none but his church : neither was all government put in his hand , but the government of the church onely . i could enlarge my self further against that most dangerous principle , that all government , even that which is civil , is given to christ , and to him as mediator . but let these things suffice for the present . the reverend brothers opinion will finde better entertainment among the jews , who expect a temporall monarchy of the messiah ; and among papists , who desire to uphold the popes temporall authority over kings , as christs vicegerent upon earth . die iovis . aug. . it is this day ordered by the lords in parliament assembled , that mr gillespie who preached yesterday before their lordships in the ab'ey church westminster , it being the day of the publique fast , is hereby thanked for his great pains he took in the said sermon : and desired to print and publish the same , which is onely to be done by authority under his hand . jo. brown cleric . parliament . i appoint robert bostock to print this sermon . geo. gillespie . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- isa. . . psal. . . psal. . . ruth . . cor. . , , , . psal. . . exod. . . psal. , , isa. . , . ezek. . . notes for div a e- act. . . the meaning of the text searched . matth. . , , . mark . . isa. . . rom. . brought on revel . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ezek. , isa. . . iosh. . , . sam. . , . in ier. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ier. . . deut. . rom. . . rom. . . doctrine . proved first from the text iosh. . . iosh . . . from other scriptures . ioh . . mar . . mat. . , . matth . . mark . . luk. . . ioh. v. , , . matth. , . iames . cor. . . . from the excellency of christ . sam. . . gen. . . . from the nature of the covenant . the use . king. . . eccles. . . ier. . , . luk. . ● . an objection answered four wayes . doctrine . cleared in four branches thereof . gualt. hom . in malach. vult enim docere propheta , venturum quidem christum , sed reformatorem fore , & accrrimum divini cultum vindicum . gualther on the place . martyr on the place . accessione temporis declarantur . experimur hodie retegicōplura quae á multis annis la●uer unt . gualther . orietur dies , id est , clarior lux veritatis , quae omnia protrabet . tossanus . mundus tandē agnoscet vanitatem traditionum humanarū chamier-panst. tom. . lib. . cap. , . bullinger on the place . matth. . . act. . . ribera upon the place . first , application to the opposers of reformation . revel. . . gen. . . prov. . . num. , . & . , . chron. . sam. . . ionah . . mark . , , . gal. . . col. . . revel. . & . . application to the parliament , in , particulars . luk. . . touching connivence a● or correspondence with malignants . touching liberty of conscience . prov. . ier. . . iob . . ioh. . ● . touching the restraint of scandalous persons from the sacrament psal. . . psal. . . grotius annot. in malac : . see mr. robinsons apology , cap. . faustus socinus wrote a book to prove that all those in the reformed churches of poland who desire ●o be truly godly , ought to separate themselves and oyn with the assemblies who ( faith h● ) are falsly called arrians and abioniles . one of his arguments is this , because in those reformed churches there is a great neglect of church discipline , whereby it cometh to passe that scandalous persons are admitted to the lords table the same argument is pressed against some lutheran churches by schlichringius disput pro socino contra ms sacrum . p● . l●et 〈◊〉 dolendum sit ta●a promissed passimque fieri , & abiiss● in ●orem : pejus tamen adhue est quodmalis is● is , praeter concienes interdum aliquas , quibusdam in locis , nulla adh●beatur medcina , ne● rectores ecelesiarum haec cura tangat , ut vitia tam latè grassantia , discipliná & censurá ecclesiasticá , ab ipso christo & apostolis institutacoercean●ur . vnde sactum est ut non solum ista peccata , qu● lev● ora videntur , sed c●iam alia graviora , put a comessati ones , compotationes , ebrietrates , scorrationes , libidines , ira , in 〈◊〉 , nine , obtrectationes , caedes ac bella , di● uvio quodam ecclesiastico nundarins . application to ministers . ioh. . . enar , in psal. . cum audis , ignis ●st minister dei , incensurum illam putas ? incendat licet sed foenn●● tuum , id est , car . nalia omnia tua desideria . act. . . ● c●ron . . . doctrine ▪ brightman & alstod . in dan. ● . ● . ● chron. . . and . . an●wer to mr. prynnes questions . cajetan in exod. . . non obligabat ( praeceptum apparendi ●er in anno● ) usque ad ' di●tatos terminos terrae promissae , qu●do secura unive saregio sutura erat d riv. ● . comme●t in illum loc. tum quia deus ●jecturus ●rat hos●es ex corum terminus : tum quia di●atatus ernt fines populi sui , ut vicinosnon tam haberent hostes . quam subditos & tributarios . vse . iob . , . eccl. ● . . psal. . . use . psal. . . ezech. . . vse . ezek. . ●● . bulling gualt. & a. cularius on the place . levit. . . lev. . , . doctrine . matth . mark . luk . mark . . i vse . cor. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} isa . . vse . cor. . . vse . notes for div a e- psal . . rev. . . grotii apologet . cap. . extranci autem quorum maximus ●sse debu●rat usus in p●ce conciliandâ , ex partium alicrâ erant conqus●sit● . et infra ●osa mandata externis data damma ionum remonstrantium prae se serebant , ut & orationes habitae ante ●aulum cognitam . the arminians in their examen censurae cap. p. . ● . hold this as a necessarie qualification of those that are admitted into synods , that they be not stricted to any church , nor to any confession of faith . in our first paper presented to the grand committee . bellarm. de cler. l. . c. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} una simul from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} u●ire . maldonat & mercerus . melanchton . jansenius diodati . d. jermin . paedag. lib. . cap. . gen. . . vers. . religion●s christianae b●evis institutio , ●nno , . ca. . qud ●st regium munus ? ref. est munus ipsi à deo commissum omnes creaturas intelligentia praeditas , as imprimis homines & ex iis collectam , summa c●in auctoritate 〈◊〉 potestate gubernandi . iac. martini synops. relig. photin . cap. 〈◊〉 non negomus christo jam ad dextr●m dei sedenti subjecta esse omnia , inimicosque ipsi subjici● 〈◊〉 siab ellum pedum suorum , &c. praprie tamen d●citur rex suae ecc●esiae , uti etiam ecclesia , proprie joquendo ejus regnum est sic enim de ipso vat cinatus est zecharias , cap. . v . &c. vnde 〈◊〉 cum me●e●r ferro osstium christi regium defiaimus , quo christus ciues suos verbi 〈◊〉 vio usque ad mundi fiacra colligit , consque praeclaris donis ornat , contra hostes ( in quorum medio domitatur ) sortiter defendis , as ●and● aeterna gloria & honore coronat . fr. gomar . aral . prop. obad. vers ult. is autem jesus christus , in n.t. exhibitus rex . qui ut cum patre habet 〈◊〉 generale omnipotentiae : it a habet speciale , de quo bic agitur , mediationis . p. martyr . loccom class . cap. p. . regnare interdum accipi quasi sit , excellere , eminere prae caeteris , & summum locum tenere . ac ista significatione christus perpetuo regnabit . sin vero dicamus regnare idom quod officia regis exercere , &c. christus non semper reguabit zanchius in eph. . . expounds the latter part of that verse of the eternity of christs kingd●me : but he addes , f●●crit regnand . hoc modo quo j●● ; egnat , tanquam mediator . the dying man's testament to the church of scotland, or, a treatise concerning scandal divided into four parts ... : in each of which there are not a few choice and useful questions, very shortly and satisfyingly discussed and cleared / by ... mr. james durham ... who being dead (by this) yet speaketh ; and published by john carstares ... ; to which is prefixed an excellent preface of famous mr. blair ... ; together with a table of the contents of the several chapters of each part. durham, james, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the dying man's testament to the church of scotland, or, a treatise concerning scandal divided into four parts ... : in each of which there are not a few choice and useful questions, very shortly and satisfyingly discussed and cleared / by ... mr. james durham ... who being dead (by this) yet speaketh ; and published by john carstares ... ; to which is prefixed an excellent preface of famous mr. blair ... ; together with a table of the contents of the several chapters of each part. durham, james, - . blair, robert, - . [ ], p. printed by christopher higgins ..., edinburgh : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. (from t.p.) . concerning scandal in the general -- . concerning publick scandals, or scandals as they are the object of church-censures, and more particularly as they are in practice -- . concerning doctrinal scandals, or scandalous errors -- . concerning scandalous divisions. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland. church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the dying man's testament to the church of scotland ; or , a treatise concerning scandal . divided into four parts . . concerning scandal in the general . . concerning publick scandals , or scandals as they are the object of church-censures , and more particularly as they are in practice . . concerning doctrinal scandals , or scandalous errors . . concerning scandalous divisions . in each of which there are not a few choice and useful questions , very shortly and satisfyingly discussed and cleared . by that singularly faithfull and wise servant of jesus christ , mr. iames durham , late minister of the gospel in glasgow , who being dead ( by this ) yet speaketh : and published by iohn carstares , one of the ministers in glasgovv . to which is prefixed an excellent preface of famous mr. blair , minister of the gospel at st andrews , ( wherein he also vigorously driveth the main design of the blessed author in this last piece of his labours ) together with a table of the contents of the several chapters of each part. matth. . . wo unto the world because of offences : for it must needs be that offences come : but wo to that man by whom the offence cometh . cor. . . give none offence , neither to the iews , nor to the gentiles , nor to the church of god. psal. . . great peace have all they which love thy law : and nothing shall offend them . edinburgh , printed by christopher higgins , in harts close , over against the trone-church , . the preface . the rise of the subsequent treatise , the blessed author , in the very first words thereof , declareth to be the occasion he had from revel . . on the epistle to the church of pergamos , to meditate on the nature and sorts of scandal . and before i say anything of this present work , i shall hence take occasion , to shew my thoughts of his commentary on the book of revelation . in my humble opinion , that which was spoken of the vertuous woman , prov. . v. . may well be applied to the pains this author hath taken on that book : many writers have done worthily , but thou excellest them all . the reason of my so high estimation thereof , is taken from a threefold excellencie i find therein . the first is , a brief , clear and accurate opening of the most difficult text in the whole bible , applying with great sagacity and admirable dexterity , dark prophecies to their historical events : and yet with judicious sobriety , not restraining , as it were , to single stars of several persons , that which rather relateth to conglobate constellations of agents or patients : together with a modest , yet a diligent search of those things which are not yet accomplished . whoever would compendiously have an experiment hereof , let him read the first lecture on chap. . ( which parcel , with some others , were sent to me by the author , some moneths before the printing ) and as herein i did find great satisfaction , by reason of the clearnesse and notable coherence of the interpretation , and convincing grounds and arguments proving the solidity thereof ▪ so may thou , christian reader , be sweetly refreshed and strongly confirmed thereby . the second excellencie hereof , is the great plenty of practical divinity , relating to all christians , but more especially to ministers of the gospel . i cannot name any authors work , wherein i have perceived so many edifying overtures , so many searching discourses and encouraging helps as this commentary abounds with . from the first lecture on chap. . both the carefull christian and the well-gifted diligent preacher , may be first allarmed , and then well strengthened , by that searching discourse on these words , thou hast a name that thou livest , but art dead . the third excellency of this work , lieth not only in clearing and answering many doubts very succinctly , but also in discussing more largely , by way of digression , many weighty and important truths , even to the number of twenty five : so that this commentary , besides profitable opening of such a text , and handling much practical divinity , cleareth with great modesty , without any personal reflections , and discusseth edifyingly as much darkened truth , as if the whole work had been written to dispute and determine pertinent and important questions . but now , to say no more of that work , which speaketh for it self , being in the hands of many , and i wish it be diligently perused with a blessing from heaven : i come to say something of this treatise of scandal . and well was he fitted to write of this subject , whose exercise it was , to have alwayes a conscience void of offence toward god and toward men : and very succesfull was he in walking this way ; for , in a time wherein scandals of all sorts did abound exceedingly , few there were ( if any at all ) who did stumble at his way , or he at the way of others , endeavouring still and by all means winning and edifying . and whoever knew his way of walking , they will read the same in this treatise , set forth to others ▪ in the first part thereof thou wilt find , christian reader , the nature of scandal dexterously opened , with the several sorts of it , and the variety of wayes whereby it is both given and taken , with considerable grounds to make christians loth and wary , both as to the giving of offence and taking . and withall , many intricate cases are cleared , as namely , what is to be done when the matter is lawfull , and the offence doubtfull : also what ought to be our carriage , when there is a real difference between parties upon the account of a civil interest : also what behaviour is requisit , when the command of superiours and the eschewing of offence are in opposition : also that very important case , is accuratly debated and wisely determined , what is to be done when offence is like to follow on either side . and finally , what course both private christians and pastors ought to hold when scandals and offences abound . the answer to which alone , holdeth forth a very excellent directory for christian walking toward others . the second part treateth of scandal as it is publick , and falleth under ecclesiastick censure , wherein there are many excellent overtures for the wise and right exercise of church-discipline . among many , this is considerable , that the saving grace of repentance , is not to be enquired into , as the alone ground upon which church-officers are to rest for removing an offence : but that a sober , serious acknowledgment of the offence , with the expression of an unfeigned-like purpose to walk inoffensively is sufficient . this is very accurately debated , and solidly and soundly determined . there is also , chap. . a clear discussing of that tickle question , what ought to be done by privat persons when church-officers spare such as are scandalous , to wit upon supposition that there is a real defect ( in the truth wherof often there is a mistake ) yet private professors are to continue in the discharge of the duties of their stations , and not to separate from the communion of the church , but to count themselves exonered in holding fast their own integrity , mourning for offences , representing the same to church-officers , and , if need be , to superiour judicatories . all this is strongly , convincingly , and very satisfyingly proven by scripture . the third part is concerning doctrinal scandals , or scandalous errours , a theme very necessary for these reeling times . if i should offer to pick out thence points very remarkable , i would far passe the just bounds of a preface . wherefore , i shall only thereof say this , that both christian magistrates , ministers and people , will find their duty laid before them , no lesse solidly than accuratly , what to do in the case of spreading errour . and , o that the most high would strike in with his soveraign authority upon the hearts and consciences of all so●…ts , especially magistrates , in whose hands this tractate shall come ! but now i come to speak a word of the fourth part of this treatise , and that so much the more , . because it was the last labour of this precious man of god , and so it is his swan-like song . the only wise thought it fit to recommend to all his people , especially within this land , in these distracted times ( when passion and prejudice makes it most difficult , if not altogether impossible to speak a word in season acceptably ) the hatefulnesse of scandalous division and the lovelinesse of a godly union by the words of a messenger , who was one of a thousand ▪ known to be moderate , wise and faithfull , very far from factiousnesse , sharply perceiving what was duty , and very impartially uttering the same . at the dictating of this part , the infirmity of the decaying tabernacle was so great , that he could not endure the labour of writing with his own hand , but being now ripe for glory , and having entered the suburbs of heaven , he breathed-out his wise and godly thoughts to a borrowed p●…n . next , i have the greater reason to consider diligently this piece of the work ; and having considered it , to recommend it the more earnestly to all christs people , and especially to my reverend and dear brethren of the ministery , because it was sent to me sealed from the author , in the beginning of his last sicknesse , as a depositum committed to me to make it ready for publishing ; which i performed carefully and faithfully , without the alteration of one material word : and having lately perused the copie the printer makes use of , i hereby testifie it is the same for matter , order , sentences and words , the author sent to me and i transmitted to him a little before the lord removed him . and now , upon the matter , i think verily that this healing tractate is so full of that wisdom , which is from above , first pure , and then peaceable , that it will speak plainly the author fitted of god to bring forth a seasonable word . at the first reading thereof , my spirit was greatly refreshed , and my heart enlarged to blesse the lord , conceiving that the prince of peace , in compassion over our putrified sores , had provided this mollifying oyntment and cleansing plaister , in order to a cure of the same . and i doubt nothing but every true-hearted lover of sions peace , who longs to see the lord exalted , in binding-up our hither-till incurable wounds , will magnifie the lord with me and exalt his name together . herein thou wilt find excellently discovered , the rise of divisions , what hand the holy soveraignty of god hath therein , and how the corruptions of men , even of the godly , both raise and wonderfully heighten divisions ; and how great influence occasional means may have in the same ; together with the sad and dreadfull effects thereof ; and the necessity of endeavouring unity herein . thou wilt also find the cure and remedy singularly opened , not only general grounds and preparatory endeavours for uniting , but also what things are to be forborn , and what is to be done in order to uniting , and that as well in closing doctrinal differences , not fundamental nor nigh the foundation , as for union in points not doctrinal , arising from diversity in external administrations , and especially practical differences in church-government , and about the constitutions and acts of synods , when the authority thereof is declined and denied : yea , remedies are proposed , of divisions arising from the misapplication of power , in censuring or sparing church-officers , real or supposed . and finally , against the fears of misgovernment for the time to come , overtures are prudently given-in : and all closed with laying out briefly , and yet very effectually , grounds and motives of the desired union . that which i conceive is most eminent in this choice treatise , lyeth in these two things : first , that this our cancer is most tenderly handled , in a very abstract way , never so much as stating or particularly touching any difference among us , and yet , upon the matter , the whole discourse cometh home to the very point most pertinently . herein appears the finger of god to them that will have eyes to see it . the next is this , that the holy scriptures are diligently searched , both in order to the disease and remedy : and the ancient church-history and purer antiquity , is most plentifully and sweetly made use of . the judicious and impartial reader will , i think , say miscuit utile dulci , and that here are words fitly spoken , like apples of gold in pictures of silver . one thing i shall intreat , that the reader judge not finally of any parcel or section thereof , till he read and ponder the whole . stumble not at his asserting , that authoritative wayes at first are not the best to cure rents . a rent would be handled as a broken bone or a dislocation , where anointing and ligatures are so necessary , as without these , healing cannot in haste be attained . if the question be made , how a man in that case should carry himself ? ought he to stretch himself to the full and put forth his whole strength ? or is that then impossible ? and if through passion in a fit it be practised , is it not obstructive to the recovery of strength and healing ? let the reader remember this when he cometh to that part of the discourse , and he will , upon that consideration , make the better use of the whole remedy as it is proposed . i shall not detain much longer the reader from the treatise it self , having added these few considerations , for advancing heart-uniting in the lord , which of all other , i conceive , ought to be most weighty in the judgment and on the affections of all the lovers of our lord jesus christ. first , from eph ▪ . v. , , . the great peace ▪ maker , in offering-up himself a sacrifice for the sins of the elect , intended , with the reconciling of them to god , to unite them in one body among themselves : yea , even those who were at furthest distance and greatest enimity , iew and gentile , and consequently other his elect in their several differences and divisions throughout their generations . he took on him the debt of their sins and their enimities , and lifted up with himself these on his crosse , representatively , virtually and meritoriously , to expiate them in his flesh : and by his spirit efficiently to slay and abolish them in due time , by making them one new man in himself . mark , i pray , from that scripture cited , that this complex businesse is the great design of our blessed and great peace-maker . also , secondly , in the sacrifice-feast of his supper , this is still represented and exhibited , till he come again : so that this standing ordinance , destinated and appointed of god to carry-on and seal-up uniting with god , and one with another , till he come again ; at his coming will stand up and testifie against all who comply not with christ , but , following their own inclination , act rather against his design . and , thirdly , in his solemn prayer , ioh. . which is a specimen of his future intercession , he mainly presseth after the salvation and sanctification of those that are given him , ver . . that they also may be one , as thou father art in me , and i in thee , that they also may be one in us ; that the world may believe that thou hast sent me . do not these words significantly and shyningly hold out , what the mediator is still about , and that uniting in god is his design still ? and fourthly , upon this same very ground , the great apostle , speaking to iews and gentiles who had imbraced the gospel , and in them to all dissentients who love the gospel-truths and ordinances , saith , rom. . . wherefore receive ye one another , as christ also received us to the glory of god. meritoriously and virtually the elect are received to the glory of god , and to the end they may be actually received , receive one another , saith the apostle , as it were suspending the one upon the other . and now upon these grounds , christ our lord his grand design being so conspicuous , his supper-ordinance standing as a land-mark in the way , having this engraven upon it , union communion , the glorious mediator his intercession running in that same channel , and the blessed apostle making this the upshot of his doctrine ; what lover of our lord , well advised and recollecting himself , dare stiffly stand out from complying with him , to satisfie their own inclination and habituated custom and carriage . my fear is , that every one of us will look to some others rather than themselves , as obstructing the desired uniting in the lord. but upon mature after-thoughts , it will be found the mind of christ , that we narrowly search our selves , every one of us , how we have provoked the holy one to smite us so in his displeasure , and accuratly to try what yet remaines in us obstructive to this union : and withall to flie to our slighted duty , as in a city they run to the quenching of a publick burning , laying this evil to heart more than sword or pestilence . all the vvritings and actings against presbyterial-government , which is the wall of the house of god , have never wronged or hurt it so much , as our ill raised , and worse-continued contests . our nakednesse-discovering writings , what have they done but added oyl to the flame ? for christs sake , my reverend and dear brethren , hearken to this word in season , from the oracles of god , and treasures of pure antiquity , pointing-out the way of a godly and edifying peace . it will be no grief of heart , but sweet peace and consolation , when we are to appear before the judge of the quick and dead . now the god of patience and consolation , grant you to be like minded one towards another , according to christ jesus ; so heartily prayeth st. andrews , april . . . your brother and fellow-servant , robert blair . the publisher to the reader . there are , i suppose , few or none amongst us , or about us , so great strangers to the observation of providential occurrents in scotland , as to be altogether without the knowledge of what hath come to pass here in these dayes , how the holy , just and soveraign lord , who sometime lifted us up , hath now cast us down ; who crowned us with glory and honour , hath stript us of our glory and made the crown to fall from our head , ( though we have not said , wo unto us , for we have sinned ) who sometime made us a praise in the earth , hath now made us a hissing , a by-word and reproach to all that are round about us ; how he , who once by our unity and oneshoulder ▪ service did make us beautifull as tirza , comely as jerusalem , and terrible as an army with banners , hath now , alas , ( which is one of the most imbittering ingredients in our cup ) in stead of giving us one heart and one way , in his anger , divided , sub-divided , weakned , disjoynted and broken us ; so that judah vexeth ephraim , and ephraim envyeth judah , and every mans hand almost is against his brother ; and through our lamentable and most unseasonable intestine jars and divisions we bite and devour one another , and are like to be consumed one of another ; o tell it not in gath , publish it not in the streets of askelon , lest the daughters of the philistines rejoyce ▪ lest the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph ! that when god hath cast us all down together , we endeavour to keep down and tread upon one another , that when he hath been justly angry with our mother ▪ her children are sinfully angry one with another , and when he hath cast us all into the furnace , we are even there strugling and wrestling one with another to the encreasing of the flame ; and when brotherly love and lothnesse to give or take offence , is in a special manner called-for , love did never wax ▪ more cold , nor offences more abound . now , when our church thus in a manner distracted and drunk with the wine of astonishment , is in so sad a posture , and but few of the sons she hath brought forth to guide her or take her by the hand , they all almost fainting and lying at the head of every street as it were so many wild bulls in a net , full of the fury of the lord and of the rebuke of our god ; then steppeth forth ( the spirit of the lord coming upon him ) one of her sons , the author of this excellent treatise concerning scandal ( having made some serious essayes before to take his mother by the hand , though but with small acceptance with many of his brethren , for which , it may be , the jealous god was in part provoked to remove him ) whereby , as by his latter will and testament , especially to the ministers of the church of scotland , he doth again renew his formerly fruitlesse and unsuccessfull attempt : in which treatise as there breatheth a far more sweet and savoury spirit ▪ than in most , if not all of the papers published upon occasion of our late lamentable differences , ( which i hope will by none be looked upon as any reflection ) so there is throughout a most strong and fragrant smell of more than ordinary piety , that it may be averred of him , as once it was of cyril of jerusalem , in his last and best dayes , he was magnae sanctimoniae vir , a man of eminent sanctity : it plainly also speaketh forth special acquaintance with the scriptures ( for , in all his discourses ( as it 's said of basil ) he doth exquisitly mingle divine testimonies of scripture , that they are like precious stones , not sewed to , but bred in purple cloathes ) and intimacy with the mind of god , as to what may be duty under the various dispensations of his providence , so that it may be said of him , he was a man that had understanding of the times , and knew what israel ought to do ; for he doth with admirable perspicacity take up ▪ and with no lesse dexterity direct unto , what ought to be done in this , and that , and the other case , as a most skilfull anatomist dissecting the whole complex body of duties in reference to ordinary and extraordinary cases and emergents , never missing , as it were , one lith or joynt ▪ and like a left-handed benjamite , that in the greatest intricacies , and gravest difficulties can sling stones at an hairs breadth and not misse . it savoureth likewise all-along of ●… most sharp , strong and pregnant wit , in supposing cases , proposing pertinent overtures and expedients , in disposing of arguments , framing distinctions , anticipating objections , in cautious guarding against mistakes and inconveniences , &c. so that it 's verified of him what was once said of origen , origenis ingenium sufficiebat ad omnia perdiscenda , he had such pregnancy of wit that he could reach any thing ; and of joseph scaliger , he was portentosi ingenii vir , a man of a stupendious wit. it discovereth withall so very great insight in church-history and writings of the ancient fathers , where with it is every where most beautifully illuminate , that it may well be said of him , as once of sweet bucholtzer , that one would have thought universam antiquitatem in ejus pectusculo latuisse recondit●…m , that all antiquity lay hid in his breast ; and of famous mr. holland , regius professor of divinity in oxford , adeo familiaris erat cum patribus ac si ipse pater , he was so familiarly acquainted with the fathers as if himself had been one of them . as for his stile and manner of expressing himself , it savoureth very much of the primitive and gospel-simplicity , so that what is spoken to the commendation of basil by a learned man , may fitly be applied to the author , the reader will find in him a simple and natural form of speech , flowing from his holy breast , much drained of all humane passions ; and that which is said of ambrose , he studied non aures titillare , sed corda pungere , not to tickle and please ears , but to prick hearts : as likewise that which is said of another great man , his words were , non inflantia sed inflammantia , not inflating but inflaming : he sheweth himself here many wayes to have been indeed a great man ; but i ( having been his colleague in the ministery and of his very intimate acquaintance for some years ) knew him to be such more particularly and several other wayes , so that while i reflect upon , and call to remembrance what i have seen in , and heard from him , i am constrained to say , as once urbanus regius ( a man much more able indeed to discern ) said of luther , upon occasion of a conference with him , semper fuit mihi magnus , at jam mihi maximus est ; vidi enim praesens & audivi quae nullo calamo tradi possunt absentibus , he was alwayes to me a great man , but now very great ; for i saw and heard things when i was present with him , which can hardly by any pen be communicated to those that were absent . in a word , as to the whole treatise , it may , i think , without any hyperbole be said , that it is universally most profitable and seasonably beautiful ; for , in the first part of it concerning scandal in the general ( excellently compended and commended as all the rest are , by the stately-styling profound and precious prefacer , like-minded in all these things with the blessed author , whose sage mind in them , and not the lesse because of this co-incidency , would be more laid weight upon , lest we be put out of time to lament also the losse of such a healer and piller in this sorely sick and shaken church ) in the first part , i say , the ancient , primitive , long-dead , buried , and almost-forgotten tendernesse in the matter of offence ( a specially-adorning requisit to a christian and gospel-becoming conversation ) is again rivived and portraied as risen from the dead with a most amiable and comely countenance and taking aspect , so that it forceth the serious beholders to say , peace be upon as many as walk according to this rule . in the second part concerning scandals as they are the object of church-censures , there is a very compleat and compact directory according to the scripture-pattern for church-officers how to manage the great ordinance of discipline in its exercise ▪ which , if it were diligently and conscienciously followed in the several steps of it , ( as it was most convincingly so by the author himself ) would undoubtedly make that work both much more easie and much more succesfull than it useth ordinarily to be . in the third part concerning scandalous errours , wonderfully suited to this time of so great infection , sicknesse and mortality , by the raging plague and botch of errour , exceedingly gathered to a head , ripened and made to break and run out , to ▪ the infecting , in a manner , of the very air wherein the churches of these nations breath , by the heat and warmnesse afforded to it from a lamentable liberty and vast toleration ; in this third part , i say , there is , as it were , a physicians shop , full of choice preservatives against , and soveraign remedies of , poysonable errours and heresies . in the fourth part , concerning scandalous divisions , he doth , as another irenaeus , with much meeknesse of wisdom and singular moderation of spirit , without any the least reflection or irritation , most tenderly , singly , unbyassedly and impartially , and most affectionatly , as a man burnt with the offence that waiteth on divisions amongst godly ministers especially , strongly endeavour an innocent and wholesom union and composure , so that ( as an eminent , aged and experienced servant of iesus christ , whose praise is in the gospel throughout all these churches , when he first saw this piece in writ , said ) it will be unwelcom to none but such as are led with a bitter spirit ; to which may well be added , that as it 's reported of nazianzen , he was of such authority in the greek churches , that whosoever durst oppose his testimony , was suspected to be an heretick : so may it be said of the piously and prudently-peaceable , and healing-spirited author , that he deserveth to be of such authority , at least in the scottish church , that whoever shall adventure to oppose ( as it 's hoped none will ) his wise , harmlesse , holy and healing overtures , may be suspected to be no great friend to the union and peace of this afflicted and rent church . i will not , christian reader , detain thee any longer from perusing this notable tractate , but shall only offer to thy grave and serious consideration these two things , which i suppose will not a little commend the same unto thee , especially as to the last part of it ; one is ▪ that the author , when he was ( but a very little before his last sicknesse , and after his finishing the three first parts ) most unexpectedly surprised with a motion suggested to him anent the expediency of handling somewhat of the scandal of divisions , it did so exceedingly affright him , and had such astonishing influence upon him through the apprehended difficulty and ticklishnesse of the subject ( so tender was he ) that ( as himself did to some afterward professe ) he sunk down in his seat , and yet being convinced of the necessity of saying somewhat to it , the lord having withall helped him in the other parts , he durst not forbear ; whereupon this choice discourse ( for it was no●… divided in chapters till afterward ) did follow , much whereof i know and am perswaded did occur and was given unto him inter dictandum . the other thing is , that sometimes before his death to some friends , he did humbly and gravely call it his testament to the church of scotland ; which testament and latter-will of a dead , but yet speakingfaithfull servant of god , will , i hope , in due time be confirmed by all godly , judicious , sober , peaceable and unprejudicate men , as containing in it a most excellent and enriching legacy , worthy to be put into the churches treasury . now , that it may go forth with a rich blessing from the god of truth and peace , to all the honest-hearted lo●…ers of the truth in peace , for the advancement of truth and a holy peace , is the desire of him , who desireth to be thine to serve thee in the gospel of peace , j. c. the contents . the rise of the treatise , pag. , . the ground●… of it , p. , . part i. concerning scandal in the general , the sum of it , p. . chap. . concerning several distinctions of scandal , p. , , , , , , , , , , . chap. . holding forth what offence is not , and what it is , p. , , . chap. . concerning the several wayes that offence may be given , p. , , , , . chap. . concerning that upon which offence worketh , or the several wayes by which it is taken , p. , , . chap. . concerning what ought to make men loth and wary as to the giving of offence , p. , , . chap. . holding forth the difficulty to lye mainly in practice , and shewing how far offence ought to have influence on a christian in his walk , p. , , , , . chap. . shewing what the scandal of the pharisees or malicious is , and clearing several other important questions , p. . as , what is to be done when men stand not to offend us , p. . what , when the matter is lawfull , and the offence doubtfull ●… p. , . what , if sufficient pains have been taken to inform , ●…or preventing of mens taking offence ? p. , . what is to ●…●…one when there is a real difference betwixt parties upon ●…dac count of a civil interest ? p. , . what is to be done when the commands of magistrates and offence are in opposition ? p. , . what is to be done when offence is like to follow on either side ? p. , , . what when doing will offend the weak and tender , and irritate the perverse , & contra ? p. , , . chap. . holding forth what is called-for when offences abound , in several directions , p. , , , , , , , , . chap. . holding forth what ought to be the carriage of ministers when offences abound , p. , , , , , , . part ii. concerning publick scandals , or scandals as they are the object of church-censures ; and more particularly as they are practical , or in practice . chap. . shewing that every offence is not publick , and when it is so , p. , , . when a scandal is to be brought to publick , p. , . where offences are publick , yet difference is to be made , p. , . chap. . concerning what order is to be keeped in the following of publick scandals , p. . herein the ends of discipline would be respected , which are set down , p. , . all offences of the same kind not alway to be equally dealt with , p. , . what is to be guarded against when there is a different way taken for censuring of the same offences , p. , . how church-officers ought to carry in censures , p. , , , . how discipline is to be ordered so , as it may not mar , but further the word , p. , . chap. . shewing that christs order and method , matth. . is to be keeped , and what it doth imply , p. , , , , . chap. . holding forth the frame wherewith church-officers ought to proceed in censure , and helps towards the same , p. , , . church-processes would be carried-on with expedition , the reasons why , p. . chap . concerning what is to be done when offending persons give no satisfaction , p. , , , . when is a person to be accounted obstinate , p. , . what is to be done when an offence is not grosse , and yet hath contempt with it , p. . chap. . concerning what is to be accounted satisfying as to the sisting of process and removing of the offence , p. . what kind of satisfaction is not sufficient for making a church-judicatory to sist their processes , p. , . how dissembling may be discovered when a person maketh offer of satisfaction , p. . chap. . shewing what is not necessary to satisfaction ; where it is cleared , that the saving grace of repentan●…e , or godly sincerity therein , is not the alone ground upon which church-officers are to rest satisfied , p. , , , , . chap. . holding forth what may be satisfying , to wit , a sober , serious acknowledgment of the offence , with the expression of an unfained-like purpose to walk inoffensively for the time to come , p. , . how moral seriousness may be discerned , p. , ▪ if alwayes charity should judge a person sincere , who is thus morally serious , p. , , , . if not , upon what account is this morally-serious profession to be accepted as satisfying , p. . that this moral seriousness is sufficient , confirmed by several reasons , p. , , , , . some differences betwixt the key of doctrine and the key of discipline are assigned for further confirming of this , p , , . that such a profession was satisfying for admitting to ordinances amongst the jews after uncleanness , and therefore ought to be so now , proved , p. , . chap. . concerning what is to be done when men appear neither serious nor obstinat , p. . how a publick rebuke is to be given , ibid if it be alwayes necessary that the offender speak in publick when he is rebuked , p. . how an offender is to be reckoned after a publick rebuke , p. . if an offence may at first instant be brought to publick , p. . when an offence is to be accounted publick , p. , , , , . chap. . clearing whether in church-processes an accuser be alwayes necessary , p. , , . chap. . concerning what is to be done when the complaint is , some injury done to the complainer , p. , , . what is to be done when a calumniator , being complained of , offereth to make out the thing , p. , what if a profane confessing party refuse to give satisfaction , p. . chap. . concerning what ought to be done by private persons , when church-officers spare such as are scandalous , p ▪ , , . they are to continue in the discharge of the duties of their stations , and not to separate from the communion of the church , nor withdraw from the ordinances , but to count themselves exonered in holding fast their own integrity , since their consciences are not defiled by the presence of scandalous persons , as is cleared by several pregnant arguments , p. , , , , , , , . for further confirming of this , there is a particular consideration of cor. . v. , , &c. p. , , , , . chap. . shewing more particularly what it is that private persons are called unto in such a case , p. , . why it is necessary to acquiesce in the churches determination as to practice , p. , , . which is confirmed by those three new-england divines , cotton , hooker , and norton , p. , , . chap. . clearing whether the ordinances of christ be any way polluted by corrupt fellow-worshippers , p. , , , , . chap. . shewing if any thing further in any imaginable case be allowed to privat christians , p. , , . part iii. concerning doctrinal scandals , or scandalous errors . chap. . holding forth the expediency of handling this matter , p. . errour vented by those who are corrupted therewith , is no lesse scandalous , and no lesse to be accounted so than grosse practices , p. , . chap. . concerning the spreading of errour ; gods displeasure at the suffering thereof , and the fainting even of good men in restraining the same , p. . what height delusions of this kind may come unto , p. , . with what use may be made of the same , p. , . the tolerating of grosse errour is most displeasing to god , and why , p. , . sometimes those who want not affection are too condescending to erroneous teachers , and why , p. , . chap. . if any of the people of god may be carried away with grosse delusions , p. . it is not simply impossible but some may , in a great measure , for a time be carried away , ibid. yet not so easily as unto grosse practical evils , p. , . when any believers fall in such evils , usually the lord singularly chastneth them for the same , p. . ordinarily corrupt teachers set more upon professors to withdraw them than upon others that want profession , and why , p. , , . chap. . how it is that grosse delusions may come to such an height as they often do , p. . what hand the lord may have in such a plague , cleared , p. , , , , , , . chap. . how errour may be known to be a judicial stroke , and why the lord smiteth with it , p. , , . what causes do most ordinarily procure this plague of delusion , p. , . chap. . by what means , and how , satan driveth on this plague amongst a people , p. , . what is satans method of proceeding , p. . how he prosecuteth it , p. , , , , . the means and arguments that are used to carry on this design , , , , , . the manner how this design is carried on by satan through corrupt teachers his emissaries ; p. . what accession a people may have to the bringing of this plague upon themselves , cleared , p. , . chap. . what is called for as duty in such a case , p. . what is not the proper duty or remedy in such a case ; sure an absolute toleration of all errours and the promoters thereof is not , p. , . extreams here are to be eschewed , p. , , . chap. . when some errours are to be forborn , p. . some necessary and usefull distinctions hereanent , p. , , , , , , . some things not at all to be forborn , p. . chap. . what is called-for from church-officers in the case of spreading errour , p. . what a minister is called unto , in reference to god and himself at such a time , p. , , , , union amongst ministers , and their flocks , is carefully to be studied in such a case , p. . what is the ministers duty in reference to the flock in general at such a time , p. , , , . what is spoken of the duty of ministers , doth by proportion agree to ruling-elders according to their station , p. . what is a ministers duty in reference to those that are seduced , ibid. tryal and discovery is to be made of what errours are maintained , and by whom ; then the party is to be convinced , p. , . chap. . whether at all times a publick debate be necessary with such persons upon these points , p. . in what cases it is called-for , ibid. and p. . in what cases it is not called-for , p. . what is to be accounted the sufficient conviction of a gainsayer , where it is cleared , that it is not only the putting of the adverse party to silence , p , , . how a publick debate is to ●…e managed when necessary , p. , . chap. . admonition is necessary , and how to be performed , p. . the several steps of admonition , p. . some things observable in the way of admonishing , p. . that rejecting of an obstinate heretick , is to church-officers a necessary duty , and a mean to be made use of for the churches edification , ibid. and p. . what if the person seduced , be judged to be truly gracious , p. what if he be no fixed member of any particular congregation , p. . what if civil magistrates concur not to the backing of the sentence , ibid. and p. . two limitations to be adverted to in the rejecting of hereticks , p. , . chap. . what is to be accounted a satisfying and succesfull admonition . p. . some usefull distinctions of satisfaction are set down for the clearing of this , ibid. and , p. , . whether any thing be required of ministers towards those that are rejected as hereticks , p. . chap. . what is required of magistrates for restraining of seducing spirits , p. . they are called , according to their places , to interpose , p. . they are not meerly to look to outward order , p. , . that the grounds against toleration concern magistrates as well as ministers , p. , . that total forbearance is not like the gospel , cleared , p. , . it 's magistrates duty to prevent the infection of the people under them by corrupt doctrine , p. . chap. . what may be justly acknowledged to be within the reach and power of the magistrate in such a case , and so , what is his duty , p. . some cautions premitted , ibid. and , p. . the magistrates duty may be considered , first , with respect to god , p. . secondly , with respect to themselves , p. . thirdly , with respect to those that are yet free of infection , p. , , , . fourthly , with respect to the deluders , or those that are deluded , p. , , . it is not sufficient for a magistrate to maintain civil peace only , p. , . chap. . what is called-for from people who are desirous to keep themselvs pure in such a time and case as the increasing of errors and seducers , p. , , , . what is their duty in reference to the persons infected , and if they ought to refrain from their fellowship , p. , , . a main part of the peoples duty lyeth in countenancing and adding weight unto the several steps of procedure by church-officers , against such persons , p. , . chap. . what further duty is required of private professors towards hereticks that are cut-off , p. , , . some considerations to provoke ministers and others to the faithful discharge of their duty in all the fore-mentioned particulars , p. , . part iv. concerning scandalous divisions . chap. . how heresie , schism and division differ , together with the several kinds of division , p. . the introduction to to this part , ibid. the scandal and hurtfulnesse of divisions , p. . the beads of this part of the treatise , p. . what heresie is , ibid. what schism is , and the kinds thereof , p. , , , , . what is here meant by the word division , the several kinds thereof , p. , , . division amongst the godly is a thing incident to the church , p. . it may continue long and come to a great height , ibid. it is not easily removed even when amongst such , p. . chap. . whence divisions do arise , and how they are fostered and increased , p. . sometimes various apprehensions of inferiour truths have influence upon this , ibid. sometimes the mistake of some dispensations , p. . sometimes different apprehensions about persons and things , ibid. and p. . usually heart-burnings at the credit of others , ibid. aggreging the infirmiries of others , p. . a factious vindicating of truth , ibid and p. . undue censures , ibid. leaving the matter , and falling upon reflections , p. . studious engaging of others in the difference , ibid. too much liking of corrupt men , because of some fair pretences , p. . peremptoriness without condescending , ibid. dissatisfaction about some persons , ibid. encroachment upon the exercise of one anothers power , p. . much medling in extrinsick things , ibid. novelty of notions and expressions , ibid. chap. . the height of evil that division bringeth , p. . as , heat and contention , ibid. alienation in affection , ibid. jealousie and suspicion , p. . virulent expressions , ibid. personal reflections , and condemning what formerly they commended in each other , & contra ibid. imprecations and instigations of the civil magistrate against one another , p. . inflicting of sharp censures , ibid. renting of whole churches , ibid. heat and fury amongst their respective followers , ibid. furious madnesse of divines , ibid. diversion of them from their main work to the great advantage and satisfaction of open adversaries , p. . both schism and heresie often follow division , ibid. both sides of the division are often faulty though not equally , . division is very hardly curable , ibid. chap. . the causes why division usually cometh to such an height , p. . the lord hath an holy soveraign hand in this , partly trying both good and bad , chastising also and punishing , ibid. yea , plaguing the world thereby , p. . division burdeneth the godly , ibid. it hardeneth the adversaries of the truth , p. . some characters of judicial division , ibid. and p. . men engaged in this division may have accession to it several wayes , p. . a●… , by former guiltiness , ibid. present distempers , ibid. inconsiderat expressions or actings , p. . too great severity in discipline and censures , ibid. sleighting of the persons , writings or actings of others , ibid. hunting after credit , ibid. little condescending to remove mistakes and prejudices , ibid. acts that state a schism , ibid. which are of several sorts , p. . some other wayes by which men may have accession to this , ibid. chap. . what occasionall means may have influence upon division amongst the godly , p. . tale ▪ bearers , ibid. fears of censures in many , p. . civil powers may have influence upon this by pretending to side with one party against another , and by their weakning of government and giving men liberty to do what they will , ibid. peoples engaging and siding in such differences doth not a little heighten and lengthen the same , p. . applications to magistrates for ratifying or crushing of elections , ibid. miscariages of persons differing , p. . occurring dispensations of providence , are sometimes made use of for this end , p. . the strength of the tentation in respect of some other circumstances , as personal credit acting under the covert of zeal for god , p. . evil grounded confidence , ibid. a judging of the matter in difference to be necessary and of great moment when it may yet be far otherwayes , p. . a particular mistake of mens persons and actions as they agr●…e with ▪ or d●… from them , ibid. a conviction of singleness in prosecuting and adhering , p. . fear of losing credit by relenting , p. . fear of hurting their respective followers , p. . the tentation strengthned , by looking upon the failings of opposits , ibid. and by the hope of the ceding of others , ibid. chap. . what be the sad effects of division , and the necessity of endeavouring unity , p. , . the necessity of endeavouring unity , granted by all , ibid. and p. . chap. . general grounds leading to unity , p. . the cure of division most difficult , ibid. an absolute necessity laid upon a tent church to unite , p. , . union a thing attainable amongst orthodox divines or ministers , p. , . endeavouring union doth not infer union in all points of judgement and practice , but may stand with several defects , p. , , . union may stand with some defects in worship , and manner of government , p. . with what kind of defects union may be made up , cleared in several rules , p. , , . when inconveniencies are on all hands , what side is to be followed , cleared , p. , . what may be accounted such impediments as a tender conscience may be scared by from uniting , cleared , p. , . mutual cond . scending at such a time in a special manner necessary , p. . wherein there must be no condescending , p. . condescension ought to be mutual , ibid. what side ought to be most condescending , even that which is right and hath authority , ibid. and p. . they who did the wrong , ordinarily most averse from condescending , p. . those who have condescended most , have alwayes been thought the greatest friends to the church , ibid. yeelding in all particulars that do not involve any consent unto , or approbation of what is wrong , commendable , p. , . some negative conclusions concerning the upmaking of a breach ; as , division not to be cured by destroying any orthodox side or party , p. . division not to be cured by incapacitating any profitable officer or member to do his duty , ibid. union not to be studied with any note of disrespect upon either side , ibid. no simply authoritative way is the fit mean to begin the healing of a rent church , p. , . though one side fail in condescending , the other ought not to fail , but to go the furthest warrantable length , p. , . better any orthodox side be practically condescended unto in the supposed case than that division should be keeped up , p . it was the actings and not the formality of the constitution of synods that occasioned divisions of old , p. , . debates concerning government most difficultly removed , and whence it cometh to be ●…o , p. . chap. . some preparatory endeavours for uniting , p. . walking under an impression of the dreadfulnesse of such a plague , ibid. and p. . division would be looked upon as having a fearfull snare in it , p. , . ministers and others would diligently view their own inward condition , p. . there would be repentance suitable to what is sound , p. . union would by all warrantable means be commended unto , and pressed upon , those that differ , and by those that differ , one upon another , ibid. the design of union would be prosecuted with singlenesse and constancy , p. . union would be endeavoured with all tendernesse and respect to the persons , actions and qualifications of men differing , ibid. and p. . several particulars wherein this respect would be manifested , spoken unto , p. . it would be further manifested in expressions of mutual confidence , p. . kind visits , ibid. abstaining of personal reflections , even though there be much provocation given , ibid. and p. . in such a case ministers would in a special manner stir up themselves and others to the life and practice of religion , p. . there would at such a time be solemn addresses to god for his leading in the way to this desirable end , ibid. chap. . what things are to be forborn in order to uniting , p. . all things that weaken the reputation of others to be avoided , ibid. evil counsel would be taken heed to ; neither at such a time in this business would all mens advice be indifferently laid weight upon , p. , . there would be a forbearing to engage judicially pro or contra , and why , p. , . there would be abstaining from propagating different opinions factiously , and why , p. , . all contrary acting would be abstained , p. . separated meetings to be eschewed , and separated fasts , ibid. acts and principles laying restraints upon either side , would be abstained , p. . chap. . what is to be done in order to uniting , p. . there would be a seeking after meetings and conferences , ibid. in such meetings there would be an offer made of fair conditions , p. . there would be a right way of carrying-on such meetings , p. , . contentions about formalities , as also personal criminations , would be forborn at such meetings , p. . there would be condescending in some circumstances though they should not seem so reasonable , p. . the most tender of the church most condescending , ibid and , p. . chap. . what is to be done in closing doctrinal differences , p. ▪ the first way of closing doctrinall differences , when one party bringeth the other to the same judgement with them ; or , when both parties quit something of extremities , and joyn in a middle opinion , p. . the second way of composing such differences , by endeavouring to keep unity notwithstanding thereof , by a mutual forbearance in things controverted , which is of two sorts , p. , . the third way of composing such differences , is , when though there be some medling with such questions , and so a seen difference , yet it is with such forbearance as there is no schism nor division , but that is seriously and tenderly prevented , p. , , . chap. . what to be done for union in points not doctrinal , but about matters of fact or personal faults , p. . contests about these are of several sorts , as sometimes there is dissatisfaction with the constitution of a church as to its officers and members , ibid. and p. . a second sort of such contests , is , when faults are alseaged , which either are not true , or cannot be proven , p. , . a third sort of such contests , is , when there is a pleading for such persons as are justly censured , or censurable , p. . there is a threefold way of composing these last contests , . by clearing the justness of the sentence , . by recalling the sentence when the person may be profitable , ibid. . by the sentenced persons submitting themselves , p. . a fourth sort of contests of this kind is , when there are mutual upbraidings for failings in a time of darkness and tentation , ibid. these most satisfyingly removed by forgiving one another , ibid. chap. . what is to be done towards uniting in divisions arising from diversity of circumstances in external administrations , and especially arising from church-government , p. . condescendency in such things , necessary , p. , . in such things better to forbear some new thing , than to alter the old , without some considerable reason , ibid. divisions about church-government ordinarily most bitter , and of many kinds , ibid. concerning the form of government , p. . practical difference herein maketh division , ibid. characters of government fit for uniting , p. , . debates about the constitution of synods , p. . defects in the constitution of a synod , will not easily annul without defect in the matter , ibid. in ancient councils soundness of matter more regarded than formality or number , ibid. and , p. . what should be done for union when division ariseth about the constitution of a synod , p. . it would be considered how little usefull the thing controverted is , as to the churches edification , ibid. and . this difference is either in judgment and may be forborn , p. . or , it relateth to practice , and so somewhat is to be tolerated , and somewhat done , p. , . what usually hath been done when authority was declined , p. . there is great difference betwixt declining of synodical authority simply , and the constitution of a particular synod , p. . chap. . what is to be done in order to union when divisions are about doctrinal determinations , p. . such determinations are here understood as are in doctrines not fundamental nor near the foundation , ibid. some of which are meerly doctrinal , ibid. others have practical consequents following upon them , some of which again infer division , others but diversity , p. . some determinations are of things daily practicable , others only for an exigence scarcely ever again occurring , p. . some determinations are for ministers practice , others are answers to the questions of rulers , p. . meer doctrinal decisions about smaller points , ought to make no division , p. , , . how the smaller number should in such decisions yeeld to the greater , cleared , p. , . chap. . what should be done in order to union about such decisions as have practical consequents following thereupon , p. . contrary practices build a wall of separation , p. . there may be diversity without division , ibid. it is great folly to make , or keep up division for what is rarely or never practicable , ibid. union is not impossible notwithstanding diversity of judgment , and though neither party should acknowledge any offence , p. , . what to be done when the decision is a simple declaration of the lawfulness of a thing , and where the matter determined concerneth such practices as actually are to be performed but in some extraordinary case by civil powers , cleared , p. , , . chap. . the remedies of divisions arising from the misapplication of power in ordination of ministers , and admitting unto , or debarring from , communion , p. . the ordination of a person worthy of the ministery , ordained by church-officers , i●… not to be accounted null for some defects , ibid. union would not be suspended upon the tryal of the worthiness or unworthiness of some persons , but the rather endeavoured , that such tryals may be the better compassed , p. , . what to be done where there are contrary ordinations , cleared , p. , . chap. . remedies of divisions arising from the misapplication of power , in censuring or sparing ministers , real or supposed , p. . in what cases extremities hereanent are to be eschewed , ibid. church judicatories their wise remitting of rigour , of great advantage in such a case , p. . corrupt , or grosse and profane men for no interposition to be received , p. . how to carry when debate falleth to be about conniving at guilty men , p. . union is the rather to be followed that satisfaction in this may be attained , p. . in times of division , rumours especially concerning eminent persons , not so to be regarded , p. . zeal in justly-censuring , well consistent with a spirit of union , ibid. yet union is to be preferred to the censuring of some unfaithfull men , p. union no prejudice to the purging-out of corrupt ministers , ibid. and , p. . purging not to be so vehemently pressed till union be fixed , p. , . chap. . the fears of misgovernment for the time to come , and the remedies thereof , p. . the difference here , is either anen●… the persons that are to govern , p. . or anent the ordering of things that may fall out , p. . the satisfaction here must be such as neither party is fully satisfied , ibid. the abstaining of union , will not prevent the inconveniences upon either side , p. . the thing feared in this case , is not the bringing-in of new doctrine , nor a wrong government , ibid. union is not to be suspended till there be satisfaction in every particular , p. . some particulars to be referred to some persons acceptable to both sides , who may be trusted with the decision of them , ibid. and , p. . such things are not to be decided by a meer authoritative way , ibid. and , p. . better for a time to forbear many things , than to brangle union , p. . doubtfull practices to be abstained in such a case , p. . there would at such a time be many brotherly conferences for preventing of abrupt surprisals by things moved in judicatories , ibid. matters of difficulty rather to be committed to ●…ome deputed persons , than instantly decided , and why , p. . it is not unfit some persons be designed to compose such occasional differences as may arise , ibid. and , p. . this ●…endeth to recover strength to judicatories , p. . and is consistent with ministerial church-authority , ibid. and , p. ●… . the great apostle often layeth aside authority , ibid. several other reasons also are brought to prove the consistency , ibid. and , p. . chap. . some advertisments concerning the overtures proposed , p. , . chap. . what is incumbent to magistrates and people for remedying this evil , p. , . chap. . the grounds and motives of the desired union , p. , , , , , , , : all pertinently , pathetickly and pungently proposed and pressed . if there be any thing in the collection and frame of these contents unsuitable to , or unworthy of , the precious author , let it not be imputed to him , but to the publisher . errata . pag. line read jews for hearers an for and ult adde , after taken way for may light for like not to be evident recovering ibid an for one dele it adde , after these possible adde : after entred in for many for away leavening rom. . , &c. tim. . , &c. cor. gal. . . unto for too ibid alse for also one for an his for this alse for also for the last an , one commended hath not made burying for burning dele and dele . adde , after others crosses for cases in for one suggested aim for mind not as what agreeth constructions of others where for when the others ibid writings f. meetings put , after debating dele &c. pag. in the margent , read meer for more . any other such or lesser escapes thou wilt easily help as thou goest through . the rise of this following treatise . having had occasion to consider the book of the revelation , and being on the epistle to the church of pergamos in the second chapter , ground was given to speak somewhat of scandal , by reason of several doctrines clearly arising from that place : upon this occasion i did first essay the writing of something of the doctrine of scandal in general , intending only to have spent a sheet or two thereupon , as elsewhere on some other subjects : when this was brought to a close , i found the place to give ground to speak of publick church-offences , as they are the object of church-discipline and censures ; and being convinced , that that subject was not impertinent to be spoken of , i yeelded to spend some thoughts upon it also , which did draw to a greater length than at first was intended , or was suitable for a digression : this being finished , as it is , and any moe thoughts of this subject laid by , it occurred again to me to think of doctrinal scandals , or of scandalous errors ; and considering that the scandals , mentioned in that place ▪ are of such nature , and that such are very frequent in this time , i yeelded also to put together what thoughts the lord would furnish concerning the same ; whereupon followed the third part of this treatise . when this was even at the closing , there was a fourth part of the same subject that did occur to me to be thought on , which before that had never been minded , and that was concerning scandalous church-divisions : to this my mind and inclination was exceeding averse at first , as knowing it not only to be difficult in it self to be medled in , but also exceedingly above me , who am altogether unsuitable to hazard on such a subject : yet , considering the rise of the motion , and how the lord had helped-through the other parts , i did resolve to condescend to follow it , at least so far , till it might appear what was his mind to me therein , and accordingly did follow it till it came to the period ( whatever it be ) that now it is at . this is the true rise and occasion of this treatise , and of the several parts thereof , and therefore i have continued its entry in the original mould thereof , to wit , in laying down some general doctrines from that place of scripture , and if there be afterward any more particular relation to the second and third chapters of the revelation than to other scriptures , this simple narration of the rise thereof may satisfie any concerning the same : whereof we shall say no more , but , first , lay down the grounds of all from that text , and then proceed in the treatise , which is divided in four parts , upon the reasons formerly hinted at . the grounds of this treatise . amongst other things that troubled the church in the primitive times , scandal , or , offence , was a chief one ; and the many directions that are given concerning it , and the reproofs that are of it , shew that it is a main piece of a christians conversation to walk rightly in reference thereto , and a great evidence of loosnesse where it is not heeded . on ver . . we shew that this was a foul fault of the nicolaitans to be carelesse of offending , or of giving of offence , and not to regard scandal ; and here the lord holdeth it forth to be so , by comparing it with balaam's practice , ver . . which is aggreaged from this , that he taught balac to lay a stumbling-block before israel . from which these doctrines may be gathered , . that there is such a fault incident to men in their carriage , even to lay stumbling-blocks before others , and to offend them . . that men ought to walk so as not to offend others , or so , as to lay no stumbling-block before them : so that it is not enough not to stumble themselves , ( if this could be separated from the other ) but also they ought to be carefull not to stumble others ▪ . the lord doth take special notice how men do walk in reference to others in this , and is highly provoked where he seeth any guilty of it . . the devil hath ever endeavoured to have offences abounding in the church , and to make some lay such stumbling-blocks before others . . it is most hurtfull to the church , and destructive to souls where offences abound , and men walk not tenderly in reference to these ; so that the lord expresseth it with a twofold wo , matth. . as being a wo beyond sword or pestilence . . we may gather , that corrupt doctrine never wanteth offences joyned with it , and that ordinarily those who spread that , are untender in this . . that offences often accompany the rise and beginning of any work of christ's amongst a people ; these tares of offences are ordinarily then sown . . that some offences are of a publick nature , and that church-officers should take notice of such , and that it is offensive to christ when they are over-seen and not taken heed unto . . church-officers , even such as otherwayes are approved in their carriage and ministery , may fall in this fault , as by comparing the epistles to pergamos and thyatira , is clear . . when officers fall in this fault , it is yet no reprovable thing in members that are pure in respect of their own personal carriage to continne in communion with such a church , the ordinances otherwayes being pure . part i. the sum of it . these doctrins being in the words , and scandal being a great part of the challenge of the nicolaitans , or at least a great aggravation of their challenge , and also being a most necessary thing for a christian 's daily walk , to be carefully taken heed unto , there is ground here to speak to the same , ( in a time especially wherein offences abound ) and that in respect of what is called-for , both in private persons and in church-judicatories ; or , of private scandals , and such as are publick . we shall draw what we would say of the first to these five , . to shew what an offence is . . to shew how it is given . . to shew some considerations that ought to deter from giving of it . . to shew what weight it ought to have on a christian in his walk . . point at some directions necessary to be adverted unto when offences are rise and multiply . chap. i. several distinctions of scandal . for clearing of the first two , we shall premit some distinctions ; and we would advert , that by offence here , is not understood that which doth actually displease or grieve another alway : for there is a great difference betwixt displeasing and offending ; as also betwixt pleasing and edifying : for , one may be displeased , and yet edified ; well satisfied , and yet offended . first then , we are to distinguish betwixt displeasing and offending ; for , here offence is taken in opposition , not to a man's being pleased , but to his edification ; and so offence or stumbling in short here , is something that doth , or may mar the spiritual edification of another , whether he be pleased or displeased , as by comparing rom. . ver . . with ver . , and . is clear : for what he first calleth a stumbling-block , or an offence , he expoundeth it afterward to be any thing that may be the occasion of a fall to another , and make him stumble , or weak , or to halt in the course of holinesse , as some block would hinder or put a man in hazard to fall in the running of a race ; and from this is the similitude drawn in this phrase . . scandal is either given only , or taken only , or both . given only , is , when one doth lay something before another which is apt of it self to cause him fall or sin ; although the other do not fall by occasion of it , yet if it be inductive to sin of its own nature , it is an offence or stumbling-block , as christ saith to peter , matth. . thou art an offence to me ; though there was nothing could stick to him , yet that was in its nature such , which peter had given him in advice . . it is taken only , when no occasion is given , but when a man doth what is not only lawfull , but necessary , and yet others from their own corruption do carp thereat , and stumble thereon : thus did the pharisees offend at christ , matth. . . who did never give offence to any ; and this is common to wicked men , that stumble where no stumbling-block is , and , as it is said , they know not whereat they stumble , prov. . . this also is called passive offence , as the other is called active . . it is both given and taken , when there is something active on the one side , that is apt to draw another to sin , and something that is yielded unto on the otherside , and the bait is accepted : this was it in that stumbling-block which balaam laid before israel ; and thus ordinarily it is amongst men , who , having corruption , are soon inflamed in lesse or more with every incitement . thus , gal. . peter gave barnabas offence , and he took it , when he was also carried away to dissemble . it is this active scandal that properly is to be enquired in , and is meant here , which is , in short , any deed or word that in it self is apt to make another to sin , or to weaken them in their spiritual course , either in respect of life , or comfort , and that whether the person be actually stumbled or not , or whether the person actually intend offence or not . in all this we are to understand , that one act may be offensive in many considerations , as one deed may be against many commands , and be many wayes sinfull . . there are doctrinal offences , and there are some that are practical : doctrinal , are such as flow from matters of judgement , wherein men vent some untruth , and so lay a stumbling-block before others , this is to break a commandment and to teach others so to do , matth. . . and this is sometimes also in matters of practice , when a corrupt practice is defended , as these nicolaitans strove to do theirs . scandall in practice , without any doctrinal defence , is , when doctrine being kept pure , a person falleth in some practice , that of it self without any verball expression , is inductive to sin . thus david's adultery was a scandal : and this was the fault of the priests , that made the people stumble at the law : and thus every publick or known irregular action is offensive , because it is of ill example to others , or otherwise may have influence on them to provoke to some sin . . we may distinguish offences according to the matter thereof . and , . some are in matters that are simply sinfull in themselves , and have this also following on them : thus all errors and publick sinfull practices are offensive . . some matters are not simply and in themselves sinfull , yet have the appearance of evil , thess. . . and thus dangerous and doubtfull expressions in doctrine , that have been , or use to be , abused ; and practices also that are not becoming that honesty and good report which a christian ought to study , as it is philip. . . . are offensive . in the first respect , david would not take the name of idols in his mouth , psal. . because others did too much reverence them : of the last sort was peter's dissimulation and withdrawing , gal. . because , that appeared to strengthen the opinion of the continuing of the difference betwixt jew and gentile , &c. for that cause , paul would not circumcise titus , gal. . . and did condemn eating in the idol-temples . . some offences are in matters otherwise lawfull and indifferent , though not necessary , as the eating of , or abstaining from meats , or what was offered to idols in the primitive times , which was indifferent to be done in the house of an heathen , and so was sometimes lawfull , but was not indifferent to be done in the idol-temple , because that had the appearance of evil , as if he had had some respect to the idol ; nor was it to be done , if any weak brother had been at table in the house , because it grieved him , cor. , and . it is these last two , ( and more especially the third ) that are concerned in the doctrine of offences properly , and do rather arise from circumstances in the thing , as time , place , person , manner , &c. than from the deed considered in it self . . we may distinguish them in respect of the intent of the work , or of the worker : some things may be offensive in themselves as so circumstantiated , and yet not be so to the person that may give offence by them , i mean , not be esteemed so ; and thus was peters offence which he laid before christ , matth. . and sometimes the person may intend the others advantage , and yet may offend and stumble him , as eli intended his sons good , but really by his too gentle reproof did stumble them by confirming them in their offence ; and thus some , by unseasonable reproofs or censures , and commendations also , may really make another worse , although they intend the contrary . . whence ariseth another distinction of offences , viz. from the matter of a practice , or from the manner of performing of it , or the circumstances in the doing of it : for , as it is not an act materially good that will edifie , except it be done in the right manner ; so will not an act materially good keep off offence , if it be not done tenderly , wisely , &c. and often we find circumstances have much influence on offence , as times , persons , places , manner , &c. for , it is not offensive to one to pray or preach , but at some times , as before an idol , or on an holy-day it may be offensive . . as sins are distinguished in sins of omission and commission ; so offences may be distinguished also : for , some give offence when they swear , pray irreverently , &c. others , when there is no seeming respect to prayer at all , in the very form ; for this fostereth profanity as the other doth : and for this daniel will open his window , lest he should be thought to have forborn prayer : and this offence of omission , or omissive offence , is not guarded against only by doing what is duty , except there be also a doing of it so as conveniently , and as becomes it may be known to be done , as in the former instance : and this , rev. . . is called the holding of the testimony ; and it is this mainly that is edifying to others , when the light of holinesse doth shine ; and when that is vailed , others in so far have darkness to walk in , and so it is as to them an occasion to stumble , because they hold not forth the light unto them ; but still this is to be done without affectation or ostentation , lest a new offence should follow thereupon . . some offences contrare the graces of gods people , and these make them sad ; some foster corruptions , and these are too pleasant : thus , soft reproofs , corrupt advices , flatteries , &c. minister matter to many to fall on . . some offences may be called personall , when a person committeth them in his private carriage , that is , when his way of eating , drinking , living , &c. offendeth others , although he hath no medling with them , but live retiredly : some again are more direct offences ( as the first are indirect and consequential ) that is , which flow from men in their publick actings , or in their mutual converse with others , which have more direct influence to offend . . offences may be distinguished as they hurt folks either by pleasing them in their corruptions and strengthening them in what is sinfull , or when they hurt by irritating and stirring up corruptions to vent . in the first respect , too much gentlenesse in admonitions , rashnesse or imprudence in commendations of what is good in one , or extenuation of what is evil , corrupt advice , and such like , do offend : thus iona●…ab offended amnon , sam. . and eli his sons . in the last , sleighting of men , wronging of them , or not condescending to remove a wrong , or to vindicate our selves , if there be a supposed wrong , doth grieve and offend ; so do evil-grounded reproofs , or unadvertent admonitions that are not seasoned with love , hard reports , &c. . we may consider offences with respect to the party offended ; and so , first , we offend friends in many respects , whom , it may be , we would not desire to grieve , yet unadvertingly we stumble them , and hurt their spiritual condition by unfaithfulnesse to them , carnalnesse in conversing with them , siding with their infirmities , and many such like wayes . or , secondly , they are enemies , or such to whom we bear no such respect , these also are scandalized when they are provoked through the carnalness of our way to judge hardly of us , or of religion for our sake , or to follow some carnal course to oppose what we carnally do , when we irritate them and provoke their passion , &c. and thus men in all debates are often guilty , whether their contest be in things civil , ecclesiastick or scholastick , when , beside what may further their cause ( suppose it to be just ) they do not carry respectively to the adversary , and tenderly and convincingly , so as it may appear they seek the good of their soul , and their edification , even when they differ from them . thirdly , we may look on offence as it offendeth wicked or profane men , possibly heathens , jews , or gentiles ; they are offended when hardened in their impiety by the grossnesse and uncharitablenesse of those who are professedly tender : thus it is a fault , cor. . . to give offence either to jews or gentiles , as to the church of god. fourthly , amongst those that are tender , some are more weak , some are more strong : the first are often offended where there is no ground in the matter , as rom. . cor. . &c. and it venteth readily by rash judging and censuring of others that are stronger than themselves , for going beyond their light , or because of their seeming to be despised by them , &c. which sheweth wherein the offence of the strong also lyeth ; therefore these two are put together , rom. . . let not him that eateth , ( that is , him that is strong ) despise him that eateth not : and let not him that eateth not ( that is , the weak ) judge him that eateth . . offences may be considered as they directly incline or tempt to sin , either in doctrine or practice ; or , as they more indirectly scare and divert from , or make more faint and weak in the pursuing of holinesse either in truth or practice : thus a blot in some professor maketh religion to be some way abhorred ; this especially falleth out when ministers and professors that are eminent , become offensive : for that is as a dead fly in the box of the apothecaries oyntment ▪ that maketh all to stink : thus , mal. . the priests made the people stumble at the law ; as also did the sons of eli , sam. . and this is charged on david , that by his fall he made the heathen blaspheme : and thus contention and division amongst ministers and disciples is insinuated to stand in the way of the worlds believing in , or acknowledging of christ , as it is , ioh. . . . sometimes scandal is in immediate duties of religious worship , as praying , preaching , conferring , speaking , judging of such things , &c. that is , either by miscarrying in the matter of what is spoken , or by an unreverent , light , passionate manner , &c. or , it is given by our ordinary and common carriage in our eating , drinking , apparelling , manner of living , buying and selling , &c. that is , when something of our way in these things giveth evidence of pride , vanity , unconstancie , covetousnesse , addictedness to pleasure , carnalnesse , or some such thing wherby our neighbour is wronged : thus the husband may offend the wife , and the wife the husband by their irreligious conversing together , whereby one of them doth strengthen the other to think exactnesse in religion not so necessary . and so a servant who hath a profession may stumble a master , if the servant be not faithfull and diligent in his service . . again , some offences are offensive , and are given from the first doing of the action ; thus where there is any appearance of evil , the offence is given in this manner . again , offence may be at first only taken and not given , and yet afterward become given , and make the person guilty , although in the first act he had not been guilty . this is , first , when suppose a man eating without respect to difference of meats as he might do indifferently , if he were told by one that such meat were offered to an idol , and therefore in his judgment it were not lawfull to eat it , although before that , it were not offence given , but taken , ( he not knowing that any were present that would offend ) yet if he should continue after that to do the same thing , it should be offence given upon his side . secondly , if a man should know one to have taken offence at him , or his carriage , in a thing indifferent ( although he had given no just occasion thereof ) and if , after his knowledge thereof , he should not endeavour to remove the same according to his place , in that case the offence becometh given also , because he removeth not that stumbling-block out of his brother's way . . some offences are offensive in themselves , that is , when the thing it self hath some appearance of evil , or a tendencie to offend in it self . again , some but by accident in respect of some concurring circumstance of time , place , &c. some offences also may be said to be given of infirmity , that is , when they proceed from a particular slip of the party offending , when they are not continued in , stuck to , or defended , or , when they fall into them , not knowing that they would be offensive ; and when that is known , endeavouring to remove them . again , other offences are more rooted and confirmed , as when a person hath a tract in them , is not much carefull to prevent them , or remove them , is not much weighted for them , but sleighteth them , or defendeth them , &c. this distinction of offences answereth to that distinction of sins , in sins of infirmity and sins of malice : which maliciousness is not to be referred to the intent of the person , but to the nature of the act ; so is it to be understood here in respect of offences . in the last place , we may consider that distinction of scandals in private and publick : both which may be two wayes understood ; either , . in respect of the witnesses ; or , . in respect of the nature of them . . it is a private scandal in the first respect , which doth offend few , because of its not being known to many , and so a publick offence in this respect is a scandal known to many . thus the same offence may be a private offence to one at one time , and in one place ; and a publick offence to another , or the same person , in respect of these circumstances . in the last respect , a privat offence is that possibly which doth stumble many , yet is not of that nature , as publickly , legally , or judicially it might be made out to be scandalous , for the convincing of a person offending , or of others , although it may have a great impression upon the hearts of those who know it . thus the general tract of ones way and carriage ( who yet may be civil , legal , and fair in all particulars ) may be exceeding , offensive , as holding forth to the consciences of those that are most charitable to him , much vanity , pride , earthly-mindednesse , untendernesse , want of love and respect , and the like ; which saith within the heart of the beholders , that there are many things wrong , when yet no particular can be instanced wherein the person cannot have fair legal answers ; of this sort are unseasonable starting of questions , or doubtfull disputations , rom. . wherein possibly the person may assert truth , yet by moving such things , at such times , and in such expressions , he doth confound and shake the weak : those offences especially arise from a supposed unstreightnesse in the end , excesse in the manner of a thing , disproportionablenesse betwixt a man's way and his station , and such like , whereof a man may have much conviction in himself , from observing of such an ones way ; yet it is not a publick offence in the sense spoken of here , because there is no demonstrating of those . thus absolom's insinuating , self-seeking way gave evidence of pride ; and such as paul speaketh of , philip. , and . that some preached out of envie , and others sought their own things , &c. are of this nature , which by his discerning he was convinced of , yet did not found any sentence on them . again , oppositly to these , offences may be called publick , when there is a possible way of bearing them out before others , or instructing them in particulars to be contrary to the rule , as drunkennesse , swearing , &c. these may be called ecclesiastick or judicial offences , as being the object of church-censure , all the other may be called conscience , or charity-wounding offences , because they are the object of a persons conscience and charity , and do wound them , and are judged by them , and may be the ground of a christian private admonition but not of publick reproof ; or rather may be called unconsciencious , and uncharitable offences , as being opposit to conscience and charity . many other distinctions of scandals may be given , as , some are immediate , that is , when we hear or see what is offensive from the person himself ; some again are mediate , and so the very reporting of something that is true may be offensive to those to whom it is reported ; as , . when it may alienate them from , or irritate them against another person . . when it may occasion some sinfull distemper , or incite to some corrupt course , or any way provoke to carnalnesse , those to whom it is reported ; and thus offence differeth from slander : for , slander affecteth and wrongeth the party spoken of , who , it may be , is absent : offence again , stumbleth those who are present , although the same act in a person may be both a calumny and an offence upon different considerations . thus ziba calumniateth mephibosheth , but really stumbleth and offendeth david , sam. . ( although david was not so displeased with him as mephibosheth was ) so also doeg calumniateth david and the priests in a thing which was true , but really offended saul , as the effect cleared , sam. , and . also some things offend others properly ; as when a minister faileth in giving of an admonition prudently , or seasonably . again , some things offend virtually , when , it may be , a minister giveth an advice in season , but in something hath not condescended formerly , whereby he hath not such accesse with his admonition to edifie ; thus paul prevented offence , when by becoming all things to all , he made way for his being acceptable in his station . again , some offences may simply be offences , as having hurt with them . some again may be comparatively ; so it is when a thing actually hurteth , not by an emergent losse , but when it keepeth from that growth and edification , that otherwayes might have been , it 's a comparative losse , and so offensive . chap. ii. holding forth what offence is not , and what it is . these generals may give a hint of what is signified by offence and how it is given . to adde a word more particularly to the first question , let us consider , . what offence is not ; . what it is . . it is not alwayes any hurtfull and actually displeasing thing to the party that is offended ; and so is not to be constructed such , or not , from their pleasure , or displeasure . . it is not alwayes to be judged by the matter ; for , an offence may be in a lawfull matter , that simply is not to be condemned , as in eating , drinking , taking wages for preaching , &c. . it is not alway to be determined by the effect ; sometimes one may be offended , when no offence was given : sometimes again , offence may be given , and the person be guilty thereof ( as hath been said ) when no actual stumbling hath followed , but the thing of it self was inductive thereto . . nor is it to be judged by the person's intention ; one may be without all design of hurting , who yet may really wound , and offend another , and be guilty by rashnesse , omission , too much love and condescension in sparing , unfaithfulnesse ( it being much to be faithfull to one that we love , and , which is a pity , we are readiest to offend them , as in ionadab's case to amnon ; yea , in iob's friends to him , &c. ) inconsiderate zeal , imprudency , or falling in some thing , that is as a dead fly , which may make much that is profitable , become unsavoury . . scandal then must be something accompanying some external deed or word ( for internal give not offence ) which being considered at such a time , in such a place , or in such a person , &c. may be inductive to sin , or impeditive of the spiritual life or comfort of others . when this doth flow from a sinfull act , it is not so difficultly discernable , readily all actions that are materially evil , are clear ; but the difficulty is when the matter is lawfull or indifferent in it self ; or when it is in the manner and other circumstances of a lawfull or necessary duty , then to discern when they become scandalous in such respects ; and accordingly to be swayed to do or abstain in the matter , and to do in this or some other manner , as may eschew the same . this properly and strictly is that which is called offence , and is that wherein most wisdom is to be exercised in ordering and regulating us in the use of christian liberty ; and concerning this are the great debates in scripture , that men may know , that not only the command is to be looked unto in the matter of the act , so that nothing be done against it in that respect , nor only that our own clearnesse be considered ▪ that we do nothing doubtingly , but that others be considered also that they by our deed be not in their spiritual estate wronged or hurt ▪ that is , to do or abstain for conscience-sake , not our own , but of him that sitteth with us , cor. . , and . for , if charity and love be the end of the law , and men ought not only to seek their own things , but the things one of another , and love their neighbour as themselves , then ought they to seek their neighbours edification as their own , and to eschew the prejudging of them . hence scandal is opposit to that charity and love , and also to that respect which we ought to carry to our brother , rom. . v. , and . yea , it is a scandal and offence as it is opposite to , and inconsistent with , love to his spiritual well-being ; and so , in a word , that which is apt to make him worse in that respect , or that which may impede and hinder his spirituall growth and advancement therein , is an offence and scandal , rom. . . and thus a scandal differeth from an injury : for , this hurteth his person , name , or estate , or some outward thing ; that , again , hurteth his spirituall condition , either by wronging his livelinesse , or activity , or comfort , &c. though the same thing often , which is an injury , is an offence also , but not contrarily . chap. iii. concerning the severall wayes that offence may be given . it is hardly possible to shew how many wayes one may offend another , there being so many , yea , so very many wayes whereby men both wrong themselves and others ; yet , by considering the effects that offence given , hath , or may have upon others ( although the effect follow not ) and by considering that upon which active offence worketh , and which usually is offended at in another , we may draw them to some heads accordingly ; as , . men may be drawn to some sinfull action upon such an occasion : thus an action materially lawfull and good in it self , becometh a scandall , when by our deed another is fostered in some sin , or encouraged to commit it , as supposing himself to be strengthned therein by our practice ; or when it may occasion others to go beyond our intent , or to do what we do in another manner which may make it sinfull : so , zeal inconsiderately vented , may strengthen folks in passion ; and thus eating in idols temples ( which in it self was nothing ) was scandalous when done publickly , because it strengthned idolaters to think somewhat of their ●…ols , and made others who were weak , to continue some respect to them , because they supposed such men , by such a practice to do so ; or made some judge them to have respect to idols , and so to be lesse in their esteem ; or , caused others to eat with respect to the idol , when they themselves did it without it : thus doubtfull expressions in points of truth ▪ and uncircumspectnesse in not abstaining from all appearance of evil , or what doth appear to be evil to such a person , and at such a time , &c. may be offensive ; as suppose one in their apparrel , diet , or otherwayes , should by some be conceived to go beyond their station , and what is fit at such a time , or be an occasion to some others indeed to exceed , when , without such misconstructing beholders , there might be nothing offensive in the deed it self ; and thus the deed of one person may be offensive ( supposing him to be esteemed proud , covetous , unclean , &c. ) which would not be so in another : so also , a thing will be offensive to one , and not to another . wherefore , in reference to offence , men would have an eye on themselves , and what generally they are reputed to be , and so would abstain from the least appearance of what is supposed to be predominant in them , as also they would have respect to others that are present , or may be hearers or beholders , considering what are their thoughts of them , or of such deeds , &c. and accordingly would carry , although it were to abstain from such a place , apparrel , diet , &c. which in reason , abstractly from offence , might be pleaded for , as becoming . thus one walking abroad on the sabbath , may be sanctifying it , yet by his example some other may be provoked to vage and gad and cast off all duties of the day , and to neglect what is called-for in secret , or in the family ; in that respect , it becometh offensive to go abroad , although it be lawfull in it self to meditate abroad in the fields , as well as in the house . . when a lawfull act doth breed or occasion misconstruction or rash judging in an other , then it becometh offensive to him ; as , . when it maketh him think the thing unlawfull , which is lawfull , that is , ( rom. . . ) to make our good to be evil spoken of : or , . when it occasioneth our selves by that deed to be condemned as untender and unconscientious in the performing of such an act , that is , to make one judge his brother rashly , rom. . . cor. . . or , . when it occasioneth our profession , or the gospel to be mistaken and mis-judged , or godlinesse to be accounted fancie , hypocrisie , &c. thus by the indiscreet use of liberty , the gospel was evil spoken of by some , as if it had given way to loosnesse , for so those that were zealous for the law did esteem of it . . the effect of a scandal , is to grieve and make heavie others ; and so any indifferent action which is apt to do that , is a scandal , as we may see , rom. . . because it marreth their spiritual comfort , weakneth them in love to us , fainteth them in the doing of duty , at least marreth their chearfulnesse in it ▪ &c. and so is against charity , and becometh a breach of the sixth command , rom. . . this is the notion that most ordinarily we use to take up offence under , viz. when it may grieve some to hear that we have done such a thing , when it may lessen their esteem of us , ( and so much incapacitate us to be profitable to them ) or alienate them from us , &c. . we may try scandal by our hazarding to disquiet the peace of our brother's conscience : that is , when by our lawfull deed we engage or virtually perswade him to follow our example , supposing him to doubt of the lawfulnesse of that practice , or to condemn the same . thus , cor. . . one is emboldene●… to eat of things offered to idols , with respect to them , because he beholdeth another that is more strong than he to do the same . and so by his eating , he giveth ground to his conscience afterward to chal●…enge him , for which cause he that gave the example , ●…s said to wound his weak conscience . the like also is , rom. . , . in the case of doubting : for , supposing one to doubt whether such a thing be lawfull or not , meerly by our example to go before him , is to put him in that strait either to condemn our deed , or doubtingly to follow ; for , the meer example of no man can warrant any other to follow , or satisfie a conscience in the lawfulnesse of such and such a deed . this also may be when a weak man , having possibly done something in another manner , ( and that lawfully ) than afterward he beholdeth one that is strong to do , ( which also may be lawful in it self ) he is brought to look over his own practice , and to condemn the same as sinfull , meerly because that other did it in another manner . for , though indifferency in the manner of practices in lawfull things , is sometimes edifying , yet in such cases when they have not sufficient information joyned with them , they drive men on the extremities foresaid , and so become offensive , especially then when such things are actually doubted of , or disputated in their lawfulnesse . . things become offensive when they prove obstructive to the edification of others , and , as the word is , rom. . . do make them weak , or infirmeth them ▪ not only by fainting and weighting them , as is said before , but by confounding them in the truth or practices of religion , whereby they are either shaken in their former assurances , and so weakened , or made doubtfull whether such things be duties and truths , or not ; or , by such and such things , are diverted from the more necessary practices of religion . this is the scope of rom. . ver . , &c. and of other scriptures elswhere , wherby the apostle paul doth guard against doubtfull disputations , which do not profit them that are occupied therein , heb. . . and thus , not only writing and reasoning for what is not truth , but writing and speaking of truth in a new manner with new expressions and multiplying moulds of these , or doing it unseasonably , passionatly , contentiously &c. doth prove offensive . thus what is not actually edifying , is offensive ; and upon this account , paul becometh all things to all , that he may gain some , as in his circumcising of timothy that he might have access to edifie the jews , and such like ; and thus often not condescending in indifferent things to please others , doth much incapacitate them to be edified by us , or doth give them prejudice at the way of the gospel , whereby their edification is obstructed and they offended . . an action becometh offensive when it stirreth corruption , wakeneth passion , or confirmeth jealousie and suspicion , &c. although that jealousie and suspicion be groundlesse . thus paul's taking of wages in the church of corinth , had been offensive , because it had confirmed the suspicion of his seeking of himself amongst them , and would have strengthened his traducers in their calumnie , and given them occasion of venting their carnall cheerfulnesse and insolency ; and thus , when one is unjustly suspected of errour or inclination thereto , to dispute for such things , even when he disowneth them , to converse with persons of that stamp , or such like ▪ are offensive , and are to be shunned , though it may be there would be no such construction put upon another doing so . chap. iv. concerning that upon which offence worketh , or , the several wayes by which it is taken . the considering of the second thing , to wit , that upon which offence worketh , and by which it is taken , will clear this more : for , sometimes , . it affecteth the weaknesse of understanding and light ; so , it raiseth doubts , misconstructions ▪ &c. . sometimes through that it affecteth the conscience ; whence cometh judging and condemning of others , and their deeds , and the awakening of challenges , &c. . sometimes it stirreth the affections , either by awakening carnal joy , or carnal grief . . it affecteth corruption , when men , from prejudice , are fretted or grieved upon such an occasion ; thus often deeds become offensive , when they confirm mens jealousie ▪ stir their pride , emulation , &c. . a deed may have influence on some folks infirmity or impotencie ; so , some that are more given to passion , suspicion , or such like , will be offended sooner than others , and some things will be offensive to them that are not so in themselves . . men as they are gracious may be offended ; for , though grace , as such , is not capable sinfully to take offence , yet gracious persons may offend , or some actions may have an aptitude to offend a gracious zealous person rather than another . thus peter's dissimulation might be said to be offensive to paul , gal. . though more properly it was a scandal to barnabas , yet it grieved and stirred paul , though in a sanctified manner he did vent that which possibly some other gracious person might either have been irritated with , or , out of respect to peter , led away , as barnabas was ; when an ungracious person would not have laid any weight on peter's deed , as to any of these , that is , either to follow it , or be grieved with it . from what is said , it may be someway clear how an indifferent or lawfull act may become offensive , to wit , as it doth , or is apt to work any of these effects upon others , whether they be weak or strong , gracious or prophane , and whether conscience or corruption doth rise at the offence that is taken : for , as giving of offence , doth imply uncharitablenesse and pride to be in the giver , so that he neither loveth nor regardeth his brother as he ought to do , neither doth in this as he would have others do unto himself ; so offence taken , doth imply corruption and infirmity , ( at the best ) to be in him that taketh it ; and therefore in this matter of offence , respect would be had to the infirmity and corruption of others , as well as to their graciousnesse and affection . the not observing of which , maketh us take liberty in giving offence to many , because we do either esteem them to be wicked and prophane , or not affectionat to us , or , at the best , weak ; and therefore not much to be regarded whether they be satisfied or not with our practices , which doth evidently shew , that there is despising and uncharitablenesse in the heart , when there is this regardlesnesse in our practice , as may be gathered from rom. . ver . , , and . chap. v. concerning what ought to make men loath and wary as to the giving offence . to come now to consider those things which ought to make men tender in this , we will find , first , that there is not any duty in the matter thereof more commanded than this of giving no offence , nor any sin more condemned than untendernesse in this , as we may find from the epistles to the romans , corinthians , &c. wherin whole chapters are spent on this subject : yea , act. . the apostles and elders thought the regulating of indifferent things for preventing of scandal , worthy to be enacted in the first synod and council . secondly , there is no sin that hath moe woes pronounced against it , the lord himself denounceth and doubleth a wo against it , matth. . . and the apostle confirmeth it , rom. . , &c. thirdly , the hatefulnesse of it may appear in the rise thereof , it being , . an evident sign of dis-respect to god , and want of the impression of his dread , . of inward pride and self-conceitednesse , . of uncharitablenesse and regardlesnesse of others , and setting them at nought , which may be gathered from rom. . cor. , and . and can there be any thing more to be shunned than these ? and upon this we will find , that men are tender and conscientious in the matter of offence , and the use of their christian liberty , as they are tender or untender in the material duties of religion towards god , and towards others . fourthly , there can be no worse effects than follow upon this , it bringeth a wo to the world , and is in christ's account a most grievous plague when abounding ; for , it hath destruction with it to many souls , rom. . . it bringeth reproach upon the profession of christianity , cooleth love among brethren , begetteth and fostereth contention and strife , marreth the progresse of the gospel , and , in a word , maketh iniquity to abound , and often , in particular , ushereth-in error into the church , which may be gathered from the places cited , and from matth. . , , . and we suppose when it is tried , it will be found , that untendernesse in the matter of scandal , hath been as prejudicial to the church of christ in respect of her outward beauty and peace , and the inward thriving of her members , as either errour or prophanity , which have been but the product of this . fifthly , untendernesse in this , openeth a door to all untendernesse in the person that giveth offence , because by it the conscience becometh lesse sensible of challenges , and so he hath the greater boldnesse to do things that are materially evil ; by this also he becometh habitually regardlesse of others . and although where respect to others is predominant , it be no good principle ; yet often hath it great influence in restraining men from loosnesse , and in its own place ought to have weight . and doth not experience teach , that once liberty being taken in this , even things materially sinfull do often follow ? sixthly , tendernesse in this adorneth the gospel exceedingly , convinceth those we live among , entertaineth charity , and warmeth love , even as carelesnesse in this doth open mens mouthes , and make both profession and professors a reproach . seventhly , untendernesse as to offences , striketh at the root of christian communion : there can be no freedom in admonitions , little in conferences , and , it may be , no great fervour in prayers with ▪ and for others , where these abound ; and is it possible that religion can be well where these are ? and may it not from these appear why christ hath said , wo to that man by whom offences come ? chap. vi. holding forth the difficulty to lye mainly in practice , and shewing how far offence ought to have influence on a christian in his walk . the greatest difficulty is in reference to practice ; ( for scandal cannot but be accounted abominable ) we shall therefore answer some questions for the clearing of this . . it may be questioned , how far offence ought to have influence on a christian in his walk ? in answering of it , we would , i. consider the matter in which offence may be given or taken . . the persons who may be offended . for , some things in the matter are simply sinfull , some things are necessary duties ; some things ▪ again , are in themselves indifferent : so some persons are gracious and tender , some are prophane and malicious , &c. we answer therefore in these assertions , . for no offence whatsoever should men forbear a necessary duty , or commit any thing which is materially sinfull . christ would need , go up to ierusalem , although his disciples were displeased , and would continue in preaching the gospel , and in doing what was intrusted to him , although the pharisees were offended , matth. . this is clear : for no evil should be done that good may come of it . rom. . . assert . yet in other things there ought to be great respect had to offence , and men ought to be swayed accordingly in their practice , as the former reasons clear ; as , first , if the matter be of light concernment in it self , as how mens gestures are in their walking , ( suppose in walking softly , or quickly , with cloak or without ) men ought to do , or abstain as may prevent the construction of pride , lightnesse , &c. or give occasion to others in any of these ; of such sort are salutations in the very manner of them : of this sort was womens praying with their head uncovered amongst the corinthians , it being then taken for an evil sign ; yet , if it be necessary , there is nothing little , as moses will not leave an hoof , exod. . nor mordecai bow his knee to haman , because that it looked like fauning on an accursed enemy : of this sort also are offences in the fashions of cloathes , as some mens wearing of ribbands , and such like , which being of small concernment , ought certainly to be regulated by offence . secondly , if it be indifferent , that is , in the matter thereof , such as may be done , or forborn ; as eating or not eating such a meat for such a time , ( for although no action is indifferent when it is done , because the circumstances of end , motive and manner , do determine them either to be good or bad , as they are agreeable or disagreeable to the law when they are done , yet some actions in themselves are such ) in these actions a christian ought to do or abstain accordingly , as his doing or not doing may edifie or give offence ; yea , in such things he may be for ever restrained , according to that word of paul's , cor. . . i had rather not eat flesh while the world standeth , than by my meat make my brother to offend . this is to become all things to all men for their gaining , cor. . when our practice in such things is conformed to others edification rather than our own inclination or light ; and thus many things , which we are perswaded are lawfull , and that we desire to do , are to be forborn out of conscience , conscience , i say , not our own , but of some others that have not such clearnesse , as cor. . , . thirdly , in positive duties of worship and things that are necessary by affirmative precepts , scandal ought to have weight to time them so as not to give offence by them . for , although a scandal cannot make duty to be no duty for ever , yet it may for a time suspend one from the exercise of a lawfull duty , although not alwayes : thus to give alms , is a commanded duty , yet if there be hazard that an indigent person may abuse it , or others may take offence by that example either ostentatively in a selfie way to give , or to account so of him that doth give , or such like , in that case giving of alms is for that time to be forborn , except the persons strait make it necessary , or some other circumstance , and a privat way afterward is to be taken : so , preaching to a minister , and hearing to a professour , are commanded duties , yet supposing that a particular mans preaching at such a time , would stumble more than edifie , it is to be forborn . so in giving of admonitions , or in correcting of children , we are not to do these when we , or others , are in passion , although they be duties , but to take a fit time , l●…st more hurt follow than advantage : that being a rule anent affirmative precepts , that they bind continually ( or semper ) but not alway to the actual performing of them , ( or ad semper ) thus a servant , or wife , or any other person are bound to pray alwayes , yet to do it then when the master , husband , or family calleth-for some other thing necessary , would be an offence . fourthly , in necessary things , offence ought to have weight according to the circumstantiat case , to sway one in the manner and circumstances of that necessary duty ; thus , supposing it necessary to pray , a man is to choose the place and posture of praying accordingly ; thus it is offensive in some cases to pray so as we may be observed , because that looketh hypocritical like , and is condemned , matth. . sometimes again , it is offensive not to be known to pray , as was in daniel's case , dan. . because his not evidencing of it by opening of his windows , had looked like his receding from his former piety , &c. and in this respect , what is ofensive at one time , may be edifying at another , and what is edifying now , may become offensive afterward upon another occasion , as by paul's circumcising of timothy , and refusing to circumcise titus , doth appear . so sometimes ( suppose it when nehemiah is standing before the king ) to kneel down to pray , would have been offensive ; at other times for a man to pray and not to kneel in his chamber , ( as in daniels case ) may be offensive also . and in this sort of offence , custom guideth much in the indifferent circumstances ; and alteration in these , is often offensive . fifthly , in our particulars , in temporall things we ought rather to cede in what is our own , than to offend others , and mar their spiritual good . thus christ condescended to quit his priviledge , matth. . . rather than to offend , and thus paul shunned the taking of wages in corinth , although he had right thereto , and did even then take from other churches : the reason is , because the spiritual edification of our brother is of more value than our temporal right ; much more is this to have influence in limiting and hedging us up from lawfull pleasures and contentments , or what our inclination and affection leadeth to , even though it be lawfull , if so be the following thereof may be an offence to any . it is for this also that paul , cor. . condemneth their contentions going to law before infidels ▪ because of the scandal thereof , and why ( saith he ) do ye not rather suffer wrong ? our lord also , as was just now hinted , went before us in this , matth. . . when he paved tribute , and in that ceded his own right , lest he should offend ; and it 's like they were not of the most tender men . . assert . we say that there is equal respect to be had to all kind of persons in the giving of offence , if the matter be equal that is , we ought to shun the offence of the weak as well as o●… the strong , of the prophane as of the gracious ▪ &c. for , . the command is general , cor. . . give no offence , neither to ●…ew nor gentile , nor to the church of god , under which three , all sorts of persons are comprehended . . as we ought not to sin in reference to any person , so ought we not to give to any of them an occasion of sinning , because that is never good . . i●… we look to the good or strong , as we ought not to do any thing that is sinfull to please them or abstain from any thing that is necessary to prevent their offence ; so ought we to do in reference to the weak and prophane . thus paul would not give the false teachers of corinth ground of stumbling more than the church-members ; and in this respect we are debtors both to the jews and greeks , to the unwise as to the wise , ro. . . yea , we are in indifferent things to become all things to all men , even to those that are weak and without law ( though still we are to be under the law ) that the moe may be gained , cor. . , , &c. chap. vii . shewing what the scandal of the pharisees or malicious is , and clearing several other important questions . if it be said , what then is it which is called the scandal of the pharisees or the malicious , which ought not to be respected ? we answer , . in constructing any maliciously to take offence , there is great need of spiritualnesse , lest we account men malicious because of some particular difference from us or some other persons ; even as from david's imprecations against his malicious enemies , we would not draw an example for regulating of our prayers , in reference to our enemies . . there is need also here to take heed what spirit we be of in our accounting men to be such , as the lord said to the disciples , luke . when they pretended elias example : for , to make a man malicious in taking offence in this respect , so as not to be regarded . . it must be a necessary duty that he offendeth at , even the best , as the pharisees did at christ's preaching of the gospel . . it must not be out of ignorance or weaknesse that this offence is taken . . it must not arise from any personal or particular account , but from a man's being instrumentall in furthering and advancing the gospel , and so must be very sib to the sin against the holy ghost , and therefore ought not to be pretended in our ordinary carriage . if it be yet said , that they do not stand to offend us , therefore they are not to be regarded by us , when the thing we do is lawfull . answ. this were to render evil for evil , whenas we should overcome evil with good ; and if it be a sin in them not to care for us in their practices , can it be otherwise in us ? and our meeting of them in their untender way , is to harden them in it , and bring their bloud on our own head , whereas more tender dealing might edifie them , and , as by heaping coals of fire upon their heads , soften them and make them more pliable . if it be asked further , what one is to do in such a case when the matter is lawfull and it be withall doubtfull whether it can be offensive or scandalous to any ? answ. . beside the consideration of the thing , we would also consider circumstances of time , person , occasion , &c. . we would try what an action , so circumstantiated , hath formerly been thought of in the case of others in former times ; yea , . what use to be our own thoughts of such actions in other persons , if we have not counted them offensive in them ? for often men more impartially judge , especially of what is offensive , in the persons of others than in themselves . . the conscience would be reflected on what it saith ; for often there is a murmuring in the conscience , which sheweth its suspicion , that such a thing is offensive and hurtfull , before it be acted , which is yet often born down by the impetuousnesse of mens inclination . . others that may be more impartial , would be tryed ; yea , the thoughts of these that we supposed to be the least tender of us are not to be neglected , for often they are most impartial in judging what is offensive . these things may have the more weight to sway one in their determination , because the trial runneth not to know what is duty , or lawfull in it self , but whether or not such a lawfull practice may be done or forborn without wronging the spiritual estate of any . . if it continue yet doubtfull whether it be offensive or not , the same rule is to be followed , as if it were doubted whether it were lawfull or not ? to wit , it is to be abstained from , because as he that doubteth of the lawfulnesse of a thing , cannot do it in faith , because he knoweth not but it may be sinfull ; so neither can he that doubteth whether a lawfull thing be expedient or not , do it with perswasion , because he knoweth not but it may be scandalous to some , and so cannot but be sinfull to him . lastly , pains would be taken rightly to inform others , and to rectifie them that they may not take offence at things lawfull in themselves . if it be said , that sufficient pains have been taken to inform them already , and that therefore their taking offence is inexcusable . answ. . men would beware of making this an excuse , for many have great ignorance and are not soon capable of instruction , others have prejudice which is hardly rooted-out ; therefore i conceive it will not be easie to be able to assert an exoneration in this case . . if the thing continue to be indifferent ( which is the matter concerning which the question is ) there can be no terme set to it : it is the apostle's word , cor. . . if meat make my brother to offend ▪ i will not eat flesh while the world standeth . i●… the case alter and the matter become necessary by some circumstances , as daniel's opening of his window did , then that which formerly was indifferent , becometh necessary , and it would be offensive to omit it . it may be further asked , what is to be done where there is a real difference betwixt parties , suppose for a civil interest ? for ▪ a man , by seeking his own , may irritate another , and , is there a necessity of abstaining in that case ? answ. . there is no question but in some cases a man is to cede in his particular right , rather than to give offence by a legal pursuit , as when it may occasion the gospel to be evil spoken of , and harden corrupt men in their ha●…ed of the same . on this ground , cor. . the apostle condemneth their going to law before infidel judges , and doth expresly say , ver . . why do ye not rather take the wrong ? and suffer your selves to be defrauded ? and though the case now be not every way the same , yet we suppose christians ought to lay weight on this , l●…st in their pursuits they give occasion to make the professors of the gospel to be accounted contentious , covetous ▪ &c. and therefore it would seem , that when they contend for civil things , it would be for something of moment at least to the person , which also is clearly , or may be made appear to be clearly theirs , and that after friendly wayes are essayed for attaining satisfaction . . we say , it ought to sway christians in their manner of pursuing differences , so as there be not heat , passion ▪ carnalnesse , over-reaching and going beyond one another , nay nor the appearance of these to be seen in their carriage , but still following a civil difference , with respect to the spiritual good of the adversary , and that in such a manner as may be convincingly evidencing thereof both to him and others . . we say , that these cautions being observed , this doctrine of scandal will not simply bind up a christian from pursuing of a civil difference , because , in some respect , it may be a necessary dutie for a man to recover his own in a legall way , as it is for a man to labour , and otherwise by lawfull means to provide for his family : for which end god hath appointed judges and magistrates to hear complaints , and to rectifie wrongs ; and to hear complaints is a main part of their duty , without which humane society would turn like to the fishes of the sea , hab. . therefore we would distinguish here betwixt displeasing , yea angering and offending , and would desire rather not to stumble than to please ; for there may be anger when there is no offence given , as suppose one should fret because they get not their will vented unjustly on some other in their ●…rson or estate . in that case , their satisfaction is not their edification , nor their displeasing their offence ; so is it in this case , where a man pursues his own in a due manner , there is no just ground of offence given : because , . the thing it self is neither evil , nor hath the appearance of evil , but hath an approbation from god who hath appointed magistrates for that end to hear and redresse wrongs , and cannot but be approven by others ; yea , the deed it self cannot but be approven in the conscience of him that is offended , seing it is taught to men by nature to keep themselve , from injury , and it is not in things so clearly approven by god , and taught by nature , that offence is given , but where the action is doubted in conscience to be unlawfull , at least ▪ as so circumstantiat , which cannot be in this case . . it is no offence to complain to a church-judicatorie of one that offendeth , if it be done in a right manner , though it anger him , because it is a legal allowed way , therefore neither is it so here . . to condemn this , were really to offend many , even those , who from their covetous and malicious humour might clearly be emboldned to wrong others ; wherefore we see paul and others do approve legall defences for preventing or remedying of hurt , though , no question , malicious opposers were fretted therewith . yet where two are ministers , or eminent in profession , we suppose there ought to be more warrinesse , because so necessarily it is implyed , that the one hath the wrong side , which cannot but offend . it may be further moved , what is to be done when there seems to be an opposition betwixt the command of a superiour , and the eschewing of offence , so that we must either disobey him or give offence in obeying , as suppose a magistrate should command to preach upon some pretended holy day : the thing is lawfull upon the matter , but the doing of it is offensive , either by grieving many , or strengthening others in the esteeming somewhat of ●…hat day ? answ. in that case , the scandal is still active and given , and therefore no command or authority can warrand one in such a deed : for , as these two worthy divines ( ames in his cases of conscience , lib. . cap. . and gillespie in his dispute of ceremonies , chap. . sect . . ) observe , no man can command either our charity or our consciences , or make up the hazard of a given offence ; and therefore none can command us warrantably to hurt the spiritual good of our neighbour , that being contrary to the command of love that god hath laid on . and we may add , that an indifferent action , being involved with offence , cannot but be in its practising sinfull as it is complexly considered , and therefore cannot be the object of a magistrats command more than an action that is sinfull in it self . on this ground , many of the saints in the last persecution , did choose rather to suffer martyrdom , than to be constructed to have ceded , or delivered the bible , and therefore they would not redeem their life by giving of any piece of paper at the command of the officers , lest thereby they should have been by others interpreted to have given up their bible . it is to be remembered that we spake not of displeasing , seing by a superiours command that may be done , but of scandalizing , either by strengthening somewhat that is wrong , ot seeming to do so , by wounding the consciences of others , provoking them to judge us , or some such way : and if it were not so , the three children ▪ dan. . might have escaped the furnace ; for , to fall down at the kings command , was not simply sinfull ( and had they done that , no more had been called for ) but to fall down at such a time , in such place , &c. had at least the appearance of evil , and therefore there was no room left for obedience . and , no question , ioabs resisting , and in part neglecting of davids command for numbering of the people , was more approvable than his obedience , yet was the thing lawfull in it self ; but considering it as circumstantiat , it tended to foster davids pride , and to be subservient in that which brought on wrath , therefore was not to be obeyed to the confirming of him in his sin . the same also may be said , when doing something that is offensive may seem a way to prevent a crosse ; for , active offence being ever sinfull in respect of the complex case , it is not to be allowed whatever perill follow , as we may see in daniels case who would not stumble others by shutting of his window , although it hazarded his own life , and the welfare of the 〈◊〉 : and in this case paul saith , that it were better for him to die than that any should make his glorying void , or make him an occasion for others to stumble upon , cor. . . &c. it may be said , that sometimes the case is so stated , that whatever be done there will be offence , as if paul take wages , he is called a self-seeker , that is , one that maketh gain of preaching the gospel , if he forbear , it is said he loveth not the corinthians , and therefore he taketh not from them ; again , some weak jews are ready to stumble , and not receive the gospel if he circumcise not timothy ; others again , are readie to take advantage and to plead the necessity of the ceremoniall law if he circumcise titus : it may be asked , what is to be done in such cases ? in reference to which we answer , . that we would ever look ▪ what is most expedient as to edification , it is like it did displease peter and the iews more that he did not circumcise titus , and the false apostles that he did not take wages , than if he had done it , yet he did what was most edifying , and of it self aptest to further their spirituall good ; and a spirituall discerner will readily find what is most edifying in it self , or in that case , which is to be followed , although it may be most displeasing . . respect would be had to these that are most unbyassed ; prejudice possessed the jews and these corrupt teachers , and therefore whatever paul did they stumbled at it ; but it is like he had respect to others , and did what might most wipe away the calumnies that were cast upon him and the gospel by these false apostles . . in such a case , a man would look to what is most denied like , and it is ever safest to sway to that hand , as suppose a man were in hazard upon one side to be thought negligent , if he be not painfull , and even someway rigorous in his dealings with men , as on the other side , covetous , if he be but painfull . it is safest to hazard upon diligence without rigidity , although it should occasion him to be accounted negligent : because there is least selfinesse on that side , and that hath least to commend it unto mens corruptions . thus paul rather hazardeth upon what might follow upon his refusing to take wages than to take them , because taking is of it self more apt to give offence than refusing , and doth not look so single like , and there is not so easie accesse to vindicat that against clamorous mouths . . when the offence seemeth to follow both from omitting and committing , paul chooseth often to commend forbearance , as in the cases of forbearing to eat meats , and to take wages , at least , in corinth , seing he was otherwise supplied . so , when there is hazard of being accounted proud on the one side , if men take so and so on them , or live in such and such a rank , on the other side , they may be accounted silly , and of no spirit , if they be short of that ; it is yet safest to eschew what may look like ostentation , because the tentation of self-seeking lyeth neerest that . . the present state of the time , and the temper of those we live among , would be observed ; as sometimes folks are ready to count an indifferent thing necessary , then it is to be abstained from ; therefore paul would not circumcise titus : sometimes again , the omitting of an indifferent thing may seem to import the condemning of some necessary duty , and therefore daniel will not forbear his ordinary circumstances in prayer : thus it is to be observed , to what side ( to speak so ) the tide of offence doth run , and that is to be shuned . . the nature of the persons is to be observed , which we have to do with in the mentioned case . some are weak , so condescending edifieth them , and grieving of them might stumble them at the gospel ; others are perverse , and condescending to them , strengthneth them in their opposition , and so proveth a stumbling to them . upon this ground , circumcising of timothy to the weak at one time is edifying , and forbearing thereof had been a stumbling-block : at an other time , and to other persons circumcising had been an offence , as in the case of titus instanced ; and paul's refusing to circumcise him , was not that he regarded not their stumbling , but that he knew the circumcising of him would puffe them up and strengthen them , and so stumble them indeed , therefore he would not do it . if it be asked , what if the case stand so stated , that doing will offend the weak and tender , no doing will displease and irritate the perverse ? as suppose in the case of eating things sacrificed to idols ; or contrarily doing offendeth the grosse , and no doing the tender , what is to be done in such a case ? answ. as there is never a necessity of sinning , so there is never a necessity that one should fall in an active offence , the offence therefore upon the one side must be taken , and that is not to be regarded in comparison of the other . as suppose in some cases the weak be really offended , and the perverse are but irritated , in that case their irritation is not to be stood upon : for often they are really edified when they are dissatisfied , as in the instance proposed ; eating of things sacrificed to idols , was really offensive to the godly , as being ready to draw them to sin , but though it might possibly displease others that the believers did not eat with them , yet was there nothing in that deed of it self apt to stumble them , and induce them to sin ; again , sometimes the godly are displeased , and the perverse and profane are really stumbled , as when paul refused to circumcise titus , it is like his not doing thereof did really displease many godly jews that were zealous in the law , yet his doing of that had really been a stumbling to many corrupt teachers who did teach the necessity of circumcision , and would have been confirmed by that practice . therefore paul will rather displease the godly jews than stumble the profane teachers by a deed which had also been a reall stumbling unto the jews . this then is the first rule , to wit , that we would look well upon what side the active offence lieth , and upon what side the displeasure only , and to choose the eschewing of offence , who ever be displeased . . when the thing is in it self indifferent to be done , or not to be done , it is safest to forbear whoever be displeased ▪ as we see in the instances given , paul inclineth still to forbearance , he forbore to eat flesh , and to circumcise titus , and to take wages , &c. when the case is so stated , because whoever be displeased , that is not of it self so inductive to sin , as doing is , which either doth strengthen others to do doubtingly upon our example , or to judge us for doing what they account sinfull , or some such like . indeed , in some cases where there is no hazard of offending by doing , we may do what is indifferent to prevent the irritating of any , that so there may be the greater accesse to edifie them : and therefore , act. . . paul will circumcise timothy , lest he make himself ungracious to the jews in those parts ; yet , had there been any there to take advantage from that to confirm their errour , he had not done it , as in the other instance of titus doth appear ; for so it had not been an offence , but somewhat which was displeasing to those jews . yet , . supposing it to be so , that neither have ground , but both may be displeased , then the tender are to be respected , and the preventing their offence is to be preferred . . because they are displeased out of conscience , and that is wounded ; others are but irritat in respect of some lust , and so it is displeasure simply to them , but it 's offence to the other , because on a ground of conscience they are displeased . . the lord is most tender in the grieving , or not grieving of the godly ( as is clear , matth. ▪ ) therefore ought we to be so also . hence the prophet professeth , kin. . . that had it not been respect to iehosaphat , he had not stood much on the displeasing of others ; or , suppose some prophane person should be displeased , because a man doth not drink so much , ( although it be not inconsistent with moderation ) and suppose some tender person should think his drinking thereof inconsistent with sobriety , i say , in that case he should respect the last , because this offence doth flow from a ground of conscience . lastly , it would be looked to in such a case , what may be most in the upshot or event for edification , supposing there should be involvements on all hands ; for some things being compared may be better discerned , than when they are abstractly considered in themselves ; now , edification and offence do never lie upon one side : therefore if it be found that such a thing comparatively be edifying , it is to be done , and what seemeth to oppose it , is not to be accounted offence . chap. viii . holding forth what is called-for when offences abound . it may be profitable to enquire what is called for from a christian living in the time when offences abound , and when there is too great a readinesse both to give and take offence ? answ. it is hardly possible to condescend on all particulars here ; yet because the thing is usefull , and the scripture is full in reference to this matter , in the fourteenth chapter of the epistle to the romans , and in both the epistles to the corinthians , and elsewhere , we may hazard to propose these general directions . . a man would not only respect his own clearnesse in conscience as to the lawfulnesse of a deed , but would even have respect to the satisfaction of the consciences of others , as it is , cor. . . the neglect of this casteth a door open to many evils ; and did this abound , that men were burning with any offence taken by others , as was pauls case , cor. . . there would be fewer offences given . it ought to affect us , as it were a pang or stound at our hearts , to hear or see of any that are offended . this is a principal remedy from an inward sympathie to study this , and there will be directions furnished where that touch is , who is weak , and i am not weak ? who is offended , and i burn not ? sooner would we put our head in the fire than hazard to offend any , if this were . . as men would be carefull not to give offence , so also not to take offence , or to stumble even when blocks are cast in the way . it is a piece of our folly sometimes to be exclaiming against the frequencie of offences and the givers of them , and yet not to be adverting , but to be stumbling at these our selves ; either by waxing cold in our love to the godly , or faint in duties , or ready to take liberty to speak and to judge of others , even of their state that we offend at , or passionately to be irritate to some carnal revenge , &c. for , seldom are many offences given actively , but many also are offended passively , as matth. . . and at such time , they are blessed who are not offended in christ , it being both a good thing , and a rare thing in such a case , matth. . . for , as it is in carnal contests , often an●… ill reply bringeth on more sinfull contention ; so it is here : and offence taken by one , leadeth him to give another , as the result of that , whereas were it our care not to stumble our selves , we might be keeped from giving occasion of that to others , and brook much more peace , as it is , psal. . . great peace have they who love thy law : and nothing shall offend them . sometimes , again , the falls of others are matter of mocking and mirth , and we are puft up because of that , as if there were not such corruptions in us : this was the corinthians fault , cor. . . and many other wayes are there of stumbling , and o but watchfulnesse is necessary when folks walk thus in the midst of snares ▪ and are so ready to fall either upon one hand or another ! . folks would beware of despising or judging one another , but would ●…y all means endeavour the entertaining and confirming of love ▪ which is in this respect the bond of perfection . the apostle giveth this direction , rom. . . let not him that eateth , despise him that eateth not ; and let not him that eateth not , judge him that eateth . he that eateth is the strong professor , who is through in the knowledge of what is right and what is wrong ; it is the fault of such readily to condemn and despise the weaker who cannot go alongst with them . again , he that eateth not , is the weak , who , wanting clearnesse in what the other is clear of , is ready to judge the other as an untender person , because he doth what he cannot do . these evils are rise where offences abound , and are the oyl which nourisheth them : for , if there were not pride and despising in some , and untendernesse and rash judging and jealousies in others that are weak , the plague that followeth offences would not be so great in the world . but these two are most directly opposit to the rule of charity that ought to be amongst christians , both in guiding us in doing of our own acts , and in constructing and judging of the actions of others . and , in a word , love , that i●… the fulfilling of the law , is the fulfilling of this precept also . see ioh. . . he that loveth his brother abideth in the light , and there is none occasion of stumbling in him . offences could neither be given not taken if love to our brethren were fresh . . we would beware of moving or fostering needlesse and perplexed disputings , these have ever proved exceeding hurtfull to the church , and proportionally wronged edification , as errour and prophanity have done . it is the apostle's first direction , rom. . . him that is weak receive , but not to doubtfull disputations ; for such breed strife , and often waken carnalnesse in the contenders rather than pure zeal . and in this case , it is better for some to possesse clearnesse in their own judgment , and to condescend in their practice to others , than by venting their judgment unseasonably , to confound others , that is the meaning of the word , rom. . . hast thou faith ? that is , clearnesse in such a particular , have it to thy self , that is , make your own privat use of it without troubling others with the same . and we will see , that this spirit of contention , and the abounding of offences , have ever been together in the church . for certainly such contentions cannot but obstruct the growth of the weak , and grieve the strong , and stumble all . we conceive therefore , that at such a time it were more safe to abstain the wakening of new debates , raising of old , or using of new expressions , than to hazard upon the offence which may follow upon mens mistaking of them , or taking advantage by them , which will be more hurtful than any advantage they can bring . we conceive also that it were fitter to overlook some mistakes in some writings at such a time , than unnecessarily to table a debate on every thing that seemeth dissatisfying in the writings and expressions of others , which is become too common , and by this , professed enemies are let alone and have peace , and all the debates in the church , are almost amongst men that agree in fundamentals , because of some lesser differences . . there would be an abstinence from things that are controverted either in doctrine or practice , if they be not necessary things ▪ as we see the apostle doth in the epistles to the romans and corinthians . the reason is , because it is the strong who are clear to do , and it 's the weak who are doubtfull . now , it is more just and safe , that the strong should condescend to the weak , because that is within their reach , than that the weak should be driven up to the strong , which were to overdrive them . . at such a time folks would be much in the study and practice of the more necessary and materiall things , which come nearer the life and power of godlinesse . we see , when offences abounded in the primitive times , the apostle withdraweth them from too much seriousnesse in more circumstantiall things , to the working-out of their salvation in fear and trembling , philip. . . for , experience telleth us , that offences rise most , yea cannot rise , but in things which may be done or forborn , as in eating , and such other things as troubled the primitive church . we see also , that where there is most heat in these things , there is an overvaluing of them , and an undervaluing of faith , repentance , prayer , communion with god , &c. hence it is , ( rom. . . ) that the apostle correcteth this fault , saying , the kingdom of heaven ( which is the gospel in its power ) doth not consist in meat and drink , that is , in the eating of , or abstaining from , such meats as were then disputable , much lesse in the disputes that were concerning them ; but it consisteth in righteousness , peace , and joy in the holy ghost , that is , in material duties . therefore he addeth , that he that serveth god in these ( that is , righteousnesse and peace and the more material things ) is accepted of god , and approved of men . ▪ which sheweth , that they placed too much of religion in these extrinsick things , and in the mean time sleighted the main . for , in necessary things there is no hazard of offending , and few usually offend at these . . at such a time great care would be had to entertain peace , even publick church-peace , and respect to the ordinances , particularly to that of discipline , because that is the proper remedy for removing offences , matth. . . and without unity this hath no weight . also offences of their own nature tend to make rents , and where unity is preserved many are keeped on their feet which otherwayes would have fallen . therefore , rom. . . that direction is given ▪ let us follow those things which make for peace , and things wherewith one may edifie another . and often union and edification are joyned together , which sheweth , that it must be a great restraint to offences , which are so opposit to edification . . when offences abound , it is often most safe to be least appearing , except a mans call be the more clear and convincing : for , as in the multitude of words there wanteth not sin , so in much medling there wanteth not offence . this is also clear in experience , because offences come more ordinarily , and are more observed when something is done , than when something is forborn . yet this is not to be extended to the omission of any necessary duty , but is to have great weight in indifferent things , that are not necessary , specially such as for the time are most ordinarily the stone of stumbling . hence we find , that though in some questions the apostle is full to dispute down adversaries , as in the case of justification ; yet there are some other things that he seeketh rather to have restrained than moved , such as he calleth doubtfull , rom. . . endlesse , tim. . . that gender strife , and are not edifying , but foolish and unlearned questions , tim. . , , . men are to flee , and to shun these , even when occasion is given . for , though every question hath a truth upon one side , and the searching into necessary truths be edifying , yet as to such , considering the contention that waiteth on them , and the difficulties that are about them , the church gaineth more by silence in them , than by too fervent pursuing of them . . men at such a time would be diligent in the duties of their stations , and keep themselves within these ; and , as the apostle saith , cor. . . would abide in the calling wherein they are called : for , by so doing there is no occasion of offence . when a magistrate holdeth in the duties of a magistrate , and ministers , masters , servants , husbands and wives , and so all sorts contain themselves within the bounds of their respective stations , that is a thing offensive to none ; but when they exceed or give occasion to others to think that they exceed , then it becometh offensive , and maketh the gospel to be evil-spoken of . for which cause , the apostle commendeth to subjects , wives , servants , and all sorts , the doing of the duties of their respective stations ▪ as that which doth adorn the gospel , and stop the mouthes of gainsayers . . there would be mutual faithfulnesse , and a condescending upon their side who are offended , freely and soberly to admonish those by whom they are offended ; and upon the otherside , a condescending to satisfie and remove any offence ▪ taken by those who have given it , or at whom it is taken . this is our lord's rule , matth. . . &c. there is nothing more needfull , when offences abound , than these , and yet often there is little or no accesse to them , or practice of them when they are most needfull , and this maketh offences to abound the more . and what thing is more unsuitable than for one to take or keep offence at another , and yet never to endeavour his recovery who hath offended , and by so doing to hazard both their souls ? or , when one hath given offence , and is admonished , to refuse to come out himself , or to keep another out of this snare ? . this endeavouring to have offence removed , ought to be followed convincingly , and that in the several steps laid down , matth. . and if privat reasoning and admonition prevail not , it is to proceed further till it come to the church . but because the scandal then becometh publick , we shall speak of it in the next branch . only now it is to be adverted concerning these offences in reference to which we are to admonish our brother , and thus to follow them in case of sleighting ▪ . they are not only wrongs done to the person immediatly or directly , but it may be his being stumbled at his seeing a mans miscarriages towards others , so the injury may be to one , but the offence to another . . this duty is to be gone about , not only without all heat , prejudice , or contention , but with the spirit of love , as a duty proceeding there from for his good , even from that same spirit by which we pray for him , they being both equally necessary duties . and , . that this order of christ's is not to be interverted by any , nor the publick gone to , till the private ●…ay be effectually essayed . . there is a necessity in every thing ( especially at such a time ) to be single in our end , having the glory of god mainly in our eye . and that not only for our own peace , but also for the conviction of others . it is often our unsinglenesse that maketh us carelesse in giving offence , and also the evidence or appearance of that , that maketh others readily to take offence at our carriage . hence we see , that the actions of such who are supposed to be single , are not so readily stumbled at . and this direction is expresly laid down in reference to this end , cor. . . whether therefore ye eat or ye drink , or whatever ye do , do all to the glory of god : give none offence neither to iew nor gentile , &c. it were fit therefore at such a time , that a man should examine his own breast , and try what leadeth him on such a design , or act ; for often by-ends and motives will steal in , when we seem to our selves to be most servently zealous : self-interests had need to be much denied in such a time . . much care would be had to keep up the authority of all christ's ordinances ; they are the lights and means whereby men are to be directed , lest they stumble , and to be strengthened and comforted in their spiritual consolations : and hardly offences arise , but the devil seeketh to discredit these , because then men are in the dark , and so cannot but fall when blocks are in their way . hence often are the ordinances of life the very pretended rise of offences , as concerning a ministery , baptism , the lords supper , sabbath day , singing of psalms , constitution of a church , discipline , &c. because by making these to be stumbled at , or stones of stumbling , men can have accesse to no other means , either for direction or consolation . on this ground paul endeavoureth so much to vindicate himself from what was imputed to him , cor. . . and for this end so many directions are given for keeping up the credit of the ordinances in the most difficult dark cases , as song . . eph. . ▪ . heb. . , , &c. & . especially mat. . , , &c. and on the contrary , for eschewing corrupt teachers , and those who cause divisions and offence contrary to the doctrine learned , &c. rom. . . then it is a time to try the spirits , and to fear snares , and to hate every garment that is spotted with the flesh ; and we find in scripture , and experience that ever these two go together , to wit , shunning of those who bring false doctrine , and the adhering to those who are faithfull on the other side . . at such a time especially , christians in their walk toward one another , ought to be of a sympathizing and condescending temper . this is to bear the infirmities , of the weak , and not to please our selves , but our neighbour for his good to edification , even as christ pleased not himself , &c. as the apostle hath it to the same scope , rom. . , , . tenaciousnesse and self-willednesse do often breed offences , and continually stand in the way of removing of them , and although there is nothing more ordinary in a time of offences than that , to wit , for men to stand to their own judgement and opinion as if it were a piece of liberty and conscience , not to condescend in a thing that we judge lawfull , yet is there nothing more unsuitable for christians in such a time : for , as solomon saith , only by pride cometh contention , prov. . . so this self-pleasing humour is the great fomenter of offences in the church . this condescending was paul's practice in this case , corinth . . ver . , , &c. who became all things to all men , for their edification , being in the use of indifferent things so dependent upon the edification of others , and so denied to his own pleasing and inclination ; yea , even to his own light , as if he had had none himself . and although this be incumbent to all christians , yet these who are more eminent and strong , are especially called to this forbearance and condescending , as i●… is rom. . . we then that are strong ought to bear ▪ &c ▪ gal. . , . it is a great mistake in religion , to think , that in indifferent circumstantiall things , the weak should follow the strong , and upon that ground to undervalue the offending of them : it is quite contrary to scripture , the strong are to carry to the weak as men do to brittle and weak vessels , using tendernesse to them lest they be crushed . what is said in all the directions , doth therefore specially concern the more strong believers , that in these they may go before others . chap. ix . holding forth what ought to be the carriage of ministers when offences abound . . the last direction is , that then ministers in a speciall manner , are called to bestir themselves for draining this torrent of offences , even as they are to set themselves against the abounding of sins . and indeed we know no mean fitter and more comprehensive for this end , than that ministers cordially interpose for the removing thereof . for , this is a speciall end for which they are given to the church , as was formerly said , and this is a special part of their charge , to watch over souls in reference to this . hence we see , that the apostle paul doth not insist more in his publick doctrine , or in his private carriage , upon any thing , than upon this , to wit , that the church may be made and keeped free of offences , as what hath been observed from him out of the epistles to the romans , corinthians , galatians , &c. doth evince . nor doth he with any kind of persons deal so much to restrain strifes , contentions , janglings about words , and such things which do gender offences , as in the epistles to timothy and titus , charging them , that not only in refere●…ce to their own carriage , but , as ministers of the gospel , they would endeavour this in their charges ; and there can be no reason of this , but because the matter is of such concernment to the church , and because they by their stations have a main influence either on the restraint or growth of scandals and offences . yea , doth not the blessed prince of pastors himself , often take notice of offences in his sermons ? sometimes reproving them , sometimes shewing the ill of them , and often purposly insisting in instructions for this very end , that his disciples should not be offended , as ioh. . . and in his practice , condescending to prevent the offence , even of carnal men , matth. . . and doth much insist on that doctrine , giving directions for preventing and removing thereof , matth. . and particularly he giveth direction for the promoving of mortification , by cutting off the right hand , and plucking out the right eye , &c. which being given by the lord , if well studied and practised , might be a compend of all other directions , it is so well chosen for that purpose , as all his directions were . all which sheweth , that when offences abound , much doth ly upon ministers at such a time , and that both in reference to their own personall carriage , and also in their ministeriall stations ; and in sum , in their whole walk , both amongst themselves , and towards others of all sorts , which we may hint at in some particular instances : as , . that their conversations be then grave , sober , holy , denied , &c. and eminent in all that is called for from private christians , at such a time . for , as their carriages are more observed than others , so do spots upon them more discernably appear , and when appearing , are more readie to stumble and harden others . it is for this , that a minister is to shew himself a pattern and as a copie or example to the believer , in word , in conversation , in charity , in spirit , &c. as it is , tim. . . upon this ground also are they at such a time to flee youthfull lusts of contentions , strife , and such like , even when these seem to follow them ; and on the contrary , to pursue righteousnesse , faith , charity , peace , &c. even when these seem to flee from them , as it is , tim. . . both which places relate especially to perrillous times , as the scope in the preceeding words doth hold forth . and if this be not in ministers , what can be expected amongst the people ? and without this , can their carriage or publick ministery have weight to this end ? . ministers would be watchfull , not only over sins , but even over offences , yea , even over passive offences , lest any by themselves , or any other be offended , which was our lords way and the practice of the apostles , as in the places cited . for , to be offended , is an infirmity and sicknesse , even when the offence is meerly taken ; and for a minister not to be affected with that , doth hold forth a most unministeriall cru●…ll disposition ; that is spoken of by the apostle as a great part of the care of the church , corinth . . , . who is weak , and i am not weak ? who is offended , and i burn you ? the hearing of a persons stumbling , ought to stound and will stound the heart of a sympathizing minister , as if it were a fire in his bosome . and were this one thing in vigour , to wit , native sympathie with those that are offended , it would usher-in all other directions : this would make ministers pray much to have it prevented , as our lord doth , ioh. ▪ and paul doth , rom. . . this would make ministers sparing to give offence , or to laugh at the offences of others , or to despise and sleight those that are offended , much lesse to spread rumours , entertain contentions , or so to aggrege miscarriages in others , as thereby the floud of offences may rather be increased than dried up by them . and it is found , that seldom offences have been in the church , but ministers have had a prime hand therein , as if it had been a part of their duty to promove the same : which sayeth , that especially they had need to be watchfull at such a time . . ministers would endeavour much unity amongst themselves , and unity amongst professours . there is no keeping off of offences without this ; for strife and contention are the fewell by which this plague of scandal is kindled and entertained , when offences are abounding in corinth : it is the first direction that paul giveth , epist. chap. ver . . i beseech you , brethren , by the name of our lord iesus christ , that ye all speak the same things , that there be no divisions among you , &c. and when he hath been large in two epistles , he doth almost close with this , epist. chap. . . finally , brethren , farewell : be perfect , be of good comfort , be of one mind , live in peace ; and the god of peace shall be with you . and he not only exhorteth to it , but , rom. . . he prayeth for it upon the back of all his doctrine and directions concerning offences ; yea , it was the way that our blessed lord jesus took , to commend union , and to pray for it to his disciples , lest thereby the world should be stumbled and keeped back from the acknowledging of him , and the beauty of the church should be obscured , so as the members thereof should not be known to be his disciples , as may be at length seen in the gospel , and particularly , ioh. . . ministers would study the diverting of people from these things which ordinarily breed offences , as striving about words , and jangling in controversies not materiall , the judging and condemning of others , and such like ; and they would study to be occupied themselves , and to have others exercised in these things that come nearer the power of godlinesse and the life of religion . we see when the rest of the disciples offend at zebedee's children for their suit , the lord checks that , and proposeth to them the necessity of humility and mortification , and such like , that he might put the unprofitable question , ( who should be greatest ? ) out of their head , as it is in matth. chap. . , &c. and chap. . ver . , and , &c. and this is frequent in paul's epistles to timothy and titus , whereas upon the one side , he dehorteth from strife , contention , vain jangling , following of fables , and such like , so he doth , upon the other side , exhort to the exercise of godlinesse , and to the pressing of good works , as good and profitable to men in opposition to these , as may be gathered from tim. chap. . ver . . . and chap. . ver . , . tim. chap. . ver . . , &c. titus . ver . . . yea , the apostle will have ministers so serious in this , as to charge and obtest their hearers ( as he did his , corinth . . . and phil. . . ) to eschew these things , and not to strive about words , tim. . . . tim. . , &c. especially ministers would beware of mentioning such things unnecessarily , as are the bone of contention , or which may foster mistakes of , or grudges against , others , or make themselves to appear to be carnal , and to walk like men , but rather they would endeavour to hush them to silence , as they would have blocks removed out of the peoples way , otherwise they cannot but lose of their ministeriall authority , and discompose the frame of the people , which by all means should be e●…chewed by them . the considering of three scriptures will give a view of paul's carriage in reference to this , and o how commendable is it ! the first is , corinth . . , . , , &c. though i be free from all men , yet have i made my self servant unto all , that i might gain the more . and unto the iews , i became as a iew , that i might gain the iews ; to them that are under the law , as under the law , that i might gain them that are under the law ; to them that are without law , as without law , ( being not without law to god , but under the law to christ ) that i might gain them that are without law. to the weak became i as weak , that i might gain the weak : i am made all things to all men , that i might by all means save some . where , his condescending to others , his insinuating by all means to win the affection of people , his greedinesse to edifie and save souls , and his endeavouring by his own example to engage others to that same condescending way , are abundantly holden forth as an useful and excellent copie to be followed especially by ministers , who should studie edification at such a time most seriously . the second is , corinth . . from ver . . to ver . . it is a great word that he hath ver . . giving no offence in any thing , that the ministery be not blamed : ( for untendernesse in offences maketh the ministery obnoxious to contempt ) but in all things approving our selves as the ministers of god ; that pointeth out a ministeriall walk which studieth more the masters honour , the credit of the ordinances , and the good of souls , both his own and others , than the pleasing of others , and the making themselves acceptable only a●… men , or as familiar companions to those they converse with . then followeth , in much patience , in afflictions , in necessities , in distresses , in stripes , in imprisonments , in 〈◊〉 , in labours , in watchings , in fastings , by purenesse , by knowledge , by long-suffering , by kindnesse , by the holy ghost , by love unfeigned , by the word of truth , by the power of god , by the armour of righteousnesse , on the right hand , and on the left ; by honour and dishonour , by evil report and good report : as deceivers , and yet true ; as unknown , and yet well known ; as dying , and behold , we live ; as chastened , and not killed ; as sorrowfull , yet alway rejoycing ; as poor , yet making many rich ; as having nothing , and yet possessing all things . wherein , as in so many steps , he setteth forth his ministerial walk , for the preventing of offence , being a most excellent description of a patient , diligent , faithfull , denied , impartiall , single , powerfull preacher , driving and pressing the great design of reconciliation , as his main scope , as from the close of the former chapter , and the beginning of this , is clear . and this is pointed out as his work at such a time , amongst such a people for such an end , as the preventing of offence . the third scripture is ▪ corinth . chap. . ver . , . which was formerly cited , and is worthy to be engraven on a ministers heart . beside that which cometh upon me daily , the care of all the churches . who is weak , and i am not weak ? who is offended , and i burn not ? never man was more serious in quenching fire in his house than paul was in removing of offences , and in recovering such as were offended . he was not only carefull not to give offence himself , nor only to keep others from giving offence , nor yet only for removing of such as were taken at himself ; nay , nor only to satisfie those that were strong that had offended , but the very stumbling , although without cause , of the most weak , ignorant , silly persons , affected him more , than if it had peirced himself . it is not like that he could have continued carelesse of mens constructions of him , of their being grieved and made weak , or of their being offended any other way , ( as , alas , it is like too many do now ! ) it was no matter of laughing to him to hear of the sadnesse of any , that did proceed even from mistakes ; and there was no rest in his mind till such an infirmity was cured . these three places and others , being soberly considered in their matter and scope , will give the serious consciencious minister insight in a great part of his duty , and ( it may be ) in no little part of his sin and challenge at such a time . the notes also of the reverend master dickson upon the same subject , ( worthy to be taken notice of ) do more fully confirm this . happy were the ministers that were of such a frame and of such a practice ; and happy were the church under their inspection . o that it may once thus be ! part ii. concerning publick scandals , or scandals as they are the object of church-censures ; and more particularly , as they are practical , or , in practice . it resteth now that we should speak something of scandal as it is the object of church-discipline ; for that is implyed here , to wit , that this scandal , given by the nicolaitans , was such as ought to have been taken notice of by the church-officers : for , the neglect thereof is reproved by the lord ; and in such a case privat admonitions are not sufficient . we may therefore speak a word to these questions , . when a scandal is to be esteemed publick , that is , to be taken notice of by a church-judicatory . . what order is to be observed in proceeding therein . . what is to be accounted a sufficient ground for removing of such an offence , so as it may ●…ist all ecclesiastick processe , or may remove a sentence when it is passed . . what is the duty of private christians , when church-officers seem to be , and possibly indeed are , defective in reference to this ? chap. i. shewing that every offence is not publick , and when it is so . concerning the first question , we lay down these grounds , . every thing offensive is not publick , or immediatly to be brought before a church-judicatory . of this sort are , . sins of infirmity , which possibly may be offensive for the time , yet the persons way being considered , they are to be thought to proceed from his infirmity , they being incident to such who are in some serious manner watchfull over their way ; and therefore are not the object of discipline , which is to curb and restrain the more grosse humours of professors : otherwayes the exercise of discipline , in reference to infirmities , would utterly prove an intanglement both to officers and members , and so occasion more stumbling , contrary to christ's scope . . offences that are in disputable practices , or that flow from miscarriage in things indifferent , are not properly the object of church-censure , because there is not solid accesse of through convincing the party . hence we see , that in these disputes concerning indifferent things , or of practices following thereupon , the apostles reprove mens untendernesse in them , but do never make them the ground of censure as such , except they be aggreged by some other circumstance . of this sort al●…o are offences that may proceed from mens carriage in legal pursuits and civil contracts which may offend ; yet cannot they be legally convinced to have broken a rule , when the strain of their way is legal , although it may be sinfull before god , and be to be reproved by private admonition where men have accesse . . some offences are grosse , and , it may be , known to some to be true ; yet possibly there is no convincing way of demonstrating the truth thereof to others : in that case , it 's more safe and edifying to forbear publick mentioning of that scandal , than to prosecute the same , seing it may more irritate the person , and weaken the church-authority , than edifie . . some scandals are grosse , and may be made-out by two or three witnesses ; yet are not immediatly to be brought to publick , except upon the supposition of following obstinacy , and not satisfying of those two or three , which especially is to be considered , if the persons carriage be otherwayes cleanly ▪ this is christ's expresse rule , mat. . and to bring it immediatly to publick , is not consistent with that love that we ought to have to one another : for , charity requireth that he should be admonished , and also if he hear , that it should sist ; otherwayes , such being satisfied as were offended , it were to waken a scandal , and not to remove one . but now especially we consider what is a publick scandal in respect of its nature , and afterward we shall enquire when it is so to be accounted publick in respect of its notority ; and so when immediatly it is to be brought in publick : for , it is certain ▪ that these two may be divided , and so are to be distinguished , as was formerly hinted . for , a scandal may be publick , to say so , for its notority , but yet not for its nature . . scandals may be of that nature , that it is fit to take publick notice of them , and to follow them with church-censures till they be removed . this is clear in the lord 's rep●…oving the neglect of publick censure in these churches ; for , his finding fault that they had such , and suffered such ( as in the next epistle ) can be construct●…d no otherwayes , but that they did not by church-censure cut them off from their fellowship , which is elsewhere abundantly clear . and it is true in these cases , . when a scandal is of its own nature grosse and infectious , like a little leaven ready to leaven the whole lump . . when it is clear and in the matter of fact cannot be denied : the first is requisit to a publick scandal for convincing of the conscience of the evil it self ; the second for making application of the consequents of such an evil to such a person . . an offence becometh publick , though it be not of its own nature so at first , if it be afterward aggreged by such circumstances as obstinacy and contempt of private admonition , frequent relapsing therein , and such like , as christ's rule , matth. . and the general nature of offence doth confirm : scandals that are so circumstantiated , and they only , are to be taken notice of by church-judicatories as the proper object of church-discipline . hence we may see a great difference betwixt offence as it is the object of private discretion , and as it is the object of church-discipline . i call them grosse evils and of an infectious nature , which are against a clear law of god , and of that influence in a man's christian walk , as any sober man ▪ acquainted with the word of god , and reflecting upon conscience , cannot but acknowledge to be sinfull , obstructive to the work of grace where they are , and tending to the marring the beauty of a church , and the edification and salvation of her members if they should spread , such as sabbath-breaking , swearing , and what doth directly contradict a moral command , these things are obviously censurable . and upon this occasion , i cannot but much wonder at , and regrate the unwarrantable expressions , at least , in the matter of fact , of a learned man , mr. baxter against blake , pag. . his words are , in some countries , where some oaths are grown customary and of no great evil repute , it is possible for a godly man to be long guilty of them , as it is known that many well reputed of for godlinesse are in scotland , &c. where he doth misrepresent the church of scotland in a twofold mistake ( to say no more . ) . as if some swearing were so customary in scotland as to abound even amongst the godly . . as if it were not taken notice of , or of no evil repute or scandalou●… : it is like , this may be his information , but certainly christian charity would have pleaded , that such information should not have been received against a brother , without some convincing ground ; much lesse to have been vented as a thing known against a christian church , which , however she be otherwise afflicted and rent , and so obnoxious to much contempt and reproach , yet hath a witnesse both in heaven and earth of zeal against that sin , and innocencie in that respect , as to these that are godly , even but seemingly , there being nothing more abhorred by a godly heart , and accounted a greater evidence of profanity amongst us , than customary irreverent medling with the holy name of god , and swearing of any kind : and although we be many wayes guilty before god , even in this respect ; yet we suppose she may hold up her face therein , beside , and with , any church on earth . . we say , that even among these scandals that are in this sense publickly to be taken notice of , there is many wayes difference to be made in the prosecuting of them , and that in diverse respects . . some scandals are of such grosse nature and publicknesse in the fact , that they cannot be passed without some publick rebuke , at least , even though the person should seem satisfyingly to resent his deed , because in this , respect is to be had to the edification of others , and not of the person only . . some scandals again are such , as by authoritative admonition may be helped : and in this sense , if a person hear the church-guides and take their admonition , there is no further progresse to be made . again , . sometimes persons are to be followed with the highest censure of excommunication , when open rebukes cannot do the businesse , as we see in the case before us , and other practices of pauls . and we suppose , that such a scandal as hath this sentence following upon it , would be in the grosnesse of its nature , and clearnesse of its proof , convincingly made out both to the person himself , and to others . because , . otherwise it may make this great ordinance contemptible , if upon like , or disputable grounds , it be drawn forth . . neither can it have weight with the person to gain its end upon him natively , as a church-ordinance ought to have , the first step whereof is , convincingly to argue him to the sense of his fault , as the word is , matth. . . . neither can it be expected to have such weight with others who ordinarily carry towards them that are under it , as they are convinced of the weightinesse or lightnesse of the ground of that sentence . . the nature of this ordinance cleareth this also ; for ( as divines say ) it is added to confirm gods threatnings , as sacraments do seal the promises ; then it importeth , that there must be a clear threatning ere this can be appended ; and there can be no such threatning applyed , but where both the sin in its nature , and the fact in its notority are convincing ; and indeed all the precedents of this sentence in scripture are of this nature , to wit , they are both rare , and also upon most convincingly grosse evils . i cannot expresse it better than it is done by that reverend divine , mr. thomas hooker of new england in his history , part . pag. . such evils , ( the words are his ) which are either heynous and abommable , as fornication , murther , adultery , incest , treason , &c. or , if not so grosse , yet carry the face of evil in their forehead , upon the first serious and well grounded consideration of reason ; and have been pertinaciously and obstinatly persisted in after the improvement of all means upon them for conviction and reformation : these only deserve excommunication by the rules of christ , cor. . matth. . . thus far he . advert , that what we speak here of a publick scandal , is spoken in respect of the nature thereof ; what is to be accounted such , in respect of its manifestnesse and notoritie , followeth afterward to be spoken of . chap. ii. concerning what order is to be keeped in the following of publick scandals . the second thing , to wit what order and manner is to be observed in the following of publick scandal ▪ is not easily determinable , there being such variety of cases in which the lord exerciseth the prudence and wisdom of his church-officers : and indeed the gift of government ( to speak so ) doth especially kyth in the right managing of discipline , in reference to the severall humours and constitutions ( to say so ) which men have to do with . for , as in bodily diseases the same cure is not for the same disease in all constitutions and seasons , and as ministers in their doctrine are to presse the same things in diverse manners , upon diverse auditories ; so this cure of discipline , is not to be applied equally unto all persons ; nay , not to such as are in the same offences . for , that which would scarce humble one , may crush another ; and that which might edifie one , might be stumbling to another , of another temper . therefore we suppose there is no peremptor determining of rules for cases here , but necessarily the manner of procedor in the application of rules , is to be left to the prudence and conscienciousnesse of church-officers , according to the particular circumstantiate case . yet we may lay down these generals ▪ . all publick processing of scandalous persons , or judiciall taking notice of scandals , would be done with respect to the ends for which discipline is appointed , and so as may attain the same . this , i suppose , cannot be denied : for , the mids must be suited to its end . now ▪ the ends of publick censuring , are , . for vindicating the honour of j●…sus christ , that suffereth in the miscarriage of a member . . the preserving of the authority of his ordinances , and the chastening of disobedience thereunto , therefore it is called , corinth . . . the punishment that was inflicted , and chap. . . this is said to revenge all disobedience , it being appointed as an ecclesiastick whip to keep up his authority in his house , and thereby to note those that are unruly therein , thess. . , . . it is for the persons good , as it is said , corinth . . . for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved , that by this , admonitions , reproofs , yea , threatnings , may have the more weight , for the persons humiliation and up-stirring : and the constraining of them at least to a more orderly walk in the church , as the apostle hath it , thess. . , and . . it is for the good of the church , that the leaven of profanity spread not , and that others may thereby learn to fear : this reason is given , cor. . , &c. and tim. . . now , when we speak of the end of publick trial and censure , respect is to be had to all these , but especially to the more publick and generall ends , so as the persons particular edification be not neglected ; and therefore in procedor , particular and speciall respect would be had to that manner ( whether by m●…eknesse , or rigidity , by forbearing or proceeding ) which may most attain these ends . hence , . we say , that the same offences , upon the matter , are not equally nor at all times , nor in all persons , and , it may be , in all places in the same manner , to be pursued and followed ; and the reason is clear , because according to circumstances , that manner which is edifying at one time , and in one case , may be destructive in another , and so is not to be followed , because that power which god hath given is for edification and never for destruction , corinth . . . and accordingly , we see paul in some cases censuring corrupt men , as hymeneus and phyletus , tim. . . sometimes again , he threatneth and yet spareth , although the scandal in it self deserved censure , as when he saith , gal. . i wish they were cut off that trouble you , and yet doth it not , because he found not the churches edification so to require . so also , corinth . . . and . having in a readinesse to revenge all disobedience , when your obedience is fulfilled : which yet he thought not meet for the time to do , lest it should have irritated to more disobedience , and have bred some greater rent or schism , or have made the authority of the ordinances lesse weighty , and so have marred his end , which was in all things ( and so in this forbearing ) their edification , as he expresseth it , chap. . . brethren , we do all things ( and so this also ) for your edifying . when i speak of edifying , i do not speak of pleasing the persons ( for , that may be often destructive to them , and others also ) but this is intended , that it is to be weighed in christian prudence , whether considering the time and place we live in , the nature of the person we have to do with , and of those also among whom we live , it be more fit to follow this way with such a person , at such a time , or another way ? and accordingly as it seemeth probable , that this way will honour god most , more fully vindicate his ordinances , gain the person from sin to holinesse , at least , to a regular walk , and edifie others most ; so accordingly ought church-judicatories to take the way that leadeth most probably to that end . and therefore it ought not alwayes to be accounted partiality when such difference in church-procedour is observed : yet these things would by all means be guarded against . . that nothing be done with respect to persons , or appear to be done so ; that is , for outward , civil , or naturall respects , to be more gentle to one than to another , than which nothing is more derogatory to ecclesiastick authority , and stumbling to people . . this difference of proceeding , would rather be in the manner and circumstances of proceeding in reference to some offences , than in dispensing with what seemeth to be materiall ; or , it would be in such offences where there is no settled rule , and wherein church-officers have more latitude : as for instance , some offences are of that publick nature that usually they are followed with a publick reproof ; such cannot be conveniently past-by in any ordinary conceivable case , suppose it be fornication , or some such thing ; yet , in the manner of citing and dealing with the person , or expressing or timeing of the reproof , there may be condescending ; but to omit it altogether , would hazard the casting loose of that ordinance of publick reproof , which would mar the edification of the church more than advantage any particular party : other offences again , are more occasional ▪ in reference to which , there is no definit law , or practice ; suppose it be speaking , reproachfull words of some persons , officers , or others , in such there is more liberty to condescend which way may be most convincing to the party . lastly , in trying what may be most edifying , we are not to look to one end alone , to wit , the persons particular good only , or the publick good only , &c. but to put all together , and to try how joyntly they may be best attained . . from this also it will appear , that church-officers ought with such tendernesse , love and sympathie to walk in publick censures , as not only they may have a testimony in their own consciences , but also that those who have offended , and others that observe their way , may also be convinced of the same ; for , if this be not , what can their censure gain ? and if it be needfull for a minister in preaching , to study that , it is in some respect more necessary here : because ordinarily , men out of their corruption , are more ready to mistake mens intentions in this : and we conceive , that in this a church-judicatories procedour , ought discernably to differ from a civil court , in that they are not only out of justice censuring the party , with a respect to the common body , for whose good in some cases the most penitent member must be cut off , and cannot be reprived , but as endeavouring the churches freedom from offences , that the offending member may be thereby with all tendernesse restored and cured ; and in experience we see , that often church-censures have weight , as they are constructed to proceed from love . and we conceive , that the following of these and such like directions , may have much influence for attaining of this . . that nothing be rashly and hastily brought to publick , but that which is a convincing scandal in it self , clear in the matter of fact , and also after privat dealing with the person , and triall of his carriage afterward : if the scandal be not very grosse and publick ▪ hastie bringing to publick , irritateth : and if a private admonition of minister and elders might gain a brother , what needeth further ? and by so doing , a person is convinced , that that minister , or elder , desireth his amendment , and on that condition to cover his offence . . there would be no rigid insisting in what is personall , in reference to any of the judicatory , as suppose , they should sometimes get snarling answers , or unbecoming words , or be met with by irreverent carriage : in that case , there would be condescending , and what is offensive beside , would be insisted on , and these personall things forborn . it is true , the authority of the ordinances would ever be kept up , yet that is not alwayes done by a rigid prosecuting of personal reflections ; but on the contrary , it often looketh likest christs ordinance , when meeknesse is most prevalent , and so in the end , it cometh to have greater weight ; for , many cannot discern betwixt officers seeking their own authority , and the authority of the ordinances ; and when the rise of the offence is from a miscarriage to some person immediately , it looketh to them to be carnall and vindictive like , and so hath the appearance of evil , and is to be eschewed . this we may observe also in pauls carriage , and in the practices of most zealous men , who never wronged the ordinances by denying of their own respect in such cases . and church-officers would especially advert to this , because often in our hotest fits , it is rather respect to our own authority , than zeal for christ that acteth us , which appeareth by this , that a practical contempt of the ordinances in our own hands ▪ will st●…r more than many other grosse evils , or doctrinall blasphemies , or contemptuous practices which immediately reflect on others , although these may be ●…ore dishonourable to christ. . for attaining this end , the rigidity and strictnesse of law would not be stuck to , as the persons not appearing at such a day if afterward they condescend ; their hastinesse in expressing themselves rashly at one time , or carrying themselves irreverently , which afterward they may passe from : these and such like , i say , are not to be stuck to , lest church-officers seem , under pretext of church-discipline , to take advantage of them ; and it is an evidence of the contrary , when they are condescended unto in this . advert , this is to be observed in practices that seem to ●…low from infirmity ; but , suppose the person were some subtile , deceitfull , dissembling one , using his pretexts of repentance for furthering his design ▪ this condescension may be hurtfull to the church of god , in leting such an occasion slip , and therefore is not to be admitted . . it contributeth to this end also , that publick appearances and publick rebukes be not frequent , nor in cases but such as are in the nature and evidence thereof convincing , and that also after private admonitions have been fruitlesly given . we suppose that mid step in christs direction , matth. . doth warrand this , take to thee two or three before thou tell the church . hastie bringing to publick reproof , is constructed by many to be a seeking of their shame , but when it is rare , and done in the order foresaid , and also with some reasons why a publick rebuke in such a case is just and expedient , seing other means have failed , and the condition of others calleth for that now , &c. it doth much allay that prejudice ; for every man hath reason and a conscience , though many often want the exercise thereof . we find also publick rebukes rare in scripture : and although sometimes , a publick appearing may be thought most edifying to the congregation ; yet , . if they were very frequent , they would lose their weight . . one publick rebuke in this manner ▪ and order , will edifie more than many otherwise : for , it is not the multitude of them that edifieth , but the convincingness of the manner of proceeding . and therefore we conceive it is never fit to multiply publick rebukes , even supposing that scandals were multiplied , but that some should be pitched-on that might most convincingly edifie , and that private dealing with others for conviction be made the more weighty , which also is the judgement of the great augustine . . peoples offending for the omiting of publick rebukes , is , when the scandal thereof doth flow from this , that they conceive it to proceed from carlesnesse , negligence , partiality , or some such thing in the officers , whereas , if by custome it shall be known to a people , that officers are diligent observers of these things , and are not defective in dealing with scandalous persons for convincing of them , and do take this way as the most loving and tender mean of their ●…aining , such manner of proceeding will be more convincing and edifying ▪ than if the thing were instantly brought to publick ; for , people generally approve of tendernesse and condescending in church-officers , as looking like love to the gaining of souls , and so lay much weight on their censuring , even of others , when they see them , as it were , constrained thereto . and on the contrary , there is nothing more offensive to them than when this tendernesse is desiderated . it is to be guarded here , that this be not made a cloak to negligence and unfaithfulnesse ; for , diligence and freedom is to be no lesse used with the parties , yea more , than if they were brought to publick . only , this forebearance is to be made use of as a mean for making that diligence and freedom the more succesfull : otherwise , whether it be forborn or followed , it continueth still to be hurtfull . also , when one of these abounding scandals , or scandalous persons is rebuked ▪ then especially the minister would so gravely and zealously agrege that evil , that in some respect all that are under it may be reproved , and his indignation at it may be so discernable , that that one reproof may be in place of many , and yet the forbearance will give accesse for some to come off the same . . it is also to be remembered , that this exercise of discipline for restraining of scandals , is to be subservient to the preaching of the word : which is the main and great edifying ordinance ; therefore discipline would be ordered so as it may not mar , but further that . in reference to which , these things are to be adverted to , . that no censure would be blindly or implicitely made use of , but both in reference to the party , and others , there would be instruction , exhortation , conviction , &c. by the word , going before , or alongst with the same . in which respect ( though improperly ) censures may be some way looked upon as sacraments in a large sense in these particular cases , because there is in them both some signifying and confirming use ; they being considered with respect to the end wherefore they were appointed . . church-officers , especially ministers , would not make discipline the great uptaking businesse , so as it may prove an intanglement unto them , or diversion from the ministery of the word : the great apostles , act. . thought not fit to be diverted with the serving of tables , but appointed deacons to be chosen for that end , that they might give themselves principally , and , in comparison of other duties , fully ( or as they say themselves , ver . . continually ) to prayer , that is , to the private exercise thereof ; and the ministery of the word , that is , the preaching thereof in publick . by which we may see , . what a ministers great task is , wherein he should be taken up , to wit , secret prayer , ( under which are comprehended , reading , meditation , and other duties meet for his own particular case , and preparation for the duties of his calling , as may be gathered from tim. . , , . ) and the publick preaching of the gospel . . we see also , that though ministers are virtually both elders and deacons , ( as the apostles were ) yet ought they to regulat their exercising of both these , with respect to the former two . and , . that elders and deacons ought in governing , and overseeing the poor , to have special respect to keep ministers from being burthened or toyled with these , that they may have freedom to follow the ministery of the word , as the main thing : yea , even to have much accesse to privacy and solitarinesse , which is both most necessary for , and a well becoming duty to a minister ; this is a special end of the appointment of these officers , and in reference to which they are helps , cor. . . both to the people and to the ministers . a third thing to be adverted to , is , that contentious and irritating processes be so followed , as by these there be no prejudice laid before persons ▪ to make them stumble at the word , or to render it the more unprofitable . it is true ▪ sometimes such things are necessary for the good of the body , and for the vindicating of christs ordinances , yet as much as may be they would be shuned , and ministers especially ought to carry so in the manner , as to keep room for the word in the affections of the parties . and we conceive , that multiplying and lengthning of processes ( except where there is grave and weighty cause ) and the way of triall of members , penitents , or such as are to be admitted to sacraments , which is pleaded for by some , if it were put in practice , could not but much intangle ministers , yea , become a more weighty and intolerable burthen to them , than the preaching of the word : yea , could not but be obstructive thereto , contrary to the nature of discipline , as said is . chap. iii. shewing that christs order and method , matth. . is to be keeped , and what it doth imply . the fourth generall concerning proceeding in publick scandals , which we would lay down , is , that christs order , mat. . be indispensably kept . which we conceive , being compared with other scriptures , doth imply these things , . that offences whether they be in lesser patticulars , or in more grosse things , yet if they be but known to few , are not instantly to be brought to publick , ( except some circumstance necessitate the same for greater edification ) and this order is to be observed both by officers and private persons . it were not therefore unfit , when any delation cometh by an elder , or complaint by a private professor , to enquire if they had observed this rule with such a party ? and if alone , and with some others , friendly and rationally they have endeavoured to convince them ? and if not , that they be remitted to follow that way , and if they have done it , it would be enquired , if their so doing have had no weight ? or if the person hath continued in the offence notwithstanding ? if none of these can be said , there is yet no ground for publick tabling of a scandal : and this we suppose would cut off many needlesse processes , and prove more edifying . . it is clear from that place , that the offences to be complained of , are not injuries or wrongs to us under that notion as such , but what is offensive in its nature and under that consideration , whether any wrong be intended to us in it or not . it is not suitable to a church-court to have only persons complaining of wrongs done to themselves , as if they be cursed , de●…amed , &c. and yet not to take notice of what is offensive , as wronging the honour of god , reflecting upon the profession of the gospel , and really laying a stumbling-block before themselves and others . this is to neglect scandals , and to take notice of slanders , which , as we said , differ from these . hence , such persons ordinarily follow their complaints with much bitterness , and never seek to convince the party privately . we conceive therefore , that such direct complaints , so circumstantiate , ought not to be admitted , at least , upon that consideration ; lest the ordinance of christ be made subservient to mens particular passions and interests . it is therefore more fit when such offences arise , that they be taken notice of abstractly from such complaints , and that in the order that other scandals are to come in , whereof now we are speaking . . it is clear from that order , matth. that when the person offending , doth accept of the admonition , there is no mention further to be made thereof ; yea , it would not be so much as reported privately , if it be not otherwayes known . . if that private admonition prevail not , then is the person to take two or three with him before it come to the church , and this is not to be done superficially , and for exoneration meerly , but convincingly , and for the persons edification . therefore we suppose , that this is not to be astricted to one time , either in private , or before these two or three : for , once speaking may be but little usefull ; and seing the church is to continue in dealing with the person before they give him over and proceed , and before they can account that he heareth not them , so ought it to be in the preceeding two steps , seing the words are the same . again , i say , this would be done convincingly , they would argue ( as the word is ) with the offending brother , and not rest satisfied with some passing word or admonition . further , these two or three would be chosen , so as may be most fit for that purpose , and may have most weight with him , ( we think some elder , one at least , or two , were not unfit ) and this would be done purposly , gravely and seriously , as the words , take with thee , &c. import . all this is to preceed the bringing of a scandal to publick , which is to sist here if this prevail . whence , . also we may see , that every scandal which is known to two or three , is not to be accounted a publick scandal , and at the first instant to be brought to the church , because it is supposed , that these two or three may have knowledge of the same scandal , and yet may it warrantably never come to publick , if the person hear them . it looketh unlike this way to bring scandals to publick , wherein scarce two witnesses can be had . indeed , after the fault noised and flagrant , and the presumption is great , and the party suspect like , such things are publickly to be taken notice of , though the proofs be not so pregnant . . if this do not the businesse , but the person continueth obstinate , although to the conviction of those two or three assessors , the fact be grosse , and the party guilty , then it is to be brought to publick ▪ either immediately by the person that was stumbled , or by an elder , ( for which cause , we said , it was not unmeet that one of these should be among the former witnesses ) when it cometh to the church , we conceive , that with the parties , it were meet to call some one , or moe of those who were witnesses of the private admonition , that the judicatory may be informed by them of the case , seing probably they may be more impartiall than the other . and it will be conduceable for attaining clearnesse in the thing , to know what hath preceeded ▪ and where it left ; and this would make private admonitions and witnesses therein , to have the more weight with men ; for , knowing that their carriage at such a time would be made manifest to others , it would have influence to make them at first more rationall and sober , if they knew that what they said then , would afterward be repeated to them before two or three ; and what they spoke before those , were to be again impartially reported to the eldership ▪ and we conceive , it is for this cause amongst others , that christ calleth them witnesses , and such witnesses , as may establish the matter , which must be rather in their testifying to the church , than in private accompanying the offended party . fo●… , when a person bringeth such an offence to a publick judicatory , he must make out these two , . that such a person hath actually given offence , . that he hath effectually admonished him ▪ and he hath not heard him , not satisfied him . now , though the first be made out by other witnesses , yet the last cannot be made out but by such as were called by him ; and therefore with respect to that , they are called witnesses by our lord , as is said . when this is done , the convincing and recovery of the party is yet to be essayed ; and for that end , pains are to be taken , with all patience , gentlenesse , and long-suffering : if that prevail , there is no further procedour called-for ; if not , then publick admonitions and rebukes are to be added . if nothing prevail , the sentence of excommunication is to be added , the ground being convincingly scandalous in its nature , and clear in its evidence , as was formerly said ; and it will not be found often in a church where that progresse is keeped , that it will come to this . if the offences be of that nature , that a publick rebuke be necessary , in respect of the circumstances and aggravations thereof , it is not to be neglected : yet , it is not necessary that every offence that cometh to the eldership , yea , even these that are known to many , should at all times be brought to a publick rebuke . for , if the sessional or elderships admonition have weight with the party , what needeth more in reference to him ? and if there be no hazard that others be infected by that deed , or provoked by that example , there is no necessity alwayes in reference to them , especially , where it is known that such offences are not passed . for , that is one end of publick rebukes , tim. . . that others may fear . yea , much more we conceive , that many offences may be brought the length of publick rebukes , which yet are not to be drawn out unto excommunication , even though compleat satisfaction seem not to be given . because , . that sentence is not to proceed , but upon weighty convincing causes , as is said , . because , if the cause be convincing , the person offending may be expected sometimes upon after thoughts to admit of conviction , though distemper or prejudice may for a time keep it off , as experience doth prove . but where the case is such as hazardeth infection to others , and the persons such as are contemptuous and ready to spread their leaven , as was both in the case of the doctrine and deeds of these nicolaitans , the sentence is to proceed , and that more summarily : i say , more summarily in comparison of what is pas●… , yet not altogether summarily ; for , paul alloweth an heretick to be once and again admonished , tit. . . and in this chapter , the lord giveth iezebel time to repent : and here , those corrupt persons are exhorted to repent before he come to fight against them with the sword of his mouth , ver . . which ( as we take it ) looketh to the same sentence . we will not be peremptory to deny what may be done when the crime is atrocious , the evidence palpable , the scandal great , the contemptuousnesse of the party , by their former and present carriage , rendering all hopes of recovering so desperate , that there is not so much as accesse to get a hearing , and a following of convictions , and the hazard of the scandal not admitting of delay : i say , in such a case , we will not deny what may be done for the churches edification more summarily ; yet we are sure , ordinarily the way laid down is to be followed . chap. iv. holding forth the frame wherewith church-officers should proceed in censure , and helps towards the same . in the last place , the manner of proceeding in all this , is especially to be looked to , without which all the rest will be weightlesse . therefore in all the procedure , the church-officers especially would have a zealous , serious , grave and authoritative manner of carriage , having weight and authority in their least looks and words , with all gravity : for , can that admonition have weight with others , that appeareth not to have weight with those that give it ? or , can the scandalous be serious in hearing , when there is no conviction on them , that they are serious and affected that speak ? ministers therefore especially , as also elders in their place , would endeavour seriously and zealously with all tendernesse to the person , to expresse their indignation at , and abhorrency of such deeds ; as it is commended in ephesus , ver . . that they hated the deeds of the nicolaitans . and certainly , a court of christs ought to look like him , and like that businesse intrusted to them , and to have a different stamp from other courts . and there is nothing that weakneth the authority of a sentence more than the want of this . for helping therefore to it , we propose , . that the conversations of such as take notice of scandals in others , should be shining themselves , there can be no weightinesse without this ; because the weight and authority that is to be studied here , is that which may be convincing to consciences , rather than compulsive to the outward man : and upon this ground , it is not the most honourable and rich that give church-judicatories most authority , but those who are most shining and convincing in their carriage , particularly in reference to this trust : for , though outward place may gain more outward respect , yet this cannot but have more weight upon the conscience , which is especially to be affected by this church-authority . . we would beware of founding this authority upon carnal grounds , or to lay the weight of it there , such as the power and authority of men ; yea , or upon our own place , parts , or weight : and upon that account ( as it were ) to boast , rather than to perswade or convince . this sometimes may have weight as to some outward conformity , but doth ever lose more of its native weightinesse : therefore ministers and elders in the prosecuting of this , would lay the weight here , that it is christ's ordinance , and that they act in his name . . they would even in that procedure aim especially to deal with consciences to convince them , rather than to wrangle with corruptions , or to throw the outward man. . the masters honour would ever be respected , yea , reverently and frequently mentioned , that all of them may be put and kept in minde that it is his ordinance , and appointed for such an end : and the more room he get in the meeting , the more weight will their procedure have . . ministers , and elders particularly , would pray for the blessing to discipline , as well as to the word ; and for the persons offending , even those that appear to be most stuborn , this becometh their ministerial authority well to acknowledge him , and is the way to have his presence in the midst of them , without which they can expect no weight ; and the more he be seen that is the master , the more authority will they have who are the servants . . it helps this also to have the matter and proofs convincing . therefore particulars that look self-like , or siding with interests , or such as are involved in civil debates and contests , are to be shunned , or at least , not to be insisted upon : for , readily a convincing weighty matter , will have some impression of it self upon consciences . hence , we will find in scripture that generally ( if not alwayes ) publick processes are tabled upon scandals that flow from commissions , and that of such nature , as is said . it is true , where an omission is owned , as suppose one should refuse to pray , or where palpably defended , and is not of infirmity , as idlenesse was in thessalonica , epist. chap. . such are by their circumstances rather indeed commissions , and so to be accounted after admonition , and upon just ground are convincing . . there would be weight , gravity , impartiality , self-deniednesse , and affection kything in every circumstance , that they may look like the servants of jesus christ , who are seeking thee good of his people ; and so foolish sporting and laughing , idle and triviall questions , passionate words , heat , or particular and personall reflections , and the like , are most derogatory to the authority of a church-judicatory , and do mar the weight of any sentence upon a conscience , as is evident in daily experience , where sometimes censures in their giving and receiving , are , upon the matter , an irreverent taking of the name of the lord in vain . . there would be in all this , an holy boldnesse ▪ and an undauntoned fearlesnesse in respect of men . when it cometh to any difficulty , minding the authority of him whom we represent ; yet so , as in this boldnesse , conscience of duty and zeal may both in our own consciences , and to the conviction of others , be the ground , end and motive thereof , and not any carnall flash of passion or pride , or fit of naturall courage , which may make church-officers look like men , but not like their master ; for , as his kingdom is not of this world in these respects , so ought his officers to administrate the same otherwayes than a wor●…ly authority useth to be ; our weapons are not carnall , but spirituall , and mighty through god , and therefore as such should be used . the last general direction concerning this , is , that when scandals are thus to be taken notice of , this proceeding ought to be with expedition : my meaning is not , that we should precipitate contrary to the former directions ; but , . that after notice of an offence , with all conveniency , the first steps of this procedure would be essayed . . that there would not be long intervals betwixt these steps , although they may be frequently repeated . . that persons would not be kept long under processe , especially they would not have their appearances multiplied , except when it may be for good use . the reasons of all these , are ▪ . because when offences are fresh , then often the parties offending , and offended , as also others , are most affected therewith ; whereas , if a long time interveen , that edge weareth away , and whatever the close be , it proveth not so edifying to any . . men weary , and so fall from that zealous , serious manner of carriage in it that becometh , for our spirits are soon out of bensall , and that deroga●…eth from the weight of the thing . . it proveth irritating and burthensom to the parties offending , rather than convincing , and so the end is missed . . it hath also influence upon the confusing and burthening of officers when processes are multiplied and lengthened , and it cometh some way to look like mens civil courts , and that in such things as they use to be grievous unto these who are necessitate to wait on them . to close this , we conceive it were fit for the authority of church-judicatories , the weight of admonition , and the edification of persons , that there were some specially set apart for government , although they were fewer : and , o that this might be attained ! for , ordinary conversing of elders in common and ordinary callings , doth not a little obscure the weight of that ordinance to many , except the conversation of the elder in such things be singularly convincing : and untill this be attained , there is the greater need for church-officers to be as little in common businesse and discourses with those over whom they are set , as conveniently may be , that there may be the more accesse to converse with them as becometh officers ; and when necessity calleth to it , there is need of gravity and circumspectnesse , that it mar not their weight in the duties of their office at any other time . and also church-officers in their meetings amongst themselves , would be alwayes grave and serious , as being about an ordinance of jesus christ. chap. v. concerning what is to be done , when offending persons give no satisfaction . if it be asked then , what is to be done , supposing persons not to give any satisfaction , even when they are brought to publick ? this is indeed a difficulty , and will , no question , pusle any consciencious church-officer ; yet we suppose , we may classe such offences that are brought to publick in these three sorts , and then answer . . some offences are in matters that are lesse horrid and scandalous , and come neerer to sins of infirmity , which yet are scandalous , being continued in suppose officious lying , angry passionat words , and such like , where these are repeated , the persons are to be rebuked in some cases ; yet if they be not contemptuous , or the ills otherwise aggreged , we see not how there can be proceeding to excommunication upon such grounds , because excommunication is a chastisement for some singular offenders , and is not for offences that are so common , as hath been formerly said . of this sort may be the sparingnesse of charity in church-members , in giving little to the poor , or lesse than proportionally they should , though they do not altogether shut their bowels ▪ this may be the object of admonition , but we think hardly of excommunication , except it have grosse contempt with it , and so hazard of making void , by evil example , the course that christ hath appointed for overseing the poor in his house , for which he hath appointed deacons : and if publick charity upon any pretext were restrained ▪ that were to no purpose : which certainly highly reflecteth on christ , and is a grievous scandal . we find the reverend master hooker , part . chap. . pag. . lay these two conclusions , . that the church is to stint her members , and determine the quota of their charity and free will-offerings , and that of her self . . that if after the deacons private diligence , this be not given in , he is to follow the action before the church . although we think defect of charity , in this respect , a great sin and an offence , and may be justly reproved , and the person admonished that is defective palpably in that which is proportionable to his ability ; yet , that such a particular stint should be made by church-power , and exacted under such certification , we cannot yet find to be warrantable . although we give the magistrate that liberty , and where he exerceth it not , we acknowledge mutuall condescension may do much . and we are sure , that if any such like thing should be found in the presbyteriall way , it had been charged with tyrannie , and encroaching on the place of the magistrate long ere now : yet it may be ( when it is well managed ) no great corruption in a church . a second sort of offences are such , as are of themselves grosse and publick ; yet not atrocious , or aggreged with contempt , such as fornication , some acts of drunkennesse , and such like . the party ▪ i say , not being obstinate , but seriously acknowledging his fault , and promising to abstain and amend , in that case there is no ground to proceed to the highest censure , though there may be a publick rebuke ; yea , though their acknowledgment be not altogether satisfying ; yet , if after the publick rebuke , the person abstain these evils , and renue not the offence , the processe is to close , and to proceed no further : because , . in that case it cannot well be said , that he hath refused to hear the church when that abstinence followeth . . the end of a publick rebuke is not alwayes to be an evidence of the persons full recovery , but , . to be a mean to recover him . . it is in it self a publick acknowledgment of the fault ▪ and a virtuall engagement to abstain . and . it hath a warning force and certification with it for the party offending , if he continue in his offence : now , if he continue not , it cannot be said that he hath incurred the certification , or made the rebuke altogether ineffectuall : and therefore in such cases , a publick rebuke being accepted . it putteth a close unto such processes : for , such publick rebukes are not an exercising of the ke●…s for letting-in any to the church , that was not a member formerly ; and therefore there is not such exactnesse required here , as in the first admission of heathens , yea , or in restoring of excommunicate persons ▪ who have been bound and shut out , but it is the warning of a member to prevent his being cast out . seing therefore this rebuke louseth nothing , there can be ●…o necessity alleged here of searching into his acknowledgements or profession ; and we make no question , that offending persons being rebuked before all , and abstaining from such offences afterward , were still to be accounted church-members , capable of all priviledges , notwithstanding of the former offence . for , although he was offensive before that rebuke , yet was he not actually bound or excluded from any church priviledge by that offence ( because offence giveth ground to exclude , if contempt follow , but doth not actually exclude of it self ) neither doth the rebuke bind and exclude any if no further censure follow and be added thereunto , but is intended to prevent both , and therefore , i say , that a person meerly rebuked for such an offence , and not continuing in , or renuing the same , hath right to all church-priviledges , seing he is by no ordinance of christ excluded ; and that way of publick rebuking , is appointed to prevent the falling of others , by that occasion . a third sort of offences are such as of their nature are grosse , and in their evidence clear , suppose drunkennesse , fornication , grosse swearing , corrupt errours , &c. and the person offending , after much pains , doth yet continue obstinate , refusing to hear the church ; in that case the rule is clear to proceed with the sentence of cutting off , if no accidentall thing call for the suspending thereof , for respect to the churches good . if it be asked , when a person is to be accounted obstinate and guilty of not hearing the church ? we answer , it may be in these four cases , . when the persons do contemptuously refuse , or decline appearance , that is , either to hear private admonition , or to answer for removing of their offences before the publick judicatory . this indeed is not to be astricted to once or twice refusing , even when no reasonable excuse can be given : for , sometimes offenders are ticklish for a time , while their distemper continueth ; and church-officers would be favourable in admitting of excuses , and in their condescending to them , ( as edification may be most furthered ) as mothers and nurses will do to children : which similitudes the scripture sometimes useth . . it is contempt , supposing a person to appear , and yet either to justifie his offence , as if it were no wrong ; or to deny an evident fact , or to refuse any way to remove an offence given &c. yet in such cases there i●… both for bearance and gentlenesse for a time to be essayed , and the offence is to be made inexcusable both to the conscience of the party , and to the consciences of others . . contempt may appear in this , when persons offending appear , and do not deny the offence , yet by such proud carriage , haughty reflecting , irreverent expressions , and such like , do bewray contempt in the manner of their carriage , and there by do give more offence than by their former miscarriage , or than if they had not appeared at all : because , that doth reproach the ordinance of christ more , as it were in his presence to affront him , and like the souldiers , to say , hail , king of the iews , and to mock him. a fourth thing that may be judged contempt , and not hearing of the church ▪ is , when a person appearing , doth with some seeming reverence acknowledge the fault , suppose drunkenesse , slander , fornication , &c. and yet doth notwithstanding continue in , or frequently reiterate the same offence for these cannot be judged sins of infirmitie , especially when they are so frequent , and that after admonition ; for , the churches admonition doth not only tend to draw forth an acknowledgement of the offence past , but to prevent the like for time to come ; and where that is not , it cannot be said that christs ordinance hath had weight . and in such a case , the accounting of verball acknowledgements enough , where there is a continuance in some seen evils , were to make the ordinance of christ obnoxious to reproach , and to frustrate it of its end , which is to remove and prevent offences , ( for in that case they abound more ) and it would strengthen men that could dissemble , to continue in their profanitie , seing by that they might ever escape the sentence of excommunication , and so profane persons might abound in christs church to the dishonour of his name , and the reproach of the gospel , and yet there be no accesse to his officers by his ordinances to purge them out . and seing this would be ridiculous in any humane court , to account such a man a receiver of admonitions , it were absurd to assert it here . if it be asked , what is to be done in cases where the offence is not of a more grosse nature , and cometh neer to a sin of infirmity , and yet hath contempt added thereto , in one of these respects ? answ. . we have said already , that it is hard to ground excommunication upon such a rise : therefore , . church-officers would warrily deal with such offenders , so as there be no seeming occasion given them to contemn ; and much forbearance , and even a kind of overlooking ( so far as is consistent with faithfulnesse ) is to be exercised in such cases , in reference to some persons , for it hath prejudice with it to take notice of such scandals , and thereafter without satisfaction to passe from them , and it is difficult and not alwayes edifying to pursue them : we conceive it therefore more fit , not to take judiciall notice ( at least ) of them all , but to continue a serious and loving dealing with such persons in private , because possibly more rigid dealing might wrong them and the church more than edifie ▪ yea , . if it come to publick , frequent trials would be taken of them before it be judged contempt , that so if it be found needfull to proceed further , the contempt may be so aggreged , that it may be seen , that edification requireth the same to be prosecuted , and then it is the contempt that beareth the weight of the sentence , and not the first offence ; therefore this would be so manifest ▪ as it may be convincing to the consciences of all to be insufferable . chap. vi. concerning what is to be accounted satisfaction , or satisfying . the great question is , when a person doth appear and acknowledge his offence , and submit to a publick rebuke , what is to be judged satisfying here , so , as a church-judicatory may sist processe , and rest satisfied ▪ and admit the person to church-priviledges , as if the former offence had not been ? in answering of this , we shall , first , shew what is not sati●…sying . secondly , what is not necessary to be enquired after by a church-judicatory , for this ecclesiastick satisfaction . thirdly , we shall shew what is necessary and satisfying . then , answer a question or two , for absolving of this . . we say , every verball acknowledgement of a fault , even though it have a promise of amending , is not sufficient ; for , that may be in two of the cases formerly mentioned , to wit , in a person that doth , in his so doing but mock the ordinance ; or in a person that hath often relapsed after such a profession , or for the time doth continue in that or some other grosse evil : in ▪ that case to account such a profession of repentance satisfying , were to fall in the former inconveniencies , and would prove a manifest taking of the nam of the lord in vain , which we may gather by this . such a circumstantiat profession ought not to satisfie a brother in a privat admonition , so that notwithstanding thereof ( yea , the rather ) he ought thereafter to take two or three with him , as being more offended ▪ and if they meeting with the same , may put it to the church , as not being well satisfied with such mockings ; then much lesse ought the church to be satisfied therewith , because they do more formally represent jesus christ and his authority , and therefore mockings and contempt to them , is the greater offence . and that place , where the lord speaketh to peter ▪ luk. ▪ . of forgiving his brother seven times a day , and elsewhere ▪ seventy times seven times a day , is not to be understood to speak principally of such grosse publick offences , or of such discernable counter feit turning ( for that is not turning at all ) but of private offences , or of the first sort formerly mentioned , and also where there seemeth to be ingenuity in the person , otherwise it were to remove one offence by another ; and in that the lord ordereth men in reference to their private carriage , for they ought to forgive wrongs , and doth not regulate church-actings , as judicious calvin doth give warning upon the place ; beside , the chastening , and bumbling of the offending party , the making of others to fear , and the turning away of the reproach that cometh to christs name by offences , being the great ends of church-censure , by admitting of such a profession as satisfying , all of them would be utterly enervated and overturned , which were most absurd . if it be asked , how this dissembling , mocking profession may be discovered ? answ. . by somewhat palpable in the very present gesture , words , expressions , &c. which evidence the same , and leave no room for charity ; as when men ( as it were ) with a word , say hail to christ , and at the next , spit in his face , it is easie to say , that their hail was not serious . . by comparing it with a persons former carriage in such a case wherein so much hath been professed , and yet he afterward hath been found to be mocking even in the time of his profession ▪ his former carriage calleth men , at least , not to be soon satisfied ▪ if no difference be . . by some words or expressions in other societies and companies , which being vented during the time of this publick profession , and that contrary thereto , cannot but evidence it to be a mocking . and , . when the fruit appeareth to be contrary thereto in a habituall way , as hath been said . indeed if there be not convincing evidence of this mocking , but it be doubtfull ; or , if a person that at one occasion is irreverent , should afterward appear more sober , we conceive in ▪ that case , determination is to be suspended , till after carriage give more ground of clearnesse , either to the one hand or the other . chap. vii . shewing what is not necessary to satisfaction . to the second thing , to wit , what is not necessary , or to be enquired for , by church-officers to be an ecclesiastick satisfaction for removing of an offence . we answer , that the saving grace of repentance , or godly sincerity therein in the person , is not to be enquired into , as the alone ground upon which they may rest satisfied . for , . that would put a church-judicatory so far as they could to determine of the state and graciousnesse of every offending person before they were satisfied , which were absurd , that not being the object of church-discipline , and it 's nowhere to be found that men are called judicially to determine of the state of another . . it would lay this ground , that none should be after any offence recovered and admitted to priviledges , except they were thought really to be gracious ; which would infer , that none should be admitted to the church , but such ; yea , that none should be continued in the church , but such ; because readily there are none , but in lesse or more give offence , so far as may be the ground of a private admonition , which doth once table them ▪ and if nothing can be satisfying but what giveth ground to account them gracious , it would come to that , that men are to be excommunicated because they are not thought to be gracious , and cannot give evidence of that . . so every person that were received after an offence , would have a sentence of a church-judicatory standing to prove them to be converted , which certainly would prove offensive , and a stumbling to many who are too apt to ground presumption on a lesser occasion . . it would put church-officers upon the rack , and prove a tortour to them : for , . there is no evidence given in the word whereby one may know the gracious estate of one another infallibly ; and shall that be only satisfying to us , which by no means we can know ? . god hath not given men dominion over consciences to search or censure them in their ends , motives , &c. but as appeareth in their outward actions , and there being nothing that can evidence soundnesse in the outward action it self , because hypocrites may come that length , it cannot be that that must be their task , to decide where there is no possibility to attain to a satisfying decision . if it be said ▪ that they are to proceed as in charity they judge the person to be sincere , then we oppose , procedure in church-judicatories must be according to such rules as a person that judgeth wrong may be convinced that he judgeth wrong , if a wronged party should complain ; but if the man 's own thoughts and charity of such a man were the rule , whereby he is to judge , then suppose some judicatories unwarrantably to admit , or to debar some , there were no way to convince them that they had judged wrong ▪ because none could judge their singlenesse . again , if it be said , that that may be gathered from evidences , then we desire to know what evidence is to charity a sufficient ground to make a man to be accounted gracious , and without which he is not to be accounted such ? if there be no such evidence , then the decision lieth upon the persons judgement and inclination , which falleth in the former inconvenience : if there be such evidences , . it will be hard to condescend upon them . . they are either such evidences as may be judicially demonstrated to be in such a person , or not to be in him : if they may be demonstrated to be in him , then it is not charity that decideth , but a law , which we will acknowledge when it is discovered , if they cannot be judicially demonstrated to be in such a person , or not to be in him ; then the redressing of any corrupt decision is still made impossible ▪ and there is no more but the conjectures of such mens charity in such a case ; then , how can these absurdities be answered ? as ▪ . what if such church-officer , should be partial ? in that case their charity will either be too narrow , or too broad , and can that be the rule of procedure in christ's house ? and yet church-officers are men subject to such infirmities . . what if the person should think himself wronged by their accounting him not to be gracious , would that be sufficient to convince him , because they thought so ? and yet it cannot be said , that according to christ's order church-officers should sentence an o●…ending party , and not be able to convince him ; and he cannot demonstrate it to them so as to convince them , and so it is for ever undeterminable , which is most absurd ▪ what if he appeal to a supream judicatory ? how could they defend their sentence ? or , what if the superiour judicatory judged him to be sincere ? how could one of these judicatories convince the other , if charity only were the rule ? and yet it cannot be thought , that by discipline and censures , which are appointed by jesus christ for entertaining of union , that such inevitable grounds of division should be laid ? again , could it be but irritating to a person judicially to be declared unregenerate , and would it not afterward both make such sentences , and those that pronounce them to have the lesse weight ? . suppose in the same judicatory some persons charity should be larger nor others , what is to be done in that case ? there is no possibility for one of them to convince the other ; yea , can it but stir up new offences ? for , the one of them is ready to judge the other , either unacquainted with spirituall conditions , or untender ; for , the judging upon the sincerity of grace , requireth the exercise of a christian and spiritual discerning ; and therefore accordingly as it is exercised differently , so are men ready to account of others to be at best christians of different siezes : and we suppose that in nothing a man's grace hath more occasion to vent than in his uptaking and judging of the gracious estate of another , because this supposes acquaintance and sympathy with , and experience of sincere grace , more than is either in preaching , prayer , or such exercises . and this certainly would be no little stumbling to church-officers , to be so frequently put to give triall of their own graciousnesse , whereas if we walk by setled rules , there is no such occasion to stumble . . do not we see that one mans charity doth differ from another , and so diverse men in the same extrinsick action of judging in a church-court , should have diverse rules to judge-by in the same act , possibly leading them to judge contrarily , which were absurd . . doth not oftentimes the same one mans charity differ from what it was at another time , and he will be more and lesse in extending it according to the frame of his own spirit , the dulnesse or confusion of his mind , or possibly accordingly as he hath some relation or obligation to , or prejudice at the person , which may steal-in on his judgment , and ( as it is said ) blind the eyes of the wise , and pervert the understanding of the just , and he really think himself single in judging ? and can such afle●…ting unconstant rule be that which christ hath appointed in his church to order the removing of offences ? . do we not know , that often mens charity , in such cases , is swayed much by the judgment of some one or other who is esteemed of ? and so this way which pretendeth to give most liberty , doth in seed bind up most : for , men either in that case satisfie themselves , that such a man is sincere , or not , because such another saith so , and so he goeth on implicitly , not doing what he doth in faith ; or , he hath his own suspicions that others do not determine rightly of such a person's sincerity , and then he is at this strait , either to contrary his own light , and go on with the other , or to judge otherwayes , and by so doing to give out his own spiritual discerning to be beyond that others ▪ and therefore to judge him for mistaking in it . and contradiction in this , is not as in other cases , where only mens moral light and understanding do vary ; but here , as we said , it is in a thing that is most purely spituall , and peculiar to the people of god onely , whereof naturall men and hypocrites are not capable . what the reverend and most convincing writer , mr. wood , hath in his examination of mr. lockiers little-stone , to prove that sincerity of true grace is not to be enquired for , as the constitution or complexion ( as mr. lockier speaketh ) of visible members in the visible church , doth fully make out this also ; for , there is the same reason against the enquiring after the sincerity of grace , in respect of the impossibility thereof in this case , as in that ; and there needeth nothing further to be adde●… for confirming of this , till those his pregnant arguments be answered . chap. viii . holding forth what may be satisfying . the answering of the third question , to wit , what is to be accounted satisfying , and what is to be rested on in such a case by church-officers , will clear and confirm this more . before we answer , we premit , . that a difference is to be made between what is satisfying to a church-judicatory , so as to admit an offending person to all priviledges , as if the offence had not been , and what may be satisfying to sist further procedor , and prevent excommunication . for , i suppose , a persons satisfaction may not be sufficient as to the first , which yet may be sufficient as to the second , as ( for instance ) it may be thought of simon magus , act. . . who , after peter's rebuke , carried so , as he did not proceed to cast him out , yet may he well be esteemed of , notwithstanding of such professed conviction , not to have had the full priviledge of a church-member instantly ; and this may proceed either from the grossenesse of an offence ( such as that was ) or the unsatisfyingnesse of a persons satisfaction , or both ; in which cases edification requireth some time of triall , before there be a proceeding either to an off-cutting , or to admitting to the former liberty . . we would distingish ( which is sib to the former ) between that which is not fully satisfying , and that which is altogether dissatifying ; for there may be a mids , as suppose , that a man by silence should accept a reproof ; or in words and carriage expresse something which neither doth speak seriousnesse , nor mocking , we suppose it is hard instantly to judge that person either to be obstinate , or yet to have full accesse to all ordinances . to the question then we answer that for full satisfaction , so as to have accesse to all the priviledges , there is requisit a sober , serious acknowledgement of the offence with the expression of an unfeigned-like purpose to walk inoffensively , especially in reference to these former offences ; and where this is we say , it is sufficient . when we speak of a sober , serious acknowledgement , we speak of it as it standeth contradistinguished upon the one side from sincere grace ; for , one may have this , and not have that : and , as upon the other side , it is distinguished , not only from grosse contempt and profane mocking , but from grosse dissimulation appearing to be such , or from carnall indifferencie and unseriousnesse . by divines , this is called morall seriousnesse , or sincerity , ( as it is distinguished from that which is gracious ) and usually is in subtile legall hypocrites , and sometimes may be in some grosse persons in fits . it cannot be better expressed , than it is by the forementioned worthy author mr. wood , part . . pag. ●… ▪ that is , that which is not openly and discernably simulate , histrionick , scenicall , and hypocriticall in that hypocrisie which is grosse : but all circumstances being considered , by which ingenuity is estimate amongst men , giving credit one to another , there appeareth no reason why the man may not and ought not to be esteemed , as to the matter , to think and purpose as he speaketh from whatsoever habituall principle it doth proceed , viz ▪ whether from a saving principle , or whether from a common operation of the spirit only , thus far he . if it be asked , how this seriousnesse may be discerned . it may be again enquired , how useth a man to be thought serious in his pursuit after any thing ? i grant , this is not only to be gathered from his words , or carriage possibly at one time , but , will not seriousnesse , even in a particular , kyth in a mans manner of urging it ? . it kyths in a mans using of fit means for attaining of it , which are suitable to that end . . by his carriage , abstaining from such things as may any way make his profession to be suspect-like . and ▪ . not doing this for a day , or upon a particular occasion , but for a time continuing constant and instant therein , with such affectionatenesse and earnestnesse in the circumstances that are necessary , that whatever be the motive that swayeth such a man ▪ yet that he appeareth to be morally serious and through in the thing , cannot be denied . so in this case , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be a conviction that persons are serious , and are affected so , that we may expect they will endeavour really the preventing of such an offence , and yet we may not be able to judge them so convincingly sincere , because to that there is more required , to wit , a new decision whether that seriousnesse , be morall only , or gracious , according to the principles , ends , motives , &c. which cannot be so evidenced externally , as seriousnesse in the generall may be . i●… any say that charity ought to judge such a man sincere seing it can have no more ? ans. . what may be a persons p●…vat thoughts upon these grounds we are not to determine ; we only say , that this acknowledgement cometh not to be judged by a church-judicatory upon that account . and , secondly these who desire more for the constituting of church members , require beside this , evidences of the work of grace upon the heart , and expressions and narrations to that purpose . and indeed if the accounting of a person ●…o be gracious and sincere , were the alone account , upon which a person were to be admitted or restored to an actuall right to the ordinances , such a serious profession would not be sufficient for the convincing of church-officers of a persons graciousnesse even probibly ; for that which is to be accounted a probable signe of saying grace , must be that which though it doth not alwayes hold and be convincing , yet for the most part doth so ; for if it doth more ordinarily fail than hold , it cannot be called probable : but experience in all times will confirm this , that more frequently such a profession faileth , and afterward the person is found not to be gracious ; therefore it cannot be a probable signe , nor are we to account it such : we suppose , that if all the churches of christ that have been gathered , and all the penitents that have been received , were compared together , it will be found , that there have been many moe hypocrites than sincere believers , yet in these cases this serious profession was called for . and , though it might be pleaded , that charity may construct the best of a person , where the case is doubtfull , yet ( to speak abstractly of a signe ) to account that a probable signe of sincerity , and such which ought to sway charity to account a person gracious , when yet it is clear in reason , that such a sign is ordinarily but an indicium or evidence of moral sincerity , but not of saving grace , were against reason ; for , even in bodily diseases , that cannot be counted a probable signe of health , to ground a judgement of such a persons livelinesse , with which many moe do die than recover . nor can it be called uncharitablnesse , because the profession is not so accounted ; for , it is charity here to account the person serious , and to think as he saith , and not be dissembling therein , although it be not impossible for a dissembler to come all that length in outward evidenc●…s and prof●…ssion . but to believe that he is indeed so , as he saith , or thinketh , is not a thing which charity is bound positively to conclude , but , at the most , by judgeing nothing to the contrary to forbear any judgeing of the partie till time evidence more afterward . and , i suppose , there are few who have experience , but know that there are many cases wherein they are fully satisfied to judge the person serious , and yet dar not determine of their sincerity and graciousnesse , yea , even as to the probability thereof , although they dar not deny but it is possible ; yet durst they not found a sentence of absolution upon that as such , to their own satisfaction , although upon the former account they can : which evidently sheweth that these two considerations may be separated . hence , the first doth follow , that whatever be a private persons account of such a profession , yet it is not considered by the judicatory as the evidence of sincerity in their being satisfied with it : because , . it can be no evidence thereof , as is said ; and we would be necessitated then to say , ( if sincerity were the account upon which a church-judicatory were to be satisfied ) that either they behoved to have that evidence proven , and made ●…vident to them , or they behoved to proceed , without any certain , yea , or probable evidence : for , certainly , that which giveth a judicatory warrand to proceed to declare a person to have right to any priviledge , must both be a thing that is relevant in it self , and evident in the proof thereof , in reference to that party ; but , none of these can be said : therefore the judging such a thing to be sincere , is not the account on which they proceed . this cannot be said to be a certain proof of sincerity , yea , none will deny but it is difficult , if not impossible , for one to have infallible proof of an others sincerity : then it must be said , that it is but a probable proof that can be given of sinceritity . to which we reply , . that this profession formerly described , cannot be called such , as hath been shown , so it would follow , that a church-judicatory doth account a man sincere , and doth admit him to such priviledges as they ought to admit only such unto , and yet it was not made so much as probable to them that he was such . . although it did probably evidence him to be such , yet that were not enough , if that were the alone account upon which they were to proceed , because no judiciall procedour in determining a mans right , will go upon probabilities , because the law decideth not upon a probable , but upon a real right : and indeed , if in this case sincerity were the ground of procedour , no man could judge but doubtingly and upon conjecture , and so could he not have peace afterward , because it was still uncertain to him whether he had determined warrantably or not : yea , if it should be said , ( which yet will not be sufficient ) that it may give a man peace , if in his charity he account the person sincere , although indeed he be not so : this will not quiet the mind , because i put no question but experience will teach any that are tender , that there are many cases , that if they were put to it , they durst not , even according to their own charity and opinion , determine of a persons sincerity , so as to take upon them a decision in that , either by determining of the person to be sincere or not , and so of his admission or seclusion to , or from church-ordinances and priviledges . . the account upon which we admit , and the proof thereof also , must be proportionable and opposit to the account and proof upon which we debar : for , binding and loosing are both of the same nature , acts of the same power , in reference to the same end , and the one of them answereth to the other . now , when we bind a man for a scandal , . it is not accepted as a ground of binding , untill it be proven and made evident , and not probably only , therefore nothing can be the account upon which we can loose but that which may be evidently proven also ; for , it looketh not suitable-like to bind a man upon clear evidence , and to exclude him from a right , and to admit him again , only upon probabilities and presumptions , much lesse where the proof doth not amount so high . again , . when a person is shut out , he is not shut out upon the account that he is unrenued , or upon the account that such an act was not sincere , or that he appeared to be such , but he is shut out , because it was scandalous to others , and unbecoming the gospel , even though the persons sincerity should not be questioned : therefore , by the rule of contraries , it followeth , that it is not sincerity which is the account upon which church-officers are to loose . if it be asked then , under what notion , or upon what account that morall serious profession is to be accepted as satisfying ? we answer , upon this account , as it is apparently serious and edifying , without determining whether it be sincere or not , but as convinced that by such a profession the prejudice and offence that came by the former miscarriage , and left a blot upon the church , and a stumbling-block before others , may be removed . so , that as it was unbecoming a church-member to commit such a scandalous sin , so now by such a serious profession , that blot of making christianity to be accounted a fostering of profanity is wiped away , that stumbling-block of his example is taken out of the way , so that this profession may be edifying to prevent the stumbling of any other upon his scandal , and the accepting thereof may look like a hope●…ull mean of edifying the person for the time to come , and recovering of him from that snare he was into ; and so as his scandalousnesse in these respects was the account upon which he was actually , or was to have been sentenced , so oppositly thereto this serious profession having a proportionable edification , or of it self a tendencie to edi●…ying , in all the respects mentioned going alongst with it , it is the account upon which it is accepted as satisfying , without determining of the sincerity thereof , leaving the person to answer before god for that , and before men to bring forth fruits meet for repentance , which was iohns way in dealing with such as came to his baptism , matth. . upon whose sincerity we think its clear that he did no way decide ; but of this enough : we come to confirm our answer . for confirming of this , to wit , that such sober and serious profession of repentance , is sufficient without further enquiry after the graciousnesse of the sincerity thereof , we may consider these grounds , . if such a profession be sufficient for admitting members to the church , then such is also sufficient for the 〈◊〉 of offending members and continuing them in their former priviledges ; for , no reason can be given why there should be greater rigidity for r●…admitting to the actuall use of church-priviledges , a christain after he hath fallen in drunkenesse , fornication , &c. than was requisit for the admitting of a heathen , possibly guilty of these same sins beside ; but the first is true , as is irrefragably and convincingly demonstrated by the forementioned worthy author mr. wood. ergo , &c. . it may be supposed , that a gracious man , of whose graciousnesse there is no question in the charity of any , doth fall in some scandal , what is to be accounted satisfying in him , must be satisfying in others . now , it is not any conviction of the graciousnesse of his state that can be satisfying in this case , nor yet is that the account upon which we can proceed , because that is never questioned even when he is under the offence . if it be said , it must be the sincerity and graciousnesse of his particular act of repentance . answ. . it is difficult to give judgement of the state of the person , but more difficult to give judgement of the graciousnesse of a particular act . . suppose such a person had a particular acknowledgement so circumstantiated as is formerly described in this morall sincerity , would not that be sufficiently satisfying ? and if it be satisfying in one , in reference to a particular offence , why not in another ? because , . there is one rule given by jesus christ to all . . the removing of 〈◊〉 offence relateth to the offence given , and not to the state of the person who gave it . therefore if that satisfaction be sufficient to remove that particular offence in one , it must also be so in reference to another , because the question 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not what may be sufficient to evidence a person to be gracious , but what may be sufficient in a person to remove such a particular offence ? if it be said , that it is accepted of that gracious person as satisfying , because he is accounted to be gracious , it may still be urged , the question is not , whether the person be gracious , but whether that act of repentance of his be so , or not ? for , it cannot be denied , but a gracious person may have acts of hypocrisie , and in particular acts be carnall : either then such a person must be excluded though he be gracious , and in this respect seriously doth professe repentance , which were hard to do ; or , he must be upon that profession admitted , and so that must be sufficient for church-satisfaction , as is said . . that which ought to satisfie a brother in private , or after his taking of two or three witnesses with him , and which may be accounted a hearing of a private admonition ; that sort of repentance ought to be satisfying to the church-officers : because , tell the church , succeedeth to the contempt of private admonition , and therefore they are to obtain by their interposing of authoritative rebukes , what the other did not obtain , and so they are to rest satisfied when that is obtained , as the gradation , matth. . is clear , hearing of the church , being in respect of the effects , that same which hearing of the private admonitions is , to wit , the obtaining of satisfaction . but the former is true , to wit , a brother ought to rest satisfied with such a sober serious profession and acknowledgement as giveth him ground to judge him really affected for his offending , and under a purpose to abstain and amend for the time to come : and who will say , that a brother in such a case can rationally complain of an other , as not having had his admonition ? so , neither can the church procee●…d further , when her admonition hath that weight , seing there had been no 〈◊〉 for her judicially to have admonished , if so much had formerly been obtained : and if it may be said , that such a private admonition so succesfull , did gain the offending brother , is not that same to be said of the churches admonition having that successe ? and when he is gained , are not they to rest satisfied ? and yet we suppose , that none will say , that by gaining in that place , real conversion is intended , and that a private brother should insist to the uttermost , till he be satisfied in that . . we may argue thus : if such a profession , and a persons amendement in the manner spoken , be the hearing and gaining that is intended , matth. . then are church-officers to be satisfied therewith ; but the former is true , as appeareth thus , the churches satisfaction must be in respect to her speaking , her speaking to the party must be with respect to the complaint made to her by a particular person ; that complaint , again , must have respect to what offended him , which is some particular act having offence with it ; and it was not the ungracious state of the person , ( for so the word , if thy brother offend thee , &c. importeth ) now , from the first to the last , such satisfaction as is described , may be satisfying in reference to such a particular offence , and be sufficient for removing the same , and restoring the person to the esteem and condition which formerly he was into , and therefore it is to be accounted as satisfying by the church . and if more were to be enquired for , it were to make the satisfaction beyond the offence , which were unjust . . that which may be accepted as a satisfaction from an heretick , as the satisfying fruit of a publick admonition , cannot be refused as satisfaction in other cases ; for , if circumspectnesse and rigidity be to be used in any case , it is in this : but a serious acknowledgement of an error ▪ and an abandoning of it indeed , is to be accepted for church-satisfaction from an heretick , and as the fruit of an publick admonition , and he in that respect is supposed to be gained : ergo , &c. that this is to be accepted from him , may be gathered from tit. . . a man that is an heretick , reject after the first and second admonition . where these things are clear , . that an heretick that continueth so , and heareth not the church , is to be rejected . . that an heretick renouncing his errors after admonition , and not continuing such , is not to be rejected , and so is not to be accounted an heretick or under that scandal of heresie , and therefore his disclaiming of it , is to be accounted satisfying as to the church-officers ; otherwayes , it would follow , that although he renounced his heresie in that serious and morally sincere manner , yet were he still to be dealt with as such by the church , except they were satisfied in the sincerity of his grace , which is contrary to paul's direction , and the end of that publick admonition : which is not given him because of his unrenued state , but because of his heresie . now , that being taken away and satisfied by his submission , the admonition must be acknowledged to be satisfied , and so he is neither to be dealt with as an heretick , nor as obstinate , but as one who hath heard the churches admonition . . from the thess. . , , . we may gather the same : for we have these things clear , . that there were some there who walked disorderly as to some particular acts . . that the apostle accounteth that disorderly walking to be scandalous , and judicially to be taken notice of , if it be not removed . and , . what that satisfaction is which removeth the same , is expressed by him , ver . . if a man obey not our word by this epistle ▪ &c. so that it was actuall amending of what was scandalous , and thereby giving obedience to his direction , which was so to be accounted . and in that case , a brother offending , was neither further to be noted , nor to be esteemed scandalous , without any further enquiry to be had of the graciousnesse of his state , or the principle ends or motives of his obedience . . it may appear thus , that which may remove reproach from the ordinances , and offence in reference to these that are without , is to be accounted satisfying , because that is one of the ends of discipline to stop the mouths of such as are without : now as it is not any thing within , or the want of sincerity which doth offend them , and open their mouths , so this morally sincere and reall change , ( to speak so ) is sufficient to satisfie them , at least , it cannot be said that they can reach further . this argument alone we acknowledge might not seem to be cogent , yet considering , that what is offensive , is some externall ●…hing having a proportionable offensivenesse , both to those that are within , and also to those that are without , and a thing is offensive , because it is apt to offend such , there ought therefore also a proportionablnesse to be between what removeth an offence in reference to both . . if we consider the proper object , nature and end of the key of discipline , as it is abstractly considered , as contra-distinct from the key of doctrine , we will find that no more by it can be expected . for , . its proper object is somewhat , that is scandalous , and so it reacheth only to restrain , regulate , and judge the outward man , or somewhat in the outward conversation firstly , though the fruit of that hath a further look mediately . the key of doctrine again , or the word reacheth in , and becometh a judge of the thoughts and intents of the heart ; and to make discipline judge the inner-man , in this respect , were to confound these two keys which the lord hath made distinct : and therfore , if discipline have any influence upon the inner-man savingly , it is but mediately by condemning his outward practices , and him as such , or making of directions , reproofs , &c. in the word ▪ more weighty . . the key of discipline doth only shut from outward priviledges ▪ and doth not shut from any spirituall interest in christ , but as it concurreth to confirm some threatning in the word , which debarreth many from saving promises and the things contained in them , which discipline may admit to outward priviledges . . there is a difference in respect of absolution also , to wit , the word when it absolveth , it doth absolve from the curse of god , and giveth accesse to the promises , and a title to the things promised ; discipline again , doth but absolve from outward censures and restraints , and doth but give right to church-priviledges . . there are different conditions and qualifications upon which these two keys bind and loose : for , the word openeth to none but upon condition of sincere faith and repentance , and absolveth none but reall believers , pronouncing all unbelievers to be under the curse ; again , discipline ( as such ) cannot shut out men from externall priviledges , because they are not regenerate , and sincerely gracious ; and so in that respect , it must have a different condition of shuting men out , or it must consider them upon another account , in excluding them from church-priviledges , than the word doth in excluding them from saving promises , to wit , it considereth them as scandalous , and unbecoming the gospel whatever their state be , and so it may censure believers , as the key of doctrine may shut out the most subtile hypocrite which the other cannot reach . therefore also must it be a different account upon which discipline doth admit , or restore men to outward priviledges , and absolve men from outward censures , than that upon which the word doth admit to saving priviledges . and seing this last is sincere faith and repentance , the other must have somewhat different from this , upon the account whereof it doth give right , which can be no other thing than the moral sincerity mentioned . . upon these differences followes another ( which doth confirm all the former ) to wit , a diversity that is in the manner of binding and loosing by these two keys ; for , when a minister useth the key of doctrine , he doth exclude from heaven and saving priviledges but conditionally , and he can warrantably exclude no particular professour absolutely ; so no minister can absolve absolutely , by the key of doctrine , but conditionally , to wit , if the person believeth that he speaketh unto ; for , it runneth on these tearms , if thou believest , thou shalt be saved . but , again , in the exercise of the key of discipline it is not so , no church-judicatory doth debar a man from priviledges conditionally , if he believe not , but absolutely he is debarred because of some present scandal ; and although the person were or should become a real believer , yet he continueth bound from outward priviledges by the key of discipline , untill that scandal be removed : so when they receive any into church-communion , they do not absolve them from their former censure , and give them right to church-priviledges upon condition they believe , but absolutely that censure is removed , and they are admitted unto these priviledges . if it be asked , what is the reason of this difference betwixt these two keys ? answ. it is , first , because the ground upon which we loose and bind with the key of discipline , is something obvious to men's view , wherein they may warrantably judge and proceed , and therefore that is done absolutely : but in the key of doctrine it is not so ; for , men cannot tell who really believe , and who not , and it cannot by judicial proofs be made-out , therefore they cannot bind or loose but conditionally . secondly , god hath committed the outward man to be the object of discipline , but the inner man and conscience is reserved to the word and doctrine , and men have not gotten authority over consciences and hearts ; therefore what concerneth the outward man , and outward priviledges , may be determined absolutely , but what concerneth the conscience and inner man only conditionally , because he hath reserved the absolute decision of that to himself , therefore there is a sixth difference also . the word may and doth bind indefinitly , that is , persons so and so qualified , without making application in binding or loosing to individual persons , and doth not so bind or loose but conditionally , as is said ; but discipline striketh at individual persons , and as such , doth not otherwayes affect : for , suppose an indefinit sentence of excommunication , against persons so qualified , to be pronounced , it doth debar none from church-priviledges , as it is such ; and for what influence it hath further , it is as it cometh under the key of doctrine , which doth bind or loose such , but not as it is under the key of discipline , and that for the reasons mentioned . from these grounds we may see how warrantable and necessary it is to put difference betwixt saving grace , which is the condition upon which the key of doctrine absolveth , and serious profession , and a fair inoffensive carriage , which is the condition upon which the key of discipline absolveth : and we may see also what absurdities would follow the confounding of these . and indeed we see no other way how these two keys may be kept distinct , but this . to sum up this from what is said , we may , ninthly , conclude , if every simulat profession be not sufficient , and if gracious sincerity be not to be enquired for , then this morall sincerity and amendment is to be accepted as satisfying , and that which properly church-judicatories are to enquire in , for a fourth cannot be conceived . but the former is truth . ergo , &c. lastly , that which was satisfying for giving accesse to the ordinances amongst the jews after uncleannesse , must be satisfying now for removing of offences ; but such a serious profession was satisfying then : for , . it cannot be denied that there was a separating of some for uncleannesse from the ordinances ; and it is at large and strongly made-out by that learned vindicater of church-government and discipline , mr. gillespie , that there was separation for moral uncleannesse ; but however , ceremonial uncleannesse did then prove ground enough of exclusion , because so the law of god had appointed it , even as now he hath appointed other grosle sinners to be cast-out . . it is clear . that there was some satisfaction required , as washing , offering of sacrifices , and such like , before they could be admitted . . it cannot be said , that a mocking , palpable , irreverent manner of performing these things would have been accepted by the priest , but would have been more offensive ; nor yet can any say , that enquiry was made after their end ▪ principles , or graciousnesse of their act ; so the assumption is clear : neither can the connexion of the minor be denied , if we consider . . that there was no lesse moral holinesse called-for from the jews , than from us . . that there was as great external strictnesse for keeping-up the sanctity of external worship . . if we consider that their ordinances and ours are materially the same . . if we consider that christ , even in respect of the external administration of his kingdom and discipline , is not more rigid or restricted in his admitting to priviledges now , nor then , yea , that he is even in that more condescending to us under the days of the gospel . . if we may reason from the lord's manner of admitting unto his church then , to his admitting unto the church now upon the same qualifications that were satisfying then , then we may also conclude from what was satisfying then for the admitting of persons excluded , unto the admitting of them now ; and this is fully made-out , beside others , by worthy mr. wood , in that fore-cited solid and learned treatise , and before him , ( to which he relateth ) by learned mr. baxter , in his dispute with tombs . chap. ix . concerning what is to be done , when men appear neither serious nor obstinat . it may be now asked , what is to be done in reference to those who , after some grosle offence , can neither be counted thus serious , nor yet obstinat ? ans. such cases may be frequent ; concerning which we say , . that it is neither fit altogether to absolve them , as being fully satisfied , nor yet to proceed to the highest sentence with them , nor to leave them altogether without a rebuke . but in the second place , we say , that it is fit to proceed to rebuke them according to the direction , tim. . . because , . this rebuke may be a mean , through god's blessing , to humble them , and to restrain such an offence . and , . it is also usefull in reference to others , although the mans own carriage and acknowledgment be not every way satisfying ; for , the apostle's direction to rebuke him openly , doth respect more the offence past and the fruit that may follow to him and others , than any present satisfying frame in the person to be rebuked . when it is found meet thus publickly to rebuke , the circumstances and manner are to be adverted to , . although the designing of a particular place be not in it self necessary , nor in every case expedient , yet for the solemnity of the reproof , it is not unsuitable , it being such as is rather accommodated for the edification of the whole congregation , than otherwise pointed at as a place of pennance or punishment , or yet as a mark of reproach , and such like , which wrongeth the nature of christ's ordinance ; and circumstances would be so ordered as the appearance of that may be eschewed . . it would be gone about with much gravity and reverence in respect of all that are concerned . the minister especially is to carry weightily and authoritatively , having words fitted for the edifying of the congregation , the humbling of the person , the convincing of both , and for the credit and weight of christ's ordinance before all ; the party rebuked would minde whose ordinance it is , and be suitably affected as the receiving of a particular rebuke from jesus christ doth call-for ; the on-lookers also would be grave , having respect to christ's ordinance , tendernesse to the person offending , but indignation at the offence ; and this would be testified by their carriage , so as thereby the authority and solemnity of all may have the deeper stamp upon the person . and for attaining of this , something would be gravely spoken to the hearers , as their use thereof , according to the case ; and it may be , that some addresse to god in prayer together , in reference thereto , before or after the rebuke , would not be unusefull for that end . if it be asked , if speaking in publick by the person rebuked be alwayes necessary ? answ ▪ . although it may be often usefull and expedient , yet in ordinary rebukes , for ordinary scandals , where no contemp●… hath preceeded , we conceive it not simply necessary , . because , though the rebuke be clear in the word , yet is not this by the same evidence , alwayes required . . their appearing to receive it , hath an implicit assent to , and acceptation of it . . the effect of the rebuke is rather to be gathered from their after carriage , for it hath with it an obliging weight to them , and a virtuall certification before the people , whether they expresse any thing or not . beside , every one cannot edifyingly speak , and in that case , the ministers rebuke is appointed to edifie others , and to remove that offence from them . yet there are two cases especially wherein we think this is expedient and necessary unto edification ▪ . when either by the attocity of some offence , or continuance in contempt , a person ▪ hath be●… processe towards excommunication ; or , when there is a relapse after a former rebuke : in such cases it is for the edification of the people , to know upon what grounds the eldership doth fist from proceeding ; and engagements publickly and explicitly taken on before a congregation , are often more weighty to the person . and if there be a failing , there is the greater evidence against them for after proceeding . . suppose there hath been some sentence binding or shuting out the person formerly , in that case , we conceive , speaking in publick to be necessary for confirming the people in their love to him again , which was hazarded by his former evident fall ; and an implicit accepting of a reproof is not sufficient in such a case . there may be also other cases , as suppose one hath been carried away with error , which he hath frequently vented before men , or in some such case where it may be edifying to have it from the parties own mouth , especially if the person be in such a frame , or of such ability , as by so doing he may edifie . but this is to be decided by the prudence of the overseers . if it be asked again , how is he to be accounted of after this rebuke ? we answer , even as by some competent continuance of time , he doth discover the seriousnesse , or unseriousnesse of his profession , so that if he relapse , he is the more inexcusable , and to be proceeded with in due manner : but if he take up himself , and carry to the view of others seriously , he is not to be accounted as scandalous , because it cannot be said , that he hath refused to hear the church in that publick admonition : and a publick rebuke doth not of it self bind any and shut them out as scandalous , ( yea , it giveth not ground for it , if obstinacy followeth not ) but if it be hearkened unto , and received , it doth prevent that , it being a right satisfying ●…rt of christianity to admit of , and to improve a rebuke . yet we think it incumbent to church-judicatories , after some competent time , to enquire in the after carriage of such , and so accordingly to determine , whether they have satisfyingly accepted of the admonition or not . and that therefore the person so rebuked , ought to have such a sentence before he can plead full admission to all priviledges , if at the time his profession was not satisfying . this is usefull for the persons behove , when he knoweth he is still to be looked upon in a speciall manner , as a sickly member of the body . and it is also agreeable to reason ; for , if when a private person giveth an admonition he be to judge of the fruit of it , whether it be satisfying ; and if the church-judicatory , when they admonish judicially , be to weigh , whether the effects be satisfying or not : so by the like reason , when an admonition is publickly given , ought they to enquire what hath followed , and if that be satisfying or not . if it be asked , if in no case an offender may be brought immediately to publick , but by the former steps , and upon supposition that these be fruitlesse ? ans. it may be in these two or three cases , . when the offence , being of a grosse nature , is publick and open , so that many are in hazard to be infected , in that case a private rebuke would not be sufficient : because , respect is to be had to the good of others . and so in some cases , even though as to the persons own conviction and carriage , a church-judicatory may be satisfyed ; yet there is a necessity for the reason foresaid of a publick rebuke . yet every offence that is known to moe than one , is not to be accounted an offence of this nature : because from that word of christs take with thee two or three witnesses , &c. it is evident , that even after those are made acquaint with the scandal , it is not publick , except obstinacie follow . yea , it would appear , that such a scandal might be known to others , when yet one private person might only admonish ; and if the admonition were accepted , might fist . and in case the fact be denied , then he is thereafter to bring two or three conjunct witnesses , who may convince the party offending of the truth of the fact as well as of the nature thereof , by their joynt testifying , that the party offended had reason to seek satisfaction in such a thing : otherwayes , if that were only a privat offence which is known to one ▪ supposing the party offending to deny the fact , there were no accesse to an offended brother to pursue the same , and by witnesses to make it out , if his private admonition should be rejected . and this may be one reason also why those two or three are called witnesses , whose part is to confirm the matter of fact , as the law cited there to that purpose doth evidence . nor is it alway necessarily thus publick when it is made known to a church-officer or a church-judicatory , because in that case , even they may find it more edifying to admonish privately than publickly ; and it is their part rather to hinder the spreading of a scandal , than to make the same needlesly more publick . an offence then that is to be accounted publick , that is ▪ which is so in respect of its notority or publicknesse , and such as is not the object of private admonition , but whereof a church-judicatory is immediatly to take notice , may be considered in respect of its first instant o●… in respect of some following circumstance ; for what is required in the nature of the sin it self hath been spoken to already . it is publick in the first respect , . when it is done before so many as probably cannot be satisfied with private admonition , so that thereby there is a hazard to many to be scandalized . . it is publick , when it seemeth to be done with contempt and an high hand , as if a person were owning the same ; thus a scandal that hath fewer witnesses , may be accounted publick , when another , it may be , actually known to as many , is not to be accounted such , because in this case there is no accesse to private admonition , the person being like a swine , ready to turn on the admonisher . thus suppose absolom's incest had not been actually known to many , yet the very circumstances of his doing it openly , and purposly that it might be known , made it of a publick nature : thus sometimes it is more necessary to take notice of an offence committed in a publick place , though , it may be , few know the same , than of a thing done more privatly , because as to them it might have been publick to many ; and it sheweth an humour and corruption that is beyond privat admonition , when a thing is so circumstantiated . . sometimes offences will have an horrour , and an indignation wakened against them , even in respect of such circumstances , as to be drunk , lascivious , and such like , are offences ; but to be so in a market-place , or in publick streets , even supposing it to be in a day when few do actually see it , doth waken an indignation in the hearts of sober men , as being an affront to religion and order , and inconsistent with christianity and civility , much more than if it had been in a private place , or privatly ; for , that is before the sun to do so , as zimries act was , which provoked phineas's zeal . . an offence is publick , when it is generally accounted to be a certain truth , and not a suspicion only ; as being a thing in its evidence known to so many ( beside what is reported to others ) that it cannot be supposed that an ingenuous mind can have accesse to deny or shift the same , without some indignation in the hearts of those that know it . . sometimes an offence is to be accounted publick when , though it may be , many are not witnesses thereof , yet when many are in hazard to be infected thereby ; as suppose those witnesses to be such as cannot rest quiet in a private satisfaction , but they have either spread it , or are in hazard to spread it , and , it may be , long afterward they make it a ground of reproach : in this case it becometh a scandal not only to the first witnesses , but also to those to whom it is reported ; so that although it was not at first publick , yet it becometh so by the rumour thereof . this infectiousness may also proceed from the time wherein it is committed , the person who committeth it ▪ the nature of the fact that is committed , ( which may more readily insuare others than facts of some other nature ) from those also before whom it was committed ; therefore in such cases it is necessary that publick notice be taken thereof . therefore , in the second place , we said that some offences not very publick in respect of the fact , yet may , by some concurring circumstances , be such as the bringing of them in publick , may be necessary for the edifying of the church at such a time , then that way is to be taken ; as suppose , . that such a sin is in some places scarce counted a sin ; or , . if it be secretly and frequently in use among others ; or , . if the person found guilty be generally suspected of loose and untender walking in such things , although particulars be not publick ; or ▪ . if they be under false pretexts of tendernesse , ready to seduce others to something sinfull , or in the like cases . in which , though the fact be not so publick , yet the scandal , or hazard , and the benefit of a rebuke are publick ; and therefore that way is to be followed , because they are necessary for the edifying of the church , which is the end wherefore publick rebuks are appointed . the same may be said of atrocious horrible crimes , which being but known to few , yet are not to be , nor cannot be past with a meer private admonition , such as witchcraft , incest , &c. which are defiling sins , the bringing whereof in publick doth honour god the avenger and discoverer of such works of darknesse , suppose also , that the evidencing of somewhat , may serve to remove some former prejudice , as if it had been thought that an innocent person had been father of such a childe , or actor of such a murther ; if god bring it about , that those who truely are guilty be discovered , it is not to be keeped close , because it is the removing of a former stumbling-block , and may keep others from sinning in mis-judgeing an innocent , and it also glorifieth god whose wise way is to be observed in such dispensations . . although a fact be not publick , yea , in some cases although it be not true that there hath been any ground of offence given : yet , . if the report of such an act be publickly rumoured ; or , . if such presumptions thereof be publick , which are ready to leave the impression of the thing ; or , . if the fame or brute of such a thing be come to such an height , that either it be believed by many to be true , ( and that by such who are neither too simply credulous without all presumptions , nor malitious or infected with prejudice in reference to the person ) or , suppose that a person is accounted to be habitually in secret evils , the riping up whereof might be edifying ; in such and such like cases , a church-judicatory is at the first instant to meddle with , and enquire in the same : because , although possibly there may be no ground , yet the offence is great , and may stumble many as if it were so : and the neglecting thereof cannot but be offensive , whereas inquiry therein is usefull , whether the fame be grounded or not . but in this there would be great tendernesse and prudence used in considering , both upon whom , by whom , and upon what occasion the report is raised and entertained , and whether dipping therein be edifying or not . . upon supposition that private persons be defective in giving admonitions , or following of them before a church-judicatory , and yet there be pregnant presumptions of miscarriages in such and such persons , although they be not publick ; or , suppose , through fear , ill grounded affection , or other carnall respects , others should concur to keep from publick view the offences of some person , to the stumbling of themselves , in becoming partakers of their sin , and to the prejudice of others : i say ▪ in such like cases , a church-judicatory is to enquire into the carriage of such a person , and to put others to declare and testifie therein , although they be not complained of , and although the scandal be not so every way obvious : because admonition is needfull both for the good of the person offending , and of others also : and when private persons become defective , church officers are bound rather to interpose immediately than to suffer such a person to continue under sin , to the hazard of himself and others ; for , they must either do it , or it is to be left undone , which would be a stumbling-block to many , and strengthen wickednesse exceedingly , in case untender men fell only to be accessory to the knowledge of the offences of each other ( as often it is ) yet though it be necessary for a church-judicatory to interpose , it is not alwayes necessary to bring the matter to a publick rebuke , but as from consideration of the thing , person , or , other circumstances it shall be thought sit to rest in a private admonition or not . from which we may see the necessity of processing parties , and leading witnesses ( in case the matter be denied ) without any particular accuser or delater : because in such cases , either publick scandal of the thing , the nature of the church-officers oversight , or the edification of the body , which they are to prefer to every thing , do require that such a thing or person be put to triall . chap. x. clearing whether in church-processes an accuser be alwayes necessary . if it be asked , concerning an accuser , whether it be necessary in all church-processes , that one , under such a consideration , be fixed , before there can be proceeding against any party , in reference to triall . we answer in these assertions . asser. . it is not alwayes necessary in every case that there should be a formall particular accuser , as may appear from the cases formerly instanced ; for , that any offence or offender should passe without being taken notice of , ( especially if offences be continued in ) is contrary to the end for which church-censures are appointed , and yet neither de facto is there alwayes an accuser where there is an offence ; nor de jure can any be constrained to be an accuser : therefore it is necessary that in some cases there must be a processe without an accuser , in this way of enquiry . asser. . where an offended brother followeth christs way in pursuing of an offence , he is not to be accounted an accuser formally , as the terme of accusation useth properly to be taken : because , . to accuse often is a thing that may be omitted , but this kind of pursuit is laid on as a necessary duty . . to accuse , respects some paticular wrong and injury usually , and the following thereof ▪ importeth a prejudice and hurt to the party accused . but this which respects offence without any particular injury , proceedeth from love , tendeth to the advantage and recovery of the party , and so properly cannot be called accusation . yea ▪ . when a person hath followed the second step , and made out his private admonition by two or three witnesses , when he cometh to the church with them , neither of them can be accounted accusers more than when he did privately speak to the person , or after that to those witnesses , because all is dutie , and a piece of that christian mutuall communion , that brethren and members of the same body , owe one to another , and to the body in common ; yet is he who so entereth a complaint , oblieged to make it evident to the judicatory ; and if he hath rightly performed the second step , and made it appear before two or three , there is no hazard or difficultie in this ; but if he hath failed in that , he ought not to have proceeded to this . asser. . we say , that to have a formal accuser , seemeth not so well to agree to the nature of ecclesiastick processes , and looketh liker a civil court. for , . if the offence be publick , there is no accuser needfull , as is said . . if it be privat , no accuser is to be heard , but in the ordinary method , because christs ordinance is not to be subservient to mens passions , or to be the mean of their seeking revenge for injuries : and therefore in some cases , though an accuser would undertake the pursuing of some processe against a person , where neither the scandal is flagrant , nor the party accused , after private admonition and conviction , obstinate , in that case the accusation might be rejected ; because so the accuser looketh not like a brother , that is stumbled , seeking the gaining of the other , and his own satisfaction upon that account , but rather like a person that is irritate , vindictive or malicious , to whose humour church-officers ought not to give way ; neither doth such an accusation become christs court. yet , if the thing be indeed scandalous , church-officers are to enquire therein , and not to sleight any mean of evidence which may be had , lest profane persons mouths be opened ; but that rixal and contentious way of following of processes by particular accusers , against particular persons , as useth to be in other courts , we conceive no way becoming the gravity and convincing way that ought to be in this ; and we suppose in experience is not often found to be edifying , but rather doth ingender hatred , prejudice , contention , and such like , which is altogether contrary to christs scope . again , on the other side , there may be no particular accuser against the person and yet it be necessary that he be tried , as hath been said . asser. . the●…e may be some cases in which it is expedient to admit an accuser , and not to admit a processe without one . as suppose one were under no ill report , and yet some grosse scandal were imputed to him , which were not of such fame , or had not such presumptions , as to give ground for a church-judicatory immediately to interpose , and the scandal being of such a nature as the trial thereof could neither be omitted , not closed in private ; in that case , suppose one should complain of the churches negligence in the same , asserting the evidences to be clear , and offering to make them out ; in such a case , i say , the church can hardly refuse to hear him , lest they be thought partiall ; nor is there ground , nor is it fit for them immediately to pursue it : therefore an accuser is expedient , that so , upon the one side , the churches impartiality may be vindicated , in refusing the complaint of no sober man , nor the uttermost of any triall , that in well grounded reason they may expect ; and , on the other side , that the mouths of some needlesse and too importunate complainers may be stopped , and they themselves found censurable , if either without cause they traduce the church-officers as negligent and partiall , while there is accesse to make out before them such a truth if it be truth ; or if precipitantly and inconsiderately ( if not maliciously ) they have tabled a scandal against another as a publick scandal , which they cannot make out , and so have needlesly troubled a church-judicatory in such a matter , and sinfully wronged their neighbour . for , a processe in such cases where it cannot be made out , is scandalous : therefore if a person rest not ▪ satisfied , so as to abstain till he have triall put to the utmost , he is to be dealt with as a scandalous person , lest men take liberty , under the pretext of pursuing offences , to defame others , and abuse the ordinance of christ. and though it be just in such a case , that he be materially dealt with as unjust accusers use to be in civil courts , yet this doth not only flow from the consideration of such a persons being a formall accuser , but from the nature of the deed which is scandalous in such a meature , and that publickly , and therefore is to be restramed , whether the person take on him that formall consideration or not , lest yet , upon the matter , he continue publickly and importunately to presse the pursuit . and we conceive , the imposing the title of accuser in such a case , or the making of it necessary , that one take on him that formall no ion , is rather for coveniencie to restrain mens inordinatenesse , and stop their mouths , and to add weight to the matter of the sentence , if they fail , than as being simply necessary for making such a person to be accounted scandalous , if he come short . chap. xi . concerning what is to be done when the complaint is of some enjury ●…one to the complainer . there is one case yet to be enquired in ▪ viz. how to account of a particular person his complaining or pursuing an offence which carrieth with it a particular enjury unto himself ? as suppose , that such a person did calumniate him , calling him false , covetous , hypocrite , thief , or such like , or did imprecate curses unto him ? answ. if the way laid down were followed , and a publick complaint made the last step , it may be , there would be few of these complaints . of this we have spoken already . . although such enjuries have with them a spirituall hurt also , and so indeed are real stumbling-blocks to the spirituall state of the party enjured . yet , . it is hard for men enjured , singly to abstract the scandal given them from the enjury done them , and so to follow the offence with respect to their own and the others edification , as to entertain no thoughts of revenge in the pursuing thereof : for certainly , often it is the reparation of a wrong , and to vindicate folks own name and credit , rather than edification , which in such cases is aimed at : therefore we find ever the most irreligious , carnall and proud persons , hotest in such a pursuit , and with greatest difficulty to be satisfied ; and the satisfaction intended by them , is not any chistian gaining often , but some publick shame , or such like : and therefore if that follow , although the person fall over again in many other scandals that are worse , or others shall sin more grosly ; yet that stirreth them not , neither are their complaints in such cases heard of . . we find , that such a case hath often great difficulties with it , and readily much heat and carnalnesse ; yea , in things that are personall between parties , it is more difficult for them to abstain from carnalnesse , or the appearance thereof , and also for church-judicatories to walk so as not to be thought partiall to one of the sides , and so by intending the removall of one offence , more may be given . therefore we would suppose such a procedor to be suitable to christs order and ordinance , . that as much as may be , these personal things may be waved by private persons themselves who are so 〈◊〉 . certainly men lose not by condescending in their particulars , and it may afterward tend more to the convincing of the party and others , and to the vindicating of themselves that they forbear ( at least , till the fervour be abated , both in them and in the offending party ) than by kindling of their own passions by the passions of others , to hazard upon more sin and offence . . when such things occur , its fit that church-officers should endeavour to compose and to remove them privately ; yea , if any complaint come in a persons heat , that yet notwithstanding , means be used to compose and allay the same ; and if that fail , that the scandal be brought to publick , rather by the eldership it self , than by the party offended , because so the thing , as scandalous , may be more abstractedly considered ▪ the person easilier convinced , and the heat of parties prevented , which often mar the beauty of the ordinance , and so there is nothing overseen that ought to be redressed . . if persons will needs enter their own complaint ▪ then it would be enquired , . whether it be really the enjury to their name , or outward condition that swayeth them ? or , if it be the offence , that is , the stumbling-block that goeth alongst there with , and 〈◊〉 is ready to hurt their spirituall estate , that doth move them ? this question is fit for curbing of carnall humours , and keeping the ordinance of christ from being abused , and made subservient to mens sinfull passions . if it cannot be hid that it is the injury which affects them ▪ then would they be admonished for that , and remitted to follow their injury otherwise , and to pardon it , as to any vindictive humour ; yet the thing as it is scandalous , would be still followed without them . . it would be enquired , if they followed the privat steps ? and , . what sort of satisfaction they aim at , and if it be the parties gaining that they seek with their own satisfaction ? sometimes there ariseth a new difficulty in such cases , as suppose one complained of for calumniating another , should offer to make good his word , or what he hath said ; in such a case it is difficult for a church-judicatory to carry rightly , if probation be refused , the slanderous mouth is not stopped , and to admit it , it seemeth neither pertinent nor profitable to any church-end . this sometimes is one of the evils of making church-judicatories the stage of mens passions : yet in such a case we say , . that whether the thing be true or not , the casting of it up at such a time , and with such circumstances , was offensive ; and therefore no following probation can exempt the offender from being accounted scandalous , because the end of bringing forth that , was really the hurt of his brother , and neither private nor publick edification . . some manner of offered probation is indirect , ( as also some sort of slandering ) as , suppose one would complain of another as guilty of theft , or some other sin , and give for the ground thereof some instances of corruption or deceit in their trade of merchandizing , or taking some advantage by law or other wayes , to the hurt of another . these are causes and matters wherein properly church-officers are neither fit nor called to decide ; and the event thereof doth depend upon some civil contest , therefore are not meet to be admitted as the ground of a complaint or probation in a church-judicatory . again , some manner of probation is more direct , as suppose one would prove by witnesses direct theft upon another ▪ yet considering that church-judicatories are not to be sub-servient to mens passions , as hath been said , and also , that their end ought ever to be edification , and there being no probable ground to expect it in such a processe , we conceive it were fit altogether to wave such contests . for , though there be a shaming of offenders allowed in church-discipline , yet it looketh harsh-like to make it the mean of bringing civil shame and infamie upon any ; because such a blot , as to be accounted or declared infamous , even as to civil things , is a civil punishment ; and therefore is not to be the effect of a church-judicatory , properly , although we will not deny but by accident , these may be sometimes necessarily joyned . it may be asked , what if an offending party appearing , professe repentance for their fault , &c. as hath been desired , and should yet refuse to give obedience to such things and in such manner as is thought fit to be done by the church-officers for the removing of the offence ? answ. . it is not like that any who are serious in their profession of rep●…ntance , will stand on such a thing ; and where that is , it is too probable-like an evidence of their dissembling , if some convincing reason cannot be given by them for swaying to that refusall . . their disobedience is either in materiall things , or such as are but circumstantiall . again , it is either done with contempt , or with professed continued ●…espect and a desire to satisfie . as for instance , some may refuse to receive a publick rebuke where edification requireth it , or to acknowledge their offence to an offended party , or they may be willing to appear , and willing to acknowledge their offence , but differ as to the time , place , manner , &c. for the first , though a church-judicatory may wait for a time , yet can they not in some cases dispense with them , because otherwayes , they are not heard , nor is the end obtained ; and therefore may processe proceed , especially if that disobedience look contemptuous-like : for the second sort of disobedience , to wit , in the manner or circumstances of giving satisfaction , although in this also , those that are serious to have offences removed , will not readily stick , yet if it be , there is difference between this and the former , if there be no discernable evidences of contempt in it ; and in this , no question , church-judicatories have a greater latitude to do as may edifie : wherein they are especially to take notice of these things , . that by too much rigidity in circumstances , they seem not unnecessarily to wrong them , or to lay too much weight of satisfaction upon such formalities . . that by too easie passing from such , they do not strengthen any to follow that example for the time to come . and , . that even in circumstances there be an equality in reference to these same scandals in all persons . and if there be hazard in reference to any of these by condescending , to alter or forbear a circumstance in a publick rebuke , we conceive it is safer to abstain from ●…hat forbearance , and not to yeeld it ; and yet not simply upon that account to pursue a processe , but to continue dealing with the person , while either he be convinced and brought , for the good of order and edification of the church , to yeeld , or there be more clearnesse to do otherwise . chap. xii . concerning what ought to be done by private persons , when church-officers spare such as are scandalous . we come now to the last question proposed , to wit , supposing that church-officers should be defective in trying and censuring scandalous persons , what is the duty of private christians in such a case , and if notwithstanding , they ought to continue in the communion of such a church , or to separate from her ? this question hath troubled the church , and been the occasion of many 〈◊〉 in many ages , the devil thereby under pretext of indignation at offences , hath made them to abound in the church , as the church-histories and writings of the fathers , in what concerneth the novatians , donatists , and such like , do fully evince ; and although we have great ground to acknowledge gods mercy , in the sobriety of his people amongst us , so that we have unity , with purity ; yet , seing in order this doth follow , we shall answer shortly , in laying down these grounds . . it cannot be denied , but such a case may be , and often de facto is , that church-officers are defective in the exercising of discipline upon scandalous persons , what from negligence , what from unfaithfulnesse , what from fainting , or some other finfull infirmity at the best , as may be gathered from the second and third chapters of the revelation . . though this be true , yet possibly it is not alwayes their fault when it is charged on them : as suppose , . that no private person , or , possibly even the complainer , hath admonished such persons as are counted scandalous , nor have given-in sufficient proofs of their scandal to any church-judicatory ; or , it may be , many are counted scandalous who cannot legally and judicially be found to be such ; for it is more easie to assert a scandal , than to prove , even often when it is true : and it being rather a ground of irritation than edification , when a processe is entred , and not convincingly made-out , therefore often in duty some proces●…es are abstained . sometimes also church-officers may be faithfully dealing with persons to recover them from scandals , and yet not find it fit for edification to proceed to high censures ; in such cases , church-officers cannot reasonably be blamed , and those who complain would pose their own consciences , if they have exonered themselves and done their duty , and have put it to the officers doors , before they account it their fault : and it is most unbecoming for persons to charge others and to be defective in their own duty , which necessarily inferreth the other . and if it were as difficult and weighty a task to calumniate and groundlesly to charge church-officers with this , as it is , faithfully to follow private admonition , there would not be so much of the one , and so little of the other . and if it be rightly looked to , it will not be easie to charge them with grosse defects ( and if they be not grosse , the matter is not so to be stumbled at , they being in the exercise of discipline as in other things ) for , that must be upon one of these accounts , either , . because such scandalou●… persons , after refusing of private admonitions , were complained of to them , and that evidence of the fact was off●…red , and church-officers refused to put the same to trial : or , it must be because when they did try , they did determine such a thing to be no scandal or not to be p●…oven , or that ( supposing it to be proven ) they did not c●…nsure it ; or , at least , when scandals were open and obvious , and palpable , they did not take notice of them . now , is it probable that such a church-judicatory will frequently be found that will fail grosly either of these wayes ? and if they do , then there is acces●…e to convince them , by an appeal to a superiour court , which in that case is a duty . if it be said that their failing and neglect ▪ is ▪ in some covered manner , so carried-on as there is no accesse to such legal complaints . answ. . we suppose if the things be that grosse , and the fact so clear and frequent , as that there be just ground to complain then there will be also accesse to such a proof . . if it be so carried and not owned , then it may be their sin before god ; but it is not to be accounted a proper church-offence in the sense before-m●…ntioned , seing they could not be convinced judicially even before the most impartial judge . and as in such a case we cannot account a private brother ecclesiastically scandalous , although the general strain of his way may be dissatisfying to us , so ought we not to account this ; for , there is a great difference , betwixt that which may be offensive to a persons private discretion , and put him possibly in a christian way to desire satisfaction , and that which is to be noised as a publick church-scandall . asser. . upon supposition that the defect be true , yet private professors are to continue in the discharge of the duties of their stations , and not to separate from the communion of the church , but to count themselves exonered in holding fast their own integrity . it 's true , it cannot but be heavie to those that are tender , and , if it become scandalously excessive , may give occasion to them to depart and go where that ordinance of discipline is more vigorous ; and concerning that , there is no question , it being done in due manner ; yet , i say , that that can be no ground for withdrawing from the ordinances of christ , as if they or their consciences were polluted by the presence of such others . for , . that there were such defects in the church of the jews , cannot be denied , and particularly doth appear in the instance of elie's sons , who made the ordinances of the lord contemptible with their miscarriages ; yet that either it was allowable to the people to withdraw , or faulty to joyn in the ordinances , can no way be made out . if it be said , there was but one church then , therefore none could separate from the ordinances in it ? answ. . this doth confirm what is said , to wit , that the joyning of scandalous persons in ordinances doth not pollut them to others ; for if so , the lord had not laid such a necessity upon those that were tender , that they behoved to partake of polluted ordinances , or to have none ; and if it did not pollute them then , some reason would be given that doth evidence it now to do so . . if there be an unity of the church now , as well as then , then the con●…equence must be good ; because , so where ever folks communicate , those many that communicate any where , are one bread , and one body , as the apostle speaketh , cor. . . compared with chap , . and so by communicating any where , we declare our selves to be of the same visible church and politick body , with those who communicat elswhere , even as by baptism we are baptized into one church , and into communion with all the members of the body any where . and therefore , if this be considered , it will not be enough to eschew pollution ( if the objectio●… be true and well grounded ) to separate from one society , or one particular congregation , except there be a separation from the whole visible church ; for so also jews might have separated from particular synagogues ▪ or have choosed times for their offerings and sacrifices distinct from others . famous cotton of new england , in his holinesse of church-members , pag. . grants that there were many scandalous persons in the church of the jews . . he saith , that that was by the priests defect , for they ought not to have been retained . and , . though he say that that will not warrand the lawfulnesse of admitting scandalous persons to the church , yet he asserteth , that it may argue the continuance of their church-estate notwithstanding of such a toleration ; and if so , then it approveth continuing therein , and condemneth separation therefrom ; and consequently a church may be a church , having the ordinances in purity , and to be communicate in , notwithstanding of the form●…r fault . . what hath been marked out of learned writers , for paralleling the constitution of the church under the gospel , with that under the law in essentiall things , doth overthrow this objection ; for now separation is as impossible as formerly . . this defect is to be observed in severall of the primitive churches , as we may particularly see in the second and third chapters of the revelation , yet it is never found that any upon that account did withdraw or were reproved for not doing so , even when the officers were reproved for defect : yea , on the contrary , these who keeped themselves pure from these scandals , though continuing in that communion , are commended and approven , and exhorted to continue as formerly . now , if coutinuing in communion in such a case be of it self sinfull , and personall integrity be not sufficient to professours where the defect is sinfull to the officers , even though in other personall things and duties of their stations they were approveable , how can it be thought that the faithfull and true witnesse should so sharply reprove the one , and so fully approve the other at the same time ? . the nature of church-communion doth confirm this : because such influence hath the scandalousnesse of one to make another guilty , as the approven conversation of the other hath to make the ordinances profitable to him that is scandalous , for we can no otherwise partake of the evil than of the good of another in church-communion ; but it is clear , that the graciousnesse of one cannot sanctifie an ordinance to one that is profane ; and therefore the profanity of one cannot pollute the ordinance to one that is tender . and , as he that examineth himself , partaketh worthily in respect of himself and his own condition , but doth not sanctifie communicating to another ; so , he that partaketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation to himself , and not to another : and for that cause , is both the precept and the threatning bounded , let a man examine himself , &c. for , he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation to himself ; for , upon doing or omitting of duty in himself , doth follow worthy , or unworthy communicating to him . and if in the most near conjugall fellowship , the company of a profane husband may be sanctified to a gracious wife , even when hers is unsanctified to him , ( because that dependeth upon the persons own qualification and way of usemaking of gods ordinance of marriage ) much more may it be here : this last might be a distinct argument of it self . . if continuance in communion with such persons be sinfull , then it must either be because communion with such as are profane indeed , whether we know or think them to be so or not , is sinfull ; or , it must be because we know them , or think them to be such ; but neither of these can be said : not the first , because so to keep communion with an hypocrite , or a believer in a carnall frame , were sinfull , although we thought them to be sincere , which cannot be pleaded : nor can it be said , it is because we know them to be so , because , . if we knew a man to be so , and another knew not , in that case , the ordinances were pollutted to one , and not to another , at the same time , though possibly both were exercising the same faith , and having examined themselves , were in the same frame , which were absurd . yea , . if it depended on our knowledge of it , then our very supposing it to be so , although it were not so , would pollute the ordinance ; and what confusion would be there , may be afterward hinted . nor can it be said , it is because we think so , because , supposing some to think otherwise , it would be still an ordinance to them , and a duty to continue in it , and not to us , which is the former absurdity ; and this doth not flow from the binding nature of an erroneous conscience ( which may be alleged in other cases ) but from the difference of persons light , charity , or other apprehensions of things , whereby one is induced to esteem that scandalous , which another doth not . . if communion with profane persons that are such to our knowledge be sinfull , and polluteth ordinances , then these things may be enquired , which will inf●…r diverse absurdities , . ought persons to try all those that they keep communion with , whether they be profane or 〈◊〉 ? for , if any profane person be in that communion which they might have known if they had tried , then their ignorance cannot excuse . . it may be enquired , what degree of triall and search doth sufficiently exoner , because possibly a further triall might have discovered some to be profane ? . it may be enquired , what evidences may demonstrate persons to be scandalous , and make them to be so accounted of ? if only something seen by themselves , or if something reported by others ; and that whether it be judicially made out or only asserted ? and how manies report is to be taken for proof ; or if any that be so reported of , be so to be accounted ? . what sort of sca●…dals are to be enquired-in to make a person such as polluteth the ordinances ? if it be any kind of scandal , or but scandals of such a nature ? if one scandal be sufficient , or if the●…e must be many ? and how many are to be laid weight upon in this ? and some satisfying grounds how , and where to fix the difference , are to be laid down ? . it may be asked , if one scandalous person alone doth pollute the ordinances ? or if there must be moe ? and if so , how many ? . suppose such a scandal were known to us alone , charity , and christs command do say , it is not to be published ; conscience saith in that case , the ordinance is polluted , time straits either to communicate doubtingly , or with offence to abstain and hide the cause , or contrary to charity to signifie the same . these and many such like things are requisit to satisfie one , upon this supposition , that communion in such a case is sinfull , therefore it is not to be admitted . . if the ordinance be polluted to one that is clean then it is either the deed of the church-officers that doth pollute it , or the deed of the scandalous person that doth communicate ; but neither of these can be said : not the first , for that would suppose that all the ordinances were polluted , although no scandalous person were present actually , because they were not actually excluded , and though they were absent , yet there being no impediment made to them by church-officers , as to their guilt , it is the same . nor the second , because , supposing a person not to be debarred , it is his duty to communicate ; and can it be said , that he in doing of his duty upon the matter , should make that not to be a duty to us , which lieth on by a joynt command , which requireth eating from him and from us , as it requireth praying ? . the lords ordering it so in his providence , that he admitteth unsanctified officers to administrate his ordinances , and yet withall , accounting them officers , and the ordinances in their hands to be his ordinances , and that even when they are known to be unsound ( till in his own way they be removed ) doth demonstrate this , that pollution in joynt worshippers doth not pollute the ordinances to others . for , if any did pollute them , then most of all scandalous officers ; but these do not . ergo , &c. we may see it , first , in the scandalousnesse of priests under the law ; for we must either say that there were no scandalous priests , or that the people did then offer no sacrifice and joyn in no worship , or that sinfully they did it : all which are absurd . . we see in christs time , the scribes and pharisees were pointed out by him as scandalous , mat. . v. . yet even there doth he require continuance in the ordinances administrate by them , notwithstanding . . doth not paul speak of some that preached out of envy , philip. . . which is a most grosse scandal , and of others who sought their own things , and not the things of christ , phil. . ? both which are grosse , and clearly evidenced by his testimony , yet is he content that people continue , yea , he supposeth that they may profit in communion with them , which he would not , had the ordinances been polluted by them to others . and the same may be said of several churches in these second and third chapters of the revelation , where both grossnesse of ministers , and of many professors , is notified by christ to the church , yet it cannot be supposed that that might have been made the ground of separation afterward from them , more than not doing of it was reprovable before . . if known evil in any that doth communicate , pollute the ordinances in themselves , then how can a believer communicate with himself ? because , . he hath corruption . . he hath as full knowledge of it as of any other mans , yea , that which may make him think it more than what he knoweth of any other man. . that corruption is as near him as the corruption of any . . the law doth more particularly strike against corruption in him as to himself , than that which is in any other . yea , . this corruption doth certainly , in so far pollute the ordinance to him , and make him guilty . now the same grounds that say he may communicate with a good conscience , notwithstanding of his own corruptions , will also say , he may communicate notwithstanding of that which is in another , much more : because the sins that follow his corruption are his own sins , which cannot be said of the sins of others . and if repentance for his own sin , resting upon christ , protesting against the body of death ( which yet are but the acts of the same person , in so far as renued , differing from himself as unrenued ) if , i say , such acts may quiet his conscience , and give him confidence to partake , notwithstanding of his own corruption , and that even then when he as unrenued may be accounted guilty , may they not much more give him confidence in reference to the sins of another , which are not so much as his deeds . . in that directory which christ giveth , mat. . this is implied , because he doth warrand an offended brother to bring obstinate offenders to the church , as the last step of their duty , and as their ●…ull exoneration , tell the church , saith he ; and no more is required by him after that , but conforming of his carriage to the churches sentence in case of obstinacie . and none can think , upon supposition that the church did not their duty , that then they were from that forth , not to joyn in that church , but to separate from them as from heathens and publicans : because so a particular person might excommunicate a church , whom yet christ will not have to withdraw from communion with a private member , till obstinacie and the churches censuring interveen ; yea , by so doing , a private person might account another a heathen and publican without any publick censure , which is contrary to christs scope , which subjoyneth this withdrawing of communion from him to the churches censure . this will bind the more if we consider that christs words have an allusion ( as is commonly acknowledged ) to the jewish sanedrim , which being but one , could not admit of any separation from its communion , though there had been defect in this : what may be done in abstaining of personall communion in unnecessary things , is e●…er to be acknowledged ; yet if separation in such a supposed case , were called-for as a duty , that direction would not be a sufficient direction for an offended brother , because it leaveth him without direction in the last step : yet christs progresse so particularly from one step to another , saith , that it is otherwayes intended . who would have more full satisfaction in this , may look the learned treatises that are written against separation , which will hold consequentially in this ; and therefore we may here say the lesse , and shall only add the consideration of one scripture . for confirming of this assertion then , we may take more particular consideration of one place , which seemeth more especially to relate to this purpose , that is , corinth . . from the . ver . foreward : where it doth appear , first , that there were divisions amongst that people , even in respect of communicating together at the lords table , so that some of them would not communicate with others : for that there were divisions is clear . now , these divisions are expressed to be in the church when they came together to eat the lords supper , ver . , and . and some did communicate at one time , and some at another , without tarrying one for another , as is expressed , v. . secondly , we may also gather what might be the reason of this divided communicating , or , at least , what some might alleage why they would not communicate joyntly with others : for , it is like , they fell in this irregularity deliberately , as thinking they did well when they communicated apart , and not with others . so much is insinuated in the apostles expostulation , ver . . what , shall i praise you in this ? i praise you not . now these reasons might be alleged , to justifi●… their divided communicating , . that the ordinances were not reverently administred , nor with that gravity and discerning of the lords body , as was fit . . that many unworthy persons were admitted to communion , even such as were drunken , ver . . &c. and therefore it might be alleged by them , that joynt communicating with such was to be abstained . thirdly , it is evident also , that notwithstanding of these grounds ▪ the apostle doth condemn their practice , and presseth them to joynt communicating , as appeareth from ver . . and . from which , this clear argument doth arise , if the members of the church of corinth , who did separate from the ordinances , because of the sinfulnesse of these that did joyntly partake with them , were condemned by paul , and required to communicate joyntly , and if it be made clear by him how they might do so and not be guilty , then separation in such a case cannot be a duty but a sin : but the former are true . therefore ▪ &c. i know nothing can be objected against this argument , but either to say , that the apostles scope is in that eating together , to regulate their love feasts , and to condemn their practice in these ; or , that he commends joynt communicating simply , but not in such a case , because it is not clear whether any of them did scruple upon that ground or not : for , the removing of these , we say to the first , that the main scope of the place is to regulate them in going about the sacrament of the lords supper : and therefore it is that the apostle doth so clearly and plainly insist in clearing the institution thereof , thereby to bring them back to the way that was laid down and delivered to him by the lord. and for any other sort of eating or drinking , the apostle doth send them to their houses ▪ v●…r . . and more expresly he repeateth that direction , that if any man hunger and desire to eat his ordinary meat , let him do it at home , ver . . so that no direction for the time to come can be interpreted to belong to common eating in the church , or in the publick meetings thereof , but such as is sacramentall only . to the second , to wit , if the apostle doth dip in this question , with respect to that objection of the impurity of joynt communicants , we do propose these things for clearing of the same , first , we say , that whether they did actually object that or not , yet there was ground for them to object the same if it had weight , as the text cleareth : neither could the apostle , knowing that ground , and having immediately mentioned the same , have accesse to presse them all indifferently to communicate together , if his direction meet not the case ; for this might still have stood in the way , that many of them were such and such , and therefore not to be communicated with ; and if it be a sufficient reason to keep them from joynt communicating , then the case being so circumstantiated , it would also be a sufficient reason to keep him from imposing that as a duty upon them , at least , so long as the case stood as it was . secondly , we say , that it is not unlike there was such hesitations in some of them ; and that ( whatever was among them ) it is clear , that the apostle doth expresly ●…peak to this case , and endeavour to remove that objection out of the way , to wit , that men should not scare at the sacrament , because of the profanity of others : and that therefore they might without scruple as to that , communicate joyntly , and ●…arry one for another , which is his scope , ver . . this will appear by considering severall reasons whereby he presseth this scope , for that , ver . . wherefore , my brethren , when ye come together , tarrie one for another , is the scope laid down as a conclusion from the former grounds which he hath given . now , when he hath corrected their first fault , to wit , their irreverent manner of going about the ordinance , by bringing them to christs institution , ver . , , , , . he cometh , in the last place , to meet with this objection , what if others be present who palpably cannot discern the lords body , and so cannot communicate worthily ? can it be safe to communicate with such ? or , is it not better to find out some other way of communicating apart , and not together with such ? the apostle giveth severall answers to this , and reasons , whereby he cleareth , that their division was not warrantable upon that ground , from ver . . and so concludeth , ver . . that notwithstanding thereof , they might tarry one for another . the first reason , is , ver . . but let a man examine himself , and so let him eat . which sheweth , . that a mans comfortable preparation for this duty , is to examine himself ; and that the fruit may be expected , or not expected , accordingly as it shall be with himself : otherwayes , it were not a sufficient direction for preparation , to put him to examine himself . again , . these are knit together , let a man examine himself , and so let him eat . which is in sum , this , when a man hath in some sincerity looked upon his own condition , and hath attained some suitablenesse to the ordinances , as to his own private case , then , ( saith the apostle ) let him eat , without respecting the condition of others . otherwayes , a man having examined himself , yet could not eat , though his own disposition were as it should be , if the case of others might hinder him in eating . and we conceive , it is a main part of the apostles scope , by knit●…ing these two together ( to wit , a mans eating with the examining of himself ) purposly to prevent such a deba●…e . the second reason which he giveth , will confirm this also ; for , saith he , ver . . he who eateth and drinketh unworthily , he eateth and drinketh unto himself damnation ▪ or judgement . which is , in ●…um , this , a man that hath examined himself , may eat of the sacrament , though many persons communicate unworthily with him , because ( saith he ) he that eateth unworthily , doth not bring damnation or judgement upon others , nor is his sin imputed to them that communicate with him , but he doth bring it upon himself , and therfore no other hath cause to scare at the ordinance because of that , if he hath examined himself . this reason he again confirmeth from experience , ver . . for this cause ( saith he ) many are sick , and many among you are weak , &c. that is , not because they did communicate with those who are scandalous being in good case themselves ; but for this cause , saith he , many are sick , &c. and have brought upon themselves great plagues , because by not examining of themselves , they did communicate unworthily , and so , by their own sin , brought these stroaks upon themselves . he gives a third reason for making out of his scope , ver . ●… . for , if we will judge our selves , we should not be judged , that is , men need not be anxious in this case , whether others judge themselves or not ; for , saith he , gods absolving or judging of us , doth not depend upon what they do ▪ but upon what we our selves do . and therefore presseth them still to look to themselves , because the judging and humbling of our selves before god , is the way not to be judged by him , even in reference to that ordinance , whatever others do . now , when he hath fully cleared the reasons , and , as it were , made out this proposition , that if a man be right in his own frame , the sin of another joynt communicant , cannot be hurtfull to him , or b●… ground to mar him in eating , and when by an interserted parenthesis , he hath obviated a doubt , v. . he concludeth , ver . . wh●…refore , saith he , my brethren , ( seing it is so ) ●…arry one for another , and be not anxiously feared to communicate joyntly ; now , seing all alongst the apostle hath been giving such grounds as may clear a conscience in that case , and doth in these words lay down the direction of tarrying one for another , or of joynt communicating , as a conclusion drawn from the former grounds , it cannot be thought , but that purposly he intended these reasons to be grounds for the quieting of consciences , to obey that direction in such a case ; and that therefore it cannot be warrantable to separate upon that ground . chap. xiii . shewing more particularly what it is that private persons are called to in such a case . if it be asked then ▪ what is that which private persons ought to do in such a case ? answ. they are certainly to contain themselves within their station , yet so , as some things are called for at such a time more than at another time ; as , first , there is need of much circumspectnesse in our own personal walk and watchfulnesse , in observing of opportunities wherein we may edifie others , as heb. . . secondly ▪ there is need of more frequency , and of a more weighty circumspect manner in giving private admonitions and exhortations , &c. thirdly , there would be much exercise of prayer , and even fasting there with ( though in a secret inoffensive manner ) both for the restraining of offences which dishonour god , and for zeal to officers to perform their duty ; if in this respect , rivers of tears were running down our cheeks , because of the abounding of offences , there might be much more solid peace ( we are ●…swaded ) in keeping communion with others , than without that to separate with much , at least seeming pride and uncharitable cruelty in giving of offence to them , and thereby confirming them in their profanity . fourthly , it is private persons duty to represent such offences , with their evidences , to church-officers , or church-judicatories , thereby to put them to the removing of such offences . fifthly , they may freely , though humbly and reverently , expostulate with church-officers , when they are defective , and endeavour to convince them of that offence : the force of that precept , if thy brother offend thee , go and tell him , &c. warranteth so much ; and this the colossians are to say to archippus , that he be not defective in his ministery which he had received , &c , col. . . this decently and convincingly done , is usefull . sixthly , if all that prevail not , private persons may communicate it to other church-officers ; and no redresse following , it is their duty to follow it before the competent superiour judicatories : for , christ's direction , tell the church , importeth and warranteth the same . if it be asked , what further is to be done , if that fail ? answ. we know no other publick redresse ; christ hath left it there , and so may we also . neither can it be insttucted from scripture , that christ hath appointed separation to be the next step of a private persons duty for removing of offences , much lesse to go before these . indeed the scripture calleth for with-drawing from personall communion with grosse , scandalous persons , as a thing necessary ; as also from communion in the corrupt designes and courses of any , though they may have a form of godlinesse , as tim. . , , &c. which doth belong to , and is comprehended under the first particular direction . and if these be faithfully observed by private christians , we are hopefull that either there would be lesse ground of complaint for the defect of church-officers , or more acces●…e to remove such as continue unfaithfull , and more peace to the consciences of particular private christians , and lesse offence and more edification to all , than any other way whatsoever . that it is thus necessary for private persons to acquiesce in the churches determination , in manner as is said , may appear from the unsetlednesse and confusion , both in private and publick , which otherwise would follow : for , either there must be a sisting in this determination of the church , or , there must be some other period to fix at , or , there must be no fixing at all . neither of the two last can be said , therefore , &c. not the last , to wit , that there is no fixing at all ; for so a particular person that were offended , would not know what were duty , or what to follow ; and it would infer a defect in the lord's ordinance in reference to his peoples direction and peace in such cases , which is most absurd . if the second be said , viz. that there is some other thing to fix on for quieting of consciences in such a case , as to their exoneration beyond that publick decision ; we desire to know what that is which is called-for , and by what rule we are to proceed in it ? if it be said , that in such a case the duty is to separate from that church , where the plurality of officers do admit such as are accounted to be scandalous ; then we ask , . what is next to be done ? it must either be to continue as no member of a church , which is both impossible and absurd . it is impossible that there can be any particular visible baptized member , and not belong to the visible body , at least , being considered , as the church maketh one integral visible body . it 's absurd , because it would say , that either christ had no visible church , or , that he hath an ordinary way of edifying by external ordinances without his visible church , or , that a person might be regardlesse of , and without his church and ordinances , and be approven of him ▪ and expect the benefit ; yea , upon this supposition ▪ the unfaithfulnesse of church-officers in not casting-out of scandalous men , would infer the actual unchurching of those that were not scandalous , and so the sin of the one should be the punishment of the other , which is absurd . if it be said that another church of more pure members is to be gathered , in which persons in such cases are to joyn for obtaining of pure ordinances ; then we ask further , what if such a congregation cannot be had ? then , what is duty in that case ? is there a necessity of living without a visible church-state , wanting all church-ordinances to our selves , and baptism to our children ? what can be the fruit of that ? is it not a more uncontrovertible hazard to put our selves without all communion of church-ordinances , than to enjoy them where they are pure , though some joynt partakers be offensive ? is not the other the way to make our children heathens , and for ever to be without baptism , seing warrantably they cannot be entered where we cannot a bide ? doth not this also make way to make all the ordinances contemptible , and to be undervalued by the profane , seing such persons do so conten●…edly live without them ? further , we ask ▪ what if other persons and we cannot agree upon jo●…nt members ; for , if it be left to mens particular discerning , that rule is uncertain and various , being involved in many difficulties , as was formerly hinted : in that case , either there must be no separated church , or diverse separated churches , according to the latitude of diverse persons charity . this being certain , that one will think a person scandalous , which another doth not esteem so ; and one will approve that , which another will condemn . again , we ask , what if such persons that withdraw and seek to enter a more holy society , should be refused ? then , how could they evidence their own holinesse , and convince these refusers that they were graciously qualified , and so to be admitted if that were stuck upon , for whatever profession were made , it behoved still to be tried by no other rule , but by folks particular discerning and charity ? again , suppose this difficulty to be overcome , and such a congregation to be settled , is it not possible that even some of those members should become scandalous ? then , supposing that by the plurality of that church , such persons were not accounted scandalous , or not cast out , what were to be done ? according to the former grounds , these who suppose themselves only pure , could not continue in communion , but behoved again to separate ; and if so , then upon the renuing of the former supposition , there behoved still to be a separation in infinitum . for , there can no church be expected on earth , in which these cases are not supposable and possible . and so now we may resume the conclusion , either a private person must acquiesce , as being exonered when he hath followed the action before the church , or he shall have no ground of peace any where , till he be out of the world , or out of all visible churches . and so also there can be no other way of keeping publick order and ordinances ; and of eviting scandal and confusion . this truth is fully made out by those three worthy and pious divines of new england , cotton , hooker , and norton : the last whereof , by many reasons evinceth this in his answer to appolonious his last question , pag. , . and doth from the church of corint●… in particular confirm this : there ( saith he ) was impurity or corruption in worship , for women taught in the church ; there was corrupt doctrine , many denied the resurrection ; in manners , she was most corrupt , there being so many fornications , sects , palpable love of the world , &c. yet ( saith he ) the apostle did not command those that were worthily prepared to abstain from the supper , but , rectifying abuses , he did command every one to try himself , and so to eat , &c. and many other things hath he excellently to this purpose , and laieth this for a ground , that per alios indigne accedentes non polluitur communio , licet minuitur consolatio , that is , the communion in worship is not polluted , though the consolation be diminished by such joynt worshippers . the second , to wit , mr. hooker doth confirm this maxime fully , part . chap. . pag. , . and doth call it irrationall , that the fewer should be judges of the deed of the plurality : and elswhere , that to admit separation in such a case , were to lay a ground for separation in infinitum . only , we may add these two observations thereon , . may not this be allowed to the presbyteriall church where the plurality of church-officers think fit n●…t to cast out ? . that the presbyteriall government is upon this consideration , unjustly loaded with an absurdity , as if necessarily upon their grounds , the minor and better party being overswayed ( suppose a particular congregation were wronged by the plurality of a presbyterie ) could have no redresse ; for , according to his grounds the same would follow upon the congregationall way ; for , suppose the plurality of the congregation should wrong some officer , contrary to the vote of the minor and better party , there can be no other redresse there , than for men to keep themselves free : for , it still recurreth , if the minor part should claim to have their sentence weighty , because it is upon the matter right , which the other is not , he hath already determined in the place cited , that that is , contrary to all orderly proceeding and rules of reason and layeth open the gap to endlesse dissention , and the annulling of all publick proceeding ; for , men in such cases , being their own judges , are ever ready to think themselves in the right . by the first , to wit , mr. cotton , it is laid down as an unquestionable agreed ground , with this note upon the back of it , by hasty withdrawing , reformation is not procured but retarded . thus he , pag. . of the bolinesse of church-members . and hath not experience confirmed this ? might not discipline have been more vigorous in many congregations , if this had not been ? and what can be expected of reformation in the body of the christian world , if to the offence of the rest , those who suppose themselves to be more tender , should instantly withdraw from them . chap. xiv . clearing whether the ordinances of christ be any way polluted by corrupt fellow-worshippers . but yet two things are to be satisfied . . it may be said , but are not the ordinances of christ someway polluted by the unworthinesse of such scandalous partakers ? and if so , can polluted ordinances be partaken of without sin ? answ. we may consider polluting of ordinances in a threefold sense . . an ordinance may be said to be polluted , when the essentials and substantials thereof are corrupted , so as indeed it ceaseth to be an ordinance of jesus christ : thus the masse in popery , is a fearfull abomination , and a corruption of the sacrament : in this respect , the ordinance ( if it may be called an ordinance after that , for indeed it is not an ordinance of christ ) is polluted , and this may be many wayes fallen into , and communion in this , is indeed sinfull and cannot but be so . . an ordinance may be said to be polluted , when it is irreverently and profanely abused , though essentials be keeped : thus the lords sabbath may be polluted , which yet is holy in it self ; so was the table of the lord polluted , mal. . and in this sense the sacrament of the lords supper was indeed polluted by the corinthians , cor. . when some came drunk or otherwayes irreverently to the holy ordinances ; in this respect , an ordinance may be said to be polluted to him that so goeth about it , because to the unclean all things are unclean ; but it is not polluted in it self , nor to any other that examine themselves , as the former instance doth clear , because that pollution cometh from nothing in the ordinance , ( it being in its essentials compleat ) but doth arise from the sinfulnesse of such and such persons , and therefore must be commensurable with them . . an ordinance may be said to be polluted , upon this extrinsick consideration , to wit , when by some circumstance in it , or miscarriage of those that are about it , it is made common-like , and so wanteth that luster and honourablenesse that it ought to have ; by such a fault the ordinance is made obnoxious to contempt , and is despised by others , contrary to the lords allowance . thus the priests of old made the offerings of the lord vile and contemptible , which was not by corrupting them in essentials , nor making them cease to be ordinances , bu●… by their miscarriages and corrupt irreverent way of going about them , they did lay that stumbling-block before others , to make them account these ordinances contemptible . this may be diverse wayes fallen into , as , . when the officer , or minister , hath a profane carnall carriage , so he maketh the ordinance of the ministery , and every other ordinance vile in this sense : thus , if an elder or any other●… should take on them to admonish while they are in drunkennesse or passion , or such like , they do pollute that admonition , yet still these ordinances are ordinances , and that admonition an admonition . . it is fallen into , when an officer doth indiscreetly and indifferently administrate ordinances to precious and vile , as if they were common things . thus a reproof may be polluted when a manifest known contemner is reproved , because , so a pearl is casten before swine , which is derogatory to the excellency thereof . thus a minister may profane or pollute the most excellent promises or consolations of the word , when he doth without discretion apply the same indifferently ; or , without making difference between the tender and the untender and profane ; yea , even between the hypocrites and the truely godly . this is not to divide the word of god aright , and is indeed that which the lord mainly accounteth to be not separating of the precious from the vile , when peace is spoken to them to whom he never spoke 〈◊〉 this is also committed , when grosly scandalous persons are permitted , without the exercise of discipline upon them ▪ 〈◊〉 live in the church , or are admitted to sacraments , because so gods institution is wronged , and the luster thereof is lessened , and men are induced to think lesse thereof . . this may be also by the irreverent mann●…r of going about them , when it is without that due reverence and gravity that ought to be in his worship . thus one may make the word and sacrament to be in a great part ridiculous ; and so suppose , that at the sacrament of the supper , in the same congregation , some should be communicating at one place , some at another , some should be palpably talking of other things , some miscarrying by drunkennesse , &c. as its clear was in the church of corinth . all those may be said to pollute the ordinances , as they derogate from their weight and authority , and miscarry in the administration of them , and are ready to breed irreverence and contempt in others where the lords body in the supper , or the end of his instit●…tion in other ordinances , is not discerned and observed : yet all these do not pollute the ordinance in it self , or make it to be no ordinance , nor do pollute it to any that doth reverently partake of the same , and doth not stumble upon the block that is laid before him : because an hearer that were suitably qualified , might comfortably receive and ●…eed upon a sweet promise , even when it might be extended in its application beyond the lord's allowance ; yet doth not that alter the nature thereof to him : so may worthy communicants that have examined themselves , and do discern the lord's body , partake of that sacrament with his approbation , and to their own comfort ; because they might discern him and by that come to get the right impression of the ordinances , although many blocks were lying in their way : for , it is not others casting of snares before them , but their stumbling at them , that doth pollute the ordinance to them . hence we see , that though all these were in the church of corinth , so that there was neither 〈◊〉 in the manner , nor discretion in respect of the receivers ( for , some came drunken , and some came and waited no : on others , some came hungry , and others full ) yet was it still the sacrament of the lord's supper , and unpolluted to those , who by examining of themselves , and discerning of his body ( which others failed in ) did reverently and duly partake of the same . besides these wayes of pollution mentioned , we cannot conceive of any other ( for now legal and ceremonial pollution , such as was by touching a dead body , &c. and was opposit to ceremonial holinesse , is not in this case to be mentioned ) yet we see the first cannot be alleaged here , and none of the other two ought to scare tender persons from the ordinances of jesus christ. if it be said , that communicating in such a case ▪ doth seem to approve such an admission , and to confirm those in some good opinion of themselves who are admitted , and so there is a necessity of abstaining , though not upon the account , that the ordinances are polluted , yet , for preventing the foresaid offence , which might make us guilty . ans. if weight be laid upon offence , we make no question but it will sway to the other side . o what offence hath this way given to the church of christ ! how hath it hardned those that had prejudice at religion ? how hath it opened the mouths of such as lie in wait for something of this kind ? how hath it grieved and weighted others ? how hath it made the work of reformation , profession of holinesse , exercise of discipline , &c. to stink to many , and so to be loaded with reproaches , as hath marred much that accesse to keep the ordinances unpolluted in the former respect , which otherwise might have been ? . is not reverent and exemplary partaking of the ordinances at such a time , a more edifying and convincing testimony against such untendernesse , than by withdrawing to give a new offence ? . the lord's precept in such a case , let a man examine himself , and so let him eat , doth not leave the thing indifferent upon that ground ; and therefore that objection is not here to have place , as the grounds formerly laid down do evince : for , we are not to be wise or holy beyond what the lord hath commanded . chap. xv. shewing if any thing further in any imaginable case be allowed to privat christians . . it may be yet further moved , can there be no more allowed in any supposable case ? answ. it is most unsuitable , in a matter of practice , when folks are not contending for curiosity , but for direction , to suppose cases hardly or rarely possible in a constitute church , which is worthy of that name , or , upon that ground , to found a contest in dispute , or schism in practice , in cases palpably different ; at least , union should be kept till such a case come about . and is it likely , where the order formerly laid down ▪ is observed , that there can be habitual admission of notoriously or grievously scandalous persons , though , it may be , there be lesser fa●…lings of several sorts : yet , supposing that any out of infirmity or affection , not having such knowledge , or otherwise , should stick to joyn in the ordinances at some times , or in some places , upon such an account , who yet do not love separation , or the erecting of a different church , we say further , . that , in such a case , such persons may remove from one congregation to another , where such grosnesse cannot be pretended to be ; and the persons being otherwise without scandal , can neither be pressed to continue ( they being so burdened ) nor yet refused to be admitted where orderly they shall desire to joyn , seing this could not be denied to any . and , we suppose , few will be so uncharitable , as to think there is no congregation whereunto they can joyn , or yet so addicted to outward respects , as to choose separation with offence to others , disturbance to the church , and , it may be , with little quiet●…esse to themselves , whenas they have a remedy so inoffensive allovved unto them . . although separation be never allowable , and secession be not alway at an instant practicable ; yet we suppose , in some cases , simple abstinence , if it be not offensive in the manner and circumstances , if it be not made customary , and if the ground be so convincing , and the case so grosse that it will affect any ingenuous hearer , and so evident that there is no accesse to any acquainted in such places , to deny the same , or that there be a present undecided processe concerning such things before a competent judge ; in some such cases , i say , as might be supposed , we conceive abstinence were not rigidly to be misconstructed , it being for the time the burdeen of s●…ch persons , that they cannot joyn ; and , it may be , having some publick complaint of such a thing to make-out , and in dependence elsewhere : although we will not strengthen any to follow this way , nor can it be pretended to , where the case is not singularly horrid ; yet supposing it to be such , we conceive it is the safest one way for the persons peace , and the preventing of offence together ; yet , much christian prudence is to be exercised in the conveying of the same , if it were by removing for a time , or otherwayes , that there appear to be no publick contempt ; but we conceive this case is so rarely incident , and possibly that there needeth be little said of it , much lesse should there be any needlesse debate or rent entertained upon the consideration or notion thereof . and certainly , the case before us of the admitting of the nicolaitans and iezebel , considering their doctrine and deeds , is more horrid than readily can be supposed ; and yet it would seem , that though this defect should still have continued , the lord doth require no other thing of private professours , but their continuing-in , or holding fast of , their former personal purity , which is all the burden that he doth lay upon them . to shut up all , we may see what evils are to be evited in the prosecution of publick scandals , and what a commendable thing it were to have this in the right manner vigorous ; if private christians were zealous , loving and prudent in their private admonitions ; if officers were diligent , single , grave , and weighty in what concerneth them ; if offending persons were humble and submissive , and all reverent and respective of the ordinances , and studious of private and publick edification , how beautiful and profitable a thing would it be ? certainly this manner of procedure , would be more beautifying to the ordinances of christ , more convincing to all onlookers , more sweet and easie both to officers and people , and more edifying and gaining to all , and , by god's blessing , were the way to make the mistaken yoke of discipline to be accounted easie and light . and if all those ends be desirable , and the contrary evils be to be eschewed , then unquestionably the right manner of managing this great ordinance of discipline , is carefully to be studied and followed both by officers and people . part iii. concerning doctrinall scandals , or scandalous errours . chap. i. holding out the expediency of handling this matter . although somewhat hath been spoken in reference to practicall scandals , ( to call them so ) yet there hath been little or nothing at all spoken of doctrinal scandals , and what may be called for in reference to them . it is true , that these cases are so various and difficult , that there can hardly be any thing particularly spoken to them ; also what hath been said , may , for the most part , proportionably be applied to them : yet considering that this place doth look so directly to such scandals as are in doctrine ; and that the case of these times doth call for some consideration of such , lest what hath been formerly said , be altogether defective as to this , it will not be impertinent to insist a little on it also , although already this tractate hath drawn to a greater length than was at first intended . we may in prosecution of this , . consider some generall doctrines . . some generall questions . . more particularly speak to the severall duties according to particular cases and remedies that are called for . . shew the necessity of orderly judicial procedour here , in reference to such scandals , as well as in reference to scandals in practice formerly mentioned . for doctrines , we find here . . that errour , vented by these that are corrupted therewith , is no lesse scandalous , and no lesse to be accounted so , than grosse practices ; for it is as ready to be an occasion of stumbling , and to marr the spirituall edification and well-being of the people of god , as any scandalous practices : which is confirmed , . by the consequents of errour , it destroyes the soul , pet. . . thess. . . yea , it bringeth on swift damnation , pet. . . overthrows the faith of many . tim. . . perverts the scripture to mens destruction , pet. . . deceives many , matth. . therefore for this cause , it is called also , . pet. . damnable , pernicious , and such like : which sheweth , that really it becomes a stumbling block where it is . . this will appear if we consider the titles that the holy ghost usually giveth to such in scripture , as are promotters of corrupt doctrine : there are not titles bearing greater indignation and abomination , given to any , than to such , as they are called dogs , evil workers , phil. . . wolves , yea , grievous wolves , matth. . . act. . deceitfull workers , ministers of satan , as if expresly they were commissionated by him , cor. . . deceivers , liars . rev. . ill men and seducers , that wax worse and worse , tim. . . . consider the many threatnings and woes that are in scripture against them , matth. . the many warnings that are given to ministers to watch against them , acts . the plain directions that are to censure them , tit. . . the particular examples of censuring them recorded in scripture , ( as after will appear ) christs commending it where it is , his reproving of it where it is not , as in these second and third chapters of the revelation is manifest : these and such like , do evidently make out how exceedingly scandalous the venting of corrupt doctrine is ▪ which rev. . . the lord saith , he hates , and therefore it cannot but be loathsome and abominable . . consider the many warnings that people have to eschew such , and that upon this account as being offensive , as rom. , . act. . phil. . , . . ioh. . which evidently showeth the scandalousnesse thereof . . consider the nature of errour more particularly . . it is contrary to the truth of god , and therefore is a lie , as scandalous practices are contrary to the holinesse of god : now gods truth and veracity is no lesse an essentiall attribute than his holiness . . this is not only to lie , but it is to attribute that unto the most high , by fathering these lies upon him ; and saying , thus saith the lord , when he hath said no such thing but the contrary . . it teacheth others to lie , as it is , matth. . . and that more forcibly and impudently than any practice can do . . it hath its original from the devil , who was a liar from the beginning , and the father thereof , ioh. . . and spreaders of corrupt doctrine , have special influence on the upholding and spreading of his kingdom . . it is a fruit of the flesh , even as murther , adultery , witchcraft ; and seing it is so ranked by the apostle , gal. . , . can it be but scandalous ? . the effects of it will evidence this . . it spoileth the vines , cant. . . for , there is a wronging of purity where it is . . it spoileth government and order , it hath confusion with it . . it spoileth unity , and it hath ever contention with it , and ( as it is , gal. . . ) a biting and devouring one of another ; and contention cannot be eschewed but by harmony in evil , which is far more desperate . . which followeth on all , it destroyeth souls ; and infecteth more speedily , dangerously and spreadingly than other practicall scandals ; never hath the church been so defaced , nor so many souls destroyed by any scandalous practice , as by the venting of corrupt doctrine ; and however we take scandal , as in the general was laid down , as that which is apt to stumble others , and occasion their fall , or to weaken the confidence and jumble the peace , and disquiet the minds of some , or as it grieves the hearts of others , or , as it maketh the wayes of god to be ill spoken of , it will be still sound , that such kind of errours , are still to be accounted scandalous ; and that nothing opens mouths more against religion than that , see pet. . . by all which it appeareth , that grosse errour is not only a sin , but a scandalous sin , and that of a most grosse nature . chap. ii. concerning the spreading of errour ; gods displeasure at the suffering thereof , and the fainting even of good men in restraining the same . beside this , there are three things considerable , which from this and other epistles we have occasion to observe and enquire a little into , before we propound any particular question . the first , is , concerning the spreading and increase of errour , and that of the most unreasonable and absurd errours , even in the primitive times . the second is , anent the lords detesting of it , so that the very suffering of the spreaders of it , is hatefull to him in his angels and churches , that otherwise are approvable for their own particular carriages , as in pergamos ; and their not induring thereof is commendable , even when their own inward condition is not altogether approvable , as may be seen in ephe●…us . the third is , how that sometimes there may be fainting , as to zealous restraining of errour , even in men that are not the worst . for the first , can it but be thought strange that delusion should come to this height so soon : and it may make all to tremble at the impetuousness thereof , . it is a most foul absurd errour , this of the nicolaitans , even against natures light . . it spreadeth and encreaseth in severall persons and churches : and church-story doth show that it abounded , and no lesse is insinuated in these epistles . . that it spreadeth not only among heathens , but in the church , and among christs servants , who are seduced therewith ; which sheweth , that even some of note were carried away with it . . this is in the churches most pure times , some of the apostles ( at least iohn ) being yet alive when this was vented . . it is carried-on by despicable instruments in comparison of others , a woman calling her self a prophetesse , some fellows calling themselves apostles and new lights , that men would think , should rather have been counted distracted , than to have been so reverenced . . this is done against the testimony of their own faithful ministers , and in such churches where god had witnesses keeping themselves from that evil , yea , where many professors were in that respect pure , yet others are following that errour , receiving and reverencing these seducers more than any faithfull pastors . . this is done where there neither wanted light nor authority to convince them ; for , no question , both were , as may be gathered from the trial of these in ephesus ; yea , iohn writeth from the lords own mouth to confute them ; and though there could be no exception against the application of his doctrine , yet it was adhered to for many years after that . . iohn or some other apostle was the instrument to convert them from paganism to christianity , yet , now can he not recover them from a foul errour in christianity when they are bewitched therewith : and though no question his authority and arguments had lesse weight with them now than before they were christians ; yet what can be thought of more force for their conviction and reclaiming , than these considerations ? the like was often paul's case , who at first had an easie work with people , when they were heathens , in comparison of what he had with the same when they became christians , and tainted with false doctrine , or listeners to corrupt teachers , as in the epistles to the corinthians and galatians is clear . which doth shew , . the unreasonablnesse and power of a deluding spirit , that nothing can convince , when once people come to like that way they go on , deceiving and being deceived , and , as peter saith , pet. . . pervert the scripture to their own destruction ; and as may be gathered , they do so by corrupting , first , that which doth appear to be more obscure , and then they mould other scriptures so as may consist with their fancies , that they have conceived to have ground in the former , and so they , first , form notions out of obscure places , and thereafter conform the more plain scriptures to these , whereas the just contrary is most safe ; and when the ignorant and unstable shall account themselves the only learned in the mysteries of god , what wonder is it that they be thus given up ? and when they think the plain truths , and duties wherein there is no shaddow of a ground of stumbling , are below them ? and thus they may attain so much dexterity to wrest the scriptures , even the plainest ( as is implied there ) as may be judicially subservient to their own destruction , and to prevent their being convinced , which might put them to shame ; and occasion their abandoning of that . . we may see , that it is no easie thing to recover a misled people into errour ; that peradventure , tim. . . is not accidently put in , but to show that it is a hundred to one if such get repentance , whereby the lord would scare all from that evil , and the more grosse their error is , often men are the more unreasonable in the defence thereof , and obstinate in adhering thereunto , because there is most of a judiciall stroak seen there , in giving up men to such foolries , it is not credible that otherwise they could fall in them , and so being smitten of god , is it possible that any reason can prevail with them , while that plague lieth on ? was there any errour like to that of worshipping stocks and stones ? it being even against sense and reason , that men should burn a part thereof , and make some common work of another portion , and of a third make a deity and fall down and worship it , as the prophet doth expostulate , isa. . . which upon consideration might be found to be absurd : this is premitted as the reason of such blockishnesse , ver . . for he hath shut their eyes that they cannot see , and their hearts that they cannot understand . . the unreasonablnesse of this spirit in men , would not be thought strange in any of the former respects , even although no person could stop their mouth , but they should seem to themselves to triumph in the bringing-in of unheard ▪ of senses of scripture ; the more they abound in that , it is the more judicial to them , even as the moe they carry after them , and the more they be forborn by others , it worketh the more to their destruction : men would keep a distance from these infections , none can tell what they may turn unto if once entred in a giddy unstable soul , carried with the spait of a spirit of errour , and being given-up of god thereto for itching after it , and not receiving the love of the truth , may come to the most horrible things , and that without shame or remorse , ere there be any end ; and on-lookers would acknowledge god's justice in such stroaks , and learn to reverence and fear him the more . the second cannot but be clear from this : for , if errour be such an evil that thwarteth , . both with gods holinesse and truth ; and , . that hazardeth so many souls , ( for , never a plague hath so destroyed the face of the visible church , nor carried so many souls to hell as errour hath done ) then the suffering of it cannot but be hatefull to him who loveth his church . . there is no way by which the devil reproacheth ordinances and the word more than this , by turning them to the quite contrary end , as if he would out-shoot the lord in his own bow , ( which is abominable to mention ) and invert his own means , and turn his own weapons on him ; and suffering of this , is a conniving at his design . . there is no way by which the devil may so win in on christ's servants to seduce them as by this , as in the epistle to thyatira is clear . and can there danger come so night to christ , and he not be displeased with what strengtheneth their snares ? . this doth equal , yea , in some respect , prefer the devil to him , so far as in us lieth , and so cannot but provoke his jealousie ; for , so the devil hath liberty to vent his lies with truth equally ; and there being many lies , though there be but one truth , he hath by this moe doors opened to him than the gospel hath . . this doth make even the truth , ordinances , and religion it self to be thought light of ; when all these have toleration , it is , on the matter , a proclaiming an indifferency to be in these things , than which nothing can more reflect on the jealous god , who in his word putteth such a difference , and showeth such detestation at indifferency . . this bringeth hudge confusions on the church . for , . if these errours and corrupt teachers prevail , they carry souls after them , and destroy them ; and ought that to be thought light of ? . if they prevail not , yet they crosse , afflict and offend them , and so prove a snare and burden to them of whom the lord is tender . . toleration doth either account little of errour , as being no hurtfull thing , and so there can be no esteem of truth ; or , it doth account little of the destruction of souls ▪ both which must be abominable . . errour doth not only break god's law , but doth teach others to do so ; and suffering thereof , must be a maintaining of teachers to teach transgression and rebellion against the lord. the third thing observable , is , that though zeal in a minister , especially against errour , be exceedingly commendable ; yet oftimes is there fainting , even among ministers who are not of the worst : and the angel is here reproved for sparing of these nicolaitans , at least in being faint and defective in pursuing them in a ministerial way , as antipas is commended for his faithfulnesse , and the angel of ephesus for his not fainting in prosecuting of this trial ; the lord hath put these two together , the faithfull and wise steward ; and when they are carried equally on , o how commendable are they ! yet in the reckoning , the one is but mentioned , well done thou good and faithfull servant , not to give a dispensation in reference to the other , but to shew the necessity and excellency of this , that there by ministers may be put to it , lest , under pretext of prudence , they incroach upon that freedom and faithfulnesse which is called-for from them , whether in undertaking , or in prosecuting of this charge , in which there will not want many difficulties , that will be ready to occasion fainting , if they be not boldly in the lord's strength set against , as we may instance in these respects , . in respect of the time : there are some evil times , wherein it is hard to know what to say , for which the prudent may be said to keep silence , and often that pretext may be the occasion of fostering too much fainting , when the lord calleth-for faithfulnesse . . it may arise from a man's sensiblenesse of his own infirmities and unequalnesse for that charge , as seems to be in ieremiah , ier. . when a man 's own self , or thoughts of himself , without respect to his call , is made the rule whereby he proceedeth . . it may arise from the message which he is called to carry : sharp messages are heavy and burdensom , that maketh ionas to shift for a time to undertake that denunciation against niniveh , especially considering that these messengers ordinarily are not acceptable to hearers ; and that there are with all usually not a few who sew pillows under arm holes ; and are ready to destroy , in that respect , what others build . . it may arise from hearers , and that of diverse tempers ; some are ready , like swine , to turn back on the carriers as if they did hate them ▪ as micajah was met with by ahab , king. . who yet had four hundred flattering liars in request . some again , are of an itching humour , and do not abide convincing doctrine and faithfulnesse , such are ready to breed a separation from them that do faithfully reprove , at least much to cool their affections to them , which ( as it is , tim. . ) is no little piece of trial to a minister : many also that are affectionate , are yet hasty , and cannot abide plain dealing ; and it is no lesse difficulty to win to be faithfull to these , than to others who are openly prophane . . there is a fainting that ariseth from distrust of god , as not being confident of the performance of his promise , and of their being countenanced in his work ; and so seeing it impossible in themselves and in their own eyes , they give it over as if it were so simply . . there is a fainting that ariseth from supposed events , either as thinking there will be no fruit of such a thing , or , that some inconvenience will follow it : it is like that moses was not free of the first when he saith . israel doth not , or , will not hear me ; and what will pharaoh do ? and the last is common , when once flesh and bloud are admitted to consult of duty from the supposed inconveniencies that will follow , then readily it decideth , that it is not duty at all . it may be somewhat of that was here , that the angel feared the disquieting of the church , or some schism that might follow on it ; and the lord 's threatning to take another way of fighting against them with the sword of his mouth ' doth insinuate this : for , a carnall shift , to prevent some inconveniences , often draweth-on that which men feared , the more speedily . other grounds of it also may be given , which yet are not approvable before god. chap. iii. if any of the people of god may be carried away with grosse delusions . from these doctrines several questions may be moved . and , . if any of the people of god may be carried away with such abominable errours in doctrine ? we shall answer in these assertions . assert . . there is no errour so grosse materially , but believers may fall into it : for , although they have a promise that errour shall not separate wholly betwixt christ and them , nor that finally they shall be carried away therewith ; yet , seing they have corruption that is capable to be tempted to all sin , and so to this among other sins , they cannot be exempted from this , neither is there any promise by which they can expect absolutely to be kept from heresie , more than murder or adultery , which are fruits of the flesh with this : yea , except the sin against the holy ghost and final impenitencie , there is no absolute exemption to the believer from any sin ; which the lord hath wisely ordered so , to keep the believer from security , even in reference to such tentations : beside , in experience it is found , that grace exempteth not from error in judgment ; for , it is like , that solomon , if he did not actually commit idolatry himself , yet became too inclinable that way , as we may gather from what is in scripture recorded concerning him ; neither can we altogether , as to their state , condemn these in corinth , in galatia , and in other churches , who were drawn from the truth after their conversion , as if none but unregenerate professors had been so . yea , it is possible , if not probable , that some of these , whom the lord calleth his servants , and yet were seduced in the church of thyatira , were not still in the state of nature . assert . . although we dare not altogether say it's impossible , yet we think that it is more rare for a believer to fall in grosse errours , and for any considerable time to continue therein , so as to be accounted an heretick , than in other scandalous practices . for , . the scripture doth more rarely mention this , than other sins of believers , which are more frequently recorded . . there are very special promises for preserving of the elect from being seduced by false christs and false teachers : and though it do not hold universally in all particulars , except in as far as reaches their everlasting state ; yet it may be extended in some good measure , even to seduction it self ; and we suppose may be more clear from these considerations , . becoming erroneous in such a manner , doth not proceed from some sudden surprising-fit of tentation , as grosse practices oftentimes may do ; but it implieth a deliberatenesse therein , which is not so readily incident to a believer , and it cannot so well be called a sin of infirmity ; and therefore the scripture doth ever set out such teachers of false doctrine as most abominable , to wit , as not serving the lord christ , but their own bellies , rom. . . as being enemies to the crosse of christ , phil. . . as being ministers of satan , cor. . . other men ( as it were ) that are unrenewed , are common subjects and servants to the devil ; but corrupt teachers they are apostles to him , and prime officers in his kingdom : these titles , and such like , cannot well be applicable to saints in respect of their infirmities ; and therefore , we think , that ( at least ) it is more rarely incident to them , to be carriers on and promoters of corrupt doctrine . . it appeareth from this , that an heretick is said to be self-condemned , tit. . ●… . because ere one can be so denominated , there must be a rejecting of admonitions , which stands not so very well with the nature of a saint . . this consideration will also make it evident , that the scripture speaketh of repentance of , and recovery from corrupt doctrine , as a very rare and uncertain thing , gal. . the apostle fears he did bestow labour in vain in this businesse ; and tim. . . the apostle doth put a peradventure upon this , if peradventure god will give them ( to wit , those that oppose themseves ) repentance unto the acknowledging of the truth . there is not such a peradventure put to any kind of sin : which sheweth that it must be more difficult to be recovered from it , than from other sins ; and that therefore believers , ordinarily at least , must be in a special manner preserved from it . . which doth confirm the former , this delusion is a main spiritual plague ; and is often the punishment not of former sins of infirmity , but of not receiving the love of the truth , and of hypocrisie and proud presumption ; and although the lord is not to be limited and bound up from chastening his own with this rod , yet we may say from experience in the word , and from the nature of the plague , and other grounds , it is neither the ordinary spot nor rod of his children ; and if at any time it be , it doth speak out readily much spirituall pride , self seeking , lightnesse , security ; wantonnesse of spirit , ignorance and conceitednesse joyned with it , want of exercise , or some one thing or other of that kind . and , as we hinted , when they are overtaken , we will not readily find in scripture that such are heads to promote and carry on the design of error . assert . . when a believer falleth in such an evil , the lord usually chasteneth him , either with more grosse out-breakings , or with some sharp way of restoring , or with removal under a cloud , without much seen evidence of recovery , as we see in the case of solomon , who became some way guilty of this ill , of whose recovery the scripture is very silent , even though his sin be fully recorded , and the remainders of his idolatry are marked to be standing in the dayes of hezekiah ; and indeed there is but little on record in scripture of the recovery of those that have been carried so away , though we may judge charitably of some of them in the general : the lord wisely ordereth this , partly , as a chastening to them , partly , as a warning to others , and to make all men , especially believers , to fear , and to take heed lest they fall ; because , recovery is not so easie , and even they that are spiritual may be tempted , gallat . . . asser. . these that are spreaders of errour , do most frequently set upon these who have some profession of religion , more than upon others who walk not under that name . for , the spreading of grosse errour , although it do not carry away many really godly , nor finally any at all , yet doth it often prove the most searching triall to them , and doth prove exceedingly strong and successefull against many unhumbled professors . there are two things comprehended here , . that this tentation to errour doth often prevail more among professours , and doth prove a stumbling to them more than any other grosse practices ; they may stand out against these , and yet be prevailed over by it . . it comprehendeth this also , that this tentation of errour doth rather attempt the gaining of these that are eminent for profession , than others who have no such name , although such sometimes may be carried also away therewith . we see that these nicolaitans , and false apostles , and the prophetesse iezebel , are not teaching nor seducing heathens , but the church of christ , and such as he calleth his servants , rev. . . which may take in even such as eminently gave out themselves to be christs servants ; yea , it is clear , that neither did this errour have such successe amongst heathens , as amongst christians , nor did the teachers thereof so intend the leaving of them ▪ as they did vehemently endeavour the corrupting of the church ; we see it also in other churches , was there any church more shining with gifts ▪ than that of corinth ? and yet there did false apostles breed great distractions and opposition to the apostle paul , and that as taking occasion from the giftedness and eminencie of that church beyond others , to drive on that design . again , was there any church that did more tenderly receive the gospel , than these of galatia ? as we may see from chap. . . they received him as an angel of god , and as christ jesus , they would have plucked out their own eyes for him ; and yet there is no church so soon shaken and infected by corrupt teachers , and so bewitched with them and their tentations , as we may gather from chap. . . chap. . , . and throughout the epistle : it is like the devil took occasion of their warmnesse instantly to set upon them before their setling , more than on other places , or churches , where such hopeful beginnings did not appear ; and thus we see in experience daily , that where profanity aboundeth , there are fewer onsets to tempt to errour , and lesse successe , than where the gospel hath had more welcome and fruit ; as it were , the devil bendeth this tentation against the last , with more vehemencie and subtilty , than he doth against the former : for which we may give these reasons , . his hatred is most at them ▪ and he would fainest have them overturned . because he hath other baits that are more suitable to profane men : and so long as they are his , he doth not so much seek to engage them by this , for that is no gain to him . . because especially , these who have a form of religion , if withall weak in knowledge , are most capable , in some respect , of a tentation to errour ; for , profane men , care not ( like gallio ) what be truth , and what be errour ; but a poor soul that hath some conscience , is ready to debate , and desireth the truth to be cleared , and when not so strong as to rid it self , it is readily drawn away like these silly women paul speaketh of , tim. . . who were ever learning , and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth . . because grosse tentations to profanity ( wherewith others are carried away ) are not so taking with them , therefore the devil essayeth them with errour , under colour of some truth , or new discovery of some more strict and holy way , which often prevaileth when the other would not . . because it is most advantagious to errour , and make it digest with others , to have one of name or parts , or piety for it , this being ordinary among most men , to look more to these who maintain such a thing , and what such a man thinketh of it , than to the thing it self . therefore doth the devil drive this as a main design whereby he may prevail over many ; this was ever a great mean made use of to induce to errour , that many who were accounted godly , did imbrace the same , as may appear from the histories of the novatians , donatists and others , who called themselves the pure and holy church of martyrs , and took other such like titles in opposition to the orthodox church , whom they accounted carnall ; and by this mean they did brangle many . . he doth this also , that he may divert the exercises of these that look honest like from self-searching repentance , &c. that if he cannot get them engaged to errour , he may bring them , at least , to dispute truth , whereby he essayeth to extinguish the former conviction , or to give it a wrong mould before it be setled ; or to keep them , as it were , taken up about the shell , while he intendeth to rob them of the kirnell , and so one way or other , if he gain not all , he doth yet disquiet them , and weary them by wakening of questions and debates , which are without their reach , and possibly also beyond their station . chap. iv. how it is that grosse delusions may come to such height , as they often do . it may be also questioned , how it cometh that such absurd errours can come to such a height , and prevail so against the church ? or , what way the devil by corrupt teachers doth so delude professors ? there are some reasons that are more generall , and others more particular and usefull in the consideration of them for practice ; that we may not be ignorant of the devils devices , we shall insist most in these , all of them may be drawn to three heads . . the lords over-ruling , holy , just and wise ( though often secret ) way of punishing mens ingratitude . . there is something in the devils way of carrying on the tentation . . there is something in the distemper of churches and persons to be considered : which three , being put together , will make it not seem strange that the most grosse and absurd errour prevail . for the first , the lord hath an over-ruling hand in such a design , which is partly , to try his own , therefore heresies must be , cor. . . partly , to punish the generation of ungrate hypocrites , who receive not the love of the truth , as it is , thess. . in both which he is to be glorified , either in his grace , or justice , or both : now these being the lords designs , the absurder that the errour be , it attaineth his end the better ; and appeareth to be the more judiciallike , as by comparing , isa. . , . and rom. . , , , &c. and thes. . , , . is clear . all which places speak not only of the most grosse spirituall abominations , but of the lords judiciall hand therein . if it be asked , what hand the lord can have in such a plague ? or , how he may be said to send it ? answ. it is not so much to our purpose here , to dispute the question of gods providence in such actions ; but for clearing of this reason , we may lay down these grounds , . there are spiritual plagues , wherewith god justly punisheth the ingratitude and other sins of people , aswell as there are external and corporal plagues ; these places cited , isa. . , , rom. . . ●… thess. . , . rev. , , and . chapters , and almost that whole book doth confirm this : only this would be adverted , that most ordinarily grosse practices , as adultery , murther , uncleannesse of all sorts , are punishments for abusing the light of nature , as may be gathered from rom. . . . . but to be given up to strong delusion , and to believing of lies , is a plague that ordinarily followes the abuse of the light of the gospel , as we may see from thess. . , . and this may be one reason , why more commonly such grosse scandals and practices abound , where the gospel is not , or at least , is in lesse power , and why errour prevaileth most , where the gospel hath been , or is with more clearnesse , because they are plagues to such respectively . this , i say , it is most generally , though it be not alwayes and universally , especially where there are some other concurting reasons to make a difference . . we say , that the lord is no lesse just , holy and pure in punishing men with such plagues , than when he maketh use of some other rods or judgements , neither is there any thing in this to be attributed to him , that is unbecoming his absolute purity and holinesse . for , . he doth not punish any with this plague , but such as have by their former abuse of light and other miscarriages justly deserved the same . . he doth not infuse any maliciousnesse in the heart , nor increase what was , but justly permits what is to break out , and overules the same for his just ends . . he doth not strain them to any such course , but doth make use of their own willingnesse thereunto , and of their free choosing to follow such a way for the glory of his justice . . he doth not connive at , nor dispense with the sinfull practice of any instrument , but doth really abhor , and will also severely punish the same . so , that as the same act hath a twofold consideration , to wit , ●…s it is sinfull , and as it is penall , so it is diversly to be ascribed , to wit , in the first respect , to man only ; and in the last , to gods overruling providence , who can bring good out of evil , seing there is nothing so evil , but he can bring some good out of it , and make it subservient to him , otherwise he that is omnipotent and only wise , would never suffer it to be . . we say , although the lord be not , neither can be accessory to this delusion , as it is sinfull , ( for this impossibility belongeth to his infinite and blessed perfection ) yet hath he a just hand in the complexed designe , which doth add exceedingly to the strength of the delusion . as , . he may justly give the devil way to set on with his tentations , at one time , and on one person , more than at another time , or in reference to an other person , as by proportion we may gather from the case of iob. . he may furnish men with gifts that are of themselves good , and justly permit them to use the same , for the promoving of errour ; this hath been often exceedingly instrumentall , in the furthering of satans design in all ages , wherein he hath made use of some great schollers , and men of subtile wits to oppose the truth , and to pervert the scriptures of god , as is clear in all the heresies that ever have been ; and this is no lesse just in god , to furnish with parts , an instrument of a spirituall plague , than to give strength and power to some whom he imployeth , in temporall judgements , who also may be found guilty before him , for abusing of the same . hence it is said , thess. . . that there is not only a word and letter to shake the minds of people at such a time , but there is also a spirit or gift in an eminent degree , and therefore it is called , ver . . all deceivablenesse ; and , no question , these that called themselves apostles , cor. . . and made paul's gifts to be accounted weak in respect of theirs , had more than ordinary gifts ; and in this respect , sometime the lord saith , a false prophet might foretell something that was to come to passe ; and so truly have an extraordinary gift , when yet the lords design is by such , to try the peoples adherence to him , deut. . , , . thus often promovers of errour may be gifted with ability to reason , make querees , shift arguments and places of scripture , preach well , pray well with a great deal of eloquence , and liberty of plausible expressions , yea , they may possibly not want , as it were , signs and wonders ( as in the place formerly cited ) and yet the lords end be to try , as is said : of this sort are such as are spoken of , pet. . . who wrest or pervert scripture to their own destruction ; it is a strange word , they are unlearned and unstable , ( and , it may be , are crying down learning in others ) yet , saith he , they have a dexterity to wrest the scriptures , to coin new interpretations , possibly never heard of before , to the admiration of others . and what is the consequent thereof ? it is their own destruction . it had been advantage to many such themselves and others also , that they had never had such a gift . . the lord also may someway arme the devil , as his executioner to carry on this design , by furnishing him with such instruments , giving him time , opportunities and occasions to tempt , and suffering him in many things to prevail : thus , thes. . satan is said to have a power , and to exercise the same , by bringing forth of lying wonders ; and , no question , the devil when he getteth way , may do much , when it is said that he put it in the heart of iudas to betray his master , who yet was furnished with parts , and admitted into christs company by himself ; all which was subservient to carry on the devils and the pharisees design , of betraying the lord ; which , notwithstanding , tended to the greater ruine of his own kingdom . . in such a case also , the lord doth justly deprive men , whom he mindeth to plague with that delusion , of these means , which might be usefull to discern and resist the same . as , . he may take away all outward restraints , which usually keep corrupt teachers from open and professed spreading of their errours ; and in his providence , give them full way to multiply , and avowedly to pursue their design . this is to pluck up the hedge , isa. . and to suffer the winds to blow , rev. . which are ever great inlets to this judgement of delusion , when , to say so , there is a floud spewed out , and there is no earth to help the woman , and to dry up that floud . . he may take away prime lights and guides , which are usefull to keep people right ; or , if they continue , he may suffer jealousie , division and other things to interveen so , that thereby their weight and authority is lessened to such persons : in which respect , ahab becometh jealous of micajah , whereby the devil hath occasion to make the lies of the false prophets the more to be commended to him . . the lord may withdraw the light that persons have ( and , it may be , some common gifts of the spirit ) and by depriving them of that , they become the more obnoxious to tentation , although it may be they think themselves wiser , and more understanding than they were : thus the apostle calleth the galatians foolish and bewitched , gal. . , . as having fallen from that light which at first they had . . he may remove common convictions of the spirit , and challenges of a naturall conscience , so that they may go on in their delusion without a challenge ; yea , ( as it is said , ioh. . . ) think that they do god good service in so doing : this is , to have the conscience feared with an hot iron , tim. . . that waiteth upon seducing spirits ; and thus we see , that the most vain and reasonlesse confidence doth often wait upon the foulest errours , as , isa. . . unto . this is called , gal. . . a perswasion in respect of its confidence , which yet cometh not of god. and the lord may not only justly deprive of such common gifts , but even of ordinary reason and judgment , whereby men become , at least , in the prosecution of their errours , absurd and unreasonable , without all capablnesse of seeing the weight of a reason , or receiving a conviction , or observing their own folly , and to carry without all respect to credit , honesty , good manners , and such things as are even respected among civil men ; yea , sometimes without respect to their own estates , or their own persons , as we may see in the prophets of baal , king. . and many others in antichrists kingdom ; these are called by the apostle , thess. . . unreasonable , or absurd beastly men , as if they wanted reason : this is also a companion of delusion , and a piece of gods judgement , as is clear from that of isa. . the lord thinking good , for the abuse of light , to deprive men of reason , as he did nebuchadnezar , whereby the vilest and absurdest tentations have accesse to men , ( that otherwayes may be reasonable ) to carry them on with greedinesse , and without all reluctance or contradiction . . when men are in the lords justice thus deprived , and being set upon with the tentation , which he hath letten louse upon them , the lord may in his providence tryst many things that may be abused , for the carrying on of this judgement , as , . he may tryst such a person with such a tentation , to live in such a place , to have such acquaintance , &c. . he may tryst such a tentation to fall in such a time , as there is no externall aw-band to restrain ; yea , in his wisdom , order it so , as that then there may be many occasions of stumbling among the professors of the truth , what by scandals in practice , what by division and other distempers , as the way of truth may be ill spoken of by many ; and the ordinances in that resp●…ct made vile , as is said in the case of elie's sons , sa●… . . sometime he may tryst such tentations with some ignora●…t , unskilfull ▪ in●…exterous hands , who may rather 〈◊〉 than help any in the removing of their doubts : these and many such like things may the wise and just lord order in his providence , which may be as snares and stumbling-blocks to proud secure hypocrits , who by their corruption may fall thereon ; yea , sometime the very ordinances and the exercising of them , to wit , the word , sacraments and discipline , may , through mens corruptions , be stumbled at more than if they were not ; in this sense , when the lord reproveth the unfaithfull prophets an●… priests , ier. , . and the people 's not hearkening to his faithfull prophets , ver . . although they keeped the form of religion , ver . . he doth threaten to 〈◊〉 stumbling-blocks before them , upon which they should fall , ver . . all which and many moe wayes , ( as sometimes following of errour hath applause attending it , as , tim. . 〈◊〉 sometimes it hath gain waiting upon it , as , 〈◊〉 pet. . . tim. . . and gal. . . philip. . ) being trvsted in the lords just providence , have often much influence , through mens corruption , to make delusion the more successefull . beside these , the lord hath a judiciall upgiving of proud , corrupt men , u●…to the ha●…ds of such tentations : so that when as it were , the devil setteth on by such a blast of wind , and seeketh to win●…ow such and such persons , the lord doth as a just judge ▪ sentence them to be committed thereto , as to the executioner of his justice ; in this sense , he is said to give them up : and in this respect , such defection , as it is a punishment , is judicially permitted and ordered by him , who willingly and purposly sentenceth such persons to be so given up , because of former sins , whereas others whom he doth not so sentence , are not so carried away with that same tentation . also the lord , who is wonderfull in couns●…l , and whose wayes and judgements are past finding out , may have many other wonderfull and inconceivable wayes in the carrying on of this judgement ; for , if all his judgements be a great depth , much more are his spirituall judgements . it is upon this ground , to wit , the considering of the lords just severity of concluding all under sin , all in unbelief , of the rejecting of the jews ▪ &c. that the apostle doth cry out ▪ o the depth of the riches , both of the wisdom and knowledge of god! how unsearchable are his judgements , and his wayes past finding out ? therefore we shall search no further in this . only , from what is said , we may see , that the lord hath a just hand in the over ruling of such delusions ; and also , that they cannot but be strong and successefull which are guided so , as to be executioners of his justice ; this also may make men tremble the more , considering that the opening up of sl●…ces , to let in the spait of delusion , is no lesse gods judgement , and no lesse to be feared , than the sending of sword or pestilence , or the opening up the fountains of the great depths , to let in a deluge upon the earth ; and were men so looking on it , and affected with it , it might possibly be much more bounded . chap. v. how errour may be known to be a judiciall stroke . and why the lord smiteth with it . it may be asked here , . how errour may be known to be a judgement or judiciall ? and , . for what cause most ordinarily the lord doth send such a judgment ? we cannot insist in every occurring question ; yet to the first , we say , . there is no errour or delusion , but may be well accounted penall and judiciall , either as to the persons who fall therein , and vent the same , or as to others who may be infected therewith , ( although it may be but a triall in reference to some ) for , blindnesse of mind was a fruit and cons●…quent of the fi●…st sin , and followeth not only as a sin , but as a punishment upon all the children of adams house . and therefore as in some respect , all following sins may be accounted punishments of the first , this may be so in a speciall manner . . beside this generall consideration , it is often the punishment of some speciall sins , and in some cases is more judiciall and penall than in other cases , as may be gathered from these characters . . when in the nature of it , it is very absurd and unreasonable , as is said , such as these delusions of the nicolaitans were , because in such delusions the judgement of god doth especially appear , when they cannot be thought to be consequent in any reasonable way , or , to flow from common infirmity . . when the persons that vent it , are , in respect of their conversation , parts , place or profession , someway eminent , as was formerly cleared , because so the tentation seemeth to be armed of the lord , which usually is not for nought . . when it is trysted with such a time and with such circumstances as hath been described ; for , such things happen not by chance , but are ruled by providence . . when it breaketh in violently , and , it may be , carrieth away some whom men would not have suspected , that is judiciall-like , when , as it were , the dragon with his tail and subtility , doth bring stars from heaven , and surprise some that thought themselves without the reach of such a tentation . . it may be known by the gifts ( to speak so ) of such as carry on the same ; for , as in carrying on the work of the gospel , the lord doth furnish his ministers , with gifts and painfulness , when he hath to do with them ; so upon the contrary , when he hath a work of judgment on the wheels , and the devil a design of carrying-on delusion , the instruments are fitted proportionably , to wit , there is a zeal carrying them here and there , so that by all means , as it were , they compasse sea and land to make proselytes ; there is dexterity , quicknesse and nimblnesse in starting of doubts , wresting of scripture , &c. as is said ; and there is a sort of patience in enduring , boldnesse and confidence in attempting , and some successe , as in the case of the false prophets against micajah , king. . and against ieremiah , ier ▪ . when , i say , corrupt instruments are fitted by these and such like means , it is probable , that the lord intendeth something by them which they themselves do not minde . . it is judiciall-like , when it trysteth on the back of a peoples having the truth , and being unfruitfull under it , because , so it speaketh out the very end of its appearing , especially , if there be in people an itching-new-fanglnesse after novelties , and if there have been needless and affected stirings and questionings about lesser truths , if then greater delusion come , it doth look judiciall-like , as being a stroke for their former unsettlednesse ; this is to give men up to heap up teachers to themselves , that have itching ears , tim. . . and this is , to give men teachers according to their own hearts , that there may be like people like priests , which is often threatned by the lord. and thus of old , when the people began to miscarry in the wildernesse , in reference to the second command , he gave them up to worship the hoast of heaven , and to miscarry in the first , as is mentioned , acts . . . it appeareth to be judiciall indeed when it doth hurt , either by corrupting of truth , or ma●…ing of unity , or wakening of divisions , &c. which a●…e consequents of the first four trumpets that bring spiritual plagues , rev. . these and such like characters may sufficiently convince that the lord is angry . to the second we may soon answer : and , . we say , that such a plague is not the consequent of common out-breakings and sins of infirmity ; nor , . of ingratitude for , and abuse of , common mercies ; nor , . ordinarily is it the punishment of grosse sins of the flesh , to speak so ; for , this is rather a fruit of that : but it doth follow upon , . the abuse of sprituall mercies , such as the light of the truth of the gospel , sleighted convictions , smothered challenges , broken promises made for further reformation , and such like , as may be gathered from thess. . , . . it followeth upon spirituall sins , such as spirituall pride , security , hypocrisie and formality , keeping up of the form without the power , having truth but not the love thereof , as in the place formerly cited , and elsewhere . . there are some sort of distempers , which especially procure this , beside others . as , . an itching humour , that beginneth to loath the simplicity of truth . . a hastie partial humour that cannot abide sound doctrine , if it be not someway curiously drest , especially if it reprove their miscarriages : both which are spoken of , tim. . . . there is a proud self-conceitednesse , whereof the apostle speaketh , tim. , . when persons are selfie , proud , boasters , &c. such are a ready prey to such tentations . . little respect to faithfull ministers that preach truth , may procure this plague , to get pastors according to their own heart , and judgements that are not good , as the lord threatneth , ezek. . and is threatned by the lord , ioh. . ver . . i have come in my fathers name , and ye have not received me ; if another shall come in his own name , him will ye receive . . it may be procured by lightnesse and unstablnesse , when folks goe vainly beyond their reach to seek or meet a tentation , the lord justly may smite them with their own sin ; and thus reading of corrupt books , hearing of corrupt preachers , conversing with corrupt men , and such like , which the lord hath cōmanded to eschew , doth not only prove , in gods righteous judgement , a snare or mids of folks insnaring , but also the procuring deserving cause of being given up to that delusion , which they make themselves obnoxious to , by going without his call , although , at first , possibly there was no positive affection to that way , but , it may be , the contrary ; even as suppose one hazarding , contrary to the command , to go nigh the door of the adulterous womans house , should for that cause be given up to fall in her snare and to enter , although at first he did not intend it , as these places do insinuate , prov. . . and . , , . where he saith , to this purpose , that a man cannot take fire in his bosome and not be burnt , &c. and it is said , prov. . . such as are abhorred of the lord , shall fall in that pit . . there is a jangling questioning strain ; this often brings on this ill , when all truths are not received , but folks begin to cast at the lesser truths ; this procureth delusion in a greater height , as is said , because every truth is precious , and when men become untender in the smallest truths , ( if any may be called so ) it is just with god to deprive them of all , even as smaller sins in practice , being connived at , do bring on more grosse outbreakings : and thus the visible church , by her declining from the truth , in the primitive times , and becoming more to be taken up with ceremonies and other unnecessary debates , did draw on upon themselves antichrists delusion at length : of this sort are ignorance in the fundamentall truths , that doth proceed from negligence , little love to , and delight in , the word and ordinances , little bemoaning of the falls and miscarriages of others , when we hear them to be overtaken with such snares ; and many such like things might be named , but we will not insist further . we come then to the second thing proposed , and that is to consider how corrupt teachers do carry on their design ; and what means the devil useth by them to prevail with poor souls , for to cast at the truths of god , and to drink up the most absurd delusions : and although we cannot reach satans depths , he having much subtiltie , and many wiles , to carry on his designe , as it is , cor. . . and it is called , eph. . . a cunning craftinesse , whereby they lye in wait to deceive , yet seing we ought not to be ignorant of his devices , cor. . . we shall gather somethings from scripture , that may be usefull to arm us against the same : and to take up his way the better , we may consider , . the instruments which he chooseth . . the method that he keepeth in tempting by them . . the means which he useth , or common places from which he draweth his arguments . . the manner how these are carryed on . chap. vi. by what means , and how satan drives on this plague among people . . satan doth not act in this design immediately , nor doth he act indifferently by any instrument , but he hath his special ministers , as it were , set apart for that end , as the apostle speaketh cor. . . he hath many subjects indeed , but beside these , he hath some special ministers for this designe , as our blessed lord jesus hath ministers specially set apart in his kingdom . concerning which we may observe , . that he employeth some more eminently to traffique , as it were , in this very imployment , who , by compassing sea and land , and travelling to and fro , may further his designe , such were these who were called false apostles , cor. . . revel . , . and in the history of the acts we will find such coming from one place to another , as from ierusalem to antioch , act , . and elsewhere , purposly to spread their errours , as the apostles did travel for preaching the truth . . he hath particular instruments , preaching in particular places , that are , as it were , his ministers of such and such bounds , as in the place cited . . beside these , he hath stickling underhand-dealers , who , not appearing openly , yet creep into houses ; and ordinarily he hath some women , who are specially employed in this , as he hath iezebel the prophetesse in the church of thyatira , rev. . and such he had in the primitive heresies , particularly one of the montanists , because such are often vehement in what they are engaged in , and have accesse to pervert and seduce , which others cannot easily have ; his assisting of them withall to speak sometimes to the admiration of others , seemeth more wonderful like . . whom ever he maketh use of , they are someway fitted ( to say so ) for the designs they are employed in , although their manner of carrying on these designes may be diverse , as experience showeth . . in the method which he followeth , we will find this progresse , . he setteth himself by all means to make the ministers of the truth odious and contemptible , and that either by crying down a ministery altogether , or making all indifferently to be ministers , which is , upon the matter , one with the former : this was korah , dathan , and abirams fault , numb . . which is applied to corrupt teachers , iude . or if that fail , he endeavoureth to make their persons odious , who are in the station : thus we see , even paul is traduced by the false teachers of corinth and galatia . the reason of this , is , . because ministers are appointed , and gifts are given to men by jesus christ , purposely to guard the church from being tossed to and fro with corrupt doctrine , by the sleight of men , as it is ephes. . , , , . that he may therefore have the more easily his will , he endeavoureth to bring the watchmen in suspicion , and to render them uselesse . . teachers of the truth , and corrupt teachers cannot both together have peoples affection , and no teacher readily will have weight , if he have not affection from his hearers : therefore he by all means endeavours to traduce ministers that by excluding them , he may make way for his emissaries , for they are like 〈◊〉 wooers 〈◊〉 the same bride , so that both cannot have her affection , to this purpose is the apostles word , gal. . ●… . they zealously affect you , but not well , yea , they 〈◊〉 exclude you ; it is in the originall , and on the m●…rgent , they would exclude us , ( that is , the true apostles ) that you might affect them . and considering the great accesse that the devil hath to destroy , when once ministers are in contempt , it is no marvell he begin at the removall of this impediment out of his way ; and s●…ing he attempted this against the great apostl●… paul , so often and frequently , it cannot be thought strange that he seek to defame others . if it be enquired how he prosecuteth this ? we may observe these particular wayes ; as , . although he question not a ministery in the general , yet he wakeneth questions , . concerning the calling of such and such men , if they be duly called ministers or not ; thus paul's apostleship is questioned , b●…cause he had not conversed with the lord ; and for thi●… cause he is put , in the epistles to the corinthians and galatians , so largely to vindicate his calling and apostleship , and to produce , as it were , not only his commission , but the seal thereof also , particularly , cor . , . and the occasion thereof is expressed , cor. . . since ●…e seek a proof of christ speaking in me ▪ . he endeavoureth the discrediting of their gifts , as if the m●…tter spoken by them were common , their expressions mean , and their carriage base and contemptible , as we may see in the instance of that s●…me great apostle paul , cor. . . and . , he is called ●…ude in spe●…ch . . this is especially by comparing them with the fair shew of corrupt teachers in their flourishing , spiritual , ravishi●…g ▪ like discours●…s , which are by many 〈◊〉 mysteries , and are called depths , revel . . . the lord indeed calleth them depths of satan , but it is not to be thought that they themselves meaned so , who yet are said to give them the name of depths ; sometimes unconceivable non-sense , will be admired , and plain truths and duty despised . . they cry-up their revelations and spiritual attainments in an immediate manner beyond what is in the ministers of christ : therefore , cor. . . paul is put to compare himself with them , and particularly in revelations and singular manifestations of god to him . . they endeavour to make the ministers of christ to be esteemed covetous , self-seekers , earthly-minded , and such like , because of their taking wages to preach the ●…ospel , as if they were making a prey of the people , which is often objected to the apostle , and answered by him in these ep●…stles to the corinthians . . when evidences fail , then they raise suspicions of ministers craftinesse and underhand dealing , as if in every thing they were seeking their gain , as that apostle answereth it , cor. . ▪ . . whatever the ministers carriage be , they lie in wait to traduce it , if he be more meek and familiar in his conversing , they say he is a carnal man , a friend and lover of sinners and corrupt men , as was said of our blessed lord ; if he be more aust●…re in checking their faults or retired in shunning their company , he is called intolerable and devilishly proud , as was imputed to iohn ; if he take wages or gifts , he is accounted greedy and covetous ; if he refuse and abstain , it is expounded to be want of love and respect to them , as was also said of paul when he continued firm in his former resolution , cor. . ▪ . . they are usually counted proud , exalters of themselves above , and despisers of , the people , and to take too much on them to the prejudice of the flock , whose liberty and priviledges corrupt teachers ordinarily pretend to vindicate against ministers tyrannous encroachments ( as they say ) this was pretended by korah , dathan , and abiram against aaron , and was revived and followed in the primitive times by these corupters , spoken of , iude . . they endeavour to have the people suspecting the ministers love to them , as cor. . . yea , that all his freedom to them , and his speaking against their faults and errours is bitternesse , railing , and the like , which the apostle toucheth , gal. . . am i therefore become your enemy , because i tell you the truth ? . it is ordinary to charge ministers with lightnesse and changeablnesse , and that therefore much weight is not to be laid on them , for , they think one thing this year , ( say they ) and alter the next , when yet , it may be , edification hath moved them in such a change ; this hath been imputed to paul , cor. . . purposedly to make his word to have little weight , and it is no marvell that that same way be followed in reference to others . for this end also , where there is any personal fault in a minister , it is not past over but exceedingly aggreaged ; yea , though it hath been in his youth , before his conversion or entry into the minist●…ry , it is not forgotten , if it may serve to defame the holy calling : for preventing of this , it is required of ministers , that they be of good report , even among those that are without ; and it is like the false apostles spaired not to upbraid paul with his former conversation and persecution . . differences of judgement and divisions among ministers , are much made use of for that end , even sometimes when they are but apparent : thus paul is said to preach another doctrine , by the false teachers , than those at ierusalem did , whereupon he is often put to show the harmony that was betwixt them , as particularly in the epistle to the galatians ; and iosephus marketh , that ahab's false teachers did oppose elias his prophecy ( wherein it is said that dogs should lick ahab's bloud at iezreel ) to micajah , who said he should die at ramoth ▪ gilead ; also , that others did harden zedekia , by this that ezekiel said , that he should not see babylon , and that ieremiah said he should be carried thereto ; which they took to be contrary , and did thereby seek to defame the prophets , and to weaken the esteem of their prophecies ; and though there was no real difference there , yet it sheweth how , and to what end , they lie in wait to aggreage the differences of god's servants , though but apparent , which should make ministers carefully avoid those things . again , secondly , though , at first , principal truths are not altogether and plainly denied , yet by degrees he doth engage many , . to reject some lesse fundamentall truths concerning government , communion with others in the ordinances , and such like . . he draweth them to separate in practice from the fellowship of others , under the pretext of more purity and spiritualnesse ; this seems to be exprest by iude , v. . these are they who separate themselves , sensual , having not the spirit , although it is insinuated that they did pretend to it : and indeed this way was followed in the first heresies , which began at small things , as those of the novatians , donatists , &c. who at first only separated to eschew the impurity of promiscuous communion . . he cometh then to quarrel expressions that are used by the orthodox , and to commend , as it were , a new kind of language ; for which cause , the apostle commendeth the holding fast the form of sound words , tim. . . and these corrupt teachers are said to speak great swelling words of vanity , and to have expressions much more weighty like , than what formerly hath been used , iude . thus the arians will not admit the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or consubstantial , and a council must be called to lay by that : and so they come to question , in the next place , the truth it self , alleaging men are too confident to determine such things , it 's not clear , much may be said against it , and such like ; whereby , under pretext of doubting , they endeavour to a wake scruples in others , that they may be disposed the more to admit of their resolutions . . absurdities are laid down as consequences that follow upon truths ▪ and thus the doctrine of providence ▪ election and reprobation , &c. are loaded with horrible consequences and absurdities , pretended to follow on them , 〈◊〉 so the do●…trine of gods absolute soveraignity , 〈◊〉 justification by free grace , were loaded in the 〈◊〉 times , as if thereby paul had taught that men might do evil that good might come of it ; that the law was wholly made void ; that men might sin securely , because grace did so much the more abound , as in the second , third , and sixth chapters of the epistle to the romans , is clear . . he endeavoureth to diminish mens hatted and zeal against errours and the most absurd opinions , that he may either obtain some actual toleration to them , or , at least , keep off such hard constructions of them ; for , if that be gained at first , although errour get not a direct approbation , yet a great point is gained , if he can get some to tolerate , and others to hear : this is condemned in the church of thyatira , that the officers suffered iezebel to teach , and that the people , who are there called christ's servants , did countenance and hear her ; and it seems something of this was in corinth , which maketh the apostle say , that evil communication corrupteth good manners , and that therefore men should not become cold in reference to errour , although they be not tainted with it , cor. , . and upon this ground the most grosse hereticks of old and of late , as socinians , arminians , those of the family of love , and others of that kind , have maintained a liberty in prophesying a problematicknesse in the main truths of the gospel , and a toleration in matters of doctrine , &c. as principles subservient to their design . . he proceedeth then to have the persons of such as are tainted with errour , much beloved and esteemed of by others , that there may be the more familiar accesse to converse with them , and the readier disposition to receive their leaven from them : this he doth sometimes by making mens gifts in their quicknesse and nimblnesse to be commended , sometimes by the seeming gravity , austerity and holinesse of their carriage , for which cause they are said to be wolves in sheeps cloathing , mat. . and he is said to transform himself into an angel of light , and his ministers into the ministers of christ , cor. . . sometimes by flattery , and seeming sympathy and affection , for which the lying prophet is called the tail ; and if it were by no other mean , he doth it by their reproaching of honest and faithfull ministers , and , it may be , hitting upon some real ills among them , which is often but too too pleasing to the carnall humour of the generality of people , as in the instances formerly given is clear . lastly , when this is obtained , then there is easie accesse to make the most grosse doctrines and delusions to be drunken in , which at first would have been abhorred : by these degrees antichrists delusion came to its height , and by such steps , some , that at first only separated from the novatians and donatists , came at last to that height of delusion , as to become circumcellians ( a strange wild kind of delusion ) anthropomorphits , and such like . . the means and arguments that are used to carry on this delusion , are to be observed , which are these or such like . . the carriage and conversation of the abetters thereof , is made very plausible , fair and approveable-like , that there may be no suspicion of the devils influence on such a work ; therefore they are said to be transformed into the ministers of christ ; thus the pharisees make long prayers , live austerely , &c. thereby to gain reputation to their traditions : for , the devil would mar all his design , if he did not look like an angel of light : yea , there will be much seeming like zeal , patience and suffering in such , as may be gathered from cor. . . and in experience it will be found , that the most grosse hereticks in doctrine , have had ( at least for a long time ) a great shew of holinesse before others , as might be instanced in the greatest deluders . . it is usefull in this design , to have some that have church-power , and beareth the name of officers , engaged , that they may come in , not under the name of ministers of satan , but as it is , cor. . . as ministers of christ ; and therefore , if no ordinary call can be alleged by them , they readily disclaime all such , and yet pretend a calling to be preachers of christ , of his gospel , and such like : as we may see by these false teachers of old , who called themselves apostles and prophetesses , as having some extraordinary call from god , thereby making way for their delusions . . they follow their designs under a pretext of advancing holinesse and spirituality , to a higher degree , and of having a more humble way of living , and of being a further length in high attainments , than other men can win at , or are capable of : thus some are outwardly despisers of all pride , and of giving respect to men , and that as the apostle saith , col. . . by a sort of voluntary humility , and intruding upon things which they have not seen , casting , in the mean time , at common and plain truths . a . mean , is , the pleasing of ears and itching humours , with great swelling words , new notions , and large discourses of non-sense ▪ delivered with great confidence , when as the apostle saith , tim. . . they know not what they say , nor whereof they affirm , yet often such discourses are sublime mysteries to the ignorant , and such as loath the simple truth . . they make use of a pretext of good will and advantage to these that they speak unto , as it is , rom. . . by good words and fair speaches they deceive the simple , and by pretending to wish their souls well , and to pity their blindnesse and hazard they are in , they creep into their houses and affections , tim. . . and lead simple persons captive ; by this pretext , the serpent beguiled eve at the first , promising some advantage by hearkening to him , and this way is followed by corrupt teachers still , as it is , cor. . . . sometimes there is much more pretended strictnesse , especially in outward things : thus some of old added the observation of moses law to the gospel , as if that were a more perfect and strict way , and upon this ground have so many traditions been brought in into the church . . there is a pretending to more christian liberty and freedom from the bondage of ordinances of whatever sort , so as men must not be tyed to hear preachings , keep sabbaths , pray , praise and such like , which are ( say they ) but formes and burthens to saints , and unbecoming that freedom and spiritualnesse that grown believers should have . thus such deceivers and these that are deceived with them , are said to promise liberty to whomsoever they propose their delusions , while in the mean time all of them are made servants to corruption . . there is great pretending to know christs mind , and confident alleaging of the writings of his apostles , and that in a seeming convincing way : thus , . thess. . . there are mentioned spirit , word and letter , as proceeding from paul , whenas he himself is disclaiming such interpretations as they did put on him . . they use to alleage the authority of men , and to oppose such to these who oppose their errours : thus the pharisees alleaged moses , and the nicolaitans nicolas ; and it is like , the false apostles that came from ierusalem , did oppose other apostles authority to pauls , as if they had preached nothing but what they preached in ierusalem ; and very often the infirmities of some great men , are stumbled upon , and made arguments against truth . . many are stirred up to vent queries and captitious questions , ( as often the pharisees did , by sending their emissaries to christ ) that some advantage may be gotten that way , and these that are for truth entangled . . sometimes he maketh use of humane reason , and cryeth down every thing that seemeth not consonant to it : upon which ground the resurrection was denied by the sadduces , and some of the corinthians , cor. . and the most fundamentall truths of the gospel , are by the socinians and others unto this day . sometimes again , all use of reason , learning or prudence is disclaimed ; in which respect , such men are called unreasonable , thes. . and bruit beasts , pet. . and iude , . . they endeavour by all means to carry the favour of the civil magistrates , and to have ministers especially such as are zealous against them , made hatefull and suspected unto them , and the gaining of this hath a double advantage with it to their cause , as it strengtheneth it , and weakeneth the truth : this we see the false prophets did of old , king. . ier. . amos . . and so endeavoured the scribes and pharisees to engage the romans against christ , and against his apostles ; so also did the arrians and other hereticks , and so hath antichrists emissaries ever endeavoured to stir up civil magistrates against faithfull ministers , as most hatefull persons : this they carry on by such like means . . they pretend to give the magistrates more submission , and charge faithfull ministers with sleighting of their authority , for they know this to be a thing well pleasing to magistrates : thus the faithfuln●…sse of honest ministers is accounted disobedience and hatred , and the lying flattery of such is given out for re●…pect and obedience , so was it in the case of mica●…ah . . they cry out upon faithfull ministers , as factious and turners of the world upside-down , sowers of sedition , as , acts . . troublers of the peace , who do keep the people in a continuall stir , and crosse their designs , and mar the absolutenesse of m●…gistracy ; so , elijah is counted an enemy to ahab , and a troubler of israel . . they vent many groundlesse calumnies against them , as if they were guilty of many grosse evils ; thus athanasius and many others were charged by the arians , as murderers and adulterers , and some pretended proofs made thereof : yea , it was alleaged to constantine , that athanasius had medled with civil matters ( which was derogatory to his authority ) by inhibiting all corns to be exported from egypt . . they bring the magistrates in tops with them , by appellations from church-judicatories to them , and seeming to plead an absolutenesse to magistrates in things ecclesiastick ; thus hereticks in all times have sheltered themselves under this pretext , till magistrates declared against them , and then they cast them off also , as of late in the practices of the socinians and arminians hath been made out . . they represent them to magistrates as unsufferable , in respect of their plain threatnings , and that such are not to be endured so to affront authority , and to weaken these that professe so much to respect the same ; thus amos is represented , chap , . . by am●…ziah priest of bethel , and often ieremiah is so by the false prophets in his time . . they propose faithfull ministers as unwarrantably arrogating a kind of infallibility to themselves , and thereby derogating from all others ; so is that word , king. . what way went the spirit of the lord from me to you ? and by a certain audacious confidence , seek , as it were , to put out faithfull ministers as despicable men , not worthy to be cre●…ited , as in the case cited ; and ier. . and elsewhere , and often by such means their insinuations and flatteries do exceedingly prevail for promoving their designs . augustine chargeth the donatists with this , that in their application to iulian , they used this phrase , quoniam apud ●…e solum justitia habet locum : and this was ( saith he ) when they knew he was an apostat , epist. . the last thing in this , is the manner how this design is carried on by such corrupt teachers , which is not alway the same in all , and may in part be collected from what is said ; yet we may name these particulars . . it is covertly and subtilly done , therefore they creep in with insinuations , looking far otherwise than they are . . it is done hypocritically ▪ tim. . they speak lies in hypocrisie , and do pretend both to be religious and friends to religion and truth , while they do so . . it is done somtimes vehemently , as it were knocking with force at hearts , so it shaketh the hearer by the bignesse of words , peremptorinesse of threatnings , confidence of assertions , and vehemency in the manner , so that it hath ( as the scripture saith ) a strength and power with it , and therefore is compared to a spait or flood , rev. . and is called strong delusion , thess. . . this is done with all diligence , compassing sea and land , leaving no mean unessayed . and , . with a kind of seeming simplicity , zeal and singlnesse , and with many professions thereof , as may be gathered from the instances formerly given ; and from gal. . . where it is said , they zealously affect you , but not well , and from rom. . . . this is done with great boldnesse , which appeareth , . in pretending to eschew no suffering , or to fear no hazard that may follow on their opinion , if it were to give their body to be brunt , and , it may be , doing much in this . . it may be stuck to by them at their sicknesse , even in their death beds , as it is not unlike it was with iezebel and some of her followers , rev. . , . for , neither is the devil silenced , nor corruptions removed by sicknesse or death . . it appeareth in confident undertaking to dispute with any ; yea , oftentimes seeking occasion of that : thus the libertines arise and dispute with stephen , acts . and it is like , the false teachers of corinth , that said of paul , 〈◊〉 cor. ▪ . that his bodily presence was weak and his speach contemptible , would not have declined to have disputed even with him . . it kythes in their confident t●…usting to their own judgements , and their undervaluing of all others . . it appeareth in confident as●…erting of any thing , and not only in the reproaching of any private person , but of officers and ordinances , pet. . . they are not af●…raid to speak evil of dignities . by these considerations , we may in part see how delusion cometh to such strength and height , in respect of these who carry on this corrupt doctrine . we come now to consider a thi●…d thing , to wit , what accession is from the peoples side for the promoving thereof , which we may draw to these three . . there is something sinfull in a peoples former carriage whereby delusion is exceedingly strengthened against them , when it cometh as a just plague for former ●…iscarriages ; but of those sins we have already spoken . . a peoples present temper , or rather di●…temper , may have much influence on this , and exceedingly dispose them for , and cast them open to , the tentation . as , first , lightnesse of mind , unsettlednesse in the truth ; these the scripture calleth unstable souls , pet. . . . there is an itching new-fangle humour , desirous of some new thing , and loathing simple doctrine , as it is , tim. . . . there is too great facility in believing the spirits , without trying of them , which its like hath been in galatia , whereby they were soon drawn away to another gospel , and to credit some insinuaters foolishly ▪ as , chap. . . and . . . a secure carnall frame , wanting exercise of conscience , is dangerous so are also proud presumptuous persons ▪ ( that have an high esteem of themselves , and such as are self-willed , who are mentioned , pet. . . ) in great hazard of this : the tentation will also sometimes take advantage of some persons who are jumbled in mind , and under some weight and heavinesse , and come in under pretext of remedying the same ; many such distempers there are , whereof some may be gathered from what is said of the sinfull causes that procure this , because that which doth meritoriously deserve to be so punished , proveth often also a disposing mids for receiving of the tentation ; but we forbear . . people often by their carriage do promove this plague of delusion upon themselves , casting themselves in the snare , . by needlesse familiar conversing with such persons . . going to hear them . . purchasing or reading their books . . hazarding to entertain their doubts , and to prosecute their arguments and questions , to plead for their opinions , and such like , shunning withall of such means and wayes as might recover them , and entertaining prejudice at such as would aim thereat , and such like , whereby that of the prophet is verified . the prophets teach lies , and my people love to have it so . now , if all these be put together , can it be thought strange to see the great●…st delusion prevail ? we have been the longer on these , not only for the confirming of that truth , but for drawing together in some short view , a little map , as it were , of these wayes , whereby the devil driveth on his design by the cunning craft of these that lye in wait to deceive . chap. vii . what is called-for as duty in such a case . it resteth now that we should consider what is duty in such a time , or case , when delusion in lesse or more doth prevail , or is very like to prevail ? it cannot be denied , but that something is called-for , and is necessary where the danger is so great ; and also it is evident , that something more than ordinary is necessary , because the ill is more than ordinary . the remedy therefore must be proportionable and timous ; for , a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump , gal. . 〈◊〉 . and experience proveth , that such ills do fret and corrupt , as doth a gangrene , tim. . . the difficulty is in determining what is to be done , wherein , not only the piety , zeal and conscience of men will have exercise , but also their prudence and parts . the loosing of this question will relate to three ranks of men . . to church-officers , especially to ministers . . to magistrates . . to people in private stations . yet before we positively say any thing , we shall , . show what is not the remedy called-for . . we shall shew what is called-for , but is not sufficient . . what seemeth to be called-for as sufficient . as to the first ▪ there are two extremities to be shunned , which we shall lay down in two assertions . assert . . an absolute and unlimitted forbearance and toleration of all errours , and of the promoters thereof , is not the due remedy that is called-for in such a time , in reference to such evils . this , i suppose is clear , if there were no more in scripture than what is comprehended in these epistles , rev. . and . for , . the angel of ephesus is commended , chap. . . that he could not bear or endure them that were evil , to wit , the false apostles : this enduring then cannot be the duty , seing christ commendeth the contrary . . he doth reprove pergamos , ver . . because they had such amongst them that held the doctrine of balaam , that is , because they suffered them . and , . this is clearly expressed in the epistle to thyati●…a , ver . ▪ i have a few things against thee , because thou sufferest that woman iezebel to teach and seduce my servants . there can be nothing more clear than this ; and it is the more observable , that this not-forbearing is commended in ephesus , where things in their own particular condition are not altogether right ; and the other churches are reproved for neglect of this , even when their own particular conditions are right . which sheweth , that the lord loveth zeal against such scandals , and abhorreth forbearance of them . what was formerly said in the doctrine , what is clear in the practice of scripture , both in examples and commands that are given therein in reference to this , and what may be further said in the positive part of this direction , will clear this . and whatever humane prudence and carnal fainting would suggest concerning such a way , as that it were fittest to deal with persons , in such a distemper , no otherwayes than absolutely to forbear them , at least , so far as relateth to th●…se distempers as such ; yet it is clear , this is not gods ordinance so to do , nor the remedy that is by him appointed : and therefore there is no promise by which we may expect a blessing to it , although sometimes the lord , who is absolu●…ely soveraign , may condescend without any means , to dry up and bound a floud of errour , even when men are guilty of forbearing : the effect is not to be attributed to mens sinfull forbearance , but to gods gracious condescendence . assert . . we say on the other hand , that an indifferent , rigid , equal pursuing , or not enduring of every thing that is an errour , or of every person who may be in some measure tainted , is not the suitable remedy or duty that is called-for in reference to such a case . for , as neither all errours , nor all persons are alike , so neither is the same way at all times to be followed , because , what may be edifying in one case , may be destructive in another . and as therefore there is prudent difference to be made , in reference to scandals in practice , and persons in respect of different scandals , yea , even of different tempers are div●…rsly to be dealt with , so is it also to be here . men are to walk , as they may most probably attain the great end , edification , which ought to be the scope in this , as in all other ordinances : and therefore there can be no peremptory rule concluded , that will meet all cases and persons , as hath been said : we see even the apostles putting difference between persons and scandals , according to the severall cases ; for , sometimes they excommunicate , as in the instance of hymeneus and phyletus , sometimes they instruct doctrinally , as paul doth the church-members of corinth and galatia ; others he threateneth , and yet doth not actually sentence them , as he doth false teachers in these churches : sometimes again , no particular apostle alone , doth decide the question ( although doctrinally they might ) but there is a synod called judicially and authoritatively , to decide the same , as , act. . the reason of the . is , because these errours of hymeneus and phyletus , were of themselves grosse , destroying the faith , and obstinately and blasphemously adhered to . . he instructeth and expostulateth with the people of corinth , and proceedeth not to the highest censure , . because they were not seducers , but were seduced by others . . they could not be accounted obstinate , but might be thought to have sinned of infirmity , therefore more gentle and soft means are to be applied for reclaiming of them . . they were a numerous body , and therefore excommunication or cutting off , could not be expected to attain its end . . they were in a present distemper , questioning the apostles authority ; he seeketh rather therefore to be again acknowledged by them , that so both his word and his rod might have weight , whereas if he had smitten in their distemper , they had rather broken off further from their subjection . these are clear , beside what may be said of the nature of the scandal or errour . . he threatneth the corrupt teachers with off-cutting , because they were leaders and seducers , and so deserved to be more severely dealt with , than those that were seduced by them , although , possibly , as drunk with these same errours : yet , though he threaten , he doth spare for a time to strike , not out of any respect to those corrupt teachers , or from any connivance at their errour , but out of respect to the poor seduced people , for whose edification paul forbare , even when the weapons were in readinesse to avenge all disobedience ; he abstained , i say , because such people having a prejudice at him , and being bewitched by these teachers , might more readily in that distemper have cleaved unto them , and have forsaken paul , which would have proven more destructive to them ; he seeketh therefore , first , to have their obedience manifested , and so not only forbeareth them , but even those corrupt teachers , for a time , for the peoples edifying , as may be gathered from cor. . . and chap. . v. . lastly , i said , sometimes synods or councils are called , as in that place , act. . which in other cases we find not , . because then that errour was new , and it 's like wanted not its own respect from many of the church , therefore a council of officers joyned together to decide it , which is not necessary again , after that decision is past ; but ministers are doctrinally and by discipline to maintain the same , as we see paul doth maintain , in the epistles to the romans and galatians , the conclusion of the former synod . . this synod is conveened not for want of light ( for , any of the apostles , as such , were infallibly inspired to decide in the same , and had in their preachings decided it ) but it is to make it have the more weight with others , and therein to be a precedent to us . . that was a spreading errour , which did not affect one place only , but many churches ; and it 's like that many believers were in hazard to be shaken therewith : therefore the most weighty remedy is called-for . . there was need now , not only of light to decide the doctrinal things , but there was also need of directions for helping folks how to carry in reference to such times , so as to eschew the snare of errour on the one hand , and of giving offence upon the other , as we may see by the decrees of that synod : therefore in such cases , not only would men severally endeavour the duty of their stations , but they would joyntly concur and meet judicially , or extrajudicially , as occasion calleth , to deliberate and consult in these things of so great and common concernment : for , seing the church is one city , and one lump , a little fire may hazard all , and a little leaven corrupt all , and unwatchfulnesse at one part , or post , may let in enemies to destroy all . it is needfull therefore , that in some cases there be mutual concurrence , although it be not necessary at all times to have a judicial meeting , nor at any time is a present duty to be suspended by any person , if no such meeting can be had . what is said , doth demonstrat that there is a difference to be made in reference to errours , persons and cases . chap. viii . when some errours are to be forborn . if it should be enquired , how this difference is to be made ? or , how it may be known when without guilt there may be some forbearance , and when not ? answ. this is indeed difficult , and we will not undertake in particulars either to be satisfying or peremptory ; yet we supose the considering of these generall distinctions will be helpfull , and the application of them necessary , in this case . . we would distinguish betwixt some errours and scandals and others , and that both in respect of their grosnesse and evidence : for , some errours are , as peter calleth them , pet. . , . pernicious and damnable , as striking against the special truths of the word of god , or inferring grosse practices with them , as this of the nicolaitans did , and hazarding the souls of the maintainers of them , not as other sins of infirmity , but in respect of the principles which they imply ; and of this sort are many both errours and practices . again , other things may be errours , that are contrary to truth , but not destructive unto , nor altogether inconsistent with , the foundation , but such a thing , as possibly many true saints may be taken with , and yet have accesse to god and may enter heaven , although they should die in that opinion ; of which sort are many things that are debated amongst orthodox divines ; and indeed there is nothing but it hath a truth or a falshood in it , yet are not all of equal necessity and weight . of the first sort was that errour , which the false apostles endeavoured to bring-in , that is , the adding of the practice of the ceremonial law to christ in justification , and the mixing-in of works moral and ceremonial therein , as from the epistle to the romans and galatians may be gathered . of the second kind , was the debate for meats and other things , mentioned , rom. . and in the epistles to the corinthians . of the first , we say , there ought to be no tolerance , therefore the lord doth here reprove it ; and in the epistles to the romans and corinthians , paul doth plainly and powerfully refute them and reprove them , even when it was exceeding ill taken , and they were ready to count him an enemy , because he told them the truth , gal. . yet will he not forbear , because a little leaven of that sort will leaven the whole lump , and hazard the making of his labour among them to be in vain . of the second sort , we say , that there is a moderation called-for in it , and ministers are not alwayes called either doctrinally , or by discipline , judicially to reprove or censure them : i will not say but sometimes it may be meet to discover the least errour , and it may be by circumstances so aggreged , that it may be needfull judicially to take notice of it , as when it 's involved with offence and ready to breed schism or scandal , or in such like cases ( in which respect there are some things mentioned in the decree , act. . which are not very material in themselves , as the eating of things strangled ) yet , we say , it is not simply and alwayes necessary for ministers to presse at the convincing of all who maintain something different from truth , or which is supposed to be so by them , if ●…it be of things extra-fundamental , or , which have not direct or palpable influence upon the violating of faith , or corrupting of manners , much lesse to censure for the maintaining of it . for , it is not of such that these epistles speak : and we see , rom. . and in the epistles to the corinthians , in the debate about meats and eating of things sacrificed to idols , and such like , wherein though there was still a right side and a wrong , yet doth he rather presse the forbearing of these debates , than the dipping into them , not astricting men alwayes to follow this or that , providing it be done without breach of unity and charity . hence it is ▪ that although there be somethings he will give no forbearance unto , but authoritatively and ministerially he decideth in them , yet in the same epistles there is something amongst the saints that he seeketh rather to heal , and to obtain mutuall forbearance in , than peremptorily to decide . see rom. . cor. . , , &c. phil. . . . there are some truths and practices evident , which by the light of the word may be solidly demonstrated to an impartiall and unbyassed searcher ; and some contrary errours and scandals , that are at the first obvious ( and , it may be , even to a naturall conscience ) to be such , so that although men would use tergiversations , and say as hymeneus and phyletus did , tim. . . that there were no resurrection to come , because the scripture speaketh of a spirituall resurrection , which in the believer is passed already . and although many deluded persons , who will not admit of distinctions according to reason , in such a case , may be drawn away with them , and adhere still to them ; yet are the things demonstrable to these that are even but of ordinary reach , by sound grounds from the scripture , and that convincingly : other things , again , may be truths , and there may be to some persons a possibility of reaching them by many consequences from scripture , yet are they not so clear to many ; whereupon it is , that men , yea , even learned and godly men , do differ in their apprehensions of several truths , the lord so thinking good to bridle mens humours and to let us see the necessity of humility and sobernesse , and this may be in the meanestlike things ; these the apostle , rom. . . calleth doubtfull disputations , as being things wherein too many , at least there is not such evidence attainable as to stay the minds of ordinary people , or to refute the contrary assertions of any adversary ▪ of which are genealogies , and other things that paul mentioneth to timothy , tim. . . and calleth them endlesse , because there is no setled ground to rest on , but one question doth generate another ; and so the principle that must be laid down for clearing such a thing to one , is also disputable to another as the thing it self is , and men know but in part , even those that are eminent , so that an universal harmony in these cannot well be expected : in reference to this , we say , that greater peremptorinesse is required in the first sort than in the second ▪ wherein , by reason of the practice of the apostles in scripture , yea , and of necessity there is a forbearance requisit , yet we would beware of partiality in accounting truths , either evident or disputable , as men ( according as they are judged ) are too apt to do ; it is better therefore to try these by the common account that the godly and learned have had in all times of such truthes , if there hath been still difference , and yet moderation in these differences ; nor would this be tryed onely by an age or time ( wherein a point may be more agitate than at another time ) but more generally , especially when the arguments on either side want that evidence that the reasons brought for other truths have , and are so fully set down in scripture , that amongst godly and learned men in all ages there hath been a generall consent . again , . we would distinguish betwixt errours and the consequents of them , or practices following thereupon ; there may be somethings truly errours that may and should be forborn in themselves , yet their consequents ought not to be forborn , and this also may be at one time , and in one church more necessary to be adverted to , than in another , because consequents of schism , faction , division , &c. may sometimes follow on the meanest errours . and seing these are alwayes enemies to edification , even when they arise from the least ground , they are never absolutly to be forborn ; for ▪ to say , i am of paul , and i am of apollos , and for one to think such a man a better preacher than an other , seemeth to be no great matter ; yet when it beginneth to rent them , and to make factions in corinth , it is not to be forborn , but to be reproved : and in the former difference of meats , the apostle condemneth alwayes the offence and schism that followed on it , although he did not peremptorily decide any thing as to mens practices , or censure for the opinion it self : thus one might think the first day of the week not to be iure divino , and this might possibly be forborn , but if he were pressing the change of it , and refusing to observe it , or venting it to offend others , that were intolerable ; thus the differences and errours concerning church-government by bishops , and in the congregational way , may , we conceive , in themselves be forborn in persons where they are not vented to the shaking and drawing away of others ; but if pressed in practice , to the renting of a church , and preferred or equalled to the true government that is established by the word , in that case they are not to be forborn , because then truth is to be vindicated , and obstructions to edification in the renting or distracting of a church to be removed , and at on time more than at another , as such an offence doth waken a schism , and disturb order and union in one church or at one time more than another : hence we see , acts . somethings are put in that decree in reference to that time , only for preventing of schism and scandal , while the doctrine of the abolition of the ceremoniall law was not so clear ; and somethings were forborn amongst the gentiles , which were not so amongst the jews for a time , as circumcision and all the ceremonies of the law , which yet for a time the jews observed ; and experience and reason make the thing clear , according to that of paul , to the iews i became as a iew ▪ and i became all things to all men , &c. which is not to show his counterfeiting , or his dallying in any necessary thing , but the squa●…ing of his practice in lawfull things according to the several cases of these he had to do with , which will be applicable both to persons and churches . . we would distinguish betwixt things , and persons , sometimes it will be meet to censure a fault or errour in persons , as paul doth in the corinthians and galatians , and yet it not be fit to censure the persons ; he doth indeed threaten these , but doth forbear ▪ least thereby he should have hurt moe by a subsequent and following rent , than by his stroak he had cured . so also are persons to be distinguished , some whereof only erre , but others teach others so ; and in that respect are hereticks and schismaticks ▪ which , had that been their own opinion only , could not have been imputed to them ; these last cannot plead that forbearance that ought to be had towards the former . also distinction is to be made in the manner of forbearance ; it is one thing to forbear simply and altogether one that is infected with errour and spreadeth it , it is another thing to for bear , in some respect , to wit ▪ of censure only , or it may be in respect of degree , something may be more gently censured , and yet not altogether forborn ; and one may ministerially reprove a fault and person by the key of doctrine , in applying of it , when yet he may forbear the exercise of discipline and censure , as in the forecited place , paul is reproving false teachers in corinth , yet sparing the rod for a time ; and so , wishing that some were cut off in galatia , yet not doing it ; and this is not so much respect to the persons of these teachers , as to the church and to the multitude of their followers , whom hasty censures might rather have stumbled than edified , which is the great end of that and of all other ordinances : therefore seeketh he first to recover them , and again , to bring them back to the acknowledgement of his authority , and thereupon to exercise the weapons that he had in readinesse for the avenging all disobedience , when their obedience is made manifest ▪ cor. . . which he would not do before that , lest they ( being addicted to these teachers ) had sided with them against his authority , and so it had been both more hurtfull to them and to the church than edifying , by which alone he is swayed . these and other such considerations being had , ministers by christian prudence , are to gather when to be silent , and when to speak , when to censure , and when to forbear ; but by all means , are ever to be watchfull , lest the grounds that plead for forbearance sometimes for the churches edification upon the one side , be not stretched out so broad , as to foster our lukewarm temper , coldnesse , and fainting cowardlinesse in the things of god ; and there is much need to try from what that moderation doth flow , and whether even then the heart be hot with holy indignation against these ; even as on the other side , true zeal would be guided towards the scope of edification , lest that duty of exercising discipline , which is acceptable to god , and usefull to the church , be rejected of him , because proceeding from our own spirits , and prove more hurtfull than edifying in the effects thereof ; some few instances whereof have given some occasion of speaking evil of this ordinance of jesus christ , to these who at all times ly in wait , to catch at what may be wrested to the reproach thereof . but to conclude this , without insisting on particulars , there must be a single , impartial and prudentiall walking , so as may attain edification , and as men may be answerable to jesus christ in their trust , having an eye to these things that most contribute to edification . but , . if what is vented be blasphemous , and destroyeth the foundations of faith , that comes not within this debate , as in paul's dealing with hymeneus and alexander , tim. . . is clear ; for zeal for the majesty of god , and love to the salvation of souls ( which is the substance of the two great commandements of the law ) will admit of no forbearing in such a case . . if it corrupteth or defaceth the church , and maketh her a reproach to the profane , it is not to be forborn . . if the things become not the ordinances of christ , but reflect on them , and consequently on him whose ordinances they are , they are not to be connived at . . if such things hazard the publick beauty , order and government of the church , without which there is no keeping up the face of a visible church , these are not to be over-looked . . if they mar the union and love that ought to be in the church ( which is to be preserved , and every thing that may mar it , removed ) they ought not to be tolerated . . if they turn to be offensive and scandalous , either by making the wayes of the lord to be ill spoken of , pet. . . or by grieving the godly , or by infecting others ; they are not the object of forbearance , except some circumstance concur , as hath been said , in which case it cannot properly be called forbearance : by these and other things , this may be tried , when an errour is to be forborn and when not , in which , consideration is to be had , both of the nature of the errour , and of the person that doth hold it , as also of the case of the church and people , who may be edified or hurt by the forbearing or censuring of such a person . what is needfull , but not sufficient , will appear when we come to consider what is called-for ; for , what is lesse than what is required , must be defective and not sufficient : as it is requisite that men not only keep themselves free , but also that by admonition and exhortation , means be used to reclaim these that have fallen ; yet these are not sufficient if there be no publick mean , yea , though there were publick authoritative preaching and exercising of the key of doctrine , yet that is not sufficient , if there be not also censuring by discipline , and an exercise of the key of iurisdiction ; and in some cases every censure will not be sufficient , if it be not extended to the utmost , for christ hath not given that key for nought to his church , in reference to all her scandals , nor are men exonered till they reach themselves to the uttermost in their stations , but this will appear more afterward . chap. ix . what is called-for from church-officers in the case of spreading errour . we begin now to speak particularly to the church-officers duty , and what is called-for from them , especially from ministers , which we may consider in a fourfold respect . . there is something called-for from the minister in reference to god. , in reference to himself . . in reference to the flock and people who are not tainted , but , it may be , under the tentation . . in reference to these that are in the snare , especially the promotters of these evils . the first two are interwoven almost , therefore we shall speak of them together : and we say , . when such a tentation setteth on upon a people , and beginneth to infect or hazard the infection of a particular flock , or of many together , ( for , the hazard of one , is the hazard of many in such a case , as is said ) the minister would look first to god as the great over-ruler , even of these things that are evil in the churches ; and he would consider if things be in good case betwixt god and him , especially in respect of his ministery ; for , such an infection in a flock is a prime stroak upon a minister , because the spreading thereof threatneth the unchurching of that church and blasting of his ministery , as , rev. . is threatned against the angel of ephesus , and it never cometh but it hath with it a spirit and spait of bitternesse against , and many crosses , faintings and vexations unto , the minister ; he is therefore soberly and composedly to look to god as his party , and is not to think , that such things come by guesse , and spring out of the dust , nor from the corruptions of some giddie people only , but that there is a higher hand ; without this there can be no right use made of such a dispensation ; and this is it that should humble the minister and make him serious , lest by the peoples sin , god may be smiting him : paul hath this word when he speaketh of the schisms and contentious debates that were in corinth , cor. . , , i fear , saith he , lest when i come , my god will humble me amongst you , he did so construct of their miscarrying , as making for this humiliation : yet it is to be adverted , that it is not the minister or flock that the lord is most displeased with , that alwayes is so assaulted and shaken , although it be ever matter of humiliation . . when the minister is composed to take up gods hand in the matter , then is he not only to look to him for direction and guiding in his duty , and without fretting to reverence his dispensation , but he is to reflect upon himself , and to consider his bygone carriage , especially in his ministery , if he may not be chargeable before god with some sinfull influence upon his peoples distempers and miscarriages . and particularly , he is to look to these four , . if he be in good terms with god , in reference to his own particular state and condition , and if there was that due tendernesse and watchfulnesse at the time of the out-breaking of such an ill : i grant it may be that things were right , as in the case of iob , iob . . yet it becometh him to try ; for , such a thing may be trysted with security and negligence , that thereby he may be awakned to see his former defects . . a minister would then reflect on his clearnesse to that calling , and particularly to such a charge ; and though to both he may be called by god , yet it is his part to try , that he may meet the reproaches with the greater confidence , as we see paul doth in the epistles often mentioned ; for , in such a case a minister will be put to it , and who knoweth but possibly expectation of ease , quiet accommodation or credit in such a place , and tractablnesse in such a people , and such like , might have had weight with a good man to sway him to one place more than another ? and by such a dispensation the lord doth chasten that , to learn ministers at their entry to be swayed alone with the churches edification . but , . to come nearer , a minister would try if he hath any sinfull meritorious influence ( to speak so ) in procuring that stroak to the people , to be given up to these delusions ; for , it is certain , a minister may be smitten in some stroak of this kind upon his people , as is clear from that threatning to the angel of ephesus , rev. . even as a magistrate may be smitten by a stroak that is immediately upon his people , as we see in davids case , who thus procured the pestilence , sam. . because , first , the people themselvs are not guiltless , so that there is no injustice . and. . because there is a great sibnesse betwixt minister and people , so that a rod upon one , doth indeed prove a rod to both : he would therefore try if possibly he hath been somewhat proud or vain of his authority , or respect amongst them , of their knowledge , orderly carriage , or dependance on the ordinances , especially if he have any way affected such a thing , and hath withall sleighted the trying of their spiritual estate , and bettering of it , or if he hath been neglective to pray for them , and for their stability in the truth ; if he hath been defective to warn or to keep up the authority of the ordinances , and of a ministery among them ; if he hath been too familiar and triviall in his carriage with them , and such like ; also , if he hath been affected with zeal for gods honour , when other congregations have been infected , if he hath sympathized with such ministers , and born burthen with others in such cases ; or , if on the contrary , he hath been carelesse , or , it may be , puffed up because himself was free : these and such like sins would be searched , because their is a justice , and , if i may say , a congruity in justice , in punishing such sins with such a rod ; for it s often when the husband men are sleeping that the enemy doth sow such tares . . he would try if he hath had any sinfull influence on such evils , as if he hath not been full and diligent in grounding them in the fundamentall truths , and clearing to them the doctrines of the gospel , as well as preaching duties , cases , and such like , or if he hath needlesly fostered curiosity in starting any questions , or in giving people way to follow them , if he hath made a sport of some errours publickly or privately , if he hath laughen at , or lightly spoken of , the errours and miscarriages of others , before them , if he hath not been faithfull to admonish and reprove the first gadings , or if he hath fed the people with empty notions and wind , and builded hay and stubble upon the foundation , and hath not seriously discovered to them their guiltinesse , and hath not put them to the exercise of repentance for their corrupt inclinations , thereby to presse humility , fear , watchfulnesse , diligence , &c. that so their hand might be filled with a more solid work , and christ by them imployed to preserve them , even from this tentation . these , i say , and such like , would be tryed , because where they are , the minister wants not accession to their sin , as if in some respect he had combined with these seducers . . when this is done , the minister would be affected with his own guilt , and then his sympathy with the peoples condition will be the more lively ; and he would , first , endeavour the recovery of himself , and his restoring to good tearms with god through christ jesus . . as he would confesse his own faults , so also the faults of the people ; and as he would pray for pardon for himself , so would he do for them , who , it may be , do reproach and curse him , yet would he not cease to pray for them , having that word fresh under such a stroak , as for these sheep , lord , what have they done ? . there would be special dealing with god , and dependence on him for fitnesse rightly to manage such a case ; for , the charge becomes more heavie : god therefore should be acknowledged for obtaining suitable furniture , even in reference to that particular : and ministers would know , that it is not their abilities , gifts , nor parts that can do this ; and if we cannot speak profitably to one that is not in such a distemper , what can we do where the person is so prejudged and distempered , if the lord do it not ? ministers therefore would 〈◊〉 reference to every word , unto such persons , in a ●…ly fear and jealousie , lest , lippening to themselves , they mar the master's work , and stumble a poor soul rather than edifie the same . . he would aim seriously not only at exoneration , but at edification ; and for that cause would begin , by dealing with god for successe , and that either the lord would immediatly himself convince or blesse his furniture to him for that end ; yea , he would be blyth if any mean were provided and blessed , though in another hand than his own . . the minister would now use ordinary means for fitting of himself to discover such errours as his people are guilty of , that he may be able solidly to convince them that are stumbled , and to establish others that stand ; and pains would be taken in this , aswell as for preaching , or in the studying of common heads at the passing of tryals , which is but a proof of the man's gifts in a more remote reference to such a case , which now is specially to be put in exercise ; therefore he would , first , endeavour to be through in the wole body of divinity and grounds of christian religion ; for , there is such a connexion among truths , that when one is wronged , many are wronged , and one errour may overturn many foundations : and if a minister have not some generall impression of the whole , he cannot with confidence search in , or undertake the refutation of , any one particular errour : neither ought a minister , who possibly for a time hath forborn studies of that kind , think it unbecoming him again to return to them , seing it is duty , and there is no shame to be learning what may fit one for his duty ; and who knoweth but among other ends , this may be intended , that ministers may be put to more constant study and search in the fundamentall truths of the gospel ? . he would then , like a wise physician ▪ endeavour to know the malady that hath infected and distempered his people , what are the errours they maintain , what are the arguments that ●…ave weight with them , what are the tentations they have had , or who are the tempters or instruments that have seduced them , and such like ; what also is their natural humour , hasty or meek , proud or humble ; what hath been their former way of walking , what are their parts and abilities , with whom they converse , who hath weight with them , or are esteemed by them , that by these and such like means he may be in better capacity to know how to apply the remedie , and to deal with them himself , or to make use of others for that end . . he would endeavour the furnishing of himself , especially in reference to these errours beyond others which they are tainted with , and for this cause would provide fit books , converse with others that are able to help him , and gather his own observations from scripture and other grounds , that through gods blessing upon his labours he may be able to speak of these things confidently as to himself , and convincingly as to others . it is to be observed , that the former order laid down , doth not require a succession in time , in reference to the several steps ( for , in some cases a minister will be instantly put to what is beyond all these , and to deal by some other means ) but it sheweth the order of nature , and what way is to be followed according as there is accesse and opportunity . further , it is necessary for ministers , at such a time especially , to endeavour union among themselves and amongst the people of their flocks ; for , oftentimes division and delusion are trysted together , whereby the deluders are exceedingly strengthened , truth , and the ministers thereof , made exceedingly contemptible and put in an incapacity to edifie , or have weight , till that be removed . therefore we see , that in the churches of corinth , galatia and philippi , where seducers were driving their designs , and division had taken great footing , the apostle hath a special regard to the recovering of their union at such a time : we may read it also in the life of basilius the great antagonist of the arians , who , being by some division with eusebius , then bishop of cesaria , necessitated to withdraw for the churches peace , whereupon valence the arian emperour , and other arians , thought that a fit opportunity to vent their errour in cesaria , which they could not succesfully do , while union continued there . to disappoint this design , gregory nazianzen advised his return and uniting with eusebius , as the only mean to prevent the growth of that heresie amongst the people , which being accordingly done , and both of them forgetting their particular discontents for the publick good , the church was so established , and the errour so opposed , that the forenamed enterprisers were constrained to give over their design upon that union . in the third place , we come to consider a ministers duty in reference to the flock in generall ( and certainly by proportion it may be gathered what seriousnesse , gravity and diligence ought to be amongst ruling-elders in their concurring with him in such a case , who are also to joyn with him according to to their places in the former search and triall of their carriage , and in fitting of themselves for being usefull in such a time ) for , it cannot be denied , but somewhat peculiar is called-for from the minister , in reference to his ministery in common amongst the people , more than is called-for at another time . as , . he is to be in respect of all christian qualifications in his carriage and all ministeriall duties in his charge , singularly serious and eminently exemplary , because it is now a main and prime thing to have a testimony of sincerity , faithfulnesse and love to the peoples edification in their own consciences ; and this cannot be obtained at such a time without the former . for , in experience we see that declining to errour , and falling from esteem of the minister , go together : and where this is preserved , either the fall is prevented , or there is the greater accesse to recover the person that is fallen . ministers therefore would especially study that , as a main mean of the peoples edification . and for that cause , would observe , . if any thing hath escaped them in their way , which might have given offence , and would by all means endeavour to remove it . . if any thing hath been unjustly imputed to them , they would condescend to clear it . . they would take notice of what particulars they use to be charged with , though , it may be , unjustly , or what usually ministers are charged with by the corrupt men of the world , as pride , cove●…ousnesse , self-seeking , hypocrisie and the like ; and at such a time , ministers would not only eschew these evils , but also the very appearance of them , which is a part of paul's becoming all things to all , that he might gain and save some , cor. . and , in a word , a minister would so carry in that time , as every look , word , action , gesture , yea , as every thing lesse or more in his ministery , in his family , diet , cloaths , and such like , may abide the triall of the most narrow and watchfull observers , yea , of one that is a more high and narrow observer than they . . there are some things wherein particularly he would insist and seek to have born in upon the people . as , . to have them sensible of the evil of errour , and of the hazard that cometh by it , also of the devils subtilty and craft in carrying on of such a businesse . . to have them instructed and cleared in the truths of the gospel , especially in such things as are controverted , that the errours and consequents following thereon , may be made as obviously clear and hatefull as may be . this would be done so as they be not diverted from practice in the main duties of godlinesse by any speculation ; but , searching , up-stirring and materiall doctrines , with powerfull and convincing applications of all kinds , would be in a speciall manner pressed then , as we see in these directions to timothy and titus is clear : where , upon the one side , the taking head to fables and vain janglings is dehorted from , and convincing , exhorting ▪ reproving with all authority , pressing of good works , and exercising to godlinesse , are , on the other side exhorted unto . . people would be pressed by all means , to eschew snares and the company of seducers , which was both our lords practice , and the practice of his apostles . there is no duty more frequently pressed than that : it is true , this is sometimes mistaken by people , yet it is the duty of ministers to presse it ; yea , they are charged to charge others in reference to this , as in the . to tim. . . and . . being compared with the directions that are given in these epistles . . it may be it were not unmeet in such a time , that something were done in writ , for clearing of these things which are especially controverted , and that some in particular might be designed for this part of the work : for , often seducers spread their errours by writ , as we may in see in ier. . . and sometimes there will be accesse to instruct and edifie by writ , when it cannot be done by word , yea , so , some persons may have objections moved and answered to them , before they be confirmed in such and such opinions , which possibly they would have thought shame to move till they had settled in them ; and so have been in a greater prejudice against the truth , and in a greater incapacity to be gained from them ; and we see , that the apostles used this way unto churches and people , to confute materiall errours in writ , and so also to confirm the truth against all cavils of adversaries , even as they did it by word of mouth and preaching . . in all this , the minister would take good heed to his manner of proceeding , that it be grave , weighty , serious , loving , and in every thing such as may convince the people , . of his own seriousnesse , and being much affected with such a businesse , therefore light and mocking expressions would be shunned , but the minister would be affectionate and serious , like one travelling in birth , while christ be formed in them again , as paul speaketh , gal. . . . to convince them of the evil of the thing , and for that cause would so carry , as he may make errour also hatefull and loathsome to the people , as any scandalous practice whatsoever ; for which cause ministers would rather endeavour to stir the peoples zeal against such evils , by grave , convincing , affectionate expressions regrates or expostulations , than to move their laughter with triviall mock●… or taunts , in reference to such principles or persons ; for , ( as holy master greenham used to say ) that doth but make sin ridiculous , when it ought to be made hatefull . . he would endeavour to convince them of his singlenesse in seeking of their good , and of love to them , and pitty to these that are misled ; for which cause any thing that may make him be supposed to resent personall reproaches or indignities , or aim at upholding of his own credit , or to vent bitternesse against the persons of others , would be carefully abstained from : for , these things derogate much from the weight of what a minister can do ; and we see the great apostle paul , doth not stick to condescend in such cases to vindicate himself from such mistakes , and to use great expressions of love , yea , sometimes to attest god as to the sincerity of his professions , and such like , which are frequent in the epistles to the corinthians and galatians , which may be an example to ministers in such ca●…es . . their whole carriage would be affectionate , even to the persons of opposers ; for , nothing prejudgeth more , than for a ministe●… to be thought carnall and passionate , whereas tender dealing and usage to persons and to their outward estates , doth prove as coals of fire to soften them , as in experience is found ; however its becoming of a minister ; yet it is to be done without marring zeal and indignation against their errours , and without prejudice to his seeking to censure them for these , or his restraining them from venting of the same . it is here to be adverted , . that what was spoken of the manner of a ministers carriage in reference to practical scandals , and of his duty in a time when offences abound , is also to be remembred here and in what followeth . . that what is spoken of ministers duty , will by proportion agree to ruling-elders according to their stations ; for , they should no lesse endeavour the preventing and suppressing of corrupt doctrine than of other scandalous practices , and they especially are to endeavour to have the means used by the minister , made weighty amongst the people ; and for that end , are to endeavour to have himself weighty also . we come now to the fourth step of a ministers duty , and that is , as it relateth to those that are tainted with errour , ( we mean grosse errours and delusions , such as this discourse runneth upon ) we may consider it in these four steps , as it relateth , . to discovery , or tryal , . to conviction , . to admonition , . to rejection . for the first , as the apostle saith of men in general , tim. . . some mens sins are open before hand , going before to judgment , and some mens follow after : so here , sometimes errour discovereth it self , and there is no need of search ; yet sometimes also there will be many secret objections moved and harboured against truths , which will not be avowed , though they be privately muttered ; yea , sometimes corrupt teachers will endeavour the vailing and hiding of their tenets , or errours , by many shifts , even when they are studying to leaven others with their delusions . there is therefore a necessity in such a case , . to try what opinions are held and vented , and to discover the absurdnesse and grossnesse of them ; for , many will maintain the premisses ignorantly , who will not know that such absurd conclusions do follow thereupon ; it is fit therefore to lay by the names and expressions used by seducers , and to expresse the thing as it is , especially if it be the reviving of some old absurdity under some new coat and pretext ; thus the lord doth discover the abomination of the nicolaitans doctrine , by comparing it unto , and evidencing it to be , upon the mater , indeed one and the same with the practices of balaam and iezebel , rev. . . , and . this way is also followed by peter , epist. . and by iude , who compared corrupt teachers to balaam , korah , dathan , &c. thereby to take the vi●…orn off old newly revived errours , that they may appear as they are ; for , often errour is commended to people under some new representation , and many will love it so represented , who yet will abhor former errours , which are still the same , though under another name , which are two tricks of the devils subtility , . to make old errour passe under the opinion and construction of some new light . and , . for that end to disguise it in some circumstances , and to change its name : and indeed , it is no little piece of spirituall dexterity to remove that mask . secondly , there is a discovery to be made of the persons who hanker after such opinions , that it may be found who are infected thereby ; this would be done to reclaim the persons , and to cure that distemper , before it break out , or come to a height ; for , it is more easie often to cure one at the beginning than afterward : also , when it becometh publick , it hath with it some kind of engagement on the person , and he is more hardly recovered , lest he should seem thereby to appear weak , erroneous , unstable , or such like . beside , it is more gaining-like when the minister privately findeth them out , and endeavoureth to recover them secretly , before any publick notice be taken thereof , and often hath more successe with it , than after debats , as seemeth to be held forth in that place , gal. . . where paul saith , that he communicated with them of reputation , the gospel , first , privately , lest by any means he should have run in vain . therefore we conceive , persons suspect of errour , would not hastily be brought to publick , but in some respect , the publicknesse of their offence , would be , as it were , dissembled , or not positively so publickly taken notice of , that thereby there may be the fairer accesse for them to retreat . . if there be any retreat , the person would be waited upon ▪ although at first it be not fully satisfying , and all due care and diligence would be used to have his former errour buried , as if it had never been , without any publick hearing , except some extraordinary circumstance perswade to another way . for , ( besides the reasons given ) errour becometh not readily a publick scandal , except there be tenaciousnesse therein , or some actuall stumbling-block laid before others thereby , which often the persons reclaiming , will remove more than their censuring . therefore , upon supposition of a persons recovery , there is no great fear of hazard in abstaining from bringing such a thing to publick , except he hath been instrumentall to seduce others , or in some such case which doth make his carriage open before hand , as is said . . this secret discovery before things break out , is needfull to prevent the defection of others , because , if the persons be not reclaimed , they may be found out to be dangerous , and may so be noted , for the preventing of their being a snare to others , which they might have been more easily , had they not been marked to be such , which is the reason of that exhortation , rom. . . mark them that caus●… divisions , and avoid them . when a person is discovered and found to be tainted , then all means are to be used for his conviction by conference , reasoning and other such means as may gain the end , this is a speciall qualification of a minister , ti●… . . . that he may be able by sound doctrine to convince gainsayers . and ( as it is , tim. . . ) in meeknesse to instruct these that oppose themselves : which step may be considered under diverse respects , . as it tendeth to the gaining of the person directly , so especially private debatings are requisit , which are to be carried on with all meeknesse and long-suffering , although they meet with reproaches and reflection●… in the prosecuting thereof . . although there be little hopes of gaining the person , yet there is need of such means for the stopping of his mouth , and the edification of others , that thereby he have not occasion to seduce them ; for , often such debatings solidly and judiciously carried on , though they do not convince the person , so as to make him silent ▪ yet do they convince others of the absurdnesse of these errours , and the unreasonablnesse of such a persons carriage ; and experience hath proven , that often such debats have been blessed for the credit and vindication of the truth , in reference to many others , and by that place , tit. . . seemeth to be clear duty , though there be little hopes of coming speed , as to the persons seduced . chap. x. whether at all times a publick debate be necessary with such persons upon these points . if it be questioned here , . whether in all cases there be a necessity of a publick debate ? . what is to be accounted conviction ? . what is to be done , when the persons are not silent ? . how this debate is to be managed ? we shall answer by laying down some assertions promiscuously in reference to all these questions . assert . . we say that there are some times and cases wherein publick debates are not altogether to be shunned ; i will not say , that every person is to accept of such a challenge , lest there by truth be wronged ; ( neither is it alwayes the ablest man that manageth such a businesse best ) but in general the thing is necessary in these and such like cases : as , . when errours seem to be new among the people . . when the promotters of them become insolent , as if they durst come to the light with their deeds . . when by forbearance and silence , people are in hazard to think something of these insolent boasters , and of their opinions . in which cases , i say , and the like , there is some necessity of this , for the c●…urches edification , as may appear from tit. . , , . there are many , saith the apostle , who are unruly and vain talkers ( such as vainly boast of their own ability , to maintain their opinions ) whose mouths must be stopped , lest they get advantage to seduce others ; and this is given as the reason why ministers should be qualified with abilities to convince gainsayers , because sometimes the insolencie and vanity of some such , doth necessitate to this ; and on this ground we will find our blessed lord himself , and stephen and paul , frequently disputing even in assemblies and synagogues . this will not infer a necessity for every minister to dispute at all times . even in such a case , but sometimes it may be referred , and put to others ; for if truth be maintained , and errour be confuted , it may stop the gainsayers mouth , although every one do it not . assert . . yet there are some cases , when such entering of debats is not necessary nor expedient . as , . supposing these things not to be new , but to have been sufficiently confuted formerly , and it may be in other places not far off , nor long before that ; for , if there should be a continuing ▪ still to debate , there would be no truth acknowledged to be setled , nor accesse to other and further duties . . when some persons are known vainly and purposly to seek to put all in confusion , by multiplying such debats , and irreverently to prosecute the same , as if they made it their trade or vocation to do so : the answering of such men according to their folly , would be an accession to their guilt of taking the blessed name of god in vain , and for satisfaction to mens humours , and not for the great end of edification . . when men become unreasonable , and in their debatings , shew irrationall contradiction and blasphemy ; in such a case , it is to be forborn or broken off with indignation , and with zeal to the glory of god , as we see paul and barnabas do , act. . , . . some erroneous persons are so grosse and absurd , that they are not to be disputed with , but rather to be reproved and abhorred : and therefore we see in these epistles , rev. . . there is no disputing against the nicolaitans , as paul useth in other cases , because , where such absurdities are owned , there is no accesse to fasten a conviction from reason , when men by such opinions appear to be unreasonable . . when men deny principles , as the authority or sufficiency of the scripture , or when they lay new principles , as a light within , revelations , enthusiasms , or such like ; or , when they grosly and absurdly wrest and pervert the scripture , as peter speaketh of some , denying most clear senses , and forging senses which are most ridiculous : in such cases , there is no accesse to dispute , not only because it cannot be done without admitting of them to blaspheme , but also because there is no mean by which they may be convinced , seing the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god , is rendered uselesse unto them : as for instance , hymeneus and alexander , said , there was no resurrection to come , because it was past already ; they wanted not dexterity to abuse the scripture , which saith , that there is a resurrection from sin , and by the new birth believers are raised from the dead . now , the applying of what is spoken of the generall and second resurrection to this particular and first resurrection , is so grosse , that paul doth not dispute with but sentence such blasphemers and abusers of the scripture ; for , it is clear , that they did not deny the scripture , or a resurrection simply , but did grosly and irrationally misapply the same : of this sort , are such as will admit of no distinctions , nor consequences , nor different acceptions of words and phrases , and such like : for , according to these grounds , the scripture is made to disagree from it self , to give no certain sound in any thing , and to infer many absurdities , which is blasphemous to think . assert . . it is not to be thought that that only is conviction , which putteth the adverse party to silence , or that when convincing of gainsayers is commanded , that that only is intended : for , men of corrupt unruly spirits ( as the apostle saith ) wax worse and worse , and do resist the truth , as iannes and iambres withstood moses , tim. . . and are therefore called reprobate concerning the faith ; yea , sometimes the more they be pinched and bound , the more they cry out , and will not yeeld to convincing truth , as we see , act. . , , . and act . , . and certainly there were none of paul's opposers able to dispute with him , yet we will never almost find his adversaries silent , though he put them to silence , and did actually convince them ; notwithstanding they are still muttering and contradicting , so that oftentimes he breaketh off , shaking the dust off his feet against them , when arguments did not the businesse . oftentimes also , this continuing of contradiction with some dexterity to pervert scripture to their own destruction , is to them penall and ●…udiciall , as was formerly observed , and doth follow upon their hazarding and daring to oppose the manifest truth . and who would have thought , but that these magicians that resisted moses , should have been convinced by so many miracles , not to have essayed further to oppose him ? which yet notwithstanding they continue to do ; and if it was so then , and with paul and the other apostles afterward , can it be expected to be otherwayes now ? seing the spirit of iannes and iambres , and the gainsaying of core is marked by the scripture to wait on such . if it be asked then , what can be understood by conviction ? and if a person may be accounted convinced , who yet may be keeping the last word , and confidently bragging of the victory ? answ. that conviction is not to be bounded with acknowledgment or silence in the party convinced , we suppose is already cleared ; yea , those that are convinced , may , as it were , cry the others out of the company by multitude of words and confidence of expressions , as those jews did cry down paul and barnabas , act. . . therefore we see in that precept , tit. . , . that the heretick which is to be rejected , is both said to refuse admonition , and also to be condemned of himself ; yet it cannot be said that he was put to silence by these admonitions , or did forbear to vent his errours : this therefore must be accounted certain , and is confirmed by tim. . . where the recovery of opposers , even after sufficient instruction , with meeknesse , hath a peradventure in it , as a thing most rarely to be found . we must therefore place conviction in some other thing than that : and so in answer to the question , what is to be accounted conviction ? we say , . it is when a person is so far convinced , and the truth with his errour so far cleared to be truth and errour respectively , that his continuing obstinate , cannot be supposed to be of infirmity , which often will evidence it self in foolish , weightlesse and unreasonable shifts and answers , or when there cannot be weight in such an answer , to satisfie a mans own reason or conscience , if he were sober and at himself : upon this account , the heretick is said to be condemned of himself , tit. . . not because actually his conscience doth condemn him for dissimulation ; for even then it is supposed he may be in a delusion , which keepeth off such challenges ; and their consciences are said to be seared with an hot iron , tim. . . which importeth , they were not capable of positive convictions within themselves ; but it must be understood thus , that they are the cause of their own blindnesse , as wilfully and maliciously refusing and rejecting light when it is offered to them , and so the cause of their own damnation doth not flow from the neglect of others , in not holding forth to them sufficient light , but from their own obstinacy , prejudice and maliciousnesse . . they may be said to be convinced when the thing is made clear to sober serious men , even as some stupid ignorant persons are inexcusable in their ignorance , when they live under such means as others of ordinary capacity thrive by ; although such plain preachings , discourses or doctrines be no way understood by them , yet may it justly be said , that that light was sufficient to instruct them , or that gospel to convince them , seing others have been profited by the same . . they may be said to be convinced , even when they speak again , when there is no answer to purpose in their speaking , but absurd denying or asserting of things without any reason , or when there is a granting of absurd consequences , or an asserting of an absurdity , that possibly is greater nor another which they would eschew ; o●… , bitter railing against mens persons , seeking to defame them for strengthening of their cause , as the false teachers did paul among the corinthians and galatians , and as the libertins did to stephen by venting calumnies on him , and provoking others against him , act. . or , when in their answers or debates , they break out in blasph●…my against god , against his scriptures , against his ordinances ; such , in such cases , are to be accounted sufficiently convinced , and their obstinacy is to be accounted malicious ; and this we may gather , as from others places , so from that , act. . , . when they come to wilfull contradictions and blaspheming , paul and ba●…nabas will reason no more . and , acts . , . some jews are accounted to be sufficiently convinced , and their contradiction to proceed from judiciall blinding , when they reject that word which did sufficiently convince others . also , we see , act. . . when men begin to mock at the fundamentall things of religion , or to shift clear places of scripture , by putting strange and absurd expositions upon them , as was formerly marked of hymeneus and alexander ; such persons are not to be disputed with any more , but to be accounted abundantly convinced , notwithstanding of the most confident contradiction : and what was said of some cases , wherein publick debate was not to be admitted , the same may be applied in this case , as being evidences of sufficient conviction and self-condemnation of such persons . assert . . when any such debate is found necessary , there is much spiritual zeal and prudence required in the managing thereof : in which , beside what is generally required in the manner of every thing , these things are to be observed , . that it be not tumultuary and confused , because so the name of god is irreverently dealt with , and made obnoxious to reproach : therefore order and reverence , and what is needfull and fit for such an end , is to be provided for ; otherwise , such confused meetings are to be left when entered into , as dishonourable to the name of god , and unbecoming the gravity that ministers should follow , as we see , act. . , . and act. . , . for , in such a case there is no accesse to edification . . men would deniedly undertake such a thing when called to it , as being convinced how difficult the task is , how fecklesse they themselves are , and how subtile the principall adversary which they have to do with is . therefore there would not be an undertaking upon the account of gifts , parts , or learning ▪ nor would it be managed only or mainly by subtile arguments , nor would advantage be much sought for , that way but simple truth would be plainly , gravely , and zealously proposed , with respect to the affecting the conscience of the party , and of the hearers . and as it is in preaching , not the subtilest and learnedest discourses do alwayes prove most taking , so in debates that concern conscience , materiall plainnesse demonstrating the truth with power unto the conscience , hath often the clearest evidence with it . there is a notable instance recorded by ruffinus , eccles. hist. lib. . chap. . which was thus , at the councill of nice , great schollers were conveened from all places , upon report of that famous meeting , to which also did come some chief philosophers , of whom one most eminent did dispute frequently with the greatest schollers , who were never able to bind him , because such ( saith he ) was his nimblenesse , that like an eel he slipped them , by one shift or other , when arguments did seem most constringent . but god , that he might show that his kingdom did not consist in word , but in power ; one of the confessors , being a man of a most simple nature , and knowing nothing but christ jesus and him crucified , when he saw the philosopher insulting and boasting of his quicknesse , desired liberty to speak with him a little , others did shun it , knowing the mans simplicity , and fearing left he should become a reproach to subtile men : notwithstanding , he persisted , and began thus , philosopher , in the name of jesus christ hear these things that are true , there is one god who made heaven and earth , and formed man out of the dust , and gave him a spirit , who made all things which are seen and unseen , who sent his son , born of a virgin ▪ to deliver us miserable sinners from everlasting death , by his suffering of death ; and hath given us life eternall by his resurrection , whom we expect to come as judge of what ever we do : philosopher , believest thou these things ? then he , as if he had not known how to contradict , astonished with the power of what was said , and put to silence , only could answer , that it appeared so , that there was no other thing but truth in what he had said . then said the aged confessor , if thou believest so , rise and follow me to the church , and receive the seal of this faith : then the philosopher turning to these that were with him , and other hearers , said , hear , o learned men , while the matter was managed with me with words , i opposed words to words ; but when for words vertue proceeded out of the mouth of him that spake , words ( said he ) could not resist power , nor man god. and therefore , if any of you have felt what i have , let him believe in christ , and follow this old man , in whom god hath spoken . thus far ruffinus : a story not unworthy to be observed . . it would be known what principles may be laid down , or what rules may be binding , otherwayes there may be an asserting of any thing , or denying of every thing . . there would be still a ministerial gravity and authority preserved , lest that ordinance become despicable , and so ministers would both improve their reason , light , authority , and ministerial commission from christ upon the conscience of those they have to do with , as we see paul doth in his debates , even where his authority was much questioned . chap. xi . admonition is necessary , and how to be performed . the third step , is admonition , that is , when convictions have no successe , then ought ministers to proceed to judiciall and authoritative admonitions , as the word is in the direction , tit. . . a man that is an heretick reject , after the first and second admonition . this admonition hath no new reason to inform the judgment , which is already presupposed to be done , but it addeth these two , . it hath a concurring weight to affect the conscience which hath withstood or smothered the light ; and so it is , with gods bl●…ssing , usefull to make former despised light more seriously and impartially to be weighed and considered , when in his name the admonition is particularly upon that account directed to them . . it is a warning , giving advertisement of some sadder thing coming , if they shall continue to reject the truth , and so it is a shoring of them for that particular fault , before the stroak be laid on , that either , by gods blessing , it may humble and soften them , and so put them to endeavour the preventing of the coming stroak ; or , if they continue stubborn , it may make them more inexcusable ; and thus there is the clearer accesse to proceed to rejection . this admonition may be considered in these three steps , . it may be in privat , after the minister's conferring with the persons and his finding them guilty , he may not only instruct them , but afterward , if they continue , admonish them , and that as a minister , in the name and authority of jesus christ , which is more than the admonition of a privat person . . there is a step of this admonition to be past judicially by a church-judicatory when the person is brought before them , whereby they judicially interpose their authority to admonish such a person of the evil of his way , and of the necessity of the present duty of repentance for the same , like that which sinfully and most abominably was misapplied by the priests and pharisees , act. . . yet , that in the general there is such an admonition , is apparent . the . step is publickly before the people , wherein ( after the former hath failed in reaching the desired end ) the party infected is solemnly and publickly admonished before the congregation . in which step , . the parties good is to be respected , that now it may be tried if the admonition both of officers and people ( who are supposed to joyn in this publick admonition ) may have weight . . it is usefull for the people to guard them against such an evil , and such a person . . if it succeed not , it leaveth the person more inexcusable , and convinces all of the justice and necessity of proceeding further , and so tendeth to make the sentence to be the more respected by all . this , we conceive , is the admonition intended , tit. . . and answereth to that publick rebuke , spoken of , tim. . . in carrying-on these admonitions , these things would be observed , . that there be no great hasting , except the persons readinesse and diligence to infect others require the same , in which case there is no delay to be admitted . . all these steps of admonition would be so carried-on as becometh an ordinance of christ , and that the weight of them may lie there . . there is difference to be put betwixt giving of an admonition , and entering of a debate for conference ; therefore there is no necessity of suspending an admonition , because the person is absent , more than there is of suspending of a warning or citation : and , on the other side , if the persons were present , and should contradict and oppose themselves , there is no necessity nor conveniency of entering in debate again , because that is not the present work , but authoritatively to admonish those who have resisted sufficient conviction , and so they are to be left under the weight of the admonition , from which the renewing of debate would diminish . the fourth thing and that which followeth fruitlesse admonition , is rejection , tit. . . a man that is an heretick , reject . this rejection is the same with excommunication or delivering to satan , tim. . . concerning which these things are clear , . that a man , continuing an heretick , may and ought to be rejected and excommunicated as well as for any other grosse scandal : for , . the precept is plain in the place cited , a man that is an heretick , reject ; which must be a casting of him out from church-communion , and a giving of him over in respect of the use of any further means for his edification , which is in effect , to account him as an heathen man and a publican , which is called , cor. . . a putting away from amongst our selves a wicked person . . the example and precedent is clear , tim. . . . where this is followed , it is commanded , as in ephesus , rev. . and where it is forborn , and corrupt teachers suffered to be in the church , it is very sharply reproved , as in the epistles to pergamos and thyatira . . the general grounds of scandal and of discipline against the same , and the reasons which inforce the exercise thereof in any case , have weight here . for , . it is scandalous exceedingly . . it is hurtfull to the church . . discipline ▪ and particularly that sentence , is appointed for remedying the hurts of the church , and the removing of offences from the same ; which grounds have been formerly cleared , therefore it palpably followeth , that this sentence is to proceed against such : but for further clearing of this , there are some questions to be answered here , as , . it may be questioned , what if the person be godly , or accounted so ? answ. i shall not say how unlike it is that a really gracious man will be a minister of satan , we have spoken of that already ; but , supposing it to be so , . if it be scandalous in a gracious man , is not the same remedy to be used for the churches good ? . that supposition of paul's gal. . , . doth put it above all question , though we ( saith he ) or an angel from heaven , preach another gospel , let him be accursed . and ▪ again , he saith it , to put this out of controversie , if any man shall preach another gospel , let him be accursed . and , if paul will except no man , no , not himself , nay ▪ nor an angel from heaven , who can be excepted ? the mistake is in this , that excommunication is not looked upon as an ordinance of christ , usefull through his blessing for humbling and reclaiming of a sinner more than if it were not applied ; whereas , if it were looked upon as medicinal in its own kind , it would not be ●…o constructed of ; for , by comparing cor. . with cor. . we will find that it was more profitable to the excommunicated person himself that this sentence was past , than if it had been for born . . it may be asked , what if the person be no fixed member of any particular congregation , who yet doth infect others ? answ. this cannot be sufficient to exempt from censure , because , . he is a member of the catholick church , therefore censures must some way reach him : otherwayes , supposing a man to disclaim all particular congregations , he might be a member of the church , who yet could be reached by no censure . . he might claim the priviledges in any particular congregation , if he should carry fairly as he is a member of the church-catholick : therfore it would seem by proportion and rule of contraries , that presbyteries may reach him with their censures , if by his miscarriages he become offensive to the people . . we see that the church of ephesus , revel . . did judicially try and censure those who called themselves apostles , who , it 's like , being strangers , obtruded themselves , under that title , upon them , and so could not be accounted members of that church ; and indeed , there is no lesse needfull for the edification of the people of such particular congregations , and for guarding them from the hurt that may come by vageing persons , than that either they be censured somewhere by one congregation , or many , in associated church-judicatories ; or , at least that some publick note and mark be put upon such , that others may have warning to eschew them , as the word may be taken , rom. . , . and thess. . . which is there spoken of , busie bodies and wanderers without any certain calling or station . . it may be questioned , what if magistrates in their place concur not , or , if the case so fall out , that they be displeased with the drawing ▪ forth of such a sentence ? answ. this may require the more prudence , zeal and circumspectnesse , but ought not to mar the progresse : because , . excommunication is an ordinance instituted by jesus christ for the edification of his church , as preaching and giving of the sacraments are . . that same might have been asked in the primitive times when paul did excommunicate , and when the lord did reprove the want thereof . revel . . there was then no concurrence of civil power . yea , . in this case it seemeth most necessary ; and the greatest enemies of church-discipline do allow the church to sentence her members in such a case . . the weight of this sentence doth not depend upon civil power , but upon christ's institution , therefore the weight of it is to be laid here , whatever civil powers do . . we will find the primitive fathers hazarding upon martyrdom even in this very thing , so that when corrupt emperours have inhibited them to excommunicate arians and other hereticks , they have done it notwithstanding ; and by designing whom they desired to have succeeding them in their places before they past the sentence , did declare themselves ready to suffer , upon this account , any thing that might follow , and accordingly some of them have been immediatly put to suffering . . we say , that although an heretick be to be rejected , yet is there a twofold limitation to be adverted to in that place , tit. . . first , that it is not every erroneous person that is so to be dealt with , but he must be an heretick : which doth imply these three , . a perniciousnesse and destructivenesse in the errour maintained . . an actual venting thereof , to the destruction of the church , either by corrupting the doctrine , marring the order , or breaking the unity of the same , or some other way spoiling the vines that have tender grapes . . it implieth a pertinacy in such evils . it is true , that sometimes lesser errours , in respect of their effects , and other aggravating circumstances , may become intolerable and to be proceeded against by this sentence , as was said of lesser scandals in practice . yet , we conceive , that properly it is some grosser errour than what may be accounted to be of infirmity ( such as many godly , sober , unprejudged men may have ) that is to be the ground of such a sentence . therefore we refer the decision of this to be gathered from the distinctions formerly laid down . . we find it qualified by this , that this rejection is not to proceed hastily , but to follow upon rejected and sleighted admonitions : therefore , if an admonition be received before , and the church therein be heard , there is no further proceeding to be in in reference to this sentence : because , . the limitation is expresse . . the reason is clear ; for if the lesser do the turn , and prevail to the recovery of the person , and removing of the offence from the church , what needeth more ? chap. xii . what is to be accounted a satisfying and successefull admonition . if it be asked , what is to be accounted a satisfying and successefull admonition ? and how men are to judge of , and walk in reference to , the same ? answ. we would distinguish satisfaction or successe as to an admonition , which may be either full satisfaction or only partiall . full satisfaction is , when the person is so fully convinced of his ill , as not only to forbear the venting thereof , and to give no offence for the time to come , but also fully to abandon the same as being grieved therefore , and willing to edifie others , by a suitable acknowledgement . again , we call that a partial satisfaction or successe , when though there is not a fully satisfying length obtained ; yet can it not be said to be altogether fruitlesse . as suppose , . a person should not be brought wholly to disclaim his errours , yet should professe a conviction of the ill of venting them , and troubling the church with them , and afterward should engage to abstain from offending in that kind . . suppose one should be convinced of the more grosse errours , and be content to disclaim these , yet should stick at some others , professing scruple in them . we would also distinguish these that give partiall satisfaction . . either they are such as appear to be sincere in the length they come , and in the professions they make , as also to be docile and ready to be informed ; or , they are such who discover the want of ingenuity in their proceeding , and themselves but to be lying at the wait to return to their vomit . now to apply this , we say , . when this satisfaction is full , there is no question ; for , thereby not only all further processe is to be sisted , but the person is to be admitted to have communion in church-priviledges . . where this partiall successe is of the first sort , we conceive it may be sufficient to sist processe for a time ; and to continue the persons under means within the church , so long as they contradict not their profession ; yet it is not sufficient to give them free accesse to all church-priviledges , as if the scandal were fully removed . . where that satisfaction is but of the last kind , that is , mocking and dissembled , we say , that though it may put a church-judicatory to try the evidences of this dissimulation , and during that time possibly to stop a little their proceeding ; yet ought it not to mar the drawing forth of the sentence , lest there be an accession to the hurt which is intended to the church by that dissembler : and here we are to apply both the reasons against , and characters of , dissimulation , which were spoken to on practicall offences . . if there be no seeming satisfaction at all , then after admonitions given , the person despising the same is to be rejected , as one that is infectious and unfit to have communion in the church , or the benefit of any church-priviledge and ordinance : and , in a word , to be , for his scandal , and obstinacy against christs ordinances , declared to be excommunicate , and casten out of his visible kingdom , as an out-law to the same ; which is to be done with such gravity , weightinesse , sympathy and authority , as it may look like the ordinance of christ , and have an impression of his dread and majesty upon all that are witnesses thereof . if it be asked , whether any further duty be required from a minister towards such a person after the sentence is past ? answ. he is not then properly under pastorall charge since he is no member of christs visible church , at least , in that respect , as members fall under common and ordinary actuall inspection . yet we conceive , . that the minister is to continue to deal with god for him ( at least in private ) if so be he may be recovered out of this snare , because he is under the last cure , which will either prove life or death ; gods blessing therefore to it ▪ is to be sought ; and it becometh well the naturall care of a kindly minister , that is thirsting for the blessing , to deal with god for it . . although there be not actuall accesse to any thing ; yet ought there to be a lying at the wait to observe any opportunity which may be for his good , and when it offereth , it would be carefully improven . and therefore , . for that end , whatever indignation beshown against a mans wayes or errours , to make these loathsome to others , yet still there would be evidence of tender respect to the persons , and , if need be , means used to supply them , especially if they come to any strait , although in all this they would keep such a distance as may keep up the weight of the sentence , both to them and others : but , by this way , their suspicious mistakes of ministers , carnalnesse against their persons , are best removed , and accesse is thereby made to be edifying unto them , some examples whereof are recorded in the life of musculus ▪ as to his tendernesse to most desperately deluded persons , when they were in affliction , and discountenanced exceedingly by magistrates , which god blessed in the end for their recovery ; this is suitable , severity in magistrates , and tendernesse in ministers . and amongst other ills and snares that that cruell indulgencie ( which is indeed cruell to the poor souls , to whom it becometh a snare ) hath following it , this is one ▪ that the magistrate is accounted mercifull , and the zealous minister cruell , whereby they are put in an incapacity to be edified by the one , and in a capacity , as it were , to miscarry as they will , by the indulgence of the other . chap. xiii . what is required of magistrates for restraining of seducing spirits . the second thing that we proposed to speak to in this remedy , was , as it relateth to magistrates , to wit , whether any thing be ? or what it is that is called-for by the word of god from them , to be performed in their stations for the drying up of such a floud ▪ and removing of such a plague ? it is not our mind to insist so much in this as in the former , yet it is fit that we say something : and who knoweth but it may fall in the hand of some magistrate , who may be desirous to hear and know his duty ? which we shall lay down in an assertion , or two , thus , assert . . although god hath not made magistrates , as such , church-officers , nor intrusted them with the ecclesiastick government of his church ; yet doth he allow them , and call them to improve their civil power for the good of his church in ecclesiastick things in some respect , as well as in civil things . and therefore if a magistrate see not to the providing of ministers for a people , and of maintenance to them , and such like , that are necessary for the being of a church , as well as he provideth officers , and furnisheth them that are needfull in the state , he is faulty and unfaithfull to his trust . for , the lords design in setling of societies , and appointing of magistrates , is to be expounded as subservient to that great end of mens glorifying of god , and enjoying him . and certainly , magistrates are to have that as their own end , even in the actions of their station , and to endeavour to promove that amongst these over whom for their good they rule . this is clear in all the governments and commonwealths that the lord did immediately model himself , magistrates had this for a speciall part of their task , to keep his ordinances pure , and to restrain the corrupters of them : this is expressed in the morall law , where masters are no lesse to oversee their servants , that they work not on the sabbath , from respect to the lord , than to direct their work all the week from respect to themselves ; and by the rules of interpreting of these commands , what belongeth to a master to be done by him as a master , in reference to these over whom he hath power according to his station , that doth belong to all magistrates in reference to these under their charge , according to their stations . also , where one instance is named , all of that kind are comprehended . and therefore as this ordinance of sanctifying the sabbath , is to be overseen by superiours , so also are all others : yea , it is acknowledged also , that what is expressed in one command , in respect of the extent thereof , is to be understood in all . and therefore this obligation lyeth on superiours , to make inferiours observant of gods ordinances in reference to all the commands ; this is not doubted of the duties in the second table : yet there is no expression in it inferring the same ▪ so expresse as is in the first ; and this is a common assertion , magistrates have both tables of the law committed to their keeping . this is fully made out by many godly and learned men , and we need not to insist upon it ; for , readily , no magistrate doth question his own power , but that he may do what is fit , all the matter is to consider what that is . assert . . it is not a magistrates duty in the case of overspreading delusion , meerly to look to outward order and civil peace and enjury , and to give liberty to any o●… many sorts of dangerous errours and delusions to spread ; or , to give toleration unto the maintainers thereof , in their spreading the same . for , . such errours , are ill deeds , and such spreaders , are ill doers , bringing great prejudice to people , gal. . . epist. of iohn . . magistrates ought to be a terrour to evil doers indefinitly ; and , i suppose , if the sword be born in vain in reference to them , the conscience will not have ground of quietnesse in the day of judgement , upon a distinction of evil doers ▪ when the lord hath made none such in their commission . . they ought to be zealous of his honour who is their superiour , that his name be not blasphemed : and can such be tolerate without this construction , upon the matter , that men have liberty to blaspheme the name of god , to abuse his truth , reproach his ordinances , and to take his name in vain as they will ? would any supream magistrate take it well , to have some inferiour officer , or magistrate of a town or province , to give such liberty to these under his jurisdiction in reference to him ? and is there any such distance between the supream and inferiour magistrate , as there is between the majesty of god , and the most supream power on earth ? and what if he judge between him and them out of their own mouth , and , according to the measure that they met out to others , met out to them ? . are they not to seek the peoples good ? and is there any such good , as their spirituall good ? or , are there any such enemies to that as seducers ? we conceive therefore ▪ it will not be found agreeable to the intent of their office and scope which they ought to aim at therein , that magistrates should give this liberty or connivance to men , to vent and propagate such errours as may destroy souls , and actually overturn the face of a visible church , so that if something overspread universally , ( as popery , and some other grosse errours and delusions have done in some places of the world ) there should be no visible church within such dominions ; and indeed , upon these principles , men cannot impute it to their own care , that it is other wayes . also , such loosnesse may overturn ordinances , and set up abominations in the room thereof , remove all ministery , sacraments , discipline and preaching , and all upon pretext of conscience : such delusions have been in the world ; and if by magistrates connivance , they should overspread a nation , so as there could be no remedy applied , would it be satisfying or comfortable to him ( supposing him to have a conscience ) to see his people under him in such a posture ? what if under pretext of conscience , magistracie should be denied to be an ordinance of god , and he put therefrom , upon that account , that the people thought it unlawfull to obey him ? would not readily his conscience say , that seing he restrained not others from casting at these ordinances , in which the honour of god , and good of souls were so much concerned , that it was just with god to permit them to cast at that ordinance also , wherein he is so mainly concerned ? and indeed , this hath not been unfrequently seen , that these who have begun to cast at church-ordinances , have come at length ( as if they had been thereto disposed by the former ) to cast at civil ordinances ( to speak so ) also ; and what wonder is it , seing there is no more clear warrant from god for the one than for the other ? if it be said , that what hath been spoken in the doctrine , and on these places , rev. . concerning the not suffering of corrupt teachers to vent their errours , doth belong to ministers and church-officers , and not to magistrates . answ. . if thou be a magistrate that moveth this objection , pose thy own heart , if that which is so displeasing in ministers and church-officers , to wit , toleration of corrupt men to spread their errours ; if , i say , that will be well pleasing and approven in magistrates , when christ jesus shall come to judge both in reference to this thing ; or , if in that day when the great judge will sentence ministers for tolerating in such a case , he will take another rule to proceed by , with the magistrate ? or if it be like , that christ out of love to his church , shall peremptorily require ministers , not to suffer false teachers , but to restrain them , according to their stations , and not to endure them to teach and seduce his servants , and yet , that the same lord , for the good of his church , should require magistrates to tolerate and maintain the same . . consider if the grounds and reasons that bind this duty on ministers , will not equivalently and proportionably bind all men according to their stations ; for , the grounds are in sum , love to god , and love to the edification and salvation of others , which are the substance and fulfilling of the morall law. . if in the scriptures of the old and new testament , or in history since ▪ these two be not ever joyned together , the most commended magistrate , and one who is most zealous against corrupt teachers ; the fathers of old were no●… to spare their children , deut. . nor suffer them to teach or seduce to the dishonour of god , and hazard of souls ; and can it be said that souls now are lesse precious , or errour now lesse infectious and dangerous , or these things lesse to be cared for now in the dayes of the gospel than formerly , that concern the glory of god , and edification or destruction of souls ? . consider if in the book of the revelation , the suffering of antichrist to delude souls , be not mentioned as reproveable ; and if the destroying of that beast , and putting him from corrupting the earth , be not spoken of as a main piece of the commendation of such as shall be instrumentall therein . now in the scripture-language , all deluders and seducers are antichrists , being led with the same spirit , and driving the same design against the kingdom of jesus christ ; can there be therefore any reason to make such difference , where the lord hath made it ? . consider if it can be accounted single zeal , that perswadeth to permit the name of god to be dishonoured , when any reflection upon our own , doth so much move us ; for , it doth infer , that either there is an indifferency as to truth and errour , so that in the one , the lord is not more dishonoured than in the other , which will be found exceeding contrary to his own expressing of himself in scripture , and will not , i suppose , be pleaded in the day of judgement , when he will avenge himself on such seducers ; or , it must infer , that men are not to take notice of what dishonoureth him , even though many things be within their reach to impede it . and indeed , if a conscience seriously pondering the thing , will not be provoked out of zeal to god , whose glory suffereth , out of respect to the salvation of many souls , that are hazarded and destroyed by such means , and to prevent the many offences that wait necessarily upon such ills , and the many inconveniencies , divisions , jealousies , rents , &c. that follow in families , congregations , cities and nations , and the great prejudice that the common-wealth suffereth , by the distracting of her members amongst themselves , the incapacitating of many for publick trust , the fostering of diverse interests and contrary principles in one body , to the marring of honest publick designs : if by these , i say , the zeal and conscience of these who are concerned , be not provoked , by what will , or can , they be ? if it be said , that it looketh more gospel-like , and for the furtherance of christs kingdom , that magistrates should leave men to follow their light , and to be dealt with by the preaching of the gospel , and force thereof . we shall propose these considerations in reference to this , . consider if it looketh christian and tender-like , for men so to stand by in the lord's cause , and to let him do ( as it were ) for himself : it was indeed once said of b●…al , iudg. . if he be a god , let him plead for himself : but will a tender heart think or speak so reproachfully of the majesty of god ? he indeed can and will plead for himself ; and it is not for defect of power he maketh use of men , to defend his truth , or to restrain errours ; yet it is his good pleasure to make use of magistrates therein , ( and thereby to honour them ) as he doth of gideon in that same place . . consider if it look christian-like , to give the devil equal accesse to follow his designs with jesus christ in the setting up of his kingdom : now absolute toleration doth this , and more , because there is but one truth , and there are many errours , and each of these hath that same liberty and indemnity ( to say so ) that truth hath , and may with the same confidence come forth to the open light as truth may , in respect of any civil restraint . . consider the case of antichrist , there is no errour against which the lord hath more directly engaged himself to fight with the sword of his mouth , than against this of popery , and yet we suppose none will think that kings might warrantably suffer it to be spread and preached to the infecting of their people , without adding or injoyning any restraint by their civil power ; certainly their hating of the whore , and making her desolate , doth imply some other thing : and where-ever true hatred of errour is , there will be more effectuall streatching of mens power and places for restraining the same . . we may adde this consideration , that hitherto toleration of errours and diversity of corrupt opinions have ever been looked upon , and made use of , as a most subtil mean for undermining and destroying of the church . it is marked of that skilfull enemy of the kingdom of jesus christ , julian , that having improven his subtility to the utmost to find out means to destroy the church by craft , which his predecessors by violence could not obtain ▪ amongst other means he concluded this not to raise open persecution but to give liberty to all the differing bishops and teachers ( which then , after the council of nice and constantins death , were very many and bitter in their differences ) to follow their own way , and to vent their own opinions without all fear of any restraint : and therefore did call them that he might make intimation thereof to them for their further encouragement therein ; the words which he used to them , as they are marked by ammianus and cited by lodovicus molineus , pag. are , ut consopitis civilibus discordiis , suae quisque religioni serviret intrepidus , that is , in sum ▪ that every one forbearing civil discords , should worship in his own religion without controle or fear : and is it like , that this shall prove a mean usefull for the good of the church , which that expert childe of the devil did make use of to destroy the same ? our third assertion then is , that magistrates in their places ought to prevent the infection of their people under them by corrupt doctrine , and the recovery of them when they are insnared : and that therefore they ought to restrain and marre corrupt teachers from spreading of their errours to seduce others . this assertion we suppose , is clear from the former two : for , if magistrates be allowed to improve their power for the good of the church , and if it be not their duty to give common protection to errour , and the venters thereof , with truth : then this will follow , that they ought to use their power to restrain the same , and , by the exercise thereof , to procure the good of their people , in preserving of them from such a great evil . chap. xiv . what may be justly acknowledged to be within the reach and power of the magistrate in such a case , and so , what is his duty . it may be more difficult to explicate this , and to shew what is within the magistrates reach , or , what way he is to follow this . before we answer , we would premit , . that it is not intended , that magistrates should rigidly and severely ( much lesse equally ) animadvert upon all that in their judgment are erroneous , or differ from what is truth , that is not called-for from ministers . therefore here the former distinctions are to be remembred and applyed : for , there is great odds betwixt animadverting upon an absurd errour , or taking notice thereof , as it is a thing of the mind , and , it may be , a scruple in some conscience , and as it is an external deed , having with it real offence , prejudice and hurt unto others ; in which case the magistrate forceth no mans conscience to another religion , but doth keep his own conscience , by keeping one that is deluded from seducing of others , or wronging the name of the lord or his church . . it is to be adverted , that we speak not here of the magistrates duty in punishing of corrupt teachers with civil or capital punishments , ( though we doubt not but in some cases their power doth reach to that ) much lesse are the highest punishments to be understood here ; whatever ▪ be truth in these , we do not now search into it , because the scope is according to the assertion , to consider what is called-for , for the preventing of the spreading of corrupt doctrine , and the preserving or recovering of a people therefrom . . this doth not give way to magistrates to condemn and restrain what they think errour , or what others think errour ; for ministers that ought to reject hereticks , are not warranted to reject whom they account so , but who indeed are so ; so is it here , it is what is indeed errour ▪ and who are indeed the teachers thereof , that the magistrate is to restrain , as those who teach rebellion against the lord. we come then to consider what may be a magistrates duty when seducing spirits assault the people under their charge , and what is obviously in their power to do for preventing of hurt by them , without insisting in any difficult or odious like case . their duty also may be considered in a fourfold respect , as that of ministers was . . it would be considered with respect to god , and so they ought to fear some stroak coming upon their people , and by looking to him to endeavour to carry so in reference thereto , as they may be countable to him : for , if it be a priviledge for magistrates in the christian church to have the honour of being nursing fathers therein , isa. . . then it must be a great credit , mercy and satisfaction to them , to have their people or foster ( to say so ) the church , flourishing and thriving upon their breasts ; and if so , then the mis-thriving of the church by unhealthsom milk of errour should and will exceedingly affect them . and certainly that expression doth both shew what a magistrate's duty is , and how tenderly he ought to nourish the church and preserve her from any thing that may hurt her , as also it showeth how nearly any thing that may hurt the church , ought to touch and prick him . . in respect of themselves , they are to consider if by any guiltinesse of theirs the lord be provoked to let loose such a spirit , as solomons sins did procure the renting of the kingdom . so might they be also counted a cause , bringing ▪ on that idolatry and defection of ieroboam from the truth , as well as from him and his posterity : also if by their negligence in not providing faithfull teachers to instruct the people , by their conniving at errours , or tolerating them , or otherwayes they may be charged with accession thereto : thus ieroboams appointing the meanest of the people to be priests , and his beginning defection by his example , ( though he seemed not altogether to forsake the true god ) disposed the people for a further length , and had influence upon their going a whoring after baal and other idols of the nations : thus also solomon was guilty of much grosse idolatry by his connivance at it , and taking himself to worldly pleasures and miskenning the things of god , although it 's like he did not actually f●…ll in that grosse idolatry himself . and if magistrates were seriously reflecting on themselves , and affected with their own negligence and carelesnesse in preventing of such things , whereof possibly they might find themselves guilty , this were a great length , and other questions would be the sooner cleared , and seriousnesse would make them find out remedies for such an evil . . their duty may be looked upon in reference to others , wherein they may and ought to extend themselves for preventing the spreading of the infection amongst these that are clean , by such like means , as , . by their example , to show themselves zealous against that ill , and to abhor the questioning and disputing of the truth ; thus the example of a magistrate is often of much weight , yet car●… it not be accounted any coaction . . they ought to endeavour to have faithfull and honest ministers , who by their diligence and oversight may exceedingly conduce to the confirming of these that stand , and to the preventing of more hurt . . they may and ought to countenance and strengthen such as are faithfull , whether among ministers or people , which often hath no little influence upon the disappointing of seducers : thus it is said , chron. . . that for promoving of reformation , hezekiah spoke comfortably to all the levites that taught the good knowledge of the lord : which is added , to shew that by this encouraging of honest and faithfull ministers beyond others , he did design the thriving of the work in their hands , both by heartning them to be zealous in it , and also by making them to have the more weight with others : this is also marked of constantine and other good emperours , that zealous and faithfull ministers were particularly taken notice of , and honoured by them , beyond others . . they may and ought to employ and make use of some fit instrumen●…s for the preventing of seduction , and may provide such as may be set apart for studying such controversies , and confuting of such errours , that the truth may be the more clear . . they may and ought to endeavour according to their place , the composure and allayment of all the lesser and more petty differences and heart-burnings that may be found amongst these that are , in the main , one for truth ; for often ( as was said ) a vehement spirit of errour and delusion is trysted with heart-burnings , divisions and offences in the church , and amongst the officers thereof : there were petty contests in corinth , biting and devouring one of another in galatia , trysted with the harmony that was amongst the followers of the seducers : and at the councell of nice there was not only difference with arians and other grosse hereticks , but also there were petty differences and contests amongst the bishops and confessors who stood for truth ; and these differences are most advantagious to the spreading of errour , and the removing thereof is a great bulwark against the same . it is marked of constantine at that councell of nice , that amongst other means which he used to suppresse the arian heresie , he did most carefully endeavour the removing and burning of such differences and divisions , and by serious oration pressed the oblivion of all such , that they might the more unitedly and with the lesse diversion be in capacity to oppose the common enemy . for certainly , when ministers are armed one against another upon some lesse concerning , and more unprofitable debates , ( as , alas ! too much of them is in the christian reformed-church at this time ) there cannot but be the lesse strength , zeal , and vigilancy against professed enemies in the most substantiall things . . they may , and ought to interpose their authority , for inhibiting the receiving and hearing , or conversing with known and manifest seducers : for , this is but to discharge , and thereby to preserve the people from runing to their own hazard , even as men ought to be commanded to keep at distance with a place or person suspected to be infectious because of the pestilence ; neither could such a restraint be accounted any diminution of their just liberty , yea this were but a putting to of their sanction to the clear direction which the lord layeth upon his people , and therefore there could be no hazard to miscarry in it , especially where the application to such and such persons , might be as clearly discernable from the word as the duty is . . they might and ought to give their countenance unto , and joyn their authority with , such ecclesiastick statutes , overtures , or means , as church-judicatories or officers might be about to make use of for this end in their places ; and this can be no more prejudice to liberty , to countenance with their authority the ornance of discipline , than to confirm by their authority the ordinance of preaching the gospel . . they may and ought to preserve the ordinances from being interrupted , and the administrators thereof from being reproached , and might justly censure these things when committed . . in recovering a people , in a reeling and staggering time , a magistrate may engage them to formerly received truth , and interpose his authority for this end , as is recorded of iosiah , chron. . , , . also , . he may and ought to remove all false worships , and endure no corrupt preaching , or writing , or meetings for that end , or administrating of corrupted sacraments , or any ordinance other than what is allowed ; for , iosiah did cause the people stand to the covenant that was made , and having removed all idolatrous worship , he made israel to serve the lord , that is , he made them abandon corrupt worship , and waiton pure ordinances , as keeping of the sabbaths , offering of sacrifices , &c. and that according to the manner prescribed by the lord. neither was it a wronging of their liberty , to do so : because , . it was the preservation of their liberty , to keep them from the abominable bondage of these evils . . it was their duty to abstain from these , and to follow the ordinances purely , and the magistrate may well put people to that . . it is one thing by force to keep folks from dishonouring god in a corrupt religion , ( as iosiah did ) another to force them to a religion ; the one belongeth to the ordering of the outward man , the other to the inward . . he might order them to keep the ordinances , and in going about them to keep the rule , because that is but a constraining of them to the means whereby religion worketh , and a making them , as it were , to give god a hearing , leaving their yeelding and consenting to him , when they have heard him , to their own wills , which cannot be forced ; yet it is reason that when god cometh by his ordinances to treat with a people , that a magistrate should so far respect his glory and their good , as to interpose his authority to make them hear . . also , there is a difference between the constraining of a circumcised or baptized people , to worship god in the purity of ordinances , as they have been engaged thereto , which was iosia's practice , and the constraining of a people to engage and be baptized , which were not formerly engaged ; because , actuall members of a church have not even that liberty as others have , to abandon ordinances : and this putteth them to no new engagement in religion , but presseth them to continue under former engagements , and accordingly to perform : hence we see , that both in the old and new testament , church-members have been put to many things , and restrained from many things , which had not been pertinent in the case of others . see , chron. . . in the fourth place , there are many things also in their power , in reference to these that are seducers or deluders , or actually deluded , which might be and ought to be improven for the churches good ; ( not to speak now of any thing that may infer civil or capitall punishment , upon men for their opinions , or any way look like the enforcing of religion upon consciences ) as , . magistrates might and ought to put ministers and church-officers and others to their duty ( in case they be negligent ) in trying , discoverring , convincing , &c. such as by their corrupt doctrine may hazard others . . they may and ought to discountenance such in their own persons , and , by their authority , inhibit them to vent any such thing ; yea under certifications : yet this cannot be called a forcing of their conscience to any religion , but is only the restraining of them from hurting of the consciences of others . . when such certifications are contraveened , he may and ought to censure the contraveeners , and so he may by his authority put them in an incapacity of having accesse to infect others ; yet this is not the censuring of a mans opinion , for he might possesse his opinion without censure , but it is the censuring of his disobedience , and the prejudice done by him to others : nor is it the restraining of him from personall liberty , because of it , but because he doth not , nor will not use his personall liberty without prejudice to the whole body , which is to be preferred to him : even as a man , infected with the pestilence , ought justly to be restrained , though against his will ; yet cannot that be accounted a restraint of just liberty ; for , it is no just liberty to have liberty to hurt others . . they may and ought to destroy such books as they use to spread for the infecting of others , and inhibit and stop printing of them , or actuall selling , spreading or transporting of them , as they may stop carrying of suspected or forbidden goods . . they may and ought to restrain idle and vagabound travelling of such suspected persons , without representing of their necessary businesse to some , appointed for that effect , in which case their doing hurt by such a voyage , might be prevented , and they have a passe . also , they might constrain them to follow some lawfull occupation , and to be diligent therein ; both these are well consistent with ordering of a state , and yet it is such busie bodies ( as the apostle speaketh ) and vagabonds , that go without their station , that often prove most hurtfull to the church , and instrumentall to the devil , as being apostles to him in such a businesse . . they may and ought to restrain and censure all blasphemous and irreverent expressions and speaches against the majesty of god and his ordinances , and all calumnies and bitternesse against faithfull ministers or professours that adhere to truth : for , these are moral sins ; and blasphemy , calumny , and such like , are no more to be passed over without censure in such , than in others who are not professedly tainted with errour : and the pretext of following light and conscience , cannot make these sins tolerable , more than the nicolaitans pretending the same for their committing adultery and other filthinesse : and this is not to punish mens opinions , or force their consciences , but to punish their vices , even such as have been hatefull unto , and punished by , many naturall and heathen men ▪ . they may and ought by their authority to cause them hear conferen es orderly and reverently , give answers discreetly , wait on their trial ▪ and such like , before ecclesiastick assemblies . . they may and ought to make such incapable of publick places of trust , and remove them from such : because , . they cannot be supposed to imploy their pow●…r singly . . because such trust agreeth not to men and subjects as such , but are voluntarily conferred as tokens of respect put upon men eminently qualified , and as may be for the good of the commonwealth : and therefore it cannot be justly accounted a marring of their liberty as men or subjects . upon this ground was maachah the mother of asa removed from being queen , or having any government , king. . . chron. . . yet it cannot be said she was wronged when she was so dealt with . in these steps mentioned , we have not aimed to lay down what might be done to the utmost in such a case , but what we suppose cannot be in reason denied by these of the widest principles in reference to this matter , if so be they degenerate not utterly to loosnesse . if it be said , that it seemeth sufficient for the maigstrate to maintain civil peace , and to restrain civil disturbances : we may look to these considerations in answer to this , . this is no more than what iulian did restrain , as the place cited before , cleareth ; and certainly , he who ruleth for christ ▪ will no●… think his example a good pattern . . this is that which heathens do out of meer respect to themselves : and shall christian magistrates have no respect to christ but to themselves ? o●… , do no more for christianity ▪ than heathens who owned it not ? . is i●… possible to separate growth in delusions and variety of absurd errours , and civil faction and discord ? o●… , in experience have they ever been separated ? we se●… they made men carnall in corinth , they made them bite and devour one another in galatia , as , chap. . of that epistle to them ; yea , provoked to d●…bates , envying , wraths , strifes , back-bitings , whisperings , swellings , tumults , cor. . . and can such things be with the entertaining of civil peace ? for , doth not the interruption of civil p●…ace , flow from hatred , bitternesse , alienation of mind , envy contradictions , and such like ? and do not these necessarily wait on del ates , and diversities of opinions ? for , it is not to be ●…upposed , that such differences , proc●…eding from want of light , can be in men that are altogether mortified , and without corruption : therefore may it be expected , that that corruption will flam out upon such occasions ; and that order is observable which the apostle hath , cor. . just now cited , where he beginneth with debates , and proceedeth by diverse steps , till it close with tumults : and these who are acquainted with the histories of older and latter times , will acknowledge this to be a truth . . there is almost but very little in the foregoing particulars mentioned , but what is necessary for the preserving and restoring of civil peace , or the preventing or censuring of the disturbance thereof , s●…ing there can be no solid ground whereupon to maintain peace , except the springs of debates and tumults be stopped , and such distempers from which they spring , be either cured and purged away , or restrained . . it may be considered in experience , if ever such a way hath done good to the church , ( whose divisions and offences have often thereby come to an height ) or to these that were seduced , seing thereby not only the tentation was armed against them , but they , at least , permitted to harden themselves therein , as in a thing not so gross to wise states-men , as some conceitie ministers would make it to appear : o●… in the last place , it may be considered , if ever it hath done good to the state , wherein it was permitted , or to the magistrates who did permit the same ; or , if thereby secret jealousies , heart ▪ burnings , divisions and factions have not been fostered and brought up to such height as hath proven dangerous to the body , and hath hazarded the eating out of the belly , where it was bred , or the stinging of the bosome that did give it heat . chap. xv. what is called-for from people who are desirous to keep themselves pure in such a time and case as the increasing of errours and seducers . it resteth now , that we speak something of a peoples duty , that are members of the church where such delusions are vented : in speaking to which , we shall follow almost the same method as in the former . . then , people would be affected upon the appearance of such an ill , as upon the news of sword , famine or pestilence ; for then , as it were , the trumpet soundeth like that angels proclamation , rev. . . wo , wo , wo to the inhabitants of the earth , because of the angels that are to sound , when as yet all these angels did principally forwarn of spirituall plagues , and particularly of delusions . this would make people wary and serious ; this would curb vanity , mocking , laughing and puffing-up ; this would make him that standeth , take heed lest he fall , if the judgement were considered as a thing coming from god , and evidencing him to be angry , and to threaten : and without this , there is little ground to expect profiting by any other direction . . people would be seriously affected with the falling or hazard of the falling of any they hear of , as being touched with zeal for god , and sympathie with them , and for this cause , would humble themselves before god to deprecate that stroak and plague as they would do sword , famine or pestilence . . people would try in what tearms themselves are with god , and if things inwardly be in good case , if there be any guiltinesse procuring , or disposing for the same plague , such as little love to the truth , little study of the knowledge of the truth , little zeal against errour , or simpathy with infected churches that are at a distance , laughing , it may be , at such things without any other use making thereof , little prayer for others , or exhorting or admonishing of them , ( which is a mean for preventing of unstedfastnesse ) little indeavour , according to mens places , to have others instructed , or to have faithfull ▪ able , and godly ministers for that end ; but , it may be , on the contrary , much spiritual pride , self-conceitednesse , tenaciousnesse , and addictednesse to our own wills and opinions , prejudice at able and faithful teachers , and readinesse to hear every thing , and every person . these , and such like , may be tried , and when found , ought to be mourned for , as causes of humiliation to them for their accession to such a plague . . they would endeavour the strengthening and confirming of themselves in the knowledge of necessary truths , and would exercise themselves in the practice of uncontroverted godlinesse , and , by all means , would eschew jangling debates in unnecessary things , knowing that that is a piece of the enemies subtility , once to engage , if it were but in the meanest thing ; for , thereby he doth not only divert from more necessary things , and weareth away livelinesse , but doth dispose for greater things , as was formerly marked in his method of dealing : for , as in corrupt practices , men are not at first brought to an height of prophanity , but by degrees ; so is it in corrupt doctrines : and therefore there is warinesse called-for here in debating or questioning the meanest truth , if any truth be mean. . if any thing be really doubted of , means would be used in a sober prudent way for attaining information , either by providing and reading of some fit book , wherein often reasons are more deliberate and full , and may be more deliberately studied and digested than in a transient discourse ; but in this , special respect would be had to a right choice , and for that cause the judgments of such as are sound and able to discern , would be followed in this ; or , where god giveth occasion , it may be done in sober and christian conference with others of ability and integrity , especially with ministers , who ought neither to decline , nor rashly misconstruct the same , but affectionatly and tenderly to welcom any such sober persons , lest they be provoked to consult with others , who may prove physicians of no value . in this , people would not expresse their doubts in all companies at random , nor to , or before , such as may possibly more easily take up the doubt , and with more difficulty be brought off ; when therefore such a doubt is to be moved , the party and the time would be deliberatly chosen , that men may be serious therein , and no doubt , would be moved for debate , but either such as the mover can himself loose , or in such company where he may expect to have it loosed . . people would endeavour exceedingly to have good esteem of their ministers and guides , and to be diligent and reverent observers of all ordinances , especially at such a time ; for , ministers are guides , heb. . . and ordinances are appointed to keep people from being staggered , eph. . , , , . and it is to such that the bride is directed , to wit , to keep near the shepherds tents , for being preserved from wandering , song . . and the more that the devil driveth to bear-in prejudice at ministers , and blast the ordinances in their repute , the more are people to wrestle against that , and , in some respect , to be more blind and deaf to what may be seen and heard concerning ministers faults , not so much for the ministers respect , as their own good : therefore the apostle giveth this reason for his pressing of obedience and submission to ministers , heb. . . because the want of that , was not only prejudicial to the minister , but unprofitable to themselves . . people would have an eye upon the way that faithfull and eminently godly men have gone to heaven by , before them ; this is to follow the foot-steps of the flock , song . . . and the faith and patience of those that inherit the promises , heb. . . and readily we will find such to be most sober and serious , and farthest at a distance from novelty , curiosity , or absurd opinions . and it 's no little part of the boldnesse and impudency that often accompanieth new delusions , that they generally condemn the generation of gods people , as if no way were to heaven but by their vain inventions , this will be no little stick to a tender mind , at once to condemn the religion and practice of such a cloud of witnesses . . they would be carefull when they hear others questioning things , or expressing their p●…judice at ministers , ordinances , or established truths , to endeavour the present stopping of the same , and not to foster any thing of that kind by moving new doubts , suspicions , or giving new grounds of jealousie against ministers or others , but rather would gravely and wisely endeavour the removing of the same . . they would then be much and serious in the exercise of christian fellowship , observing or considering one another , provoking one another , and , as the word is , heb. . . and . , . taking heed , lest there be amongst them an evil heart of unbelief , and lest any of them be hardened : but , exhort ( saith he ) one another daily , as the remedy of that . there is no time wherein christian fellowship is more called-for , and wherein it may be more profitable , than at such a time , if it be rightly ordered and managed : i say , rightly ordered and managed ; for , often the pretext of christian fellowship is abused to the hatching and propagating of the most absurd opinions , when people turn light and frothy , taking up their time with vain janglings and diverting from the main scope , to wit , edification . these things are indeed to be shunned , but christian fellowship is not to be disclaimed , but wisely to be ordered in respect of the persons with whom , and occasions upon which it is used , and , in respect of the matter and duties insisted on , which is to be the confirming of themselves in some truth , faithfull freedom in admonishing one another of what is wrong , serious endeavour to keep repentance , humility , self-denial , and the like graces , fresh ; these and such like things are good and profitable to men , when gravely , singly , faithfully , tenderly and inoffensively followed . in respect of persons infected , the peoples duty may be considered in these steps , . as they are to be affected with their fault , and to pray for their recovery . . as they have occasion , to testifie their dislike of their way ▪ . such as are noted or known to be instrumental in the carrying-on of novelties , ought by all means to be shunned . as , . their company and fellowship is to be avoided , rom. . , . men are to beware of them , matth. . philip. . . secondly , they are not to receive such into their house , nor to give them a salutation , or bid them god-speed , epistle of iohn , ver . . they are to have no company with them , thess. . . we conceive there is no duty that is more pressingly urged upon the people of god , both in the old and new testament , as may be clear by considering , not only the fore-cited places , but many other places of scripture , especially that place , prov. . . cease , my son , to hear the instruction [ that causeth ] to erre from the words of knowledge . and there is this double reason for it , . there is nothing conduceth more to preserve those that are intire ; for , it is hard to walk upon fire , and not be burnt , prov. . , . and the experience of not a few confirmeth this ; for , many had not declined , had they keeped distance even from the garments that were so defiled and infected ; and it 's a hearing of such instruction that causeth to erre from the way of understanding . . there is nothing more usefull to convince the persons infected , and to make them ashamed ; which is another reason why the lord doth command this . and we may adde , that there is nothing that doth more evidence respect to god , and reverencing of him ; and nothing that is more becoming a sinner , that is sensible that he hath corruption , than that he standeth in aw to come near a seen tentation ; for , god is jealous , and will not abide mens hazarding of themselves to be carried a whoring from him : and men are not free of corruption , and so readily are capable of what is corrupt . it may be that people do think that there is no ill and hazard in trying any thing , that so , proving all things , they may hold fast what is good ; and also , that it may be ministers fearing the diminishing of their own particular respect , that doth make them presse this , and that it proceedeth from their carnall passion ; but such would consider , . if our blessed lord jesus , and his apostles , did restrain people from any due liberty , when they expresly prohibit their companying with such , and hearing of such , especially where it is done purposely , usually and deliberatly . and , we suppose , that there is scarce a direction in reference to any particular in the word more frequently , weightily , and peremptorily pressed than this , as the places alleaged do clear . . they 〈◊〉 consider , if our blessed lord jesus , or the apostles , had any fear of losing their respect , or of inability to maintain their point against any seducers ; yet do they presse this themselves , and command and charge other ministers after them , to presse this also upon their hearers . . they would consider , if these ( to wit , our blessed lord and the apostles ) did foster carnal passion , whileas yet they so pressed the people , and did reprove the suffering of such to continue in fellowship ; yea also ▪ they di●… so practise it themselves , the church-history recordeth , that the apostle iohn having entered a bath , where the heretick cerinthus was , he did immediatly in hast go out , professing fear to be ruined with him , if he should continue under the same roof . . they would consider , if the meaning of such places , as , prove all things , try the spirits , be such as necessitates folks to give hearing unto every novelty . for , . that is not possible , that every person should enquire and put to trial every errour and every opinion . . th●… people are not in capacity to do so . . this directly crosseth the letter and scope of the former precepts , which were given even then , when this command of proving all things , was given . it must be understood therefore , as agreeing therewith , and to point-out that no doctrine should be admitted without proof , upon the trust of any bearer , but ought to be tried , if it be the word of god , as the bereans did , act. . but it doth not allow them positively to try every thing , especially how grosse soever it be , without trial , though it command them not to admit any thing without proof . further , a main part of the peoples duty is to concur in their places , for countenancing and adding weight unto the respective sentences , and steps , which are called-for from ministers in their stations : as , . to contribute what clearnesse they ●…an for the discovery and triall of such persons . to add their testimony to the truth , and thereby to make the means of conviction the more weighty to them . . by evidencing of their dislike of the persons obstinacy , and their acknowledgement of the justice and necessity of drawing forth further sentences against them . . in shunning of their company , abstaining from familiarity , and otherwayes , to expresse their indignation against their way . . in carrying to them accordingly as they are sentenced , that so they may ratifie the same , and in their place , endeavour the making of it weighty , and eff●…ctuall upon the persons , that thereby , they being made ashamed , may the more readily be humbled , and turned therefrom . and people are by all means to shun such familiarity , especially with excommunicate persons , as may lessen the weight of their sentence , or mar their being ashamed , which indeed will make people guilty of despising the ordinance of christ , and obstructing the fruit thereof unto a brother , and also make themselves obnoxious to censure , as being scandalous by so doing . chap. xvi . what further duty is required of private professors towards hereticks that are cut off . if it be asked , what duty further is called-for from private persons towards a person cut off ? answ. i suppose these things are called-for , . abstinence from unnecessary civil fellowship , as , not to frequent their company , to visit them , to dine or sup with them , or to have them dining or supping with us , or to use such familiarity in such things , as useth to be with others , or possibly hath been with them : so it is , cor. . and it is no lesse the peoples duty to carry so , that it may be a mean for their edification , than proportionally it is the ministers duty to instruct , passe sentence , &c. . their would be an abstinence from christian fellowship , that is , we would not pray with them , read or confer of spirituall purposes , ( purposly at least ) nor do any such thing that belongeth to christian-communion , that is , to reject him in that sense from christian fellowship , and to account him as an heathen man or publican . in this respect , we cannot walk with an excommunicate man , as we may walk with other christians ; and , in the first respect , we cannot walk with them , as we may walk with other heathens , that , it may be , are guilty of as grosse sins upon the matter ; for , the word of the lord , putteth this differeece expresly between them and these who are simply heathens , cor. . . yet even then prayer may be made for them ; for , excommunication is no evidence , that a person hath sinned the sin against the holy ghost ; or , that their sin is a sin unto death , and their necessities , if they be in want , may and should be supplied , because they are men , and it is naturall to supply such ; they may be helped also against unjust violence , or from any personall hazard , if they fall in it ; and as occasion offereth , folks may give a weighty serious word of admonition unto them , and such like , because by such means , the end of the sentence and its weight are furthered , and not weakened . . these that are in naturall relations , ought to walk in the duties of them , as husbands and wives , parents and children , masters and servants , magistrates and subjects , &c. for , what nature bindeth , the church doth not loose . . men may follow civil businesse , as paying or exacting payment of debts , buying or selling , and may walk in such things as are requisit for humane fellowship and society , because , though church censures be to humble and shame men , by bearing in on them their sinfulnesse , yet it is not to undo them , and simply to take away a being from them . . yet all these things would be done with them in such a manner , as , . the persons may shew their indignation at their way , even when they expresse tendernesse to their persons . . it would be done in a different manner from what useth to be with others , not under such a sentence , that so they may bear out their respect to the sentence , even when they shew respect to them . therefore , there would not be such frequencie in medling with such persons , nor would it be with familiarity or many words , and long discourses to other purposes , nor with laughing , and with such chearfulnesse , intimacie or complacencie , as is used with others . but , in a word , the businesse would be done , and other things abstained from . . when , what is necessary is past , except it be on necessity , folks would not eat or drink with them at the time of doing their businesse , or after the closing of the same ; because that doth not necessarily belong to them as men , and by so doing , the due distance would not be keeped ; and this is the great practick , so to carry to them as the weight of the sentence be not lessened , nor they prejudged of what otherwayes is necessary to their being , but that so every opportunity may be taken , whereby their edification may be advanced . if what is before said , be considered , we suppose there will be no great need to add arguments to provoke either ministers or others to be zealous in prosecuting their respective duties ; yet these few considerations may be taken notice of , and pondered to this purpose , . that scarcely hath delusion , though never so grosse , ever broken in into a church , and for a time been forborn , but it hath carried away many therewith , and hath proven exceedingly inductive to much sin , offence , reproach , division , bitternesse and ills of all sorts into the church of christ : very little acquaintance with the history of the church , will put this out of question . . consider that this spirit of delusion , is in a special manner fore-prophesied of , to have a great reviving and strength in the latter dayes ; it is said , tim. . . that the spirit speaketh expresly , that in the last times , some shall depart from the faith : and why is that expresly added , but to give warning the more clearly , that men may be at their duty ? again , tim. . . this know , that in the last dayes , perillous times shall come . it is the observation of a holy and learned man , that in this place , it is the last dayes ; in the former , the last times , as if this did relate to a time nearer the end of the world : and so the first looketh to the popish superstitions and abominations , ( and indeed , the nature of the doctrines there reproved , doth seem to favour this ) and this last place doth relate to the grosse delusions , that under the pretext of the form of godlinesse , were to succeed to these ; and therefore men , according to their places , ought in these times to be so much the more watchfull and zealous , s●…ing the trumpet hath given so distinct a sound . . the dreadfull effects which such ills necessarily bring with them , may be considered ; it is not ruine to bodies or estates , but to souls ; it is not simply to sin , and to permit that , but its rebellion ; and which is more , it is to teach rebellion , and to carry on the same with a high hand against god ; and what will stir zeal for god , or what will waken love to , and sympathie with , the souls of others , if this do not ? . it would be considered , how often zeal , diligence and faithfulnesse of men in their several places ( as hath been laid down ) have proved exceeding helpfull for preventing and restraining the growth of such evils , so that thereby such a ●…loud hath been dryed up , as it is rev. . which otherwayes might have drowned the woman and her seed ; and , matth. . it is marked , that such tares are sown and spring up , not while men are watchfull and diligent , but while they sleep and are defective in their duty , ver . . for , diligence in the use of means , hath the blessing promised which others cannot expect ; and if wrath be come to such an height , as the lord will not be intreated in that matter , yet the person that is diligent may look for his own soul for a prey , and to be kept on his feet in the midst of tentations . . it may be a provocation to humility and watchfulnesse , to consider how great men have been carried away with the most vile delusions : the church of corinth did abound in most eminent gifts , yet corrupt teachers wanted not influence upon them . the church of galatia hath been most singularly zealous and tender , yet what an height delusion came to amongst them , is evident , so that they were bewitched therewith , galat. . . in church-history also it is evident , that most eminent men have been carried away with the vainest delusions : that great light , tertullian , became tainted exceedingly with the delusions of the montanists : and after-times have letten us see , that the eminentest of men are capable of defection ; and even stars are often made to fall from heaven by such storms . . it is dreadfull also to consider how difficultly men are recovered from these delusions . it 's a rare thing to find in scripture , or in history , any observable recovery of a person that hath slipped in this kind . sometimes indeed persons , that through fear have been brought to deny christ , or to countenance idolatry in a particular act , are marked with much tendernesse and satisfaction to acknowledge their failing , and to abandon it ; for , often such a failing is the fruit of some surprizal , and is of infirmity ; but the recovery of a person , who hath with a kind of deliberation drunken-in errour and rejected convictions , is a most rare thing , and hath a peradventure added thereto , tim. . . ( as was formerly marked ) which will not readily be found in any other case ; yea , often such persons do wax worse and worse , and one delusion draweth-on another till it come to the greatest height of absurdity . part iiii. concerning scandalous divisions . chap. i. how heresie , schism and division differ , together with the several kinds of division . having now come this length , there is one thing of nigh concernment to what is past , which possibly might be usefull to be enquired into , concerning such scandals as cannot be called in the former sense doctrinall , not yet personall ; because there may be purity in the one , and regularity and orderlinesse in the other respect , and yet actually there may be a scandal and an offence or occasion of stumbling lying in the way of many , and that is , by schisms and divisions in the church , or amongst the people of god. this we confesse is no lesse difficult to speak to , than any of the former , because there is often more that can be said for both sides , and the side from whence the offence riseth , is not so easily discernable , which maketh , that we are the more unwilling and lesse confident to undertake to speak any thing in reference thereto ; yet seing we have in providence been led to the former purposes , without any previous design ; and now , having this occuring to us , before we close , we shall endeavour shortly to speak a word in reference thereto , in a generall abstracted manner , without descending to any particulars , which may be dangerous to be touched upon ; but shall give some generall hints concerning the same , which we are induced unto upon these considerations , . because such divisions are as really scandalous and hurtfull to the church , as either scandals in practice or doctrine are . . because the word of god hath as fully discovered and abundantly condemned the offensivenesse of this , as of any of the former . . because there is such a connexion amongst these sorts of scandals , that often one is not without the other . hence we see , . that contention and offences and the wo that followeth them , are joyned together , matth. . , , , &c. . divisions and corrupt doctrine , or heresies , are knit together , cor. . , . so that seldome there is corrupt doctrine , but it hath division with it ; and never is division , but it hath offence , as in the epistles to these of corinth and galatia is clear : hence dogs and evil workers , that is , the spreaders of corrupt doctrine , are also called the concision , phil. . , , &c. and in experience we often find , that a spirit of division waiteth upon delusion , and oftentimes doth take up and prevail , even over those who have been preserved from the delusion ; as in a great storm , some places have great and dreadfull blasts and drops , who yet may be keeped free from the violence of the tempest ; even so , this deluge of errour , hath showrs of divisions waiting upon it , which often may affect these who are preserved from the violence of delusion it self ; which maketh , that the speaking something to this , doth not impertinently follow upon the former . . because if this be wanting , what is said in the former cases , is palpably defective , especially at such a time , when there is no lesse cause to observe this evil , than any of the former . this being , as to them , in some respect a cause that bringeth them forth and fostereth them , and , in some respect , an effect which necessarily and naturally followeth upon them : for , divisions breed both scandals in practice and doctrine ; and again , scandal in these , doth breed and entertain divisions . . what we would say , shall be drawn to these four heads . . to consider what division is , or of what sort it is , which is properly to be spoken of here . . what are the causes which do breed and foster the same . . what are the evil effects which ordinarily flow from it . . what may be thought to be duty in reference to such a time , and what may be looked upon as suitable remedies of such a distemper . for the first , we take it for granted , that there is such a thing as division in the church ; which is not to be looked upon as any new or strange thing ; for , the scripture maketh it clear , and the history of the church putteth it out of question : concerning which we may premit these few things , . that the division which is intended here , is not every contest , and alienation of mind , and difference of practice incident to men ; but that which is proper to the church concerning church affairs , and so is to be distinguished from civil debates and contentions . we would advert also , that there may be church differences that fall not under the charge of scandal , as when in some things , men of conscience are of different judgements , yet carry it without any offence or breach of charity ; or , when in some practices there is diversity with forbearance , as was in policarpus dayes , and the time of iraeneus ( about easter matters ) these we speak not unto . . although sometimes titles and expressions may be used more generally and promiscuously ; yet , in this discourse , we would distinguish between these three , heresie , schism and division , without respect to what otherwayes useth to be done . and , first , heresie , is some errour in doctrine , and that especially in fundamentall doctrine , followed with pertinacie , and endeavour to propagate the same . again , schism may be where no heresie in doctrine is , but is a breaking of the union of the church , and that communion which ought to be amongst the members thereof , and is either in government or worship . as , first , in government , when the common government , whereto all ought to be subject , is rent , and a government distinct , set up . this may be , either when the government is altered ▪ as , suppose some should set up episcopacy in opposition to presbytery , yet keeping still the fundamentall truths ; or it may be , where the same government is acknowledged , but there be difference concerning the persons to whom the power doth belong ; so , sometimes men have acknowledged popery , yet followed diverse popes ; so often , sectaries have not disclaimed councils and bishops , but have set up their own , and refused subjection to these to whom it belonged . the first kind implieth a doctrinall errour concerning government ; the second may consist with the same principles of government , but differeth in the application of them , and becometh a schism , when men act accordingly in acknowledging diverse supream independent governments : because so , when there ought to be but one church , it becometh , as it were , two : and this is exclaimed against , and regrated by the fathers , under the expression of erecting altare contra altare , that is , altar against altar , whenas the lord allowed but one , even in reference to his own worship . . schism may be in worship , that is , when , it may be , both the same doctrine and government is acknowledged , yet there is not communion keeped in church-ordinances , as in prayer , word and sacraments ; but a separate way of going about these is followed . it seemeth , that this was in part the schism of the corinthians ( whatever was the rise thereof ) that they had a divided way of communicating , and of going about other duties , and other ordinances , as may be gathered from cor. . , , , . with . this kind of schism hath been frequent in the church , and hath flowed not so much from dissatisfaction with the doctrine and government thereof , as with the constitution of the members , or failings of the governours . thus it was in the case of the novatians , donatists , meletians , cathari and others , of whom it is recorded , that their fault did not consist in setting up any strange doctrine ▪ or in rejecting of the truth ( at least at the first ) but in breaking the band of communion , as augustine hath it often ; for , saith he , schismaticos facit non diversa fides sed communionis disrupta societas , contra faustum , lib. . again , he saith of the donatists , ad bonifac. epist. . nec de ipsa fide vertitur quaestio , sed de sola communione infaeliciter litigant , & contra unitatem christi rebell●…s inimiciti●…s , perversitate sui erroris , exercent . and this sort of schism doth often draw with it the former , there being no way to maintain this without the other . of this schism there are many kinds , according to its several rises and degrees ; and also , according as it extendeth to the breaking of communion in whole , from ordinances , or in part only from some , or in some ordinances , as appeareth to have been in the church of corinth , where there hath not been a totall schism , though it hath been in that ordinance of the supper especially ; and it is like also , that that schism hath been occasioned , because of the corruption of some members , with whom others have scared to communicate ; and therefore have not tarried for them : for , the apostle doth particularly condemn this , and exhort them to tarry one for another ; and to attain this , he doth clear them of what was necessary for right partaking , to wit , the examining of themselves , ver . . and doth declare unto them , that who so did eat unworthily , and did not prepare himself , did eat and drink damnation ; but to himself , and not to others : wherefore , saith he , ye need not be so anxiously solicitous how they be prepared , or of what sort they be that are with you , but examine your selves , and tarry one for another , that there be not a schism amongst you . and this he speaketh , even when he hath been reproving drunkennesse among the communicants , yet will he not admit that as an excuse , why private persons should communicate separatedly , which was their practice . this was spoken of in the first part . this schism , however it be understood , hath ever proven exceeding hurtfull to the church , and hath been an inlet and nursery to the greatest errours ; it is most pressingly condemned in the scriptures , even with as great weight as corrupt doctrine and heresie are , and it is attributed to that same originall , to wit , the flesh , with witchcraft , idolatry , heresie , &c. gal. . . it hath ever been most weighting to faithfull ministers , most offensive to people of all sorts , most advantageous to the enemies of the truth , and hath made the church most vile and contemptible before the world , as we may see in the sad complaints and writings of the fathers , in reference to the novatians , donatists and others of that kind : it hath also proven most dangerous to these who have been engaged therein , and often hath been a snare to bring on some spiritual desertion , deadness of spirit , security , self-confidence , or some other spirituall evils of that kind , or to dispose for receiving a more grosse tentation , as was formerly marked . also , it may be observed , that such schisms have spread very suddenly in some places of the world , but have not been easily removed ; for , these schisms of the novatians and donatists did trouble the church for severall generations , which might be enough to make men think the breach of unity , in that respect , to be no little evil , and to make them fearfull to fall in the same . but because every schism properly doth imply some errour in doctrine , although it doth not arise from the same , therefore we shall forbear to speak any thing particularly to this , because what hath been said of errours in doctrine , may in part be applyed here : for , we will find , that schism doth imply one , or all of those . . that such apprehended corruptions do either make such a society to be no church , or communion with that church in other ordinances , to be unlawfull because of such corruptions , or of such corrupt members . . that there may be a distinct erected church beside a church , which yet may not be of communion with that other church . . these or such consequences , that either the church of christ in the earth is not one , ( which truth of the unity of the catholick visible church , is the main ground of all church-union and communion ) or , that that one church may be of such heterogeneous or dissimilary parts , as the one of them ought not to have communion with the other ; or , at least this , that a person ought to seek his own satisfaction and consolation , though to the prejudice and renting of the church , and to the generall offence and stumbling of all others ; the fairest schism and separation , must imply one of these : for , it cannot be conceived , that otherwayes men would act so directly , according to these principles , if they did not take them for granted . it is to be adverted , that as there is an unjust schism , that is , a separation without any cause at all ; so there is a rash and scandalous schism , that is , when it is beyond the ground given ; or , when the ground given , is not such as will warrant such a separation : which may be , . when the separation or schism is upon some occasion which is indeed a defect in the church , but not such as doth make communion therein sinfull , as that in corinth . or , . when , it may be , the schism is extended beyond the ground , that is , when suppose one could not communicate in the lords supper in such a church , because of some sinfull corruption in that ordinance , if , upon that occasion , one should separate from communion in all ordinances , that were to exceed the ground given . or , . when no professed schism is owned ; yet when really and indeed it is practised , so as men can neither justifie a schism , or separation upon such a ground , nor yet altogether vindicate their practice from inferring the same , in which respect , the schism and rent floweth from affection , or inclination , and not from well grounded light , or reason , and so cannot be but rash and unwarrantable . . it may be , in the manner , precipitant , when either means have not been used to remove that ground if it be just ; or , when men so heighten some lesser defect in a church by aggreging it with such circumstances , as may make it appear to themselves or others , a ground sufficient to bear and warrant separation ; or , in such a way , to vent their dissatisfaction with things , or persons , as thereby to hurt the unity of the church , or to occasion a rent , or division , or schism in the same , when ▪ it may be , others beside their intention may thus conclude , a church so corrupted , &c. is not to be keeped communion with , ( and , it may be , the proposition is sound and so qualified , as it is acknowledged by all divines ) but this or that particular church is such . this again , is offered to be made out by the too vehement aggravation of some lesser defect , which may seem to confirm that assumption : and in practice , it may be observed , that as some will lay down premisses concerning a schism , who yet dare not act according to the conclusion , and actually separate , so others will keep the conclusion , and actually separate in practice , who yet durst not in thesi absolutely maintain schism to be lawfull upon such a ground . it is to be adverted , that schisms and divisions are so nigh in nature and names , that we may use instances for illustration of either promiscuously . the third word , is division , which doth not at the first view differ from schism ; yet we do take it here as different , and to agree to such divisions and dissentions in the church as are consistent with communion both in government and worship , and have not a divided government or worship following them , as in the former case . of such there are many instances in scripture and church-history , as we may observe by considering these distinctions thereof . . there is a doctrinal division , as when the matter is not fundamental , nor yet is it pleaded-for as such , to the breaking off of communion amongst these that differ , yet possibly being a meer indifferent matter , is followed with too much eagernesse , vehemency bitternesse . &c. by these who owne the same respectively . thus contentions were hot in the primitive times for meats , and such things which were neither of themselves destructive to the foundation of faith on either side , at least in that time , and so were not heretical ; nor did they break off communion in church-ordinances , and so were not schismatical ; yet was the church troubled therewith by division amongst her members . of this sort are the divisions that may be amongst godly and orthodox men in some points of truth , when they too vehemently presse their own opinion to be received with a kind of necessity , or load the other with too many absurdities beyond what will follow from the nature thereof . . there are some divisions that may be called practical and do indeed imply some difference of opinion , but do also infer somewhat in practice : of this sort was the division about easter in primitive times before it came to a schism , some keeping one day , some another . and in after-times it abounded , when some acknowledged the ordination of such a bishop , and others not ; when some acknowledged the authority of such a council , and others not , and so had divided practices . . some divisions are betwixt particular men , some have influence upon churches , and are , as it were , one party against another . the first is more properly a difference , and may be betwixt eminently godly and zealous men , such as was betwixt paul and barnabas , act. . . and is called a contention . such also we will find in church-history betwixt augustine and ierome , chrysostom and epiphaneus , which indeed hath a contention with it , and , if the lord prevent not , is apt to make parties , and to rent the church ; but the other , to wit , the acting of one party against another , as hath been seen in many councils , and appeareth to have been amongst the corinthians , when one adhered to one person , and one to another ; this , i say , looketh like faction , and is properly division . . division may be considered in all these respects as it is in judgment , or in affection , or in practice . it is in judgment , when they are not of the same mind , but have diverse apprehensions concerning truths . . it is in affection , when upon that difference of judgment alienation followeth , whereby that love , and affection , and charity that one oweth to another , is somewhat cooled or discomposed . . it is in practice , when they speak and act differently and oppositly ; as if it were an advantage to truth for the one to crosse and undermine what the other doth : this distinction is clearly insinuated , cor. . . i beseech you , brethren , that there be no divisions amongst you ; which is branched-out in union in these three , to wit , speaking the same thing , that relareth to action ; of being perfectly joyned together in the same mind , that relateth to affection ; and of being one in the same judgment , that relateth to opinion : which supposeth that there were divisions opposit to all these , which also often go together . . there are some divisions , which ( to say so ) are negative , and are in the manner and circumstances of doing some duties . thus men may differ and take diverse wayes , yet both of them be endeavouring the thriving of the work of the gospel , and no way labouring to crosse each other , or to make one another lesse weighty and succesful . thus paul and barnabas , after their contention , did indeed differ in their manner of prosecuting the work of the gospel , yet both of them did continue faithfull therein , and neither of them did counter plot nor counteract to others . again , some divisions are positive ( to say so ) when men do not only differ from each other , but do oppose each other , and do not set themselves singly to prosecute the work , which possibly their opposit may be prosecuting with them ; but there is an endeavour to lessen the authority and mar the actings of the other , and to engage men in the approbation of that particular wherein they do differ , which savoureth of division and faction properly , and is more hurtfull and intolerable , when as the first is more tolerable amongst men who have their infirmities ; and it 's like , that such were the divisions of corinth when there was an endeavour to cry up one , and down another . . some are in doctrine , for difference of judgment ; some are in government , for precedency ; as sometimes was amongst the disciples , a contest who should be greatest : which is not so much for government abstractly , and considered in it self , or about what should be done , as it is for the persons , who should be the governours and doers thereof ; as amongst the disciples , it is not the question , what kind of government shall be ? or , what should be the governours duty ? but , who should be chief and have the main hand in ruling ? . sometimes divisions are more stated and deeply rooted , when some way mens designs are crosse , though not in the main , yet in the manner of carrying them on . sometimes again , they are more occasional , and arise from some particular act or circumstance , wherein men may differ , and may be when neither side draweth-on a division ; so that particular of taking or not taking iohn mark in the company , was the occasion of that contention and division betwixt paul and barnabas , act. . when otherwayes there was an harmony in the series and strain of their whole way . . sometimes divisions are betwixt godly and orthodox men upon the one side , and corrupt men upon the other ; as were the divisions of the church with the arian hereticks , and others of that nature . sometimes again , they are amongst godly and orthodox men on both sides , and this is a main ingredient in , and aggravation of , the scandal of division , when it is amongst christ's own disciples ; and this is that which we would especially speak to : concerning which we say , . that there is such a thing incident to the church as division amongst godly , able , and orthodox men , as betwixt paul and barnabas , act. . the disciples of christ and the disciples of iohn ; yea , oftentimes betwixt the disciples of christ amongst themselves . and afterward the instances of augustine and ierome , chrysostom and epiphaneus , with many others of later times , do demonstrat it . in the old testament we find iob and his friends keeping up a long dispute right sharply . and , numb . . something is recorded of a division between moses , aaron and miriam . . this division may continue long , and come to a great height , that is , it may be very sharp , although it may be the rise thereof be small ; for , contentions are , as the letting out of waters , prov. . . and they often grow , even amongst good men , so as to provoke much sharpnesse against each other , and that with much confidence , as the instances given do clear . . though it be frequent to them to come to an height , yet they are not easily removed , even amongst the best ; this being true , prov. . . that a brother offended , is harder to be won than a strong city , and that their contentions are as the bars of a castle , they are so strongly rooted . hence , we see , that there is no breaking off between iob and his friends ▪ till the lord interpose ; there is no composing of the matter between paul and barnabas , but their contention continueth so hot , that they must separate ; neither is there any thing expresly recorded of their meeting together again , although they had long been of most intimate fellowship as nearest colleagues in their journeying and travelling in the lords work , and that appointed thereto , even by himself extraordinarily , acts . it is recorded , that chrysostome and epiphaneus did sunder so imbittered one at the other , that epiphaneus did wish , that chrysostome should not die a bishop : he again did wish , that the other might not see his home , to wit , cyprus , to which he was then making his voyage ; both which accordingly fell out : which is a dreadfull instance of this evil , and looketh like the lords making use of their passion , to signifie his displeasure against both their distempers . chap. ii. whence divisions do arise , and how they are fostered and encreased . this division doth frequently arise , and is continued upon very small occasions ; for , it is not ordinarily grosse heresies or palpable abominations , that do draw godly and learned men to side in the defence thereof , but things of lesser concernment ; which we will find to be such as these , . some various and different apprehensions of truths , that are lesse fundamentall , such as was the debates about meats , genealogies , and other questions in the primitive times , concerning which , there was no little jangling even amongst good men ; thus is it when divines presse too hotly some truth , not simply necessary . it cannot be supponed , that all men who yet see but in part should be of that same mind ; and the lord hath left some things , as it were , to be the matter of doubtfull disputations , as the apostle speaketh , rom. . . and though there be truth upon the one side of every debate , yet considering that that is not alway easily demonstrable , too peremptory deciding and pressing of such things , cannot but occasion strife . . sometimes it floweth from the mistake of some dispensations , and the suspecting of the sincerity and integrity one of another ; whereby sometimes men are engaged ere they wit , to maintain their prejudice , and to lay the lesse weight upon light holden forth by others , it was thus with iobs friends , who , mis-interpreting gods hand upon him , and concluding uncharitably of his state , are brought to maintain an unwarrantable these for making out of their point . . it may arise from different apprehensions about some persons , or from a different manner of doing the same thing , or from the use-making of different persons ; as when one would have such a man to be a minister , another doth not think him worthy ; when one doth think such a man deserveth not to be a minister , and another thinketh that he doth ; when such different thoughts about persons , means or manner of doing things , ( which are incident to the best of men ) are followed with different actings accordingly , and none doth cede to another , then necessarily followeth contention and division ▪ so paul thought iohn mark not meet to be taken to the ministery again in their company , seing he had left them ; barnabas did think him meet and would have him , whereupon the contention and division followed . often also , we find in the church-history , that good men have divided upon this , that some would ordain such to be presbyters or bishops , whom others did not think worthy of that office ; and that some would not condemn persons or writings , which others did condemn : for , learned men often think the condemning of a person or doctrine which is owned by them , or the refusing to condemn a person or doctrine which they do condemn , to be a reflection on them , and that therefore they are engaged to deal with such , as with the principall party : it is marked , that the rise of chrysostome and epiphaneus their difference , was , that chrysostome did not so go alongs in the condemning of origen , and his writings as the other did ; and that some of the clergie of constantinople had refused the same : whereupon epiphaneus began in preaching to enveigh against the other , which came to that height that is said . also , somtimes some have been too favourable constructers of deluders , as if they had been of some honesty , wherby difference hath grown with others who knew the deceit , as witnesse the first divisions that were in phrygia concerning montanus , because some being simple , and not knowing that prophesie , in an extraordinary manner , was laid aside by the lord , did dispute , that possibly there might be some more than an ordinary thing in his way , and that he might through accesse to god do such things , when as yet they were not infected with his errours : this did breed a schism ; when others necessarily behoved to condemn the deeds , and also the persons ▪ as not serving the lord , but their own bellies , rom. . ver . . . it usually ariseth from secret grudges at being sleighted , or heart-burnings at anothers credit and reputation beyond them , and sometimes indeed , not because of the fact done , but because such persons were the doers thereof , and one way or other springeth from the root of pride , envy , or emulation , which hath many branches whereby it venteth its malignant distempering disposition in sundry shapes . it is indeed sad that such things should be amongst the disciples of christ yet often we see , that this , who should be the greatest , was a bone of contention among them , especially when some had evidenced their too great pronenesse and inclination to prefer themselves to others ; this also had influence upon that muteny which aaron and miriam did stir up against moses , numb . . and it is the lords word by the wise mouth of solomon , only by pride cometh contention . . too much insisting on , and aggreging of the infirmities or opinions of others , and loadening and aggreging them with many fearfull consequences , hath much influence upon this , especially where words are wrested beside the intention and sense of the speaker , because such an humour sheweth little love and respect to the person , and by the nature of the work , doth tend to hold him forth as odious , ignorant , absurd , or some way despicable ; which even good men , being but men , are not easily brought to digest . we see this in iob's friends , who frequently carp at his expressions , and study to aggrege them , which indeed were not alway altogether excusable ; yet their scope ( at least , in the work ) was , to represent them and him much more absurd , than indeed they were . and this was in these debates between augustine and ierome , and usually is where such differences are , as too many reproachfull and bitter differences now in the church , almost every where , do hold forth . . they are occasioned by a carnal and factiouslike pleading for , and vindicating even of truth . often it is not the matter whereabout godly and learned men debate , that maketh division , ( for , there may be difference where there is no division ) but it is a carnal manner of prosecuting either side of the difference , even that side whereon the truth doth lye , that doth engender the division ; and often , we see men differing about greater points than others do , and yet carrying so as it cannot be called division . it 's marked , cor. . that some were for paul , some for apollos , some were for none but christ ; and yet this is counted a side of the faction aswell as any of the other ; not because being for christ is wrong , but because that factiously they walked under that pretext : which we may take up in these respects , . when a man too peremptorily presseth his light upon others , or upon a church , in a matter that is not fundamental , or necessary , which is condemned , rom. . . when men in these debates keep not their faith , or light , to themselves , but do trouble and distract others therewith . . it is , when men too vehemently presse such a thing , as if the contrary thereof , or those who maintain the same , were intolerable ; and so in a fiery violent way seek to bear down that which is indeed an errour , though of infirmity . it is marked by some that write church-history , and augustine is of that same mind , that stephanus , bishop of rome , did more hurt to the church by his too vehement opposing of cyprian's errour ( which was , that those that were baptized by hereticks , or schismaticks , ought again to be baptized ) because he did therby hazard the dividing and renting of the church , by refusing communion with such as were against him , than cyprian did in his maintaining of his errour ; because , though it was still his opinion , he did meekly and condescendingly carry in it , with respect to the unity of the church . . this is also , when things are followed with sentences and censures on the opposit opinion , and the abbetters thereof , as if it were a matter of faith. it 's known what influence those sentences of victor , bishop of rome , had upon renting of the church , and stating that divisive distinction betwixt the east and west church , and that for a matter of nothing , to wit , what day of the moneth precisely easter was to be keeped ; and he was for that sharply reproved , even by iraeneus , who was of that same judgment with him : and many such instances are in history . . it is , when in the prosecution of such things , men leave the matter , and fall on personall reflections , and become bitter in these respects , as to cast-up pride and arrogancy hypocrisie , ignorance , heresie , or erroneousnesse ▪ or some other personal fault , if any be known or imputed to them or one way or other to sleight them and make them despicable : so aaron and miriam murmur against moses , numb . . that he had married an ethiopian woman , that he seemed to sleight them , as if god had only spoken by him , and not by them also ; epiphaneus also did upbraid chrysostom with hypocrisie ; ierome hugely revileth vigilantius , whose tenents seem to be as near truth as his are ; so it was between demetrius and theophilus , when in the matter of fact , each giveth to other the lie . . it is , when the manner of carrying on a thing , is factious , as endeavouring , to make sides and parties under hand , and indirect dealing to engage others in their differences , and to stir up men by such means against others : it is like it was so in corinth , even amongst the people who adhered not to false teachers ; it is marked also in that vehement bitter contention that was between ierome and ruffinus , that he did endeavour by all means , to waken hatred against ieromes person , and to defame his writings more than in any convincing way to make out his point ; and yet all this arose from ierome his alleaging the other to be a favourer of origens heresie , because he had translated some books of origens , which was indeed condemned by others as being dangerous ; yet seing ruffinus did disclaim these errours , and deny that he approved them ▪ there was no such ground to presse him with i●… ▪ and this became the occasion of that irreconciliable hatred , which was never removed ; in which also it is marked , that ierome doth object to the other , obscurity , and harshnesse of stile , adding withall many other sleighting expressions . it may be by the imprudencie of such as have good affection : as , . expressing too much good liking of some corrupt men , because they pretend fairly : thus the church was divided in phrygia for montanus , because some did too imprudently construct well of him , as if indeed he and his prophetesses had truly had the gift of prophecy ; others again vehemently upbraided them for it . . it is when things are pressed unseasonably , or in an offensive manner , without respect to the manner of things if they be satisfied in the matter . there followed many divisions upon the back of the most famous councill , ( which made greg. nazianzen to say , he never desired to see many bishops together ) and the centuriators give this reason or occasion , dum quidam fidem nicenam imprudenter urgebant , alii eam acriter impugnabant . . too much peremptorinesse where there may be some condescending , hath much hand in this ; when men become not all things ( so far as is lawfull ) unto others . it is marked in the church-history , that sometimes too tenacious adhering unto canons and councils , by some who would not condescend in a syllable , when others did condemn the matter , hath been in this respect prejudicial ; such was the cause of the schism betwixt the east and west church , and particularly the tenacious adhering in all things , even as to the very manner , to the council of chalcedon ▪ ( which was indeed a famous and orthodox council in the matter ) the former instance cleareth this also . . sometimes this doth come from dissatisfaction in some particulars of government , as when some have been displeased that such and such men , formerly cast out , should have been again admitted to communion ; or , that a person , cast out of communion in one place , hath been admitted in another ; this is frequent , as after instances may clear . . it is often occasioned by the encroachment of one upon another in the exercise of their power , as to preach , ordain , and such like , within the bounds of others beside , or without their knowledge , or against their will. . it hath sometimes arisen from the churches meddling in extrinsick or unnecessary things ; and seldome church-men have been too much taken up and occupied about such things , but it hath had such a consequent : as when they are too much taken up about ceremonies and things not commanded , as easter was ; or about indifferent things , as the prescribing of forms in every thing ▪ and such like ; or , about precedency in government , and what might conduce to the externall splendor of the church in immunities , priviledges , fabricks , dotations , &c. whereof instances are very many . or , when church-men have become too pragmatick in civil things , or affairs of the world , thereby to carry on a temporall grandour in the spirituall kingdom of christ ; which was often the rise and occasion of difference amongst the apostles ; and although there was scarce accesse to this occasion in respect of practice while magistrates were heathens , yet in after times , this is evident ; and sundry divisions followed upon such occasions , as the approving or condemning of such and such an emperours election ; the transferring of the empire from east to west , or from one family to another . . new manner of expressions , or new moulds of the doctrine of the gospel , different from what hath been formerly delivered , have given occasion to this ; that is , when there is either a new form of speaking , and an affectation of novelty in words ▪ different from the form of sound words which ministers ought to hold fast ; or , when things are so proposed , as if all former moulds had been defective , and all other divines in their preaching and writings were nothing to such . it seemeth that this newfanglenesse of speech had no lesse influence in dividing the church of corinth , and begetting factions therein , than the diversity that was in the matter , wherein they are not so generally found guilty , as being carried away with errour , as , of being itched with a humane kind of eloquence in the manner of preaching . this same also may be in writtings , and indeed when some cry up one manner or mould , and some others the contrary , it may breed siding and division , even as well as diversity of doctrine may do . and it is not for nought that the lord hath commanded simplicity in the manner , and the holding fast of the form of sound words , even as he hath commanded soundnesse in the matter ; and oftentimes there doth arise no lesse tastinesse or itching amongst people , nor lesse emulation amongst ministers , from the one than from the other . chap. iii. the height of evil that division bringeth . having now seen a little the rises of this evil ▪ we may look to the height it hath come to from such beginnings : which we may consider in these steps . . it engendere●… heat , strife and contention ; and in that respect , maketh men carnall , cor. . . it breedeth alienation in affection , and separateth these in fellowship that have been most intimate , as if their companying together had lost that sweetnesse and refreshfulnesse that sometimes it had ▪ and thereby even their christian communion is interrupted ; both those may be seen in that strange and hot contention , which came to this height betwixt paul and barnabas , act. . . it breedeth jealousie and suspicion of one anothers actions and intentions , yea , it may be , of the sincerity of their state : it breedeth envy at one anothers prosperity and respect , and maketh them lesse weighted with any crosse or adversity that the other falleth into . paul is suspected , not only by the false teachers , but even by the professors , to be an enemy to them , and not to be single in his designes amongst them : some have counted others hypocrites , as is before marked . . it bringeth forth violent and virulent expressions , and reflections upon each other , and greater heat almost is not to be found than amongst differing divines , that yet do aggree in the main . it is a wonder to read some of the expressions that are betwixt ierome and ruffin , and betwixt demetrius bishop of alexandria , and theophilus bishop of ierusalem , with many others ; or to consider the sad regrates that basilius , gregorius nazeanzenus , and others , have of these differences ; something may be seen of it in the instance of iob and his friends . and what there is for the present amongst orthodox divines abroad , and in this island , i fear , out of honour to the men , to mention them ▪ yet i suppose such things may be read in the prefaces and writings of the most eminent divines , as may make the hearts of all to loath such divisions . . it hath come to that height , as not to spare to publish even personall reflections ; yea sometimes , it hath come to that , that men have condem ned deeds in others , after such begun differences , which formerly they did highly commend in them ; ( thus their estimation & construction of their actions , doth ebb and flow according to their estimation of their persons ) it is marked of demetrius of alexandria ▪ that whiles he and origen did continue in fellowship ▪ he was a great commender of that deed of origen's , to wit , his gelding of himself while he was young : yet after difference arose betwixt them , upon very mean grounds , ( origen not being come to his grossenesse ) he did most vehemently object that to him in his writings . . often in hath come that length , that they have imprecated evil to one another , as in the instance of chrysostom and epiphanius ; sometimes they have informed and most vehemently instigated civil powers against one another , that they might procure their deposition , banishment , and such like , as ruffinus did against ierome , the clergie at antioch against flavianus , and some at constinople , particularly severianus , did stir up the emperour against chrysostom . . also , it hath been followed in councels and synods by the sentences of deposition and excommunication , as was frequent in the case of that debate about easter , and in that debate betwixt stephanus and cyprian ; tertullian also was sentenced upon a prejudice , without just ground ; so was chrysostome deposed even by bishops that were not heterodox ; and many others . . it hath extended to divide churches although it began amongst ministers ▪ and hath come to that height , that they have withdrawn from the communion of one another , and have chosen different bishops and ministers without communion one with another , or without dependence one upon another , and yet neither of them have been hereticks , nor professed schismaticks , but because of some dissatisfaction , it may be , with the person , or ordination of such a minister ; or upon some mistake of a particular act of a councell , even when both did acknowledge the same , as particularly is marked to have been betwixt eustachius of antioch , and eusebius of pamphilia ; and again at antioch in the case of miletus and paulinus ; and again betwixt flavianus and others ; which is marked to be in the fourth century . . it hath extended to great heat and furie , even amongst the followers of each other ; whereby much jealousie , heat and dissention hath been occasioned . . in both those there hath been such a fervour , and as it were fury , that there hath been no uptaking nor removing of the same : and although we find difference to have arisen from little , even amongst good men , yet often we will find that most difficultly it hath been removed , but for many generations it hath continued , when the first authors have been away , and that with very great heat , as almost in all the instances given , so that , that sweet and moderate divine melancthon , did usually call the difference of divines rabies theologorum , and at his death did blesse himself , that amongst other sins and miseries he was to be fred from this rabies or furie of divines , which was evermore sadder to him than any opposition of open adversaries . . usually , it hath diverted most serious divines , both from the pressing of piety , and reproving of vice ; as also from maintaining of truth against open adversaries , and the pursuing of their errours . augustine doth complain of this to ierome , and doth for this end , as it were , crave a cessation ; and it cannot be otherwayes , for ●…uch debates do not profit these that are occupied therein . heb. . ver . . and when mens edge is hot and sharp against others in such particular differences , it cannot but cool and blunt them in more weighty things , and is no little part of the devils subtilty to make way for errour and profanitie , thus to entangle ministers . which occasion he hath ever taken to sow tares , which that great father and divine basilius doth condole to this purpose , that while there was concord in every occupation , only in the church and amongst ministers there was dissention , and that so hot , that no commiseration of the flock , which was set upon , and drawn away by perverse men , was prevalent with them , to abstain from such differences . . hence , it hath followed , that though there hath been no considerable difference upon the matter at the first , yet notwithstanding it hath grown and come to a height ▪ and that in respect both of schism and heresie ; and it is rare to find in history , that a division hath continued long , but it hath turned to separation in communion , and a schism ; and again , schism hath not continued long , but it hath brought forth heresie , for divided practices lead men to lay down and maintain such principles as may defend them , and the band of unity being broken , there is no stay or hold , because , as that forenamed father basilius saith , men take on them then to speak , write , and do as they please . . although sometimes the fault of division may be more on one side than another , yet seldom is any side free , at least , in the manner of prosecution , and therefore often it turneth in the close to the hurt of both , and the one side becomes more schismaticall and erroneous , at least , in many of their members , as fell out in the case of the novatians , and donatists . the other side again , have often become more cold and secure in the practice of holinesse , carnall and formall in pursuing ceremonies and externall things , with lesse affection and life in the main , because the edge of their zeal was bended toward these differences ; and generally people have been stumbled and offended by them ; and by the miscarriage of some affectionate persons , men more formall and not very zealous in the main thing , have come to have more weight and sway in the government of the church ; and thus we see that after these hot debates that were in the church about lesser things , schisms and heresies grew up on the one side ; luke warmnesse , formality , and inclination to ceremonies , and a formall lazie way of worship , did grow up and increase in the church , upon the other side . . though we find men sadly regrate these , yet was there alwayes a difficulty to get them removed ; there being often a kind of inconsideratnesse whereby the publick good hath been overlooked , and men have walked too much by particular inclination and affection , and so have come to hate whom formerly they praised , and to praise whom formerly they hated ; by which the ordinances have become weightlesse to all ; and the ministers , who sometimes were counted a gazing , a reproach and the off-scouring of all men because of afflictions , have become much more despicable because of their own intestine divisions , as one of the fathers doth pathetically expostulate for the dissentions of his time , writing to nazeanzen . chap. iiii. the causes why division usually cometh to so great an height . we may now enquire what be the causes why divisions usually come to such a height , and are so difficulty removed , even amongst men that are affectioned in the work of christ , and otherwayes sound , zealous , and sober ; which is indeed strange , especially considering , that they do often see the evil , regrate it , and professe their desire of a remedy themselves ? in answering to this , we are to look , . to the lords soveraign hand even in this . . to what accession there is to it from those that differ . . to some occasionall accidentall causes that concur therein . . we may consider the strength of the tentation in respect of some other circumstances . . that the lord hath a soveraign hand therein , cannot be denied , and that in these two respects , not to insist in all , . as it is a triall whereby both mens soundnesse and unsoundnesse have occasion to be manifested ; this is asserted , cor. . as a reason of the necessity of schisms and divisions , as may be gathered by comparing , ver . , with . but this we insist not on ▪ . the lord hath a judiciall hand in it , that is , as he ordereth divisions for the just chastisement and punishment of some , even as was formerly said of heresies and delusions ; and to this purpose , we may consider that wo which floweth from offences unto the world , to relate especially unto divisions amongst church-officers , as the subjoyning thereof to the contention amongst the apostles doth evince ; and in the nature of it , and in respect of the consequents that follow thereon , it is indeed a wo , and a very great wo unto the world , and an evidence of the lords displeasure ; when thus in his anger , divisions come amongst ministers or people , as it is , lam. . . which we will find true in these respects . . it looketh angry like against ministers ; for , thereby they become despicable , the lords countenance and presence seemeth to be withdrawn , and much carnalnesse of frame , and many other evils steal in ; which do both eat up much of that inward livelinesse which other wayes they might have , and also discompose that tranquillity and composednesse of mind , which love and unity entertain , and doth propose ministers unto people , as men destitute of that badge , whereby they may be known to be the lords disciples , to wit. love to one another . . it is often a great snare to many carnall professors ; for , thereby some are hardened in profanity , and become atheists , as if all that is spoken by ministers concerning religion , were not to be believed ; therefore the lord prayeth for unity , and against differences amongst his disciples , for this cause , that the world might believe that christ was sent by god , and that these are loved of him , joh. . , . which importeth , that this plague of atheism followeth in the world upon such divisions . again , others are stumbled so , as they cast at the truth preached by them , and thereby become a prey to be carried about with every wind of doctrine ; for preventing of which , ministers , and union among ministers are required , eph. . , , . with , , , . . it becometh an burden , grief and offence to the weak , such division being a main stumbling-block to the little ones that believe , matth. . , and . . it proveth a great confirmation and ground of hardening to the adversaries of the truth , who are thereby exceedingly hardened , and brought to applaud themselves in their own way , as if such divided instruments could not be of the one body , the church , which is guided by one spirit ; and this was cast up by heathens in the primitive times , as we may find by the apologies of many of the fathers ; and the same way hath been followed by antichrist and his followers unto this day ; they insult in nothing more than the divisions of the orthodox ▪ and are more proud of nothing than their pretended unity , which they make a mark of the true church . and when all these are considered , we suppose , it may be evident that such divisions are , when they are , a great plague unto the church , and may justly be called a wo unto the world . we need not insist upon characters of a judiciall-like division , seing hardly there is division in a church , but it is judiciall in some part ; yet these things may be considered to this purpose , . when the division is amongst the more eminent and godly men , as amongst the disciples . . if the matter be light comparatively for which the difference is keeped up , as augustine calleth that with some donatists , parva dissentio , as to the matter or occasion , which was yet great in its effects , epist. . . if it be for dominion , or preheminence , or such things as may look carnall like before men , like that , matth. . , &c. or , . if the manner of following it be carnall , or irrationall-like without that respective tendernesse of edification and offence , which rationally might be expected from such men . . when there are many palpable convincing reasons , and that in respect of the particular time and case , which might draw men from such divisions . or , . when sometimes healing is essayed , and beyond probable reasons and expectation , it doth break off and turn worse , when it appeared to be near a close . . when it spreadeth , and cometh to occupy and take up professors , it may be , beyond many more concerning things . this especially is discernable , when the division ariseth suddenly upon the back of a great calm , and after such sins as may procure the interrupting thereof , and when it cometh , in an unexpected way , from such persons , and upon such an occasion , as , it may be , none could have looked-for , or thought of ; when it is under afflictions , and other cases and reproaches , as the jews divisions were , even when besieged by the romans , and when under them , as iosephus writeth . these and such like may evidence somewhat to be judiciall therein . because , . it doth so further what is penall the more in all the former respects , and it cannot but have such effects . . because there being no other probable reason how ordinarily such a thing may come to passe , the lords hand is to be acknowledged therein so much the more , when even his servants are drunken but not with wine , and he hath powred upon them the spirit of deep sleep , and covered even the prophets and seers therewith , as the word is , isa. . , . and when they are as so many wild bulls caught in a net , full of the fury of the lord , and of the rebuke of their god , as it is , isa. . ver . . whereby it cometh to passe , that neither one sort or other can particularly understand the duty called-for in reference to their healing , more than if all visions , and directions concerning the same were sealed up , as , isa. . ver . , . and isa. . . and none of all zions sons are in capacity to take her by the hand , isa. . . . besides these two , the lord sometimes hath a wise design for promoving of his work , even by occasion of such divisions , as thereby to make the gospel to be spread further than otherwayes it had been ; for , by discontents and differences , sometimes men have been put to go elswhere and preach the gospel ; and in that instance of paul and barnabas their separating , this is brought about ; the gospel is preached by both in their severall journeys , which had not been so extended had they been together ; but this , and others of this kind being only proper to the lords soveraign wisdom , we will not insist on them , in the second place , if we consider mens own accession who are engaged in such divisions , that is manifold . . men by former guiltinesse may procure the same , as by abuse of former unity , carnalnesse in it , not improving of it for edification , pride and conceitedness of it as if it could not be interrupted , not being thankfull to god for it , nor praying for continuance of it . these and such like , may draw on such a dreadfull stroke as division ; wherefore not only is there a wo to the world because of offences , but also to him by whom they come , matth. . even when notwithstanding , the necessity of them is asserted . . some present sinfull distemper in ministers frame , or disposition , may have influence upon this , as it were disposing them the sooner to take fire upon any occasion . as ▪ . distance with god , and coldnesse of love to him , without which , love cannot be keeped up with others in him. . pride , conceitinesse , desire of pre●…eminencie , respect and applause , which was amongst the apostles . . which followeth upon this , envy at the respect which is given to others , or the weight that they have in the managing of matters , and carnall emulation at their persons and actions . . there is a secret discontentednesse at mens being sleighted by others , or apprehending themselves to be so . . there is a credulousnesse and readinesse to receive wrong impressions , a jealousie or suspicion of others in their designs , ends , or particular respects to them ; all which proceeding from want of charity , that thinketh not evil . &c. they cannot but some way dispose for division . . there is an itching newfangle humour , not after new doctrines , but after new expressions , formes , or changes in other things . . there is sometimes a prejudice at severity and strictnesse , as if it were pride , ambition , or something that is intolerable ; which is marked to be the cause of the clergie of constantinople , their dissention with chrysostome their 〈◊〉 : of this kind , to wit , sinfull and disposing causes , are ignorance , imprudence , tenaciousnesse , or self-willedness , and such like ; whereby a minister is the easilier engaged , and the more difficul●…ly brought off . . there are some acts whereby men have accession to the raising and heightening of division , and oftentimes they are mutuall : as , . some mens doing of some inconsiderate act , or writing some inconsiderate expression upon the one hand ; and others , too passionatly and vehemently exaggerating such a fact , and condemning such an expression by a torturing deduction of absurdities therefrom , beyond what was intended ; so it was between ierome and augustine , &c. . when some presse severity in discipline and censures , somewhat too hotely , others , with no lesse discontent , repelling the same . . when men sleightingly expresse their mind of the persons , writings or actings of others ; and they again are engaged by the like reflections , to vindicate the same . . when men study not the instruction of themselves or others affectionedly , but hunt after a kind of credit to themselves , though with the reproach of others . . little condescending to remove mistakes and prejudices , abstinence from society , and fellowship with such as they differ from in some particular ; hasty preaching , and publishing differences of small moment , as epiphaneus , and some others , formerly cited , did , no condescending in particular facts that might be condescended on , and such like . . especially such acts as state a schism , and break communion in government , worship , and other ordinances , are exceedingly instrumentall in this . as , . to have distinct bishops or ministers , governours or officers , and so to have opposit judicatories , and opposit ordinations , which is often found to be the result and great cherishment of divisions in the primitive times . whereupon followed , . division in administration of sacraments , when such and such could not acknowledge men so ordained to be ministers , and so could not communicate with them , if they were ordained in opposition to them , or such as were ordained by them : and this hath a connexion with such an act , because the acknowledging of such to be lawfully ordained , would question their own ordination . whence , . follow divided congregations and meetings , according to the opposition amongst ministers , some meeting in one place , and some in another , and so withdrawing communion one from another , although both do continue in the same faith and government ; as may be seen in severall of these divisions mentioned at antioch , constantinople , &c. upon which again followed , . opposit preaching amongst ministers , each condemning others as schismaticks , and not to be keeped commuon with ; one calling that a duty which the other called a sin , and matter of humiliation , and contrarily : as also , mutuall railing and reviling amongst the followers of such sides , which often hath come to tumults ; whereby it appeareth how great influence such things have upon division . yea , . it hath come to divide families ; often augustine regrateth in his epistles , that their division made the man and wife whom one bed did contain , in an incapacity to be contained in the same church , where the same faith was preached , and so he urgeth it also in reference to parents , and children , and to masters and servants . there are many moe things might be named , as censuring of men upon such difference ; for , then often some adhere to them , which maketh a rent , as in these instances of eustachius and chrysostome is clear , urging the condemning of some writings and tenents not fundamentall ; thus the pressing of the condemning of origens writings ( which are not supposed by some to have been so grosse as now these which are called his , are ) did give much occasion of contention and division amongst men , who otherwayes did acknowledge all the fundamentall truths comprehended in the generall councels , and it is alike also , did not agree with him in his grossest errours , yet would not judicially condemn him , and others such like . chap. v. what occasionall means may have influence upon division amongst the godly . vve come now in the third place to consider , what occasionall means may have influence upon this division amongst godly men ; and such may be , . some talebearers and secret whisperers , who may have much influence to alienate good mens affections , by misrepresenting the words and actions of others , under pretext of respect to them , when , in the mean time , it may be some particular discontent that putteth them on : it is marked , that one serapion had much influence to alienate chrysostome and severinus , who formerly were exceeding intire , who suggesting to the first , many evidences of the others disrespect to him , as if he had been endeavouring to draw the peoples affections from him ; and for that cause , picked out some words of severinus , which being considered alone , did sound grosly , but being considered in the sentence as spoken by him ▪ they were not of such a meaning . . often when differences arise amongst honest men , there wanteth not many , who out of particular designs do then foment that fire , especially such as from some other fear , take occasion to exaggerate such a difference , because the sostering of that difference is the preventing of what they fear : as for instance , chrysostome had threatned the censuring of many of his presbyters for their faults , whereupon they took the occasion of the differences betwixt him and epiphanius , severinus , and others , to irritate and stir up them against him , and to side with them in these differences ; whereby the division against him , and such as followed him , was maintained till it came to the height thereof , yet were neither the differences betwixt him and these other men , nor the persons of these other men his opposites respected by them , further than served to their end of bearing him down , and so of preventing the threatned and feared censure . . sometimes magistrates have had no little influence upon this , either by pretending to side with one party in these differences against the other , when yet it was not these differences but some other prejudice , as from free speaking or the like , which did engage them . it is marked in that same case of chrysostome , that the emperour and empresse did concur to bear down his followers , and those that sided with him , because of some particular discontent at his free preaching , for which cause they were zealous executers of the synods sentence ; as these again that were opposite to chrysostome of the clergie , did take no little advantage of that discontent , which they knew the empresse had at him . or on the other side , they are sometimes accessory by weakening government , and giving men accesse to do what they will : when basilius hath regrated the great differences of the church in iulian , and valens their times , and setting himself to find out the cause thereof , he settleth on this word in the book of the iudges , in those dayes there was no king in israel , every man did what seemed good in his own eyes : which he doth not speak simply , as if there had been no government ; but that by such as was , no course was taken , as the calling of synods , or such like means , to restrain such things , but rather they were entertained . . sometimes also the peoples engaging and siding in such differences , hath no little influence to heighten and lengthen the same ; hence we find that in some debates , wherein church-men have been alone engaged , there hath been some stop ; but when it hath encreased , to the stating of parties amongst the people , it hath ever been more difficult ; because so ministers were the more encouraged and engaged to be tenacious ; vea sometimes fear of displeasing the people that adhered to them , hath not wanted its weight . also , so it turned more easily to schism and faction in practice , when one part of the people would only call such a man of their judgement ; another part of the people , such another man of theirs ; whereupon followed great dissentions and factiousnesse in elections , and opposite ordinations , by bishops of several judgements : whereupon followed , . a rent in that particular church ; one part withdrawing with their bishop and minister , and the other part with theirs , and neither keeping communion with , but seeking to overturn one another . and , . a rent among neighbouring bishops and ministers , according as they were pleased to admit either side to their communion , and acknowledge or condemn either of the opposite ordinations . and , . often also , there followed opposite and eager applications to the supream magistrates and emperour , to have their own respective elections ratified , and that which was opposite , by his authority , crushed ; which often hath been followed with much bitterness , and sometimes not without calumnies against good men ; and also not without prejudice to the churches liberty , and advantage to corrupt men or magistrates , that were not tender of truth ; who thereby had occasion to interest themselves , and advance their own ends the more ; and it is marked of anastasius the emperour , who was a monothelite , that he took occasion upon hot differences in the church amongst divines , ( who did in both sides differ from him , though one of them was but sound ) without respect to right or wrong , equally to endeavour the suppressing of both by sending them into exile ; and when magistrates were more equal to and tender of the church , as theodosius , gratianus , &c. yet they were exceedingly troubled with such adresses , and put to hear such complaint ▪ even amongst and against men fully orthodox and sound , only differing in some particulars which had brought on opposite ordinations , as in the cases of miletius and paulinus , eustachius and flavianus , with their respective competitors : all which concuring with that heat and fervour wherewith churchmen do usually of themselves follow their differences , did not a little contribute to the heightening and lengthening of divisions and rents , upon the smallest occasions . . occuring miscarriages of persons differing , have often had influence to increase and continue a breach , that is , when some persons on either side become more grosse in other points of doctrine , or in practice ; or follow their designs by means that seem grosse and unwarrantable to the other ; or when some of one side expresse unjust calumnies on the other : this doth exceedingly alienate affections , confirme jealousies and suspicions , and readily doth engender new questions and controversies ; because some are led to oppose and condemn , and others to defend such practices ; therefore there must be opposite principles suitable thereunto , and so they multiply from one step to another : whereby it cometh to passe , that often where there is but one difference at first , after a time many do arise , which doth make the removall of divisions to be alwayes the longer the more difficult : whence we see , that seldom one difference continued any time , but there was an addition of many , and that of greater concernment , that , it may be , stuck , whenas the first rise might have been removed . . sometimes also occurring dispensations in providence will give occasion to this tenaciousnesse , as suppose there be a seeming advantage on the one side to through their point , and bear down the other without uniting , it is supposed to be conscience and prudence to make use of the same : hence we will find in history men more or lesse inclinable to unite , as they apprehended their party to be more or lesse strong ; sometimes also some singular-like stroak upon the persons names or families of eminent opposers , proveth a confirmation to the others who escape , as if their way were more approveable , and the others more remarkably condemned ; for so are men ready to misinterpret the most occasionall thing , which for other ends may come upon any with whom they differ . thus zuinglius his death did not only prove matter of insulting to papists , but even by luther and others was misapplied ; and carolostadius his ●…oul defection , afterward became an occasion to harden many , in condemning his condemning of keeping images in churches , though without any worship ; because , upon the back of that debate , luther had set him forth as a light , unsettled , unstable person , whose judgement was not to be valued ; which accordingly falling out , made many keep up the opinion contrary to his , as if by his fall it had been ratified ; and we think , that if either chrysostome or epiphaneus their wishes to other respectively had fallen out but upon the one side , it also might have had influence ; but seing both came to passe , we conceive that thereby the lord would keep men from being confirmed in their differences upon such dispensations , and shew himself angry at the carnalnesse of good men , even in their smallest difference on both sides . in the fourth place , we have to consider , wherein the strength of the tentation to keep up division doth ly , in respect of several circumstances that may have influence , especially upon church men . . there is engagement , credit , and such like , which steal in , and vent in heat and tenaciousnesse under other appearances , as of 〈◊〉 ●…or gods honour , respect to the credit of the ministry , and of the ordinances : and in this it seemeth not to be any personall credit or respect that s●…ayeth them , but zeal for , and respect to the master , as is insinuated in the disciples carriage , luk. in their seeking to be avenged on the place that would not receive christ , by fire from heaven , ver . . and also in their forbidding some to cast out devils ▪ even in his name , because they thought it not for christs honour , ibid. vers . . . the tentation hath often with it great confidence of the justness and equity of their own side ▪ and of the unreasonablnesse of their adversaries . there may be in part much ground for this , where the controversie is some doubtfull , disputable thing : how great confidence have both iob and his friends in their debate , so that both of them are frequent in desiring gods decision , when as neither of them in both matter and manner was fully approveable . sometimes also there may be a perswasion very satisfying to the party , when yet it is not from god ; this was in galatia , cap. . ver . . it is like on both sides , even when they were biting and devouring one another ; for , we find often in experience , that a disputable thing , being for a time pleaded for , will become as palpably clear , and altogether necessary to these who have disputed for the same , because engagement bribes the light , and perverteth even the wisdom of the just . hence we see , that the longer one plead for a thing , he becometh more confident therein , because his own pleading secretly prevaileth more with himself ▪ than reasons proposed by any others to the contrary can . . there is a strength in the tentation , in this , that not only the matter is thought just , but it is thought necessary and of great concernment , if it be , . a question of the most circumstantiall truth , ( if we may speak so ) it looketh out as necessary , and a thing that cannot be quit ▪ yea , even those who are engaged to maintain that side where the errour lies , will cry up the controversie as in a high point of christianity . amongst the fathers , these that maintained the millenarie opinion , and christs personall reign , thought it a point of high concernment ; iustine martyr in his dialogue with trifo , saith , he is no christian , orthodox in all things , who doth think otherwise ; and in later popish writers , how is the necessity of oyl , chrisme , and such like pleaded for ? which sheweth what impression the appearing weightinesse of such things will have on them , as if it were a main foundation of religion . and , . if it be a matter of fact or government , it is thought of such concernment for the good of the church that they cannot quit it , without being accessory to the corruption and hurt , or to the marring of the authority thereof : hence so often are the faults and consequents of the adverse part aggreged ; canons and constitutions alleaged to be broken , as we may see ( amongst other instances ) in that debate betwixt rome and constantinople for precedency before antichrist was revealed , one alleaging an act of nice , the other , an act of the councel of chalcedon , and rome pretending the interest of saint peter , and the good of the universall church . and , . if it be a difference about persons , as who is to be acknowledged bishop or minister , or if such be lawfully ordained , deposed , &c. then such as they oppose , are conceived to be notoriously hainous ; and such as they are for , are believed to be incomparably singular and eminent , and therefore it is no wonder that they presse vehemently their point , as thinking that much of the good or evil of the church doth depend upon the admission , or rejection of such men respectively , and this floweth inadvertingly from the former differences ; because , when they are confident that themselves are right in a main point , they necessarily must think these wrong and untender who are opposit in such a thing , and the hotter the opposition grow , they think still each other the more grosly obstinate : by this also they are disposed to hear and receive reports and mis-informations concerning their opponents ; whereby they come verily to believe , that they are even in all other things , and in their very ends and designs , most grosse . and , i suppose , that beside the instances formerly given in all these respects , the differences that arose first betwixt luther and carolostadius , and afterward betwixt him and such as followed him on the one side , and zuinglius , calvin and others upon the other side , do fully demonstrate this ; how little were these beginnings at first , and yet how were even the smallest differences aggreged , and the persons differing mistaken , even before these differences came to the height which they are at ? and we may observe also , that this mistake of mens persons and actions , and bitternesse that followeth thereupon , is most ordinarily discernable to be upon that side , where there is least to be said in conscience and equity for the defence thereof . . adde to these a conviction of singlenesse , that persons may seem to themselves to have in all the former steps , wherein there may be no positive , corrupt end proposed , nor any palpable dissimulation in their professions , entertained or approven by them : but as they have some confidence of the equity of their side ; so may there be an apprehended testimony of their own singlenesse in the following thereof : and there is a great strength in the tentation to continue division , that lyeth here ; for , when men apprehend their own singlenesse and streightnesse , and , it may be , have accesse to god , and have liberty to pray , even in reference to such things , it is not easie for a man to stop himself in that way ; and yet it cannot be thought , but amongst the instances of such divisions that are given , that men on both sides had a single end and mind , did pray and had accesse in prayer ; yea , no question , many of them might go to heaven with such differences on both sides ; for , we will find them continue zealous in such , even to death . neither ought this to be thought strange ; for , the best but know in part , and are subject to mistakes , and their zeal and singlenesse is squared according to their knowledge : it was such zeal , that is not according to knowledge ( though in the most fundamentall things ) that made paul and others , with a kind of singlenesse , persecute the church ; therefore proportionally , there may be a zeal and singlenesse in lesser things when there is ignorance of them . . after engagement the tentation is strengthened by this , lest , by after ▪ ceding , their former practice in being so eager , be condemned , and they lose the weight of their ministery in other things , and their respective followers , which possibly may be more tenacious and z●…alous than themselves , should be irritated and provoked ; which things look to them as greater pr●…judices , even to the work of the gospel , than ●…eir continuing divided . it is written of luther in his life , that being in conference with melancthon and others in his last voyage , he did acknowledge to th●…m , that he had been too vehement and peremp●…ory in the doctrine of the sacrament ; and when they urged him then to publish something concerning h●… same , he replied . that he feared by that to diminish the authority and weight of what he had else appeared into for god , 〈◊〉 therefore did ●…orbear it ▪ wit●…all allowing melancth●…n after his death , to do in that as he thought fit : . sometimes also , the tentation is strengthned by apprehended consequents of hurt and prejudice to these that side with them in such a thing from others , in case there should be ceding in such and such particulars for union , or that by so doing , they might make themselves and their cause odious to others , who possibly may be thought to have more respective thoughts of them , because of their differing in such things from others . it is written of luther , that he gave this as a main reason why he keeped up the sacramentary difference , and would not unit with calvin and others in that head , because , said he , that opinion which the sacramentaries ( as they were called ) hold , is generally more hatefull than that of consubstantiation , and will make the princes and others more obnoxious to malice and hatred . . it strengtheneth the tentation also , when men do not look upon the difference simply in it self , but comparatively with respect to the principles and carriages of others their opponents , and by considering things that are displeasing in them and their way , they are made the more tenacious , and brought to justifie themselves the more . hence it is in such divisions , that the great stresse of debates lyeth in reflections , criminations and recriminations , as if this were the only vindicating argument , they that are opposit to us in many things of their carriage are wrong , therefore our way is right , or we have reason to divide from them ; and hence it is , that almost necessarily such reflections are used in such debates , where the matter is not of such moment and evidence , as the most convincing defensive arguments upon either side , as in these debates , between ierome and ruffinus , cited , where there is no dispute on either side but criminations on both ; also in the donatists their reflections , this may be observed . . in such differences also , men are ready to think that the other should and will cede to them , and will not hazard division upon so little a thing . hence , many have been drawn on to division from small beginnings , which they would not have yeelded to , had they known the consequents thereof , or had they not expected that the other should have yeelded , wherein being disappointed , the engagement thereto becometh more strong , and the division more irreconciliable . this is marked of victor , of whom it is said , that he had not been so peremptory , had he not supposed , that in such a thing the other should have yeelded . chap. vi. what be the sad effects of division , and the necessity of endeavouring unity . having now some way discovered the nature and causes of the evil of division , it may be easily conjectured what will be the effects thereof , which ever have been most deplorable , as to the torturing of these that are engaged , to the scandalizing of the weak , to the hardening and breaking of the neck of many profane light persons , to the spoiling of the church in its purity , government , order and beauty of her ordinances , and which is more , to the wearing out of the life and power of religion ; yea , which is above all , there is nothing that doth more tend to the reproach of the blessed name of our lord jesus , that maketh christianity more hatefull , that rendereth the gospel more unfruitfull , and more marreth the progresse and interest of the kingdom of our lord jesus ; and , in a word , doth more shut out all good , and let in by an open door every thing that is evil into the church , than this wofull evil of division doth , according to the word , iam. . . where envy and strife is , there is confusion , and every evil work . and we are perswaded , that who hath read the scriptures , and the many and great motives whereby union is pressed , and have considered the fathers what great weight they lay upon unity , and with what horrour they mention division , even as maximum malum , or the greatest evil that can befall the church ; or , have observed in church-history , the many sad consequents and effects that have followed upon this , and the lamentable face of the church under the same : when friends thought shame , and were made faint ; enemies were encouraged and delighted , and on-lookers were either provoked to mock at , or pity the same ; or , who have had some taste in experience of the bitter fruits thereof , will , and if they be not altogether stupid , cannot but be convinced of the many horrible evils , that are in this one evil of division . sure there is no evil doth more suddenly and inevitably overturn the church than this ; which maketh her fight against her self , and eat her own flesh , and tear her own bowels : for , that a kingdom divided against it self cannot stand , is the infallible maxime of him that was greater and wiser than solomon . and when things are compared , it will be found , there is no more compendious way to blast the fruit of ordinances , when they cannot be removed or corrupted , and by so doing , to destroy and carry souls headlong , than this , that a church in her ministers and members should be engaged thus , to bite and devour one another , and to counteract to the actings one of another ; this we suppose will not be denied . it will also readily be granted , that it is the duty of all christians , especially of ministers of the gospel , to endeavour the preserving of unity , and the preventing of division , and the recovering of unity , and removing of division , by healing of the breach when it is made . never did men run to quench fire in a city , lest all should be destroyed , with more diligence , than men ought to bestir themselves to quench this in the church ; never did mariners use more speed to stop a leak in a ship , lest all should be drowned , than ministers especially , and all christian men , should hast to stop this beginning of the breaking in of these waters of strife , lest thereby the whole church be overwhelmed ; and if the many evils which follow thereupon , the many commands whereby union is pressed ; yea , the many entreaties and obtestations whereby the holy ghost doth so frequently urge this upon all , as a thing most acceptable to him , and profitable to us ; if , i say , these and many other such considerations , have not weight to convince of the necessity of this duty , to prevent , or heal a breach , we cannot tell what can prevail with men , that professe reverence to the great and dreadfull name of god , conscience of duty , and respect to the edification of the church , and to their own peace at the appearance of the lord in the great day , wherein the peace-makers shall be blessed ; for , they shall be called the children of god. chap. vii . general grounds leading to unity . but now , it may be of more difficulty , to speak particularly , to what indeed is duty , at such a time when a church lyeth under rents and divisions . for , though the general be granted , yet often , it is difficult to take up the particular cure , and yet more difficult singly to follow the same : it being still more easy to prescribe rules to others , than to follow them our selves , especially in such a case , when spirits are in the heat and fervour of contention , whereby they are some way drunken with affection to their own side , and prejudice at the others , and distracted ▪ as it were , with a sort of madnesse in pursuing their adversaries , as that great and meek divine melancthon did expresse it , so that it is hard to get affections , that are in such a temper , captivated to the obedience of light . and though we will not take on us to be particular and satisfying in this , wishing and hoping that it may be more effectually done by some other ; yet , having come this length , we shall , in an abstracted manner , consider some things in reference thereunto , and endeavour to hold forth what we conceive to be duty , especially to the ministers of the gospel , that have interest in such a church ; as also what may be required of others , that may possibly think themselves lesse concerned therein : wherein we shall keep this order , . we shall lay down some general grounds , which we suppose as granted . . we shall premit some preparatory endeavours agreeable to the same . . we shall speak negatively to what ought not to be done , or ought to be forborn . . positively to the healing means called-for in reference to several sorts of division , with some questions incident thereupon . and lastly , we shall consider the grounds that do presse the serious and condescending application of these , or other healing means in such a case . the first generall ground , which we take for granted , is this , that by way of precept there is an absolute necessity of uniting laid upon the church , so that it falleth not under debate , whether a church should continue divided or united in the these ? more than it falleth under debate , whether there should be preaching , praying , keeping of the sabbath , or any other commanded duty ; seing that union is both commanded as a duty , and comm●…nded , as eminently tending to the edification of the church , and therefore is so frequently joyned with edification ? nor is it to be asked by a church , what is to be done for the churches good , in a divided way , thereby supposing a dispensation , as it were , to be given to division , and a forbearing of the use of means for the attaining thereof ; or rather supposing a stating or fixing of division , and yet notwithstanding thereof , thinking to carry on edification ? it is true , where union cannot be attained amongst orthodox ministers , that agree in all main things , ( for , of such only we speak ) ministers are to make the best use of the opportunities they have , and during that to seek the edification of the church ; yet , that men should by agreement state a division in the church , or dispense therewith , and prefer the continuing of division , as fitter for edification than union , we suppose is altogether unwarrantable . . because , that is not the lord's ordinance , and therefore cannot be gone about in faith , nor in it can the blessing be expected , which the lord doth command to those that are in unity , psal. . . because christ's church is but one body , and this were deliberately to alter the nature thereof : and although those who deny this truth may admit of division ; yea , they cannot have union , that is proper church-union , which is union in government , sacraments , and other ordinances , because union , or communion in these , doth result from this principle ; yet it is impossible for those that maintain that principle of the unity of the catholick visible-church , to owne a divided way of administrating government or other ordinances , but it will infer either that one party hath no interest in the church , or that one church may be many ; and so , that the unity thereof in its visible state is to no purpose : this then we take for granted . and though possibly it be not in all cases attainable , because the fault may be upon one side , who possibly will not act unitedly with others , yet is this still to be endeavoured , and every opportunity to be taken hold of for promoting of the same . the second ground which we suppose , is this , that as union is ever a duty , so , we conceive , if men interessed will do their duty , there can be no division amongst orthodox divines or ministers , but it is possible also to compose it , and union is a thing attainable . for , . we are not speaking of composing divisions that are stated upon the fundamentall things ; nor are we speaking of removing all differences , as if all men were to be one in judgment in every point of truth ; there may be difference where there is no division , as hath been said . nor , . when we speak of mens doing their duty , do we mean a full up-coming of every thing in knowledge and practice , and that in a sanctified manner , though that ought to be endeavoured ; but it looketh principally to the doing of duty in reference to this particular ( if it may be called so ) of attaining union , a great part whereof doth consist in outward obvious things , which do neither require simply sanctification in the person ( though in it self most desirable ) nor perfection in the degree , some whereof we may afterward mention ; so that the meaning is , if we consider union in it self , without respect to mens corruptions , ( which will make the least thing impossible when they are in exercise ) it is a thing possible , according to the acknowledged principles , that sober , orthodox men usually walk by , as experience hath often proven , and reason doth demonstrat in the particulars afterward to be instanced . and this consideration ought the more pressingly to stir up the endeavour of this duty , although oftentimes through mens corruption it hath been frustrated . thirdly , we premit , that in endeavouring union and healing , men would not straiten it to an universall union in every thing , in judgement and practice , but would resolve to have it with many things defective that need forbearance in persons that are united , which me may take up in these particulars . . there may be difference of judgement in many things , i mean in such things that are consistent with the foundation , and edification ; and such a forbearance would be resolved upon , and to do otherwayes , were to think that either men had no reason at all , or that their understandings were perfect , or at least of equal reach . . there may be dissatisfaction with many persons , whether officers or members ; and to expect a church free of unworthy officers , or members , and to defer church union thereupon , is to expect the barn-floor shall be without chaff , and to frustrate the many commands whereby this duty is pressed ; for , so this command should be obligatory to no church , but that that is triumphant ; yet certainly our lord jesus gave this command to his disciples when iudas was amongst them ; and paul gave it and practised it , when some preached out of envy , philip. . and when almost all sought their own things , and not the things of christ : and certainly , if people ought to carry even to corrupt ministers who yet destroy not the foundation , as ministers , in the duties that becomes them to ministers in communion with them , while they continue such , then certainly ministers ought to keep that communion with ministers , that becometh their relations , seing they are still ministers in that respect , as well as in the other . and if this corruption will not warrant separation in other ordinances , as was said in the close of the second part , then neither will it warrant division in the ordinance of government . . it may also be consistent with many particular failings , and defects in the exercise of government , as possibly the sparing of some corrupt o●…cers and members ; yea , the censuring of some unjustly , or the admission of some that are unfit for the ministery , and such like : these indeed are faults , but they are not such as make a church to be no church ; and though these have sometimes been pretended to be the causes of schisms and divisions in the church in practice , yet were they never defended to be just grounds of schisms and divisions , but were ever condemned by all councels and fathers , and cannot be in reason sustained . for , . there should be then no union expected here , except we supposed , that men that have corruption , could not fall in these faults . . it is not unlike , but some of these were in the primitive churches ; somewhat is infinuated thereof , rev. . in those church-officers , their tolerating of iezebel and the nicolaitans to seduce the people , and to commit fornication ; yet neither is separation or division called-for , or allowed either amongst ministers or people . sure there were such corrupt acts of all kinds amongst the jews church-officers ; yet is it clear , that nicodemus and ioseph of arimathea did continue to govern joyntly , notwithstanding thereof , who yet cannot be counted accessory to any of their deeds ; because ( which is a third reason ) men in such cases have accesse , even when they are present , to discountenance such corrupt acts , by not consenting thereto , and testifying against the same , ( yea , they may by so doing , stand in the way of many wicked acts , which by dividing they cannot do ) which is sufficient for their exoneration both before god and men : as we may see in the instances of ioseph and nicodemus mentioned ▪ who continue united in the government , keeped the meetings even when sentences passe against those who will acknowledge christ , and orders for persecuting him and them ; and yet they are declared free , because they dissented from , and testified against the same ; yea , their freedom and exoneration by vertue of their dissent being present , is more solemnly recorded to their honour in the gospel , than if they had divided ; and yet the unity of the church now hath the same ground , and no fewer motives to presse it than it had then . . it may stand with some defects in worship , manner of government , and rules that are necessary for good government in a church . it is like , that many things of that kind , were defective in the church of corinth , where the sacrament was so disorderly administrated ( as hath been marked ) confusion in many things of worship , and some things still to be set in order ; yet doth the apostle no where press union more than in these epistles , as formerly hath been marked ; neither can it be thought that perfection in all these is ever to be expected , or that union , untill such time is to be delayed . and if there be defects of that kind , it is union and not division that is to be looked upon as the commended mean for redressing of the same . if it be asked then , with what kind of defects or discontents may an union be made up ? or , what rules may be walked by therein ? for answer , we offer these considerations or rules , . what cannot warrant a breach where there is union , that cannot warrantably be the ground to keep up a division ; now there are many miscarriages or defects , which are really grosse , and yet will not warrant a schism , as all that write thereon do clear , and is obvious to all . the reason of the consequence is , because making up of a breach is no lesse a duty , than preventing thereof ; and further , if it began upon such a ground , then the continuing thereof upon the same ground , is but the continuing in the same sin ; and it cannot be thought that any party by dividing upon an unjust ground , can afterward be justified upon the same ground ; it remaineth therefore , that if the ground was not sufficient at first to warrant a separation or division , it cannot be sufficient afterward to continue the same . rule . such defects as do not make communion in a church , and in its ordinances sinfull , will not warrant a separation or division from the same ; for , this followeth on the former . it is acknowledged by all , that there is no separation from a true church in such ordinances , as men may without sin communicate into , although others may be guilty therein ; as , suppose men to have accesse to government without such bonds and engagements , and such like , as may mar their freedom in following the light of the word , in deciding whatever shall come before them , even though others should step over the same . rule . men may keep communion with a church , when their calling leadeth them thereto upon the one side , and they have accesse to the discharge of the same upon the other ; this also followeth upon the former : for , if some acts of a mans station lead him to an united way of acting , ( as the duties of a fixed minister do ) then he is obleiged to follow the duties of his calling , whilst there is no physicall or morall impediment barring him in the same , and others being defective in their duty , will not absolve him from his , which he oweth by vertue of his station . rule . while the generall rules tending to edification in the main are acknowledged , union is to be keeped , even though there be much failing in the application ; because , so there are fit weapons to make use of , and who knoweth but single and zealous improving of them , may help the application thereof ; and if there be a failing therein , it is the persons deed , that by his vote so misapplyeth , and doth not involve any other in that guilt , beside that by joynt and united acting much of that misapplication may through gods blessing be prevented . rule . then there may and ought to be uniting when the evils that follow division or schism , are greater and more hurtfull to the church , than the evils that may be supposed to follow on union . i speak not of ills of sin , ( for , the least of these are never to be chosen ) but of evils and inconveniencies that may indeed be hurtfull to the church in themselves , and sinfull in respect of some persons , yet are not so to all : now , in such evils the lesser is to be chosen , because uniting and acting joyntly in a church-way , doth belong to the policy and government of the church , wherein christian prudence is to have a main hand , so that when things cannot be done as men would simply , they are to do as they may comparatively , that is , to choose and make use of what may be most edifying , and least hurtfull to the churches edification ( which is the great end that ought to sway in government ) amongst all these means that seem probable and possible ; so that the conscience may have testimonie in this , that the way that had fewest inconveniencies , and manyest advantages to edification , was chosen ; and though some inconveniencies fall out afterward , yet the conscience may be quiet on this ground : because , sometimes the lord in his providence will order so in the matters of government , that there is no side can be chosen without inconveniencies ; as suppose , there is not full satisfaction in any way that occureth in planting such a congregation , in removing of such an offence , healing such a rent , and the like ; but whatever side be looked to , many hinderances to edification appear , yet something must be chosen , and may be with peace to the conscience ; because we are to regulate our own act suitably to the providences , and cases we meet with , and to the tempers of these we have to do with ; but we are neither to regulate nor answer for providences , and the distempers of others . indeed in such a case , the mind may be disquieted because of fear ; and the consolation of the duty may be diminished , because of such circumstances ; and affections may be grieved and jumbled , because there is not full satisfaction ; yet may the conscience have quietnesse and peace in its duty notwithstanding ; and men are specially to discern and to put difference between peace of conscience and the former discomposures : otherwayes there will be many cases wherein it is impossible for a zealous minister to have peace , whatever side he choose , yea , whether he do or forbear . if it be asked then , what way men may discern the side that is to be followed in such a case , when inconveniencies threaten on all hands ? answ. by these and such like wayes . . it is to be looked , what side hath the most dangerous and destructive inconveniencies . . what inconveniencies are most certain and inevitable , and the greatest and most inevitable inconveniencies are to be shunned , and men would not choose a certain hurt to eschew that which is uncertain . . it would be looked , what side duty lieth upon , or to what the command doth presse ; and although inconveniencies seem to follow that , yet it is to be followed as most safe . now , as to all these , union hath the advantage o division : because , . it is a commanded mean tending to edification , which division is not . . division hath no lesse nor fewer inconveniencies following it , nor lesse destructive to the church , than union in the case supposed ; yea , schism is one of the greatest hurts that can come to an orthodox church , it being next to heresie in doctrine ; and therefore no particular evil can be laid in the ballance with it . . the ills of division are most inevitable , for the ills that follow union , through gods blessing may be prevented , it is not impossible , but in the way of division it is , because it self is out of gods way . rule . when men may unit without personall guilt , or accession to the defects or guilt of others , there may and ought to be union , even though there be failings and defects of severall kinds in a church . the reasons before given will clear this , because men are to reckon not for other mens car●…iages , but their own , and no such church-state is to be expected as is free of defects . beside , can it warrand a man to abstain from his duty because others do not theirs ; whileas there is no sinfull impediment lying in the way of his accesse thereto . if it be asked , what may be accounted such impediments , as a tender conscience may be justly scarred by from uniting ? it may be answered in these and such like , . if a person be put to condemn any thing he thinketh lawfull in his own former practice , or the practice of others , or in some point of doctrine though never so extrinsick , if it be to him a point of truth . . if he be put to approve the deed , and practice of some others which he accounteth sinfull , or to affirm somewhat as truth which he doth account an errour . . when some engagement is required for the future , which doth restrain from any duty called ▪ for , or that may afterward be called-for . these and such like involve persons in the sin of what is past , and also maketh them accessory to the inconveniencies which may come ; because they are bound up with their own consent , from endeavouring the preventing thereof in the way of duty , at least it is so to them , and so defileth their conscience . therefore such entanglements are by all means to be forborn ; but where no such thing is in condemning or acknowledging any thing that is past , nor any such restraining bond inconsistent with duty for the time to come , there may be accesse to union , even where there are many publick defects , which is the thing laid down to be cleared . in the fourth place we premit , that for attaining of union there would be , and there ought to be , large mutuall condescending , that is , that both sides ought to streach themselves , not only to forbear what is sinfull ; nor only to condescend to what may be thought simply necessary , and may be extorted as duty in any case ; nor yet ought condescending to be upon one side levelled according to the length that another goeth , but condescending would be levelled mutually according as expediencie calleth for , with respect to the edification of the church ; for which end even many infirmities of others are to be for born , and things otherwayes unreasonable in respect of these men we have to do with , yet respect to the churches peace , ought to make men cede in these ; for , if there ought to be condescending for private peace , much more ought it to be for church-peace and publick edification : and though we cannot nor will not now be particular in this , yet concerning it , we may lay down these considerations , . in what may involve a man in sin , or in the approbation thereof in others , there is no condescending , but what length may warrantably be gone , even to the utmost border of duty , men ought to go for this end ; so that nothing ought to be a stop or march in condescension , but this , i cannot do this and sin against god ; otherwayes , one ought to be all things to others . this consideration will be more clear , by comparing it with the former rules , and what afterward may be said . . this condescension would be mutuall upon both sides , that is , one party would not expect full submission from the other , for that is not union , but dominion ; hence the apostle in his pressing of union in such cases , doth ordinarily pray , and obtest both sides . and seing affection is the main ground of union , it is fit , there should be condescension for mutuall testifying of respect each to other . this is also confirmed by an epistle of calvines to mr. knox ( afterward cited ) wherein he presseth that condescension be mutuall for removing of a division that was in his congregation at frankford . . even that party that seemeth to be rightest in the matter , or to have authority on its side , or to have countenance from others , ought yet to condescend , yea in some things to be most condescending , because such are in some sort parents and strong ; they ought therefore the more tenderly to bear and cover the infirmities of the weak : and because they are more sober and at themselves , they therefore ought to carry the more seriously toward others , whom they suppose to be in a distemper , and not to be equally groffe in handling the tender things of the church , whereof union is a main one : and considering that authority is given for edification , it is not unsuitable for it to condescend for attaining its end ; for which cause we find often paul , laying by his authority in such cases , and intreating and wooing , as it were , even the meanest dissenters , in this matter of union , as we see him , phil. . beseeching euodias and synti●…he ( who were it is like but very private persons ) to be of one mind . and in ancient times we will find , . sometimes the innocent party ceding and condescending , as in the case betwixt basilius and eusebius at cesarea : basilius , though having the best side , and of greatest account , yet did first cede , by withdrawing for the peace of the church ; and afterward , for the good thereof , to wit , the preventing of its being tainted by the arian heresie , he did return , and condescend to be subject to him who was in competition with him , which tended exceedingly to the good of that church , to the removing of that schism , and the great praise and commendation of his zeal and singlenesse . . we find that oftentimes the most tender and sincere , and these who were upon the right side , have been most condescending , and oftentimes these who did the wrong ( such as it was ) were most averse from condescension , as in all the schisms that have arisen upon frivolous grounds will appear . . these who condescended most in such things , have ever been thought the greatest friends to the church , even sometimes when they have been deepest in the rise of the schism , and when their side was not so justifiable as the other , yet by condescending they have commended themselves more to the churches friends than their opposites . it is marked in that schism at antioch , betwixt miletius and paulinus , who were both orthodox , yet had they divided governments , and congregations in the church , because of different ordinations which had keeped them rent for some time ; and although miletius his ordination and entry was not so justifiable according to the canons , as the others was ; yet the parties tenacious upon either side being strong , there was accesse to settle it by no authoritative decision : wherefore it came to a treaty by means of these that were appointed arbiters , that so union and communion in the ordinances might be made up in that church ; at which conference miletius overtured , that they might joyn together as bishops to take care of one flock while they lived , and after the death of either , he who survived should be only bishop of the united flock , unto whom one only should succeed to have charge of all , for preventing of division for the time to come ; to which overture , paulinus would not acquiesce , but stood to the formality of order without valuing the churches peace , or proposing any just ground of exception against miletius person or doctrine ; he , to wit , paulinus was counted unworthy to govern such a church , and removed therefrom , and the other as more worthy because of that his condescending , was therefore alone invested in the government therof . . we will find them sometimes yeeld in all particulars that do not involve any consent unto , or approbation of what is wrong . it is marked by augustine in his writings against the donatists , that sometimes councels that have condemned men , have for peace without any satisfaction , again restored them upon after thoughts ; and he marketh it as a great condescension of the bishops of spain , that they did so in the case of osiu●… when he was found innocent by the french : they did not ( saith he ) pertinaciously with animosity defend their former sentences , lest they should fall in the sacriledge of a schism , which doth exceed all wickednesse ; and with that humility , peace was keeped , because ( saith he ) they had rather be against their own sentences , than the unity of the church . and he doth upbraid that principle of the donatists in the case of one primianus , who was refused to be restored by an after councell of theirs , because a former pretended synod of their own had deposed him , alleaging , and abusing that word of the apostles for that end , gal. . if i again build what i have destroyed , then am i found a transgressour ; and he doth more commend the practice of pretextatus and felicianus , who being condemned ( it is like unjustly ) by three hundreth and eighteen bishops , yet did , ( saith he ) for concords sake , return and joyn with these who did condemn them ; and by them were without all losse or diminution of their honour , received into fellowship . and wat ever may be in the justice or injustice of any of these former deeds , upon the matter , yet doth he only make use of them , to shew what condescension ought to be in such cases for peace , both upon the part of judicatories and particular persons , how ever the matter doth appear unto them ; for he condemneth not the rejecting of primianus because he was unjustly sentenced , but because there was not due respect had to the churches peace ; nor doth he commend the spanish bishops for recalling an unjust sentence , which ought to be done for justice sake ; but that ( though it is no qu●…stion they did think it just ) they did condescend to remove it for preventing of a schism , when they saw their deed dissatisfying to others . and it is so in the other case also , it is these mens submission to these that condemned them , as it evidences respect to concord , and not as considering any equity of the sentence which is commended by him ; this is in what he writeth contra epistolam parmeniani . lib. . cap. , &c. from what is said , we may lay down these negative conclusions , concerning the upmaking of a breach amongst godly and orthodox men , where a church hath harmony in the fundamentall points , faith , worship and government , and where the thriving of the gospel is mutually designed . . division ought not to be endeavoured to be removed in such a case , in such a way as doth undo or destroy either side , because that is not the good of the whole ; for every part and side in such a case , is a part of the body , although it may be not so very considerable , and it is no wisdom to cut off a member of the body , and that way to cure a distemper therein , when possibly the purging away of corrupt humours from the body , or more gentle applications might recover the same . . we say , that way of uniting is not to be admitted , but shunned , which may incapacitate any minister or member of the body that is fit for edifying of the same , from having accesse thereunto ; for so the church is prejudged , and men are rendred unable for edifying thereof . and this is not only when sentences are past , or restraints laid on ; but it may be in such like cases . as , . when by the terms of union some person is grieved and weighted , by annexing of some unnecessary thing which may be forborn , because by this , men go about duty with heavinesse , which is unprofitable to the church . . it may be , when something that reflecteth upon any side , or person , unnecessarily , is interwoven ; because such things still keep up suspicion , and make the union the more heartlesse , and doth both make such persons more faint , and also in the lesser capacity to have weight with others for their edification , and doth leave a ground of dissatisfaction with such an agreement , that is ready afterward to break forth ; therefore union would be essayed with all due respect from each to other , and without any note of disrespect . . we may gather , that no simply authoritative mean is the fit and only way of healing a rentchurch : that is indeed the way of governing an united church , but not the way of uniting a rentchurch , especially a church rent in particulars of practice and government ; because the remedy must be extensive to both sides , and in such cases , at least , as to these particulars , authority usually is declined ; and though it be unjustly declined possibly , yet when it is declined , it is unable to effectuate this end ; and the remedy is to be applied , not as to what agreeth to a church that is whole , but what agreeth to a church in such a distemper ; even as a sick body is to be nourished not alwayes with the strongest and wholesomest meats which agree with such as are in health , but it is to be nourished with things suitable to its distemper , and are fit to cure it ; yea , sometimes , with such things as may please the taste , when more healthfull things are not admitted . also when both judgments are to be informed , and affections are to be gained , there must be prudentiall and affectionat wayes used for gaining these ends . hence we see , that not only in church-history , but in the scriptures especially , the duty of union is more pressed by perswasions , intreaties , reasons to move to it , ills that follow the want thereof , and such like , than by an authoritative way , such as is used in the condemning of hereticks , and other scandalous persons . and indeed union hath such conjunction with the will and affections , that it must be perswaded and cannot be so commanded . and amongst such persons as are supposed to be in this difference , privat and particular condescension is most becoming that respect which each ought to other . fifthly , we premit , that suppose sufficient condescension should fail upon one side , yet ought the other to condescend fully the length that is possible . . because church-union amongst church-men is no civil bargain to use prigging therein , but what is possible is duty out of obedience to god , who commandeth peace in other things ( and so , much more in this ) as far as is possible , or as in men lyes . and , . because respect is to be had to the churches good , whose advantage we should seek , even though others were defective ; and often such condescending gaineth more for the advantage of the church , and commendation of the party condescending , than if there had been more sticking , as we may see in that praise-worthy instance of basilius his carriage , who stuck on nothing , but absolutely did lay by what was contended-for , without respect to his own right or injury , for the churches good . and oftentimes it 's one party their waiting for the others condescension , or taking occasion from their tenaciousnesse to stick , that doth keep the distance at a height . . oftentimes in such debates as are amongst orthodox divines and ministers , it seemeth they might be removed if one party should condescend according to the qualifications and cautions formerly laid down ; yea , it seemeth it were safer for the churches good in such a case , that either party should practically condescend to the way of the other , than that division should be keeped up upon such grounds . for , . it is not supposed here , that there is any matter of faith in question , amongst such , often there was full harmony in the confessions of faith , as in the instances cited . . there is no question for government simply , nor for councils and canons , these also were acknowledged ; none did disclaim the general councils , nor their acts . . the question often is not amongst them , whether others should be brought to their opinion or not , i mean as to the stick of the division ; but often it is either , . upon some mistaken expression of another , or errour in some lesser point of truth ; and , in such a case , it is that great augustines word , disputable errours , or uncertain faults , are not in their pursuit to be preferred to certain peace . or , . it is for some particular act of government , or other miscarriages by misapplying of rules , or not walking according to them , or something of that kind , as was in contrary ordinations of orthodox men , and such like : in which cases , we say , ( and it will be found from history ) that it had been ever better for the church , that either side had practically condescended to suffer the other to rule and govern , and personally to have keeped themselves free from accession to their guilt , whether of crookednesse negligence , or the like , than to have raised or entertained divisions upon such accounts . for , often orthodox , and otherwayes blamelesse men , have b●…en made , by such divisions , factious and carnal in their carriage , and much unusefull ; who otherwayes , had they been free of that tentation , might have proved sober , and profitable ; and , when the tentation was over , were found to be such . . we may observe , that though in the primitive times there were diverse schisms and divisions , concerning synods and government , yet we will find that these contests and divisions did flow from the matter and particular acts and actings thereof , and that there was hardly ever division tabled upon the formality of the constitution of a council or synod ; nor yet , that much difference was put betwixt declining of their authority , and of the acts or censures past by them . concerning which we may observe these generals , . if the matter was right and satisfying that was concluded by many bishops and church-men , there was an acquiescing in the authority thereof . . if the matter were displeasing and hurtfull , of whatever form it was , and of whatever number , its authority was not much respected , because it consisted only in adding weight to these things , as we may see in the arian councils , which were often very numerous , and others also that were erroneous , and otherwayes corrupt , although there was no formal declinatour of them , or protestation against them as null ; though there were sometimes some dissentients in them , yet was not their authority any way confirmed by the forbearing of such protestations or declinatours . . sometimes we will find worthy men appearing before and answering unto most corruptly constituted synods , as was in those same times , and although they were sentenced and deposed by them , yet did they never esteem these sentences to have the more authority , as we may see in the case of athanasius , chrysostom , and many others . . sometimes they did protest against synods as null , when they saw violence and iniquity prevail in the●… , as was done in the council of antioch , in the case of eustachius ; and was done in the second council of ephesus by flavianus and anatolius . sometimes also upon seen hazard , and designs of professed corrupt enemies , protestations were drawn in writ antecedently ; as in that protestation which the reformers in germany gave out against the council of trent , after its indiction ; because there was no probable accesse for truth to have liberty in speaking , and equity in judgment ; and as sleydan hath it set down , they alleaged cyrillus for the first practiser of this , in the time that the arians prevailed . this we may see is their practice when they have to do with professed enemies ; not sticking on formalities , but on what was materiall . and again , amongst themselves , the orthodox used not to stick upon the trying and scanning of the formality of any of these councils ( for certainly in such corruptions as were so universal , synods corrupt for the plurality of them , might have been had with all the formalities and solemnities that could be required in the external constitution of any lawfull synod ) but when they had occasion to meet , they went to the doing of what was for the present good of the church , condemning the matter of such corrupt synods ; which they did account sufficient in such cases : and for difference amongst themselves , when they were of a right temper , they did also endeavour to redresse such particulars as needed , and to restore persons unjustly sentenced , and the like ; whereby it appeareth that the matter both in things of general and particular concernment , did ever bear most sway . . although such debates concerning government seem most easie to be removed , yet often and almost ever , they have been most difficulty healed , and have been followed with greatest bitternesse and contention in the church ; for , different judgements simply , and also different ceremonies , and different practices in other things , may consist without direct opposition or counteracting , and may either be the more easily born or removed : but when it comes to government , whose sentence shall stand , whose ordination shall be acknowledged , who shall have place to decide such and such things , and the like , it is far otherwayes . hence it came to passe that men could keep union and communion with others that differed from them in far greater points of truth ; but to persons that did not acknowledge their authority , or did acknowledge those that did controvert with them thereanent , they could by no means so condescend : because , . in government , mens own particular interest is more concerned than in points of truth , and that inadvertently stealeth in upon men . . because , in government the question is not only for what is past , but there is a fear of what may come : hence men that have some testimony in themselves that they are not ambitio●…s of government , yet having taken up a prejudice against others , they are suspicious that if such had power , they would miscarry , not only in reference to them , but in reference to publick concernment ; and therefore in removing such a division that is in point of government , the great difficulty is not so much to heal and remove what is past , as to prevent the fear of what may come , if such continue to govern . and this maketh , that the result of such division is , tha●… either they themselves , or such as they have confidence in particularly , may have the weight of government upon them , which may indeed be aimed at with some sincerity ; because being someway alienated with prejudice , they do not think it fit for the good of the work , at least during that time , that any others should have such trust ; and this made the heat of debates in the time of division , to break out mainly in the ordination of bishops , and planting of churches ; because by that means their interest in the government was keeped up , whereby there was after-accesse to the management of every other thing according as this succeeded . chap. viii . some preparatory endeavours for uniting . although we have been somewhat large in these generals , because of the falling in of severall things , yet we conceive it may be usefull to the point , and we may have the speedier progresse afterward in loosing this great question , what an orthodox church divided in it self in some circumstantiall truths ( to speak so ) or contrary practices and actings , when still agreeing in the fundamentals of doctrine , worship , discipline and government , and having mutuall esteem of the integrity one of another : what , i say , such are called to do for the healing of that breach ? in reference to which , these things , or this method would be followed . . all , especially ministers , would walk under the impression of the dreadfulnesse and terriblenesse of such a plague ; it is like , if god were looked to as angry at a church , and at ministers in such a time , men would be in the greater fitnesse to speak concerning a healing . some time therefore would be bestowed on this , to let that consideration sink down in the soul , that the lords hand may be taken up therein ; the many sad consequents thereof would be represented to the mind , and the heart would be seriously affected and humbled therewith , as if sword , pestilence or fire were threatened ; yea , as if the lord were spitting in ministers faces , rubbing shame upon them , and threatning the making of them despicable , the blasting of the ordinances in their hands , the loosing the girdle of their loins , and authority amongst the people , the plucking up of the hedges to let in boars and wolves to spoil the vines , and destroy the flock ; and , in a word , to remove his candlestick , so that ministers or other persons in such a case , have not only men that are their opposits to look to as angry at them , but they have the lord to look to as their party , whose anger hath thus divided them ; and the not observing of this , maketh men the more confident under such a judgement ; whereas , seing it is a plague , men , even such as suppose themselves innocent , as to the immediate rise thereof , ought to humble themselves under the mighty hand of god , with respect to this as to other plagues . . men would also look upon it as a snare ; o how many tentations have such divisions accompanying them , especally to ministers ; and also how many afflictions , crosses and reproaches , upon the back of these ! might it not make a minister tremble to think upon the matter of divisions , that now beside all his former difficulties and straits , there is a snare and trial in every thing ; in every sermon that he preacheth it is thus , lest his own affection steal in for the zeal of god , to make him hoter and more vehement against those that oppose him in such things that are controverted , than he useth to be in things more nearly concerning to the glory of god , and lest by discovering his carnalnesse , he make his ministery despicable before others , when he heareth he is in hazard to be i●…ritated by a contradiction ; and though there be no contradiction , he is in hazard to lay the lesse weight upon what might be for his edification , because it is spoken by one who in such and such things differeth from him . when he is in any judicatory , there is a tentation waiting on , by the least motion of such things , to discompose all , and make such meetings scandalous and burdensome ; by this all conversing almost becometh heartlesse and comfortlesse , the most intimate brother is either suspicious , or suspected ; all construction of mens ingenuity and sincerity in anything , are , for the most part , grounded upon mens interests , as if men after that had no conscience of sinning , there is a failing of sympathie amongst brethren , &c. and may not these and many such like , make ministers circumspect in such a case , that they may be slow to speak to what may foment division , and wary in hazarding upon snares . alas , it is unlike this , when men use more confidence and liberty in constructing , speaking and acting , and with lesse tendernesse in times of division than at other times ; and were men once impressed with the fear of sinning upon the occasions of divisions , they would be much more disposed for speaking of union . . ministers and others would sobe●…ly retire to take a view of their own spirituall condition , and see if they have keeped their own vineyard : and particularly , before the lord , put themselves to these . . how union with him hath been prized , and if there hath been studying to be , and abide , in christ , and to keep themselves in the love of god. . if there be any ground of quarrell in the present strain or by gone practice , that might have influence to provoke the lord to smite them in the generall . or , . and especially , if by their negligence and unfaithfulnesse , imprudency , heat , passion , tenaciousnesse , addictednesse to other men , and too much loathnesse to displease them , prejudice at , and uncharitablnesse unto others , or the like , they have been any way accessory to the bringing in of this evil ; for which cause they would take a view both of the sins that procure it , and the evils which do dispose for it , and increase it , ( which were formerly mentioned ) and would be impartiall and through in this ; for , it is preposterous for men to meddle in removing publick differences , while they know not how it standeth with themselves . . when that is done , there would be repentance suitable to what is found , and extraordinary humiliation and secret prayer to god , not only for themselves and for their own particular condition , but for the publick , and particularly for healing of that breach , and that thereby god would spare his people , and not suffer his inheritance to be a reproach . it is no little furtherance to union , to have men in a spirituall , abstracted and mortified frame ; for , we are sure , if it remove not difference , it will in a great part moderate the division , and restrain the carnalnesse that usually accompanieth it , and dispose men to be more impartiall to hear what may lead further . . men would not fist in this , but as they have interest , and are led by their places , they would endeavour soberly , warily and seriously , by speaking , writing , obtesting and otherwayes , to commend union to these that differ ; yea , even they that differ , would commend it to these that differ from them . we see the apostles do this frequently in the new testament , and that not onely in the generall to churches , but some persons are particularly by name obtested , as , philip. . . and in the primitive times , bishops and churches who were not engaged , did seriously write , and sometimes did send some of their number to churches and eminent persons that were divided , and often their interposing did prove effectu●… . and when that difference between augustine and ierome did come to some height , he ( to wit , augustine ) pressed himself so on the other , for the begetting of a better understanding , and the abating of that difference , that he did prevail with him , and by their mutuall apologies , and better understanding one of another , they came notwithstanding of their difference to have much respect one of another . for this end policarpus came from asia to rome , to stay the division about easter , which prevailed so far , that it fisted for a time . also men , especially of the same judgement , would deal with others with whom in that they agree , to be condescending , and seriously obtest them ; and when they exceed , would objurgate them for the churches good . this is often of great weight , and often also , men that appear most in a difference , will be hoter and carry things further than lesse engaged men of the same judgement will allow , and such ought not to be silent in such a case . thus ireneus ( though of victors judgement in the matter of easter ) yet did boldly expostulate with him for his vehemency in pressing of the same , to the hurt of the churches peace , charging him to forbear and to follow union notwithstanding ; which act of his , is still highly commended , and ( as eusebius observeth ) counted answerable to his name . . serious and single thoughts of union would be laid down , and that would be purposly driven as the great duty ; so that endeavours would not principally tend to strengthen a side , or exouer themselves , or get advantage to others , &c. but to make one of both ; and therefore when one mean or occasion faileth , another would be essayed ; neither would men weary or faint herein , although it prove often a most fainting businesse . . men would endeavour all this with tendernesse and respect to mens persons , actions and qualifications ; for , oftentimes the rise of a division , is in the alienation of affections between some persons ; which afterward disposeth to construct hardly both of their opinions and actions : and indeed often the stick is here , that mens affections are not satisfied one with another , and that maketh them that they do not trust each other : hence we see , that in the scripture , the commending of love , and of honouring and prefering of others in honour to our selves , is ordinarily subjoyned to the exhortations to union , or reproofs of division , as , philip. . eph. . matth. , &c. and we see in the primitive times ▪ when no mean could cure schisms , one party shewing respect to another , or to some eminent head of the opposit party , ( it may be even after their death ) did alley the same , and engage these that formerly shunned communion , to joyn with them . it is particularly observed , that when at constantinople some had continued separated from the bishops government , and the church thereof , after chrysostom's deposition , for the space of thirty five years , and were called iohanits ; yet proclus , who by some interval succeeded in that see , by recording chrysostom's name amongst eminent persons , and making honourable mention of him , and bringing his body from the place where it was buried in his exile , and burying it honourably at constantinople in the great church of the holy apostles , did so appease and engage those that had disclaimed all the interveening bishops , that instantly they did acknowledge him and joyn with the church . the like also is mentioned to have been the end of that schism at antioch , because of eustachius his removal from them , when callaudion the bishop did return his body honourably to be buried , and went out with his party to receive the same solemnly some miles from the town ; those also , who out of respect to him ( to wit eustachius ) had continued separated from the succeeding bishops for above an hundred years , now seeing the adverse party put respect on him , they also did from that time forth joyn with them . both these are recorded in the fifth century ; and if respect to dead men be prevalent to engage affections , certainly mutual respect and evidences of confidence amongst men living , would be much more weighty . this giving of respect would be manifested in these and the like . . respective mentioning in word or writ of the persons , and what concerns those that differ , especially such as are most eminent and leading amongst them . . there would be good constructions put upon their end and intentions , and sincerity , even in such actions as are displeasing . . mens opinions and actions would not be loaded with grosse absurdities and high aggravations , especially in publick ; because that tendeth but to make them odious , and standeth in the way of a future good understanding , when one hath proposed another as so absurd and hatefull a person . . all personal reflections would be abstained , as also sleighting answers , disdainfull-like words and salutations , and such like , would be shunned ; but on the contrary , there would be love , familiarity , tendernesse ; and if there have been any reflection or bitternesse to occasion mistake , yea , if it have been unjustly apprehended , there would be condescending to remove the same . i have heard of a worthy person , who being led away in an hour of tentation , was by many of his former friends afterwards discountenanced , whereby he was , as it were , engaged in a kind of discontent to defend his deed , and resent the disrespect of such persons , which almost grew to a rent : but having occasion to encounter one who was most opposit to his present way , who yet notwithstanding of all , did lovingly and familiarly , as ever , imbrace him , without mentioning any such thing ; it is said , that his heart melted instantly with the conviction of his former opposition , and so any further procedure towards a rent was prevented , when he saw there was yet again access to the affections of the most eminent of those he did differ from . . there would be expressions of mutual confidence in one another , which would appear not only in personall respects , but with respect to the ministery of such as they differ from , endeavouring to strengthen and confirm that , which was the thing that endeared basilius to eusebius , that even while he differed , he endeavoured to have his ministery weighty amongst the people . . respect would be shewn to men of that judgment and side ( it being such a difference as is supposed ) they would be helped and furthered , and counted , notwithstanding thereof ▪ ( if otherwayes qualified ) fit for trust and charge ; for , this is not only engaging of a particular person , but of all the party , and doth hold forth a confidence in them notwithstanding of that ; whereas the contrary is disobliging and irritating of all , because it proposeth all of such an opinion or practice to be unworthy of charge or trust , which no man can well digest ; and it some way necessitateth them in a divided way to endeavour some other way of entering , and to increase their diffidence of them who so partially ( in their esteem at least ) manages matters , and prefers the strengthening of a side , to the edification of the church ; as any different party cannot but expound it , seing they seem to themselves to have some perswasion of their own integrity in the main work . . there would even be mutual visits and fellowship , civil and christian , as hath been ; yea , rather it would be increased ; for if men have some confidence that others love their persons , respect them as ministers , and esteem of them as christians , they will be easily induced to trust the other as such also . . if reflections and bitternesse be vented by some ( as even good men are too ready to indulge to themselves a liberty in debate to exceed in this ) yet there would be no such meeting given . luther is censured for exceeding in this , even by such as loved him ; and it is a most excellent advertisement that calvin giveth to bullenger and others , thus provoked by him , epist. . that either they would not answer such a paper at all , or , in answering it , to remember , that they had a most eminent servant of christ to answer , and so not to be provoked by his vehemency , seing he also had corruptions ; and thus expresseth his own resolution , etiamsi me diabolum voca●…et , me tamen hoc illi honoris habiturum , ut insignem dei servum agnoscam , &c. it is upon this ground , that augustine and others , most zealously affected with the schism of the donatists , yet because they keeped in other things sound in the faith , they mention such of them as were sober , very honourably , and carried to them very brotherly ; and particularly he used to visit their bishops , if he had been going elsewhere for ordination or other affairs ; and some of them also used to visit him , whom he entertained most kindly , ever speaking to improve both for begetting a better understanding , as may be gathered from instances cited out of his epistles in what is before and after this . sometimes also when he wrote to some of them , he desired them to write so to him , as he might acquaint his people with both their writings , and with his own , if they returned no answer , that thereby he might constrain them to reasonablenesse , yet saith , it shall be past discessum militum , that it might appear he intended not to make them odious . he doth also observe , that a main thing that made the donatists averse from yeelding to union , was a suspicion which they had , that the catholicks would still persecute them if they had occasion , speaking of a conference , epist. . he saith , dictum erat ( meaning by the donatists ) quod adhuc nostri eos persecuturi essent ; which he with many words rejecteth , shewing from eph. . that they had learned to keep union with forbearance : elsewhere also , as epist. . he excuseth the too great vehemencie of the expressions of some that were on his own side in that difference . all which sheweth the great necessity that there is to recover affections in the pressing of union , and how far men ought to condescend in reference thereto , both in order to what is past , and for the preventing of what may be feared . . then ministers would not only in their own practice , but in their doctrine , and otherwayes , stir up others to the practice and life of religion . we ever find the apostle useth this way upon the back of his exhortations to union , to presse the working out of their salvation with fear and trembling , &c. and in the epistles to timothy and titus , when he dehorts ministers from foolish and jangling questions , f●…rifes and contentions , this remedy is either premitted or subjoyned , that they would presse the believers to be zealous of good works , and carefull to maintain these , tit. . , . that they would follow after love , righteousnesse , faith , peace with them that call on the lord out of a pure heart , tim. . , . for , when either ministers or professors are exercised and taken-up with these things , there is little accesse to other things : then also they discern the necessity of union the more , and are the more disposed for it themselves , and others are the more easily induced to unite with them . beside , it is never in such things that godly and orthodox men do differ , but it is in diverting from these ; and therefore often much heat in particular differences , carrieth with it , a decay and lukewarmnesse in more practicall things ; as on the contrary , zeal in these materiall things , doth ordinarily alley and mitigate heat and fervour in the other . . it is fit that there were solemn addresses to god for directing and guiding in the way to this end ; for , he is the god of peace , and ought to be acknowledged in removing this great evil of division : hence the apostle subjoyneth prayers for peace , unto his exhortations thereto ; and we are commanded to pray for ierusalems peace , even church-peace no lesse than civil peace . it may be that the neglect of this is the cause that sound , godly and peaceable men , who love the welfare of zion , do yet continue divided , and cannot fall upon means of healing , that thereby the necessity of the lords interposing may be discerned , and that there may be purposed addresses for this same thing , and that men may not undervalue the thing , nor their adversaries in it , so as not to account it a rod , seing it is god they have to do with , nor be content to lye under it without aiming and dealing to have it removed by him , as we would deal for the removall of any temporall plague , or expect a blessing upon this gospel . chap. ix . what things are to be forborn in order to uniting . having laid down these generall helps , we are now to consider what is yet to be forborn and abstained from in reference to union : for , as ordinarily divisions rise and are ●…omented , from and by doing and driving of some things , which others cannot concur in , or come up to ; so when such things are abstained from , there is the nearer accesse to union ; at least , it stoppeth the impetuousness of division , and maketh it to look liker a difference , which ( considering humane infirmity ) is neither so intolerable in 〈◊〉 , nor hurtfull to the church . beside therefore what hath been said for abstaining of personal reflections , or what may irritate persons , or parties , or what may entertain jealousie or diffidence amongst them , whereof something hath been touched upon , we shall add these things further , . all things that contribute to weaken the repute of others , or to beget an hard impression of them in our selves or in others , in the general , would be forborn ; such as telling of reproachfull reports , even though they be true , much more if they be but reported , yea , or the hearing of such with any delight , endeavouring to waken up discontents in others against opposits , by such informations , solicitations and the like . these are condemned in private mens carriages , and are the causes of continuing such differences ( for , where no tale-bearer is , strife ceaseth , prov. . ) much more amongst ministers who ought not to walk as men . also good heed would be taken to such as may have influence on advices , counsels and resolutions to that purpose , lest underhand-whisperers , who really may mind some further alteration in the church , and may really be imbittered at honest men for their honesty , should yet insinuat themselves with eminent men on both sides , and so carry on the division , and disappoint the union ; as for instance , some , not altogether purged from drianism , and imbittered at honest bishops , as athanasius , osius , and others , did steal in upon the one side of a debate , and held on the controversie against faithfull men ; so epiphanius was intangled by theophilus of alexandria to oppose chrysostom upon pretext of another difference ; sometimes again , on the other side , such as inclined to the novatians , wanted not influence to strengthen the opposit party , and to keep them at a greater distance from the other , as being grosse in receiving traditores ( as they called them ) unto their society . sometimes men justly censured , or fearing censure from faithfull bishops , did spread calumnies against them , and made them odious , under pretext of their pride , arrogance , unsoundnesse and such like , even unto other orthodox men ; sometimes again , time-serving men , by flattering magistrates did execute their revenge against faithfull bishops , by keeping up divisions against them , driving on sentences of deposition , and such like , under pretext of other faults ; whereby the churches peace hath been often marred and her divisions continued , as is clear in those schisms and divisions at constantinople , first , in reference to chrysostom , and afterward in reference to ignatius , who , by a faction in the church , was deposed , really to please the emperour , whose incestuous marriage he would not approve as they did : therefore i say in the removing of differences , and resolving of duties in reference to union , there is great need of circumspectnesse in trying and choosing whose counsels are to be laid weight upon ; for , all men love not peace , neither seek singly the good of the church , and want not their own prejudices and grudgings at particular eminent persons , who ( where men are not very denied and mortified ) will easily steal-in to mar a publick good , under pretext of particular respect to the person , whom , by so doing , they stir up . it 's marked by sleydan as the cause of that unreasonable and unnatural division that brake-out and grew in germany , almost to the undoing of religion therein , betwixt the elector of saxony , and maurice afterward elector , that some counsellors not well-minded to religion ▪ but favourers of the wicked way of henry , to whom maurice succeeded , who for that cause had hatred at the elector and those who were eminent for reformation , and now having taken on a profession , and insinuated themselves in the counsels and affection of maurice , and finding some begun matter of dissention in other particulars , did so kindle and foster it , till they brought the division to that height , that one part of the protestants were engaged with antichrist and his followers to destroy the other ; and yet so closely carried , that the difference was never stated upon the real account , which indeed such did intend . also men not so nearly concerned in the churches divisions ▪ as suppose they be of another church , or men not so immediately concerned in the debates thereof , and the effects that follow thereupon ; as in that council of carthage , they enact that tendernesse be used to the donatists , and means be used to reclaim them ; and for that end did acknowledge their ministers , though ordained in a schism , to be ministers , although the church of rome did write otherwayes to them , and did act otherwayes themselves : these would be looked unto . sometimes also there are a sort of persons who long not for union ; for , as there is an itching after new doctrine in some , so is there for divisions and changes amongst others , who may be sound in doctrine , who in this are to be adverted to . . men would eschew in such a case judicially to engage in such differences , either by passing decisions in these things pro or contra in judicatories , or by censuring , or noting with any reproach such as differ from them . for , . that maketh the division the more difficultly removable in it self . and , . it engageth both sides the more , and proveth a let to retiring when men would , and heighteneth the difference exceedingly . in that difference that was between cyprian and stephanus , and other bishops of rome , concerning the rebaptizing of such as had been baptized by hereticks and schismaticks , it is marked that stephanus did presse the condemnation of it , did censure and refuse communion with such as joyned with cyprian in his opinion : on the contrary , cyprian did indeed call synods and decide , but neither pressed any man to his opinion or practice , nor censured any that differed in such a matter ; and because his carriage is so much commended by the ancients , especially by augustine , against the donatists , not because he counted cyprian right on the matter ; for , he disclaimed that , and owned the contrary opinion ; but because he carried in his opinion so tenderly to the churches union and peace . we shall observe two or three passages of his , and of augustines concerning him . . in his epistle ad jubiannum , haec rescripsimus , inquit , nemi●… praescribentes aut praejudicantes quo minus unusquisque episcoporum , quod putat faciat . et ne quisquam pellendus à caeterorum consortio videretur ( dicit ) nos quantum in nobis est propter haereticos cum collegis & coepiscopis nostris non contendimus , cum quibus aivinam concordiam & pacem tenemus . et paulo post , serventur ( inquit ) à nobis patienter & leniter charitas animi , collegii honor , vinculum fidei , concordia sacerdotii . which words and many others are cited by augustine de baptismo , lib. . cap. . and in another place , when he hath cited this same last sentence and other words , giving the reason which the apostle hath , cor. . if any man will be contentious , we have no such custome , nor the churches of god : after which a little , augustine subjoyneth this approbation of his carriage ; majus quippe in eo robur virtutis eminuit , cum ist a quaestio nondum discuss a nutaret , quod aliter sentiens quam multi collegae , tantam moderationem obtinuit , ut ecclesiae dei sanctam societatem , nulla schismatis labe truncaret , quam si omnia non solum veraciter , sed etiam pariter sine ista virtute sentiret ; de baptismo , lib. . cap. . this he saith , even though cyprians opinion was confirmed by diverse councels of carthage . which sheweth what influence such abstinence hath on the churches peace , which is the more observable , that he used this forbearance when he had the generality of the church of africk , and the authority of their councels for him ; and also was provoked by the vehemency of his opposits , and their censuring such as were of his opinion ; yet he forbare , not because he doubted of the soundnesse of his judgement , but because he respected the churches peace , and even then did he write sweetly in many epistles , and a particular treatise , pressing the unity of the church ; for which he is eminently esteemed of as an excellent pattern in such a case by all sober and judicious men . . in such cases when union is desired , men would abstain the propagating of their opinions in any purposed and publick way . this is not to restrain a mans sober , christian and necessary vindicating of himself in a due way . but , . all unnecessary traffick that is principally for strengthening of a party . . publishing in print , things to that purpose , when there is no conveniency for the churches good . . making motions in judicatories that awakens siding . . insisting thereon in publick preaching . and , lastly , ( when there is some necessity to speak or write on such things ) all reflections and irritations , would be abstained ; yea , it is fit that sometimes every word spoken , or written upon one side , should be past over by the other , without reply , for peaces sake . because , . the broader such differences spread , they take the deeper root , and increase siding more amongst the people . . because , they irritate more and keep off men from thinking of peace . . because the memory of these things is ready to riffle mens minds , therefore most eminent men have wished , that all papers pro or contra in such differences might be buried ; for , one difference begetteth another , and one paper draweth forth another , none being willing that his adversary should have the last word ; and oftentimes papers propagate a controversie to a succeding generation , to whom it had been good that many things had never been in writ . also often , such writings prove edifying to few , and they but make church-division the subject of more discourse , and ministers to be the more contemptible ; and do in themselves often involve many contrradictions against one another , which readily are not possible to be cleared in matters of fact , and reflections one upon another ; which derogateth exceedingly from the honour of the ministery . it is marked of constantine , that when at the council of nice , there were many opposit papers of differences amongst bishops presented , he took them , and having gravely admonished the bishops for their contending amongst themselves , would not have one of them read , but said , he would cover such infirmities as they were bringing to light , by their contradictions , with his purple . this way also hath been followed for stopping of divisions in diverse reformed churches . . all contrary acting would be abstained , as in elections , ordinations , or the like , because these fix ▪ as with a nail , the difference , as may be gathered from history . it were better many a time for the churches good , that any one side had suffered the bishop , ordained by the other , solely to possesse the place , or that none had been ordained at all , than that opposit ordinations had been ; because , that so the church was divided even in communion , and such particulars have been ever difficultly composed , and ever exceedingly instrumentall to continue a breach , and it led men in congregations to be factious , and to seek to gain men and affections to their party . . all separated and divided meetings would be eschewed , whether the separation be totall in respect of all ordinances and communion in generall , as sometimes divisions have come amongst orthodox men to such a height ; or , whether it be partiall , suppose in government , sacraments , &c. or any of these ; because so not only way is made to a totall separation , but thereby there is a divided shape put upon the one church , and occasion is given for one party to condemn another , and so to beget more strife ; and especially , because it habituateth men to think themselves not of one body , and , as it were , erecteth a church or altar against another ( as the fathers were wont to speak ) and so becometh a drawn line of division , and doth really make the difficulty of uniting the more difficult ; because ere union be made up , that partition must be pulled down . it is fit therefore that either all such occasions of fasts , &c. wherein all cannot joyn , should be forborn ; or that they be so ordered , as there may bee union in them . . such acts and principles as put restraint upon either side , making others incapable of church-trust or the like , or which declareth them to be so , would be prevented ; and if established , would be orderly removed ; because such things make a partition betwixt two , and heighten such a difference beyond the nature thereof : also they evidence much prejudice and alienation of mind , and they seem to constrain men to an union , which is never right if it be not voluntary . hence we see that the great friends of peace have ever endeavoured to prevent or remove such ; as in the instances of policarp , ireneus and cyprian , is clear , who did not only endeavour to remove censures , but even censurablenesse from persons so differing . this also is very obliging to the opposit party . in that . epistle of augustines ( which is much to this purpose ) mention is made of one cenethlius , a catholick bishop , who ( saith he ) was much esteemed of by the donatists , quod constitutionem datam contra eos , compresserit , & effectum habere non siverit . chap. x. what is to be done in order to uniting . now we may be the shorter in speaking to what is to be done in reference to particular differences , seing much may be gathered from these generals premitted , and it is not our purpose to be particular ; yet we say , . that it is the duty of such to be seeking union one with another , and for that cause to be making offer of , and desiring meetings and conferences , and to be urging harmony one upon another . in that council of carthage , whereof aurelius was moderator , they did appoint conferences to be sought for with the donatists , although they had been long in a schism ; and for that end did appoint commissioners , and did give instructions to go from place to place , and to endeavour a settlement , whereof these were a part , that their former schism and separation should be prejudiciall to none ; that ministers and bishops should continue in their charges if otherwayes they were worthy , notwithstanding of their former separation : which is observed not to have wanted fruit in many places , as the acts and events are recorded by balsamon . and this is according to the generall rule of following peace , even when it seemeth to flie from men ; and questions that may engender strife are to be avoided and fled from , when they seem to follow after men , because , as paul saith , tim. . . &c. the servant of the lord must not strive , &c. on this ground we find , that many of augustines epistles , direct to donatists and others , are to this purpose , craving friendly communings ; and when he hath had occasion to be in cities where donatist-bishops were , he used to visit them , and enter conference friendly with them ; and if any hope was , he wrote to others to entertain the same , as particularly may be gathered from epist. . where he honourably mentioneth promelianus in the desire of a conference ; and because he knew the too great vehemency of one evodius , though of his own side , had offended him , he did excuse it , saying amongst other things , id hominis aetati ignoscendum est , &c. the like he also hath , epist. . when he mentioneth fortunius , whom he had conferred with , with this testimony to these he writeth to , quantum enim arbitror difficilime potestis invenire in episcopis vestris tam utilem animum , & voluntatem , quam in isto sene perspeximus ; and therefore presseth them to entertain the begun conference , though he might not stay . . in carrying on such meetings , respect would be had to union in the ordering of every circumstance ; as in the persons chosen , that they may be men inclined to peace , respected by the other party concerned in the churches differences , and free of the suspicions formerly hinted , and such like , lest by an intended union there follow a greater rent and division , as oftentimes hath been seen in conferences amongst dissentient men . here also a speciall respect would be had to the expressing of mutuall benevolence in words and carriages , lest some hard impression seize on men at the entry . choise also would be made of the subject first to be spoken of ; as what may be thought most subject to mistake , heat or contention , would be left to the last place ; and what may be conceived more plausible-like to both , would be begun at , that it may be rather known wherein men agree , than wherein they differ , at the entry at least . possibly also union in fundamentall things , being accorded unto , it may make way for moderating affections in other things lesse fundamentall . this method was ever urged by bucer , beza and other reformers , who keeped conferences at first with the lutheran party ; because , beginning at some point of doctrine , or particular in practice , wherein the difference is highest , doth often at the entry rifle mens humours ▪ and break off conferences abruptly with the more heat , as experience in these debates at that time did make too too manifest . . such meetings for conference would be seriously and condescendingly improved for the end designed : as , . protractings of time , or janglings about circumstances would be eschewed ; as also tenaciousnesse , and contentiousnesse about formalities of proceeding , and particular insisting upon contradictions in matters of fact , because such things become not the gravity and seriousnesse of men aiming at such an end , but the main businesse would be soberly and seriously gone about , and that timeously ; for , men should not meet to take advantage one of another by such formalities , but to procure the good of the church . . criminations , or objecting of personall faults one to another or difference in particulars , would either be altogether forborn , or left to the last place , and the main matter would be first handled , and particulars accordingly squared . . their would be condescending to follow some circumstances , even though they seem not so reasonable , lest by the wilfull adhering of one party to a circumstance , the end be disappointed ; yea , sometimes more materiall things , at lest till there be a better understanding begotten , are to be ceded in , when it may be without sin ▪ if so be it may contribute for the carrying on of such a design , and we will almost ever find these that are most tender of the churches good to be most condescending in all these ; as amongst other instances , we will find in that conference between the catholicks and donatists , at which augustine was present , and which is set down by him ; wherein , amongst other things , these are clear , . that not only the catholicks sought the meeting , but also pressed the speaking unto the main businesse , which the other did sometimes deny , saying , it was not lawfull for the children of martyrs to meet with the children of apostate or wicked men ; and sometimes by formalities , jangling questions , they protracted time to eschew the main thing . . it is clear , that also the catholicks condescended to many of their suits , and yeelded to account them bishops , and did not contradict , but cede at the entry , that churches should be rendered to these from whom they were taken , if so be that might have enclined them to union , and that even by benefits they might be mollified , and stood on no circumstantiall thing with them . such meetings have often been disappointed with such vain janglings , especially when numbers have been confusedly admitted , and when each party hath charged another with former miscarriages , as augustine observeth , epist. . and therefore hath that word to them , neque nos illis debere objicere suorum scelera , neque illos nobis . and , because the donatists upbraided the catholicks ( as the orthodox are called in all these debates ) that they were guilty of persecuting them , because they had proceeded to some sentences , and procured commission from civil powers against them to put them from their charges , ( these times they called tempora macariana , because of such a person that was eminent in the executing thereof ) and again , the catholicks used to object to them , beside their schism , headinesse , irregular violences , and the like , because of the practices of the circumcellions , who , having fallen off with the donatists , went also in many absurdities beyond them ; therefore when he is pressing a conference , epist. . tollamus ( saith he ) inania objecta , nec tu objicias tempora macariana , nec ego saevitiam circumcellionum . and in epist. . saith , that in his conference with fortunius , placuit omnibus in talibus disputationibus violenta facta malorum hominum nobis ab invicem objici non debere . and there is no little furtherance or prejudice to a conference accordingly as this advice is followed or not , seing often such bygone particulars will heat more , than that which is of greater concernment in the main cause . . to make the instances more particular , the matter concerning which debate arises and falls to be the subject of the conference , may be distinguished , and so more clearly spoken unto : which is , . either a difference in some doctrinall thing . or , . some particular practice , or some personall miscarriage . or , . something in worship . or , . something in government , or such like . chap. xi . what is to be done in closing doctrinal differences . . for doctrinal differences of judgment , there are three wayes to close them ; ( it is to be adverted , that the difference is not supposed to be in any fundamental thing ) first , by sober and serious conference , one party may bring another to the same judgment with them ; or , both parties may quit something of extremities , and joyn in a middle opinion . this is the most solid union , when men come to think and speak the same thing , and sometime hath been attained . yet concerning this , we say , . that all union is not to depend on this , as hath been said . . it hath been very rarely attained , especially when difference hath spread and rooted it self by debating and contradiction , seing even good men have both infirmity and corruption . . we say , that publick dispute , either by word or writ , hath never proven very usefull , even amongst good men , to attain this end , but ordinarily such debates have heightned the controversie , and engaged men more ; so that if any thing prevail towards this , it is friendly , familiar conferences opening truth , rather than formal stated disputations ; because in such , men are ( as it were ) upon their guard , and fully do exercise their wit ; in the other , there is more accesse to inform the judgment , by a loving , grave , serious manner of speaking of the truth , and that privatly to others , especially to such as are of reputation for parts and ability , and that it be not done in vain , as paul hath it , gal. . . and it 's observable that he speaketh this in reference to his way , when he intended the evidencing of his agreement with the chief apostles in the matter of doctrine . also we find meeknesse and instructing put together , when there is any expectation to recover one from a difference , tim. . . and convincing or disputing is more especially applicable to these of whom there is little hope , out of respect to the edification of others . hence we find the apostles disputing with false teachers in some points of truth , but rather intreating and exhorting believers to have peace amongst themselves , notwithstanding of lesser differences . a second way of composure , is , when such agreement in judgment cannot be obtained , to endeavour a harmony and keep unity notwithstanding of that difference , by a mutual forbearance in things controverted : which we will find to be of two sorts . the first is , to say so total , that is , when neither side doth so much as doctrinally in word , writ , or sentences of judicatories , presse any thing that may confirm or propagate their own opinion , or condemn the contrary , but do altogether abstract from the same out of respect to the churches peace , and for the preventing of scandal ; and do in things wherein they agree according to the apostle's direction , philip. . . walk by the same rule , and minde the same things mutually , as if there were no such differences , and waiting in these till the lord shall reveal the same unto them . this way is safe , where the doctrine upon which the difference is , is such , as the forbearing the decision thereof , doth neither mat any duty that the church in general is called to , nor endanger the salvation of souls through the want of clearness therein nor , in a word , infer such inconveniences to the hurt of the church , as such unseasonable awakening and keeping up of differences and divisions may have with it ; because the scope of bringing forth every truth , or confirming the same by any authoritative sanction , &c. is the edification of the church ; and therefore when the bringing forth thereof doth destroy more than edifie , it is to be forborn . neither can it be ground enough to plead for such decisions in preaching , that the thing they preach-for is truth , and the thing they condemn is errour . because , . it is not the lawfulnesse of the thing simply that is in question , but the necessity and expediency thereof in such a case : now , many things are lawfull that are not expedient , cor. . . . in these differences that were in the primitive times concerning meats , dayes , genealogies , &c. there was a truth or an errour upon one of the sides , as there is a right and a wrong in every contradiction of such a kind , yet the apostle thinketh fitter , for the churches peace , that such be altogether refrained , rather than any way ( at least in publick ) insisted upon or decided . . because no minister can bring forth every truth at all times , he must then make choice ; and i suppose some ministers may die , and all do so , who have not preached every truth , even which they knew , unto the people . beside , there are ( no question ) many truths hid to the most learned . neither can this be thought inconsistent with a ministers fidelity , who is to reveal the whole counsel of god ; because , that counsel is to be understood of things necessary to mens salvation , and is not to be extended to all things whatsoever ; for , we find the great apostle expounding this in that same sermon , act. . ver . . i have keeped back nothing that was profitable unto you ; which evidenceth that the whole counsel of god , or the things which he shewed unto them , is the whole , and all that was profitable for them , and that for no by-respect or fear whatsoever he shunned to reveal that unto them . also , it is clear , that there are many truths which are not decided by any judiciall act ; and amongst other things , sparingnesse to decide truths that are not fundamentall judicially hath been ever thought no little mean of the churches peace , as the contrary hath been of division . the third way ( which is the second sort of the former ) of composure , is mixed , when there is some medling with such questions , yet with such forbearance , that though there be a seen difference , yet there is no schism or division , but that is seriously and tenderly prevented ; as upon the one side , some may expresse their mind in preaching and writing on a particular question one way , others may do it differently ; yet both with that meeknesse and respect to those they differ from , that it doth beget no rent , nor give just ground of offence , nor mar union in any other thing ; or , it may possibly come to be decided in a synod , yet with such forbearance upon both sides , that it may prove no prejudice to union ; those who have authority for them , not pressing it to the prejudice of the opinion , names , consciences of the other , or to their detriment in any respect ; but allowing to them a liberty to speak their minds , and walk according to their own light in such particulars : and on the contrary , the other resting satisfied in the unity of the church , without condemning them , or pressing them to condemn themselves ; because so indeed their liberty is no lesse than others who have the decision of a synod for them : and thus men may keep communion and union in a church , even where by the judicatories thereof , some lesser not fundamental errour , which doth also infer unwarrantaable practices , is authoritatively concluded . we have a famous instance of this in the church of africa in the dayes of cyprian , which by the ancients hath ever been so much esteemed of . there was a difference in that church concerning the rebaptizing of hereticks and schismaticks after their conversion , or , of such as had once fallen in to them ; cyprian and the greatest part thought their first baptism null , or , by their fall , made void ; others thought it not so , who were the lesser part , yet right as to this particular ; there was meetings on both sides for defence of their opinions . also in a council of near three hundred bishops , it is judicially and authoritatively concluded ; yet that synod carried so , as they did not only not censure any that dissented , nor presse them to conform in practice to their judgment ; but did also entertain most intimat respect to them , and familiarity with them , as may be gathered from what was formerly hinted . and upon the other side , we do not find any in that church making a schism upon the account of that judicial erroneous decision ( though at least by three several synods it was ratified ) but contenting themselves to have their consciences free by retaining their own judgement , and following their own practice , till time gave more light and more occasion to clear that truth . and we will never find in the writings of any time , more affection amongst brethren , and more respect to peace , than was in that church at that time amongst those that differed ; and there is not any practice more commended in all the church-history and writings of the fathers , than this practice ; as partly may be gathered from what was formerly touched out of augustine . and if we will consider the case rationally , we will find that it is not impossible to have union in a church where there is in such a difference an authoritative decision , even supposing that side , on which the errour lyes , to be approved . for , . there is no necessity for such as have authority for them , to presse others in their judgment or practice in such things ; neither can it be thought that such a decision can of it self satisfie all scruples , neither yet that men doubtingly may follow ; nor , lastly , that such controversies can bear the weight of troubling the church , by censuring such as otherwayes may be faithfull , seing sometimes even unfaithfull men have been spared with respect to the churches good , as hath been said . and , secondly , upon the other side , such a constitution of a church , doth not involve all that keep communion therein , in the guilt thereof , if personally they be free ; as in the instance of the jewish church is clear : where , no question many corrupt acts have been established , yet did it neither make communion in worship or government to be unlawfull , where the matter and manner of carriage was lawfull . beside , this would infer , that no judicatory could keep union , where there were contrary votes , or a sentence past without unanimity : because that is certainly wrong to them who think otherwayes , and if so , there could be no judicatory expected either in church or state ; for , it cannot be expected , that they shall be still unanimous , or , that the greater part shall cede to the lesser , and rescind their own act . also , suppose there should be such a division upon one difference , can it be expected that those who unite upon the divided sides respectively , shall again have no more difference amongst themselves ? and if they have , shall there not be a new division ? and where shall this end ? and seing men must resolve to keep unity where there are faults of such a nature , or to have none at all , it is as good to keep it at first , as to be necessitated thereto afterward . the orthodox urge this argument against the donatists , who would not keep union with them , because of pretended corruptions in the proceedings of judicatories and ordinations ; yet were constrained to bear with such amongst themselves , and particularly to receive , and unite with the maximinianists , whose communion they had once rejected , though a branch of their own faction , because they saw no end of divisions if they did not resolve to dispense with such things amongst themselves . and augustine often asserteth , that they were never able to answer this argument when it was propounded to them , to wit , why they did not give them that same latitude , in keeping communion with them , which they had given to the maximinianists , who were guilty of such things as they imputed to them ? we conceive then , that even in such a case there may be union for prosecuting the main work of the gospel , notwithstanding of such a circumstantial difference , if men otherwayes set themselves to it ; and the generall grounds , formerly laid down , do confirm this . chap. xii . what to do for union in points not doctrinall , but about matters of fact or personall faults . if the difference be not doctrinall in point of judgment , at least only , but being in matter of fact , as personall faults and corruptions ; whereby the one is ready to object to the other some bypast failings , and miscarriages : whereupon by inconsiderat upbraidings , pressing of censures , or condemnation of what hath been done , the churches peace is in hazard to be broken , and men like to be rent and divided in their communion . and oftentimes such things prove exceeding fashious , where men wilfully , or imprudently pursue such things without respect to the churches peace . this often waited upon a time of darknesse , or persecution , when men , being in the dark , and in a distemper , were led away by tentation , and overtaken with many faults , and sometimes amongst others , made to juffle with , and trample one upon another ( as it were ) not knowing what they were doing ; and when this time was over , some were ready to carp at what was past in the dark , and to quarrell at others for such juffling , when they were so through-other . this indeed was ordinary , but most unbecoming grave men , to make that a ground of contending , which inadvertently was done by others in the dark ( as the great basilius saith ) in nocturno tempore , & densis tenebris . such contests are of four sorts . first ▪ sometimes in generall , there is a dissatisfaction with the constitution of the church , in respect of the grossenesse of the officers and members thereof . this cannot be removed upon the one side only , because tares cannot but be in the church , and that discernably , as cyprian saith ; it is removed then by meeknesse and tendernesse upon the one side towards such as have withdrawn , and by their yeelding to return who have withdrawn , which when it came to passe , hath been matter of gladnesse to all the church . amongst cyprians epistles ( epist. . edit . pameli ) mention is made of urbanus , maximus , and others of the church of rome , who being confessors and imprisoned in the time of persecution , and after their delivery finding many grosse members to be in the church , and meeting with the doctrine of novatus that commended separation to the godly for their more comfortable communion together , that they came to be tickled therewith , and for a time to separate from the communion of cornelius , and others of the clergy , pretending there could be no communion in such an evil constituted church ; but afterward , finding the great hurt that came thereby to the church , they overcame their own affections and inclinations , and out of respect to the good of the church , did unit , which was exceedingly welcomed by all , as their epistle to cyprian , and his to them , do manifest . and as their fall sheweth , that it is not impossible , but that zealous ministers , who have keeped out against defection , may be overtaken with such a fault ; so it giveth a sweet copie of christian deniednesse and tendernesse by others to be followed in the like case . their words to cyprian are worthy the observing . nos habito consilio utilitatibus ecclesiae , & paci magis consulentes , omnibus rebus praetermiss●…s , & iudicio dei servatis , cum cornelio episcopo nostro , pariter & cum universo clero pacem fecisse , cum gaudio etiam universae ecclesiae , prona etiam omnium charitate . a second sort of such contests , are , when faults are alleaged which either are not true , or cannot be proven , although possibly they may be both grosse and true , for both of these did the novatians and donatists trouble the church , insisting long in charging many crimes upon men particularly upon cecilianus and osius , which they could never be able to make out , although they alleaged that such faults were cloaked by the catholicks , and that they were not to be communicated with . in this case the orthodox took three wayes to remove such a difference . . by pleading forbearance of awakening such contests , and exhorting rather to keep union , than to hazard to break it upon such grounds , and so ( as augustine saith ) ut quaedam incerta crimina pro certa pace deo dimitterentur , cont. epist. parm. lib. . cap. . . if that could not be acquiesced in , they admitted the thing to proof , over , and over again , that by lawfull triall it might be decided , as we will find in the former instances , the same case of cecilianus was often tryed , even after he was absolved . it is true the donatists did not acquiesce , but did separate , ( for which cause they were ever accounted most grosse schismaticks ) yet is it of it self , a way wherein men may satisfyingly acquiesce . a third way sometimes used , was , that when divisions were like to be occasioned by dissatisfaction with a particular person against whom things could not be judicially made out so as to found a sentence , nor yet possibly was there so full satisfaction with him in every thing , as by owning of him to hazard a rent , where a people were stumbled by him , they did without judiciall processing , or censuring , interpose with the bishop to cede , and wrote to the people to choose another . so in that council of carthage , canon . . letters are written to maximianus ( called episcopus bagiensis ) and the people , that he might cede the bishoprick , and they might choose another ; yet there is no mention of any made-out accusation , or sentence , but that for the good of the church , synodo placuit , &c. there is mention made elswhere in history of a bishop of that place , of that name , who had been a donatist , and did return to the communion of the church ; but , if this be he , or what was the cause of this appointment , is neither certain , nor of great concernment in this . a third sort of contests of this kind , are , when crimes are grosse and clear , and men are either justly censurable , or censured ; some ( possibly honestly minded ) may be engaged to do for them , by their insinuating upon them , and giving misinformations and prejudices , and so be brought to endeavour the preventing or removing of sentences against , or from , such as justly deserve the same . in this case we find a threefold way of composure . . an endeavour used to clear to others the justice of such a sentence when it hath been traduced . thus when basilides , and martialis , were justly deposed by a synod of spain , they did , by false pretexts , engage the clergie of rome to owne them , and write for their recovery , which did exceedingly offend the bishops of spain ; whereupon they wrote to cyprian and these in africk for advice , who , being met in the synod , approved their deposition , and advised them not to readmit them , because none such who had any blemish and were not holy , ought to minister in the holy things , and that rather they should bear with stephanus his mistake , who out of ignorance and misinformation was led to side with such : thus cyprian hath it in his epistles to the church of spain , epist. . so that schism was stopped , and the churches continued to acknowledge the lawfully ordained bishops that succeeded these . and the readmission of such , had neither been in it self lawfull , nor yet had compassed the end of obtaining peace in these churches where the people was stumbled by their carriages . a second way was , when the men were orthodox and profitable , though failing in some grosse particular , yet when they were owned by others in the church , synods did not stand , for concord , to remove such sentences , as was formerly instanced in the case of ostus : augustine also in a certain epistle , . doth approve the not-censuring of one optatus , lest thereby a schism should be occasioned , because of manies adhering to him . we will find also a third way , that when men have been sentenced , and some have continued to owne them , and others to oppose them , such have been brought to submit themselves , and so the division hath been removed ; it was so in that hot contest that continued long between the bishops of rome , and the church of africk , in the case of apiratus bishop of sica , &c. who being deposed by the synod of carthage , was pressed to be admitted by the bishops of rome , whom by no means these of africk would admit ; at last , these that were sentenced , came to acknowledge the sentence ; whereby the division was stopped . a fourth sort of contests or divisions for matters of fact , is , when both sides have had their failings in a time of darknesse and tentation , some one way , and some another , and after some breathing they fall , by mutual upbraidings , to hazard the churches peace ; one casting up this fault to him , and he again upbraiding him with another . the way taken to prevent this , is most satisfying , when both , acknowledging their own guilt to other , did forgive one another , and joyn cordially for the good of the work . in the debates with the donatists there is much mention made , not without great commendation of the practice of a synod , which is called concilium cirtense , wherein the members did mutually confesse their faults , and ( saith he , to wit , augustine , in the conference formerly cited ) sibi invicem ignoscebant ne schisma fieret . and by the scope of the catholicks in urging that example , and by the vehemency used by the donatists in denying the same , it would seem , that they looked upon this as a most excellent and satisfying way of removing differences amongst godly men , when every one acknowledgeth their own fault , and doth not upbraid but forgive one another , endeavouring to have the rememberance of bypast miscarriages rather forgiven and buried in oblivion , than mentioned . because good men being but men , usually there are failings on both sides , and the denying of it , provoketh others to insist the more thereon , as the acknowledging thereof doth stop the upbraiding of them with the same ; and usually it is to be seen , that the best men had rather mention their own faults in their acknowledgements , than hear the same done by any other . beza , epist. . also hath such an advice as this to a church that had fallen into division , utinam utraque pars acquiescere malit , quam si curiose nimium & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quis sit in majori culpa , inquiratur . chap. xiii . what to do toward uniting in divisions arising from diversity of circumstances in external administrations , and especially arising from church-government . a third matter that occasioneth divisions , is , a diversity in worship , ceremonies , or things that relate to externall administration of ordinances , when some follow one way in preaching , administrating of sacraments , catechising , &c. and others , another . this ordinarily breedeth janglings , and oftentimes troubled the church , as we see in the businesse about easter and ceremonies . it is not our purpose to insist in this , because ordinarily such debates pretend some lawfulnesse , or unlawfulnesse in the thing contended for , and are to be counted amongst the jangling debates that the men of god are to eschew . and also , because these things are often fully and clearly discussed , we shall only say concerning them . . that , as there is a necessity of suffering some difference in doctrine , so is there also a necessity to bear with some differences in circumstances in the externall manner of worship ▪ &c. and men would not soon offend at every difference , nor be displeased if it proceed not from affectation of singularity , unfaithfulnesse , or some other corrupt rise . and we will find great condescendency in the greatest men , both of old and late , in things that are not sinfull in themselves , for keeping of union in the church : and thus far , the apostles practice of becoming all things to all , will warrand . zanchius in an epistle to this purpose , giveth both many examples of , and reasons for this . . we say , that men especially in a time of divisions , would by all means endeavour to keep the trodden and approven way that hath been used , and is in use in a church in such administrations ; because the lesse men be sticking in the manner of these things , and the more simplicity they use , and the lesse they differ from what is most ordinary and approven , the lesse will the hazard of division be in these things , which doth arise from the multiplying of them ; the changing of the old , or bringing in of a new manner , the condemning of the way and manner used by others ▪ as having some great absurdity in it , and the pressing of their way , even in circumstances , upon others ; these and such things are to be eschewed : and so indeed there is no way to peace in these things but to forbear ; for it is more easie to forbear some new thing , than to make others alter what is old , except there be some reason in the matter to move to this ▪ the great , and usually the most bitter contentions of a church , as was said before , are in things that belong to government ; which are of many kinds , and have their own proportionable cures when blessed of god , we shall instance in these five kinds of contests in this matter . the first , is concerning the form of government . the second , is concerning the formality of church-judicatories . the third , concerning the matter enacted or decerned by them . the fourth , concerning particular miscarriages and abuses of power in government . and the fifth , concerning the persons who ought to govern , or to whom the government is due , and whose determinations are ultimatly to be obeyed . for the first , debates about the nature and form of government , may be considered doctrinally , and so it is a difference of judgement ; some think one form of government lawfull , and others not that , but another . if this difference be fairly carried , it needeth make no division in the church , as was in the foregoing part hinted . . it may be considered practically , that is , when men not only think so differently in their judgement , but accordingly they act , driving opposit designs , as if they were two parties , seeking to get one church subdued to them , and neither of them doth acknowledge the other . this cannot be without division ; for , the ground of all union and communion in the visible church in all the ordinances of christ , is , the unity of the visible church ; as even in old time augustine did presse : so ecclesiastick union , must be made up and entertained in a church , by an unity in the government thereof ; for though there may be a forbearance and a kind of peace where the unity of the visible church is denied , or where there are divided governments that are not subaltern ; yet there can be no church-union , nor communion in ordinances , of word , sacraments and government , which results from the former , and doth necessarily presuppose the same . we dare not , nor cannot offer any directions for making up an union here , save that men would unite in one form of government that can extend to the whole body , and that in such a government as is allowed by christ , otherwayes it can be no union ; because so it were not a duty , as union is . if it were asked , what kind of government that may be most probably , wherein men ought to unite ? answ. we mind not to digresse to a doctrinall debate ; yet these characters may be given of it . . it must be a government that can extend unto , and reach all the body ; for , one main end of government is union , eph. . , , , &c. and the removing offences which make divisions , matth. . and this union is not to be in this or that particular part of the body , but in the whole , cor. . that there be no schism in the body : therefore it must extend to all , or be in a capacity to do so . . it would be in a proportionable fitnesse to remove these causes that breed divisions , ( for , there cannot be union in a government that is not fitted for that ) and therefore must be able to purge corrupt teachers , and the leaven of corrupt doctrine out of the whole church , or any part thereof . hence , both in the scripture , and primitive times , and all alongs , there hath been still a joynt authoritative concurrence for removing these causes of this evil in whatsoever place they did appear . . it must be such a government as hath an unity amongst the whole governours for this end , and so it must answer to the unity of the body : hence , in the epistle to the galatians , paul commendeth the remeeding of that evill to them all in a joynt manner , as being one lump , without respect to their subdivision in particular churches ; and if this authority did not imply unity amongst the governours wherever they lived , and a capacity to act unitedly upon occasion , there could be no accesse authoritatively to remove such evils from the church , nor such weight in the mean applied . . it must be a government wherein there is a coordinatenesse amongst the governours ; because so not only the union of the church is made up , but her communion is represented ; and to place the government in one , as papists do in the pope , doth not make an union in the government , which implieth a mutuall and kindly co-ordinatnesse and associating one with another ; but whatever they pretend of union in it , it is really but tyrannie , and such as the most arbitrary ruler may have , when by violence he seemeth to keep down all divisions under him , neither so can that body be said to be united in him . and we see in the primitive times , even after bishops and patriarchs were brought in into the church , that still the supream government , whereby union was entertained , did reside in a mutual co-ordination , and combination , even of such bishops , metrapolitans , patriarchs , &c. acting in an united and joynt way : whereby manifestly it appeareth , that such a government as is to be united into , must be extensive unto the body , at least be in capacity so to be extended , and it must be in a co-ordination and consociation of many church officers together ; and that such subordinations as mar this coordination and equality , must be swallowed up , ere there can be an united government for the preservation of the union of the church , because the supream government and decision must be in many ; and many of different degrees and places , cannot be so one as these who are of the same order , to speak so . yet we think , that where such an union cannot be had in government , men that have liberty , without entanglement to their own consciences , to follow their duty , ought to do it with all tender respect to the edification and union of the church wherein they live , and to make the best of their particular case that may be for that end . but seing the wisdom and goodnesse of god hath made it our lote in this land , to live under a government , to which the abovementioned characters do well agree ; it is hopefull , if as we ought we conscionably adhere to the principles thereof , we may , yea , shall unite in the lord. secondly , supposing , that men agree in that same supream government , to wit , councils and synods , there may be some debate concerning the formal constitution thereof , what is to be accounted a rightly constitute synod , and such as ought to be acknowledged so ? it cannot be denied , but that there is a right and a wrong in this , and that there are rules to be keeped , and that also de facto they may be broken , even where there is no failing in the mater . it is true also , that we will sometimes find worthie men quarrelling the constitution of synods , and declining them , as was formerly hinted , refusing to appear before them , till some persons were removed from them , as chrysostom and fourty two bishops with him , did in reference to that particular synod at chalcedon : and sometimes their acts were declared void , because the meetings were not numerous , as balsamon doth instance in the case of one iohannes amathuntus , whose deposition was declared null , because all the bishops of cyprus were not conveened to his tryall , which might have been ; and because , in strict reckoning , there was one fewer at his deposition than was allowed by the canons . yet concerning this we say , . that it will be found very difficult to pitch on such defects in the constitution of a synod , as will make the same null without respect to the matter thereof ▪ seing there may be many defects that will not infer this . . it will be hard to gather from church-history , or writings of the ancients , or canons of councils , what hath been a peremptory rule to them to walk by in such a case . their practices in this are so various , that it appeareth , the matter hath ever been more headed by them ▪ than the formality of the constitution . and therefore , . we will find their practice to be according to this ; when the matter was sound and profitable , it was accepted , and the synod was reverenced , although it hath had lesse formality , and hath been of a fewer number ; so the council of sardica , laodicea , and some particular provincial synods , have ever been of great authority because of their matter , when more numerous synods , with moe formalities , have never been so accounted of , nor reckoned amongst the general councils , although their number hath been far greater than many of these other . . when they come to determine any thing after the close of corrupt synods , they do not usually sift the constitution thereof , but examine and condemn the matter thereof , and do repeal their sentences , and account them null from the beginning ; not because of questioning their authority that did it , but because of their doing the same unjustly , as in the cases of athanasius , eustachius , chrysostom , and ignatius , that followed him in the same see : all whose depositions were accounted null , because of the unjust violence that was used in them . . we say then , that hardly it will be observed , that this consideration of a particular synods constitution , hath been the rise or ground of division amongst godly and orthodox men agreeing in the same truth , form of government , and rules for constituting of assemblies or synods . but we will ever find where declinators or protestations are mentioned , . that the party declined hath been palpably corrupt in fundamental doctrines . or , . palpably driving on that general design , and violence against particular persons , as subserving the same . and , . it hath been also , after many evidences of such corruptions and violences , as in the former instances that are given of declinators is clear ; where we find , that synods have been acknowledged , and yet upon the discovery of their corrupt designs and violence , have been declined and protested against as null , as that second council at ephesus was . whereby it appeareth , that if their proceedings had been acceptable , their constitution and authority had not been called in question . if it be asked upon supposition , that a difference concerning the constitution of a particular synod , and a division upon that account fall to be amongst godly and orthodox divines , agreeing in the same truths , form of government , general rules , for constituting of synods , &c. what should be done for union in such a case ? answ. it would seem there should be no great need to give directions here , the difference being so narrow ; certainly many of the ancients , and also of our reformers , and eminent divines , who have groaned and do groan under many sad pressures , corruptions , and divisions in the church , would have thought , and think it a great mercy to have had , and to have the difference brought to such a point , and betwixt such parties ; yet , seing it is too too possible to be stood upon , we do conceive it is no such thing as may make union , amongst parties so differing , impossible . we say therefore , . that such would consider the little usefulnesse and weightinesse , as to the main of edification that is in the thing controverted whatever way it be decided : for , . the declaring of such a synod valid , or null , as to its constitution , doth not corrupt any point of truth , nor bring-in any new form of government , nor alter any rule concerning the form agreed in ; because the question is not in thesi , what is the form and rule according to which a synod ought to be constituted ? that is agreed upon : but the question is , whether such a particular synod be agreeable to such a rule ? and respect to the rule makes the one that they cannot approve it , and the other that they cannot condemn it : and is it of great concernment to the main of the churches edification to say it is so , or not , considering it abstractly , or supposing it should never be determined at all ? . we say , that it is not of much concernment , even to government , to say that such a particular synod is right or wrong constituted : for , though a church cannot want government , and that cannot be casten ; yet a church cannot lose much by questioning the constitution of one synod , suppose rightly constituted , abstracting it from the consideration of its matter contained therein ; and if its matter be warrantable , it hath weight in it self without such consideration of a constitution , if it be not warrantable , such a consideration of a lawfully constituted synod cannot make it warrantable . again , upon the other side , the counting of a particular synod to be rightly constituted when it is not , cannot be of great hurt to the church where the rule is acknowledged . for , . it doth not alter the nature of the matter ; nor , . doth it alter the manner of constituting assemblies , because one particular failing in misapplying the rule cannot incapacitate a church for all time to come to keep the same , especially if it be guarded that no precedent be drawn from that pattern , to bind any new sense upon the rule . . we say , that it would seem if any debate be such as decision may be forborn therein , this may be accounted of that nature , to wit , whether such a particular synod be rightly constituted , or not ? because , if more corruption and inconvenience , that may be feared , follow , there are more material things to debate , and to differ upon ; if more follow not , but that there may be accesse to an united government whereby these suspicions may be put out of question , then it seemeth unsafe to mar that , and the fruit which may follow by the disputing of what is past . but more nearly to take notice of such a difference , we may consider it two wayes . . as it implieth a difference in judgement . . as it inferreth a different practice . first , then , as it inferreth the difference of judgement , there ought certainly to be a forbearance , seing such things are often involved with many difficulties and contradictions in matter of fact , that it is not possible , by debating fully , to convince either party to assent to the other , especially where heat and prejudice hath someway fixed and preoccupied the judgement ; and certainly , forbearance here cannot be inconsistent with the duty of ministers , although there were not such a motive to perswade it . by forbearance we understand , . that none peremptorily presse the other either to acknowledge the validity or nullity of such a constitution . . there would be a forbearance of publick debating of it , or of any thing that may occasion the same , as pressing of the acts thereof , if no other ground support the same , but the authority of such a synod . and we conceive in the by , this occasion may be prevented by a mutual condescending , or joynt authoritative enacting , that such and such things , as possibly may be usefull afterward , be of force to all , if not by the former constitution , yet by the present appointment , and so both may agree in the matter . . a condemning of others for approving or disapproving the former constitution , would be forborn ; and seing the question is so little and inconsiderable in it self , it would not be odiously aggreaged or insisted upon . secondly , considering it as it relateth to practice , something is to be forborn , and something is to be done . . for forbearance what might involve either party in the matter of fact contrary to their judgment , would be abstained ; and this forbearance in practice would be as broad as forbearance in judgment , that , as cyprian saith , ( in another case ) differing brethren may both have their judgment and practice in such things at their own free arbitrements , as to such restraints . neither can this forbearance mar the peace of any , because if such things be indifferent , and although lawfull , yet not necessary , the preserving of the churches peace , and the preventing of what offence would follow , is ground enough to abstain from such things , out of respect to the consciences of others . if the thing be necessary , then indeed it is not to be forborn , neither is that pleaded-for here ; yet the doing of it upon the account of such an authority , is not necessary ; but the matter of the thing or some uncontroverted ground may be had for warranting the same . . that which is to be done , we conceive , is this , that there be endeavours to have some united , uncontroverted authority established , by whose authority things necessary may be done , without infringing the authority of what was past in respect of those who acknowledge the same , and also without leaving the weight of the authority upon the former to those who question the same : and we conceive this being done , neither is there any conscience straitened , nor any thing necessary for the churches good omitted ; yea , by this means there is access unitedly to seek the churches edification , without any prejudice by the former contention ; because by laying this new foundation posteriour to the former , the church is put beyond that stumbling-block , and carried over , or by the same ; and therefore there is no reason to fear falling upon such a difficulty , but rather with the greater speed to make progresse when men may win by it and leave it behind them . this was the way that the ancients took in the primitive times , even when synods in this respect might have been said to have been corrupted , when god gave opportunity they set themselves to rectifie the matter , and to do upon it what was fit for the good of the church , without mentioning the nullity of the form thereof , or insisting thereupon . and indeed , the doing otherwayes seems to lay too much weight upon the authority or constitution of a church-judicatory , as if when the same is every way regular , it could adde something , or ought to have weight , where the matter is not in it self approvable ; which hath been eschewed by orthodox divines both of old and late , who ever therefore looked most unto the matter determined or decided . if it be asked , what usually was done in such cases where the authority seemed to be declined ? from what is said , the answer may be gathered , to wit , that both sides satisfied themselves with the rectifying of the matter wherein there was any grievance . and therefore ▪ . it will hardly be found , when such a declinatour was expressed in one synod that any mention is made thereof in the next ensuing synod that did rectifie the matter , but instantly they fall upon that . . we will find , that where ●…o expresse declinatour was , yet did not that any way strengthen such an authority , nor mar the condemning thereof more than in other synods where it was , and therefore neither is so much weight to be laid upon it , whether it be or not ; for , its standing doth not weaken authority where it is , and its removing or not being at all , doth not adde authority where it is not , because authority must stand and fall according to its own intrinsick grounds and warrant . and we conceive that it is not suitable to the authority of christ's ordinances , and the nature of his courts , that either the removing or standing of such a legall formality , should be rigidly pressed , and it maketh proceedings in christ's courts to be involved in too many subtilties that are used in humane laws . and also supposing , that a corrupt constitution may be without such a formal protestation , it seems to give too much advantage thereto , as if there were lesse accesse afterward to condemn the same ; and upon the other side , supposing that a lawfully constituted synod should be declined , as the synod of dort was lately by the arminian remonstrants , the pressing too vehemently of the removing thereof , doth suppose some way the constitution to be lesse valid if such a thing should stand . this is only to be understood in the case presupposed , to wit , where the question is not about the authority of synods simply , but of this or that constitution of a particular synod : the first indeed , that is , the questioning of synodical authority , hath been thought intolerable in all times , because it strake at the root of church-government and order , without which the church cannot subsist ; but the second , which acknowledgeth the same government in general , and rules of constitution , and professeth respect to that same authority , is indeed not so intolerable , because it doth suppone still the church to have power , and the exercise thereof to be necessary . hence we will find , that in the primitive times they did utterly condemn appellations from synods simply , that is , the betaking them to another judge , as more proper than , or superiour unto , such synods ; and there are severall canons in the councils of africk that threaten excommunication to such as decline their authority and appeal to rome , or any forreign power as a superiour judge ; yet we will find , that the councils do allow appeals from a lesser number to a greater , or from particular councils to a general . yea , from their own particular synods to a more general hearing of others in the province ; yea , they allow even adjacent provinces to be appealed to in case corruptions should be in one particular province : this was enacted in the council of sardica , and bishops are requested by severall canons not to think this derogatory from their authority , because this did consist well with respect to church-authority and government in it self , but tended only to prevent or remedy exorbitances and abuse therein ; which of it self , if it be not abused , is not ill . chap. xiv . what is to be done in order to union about divisions concerning doctrinall determinations . the question may be concerning the matter enacted by some synod , even when there is no exception against the constitution thereof , that is , when the matter approven by it , is unfound , or when a truth is condemned , at least it is judged to be so . we are not here speaking of such matter as is fundamentall , but such as is consistent with soundnesse of judgement in the main , and piety in these who may be upon either side . such as were these debates concerning the rebaptizing of hereticks , and schismaticks ; or for the admitting them unto the church by confirmation only , and questions of that nature , which may fall to be amongst orthodox men . i suppose it were good , that judicial decisions of such things , were not multiplied ; yet upon supposition that they are past , somewhat would be said . such determinations are of two sorts . first , some are meerly doctrinall , and of this kind are such questions as are concerning the object of predestination , order of gods decrees , and such like , and others , it may be , which are of lesser concernment than these . these being meerly doctrinal and inferring no diversity in practice , or worship , there is the easier accesse to union notwithstanding of such , respect being had to the mutuall forbearance mentioned , so that none be constrained to acknowledge what is enacted by vertue of such a decision , because such a determination in matter of doctrine is but ministeriall , and declarative : and therefore as one man may forbear another to speak his own mind in some things that differ from his , and , it may be , from truth also , and not instantly divide from him , or much contend with him ; so ought he to bear with a synod and not to divide from them upon that account , he having accesse so to declare his own mind and the reasons thereof , and otherwayes to carry himself , as may keep him free of that apprehended guiltinesse ; and so a synod ought to bear with some particular men that differ . but by adding the second kind , there will be ground to speak more . the second kind is of such determinations as have not only a doctrinall decision , but also some practicall consequents following thereupon : which we may again distinguish these wayes . . they are either such consequents and practices as infer a division and opposition , or a diversity only ▪ some consequents infer a division or separation . as suppose a church-synod should enact , that no persons should keep communion with such as they judge not to be godly , nor joyn in ordinances , nor so much as sit down with them ; or that no persons , thinking otherwayes , might lawfully be ordained ministers , or admitted to that office , as sometimes appeareth , hath been determined in very numerous synods of the donatists . indeed the standing of such sentences in force , and having execution accordingly following them , are such , as there can be no union had upon such tearms . again , some practices imply no division in worship , or government , but only something which possibly is in it self unwarrantable , as that act of rebaptizing was , which was determined and enacted by severall councils in africk : which kind of determination may be considered either as peremptory , and exclusive , that is , allowing none to do otherwayes , or to be admitted to ministery and ordinances which should not engage to do so ; or moderated . so as though it held forth such a determination concerning the fact , yet doth not peremptorily presse others beyond their own light . of the first sort were the peremptory acts of the west-church concerning easter , holy dayes and other ceremonies ; of the last , were these acts of the council of africk concerning the rebaptizing of schismaticks wherein none were pressed beyond thir own judgement . again , such consequents and practices that follow church-determinations , may either be presently necessary to be practised and dayly practicall , as suppose a church should make constitutions for administration of baptism and the lords supper , by mixing in with the essentials thereof , such and such corrupt ceremonies and additions ; or , they may be such practices as are only supposable and possible ; but it may be exceeding improbable-like , at least for the future , that there shall be occasion to put them in actuall exercise ; though , it may be , there was some present exigent giving occasion to such a determination , which possibly may never recur ; as suppose , a church should determine , that a converted iew , or turk , should not be baptized in the manner that others are baptized , but some other way ; it may be there was some iew or turk to be baptized when that determination passed ; but that particular act being by , there is no probability that ever there may be accesse to put the same in practice again , although it be not simply impossible . now there is great odds betwixt these two ; and in effect this last case , doth look liker a doctrinall determation when the occasion thereof is past , than any way to be practicall . further , we may distinguish these also in such practices , that are positively enacted to be practised , by an authoritative act , ordaining in such possible cases , that it be so done , that is , when such a case occurreth , men should be astricted to follow the same , and ministers should accordingly act ; or they are such cases , as do not ordain any practice to be done , but do declare such a thing to be lawfull ; as suppose they should declare , a minister might lawfully baptize a iew so as is formerly said , without any peremptory ordaining of the same , which is still , rather a doctrinall decision than a positive ordinance . we may yet add one distinction more , which is this , determination is either to declare such a thing lawful to church-men in some ecclesiastick matter , as suppose ( as was sometimes in the primitive persecutions ) upon some querie from some ministers , it should be enacted , that in such and such cases ministers might flie , sell the church-goods , or use such and such shifts and means for their escape and deliverance , as others , it may be , would think unlawfull . or it is , when the practising of the supposed case belongs to magistrates , or men in civil stations ; as suppose , upon some queries from magistrates or others , enquiring if it were lawfull to admit iews to dwell in such and such places meerly for civil traffick ; or if they might eat and drink with an ambassador of the cham of tartaria ; or help chinas against the tartars ; or such cases , which possibly , beside the occasion of the querie , might never occur : now supposing the case to be decided affirmatively by a church-judicatory , and a rent to have followed thereupon , and to continue after the case is not probably practicall , because of the former decision , and so in the rest of the former suppositions , it is to be enquired , if ? and , how union may be win at in them respectively ? now these distinctions being premitted , we come to consider accordingly , how union may be made up , where division standeth upon such accounts ? in reference to all which , in the general , we say , that peremptorinesse and self-willednesse being excluded ( which are expresly prohibited to be in a minister ) it is not impossible to attain union amongst faithfull , sober , and orthodox men , who will acknowledge that mutuall condescending and forbearance is necessary ; which by going through the particular steps will appear : wherein we may relate to the former generall grounds laid down , and be the shorter in instances and reasons , because this draweth out in length beyond our purpose ; and also , because verbum sapienti satis est : and these especially that are concerned in this , need not by us either to be instructed , or perswaded to their duty , many of whom the lord hath eminently made use of to teach , convince , and perswade others . we shall only , as in all the rest , offer some things to their view , which may occasion the remembering of what they know , and the awakening of the zeal and affection that they have , to act accordingly . to come then to the first sort of determinations , which are doctrinall ; it may appear from what is said , that there can be no just ground of division upon that account ; for , in such things a church may forbear particular persons : and again , particular persons may forbear a church . it is not to be thought , that all orthodox divines are of the same mind in all things that are decreed in the synod of dort , particularly in reference to the object of predestination ; yet the synod hath not made any division by censuring of such , neither these who differ from that determination have broken off communion with the church , but have keeped communion : and union in the church hath not been thereby interrupted ; yet these who apprehend themselves to be right , cannot but think the other is in an errour : and if this forbearance be not allowed , there can never be union in the church , except we should think that they behoved all to be in the same mind about such things , and that there should never be a decision in a church , but when there is absolute harmony ; for supposing the plurality to decide right , yet these , whose judgement were condemned , were obliged according to their light to divide , seing they are in their own judgments right , it is true , i suppose that it is not simply unlawful , or hurtful to truth for a church-judicatory , out of respect to peace in the church , to condescend abstractly to wave a ministeriall decision without wronging of the matter ; as suppose these in africk , for peace had waved their judiciall decision of the necessity of rebaptizing in such a case ; or these who determined the contrary , might have waved theirs , yet neither of them had hurt their own opinion . or suppose , that in the decisions that were concerning easter , upon both sides of the controversie , either had past from their decisions , and left the matter in practice to mens arbitrement without any decision , i suppose this had not been a wrong to truth ( supposing it to have been on either side ) and indeed considering what is written in the history , something like this may be gathered . for , first , it is clear , that there were determinations on both sides , and particularly , that the west church , and these that joyned with them , did determine the lords day necessarily to be keeped for distinguishing them from the iews . . it is also clear , that policrates , with many bishops in asia , did judicially condemn that deed , appointing the fourteenth day of the month to be keeped , so that necessarily both decisions could not stand . and ▪ . this is clear also , that the way that was taken to settle that difference so stated , was , that judiciall decisions should be waved , and men left to their own arbitrement to observe what day they thought good , whether in the east or west church , whereupon followed an union ; and policarpus did communicate with anicetus at rome upon these tearms , ut neuter eorum sententiam suam urgeret aut defenderet ( as the centariators have it out of ireneus ) that is , that neither of them should urge or defend their own opinion : and upon this there followed peace notwithstanding of that difference . it brake up again more strongly in the time of victor , and although ireneus was of his judgment , yet did he vehemently presse him not to trouble the church by pursuing such a determination , and did exceeding weightily expostulat with him for it ; he wrote also to the other party , that both of them might forbear the pressing of such decisions , and that the thing might be left to mens arbitrement , without prejudice to the churches union , as formerly it had been used : this is clear from church-history , and that word of sozomen , lib. . cap. . is weighty , frivolum enim , & quidem merito , judicarunt , consuetudinis gratia , à se mutuo segregari eos qui in praecipuis religionis capitibus consentirent , that is , they judged it , and upon good ground , most frivolous for men to be separated or divided one from another , because of a custome , who did agree together in the main points of religion . and though this matter be of it self no controversie decided in the word , ( at least as it was stated ) yet considering their thoughts of it , and the grounds which they alleage for it , it was not so to them : and that peremptorines of victors , who afterward would not be reclaimed from that second determination , is condemned by all , as being the ground of that following schism . and indeed in such cases , where two parts of a church are divided , having independent authorities as to one another , and there being contrary determinations in the same question , it seemeth convenient and necessary for peace , that either both should wave their decisions , or that both should permit the decisions of each other to stand and be in force , to such only as should acquiesce therein , and willingly acknowledge the same . again , where there is nothing like a party or equality , but the division is in the same one church betwixt a greater and smaller number , and the greater will not be induced to remove their determination ; it is no way sinfull to the lesser to joyn with them notwithstanding thereof , they having their own freedom and liberty cautioned , as was formerly said ; yea , this seemeth not unexpedient that they should do for the good of the church . . because it is not so readily to be expected , that men who have such an advantage will cede to these who have it not . . it may have inconveniencies , if a smaller dissenting number should necessitat a church to wave former determined truths , though possibly not fundamental , because of their dissatisfaction therewith , who esteem them not to be truths , and strengthen others in a schism , as if they could not keep union and communion with a church where any thing contrary their mind were determined . also , . it seemeth most agreeable to reason , that in sinlesse cedings , the lesser number should cede to the greater . and , . because by so doing , this accidental confirmation of an opinion , by having the plurality of a church or synod for it , is left open to the other side , when they may be the plurality . hence we see generally , that the minor part cedeth to the greater ( if the not pressing of the removal of such a decision be a ceding ) yea , even when the plurality were wrong , as in that case of africk , these who differed , did not presse the rescinding of that determination , having their own liberty : nor did these that had the plurality then for them , impose any bond to keep the other from rescinding their determinations , if they should come to be in such a capacity , but both keeped peace for the time ; and afterwards , in the dayes of augustine , we will find councels of the church of africk , determining the just contrary concerning that case of baptizing , and yet still entertaining peace and communion amongst themselves , although the authoritative decision stood alwayes upon the side of the plurality . chap. xv. what shall be done in order to union about such decisions , as have practical consequents following thereon . to come to the second case , to wit , anent such decisions as have some practicall consequents following thereupon ; for the more short answering , we shall lay down these assertions . assert . . in such practices as are opposit , and infer division in the cases mentioned , there can be no union or communion expected , as we see in all the cases where such have been practised , as of the novatians , donatists , and such like ; there may be more or lesse heat and bitternesse betwixt men that differ so : but there cannot be union , because , such determinations and practices do draw a line , and build a wall of separation betwixt the one and the other , and so makes one side to be accounted as not of the same body . assert . . where the consequents only infer some difference , or are not peremptorily pressed , they do not infer necessarily a division , as we see in the cases of africk , and others mentioned ; and sozomen in the chapter cited , giveth many instances of diversities of this kind in churches , without any breach of communion , and saith it is necessary , because , neque easdem traditiones per omnia similes , in omnibus ecclesus , quamvis in omnibus consentiant , reperire possis , that is , ye will hardly find the same traditions alike in all things in all the churches , even though they agree in all things that are material . and , upon the matter , such determinations are but indeed as if they were doctrinall to such as acknowledge them not , and men are accordingly to walk in them . assert . . in such practices as are daily practicable , in respect of the occasions thereof , union is more difficult ( though not impossible ) than in such cases where the occasion of practice is not probable , because there being no present occasion to practise the same , it looketh most unwise like , to bring in , or keep in , a more certain and greater evil in the church , for eschewing of what folks may never be put to ; and suppose the case to be past , that may probably never recurre , it is more for the churches good by abstaining the approbation of such an act , and by not being involved in the apprehended guilt thereof , to make up again the communion of the church , for the preventing of a greater hurt , because that continueth to be a duty , and is necessary to edification ; and the thing being past , ought not to be the occasion of a present and following division , as was formerly said . if it be said , how can there be union in such a case upon the principle supposed , till ( as may be said by one side ) those who have decided and acted corruptly should repent , and ( as may be said by the other ) till those who have divided unjustly from the church , and wronged the authority thereof , should acknowledge their offence , without which there cannot be union ? for answer to which we say , . what if neither party shall ever be brought to repent or acknowledge an offence ? shall the church in such a case never attain to union ? repentance implyeth a conviction , and this implyeth information and clearness in the judgment that such a thing is wrong . now , it being often seen that it is impossible to get men of one judgment concerning such a thing , must therefore union be impossible till men be of one judgment ? this hath been formerly disproved . . what if this had been the mind of the churches and servants of god from the beginning of the world ? there had never been publick-ecclesiastick , nor privat-christian peace ; for they were never all of one judgment : and to assert or write what is supposed to be an errour , is proportionably a sin and an offence , as to determine it judicially ; and it would infer the necessity of repentance ▪ even in such cases , for the attaining of peace and making up of differences ; and shall we thus at once condemn the generation of gods people , who have , without proposing , or , at least , pressing of such a thing , entertained peace and union amongst themselves ? . this would enervate all the former grounds that plead for union with forbearance , and such like , which , i suppose , will not be warrantably done . . this way is indeed either to make union the more impossible , or if union be attained in any measure , both the lesse hearty amongst themselves , and the lesse profitable unto others , as hath been formely cleared . . we are not to respect in this , mens particular carriage or desert ( which possibly would not be thought of great concernment by others , not engaged in that debate ) but the churches good is to be looked to , and what it doth require , as we may gather from what hath been formerly said . and if church-censures ( such as the enjoyning of publick repentance , or acknowledgment of an offence , are ) be to be abstained from , even in reference to open corrupt teachers sometimes for respect to the union of the church , and for the preventing the stumbling of those that are weak , and prone to divide or miscarry ( if such should be censured ) as we see in paul's abstaining to censure the false teachers , gal. . and cor. . ( spoken to in the former part ) much more are censures of any sort to be abstained from upon that ground , in the case proposed , as it is considered in its matter and persons differing . hence we may find what condescendence hath been formerly used in such cases , when union hath been closed , or proposed to be closed , ( in matters possibly of greater moment than are supposed ) sine detrimento honoris , aut charitatis , that is , without prejudice to reputation , or charity . . we therefore say in opposition to that objection , that union is to be studied , by endeavouring to joyn in what is for the good of the church , and by burying the resentment of each others wrongs , rather than ( as beza saith in that forecited epistle to grindal concerning division ) there should be too curious , and , as it were , contention-affecting enquiry made , who is most in the wrong , and thereby a bringing the matter to that passe , that the whole body cannot be saved , but by cutting off of some members . . we adde ▪ if repentance be necessary , will any think that division is the way or mean to attain the same , which doth imbitter and confirm men in their opinion and opposition respectively , as formerly hath been said ? it will be now no great difficulty to answer in the last two cases , to wit , when the decision is a simple declaration of the lawfulnesse of a thing , without any positive appointment that such a thing should be put in practice , &c. for , if upon the former grounds union may be attained , and division removed in the former cases , it may be much more in this ; most of all , where the matter determined , concerneth such practices as actually are to be performed but in some extraordinary case by civil powers . because in such cases men may more easily condescend to forbearance , than in matters of greater necessity and concernment ; and there can be but little prejudice alleaged to follow unto the church ( to be put in the ballance with the churches peace ) either by condescending that such a determination should be waved , or stand with the qualifications foresaid ; it 's true that tenaciousnesse in the least particular , and peremptory refusing to condescend therein , will breed a rent and schism , and make union as impossible , as if it were the greatest matter that were the ground of distance ; yet it would seem , that in the case presupposed , ( especially these last three being put together ) that judicious , sober , and godly men should be very easily induced to condescend to each other , with the qualifications foresaid , for the churches peace . for , . the matter , although it hath a right and wrong in it , yet it is among the least of the truths that may be accounted to relate to the foundation . . it 's in a matter most improbably practicable , and which may possibly never occur . . it 's a determination , or an exercise of church-power that hath least influence upon church-matters , seing it positively ordaineth nothing . . it 's in a thing most extrinsick , which might have been put in practice , and usually is put in practice without the churches intermedling therein , either pro or contra . it seemeth therefore unsuitable that such a determination in reference to such practices , should be greatly contended-for , when neither the standing of such a decision can procure , nor the removing thereof mar , the practices concerning which the decision is . . supposing the qualifications foresaid , the standing of such a decision doth not strengthen the affirmative opinion , because it doth not infer any bond or obligation upon others who do not of their own accord acquiesce in the same ; nor doth it give ground for alleaging such a decision to any but to such as of themselves are swayed with the matter thereof : and therefore seing it hath no force to bind moe than would be bound with the matter if it were not ; nor can infer that it is the judicial decision and judgment of such a church , more than this , to wit , that it is the judgment of the plurality for the time , yet so as it is not acknowledged by others , and who are not to be constrained to any alteration in their judgment , or in their practice , by that determination , more than if it had never been ( which is a necessary qualification of the forbearance mentioned ) and supposing the said decision to be waved , these particulars would be true . again , upon the other side , the removing of that decision doth not strengthen the negative ( for that cannot be intended by such a composure that either side should be strengthened ) nor doth the standing thereof weaken the same ; because ▪ according to the qualifications foresaid , not only there can be no censure following upon it , but even as to the determination it self , though it be not formally removed , to be no decision simply , it is no decision to them , nor can be alleaged to them against their opinion , more than if it were not : and thus it becometh of equall extent with those who approve the matter , and so it doth bind only such as account themselves bound ; and if men account themselves bound , the removing of such a decision , will not loose them ; and if they account not themselves bound otherwayes , the standing thereof in such a case , will not bind them ; and therefore , upon the matter , we suppose , it is hardly imaginable that there can be a lesser ground of division , ( the qualifications necessary for union in the cases of greater concernment being granted in this ) sure we are there was never division continued upon a lesser account , to whatsoever side we look ; for , in effect , it is for the time to come as if that decision had never been , as to its efficacie and weight in producing any effect . and we are sure that the great divines that have so eagerly pursued , and so much coveted union , would have thought themselves happy if they might have had it by condescending and yeelding either to the one side or the other . and though the moderate divine bucer , was thought to thirst after peace in the church so vehemently , that some zealous men said , that out of love thereto he was like almost haurire foeces , that is , to drink down the dregs with it ; yet i am confident , that had the state of the controversie come so near , and in such matter , and amongst such men , as is formerly presupposed , he would not have been so charged by the most rigid , although for the peace of the church he had drunken-over all the dreggs that might be in both the cups , the mentioned qualifications being observed ; for , i suppose , that the removing or standing of such a decision in the former respects , will neither be found inconsistent with any confession of faith , even the most full that ever was in any orthodox church ; nor with the fundamentals of religion that are laid down in any catechisms or writings of any sound divines ; nor with the constitutions and acts that have been thought necessary to be inrolled amongst the acts of any council or synod ; nor , for ought we know , will be found to have been the matter of debate , even in the most contentious times amongst orthodox divines : it would seem then , that if there be a latitude allowed without hazard for one to condescend to another for the good of the church in any thing , it must be in the case presupposed , chap. xvi . the remedies of divisions , arising from misapplication of power in ordination of ministers , and admitting to , or debarring from , communion . the fourth matter of controversie in reference to government , is usually some misapplication of that power , or what is apprehended to be so in some particular acts . as , . ordaining such as were not thought to be worthy . . deposing others ( as was thought ) unjustly . . admitting unto , or debarring from communion without ground respectively , and such like cases . upon the first ground arose the great schism of the donatists , because of the ordination of caecilianus , esteemed by them to be a traditor . of such sort also were the schisms frequently at antioch , constantinople , alexandria , and other places , because some were ordained to the dissatisfaction of others . and sometimes the dissatisfaction was well grounded ; because the persons ordained , were not worthy : sometimes it was groundlesse ; but often it tended to double ordination , and separation in the close . these things had need to be prevented , so as there be no just ground of dissatisfaction given by the ordination of an unworthy man in such a time , nor any opposit ordination to fix a schism ; because these things are more difficulty removed , as hath been said : yet supposing them to be , these generals may be proposed for healing of the same . . we will not find an ordination easily counted to be null , even though done in a schism , as all the instances do clear ; yea , the orthodox stood not to account the bishops and presbyters ordained amongst the donatists , to be such , because they had the essentials of ordination , and were ordained by church-officers . . we suppose it needfull for peace , that there be no rigid sticking to have some particular ordinations rectified , to the prejudice of the church in general , especially , where the unfitnesse or unworthiness of the person is not easily demonstrable . . it seemeth right and just , that no ordination of such a kind should establish one that is unworthy in the ministery : for , that is not to be dispensed with ; although it be not a valid ground to keep up a division , where the removall of such a person cannot be attained : and the most unquestionable ordination for the form , cannot make one a worthy minister , who otherwayes is not a worthy person . in the conferences with the donatists , the catholicks offered to quarrell the ordination of none amongst them that otherwayes was worthy , nor to maintain any amongst themselves who were not worthy . . yet union would not be suspended till this be done , but it is to be made up , that it may be done , as in the instance formerly given . because , . this trial is the work of an united kirk , and will require joynt strength and concurrence for the same . . because union is a present duty , although there were defect in such a trial , and a defect in that , will not warrant a division . . it is not only a duty commanded , but it is a mids necessary for promoving the triall and censuring of unworthy ministers , for times of division are ever times of liberty , and thereby authority is weakened , men are discouraged to follow it , and are otherwayes diverted , &c. . because division can never be looked upon as the mean to effectuate that tryall , but it strengthens the person who is to be tryed , and lesseneth the number of zealous pursuers of such a design , and incapacitates men for this duty , who otherwayes might be instrumental therein . . beside , if the guilt be not so very palpable , as it may be demonstrated to be in persons , at such a time , it is safer to preserve certain peace in the church , than to hunt for an uncertain crime , as hath been often said . fifthly , where a persons being in a place , is the ground of contention , and things look not satisfyinglike in his way , even though grosnesse be not demonstrable , we think it not unbecoming the authority of church-judicatories , which is given for edification , to appoint the removal of such a person from such a place , ( as was formerly hinted ) for , it looketh sad like , that a minister's being in such a particular place , should be more obstructive to edification and to the churches peace , than if he were not a minister at all . and it becometh well that singlenesse that a minister ought to have in seeking the edification of the church , to yeeld to such an advice and appointment , or , of himself willingly to overture the same . for , ministers are not to plead interest in a congregation simply , as a man doth his particular right ; because every thing of this kind ought to be done with respect to the edification of the body , the promoting whereof , ought to regulate both entries and removals . it 's true , there would be warinesse here , lest dangerous precedents be given ; yet considering , that a minister who may somewhat peremptorily plead interest , and that jure in the ministery , that yet cannot with that same strength of reason plead it in such and such a particular congregation ; and considering , that it is a publick good that is respected , and not the satisfaction or dissatisfaction of some in a particular congregation , we conceive the former assertion cannot be simply denied . where contrair ordinations are , it is more difficult ; yet it would be considered that all these things we speak of now , are but particular : and therefore although full satisfaction should not be obtained in them , yet ought they not to be stumbled upon to the prejudice of union in generall , in which the good of the church is more eminently concerned , as hath been said ; yet where peace is intended , we suppose this difficulty may be win over , one of these wayes , which have been formerly in use in such cases . as , . sometimes one person did willingly cede to another for the good of the church ; so did basilius in a case formerly mentioned , for which his condescendency he is ever highly commended . neither can this be thought to be a casting by of the care of such a people , but rather the contrary , it is more their good , that they should be united under one orthodox minister , though the more weak man , than to continue a division with two that are more able . . sometimes where two were , it was thought good to unite them in their meetings , and that the longest liver should alone be acknowledged , if no other occasion offered , and neither were unworthy of the place , as in a case at antioch formerly mentioned . . sometimes both have been laid aside , where neither have been worthy , or factions have been strong for either party , and so rooted prejudice of the adherers to the one side against the other . this overture is offered by augustine to the donatists , for composing that difference of opposit ordinations , which was frequent amongst them , each city almost having two bishops ; and this way hath been followed in composing many schisms , even of late . . sometimes the party offended and wronged by an opposit ordination , hath keeped division down in some respect , by ceding , or withdrawing , or hiding their offence , till some probable or regular way hath occurred ; rather choosing never to possesse such a place than to do it by wronging of the church , in keeping up an irregular schism , when there was no accesse orderly to redresse it . thus eusebius being offended that lucifer had ordained paulinus a bishop in antioch to a party disclaiming him , who were called eustachians ▪ he moderated his carriage and withdrew , waiting to have had a lawful decision , and resolving to be submissive to that . where men mind the good of the work , it is not like but some such way will compose these things ; and if these fail , we will find also adjacent bishops travelling to compose the same ; yea , sometimes men of authority coming from very far ; and also some by civil authority appointed to treat therein , as in the closing of that schism at antioch ; for , schisms , arising from such discontents , are not ordinarily by meer authority removed , because there is often something both of affection and conscience in the businesse : there is need therefore of mutuall friendly conferring for giving and receiving of satisfaction therein . chap. xvii . remedies of divisions arising from the misapplication of power , in censuring , or sparing ministers , reall or supposed . another part of the exercise of this power ( which often in its misapplication , or its being pretended to be so , is the ground of church-divisions ) is the matter of censuring and deposing of ministers , and that two wayes . the one is , when some good men are deposed , or such as are supposed to be so , whereby persons that apprehend the injustice of the fact , do disclaim such a power , and adhere to such a person notwithstanding . thus did the schism at constantinople arise for the unjust deposition of chrysostom , and his adherents were called ihoannitae , as if they had been of another religion ; such also was that of the eustachians at antioch ; which being driven against honest men , and there being no condescending , at least what was once condescended unto , being again recalled , there was no stopping of such divisions , till in the manner , formerly hinted , and that being after both their deaths . in such cases extremities are to be shunned , for , its extremity that maketh rents , that is , too little condescending on the one side , and too much tenaciousness on the other . one extremity to be eschewed , is , when church-judicatories are too tenacious of a past sentence , or the formality of some legall advantage which seemeth to justifie the sentence , as in that case of chrysostoms , almost all the weight was laid on this at first , that he refused to appear before them , or acknowledge their authority as they were constituted : and although both the people and others did adhere to him , yet there was no condescending , which occasioned a great schism ▪ and was exce●…dingly condemned by the generality of faithfull men in these dayes . another extremity is , upon the other side , when for satisfaction of a judicatory too little is ceded ; or upon supposition , even of an unjust sentence , a schism is stated , to the hurt of the church . in this case we may observe these things , . that sometimes the judicatory hath condescended to re-admit a person , otherwayes of esteem , although possi●…ly some particular slip hath been , that in strict justice might have deserved the sentence : this was in the case of osius formerly cited . it is true , there is no mention of the cause wherefore the synod of spain did depose him , nor is it clear whether it be that famous osius , whom the arians deposed and whipped till he approved athanasius his deposition ; yet this is clear , that he being a man esteemed of in the church , though possibly out of infirmity having fallen in that fault , he was for concord restored , sine detrimento honoris , without prejudice to his credit . . where men have been deposed upon the breach of some legality , or contempt , if otherwayes they have been men of gifts , and approv●…n integrity in the main , though possibly thought proud and rigid by others , as in that case of chrysostom ; they were again received into the church , and the sentences with consent laid by , as appeareth in the readmitting of chrysostom after his first deposition ( of the justice of whose sentence of deposition , because there was no convincing evidence to satisfie the people , severinus in preaching did say . that his pride was reason sufficent ) which for a time removed the division , and brought a chearfull calmnesse , till shortly after his old enemies interrupted it , and did enter a new processe with him , because he had re-entered his bishoprick being once deposed by a synod , and not having their authority ; ( which was grounded even upon the constitutions of arian councils ) this being the second time driven-on against the intreaties and obtestations of many worthy bishops and good people who adhered to him , did again renew and fix that schism . . when the men were otherwayes corrupt , or discovered to be grosse and prophane , although many other orthodox men did interpose for them , yet by all means it was resisted ; because they still supposed such worthy men that sided with such to be mis-informed . and it 's observable , that the most peaceable synods who did most for union , as those in africk , and that of spain , who had received osius , because of the churches of france their interposing , by that to prevent a schism , yet were they most peremptory , as it were , in this , and refused to receive barsilides and martialis , as that of carthage did refuse apiarius , notwithstanding that rome interposed for them , giving this reason , that there was a necessity of having the churches provided with faithfull and holy ministers . . sometimes , and oftentimes men sentenced , though possibly with too much rigidity , if not with injustice , have yet submitted with respect to the churches peace , either totally , and upon that ground have again been admitted ; or partially , by abstaining to act any thing contrary to such a sentence , but for reverence thereunto waiting for some legal redresse , as in history is frequent ; and it is fit it should be so in such cases where the hurt is particular , and proceedeth not from a common design of undoing all faithfull ministers ; because the making of a schism , doth more hurt than the contending for their particular ministery doth edifie in such a case ; and therefore sometimes though some men have been pressed to under value an unjust sentence , and to continue to officiate notwithstanding , yet out of respect to church-authority and order , have refused till they should be admitted orderly unto the same . indeed when the arians drave on the deposition of their most eminent opposers , it was otherwayes , because ( as is marked in the councill of sardica ) in bearing down of them , they endeavoured to bear down the truth which they maintained : but , where the controversie is not such , but the men orthodox and sound on both sides , though possibly there may be some particular faults or mistakes ; in such a case , it is safer for either side to cede in part , or wholly , than to keep up a division : and we conceive , when one side cedeth not , if the other should cede wholly , it would be most to the advantage of their cause , and to the commendation and strengthening of their authority in the churches of christ. the other occasion of bebate in such church-matters , is upon the defect , that is , when some are really , or are thought to be , connivers at guiltie men , or at least defective in putting of them to triall : others again , may be thought too forward and precipitant in that , whereupon ariseth difference ; and if one cede not to another , it becometh the occasion of division , as may be seen in instances formerly given : concerning which , we say , . that men would remember , this is but one particular of many , that tend to the churches good , ( though indeed a main particular ) and so ought not to be the rise of a division , nor of continuing thereof , to the marring of the churches peace in other things , but men ought singly to do their duty , and therein to acquiesce , without partaking of the faults of others , whether it be by being defective , or by exceeding in that mater ; and seing there may be no corrupt design in either who may be upon these extreames , it would not be so highly aggreaged on either side . . we say , that as often difference in this , may breed divisions ; so again , divisions do occasion mens differing more in this : and it cannot be expected where division is , that men who are men and subject to be byassed , can be so single in receiving testimonies of the innocency of these that differ from them , or of the guiltinesse of these that agree with them , as if there were no division at all : and again , it is impossible , that where there is a difference in some other thing , that men can think others differing from them so single and unbyassed , as they suppose themselves to be , but are still ready to construct their differing from them in this to be occasioned from some former prejudice ; for , as was said , division breedeth jealousie , suspicion , and distrust among men , and men are naturally inclined to suspect that others drive the design of strengthening themselves by the sentencing of such a person , whereby they are secretly induced , even unawares , to disappoint such a supposed unstreight end , which maketh them on both sides suspect every thing , dispute every thing , and readily reject every thing that cometh from the other . . we say therefore , that union would not be suspended upon satisfaction in this , but rather union would be pressed , that satisfaction in this may be attained ; because satisfaction in this cannot be expected till there be mutuall confidence of one anothers integrity : and till there be some walking together , and some further evidence of the sincerity of each other in the main businesse , this mutuall confidence cannot be expected : and again , this cannot be obtained without an union , and so consequently union would be laid as a foundation for attaining of satisfaction even in this . . it would be considered , that oftentimes such apprehensions of extremities , which are imputed to honest and zealous men , are most groundlesse ; but there being something in them as men , it is conceived on the other hand , because of secretly entertained jealousie , to be much more . there was nothing more casten up to the orthodox by the novatians and donatists , than that they were defective in this , in admitting to , and retaining in the ministery , men that were corrupt , yet after many trials they were never able to prove what they alleaged upon some eminent persons when it came to triall , even when such things were generally accounted true amongst them . this would be adverted , that every general rumour be not accounted a truth , especially in the times of division , for so , few of the most eminent on both sides should be innocent . again , on the other side , it occasioned much heat against chrysostom , that he had censured many of his bishops , and threatened many of his clergie ; this did exceedingly provoke envy against him , and made such men to vent many calumnies on him , which were too much regarded , even by some orthodox and good men , who differed from him upon another account ( as epiphanius did upon the occasion of origens writings ) yet in no history it is recorded , that he aimed at the censuring of any unjustly , though he did censure with a naturall vehemency , as he did every other thing ; but the history saith , men spake much of the number of these that were sentenced by him , and of the vehemency of his manner in reproving and censuring of their faults , which they accounted to be pride , not considering the faults for which he did censure them ; but men having conceived prejudice at him , were the readier to admit of their accusations against him , as if they had been unjustly dealt with by him , and upon that same ground of prejudice at him , were the more inclinable to restore them whom he sentenced . . it is to be considered also , that zeal against such as are justly censurable , is most consistent with a spirit of union in the church , as appeareth by the former instances of men most tender of union , and yet most zealous in this : yea , these two go together ; because zeal for the churches edification , constraineth to union , and doth also presse the removing of corrupt unfaithfull ministers , which , next to division in a church , is the greatest plague of a church . therefore these things would be adverted , . that the purging of the church of such , and the work of union , would be joyntly respected , otherwayes if union be sleighted , it will hazard the falling in too nearly with the schisms of the novatians and donatists , which have been so hurtfull to the church . . union when it is in competition with the deposing of some unfaithfull men , and both cannot be obtained together , it ought to be preferred , as we see the apostle doth , cor. . . who will not censure in such a case , lest he state a schism ; for , the continuing of such in a church , is indeed a hurt , seing they are uselesse , and in a great part hurtfull , yet so , honest ministers may have accesse to do good beside them : but when schisms enter , the hurt thereof is more comprehensive , and they do render unusefull the ministery both of good and bad . . it would be considered also , that the division being in the case supposed , where men are orthodox and pious on both sides , it is not so exceedingly to be feared , that either men , palpably corrupt in doctrine , or conversation , should be entertrained upon the one side or that men useful in the church , and blamelesse in their conversations , should be crushed upon the other . . it would follow also , that union should be no prejudice to the ridding of the church of corrupt ministers , but that it should be studied where there is need , because it is a fruit of the same spirit ( to be zealous against corrupt men ) from which meeknesse and moderation toward these who are not such , do proceed ; and therefore if there be any such object of zeal , as an unfaithfull minister , ( as it is not like that ever the church was , or shall be free of such ) then ought men to bestir themselves faithfully in the removing of such . it is marked and commended in the angel of ephesus , rev. . v. , . that he was eminent in patience and enduring , and yet so zealous in this , that he could endure no unsent minister , but tryed such as called themselves apostles , &c. which contemperature or mixture is exceedingly commended : and in reference to the scope which we are upon , zeal in this , is not only a duty as at other times , but a speciall mean having influence on the procuring of union ; because so , one of the great stumblings that hath been in the church to make the ministery contemptible is removed , and a practicall evidence of mens zeal is given , which tendeth to lay a ground of confidence of them in the hearts of others ; so , also men are keeped from falling under the tentation of luke-warmnesse , and forgetting of every duty , but the supporting of the side , at least , that which usually is imputed in such a case , is removed ; and also by this , men would find the necessity of bearing with many things in others , who may in the main be supposed to be honest : and however , it is the way to be approven before god , and to have a testimonie in the consciences of others . all which conduce exceedingly to union ; whereas universall cessation from this , as if there were no such matter to work upon , and obstructing formally , yea , or materially or virtually any thing thereof , doth exceedingly tend to the fixing of division , and cooling of the affections of many that look on , without which , that is , warmed affections , there is little accesse to hearty union . . we say , that this duty of purging would not be so in its vehemency pressed , either under a division , or while union is not confirmed , as when a church is in a good condition ; because , that were to give strong physick to an unsettled weak body , that might rather stir the humours to the prejudice of the whole , than remove them : therefore we conceive , that sobriety and prudence would be used here , in moderating of the exercise of this duty , till the union be confirmed , and , as it were , by preparations the body be disposed for the same : therefore if faults be not grosse , evidences clear , and a persons unfruitfulnesse or hurtfulnesse demonstrable , ( in which cases no difference amongst such parties as are to be united , is to be feared ) it is safer for the church to abstain the same , than to hazard the opening or ruffling of a wound scarcely cured , by the unseasonable pressing of such a duty . the apostle doth in severall cases spare consures of unfaithfull men , out of respect to the churches good , as hath been formerly hinted ; and as the judicious divine mr. gillespy ( who yet cannot be branded with luke-warmnesse in this duty ) in his aarons rod , maketh out , and doth give instances of severall cases , wherein this forbearance is called-for . in sum , we suppose that having to do in such a case with such persons , it is more safe for men to do their own duty , keeping the peace of the church , and to leave others to do according to the manifestnesse of things as they shall answer before god , as to their seeking the good of his church ; and if this prevail not with such men for ordering them in their duty , will any think that the keeping up , or threatening of division , will prevail ? lastly , it would be considered , if such ends as any side would propose , either in keeping in , or purging out of men who are thought fit or unfit respectively , can be attained without union , so as with it . therefore seing that is a thing which belongeth to government , and men are to be swayed in such acts by what conduceth most to edification , when they cannot attain the length they would ( as we suppose men shall never do , in this matter of purging ) they then are to walk by this rule of choosing what comparatively is most edifying , as was formerly said . sometimes also difference hath been about the excommunicating of persons , or readmitting again to communion : but what concerneth this may be somewhat understood from the former grounds , wherein extremities would be shunned , and the churches peace , and the authority of the ordinances studied : also , we have otherwayes beyond our purpose become so long , ( and possibly ad nauseam usque ) in other things , we shall therefore forbear particular descending into this , but proceed in the generals proposed . chap. xviii . the fears of mis-government for the time to come , and remedies thereof . the last thing in government , which was proposed , as that whereabout differences and divisions do arise , is , in reference to government for the time to come , and resolves in this , who shall have chief hand in the decision of matters that after may fall out , supposing the union to be made up . this resulteth from the present diffidence and prejudice which each hath in reference to other , and from that impression that men have , that there will be a driving of sides , according to power , even under a concluded union : and indeed somewhat may be feared and expected , at least for a time , considering mens distance in such a case ; for , if diffidence and suspicion be come to that height under divisions , that one will not trust another in some petty particular fact that is past ; or lay by jealousie where no proof is , notwithstanding of all solemn attestations ; it 's no marvel that in matters of greater consequence which are to come , they do not easily give them credit . this is often the greatest businesse to be composed in a difference : hence it is , that sometimes bygones , which have been the rise of the division , may be removed , when as yet this cannot be composed , because there is no way conceivable how both parties may have the chief hand in government , and neither being willing to cede to the other , either from a secret ground of sleighting one another , or from that root of suspicion whereby they conceive all lost that the other is able to carry over them , whereby from fear of hazarding the churches good condition , they run here in a certain prejudice , and , in some sense , fall in that inconvenience , which a writer observeth on the contending of two bishops , expressed in this as the ground of their division ▪ ●…nus ut prae●…sset alter ne sube●…et . sed neuter ut prodesset ; which is often-times , on the matter , too true in all such contests , this last being a consequent of the former two . this difference may be considered two wayes , . as it pretendeth a dissatisfaction with the persons who are to govern ; some , upon the one side , thinking it unfit to joyn with prophane men ; some , upon the other , disdaining to joyn with schismaticks . in this strait were the fathers of the council of carthage in their dealing with the donatists ; some of them asserting , on the one side , that there was no uniting with such as the generality of the catholicks were ; and augustine often citeth the word of p●…tmianus , given-in to them as an answer to the desire of a conference , indignum est ut in unum conventant fi●…ii martyrum , & progenies traditorum ; that is , it is a most unseemly thing that the sons of martyrs , and the brood of traditors should assemble together in one place . on the other hand , they were pressed from rome and parts adjacent , not to unite with these schismaticks the donatists , as may be seen in that council ; yet did they find it their duty to seek union with them notwithstanding , and to admit , that such of them as were put before from their churches , should be repossessed by him that was appointed cognitor , and deputed by the emperour in that conference , ut eo modo eos ad conferendum etiam beneficiis invitaret ; that is , that so he might invite them to conference at least by such benefits . this principle , we suppose , ought not , nor will not stick in the hearts of such men , and in such a case , as is presupposed , and it leadeth to a these , that there is no communion in government to be keeped , where , upon any of the former accounts , men are displeased with such persons as are joyned therein with them : and though affection , and sometimes inclination , being stirred with prejudice and discontent , will be ready to make some such practices to be plausible , which do infer this ; yet , i suppose , the thesis it self will not be maintained , more than such a ground will warrant separation in any other ordinance ; and the grounds formerly laid down in several parts of this discourse , will not admit of such a principle , which , if admitted , would exclude union for ever , we shall therefore passe this . the second and main difficulty then , is , in the ordering of things so for the time to come , as the ends of union and government may thereby be obtained , and that nothing that may be justly feared by one side or other , may be altogether sleighted . in reference to this , it will not be expected that we should be particular or satisfying , yet not to leave it altogether imperfect . we shall , first , propose some general considerations , to mollifie the sharpnesse of division upon this account . . offer some general helps , which in such cases may be thought on . . lay down some advertisements upon supposition that full satisfaction be not obtained . we propose these considerations to be thought on concerning this , . in such a thing it is impossible that men on both , or either side , can expect full satisfaction to their mind , or even simply to their light ; because men have not the carving out of what is good to the church simply before them , but comparatively and in reference to such and such a circumstantiate case ; and therefore must resolve , that respect must be had to the satisfaction of others as of themselves ; for , it is not the satisfaction of one side that maketh up union , but of both : and therefore it must be resolved to be such a satisfaction to both , as neither is fully and simply satisfied therein ; and for that cause it 's not to be expected that in such a case all inconveniences which are possible , can be satisfyingly prevented , or questions concerning the same answered . i doubt if in any case there will be full satisfaction as to these . . let it be considered ▪ if the abstaining of uniting will prevent these inconveniences upon either side , and if it doth not rather bring on greater , and moe upon the church ; and if inconveniences sway , which are lesser and more uncertain in the one case , those which are greater and more inevitable , ought to sway more in the other ; for , it 's already presupposed , that joyning doth not make one guilty in these inconveniencies , more than abstaining doth . yea , . let it be considered , if by continued division , men be not necessarily guilty of the inconveniences that follow it ; because ( to say so ) they follow it per se , or naturally and necessarily , whereas the other follows upon union but by accident at the most : other considerations , formerly mentioned , are also to have weight , and ought to be remembred here . we come now to consider the helps which may in part be usefull to prevent these fears . in reference to which we would , . consider , that the matter feared , is not the bringing-in of unsound doctrine in the general , nor the altering of practical rules to the strengthening of prophanity , but it is the misapplication of good rules already made , especially in reference to these . . the admitting of unfit officers in the church . . the deposing of such as deserve the same . . the decision of some particular differences that may occasionally occur in the carrying-on of church-affairs , wherein men may apprehend and fear partiality , as they shall occur : which grounds of fear upon either side , we may gather from what hath been formerly hinted . concerning the matter of deposition , we have spoken already and shall say no more . concerning the other two points , we may consider them either as they are concerning things past , before the union be made-up during the division ; or , as they relate to what may occasionally fall out afterward . concerning what is past in such debated particulars we have spoken already , and , it seems , one of these three wayes must be taken in reference therunto . . either by waving of these things ( if they be such as may be waved ) so that without insisting in them , they may be buried ; or , by one parties ceding ; or , by a mutual composure , they may be instantly setled . . if that cannot be , the union is not to be suspended thereon , but some mutually may be appointed to labour in the same afterward , that with consent it may be brought to a point , which is not to be thought desperate , although it be not ended for the time . this way of mutuall conferring is naturall , as being an approven mean for composing of differences of any sort , in any place , at any time . . if that please not , or attain not the end , the matter may be amicably referred to some acceptable to both , who may be trusted with the ultimat decision in such particulars : neither is this unbecoming church-authority so to condescend , nor ministers in such matters to be submissive . for , . it is no matter of doctrine wherein they are to decide , or wherein either party is to acquiesce , but it is in some particular practicall thing . . the submission is not in a difference betwixt a thing sinfull and a thing lawfull , but betwixt two things that are lawfull , which of them comparatively is the most expedient to the church in such a case ; wherein i conceive , it were not implicit walking , though men should acquiesce in the judgment of some others in such things , more than in their own . . it would seem , that that advice of the apostle's , cor. . ( is there not a wise man amongst you ? &c. ) is proposed in the general , to prevent all such strife and contention , as doth bring scandal with it ; and therefore ought not to be excluded in this case , seing there is a gift of prudence and wisdom given unto the church for the governing of her self , and is more eminently given to one than to another , even as the gift of knowledge is for doctrine ; and therefore we conceive that in such cases , such may warrantably be trusted with such particulars , seing it might be expected that they would endeavour to make the best thereof for the good of the church . in that conference with the donatists , we find that the donatists are desired to name one for themselves , who might joyn with the cognitor appointed to judge of such particulars and matters of fact , as were in debate betwixt the catholicks and them ; and their refusing therof was looked upon as an evidence of their not desiring an end of the controversie : neither is it to be thought , that augustine and nigh . bishops with him who yeelded thereto , did undervalue the matter in debate between them , though they were content to have differences in fact so decided . we find also , that for the removing almost of all the forementioned schisms , there were particular men , either deputed by synods , or commissionated by adjacent churches , or called by themselves , for the composing amicably of such practical differences as were the occasion of their rents : and , it may be , that were this more used for composing of church-differences , the height that oftentimes they come to in particulars , might be prevented . we here think not fit , that such things should be decided by church-judicatories by a meer authoritative decision : not out of any dis-respect to church-judicatories ; but because , as was formerly hinted in the generall grounds , church-judicatories are fitter for preventing such divisions than for removing of them : and further , a church-judicatory being in all publick divisions a party , such decision would look liker submission ( which men are not so easily induced unto ) than union . beside , such a way i●… more ready to breed heart-burnings in such things as have been the matter of contest formerly , and so is palpably in hazard to brangle an union scarce begun : also , men will more easily bear any decision wherein themselves have a consent , though it were mediately by committing it to some others , than where there is only a necessity of obeying ▪ and especially where such prejudice is conceived to be in the judge , as in the case supposed . this may be clearer from what may be said afterward . for regulating things which may occasionally fall out , for the time to come , we may propose these generall helps to be considered . . that there be an abstinence from what may readily seem to prove the occasion of any difference , at least for a time : and it is better to forbear many things , than to brangle union , or grieve a party with whom we have united ; yet generally it appeareth , that it is driving and not forbearing , that breedeth division , and also grieveth men after union , and tempts them to rue the same . neither is this a bar to any from a necessary duty , it only regulateth men in the doing of necessary duties , so as they may eschew the guilt of renting the church , or grieving of others ; or , at most , it relateth but to the tyming ▪ manner , or some other circumstance of a necessary duty : as suppose in the matter of planting a church , a division should in all appearance be like to arise , it is more fit that it should be for a time suspended , and other endeavours for facilitating the same used , yea , ere a breach be , that even other persons be sought out ; for , though it be duty to plant the church , and that with none but such as are worthy , yet it is not alway a necessary dut●… to plant such a particular church at such a time , and in such a manner , and with such a worthy person ; yea , it were better for the church , and more peace to the persons mind , that such a particular place should vake for severall years , than that the peace of the church , or composednesse of her judicatories , should be marred thereby , and so in other matters wherein forbearance is called-for . . in such a case , doubtfull practices would be abstained ; and whatever side men choose in any occurring particular , it would be such , and in such a manner done , as may be convincingly approvable unto any of whatsoever side ; for , it is often uncertain things , or disputable at the most , that breed differences amongst judicious sober men : men therefore would someway confine themselves within unquestionable things for a time , and not only have respect to their own consciences in such things , and to what is right in it self , but also to others , who want not their own suspicions and jealousies , and who by their deed may either be soon tempted , or grieved ; both which they ought to shun . . we conceive , that it is usefull in such a time to have many brotherly consultations , and conferences , concerning such things as may be moved , that things come not in abruptly ; for , so sometimes men may be surprised with somewhat they have not heard of , and become jealous where there is no ground : also , it is an evidence of respect so to communicate thoughts , and men may thus know what is fit to be moved , and what not ; whereas otherwayes , men may be soon engaged in opposition to a motion , and not so easily brought off . this communication would not so much be by appointment of others , as voluntary , and out of respect between particular persons : also , it would be respectively done to the person with submission to his reason , that is , if he seem reasonably dissatisfied therewith , and do not rellish the same , the motion would be forborn , at least for a time , and the other waited upon therein , till he come up to it , or at least connive at it ; this would breed confidence and make the designs joynt . and this way that is to be followed in the first moving of things , would also be continued in the promoving thereof . . matters of difficulty would rather be committed to deputed persons than instantly decided ▪ especially in superiour judicatories . the reasons are . ▪ because ordinarily superiour judicatories cannot wait the time that fretted spirits will require to bring businesses of difficulty to any cordial close . . it seemeth respective like when they are so taken notice of , and sleighting like when things are hastened . . neither so are all after-murmurings and risings of heart prevented , when things are not heard to the full . . because time may do many things , and that may be easie ere long which is difficult now . . in such deputations there is more accesse to have respect to the appointing of such persons , as may most probably effectuate the thing for the churches good ; and , no question , a church-judicatory is to take the way which may do the thing best , aswell as a particular person , and they are to abstain from debatable things and hasty conclusions , even as particular persons are : and oftentimes experience teacheth , that such commissions expede many things , which more frequent assemblies could not so well do . hence we will find , that it was ordinary in the primitive time upon such grounds , to give commission to some few to do things , and particularly , that often-mentioned council of carthage did think good to dissolve , and to depute so many for deciding that , in matters of discipline , which they could not by themselves so well be able to compasse . . we conceive also , that it were not unfit in such cases ( for a time at least ) to have some designed by mutual consent , who might compose such occasional differences as possibly might arise ; or , who at least might have so much power as to restrain and keep down the same from being a new ground of division to the church , or matter of great grief to any party . this is not to constitute a new judicatory , but according to the light of nature to provide a mean for keeping up of order , and preventing of confusion , when , in respect of the present distemper of spirit , there is no possibility for attaining that end by the constituted judicatory : nature in such a case teaches all men to seek for order in every society , and it being supposed that there cannot be a joyning in ordinary judicatories without this , and that it might be attained with this , it 's hard to think , that that is denied to the church which agreeth to all other societies ; or , that it can be said , that it is better to want union in church-judicatories , than to have it so qualified . sure some churches would , and do think much to attain this length , as appeareth by the many voluntary associations which worthy men have been led unto , for the keeping of order , and attaining of some union , who are yet good friends to church-government ; and the reason that warranteth them in their deed , to wit , the necessity of union and order in the church , and the impossibility that there is of any further mean for attaining the same , will warrant this practice in the case supposed ; for , the question is not simply , what is the best constituted government of a church in a good condition ? but it is , whether a government with such a qualification , be better than no government , or a divided government , it being supposed that no other in the circumstantiat case can be attained ? it would be considered also , that such a voluntary reference to such persons , doth not include any authority , as to ordain ministers , or depose , &c. but it is to be in matters of fact , as in the fitnesse or unfitnesse of such a plantation , of such a processe , and the like ; which was mentioned in reference to differences past ; for , what was said there , is also binding here . neither can this be thought any limitation or weakning of church-authority and power : for , . it doth make that authority and power stronger than formerly it was without this , in the case so circumstantiate ; and the question still is to be considered not in thesi , but in hypothesi . . because this is for the recovery and strengthening of an authority that for the time is not in exercise , at least in such an extent , and it is to give the same a being , as it were , and to bring it to its former lustre ; as if a weak man should be led , or get a staff in his hand till he recover ; or , as if a disjoynted leg should be fenced about otherwayes than one that is whole , and so be the sooner in capacity to walk without these . . this is but a temporary accessory help , and is not pleaded-for as an essential of government , but only as a lawfull expedient when it cannot be wanted . . it may be considered that possibly no use may be thereof , and if so , it can be no encroachment ; and if there be need thereof , so as things cannot cordially be composed otherwayes , is is not expedient then , for the preventing of a further inconvenience ? . i suppose it is not inconsistent with civil authority , when union is made-up betwixt two nations , or in the same nations , especially where authority hath been brangled , that some by joynt consent be chosen for deciding of such things as may occasion a new breach : and there are many instances of this in history ; for , the being of authority is cumulative to the means that men are naturally furnished with , for the preserving of union and order , and therefore it cannot exclude such prudential considerations . neither can it be thought inconsistent with the nature of church-authority and government : for , . if it be agreeable to the principles of nature and sound reason , it cannot be inconsistent with church-government , which hath its own policy grounded upon these : and although the form of government be not to be gathered from these , nor the ends which they should aim at who govern , yet the manner how such a government is to attain these ends is in positive things to be regulated by them : hence sometimes men are to use intreaties and perswasions ▪ somtimes threatnings and authoritative means , according as the end may be attained . . although church-government in the general be determined , and men be not free to associate or not , yet there is much ▪ as to the exercise thereof in associating , and the particular manner mutually agreed upon , which still may regulate circumstances , though they cannot alter the nature of the thing . . it is not necessary that church-authority should be alwayes exercised in every thing ; for , it is not to be exercised but when it is to the churches edification , and there is no such church-authority as edifies not ; and therefore , if in such cases the interposing of church-authority in the ultimat decision of matters be not edifying , it is no encroachment upon it to say it should not be exercised in that case ; and so at the most , that which dependeth upon this reference , is , only prudentially to discern and judge , if in such and such a case , it be fit for the churches edification , that church-authority should decide in such a particular matter , wherein not the authority or power ▪ but the prudence , zeal and faithfulnesse of such persons are to be respected for the obtaining of a forbearance . . we will find the great apostle oftentimes condescending to lay by his authority , and to intreat and beseech , especially in the matter of union ; and sometimes to advise , when he thought his intreaties might more kindly prevail ; or , when he thought his authority might be questioned , or his authoritative acting hazard a schism : which grounds , being moral , may warrant a church in such a case unto the end of the world to follow his example . . seing union is maintained when it is weak by the same means by which it is begun , ( for union is not compleated when some agreement is closed ) and seing , as we said , an authoritative way is not fittest for conceiving and bringing forth the same ; so neither will it be for giving of it suck and milk till it be able to abide stronger meat . . seing church-authority is parental , and that of the tenderest sort , it is not unbecoming that it condescend even to the weaknesse and childish distempers of some members , supposing there be such standing in need thereof ; and if such condescending may joyn them in and keep them in , in their own place , and prevent even their snares and miscarriages more effectually than authoritative means will do , which are for the time suspected by them ; ought not such means to be followed ? and if they should continue in their infirmity to stumble at the peremptory using of authoritative means and the denial of this ; will it be thought a sufficient ground to exoner men from having accession unto their fall ? or will it look like that tendernesse and condescendency which mothers and nurses ought to have to children , even in their childish and unreasonable moodes ? . this also mis-states the question , because it s here to be considered ( as was said ) not what is the nature of church-authority simply , but comparatively , what is fittest for procureing the edification of the church , and for a time to be a mean for recovering her to a full authoritative manner of acting , which is now supposed to be brangled . beside , if the recovery of church-authority be a duty requiring means to be used suitable to that end ; then the use of this mean must be a duty : because , in the case supposed , it is the most probable mean for attaining to that . if it be said , that it is a more easie way to acquiesce in the authoritative determination , and it were more fit for men to submit to that . answ. that supposeth no present distemper to be , and answereth not to the case stated , which is upon the supposition that men do not that ; is not this more fit for present edification , and more probable for attaining to a full authoritative way of acting , than the continuing of a division without condefcending in this ? in the last place , also it may be considered , that the exercising of church-authority in particular cases , hic & nunc , is an affirmative precept , and therefore doth not bind ad semper , according to the common rule of affirmative precepts ; it cannot therefore be unsuitable to it , or the precepts by which it is commanded , to adde such qualifications as are mentioned in the case presupposed . chap. xix . some advertisements concerning the overtures proposed . to come now to some advertisements accordding as we did propose ; we must shortly put them together , lest we be too prolix in every thing . . then it would be adverted , that there is no peremptorinesse urged in any of the former helps or remedies , but if other means may be found more effectuall , all these are to cede . only this is intended , that if no more probable and effectuall means be found out , or applied , that it is better on such like grounds to unite than to continue a division . . it is to be adverted , that there may be , and ought to be such a condescending , in the concluding of , and fixing on the means , ( especially for the time to come ) as by the expressing of time , manner , and other particular circumstances of things , the fears of both may be someway guarded against , and each by shewing respect to other , may endeavour the removing of their mutuall jealousies ; for ▪ seing jealousies are mutuall , it will be too much for one side to think that the other should wholly credit them , if there be no condescending by them . . although there should be fears that things should again break out , and that therefore it is to no purpose to undertake a way of union , not every way satisfying ; yet it would be essayed , and if the lord prevent that fear , such an objection is loosed ; if some interruption come again to hazard an outbreaking , these who are accessory thereto , will be the more guilty , and others who are innocent therein , may have more peace ▪ than if it had not been essayed . . if union cannot be compleated in every thing , then their would be endeavours to fix it so far as is attainable , and to prevent the increasing of division , that if there may not be a positive union , at least , a positive division and opposition may be shunned . . it would be endeavoured , that notwithstanding of such divisions , men may mutually concur in that wherein there is no division for the edification of the church : for , division in one particular ought not , nor will not warrantably hinder mutuall acting in other things where there is none : as for instance , if it be an interruption in carrying on the work of god joyntly in government , because of some difference concerning that ; vet if there be accesse to promove the edification of the body by an united way of preaching , that is to be followed and improven , as we see it is done in some places where government is not allowed . . whatever the case be , we suppose it is duty to make the best thereof , when men cannot win the length they would . chap. xx. what is incumbent to magistrates and people for remedying this evil . it resteth now that we should speak something , to what is incumbent to magistrates and people , for remedying of such an evil in the church ; but being keeped so long on the former , we cannot enter on this ; we shall only lay down these few generals , . that neither of them ought to be offended or stumbled at such divisions , or thereby be brought to have lesse esteem either of the gospel , the ordinance of government , or worship , or the ministery and ministers of jesus christ ; much lesse would there be insulting over , or advantage taken against , these upon this occasion , as is recorded to the infamy of several persons ; but on the contrary , all would be affected therewith , as with a most dangerous snare , and fearfull plague : and to this purpose augustine doth seriously presse his boniface , governour of africk , that he should not stumble at the divisions of the church , and particularly epist. . . all would search if they have had any sinfull influence upon the procuring of such a stroke ; for , if it be a plague and wo to them , they would look back to the rise thereof ; who knows but the sins of magistrates or people in their fretting at the ordinance of government , despising of the ministery , not receiving of the word nor walking answerably therto , and such like may have procured this division from the lord , as a judicial stroke on them to harden them in their former sin , and thereby to strengthen their tentation to despise all the ordinances more to their own ruin , as may be gathered from what hath been formerly spoken ? . all would be carefull to abstain from what may further or heighten the breach , and by all means endeavour not to be engaged in such sidings ; for , that often encourageth others , and encreaseth and fixeth a rent ; and in experience it is seen , that these schisms were ever most dangerous , and most difficultly removed , wherein people came to party , and side with opposit sides in the division : and seing the spirit in the scripture , doth forbid people as well as ministers to divide , this must be their duty , not to joyn in such a division . also , it unfits them to get good from ministers , or to do good for removing of a rent amongst them . and we are sure , if doubtfull disputations , vain janglings , and such like questions , that tend not to edification , be to be eschewed by people , then we conceive that such as are in the cases presupposed , may be so esteemed of . . they are by all respective means seriously to presse the abstaining from , and composing of such differences , by their serious representations of the ills thereof , and exhortations , according to their places to have the same remedyed . and were this more amongst people , upon occasions in due manner , to testifie their sober resentment of such evils in the general , and desire of union , and condescendency for attaining the same , so far as is fit , it would much more become the sobriety of tender christians and be much more effectual for this end , than to be heightening and aggreging the miscarriage of any one party to another , or carrying reports or informations true or false , which may kindle humours to a flame that are hot and smoaking already . it would affect a heart to hear the regraits and expostulations that constantine , gratian , and others , have anent the divisions of church-men in their times and their exhortations to remedy the same . . all sorts would endeavour to be in good tearms with god , in respect of their own particular conditions : and when all faileth , they would still be instantly dealing with god by prayer for healing of the same , as accounting it a great plague ▪ even to them , while this continueth . chap. xxi . the grounds and motives of the desired union . the last thing proposed to be spoken to , was , the grounds whereby union on such like tearms , in such cases , might be pressed : but seing somethings to this purpose have been already here and there inserted , upon severall occasions ; and seing these who are mainly concerned in this , are supposed to be most tenderly zealous of the churches good , and so not to stand much in need of many motives to perswade to this which doth so nearly concern the same ; and fearing to heap up too many words in a matter so clear , we shall forbear to insist , and only propose some considerations to the conscience of the tender reader , especially in reference to some particular circumstances , which sometimes may occur in the case of division . and let god himself , who is the god of peace , of love , and of order , put them home to consciences with a strong hand . first , the consciencious reader may consider , when all is well weighed that is formerly proposed , with what may besides occur to himself , if the study of union be not a most necessary thing , and if without the essaying of these and such like means , according to his interest and calling , he can have peace , as being sufficiently exonered in his duty , in reference to this great end ; and if there can be solid quietnesse to continue division upon the grounds mentioned , and to sleight the pursuing after union , if attainable , upon these or such like tearms as are proposed , especially in these and such other cases . . when a church is under externall crosses and afflictions , and by gods dispensation is cast into the furnace ; to be therein strugling and wrestling one with another , and , as if it were in the time of the churches greatest peace and calm , to be contending for matters of such concernment , o how unsuitable is it ! though indeed condescending be called-for at any time , yet certainly ▪ much more and in an especiall manner at such a time . the judicious , and great divine calvin , doth , upon this account , exceedingly aggrege the divisions amongst some english in frankford , who being banished in the dayes of queen mary for the same religion , did even there contend for matters of little moment . this ( saith he , epist. . ) was exceeding intempestiv●… , or untimous , and exceeding offensive to the church of christ , and unbecoming their case : and although he utterly disapproved these ceremonies , as unbecoming the church of christ ; yet doth he ( epist. . ) presse moderation on both sides , using these words , sicuti autem eos qui à vobis dissentiebant hortatus sum , ut qua possent moderatione inflecterent ; ita mihi displicuit , nihil vicissima parte vestra recedi vel remitti , that is , as i did exhort these who were not of one mind with you , to stretch themselves with all possible moderation ; so it did displease me , that there was upon the other hand by you , nothing ceded or remitted . the second case is , when a church by division , is laid open to grosse hereticks , who wait the occasion of such a division , that they may make ( as it were ) an infall upon her . division should be shunned at any time , but in such a case , union should be at any rate ▪ of warrantable condescendency ▪ purchased . in that difference between eusebius and basilius , at first it was sufficient to eschew division ; for which end at nazianzens desire , basilius removed ; but when the arians were like to take advantage thereof , he did again return , and by his condescending made up a perfect union , thereby to stop the door against the in-breaking of errour upon that people : which fact is ever highly commended , even in respect of the seasosonablnesse thereof , in reference to that tentation . . a third case wherein union would especially be studied ▪ is , when there is little help from without , to the sustaining of the government and order of the church ; but men in that respect , have and take liberty to act as they will : because then union is the only wall , and if that fall , there is nothing to guard ▪ hence it is , that necessity , especially in such a case , hath made men think upon associations and mutuall bonds , for the establishing and confirming of union . . it is ▪ when some of the ordinances , especially the ordinance of government , is questioned , or when they are despised , and someway made contemptible before men : in such cases , for respect to the ordinances of christ , men ought to condescend to the uttermost , and to endeavour the recovery of the ordinances of christ to their former beauty , which is impossible to be attained without this ; because division maketh all to appear contemptible . . it is , when there seemeth to be some speciall nick , or choak , or crisis ( to speak so ) that is , when , if there be not present uniting and gripping , in all probability , the division and breach will grow greater and wider and be more difficultly removable . in such a case men ought to stretch themselves with all the moderation that is possible ( as calvins expression is ) if they may now , at least , through gods good hand upon them , come to some agreement , and taking grip ( to say so ) while it is possible . and if each of these alone , strongly presse the study of union , even beyond what is ordinary ; o how very strongly will all of them ▪ put together , presse it ! and how actively should men , zealous for god and his precious ordinances , and tender of the edification of souls , bestir themselves to follow after peace in such a vehemently urging case ? the second thing that would be seriously considered and thought upon , is , what is the possibility , and feasablenesse , and accesse to attainment , of such a desirable end . it is true , tenaciousnesse in some , may make union in the least things impossible , especially such as may by his grace , gifts , esteem , or the dependance of others upon him because of these , have some speciall stroke and influence upon the thing : but the reader would consider , . if someway the stick be not at himself , and if there be not something possible to him , in reference to union , which yet he hath not condescended to ; for , although he hath not power over the wills of others , yet hath he over his own . . let him consider , if the ills that follow division be not great and certain : and if so , if the stopping at any step of the condescending called-for , will bear out the conscience against the cryes of so many reproaches that are casten upon ordinances by some ; against the many challenges that will arise upon the miscarriages of others , that are occasioned by such divisions ; and against the impression that the weighting and sadning of many honest hearts , will have with it one day ? and if he dare step in to judgment , without fear of being found faulty in any measure in respect of the forementioned inconveniencies ; if his condescending , as is called-for , might have prevented them . . he would consider , if at the appearing of jesus christ , when all such affections shall be laid by , and disputings will not have place , nor recriminations be admitted ; if , i say , in such a case he may not have more peace in condescending upon either side , as is proposed , for the good of the church , than by refusing the same to keep up the division . . it would be seriously pondered , whether union by such condescendency , or division without it , may be most profitable and edifying to the church ; and if any of these things be of such consequence , as to stand in the way of the churches further edification . . the reader may consider , if ever in the practice of the primitive times , or in the writings of orthodox and sober divines , old or late , any so circumstantiated division will be found warrantable , or if , out of the heat of debate , they would probably have stuck at any condescension that is here required upon either hand . . it may be considered , if all the present reformed churches being appealed unto in such a case , were singly and impartially to give judgement thereanent , whether it could upon any ground be thought , that they would judge such condescending unlawfull upon either side , if by it and no otherwayes union were to be attained ? . it would be considered , that if all that ever have written on this subject of old or late were consulted , that ( for ought i know ) it will be found that the condescension that they allow for attaining , and preserving of union in the church , will be of a larger extent , than any thing in this case required ; and , i suppose , hardly will it be found , that from such writings there will be a sticking allowed upon any such thing as is proposed . and will it be safe , at once to condemn so many ? . the reader may reflect on himself , and try what are his thoughts of former divisions , and if he doth not approve most ordinarily these that were most peaceable , and alwayes these that in such a circumstantiated case did study condescendency ; and if he doth not within himself judge , that it had been more for the churches good , that such divisions had been removed upon such like tearms , than that they should have been continued ; and if there be not in his bosome a kind of indignation at the rigid drivers of such a division , whereby he may know and discern what is fit to be done in the present case , if he were as impartiall in it , as in the other . . he may consider , if union be not made up upon such or the like tearms ; and if upon other tearms it be impossible , what will follow , or what usually doth follow in such cases ? doth not bitternesse grow to a height amongst orthodox men , as if each of them were enemies to the truth of christ , and enemies to one anothers persons ? names also are often imposed upon each by the other , as if they were not both of the same body ; or , as if it were good service to god , and advantage to the truth , by such designations to render one another odious ▪ contemptible and uselesse : as these that refused to joyn with the church of rome in easter , were called quartodecimani ; whereupon followeth abstinence in communion with one another , turning aside unto errour and novelty amongst some ; indulgence if not connivance at , and compliance with grosse and corrupt men amongst others ; coldnesse in zeal to god , and love one to another ; and upsitting in the power and practice of godlinesse amongst all , and many such like wofull effects . and shall , alas , shall the weight of all these sad and religion-ruining consequents , be stated upon the refusing of such condescendency as is here called-for ? g●…d forbid . . it would be seriously considered , what may be the thoughts of the generation that shall succeed ? shall such a division be propagated to them , and they made heirs thereto ? shall not they either continue miserable under such a condition , and that for ever , with such heightening circumstances as cannot but follow ? ( and will any ingenuous and posteritycompassionating reader think of this , and not be affected therewith ? ) or they must endeavour the recovery of union with much more difficulty than it may now be ; and if so , certainly that generation will be in hazard to curse these that went before them , who did bring them forth under the necessity of continuing under the sin , snare , and torturing-plague of divisions ; or , at least , of being in so greatly-puzling and perplexing straits , ere they could expede themselves out of the same . . if yet the reader be not convinced positively to joyn and further union in such a case , let him yet consider if he hath sufficient clearnesse to oppose and cry down the same as sinfull , and if he hath liberty and freedom to cry down all that ever have approven or do approve the removing of a division upon such terms as these proposed ? and if he dare with confidence from his own particular dissatisfaction , mar the same amongst others ? and if possibly he might not have more freedom negatively to lye by , and neither directly nor indirectly to be the occasion of such an offence ; and if the church might not have more profit , and he more peace in so doing ? and if he be satisfied , he may consider whether it were not better to endeavour such a composure , though to the dissatisfaction of some ( who possibly may afterward lay by their discontent ) than out of preposterous respect to them , to hazard the ruine of all ? which is , as it were , to bring a leaking ship to land in a storm , though some of the company , upon some mistake , oppose the same . . let him consider , if ever condescending in such things hath been observed to bring any hurt to the church ; whereas selfwillednesse ( whereof a minister especially should be free ) hath alwayes been dangerous . it 's true , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in points fundamentall , such as that which anastasius pressed , hath been most zealously opposed as hurtfull , because thereby the foundation was strucken at , and errour in fundamental things got equal footing with truth ; but can ever this be said in such things as are supposed in the case laid down ? lastly , the reader may consider , if in sobernesse , and in an abstracted manner extra aestum disputationis , he were giving his advice to a church so divided , and immediatly thereafter to step in to judgment , he would not readily incline to commend union on these or such other terms , as necessary for the good of the church , credit of the ordinances , and the removing of stumbling-blocks from before the people , especially in the cases formerly mentioned ; and if he might not have more peace to step to judgment after such an advice , than if rigidly he should inhibit such condescension . and we shall leave the judicious , consciencious , and tender reader , to answer these and many such things to himself , and accordingly to do : and if any , out of prejudice , ( as we hope none will , and heartily wish none may ) shall not conscienciously ponder the same , we leave him to consider that he must reckon to god therefore , and shall only obtest him that he will have more respect to the churches peace , than to his own inclination ; and that he will at least by some other lawfull , possible and probable mean essay the removing , or at least the prevention of the growth of such divisions ; and that he would withall construct well of the essayes of others , till we come all before the common judge , who , we are perswaded , loveth the truth in peace , and hath joyned these together , which therefore ought by no man to be put asunder . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e first distinction . second distinction . third distinction . fourth distinction . fifth distinction . sixth distinction . seventh distinction eighth distinction ninth distinction . tenth distinction . eleventh distinction . twelfth distinction . thirteenth distinction . fourteenth distinction . fifteenth distinction sixteenth distinction other distinctions of scandal . what , when men stand not to offend us ? what , when the matter is lawfull & the offence doubtfull ? what , if sufficient pains have been taken to inform ? what to be don whe●… there is a real 〈◊〉 betw●…xt p●…r ti●… , upon account of a civil interest ? what , when the commands of magistrates and offence are in opposition ? what is t●… be done in a case when offence is like to follow on either side . what , when doing will offend the weak and tender , and irritate the perverse , & contra . notes for div a -e when a scandall is to be brought to publick . where offences are publick , yet difference is to made . the ends of discipline . all offences of the same kind , not alway equally to be d●…alt with . what is to be guarded against , when there is a different way taken in censuring the same offences . how church officers ought to carry in censures . how discipline is so to be ordered , ●…s it may not mar but further the word . church-processes would be carried-on with expedition . when is a person to be accounted obstinate . what , when an offence is not grosse , yet hath contempt with it . what kind of satisfaction is not sufficient for making a church-judicatory to sist their processes ▪ how may dissembling be discovered . how morall seriousnesse may be discerned . if alwayes charitie should judge a person to be sincere , who is thus morally serious . that this morall seriousnesse is sufficient , confirmed . differences between the key of doctrine and discipline . how is a publick rebuke to be given . if it be alwayes necessary that the offender speak . how is an offender to be reckoned after a rebuke . if an offence may at first instant be brought to publick . when an offence is to be accounted publick . what , when a calumniator complained of , offereth to make it out . what if a profane offending confessing party refuse to give satisfaction . a particular consideration of cor. . , &c. why it is necessary to acquie●…ce in the churches determination as to practice . notes for div a -e what height delusions of this kind may come unto . the suffring of gross error is a most displeasing thing to christ. sometimes those who want not affection , are yet too condescending to erroncous teachers : and why ? it is not simply impossible but some may , in a great measure , for a time , be carried away . yet not so easily as unto grosse practical evils . when any believers fal in such evils usually the lord lingularly 〈◊〉 ●…emsor the same . usually corrupt teachers set more upon professors to withdraw them than others that want profession ▪ although such may also be set upon . what hand the lord may have in such a plague . &c : what causes do most ordinarily procure this plague of delusion . what is his method of proceeding . how ●…e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the means and arguments that are used to carry on this design . the manner how this design is carried-on . what accession a people may have to the bringing of this plague upon themselves . what is not the proper remedy or duty in such a case . extreams to he ●…s chewed . some necessary an●… usefull distinctions . some things not at all to be forborn . what a minister is called to , in reference ●…o god and himself , at such a time . union amongst minesters and their flocks , is in such a case carefully to be s●…udied . what is his duty in reference to his flock . what is a minister's duty in reference to those that are seduced . in what cases it is called ●…or . in what cases it is not called for . what is to be accounted as the sufficient conviction of a gainsayer . how a publick debate is to be managed when necessary . the several steps of admonition . some things observable in the way of admonishing that rejecting of an obstinat heretick , is to church-officers a necessary duty , & a mean to be made use of for the churches edification . what if the person seduced be judged to be truly gracious . what if he be no fixed member of any particular congregation . what if civill magistrats concur not for the backing of the sentence . two limitations to be adverted in the rejecting of hereticks . some usefull distinctions of satisfaction . whether any thing be required of ministers towards heretick that are rejected they are called according to their places to interpose . and not meerly to look to outward order . that the grounds against toleration concern magistrates as well as ministers . that totall forbearance is not like the gospel . it 's magistrates duty to prevent the infection of the people under them . it is not sufficient to a magistrate to maintain civil peace . what is their duty in reference to the persons infected , and if they ought to refrain from their company . some considerations to provoke ministers and others to the faithful discharge of their duty in all the forementioned particulars . notes for div a -e the introduction . the scandal and hurtfulnesse of divisions . the heads of the ensuing part of the treatise . what heresie is . what schism is , and the kinds thereof . what is here meant by the word division . the severall kinds thereof . division among the godly . it may continue long , and come to a great height . and not easily removed various apprehensions of inferiour truths . the mistake of some dispensations . different apprehensions about some persons and things . heart burnings at the credit of others . aggreging the infirmities of others a factious vindicating of truth . undue censures . leaving the matter and falling upon reflections . engaging of others . too much liking of some upon fair pretences . peremptoriness without condescending . dissatisfaction about some persons mutuall encroachment . meddling in extrinsick things . novelty of expressions and notious . heat and contention . alienation iealousie . virulent expressions . personall reflections . imprecations and instigation of the civill power . sharp censures inflicted . renting of whole churches . furie of their followers . furious madness of divines . diversion of them from their main work . both schism and heresie following division . commonly both sides faultie , though not equally . division hardly cured . the severaign●…y of godtrying good and bad . chastizing also and punishing . yea plaguing the world . division burdens the godly . hardeneth the adversaries of the truth . characters of judiciall division . former guiltinesse . present distempers . inconsiderat expressions or actings . severity in discipline . sleighting of the persons , writings , or actings of others . hunting after credit . little condescending , &c. acts that state schism talebearers fears of censurs . the influence of civil powers . peoples engaging . applications to magistrates for ratisying elections . miscarriages of persons . occuring dispensations of providence . personall credit acting under 〈◊〉 of zeal for god. evill grounded confidence . a particular mistake of men●… persons and actions . a conviction of singleness in pro●…cuting and adhering . fear of losing cre dit by relenting . fear of hurting their followers . the tentation strengthened by looking-on the failings of opposits . hope of the ceding of others . the necessity of endeav●…ring unity , granted by all . the cure of division most difficult . an absolute necessity laid upon a rent church to unite . union a thing attainable among orthodox divines . endeavouring union , doth notinfer union in all points of judgement and practice . union may stand with some defects in worship and manner of government . with what kind of dejects union m●…y be made up . when inconveniencies are on all hands , what side is to be followed ▪ m●…uali condescending necessary . 〈◊〉 there must be no condescending it ought to be mutual . what 〈◊〉 ought to be most condescending even that which is right and hath authority . they who did the wro●…g , ordinarily most av●…rse from condescending . division not to be cured by destroying any orthodox side or party . union is to be essayed with due respect each to other without any note of disrespect . no simply authoritative way is the fit mean to begin the healing of a rent church . though one side fail in condescending , the other ought not to fail . it was the actings and no●… the formality of synods that occasioned division of old . debates concerning government more difficultly removed . walking under an impression of the dreadfulnesse of such a plague a fearfull snare in division . diligent viewing of our inward condition . repentance suitable . union would by all warrantable means be commended unto , and pressed upon these that differ , and by those that differ one upon another . constancy and singleness herein . with tenderness and respect . expressions of mutuall confidence . kind visit stirring up to the life and practice of religion . solemn addresses to god. avoiding of all things that weaken the reputation of others . evil counsel forbearing to engage judicially pro or con . abstaining from propagating their opinions factiously . contrary acting . separated meetings to be eschewed . and separated fasts . acts and principles laying restraints upon either side . seeking meetings . and offering fair conditions . a right way of carrying on such meetings . contention about formalities to be forborn . personall criminations . the most tender of the church , most condescending the first way of closing doctrinall differences . the second way of composing such differences the third way of composing such differences contests about these , are of several sorts . dissatisfaction from constitution of officers and members . the alleaging of faults either not true , or not cear . pleading for such as are most justly censured , or censurable . the justness of the sentence to be cleared . or , the sentence recalled , when the person might be profitable mutuall upbraidings for failings . removed by a mutuall forgiving . diversity of circumstances in externall administrations . condescendency therein . better to forbear some new thing , than to alter the old , without some considerable reason . divisions about church-government . concerning the form of government . practicall difference herein maketh division . characters of government fit for uniting . debates about the constitution of synods . defects in constitution cannot easily annull without defect in the matter . in ancient councels soundnesse of matter more regarded than formality or number . what should be done for union , when division ariseth about the constitution of a synod . little usefulness as to the churches edificationin the thing controverted . this difference is either in judgement , and may be forborn . or it relates to practice , and so something is to be tolerate and something done . what usually hath been d●…ne when authority was declined . great difference between the declining of synodicall authority simply , and the constitution of a particular synod . doctrinall , not fundamentall , or nigh the foundation . some doctrinal decisions infer division , others but diversity . some determinations are of things dayly practicable , others only for an exigence , scarcely ever again occurring . some determinations are for ministers practice , others are answers to the questions of rulers . more doctrinal decisions in smaller points ought to ma●…e no division . how the smaller number should yeeld to the greater . contrary practices build a wall of separation . diversity there may be without division . great folly to make , or keep division for what is rarely or never practicable . union is not impossible notwithstanding diversity of judgment . the ordination of a person worthy of the ministery , ordained by church-officers , is not to be accounted null for some defects . union would not be suspended on such tryals . in what cases extremities are to be shunned . iudicatories wi●…ely remitting rigour . corrupt , grosse , and prophane men , for no interposition to be received . debates about conniving at guilty men union rather to be followed that satisfaction herein may be had . in times of division , aumours concerning eminent persons , not to be so regarded . zeal in justly censuring , well consistent with a spirit of union . yet union is to be preferred to the censuring of some unfaithfull men . union no prejudice to the purging out of corruption . purging not to be much pressed till union be fixed . it must be such a satisfaction as neither is fully satisfied . the thing feared is not corrupt doctrine nor a wrong government . union not to be suspended upon every particular . some particulars to be referred to some acceptable to both such things are not to be decided by a meer authoritative way . better for a time to forbear many things , than to brangle union . doubtfull practices to be abstained from . many brotherly conferences to prevent abrupt surprisals . matters of difficulty rather committed , than instantly decided . not unfit , some persons were designed for a time to com pose occasionall differences . this tendeth to recover strength to iudicatories , ▪ and is consistent with ministeriall church-authority . the great apostle often layeth aside authority . the ivstification of the independant chvrches of christ being an answer to mr. edvvards his booke, which hee hath written against the government of christ's chvrch and toleration of christs, publike worship : briefely declaring that the congregations of the saints ought not to have dependancie in government upon any other : or direction in worship from any other than christ their head and lavv-giver / by katherine chidley. chidley, katherine. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing c ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) the ivstification of the independant chvrches of christ being an answer to mr. edvvards his booke, which hee hath written against the government of christ's chvrch and toleration of christs, publike worship : briefely declaring that the congregations of the saints ought not to have dependancie in government upon any other : or direction in worship from any other than christ their head and lavv-giver / by katherine chidley. chidley, katherine. [ ], (i.e. ) p. printed for william larnar ..., london : . an answer to thomas edwards' reasons against the independent government of particular congregations. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng edwards, thomas, - . -- reasons against the independent government of particular congregations. church polity -- early works to . a r (wing c ). civilwar no the justification of the independant churches of christ. being an answer to mr. edvvards his booke, which hee hath written against the gover chidley, katherine d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the ivstification of the independant chvrches of christ . being an answer to mr. edvvards his booke , which hee hath written against the government of christs chvrch , and toleration of christs publike worship ; briefely declaring that the congregations of the saints ought not to have dependancie in government upon any other ; or direction in worship from any other than christ their head and lavv-giver . by katherine chidley . sam. . . thou commest unto me with a sword , and with a speare , and with a sheild , but i come unto thee in the name of the lord of hoasts the god of the armies of israel , whom thou hast defied . ivdges . . then iael , hebers wife tooke a naile of the tent , and tooke an hammer in her hand , and went softly unto him , and smote the naile into his temples and fastened it into the ground , ( for he was fast asleepe and weary ) and so he died . london , printed for william larnar , and are to be sold at his shop , at the signe of the golden anchor , neere pauls-chaine . . to the christian reader ; grace , mercy , and peace , from god the father , and from our lord jesus christ . it is , and hath beene ( for a long time ) a question more enquired into than well weighed ; whether it be lawfull for such , who are informed of the evills of the church of england , to separate from it : for my owne part , considering that the church of england is governed by the canon lawes ( the discipline of antichrist ) and altogether wanteth the discipline of christ , and that the most of them are ignorant what it is , and also doe professe to worship god by a stinted service-booke . i hold it not onely lawfull , but also the duty of all those who are informed of such evills , to separate themselves from them , and such as doe adhere unto them ; and also to joyne together in the outward profession and practise of gods true worship , when god hath declared unto them what it is ; and being thus informed in their minds of the knowledge of the will of god ( by the teaching of his sonne jesus christ ) it is their duty to put it in practise , not onely in a land where they have toleration , but also where they are forbidden to preach , or teach in the name ( or by the power ) of the lord jesus . but mr. edwards ( with whom i have here to deale ) conceiving that the beauty of christs true worship , would quickly discover the foggy darkenesse of the antichristian devised worship ; and also that the glory of christs true discipline , grounded and founded in his word , would soone discover the blacknesse and darkenesse of the antihristian government ( which the poore people of england are in bondage unto ) hath set his wits a work to withstand the bright comming of christs kingdome ( into the hearts of men ) which we are all commanded in the most absolute rule of prayer to petition for ; for the turning aside whereof mr. edwards hath mustred up his forces , even eight reasons , against the government of christ , which hee calls independant ; and hath joyned unto these eight , ten more ; which he hath made against toleration ▪ affirming that they may not practise contrary to the course of the nation wherein they live , without the leave of the magistrate , neither judgeth he it commendable in them to aske the magistrates leave , nor commendable in the magistrate to heare their petitions , but rather seeketh to stirre up all men to disturbe their peace , affirming most unjustly , that they disturbe the peace of the kingdome , nay , the peace of three kingdomes , which all the lands under the kings dominions know to be contrary , nay i thinke most of the kingdomes in europe cannot be ignorant what the cause of the disturbance was ; but this is not the practise of mr. edwards alone , but also of the whole generation of the clergie ; as thou maist know , christian reader , it was the practise of the bishop of canterbury to exclaime against mr ▪ burton , doctor bastwicke , and mr. prynne , calling them scandalous libellers , & innovators ( though they put their own name to that which they write , and proved what they taught by divine authority ) and this hath beene alwayes the practise of the instruments of sathan , to accuse the lords people , for disturbing of the peace , as it hath beene found in many nations , when indeede the troublers be themselves and their fathers house . but in this they are like unto athalia crying treason , treason , when they are in the treason themselves . but for the further strengthning of his army , he hath also subjoyned unto these his answer to sixe reasons , which he saith , are theirs , but the forme of some of them seemeth to be of his owne making ; all which thou shalt finde answered , and disproved in this following treatise . but though these my answers are not laid downe in a schollerlik way , but by the plaine truth of holy scripture ; yet i beseech thee have the patience to take the paynes to reade them , and spare some time to consider them ; and if thou findest things disorderly placed , la●our to rectifie them to thine own mind . and if there be any weight in them , give the glory to god ; but if thou feest nothing worthy , attribute not the weakenesse thereof to the truth of the cause , but rather to the ignorance and unskilfulnesse of the weake instrument . thine in the lord jesus , katherine chidley ▪ the answer to mr. edvvards his introdvction . _● hearing the complaints of many that were godly , against the booke that mr. edwards hath written ; and upon the sight of this his introduction , considering his desperate resolution , ( namely ) that he would set out severall tractates against the whole way of separation . i could not but declare by the testimony of the scripture it selfe , that the way of separation is the way of god , who is the author of it , * which manifestly appeares by his separating of his church from the world , and the world from his church in all ages . when the church was greater than the world , then the world was to be separated from the church ; but when the world was greater than the church , then the church was to separate from the world . as for instance ; when caine was a member of the church , then the church was greater than the world ; and caine being discovered , was exempted from gods presence ; * before whom he formerly had presented himselfe : c but in the time of noah , when the world was greater than the church d then noah and his family who were the church , were commanded to goe into the arke e in which place they were saved , when the world was drowned . f yet ham being afterward discovered , was accursed of his father , and shem was blessed , and good prophesied for iaphat . afterward when the world was grown mightier than the church againe , then abraham was called out of vr of the caldeans ▪ both from his country and from his kindred , and from his fathers house g ( because they were idolat●rs ) to ●●●ship god in canaan . moreover , afterwards moses was se●● , and his brother aaron , to deliver the children of israel out of the land of egypt when pharaoh vexed them , h at which time god wrought their deliverance , i separating wondrously between the egyptians and the israelites , and that which was light to the one , was darkenesse to the other . afterwards , when cerah and his congregation rebelled against god , and were obstinate therein k the people were commanded to depart from the tents of those with 〈…〉 l were the children separated from the parents , and those who did not separate ▪ were destroyed by fire , m and swallowed by the earth , n upon the day which god had appointed * as 〈…〉 noahs time , who repented not ▪ were swallowed by wate● moreover , when god brought his people into the promised land , he commanded them to be separated from the idolaters , and not to meddle with the accursed things . and for this cause god gave them his ordinances and commandements ; and by the manifestation of their obediance to them , they were known to be the onely people of god , * which made a reall separation . and when they were carried captive into babylon a● any time for their sinnes : god raised them up deliverers to bring them from thence : and prophets to call them from thence p and from their backesliding . q and it was the practise of all the prophets of god , ( which prophesied of the church under the new testament ) to separate the precious from the vile , and god hath declared that hee that so doth shall be as his mouth , jer. . . and we know it was the practise of the apostles of the lord iesus , to declare to the people that there could be no more agreement betweene beleevers and unbeleevers , than betweene light and darkenesse , god and belial , as paul writing to the corinthians doth declare , when he saith , be not unequally yoked together with unbeleevers ; for what fellowship hath righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse ? and what communion hath light with darkenesse , and what concord hath christ , with belial ? or what part hath he that beleeveth with an infidell ? and what agreement hath the temple of god with idolls ? for yee are the temple of the living god , as god hath said , i will dwell in them , and walke in them , and i will be their god , and they shall be my people ; wherefore come out from among them , and by yee separate , saith the lord , and touch not the uncleane thing , and i will receive you , and i will be a father unto you , and yee shall be my sonnes and daughters , saith the lord almighty , cor. . , , , , . moreover , they are pronounced blessed , which reade , heare , and keepe the words of the booke of the revelation of iesus christ ; r among which sentences , there is a commandement from heaven for a totall separation . s these things ( in briefe ) i have minded from the scriptures , to prove the necessitie of separation ; and though the scripture be a deepe well ▪ and containeth in the treasures thereof innumerable doctrines and precepts tending to this purpose ; yet i leave the further prosecution of the same , till a fitter opertunity be offered to me , or any other whom the lord shall indue with a greater measure of his spirit . but mr. edwards , for preparation to this his desperate intention , hath sent these reasons against independant government , and toleration , and presented them to the honorable house of commons ; which reasons ( i thinke ) he would have to be get a snake , to appeare ( as he saith ) under the greene grasse ; for i am sure , he cannot , ●ake the humble petitions of of the kings subjects to be a snake , for petitioning is a way of peace and submission , without violence or venum ; neither can it cast durt upon any government of the nation , as he unjustly accuseth the protestation protested , for that author leaveth it to the magistrate , not undertaking to determine of himselfe what government shall be set ever the nation , for the bringing of men to god but leaveth it to the consideration of them that have authority , and whereas mr. edwards grudges that they preach so often at the parliament ; in this he is like unto amaziah , who bid the prophet amos to flee away into the land of ju●●a , and not to prophesie at bethel , the kings chappell , and the house of the kingdome . * and though mr. edwards boast himselfe heare , to be a minister of the gospell , and a sufferer for it , yet i challenge him , to prove unto me , that he hath any calling or ordination to the ministry , but that which he hath successively from rome ; if he lay claime to that ; he is one of the popes household ; but if he deny that calling ▪ then is he as void of a calling to the worke of the ministry , and as void of ordination , as any of those ministers , whom hee calleth independant men , ( which have cast off the ordination of the prelates ) and consequently as void of ordination as a macanicall trades man . and therefore i hope that honourable house that is so full of wisedome ( which mr ▪ edwards doth confesse ) will never judge these men unreasonable , because they do petition , nor their petitions unreasonable before they are tried , and so proved , by some better ground , then the bare entrance of mr. edwards his cavit , or writ of ne admittas , though he saith he fo●ched it from heaven ; for i know it was never there , neither is it confirmed by the records of holy scripture , but taken from the practise of nimrod , that mighty hunter before the lord , * and from the practise of haman that wicked persecucuter , * & from the evill behaviour and malicious speeches , and gesture of wicked sanballet , * and tobias , who were both bitter enemies to god , and sought to hinder the building of the walles of jerusalem . but the prophet haggai , reproveth not onely such as hindred the building of the lords house ▪ but also those that were contented to live in their seyled houses , and suffer the lords house to lie waste , hag. - an ansvver to mr. edvvards his booke , intituled , reasons against the independent government in particular congregations . mr. edwards , i understanding that you are a mighty champion , and now mustering up your mighty forces ( as you say ) and i apprehending they must come against the hoast of israel , and hearing the armies of the living god so defied by you , could not be withheld , but that i ( in stead of a better ) must needs give you the meeting . first . whereas you affirme , that the church of god ( which is his house and kingdome ) could not subsist with such provision as their father gave them : which provision was ( by your owne confession ) the watering of them by evangelists , and prophets , when they were planted by the apostles , and after planting and watering to have pastors and teachers , with all other officers ▪ set over them by the apostles & their own election , yet notwithstanding all this provision , the father hath made for them , it was evident ( say you ) they could not well stand of themselves , without some other helpe . this was the very suggestion of sathan into the hearts of our first parents ; for they having a desire of some thing more then was warranted by god , tooke unto them the forbidden fruit , as you would have the lords churches to doe when you say they must take some others besides these churches and officers , and that to interpose authoritatively ; and these something else you make to be apostles , evangelists , and elders of other churches , whereas you confessed before , that these are the furniture of christs kingdome ; and wee know their authoritie was limitted , within the bounds of the word of god : as first , if any of them would be greater , he must be servant to all . secondly , they were forbidden to be lords over gods heritage . thirdly , they were commanded to teach the people , to observe onely those things which christ had commanded them . and whereas you seeme to affirme , that these offices were extraordinary and ceased , and yet the churches have still neede of them : you seeme to contradict your selfe , and would faine cure it againe , in that some other way which you say , you have to supply the want of them , but this other way you have not yet made known : you presuppose , it may be by some sinods and councels , to make a conjunction of the whole . if you meane such a counsell ▪ as is mentioned ▪ acts . . , consisting of apostles and elders with the whole church : then you have said no more than you have said before , and that which we grant , for this is still the furniture of the kingdome ; but if you intend that your counsell should consist of an armie of arch-bishops diocesan bishops , deanes , suffragans , with the rest of that rabble , which be for their titles names of blasphemy , and such as were bred in the smoake of the pit . i deny that any of these be ordained of god , for they have no footing in his word ; therefore indeede these are a part of the fruit of the forbidden tree , which the churches of god have taken and eaten ; and this seeking out inventions of their owne , after that god made them righteous , hath brought them into a state of apostasie , even as ieroboams high places and calves did the people of israel ; which may plainely appeare by the churches of asia . if these be that some other supply which you meane and have produced to helpe the churches , and cities of god ( as you call them ) to determine for those churches and cities the cases of doctrine and discipline in stead of those many ministers which , you conceive them now to want , it tends to make ( as they have now done ) a conjunction not onely of all the churches professing one faith into one body ; but also of all the armies of the man of sinne , and so to confound the church and the world together , which the ministers of the gospell ought to divide , by separating the precious from the vile ▪ and whereas you affirme , the independent congregations now have but few ministers ; it is very true , for indeede they are but a few people , and a few hands will feede a few mouths sufficiently , if god provide meat . but whereas you affirme , that those congregations may have no officer , at all by their owne grounds , and yet be independent . i thinke , they conceive by those grounds , the office onely of pastor , and teacher ; but not that the church of god hath need at any time of the helpe of any other , then god hath given and set in his church , which be all the officers that are before mentioned , as apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors , and teachers ; and to have recourse to any for counsell , helpe , or assistance , either of church or ministry , which is not of christs owne , were very ridiculous . for it is recorded , ephe. . . . that he gave these for the gathering together of the saints for the worke of the ministry , and for the edification of the body of christ , being so gathered ; the time they must continue is , till all the saints be in the unitie of faith . the reason wherefore they were given , was to keepe people from being tossed too and fro with every winde of doctrine . and these are they , by whom all the body is coupled and knit together , by every joynt for the furniture thereof , according to the effectuall power , which is in the measure of every part , and receiveth increase of the body unto the edifying of it selfe in love . and this is according to the promise that christ made , matth. . . . to be with his ministers in teaching his people to the end of the world . and thus you may see mr. edwards , you cannot gather from our owne words , that we have neede of the helpe of any other churches ▪ or ministers , to interpose ( as you unjustly affirme ) as it may plainely appeare by mr. robinsons owne words in the justification of the separation , pag. . . these are his words ; it is the stewards duty to make provision for the family ; but what if he neglect this duty in the masters absence ? must the whole family starve , yea and the wife also ? or is not some other of the family best able to be employed for the present necessity ? the like he saith concerning the government of a ship , of an armie ▪ and of common wealths ; alluding to the church of christ . and further expresseth , that as a private citizen may become a magistrate , so a private member may become a minister , for an action of necessity to be performed , by the consent of the rest , &c. therefore it appeares plainely by all that hath binsaid , that the churches of christ may be truely constituted according to the scripture , and subsist a certaine time without pastor and teacher , and enjoy the power of christ amongst themselves having no dependancie upon any other church or churches which shall claime authority or superiority over them . and thus much for your first reason . now in your second reason , which runneth upon the calling of the ministry , you affirme , that the government of the independent congregations is not of divine institution . which i utterly denie , and will prove it , by disproveing the following instances by which you affirme to prove it . whereas you affirme , that their independencie forces them to have ministers without ordination . i answer , it is a plaine case by the foregoing answer , to your first reason , that you speake untruely , for their practise is there made knowne to be otherwise ; and if you will still affirme , that they have not power so to practise , you will thereby deny the truth of the scriptures ; for the apostles were commanded to teach the churches , to observe all things whatsoever christ had commanded them . but christ commanded the apostles to ordaine elders in every church by election ; therefore the apostles taught the churches to ordaine elders by election also . and whereas you bid us produce one instance ( if we can ) for an ordinary officer to be made without ordination , it is needlesse ; for we ( whom you call independant ) strive for no such thing , as you have proved it plainely out of mr. robinsons booke , apol. chap. . . to which i send you to learne better . further , you alleadge , that if they be ordained , it is by persons who are not in office . now if you meane , they have no office because they are not elected , ordained and set apart by the clergie to some serviceable , admini●●ation ; i pray you tell me who ordained the apostles , prophets , and evangelists to their worke or ministry ? if you will say they were ordained of god , i will grant it , and doe also affirme that god hath promised the supply of them , to the end of the world , as before hath beene mentioned , from ephe. . as also , it appeares by pauls charge to timothy ; tim. . . that what things he had heard of him , among many witnesses , the same he should commit to faithfull men who should be able to teach others also : but i verily doe beleeve , that as titus , so timothy heard of paul that elders must be ordained by election in every city , and that titus was as much bound to communicate the things unto others , which he had learned of paul , as timothy was , and timothy ( we know ) was to teach faithfull men , and those faithfull men were to teach others those things that they had heard of timothy , among which things ordination was one , as it was delivered to titus ; and we are not to doubt of timothius faithfulnesse in the declaring of this part of his message more than the rest , but if those to whom timothy delivered it , were not faithfull in the discharge of their duty : but that in due time the ordinances might possibly grow out of use , as the churches ▪ did by little and little apostate ; yet that hinders not but that it was still written in the scripture ▪ that the generations to come might recover againe the right use of the ordinances when god should by his spirit direct them to know the same . moreover ▪ i affirme , that all the lords people , that are made kings and priests to god , have a free voyce in the ordinance of election , therefore they must freely consent before there can be any ordination ; and having so consented they may proceede to ordination , notwithstanding they be destitute , of the counsell or assistance of any neighbour church ; as if there were no other churches in the land , but onely one company of beleevers joyned together in fellowship , according to christs institution . the promise made in the th . of iohn . . is made unto them , where christ said . the workes that he did they should doe ●s● ; & that whatsoever they should aske in his name , that he would do for the● , that the father may be glorified , and that the spirit of truth should ●●ide with them for ever . and that he should teach them all things , and bring all things unto their remembrance , as it is said in the following verses of the same chapter . this ( you may see ) is the portion of beleevers , and they that have this portion are the greatest in the world , and many of them are greater than one , but many joyned together in a comely order in the fellowship of the gospell , according to the scriptures , are the greatest of all and therefore have power to ordaine , and to blesse their ministers in the name of the lord . thus the lesser is blessed of the greater . now mr. edwards , i hope you will confesse , that you spake unadvisedly , when you affirmed , the maintenance of independensie , was the breaking of gods ordinance , and violating of that order and constant ●●y of ministers recorded in the word . to this i answer , that if the church doe elect one , he must be elected out of some more , & those that are not elected , may be as able to blesse the church in the name of the lord , as he ; therefore one of these who are not elected , being chosen by the whole church , to blesse him in the name of the lord , whom the church hath ordained , is the hand of the whole ( who are greatest of all , and so a sufficient officer for that worke which hee is put a part to doe . thus you may see ( mr. edwards ) that we doe not hold ordination extraordinary and temporary ; neither doe we hold it the least of gods institutions , for we have respect unto them all ; but that nothing in matter of order hath so cleare and constant a practise as this ( as you do affirme ) and also say , the whole frame of church and discipline , hath not so much ground in the word for it as this . i deny , and doe affirme , that not onely this , but all gods ordinances have as much ground and footing in gods word also . yet notwithstanding you say , that calvin confesseth , that there is no expresse precept concerning the imposition of hands : hath the imposition of hands no footing in gods word ? and yet hath not all the forme of gods worship so much footing as it ? here mr. calvin and you , will now pin all the forme of church and discipline , upon unwritten verities . further , you rehearse confusedly , the opinion of zanchius to strenghen yours who ( say you ) would have the example of the apostles and ancient church , to be more esteemed of , and to be instead of a command . i pray you , how doe you know it to be their example , if it be not written ? and whereas you alledge , that zanchius saith , it is no vaine ceremony but the holy spirit is present to performe things inwardly ▪ which are signified by this ordinance outwardly . i have granted you that already , where i affirme , that the church having the spirit of god hath power by an instrument of her owne chusing , to blesse the party to his worke in the name of the lord ; and i am also bound to beleeve , that god will accompany that his owne ordinance ( which is performed by them outwardly ) with his owne spirit inwardly , to furnish the party ( so blessed by them ) with the knowledge of the scripture , which is able to furnish the man of god to every part of his duty . and thus you may see , that we have not departed from christs way , nor gone any other way , in things concerning his house and officers , then he hath directed . and whereas you demand for what cause paul left titus at cr●●te ? i answer , that i have told you before , that it was to communicate the things unto others , which hee had learned , whereof ordination was one . and no doubt but hee declared the same to faithfull men , that they might teach others also , therefore he was there employed in preaching of the gospell , as well as if he had gone preaching with paul . the next thing you goe upon , is the triall of the gifts of ministers , and this you attribute to them which have the greatest measure of the spirit , for you say , examination belongeth to the most skilfull , and they who have most authority . all these things are well allowed of by us , for who hath a greater measure of the spirit than beleevers ? and who hath more skill than he that hath beene trained up in the schoole of christ ? and hath learned this lesson to be obedient to his master christ in keeping of all his commandements ? and who hath greater authority upon the earth then they that are visible saints ? and what makes men visible saints ? if not the manifestation of their obedience to god the father , and christ his sonne , in the practise of all his ordinances , and not to have some other presbyters present with them , to assist them , ( as you affirme ) for by these other presbyters , i know not yet who you meane . and whereas you say , that the church may be led into errours , or kept in a low estate by unfit pastors and elders . i answer , it is a cleare truth ; as wofull experience teacheth us , who live here in the land of england . and whereas you affirme , that visible saints cannot ordaine officers , because they have no gifts of prayer . i answer , here you make prayer the ordination of ministers . and whereas you say they are not able to conceive prayer . here you give the holy ghost the lie : for beleevers have received the spirit of adoption to cry abba father , but say you , they cannot conceive prayer according to the action in bo●● . here you would seeme to make beleevers , which have the spirit of god , to leade them into all truths , more voide of common reason , then men that have but gifts of nature . againe , you say , they have not gifts to make publike exhortation , and admonition . to which i answer , if they had first knowledge to feele the want of a pastor , and also divers able men out of whom to elect and ordaine a pastor , then they out of whom this person is chosen , are able to exhort , and to admonish : for he that hath not the gift of teaching , may have the gift of exhortation : againe , the man that undertaketh to teach others , ought to be taught by god , and likewise to be able by sound doctrine to withstand the gainesayers , but a man may give good exhortations , ( and that publikely ) that is not able to withstand the gainesayers by ●ound doctrine . by this you may see , the church of god can never be without some ministers , except it be ( according to that spoken by zacha●iah ) in the day of very small things indeede , when god shall take away their ministers by death , prison , or exile : for seeing the churches were planted by ministers of gods owne ordaining ; therefore they were not without ministers in the very beginning : and still the churches are planted by the ministeriall power of the lord jesus , which cannot be exercised without fit instruments ; yet that they must want the word preached , or sacraments administred , till they have pastors and teacher in office , is yet to be proved , but that page of mr. robinsons , which hath beene alledged before , is sufficient for this present purpose against you , even to prove that the family must not be unprovided for , either for the absence or neglect of a steward . but now you seeme to insinuate an affirmation , or a supposition , i cannot well tell whether , that a ruleing elder may be destitute of the guift of discering , and seeme to imply , that if he be destitute , then all the church must be destitute , if there be no more officers then be . here you would faine make the ruling elders , the eyes of the church , and then all the rest of the body must be blinde , and so unfit to have any hand in election , and also voide of the spirit of grace to discerne the gifts by , though it hath beene proved unto you before , that she is the greatest of all , having the spirit of god to leade her into all truth , being the spouse of christ , and endowed with all his riches , gifts , and donations . and thus you still deny the authority , & ability of the church giving to the persons in office all power and deserning . but this is indeede according to your practise here in england , but not according to the minde and spirit of god . and for the neighbour churches counsell , i deny not , but that it may be imbraced , and the saints have cause to praise god for any helpes of gods ordaining . but if they want the helpe of a neighbour church to counsell them , or neighbour ministers to direct them : yet if they be a church of jesus christ , they have ( as hath beene said before ) power among themselves to elect and ordaine their owne officers ; as also the spirit of discerning ▪ whereby to try their gifts , and yet be farre from falling into that evill , which they complaine against in the episcopacie ( namely ) for one man to have the sole power of ordination . by all these particulars , you may clearely see all your pretended proofes and former assertions disproved , as i promised you , in the entrance of this my answer to your second reason . so that these two first reasons , being ( as i conceive ) the greatest champions , which you have sent out in this skirmage , are now both slaine , and made voide of all the life that ever was in them , for , they were made most of suppositions , and of things that appeared unto you by likelihood , without any ground from the scriptures : and of some other thing than gods word allowed : and of some triviall affirmations which were not grounded upon any truth of gods word . now , these two being thus turned aside , by one of the meanest of all the army of jesus christ , you may justly feare , that all the rest of your souldiers will run away wounded . in your third reason , ▪ you say it is not to be thought , that christ would institute such a government of his church which affords no helpe ; nor allowes no way or remedy for innocent persons that are wronged . which thing i grant to be very true ; but touching the means and helpes which you pleade for , that is , some other synods to appeale unto , i tell you i know not what synods you meane . but this i affirme that there are no larger synods to be kept to settle church differences , then the comming together of the ministers , and brethren , as it is mentioned in the th . of the acts , which i have granted you in my answers to your former reasons . and whereas you strive for appeales : i answer , it is the rule of christ , that if one brother doe trespasse against another ; and if the brother offending will not be reclaimed by the private admonition of the brother offended , he is to be admonished by one or two other brethren with him ; but if he will not heare them , the brother offended is to tell the church ; and if he will not heare the church , then he is not to be accounted a brother but as a heathen man and a publican ; if not as a brother , then out of the fellowship : then if the wrong be any personall injury , as oppression , or fraud , or any other sinne of these natures , the law is open , where he may appeale for justice to the magistrate in any part of the kingdome , where-ever he liveth ; but if it be a matter of scandall ; as if hee should be a drunkard , or incontinent , or the like , then he hath sufficient remedy , when such a one is cast out of his society . by this you may see , the way of government given by christ jesus , the king of peace , is the way of peace and righteousnesse . and whereas you affirme , that if the controversie touching circumcision , should have beene ended in the church of antiochia , then parties must have beene iudges . here , you would seeme by this to make the whole church of antioch leavened with the doctrine of justification by circumcision , which to doe is a very great slander , as it appeares by paul & barnabas opposing them there , and that churches sending paul and barnabas to have the churches advise at ierusalem concerning this matter . but whereas you affirme , that the church of antiochia , judged it unequall to decide the case among themselves : i answer , that they judged it unequall , is more than is expressed in that place : but if that should be granted , it will make against you , for their reason in sending the matter to ierusalem , was , because the parties were members of the church of ierusalem , as it appeares by acts. ● . . . . the first verse sheweth , that they were men of iudea ; the th . verse proves that they were beleevers ▪ the th ▪ verse declares , that they went out of the church of ierusalem unto them . and by this you may see plainely , that this chapter ( above all the chapters that i can finde ) proves independencie upon your owne ground ; that the church of antiochia judged it an unequall thing for them to judge the members of the church of ierusalem . and by this you may perceive , how you have either erred , not knowing the scriptures or else you have done worse in labouring to darken the truth by evasions , or false glosses . thus much for your third reason . in your fourth reason you affirme , that the light and law of nature , with right reason , is against the independancie of particular churches ▪ which is an unjust affirmation as hath beene plainely proved before in the answer to your third reason . ▪ but a few words concerning this reason . you say it is found necessary , in bodies naturall , that the particular members doe joyne in one , for the good of the whole , and that the whole being greater than a part , the severall parts should be subject too , and ordered by the whole : all this i have granted you freely ▪ already in the answer to your second reason ; where i have plainely proved unto you , that the hands of the church are ordered by the whole body , in the ordination of the ministery : and this is according to the very scripture it selfe , for the holy ghost speaketh so , in cor. . comparing the church of god to the naturall body of a man ; and therefore when the hand lanceth the foote , it cannot be said properly to be the action of the hand alone , because the hand is set a worke , by the body ; neither can the body set the hand a worke , if it be destitute of the power , for the motion of the body commeth not from the hand ▪ but the motion of the hand from the body ; and thus you may see i have granted your comparison . and the nearer politicke bodies doe goe to this rule ; the more orderly they are guided ; for as all the cities and country of england , make up but one kingdome , and all the people in england ought to be subject to one king ; so all the independant congregations in england , and out of england , ( that are guided by the lawes of christ ) make up but one kingdome spiritually to him that is their king . now concerning armies ; though i be very ignorant in these things ▪ yet thus much i conceive , that all the armies , that belong to the kingdome ought to be under the banner of their owne king ; even so all the particular congregations of christ , are to be guided by the lawes of their owne captaine christ , who rideth before them with his garments dipt in blood , and they follow after him riding upon white horses , revel. . , . , . we reade also in the scripture of another armie , which were gathered together against the lord , and against his christ : and this armie ( i conceive ) consisteth of those locusts , which ascended out of the bottomlesse pit , rev. . and these , as i told you before , are arch-bishops , diocesan bishops , deanes , prebends , &c. and the rest of that rable ; and these also have a king over them , which is the angell of the bottomlesse pit , who is said to be the great red dragon the devill and sathan , rev. . . . and . . who gave unto this armie his power and throne , and great authority , rev. . . therefore , to any counsells that are held , or canon lawes that are enacted by any captaine of this armie , the churches of christ ought not to submit , though they should be commanded , by any statute law of the kingdome ; for those statute lawes are not according to christs rule , but ought by all councells of state to be repealed . and whereas you say , it is alledged by the separation ; that hold independancie , that the magistrate of leyden cannot governe in delph : this i hope you will grant ; for i am sure the magistrates of coventry cannot execute their office in shrewsbury , neither can the one towne chuse magistrates for the other : and this still proves independencie , for either of these may chuse their owne , and guide their owne at all times , except they forfeit their charter . now whereas you say , the people alleadge for themselves , that the law of nature teacheth them to make a covenant ; though there be neither precept nor practise of it in the word . i suppose you misconster their sayings , for the text alleadged in thessalonians ● doth not prove that brotherly love was never written of in the scripture ; but that it had beene so sufficiently taught of god by written precepts , that it needed not to be written againe . besides , i am able to prove by the scripture , that there is both precept and practise for a church covenant : the which i will answer you in the answer to your th . reason , where you begge the question . concerning what is asserted by some divines of scotland , that in such things as are alike common to the church , and commonwealth , and have the same use in both , and that whatsoever natures light directeth the one , directeth the other also . you know ( by what hath beene formerly spoken ) i have fully assented unto it . i also agree with amesius , as farre as he agrees with the truth ; but to agree with you in that falsehood , that the government of independant churches , is against the light of nature and right reason , that i have denied , and disproved sufficiently already . thus having answered every particular thing in this reason , that hath not beene answered already , i proceede to the fifth . in your th . reason you affirme , that there be many rules in scripture , that doe require the combination of churches into synods ; for proofe whereof you say , that amesius confesseth , the rules and commands to be such as these ; let all things be done to edification , decently and in order , cor. . . . and follow after the things which make for peace , rom. . . so phil. . . and you conclude that synods a●e found to be for edification , peace , and order . but you have brought no scripture yet that proveth it ▪ and i know all scripture is against it , therefore i deny it . and as for the scriptures alleadged ( as you say ) by amesius , they are such as were spoken to particular congregations : and in the particular congregation of colosse , paul beheld a comely order , notwithstanding there were no synod , consisting of any but onely the members and ministers of that congregation , col. . . and as for commands , which you say are some generall , and others particular ; here you labour by evasions to turne away the truth ; for you your selfe know ▪ that every particular command reacheth not to the generall , though a generall command reach to every particular . now if you can shew us in the scriptures any generall command , that all the churches should , or an example that all the churches did gather a councell of some ministers out of every particular congregation , to make decrees o● lawes to impose upon the whole , then you will speake speake something to the purpose , but as yet you have not spoken one word that proveth any such thing . and whereas you alleadge that scripture , that the spirits of the prophets must be subject to the prophets , cor. . . i answer , that that is given to particular congregations ; and therefore not to all in a province or nation , and so not to synods : and paul never sought to winne credit nor obedience to orders established by himselfe , ( as you say ) for he never made any other orders , nor taught the people any other thing than what he had received of the lord jesus , as it is plaine in cor. . be ye followers of me ( saith he ) as i am of christ , and in the . verse of the same chapter , i have received of the lord ( saith he ) that which i have delivered unto you . paul also writes unto these corinthians , ( whom he had converted unto the faith ) to be followers of him , cor. . ● . in ver. . he sheweth them , that therefore he sent timothy unto them , to the end that timothy should put them in remembrance of pauls wayes in christ , as paul had taught every where in every church . here you may see paul brings not the example of the synod before them , nor layes upon them any decree or command , to practise otherwise than he himselfe had learned in christ ; yet i hope you will not deny , but that this church spoken of , was a church of christ as well as the church of colosse . now the next thing to be considered is , that which you alleadge of pauls submission , to the practise of what was agreed upon , by the common consent of iames , and the rest of the elders , acts . from . . to . the reason why they counselled paul to doe the thing , was , because of the information that the jewes had then against paul ▪ that he taught the people to forsake moses , acts . . now i hope you will not deny , but that this was a false affirmation . the thing wherein they conceived he transgressed was , by bringing in trophimus an ephesian , ( as they thought into the temple ) because they saw him with him in the citie . this was but their supposition , as it appeares in the verse of this chapter . now what the elders counselled paul to doe , in respect of giving offence to the jewes , was no injunction to any to follow the same example , except it were in the same case . now paul himselfe was a jew , and taught all men that christ was come to fulfill the law , and not to destroy the law ; therefore he condescended to circumcise timothy because his mother was a jew , and the jewes knew his father was a grecian . but titus a grecian was not compelled to be circumcised ; yea , though there were false brethren crastily crept in , to spy out their liberty ; paul gave not place to them , no not for an houre , gal . . . now the things that the elders counselled paul to doe , was to purifie himselfe , with them that had a vow , and to contribute with them ; and the reason wherefore they counselled paul to doe this , was , that it might appeare to the jewes that paul was a jew , and not an uncircumcised person , for the jewes knew that it was a sinfull thing to bring into the temple any uncircumcised person in heart or flesh , ezek. . . now paul in all this did nothing but what was commanded in the law , as purifications and vowes , &c. moreover , this counsell of iames and the elders unto paul , was not generall to the beleeving jewes ; neither was it generally or particularly to the gentiles , but particularly to paul , and the rest with him , because of the false report which the jewes had received of him . and as this counsell was not generall , so it was not perpetuall , but served to put an honorable end to the law , which christ came to fulfill , and not to destroy . by all this it appeares , it maketh nothing for any counsell that you plead for , to establish any unwritten verities ; for such counsels are the counsels of darkenesse : because they are not according to the law and the testimony , it appeares there is no light in them : therefore they are not of authoritie to bind any particular member of the church , much lesse the generall , as you say they are . but seeing you confesse , that no synod can say ▪ it seemeth good unto the holy ghost and to us ; it plainely appeares that your counsels presume without the counsell of the holy ghost . but you may see , that the church of ierusalem did nothing without the counsell of the spirit , neither determined of any thing , that was not written in the scripture . so the churches of god now ought to presume to do nothing but what the written word allowes them ; being taught the true meaning thereof by the spirit that god hath given them . moreover , the counsell of ierusalem imposed nothing upon the gentiles for a law , but counselled them to abstaine from some necessary things , which would be either offensive to the iewes , or sinfull in themselves , acts . . . . . now seeing the church of ierusalem hath done nothing , but by he counsell of the written word , in forbidding things sinfull in themselves and offensive to their brethren , it appeares to be plainely against your synods , and dependencie in government , which in cases difficult , doe establish things which have no footing in gods word ; neither have they , by your owne confession , in their counsels any one , who is immediatly and infallibly imspired by the spirit , and able of himselfe to satisfie the controversie , they being by your owne confession inferiour to paul and barnabas ; and paul and barnabas might teach nothing but what was taught in the law and the prophets . and therefore , by this it appeares you have not grounded any affirmation or supposition upon gods word ; for the proving either of your synods or dependencie . thus much for your fifth reason . in your sixth reason you affirme that the government of the church by synods , is no where forbidden by god in the new testament , either directly , or by consequence . but i doe affirme the contrary , and prove it thus ; that whatsoever government is not commanded by god is accursed , and that is plainely manifested in the new testament ▪ rev. . . but your government by synods is not commanded by god , and therefore it is accursed ▪ as it will appeare in the following discourse . whereas you say , that all the ministers are greater than one : i have already proved , that the church of christ is greater than all the ministers . you say synods appoint no other office or officer in the church , which christ hath not appointed . me thinkes you are strangely put to your shifts ▪ that dare not tell the world what you meane by your synods . but if you meane the councell or convocation that used to sit at pauls , i have told you already they are none of the councell of christ , neither hath he appointed that councell or any other councell , to make , or ordaine , either officers or offices for his church , therefore so to affirme is blasphemie , for he himselfe is their lord and law-giver , and hath instituted every particular ordinance in his church , that the church hath neede of , therefore it is ( as hath beene said already ) against the law and light of nature ▪ and contrary to edification , order , peace , purenesse , lovelinesse , for any to decree for , or injoyne upon , the assemblies of the saints any other practise but those that the apostles have taught , which they themselves had learned from the lord jesus : but as for you mr. edwards , it appeareth plainely that you doe not understand nor see the forme of the lords house ; which causeth you to call upon any to produce a particular word , or rule , for the order of gods worship , what must be performed first , what second , what third , what fourth , and so of the rest ; and that no ordinance , and part of worship may be in another order . further , you chalenge them if they can , to shew a particular word or rule out of the new testament , for their church covenant , which you say , is the forme of the church . you also inquire for the forme of excommunication , and ordination , and gestures in the severall ordinances of god . and this you say they are not able to doe , but onely in generall rules . i have told you already that generall rules reach to every perticular , and that is no more than you seeme to know already : for you have confessed , that there are generall rules to teach every one of these particulars , which you could not chuse but acknowledge ; otherwise you would have made christ not so faithfull in his house as moses . but the more you know , the greater is your sinne , in that you labour to turne away the light ; and you are still repairing of those thresholds , which have beene set up by gods thresholds . if i had any hope therefore that you would be ashamed of all that you have done , i would shew you , though not all that i see , yet what i am able to expresse of the forme of the house of god , and the paterne thereof , and the going out thereof , and the comming in thereof , and all the ordinances thereof , and the lawes thereof and write it in your sight , that so you may keepe the whole fa-shion thereof , and all the ordinances thereof , and doe them . as for the ordinance of election , ordination , and excommunication &c. i have declared already the forme to them that have their eyes open to see it . but they cannot see the forme of the house , that have not repented them of the evills that they have done therefore i will cease to strive with such persons , for they may live and stay long enough , and be of no church of christ . thus much for your sixth reason . in your th . reason you say , that consociation and combination , in way of synods , is granted by themselves , ( and you produce for your authors these foure ; christ on his throne , examination of prelates petition , syons prerogative royal , and the protestation protested ; which authors , if the reader please to examine shall fina● cleare against you ) that which you have gathered here from these authors is , that they grant that one church should be content that matters of difference and importance should be heard by other churches , as also to be advised and counselled by other churches , &c. i answer , though all should confesse , that it is profitable to have the counsell of their brethren and neighbour churches in doubtfull cases , yet this will be farre from proving the lawfulnesse of your synods ; as may appeare by the authors that your selfe hath here alledged , for they intend no such consociation , nor combination , which you have mentioned : but seeing your selfe would have something which you cannot prove , you would begge of others to grant it or prove it for you . concerning the orders , or decrees of the church of ierusalem ( acts . ) they were not such decrees as were alterable , but such as were warranted by god , and a perpetuall rule for all the churches of the gentiles . you neede not tell me what amesius speaketh of the parts of discipline , as if any of the separation , held it to consist all in excommunication ; for i have told you already , that they have seene the forme of the lords house , and have respect unto all his ordinances , and doe not take one for all . neither is it granted you , that admonitions and reproofès , and decreeing of excommunications should be by officers of other churches , towards members of any congregation , though in the same constitution ; the contrary most evidently appeareth , even by the practise of the church of antioch , who brought the matter to the church of ierusalem , which concerned the church of ierusalems members , neither may any of the churches now be subject to the censures of other congregations , except they must be subject to humane ordinances ; but in case , both the members , and the church , be obstinate in any knowne sinne , then are the churches of god bound to admonish her , and reprove her , and reject her ; as if the church of antiochia had found the church of ierusalem all leavened with the doctrine of iustification by circumcision ; then had the church of antiochia power to admonish , reprove , and reject the church of ierusalem , and not have communion with them , if they persisted obstinate in that evill ; for the church of antiochia was not inferiour in power to the church of ierusalem . thus much for your seventh reason . in the beginning of your eight reason you say they grant and confe●se , that churches of one constitution ought to withdraw from ; and ●enounce communion and fellowship with a congregation or church that is fallen into sinne , as false doctrine , and evill discipline , &c. i answer , i have granted you , that in the conclusion of the answer to your d● . reason , if the church stand obstinace in sinne , and will not be reclaimed . but that they should be complained on to syn●ds and classes , and subject to their censures , that is but a question of your owne begging , and remaines for you to prove , and denied of me . the next thing you would know is the diference betweene excomm●●ication and reje●●ion , and would seeme to make them both one ▪ to which i answer , titus had power to reject a person , a but we doe not reade that he had power of himselfe to excommunicate that person . a wicked man may be said to reject god when he rejecteth his word . so saul rejected god , ( sam. . . therefore god rejected him from being king , vers. . but did he excommunicate god ? so the people of israel rejected god sam. . . and . . did they therefore excommunicate god ? here mr. edwards , you may see that excommunication is more than rejection , as it also plainely appeares by pauls words , cor. . . . where he delivers unto them the forme of excommunication , in these words ; when ye are gathered together , and my spirit , in the name of our lord iesus christ , that such a one by the power of our lord iesus christ be delivered unto sat●an , &c. here mr. edwards , you may plainely see the forme of this part of the lords house ; this you see paul had determined before ; and also that pauls spirit was together with the church in the action doing ; yet paul tooke not upon him that power of himselfe , but committed the action to the church who had the power of our lord iesus christ , as he himselfe testifieth , which plainely proves , that the church had the power that paul had not ; for though paul was a good counsellor , yet he was no executioner in that action , but as a member for his part . here mr. edwards you may see the difference betweene rejection and excommunication ; a man in rejecting the law of god , may be said to reject god , and he that addes to , or diminisheth from the lawes of god , rejects god , in rejecting the counsell of god , which injoynes him neither to adde , nor diminish : but you by pleading for your unknowne synods and ungrounded dependencie , reject the counsell of god ; and so doe all those , that assist you in it . the next thing you affirme is ; that this government of independencie ( which i have proved to be christs government ) overthro●es the communion of saints . to which i answer , this appeares to be contrary by that which hath beene said already ; as for example , the difference betweene the church of antiochia , and the church of ierusalem ; turned to good , because they undertooke not the authority to determine the case themselves , as hath beene said ; because it was against the members of the church of ierasalem : and this increased union and communion in both churches , as we may plainely see , for peter communicated unto them what god had revealed unto him : and paul & barnabas declared what god had done by them . iames calls from● backe to consider what peter had declared ; and backes it with the scripture , manifesting how it agreed with the words of the prophets , as you may reade at large , in act. . thus you may see what sweete communion was betweene these churches that were both independant . now , whereas you say 〈◊〉 be in a christian common-wealth , or nation . i doe affirme it may stand with christs church in a common-wealth , as may plainely appeare in the three first chapters of the revelations , which testifies that there were seven churc●●s in asia , and these seven churches were compared to seven g●●den candlestickes , b and every candlesticke stood by it se●● , and held forth her owne light , as appeares by those severall m●●sages , which were sent to those seven churches ; for had they had a dependencie one upon another in respect of power , then one message would have served unto them all ; and what sinne any of the churches or angels were guilty of , would have been laid unto the charge of all the churches and angels ; but wee see it was otherwise ▪ as for instance ; there was none charged for suffering the woman iezebel to teach the people ; to commit for nication , and to eate things sacrificed to idols , but the angell of thyatria ; by this you may plainely see there was not one angell set over them all , nor one synod oppointed to judge and correct them all , which is the thing you labour for . yet it cannot be said that the independancie of these seven churches hindred their communion , either with christ their head , or one with another : neither was it any disturbance to the common-wealth or nation wherein they lived . and here you cannot say that i have eyaded , but have answered you directly , to these your doubts , and suppositions , and to many of your ●ffs , which have beene , your spies sent out in this scout ; and moreover , i will answer all your many reasons as i come to them ( though they be joyned in battle with these ) i meane your following reasons against toleration ; and also batter , or drive backe your answers which you have made to the six reasons , which you say be theirs , and yet neither this scout , nor the joyned , nor the subjoyned forces , shall be able to discover what strength is on my side , although they be formed by you in battle aray . now i have proved the independant government to be christs government ; i will also prove in my answers to these your following reasons , that the independant congregations performe christs publike worship , and therefore ought to be tolerated , and maintained in the practise thereof . in the beginning of your first reason against toleration , you grant , that the scriptures speake m●ch for toleration , and bearing with one another in many things , both in matters of opinion and practise , and the scriptures you quote are very pertinent to this purpose , but alwayes provided , they are to be understood as spoken properly to particular congregations , and not unto any whole nation . but to stand for the toleration of the maintenance of heresie , and schisme , is not the toleration that we plead for ( as farre as hath beene yet made knowne ) but rather your insinuation : for i have declared unto you already in the driving backe of the first scout of your army , that god hath provided a way and meanes to purge every congregation of his from all such persons that doe offend , whether it be in matters of faith or order . neither doe any that stand for christian liberty condemne them for cruelty , or that it is against charitie . for if we compare the church with one man or a few then it will easily appeare , that the one doth out-weigh the other : ●nd you say , calvin saith , it is cruell mercy which preferres one man , or a few , before the church : to these words of calvin i doe fully agree unto , for they are of the same nature with my former answers to your reasons against independancie , where i have proved against you , that the weight and power ireth in the church and that the church is above the ministers , and that the ministers have their power by the church to exercise in the church , and not the church by the ministers . the next thing to be considered in this your reason , is your peremptory affirmation , but grounded upon no scripture , ( namely ) that to set up independant and separated churches , is a schisme in it selfe , and that it will make great disturbance in the church , both to the outward peace , and to the faith and conscience of the people of the kingdome . now that it is a schisme in it selfe , i deny , and prove the contrary thus ; god hath commanded all his people to separate themselves from all idolatry c and false worshipping d and false worshippers e ( and therefore it is no schisme ) except you will make god the author of schisme ) & this is according to the prophet esaiahs words , esay . which is the first lesson that every one ought to learne ; even to cease to doe evill . but i hope it will not be denied but that they are to learne another lesson , which is , to learne to doe well : but to doe well is to keepe all gods commandements , and to obey god rather then men . now gods commands to his people , is , that they learne to know the forme of the house ( as i have told you before ) and all the ordinances of the house , and to doe them , ezek. . . but the ordinances of christs kingdome under the gospell , ( amongst the rest ) are doctrine , fellowship , breaking of bread , and prayer ; which ordinances the saints continued stedfastly in , and are commended for their constancie in the same , acts . and that in every particular church or congregation , though there were divers in one nation , and yet i hope you will not affirme it was any disturbance to the nation ( otherwise th●n christ hath shewed shall ever be , that the seed of the serpent , shall persecute the seede of the woman ) for gods people are said to be a peaceable people and the lord himself hath said that he hath set them in the world as lambs among wolves . now there must needs be a disagreement betweene lambes and wolves but the lambes are not the cause thereof . by this you may see that separation is not a scisme , but obedience to gods commandement . and for any magistrate to give way for men to separate , from the worship of the kingdome established by law ( if that worship be not according to gods law ) is the magistrates duty ; and the magistrate shall partake of no sinne in so doing because there is no sinne committed . therefore the magistrate ought not to forbid the practise of gods worship ; when hee hath power to command it ; for he is set up for the practise of those that doe well , and for the punishment of evill ●oers . and therefore you did well , when you admonished the parliament in your epistle , to cast out of the way all stambling blockes , and to breake downe all images , and crucifixes ; and to throw downe all 〈◊〉 , and remove the high places ; and to breake to pieces the brazen serpents which have beene so abused to idolatry and superstition . so then you grant , that much may be done ( as it seemeth by your speech ) and yet if there be not a full reformation , even to the throwing downe of the high places , it will prove a blemish to the reformers . you say , he that doth not forbid , when he hath power , he commands . but i hope you doubt not but the parliament hath power , and therefore whatsoever they doe not forbid ( by your owne ground ) they have or doe command . but in the protestation , they have not forbidden gods worship , which is according to his word ; but they have protested ( and have injoyned others so to doe ) to maintaine and ●●●end the protestant religion , expressed in the doctrine of the church of england , against all popery , and popish innovations , within this realme &c. and in the interpretation of their meaning of the said oath , they binde us neither to the ●●t forme of worship , discipline , or government , nor any rites or ceremonies of the said church of england . now if we must withstand popery , and popish innovations , then we must needs withstand such dependencie as makes up a whole nation a church both good and bad , without separating the precious from the vile , and also such synods or counsels that decree , and make lawes , and impose them upon any church to keepe , having not the word of god to warrant them ; for these are popish innovations , and to be withstood by us , according to our oath . and truely mr. edwards , you might have asked the independant ministers a question in private , ( for you knew where to finde them ) and not have propounded so silly a question before the parliament , when there was none there to answer you . your question is , whether it be fitting , that well meaning christians should be suffered to goe to make churches ? to this i answer , it is fitter for well meaning christians than for ill-meaning christians , for well-meaning christians be the fittest on the earth to make churches , and to choose their officers ; whether they be taylors , felt-makers , button-makers , tent-makers , shepherds , or ploughmen , or what honest trade soever , if they are well-meaning christians ; but ill-meaning priests are very unfit men to make churches ; because what they build up with one hand , they pull downe with the other . futuher you seeme to feare the s●reading of heresies , if there be not a bi●drance of these assemblies . but you should rather feare that your owne glory would be eclipsed by their gifts and graces ; for they are not men of so meane parts , as you would make them : but are able to divide the word of god aright by the spirit that god hath given them . therefore i would wish you rather to let your heart bleed for your selfe and for the evills that you have done . for christ will never suffer any to perish for whom he died . thus much for your first reason . in your second reason you say , the toleration desired will not helpe to beale the schismes and rents of your church . to which i answer , that if your church be not the church of christ , it will not heale it indeede , for though the prophets would have healed babel , it could not be healed . you say that ministers and people will not submit to the reformation and government setled by law . it is very like so , if it be not free from innovations of popery , because they are sworne to the contrary . but you say many doubts will arise in the peoples mindes , that the government of your church is not ordered according to the word of god . to this i answer ; if you meane the church of englands government , established by the canon law . i thinke it is out of doubt with the most , for they that understand but little , doe see and know that that government is vaine and popish ; and that is the reason ( as i conceive ) why so many refuse to conforme to it : and if you feare that that will prove so great a division , you may doe well to counsell the magistrates , to expell all such government , and to reject all such synods and counsells , and to labour to understand the minde of god , and to set up his government over beleevers in the kingdome of england . and whereas you say , that many of the people who yet be not in this church way , are possessed with these principles ( of the independant way ) and much looking towards it : i say it is pitty they should any longer be led about by the way of the wildernesse . . you doe affirme , that the mindes of multitudes of professors in england , and especially in the city of london , are upon all occasions , very apt to fall to any way in doctrine or discipline , that is not commonly received by the church . i answer , indeede the proverbe is verified upon them . the burned child dreads the fire ; for they have beene so long deceived by your false glosses , that now their eyes being a little open , the light appeareth very sweete unto them ; yea , although they see men but like trees , as the blinde man , when his eyes began to be opened , who had beene blinde from his birth . the third thing which you have laid downe in this reason , is ; that the ministers will not be tied , from preaching those points in publike , nor from speaking of them in private . to which i answer , i hope they will not indeed , for it were their great sinne , if they should not declare gods whole councell , so farre as he hath revealed it unto them . but if they would ( you say ) the people both men and women , are s● strangely bold and pragmaticall , and so highly conceited of their way as the kingdome of christ and the onely way of christ , that out of those principles , they would be drawing many of their friendship and kindred ; and many would ( say you ) come unto them . i answer , that this ( i hope ) you count a vertue , for it is the property of the sheepe when they fare well , to call their fellowes ▪ but hogges will not doe so . the fourth thing to be minded is ( that you say ) liberty , the power of government , and rule , to be in the people , are mighty pleasing to flesh and blood , especially in meane persons , and such as have beene kept under . to which i answer , that they that have beene kept under , have beene kept under by the tyranny of the man of sinne ; this you confesse to be especially the poore , upon whom those taskemasters have laid the greatest burthens . therefore for them to affect liberty is no wonder . and whereas you say they would have the power and rule : i answer , it is not any power or rule which is pleasing to the flesh ( as you speake , thinking them to be like those priests , whose god is their belly , whose glory is their shame , who minde earthly things ) but it is the power of christ which they stand for , as they are members of the churches of christ ; to which churches christ the king thereof hath given all power in spirituall things . and that the church of christ consisteth of meane persons , is no wonder ; for wee have learned , that the poore receive the gospell , and you know you have granted , that it stands with the light and law of nature , that the liberty , power , and rule , should be in the whole , and not in one man or a few ; so that the power must rest in the body ▪ and not in the officers , though the church be never so poore . now the fifth thing you minde in this reason is , that tolleration will be made use of to strengthen their way . and you also conclude , it will be granted , that the ablest ministers could not answer them , and therefore were content they should have a tolleration . you doe very well to feare the worst , but you had done better if you had armed your selfe against them , and answered the scriptures , they bring by scripture : but it is a plaine case , you could not do that , & therfore your feare was just ; but if you were a wellminded man , or a wellmeaning christian man , you should not have feared the comming of the truth to light , nor have been afraid of reformation , because it would worke to your greater divisions , and rents , for christ came not to set peace upon the earth , ( as i have told you before ) but the seede of the serpent will be ever playing his part . thus much for your second reason . in your third reason you affirme , that tolleration will breed divisions , and schismes , disturbing the peace and quiet of churches , and townes . i answer , i have told you already , we plead for no tolleration that shall disturbe the peace of churches or townes . moreover , you say , it will not onely doe so , but it will also breed divisions in families betweene husband and wife , brother , and brother . to which i answer , there was a division in the first family that ever was , and brother rose up against brother ▪ but tolleration was not the cause of it ; but the malice of sathan in the seed of the serpent , as it hath beene , and is now at this day . and this is according to christs words , luke . , . which saith , that there shall be five in one house , two against three , and three against two , &c. and in matth. . , , . thinke not ( saith he ) that i come to send peace into the earth , i came not to send peace , but the sword : for i am come to set a man at variance against his father , and the daughter against her mother , and the daughter in law against her mother in law , and a mans enemies shall be they of his owne household ; and moreover , in luke . . our saviour doth declare , that we shall be betrayed , both by parents , and brethren , and kinssolkes , and friends . now if christ may be said to be the author of evill , then you may say that toleration of true religion is the cause of this division . againe you say , ( o how ) this will occasion disobedience . to this your lamentation i answer . o that you would remember the rule * that every servant ought to count his master worthy of all honour ; and in the judgement of charitie beleeve , that persons professing the gospel will learne that lesson . next you say o! how will this take away that power & authority which god hath given to husbands , fathers , and masters , over wives , children , and servants . to this i answer , o! that you would consider the text in cor. . which plainly declares that the wife may be a beleever , & the husband an unbeleever ▪ but if you have considered this text , i pray you tell me , what authority this unbeleeving husband hath over the conscience of his beleeving wife ; it is true he hath authority over her in bodily and civill respects , but not to be a lord over her conscience ; and the like may be said of fathers and masters , and it is the very same authority which the soveraigne hath over all his subjects , & therfore it must needes reach to families : for it is granted that the king hath power ( according to the law ) over the bodies , goods , and lives of all his subjects ; yet it is christ the king of kings that reigneth over their consciences : and thus you may see it taketh away no authority which god hath given to them . the next thing you say is , that they cannot be certaine , that their servants and children sanctifie the lords day . to which i answer , that indeede unbeleeving masters take as little care of this ▪ as they that have given liberty to prophane the lords day ; but beleeving parents and masters , may easily know ( if their children or servants be of any congregation ) what their life and conversation is , and therefore this can hinder no duties , or workes of families ( as you falsely affirme ) nor crosse the good and peace of familes . by this you may see , that this your groundlesse affirmation , is no good reason against toleration . and therefore the court of parliament ( to whom you submit for judgement ) may easily see that good members both for churches and common-wealths , may issue out of such families , that live under christs government , and that such families may be good nurseries , both for church and common-wealth . thus much for your third reason . in your fourth reason you doe affirme , that there will be great danger of disputes amongst you about government and worship , and doctrine , and practises ( in the conclusion ) you say , it will be about a question where saints goe when they die , whether to heaven or a third place . i answer , this is a question i never heard amongst the separates , ( or any of those whom you call independant men ) , but amongst the papists of rome , and england . the next thing is , about sitting with hats on to breake bread ? i answer , this may be a question indeed , but not to breede division ; for it may be as lawfull for one man to sit covered & another uncovered , as it may be lawfull for one man to receive it sitting , and another lying in bed . but if any man list to be contentious , the churches of god have no such custome . thus much for your fourth reason . in your fifth reason you affirme , that the ministers of the kingdome , can have little assurance , of the continuance of their flockes to them , if such a toleration be granted , but that the tolerated churches will admit them into fellowship , and increase churches out of their labours : and that they should doe little else but spend and be spent . to this i answer , that if you were the ministers of christ , as you would be taken to be , it might be your comfort , joy , and glory , for it was the apostles worke to gather the saints , and to travell in birth of children ; and they did not grudge that they were added unto the churches of christ , but tooke care for them being so added , for the care of all churches lay upon them , and therefore they were as fathers , and nurses , unto them ; and the gospell admits of no such theft as to steale away members from other churches : but if men draw neere to the truth ( which never ▪ were members of any church ) and offer themselves to joyne unto us ; we may admit them upon good experience of their life and conversation , for those members that travelled from one church to another , were commended unto those churches by letters from the church where they were members , or else they could not have beene admitted : and thus you may see the way of the gospell admits of no such disorder . now whereas you say ▪ that this toleration upon any light occasion of demanding dues ; or preaching against any thing they like not , opens a wide doore , and will invite them to disert their ministers . i answer , by demanding of that which you call dues ; you may indeede give just occasion , for you may demand for due , that which is not due ; as all the priests of england doe . likewise by preaching of doctrine , you may give just occasion ▪ if you justifie the wicked , and condemne the just , and make sad the hearts of those whom god would not have made sad ; and then if your people flye from you , you may thanke your selves ; but concerning what you count to be your due , i will declare hereafter . * thus much for your fifth reason . now in the beginning of your sixth reason , you say , that liberty will be an undoubted meanes and way of their infinite multiplication and increase , even to thirty fould . truely i thinke you are afraid , as pharaoh was , least the lords ▪ people should grow mightier then you . next you say , if the parliament could like to have more of the breede of them , and have a delight to have multitudes exempted from the ecclesiasticall lawes of the land , &c. i answer , it is no disgrace to the parliament , if they should so delight ▪ though never parliament before had done the like . moreover , you say , they have increased within this nine moneths , without a toleration , therefore ( you conclude ) they would multiply much , if they had a toleration , in many , if not in most townes and parishes ; and ●ou say it cannot be helped . all this i grant may be ; although they have not a toleration , i thinke they will increase ; for the taskemasters can lay no heavier burthens upon them , then they have laid already : but though they should increase , it will not be unprofitable , for the increase of beleevers will be the strength and ▪ glory of the kingdome ; for they will in all lawfull things , be subject to the kings majestie their ▪ dread soveraigne , and to all the wholesome lawes of his land , and therefore it will be no danger to have ( as you say ) swarmes of them . thus much for your sixth reason . in your th . reason you affirme , that it will be very pre●udiciall dangerous and insufferable to this kingdome , for saints two , or three , or more , to gather ▪ and combine themselves in church fellowship , having one ●● power from christ their immediate heade : without expecting warrant from any governors . first ▪ whereas you say it will be prejudiciall : i answer , it can prejudice none in the kingdome , except it be the priests , and it will be but of a little tithes , which they dare not in conscience pay , because those iewish ceremonies are ceased ▪ and if they have not toleration , that will be all one ( in that respect ▪ ) for they will rather suffer , then doe any thing against conscience . now whereas you say it will be dangerous , and insufferable to the kingdome , both these i deny ; for if they were offensive people , two or three or a few could doe but little hurt . but they have beene proved to be a peaceable people and the suffering of such hath never beene dangerous to any nation ▪ but the not suffering of such to live quietly in a land , or to passe quietly thorow a land , hath brought judgements upon such lands . now whereas you seeme to imply , that they should aske leave of the magistrate , to gather and combine themselves into visible churches , &c. i answer , i doe not reade that any ever asked leave of the magistrate for such a thing ; nor to performe any of the parts of gods worship or discipline : and yet you confesse that these independant men doe petition , to the parliament for liberty . * now i pray you master edw●rds , would you have magistrates , and kings , and princes to have more power over their subjects then over their bodies , estates , and lives ? would you have them be lords over their consciences ? i pray you where must christ reigne then ? must he sit at the magistrats footestoole ? and take what power the magistrate will give him ? ( i meane spirituall power of gathering and making churches ) and such lawes as the magistrate will give him leave to have , to rule over them by ? here you thrust christ into a narrow corner ; for you would faine force him to give his glory to some other , and his praise to some graven image , of your owne devising , which he hath said he will not doe . * but methinkes it were fitter for men of ●our coate , to ground the government of christs church , upon 〈◊〉 written word of god , and not upon statute lawes , nor canon lawes , which you call ecclesiasticall ; for it will be no disparagement to the imperiall crowne of this realme , for christs church to be governed by christs owne lawes . the next thing is , you say , the oath of supremacie was appointed by law for ecclesiasticall persons to take . me thinkes that was a good consideration , for ecclesiasticall persons have beene in all ages ready to tyrannize , over kings and emperours . but now you aske the independant men ( as you call them ) a question ; but before you come to the question , you lay downe an affirmation or a conclusion ; ( namely ) that these independant men give power to the churches . to which i answer ; if they should doe so , they were very ignorant , and very presumptuous , for christ hath given power to the churches , and all the ministers that doe administer in the churches , must have the power by the church . but say you , they give that power to the churches , which the papists give unto the pope . i answer , if they doe so they are blasphemers for the papists acknowledge the pope to be the head of the church : which title all men ought to give onely unto christ . but now to your question ; which is , whether they will take the oath of supremacie , or doe acknowledge in their prayers , the king defender of the faith ? &c. to which i answer , this ooth you say , was ordained for ecclesiasticall persons ▪ and i hope these ecclesiasticall independant men ( if i may safely so call them ) will ever , both acknowledge , and maintaine , that the king is supreme over all the land ▪ therefore over the church of the land , though it consist of the clergie , as it appeares by that oath which you say was appointed for the clergie ▪ but whether they doe acknowledge the king , defender of the faith , &c. which is the later part of your question ? to this i answer . it is out of all doubt , that these men doe desire from their heart , ( as well as all the lords people ) that the king may defend the faith of christ jesus , and dayly make their prayers and supplications to god for him , and that in conscience , and obedience to god , being commanded in his word so to doe ▪ for they know it is a duty laid upon them ; for prayers and supplications must be made for kings , and all them that be in authoritie ; b but 〈◊〉 can make axceptable prayers , but the saints , for the prayers of the wicked are abomination unto the lord c but that all kings have beene defenders of the faith of christ , i deny ; for there is but one faith , * and those that do maintaine that true saith of our lord jesus christ , lawfully have that title given them ; and none other may lawfully have it but they . you will happily say , queene mary was not a defender of the faith . but i say unto you , if the crowne of england give unto kings and queenes that title ; queene mary had as much right to the title as queene elizabeth . &c. secondly , you say ▪ they hold that the imposition of lawfull things , doth make them unlawfull , ( which you say is a strange paradoxe . ) i answer the imposition of lawfull things doe not make them unlawfull , if he that imposeth them have authoritie so to doe : as for example ; the i●●osition of an oath is very lawfull ; but if it be imposed by him that hath not authoritie , though it make not the oath unlawfull simply in it selfe , yet it makes the use of it unlawfull , at that time , both to him and to me . but as for formes of prayer : which ( you say ) they doe confesse to be for order , and lawfull in themselves , yet unlawfull , being imposed . i say , not as you say , they say , for i know no forme of prayer lawfull in it selfe , for any of the lords people to tie themselves unto ; nor that ever was imposed upon any by christ , or his apostles ; ( we reade in tim. . . . that all manner of prayers must be made unto god ; and amongst other , supplications must be made for kings , but there was no forme of words given by which wee must pray for any : and we are commanded to pray with the spirit , and to pray with understanding ; ) but we are commanded to avoid an evill manner of praying ; that we should not be like the hipocrites ; which love to stand and pray in the synogogues , * nor that we should make vaine repititions as the heathens , which thinke to be heard for their much babling : * and as also we are forbidden an evill manner of praying ; so wee are commanded by god what manner to use , as it is plaine in matth. . . the manner is that wee must in our prayers acknowledge god to be our father . and secondly , that he is in heaven . thirdly , we must give glory to his name . fourthly , we must pray for the coming of his kingdome . fiftly , we must pray that the lords will may be done , both in earth and in heaven . sixthly , wee must pray for all things necessary for this life , which is there set forth under the name of dayly bread . seventhly , wee must pray for the forgivenesse of our owne sinnes ; and we are also put in minde , that as wee would have our owne sinnes forgiven , so we should forgive others ; if they acknowledge their offences , according to that in luke ▪ ▪ if thy brother trespasse against thee seven times a day , and seven times a day , end say it repenteth him , &c. eightly , we must pray against temptations to be delivered from the evills thereof . and lastly , we must conclude with thankesgiving acknowledging the kingdome to be the lords and all power , and glory to be due unto him , not onely for that present time , but for ever . here you may see we are taught the manner how we ought to pray , but we are tied to no forme of words , yet we are to beleeve that this is a perfect rule , and that we may sufficiently ground all the petitions we neede to put up from this very rule . as for example . as we desire to acknowledge god to be our father , so wee ought to desire , that others would doe the like . and whereas we ought to pray for the kingdome of god to come , we are not to limit it to this , ( that christ may come to rule in us onely ) but that-he may rule as a king in the heart of all his chosen . neither ought wee alone to acknowledge praises but wee ought to desire that prayses to god may be acknowledged by others also , and that they may grant the kingdome , and power , and glory to be his , not that he should be a king onely to rule in the hearts of men , but also that he may rule and governe the actions of the bodies of men in his outward worship : as we are commanded to glorifie god with our bodies and soules , and the reason , is because they are his , cor. . . now , if our bodies and soules be gods , then it must needs be granted ▪ that it is in spirituall worship : for in all civill things it hath beene acknowledged already , that both bodies and lives are our soveraigne lord the kings ; in whose land we dwell . now if there were any forme of prayer for men to bind themselves unto , it would have beene shewed , either in this scripture , or in some other ; which thing you have not yet proved . that they were not tied to this forme of words is plaine by another evangelist , which doth not use the same words , but addeth some , and leaveth out other some ; and also the whole forme of thankesgiving , is left out by luke , ( luke . . . . compared with matth. . . ) and to seeke the helpe of any booke but the bible to teach men to pray , is to disable god which hath promised to give beleevers his spirit , whereby they shall cry abba father , c and that that spirit should leade them into all truth , and bring all things to their remembrance d therefore a forme of prayer for men to tie themselves unto , cannot be sufficient and pleasing to god though it were never imposed by any . thirdly , you lay another slander upon us , as though we should affirme , that christian princes , and magistrates , who are defenders of the faith have no more to doe in and about the church , then heathen princes . this is not true , for we know that christian princes , and magistrates ought to be members of christs church ; and so being they may be officers in the church ; and if they be defenders of the faith , they be such as defend the pure worship of god , manifested in his word , as also the true professors thereof , and that against all tyrannicall power that shall attempt to suppresse either it or them , as the good kings of judah and israel did , by slaying the servants and prophets of baal who had slaine the lords people . but heathen kings cannot be said to be members of the church of christ before they know christ , and then they become christian kings . therefore , to vent upon all occasions , such principles as you see wee hold , and maintaine , is not ( as you say ) dangerous and insufferable , neither are the people . but you say further , that the people for a great part of them are heady and refractory , and proud , and bitter , and scornfull , and dispisers of authoritie , and that they will not suffer publike prayers to be prayed , but that by their gesture and threatning of the ministers , they have laboured to hinder the use of them : and these people ( i gather from your owne words ) are the professors in england , and especially in the city of london ; and it is very like to be so ; because they were there at the time of your service ; ( for neither the separates nor semiseparates ( as you call them ) use to be there at the time of your service ( for ought i know : ) and these professors you have also called idle , & busibodies , tatlers also , as it is said , tim. . . very wanton in their wits ( say you ) affecting novelties in religion , and liking of points that are not established nor commonly held , and these you say are many of the professors ▪ * and in your second reason against toleration , pag. . ( you say ) that the mindes of multitudes of the professors in england , and especially in this citie , are upon all occasions very apt to fall to any way in doctrine or discipline that is not commonly received by the church , &c. but i tel you , you ought not to blame any for withstanding any thing in gods worship , which is not grounded in his word : neither ( if the whole body of the worship there tendred be the invention of man ) ought any of them to be blamed for opposing such a worship ; because it is according to their protestation . yet i justifie none that will oppose disorderly , as either by casting up of hats , or threatning the minister , or any the like unseemely behaviour ; for i judge it better for them to depart in peace , if they have not faith in the action performed but methinkes ( mr. edwards ) you have foulely missed it , in that you have thus vilified your brethren , to call them by the names of those mockers which ( paul testified ) should come in the last time , that should be heady ▪ and high minded , and proud boasters , and dispisers of authority ; for such as these have not the power of godlinesse , ( and by this you make your church a foule church , and defile shrewdly your owne nest , and make it appeare to all men that you live in a cage of uncleane birds ) & therefore you are commanded from such to turne aside ; * if the feare of god be in your heart . moreover , you say , you feare they will not tolerate the government established by the ecclesiasticall , and civill lawes ; and you would faine father the cause of this your feare upon separates , and independancie , whereas you cannot be so ignorant , but that you must know , that the government established by law may stand without the leave of separates , for they have neither power to give toleration , nor to prohibit toleration , for , or against any thing . but you say , you would rather pray against toleration , than prophesie of the wofull effe●ts of it . i answer , if you can make such a prayer in a time acceptable , then sometimes such prayers will be accepted which are not grounded upon gods word . but of the wofullest effects of toleration , you have prophesied already ; in that you say , they will withstand your doctrine and your dues , * and that will be a wofull effect indeede ! when you shall be driven , to cry out , alas , alas , that great city babylon , for in one houre is so great wealth come to desolation . thus much for your seventh reason . in your eight reason , you affirme , that these independant men , where they have power , as in new-england , will not tolerate any churches or government , but in their owne way . in using the word these , you carry the matter so darkely , that i know not whom you meane , for you have named none . but you seeme to say , they be men that have power in new england . i answer , indeede it may happen to be so ; that there may be some men there , that take upon them authority , to binde mens consciences , as you and all your fellowes do here . but if it have beene so , i thinke it was , because they had ( here in england ) taken upon them an oath of conformity , ( as you have sometimes done ; ) and because the tyranny of the prelats was so mighty , against all good men , that they were faine to go away privately , and so had not time or opportunity publikely to disclaime this their oath ; and then there might be feare , that upon complaint made for disorder committed there , in suffering the liberty of the gospel there which could not be admitted here , they might have beene sent for backe by their ordinaries , and so have been committed ▪ to some stincking prison , here in london , there to have beene murdered ▪ as divers of the lords people have beene , of these late yeares , as i am able to prove of my owne knowledge ; and if they have banished any out of their parents , that were neither disturbers of the peace , of the land , nor the worship practised in the land , i am perswaded , it was their weakenesse , and i hope they will never attempt to doe the like . but i am still perswaded , they did it upon the same ground , that having knowledge in themselves , that their former oath , might be a snare unto them , if they did not hold still some correspondencie with the practise of england , even till god should open a way or meanes for them to seeke free liberty for all , by the approbation of authority . the next thing you minde against them is , that they would not admit liberty , to some of their brethren , which were godly ministers ▪ though they did approve of them , as being against ceremonies . to this , . i answer , that it is strange that any man should send to aske their liberty . . it is much more strange to me ( if it be true , as you say , that these men were against ceremonies ) that there should be any difference betweene them , and the ministers in new england . but it seemes ( by your speech ) they would have gone in a middle way , which presupposeth to me , that they are so farre from being against ceremonies , that are already invented , that they would have set up some invention of their owne . the next thing you charge some of them with , is , that they would not admit into fellowship , those that would not enter into their covenant , and professe faith , and submit to their church orders , though they would be of their church me thinkes you have strange evasions , but i pray you answer me to these two questions : the first is , how men of yeares of discretion , may ( by the rule of gods word ) be admitted into fellowship , and not professe their faith . secondly , how men may be accounted , to be of the church , and not submit unto the orders of the church : seeing that the apostle paul had these two things to rejoyce in ; the beholding of the saints stedfast faith , and comely order , in the church . but you say , that these men who would faine have a toleration in this great kingdome , will not allow any in their small particular congregations . truely ( mr. edwards ) it were good for you to labour to understand the minde and will of god for your selfe , and have charitie towards your brethren ; and hope well , that they have so much knowledge , of the lords will , that they will not pleade for such an absurdity , as to set up one church , within another , and so make a schisme . but the toleration they plead for , is that gods true worship , may be set up in the kingdome ▪ by those that understand what it is ; and that by the sufferance of the governors ; and that it should be setled in a peaceable way ; which would be farre from disturbing the peace of three kingdomes , ( as you invectively speake ; ) but to set up a congregation in a congregation , would be confusion , even as to set up one kingdome ▪ within another . the next thing you charge them with , is , that they are partiall ; ( by a supposition of your owne : ) for you say , it is ordinary for men , when they are not in place , nor have no power in church or common-wealth ; and hold also do●rines and principles contrary to what is held and established ; to pleade for toleration ; but when the same men come to have place and power ( say you ) they will not tolerate others ; and you say , that you doe beleeve that these are the men , which now indevour a toleration . to this i answer , you may doe well to let this beleefe of yours be no article of your faith , because it stands upon no ground ; for though a man may hope the best , and feare the worst ; yet he may beleeve nothing but what he hath proofe for . but i doe beleeve that all this is your evill surmising , ( to think , that if they had power in their hands to settle a government , they would tolerate none but their independant way , ) as it may plainely appeare by the protestation protested , which you quote here for your author , for though the protestor declare what he would have for the churches of the saints ; yet he doth not take upon him to determine , what government or rule , shall be set up in the land , to bring men out of darkenesse to light , but leaveth that to the judgement of them which have the power , even the king and parliament . thus much for your eight reason . in your ninth reason you affirme , that toleration may he demanded , upon the same grounds , for brownists , anabaptists , and familists , and others , who professe it is their conscience . to which i answer ; that seeing you plead for them , i may well hold my peace . but i thinke the familists will not aske liberty for toleration if they be as ( i doe conceive ) of the sect of the libertines mention in the acts . but , say you , these may be pleaded for upon better grounds then semi-separates , and the reason you say is , because they deny the truth of your church . answer , i do beleeve , those ( whom you call semi-separates ) do deny the truth of your church also ; ( though not in all respects ) and so farre as they be separates , they must needs deny the church from which they separate . but you here demand , whether papists may not petition and have hope ▪ for toleration , seeing it is their conscience . to this i answer , i know no reason why they may not petition and hope to speede also , seeing they have many friends in the kingdome . further , you adde , that if one sort may have an exemption from the religion established , why not others ? i answer . there may be many reasons given , why those may not have freedome ( of any great resorts in the land ) which have often attempted , by plots , and treachery to ruinate the land . the next thing you affirme , is , if ever the doore of toleration , should be but a little opened , there would be great crowding in . to this i answer , that the more good men doe imbrace the whole truth of god , the better it will be , but there have beene too many crowders and creepers in in all ages ; and we may justly feare it will be so still ; for the text saith , in the pet. . . that many shall follow their destruction , and some of them shall doe it through covetousnesse , who shall with fained words make merchandise of the lords people ( as is plaine in the next verse ) whose destruction sleepeth not . but who these creepers in be , appeares by the . verse of this chapter , that they were they that loved the wages of unrighteousnesse as balaam did : but if any one so doe , his last end shall be worse ' then his beginning . thus much for your ninth reason . in your tenth reason , you affirme , that the first principle of the independant way , is , that two or three saints wheresoever , or by what meanes soever they doe arise ; separating themselves from the world into the fellowship of the gospell , are a church truely gathered : for this you quete mr. robinsons iustification , pag. . but in that page there is no such thing written , as i can finde , but seeing it commeth so neere the truth , we neede not to contend about it . for i doe affirme , that a company of saints , separated from the world , and gathered into the fellowship of the gospell ( by what meanes so ever it be , that matters not , so it be by the teaching of the sonne of god , according to that in heb. . . ) these saints ( i say ) separating themselves , and being gathered into the fellowship of the gospell ( though they combine themselves without the warrant of the governours ) are a true church , and have right to all gods ordinances , not onely to admit men into fellowship , but also to admonish , to reprove and to cast out of their societie all obstinate offenders amongst them that doe transgresse , either against the first or second table ; having ( as hath beene said before ) the spirit of god to guide them , and wisedome from above to judge of persons , and causes , within the church , though they have nothing to doe to judge those that are without . and this doth not make way for libertisnime , for heresies and sectaries ( as you say ) neither doth it make men to runne from their owne ministers , because they restraine them from sinne , or keepe them to gods ordinances , ( as you doe affirme ) for if any separate for any such cause , they shall not be received into fellowship , nor justified of any of the lords people . but the way of the gospell , as hath beene plainely proved , is not to live without gods ordinances , nor to live at liberty ( as you say ) except you meane the liberty wherein christ hath set them , and commanded them to stand fast , because he hath made them free , gal. . . by this you may see the saints are called into liberty ; but not a liberty to sinne ( as you would insinuate ) but to be freed from the yoake of bondage , which is the tyranny , or tyrannicall government of the canon lawes , either of rome or england . but you say , all heretickes , sectaries , or libertines will count themselves saints , as well as the independant men ; and the reason you seeme to give for this , is , because the ministers , and magistrats of the kingdome , shall not have power to determine who be saints . * now let all men judge what a weighty argument this is , who is he that knows any thing & knows not this , that the priests in england which are the bishops creatures , do generally justifie the wicked , and condemne the just , and are not these meet men to judge saints ? they justifie none that will not be conformable , and yeeld unto the traditions which they have invented , in their councels and convocations ; though they have not one title of gods word to warrant them ; furthermore , they condemne all that will not submit , to their devised worship , even in all the traditions thereof : and this is the dependancie which they have brought all men unto , both high and low , even to be subject to their wills , which is a law . but now touching the magistrate , you would seeme to inferre that he should have no more power than a priest . it is plaine , the priests have no power , but what they have by permission , and sufferance ▪ though they have dependancie upon the pope himselfe , but the magistrate hath power given him of god by whom he is set up , for the praise of those that doe well and for the punishment of evill doers , and hath the same rule given him ( whereby to judge them ) that god hath given to his church ; especially christian magistrates , notwithstanning they are opposed , yet they have power given of god ; as you may reade in acls . this man moses whom they forsooke saying , who ma●e thee a prince and a iudge , the same god sent for a prince and a deliverer : and this is he which was as a god unto aaron ; when aaron was as the mouth of moses to the people , exod. . . now if you priests could have proved your selves as aaron , then you might have beene assistants to godly magistrates to deliver the lords people out of the hands of tyrannicall princes ; but contrariwise , you adde afflictions as pharaohs taskemasters did ; even you ( mr. edwards ) when you say the lords people are wanton-witted and idle , when they desire to have liberty to serve god . and thus you sit in the consciences of men ; judging zeale to be hypocrisie ; but the time will come , when every worke shall be brought to judgement . and now drawing neere to an end of this answer to your tenth reason ( which is the last of this your joyned army ) it is good to looke backe a little , and consider what hath beene said . you have spoken much for dependencie ; but upon whom you doe depend , i cannot tell ; you labour to bring men into doubts , by your suppositions , but you doe not make any conclusion , which is gods way , that men fearing god , may expect a blessing when they walke in it , but you cry out for dependencie , upon councels , and synods , and churches ; i pray you what dependencie hath the church of england upon any other church ? for i suppose you will say , that all the land is but one church . if you say , that you have dependencie , upon the church of rome ; i doe beleeve you ; for the bishop of canterbury hath said so much , in his booke , where hee confesseth , rome to be as leprous naaman , and england to be the same naaman cleansed . now that it is the same , may easily be proved , by divers of your owne authors . but you in your epistle , affirme , it is not cleansed , in that place , where you say , that there is yet altars and images , brasen serpents , abused to idolatry , with divers other things , which you would have purged out . by this it appeares , that it is the same with rome , in the very nature of it ▪ though not in every circumstance , and this ( for any thing can be discerned ) is the dependancie , for which you pleade : even the dependancie and affinitie , betweene rome and england . therefore you should rather have said , that in the belly of this dependancie , doth lurke all liberty , and heresie , and whatsoever , sathan , and the corrupt hearts of men have a pleasure to broach . for in that way , it is too common , for men to broach their owne pleasures ; for their religion is made of mens inventions . thus much for your th . reason . yet furthermore , ( for addition to these ten reasons , you adde a question ; * your qeustion is , what these men would have in this toleration , whether the number of five or sixe congregations onely , and no more ? or whether the number shall be left undetermined , and be free to multiply ? &c. for answer to this , i doe affirme , that the number ought not to be limitted , for the churches of the new testament were free , to multiply , not onely in greatnesse , but also in number . i say they were left free by god ; for the apostles were not limitted , from constituting churches wheresoever men were brought to beleeve in christ . but say you , it is their principles to breake one church in two or three . i answer , i know no man that holdeth any such principle . but say you , it hath beene so at amsterdam , roterdam , and london . to this i answer , i deny not , but that there may be offences taken , and sometimes given , which may cause men to depart one from another ( as paul and barnabas did ) sometimes about persons , and sometimes about things ; and wofull experience teacheth all men , that brethren are apt to fall out by the way ; and that ioseph knew very well , when he admonished his brethren to the contrary . * but though some should be offended , and could not be reconciled , ( as the scripture saith , a brother offended , is harder to be wonne than a strong citie * ) yet the departing of such a brother , ( or breth●en ) cannot make that church two churches , yet notwithstanding this may sometimes tend to the further spreading of the gospell , even as the departing of paul and barnabas did . not that i justifie the practise of any that are not apt to beare , but that god doth sometimes , bring good out of evill , ( as it was in the selling of ioseph , * by turning it to his owne glory , and the good and comfort of his people . therefore you neede not to marvell . which shall be the state approved by the magistrate ; because that properly , there remaineth but one intire state , ( in such cases of division , as you have before mentioned . ) by all this it appeares that it is none of our principles to breake one church into two or three . but you say , if the number be left undetermined , there may be many churches in a towne . for answer whereof , i must tell you , that i reade in the scriptures of no more churches in a towne , but one , as in ierusalem where there were many converts , yet i reade but of one church . now this was in the first plantation of the gospell , but what they might increase to afterward , the scripture is silent in , for any thing i know . but that there may be two or three in one place ( as you say ) that seemeth unto me to be confusion , except they should meete in one place for consultation , which may very well be , for god is the god of order and not of confusion . and i never reade in the scripture , that two churches met together in one place , for the practise of publike worship . but say you ; we may have , every where , three or foure men ; of an opinion differing from others , to goe to make a church . to this i answer , if you meane ( by every where ) in every towne of the land , i say , although it should be so , ( and though there be sixe townes in a parish ) yet it will be no no confusion ; for the fewer they are together the lesse ground will there be of fearing them . but touching divisions and subdivisions . if any such thing happen , it is but that which we have bin told on before . the apostles words are these , they went out from us , because they were not of us , &c. * and if evill minded men , that crept in departed from christ , * we neede not to thinke much , that such creepers in , should depard from us also ; yet the disorderly going away of any ( as i have said before ) doth not make them a church which goe away disorderly . and thus i have given you an answer to your second tenth reason , * for in your booke you have by your stile made it a reason , though you seemed at the first entrance into it to make it but a question . but before you conclude the whole , you subjoyne to these , the answer to five or sixe things ( which you would make to be their reasons ) and you say that they are continually alleadged , by them for their toleration , in this kingdome . the first reason ( you say they bring ) is , that toleration is no more , then the french , and dutch enjoy , who live among us . indeede that is a very good reason , for methinkes it stands with equitie , that natives borne , should have as much priviledge as strangers . but you would seeme to alter the state of the case , in sixe respects . first , that the french and dutch protestants have nothing , nor desire nothing , as contra distinct to the protestants of france and holland . i answer , if the protestants of france , and holland , have liberty of their conscience , and be not at all burdened , with iewish , popish , or heathenish observations , but may be free there , to worship god , according to his will , revealed in his word , then they that are here ( amongst us ) neede not to seeke more liberty , and i am sure the independant men will aske no more . secondly , you say , that this liberty , was granted , by our pio●s princes , in the times of persecution to the protestants . here you crosse your first respect , for if these protestants were persecuted in france , then it is certaine their religion was different , from the state of their owne nation ; for you say they could not enjoy their religion at home . furthermore you adde , that it hath beene kept ever since , for a refuge to the persecuted protestants . to which i answer , the very like may be said of the libertie granted to the english church in amsterdame , which hath beene a refuge for the protestants which have beene persecuted out of england ever since . but ( you say ) we may enjoy our religion in this land , and that by the authority of the king and parliament . if it be so : i pray you what is the meaning , of the bleating of such cattell , as your selfe ? which cry out dayly to the king and parliament ▪ for the suppression of the lords people ; and for the hindring of their meetings . thirdly , you say , the french and dutch churches will willingly be joyned in government , and in one way of discipline with the kingdome , if there be a reformation . indeede if you had not added a great if , here you had told a loud untruth , but if this were performed , that there were a reformation , according to gods will , i doubt not but the independant men would doe the like . fourthly , you say these churches doe not hold our principles , but doe admit of appeales in great businesses . i answer , i have told you already , and i now tell you againe , that i admit of appeales also , such as the scripture warrants , and i have declared at large what appeales they be . * fifthly , you say , they be strangers different in language , and have little acquaintance with you ( keeping themselves for the most part among themselves ) and therefore ( say you ) there will be the lesse danger of drawing away the people . i answer , if they differ so little from you , as you would make the world beleeve , there were small cause of danger , or schisme , if they will willingly be joyned ( as you said before ) in government , and in one way of discipline with the kingdome . further , you adde , that they vent no principles , against your church , and government . i answer , indeede ▪ if they should never open a mouth to speake , yet their practise makes them different from you , both in worship and government ; and yet it may be upon better considerations , they may draw neerer to the rule hereafter● ; but for my part i leave them , as being partly ignorant of their practise . but you say , they will not admit your people to be members of their congregations . answer , indeede i doe not know that ever they have refused any ; but this much i know ; that some english people , that have the french , and dutch tongue , have , and doe goe thither to heare ; but that any should desire to goe thither to heare , that have not the language , were very absurd . sixthly , there , is ( say you ) a great reason , and necessity , of allowing them churches and places to preach , and be by them●●lves , and the reasons you yeeld , are ( ) because many of them understand not english at all , and ( ) for the benefit of strangers of their owne religion . to which i answer , the very same may be said concerning the english churches in holland . but further you adde , that they may well be allowed some discipline among themselves , in respect they maintaine all their owne poore . methinks ( mr. edwards ) there should be much more reason , that the english protestants , or separates , should be tolerated , for the same cause , for they maintaine all their owne poore also . and furthermore , they maintaine the poore of the church of england ; yea , in every parish where their dwelling houses stand , they pay to the poore weekely , as well as any other man . they also pay their money for the maintenance of the visited houses in the parishes where they dwell . nay , furthermore , they pay also their mony for the maintenance of the priests of england , ( the more is the pitty ) and so i feare the dutch and french doe also , yea though the priests are as popish as they were in q●eene maries time . and this is well knowne to all landlords that doe let them houses , for if they know them to be separates , and that they will not , have to doe with the priests in the pay ment of that they call dues , they make their tenant pay the more rent , for if the tenant will not the landlord must . and by this you may see , their burthens are double to other mens ; in that they must maintaine their owne poore and their owne ministers , and the church of englands also . and by this you may see ▪ that you have not ( in the least ) altered the state of the case , betweene the dutch , and french , and us , in the causes before mentioned . therefore this their first reason for toleration lies yet unanswered by you . for answer to their second reason , which ( you say ) is that they seeke no more then is granted them , in holland ; your answer to it is this , that if that be a good ground , then jewes and anabaptists may have a toleration also . to this i answer , for my part i speake for my selfe , and i suppose , that they may say as much for themselves ( in these late respects , which you have mentioned ) as the separates doe , for they maintaine their poore , and their ministers , and the poore , and the priests of the church of england , as well as we . and i thinke they are persecuted and hunted also ; but i will leave them to pleade for themselves . further , you adde , that such a toleration is not fit , neither in divinity , nor in policie . i answer , i know no true divinitie that teacheth men to be lords over the conscience ; and i thinke it is no part of godly policie , to drive the kings subjects out of the land , because they desire free liberty to worship god in the land according to his will ; the states of holland are counted politicke , and yet they esteeme it the strength of their kingdome , to grant free libertie of conscience . secondly , you say , there may be a toleration for us in holland , with much more safety to the government established , then can be here , because the people understand not our language ; and also have little , or no relation to us of kindred and friendship , &c. i answer , i must say to you , as i have said already , that there was never any danger to a kingdome , to suffer the lords people to live quietly , and enjoy their liberty . thirdly , you say , the people of the holenders are generally industrious , and mind their businesse , and keeping to what is established by their lawes , not troubling their heads so much with other points of religion . by this one may easily perceive your minde ( mr. edwards ) with the rest of your fellowes , and also know , that you are naturally derived from rome , in that you would have all men , to content themselves , with an implicit faith ▪ ; and to take for granted , what government your lawes alloweth , and what worship your inventions have hatcht ; and not to search the the scripture at all . further you add here , that the people in england are not so , especially in this city of london and great townes , you say many of the professors , are more idle , and busie ▪ bodies , tatlers also , as it is said , tim. . . very wanton also in their wits , affecting novelties in religion , &c. now truly ( mr. edwards ) if you were of my mind , and were a member of such a church , that had such members in it ; you woulde be so farre from fearing , of being beguilded of them , that you would be very glad to have such birds taken out of your nest . but you are so farre from observing the rule of christ ( matth. . . ) that is to tell your brother of his fault betweene him and you that you rather walke with slanders and elamours , vilifying your owne mothers sonnes ; so that every good man may be ashamed of you . fourthly , you say , that holland tolerates us and many others , but it is more upon grounds and necessitie of worldly respects , because of the benifite of exsise towards the maintenance of warre . now ( mr. edwards ) you have utterly overthrowne your owne argument , laid downe in the beginning of your answer to this their second reason , for then you said , it was against the rule of policie ; but now you say it is their policie . and whereas you would make the case different betweene england and holland . i answer , it is not different at all ; for england hath the subjects purses to maintaine warres as well as holland ; and though it be not in exsise for victuals , yet it is in some other wayes from which the subjects of holland are freed . the next thing you affirme , is ; that your riches and strength , standeth in one way of religion . to which i answer , i thinke ( if i could understand your minde herein ) you meane the riches and strength of the priests : for i am sure the riches , and strength of the kingdome , may stand best with toleration , as it may appeare , partly by what hath been said already , for you have heard that the lords people ( whom you thus persecute ) maintaine their owne poore . and it will also be made appeare , that they pay scot , and lot , in the kingdome , in all civill respects , and are all as true subjects to the kings majesty , and are ready to doe him all faithfull service with their bodies , and estates , as any in the kingdome . but i confesse that toleration would be neither riches nor strength to the priests , for it is sore against the peoples will ▪ that they pay them any thing now ; and it will be no wonder when it shall be made to appeare , what the priests wages i● , * but that shall be done hereafter . their third reason you say is , that if they have not liberty to erect some congregations , it will force them to leave the kingdome . for answer whereof , you doe affirme ( in the first place ) that there is no neede of a toleration for them ; neither that they should leave the kingdome for conscience , and that you say will appeare by the reasons and principles which they doe agree to , which you say are these ; first , that they hold your churches true , your ministers true , ordinances true : further you say they can partake with you in your congregations in all ordinances , even to the lords supper . to which i answer , indeede here you would make the readers beleeve , that they had opened a wide gappe , ( if they should take your affirmation , without your provisall ) but you come to helpe your selfe handsomely , in that you say their condition was , that it must first be provided , that scandalous and ignorant persons must be kept backe , and cerimonies must be removed . methinks , this is a mighty great mountaine , that stands between them ▪ and you , and therefore you have small cause , to aske them wherfore they should desire , to set up churches ? fortill this mountaine be removed , they may be true to their own principles , and not go from their word , and yet never communicate with you , either in worship , or government . for first , if you keepe out all scandalous persons , out of all the churches in england , from the sacraments , and all ignorant persons ; truely then your churches will be as emptie as ours . secondly , if you should remove away all your ceremonies , ( which is the second part of your reformation , ) you could not tell how to worship ; for your whole forme and manner of worship is made of invented ceremonies . but if you can procure such a reformation , to have your church all consist of persons of knowledge , fearing god , and ●ating covetousnesse , & void of all other scandalls ( so far as we can judge by the scripture ) and that the ceremonies may be removed , and we enjoy ( as you bragge ) all gods ordinances with you , as well as in our owne churches , then you shall heare , what i will say to you , as well as the independant men . but till all this be done , you see there is still good reason , for good men , either to desire liberty , or to leave the kingdome . further , you say , some of them could take the charge of parochiall churches amongst you , upon the reformation . i answer , indeede such a reformation , which you have formerly mentioned , will hardly stand with parochiall churches . but you say , they could yeeld to presbyteriall government , by classes and synods ; so they might not be injoyned to submit to it , as jure divino . to which i answer . it seemes ( by your owne confession ) that they doe deny the presbyteriall government by classes , and synods , to be from god , as it appeares , in that you say , they will not submit to it , as iure divino , and therefore you have overthrowne your selfe ( in all this your reasoning ) with your synods and classes also ; so that still there remaines good grounds to seeke a toleration , that the saints may grow into bodies even in this land . but to grow into one body with you ( as you would have them ) while your churches body is like a leopard , and all bespotted , ( as appeares by your words ) were very absurd ; for you ●●●e affirme , that the best of your members ▪ even the professors , especially of london , and of the great townes in england ; are very f●●le ; yet i hope you will confesse , that they are the best of your members ; then if it be true ( as you say ) that you must remove in your reformation , all ignorant and scandalous persons ▪ by your grounds , you should have but a very few to make a church of as well as wee . for you must remove also all your professors , which you say are so scandalous . therefore , i should rather counsell you to repent of all your evills that you have done , and be reconciled to god the father , and christ his sonne , and separate your selves from all your wickednesse , and even come and grow up into one body with us . secondly , you say , seeing your churches , ministers , and ordinances be true , the erecting of new , and withdrawing from such congregations , can never be answered to god . i answer , here you take for granted that which you cannot prove , and it is your wisdome so to doe , for by that meanes ; you may make simple people beleeve ▪ that you are very right , except a few defects , which no man shall be freed from , while he is in this life . but now to the point ; and first , touching your churches and ministers , which you say be true , and you also say , the independant men would grant them to be true , upon a reformation , such as the word requires . i tell you for answer , that this your juggling will not helpe you , for no man is bound to take your bare word , therefore it is good you make proofe of that which you have said . but before you goe to prove your churches true , declare unto me what churches you meane ? for i ever tooke the whole land of england to be but one church , ( as it stands established by the canon laws ) and that all the parishes in the land make up but one entire body , therefore what is amisse in one parish , all the whole are guilty of , and it will be laid to the charge of the archbishops , who are the metropolitanes , or chiefe priests over the church of the land . seeing it is so , you must stand out to maintaine your church , and you neede not to trouble your selfe about your church-es for i know no dependancie you have upon any , except it be rome , according as i have told you before in the conclusion of my answer to your first tenth reason against independencie . therefore this is the church that you must maintaine , even the church of england , established by the canon laws , consisting of archbishops , diocesan bishops , with all the rest of that erew ; for this is indeed both your church and ministry , which doth appeare by your owne ground , because you affirme , that in this part lieth all the power : but ( by your owne grounds ) the whole body of the land . ( i meane of the laitie ( as you call them ) hath no power at all to reforme any abuse : therfore this clergy must needs be your church ; and thus you make your selves the head , and body , and all the rest of the land the ●ayle to follow after you . now if you can prove this to be a true church , which hath neither ground , nor footing in christs testament , you will worke wonders : but indeede such wonders have been wrought by you ; for all the world ▪ hath wondered , and runne after the beast , saying , who is like unto him ? and who is able to make warre with him ? as you may plainely see in the . of the reveation . therefore they that doe justifie such a church ; are such as have beene deceived by her false miracles , even by the fire which she hath made to come downe from heaven . i pray you did not fire come downe from heaven in queene maries time , and devour the saints in smithfield ; if you understand heaven in that place , as i understand it ( to be the seate of the magistrate ) you must grant the same , for they are called gods , and the children of the most high . for your forefathers did ( as pila● did ) wash their hands from the blood of the saints , and of the innocent , and turned them over , for their sentence of condemnation , to the secular power , which you made your hornes , and your heads pushed them forward to execute your bloody cruelty ; and thus you may see that fire came downe from heaven , in the sight or apprehension of men for most that beheld it thought it was just , because it was the sentence of the magistrate . and by this all men may see , that you of the clergie are the church of england , and that this clergy came from rome , and that therefore your church is derived from rome . now if you would know whence the church of rome was derived ; i conceive that her power was derived from the beast with seven heads , which rose up out of the sea , as you may read of in the thirteenth of the revelations , for there both those beasts are mentioned ▪ and also the image of the first beast , which the second beast hath caused to be made , which is even here in england amongst us ; and you may see i have proved unto you already what it is ; as you may also read in the . verse of that chapter , it was that to whom the beast gave a spirit , and also he gave it power that it should speake , and cause as many as would not worship the image of the beast , to be killed , and hath not this image caused aboundance to be killed in england , and hath not he caused all to receive his marke , or his name , or the number of his name ; and they that have it not , may neither buy nor sell , as it is apparant by the testimonie of the scripture it selfe , and wofull experience . and is not this image the church that now you ●leade for ? which consisteth of all the priests of england ; if it be not , i pray you tell me what it is ? but if this be it ( as it appeares it is ) then these are your ministers also ; and then it hath beene proved plainely , whence this your church and ministry came . and that any of understanding should grant this church , and ministry to be a true church and ministery , would bewray great ignorance in them . further you adde , that they acknowledge the ordinances to be true . in this i doe beleeve you upon your bare word , for it is a truth , if you meane gods ordinances which you have amongst you . as first , you have the scripture but you wring it and wrest it , according to your owne devices , and make of it a nose of waxe , and a leaden rule to leane which way your minde leadeth you ; and though you ought to take that reede or rod in your hand , at all times ( if you were gods messengers ) to measure both the temple and the altar and the worshippers , ( rev. . , yet you have not learned that skill , ( for your church and ministrie holdeth no correspondencie with that measuring line . ) but contrariwise you have taken that golden cup ▪ and filled it full of abominations ; ●ay , you have hacked it and mangled it to peeces , and made it into little lessons , which you call your epistles and gospells & they are dedicated to your saints , upon your saints-dayes ; and thus you may see though you have the scriptures ( which is the word of god ) and take upon you to unfold the mysteries thereof , yet in stead of that , you darken the truth by false glosses . secondly , you have the sacraments , even baptisme , and breaking of breade : but you pervert them both , to your owne destruction ; neverthelesse they still remaine gods ordinances , even as the golden vessells , were gods vessels , when they were in babel though bels●azar made them his qua●●ing boules ▪ yet still they remained to be gods vessels . even so did circumcision remaine gods ordinance though it was with ierobo●● . the like may be said of baptisme ▪ it still remaines gods ordinance , though it be carried away with back●sliding antichristians ( even the apostate fallen stats ) and so you may read in the eleventh of the revelation , ver. . that the court must be left out , and be unmeasured ; and the reason was because it was given to the gentiles , even to them that should tread downe the holy citie for . monethes ; this court we know , belonged to the temple ( as you may read in the . of ezekiel ) and had in it the ordinances belonging to the people . and although you have baptisme , and the lords supper they will not sanctifie you ; though they may be sanctified to the use of them amongst you which are gods people , according to the election of grace . and though you have some of gods ordinances , amongst you ; yet you have added unto them many ordinances of your owne devising , which doth utterly debarre the lords people , which have knowledge of them , from communicating with you in any worship . as for example , how shall any man partake with you of the word preached in your assemblies but he must needs partake also with the false calling of the priest , by which it is preached , for none else are suffered to preach amongst you , ( by your leave or approbation , ) but they that preach by that false power . and who shall receive the sacraments with you , and not justifie your devised service-booke ? for all your things are administred by that . and as all the lords ordinances ought to be sanctified by the word of god and prayer : so on the contrarie you labour to sanctifie your things , by the stinted service-booke ; and therefore the withdrawing from you , may be answered to god . further you beare the world in hand , that you have but something amongst you wanting yet , that were to be desired , and therefore you say there is no cause to leave the kingdome , nor for private men to set up true churches . answer , indeed if your church & ministers could be proved true ( which you see is a thing unpossible ) then it had beene needlesse ( as you say ) to leave the land ; but neither is your church nor ministers true , nor can the ordinances be had amongst you without sinne : and that this is the judgement of the independant men , is plaine by your former confession ; where you affirme , they will not heare of growing into one body ( or communicating ) with you before a reformation ; neither submit to your classes or presbyters , as jure divino , but in the next place you say , the setting up of devided churches , would be to the scandall of all the churches , and not the giving of scandall to one brother , but to tenne thousands of congregations . truely ( mr. edwards ) you overshoote yourselfe ( in that you make your selfe such an apparant dissembler ) for you would make men beleeve , that you desire to keepe your church and brethren unspotted , and yet you your selfe with your owne tongue , have most foulely scandalized the chiefe members of your church , making them so foule a people , that they ought not to be communicated with . * further , your words imply that so long as a man is not put upon the practise of that which is unlawfull , he may beare . i tell you againe that your whole manner is unlawfull , and therefore all the lords people , as they desire to be blessed and to be found walking in gods waves have cause to separate from your church ▪ and to practise gods ordinances among themselves , as well as they who are separated already , ( which you here you call brownists ) and the grounds and causes be so great , that they may well be justified . but you would have conscious men to consider mr. robinson , concerning circumstantiall corruptions ; you say , he shewes it is not an intolerable evill , for evill men be suffered in the church , &c. yet you confesse he affirmes it to be an evill . two things are here to be minded . first , that you would still please your selfe with this , that you have a true church ( though corrupted ) which hath beene proved contrary . secondly , that you would justifie your church by the sinnes of others . but you know what mr. robinson saith , that the government instituted by christ is not onely neglected or violated in the church of england , but the plaine contrarie to it is established by law . but you say , now supposing your reformation , it will be otherwise with england , then when he writ . but ( you may see ) it is verie plaine , that the crueltie , and wickednesse , of the church of england hath increased ever since that time . you say there is but something neglected , and you would make it the want of some law to suppresse evill men . to which i answer , that your canon lawes be evill lawes , and your lawmakers evill men , and therefore it could not stand with their principles to make lawes to suppresse evill men . thirdly , you say , that they ( whom you call independant ) live in and are members of such churches , and yet they thinke it unlawfull , to forsake them . i pray you , have any of them told you , that their churches be like the church of england ? you must make proofe thereof , for in this i will not take you upon your bare word . further , you say they want some parts of government and officers , appointed by christ , more matertally than will be in your church , upon a reformation . i answer , i have plainely proved to you : that christs church hath his government , and officers ; but your church hath neither christs government nor officers . but what it will be upon the reformation ▪ i cannot tell . but you say , they must want the ordinances , or else they must have them with instruments without ordination . i answer this is untrue as hath beene proved at large , in the answers to one of your former reasons against independancie . but you say you would have them heare with the defects in your church , and waite till god give you more light . i answer i know no●e that interrupteth you , for wee will neither meddle with your idols , nor with your gods if you would but suffer us to worship our god , after the way that you call heresie . the next thing you say is that they tell you that something may be omitted for a time , and that affirmatives binde not alwayes and that the exercise of discipline may be forborne for a time , when it will not be for edification to the church , but for destruction ; and therefore you question them for not incorporating themselves into your church , though something were more there to be desired , yet you say , there will be nothing contrary put upon them ( nor quite another thing . ) now that something may be omitted for a time , that may plainely appeare ; for a man that hath brought his gift to the altar , and there remembreth that his brother hath ought against him , must leave the offering of his gift , and goe and be reconciled to his brother , matth. . . . now that affirmatives binde not alwayes , is plaine ; for they binde not alwayes in cases of impossibility , but in such cases god accepteth the will for the deede . further , whereas you say , the excellencie of discipline may be forborne for a time , when it is not for edification of the church , but for destruction ; i say , true discipline , ( being rightly used ) is alwayes for the edification of the church , and never for destruction . and whereas you affirme , that there is nothing contrary put upon us by you , ( or quite another thing ; ) i answer , wee know you have none of gods ordinances , without some other thing to accompany them . fourthly , you say , that they may safely be members of your church in the reformation of you . i answer , you might well have spared this your vaine repetition till you had obtained a reformation . but the reason you have heard alleadged for their first going away granted in a letter from rotterdam . that reason still remaines ( though you say it is ceased ) and will remaine till the reformation , you have formerly promised ▪ but say you , that practise they judge themselves tied to , is founded upon a false principle ( namely ) that the power of government is given by christ to the body of the congregation . i answer i have told you before , ( in the reply to the second part of this your answer to their third reason ) & i now tell you againe , that you make your priests the head and body both ; but christ hath given the power to the church which is his body , by whose power every officer , and member thereof , doth move , and doe their severall offices . fifthly , there is , say you a medium , between persecution and a publike toleration ; a middle way , say you , betweene not suffering them to live in the land , and granting them liberty . i answer , this is a very true thing , for pharaoh would have beene willing , that the children of israel , should have stayed in egypt , and made him bricke , but he would not suffer them to goe into the wildernesse , to offer sacrifice . but if pharoah had beene willing to have succoured the children of israel , he would have commanded his taskemasters not to lay burthens upon them , that they could not beare ; but he did not doe so , and therefore their bricke-making turned to persecution , even as your injunctions and penall lawes doe here in england , and you binde them up with a pretence of his majesties command , which makes the burthen very mighty . by this it is plaine , that no good man can live in england without persecution , even at this day . but you would have them to have a third way , for you say persons may live in the land , and injoy their lands and liberties , and not be compelled to professe , and practise , things against their conscience . i pray you ( mr. edwards ) bethinke yourselfe now , how untruly you speake and whether you doe not looke one day to give an account , for your words ; for you know that no man can live in this land , and enioy his lands and liberty , but he shall be forced to worship according to the custome of the nation . nay , children that be but sixteene yeares of age , though ignorant , and scandalous in their lives , are forced to receive the sacrament of the lords supper , though it be to their utter condemnation . further you adde , that if upon petition to the parliament , the papists should have the statutes repealed , which injoyne them to come to your church , yet say you , the granting the papists a publike toleration , for their religion , would be quite another thing , in as much as you say though the papists were the first in p●t●tioning for the former , yet they move not for the latter . for answer to this ▪ i tell you ; first , that for granting the papists publike exercises will not much crosse your principles , for they and you are naturall brethren . secondly , for that they move not for the latter ( as you say : ) they neede not for they injoy it without moving and till this parliament , none hath disturbed them for many yeares . but further , you adde ▪ that so you judge that the independant men may live in the land freely , and injoy their liberties and estates , ( but you have your clause whereby you still crosse all your own tale ; your clause is that it must be ) by comming to your churches , and enjoying the ordinances . whereas you say so you judge , it presupposeth that the papists doe come to your churches , by what comes after , that it must be by comming to your churches , and enjoying the ordinances . indeede the papists may come to your churches , and injoy your ordinances , for first they were their ordinances ; for when you apostated from rome , you carried the romish traditions with you , even as your forefathers in their apostacie from christ iesus , carried some of his ordinances with them ; so you retaine something of gods to make your owne ware passe in sale , and have patched you up a bundle of worship borrowing ●lso some iewish and he●●henish ceremonies to make up your pa●ke ; and will you be so kinde to suffer men to live in the land , if they will but submit to this worship and promise them they shall never be compelled , to professe or practise any more ? indeede you are very liberall but it hath beene often said already , ( and you have said it yourselfe ) that the independant men , cannot of conscience communicate with you before a reformation : therefore if this be the medium you have ( betweene leaving the land and toleration ▪ ) even that they must submit to your worship , you might have bequeathed this legacie to some that would accept of it , and give you thankes for the lord hath bequeathed liberty to his s●●●ts and servants , and hath purchased it at a deare price ; even that they should be freed from all egyptian bondage ; and hath commanded them to stand fast in that liberty , wherein he hath made them free : and whether they must obey gods commands , or your counsell be judge your selfe . six●●y , you say , if the former answers will not satisfie , but that they must needs be in a church fellowship , as now they are then ( you say ) you you will shew them away , according to their owne principles of a visible church . for answer whereof i must tell you , that fallacies , and false conclusions upon mens words , ( without bringing their conditions ) can satisfie no man concerning the matter in hand ; but it may satisfie all men of your evill minde , that you still labour to turne away the truth as it may appeare ; by the way you here have chalked them out , to walke in ; which is that because it is their principle ( say you ) that a few saints joyned together in a covenant , have power ; therefore you imply that there should never neede a greater addition to them . * this you may know crosseth the whole scripture as the very prophesies of the church under the new testament that is to say , that a little one shall become a thousand , and a great one a strong nation , esay . . and that they should grow up as the calves of the stall , mal. . . not onely in greatnesse , but also in number : and especially when the lambe overcommeth , that is even when the saints overcome , by the blood of the lambe , and the word of their testimony , not esteeming their lives to the death . therefore you might have saved your schollership , when you went about to teach them , to make churches in houses , and also to come to your church , to the word , prayer , and sacraments ▪ for they have not so learned christ ; to come one part of the day to worship before the idols , and to stand another part before god , for if they should doe so , the lord saith , ( ezek. . . ) they should not come neere him , neither to doe the office of the priest , nor to come neare the holy things , but that they should beare their shame , and their abomination . further , you might have saved your labour in teaching them , to make family church es : for god hath directed them what to doe in their families . and it is not the practise of gods people , to shut out from their prayers , and holy duties , them that are of their family ▪ for god gave his law to abraham for another end ( namely ) that he should teach it his family , and by so doing , traine up members in his family , for christs family . further , you might have spared your care taken to shew a way for maintenance , for those men among us , that are schollers bred , for if you can find no better maintenance for them , then to come and be lecturers amongst you ( as you would have them ) and to live in hope of the gifts of the dead ; that is no good provision : for , for want of those shooes ▪ men may goe long barefooted ▪ seeing they cannot ( by your owne confession ) doe that of conscience till there be a reformation . but you might rather have perswaded your parish priests to have bequeathed some of their large revenewes unto them : for whether they have parsonage or vicarage their pole-money comes in so thicke to them and their followers , that it would make any sober minded man or woman to wonder how they can consume it : for besides their ordinary tithes or maintenance ▪ which is the principall , they have many other petty aues , which they require of every one of the kings subjects , & they are not so reasonable as his majestie , which is contended with pole-money from his subjects , from . yeares old , and upward , but they will have a share out of him that is borne without life ( as it will plainely be proved ) for if a dead child be borne into the world , they will be paid for reading a dirge over it , before it shall be laid in the earth , and they will be apt to inferre , that that their deere brother is departed in the faith , though it be the childe of theeves and murderers , and the like . further , they will yet have another patrimony for the birth of that childe , for before the mother dare goe abroade , shee must have their blessing ; that the sun shall not smite her by day , nor the moone by night ; for which blessing of theirs , they must have an offering , and the like they require for all the children that be borne into this world , though there live not one of sixe to be men or women . but for as many of them as doe live , they enlarge their revenewes , for , if they live to come to the sacrament of the lords supper , then they must pay their offerings yearely to the priest , though the bread and wine be provided at the parishes charge . further , if they live to enter into the state of matrimon● , then they must be joyned together by a priest , for which worke of his he must have a large offering . and these men be not content to take money where there is money ( as the king is ) but they will have these ( which they call dues ) of him that liveth of the very almes of the parish , whereas the king taketh not a penny of any that receive almes . then if we consider their exa●●ion how they oppresse the people , by their cruell forcing of them to pay so much as they demand , ( though it be contrary to all law or equity ) it will cause us to wonder at the hardnesse of their hearts for rather then they will abate any thing of what they demand they will force poore people even to pawne their cloathes ; for i am able to prove that they doe demand of poore people before they can have a childe ( that is but fourteene , or fifteene yeares of age ) buried in one of the out-church-yards of the great parishes ( which land is the free gift of the dead , for the helpe of the poore , even as creplegates new church-yard , or algat●s , ros●mary lane , or white chappell ; mile-in greene , ( or others the like ; ) before ( i say ) they can have such a child buried there , it will cost the poorest parent , seven or eight shillings : nay , i have knowne when they have distrusted paiment , that they have affirmed , that they would not bury them , except they had their money paid before hand : nay , when any poore man bringeth out of the remote places of the city any corps to bedlam ( which is the cheapest place that i know ) ye when all things else is discharged , even as , bearers wages , grave●●●gers wages , and the ground paied for also ; yet they must be constrained to have a twelve-penny priest , to say something over the grave , and he will grudge if he have not more than a snilling ( though he say but a few words without the booke ) when ( perhaps ) all the people that be'left alive in the family , be not worth a shilling . furthermore , if any poore man have a necessitie to worke , upon one of their saints-dayes , then mr. paritor must come , and have a grote , for citing him to the court , but if he appeare not , he must be presented , and for not paying fees , he shall be excommunicated , and he shall never be blessed in again , but ( though he be the poorest man in the kingdome ) the price of his blessing will be a noble at the least : but if he happen to die an excommunicant , then his friends must give money to absolve him after he is dead , or else he shall not be buried in the consecrated earth : but if his friends will goe to the office , and give but a matter of five pound for his absolution , after he is dead ; then he shall be buried in the consecrated ground ; and they will also affirme he died in the faith of christ , ye though he were excommunicated for notorious sinne , and lived and died ▪ obstinately in it . it is a plaine case therefore , that these men are a greater plague to this land ▪ then the naturall locusts of egypt , for they ate up the greene things , but these eate up both greene and dry . nay , further , i conceive they are more prejudiciall to the common wealth , than the frogges that came up upon the land of egypt , for they entred into the oven , and into the kneading trough : and wee reade not that they ascended higher than the kings bed , and the beds of his servants ; but these are exalted above the chimney tops , to catch a smoke-penny from every poore mans house . thus you see the mighty revenewes of the priests : if i had but time to tell you of the things which i know ( even of the extent of their revenewes ) what is gained unto the generality of priests , by granting of licenses to midwives , and to schoolemasters , with divers of their own officers , such as paritors , sumners , & pursevants , with a number of that ranke , which have strange names that i know not , it would ( as i said before ) make all men wonder , how it is devoured ▪ for they must be freed from all taxations , and have their houses rent free , and many times eate their bread at other mens tables , and yet ( for the most part ) they die poore men , and farre in debt , and leave behinde them , both wives and children , destitute of calling and maintenance , which is a plaine case to me , that the hand of god is upon this generation , in cursing that which they would have blessed . and therfore i will confesse that i was overseene ( in the entrance into this discourse ) when i moved you to perswade these men to bequeath some thing to their brethren , ( that are schollers bred ; ) for i did not consider , that though they received much , yet they had but little to give , because it is not blessed for increase : but i should rather have comforted you , with giving you knowledge , that god hath provided maintenance for his ministers ; as well as for his people , that they neede not bow to you for a morsell of bread ; for god taught his apostles to worke with their hands , as paul saith , that his hands ministred to his necessities , and those that were with him ; acts . . not that paul might not receive of the people carnall things , for he declareth the contrary in another scripture , and i hope , all the lords people will confesse that the labourer is worthy of his hire , and that it is their duty to make them partakers ▪ of their carnall things , of whom they receive spirituall things . further , you are carefull to have them sober , and peaceable , and not to preach and speake against what is established by law * indeede ( i must tell you ) in my judgement , no man can make way for a true reformation , except hee declare what is evill , before he shew what is good . further you say , you suppose subscriptions will not be injoyned to formes of government and discipline . here you seeme to yeeld that your formes of government and discipline be not of god ; then if there be no injunction , none will obey , but if injunctions , none will obey for conscience ; for what good man can yeeld to an injuction that is not of god , so then , ( you may see ) your injunctions have beene the way and meanes to breed and bring forth a world of hypocrites , as one may easily see by the timeservers of your church . but you say , that without a toleration we may injoy in a secret way our church fellowship . indeede ( m. edwards ) we have learned that lesson already ▪ for christ hath taught us , that we shall fly into the wildernesse , * and that the earth shall helpe us * but sometimes it proves to the danger of our lives , and alwayes to the danger of our liberty ; as it may appeare by the practise herein london , for though wee meete never so privately , and peaceably , yet such cattle as your selfe ▪ are alwayes bleeting in the eares of your parish officers , and constables , with your other officers , even till you move the lord major himself to be your drudge , and as your horne , which you push forward for the destruction of our bodies , when he hath laid violent hands on them , for it is evident that it hath beene to the losse of some of their lives ; and this is the liberty we have in this kingdome and all through the instigation of you priests . but you say , though some of the more sober and conscientious ministers and people could use it better , yet the brownists and anabaptists , and weake brethren would be apt to scandall : and therefore to avoid scandall , you would i●si●●ate that we are bound to neglect the whole forme of church worship . i told you before , and i tell you now , that you are afraid to have your owne glory ecclipsed and by this all men may see , ( and by all your formers answers also ) that you would have us to enjoy in this kingdome , neither ordinances , nor conscience . the next thing you lay downe , is the judgement of an antient father ; but indeede he is as sound in the faith as your selfe , for hee would have men to joyne to churches that have no power . * and this being the sixth answer that you have given to their third reason , you entreat them to lay all your sixe together , and to consider s●●ly , whether god require , unlesse they have a toleration to leave the kingdome to runne many hazards , and dangers , when as they may enjoy , so much at home , without a toleration , as you say you have opened to these sixe answers . to ●ch i answer , when they are laid all six together , they make but a peece of an answer to one of their reasons , and this piece of your answer is stuffed full of falicies , as hath beene already proved , and may further appeare , by the conclusion of all here , when you say they may have so much at home , for it hath beene proved already , that they can have nothing at home , either in respect of liberty , or worship ; ( but what they must have by stealth ; ) for when they would injoy the ordinances of god , which are iewels , which you would have none to have but your selves , that so you might seeme glorious ; if any ( i say ) will presume to borow the iewels , and carry them away , you will pursue after them ; and you know it was the practise of the egyptians of old , for they would have suffered the israelites to have gone away empty , and left their cattle behinde them , so that they might have had nothing with them to have offered sacrifice withall ; and i pray you were not the southsayers the cause of this ? by withstanding moses and aaron , against the children of israel , even by the false figures which they cast before the eyes of pha●aoh , to harden phar●ahs heart , even as you priests doe at this day . and thus i have laid together your sixe reasons , and weighed them ; but one truth is sufficient to over weigh them all . but yet you have also a seventh answer which is by it selfe : and it is this , that if they will not be satisfied ( say you ) without setting up churches ; it is better they should get out of the kingdome . besides , you would have all others that be of this minde , to leave the land , and goe to new-england , that cannot be satisfied , but that they must erect churches to the disturbing of the peace of three kingdomes . truely ( mr. edwards ) you shew your selfe a bloody minded man , that would have the innocent suffer for the faults of them that are guilty . was not the sending of your masse-bookes into scotland the cause of the disturbance ? and hath it not appeared plaine enough to the parliament and to the scots , before the parliament sate , that the bishops and priests were the cause of the disturbance ? i doubt not but you have read both the scotish intentions , and their demands , with their declarations , which have plainely manifested , who and what was the cause of the disturbance , it was not the meeting of a handfull of the lords people , which ever sought and do seeke the good and wellfare of the three kingdomes , with the life & happy reigne of their soveraigne lord the king , who alwayes sue unto god for the peace of the kingdome , in whose peace they may enjoy peace : but contrariwise , it plainely appeares , that it was you and your fathers house which caused this variance . but say you , it will be no great harme for many of them to goe away . i answer , it is like you apprehend the judgements of god comming upon you , and you thinke to be eased , by driving out the lords people in haste . further , you say , you would rather goe to the uttermost parts of the earth to live in a meane and hard condition , rather than you would disturbe the peace or good of three kingdomes . for answer , to this i must tell you , i would you had considered this before you had done it . but now seeing god of his mercy hath reconciled them againe , it may be the wisedome of you and your fellowes , to depart unto rome , that gods true religion may be set up here in england without popish injunctions , that so the last errour be not worse than the first ; for you say , it is better that one perish than vnity ; therefore ( in my judgement ) it is better that they should runne the hazard , who have occasioned the strife . further , you plead for your selfe and for hundreds of your brethren , that you have borne the brunt of the times , and yet you doe professe that you will submit to what is established by law , because you hope it will be blessed and glorious . i tell you , you are even like isachers asse , and so are the rest of your fellowes , even willing to stoope downe between two burdens , because ease is good : for the law indeede makes every thing seeme glorious ; but for any brunt that you have borne in these last times ; i thinke it hath not over-loaded you ; for i have not heard that you have beene at two pence cost , to maintaine the lords people in prison ; and therefore you are very unlike to obadiah , for instead of hiding of the lords people , you cry out upon the parliament to have them hunted ; and this is a great brunt indeed , ( if it be well considered ) and it is doubt it will cost you deare , ( by that time you have paid your reckoning ) except god give you repentance . but you further expresse , that you would not set up true churches against a true church . i answer , neither would these independant men , i hope , for those things which god teacheth his servants to doe , be not against the truth , but for the truth , neither can they be any cause of divisions , or heart-burnings , betweene either ministers or people . and thus you may see , and behold , that your seventh answer ( to their third reason ) that you have now left alone , is a noune adjective in respect of proving any thing that you brought it for . you say their fourth reason is , that if the ministers and churches be not tolerated , they are afraid that in time they shall draw most of the good people out of the land after them . and for answer to this , you say , you suppose they rather hope than feare it ; and that , ( say you ) plainely sheweth , they have a good conceit of themselves , and of their owne way . for answer to you , i say , that this your answer is but a supposition , neither do i know whether it be their reason , for methinks it sounds somewhat like nonsense , but your supposition will not prove them to have a good conceit of themselves , neither of any way of their owne ; for it is the way of the lord iesus christ , that they plead for . secondly , you say , you feare too , but not as they doe , but your feare is , least toleration should draw away many good people . i pray you trouble not your selfe , too much , for if there be no toleration , the good people will flye from you , and stand a farre off , and waite for the reformation which you have all this while promised . but now at last you seeme to make a doubt of any reformation at all , when you say , if the ceremontes and liturgie stand in full force * which presupposeth , that you conceive they will stand still ; but no doubt , but if they be setled by law , they will seeme glorious to you , although they are in themselves romish traditions . further , you adde , if these stand in force , and churches tolerated , they will make brave worke in a short time . i answer , you are so fearefull least the lords people should enter into the citie of promise , that it is very like you never intend to enter in your selfe ; and that makes you gather up your hopes , in the midst of all your feares : setting a worke your confidence , that god will preserve many judicious , and advised christians from your way ; and therefore you counsell them , to whom you speake , to let them be well shipped , and a reformation in government and ministers ; and then you say your feare will be over . truely methinkes you patch your matter together very disorderly : for you have many times said , that upon a reformation they would communicate with you . but now you would have them well shipt , which i thinke is the reformation which you desire : as may appeare by the confused speech which you make afterwards ; for you say ; when there is a reformation amongst you in government and ministers , that feare is over with you ; and your reason is , because when that which first bred these men * is taken away , which ( say you ) was the violent pressing of ceremonies , and the casting out of good ministers ; and many notorious persons being suffered in the church of england without all censures , shall be removed ; many ( say you ) will not be bred , and others will be satisfied , and some godly painefull ministers of the church of england would out-preach them , and out-live them . to this i answer , you seemed in the beginning of your answer , to make them proud persons , or conceited of themselves but now methinkes , i heare you boast very much of your selfe , and others of your church . but i thinke it may be very true : for you cannot chuse but out-preach them , if you preach them out of the kingdome . and it is very like you may out-live them also ; if you can but banish them into some hard country , or else get them into some stinking prison , as you and the rest of your fathers house have done very lately . but further you adde , that you and your fellowes , will compare with them for all excellencies and abilities . me thinkes it had beene more credit for you to have given your neighbours leave to speake . but now you have advanced your selfe , you labour to cast them downe , for you say , you knew many of them long before they fell to this way , but you have not seene any of them better , nor more profitable , for you say , whilst they were in the church of england , they preached often , and now seldome . i answer , it is very like they dare not tell such as you when they preach , that cry out to the parliament to disturbe their meetings . further , you say , they goe looser in their apparell and haire . i answer , i know some indeede that have beene constrained to change their apparell for feare of persecution , and ( it may be ) the haire you were offended at , might be some perriw●gge , which some of them have beene constrained through feare to put on , to blinde the eyes of the bishops blood-hounds , when they have come to take them . further , you exclaime against them , that they take lesse care for publike things that concerne the glory of god , and the salvation of mens soules . i answer , if their care be so little , you may wonder , what makes them to take this paines , and care , to travell out of a farre countrey , to sue to the parliament , by humble petition , for freedome of conscience , and liberty for gods publike worship , which are things most concerning the glory of god , and the salvation of mens soules . further , you accuse them , that their spirits are growne narrow , like their churches , and that they grow strange , reserved , and subtill ; further , you say , in a word , they minde little else , but the propagation of their independant way . for answer whereof i say to you , that it is no marvell though their spirits grow narrow , towards such an adve●sarie as your selfe , and great cause they have to be strange towards you , and reserved and subtill also . but whereas you say their churches be narrow : i say they are even like the way to ●e●v●n or the gate that leadeth unto life , which is so narrow , that such as you can hardly enter in thereat . but if their greatest care be ( as you say ) to set up the independant way * ( which is the way of god : ) this still crosseth your former slander of them , that they little minde the publike good , and salvation of mens soules . but that this is true ( namely , that they minde little else but the propagation of their independant way ) you bring the protestation protested to witnesse , which testimony maketh them peaceable men , because they desire to meddle with no mans businesse but their owne . and if they minde little else but to set up the independant way , then it will also crosse your following speech , ( which you say , you speak from your conscience and experience ) that never any of them , had so large a spirit for good , after they fell into that way , nor tookesuch care ( you say ) for the propagation of the gospell , and preaching the word to men without i tell you , indeede if they did not take care to preach the word to men without , they would never come to preach amongst you , much lesse would they then sue for libertie so to doe , ( as the welsh ministers have done ) if they had not a desire to informe the ignorant , in those truths that god hath revealed to them . and therefore you may see in your accusations against them , you are proved a very slanderer , and have taken upon you the office of sathan , the old accuser of the brethren . but you conceive god never honoured them so much afterward . but seeing it is but your conception , it matters not ; for if they were active for god , and did famously and worthily before they entred into the way of god , i am sure they could not but be more active afterwards ; for when a man is in a journey ( especially if he know or conceive himselfe to be out of the way ) he goeth on heavily till he meeteth with some directer , either to informe him that he is in the right way , or to direct him how he shall get into it ; and being setled in his right way , hee goeth on more cheerefully , and actively than hee could doe in the time of his doubting ; even so it must needs be with these men , as i said before . againe , you say , that the men that hold those principles of separation , god did never honour much . i answer , it seemes you thinke gods thoughts are as your thoughts , and because you seeke for the praise of men and have it , and a few men honour them : and because christs flocke is a little flocke ▪ therefore you imagine they are not honoured of god , which is very carnall reasoning . ● . but as you have slandered the men all this while ; so now you here slander their way ( and principles ) which way is the way of god , and whose principles are gods truthes ; yet ( you say ) there is such a malignitie cleaves to it , even as doth to the episcopacie . this is a very great slander , to compare godswayes to the wayes of sathan , in saying there is such a malignity cleaving to it , which alters mens spirits , and makes their hearts worse ; and yet you here confesse , that many of them continue good in the maine . thus much for your fourth reason . you say , their fifth reason is , that this is no other but envy in the ministers , that makes them against toleration , because they feare their people will desert from them , and come to us , being so pure in ordinances , and churches ; and thus you say the protestation protested speakes . your answer to this reason is , . that it is not out of envie , but you hold their practise sinfull and unwarrantable to separate from your churches , and to erect such congregations , and therefore you say , you speake against it , and that you here promise to make good in a following discourse . for answer to this , i must tell you , that it is not your denying it to be out of envie , that will cleare you , for there is nothing appeares more plainer , than that envie against the truth , and the professors thereof , was the cause of your writing against toleration . and that it is through feare your people will desert , is plaine , by your owne confession in your fourth reason ; where you say , that if the liturgie , and ceremonies , stand in force , and toleration be granted , they will make brave worke in a short time ▪ and yet you hope some judicious christians ( as you say ) will be kept from their way . but in that you here say , you hold the practise sinfull and unwarrantable you have made that part of your judgement knowne already before ; but your judgement was grounded upon no true principle ; and therefore it hath beene already proved to be emoneous . and whereas you say , you will make it good to be sinfull in a following discourse : i answer , if you can but make men beleeve this , you will worke a wonder . but i know it is impossible , for you to make good your promise , and therefore i cannot expect performance . now to cleare your selfe . . you say , it cannot be counted envie in ministers , to be unwilling to have their flocks , and people fall from them . i answer , by so saying , you rather confirme their reason than remove it , ( namely ) that it was your feare of the de●erting of your people . but for you to insinuate , that the people that be called out of a way of sinne , and brought into the way of grace , and liberty ▪ be stol●●● away , and tempted away by strangers ( as you would make it ) concluding that it is as tolerable for children to forsake their parents , renouncing the 〈◊〉 that bare them , and the ●●pp●s that gave them sucke ▪ throwing dirt in the face of father and mother , as it is for a man to forsake idolatrous worship ; this is an unjust comparison , and crosseth the whole tenor of the scripture . now you would make this your owne case , for you allude to your spirituall children , who ( say you ) are the fruit of your labours . i pray you , how can you count the parish of st. elens your spirituall children , seeing you are there but an hireling ; and as you have not begotten them to the faith , so you have not taken the charge of them , to watch over them as a spirituall father , and you will onely preach to them so long as any will pay you wages , but no longer ; how then have you converted them to god ? from what have you converted them ? or what have you converted them too ? have you turned them from serving dumbe idols , to serve the living god ? i have heard of no great change of them , nor of any other where you have preached ; you found them in the church of england , and you found them christians , ( in your owne judgement ) and you know they were baptized , when you came to them ; and in the same church where you found them , there you leave them ; i pray you , how have you begotten them to god ? you found them under a false power , submitting to a false worship , and you justifie them as men begotten to god , and you justifie their standing there . thus doe you sow pillowes of flatteries under their elbowes . but you neede not to feare any mans comming to steale your disciples away by night , as the jewes gave out falsely of christs naturall body , for that was but a lie ; therefore let no man presume to lie by their example . but you say therefore you ought to watch against us , ( and ought not to sleepe ) least they should be stolne * away . i answer , so did the jewes watch the naturall body of christ and yet he by his power raised himselfe , and also departed from them ; even so by the same power will he raise from the death of sinne , many that are amongst you , and will cause them to separate themselves from your false worshipping , and from you that are false worshippers , and he will tell them where he feedeth his sheepe , and causeth them to lie downe at noone . * neither can you cleare your selfe by saying , you ●i●ty them , and love them , and would not have such a sword as a tolerátion put into their hands ( as you are pleased to say ) to hurt them , though some amongst them ( say you ) might perhaps use it better . i pray you feare not this , ( which you here call an error on the right hand ) but rather feare your church , if ( as you say ) your liturgie and ceremonies stand still in force , which ( you say ) were the causes that bred the separates . * i tell you , if the sa ne cause remaine you may justly feare , it will take the same effect ; you have also as great cause to feare the prophanenesse and atheisme , which is seated in the hearts of most of your people , but onely that you blesse your selfe , in hope that all ignorant and scandalous persons shall be driven out . but i pray you tell me , whither doe you intend to drive them ? if you leave them anywhere in the land , they will be still of your church : except you will make you a new church : but if you should drive them out of the land , you would leave many places of the land uninhabited ; for the generalitie of the people ( in most parts ) be ignorant , and prophane ; and thus you may see your selfe in a great streight , and therfore you have great cause to feare . further , you say , the author would intimate that the honest soules are with them , and would be for their way ; but as for those that are against their way and toleration , they are not such honest soules . if this author be the protestation protested , you have wrested his words , for he hath not said they are not such honest soules neither hath he entred into judgement against any . but further , ( you say ) you would have them know that the honest soules are not onely with them : for in the church of england ( say you ) there ever have beene , and are honest ministers and people , that have rejected our way , and any that fell to it , nay the greatest nonconformists , and most able in that way ( you say ) have written the most against our way , and laboured upon all occasions to preserve the people from falling to us . for answer whereof , i must tell you , that the ministers , and people , were never the honester for ' rejecting of that way , ( which hath beene proved to be the way of god ) though they were the greatest nonconformists in the world : for it is not our way properly , but the gift of the father , which he hath given us , to walke in ; and surely , it is no signe of honesty to commend the saints in their infirmities , or to condemne them in their workes of pietie ; i say , it is no signe of an honest soule to speak evill of such a holy way : i tell you , i take hugh latimer to be an honest soule , though he have declared both by word and writing against such as you ; and affirmed , that a lay man fearing god , is much more fit to understand the holy scripture , then a proud and arrogant priest ; yea , then the bishop himselfe be hee never so great and glistering in all his pontificalls : and such honest soules ( though they are not of the clergie , but of those whom you call the layetie : ) are the fittest men on the earth to make churches , and to chuse their owne ministers ( as i said before ) though they be trades-men ; and such as these have dependancie upon christ alone , whose way is properly the sincere way of god . and as for any that have writ against this way ( or against those who walke uprightly in it ▪ ) it will not make much for their account , for that part of their worke shall burne ( as well as yours ) though they may be saved : and as for these authors which here you bring , which have beene so carefull ( as you say ) to keepe the people from falling into that way ; i have reade some of their bookes , and found the most of them , prophesie sad things against he church of england , except she repent . their sixth reason ( you say ) is , that they are good men , and men of great gifts , and therefore they should be tolerated to have such churches , it is pitty they should leave the land , and wee loose their prayers . indeede ( mr. edwards ) this may be some other , mans reason , on their behalfe , but i hardly beleeve , that they lived so farre from good neighbours , that they must thus set forth their owne praise . but for answer to this reason , in the first place ; you say , the better men they be , and the more able , the worse , to set up separated churches . to this i answer , that i ever conceived by the scripture , that those that christ ordained , to plant his churches were good men , as it was said of barnabas , that he was a good man * and the very like was said of stephen * and therefore me thinks you are shreudly mistaken . but further , you say , they will the more indanger the peace of the kingdome , and make the schismes greater . i answer , if it be good and able men that indanger the peace of the kingdome , you may doe well to perswade the parliament , to keepe still in your church , all the dumb and drunken priests : for they are bad enough , and unable to doe good , and yet of my knowledge , they are very able to disturbe the peace , and to breed strife , and to bring gods judgements upon the land , which is able to make a greater schisme than you are a ware of . secondly , you say , for their prayers , you have the benefit of them , as well when they are absent , as present , and some of them have sa● ( say you ) they prayed more for england when out , of it than in it . indeede if they did so , they did well , for that was their duty ; but i suppose you ( for your particular ) had little benefit of those prayers , and that , because god hath hardened your heart , even against them , and all good men . thirdly , for these their prayers you have rewarded them with an accusation ( namely ) that they left the kingdome , when it was in greatest danger , and in most neede of helpe , and provided for themselves to keepe in a whole skinne . i answer , if they did evill in it , that evill is to be passed by ; for it is very probable , that they did know that the great canons were already made , and that they were mightily charged , and overcharged , as it may appeare by their shivering in pieces : but if they had held to have beene shot off ; they might easily perceive , that they might beate holes in their owne skins , as well as in other mens , and they seeing the plague before hand , might be borne with to hide themselves . but you say you stood without them here in the gappe , and prevailed with god . i answer , it may be conceived , that they prevailed with god , who praye ▪ d so much for england , when they were out of it , for god will not heare sinners , * therefore you cannot expect that god should heare you , so long as you justifie the abominations of your bespotted church ; and you know moses prevailed for egypt , when he was out of the city . * but you say it is better to want their company , than to buy it at so deare a rate as a toleration ▪ and you say you question not , but the king donte will doe well enough without them . is it possible , that you should enjoy the benefite of the prayers of those that you so much sleight , and set so little by their company , that rather then they shall have liberty , to worship god in a peaceable way ( by your will ) they should depart the kingdome , when it is proved , by the word of god , that gods servants are the strength & glory of the kingdome : for even as the prophets were the charets and horsemen of israel , so are they that feare the lord ▪ a support to the kingdome and common-wealth wherein they live . but as for your kingdome of priests , it shall neither stand without them , nor with them , for though the prophets sought to heale babel , yet it could not be healed , for your hornes shall be knocked off ; and methinks i heare the decree gone forth , that your kingdome is devided , and therefore you have neede , to set downe your resolution , that it shall not long stand , but the kingdome of england may safely stand with toleration . fourthly , you say for this objection ▪ of being good men , you will answer it at large in another tractate , wherein ( you say ) you shall minde men of many dangers that may arise to them from good and eminent men ; and further , you say you will fully shew what little strength is in that reason , and cleare also many things in reference to that objection . i answer , when i see this performed , i will take it into consideration , and then you may heare more of my minde ; in the meane while , i rest in the scriptures ; which satisfie me , that good men ever bring a blessing . the next thing you bring is this question ( namely ) whether conscientious men , who agree with you in the maine in points of doctrine , and practise , may be tolerated , and spared , in some things wherein they differ from that which is commonly received . indeede you have made divers answers to this already for it was before your owne question , in some of your reasons alledged against them , where you affirme , that you justifie much , both bearing and forbearing , and have also set the counsell of ancient fathers before them , to teach them to heare with others both in points of doctrine and practise ; wherein they may something differ from that which is commonly received . but here further , you adde a more large answer , that you still say it is your judgement ▪ that there should be bearing in many differences of opinions and practise , so as christians ought not to judge nor censure one another , nor refuse communion and fellowship , by ●ot admitting men into their churches , and to the ordinances . you have seemed ( all this while ) to be afraid least they should admit too many into their churches , and now you seeme to say , it is the fault of the independant churches to deny ▪ communion to many saints ▪ for some differences in judgment , about church-government and orders . now if this be true ( as you say it is ) they are so farre from stealing away your members ▪ that they will not receive them into fellowship , if there be differences in judgment , * for which you here seeme to blame them ▪ and therefore i think you would have them open the mouthes of their churches wider , even as wide as yours . but the scripture hath declared , that the gates of the holy city , are of an equall widenesse , for they are never shut , rev. . . and yet they are so well watched by the angels of god , even the ministers of christ jesus , that there shall be no uncleane thing suffered to enter in thereat , &c. * here you may see if any of you attempt to come in ( who are so ignorant and scandalous and spotted ( as you say they be ) they shall not be suffered amonst us ; for indeede they are fit for no society , but the society of your fathers house : yet ( i say ) if any of these doe creep● in , it is through the neglect of the portor , which the lord hath set to watch , or else it must needs be by their cunning transfiguring themselves to be that which they are not . but ( you say ) you would not have men forced to change their mindes , and opinions , by casting them violently out of the ministry and church , which ( you say ) was the practise of many in these late times , and hath caused , so many schismes and strifes amongst you . well , here all men may take notice , that it was the cruelty of the clergie , that caused the shismes and strifes , by forcing men to change their mindes , and not the practise of the separation ( as you here acknowledge ) therefore in this confession you have crossed the tenor of many of your other arguments , as that the separates have caused strife in the three kingdomes , and that they had made the rents and schismes , which now you acknowledge to be done by them ( that force men to change their mindes ) which are the clergie of england . further , you say , that you approve not of such practises , but desire to be a follower , and lover of the wayes of peace and communion , with any who agree in the maine , and have something of god and christ in them . i answer , if you approve not of such practises , i hope you will not hereafter be an occasion to move magistrates to force men to change their mindes , and so justifie your selfe in that you condemne in others , for you confesse your selfe , that though these independant mens spirits be growne narrow ( even closed up from you ) yet they continue good in the maine ; * and then sure they have something of god , and of christ in them . you say further , that the practise of the antient fathers , that pleaded for bearing , are infinitely pleasing to you . i answer , if they be infinitely pleasing to you , i hope you will never be unpleased againe , with any of the lords servants , about keeping of dayes , which you say was the diffierence betweene these fathers * moreover , you seeme to inferre , that because siprian ( whom you confesse , erred in the point of rebaptizing ) would not condemne them , who were of a contrary opinion : that therefore men may be tolerated in their differences of opinions . but here you have brought an erring father ( by your owne confession ) to perswade us to keepe communion with those that are contrary minded ; but the apostle exhorteth us to labour to be of one minde , that we may walke by one rule , but if any be otherwise minded , we ought to waite till god reveile further , and not to force him to be of our minde , till he hath faith in himselfe , grounded upon the word of god . but that ground which you have ( that men should be tolerated in their differences of opinions ) is built upon the sayings of this father ciprian . but presently you come with your provisall , which hath quite altered the case , your provisall is ( they may be tolerated ) so long as they keepe communion with the church , and submit to the discipline and orders , and be peaceable , and not speake against what is established by common consent nor practise to the scandall and contempt of the magistrate and church . i answer , this is but even a crossing of your owne speech againe , for this constraining of men to yeeld to whatsoever is established by common consent , is but a forcing of men to change their minds ; which you said before , was the cause of schismes and strifes , and though you approve not of it in others , yet ( it seemes ) you could freely practise it your selfe , as may plainely appeare by what you speake hereafter , which is the very same thing which you have often spoke already ; that is , if a few men ( halfe a dozen , or halfe a score ) refuse communion with your church , and vent opinions every where , to the disturbing of the kingdome , and drawing disciples after them , though they were ministers of gold , and had the tongues of men and angels , they should not be tolerated . now you have strucke up the stroke , but it will not serve your turne ; for this your vaine insinuation ( that they disturbe the kingdome and draw disciples after them , ) ha●h beene many a time disproved already , because it hath beene oftentimes repeated by you , to fill up your matter ; nay your owne words have disproved your selfe ▪ where you say , they will not receive them into fellowship except they be of their mindes . * but further ( you say ) you would have us to reade calvin upon that subject , in his last epistle to felerius : the matter you say is this , that if he would not be reduced into order , the ministers should tell him , that he is not to be accounted as a brother , because he disturbed the common discipline . what the disciscipline was that he disturbed i cannot tell , but you say it was a discipline that was common , which makes it appeare to mee , that it was like your booke-worship or your common prayer-booke , which is common as farre as the pope hath any preheminence or jurisdiction ; and that you confesse this common discipline , was not the discipline of god , neither a discipline that you approve of , appeares by your owne words . that you judge it not of god , appeares here in your following words ; where you grant this to be the authority of men , and that it is not to be sought after it : &c. and you know the things that they decreed was , that he that would not submit to the synod must be put out of his place ; and you say , that you would not have any cast out of the ministery , or church , because it breedeth schismes * and by this it appeares , that you allow not of this manner of discipline , and by this one may also plainely see , that you are made all of contradictions , as it may plainely appeare in the very next words following , where you conclude , that the authority of men is not to be sought , when the spirit of god pronounceth of such , &c. and here you quote the ▪ cor. . . where you would make paul an author of casting men out of their places , because they would not yeeld to the synod . i pray you hath paul in this chapter discoursed of any such thing ? was not the controversie here about long haire , about which paul saith the church hath no such custome of contention ; and doth not paul himselfe put the thing to be judged by the church ? in the thirteenth verse , where he saith , iudge in your selves , is it comely that a woman pray unto god uncovered ? and further , in the th ▪ verse , doth not nature it selfe teach us , that if a man have long haire it is a shame unto him ? and was not this doctrine grounded in the law and prophets , and confirmed and established by god long before the apostles time ? yes surely it was , and therefore it will not serve your turne , to prove that synods may decree customes , for the church of god ; but it will serve your turne to prove what you desire , that is , a dependancie betweene rome and england , and that the bishops of rome and england by their synods , should make all their shavelings to crouch and submit , and bow to their injunctions ; for your owne practises prove it , by your very submitting , be it never so contrary to the law of god , and of nature it selfe ▪ if it be but confirmed by a synod ; and therefore it appeares that it is your malignity of spirit , which causeth you to write as you doe . but you say you doe it from a zeale ; but i tell you , it is a zeale against gods glory and the good of his church , and against the preservation of puritie of doctrine , and holinesse of life , even at the best like unto the zeale which paul had , before hee knew christ , when he went with letters from the high priest , to pe●secute the church of god , and when he was their pursevant , to enter into houses , and to hale men and women to prison * if paul should have said for himselfe , as you would now pleade for your selfe , that peace could not stand with toleration , and therefore it was meete to disturbe their meetings , it would not have served his turne , for if god had not stricken him downe in the way he should never have seene the lord jesus ( but to his confusion ) though he was a man every way as well informed as your selfe . yea , ●e might have pleaded as well as you , that he did it not out of passion , but that he had thoughts of the church way before ; for you may know that paul was a member of the church of the jewes , which was erected by god , and was zealous for the law , and mighty in knowledge being brought up at the feete of gamaliel , * and also a free borne roman , * and yet he neither knew christ , * nor what christ would have him to doe , * but hee thought other wayes of himselfe , or else he would not have persecuted the professors of the truth , but that hee imagined there was evill in the practise of the truth ; even as you say you apprehend evill in the practise of independancie , though they see it not that practise it , because ( say you ) they are ingaged in it , but it was ignorance in paul , so to thinke , and so ( at the best ) it is ignorance in you . therefore you have no neede to say , that you see more evill in it , then the independants can doe , but you should rather have said you seeme to see , for you cannot see an evill where none is . but you wish that the independant ministers , would consider what hath beene written . i answer , indeede ( for my part ) if their considerations be as mine , and though they consider it as i doe , without partialitie , yet they will finde nothing in it , to perswade them to lay aside all thoughts of setting up separated assemblies ( which hath beene plainely proved to be the way of god ) much lesse that they should come , and grow into one body , and joyne in one way with you , so long as you have so foule a body ( which you confesse you have ) and your way so contrary to the way of christ , being indeede away of your owne devising . and touching the counsell of mr calvin to this purpose . i say , if he should counsell , as you counsell , it would be to me but a as blast of breath ; for we are to take the councell of the holy ghost , by the mouth of paul , which bids us follow him , as hee followes christ . * but you would have us to consider , what paul requires in a pastor , of which things you say , this is not the least , that hee ought not to be selfe-willed ; that is ( say you ) to be adicted to his owne proper judgement . i answer , i have considered this text already , and doe conceive , that this rule of paul is broken by the pope of rome , and the popes of england , which are adicted to their owne wills , and set up their own proper judgements for a law ; which evill and error paul saw in his time , when he said , the mystery of iniquitie began then to worke . * moreover , i do acknowledge that it is a vertue in a go●d pastor from his heart to feare contentions , and not to differ from his brethren , ●nlesse it ●e in cases greatly necessary , but what is all this which you have said to the matter in hand , you know paul spake to the churches planted in the order of christs gospell , and not by the order of the man of sin , and therefore it will not help you to call them againe , to consider what they may enjoy in your church , for i have proved it plainely before in my reply to your answer to their third reason , that a saint of god can injoy no thing in your church without sinne , and therefore what you thinke you have shewed before in your three first reasons is nothing at all ; for though you say it is but some circumstances that be wanting , about the manner and forme of discipline . i tell you you want the substance , even christ to be the head of your churche , and have made you a head of archbishops and lord bishops , which head is full of leprosie . but here you have brought mr. calvin to crosse you shrewdly , and you would have us to beleeve him ; and indeed with my heart i beleeve it , whether mr. calvin speake it or no ; you say he affirmes that the scriptures expresse the substance of discipline ; this is very true ; but in another place you say , that calvin said , there is no expresse precept concerning this matter : and the like you rehearse presently in your next words for you say he affirmeth , that the forme of exercising it , must be ordained by the ministers for edification , because it is not prescribed by the lord . doth not clavin and you both crosse your selves here ? hath christ indeede written in his word the substance of discipline and not the forme ? you would make ( indeed ) the substance of discipline without forme , and voide , even as the earth it selfe was , when darkenes was upon the face of the deepe : so you would have men conceive there is a substance , but they must have no rule to know where to finde it ; for you say , the forme of exercising it , is not prescribed . here you would make christ wanting to his owne house , for we know that moses had the forme of the house , as well as the substance of the house , and the forme of every ordinance , with every , circumstance that was to be used , in and about gods worship , and the forme was given unto moses by god himselfe and moses had not power to alter any thing in the forme , neither had any of the ministers which came after him : but the wicked priests did alter the forme , and apostated from the truth of those ordinances taught by moses ; even so the wicked antichristians apostated from the forme of wholsome words given by paul , which was to follow him as he followed christ . and also from the rule of our saviour christ given to all his apostles , that they should teach the people what he commanded them , ( matth ▪ . . ) and this ( you may see ) was not onely in substance but in forme also , for paul expresseth to the corinthims , the very forme of breaking of bread , which he had received of the lord jesus ; * and by this you may see you have given the holy ghost the lie , even as calvin also , affirming , that the forme of exercising it , is not presribed by the lord ; and therefore i would have you ▪ ( mr. edwards ) to take the counsell your selfe , that you give unto others , for it is very good counsell . first , that you please not your selfe in your owne opinions . secondly , that you be not so adicted to your owne judgement , but remember the danger that calvin laies downe here , that a man being wedded to his owne judgement , so soone as ever an ocation offers it self , will be a schismaticke ; and i have told you already , that this was the first occasion of schisme and apostacie , from the truth of the gospels worship , that being darke in their mindes , and judgeing the substance of gods worship to be without forme ; and as they them selves ( so presuming ) tooke upon them to prescribe a forme themselves , so they being wedded to their owne judgement , did schisme from the truth of the scripture . thus you say you have delivered your owne soule . but to whom , or from what you have delivered it , i cannot tell . but you say further : you hope the brethren , will withdraw their petitions , that they may not be reade in the honourable house of commons , but , if they should be read ( you say ) you hope the house will cast them out . * i answer , that they should withdraw their petitions , is but one of your vaine hopes , for they had more neede now to petion then ever they had , both to god and men ▪ seeing such a goliah as you , musters up so many forces against them . but the later of these your vaine hopes , doth manifest the malice of your heart , in that you hope the house will cast their pe●itions out ? are you so void of true piety towards that honourable house ? or judge you that house so void of common reason ? being as they are indeede the very eyes of the whole land ; the eares of the whole land , and the tongue of the whole land ; yea the hand and power of the whole land : being so as i conceive in my simplicity , would you have them , i say to be blinde of one eye ? and to looke upon the petitions and complaints of some of the people of the land , and not upon all ? would you have them so partiall ? would you have them also deafe of one ●are ? that they should not hearken to the cries and petitions , and complaints of all the kings subjects , one as well as another ? would you have them also so defective in their tongue , that they should not be for the praise of them that doe well , as well as for the punishment of evill doers ? nay , seeing they are called gods , * would you have their hands so shortned , that they should not once stretch them forth , to support and helpe the poore afflicted members of jesus christ ? then indeede you would have them very unlike unto moses , even as unlike as your selves are unto aaron . would you have this house to exercise their power upon persons before they have made due triall of the cause ? ( by hearing witnesses speake on both sides : truely ( mr. edwards ) if you would ( as it appeareth plaine it is your minde , ) then i will submit to the judgement of both the houses of parliament , whether you be not a man void of common reason ; for he is a foole that judgeth a matter before he know it . and you are not onely void of reason your selfe , but you would have the parliament to be like you ; for if the parliament should judge a man before they heare his cause , they would be like the court at lambeth , which were used to sit in the high priests hall , judgeing matters without due triall . further , you say you are perswaded , that it will never be said of this parliament , that they opened a doore for toleration . for answer to this , i must tell you , that i conceive , they may receive a petition , and yet not open a doore for toleration ; i meane for such a toleration as you here speake of , for setting up churches against churches , for that is not the toleration that we pleade for , but your evill conclusion . and therefore you may pray , if you will , that that doore may be kept shut . and we will pray also that all doores may be kept shut , that will let any evills into the kingdome in processe of time , least that any succeeding generations , should have cause to write in their chronicles of this parliament , as it was written of naaman the syrian ; that is ( as you say , ( it will be said of them ) but they granted a toleration . moreover , we desire nothing at their hands , that may cast a darke shadow upon their glorious light . but that which we desire , is liberty of conscience to practise gods true worship in the land wherein we were borne , which will be no blemish to any christian magistrate to grant , nor for any counsell of state to establish . and therefore you should not have concluded this your discourse against independancie , and against toleration , before you had offered it to the triall before some lawfull committee chosen by the parliament , to heare both you and them ; and then if you could have maintained your churche of england ( which you plead for ) with your synods , and counsells , ceremonies , and booke-worship , canons , and sensures , citations , degradations , and excommunications , with your absolutions , to be founded upon the substance of that worship and discipline , which you say calvin affirmeth , is expressed in the scriptures ▪ then you might with the more shew of honesty have admoninished the parliament , to have cast out their petitions , but till then you may lay your hand upon your mouth , and never for shame affirme , that the granting of toleration unto us ( to worship god , without molestation ) will be setting up churches against churches . neither ought you to have concluded against them ▪ before you had proved their way of worship to be contrary to the word of god , or not to have footing in his word ( as yours hath not ) for except you had done this , you have small cause to rejoyce in your thoughts , in respect of the accounts that you are to give about this coutraversie ; for your contraversie can be conceived at the best , to be but ▪ the contraversie that paul had , when he went unto damascus which was a contraversie against christ * though christ in his rich grace pardoned him , when hee had smitten him downe , and driven him out of himselfe ▪ and made him to confesse , that he knew not christ , in these words ( where hee saith , ) lord who art thov ▪ and further acknowledged that he knew not the will of christ ? by asking him ( with these words ) what wilt thov have me to doe ? thus you may see , though the controversie was against christ , yet paul was reconciled to god the father , by iesus christ the sonne , and endued with the holy ghost , which made him a minister of the new testament , which all his humane learning could not doe . and paul might have boasted that he was stirred up by the spirit of god , against the way of christ , as you boast , that you are stirred up by gods spirit against the way of separation . but that would not have justified paul , much lesse shall it justifie you ; for paul did that hee did out of a zeale to maintaine the law of god . but yours is to maintaine the law of sinne , even the law of sathan . paul persecuted those that he did conceive to be evill ; but you persecute those that you acknowledge good men , and such as have beene active and famous for god . and therefore you have no neede to boast of the spirits enabling you all along , and that above your owne strength ( as you declare ) for it may plainely appeare ( unto all men of understanding ) that it was the very spirit of delusion . and therefore , you may justly expect censures and reproaches ( as you say you doe ) because your way in this action was not pleasing to god . but for my part , instead of censuring you , i would rather reprove you ; and admonish you , rather than reproach you , and pray that god might turne you . and if god would be pleased to give you that reward of your labour , which hee gave unto paul , even to strike you downe , and to make you to heare his voyce , and learne to know him , and what he would have you to doe ; then it would turne much to the praise of god , and to the comfort of your poore soule , if you be a chosen vessell unto him , ( which is the thing you pretend you aime at ) and then you shall be sure to gaine truth , and love and peace , and holinesse in all your after discourses , when you shall speake with a new tongue , and expresse the language of canaan . and now ( mr. edwards ) for conclusion of the whole , i doe here affirme , that if upon the sight of this booke , you shall conceive that i have either misconstrued your words , or accused you without ground ( necessarily drawne from your owne speeches ) or that i have mistaken the sence of any scripture , that i have quoted in this booke ▪ or that i have not answered you directly to the point ( by any oversight ) then chuse you sixe men , ( or more , if you please ) and i will chuse as many , and if you will we will agree upon a moderator ; and trie it out in a faire discourse , & peradventure save you a labour from publishing your large tractates , which you say you intend to put out in print against the whole way of separation ; and if it can be made appeare that ( in any of these particulars ) i have missed it , i will willingly submit , but if you overcome me , your conquest will not be great , for i am a poore worme , and unmeete to deale with you . but if you doe give another onset , before you accept of a parse , ( seeing i have offered you conditions of peace ) the world will judge you an unreasonable man , and you shall never have the day . but if you will ( say your quarrell is only against those ministers , that justifie your church and ministry , and worship ) and can prove that the minsters of holland and new england doe generally justifie the church of england , and the ministery of the church of england , and the worship instituted by the church of england : i say if they thus far justifie you , ( as i have here specified ) then will i freely acknowledge ( when i heare them speak it ) that i was mistaken concerning them ( yet the case in controversie stands still to be tried between you and me ) but i do otherwise conceive of them for the present , because i am credibly informed , that they doe , generally and publikely , renounce the power by which they were called to their office of ministry , in and by the church of england ; some of them affirming that they have stood ministers too long under such a false power ; others confessing here in publike , that it was their sinne , that they had not revealed so much to the people before they went away , with many the like expressions , which i can prove , if wee come face to face , which maketh it apeare to me ( for the present ) that though they preach in the assemblies met together by publike authority , yet they judge themselves to be ministers sent of god to separate the precious from the vile , and that though they have not an outward mediate calling ( seeing they have cast it off , because it was false ) yet they have an inward immediate calling , as all the ministers of god had in former time , which were able to unfould the misteries of the scripture , though they had neither calling by man , nor by the will of man but by the holy ghost . and i hope these men , ( of whom i speake ) will never returne to serve god before the idols , nor preach for wages , as balaam did , but still stand fast in the liberty wherein christ hath set them ; seeing they cave hast off the grievous yoke of antichrist , separating betweene the precious and the vile , fitting men for the lords building , that so they may goe up to ierusalem by troupes . this is my charity towards them , though i know them not by face , and i thinke i may boldly say that none of them knowes me . esay . . stand to your cause , saith the lord , bring forth your strong reasons , saith the king of jacob . esay - . take counsell together , yet it shall be br●ught to nought , pronounce a decree , yet it shall not stand , for god is with us . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * deut. ▪ ● . king. ● . . * gen. ▪ . . . c gen. . . d mat. . . . pet. . . e gen ▪ ▪ . f ver. , , . g gen. . . h exo. . ▪ ▪ . . chap. . . . i and ▪ ● . k num . , . l ver. . , , . m ver. . n ver. , , . * ver. . deut. . . . * deut. . . . ezza . . hag. . , . . . . . p ier . . q ier. . . hos. , . christ made so great a difference betweene the world and the church , that hee would not pray for the world ; yet would die for the church , which was given him out of the world ; and without a separation the church can not be known from the world . r rev. . ▪ s rev. . . * amos . . . * gen. . , . * ecster . . , . * neh , . notes for div a e- ●●● . . . verse . , . compared with cor. . matth. ● ▪ . . ▪ acts . . ●● . cor. . act. . . . see the answer to his second reason against independencie . see ezek. . . a tit . . b rev. . . rev. . . notes for div a e- c ● cor. . , . . . d rev. . , , . . e chap. . . see the . & leafe of his epistle . reason . . pag. . pag. . * tim. . * for this see the reply to his answe to their third reason for toleration . pag. . * for this see his book pag. . * esay . . pag. . li● . . . b tim. . . . c pro. . . * ●ph . . . pag. . lin. ●● . * matth. . * ver. . . matth. . . ver. . ver. . ver. . ver. . c rom. . d ioh. . . * for this see the third part of his answer to their second reason against toleration , pag. . * tim. . . * for this see his fif● reason against toleration . pag. . lin. . . matth. . , , , , , . rev. . . and , , . * pag. . exod. . . notes for div a e- * pag. . * gen. . . * pro. . . * gen. . . * ioh. . . * ioh. . . . * i pray thee ( good reader ) take notice , that here i acknowledge an ove●sight ( in taking mr. edwards his eleventh reason , to be a second tenth reason ) it was th●ough my neglect , in not looking into his errata . * for th●t reade the answer to his third reason against independancie . * see the reply tothe sixth part of his answer to this their following reasou . rev. . whence the church of england is derived . whence the church of rome is derived . what the image of the first beast is . * in the second part of his second reason against toleration , pag. . in his sixth reason against toleration pag. . and the third part of his answer to their second reason for toleration . * pag. . lin. ▪ . rev. . rev. . ▪ * pag. . * rev. . * verse . * pag. . li. ●● . pag. . lin. . pag. . lin. . * what it is that bred the separates . * pag. . ● . . * pag. . lin . 〈◊〉 lin. . * cant. . . * pag. . l. , . * acts ●●● . * acts . . ● . . * ioh. . . exod. . . . pag . * when stephen gardiner harped upon unitie , unitie : yea sir ( said latimer ) but in veritie , not in popery : better is a diversiti● ▪ ●●●●●● vnitie in popery . * rev. . . pag. . * pag. . lin. . ● . * pag. . lin. . . * for this see his eigth reason against toleration . pag. . lin. . . . . . * pag. . * acts . . * act. . ● * ver. ● . * ver. . * ver. . cor. . . ● thes. . . ●or this see reasons against independancie , pag. . lin. . ●● . * cor. . . * for this see his book pag. . * psal. ● . . . * acts . . . a reply to mr. rutherfurd, or a defence of the answer to reverend mr. herles booke against the independency of churches. vvherein such objections and answers, as are returned to sundry passages in the said answer by mr. samuel rutherfurd, a godly and learned brother of the church of scotland, in his boke entituled the due right of presbyters, are examined and removed, and the answer justified and cleared. / by richard macher [sic] teacher to the church at dorchester in new england. . mather, richard, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a reply to mr. rutherfurd, or a defence of the answer to reverend mr. herles booke against the independency of churches. vvherein such objections and answers, as are returned to sundry passages in the said answer by mr. samuel rutherfurd, a godly and learned brother of the church of scotland, in his boke entituled the due right of presbyters, are examined and removed, and the answer justified and cleared. / by richard macher [sic] teacher to the church at dorchester in new england. . mather, richard, - . [ ], , - [i.e. ], [ ] p. printed for j. rothwell, and h. allen at the sun and fountaine in pauls church-yard, and the crown in popes-head alley, london : . text is continuous despite pagination. annotation on thomason copy: "may th". "macher" is altered in ms. to "mather" on t.p. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rutherford, samuel, ?- . -- due right of presbyteries -- early works to . herle, charles, - -- early works to . church of scotland -- government -- early works to . independant churches -- england -- early works to . congregationalism -- early works to . presbyterianism -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a reply to mr. rutherfurd , or , a defence of the answer to reverend mr. herles booke against the independency of churches . vvherein such objections and answers , as are returned to sundry passages in the said answer by mr. samuel rutherfurd , a godly and learned brother of the church of scotland , in his booke entituled the due right of presbyters , are examined and removed , and the answer justified and cleared . by richard ma●her teacher to the church at dorchester in new england . . london , printed for j. rothwell , and h. allen at the sun and fountaine in pauls church-yard , and the crown in popes-head alley , , the authors preface to the reader . christian reader , having published some yeares agoe , a small treatise , in way of a brotherly answer to reverend master herle ; i now present unto thy view a defence thereof against such objections and answers as have been returned to sundry passages therein , by reverend and learned master rutherfurd . in which undertaking it hath been farre from my intention to increase or uphold the differences that have appeared of late yeares in england amongst the servants of the lord , about matters of church government . for i had much rather bring prayers and teares for the quenching of such fires , then fewell or oyle for the increasing thereof : neither shall the same i hope , be any thing at all increased by what here i present now thy view . at the least this i may say , that i intended no such thing but the contrary , even the promoting of truth and peace , if it were the will of god so to blesse my desires and endeavors . true it is , i have taken the liberty to consider and try some things delivered by that reverend brother whom here i have to doe withall , but this i trust cannot be justly offensive , in as much as the spirit of the prophets is subject to the prophets , cor. . . and the doctrine of the apostle himselfe was examined by those noble bereans , whom the holy ghost commendeth for searching the scriptures daily , whether those things were so act. . . it is also true which our reverend brother saith in his epistle to the reader , before his peaceable plea , that there is great cause of sorrow that all the lords people should not minde one thing , and sing one song , and joyne in one against the children of babel . neverthelesse , this may be some comfort against this sorrow , that by the providence of the lord this diversity of opinions and disputes , if it be christianly carried as it may , may occasion and produce in the issue the further clearing up of truth . for as our author well observeth , from the collision of opinions resulteth truth : and disputes as stricken flints cast fire for light . due right of presbyt . epistle to the reader . the desire and hope whereof , together with the advice of such brethren as i consulted withall , was that which chiefely prevailed with me for the publishing of this reply , wherein the reader will finde sundry scriptures and questions controverted in these times , discussed and considered so farre as the nature of a reply or defence did lead thereto ; and i hope some or other through gods blessing may receive some profit thereby . and if the humble christian who desires to know , and love and practise the truth , shall receive any benefit or help for attaining these ends by meanes of this labour of mine , it is that which i intended and aimed at , and for which i desire that god alone may have the praise and glory . if any shall still remaine otherwise minded ; yet in due time i hope god shall reveale even this unto them . in the meane time , diversity of apprehensions in these points ought not to bred any alienation of affection amongst those that are otherwise orthodoxe , and sincere . it were a thousand pitties , if it should . for my part , i cannot but approve what this reverend brother sometime professeth , that he doth both love and dispute , contradict and reverence at once : peaceable plea : epist . yea , he counts himselfe a debtor for love , charity , honour and all due respect in christ jesus , and a seat and lodging in his heart and highest esteeme to all those that be godly , lovers of the truth , and sufferers for the truth against prelacy , though possibly they like not well of presbyteriall government : ibid. in answer whereto ( for i would be loth that such love should be lost upon us , without due returne of the like ) i would for my part professe the like deare and due respect to all those that are qualifyed as here he doth describe ( of which sort i know there are many ) though possibly they may like better of the way that is called presbyteriall , then of the congregationall . for those that give apparent testimonies that they are the lord's , and so that they must live together in heavens , i know not why they should not love one another on earth , what ever differences of apprehensions may for the present be found amongst them in some things . as for bitternesse of spirit and tartnesse of contests , i never thought that to be gods way of promoting truth amongst brethren , and therefore i have endevoured in this discourse to avoid the same . for i beleeve there is more hope of doing good by solidity of argument with a spirit of meeknesse and love , then by sharp and tart language , the fruit of bitternesse of spirit , wherein for the most part right of reason is wanting , the passions being there most vehement and stirring , where the intellectuals are most ●eeble and weake . now if any aske why this defence hath been so long deferred , it being now two yeares and more since master rutherfurd his due right of presbyt . came forth , such may be pleased to consider that new england being as 't is counted miles distant from old ; therefore many books may be extant in england a long time afore we that are so remote can so much as heare any sound thereof : and those few that come to our knowledge , are commonly extant in england a matter of a yeares space afore , and sometimes longer . in which respect many things may be spoken and printed against us , whereto it cannot be expected that we should returne any speedy answer . and though it be now twelve moneths agoe or more since master rutherfurd his due right of presbyt . came to my hands , yet at that time my few spare houres from my constant and ordinary employments were wholly taken up otherwise , so that i could not attend this businesse any sooner : which i desire may be accepted as a just apologie for the late coming forth of this reply ; which as it may seeme late , so it is more large then in some respect i could have desired , by reason that i doe usually transcribe those words of master rutherfurd , whereto i d●e apply my answer ; which course i confesse i did not unwillingly ( in some respects ) chuse , partly to save the reader a labour of turning to the place in master rutherfurd which i am speaking too ; which else he must have done , or have taken things upon my report upon trust ; and partly that my candid and faire dealing with the author , whom i have to doe withall might the better appeare . for when a mans words are not kept , but forsaken , and others substituted in their place , his minde and meaning may soone be mistaken , and represented amisse unto the reader . which is a practise that i have often seene , but never approved ; and therefore i have not used it . for i would be loth to wrong any man ; specially a man of such worth as i take master rutherfurd to be , by imputing to him what he doth not teach nor deliver : and for this cause it is that i have usually transcribed and expressed his owne words ; and by this meanes my booke is growne to the greater bulk . one thing more i would advertise the reader of , and then i shall quickly have done : the figures from and so forward , noting the number of the pages in master rutherfurd his treatise , are set downe twice therein , once in their proper place , and againe after the page . wherefore if any of these pages be quoted in this reply , as some of them are , if the thing that is alleaged be not found in the page that is named , looke for it in the other place of the booke where are the same figures , and there you may finde it . courteous reader , study the truth in a way of piety and peace : be zealous for it , but lose not love to the saints : beware , when the world is filled with disputes about discipline , that thou be not drawne onely to erroneous opinions in maine matters of doctrine . be sure to practise and expresse the power of godlinesse in humility of minde , mortification of thy own corruption , faith in the lord jesus , and love to all his redeemed ; and be not by any meanes drawne away from these things , which doe so mainly conduce to thy salvation . finally as the holy ghost saith , phil. . , . whatsoever things are true , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are lovely , pure , and of good report , if there be any vertue , if there be any praise , thinke on these things , and doe them ; and the god of peace shall be with thee . improve i pray such interest as thou hast in god through the mediator , by affording the help of thy prayers for me , who am truly desirous of thy salvation , r. m. decemb. . . a table of the contents of the ensuing treatise . chap. . of appeales from particular congregations , and the true cause of appeales , and whether by mr rutherford his doctrine in this point there must not be appeales to generall counsells , whose power of iurisdiction he doth not yet deny . page . . chap. . of the power of synods to give advite and counsell , and whether from thence it doth follow that they have no power to command . page . . chap. . of the assembly , acts. . whether they did exercise any power of iurisdiction , against the obtruders of circumcision , and whether their rebuking of them does argue the affirmative . page . . chap. . of the dogmaticall power of synods : and of the power of congregations to determine matters amongst themselves , if ability serve thereto . page . . chap. . againe of that assembly acts. . whether their rebuking the false teachers do prove a power of iurisdiction and excommunication in synods : and whether preaching do prove the assembly where it is , to be a church . page . . chap. . whether the power of synods be a power of iurisdiction ; and of the dependance of the synagogues upon the synedrion at ierusalem . page . . chap. . whether the lawfulnesse or necessity of appeales doe prove a superiority of iurisdiction in synods over congregations , and of sundry sayings of our author which seeme to interfere . page . . chap. . whether antioch acts. . had right to have ended the controversie amongst themselves , if they had bin able , and whether their sending to jerusalem for helpe , or their knowledge that other churches were troubled with the like evill , or the party among themselves who were against the truth , do prove the contrary . and of supremacy of power in congregations . page . . chap. . whether the congregationall way or the presbyteriall do make the gospel more defective , then the law of excommunication by a church that hath onely three elders , and of doing things suddenly . page . . chap. . whether the necessity of discipline be greater then of sacraments : and whether a congregation that hath neighbours may not exercise entirenesse of iurisdiction , as well as one that hath none ; and whether a man may take on him the whole minestry , having no outward calling thereto ; and may not as well take on him one act of baptising or ministring the lords supper . page . . chap. . whether the power of iurisdiction flowing immediately from the essence of a church , doe not agree to a church that hath neighbours , as well as to a church that hath none ; and whether otherwise neighbouring churches be not a losse . and whether pretence of male-administration be a sufficient reason for neighbouring churches to deprive a congregation of its power . page . chap. . whether it be against the light of nature that the adverse party be iudge , and whether mr rutherford can safely say that none of them do so teach ; and whether this saying , that parties may not be iudges , do make against entirenesse of power in a congregation , any more then in a generall or nationall councell . page . . chap. . whether the churches at thessalonica and jerusalem , were each of them more then one congregation , and of mr. baynes his judgement therein . of the assembly mentioned luke . . and whether our saviour did there speake to his disciples onely , or to all the people also . page . . chap. . whether the church at corinth was one church meeting distributively in sundry congregations , or whether it was onely one congregation . and whether cor. . . if the whole church come together in some place , &c. doe make for sundry congregations or for one onely . page . . chap. . whether the church at ephesus were more in number then corinth and jerusalem ; and the judgement of mr baynes whether that church was many congregations or one onely . page . . chap. . whether the church at antioch was onely one congregation : and whether acts. . . and . . doe not prove the affirmative . page . . chap. . whether or no liberties are given by christ to the people , but women must exercise the same as well as men . and of the peoples liberty about ordination , or the calling of ministers . page . . chap. . of mr rutherfords report of synodicall propositions in new-england . page . . chap. . of the appeales of luther and cranmer , and of the power of iurisdiction in generall councels denied by mr. rutherford ; whether therein be doe not contradict himselfe , and also overthrow the iurisdiction of classicall , provinciall , and nationall assemblies . page . . chap. . if it were granted that the light of nature teacheth all societies to end in monarchies , whether would it not follow that the government of churches must so end , as well as that congregations must depend on the government of synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion in government to other societies . and whether the multitude of grecians and hebrewes , who ch●se the seven deacons acts. . were two congregations , or one onely . page . . chap. . whether congregations may be excommunicated by classes and synods , by vertue of those words ▪ mat. . tell the church , as containing a rule and remedy for all offences , or at the least a church remedy for the offences of churches and church members . and if yea , whether it would not thereupon follow , that a nationall church must have the benefit of this remedy as well as others ; and so have no independency of iurisdiction within it selfe , but be subject to the jurisdiction of generall counsels , which yet mr. rutherford doth deny . page . . chap. . when the supreame magistrate is a professed enemy to religion , whether then it be likely and usuall , that the greater part of the people are sincerely religious , and whether when the greater part are enemies with their magistrates , it be then the duty of a few that are sincere , to assemble in a nationall synod , and there to enter into a nationall covenant , and also to injoyne the same unto that greater part . page . . chap. . whether the word church be not given to a single congregation : and whether a congregation be a company or church-meeting onely for word and sacraments , and not for any other spirituall duties : and whether the divers duties , . of word and sacraments , . of discipline , &c. must needs argue divers churches . page . . chap. whether those children of israell numb . . . who laid hands on the levites were elders by office , and as so considered did lay on their hands . and whether this scripture do not prove , that where there are no elders to be had , there some principall members though no elders by office , may impose hands on church-officers . page . chap. . whether a ministers calling consist in election or imposition of hands , and whether of these is greater , and whether is prior or posterior . whether tim. . . acts. , , . acts. . , , . doe prove that the ministers calling consists in imposition of hands by the presbeterie , and that such imposition of hands is not a consummatory rite or benedictory signe . also whether rom. . . do prove that a man cannot be a minister , except some presbyterie ordaine him before the people choose him , and whether otherwise the people doe send a minister to themselves . and whether the people of god may not as well discerne a mans fitnesse to be ordained , as his fitnesse to be elected . page . . chap. . whether the epistles to timothy and titus wherein there are contained rules of direction in laying on of hands , do prove that this action may not in any case be performed by non-officers , but must be performed onely by presbyteries ; and whether the argument do not make as strongly for the appropriating of laying on of hands to the prelates , as to the presbyteries , and do not as well exclude the presbyteries from medling therein , as exclude the people . page . . to the christian reader . in the yeare . there came forth a treatise against independency , under the name of my reverend and learned brother mr. charles herle , the pastor of winwick in lancashire . this treatise , because it seemed to bee written with such a candid and peaceable spirit as might witnesse for its author that the thing he aymed at therein was meerly the disquisition of the truth ; and because the author thereof was many yeares agoe of my reverend brother mr. tompsons acquaintance and mine ; therefore we thought it might not be in vaine if we should lovingly communicate to the learned author such apprehensions of ours , whereby wee were detained from concurring with his judgement in the principall question disputed in the said treatise . and therefore in the latter end of the same yeare , there came forth a small script under our name in way of a brotherly answer to that his loving and learned treatise . against this answer mr. samuell rutherford a learned writer of the church of scotland , hath alledged and published many objections . exceptions , and answers , in his booke entituled the due right of presbyteries : i may call them many , because in that treatise of his there are no lesse then or severall places , wherein he bring up by name the said answer , disputing against sundry passages therein as if they were not sound ; which passages if they be indeed erronious and unsound , are a great many to bee contained and found in so small a work the whole booke as it is now printed containing in it . leaves : so that the leaves in the booke are not much more then the places therein which this learned writer doth object against ; which being considered , i thought it therefore needfull to peruse and weigh as the lord should helpe , the severall places of his fore-mentioned treatise , wherein he deales against the said answer : and having so done , i here present my apprehentions to publike view , leaving the prudent and judicious reader to consider and judge ; whether this reverend and learned brother have sufficiently overthrowne or weak'ned the said answer , or whether the same doe not still remaine agreable to the rule of truth , notwithstanding his objections against the same , or such answers as he doth returne to severall passages therein . chap. i. of appeales from particular congregations and the true cause of appeales ; and whether by mr. rutherford his doctrine in this point there may not be appeales to generall councils , whose power of iu●isdiction he doth yet deny . first of all in his page . ( for that is the first place wherein i find him medling with the answer ) speaking of doubts concerning math. . . tell the church ; in a . th objection about that scripture , besides other particulers hee hath these words , viz. there is no reason to appeale to a higher iudicature because the inferiour may erre , because all above a congregation are courts which may erre ; presbyteries provinciall , nationall , the universall councill of the catholicke church may erre : and then for author of this part of the objection hee subjoyneth my name , and answer to mr. herle , cap. . pag. , . answ . when hee is discoursing of doubts concerning that scripture , math . tell the church , i know no reason why hee should bring those words of mine at such a time or for such a purpose . for though i doe acknowledge that i wrote the words which hee hath set downe or such like , in the place by him alledged ; yet that they were brought by me for such purpose as hee doth report ( viz. for the cleering of doubts concerning the meaning of math. . ) that i doe utterly deny . he that shall looke upon the chapter and pages alledged , will find that i doe not there meddle at all with that scripture , either for one purpose or another ; and therefore cannot be truly said to have used the words alledged , in way of cleering doubts concerning the same . and albeit in another place , ( cap. . pag. . et sequ . ) i doe purposely speake to that scripture ; yet in that place there is no mention at all of the words by him alledged nor of any such like , and where such words are to be found , there that scripture is not mentioned at all . now who knoweth not that a man may be much wronged , when the words which hee hath spoken are taken and applyed to such a purpose , for which he did never bring them nor intend them . but to let this passe , let us heare what our reverend author saith against the words alledged , in his answer . the cause of appeales , saith he , is not because inferiour iudicatures may erre , for so wee might appeale from all iudicatures , even from a generall councill , for it may erre , pag. . lin . ult . answ . is not this the very same that was said in the answer , pag. , . the pages which hee here undertakes to answer , is it not there said ; as for classicaticall provinciall , and nationall synods , there is none of these but those cases of deficiency and possibility of partiality may befall the best of them ; and therefore if for these causes the single congregations may not be indep●ndant , but there may be appeales from them , the synods being subject to the like , there may bee liberty of appeales from them also — . for as the congregations may be partiall and erre , so we suppose it will not be denyed but the classis may erre , the provinciall synod may erre , the nationall may erre , yea generall councils may erre ; and so by this reason not synods nor generall councils may have entirenesse of jurisdiction , but there may be liberty of appeales from them also . these are our words in those very pages which here mr. rutherford pretends to answer and disprove or confute . but in stead of a confutation we see we have nothing but a plaine confession or affirmation of his owne , that the thing is even so as was affirmed by us before . now why hee should make a show of taking away or weak'ning that which we had said , and then in stead of accomplishing what he undertakes , to doe no more but onely to say the same thing againe which wee had said before , what reason i say he had for this i know not ; but plaine it is that for the particular in hand , the answer which he pretends to weaken , is not yet weakned at all , but rather strengthned and confirmed by his apparent yeelding the cause , and affirming the same that was before affirmed by us . but saith hee pag. . the true cause ( viz. of appealing to higher courts ) is , . because they doe not so frequently erre . . they are not so inclined and disposed to erre ; for many eyes see more then one , and doe more seldome miscarry in taking up the right object : . because wee conceive more equality and lesse partiality in higher courts . answ . these three reasons seeme much what the same , or to hang one upon another ; for therefore they doe more seldome erre because they are not so disposed and inclined to erre , and they are not so inclined because they are more in number , and because there is in them more equality and lesse partiality : so that upon the matter it is but one reason , viz. because though they may erre , yet not so frequently and likely as the congregation . yet ( be they three reasons , or be they but one ) let us consider what force there is in this sa●ing to take away entirenesse of iurisdiction from a congregation , and to establish the necessity of appealing from the same unto a synod , for this is the thing that should be cleared . first of all it may be a question , whether synods doe more seldome erre then the presbyteries of congregations : and the reason of the doubt is ; because the promise of the presence of ch●●st is not made meerly to multitude or greatnesse of number ; but if they bee but two or three gathered together in his name , his promise is that hee will be present in the midst of them , math. . . now the promise of his presence being to so small a number gathered together in his name , why may not a congregation and its presbyterie being so gathered , though they be a lesser number then synods and councels ; yet bee partakers of the benefit of this promise , for the preserving of them from error , as well as those greater assemblies ? 〈…〉 not but in multitude of counsellers there is safety : nor doe i doubt but synods and council● gathered together in the name of christ , may expect the per●●●●ance of this promise of our saviours presence : but the thing i doubt of is this , whether a congregationall church of saints , furnished with an able and ●aithfull presbyterie ( for of such onely doe i speake ) may not by vertue of this promise bee as frequently preserved fro● error as those greater assemblies of synods and councils , posito that the synods and counci●ls did as frequently come together as the congregation doth : for otherwise i grant , the synods meeting more seldome may erre more seldome : but let the comparison be equall in respect of the time of assembling and comming together , and then i doubt whether synods 〈◊〉 preserved from error any oftener then the fore-mentioned lesser assemblies . it is well knowne what n●zianzen said of synods or councils in his time , viz. that hee had never seene good and happie end of any of them , and that evils were not so much redressed as increased thereby . epist . ad procop●um , quae est numere . referr . whitak de concill . q. . cap. . true it is , nazianzen lived as dr. whi●●● observeth , pessimis & turbulentissimia ecclesiae temporibus , in very corrupt and troublesome titues , when by reason that valens the emperour was averse from the truth , h●retickes much prevailed and corruptions greatly increased ; and this might make the good man something more to dislike all councils then there was cause . neverthelesse his words doe apparently witnesse , that in his time synods and councils did not seldome erre but very often ; so that hee for his part had never seene good that had come by any of them . then which saying i suppose one would not speake more hardly of a particular congregation and its presbyterie ; and therefore by this testimony of his my doubt is increased ; whether the matter be in 〈…〉 mr. rutherford doth say , viz. that synods and councils doe rariùs erra●● , more seldome erre then such a particular congregation as here i am speaking of . but suppose it were so as hee doth affirme ( and i will not deny it , onely as i said i doubt of it ) yet i doe not see what great matter hee can gaine thereby for the furthering of his purpose , that there must be liberty of appeales from particular congregations unto classes and synods , as unto higher courts . for if this be the reason 〈◊〉 such appeales , because such assemblies doe more seldome erre , because many eyes doe see more , and doe more seldome miscary in taking up the right object ; then it will follow that the greatest assemblies , in as much as they have the most eyes , doe of all others most seldome erre , and so to them there must bee the most appeales . for the learned author well knowes , à quatenùs ad omni● valet consequentia . and so by this meanes the true cause and reason of appeales lying ( according to mr. rutherford his apprehension ) in the rarenesse and seldomnesse of erring in such assemblies to whom appeales are made , and the cause of this seldomnesse of erring lying in the multitude and great number of eyes in such assemblies , it must needs thereupon follow , that vniversall or generall councils as having in them the most eyes , are the assemblies that doe most seldome erre , and so un●o them there must be most appeales . which if it be gran●ed , the classicall , 〈◊〉 , and nationall synods , are all by this meanes deprived and stri●t of 〈◊〉 of ●●●●diction as well as the particular congregations , the synods by 〈◊〉 to generall councils , as to those that doe ra●iùs c●rare , aswell as the 〈…〉 appeales unto the synods : and so thera must be no entirenesse of 〈…〉 onely in the generall councils , but from all other synods there must 〈◊〉 liberty of appeales , aswell as from the congregation . this consequence for ought i see doth unavoidably follow upon that which mr. rutherford lay undowne as the cause of appealing from a particular congregation : and so ou● brethren by this meanes have spun a fine thred , drawing forth a conclusion which is every what as prejudiciall to their owne cause as to ours . if any aske why may not this consequence be owned ? why may wee not say , there must bee liberty of appeales from all synods and presbyteries , except onely the generall councill ? the answer is , th●t wee may not so say ; because then causes would be too long depending a●ore they could come to issue , yea perhaps would never come to issue as long as this world shall endure : for by this rule they may by appeales upon appeales be protracted untill they be brought to a generall councill to be determined there . now as there hath not beene any such councill for many ages by-past , so it is very uncertaine when there will be one assembled , whether ever or never whilst this world stands . but wee thinke christ jesus hath provided better for his church then so , and hath not appointed such a necessitie of appeales upon appeales , but that causes may bee determined afore any generall councill can be assembled . besides , if such assemblies might be frequently attained , yet it is not yet cleered , that when they are assembled they have any power of iurisdiction at all ; but onely a doctrinall power to cleare up the rule , the power of iurisdiction remaining in some other assembly . sure it is , mr. rutherford thus teacheth expresly , for his words are these ; verily i professe i cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandals can be in a generall councill ; there may bee some meerly doctrinall power if such a councill could be had , and that is all . due right , &c. pag. . and in the end of the same page and beginning of the next , speaking of those words , math. . tell the church , hee saith thus ; because ordinary communion faileth when you goe higher then a nationall church , and christ's way supposeth an ordinary communion — ; therefore i deny that this remedy is needfull in any church above a nationall church . by which sayings it appeareth , that he counts christs remedy to censure scandals not needfull in a generall councill , yea and hee seriously professeth , that hee cannot see that such a councill if it could bee had , hath any power of iurisdiction at all to censure scandals . which being so , it must needs follow , that scandals must be censured , and causes ended somewhere else , afore they can come 〈◊〉 such end to a generall councill . and if this bee so , then how can that stand which here hee affirmeth , that the true cause of appealing to synods in this ; because they doe rariùs errare , more seldome erre , then the particuler congregation , and having many eyes doe more seldome miscarry in taking up the right object : for this cause is most properly appliable to the generall councill , unto whom notwithstanding hee denies any power of iurisdiction to censure scandals ; and if they h●ve no such power , there can bee no appeales to them for such purpose and end . and how these things can stand toget●er , that the true cause of appeales to such or such assemlies doth he in this , that they doe more seldome erre as having many eyes , and yet that to generall councils there should be no appeales at all , as having no power of iurisdiction , though of all others this cause be most properly ●ound in them , i for my part doe confesse i doe not understand . if any shall say , that as mr. ruthe●ford doth make that which i have mentioned the true cause of appeales , so hee doth also hold a power of iurisdiction even in generall councils ; and shall therefore doubt whether i doe truly report him 〈◊〉 touch the contrary , i would wish no more favour of such a one but to peruse the places which i have here above alledged , and then i hope hee will ●nd the words to bee no otherwise , but as i have set them downe . i know indeed there are some places in him which doe looke another way ; as that where hee saith , it is by accident and not through want of inuat● and intrinsecall power , that the court of a catholick councill can not in an ordinary and constant way exercise that power which now we are speaking of due right , page . and a little after hee saith , he seeth nothing to prove that a generall councill hath not power to excommunicate a nationall church . yea and further , that if there were a generall councill at this d●y , they might lawfully in a iuridicall way ( so are his words ) doe that to the faction of romish pretended catholicks ; which hee saith , is excommunication in the essence and substance of th● act. and in the page next ensuing he saith , this of our saviour , tell the church , is necessarily to be applyed to all churches and courts of christ , even to a catholick councill . these places i confesse doe seeme to me not very well to agree with the either afore alledged : for in the one he plainly affirmes , there is in generall councils power of iurisdiction to censure scanda●s , and in the other hee doth as plainly deny the same . but it is the former places and not these latter which i doe stand upon ; in which former as i conceive him to hold the truth , so for ought i see , that which hee saith in this place wee have in hand about the true cause of appealing from congregations to synods is much infirmed thereby . for how can that be taken to be the true cause of appeales , which is most properly found in such assemblies ( i me●ne in generall councils ) unto whom as having no power of iurisdiction , there must be no ap●eales at all ? to conclude this chapter : when wee doe enquire about power of appealing , and unto what courts appeales must be brought , our way is not to seeke for such ●ourts as cannot erre , for such wee shall never find ; nor for such as we thinke will more seldome erre , as mr. rutherford would have it ; for that rule is also subject to much uncertainty and exception , as hath beene already declared . but the best way is to enquire where the lord jesvs hath placed the power of the last and finall censuring and determining of causes , and when that is found therewith to rest contented . and as for synods and councils , it is neither their not erring , nor their seldome erring that can bee a suffi●ient argument to place the power of iurisdiction in them ; unlesse the lord iesus had so appointed and ordained , which yet doth not appeare . and so much for this first place , wherein our brother deales against the answer . chap. ii. of the power of synods to give advice and counsell , and whether from thence it doth follow , that they have no power to command . the next place wherein i find this learned author dealing with the answer , is in his page . where having in the close of a . th objection in the prece●ent page brought in these words , viz. a synod in dogmaticall power ariseth no higher then this ( viz. a man , or a single congregation ) as that a divine institution doth fall upon it . amongst other things in his answer to the objection hee saith thus , viz. i would know if a synods dogmaticall power be above the power of single congregations ; i think saith he , it is not by our brethrens tenents ; for they say expressely that every particular church hath right , jus , to decide dogmaticall points : this right the church of antioch had ( act. ) an● laboured to end that controversie within her selfe , which sheweth that they had right an● power : but they had not ability ; and therefore in that case they seeke for counsell , light , and advise from other churches — . and then amongst other places for proofe that this is our tenent , hee alledgeth in his margent my name and mr. tompson● in the answer to mr. herle , chap. . and after the words above rehearsed and some others to the like purpose , hee inferreth thus : hence saith hee , the power of synods is onely by way of counsell and advise . answ . to omit ( at least for this time ) the other places alledged in his margent , and not to examine how farre his answer reacheth to satisfie the objection , as himselfe hath propounded it ; i will onely consider of such things as doe directly concerne the answer , for that is the scope ●ayme at , and i endeavour to keepe close thereto . first therefore i have this to say , that for the dogmaticall power of synods above congregations , for the right and power of the church of antioch in particular , and for the power of synods to bee onely by way of counsell and advise , there is not in the chapter alledged so much as one word about any one of those 〈◊〉 either one way or another ; so that i cannot but marvell why this reverend brother should alledge that chapter for such a purpose . . although in another place of the answer , viz. page ● . there be words to the like purpose with those which our author here sets downe concerning antioch , yet for the conclusion and consequence which hee would thence inferre , viz. that the power of synods is onely by way of counsell and advice , as there is nothing said ● the chapter by him alledged that lookes that way , so there is nothing in the page or chapter where a●tioch is spoken of , nor any where else in all th● booke 〈◊〉 as i doe remember , that can any way serve for the proving of such a conclusion and tenent to bee ours . the author alledgeth no place that hath such a conclusion in it , either in direct words or by just consequence : and i professe that for my part i doe not know of any such . . but this i doe know that the direct contrary to what here is expressed is plainly to be found in another place of the said answer , viz. pag. . where there are these words , viz. if a synod may b● called a church , and if power by disputation and disquisition to cleare up the rule , and then to command obedience thereto , may be called government , then they ( viz. the independants as they are called ) doe admit a synod to bee a governing church , for the power here m●ntioned they doe allow unto synods . now the power here mentioned being , as we see , not onely a power by disputation to cleare up the rule , but also a power to command obedience thereto , they allowing this power unto synods as they doe exprestly say that they doe ; i know not why our brother should say , that they allow unto synods onely a power of counsell and advice . for power to command obedience , and power onely by way of counsell and advice , i suppose are not the same ; and if they be not , i know not how this report in this particuler can bee made good . to me it seemes apparent and undenyable , that they who have power to command obedience , have more then only a power to counsell and advise ; and they who have onely this latter have no power of the ●orme● at all . even interiours , as naamans servants , king. . have power to counsell and advise their master , and yet i hope they had no power to command their master to yeeld obedience . suppose it bee true ( which i deny not ) that the answer in another place , ( ●hough not in the place by him alledged ) doth say , that a●tioch had right to have ended the matter amongst themselves , if ability had served thereto , and that by reason of distention and through want of light they were forced to send out to ●●rusalem for helpe , must it needs follow thereupon that his assembly at ierusalem had no more power but onely by way of counsell and advise ? ( which is the conclusion which hee endeavours to draw ●●om that which is said concerning antioch ) i ●●●ceive there is no necessity at all of such a consequence . for whence must the same 〈◊〉 i suppose from one of these two , either from this , that antioch is supposed and said to have had right within her selfe , or else from this that jerusalem gives counsell and advise . any other colour for concluding such a conseptionce as is in question , the answer affords none that i know of . 〈◊〉 for these two particulers here mentioned , they are both insufficient for such 〈◊〉 purpose . for what should hinder but there bee more power in the synod of ●erusalem towards them of antioch then only by way of counsell and advise , even power to command them to do what is their duty , though antioch have right to end the matter themselves , if ability serves thereto ? doth right in one person or assembly to end their ma●●ers if they be able , extempt them from being under the command of others ? hoshoulders have right to governe and order their families , if so be that they be able : doth it follow therefore that superiors in church or civill state have no power to command housholders to do their duty herein , but only to give counsell and advise ? or if housholdere have such right , doth it follow that therefore they are under no command , in church and common-wealth ? i suppose it will not follow at all . or shall we say , that classes and provinciall synods have no right to end their own matters within themselves , if a nationall synod have power to command them ? or if they have such right , shall we therefore say they are not under the command of the nationall synod , and that the nationall synod hath no power over them but only by way of counsell and advise ? wee suppose master rutherford will not say so : and yet he might as well say it , as say as hee he doth , that because antioch hath right to ●nd her own matter if they be able , therefore a synod hath no power but only by way of counsell and advise . and though the synod is to give counsell and advise ( which was the other ground whereon the conclusier afore mentioned seemes to be built ) yet neither will master rutherford his conclus●on , that the power of synods is only by way of counsell and advise , follow from thence at all . for who knoweth not that . counsell and advise may be administred and given by them , who have also power to command ? not every one indeed as may advise and counsell , may forth with command and enjoyne : neverthelesse , counsell and command are not so repugnant , but that they who may command , may also advise . paul had power to command and enjoyne phyl●mon to do what was convenient , and yet for loves sake would rather beseech him , philem. . . the lord iesus to doubt hath absolute authority to command , and yet we find him sometimes speaking to the sons of men by way of counsell or advise . revel . . ● . i counsell thee to buy of me gold , that thou mayest he rich , &c. shall we now inferre from hence , that the power of the lord iesus is only by way of counsell aud advise , and that his power cannot amount to the nature of a command ? i suppose we would be afraid and abhorre to deduce such a consequence . and therefore , though a synod may advise , yet their power to command ( which is more then meere counsell and aduise ) is not from thence concluded to be null . and so much for master rutherford his second place , wherein he deales against the answer . chap. iii. of the assembly , act. . whether they did exercise any power of iurisdiction against the obtruders of circumcision , and whether their rebuking of them do argue the affirmative . in his page . he laies downe this as a d. object . viz. that there is no censuring of persons for scandals , and that meeting , act , . because there is nothing there but a doctrinall declaration of the falshood of their opinion who taught the necessity of circumcision : and that all is done by way of doctrine and by power of the keyes of knowledge , not of iurisdiction , is cleere from the end of the meeting , which was verse & . to consider of that question : consideration of questions being the end of the synod , is a thing belonging to doctrinall power meerely . and then he s●●joyneth my name , and in the margent alledgeth the answer , chap. . page . ans . whereto i first of all returne this answer . first , that the thing here in question being about the power of that meeting acts . there is nothing in the place alledged by master rutherford that can warrant him to frame such an objection under master tompsons name and mine , as proceeding from us : and the reason is , because that meeting acts , is not mentioned at all in the place by him alledged , neither for that purpose which he sets down , nor for any other ; much losse is the objection ours in terminis . now to frame an objection , and to alledge chapter and page for proofe that the objection is ours , when as neither page nor chapter aleadged do speake any thing at all of that matter , what reason can be given for this i know not . neverthelesse , because the matter contayned in the objection doth not much differ from my apprehension and judgement , and something in the answer elsewhere may possibly intimate such a thing , though but briefly touched , i will therefore consider of what he saith for removing the objection as himselfe hath propounded the same . it is false , saith he , that there is no censuring of persons here , for — it is more then evident that the publike synodicall censure of rebuke is put upon those who held and urged the necessity of circumcision , and why not excommunication also in case of obstinacy ? for the synodicall censure of a publike synodicall rebuke is only gradually different , not specifically from excommunication , & both must proceed from ou● & the same power . so then the summe is , the synod had power of rebuking , and therefore of excommunication also . answ . the consequence is not cleere , for who knoweth not that there may be power to rebuke , where there is no power of excommunication ? is it not the expresse law of god , that every man shall plainly rebuke his neighbour and not suffer sin upon him , levit. . ? and are not our 〈◊〉 words as plaine , if thy brother trespasle against thee rebuke him , and if he repent forgive him , luke . ? whereby it is evident that one particular person hath power by the law of god and christ to put a rebuke upon another , if there be occasion for it . but will it follow hereupon that one particular christian hath power to excommunicate another in case of obstinacy ? i suppose master rutherford will not say so ; and yet unlesse this be said , i know not how his consequence can be made good , that if a synod may rebuke , they may excommunicate also . i know indeed he saith , the synodicall rebuke is only gradually different from excommunication , and not specifically , and that both must proceed from one and the same power . but this would require some proofe , and should not nakedly be affirmed without any proofe at all . for of it selfe it is not evident , that where ●ver there is power to rebuke , there is power of excommunication also . the contrary i suppose is evident from that which hath already been said from levit. . . and luke . . and from many other scriptures , and reasons , which shew that one man alone hath power to rebuke , who cannot for that be concluded to have any power of excommunication . i know the learned m●n is copious in proving from the words of verse . certaine men went from us , and have troubled you with words , subverting your soules , &c. that this assembly doth not only in a doctrinall way confute the false opinion and doctrine of these teachers of circumcision , but doth also rebuke them for another fault , to wit ; their obtruding their false way upon the soules and consciences of others , and for their wilfull and obstinate upholding that opinion and raysing a schisme in the church . but if all this were granted his purpose were not gained thereby , unlesse he would prove that which he doth but only affirme , to wit , that a synodicall rebuke is not specifically different but only gradually from excommunication , and that both must proceed from the same power , which ye● he hath not proved at all . but saith he , i argue thus : if the apostles do not only in a doctrinall way refute a false doctrine in this synod , but also in church way and by a juridicall power do rebuke and synodically charge the authors as subverters of soules , and lyers , then they doe not onely use a meere doctrinall power in this synod , but also a juridicall power : but the former is true : ergo , so is the latter . answ . with favour of so learned a man , i thinke this kind of argu●ng is but a begging of the thing in question , and a proving of idem per idem . for if the synod did not only in a doctrinall way refute a false doctrine , but also by a iuridicall power rebuke the authors of it , then it must needs be true indeed that they did not only use a doctrinall power , but also a iuridicall power ; that is , if they did so , they did so : if they did use such power , they did use it . but there still lyes the question , whether they did so or no : and whether they did use such power or not , and this kind of arguing doth not cleere it all . if we on the contrary should argue thus , if this assembly did not put forth any power of iurisdiction or discipline , but only in a doctrinall way con●ute a false doctrine and rebuke the authors of it , then they did onely put forth a doctrinall power , and not any power of iurisdiction , one of farre lesse abilities then our learned author , would soone espy the loosenesse of such reasoning : at least himselfe , we doubt not , would soone espy it , for sometimes we heare him say , friend your logick is naught , page . and yet ( be it spoke without offence ) the logick which himselfe doth here use is not so good , as to be altogether without fault , no not for the forme of it ; and therefore , we do not see how any thing can be concluded th●reby . but to leave this mistake , and to consider of the matter it selfe . if it were granted that this assembly doth not only in a doctrinall way consute a false doctrine , but also rebuke the authors thereof , must it needs follow that this rebuking was done in a iu●idicall way ? is there no rebuking of offenders for their faults , but only in a way of ●●●●ction and discipline ? i suppose much needs not to be said for the cleering the truth to be otherwise . for master rutherford himselfe confesses page . that there is great odds to do one and the same action materially , and to do the same formally : and page . that one apostle might himselfe alone have rebuked these obtruders of circumcision . which being so , it followeth thereupon that though this synod ( to call it so ) act. . had a doctrinall power , yea and a power of rebuking these false teachers ; yet the thing that he from thence would inferre , viz. their power of rebuking in a iuridicall way , and their power of excommunication , these are neither of them proved thereby . for if it should be said , that though rebuking do not alwayes imply iuridicall power , yet if it be a synod that doth rebuke , then the power here spoken of may be concluded thence to be in a synod . the answer is , that this will not helpe at all , because this is nothing but the bringing in of another efficient , viz. the synod , for effecting or acting the same effect . now master rutherford confesseth pag. . that he doth not fetch the specification of this rebuke and of those decrees from the efficient causes ; and gives that for his reason , which to me is unanswerable , to wit , because one apostle might himselfe alone have rebuked these obtruders of circumcision : and in the page next ensuing he confesseth also , that actions have not by good logick their totall specification from the efficient cause . which being so , then though it were granted that any synod may , and that this synod did performe this action of rebuking , yet the thing in question , to wit , that the power of a synod is a power of iurisdiction and of excommunication is not at all gained thereby . at the least wise ( to end this passage ) this i may say , that if this reverend brother will be true to his own principles , and not gainsay what himselfe hath already written , he for his part cannot conclude the synods power to excommunicate from this argument of their power to rebuke , nor yet from any other argument whatsoever : and the reason is , because he doth elsewhere confesse that synods are not to excommunicate any , and not this synod in particular to excommunicate these false teachers , but to remit the censuring of them to other churches , commanding them to doe it . his words as they are to be seene in his page . are these , viz. i could easily yeeld that there is no necessity of the elicit acts of many parts of government , such as excommunication , ordination , admitting of heathens , professing the faith to church-membership , in synods provincicall , nationall or oecumenicall ; but that synods in the ease of neglect of presbyterycall churches , command these particular churches whom it concerneth to doe their duty : and in this sence act. . is to remit the censure of excommunication to the presbytery of antioch and ierusalem , in case of the obstinacy of these obtruders of circumcision . in which words we have two things concerning excommunication ( to omit other particulars ) first , that there is no necessity that synods should excommunicate any , but only command the churches to do their duty therein . secondly , in particular concerning that synod acts . that they were to remit the censure of excommunication to the presbyteries of antioch and jerusalem , in case of the obstinacy of these obtruders or circumcision . which particulars being most true ( as i for my part so esteeme of them ) it followes thereupon , that what master rutherford saith in this place we have now in hand , is greatly weakned thereby . for how both these can stand together , that this synod should have power not only to rebuke , but to excommunicate these false teachers , and yet neither provinciall , nationall , nor oecumenicall synods to excommunicate any , nor this synod in particular to excommunicate these false teachers , but to remit the censure to other churches to whom it concerned , commanding them to do it , how these things i say can stand together , i for my part am not able to understand . chap. iiii. of the dogmaticall power of synods , and of the power of congregations to determine matters amongst themselves if ability serve thereto . in his page . alledging mr. tompsons name and mine , and chap. . page . of the answer . he saith we there teach that there is a power of cleering truth dogmatically , & that ultimately where the controversy is ended : but he saith , we will have this vltimate power not in a synod only , but also in a congregation ; and then no answereth three things which there ensue . answ . our words are these , by power of decrees we understand power to cleere up the truth dogmatically ; for the word translated decrees is dogmata in the originall , act. . . and this power we confesse is in a synod , though not all in a synod alone , but also in the presbyterie of a single congregation . now these bring our words , if therefore this reverend brother would overthrow our tenent in this particular , he should have proved that there is not any power as all in the presbytery of a single congregation to cleere up the truth dogmatically : this indeed had been directly contrary to what we teach : but this be neither proveth , nor once attempteth to prove ; and therefore our tenent herein doth yet stand good , for any thing he hath said to the contrary . and no marvell , si●h the expresse words of the text do witnesse that every bishop hath power and is boand by his office and duty , by sound doctrin● both to exhort and convince gainsayets , tit. . . and accordingly the presbitery of antioch did labour to cleere up the truth in that controversy about circumcision ; and had much disputation about it amongst themselves , afore there was any speech of sending to jerusalem for help , act. . . which sheweth that they had power or right to have cleered the matter amongst themselves , if ability had served , or else this indeavour had been sinful as being an attempting to do that whereto they had no right . so that for ought we yet soe , the power that we speake of , and which wee hold to bee in the presbytery of a congregation is there indeed by the appointment of the lord. but let us heare master rutherfords answer . first , saith he , they seeme to make this dogmaticall power a church power , and the exercise thereof formally an act of church government ; and so it must be church power and church government in the synod , as well as in the congregation . answ . whence doth it seeme that we do so make it ? are there any such words as here he sets down ? or any words equivalent thereto ? or doth the place make any mention of church-power , and church government at all ? or is there so much as one word that looketh that way ? if there be , let our brother say that we seeme to ●each as he doth report ; but if there be not , we are sorry he should report us to teach o● seeme to teach , that which to our remembrance we never said nor thought . and sure it is , we have expresly said the direct contrary in page , the page next save one afore this which heere he is dealing against , where wee have these words , it seemeth to us ( say we ) that this power , viz. by disquisition and disputation to cleere up the rule ( and then to command obedience thereto ) is not properly a power and exercise of government and jurisdiction , but a power of doctrine , and so a synod is rather a teaching then a governing church . these are our words in the page afore alledged ; wherein we plainly expresse what the power of synods seemeth unto us to be , even the direct contrary to that which he saith we seeme to make it ; wee on the one side affirming and expressing , that it seemes to us , the power of a synod is no power of government and iurisdiction , but a power of doctrine : and he on the other side reporting that we seeme to make the exercise of dogmaticall power to be formally an act of church-government , and so to place church-government in the synod . in which report we must needs say , wee are plainly mis-reported . his second answer is this . the last period and conclusion of the controversie cannot be both in the congregation by right only , and in the synod by right only : for two last powers cannot be properly in two subordinate iudicatures . answ . this is very true , but it toucheth not us at all . for we never said the last period of the controversie is both in the congregation only , and in the synod onely . if we have so said , let the place be produced where we have said it ; for the place by him alledged doth afford us no such thing , nor any place else that we know of . all that the place affords concerning this point is only this , that there is a power of cleering the truth dogmatically in a synod , though not in a synod only , but also in the presbytery of a single congregation . and this doctrine i hope our brother will not deny . but whether this power be last in the synod , or in the congregationall presbytery , of this we do not speaks at all ; much lesse do we say as he doth apprehend and report , that this power is both last in the synod and last in the congregation too . wherefore our defence in this particular must needs be this ; that what here he confuteth to be outs , is such a thing as never fell from our mouths or pens , nor for ought we know did never enter into our thoughts . thirdly , he saith . if a controversie concerne many congregations as this doth act. . i see not how a congregation except they transgresse their line , can finally determine it . answ . neither doth this touch us , except we had said that a congregation may finally determine controversies which concerne many churches , which yet we have not said . as for that controversie act. . it is plaine from verse , that antioch did endeavour to have ended it amongst themselves , so far as they were troubled therewith . for some teaching that corrupt doctrine amongst them , they had much disputation about the point afore they determined to send out for helpe elsewhere . now to what end was thus much disputation , if they had no right to determine the matter ? might they not better have spared their paines ? or did they not transgresse their line in attempting what they did attempt ? sure it seemes they did , if they had not right to determine the matter . but for our part , sith we do not find them in the least reproved by the holy ghost for this attempt , therfore we cannot but think they did well therein . and thereupon it followeth , that if antioch was a congregationall church ( as it seemes to us it was , from act. . . ) either this controversie did trouble no church but antioch only , or else when a controversie or corrupt opinion doth trouble many churches , one of them may lawfully determine and end it , so farre at it concernes themselves . chap. v. againe of that assembly , act. . whether their rebuking the false teachers do prove a power of iurisdiction and excommunication in synods : and whether preaching doe prove the assembly where it is , to be a church . the new place where i find him excepting against the answer , it in his pag. . where he proposeth an object . to this effect , to wit. paul exercised the keyes of knowledge upon barbarians , and might have preached to indians , and did to scoffing athenians — yea paul by this power dogmaticall rebuked the athenians , act. . . yet paul had no power to excommunicate the athenians . and then he subjoyneth my name , and cites in the margent the , and pages of the answer . answ . this objection being taken from pauls rebuking the athenians , our brother had no reason to propose it under mr. tompsons 〈◊〉 and mine , for as much as in all that discourse of ours , the athenians to my rememb●ance are not so much as once mentioned : sure in the pages by him alledged there is no mention of the athenians at all . and therefore why this objection should bee proposed and reported by him as ours , wee doe not know . which i doe not say , 〈◊〉 though i thought the objection so weake , as though the authors of it may not well owne it . for from whosoever the objection came , for ought that i yet perceive there is good weight therein . for which cause , and because in one of those pages wee have delivered something concerning a ministers power to preach to pagans in generall , ( though nothing concerning the atheni●ns in particular , as hee reporteth ) therefore i am willing to consider what mr. rutherfor● saith , for the satisfying of the objection proposed , as not willing to passe by any thing without consideration , wherein our selves may seeme to be concerned or aymed at i deny not saith he , but there is a great oddes betwixt a concionall rebuking by way of preaching , which may be and is alwayes performed by one , and a juridicall rebuking by a power jurididicall of the keyes , which is performed only by a church society . answ . if all this were granted , you the objection is not satisfied , nor his purpose gained thereby . for the cleering whereof it is good to consider the thing in question , and how this objection comes in , and whereto it tends , and then we may better descerne how the objection is removed by mr. rutherfords answer : the thing in question is , whether a synod have power of iurisidiction and excommunication . mr. rutherford his scope in that place is to prove the affirmative ; and therefore for a dozen or pages together , hee hath these words in the top of every lease , the power of a synod a power of jurisdiction : and his medium to prove this tenent is this ; because a synod hath power to rebuke . whereupon ensueth the objection , that paul might rebuke the athenians and yet might not excommunicate them ; and therefore enough a synod may rebuke , it followes not that they may excommunicate . this is the order of the dispute , as is plainly to bee seeme by p●●●sing the place . and now comes in the answer which mr. rutherford gives to the objection ; to wit , that there is a great odds betwixt a concionall rebuking and a juridicall , the one being performed by one , and the other by many ; which answer i conceive is not sufficient , because this difference may hee granted and many more may be added if hee please , and yet the thing in question not gained , nor the objection removed at all . for what though a concionall rebuking be performed by one , and a iuridicall by many ? yet still it remaineth cleare , that there may bee rebuking where there is no iurisdiction ; and therefore , though a synod may rebuke , it followes not that they may excommunicate , nor have power of iurisdiction . if our brother would have satisfied the objection , he should not have satisfyed himselfe with alledging the difference mentioned betweene a concionall rebuking , and a iuridicall or synodicall ; but should have proved that there cannot be any concionall rebuking at all , at least wise not any rebuking of athenians who are not subject to excommunication , and if this had been proved , the objection had been fully removed . but this he hath not proved at all , nor once attempted to prove it , but plainly yeelds the contrary ; and therefore for ought i see the objection remayneth in its strength , and so the strength of his argument removed thereby , who would prove the synod , power of iurisdiction from their power of rebuking . but let as heare what he answereth in the words ensuing . it cannot be denyed saith he , but the rebuking of men because they subverted soules , verse . is not a meere concionall rebuking which may be performed by one . first , it is a rebuking verse . second , it is a rebuking performed by many , by a whole synod , . . third , it is performed by a politicall society . answ , and what of all this ? may it not neverthelesse be denyed that this rebuking was any other then in a doctrinall way ? be it granted , that it was a rebuking , and a rebuking performed by many ; and if were granted by a politicall society too ; must it needs follow that therefore it was iuridicall , or in way of iurisdiction ? i see no necessity of such consequence . nay , master rutherford himselfe doth confesse ( as we heard afore ) in his page . that the specification of this rebuke must not be fetched from the efficient causes , because one apostle might himselfe alone have rebuked these obtruders of circumcision . if therefore it were granted that many persons , a whole synod , a politicall society , or what ever else he will call them , were the efficient causes of this rebuke , yet all this is too little to prove that the rebuke was iuridicall , unlesse the specification of it must be fetched from the efficient causes , which master rutherford himselfe disclaymes . moreover , i would put this case : suppose a pagan or a christian of another nation and kingdome , shall come into a church assembly , whether the assembly be a congregationall church , or a synod ; and in the assembly shall openly and scandalously misbehave himselfe in one kind or other , to the dishonour of god , and grieving of the godly , and the danger of corrupting others that shall behold such bad example . i would gladly know whether this assembly be it synod or other , may not lawfully rebuke this scandalous practice and behaviour , and if they may , whether it would follow therupon that they may also lawfully excommunicate the man , if his sin and impenitency shall deserve the same . if it be said they may , i would know : quo jure ? and who gave them such authority to excommunicate pagans , or men of another nation , being only there present at that time occasionally ? and if they may not so proceed against such a person , then the answer to master rutherfords alledgements in the case we have in hand , is ready and plaine : for as he alledgeth , first , here is a rebuking . second , a rebuking of many , even a whole synod . third , of a politicall society and body ; even so the same may be said in this case in all the particulars ; for first , here is a rebuking . second , rebuking of many . third , by a politicall society and body : and yet all this is too little to prove a power of iurisdiction and excommunication in the case proposed ; and therefore i see not how it can be sufficient to prove such a power in a synod , for which purpose master rutherford brings it . of necessity for ought that i see , one of these must be said , either that this assembly have no power to rebuke the man , but must suffer his sin to be upon him , though god be dishonoured , and others endangered thereby ; or else it must be said they have power to excommunicate him as well as to rebuke him ; ( neither of which i conceive can safely be said ) or if neither of these can be said , it must then follow that their may be power to rebuke , even in an assembly of many persons , a politicall society ; and yet the same assembly have no power at all to excommunicate the persons so rebuked , and so this learned brothers arguing is answered . likewise , i suppose it will not be denyed , but one congregation if need so require , may rebuke and reprove another congregation , though neither of them be superiour to other , but both of them equall and independant of each other in regard of subjection , mr. rutherf . confesseth , p. . that congregations and churches may admonish and rebuke each other , and sure it is , that scripture , cant. . . we have a little sister , what shall we do for her ? doth shew that churches ought to take care one for the good of another . and if they must take care and consult for one another , there is the like reason that they should reprove and admonish one another , as need shall require . now when one church doth so practise towards another , it cannot be denyed , but here are the same things which mr. rutherford speakes of , first , a rebuking second , a rebuking performed by many . third , a rebuking performed by a politicall society and body . but can any man inferre from hence , that the church thus rebuking another church hath power to excommunicate that other church ? i suppose none will affirme it . and if this may not be affirmed , i do not see how rebuking performed by many even by a whole synod , can be any sufficient ground to prove that the synod hath power to excommunicate . the apostles and elders ( saith our author ) are not considered here as meerely preachers and teachers in the act of teaching ; for why then should they not be formally a church assembly , if they be an assembly meeting for preaching the word ? pag. . . answ . when the text acts , doth mention sometimes the multitude , verse . sometimes the brethren , verse . sometimes the whole church , verse . besides the apostles and elders , we know no absurdity in it , if one should say , here was formally a church and a church assembly ; in which church-assembly the apostles and elders were teachers and preachers , though they alone were not the church . yet though wee thinke heere was a church , and a church-assembly ; wee do not thinke mr. rutherford reason doth prove them so to be . for paul and s●las were preachers of the word in the prison at philippi , act . and at mar●hill , and the market-place at athens , act. . and yet we thinke it hard to inferre thence , that these assemblies were formally churches . yea but saith our author , the exercise of the keyes of knowledge in the hearing of a multitude , is essentially an act of preaching of the word , page . answ this is very true indeed , an act of preaching the word it must needs bee , the word preaching being taken in its utmost latitude . but is not unavoidably and alwayes a church-act , or an act that infallibly proves the assembly , where such an act is performed , to be formally a church ? this is the thing that should have been cleered , or else the thing is not cleered ; but this our reverend author doth not cleere at all ; and the contrary is very plaine from sundry instances in the acts , where the apostles did exercise the key of knowledge in the hearing of multitudes in sundry places , where yet for all this there was not forthwith any church ; and therfore , whereas he saith , the apostles and elders are not considered in this assembly as preachers and teachers in the act of teaching , because then the assembly should have been formally a church , we rather thinke they that shall consider it will find that the apostles did , and other elders in these dayes may put forth the act of teaching and preaching in some assemblies ( suppose assemblies of turkes and indians ) and yet the assemblies not thereby proved to be churches . chap. vi. whether the power of synods be a power of iurisdiction ; and of the dependance of the synagogues upon the synedrion at jerusalem . next of all , in his page in a . th objection in this and the former page he saith thus , therefore was the synagogue of the jewes no compleat church , because all the ordinances of god cannot be performed in the synagogue : and therefore , were the jewes commanded only at ierusalem , and in no other place to keepe the passeover and to offer offerings and sacrifices which were ordinary worship : but there is not any worshiper sacred ordinance ( saith that worthy divine dr. ames ) of preaching , praying , sacraments , &c. prescribed , which is not to be observed in every congregation of the new testament , — and then he subjoyneth mr. tompsons name and mine ; and in his margent cites the answer , page , . and further saith in the objection , that others say because there was a representative worship of sacrificing of all the twelve tribes at ierusalem , therefore all the synagogues were dependant churches , and ierusalem the supreame and highest church . answ . to leave what is alledged a● objected by others , and to consider only of that which concernes our selves . because the synagogues in israel were dependant on the great synedrion at ierusalem , therefore some would inferre that congregations in these dayes must be dependant on the iurisdiction of synods . to this argument we are endeavouring to give answer in the place alledged by mr. rutherford , where we shew that the synagogues might be dependant and not compleat churches , because the sacred ordinances of god which were of ordinary use , could not be performed in them ; but congregations in these dayes compleat and intire as having liberty to enjoy the use of all the ordinances within themselves : for both which particulars we alledge the testimony and words of dr. ames . the summe is thus much : if the synagogues could not enjoy all the ordinances within themselves , and our congregations may , then though the synogogues were dependant on the synedrion at jerusalem , it will not follow that congregations in these dayes must be dependant on synods . this is the 〈◊〉 of that which is said in the answer : in the place which mr. rutherford alledges . now what answer doth he returne to this passage ? truly none at all that i can find . none will you say ? how can that be ? doth he not propound it in his . th objection , as that which he undertakes to answer ? i confesse he doth so , but neverthelesse all that he hath set down for answer is wholly taken up and spent in two other things , the objection which he proposeth as ours , being wholly left untouched . those two things are these ; the one an answer to another passage of ours in another place of the answer , the other an answer to the last part of his objection , which himselfe doth acknowledge to bee the saying of others , and not ours ; and therefore hee brings it in thus viz. others say , because there was a representative worship , &c. by those words , others say , plainly declaring that what he thus expresseth , proceedeth not from us , but from others . and so though he returne answer to this saying of others , and to another saying of ours which we have written elsewhore , yet for this of ours which he proposeth in this h●s objection , i find no answer thereto at all . and therefore i thinke the thing remaines as it was , unlesse wee shall take his meere proposing of it for a satisfying answer , which we see no reason to do . neverthelesse , though he turnes away from this passage of ours without returning any answer thereto , yet there is another which he applies himselfe more directly against , and therefore to this sixteenth objection hee begging his answer thus , surely the aforesaid reverend brethren of new-england have these words , but it seemeth to us the power ( of a synod ) is not properly a power and exercise of government and iurisdiction , but a power of doctrine , and so a synod is rather a teaching then a governing church : from whence ( saith he ) i inferre , that our brethren cannot deny a power of governing to a synod , but it is not so proper governing as excommunication and ordination performed in their congregations ; but say i , it is more properly governing as to make lawes and rules of governing is a more noble , emin●nt and higher act of governing ( as is evident in the king and his parliament ) then the execution of ●hese lawes and rules . answ . so then , th●se former words of ours proposed in the objection , are wholly forsaken and left , and instead of answering them , he fals as we set upon other words which we have written elsewhere , and applies himselfe to deale against those other . by which dealing the considerate reader may judge whether the former words being thus handsomly forsaken and left , do not still remaine in their strength : and whether it had not been as good never to have proposed them at all in his objection , as having proposed them to turne away directly and immediately from them unto other matters , without returning one word of answer to the former . the wise in heart may consider what this doth import . but sich he is pleased to acquit the former and to apply himselfe to the other , let us therefore leave the former in its strength and unshaken , and consider of what he saith in this other . wherein when he speakes of making lawes and rules of governing , either he me●nes this making lawes and rules properly so called , or else he meanes it onely of a ministeriall power to cleere up the lawes and rules of christ , and in his name to com●and obedience thereto . and it seemes by the instance which he gives of the king and his parliament , that he intends the former sence . and if so , then the answer is that this noble , eminent , and high act of governing as he cals it , doth not belong to any synods upon earth , but only to the lord iesus christ in heaven , the script●res abundantly witnessing , that he only is the lord and law giver to his church , l●● . . . isa . . . for the cleering of which point , much needs not to be said , considering that this learned brother himselfe doth elsewhere directly and in expresse termes co●fesse as much as we desire in this matter . for in one place speaking in one place of a power to prescribe rules and lawes , he doth not only distinguish them from lawes p●operly so called by the word directive , calling them directive lawes , but also for further explaining his mind , annexeth these words . they are not properly lawes which the church prescribeth : christ is the only law-giver : due right , page . and in the page following speaking of a societies or a synods power of making lawes , he addeth for explanation thus , i take not here lawes for lawes properly so called , but for ministeriall directories , having ecclesiasticall authority . so then the church or the synod hath no power at all to make lawes properly so called , for christ ●s the onely law giver : and if so , then the governing power of sy●ods which our brother would prove by this noble and eminent and high power of making lawes is not proved thereby at all , in as much as this noble and eminent power of making lawes doth not belong to any synods upon earth , but to christ only . and this may be an answer to what he saith or a synods power to make lawes , it lawes be taken in their proper sense . but if he intend not this sense and meaning in the place we are speaking of , but only the latter , viz that synods have power to cleere up the lawes and rules of christ , and to command obedience thereto , then i confesse the answer in the . th page thereof doth acknowledge such power to belong unto synods , but how this can prove their power of iurisdiction and government properly so called , which mr. rutherford would thence inferre , we for our parts do not yet perceive . for the power here described is but a meere doctrinall power , and we have given sundry instances in the answer , pag. . . to shew that there may be a power by way of doctrine to cleere up the rules and lawes of christ , and to command obedience thereto , where yet there is no power by way of iurisdiction and discipline to punish the breach of those rules ; which instance , this reverend brother doth not satisfie at all . and therefore though synods have power to cleere up the rules and lawes of christ , and to command obedience thereto ( which power we deny them not ) yet that which he from thence would inferre , that they have also a power of government and iurisdiction , doth not follow from thence at all , unlesse we shall say , that doctrine and discipline , doctrine and iurisdiction or government are the same . briefly thus : a power of mak●ng lawes properly so called is a noble and eminent kind of government , but this power doth not belong unto synods , but to christ . a power of cleering up christs lawes , and commanding in his name obedience thereunto doth belong unto synods , but this is no power of iurisdiction and government , but a ministeriall power of doctrine , and so still our tenent doth stand , that a synod if it may be called a church , is rather a teaching then a governing church . secondly , saith our author , our brethren incline to make a synod a teaching church . answ . we never yet absolutely yeelded that a synod might be called a church , 〈◊〉 on the contrary , wee have said , that unlesse it could be proved that in scripture the name of a church is given to a synod , we are not to be blamed though we give not a synod that name . answ . pag. . the most that we have yeelded in this point is this , that for the name we will not contend , and that if a synod may be called a church , then sith they have power by disputation to cleere up the rule , they are rather a teaching then a governing church . answer pag. . & . this is all we have said , and we desire our words may not be stretched beyond our intent and scope therein . but let us heare what our brother would hence inferre . i inferre , saith he , that synodicall teaching by giving out decrees , tying many churches , as our brethren of new-england and the forenamed authors teach , is an ordinance of christ , that can be performed in no single congregation on earth , for a doctrinall cannon of one congregation can lay any ecclesiasticall tye upon many churches , ergo by this reason our congregations shall be dependant as were the jewish synagogues . answ . when he saith the brethren of new-england and the authors of the answer do teach a synodicall teaching by giving out decrees tying many churches , and aledgeth for proofe in his margent , answ . . to . q. . . page , . and answer to mr. herle , chap. . pag. . with favour of so learned a man , wee must returne this answer , that neither of the palces alledged will make good his purpose , in as much as neither of them doth make any mention at all of the thing which he reports them to teach , viz. such synodicall teaching as gives out decrees tying many churches . let the places be viewed and the thing will be found as i say . and therefore how they can be said to teach that which they neither teach nor mention , doth surmount my ability to conceive . if the reader would know what it is that is taught in the places , it is no more but this , that in some cases it is requisite that churches should seeke for light and counsell and advice from other churches , as antioch , did send unto ierusalem in a question which they wanted ability to determine amongst themselves , and that there ought to be synods , and that we thinke that meeting act . might be such an one . the first of these is taught in the form●● of the places , and the other in the other . but for giving out synodicall decrees tying many churches , this same be it within the power of synods or otherwise , is 〈◊〉 taught at all in either of the places , except wee shall say ( which we thinke were unreasonable ) that there can be no synods , nor consulting of other churches for light and counsell and advice , but there must be in those other churches so consulted withall , a power to give out binding decrees , yea decrees that shall bind or tye many churches . we thinke this latter doth no wayes necessarily follow upon the former ; and therefore though the places alledged do speake to the former , yet the latter which this author reports them to teach , they do not teach at all . secondly , i answer further , that if such a doctrine were indeed taught in the places by him alledged or any other , yet the inference which he would thence bring in , that then our congregations shall be dependant as were the iewish synagogues , th●s same doth not follow at all : and the reason is , because the synagogues were dependant on the supreame synedrion not only for light and counsell , no nor only for doctrinall cannons or decrees , but also for iurisdiction and discipline , that synodrion being their supreame court , to whose sentence they were all bound under paine of death to submit , as is cleere , deut. . , . and therefore if it were granted ( which yet we do not see proved ) that synods may give out decrees and doctrinall cannons , that shall tye many churches , it doth not follow that our congregations shall therefore be dependant as were the iewish synagogues , except it were also proved that they must depend upon synods in point of iurisdiction and discipline , as well as in point of doctrine , yea and so depend as that the sentence of those synods must be obeyed under paine of death . sure the synagogues and every member of them were in this sort dependant upon the supreame synedrion : but we hope 〈◊〉 reverend brother will not say that congregations must in this sort be dependant upon synods . at the least wise this we hope he will not deny , that every member of a church is bound to depend upon the pastor of that church in point of doctrine ; and yet it will not follow that he must depend upon one pastor alone in point of iurisdiction and d●scipline . and the reason is , because doctrine may be dispenced by one pastor alone , but discipline must be dispenced by a church , which one pastor alone cannot be . and therefore if congregations were to be dependant upon synods in point of doctrine , it would not follow that they must bee dependant in point of iurisdiction and discipline . thirdly , saith he , it is a begging of the question to make ierusalem the supreame church and the synagogues dependant churches ; because it it was lawfull only at ierusalem to sacrafice ; for i hold that ierusalem was a dependant church no lesse then the smallest synagogues in all their trybes . and so he proceedeth largely , to shew that sacrificing at ierusalem did not make ierusalem supreame . answ . it this were even so as is pleaded , yet that which we have said of the compleatnesse of the synagogues and of their dependancie is not at all removed thereby : and the reason is , because we do not make the synagogues dependant nor ierusalem supreame , meerely upon this ground , because ierusalem alone was the place of sacrificing , but this is the ground upon which chiefly we go , that at ierusalem was the synedrion upon whom all israell must depend for judgement , and from whose sentence there was no appeale , which ground wee still thinke doth prove both the incomplearnesse of the synagogues , and the supremacie of the synedrion , and the contrary to this must be cleered if our tenent in this matter be removed . true it is , we thinke it some argument of the synagogues incompleatnesse and imperfection that they were not permitted to enjoy all the ordinances which were of ordinary use : but the supremacie of ierusalem we do not place in this only , that there was the place for sacrifice but in this withall that the supreame iudicatory was there , upon which all israell must depend , and from the which there must be no appeale . and yet this supremacie we do not place in ierusalem considered a part from the synedrion , but in the synedrion it selfe . and therefore , whereas he saith , pag. . that we might as well conclude that all the cities and incorporations of england are dependant upon london , inasmuch as the parliament useth there to sit , i conceive the comparison doth not sute , because as we do not place the supremacie in london or in westminster , considered apart from the parliament , but in the parliament which useth there to sit , so we place not the supremacie amongst the iewes in ierusalem considered apart from the synedrion , but in the synedrion it selfe , which was there seated . but because our reverend brother in the latter end of this . th objection bringeth in this particular of ierusalems supremacie by reason of the sacrifices , with others say , therefore i conceive he intends not us therein , but some body else , and therefore i will proceed to the next wherein our selves are concerned . chap. vii . whether the lawfulnesse or necessity of appeales doe prove a superiority of iurisdiction in synods over congregations , and of sundry sayings of our author which seeme to interfere . in his page . he propounds a . th objection to this effect , if the government of consociated churches be warranted by the light of nature , then this light of nature being common to us in civill as in ecclesiasticall causes , it will follow that every city governed with rulers within it selfe ▪ must be subordinate to a classe of many cities , and that classe to a nationall meeting of all the cities : and the nationall government to be a catholike or oecumenicke civill court — . and because by the same light of nature there must bee some finall and supreame iudgement of controversies , least appeales should be spun out in infinitum , it must be proved that this supremacie lyeth not in a congregation . and in the margent he citeth mr. tompson and my selfe in page and page , of the answer , as authors of this last bassis in the o●ectjection . answ . it is true that in one of those pages alledged we speake to the like purpose as here is reported . for we there suppose it to be cleere by the light of nature , that there must be some finall and supreame judgement of causes , and that unlesse it be determined where that supremacie doth lye , ( which we account the very thing in question ) we say the usefulnesse and necessity of appeales may be granted , and yet we shall be still at uncertainty about the thing in question , and as much to seeke as before , because that there ought to be appeales til you come to the highest is one thing , and that a synod and not a congregation is the highest is another . to this purpose we have written in one of those pages , the summe whereof is this much ; that though the usefulnesse of appeales till you come to the highest be granted , yet the supremacie of synods over congregations in matter of iudicature is not concluded thereby . now what doth our reverend brother returne in his answer ? doth he prove the contrary to what is here affirmed by us ? doth he cleere it sufficiently , that if it bee once granted that there must be appeales till you come to the highest , then the supremacie of synods over congregations must inevitably follow ? i conceive the necessity of this consequence had need to be cleered , if that which we have said be sufficiently answered . but doth our brother cleere this ? or doth he so much as once attempt the cleering thereof ? surely to speake freely what i find , i find nothing that looketh that way , and therfore cannot but wonder why our opinion should be alledged in this objection , and so his reader be led into expectation of some sufficient answer thereto , and then the answer which he returnes to be taken up in other matters , our opinion proposed in the objection , being wholly in his answer left untouched . if that saying of ours be not sound , why doth he not returne some answer ? if it be sound and good , why doth he make an objection of it , and so breed an apprehension in weake readers of its unsoundnesse , and put them in hope of a confutation , when no such thing is performed ? i leave it to the wise in heart to consider what this doth argue . neverthelesse , let us consider of what he doth returne for answer , page . first he saith , appeales being warranted by the counsell which iethro gave to moses — cannot but be naturall ? answ . suppose this be so , what can there be concluded hence , that makes against us ? cannot appeales be naturall , but the supremacie of synods over congregations must needs follow ? if there must be an highest , must it needs be yeelded that the synod and not the congregation is that highest ? i conceive this needs not to be yeelded at all , and therefore though appeales be naturall , i see not what is gained thereby . againe , he saith , god hath appointed that the supremacie should lye within the bounds of every free monarchy or state , so that there can be no appeale to any oecumenicall or catholike civill church , for that is against the independant power that god hath given to states . answ . let this be granted also , and are we not still where we were before ? is there in this any thing at all that doth make for the removall of our opinion , as himselfe hath see it down in his objection ? we may truly say we see it not . no , nor in that which doth follow , viz. but in the church it is farre otherwise , for god hath appoynted no vissible monarchy in his church , nor no such independency of policie within a congregation , classicall provinciall or nationall church . answ . for that which is said of a visible monarchy in the church , i confesse it is true , god hath appointed none such . but for the rest , of these words , sith they containe an expresse denyall of the supremacie of all ecclesiasticall iudicatures , except it be the generall councell , i would gladly know how our tenent afore expressed is disproved , or how the necessity of that consequence afore mentioned is at all cleered hereby . if there be no independencie of policie in congregations , nor yet in any synods exc●pt it be the oecumenicall , doth this prove that the supremacie doth lye in synods and not in the congregation ? nothing lesse : for how can our brother prove that it lyes in the one and not in the other , by saying as here he doth , that indeed it lyes in neither ? or how is that consequence made good , that if there must be appeales till we come to the highest , then the synod is the highest ? how is this i say made good by affirming , that neither the congregation nor the synod is the highest ? for my part i must confesse it passeth my understanding to conceive , how the denying of a thing should be the proving and cleering thereof . and yet except this be admitted , i know not how our apprehension in the matter we have in hand is at all disproved . for whereas we say , appeales may be granted and yet the supremacie of synods over congregations will not follow , mr. rutherford for the disproving of what wee apprehend herein , doth bring nothing in the place wee have in hand but only this , that the supremacie doth neither lye in the congregation nor in the synod . which is no disproving of us all , except as i said , that the denying of a thing may suffice for the confirming and cleering thereof . for i conceive if we be disproved the supremacie of synods must be proved and cleered , which here our brother doth not , but on the contrary denies the same . furthermore , if there be no independency of policie within a congregation , a classicall , provinciall or nationall church , as here our brother affirmeth , then what shall become of that which he tels us elsewhere , viz. page . that that remedie of our saviour , tell the church , is not needfull in any church above a nationall ? for sure if there be no independencie of policie in any of the lesser churches , nor yet in the nationall church , one would thinke that of our saviour should be needfull in some church above the nationall . or if it be nor needfull in any church above nationall , then one would thinke there should be some indepencie of policie in the nationall church , or in some of the former . for my part i know not how this difficulty will be expedited , i meane how both these sayings of our brother can stand good , except we shall say that which i suppose he will not say , viz. that independencie of policie is no where . and yet i cannot see but this must be said , if both the other sayings stand good ? for if independencie of policie be neither in the nationall church nor in any church above it , nor in any church below it , i know not where we shall have it . againe , if there be no independencie of policie in any of the churches afore named , what shall we say to that passage where our brother doth verily professe , that he cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandals can be in a generall councell , affirming further , that there might be some meerly doctrinall power if such a councell could be had , and that is all , pag . for if there be no independencie of policie in any church below a generall councell , one would thinke there should be in the generall councill some power of iurisdiction to censure scandals , yea and an independant power too ▪ or if there be not such power in the generall councill , nor yet in the nationall church , nor in any church below the nationall , we must then say there is no independant power of iurisdiction to censure scandals in any church upon earth . which latter if it be not owned , as i conceive our brother will no● , i know not how the other two can both stand . though appeales be warranted both in church and state by the light of nature , yet appeales to exotique and forraigne judicatures is not warranted by any such light , but rather the contrary . answ . let this be granted also , and are we ever a whit neerer to the point , then before ? is this good arguing , appeales to exotique indicatures are not warrantable , ergo a synod and not the congregation is the supreame iudicature ? is this consequence strong and cleere ? if it be not , how is our tenent removed ? if our brother intend it not for a removall thereof , why is it brought in for answer to an objection proposed by himselfe as ours ? further , let this sentence be compared with the former immediately preceding , and more difficulties still arise . for in this he tels us we see , that appeales to forraigne judicatures are not warrantable ; and in the other he tels us as wee heard afore , that there is no independencie of policie within a congregation , a classicall , provinciall , or nationall church . now to find how these things do agree , i am at a losse , for if there bee no independencie of policie in the congregation , nor the other churches mentioned , i should have thought , it might have been lawfull to have appealed from them to others . for why may there not bee appeales from them in whom no independen●ie of policie is seated ? yet now we are restrained from such appeales , for that all other iudicatures are accounted forraigne and exotique . so that of two sentences the one immediately following upon the other , the former tels us there is no independencie of policie in any of the churches mentioned , which are domesticque and neere , and the other tels us that other churches are so exotique and forraigne , that appeales to them are unwarrantable : and what to say for the reconciling of these things , i must confesse i find not . i grant it is true , appeales to exotique and forraigne iudicatures are not warrantable . but why are we not certified what iudicatures are to be accounted exotique and forraigne ? for here i conceive lyes the pinch of the question ; and unlesse this be determined , the thing in question is still left at uncertainty . for as in civill states there are many cities and townes which have independent power within themselves , as geneva , strasburgh , zuricke , basill , and many others , and appeales from any of these , though to the city or town next adjoyning , would be to a iudicature exotique or forraigne , so some are apt to conceive the like of congregationall churches . and therefore it had need to be cleered that appeales from such churches is not to exotique and forraigne iudicatures ; for if this be not cleered , the unlawfulnesse of appeales to forraigne and exotique powers may be granted , and the question will remaine uncleered . church appeales though warranted by the light of nature , yet it is supposed they be rationall , and grounded on good reason , as that either the matter belong not to the congregation , or then it bee certain or morally presumed the congregation will be partiall or unjust , or the businesse bee difficill and intricate ; and if appeales be groundlesse and unjust , neither christ nor natures light doth warrant them . yea in such case the supremacie from which no man can lawfully appeale , lyeth sometime in the congregation sometime in the classicall presbytery , so as it is unlawfull to appeale for illud tantum possumus quod jure possumus . answ . the short summe is thus much , that appeales are then lawfull when there is just ground and reason for them , otherwise they are unlawfull . now first of all how doth this prove ( for we would still keep to the point ) the necessity of that consequence whereof we speak afore , viz. that if appeales be lawfull , then there is a supremacie of syno●s over congregations . i conceive it is not proved hereby all ; but contrarily appeales may be granted lawfull , when there is just reason and ground for them , and yet the supremacie of synods over congregations is still uncle●red . nextly , it still remaines a question , who must be judge of the reasonablenesse of the appeale and of those cases that are put to shew when they are reasonable , viz. that the matter belongs not to the congregation and the rest that are named : and unlesse it be cleered to whom it belongs to judge these things , we are still left at uncertainty , in the maine matter , viz. in whom the supremacie doth lye , from whom we may not appeale . for to say as our reverend author doth , that in some case the supremacie from which no man can lawfully appeale , lyeth in the congregation , and sometimes it doth not : appeales when they are grounded upon good reason are warrantable , else they are not : when the matter belongs not to the congregation or the congregation will be partiall and unjust , or when the businesse is diffic●ll and intricate , then we may appeale from the congregation , else we may not , these things i say doe not cleere the matter at all , because still the question remaines who must be judge of these things , whether the party appealing , or the congregation from whom , or the synod to whom the appeale is made : and unlesse this be determined , the things mentioned alledged by our brother do afford us small help in the matter for the cleering of it . and therefore , what we said in the answer doth still for ought i see remaine sound , viz. that there must be some finall and supreame judgement that controversies may not by appeales after appeales be spun out in infinitum , and to determine where that supremacie doth lye , is the maine question , which unlesse it be determined , the usefulnesse of appeales may be granted , and yet we shall be still at uncertainty about the thing in question and as much to seeke as before , because that there ought to be appeales till you come to the highest is one thing , and that a synod and n●t the congregation is the highest is another . now whether our brother in that which we have hitherto heard have sufficiently cleered it unto us , that we may know where this supremacie doth lye , i leave it to the iudicious to consider . chap. viii . whether antioch , act. . had right to have ended the controversie amongst themselves , if they had been able ; and whether their sending to jerusalem for helpe , or their knowledge that other churches were troubled with the like evill , or the party among themselves who were against the truth , doe prove the contrary . and of supremacy of power in congregations . bvt though our author doe not cleere it to us where the supremacie doth lye yet in this pag , and . he useth an argument from the practise of the church of antioch , act. . and our own doctrine concerning the same to prove that it doth not lye in the congregation , which argument we are willing to consider . his words are those . that supremacie of power should bee in a congregation without any power of appealing , i thinke our brethren cannot teach . for when the church of antioch cannot judge a matter concerning the necessity of keeping moses law , they by natures direction , act. . . decree to send paul and barnabas and others to jerusalem , to the apostles and elders , as to an higher judicature , that there truth may be determined : and then he addeth that mr. tompson and my selfe do teach that the church of antioch had jus , power to judge and determine the controversie , but because of the difficulty , had not light to judge thereof ( alledging for this in the margent the answer , chap. . page . ) ergo saith he , they must acknowledge appeales by natures light warrantable , as well as wee . answ . that appeales are warrantable , and warrantable by natures light till we come to the supreame judicatorie , this we deny not , but have formerly yeelded no lesse . but for that our brother here aymes at , viz. appeales from a congregationall church ( as not being supreame ) to another iudicatory , this we conceive is not proved by the example of the church of antioch , nor by any thing that we have written concerning the same and the reason it because antioch had right and authority to have ended the matter amongst themselves if ability had served thereto : and their sending to ierusalem for helpe may argue want of agreement , or imperfection of light , but argues no want of authority or right within themselves . for it is plain verse , that antioch did endeavour to have ended the matter amongst themselves , and had much disputation about it for that end , afore there was any speech of sending to ierusalem . now this endeavour doth argue their right ; for otherwise it had been sinfull , as being a presuming to do that which did not belong to them . this reason we have rendered afore in the place which our author alledgeth , and he doth not at all remove it ; and therefore we are still of the same mind as before , that antioch was not dependant upon the iurisdiction of other churches , but had independant power within themselves , as many may have who yet need the help of light from others , for their direction in using their power . great kings and monarchs have received light from their councellours without any impeac●ment of their independant power , which they have in themselves , and without any ascribing of that power to those their counsellours . as we said in the place alledged , antioch may send to ierusalem for help , and yet this sending neither prove right of iurisdiction in them who are sent unto , nor want of iurisdiction in them who do send . and therefore whereas our brother saith , antioch because of the difficulty of the controversie , had not light to judge thereof , ergo we must acknowledge appeales to be warrantable , we would rather argue thus , antioch wanted light , ergo counsell and light is to be sought elsewhere ; and thus we conceive the inference will hold : but to say , ergo there must be appeales from the congregation to others in matter of iurisdiction , this we conceive will not follow at all . no more then it will follow , kings or other supreame civill rulers must seek light and direction from their counsellours , ergo there lyes an appeale from them to those counsellours , which consequence none will maintain nor affirme . if the scriptures had said that antioch did never attempt to ●nd that controversie , as knowing that the ending thereof belonged not to them but to others : or if it had said , that the censuring of these obtruders of circumcision had been performed by them of jerusalem , and not by them of antioch as not belonging to antioch but to them of jerusalem , then our brother might have had some ground from antioch to prove the necessity or warrantablenesse of appeales from congregationall churches to other iudicatories : but such no such thing is said , we see not how this example can be any ground for the establishing of such appeales , or the taking away from congregationall churches their power of iurisdiction within themselves . especially , wee see not how this our brother can alledge the same for such a purpose , considering what himselfe hath written elsewhere in this learned treatise of his wherein he examines that answer of ours . two passages in his treatise i propound to consideration , which seeme to me to make for that independant or supreame power in congregations , which here he is disputing against , the one is that which we touched before in his page . where he saith that synods in case of neglect of presbyteriall churches are to command the particular churches whom it concerneth , to do their dutie , as in other particulars there named , so in excommunication of offenders ; and further that the synod , act. . is to remit the censure of excommunication to the presbytery of antioch and ierusalem , in case of the obstina●ie of these obtruders of circumcision . which i conceive is very truly spoken , and thereupon it followes that there was a supremacie of iurisdiction in that church of antioch , and no necessity of appealing from them to the iurisdiction of others . for ●ith the synods are only to command the churches to do their duty , and to remit the censure of offenders to the churches themselves to whom the offenders belong , it plainly appeareth thereby where the supremacie of iurisdiction doth lye . the other place is in his page . where we have these words , viz. the power of jurisdiction ordinary intensive and quo ad essentiam ecclesiae ministerialis , according to the intire essence of a ministeriall church , is as perfect and compleat in one single congregation as in a provinciall , as in a nationall . yea as in the catholike visible body whereof christ is the head . now if there be such perfect & compleat power of iurisdiction in a single congregation , i know not how there can be such necessity of appeales from them to the iurisdiction of others as he is pleading for , nor how that supreame and independant power in congregations can be denyed , which here he disputeth against . for let this compleat and perfect power of iurisdiction be acknowledged as due to such churches , and appeales from them to other iurisdictions will be of small necessity or use . i know indeed this reverend author sayeth in the page last mentioned , and within a few lines of the words which i have here alledged , that a congregation is so a part of the presbytery that it hath not a whole intire compleat intensive power over its own members to excommunicate them — . and therefore the consociated churches must have a power over the members of a congregation . which words i confesse seeme not well to agree with the former , because in the one intire compleat intensive power is denyed to a congregation , and in the other the power of iurisdiction , ordinary intensive , is said to be as compleat and perfect in the congregation as in the great churches . but it is not the latter words but the former which i do stand upon ; and by them ( as i conceive ) the supremacie of congregations is established , and the necessity of appeales from them to other iurisdictions is cleerely takes away . for if the power of iurisdiction be as intire perfect and compleat in the congregation as in the greater churches , as our brother expresly affirmes it to be , i know not the reason why there must be appeales from the iurisdiction of the congregation unto the iurisdiction of those other churches . if the power spoken of were more imperfect and incompleat in the congregation , then it is in the other churches , then there might be more reason or ●ayrer pretence for those appeales : but sith our author confesseth it is no more intire compleat and perfect in these then in the congregation , but as compleat and perfect in the congregation as it is in the other , i am yet to seeke of a sufficient ground for the necessity of appeales from the iurisdiction in a congregation . for is it reasonable to appeale from one iudicatory to another , and yet the power of iurisdiction be as intire compleat and perfect in the former from which the appeale is made , as in the latter to which the cause is brought by such appeale ? it seemes by such appeales we are not like to be much helper , nor much to mend the matter above what it was before , and therefore the usefulnesse and necessity thereof is still uncl●●●● . i thinke the brethren erre in this to teach that antioch had power to determine the controversie , act. . when the churches of syria and cicilia , to their knowledge were troubled with the like question as verse . may cleere , — i doubt much if they had power to determine a question that so much concerned all the churches . answ . it is not cleere from verse . nor from any part of the chapter as farre as i can find , that antioch did know that other churches were troubled with this question ; and if they had known it , i see nothing therein but they might notwithstanding lawfully end the matter so farre as concerned themselves . for when this question was started amongst them by such as came from judea and taught this corrupt doctrine at antioch , the text is very cleere verse , that they had much disputation amongst themselves to have ended the matter , afore there was any speech of sending to ierusalem : which disputation is an argument that they had right to have ended it , if ability had no● been wanting . and as for our brothers reason for the contrary taken from their knowledge that the other churches of syria and cicilia were troubled with the like question , there is not one word in the verse alledged to shew that antioch had knowledge of any such matter , nor is syria and cicilia once mentioned therein : and though they be mentioned verse . yet neither doth this verse declare that antioch had any knowledge that this question had ever troubled those other churches . say it be true that indeed they had been troubled therewith , and that the epistle from the synod doth intimate no lesse , this may prove that when the epistle came to be read at antioch , then antioch by this meanes might come to the knowledge thereof ; but all this doth not prove that antioch knew so much afore . and therefore they might endeavour to end the matter amongst themselves , as not knowing for any thing our author hath yet brought to the contrary , that any other churches besides themselves were troubled therewith . but suppose they had known so much , i see nothing in this to hinder but antioch might lawfully cleere up the truth in the question , and censure such of their church as should obstinately hold and teach that false doctrine , notwithstanding their knowledge that others had been troubled with the like doctrine and teachers . suppose a christian family be troubled with lying children , or servants , or such as are disobedient and undutifull in one kind or in another ; suppose they also knew that their neighbour families are troubled with the like , shall this knowledge of theirs hinder the parents or masters in such a family from censuring or correcting these that are under their government , according to their demerits ? if not , why shall antioch be hindered from censuring offending members of their church , only upon this ground because to their knowledge other churches are troubled with the like offenders ? a city or corporation is troubled with drunkards , with theeves , or other vicious and lewd persons , and knoweth that other cities or corporations are troubled with the like : a nationall church , as scotland for example , is troubled with obtruders of ceremonies , service booke , episcopacie or other corruptions , and knoweth that england or other churches are troubled with the like , shall scotland now be hindered from removing these corruptions , and the obtruders of them from amongst themselves , only upon this ground , because england to their knowledge is troubled with the like ? or shall the corporation ●ee hindered from punishing theeves and such other malefactors , only for this reason , because to their knowledge other corporations are troubled with the like lewd persons ? i suppose it is easie to see the insufficiency and invalidity of such consequences ? and therefore if antioch did know that other churches were troubled with the like offenders , as themselves were troubled withall , this needs not to hinder but they may determine questions that arise amongst themselves , and may censure such of their members as shall trouble the church or brethren therewith , and obstinately persist in so doing . this being considered withall , that in thus doing they do not go beyond their line , nor meddle with matters any farther but as they are within their compasse . for when divers churches are troubled with the like corruptions in doctrine or practise , and some one of those churches by using the key of doctrine or discipline or both , doth endeavour the removall of these corruptions , they do not hereby attempt and endeavour to remove them out of other churches ( which might be an appearance of stretching their line beyond their compasse ) but out of their own church , and only so farre as concernes themselves , and in so doing no man can justly say they meddle further then their power doth reach . but he gives another reason why antioch had not right to determine the question , and this is taken from the strong party that was in antioch against the truth , which was such as that they opposed paul and barnabas : concerning which he saith , that when the greatest part of a church as antioch is against the truth , as is cleere , act. . . he beleeveth in that they loose their jus , their right to determine eatenus in so farre ; for christ hath given no ecclesiasticall right and power to determine against the truth , but onely for truth ; and therefore in this , appeales must be necessary . answ . how is it cleere that the greatst part of the church at antioch was against the truth ? the text doth not say so much , but only this , that certain men which came from iudea , taught the brethren and said except ye be circumcised ye cannot be saved , and that paul and barnabas had no small dissension and disputation with them about the matter , and that in the issue they determined that paul and barnabas and certaine others should go up to ierusalem about the question : thus much the scripture witnesseth , act. . , . but whether they that held that corrupt doctrine at antioch were the major or the minor part of the church , the text doth not expresse , except we shall say that where a false doctrine is taught by some , and greatly opposed and disputed against by others , there it must needs bee that the greatest part are tainted with that false doctrine , which wee thinke is no good consequence . and therefore whereas our author saith , the greatest part of this church was against the truth , and that so much is cleere from verse . i answer , first that i do not perceive this cleerenesse , neither from verse , nor from any other place of the chapter . nextly , suppose this were cleere , this may argue that they wanted ability and light to end the matter , but must it needs argue that they wanted right though they had been able ? or shall we say that they who want ability to doe things as they should be done , do therefore want right to ●●al● in them at all ? i conceive it will not follow , and the reason is because this right in churches is naturall , or connaturall to every church , and this want of ability is only accidentall , and therefore this latter cannot totally hinder the former . that light of government is naturall or connaturall to every church , our brother own words do testifie page . where he saith this , viz. supposing that christ have a visible church it is morall that she have power of government also , in so farre as she is a church ; yea , power of government upon this supposition is naturall or rather connaturall . and in page , he saith as was alledged before , that the power of iurisdiction ordinary intensive — . is as perfect and compleat in one single congregation as in a provinciall , or in a nationall ; yea , as in the catholike visible body whereof christ is the head . and in page . he saith , that to a congregation christ hath given by an immediate flux from himselfe a politicall church power intrinsci●ally in it , derived from none but immediately from iesus christ : and the like he saith of a presbyteriall church . now whether antioch was a congregationall church as we hold , or a presbyteriall as is holden by this our brother , yet it is cleere by those words of his here alledged , that being essentially a church ; it had a politicall church power intrinscically within it selfe , yet a perfect and compleat power of iurisdiction , yea and such a power as was naturall or connaturall unto her , as she was a church . but now the light of knowledge whereby they should be enabled well to use this power , did not adde any power unto them which they had not before , not did the want of it , being but accidentall , deprive them of that power , which was intrinscicall , essentiall and connaturall unto them as they were a church of christ . onely this want did hinder their ability to expresse their power well , but their right as being a thing connaturall did still remaine . our brother hath a saying or two about the civill power , which by proportion may well illustrate this that i am speaking o●●bo it the church-power . in one place he saith thus , there is a two-fold power in a king , one in a king as a king , and this is a like in all , and ordinary regall , coactive : whether the king be an heathen , a turke , or a sound believing christian : there is another power in a king as such a king , either as a propheticall king as david and solomon or as a christian believing king. and of this latter he saith , that it is not a new regall power , but potestas execuliba , a power or gracious ability to execute the kingly power , which he had before as a king ; page . &c. . ●ow why may it not be said in like sort , there is in a church two-fold power , one in a church as it is a church , and this is a like in all true churches of christ , whether the church in this or that particular question have light to discerne , and hold the truth , or otherwise : another in a church , as it is sound believing church , holding the truth in such or such question ; and this is but only a gracious ability to exercise the power which they had before , not adding to them any new power at all ? againe , in his page . he hath these words . though the king were not a christian magistrate , yet hath he a kingly power to command men as christians , and it is by accident that he cannot in that state command christian duties , and service to christ ; because he will not , and cannot command those dutyes remaining ignorant of christ ; even as a king ignorant of necessary civill dutyes cannot command them , not because he wanteth kingly power to command these civill things , for undeniably he is a iudge in civill things , but because he hath not knowledge of them . and may we not say in like sort , though a church want the knowledge of the truth , in some particular question , yet they have a church power to determine such questions , & to command obedience therein , and it is by accident they cannot in that state determine rightly , because they will not , being ignorant of the truth therein , not because they want church-power to determine such matters , but because they have not the knowledge of them . againe a little after in the same p. he tels us , that christianity addeth no new fatherly power to a father over his children , nor giveth a new husband right to the husband , once an heathen over his wife ; for an heathen father is as essentially a father over his children as a christian father , and an heathen husband an heathen master &c. are all as essentially husband , masters , &c. as are the christian husbands , masters , &c. and may we not as well say , soundnesse of knowledge in such or such a particular question addeth no new church power to a christian church over their own members , nor giveth a new church right over them which they had not before ; for a church that wanteth such knowledge is as essentially a church , invested with church power over her members as is another church ? for ought i perceive the cases are alike ; and if soundnesse of knowledge do not give to a church their church-right in this or that question , how can want of that knowledge deprive them of that right ? sure one would thinke the whole substance of christianity might do as much for the adding of kingly right , fatherly right , husband right , &c. as soundnesse of knowledge in some one particular question , for the adding of church right ; & that the want of all christianity should be as available for taking away the kingly right , the fatherly right , &c. as the want of knowledge in one particular point for the taking away of church-right ; and sith we have our brothers own testimony cleer and full for the one , it seems to me the cases are so parallel and proportionable , that the other is unavoidable : i meane thus , sith in the one case the whole substance of christianity doth not give power , nor the want thereof take away the same by our brothers own teaching , i know not how in the other case soundnesse of knowledge in one particular question should give power or right , & want of such knowledge take away the same . and so for antioch in particular , if it were as our brother supposeth that the greater part of them did hold against the truth in that question about circumcision , i see not how this could deprive them of their church right which they had before . as for our brothers reason that christ hath given no ecclesiasticall right and power to determine against the truth , but onely for the truth , this saying i confesse is very true , but doth not suffice for the purpose for which hee brings it , viz. to prove that antioch being ignorant of the truth in that question about circumcision , or holding against the truth therein did thereby lose their church right to determine . for if this reason be good , then a man may conclude against that power in heathen kings , parents , and husbands , to governe their subjects , children and wives ; which our brother , as we heard afore , hath granted and taught : for suppose that antioch were ignorant of the truth in that particular is it not cleere that the kings , parents , and husbands mentioned are ignorant of the truth in many more matters ? and it antioch do hereupon loose their right , because christ hath given no power to determine against the truth but for the truth , how will it be avoided but by the same reason , ●he kings and the others mentioned must likewise lose their right to governe their own subjects and families ? for the lord gives no right , i hope , to pagans against the truth , no more then he doth unto churches . and therfore if the reason be valid and strong in the one case , and for the purpose , for which our brother brings it , it seemes to be as strong in the other case also , which shall be contrary to what our brother himselfe doth teach . in a word ▪ churches and antioch in particular have right to determine questions , and they ought to determine only according to the truth : they have formally a right to determine , and when their determinations are according to truth , then they will ●ind vi mat●●i● which else they will not . they have right to determine in fore humano , and if their determinations be for matter agreeable to truth , they will be ratifyed in foro div●●o , but not else . now our brothers arguing doth seeme to confound these two ; and because of the latter which is freely granted , he would conclude against the former , which we thinke is not good reasoning ; but on the contrary do still thinke , that though churches ought to give out no determinations but such as are agreeable to truth , and that otherwise their determinations , in respect of the matter of them will not bind before god , yet for all this they may have right formally and in foro humano to judge , and to determine of such things . moreover , if this were granted for true , that antioch when they are against the truth do lose their right to determine controversies , yet we are not hereby much neerer to an issue , unlesse it be determined withall who must be judge whether they be against the truth or no , and the reason is because if they be not against the truth but for it , then i hope , it will be granted that they doo not lose their right at all . the question therefore still remaines , who hath this ministeriall power to iudge whether this or that church , antioch or any other be against the truth or for it ; and unlesse this be cleered we are but where we were before . but to draw towards an end of this passage about the church of antioch : whether they had right to determine controversies when ability failed , or whether they did when lose that right , i will here transcribe a few words of our brother as i find them in his second , . page . wherein he either cleerely yeeldeth the cause , and saith the same that we do or i am much mistaken . the words are these , there is a difference between ability to judge , and right or power to judge . a presbyteriall church , ( and he disputeth in six pages together to prove antioch such a one , page . . &c. sequ . ) may have right , jus , and ecclesiastic●ll law to judge of a point , to the judging whereof they want ability : therefore de facto , it belongeth to an higher synod where more learned men are , though de jure the presbytery may judge it . these words i wish to be well considered . for whereas in the place we have been speaking of , he saith antioch , the greater part of them being against the truth , did lose their jus , their right to determine , for which as wee have heard , he gives this reason , because christ hath given no right and power to determine against the truth but for it , yet now wee see he grants distinction between ability and right , and saith , a presbyteriall church may still retaine this latter of their right , even then , when they want the other of ability . which two sayings whether they do perfectly agree , and whether in the latter of them he do not plainly come up to us , against whom he hath been disputing in the former , i leaue it to the wise in heart , and especially to himselfe to consider . for , for my part i must confesse that these two sayings , a presbyteriall church as antioch may have right , jus to judge a point , to the judging whereof they may want ability ; and , antioch a presbyteriall church wanting ability did thereby lose their right , or jus to determine the point , these two i say , are such sayings as are not easie for me to reconcile . lastly , if it be said our brother doth not deny unto antioch , or a church in error all power simply to determine , but only to determine tali mode , that is , to determine against the truth ; for his words are , they lose their jus their right eatenus , in so far . i answer , he hath such a word indeed , as eatenus , in so farre : but if any shall say he meant no more in this dispute , but only that such a church hath no right to determine against the truth , i conceive that he that shall so say , shall therein impute some fault unto our brother , even the fault of wresting mr. tompsons tenent and mine , and suggesting against us unto his reader , as if we had held such a thing as we never wrote nor thought . for it is plain , that our brother in his pag. . is disputing against us ; for he saith , that we teach the church of antioch had jus , power to judge and determine the controversie , but because of the difficulty had not light to judge thereof , and sets down master tompsons name and mine as the men that so teach , in answer , page . and a few lines after he saith , i thinke the brethren erre in this , to teach , that antioch had power to determine the controversie , act. . and then hee gives two reasons for the contrary . so that it is manifest that he intends this dispute against us . now what have we said in this matter ? have we delivered any such thing , that antioch had right to determine against the truth ? let the answer be viewed in the place which he alledgeth , viz. page . and i am sure no such grosse tenent will be there found , no nor any where else in our writing . that which we have said , is this , that antioch had right to have determined the matter if ability had served thereto : but for right to determine against the truth , we never spake one word that soundeth that way . our brother therefore intending this dispute against us , and plainly expressing so much , and our tenent being no other then as i have said , it must therefore needs follow that his intendment is , that antioch had no right to determine that matter . but for right to determine against the truth , he cannot confute such a tenent as ours , we never having delivered any such thing , but he must withall be culpable of manifest mistaking and mis-reporting of us to the world ; and we are , and must be slow to believe that a man of such worth would willingly do us such wrong . it remains therefore , that right to determine and not right to determine against the truth , is the thing which he oppos●t● as ours , and therefore it is that in this sence and meaning i have here applyed my answer . the 〈…〉 thus much ; that antioch had right to determine against the 〈…〉 that may soone be con●uted , but the tenent is none of ours : that 〈…〉 to determine , is indeed our tenent , and whether this be con●uted 〈…〉 , let the wise and iudicious consider . chap. ix . whether the congregationall way or the presbyteriall doe make the gospell more difficultive then the law. of excommunication by a church that hath only three elders , and of doing things sudainly . in the latter end of his page meaning mr t●mpson and me , and alledging page , . of the answer . he writes that we say our opposites do much judaize in that they multiply appeales upon appeales , from a congregation to a classis , then to a synod , then to a nationall assembly , then to an oec●●●●nicke councell ; and this way while the world endureth causes are never determined , and synods cannot alwayes be had ; even as in ierusalem the supreame iudicature was farre remote from all proselites , as from the eunuch of ethiopia , act. . and from the remote●● parts of the holy land : but god hath provided better for us in the new testament , where every congregation which is at hand may decide the controversie : and then , page . he subjoyneth his answer . answ . though i deny not but some of the things here alledged are written by us in the pa●●● nam●d , yet that they are written for the purpose which our brother expresseth , viz. to shew that our brethren of the opposite judgement do much iudaize , that i do utterly deny . for the places being viewed will plainly witnesse that wee bring the things alledged for another end , viz. to shew whether the way that is called independencie , do make the people ( as some have thought of it ) more defective and improvident then their law. for this being objected against that way , wee in answer thereto do shew by sundry particulars , that it is not that way that is justly culpable in this respect , but the way of our brethren of the other iudgement ; one way on the one side making the state of christians in these dayes in some things equall to the iewes , and in other things more excellent ; and on the other side the way of our brethren making our condition in many things more defective then was the condition of the iewes . so that ( not iudayzing but ) making our condition more defective then the iewes , is the thing which we here note in the doctrine of our brethren . nor do i see how our brother in his answer doth free their doctrine and way from being justly culpable in this respect . if we had intended the thing which he reporteth , we would never have used such a reason as he truly report● us to use , viz. that by appeales upon appeales causes according to our brethrens way may be so protracted as never to be determined nor ended . for this reason hath neither strength nor colour of strength for such a purpose , as he saith we bring it for , inasmuch as it is well known , that the iewes had a supreame iudicatory for the finall ending of causes among them . and therefore to say that our brethren do iudaize , and then to give that for a reason which doth shew that the iewes and they are very unlike , the iewes having a supreame iudicatory for the finall ending of cruses , and they having none , were to shew our selves very irrationall or worse : end why our brother should put such a thing upon us , we being no wayes guilty thereof , we do not know . but we desire that our reason may be applyed to our own conclusion , to which we did and do apply it , and not to this other expressed by our brother , which indeed is none of ours , and then we are content that rationall and judicious readers may judge whether or no there be any sufficient weight therein . which that they may more readily do , i have here recollected the same into this short summe , that they may briefly behold it with one view , viz if the iewes had a supreame iudicatory for the finall ending of causes , and the congregationall way hath the like : if the iewes had a standing iudicatory alwayes in readinesse for the hearing of causes , and the congregationall way hath the like : and if the supreame iudicatory among the iewes was very farre remote from many of them , and in the congregationall way be more convenient and neere at hand , then the congregationall way is in some things equall to the iewes and in other things more excellent . but the first is true in all the particulars , and therefore the second is true also . againe , if the iewes had a supreame iudicatory for the finall ending of causes , and the way of our brethren hath not : if the iewes had a standing iudicatory alwayes in readinesse for the hearing of causes and the way of our brethren hath not : and if the supreame iudicatory among the iewes was very remote from many of them , and synods among our brethren are the same , then the way of our brethren is in some things as defective as the iewes , and in other things more defective then theirs . but the first is true in all the particulars of it , and therefore the second is true also . both the assumptions in all the branches thereof , i conceive are cleerely proved in the answer in the pages which our brother doth alledge , and whether the consequence be good let the wise judge . having thus reduced our argumentation to its own proper and genuine shape , let us now consider of mr. rutherfords answer thereto . first , saith he , the speedinesse of ending controversies in a congregation is badly comprised with the suddainnesse and temerity of delivering men to satan upon the decision of three elders , without so much as asking advise of any classes of elders , and with deciding questions deepe and grave which concerneth many churches , which is a putting of a private sickle in a common and publicke harvest . answ . if advise from other churches may be had , we never spake word for doing weighty matters without the same , but in such cases it is both our practise and advise to make use thereof , and therefore this delivering men to satan in way of temerity or rashnesse toucheth not us whose opinion and practise is other wise . as for suddainnesse , i conceive if the same be sometimes accompanyed with temerity and rashnesse , and so worthy to be blamed , yet not alwayes : for in the reformation of the house of god in the dayes of hezekiah , it is said , that the thing was done suddainly . chron. . . where suddainnesse doth not signifie any sinfull temerity or r●shnesle . but contrarily doth testifie gods great goodnesle that had so prepared the people to so good a worke : for this cause this suddainnesse was to hezekiah , and gods people an occasion and ground of great joy and gladnesse , which temerity could not have been . and therefore suddainnesse and temerity must not alwayes be confounded and coupled together , as if they were the same . though hasty delivering of men to satan without due consideration be not good , yet overlong delay of due proceeding against delinquents is bad also , for the holy ghost tels us because sentence against an evill worke is not executed speedily , therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set to do evill , eccl. . . for which cause execute judgement in the morning , that is to say speedily is sometimes expresly required , jer. . . which being spoken of justice to be executed by civill authority doth hold by proportion and like reason in ecclesiasticall censures , for as much as speedinesle is a duty , and delayes are daangerous in the one case as well as in the other . whereas our author thinkes much that excommunication should proceed upon the decision of three elders , as we know nothing but a congregation may have more elders then the three , if god provide them fit men and the numerousnesse of the congregation so require , in which case our author saith nothing to the contrary , but they may have power to excommunicate , so if they have but three , we know nothing in this , but they may have power to excommunicate notwithstanding , since himselfe teacheth , due right . page . that the iewes had their congregationall churches as we have , and had their meeting in their synagogues , not only for doctrine , but also for discipline and excommunication ; which if it be so , it seemes there might be excommunication by as small a number as three , unlesse it could appeare that in every synagogue the elders and rulers in it were a greater number then is here mentioned , which is more then i do remember to be expressed in scripture . yea and further he tels us , that the inferiour iudicatures in israel had power of life and death , page . now the iudges in these inferiour iudicatures though they must never be under that number of three , yet they did not alwayes exceed the same , for ought that doth appeare . and if three iudges had power of life and death , why may not a congregation with three elders have power of excommunication ? moreover , in his page . he gives us these words for a proposition , that it floweth connaturally from a church to which agreeth the essence of church to exercise jurisdiction over all its own members ; to which those words do also agree , page . viz. the power and right to discipline is a propriety essentiall to a church and is not removed from it till god remove the candlesticke , and the church cease to be a visible church : and in page . hee affords us these words for an assumption , that a congregation is a church , wanting nothing of the being and essence of a church : and hence the conclusion is obvious , that a congregation may exercise iurisdiction over all it own members : and in as much as a congregation in which are but three elders , is a congregation , it followeth that a congregation in which are but three elders may exercise such iurisdiction . this conclusion our author cannot deny in as much as it necessarily and directly followeth from premises which are both his own . yea in his page . h● saith , that this is a principle of church policie , that every politicke body of christ hath power of church government within it selfe . either therefore a congregation with only three elders is no politicke body of christ , or else it must have power of church government within it selfe . besides , if the power of iurisdiction ordinary intensive be according to the entire essence of a ministeriall church be as compleat and perfect in one single congregation , as in a provinciall , nationall , or catholike church as our author saith it is p. . it is then a marvell why such a congregation having onely three elders , may not have power to excommunicate . lastly , his words are expresse , page . where there are not many churches consociated , then ordination and excommunication may be done by one single congregation . if therefore a congregation have not above three elders , yet being not consociated with other churches , it may lawfully excommunicate , by his own grant . for deciding questions that concerne many churches , if they decide them no further but onely as they concerne themselves , this is no putting a private sickle in a common and publike harvest , but a medling with matters onely so farre as they doe concerne themselves . secondly , he saith , all appeales without warrant from christs will we condemne , as the abuse of appeales to a court which is known shall never be , page . answ . if appeales without warrant from christ will be condemned , why are wee not told what appeales they are , that have the warrant of christs will , and what appeales have not ? for such a generall word a● this , of the warrant of christs will , without some further and more particular explication doth leave the matter as darke as it was before . if the meaning be , that only such appeales are unwarrantable as are made to a court which is known shall never be , and that all others are warrantable , then it will follow that appeales to generall councels and all other courts , except only from a generall councell are warrantable , for who doth certainely know that a generall councell will never be ? and so by this meanes the classes , 〈◊〉 synod , and the nationall church are all deprived of supremacie , and independencie of iurisdiction as well as the congregacion . thirdly , he saith , antiochs appeale to a synod miles distant as our brethren say , was no judaizing but that which paul and the apostles were guilty of as well as we . answ . whether antioch and jerusalem were miles distant or no as we have never affirmed so much , so i will not stand now to inquire . but this i stand upon , that no scripture doth witnesse that antioch did appeale to jerusalem in the point of iurisdiction , about which our question doth lye , if they did appeale to them for a doctrinall decision or determination of the question , that nothing hindereth our cause who do not deny such a doctrinall power in synods . but their power of iurisdiction is the thing that should be proved . lastly , if this example of antioch doe prove that there may bee and ought to bee appeales from congregations to synods , though those synods be miles distant , then that which wee said in the answer is here confessed to be true : viz. that according to our brethrens iudgement the state of the church in point of discipline is as defective and burdensome in the time of the gospell , as it was in the dayes of the old testament . for as then the supreame iudicatory at jerusalem was many miles distant from such as dwelt in the furthest parts of the holy land , and specially from the proselites that dwelt in other countries , so here our author seemes to yeeld that in these dayes of the new testament there must or may be appeales to synods , though they be miles distant . i hope then if others blame our way for making the gospell as defective and improvident as the law , or more defective then it , yet this our brother will not do so , but on the contrary will acknowledge for us and with us , that the way which himselfe pleads for , is more justly culpable in this respect . fourthly , he saith , matters concerning many churches must be handled by many . answ . this may be granted in a safe sence without any prejudice at all unto our cause , for we are well content that so farre as they concerne many they may be handled by many , so that each congregation may have liberty to deale in them so farre as they concerne themselves . and thus you have all which mr. rutherford hath brought against that passage of ours wherein we say it is not our way but theirs , that doth make the gospell more defective then the law , instead whereof he is pleased to make us say that they doe iudaize ; but for eleering their way from that which wee object against the same , or for convincing out way to be guilty thereof as by some hath been objected , which is the thing in question in the place by him alledged , for ought i perceive there is nothing in the foure particulars of his answer , that doth any thing availe to either of these : for if a rash delivering of men to satan have more evill in it then speedy ending of controversies hath good ▪ if appeales without warrant from christs will , be unlawfull : if antioch did appeale to a synod miles distant , and if matters concerning many churches must be ended by many , which foure particulars are the whole substance of his answer , what is there in all this ( for i would gladly apply his answers to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the thing in question , what is there i say in all this that 〈◊〉 convince our way to be more defective then the way under the old testament ? or that doth cleere the way of our brethren from being truly culpable thereof ▪ let all the evill that can be found in rash delivering men to satan be extended to the utmost , and let the rest of the foure particulars be granted , doth all this sufficiently cleere it that the way which we plead for is more defective , or the way of our brethren more perfect and excellent , then the way that was used under the law ? if they do not amount to the cleering of this , they do not come up to cleere the thing in question , which for ought i perceive doth still remaine as it was notwithstanding all that our brother here brings . chap. x. whether the necessity of discipline be greater then of sacraments : and whether a congregation that hath neighbours may not exercise intirenesse of iurisdiction as well as one that hath none : and whether a man may take on him the whole ministery having no outward calling thereto ; and may not as well take on him one act of baptizing or ministring the lords supper . the next place where i find our reverend brother dealing with the answer , is in page , . where disputing that there was a presbyteriall church at ierusalem , he saith it is objected by us ( alledging the answer , page . ) that if a church in an iland by divine institution and so the first congregation as ierusalem which did meete in solomons porch had once an intire power of iurisdiction , though in an extraordinary case , the case is ordinary , as in the dominion of wales there is scarce a congregation to be found within , or miles . . suppose the case were extraordinary and rare , may they violate the ordinary rules of christ ? for so some may thinke and say that though according to ordinary rules , baptisme and the lords supper must be dispensed only by men and by ministers , yet in the want of these the one may be dispensed by a woman or mid-wife , and both of them by such as are no ministers . and then hee subjoyneth his answer . answ . our authors scope and intention being to prove a presbyteriall church at ierusalem , i cannot apprehend a good reason , why now he should fall upon the place of the answer alledged , in as much at the place makes not any mention of ierusalem at all , nor of any presbyteriall church there , either one way or other . but it seemes he was willing to go something out of his way that so he might have a saying to the answer , yet if it must needs be so , i could have desired that the words of the answer might have been kept , without making alteration by leaving some things out , and putting others in of his own accord , and by mentioning others with another face then was ever intended by us . for though he is pleased to mention a church in an iland and the first founded congregation at ierusalem , in his objection which he● brings in under mr. tompsons name and mine , yet he that shall peruse the place will find that neither of these are once mentioned by us at all , and why then they should be brought in as ours i do not know . and for the former part of our answer , wherein we show that for a christian congregation to want neighbour congregations to whom they may with conveniency have recourse , and not so unusuall as some may imagine , we do not only alledge for that end the dominion of wales as our brother doth report , but also the remoter parts of the north , and specially the state of things in times and places of generall persecution and generall prophanenesse , and new plantations in heathen countries ; all which our brother doth omit , as if wee had not mentioned any of them . and whereas we mention the scarcity of congregations in the remoter parts of wales and of the north , as intimated by our reverend brother mr. herle in that learned and loving discourse of his , whereto we doe apply our answer , mr. rutherford concealeth that we do mention this , as the apprehension or intimation of another , and instead thereof makes bold to set it downe under our name , as if we had delivered it as our own . all which alterations , omissions and additions are such as wee for our parts would not willingly have made the like in any worke of his nor of any other man. for let such liberty as this be taken in repeating what men do speake or write , and misapprehension of their true ●ntent and meaning must needs be bred hereby in the minds of all those that shall read or heare such reports and beleeve the same . neverthelesse , let us consider what our brother doth returne in his answer . we thinke saith he , a ministery and discipline more necessary to a congregation in a remote iland , or to the church of ierusalem before they increase to such a number as cannot meet for their numerous multitude in one congregation , then the sacraments when there be no ministers to dispense them . answ . would not one thinke by th●se words , and the other laid down in the objection , that we had spoken something of a church in an iland , and of the church in jerusalem ? else why should these be objected , and answered as ours ? but th truth is we have not spoken one word either of the one or the other of these particulars : which will plainly appeare to him that shall view the place . something wee have spoken in the generall of a congregation that wants neighbours , which we did being thereunto led by our reverend brother mr. herle , but of a church in an iland , and of the church at ierusalem in particular , of which mr. rutherford heere speaks , of these we have said nothing . second , the former part of our answer , that for a congregation to want neighbours is not so unusuall as some may imagine , this mr. rutherford wholly passeth over in silence , only he propounds it in his objection in such sort as we have heard , and so leaves it , whereby it seemes he yeelds the thing . and thereupon it followes , that intirenesse of iurisdiction in a congregation must be yeelded frequently lawfull , it being frequently seene , that congregations want neighbours in which case their intirenesse of iurisdiction is not denyed . third , for the second part of our answer , we thus expresse our selves therein . viz. that we suppose it is good to take heed how farre we yeeld it lawfull in extraordinary cases to transgresse and violate ordinary rules , whereof wee render the reason , least some body doe thence inferre the lawfulnesse of ministring sacraments by non-ministers , in case ministers be wanting . this is that which we have said in this matter . if therefore mr. rutherford would take away what we have said herein , he must say it is not good nor needfull to take such heed , but men may yeeld it lawfull in such cases to transgresse and violate ordinary rules , and never need to take heed how farre they yeeld therein . this indeed were contradictory to what we have said , and if this be once cleered for truth , then i must confesse our saying is cleerely disproved . but the cleering of this we hope our brother will never attempt : sure yet he hath not done it , and so our saying yet remaines as it was . fourth , whereas he saith he thinkes a ministery and discipline more necessary in the cases he speaks of , then sacraments and there be no ministers , though this be not directly opposite to what we have said , yet because i would consider of every thing wherein he seemes to ayme at us , therefore i am willing to consider of this also . our reverend brother thinkes discipline in the cases mentioned more necessary then sacraments : and yet in his page , . handling that question , whether discipline be a marke of the visible church , and laying down sundry distinctions about the same , hee gives us these severall propositions in termes : first , care to exercise discipline may be wanting in a true church . second , right discipline is not necessary to the essence of a visible church as a city may bee without wals , a garden without a hedge . third , the exercise of discipline may be wanting , and the church a true visible church . fourth , the church may retaine the essence and being of a visible church , and yet have no discipline in actuall use or little , in which place he cites and approves the judgement of parker , cartwright and others ; who make discipline necessary only to the wel-being of the church , as being not indifferent but commanded in the word and necessary in respect of its end . now if this be all the necessity that is in discipline , how is discipline more necessary then sacraments ? for may not as much bee said of them as here is said of discipline ? are not sacraments necessary to the well-being of the church , as being commanded in the word , as well as discipline is ? and serving for excellent ends , as well as discipline doth ? i suppose it will n●● be denyed , and therefore the necessity of discipline above sacraments doth not yet appeare . especially if that be considered withall which our brother teacheth else-where . viz. in his second p. . & sequ . where he tels us , that sacraments are not only declarative signes , but also reall exhibitive seales of grace , having a causality in them to make a thing that was not , and so excelling all civill seales which do adde no new lands to the owner of the charter sealed therewith . now if sacraments be thus excellent and effectuall , how is it that in the place wee have in hand , discipline is made more necessary then they ? for a greater elogie then here hee gives to sacraments , i suppose himselfe would not give unto discipline . yea in p. he expresly affirmes , that preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments are essentiall notes of the visible church . but of discipline i conceive he will not say the same , sure it is in the page following distinguishing betwixt notes of the church which are necessary ad●sse , to the very being of a visible church , and such as are necessary only ad bene esse , to the well-being thereof , he expresly makes discipline a worke or note of this second sort , and as we heard ere-while , he in page expresly affirmes it is not necessary to the essence of a church . and therefore it is some marvell why now 〈◊〉 makes discipline more necessary then sacraments . but he gives us two reasons of this greater necessity of discipline then of sacraments . first , that intire power of discipline in a congregation that wants neighbours is not extraordinary second , that there is no such morall necessity of sacraments , as there is of discipline , page . concerning the former his words are these , viz. that the church be in an iland it selfe alone may possibly be extraordinary , but that in such a case they have intire power of discipline whole and entire within themselves to excommunicate scandalous persons is not extraordinary . wherein first of all i observe a difference between him and our reverend brother mr. herle , who having granted that where there is no consociation or neighbour-hood of congregations , there a single congregation must not be denyed intirenesse of iurisdiction , doth presently adde that the case is extraordinary , and so fals not within the compasse of the question of the ordinary rule of church-government : independencie of churches , p. . plainly confessing that the case is extraordinary , whereas mr. rutherford here saith it is not . second , as he expresly differs from mr. herle , so it is considerable whether his words do well agree with themselves . for saith he , that the church be in an iland it selfe alone may be extraordinary , but that in such case they have entire power of iurisdiction of discipline within themselves , to excommunicate scandalous persons , is not extraordinary . which saying needs good explication . for it seemes hard to conceive how the power and actions of any subject or efficient should be more usuall and ordinary then it s very being and subsistance : which yet must needs bee , if this stand good that the being of a church in an iland is extraordinary , and yet the power of such a church to excommunicate is usuall and ordinary third , if their power of discipline , yea intire power be in the case expressed or●●●ary , shall we then say that if the case ●e otherwise so that a church be not alone but have neighbours , entirenesse of power in such a case is extraordinary ? it seemes a● must ●ay 〈◊〉 , or else wee must say that intirenesse of power in both cases is ordinary . if this latter be said , it is as much as we desire : for then i hope it must not be a small 〈◊〉 ordinary matter , that must hinder a church that hath neighbours from exercising 〈…〉 ●●●●diction within themselves , no more then a church that lives alone , 〈…〉 power being ordinary in them both . for if it be so in them both , in the one as well as in the other , i know not why any small or ordinary matter should hinder the one church any more then the other from the use and exercise of such entire power . if we say that entirenesse of power in a church that hath neighbours is extraordinary , though in a church that is alone it be ordinary , besides that such a saying sounds harshly and seemes very improbable , we shall by this meanes make cases extraordinary to be very frequent & usuall , in as much as all men know it is very usuall for congregationall churches to have neighbours : and so if entirenesse of power in a church that hath neighbours be extraordinary , it will follow that extraorninary power is very usuall and frequent ; so that inconveniences on each side do seeme inevitably to follow against our brothers cause , upon this which here he affirmeth , that entirenesse of power in a church that is alone is not extraordinary . but let us here his reason in the subsequent words , why this entirenesse of power in a church that is alone is not extraordinary . for it floweth saith he , continually from a church , to which agreeth the essence of a church , to exercise iurisdiction over all its own members . and i suppose he must meane this of iurisdiction entire and compleat , for of this is the question , and a few lines afore , he expresly cals it entire power of discipline , whole and entire within themselves . now if this be true which here is said , as for my part i conceive no other of it , that it floweth connaturally from a church , to which agreeth the essence of a church to exercise entire iurisdiction over all its own members , then it will follow that a church that hath neighbours as well as a church that hath none must have this entirenesse of iurisdiction , sith the essence of a church doth agree to the one as well as to the other , to a church that hath neighbours as well as to a church that is alone . our author tels us page . that a congregation in an iland is a church properly so called , and hath the essentiall notes of a visible church agreeing to it , and wants nothing of the being and essence of a church . and if this be true of a church that is alone , shall we thinke it is not true of a church that hath neighbours ? doth the accession of neighbours to a congregation take away from such a congregation the essence of a church which it had before ? i conceive none will so say . and if every church to which agreeth the essence of a church may exercise entire iurisdiction over all its own members , as our brother doth acknowledge , it followeth unavoidably thereupon that all congregationall churches , such as have neighbours and such as have none may exercise such entirenesse of iurisdiction , sith the essence of a church doth agree unto them all . vnlesse he will deny the essence of a church to a congregation which hath neighbours , which hee freely yeeldeth to a congregation which is alone , he must grant entirenesse of iurisdiction unto them both , because he grants it to the one upon this reason , that the essence of a church doth agree thereunto , which reason if it agree to both , how can i● be avoided but entirenesse of iurisdiction must be in both ? and how can it be affirmed or imagined that a congregation having the essence of a church afore and have neighbours , should lose this essence of a church when neighbours are added to it ? a family having the essence of a family now it is alone , doth not lose this essence by meanes of other families added . nor doth a city that is such , as it is alone lose the essence of a city by the accesse of other cities : and the same might be said of a corporation , a province , a kingdome , or any other society whatsoever . and that it should be otherwise with a congregationall church , that it should lose the essence of a church as other neighbours churches do arise , doth seeme very strange and unreasonable . and let the essence of a church be still retayned by such a congregation , as i conceive it must , and then intirenesse of iurisdiction must not be denyed to such a congregation , sith it doth flow connaturally from every church to which the essence of a church doth agree . if there bee no more consociated with that church that is by accident , and an extraordinary exigence of gods providence . as a master of a family is to educate his children in the feare of god , but if god take all his children from him by death , he doth not transgresse the ordinary rule of educating his children in the feare of god , as he hath none . answ . if this comparison doe suit the present purpose and case in hand , then this master of a family is a congregation , and these his children are the members of other congregations : and so as a master of a family needs not to educate his children in gods feare , when they are all taken from him by death , so a congregation needs not to governe the members of other congregation as there are no other congregation extant , but it selfe is left alone in an iland . in which kind of arguing sundry things may be excepted against . as fir●● of all that there should be such power in a congregation as in a master of a family over his own children , which needs a good deale of proofe afore it may be yeelded , in as much as the power of the one is plainly and plentifully taught in the scripture , as eph. . . col. . deut. . . deut. . and many other places . but i desire one cleere place of scripture , in all the book of god either old testament or new , to shew the like power in a congregationall church , over the members of other churches . againe , when a master of a family hath all his children taken from him by death , he hath then no children of his own to governe , but wants a congregationall church & is left alone in an iland , the presbytery of that congregation is left alone , but have still the members of that congregation whom they may and ought to guide and governe in the feare of god , which is another particular wherein the comparison failes . but though the similitude as mr. rutherford hath laid it down , doth not confirme his purpose , yet i conceive it may be ▪ so framed and applyed as that it may well serve for the weekning thereof , thus ; a master of a family having ( when that family is alone ) entire power to governe his family in the feare of god , when other families do arise that become neighbours neere adjoyning , he is not by this meanes deprived of the power which he had before , but still retaines the same entire and compleate as formerly it was : even so the presbytery of a congregationall church having ( when that congregation is alone , ) entire power of iurisdiction over its own members , is not when neighbour congregation do arise , deprived by this meanes of the power which it had before , but still retaines the same entire as formerly it was . againe , though when god takes away a mans children by death , he is no longer bound to educate and governe those children in the feare of god , yet as long as his children live with him in his family , it is not the sitting down of other families neere by him that can take away this power from him , or discharge him of this duty : even so , though when members of a congregation be taken away by death or otherwise , the congregation or its presbytery doth no longer stand charged or bound with the oversight and government of such members yet as long as they live in the congregation , it is not the arising of other congregations neere to them that can free them from the power wherewith they were invested , nor from the duty wherewith they were formerly charged towards such members , thus the comparison runs even , and we see our brothers cause is not a little disadvantaged thereby . but as he hath laid it down , it doth so apparantly faile that i do not perceive how it can afford him any helpe at all . this argument supposeth that the congregation hath no power of excommunication at all , either compleat or incompleate , as the midwife hath no power to baptize , either compleate or incompleate . answ . suppose a congregation have an incompleate power when they have neighbours , how shall it appeare that when they are alone their power is now compleat ? or how will it be avoided but by the like reason , one elder alone may excommunicate in case there be no other elders to joyne with him ? for plain it is , that one elder when their is a full presbytery or classis hath an incompleate power , though not a compleat . and yet i hope this incompleat power in one elder when there are other elders joyned with him , will not warrant him to exercise a power compleat when he is alone , because such a power must be exercised by a church , with one elder alone cannot be . and if one elder having an incompleat power when he is joyned with others , may not exercise a compleat power when he is alone , how will the incompleat power of a congregation when they have neighbours ( suppose that in such case their power were indeed incompleate ) how will this i say warr●nt that congregation when they are alone to exercise a compleat power ? for ought i see , the compleat power of the congregation is no more warranted upon this ground , then the like power of one elder upon the same ground , the cases being alike in both . neither doth a congregation transgresse any rule of christ at all when it exerciseth entire power of censures within it self , whereas there be no consociated ●hurches to share with it in that power . answ . this i grant is very true ; and i desire it may not be recalled , but may still stand as here it is expresly given to us ; and then i desire to know what rule of christ is transgressed , if an other congregation , i meane a congregation that hath neighbours , do exercise the like power . for my part i know no such rule , nor any good reason but if that the one congregation may so practise , the other congregation may do the like , and that the grounds ( at least some of them ) which will warrant the one , will also suffice to warrant the other . neverthelesse when any rule of christ shal be produced that doth restraine a congregation that hath neighbours of this entire power , which is so freely and plainly granted to the congregation that is alone , i shall then grant that the former must have lesse liberty to exercise this power , then is here granted to the latter . in the meane time , that which here is yeelded to the one doth amongst other things induce me to thinke that the same ought to be granted to the other , and so that entirenesse of power is in them both . a congregation ( viz. which is alone ) is capable of entire jurisdiction because it is a church . answ . how will it then be avoided but a congregation which hath neighbours , or a congregation which was alone and now hath neighbours added to it , how will it be avoided i say , but such a congregation as this is also capable of entire iurisdiction ? for can it be denyed but such a congregation is a church , as well as the other ? sure if mr. rutherford his doctrine elsewhere delivered do stand good , this cannot be denyed at all . for in his page he saith , that is a church , and hath the essence of a church , to which agree the essentiall notes of a visible church , and preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments saith he are essentiall notes of a visible church . which if it bee so , then a congregation that hath neighbours is a visible church , and hath the essence of a church , because preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments are cleerely found in such a congregation . and if such a congregation be a church , then by his own doctrine in this place which we have in hand , such a congregation is capable of entire iurisdiction . for thus i argue from his own words every congregation which is a church is capable of entire iurisdiction . but a congregation which hath neighbours is a church . therefore a congregation which hath neighbours is capable of entire iurisdiction . the conclusion is that which we stand for , and it makes directly against our brother , and yet i see not how he can avoyd it , because both the premises are his own . for the proposition is plaine from the words we have in hand , v●z . a congregation is capable of entire jurisdiction because it is a church . now if this be the reason why it is capable thereof , then looke to what congregation this reason doth agree , every such congregation must be so capable . for our author well knoweth that à quatenus ad omnia consequentia . and for the assumption , the same is confirmed by his words , page , where he makes that to be a church , and to have the essence of a church , to which the preaching of the word , and administration of the sacraments do agree . and these agreeing to a congregation that hath neighbours , it followeth that a congregation that hath neighbours is a church . vnlesse hee will deny to a congregation that hath neighbours power of preaching the word and administring the sacraments ( which i am perswaded he will not deny at all ) it will unavoidably follow from his own ground that such a congregation is a visible church . and if such a congregation be a visible church , then by his own ground also , such a congregation must be capable of entire iurisdiction : which conclusion if it bee granted we desire no more , for it is the thing that we hold . a woman in no case is capable of administring baptisme or the lords supper , except she were extraordinarily and immediately inspired to bee a prophetesse , but for the exercise of entire power of jurisdiction by a congregation in a remote iland , i hope it hath no such need of immediate inspiration . answ . nor do wee thinke otherwise ; but ( that we may keepe to the points and bring up the dispute to the thing in questio ) if such a congregation having no such inspiration may notwithstanding lawfully exercise intire power of iurisdiction within themselves , and that upon this reason , because they now are alone , which if they had neighbours were not lawfull for them to do , then let it be well considered , whether by the like reason in the like extraordinary case , baptisme and the lords supper may not be administred the one of them by a woman , and both of them by such as are no ministers . for as in one case the plea , to make it lawfull is this , because such a congregation hath no neighbours , so in the other the plea is because the congregation hath no ministers , nor perhaps there are no men at hand . and if the one which at other times were unlawfull , yet in such an extraordinary exigence of gods providence may be lawfully done , though there be no immediate inspiration to warrant the same , why doth there need such immediate inspiration to warrant the other , the extraordinary exigence of gods providence being alike in both . i desire i may not be mistaken in this passage , for i doe not affirme ( nor ever did ) that the dispensation of discipline and of sacraments in the cases mentioned are both alike unlawfull , or else both alike lawfull . the answer will not witnesse that i have so affirmed , neither yet this present discourse t● much lesse do i hold that sacraments may be dispensed by women or by men that are not ministers . all that i have said in this matter is thus much , that it is good to take heed how farre we yeeld it lawfull in such extraordinary cases , as want of neighbours , to transgresse and violate ordinary rules , least some body do thence inferre that sacraments may be dispensed by women or men that are no ministers , in case that ministers or men be wanting . this i have said indeed , as being tender and afraid to open a dore too far for liberty of transgressing ordinary rules , and conceiving that keeping close to those rules is the safest way . if any man be more bold and dare open the dore further then i dare adventure to do , and thinke he can easily shut the same againe , to stop the inconveniencies and ill consequents which i feare may thence ensue . i shall leave him to his discretion , and the guidance of god therein , onely craving thus much for my selfe that no more may be imputed to me , nor reported of me in this or other matters , then indeed i have affirmed or expressed . concerning his second reason of the greater necessity of discipline then of sacraments , his words are these . there is no such morall necessity of sacraments as there is of the ministery of the word and consequently of the use of the keyes , where a scandalous person may infect the lords flock : for where vision ceaseth the people perish . but it is never said where baptisme ceaseth the people perish , pag. . answ . how shall we be sure that by vision , prov. . . is meant discipline ? yea discipline not in a large sense as comprehending generally all order and behaviour concerning a church and outward duties therein , but discipline strictly taken for administration of censures ( for of this is one question ) how i say shall wee be sure that by vision is meant this discipline ? the usuall expositers tremeli●● and junius , 〈…〉 , and others doe expound the same of the preaching and dispensing of the word , making no mention at all of discipline as meant thereby . and the 〈◊〉 branch of the verse , he ●hat keepeth the law is blessed , doth ●hew that by vision in the former branch is mean the law , or doctrine or word of god. and if the scripture do not s●y , where baptisme ceaseth the people perish , yet neither doth it say , where administrat●on of censures ceaseth the people perish ; and therefore no necessity of censures above sacraments can be concluded hence . vncalled ministers in case of necessity without ordination or calling from a presbytery may preach and take on them the holy ministery and exercise power of jurisdiction , because of the necessity of the soules of a congregation in a remote iland requireth so . answ if they may do these things without ordination ( as for my part i deny it not , so that the election or consent of the congregation be not wan●ing , for that i suppose might be a good part of an outward calling ) then i demand whether one minister alone may not thus do , i meane whether one alone may not in the case proposed take on him the holy ministery and preach the word as a minister . if many may do it , then i suppose there is no question but one may do it much rather . and if so , then i demand further whe●her such a single minister may not also administer the sacraments to such a congregation : i suppose it cannot be denyed , for if he lawfully take on him the ministery and preach as a minister , what should hinder , but he may also baptize , and minister the lords supper ? and if hee may thus doe , then i demand lastly , whether this single minister may also administer discipline and censures in that congregation . if he may , then either the power of those censures must be in himselfe alone , or in the congregation also , in himselfe alone it cannot be , because censures must bee dispensed by a church , and one man alone cannot bee a church , if it be in the congregation also , then here is a power of excommunication or other censures even in the people which is against our brothers judgement . if it be said that this single minister as long as he wan●s other ministers joyned with him may not administer censures or discipline , then it will follow that power of censures is not alwayes annexed to the ministery as an inseparable adjunct thereof , nor are censures to be preferred before sacraments as more necessary , as our brother would have it , for as much as here is a ministery and the administring of sacraments , the necessity of the soules of the congregation requiring so , and yet for all this not any power of censures at all . our brother therefore may make his choyce , whether hee will grant the power of the keyes of discipline to bee in the people , or whether he will say the necessity of the soules in a congregation doth require sacraments more then discipline ; for though these be both against himselfe , yet upon the ground which himselfe doth here lay , the one of the two is unavoidable . but i hope no necessity in any of the most extraordinary case requireth that a midwife may baptize , or that a private man remaining a private man may celebrate the lords supper to the church , without any calling from the church . answ . concerning the midwife i thinke the same that he doth . and concerning the private man , i also therein ●●curre that without calling from the church hee may not performe what here is spoken of . but here i would make this quare whether 〈◊〉 man that never was a minister may not as well in an extraordinary case performe 〈◊〉 act of administring of baptisme or the lords supper , without any calling from the 〈◊〉 bytery or the church unto whom the office of ministery , as take on him without any such calling the whole ministery , and so preach and exercise the power of iurisdiction as a minister for as for the one of these , our brother expresly grants a man m●y lawfully take it on him without any such calling , the necessity of the soules of a congregation in an iland requiring so ; and if this necessity will warrant the one which is the whole and so the greater , why will it not warrant the other which is but one act and so the lesser ? one would thinke one act of dispensing baptisme or the supper were a lesser matter then the whole ministery , and all the actions thereof . and marvell it is , that the necessity of the soules of a congregation should warrant this which is the greater , and yet the same necessity should not be sufficient warrant for the lesser , a mans calling being otherwise alike unto both , that is , having an outward calling to neither himself doth sometimes reason thus , if wee give to beleevers that are not in office one pastorall act , wee may with the like weight of reason give them all : peaceable plea , page . now if this reasoning be good from one act to all , why is no this as good , from all to any one or to some one ? and why may we not in like maner argue thus , if persons uncalled may without ordination or calling take on them the whole ministery , why may not persons uncalled without ordination or calling take on them to baptize or minister the supper ? not that i thinke such a practise to be lawfull , but only i intend to make quaere about the validity of our brothers kind of arguing . yea , it is elsewhere his arguing , that it persons not in office of ministery may execute censures and discipline , they may then administer the sacraments . for saith he , what hinders by this reason but they may also without ministers prea●h and administer the sacraments : peaceable plea , page . yea saith he , i s●e not but with a like warrant private men may administer the sacraments : vbi supra , page . this we see is his arguing elsewhere : and yet in the place we have in hand he grants that persons uncalled may in case of necessity without ordination or calling take on them the ministery in generall , and in particular may exerc●se the power of iurisdiction , and yet for all this he sayes , that no necessity will warrant a man to celebrate the lords supper without a calling from the church . which two sayings for ought i perceive do not agree . for in the one it is affirmed that if they may exercise discipline and censures , they may by the like reason administer sacraments : and the other saith they may exercise discipline and censures and yet may not administer sacraments ; and yet both the sayings are expressed by the same authors pen. chap. xi . whether the power of iurisdiction flowing immediately from the essence of a church doe not agree to a church that hath neighbours as well as to a church that hath none : and whether otherwise neighbouring churches bee not a losse . and whether pretence of male-administration be a sufficient reason for neighbouring churches to deprive a congregation of its power . the next place where i find mr. rutherford dealing with the answer , is in his page . where he brings in these words under mr. tompsons name and mine , viz. if the power of jurisdiction flow immediately and necessarily from the essence of a church , and a congregation be essentially a church , then this power agreeth to all churches whether consociated , or not consociated , and without respect of what neighbours they have , whether many or few , whether any or none . second , a congregation it selfe alone cannot have sole power of iurisdiction and then be deprived of it , when god sendeth neighbours , for then neighbouring churches which are given for help should be given for losse , the contrary whereof ames saith no. doe synods saith he , constitute a new forme of a chur●h . thus farre mr. rutherford who in his margent alledgeth mr. tompson and me , . pag. , . answ . in one of these pages of the answer , viz. p. . there is nothing at all to be found that looks toward such a purpose as our brother hath in hand , and therefore this page should not have been here alledged . the words of dr. ames are more imperfectly cited by our brother , then they were alledged in the answer , for the answer alledgeth them thus out of medull . theol. lib. . chapter . sect . that the combination of churches into classes , and synods doth neither constitute a new forme of a church , nor ought by any meanes to take away or impayer that liberty and power which christ hath given to his churches , sith it serveth only for the directing and furthering of the same . wher●as our brother expresseth only those first words that synods do not constitute a new forme of a church , but all the rest wherein the chiefe strength of dr. ames his testimony doth lye , them he doth wholly omit and leave out . he also leaves out the assent which is given by mr. paget , to this testimony of dr. ames , which assent as it is expressed in his defence p. . in these words , this we do willingly grant , is also in the ●ame words alledged by the answer in p. . but this is wholly passed over by mr. rutherford in silence . now two such men as these being alledged in the answer , as plainly affirming that the combination of churches into classes and synods must neither tollere nor minuere , take away not impaire or diminish the liberty or power of churches , but only serve for the directing and furthering of the same , and the one of them being the chiefe patron of the power of classes and synods , it is some marvell to me that no word of answer is vouchsafed to them by mr. rutherford , but that their words are thus passed by with silence , and the name of one of them not so much as mentioned . how ever this is cleere , that he that gainsayes the answer in this passage , hath not only the answer , but also the reverend author here mentioned to be against him . but let us come to consider of mr. rutherford his answer which he subjoyneth in these words , viz. power of iurisdiction floweth from the essence of a congregation in an iland , ergo a totall and compleat power of iurisdiction floweth from the essence of a church or congregation consociated , it followeth no wayes . answ i desire the reason may be laid down according to our true meaning therein , and in its full strength ; and then the former part thereof must not only speak of power of iurisdiction flowing from the essence of a church that want neighbours , but of entire power , for thereof is the question ; and in the latter part the termes must no : be a church consociated but a church that hath neighbours ; now if entire power and iurisdiction do flow from the essence of a church , and therefore this essence of a church being found in a congregation that wants neighbours , this entirenesse of power mu●t thereupon be granted to such a congregation ; i then demand why the like entirenesse of power must not be granted as well to a congregation that hath neighbours , sith the essence of a church is found in this congregation , as well as in the other . for ought i see either the essence of a church must be denyed to a congregation that hath neighbours or else it will follow that entirenesse of power must be granted to such a congregation , risibility and power of reason flowing immediately and necessarily from the essence of a man , and power to defend it selfe and purge out excrements flowing in like sort from the essence of a humane body , and power to governe it self with family government flowing in like sort from the essence of a family ; therefore we must not grant these powers to be entire in such a man , such a body , or such a family as is alone , and deny the same to one that hath neighbours , but must grant them alike unto all , because this power flowes from their very essence , which is as truly found in such as have neighbours , as it is in those that are alone . and the like may be said in other cases . and why it should be otherwise in a congregationall church , that the power of the iurisdiction flowing from the essence of such a church should therefore be entire in such a congregation as is alone in an iland , and yet not entire in a congregation that hath neighbours , though this congregation hath the essence of a church as well as the other , why these congregations i say should thus greatly differ in their power , and yet be alike in their essence from whence their power doth flow , for my part i yet do not understand the reason . nor doth that satisfy which mr. rutherford here alledgeth , that one pastor in a congregation hath as a pastor power to rebuke sin and to administer the sacraments , and yet when three pastors are added to help him he hath not the sole power of rebuking sin , and the sole and entire power to administer the sacraments , but these three pastors have power with him : this i conceive doth not help the matter at all : for though it be true that these three pastors being added to the first have each of them the like power as the first had , yet the power of the first for the performance of these things mentioned , is as comple●t in him notwithstanding this addition , as it was before , and not any whit abated nor impayred thereby : and the reason is , because matters of order flowing from the essence of a pastor may bee sufficiently and compleatly performed by one pastor singly , which acts of iurisdiction cannot . mr. rutherford his own words in this case are these , viz. a single pastor may ministerially give out commandements in the authority of christ , but hee cannot himselfe censure or excommunicate the contraveners of those commandements : due right , page . and againe , page , it is proper is acts of iuris●iction ecclesiasticall that they cannot be exercised by one alone , but must be exercised by a society : but a pastor as a pastor himselfe alone without any collaterally joyned with him exerciseth his pastorall acts of preaching and administring the sacraments . now if a pastor as a pastor himself alone without any collatterally joyned with him , may thus exercise his pastorall acts , then indeed the accesse or addition of other pastors is not at all destructive of his pastorall power , but he still retaineth the same as compleat and perfect as before , because hee doth these acts as a pastor and remaineth a pastor still . but how this example and instance can any thing further mr. ruth●rford his purpose , i do not understand . for his intention is to make good that a congregation may have entire power when it is alone , a●d yet not so when other congregations do arise ; and for the consuming of this hee brings this instance and example from a pastor that hath a pastorall power afore other pastors are added ; who by the addition of others hath no lesse power then afore ; which example i conceive rather makes against him then for him . for saith he , page . their pastorall power added to him is cumulative and auxiliary , but not privative or destructive of his pastorall power , and therefore that the first pastor suffereth losse by the addition of these three to him , who , saith he , will say this ? answ . i know none that will say it ; but if their power be cumulative and auxiliary to his pastorall power , and no wayes privative or destructive thereof , then what power he had afore they were added , the same he hath still in as great measure as formerly , and so his pastorall acts are as perfect and valid as they were before . now let the same bee granted to a congregation that hath neighbour congregations added , and we have what we demand : and if this be not granted , then though the power of those other pastors be cumulative and auxiliary to the other pastor , yet the power of those other congregations seemes not so to the former congregation , but rather privative or destructive of its power , and then how can this example confirme our brothers purpose , or how can it be avoided but the example which he produceth doth make against himselfe ? sure if the power of these other pastors bee not destructive to the former pastors power , but auxiliary thereto , so that what power he had before , the same he retayneth still , and in the same measure , then it must bee so likew●se in a congregation when neighbour congregations are added , or else this example will not suit : but make the examples to agree and our cause is advantaged thereby . our brethren doe conceive the power of congregations in its kind and essence to be monarchicall , so as if any power from consociated congregations be added thereunto , the congregations power monarchicall is diminished and the essence of it changed . answ . the power of congregations we ●old to be ministeriall , as being delegated from christ iesus , and to be exercised according to his appointment ; and in him alone and in no other do we place this monarchicall power ; according to what the holy ghost witnesseth , that there are differences of administrations but the same lord , cor. . . and though our brother is pleased to put this upon us , that we conceive the power of congregations to bee monarchicall , yet in truth the same is farre from us : nor do i thinke that so much as one of us can be named , that at any time hath so spoken : nor doth such a thing follow from any thing delivered by us concerning the power of congregations . for as for that which here he intimateth and elsewhere expresseth more plainly , so that the power of iurisdiction in congregations is closely made void or destroyed by that power which some ascribe unto classes , if this be holden by us , doth it thence follow that we hold the power of congregations to be monarchical●● it followes not at all . for then by the like reason i could prove that himselfe d●th hold a power monarchicall in the universall or provinciall churches : for he expresly affirmeth , page . that the popes power destroyeth the power of the church universall , and the prelates power destroyeth the power of the church whereof hee is pretended pastor . and yet i hope he doth not hold a monarchicall power in the one chu●ch nor in the other , nor in any church or churches but in christ alone ; nor can the same bee truly concluded upon that which hee affirmeth of destroying the power of churches by the power of the pope and prelate . and if not , how then can any man conclude against us that we hold a monarchicall power in congregations , though wee should hold that the power of congregations is destroyed or diminished by that power which some would give unto classes● if our pr●mises will warrant him to fasten such a tenent upon us , his own will give a warrant for the like against himselfe . and if the ground be insufficient to beare such a conclusion against him , as i confesse it is , i know no sufficient ground why the same should be imputed unto us . compleat and en●ire power to rule both the congrega●ion and members of consociated churches in so farre as they do keep communion with that congregation , and may either edifie or scandalize them , floweth not immeaiately and ●ecessarily from the essence of every congregation even in remote ilands not consociated with others , that we never said . answer . indeed it were an absurd and grosse saying for any man to say , that a congregation in a remote iland not consociated with others should have power , yea compleat and entire power to rule the congregation and members of churches consociated and that this should flow immediately and necessarily from the essence of such a congregation . but there is no need that our brother should cleere himselfe from this saying , for i know none that imputes it to him . neverthelesse , the saying here ●●joyned cannot be denyed , for they are his own verb●ti●● . first , the ordinary power of iurisdiction because of neerest vicinity and contiguity of members is given by iesus christ to one congregation in an isle , because that church is a church properly so called : it is a little city , and a little kingdome of iesus christ , having within it selfe power of the ●ord and sacraments and that is a church and hath the essence of a church to which agree the essentiall notes of a church : now preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments are essentiall notes of a visible church : page . second , a congregation is a church wanting nothing of the being and essence of a church , page . third , where consociation is not , ordination and excommunication may be done by one single congregation , page . fourth , that in such cases ( viz. when a church is in an iland it selfe alone ) they have the word preached and entire power of discipline whole and entire within themselves to excommunicate scandalous persons , is not extraordinary , page . fift , it floweth co●naturally from a church to which agreeth the essence of a church , to exercise iurisdiction over all its owne members , ibid. sixt , neither doth a congregation transgresse any rules of christ at all , when it exerciseth entire power of censures within it selfe , whereas there be no consociated churches to share with it in that power , ibid. seaventh , a congregation is capable of entire iurisdiction , because it is a church , ibid. such sayings as these himselfe hath delivered in the pages and places here cited , and in the words and termes here expressed ; and therefore from these he cannot cleere himselfe and if from these the entirenesse of iurisdiction in a church that hath neighbours may justly be deduced , as i conceive it may , and have above manifested , it will then but little availe him to wash his hands from the stayne of that other absurd saying afore mentioned , which no man that i know do charge him withall . for as long as these other sayings do stand unrecalled , so long wee have cleere grounds from himselfe and his own words , for entirenesse of iurisdiction in every congregationall church , and so for the weakening of his cause , and for the strengthening of our own . a power to governe well and according to the rule of the word added to an other power to governe well and according to the word , is an auxiliary power and no way destructive to that power to which it is added . indeed a power to governe well added to a power of male-administration in a congregation is destructive of that power , and reason it should bee so , because christ never gave any such power of male-administration to a congregation . answ . here our brother speakes of two cases , first of a power of governing well added to a power of governing well . second , of a power of governing well added to a power of governing ill ; but besides these , there is a third case which had need to bee considered also , viz. a power of governing ill added to a power of governing well , which may be the case when the power of classis is added to a congregation ; for it is not impossible but the congregation may be in the right and the classis in the wrong . now what shall be said or done in this ●ase ? shall the congregation now have the free exercise of its power , or shall it not ? to say yea , would satisfie the minds of many , if the congregation themselves may be judge that they are in the right , or if it were determined who must judge thereof . and to say no , and that the power must still be in this erring classis , were to subject righteousnesse to wickednesse , and truth to falshood , and i conceive our brother will not maintain such power in a compound or presbytery or classis . for in page . speaking of this very case , and the greater presbytery is wrong in their voicing , and the elders of a congregationall church are right , and have the best in judging of a case before them , he plainly affirmeth , that the power which in this case the presbytery exerciseth is not of christ , and that de jure the power of the greater presbytery in this case ought to be swallowed up of the voices of the elders of a congregation , though they be fewer in number . now if this be so , then the thing in question is still as uncertain as before , and still wee are to seeke where the power of censures or iurisdiction doth finally reside . for in the one place our brother tels us , christ never gave power of male-administration to a congregation , and in the other he tels us the like of a classis or great presbytery , and that christ hath given no power to any church to erre . by which sayings we are left at great uncertainty : for still the question will be whether the congregation doth erre or no , and so whether the classis do erre or no , and unlesse it be determined who must judge of this , we are still but where wee were , and no neerer an issue then before . this indeed is most true and must be so acknowledged , that though the lord almighty have given a power unto societies , whether they bee families , common-wealths , or churches , and have made sundry of them subordinate to none other the like societies in the exercise of their power , but to have supremacy of power within themselves , yet he hath also given them just and holy rules in his word for the directing of them in the use of this power , from which rules it is not lawfull for them to swerve or go astray ; but if they do , it will be sin unto them , and he will surely require it of them : but now between these two the power it selfe and the abuse or right use of the power , we must carefully distinguish , for though abuse of their power bee not given of god , from whom comes nothing but good , yet the power it selfe being good is given of him , and is so to be acknowledged . and though abuse of their power do justly deserve at his hands that they should be deprived of the power it selfe , ye● god doth not alwayes forthwith deale with men according to their deserts herein , but many times continues still to them their power , though they have abused the same , much lesse doth he allow others to deprive them of this power because of every abuse thero● : witnesse among others the examples of the pagan princes in the apostles times , who through their ignorance , infidelity , pride and other sins , could not but in great measure abuse their authority , and yet the holy ghost commands the christians to be subject and obedient thereunto , rom. . , . &c. t it . . not to obey them indeed , in doing evill at their commands , for in such case they must obey god rather then man , as act . . yet still they must be subject to the powers either actively or pa●●ively , even then when the powers were sinfully abused . even so , if a family shall abuse their power , it doth not follow that other families , may lawfully for this cause take away their power from them : or if a corporation shall so offend , it will not follow that other corporations may deprive them of their power . and if it be so in commonwealths , and families , why may wee not say the same of churches ? or how will it follow , if a church shall abuse their power , that other churches in such eases may take away the power from such a church ? for ought i see , this will not follow at all , no more then the other . for though christ have not given to any church a power of male administration as mr. rutherford speaks , yet hath he given to every church a power of administration , which if they manage not aright but do abuse the same , the lord iesus will be displeased with them for this abuse , and other churches may and ought to advise them and admonish them and testifie against them for the same ; but for the power it selfe , as christ himselfe doth not forthwith deprive them thereof , so much lesse may other churches take it from them , for who gave them this authority ? per in parem non habet potestatem : and churches are all of equall authority , and not one superior or inferior to another , as therefore when children or servants in a family are not governed as they ought to be , yet neighbour families have not warrant because of this male administration to invade the rights and destroy the power of such a family , even so it is in this case of churches ▪ this male-administration in a church is not forthwith a sufficient warrant for neighbour churches to invade the rights of such a church , and to take away its power from it . especially if we do consider that this male-administration in a congregation may possibly be but pretended and not reall , and that the administration of the classes may paradventure be really such ; in which case mr. rutherford saith the power of the classis is not of christ , but their voices ought de jure to be swallowed up by the congregation and the elders thereof . this argument therefore from male-administration of the power of a congregation , which mr rutherford saith , it is reason should be destroyed by another power added to it , meaning the power of a classis is of no sufficient force to take away the power of a congregation at all , not to establish the power of the classis over the same , being as justly applyable against the classis it selfe : therefore for ought that doth yet appeare , supreame ministeriall church power which i conceive must needs be somewhere , may as well be in the congregation as in the classis , and can neither by this argument of male-administration nor by any other that we have yet seene , bee placed in the classis any more then in the congregation . chap. xii . whether it be against the light of nature that the adverse party be judge ; and whether mr. rutherford can safely say that none of them do so teach , and whether this saying that parties may not be judges do make against entirenesse of power in a congation , any more then in a generall or nationall councell . the next place where mr. rutherford deales with the answer , is in his p. . where alledging mr. tompson and me , page . he hath these words as ours , viz. if it be against the light of nature that the adverse party be the sole iudge , which must be if the sole power of iurisdiction be in the congregation ( as wee grant in an extraordinary case and the congregation is in an iland it selfe alone ) and so it shall be lawfull for a single congregation to do that which is against all equity , and the very light of nature , it must then follow , that it is not against the light of nature that a congregation though consociated with other congregations have entire jurisdiction within it selfe . answ . our words in the page alledged are more prospicuous and cleere , then these which are here set down for ours : neither do wee make any mention of a congregation in an iland , nor yet of a congregation consociated with other churches , least of all do we say ( or report others to say ) that it is lawfull for a single congregation to do that which is against all equity and the very light of nature ; none of these things are ours . and therefore , that our true meaning may plainely appeare as it is , i will transcribe a few of our words , which are these , viz. sure we cannot thinke that there can be such a case imagined , wherein you would grant it lawfull for a single congregation to do that which is against all equity and the very light of nature , and yet you grant that the case may be such that a single congregation may have entirenesse of jurisdiction within it selfe ; which seemes to us plainly to prove that for a congregation to bee so independent as to be the finall judge of offences within it selfe , is not against all equity nor against the light of nature , as is intimated by you . these are our words , much differing from those which mr. rutherford sets down as ours , which i thought meet to relate out of the answer , that our meaning might appeare as it is , and no otherwise . and now let us heare what our brother subjoyneth for answer . none of us , saith he , do teach that it is against the light of nature that the adverse party be the iudge : it might fall out in a generall councell lawfully convened from which their is no provocation : yea and in a nationall councell ( for all councels may erre ) the adverse party may judge ; as it was a lawfull councell according to a church constitution that condemned christ of blasphemy and they were also his enemies . answ . and may it not also fall out in a provinc●all synod , and in a classis or presbtytery of many churches ? i suppose it cannot be denyed , but the iudges in all these may be the adverse parties ; and so if the adverse party may not be iudge , then neither generall nor nationall councels , nor provinciall synods , nor classes , nor presbyteries may be iudges ; because there is none of these but possibly they may be parties . and so this argument , parties may not be iudges , doth make no more against the congregations power of judging , then against all ecclesiasticall assemblies whatsoever . vnlesse therefore men would overthrow the power of all ecclesiasticall iudicatories whatsoever without exception of any , they can have no help from this argument to overthrow the power of iurisdiction in congregations . not to insist upon that which might also be truly alledged , that the objection hath the like force , ( if any at all ) against civill iudicatories . but is it so indeed as our brother affirmeth , that none of them do teach that it is against the light of nature that the adverse party be the judge ? i thinke he should not thus have spoken , for i am much mistaken if the contrary hereunto be not certainly true . for first of all , i alledge the words of reverend mr , herle , in his book of independency page . alledged in the answer : page , the very pag. which here mr rutherford is dealing against . in which place of mr. herle there are these words , viz. that there ought to be graduall judicatories , wherein the agrieved party may appeale from the lesser to the higher , that against the very light of nature the adverse party be not the sole iudge and party too in the cause , there can be no ceremony or type in this , next of all i alledge the words of the same reverend author in his page ▪ ( which is also alledged in the forementioned place of the answer ) where the words are these , what if a brother offend not a particular brother , but the whole congregation ? what if ten brethren offend the whole or part ? shall we thinke the offence fals not within our saviours remed or complaint or appeale here ? that the offended party be not against all equity the sole and finall judge of the offence . in which places wee see it is plaine , yet this reverend author counts it against the very light of nature ; that the adverse party should bee iudge and party too in the cause , and that it is against all equity that the party offended should bee sole and finall iudge of the offence . and therefore it is marvellous that mr. rutherford should say that none of them do so teach : yea , it is the more marvellous inasmuch as both these places of mr. herle are expresly mentioned in that very page of the answer which here mr. rutherford is disputing against . and therefore it he had not remembred that himselfe had read the same in mr herle , as like enough he had , yet finding the same alledged by us in that scripture of ou●s , it is marvell hee would not turne to the places alledged to search and see whether the thing were so or no , afore he had denyed the same . whereas on the contrary , whether he searched or searched not , this we see that he roundly affirmes , that none of them do so teach ; to which saying i know not how to assent , our eyes having so plainly seene and read the direct contrary , yea and further , it is yet more marvellous that mr. rutherford should thus write , considering not only what hath been already said , but also what himselfe hath written elsewhere : i will mention a few of his own sayings , and then himselfe shall be ●udge , whether the thing we have now in hand was by him advise●ly and well spoken . in his pe●ceable plea , page he hath these words , when the graecian church offendeth the hebrew church , the hebrew church cannot complaine to the graecian church , for the law forbiddeth the party to bee judge . and what law hee meanes may be perceived by his words in page . of the same treatise , where he saith , if one man be wronged and see truth suffer by partiality , the law of nature will warrant him to appeale to an assembly , where there is more light and greater authority , as the weaker may fly to the stronger . now let himselfe be judge whether in these testimonies compared , he do not teach , that it is against the law of nature that parties should be iudge● , and that therefore men may appeale from them . againe , those words page of the same book are so plaine as that nothing can be more , these words saith he what soever yee bind on earth , &c. must be meant only of the apostles , and of the church , verse . yea , and it must exclude peter and his offending brother , suppose they were both beleevers ; because parties by the law of nature and nations cannot be iudges . las●ly , those words are expresse in his due right of presbytery , in his see ●nd p. , . where hee writes thus , if according to the law of nature and nations , no man can be iudge in his own cause , then are appeales from the eldership of one congregation , when they are a party to the caused person , naturall — but the former is reason , nature , law of nations . ergo so is the latter . in the assumption of which sylogisme he plainly affirmes that it is reason , nature , and the law of nations , that no man may be judge in his own cause , and by all this i suppose t● is manifest that the thing which he saith none of them do teach is expresly and plainly taught by some of them , and among others even by himselfe , who therefore ought not to have denyed the same , nor can bee cleered from much forgetfulnesse in so doing . and if so great an oversight be found in him , i hope himself may thereby be intreated to be tender of agravating matters against us or others , at leastwise not so farre to agravate them , as to impute unto us matters which we do not hold : for a mans owne infirmities should make him more equitable and favourable towards others . and christian readers may be warned hereby not hastily to receive all that mr. rutherford hath written , afore they have duly examined and tryed the same , whether the things bee so or not , for wee see through forgetfulnesse or otherwise hee may greatly mistake himselfe , and misse of the truth , and give forth such sayings and expressions for truth , as are in no sort to be maintained but recalled , though neverthelesse he is otherwise a man of great worth , and so ever to be acknowledged . we teach that it is not congruous to the wisdome of christ , nor to the light of nature , that christ should have appointed all the ordinary church courts , so many thousand congregations , who may rather crie then extraordinary and higher synods to bee the onely ordinary iudges in their own cause . answ . these qualifications and limitations of the matter of parties being iudges are such as to my remembrance i never heard given afore now . now indeed it is said . that all congregations being so many thousand . . may not be the only ordinary iudges in their own cause , but it would bee against the wisdome of christ and light of nature if it should so be ; yet formerly it was delivered absolutely and simply , that it is against the light of nature for parties to be iudges , without any such modifications and qualifications as now mr. rutherf . gives to help the matter withall . neverthelesse by qualifying the thing in this sort , it seemes thereby to bee still granted that though so many thousand congregations may not ordinarily be iudge in their own cause , but the light of nature will be against it , yet for some congregations and at some times the thing may be allowed well enough : else why is the thing denyed only to so many congregations , and ordinarily , if it be not thereby implyed that some congregations and at some times may thus practise ? now hereupon the question groweth , whether some at some times may bee allowed to do contrary to the light of nature , though all may not : or whether the light of nature bee changed when there comes to be many congregations , and be not the same that it was before , when there was no more congregations but one , whether i say some new light of nature do arise with the rise of new congregations , so that when they are many it would be against this light for them thus to bee iudges , though it was not so when there was but one : or whether we must say the light of nature remaining in the same , one congregation remaining alone may be allowed to do contrary thereto , but many may not . it seemes to be inconvenient and ha●d to affirme either of these ; and yet the one or the other seemes unavoidable by this that mr. rutherford here teacheth . for let it be granted that a congregation that is alone , yea a generall councell , yea a nationall councell also may be iudges in their own cause , and that no light of nature is against the same , and yet many congregations may not be so , but then the light of nature will be against it , let these things i say be granted , which are all of them granted and taught by mr. rutherford , and then i desire to know how the inconveniences mentioned can be avoided ; i meane how it can be avoided , but either some men or church assemblies may lawfully do that which is against the very light of nature , or else that the light of nature is changed when many congregations do arise , from that which it was when there was but one . yea the difficulty and intrica●y in this way is yet more , if it be well considered . for first of all when a congregation is alone , it is yeelded that it is not against natures light for them to bee iudges in their own cause . secondly , when many congregations do arise , now it is said it is against such light , that they should so be iudges : yet thirdly , when these congregations do gather into a nationall councell , then this light of nature will allow them to be iudges , as in the first case of a single congregation that is alone : and the same is also said of the generall councell : so that here is strange varying and changing of the light of nature , and of that which is against it , lawfull or unlawfull thereby . and when good reason and ground is given for the cleering of these things , we shall then consider further thereof , and see more then yet we do . in the meane time taking what is granted , that no light of nature forbids a congregation when it is alone , to have entirenesse of iurisdiction within it selfe , nor forbids the same to the generall or nationall councels , i thinke it may thence be inferred , that the like must be allowed to congregationall churches that have neighbours , and that entirenesse of iurisdiction in these is no more against the light of nature , then in the other . for to say that one congregation may have this entirenesse of iurisdiction and the light of nature allowe● it , and others may not but the light of nature forbids it ; yea to say first the light of nature allowes it , and then it forbids it , and then it allowes it againe , these are such abstruse and intricate things , yea so apparantly incongruous and inconsistent , that it passeth my understanding to perceive how they can stand together . chap. xiii . whether the churches at thessalonica and ierusalem , were each of them more then one congregation ; and of mr. baynes his iudgement therein . of the assembly mentioned luke . and whether our saviour did there speake to his disciples onely , or to all the people also . it is a wonder to me saith our author page . that thessalonica was but one congregation — yet the apostle ascribeth to them that which is a note to worthy baynes of the unmerous multitude of the church of jerusalem , from whence went the word of ged to all the world. thes . . . for from you sounded out the word of the lord not onely in macedonia , and achaia , but in every place your faith to god-ward is spread abroad . answ . all this doth not hinder but thessalonica might be one congregation , though perhaps a great one . for that the word did sound out from them to others , and their faith to godward was spread abroad , what is there in all this to prove they were many congregations in one church ? and for mr. baynes whom our author worthily counts a worthy man , there is nothing in him that will serve mr. rutherford his purpose , but much that makes for the contrary . for it is well known in his diocesans triall he maintaines at large , that churches by the appointment of chr●st are congregationall , and denyes that one congregation may be one church : and in the particular instances of the church , at jerusalem , at co●i●th , at ephesus , at antioch and others , he holds the very same that we do , and the direct contrary to that which mr. rutherford stands for . and therefore whereas he wonders that thessalonica should bee one congregation , considering what the apostle saith of them , and what mr. baynes hath said of jerusalem , i may more justly wonder that he should once mention mr. baynes in this cause . for if ever there was man in this world that deny●d many congregations to be one church , and allowed onely such churches to be instituted of christ as may meete ordinarily in one congregation , this mr. baynes was one of them ; and therefore a wonder it is to me that mr. rutherford should thinke to have help from him in this question . but let us consider what it is that mr baynes doth say of the church at ierusalem : why , this which the apostle affirmeth of the thessalonians mr. baynes doth make a note of the numerous multitude of the church at ierusalem . but doth hee make it a note of many congregations in one church at ierusalem ? if he do , this were something to the purpose , i grant . but i hope mr. rutherford will not so report of mr. baynes ; for it is plaine mr. bayne● doth not so speake , but expresly saith the direct contrary ; and therefore what ever numerous multitude might be in that church , and what ever might be a note of such multitude , except mr. baynes had said that the multitude was such as made many congregations and yet all but one church ( which he never said but the contrary ) there is no help to be had from mr. baynes in this businesse . for who knoweth not that there might be a numerous multitude , and yet but one congregation ? sure in mr. baynes his judgement it might be so , and therefore though hee grant a numerous multitude in this church at jerusalem , yet mr. rutherford purpose for many congregations in thessal●nica and yet all but one church , is not gained , nor at all holpen thereby . which will better appeare if mr. baynes his argumentation in the place which i conceive mr. rutherford aymes at , be considered in page . of his diocesans tryall , he propounds an argument of theirs who would have many congregations to be one church , taken from the example of the ancient churches of rome and alexandria , laid down in these words : if the multitude of christians did in ierusalem so increase within a little time , that they exceeded the proportion of one congregation , how much more likely is it that christians in rome and alexandria did so increase in yeares , that they could not keepe in one particular assembly : but the first is true , ergo also the latter . now when he cames to answer this argument , pag. , . what doth he then say . first of all he saith , the proposition is not of necessary consequence , for there were saith he very extraordinary reasons of that which was effected in ierusalem : and so he proceeds to mention , or . reasons in particular , of which one is this which it may be mr. rutherford hath an eye unto , that the state of this church was such as that it was to send out light to all others , a common aursery to the world. and therefore if the thing were granted that in jerusalem there was a numerous multitude , yea such a multitude as could not be contained in one congregation , yet saith he , it doth not follow from this particular to the so great increasing of these churches , to wit , of rome and alexandria in tract of time . and even so may i say , it doth not follow to the so great increasing of the church of the thessalonians , there being such extraordinary reasons for that which was effected in ierusalem , as neither rome nor alexandria , nor yet thessalonica could alledge the same . and this is his answer to the proposition . but for the assumption , where mr. rutherford his help must chiefly lye , to wit , that the multitude of christians in ierusalem did exceed the proportion of one congregation , this mr. baynes doth expresly deny : not to mention , saith he , that we do deny the assumption . therefore , the proposition being by mr. baynes not yeelded , and the assumption expresly denyed , i see not how master rutherford can have any help to his cause from either of both . he denyes not , he saith , what mr. tompson and i do say , that may meet to hear the word , many thousands were gathered together , luke to heare christ . answ . if this be not denyed , then suppose there were or more in the church at ierusalem , it doth not follow therefore that that church was many congregations , and so our purpose is gained . but we , he saith , leave out the inconveniences of thronging so all at once , for they trod one upon another . second , christ preached not to all those thousands at once , for it is expresly said verse . hee began to say to his disciples ; so , christ refusing to preach to such a disorderly confluence of people , who could not heare , and his doctrine being all for his disciples , the very sermon being preached to his disciples onely — evidenceth to me that christ condemneth a numerous multitude to heare at once . answ . the question is not about the conveniency or inconveniency of such excessively great assemblies ; but whether there be an impossibility in nature , and reason , that so many as are said to bee in the church at ierusalem should assemble and come together in one congregation ; for this is sometimes said for the proving of sundry congregations in that one church . now if this be not impossible , then the plurality of congregations in that one church cannot bee concluded by those great multitudes that were therein . and that it is not impossible for such great multitudes to come together in one congregation , the scripture alledged luke , doth witnesse . if they trod one upon another , that might argue the assembly was very great , and that they were very desirous to bee neere unto our saviour for their better hearing , but doth not at all prove that such multitudes are so great as that they cannot possibly be spoke unto and heare in one congregation . and therefore , whereas our brother saith , christ preached not to all those thousands at once , and that he refused to preach to such a disorderly confluence of people , with favour of so worthy a man , i thinke the truth is otherwise . for though he began to speak to his disciples , verse . and exhorted them against worldly carefulnesse , verse . yet others who were not disciples were present , and did also heare his sermon : witnesse that in verse . where it is said that one of the company ( interrupting our saviour as it seemes ) demands of him that hee would speake to his brother about dividing the inheritance ; to whom our saviour makes answer , verse . which plainly ●hewes that all the p●esent company were not disciples . yea whereas it is said , that hereupon our saviour spake to them of bewaring and taking heed of coveteousnesse , verse . and sp●ke a parable to them of a certain rich man , verse . and after this said to his disciples , verse . take ●o thought for your life what you shall eate , &c. it appeareth hereby that these persons spoken to afterward verse , , &c. were not the disciples , who were spoken to afterward , verse . but were some other people besides . and what can be more plaine then that in verse . where it is expresly said , that christ spake unto the people , rebuking them for their hypocrisie , that could discerne the face of the skye , and of the earth , but could not discerne that time ? and he said also to the people , saith the text ; doth it not plainly appeare hereby that as myriads of people were gathered together , ver . so our saviour spake the word unto those people ? i suppose the thing is manifest , and that therefore our brothers words cannot stand , when he saith , that christ preached not to that confluence of people , but refused so to do , his doctrine being all for his disciples , for we see the holy ghost witnesseth that hee spake not onely to his disciples , but to the people also : chemniti●s hath these words , neg●ri non potest ●n hac satis prolixi concione , &c. it cannot bee denyed that christ in this long sermon of his , directed his speech first to his disciples , second to his friends , third to one of the company . fourth to peter demanding a question . fift to all the multitude , and it seemes the ev●ngelist was willing as it were to reckon up these severall parts or members of the sermon , harmon . chap. . and the refuter of dr. downams sermon saith , the mention of many thousands in jerusalem doth not make the number such as by no meanes could meete together in the publike worship of god , seeing it is apparent , luke . . that the people which assembled unto christ and partake his ' doctrine were also many myriads : and albeit he began at the first to speake to his disciples verse . yet afterward he spake to all the people assembled , ver . . . . reply p. . p. . wherefore though our brother say christ spake not to these multitudes of people but to his disciples onely , yet sith wee have the ●ext it selfe , and the judgement of two divines of chiefe note , expresly witnessing the contrary , therefore we cannot assent to him herein . whereas chrysostome saith did heare his voyce at once in one congregation by meanes of scaffolds and galleries , and mr. mather is willing to yeeld were all assembled in one place to heare the word , and that all the multitude of converts at ierusalem were together in solomons porch acts . i grant could heare at once , but alas &c page . answ . if chrysostomes testimony be of any weight , or mr. baynes his testimony by whom chrysostome is alledged diocesans triall , page . then a must be granted that not only , but a greater number , even ● at least may heare the word at once . and if so , then members in the church at ierusalem will not prove plurality of congregations in one church , forasmuch as here are people and yet no more congregations but one . but alas this is a great uncertainty for independant congregations , but this is to be proved , first that ( mr. mather hath not added many other multitudes mentioned , acts . . & . . ) did meete dayly in the temple . second , dayly or ordinarily from house to house . third , to celebrate the lords supper dayly in the temple and in every private house , and there were need of many scaffolds and galleries , to sit at one table . fourth , to make one judicature , &c. answ . he that shall look upon the answer page will plainely see that i have here spoken to both those places of acts . . & . shewing that neither of them do prove a plurality of congregations in this church at ierusalem , but rather the contrary . and therefore this parenthesis which doth intimate that i have omitted to speake to these places , must not be assented to , but denyed . but why must these foure particulars be proved ? i suppose he meanes because of that which is said act. . they continued dayly with one accord in the temple , &c. but this doth not cleere it , that these foure particulars must needs be proved , and the reason is ; first , because iudicature which is one of the particulars , is not mentioned at all in that scripture ; nor is it said by us , that a dayly exercise thereof is necessary in every church or in any . second , the lord supper , which is another of the particulars , is not mentioned at all in that text , at leastwise not in those words or termes which mr. rutherford sets down ; much lesse is it said as he expresseth it , that they did dayly celebrate the same both in the temple and in every private house : nor can the same for ought i know be proved by this or by any other scripture , nor was such a thing ever affirmed by us , so farre as i know . i suppose if they had celebrated it in the temple alone , or in some private house or houses alone , that might have been sufficient , without any necessity of celebrating the same in both places upon one day , both in the temple and in the houses too . nay it is a question whether the lords supper bee at all intended in this place ; though i doubt not but they observed that ordinance , and verse . may possibly teach so much . but for the verse we are speaking of , viz , verse ▪ there is no necessity that the breaking of bread there spoken of , must needs be meant of that ordinance . sure he was a judicious expositor who understands it otherwise , quod hic fractionem panis &c. that is , whereas some expound breaking of bread in this place of the lords supper , it seems to me to be farre from lukes intention : calvin in act. . . so then , of mr rutherfords foure particulars which he saith we must prove , there is not past the halfe of them that needs to be proved at all , the two last being already removed . and for a third which is of breaking of bread dayly and ordinarily from house to house , understand this breaking of bread as calvin doth , of their civill repast , and then it hurts not our cause at all , though it be yeelded that they did dayly meet for such purpose in severall companies , in their private houses ; for this they might do and bee no more but one congregation . there remaines therefore onely one that needs to be proved , namely the first , that they did dayly meete in the temple ; and this may bee proved with case , because the plain words of the text do affirme it , they continued dayly with one accord in the temple ; so that yet we have found nothing that proves ierusalem to be many congregations in one church . nay i conceive , that one of these foure particulars , viz. the first , of their dayly meeting in the temple , doth apparently shew that how great soever the number was , yet it was not exceeding the proportion of one congregation , which might come together in one place ; for the temple was but one in all the city , i meane there was but onely one individuall temple , and not many temples , which if there had been then our brethren might possibly have said , that they met distributively in sundry lesser companies , but were to many too meete all in one congregation ; for so they were wont to expound sundry other phrases used by the holy ghost , to declare their comming together . true say they , they come together , but how ? not collectively all of them together in one place , they were too many for that ; but they came together distributively , some of them in one place , and some in another , and so they think they have answered sufficiently . but now to this of their meeting together in the temple , they cannot answer so ; for then there should have been sundry temples , in which they might have met , distributed into sundry companies ; but there being no more temples but one , and the text affirming plainly that they all met with one accord , in the temple , it must needs be , that they met collectively , all of them together in one and the same place ; and hence it followeth , that they were not so many but still they might be one congregation as well as one church . so that of the foure particulars , which he saith we must prove , some wee see need not to be proved at all , and the first of them which we can prove with case doth make much for the weakning of his cause , and for the strengthening of ours . yea mr. mather will have the whole containing as one independant congregation , act. . , , , . and the many myriads or thousands of beleeving jewes , acts . , , . to meete as one congregation . answ . when in the answer i speake of these places , the word independant was not there used by me at all , but only is here added by himselfe , for what cause himselfe can best tell . but for the matter , i conceive the thing which i there delivered is cleere from the texts themselves , that the multitude of those iewes did assemble and come together , in one place ; for as for one of the places act. . it is expresly there said that the apostles called the multitude together to propose unto them the choice of deacons , verse ▪ and bad them look out from amongst themselves seaven men , qualifyed as the apostles do there describe , verse . whereupon it is said that the saying pleased the whole multitude and they chose seaven who are there named verse . and presented them unto the apostles that they might lay their hands on them , verse . which plainely shewes that the whose multitude how many soever they were , yet were not so many , but they might all assemble in one place , to heare matters proposed to them , to consider thereof , and upon liking to put them in execution , as in other things so in this particular , of making election of officers , as there they are recorded to have done . and as for the other place act. . though it be a question , whether those many thousand iewes , that beleeved were all members , of that one church at jerusalem , yet it cannot be any question , whether they might come together in one place , sith iames and the elders do expresly there say unto paul , the multitude must needs come together , for they will heare that thou art come . nor can we say they might come together onely distributively , in sundry companies , but not all in one place , for the end of their comming together will not beare that exposition , which end was , that they might see , and heare paul , and try what satisfaction he would give them , in the matter whereof they were informed of him , that he taught the iewes , to forsake moses , and to omit circumcision and other iewish customes . these things they were informed to have been taught by him amongst the gentiles , and hearing that he was come to the city , they must needs come together to heare what he would say to the matter , and how hee would cleere himselfe . now if this was the end of their comming together it must needs be that their comming was altogether unto one place , and not in severall companies ; for this could not answer their end , inasmuch as paul being but one person , it was not possible they could see him , nor heare him in sundry places at once ; and therefore they might as well have staid at home , and not have come together at all , as come together in such sort . plaine it is therefore , that the multitude spoken of in these two scripures were not so many but they might meete in one congregation . which point as something hath been said in the answer p. , . for the cleering of it , so i am the more confirmed in it by mr. rutherford his dealing concerning these scriptures . for though he make mention of them in this place , as we see , and of that apprehension of mine concerning those scriptures , yet he doth not at all remove the grounds , which were given for that apprehension in the answer , but doth wholly passe them by in silence . now taking occasion to speak of the scriptures , and relating what my apprehension was concerning the same , and yet saying nothing at all to the gronnds , whereon that apprehension was built , it seemes hereby to bee implyed that indeed he had nothing in readinesse to object against the same . so that i may still conceive of those scriptures as i did before , for any thing yet brought to induce me to be of another mind . as for that which next followes , certainly the apostles practice must be our rule , and then or being so farre beneath or , may well seeme a number for fewnesse not competent , and what shall wee then thinke of only , or . answ . the answer is , that the apostles practise doth not at all condemn ours , though our congregations have not in them the like numbers , but sometimes more and sometimes lesse ; for was it not so in that primative apostolike church ? is it not plain , that that church was for number farre lesser at the first , then afterward , when they grew to or more ; and yet after this they grew to be fewer againe , when persecution scattered them all abroad except the apostles , act. . . and therefore if or , being once the number in that church , be a rule condemning out churches , as being for fewnesse not competent , when they are beneath that number , how will it be avoided but by the same reason the practise of that church at one time , shall be a rule , for the condemning of it self at another time ? for sure it is , their number was not at all times alike , but sometimes more , and sometimes lesse ; as in the sea it is not alwayes full tyde , but sometimes low ebbe , nor is the moone alwayes at full , but sometimes at the change ; nay if the apostles practise must be our rule , then inasmuch as their churches , had not alwayes the like numbers of members in them , but sometimes the number was greater , and sometimes lesser , it will follow therefore that the number of members in our churches needs not alwayes to bee the same , but though greater numbers be lawfull , yet the lawfulnesse of lesser numbers may not be denyed . chap. xiv . whether the church at corinth was one church , meeting distributively in sundry congregations , or whether it was onely one congregation . and whether cor. . . if the whole church came together in some place &c. doe make for sundry congregations or for one onely . page . i cannot but thinke that weake which mr. mather and mr. tompson say ( answer page . ) the place cor. . . that speaketh of the whole church comming together to one place doth unavoidably prove , that corinth had their meetings and not by way of distribution into severall congregations , but altogether in one congregation : and it is plaine , that though they had variety of teachers and prophets , yet they all used to come together to one place . answ . if that which wee say be weake , it is more easie for one of such ability and strength as mr. rutherford to overthrow the same . yet it is not words that will suffice , but weight of reason that must availe thereto . let us heare therefore his answer to this passage which he thinkes and censures to be so weake . the place saith he , cor. . . if the whole church come together &c. deth evince the contrary . for the apostle doth there reason ab absurdo , from a great incongruity : it were incongruous saith he , and ridiculous that the whole church of corinth and all their guifted men speaking with tongues ( so that they could not be understood by infidels ) should all convene in one place , and speake with divers tongues : for the unlearned and unbeleevers would say they were madde ; therefore hee presupposeth that the whole church should not all come to one place , but that they should so come to one place , in divers assemblies . — answ . and is it true indeed , that this place doth evince the contrary ? viz. that the church at corinth did not all meet in one congregation : how shall we be assured that such a thing is evinced by the place ? for as for the reason given , &c. that the apostle d●th there reason ab absurdo , or from great incongruity , this doth not prove the thing at all , partly because they might practise something that were not meete but had incongruity in it , and partly ( and more especially ) because the apostle doth not lay the absurdity where mr. rutherford layes it , viz. in the convening of the whole church in one place , but in their speaking with strange tongues when they were convened and come together . touching the former of these , mr. rutherford reasoneth to this effect . if it were an incongruous or un●it thing that the whole church at corinth should come together in one place , then they did not so come together : but the first is true , ergo the second is true also . in which kind of reasoning ( such is our weaknesse ) we thinke neither part of the argument to be free from just exception . for as we wholly deny the assumption , so we also thinke there is no sufficient strength of consequence in the maine proposition , forasmuch as sundry things were practised in that church which were no wayes fit not meet to be practised , and which the apostle doth therefore reprove , and seekes the redresse of the same : witnesse their factions and divisions : chap. . & . their neglecting church censures against the incestuous person , and on the contrary being puffed up , chap. . their going to law one with another before the infidels , chap. . their abuses in prayer and prophesying , their women uncovered and their men covered , chap. . their abuses in the lords supper , when they so came unto it that one was hungry and another drunken , chap. . now as it were an unsufficient kind of arguing to say , these things were unfit and unmeet , and therefore that church did not so practise , even so mr. rutherford his arguing seemes to be no better , who would prove they did come together in one place , because the apostle , as he thinks , did count such comming together unmeet . for if it were granted that such a comming had been unmeet , yet it doth not follow , but such might bee their practise notwithstanding : and therefore as hee counts our apprehension in this matter to be weak , so i leave it to himself and others to consider , whether in this consequence , it was not meet they should all come together in one place , ergo they did it not , be very strong . i desire here not to be mistaken : for i do not grant that their comming together in one place was unmeet , nor that the apostle doth reprove them for the same ; i have already said the contrary , in denying the assumption afore mentioned , which i do still deny . but the thing i intend , is to consider the strength of mr. rutherford his reasoning , and for that cause to apply it to the thing in question , which i still desire to keepe close unto , if it may be . now the thing in question , being this , whether the church at corinth , were so many at that they could nor meet together in one assembly , but had many congregations , and all but one church , and mr rutherford maintaining the affirmative , and bringing this reason for it , taken from the congruity of meeting all together , i therefore thought meet , to weigh the strength of this reason , which i do not perceive to be in any wise convincing : but supposing the apostle had counted such meetings , inconvenient and unmeet , yet this reason as i conceive , is too weak to prove mr. rutherford his purpose , that their number was such as that they could not all possibly meet in one place ; for they might possibly do that which were unmeet to be done , in this particular as well as they did in many other things . but in this particular i do not thinke , they did any thing absurd , or unmeet at all ; and therefore for further answer to this reason i would say : that the apostle doth not say the absurdity , where mr. rutherford layes it , to wit , in that the whole church did convene , and come together , but in speaking with strange tongues when they were convened , this latter being incongruous : and absurd indeed ; for the infidels comming into the church assembly , and hearing them so speake , might thinke them madde , as the apostle sayes ; but for assembling all in one place , i know no madnesse that was in that ; nor shew thereof ; nor do i yet beleeve that the apostle doth place the absurdity there . for though mr. rutherford bee a worthy man and learned , yet such a thing as this had need of some further proofe then his bare word . if a church should meet distributively in divers assemblies , and being so met should speake with strange tongues , i demand whether this manner of speaking , do prove such a way of meeting absurd ; i suppose he will say no , because it is the way of meeting which he holds the apostolike churches did use ; and if so , then suppose they should so speake with strange tongues , when they meet collectively all in one assembly , how can this manner of speaking conclude the absurdity of such kind of meeting any more then it did in the other ? for my part , though such kind of speaking have incongruity and inconveniency in it , yet i conceive assembling collectively and in one congregation is no more prejudiced thereby , then assembling distributively in many . hee ( that is the apostle ) presupposeth that the whole church should come to one place , in divers assemblies , and all prophecy in a tongue known to the infidels , as the unbeleever being convinced and judged of all the prophets might fall down in his face , &c. answ . if the prophets were met in divers assemblies at once , i marvell how the unbeleever should be convinced and judged of them all ; for i hope one singular and individuall unbeleever was not present in divers assemblies at once , nor convinced and judged ( as here he is said to be ) by those prophets , from whose assembly he was absent . eithe● therefore the prophets were all met in one assembly and not in divers , or else it is yet a quaere how he could be convinced by them all . for sure the unbeleever could not be present in sundry assemblies at once . page . the whole church is not the whole much people of corinth that beleeved , that did ordinarily meet in one place , the text saith no such thing , and that is to be proved and not taken as granted . answ . suppose it were true , that the whole church was not the whole much people of corinth that beleeved , this doth nothing prejudice our cause , for as much as our question is not about the whole much people that beleeved , but about the whole church . if therefore it be granted that the whole church collectively did come together in one place , we have what we desire , and require no more . as for the whole much people that beleeved , whether this be the same with the former or no , wee shall have no need to prove or take for granted that these did in like manner come together , for as much as our question in the termes of it is not about these , but about the other . but why is not the whole church the whole much people that beleeved ? shall we say the whole church is more then the people that beleeved ? or shall wee say it is not so much ? i conceive it must be one of these , or else it must be the same . if it be said it is more , then still we have our desire , if not more then we demand . for if a company that is greater then all the much people that beleeved , were neverthelesse not so great , but they might and did assemble in one congregation , then that much people that beleeved might so assemble much more . for if there be no impossibility but a company that is greater may so assemble , i suppose the same cannot bee denyed of a company that is lesser . againe , to say this whole church was a greater number then the much people that beleeved , is directly to gainsay himselfe , who in page , . makes the much people a greater number then the congregation meeting for the word , sacraments , and church censures ; because such a congregation , he saith , could not conveniently exceed one thousand , whereas the much people must bee much in comparison of thousands of jewes who rejected christ , for that otherwise it would not have beene much for pauls comfort , for which end it is mentioned and brought . if it be said the whole church be lesse then the people that beleeved , then it followes that some of those beleevers were not of the church , and so what himselfe hath written , page . . . will not stand . for in page , hee saith , that the seale of baptisme and the profession of the truth is that which makes one member of the visible church — and by this are all the citizens and domesticks in-churched , and received into a visible church . and page . he saith any who blamelessely professe christ is ecclesiastically — in foro ecclesiae , a true and valid member of the church visible , having ecclesiasticall power valid for that effect , and page . he saith , a visible profession of the truth and doctrine of golinesse is that which essentially constituteth a visible church and every member of the visible church . now if these things be so , then it followes that this whole people that beleeved were all of them members of the church , inasmuch as they were all partakers of baptisme and profession , which he saith do essentially constitute the visible church and every member thereof . and they were all members of the church , then the church was not a lesser company then they . nor can hee say it was a greater company , for the reasons mentioned before . and if it was neither a greater company nor a lesser , was it not then the same . and if it was the same , then how can this stand which he affirmeth in the place wee have in hand , where hee saith the whole church is not the whole much people that beleeved ? it seemes to me , that which way soever he shall take , his own pen will be witnesse against himselfe ; for in the place wee have in hand , hee saith the whole church is not the whole much people that beleeved : and in another place hee tels us , that the much people that beleeved was a greater number then the whole church meeting for word , sacraments , &c. and yet in a third place hee tels us , that in effect it was not greater , inasmuch as all baptized professing beleevers , hee saith , are of the church . further , when the text speakes of the whole church comming together in some place , let the wise judge whether it be a good exposition to say , by the whole is not meant the whole , but only a part . which i conceive is mr. rutherfords exposition , who will not yeeld that the whole did come together in any one place , but part in one place , and part in another , the whole being distributed into severall parts , and those parts into severall places . so that the whole church comming together into some place , must have this meaning , the whole came not together in any place , but part in one place and part in another , which i feare is too much violence offered to the sacred text , which should be handled with reverence . but he brings a reason for this exposition , and that is this , because else we must say that at any one assembly all the prophets and teachers did prophesy at corinth ; for the text saith , he is convinced of all , he is judged of all , whereas the consequence should bee absurd , it should bee a longsome and wearisome meeting , page . answ . and if they prophesyed not all in one assem●ly but divers , how could the unbeleever bee convinced and judged by them all ? it will not bee easie to conceive how it could be , they prophesying in such a way : for the unbeleever sure could not be present in sundry assemblyes at once , but in one onely . and therefore , those words , he is convinced of all , he is judged of all , will lay as much absurdity upon his exposition of the words as upon ours , or rather a great deale more . for as for ours , there is no absurdity therein at all , for asmuch as by all the prophets is meant all that prophesied at the time , when the unbeleever was present , and not that all must prophesy upon one day as mr. rutherford would have it . but the text doth not so say , nor any interpreter that i have met withall . sure i am beza saith , the expresse contrary , for upon verse . ye may all prophesy one by one , &c. he hath this note , non eodem sane die , sed ternis &c. that is indeed not all upon one day ( which is mr. rutherfords exposition ) but three at every moeing , having their turne to speak till all had spoken by course . interpreters say they met in divers assemblies , page . answ . let those interpreters be named ; and there words set down , and then by gods help we shall consider of what they say , and of the grounds and reasons thereof ▪ in the meane time to say that interpreters say it , and yet neither to tell us the reasons nor the words of those interpreters , nor so much as the names of any of them , how should this prevaile with us to turne us away from our former apprehensions in the point ? true it is in another place , &c. pag . speaking of verse . yea may all prophesy one by one , hee there tels us that diodatus understands it that they might prophecy , by course and in divers or sundry assemblies ; and essius , saith he , saith the same , to wit , that these prophets were to prophesy in divers assemblies . answ . for diodatus i have him not at hand , and therefore i cannot peruse the place ; but for estius , this i may say , that he neither saith what here is reported in his commentary upon the verse alledged , nor upon any verse else in all the chapter , as farre as i can observe , and i have read and perused him on purpose to see what were to be found in him : but though i cannot find him affirming that which mr. rutherford brings him for , yet i find sundry places , wherein he seemes to me to affirme the contrary ; for instance , commenting upon the verse alledged , hee hath these words as the sence which he most preferres , viz. quod si non unus tantum propheta sed plures &c. that is , if not only one prophet but sundry , yea all do speake in the assembly in order , it will come to passe that those all may also learne , and receive exhortation , there being never a one of them , who is not also a hearer . wherein we see he speaks not one word of prophesying in divers assemblies at the same time , but that they were so to prophesy that all of them were to be hearers , and learners , as well as speakers . which doth plainly imply , that there must be many prophets in one assembly at once . againe , upon verse ● , he hath these words as the sense of the place , quamvis forte multi suit in ecclesiae — vestra prophetae &c. that is , although perhaps there be many prophets in your church , yet it will be sufficient if two or three do speake at one meeting , and for others it shall be their duty to judge , that is to say , to examine and try whether these things be true and sound which are spoken by them that speake . wherein he plainly shewes his judgement to be that at one meeting they were to have many prophets present , of whom two or three onely were to speake , and the rest to try and examine what was spoken . and to the same purpose he speakes upon verse . which he counts to be the same with that of judging , verse . further these words verse . of the whole church comming together into one place , he expounds thus , alicujus loci totus populus fidelis , that is , all the faithfull or beleeving people of a place ; which is contrary to mr. rutherford who will not have the whole church , to be the whole much people that beleeved . finally , speaking of those words verse . if all prophesy , he hath these words , nec omnes inteligit absoluté , &c. that is , the apostle understands not all absolutely but to this sense , to wit , if all that speake in the assembly of the church do prophesy , that is , if prophets only do speake , and they that have the gift of tongues do hold their peace . which is contrary to mr. rutherford who understands the text so , that they were all to prophesie at one time ; and because at one meeting there were but two or three to prophesie , which two or three hee thinkes could not be all , hee will therefore have it that they were distributed into severall assemblies , and so did prophesie all at once , though onely two or three at one meeting . for which interpretation , though he alledgeth estius , yet estius wee see affords him no help at all . whereupon i have marvelled why estius should be alledged , sometimes thinking with my selfe whether his name might not bee mis-printed by the printer , instead of some other man ; sometimes thinking whether mr. rutherford his memory might not faile him in this particular , having read the thing in some other author , and supposing it had been in estius . but what ever might be the reason of this mistake , he that shall examine estius will not find in him any help at all for mr. rutherfords cause in this particular , but the contrary . the text saith expresly , verse , that at one time they prophesied but two or three . answer . this is a mistake also : for the words are , let the prophets speake two or three , and let the other judge . now let them do so , doth not shew their practise , but their duty : not what they did , but what they should have done . the text saith , if there be no interpreter let him that hath an unknown tongue keepe silence in the church , verse . and let your women keepe silence in the churches , verse . now shall any man say , that these texts do expresly prove that it was the manner of their women and of their men that had unknown tongues to keepe silence . i suppose no man can say it , the words being not a report of what their practise was , but a rule of direction to shew them how they ought to practise . and so wee say of the case in hand . but let it be supposed that it was not onely their duty , but also their practise to prophesie at one meeting but onely two or three , what can master rutherford gaine heereby ? his words following do tell us , where hee saith , if two onely prophesyed at one assembly , as this text will warrant cleerely . answ . not so , the text allowes three , which is more then two onely . but go on , and let us heare the consequence . then how doth this whole church consisting of all the beleevers at corinth , as is supposed by our brethren , convince the infidell , so as it may beare this sence , he is convinced of all , he is judged of all ▪ can two prophets be all prophets ? answ . though wee suppose the whole church consisted of all the beleevers at corinth , yet that the whole church did convince the the infidell , this wee never said nor supposed at all : for wee supposed and so do still , that hee was to bee convinced onely by the prophets , besides whom there were many others that were of the church . but for his demand , whether two prophets can bee all prophets , the answer is , that though two bee not all where there are more then two , yet if there bee no more , there it is otherwise ; and so where there are but two or three that doe prophesie at one meeting , there hee that is convinced by those two or three , may bee said to bee convinced of all , that is of all that doe prophesie . this sence of the place must needs bee received , else how shall the apostles words bee reconciled and stand together ? for as in one verse hee requireth , that the prophets speake two or three at one meeting , and the rest to iudge , verse . and in another verse affirmeth that the infidell in the case there proposed , is judged of all , verse . so hee doth not onely suppose in the very same verse , that they did all prophesie , if all , prophesie saith hee , and there come in one that beleeveth not , &c. but moreover in verse . hee expresly and plainely allowes them thus to prophesie ; yee may all prophesie , saith hee , one by one , that all may learne and all may bee comforted . which places compared doe evince the sence of the words heere given , and doe plainely shew that what hee saith verse . of the infidell being convinced of all and judged of all , may bee truely made good , if hee bee convinced of all and iudged of all that prophesyed at that meeting , though their number that so prophesyed were no more but two or three . and therefore whereas hee concludes , surely for my part i thinke it must unavoidably bee said , that they prophesyed distributively and in severall congregations , the answer is , that this needs not to bee said at all , but may bee avoided with ●ase ; and the contrary may bee safely held ; to wit , that they pro●●●cied collectively and in one congregation . for first , they did so prophesy , that one that beleeved not , and one unlearned might come in amongst them when they were prophesying , and by that meanes might bee convinced of all and judged of all , verse . which might well bee done , if they prophesyed all in one congregation , but otherwise it could not , for as much as one unbeleever could not bee present in severall congregations at once . secondly , they were so to prophesie , that the prophets when they prophecied were to have the rest of the prophets to bee 〈◊〉 , to heare and iudge of that which was delivered , let the prophets speake two or three , and the rest judge , verse . and the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets , verse . the former of which sayings mr. rutherford himselfe doth understand of a colledge prophets , having a power dogmaticall of judging , and censuring the doctrine of the prophets delivered . what they speake , saith he , page . is to bee judged and put under censure ; for the whole colledge must judge ; for which he alledgeth verse . and a little after , this is not a power of judging which every christian hath , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith piscator doth relate to the prophets , who are to judge ; but as ● take it a propheticall judging , which may warrant the iuridicall power of a presbytery , &c. by all which it plainely appeareth that when the prophets did prophesy , the other prophets were to bee present , to heare and judge of the doctrines delivered ; and if so , how can it bee that they prophesyed in severall congregations at the same time ? for had it been so , they could not have judged of one anothers doctrine , which they could not heare , being themselves at that time imployed in speaking in some other place . and therefore it seemes more likely , that they met in one congregation , where they might all prophesy , first one and then another , some at one time and some at another , and so all of them might also heare and learne , and judge of the doctrine delivered by others . chap. xv. whether the church at ephesus were more in number then corinth and jerusalem , and the judgement of mr. baynes ; whether that church was many congregations , or one onely ? pag . . having suggested sundry things , to prove that ephesus was many congregations , and yet but one church ; hee concludes this , viz. upon these considerations , i leave to our reverend brethren their judgement ; if mr. mather and mr. thompson say right , we doe not thinke they were more in number at ephesus then in corinth and jerusalem , where the christians met all in one place . answ . the exception then which in this place is taken against mr. thompson and me , is for this , that we doe not thinke the christians at ephesus , to be more in number then at jerusalem and corinth . concerning which , i will not say much , but onely this , that as we have onely delivered what we think in this matter , without determining or asserting any thing peremptorily ; so we shall readily imbrace the contrary , when good grounds shall be shewed for the same : which though we doe not yet perceive to be performed in all that mr. rutherford hath said ; yet i will not here spend time in examining the same , because i do not count this point of so much importance concerning the principall thing in question . for whether the church at ephesus were more in number then corinth and jerusalem , or whether it were otherwise ; there is no great matter in this as touching the maine question . for if all of them were such churches , as might usually meet together in one congregation , as i conceive they were ▪ it matters not much which of them was most in number . but doth not m. rutherford prove that the one church at ephesus was more then one congregation ? i confesse , he hath sundry things in the precedent pages , which he intendeth that way . but in asmuch as they doe not concerne m. tompson and me in particular , nor are by him applyed against any passage in the answer ; i will therefore passe them over more briefly , my purpose being chiefly , to consider of such particulars , wherein he takes exception against the answer . only , thus much i would advertise the reader , that a good part of that which mr. rutherf . brings to prove many congregations in one church at ephesus , hath been answered long agoe by mr. baynes in his diocesans triall , pag. . which i the rather commend to mr. rutherfords consideration , because , he counts him a man of worth , calling him worthy baynes : and for the help of such readers , as cannot readily come to the book it self , i will here transcribe a few lines out of the same worthy baynes , as they are to be found in his dioces . triall . p. , . viz. the church of ephesus was but one flock ; first , it is likely that it was of no other forme then the other . ( sir , ierusalem , antioch and corinth , which he had before shewed to be each of them one congregation . ) secondly , it was but one flock , that which presbyters might joyntly feed : they had no diocesan paster : if presbyters onely , then none but parishonall churches in and about ephesus : theremay be many flocks , but god ordained none but such as may wholely meet with those who have the care of feeding and governing of them : peter indeed pet. . . calleth all those he writteth unto one flock , but that is in regard either of the mysticall estate of the faithfull , or in respect of the common nature , which is in all churches one and the same : but properly and in externall adunation , one flock is but one congregation . thirdly , parishes according to the adverse opinion were not then divided : neither doth the long and fruitfull labours of the apostle argue that there should bee parish churches in diocesan wise added , but a great number of sister churches . but when it is said , that all asia did heare , the meaning is that from hand to hand , it did runne through asia ; so as churches were planted every where , even where paul came not , as at collosse : there might be many churches in asia , and many converted by peter , and others fruitfull labours , without subordination of churches . chap. xvi . whether the church at antioch was onely one congregation , and whether acts . . and . . doe not prove the affirmative . the answer , having in pag. . alledged acts. . . and . , . to prove that the church at antioch was no more then might be gathered together into one place , mr. rutherford in answer hereto saith , p. , . that the place acts . . is the representative church , and that he beleeveth the assembling of the multitude , acts . vers . . must be taken distributively . answ . this answer of mr. rutherfords , to the former place , was removed long ago by worthy mr. baynes , who also understands the latter place as we doe , and not as mr. rutherford : for in his dioces . triall , maintaining this position , that the churches instituted by the apostles , were onely such as might meet in one congregation ordinarily , and giving this very place and instance of the church of antioch , for one of his grounds , for confirming the said position , p. . hee comes imediately thereupon to answer an objection , which is the very same that here mr. rutherford brings to the former place , viz. that the church mentioned in that place , was the ministers or representative church : for the removing whereof mr. baynes returneth . things , . that the word church , is never so used : . he argues by analogy from that acts . where peter gives account before the whole church , even the church of the faithfull , and therefore in like sort , paul and barnabas might report before the whole church of the faithfull , what things god had done by them . . saith he , they made relation to that church which had sent them forth , with prayer and imposition of hands ; and this church stood of all those who assembled to the publicke service and worship of god , ( which is cleere , acts . . ) . his fourth particular is this other place of acts . vers . . where , saith he , the people of the church of antioch were gathered together , to consider of decrees sent them by the apostles from ierusalem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in all which , we cleerly perceive the judgement of this worthy man to be the same with us , and as clearly against mr. rutherford , as can be expressed , which being so , and his judgement being delivered upon such reasons , as seem to me weighty , and which mr. rutherford doth not remove ; i therefore see no sufficient reason to think otherwise of the church of antioch then formerly . for as for m. rutherford his reason to prove the place , acts . . to be meant of a representative church , viz. that they met for a matter of discipline , at least for a matter that concerned all the churches , to wit , to know how god had opened the doore of saith unto the gentiles : the answer is , that this doth not evince the thing : . because rehearsing , how god had opened the doore of faith unto the gentiles , being neither admission of members , nor of officers , nor any matter of censure , nor any thing else ; but onely a meer declaration of the gracious workings of the lord , cannot be any matter of discipline , as i conceive . . suppose it were a meeting for matter of discipline , must it needs be a meeting for elders alone , without the presence of the faithfull ? will mr. rutherford deny it to be l●wfull for any to be present at matters of discipline , but onely the elders ? i suppose he will not deny it at all , sure i am he hath heretofore written otherwayes ; peaceable plea p. . where he granteth that all matters of discipline must be done with the peoples consent , and alledgeth about . or . divines old and new for the same tenet . now if matters of discipline must be done with the peoples consent , then the people must be present thereat ; for else they give their consent blindefold . and if they must be present at such matters ; then suppose the matter mentioned in the scripture we have in hand , had been of that nature , yet the church that was gathered together about the same , needed not to be a representative church of elders alone , as mr. rutherford would have it , but might consist of the people also , who by his own grant may be lawfully present at such matters . . be it a matter of discipline , or a matter that concerned all the churches , or what else mr. rutherford will have it ? it is plain that paul and barnabas when they were at ierusalem , did declare such matters as here they do declare at antioch , not onely to the apostles and elders , whom he perhaps would make a representative church , but also to a church besides them , i mean besides the apostles and elders ; for so it is said , acts . . that at ierus●lem they were received of the church , and of the apostles and elders , and declared all things that god had done with them : and vers . . they declared to the multitude what miracles and wonders god had wrought among the gentiles by them . now if they declared these things at ierusalem not onely to the apostles and elders , as to a representative church , but to the church of the faithfull also , as the text saith , they did , what reason can be rendred that the church , which was gathered together at antioch , should be onely a representative church ? and that the people there were not present ? for my part , i see no reason for it , but that they might declare these things to the brethren a● antioch , as well as to the brethren at ierusalem ; and as well to a representative church at ierusalem , as to a representative church at antioch . and therefore sith it is apparent that at ierusalem they declared these things to a church , which consisted of others besides apostles and elders ; the church at antioch to whom they declared the same things , might be also a church of the like kinde , and not a representative church , as our brother conceives it to be . . the nature of the thing , which they doe declare to this church was such , as that it was fit enough for the people to be acquainted therewith ; which the text mentions in two clauses ; first , more generally , all that god had done with them : secondly , more specially , how he had opened the doore of faith to the gentiles . now suppose the people had nothing to do in matters of judicature by way of power therein , yet to be informed of other peoples conversion , and how god blessed the labors of the apostles to that end , which are the things they declared to this church , these are no such matters , but the people may bee acquainted therewith for their comfort , and that god might have praises from them all ; and therefore the church to whom paul and barnabas declared these things , needs not to be understood of the elders alone , but may well enough be a church consisting also of ordinary christians . . paul thought it not unmeet to make known to all the corinthians the grace of god bestowed on the churches of macedonia , cor. . , . and declareth to them of macedonia , the forwardnesse of the corinthians in the grace of liberality , cor. . . shewing the good that came hereby , in that the example of gods grace , in some provoked many others to the like , cor. . . your zeale , saith he , hath provoked very many ; and likewise in that , by this meanes , there redounded many thanksgivings unto god , vers . , . and if upon these and other good causes he did thus practice towards the christians of macedonia and achaia , i know no good reason why he and barnabas should deal otherwise with the christians at antioch , and conceale from them the gracious workings of god by their ministery amongst the gentiles ; and make known the same onely to a representative church of elders . as for our brothers answer to the other scripture , act. . . that the assembling of the multitude , there spoken of , must be taken distributively , i conceive the text will not beare that exposition : for the words are that they gathered the multitude together , then delivered the epistle . now if this multitude was gathered together not in one assembly but diverse , how could the epistle being but one , be delivered to them all ? can one epistle be delivered to sundry or severall assemblies at one time ? i suppose it is not possible , except we shall imagine there be sundry coppies , one to be read in one assembly , and another in another ; whereof in the present case , there is not so much as the least hint . and if we would imagine such a matter , for which there is small reason ; yet since it is , iudas and silas , by whom this epistle was sent , and who were to tell the same things by mouth , and who also upon the delivering of the epistle exhorted the breathren of antioch , with many words , as is cleare , vers . , , , . iudas and sila● , i say , being but two men could not be present , and speak , and act these things in many assemblies at once , but must of necessity be both in one assembly , or at the most in two : but the text makes no mention of their being in two , but plainly enough intimates the contrary , that they were both together : and yet where they were present , there was the multitude gathered together , to receive the epistle by their hands , and to heare the report and word of exhortation at their mouth . unlesse therefore we will imagine that iudas and silas could be present , and act in many assemblies at once , there is no reason to think this multitude among whom they were present and acted , to be many congregations or assemblies . and therefore for his conclusion , pag. , . that the mentioning of one multitude in the singular number , acts . . can never prove that there was but one single congregation at antioch . the answer is , that we doe not lay the force of our reason in the mentioning of the multitude in the singular number , and therefore it can not thus be satisfied , or put off : for our words are these : the whole multitude of them were gathered together at the return of paul and barnabas from the synod at jerusalem , to heare the epistle read , which was sent from that synod : answer p. . wherein it is easie to perceive , that we lay the force of our reason not in this , that the church is called a multitude in the singular number ; but in this , that the whole multitude were gathered together , for such an end , as there is expressed : and this we still conceive may prove the point : for a church , which is such a multitude , as is gathered together , for the receiving of one epistle , which was sent unto them all , and which is gathered together to heare the epistle read , and also to heare the same things by mouth , the men from whose mouth they must so heare , and from whose hands they must so receive , being no more but two ; such a church as this can be no more , but one congregation , or assembly . now antioch was such a church : and therefore was no more but one congregation . if this conclusion be not granted , some way must be devised how many severall assemblies might all be receivers and hearers of one and the same epistle at the same time , there being but one coppy of the epistle , as also how they might at one time heare the same things declared to them by mouth , when there was but two men to declare the same . and when such a way is found out , we may then further consider thereof . but in the mean time , the grounds and reasons alledged doth induce me to think , that antioch , where those things were thus done , was indeed , but one congregation . chap. xvii . whether no liberties are given by christ to the people , but women must exercise the same , as well as men : and of the peoples liberty about ordination , or the calling of ministers . in the answer , p. . we have these words , viz. governing properly so called we acknowledge not in any , but in the elders alone , cor. . vers . . rom. . . heb. . . if that word be ascribed to the people , it must be understood in a more improper sense ; for that which impropriety of speech were more fitly called liberty or priviledge : and yet this liberty when it is exercised about ordination , deposition , excommunication , &c. is of the whole body communiter , or in generall , but not of all and every member in particular , as you conceive us to hold ; for women and children are members , and yet are not to act in such matters , the one being debarred by their sex , and the other for want of understanding and discretion . this passage mr. rutherford having related ( though with some variation ) in his pag. : in answer thereto , he saith thus , p. . if there be no governing power in women , nor any act at all in excommunication , you loose many arguments , that you bring cor. . to prove that all have hand in excommunication , . because paul writeth to all . . all were to mourne . . all were to forbeare the company of the excommunicated : then belike paul writeth not to all saints at corinth , not to women , and women were not to mourne for the scandall , nor to forbeare his company . answ . if mr. tompson and i doe being such arguments from cor. . why is not the place quoted , where we doe bring them ? i suppose there is no such place at all that can be produced ; and therefore i desire so much favour , that what we never said , may not be imputed to us , nor divulged abroad , as ours . if others doe bring such arguments from cor. . they that bring them are able to speake for themselves , and to give account of their own arguments ; but i know no reason that doth require , that we should be drawn to defend such arguments as we never used ; nor that doth allow our reverend brother to report such arguments as ours ; which having never been used by us , i counted it therefore an impertinent digression , to spend time in the defence of them . the priviledge , saith he , being a part of liberty purchased by christs body , it must be due to 〈…〉 for the liberty wherewith christ hath made women free , cannot be taken away 〈…〉 of god from their sex , except in christ iesus there be a difference between iew and gentile , male and female . answ . that which is in the people , we say , in propriety of speech , is more ●itly called liberty or priviledge : but of liberty purchased by christs body or blood , we make no mention at all : and therefore our brother might have spared speech thereof . but it is true indeed , that the people can have no liberty , but women also may exercise the 〈…〉 else their liberty purchased for them by christ is taken away ? it seems , he so conceives : but then i desire to know how his own doctrine elsewhere , and the apostl●s w●●ds can stand together : for in one place , he saith , that acts . . proveth that elders ordaine elder , with lifting up of the hands of the people , and this , saith he , is 〈…〉 doctrine , due right p. . and in another place , he saith , the people have gods right to choose ministers , for so the word prescribeth ; for which in his margent he alledgeth 〈◊〉 severall texts of scripture , acts . . cor. . . . cor. . . acts . . acts . . and in his text alledgeth tertullian , cyprian , ambrose , origen , chrysostome , the councell of nice , the first generall councell of constantinople , with other councels and authors witnessing the same : pag. , . and in a third place , he grants that all matters in the church must be done with the peoples consent , consentiente plebe , alledging a matter of . or . authors for the same tenet . peaceable plea , p. . and in another place he alledgeth and approveth the judgement of mr. calderwood , and mr. cartwright affirming that this liberty is purchased by the blood of christ : due right , secondly , pag. . all which , do plainly shew that in his judgement , the people have some 〈◊〉 , or priviledge , or right in church matters ; yea , as himself saith in this , they have divinum jus , gods right : and yet for all this , the apostles words do plainly forbid women to speak in the church , cor. . . tim. . . which very prohibition to women doth also secretly imply , that men may have liberty to practise , though women may not . now then , if the people have liberty , priviledge , right to consent , and act in church matters ; yea , to speak in the church , and yet women may not speak therein , how can this stand , which here m. rutherford writes , that if the people have any liberty , this liberty must also be due to women ? if the apostles words and our brothers own doctrine in the places cited do stand , his saying in the place , we have now in hand , cannot stand , they being so contrary one to another . thirdly , saith he , what priviledge the people have in ordination to conferre a ministery , which they neither have formally , nor virtually , i know not . answ . neither formally , nor virtually ? then hear your own words , pag. . i deny not but there is a power virtuall , not formall in the church of beleevers , to supply the want of ordination of pastors , hic & nunc ; this power is virtuall , not formall , &c. whereas in the place we have in hand , the virtuall power as well as the formall is denyed ; which things are not free from interferring , or strong appearance thereof . our words are not just the same which m. rutherford sets downe , a priviledge in ordination to conferre a ministery ; but these are our words , a liberty exercised about ordination , &c. and who knows not but there may be a liberty exercised about ordination , or any other ordinance by way of consent thereto , or desire thereof , &c. without any authoritative acting therein ? and if this liberty about ordination be such a fault , then how shall he be justified , who doth give to the people a greater matter then this liberty doth amount unto , even a power to do that which shall stand for ordination it selfe ? which to do i conceive is more then to exercise some liberty about ordination . and when the reader shall have considered these ensuing words of m rutherford : then let him be judge , whether m. rutherford do not give this power unto the people in some cases . as a rose , saith he , caused to grow in winter by art , is of that same nature with a rose produced in summer by nature , though the manner of production be different ; so are they both true pastors , those who have no call , but the peoples election , and those who have ordination by pastors , p. . and in the page following , he gives two reasons to prove that in some cases election by the people onely may stand for ordination : . because god is not necessarily tyed to succession of pastors : . because where men are gifted for the work of the ministery , and there be no pastors to be had , the giving of the holy ghost is a signe of a calling of god , who is not wanting to his own gracious intention , though ordinary means faile . now if the people without pastors may do that which shall stand for ordination , and if their election do make a minister in some cases ; this seems to be more then onely to exercise some liberty about ordination , for as much as they may doe this latter , and possibly no minister be made thereby ; whereas in the other case a man is made a true pastor and minister , as well as by ordination it selfe . marvell it is therefore that the greater is allowed as lawfull , and not the lesser : that some liberty about ordination may not be allowed , and yet that can be allowed which may stand for ordination it self , and which makes a minister● as truly as ordination doth . chap. xviii . of mr. rutherfords report of synodicall propositions in new-england . next after this , our reverend author falls to scanning , as he saith , pag. . some synodicall propositions of the churches of new england , as he calls them , together with a table of church power , which he calls the table of new england . but with favour of soworthy a man , he doth greatly mistake the matter : for neither was there any such synod , nor synodicall propositions as he speaks of , nor any such table of new england , as hee mentioneth . there was indeed at cambridge in the year . a printed conference of some of the elders of that country ; where sundry points of church judgement were privatly discoursed of , and this was all . but as the meeting was not any synod , as synods are usually understood , so neither were there any synodicall propositions there agreed upon , nor any table of propositions agreed upon to be given forth as the doctrine of new england . this i am able to testifie , having been present at that meeting from the beginning thereof unto the end : and sundry others of the elders of these churches can testifie the same , upon the same ground : and knowing full well the truth of what i heare relate , i will not spend time in replying to what he hath written upon so manifest misinformation , and mistake . what information he goeth upon , i know not : per adventure some notes may have come to his view , which one or other might gather at that conference for his own private use : peradventure some in their simplicity meaning no hurt , many have called that private conference by the name and tearme of a syno● , and m. rutherford might thereupon adventure to publish in print as here we see . but however they mistake a rose , sure i am , synodicall propositions there were none ; 〈◊〉 any synod at all , not new england table . and therefore i think himselfe and others may do well and wisely hereafter , to be informed by good and sufficient intelligence of such things as they publish to the world concer●ing the churches in new england , or else not to beleeve the same , much lesse to divulge the same in print . for what comfort can it be to any christian to receive , and publish to the world against a mans neighb●u● , specially against whole churches of christ , such reports as for the matter contained in them do not agree with truth ? chap. xix . of the appeales of luther and cranmer : and of the power and jurisdiction in generall councells denyed by mr. rutherford ; whether therein he do not contradict himselfe , and also overthrow the jurisdiction of classicall , provinciall , and nationall assemblies . in his page . alledging mr. tompson and me , pag. , . hee reports us to say , that though some have appealed , as luther and cranmer from the pope to a generall councell , yet not from a congregation to a generall councell . answ . as he one of these pages hath nothing at all concerning this matter , and therefore might well have been spared , so neither of them both doth make any mention of luther , either of one purpose or other : and therefore it is some marvaile , why he should be mentioned as thus spoken of by us , who do not speak of him at all so much as one word , for any purpose whatsoever . nor do the rest of the words of appealing from a congregation to a generall councell agree with ours , as we have set them downe in the . page alledged ; and therefore that our mind and meaning may appeare , let me relate our own words which are these , how this example ( sc . of cramners appealing to councell , related by mr. fox ) doth suit the present question , we do not understand ; for his appeale was not from a particular congregation , but from the pope : nor was it from a synod , but to the next generall councell , which from that day to this hath not yet been assembled nor called . if we must hold a necessity of appeales to such a iudicatory as cranmer appealed unto , then the supremacy of synods provinciall , and nationall is utterly taken away . these are our words in the place alledged by mr. rutherford : now what doth he answer thereto ? in matters doctrinall , saith he , some as luther , and others have justly appealed from congregation to a generall councell , though luther and cranmer did it not . answ . say it be true , that cranmer did it not , yet for luther how can it be that he should be an instance , both of such as did it not , and of such as did it ? for luther and others have justly done it , and yet luther and cranmer are two of them that did it not , these are sayings which seem not to agree . againe , if luther did so appeale , why is no proof alledged for confirmation of what here is affirmed ? which if there had been , we might have considered thereof . but sith there is not , we may be allowed to forbeare assent , till that which is here nakedly affirmed , be further strengthened by some proofe or other , to make it good . lastly , if luther or others have justly appealed from a congregation to a generall councell , then why will it not be lawfull for others upon like occasion to do the like ? and if so , then ( as we argued in the answer ) the supremacy of classicall , provinciall , and nationall presbyteries is utterly taken away : and so , by this meanes causes and controversies may still be depending , and never come to be determined so long as this world shall endure ; which whether it be agreeable to the wisdome of christ , and good of his people let the wise judge . though verily , i professe , i cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandalls , can be in a generall councell ; there may be some meerly doctrinall power , if such a councell could be had , and that is all . answ . for my part , i am altogether of the same minde . but here i have a quere or two to propose to our reverend brothers serious consideration ; first of all , how this passage doth agree with that which himself hath written , pag. . where he saith , it may be made good that a power dogmaticall is not different in nature from a power of jurisdiction , and that we read not of any society , which hath power to meet to make lawes and decrees , which have not power also to back their decrees with punishment . yea , he saith further that if the jewish synodry might meet to declare judicially what was gods law in point of conscience , and what not , farre more may they punish contraveners of the law : for anomothetick power in a society , which is the greater power , and is in the fountaine , must presuppose in the society 〈◊〉 lesser power , which is to punish . anomothetick power ministeriall cannot want a power of censuring . so that whereto in the place we have in hand , he saith , there may be in a generall councell , some 〈◊〉 doctrinall power without any power of jurisdiction to censure , in this other place , he saith , these powers do not differ in nature , nor can the former be without the latter ; but doth alwayes presuppose the same , as that which is lesser , and which it cannot want . now how these things do agree i am not able to understand : next of all how doth this passage we have in hand agree , with that which is written p. , . where he saith , it is by accident , and not through want of inate and intrinsecall power , that the court of a catholick councell can not in an ordinary and constant way exercise the power which christ hath given to her ; and what that power is he expresseth in two or three lines proceeding , viz. a power of jurisdiction to excommunicate and relax from excommunication even nationall churches . if the lord should be pleased to give the christian churches a generall councell this day , might lawfully in a jurisdictiall way declare the faction of the romish pretended catholicks to be mysticall babylon — which in excommunication in the essence and substance of the act . and againe , this of our saviour , tell the church , is necessarily to be applyed to all churches and courts of christ , even to a generall councell . and in page . he tells in that a power of jurisdiction ( though he call it extraordinary and remote , and which is but rarely to be put forth in acts ) is given to the catholick visible presbytery , of the whole catholick visible church . in all which places he plainly affirmeth there is a power of jurisdiction to censure scandalls in a generall councell , which in the place we have in hand he doth as plainly deny . thirdly , if there be no power of jurisdiction to censure scandals in a generall councell , then how shall it appeare that there is such power of jurisdiction in the classicall , provinciall and nationall presbyteries , which are farre lesse ? yea , and that there is in these presbyteries a power independent and supreame , without appeale to any other . for such power there must be in some of them , if there be any power of jurisdiction in them at all , sith we are told there is no power of jurisdiction in the generall councell to appeale unto . now how shall it appeare that any such independent supream power of jurisdiction is given to any of those presbyteries ? where are the texts of scripture that speak of such power ? for our parts we know of none , but do still think that this power is placed by christ in a single congregation and its presbytery , and are the rather strengthened in this apprehension , for that the reason which is wont to be given against the congregations power , and wherein our brethren are wont to place their greatest strength , sc . that appeals are juris naturalis , and that defects , in the parts are to be supplyed and holden by the whole , this reason we see is now removed and utterly taken away , forasmuch as all power of jurisdiction is denyed to the generall councell which is the inevitable . now if there be no power of jurisdiction within the generall councell , then there can be no appeals to such a councell for such an end : and if no appeales to that councell , then the rule doth not alwayes hold , that there must be appeals from the lesser assemblies to the greater : and if this do not alwayes hold , then there may be independent power of jurisdiction in a congregation without appeals from the same , though it be a lesser assembly then the classicall , provinciall and nationall presbyteries , and thus our purpose is gained . for how can it be avoided , except this power of jurisdiction ( yea supream or independent power ) which is denyed to the generall councell , could be proved to be in the classes , synods , or nationall presbyteries , which we think cannot be done . indeed to say on the one side , that 〈◊〉 is no independent power in the congregation , and to say on the other side , that there is no power at all of jurisdiction in generall councells , this doth inevitably lay a necessity of such independent power in these intermediat assemblies of the classicall , provinciall and nationall presbyteries ; except we shall say there is no such power at all appointed by christ in any church assemblies on earth . now if such independent power be given to the presbyteries mentioned , ( as it needs must if it be neither in the generall councell , nor in the single congregations ) then i desire to know upon what scripture or scritures , such power in the said presbyteries is grounded and built ; and whether the said power belong unto them all , or only unto some of them , and which they be , and why not to the rest as well : yea , why not to the single congregation , nor yet to the generall councell , as well as to any of them . when this quaere is answered , and the answer sufficiently proved by scripture , then we shall see more reason for the jurisdiction of such assemblies over the particular congregations then yet we have seen . in the mean , time this quaere with the rest i leave to our brethrens consideration . chap. xx. if it were granted that the light of nature teacheth all societies to end in monarchies , whether it would not thence follow , that the government of churches must so end , as well as that congregations must depend on the government of synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion in government to other societies . and whether the multitude of grecians and hebrews , who chose the seven deacons , act. . were two congregations or one onely . pag . . if churches must be dependent on synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government , by the same reason churches must end in a monarchy on earth ; for which he alledgeth the answ . pag. . and then subjoyneth his answer , thus : i see this said without any approbation : churches depend on many above them for unity ; but what consquence in this , erg● they depend upon one visible monarch ? it is an unjust consequence . answ . with favour of so worthy a man , he greatly wrongs our words ( and thereby wrongs the reader ) by leaving out those words wherein the plainenesse and strength of our argumentation lyes . therefore i am forced here to relate the order and progresse of the dispute in that script of ours , and to set down our words there used , because as mr. rutherford hath set them down , the strength of consequence is suppressed from the readers knowledge , and so indeed his answer is made easie : but the naked truth lyes thus . our reverend brother to whose treatise we return answer in that small piece of ours , having said , that communion and assistance in government is taught by the very light of nature to all societies whatsoever , whether commonwealths , or armies , universities , or navies ; he presently addeth by way of prevention . not that therefore this government of churches should ( as those ) end in a monarchy upon earth . in answer whereto , besides other things , we have these words , pag. . if churches must be dependent on the government of synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government to all societies whatsoever , then we see not how it will be avoided , but by the same reason , churches must end in a monarchie on earth , if it were once cleared , that the light of nature doth teach all societies whatever so to end ; so there is as good reason for this as for the other . which last words , if it were once proved &c. mr. rutherford wholy leaves out and suppresseth , and so makes his own answer more easie . but i desire so much favour , which i think is but reasonable , that he that will undertake to answer our writing , would represent our words and arguing as it is , and no otherwise , and then i am content that the same may come under tryall . now our arguing is this ; if churches must be dependent upon the government of synods upon this reason ; because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government to all societies whatsoever ; then by the like reason let it be once proved ( which is by mr. herle affirmed ) that the light of nature teacheth all societies to end in a monarchy , and it will thereupon follow that churches must likewise end in the same manner . if we yeeld thus much that what the light of nature teacheth other societies , the same must be observed in the government of churches : i think it will then follow , that if the light of nature teach other societies to end in a monarchy on earth , the government of churches must do so also . this is our manner of arguing , in which the consequence is the same with that which our brethren think so strong , viz. that because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government , therefore there must be in the churches a government of synods . if any say the consequence is not alike necessary in both cases , because the ground doth not hold alike in both , for the light of nature doth not teach all societies on earth to end in a monarchie , as it doth teach a communion and assistance in government the answer in that we have plainly said the same , in the place of the answerer alledgeth , viz. p. , . but the main question lyes not there , whether other societies do end in monarchies , ( for though the reverend author whom we there doe answer , do seem so to judge ; yet we have there plainly declared , that we conceive of that matter otherwise : ) but here doth lye the main question , viz. suppose it were granted , that light of nature doth teach all societies to end in a monarchy on earth , whether would it not then follow that churches must also so end : and that this is the thing in question wil plainly appear to any that shall peruse the place . and to this question , our answer is that the consequence for the affirmative is as good as in that other case , in which our brethren do think it so strong : viz. for the government of synods over congregations , from the communion and assistance — government taught by the light of nature to other societies : and our reverend brother granting that the light of nature doth teach the one as well as the other unto other societies , that is , that they should end in monarchies , as well as have communion in government , our answer is that thereupon the consequence will be as strong for the one as for the other in churches . in which arguing it is easie to perceive that we go upon the ground which was laid and given us by our author : and therefore for m. rutherford to suppresse this ground which we have there so plainly expressed , and to represent and set down our arguing as if there had been no such matter ; this indeed may make way for himself to give answer to us with ease , but whether it be candid and faire thus to deale , i leave it to himself , and the godly wise to consider . in the same pag. . he alledgeth the answer pag. . and sets down these words as ours , viz. the graecians and hebrews made not two churches , but one congregation ; they called the multitude of the disciples together , vers . . answ . here againe our words are set down unperfectly : for the question being , whether those graecians and hebrews , act. . were two severall congregation in one church , or both but one congregation , we for this latter do not onely alledge that one particular which mr. rutherford mentioneth , that the apostles called the multitude of the disciples together , vers . . but moreover that this multitude must look out seven men duely qualified , whom they might appoint over that businesse , v. . and that the saying pleased this whole multitude , and that they thereupon chose seven who are there named v. . and set them before the apostles , v. . who laid their hands on them : ibid. in all which , say we , there is no hint of two congregations , one of graecians and another of hebrews , but all the businesse of chusing and ordeyning these deacons , seems to be transacted and done in one congregation . for when the text saith that the apostles called the multitude of the disciples unto them , and made a speech to this multitude being assembled , and the whole multitude did hear what the apostles spake , and well liked the same , and thereupon joyntly concurred in one act of chusing seven , and presenting them being chosen before the apostles , it seems to me more rationall to look at these things as done in one congregation , then to imagine there were two , one of graecians another of hebrews : for of two congregations wherein this choise of deacons should be made , the text for ought i perceive doth not afford the least hint . but let us hear mr. rutherford his answer . that the chiefe , saith he , of both graecians and hebrews were contained in one , to give their consent to the admission of the deacons , i conceive . answ . the chief are not so much as once mentioned in the story : but contrarily the text expressely mentioneth the multitude , vers . . and the whole multitude , vers . . now to exclude the multitude , whom the text doth expresly mention , and to attribute the assembling and acting only to the chiefe , of whom the holy ghost speaks not one word , this ( to say no more ) seems a violent forcing of the text . and if somthing had not forced him to it , i think he would not have used it ; for elswhere ( viz. p. , . ) he alledgeth this very scripture , and that three severall times , within the space of a doozen or sixteen lines , to prove that the people , yea the multitude are to have the choise of officers ; and saith he , if it please not the whol multitude , act. . vers . . it is not a choise . and in pag. . he tells us , that the multitude act. . are directed to choose out seven men , as being best acquainted with them ; and that accordingly they did look out seven men and chose them . in which places we see he can attribute this choise to the whole multitude , without any mention of the chief , or so much as the least intimation of the action to be performed by them , the multitude being excluded or absent ; yea , he gives a reason of this choise , which will reach the multitude , and not the chief only , except we shall say , that the chief only were acquainted with these seven : whereas in the place we have in hand , he would exclude the multitude , and ascribe the action to the chiefe onely . but that all the thousands of the church of jerusalem were here as in one ordinary congregation , i judge unpossible . answ . for asmuch as the text tells us that the whole multitude of the disciples were gathered together to act as here is recorded about the election of deacons , therefore we judge that it was not unpossible for them so to do ; for how should we judge the thing unpossible , except we would judge the words of god to be unpossible to be true ? besides , how many soever they were the text tels us act. . . that they continued daily with one accord in the temple : now temples we know there were none but one ; and therefore that they should all assemble in one congregation , we dare not judge a matter unpossible , least in so judging we should seem to question the truth of gods testimony . chap. xxi . whether congregations may be excommunicated by classes and synods , by vertue of those words , matt. . tell the church , as containing a rule and remedy for all offences , or at the least a church remedy , for the officers of churches , and churchmembers ? and if yea , whether it would not follow , that a nationall church must have the benefit of this remedy as well as others , and so have no independency of jurisdiction within it self , but be subject to the jurisdiction of generall councels , which yet mr. rutherford doth deny ? in the same p. . he excepteth against another passage in the answer p. , . where he sets down these as our words , viz. if our argument be good , if thy brother offend and refuse to submit , tell the church , because christs remedy must be as large as the disease ; then if a nationall church offend , you are to complain to an higher church above a nationall church ; and because offences may arise between christians and indians , you may complain of an indian to the church : and then he subjoyneth his answer . answ . yet againe our words are so imperfectly related , as that our scope and intent doth not sufficiently appear to his reader . i must therefore for the readers understanding , relate the passage according to the true and plain meaning thereof . the question between reverend mr. herle and us being this , whether congregations must depend on the government of synods , and this reason being brought for the affirmative , that christs remedy , matth. . tell the church , must be as large as the maladie , offence ; if therefore there arise offences between congregations , there must be a church of synods above congregations , and those synods must judge and redresse those offences : to this we there answer that all offences do not fall within the compasse of this rule and remedy , tell the church ; and so no dependency of congregation upon the jurisdiction of synods can be sufficiently proved by this text . first of all , we instance in the offences of nationall churches , of which we suppose our brother will not say that they fall within the compasse of our saviours rule , tell the church , for then the independency of nationall churches and nationall synods is overthrown , as well as the congregations ; which we suppose he will not grant ; and yet it cannot be avoided if his reason for the dependency of congregations upon synods do stand firm . and next of all we instance in the offences of turks and indians and other heathens , who may offend christians and yet are not to be complained of to the church , the apostle expressely teaching the contrary , col. . this being the scope of that passage in the answer , which here mr. rutherford , excepteth against , let us now hear what it is , which he saith thereto . because , saith he , ordinary communion faileth when you go higher then a nationall church , and christs way supposeth art ordinary communion , as is cleare , if thy brother offend , &c therefore i deny that this remedy is needfull in any church above a nationall church . answ . . if this remedy be not needfull in any church above a nationall , then the rule doth not universally hold true , that the remedy , complaint to the church , must be as large as the malady , offence : and so our purpose is gained ; for our purpose in that place is to prove this very thing , by this same instance of the offence of a nationall church ; wherein mr. rutherford we see doth come over to us , and affirms the same that we do . to what end therefore was it to make shew of removing or weakening what he had said , sith when it comes to the issue , he plainly concurs with us ? for by this means our tenent is not confuted , but confirmed with his attest thereto . . though here he saith , this remedy is not needfull in any church above a nationall , yet i am mistaken , if elsewhere he speak not otherwise . for in pag. . prepounding this objection , viz. christ here spe●keth of a present and constant removall of scandalls — a catholike councell of the whole visible church is farre of , and cannot be had , he returneth this for answer thereto : that christ , saith he , speaketh of a present and constant remedy only , and of no remedy against the scandall of whole churches , is denyed . he speaketh of all remedyes to gain any offenders , persons or churches . and in pag. . he saith , christ giveth an instance only in an offending brother ; but the doctrine is for the curing of an offending church also , and for all persons to be gained , thou hast gained thy brother : and saith he , we are to gain churches , as we are not to offend churches : cor. . . again in his second pag. . speaking of five s●rts of synods , of which he cals the fifth the generall and oecuminick councell , he saith , that all these differ not in essence but in degrees , and what word of god , as matth . , . proves the lawfulnes of one , is for the lawfulnesse of all the five sorts of synods . lastly , nothing can be more plain then those words pag. . this of our saviour , tell the church , is necessarily to be applyed to all churches and courts of christ , even to a catholike councell : ( the same is also to be seen in the peaceable plea p. . ) in all which sayings , he plainly understands the text we have in hand , to speak of a remedy , for all that are to be gained , yea a remedy for the offences of all persons and churches that may give offence ; which churches he saith may do , and expresly affirms that it is to be applyed to generall councels , and that necessarily : and how these things do agree , with the place in hind , where he saith , he denyes the remedie is needfull in any church above a nationall , let the wise and himself judge . for , for my part , except there be some difference between necessary and needfull , the sayings to me do seem inconsistent , one affirming the place is necessarily to be applyed to all churches and courts of christ , even to generall councells ; and the other denying that the remedy there mentioned is needfull in any church above a nationall . christs remedy , saith he , is a church remedy for offences among the brethren , and members of the visible church . and indians are nomembers of the visible church , and so being without they cannot be judged , cor. . . answ . that indians cannot be judged by the church is very true , but nothing against us : for the very same that here is said by mr. rutherford , was said by us before , in the place which himself doth alledge , where we also brought the very same text of scripture which himself doth bring . now why should these things be brought as a confutation of us , which are nothing but a reception of that which we had delivered afore as our own judgement ? may not his reader be induced hereby to think that we had spoken otherwise ? but to let this passe . if indians cannot be judged by the church , then still our purpose is gained ; for by this it appeareth that an offence may be committed , where christs remedy , tell the church , may not be applyed for the redresse thereof ; and so that universall proposition , christs remedy is as large as the maladie , and where an offence may be committed , there to tell the church , is the remedy for the redresse of the same , which our brethren do lay as the foundation on which to build the jurisdiction of classes and synods , the universality , i say , of this proposition is utterly overthrown by this instance of indians ; and so that scripture , matth. . appears to be too weak a bottome , to bear the building which our brethren would erect upon it . nor is the matter much amended by that which our brother here brings for the helping and clearing of it , that christs remedy is a church remedy for offences among brethren members of the visible church . for let this be granted , as i know none that denies it , yet still the question remains , what is that church to which our saviour here gives power to remove and redresse scandals by excommunicating the offenders ? we conceive this church is only the particular congregation , and its presbytery ; and our brethren think it is also the classes and synods : but this apprehension of theirs is not confirmed by saying our saviours remedy is a church remedy for offences amongst members of the church , inasmuch as the members of a nationall church , as such are members of the visible church in our brethrens judgement , and yet our brother holds here is nor remedy prescribed for a delinquent nationall church . and if he can so understand this church remedy , as that for all this , the nationall church must not partake thereof , so as to be censured and excommunicated by any church above it , why may not others understand it so , as that synods and classes , yea and congregations too be exempted from the jurisdiction of churches ? for my part , i know no reason , but if the congregation be lyable to the censure of classes and synods by this scripture ; because our saviours remedy is a church remedy , by the same reason the classes and synods must be lyable to censure also ; yea , and the nationall church likewise , because this reason is applyable to all these as well as to the congregation . so that this notion of a church remedy doth not help his cause at all , nor hurt ours , any more then it hurts himself . if this reasoning be good , it is a church remedy , therefore the congregationall church must be lyable to censure for their offences , then this reasoning is as good , it is a church remedy , therefore the classes , synods , yea and the nationall church must be lyable to censure for their offences : but this latter at least , for the nationall church , our brother speaks against , and therefore he may not presse nor urge the former . if he or other shall say , that this scripture contains a remedy even for a nationall church , then it will follow that the jurisdiction of a nationall church is not independent , but depends upon the oecumenicall : but this our brother cannot say , unlesse he will gainsay himself , because he hath already said the contrary , and seriously protested it w●●h a verily , that verily be cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandalls can be in a generall councell : onely a meer doctrinall power in all the power that he can see in such a councell , pag. . so that let him hold to what he hath thus seriously protested , and this rule of christ affords no remedy by way of censure for the scandalls of a nationall church . besides , if the jurisdiction of a generall councell be established by our saviour in this or other scriptures , then it will not only follow that the independent jurisdiction of nationall churches ; yea , and much more of classes and synods is overth●●wn , which i suppose our brethren will not grant , but moreover it will follow that christ hath not sufficiently provided church remedies for redressing scandal●s of church members : the reason of the consequence is , because all other jurisdictions being subordinate one to an●ther , and all of them under the jurisdiction of the generall councell , which alone is supream , there may therefore in all of them be appeals from the inferiour to the higher judicatories , till at the last ●atters and causes be transmitted from them all to the generall councell ; and so by this means matters shall or may never be ended , nor scandalls remedied , till a generall councell shall effect the same ; which generall councels all know are rare , and difficult to be attain● 〈◊〉 and therefore there were small sufficiency in our saviours remedy , if matters may or must depend till generall councels shall be assembled for the hearing and determining thereof , and may not be ended sconer . therefore we cannot see that this rule , nor any other , establisheth the jurisdiction of generall cou●cels ; and then nationall churches can have no benefit of our saviours remedy of , telling the church ; no more then the churches , which are congregationall ; and so whether is the saying universally true , that where there may be offence committed , there our saviours remedy of telling the church , may be applyed for the redresse thereof , nor doth this saying hold , being narrowed according to mr. rutherfords minde , who would have it understood onely of a church remedy , for the offences of church members . for we see there may be offences in churches , according to our brethrens judgement , which cannot be redressed by the help and remedy of this rule . chap. xxii . when the supream magistrate is a professed curing to religion , whether then it be likely and usuall that the greater part of the people are sincerely religious : and whether when the greater part are enemies with their magistrates , it be then the duty of a few that are sincere , to assemble in a nationall synod , and there to enter into a nationall covenant , and also to enjoyn the same unto that greater part . pag . . we say , that if the magistrate be an enemy to religion , may not the church without him conveen and renew a covenant with god ? mr. mather and mr. tompsons answer p. . that if the supream magistrate be an enemy to religion , it is not like , but most or many of the people will be of the same minde : regis ad exemplum totus — and then the 〈◊〉 in the land with not be able to beare the name of the land or nation , but of a small part thereof , not can it be well contained how they should assemble in a nationall synod , for that or any other purpose , when the magistrate is a professed enemy , nor doth god require it at their hands . answ . the question between mr. hefle and us , as it is spoken to , by us , in this passage , is still about the meaning of our saviours words , tell the church : which will plainly appear to him that shall look upon mr. herles treatise and our answer , and compare them together . and though we speak somthing of the churches renewing a a covenant with god , when the magistrate is an enemy to religion , yet the question lyes not meerly so and no further ; but first , this church is called the land or the whole church therein , or the whole number of beleevers . secondly , the thing inquired into concerning this church , is whether they have not power to enjoyn a solemn renewall of the covenant . in answer whereto we first of all say , that in case the magistrate be an enemy to religion , the beleevers in the land are not like to be so many , as that they should bear the name of the land or nation , but of a small part therein . second , that in such case , it is not like they can have such liberty as safely to meet in such great assemblies as nationall synods : and hereupon we conclude that renewing of covenant and enjoyning the same in national synods , being not in the power of som few beleevers in a land , is not then required at their hands . this being said for clearing the scope and summe of that passage in the answer , let us now hear what mr. rutherford saith thereto . this saith he , is a weak answer . answ . sat magistrabiter : would it not do well first to disprove and confute , and then to censure , rather then to censure first ? but if it be so weak , it will be more easie to overthrow it : let us hear therefore why it is so weak . the christians under nero were not like their prince : and it s not like , but sincere christians will be sincere christians and professe truth , even when the magistrate is an enemy . answ . and what of this ? doth this strongly overthrow that saying , which was censured for so weak ? if sincere christians be sincere christians , when the magistrate is an enemy , suppose as bad as nero , doth it follow thereupon , that in such times the sincere christians will be so many in number as to bear the names of the land or nation , where they are , ( for there lyes the question ) and that it is not like to be otherwise ? i suppose no man can justly affirm it . for were they so many in england in the dayes of queen mary ? were they so many in scotland in the dayes of popish princes , afore the reformation ? are they so many in spain , in italy , in turkey at this day ? doth not the scripture say , that when rehoboam , forsook the lord , all israel did the same with him ? chron. . . and that ieroboam did not only sinne , but made israel to sinne ? and that when a ruler hearkneth to lyes , all his servants are wicked , prov. . vers . . which sayings and many more that might be alledged , besides common experience do abundantly witnesse , that when the supream magistrate is an enemy to religion , often times ( if not alwayes ▪ ) sincere beleevers in those dayes are the smaller part of that land . if m. rutherford can prove this apprehension weak , he must then prove the contradictory to be true , viz. that when the supream magistrate is an enemy to religion , it is not like that many of the people will be of the magistrates mind , but contrarily the greatest part of the land will be sincere beleevers , though the magistrate be an enemy . and when he hath confirmed this position which strong and convincing proofes ; he may then more freely take his liberty to condemne the other for weak : in the mean time , i think it were weaknesse in us to depart from this apprehension without some better grounds then yet are given to discover the weaknesse of it . . saith he , if your meaning be , it cannot be conceived how they should assemble in a nationall assembly , when the magistrate is an enemy , because it is not safe for feare of persecution , then you say nothing to the argument , because the argument is drawn from a duty . answ . are those things duties , which are in nature impossible ? if not , how is it a duty of a few beleevers in a land ( for when the magistrate is a professed enemy , i doe still conceive the beleevers in that land to be but few , a small part of the land ) how is it a duty , i say , for these few beleevers , in a land to assemble in a nationall synod , and there to enjoyn a nationall covenant , to be entered into , not onely by themselves , which are but a few in comparison , but also by the rest of the land which are farre the greater number ? if this be a duty , it is more then i yet understand ? suppose it be their duty to enter into covenant with god for their own part ; suppose also it were the duty of others to doe the like , yet when the greater part will not so doe , but are enemies to the truth of god like their magistrates , is it neverthelesse a duty of this smaller number to assemble in a nationall synod , and there to enjoyne a solemn covenant to be taken by the land ? i mean not onely by themselves ; but also by others , who are farre more in number then they ? do they fall short of their duty , if they do not thus assemble , and impose the covenant ? in the dayes of ieroboam , when the generality of the land walked after his wicked commandement , hos . . . who made israel to sin , yet then there were some in israel who retained their integrity , and set their hearts to seek the lord , who also for that end came to ierusalem , to sacrifice to the lord god of their fathers , chron. . v. . but i doe not remember that these few that were sincere in worship , did ever come together in a nationall assembly in israel , to renew the covenant with god , and to enjoyn the same to that great multitude of the backslyding israelites , nor that such a duty was required of them , nor that they are blamed by 〈◊〉 lord , nor any of his prophets for the neglect thereof . and the case we have in stand is the same . if you mean that because the princes power is against the synodicall meeting , this is nothing against the power of the synods that christ hath given to his church . answ . we mean as we have said , that those few beleevers in a land , being overpowered with the prince and people that are enemies , therefore this assembling of those few in a nationall synod , and there enjoyning a nationall covenant is now not in their power , and so not required at their hands . if your meaning be that , it is not lawfull to them to conveen in a nationall synod to renew a covenant with god , against the supreame magistrates will ; i hope you minde no such thing . answ . if it be our meaning , how can it be hoped that we do not mind it ? can our ●●●●ing be one thing , and our mind another ? but for his satisfaction and resolution , 〈◊〉 plain answer is this , that we neither had mind nor meaning to medle at all with that question ; whether churches may assemble in nationall synods against the supreame magistrates will. for we did not think that mr. herles treatise did lead us thereunto : 〈…〉 such a matter . nor am i willing at this time to turn aside to the same , but to keep close to my scope and ayme , which is to consider of mr. rutherford his exceptions against the answer . and therefore for his discourse , which here he fals upon , maintaining at large against malignants , and namely against tho : fuller , that the reformation begun in scotland and prosecuted in england , against the kings will is lawful● and warrantable by the word● this discourse , i say , being altogether concerning others , and not us ; i will therefore passe it over , and come to that wherein our selves are concerned . chap. xxiii . whether the word church be not given to a single congregation , and whether a congregation be a company or church , meeting only for word and sacraments , and not for any other spirituall duties : and whether the divers duties , . of word and sacraments . . of discipline , &c. must needs argue divers churches . pag . . the name church , cor. . , , . , . is plainly given to that company that did assemble and come together for performance of spirituall duties , and for the exercise of spirituall gifts , as act. . . and . . and . . . . and cor. . , , , , john . which places do abundantly shew , that a company gathered together in one place , is called by the name of a church , as centhera , rom. . . which could not contain many congregations , being but the part of corinth . and for this passage he alledgeth the answer . pag. . answ . mr. herle having said , that the scripture never useth the word church for a single congregation , unlesse happily , cor. . and that many congregations in one province or city are frequently called by the name of a church , we in answer to the former of these doe give many instances , p. , . where a single c●●●regation is called by the name of a church , not onely in cor. . which mr. herle acknowledgeth ( though with a perhaps ) but also in sundry other scriptures , which here mr. rutherford quoteth . now let us heare his answer to this passage . wee seek no more , saith he . answ . are we then agreed , that in scripture language the word church is sundry times given to a single congregation ? if so , then for this point the answer is not confuted but confirmed . if it be called a church which conveeneth for performance of spirituall duties , as some of your places doe well prove , ergo , no assembly should have the name of church , but such as assemble for word and sacraments , this now you cann●t affirm and it followeth not . answ . if this follow not , what needs it ? we never affirmed it , and our purpose that the word church is given in scripture to a single congregation , is sufficiently gained without it . the church spoken of matth. . is not assembled to word and sacraments , but to binde and loose : the meeting cor. . is not for word and sacraments , but to deliver to satan ; the word church act. . . is not an assembly for word and sacraments , but to hear how god hath opened the doore of faith unto the gentiles . — if to be received of the church , act. . . be matter of word and sacraments , let all judge : if to send a decree of a synod , act. . . be the act of a church assembled for word and sacraments , let the world judge . answ . reverend sir , keep to the point , we never said that discipline , and all other acts , whether performed by a church , are word and sacraments : and therefore there was no need to prove they are not , and then to triumph as in a great victory : the thing in question is this , whether the name or word church , be given in scripture to a single congregation : and if this be proved ( as the instances given , i hope , do prove it sufficienly ) then it matters not what that particular spirituall church action is , for which they do meet : for whether it be that they meet for word and sacraments alone ; or whether it be for the word and prayer alone , and not at that time for sacraments at all , or whether it be for discipline , or for any other church duty , yet still if they come together into one place , be it for all or for any of these ends , they are then a congregation , ( for what is a congregation but a company so assembled in one place ) and so our tenet stands good , and our purpose is gained : for if they that come together into one place for church actions and ends , be called in scripture by the name of a church , then the word church is given to a company that so came together ; and such a company being a congregation , it follows that the word church is used for a congregation . what this congregation doth when they are come together , is not the question : but if a congregation coming together for church duties be in scripture called a church , we have our intent . if the word church , be a meeting of persons assembled to one place for spirituall duties , sometimes for word and sacraments onely , sometimes for acts of jurisdiction onely , then is the word church by our brethrens argument taken both for the congregation , and for the elders of one , or of divers churches , and so we have our intent . answ . let the antecedent be granted , yet the consequence is denied : for the word church may be a meeting assembled , sometimes for word and sacraments onely , and sometimes for acts of jurisdiction only , and i adde , sometimes for the word and prayer only , without exercise of jurisdiction or sacrament , and somtimes for some other act or acts , then any of these that are named , and yet for all this , it may not be taken for the elders alone of one church , and much lesse for the elders of divers churches ; the reason is , because all these acts may be performed by the congregation assembling sometimes for one of them , and sometimes for another . and therefore your intent is not yet attained ; who would have the word church to be taken somtimes for the congregation , and sometimes for the presbyters or elders alone ? we desire our brethren to prove ( which they must if they oppose our principles ) that the word church is never taken for the eldership alore , in all the word of god. answ . must we prove a negative : and is that saying , affirmanti incumbit ●●us probandi , now become unreasonable , unnecessary , or of no force ? for my part i am still of the mind , that he that affirms , must in equity and reason prove what he affirms . besides for our selves we have this to say further , that if we prove what we undertook , we have done as much as can in reason be required of us , though we do not prove this that mr. rutherford would impose upon us : and what was that which we undertook to prove ? nothing in this place , but onely this , that the word church is taken for a congregation , in other scriptures besides , cor. . and this we have performed and proved already . mr. rutherford himself allowing some of our proofs for good : and therefore having performed this point , it is more then needs to be required of us , to prove another also , which we never undertook to prove , as being quite besides our question , which we were and still are desirous to keep close unto , and not to wonder or be diverted from it by any means . whereas our brethren say , a company gathered into one place ( which is nothing else but a congregation ) are called by the name of a church , i answer such a company is only ( i suppose this is misprinted , for is not onely ) called by the name of a church , for a company meeting for discipline only , is a church also . answ . if a company gathered into one place , which is a congregation , be called by the name of a church , this is as much as we desire : for our tenent is herein expresly granted to be true : if a company meeting for discipline onely be a church also , yet as long as the former is not denyed , the adding of this other doth no hurt to us at all . it is false that a company gathered into one place , are nothing else but a congregation . answ . bona verba quaso : we had thought that as a company assembled , is an assembly , a company met , is a meeting , a company convocated , a convocation ; so a company gathered together or congregated , had been a congregation : but this is peremptorily now condemned as false : yet let us hear why . as you take the word congregation : for so your congregation is an assembly of men and women meeting for word and sacraments , with the elders of the church . answ . and what if they meet for prayer also , what if for the word and prayer without sacraments , for this or that time ? what if they meet for the admission of members also , or for censuring delinquents ? can mr. rutherford prove that either of us , i mean either mr. tompson or my self , or indeed any man else of that judgement , which he opposeth , have denyed an assembly meeting for such ends , as these to be a congregation ? i suppose he cannot : and therefore it was not well done to impute unto us such a sence of the word congregation , as we never spake nor thought of , and then to say , it is false that a company gathered into one place is a congregation , as that word is taken by us . i appeale to the judgement of our reverend brethren , if the church , matth. . assembled to to bind and loose , if the church assembled , corin. . to deliver to satan , ( and sundry others are there named to the like purpose ) be a congregationall church assembled for word and sacraments . answ . if the word and sacraments be not mentioned in the places alledged , but other actions and duties , must it needs follow that the churches spoken of in these places did assemble for word and sacraments ? may not one and the same church assemble for diverse ends and actions ? yea , possibly for diverse upon one day ? at the least wise it cannot be denyed , but at severall times of assembling a church may attend to diverse duties and actions , and yet still be one and the same congregation or church , at one time which they were at another . or otherwise we must say ( which were a very unwise saying ) that a church meeting for diverse actions to be performed upon one day , as the word , prayer , psalms , sacraments , &c. is not the same church is one of these actions , that it was in another , but is one church when they are at prayer , another when they are singing psalms , another when they are in exercise of the word or sacraments , &c. or if they meet one day , for word and sacraments , and another day for word and prayer without sacraments , that n●w they are diverse churches , and not the same upon one of these dayes , that they were upon another , the nature and kind of their church being altered according to the severall duties wherein they are exercised . this arguing i suppose mr. rutherford , would not own for good , and yet for ought i see , it is no worse , but the very same with that which himself doth here use , who because the church mentioned matth. . corinth . . and other places by him named , is said to meet for discipline or other duties , would thereupon have it thought , that the church mentioned in those places was not a church that did ever meet for word and sacraments , but was some other church of another kinde : which arguing may be good , if these which i have here above expressed be good , but otherwise i conceive it cannot stand . chap. xxiv . whether those children of israel , numb . . . who laid hands on the levites , were elders by office , and as so considered , did lay on their hands . and whether this scripture do not prove that where there are no elders to be had , there some principall members , though not elders by office , may impose hands on church officers . the children of israel which were not the church officers laid hands on the levites , numb . . . therefore when a church hath no elders , the people may conferre ordination , and it is not to be tyed to the presbyters only : and for this be alledgeth the answer . pag. . and then he addeth , that other of our brethren say , ordination is but accidentall to a ministers calling , and may be wanting if the people shall chuse , in defect of elders , pag. . answ . this latter clause should not have been added , as deserving a confutation , except our brother would confute himself : for as we heard afore , himself doth plainly affirm pag. , . that both are true pastors , those who have no call , but the peoples election , and those who have ordination by pastors ; and that election by the people only may stand for ordination , where there be no pastors at all : which if it be so ; why should the same thing in effect when it is holden by others , be here inserted in an objection as worthy to be spoken against , when himself doth cast the very same ? it is marvell that our reverend brother should thus go on in representing our words and mind amisse : for as here he sets down the objection under our name , some of our words are changed and altered , others being substituted in their place , some are wholly suppressed as if there had been none such , and others are added as 〈◊〉 which never came from us : of the first sort , are those of the peoples conferring ordination ; wheras our words are not so , but that the people may impose or lay on hands . now between these two himself pag. . doth make a great difference , even as much as between the authoritative calling of a minister , and a rite annexed to that calling : and further saith , that though he think imposition of hand● not so essentiall perhaps , at that a minister can be no minister without it , yet of ordination he thinks otherwise , and if he make so great a difference between imposition of hand● and ordination , why should our words be forsaken which import the lesser matter in his judgement , and those other which he accounts do import much more , be substituted in the room ? was this to burden our opinion or apprehension with a greater odium then our words in his own judgement will beare ? or was it to make his confutation of us more easie , then it would have been , if our own words had been retained and kept ? what ever was the cause hereof , we cannot but think it had been better if it had been otherwise . for omitting and suppressing some words of ours ( which was the second particular ) i alledge those of the time and places where elders cannot co●veniently be borrowed from any other church : the whole passage is this : viz. by which , scripture , ( to wit num. . . ) thus much is manifest , that when a ch●rch hath no elders , but the first elders themselves are to be ordained , and this at such times and in such places , where elders cannot conveniently be borrowed from any other churches , in such case imposition of hands may lawfully be performed by some principall men of the congregation , although they be not elders by office : in which place , these words , at such times ●nd in such places , &c. though they contain a great part of the case , wherein we think imposition of hands may be performed by non-elders , yet they are wholy concealed by mr. rutherford , as if there had been none such ; for what purpose , himselfe best knows . but this is apparent , that by his concealment or omission , the way is made more easie and the ground more rati●n●ll for that passage of his in the following page , where he saith , what if there be no elders in a single congregation ? it will not follow therefore the people are to lay on hands , except saith he , there were no elders in the land , or nationall church to lay on hands . now had our words been delivered and set down by him as they came from us , this speech and passage of his would have been uselesse , and apparently brought in without cause : for to what purpose should he bring in this exception , saying , except there be no elders in the land &c. when our selves had prevented him in this , by putting such an exception expresly into the prohibition , which we deduce and gather from that scripture of numb . . . sure this had not needed , but might have been spared , if our words had been fully related : but by this omission and concealement , his own speech hath more appearance of ground and reason in it , then otherwise it would have had , and our apprehension doth not appear to his reader as indeed it is , nor as himself received it from us in that our answer . which we have reason to take somwhat unkindly from him , and the rather because it is not only once , but twise at the least , that we have thus expressed our selves in that answer : once in the words which i have here above repeated and transcribed , and again in pag. . where speaking again of this same scripture , numb . . v. . we say thus , that we have shewed from that scripture , that if there be no elders as at the first , nor any that can conveniently be gotten from other churches , then imposition of hands may lawfully be performed by others : neverthelesse though we have thus expressed our selves , once and a second time , yet m. rutherford doth not once give notice hereof unto his reader , for ought that i can find ; but still passing by these words of borrowing elders from other churches , doth take advantage of the want thereof , which indeed are not wanting in our churches , which he deals against , but twise at the least are plainly expressed therein , and would not have been wanting in this passage , which here he sets down as ours , if himself had not concealed and suppressed the same . now to leave out those words of ours , which we have plainly expressed two severall times at the least , and then to make advantage for himselfe against us for want thereof , whether this be not such measure as we have cause to take unkindly , let himself and others consider . the third particular of adding words which never came from us , i will briefly passe over , because it is of lesse moment , as not so much misrepresenting our meaning ; yet i conceive those words , it ( by ordination ) is not to be tyed to the presbytery alone , which here are presented to the reader as ours , are not at all to be found in our writing : but i will not insist on this , but come to consider of his answer . there is not , saith he , a place in all the word of god , where people conser●e ordination to the pastors of the new testament , therefore our brethren flee to the old testament to prove it from the levites , who received imposition of bands from the children of israel . answ . we have given a reason , why no such scripture can be expected in the new testament , viz. because in those times elders were not wanting ; for there were the apostles and apostolike men , who were elders in all churches : and say we , we do willingly grant , that where elders are not wanting , imposition of hands is to be performed by the elders : ans . p. . now for our brethren to require of us an example of imposition of hands performed without elders in the apostles times , in which times there were elders to be had , this we think to be unreasonable , first it is our opinion , that when elders are to be had , imposition of hands is not to be performed without those elders , but by them . moreover , if it be such a disparagement to our cause , that the scripture of the new testament affords no example of imposition of hands by the people , how will mr. rutherford free his own way from another objection , which we think as sore and weighty against the same , as this which they think of so much weight against us ? the objection i mean is this , that there is not any place in all the scripture of the new testament , where ordinary pastors or elders imposed hands on ordinary pastors or elders ; but all the examples in scripture concerning this matter are such , where either the persons imposing , or the persons on whom hands were imposed , or both , were officers of extraordinary note and degree , such as now are not extant in the church , but are ceased long again : not that i deny , but an argument may be taken from those examples for imposition of hands in these dayes : but the thing i stand upon is this , that no example can be given from scripture directly parallel , to the way which our brethren in these dayes do practise and allow , but some dissonancy will be found therein : from their way as well ( and perhaps as much ) as from the way of imposition of hands performed by the people in some cases : let them tell us of act. . v. . and . . and . tim. . . and we answer the persons imposing hands in those places were apostles and evangelists , such as our brethren are not , nor do so account themselves . let them name act. . . and tim. . . and we answer , the persons on whom hands were there laid were the like , even apostles and evangelists , whatever the imposers were , and therefore neither will these places perfectly suit the case ▪ so that if we could give no example in the new testament of imposition of hands performed in some cases by the people , we think mr. rutherford and out brethren of his way might be favourable to us for their own sake . yet for the justification of our way , and for further answer to this passage of mr. rutherford , we have this to say further , that an example in the old testament of a practise not abolished in the new as ceremoniall , typicall , or of some peculiar reason specially concerning those times and peoples , but of morall equity and reason ; such an example we think a sufficient warrant unto us , for the like practise upon the like occasion in these dayes : this i thinke mr rutherford must acknowledge , for else he shall loose many arguments which he frequently useth in this treatise , from the example of asa , hezekiah , josiah , and others in the old testament , for the proving of things to be practised in the new : and else himself and we all shall loose the argument for pedobaptisme which is taken from circumcision . yea , and which is more , if it were not thus , the apostles arguing would not be strong , who do frequently argue from the examples of the old testament to confirm and prove truth and vertue , and to reprove and to condemn the contra●y in the new : to instance in no more but cor. . . . heb. . . which examples , together with that saying , rom. . . whatsoever was written in former time , was written for our learning ; and many more that might be alledged , do abundantly and plainly prove the point in hand : and therefore mr. rutherford should bear with us , if we somtimes argue from examples of the old testament . as for that which followeth , where he saith , but our brethren hold that the calling of the levites and of the pastors of the new testament are different , as the officers and churches of the jewish and christian churches are different ; the answer is , that i do not remember that we have spoken one word of this matter , either one way or other ; nor doth he mention any place where we have spoken ought of these things . and for the thing it selfe , though many differences may be assigned between the levites and pastors of the new testament , and between the jewish and christian churches , yet i know no such difference between them , but that in things which are of generall and common nature concerning them both , in those we may lawfully argue from them and their times , unto our selves and our times . if mr. rutherford know we have given any such difference as will not suffer us thus to argue , when he shall expresse the same , we may consider further thereof . our brethren grant pag. . that it wanteth all example in the new testament that the people lay on hands . answ . and we have also in the same pag. . rendred the reason hereof , viz. because elders then were not wanting : why then did not our brothers ingenuity so farre prevaile with him as to mention this , when he mentioned the other ? however yet this he may be pleased to observe , that as we grant the thing he speaks of , so themselves , i think must grant also , that it wanteth all example in the new testament , where ordinary elders do impose hands on ordinary elders : for my part i remember none , nor do i remember that themselves have yet produced any . these who laid on hands on the levites numb . . were elders , and our brethren say it is like they were ; but . they did not as elders : . but as representing the people ; not as elders civill , for that belonged to aaron and his sonnes , levit. . else it will follow that where a church hath no magistrates to lay on hands , there the church may doe it : nor did they lay on hands as ecclesiasticall elders , because what these which laid on hands did , they did as from the congregation : for . these levites were taken in stead of the first born of israel , and not instead of the first born of the elders only , numb . . , . they were presented to the lord as an offering of the children of israel , not of the elders onely . . when the multitude brought an oblation , the elders put their hands on the heads of the sacrifice , levit. . . instead of all the multitude . answ . in relating this passage , our meaning is exceedingly mistaken , and both our meaning and our words represented farre amisse unto the reader : the particulars which in this respect may be excepted against , are such as these . . that reporting us to say , it is like they who laid on hands were elders , he there breaks off the speech ; and so suppresseth that which follows ; wherein we first of all do give an explication in what respect they might be said to be elders , viz. as being the chiefe and principall members of the congregation ; and next of all we do adde , that neverthelesse therein example doth prove the point , if two things be considered which there we do expresse . but both these particulars , i mean , both the explication and the addition or exception , are wholly suppressed by mr. rutherford , and so the concession ; it is like they were elders , is left standing alone by it selfe . . he reports us to say , they did it not as elders civill : for that belonged to aaron and his sons ; wherein he fathers on us a palpable errour , of accounting aaron , and his sonnes to be elders civill , or magistrates , which never came into our thoughts : nay it was so farre from us that we plainly said the contrary , in that very place , to wit , that they were elders ecclesiasticall . our words are these , if they , ( that is , the children of israel ) did it as elders , then either as elders and governours ecclesiasticall , or as civill governours : but not the first , for that charge belonged to aaron and his sonnes : levit. . and these levites now ordained . in which words we plainly ascribe to aaron and his sonnes the charge of elders and governours ecclesiasticall , but not of civill governours , as mr. rutherford , is pleased to report . . in these words , else it will follow , that where a church hath no magistrates to lay on hands , there the church may do it ; our words are so miserably mangled , that no tolerable sence can appeare : for here is expressed an inference or consequence , that must follow , and yet no ground or antecedent at all from which it should follow , which is to represent us to the world as men that were loesi cerebro . for men that were in their right wits , i conceive , would scarcely ever argue in this fashion , as here we are reported to do : but our words are these , if the second be said , viz. that the children of israel did lay on hands as civill governours , then it will follow that civill magistrates , though no church-officers may impose hands in ordination of church-officers , and so the point is gained : ( viz. that church-officers may be ordained by those that are no church-officers ) which we do further manifest in the following words in this manner : if the magistrate may doe it , then it will follow that a church that hath no magistrate may perform this action by other the fittest instrument● she hath ; for which we there give this ground , for that this is not a work properly tyed to the magistrates office , because then the church in the apostles times wanting magistrates , could not have had officers ; the contrary whereof we say is manifest in the scriptures , act. . . tit. . . this is our manner of arguing in the place alledged , which is farre different from that which mr. rutherford reporteth as ours . . whereas he reports us to say , nor did they lay on hands as ecclesiasticall elders , because what these which lay on hands did , they did as from the congregation ; in this he also reports us to speak quite besides our plain meaning and expresse words . for whereas , he so sets down this sentence , as that the latter clause or branch therein is made the reason of the former ; the truth is this , that these clauses in the answer , have no dependance the one upon the other at all ; but the former hath another reason given for it , which here is not mentioned , and the latter which is here mentioned as the reason of the former is not so mentioned by us , but for another end and purpose . touching the former of these two , when we said that the children of israel , did not impose hands on the levites as ecclesiasticall elders , the reason we give for this saying is this , because that charge was onely belonging to aaron and his sonnes , and those levites now ordained : which reason mr. rutherford never mentions , but mentions another speech , as our reason , which was delivered by us for another purpose . the like measure doth he afford to us in the second branch of the sentence by him expressed : for whereas we give two reasons of the main thing in question , that this example of the children of israel , imposing hands on the levites doth prove that in some cases , non-officers may impose hands upon church officers , the one because what these children of israel did , they did it not as elders ; the other that what they did , they did it not for themselves alone , but for all the congregation , mr. rutherford applies not these two reasons to the thing in question as they were applyed by us , but instead thereof makes one of them to be a reason of the other , which was no part of our meaning , nor could justly be gathered from our words . this being said for clearing this passage of ours from his manifold mistakes , let us now heare his answer . pag. ● . these who laid on hands did it as a work peculiar to the elders , because the elders were a part of the first borne , who by office were elders , and in whose stead the levites were assumed , numb . . , . answ . if the elders were but a part of the first born , then how could all the first born be elders by office ? or if all the first born were by office elders , then how could the elders be but a part of the first born ? these things seem not to be here . but be it so , that the elders were a part of the first born as here is affirmed , how doth this prove that they who laid on hands did it as a work peculiar to the elders ? is there any necessary or clear consequence in such a proposition ? for my part , i see it not : but on the contrary , i suppose it is certaine , that the elders might be part or all of the first born , and yet they who did the work of imposing hands might neither impose as elders , nor of necessity be elders . though in the sense expressed in the answer , i will not deny but there might be elders , that is chiefe and principall members of the congregation . but if this were granted in the sense expressed , must it needs follow that they imposed hands as elders , and as elders by office too ? can a man sustain no relation , but all his actions must be actions of that relation ? cannot a man be an husband , or a parent , &c. but his actions of plowing sowing , &c. must needs be performed by him , as he is a husband , or parent ? cannot a minister pray in his family , instruct his children , or receive the bread and wine in the lords supper in the congregation , but all these things must be performed by him as a minister ? i suppose that none will say that this doth follow : and if not , then suppose that these who imposed hands were elders , how doth it follow , that when they imposed hands , they did impose as elders ? else the church of israel being a constituted church before this time wanted officers , which is against all truth . answ . else , else what ? let the antecedent or ground of this inference be taken from the words preceding , or from any of them ( and whence else to take it i cannot tell ) and no necessity of consequence i think will appear . the words preceding are no more but these , these who laid on hands , did it as a worke peculiar to the elders , because the elders were a part of the first born , who by office were elders , and in whose steed the levites were assumed , and then comes in this inference , else the church of israel wanted officers . now how this must needs follow upon any or all of those preceding , i see not . not that i deny the truth of all those preceding words , for of some of them i think otherwise , but supposing that were all true , which is more then doth yet appeare , yet here is that which i am doubtfull in , whether this inference must needs follow upon the same ? for ought i see , the church of israel might have officers , and yet the particulars here mentioned not be all true , but some of them false notwithstanding . at least wise if they were true , yet the reason here used would not inferre so much . for , to consider a little of the particulars : the church of israel had officers , ergo , the elders were a part of the first born ( which is one of the particulars ) the church of israel had officers ; ergo the first born were elders by office ; ( which is another ) the church of israel had officers : ergo , the levites were assumed instead of the first born ( which is another of them ) is there any necessity of consequence in any of these ? for my part i see it not : but suppose they were in themselves true , yet , the medium here used doth not proove them so to be . and for that which is the first , and as i conceive the cheif , to wit , that these who imposed hands did it as a work peculiar to elders , must this needs be granted , if it be granted , that the church of israel was not without officers ? i see no necessity of granting this neither , but the contrary to me seems possible enough , that thee might be officers afore this time in that church ; and yet what was now done by them who imposed hands , not be done by them , as elders by office , but as prime and principall members of the congregation . for the clearing whereof a little further , we may observe that they who imposed hands on the levites are not here called elders , nor rulers , nor officers , nor first born , nor any such like , but the term whereby they are expressed is this , the children of israel ; the children of israel , saith the lord , shall put their hands upon the levites , numb . . . now this term being used in the . verse imediately preceding , and in the . vers . imediately following , yet in neither of both can it be meant of elders and officers alone , but in both verses is undoubtedly meant of all the body of the congregation : and therefore if the context and circumstances of the place be regarded , these children of israel , who imposed hands on the levites , v. . cannot in that act be considered under the not●on of officers . sure it is when the verse before tells us that the whole assembly of the children of israel must be gathered together , and the verse following tells us that aaron must offer the levites for an offering of the children of israel ; in neither of these can the children of israel be understand of the officers alone , but the whole congregation is meant hereby in both verses : reason therefore requires that this tenth verse standing in the midst between the other two , the word children of israel , being used therein should be taken in the same sense in this verse , in which it is taken in the verse before , and in the verse that comes after . nay and further , he that shall peruse this chapter numb . . may easily finde that this word , the children of israel is used therein no lesse then fifteen or sixteen severall times ; and sometimes foure or five times in one verse ; and yet of all these , i think here is not so much as one , where it can be understood of the elders and officers as such , but is used to signifie all the congregation . and therefore to give such a singular interpretation of this word , in v. . so far different from the sense of the same word , in all the rest of the verses both before and after , and those being not only one or two , but so very many ; this kind of practise and interpretation had need to be builded upon very plain and pregnant , very cleare and cogent reason and demonstration , or else our brethren may excuse us if we be not over hasty and forward to receive it . again , the ninth and eleventh verses tell us plainly , that these levites were to be offered to the lord for an offering , not of the elders alone , but of the children of israel , even of all the assembly of the children of israel , and other scriptures tell us as plainly that all offerings were to be presented with the imposition of his hands , whose the offering was , levit. . , , and . , , . whereby it seems evident , that these children of israel , who imposed hands on these levites , at this time when they were offered for an offering , were the whole congregation or some in your name and stead , sith these levites were an offering of the whole congregation . wee grant the magistrates laid not on hands , but they who laid on hands , did it as ecclesiasticall elders . reconcile this with that pag. l. . where t is said , the princes and heads of tribes laid hands on them : now what were these princes and heads of tribes , but magistrates ? and if they were princes and magistrates how could they be considered in this act as ecclesiasticall elders ? the reasons against this conclude not . the first reason concludeth not . ans . here again our meaning is presented amisse to the reader ; for those three reasons of ours were given by us to prove another point , and not this to which mr. rutherford , applyes therein , as is plainly to be seen in answer , pag. , . where the reader may perceive that those reasons were brought to shew , that when the children of israel imposed hands , if these children of israel were not all the congregation , yet what they performed herein was for the congregation , and not for themselves onely : and if those reasons prove this , as i hope they doe ; it is no great disparagement to them not us , if they prove not another point for which they were never intended . but let us hear the answer . the first reason concludeth not , because those who laid on hands were the first born , who by office were church-men . answ . how shall we be sure that those who laid on hands were the first born ? though i deny it not , yet a bare affirmation proves not . again , suppose what here is affirmed were also sufficiently confirmed , how is the point in question proved hereby ? for , say they were the first born , they might notwithstanding do what they did for all the people , and not for themselves above . the other two reasons proves nothing . answ . let them be applyed to the thing , whereto they were intended and applyed by us , and then let the reader judge . the position was , that those who imposed hands on the levites , did it for the congregation or in their stead . the first of the two reasons is , that the levites were the congregations offerings , and all offerings were to be presented with the imposition of his hands , whose the offering was : the other is this , that it was an usuall thing when the congregation were to present an offering , that the elders should impose hands on the congregations offering , in the congregations stead , levit. . vers . , . now let the prophets judge , whether these reasons prove what they were brought to prove , to wit , that they who imposed hands on the levites did it for , or in stead of the congregation : or whether it be as our reverend brother affirms , that these two reasons proves nothing : yet let us hear why they prove nothing . because these who laid on hands , did lay on hands as representing the whole congregation . alas it doth no wayes conclude that they laid not on hands , as it is a worke peculiar to them 〈◊〉 elders . ans . if it doe not , yet if our reasons do conclude that they did it instead of the congregation , we have our intent : but to follow mr. rutherford a little in digressing from the point ; why , do not our reasons conclude this other ? the high-priest offered sacrifice , first for his own sins , and then for the peoples ; heb. . v. . and so did represent the people ; but i hope it followeth not that therefore the priest did not sacrifice as a priest , and by virtue of a peculiar office , but only as a principall member of the congregation . answ . mr. rutherford himself gives us a distinction which may be sufficient for answer to this passage . a representer , saith he , standeth for another either objectively or subjectively . the former of these is he that doth a busines for another , or in rem ejus , for his behalf and good , as the eye seeth and the eare heareth for the whole body ; and thus objectively the presbytery doth represent the people , that is , for your good and salvation of the people . the other representing another subjectively is when the representer hath its power from that which it representeth , as he who carrieth the room and person of a king as an ambassadour : but thus , saith he , the presbytery or eldership doth not represent the people . due right of presbyt . p. , . now as the presbytery represents the people , so may it be said of the priest , viz. that he represented the people only objectively , for their good , but not subjectively in their room and stead , and therefore the cases are not alike ; for we think that what was done by those who imposed hands , numb . . was not only done for the good of the children of israel , but also in their room and stead , which he will not say of the priest sacrificing for the people , having already said the contrary of the presbytery . pag. . you will say , in a church , in an iland , one may be a pastor without any ordination if the people elect him , and there be no elders to ordain ; i answer it is true . answ . if this be true , then what becomnes of that which was said in the precedent page , that though imposition of hands be not so essentiall , as that a minister can be no minister without it , yet for ordination it is otherwise , this being the authoritative calling of a minister , and the other but a rite annexed to the calling . in which place he counts ordination so essentiall , as that a minister can be no minister without it , and yet in the very next page confesseth , as we see , that in some case one may be a pastor without ordination : whereupon it must needs follow either that one may be a pastor without any authoritative calling or else that ordination is in effect , but the same with imposition of hands , and so there is no such difference between them as is pretended . but so many pastors send a pastor to a congregation , though that congregation never chuse him . answ . take your own words for answer pag. . we never read that in the apostles church a man was obtruded upon the people against their will and therefore election by the people in the apostolike church as act. . . act. . , , . rev. . , . act. . v. . must be our rule . any election without the peoples consent must be no election , for if it please not the whole multitude as act. . . it is not a choise . and in pag. . he tells us that all incorporations have power by the law of nature to chuse their own rulers and officers , and that christ hath provided the same in an eminant manner for his church . and therefore for this passage that many pastor may send a pastor to be pastor to a congregation , though that congregation never choose him , we desire that he would take his own money for payment . chap. xxv . whether a ministers calling consist in election or in imposition of hands , and whether of those is greater , and whether is prior or posterior . whether , tim. . . act. . , , . act. . , , . do prove that the ministers calling consists in imposition of hands by the presbytery , and that such imposition of hands is not a consumatory rite , or benedictory signe . also whether rom. . . do prove that a man cannot be a minister except some presbytery ordain him afore the people chuse him , and whether otherwise the people doe send a minster to themselves : and whether the people of god may not aswell discern a mans fitnes to be ordained as his fitnes to be elected . pag . . if the people may elect officers , then in some cases they may ordaine them also , because ordination is lesse then election , and dependeth upon it as a necessary antecedent , and it is nothing but a consummation of election , or the admission of a person into the possession of that office , whereto he had right before by election . if then a single congregation may elect , which is the greater , they may ordain , which is the lesse . and for this he alledgeth the answer pag. , . and then gives answer thereto in these words , ordination is the more and election the lesser ; for ordination is an act authoritative of the presbytery , . tim. . . answ . take ordination as we take it for imposition of hands on a church officer , and then we think it is lesse then election , as being but a rite or ceremony used at a ministers entrance into his office , but not at all of the essence thereof . nor are we alone , or the first that have so thought : for to omit others , he that wrote the book , called the unbishoping of timothy and tytus affirmeth pag. . that it is no essentiall , but a ceremoniall part of ordination , which may be sufficiently made without it , and saith that angelus de clavasio , peter martyr and others both papists and protestants affirm the same . and in pag. . he saith it is an act of service or ministery , not of authority , and no more then an externall complement or ceremony , alledging dr. ames & others for the same tenent . but now election is more then a ceremony that may be omitted , mr. rutherford himself being judge : for in his pag. . he tells us , that in the apostolike churches , a minister was never obtruded upon the people against their will , but that they still had the election of their ministers , and this he saith must be our rule , so that any election without the peoples consent must be no election , for if it please not the whole multitude it is not a choise . and in p. . he tells us out of chrysostome that all election of pastors is null without the consent of the people . whereby it seems that election is something essentiall ; and so consequently more then imposition of hands , which is but a rite or ceremony , which may be absent , and yet a man have all the essentialls of a minister notwithstanding . as for tim. . . the imposition of hands of the presbytery there spoken of , i conceive , could not be any act of superior authority but onely an approbatory signe or rite which might be used by inferiours towards your superiours . for timothy being an evangelist , how could any ordinary presbytery have authority over him , or give office or authority to him ? besides it is not said that timothy received his gift by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery , but by the prophesie , and by the laying on of pauls hands , and with the laying on the hands of the presbytery . now between those two phrases , by the laying on of hands , and with the same , there is great difference , the one importing some cause or authority or power , the other importing no more but an approbatory rite , or a signe used in a solemne commending of one to god by prayers : altare damascen . pag. . of which more is to be seen in the plea for the churches in new england part of the second chap. . quest . , . for ought i see the authors might argue thus , the people may ordaine : ergo , they may preach and baptise , for all the three are presbyteriall acts given to men in office. answ . we read in mornay de ecclesia chap. ● . that of old time it was an argument rise in the church , he may baptise , he may administer the lords supper ; ergo , he may lay on hands ; but such arguing as mr rutherford useth , they may lay on hands , ergo , they may baptise ; this we remember not that we have read in any authors , except in him : nor doe we think the consequence the same , inasmuch as in the one the argument proceeds from the greater to the lesse , and in the other from the lesse to the greater , and yet affirmatively in both . thus the argument is understood by the forenamed author of the unbishoping of timothy and tytus , who in pag. . speaking of these words of mornay layes down the argument thus , he can baptise , he can consecrate and administer the lords supper which are the greater and more honorable actions , ergo , he may lay on hands which is the lesse : and this kind of arguing for my part , i think to be good ▪ but for that of mr. rutherfords , i see no more consequence therein , then if one should say , he that may doe the lesser , may doe the greater also ▪ in which i see , no strength of consequence at all . pag. , . whereas some say act. . , , . election of seven men to be deacons goeth before ordination or imposition of hands , v. . answ . election of the people goeth before ordination in the relation of luke , true ; ergo , election is prior by order of nature , it followeth not . answ . the place cannot be so satisfied ; for the text is very plain , that these seven were elected by the multitude afore the apostles laid their hands on them ; yea , and not onely afore in respect of priority of nature , but also in respect of time ; for otherwise , how could the apostles say as they doe unto the multitude ; brethren look out seven men among you whom we may appoint over this busines ? can any man imagine they would thus have spoken , if themselves had already found out the men , and likewise had imposed hands upon them ? for my part , i see no reason for such an apprehension ; but think it is undenyably plain in the text , that the election of these seven by the people was prior to their ordination , by imposition of the apostles hands , not onely in the relation of luke as mr. rutherford would have it , but also in nature and time , and that the contrary cannot be said without violence to the text , and injury and wrong unto the apostles , who by mr. rutherfords exposition are made to have bidden the multitude to look out for the men amongst them of honest report , &c. with a profession that when the multitude had so done they would then appoint the men to the businesse , when as by this exposition they had already appointed them thereunto , and had imposed their hands on them , which kinde of dealing had been such , that i think that apostles were farre from it . it cannot be that election of the people is the whol calling of a man to the ministery , and ordination only a supplement & a consummatory rite , or a benedictory sign , which may be spared . answ . take ordination as we do , and why cannot this be ? himself told us p. . that he thinks not imposition of hands so essentiall , but that a minister may be a minister without it , and that to him it is but a rite annexed to the calling : which is just the same that we hold , and yet when it comes from us it cannot be accepted . again , he told us pag. , . that there are true and lawfull pastors , who have no call but peoples election : which if it be so , doth it not then follow , that the election of the people with the mans acceptance thereof is his whole calling ? for if ●●ey be true and lawfull pastors , who have no more but this election , it seems it must needs be that this is the whole , and yet here this is denyed . but let us hear the reasons of this denyall . . because by the imposition of the hands of the presbytery timothy was made a minister , timothy . . answ . the text is not by the imposition of their hands , but with it , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as was noted afore out of didoclavius altare damascen . p. . who also sheweth in the same place at large , that this imposition of hands upon timothy was onely for a testimonall of the approbation of his calling , and for a ceremony used in commending him to god in their prayers . and in asmuch as the office of timothy was the office of an evangelist , how could an ordinary presbytery giving him either the gifts or the power belonging thereto ? when mr. rutherford hath satisfied mr. calderwood in these things ( a man of his own nation ) for i suppose mr. calderwood to be the authour of that treatise of altare damascen . then if we require more may be said of this place . in the mean time i proceed to the next . by this imposition of hands paul and sylas were separated to preach to the gentiles , acts . , , . answ . paul and sylas are not once mentioned in that place , but paul and barnabas ; but not to insist upon this mistake , let m. calderwood answer for us concerning this scripture : litigent , saith he , inter se pontifieii utrum impositio ista manuum fuerit ordinativa , &c. that is , let the papists contend amongst themselves whether this imposition of hands was for ordination , or onely for prayer : we hold that it was for prayer and comendatory ( for they commended them to the grace of god , as it s said , act. . . ) yet as they could not ord●●n them and call them to this ministery they being apostles , who were called extraordinarily , so neither could they appoint them to any certain imployment or place , for the holy ghost did direct the apostles in their troubles , and here it is expresly said , that they were sent forth by the holy ghost altare damascen . pag. . and then speaking of certain words of spalato , who saith , this imposition of hands was a pious ceremony , and used at that time as a certain part of an efficatious prayer ; he addeth , rectius diceret fuisse , &c. he might more rightly say , it was a rite and gesture of one that prayed , shewing the person for whom he did implore grace , rather then to call it an efficacious part of prayer . where we plainly see that he counts this imposition of hands on paul and barnabas no ordaining of them to the office , as some papists and it seems mr. rutherford would have it ; but onely a rite or gesture used when the presbytery commended paul and barnabas to god by prayer . this authour of altare damascenam also addeth , cum assumendi erant levitae , &c. that is , when the levites were to be taken from amongst the children of israel , the lord commands that they should be brought before jehova● , and that the children of israel should lay their hands upon the levites , numb . . , . although the lord had commanded to consecrate these levites unto the ministery ; yet he commands the israelites to lay their hands upon the levites , as if they had of their own accord in their name given them up to the ministery , as junius in his analysis doth fitly interpret it : thus far mr. calderwood whose judgement of this scripture numb . . whether it be not the same with ours , which was formerly expressed , let mr. rutherford himself be judge . mr. rutherford addeth that by imposition of hands the deacons were ordained , act. . and that this is enjoyned with the right manner of acting it to timothy , tim. . . and . . . as a ministeriall act . answ . whereas , he saith , it cannot be that laying on of hands should be onely a consummatory rite or benedictory signe , and brings the example of these deacons , acts. . for proof , i desire no more , but that he would accept his own words for answer . now in pag. . his words are these ; it is not said that the deacons were ordained with fasting and prayer , as hands are laid upon paul and barnabas , act. . , . but simply that the apostles prayed and laid their hands on them ; which seems to me to be nothing but a signe of praying over these deacons , and no ceremony or sacrament conferring on them the holy ghost . now if it was nothing but a signe of praying over these deacons , then the substance of their calling consisted not in this laying on of hands , but in some thing else ; and what should that be but their election by the people ? . if it was nothing but a signe of praying over then , then why is a consummatory rite and a benedictory signe gainsaid and opposed ? for what great difference is there between a sign of prayer and a benedictory signe ? and how shall he be reconciled with himself , that saith it was nothing but such a sign of praying , and yet will not yeeld that it was onely a benedictory signe ? and for the other particular where he saith , this laying on of hands was enjoyed to timothy as a ministeriall act , if by ministeriall act he mean an act that could be lawfully performed by none , but onely by a minister ; then i desire some proof that this was so enjoyned to timothy . that it was enjoyned to him i grant , but that it was so enjoyned needs some better proof then a bare and naked aff●rmation ; specially sith many things were enjoyned to timothy in those examples , which were and are justly applyable to all christians . furthermore suppose it were true that imposition of hands were enjoyned to timothy as a ministeriall act , how doth this reach to make good the thing in question ? what should hinder but the peoples election might contain the substance of a ministers calling notwithstanding ? or how doth it therfore follow that imposition of hands was not a consummatory rite or benedictory signe , but somthing more ? is there any such necessary consequence here , that the one of these must needs follow upon the other ? for my part i see it not , nor see any thing to the contrary , but if imposition of hands were such a ministeriall act , as he saith it is , yet it might still be meerly a consummatory rite or benedictory signe , and the substance of the calling consist still in the peoples election . himself doth say , as we hear even now , that imposition of hands act. . though here he call it a ministeriall act , was nothing but a signe of praying over the deacons . and therefore these two , to be a ministeriall act ▪ and yet to be nothing but a signe of prayer or benedictory sign ( which to me are the same ) are not so inconsistent by his own doctrine , but that they may well stand together ; and himself doth also hold that the laying on of hands mentioned numb . . . was a ministeriall act , and that they who did it , performed the same as ecclesiasticall elders ; and yet i hope , he will not deny that the substance of the levites calling was in the immediate designement and appointment of the lord , and not in the performance of this laying on of hands . and therefore it follows , that if laying on of hands were granted to be a ministeriall act , yet still it may be meerly a benedictory signe , and the substance or essence of the ministers calling not consist in it , but in some thing else . a mini●●eriall calling standeth in an authoritative sending , rom. . . and i see not well how the people do send a minister to themselves . answ . but it is not easie to see how they choose a man for a minister to themselves , being sent unto them by god ? and if god doe furnish a man with gifts , and an holy propensity of minde to the work in generall , and to such or such a people in particular , and make way by his providence thereto , then who can deny , but such a man is sent of god unto that people ? and then if that people observing gods sending of him in this s●●t , do hereupon elect and choose him , and promise to be obedient to him in the lord , what is there now wanting to the substance and offence of such a mans calling to such a people ? and yet the man is not sent by them to themselves , but sent by god , and received and chose by them : parcus understands this sending , rom. . of gods sending ▪ and so doth piscator , and who not ? and to understand it otherwise would be to condemne the prophets and apostles , who were not sent by men at all , and yet did truely answer this scripture , in that they were sent of god : true it is , ordinary ministers are not sent of god in such an extraordinary way as the prophets and apostles were , but in an ordinary way , and by ordinary means ; which way and means if they doe observe , they also may be truly said to be sent of god unto the people . but peradventure our brother means that the people may not lawfully choose a man for minister unto themselves , except he be first sent unto them , in an authoritative way by some other men , and that otherwise he is not sent unto them of god ; which if it were true , then it would follow , that the apostles and prophets , as i said , were not sent of god : for plain it is , that men sent them not . it would also hereupon be requisite to be cleared , that some men besides the church have authority to send ministers to the church , and who these men are that have such authority had need to be cleared also ; which i for my part think will not be done in hast . and till this be done , i know no reason , but i may still retain this apprehension , that men who are qualified according to the rule of the word and duly elected and chosen to some office of the ministery by gods people , are truly sent of god unto that people . the people have not either formally or by grant of christ virtually , the keyes committed to them , how then can they give the keyes to pastors ? answ . yet in p. . he tells us that he denyes not but there is a power virtuall , not formall in the church of beleevers , to supply the want of ordination of pastors , or some other acts of the keyes simply necessary , hic & nunc : and this power , saith he , is virtuall not formall . now to say they have this power neither formally nor virtually , and yet to say they have this power virtually though not formally , what is it but an apparent contradiction ? but suppose it were true that the people had not this power either formally or virtually , yet mr. ball and mr. bai●s afore him doe tell us , that ministerially they may give what they never had , viz. as ministring to him who hath power and virtue of deriving its as a man not 〈◊〉 a peny of his own may give an l. if the king make him his almoner . thus the church deriveth a● taking the person whom christ describeth , and out of power will ●ave placed in this or that office in his church . the power of the imperiall dignity is not in the electo● of the emperours , nor the power of that office and authority , whereunto a minister is elected , in the church , who chuseth him to that office . ball tryall of separat . pag. , . pag. , . people may as the sheep of christ discern his voice , joh. . and so have a power of election of their own pastors : nor doth this make good what our brethren say , that therefore they may judge of a ministers fitnes ? answ . that which we say in this answ . pag. . there must be some ability to discerne whether men be qualified according to the rule , afore they ought to be elected and chosen into office ; and the people of god have so much ability as is of necessity required afore there be preceeding unto ordination ? wherein it is plain that our arguing is from the peoples ability to discern of mens fitnes afore they be elected , to their like ability to discern of their fitnesse afore they be ordained . they who have so much as to discern who are fit to be ordained : but the people of god may have the former . ergo , they may have the latter . now what saith mr. rutherford hereunto ? the assumption he denyes not , but in plain words grants it , saying , they may as christs sheep , joh. . discern christs voyce , and so have a power of election of their own pastors . it must then be the consequence that must be denyed , or the conclusion must be yeelded : what then brings he to overthrow the consequence ? nothing but this , that there is a two fold knowledge , one of christians not denyed to women and beleeving children , who cannot lay on hands , nor ordain mi●isters , as the presbytery doth . but what the other knowledge is he doth not plainly tell , except any thing may be gathered from the words following , where he saith , but for trying of ministers if they be the sonnes of the prophets apt to teach , able to convince the subtill hereticks , and gainsayers , and to put them to silence , there must be in a constituted church a colledge of pastors and prophets to try the prophets with a presbyteriall cognizance . answ . but if mr. rutherford would have spoken to the point , he should have given some reason why the people may discern a mans fitnes for election , and yet not discern his fitnes for ordination , for this is the consequence of our argument which he denyes . but in all that is here said about a two fold knowledge , one of christians , and the other of some body else , what is there in all this , that hath so much as the least shew of overthrowing or weakning the conseqence ? su●e nothing at all that i can finde : for as for that which is intimated , that christians have not so much knowledge as to try ministers whether they be apt to teach , &c. this makes nothing to the point in hand , that they can discern whether a man be fit to be elected , but not discern whether he be fit to be ordained ; but if it have any strength in it at all , it is as much against the ability of the people , which he expressely grants , as against that which he would deny ; as much against their ability of discerning his fitnes for ordination . and therefore how this should overthrow the one and not the other , i do not know : for to any mans understanding it makes no more against the one then against the other ; but either against both , which he will not grant , or else against neither which i conceive is the very truth ? to argue in this sort , they have not ability to convince 〈◊〉 hereticks ; ergo , they may not chuse their ministers , this mr. rutherford will not own ; for he plainly grants they may chuse : and therefore how can this arguing be good , they want ab●lity to convince hereticks ; ergo , they may not impose hands in ordination ? how the one kinds of reasoning can be better then the other , i do not know , except we would say some may be lawfully elected and chosen to the ministery , who cannot lawfully be ordained , but this i suppose cannot be said with truth . chap. xxvi . whether the epistles to timothy and titus , wherein there are contained rules of direction in laying on of hands , do prove that the action may not in any case be performed by non-officers , but must be performed onely by presbyters ; and whether the argument do not make as strongly for the appropriating of laying on of hands to the prelates , as to the presbyters , and do not as well exclude the presbyters from medling therein , as exclude the people . there is onely one place more where i finde mr. rutherford excepting against the answer ; and that is in his pag. . where alledging the answer pag. . which i conceive is misprinted for pag. . he sets down these words as ours , viz. if people may not meddle with ordination , because it is proper to timothy and titus , this may prove that they were bishops who did ordaine elders there alone , which ministers may not doe there , for these epistles are not written to them as bishops alone , nor as elders alone , but as to a mixt state including the people . answ . the order of the dispute is this : reverend mr. herle arguing for ordination of officers by a consociated eldership , and not by a single congregation with or without a pastor , brings this reason for his judgement , viz. rules of direction how to proceed in ordination , and the epistles where those rules are laid down , are not written to the churches or congregations , but to timothy and titus . in answer whereunto we spoke to this purpose , that if this be a sufficient reason to prove that the people may not in any case meddle with ordination , then by as good reason it will follow , that ordination belongs not to the presbytery or synod , but onely to one man , as the prelates would have it ; the reason we give is , because timothy and titus were each of them but onely one man. and we there further say , that we doe approve the answer given to this kinde of reasoning by the refuter of dr. down●●s sermon , at l●●beth , who shews that what was written in those epistles , was not onely written for timothy and titus , but for other ministers also , and also in some sort for all the saints , and that therefore there is no more reason to appropriate those rules , onely to the use of presbyteries and synods , then only to the use of prelates . now what saith mr. rutherford to this ? some parcell of these 〈◊〉 are written , saith he , to timothy and titus as evangeli●ts . something 's are written to them as christians ; and finaditer & objective all is written for the churches good , but the bulk of the epistles is written to them as elders , and especially . tim. . . tim. . . for these and the like they were to doe with the presbytery as is cleare , tim. . . answ . this scripture tim. . doth shew that timothy had a gift given him by prophesie with the laying on the hands of the presbytery ; but how doth it hence appear , that not only timothy but titus also was to dothings with the presbytery ? titus is not at all mentioned in that scripture . and as for timothy , scripture tells what the presbytery did to him , but what he must doe with the presbytery it tells us nothing at all . again , if the bulk of the epistles be written to them as elders , and the churches be no otherwise concerned therein , but only finaliter and objectively , the epistles being written for their good , then what shall be the meaning and reason of these words in the conclusion of the epistle to titus , and of the latter to timothy , where it is said , grace be with you , and grace be with you all ? doth it not plainly appear hereby , that more then elders , even all the saints in those places are written unto in those epistles ? thirdly if there be rules in the epistles that doe belong to elders alone , yet sith it is confessed , and may not be denyed , that other things therein doe concern all christians , how shall we be assured that such passages , as concern ●aying on of hands are of the former sort , and not of the latter ? for to say it is so , and it is clear , we think doth not clear it at all , unlesse some further proofe be added . lastly , if all this were granted , which here is said by mr. rutherford , yet for ought i see , our answer is not removed thereby , but still stands fair and good : for in that place of the answer alledged , we say two things , . that these rules about ordination in timothy and titus may with as fair a colour be appropriated to one man , as to presbyteries and synods . . that the epistles and the rules therein are not to be appropriated to bishops alone or ministers alone , but are indeed of generall concernment for all the christians . now neither of these two is discovered by mr. rutherford . for as for the former of them , he saith nothing thereto at all ; and the latter he doth in a manner grant , not only by saying that all here is written for the churches good , but also by saying that somethings are written to timothy and titus as christians which is in effect the same that we had said before . and how our answer can be disproved or satisfied , either by saying nothing at all thereto , or by saying the same that we had said before , i leave it to the judicious reader to consider . finis . a copy of a remonstrance lately delivered in to the assembly by thomas goodwin, ierem. burroughs, william greenhill, william bridge, philip nie, sidrach simson, and william carter declaring the grounds and reasons of their declining to bring into the assembly their modell of church-government. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing c ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a copy of a remonstrance lately delivered in to the assembly by thomas goodwin, ierem. burroughs, william greenhill, william bridge, philip nie, sidrach simson, and william carter declaring the grounds and reasons of their declining to bring into the assembly their modell of church-government. goodwin, thomas, - . burroughs, jeremiah, - . greenhill, william, - . bridge, william, ?- . nye, philip, ?- . simpson, sidrach, ?- . carter, w. (william) p. [s.n.], london : . reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng church polity. a r (wing c ). civilwar no a copy of a remonstrance lately delivered in to the assembly. by thomas goodwin. ierem: burroughs. william greenhill. william bridge. philip [no entry] c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copy of a remonstrance lately delivered in to the assembly . by thomas goodwin . ierem : burroughs . william greenhill . william bridge . philip nie . sidrach simson . and william carter . declaring the grounds and reasons of their declining to bring in to the assembly , their modell of church-government . london : printed in the yeer , . to the reader . the copie of this ensuing remonstrance ( for so i title it , as deeming it no other ) lately delivered in to the assembly by the dissenting brethren , falling under my view ( by a divine providence ) i endeavoured a transcript thereof , ayming at no other end but the reserving it by me for my private and particular satisfaction . since which time upon occasionall converses with divers of the presbyterian party , i have been an often eare-witnesse of many untrue and unjust aspersions which reflected upon the reverend authors , as if the independants ( so they are pleased to call them ) could not , or durst not ( according to the demand of the assembly ) produce a model and bring in thither , such a frame of church-government with the reasons and grounds thereof as they contend for ; or rather , that they had in their conceptions some chima●ra , or some utopian frame , which in the issue would prove either abortive or ridiculous ; and that therefore being privy to the weaknes of their own principles , they have res●●ted onely , instead of a perfect body , an airy , and ( to use some of their own words ) a rayling accusation against the reverend assembly , intending nothing lesse then the product of a compleated frame , and nothing more than the cheating of the people , whom they know do expect such an accomplisht platform . these and the like undue bespatterings , ●asht from the mouthes of some whom i dare not but call brethren , and that upon those who for their personall endowments they themselves acknowledge to be both pious and learned ; and frequently hinted into the minds and thoughts of the godly and well-affected of either part ( who at present by reason thereof are at a losse both in their judgements and expectations ) coming within my hearing and observation ; i found ( weighing the rationall considerations exhibited in this remonstrance for their refusall to deliver in to the assembly their model of church-government , as was imposed on them ) an irresistable dictate from my conscience , to convert the manuscript into a printed copie . wherein the ingenious reader may clearly perceive , and truly judge what was the direct remora that deterred them ( contrary to their primary resolves ) from doing that which was required by the assembly , and what likewise are their reall intentions for the future , namely , to let the churches have the benefit of what they have prepared to that purpose , which i am confident in as convenient a time as is sutable to such a work , they will perfect and exhibit to open view . as for the godly and learned authors themselves , i humbly crave their pardon that i have presumed without their knowledge to present this their copie to the world , professing that no sinister ends at all byassed me : 't was onely the satisfying of my own conscience , and my earnest desires that the truth and candour of their cause , and their proceedings therein , may ( notwithstanding the besmearings that others endeavour to cast on both ) be rightly resented by the godly and judicious , that hath swayed my resolutions : which ends if i attain , i have enough . december . . we gave in reasons of our dissenting , to this assembly , against the subordination of synods , and they were committed to be answered and brought in . april . . an order was made by this assembly , that the brethren of this assembly , who have formerly entred their dissents to the presbyteriall government , shall be a committee to bring in the whole frame of their judgements , concerning church government , in a body with their grounds and reasons . it was also by this assembly , lately imposed on us , to make report of what we had done in the committee . how willing and ready we have been from the beginning of the discussions in this reverend assembly , to make known whatever we hold , concerning church government , as we have had publique testimony in this assembly , so we have manifold instances and evidences of it ; witnesse that constant , free , and open expressing our selves upon all occasions , and in all questions propounded to the debate , with offers to give an open account at any time , in what ever should be asked us by any brother . our profferring divers times to bring in propositions , stated to our sense for the dispute , and when we were made a committee to that purpose , in the point of ordination , and did bring our judgements concerning it for a dispute , it was laid aside . and at another time , when we ourselves brought in papers , giving the state of the question , about that extraordinary way of ordination , which were read , and returned back unto us , it being publiquely professed that that was not an allowed way and course of this assembly , for any of the brethren to bring in papers , unlesse they were made a committee by the assembly it self . and so we were prevented of doing the like for time to come . likewise our frequent complainings of the stating of questions , so that we could not fully argue for our judgements , we being bound up to the questions as stated by you . the usuall answer to our complaints heerin being , that the assembly sate not to argue the opinions of a few men , but that if we had any thing to say to the assertion brought in , we might . as also our earnest contending to have some questions ( which you all know are the greatest and most fundamentall points ) fairly disputed and debated , is a sufficient testimony of this our willingnesse . as in the entrance into the dispute of government , the first day , we pressed the handling of this , that there is a platform of government for the churches , under the gospel , laid down in the scripture , and desired to have discussed , what are the sure and certain wayes , whereby we may judge what of government , is held forth jure divino therein , which should have been fundamentall to all the disputes that were to follow : and this was professedly laid aside by you , which therfore in none of the subsequent debates , we could renew , and thus arguments were cut off , it being that great and necessary medium , by which the particulars should be confirmed , and in a manner , the whole controversie decided ; the greatest difference that were likely to grow betwixt us , being this , that the forms of government , you pretend to , and we deny , are asserted to be jure divino . in like manner that other next great question , about the intire power in congregations , that have a sufficient presbytery for all censures , which as it is in order the first that presents it self for discussion ( as was urged ) so also it is one of the greatest points in difference betwixt us and you : yet the debate of this was not onely denied the first place in the dispute , but was to this day declined by you ; although to have it argued was contended for by us , and not by us onely , but by many of those , that are for a subordinate government thereof to synods . and though earnest desires and motions for it were renewed and inculcated , yet were they as often laid aside . yea and this , although it was once expresly commended by the grand committee of the honorable members of both houses , joyned with twelve divines of the assembly , to be next disputed , as the best means , both of expedition , and of ending the controversie . and over and above all this , to argue this our willingnesse to dispute our way , in the aforesaid honorable committee appointed by an order of the honorable house of commons , to find out wayes , of accommodating different judgements in the assembly , the sub-committee of divines , consisting of two of us , and foure others , appointed by that honorable committee to prepare waies and propositions of accommodation , brought in the main and most of what practically we desired , and we therein added , that if such a libertie shall seem in the wisdome of this honorable committee , to be so prejudiciall to the peace of the church as not to be permitted , we humbly desire , the doctrinall principles wherein we differ about church-government , may be taken into serious consideration , and some other way of accommodation in practise thought upon , as shall seem fit to this honorable committee : and this was presented to that honorable committee and those twelve of the assembly , to be transmitted , whether to the honorable houses , or the assembly as they should think meet . after this , when upon occasion of something brought in by one brother , and intertained , we took hold of that example , and one of us , with consent of the rest , brought in seven propositions , which contained matter of difference betwixt us , professing , that if this reverend assembly would debate them , or any one of them , we would bring in more , untill we had brought in all the frame , and the assembly themselves should pick and chuse what they would debate , and what not . but these propositions were rejected with a refusall to debate any one of them . and after all this , though the main parts of the presbyteriall government , had been then voted by the assembly , and sent up to the honorable houses ( as , namely , that about ordination , and the presbyteriall government over many congregations , as also concerning the subordination of nationall , provinciall and classicall assemblies ) and there was not much remaining about church-government , to be concluded in this assembly : yet this reverend assembly requiring , ( by occasion of a book published , that reflected on these proceedings , that we had no hand in , nor knowledge of ) a whole frame of government , with the grounds and reasons thereof , to be brought in by us , and voted us heerto to be a committee , we yeilded our selves to be a committee , to bring in part by part , in like manner as the presbyteriall government was brought into the assembly , and disputed : but that was not accepted . and then it being said , that there was something in church-government , remaining undiscussed , and unresolved ; and it being further alledged that the assembly ●ad not sent up all that which they had concluded , but meant to present an entire frame and body to the honorable houses : and that we might take away all occasions of any such jealousies that we were unwilling to discover what we held ( which were commonly in mens mouthes abroad ) we yeilded to be a committee , to bring in the whole to this assembly , though upon all the fore-mentioned disadvantages , and were purposed and resolved amongst our selves so to do , and that in as convenient a time as a work of such a compasse could , ( in such a manner as was proposed by you ) be dispatched by us . and as in the debate about making us a committee , the assembly would not declare ( though pressed by us ) what they would do with that modell , and those reasons we should bring in ; so the voting of what yet remained in church-government , was hastened by you . and when not long after , upon occasion of the debate of one particular point , in which we differed from this assembly , we moved it might be deferred , because we should present our judgements and reasons about it , with the rest , ( for therein lay that which we accounted the favour of being made a committee by you ) it was publiquely answered , that therefore the assembly should the rather go on to the concluding of it , because we intended to bring it in ; and before we could dispatch that body we intended , so as to report it unto you according to your order ; ( the collection of the materials whereof , spent us two or three moneths , and we could not obtain the liberty to bring in any thing but the whole ) this assembly had presented to the honorable houses , as well what had been sent up by peeces afore , as what was since concluded , in one intire frame . by all which we perceived , that that which was the main end and use of presenting such a modell to this assembly , would be frustrated . and furthermore , we having given in ( as this assembly knows ) but two heads of dissenting reasons : the one against the presbyterial government over many congregations : the other against the subordination of synods . by the successe of the latter we see , that this assembly can assume the liberty ( if it so please ) to reserve those we shall now present , unanswered , as they have done those our dissenting reasons against subordination of synods , although it contain a great and main part of that wherein we differ , as also is of all other , of the greatest moment , both to this church and state , and hath been given in to this assembly ten moneths since , and their votes concerning thes● subordinations , as long since presented to the honorable houses , but have not been answered by any reply brought in to this assembly , and so not ready to have been sent up to the honorable houses . and if these we might now bring in , should be undertaken to be answered by this assembly , yet we still retain the sense of so much remedilesse prejudice , by being bound from replying again , as doth make us justly wary : we may for ever lie under whatever misinterpretations may happen , ( suppose but through mistake of yours , or imperfection of our expression ) without clearing our meaning , and we may be bound up from further urging or driving home that wherein the strength of any argument lies , if the dint thereof should be avoided by some specious diversion . and although our former reasons given in after dispute to both the honorable houses , according to their order , were therefore not our own , but to be disposed of according to their appointment ; yet what we should now give in , we conceive to be in our own power . upon these considerations we think that this assembly hath no cause now to require a report of us , nor will that our report be of any use , seeing that reports are for debates , and debates are for results to be sent up to the honorable houses , who have already voted another form of government then what we shall present . however it may be of more use some other way , which by this course may be prevented , and therefore we are resolved to wait for some further opportunitie , to improve what we have prepared . finis . tolleration iustified, and persecution condemn'd. in an answer or examination, of the london-ministers letter whereof, many of them are of the synod, and yet framed this letter at sion-colledge; to be sent among others, to themselves at the assembly: in behalf of reformation and church-government, corinth. ii. vers. . . and no marvail, for sathan himself is transformed into an angell of light. therefore it is no great thing, though his ministers transform themselves, as though they were ministers of righteousnesse; whose end shall be according to their works. walwyn, william, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing w a thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) tolleration iustified, and persecution condemn'd. in an answer or examination, of the london-ministers letter whereof, many of them are of the synod, and yet framed this letter at sion-colledge; to be sent among others, to themselves at the assembly: in behalf of reformation and church-government, corinth. ii. vers. . . and no marvail, for sathan himself is transformed into an angell of light. therefore it is no great thing, though his ministers transform themselves, as though they were ministers of righteousnesse; whose end shall be according to their works. walwyn, william, - . [ ], , [ ] p. [s.n.], london, : printed in the year, . attributed to william walwyn by wing. annotation on thomason copy: "jan: th "; the second in imprint date crossed out. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng religious tolerance -- england -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . religion and state -- england -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no tolleration iustified, and persecution condemn'd.: in an answer or examination, of the london-ministers letter whereof, many of them are of walwyn, william f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the letter of the london ministers to the assembly of divines at vvestminster ; against toleration , mildly examined ; and the mistakes thereof friendly discovered ; as vvell for the sakes of the independent and separation , as for the good of the common-wealth . when i call to minde the generall oppression ( before the parliament ) exercised upon good people , conscientious in the practice of their religion ; and that the presbyters did not onely suffer as much as any therein , but exclaim'd , and labour'd as much as any there-against : it is a wonder to me , that now that yoke is removed , and a blest opportnnity offered by almighty god , to the people and their parliament , to make every honest heart glad , by allowing a just and contentfull freedome , to serve god without hypocrisie ; and according to the perswasion of conscience : that one sect amongst us , that is the presbyters , that have been yoke-fellowes with us ; should not rest satisfied with being free as their brethren , but become restlesse in their contrivances and endeavours , till they become lords over us . the wonder is the same , as it would have been , had the israelites , after the aegyptian bondage , become task-masters in the land of canaan one to another , but that is more in them who have been instructed by our saviour in that blessed rule ; of doing unto others , what they would have others doe unto themselves . to discover the severall policies the presbiters have used to get into the chayre they have justled the bishops out of , whose example they have followed in many particulars ; as especially in the politick and graduall obtaining the ordinance for licencing , upon a pretence of stopping the kings writings , but intentionably obtained , and violently made use of against the independents , separation , and common-wealths-men , who either sees more , or something contrary to the designes of the licencer . to signifie to the people , how the presbiters have laboured to twist their interest with the parliaments , as the bishops did theirs with the king , how daily and burdensomly importunate they are with the parliament , to establish their government , ( which they are pleased to call christs ) and back it with authority , and a compulsive power , ( which by that very perticular appeares not to be his ) to lay open their private juncto's and councels , their framing petitions for the easie and ignorant people , their urging them upon the common councell , and obtruding them upou the chusers of common councell men , at the wardmote elections , even after the parliament had signified their dislike thereof ; to sum up their bitter invectives in pulpits , and strange liberty they take as well there , as in their writings , to make the separation and independents odious by scandals and untrue reports of them , in confidence of having the presse in their own hands , by which meanes , no man without hazard shall answer them , to lay open the manner and depth of these proceedings , is not the intention of this worke ; i only thought good to mention these particulars , that the presbiters may see they walke in a net , no 't is no cloud that covers them , and that they may fear that in time they may be discern'd as well by the whole people , as they are already by a very great part thereof . the london ministers letter , contriu'd in the conclave of sion colledge , is one of the numerous projects of the clergy : not made for the information of the sinod , but the misinformation of the people , to prevent which is my businesse at this time ; i will only take so much of it as is to the point in hand , to wit , tolleration . letter , it is true , by reason of different lights , and different ▪ sights among brethren , there may be dissenting in , opinion , yet why should there be any seperating from church communion . why ? because the differences in opinion is in matters that concerne church communion : you may as well put the question , why men play not the hypocrites ? as they must needs do if they should communicate in that church society , their minde cannot approve of . the question had been well put , if you had said , by reason of different lights , and different sights , there may be dissenting in opinion , yet why should our hearts be divided one from another ? why should our love from hence , and our affections grow cold and dead one towards another ? why should we not peaceably , beare one with another , till our sights grow better , and our light increase ? these would have been questions i thinke , that would have pusled a truly conscientious man to have found an answer for . that which next followes , to wit , the churches coat may be of divers colours , yet why should there be any rent in it : is but an old jing of the bishops , spoken by them formerly in reference to the presbiters ; and now mentioned , to make that which went before , which has no weight in it selfe , to sound the better . letter . have we not a touchstone of truth , the good word of god , and when all things are examined by the word , then that which is best may be held fast ; but first they must be knowne , and then examined afterward . i shall easily concur with them thus farr , that the word of god is the touchstone , that all opinions are to be examined by that , and that the best is to be held fast . but now who shall be the examiners , must needs be the question ; if the presbiter examine the independant and seperation , they are like to find the same censure the presbiters have already found , being examined by the bishops , and the bishops found from the pope : adversaries certainly are not competent judges ; aga ine , in matters disputable and controverted , every man must examine for himselfe , and so every man does , or else he must be conscious to himselfe , that he sees with other mens eyes , and has taken up an opinion , not because it consents with his understanding , but for that it is the safest and least troublesome as the world goes , or because such a man is of that opinion whom he reverences , and veri●y believes would not have been so , had it not been truth . i may be helpt in my examination , by other men , but no man o● sort of men ▪ are to examine for me , insomuch that before an opinion can properly be said to be mine , it must concord with my understanding . now here is the fallacy , and you shall find it in all papists , bishops , presbiters , or whatsoever other sort of men , have or would have in their hands the power of persecuting , that they alwayes suppose themselves to be competent examiners and judges of other men differing in judgement from them , a●d upon this weake supposition ( by no meanes to be allowed ) most of the reasons and arguments of the men forementioned , are supported . they proceed to charge much upon the indepe●dents , for not producing their modell of church-government ; for answer hereunto , i refer the reader to the reasons printed by the independents , and given into the house in their own justification , which the ministers might have taken notice of . i proceed to the supposed reasons urged by the ministers , against the tolleration of independency in the church . letter . . is , because the desires and endeavours of independents for a toleration , are at this time extreamly unseasonable , and pre : properous for , . the reformation of religion is not yet perfected and setled amongst us , according to our covenant . and why may not the reformation be raised up at last to such purity and perfection , that truly tender consciences may receive abundant satisfaction for ought that yet appeares . i would to god the people , their own friends especially , would but take notice of the fallacy of the reason : they would have reformation perfected according to the covenant , before the independents move to be tollerated : now reformation is not perfected according to the covenant , till schisme and heresie is extirpated ; which in the sequel of this letter , they judge independency tobe , that their charity thinks it then most seasonable , to move that independency should be tolerated after it is extirpated : their reason and affection in this , are alike sound to the independants . their drift in this , indeede is but too evident , they would have the independents silent , till they get power in their hands , and then let them talke if they dare , certainly , the most seasonable time to move for tolleration is while the parliament are in debate about church government ; since if stay bee made till a church government bee setled , all motions that may but seeme to derogate from that , how just soever in themselves , how good soever for the common-wealth , must needs be hardly obtained . and whereas they say , why may not reformation be raised up at last to such prity and perfection , that truly tender consciences may receive abundant satisfaction , for ought that yet appeares . observe , . that these very ministers , in the sequel of their letter , impute it as levity in the independents , that they are not at a stay , but in expectation of new lights and reserves , as they say , so that a man would thinkf they themselves were at a certainty : but t is no new thing for one sort of men to object that as a crime against others , which they are guilty o themselves : though indeed but that the presbiters use any weapons against the independant's , t is no crime at all , yea 't is excellency in any man or woman , not to be pertinacio●s , or obstinate in any opinion , but to have an open eare for reason and argument , against whatsoever he holds , and to imbrace or reject , whatsoever upon further search he finds to be agreeable to , or dissonant from gods holy word . it doth appeare from the practises of the presbiters , and from this letter and other petitions expresly against toleration , that unlesse the independants and seperation will submit their judgements to theirs , they shall never be tollerated , if they can hinder it . their . reason is that it is not yet knowne what the government of the independent is , neither would they ever let the world know what they hold in that point , ●hough some of their party have bin too forward to challenge the london petitioners as led with blind obedience , and pinning their soules upon their preists sleeve , for desiring an establishment of the government of christ , before there was any modell of it extant . their d. reason , is much to the same purpose . i answer , . that the ministers know that the independent government for the generall is resolved upon by the independents , though they have not yet modelized every perticular , which is a worke of time , as the framing of the pres●●terian government was . the independents however have divers reasons for dissenting from the presbyterian way , which they have given in already . and though they have not concluded every perticular of their owne , but are still upon the search , and enquiry ; yet it is seasonable however to move for toleration , for that the ground of moving is not because they are independents , but because ▪ every man ought to be free in the worship and service of god , compulsion being the way to increase , not the number of converts , but of hypocrites ; whereas it is another case for people to move for establishing of a government they understand not , having never seene it , as the london petitioners did , that is most evidently a giving up of the understanding to other men , sure the presbiters themselves cannot thinke it otherwise , nor yet the people upon the least consideration of it . besides , the london petitioners did not only desire , as here the ministers cunningly say , an establishment of the government of christ , but an establishment of the government of christ ( a modell whereof the reverend assembly of divines have fram'd , which they never saw ) so that herein , the people were abused by the divines , by being put upon a petition , wherein they suppose that government which they never saw , to be christs government . if this be not sufficient to discover to our presbyterian lay-brethren , the divines confidence of their abilitity to worke them by the smoothnesse of phrase and language to what they please , and of their own easinesse , and flexibility to be so led , i know not what is . . the ministers urge that the desires and endeavours of the independ●nts for toleration , are unreasonable , and unequall in divers regards . . partly because no such toleration hath heitherto been establisht ( sofar as we know ) in any christian state , by the civill magistrate . but that the ministers have been used to speake what they please for ● reason in their pulpits without contradiction , they would never sure have let so slight a one as this have past from them : it seems by this reason , that if in any christian state a toleration by the magistrate had been allowed , it would not have been unreasonable for our state to allow it : the practice of states , being here supposed to be the rule of what 's reasonable ; whereas i had thought , that the practice of christian states is to be judg'd by the rule of reason and gods word , and not reason by them : that which is just and reasonable , is constant and perpetually so ; the practice of states though christian , is variable we see ; different one from another , and changing according to the prevalency of particular partees , and therefore a most uncertain rule of what is reasonable . besides , the state of holland doth tollerate ; and therefore the ministers argument , even in that part where it seems to be most strong for them , makes against them . again , if the practice of a christian state , be a sufficien● argument of the reasonablenesse of a tolleration , our state may justly tollerate because christian , and because they are free to do what ever any other state might formerly have done . but i stay too long upon so weak an argument . . partly , because some of them have solemnly profest , that they cannot suffer presbitary , and answerable hereunto is their practice , in those places where independency prevailes . 't is unreasonable it seems to tollerate independents , because independents would not if they had the power , suffer presbyters . a very christianly argument , and taken out of the . of matthew . love your enemies , blesse them that curse you , do good to them that hate you , and pray for them which hurte you , and persecute you : what , were all our london ministers forgetfull of t●eir saviours instructions ? does their fury so farre blinde their understanding , and exceed their piety ? which seems to be but pretended now , since in their practice they would become jews , and cry out an eye for an eye , and a tooth for a tooth . whosoever meddles with them it seems , shall have as good as they bting : was ever so strange a reason urg'd by a sect of men , that say they are ministers , christs ministers , reformers too , that would make the world believe they are about to reduce all matters christian , to the originall and primitive excellency of christ and the apostles , and yet to speak and publish to the world a spleenish reason , so expressely contrary to the precepts , to the practice of christ and his followers . to christ i say , that bids us love our enemies , that we may be the children of our father which is in heaven , who makes the sun to shine on the evill and the good , and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust . the ministers should be like the master , what a dispro●ortion is here ? as if the title were taken up for some other end ; we know the apostle speaks of ministers that could transform themselves ●s though they were the ministers of righteousnesse ; i pray god our ministers do not so , i would willingly suppresse those fears and suspitions ; which , doe what i can arise in me , from their words and practice . sure they had approved themselves better christia●s , if upon the discovery of so bad a spirit in any of the independents ; as to persecute , had they power ( though i beleive , there are not any such ) i say , it had been more christ-like in our ministers , to have disswaded them from s●unmanly , so much more unchristianly a vice , then to have it made an argument for practice in themselves . they might by the same rule , be jewes to the jew , or turke to the turke , oppressours to the oppressour ; or doe any evill to others , that others would doe to them : if other mens doing of i● , be an argument of the reasonablenesse thereof . but i hope , our ministers will be so ingenious , as when they see their weaknesses forsake them , it will be both more comfortable to all other sorts of men , and in the end more happy for themselves . . again , i suppose your suggestion to be very false ; namely , that the independents if they had power , would persecute the presbyters : though let me tell you of all s●cts of men , those deserve least countenance of a state that would be persecutors , not because of their consciences in the practice and exercise of their religion , wherein the ground of freedome consists ; but because a persecuting spirit is the greatest enemy to humane society , the dissolver of love and brotherly affection , the cause of envyings , heart-burnings , divisions , yea , and of warres it selfe . whosoever shall cast an impartiall eye upon times past , and examine the true cause and reason of the subversion , and devastation of states and countries , will i am confident ; attribute it to no other , then the tyranny of princes , and persecution of priests . so that all states , minding their true interests , namely the good and welfare of the people , ought by all meanes to suppresse in every sect or degree of men , whether papists , episcopalls , presbyters , independents , anabaptists , &c. the spirit of domination , and persecution , the disquieter and disturber of mankind ▪ the offspring of satan . god being all love , and having so communicated himselfe unto us , and gave us commands to be like him , mercifull , as he our heavenly father is mercifull ; to bear with one anothers infirmities : neither does reason and true wisdome dictate any other to us , then that we should do unto others , as we would be done unto our selves ; that spirit therefore which is contrary to god , to reason , to the well-being of states , as the spirit of persecution evidently is ; is most especially to be watcht , and warily to be circumscribed , and tied up by the wisdome of the supream power in common-wealths . i speak not this to the disgrace of presbyters , as presbyters ; for as such , isuppose they are not persecutors : forasmuch as i know , some , and i hope there are many more of them , that are zealous and conscientious for that form of government , and vet enemies to a compulsive power in matters of religion . but for this end only , namely to beget a just and christian dislike in all sorts of men , as well presbyters , as others ; of forc●ng all to one way of worship , though disagreeable to their minds : which cannot be done , without the assistance of this fury and 〈…〉 . and partly to grant to them , and not to other ▪ sectaries who are free ▪ born ●s well as they , and have done as good service as they to the publick ( as they use to plead ) ▪ will be count●d injustice , and great partiality ; but to grant it to all , will scarce be cleared from impiety . to the former part of this argument i gladly consent , that sectaries have as good claimes to freedome ▪ as any sorts of men whatsoever ; because free-born , because well-affected , and very assistant to their country in its necessities . the latter part of the argument is only an affirmation , without proof ; the ministers think sure it will be taken for truth because they said it , for such a presumption it seems they are arrived to . in the mean time what must they suppose the people to be , that do imagine their bare affirmations ground for the peoples belief ▪ i would the people would learn from hence to be their own men , and make use of their own understandings in the search and beleif of things ; let their ministers be never so seemingly learned or judicious , god hath not given them understandings for nothing ; the submission of the mind is th most ignoble slavery ; which being in our own powers to keep free , the subjection thereof argues in us the greater basenesse ▪ but to the assertion , that it will be impiety to grant it to all sectaries . i answer , first , that the word sectary is communicable both to presbyters and independents , whether it be taken in the good sense for the followers ▪ of christ ; for such , all presbyters , independents , brownists , anabaptists , and all else , suppose and professe themsel●es to be : or in the common sense , for followers of some fewmen more eminent in their parts and abilities then other . and hereof the independents and presbyters are as guilty as the separation , and so are as well sectaries . now all sectaries , whether presbyters , independents , brownists , antinomians , anabaptists , &c. have a like title and right to freedome , or a toleration ; the title thereof being not any particular of the opinion but the equity of every mans being free in the state he lives in , and is obedient to , matters of opinion being not properly to be taken into cognisance any farther , then they break out into some disturbance , or disquiet to the state ▪ but you will say , that by such a toleration , blasphemy will be broached , and such strange and horrid ▪ opinions , as would make the eares of every godly and christian man to tingle ; what must this also be tolerated ? i answer , it cannot be just , to set bounds or limitations to toleration , any further then the safety of the people requires ; the more horrid and blasphemous the opinion is , the easier supprest , by reason and argument ; because it must necessarily be , that the weaker the arguments , are on one side , the stronger they are on the other ▪ the grosser the errour is , the more advantage hath truth over it ▪ the lesse colour likewise , and pretence there is , for imposing it upon the people . i am consident , that there is much more danger inn small , but speciously formed error , that hath a likenesse and similitude to truth , then in a grosse and palpable untruth . besides , can it in reason be judged the meetest way to draw a man out of his ●●ror , by imprisonment , bonds , or other punishment ? you may as well be angry , 〈…〉 ●●ripes or bonds to recover his sight how pr●posterous would this 〈◊〉 your ho●per ●nd mee● way ●u●e is to apply things 〈◊〉 to his cute . and so likewise to a man whose understanding is cloud●d , 〈…〉 and imperfect whose mind is so far mis-informed as to 〈…〉 or the scripture● ( for we instance in the worst of errors ) ●a● b●●lam or the fleet reduce such a one ? n● certainly ▪ it was ever found by all experience , that su●● rough 〈◊〉 did 〈◊〉 the error , not remove i● nothing can doe that but the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 power of found reason and argument ▪ which , 〈◊〉 to b● doubted , they are 〈◊〉 furnisht withall that use other weapons ▪ hence have i observ ▪ d that the most weak & passionate men , the most unable to defend truth , or their own● opinion are the most violent for persecution ▪ whereas those whose minds are establisht ; and whose opinions are built upon firm and 〈◊〉 grou●d ●eare no● what winds blow● fear not to grapple with any e●ror , because they bo●●d ●n● they 〈◊〉 overthrow it ▪ . independency is a schisme , and therefore not to be tollerated . the principall argument brought to prove it , is this ▪ because they d●part from the presbyter churches , which are true churches , and so confost to ●o 〈◊〉 by ●he i●depend●nt● . i answer , that this argument only concerns the 〈◊〉 because they only acknowledge them to be true churches . whether they are still of that opinion o● no i know not , 't is to be doubted they are not , especially 〈◊〉 they have discern'd the spirit of enforcement and compul●ion to ●aig● in that c●ur●h ▪ the tr●est mark of a false c●urch . i believe the independents have ●●●ng'd their 〈◊〉 ● es●eially those of them whose pastors r●●●ive their office ●nd mi●is●try 〈◊〉 the election of the people or congregation , and are not engag'd to allow so much 〈◊〉 the presbyters , because of their own interest ▪ as deriving their calling from the bis●ops and pope ▪ for the making up a supposed succession from the apostles , who se● their own sakes are enforc'd to acknowledge the presbyter for ● true church , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 are necessitated to allow the episcopall and papist church , true o● valid fo● the substance ▪ as they confesse in the ordinance for ordination , because they have receiv'd their ministery therefrom , without which absurdity they cannot maintain their succession from the apostles . but that the independents are not a schism , they have and will , i believe ▪ upon all●occa●ions sufficiently justifi● ▪ i shall not the●e●or● , ●ince it concerns them in particular , 〈◊〉 thereupon ▪ 〈…〉 to the supposed mischiefs which the ministers say will ●nevitably fo●low upon th●● toll●r●tion , both to the church and commonwea the first , to the church . . causelesse ●nd unjust revol●s from our ministery and congreg●tions . to this i say , that i● argues an abundance of distrust the ministers have in thei● own abilities , and the doctrines they pr●●ch , to suppose their ●uditors will for●●k● them if other men have liberty to speak . 't is authority it seems ●ust 〈◊〉 thei● churches , and not the truth and eff●a●cy of their doctr●nes . i j●dge it ●or my pa●●●●ufficient ground to suspect that for gold that can't abide a triall . it seems our ministers doctrines and religion , are like dagon of the p●ilistins , that will fall to pie●●s at the appearance of the ark . truth sure would be more confident , in hope to app●●● 〈…〉 glorious , being set off by falshood . and therefore i do adjure the ministers , from ●hat lovelinesse and potency that necessarily must be in truth and righteousnesse , if ●hey think they do professe it , that they ▪ would procure the opening of every mans mouth , in confidence that truth , in whomsoever she is , will prove victorious ; and ●ike the suns glorious lustre , darken all errors and vain imaginations of mans heart . but i fear the consequence sticks more in their stomacks , the emptying of their churches being the eclipsing of their reputations , and the diminishing of their profits ; if it be otherwise , le● it appear by an equall allowing of that to others , which they have labour'd so much for to be allowed to themselves . . our peoples minds will be troubled and in danger to be subuerted , acts . . a. the place of scripture may concern themselves , and may as well be urg'd upon them by the separation o● independents , as it is urg'd by them upon the separation and independen●s ; namely , that they trouble the peoples mindes , and lay injunctions upon them , they were never commanded to lay . and 't is very observable , the most of those scriptures they urge against the separation , do most properly belong unto themselves . . bitter heart-bur●ings a●ong brethren , will be foment●d and perpetuated to all posterity . i answer . not by , but fo● want of a tolleration : because the state is not equall in its protection , but allows one sort of men to trample upon another ; from hence must necessarily ●rise heart-burnings , which as they have ever been , so they will ever be perpetuated to posterity , unlesse the state wisely prevent them , by taking away the distinction that foments them ; namely , ( the particular indulgency of one party , and neglect of the other ) by a just and equall tolleration . in that family strife and heart-burnings are commonly multiplied , where one son is more cockered and indu●g'd then ●nother ▪ the way to foster love and amity , as well in a family , as in a state , being ●n equall respect from those that are in author●●y . . they say , the godly , painfull , and orthodo● ▪ ministers will bee discouraged und d●spis●d ▪ answ. upou how slight foundation is ▪ their reputation supported , that fear being despised unlesse author●●y forces all to church to them ? since they have confidence to vou●h themselves godly ▪ painfull , and orthodot , me thinks they should uot doubt an ●udience . the apostles could empty the c●urches , and jewish synagogues , and by the prevalency of their doctrine convert at a sermon ; and doe our ministers f●are , that have the opportunity of a church , and the advan●age of speaking ●n h●●re together without interruption , that they cannot keep those auditors th●y h●ve ; but that they sh●ll bee withdrawn from them by men of ●eaner 〈◊〉 ( in their esteeme ) by the illiterate and under-valued lay preachers , that ●r● ( as the ministers suppose ) under the cloud of error and false doctrine ? surely they suspect their own tene●ss or their abilities to maintain them , that esteem it a discouragement to bee opposed ▪ and feare they shall be despised if dispu●●d withall . . they say , the life and power of godlinesse will be eaten out by frivolous disputes and vain janglings . answ. frivolous disputes and vain janglings , are as unjustifiable in the people as in the ministery , but milde and gentle reasonings ( which authority are onely to countenance ) make much to the finding out of truth , which doth most advance the life and power of godlinesse . besides , a toleration being allowed , and every sect labouring to make it appear that they are in the truth , whereof a good life , or the power of godlinesse being the best badge or symptome ; hence will necessarily follow , a noble contestation in all sorts of men to exceed in godlinesse , to the great improvement of vertue and piety amongst us . from whence it will be concluded too , that that sect will be supposed to have least truth in them , that are least vertuous , and godlike in their lives and conversations . . they urge , that the whole course of religion in private families will be interrupted and undermined . answ. as if the independents and separation were not as religious in their private families , as the presbyters , . reciprocall duties between persons of nearest and dearest relations , will be extreamly violated . answ. a needlesse fear , grounded upon a supposition , that difference in judgement must needs occasion coldnesse of affection , which indeed proceeds from the different countenance and protection , which states have hitherto afforded to men of different judgements . hence was it , that in the most persecuting times ▪ when it was almost as bad in the vulgar esteem to be an anabaptist , as a murtherer , it occasioned dis-inheritings , and many effects of want of affection , in people of nearest relations ; but since the common odium and vilification is in great measure taken off , by the wise and just permission of all sects of men by the parliament , man and wife , father and son , friend and friend , though of different opinions , can agree well together , and love one another ; which shews that such difference in affection , is not properly the effect of difference in judgement , but of persecution , and the distinct respect and different countenance that authority has formerly shewn towards men not conforming . . they say , that the whole work of r●formation , especially in discipline a●d government , will be retarded , disturbed , and in danger of b●ing utterly frustrate and void . it matters not , since they mean in the presbyterian discipline and government , accompanied with persecution ; nay , it will be abundantly happy for the people , and exceedingly conducing to a lasting peace ( to which persecution is the greatest enemy ) if such a government so qualified be never setled . the presbyters i hope , will fall short in their ayms . ● . 't is not certain that the parliament mean to settle the presbyterian government , since they have not declared that government to be agreeable to gods word ; although the presbyters are pleas'd , in their expressions , frequently to call their government , christ● government . howsoever their determination ( which may well be suppos'd to be buil● upon their interest ) is not binding ▪ they are call'd to advise withall ▪ not to controul . . in case the parliament should approve of that government in the main , yet the prelaticall and persecuting power of it , we may well presume ( since they themselves may smart under it as well as the rest of the people ) they will never establish . . all other sects and heresies in the kingdome , will be encouraged to endeavour the like tolleration . sects and heresies ▪ we must take leave to tell them , that those are ●ermes impos'd ad placitum , and may be retorted with the like confidence upon themselves . how prove they separation to be sects and heresies ; because they differ and separate from t●em ? that 's no argument , unlesse they can first prove themselves to be in the truth ? a matter with much presumption suppos'd , but never yet made good , and yet upon this groundlesse presumption , the whole fabrick of their function , their claim to the churches , their preheminence in determining matters of religion , their eager persuit after a power to persecute , is mainly supported . if the separation are sects and heresies , because the presbyters ( supposing themselves to have the countenance of authority , and some esteem with the people , judge them so : the presbyters by the same rule were so , because the bishops once in authority , and in greater countenance with the people , did so judge them to be . and whereas they say , that sects and heresies will be encouraged to endeavo●r the like tolleration with the independents . i answer , that 't is their right , their due as justly as their cloths , or food ; and if they indeavour not for their liberty , they are in a measure guilty of their owne bo●dage ▪ how monstrous a matter the ministers would make it to be , for men to labour to be free from persecution . they thinke they are in the ●addle already , but will never i hope have the reines in their hands ▪ their th . feare is the same . . they say the whole church of england ( they meane their whole church of england ) in sh●rt time will be ●wallowed up with di●traction and confusion . these things are but laid , not proved : were it not that the divines blew the coales of dissention , and exasperated one mans spirit against another ; i am confidently perswaded we might differ in opinion , and yet love one another very well ; ●s for any distraction or confusion that might intrench upon that civill peace , the laws migh● provide against it , which is the earnest desires both of the independen●● and seperation . . they say , tolleration will bring divers mischiefes upon the common-wealth : for , . all these mischeifes in the church will have their proportionable influence upon the common-wealth . this is but a slight supposition , and mentions no evill that is like to befall the common-wealth . . they urge that the kingdome will be wofully weakned by scandalls and divisions , so that the enemies both domesticall ▪ and forraigne will be encouraged to plot and practise against it . i answer , that the contrary hereunto is much more likely , for two reasons . . there is like to be a concurrence , and joynt assistance in the protection of the common-wealth , which affords a joynt protection and encouragement to the people . . there can be no greater argument to the people , to venture their estates and lives in defence of their country and that government , under which they enjoy not only a liberty , of estate and person , but a freedome likewise of serving god according to their consciences , which religious men account the greatest blessing upon earth ; i might mention notable instances of late actions of service in independents and seperatists , which arising but from hopes of such a freedome , can yet scarce be paraleld by any age or story . . they say it is much to be doubted , lest the power of the magistrate should not only be weakned , but even utterly overthrowne ; considering the principles and practices of independents , together with their compliance with other sectaries , sufficiently knowne to be antimagistraticall . an injurious , but common scandal , this whereof much use has been made to the misleading the people into false apprehensions of their brethren the seperatists , to the great increase of enmity and disaffection amongst us , whereof the ministers are most especially guilty : let any impartiall man examine the principles , and search into the practises of the separation , and he must needs conclude that they are not the men that trouble england , but those rather that lay it to their charge : the seperation indeede and independents are enemies to tyranny , none more , and oppression , from whence i beleeve has arisen the forementioned scandall of them : but to just government and magistracy , none are more subject , and obedient : and therefore the ministers may do well to lay aside such obloquies , which will otherwise by time and other discovery , turne to their own disgrace . in the last place they say , 't is opposite to the covenant , . because opposite to the reformation of religion , according to the word of god , and example of the best reformed churches . i answer , , that the example of the best reformed churches is not binding ▪ further then they agree with the word of god , so that the word of god indeed is the only rule . now the word of god is expresse for tolleration , as appea●es by the parable of the tares growing with the wheate , by those two expresse and positive rules , . every man should be fully perswaded of the t●uth of that way wherein he serves the lord , . that whatsoever is not of faith is sinne ; and . by that rule of reason and pure nature , cited by our blessed saviour : namely , whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , that do you unto them . . they say it is destructive to the . kingdomes nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion and goverment . i answer , that the same tolleration may be allowed in the . kingdomes , together with the same religion and government ; whether it shall be presbiterian , or independent , or anabaptisticall : besides that i suppose which is principally intended by this part of the covenant , 't is the union of the . kingdomes , and making them each desensive and helpfull to the other , which a tolleration will be a meanes to further , because of the encouragement that every man will have to maintaine his so excellent freedome ; which he cannot better do , then by maintaining them ●ll because of the independency they will have one upon the other . . 't is expresly contrary to the extirpation of schisme , and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godlinesse . i answer , that when it is certainly determined by judges that cannot err , who are the schismaticks , there may be some seeming pretence to extirpate them , though then also no power or force is to be used , but lawfull means only , as the wise men have interpreted it ; that is , schisme and heresie , when they appeare to be such , are to be rooted out by reason and debate , the sword of the spirit , not of the flesh ; arguments , not blowes : unto which men betake themselves upon distrust of their own foundations , and consciousnesse of their owne inability . besides , as the presbiters judge others to be a schisme from them , so others judge them to be a schisme from the truth , in which sence only the covenant can be taken . . hereby we shall be involved in the guilt of other mens sinnes , and thereby be endangered to receive of their plagues . i answer , that compulsion must necessarily occasion both much cruelty and much hypocrisie : whereof the divines , labouring so much for the cause , which is persecution , cannot be guiltlesse . . it seemes utterly impossible ( if such a tolleration should be granted ) that the lord should be one , and his name one , in the . kingdomes . i suppose they mean by that phrase , it is impossible that our iudgements and profession should be one ; so i believe it is , whether there be a tolleration or no . but certainly the likeliest way , if there be any thereunto , is by finding out one truth ; which most probably will be by giving libetty to every man to speak his minde , and produce his reasons and arguments ; and not by hearing one sect only : that if it does produce a forc'd unity , it may be more probably in errour , then in truth ; the ministers being not so likely to deal clearly in the search thereof , because of their interests , ar the laity , who live not thereupon , but enquire for truth , for truths sake , and the satisfaction of their own mindes . and thus i have done with the argumentive part of the letter . i shall onely desire , that what i have said may be without prejudice considered : and that the people would look upon all sorts of men and writings , as they are in themselves , and not as they are represented by others , or forestall'd by a deceitfull rumour or opinion . in this controversie concerning tolleration , i make no question but the parliament will judge justly between the two parties ; who have both the greatest opportunity and abilities , to discern between the integrity of the one side , and the interest of the other . that the one party pleads for toleration , for the comfort and tranquility of their lives , and the peaceable serving of god according to their consciences , in which they desire no mans disturbance . that the other that plead against it , may ( i would i could say onely probably ) be swayed by interest and self-respects , their means and preheminence . i make no question but the parliament , before they proceed to a determination of matters concerning religion , will as they have heard one party , the divines , so likewise reserve one ear for all other sorts of men ; knowing that they that give sentence , all partees being not heard , though the sentence be just ( which then likely will not be ) yet they are unjust . besides , the parliament themselves are much concerned in this controvers●e , since upon their dissolution they must mixe with the people , and then either enjoy the sweets of freedome , or suffer under the most irksome yoke of priestly bondage : and therefore since they are concern'd in a double respect ; first , as chosen by the people to provide for their safety and freedome , whereof liberty of conscience is the principall branch , and so engag'd by duty : secondly , as members of the common-wealth , and so oblig'd to establish freedome , out of love to themselves and their posterity . i shall only add one word more concerning this letter , which is this ; that 't is worth the observation , that the same men are part of the contrivers of it , and part of those to whom 't was sent ; mr. walker being president of sion colledge , mr. seaman one of the deans , ( observe that word ) and mr. roborough , one of the assistants , all three members of the synod : who with the rest framing it seasonably , and purposely to meet with the letter from scotland , concerning church government , may w●ll remove the wonder and admiration that seem'd to possesse one of the scotch grand divines in the synod , at the concurrence of providence in these two let●ers : of the politick and confederated ordering whereof , he could not be ignorant . finis . aarons rod blossoming, or, the divine ordinance of church-government vindicated so as the present erastian controversie concerning the distinction of civill and ecclesiasticall government, excommunication, and suspension, is fully debated and discussed, from the holy scripture, from the jewish and christian antiquities, from the consent of latter writers, from the true nature and rights of magistracy, and from the groundlesnesse of the chief objections made against the presbyteriall government in point of a domineering arbitrary unlimited power / by george gillespie ... gillespie, george, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) aarons rod blossoming, or, the divine ordinance of church-government vindicated so as the present erastian controversie concerning the distinction of civill and ecclesiasticall government, excommunication, and suspension, is fully debated and discussed, from the holy scripture, from the jewish and christian antiquities, from the consent of latter writers, from the true nature and rights of magistracy, and from the groundlesnesse of the chief objections made against the presbyteriall government in point of a domineering arbitrary unlimited power / by george gillespie ... gillespie, george, - . [ ], p. printed by e.g. for richard whitaker ..., london : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ecclesiastical law -- great britain. church and state -- great britain. church polity. excommunication. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion aarons rod blossoming . or , the divine ordinance of church-government vindicated , so as the present erastian controversie concerning the distinction of civill and ecclesiasticall government , excommunication , and suspension , is fully debated and discussed , from the holy scripture , from the jewish and christian antiquities , from the consent of latter writers , from the true nature and rights of migistracy , and from the groundlesnesse of the chiefe objections made against the presbyteriall government in point of a domineering arbitrary unlimited power . by george gillespie minister at edinburgh . for unto us a child is born , unto us a sonne is given , and the government shall be upon his shoulder . isaiah . . let the elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour , tim. . . and the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets , for god is not the author of confusion but of peace . cor. , . august . lib. contra donatistas post collationem , cap. . ne fortè aut indisciplinata patientia foveat iniquitatem , aut impatiens disciplina dissipet unitatem . published by authority . london , printed by e. g. for richard whitaker , at the signe of the kings armes in pauls church yard . . to the reverend and learned assembly of divines convened at westminster . right reverend , though many faithfull servants of god did long agoe desire to see those things which we see , and to heare those things which we heare ; yet it hath been one of the speciall mercies reserved for this generation , and denied to the times of our ancestors , that divines of both kingdomes within this island , should be gathered and continued together , to consult peaceably and freely concerning a reformation of religion in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government . 't is a mercy yet greater , that two nations formerly at so great a distance in the form of publike worship and churchgovernment , should ( to their mutuall comfort and happines , and to the further endearing of each to other ) through the good hand of god be now agreed upon one directory of worship , and with a good progresse advanced , as in one confession of faith , so likewise in one forme of church-government . for all which , as the other reformed churches , ( in regard of their common interest in the truth and ordinances of christ ) so especially your brethren in the church of scotland are your debters : your name is as precious oynment among them , and they doe esteeme you very highly in love for your workes sake . a worke , which as it is extraordinary and unparalleld , requiring a double portion of the spirit of your master , so you have very many hearts and prayers going along with you in it , that the pleasure of the lord may prosper in your hand . as for my reverend colleagues and my selfe , it hath been a good part of our happinesse that we have been partakers of , and assistants in your grave and learned debates . yet ( as we declared from our first comming amongst you , ) we came not hither presuming to prescribe any thing unto you , but willing to receive as well as to offer light , and to debate matters freely and fairely from the word of god , the common rule both to you and us . as herein you were pleased to give testimony unto us in one of your letters to the generall assembly of the church of scotland , so the great respects which in other things and at other times you have expressed , both towards that church from which we are entrusted , and particularly towards our selves , doe call for a returne of all possible and publique testimonies of gratitude . for which purpose , i doe for my part take hold of this opportunity . i know that i owe much more unto you , then i have either ability to pay , or elocution to set forth . yet although i cannot retaliate your favours , nor render that which may be worthy of your selves ; i beseech you to accept this part of my retribution of respects . i doe offer and entitle unto you this enucleation of the erastian controversie , which is dignus vindice nodus . i hope here is a word in season concerning it . others might have done better , but such furniture as i had , i have brought to the worke of the tabernacle . i submit what is mine unto your greater learning and better judgement , and shall ever continue yours to serve you , geo. gillespie . to the candid reader . i have often and heartily wished that i might not be distracted by nor ingaged into polemick writings , of which the world is too full already , and from which many more learned and idoneous have abstained ; and i did accordingly resolve that in this controversall age i should be slow to write , swift to read and learne . yet there are certaine preponderating reasons which have made me willing to be drawn forth into the light upon this subject . for beside the desires and sollicitations of diverse christian friends , lovers of truth and peace , seriously calling upon me for an answer to m r prynne his vindication of his foure questions concerning excommunication and suspension , the grand importance of the erastian controversie , and the strong influence which it hath into the present juncture of asfaires , doth powerfully invite me . among the many controversies which have disquieted and molested the church of christ , those concerning ecclesiasticall government and discipline are not the least , but among the chiefe , and often mannaged with the greatest animosity and eagernesse of spirit , whence there have growne most dangerous divisions and breaches , such as this day there are , and for the future are to be expected , unlesse there shall be ( through gods mercy ) some further composing and healing of these church-consuming distractions : which if we shall be so happy as once to obtaine , it will certainely contribute very much toward the accommodation of civill and state-shaking differences . and contrariwise , if no healing for the church , no healing for the state. let the gallio's of this time ( who care for no intrinsecall evill in the church ) promise to themselves what they will , surely he that shall have cause to write with nicolaus de clemangis , a booke of lamentation de corrupto ecclesiae statu , will finde also cause to write with him de lapsu & reparatione justitiae . as the thing is of high concernment to these so much disturbed and divided churches , so the elevation is yet higher by many dègrees ; this controversie reacheth up to the heavens , and the top of it is above the clouds . it doth highly concerne iesus christ himselfe , in his glory , royall prerogative , and kingdome , which he hath and exerciseth as mediator and head of his church . the crowne of iesus christ , or any part , priviledge , or pendicle thereof must needs be a noble and excellent subject . this truth that iesus christ is a king , and hath a kingdome and government in his church , distinct from the kingdomes of this world , and from the civill government , hath this commendation and character above all other truths , that christ himselfe suffered to the death for it , and sealed it with his blood . for it may be observed from the story of his passion , a this was the onely point of his accusation , which was confessed and avouched by himselfe , b was most aggravated , prosecuted , and driven home by the iewes , c was prevalent with pilate as the cause of condemning him to die , and d was mentioned also in the superscription upon his crosse . and although in reference to god , and in respect of satisfaction to the divine justice for our sinnes , his death was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a price of redemption , yet in reference to men who did persecute , accuse , and condemne him , his death was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a martyrs testimony to seale such a truth . this kingly office of iesus christ ( as well as his propheticall ) is administred and exercised , not onely inwardly and invisibly by the working of his spirit in the soules of particular persons , but outwardly also and visibly in the church , as a visible politicall ministeriall body , in which he hath appointed his own proper officers , ambassadours , courts , laws , ordinances , censures , and all these administrations , to be in his own name , as the onely king and head of the church . this was the thing which herod and pilate did , and many princes , potentates , and states doe looke upon , with so much feare and jealousie , as another government co-ordinate with the civill . but what was darke upon the one side to them , hath been light upon the other side to those servants of iesus christ who have stood , contended , and sometime suffered much for the ordinance of church-government and discipline , which they looked upon as a part of christs kingdome . so e bucer . so f parker . so g m. welseh my countreyman of precious memory , who suffered much for the same truth , and was ready to seale it with his blood . beside divers others who might be named , especially learned didoclavius in his altare damascenum cap. . and throughout . i am not ignorant that some have an evill eye upon all government in a nation , distinct from civill magistracy , and if it were in their power they would have all anti-erastians ( and so consequently both presbyterians and independents ) lookt upon as guilty of treason , at least , as violaters of , and encroachers upon the rights and priviledges of magistracy , in respect of a distinct ecclesiasticall government . and indeed it is no new thing for the most faithfull ministers of iesus christ to be reproached and accused as guilty of treason , which was not onely the lot of m. calderwood , and ( as hath been now shewed ) of m. welsch , and those that suffered with him , h but of m. knox before them , as likewise of many martyrs and confessors , and i of the apostles themselves . yet ( if we will judge righteous judgement , and weigh things in a just ballance ) we doe not rob the magistrate of that which is his , by giving unto christ that which is christs . we desire to hold up the honour and greatnesse , the power and authority of magistracy , against papists , anabaptists , and all others k that despise dominion , and speake evill of dignities . we doe not l compare ( as innocentius did ) the civill and the ecclesiasticall powers , to the two great lights , that to the moone , this to the sunne . we hold m it is proper to kings , princes and magistrates , to be called lords , and dominators over their subjects whom they governe civilly , but it is proper to christ onely to be called lord and master in the spirituall government of the church ; and all others that beare office therein , ought not to usurpe dominion therein , nor be called lords , but onely ministers , disciples and servants . we acknowledge and affirme n that magistracy and civill government in empires , kingdomes , dominions , and cities , is an ordinance of god for his owne glory , and for the great good of mankind , so that whoever are enemies to magistracy , they are enemies to mankind and to the revealed will of god : o that such persons as are placed in authority , are to be beloved , honoured , feared , and holden in a most reverend estimation , because they are the lieutenants of god , in whose seat god himselfe doth sit and judge ; we teach p that not onely they are appointed for civill policy , but also for maintenance of the true religion , and for suppressing of idolatry and superstition whatsoever . we confesse q that such as resist the supreame power , doing that thing which appertaineth to his charge , doe resist gods ordinance ; and therefore cannot be guiltlesse . and further we affirme , that whosoever deny unto them their ayd , counsell and comfort , whilest the princes and rulers vigilantly travell in execution of their office , that the same men deny their help , support , and counsell to god , who by the presence of his lieutenant doth crave it of them . we know and believe , r that though we be free , we ought wholly in a true faith holily to submit our selves to the magistrate , both with our body , and with all our goods , and endeavour of mind , also to performe faithfulnesse , and the oath which we made to him , so far forth as his government is not evidently repugnant to him for whose sake we doe reverence the magistrate . s that we ought to yeeld unto kings and other magistrates in their owne stations , feare , honour , tribute , and custome , whether they be good men or evill , as likewise to obey them , in that which is not contrary to the word of god : it being alwaies provided that in things pertaining to our soules and consciences , we obey god onely and his holy word . we believe t that god hath delivered the sword into the hands of the magistrates , to wit , that offences may be repressed , not onely those which are committed against the second table , but also against the first . we doe agree and avouch , u that all men of what dignity , condition , or state soever they be , ought to be subject to their lawfull magistrates , and pay unto them subsidies and tributes , and obey them in all things which are not repugnant to the word of god. also they must poure out their prayers for them , that god would vouchsafe to direct them in all their actions , and that we may lead a peaceable and quiet life under them , with all godlinesse and honesty . we teach x that it doth belong to the authority and duty of the magistrate , to forbid and ( if need be ) to punish such sinnes as are committed against the ten commandements or the law naturall : as likewise to adde unto the law naturall some other lawes , defining the circumstances of the naturall law , and to keepe and maintaine the same by punishing the transgressors . we hold y that the lawes of the realme may punish christian men with death , for heynous and grievous offences . and that it is lawfull for christian men , at the command of the magistrate , to beare arme , and to serve in just warres all these things we doe sincerely , really , constantly , faithfully , and cheerfully yeeld unto and assert in behalfe of the civill magistrate . so that the cause which i now take in hand doth not depresse but exalt , doth not weaken but strengthen magistracy . i doe not plead against the power of the sword when i plead for z the power of the keys . these two are most distinct , they ought not to be confounded , neither need they to clash or interfeere between themselves . the controversie is not about taking from the magistrate what is his , but about giving to christ that which is his . we hold a reciprocall subordination of persons , but a coordination of powers . a as the ministers and others of the ecclesiastical estate are subject to the magistrate civill , so ought the person of the magistrate be subject to the church spiritually , and in ecclesiasticall government . and the exercise of both these jurisdictions cannot stand in one person ordinarily . againe , b the magistrate neither ought to preach , minister the sacraments , nor execute the censures of the church , nor yet prescribe any rule how it should be done , but command the ministers to observe the rule commanded in the word , and punish the transgressors by civill meanes . the ministers exerce not the civill jurisdiction , but teach the magistrate , how it should be exercised according to the word . c the laws and statutes of geneva doe at once ratifie the ecclesiasticall presbyteriall power of iurisdiction or censure , and withall appoint that ministers shall not take upon them any civill jurisdiction , but where there shall be need of compulsion or civill punishments , that this be done by the magistrate . yea , under a popish magistrate ( as in france ) and even under the turke himselfe many churches doe enjoy not onely the word and sacraments , but a free church government and discipline within themselves , rectio disciplinae libera , which is thought no prejudice to the civill government , they that governe the churches having no dominion nor share of magistracy . vide d. chytraei orat . de statu ecclesiarum in graecia &c. i know well , that there are other horrid calumnies and mis-representations of presbyteriall government , besides that of encroaching upon magistracy : but they are as false as they are foule . and although we goe upon this disadvantage d which demosthenes ( being loadened with a heavy charge and grievous aspersions by e aeschines ) did complaine of , that though by right both parties should be heard , yet the generality of men doe with pleasure hearken to reproaches and calumnies , but take little or no pleasure to heare mens clearing of themselves or their cause ; and that his adversary had chosen that which was more pleasant , leaving to him that which was more tedious : neverthelesse i must needs expect from all such as are conscionable and faithfull in this cause and covenant , that their eares shall not be open to calumnies , and shut upon more favourable informations . and however , let the worst be said which malice it selfe can devise , it shall be no small comfort to me , that our lord and master hath said , f blessed are ye when men shall revile you , and persecute you , and shal say all manner of evill against you falsely for my names sake . i know also that a government and discipline in the church ( the thing which i now undertake to plead for ) is a very displeasing thing g to those that would faine enjoy liberty either of pernicious errors , or grosse prophannesse . but ( as maimonides saith well ) we must not judge of the easinesse or heavinesse of a law according to the affections and lust of any evill man , being rash ( in judgement ) and given to the worst vices ; but according to the understanding of one who is most perfect among men , like unto whom , according to the law , all others ought to be . more nevochim part . . cap. . no marvell that the licentious hate that way wherein they shall finde themselves hemmed in , if not hedged up with thornes . and that they may the more flatter themselves in their sinfull licentiousnesse , they imagine that christs yoke is easie and his burthen light , to the flesh as well as to the spirit , to carnall as well ▪ as to spirituall men . for my part if i have learned christ aright , i hold it for a sure principle , that in so farre as a man is spirituall and regenerate , in as farre his flesh is under a yoake ; and in so farre as he is unregenerate , in as farre his flesh is sine jugo without a yoke . the h healing of the spirit is not without the smiting of the flesh . when i speake of this divine ordinance of church government , my meaning is not to allow , muchlesse to animate any in the too severe and over strict exercise of ecclesiasticall discipline and censures . it was observed by i hierome , as one of the errors of the montanists : illi ad omne pene delictum ecclesiae obserant fores . they shut the church doore , ( that is , they excommunicate and shut out of the church ) almost at every offence . i confesse the greater part are more apt to faile in the defect , then in the excesse , and are like to come too short , rather than to goe too farre . yet a failing there may be , and hath been both waies . the best things , whether in church or state , have been actually abused , and may be so againe , through the error and corruption of men . the holy scripture it selfe is abused to the greatest mischiefes in the world , though in its owne nature it serves for the greatest good in the world . the abuse of a thing which is necessary , and especially of a divine ordinance , whether such abuse be feared or felt , ought not , may not prejudice the thing it selfe . my purpose and endeavour shall be ( wherein i beseech the ▪ lord to help my infirmities ) to own the thing , to disowne the abuses of the thing , to point out the path of christs ordinance , without allowing either rigour against such as ought to be tenderly dealt with , or too much lenity towards such as must be saved with feare , and pulled out of the fire , or at all any aberration to the right or left hand . i have had much adoe to gaine so many ●…orae sub●…isivae from the works of my publique calling , as might suffice for this worke . i confesse it hath cost me much paines , and i thinke i may say without presumption , he that will goe about solidly to answer it , will finde it no easie matter . subitane lucubrations will not doe it . but if any man shall by unanswerable contrary reasons or evidenees discover error or mistake in any of my principles , let truth have the victory , let god have the glory . onely this favour ( i may say this justice ) i shall protest for . first , that my principles and conclusions may be rightly apprehended , and that i may not be charged with any absurd , dangerous or odious assertion , unlesse my own words be faithfully cited from which that assertion shall be gathered , yea also without concealing my explanations , qualifications , or restrictions , if any such there be . which rule to my best observation i have not transgressed , in reference to the opposites . secondly , that as i have not dealt with their nauci , but with their nucleus , i have not scratched at their shell , but taken out their kernell ( such as it is ) i have not declined them , but encountered , yea sought them out , where their strength was greatest , where their arguments were hardest , and their exceptions most probable : so no man may decline or dissemble the strength of my arguments , inferences , authorities , answers and replies , nor thinke it enough to lift up an axe against the uttermost branches , when he ought to strike at the root . thirdly , if there be any acrimony , let it be in a reall and rationall conviction , not in the manner of expression . in which also i aske no other measure to my selfe than i have given to others . t is but in vaine for a man to help the bluntnesse of reason with the sharpnesse of passion : for thereby he loseth more than he gaineth with intelligent readers : the simpler sort may peradventure esteem those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those despicable nothings , to be something , but then they are delu ded , not edified . ▪ therefore let not a man cast sorth a flood of passionate words , when his arguments are like broken cisternes which can hold no water . if any replyer there be of the erastian party , who will confine himselfe within these rules and conditions , as i doe not challenge him , so ( if god spare me life and liberty ) i will not refuse him . but if any shall so reply as to prevaricate and doe contrary to these just and reasonable demands , i must ( to his greater shame ) call him to the orders , and make his tergiversation to appeare . i shall detaine thee ( good reader ) no longer . the lord guide thee and all his people in waies of truth and peace , holinesse and righteousnesse , and grant that this controversie may ( i trust it shall ) have a happy end to the glory of god , to the embracing and exalting of iesus christ in his kingly office , to the ordering of his house according to his owne will , to the keeping pure of the ordinances , to the advancing of holinesse , and shaming of prophanesse , and finally to the peace , quiet , wel-being , comfort , and happinesse of the churches of christ. these things ( without thoughts of provoking any either publike or private person ) the searcher of hearts knoweth to be desired and intended by him who is thine , to please thee , for thy good to edification , geo. gillespie . the contents . the first booke . of the jewish church government . chap. i. that if the erastians could prove what they alledge concerning the iewish church government , yet in that particular the iewish church could not be a president to the christian. the jewish church a patterne to us in such things as were not typicall or temporall . if it could be proved , that the jewes had no supreme sanhodrin but one , and it such as had the power of civill magistracy , yet there are foure reasons for which that could be no president to the christian church . where the constitution , manner of proceedings , and power of the sanhedrin , ure touched . of their synagoga magna , what it was . that the priests had great power and authority not onely in occasionall synods , but in the civill sanhedrin it selfe . chap. ii. that the iewish church was formally distinct from the iewish state or commonwealth . we are content that the erastians appeale to the jewish government . seven distinctions between the jewish church and the jewish state. of the proselytes of righteousnesse , and that they were imbodied into the jewish church , not into the jewish state. chap. iii. that the iewes had an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin and government distinct from the civill . divers authors cited for the ecclesiastcal sanhedrin of the jews . the first institution thereof , exo. . that the choosing & calling forth of these elders is not coincident with the choosing of the elders mentioned num. . nor yet with the choosing of judges exod. . the institution of two coordinate governments , cleared from deut. . a distinct ecclesiasticall government setled by david , chro. . and . the same distinction of civill and church ▪ government revived by iehoshaphat , chro. . that text vindicated . two distinct courts , one ecclesiasticall , another civill , proved from ierem. . another argument for an ecclesiasticall senate from ierem. . . who meant by the wise men of the jewes ? another argument from ezech. . . another from kings . . and ezech. . . another from psal. . . another from zech. . , , . that ezech. . . seemeth to hold forth an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin . that the councell of the chiefe priests , elders and scribes , so often mentioned in the gospel , and in the acts of the apostles , was an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin , and not a civill court of justice , as erastus and m. prynne suppose : which is at length proved . that the civill sanhedrin which had power of life and death did remove from hierusalem , yeeres before the destruction of the temple and city , and consequently neere three yeeres before the death of christ. the great objection , that neither the talmud nor talmudicall writers doe distinguish a civill and an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin , answered . finally , those who are not convinced that there was a distinct ecclesiasticall sanhedrin among the jewes , may yet by other mediums be convinced that there was a distinct ecclesiasticall government among the jewes : as namely , the priests judgement of cleannesse or uncleannesse , and so of admitting or shutting out . chap. iv. that there was an ecclesiasticall excommunication among the iewes : and what it was . fifteen witnesses brought for the ecclesiasticall excommunication among the jewes , all of them learned in the jewish antiquities . of the causes of the jewish excommunication , which were lookt upon formally qua scandals , not qua injuries . of the three degrees of their excommunication , niddui , cherem , and shammata . the manner and form of their excommunication , sheweth that it was a solemne ecclesiasticall censure . formula anathematis . the excommunication of the cuthites . the excommunication among the jewes was a publique and judicial act : and that a private or extrajudicial excommunication was voyd , if not ratified by the court. the effects of the jewish excommunication . that such as were excommunicated by the greater excommunication were not admitted to come to the temple . he that was excommunicated with the lesser excommunication was permitted to come , yet not as other israelites , but as one publiquely bearing his shame . the end of their excommunication was spirituall . chap. v. of the cutting of from among the people off god frequently mentioned in the law. the sence of the hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scanned . that the commination of cutting off a man from his people , or from the congregation of israel , is neither meant of eternall death , nor of dying without children , nor of capitall punishment from the hand of the magistrate , nor yet of cutting off by the immediate hand of god for some secret sinne . reasons brought against all these . that excommunication was meant by that cutting off , proved by six reasons . chap. vi. of the casting out of the synagogue . the casting out of the synagogue is understood by interpret●rs and others to be an excommunication from the church assemblies , and not a civill punishment . eight considerations to prove this . that he who was cast out of the synagogue was shut out , not onely from the company and fellowship of men , but from the place of publique sacred assemblies . it cannot be proved , that he who was cast out of the synagogue was free to enter into the temple . the casting out of the synagogue was abused by the pharisees , as the casting out of the church by diotrephes . chap. vii . other scripturall arguments to prove an excommunication in the iewish church . that the separation from the congregation , ezra . . was excommunication . iosephus explained in this particular . of the devoting of a mans substance as holy to the lord ▪ which was joyned with the excommunication . what meant by the cursing neh. . . that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or separating mentioned luke . . was excommunication , or a segregation not from civil fellowship onely , but from sacred or church communion . the ecclesiasticall use of that word touched . chap. viii . of the iewish exomologesis , or publike declaration of repentance by confession of sinne . the heathens had their publique declaration of repentance from the jewes . the jewish exomologesis proved from the imposition of hands upon the head of the sacrifice . the law lev. . . did also appoint confession of sinne , to be made at the offering of a trespasse offering . which confession was made in the temple , and in the priests hearing ▪ the law of confessing sinne num. , , . explained , and divers particulars concerning confession deduced from it . other proofes of the jewish confession of sins from ioh. . . also from that which interveened between their excommunication and their absolution . from ezra , . that davids confession psalm . was published in the temple , after ministeriall conviction by nathan . that if there be necessity of satisfying an offended brother , how much more of satisfying an offended church ? chap. ix . whether in the iewish church there was any suspension or exclusion of prophane , scandalous , notorious sinners , from partaking in the publique ordinances , with the rest of the children of israel in the temple . the affirmative is proved by plaine and full testimonies of philo , and iosephus , beside some late writers wel acquainted with the jewish antiquities . that the publican luke . came not into the court of israel , but into the court of the gentiles . nor can it be proved , that he was a prophane publican , so much as in the opinion of the pharisees and jews . that the temple into which the adultresse was brought iohn . was also the court of the gentiles : neither was she admitted into the temple for worship , but brought thither for a publique triall and ●entence . seven scripturall arguments brought to prove an exclusion of the scandalous and known prophane persons , from the temple . somewhat de jure zelotarum . what esteem the hebrews had of an hereticall or epicurean israelite . that the temple of ierusalem was a type of christ , ( which is instanced in ten particulars ) and had a sacramentall holinesse in it , so that the analogy is not to be drawn to an exclusion of prophane persons from the word preached , but from the sacrament . chap. x. a debate with m. prynne , concerning the exclusion of prophane scandalous persons from the passeover . the analogy of the law of the passeover , as master prynne understandeth it , wil militat strongly against that which himselfe yeeldeth . that the uncleane might be kept backe from the passeover longer then a moneth . that they were kept back by an authoritative restraint , and were cut off if they did eate in their uncleannesse . that some uncleane persons were not put out of the campe , nor from the company of men , but from the tabernacle and holy things onely . that all uncleane persons were not suspended from all ordinances . that scandalous and flagitious persons were not admitted to a trespasse offering ( which was a reconciling ordinance ) much lesse to the passeover ( which was a sealing ordinance ) without a publique penitentiall confession of their sinne . m. prynnes replyes to this argument of min● confuted . chap. xi . a confutation of the strongest arguments of erastus , namely , those drawn from the law of moses . the strength of these arguments put together . which is not onely e●ervated , but retorted . that the confession of sinne required levit. . . num. . , . was a confession of the particular sin by word of mouth : and that this confession was required even in criminall and capitall cases . that morall , as well as ceremoniall uncleannesse , was a cause of sequestration from the sanctuary , yea much more , the morall uncleannesse being more hatefull to god , more hurtfull and infective to gods people . that the exclusion of the unclean under the law could not so fitly signifie the exclusion from the kingdom of heaven , as from communion with the church in this life . that this legall type did certainly signifie a sequestration of scandalous or morally uncleane persons from church-communion under the new testament , is proved from esay . . cor. . , , , . also from the exposition of peters vision acts . that among the jewes such as attended a litigious action , or at least a capitall judgement , upon the preparation day , were thought defiled and not allowed to eate the passeover . that it was not left to a mans free will to judge of his owne cleannesse or uncleannesse , nor to expiate his sinne when he pleased . that the universall precept for all that were circumcised to eate the passeover , doth admit of other exceptions , beside those that were legally uncleane , or in a journey . the great difference between sacraments and sacrifices , which erastus confoundeth . chap. xii . fourteen arguments to prove that scandalous and presumptuous offenders against the morall law , ( though circumcised , and not being legally uncleane ) were excluded from the passeover . known presumptuous and obstinate sinners , were cut off from among their people , therefore not admitted to the passeover . the jewes themselves held that morall , as wel as ceremoniall uncleannesse did render them incapable of eating the passeover . who were esteemed hereticall or apostat israelites ? who epicurean israelites ? that these and such like were not acknowledged to be in the communion of the church of israel , nor was it allowed to speake or converse with them , muchlesse that they should eate the passeover . grotius his argument , there was an excommunication for ceremoniall uncleannesse , therefore much more for morall uncleannesse . what god did teach his people by the purging out of leaven . if the shew-bread might not be given to davids men , unlesse they had for some space before abstained from their wives , much lesse might known adulterers be admitted to the passeover . ezech. ● . . discussed against mr. coleman . the originall words explained . proph●ne church members have the name of heathens , and strangers . the qualifications of proselytes , without which they were not admitted to circumcision and the passeover . that course was taken ezra . that none defiled with unlawfull marriages might eate the passeover . by erastus his principles the most scandalous conversation was not so hatefull to god as legall uncleannesse . the law of confessing sin , levit. . num. . is meant of every known sin , which was to be expiated by sacrifice , especially the more notorious and scandalous sins . chap. xiii . m. prynnes argument from cor. . ( which he takes to be unanswerable ) discussed and confuted . mr prynne in expounding that text of the passeover differeth both from the apostles , and from erastus himselfe . his argument ( if good ) wil necessarily conclude against his owne concessions . if scandalous sinners had been suspended from the manna , and water of the rocke , they had been suspended from their ordinary orporal meat and drinke . that the scandalous sins mentioned by the apostle , were committed , not before , but after their eating of that spirituall meate , and drinking of that spirituall drinke . the argument strongly retorted . the scandalous sins mentioned by the apostle were nationall sins , and so come not home to the present question , which is of persons , not of nations . an appendix to the first booke . the erastians misrepresent the jewish government . their complyance with the anabaptists in this particular . their confounding of that which was extraordinary in the jewish church , with that which was the ordinary rule . fourteen objections answered . m. prynne his great mistakes of deut. . and chron. . the power and practice of the godly kings of iudah in the reformation of religion cleared . the argument from solomon his deposing of abiathar , and putting zadock in his place , answered foure waies . the priests were appointed to be as judges in other cases , beside those of leprosie and jealousie . chro. . . further scanned . a scandalous person was an unclean person both in the scripture phrase , and in the jewish language . the sequestration of the uncleane from the sanctuary , no civill punishment . of lawes and causes civill and ecclesiasticall among the jewes . of their scribes and lawyers . some other observable passages of maimonides concerning excommunication . what meant by not entring into the congregation of the lord , deut. . , , . and by separating the mixed multitude , nehem. . . five reasons to prove that the meaning of these places , is not in reference to civil dignities and places of government , nor yet in reference to unlawful mariages onely , but in reference to church-membership and communion . two objections to the contrary answered . one from exod. . . another from the example of ruth . an useful observation out of onkelos , exod. . the second booke . of the christian church government . chap. i. of the rise , growth , decay and reviving of erastianisme . the erastian error not honest is parentibus natus . erastus the mid-wife , how engaged in the busines . the breasts that gave it sucke , prophannesse and self-interest . it s strong food , arbitrary government . it s tutor , arminianisme . it s deadly decay and consumption , whence it was ? how ill it hath been harboured in all the reformed churches ? how stiffled by erastus himselfe ? erastianisme confuted out of erastus . the divines who have appeared against this error . how the controversie was lately revived ? chap. ii. some postulata or common principles to be presupposed . that there ought to be an exclusion of vile and prophane persons , ( knowne to be such ) from the holy things , is a principle received among the heathens themselves . that the dishonour of god by scandalous sinnes ought to be punished , as well , yea much rather , than private injuries . that publique sinnes ought to be publiquely confessed , and the offenders put to publique shame . that there ought to be an avoyding of , and withdrawing from scandalous persons in the church , and that by a publique order , rather then at every mans discretion . that there is a distinction of the office and power of magistracy a●d ministery . that the directive judgement in any businesse doth chiefly belong to those who by their prosession and vocation are set apart to the attendance and oversight of such a thing . chap. iii. what the erastians yeeld unto us , and what we yeeld unto them ? they yeeld that the magistrate his power in ecclesiasticis , is not arbitrary , but tied to the word . that there may be a distinct church government under heathen magistrates . that the abuse takes not away the just power . they allow of presbyteries , and that they have some jurisdiction . that the ministery is iure divino , and magistracy distinct from it . we yeeld unto them ▪ that none ought to be rulers in the church , but such against whom there is no just exception . that presbyteriall government is not a dominion but a service . that it hath for its object onely the inward man. that presbyteriall government is not an arbitrary government , cleared by sive considerations . that it is the most limited , and least arbitrary government of any other , cleared by comparing ▪ it with popery , prelacy , independency , and with lawfull magistracy . that the civil magistrate may and ought to doe much in and for religion , ordinarily , and yet more in extraordinary cases . that the civil sanction is a free and voluntary act of the magistrates favour . that ministers owe as much subjection and honour to the magistrate as other subjects . chap. iv. of the agreement and the differences between the nature of the civill , and of the ecclesiasticall powers or governments . ten agreements between the civil power and the ecclesiasticall power . the differences between them opened in their causes , efficient , matter , ( where a fourfold power of the keys is touched ) for me , and ends , both supreme and subordinate , ( where it is opened , how and in what respect the christian magistrate intendeth the glory of jesus christ , and the purging of his church ; ) also effects , objects , adjuncts , correlations , ultimate terminations , and divided executions . chap. v. of a twofold kingdome of iesus christ : a generall kingdome as he is the eternall sonne of god , the head of all principalities and powers , raigning over all creatures : and a particular kingdome , as he is mediator , raigning over the church onely . how this controversie fals in , and how deepe it drawes . that our opposites herein ▪ joyne issue with the socinians . nine arguments to prove this distinction of a twofold kingdom of christ. in which , of the eternity , universality , donation , and subordination of the kingdome of christ. the arguments brought to prove that christ as mediator raigneth over all things , and hath all government ( even civil ) put in his hands , examined and confuted . in what sence christ is said to be over all , the heire of all things , to have all things put under his feet , to be the head of every man. a distinction between christs kingdome , power , and glory , cleared . chap. vi. whether iesus christ , as mediator , and head of the church , hath placed the christian magistrate , to hold and execute his office , under and for him as his vicegerent ? the arguments for the affirmative discussed . the decision of this question will doe much , ( yet not all ) in the decision of the erastian controversie . the question rightly stated . ten arguments for the affirmative discussed and answered . where divers scriptures are debated and cleared . how we are to understand that christ is king of kings , and lord of lords . how all power in heaven and in earth is said to be given to him . that the governments set in the church , cor. . . are not civill magistrates , fully proved , ephes. . , , . and colos. . . vindicated . chap. vii . arguments for the negative of that question formerly propounded . the lawfull authority of the heathen magistrates vindicated . it can not be shewed from scripture , that christ as mediator hath given any commission of vice-gerentship to the christian magistrate . that the worke of the ministery is done in the name and authority of jesus christ : the worke of magistracy not so . the power of magistracy or civill government , was not given to christ as mediator , shewed from luke . . iohn ● . luke . , . magistracy founded in the law of nature and nations . the scripture holds forth the same origination of heathen magistracy , and of christian magistracy . chap. viii . of the power and priviledge of the magistrate in things and causes ecclesiasticall , what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not , and what it is ? that no administration formally and properly ecclesiasticall , ( and namely the dispencing of church censures ) doth belong unto the magistrate ▪ nor may ( according to the word of god be assumed and exercised by him , proved by six arguments . that christ hath not made the magistrate head of the church , to receive appeales from all ecclesiasticall assembles . there are other sufficient remedies against abuses or mal-administration in church-government reasons against such appeales to the magistrate . the arguments to the contrary from the examples of ieren●…y and of paul , discussed . of the collaterality and coordination of the civill and ecclesiasticall powers . what is the power and right of the magistrate in things and causes ecclesiasticall , cleared , first generally ; next , more particularly by five distinctions . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belong to the civill power , but non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . the magistrate may imperare that which he may not elicere . . distinguish the directive power from the coercive power . . the magistrates power is cumulative not privative . . he may doe in extraordinary cases that which he ought not to doe ordinarily . a caution concerning the arbitrary power of magistrates in things ecclesiasticall . chap. ix . that by the word of god there ought to be another government besides magistracy or civill government , namely an ecclesiasticall government ( properly so called ) in the hands of church-officers . the question stated , and the affirmative proved by one and twenty scripturall arguments . who meant by the elders that rule well , tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 names of government . the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heb . , . examined . of receiving an accusation against an elder . of rejecting an hereticke . of the excommunication of the incestuous corinthian , and the sence of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ of the subjection of the spirits of the prophets to the prophets . the angels of the churches why reproved for having false teachers in the church ? note that man , thess. . . proved to be church-censure . of the ruler , rom. . . and governments , cor. . . a patterne in the jewish church for a distinct ecclesiasticall government . what meant by cutting off , gal. . ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly what ? of the ministeriall power to revenge all disobedience , cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cor. . . what ? of the visible administration of the kingdome of christ by his laws , courts , censures . the arguments for excommunication , from matth. . and cor. . briefly vindicated . that elders are rulers of the flock . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a name of government ministers why called s●…ewards of the mysteries of god. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a name of government . church-government exercised by the synod of the apostles and elders , acts . chap. x. some objections made against ecclesiasticall government and discipline , answered . mr husseys objection doth stricke as much against paul , as against us . the fallacy of comparing government with the word preached , in point of efficacy . foure ends or uses of church-government . that two coordinate governments are not inconsistent . the objection , that ministers have other worke to doe , answered . the feare of an ambitious ensnarement in the ministery , so much objected , is no good argument against church-government . m. husseys motion concerning schooles of divinity examined . church government is no immunity to church-officers from censure . though the erastian principles are sufficiently overthrown by asserting from scripture the may be of church-government , yet our arguments prove a must be or an institution . six arguments added which conclude this point . chap. xi . the necessity of a distinct church-government , under christian , as well as under heathen magistrates . this acknowledged by christian emperours of old . grotius for us in this particular . christian magistracy hath never yet punished all such offences as are ecclesiastically censurable . presbyteries in the primitive times did not exercise any power which did belong of right to the magistrate . no warrant from the word , that the ordinance of a distinct church government , was onely for churches under persecution : but contrariwise the churches are charged to keep till the comming of christ , the commandement then delivered . no just ground for the feare of the interfeering of the civill , and of the ecclesiasticall power . the churches liberties enlarged , ( not diminished ) under christian magistrats . the covenant against this exception of the erastians . the christian magistrate , if he should take upon him the whole burthen of the corrective part of church-government , could not give an account to god of it . the erastian principles doe involve the magistrate into the prelaticall guiltinesse . the reasons and grounds mentioned in scripture , upon which church-censures were dispenced in the primi●ive churches , are no other then concerne the churches under christian magistr●tes . the end of church-censures , neither intended nor attained by the administration of christian magistracy . the power of binding and loosing not temporary . they who restrict a distinct church-government , to churches under heathen or persecuting magistrats , give a mighty advantage to socinians and anabaptists . gualther and master prynne for us in this question . appendix . a collection of some testimonies out of a declaration of king iames , the helvetian , bohemian , augustane , french , and dutch confessions , the ecclesiasticall discipline of the reformed churches in france , harmonia synodorum belgicarum , the irish articles , a book of melanchton , and another of l. humfredus . the third booke . of excommunication from the church , and of suspension from the lords table . chap. i. an opening of the true state of the question , and of master prynnes many mistakes and mis-representations of our principles . a transition from church-government in generall , to excommunication and suspension in particular . the present controversie ten waies mis-stated by m. prynne . that which was publiquely depending between the parliament and assembly , did rather concerne the practicall conclusion it selfe , then the mediums to prove it . the strength of the assemblies proofes for suspension scarce touched by m. prynne . that the power of suspension is neither in the minister alone , nor unlimitted . the question is practically stated by aretius . the present controversie how different from the prelaticall ? the power desired to elderships , is not to judge mens hearts , but to judge of externall evidences . the distinction of converting and confirming ordinances how necessary in this question ? excommunication and suspension confounded by m. prynne ( as likewise by the separatists ) contrary to the manner both of the jewish church , and of the ancient and reformed christian churche● ▪ m. prynnes assertion concerning suspension , is contrary to the ordinances of parliament . the question stated , as it ought to be stated . chap. ii. whether matth. . , , . prove excommunication . the erastians cannot avoyd an argument ex consequenti from this text for excommunication , although we should grant that the literall sence and direct intendment of the words , is not concerning excommunication . of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that the trespasse meant vers . . is sometime known to more then one at first . that the meaning is not of a civill personall injury , but of a scandalous sinne , whether there be materially a personall injury in it or not . this confirmed by six reasons . that if it were granted these words , if thy brother trespasse against thee , are understood of a personall injury , this could be no advantage to the erastian cause , in six respects . erastus his argument , that the trespasse here meant is such as one brother may forgive to another , answered . that the law of two or three witnesses belongeth to ecclesiasticall , as well as to civill courts . that tell the church here can not be , tell the civill sanhedrin or court of justice among the jewes . of the meaning of these words let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican . m. prynnes argument retorted . that the heathens might not enter into the temple , to wit , into the court of israel , but into the intermurale they might come and worship . that there is not the like reason for excluding excommunicate persons wholly from our churches . of solomons porch . that m. prynne confoundeth the devout penitent publican with the prophane unjust publicans . the objection from the publicans going up to the temple to pray , examined . publicans commonly named as the worst and wickedest of men . another objection , let him be to thee , ( not to the whole church ) as an heathen , &c. discussed . chap. iii. a further demonstration that these words let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican , are not meant of avoyding civill , but religious or church-fellowship . the great disorder and confusion which m. p●…ynne his sence of this text might introduce . that it was not unlawfull to the jewes to have civill company or fellowship with heathens , unlesse it were for religious respects , and in case of the danger of an idolatrous insnarement , which is cleared by a passage of elias in thesbyte . in what sence peter saith acts . . that a jew might not keepe company or come unto one of another nation . that the jewes did keep civill and familiar fellowship with ger toschav , or gerschagnar , the proselyte indueller , or the proselyte of the gate , who yet was uncircumcised , and no member of the jewish church , nor an observer of the law of moses , but onely of the seven precepts given to the sonnes of noah . which cleareth the reason why the synod of the apostles and elders , who would not impose circumcision nor any other of the mosaicall ceremonies upon the believing gentiles , did neverthelesse impose this as a necessary burthen upon them , to abstaine from blood and things strangled . christians are permitted by paul to eate and drinke with them that believe not . further proofes that some uncircumcised heathens had civill fellowship with the jewes , and some circumcised hebrews had not ecclesiasticall communion with the jewes . the question decided out of maimonides . that these words , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican doe imply somewhat negative , and somewhat positive . the negative part is , that he must not be worse used in civill things , than an heathen man or publican : that excommunication breaketh not naturall and morall duties : neither is any civill fellowship at all forbidden to be kept with an excommunicate person , except under a spirituall notion and for spirituall ends , not qua civill fellowship . the positive part is , that he must be used in the same manner , as an heathen man and a publican in spirituall things , and in church-communion . heathens five waies excluded from communion with the jewes in the holy things . let him be as a publican implieth two things more then let him be as an heathen , but exclusion from some ordinances was common both to heathens and scandalous publicans . that the phraisees speech concerning the publican who went up to the temple to pray , sheweth that he was not esteemed a prophane publican . chap. iv. a confutation of erastus and bilson their interpretation of matth. . , , . as likewise of dr. sutcliffe his glosse , differing somewhat from theirs . the scope of this scripture wholly spirituall , concerning the gaining of a brother from sin , not civill concerning the prosecuting of a personall injury . rebuke for sinne a common christian duty . which is necessary in sinnes committed against god , rather than in injuries committed against man. that any sinne by which thou art scandalized is a trespasse against thee . the erastian interpretation of matth. . makes it lawfull for one christian to goe to law with another before an unbelieving judge , and so maketh paul contrary to christ. the same interpretation restricteth the latter part of the text to those christians onely , who live under an unbelieving magistrate , while it is confessed that the former part belongeth to all christians . it is contrary also to the law of moyses . they contradict themselves concerning the coercive power of the sanhedrin . the gradation in the text inconsistent with their sence . the argument of erastus to prove that the words as a publican , are meant of a publican qua publican , and so of every publican , examined . their exception , let him be to thee , &c. not to the whole church , answered three waies . chap. v. that tell it unto the church hath more in it , then , tell it unto a greater number . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 never given to any lawfull assembly , simply because of majority of number . this interpretation provideth no effectuall remedy for offences . kahal by the hebrews and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the grecians often used for an assembly of such as had jurisdiction and ruling power . whether the two or three witnesses matth. . . be onely witnesses or assistants in the admonition , or whether the intention be that they shall prove the fact before the church forensically , ( if need be ) and whether two or three witnesses must be taken when the offence is known to him onely that gives the first rebuke ; discussed ? this their interpretation brings a brother under the greatest yoke of bondage . grotius his interpretation of the word church , not inconsistent with ours . divers authors of the best note for our interpretation , that is , that by the church here is meant the elders of the church assembled . the name of the church given to the elders for four considerations . chap. vi. of the power of binding and loosing , matth. . . our opposites extreamly difficulted and divided in this point . binding and loosing both among hebrews & grecians , authoritative & forensicall words . antiquity for us , which is proved out of augustine , hierome , ambrose , chrysostome , isidorus pelusiota , hilary , theophylact. that this power of binding and loosing belongeth neither to private persons , nor to civill magistrates , but to church officers , and that in reference , . to the bonds of sinne and iniquity . . to the dogmaticall decision of controversies concerning the will of christ. that this power of binding and loosing is not meerely doctrinall but juridicall or forensicall , and meant of inflicting or taking off ecclesiasticall censure . this cleared by the coherence and dependency between verse . and , ( which is asserted against m. prynne ) and further confirmed by eleven reasons . in which the agreement of two on earth verse . the restriction of the rule to a brother or church-member , also matth ▪ . . john . . psalm . , , , . are explained . another interpretation of the binding and loosing , that it is not exercised about persons , but about things or doctrines , confuted by ●ive reasons . how binding and loosing are acts of the power of the keys , as well as shutting and opening . chap. vii . that cor. . proveth excommunication , and ( b● a necessary consequence even from the erastian interpretation ) suspension from the sacrament of a person un excommunicated . the weight of our proofs not laid upon the phrase of delivering to sathan . which phrase being set aside that chapter will prove excommunication , verse . let us keepe the passeover ▪ &c. applied to the lords supper , even by m. prynne himselfe . master prynnes first exception from cor. . , . & . . concerning the admission of all the visible members of the church of corinth , even drunken persons to the sacrament , answered . his second , a reflection upon the persons of men . his third , concerning these words , no , not to eate , confuted . hence suspension by necessary consequence . his fourth exception taken off . his three conditions which he requireth in arguments from the lesser to the greater , are false and doe not hold . our argument from this text doth not touch upon the rock of separation . eight considerations to prove an ecclesiasticall censure , and namely excommunication from cor. . compared with ▪ cor. . more of that phrase , to deliver such a one to sathan . chap. viii . whether judas received the sacrament of the lords supper . the question between m. prynne & me concerning iudas , much like unto that between papists and protestants concerning peter . two things premised . . that matthew and marke mentioning christs discourse at table , concerning the traytor , before the institution and distribution of the lords supper , place it in its proper order , and that luke placeth it after the sacrament by an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or recapitulation : which is proved by ●ive reasons . . that the story iohn . . concerning iudas and the sop , was neither acted in bethany two daies before the passeover , nor yet after the institution of the lords supper . the first argument to prove that iudas received not the lords supper from ioh. . . he went out immediately after the sop . mr prynnes foure answers confuted . his opinion that christ gave the sacrament before the common supper , is against both scripture and antiquity . of the word immediately . the second argument from christs words at the sacrament . that which m. prynne holds , viz. that at that time ( when christ infallibly knew iudas to be lost ) he meant conditionally that his body was broken and his blood shed for iudas ; confuted by three reasons . the third argument from the different expressions of love to the apostles , with an exception , while iudas was present ; without an exception at the sacrament . m. prynnes arguments from scripture to prove that iudas did receive the sacrament , answered . that iudas received the sacrament , is no indubitable verity as mr. prynne cals it , but hath been much controverted both among fathers , papists and protestants . that the lutherans who are much of m. prynnes opinion in the point of iudas his receiving of the lords supper , that they may the better uphold their doctrine of the wicked their eating of the true body of christ , yet are much against his opinion in the point of admitting scandalous persons not excommunicated to the sacrament . m. prynnes bold assertion that all the ancients except hilary onely , doe unanimously accord that iudas received the lords supper , without one dissenting voyce ; disproved as most false , and confuted by the testimonies of clemens , dionysius areopagita , maximus , pachymeres , ammonius alexandrinus , tacianus , innocentius . rupertus tuitiensis , yea by those very passages of theophylact , and victor antiochenus , cited by himselfe . many moderne writters also against his opinion , as of the papists , salmeron , turrianus , barradius , of protestants , danaeus , kleinwitzius , piscator , beza , tossanus , musculus , zanchius , gomarus , diodati , grotius . the testimonies cited by m. prynne for iudas his receiving of the sacrament ▪ examined : some of them found false , others prove not his point , others who thinke that iudas did receive the sacrament , are cleare against the admission of known prophane persons . the confession of bohemia and belgia not against us , but against master prynne . chap. ix . whether judas received the sacrament of the passeover that night in which our lord was betrayed . that christ and his apostles did eate the passeover , not before , but after that supper at which he did wash his disciples feet , and give the sop to iudas . these words before the feast of the passeover , joh. . . scanned . the jewes did eate the passeover after meale , but they had no meale after the paschall supper . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ioh. . . needeth not be turned , supper being ended , but may suffer two other readings . christs sitting down with the twelve is not meant of the paschall supper , and if it were , it proves not that iudas did eate of that passeover , more than cor. . . proves that iudas did see christ after his resurrection . a pious observation of cartwright . another of chrysostome . chap. x. that if it could be proved that judas received the lords supper , it maketh nothing against the suspension of known wicked persons from the sacrament . christs admitting of iudas to the sacrament when he knew him to be a divell , could no more be a president to us , then his choosing of iudas to be an apostle , when he knew also that he was a divell . iudas his sinne was not scandalous but secret , at that time when it is supposed that he did receive the sacrament . the same thing which m. prynne makes to have been after the sacrament , to prove that iudas did receive the sacrament , the very same he makes to have been before the sacrament , to prove that iudas was a scandalous sinner , when he was admitted to the sacrament . he yeeldeth upon the matter that iudas received not the sacrament . that before iudas went forth , none of the apostles knew him to be the traytor except iohn , yea some hold that iohn knew it not . that christs words to iudas , thou hast said , did not make known to the apostles that he was the traitor , and if they had , yet ( by their principles who hold that iudas received the sacrament ) these words were not spoken before the sacrament . divers authors hold that iudas was a secret ▪ not a scandalous sinner , at that time when it is supposed he received the sacrament , yea m. prynne himselfe holdeth so in another place . he loseth much by proposing as a president to ministers what christ did to iudas in the last supper . christ did upon the matter excommunicate iudas ; which many gather from these words , that thou dost doe quickly . and if christ had admitted him to the sacrament , it could be no president to us . chap. xi . whether it be a full discharge of duty to admonish a scandalous person of the danger of unworthy communicating ? and whether a minister in giving him the sacrament after such admonition , be no way guilty ? mr prynne doth here mistake his marke , or not hit it , whether the question be stated in reference to the censure of suspension , or in reference to the personall duty of the minister . five duties of the minister in this businesse beside admonition . admonition no church censure , properly . six conclusions promised by m prynne , examined . his syllogism concerning the true right of all visible members of the visible church to the sacrament discussed . four sorts of persons , beside children and fooles , not able to examine themselves , and so not to be admitted to the lords supper , by that limitation which m. prynne yeedeth . his argument from the admission of carnall persons to baptisme , upon a meere externall sleight profession , answered . his eleven reasons for the affirmative of this present question answered . the erastian argument from cor. . . let a man examine himselfe , not others , nor others him , faileth many waies . m. prynne endeavours to pacifie the consciences of ministers by perswading them to believe , that a scandalous person is outwardly fitted and prepared for the sacrament . how dangerous a way it is to give the sacrament to a scandalous person , upon hopes that omnipotency can at that instant change his heart and his life . of a mans eating and drinking judgement to himselfe . chap. xii . whether the sacrament of the lords supper be a converting or regenerating ordinance . mr prynne in this controversie joyneth not onely with the more rigid lutherans , but with the papists . the testimonies of calvin , bullinger , ursinus , musculus , bucerus , festus honnius , aretius , vossius , pareus , the belgicke confession , and forme of administration , the synod of dort , gerhardus , walaeus , chamierus , polanus , amesius , are produced against m. prynne , all these and many others denying the lords supper to be a converting ordinance . how both lutherans and papists state their controversie with calvinists ( as they call them ) concerning the efficacy of the sacraments . m. prynnes distinctions of two sorts of conversion , and two sorts of sealing , being duely examined , doe but the more open his errour instead of covering it . of the words sacrament and seale : concerning which m. prynne as he leaneth toward the socinian opinion , so he greatly cals in question that truth , without the knowledge whereof the ordinance of parliament appointeth men to be kept backe from the sacrament . foure distinctions of my own premised , that the true state of the question may be rightly apprehended . the . distinction between the absolute power of god , and the revealed will of god. . between the sacrament it selfe , and other ordinances which doe accompany it . . between the first grace , and the following graces . . between visible saints and invisible saints . chap. xiii . twenty arguments to prove that the lords supper is not a converting ordinance . . from the nature of signes instituted to signifie the being or having of a thing . the significancy of sacraments à parte ante . . sacraments suppose faith and an interest had in christ , therefore doe not give it . . the lords supper gives the new food , therefore it supposeth the new life . . it is a seale of the righteousnesse of faith , therefore instituted for justified persons onely . . from the example of abrahams justification before circumcision . . from the duty of self-examination , which an unregenerate person cannot performe . . from the necessity of the wedding garment . . faith comes by hearing , not by seeing or receiving . . neither promise nor example in scripture of conversion by the lords supper . . every unconverted and unworthy person , if he come ( while such ) to the lords table ) cannot but eate and drink unworthily , therefore ought not to come . . the wicked have no part in an eucharisticall consolatory ordinance . . christ calleth none to this feast but such as have spirituall gracious qualifications . . they that are visibly no saints , ought not to partake in the communion of saints . . baptisme it selfe ( at least when administred to persons of age ) is not a regenerating , but a sealing ordinance . . from the necessity of the precedency of baptisme before the lords supper . . from the method of the parable of the lost sonne . . from the doctrinall dehorting of all impenitent unworthy persons from comming to the sacrament , unlesse they repent , reforme , &c. ( allowed by m. prynne himselfe ) which a minister may not doe , if it be a converting ordinance . . from the incommunicablenesse of this ordinance to pagans , or to excommunicated christians for their conversion . . from the instrumentall causality of a converting ordinance , which in order doth not follow , but precede conversion , and therefore is administred to men , not qua penitent , but qua impenitent , which can not be said of the sacrament . . antiquity against m. prynne in this point . witnesse the sancta sanctis . witnesse also dionysius areopagita , justin martyr , chrysostome , augustine , isidorus pelusiot●… , prosper , beda , isidorus hispalensis , rabanus maurus , besides scotus , alensis , and other schoolmen . chap. xiv . master prynne his twelve arguments brought to prove that the lords supper is a converting ordinance , discussed and answered . his first argument answered by three distinctions . his second proveth nothing against us , but yeeldeth somewhat which is for us . his third charged with divers absurdities . his fourth concerning the greatest proximity and most immediate presence of god , and of christ in the sacrament retorted against himselfe , and moreover not proved nor made good by him . his fifth argument hath both universall grace and other absurdities in it . his sixth concerning conversion by the eye , by the booke of nature , by sacrifices , by miracles , as well as by the eare , examined and confuted in the particulars . his seventh not proved . nor yet his eighth , concerning conversion by afflictions without the word . his ninth concerning the rule of contraries is misapplied by him . his tenth concerning the ends of the sacrament yeeldeth the cause and mireth himselfe . his eleventh a grosse petitio principii . his twelfth appealing to the experience of christians , rectified in the state , and repelled for the weight . that this debate concerning the nature , end use , and effect of the sacrament , doth clearely cast the ballance of the wholecontroversie concerning suspension . lucas osiander cited by m. prynne against us , is more against himselfe . chap. xv. whether the admission of scandalous and notorious sinners to the sacrament of the lords supper , be a pollution and prophanation of that holy ordinance ? and in what respects it may be so called ? the true state of this question cleared by five distin●ions . nine arguments to prove the affirmative . that the admitting of the scandalous and prophane to the sacrament gives the lie to the word preached , and looseth those whom the word binddeth . that it is a strengthning of the hands of the wicked t is a prophanation of baptisme to baptise a catechumene jew , or a pagan , being of a known prophane life , although he were able to make confession of the true faith by word of mouth . that such as are found unable to examine themselves ( whether through naturall or sinfull disability ) or manifestly unwilling to it , ought not to be admitted to the lords supper . the reason for keeping backe children and fooles holds stronger for keeping back known prophane persons . hag. . , , , . explained . a debate upon matth. . . give not that which is holy to dogs , &c wherein m. prynne is confuted from scripture , from antiquity , from erastus also and grotius . chap. xvi . an argument of erastus ( drawn from the baptisme of john ) against the excluding of scandalous sinners from the lords supper , examined . that iohn baptised none but such as confessed their sinnes , and did outwardly appeare penitent . t is a great question whether those pharisees who came to his baptisme , matth. . were baptised . the coincidency of that story matth. . with the message of the pharisees to iohn baptist , ioh. . the argument retorted . chap. xvii . antiquity for the suspension of all scandalous persons from the sacrament , even such as were admitted to other publique ordinances . o● the foure degrees of penitents in the ancient church and of the suspension of some unexcommunicated persons from the lords supper who did joyn with the church in the hearing of the word and prayer . proved out of the ancient canons of the councels of ancyra , nice , arles , the sixth and eighth general councels , out of gregorius thaumaturgus , and basilius magnus , confirmed also out of zonaras , balsamon , albaspin●…us . the suspension of all sorts of scandalous sinners in the church from the sacrament further confirmed out of isidorus pelusiota , dionysius areopagita with his scholiast maximus , and his paraphrast pachimeres . also out of cyprian , justin martyr , chrysostome , ambrose , augustine , gregorius magnus , walafridus strabo . chap. xviii . a discovery of the instability and loosenesse of m. prynne his principles , even to the contradicting of himselfe in twelve particulars . an argument hinted by m. prynne from the gathering together all guests to the wedding supper , both bad and good , examined , and foure answers made to it . that m. prynne doth professe and pretend to yeeld the thing for which his antagonists contend with him , but indeed doth not yeeld it : his concessions being clogged with such things as do evacuate and frustrate all church discipline . that m. prynne contradicteth himselfe in twelve particulars . foure counter-quaerees to him . a discourse of m. fox the author of the booke of martyrs , concerning three sorts of persons who are unwilling that there should be a discipline or power of censures in the church . the names of writers or workes cited and made use of in this tractate . is . abrabanel melchier adamus ainsworth aeschines albaspinaeus albinus flaccus alcuinus alex. alensis algerus ambrosius ambrose the monke ammonius alexandrinus ampsin●ius dutch annotations english annotations apoll●nius aquinas arabick n. t. aretius arias montanus aristótle arnobius irish articles of faith augustinus azorius b balsamon io. baptista derubcis baronius basilius magnus m r bayne becanus becmanus beda bellarmine bertramus beza bilson brentius brochmand brughton mart. bucerus gers. bucerus budoeus bulling●r buxtorff c cabeljavius cajetanus calvin i. camero camerarius canons of the african church . l. capellus d. carthusianus cartwright i. casaubon the magdeburgian centurists chaldee paraphrase chami●rus chemnitius chrysostomus d. chytraeus is. clarus fr. à s. clara clemens clemens alexandrinus nic. de clemangis iudocus clichtoveus i. cloppenburgius i. coch m r coleman a●gid de coninck barthol . coppen balthasar ●orderius corpus disciplinae m r cotoon tomes of councels richardus cowsin cyprian cyrill . d dan●us r. david ganz . demos●henes m. david dickson didoclavius lud. de dieu mich. dilherrus di●dati the directory of both kingdomes dio●yfins 〈◊〉 syn●d of dort iesuits of doway i. drusius du●renus durandus duran●s e elias r. eli●ser c ● empereur erastus erasmus c. espen●us es●ius euthymius aben ezra f fa●ritius m r fox ch. francken hist. of the troubles at franckeford the disciplin of the reformed churches of fran● d r fulk● g p. galatinus phil. gamachaeus gelenius laws and statu●es of genevah genebrardus geo. genzius i. ●rhardus gesnerus s●l . glassius godwyn gomarus gorranus gregorius magnus gregorius thaumaturgus professors of groning grotius gualther h harmony of confessions harmonia synoder●n belgicarum haymo helmichius hemmiugius heshusius hesychius hier● hilarius m. hildersham p. hinkelmannus fra● . holy-oke 〈◊〉 honnius h●go de s. uict●re hug● cardi●lis l. humfredus aegid . h●ius m. hussey hutterus i king iames iansen●us i'lyricus i●nocentius . . iosephus iosuae levitae halichoth olam . isidorus hisp●lensis isidorus 〈◊〉 iulius caesar fr. iunius iustinus martyr k ke●erm ●nnus d r k●llet c. kir●erus l corn . a lapide lavater laurentius de la barre m r leigh nieolaus lambardus lorinus luthe●us lyr● m maccovius maimonides maldonat man●sseh ben. israel concilia●or marianae marlorat martial m. martinius p. martyr maximus medina meisnerus menochius mercerus p. maulin munsterus musculus n g. nazianzen i. newenklaius nonnus novarinus o oecumenius origen luc. osiander p pachymeres m r paget : pagnin paraeus parker pasor pelargus pellicanus pemble philo the iew piscator plato polanus m r prynne r rabanus maurus raynolds the remonstran●s revius rittangelius d. rivetus rupertus tuitiensis m. rutherfurd s emanuel sa salmasius salmeron m. sal●marsh sanctius saravia i. scaliger scapula schindlerus ionas schlichtingius the booke of discipline of scotland scotus subtilis m. selden the 〈◊〉 ●eius f. socin●s ●ipingius fr. spanbemi●t spelman stegmannus strigelius suarez suidas su●livius syariac● n. t. t tacianus the talmud tannerus tertullian theodoretus theophylactus tilenus tirinus titus bostrorum episcapus toletus tostatus tossanus trelcatius triglandius tully w walaeus walafridus strabo m r io. welsh mr iohn wey●es of craigton mr iohn weimes of latho●ker westhemerus whitgift whittakerus willet i. winkelmannus wolphius v gr. de valentia vatablus uazquez uedelius uictor antiochenus gisb. v●etius gul. vorstius hen. vorstius ger●ardus uossius dionysius vossius ursinus z zanc●ius zepperus zon●ras z●inglius . aarons rod blossoming : or , the divine ordinance of church-government vindicated . the first booke . of the jewish church-government . chap. i. that if the erastians could prove what they alledge concerning the iewish church government , yet in that particular the iewish church could not be a president to the christian. observing that very much of erastus his strength , and much of his followers their confidence , lie●h in the old testament , and jewish church , which ( as they averre ) knew no such distinction , as civill government , and church government ; civill justice , and church discipline ; i have thought good , first of all , to remove that great stumbling-block , that our way may afterward lie fair and plain before us . i doe heartily acknowledge , that what we finde to have been an ordinance , or an approved practice in the jewish church , ought to be a rule and patterne to us , such things onely excepted which were typicall , or temporall , that is , for which there were speciall reasons proper to that infancy of the church , and not common to us . now , if our opposites could prove that the jewish church was nothing but the jewish state , and that the jewish church-government , was nothing but the jewish state-government , and that the jewes had never any supreame sanhedrin but one onely , and that civil , and such as had the temporall coercive power of magistracy ( which they will never be able to prove ) yet there are divers con●iderable reasons , for which that could be no president to us . first , casaubon exerc . . anno . num . . proves out of maimonides , that the sanhedrin was to be made up ( if possible ) wholly of priests and levites ; and that if so many priests and levites could not be found , as were fit to be of the sanhedrin , in that case some were assumed out of other tribes . howbeit i hold not this to be agreeable to the first institution of the sanhedrin . but thus much is certaine , that priests and levites were members of the jewish sanhedrin , and had an authoritative decisive suffrage in making decrees , and inflicting punishments , as well as other members of the sanhedrin . philo the jew de vita mosis pag. . saith that he who was found gathering sticks upon the sabbath , was brought ad principem & sacerdotum consistorium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , to the prince or chiefe ruler ( meaning moses ) together with whom the priests did sit and judge in the sanhedrin . jehosaphat did set of the levites , of the priests , and of the chiefe of the fathers of israel , for the judgement of the lord , &c. chro. . . secondly , the people of israel had gods own judiciall law given by moses , for their civill law : and the priests and levites in stead of civill lawyers . thirdly , the sanhedrin did punish no man , unlesse admonition had been first given to him for his amendment . maimon . de fundam . legis cap. . sect . . ( yea saith gul. vorstius upon the place , though a man had killed his parents , the sanhedrin did not punish him unlesse he were first admonished ) and when witnesses were examined , seven questions were propounded to them , one of which was , whether they had admonished the offender , as the talmud it self tels us ad tit . sanhedrin cap. . sect . . fourthly , the sanhedrin respondebat de jure , did interpret the law of god , and determine controversies , concerning the sence and intent thereof . deut. . , , , . and it was on this manner as the ierusalem talmud in sanhedrin cap. . sect . . records . there were there ( in ierusalem ) three assemblies of iudges : one sitting at the entry to the mountaine of the sanctuary : another sitting at the doore of the court : the third sitting in the conelave made of cut stone . first , addresse was made to that which sate at the ascent of the mountaine of the sanctuary : then the elder ( who came to represent the cause which was too hard for the courts of the cities ) said on ●…his manner . i have drawne this sence from the holy scripture , my fellows have drawn that sence . i have taught thus , my f●…llows so and so . if they had learned what is to be determined in that cause , they did communicate it unto them . if not , they went forward together to the iudges sitting at the doore of the court : by whom they were instructed , if they ( after the laying forth of the difficulty ) knew what resolution to give . otherwise all of them jointly had recourse to the great sanhedrin . for from it doth the law go forth unto all israel . it is added in exc. gemar . sanhed . cap. . sect . . that the sanhedrin did sit in that roome of cut stone ( which was in the temple ) from the morning to the evening daily sacrifice . the sanhedrin did judge cases of idolatry , apostasie , false prophets , &c. talm. hieros . in sanhed . cap. . sect . . now all this being unquestionably true of the jewish sanhedrin : if we should suppose , that they had no supreme sanhedrin but that which had the power of civill magistracy , then i aske where is that christian state , which was , or is , or ought to be moulded according to this patterne . must ministers have vote in parliament ? must they be civill lawyers ? must all criminall and capitall judgements be according to the judiciall law of moses , and none otherwise ? must there be no civill punishment , without previous admonition of the offender ? must parliaments sit , as it were in the temple of god , and interpret scripture , which sence is true , and which false , and determine controversies of faith and cases of conscience , and judge of all false doctrines ? yet all this must be , if there be a paralell made with the jewish sanhedrin . i know some divines hold , that the judiciall law of moses , so far as concerneth the punishments of sins against the morall ●aw , idolatry , blasphemy , sabbath-breaking , adultery , theft , &c. ought to be a rule to the christian magistrate . and for my part , i wish more respect were had to it , and that it were more consulted with . this by the way . i am here only shewing , what must follow , if the jewish government be taken for a pr●sident , without making a dis●inction of civil & church government . surely , the consequences will be such , as i am sure our opposites will never admit of , and some of which ( namely concerning the civill places or power of ministers , and concerning the magistrates authority to interpret scripture ) ought not to be admitted . certainly , if it should be granted that the jewes had but one sanhedrin , yet there was such an intermixture ●of civill and ecclesiasticall both persons and proceedings , that there must be a partition made of that power , which the jewish sanhedrin did exercise , which ( taken whole and entire together ) can neither sute to our civill nor to our ecclesiasticall courts . nay , while the erastians appeale to the jewish sanhedrin ( suppose it now to be but one ) they doe thereby ingage themselves to grant unto church officers a share at least ( yea a great share ) in ecclesiasticall government : for so they had in the supreme sanhedrin of the jewes . and further the jewes had their synagoga magna , which grotius on matth. . . distinguisheth from the sanhedrin of . for both prophets and others of place and power among the people praeter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , besides the members of that sanhedrin were members of that extraordinary assembly , which was called the great synagogue , such as that assembly ezra . which did decree forfeiture and separation from the congregation , to be the punishment of such as would not gather themselves unto ierusalem : in which assembly were others beside those of the sanhedrin . of the men of the great synagogue i read in tzemach david pag. . ●…dit . hen. vors . that they did receive the traditions from the prophets ; and it is added viri synagogae magnae ordinarunt nobis preces nostras . the men of the great synagogue did appoint unto us our prayers , meaning their liturgies , which they fancy to have been so instituted . the hebrews themselves controvert , whether all the men of the great synagogue did live at one and the same time , or successively ; but that which is most received among them , is , that these men did flourish all at one time , as is told us in the passage last cited , where also these are named as men of the great synagogue , haggai , zechariah , malachi , zerubbabel , mordechai , ezra , jehoshua , seria , rehaliah , misphar , rechum , nehemias . rambam addeth , chananiah , mischael , and azariah . finally , as prophets , pries●s , and scribes of the law of god had an interest in the synagoga magna after the captivity , so we read of occasionall and extraordinary ecclesiasticall synods before the captivity , as that assembly of the priests and levites under hezekiah , chro. . . . and that erring synod of the prophets , kings . . herod also gathered together the chiefe priests and scribes , matth. . . i conclude , that if it should be granted there was no ecclesiasticall sanhedrin among the jewes , distinct from the civill , yet as the necessity of a distinct ecclesiasticall government among us , is greater then it was among them ( in respect of the foure considerations above mentioned ) so likewise the priests had a great deale more power and authority in the jewish church , ( not onely by occasionall synods , but by their interest in synagoga magna , and in the civill sanhedrin it selfe ) then the erastians are willing that church officers should have in the christian church . chap. ii. that the iewish church was formally distinct from the iewish state or common-wealth . it hath been by some ( with much confidence and scorne of all who say otherwise ) averred that excommunication and church-government distinct from the civill , hath no patterne for it in the jewish church . i am sure ( saith m r coleman in his brotherly examination re-examined , pag. . ) the best reformed church that ever was went this way , i meane the church of israel , which had no distinction of church government and civill government . hast thou appealed unto caesar ? unto caesar shalt thou goe . have you appealed to the jewish church ? thither shall you goe . wherefore i shall endeavour to make these five things appeare : . that the jewish church was formally 〈◊〉 from the jewish state. . that there was an eccle●iasticall sanhedrin and government distinct from the civill . . that there was an ecclesiasticall excommunication , 〈◊〉 from civill punishments . . that in the jewish church there was also a publike exomologesis or declaration of repentance , and thereupon a reception or admission againe of the offender to fellowship with the church in the holy things . . that there was a suspension of the prophane from the temple and passeover . first , the jewish church was formally di●tinct from the jewish state. i say formally , because ordinarily they were not distinct materially , the same persons being members of both . but formally they were distinct , ( as now the church and state are distinct among us christians . ) . in respect of distinct lawes ; the ceremoniall law was given to them in reference to their church state , the judiciall law was given to them in reference to their civill state. is. abrabanel de capite fidei cap. . putteth this difference between the lawes given to adam and to the sonnes of noah , and the divine law given by moses : that those laws were given for conservation of humane society and are in the classis of judiciall or civill laws . but the divine law given by moses , doth direct the soule to its last perfection and end . i doe not approve the difference which he puts between these lawes . this onely i note , that he distinguisheth judiciall or civill laws for conservation of society , ( though given by god ) from those laws which are given to perfect the soule , and to direct it to its last end , such as he conceives the whole morall and ceremoniall law of moses to be ▪ halichoth olam tract . . cap. . tels us that such and such rabbies were followed in the ceremoniall lawes : other rabbies followed in the judiciall lawes . . in respect of distinct acts : they did not worship god and offer sacrifices in the temple , nor call upon the name of lord , nor give thanks , nor receive the sacraments as that state , but as that church . they did not punish evill doers by mulcts , imprisonment , banishment , burning , stoning , hanging , as that church , but as that state. . in respect of controversi●s ; some causes and controversies did concerne the lords matters , some the kings matters , chro. . . to judge between blood and blood was one thing . to judge between law and commandement , between statut●s and judgements ; that is , to give the true sence of the law of god when it was controverted , was another thing . . in respect of officers : the priests and l●vites were church-officers . magistrates and judges not so , but were ministers of the state. the priests might not take the sword out of the hand of the magistrates . the magistrates might not offer sacrifice nor exercise the priests office . . in respect of continuance , when the romans tooke away the jewish state and civill government , yet the jewish church did remaine , and the romans did permit them the liberty of their religion . and now though the jewes have no jewish state , yet they have jewish churches . whence it is , that when th●y tell where one did or doth live , they doe not mention the town , but the church : in the holy church at uenice , at frankford , &c. see buxtorf . lex . rabin . pag. . . in respect of variation . the constitution and government of the jewish state was not the same , but different , under moses and ioshua , under the iudges , under the kings , and after the captivity . but we cannot say , that the church was new modelld as oft as the state was . . in respect of members . for as a m. selden hath very well observed concerning that sort of proselytes , who had the name of pr●…selyti justitiae ; they were initiated into the jewish religion by circumcision , baptisme , and sacrifice : and they were allowed not onely to worship god apart by themselves , but also to come into the church and congregation of israel , and to be called by the name of jewes : neverthelesse they were res●rained and secluded from dignities , magistracies and preferments in the jewish republique , and from divers marriages , which were free to the israelites : even as strangers initiated and associated into the church of rome , have not therefore the priviledge of roman citizens . thus m. selden , who hath thereby made it manifest , that there was a dis●iuction of the jewish church and jewish state , because those proselytes b being imbodied into the jewish church as church members , and having a right to communicate in the holy ordinances among the rest of the people of god , yet were not properly members of the jewish state , nor admitted to civill priviledges : whence it is also that the names of jewes and proselytes were used distinctly , acts . . chap. iii. that the iewes had an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin and government distinct from the civill . i come to the second point , that there was an ecclesiasticall government , and an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin among the jews . this distinction of the two sanhedrins , the civill and the ecclesiasticall , is maintained by zepperus de polit . eccles . l. . cap. . iunius in deut. . piscator ibid. wolphius in . reg. . gerhard harm . de pass . cap. . g●…dwin moses and aaron lib. . cap. . bucerus de gubern . eccl . pag. , . walaeus tom. . pag. . pelargus in deut. . sopingius ad bonam fidem sibrandi pag. . et seq . the dutch annotations on deut. . & chron. . bertramus de polit . jud. cap. . ap●…llonii jus majest . part . . p. . strigelius in . paralip . cap. . the professours of groning . ( vide judicium facult . theol. academiae groninganae , apud cabeljav . def . potest . eccl. pag. . ) i remember raynolds in the conference with hart is of the same opinion . also m. paget in his defence of church government , pag. . besides divers others . i shall onely adde the testimony of constantinus l'empereur , a man singularly well acquainted with the jewish antiquities , who hath expressed himselfe concerning this point both in his annotations upon bertram pag. . and annot. in cod. middoth . pag. , . the latter of these two passages you have here in the c margin , expressing not only his opinion , but the ground of it . and it is no obscure footstep of the ecclefiasticall sanhedrin , d which is cited out of elias , by d. buxtorf in his lexicon chald. talmud . & rabbin . p. . the first institution of an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin appeareth to me to be held forth exod. . . where god saith to moses , come up unto the lord , thou and aaron , nad●… and abihu , and seventy of the elders of israel . it is a controversie among interpreters who those seventy elders were . f tostatus maketh it cleare , that they were not the seventy elders chosen for the government of the common-wealth , num . nor yet the judges chosen by the advice of iethro , exod. . nor yet any other judges which had before time judged the people . these three negatives willet upon the place holdeth with tostatus . not the first : for this was done at mount sinai , shortly after their comming out of egypt . but on the twenty day of the second moneth , in the second yeere , they tooke their journey from sinai to the wildernesse of paran , num. . , . and there pitched at hibroth-hattaavath num. . . where the seventy elders were chosen to relieve moses of the burthen of government . so that this election of seventy exod. . was before that election of seventy num . not the second : for this election of seventy exod. . was before that election of judges by iethros advice exod. . iethro himselfe not having come to moses till the end of the first yeere , or the beginning of the second yeere after the comming out of egypt , and not before the giving of the law : which tostatus proves by this argunent , the law was given the third day , after they came to sinai ; but it was impossible that iethro should in the space of three daies , heare that moses and the people of israel were in the wildernesse of sinai , and come there unto them , that moses should goe forth and meet him , and receive him , and entertaine him ; that iethro should observe the manner of moses his government , in litigious judgement from morning till evening , and give counsell to rectifie it ; that moses should take course to helpe it ; how could all this be done in those three daies , which were also appointed for sanctifying the people against the receiving of the law ? therefore g he concludeth that the story of iethro exod. . is an anticipation . lastly , he saith , the seventy elders mentioned exod. . could not be judges who did judge the people before iethro came , because iethro did observe the whole burthen of government did lie upon moses alone , and there were no other judges . now it is to be observed , that the seventy elders chosen and called exod. . were also invested with h authority in judging controversies , wherein aaron or hur were to preside vers . . they are joyned with aaron , nadad , and abihu , and are called up as a representative of the whole church , when god was making a covenant with his people . t is after the judiciall lawes , exod. . & . & . and that chapter is a transition to the ceremoniall lawes concerning the worship of god , and structure of the tabernacle , which are to follow . neither had the seventy elders ( of which now i speake ) any share of the supreme civill government , to judge hard civill causes , and to receive appeals concerning those things from the inferiour judges ; for all this did still lie upon moses alone , num. . . furthermore they saw the glory of the lord , and were admitted to a sacred banquet , and to eat of the sacrifices in his presence exod. . , , . and were thereby confirmed in their calling . all which laid together may seem to amount to no lesse then a solemne interesting and investing of them into an ecclesiasticall authority . the next proofe for the ecclesiasticall sanhed●in shall be taken from deut. . , , , , . where observe . t is agreed upon both by jewish and christian expositors , that this place holds forth a supreme civill court of judges , and the authority of the civill sanhedrin is mainly grounded on this very text. now if this text hold forth a superior civill jurisdiction ( as is universally acknowledged ) it holds forth also a superior ecclesiasticall jurisdiction distinct from the civill . for the text carrieth the authority and sentence of the priests as high , as the authority and sentence of the judges , and that in a disjunctive way , as two powers , ( not one ) and each of them binding , respectively , and in its proper sphere . . the hebrew doctors tell us of three kinds of causes , which being found difficult were transmitted from the inferiour courts to those at ierusalem . . capitall causes . . mulcts . . leprosie , and the judgement of clean or unclean . now this third belonged to the cognizance and judgement of the priests . yea the text it self holdeth forth two sorts of causes , and controversies , some forensicall between blood and blood : some ceremoniall between stroke and stroke ; not onely hierome , but the chaldee , and greek , readeth , between leprosie and leprosie . grotius noteth , the hebrew word is used for leprosie , many times in one chapter , lev. . plea and plea seemeth common to both , there being difference of judgement concerning the one and the other . . here are two iudicatories distinguished by the disjunctive or v. . which we have both in the hebrew , chaldee , greek , and in our english translation ; so that vers . . and is put for or , as grotius noteth , expounding that verse by vers . . and as the priests and levites are put in the plurall v. . the like must be understood of the iudge , whereby we must understand iudges , and so the chaldee readeth v. . even as ( saith ainsworth ) many captains are in the hebrew called an head , chron. . . and so you have there , references of difficult cases from inferior courts , to the priests or to the judges at ierusalem . . there is also some intimation of a twofold sentence ; one concerning the meaning of the law , according to the sentence of the law , which they shall teach thee , v. . and this belonged to the priests , mal. . . for the priests ( it s not said the judges ) lips should preserve knowledge , and they should seek the law at his mouth . another concerning matter of fact , and according to the judgement which they shall tell thee , thou shalt do . grotius upon the place acknowledgeth a udgement of the priests distinct from that of the judges : and he add●th a simile from the roman synod consisting of seventy bishops which was consulted in weighty controversies . but he is of opinion that the priests and levites did onely end avour to satisfie and reconcile the dissenting parties , which if they did , well , if not , that then they referred the reasons of both parties to the sanhedrin , who gave forth their decree upon the whole matter . the first part of that which he saith , helpeth me . but this last hath no ground in the text , but is manife●ly inconsistent therewith , v. . the man that will doe presumptuously , and will not hearken unto the priest , or unto the judge , even that man shall die . which proves , i that the judgement of both was supreme in suo genere , that is , if it was a controver●e ceremoniall , between leprosie and leprosie , or between clean and unclean , lev. . , , . ezech. . . or dogmaticall and doctrinall , concerning the sence of the law , and answering de jure , when the sence of the law was controverted by the iudges of the cities , then he that would not stand to the sentence of the ecclesiasticall sanhedrin , whereof the high priest was pre●dent , was to die the death . but if the cause was criminall , as between blood and blood , wherein the nature or proofe of the fact , could not be agreed upon , by the judges of the cities , then he that would not submit to the decree of the civill sanhedrin at i●…rusalem should die the death . and thus the english divines in their late annotations , give the sence according to the disjunction , v. . while the priest bringeth warrant from god for the sentenee which he passeth in the cause of man , ezech. . , . he that contumaciously disobeyeth him disobeyeth god , luke . . matth. . . the cause is alike if the just sentence of a competent judge be contemned in secular effaires . in the third place , we read that david did thus divide the levites ( at that time eight and thirty thousand ) foure and twenty thousand of them were to set forward the work of the house of the lord , foure thousand were porters , and foure thousand praised the lord with instruments , and six thousand of them were made some schoterim officers , and some sch●…phtim judges , chro. . . some understand by schoterim rulers , or those who were over the charge . to speak properly schophtim were those that gave sentence ; schoterim those that lookt to the execution of the sentence , and to the keeping of the law , like the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the craecians : ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was one thing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another . ) so chro. . . chenaniah and his sonnes were for the outward businesse over israel , fo●… officers ( or rulers or over the charge ) and judges : that is , they were not tied to attendance and service in the temple , as the porters and singers , and those that did service about the sacrifices , lights , washings , and such like things in the temple : but they k were to judge and give sentence concerning the law and the meaning thereof , when any such controversie should be brought before them from any of the cities in the land : they were not appointed to be officers and judges over the rest of the levites to keepe them in order ( for which course was taken in another way ) but to be rulers and judges over israel , saith the text , in the outward businesse which came from without to ierusalem , in judging of which peradventure they were to attend by course , or as they should be called . if any say that all those levites who were judges did not sit in judgement at ierusalem , but some of them in severall cities of the land , that there might be the easier accesse to them ; i can easily grant it , and i verily believe it was so , and it maketh the more for a church government in particular cities , which was subordinate to the ecclesiasticall sanh d●in at ierusalem . however the levites had a ruling power , and deut. . . those who are schoterim in the originall , the septuagints call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hierome , doctores , because their teachers were officers over the charge , and had a share in government . now no man can imagine that there were no other officers over the charge not judges in israel , except the levites onely ; for it followeth in that same story , ● chro. . . and david assembled all the princes of israel , the princes of the tribes , and the captains of the companies that ministred to the king by course , & the captains over the thousands , &c. nor yet wil any man say , that the levites were officers over the charge , and judges of the same kind , in the same manner , or for the same ends , with the civill rulers and judges , or the military commanders ; or that there was no distinction between the ruling power of the princes , and the ruling power of the levites . where then shall the difference lie , if not in this , that there was an ecclesiasticall government , besides the civill and military ? i grant those levites did rule and judge not onely in all the businesse of the lord , but also in the service of the king , chro. . , . but the reason was , because the jewes had no other civill law , but gods owne law , which the priests and levites were to expound . so that it was proper for that time , and there is not the like reason that the ministers of jesus christ in the new testament should judge or rule in civill affairs : ( nay it were contrary to the rule of christ and his apostles for us to do so ) yet the levites their judging and governing in all the bufines of the lord , is a patterne left for the entrusting of church officers in the new testament with a power of church government : there being no such reason for it , as to make it peculiar to the old testament , and not common to the new. the fourth scripture which proves l an ecclesiasticall government and sanhedrin , is chro. . , , . where iehoshaphat restoreth the same church government , which was first instituted by the hand of moses , and afterward ordered and setled by david . moreover ( saith the text ) in jerusalem did jehoshaphat set of the levites , and of the priests , and of the chiefe of the fathers of israel , for the judgement of the lord , and for controversies , &c. it is not controverted whether there was a civill sanhedrin at ierusalem , but that which is to be proved from the place , is an ecclesiasticall court , which i prove thus . where there is a court made up of ecclesiasticall members , judging spirituall and ecclesiasticall causes , for a spirituall and ecclesiasticall end , moderated by an ecclesiasticall president , having power ultimately and authoritatively to determine causes and controversies brought before them by appeale or reference from inferiour courts ; and whose sentence is put in execution by ecclesiasticall officers ; there it must needs be granted that there was a supream ecclesiasticall court , with power of government . but such a court we finde at ierusalem in iehoshaphats time . ergo. the proposition i suppose no man wil deny . for a court so constituted , so qualified , and so authorised , is the very thing now in debate . and he that will grant us the thing which is in the assumption , shall have leave to call it by another name if he please . the assumption i prove by the parts . . here are levites and priests in this court , as members thereof , with power of decisive suffrage , and with them such of the chiefe of the fathers of israel , as were joyned in the government of that church ; whence the reverend and learned assembly of divines , and many protestant writers before them have drawn an argument for ruling elders . and this is one of the scriptures alledged by our divines against bellarmin , to prove that others beside those who are commonly ( but corruptly ) called the clergy ought to have a decisive voyce in synods . . spirituall and ecclesiasticall causes were here judged : which are called by the name of the judgement of the lord , v. . and the matters of the lord distinguished from the kings matters , v. . so v. . beside controversies between blood and blood , that is , concerning consanguinity and the interpreting of the laws concerning forbidden degrees in marriage , ( it being observed by interpreters that all the lawfull or unlawfull degrees are not particularly expressed , but some onely , and the rest were to be judged of by parity of reason , and so it might fall within the cognizance of the ecclesiasticall sanhedrin . ) though it may be also expounded otherwise , between blood and blood , that is , whether the murther was wilfull or casuall , ( which was matter of fact ) the cognisance whereof belonged to the civill judge ; it is further added between law and commandement , statutes and judgements : noting seeming contradictions between one law and another , ( such as manasseb ben israel hath spoken of in his conciliator ) or when the sence and meaning of the law is controverted , ( which is not matter of fact , but of right ) wherein speciall use was of the priests whose lips should preserve knowledge and the law was to be sought at his mouth , a●…al . . . and that not onely ministerially and doctrinally , but judicially and in the sanhedrin at ierusalem , such controversies concerning the law of god were brought before them , as in chro. . the place now in hand . yea shall even warn them , &c. which being spoken to the court , must be meant of a synedricall decree , determining those questions and controversies concerning the law , which should come before them . as for that distinction in the text of the lords matters and the kings matters , erastus page . saith that by the lords matters is meant any cause expressed in the law , which was to be judged . whereby he takes away the distinction which the text makes ; for in his sence the kings matters were the lords matters . which himselfe ( it seems ) perceiving , he immediately yeeldeth our interpretation , that by the lords matters are meant things pertaining to the worship of god ; and by the kings matters , civill things . si per illas libet res ad cultum dei spectantes , per haec res civiles accipere , non pugnabo . if you please ( saith he ) by those , to understand things pertaining to the worship of god , by these , civill things , i will not be against it . . it was for a spirituall and ecclesiasticall end , ye shall even warne them that they trespasse not against the lord. it s not said against one another , but against the lord , for two reasons . . because mention had been made of the commandements , statutes , and iudgements , after the generall word law , v. . by which names interpreters use to understand ( both in this and many other places of scripture ) the lawes morall , ceremoniall and judiciall . now the case to be judged might be part of the ceremoniall law , having reference to god and his ordinances ; and not part of the judiciall law , or any injury done by a man to his neighbour . and in refer●nce to the morall law it might ●e a trespasse against the first table , not against the second . . even in the case of a personall or civill injury , or whatso●ver the controversie was that was brought before them , they were to warn the judges in the cities not to trespasse against the lord by mistaking or mis-understanding the law , or by righting mens wrongs so as to wrong divine right . and for that end they were to determine the ius , and the intendment of the law , when it was controverted . . whatsoever cause of their brethren that dwelt in the cities , should come unto them , v. . ( whether it should come by appeale , or by reference and arbitration ) this court at ierusalem was to give out an ultimate and authoritative determination of it . so that what was brought from inferiour courts to them , is brought no higher to any other court. . this court had an ecclesiasticall prolocutor or moderator , v. . amariah the chiefe priest is over you in all matters of the lord : whereas zebadiah the ruler of the house of iudah , was speaker in the civill sanhedrin for all the kings matters . amariah and zebadiah were not onely with the sanhedrin , as members , or as councellors , but over them as presidents . eis summos magistratus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ex amicorum numero praeposuit , amasiam sacerdotem , & ex judae tribu zebadiam , saith iosephus antiq . l. . cap. . erastus confesseth pag. . that both of them were presidents set over the sanhedrin . and pag. . si sacerdotem in dei nomine , zebadiam autem regis praesedisse affirmetur , non refragabor . he confesseth also , that the one was more especially to take care of the lords matters , the other of the kings matters . what then ? he saith they were presidents both of them to the whole sanhedrin , not the one to one number , and the other to another . yet in this he yeeldeth also p. . quanquam non peccet forte , qui senatores hos per officia distributos di●…at , ut alii magis haec , alii magis illa negotia tractarint . whosoever denieth that that place proveth two distinct courts , he may be convinced from this one reason , and i shall say to him in the words of bildad , jo●… 〈◊〉 . . enquire i pray thee of the former age , and prepare thy selfe to the s●…arch of their fathers : and in the prophets words , ierem. . . passe over the isles of chittim , and see , and send unto kedar and consider diligently : and see if there be such a thing . where was it ever heard of , that a priest was president of a cou●t , and that in sacred things and causes ; that a civill magistrate was president of a court , and that in civill causes : and yet not two courts , but one court ? if both courts had materially consisted of the same members , of the same priests , and of the same fathers of israel , ( which yet cannot be proved ) this very diversification of the presidents , and of the subject matter , ( if there were no more ) will prove two courts formally distinct . even as now among our selves the same men may be members of two , or three , or foure , or more courts , but the distinction of presidents , and of the subject matter , maketh the court distinct . . here were also ecclesiasticall officers , vers . . also the levites shall be officers before you . as before chro. . & . some of the levites were schophtim judges to give sentence , others schoterim , officers to see that sentence put in execution , and to cause those that were refractory to obey it , ( so doe the hebrews distinguish these two words ) so it was here also , some of the levites appointed to judge , v. . some to doe the part of officers in point of execution of ecclesiasticall censures , for they could not , nor might not compell men by the civill sword. the same name is given to military officers who prosecute the commands of authority , iosh. . . and so much of this fourth . the fifth place which i take to hold forth that distinction of courts and jurisdictions is ierem. , where first the prophet is taken into the court of the priests and prophets , for which the chaldee readeth scribes , whose office it was to be doctors of the law , and to resolve the difficult cases , and in that capacity they were members of ecclesiasticall councels , matth. . . to the same sence saith diodati , that the prophets here spoken of , were such as were learned in the law , and had been bred in the schooles and colledges of the chiefe prophets , and in jeremiahs time were present at ecclesiasticall judgements and assemblies , kings . . as in christs 〈◊〉 scribes and doctors of the law used to be , who were somewhat like these prophets . menochius and others expound it as the chaldee doth . in this court ieremiah was examined and judged as a false prophet , v. . . yet though they had judged him worthy to die , the court of the princes acquitteth him as a prophet of the lord , who had spoken to them in the name of the lord , v. , , . that ieremiahs cause was twice judged in two distinct courts , and two different sentences upon it , hath been asserted by divers of the erastian party to prove appeales from ecclesiasticall to civill courts : to which argument i have elsewhere spoken . onely i take here what they grant , that there were two courts , and two sentenc●s given , and so it was . the sentence of the court of the priests , ( as themselves explaine it , v. . ) was this , this man is worthy to die , or as the hebrew hath it , the judgement of death is for this man. the chaldee thus , a sinne of the judgement of death is upon this man. for ( say they ) he hath 〈◊〉 so and so ; and he that speaketh against this city , and against this holy place is worthy to die . but the sentence ●f the court of the princes is v. . this man is n●…t worthy to die , for he hath spoken to us in the name of the lord our god. they doe not say to the priests , who did put any jurisdiction or authority to judge , in your hands ? but they acquit him in point of fact , whom the court of the priests had condemned in point of right , as if they had said to the priests , if ieremiah were a false prophet , you had reason to call for justice upon him even unto death : but your judgement hath runne upon a false supposition in point of fact , which we doe not finde proved , but know to be false . wherefore from this place , these two things may appeare : ▪ that the court of the priests had not power of capitall punishments ; for if they had , certainly ieremiah had been put to death , as hierom noteth . . yet they had a power to judge of a false prophet , and judicially to pronounce him to be a false prophet , and such a one as ought to be punished so and so , according to the law. that they had such a power , appeareth , . from v. , . where they doe not take him to lead him to the court of the princes , and there to ●ccuse him ; but they take him , so as to give forth their owne sentence against him , as against a false prophet , thou shalt surely die , say they , why hast thou prophesied in the name of the lord , &c. why didst thou dare to pretend the name of god , as if god had sent thee to preach against the temple and holy city ? . i●…remiah doth not in all his differences alledge that the priests and scribes had not power to judge of a false prophet , or to give sentence against one in such a case . nor yet did the princes object this , as hath been said ; yet this had been as strong an exception as could have been made against the priests , if they had assumed a power and authority of judgement , which was without their sphere , and did not at all belong unto them . . if you compare the sentence of the priests with the sentence of the princes , the former is in suo genere , no lesse judiciall , authoritative , and peremptory , than the later : onely that was affirmative , this was negative . finally , let us take for a conclusion of this argument , that which m r. prynne himselfe in his fourth part of the soveraigne power of parliaments and kingdomes , pag. . tels us out of vindiciae contra tyrannos , with an approbatory and encomiastick close of his citation . ieremy being sent by god to denounce the overthrow of the city jerusalem , is for this first condemned ( citing in the margin ierem. . ) by the priests and prophets , that is , by the ecclesiasticall judgement or senate : after this by all the people , that is , by the ordinary judges of the city , to wit , by the captains of thousands and hundreds : at last by the princes of judah : that is , by men sitting in the new porch of the temple ; his cause being made known , he is acquitted . the sixth place which intimateth an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin , is ierem. . . where the adversaries of ieremiah say among themselves , come and let us d●…vise devices against jeremiah , for the law shall not perish from the priest , nor counsell from the wise , nor the word from the prophet . come , and let us smite him with the tongue . the force of their argument , ( as not onely our interpreters , but maldonat also and sanctius , following aquinas and lyra , tell us ) stands in this , those who are of greatest authority in the church , the priests , prophets , and elders , with whom are the oracles of truth , doe contradict ieremiah , therefore he is a false prophet . but what was the ground of this consequence ? surely the ground was , that which bullinger and the late english annotations doe observe , namely , the popish error was also their error , the church cannot erre . but let us yet follow the argument to the bottome . how came they to thinke the church cannot erre ? or what was that church which they thought infallible ? no doubt they had respect to the law of the sanhedrin , deut. . , , . and thou shalt doe according to the sentence which they of that place ( which the lord shall ●…hoose ) shall shew thee ; and thou shalt observe to doe according to all that they enforme thee . according to the sen●…ence of the law which they shall teach thee , and according to the judgement which they shall tell thee , thou shalt 〈◊〉 : thou shalt not decline from the sentence which they shall shew thee , to the right hand , or to the left ; and the man that will doe presumptuously , and will not hearken unto the priest ( that standeth to minister there before the lord thy god ) or unto the judge , even that man shall die . from this scripture misapplyed they drew an argument against ieremiah . wherein their meaning could not be this , that the doctrine of every individuall priest , or of every individuall scribe , is infallible , ( for as the law now cited did speak of the sanhedrin , not of individuall priests , so neither the jewes of old nor the papists after them , have drawn the conceited infallibility so low , as to every particular priest. ) but they mean collectively , and point at an assembly or councell of priests , wise-men , and prophets , which ( as they apprehended ) could not erre , and whose determination they preferred to the word of the lord by ieremiah : for the law ( that is , saith menochius , the interpretation of the law ) can not perish from the priest , nor counsell from the wise . now this was an ecclesiasticall , not a civill sanhedrin , which may appeare thus : first , they doe not make mention of the judge mentioned deut. . ( where the priest & the judge are distinguished ) onely they mention the priest , the prophet , ( for which the chaldee hath scribe : which is all one , as to the 〈◊〉 argument for we finde both prophets and scribes in ecclesiasticall assemblies , as was said before ) and the wise . by the wise are meant those that were chiefe or did excell among the scribes or doctors of the law. so grotius annot . in matth. ● . . and it may be collected from ierem. . , . this is cert●ine , that these wise men were church-officers ; for as they are 〈◊〉 from the judges , esay . . so jesus christ speaking of 〈◊〉 , and other ministers of the gospel , whom he was to send forth , expresseth himselfe by way of allusion to the ecclesiasticall ministers of the jewes . matth . . behold i send unto you prophets , and wise men , and scribes , which luke ch . . v. . hath thus , i will send them prophets and apostles . secondly , the civill sanhedrin at this time did ( so far as we can finde ) contradict ieremiah ; but when his cause came afterward before them , ierem. . they shew much favour and friendship to him . thirdly , that which is added , come and let us him smite with the tongue : may be three waies read , and every way it sut●th to the ecclesiasticall sanhedrin ( whether themselves be the speakers in the text , or whether the people be the speakers of it , as of that which they would de●ire and move the sanhedrin to doe in the name of them all ) either thus : let us smite him for the tongue , that is for an ecclesiasticall cause , for false doctrine . or thus , let us smite him in the tongue ( so the septuagint , and arias montanus ) that is , let us smite him with an ecclesiasticall censure , and silence him , and discharge him to preach any more to the people . or thus , let us smite him with the tongue , that is , with an ecclesiasticall sentence or declaration , smite him not with the sword ( which belonged onely to the civill magistrate ) but with the tongue , by declaring him to be a false prophet , and by determining the case de jure , what ought to be done with him according to the law. seventhly , consider another place , ezech. . . then shall they seek a vision of the prophet : but the law shall perish from the priest , and counsell from the ancients . here againe , these are to be lookt upon collectively and conjunctly , ( not di●tributively and severally ) and this i prove from the text it selfe , not onely because the counsell here sought for , was not to be given by one ancient , but by the ancients , yea i● was a principall part of the curse or judgement , that counsell could not be had from an assembly of ancients or elders , suppose it might be had from some individuall elders here or there : ) but also because the antithesis in the text intimateth a disappointment in that thing which was sought after . they shall seeke a vision from the prophet , or ( as the chaldee hath it ) discipline from the scribe . this they shall not finde , and why ? because the law shall perish from the priest , and counsell from the ancients . it was therefore consistoriall or synedricall counsell , judgement , or disscipline , which should be sought , but should not be found . so that though a prophet of the lord shall peradventure be found , who can reveale the councell of the lord , in a time of generall defection , like micaiah contradicting the prophets , yet an ecclesiasticall counsell of prophets , scribes , priests , and elders , sometime israels glory , shall turn to be israels shame , and that assembly which did sometime respondere d●… jure , and pronounce righteous judgement , and give light in difficult cases , shall doe so no more : the very light of israel shall be darknesse ; the law and counsell shall perish from them ; that is , they shall not finde councell , nor the understanding of the law , saith sanctius . polanus upon the place draweth an argument against the infallibility of counsels , because the law and counsell did perish not onely ( saith he ) from the priests here and there in the cities , but also from the high priest , and the other priests and elders , who were together at ierusalem . if this text be rightly applied by him ( and so it is by other protestant writers ) to prove against papists that councels may erre , then here was an ecclesiasticall councell . eightly , even without ierusalem and i●…da there was a senate or assembly of elders , which did assist the prophets in overseeing the manners of the people , censuring sin , and deliberating of the common affairs of the church . this c. bertramus de polit . jud. c. . collecteth from kings . . but elisha sate in his house , and the elders sate with him . i know some think that those elders were the magistrates of samaria , but this i cannot admit , for two reasons . . because iosephus antiq. lib. . cap. . cals them elishaes disciples : and from him hugo cardinalis , carthusianus , and others doe so expound the text. they are called elishas disciples , as the apostles were christs disciples , by way of excellency and eminency : all the disciples or sonnes of the prophets were not properly elders , but those onely who were assumed into the assembly of elders , or called to have a share in the mannaging of the common affaires of the church . . cajetan upon the place gives this reason from the text it selfe , to prove that these elders were spirituall men ( as he speaketh ) because elisha asketh them , see ye how this sonne of a murderer hath sent to take away my head ? what expectation could there be , that they did see a thing , then secret and unheard of , unlesse they had been men familiar with god ? now these elders were sitting close with elisha in his house . it was not a publike or church assembly for worship , but for counsell , deliberation , and resolution , in some case of difficulty and publike concernment . so tostatus and sanctius on the place . a paralell place there is , ezech. . . i sate in mine house , and the elders of iudah sate before me . whether those elders came to know what god had revealed to the prophet , concerning the state of iudah and ierusalem , as lavater upon the place supposeth , or for deliberation about some other thing , it is nothing like a civill court , but very like an ecclesiasticall senate . now if such there was out of ierusalem , how much more in ierusalem , where ( as there came greater store of ecclesiasticall causes and controversies concerning the sence of the law , to be judged , so ) there was greater store of ecclesiastical persons ●it for government ? whatsoever of this kind we finde elsewhere , was but a transsumpt , the archetype was in ierusalem . ninthly , that place ze●…h . . , , . helpeth me much . the jews sent commissioners unto the temple , there to speake unto the priests which were in the house of the lord of hosts , and to the prophets ( the chaldee hath and to the scribes ) saying , should i weepe in the first moneth , &c. here is an ecclesiasticall assembly , which had authority to determine controversies concerning the worship of god. grotius upon the place distinguisheth these priests and prophets from the civill sanhedrin , yet he saith they were to be consulted with , in controverted cases , according to the law , deut. . . if so , then their sentence was authoritative and binding , so far that the man who did presumptuously disobey them , was to die the death , deut. . . tenthly , let it be considered what is that moshav zekenim consessus or cathedra seniorum , psal. . . ( for though every argument be not an inf●llible demonstration , yet cuncta juvant ) let them exalt him also in the congregation ( or church ) of the people , and praise him in the assembly of the elders . compare this text with psalm . , , . as likewise with psalm . , , . in all the three texts , there are three sorts of persons distinguished , and more especially called upon to glorifie god. oh that men would praise the lord for his goodnesse , saith the text in hand , psalm . . for that you have in the other two places , ye that feare the lord , &c. for the congregation of the peple , you have in the other two places israel , and the house of israel . for the assembly of the elders , you have in the other texts , the house of aaron . i will not here build any thing upon the observation of hugo cardinalis on psalm . . that the congregation of the princes is not mentioned in this businesse , because not many mighty , not many noble , &c. one thing i am sure of , there were elders in israel , clearly distinct both from the princes , judges , and civill magistrates , ios. . . kings . . ezra . . acts . . and elsewhere . and the parallel texts afore cited , doe couple together these elders and the house of aaron , as pastors and ruling elders now are ; and as the priests and elders are found conjoyned elsewhere in the old testament , exod. . . deut. . . with vers . . ezech. . . ier. . . so matth. . . the work also of giving thanks for mercies and deliverances obtained by the afflicted and such as have been in distresse ( the purpose which the psalmist hath in hand , extended also to the deliverances of particular persons . ) is more especially commended to those who are assembled in an ecclesiasticall capacity . even as now among our selves , the civill courts of justice , or magistrates and rulers or judges assembled by themselves in a politick capacity , use not to be desired to give thanks for the delivery of certain persons from a danger at sea , or the like . but it were very proper and fit to desire thanks to be returned , . by those that feare god ; for as we should desire the prayers , so likewise the praises of the saints . . by the church or congregation , of which they that have received the mercy are members . . by the eldership , yea ( if therebe occasion ) by a synod of elders , who as they ought to watch over the city of god , and to stand upon their watch-tower for observing approaching dangers , so they ought to take speciall notice of exemplary mercies , bestowed upon the afflicted members of the church , and be an ensample to the flocke , in giving thanks , as well as in other holy duties . the eleventh place , which seemeth to hold forth unto us an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin , is ezech. . . where its said of the prophets that did see vanity , and divine lies : they shall not be in the assembly of my people , neither shall they be written in the writing of the house of israel , neither shall they inter into the land of israel . where ( as diodati and grotius observe , ) the speech riseth by degrees . . they shall not any more be admitted into the assembly or councell to have any voice there , as prophets in those daies had saith diodati citing ier. . . secondly , they shall not so much as come into the computation or numbring of the people as members of the church of israel . . nay they shall not be permitted to dwell in the holy land , or to returne thither from their captivity ; they shall not have so much favour as strangers had , who might come into the holy land and sojourne there . in the first branch , the word translated assembly is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sod which properly signifieth a secret , and is used for counsell ( because counsell ought to be secret ) or for the place of counsell , or assembly of counsellers . pagnin in his thesaurus p. . readeth this place with hierome , in consilio , or otherwise saith he , in concilio . vatablus : in concilio populi mei non erunt . the septuagints read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , those prophets shall have no hand in the discipline of my people . the same word they render in other places by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yea by both these put together , prov. . . where for the hebrew sod , the septuagints have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he that revealeth the secret counsels in the sanhedrin ; and it cohereth well with the preceding verse , where they mention 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , governments . sometime they expound the word by an episcopall ( i mean not prelaticall ) inspection iob . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . god was an overseer of my house . so that , so far as the septuagints authority can weigh , that place ezek. . . must be understood of the secluding of those prophets from the sanhedrin , not from the civill ( in which the prophets were not members ) but from the ecclesiasticall sanhedrin . in the twelfth and last place , the new testament holds out to us an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin : whether the civill sanhedrin was wholy taken away by herod , and another civill sanhedrin not substitute in the place of that which he took away , but the ecclesiasticall sanhedrin onely remaining , as some hold ; or whether both did then continue though not so clearely distinct , as others hold : this we finde that there was an ecclesiasticall government in the hands of church-officers ; for . there was a councell of the priests and elders and scribes matth. . . & . . & . . & . , . & . . . marke . . luke . . acts . . m the centurists say that those elders were joyned with the priests in the government of the church , with ecclesiasticall persons in ecclesiasticall affaires . which hath been rightly taken for a president of our ruling elders . . that councell is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 luke . . acts . . the presbytery or eldership : the very name which paul gives to that assembly of church-officers , who ordained timothy , tim. . . is it credible that the apostle would transfer the name of a civill court to signifie an assembly , which was meerely ecclesiasticall and not civill ? the very use of the word in this sence by the apostle , tels us that in his age the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was taken in an ecclesiasticall notion onely . . this councell did examine iesus concerning his disciples and his doctrine , and received witnesses against him , and pronounced him guilty of blasphemy , matth. . . marke . , . ioh. . . hence protestant writers draw an argument against papists , to overthrow their infallibility of councels : unto which argument bellarmine deviseth foure answers . but it came not once into his thoughts , to reply that this councell was civill , not ecclesiasticall , which had been his best answer , if any probability for it . it hath been supposed , both by protestant , and popish writers , that it was an ecclesiasticall councell , such as the controversie is about : otherwise our argument had been as impertinent , as their answer was insufficient . . our opposites have no evasion here , but that which bilson , saravia , and others of the prelaticall party did answer in opposition to ruling elders ; namely , that the jewish elders were judges or magistrates ; but the reply which served then , will serve now : the elders are plainly distinguished from judges , rulers , and princes , ios. . . & . . deut. . . iud. . . kings . , . ezra . . acts . . t●…status on deut. . . & . , . observeth the same distinction of judges and elders . pelargus on deu●… . . , , . observeth the like . that which i say concerning the distinction of judges and elders may be confirmed by halichoth olam tract . . cap . the judges of soura , m. houna , and d. isaac . the iudges of phoumbeditha m. papa the sonne of samuel , &c. the elders of soura m. houna and m. hisda . the elders of phoumbeditha ena and abimi the sonne of rahba . and thus we are taught how to under and th●se gemarick phrases , of the judges of such a place , and the eld●rs of such a place , that we may not mistake them as if they were one . . some have also drawne a patterne for the constitution of synods , from that councell , acts . , . where we finde assembled together rulers , 〈◊〉 , elders , scri●es , according to which patterne we have in our synods , . the civill 〈◊〉 to preside in the order of proceedings , for preventing tumults , injuries , disorders , and to assist and protect the synod . . pastors of churches . . doctors from universities , answering to the scribes or doctors of the law. . ruling elders who assist in the government of the church . . after that iudaea was redacted into a province , and the romans having keptin their owne hands , not only the power of life and death iohn . . but all judgement in whatsovever civill , or criminall offences , falling out among the jews , meant by matters of wrong or wicked leudness , acts . . and having left to the jewes no government , nor any power of judgement , except in things pertaining to their religion onely ib. verse . these six things considered , it is very unprobable ( if not unpossible ) that the councell of the priests , elders , and scribes , mentioned so often in the new testament , should be no ecclesiasticall court , but a temporall and civill magistracy . the centurists cent. . lib. . cap. . reckon that councell for an ecclesiasticall court , distinct from civill magistracy : and they propose these two to be distinctly treated of , acta coram pontificibus seu magistratu ecclesiastico , ( and here they bring in the councell of the priests , elders , and scribes , ) and actio coram pilato seu magistratu politico . i know erastus lib. . cap. . aud lib. . cap. . though he confesse plainly that the jewish sanhedrin mentioned in the gosspell , and in the acts of the apostles , had onely power of judging causes belonging to religion , and that the romans did leave them no power to judge of civill injuries ; yet he holdeth , that in these causes of religion , the sanhedrin had power not onely of imprisoning , and scourging , but even of death it selfe . and so endeavours to make it a temporall or civil magistracy , ( which m r prynne also doth vindic . page , . yet he speaketh dubiously of their power of capitall punishments . ) but this is confuted by the reasons which i have given . whereunto i further adde these few animadversions . . the strongest proofe which erastus brings out of iosephus antiq . lib. . cap. . which ( as he alledgeth ) puts the thing out of all controversie , is a very weake and insufficient proof . iosephus tels us in the close of that chapter , that after the death of herod and a chelaus , this was the jewish government , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this he citeth page . and page . to prove that the sanhedrin in christs time , was a civill magistracy , having power of the sword. but i may with a great deale more probability argue contrariwise from these words . iosephus tels us the constitution and forme of the jewish policy or government was at that time aristocraticall , but it was an ecclesiasticall aristocracy , the government was in the hands of the chiefe priests . or thus ( if you will ) the jewes at that time had a bare name of an aristocracy ; they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 optimates , primates , or rulers : but it was titulo tenus , all power of civill government being taken from them by the romans , and the government that was , was ecclesiasticall . that very chapter gives us a better argument to prove , that the romans did not permit to the jewes capitall judgements : for iosephus there records that ananus the high priest taking the opportunity after the death of festus , while albinus the successour of festus , was but yet on his journey toward iudea , did call a councell of judges ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) before whom he presented iames the brother of christ , and some others , who were ( as guilty of impiety ) condemned to be stoned . which mightily displeased all such as did observe the laws . albinus at that time comming from alexandria , being enformed of the thing , and that it was not lawfull for ananus to doe any such thing , without the roman governour , wrote a chiding and threatning letter to ananus . and further , the thing being secretly signified by some to king agrippa , who did also beseech the king to command ananus to doe no such thing againe , he having trespassed in this . whereupon agrippa was so highly offended , that he tooke away from ananus the high priests place , and gaue it to iesus the sonne of damneus . . whereas erastus argueth from the imprisoning , beating , or scourging , yea taking counsell to kill the apostles acts , & . the stoning of steven acts . pauls letters from the high priest , for biuding and bringing to ierusalem the disciples of the lord acts . , . also the imprisoning and condemning to death the saints acts . . unto all this i answer out of n iosephus , that in that degenerate age the high priests and such as adhered to them , did use a great deale of violence , whereby they did many things for which they had no just nor lawfull power . so that the letters and warrants given out to saul , and the execution of the same by a cruell and bloody persecuting of the saints , can not prove the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the power and authority which was allowed to the sanhedrin , but onely the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the present prevalent power of the high priest and his faction in that confusion of affaires ; and their extreame malice against the saints , to have been such as made them to doe things for which they had no legall power nor warrant . and this one animadversion breakes all the strength of m r prynnes argument vindic . page . that the councell of the jewes had power ( which no meere ecclesiasticall consistory can doe ) to scourge , imprison , torture , and out-law offenders , if not to c●…ndemne , put to death . ( where he citeth divers texts , none of which proveth either torturing , or out-lawing , and the most of which , prove not so much as that the councell of the jewes at that time had authority to scourge or imprison , as matth. . . & . . mark . . acts . , , . & . . & . . ) the imprisonment of the apostles was not without the authority of the captaine of the temple acts . , . this captaine of the temple , is thought by the best interpreters , to have been the captaine of the garrison which the romans placed in the ca●tle antonia hard by the temple , and that to prevent tumults and uproares when the people came to the temple , especially at the solemne feasts in great multitudes . but that the captaine of the temple was a civill magistrate of the jewes , or one d puted with authority and power from the sanhedrin , will never be proved . when the councell thought of slaying the apostles acts . . it was in a sudden passion , being cut to the heart at that which they heard . but gamaliel tels them verse . ye men of israel take heed to your selves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 warning them as interpreters take it , of their own danger , from the romans , if they should put any one to death . the putting of steven to death was upon pretence of iudicium zeli , or ius zelotarum , as grotius thinks d●… jure belli a●… pacis lib. . cap . sect . . if so , it was an extraordinary act . i am sure it was done most tumultuously , disorderly and furiously , before either himselfe was heard speake out , or any sentence was given against him , as is manifest acts . , , . . erastus his glosse upon iohn . . it is not lawfull for us to put any man to death , meaning ( saith he ) for making himselfe a king against caesar , the cause for which they did chiefly accuse him to pilate . so likewise bishop bilson ( a great follower of erastus ) of the perpetuall government of christs church cap. . but marke the words , then said pilate unto them , take ye him and judge him according to your law ; the jewes therefore said unto him , it is not lawfull for us to put any man to death . pilate durst not have refused to judge a man who made himselfe a king against caesar , nor durst he have put it over upon the jewes to have judged one in that which concerned caesars crowne . nay , as soone as the jewes objected , if thou let this man goe , thou art not caesars friend ; for whosoever maketh himselfe a king , speaketh against caesar. pilate when he heard that , went in againe , and sate down on the judgement seat iohn . . . therefore when pilate said to the jewes take ye him , and judge him according to your law , he spake it of matters of their law. the councell of the chiefe priests , elders and scribes had given sentence against christ de ju●…e , that he was guilty of blasphemy , and thereupon ( not having power to put any man to death ) they led him to pilate , matth. . , . with matth. . , . marke . , . with marke . . luke . . with luke . . pilate unwilling to meddle against christ , waves the businesse in the judgement-hall , i perceive ( would he say ) that this man is accused of such things as concerne your law and your religion ; therefore take him and judge him according to your law. they reply , in reference to that which pilate did drive at , it is not lawfull for us to put any man to death . if they had meant , for causes which concerned caesars crown , it had been not onely an impertinent reply , but a yeelding to pilates intention ; for he might have said , i doe not meane , that ye shall judge him for that which concerneth caesar , but for that which concerneth your owne law and religion . therefore certainely the answer which the jewes made to pilate , did reply , that though they had power to judge a man in that which concerned their law and religion , yet they had no power to put any man to death , no not for that which concerned their law. . there are severall passages in the story of paul which shew us , that though the jewish sanhedrin might judge a man in matters of their law , yet they were accusers , not judges , in civill or capitall punishments , i meane when a man was accused as worthy of bonds or of death , though it were for a matter of their law , they had no liberty to judge , but onely to accuse . the jewes drew paul before the judgement seat of gallio , even for a matter of their law . this fellow ( say they to gallio ) perswadeth men to worship god , contrary to the law acts . . if they had intended onely an ecclesiasticall censure , their recourse had been either to the sanhedrin , or at least to the synagogue , but because they intended a corporall temporall punishment , which neither the sanhedrin nor the synagogue had power to inflict , therefore they must prosecute paul before gallio ; whose answer was to this purpose , that if it had been a matter of wrong or wicked leudnesse , it had been proper for him to have judged it , but that since it was no such thing , he would not meddle in it , knowing also , that the jewes had no power to doe it by themselves . againe , acts . , . claudius lysias writeth to faelix concerning paul thus , and when i would have knowne the cause wherefore they accused him , i brought him forth into their councell . whom i perceived to be accused of questions of their law , but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds . that which made lysias interpose in the businesse , and rescue paul from the hands of the jewes , was the jewes designe to put paul to death , under colour of judging him according to their law ( which was the pretence made by tertullus acts . . ) now in that which was to be punished , either by death , or so much as by bonds , lysias conceives the jewes to be no competent judges , therefore he brings paul into the councell of the jewes , not to be judged by them , but to know what accusation they had against him . for the same reason paul himselfe did decline going to ierusalem , to be judged there , no not of matters concerning the religion and law of the jewes , that accusation being so far driven on , as to make him worthy of death . his accusers ( saith festus to king agrippa ) brought none accusation of such things as i supposed , but had certaine questions against him of their owne superstition , and of one iesus which was dead , whom paul affirmed to be alive . and because i doubted of such manner of questions ▪ i asked him whether he would goe to ierusalem , and there be judged of these matters , acts . , , . this paul had declined vers . . i stand at caesars judgement seat ( said he ) where i ought to be judged . and why ? but because his accusation was capitall , even in that which concerned the law of the jewes , and he knew the jewes at that time had no power of capitall judgements . some have alledged this example of paul for appeales from presbyteries or synods to the civill magistrate : by which argument themselves grant that the jewish sanhedrin then declined by paul , was a ecclesiasticall , not a civill court. . besides all this erastus his opinion is strongly confuted by that which constantinus l'empereur annot. in remp . jud. pag. . to . proving that the jewes after the thirtieth yeere of christ , had no power of punishing with death ; for proofe hereof citeth a passage of aboda zara , that forty yeers before the destruction of the temple , the sanhedrin ( which had in former times exercised capitall judgements ) did remove from hierusalem , quum viderent se non posse judicia capitalia exercere , when they perceived that they could not exercise capitall judgements , they said let us remove out of this place , lest we be guilty : it being said deut. . . according to the sentence which they of that place shall shew thee : whence they collected , that if they were not in that place , they were not obliged to capitall judgements : and so they removed . and if you would know whe ther he tels us out of rosch hasschana , they removed from hieru salem to iabua , thence to ousa thence to sc●…aphrea , &c. he that desires to have further proofes for that which hath been said , may read buxtorf . lexic. chald. talmud . & rabbin . pag. , . he proves that iudicia criminalia , criminall judgements did cease , and were taken away from the jewes forty yeeres before the destruction of the second temple . this he saith is plaine in talmud hierosol . in lib. sanhedrin cap. . in talmud babyl . in sanbedrin fol. . . in aboda z●…ru fol. . . in schab . fol. . . in iuchasin fol. . . majen●…on . in sanhedrin cap. . sect . . he cites also a passage in berachos fol. . . concerning one who for a hainous crime even for lying with a beast ought to be adjudged to death ; but when one said that he ought to die , it was answered , that they had no power to put any man to death . and this saith d r. bux●…orf is the very same , which the jewes said to pilate john . . now this power being taken from the jewes forty yeeres before the destruction of the temple and city , which was in the yeere of christ , his death being in the . hence he proveth that this power was taken from the jewes neere three yeeres before the death of christ. and i further make this inference , that since the sanhedrin which had power of life and death , did remove from hierusalem forty yeers before the destruction of the temple ( for which see also tzemach david . edit . hen. vorst . pag. . and so about three yeeres before the death of christ ; it must needs follow that the councell of the priests , elders , and scribes , mentioned so often in , and before christs passion , was not a civill magistracy , nor the civill sanhedrin , but an ecclesiasticall san●edrin . whence also it follows , that the church matth. . . unto which christ directs his disciples to goe with their complaints , was not the civill court of justice among the jewes , ( as m r prynne takes it ) for that civill court of justice had then removed from hierusalem , and had lost its authority in executing justice , i. coch annot . in exc. gem. sanhedrin . cap. . s●…ct . . beareth witnesse to the same story above mentioned , that forty yeeres before the destruction of the temple , the sanhedrin did remove from its proper seat ( where he also mentions the ten stations or degrees of their removing ) and iam tum cessarunt judicia capitalia , saith he . now at that time the capitall judgements did cease . thus we have three witnesses singularly learned in the jewish antiquities . unto these adde casau●…on exerc . . anno . num . . he holds that though the councell of the jewes had cognizance of the offence ( for otherwise how could they give a reason or cause when they demanded justice ) in which respect the councell did judge christ to be guilty of death , marke . . yet their councell had then no more power of capitall punishments , which saith he , the more learned moderne writers doe demonstrate è iuchasin , and from other talmudicall writings ; he addeth that this power of putting any man to death was taken from the jewes some space before this time when they said to pilate , it is not lawfull for us to put any man to death : for this power was taken from them , saith he , forty yeeres before the destruction of the second temple , as the rabbinicall writers doe record . i have thus largely prosecuted my last argument , drawn from the new testament , mentioning the councell of the priests , elders , and scribes . and i trust the twelve arguments which have been brought may give good satisfaction toward the proofe of an ecclesiasticall jewish sanhedrin . the chiefe objection which ever i heard or read against this distinction of a civill sanhedrin and an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin among the jewes , is this . that neither the talmud nor the talmudicall writers mention any such distinction , but speake onely of one supreme sanhedrin of , and of other two courts , which sate the one at the doore of the court before the temple , the other at the gate which entereth to the mountaine of the temple . there were also courts in the cities where capitall cases were judged by three and twenty , pecuniall mults by three . answ. it must be remembred that not onely the talmudicall commentators , but the talmud it selfe , is much later than the time of the sanhedrin , and the integrity of the jewish government . yea later ( by some centuries ) than the destruction of the temple and city of ierusalem . so that the objection which is made is no stronger than as if one should argue thus , there is no mention of elderships constituted of pastors and ruling elders ( without any bishop having preeminence over the rest ) neither in the canon law , nor decretals of popes , nor in the booke of the canons of the roman church . therefore when paul wrote his epistle to the church of rome , there was no such eldership in that church , constituted as hath been said . but if the ecclesiasticall government either of the church of rome , or of the church of the jewes can be proved from scripture ( as both may ) it ought to be no prejudice against those truths , that they are not fou●d in the writers of af●ertimes , and declining ages . howbeit there may be seen some footsteps of a civill and ecclesiasticall sanhedrin , even in the talmudicall writers , in the opinion of constantinus l'empereur , and in that other passage cited by d. buxtorf out of elias . of which before . and so much concerning an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin among the jewes . if after all this , any man shall be unsatisfied in this particular , yet in the issue , such as are not convinced that there was an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin among the jewes , distinct from their civill sanhedrin , may neverthelesse be convinced not by the former arguments , but by other mediums , that there was an ecclesiasticall government among the jewes distinct from their civill government . for it belonged to the priests , ( not to the magistrates or judges ) to put difference between holy and unholy , and between unclean and cleane . and the priests ( not the magistrates ) are challenged for not putting difference between the holy and prophane ezech. . . and this power of the priests was not meerly doctrinall or declarative , but decisive , binding , and juridicall , so farre as that according to their sentence men were to be admitted as cleane , or excluded as uncleane . yea in other cases , as namely in trying and judging the scandall of a secret and unknown murther , observe what is said of the priests , deut. . . by their word shall every controversie and every stroke be tried . yea themselves were judges of controversies ezech. . . and in controversie they shall stand in judgement , and they shall judge it according to my judgements . where the ministers of the gospell are principally intended , but not without an allusion unto and parallel with the priests of the old testament , in this point of jurisdiction . suppose now it were appointed by law , that ministers shall separate or put difference between the holy and prophane , that by their word every controversie concerning the causes of suspension or sequestration of men from the sacrament , shall be tried ; that in controversie they shall stand in judgement , and judge according to the word of god : would not every one looke upon this , as a power of government put into the hands of ministers . and none readier to aggravate such government , then the erastians . yet all this amounts to no more , then by the plaine and undeniable scriptures above cited , was committed to the priests . suppose also , that men were kept backe from the temple and from the passeover , not for any morall uncleannesse , but for ceremoniall uncleannesse onely ( which is to be afterwards discussed ) yet the priests their judging and deciding of controversies concerning mens legall uncleannesse , according to which judgement and decision , men were to be admitted to , or kept backe from the temple and passover ( yea sometime their owne houses , as in the case of leprosie ) could not choose but entitle them to a power of government , which power was peculiar to them , and is not in all the old testament ascribed to magistrates or judges . and as the exercise of this power did not agree to the magistrate , so the commission , charge , and power given to those who did keepe backe the uncleane , was not derived from the magistrate ; for it did belong to the intrinsecall sacerdotall authority kings . . the priest ( iehojada ) appointed officers over the house of the lord. the thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these officers or overseers over the temple , were appointed by iehojada , for keeping backe the uncleane , as grotius upon the place , following iosephus , hath observed . compare chro. . . and he ( iehojada ) set the porters at the gates of the house of the lord , that none which was uncleane in any thing should enter in ▪ for the same end did he appoint these overseers over the temple , kings . it was also appointed by the law , that the man who should doe any thing presumptuously , contrary to the sentence of the priests , should die the death , as well as the man who should doe any thing presumptuously , contrary to the sentence of the judge , deut. . , . finally , the high priest was a ruler of the people , and to him is that law applied , thou shalt not speake evill of the ru●…ers of thy people acts . . which is not meant onely in regard that he was president of the sanhedrin ; for there was an ecclesiasticall ruling power , which was common with him to some other priests , chro. . . hilkiah the high priest , and zachariah and iehiel priests of the second order , are called rulers of the house of god : being in that very place thus distinguished from other priests and levites imployed in the manuall worke of the temple about sacrifices and the like . chap. iv. that there was an ecclesiasticall excommunication among the iewes : and what it was . it hath been affirmed by some who pretend to more skill in jewish antiquities than others , that though the jewes had an excommunication which did exclude a man from the liberty of civill fellowship , so that he might not come within foure cubits of his neighbour , ( and so one man might and did excommunicate another ) yet no man was judicially or by sentence of a court excommunicated , at least not from the temple , sacrifices , and holy assemblies . to these i shall in the first place oppose the judgement of others who have taken very much pains in searching the jewish antiquities , and are much esteemed for their skill therein . n d. buxtors expoundeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cherem to be a casting out of one from the holy assemblies , or an ejection from the synagogue , and maketh it parallel to the excommunicating of the incestuous man cor. . o m r selden extendeth the jewish excommunication so farre , as to comprehend an exclusion from fellowship in prayer and holy assemblies , and makes it parallel to that which tertullian tels us to have been used by the primitive church . m r brughton in his exposition of the lords prayer page . makes a parallel between the jewish and the christian church in many particulars , and among the rest , he saith they agree in the manner of excommunication and absolution . p henric. vorstius in his late animadversions upon pirke rabbi eliezer , wonders how any man can imagine that an apostate , a blasphemer , or the like was admitted into the temple . for his part , he thinkes some excommunicate persons were absolutely excluded from the temple , and that others for whom there were hopes of reconciliation , were admitted into it . q drusius and r iohannes coch hold , that there were such excommunicate persons among the jewes , as were removed from church assemblies , and were not acknowledged for church members . s schindlerus describeth their excommunication to be a putting away of an impenitent obstinate sinner from the publique assembly of the church , and so a cutting him off from his people . t arias montanus expounds their casting out of the synagogue to be an excommunication ( such as in the christian church ) from religious fellowship . u so doe the centurists plainly , where they doe purposely shew what was the ecclesiasticall policy and church government of the jewes : they make it a distinct question , whether the jewes in christs time had any civill government , or magistracy . x cornelius bertramus thinks that to the jewish niddui answereth our suspension from the sacrament , and that to their cherem answereth our excommunication from the church : and that the jewes had the very same kind of excommunication , by which the incestuous corinthian , hymeneus and philetus , and the emperour theodosius were excommunicated . constansinus l' empereur annot . in rempub . jud. pag. . to . holdeth the same thing which bertramus holdeth concerning the jewish excommunication , and which hath now been cited . godwyn in his moses and aacon , lib. . cap. speaketh of the ecclesiasticall court of the jewes , unto which ( saith he ) belonged the power of excommuication , the severall sorts of which censure he explaineth cap. . namely niddui , cherem , and shammata . after all which , he begins cap. . to speake of civill courts of the jewes , a distinct government . grotius . annot . in luke . . compares the jewish excommunication with that which was exercised by the druides in france , who did interdicere saerificiis , interdict and prohibit from their sacrifices impious and obstinate persons . yea those who were excommunicate by niddui or the lesser excommunication , he likens to those penitents or mourners in the ancient christian church , who were said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui non cum caeteris orabant &c. he tels us the ancient christians did in divers things follow the jewish discipline , and among other things in excommunication ; he cites the same passage of tertullian which is cited by m r selden , concerning a shntting out , à communicatione orationis , & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii . which is as full and high a description of the ecclesiasticall censure of excommunication , as any can be . so that the jewish excommunication being paralleld with that excommunication which tertullian speakes of , and which was practised in the ancient christian church , what more can be required in this particular ? and here i cannot but take notice , that master prynne doth very much mistake and misrepresent m r selden , as if he held the jewish excommunication to have been no more but a shutting out from civill company or fellowship , whereas he clearly holds lib. . de jure nat . & gent. cap. . p. . that he who was excommunicated by the jewish cherem , was put away and cast off from fellowship in prayer , and from all religious fellowship , even as tertullian speaks of excommunicated persons in the church . lud. capellus in spicilegio upon ioh. . . speaking of the common distinction of the three degrees of the jewish excommunication , doth plainly beare witnesse to that which i plead for , namely , y that there was a jewish excommunication from communion in the holy things . i confesse he understands the cherem , and the shammata , otherwise then i doe ; for he takes the cherem to be nihil aliud , nothing else than the forfeiture of a mans substance for the use of the sanctuary : ( whereas it is certaine there was a cherem of persons as well as of things , and the formulae of the cherem which shall be cited afterward , containe another thing than forfeiture . ) and shammata he takes to be the devoting of men to death , and that being shamatized they must needs die . ( and yet the jewes did shamatize the cuthites or samaritans ( as we shall see afterward ) whom they had not power to put to death . ) however he speaks of the niddui as a meere ecclesiasticall censure , and therefore tels us it was formidable to the godly , it being a shutting out from communion in the holy things , but not formidable to wicked men ; which must be upon this reason , because wicked men did care little or nothing for any censure or punishment , except what was civill . he granteth also that niddui was included in the other two : so that in all three there was a shutting out from the holy things . i must not forget the testimony of my countreyman master weemse in his christian synagogue lib. . cap. . sect . . paragr . . they had three sorts of excommunication ; first the lesser , then the middle sort , then the greatest . the lesser was called niddui : and in the new testament they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , put out of the synagogue : and they hold that cain was excommunicated this way . the second was called cherem or anathema : with this sort of excommunication was the incestuous person censured cor. . the third shammatha , they hold that enoch instituted it , jude v. . and after , these who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , put out of the synagogue were not simply secluded from the temple , but suffered to stand in the gate , &c. these who were excommunicated by the second sort of excommunication , were not permitted to come neer the temple . these who were excommunicated after the third sort , were secluded out of the society of the people of god altogether . and thus i have produced fifteen witnesses for the ecclesiasticall excommunication of the jewes . i might produce many more , but i have made choice of these , because all of them have taken more than ordinary paines in searching the jewish antiquities , and divers of them are of greatest note for their skill therein . in the next place let us observe the causes , degrees , manner and rites how , the authority by which , the ends and effects of excommunication among the jewes , and see whether all these doe not helpe to make their excommunication a patterne for ours . for the causes , there were causes , for which a man was excommunicated among the jewes . you may read them in buxtorfs lexicon chald ▪ talmud & rabbin . p. , . m. selden de jure nat . & gentium . lib. . cap. . jo. coch annot. in excerp . gem. sanhedrin cap. . pag. . divers of these causes did not at all concerne personall or civill injuries ( for such injuries were not accounted causes of excommunication , but were to be punished otherwise , as shall be proved afterward ) but matters of scandall , by which god was dishonoured , and the stumbling-blocke of an evill example laid before others ; one cause was the despising of any of the preceps of the law of moses , or statutes of the scribes . another was the selling of land to a gentile . another was , a priest not separating the gifts of the oblation . another , he that in captivity doth not iterate or observe the second time a holy day . another , y he that doth any servile worke upon easter eve . another , he that mentioneth the name of god rashly , or by a vaine oath . another , he that enduceth , or giveth occasion to others to prophane the name of god. another , he that makes others to ●ate holy things without the holy temple . another , he that maketh computation of yeeres and moneths without the land of israel : that is , ( as d r buxtorf ) writeth calendars , or ( as m. selden ) computeth yeeres and moneths otherwise than their fathers had done . another , he that retardeth or hindreth others from doing the law and commandement . another , he that maketh the offering prophane ( as d r buxtorf ) or offereth a sickly beast , ( as i. coch. ) another , a sacrificer that doth not shew his sacrificing knife before a wise man or a rabbi , that it may be knowne to be a lawfull knife , and not faulty . another , he that cannot be made to know or to learne . another , he that having put away his wife , doth thereafter converse familiarly with her . another , a wise man ( that is , a rabbi or doctor ) infamous for an evill life . the other causes had also matter of scandall in them , namely , the despising of a wise man or rabbi , though it were after his death . the despising of an officer or messenger of the house of judgement . he that casteth up to his neighbour a servile condition , or cals his neighbour servant . he that contumaciously refuseth to appeare at the day appointed by the judge . he that doth not submit himselfe to the judiciall sentence . he that hath in his house any hurtfull thing , as a mad dogge or a weake leather . he that before heathen judges beareth witnesse against an israelite . he that maketh the blind to fall . he that hath excommunicate another without cause , when he ought not to have been excommunicate . thus you have the causes of the jewish excommunication ; of which some were meere scandals : others of a mixed nature , that is , partly injuries , partly scandals ; but they were reckoned among the causes of excommunication qua scandals , not qua 〈◊〉 . io. coch. annot. in exc. gem. sanhedrin . pag. ▪ explaining how the wronging of a doctor of the law by contumelies , was a cause of excommunication , sheweth that the excommunication was because of the scandall . licet tamen condonare nisi res in praputulo gesta sit . publicum doctoris ludibrium in legis contemptum redundat . 〈◊〉 ob causam doctor legis honorem 〈◊〉 remittere non potest . ubi res clam & sine scandalo gesta est , magni animi & sapientis est injuriam contemptu vindicare . if there was no scandall , the injury might be remitted by the party injured , so as the offendor was not to be excommunicate ▪ but if the contumely was known abrond , and was scandalous , though the party wronged were willing and desirous to bury it , yet because of the scandall , the law provided that the offender should be excommunicate . for they taught the people that he who did contend against a rabbi did contend against the holy ghost ( for which see gul. vorstius annot . in maimon . de fundam . legis . pag. , . ) and hence did they aggravate an ecclesiasticall or divine ( not a civill ) injury . whence it appeareth that the causes of excommunication , were formally lookt upon as scandals . adde that if qua injuries , then a quatenus ad omne , all personall or civill injuries had been causes of excommunication . but all civill injuries doe not fall within these . causes . if it be objected , that neither doe all scandalls fall within these . causes . i answer they doe ; for some of the causes are generall and comprehensive , namely these two , the th . he that despiseth the statutes of the law of moses , or of the scribes ; and the th . he that retardeth or hindereth others from doing the law. when i make mention of any particular heads , either of the jewish discipline , or of the ancient christian discipline , let no man understand me , as if i intended the like strictnesse of discipline in these dayes . my meaning is onely , to prove ecclesiasticall censures , and an ecclesiasticall government . and let this be remembred upon all like occasions ; though it be not everywhere expressed . and so much for the causes . the degrees of the jewish excommunication , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 niddui , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cherem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 schammata . elias in tisbite , saith plainly that there were three kinds of excommunication , niddui , cherem , and schammata . niddui is 〈◊〉 out ; but if he be not converted , they smite him with cherem ; and if neither so he repent , they schammatize him . these three doctor buxtorf thus distinguisheth , not only out of elias , the common sentence of the but hebrew doctors . the first and smallest excommunication is niddui , which is a simple separation for a certain time . the greater excommunication is cherem , which ▪ is a separation with imprecations and curses . the greatest of all is schammata , a finall excommunication , without hope of returning to the church . so likewise hen. uorstius animad . in pirke pag. . and answerably hereunto some divines have distinguished excommunicatio minor , major , and maxima . the first is suspension from the sacrament . the second is a casting out of the church , and a delivering over to sathan : which yet is a medicinall excommunication for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved . the third is anathema maranatha , an accursing of a man to the comimg of christ , without hope of mercy ; which is excommunicatio exterminativa , and cannot be done , without a propheticall spirit . corn. bertramus de repub . ebraeor cap. . saith that our suspension from the sacrament answereth to their niddui : our excommunication to their cherem . and for their schammata , he thinks it was an adjudging of one to eternall death ; whereunto answereth the apostles anathema , and the churches devoting of iulian the apostate , as one to be no more prayed for , but to be prayed against . munsterus will have schammata to be the same with niddui . wherein master selden agreeth with him , still holding a difference between niddui , and cherem , as between the lesser , and the greater excommunication : de jure nat . & gentium , l. . c. . of the same opinion is io. coch , annot. in exc. gem. sanhedrin . p. . but constantinus l' empereur annot . in rempub . jud. tels us , that the talmudists in divers places , do distinguish the three degrees of excommunication , as bertramus doth ; and that schammata was the highest excommunication , greater then either niddui or cherem , he proves not onely by the epitheton adonai added by the chaldee paraphrase num. . . et percussit eum israel per schammata dei ; but further from the words of rabbi solomon , comparing one excommunicated by schammata , to the fat cast in the furnace , which is wholly consumed , and which never comes out , so he that is schammatized , is lost for ever , and without all remedy unto all eternity . he confirmeth it also , from the words of elias above mentioned . it is not much to my present argument , to dispute whether the jewes had three distinct degrees of excommunication or two only . however it 's agreed , that the jews had their excommunicatio minor & major . and niddui ▪ was an excommunication for . dayes , during which time if the person ( man or woman ) repent , well and good : if not , he was excommunicate , for other . dayes . yea , saith doctor buxtorf , the time might be triplicate to . dayes . and if after all that time he repent not , then he was excommunicate , with the greater excommunication cherem . and so much for the degrees . as for the manner , and rites of their excommunication , it was done most solemnly , z doctor buxtorf tells us , if the party was present , the sentence of excommunication was pronounced against him by word of mouth : if he was absent , there was a writ publikely affixed , containing the sentence of excommunication , which writ was not published , till the offence was proved , at least by two witnesses . it is certain from pirke rabb . elierser cap. . that cherem was not without an assembly of ten at least . and it is as certaine that cherem was not onely in a solemn , but in a sacred manner performed , which is manifest from that formula anathematis , which a doctor buxtorf hath transcribed out of an old hebrew manuscript ; and from b another forme , which hen. vorstius taketh out of col bo both shewing , that it was not a civill , but a sacred businesse , done in the name and authority of the god of heaven : and the latter formula still used in most of the jewish synagogues as vorstius informes us we read also in pirke rabb . elieser cap. . c that the cuthites ( who were also called samaritans ) after they had been circumcised by rabb . d●…stai , and rabbi zacharias , and had been taught by them out of the book of the law ; they were excommunicate by ezra , zerubbabel , and ioshua the high priest , . priests , and . disciples , and the whole church , in the temple ; the trumpets sounding , and the levites singing ; they did even by the great name of god , excommunicate the cuthites , that there should be no fellow-ship between any man of israel and the cuthites , that no proselyte should be received of the cuthites ; and that they should have no part in the resurrection of the dead , nor in the building of the house of god , nor in ierusalem . this passage doctor buxtorf , in his rabbinicall lexicon , p. . and master selden de jure nat . & gentium . l. . c. . have observed out of pirke ; and doctor buxtorf , both there and dissert de lit . hebr. thes . . noteth the three words used by the hebrews in this relation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , they did excommunicate them both by niddui , cherem , and schammata . and so much for the manner and rites . as for the authority , by which a man was excommunicated , we see ( by that which hath been already noted ) that it was a publike and judiciall act , and it was necessary there should be at least an assembly of ten . those formulae before cited , make it evident , that it was an authoritative sentence of an ecclesiasticall assembly , ( and therefore done as it were in name of the court of heaven , to which purpose domus judicii superioris seu coelestis , was mentioned in the businesse , and it was a juridicall or forensicall act , and done solemnly in the temple , in that case of the cuthites ) drusius de tribus sectis judaeorum lib. . num. . concerning the discipline of the essaeans , and their excommunicating of ungodly persons , tells us it was done by a hundreth men assembled together . it is very true , which m r. selden observeth , de jure nat . & gentium l. . c. . the hebrews writ of a judiciall excommunication , and of an extrajudiciall excommunication , by which one private man might excommunicate another . yet , that extrajudiciall excommunication could not stand in force , unlesse it were ratified by the court ; and of it selfe , it was rather optative , or imprecative , than obligative : as is manifest by the instance , which d io. coch gives us ex gem. moed caton . two men having mutually excommunicated each other , it commeth to an authoritative decision . he that had excommunicated the other , for that for which he ought to have been punished by a pecuniall mulct , but not by excommunication , was himself justly excommunicate by the other , according to the last of the . causes of excommunication before mentioned , that is , that he who unjustly excommunicateth another , shall be himselfe excommunicated . so the excommunicating of the one man for a civill injury was declared null : and the excommunicating of the other , for his unjust act of excommunication , was ratified . which doth not onely prove what i have said of private , or extrajudiciall excommunication : but also confirme what i asserted before , concerning the causes of excommunication , that it was not for personall or civill injuries , but for matter of scandall . and that pecuniary mulcts and excommunication , were not inflicted for the same but for different causes . and so much for the authority . the effects of excommunication were e these . he might not be admitted into an assembly of ten persons . he might not sit within foure cubits to his neighbour . he might not shave ▪ his hair , nor wash himself . it was not lawfull to eat nor drinke with him . he that dyed in excommunication got no funerals , nor was there any mourning made for him , but a stone was set over him , to signifie that he was worthy to be stoned , because he did not repent , and because he was separated from the church . an excommunicate person might not make up the number of ten , where there were nine . the reason was because he might not be acknowledged for a church member , or one who could make up a lawfull assembly . drusius de tribus sectis judaeorum lib. . cap. . draweth two consequences from that excommunication of the cuthites before mentioned . . that it was not lawfull for a jew , to eat bread with a samaritan . . that the samaritans were cut off from the jewish church , and that without hope of regresse , being shammatized . it is more disputable , how farre forth excommunication did deprive a man of the liberty of accesse into the temple . the talmudists hold , that of old an excommunicate person might enter into the temple , yet so as he might be known that he was excommunicate . it is said in pirke rabb . elieser cap. . that solomon built two gates , one for bride-grooms , another for mourners and excommunicated persons ; and when the children of israel , sitting between these two gates , upon the sabbath-dayes and holy-dayes , did see a bride-groome come in , they knew him , and did congratulate with him : but when they saw one come in at the doore of the mourners , having his lips covered , they knew him to be a mourner , and said , he that dwells in this house , comfort thee . but when they saw one come in at the doore of mourners , with his lips not covered , they knew him to be excommunicated , and spake to him on this manner . he that dwells in this house comfort thee , and put into thy minde , to hearken unto thy neighbours . the like you have in codice middoth cap. . sect. . where it is said that ordinarily , all that came into the temple , did enter upon the right hand ; and they went out upon the left hand , those excepted to whom some sad thing had befallen ; and when it was asked of such a one , why dost thou enter upon the left hand , he either answered , that he was a mourner , and then it was said to him , he that dwells in this house comfort thee , or he answered , because i am excommunicate ( so readeth buxtorf ) or quia ego contaminatus rejicior ( so readeth l' empereur ) and then it was said to him , he that dwells in this house , put into thy minde , to hearken to the words of thy companions , that they may restore thee . the same thing is cited e libro musar by drusius praeter . lib. . in jo. . . his opinion is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those that were separate and excommunicate by the lesser excommunication , were admitted into the temple , in the manner aforesaid : but that they were not admitted into the synagogue : because it s added in libro musar , ( which i finde also added in the fore-mentioned place of pirke r elies . ) that after the temple was destroyed , it was decreed , that bride-grooms and mourners should come into the synagogues , and that they in the synagogue , should congratulate with the one , & condole with the other . behold saith drusius , no mention here of excommunicate persons , for they did not come into the synagogues . peradventure every excommunicate person , had not accesse to the temple neither , but he that was extrajudicially , or by private persons excommunicate , as those words might seeme to intimate , he that dwells in this house put into thy mind , to hearken to thy neighbours or companions , that they may restore thee . or if you take it to extend to judiciall excommunication , then hen. vorstius doth expound it , animad . in pirke p. . f so , as it may be understood onely of the lesser excommunication , when there was still hope of repentance , and reconciliation . so io. coch. ubi supra pag. . thinks that an excommunicate person was not altogether cast out of the synagogue , but was permitted to heare , and to be partaker of the doctrine , but otherwise and in other things he was separate , and not acknowledged for a church member ; and this he saith of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 menudde , of him that was simply excommunicate by the lesser excommunication or niddui . but he saith otherwise of him that was excommunicate with cherem . non docet , non docetur . he is neither permitted to teach , nor to be taught . grotius on luke . . tells us , that excommunicate persons under niddui , came no otherwise to the temple than heathens did , that is , had no liberty to come into the court of israel . however , such as were excommunicate by cherem were not permitted to come neere the temple , saith master weemse in his christian synag . p. . an excommunicate person of the first sort , ( niddui , ) when he came to the temple , or synagogue , you see ( by what hath been said ) he was there publikely bearing his shame , and looked upon as one separate from the communion of the people of god. and so much for the effects . the end of excommunication was spirituall , g that a sinner being by such publike shame and separation humbled , might be gained to repentance , and thereby his soule saved ; ( which is the end of church discipline , not of civill censures . ) the court waited . dayes upon his repentance , and did not proceed to cherem , except in case of his continuing impenitency , when all that time he gave no signe of repentance , nor sought absolution . from all that hath been said , i hope it 's fully manifest , that the jewish excommunication was an ecclesiasticall censure , and not ( as ( h master prynne would have it ) a civill excommunication , like to an outlary at common law. i conclude with a passage of drusius de tribus sectis judaeorum lib. . cap. . concerning the essaeans , who did most religiously retaine the discipline of excommunication . jus dicturi inter se congregantur centum viri , qui eos quos deprehenderint reos & improbos expellunt e caetu suo . these words he citeth out of salmanticensis . being to judge or give sentence among themselves , a hundreth men are gathered together , who doe expell from their assembly those whom they find to be guilty and ungodly . he addeth this testimony of rufinus . deprehensos verò in peccatis à sua congregatione depellunt . such as are deprehended in sinnes they put away from their congregation . loe , an ecclesiasticall excommunication because of scandalous sinnes . chap. v. of the cutting off from among the people of god , frequently mentioned in the law. it hath been much controverted , what should be the neaning of that commination , so frequently used in the law of moses : that soule shall be cut off from among his people . the radix 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth properly such a cutting off , as is like the cutting off a branch from the tree : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cutting off , is applied to divorcement , deut , . . a bill of divorcement , in the hebrew , of cutting off . so isa. . . ier. . . it is certaine that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carath doth not necessarily signifie to cut off by death , destruction , or a totall abolition of the very existence of him that is cut off , but any cutting off , by whatsoever losse or punishment it be . the septuagints render it , not seldome , by such words as signifie the losse or punishment of the party , without destroying him , as by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , abscindo , amputo , succid●… , excindo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 avello , abstraho , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , demitto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , circumcido , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aufere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 percutio , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verbero . sometime they render it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contero , extero , terendo excutio : to strike out , ( sometime , to wash out , or , to wipe off spots or filth , as h. stephanus tels us : thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the cloth wherewith we wipe our hands when we wash them ) numb . . . that soule shall be cut off from israel . the septuagints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yea where they render it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or cutting off is sometimes meant of captivity amos . . sometimes of the decay and dissolution of a monarchy ezech. . . sometimes of the deposition or repudiating of priests . sam. . . the man of thine whom i shall not cut off from mine altar . sometimes generally for a judgement or punishment , isa. . . the english translators in some places where it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the originall and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , render it to faile , kings . . to loose kings . . sometime they render the same originall word to hew , kings . . to hew timber , jer. . sometime simply to cut , ezech. . thy navell was not cut . in other places where the septuagints have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aufero , the english hath to faile , kings . . & . . chro. . . this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the word used by the apostle in the case of excommunication , cor. . . there are five different opinions concerning that cutting off mentioned in the law. first , augustine in divers places , understands the meaning to be of the second death or eternall condemnation . but this is not sutable to the infancy of the jewish church ; for whiles they were bred under the paedagogy of the law , things eternall and invisible were not immediately and nakedly propounded unto them , but under the shadows and figures of temporall and visible things . so that if eternall death were the ultimate intendment of that commination ( as i verily believe it was ) yet it must needs be acknowledged , that there was some other punishment in this life , comprehended under that phrase , to resemble in some sort , and to shadow forth that everlasting cutting of . . some understand that cutting off to be when a man dieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without children , having no off-spring or posterity behind him to preserve the memory of him ; for he that left children behind him , was esteemed to live in some sort after he was dead . but the cutting off in the law , is privative , not negative , it is a depriving of a man of what he hath , not the deniall of what he would have . neither was that of the preserving of ones name in the posterity , applicable to women , but to their husbands onely ; whereas their cutting off was threatned to all that were guilty , whether men or women . finally , if that were the sence , then the cutting off did neither belong to such as choosed voluntarily to live unmarried , nor to men who being married had children to preserve their memory after their death . but all that committed such or such a sinne , were to be cut off , whether married or unmarried , whether having children or wanting children . . others understand capitall punishment to be inflicted by the civill magistrate . but if all the offences for which cutting off was threatned in the law , had been punished by death , the mosaicall lawes , no lesse then those of draco , might have been said to be written in blood , saith i gersomus bucerus . is it credible that all and every one , who did by any chance , eate the fat , or the blood , or did make a perfume for smell like to the holy perfume , or did touch a dead body , or a grave , or a tent wherein a man had died , or any thing which an unclean person had touched ; and had not been thereafter sprinkled with the water of separation ; were without mercy to die for any of these things ? yet these were cut off from among their people exod. . . lev. . , . num. . . . another reason i take from mercerus on gen. . . we nowhere finde either in scripture , or in the jewish writings , that such of the seed of abraham , as did neglect circumcision , were punished by the sword of the magistrate , yet by the law such were to be cut off . now without all controversie such were excluded from communion with the church of israel , and being so excluded they were said properly to be cut off from among their people , saith mercerus . and moreover the cutting off in the law , is expressed by such a word , as doth not necessarily signifie that the person cut off ceaseth to have any being , but it is used to signifie a cutting off from a benefit , relation , or fellowship , when the being remains , as was noted in the beginning . . many of the hebrews whom m. ainsworth annot . in gen. . . exod. . . numb . . . followeth , understand by that cutting off , untimely death , or the shortning of life , before the naturall period . this interpretation i also dislike , upon these reasons , . that which is taken for a foundation of that opinion , namely , that the cutting off in the law is meant onely as a punishment of private sinnes known to god alone , and which could not be proved by witnesses ; this ( i say ) is taken for granted which is to be proved . . yea , the contrary appeareth from levit. . , . the end of that cutting off was , that the children of israel might feare to doe that thing which they saw so punished . but how could they make this use of a divine judgement inflicted for some private sinne , they knew not for what ? . the commination of divine judgements is added in a more proper place deut. . lev. . and in divers places , where wrath and punishment from god is denounced against all such as would not observe his commandements , nor keepe his statutes and judgements . but the cutting off is a part ( and a great part ) of the corrective or penall mosaicall lawes , which containe punishments to be inflicted by men , not by god ; which makes piscator almost everywhere in his scholia to observe , that exscindetur is put for exscinditor , that soule shall be cut off for , let that soule be cut off . ▪ the cutting off was a distinguishing punishment ; they that did such and such things were to be cut off , and in being cut off , were to beare their iniquity , lev. . . numb . . . but we cannot say that abijah the sonne of ieroboam , or king iosiah , being taken away by an untimely death , were thereby marked with a signe of gods wrath , or that they were cut off from among their people , and did beare their iniquity . . and whereas they object from levit. . . & . , . that the cutting of was a worke of god , not of men , it is easily answered from that same place , it was onely so , in extraordinary cases , when men did neglect to punish the offenders . levit. . , . and if the people of the land hide their eyes from the man , when he giveth of his seed unto molech , and kill him not : then i will set my face against that man , and against his family , and will cut him off . which giveth light to the other place levit. . . what i have said against the third and fourth opinion , doth militate against erastus , for he expoundeth the cutting off these two waies , that is either of capitall punishment , or of destruction by the hand of god , yet he inclineth chiefly to the last . see lib. . c. . he toucheth this cutting off in divers places but valde jejunè . and because he is pleased to professe he had no skil of the hebrew , he appealeth to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . of which before . there is a fifth exposition , followed by many both popish and protestant writers , who understand by the cutting off , excommunicating or casting out from the church , and of this opinion are some very good hebritians , as schindlerus lexic. pentagl . pag. . cornelius bertramus de republica ebraeorum . cap. . godwyns moses and aaron lib. . cap. . the jewish canons of repentance printed in latin at cambridge , anno . where the hebrew hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the latin hath ordinarily excommunicatio . so doe divers of our soundest writers take the cutting off in the law to be excommunication . synops. pur . theol. disp. . thes. . . there are these reasons for it . . the cutting off had reference to an ecclesiasticall corporation or fellowship . it is not said , that soule shall be cut off from the earth , or cut off from the land of the living , but , cut of from his people : more plainly , from israel , exod. . . num. . . but most plainly , that soule shall be cut off from the congregation ( or church ) of israel , exo. . . that soule shall be cut off from among the congregation ( or church ) num. . . intimating somewhat ecclesiasticall . so lev. . . that soule shal be cut off from my presence . the septuagints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from me . the chaldee , from my face . and this was the very cutting off or excommunication of cain from the church , by god himselfe genes . . . from thy face shall i be hid . and vers . , and cain went out from the presence of the lord. it is another and much different phrase , which is used to expresse cutting off from the world , or from the land of the living ezech. . . i will cut thee off from the people , and will cause thee to perish out off the countreys , jerem. . . let us cut him off from the land of the living . zeph. . . i will cut off man from off the land. . he that in his uncleannesse did eate of an unholy thing was to be cut off levit. . , . yet for such a one was appointed confession of sinne , and a trespasse-offering , by which he was reconciled and atonement made for him , as m. ainsworth himselfe tels us on levit. . . whence i inferre , that the cutting off such a one was not by death inflicted , either from the hand of the magistrate , or from the hand of god , but that the cutting off was ecclesiasticall , as well as the reception or reconciliation . i know m. ainsworth is of opinion that the cutting off was for defiling the sanctuary presumptuously , or eating of an holy thing presumptuously , when a man was not cleansed from his uncleannesse : and that atonement by sacrifice was appointed for such as defiled the sanctuary ignorantly . but that which made him thinke so , was a mistake ; for he supposeth , that for sinnes of ignorance or infirmity onely , god did appoint sacrifices ; but that for wilfull or malicious sinnes there was no sacrifice . see his annot . on levit. . . which faustus socinus also holdeth praelect . cap. . p. . but to me , the contrary is plaine from levit. . . to . where we have atonement to be made by trespasse offerings , for wilfull lying , perjury , fraud , robbing , or violence , which made the septuagints , v. . for commit a trespasse , to read , despising despise the commandements of the lord. and whereas m. ainsworth confirmeth his opinion from heb. . . for if we sinne wilfully after that we have received the knowledge of the truth , there remaineth no more sacrifice for sinnes ; i answer with calvin , beza , hemmingius , and others upon the place , it is not meant of all sinnes done wilfully , ( which to hold were a most dangerous and despairing doctrine , ) but of a totall defection from christ and the truth . and now to returne , there is nothing levit. . . to exclude a trespasse-offering for one who should in his uncleannesse wilfully goe to the sanctuary , or touch an holy thing : but there is this reason , why it should not be excluded , because in that very place verse . he that did wilfully , for favour or malice , conceale his knowledge , being a witnesse in judgement , was yet admitted to bring his trespasse-offering . . the apostle cor. . gives us some light concerning the cutting off ; for as vers. , , . most manifestly he pointeth at the purging of all the congregation of israel from leaven ▪ exod. . so vers. . when he saith , therefore put away from among your selves ▪ that wicked person , he plainly alludeth to exod. . , . whosoever eateth that which is leavened , even that soule shall be cut off from the congregation , ( or church ) of israel . theophylact on cor. . . observeth the apostles allusion to the old law of cutting off : and maccovius ( otherwise no very good friend to church-discipline and government ) loc . com . disp . . proveth that excommunication was transferred from the jewes to us , by christ himselfe matth. . and that the cutting off mentioned in the law , is no other thing than that which the apostle meaneth , when he saith , put away from among your selves that wicked person . . the cutting off soule from among his people did typifie or resemble eternall death and condemnation ; in which respect peter doth some way apply it to the daies of the gospell , that every soule which will not heare christ the great prophet , shall be destroyed from among his people , acts . . so vatablus on gen. . . that soul shall be cut off , that is , shall not be partaker of my promises , and of my benefits . so that as i. coch. annot ▪ in sanhedrin . cap. . saith well , death inflicted by the hand of god is lesse then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cutting off . nam exterminii post mortem poena luitur . the same thing guil. vorstius confirmeth out of maimonides , annot . in maimon . de fundam . legis pag. . and abrabanel de capite fidei cap. . saith that the greatest reward is the life of the world to come , and the greatest punishment is the cutting off of the soule . now this could not so fitly be resembled , and shadowed forth by the cutting off from the land of the living , either by the hand of god , or by the hand of the magistrate , as by cutting off from the church , and from the communion of saints , by excommunication , which is summum futuri judicii praejudicium , as tertullian called it , and fore-sheweth that the ungodly shall not stand in the judgement , nor sinners in the congregation of the righteous , psal. . . but gods taking away of a man by death in the phrase of the old testament , is not a cutting off from , but a gathering of him unto his people ; yea k it is said of wicked ishmael when he died , he was gathered unto his people . and as for the abbreviation of life , and the untimelinesse of death in youth , or middle age , that both is now , and was of old , one of the things which come alike to all , to the good as well as to the bad . as touching the capitall punishment of malefactors by the hand of the magistrate , it being founded upon the very law of nature , and common to all nations , without as well as within the church , ( so that very often those from whom a malefactor is cut off , are not so much as by profession the church and people of god : ) it cannot so fitly resemble the separation or casting out of a man from having part or portion of the inheritance of the saints in light . . d r. buxtorf lexic. chald . talm. & rahbin . page . tels us that this difference was put between him that was guilty of cutting off , and him that was guilty of death . reus ▪ mortis , ipse tantum , non semen ejus : paena excidii comprehendit ipsum & semen ejus . now if the punishment of death was personall one● ▪ and the punishment of cutting off , comprehensive not onely of them but of their seed , how can this agree so well , to any thing else , as to excommunication ; especially if that hold which godwyn in his moses and aaron lib. . cap. . tels us , that the children of excommunicate persons were not circumcised . . m. selden de jure nat . & gent. lib. . cap. . tels us , that the hebrew doctors themselves doe not agree concerning that cutting off in the law. he saith that r. bechai and others , make three sorrs of cutting off . i. a cutting off , whereby the body onely is cut off , which they understand by that phrase levit. . . i will cut him off from among his people : and this is untimely death palm . . bloudy and deceitfull men shall not live out half their daies . . they say there was another cutting off , which was of the soule onely , levit. . . the souls that commit these things ●…all be cut off from among their people . by this cutting off ( they say ) the soule ceaseth to have a being , the body not being taken away by death , before the naturall period . . they make a third kind , whereby both soule and body is cut off , num. . . that soule shall be utterly cut off , his iniquity shall be upon him . whereby ( say they ) both the body is destroyed before the naturall time , and likewise the soule ceaseth to have a being . but whatsoever any of the hebrews fancied in their declining latter times , concerning that second kinde of cutting off , ( which m. selden doth not approve , but relate out of them ) i am confident it was onely the degenerating notion of excommunication ; and that very fancy of theirs , is a footstep thereof ; which may make us easily believe that the more ancient hebrews in purer times , did understand that such a cutting off was mentioned in the law , by which a man in respect of his spirituall being was cut off from the church of israel , whiles his naturall life and being was not taken ftom him . yea gul●…elmus vorstius annot . in maimon . de fundam . legis pag. . sheweth us , that some of the hebrewes acknowledge nothing under the name of the cutting off , but that which is the cutting off of the soule onely . but if there be so much as some cutting off mentioned in the law , which concerneth a mans spirituall estate onely , it doth abundantly confirme what i plead for : and i shall not need to assert , that everywhere in the law excommunication must needs be understood by cutting off . some understand the cutting off in the judiciall or civill lawes , to be meant of capitall punishments : and the cutting off in the ceremoniall lawes ( which were properly ecclesiasticall ) to be meant of excommunication , or cutting off from the church onely . if anywhere the cutting off be excommunication , it sufficeth me . or what ever it may signifie more , or be extended unto , if excommunication be one thing which it signifieth , then they who thinke it signifieth some other thing beside excommunication , are not against me in this question . i shall conclude with that in the dutch annotations upon gen. . . that soule shall be cut off from his people . the annotation englished saith thus , that man shall be excommunicate from the fellowship of gods people . this kind of expression implies also ( as some doe conceive ) a bodily punishment to be i●…sticted withall by the magistrate . they hold determinately and positively that it signifieth excommunication . whether it signifie some other thing beside , they judge not to be so cleare , and therefore offer it to be considered . it is but a poore argument , whereby bishop bilson , of the government of the church , chap. . would prove the cutting off not to be meant of excommunication , because it is applyed even to capitall offences , such as the law elsewhere appointeth men to be put to death for . as if it were any absurdity to say , that one and the same offence , is to be punished sub formalitate scandali with excommunication , and sub formalitate criminis with capitall punishment . and who knoweth not that a capitall crime is a cause of excommunication , which is also sometimes the sole punishment , the magistrate neglecting his duty . if a known blasphemer or incestuous person be not cut off by the magistrate as he ought by the law of god : shall he therefore not be cut off by excommunication ? if he had proved that all the causes of cutting off in the law were capitall crimes , he had said much : but that will never be proved . chap. vi. of the casting out of the synagogue . we read of a casting out of the church , which was pretended to be a matter of conscience and religion , and such as did more especially concerne the glory of god , isa. . . your brethren that hated you , that cast you out for my names sake , said , let the lord be glorified . such was the casting out of the synagogue , mentioned in the gospell ioh. . . & . . & . . arias montanus de arcano sermone cap. . expounds it of excommunication from church assemblies . so the magdeburgians cent . . lib. . cap. . and corn. bertramus de repub . ebraeor . cap. . godwyn in his moses and aaron , lib. . cap. . & lib. . cap. . wherein the interpreters also upon the places cited doe generally agree , erasmus , brentius , tossanus , diodati , cartwright in his harmony , gerhard , &c. so likewise m. leigh out of paulus tarnovius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur ▪ ejectus e 〈◊〉 sacro ecclesiae , excommunicatus . see critica sacra of the new test. pag. . so doth aretius , theol. probel . loc . . ( though cited by our opposites againstus ) he saith , though it was abused by the pharisees , yet it sheweth the antient use of the the thing it self , that there was such a discipline in the jewish church . it is not much materiall , to dispute which of the degrees of the jewish excommunication , or whether all the three were meant by that casting out of the synagogue . drusius , and grotius expound , io. . . of niddui . gerhard expounds io. . . of all the three niddui , cherem , and shammata . it is enough for this present argument , if it was a spirituall , or ecclesiasticall censure , not a civill punishment . master prynne , vindic. pag. , . tels us . first , this casting ▪ out of the synagogue , was not warranted by gods word , but was onely a humane invention . secondly , as it was practiced by the jewes , it was a diabolicall institution . thirdly , that it was meerly a civill excommunication , like to an outlary , whereby the party cast out , was separate from civill conversation onely , or from all company with any man , but was not suspended from any divine ordinance . fourthly , that it was inflicted by the temporall magistrate . fifthly , that in the jewish synagogues at that time , there was neither sacrament nor sacrifice , but onely reading , expounding , preaching , disputing , and prayer , so that it cannot prove suspension from the sacrament . to the first , i answer , it was not onely warranted by the cutting off mentioned in the law , but erastus himselfe gives a warrant for it from gods word . he saith , pag. . the casting out of the synagogue , was vel idem vel simile quidpiam with that separating from the congregation ez●…a . . . to the second aretius hath answered . the best things in the world may be abused . to the third , i offer these eight considerations to prove that it was an ecclesiasticall , not a civill censure . first , the causes for which men were put out of the synagogues , were matters of scandall , offences in point of religion , and we read of none cast out of the synagogue for a civill injury or crime ; it was for confessing christ io. . . & . . then counted heresie : and for preaching of the gospell io. . . secondly , the synagogicall assembly or court , was spirituall and ecclesiasticall , as ludoviens de dieu noteth upon matth . . we read of the rulers of the synagogue , act. . . among whom he that did pre●de and moderate , was called the chiefe ruler of the synagogue act. . . . names never given to civill magistates or judges . therefore brughton makes this of the rulers of the synagogue , to be one of the paralells betweene the jewish , and the christian church . se● his exposition of the lords prayer pag. . . as for that assembly of the pharisees , which did cast out , or excommunicate the blind man , io. . tossanus upon the place calls it senatus ecclesiasticus ; and brentius argueth from this example against the infallibility of councells , because this councell of the pharisees call'd christ himselfe a finner . the court of civill judgement , was in the gates of the city , not in the synagogue . such as the communion and fellowship was in the synagogue , such was the casting out of the synagogue . but the communion or fellowship , which one enjoyed in the synagogue , was a church-communion and sacred fellowship , in acts of divine worship . therefore the casting out of the synagogue was also ecclesiasticall and spirituall , not civill or temporall . the end was sacred and spirituall , to glorifie god is. . . to doe god good service io. . . in that which did more immediately and neerly touch his name and his glory , though the pharisees did falsely pretend that end , their error was not in mistaking the nature of the censure , but in misapplying it where they had no just cause . master prynne himself tells us pag. . that this excommunication from the synagogue was of force forty dayes ( though i beleeve he hath added ten more then enough , and if he look over his bookes better , he will find he should have said thirty , ) yet so as that it might be shortned upon repentance . but i pray , are civill punishments shortned or lengthened according to the parties repentance ? i know church censures are so . but i had thought , the end of civill punishments , is not to reclaime a mans soule by repentance , and then to be taken off : but to guard the lawes of the land , to preserve justice , peace , and good order , to make others feare to doe evill , to uphold the publike good . the magistrate must both punish and continue punishments , as long as is necessary for those ends , whether the party be penitent or not . how is it credible , that the holy ghost meaning to expresse a casting out from civill company or conversation onely , ( which was not within , but without the synagogue ) would choose such a word as signifieth the casting out from an ecclesiasticall or sacred assembly ? ( for such were the synagogues , in which the jewes had reading , expounding , preaching and prayer , as master prynne tells us ) christ himselfe distinguisheth the court or judicatory , which was in the synagogue , from civill magistracy luk. . . and when they bring you unto the synagogues , and unto magistrates and powers . magistrates and powers are civill rulers , supreame and subordinate , but the synagogues are distinct courts from both these . our opposites cannot give any other rationall interpretation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . erastus pag. . confesseth , it is very hard to tell what it was . he gives three conjectures . first , that it was some ignominy put upon a man : which i thinke no body denies , and it may well stand with our interpretation . secondly , he saith not that it was a separating of the party from all company , or society with any man. ( for which master prynne citeth erastus with others ) but a pulling away , or casting out of a man from some particular towne onely ; for instance , from nazareth . thirdly , he saith , it seemes also to have been a refusall of the priviledges of jewish citizens ▪ or the esteeming of one no longer for a true jew , but for a proselyte . but that a proselyte , who was free to come both to temple and synagogue ( for of such a proselyte he speaketh expressely ) should be said to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it may well weaken , it cannot strengthen his cause . . in tzemach david edit . hen. vorst . pag , . we read , that when the sanhedrin did remove from hierusalem , . yeeres before the destruction of the temple , there was a prayer composed against the hereticks . hen. vorstius in his observ . pag. ▪ sheweth out of maimon ▪ that it was a maledictory prayer appointed to be used against the hereticks of that time , who encreased mightily : and that r. sol. jarchi addeth this explanation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 minim , the disciples of jesus of nazareth . d. buxtorf . lexic . chald. talm. & rab . pag. . collecteth that this maledictory prayer was composed in christs time , and against his disciples . surely it suteth no story so well , as that of the decree of casting out of the synagogue io. . . after all these eight considerations , this i must adde , that i doe not a little admire , how master prynne could cite godwyns jewish antiquities lib. . cap. . for that opinion , that the casting out of the synagogue was not an ecclesiasticall but onely a civill censure . if he had but looked upon the page immediately preceding , he had found this distinction between the ecclesiasticall and civill courts of the jewes ; the office of the ecclesiasticall court , was to put a difference between things holy and unholy , &c. it was a representative church . hence is that , di●… ecclesiae . matt. . . tell the church because unto them , belonged the power of excommunication , the severall sorts of which censure follow ; and so he beginneth with the casting out of the synagogue , as the first or lesser excommunication o● niddui , and tells us among other effects of it , that the male children of one thus cast out were not circumcised . to master prynnes fourth exception , the answer may be collected from what is already said . we never find the temporall magistrate called the ruler of the synagogue , nor yet that he sate in judgement in the synagogue . the beating or scourging in the synagogues , was a tumultuous disorderly act ; we read of no sentence given , but onely to be put out of the synagogue , which sentence was given by the synagogicall consistory , made up of the priest or priests and jewish elders . for the power of judging in things and causes ecclesiasticall , did belong to the priests and levites , together with the elders of israel . chro. . . & . . . . chro. . . and therefore what reason master prynne had to exclude the priests from this corrective power , and from being rulers of the synagogue , i know not . sure i am the scriptures cited make priests and levites to be judges and rulers ecclesiasticall ; of which before . as for the chief ruler of the synagogue : archysynagogus erat primarius in synagoga doctor , say the centurists cent. . lib. . cap . and if so , then not a civill magistrate . to the fifth i answer , . if there was an exclusion from reading , expounding , preaching , and prayer , then much more from sacraments , in which there is more of the communion of saints . . he that was cast out of the synagogue might not enter in the synagogue , saith menochius in io. . . therefore he did not communicate in prayer with the congregation , nor in other acts of divine worship , ( which how farre it is applicable to excommunication in the christian church , i do not now dispute , nor are all of one opinion , concerning excommunicate persons , their admission unto some , or exclusion from all publike ordinances , hearing of the word and all ) i know erastus answereth the word synagogue may signifie either the materiall house , the place of assembling ; or the people , the congregation which did assemble ; and some who differ in judgement from us in this particular , hold that when we read of putting out of the synagogue , the word synagogue doth not signifie the house or place of publike worship ( which yet it doth signifie in other places , as luk. . . act. . . ) but the church or assembly it selfe . but i take it to signifie both joyntly ; and that it was a casting out , even from the place it selfe , such as that io. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and they cast him out , or excommunicated him , as the english translators adde in the margine . besides , i take what it is granted . it was a casting out from the assembly , or congregation it selfe . but how could a man be cast out from the congregation , and yet be free to come where the congregation was assembled together ? o but he must keepe off foure cubites distance , from all other men . and was there so much roome to reele to and fro in the synagogue ? i doe not understand how a man shall satisfie himselfe in that notion . but i rather thinke bertramus speakes rationally , that he that was excommunicate by niddui was shut out ab hominum contubernio atque ade●… ab ipsius tabernaculi aditu . de rep. jud. cap. . which niddui he takes to be the same with casting out of the synagogue . he that was cast out from mens society , must needs be excluded from the publike holy assemblies , and from the place where these assemblies are . whereunto agreeth that which we read in exc. gem. sanhedrin cap. . sect. . a certaine disciple , having after two and twenty yeeres divulged that which had been said in the schoole of r. ammi , he was brought out of the synagogue , and the said rabbi caused it to be proclaimed , this is a revealer of secrets . it is more then mr. prynne can prove that the sacrament of circumcision was not then administred in the synagogues . the jewes do administer it in their synagogues ; and that iohn was circumcised in the synagogue , some gather from luk. . . venerunt , they came ( to wit to the synagogue ) to circumcise the child ; for my part i lay no weight upon that argument . but i see l●sse ground for mr. prynnes assertion . as for that which m. prynne addeth in the close , that those who were cast out of the synagogue might yet resort to the temple , he hath said nothing to prove it . i find the same thing affirmed by sutlivius de presbyt . pag. . ( though i had thought master prynnes tenen●s of this kind , should never have complyed with those of episcopall men , against the anti-episcopall party ) but neither doth sutlivius prove it ; onely he holds that the casting out of the synagogue was meerely a civill excommunication , and his reason is that which he had to prove , that christ and his disciples , when they were cast out of the synagogues , had notwithstanding a free accesse to the temple . to my best observation , i can find no instance of any admitted to the temple , while cast out of the synagogue . i turn again to erastus pag. . to see whether he proves it . he gives us two instances , first of christ himselfe who was cast out of the synagogues , and yet came into the temple . but how proves he that christ was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? for this , he tells us onely quis dubitat ? who makes question of it ? i am one who make a great question of it● , or rather put it out of question , that christ was not cast out of the synagogues ; for what saith he himselfe io. . . i ever taught in the synagogue , and in the temple , whether the iewes alwayes resort . christ was cast out of the city of nazareth in the tumult by the people luk. . but here was no consistoriall sentence , it was not the casting out of the synagogue of which our question is . the other instance which erastus gives , helps him as little . the apostles saith he , were cast out of the synagogue , and yet immediately went to the temple , and taught the people act. . & . and how many synagogues was paul cast out of ? cor. . yet he is not reprehended for coming into the temple . answ. i find nothing of the synagogue in those places which he citeth . it was the councell , not the synagogue which the apostles had to doe with act. . v . but what have they gained if they could prove that christ or his apostles , while knowne to be excommunicate from the synagogues , were admitted into the temple ? how often did they come into the temple , when the priests , and elders , and scribes , would gladly have cast them out , but they feared the people , and so were restrained ? nay , what if they could give other instances , that such as were cast out of the synagogue , were permitted to come into the temple ; what gaine they thereby ? if we understand the casting out of the synagogue to be meant of niddui , of the lesser excommunication as drusius , bertramus , grotius , and godwyne understand it , we are not at all pinched or straitned . nay , though we should also comprehend the cherem or greater excommunication under this casting out of the synagogue , all that will follow upon the admission of such into the temple , will be this , that excommunicate persons when they desired to make atonement for their sinne by sacrifice , were for that end admitted into the temple ( which who denies ? ) but still with a marke of ignominy upon them as long as they were excommunicated , as i have shewed before . chap. . finally whereas master prynne concludeth his discourse of this point , that we may as well prove excommunication from diotrephes . io. , as from the casting out of the synagogue , i admit the paralell thus . the pharisees did cast out from the synagogue such as professed christ ; diotrephes did cast out of the church ( as iohn saith ) such as received the brethren . both clave errante : the ecclesiasticall censure was abused and misapplyed ; yet from both it appeareth ▪ that ecclesiasticall censures were used in the church . there was a casting out of the synagogue used among the jewes , which the pharisees did abuse . there was a casting out of the church used among christians , which diotrephes did abuse . i remember i heard master coleman once draw an argument against excommunication from that text in iohn concerning diotrephes . which is as if we should argue thus , the scripture tells us it is a sinne to condemne the righteous , ergo it is a sinne to condemne . it is a sinne to cast out of the church godly persons who love and receive the brethren , ergo it is a sinne to cast out of the church . a fallacy à dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter . the weight is laid upon the application of such a censure to such persons : an unju● excommunication is not imitable , but a just excommunication is imitable ▪ according to the warning given us in the words immediately added , follow not that which is evill , but that which is good . chap. vii . other scripturall arguments to prove an excommucation in the iewish church . another scripture proving excommunication in the jewish church ( which is also paralell to that casting out of the synagogue as erastus himselfe told us ) is ezra . . . that whosoever would not come within three dayes , according to the counsell of the princes and elders , all his substance should be forfeited , and himselfe separated from the congregation ( or church , it is kahal in the hebrew , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greeke ) of those that had been carryed away . this separation from the congregation or church is not meant of banishment , but of excommunication , as it is interpreted by lyra , hugo cardinalis , cajetan , nicholaus lombardus , mariana , cornelius a lapide : of protestants pellicanus , lavater , diodati , the dutch annotations , the late english annotations ; all upon the place . also by zepperus de pol. eccl . lib. . cap. . and divers others who cite that place occasionally . ampsingius disp . advers . anabaptist . pag. . doth from that place confute the anabaptists tenent , that there was no other but a civill tribunall in the jewish church . beda upon the place cals this assembly a synod , ●…nita synodo &c. josephus antiq . lib. . cap. . expresseth the punishment of those who would not come to hierusalem at that time , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a double punishment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the former is referred to the persons themselves , and it signifieth an abalienation of those persons from the congregation , not a banishing or driving of them out of the land ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to abalienate a person or thing , by renouncing and quitting the right , title , and interest which formerly we had in that person or thing ; so houses , lands , persons , &c. are abalienated , when ( though they and we remaine where before ) we cease to owne them as ours ; and thus the congregation of israel did renounce their interest in those offenders , and would not owne them as church-members . the other punishment was the dedicating or devoting of their substance . gelenius the interpreter hath rightly rendered the sence of iosephus : et quisquis non adfuerat intra praescriptum ●…empus , ut excommunicetur , bonaque ejus sacro aerario addicantur . you will object , this separation from the congregation is coupled together with forfeiture of a mans estate , and so seemeth rather banishment than excommunication . this objection being taken off , i think there shall be no other difficulty to perplex our interpretation . wherefore i answer these two things . . it is the opinion of divers who hold two sanhedrins among the jewes , one civill , and another ecclesiasticall ; that in causes and occasions of a mixed nature which did concerne both church and state , both did consult conclude , and decree , in a joynt way , and by agreement together . now ezra . the princes , elders , priests , and levites , were assembled together upon an extraordinary cause , which conjuncture and concurrence of the civill and the ecclesiasticall power might occasion the denouncing of a double punishment upon the contumacious , forfeiture and excommunication . but . the objection made , doth rather confirme me , that excommunication is intended in that place . for this forfeiture was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a making sacred , or dedicating to an holy use , as i have shewed out of iosephus . the originall word translated forfeited is more properly translated devoted , which is the word put in the margin of our bookes . the greek saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , anathemstizabitur which is the best rendring of the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it was not therefore that which we call forfeiture of a mans substance . intellige saith grotius , ita ut deo sacra fiat . and so the excommunication of a man , and the devoting of his substance as holy to the lord , were joyned together : and the substance had not been anathematized if the man had not been anathematized . i doe not say that excommunication ex natura rei doth inferre and draw after it , the devoting of a mans estate as holy to the lord. no : excommunication can not hurt a man in his worldly estate , further than the civill magistrate and the law of the land appointeth . and there was excommunication in the apostolical churches , where there was no christian magistrate to adde a civill mulct . but the devoting of the substance of excommunicated persons ezra . as it had the authority of the princes and rulers for it , so what extraordinary warrants or instinct there was upon that extraordinary exigence , we can not tell . finally m. selden de jure nat . & gentium . lib. . cap. . p. . agreeth with lud. capellus that the separation from the congregation ezra . . plane ipsum est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fieri , it is the very same with casting out of the synagogue , which confuteth further that which m. prynne holds , that the casting out of the synagogue was not warranted by gods word , but was onely a humane invention . i know some have drawne another argument for the jewish excommunication from nehem. . . i contended with them , and cursed them , id est , anathematizavi & excommunicavi , saith c. a lapide upon the place . so tirinus upon the same place . mariana expounds it , anathema dixi . aben ezra understands it of two kinds of excommunication , niddui and cherem . for my part , i lay no weight upon this , unlesse you understand the cursing or malediction to be an act of the ecclesiasticall power , onely authorised or countenanced by the magistrate : which the words may well beare ▪ for neither is it easily credible that nehemiah did with his owne hand smite those men and plucke off their hayre , but that by his authority he tooke care to have it done by civill officers , as the cursing by ecclesiasticall officers . the dutch annotations leane this way , telling us that nehemiah did expresse his zeale against them as persons that deserved to be banned or cut off from the people of god. another text proving the jewish excommunication is luke . . when they shall separate you , and shall reproach you , and ●…ast out your name as evill . it was the most misapplied censure in the world , in respect of the persons thus cast out ; but yet it proves the jewish custome of casting out such as they thought wicked and obstinate persons . this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beda upon the place understandeth of casting out of the synagogue , separent & synagoga depellant &c. yet it is a more generall and comprehensive word then the casting out of the synagogue . it comprehendeth all the three degrees of the jewish excommunication , as grotius expounds the place . which agreeth with munsterus dictionar . trilingue , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the onely greeke word given both for the three hebrew words niddui , cherem , and shammata , and for the latine excommunicatio . wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place is extermino , excommunico , repudio , which is one of the usuall significations of the word given by stephanus , and by scapula . it is a word frequently used in the canons of the most ancient councels , to expresse such a separation as was a church-censure , and namely suspension from the sacrament of the lords supper . for by the ancient canons of the councels , such offences as were punished in a minister by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is deposition , were punished in one of the people by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is segregation or sequestration . zonaras upon the th canon of the eighth generall councell , observeth a double 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the ancient church ●ne was a totall separation or casting out of the church which is usually called excommunication ; another was a suspension or sequestration from the sacrament onely . of which i am to speak more afterward in the third booke . i hold now at the text in hand , which may be thus read , according to the sence and letter both , when they shall excommunicate you , &c. howbeit the other reading when they shall separate you , holds forth the same thing which i speake of ; separate , from what ? our translators supply from their company : but from what company of theirs ? not from their civill company onely , but from their ▪ sacred or church assemblies , and from religious fellowship , it being a church-censure and a part of ecclesiasticall discipline , in which sence , as this word frequently occurreth in the greeke fathers and ancient canons when they speake of church discipline , so doubtlesse it must be taken in this place . . because , as grotius tels us , that which made the jewes the rather to separate men in this manner from their society was the want of the civill coercive power of magistracy , which sometime they had . and i have proved before that the civill sanhedrin which had power of criminall and capitall judgements did remove from ierusalem , and cease to execute such judgement , forty yeeres before the destruction of the temple . . because in all other places of the new testament where the same word is used , it never signifieth a bare separation from civill company , but either a conscientious and religious separation by which church members did intend to keep themselves pure from such as did walke , ( or were conceived to walke ) disorderly and scandalously , acts . . cor. . . gal. . . or gods separating between the godly and the wicked , matth . . & . . or the setting apart of men to the ministery of the gospell , acts . . rom. . . gal. . . thirdly , a civill separation is for a civill injury ; but this separation is for wickednesse and impiety , whether accompanied with civill injury or no ; they shall cast out your name as evill , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or as it seemes the syriak and arabik interpreters did read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tanquam improborum , as of wicked and evill men . the sence is the same . thus farre of the jewish church , the jewish ecclesiasticall sanhedrin , the jewish excommunication . i proceed to the jewish exomologesis or publike confession of sinne . chap. viii . of the iewish exomologesis , or publike declaration of repentance by confession of sinne . as there were some footsteps of publique confession among the heathens , and namely among the lacedemonians : l who made him that was deprehended in a crime , to compasse the altar , and there to expresse his owne shame , and to pronounce some disgracefull words against himselfe . so , i make no doubt , they had this ( as many other rites ) from an imitation of the people of god , who had their owne exomologesis , and publique testimonies of repentance , which may thus appeare . first , a man was to put his hand upon the head of the sacrifice which he brought , and so it was accepted to make atonement for him , lev. . . and this was done in the tabernacle publiquely before the priest. genebrardus and lorinus in psalm . . tell us out of aben ezra and other rabbinicall autors , and ex libro siphri , that when he that brought the sacrifice , did put his hands between the hornes of the beast which was to be offered , he did distinctly commemorate that sinne for which he did then repent , professing his detestation thereof , and promising to do ▪ so no more . m r ainsworth on levit. . . to the same purpose citeth out of maimeny in treat . of offering sacrifices , cap. . these words . he layeth his hands between the two hornes , and confesseth upon the same offering , the iniquity of sinne , and upon the trespasse-offering , the iniquity of trespasse : and upon the burnt offering he confesseth the iniquity of doing that which he should not ▪ and not doing that he ought , &c. now that confession of sinne was joyned with the laying on of hands upon the sacrifice , is not onely proved by the judgement of the hebrews , understanding the law in that sence , but by the law it selfe , lev. . . where aaron is commanded to lay his hands upon the head of the live goat , and confesse over him all the iniquites of the children of israel , and all their transgressions in all their sinnes , putting them upon the head of the goat . secondly , the law appointeth confession to be made at the bringing of trespasse-offerings levit. . and that in three kinds of trespasses . if one heare the voyce of swearing , that is , heare his neighbour swearing or cursing , which he ought to reveale : and is a witnesse whether he hath seen or known of it : ( that is , whether he himselfe hath been present at the cursing or reviling ( of god levit. . , . or of man , sam. . . ) or hath heard it by relation from others , and knowne it that way . so the dutch annotations and the best interpreters ) if he doe not utter it , then he shall beare his iniquity . the meaning is when one doth for favour or malice ( so aretius and pareus upon the place ) dissemble the truth , and conceale his knowledge , and so make himselfe partaker of other mens sinnes . grotius expounds it by prov. . who so is partner with a thiefe hateth his owne soule : he heareth a cursing and bewrayeth it not . in such a case a man did greatly scandalize all those ( were they more or fewer ) who knew his dissimulation , and that he did not utter his knowledge . if one had touched any uncleane thing , and not being cleansed from his uncleannesse m did goe into the sanctuary or touch an holy thing ( whether he knew himselfe to have touched the uncleane thing , when he went into the sanctuary , but did afterward forget it , as the hebrews understand the place ; or whether he did not know of his uncleannes when he went into the sanctuary ) as soon as it was revealed to him by others who did take offence at it , or otherwise brought to his knowledge , he was held guilty till confession and atonement was made . it was not simply the touching of an uncleane thing , for which the confession and trespasse-offering was appointed : seeing the law ( saith ainsworth ) maketh such uncleane but till evening lev. . , . when washing themselves and their clothes they were cleane , and for uncleannesse by a dead man , the sprinkling water cleansed them , num. . , , . wherefore he resolveth out of the hebrew doctors , that this confession of sinne , and the trespasse-offering was required in case an uncleane person in his uncleannesse came to the sanctuary , or did eate of an holy thing . if one had sworne unadvisedly , as david , sam. . . herod , mark . . those conspirators against paul , acts . . ( which are the examples given in the dutch annotations , and they are examples of scandals ) if the thing were hid from him , through the distemper , impetuosity , and passion of his spirit , overclouding the eye of his mind , so that when he hath sworn a scandalous oath , he scarce knowes or remembers well the thing . or thus ; if a man had sworne an oath to doe a thing , or not to doe it , and afterward falsified his oath , either because he could not doe what he had rashly sworne , or because he was unwilling to doe it , or because he neglected to doe it : ( aretius puts this triple case in expounding the text : ) when a man was brought to the knowledge of the falsifying of his oath , being told , or put in mind of it by others , saith diodati , which was also a case of scandall . in any of these three cases , a man was to confesse his ●inne , when he brought his trespasse-offering , and the offering was not accepted without confession : lev. . . and it shall be , when he shall be guilty in one of these things , that he shall confesse that he hath sinned in that thing . and he shall bring his trespasse-offering , &c. n this confession was made in the priests hearing , and not to god alone , as m r prynne affirmeth vindic. pag. . for , . it was a cereomoniall law , concerning the externall worship of god , and a part of the law of trespasse-offerings . he might as well have said , that the trespasse-offering was made to god alone , without the presence of the priest or any other ▪ . he himselfe doth not deny ( but intimate ) that till such confession was made , a man was not admitted to make atonement by trespasse-offerings . and so doe the jewes understand the law of confession , as we shall heare by and by . now how could it be knowne , whether a man had confessed any thing at all , if it was secretly , and to god alone ? . the sinnes to be confessed , were oft times scandalous and knowne to others , ( as hath been cleared . ) therefore the confession was to be knowne to others also . that this confession ( not private and auricular , but publique and penitentiall ) was made in the temple , before and in the hearing of the priest , i prove from philo the jew . in his booke de sacr . abelis & caini , at the close , speaking of the levites ministery , he saith , that he did execute and performe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all those services which belong to a perfect priesthood , and to the bringing of man to god , whether by burnt-offerings , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aut pro peccatis quorum paenitet saith gelenius the interpreter , meaning the trespasse-offerings . but observe further , he speaks of the penitentiall part , as a publique thing , or rather of the publique declaration of repentance . repentance of sinnes , that is , repentance declared or professed ( which was in the confession joyned with the trespasse-offerings ) was one of the chiefe things about which the leviticall ministery was exercised : which is the cleare sence of the place . more plainly , the same philo lib. de victimis towards the close , where he tels that certaine parts of the trespasse-offerings were eaten by the priests , and that these must be eaten in the temple , he gives this reason for it , lest the penitents sinne and shame should be divulged and punished more then needs must , which intimateth that the particular offence was so confessed that it was made knowne to such as were within the temple . the third scripturall proofe is num. . , . when a man or a woman shall commit any sinne that men commit , to doe a trespasse against the lord , and that person be guilty , then they shall confesse their sinne which they have done : and he shall recompence his trespasse , &c. the hebrews expound it thus : all the precepts in the law , whether they command or forbid a thing , if a man transgresse against any one of them , either presumptuously or ignorantly , when he maketh repentance and turneth from his sinne , he is bound to confesse before the blessed god , as in numb . . . this confession is with words , and it is commanded to be done . how doe they confesse ? he saith , oh god , i have sinned , i have done perversely , i have trespassed before thee , and have done thus and thus : and loe i repent , and am ashamed of my doings : and i will never doe this thing againe . and this is the foundation of confession . and who so maketh a large confession , and is long in this thing , he is to be commended . and so the owners of sinne and trespasse-offerings , when they bring their oblations for their ignorant or for their presumptuous sinnes : atonement is not made for them by their oblation , untill they have made repentance and confession by word of mouth . likewise all condemned to death by the magistrates , or condemned to stripes , no atonement is made for them by their death , or by their stripes , untill they have repented and confessed . and so he that hurteth his neighbour , or doth him dammage , though he pay him whatsoever he oweth him , atonement is not made for him , tell he confesse and turne away from doing so againe for ever , as it is written in num. . . any of all the sinnes of men . all this ainsworth transcribeth out of maimony in misn. treat . of repentance , chap. . sect. . see also the latin edition of the jewish canons of repentance printed at cambridge ann. . where beside that passage in the first chapter , concerning the necessity of confessing by word of mouth , that sinne for which the trespasse offering was brought , you have another plaine passage , cap. . for ( o ) publike confession ( not of private sinnes known to god onely , but ) of known sinnes by which others were scandalized . in which passage i nnderstand by sinnes against god , sinnes known to god onely . . because its forbidden to reveale those sinnes , therefore they were secret . . because otherwise those canons shall contradict themselves , for cap. . it 's told us that all who brought trepasse offerings , were bound to confesse by word of mouth , the sinne which they had done , without which confession , they got not leave to make atonement by the trespasse-offering . now trespasse offerings were for sinnes against god as well as for sinnes against man. . it should otherwise contradict the law num. . . which appointeth any sinne or trespasse against the lord to be confessed . . those trespasses were to be publikely confessed , for which in case of impenitency and obstinacy , a man was excommunicated with cherem , or the greater excommunication . but a man was excommunicated for divers sinnes against god , which did not at all wrong his neighbour , setting a side the scandall . which i have proved before . these four reasons will prove either that the meaning of that canon must be of private sinnes , and not of publike and scandalous sinnes against the first table : or otherwise that the canon is contrary to and inconsistent with both scripture , reason , and other rabbinnicall writings . from the law num. . thus explained , observe concerning the confession of sinne . . it was for any scandalous sinne , of commission or omission against the first or second table . . it was not free and voluntary to the offender . i doe not say that he w●s compelled to it by any externall force or coercive power : but he was commanded and obliged by the law to confesse ; vatablus on num. . . fatebuntur . ● . t●…nebuntur fateri , they shall confesse , that is , they shall be bound to confesse : and a man was not admitted with his trespasse offering except he confessed . . it was done by word of mouth . . and publikely before the congregation that were present . . p the particular trespasse was named in the confession . . sinnes both of ignorance and malice , when scandalous , were to be confessed . . the sinner was not slinted to a prescript forme of words in confession , but was to enlarge his confession , as his heart was enlarged . . in criminall and capitall cases , beside the civill or corporall punishment , confession was to be made , because of the scandall which had been given . which doth further appeare from the talmud it selfe in sanhedrin . cap. . sect. . for that is observed in all who are put to death , that they must confesse ; for whoever doth confesse he hath part in the world to come ; and namely it is recorded of achan , that joshua said to him , my sonne give now glory to the lord god of israel , and make confession unto him ; and achan answered , indeed , i have sinned against the lord god of israel , and thus and thus &c. whence is it collected that his confession did expiate his sinne . and joshua said , why hast thou troubled us ? god shall trouble thee this day . this day thou shalt be troubled , not in the world to come . the like you read of achan in pirke r. elieser cap. . i know achans confession was not in the sanctuary , nor at a trespasse offering . but i make mention of it because q erastus holdeth that under the law , confession was onely required in such cases , where the sinne was not criminall or capitall . which is confuted by the afore-mentioned passages in maimonides and the talmud it selfe : proving that whether the sinne was expiated by sacrifice or by death , it was alwayes to be confessed ; from the same example of achan doth p. r galatinus lib. . cap. . prove that declaration of repentance was to be made by word of mouth , and that the sinne was to be particularly confessed , which he further proveth by another rabbinicall passage . in the fourth place , io. . . seemeth to hold forth a judiciall publike confession of sinne to have been required of scandalous sinners . the pharisees being upon an examination of him that was born blind , and was made to see , they labour to drive him so farre from confessing christ , as to confesse sinne and wicked collusion , give god the praise say they , we know that this man is a sinner . which is to be expounded by ios. . . give glory to the lord god of israel , and make confession . fifthly , as the jewes had an excommunication , so they had an absolution , and that which interveened was confession and declaration of repentance . and hence came the arabik 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nadam , he hath repented ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nadim a penitent , the niddui made the nadim : for when a man was excommunicated by the lesser excommunication , s the consistory waited first . dayes , and then other . dayes , and as some thinke ( the third time ) . dayes , to see whether the offender were penitent , ( which could not be known without confession ) and would seek absolution : which if he did not , but continued obstinate & impenitent , then they proceeded to the greater excommunication . which doth prove a publike confession , at least in the case of the excommunicated . sixthly , we find a publike penitentiall confession ezra . . . . and ezra the priest stood up and said unto them , ye have transgressed and have taken strange wives to encrease the trespasse of israel . now therefore make confession unto the lord god of your fathers , and doe his pleasure , and separate your selves from the people of the land , and from the strange wives . marke here the foresaking of the sinne could not su●fice without confessing the sinne . all israel had sworne and covenanted to doe the thing , to put away the strange wives vers . . but ezra the priest tells them they must also make confession of their sinne ; confession of their former trespasse must be joyned with reformation for the future : all which the people promise to doe as ezra had said vers . . but what was this confession ? was it onely a private confession to god alone ? or was it onely a generall confession made by the whole congregration of israel at a solemne fast and humiliation ? nay , that there was a third sort of confession differing from both these , appeareth by vers . . neither is this a worke of one day or two : for we are many that have transgressed in this thing ; yea , three moneths are spent in the businesse , vers . , . during which space , all that had taken strange wives , came at appointed times out of every city , and were successively examined by ezra the priest and certaine chiefe of the fathers and levites , ( such of both , as were not themselves guilty ) before whom such as were found guilty did make confession : the sons of the priests made confession as well as others , yea , with the first ; and gave their hands , that they would put away their wives : and being guilty , they offerered a ram of the flock for their trespasse . with which trespasse offering confession was ever joyned , as hath been before shewed from the law. seventhly , master hildersham of worthy memory in his . lecture upon psal. . draweth a● argument from davids example for the publike confession of a scandalous sinne before the church , he made , saith he , publike confession of his sinne to the congregation and church of god ; for we see in the title of this psalme . . that he committed this psalme ( that containeth the acknowledgement of his sinne , and profession of his repentance ) to the chief musitian to be published in the sanctuary and temple . that in this publication of his repentance , he hideth not from the church his sinne , nor cloketh it at all , but expresseth in particular the speciall sinne , &c. adde hereunto , this publike confession was made after ministeriall conviction by nathan , who did convince david of the greatnesse of that scandalous sinne , in which he had then continued impenitent neer a yeer or thereabout . the doctrin which master hildersham draweth from davids example is this , that they whose sinnes god hath detected and brought to light , whose sinnes are publike and notorious , scandalous and offensive to the congregations where they live , ought to be willing to confesse their sins publikely , to make their repentance as publike and notorious as their sinne is . he addeth in his explanation , when they shall be required to doe it by the discipline of the church . marke one of his applications ( which is the subject of the . lecture ) the second sort that are to be reproved by this doctrine , are such as having authority to enjoyne publike repentance to scandalous sinners , for the satisfying of the congregation , when they are detected and presented unto them , refuse or neglect to doe it . and here he complaineth , that the publike acknowledgement of scandalous sinnes , was grown out of use , and that though it was ordered by authority , yet it was not put in execution . the canons of our church ( saith he ) can . . straightly charge every minister , that he shall not in any wise admit to the communion , any of his flock which be openly known to live in sinne notorious without repentance . and the booke of common prayer in the rubrike before the communion , commandeth , that if any be an open and notorious evill liver , so that the congregation by him is offended , the minister shall call him , and advertise him in any wise , not to presume to the lords table , till he hath openly declared himself , to have truly repented , that the congregation may thereby be satisfied , which were afore offended . so that you may see the lawes and discipline of our church , require that open and scandalous sinners should d●…e open and publike repentance ▪ yea , give power to the minister to repell and keepe back such from the communion that refuse to doe it . where it may be observed by the way , that the power of elder-ships for suspending scandalous persons ( not excommunicated ) from the sacrament , now so much contented against by master prynne , is but the same power which was granted by authority to the ministery , even in the prelaticall times . and he hath upon the matter endeavoured to bring the consciences of a whole elder-ship into a greater servitude under this present reformation , then the conscience of a single minister was formerly brought under by law in this particular . eightly , master hildersham ibid. lect. . argueth not onely ●… pari , but ●… fortiori . if a necessity of satisfying an offended brother , how much more a necessity of satisfying an offended church , which will equally hold both for the old and new testament ? his owne words are very well worth the transcribing . this is evident by those two laws lev. . . . and num. . . . where god plainly taught his people , that their trespasse offering which they brought to him , to seeke pardon of any sinne , whereby they had wronged any man , should not be accepted , till they had first made satisfaction to the party to whom the wrong was done . and le●…t we should thinke those lawes concerned the jewes onely , our saviour himselfe giveth this in charge matth. . . . if thou bringest thy gift to the altar , and there remembrest that thy brother hath ought against thee : leave there thy gift before the altar , and go thy way , first be reconciled to thy brother , and then come and offer thy gift . and if there be such necessity of making satisfaction to any one brother that hath ought against us , before we can get assurance of our reconciliation with god , what necessity is there of making satisfaction to a whole church and congregation , that we have given just cause of offence unto ? in this case it is not sufficient to approve our repentance and truth of heart to god ; we must be willing also and desirous to approve it to the congregation and church of god , that we may say as the two tribes and halfe said , josh. . the lord god of gods he knoweth , and israel he shall know . thus master hildersham . chap. ix . whether in the iewish church , there was any suspension or exclusion of prophane , scandalous , notorious sinners , from partaking in the publike ordinances , with the rest of the children of israel in the temple . erastus and his followers hold , that among the jewes none was excluded from any publike ordinance in the temple , for morall uncleanesse , that is , for a prophane scandalous conversation , but onely for legall or ceremoniall uncleanesse . the like master prynne saith of the passeover , and of the temple he holds that even those who were for their offences cast out of the synagogues , were yet free to come and did come to the temple . i shall particularly make answer both to erastus and to master prynne in this point , when they shall fall in my way afterward . i shall here , more generally endeavour to rectifie their great mistake , and to prove an exclusion from the temple and publike ordinances , for publike and scandalous offences in life and conversation , or for morall as well as ceremoniall uncleanesse . first , i shall prove it ex ore duorum , from the testimonies of two of the most famous witnesses of the jewes themselves , philo and iosephus . t philo lib de victimas offerentibus , is so full and plaine , as if he had purposely written that booke to record the exclusion of scandalous persons from communion with the church of israel in the temple . he presseth all along the necessity of holinesse and purity in those who bring sacrifices , and tells us that their law did exclude from their holy assemblies meretricious persons , despisers of god , and all that were known to be impious and prophane , as well as those who were legally uncleane . the same thing may be confirmed out of iosephus , u who records that one simon a doctor of the law , did in the absence of king agrippa , accuse him to the people as an impure unworthy man , who ought not be suffered to enter into the temple . iosephus gives a good testimony to agrippa , that he was unjustly accused . agrippa himselfe sends for simon , and askes him what he had ever done which deserved such an accusation . but neither agrippa himselfe , nor iosephus , saith one syllable to this purpose , that the excluding of a man from the temple for prophanenesse and impiety was a new arbitrary censure , contrary to the law or custome of the jewes : which ( no doubt ) they had done , if there had been any ground for them to say so . their very pleading of innocency , and no more , tacitely confirmeth that if guilty , it had been just to exclude from the temple . againe de bello jud. lib. . cap. . iosephus records that ananus the high priest ( whom cap. . he highly commends for good government ) had an oration to the jewes against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the zelots , who under colour of that name , which they took to themselves , committed a great deale of injustice and violence . he said with tears , i had rather dye then see the house of god filled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with such crimes ( or criminall persons ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the forbidden and holy places to be haunted and trode with the feet of those who are polluted with murthers : speaking of those zelots . what can be more plaine ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a piacular crime , was a cause of keeping back from the temple ( even as also among the heathens , some were for piacular crimes interdicted the sacrifices ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blood-guiltinesse , defilement by murther , was also a cause of exclusion from the temple , and to such the temple was a place inaccessible and forbidden . i adde a testimony of i. scaliger elench . trihaeres . nic. terar . cap. . where speaking of those essaeans who did not observe the mosaicall rites , he saith , itaque non mirum , si tanquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & piaculares aditu templi prohibebantur . the like constantinus l'empereur annot . in cod. middoth pag . proves from another passage in iosephus : vi●…i autem qui non per omnia cas●…i essent ab interiori aula prohibebantur . where l'empereur addeth , in spacii descripti partem interiorem non admittebant quoque haereticum : which he saith may be proved out of the talmud . quis enim dicat ( saith hen. vorstius , animad . in pirke pag. . ) apostatam , blasphemum , aliaque sacra capita intra templum fuisse admissa . of the exclusion of excommunicate persons i have before spoken , following their opinion who hold , that such as were excommunicate by the lesser excommunication or niddui , had liberty to come into the temple , yet so that they were to enter in at the gate of the mourners , and were not seen in the temple , but as penitents : but such as were excommunicated by the greater excommunication or cherem were not suffered to come into the temple , nor so much as into any assembly of ten men , and they might neither teach nor be taught . x grotius holds that such as were excommunicated by niddui or the lesser excommunication had power to come to the temple , but no otherwise then heathens , and that they might not come into the court of israel : which is an answer to m. prynnes objection , that such as were cast out of the synagogue came to the temple . there are but two places in the new testament , which seem at first to make much against that which i have said . one is , luke . concerning the publicans going up to the temple to pray , as well as the pharisee . the other is iohn . concerning the woman taken in adultery , whom they brought before christ in the temple . i remember y erastus objecteth them both . to the first i answer , it rather confirmeth then confuteth what i have said . for . the text saith , vers. . the publican stood afarre off : the pharisee not so . z grotius upon the place , verse . noteth , that the pharisees fault was not in this particular , that he came further into the temple then the publican : for the custome was such , that the publicans were to stand in the court of the gentiles , the pharisees in the court of israel . camer . myroth . in luke . is also of opinion that the publican stood in the court of the gentiles , or in that first court into which iosephus lib. . contra appion . saith , that all , even heathens , might come . . and though our opposites could prove , that the publican came into the court of israel , ( which they will never be able to doe ) yet this place helpes them not at all , unlesse they can prove that this was a scandalous and prophane publican . it is certaine that divers of the publicans were religious and devout men , and that this was one of them , we may more then conjecturally know , by the pharisees owne words , for when he hath thanked god , that he is not as other men , adulterers , unjust , extortioners , he addeth with a disjunction , or even as this publican , thus preferring himselfe not onely to the infamous and scandalous publicans , but even to this devout publican . more of this place afterward , in the debate of matth. . to the other objection from iohn . , . where it is said that the pharisees brought a woman taken in adultery into the temple , and set her before christ ; first , i answer with a const. l'empereur annot . in cod. middoth cap. . pag. . by the temple , in that place , we are to understand the intermurale , the utter court , or court of the gentiles , which was without the court of israel , which utter court ( saith he ) both the evangelists and iosephus call by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the temple . yea the whole mountaine of the temple , even comprehending that part of it which was without the intermurale , had the name of the temple , as m. selden noteth de jure nat . & gent. l. . c. . p. . and lib. . cap. . he expounds that of the money-changers in the temple , to be meant of the court of the gentiles . this answer doth the better agree to iohn . because v. . tels us , it was in the place where all the people came unto jesus , and he taught them . now it is certaine that both christ and his apostles did often teach the people in the coutt of the gentiles , and in solomons porch , which was without the court of israel , in the intermurale , that all might have the better occasion of hearing the gospell , even they who were not permitted to enter into the court of israel . wherefore since the text tels us , that when the pharisees brought the woman to christ , he was teaching in such a place , where all the people had accesse to heare him : this agreeth better to the intermurale , then to the court of israel . secondly , i answer , that woman did not come as a priviledged person , free to come and worship ●in the court of israel , with the church of israel ; but she is brought as an accused person , that in the most publique and shamefull manner she might be sentenced and condemned , and made vile before all the people : so that it was in her paena , non privilegium . b the sanhedrin also did sit in the temple , so that such as were to be examined and judged , must be brought to that place where the sanhedrin was , which sate in that part of the temple that was called gazith . this might be the occasion of bringing some to the temple as parties to be judged , who were not admitted to the ordinances of worship in the court of israel . even as the prohibition of reading atheisticall or hereticall bookes , sanhedrin cap. . sect . . was not violated by the councels reading or searching of them for a judiciall triall and examination : as is rightly observed by dionysius vossius , annot . in maimon . de idol . pag. . and now having taken off the two principall objections , we shall take notice of such scriptures as either directly , or at least by consequence prove , that notorious and scandalous sinners were not allowed to be admitted into the temple , and partake in all the ordinances . . god reproveth not onely the bringing of strangers into his sanctuary , who were uncircumcised in the flesh , but the bringing of those who were uncircumcised in heart , that is , known to be such , for de secretis non judicat ecclesia , ezech. . , . such ought not to have had fellowship in the holy things . no stranger uncircumcised in flesh , shall enter into my sanctuary , of any stranger that is among the children of israel . it is a law concerning proselytus domicilii , such proselytes as having renounced idolatry , and professing to observe the seven precepts given to the sonnes of noah , were thereupon permitted to dwell and converse among the children of israel . ( of which more elsewhere . ) such a one ought not be admitted into the sanctuary , or place of the holy assemblies , there to pertake in all the ordinances with the church , unlesse he be both circumcised in flesh , and also in regard of his profession and practice a visible saint , or one supposed to be circumcised in heart . the disjunction nor tels us that if he were either uncircumcised in flesh , or known to be uncircumcised in heart , god did not allow him to be admitted to cōmunion with the children of israel in al publik ordinances . . there is a law , deut. . . forbidding to bring the hire of a whore into the house of the lord : and that because it was the price of a whore ; how much more was it contrary to the will of god , that the whore her selfe , being knowne to be such , should be brought to the house of the lord ? for propter quod ununiqu●…que est tale , id ipsum est magis tale . this argument is hinted by c philo the jew . . the lord sharply contendeth with those who did steale , murther , and commit adultery , and sweare falsely , and burne incense to baal , and yet presumed to come and stand before him in his owne house . is this house which is called by my name , saith the lord , become a den of robbers in your eyes ? ierem. . , , . a den of robbers is the place which receives robbers ; and ( saith vatablus upon the place ) as robbers after their robbing come to their denne , so doe these even after their stealing , murthering , &c. come to the temple . to the same purpose is that challenge ezech. . , . moreover this they have done unto me , they have defiled my sanctuary in the same day , and have prophaned my sabbaths . for when they had slaine their children to their idols , then they came the same day into my sanctuary to prophane it . but god would not have the temple to be a receptacle for such . when christ applieth that scripture , ierem. . against those who bought and sold in the temple , matth. . , . he makes it cleare , that the temple was made a den of robbers , not onely as it was made a place of gaine , or a den where the robbers prey lies , but even as it was a receptacle of the robbers or theeves themselves : therefore he is not contented with the overthrowing of the tables of money-changers , and the seats of them that sold doves , but he did also cast out all them that sold and bought in the temple : that is , he would neither suffer such things , nor such persons in the temple , yea though it was onely in the utmost court , or the court of the gentiles , as grotius and m r selden thinke : how much lesse would he have suffered such persons in the court of israel . d philo the jew doth also apply what is said in the prophets of gods hating the sacrifices of the wicked , even to the excluding of prophane men from the temple . m r. selden de jure nat . & gent. lib. . cap. . doth so explaiue that casting out of the buyers and sellers out of the temple , that the argument in hand is not a little strengthned thereby . he saith truly , that those who were cast out had polluted and profaned that holy place , ideo & ipsi , ut qui tum criminis aliorum participes , tum suo infames pariter , sie templum seu montis templi locum illum ipsis permissum profanabant , ejiciendi . he holdeth also that this which christ did was done ex jure patrio , to wit , ex zelotarum jure : and that else it had been challenged by the priests and scribes , if it had been contrary to the law or custome . zelots , that is , private persons zealously affected , were permitted to scourge , wound , yea kill such as they saw publiquely committing atrocious wickednesse , by which the holinesse either of the name of god , or of the temple , or of the nation of the jewes was violated . so m r. selden sheweth out of the talmudists , ib. cap. . now ( saith he ) zelotarum jure , our saviour though a private person ( for so he was lookt upon by the priests and scribes ) did scourge and cast out the buyers and sellers . if so , then certainly such wicked and abominable persons were not allowed to come to the temple ; and if they did , they ought to have been judicially and by authority cast out ; for that which was permitted to private persons in the executing of justice or inflicting of punishment , out of their zeale to the glory of god , was much more incumbent to such as had authority in their hands for correcting and removing the prophanation of the temple in an authoritative , judiciall , and orderly way . . the levites had a charge to let none that were uncleane in any thing enter into the temple , chron. . . now this is like that cor. . . with such a one no not to eate : an argument from the deniall of that which is lesse , to the deniall of that which is more . so here , it was a necessary consequence : if those that were ceremonially uncleane were to be excluded from the temple , much more those who were morally or impiously uncleane . for , . the legall uncleannesse did signifie the sinfull uncleannesse ; and the exclusion of those that were known to be legally uncleane from the temple , did signifie the excluding of those who are knowne to be grossely and notoriously uncleane in their life and conversation . which shall be abundantly confirmed afterwards . therefore bertramus de rep. ebr. cap. . saith rightly that the levites had a charge to keepe from the temple the uncleane aut etiam alio quovis modo indignos , or those also who were any otherwaies unworthy . . godwyn in his moses and aaron , lib. . cap. . makes a comparison betweene the three degrees of the jewish excommunication , and the three degrees of excluding the uncleane , numb . . which parallel if we please to make then as for any of the three sorts of uncleannesse , the touch of the dead , issue , or leprosie , a man was excluded from the campe of god or the sanctuary ; so it will follow that even those who were cast out by the niddui ▪ or lowest degree of excommunication , were fo● a time suspended from communion with the church in the ordinances . . the levites were appointed to put a difference not onely betweene the cleane and the uncleane , but betweene the holy and unholy , levit. . . or betweene the holy and profane , ezech. . . & . . by cleane and uncleane i understand persons or things that were ceremonially such ; by holy and prophane , persons that were morally such . . i prove the same point from psalm . , . open to me the gates of righteousnesse , i will goe into them , and will praise the lord. this gate of the lord into which the righteous shall enter . the chaldee saith , the gate of the house of the sanctuary of the lord. the gates of gods sanctuary , are called gates of righteousness , saith ainsworth on the place , because onely the just and cleane might enter into them . we read also that it was written over the gates of some of the jewish synagogues , this is the gate of the lord , into which the righteous shall enter . * vatablus upon this place , thinks that david speakes by way of antithesis to the former ▪ pollution of the sanctuary by saul , and other wicked persons , who by comming to the house of god had made it a denne of thieve● ▪ but now the righteous shall enter in it . [ the righteous ] ●…on to such ( saith di●…dati ) and 〈◊〉 to prophane persons , it belongeth to enter in there . . the same thing may be proved , from psalm . . lord who shall abide in thy tabernacle ? who shall dwell in thy holy hill ? he that walketh uprightly , and worketh righteousnesse , &c. i know the chiefe intendment of god in this place is to describe such a one as is a true member of the church invisible , and shall enter into the heavenly ierusalem . but certainly there is an allusion to the sanctuary , and the holy hill thereof in ierusalem , as to the type of that which is spiriuall and eternall , which iansenius upon the place noteth : and the prophet here teacheth the people so to looke upon those offences for which men were excluded from the sanctuary , as to learne what kind of persons are true members of the church , and who not ; who shall be allowed to commun●cate in all the ordinances of the new testament , and who not ; who shall be received into everlasting life , and who not ; and thus by the type he holds forth the thing tipyfied ; gesnerus upon the place thinkes that communion with the church in this world is meant in the first words , lord who shall sojourne ( so the word is jagur in the hebrew , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek ) in thy tabernacle . ( the name of tabernacle fitly expressing the moveable and military estate of the church in this world : ) and that reception into the church triumphant , is meant in the following words : who shall dwell in thy holy hill ? which noteth a permanent and durable estate . the chaldee paraphrase expoundeth the whole , of such as were thought worthy to be admitted into the house of the lord , thus , lord who is worthy to abide in thy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and who shall be worthy to sojourne in the mountaine of the house of thy holinesse . so psalm . . the chald● readeth thus , who shall be worthy to ascend unto the mountaine of the house of the sanctuary of the lord ? so that the thing alluded unto in both these places , is that the priests and levites did admit 〈◊〉 to the sanctuary , but such as had the markes or characters there enumerated , so farre as men can ●udge of these markes , that is so fa●e as they are externall and discernable . . the same thing seemeth also to be alluded unto psalm . . unto the wicked ( the chaldee addes , that repenteth not , and prayeth in his transgression ) god saith , what hast thou to doe to declare my statutes , or that thou shouldest take my covenant in thy mouth . it is spoken to a scandalous prophane man , vers. , , . who yet will needs take upon him a forme of godlinesse . e where philo the jew speakes of him that blasphemed the name of the lord , he addeth , that it was not lawfull for all men to name the name of god , no not for honour or religions sake , but onely for good and holy men . and this gives me occasion to adde in conclusion a further confirmation out of the hebrew doctors . they held that an israelite turning an hereticke , ( that is , denying any of their thirteen fundamentall articles ) to be as an heathen man , and did therefore permit a jew to lend to him upon usury even as to an heathen . m. selden de jure nat . & gentium . lib. . cap. . they held that such a one , an hereticall israelite , had no communion with the church of israel . see tzemach david translated by hen. vorstius pag. . abrabanel de capite fidei cap. . dub . . & ib. cap. . they esteemed an hereticall jew , more hereticall then a christian , and did excommunicate him , even summarily and without previous admonition . see buxtorf . lexic. chald. talm. & rabbin . pag. . moses maimonides de fundam . legis . cap. . sect . . tels us that if an epicurean israelite had written a coppy of the booke of the law , it was to be burnt , with the name of that epicurean wretch , because he had not done it holily , nor in the name of god. they who did imagine the scripture it selfe to be polluted and prophaned , when it came thorough the hands of an epicurean , or hereticall israelite , no doubt , they thought the temple polluted and prophaned , if such a one should be suffered to come and worship in it . from all which it appeareth , how much reason l'empereur had to say , that they did not admit an heretick into the inner part of the intermurale , or that part of the temple which divided between the israelites and heathens . if any man shall aske , what i meane to inferre from all this . must all prophane persons be kept back from our 〈◊〉 ●s and publike assemblies , and so from hearing the word ? i answer ; god forbid . the analogy which i understand is to hold between the jewish and christian church , is this . as prophane persons were forbidden to enter into the temple because of the sacramentall and typicall holinesse thereof ( for the temple was a type of christ ) so prophane persons are now much more to be kept back from the sacrament of the lord supper , which hath more of sacramentall signification , mystery , and holinesse in it , then the temple of ierusalem had , and whereby more ample evangelicall promises are set forth and sealed unto us . and as prophane persons might of old come into the court of the gentiles , and there heare the word preached in solomons porch ( where both christ and his apostles did preach io. . . act . . act. . . which porch was in the utmost court , that is , the court of the gentiles : of which else-where out of iosephus ) but might not come into the court of israel , nor have communion in the sacrifices : so prophane obstinate sinners are to be excluded , for their impiety , from the church communion of saints , though they may heare the word , as heathens also may doe . now that the temple of ierusalem had a typicall sacramentall resemblance of christ , may appear plainly in divers particulars . . as the glory of the lord dwelt in the temple within the oracle , above the arke and the mercy seat ; and at the dedication of the temple , the cloud of the glory of the lord did visibly fill the whole house ; so in christ the fulnesse of the god-head dwells bodily , as the apostle speakes ▪ . as the great god whom the heavens of heavens cannot containe , was yet pleased to dwell on earth , by putting his name in that place ; so notwithstanding of the infinite distance between god and man , yet they are brought neer each to other , to have fellow-ship together in jesus christ. . god revealed his will , that he would accept no sacrifices from his people , but in the temple onely , after it was built : so god hath revealed his will , that 〈◊〉 spirituall sacrifices cannot be acceptable to him , except in ▪ jesus christ onely . . the people of god were bound to set their faces toward the temple of hierusalem , when they prayed . kings . . . dan. . . so are we bound in prayer to looke toward jesus christ with an eye of faith . as there was an ample promise of god to heare the prayers which should be made in that place . chro. . , . so hath god promised to heare us and accept us , if we seeke unto him in and through jesus christ. . god said of the temple , mine eyes and mine heart , shall be there perpetually . chro. . . so he said of chri●t , this is my well beloved son in whom i am well pleased . . there was but one temple so but one mediator between god and man , the man jesus christ saith paul. . as the temple was appointed to be a house of prayer for all nations isa. . . and the s●ranger , as well as the israelite , might come and pray in it chro. . so 〈◊〉 is a propitiation , not for the jewes onely , but for the gentiles ; and whosoever beleeves on him , ( jew or gentile ) shall not be confounded . . because of thy temple at hierusalem , shall kings bring presents unto thee , saith the prophet , ps. . . so because of jesus christ ( who hath got a name above every name , and hath received all power in heaven and earth ) shall kings submit themselves and bow the knee . . glorious things were spoken of ierusalem the city of god , but the temple was the glory of ierusalem : so glorious things are spoken of the church , but christ is the churches glory . other like considerations might be added , but these may suffice . chap. x. a debate with master prynne , concerning the exclusion of prophane scandalous persons from the passeover . that which master prynne in his vindication pag. , . pleadeth for his opinion , from the law of the passeover , may be ( as i conceive ) with no great difficulty answered , and i shall doe it very shortly , ( being to insist further in answering erastus , who said much more for that point , which deserveth ●n answer ) first , in answer to our argument from the keeping back of the unclean . num. . he saith , that all circumcised persons whatsoever , had a right to eat the passeover , &c. being bound to eat the passeover in its season , except in cases of necessity , disability , by reason of a journey , or of legall uncleannesse onely , not spirituall , as is cleer by exo. . . . to . num. . . to . deut. . , . ezra . . , , . kings . , , . chron. . , . . . . where we read that all the people and all the males that were present received the passeover , not one of them being excluded from eating it . answ. . if it was so , doth not this make as much against himselfe as against us , unlesse he will say , that the analogy must hold so farre , that all baptized persons whatsoever , none excepted ( if it be not in cases of necessity or disability ) how scand●lous , impenitent , and obstinate soever they be , ought to be admitted to the lords table ? so there shall be no excommunication at all ( which yet himselfe granteth ) for if any baptized person , ( though such as master prynne himselfe would have to be excommunicated ) shall be shut out from the church and from all publike ordinances , and so from the lords supper , because of his obstinacy and continuance in some foule scandall , after previous admonitions , in so doing , we shall , by his principles , doe contrary to the law of the passeover , in the point of analogy . . the texts cited by him , prove that men were debarred for legall uncleannesse , but there is not one of them which will prove that men were debarred onely for legall uncleannesse , and no man for morall uncleannesse . yea , one of those texts . ezra . . . tells us that those who were admitted to the passeover , were such as had separated themselves from the silthynesse of the heathen of the land , to seeke the lord god of israel . . that morall uncleannesse , i meane known prophannesse or scandalous sinnes , did render men uncapable of eating the passeover i shall prove anone by divers arguments , unto which i remit master prynne . that which hee objecteth from cor. . i am to answer also distinctly by it selfe . his second reply is , that those who were legally uncleane at the day appointed for the passeover , so as they could not then receive it , were yet peremptorily enjoyned to eat it the . day of the second moneth , &c. num. . . . he must not be suspended from it above one moneth . answ. the scripture cited proves no such thing , except upon supposition that they be clean the . day of the following moneth . and what if any of them were in the second moneth also uncleane , by the touch of a deadbody or otherwise ? were they not kept off in the second moneth , as well as in the first ? is it not plainly said of the second passeover vers . . ( the very pla●e cited by himselfe ) according to all the ordinances of the passeover they shall keep it ? and one of those ordinances was the keeping back the uncleane . thirdly , he saith , that he who was legally uncleane , was kept back neither by the priest nor magistrate , but by those of the same family as vers . , . imports . and the true reason ( saith he ) in this text why his uncleannesse did seclude him from eating the passeover , was because it quite excluded him out of the camp for a time , ( not tabernacle or temple ) and so by necessary consequence from the house wherein he was to eat the passeover , &c. and by like reason it debarred him from all other ordinances . answ. the text num. , . tells us the unclean were kept back ; but by whom they were kept back , it tells not . that it was neither left free to the unclean person to eat of the passeover , nor to the family to admit him , but that there was an authoritative restraint , i prove by this argument . he that was uncleane and before his cleasing did eat of the flesh of the peace-offerings was cut off from among his people lev. . . , therefore he that in his uncleannesse , did eat the passeover , was to be cut off also . no man will say that there was any lesse punishment intended for the pollution of the passeover , than for the pollution of peace-offerings . and if the uncleane were not permitted , under the law , to eat of the flesh of the sacrifices , or if they did they were cut off ; shall not as great care be had to keep the body of jesus christ ( which was signified by the flesh of the sacrifices ) and the bloud of the covenant , from being trod under foot by dogges and swine ? . neither is there any such reason in that text num. . as the excluding quite out of the camp , those who were uncleane by a dead body , and so by consequence from the passeover . nay the text rather intimateth , that they were in the camp ; for they came before moses and aaron on that day , when the passeover was kept , and said , we are defiled by the dead body of a man , wherefore are we kept back . vers . . . i hope moses and aaron were not without the camp . i knew the lepers and some other uncleane persons were put out of the camp ; but there is not one of the texts cited by him which gives the least shadow of reason to prove that the uncleane by the dead body of a man were quite excluded out of the camp , except num. . . and if he will beleive the hebrew doctors , and others upon that place , there were three camps , the camp of israel , the camp of the levites , and the camp of divine majesty ; f the uncleane by the dead were free ( say they ) to be in the first two camps , and were onely excluded from the third . however , it s agreed , that some uncleane persons were excluded from the sanctuary , who were not excluded from the camp of the chidren of israel , as is observed by tostatus in lev. . quaest. . menochius in num. . . the english annotations on num. . . and others . and if master prynne can prove , that those uncleane persons who were excluded from the sanctuary , were not excluded from the passeover , let him try it . that this thing may be yet better understood , let us observe with tostatus in levit. . quest. . a threefold separation of the uncleane under the law : some were separate onely from the sanctuary and the holy things ; for he that had but touched a man or a woman , who had an issue , or had touched the bed , clothes , or any thing else , which had been under him or her , was not permitted to come unto the tabernacle , till he was cleansed lev. . others were separated both from the holy things , and from the company or society of their neighbours , yet not cast out of the camp : for this he gives the case of women having an issue of blood , who were put apart seven dayes lev. . and for the same space a woman after the birth of a male child , was uncleane , so farre as to be kept apart from human society , but she did continue uncleane three and thirty dayes longer , as to the sanctuary and hallowed things , during which space of the three and thirty dayes , she was not separated from company and society , as in the first seven dayes , onely she was forbidden to touch any hallowed thing , or to come into the sanctuary . there was a third sort separated not onely from the sanctuary , and from humane society , but also cast out of the camp , which was the case of lepers . i conclude , all uncleane persons whatsoever were excluded from the tabernacle lev. . . and from eating of the flesh of the sacrifices lev. . . . neither might any of the sonnes of aaron having his uncleannesse upon him eat of the holy things , though it was his food lev. . v. . to . in which places cutting off is appointed to be the punishment , not for unclean persons their being in the camp , but for their coming to the tabernacle , or for their eating of the holy things ; and accordingly it is said chro. . . that ichojada set the porters at the gates of the house of the lord , that none which was uncleane in any thing should enter in . but we never read that none which was uncleane in any thing , was permitted to enter in at the gates of ierusalem , or to converse among the people . whereas master prynne thinkes that uncleane persons were excluded from all ordinances , as well as from the passeover , first , what saith he to that which erastus holdeth and ( as he thinkes ) grounded upon scripture , namely that all uncleane persons as well as others , were admitted to the feast of expiation ? next , what saith he to that which is observed by master selden and divers others , namely , that some uncleane persons might come not onely to the mountaine of the house of the lord , but might also enter into the intermurale ? into that utmost court the heathens might come and pray ; & so might the israelites that were not legally cleane saith g arias montanus . the fourth and fifth answers which m r. prynne gives that there is no such warrant for keeping back scandalous persons from the lords table , as there was for keeping back the uncleane from the passeover ; and that suspension for legall uncleannesse : proves not suspension for morall uncleannesse , these i say doe but petere principium , and therefore to be passedover , because he takes for granted what is in controversie . i shall therefore proceed to that which he addeth in the next place , in answer to an argument of mine in my controversall fast sermon , ( as he miscalleth it ) the argument as i did propound it , was this . those scandalous sinners that were not admitted to offer a trespasse offering ( which was reconciling ordinance ) without confession of sinne , and declaration of their repentance for the same , were much lesse admitted to the passeover ( which was a sealing ordinance ) without confession of known and scandalous sins , if they had committed any such . but circumcised persons , if they were scandalous sinners , were not admitted to offer a trespasse offering ( which was a reconciling ordinance ) without confession of sinne and declaration of their repentance for the same lev. . . . ergo m r prynne answereth pag. . it s a meer non-sequitur . . because contradicted ( as he thinks ) by cor. . which is a contrarious argument , and i shall answer it in the proper place . . he saith that examination of the conscience , repentance , and confession , are no where required of such as did eate the passeover , it being onely a commemoration of gods mercy in passing over the israelites first borne , when he slew the egyptians : but there being no remission without confession , it was necessary that those who came to offer a trespasse-offering for some particular sinnes , should confesse those very sinnes , yet not to the priest , but to god alone . answ. . if examination of the conscience , repentance , and confession , were not required in those that did eate the passeover , and if there might be a worthy eating of it without this ( as he plainly intimateth when he saith that this is no where required in scripture , of such as did eat the passeover , though all circumstances and necessaries for the worthy eating of it , he most punctually enumerated ) and if the passeover was but onely a commemoration of gods infinite mercy in passing over the israelites first borne , as he saith , ( which was but a temporall mercy ) then he must needs say , either that in the sacrament of the passeover , or confirmation of faith , increase of grace , nor spirituall mercy was given , or that in that sacrament this grace ( yea , by his principles , conversion and regeneration it selfe ) was conferred ex opere operato . and he must either say the like of the lords supper , or otherwise hold that the sacraments of the new testament differ from those of the old , specifically ; and that the passeover did not seale the same covenant of grace for the substance , which is now sealed by the lords supper . what was the meaning of the bitter herbs , with which the passeover was commanded to be eaten ? were not the people of god thereby taught the necessity of repentance in that very action ? and what means it that at hezekiahs passeover , the people are called to turne againe unto the lord , chron. . . that the priests and the levites were ashamed and sanctified themselves , vers . . & offered peace-offerings made confession to the lord god of their fathers , vers . . where i understand confession of sinne , according to the law , which appointed confession of sinne to be made with the peace offerings , which confession was signified by laying hands upon the head of the offering lev. . . . . compared with lev. . . and so we find repentance joyned with peace offerings . iudg. . . finally read we not of the peoples preparing of their heart to seeke god at the passeover chro. . . which as it could not be without repentance and examination of their consciences , so hezekiah mentioneth it , as that without which the peoples eating of the passeover , could not have been in any wise accepted . . that it was not a private confession to god alone , but a publike penitentiall confession in the temple , and before the priests , i have before chap. . made it to appear both out of the text , and out of philo the iew. this i adde here . the confession of the sin was made in the place of offering the trespasse offering , before the priest , at the laying on of hands between the horns of the beast , therefore it was not made in secret to god onely : which doth further appear , by the ●awes concerning such and such sacrifices , for such and such sinnes , lev. . and by the restitution which was also joyned with the confession num. . . and it is also cleare from the jewish h canones paenitentiae cap. . & . where we find confession of ●inne to be made both by word of mouth , and publikely before the congregation . . in stead of making my argument a non-sequitur , he makes it a clarè-sequitur : for the first part of it not being taken off , but rather granted by him , because ( as he saith truly ) without confession of sin there is no remission of it , hence the other part must needs follow : for if it was in vaine so much as to sue for pardon in a reconciling ordinance , when the sinne was not confessed ; how much more had it been a taking in vaine of the name of god , & a prophaning of a sealing ordinance , to seale up pardon to a scandalous sinner , who had not so much as confessed his scandalous sin , but continued in manifest impetency ? but we will trie whether his third and last answer can relieve him . it is this : that every particular communicant before he comes to receive the sacrament , makes a publike confession of his sinnes to god with the rest of the congregation , and in words at least , voweth newnesse of life for the future , there being no communicant that ever i heard of ( saith he ) so desperatly wicked and atheisticall , as not to professe heartily sorrow for all his forepast sinnes , or to avow impenitent continuance in them when he came to the lords table . behold , what a latitude ? if the vilest sinner practically persevering in a scandalous sinne , shall but joyne with , and not gainsay the publique confession of the whole congregation ( wherein the best men doe and ought to joyne ) and in words promise newnesse of life ( and who will not promise to endeavour to live better ? ) nay if he have but so much wit , as not to professe or avow impenitency : then m r. prynne alloweth his admission to the sacrament . but is this the confession that my argument did prove ? nothing like it . it was a particular confession of such a sinne by name , levit. . . and it shall he when he shall be guilty in one of these things , that he shall confesse that he hath sinned in that thing : and with the confession there was a reall amendment . for instance , a recompencing of the trespasse with the principall , and the addition of a fifth part , when the case did so require , num. . . then they shall confesse their sinne which they have done , and he shall recompence his trespasse , &c. this is that my argument did drive at , and it still stands in force to conclude that the confession of the particular sinne which hath given publique scandall , i together with the forsaking of it externally and in practice , is so necessary , that without these the admission of a scandalous sinner is a most horrible prophanation of the sacrament . but now finding the argument concerning the passeover and legall uncleannesse to have been more fully prosecuted by erastus than it is by m r. prynne , i doe resolve to trace it hard at the heeles whithersoever it goeth . chap. xi . a confutation of the strongest arguments of erastus , namely , those drawn from the law of moses . among erastus k his arguments against excommunication , three of them , namely , the first , the seventh , and the sixteenth , are all one for the substance , the strength of them lying in this supposition , that the scripture doth not restraine , nor keep off any from the sacrifices nor any other sacraments ( as he speaketh ) of the old testament , because of a wicked or scandalous conversation : but contrariwise commandeth that all the males both jewes and forreiners , being circumcised , and not being legally uncleane , nor in a journey , should compear thrice in the yeere before the lord at ierusalem , to keepe the three solemn feasts , of the passeover , weeks , and tabernacles . now ( saith he ) christ hath not in this thing destroyed nor altered the law of moses , nor hath he made the rule straiter now then it was then : but as then all circumcised , so now all baptized persons must be acknowledged for church members , having a right to partake of church priviledges : and as then there was no discipline or punishment for the flagitious and wicked , except by the hand of the magistrate ; so ought it to be in like manner in the christian church . this argument he trusteth very much unto . and because it is the common opinion , that the excluding and separating of the uncleane under the law , did signifie the excluding of scandalous sinners from communion with the church , he spendeth l a long chapter against that opinion , and laboureth to make it appeare that the legall uncleannesse did signifie the corruption of our nature and unbeliefe ; that exclusion from the temple did signifie exclusion from the heavenly paradice ; and that the cleansing and reception into the temple , did tipyfie the cleansing of our souls , and the turning of us to god by the blood of jesus christ. now here i shall make such animadversions , as shall not onely enervate the strength which these arguments may seem to have against church censures : but also afford some strong reasonings against erastus , from those very grounds rightly apprehended , from which ( upon misapprehensions ) he disputeth against the excluding of scandalous sinners . first , it is certaine that for divers sinnes against the morall law , the sinners were appointed not onely to bring their trespasse-offerings , but to confesse the sinne which they had committed , and to declare their repentance for the same , and till this was done , the trespasse-offering was not accepted . let us but have the like , that is a confession of the sinne , and declaration of repentance , and then men shall not be excluded for scandals formerly given . m erastus himselfe acknowledgeth that in this point of the confession of sinne , the analogy must hold betwixt the old and new testament ; onely he pleadeth , that the very act , the very desiring of the sacrament of the lords supper , is really a confession that he is a sinner who desireth it : and that , much more , it may suffice , if sinners being asked by the minister , confesse themselves to be sinners , and that they have not perfectly kept the commandements of god. but all this , say i , can not satisfie the argument drawn from that confession of sinne under the law. for , . it was not a confession ipso facto , by the bringing of the trespasse-offerings , but by word of mouth , and n thus it hath been expounded by the hebrew doctors . the owners of siune and trespasse-offerings , when they bring their oblations for their ignorant or for their presumptuous sinnes , atonement is not made for them by their oblation , untill they have made repentance , and confession by word of mouth . . it was not a generall confession that one is a sinner , and hath not perfectly kept the commandements of god , ( for who did ever refuse to make such a confession , that were in their right wits ? that limitation is as good as nothing , when we speake of the suspending of any from the lords table . ) but it was a confession of the particular individuall sinne , which had been committed , levit. . . and it shall be when he shall be guilty in one of these things , that he shall confesse that he hath sinned in that thing . marke , in that thing . num. . . then they shall confesse their sinne which they have done . o which law is to be understood of all like sinnes and trespasses , that is , that other sinnes which were expiated by sacrifice , were first to be confessed . all this maketh against erastus . next , whereas he saith p that this confession or declaration of repentance for sinne , in the old testament , had place onely in those sinnes for which the law appointed no particular punishments : and that there was no confession imposed where the magistrate was to punish the crime : this with a great deale of boldnesse and considence ( as his manner is ) he doth maintaine : intending thereby ( it seems ) to exempt from all manner of church-discipline whatsoever is punishable by the civill magistrate , as adultery , perjury , and the like . but that which he affirmeth so strongly , is manifestly contrary to the expresse law , levit. . from vers . . to vers . . where wilfull lying , and perjury , robbing and violence , fraud and couzenage , all these were to be confessed and expiated by sacrifice ; notwithstanding that they were also to be severely punished by the civill magistrate . nay , in that very place it is commanded that what had been violently taken away , or deceitfully gotten , or fraudulently detained , should be restored , and moreover a fifth part added thereto , for a mulct , yet this did not exempt the sinner from making confession . so num. . , , . for one and the same offence the law enjoyneth both that confession be made and expiation ; and moreover that recompence be made to the party injured or to his kinsman . yea the law , num. . , . speaketh universally ; when a man or woman shall commit any sinne that men commit , &c. then they shall confesse their sinne which they have done . which made the hebrews extend this law to criminall and capitall cases , as m r. ainsworth upon the place noteth out of these words of maimony . likewise , all condemned to death by the magistrates , or condemned to stripes ; no atonement is made for them by their death , or by their stripes , untill they have repented and confessed . and so he that hurteth his neighbour , or doth him dammage , though he payeth him what ever he oweth him , atonement is not made for him till he confesse . therfore erastus is still a double loser in arguing from the law of moses . it proves not what he would , and it doth prove what he would not . thirdly , men were kept from the sanctuary of the lord , not onely for ceremoniall , but for morall uncleannesse , i meane for publique and scandalous sinnes against the morall law. ezech. . , . god was offended when such proselytes were brought into his sanctuary , as were either uncircumcised in flesh , or uncircumcised in heart ; that is , whose practise or conversation did declare them to be uncircumcised in heart : else the lord would not have challenged those who brought such proselytes into his sanctuary , if their uncircumcision of heart had not been externally manifested , so that it might be perceived by his people ; according to that psalm . . the transgression of the wicked saith within my heart , that there is no feare of god before his eyes . to the same purpose we read ezra . . not that all proselytes , nor all uncircumcised , but onely all such as had seperate themselves from the filthinesse of the heathen of the land , to seeke the lord god of israel , did eate of the passeover . moreover we may argue by a necessary consequence from scripture . the ceremoniall uncleannesse was a cause of exclusion from the sanctuary , and from the holy things . therefore much more morall uncleannesse . it was more sinfull in its selfe , and more abominable in gods sight for those who did steale , murder , commit adultery , sweare falsely , and burne incense to baal , to come and tread in the courts of the house of the lord , and to offer sacrisices there , as if gods house had been a denne of robbers , isa. . , , , . ierem. . , , . this i say was more abominable to god then if he that had touched a dead body , or had come into the tent where a man died , should have come unto the tabernacle in his legall uncleannesse . therefore when christ casteth out the buyers and sellers out of the temple , it is not for ceremoniall but morall uncleannesse , and he applieth to them the words of ieremiah , ye have made it a denne of theeves , matth. . . with ierem. . . and as it was more sinfull to the person , and more hatefull to god , so it was more hurtfull to the soules of others , who were in greater danger of infection from the morall , then from the ceremoniall uncleannesse . this q erastus denieth indeed , but his expression is unsavoury and unholy , which i am ashamed to repeat . sure the apostle speaketh farre othewise heb. . , . lest any root of bitternesse sp●…inging up trouble you , and thereby many be defiled ; lest there be any fornicator , or prophane person , as esan . a prophane or scandalous person defileth , you see , many others : and sinne was of a defiling nature under the old testament , as well as under the new . i meane a root of bitternesse not plucked up , a prophane person not censured , doth defile others , as well as himselfe . both peter and iude have told us , that scandalous persons are spots and blemishes in the communion of saints , pet. . . iude vers . . so that as erastus granteth , that one legally uncleane could make others legally uncleane among whom he came , and therefore was kept off from fellowship and company with the congregation of gods people : it must likewise be granted , that scandalous persons are to be suspended from the sacred communion of the christian church , because if they should be admitted , the church should be thereby sinfully defiled . for if the saying god speed to a false teacher make us partakers of his evill deeds iohn . how much more doth the admitting of such or the like scandalous sinners to the lords table make ( i say not all who communicate then and there , but ) all who consent to their admission , to be partakers of their evill deeds . fourthly , whereas r erastus holdeth that the exclusion of the uncleane under the law , did onely typyfie something which is to come to passe in the life to come , that is , the shutting forth of sinners from the heavenly paradice , if they be not washed from their silthynesse by the blood of jesus christ : and therefore ought not to be unto us any argument for the exclusion of scandalous sinners . i answer , if the shutting out from heaven was the onely thing signified , and if there be a fit analogy or proportion between the type and the thing typified , then . one may be in heaven and cast out againe , and in and out againe , as under the law one might be many times admitted to the temple and shut out againe . . it would also follow , that there is some other exclusion greater then the exclusion from heaven , as under the law there was a greater exclusion than the exclusion from the sanctuary , and that was to be cast out from the company and conversation of gods people : s for though every uncleannesse which did exclude one from the company of the israelites , did also exclude him from the sanctuary ; yet every uncleannesse which did exclude one from the sanctuary , did not exclude him from the company of the israelites . even as now among us , suspension from the lords table is not the greatest and worst exclusion , but there is another greater then that . thus you see erastus could not make his type agree with his antitype . whence it doth further appeare that the exclusion of the uncleane under the law , did teach and hold forth somewhat in a politicall sence , touching the communion and fellowship of the church in this life . whatsoever it might signifie more , i will not now dispute , but this it did signifie . and this i shall so farre make good , that i shall at once both answer erastus , and propound a strong argument for the keeping off from the holy things those that are morally aud scandalously encleane . first , let it be remembered that i have proved already from heb. . , . pet. . . iude vers . . that the people of god are defiled by communion and fellowship with scandalous sinners . in the second place consider that prophecy , isa. . . put on thy beautifull garments , o jesusalem , the holy city : for henceforth there shall no more come into thee the uncircumcised aud the uncleane . that whole chapter is a prophecy concerning the condition of the church in the new testament , as is evident by six parallels at least . vers. . with rom. . . vers. . with rom. . . vers. . with luke . . the beginning of vers. . with revel . . . the following part of vers. . with cor. . . vers. . with rom. . . neither is it the church invisible , but the church visible , for vers. . is applied to the calling of the gentiles rom. . . and vers. . to the churches open separation from babylon , revel . . . it is also the church ministeriall vers. , , . how beautifull upon the mountaines are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings , &c. thy watchmen shall lift up the voyce , &c. be ye cleane that beare the vessels of the lord. it remaines to consider what is meant by the uncleane , vers. . it cannot be meant of legall uncleannesse ( the ceremoniall law being abolished ) nor of the hid uncleannesse of close hypocrites ( for in that sence it is onely the priviledge of the church triumphant , that no uncleane thing , nor no hypocrite shall enter there . ) it must therefore be meant of such as are visibly or scandalously uncleane . and when it is said , there shall no more come into thee the uncircumcised , and the uncleane , it must be understood respective , the uncircumcised , signifying such as are not fit to be at all church-members : the uncleane signifying such as are not fit to have communion in the holy things : for so these two were distinguished under the law. thirdly , there is another place which ( to me ) puts it out of controversie , cor. : , , , . where the apostle exhorteth believers to avoyd all intime conversation or fellowship with unbelievers , by marrying with them , by going to the idoll temples , or the like ; he concludeth with a manifest allusion to the legall ceremony , be ye separate , and touch not the uncleane thing , or the uncleane things as the syriacke hath it . and what agreement hath the temple of god with idols , vers. . where the syriack readeth thus : and what agreement hath the temple of god with the temple of divels ? remember , would the apostle say , that as under the law , the touching or eating of uncleane things made those that touched them , or did eate of them to be uncleane ; so doth your fellowship with unbelievers , or your eating in their idoll temples defile you . and as then those that had touched any unclean thing were not received into the sanctuary , so i will not receive you into fellowship with me and my people , saith the lord , except you be separate from the sonnes of belial . therefore touch not the uncleane thing , and i will receive you : which is not spoken of receiving us into heaven , but of receiving us into the tabernacle of god in this life , as is manifest by levit. . , . the place cited by the apostle in the words immediately preceding . and i will set my tabernacle among you , and my soule shall not abhorre you . and i will walke among you , and will be your god , and ye shall be my people . and in this manner , god saith he will not receive us , except we avoid fellowship with the workers of iniquity , especially in holy things . i shall adde fourthly , for further cleering of this point in hand , peters vision , and the interpretation thereof act . & . a passage cited by erastus pag. , . while he is proving , that the thing signified by the legall uncleannesse , was onely the corruption and infidelity of nature which excludeth a sinner from heaven . the place is so farre from proving what he would , that it proveth the contrary ; for it speaketh plainly of that uncleannesse which excludeth men from fellow-ship with the saints in this life ; from companying together , from eating together . and when peter expoundeth the vision , he saith , ye know how that it is an unlawfull thing for a man that is a jew to keep company , or to come unto one of another nation : but god hath shewed me that i should not call any man common or unclean , meaning for being a gentile and not a iew. act. . . you see , the not eating nor touching of unclean beasts , birds , and creeping things ( such as peter saw in the vision ) was understood by the people of god , as forbidding their association or fellowship in this world with heathens , or irreligious persons , and such as walked not according to the law. and in this sence the law was understood , not onely by peter , but generally by the jews act. . . gal. . . nay fifthly , the legall uncleannesse , in the sence of the jewes , did signifie not onely such things as did exclude others from fellow-ship with them , but such as did exclude the jewes themselves from the holy things . therefore it is said io. . . they themselves went not into the judgement hall , lest they should be defiled : but that they might eat the passeover : intimating that if they had gone into the house of an uncircumcised man , or had upon such a day gone into the judgement hall about a litigious action , they had been unclean , and so might not eat the passeover . whether it were the coming into the house of pilate , he being a man uncircumcised ; or t whether it were ( which i rather think ) a litigious action upon a holy-day , which might have defiled them : this is plaine , that they thought there was a morall uncleannesse ( signified by the ceremoniall uncleanesse ) which might keep men from the passeover . the fifth animadversion shall be this : whereas erastus holdeth pag. . that under the law every one was judged cleane or uncleane , according to his owne judgement and conscience , aud not according to the priests , the lepers onely excepted ; also that when a man had committed any sinne , it was in the free will of the sinner to expiate his sinne when he pleased , and he was no way compelled to it . i answer , if every uncleane person except the leper was allowed to judge and pronounce himself cleane when he pleased , then to what purpose did u that law serve lev. . . . or that whoever was uncleane and had not purified himself , was not to be admitted to come into the tabernacle , and if he presumed to come , he was to be cut off from the congregation num. ? by erastus his principles no man should have been cut off , if he had pleaded himself not to be uncleane ; and how many would doe so , if that could save them from being cut off ? is it not also plaine from levit. . . . . that both men and women who were uncleane by their issues , ( not by leprosie ) were to bring an offering to the priest for their cleansing , otherwise were not to be accounted cleane , but lookt upon as defilers of the tabernacle in their uncleannesse , whatever they might thinke of themselves . so women that were unclean after child-birth , had not power to pronounce themselves cleane , and were not free to come to the sanctuary when they pleased , but they were first to bring a sinne offering , and the priest was to make atonement for them lev. . . . . there was a certaine number of dayes appointed for the cleansing , both of women after child-birth , and of men who had an issue , yea , when the dayes of the cleansing were full-filled , they were not free to come unto the tabernacle , except they brought their offering for atonement . lev. . . . & . v. . . . philo the jew de vita mosis lib. . pag. . tells us there was a certaine definit time , till the expiring whereof , those that were uncleane by a dead body , were excluded from the temple . iosephus antiq . iud. lib. . cap. . records the like , not onely of lepers , but of those that had an issue , or were defiled by the dead , that till the set time was fulfilled , all these were kept back from the congregration . the other thing which erastus saith , that it was left free to the sinner to expiate his sinne when he pleased , doth no better agree with the word . for it was commanded that upon the very knowledge of the sinne , the trespasse offering should be brought , and the sinne confessed levit. . . . & . . . . sixthly , whereas erastus pag. . urgeth the universall law , by which all are commanded to keep the passeover except the uncleane , and those in a journey , therefore all others ( how flagitious or scandalous soever in their lives ) were bound to keep it ; i answer . who knows not , that many universalls in scripture are to be restricted , and not to be understood as the words at first sound ? as io. . . every man at the beginning doth set forth good wine , that is every master of a feast luk. . . doth not each one of you on the sabbath lose his oxe or his asse ; that is each one that hath an oxe or an asse ; io. . . all that ever came before me were theeves and robbers , meaning whoever before him did make himself the true doore , by which the sheep must enter in . so ioel. . . i will poure out my spirit upon all flesh , yet not upon all and every one , but upon those onely whom he receiveth in covenant . rev. . . and all that dwell upon the earth shall worship him ( the beast ) whose names are not written in the booke of life ; yet there have been many reprobates who neither worshipped the pope nor knew him : but it is meant of all under the power of the beast . so when all are commanded to keep the passeover , it must be understood of all sit persons , and such as were not to be excepted . you will say the law excepteth none , but the unclean , and those in a journey , therefore all others not excepted were to keep it ; for where an exception is made from an universall rule , that rule is the more sure and certaine concerning all other particulars not excepted . to that i answer , erastus himself addeth another exception , and that is , of the sick who could not be present . the hebrewes make divers other exceptions , for they say , women and servants are not bound to appear : but all men are bound except the deaf , and the dumb , and the foole , and the little-child and the blinde , and the lame , and the defiled , and the uncircumcised ; and the old man , and the sick , and the tender and weake which are not able to goe up on their feet . all these eleven are discharged &c. see ainsworth on exo. . . and compare this with maimonides de idolol . ch●o . . sect. . where he that hearkens to sooth-sayers , wizards , charmers , and the like , is said to be reckoned among fooles and children whose reason is imperfect . therefore these were to be excepted as well as fools and children , and so were other scandalous persons , which i shall prove anon . a seventh animadversion shall be this . erastus in these arguments of his from the law , doth confound sacraments with sacrifices ( as i touched in the beginning ) yea , x he argueth expressely , that whoever were admitted to expiate their sinne by sacrifices , were thereby admitted to sacraments , because ( saith he ) all these sacrifices were true sacraments . so he speaketh in other places , that he might seeme to dispute the more appositely for promiscuous admission to the sacrament of the lord supper . y but sacrifices and sacraments are as different as giving and receiving . in sacrifices man is the giver , god is the receiver . in sacraments god is the giver , man is the receiver . in sacrifices peace is made with god. in sacraments it is sealed and supposed to be made . they therefore that hold the passeover was a sacrifice ( an opinion partly grounded on deut. . . and partly taken from the jewes dispersed , who though they observe divers paschall rites , yet they doe not kill the paschall lambe , nor keep the passeover according to the law , it being to them unlawfull to offer sacrifices , except in the land of canaan ) have the shorter evasion from erastus his argument touching the admission to the passeover . but i have given other answers . and this much shall suffice for answer to the erastian arguments drawn from the law of moses , which some suppose to be the strongest . chap. xii . fourteen arguments , to prove that scandalous and presumptuous offenders against the morall law ( though circumcised and not being legally uncleane ) were excluded from the passeover . there is so much weight laid , both by erastus himself , and by master prynne , upon the universall law commanding all that were circumcised to eat the passeover , except such as were legally uncleane , or were in a journey : that i am resolved , once for all , to demonstrate against them , that men were excluded from the passeover , for scandalous and enormous trespasses against the morall law , as well as for legall uncleannesse . peradventure it will seeme to some , that i undertake to prove a paradox , and to walke in an untrodden or obscure path. yet my arguments are such , as i trust shall weigh much with intelligent men . the first argument shall be this . ( which is hinted by ursinus and pareus explic. catechit . quest. . art . . ) whosoever by gods appointment were excluded from the priviledges of church members , and not to be reckoned among the congregation of israel , those were by gods appointment excluded from the passeover . but whosoever committed any scandalous sinne presumptuously , or with an high hand , were by gods appointment excluded from the priviledges of church members and not to be reckoned among the congregation of israel . ergo. the proposition hath this manifest reason for it . those all who were commanded to eat the passeover , cannot be understood to be of a larger extent then the church of israel : those therefore who were not to be acknowledged or used as church-members , were by gods appointment excluded from the passeover . the assumption is proved from numb . . . but the soule that doth ought presumptuously ( whether he be born in the land , or a stranger ) the same reproacheth the lord , and that soule shall be cut off from among his people , because he hath despised the word of the lord , and hath broken his commandement , that soule shall utterly be cut off : his iniquity shall be upon him . the presumption here spoken of , is not onely the presumption of heart ( saith cajetan ) of which god onely is judge , but a presumption manifested in word or work , which he conceives to be intimated by the hebrew phrase , with an high hand . grotius understands one that either denyes that there is a god , or that the law was given by god , or after admonition goeth on in his trespasse . but sure he mistakes the punishment , which he understands to be extrajudiciall , and that he who finds one thus sinning presumptuously , may kill him ex jure zelotarum , as phinehes did kill zi●…i and cosbi . i have spoken before of the cutting off , which i will not here resume . onely this , such presumptuous and contumacious sinners were not to be reckoned among the people of god , nor to enjoy the priviledge of church members , therefore not admitted to the passeover . secondly , iosephus de bello iud. lib. . cap. . speaking of such as were permitted to eat the passeover , in the time of cestius , doth thus designe them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being all of them pure and holy , not onely pure from legall uncleannesse , but such as were also esteemed holy . but moreover , it is clear from io. . , they themselves ( the jewes ) went not into the judgement hall lest they should be defiled : but that they might eat the passeover : that the jewes did so understand the law , that morall as well as ceremoniall uncleannesse , did render them uncapable of the passeover : for they had no such ceremoniall law , that they who come into the judgement hall , should be legally or ceremonially uncleane : yet this had disabled them from eating the passeover : for they held litigious or forensicall actions unlawfull upon a holy day as capellus , and casaubon ( above cited ) doe prove . such a finfull and scandalous act had kept them back from the passeover . thirdly , if we consult the chaldee paraphrase upon exod. . . it saith thus . every sonne of israel , who is an apostate , shall not eat of it . and upon the same place master ainsworth proves out of maimonides that no apostate nor idolater was permitted to eat of the passeover . yea , some israelites who were not apostates , nor idolaters , were for a seandalous action excluded from civill , how much more from ecclesiasticall fellow-ship ? see maimon ; of idolatry cap. . sect. . with an israelite , who hath made defection to the worship of idolls , it is forbidden to have traffique or commerce either in his going or returning : with another israelite going to the markets and faires of heathens , we are onely forbidden to have commerce in his returning . if it was unlawfull to them , so much as to have civill commerce with an israelite coming from the markets of heathens ( fearing lest he had sold some what which was dedicate to idolatry , as the reason is there given ) although he was no apostate nor idolater : it is not easily ●imaginable , that such a one was freely admitted to the passeover . fourthly , an israelite though circumcised , and not legally uncleane , yet if he either turned idolater , or an heretick , or an epicurean , was no longer acknowledged to be in church-fellowship or communion , therefore rendred uncapable of the passeover . is. abrabanel in his book de capite fidei , as he sheweth whom they esteemed apostats or hereticks cap. . so he also intimateth that such were excluded from the communion of their law cap. . dub . . none being acknowledged to be in the communion of israel , who did not beleeve the articles of faith professed in the jewish church cap. . yea , he tells us cap. . ( which the talmud it self saith ●…it . sanhedrin . cap. . sect. . ) that hereticall or epicurean israelites were lookt upon as excluded from having portion in the world to come . and as doctor buxtorf sheweth out of their owne writers , they esteemed an hereticall israelite to be so abominable , that they did straight and without delay excommunicate him . lexic . chald. talm. & rabbin . pag. . how is it then imaginable that they admitted such a one to eat the passeover ? let us heare r. moses maimonides himself de idololatria cap. . sect. . an idolatrous israelite is as an heathen in all things which he doth &c. so also israelites who are epicures are not esteemed to be israelites in any action of theirs &c. now they are epicures who aske counsell from the thoughts of their own mind , being ignorant of those things we have spoken of , untill having transgressed the chief heads of the law , they offend by contumacy and presumption , and say there is no sinne in this thing . but it is forbidden to speake with them or to answer them ; for it is said , come not neer the door of her house prov. . . therefore the whorish woman that solomon speakes of , was ( in the opinion of maimonides ) such a one as was not to be esteemed as an israelite , nay nor such as was to be spoken with , much lesse to be admitted to the passeover . yea , maimonides de idal . cap. . sect. . saith yet more . but those israelites which forsake their religion , or become epicures we are bidden kill them and persecute them even unto hell . how could they then admit to the passeover those whom they thought themselves obliged to persecute even unto hell ? fifthly , those arguments which prove an exclusion of known prophane persons from the temple , will also prove an exclusion of known prophane persons from the passeover : for none might eat of the passeover , who might not also come into the temple . that scandalous prophane persons might not come into the temple , hath been proved already . sixthly , i argue from the lesser to the greater . if men were to be kept back for legall uncleannesse , much more for morall uncleannesse , this being more hatefull to god and more hurtfull to men then the other . this just consequence grotius annot . in luk. . . doth admit . if by the law saith he , one that was leprous or had a filthy scab , was separated from mens company , lest he should infect others , it was no ill consequence . that ( if no heavier thing ) this at least should be imposed on flagitious & wicked persons , who did by the contagion of their sinfull example hurt others , & bring a reproach upon the whole congregation from which the congregation could not be made free , but by some publik detestation of that wickednes ▪ thus groti : seventhly , the purging out of leven from the congregation of israel , was a significant teaching ceremony ▪ holding forth this duty , that the church ought to put away wicked persons from among them ; for so doth the apostle expound it . cor. . vers . . . know ye not that a little leaven leaveneth the whole lumpe ? purge out therefore the old leaven . which relateth not onely to the purging of their own hearts , but to the purging of the church , and the putting away of that wicked person , this being the scope of the whole chapter . now the morall signification of that ceremony of purging out the leaven , did concerne the church of israel as well as the christian church ; even as the divers washings under the law did teach and hold forth the duty of sanctification and purity to the people of god at that time , as well as typifie the sanctification of the christian church . eighthly , though the hallowed bread might in case of necessity be lawfully given to david and his men , ( the ceremonials of the first table yeelding to the substantials of the second ) yet abimelech the priest would not adventure to give it , till he understood that the young men had then kept themselves at least from women , sam. . , , . this being a part of that sanctification which was required in those who did partake of holy things , not onely among the hebrews , but among other nations , as hugo grotius noteth upon the place , and upon exod. . . now the shew-bread , or the twelve loaves which did shew or present the people to god , can not be supposed to be holier then the paschall lambe which did shew or present christ to the people , and was a sacrament or seale of the covenant of grace . david also and his men in that danger of their lives had as good right to eate the shew-bread , as any israelite could pretend to for his eating the passeover : yea that was a substantiall duty of the second table , which christ himselfe justifieth : this was a ceremoniall duty of the first table , and grounded on a positive law . this therefore doth afford me an argument with manifold advantages . for if the shew-bread might not be given to david and his men in their extreame necessity , unlesse they had for a certaine space before abstained from the use of their wives , otherwise lawfull : how much lesse might the passeover be given as an holy ordinance ( which did not concern the saving of mens lives in extreame necessity ) to scandalous persons living in known whordome and adultery ? ninthly , i argue from that place , ezech ▪ . . her priests have violated my law and have prophaned mine holy things : they have put no difference between the holy and prophane . will any man say , that they were to put a difference between the holy and prophane in other ordinances , and not in the passeover ? and why not in the passeover , as well as in other ordinances ? if such difference was to be put in the passeover , then how shall one imagine that no man was kept backe from the passeover because of known prophanesse or morall uncleannesse ? for what difference was put between the holy and prophane , when the prophane were received as well as the holy ? m r coleman held that this text reacheth not to the keeping pure of the ordinances by any act of government , but onely that the priests did prophane the holy things in their owne practice , by eating in their uncleannesse , and also in their ministery because they taught not the children of israel to put a difference between the cleane and the uncleane . maledicis pag. . but the text gives not the least ground to restraine this fault of the priests here reproved , either to their personall actions , or to their doctrinall ministery . nay the text will reach to an act of government neglected ; for the word here used to expresse the distinguishing or putting of a difference between the holy and prophane is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is often used in scripture to expresse an act of government or authority , whereby one person is separated or distinguished from another person , or one thing from another thing , as ezra . . then i separated twelve of the chiefe of the priests , &c. ezra . . all his substance should be forfeited , and himselfe separated from the congregation . here it signifieth such a separation , as was a publique censure : why not also ezech. . ? the same word is used in the story of the division of the land by ioshua , iosh. . . and the separate cities for the children of ephraim . it is used also to expresse gods dividing of light from darknesse , genes . . . also his separating of israel from all other nations , levit. . . and whereas m r coleman did take hold of the following words in that place of ezechiel , neither have they shewed difference between the uncleane and the cleane , as being meerly doctrinall . first , ( if it were so ) how will it appeare that these words are exegeticall to the former , and that the putting of difference between the holy and prophane , mentioned in the former words , was onely meant of shewing the difference doctrinally ? or why may we not rather understand , that the priests are charged with neglect of duty both in doctrine and government . secondly , even that latter word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fecerunt scire , the septuagints render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and they use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as synonymous with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : by all these ( signifying to separate or to divide ) they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yea the septuagints expresse a forensicall censure or judiciall separation by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as ezra . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so that when they retalne the same word in rendering 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this text of ezekiel , they doe thereby intimate that the latter word will reach a power which was more then doctrinall , as well as the former . which i doe the rather assert , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken by the septuagints ( not seldome ) as agreeing in signification with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de voluntate sua certiorem reddidit , constituit , decrevit : so that it will reach the making of others to know a thing , not onely doctrinally , but by rules , canons , statutes , and government . yea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will reach the teaching or making men to know by censures or punishments inflicted , as iudg. . . gedeon tooke briars and thornes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pagnin , & confregit . and he brake with these the men of succoth . hierome , & contrivit . the septuagints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comminui●… . the english translation , and with these be taught ( in the margent made to know ) the men of succoth . for this signification of the word , namely conterere , arias montanus in his hebrew lexicon citeth isa. . . ezech. . . so conteri psalm . . prov. . . upon this last place mercerus tels us that the hebrews doe not onely admit this sence of that text , but in other places also take the same word pro confringi . so that without the least violence to the text in ezekiel it may be thus read ; they have not separated ( or put difference ) between the holy and prophane , neither have they broken ( or divided ) between the uncleane and the cleane . the latter part seemeth to charge the priests with the admission of such as were legally uncleane ; the former part , with the admission of such as were morally uncleane or prophane , to such ordinances as were appointed onely for the holy and cleane . tenthly , heathens or strangers who were not proselytes of the covenant or of righteousnessè , were not permitted to eate of the passeover . now one that is by profession a church member , but living in prophanesse and scandalous wickednesse , ought to be esteemed as an heathen , matth. . . yea as worse than an infidell , tim. . . hence was it that the word heathen was used for an irreligious or wicked man , as is observed by mathias martinius in lexic. philol . pag. . . and as a discriminating name from believers ; so zonaras in cone . carthag . can. . when david speaks of his persecuting wicked enemies , though israelites , he cals them strangers and heathen , psal. . . psal. . . how then can it be supposed , that those who were esteemed as heathens , were admitted to all church priviledges , as well as the best israelites ? eleventhly , that which was among the jewes a sufficient cause to deny circumcision to him who desired to be admitted and received into the jewish church as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ger ben berith , a proselyte , sonne of the covenant , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ger tsedeck , a proselyte of righteousnesse , was also a sufficient cause to deny the passeover to a proselyte who desired to eate it . even as now that for which we may and ought to refuse baptisme to one that desireth it , must needs be also a cause and reason to refuse the lords supper to him that desireth to receive it ; for he that is not fit to be baptized , is much lesse fit to receive the lords supper . but prophanesse or a scandalous conversation was among the jewes a sufficient cause and reason to refuse circumcision . yea as d r buxtorf tels us in lexic . chald. talm. & rabbin . pag. . before the jewes would circumcise or baptize a proselyte ( for after circumcision they did baptize him ) they did first examine him exactly , and prove him narrowly , whether he desired to be a proselyte , from covetousnesse , ambition , feare , the love of an israelitish virgin , or the like sinister end . if upon examination it did appeare that he was not moved by any worldly consideration , but by affection to religion and the glory of god , then they proceeded to set before his eyes the strictnesse of the law , and how strait and narrow a path he must walke in , telling him also of the persecutions and tribulations of israel . if after all this triall they found him stedfast in his desires and resolutions , then they received him , he being first instructed in the articles of their faith , and in the commandements of the law. how much lesse would they have circumcised a scandalous person , being so farre from any hopefull signes of sincerity , that he had the blacke markes of a worker of iniquity ? and if they would not receive such a scandalous flagitious person to circumcision , how could they receive such a one ( being circumcised ) to the passeover ? twelfthly , compare ezra . . with ezra . , . first it is marked ezra . . that such proselytes did eate the passeover with the children of israel , as had separated themselves unto them from the silthinesse of the heathen of the land , to seeke the lord god of israel . if those who did eate were thus qualified , it is not obscurely intimated , that those who were not thus qualified did not eate . and if no proselyte who did not separate himselfe from the filthinesse of the heathen , was allowed to eat the passeover , then muchlesse was an israelite who did not separate himselfe from the silthynesse of the heathen , allowed to eat it . i like well beda his observation upon ezra . , . israel was purged from unlawfull marriages , and the strange wives put away ; and this worke was ended against the beginning of the first moneth , to the intent that none defiled with unlawfull mariages might eate the passeover , ut ante initium mensis primi consummarentur omnes qui prophano erant connubio maculati , id est a tali scelere purgarentur , quatenus ipsum mensem primum in quo erat pascha faciendum , mundi intrarent , mundi paschalia festa peragerent &c. thirteenthly , i argue from the signification of the legall or ceremoniall uncleannesse , and from that which was signified by the exclusion of those that were legally uncleane . without all controversie the keeping backe of such , was a significant ceremony . for all the legall ceremonies concerning cleannesse or uncleannesse were teaching ceremonies , and are therefore called doctrines , matth. . . col. . . what was taught and signified thereby , i have before shewed , namely , that prophane ones be not admitted to fellowship with gods people in their holy things . yea , was not prophannesse and open wickednesse more hatefull to god than legall uncleannesse ? yes saith erastus pag. . because god appointed greater punishments for the former then for the latter : the greater crimes were punished by fire and sword , stoning , hanging ; the smaller by mulcts , and stripes . but yet ( say i ) by his grounds the legall uncleannesse was more hatefull to god than prophanesse and wickednesse , in reference to fellowship in the holy things , ( for that is the point ) he holds that the most flagitious and prophane were commanded of god to eate the passeover , and yet those that were onely iegally uncleane were forbidden : though the scripture say , prov. . . & . . that the sacrifice of the wicked is abomination to the lord , and the oblations of those whose hands were full of blood , his soule hated , and he could not away with them ▪ isa. . , , , . and when they came to his house , he told them , when ye come to appeare before me , who hath requird this at your hands , to tread my courts ? i shall not need to insist here , upon the excluding of bond servants , and those that were bought with money , from the passeover , and the admitting onely of those that were free . which z some of the zurik divines themselves have interpreted to signifie the exclusion of those who are servants of sinne , and of those who seeke onely the things of the earth . but there is one argument more ( it shall be the last ) which doth convince me , that others besides the uncircumcised , and they that were legally uncleane , even those that had scandalously transgressed the morall law , were excluded from the passeover . the ground of my argument is that whereof i have spoken before , the law for confession of sinne and declaration of repentance ; without which the trespasse-offering was not accepted levit. . , . which law is extended to every knowne sinne that was to be expiated by sacrifice , numb . . , . when a man or woman shall commit any sinne that men commit , to doe a trespasse against the lord ( the read , and despising he despise ; to note rebellion or co●macy ) and that person be guilty ( that is be found guilty , or when the sinne shall be known , so the phrase of being guilty is explained , levit. . , . ) then they shall confesse their sinne which they have done . after which followes restitution to the party wronged , and atonement made by the priest. whence i argue thus . if the scandalous persons were not admited to the trespasse offering ( which was a reconciling ordinance ) without confession of their sinne , which was knowne to have been committed by them , much lesse were they admitted to the passeover ( which was a sealing ordinance ) without such confession of their sinne . but scandalous persons were not admitted to the trespasse-offering , ( which was a reconciling ordinance ) without confession of their sinne which was known to have been committed by them . therefore much lesse were they admitted to the passeover , ( which was a sealing ordinance ) without such comession . this argument i did before chap. . vindicate from m r. prynne . i will here further strengthen it , and vindicate it from another exception , which peradventure will be made against it . the proposition is certaine : for some are called to make their peace with god , who can not have any assurance sealed unto them , that their peace is made with god ; but if god will not be reconciled , he will farre lesse seale reconciliation . there is no peace to the wicked saith god , how much lesse can their peace be sealed to them ? the assumption is manifest from the scriptures last cited . and if any shall say that the law , levit. . is meant onely of private sinnes , and those of ignorance , which so soon as they come to knowledge , are to be confessed : i answer . . it s more then can be proved , that onely private sinnes and those of ignorance are there meant of . of this i have spoken elsewhere . but be it so . if some private sinnes , yea sinnes of ignorance were to be publiquely confessed when they were known , how much more were publique and scandalous sins to be publiquely confessed ? . the hebrews understand the law of confession to be extended to all sinnes whatsoever that were expiated by sacrifice , and that before atonement could be made , the sinner must make confession and say , o god i have sinned , and done perversely , i have trespassed before thee , and have done thus and thus : and lo i repent and am ashamed of my doings , and i will never doe this thing againe . . in all sacrifices for atonement or expiation a man laid his hand upon the head of his offering , levit. . . exod. . , , . this laying on of hands was the rite used in confession of sinne , whereby a man did professe that he was worthy to be destroyed for his sinne , and that he laid his sinne upon the beast which was killed in his stead , thereby figuring that upon christ are laid the iniquities of us all . and with the laying on of hands upon the sacrifice , confession of sinne was made by word of mouth ; which as it is the judgement of a interpreters , so it is easily proved from levit. . . and aaron shall lay both his hands upon the head of the live goat , and confesse over him all the iniquities of the children of israel , and all their transgressions in all their sinnes , putting them upon the head of the goat . whereupon i conclude , that any sinne which was expiated by sacrifice , whether a publique or secret offence , was confessed before it was expiated . . the law numb . . . extends confession to any sinne that men commit , as hath been before observed . . philippus gamachaeus a learned doctor of sorbon , comment . in tertiam partem thomae , de paenitentiae sacramento cap. . doth ingenuously acknowledge , that the foresaid law of moses , concering confession of sinne , is no warrant for their private auricular , and sacramentall confession , b because the jewes were not by that law bound to confesse any other sinnes , but sinfull actions or externall transgressions , nor all such , but chiefly the notorious and scandalous sinnes . if he had perceived the least colour of an argument , from that mosaicall law , for the necessity of confessing private sinnes to the priest , surely he had taken hold of it , and had not quit it . chap. xiii . master prynnes argument from cor. . ( which he takes to be unanswerable ) discussed and confuted . master prynne in the . page of his vindication endeavoureth to prove , that spirituall pollution by reason of grosse and scandalous sinnes , did not debaree them that were circumcised from the passeover . as paul ( saith he ) expressely determines cor. . . to . ( an unanswerable text to this purpose ) moreover brethren i would not that ye should be ignorant that : ( the text saith how that ) all our fathers were under the cloud , and all passed through the sea , & were all baptized unto moses in the cloud & in the sea ; and did all eat the same spirituall meat ( to wit the passeover and manna ) and did : all drinke of the same spirituall drinke , for they dranke of the rock that followed them , and that rock was christ. but perhaps all these communicants were visible saints , free from any legall pollution , at least not tainted with any scandalous sinne : the apostle to take off this evasion , subjoynes , in the very next words . but with many of them , god was not well pleased , &c. so that the israelites being once circumcised , were all admitted to eat the passeover , though some of them were idolaters , others lusters after evill things ; others fornicators , others tempters of christ ; others murmurers against god and moses . the same argument he hinteth pag. . to prove the like under the gospell . it 's one of erastus his argments , confirm . thes. pag. . . and as colourable as any other , yet not unanswerable as master prynne holds . for . though he saith the apostle cleerly determines , that those who were tainted with grosse and scandalous sinnes , were admitted to the passeover ; yet i finde nothing of the passeover , neither in the text , nor in the sence of any interpreter which i have looked upon . nay , it did not so much as fall in the thoughts of erastus himself ; for beza having objected to him that he ought to have compared our sacraments with the purely sacred feasts in the old testament rather than with the manna , and with the water of the rock , which were for corporall nourishment ; erastus replyeth nothing concerning the passeover ( which had been his best answer if he had seen any probability for it , ) onely he saith that he compareth our sacraments with the manna and the water of the rock , as the apostle doth before him . . the text it self seemeth rather to determine clearly , that the passeover is not there intended for all the other particulars there mentioned did agree to all the israelites , men , women , and children : all these were under the cloud , and all these passed through the sea , and all these drank of the water of the rock ; and why shall we not understand , that all these did also eat of the same spirituall meat , that is of the manna , not of the passeover , of which women and children under yeares of age did not eat : neither did all the males above yeares eat of it ▪ for the unclean were excluded by the law : those that were in a journey did not eat of it nor the hired servant : the sick saith erastus did not eat of it : the jewes exclude also the dumbe and the deaf . if it be said , that vers . . speaketh onely of the fathers , and that therefore the text is not to be understood of women and children also . i answer , this is as inconsequent , as if one would argue , paul saith men , brethren , and fathers , therefore no women were among that multitude of the people act. . . . . . or thus , the apostle saith brethren pray for us , therefore he desires not beleeving sisters to pray for him . in this same text in hand , the apostle speakes to the whole church of corinth , to make them afraid of gods judgements if they sinne as the israelites did . if he had argued onely from the sinne and judgement of the men , and not also of the women in the wildernesse , the women in corinth had so much the lesse applyed it to themselves . but if i should grant ( which will never be proved ) that by the fathers are understood the men onely , yet it cannot be said that as all the men of israel were baptized in the cloud and sea , and all of them drank of the same spirituall drink which came out of the rock , so all of them did eat the passeover ▪ for even of the males divers were excluded from the passeover , as the unclean , the hired servant , the child , the sick , &c. so that this would make the apostles argumentation running upon a five-fold all to hang ill together . i had not insisted at all upon this , but to shew the weak grounds of m r. prynnes strong confidence . . if this argument of his hold good , he must grant by analogy that all baptized persons must be admitted to the lords table , though they be idolaters , fornicators , &c. which as it is contrary to the ordinance of parliament , so to his own professed tenents , for he professeth otherwhere , he is not for the admission of scandalous persons to the sacrament , and that he would have them in case of obstinacy , not onely suspended from the sacrament , but excommunicated from all other ordinances , till publike satisfaction given for the scandall , and till externall symptomes of repentance appear . so the antidote animadverted tells us and his owne vindication pag. . if this be his minde , then it is incumbent to him to loose his owne knot , all circumcised persons though tainted with grosse scandalous sinnes , as idolatry , and fornication , were admitted to the passeover , and so it ought to be under the gospell . if he say that those scandalous sinners in the wildernesse had not been admonished , were not obstinate , or that they professed repentance , and promised amendment , and did not in the meane while persevere in their wickednesse , but satisfied for the scandall : first how proves he that ? next , in so saying he will answer for us as well as for himself , and his argument ( if all granted ) cannot prove that such scandalous sinners as have manifest symptoms of impenitency , or doe not confesse and forsake their sinne , may be admitted to the lords table . . the manna and the water out of the rock , though they had a spirituall and evangelicall signification , and di● typifie jesus christ , yet they were also the ordinary food and drink of the people in the wildernesse : so that if scandalous sinners had been excluded from partaking of these , they had been deprived of their ordinary daily corporall nourishment ; which makes a vast difference between their case in the wildernesse , and ours at the lords table . . the apostle speakes of those scandalous sinnes , as committed , not before , but after the eating of that spirituall meat , and drinking of that spirituall drink ; first this is cleer of their baptisme in the cloud and in the sea , which was at their passing through the red sea , exod. . before any of the grosse and scandalous sinnes there mentioned were committed ; and therefore was not pertinent to be objected . immediately thereafter they did eat of the spirituall meat , that is of the manna exo. . and drank of the spirituall drink , that is of the water out of the rock which followed them exod. . to give drink to my people , my chosen saith the lord isa. . . now after those men had eaten of the spirituall meat , and drunk of the spirituall drink , they did fall into idolatry , fornication , &c. and this is all which the apostle saith , thereby warning the corinthians not to presume upon their partaking in the ordinances , nor to think all well with themselves , because they were baptized , and had eaten and drunk at the lords table ; for after all this they had need to take heed , lest they fall in foule sinnes , and lust after evill things , and so draw upon themselves the heavier judgements . that which master prynne takes for granted ( upon a marvellous mistake of the apostles words ) he hath yet to prove , that is , that after some of them had fallen into idolatry , others into fornication , others into murmuring against god , those who were known to have committed those grosse and scandalous sinnes , were allowed and admitted , as before , to eat of the spirituall meat , and drink of the spirituall drink . i mean not onely the passeover , ( which is not at all meant in this text ) but even from the manna and the water of the rock those scandalous sinners were cut off by death , except such of them as did repent and turn , for whom atonement was made to god. as soon as moses came into the camp , he gave a charge to slay every man his brother , and every man his companion which had committed the sinne of idolatry : and for the rest who survived moses made atonement , and got an answer of peace from god , concerning them . exo. . & . we read also that the lord plagued the people , because of their idolatry exo. . . and the people did mourn and humble themselves and cast off their ornaments exo. . . so that ( i am sure ) the first case mentioned by the apostle maketh much against our opposites . the second example is the matter of peor , where they did fall both into idolatry and fornication together ; but what came of it ? moses gave a charge to the judges of israel , to slay every one his men that were joyned to baal peor numb . . . and there died also of the plague . v. . but what was the peoples part in repenting ? vers . . tells us , that all the congregation of the children of israel were weeping before the door of the tabernacle of the congregation ; and for those that remained alive , phinehes made atonement , and the lord smelled a savour of rest vers . . . as for the third case , instanced by the apostle , which is the tempting of christ , much people of israel dyed for it , and the remnant did repent , and confesse that particular sinne that they had spoken against the lord and against moses , and therefore did desire moses , to pray unto the lord for them . num. . . . lastly , for that of murmuring , those that had the chiefe hand in it died of the plague , num. . . and the people mourned greatly , and confessed , we have sinned vers . . . and thus by searching for an answer to our opposites argument , we have found this argument against them . if god himself did execute such discipline upon those who were tainted with the grosse and scandalous sinnes of idolatry , fornication , &c. that he would not permit them to enjoy their former liberty of eating of the manna , and drinking of the water of the rock , ( being spirituall meat , and spirituall drink , as typifying christ , though appointed of god also for ordinary daily food and drink to his people ) untill they mourned , repented , confessed , and atonement was made for them : it is much lesse the will of god , that such scandalous sinners , as are manifestly impenitent and manifestly not reconciled to god , should be admitted and received to the lords supper , which is an ordinance purely spirituall . but the former part is true . therefore so is the latter . . another answer i shall adde , ( though i need adde no more ) those sinnes mentioned by the apostle were not scandals given by a few persons , nor yet by a few families , nor by a tribe , but they were common nationall sinnes ; and so fall not within the verge of our controversie , which is not concerning the suspending of a scandalous nation from the sacrament , for some nationall sinne ; but concerning the suspension of scandalons persons for their personall publike offences . if it be objected unto me , that the apostle saith , that some of them were idolaters , and some of them did commit fornication , &c. i answer , when he saith some , he saith so in reference to the all which had gone before , that is , all the israelites who did eat of the manna and drink of the water of the rock , during the yeers in the wildernesse , successively : so that he makes a distribution of israel in the wildernesse , comparing one passage with another , not distributing those that lived together at one and the same time . and that it must needs be so understood i prove from exo. . where we find all the people falling into idolatry , so num. . . and all the children of israel murmured against moses and against aaron . the other two are also called the sinnes of the people , and of israel , and the people were punished , and for one of them all the heads of the people commanded to be hanged . num. . . . & . . . peradventure every one did not act in each of these sinnes , but yet they were nationall ( as we call nationall ) sinnes , the generality of the children of israel , either acting or partaking therein . in such a case augustine thought fit to suspend the exercising of excommunication for the sinne of drunkennesse rather than to excommunicate all africa . these are my six answers to master prynnes unanswerable argument . the end of the first book . an appendix to the first booke : containing an additionall debate concerning the jewish church-government and censures . i have said enough ( as i suppose ) of a church-government and church-censures distinct from magistracy and civill justice among the jewes , whereby the seeming old testament strength of the erastians , is sufficiently yea abundantly broken ; and now it appeareth how ill grounded that assertion is which did lately come abroad in the discourse entituled , the difference about church-government ended pag. . moses was first the sole ruler , &c. afterwards when kings reigned in israel , king solomon put abiathar the high priest from his office , setting up zadok , and david distinguished the courses of the priests , and other godly kings from time to time ruled in things ecclesiasticall , and priests never ; till that after their returne from the babylonish captivity , &c. and no better grounded are the first five questions in m r prynne his diotrephes catechised , in which he doth intimate that there was no distinct ecclesiasticall jurisdiction among the jewes , and that all scandalous sinnes and offences now pretended to be of ecclesiasticall cognisance , were by gods owne institution throughout the old testament , inquireable , examinable , determinable , and punishable onely by the temporall magistrates or ●ivill powers , not by any ecclesiasticall persons or officers . but when he should prove that there was no ecclesiasticall jurisdiction distinct from the civill , he brings many scriptures to prove that there was a civill jurisdiction and civill or temporall punishments in the old testament . how cold the consequence from hence will be , against church-government , the intelligent reader cannot but perceive . the most of that strength which doth militate against these erastian principles , is presented and drawn up in this preceding booke . that which i now intend is onely an additionall debate . and first of all it is to be observed that the same point of controversie is debated a with the anabaptists , they holding as the erastians doe , that in the old testament , there was but one kind of government , one kind of jurisdiction , one kind of punishment , and that it was civill or temporall ; but an ecclesiasticall judicature or censure in the old testament they deny . wherein they are contradicted by those that writ against them . secondly , we must distinguish with great caution , and ( as they say ) cum grano salis , between that which was ordinary and that which was extraordinary in the jewish government . we can not , from extraordinary cases collect and conclude that which was the fixed , setled , ordinary rule . the examples which have been alledged for the administration of church-government , the purging away of scandals , the ordering of the ministery in the old testament , by the temporall magistrate or civill powers onely , and by their owne immediate authority , how truly alledged or how rightly apprehended shall appeare by and by : this i say for the present , diverse of them were extraordinary cases , and are recorded as presidents for godly magistrates their duty and authority , b not in a reformed and constituted church , but in a church which is full of disorders , and wholly out of course , needing reformation . so that the erastian arguments drawn from those examples , for investing the magistrate with the whole and sole power of government and jurisdiction in ecclesiasticall affaires , are no whit better than the popish and prelaticall arguments , for the lawfulnesse of the civill power and places of clergymen ( as they called them ) drawne from some extraordinary examples of aaron his joyning with moses , and eleazer with ioshua , in civill businesse of greatest consequence ; of the administration and government of the commonwealth by eli the priest , and by samuel the prophet ; of the anointing of iehu to be king by elisha ; of the killing of athaliah , and the making of ioash king by the authority of iebojada the priest ; of the withstanding and thrusting out of king uzziah , by fourscore valiant men of the priests , and such like cases . master prynne himself in his diotrephes catechised pag. . noteth that ezra the priest received a speciall commission from artaxerxes , to set magistrates and judges which might judge all the people ezra . , . from all which it appeareth that as priests did extraordinary some things which ordinarily belonged to magistracy , so magistrats did extraordinarily that which ordinarily did not belong to their administration . i conclude this point with a passage in the second book of the discipline of the church of scotland chap. . and although kings and princes that be godly , sometimes by their own authority , when the church is corrupted , and all things out of order , place ministers , and restore the true service of the lord , after the example of some godly kings of judah and divers godly emperours and kings also in the light of the new testament : yet where the ministery of the church is once lawfully constituted , and they that are placed doe their office faithfully , all godly princes and magistrates ought to beare and obey their voyce , and reverence the majesty of the sonne of god speaking in them . in the third place , let us take a particular survey of such objections , from which the erastians doe conclude that the power of church-gov●rnment in the old testament was onely in the hand of the magistrate . and first concerning moses , it is objected that he being the supreme magistrate did give lawes and ordinances for ordering the church in things pertaining to god. answ. this he did as a prophet from the mouth of the lord , yea as a type of jesus chri●t the great prophet , deut. . . . not as civill magistrate . . object . we read not of an ecclesiasticall sanhedrin adjoyned with moses , but onely of a civill sanhedrin num. . neither doth the talmud mention any supreme sanhedrin but one . answ. . if those elders , num. . be understood onely of the civill sanhedrin , ( which some doe not admit , though for my part i doe not gainsay it ) yet we read of the con●itution of another sanhedrin or assembly of before them . which i have before proved from exod. . . . and if there had been no dis●inct ecclesiasticall sanhedrin in moses his time , yet by the law , deut. . when the people came into the land of promise , they were to have two distinct courts in the place which the lord should choose . of which also before . and whereas m r prynne in his diotrephes catechised quaest . . intimateth , that by the law deut. . the priests were onely ●oyntly and together with the temporall judges , to resolve hard civill cases or controversies : this sence can neither agree with the dis●unction in the text verse . the man that will not hearken unto the priest , or unto the judge : nor yet with the received interpretation of those words between stroke and stroke , that is , between leprosie and leprosie , the decision whereof , is no where in scripture found to be either committed unto or assumed by the civill judge . as for the talmud , that of babylon was not begun to be compiled before the yeere of 〈◊〉 , nor finished before the yeere of christ . the ierusalem talmud can pretend to no greater antiquity than the yeere of christ . so that both were collected long after the dissolution of the sanhedrin and government of the jewes . no marvell therefore , if these declining times did weare out the memory of some part of their former government . . object . the king was by gods appointment entrusted with the custody of the booke of the law , deut. . . king. . . answ. . the principall charge of the custody of the law was committed to the priests and levites , deut. . , , . of the king it is onely said deut. . . that he shall write him a coppy of this law in a booke , out of that which is before the priests and levites . . i heartily yeeld that a lawfull magistrate , whether christian or heathen , ought to be a keeper or guardian of both tables , and as gods v●cegerent hath authority to punish haynous sinnes against either table , by civill or corporall punishments which proves nothing against a 〈◊〉 church-government for keeping pure the ordinances of christ. . object . king david did appoint the offices of the levites and divided their courses chr●… . . so likewise did solomon appoint the courses and charges of the priests , levites and porters in the temple . answ. david did not this thing as a king , but as a prophet , 〈◊〉 . . . for so bad david the man of god commanded ; the same thing being also commanded by other prophets of the lord , hro . . . according to the commandement of david , and of g●…d the kings seer , and nathan the prophet , for so was the commandement of the lord by his prophets . which cleareth also solomons part , for ( beside that himselfe also was a prophet ) he received from david the man of god , a patterne of that which he was to doe in the worke of the house of the lord , and directions concerning the courses of the levites , chro. . , , . chro. . . object . king solomon deposed abiathar from his priesthood , and did put 〈◊〉 in his place . answ. abiathar was guilty of high treason for assis●ing and ayding adonijah , against solomon , whom not onely his father david but god himselfe had designed to the crowne . so that the crime was of civill cognizance , and abiathar deserved to die for it . that which solomon did was an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a moderation of the punishment , as strigelius cals it ; when solomon might justly have put him to death , he onely banisheth him from hierusalem to anathoth , there to enjoy his owne inheritance , to live a private life , and no more to intermeddle in state affaires . wherefore this example doth belong to the case of a capitall crime committed by a minister , but not to the case of scandall or mal-administration in his ministery . . neither did solomon directly or intentionally put abiathar from the priesthood for that offence , but by consequence it followed upon his banishment from hierusalem , the place where the high priest was to exercise his calling , king. . . so ( that is , in respect of banishment from ierusalem mentioned in the verse immediately preceding ) solomon thrust out abiathar from being priest unto the lord. a minister now banished is not thereby thrust out from all exercise of his ministery , for he may exercise it in another place ; but abiathar being thrust out from hierusalem was eo ipso thrust from the calling of the high priest , which was necessarily to be exercised in that place . . solomon being a prophet , who knowes what warrants he had more then ordinary for that which he did to abiathar ? that it was not without an extrordinary divine instinct , some collect from the next words ; that he ( solomon ) might fulfill the word of the lord which he spake cencerning the house of eli in shilo . . as for the investing of zadok with the place and authority of the high priest , it doth not prove that the magistrate hath a constitutive power to make or authorize church officers : for zadok had been formerly chosen by the congregation of israel , and anointed to be high priest , chro. . . yea he did fall to the place iure divino : for the high priesthood was given to eleazar the eldest sonne of aaron , and was to remaine in the family of eleazar , from whom zadok had lineally descended : whereas abiathar was not of the family of eleazar , but of the family of i●…hamar . . object . hezekiah did apply his regall power to the reformation of the levites and to the purging of the temple , chr. . . and did also appoint the courses of the priests and levites every man according to his service , chro. . so likewise did king iosiah , chro. . answ. hezekiah in exhorting the levites to sanctifie themselves and to cleanse the temple , doth require no other thing than the law of god did require , num. . . . . & . . which hezekiah himselfe pointeth at , chro. . . and why should not the magistrate command ministers to do the duties of their calling according to the word of god ? as for his appointing of the courses of the p●iests and levites , he did nothing therein , but what the lord had commanded by his prophets , chro. . . the like i answer concerning king iosiah , for it is recorded , that what hee did , was after the writing of david and solomon , chro. . . and according to the commandement of david and asaph , and heman , and jeduthun , the kings seer , verse . as it is written in the booke of moses , v. . . object . king ioash while hee yet did right in the dayes of iebojada the priest , sent the priests and levites to gather from all israel , a collection for repairing the house of the lord , and when they dealt negligently in this businesse he discharged them to receive any more money so collected . ans. joash did impose no other collections , but those quae divino jure debebantur , which were due by divine right , saith wolphius , in kings . the thing was expressely commanded in the law of moses , compare chro. . . exo. , , , . as for the kings prohibition afterwards laid upon the priests , . the priests had still neglected the worke till the three and twentieth yeare of his raigne was come , . the priests themselves consented to receive no more money , . the high priest had still a chiefe hand in the managing of that businesse , in which also the priests that kept the doore had an interest . all which is plaine from kings . . , , . and beside all this , it was a money matter , concerning the hyring and paying of workemen , and so did belong to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the extrinsecall , not to the intrinsecall things of the church . . object . the kings of the jewes have purged the land from idolatry and superstition , have broken downe altars , cut down groves , destroyed high places , and such like idolatrous monuments . ans. this was nothing but what was commanded in the law of moses , whereunto also the secular coercivepower was necessary . let it be remembled concerning those godly reforming kings of 〈◊〉 . the case was extraordinary , no matter of ordinary government . their reformation was iure divino . the law of god was the rule , and ius divinum was not then startled at , but embraced . . sometime also the reformation was not without an assembly of the prophets , priests and elders , as kings . . . object . mr. prynne in his diotrephes catechised , quest. . 〈◊〉 another objection from chr. . asking , whether it be not clearly meant , that as king josiah himselfe ( he should have said iehoshaphat ) did by his owne regall authority , appoint iudges in the land and in jerusalem , in the preceeding , , , , . & . verses , to d●…termine all controversies and punish all offences whatsoever , acco●…ding to the lawes of god and that kingdome , so hee did by the selfe same regall authority appoint amariah then chiefe priest , over the priests and levites onely . ( implyed in the word you , not over the people of the land ) in all matters of the lord , that is , to order , direct the priests and levites , under him in their severall courses , and all matters whatsoever concerning the worship , &c. ans. . mr. prynne will never prove from that text , that iehoshaphat by his regall authority did appoint , or set amariah the chiefe priest to be over the rest ; the english translators expresse the sence by interlacing the word is verse . and behold amariah the chiefe priest is over you in all matters of the lord. . to restrict the word you to the priests and levites onely , is an intolerable wresting of the text ; for all these relatives , verse , , . them , ye , you , must needs repeat the antecedent verse . and so relate to the chiefe of the fathers of israel , as well as to the priests and levites . so that these words , amariah the chiefe priest is over you , are spoken to the sanhedrin ; and the plaine meaning is , that amariah the chiefe priest was at that time the nasi , or princeps senatus , the prince or chiefe ruler of the senat , as grotius expounds it . . that the high priest was a ruler of the people , as well as of the priests and levites , is manifest from , acts . . where paul applieth to the high priest , that law , thou shalt not speake evill of the ruler of thy people . . wherefore to retort the objection , mr. prynne doth here acknowledge upon the matter two distinct governments to have beene at that time , one civill , another ecclesiasticall : distinct i say both objectively , and subjectively : objectively , for hee expounds the lords matters to be meant of the sacrifices and other services in the temple , the kings matters hee takes to be the kings househould , lands , revenues : subjectively also , for hee yeeldeth upon the matter both amariah and zebadiah to have had a certaine ruling or governing power in ordering and directing these over whom they were set , which well agreeth both with the version of the ( giving the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both to the one and to the other ) and with the originall ; for he that is over the sanhedrin it selfe must needs be a ruler . . object . the causes of leprosy , lev. . & . and jealousie num. . are the onely cases wherein the priests were appointed to be as judges in the old testament . so mr. prynne in his diotrephes catechised quest . . ans. . if the priests were judges in these cases , then ( so farre at least ) there was a judging , decisive , binding sentence of the priests , distinct from and not subordinate unto the civill magistracy . . but that these two were the onely cases wherein the priests were appointed to be as judges , is easily confuted , being an assertion contrary to diverse texts of scripture , as first deut. . . in the triall of secret murther the law appointeth thus : and the priests the sonnes of levi shall come neare , &c. and by their word shall every controversy and every stroke bee tried , that is , every controversy which was to be ended by purgations or purifications , oathes or confession , as pelargus noteth upon the place . there is also a generall comprehensive expression concerning the priests their judging and deciding of controversies forensically , ezech. . . and in controversy they shall stand in judgement , and they shall judge it according to my judgements . likewise deut. . , , . the priest as well as the judge hath authority to give forth a binding decree concerning hard matters , brought from inferior courts to ierusalem . againe chron. . . the porters of the temple ( that is , the priests that kept the doore as they are designed kings . . of whom also it is said , that i●…hojadah the high priest , appointed officers over the house of the lord , kings . . which text grotius following iosephus doth parallell wi●h chro. . . ) had this charge , that none which was unclean in any thing should enter in . . object . if the priests power of judging reached further than the cases of leprosie , and jealousie , the most was to judge of such as were uncleane in any thing , and that according to their sentence the uncleane were to be excluded . ans. not to insist now upon these texts , deut. . . . & . . ez●… . . . which hold forth the juridicall power of the priests more generally and comprehensively , without restricting it to cases of cleane and uncleane only ; nor yet to repeat diverse other answers before given , in answer to erastus and m. prynne , concerning legall and morall uncleannesse ; i shal here only give this one answer out of that text chro. . . none which was unclean in any thing . what cogent argument can now restrict this text concerning the exclusion of uncleane persons from the temple , to such only who were legally or ceremonially unclean ? if we should suppose and grant that it is meant onely of the legall uncleannesse , yet both by analogy and à fortiori , that text affoordeth an argument against the erastians , and i have accordingly made use of it before ; yet neverthelesse i believe it will puzle them to prove that this text doth not comprehend those also that were morally uncleane , that is , scandalous prophane persons . for my part i doe believe that it is meant of keeping back those that were morally unclean , as well as those that were ceremonially such . and my reasons are these , . the text saith generally , none which was uncleane in any thing , or as the have it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as were uncleane in every or any word , or ( if you will ) against any word , that is , against any commandement of the law , . because impiety , profannesse , and wickednesse hath the name of uncleannesse , even in the old testament ; & such as commit sin and ungodlinesse are called unclean , and are said to defile themselves , as wel as those that were legally uncleane . i shall not neede to expound , lev. . . if he touch the uncleannesse of man , whatsoever uncleannesse it be that a man shall be defiled withall ; as if it were meant of fellowship with scandalous sinners ; which is origens interpretation , hom. . in levit. who also taketh a commentary to that text from , cor. . . it will have more weight in it , to observe targum onkel●…s , deut. . . where the law concerning mamzer a bastard or whoores son , is thus explained , a bastard shall not be clean that he may enter into the congregation of the lord : even unto the tenth generation his sons shall not be clean that they may enter into the congregation of the lord. but i will give yet surer warrants for what i say . iob. . . their life is among the uncleane , that is , ( as pagnin following the chaldee paraphrase expresseth it ) inter scortatores ; hierome , inter effaeminatos : others , inter impudicos ; the same word is rendered sodomites , kings . . it commeth from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or per antiphrasin signifieth to be impure or unclean , and it is used of the legall uncleannesse , deut. . . lest the fruit of thy vineyard be defiled . so hag. . , . both he that touched a dead body , and he that trespassed against the morall law , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uncleane ; for after the resolution concerning that which was legally uncleane , it is added , so is this people , and so is this nation before me saith the lord , and so is every w●…rke of their hands , and that which they offer there is unclean . the same name is given to an ungodly person , eccle. . . where the godly person is called the cleane , the notorious scandalous prophane person is called the unclean . so wickednesse is frequently called uncleannesse as , ezra . . . ezec. . . zech. . . i wil here adde a testimony of maimonides in more nevochim part . cap. . hence also the transgression of the commandement is called uncleannesse or pollution , and it is said of the principall and fundamentall commandements , of idolatry , of uncovering the nakednesse , of the shedding of bloud . of idolatry it is said c : because he hath given of his seed unto molech , to defile my sanctuary , and to prophane my holy name . of the uncovering of the nakednesse ; d defile not your selves in any of these things . of the shedding of bloud , e defile not therefore the land wherein ye dwell . wherefore this word uncleannesse or defilement is said of three sorts of things , first of a mans qualities and of his transgressions of the commandements , whether theoricall or practicall ( that is , which concerne either doctrine , or his conversation . ) secondly of externall filthinesse and defilements , &c. thirdly , of these imaginary things , that is , the touching or carrying upon the shoulders some uncleane thing , &c. adde hereunto the observation of drusius de tribus sect . judaeor . lib. . num . . . . the pharisees did account sinners and prophane persons to be uncleane , and thought themselves polluted by the company of such persons , for which reason also they used to wash when they came from the mercate . though there was a superstition in this ceremony , yet the opinion that prophane persons are uncleane persons , and to be avoided for uncleannesse , had come from the purest antiquities of the jewes , even from moses and the prophets . since therefore both in the old testament phrase , and in the usuall language of the jewes themselves , a scandalous prophane person was called an unclean person , it is to me more then probable that where i read , none which was uncleane in any thing should enter in it is meant of those that were morally uncleane by a scandalous wicked conversation , no lesse yea much more than of those that were onely ceremonially uncleane . . especially considering that the sanctuary was prophaned and polluted by the morall uncleannesse of sinne , and by prophane persons their entring into it , as is manifest from lev. . . eze. . . how can it then be imagined that those priests whose charge it was to keepe back those that were uncleane in any thing , would admit and receive such as were not onely unclean persons in the language of scripture and of the jewes themselves , but were also by expresse scriptures declared to be defilers or polluters of the sanctuary ? . it is said of the high priest , lev . . and he shall make atonement for the holy place , because of the uncleannesse of the children of israel , and because of their transgressions in all their sins : or from their uncleannesse and from their transgressions , as the chaldee and the lxx have it : the sence is the same : and it sheweth that the holy place was made uncleane by the transgressions and sinnes of the children of israel : which uncleannesse of transgression , if it were visible , publik and notorious , then the priests had failed in admitting such to the holy place . . object . throughout the old testament we read onely of temporall punishments , as burning , hanging , stoning , fines , stripes , and the like , but never of excommunication or any church censure . neither did the jewes know the distinction of lawes ecclesiasticall and lawes civill , causes ecclesiasticall and causes civill , for the church of the jewes was th●ir common-wealth , and their common-wealth was their church , and the government of church and state among them was one and the same . their civill lawyers were also expositors or doctors of the law of god. ans. that in the jewish church , there was an ecclesiasticall censure or punishment distinct from the civill , i have proved in this preceeding booke , both from scripture and from the jewish antiquities . and if there were no more but the sequestration or separation from the temple or from the passeover , for such legall uncleannesse as did not separat a man from his house , nor from all company of men , even that alone proves a kinde of censure distinct from all civill punishment : neither did it belong to the magistrate or civill judge , but to the priests to examine , judge , and determine concerning cleannesse or uncleannesse , and consequently concerning admission to or separation from the temple , passeover , and sacrifices . that the jewish church and the jewish state were formally distinct , see before chap. . where it hath beene observed that some proselytes had the full priviledges of the jewish church , though none of them had the full priviledges of the jewish common-wealth . the like i have read of the spaniards , who admit the moores or inhabitants of morisco to turne christians , and receive them into ecclesiasticall membership and communion , but by no meanes into their civill liberties . that the causes of excommunication among them were lookt upon as scandalls , and not as civill in●uries , see chap. . this onely i adde that more nevochim part . . chap. . doth distinguish civill lawes from sacred lawes , even among the people of god , making the scope of the civill lawes to be the good safety and prosperity of the common-wealth ; the sacred or divine lawes to concerne properly religion and mens soules . he that will compare the civill lawes and panall statutes of the jewes mentioned in baba kama , with their ceremoniall lawes concerning the holy ordinances of god , and who should have communion therein , who not , cannot but looke upon their church and 〈◊〉 lawes , as formally distinct from their state and civill lawes . again , he that will consider who were the viri synagogae magnae , the men of the great synagogue , and what their power and acts were , ( as dr. buxtorf describeth the same in his tyberi●…t cap. , . ) and their authoritative determinations , concerning the right writing , reading , and expounding of the holy scripture , &c. must needs acknowledge that it was senatus ecclesiasticus magnus ( as buxtorf cals it ) and that such power and acts were incompetent to the civill magistrate . as for their doctors of law and scribes , they were of the sons of aaron , yet some way diversified in their administrations . scaliger in elench . trihaeres . nic. serar . cap. . distinguisheth between the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , f that the former were the wisemen or chief of the scribes who did interpret the law , and declare the sence of it ; the latter did attend civill forensicall matters . drusius de tribus sect . jud. lib. . cap. . noteth from luke . . . . that there was some distinction between the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , between the scribes and the lawyers , for when christ had spoken of the scribes and pharises , then answered one of the lawyers and said unto him , master , thus saying thou reproachest us also . and he said , wo unto you also ye lawyers : this will be more plaine by that other distinction observed by lud. de dieu . in mat. . . and diverse others , between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , between the scribes of the law of god who did interpret the law , such as ezra the priest ; and the scribes of the people who were actuarii publici , publick notaries or clerks . whence it appeareth that the offices of scribes and lawyers ( although the persons themselves were of the tribe of levi ) were so ordered , as that civill and sacred affaires might not be confounded . yea , the scriveners or notaries were of two sorts ; for besides those which did attend civill courts of justice , &c. there was a chiefe scribe who waited upon the king and wrote unto him a coppy of the book of the law , according to that deut. . . such a scribe was sheva , sam. . . shaphan kings . . . baruch jer. . such a scribe had joash kings . . there were divers other scribes for the house of the lord and for the people , whose office it was to write and to read the law , chro. . , psal. . . ier. . . . object . but neither in the old testament nor in the talmudists can there be found any ecclesiasticall excommunication properly so called . answ. i deny both , yea i have disproved both . moreover , as touching the excommunication used in the jewish church i shall adde here these following testimonies of m●…imonides . in libro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tract . talmud torah cap. . sect . . he that revileth a wiseman , though after his death , shall be excommunicated by the sanhedrin , by whom also after repentance he shall be absolved . ib. sect . . he who is excommunicated in his own town , ought also to be esteemed in all other cities and towns , as a person excommunicated . answerable hereunto were the ancient canons , which did appoint that a person excommunicated in his own church should not be received to communion in another church . the . causes of excommunication ( above mentioned ) he there reckoneth forth from sect . . to the end of that chapter . again , cap. . sect . . what is the manner of a simple excommunication or niddui ? he that doth excommunicate saith : let that person n. be in ( or under ) an excommunication or separation . if the person excommunicated be present , they who doe excommunicate say unto him , let this person n. be separated or excommunicated . and when cherem or the greater excommunication is inflicted , what is the manner ? they say , let n. be devoted and accursed , let an execration , adjuration and separation be upon him . but how doe they loose the person excommunicated , and how doe they free him from the separation or the curse ? they say , be thou loosed , be thou pardoned . if the guilty party be absent , they say . let n. be loosed , and let him be pardoned . in the same chapter sect . . neither is there any certain space of time predetermined , before which the bond of the excommunication inflicted may not be loosed . for immediately and at the same time when excommunication is inflicted , it may be loosed if the guilty party doe immediately repe●…t , and come to himselfe . which doth further set forth the great difference between the nature and scope of excommunication , and the nature and scope of corporall or civill punishments . for how soon soever an excommunicat person giveth good signes of true repentance , he is to be loosed from the bond of excommunication . but he that is punished in his body or estate for any crime , is not freed from the punishment , because he is known to be penitent ; the repentance of a criminall person is no supersedeas to civill justice . thereafter maimonides proceedeth thus . yet if it seem good to the sanhedrin that any man shall be left in the state of excommunication , for how many yeeres shall be be left in excommunication ? the sanhedrin will determine the number of yeers and space of time , according to the haynousnesse of the trespasse . so likewise if the sanhedrin will , it may devote and subject to a curse , first the party himself who is guilty of the crime , and then also every other person whosoever eateth or drinketh with him , or sitteth neere unto him unlesse at foure cubits distance : that so by this means the heavier correction may fall upon the sinner , and there may be as it were a hedge put about the law , which may restrain wicked men from transgressing it . whence observe . it was from the jewish church , that the ancient councels of the christian church , took a pattern for determining and fixing a certaine number of yeeres to the separation of some haynous offenders from the sacrament , and sometimes from other ordinances also . though i doe not approve this thing , either in the jewish or christian church ; for at what time soever a scandalous sinner doth give evident signes of repentance , the church ought to receive him againe into her bosome and fellowship . . from the jewish church also was the patterne taken , for that ancient discipline in the christian church , that he who keepeth company and communion with an excommunicated person , should fall under the same censure of excommunication . which thing must be well explained and qualified before it can be approved . . compare also this passage of maimonides with cor. . . with such a one no not to eate , thes. . . have no company with him , that he may be ashamed . which texts doe fitly answer to that which the hebrew writers say of a person excommunicated . . the excommunication of an offender among the jewes , was intended not onely for the offenders humiliation and amendment , but for an ensample to others , that they might heare and feare and do no more any such thing : it was therefore a publique and exemplary censure . and so much of sect. . in the . and . sections maimonides sheweth us , that though a wise man was allowed to prosecute unto the sentence of excommunication one that did revile or calumniat him , yet it was more praise-worthy and more agreeable to the example of the holy men of god to passe in silence and to endure patiently such injuries . then followeth sect. . these things which have been said , are to be understood of such reproaches and contumelies as are clandestine . for if railers doe put a publike infamy upon a wise man , it is not lawfull to him to use indulgence or to neglect his honour : and if he shall pardon ( as to the punishment ) him who hath hurt his fame , he himselfe is to be punished , because that is a contempt of the law . he shall therefore avenge the contumely , & not suffer himselfe to be satisfied , before the guilty party hath craved merey . here is the true object , or ( if you will ) the procuring and meritorious cause of excommunication , viz. not a private personall or civill injury , which a man may passe by or pardon if he will , but a scandalous sinne the scandall whereof must be removed and healed , by some testimony or declaration of the sinners repentance , otherwise he must fall under the censure and publique shame . these testimonies of maimonides , and the observations made thereupon , beside all that hath been said in this preceding book , will make it manifest that the spirituall censure of excommunication was translated and taken from the jewish church into the christian church . furthermore , beside all the scriptural proofs already brought , i shall desire another text , nehem. . , . to be wel weighed . after the reading of the law ( deut. . . ) that the amm●…nite and the moabite should not come into the congregation of god for ever , it came to passe , saith the text , when they heard the law , that they separated from israel all the mixed multitude . i conceive that this separation was a casting out of the church of israel , and is not meant here of a civill separation from honours and priviledges , nor yet onely in reference to the dissolution of unlawfull marriages . i understand also by the prohibition of entring into the congregation of the lord deut. . , , . that such were not to be received into church communion . ostendit autem qui a caetibus fidelium debeant excludi . he sheweth who ought to be excluded from the assemblies of the faithfull , saith aretius upon deut. . . hic dicitur ecclesia dei atrium mundorum , quod non debebant tales ingredi . here that court of the temple which was appointed only for the clean , is called the congregation of god , whereunto such persons ought not to enter , saith hugo cardinalis upon the same place . audita lege de duabus inimicis gentibus anathematizandis , &c. having heard the law concerning the two hostile nations , to be anathematized or accursed , saith beda on nehem. . thereupon they separated the mixed multitude . pelargus on deut. . citeth theodoret , procpius , and rabanus , besides the canonills , for this sence , that the not entring into the congregation of the lord , is meant of refusing ecclesiasticall not civill priviledges . i know that divers others understand deut. . , , . of not admitting unto , and nehem. . . of separating from marriages with the jewes , and civill dignities or places of magistrates or rulers in that commonwealth , such a one shall not enter into the congregation of the lord , that is , shall not be received into the assembly or court of judges . but there are some reasons which diswade me from this and incline me to the other interpretation . first , the law deut. . being read to the people nebem . . . upon the hearing of that law they separated from israel all the mixed multitude . it is not to be imagined that all this mixed multitude was married to jewes , muchlesse that they were all magistrats , rulers , or members of courts and judicatures in israel . but by the mixed multitude are meant all such as were in israel but not of israel , or such as conversed and dwelt among the jewes and had civill fellowship with them , but had no part nor portion ( by right ) in church-membership and communion : in which sence also the mixed multitude is mentioned exod. . . num. . . secondly , that this separation from israel is to be understood in a spirituall and ecclesiasticall sence , it appeareth by the instance and application immediately added neb. . . to vers . . and before this , that is , before this separation , eliashih the priest being allied unto tobiah had prepared for him a chamber in the courts of the house of god , but now when the separation of the mixed multitude was made ; nehemiah did east out the stuffe of tobiah , and commanded to cleanse the chambers of the temple which had been defiled by tobiah . behold an instance of the separation in reference to the temple or holy place , not to any civill court. thirdly , the chaldee paraphrase helpeth me deut. . , , . for instead of these words , shall not enter into the congregation of the lord , onkelos readeth shall not be clean to enter into the congregation of the lord ; having respect to the law which did forbid uncleane persons to enter into the temple . ita isti mundi reputabantur ; so likewise were these ( ammonites , moabites , bastards , &c. ) esteemed as unclean , saith tostatus in deut. . quaest . . fourthly , edomites and egytians might enter into the congregregation of the lord in the third generation deut. . , . was the meaning , that edomites and egyptians should in the third generation marry with the jewes , or be magistrates in israel , members of the sanhedrin , or judges ? he that will thinke so , will hardly prove that it was so . to me it is not at all probable , that god would allow his people either to marry with the edomites and egyptians , or to prefer them to be magistrates and judges in israel , no not in the third generation . but it is very probable , that when an edomite or egyptian came to dwell in the land of israel , as a proselyte indweller , ob erving the seven precepts given to the sonnes of noah , the children of that egyptian or edomite in the third generation , mi●ht enter into the congregation of the lord , that is , might upon their desire and submission to the whole law of moses , be received as proselytes of righteousnesse or of the covenant , and so free to come to the court of israel , and in all church relations to be as one of the israelites themselves . fifthly , philo the jew lib. de victimas offerentibus towards the end , tels us that their law did prohibit all unworthy persons from their sacred assemblies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the same sacred assemblies of the church , he saith that their law did also exclude eunuohs , and bastards , or such as were borne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the word used by the lxx in deut. . . ) where philo most certainly hath respect to that law , deut. . understanding by the congregation of the lord in that pla●e , neither a civill court nor liberty of marriage , but the sacred or church assembly . there are but two objections which i finde brought against that which i have been now proving . one is from exod. . . a law which admitteth strangers to the church and passeover of the jewes , provided they were willing to be circumcised . the other objection is from the example of ruth the moabitesse , who was a member of the church of israel . to the first i answer , that exod. . . will not prove that every stranger who desired to be circumcised , and to eate the passeover , was to be immediately admitted upon that desire , without any more adoe : onely it proves that before any stranger should eate of the passeover , he must first be circumcised . a stranger might not be gertsedek , a proselyte of righteousnesse , when he pleased , but he was first to be so and so qualified . besides this , it may be justly doubted whether deut. . . be not an exception from the rule exod. . . for all strangers were not to be alike soon and readily received to be proselytes of righteousnesse : but a great difference there was between those nations which god had expressely and particularly devoted and accursed , and others not so accursed . to the other objection concerning ruth , rabanus cited by pelargus on deut. . answereth that the tenth generation of the moabites was past , before ruth did enter into the congregation of the lord. and if it had not , yet the case was extraordinary , and one swallow makes not summer . . object . but is there any patterne or president in the jewish church , for keeping backe scandalous sinners from the sacrament ? ans. there is ; for i have proved a keeping back of notorious sinners both from the passeover , and from the temple it selfe which had a sacramentall signification and was a type of christ and communion with him . it is worthy of observation that by the chaldee paraphrase , exod. . . any israelite who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an apostate , might not eate of the passeover . againe , verse . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & omnis prophanus . so the latine interpreter of onkelos : and no prophane person shall eate of it . the word is used not onely of a heathen , but of any prophane person , as prov. . . where the chaldee expresseth the whorish woman ( though a jewesse ) by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it commeth from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be prophaned , è sancto prophanum fieri . surely onkelos had not thus paraphrased upon exod. . if it had not been the law of the jewes , that notorious prophane persons should be kept backe from the passeover . the second book of the christian church-goverment . chap. i. of the rise , growth , decay , and reviving of erastianisme . diverse learned men have ( to very good purpose ) discovered the origination , occasion , first authors , fomenters , rise and growth of errors , both popish , and others : i shall after their example make known briefly , what i find concerning the rise and growth the planting and watering of the erastian error , i cannot say of it , that it is honest is parentibus natus , it is not borne and descended of honest parents . the father of it is the old serpent , who finding his kingdom very much impaired , weakned and resisted by the vigor of the true ecclesiastical discipline , which separateth between the precious and the vile , the holy & prophane ; and so contributeth much to the shaming away of the unfruitful works of darknesse ; thereupon he hath cunningly gone about to draw men , first into a jealousie , and then into a dislike of the ecclesiastical discipline , by gods mercy restored in the reformed churches . the mother of it , is the enmity of nature against the kingdom of iesus christ ; which he , as mediator , doth exercise in the goverment of the church : which enmity is naturally in all mens hearts , but is unmortified and strongly prevalent in some , who have said in their hearts , we will not have this man to raigne over us . luke . let us break their bonds asunder , and cast away their cords from us . psal. . . the midwife which brought this unhappy brood into the light of the world , was thomas erastus doctor of medicine at heidelberg of whom i shall say no more , then what is apparant by his owne preface to the reader , namely , that as he was once of opinion , that excommunication is commanded in the word of god , so he came off to the contrary opinion , not without a male-contented humour , and a resentment of some things which he lookt upon as provocations and personal reflections , though its like enough they were not really such , but in his apprehensions they were . one of these was a publick dispute at heydelberg in the year . upon certain theses concerning the necessity of church government , and the power of presbyteries to excommunicate : which theses were exhibited by m. george withers an englishman , who left england because of the ceremonies , and was at that time made doctor of divinity at heydelberg . and the learned dispute had thereupon , you may find epitomized ( as it was taken the day following from the mouth of dr. vrsinus ) in the close of the second part of dr. pareus his explication of the heidelberg catechisme . the erastian error being borne , the breasts which gave it suck were prophanesse and self-interest . the sons of belial were very much for it , expecting that the eye of the civil magistrate shall not be so vigilant over them , nor his hand so much against them for a scandalous and dissolute conversation , as church-discipline would be . germanorum bibere est vivere , in practice as well as in pronunciation . what great marvel if many among them ( for i do not speak of all ) did comply with the erastian tenent ? and it is as little to be marvelled at , if those , whether magistrates , lawyers , or others , who conceived themselves to be so far losers , as ecclesiastical courts were interested in government , and to be greater gainers by the abolition of the ecclesiastical interest in government ; were by assed that way : both these you may find among the causes ( mentioned by aretius 〈◊〉 . probl . loc . . ) for which there was so much un willingnes to admit the discipline of excomunication . magistratus jugum non admittuxt , timent honoribus , licentiam amant , &c. the magistrates do not admit a yoke , are jealous of their honours , love licentiousnesse . vulgus quoque & plebs dissolutior : major pars corruptissima est , &c. the communaltic also and people are more dissolute : the greater part is most vicious . after that this unlucky child had been nursed upon so bad milk , it came at last to eat strong food , and that was arbitrary government , under the name of royall prerogative . mr. iohn wemys ( sometime senator of the colledge of justice in scotland ) as great a royalist as any of his time , in his book de regis primatu , lib. . cap. . doth utterly dissent from and argue against the distinction of civil and ecclesiasticall lawes , and against the synodical power of censures ; holding that both the power of making ecclesiastical lawes , and the corrective power to censure transgressors , is proper to the magistrate . the tutor which bred up the erastian error , was arminianisme ; for the arminians finding their plants pluckt up , and their poison antidoted by classes and synods , thereupon they began to cry down synodical authority , and to appeal to the magistrates power in things ecclesiastical , hoping for more favour and lesse opposition that way . they will have synods onely to examine , dispute , discusse , to impose nothing under pain of ecclesiastical censure , but to leave all men free , to do as they list . see their exam . cens . cap. . and vindic. lib. . cap. . pag. . . and for the magistrate they have endeavoured to make him head of the church , as the pope was ; yea so far , that they are not ashamed to ascribe unto the magistrate that jurisdiction over the churches , synods , and ecclesiastical proceedings ' which the pope did formerly usurpe : for which see apollonius in his ius maj●…statis circa sacra . but the erastian error being thus borne , nursed , fed , and educated , did fall into a most deadly decay and consumption : the procuring causes whereof were these three . first , the best and most ( and in some respect all ) of the reformed churches refused to receive , harbour , or entertain it , and so left it exposed to hunger and cold , shame and nakednesse . some harbour it had in switzerland , but that was lookt upon as comming onely through injury of time , which could not be helped ; the theological and scriptural principles of the divines of those churches , being anti-erastian , and presbyteriall , as i have * else-where shewed against mr. coleman . so that erastianisme could not get warmth and strength enough , no not in zurick it self . yea dr. ursi●…us in his iudicium de disciplinâ ecclesiasticâ , & excommunicatione , exhibited to the prince elector palatine frederick the third ( who had required him to give his judgement concerning erastus his theses ) doth a once and again observe , that all the reformed churches and divines , as well those that did not practice excommunication , as those that did practise it , agree notwithstanding in this principle , that excommunication ought to be in the church . which is a mighty advantage against erastianisme . the second cause was a mis-accident from the mid-wife , who did half stisle it in the birth , from which did accrue a most dangerous infirmity , of which it could never recover . b read the preface of erastus before the confirmation of his theses ; also the close of his sixth book ; put these together , you will find him yeeld , that all ought not to be admitted promiseuously to the sacrament , but that such admission be according to the custome and rule observed in the church of heidelberg ( and what that was , you may find in the heidelberg catechisme quaest. . & . namely a suspension of prophane scandalous persons from the sacrament , and in case of their obstinacy and continuing in their offences , an excommunicating of them . ) he yeelds also that these seven sorts of persons ought not to be esteemed as members of the church , and that if any such be found in the visible church , they ought to be cast out . . idolaters . . apostates . . such as do not understand the true doctrine , that is , ignorant persons . . such as doe not approve and embrace the true doctrine , that is , hereticks and sectaries . . such as desire to receive the sacrament otherwise then in the right manner , and according to christs institution . . such as defend or justifie their wickednes . . such as doe not confesse and acknowledge their sins , and professe sorrow and repentance for them , and a hatred or detestation of them . and thus you see as erastianisme pleadeth for no favour to sectaries , or whosoever dissent in doctrine , or whose tenents concerning christs institution , or manner of administration , are contrary to that which is received in the church where they live : ( for c it is content that all such , were they never so peaceable and godly , be cast out of the church by excommunication . all the favour and forbearance which it pleadeth for , is to the loose and prophane ) so neither doth it altogether exempt the prophane , but such onely as do neither deny nor defend their wickednesse , but confesse their sins , and professe sorrow for them . let the erastians of this time observe what their great master hath yeelded touching the ecclesiastical censure of prophane ones . which though it is not satisfactory to us , for reasons elsewhere given , yet it can be as little satisfactory to them . but whereas erastus together with those his concessions ( that hee may seem to have said somewhat ) falls a quarrelling with presbyteries for presuming to judge of the sincerity of that repentance professed by a scandalous sinner , and their not resting satisfied with a mans owne profession of his repentance . if his followers will now be pleased to reduce the controversie within that narrow circle , whether a presbyterie may excommunicate from the church , or at least suspend from the sacrament , any church-member , as an impenitent scandalous sinner , who yet doth not defend nor denie his sin by which he hath given scandall , but confesseth it , and professeth sincere and hearty repentance for it : ( which is the point that erasius is faine to hold at in the issue ) then i hope we shall be quickly agreed , and the controversie buried ; for we do rest satisfied with the offender his confession of his sinne , and profession of his repentance , unlesse his owne known words or actions give the lye to his profession of repentance ; that is , if he be known to justifie and defend his sin in his ordinary discourse , or to continue in the practice of the sin , which he professeth to the presbyterie he repents of ; if these or such like sure signes of his impenitency be known , must the presbyterie notwithstanding rest satisfied with his verbal profession of repentance ? all that fear god ( i think ) would cry shame , shame , upon such an assertion . and moreover , let us take it in the case of an idolater , heretick , apostate ( for erastus is content that such be excluded from the sacrament . ) suppose such a one doth confesse his sin , and professeth repentance , in the mean while is known to be a writer or spreader of books in defence of that idolatry or heresie , or to be a perswader and enticer of others secretly to that way , or if there be any other known infallible signe of his impenitency , must his verbal profession to the presbyterie in such cases be trusted and taken as satisfactory ? i am confident erastus himself would not have said so . wherefore as in the case of an heretick , so in the case of a prophane person , or one of a scandalous conversation , there is a necessity that the presbyterie examine the real signes of repentance , and the offenders verbal profession is not all . the third cause which helped forward the deadly malady and consumption of erastianisme ; was the grief , shame , confusion and losse which it sustained by the learning and labour of some divines in the reformed churches , who had to very good purpose taken pains to discover to the world the curled nature of that unlucky brood , being of the seed of the amalekites , which ought not to enter into the congregation of the lord. the divines who have more especially and particularly appeared against it , are ( to my observation ) these . beza de excommunicatione , & presbyterio contra erastum : which was not printed till erastus his reply unto it was first printed . whereunto as beza in a large preface layeth the foundation of a duply , so he had prepared and perfected his duply , had he not been hindred by the great troubl●s of geneva , at that time besieged by the duke of savoy ; beza himself being also at that time . yeares old ; howbeit for all this , he did not lay aside the resolution and thought of that duply , if he should have opportunity , and see it requisite or calld for ; all which is manifest from that preface . next to him , i reckon zacharias ursinus a most solid judicious divine , who did ( as i touched before ) exhibite to the prince elector palatine frederick the third , iudicium de disciplina ecclesiastica & excommunicatione ( which you may find in the end of his third tome ) wherein he doth soundly confute the theses of erastus , neither hath any reply been made thereto , that ever i could learn of ● also in his catecheticall explications , quaest , . he plainly disputes against the erastian principles . the more strange it is that mr. hussey in his epistle to the parliament would make them beleeve that ursinus is his , and not ours , in this controversie . after these , there did others , more lately , come upon the stage against the erastian principles , as casparus brochmand a lutheran , in system . theol. tom. . artic. de disciplina ecclesiastica , where he examineth the most substantiall arguments of erastus : antonius walaeus de munere ministrorum ecclesiae & inspectione magistratus circa illud . et in loc●… com . de clavivibus & potestate ecclesiastica . et tom , . disp. de disciplina ecclesiastica . helmichius de vocatione pastorum & institutione consistoriorum . d. triglandius in differtatione de potestate civili & ecclesiastica . d. revius in examine libelli de episcopatu constantini magni . d. apollonij 〈◊〉 majestatis circa sacra . d. cabeliavius de libertate ecclesiae in exercenda disciplina spirituali . dr. voqtius in his politica ecclesiastica , especially his disputations de potestate & politia ecclesiarum . beside acronius , thysius , ludov. a renesse , who were champions against that unhappy error revived in the low-countries by w●…enbogard a proselyte of the arminians . but now , while e●…astianisme did thus lye a dying , and like to breath its last , is there no physitian who will undertake the cure , and endeavour to raise it up from the gates of death to life ? yes , mr. coleman was the man , who ( to that purpose ) first appeared publikely ; first by a sermon to the parliament ; next , by debating the controversie with my selfe in writing ; and lastly , by engaging in a publike debate in the reverend assembly of divines , against this proposition : iesus christ as king and head of his church , hath appointed a governement in the church , in the hands of church-officers , distinct from the civil governement . after he had some dayes argued against this proposition ( having full liberty both to argue and reply as much as he pleased ) it pleased god to visit him with sicknesse , during which , the assembly ( upon intimation from himself , that he wished them to lay aside that proposition for a time , that if god should give him health again , he might proceed in his debate ) did goe upon other matter , and lay this aside for that season . the lord was pleased to remove him by death , before he could do what he intended in this , and other particulars . one of his intentions was to translate and publish in english the book of erastus against excommunication . but through gods mercy , before the poison was ready , there was one antidote ready , i mean mr. rutherford his answer to erastus . but though mr. coleman was the first man he was not the onely man that hath appeared in this present controversie in england . others ( and those of divers professions ) are come upon the stage . i shall leave every man to his judge , and shall judge nothing before the time . onely i shall wish every man to consider sadly and seriously , by what spirit and principles he is led , and whether he be seeking the things of christ , or his owne things ; whether he be pleasing men , or pleasing christ ; whether sin be more shamed , and holinesse more advanced , this way , or that way ; which way is most agreeable to the word of god , to the example of the best reformed churches ; and so to the sol●mne league and cov●nant . the controversie is now hot : every faithfull servant of christ , will be carefull to deliver his owne soule by his faithfulnesse , and let the lord do what seemeth him good . the cause is not ours , but christs ; it stands him upon his honour , his crowne , his lawes , his kingdom . our eyes are towards the lord , and we will wait for a divine decision of the businesse : for the lord is our judge , the lord is our law-giver , the lord is our king , he will save us . chap. ii. some postulata or common principles to be presupposed . for a foundation to the following discourse , i shall premise the particulars following , which i hope shall be condescended upon , and acknowledged , as so many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there must be a most conscientious and speciall care had , that there be not a promiscuous admission of all sorts of persons ( that please or desire ) to partake in all the publike ordinances of god : but a distinction is to be made of the precious and the vile , the clean and the unclean ; i mean those who are apparantly and visibly such . this was a principle and rule among the heathens themselves , therefore d when they came to doe sacrifice , the prophane were bidden be gone , and e caesar tells us , that of old the druides ( the heathnish french priests ) did interdict the flagitious from their sacrifices and holy things . these druides france had from england , if the observation of francis holy-oke out of tacitus , hold . . that censures and punishments ought to be appointed and inflicted , as for personal and private injuries between man and man , so much more for publike and scandalous sins , whereby god is very much dishonoured , and the church dangerously scandalized . tyberius his slighting maxime , deorum injurias dijs curae esse , may be entertained among atheists , but is exploded among all true christians . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the christian maxime . care is to be first taken of things pertaining to god. . it is requisite and necessary , that he who hath given publick scandall and offence to the church , and hath openly dishonoured god by a grosse notorious sin , should honour god , edifie others , and ( so far as in him lyeth ) remove the offence by a publike confession of the sin , and declaration of his sorrow and repentance for the sa●ne ; and of his resolution ( through the grace of christ ) to do so no more : as many of the beleevers at ephesus did publikely confesse and shew their deeds : act. . . the syriack addeth their offences . a patterne of this confession we have in the law of moses , and jewish policie ( whereof else-where ) as likewise in the baptisme of iohn , matth. . . of this publike confession of sin , see festus honnius disp . . thes , . mr. hildersham on psal. . lect. . & . and diverse others . both the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches , leadeth us this way . the centurists cent. . lib. . cap. . observe four kinds of confession in the new-testament : first , a confession of sin to god alone . iohn . . secondly , a confession coram ecclesia , before the church , when men acknowledge publikcly their wicked and scandalous deeds , and do professe their repenting and lothing of the same : and for this they cite act. . . thirdly , a confession one to another of particular private injuries and offences , chiefly recommended to those who are at variance , and have wronged one another . iam. . . fourthly , the confession or profession of the true faith. iohn . . . that publick shame put upon a scandalous sinner , and the separating or casting out of such an one , as the vlle from the precious , is the fittest and most eff●ctual means which the church can use to humble him , to break his heart , and to bring him to the acknowledgement of his offence . . that there may be and often are such persons in the church , whom f we must avoid , rom. . . withdraw from them . tim . . tim. . . thes. . . have no company with them . thes. . . not eat with them . cor. . . nor bid them god speed . epist. john , vers . . . . that since there must be a withdrawing from a brother that walketh disorderly and scandalously , it s more agreeable to the glory of god , and to the churches peace , that this be done by a publick authoritative ecclesiastical judgement and sentence , than wholly and solely to trust it to the piety and prudence of each particular christian , to esteem as heathens and publicans , whom , and when , and for what he shall think good , and accordingly to withdraw and separate from them . . that there is a distinction between magistracy and ministery , even iure divino . that the civil magistrate hath not power to abolish or continue the ministery in abstracto at his pleasure ; nor yet to make or unmake ministers in concreto , that is , to ordain or depose ministers , as he thinks fit . . as the offices are distinct g so is the power ; magistrates may do what ministers may not doe : and ministers may doe what magistrates may not do . . it is iuris communis , a principle of common equity and naturall reason , that the directive judgement in any matter doth chiefly belong to such as ( by their profession and vocation ) are devoted and set apart to the study and knowledge of such matters , and ( in that respect ) supposed to be ablest and fittest to give judgement thereof . a consultation of physitians is called for , when the magistrate desires to know the nature , symptomes , or cure of some dangerous disease . a consultation of lawyers , in legal questions . a councell of war in military expeditions . if the magistrate be in a ship at sea , he takes not on him the directive part of navigation , which belongs to the master , with the mates and pilot . neither doth the master of the ship ( if it come to a sea-fight ) take on him the directive part in the fighting , which belongs to the captain . and so in all other cases , artifici in sua arte credendum . wherefore though the judgement of christian prudence and discretion belongs to every christian , and to the magistrate in his station ; and though the magistrate may be , and sometime is learned in the scriptures , and well acquainted with the principles of true divinity , yet ut plurimum , and ordinarily , especially in a rightly reformed and well constituted church , ministers are to be supposed to be fittest and ablest to give a directive judgement in things and causes spiritual and ecclesiastical : with whom also other ruling church . officers do assist and joyne , who are more experimentally and practically ( they ought also , and diverse times are more theoretically ) acquainted with the right way and rules of church-government and censures ; then the civil magistrate ( when he is no ruling elder in the church , which is but accidentall ) can be rationally or ordinarily supposed to be . . there is some power of governement , in the church given to the ministery by christ : else why are they said to be set over us in the lord , and called rulers and governours , as we shall see afterwards ? chap. iii. what the erastians yeeld unto vs , and what we yeeld unto them . for better stating of the controversie , we shall first of all take notice of such particulars as are the opposites concessions to us , or our concessions to them . their concessions are these . . h that the christian magistrate in ordering and disposing of ecclesiastical causes and matters of religion , is tyed to keep close to the rule of the word of god ; and that as he may not assume an arbitrary government of the state , so far lesse of the church . . that church-officers may exercise church-government , and authority in matters of religion , where the magistrate doth not professe and defend the true religion : in such a case two governments are allowed to stand together , one civil , another ecclesiastical . this i erastus granteth , as it were by constraint , and it seems by way of compliance with the divines of zurik ( who hold excommunication by church-officers under an infidel magistrate , and that iure divino ) to move them to comply the more with him in other particulars . . that the abuse of church-governement is no good argument against the thing it self : there being no authority so good , so necessary in church or state , but by reason of their corruptions who manage it , may be abused to tyranny and opression . these are mr. prinnes words , vindic. of the . questions pag. . . that some jurisdiction belongs to presbyteries by divine right . mr. prynne in his epistle dedicatory before the vindication of his four questions , saith , that his scope is , not to take from our new presbyteries , all ecclesiastical jurisdiction due by divine right to them , but to confine it within certain definite limits , to prevent all exorbitant abuses of it . . that the christian magistrate ought not , may not preach the word , nor minister the sacraments . mr. coleman in his brotherly examination re-examined pag. . i never had it in my thoughts that the parliament had power of dispensing the word and sacraments : then so far there is a distinction of magistracy and ministery iure divino : yet in this he did not so well agree with k erastus . . that the ministery is iure divino , and ministers have their power and authority of preaching the word derived to them from christ , not from the magistrate . so mr. hussey in his epistle to my self . we preach the word with all authority from christ , derived to us by those of our brethren that were in commission before us . magistrates may drive away false teachers , but not the preachers of the gospel but at their utmost peril . . they admit and allow of presbyteries , so that they doe not exercise government and jurisdiction . erast. lib. . cap. . our concessions to our opposites , are these . . that all are not to be admitted promiscuously either to be governours or members in the ecclesiastical republick , that is , in a visible political church . none are to governe l nor to be abmitted members of presbyteries or synods , except such as both for abilities and conversation , are qualified according to that which the apostle paul requireth a bishop or elder to be . scandalous or prophane church-officers are the worst of dogs and swine , and to be first cast out . and as all are not to governe , so all are not to be governed ecclesiastically ; but onely church-members , cor. . . therefore what hath been objected concerning many both pastors and people in england , who are still branches of the old stock , doth not strike against what we hold . all are not sit for a church-government . therefore those that are fit shall not have a church-government . so they must argue ; or thus , a popish people are not fit to be governed presbyterially , and episcopal ministers are not fit to governe ; therefore the rest of the nation shall want a government . . presbyteriall government is not despotical , but ministerial , it is not a dominion , but a service . we are not lords over gods heritage : pet. . . but we are the servants both of christ and of his church . we preach not our selves , saith the apostle , but christ jesus the lord , and our selves your servants for jesus sake . cor. . . . that power of government with which pastors and elders are invested , hath for the object of it , not the external man , but the inward man. it is not , nor ought not to be exercised in any compulsive , coercive , corporal , or civil punishments . when there is need of coertion or compulsion , it belongs to the magistrate , not to the minister , though the question be of a matter of religion ; of persons or things ecclesiastical . which as it is rightly observed by m salmasius , so he further asserteth against the popish writers , that all ecclesiastical jurisdiction hath for the object of it , onely the inward man ; for consider the end of church-censures , saith he , even when one is ex communicated or suspended from the sacrament , it is but to reduce him and restore him by repentance , that he may again partake of the sacrament rightly and comfortably : which repentance is in the soule or inward man , though the signes of it appear externally . . presbyterial government is not an arbitrary government ; for clearing whereof take these five considerations . . we can do nothing against the truth but for the truth : and the power which the lord hath given u● , is to edification and not to destruction cor. . all presbyterial proceedings must be levelled to this end , and squared by this rule . . presbyters and presbyteries are 〈◊〉 to the law of the land , and to the corrective power of the magistrate ; quatenus ecclesia est in republica , & reipub. pars , non respublica ecclesiae : in so far as the church is in the common-wealth , and a part of the common-wealth ; not the common-wealth a part of the church , saith salmasius appar . ad lib. de primatu pag. . for which , pag. . he cites , optatus milivitanus lib. . non enim respullica est in ecclesia , sed ecclesia in republica . ministers and elders are subjects and members of the common-wealth , and in that respect punishable by the magistrate , if they transgresse the law of the land. . yea also as church-officers , they are to be kept within the limits of their calling , and compelled ( if need be ) by the magistrate to do those duties which by the clear word of god and received principles of christian religion , or by the received ecclesiastical constitutions of that church , they ought to do . . and in corrupto ecclesiae statu , i mean , if it shall ever happen ( which the lord forbid , and i trust shall never be ) that presbyteries , or synods shall make defection from the truth to errour , from holinesse to prophanesse , from moderation to tyranny and persecution , censuring the innocent and absolving the guilty , as popery and prelacy did , and there being no hopes of redressing such enormities in the ordinary way by intrinsecal ecclesiastical remedies , that is , by well-constituted synods , or assemblies of orthodox , holy , moderate presbyters : in such an extraordinary exigence , the christian magistrate may and ought to interpose his authority to do diverse things which in an ordinary course of government he ought not to do ; for in such a case , magistracy ( without expecting the proper intrinsecal remedy of better ecclesiasticall assemblies ) may immediately , by it self , and in the most effectual manner , suppresse and restrain such defection , exorbitancy , and tyranny , and not suffer the unjust , heretical , tyrannical sentences of presbyteries or synods to be put in execution . howbeit in ecclesia bene constituta , in a well constituted and reformed church , it is not to be supposed , that the condition of affairs will be such as i have now said . we heartily acknowledge with mr. cartwright annot . on mat. . sect. . that it belongeth to the magistrate , to reforme things in the church , as often as the ecclesiastical persons shall either through ignorance , or disorder of the affection of covetuousnesse or ambition , d●…file the lords sanctuary . for saith iunius animad . in bell. contr . . lib. . cap. . & . both the church when the concurrence of the magistrate faileth , may extraordinarily doe something which ordinarily she cannot : and again when the church faileth of her duty , the magistrate may extraordinarily procure , that the church return to her duty . . i dare confidently say , that if comparisons be rightly made , presbyterial government is the most limitted and the least arbitrary government of any other in the world . i should have thought it very unnecessary and superfluous , to have once named here the papal government , or yet the prelatical , but that mr. prynn in his preface to his four grand questions , puts the reverend assembly of divines in mind , that they should beware of usurping that which hath been even by themselves disclaimed against , and quite taken away from the pope and prelats . mr. coleman also in his sermon brought objections from the usurpations of pope paul the fift , and of the archhbishop of canterbury : well , if we must needs make a comparison , come on . the papal usurpations are many . . the pope takes upon him to determine what belongs to the canon of scripture , what not ? . that he onely can determine what is the sence of scripture . . he addeth unwritten traditions . . he makes himself judge of all controversies . . he dispenseth with the law of god it self . . he makes himself above general councels . . his government is monarchical . . he receiveth appeals from all the nations in the world . . he claimeth infallibility at least ex cathedra . . he maketh lawes absolutely binding the conscience , even in things indifferent . . he claimeth a temporal dominion over all the kingdoms in the world . . he saith he may depose kings , and absolve subjects from their oath of allegiance . . he persecuteth all with fire and sword and anathema's , who do not subject themselves to him . . he claimeth the sole power of convocating general councels . . and of presiding or moderating therein by himself or his legates . what conscience or ingenuity can there now be , in making any parallel between papall and presbyteriall governement ? as little there is in making the comparison with prelacy , the power whereof was indeed arbitrary and impatient of those limitations and rules which presbyteries and synods in the reformed churches walkby . for . the prelate was but one , yet he claimed the power of ordination and jurisdiction as proper to himself in his owne diocesse . we give the power of ordination and church censures not uni , but unitati , not to one , but to an assembly gathered into one . . the prelate assumed a perpetual precedency and a constant priviledge of moderating synods , which presbyterial government denyeth to any one man. . the prelate did not tye himself either to aske or to receive advice from his fellow presbyters , except when he himself pleased . but there is no presbyteriall nor synodicall sentence , which is not concluded by the major part of voices . . the prelate made himself pastor to the whole diocesse ( consisting it may be of some hundreds of congregations ) holding that the ministers of particular congregations did preach the word and minister the sacraments , in his name by vertue of authority and order from him , and because he could not act by himself in every congregation . the presbyteriall government acknowledgeth no pastorall charge of preaching the word and ministring the sacraments to more congregations then one ; and doth acknowledge the pastors of particular churches , being lawfully called , to have power and authority for preaching the word and ministring the sacraments in the name of christ , and not in the name of the presbyterie . . the prelates as they denyed the power and authority of pastors , so they utterly denyed the very offices of ruling elders , and deacons for taking more especiall care of the poor , in particular congregations . . they did not acknowledge congregationall elderships , nor any power of discipline in particular congregations which the presbyteriall government doth . . they intruded pastors oft times against the consent of the congregation , and reclamante ecclesiâ , which the presbyteriall government doth not . . they ordained ministers without any particular charge , which the presbyterial government doth not . in synods they did not allow any but the clergie alone ( as they kept up the name ) to have decisive suffrage . the presbyterial government gives decisive voices to ruling elders as well as to pastors . . the prelates declined to be accountable to and censurable by either chapters , diocesan or nationall synods . in presbyteriall government all ( in whatsoever ecclesiasticall administration ) are called to an account in presbyteries , provinciall and nationall assemblies respectively , and none are exempted from synodicall censures in case of scandall and obstinacy . . the prelates power was not meerly ecclesiasticall , they were lords of parliament , they held civil places in the state , which the presbyterial government condemneth . . the prelats were not chosen by the church , presbyters are . . the prelates did presume to make lawes binding the conscience , even in things indifferent , and did persecute , imprison , fine , depose , excommunicate men for certain rites and ceremonies acknowledged by themselves to be indifferent ( setting aside the will and authority of the law makers ) this the presbyteriall government abhorreth . . they did excommunicate for money matters , for trifles . which the presbyteriall government condemneth . . the prelates did not allow men to examine by the judgement of christian and private discretion , their decrees and canons , so as to search the scriptures and look at the warrants , but would needs have men think it enough to know the things to be commanded by them that are in place and power . presbyteriall government doth not lord it over mens consciences , but admitteth ( yea commendeth ) the searching of the scriptures , whether these things which it holds forth be not so , and doth not presse mens consciences with sic volo , sic jubeo , but desireth they may doe in faith what they do . . the prelates held up pluralities , non-residencies &c. which the presbyteriall government doth not . as many of the prelates did themselves neglect to preach the gospel , so they kept up in diverse places a reading non-preaching ministery : which the presbyteriall goverment suffereth not . . they opened the door of the ministery to diverse scandalous , arminianized , and popishly affected men , and locked the door upon many worthy to be admitted . the presbyteriall government herein is as contrary to theirs , as theirs was to the right . . their official courts , commissaries , &c. did serve themselves h●ires to the sons of eli , nay , but thou shalt give it me now , and if not , i will take it by force . the presbyterial government 〈◊〉 such proceedings . . the prelates and their high-commission court did assume pot●…statem utriusque gladij , the power both of the temporall and civil sword. the presbyteriall government medleth with no civil nor temporall punishments . i do not intend to enumerate all the differences between the papal and prelatical government on the one side , and the presbyterial government on the other side ; in this point of unlimitednesse or arbitrarynesse . these differences which i have given , may serve for a consciencious caution to intelligent and moderate men , to beware of such odiou● and unjust comparisons , as have been used by some , and among others by mr. sal●…marsh in his parallel between the prelacy and presbyterie : which as it cannot strike against us , nor any of the reformed churches ( who acknowledge no such presbyterie as he describeth ) and in some particulars , striketh at the ordinance of parliament ( as namely in point of the directory ) so he that hath a mind to a recrimination , might with more truth lay diverse of those imputations upon those , whom ( i beleeve ) he is most unwilling they should be laid upon . in the third place , the presbyterian government is more limited and lesse arbitrary than the independent government of single congregations , which exempting themselves from the presbyterial subordination , and from being accountable to , and censurable by classes or synods , must needs be supposed to exercise a much more unlimited or arbitrary power , than the presbyterial churches do : especially when this shall be compared and laid together with one of their three grand principles , which disclaimeth the binding of themselves for the future unto their present judgement and practice , and avoucheth the keeping of this reserve to alter and retract . see their apologetical narration , pag. , . by which it appeareth that their way will not suffer them to be so far moulded into an uniformity , or bounded within certain particular rules ( i say not with others , but even among themselves ) as the presbyterian way will ad●it of . finally , the presbyterial government hath no such liberty nor arbitrarinesse , as civil or military government hath : there being in all civil or temporal affairs a great deal of latitude 〈◊〉 to those who manage the same , so that they command nor act nothing against the word of god. but presbyterial government is tyed up to the rules of scripture , in all such particulars as are properly spiritual and proper to the church ; though in other particular , occasional circumstances of times , places , accommodations , and the like , the same light of nature and reason guideth both church and state ; yet in things properly spiritual and ecclesiastical , there is not near somuch latitude left to the presbytery , as there is in civil affairs to the magistrate . and thus i have made good what i said , that presbyterial government is the most limited and least arbitrary government of any other . all which vindication and clearing of the presbyterial government , doth overthrow ( as to this point ) master hussey's observation , pag. . of the irregularity and arbitrarinesse of church-government . and so much of my fourth conc●ssion . the fifth shall be this : 't is far from our meaning , that the christian magistrate should not meddle with matters of religion , or things and causes ecclesiastical , and that he is to take care of the common-wealth , but not of the church . certainly there is much power and authority which by the word of god , and by the confessions of faith of the reformed churches , doth belong to the christian magistrate in matters of religion . which i do but now touch by the way , so far as is necessary to wipe off the aspersion cast upon presbyterial government . the particulars i refer to chapter . our sixth concession is , that in extraordinary cases , when church-government doth degenerate into tyranny , ambition , and avarice ; and they who have the managing of the ecclesiastical power , make defection and fall into manifest heresy , impiety , or injustice , ( as under popery and prelacy it was for the most part : ) then , and in such cases ( which we pray and hope we shall never see again ) the christian magistrate may and ought to do diverse things in and for religion , and interpose his authority diverse wayes , so as doth not properly belong to his cognizance , decision , and administration , ordinarily , and in a reformed and well constituted church . for extraordinary diseases must have extraordinary remedies . more of this before . a seventh concession is this : the civil sanction added to church-government and discipline , is a free and voluntary act of the magistrate . that is , church-government doth not ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , necessitate the magistrate to aid , assist , or corroborate the same , by adding the strength of a law. but the magistrate is free in this , to do or not to do , to do more or to do lesse , as he will answer to god and his conscience : it is a cumulative act of favour done by the magistrate . my meaning is not , that it is free to the magistrate ▪ in genere moris ; but in genere entis . the magistrate ought to adde the civil sanction hic & nunc , or he ought not to do it . it is either a duty , or a sin ; it is not indifferent . but my meaning is , the magistrate is free herein from all coaction , yea from all necessity and obligation ; other then ariseth from the word of god , binding his conscience . there is no power on earth , civil or spiritual , to constrain him . the magistrate himself is his own judge on earth , how far he is to do any cumulative act of favour to the church . which takes off that calumny , that presbyterial government doth force or compel the conscience of the magistrate . i pray god we may never have cause to state the question otherwise , i mean , concerning the magistrate his forbidding what christ hath commanded , or commanding what christ hath forbidden : in which case we must serve christ and our consciences , rather then obey laws contrary to the word of god and our covenant : whereas in the other case , of the magistrate his not adding of the civil sanction , we may both serve christ , and do it without the least appearance of disobedience to the magistrate . eighthly , we grant that pastors and elders , whether they be considered distributively , or collectively in presbyteries and synods , being subjects and members of the common-wealth , ought to be subject and obedient in the lord to the magistrate and to the law of the land ; and as in all other duties , so in civil subjection and obedience they ought to be ensamples to the flock ; and their trespasses against law are punishable , as much , yea , more then the trespasses of other subjects . of this also before . ninthly , if the magistrate be offended , at the sentence given , or censure inflicted by a presbytery or a synod , they ought to be ready in all humility and respect , to give him an account and reason of such their proceedings , and by all means to endeavour the satisfaction of the magistrate his conscience : or otherwise to be warned and rectified , if themselves have erred . chap. iv. of the agreements and differences between the nature of the civil and of the ecclesiastical powers or governments . having now observed what ▪ our opposites yeeld to us , or we to them , i shall for further unfolding of what i plead for , or against , adde here the chief agreements and differences between the civil and ecclesiastical powers , so far as i apprehend them . they both agree in these things : . they are both from god ; both the magistrate , and the minister is authorized from god , both are the ministers of god , and shall give account of their administrations to god. . both are tyed to observe the law and commandments of god : and both have certain directions from the word of god to guide them in their administration . . both civil magistrates and church officers are fathers ▪ and ought to be honoured and obeyed according to the fifth commandment : utrumque scilicet dominium , saith luther , tom. . fol. . both governments , the civil and the ecclesiastical , do pertain to that commandment . ▪ both magistracy and ministery are appointed for the glory of god as supreme , and for the good of men as the subordinate end . . they are both of them mutually aiding and auxiliary , each to other . magistracy strengthens the ministery , and the ministery strengthens magistracy . . they agree in their general kinde ; they are both powers and governments . . both of them require singular qualifications , eminent gifts and endowments ▪ and of both it holds true , quis ad haec idoneus ? . both of them have degrees of censures and correction according to the degrees of offences . . neither the one nor the other may give out sentence against one who is not convict , or whose offence is not proved . . both of them have a certain kind of jurisdiction in foro exteriori . for though the ecclesiastical power be spiritual , and exercised about such things as belong to the inward man onely ; yet as dr. rivet upon the decalogue , pag. . . saith truly , there is a two-fold power of external jurisdiction which is exercised in foro exteriori : one by church-censures , excommunication , lesser and greater ▪ which is not committed to the magistrate , but to church-officers : another , which is civil and coercive , and that is the magistrates . but mr. coleman told us , he was perswaded it will trouble the whole world to bound ecclesiastical and civil jurisdiction , the one from the other ; maledicis pag. . well : i have given ten agreements . i will now give ten differences . the difference between them is great ; they differ in their causes , effects , objects , adjuncts , correlations , executions , and ultimate terminations . . in the efficient cause . the king of nations hath instituted the civil power ; the king of saints hath instituted the ecclesiastical power . i mean the most high god , possessor of heaven and earth , who exerciseth soverainty over the workmanship of his own hands , and so over all mankind , hath instituted magistrates to be in his stead , as gods upon earth . but iesus christ as mediator and king of the church , whom his father hath set upon his holy hill of zion , psal. . . to reigne over the house of jacob for ever , luke . . who hath the key of the house of david laid upon his shoulder , isa. . . hath instituted an ecclesiastical power and goverment in the hands of church-officers , whom in his name he sendeth forth . . in the matter , magistracy or civil power hath for the matter of it the earthly scepter and the temporal sword : that is , it is monarchical and legislative : it is also punitive or coercive of those that do evil ; understand , upon the like reason , remunerative of those that do well . n the ecclesiastical power hath for the matter of it , the keyes of the kingdom of heaven . . the key of knowledge or doctrine , and that to be administred , not onely severally by each minister concionaliter , but also consistorially and synodically in determining controversies of faith , and that according to the rule of holy scripture onely : which is clavis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . the key of order and decency , so to speak : by which the circumstances of gods worship and all such particulars in ecclesiastical affairs , as are not determined in scripture , are determined by the ministers and ruling officers of the church , so as may best agree to the generall rules of the word concerning order and decency , avoyding of scandall , doing all to the glory of god , and to the edifying of one another . and this is clavis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . the key of corrective discipline or censures to be exercised upon the scandalous and obstinate : which is clavis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . adde also the key of ordination or mission of church-officers , which i may call clavis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the authorizing or power giving key , others call it missio potestativa . . they differ in their formes . the power of magistracy is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is an authority or dominion exercised in the particulars above mentioned , and that in an immediate subordination to god : for which reason magistrates are called gods . the ecclesiastical power is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 onely . it is meerly ministeriall and steward-like , and exercised in an immediate subordination to iesus christ , as king of the church , and in his name and authority . . they differ in their ends . the supreme end of magistracy is onely the glory of god , as king of nations , and as exercising dominion over the inhabitants of the earth : and in that respect the magistrate is appointed to keep his subjects within the bounds of external obedience to the moral law , the obligation where of lyeth upon all nations , and all men . the supreme end of the ecclesiastical power , is either proximus or remotus . the neerest and immediate end is the glory of iesus christ , as mediator and king of the church . the more remote end is the glory of god , as having all power and authority in heaven and earth . you will say , must not then the christian magistrate intend the glory of iesus christ , and to be subservient to him as he is mediator and king of the church ? certainly he ought and must ; and god forbid but that he should do so . but how ? not qua magistrate , but qua christian. if you say to me again , must not the christian magistrate intend to be otherwise subservient to the kingdom of iesus christ as mediator , then by personal or private christian duties , which are incumbent to every christian ? i answer , no doubt he ought to intend more , even to glorifie iesus christ in the administration of magistracy . which that you may rightly apprehend , and that i be not misunderstood , take this distinction . it is altogether incumbent to the ruling officers of the church , to intend the glory of christ as mediator , even ex natura rei , in regard of the very nature of ecclesiasticall power and government which hath no other end and use for which it was intended and instituted , but to be subservient to the kingly office of iesus christ in the governing of his church upon earth ( and therefore sublata ecclesiâ perit regimen ecclesiasticum , take away the church out of a nation , and you take away all ecclesiasticall power of government , which makes another difference from magistracy , as we shall see anon . ) but the magistrate though christian and godly , doth not ex natura rei , in regard of the nature of his particular vocation ▪ intend the glory of iesus christ as mediator , and king of the church : but in regard of the common principles of christian religion , which do oblige every christian in his particular vocation and station ( and so the magistrate in his ) to intend that end . all christians are commanded that whatever they do in word or deed , they do all in the name of the lord iesus , col. . . that is , according to the will of christ , and for the glory of christ : and so a marchant , a mariner , a tradesman , a school-master , a captain , a souldier , a printer , and in a word , every christian in his own place and station ought to intend the glory of christ , and the good of his church and kingdom . upon which ground and principle , if the magistrate be christian , it is incumbent to him so to administer that high and eminent vocation of his , that christ may be glorified as king of the church , and that this kingdom of christ may flourish in his dominions , ( which would god every magistrate called christian did really intend . ) so then the glory of christ as mediator and king of the church , is to the ministery both finis operis , and finis operantis . to the magistrate , though christian , it is onely finis operantis ; that is , it is the end of the godly magistrate , but not the end of magistracy : whereas it is not onely the end of the godly minister , but the end of the ministery it self . the ministers intendment of this end , flowes from the nature of their particular vocation . the magistrates intendment of the same end , flowes from the nature of their general vocation of christianity , acting , guiding , and having influence into their particular vocation . so much of the supreme ends . now the subordinate end of all ecclesiastical power , is , that all who are of the church , whether officers or members , may live godly , righteously , and soberly in this present world , be kept within the bounds of obedience to the gospel , void of all known offence toward god , and toward man , and be made to walk according to the rules delivered to us by christ and his apostles . the subordinate end of the civil power is , that all publike sins committed presumptuously against the moral law , may be exemplarly punished , and that peace , justice , and good order may be preserved and maintained in the common-wealth , which doth greatly redound to the comfort and good of the church , and to the promoting of the course of the gospel ▪ for this end the apostle bids us pray for kings , and all who are in authority ( though they be pagans , much more if they be christians ) that we may live under them a peaceable and quiet life , in all godlinesse and honesty : ▪ tim. . . he saith not simply , that we may live in godlinesse and honesty , but that we may both live peaceably and quietly , and also live godly and honestly : which is the very same that we commonly say of the magistrate , that he is custos utriusque tabulae . he is to take speciall care that all his subjects be made to observe the law of god , and live not onely in moral honesty , but in godlinesse , and that so living , they may also enjoy peace and quietnesse . more particularly ; the end of church censures is , that men may be ashamed , humbled , reduced to repentance , that their spirit may be saved in the day of the lord. the end of civil punishments inflicted by the magistrate is , that justice may be done according to law , and that peace and good order may be maintained in the common-wealth , as hath been said . the end of delivering hymeneus and alexander to satan , was , that they may learn not to blaspheme , tim. . . erastus yeelds to beza , pag. . that the apostle doth not say ut non possint blasphemare , that henceforth they may not be able to sin as they did before ( which yet he acknowledgeth to be the end of civil punishments , ) but that they may learn not to blaspheme . wherefore when he expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to no other sence but this , that the apostle had delivered those two to be killed by satan , ut non possint , that they may not be able to blaspheme so any more ; just as a mastgirate delivers a theef from the gallows , that he may not be able to steal any more , and ( as he tels us some speak ) that he may learn to steal no more : he is herein confuted , not onely out of the text , but out of himself . so then , the end of church-censures is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the offenders may learn or be instructed to do so no more ; which belongeth to the inward man or soul. the end of civil punishments is , ut non possint ( as erastus tels us ) that the offenders may not be able or at least ( being alive and some way free ) may not dare to do the like , the sword being appointed for a terrour to them who do evil , to restrain them from publike and punishable offences , not to work upon the spirit of their mindes , nor to effect the destroying of the flesh by mortification , that the spirit may be safe in the day of the lord. the fifth difference between the civil and ecclesiastical powers , is in respect of the effects . the effects of the civil power are civil laws , civil punishments , civil rewards . the effects of the ecclesiastical power , are determinations of controversies of faith , canons concerning order and decency in the church , ordination or deposition of church-officers , suspension from the sacrament , and excommunication . the powers being distinct in their nature and causes , the effects must needs be distinct , which flow from the actuating and putting in execution of the powers . i do not here speak of the effects of the ecclesiastical power of order , the dispensing of the word and sacraments ; but of the effects of the power of jurisdiction or government , of which onely the controversic is . sixthly : the civil power hath for the object of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the things of this life , matters of peace , war , justice , the kings matters , and the countrey-matters , those things that belong to the external man : but the ecclesiastical power hath for the object of it , things pertaining to god , the lords matters , as they are distinct from civil matters , and things belonging to the inward man , distinct from the things belonging to the outward man. this difference protestant writers do put between the civil and ecclesiastical powers . fr. junius ecclesiast . lib. . cap. . saith thus : we have put into our definition humane things to be the subject of civil administration : but the subject of ecclesiastical administration , we have taught to be things divine and sacred . things divine and sacred we call both those which god commandeth for the sanctification of our minde and conscience , as things necessary ; and also those which the decency and order of the church requireth to be ordained and observed , for the profitable and convenient use of the things which are necessary : for example , prayers , the administration of the word and sacraments , ecclsiastical censure , are things necessary and essentially belonging to the communion of saints : but set dayes , set hours , set places , fasts ▪ and the like , belong to the decency and order of the church &c. but humane things we call such as touch the life , the body ▪ goods and good name , as they are expounded in the second table of the decalogue ; for these are the things in which the whole civil administration standeth . tilen , synt. part . . disp . . tels us to the same purpose , that civil government or magistracy versatur circa res terrenas & hominem externum . magistratus , saith danaui pol. christ. lib. . cap. . instituti sunt à deo rerum humanarum quae hominum societati necessariae sunt , respectu , & ad earum curam . if it be objected , how can these things agree with that which hath been before by us acknowledged , that the civil magistrate ought to take special care of religion , of the conservation and purgation thereof , of the abolishing idolatry and superstition ; and ought to be custos utriusque tabulae , of the first , as well as second table ? i answer , that magistrates are appointed , not onely for civil policy , but for the conservation and purgation of religion ▪ as is expressed in the confession of faith of the church of scotland , before cited , we firmly beleeve , as a most undoubted truth . but when divines make the object of magistracy to be onely such things as belong to this life and to humane society , they do not mean the object of the magistrates care ( as if he were not to take care of religion ; ) but the object of his operation . the magistrate himself may not assume the administration of the keys , nor the dispensing of church-censures ; he can but punish the external man with external punishments . of which more afterwards . the seventh difference stands in the adjuncts : for . the ecclesiastical power in presbyterial or synodical assemblies , ought not to be exercised without prayer and calling upon the name of the lord , matth. . . there is no such obligation upon the civil power , as that there may be no civil court of justice without prayer . . in divers cases civil jurisdiction hath been and is in the person of one man : but no ecclesiastical jurisdiction is committed to one man , but to an assembly in which two at least must agree in the thing , as is gathered from the text last cited . . no private or secret offence ought to be brought before an ecclesiastical court , except in the case of contumacy and impenitency , after previous admonitions : this is the ordinary rule , not to dispute now extraordinary exceptions from that rule . but the civil power is not bound up by any such ordinary rule : for i suppose , our opposites will hardly say ( at least hardly make it good ) that no civil injury or breach of law and justice , being privately committed , may be brought before a civil court , except first there be previous admonitions , and the party admonished prove obstinate and impenitent . the eighth difference stands in their correlations . the correlatum of magistracy is people embodied in a common-wealth , or a civil corporation . the correlatum of the ecclesiastical power is people embodied in a church , or spiritual corporation . the common-wealth is not in the church , but the church is in the common-wealth , that is , one is not therefore in or of the church , because he is in or of the common-wealth , of which the church is a part ; but yet every one that is a member of the church , is also a member of the common-wealth , of which that church is a part . the apostle distinguisheth those that are without , and those that are within in reference to the church , who were notwithstanding both sorts within in reference to the common-wealth , cor. . , . the correlatum of the ecclesiastical power may be quite taken away by persecution , or by defection , when the correlatum of the civil power may remain . and therefore the ecclesiastical and the civil power do not se mutuò ponere & tollere . ninthly : there is a great difference in the ultimate termination . the ecclesiastical power can go no further then excommunication , or ( in case of extraordinary warrants , and when one is known to have blasphemed against the holy ghost ) to auathema maranatha . if one be not humbled and reduced by excommunication , the church can do no more , but leave him to the judgement of god , who hath promised to ratifie in heaven , what his servants in his name , and according to his will , do upon earth . salmasius spends a whole chapter in confuting the point of the coactive and magistratical jurisdiction of bishops . see walo messal . cap. . he acknowledgeth in that very place , pag. , , , ▪ that the elders of the church have in common the power of ecclesiastical discipline , to suspend from the sacrament and to excommunicate , and to receive the offender again upon the evidence of his repentance . but the point he asserteth is , that bishops or elders have no such power as the magistrate hath , and that if he that is excommunicate do not care for it , nor submit himself , the elders cannot compel him . but the termination or quo usque of the civil power , is most different from this . it is unto death , or to banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment . ezra . . tenthly : they differ in a divided execution . that is , the ecclesiastical power ought to censure sometime one whom the magistrate thinks not fit to punish with temporal or civil punishments : and again , the magistrate ought to punish with the temporal sword , one whom the church ought not to cut off by the spiritual sword. this difference pareus gives , explic . catech. quaest . . art . . and it cannot be denied : for those that plead most for liberty of conscience ▪ and argue against all civil or temporal punishments of hereticks , do notwithstanding acknowledge , that the church whereof they are members ought to censure and excommunicate them , and doth not her duty except she do so . the church may have reason to esteem one as an heathen and a publican that is no church-member , whom yet the magistrate in prudence and policy doth permit to live in the common-wealth . again , the most notorious and scandalous sinners , blasphemers , murtherers , adulterers , incestuous persons , robbers , &c. when god gives them repentance , and the signes thereof do appear , the church doth not binde but loose them , doth not retain but remit their sins ; i mean ministerially and declaratively . notwithstanding the magistrate may and ought to do justice according to law , even upon those penitent sinners . chap. v. of a twofold kingdom of iesus christ : a general kingdom , as he is the eternal son of god , the head of all principalities and powers , raigning over all creatures : and a particular kingdom , as he is mediator , raigning over the church onely . the controversie which hath been moved concerning the civil magistrate his vicegerentship , and the holding of his office ▪ of and under and for jesus christ as he is mediator , hath a necessary coherence with , and dependance upon another controversie concerning a twofold kingdom of jesus christ ; one , as he is the eternal son of god , raigning together with the father and the holy ghost over all things ; and so the magistrate is his vicegerent , and holds his office of and under him : another as mediator and head of the church , and so the magistrate doth not hold his office of and under christ as his vicegerent . wherefore before i come to that question concerning the origination and tenure of the magistrate's office , i have thought good here to premise the enodation of the question concerning the twofold kingdom of jesus christ. it is a distinction which master hussey cannot endure ▪ and no marvel ; for it overturneth the foundation of his opinion . he looks upon it as an absurd assertion , pag. . shall he have one kingdom as mediator , and another as god ? he quarrelleth all that i said of the twofold kingdom of christ , and will not admit that christ as mediator is king of the church onely , pag. , , , , , . the controversie draweth deeper then he is aware of : for socinians and photinians finding themselves puzzled with those arguments which ( to prove the eternal godhead of jesus christ ) were drawn from such scriptures as call him god , lord , the son of god ; also from such scriptures as ascribe worship and adoration to him ; and from the texts which ascribe to him a supreme lordship , dominion , and kingdom over all things : ( for this hath been used as one argument for the godhead of jesus christ and his consubstantiality with the father . the father raigns , the son raigns , the holy ghost raigns . vide lib. isaaci clari hispani adversus varimadum arianum : ) thereupon they devised this answer ▪ that jesus christ in respect of his kingly office , and as mediator , is called god , and lord , and the son of god , ( of which see fest. honnij specimen controv. belgic . pag. . ionas schlichtingius contra meisnerum pag. . ) and that in the same respect he is worshipped , that in the same respect he is king , and that the kingdom which the scripture ascribeth to jesus christ , is onely as mediator and head of the church , and that he hath no such universal dominion over all things as can prove him to be the eternal son of god. this gave occasion to orthodox-protestant-writters , more fully and distinctly to assert the great difference between that which the scripture saith of christ , as he is the eternal son of god ; and that which it saith of him , as he is mediator : and particularly to assert a twofold kingdom of jesus christ , and to prove from scripture , that besides that kingdom which christ hath as mediator , he hath another kingdom over all things which belongs to him onely as he is the eternal son of god. this the socinians to this day do contradict , and stisly hold that christ hath but one kingdom , which he exerciseth as mediator over the church , and in some respect over all things ; but by no means they admit that christ as god raigneth over all things : but our writters still hold up against them the distinction of that twofold kingdom of jesus christ. see stagmanni photinianismus disp. . quaest . . the same distinction of the twofold kingdom of christ , as god , and as mediator , is frequently to be found in protestant writers . see synops. pur . theol. disp. . thes . . gomarus in obad. vers . ult . the late english annotations on cor. . . and many others . let o polanus speak for the rest . see also the same distinction cleared and asserted by master apollonius in his ius majestatis circa sacra , part . . pag. . & seq . the arguments to prove that distinction of the twofold kingdom of christ , are these : first , those kingdoms of which the one is accessory and adventitions to the son of god , and which , if it were not , the want of it could not prove him not to be god : the other necessarily floweth from his godhead , so that without it he were not god ; are most different and distinct kingdoms . but the kingdom of christ as mediator , and the kingdom of christ as he is the eternal son of god , are such . ergo : if the son of god had never received the office of mediator , and so should not have raigned as mediator , yet he had been the natural son of god ; for this could not be a necessary consequence , he is the natural son of god , therefore he is mediator ; for he had been the natural son of god , though he had not been mediator , and though man had not been redeemed . but if you suppose that the son of god raigns not as god with the father and the holy ghost , from everlasting to everlasting , then you must needs suppose that he is not the natural and eternal son of god. secondly , those kingdoms of which the one is proper and personal to jesus christ god-man ; the other is not proper and personal , but common to the father and the holy ghost , are most different and distinct kingdoms . but the kingdom of jesus christ as mediator , and his kingdom as he is the eternal son of god , are such . ergo : that kingdom which christ hath as mediator , by special dispensation of god committed to him , is his alone properly and personally : for we cannot say that the father raigns as mediator , or that the holy ghost raigns as mediator . but that kingdom which christ hath , as he is the eternal son of god , is the very same consubstantially with that kingdom whereby god the father and god the holy ghost do raign . thirdly , he that hath a kingdom which shall be continued and exercised for ever , and a kingdom which shall not be continued and exercised for ever , hath two distinct kingdoms . but jesus christ hath a kingdom which shall be continued and exercised for ever , namely , the kingdom which he hath as the eternal son of god ; and another kingdom which shall not be continued and exercised for ever , namely , the kingdom which he hath as mediator . ergo : the eternity of the one kingdom is not doubted of : but that the other kingdom shall not be for ever exercised , that is , p that christ shall not for ever raign as mediator , is proved from cor. . , . master hussey pag. , , . goeth about to answer this argument , which he confesseth to say something : and indeed it saith so much , that though he maketh an extravagant exception , ( doth it appear , saith he , that the kingdom that he shall lay down to god his father , is not over all the world ? ) yet he plainly yeelds the point , which i was then proving . christ , saith he , in the day of judgement shall lay down all the office of mediatorship . i hope he will not say that christ shall lay down at the day of judgement that kingdom which he hath as the eternal son of god. so then i have what i was seeking , that christ hath one kingdom as mediator , another as the eternal son of god. and whereas master hussey holdeth that christ as mediator raigns over all things as the vicar of his father , we shall see anon the weaknesse of his arguments brought to prove it . mean while , i ask , what then is that kingdom which belongs to christ as the eternal son of god , and which shall not be laid down , but continued for ever ? let him think on this argument , whatsoever belongs to that kingdom which shall be continued for ever , and shall not be laid down at the day of judgement , doth belong to christ , not as mediator , but as the eternal son of god. but the general power and dominion , by which jesus christ exerciseth soveraignty over all creatures without exception , doing to them and fulfilling upon them all the good pleasure of his will , belongs to that kingdom which shall be continued for ever , and shall not be laid down at the day of judgement . ergo : that general power and dominion by which jesus christ exerciseth soveraignty over all creatures without exception , doing to them and fulfilling upon them all the good pleasure of his will ; doth belong to christ , not as mediator , but as the eternal son of god. and thus i make a transition to another argument . fourthly , he that hath a kingdom administred by and in evangelical ordinances , and a kingdom administred by his divine power , without evangelical ordinances , hath two different and distinct kingdoms . but jesus christ hath a kingdom administred by and in evangelical ordinances , and a kingdom administred by his divine power , without evangelical ordinances . ergo : doth not jesus christ raign over the devils and damned spirits by his divine power , reserving them in chains of darknesse to the judgement of the great day ? but will master hussey say that christ raigns over the divels and damned spirits as mediator or by the same kingdom by which he raigns in his church by and in his ordinances ? therefore we must needs say , that christ hath one kingdom as the eternal son of god , another as mediator . fifthly , he that hath a kingdom in subordination to god the father , and as his vicegerent ; and another kingdom wherein he is not subordinate unto , but equal with god the father , hath two most different kingdoms . but jesus christ hath a kingdom in subordination to god the father , and another kingdom wherein he is not subordinate unto , but equal with god the father . ergo : the kingdom which christ hath as mediator doth ( in regard of the office of mediatorship ) constitute him in a subordination to his father , whose commandments he executeth , and to whom he gives an account of his ministration . so that though he that is mediator , being the eternal son of god , is equal with the father ; yet as mediator , he is not equal with the father , but subordinate to the father , which our divines prove from these scriptures , isai. . . behold my servant . jo. . . my father is greater then i. cor. . . the head of christ is god : in the same consideration as christ is our head , god is christs head , namely , as christ is mediator . but that kingdom which christ hath as he is the eternal son of god , he holds it not in a subordination to god the father ; but as being consubstantial with his father , and thinking it no robbery to be called equal with god : so that in this consideration , the father is not greater then he . master hussey pag. . saith of christ , in respect of the government which he hath as mediator , he is as it were the vicar of his father . i hope he will not say so of that government which christ hath as the eternal son of god. and pag. . he holds that christ as mediator is subject to god ; but in the consideration that christ is the second person of trinity , so he is not inferior to god the father . so that he himself cannot but yeeld my argument . sixthly , if christ hath a kingdom in time dispensed and delegate to him , and unto which he was anointed , and hath another kingdom which is not delegate nor in time dispensed , nor he anointed to it ; but doth necessarily and naturally accompany the communication of the divine nature to him by eternal generation : then he hath two most different kingdoms , one as he is mediator ; another as he is the eternal son of god. but christ hath a kingdom in time dispensed and delegate &c. if you speak of christ as mediator , god hath made him both lord and christ , act. . . but as he is the eternal son of god he is not dominus factus ; he is not made lord and king , no more then he is made the natural son of god. when the psalmist speaketh of that kingdom which christ hath as mediator , he tels us of the anointing of christ. ps. . . the scepter of thy kingdom is a right scepter : vers . . thy god hath anointed thee with the oyle of gladnesse . but we cannot say that christ was anointed to that kingdom , which he hath as the eternal son of god. seventhly , if the scripture holds forth a kingdom which christ hath over all creatures , and another kingdom which he hath over the church onely ▪ then it holds forth the twofold kingdom which i plead for , and which master hussey denieth . but the scripture holds forth &c. christ as he is god over all , blessed for ever , rom. . . exerciseth soveraignty and dominion over all things , even as his father doth , psal. . . dan. , . for his father and he are one . but as he is mediator , his kingdom is his church onely , and he is over his own house , heb. . . you will say the word onely is not in scripture . i answer : when we say that faith onely justifieth , the word onely is not in scripture , but the thing is . just so here : for , first , david , solomon , and eliakim were types of christ the king. now david and solomon did raign onely over gods people as their subjects , though they had other people tributaries and subdued : so doth christ raign over the house of iacob onely , luk. . , . the lord shall give unto him the throne of his father david , and he shall raign over the house of jacob for ever . isai. . . of the encrease of his government and peace there shall be no end , upon the throne of david and upon his kingdom to order it . isa. . . i will commit the government into his hand , and he shall be a father to the inhabitants of jerusalem , and to the house of judah , and the key of the house of david will i lay upon his shoulder . . it was foretold and applied to the church and people of god as a proper and peculiar comfort to the church , that christ was to come and raign as a king : isai. . . unto us a child is born , unto us a son is given , and the government shall be upon his shoulder . zech. . . rejoyce greatly o daughter of zion : shout o daughter of jerusalem : behold thy king cometh unto thee . matth. . . out of thee shall come a governour that shall rule my people israel . . the iews did generally understand it so , that the messias was to be the churches king onely , which made pilate say to them , shall i crucifie your king ? and hence it was also , that the wise men who came to enquire for christ , said , where is he that is born king of the jews ? matt. . . eighthly , that very place eph. . , , . from which master coleman drew an argument against us , doth plainly hold forth a two-fold supremacy of iesus christ , one over all things , another in reference to the church onely which is his body , his fulnesse , and to whom alone he is head , according to that text : of which more afterwards . ninthly , the apostle col. . doth also distinguish this two-fold preeminence , supremacy , and kingdom of iesus christ : one , which is universal , and over all things , and which belongeth to him as he is the eternal son of god , vers . . . . who is the image of the invisible god , the first born of every creature : for by him were all things created that are in heaven , and that are in earth , visible and invisible , whether they be thrones , or dominions , or principalities , or powers : all things were created by him and for him . and he is before all things , and by him all things consist . q another which is oeconomicall and particular in and over the church , and this he hath as mediator : vers . . and he is the head of the body the church : who is the beginning , the first born from the dead , that in all things he might have the preeminence . that vers . . he speaketh of christ as mediator , is not controverted . but mr. hussey pag. . would fain make it out ( if he could ) that christ as mediator is spoken of , vers . . . . the apostle indeed in that which went before did speak of christ as mediator . but the scope of these three verses is to prove the god-head of iesus christ. yea , mr. hussey himself yeeldeth , that as god and not as mediator he did create the world . how can he then contend that the apostle speaketh here of christ as mediator ? and why doth he find fault with my exposition that the apostle speaketh here of christ as god ? do not our writers urge col. . . . against the socinians and photinians , to prove the eternal god-head of iesus christ , because by him all things were created , and he is before all things . see stegmanni photinianismus disp . . quaest. . becmanus exercit. . and exerc. . where you may see , that the adversaries contend ( as mr. hussey doth ) that the apostle vers . . . . doth not speak of the person of iesus christ , proving him to be true god ; but that he speaks of christ as mediator or in respect of his office , and of that dominion which christ hath as mediator ( so ionas schlichtingius contra meisner . pag. . ) and that vers . . . . ascribeth no more to christ , than vers . . but becmanus answering iulius , distinguisheth the text as i do : for which analysis i did formerly cite beza , zanchius , gualther , bullinger , tossanus , m. bayne , beside diverse others . but i have found none that understands the text as mr. hussey doth , except the socinians and photinians , who do not acknowledge that christ hath such an universall dominion and lordship over all things , as god the father , but onely that he ruleth over all things , as mediator . now for answer to that which mr. hussey pag. . . alledgeth , to prove that christ as mediator reigneth over all things , first , he tells us out of diodati that christ is head of the church , and king of the universe , and out of calvin , that the kingdom of christ is over all , and filleth heaven and earth : but who denieth this ? that which he had to prove , is , that christ as mediator , is king of the universe , and as mediator his kingdom is spread over all : and when he hath proved that , he hath another thing to prove , that the universality of christs kingdom as he is mediator , is to be understood not onely in an ecclesiastical notion , that is , so far as all nations are or shall be brought under the obedience of the gospel ; but also in the notion of civil government , that is , that christ reignes as mediator over all creatures , whether under or without the gospel : and that all civil power , principality , and government whatsoever in this world , is put in christs hand as mediator . if therefore he will argue , let him argue so , as to conclude the point . the next objection he maketh , is from heb. . . christ as mediator is made heir of all things . but i answer , christ is heir of all things . . as the eternall son of god , in the same respect as it is said of christ in the next words of the same verse , that he made the world : and thus he may be called heir of all things by nature , even as col. . . he is called the first borne of every creature . . he is heir of all things as mediator , for the heathen and all the ends of the earth are given him for an inheritance , psal. . . but that is onely church-wise , he shall have a catholique church gathered out of all nations , and all kings and people , and tongues , and languages shall be made to serve him . moreover mr. hussey objecteth from heb. . . and cor. . . that god hath put all things under christs feet as he is mediator . answ. as this is not perfectly fulfilled in this world , but will then be fulfilled when christ shall have put down all rule and all authority , and power : so in the measure and degree wherein it is fulfilled in this world , it concerneth not men onely , but all the works of gods hands , heb. . . thou crownedst him with glory and honour , and didst set him over the works of thy hands . which is taken out of the eighth psalme , vers . . . thou hast put all things under his feet , all sheep and oxen &c. now how is it that the apostle applyeth all this to christ ? how doth christ rule over the beasts , fowles , fishes ? calvin in cor. . . . answereth , dominatur ergo , ut omnia serviant ejus gloriae . he ruleth , so as all things may serve for his glory . so then , all things are put under christs feet as he is mediator , both in regard of his excellency , dignity , and glory unto which he is exalted far above all the glory of any creature ; and in respect of his power and over-ruling providence whereby he can dispose of all things so as may make most for his glory . but it is a third thing which mr. hussey hath to prove , namely , that christ as mediator exerciseth his office and government over all men as his subjects , and over all magistrates as his deputies , yea over all things , even over the reasonlesse creatures ; for by his arguing , he will have christ as mediator to governe the sheep , oxen , fowles , and fishes : all things as well as all persons being put under christs feet . but in the handling of this very argument mr. hussey yeelds the cause . god is said to put all things under him , saith he , whereby it is implyed that all things were not under him , before they were put under him ; but as the second person in trinity , so nothing could be said to be put under him , because they were in that respect alwaies under him . is not this all one for substance with that distinction formerly cited out of polanus , of a two-fold kingdom of christ , one natural ; as he is the second person in the trinity , another donative , as he is mediator ? lastly , mr. hussey argueth from phil. . . . . christ as mediator is exalted to have a name above every name , that at the name of iesus every knee may bow . answ. here is indeed a dignity , glory , and power , as diodati saith , above all things , but yet not a government or kingdom , as mediator : for those who must bow the knee to christ , are not onely things in heaven , that is , angels , and things in earth , that is , men , but also things under the earth , that is , divells , yet divells are none of the subjects of christs kingdom as he is mediator . therefore this text proves not a head-ship or government over all , ( which mr. hussey contends for ) but a power over all . i will here anticipate another objection , which is not moved by mr. hussey . it may be objected from cor. . . that the head of every man is christ. i answer , . some understand this of christ as god , and as the creator of man. and if it be said that the latter clause the head of christ is god , is meant of christ as mediator , and not as god : yet martyr tells us out of chrysostome , that all these comparisons and subordinations in this text , are not to be taken in one and the same sence . . i grant also that christ may be called the head of every man , not onely in respect of his god-head , but as mediator , that is , the head of every man in the church , not of every man in the world : for the apostle speaks , de ordine divinitus sancito in ecclesiae corpore mystico , as mr. david dicksone ( an interpreter who hath taken very good pains in the textuall study of scripture ) saith upon the place . i shall clear it by the like formes of speech . ier. . wherefore do i see every man with his hands on his loyns ? luke . . the kingdom of god is preached , and every man presseth unto it . cor. . . the manifestaetion of the spirit is given to every man to profit withall . heb. . . iesus did taste death for every man. yet none of these places are meant of every man in the world. . yea in some sence christ , as mediator , may be called the head of every man in the world , that is , in respect of dignity , excellency , glory , eminence of place , quia in hoc sexu ille supra omnes eminet , saith gualther , or because no man hath parity or equality of honour with christ : so martyr and hunnius . the english annotations say , that christ is the head of every man , in as much as he is the first begotten among many brtheren . which best agreeth with my second answer . but for taking off all these , and for preventing of other objections , that one distinction will suffice , which i first gave in examining mr. colemans sermon . in the mediator iesus christ there is , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dignity , excellency , honour , glory , splendor . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his mighty power , by which he is able to do in heaven and earth whatsoever he will. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his kingdom , and kingly-office or government . which three as they are distinguished in god ▪ thine is the kingdom , and the power , and the glory : why not in the mediator also ? in the first two respects , christ as mediator is over all things , and so over all men , and so over all magistrates , and all they in subjection to him . but in the third respect the relation is onely between christ and his church , as between king and kingdom . so that the thing in difference , is that which mr. hussey hath not proved , namely , that christ as mediator doth not onely excell all things in glory , and exercise a supreme power and providence over all things , for his own glory , and his churches good ( neither of which is denied ) but that he also is as mediator , king , head , and governor of the universe , and hath not onely the government of his church , but all civil government put in his hand . when mr. hussey pag. . saith that i denyed pag. . what this distinction yeeldeth , namely , that christ as mediator exerciseth acts of divine power in the behalf and for the good of his church , it is a calumny : for that which i denied pag. . was concerning the kingdom , not the power : my words were these . but as mediator he is onely the churches king , head , and governour , and hath no other kingdom . yea himsef , pag. . speaking to these words of mine , noteth that i did not say , that as mediator he hath no such power . how commeth it to passe that he chargeth me with the denying of that , which himself but two pages before had observed that i denie it not ? well , but pag. , he desires from me a further clearing of my distinction , kingdom , power , and glory , and that i will shew from scripture , how it agreeth to christ. i shall obey his desire : though it was before easie to be understood , if he had been willing enough to understand . solomon did excell all the kings of the earth in wisedom , riches , glory , and honour , chron. . . and herein he was a type of christ , psal. . . i will make him my first born , higher then the kings of the earth : but as solomon was onely king of israel , and was not by office or authority of government , a catholique king over all the kingdomes of the world , nor all other kings solomons vicegerents , or deputies : so iesus christ as mediator is onely the churches king , and is not king or governour of the whole world , nor civil magistrates his vicegerents , though he excell them all in dignity , glory , and honour . again , david did subdue by power diverse states , provinces , and kingdoms , and make them tributary . but was david king of the philistines , and king of the moabites , and king of the syrians , and king of the edomites , because he smote them and subdued them , . sam. . nay it is added , in that very place vers . . and david reigned over all israel , and david executed justice and judgement unto all his people . ( and this is one argument to prove that those subdued and tributrary territories , were not properly under the government of israel , because israel was not bound to extirpate idolaters out of those lands , but onely out of the holy land . see maimonides de idolol . cap. . sect . . with the annotation of dionysius vossius . ) so christ who was set upon the throne of david , doth as mediator , put forth his divine and irresistible power in subduing all his churches enemies , according to that psal. . thou shalt break them with a rod of iron , thou shalt dash them in peeces like a potters vessel . rev. . . the lamb shall overcome them , for he is lord of lords , and king of kings . but this vis major , this restraining subduing power makes not christ , as mediator , to be king and governour , not onely of his church , but of the whole world beside . yea the power of christ is over all things , as well as all persons , over all beasts , fowles , and fishes ; heb. . . . compared with psal. . . . yea his power is over divells , meant by things under the earth , phil. . . wherefore it cannot be said , that christ as mediator , is king , head , and governour of all those whom he excelleth in glory , or whom he hath under his power , to do with them what he will. it is a strange mistake when mr , hussey pag. . objecteth against this distinction , that a kingdom without power and glory , is a nominall empty thing . surely there may be a kingly right and authority to governe , where there is little either power or glory . but this is nothing to my distinction , which doth not suppose a kingdom without power and glory , nor yet power and glory without a kingdom , but onely that the kingdom and government is not to be extended to all those whom the king excelleth in glory ( for then one king that hath but little glory , shall be subject to a king that hath much glory : ) or over whom the king exerciseth acts of power , ( for then the king shall be king to his and his kingdomes enemies ) i verily beleeve that this distinction rightly apprehended , will discover the great mistakes of that supposed universall kingdom of christ , as mediator , reigning over all things , and the civil magistrate as his vicegerent ▪ chap. vi. whether jesus christ , as mediator and head of the church , hath laced the christian magistrate to hold and execute his office under and fo him , as his vicegerent . the arguments for the 〈◊〉 discussed . mr. hussey is very angry at my distinctions and arguments which i brought against mr. col●…mans fourth rule , insomuch that in his reply to me , he spendeth very near two parts of three upon this matter , from pag. . to . having past over sicco ped much of what i had said of other points in difference . come now therefore and let us try ▪ his strength in this great point . he holds that christ as mediator hath placed the christian magistrate under him , and as his vicegerent , and hath given him commission to govern the church , which if he or any man can prove from the word of god , it will go far in the decision of the erastian controversie : though this is not all which is incumbent to the erastians to prove , for as i first replied to mr. colemans fourth rule , the question is , whether there be not some other government instituted and appointed by iesus christ to be in his church beside the civil government : and if it should be granted that christ even as mediator hath committed , delegated and instituted civil government in his church , yet they must further prove , that christ hath committed the whole and sole power of church-government to the magistrate , and so hath left no share of government to the ministery . but i can by no means yeeld that so much contended for vicegerentship of the christian magistrate , and his holding of his office of and under christ as he is mediator . mr. coleman in his re-examination pag. . was fearfull to set his foot upon so slippery ground . he was loth to adventure upon this a●sertion , that magistracy is derived from christ as mediator by a commission of deputation and vicegerentship ( which yet did necessarily follow upon the fourth rule which he had delivered in his sermon ) wherefore he made a retreat and held him at this , that magistracy is given to christ to be serviceable in his kingdom . but out steps mr. hussey and boldly 〈◊〉 a great deal more : i much mistake if he shall not be made either to make a retreat as mr. coleman did , or to do worse . first of all , this part of our controversie is to be rightly stated . the question is not . . whether the magistrate be gods deputy or vicegerent , and as god upon earth ; for who denies that ? nor . whether the magistrate be christs deputy as christ is god , and as he exerciseth an universall dominion over all things , as the father and the holy ghost doth . here likewise i hold the affirmative . nor . whether the christian magistrate be usefull and subservient to the kingdom of jesus christ , even as he is mediator and king of the church ; for in this also i hold the affirmative , that is , that as every man in his owne calling , parents , masters , servants , marchants , souldiers &c. being christians , so the magistrate in his eminent station , being a christian , is obliged to endeavour the propagation of the gospel , and the good and benefit of the church of christ. but the question is , whether the christian magistrate be a governour in the church vice christi , in the room and stead of jesus christ as he is mediator . or ( which is all one ) whether the rise , derivation , and tenure of christian magistracy be from jesus christ under this formall consideration , as he is mediator and head of the church . or ( which is also the same ) whether jesus christ by vertue of that authority and power of government which as mediator , and as god-man , he received of the father , hath substituted and given commission to the christian magistrate to govern the church in subordination to him , as he governeth it in subordination to his father . in all these mr. hussey is for the affirmative , i am for the negative . let us hear his reasons . first pag. . he argueth from my concession . a christian magistrate is a governour in the church , said mr. coleman , this understood sano sensu i admitted . now saith mr. hussey , if the church be christs kingdom , surely such as govern in it , must receive commission from him . which commission saith he , must be in this forme . christ the mediator , king of his church , doth appoint kings and civil magistrates to govern under him . let him find this commission in scripture , and i shall confesse he hath done much . neither doth any such thing follow upon my concession . for . it is one thing to govern in the church ▪ another thing to govern the church : christian parents , masters of colledges , and the like , are governours in the church , that is , being within , not without the church , yet as parents or masters they are not church-governours . . i can also admit that the christian magistrate governeth the church ; and if this had been the concession , which is more then the other , it could not have helped him . for how doth the magistrate govern the church ? not qua a church , but qua a part of the common-wealth , as learned salmafiu●… distinguisheth , appar . ad lib. de primat . pag. . . for the common-wealth is not in the church , but the church in the common-wealth , according to that rev , . the church in smyrna , the church in pergamus , the church in thyatira . and suppose all that are members of the common-wealth to be also church-members , yet in an universall spread of the gospel , the church is governed by the magistrate as it is a common-wealth , not as it is a church . every soule must be subject to the higher powers , church-officers , church-members and all , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qua tale , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : quo ad , is not any ecclesiastical or spiritual , but a humane and civil relation . but whereas mr ▪ hussey addeth that the gospel is the law by which christ will judge all the world : if all the world be under the law of christ , th●…n the kingdom of christ must needs reach over all the world : his proofes are meer mistakes : he cites . thess. . . . christ shall come in slaming fire , to take vengeance on all them that know not god , and that obey not the gospel of our lord jesus christ : but in that place they that obey not the gospel , are those disobedient persons to whom the gospel was preached : he cites also rom. . . iudge all the world according to my gospel : but the text saith not so ; it saith , the secrets of men , not all the world. wherefore as the apostle there saith of the law vers . . so say i of the gospel , as many as have sinned without the gospel , shall also perish without the gospel ; and as many as have sinned under the gospel , shall be judged by the gospel . secondly , he draweth an argument the strength whereof is taken from psal. . . ask of me and i shall give thee the heathen for thine inheritance , and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession : and from tim. . . our lord jesus christ is said to be king of kings , and lord of lords : jesus , christ , being names that agree to him onely as mediator . answ. christ as mediator hath right to the whole earth , and all the kingdoms of the world , not as if all government ( even civil ) were given to christ ( for in this kind he governeth not so much as any part of the earth as he is mediator ) which was the thing he had to prove : but it is meant onely of his spiritual kingdom , which is not of this world , and in this respect alone it is , that christ as mediator hath right to the government of all nations , he hath jus ad rem , though not in re . as for that title king of kings , and lord of lords , it may be understood two wayes . first , as christ is the eternal and natural son of god , the eternal wisdom of god , by whom kings reigne , and princes decree justice , prov. . . . which is spoken of christ , as he was the fathers delight , and as one brought up with him before the foundation of the world : ibid. vers . . to . neither can the names of jesus and christ prove that what is said there must needs be meant of him as mediator , mark how well grounded mr. husseys arguments are . iesus sate at meat in simon the pharisees house . luke . . iesus wept for lazarus because he loved him . iohn . . . must we needs therefore say , that as mediator he sate at meat in the pharisees house , and as mediator he wept for lazarus ? christ is the son of david , matth. . . must we therefore say that as mediator he is the son of david ? christ is god over all , blessed for ever . rom. . . must we therefore say that this is meant of christ onely as mediator ? what is more ordinary then to use the names of jesus and christ when the thing which is said is meant in reference to one of the natures ? secondly , christ is king of kings , and lord of lords , even as mediator : not in mr. husseys sence , as if kings had their commission from christ , and did reigne in his stead , as he is mediator ; but in the sence of the hebraisme , vanity of vanities , that is , most vain ; holy of holies , that is , most holy ; so king of kings , and lord of lords , that is , the most excellent glorious king of all others : the excellency , splendor , dignity , and majesty of kings may be compared without any subordination . drusius pr●…terit . lib. . upon this very place which mr. hussey objecteth , saith that this forme of speech , king of kings , and lord of lords , was taken from the persians and assyrians , who called a great king , king of kings , and lord of lords . thirdly , the kingdom of christ saith mr. hussey , is a●… ample as his prophecy ; but the prophecie of christ is extended to all nations , as may appear by the commission , g●… teach all nations . but . i throw back the argument ; christs kingdom and his prophecie are commensurable : therefore as his prophecie is not actually extended to all nations , except successively , as the gospel commeth among them , so his kingdom , as he is mediator , is extended no further then the church , not to all nations . . his argument therefore is a miserable fallacy à dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter . christs prophecy is extended to all nations successively , and when the gospel comes among them , therefore his kingdom is simply extended to all nations ▪ and is not bounded within the church onely . fourthly , he tells us pag. . if kings may be called holy , if their offices may be accounted holy offices , or not sinful , they must be held off and under christ. answ. if he mean holy in opposition to civil , humane , worldly , secular , i denie the office of kings to be holy ; if he mean holy in opposition to sinful , unlawful , unholy ( as it seems he doth ) then i confesse the office of kings is lawful not sinful , and themselves are holy when sanctified : but this proves not that they hold their office of and under christ , more then carters or coblers hold their office of and under christ : i am far from making a paralel between the magistrate and these : but this i say , mr. husseys plea for the magistrate is no other than agreeth to these . and where he addeth out of calvin , kings have place in the church , and flock of christ , and are not spoiled of their crown and sword that they may be admitted into the church ; this in reference to the conclusion he driveth at , is no more than if he had argued thus , carters and coblers have place in the church and flock of christ , and are not necessitated to quit their secular calling that they may be admitted into the church of christ , therefore they hold their offices of and under christ. fifthly , he argueth thus , that office which christ hath declared to be of god , and bounded and limited in his gospel , that office is held under christ as mediator : but the civil magistrate is so , rom. . . answ. . his proposition is most false , and will never be proved . . if this argument hold good , then the pagan magistrate holds his office under christ as mediator ( for of such magistrates then in being , the apostle meaneth , rom. . ) so that either he must recall what he saith here , or what he saith afterward , that the office of the pagan magistrate is sinful and unlawful . , by mr. husseys medium , one might prove that servants hold their office under christ as mediator , because he hath declared their office to be of god , and hath bounded and limited the same in his gospel . eph. . ▪ , , . sixthly , he saith they be the same persons that are under christ , and under the magistrate , and further , christs ends and the kings ends are both one , tim. . . that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty . now either the office of the mediators kingdom is superior , or inferior , or co-ordinate , in reference to the magistrates office . answ. . very often they are not the same persons that are under christ , and under the magistrate . for cor. . , . the apostle distinguisheth those that were within , or those that were called brethren , from those that were without , both were under the magistrate , both were not under christ ; and now the jews in diverse places are under the christian magistrate , not under christ. . the ●nd of 〈◊〉 kingly office , and the end of magistracy are so different , that to say they are the same , i● to offer indignity and dishonour to jesus christ. kings are indeed appointed , that we may live under them a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty : but herein he hath answered himself pag. . the civil magistrate may require of the people , that they will attend upon the means , out of natural principles , deum esse & colendum . more of the ends of magistracy i have spoken before , whether i remit him . the ends of christs kingly office are quite another thing ; namely , to destroy all our soules enemies , satan , the flesh , the wicked world , death , to put all his enemies under his feet ; to send out his officers and ministers for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministery , for the edifying of the body of christ , to govern his people by his word and spirit , and to keep them by the power of god through faith unto salvation . . the comparison between christs kingly office as mediator , and the magistrates office , is neither to be drawn from superiority and inferiority , nor co-ordination ; for they are disparata , and differ toto genere . and now i shall proceed for methods sake to examine other four arguments from scripture , upon which mr. hussey ( though he doth not joyn them to the former six ) afterward layeth no small weight for upholding that opinion , that the magistrate holds his office of and under christ , as he is mediator . the seventh argument therefore shall be that which he draweth from matth. . . pag. . whereunto i have two answers , according to two different applications of that text. when christ said all power is given unto me in heaven and in earth , it may be understood either as he is mediator , or as he is the second person in the blessed trinity , the eternall sonne of god. so when the ubiquitaries would prove from that place the reall communication of divine omnipotency to the humane nature of christ , our divines answer , the text may be understood either of christs person , god-man , or as he is the natural son of god. see gomarus upon the place . now take the text either way , it proves not what mr. hussey would . let it be understood of christ as god-man , and as mediator , ( which is the most promising sence for him ) yet it cannot prove that all power without exception , and all government as well without as within the church , as well secular as ecclesiastical , is put in christs hand as he is mediator , and that the civil magistrate holds his office of and under christ : but the sence must be r all power which belongs to the mediator , and all authority which belongs to the gathering and governing of the church is given to me : for we must needs expound his meaning as himself hath taught us : iohn . . luke . . we must not say that any such power is given to him , as himself denieth to be given to him , namely , civil power and magistracy . wherefore martin bucer in his scripta anglicana , pag. . doth rightly referre these words , all power is given unto me in heaven and in earth , to the head de ecclesiae oeconomia , and makes this text paralel to iohn . , , . as my father hath sent me , even so send i you , &c. whose soever sins ye remit , &c. and to matth. . . i will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdom of heaven : and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . and this is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all authority or power in heaven and in earth , which is meant matth. . . which is further confirmed by the syriack , which readeth thus verse . all power is given unto me in heaven and in earth : but as my father hath sent me ▪ even so send i you . vers. . goe therefore teach all nations : so restricting the sence to be in reference to the church onely , and excluding civil government and magistracy , from which christ had before excluded his apostles . medina in tertiam partem , quaest . . art . . holds the same thing , that the context and cohesion of vers . . and vers . . proves the kingdom of christ to be meerly spirituall . but . the text will suffer yet a further restriction , namely that all power in heaven and in earth is said to given unto jesus christ , as he is the eternal sonne of god , and that both in respect of the eternal generation by which the god-head , and so all divine properties ( of which omnipotency is one ) was from all eternity communicated from the father to the son : and in respect of the declaration or manifestation of him to be the son of god with power , when god raised him from the dead . mr. hussey saith he is astonished to hear that any thing should be given to christ , as god ; where first of all i observe how miserably he mangleth and maimeth my words as in other places , so here ; he citeth these words as mine , that christ as he is eternal god , doth with the father and the holy ghost reigne over the kingdoms of the earth , &c. and this power was given &c. it is not fair nor just dealing to change a mans words in a citation , especially when the change is materiall . now here are divers changes in this passage . this one onely i take notice of , i said not as he is eternal god , but as he is the eternal sonne of god , and all along in that question i spake of the son of god , not essentially , but personally , as he is the sonne of god , or second person in the trinity , and so the god head and all the attributes and properties thereof , are communicated to him from the father by the eternal generation ; and as the nicene creed said he is deus de deo , lumen de lumine , god of god , light of light. i ask therefore mr. hussey , what do you mutter here ? speak it out , doe you hold that jesus christ is not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not onely essentially , but personally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he is not onely ex seipso deus , but ex seipso filius ? if this be the thing you hold , then you oppose me indeed , but so as you fall into a blasphemous heresie , that christ as he is the eternall sonne of god , hath not all power in in heaven and in earth , but onely as he is mediator , because that power is given to him , and nothing can be given to christ as he is the eternall sonne of god , but onely as he is mediator , by your principles : but if your meaning be no more then this , that christ considered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in respect of the very nature and essence of the god-head , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not god of god , but god of himself , and that so nothing can be said to be given to him : then why have you dealt so uncharitably as to suppose me to be herein opposite unto you ; when i plainly spake of the eternal son of god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in respect of the personality or relation of filiation , or as he is the eternall son of god , in which sence i yet averre confidently , that all power in heaven and earth may be said to be given to jesus christ , as he is the eternal son of god by eternal generation . i added , that all power in heaven and earth may be said to be given to christ as he is the eternal son of god , in another respect , namely in respect of the declaration thereof at his resurrection . to this mr. hussey replieth , that to hold any thing should be given him that should concern his god-head at the time of his resurrection , is more monstrous . then hath gomarus and others given a monstrous answer to the ubiquitaries , yet they clear it by augustines rule , aliquid dicitur fieri quando incipit patesieri . is it any more strange then to say that christ was begotten that day when he was raised from the dead act. . . the son of god had in obedience to his fathers will , laid aside and relinquished his divine dominion and power when he took upon him the forme of a servant ( which i said before , but it seems was not considered by mr. hussey ) now at his resurrection the father restoreth with advantage that formerly relinquished soveraignty . but he addeth , that if matt. . . be not understood of christ as mediator , then he had no authority as mediator to send his apostles : for it followeth go ye therefore and preach : from this authority here spoken of , is the authority to preach the gospel . answ. not to stand upon the want of the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore , in diverse greek coppies : i admit of the cohesion and dependance of the words , thus . christ being to give a commission to the apostles to go and preach the gospel to all nations , he first anticipateth a great objection , which might arise in the apostles minds ; they might think , how shall we be able to carry the gospel through the nations ? we shall have all the powers of the world against us . to remove this fear , he said , all power is given unto me in heaven and in earth , as if he had said , do you beleeve that i who send you out , a● the son of the living god ? t●en know assuredly , that my divine power and soveraignty shall be for you , and i will so over-rule all the kings and potentates and states of the world , as may be most for my glory and your good ; fear not therefore , but go and preach to all nations . and so much of that text matth. . . salmeron upon the place draws from it christs dominion even in temporall things ( as mr. hussey doth ) and thence he deriveth the temporall power of the pope as christs vicar over the kings and kingdoms of the world. so suarez in tertiam partem thomae disp . . sect . . gamachaeus in tertiam partem thomae , quaest. . yet some of the papists themselves are ashamed to defend christs dominion in temporall things ( except as god onely ) it appearin to them so far contrary to other scriptures . bellarmine himself lib. . de pont. rom. cap. . confesseth that christ as he did not execute any temporall dominion , so he neither had nor received such power and authority : thereupon he inferreth that the pope whom he calleth christs vicar and representee on earth , hath not any temporal dominion directly , but indirectly , and in ordine ad spiritualia . i appeal also to salmeron in another place where he speaks more soundly tom. . part ▪ . tract . . pag. . he proves from iohn . . and luke . . that christ had not nor received not any temporall power , and thence inferreth , cum ergo christus hujusmodi potestatem non habuerit , nec petro illam tradidit . the eigth argument shall be that which mr. coleman did draw from cor. . . to prove that christ hath placed in his church magistrates or civil governments . hereunto i had made four answers . mr. hussey passeth two of them , which he is pleased to esteem trifles not worth answer . now the gamaliel speaks è cathedra . the other two he offereth to confute , pag. , , . first , whereas i said that if by governments in that place be understood civil magistrates , yet the text saith not that christ hath placed them . then saith mr. hussey à fortiori you disclaim by that means any government in this place as officers under christ. no sir , this reasoning is à baculo ad angulum . i hold church-officers and church-government to be under christ , and under him as mediator , and k●ng of the church , and am ready to prove it against any that will denie it : but upon supposition , that civil government is meant in that text , ( which i utterly deny ) i had reason to call the affirmer to his proper task , to prove from that text , that christ as mediator hath placed civil government or magistracie in his church . this was the point it was brought for , and still i call to make good that proof , for i denie it . it seemes mr. hussey finds himself puzzled to make it out , and therefore he saith , if mr. coleman will be ruled by me . so as mr. gilespie will not urge this for constitution of church-governments , he shall 〈◊〉 it goe . but if it be a truth , sir you ought to buy it , and not sell it : for my part i dare make no bargain of scripture . my next answer was , that the apostle speaks of such governours , as the church had at that time ; but at that time the church had no godly nor christian magistrates . mr. hussey answereth that it cannot be proved that the apostle speaketh of such officers as were in the church in his time onely . he addeth , i shall urge some few argaments to the contrary . to the contrary of what ? i did not say that the apostle speaketh of such officers as were in the church in his time onely : but that the church at that time had all those officers whom the apostle speaketh of . one would think that he who censureth others so much for want of skill in disputations , should not so far mistake his mark . but we know what he would have said though he hath not hit it . let us hear his arguments . first , he tells us that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will signifie proposuit or decrevit , so that where we read god hath set in the church , it may be read god hath appointed to his church , so to take in those governments which should afterward by gods appointment come to the church . he clears it by iohn . . act. . . answ. then the apostle saith no more to the corinthians , then might have been said to the old world before the flood , for if the meaning be that god hath ordained and purposed , all this text had been true , if delivered in terminis terminantibus , to the old world , god hath set some in the church , first apostles , &c. . the context sheweth that the apostle speaketh onely of such administrations , as the church had at that time , for all this is spoken in reference to the preventing of a schisme in the church of corinth , and that every member of that body might discharge its owne proper function without usurping anothers . . he confuteth himself , for he addeth , this cannot be a catalogue of such officers as are at all times necessary to the church , for th●…n apostles might not be mentioned . therefore it must be said , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place is posuit or collocavit ( according to the more usuall signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and doth relate to that present time , as well as act. . . the holy ghost hath made or set you overseers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : in like manner here god hath set ( or placed ) in the church , and so it will agree both to ordinary and extraordinary officers . but if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be decrevit , then it will referre the apostles , prophets , evangelists , miracles , to the future estate of the church , as if they were ordinary officers to continue in the church . . when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth decrevit , then the thing is not mentioned , as having an actuall present existence , but a futurition ; so that when he takes him to the decrevit , he quits the posuit , and by that means one cannot prove from that text , that the church at that time had any of these officers there enumerated : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 relates to all that follows , and either it must be posuit to them all , or to none of them . . if he had intended to expresse gods decree or purpose to give unto his church certain officers , he would not have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and god hath decreed some in the church . which could make no perfect sence except some other thing were added . mr. hussey might as well expound act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus , and they decreed them in the common prison . mr. hussey would render the text thus , he hath appointed to his church : if the text had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he might have rendred it so , but when the text saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he must not render it ●…o the church , but in the church , as act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , paul purposed in the spirit : the purpose was not to the spirit , but in the spirit . the second argument whereby he 〈◊〉 that which i said , is this , at tha●… time there were workers of miracl●…s which did supply the defect of civil magistrates . and here he insisteth a while to tell us that thus much a national covenant and 〈◊〉 magistrate may require of the people , that they will attend upon the means out of natural principles , which at that time miracles caused men to attend upon . but quid haec ad rhombum ? how comes this home to that which he undertook to prove ? and if it did , i must say that the civil magistrate is but little , and a national covenant far lesse beholding to him . and if the workers of miracles did at that time supply the defect of civil magistrates ( i suppose he should have said christian magistrates ) then he must draw christian magistracy to come in succession not so much to the civil magistracy in the apostles times ( which yet was true magistracy ) as to the miracles mentioned in the text , and so bring in the christian magistrate upon the ceasing of miracles . a fine plea indeed for christian magistracie . his third argument goeth thus , we have in the text first , second , and third ; when the apostle speaks of these which might be liable to present view , but then he breaks off with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after that miracles , which lasted somewhat longer then the apostles and prophets ; and last we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and these may be ordinary gifts , and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 relates to helps , governments : that calvin thinks the helps were some officers the church hath lost : but being put both in one case without any conjunction copulative , why they may not ( i beleeve he would have said , why may they not ? for the sence can be no other ) belong both to one thing , and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may not have some influence upon the times and after age . answ. if this be his manner , we shall not much fear the dint of his arguments , when it comes to the schooles , which he calls for . what a great matter is made of meer nothing ? first , he offereth violence to the text , because if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 note posteriority of time , and ordinary gifts , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is compounded from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must much rather note the same thing , and so we shall have not onely gifts of healing , but miracles too , ordinary and continuing administrations in the church . next he offereth violence to the greek language : for when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie posteriority , not onely in the enumeration , but in the time of existence , then the one must needs signifie a pre-existence , and the other a post-existence , they cannot be contemporary from their beginnings ; yet mr. hussey will needs have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before miracles , and again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 efore gifts of healing and diversities of tongues , to signifie posteriority of time , though he cannot say that gifts of healing and diversities of tongues were not contemporary but posterior in time to miracles , and further observe that when the text runs in this order , first apostles , secondarily prophets , thirdly teachers , after that miracles , then gifts of healings , &c. mr. hussey will make this the sence , that there were apostles before prophets , there were prophets before teachers , there were teachers before miracles , there were miracles before gifts of healings , &c. and vice versa , there were no gifts of healings till after there had been miracles , no miracles till after there had been teachers in the church , &c. even as mark. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first the blad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then the ear , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after that the ful corn in the ear : the blade hath an existence before the eare , the eare before the full corne . so that taking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his sence , he must either make out distinctly the order of time , or else confesse he would make the apostle speak as never grecian in the world spake , or lastly be content to understand the apostles words of the order of enumeration . if the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had been in the text ▪ that had indeed carried it to posteriority of time as heb. . . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( though sometime it signifieth posteriority of time , yet ) in this place having reference to such antecedents and consequents cannot bear his sence . i see it were no ill sport to examine his quint arguments if a man had but so much leisure . thirdly , he offereth violence to calvin , for s calvin saith that these helps mentioned cor. . . were either an ancient gift and office unknown to us now , or it belongs to deaconship , that is , the care of the poor . and this second ( saith he ) rather pleaseth me . qua fide then , could mr. hussey affirm that calvin thinks they were some officers that the church hath lost . fourthly , whereas he thinks helps , governments , to belong both to one thing , there was some such thing once foisted into the english bibles : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was read thus , helps in governments : but afterwards the prelats themselves were ashamed of it , and so it was printed according to the greek distinctly , helps , govirnments . the syriack addeth a copulative , and readeth thus , and helpers , and governors , so making them distinct officers in the church . neither is it any unusual thing in the greek , to put together nouns in the same case without any conjunction copulative , when the things themselves so expressed are most different , as matth. , . gal. . , , , , . rom. . , . . the next thing he brings against me , is from ephes. . . where there is no ordinary or standing officer left to us , but the teacher of the word : here is neither help nor government but this poor teacher left alone to edifie the body of christ , and to perfect the saints . answ. what argument is there here ? ruling elders are not mentioned ephes. . therefore the governments mentioned cor ▪ . are such as the church had not at that time . there are diverse passages of christs doctrine , life , and sufferings , which are not mentioned by matthew , yet they are mentioned by iohn or some of the other evangelists . so if we take the primitive platform right , we must set the whole before us , that which is not in one place is in another place . the apostle eph. . intendeth onely to speak of preaching officers who are appointed for this work of the ministery , to bring us to unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the son of god , that we be not carried about with every wind of doctrine , v , . and if the apostle had intended to enumerate all church-officers in that place , which were then in the church , how comes it he doth not mention deacons which he distinguisheth from bishops or elders ? tim. . his last argument is , that in this very place cor. . the apostle , when he doth again enumerate the particulars vers . . . he leaveth out helps , governments , for which , he saith , he knows no reason , but because there were none such at that time , and the apostle in that induction was to deal with their experience . this ( as many other things which he hath ) was before answered to mr. coleman . i give this plain reason for the omission of these two . the apostle speaketh to those , who were not well satisfied nor contented with their owne station in the church , but were aspiring to more eminent gifts and administrations , are all apostles ? saith he , are all prophets ? &c. and so he reckoneth out onely those rare and singular gifts , which men did most covet : and for that cause it was neither necessary , nor had it been agreeable to the scope of the apostle to have added , are all helps ? are all governments ? but now he purposely leaveth out these , thereby intimating to the ruling elders and deacons of the church of corinth , that they ought to be contented with their owne station , though they be neither apostles , nor prophets . &c. it remaineth therefore that the governments in the church mentioned cor. . . were such governments as were in the church at that time , and therefore not to be understood of christian magistracy : but of church ▪ government distinct from the civil . the ninth argument brought to prove that all government is given to christ as mediator , and that the christian magistrate holds his office of and under christ , as the head of magistracy and principality , is from eph. . , , . this argument first propounded by mr. coleman , is prosecuted by mr. hussey pag. , . &c. he demurres upon that which i said , that this place maketh more against him then for him ; the meaning whereof was no more then this , that this place doth rather afford us an argument against him , then him against us . come we to the particulars . my first reply was , the apostle saith not that christ is given to the church , as the head of all principalities and powers . the brother saith so , and in saying so he makes christ a head to those that are not of his body . this exception mr. hussey quarrelleth , but when he hath endeavoured to prove from that text that christ is the head of principalities : because he that is head of all things , is also head of principalities : though he will never be able to make it out from that text , that christ ( as mediator ) is head of all things , but onely , that he who is the churches head is over all things ; and gave him to be the head over ( not of ) all things to the church , saith the text , which as i told before , the syriack readeth more plainly thus , and him who is over all , he gave to be the head to the church . ) at last he fairly gives over the proof . it is true saith he , disputations do require men to keep close to termes , but in col. . . ye have the very words , head of all principality and power . in col. . . christ as he is the eternall son of god , is called head of all principality and power : as we shall see anon : but ephes. . where the apostle speaketh of christs headship , in reference to the church , and as mediator , he is not called the head of all principality and power . so that i had reason to except against mr. colemans argument which made that text ephes. . to say what it saith not . now what saith he to the reason i added , can christ be a head to them that are not of his body ? he tells me the visible church is not the body of christ , but onely the faithfull . he might have observed the visible church consisting of visible saints , plainly spoken of , as the body of christ , cor. . , . cor. , . . i know the visible church is not all one with the invisible and mystical body of christ ; but he who denyeth the visible church to ●e the visible , political , ministerial body of christ , must also deny the visible church to be the visible church ; for if a church , then certainly the body of christ , at least visibly . the next thing which i did replie , was in explanation of the text , which was to this sence . he that is the churches head , is over all , both as he is the sonne of god , or as the apostle saith rom. . . god over all , blessed for ever , yea even as man he is over or above all creatures , being exalted to a higher degree of glory , majesty , and dignity , then man or angel ever was , or shall be : but neither his divine omnipotency , nor the height of glory and honour which as man he is exalted to , nor both these together in the mediator and head of the church , omnipotency and exaltation to glory , can prove that ( as mediator ) he exerciseth his kingly office over all principalities and powers , and that they hold of and under him as mediator . mr. hussey replieth that the text makes christ over or above principalities and powers , not onely in dignity and honour , but as king or head of them , and that thus we must understand the comparison , that he is above principality in principality , power in power , might in might , dominion in dominion . this is nothing but a begging of what is in question : that the power and dominion of the civil magistrate , is eminently in christ as mediator , and from him ( so considered ) derived to the magistrate , is that which i deny can be proved from that text ; and lo when he comes to the point of probation , he supposeth what he had to prove . my exposition of the text made good sence ; for as an earthly king is exalted to have more power and more glory , then those not onely of his subjects , but of another state or kingdom to whom he is not king ; so the mediator and king of the church is exalted to power and glory far above all principality and power , but is not therefore head or king or governor to all principality and power , as mediator . and as me exposition makes good sence of the text , his makes very bad sence of it . for if christ as mediator be head and king of all principalities , powers , and dominions , then he is , as mediator , head and king of heathenish and turkish principality , power , might , and dominion ; and when the apostle wrote this to the ephesians , it must be granted ( according to mr. husseys glosse ) that christ as mediator was head and king of the romane emperour , and that caesar held his office of and under christ as mediator : for if head of all principality , how shall they except any ? i further brought severall reasons from the text it self . the first was this , the honour and dignity of jesus christ there spoken of , hath place not onely in this world , but in that which is to come ( vers . ) but the kingdom and government which is given to christ as mediator , shall not continue in the world to come . mr. hussey answereth pag. . this is ignoratio el nehi , it followeth not , that which belongeth to him in reference to the world to come , belongeth not to him as mediator , therefore that government that is given to him in reference to this world , is not given to him as mediator . but still he beggs what is in question , and divideth asunder what the text coupleth together , not onely in this world , but also in that which is to come : here is a rising and heightning , but no contradistinction , nothing here of one exaltation in reference to the world to come , another in reference to this world : but that exaltation of christ above every name that is named , ( which this text speaks of ) beginnes in this world , and shall continue in the world to come . calvin . in eph. . . seculi autem futuri disertam facit mentionem , ut significet non temporalem esse christi excellentiam , sed aeternam . he makes expresse mention of the world to come , that he may signifie christs excellency not to be temporal , but eternal . this doth well agree to the dignity , excellency , glory , and honour of christ , but it cannot be said that christ shall for ever continue in his kingly office as mediator . the second reason which i fetcht from the text , was from vers . . he hath put all things under his feet ; that is , all things except the church , saith zanchius . but all things are not yet put under his feet , except in respect of gods decree ; it is not yet done actually . heb. . . now christ reignes as mediator before all things be put under his feet , not after all things are put under his feet , which is clear cor. . . act. . , . mr. husseys reply pag. . . saith , that the church is not here to be excepted , but church and all is here put under christs feet , which he proveth by heb. . . he left nothing that is not put under him . but this cannot be understood to be actually done ; for the next words say , but now we see not yet all things put under him : and if not done actually , but in respect of gods decree and fore-knowledge , ( according to the sence i gave out of hierome on eph. . . ) how can it strengthen him in this particular ? we see not yet . this yet shall not expire till the end , when christ shall put down all authority and power . and now when it is said he hath put all things under his feet . ephes. . . that the church is not meant to be comprehended , but to be excepted in that place as zanchius saith , may thus appear ; the apostle distinguisheth the all things from the church , and calls the church the body of christ , and him the head to that body , but the all things are put under christs feet ( his body is not under his feet , but under the head ) and he over all things : for so runs the text , and hath put all things under his feet , and gave him to be the head over all things to the church , which is his body . and whereas mr. hussey distinguisheth between christs putting all his enemies under his feet , cor. . . and the fathers putting all things under his feet , ibid. vers . . and maketh this latter to be an actual putting under him of friends , foes , church and all , whence it seems he would have it to follow , that christ reignes as mediator , even after all things are put under his feet . he is herein easily confuted from heb. . ● . where god the father his putting all things under christs feet , is plainly declared to be a thing to come , and not yet actually done . the next reason which i gave out of the text was from those words , and gave him to be the head over all thiags to the church ; christs headship and his government as mediator , are commensurable . christ is a head to none but to his church . these words of mine mr. hussey changeth thus : he is head over none saith mr. gilespie , but his church , and then he addeth , is this to argue out of scripture , or rather to deny and outface the scripture ? the scripture saith , he is over all . see what unconscionable impudent boldnesse this is , to cite my words ( yea in a different character too , that his reader may beleeve it the better ) and yet to change not onely my words , but my meaning . i purposely kept my self to the text , that christ is a head to none but to his church , yet he that is the churches head is over all things . and since mr. hussey will needs hold that christ as mediator is head of all things ( which the text saith not ) what were the consequence hereof ? the text saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over all things , not over all persons onely : so heb. , . compared with psal. . , . whence it followes by mr. husseys principles ( which i tremble to mention ) that christ as mediator is head and king not onely of men , but of sheep , oxen , fowles , and fishes . behold how dangerous it is for men to be wise above that which is written . the last reason which i brought from the last verse , was this , the church is there called christs fulnesse in reference to his headship . this mr. hussey saith , seemeth to come tolerably from the text ; but the next words , that which makes him full and compleat so farre as he is a head or king : he calls a fallacy , how commeth this word king in here ? saith he ; first here he yeelds that the church makes christ full and compleat so farre as he is a head , whence it followeth that as mediator he is onely the churches head , and there is no other body of christ but the church ; for if the church be his fulnesse , his compleat body , there can be no other body of christ. doth not this destroy what he hath been arguing for , that christ as mediator is head of all principality and power ? and for the word king , it may well come in where head commeth : for is not christs kingdom as mediator , commensurable with his headship as mediator ? is he as mediator king to any to whom he is not head ? surely this very answer as it is his last , so it really yeeldeth the cause . the tenth objection is that which i my self moved to prevent my antagonists . christ is called the head of all principality and power , col. . . to this i answered out of bullinger , gualther , and tossanus ; the scope and meaning of the apostle , is to shew that christ is true god , and therefore we must not understand the apostle to speak of christs headship as he is mediator , but as he is the natural and eternal sonne of god. mr. hussey pag. . thinks it is no good consequence , the apostle speaks not of christ as mediator , because he speaks of him as true god , is not christ saith he , true god as mediator ? i answer , as mediator he is god-man . but he must remember the argument is urged to prove the subordination of all principality and power to jesus christ as mediator . now let him prove that the apostle speaketh there of christ as mediator ; i say he speaketh of christ as god ; he cannot conclude against what i said , except he argue thus , that which christ is as god , he is as mediator ; which is false , as i have made it appear else-where . well : but mr. hussey proves from the text that christ is there spoken of as mediator . vers . , . for in him dwelleth the fulnesse of the god-head bodily , and ye are compleat in him which is the head of all principality and power . but he draweth no argument from the words . neither is there any thing in them which maketh against me . the apostle shews them , that the man jesus christ is also true god , equal and consubstantial with the father ; for the very fulnesse of the god-head is in him , that is , he is fully and compleatly god , so that saith calvin , they who desire something more then christ , must desire something more then god. wherefore our writers make the right use of this place when they bring it against the socinians , to prove the god-head of christ. see christian. becman . exercit . . this fulnesse of the god-head is in christ bodily , that is , either personally , to distinguish him from the holy men of god , who were inspired by the holy ghost ; or substantially , as others take the word , in opposition to the tabernacle and temple in which the god-head was typically . ye are compleat in him , saith the apostle , meaning because he is compleatly god , so that we need not invocate or worship angels , as if we were not compleat in christ. mr. hussey admitteth what i said concerning the scope of the place , to teach the colossians not to worship angels , because servants : but saith he , may they not worship christ as mediator ? yes doubtlesse they may . no doubt he that is mediator must be worshipped , because he is god ; christ god-man is the object of divine adoration , and his god-head is the cause of that adoration ; but whether he is to be worshipped because he is mediator , or under this formall consideration as mediator ; and whether the mediator ought to be therefore adored with divine adoration , because he is mediator , is res altioris indaginis . if mr. hussey please to read and consider what divers school ▪ men have said upon that point , as aquinas tertia part . quaest . . art . . & . alex. alensis sum. theol. part ▪ . quaest . . membr . . suarez in tertiam part . thomae disp. . sect . . valentia comment . in tho. tom. . disp. . quaest . . punct . . tannerus theol. scholast . tom. . disp. . quaest . . dub. . but much more if he please to read disputatio de adoratione christi , habita inter faustum socinum & christianum francken : and above all dr. voetius select . disput . ex poster . part . theol. disp. . an christus qua mediator sit adorandus ? then i beleeve he will be more wary and cautious what he holds concerning that question . but i must not be ledd out of my way to multiply questions unnecessarily : all that i said was , that the apostle teacheth the colossians , not to worship angels , because they are servants , but christ the son of the living god , who is the head and lord of angels ; and in that place the apostle speaketh of the honour which is due to christ as god ; and if we would know in what sence the apostle calls christ the head of all principality and power , see how he expounds himsel coloss. . , , . speaking of the god-head of jesus christ. finally , if mr. hussey will prove any thing from coloss. . . against us , he must prove that those words which is the head of all principality and power , are meant in reference not onely to the angels , but to civil magistrates ; and next , that they are meant of christ , not onely as god , but as mediator . both which he hath to prove , for they are not yet proved . chap. vii . arguments for the negative of that question formerly propounded . my arguments against the derivation of magistracy from jesus christ as mediator , and against the magistrates holding of his office of and under christ as mediator , are these . first , this doctrine doth evacuate and nullifie the civil authority and government of all heathen or pagan magistrat● ; for which way was the authority of government derived from christ , and from him as mediator , to a pagan magistrate or emperour ? if he hath not his power from christ as mediator , then he is but an usurper , and hath no just title to reign , according to their principles which hold that all government , even civil , is given to c rist , and to him as mediator . mr. hussey forsooth doth learnedly yeeld the argument , and answereth pag. . that not onely it is a sin to be a heathen , but the government of a heathen is sinfull and unlawfull , for which he gives this reason , whatsoever is not of faith is sin . he might as well conclude , in that sence , that the best vertues of the heathen were sin , because not of faith , that is , accidentally sin , in respect of the end , or manner of doing , not materially , or in their own nature . vpon the same reason he must conclude , that the government of a christian magistrate is unlawfull , if it be not of faith , as oftimes it is not , through the blindnesse and corruption of mens hearts who govern . but whether is the government of a heathen magistrate per se , simpliciter , & ex natura sua , unlawful and sinful ? whether hath he any just right or title to government and magistracy ? if his title to civil magistracie be just , and if his government be in it self materially and substantially lawful ▪ then he must have a commission from christ , and from him as mediator : this i suppose cannot be mr. husseys sence , for he hath not answered one syllable to the argument , tending that way . but if the government of an heathen magistrate be in it self materially , substantially , and in the nature of the tenure , sinfull and unlawfull , so that as long as he remains an heathen , he hath no reall right , nor true title to government , but onely a pretended and usurped title ( which must needs be mr. husseys sence , if he hath answered any thing at all to my argument ) then he goeth crosse not onely to the holy men of god in the old testament who honoured heathen princes , and were subject to them as to lawful magistrates ; but also to the doctrine of jesus christ , who taught his disciples to give unto caesar what is caesars ; and of the apostles who in their time exhorted the churches to be subject even to heathen magistrates ( for they had no other at that time ) to obey them , to pray for them . rom. . titus . . tim. . , . pet. . , . . it is justly condemned as one of the errors of the anabaptists , that an heathen magistrate is not to be acknowledged as a lawfull magistrate , or as being from god. see gerhard loc . com . tom. . pag. p. hinkelmannus de anabaptismo disp . . cap. . the scriptures now cited are so clear , that when mr. hussey saith of the heathen magistrate , let baal plead for himself , he might as well have said , that christ and his apostles pleaded for baal . they that plead for the authority of an heathen magistrate do not plead for baal , but for god , and for his ordinance : for the powers that be , are ordained of god , saith paul speaking even of the heathen magistrates , rom. . . but what will mr. hussey say , if his great master erastus be found a pleader for baal , as much as i am ? confirm . thes. lib. . cap. . pag. . speaking of the heathen and unbeleeving magistrates , before whom the corinthians went to law one against another , he saith , an non est impius quoque magistratus à deo praepositus , ut subjectes quoslibet ab injuria & vi tueatur ? is not the ungodly magistrate also preferred by god , that he may defend any of his subjects from injury and violence . yea the scriptures afore touched are so clear in this point , that gamachaeus in primam secunda quaest. . & . cap. . though he hold that by humane and ecclesiastical right , pagan princes lose their dominion and authority over their subjects , when their subjects turne christians ; yet he acknowledgeth that they still retain their former jurisdiction over those subjects , by the law of god and nature . surely one might as well say , that heathen parents are unlawful , and heathen masters are unlawful , and heathen husbands are unlawful ; ( all which were contrary to the word of god ) as to say that heathen magistrates are unlawful . take the instance in parents , for all lawful magistrates are fathers by the fifth commandement . doth the paternity of a heathen father differre specie , from the paternity of a christian father ? are they not both lawful parents , being made such by god and nature ? are not their children bound to honour them , and be subject to them , and obey them in things lawful ? the paternity is the same in se , but different modaliter that i may borrow a distinction from mr. hussey . the christian father is sanctified , and qualified to do service to jesus christ , as a father , in educating his children christianly , which an heathen father can not do . so the heathen magistrate , and the christian magistrate are both lawful magistrates , being made such by god and nature , or by election of people : they are both of them to be honoured , submitted unto , and obeyed , they are both of them the ministers of god for good to their people : their power is the same in actu signato , though not in actu exercito . the heathen magistrate may do and ought to do what the christian magistrate doth ; but the christian magistrate is fitted , qualified , enabled , and sanctified to glorifie and serve jesus christ , as a magistrate , which the heathen magistrate is not . secondly , they that hold the derivation of magistracy to be from jesus christ , and that it is held of and under him as mediator , must either shew from scripture that jesus christ as mediator hath given a commission of vicegerentship or deputyship to the christian magistrate , or otherwise acknowledge , that they have given the most dangerous and deadly wound , even to christian magistracy it self , which ever before it received . mr. hussey pag. answereth , i conceive he ( the christian magistrate ) hath a commission from christ : but when he should prove it ( which my argument calld for ) here he is at a losse . he citeth psal. ▪ . all kings shall fall downe before him , all nations shall serve him . isa. . . that nation and kingdom that will not serve thee shall perish . i hope indeed there is a time comming when all kings shall fall down before jesus christ , and all nations shall serve him , and that will make an end of the erastian controversie . but i pray , do all that serve jesus christ , hold their office of and under christ , as mediator , and as his vicegerents ? then the poorest servant that fears god shall be a vicegerent of jesus christ , as mediator , and shall have a commission from christ to that effect , for every godly servant doth not serve his master onely , but christ , eph. . , , . again , if those who shall perish because they serve not christ , be his deputies and vicegerents ; then the wickedest persecuters in the world shall have a commission of vicegerentship from jesus christ. well , let the christian magistrate animadvert , whether these men have done any thank-worthy service to magistracy , who will needs have it to hold of and un●er christ as mediator , and by a commission of vicegerentship from him ; and when they are put to it , to produce that commission , they prove no more then agreeth either to the meanest christian , or to the wickedest persecuter . the ministery hath a clear undeniable commission from christ as mediator ( even our opposites themselves being judges ) matth. . . and . . . iohn . , ▪ . cor. . , . eph. . , . act. . . tit. . . i say therefore again ▪ let them also shew from scripture a commission from jesus christ constituting christian magistrates to be his vicegerents as he is mediator , and to hold their office of and under him as mediator : which if they cannot shew , they have done a greater disservice to the christian magistrate , then they can easily repair or amend : we are sure the lawful magistrate ( whether heathen or christian ) is gods vicegerent ▪ and that is a safe holding of his office . but our opposites shall never prove , that any civil magistrate ( though christian and godly ) is the vicegerent of jesus christ as mediator . and in seeking to prove it , i am perswaded they shall but discover their own weaknesse , and shall also weaken the magistrates authority more then they can strengthen it . thirdly , the scripture intimateth this difference between ministery and magistracy ; that the work of the ministery and the administrations thereof are performed in the name of jesus christ as mediator and king of the church : the work of magistracy not so , except we adde to the word of god ; they who will do any thing in the name of jesus christ as mediator , and cannot find any scripture which can warrant their so doing , are lyars , and the truth is not in them . now let our opposites shew ( if they can ) where they find in scripture , that the christian magistrate is to rule in the name of christ , to judge in the name of christ , to make laws in the name of christ , to make war or peace in the name of christ , to punish evil doers with the temporal sword in the name of christ. of the ministery i did shew , that in the name of the lord jesus christ we do assemble our selves together , matth. . . in his name doe we preach , luk. . . act. . , . and . . . and . . in his name do we baptize , act. . . and . . and . . in his name do we excommunicate , cor. . . these my proofs from scripture mr. hussey pag. . professeth he will examine according to laws of disputation . i know none transgresseth those laws more than himself , and even in this very place where he professeth to keep close to lawes of disputation : my first proof from matth. . . he quarrelleth upon a meer mistake of his owne . he saith i brought it to prove the institution of church-officers , and that to prove it , i do appropriate the meeting in the name of hcrist to church-officers , and thereupon he tells us the text saith not , that none shall gather together in my name but church-officers . are these mr. husseys lawes of disputation ? he had need to be a better disputer who calls others to school . i did not speak here of the institution of church-officers , and far lesse did i exclude all others from meeting in the name of christ ; church-officers assemble in the name of christ with the church ; and when they assemble in the name of christ apart , and without the multitude , will it follow that because they meet in the name of christ , therefore none but they meet in the name of christ. well , let mr. hussey try all his logick in this consequence , it will not do . the sixth general councell , actione . apply unto their owne oecumenicall assembly , that promise of christ matth. . . where two or three are gathered together in my name , &c. protestant writers both in their commentaries , and polemick writings , do usually apply the same text to synods and councells : for instance , calvin . instit. lib. . cap. . sect . & . holds that the authority of councells dependeth upon that promise of christ , where two or three are met together in my name , &c. that which went before , carries it to assemblies for acts of discipline , as being principally intended in that place . the promise ver . . is general , belonging to all church assemblies : yet in that place it is applyed to assemblies of church-officers for discipline . but neither need i go so far in this present argument ; for when church-officers meet with the church for the word , sacraments ▪ and other parts of worship , this is in the name of jesus christ , without all controversie , and this is enough to justifie all that i brought that text for ; especially there being herein a difference between sacred and civil assemblies : there is no such promise made to magistrates courts of justice , as to church assemblies . that which he citeth out of dr. whittaker and bishop mortoun makes nothing against me , neither doth he quote the places , peradventure because he found something in those passages which made against him . whittakers sence is plainly of sacred , and not of civil assemblies . and for that so much controverted text matth. . . tell the church . whittaker expoundeth it as we do against the erastians , tell the pastors and rulers of the church . whittak . de eccles. quaest . . cap. . dic ecclesiae , hoc est pastoribus & praefectis ecclesiae . as for preaching , mr. hussey saith , it is out of question that we preach in the name of christ. well : then let him shew such another thing of the magistrate , as is without controversie done by him in the name of christ. but where i added , that in the name of jesus christ we baptize , though i said no more then the scripture saith , yet he is pleased to object against me . these places he citeth saith he , to prove that we baptize in the name of jesus , as exclusively to father and holy ghost , ( leaving out the words of the commission : matth. . baptize in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost ) for so the state of his question doth require ; for he distinguisheth acutely and acurately between christ as mediator and second person ( he should have said as second person ) in trinity , in all this argument . and so he concludes that which i had said to be contrary to the words of the commission and the practice of all churches . what doth he drive at ? i cited plain texts to prove that baptisme is administred in the name of christ : either mr. hussey denyeth that this is done in the name of christ as mediator : or he denyeth it not . if he denie it , let him speak it out , and he shall not want an answer . mean while let him remember that himself pag. . saith , that christ as mediator did give that commission to the apostles , go preach and baptize . if he denie it not , then let him give the like instance for magistracy and civil government , to prove it to be managed in the name of jesus christ as mediator , else he must not plead that magistracy is of the same tenure from christ as the ministery . again , either he admitteth a distinction between christ as mediator , and as second person in trinity , or not . if he doe not , he will infallibly wind himself into a grosse heresie ; as namely these two . . he must denie that principle which according to the word of god , all orthodox divines hold against the arrians and antitrinitarians , that t christ as mediator is subordinate unto , and lesser then the father ; but as second person in the trinity he is not subordinate unto nor lesser then the father , nor the father greater then he , but as such he is equal with the father in greatnesse , glory , and honour . . as opera trinitatis ad extra sunt indivisa , he must also hold that whatsoever christ as mediator doth , that also the father and the holy ghost doth : but christ as mediator did humble himself to the death , offer himself in a sacrifice for sin , maketh intercession for us , ergo , he must conclude the father doth the same . but if he do admit the distinction as mediator , and as second person in trinity , then why doth he so often quarrell it ? and in this very place his argument must drive against that distinction , or against nothing . but how doth the baptizing in the name of christ as mediator , agree with the commission to baptize in the name of the father ▪ son , and holy ghost ? though this belong not to my argument , yet i will by the way speak to it . first i say , the question is of things or actions , not of words . mr. hussey ( it seems ) did apprehend my meaning , as if i had intended an expression to be made in the act of baptizing , thus , i baptize thee in the name of iesus christ. but i spake of the action , not of the expression , even as in the other instance i gave ; our assembling together is in the name of christ , though we do not say in terminis , we are now assembled in the name of christ. in baptisme christ doth not command us to say , either these words , i baptize thee in the name of christ ; or these words , i baptize thee in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost : but we are commanded to do the thing , both in the name of christ as mediator , and in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost : but in different respects . a minister of christ doth both preach and baptize in the name of christ as mediator , that is vice christi ▪ in christs stead , and having authority for that effect from christ as mediator ; for christ as mediator gave us our commission to preach and baptize by mr. husseys confession . so that to preach and baptize 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which we find both of preaching , luk. . and of baptizing , act. . . ) comprehendeth a formall commission , power and authority given and derived from christ , i say not that it comprehendeth no more , but this it doth comprehend . but when christ biddeth us baptise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto , or into , or in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , mat. . . this doth relate to the end and effect of baptisme , or the good of the baptized ( if we understand the words properly ) not the authority of the baptizer , as if a formall commission were there given him from the father , son , and holy ghost . so that to baptize one in or unto the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , is properly meant both of sealing the parties right and title to the enjoyment of god himself , as their god by covenant , and their interest in the love of god , the grace of christ , and the communion of the holy ghost ; and of dedicating the party to the knowledge , profession , saith , love , and obedience of god , the father , son , and holy ghost . i return , the next branch of my argument was that we excommunicate in the name of christ cor. . mr. hussey pag. . saith i make great hast here , deliver to sathan saith he is not to excommunicate , &c. but grant that it were excommunication , &c. the decree was pauls , and not the corinthians . what is meant by delivering to sathan , belongs to another debate . call it an apostolicall act , or call it an ecclesiasticall act , or both , yet it was done in the name of the lord jesus christ ; the like whereof we find not in scripture of any act of the civil magistrate . why doth he not attend to the drift of the argument ? and as to his exceptions u they are no other then prelats , papists , and socinians have made before him , and which are answered long agoe . that the apostle commandeth to excommunicate the incestuous man , is acknowledged by mr. prynne . that he who is excommunicated may be truly said to be delivered to sathan , is undeniable ; for he that is cast out of the church , whose sins are retained , on whom the kingdom of heaven is shut and locked , whom neither christ nor his church doth owne , is delivered to sathan , who reignes without the church . that this censure or punishment of excommunication was a church act , and not an apostolicall act onely , may thus appear . . the apostle blameth the corinthians , that it was not sooner done ; he would not have blamed them , that a miracle was not wrought . . he writeth to them , to do it when they were gathered together , not to declare or witnesse what the apostle had done , but to joyne with him in the authoritative doing of it , vers . . . again he saith to them vers . . purge out therfore the old leaven . vers . . doe not ye judge them that are within ? vers . . put away from among your selves that wicked person . . it was a censure inflicted by many , . cor. . not by the apostle alone , but by many . . the apostle doth not absolve the man , but writeth to them to forgive him , cor. . . lastly , the syriack maketh for us , which runneth thus , vers . . that in the name of our lord jesus christ , you all may be gathered together , and i with you in the spirit , with the power of our lord iesus christ , vers . . that you may deliver him to sathan . &c. but now at last mr. hussey comes home , and gives this answer to my third argument . a thing may be said to be done in the name of christ or of god , when men do any thing in confidence that god will assist us : so psal. . in the name of our god will we set up our banners in confidence god will assist us : thus i hope the parliament and other christians may undertake the businesse in the name of christ , &c. secondly , in the name of christ a thing is said to be done , that is done in the authority , room , and place of christ , &c. so he pag. . seeking a knot in the rush . in the first part of his distinction , he saith nothing to my argument , neither saith he any more of the parliament then agreeth to all christians , the poorest and meanest ; for every christian servant , every christian artificer is bound to do whatsoever he doth , in the name of christ , colos. . . but what is that to the argument ? come to the other member of his distinction . the ministers of christ do act in the name of christ : that is , in the authority , room and place of christ ; we are ambassadors for christ , and we preach in christs stead , cor. . . this he doth not nor cannot denie : ( which makes good my argument ; ) why did he not shew us the like concerning magistracy ? i suppose he would , if he could : this is the very point which he had to speak to , but hath not done it . my fourth argument against the magistrates holding of his office of , and under , and for christ , that is , in christs room and stead as mediator , shall be that which was drawn from luk. . . the jewes were of the same opinion , which mr. coleman and mr. hussey have followed , namely , that civil government should be put in the hands of christ , which they collected from ier. . . he shall execute justice and judgement in the earth ; and such other prophecies by them mis-understood . and hence it was that one said to christ , master , speak to my brother that he divide the inheritance with me . our lords answer was , man who made me a judge or a divider over you . whatsoever act of authority is done by a deputy or vicegerent , as representing his master and soveraigne , may be done by the king himself when personally present : if therefore the magistrate judge civil causes , and divide inheritances , as the vicegerent of christ , and of christ as mediator , then christ himself , when present in the dayes of his flesh , had power as mediator to judge such causes . but this christ himself plainly denyeth . let us hear mr. husseys answer , pag. . ( it is the very same with that which azorius instit. mor. part . . lib. . cap. . ( pleading for the popes temporall dominion ) answereth concerning the point now in hand ) it doth not follow that because christ was not a iudge actu exercito , therefore the originall right of government was not in him : and this objection may be answered thus , christ doth not say he was not a iudge , but who made me a iudge ? how dost thou know that i am a iudge ? and thus christ in the time of his humiliation did often hide the manifestation of his power . x what greater violence could be offered to the text ? for the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constituit is purposely used to deny the power or right , as well as the exercise ; and proveth that he was not a judge actu signato , having no such power nor authority given him , it is the same phrase which is used act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who made thee a ruler and a judge ? moses was then beginning to do the part of a ruler and a judge , actu exercito ; but they refuse him as having no warrant , power , nor authority , act. . . the apostles bid choose seven deacons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom we may appoint say they over this businesse , tit. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and ordain elders in every city : yet neither can that of the deacons , nor this of the elders , be understood otherwise , then of the right , power , and authority given them . see the like heb. . . luk. . . matth. . . the scope therefore of christs answer was this ( as aretius upon the place ) non debeo aliena munia invadere . i ought not to invade such offices as belong to others , not to me . some of the jesuits ( as forward as they are to defend the temporal power of the pope as christs vicar on earth , yet ) cannot shut their eies against the light of this text , who made me a judge or a divider over you ? but they are forced to acknowledge y that christ denies that he had any right or authority to be a civil judge . for how can he who is authorized to be a judge say , who made me a judge ? the fifth argument i take from iohn . . my kingdom is not of this world. the great jealousie and fear which both herod and pilate had of christ ; was , that they understood he was a king. christ clears himself in this point , his kingdom was such as they needed not be afraid of , for though it be in the world , it is not of the world ; though it be here , it is not from hence , it is heterogeneous to temporal monarchy and civil government . mr. hussey pag. . tells us , he knows not how those governments that should be executed by church-officers ▪ should savour lesse of the world then the civil government . for this i remit him to those many and great differences , which i have shewed between the civil and the ecclesiastical power . in the mean while my argument stands in force ; for if all civil government were put in christs hand as he is mediator , and he to depute and substitute others whom he will under him ; then what is there in that answer of his to pilate , which could convincingly answer those mistakes and misapprehensions of the nature of his kingdom . that which is now taught by master hussey , is the very thing which herod and pilate were afraid of : but christ denyeth that which they were afraid of : and vers . . is an answer to the question asked , vers . . art thou the king of the jews ? my kingdom is not of this world , saith he . to the same sence ( as grotius upon the place noteth out of eusebius ) christs kinsmen when they were asked concerning his kingdome , did answer to domitian , z that his kingdom was not worldly ; but heavenly . sixthly , i prove the point from luke . , . and when he was demanded of the pharisees when the kingdom of god should come ; he answered them and said , the kingdom of god commeth not with observation . neither shall they say loe here , or lo there ; for behold the kingdom of god is within you . by the kingdom of god is meant in this place the kingdom of the messiah , as interpreters do unanimously agree . both iohn baptist and chrst himself had preached , that the kingdom of god was at hand ; and the jews themselves were in expectation of the messiah to make them free from the roman yoke , and to restore a temporal or earthly monarchy to israel . hereupon they aske when this kingdom should come . his answer is ▪ the kingdom of god commeth not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with observation , or outward shew and pomp , but it is within you , it is spiritual , it belongs to the inward man. but if the magistrate be christs vicegerent , and hold his office of and under christ as mediator , and if christ as mediator reigne in , through and by the magistrate , then the kingdom of the messiah doth come with observation and pomp , with a crown , a scepter , a sword , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with princely splendor , riches , triumph , such as the pharisees then , and the jews now do expect : which saith grotius is the thing that christ here denieth ; for all the outward pomp , observation , splendor , majesty , power , and authority , which a vicegerent hath , doth principally redound unto his master and soveraign : so that by our opposites principles , the kingdom of christ must come with observation , because the dominion of the magistrate ( whom they hold to be his vicegerent ) commeth with observation . seventhly , that government and authority which hath a foundation in the law of nature and nations ( yea might and should have had place and been of use , though man had not sinned ) cannot be held of and under and managed for christ as he is mediator . but magistracy or civil government hath a foundation in the law of nature and nations ( yea might and should have had place and been of use though man had not sinned ) ergo. the reason of the proposition , is because the law of nature and nations , and the law which was written in mans heart in his first creation , doth not flow from christ as mediator , but from god as creator : neither can it be said that christ as mediator ruleth and governeth all nations by the law of nature and nations , or that christ should have reigned as mediator , though man had not sinned . the assumption is proved by gerhard loc . com . tom. . pag. . . in the state of innocency there had been no such use of magistracy as now there is ; for there had been no evil doers to be punished , no unruly persons to be restrained ; yet as the wife had been subject to the husband , and the son to the father , so no doubt there had been an union of diverse families under one head , man being naturally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as aristotle calls him , he is for society and policy , and how can it be imagined that mankind multiplying upon the earth should have been without headship , superiority , order , society , govenment ? and what wonder that the law of nature teach all nations some government : a hicrome observeth , that nature guideth the very reasonlesse creatures to a kind of magistracy . eightly , if the scripture hold forth the same derivation or origination of magistracy in the christian magistrate and in the heathen magistrate , then it is not safe to us to hold that the christian magistrate holds his office of and under christ as mediator . but the scripture doth hold forth the same derivation or origination of magistracy in the christian magistrate , and in the heathen magistrate . ergo , the proposition hath this reason for it , because the heathen magistrate doth not hold his office of and under christ as mediator ; neither doth mr. hussey herein contradict me : onely he holds the heathen magistrate and his government to be unlawful : wherein he is anabaptistical , and is confuted by my first argument . as for the assumption , it is proved from divers scriptures , and namely these , rom. . . the powers that be , are ordained of god , which is spoken of heathen magistrates . dan. . . thou o king art a king of kings , for the god of heaven hath given thee a kingdom , power , and strength , and glory . so saith daniel to nebuchadnezzar an idolatrous and heathen king. see the like ier. . . isa. . . god sent his servant the prophet to anoint hazael king over syria ; kings . . read to this purpose augustine de civit . dei , lib. . cap. . where he saith b that the same god gave a kingdom and authority both to the romans , assyrians , persians , hebrews ; and that he who gave the kingdom to the best emperors , gave it also to the worst ▪ emperors ; yea he that gave it to constantine a christian ▪ did also give it saith he , to iulian the apostate . tertullian apol. cap. . speaking of the heathen emperors of that time , saith that they were from god , à quo sunt secundi , post quem primi ante omnes , that he who had made them men , did also make them emperors , and give them their power . ibid. cap. . ut meritò dixerim noster est magis caesar , ut a nostro deo constitutus : so that i may justly say , caesar is rather ours , as being placed by our god : saith he , speaking to the pagans in the behalf of christians . wherefore though there be huge and vast differences between the christian magistrate and the heathen magistrate , the former excelling the latter , as much as light doth darknesse , yet in this point of the derivation and tenure of magistracy ; they both are equally interested , and the scripture sheweth no difference , as to that point . chap. viii . of the power and priviledge of the magistrate in things and causes ecclesiastical ; what it is not , and what it is . the new notion that the christian magistrate is a church-officer , and magistracy an ecclesiastical as well as a civil administration , calls to mind that of the wise-man ; is there any thing whereof it may be said , see this is new ? it hath been already of old time which was before us . plato in his politicus ( a little after the middle of that book ) tells me , that the kings of egypt were also priests , and that in many cities of the grecians , the supream magistrate had the administration of the holy things . notwithstanding even in this particular there still appeareth some new thing under the sun. for plato tells me again epist. . that those supreme magistrates who were priests , might not be present nor joyne in criminall nor capitall judgements , lest they ( being priests ) should be defiled . if you look after some other president for the union of civil and ecclesiastical government , secular and spirituall administrations ▪ in one and the same person or persons , perhaps it were not hard to find such presidents , as our opposites will be ashamed to owne . i am sure heathens themselves have known the difference between the office of priests and the office of magistrates . aristotle de repub. lib. . cap. . speaking of priests saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for this is another thing then civil magistrates . he had said before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a civil society hath need of many rulers : but every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who is made by election or lot , is not a civil magistrate : and the first instance he giveth is that of the priests : and so aristotle would have the priest to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a ruler , but not a civil magistrate . so de repub. lib. . cap. . he distingu sheth between the priests and the judges in a citty . but to the matter . i will here endeavour to make these two things appear . . that no administration formally and properly ecclesiasticall ( and namely the dispencing of church censures ) doth belong unto the magistrate , nor may ( according to the word of god ) be assumed and exercised by him , . that christ hath not made the magistrate head of the church , to receive appeals ( properly so called ) from all ecclesiasticall assemblies . touching the first of these , it is no other than is held forth in the irish articles of faith ( famous among orthodox and learned men in these kingdoms ) which do plainly exclude the magistrate from the administration of the word and sacraments , and from the power of the keys of the kingdom of heaven . it is the unhappinesse of this time that this and other truths formerly out of controversie , should be so much stuck at and doubted of by some . now that the corrective part of church-government , or the censure of scandalous persons in reference to the purging of the church , and keeping pure of the ordinances , is no part of the magistrates office , but is a distinct charge belonging of right to ministers and elders ; as it may fully appear by the arguments brought afterwards to prove a government in the church distinct from magistracy : ( which arguments will necessarily carry the power of church censures and the administration of the keys of the kingdom of heaven into other hands then the magistrates ; ) so i shall here strengthen it by these confirmations . first , church-censures must needs be dispensed by ministers and elders , because they are heterogeneous to magistracy : for first , the magistrate by the power which is in his hand , ought to punish any of his subjects that doe evil , and he ought to punish like si●s with like punishments . but if the power of church-censures be in the magistrates hands , he cannot walk by that rule ; for church-censures are onely for church-members , not for all subjects : cor. . . . secondly , church-censures are to be executed in the name of christ , matth. . . with vers . , . cor. . . and this cannot be done in his name , by any other but such as have commission from him to bind and loose , forgive and retain sins . but where is any such commission given to the civil magistrate , christian more then heathen ? thirdly , church-censures are for impenitent contumacious offenders : but the magistrate doth and must punish offenders ( when the course of justice and law so requireth ) whether they appear penitent or impenitent . fourthly , the magistrates power of punishing offenders , is bounded by the law of the land . what then shall become of such scandalls as are not crimes punishable by the law of the land ? such as obscene rotten talking , adulterous and vile behaviour , or the most scandalous conversing and companying together ( though the crime of adultery cannot be proved by witnesses ) living in known malice and envie , refusing to be reconciled , and thereupon lying off ( it may be for a long time ) from the sacrament , and the like , which are not proper to be taken notice of by the civil judge . so that in this case , either there must be church-censures and discipline exercised by church-officers , or the magistrate must go beyond his limits : or lastly . scandalls shall spread in the church , and no remedy against them . far be it from the thoughts of christian magistrates , that scandalls of this kind shall be tolerated , to the dishonour of god , the laying of the stumbling blocks of bad examples before others , and to the violation and pollution of the ordinances of jesus christ , who hath commanded to keep his ordinances pure . a second argument may be this , in the old testament god did not command the magistrates , but the priests to put a difference betwixt the prophane and the holy , the unclean and the clean : levit. . . ezech. . . ezech. . , . deut. . . chron. . , . and in the new testament , the keyes of the kingdom of heaven are given to the ministers of the church : matth. . . and . . iohn . . but no where to the civil magistrate . it belongeth to church-officers to censure false doctrine . revel . . . . . to decide controversies , acts . . and to examine and censure scandalls , ezech. , . which is a prophecy concerning the ministery of the new testament . and elders judge an elder , tim. . . or any other church-member . cor. . . thirdly , the scripture holdeth forth the civil and ecclesiastical power as most distinct ; insomuch that it condemneth the spiritualizing of the civil power , aswell as the secularizing of the ecclesiastical power ; state papacy , aswell as papal-state : church-officers may not take the civil sword , nor judg civil causes : luke . , , and . . matth. . . cor. . . tim. . . so uzzah might not touch the ark : nor saul offer burnt offerings : nor uzziah burn incense : i wish we may not have cause to revive the proverb which was used in ambrose his time . that emperors did more covet the priesthood , then the priests did covet the empire . shall it be a sin to church-officers to exercise any act of civil government ? and shal it be no sin to the civil magistrate to ingrosse the whole and sole power of church-government ? are not the two powers formally and specifically distinct ? of which before ▪ chap. . it is to be well noted that maccovius and vedelius who ascribe a sort of papal power to the civil magistrate , to the great scandall of the reformed church ; do notwithstanding acknowledge that christ hath appointed church discipline and censures , and the same to be dispenced by church-officers onely : and that the magistrate as he may not preach the word , and administer the sacraments ; so he may not exercise church-discipline , nor inslict spiritual censures , such as excommunication . though erastus pag. . hath not spared to say , that the magistrate may in the new testament ( though he might not in the old ) exercise the ministeriall function , if he can have so much leisure from his other employments . fourthly , the power of church discipline is intrinsecall to the church , that is , both they who censure , and they who are censured , must be of the church , cor. . . . they must be of one and the same corporation , the one must not be in the body , and the other out of the body . but if this power were in the magistrate , it were extrinsecall to the church . for the magistrate quatenus a magistrate , is not so much as a church-member ; far lesse can the magistrate as magistrate have jurisdiction over church-members , as church members , even as the minister as minister is not a member of the common-wealth or state , far lesse can he , as minister , exercise jurisdiction over the subjects , as subjects . the christian magistrate in england is not a member of the church as a magistrate , but as a christian. and the minister of jesus christ in england , is not subject to the magistrate as he is a minister of christ , but as he is a member of the common-wealth of england he was both a learned man and a great royallist in scotland , who held that all kings , infidel as well as christian , have equal authority and jurisdiction in the church , though all be not alike qualified or able to exercise it . io. wemius , de reg. primat . pag. . let our opposites loose this knot among themselves ; for they are not of one opinion about it . fifthly , church-officers might and did freely and by themselves dispence church-censures , under pagan and unbeleeving magistrates , as is by all confessed : now the church ought not to be in a worse condition under the christian magistrate , then under an infidel ; for the power of the christian magistrate is cumulative , not privative to the church ; he is a nursing father , isa. . . not a step-father . he is keeper , defender and guardian of both tables , but neither judge nor interpreter of scripture . sixthly , i shall shut up this argumentation with a convincing dilemma . the assemblies of church-officers being to exercise discipline , and censure offences ( which is supposed and must be granted in regard of the ordinances of parliament ) either they have power to do this iure proprio , and virtute officii : or onely iure devoluto , and virtute delegationis , such authority being derived from the magistrate ; if the former ; i have what i would ; if the latter , then it followeth , . that where presbyteries and synods do exercise spirituall jurisdiction , not by any power derived from , or dependant upon the civil magistrate , but in the name and authority of iesus christ , and by the power received from him , as in scotland , france , the low-countries , &c. there all ecclesiastical censures , such as deposition of ministers , and excommunication of scandalous and obstinate persons . have been , are , and shall be void , null , and of no effect . even as when the prelaticall party did hold , that the power of ordination and jurisdiction pertaineth onely to prelats , or such as are delegate with commission and authority from them : thereupon they were so put to it by the arguments of the anti-episcopall party , that they were forced to say , that presbyters ordained by presbyters in other reformed churches , are no presbyters , and their excommunication was no excommunication . . it will follow , that the magistrate himself may excommunicate , for nemo potest aliis delegare plus juris quam ipse habet ; no man can give from him by delegation or deputation to another , that right or power which he himself hath not . . if the power of excommunication come by delegation from the magistrate , either the magistrate must in conscience give this power to church-officers onely , or he is free and may without sin give this power to others ; if the former , what can bind up the magistrates conscience , or astrict the thing to church-officers , except it be gods ordinance that they only do it ? if the latter , then though this parliament hath hath taken away the old high commission court , which had potestatem utriusque gladii , yet they may lawfully and without sin erect a new high commission court , made up of those who shall be no church-officers , yea having none of the clergy in it ( as the other had ) with commission and power granted to them to execute spiritual jurisdiction and excommunication , and that not onely in this or that church , yea or province , but in any part of the whole kingdom . so much of the first point . now to the second , concerning appeals to the magistrate , as to the head of the church . it is asked , what remedy shall there be against the abuse of church-discipline by church-officers , except there be appeals from the ecclesiastical courts to the civil magistrate : which if it be , church-officers will be the more wary and cautious to do no man wrong , knowing that they may be made to answer for it : and if it be not , there is a wide dore opened , that ministers may do as they please . answ. look what remedy thene is for abuses in the preaching of the word , and administration of the sacraments ; the like remedy there is for abuses in church-discipline ; mal-administration of the word and sacraments is no lesse sinfull to the ministers , and hurtful to others , then mal-administration of discipline : and in some respects the former is more to the dishonour of god and destruction of men than the latter : ministers have not an arbitrary power to preach what they will , now when the word is not truly preached , nor the sacraments duely administred by any minister or ministers , the magistrate seeketh the redresse of these things ( in a constituted church ) by the convocating of synods , for examining , discovering , and judging of such errors and abuses as are found in particular churches . but if the synod should connive at , or comply with that same error ; yet the magistrate taketh not upon him the supreme and authoritative decision of a controversie of faith , but still endeavoureth to help all this by other ecclesiastical remedies ; as another synod , and yet another , till the evil be removed . the like we say concerning abuses in church-discipline : the magistrate may command a resuming and re-examination of the case in another synod : but still the synod ratisieth or reverseth the censure . in which case it is betwixt the magistrate and the synod , as betwixt the will and understanding ; for voluntas imperat intellectui quo ad exercitium , yet notwithstanding determinatur per intectellum quoad specificationem actus . take for instance this also . if it be a case deserving deposition or degradation : in such a case saith learned salmasius appar . ad lib. de primatu pag. . the prince or magistrate cannot take from a minister that power which was given him in ordination with imposition of hands , for he cannot take away that which he cannot give . but if a prince would have a minister for his offence● to be deprived of his ministeriall power , he must take care that it be done by the ministers themselves ; qui judices veri ipsius sunt , & auferre soli possunt quod per ordinationem dederunt . who are his true judges , and they onely can take away what by ordination they have given . thus salmasius . . and further , if presbyteries or synods exceed the bounds of ecclesiasticall power , and go without the sphaere of their own activity , interposing and judging in a civil cause which concerneth any mans life or estate , the magistrate may reverse and make null whatsoever they do in that kind , and punish themselves for such abuse of their power ; as solomon punished abiathar , and banished him to anathoth , he being guilty of high treason : kings . . it was not a case of scandall onely , or of delinquency or mal-administration in his sacerdotall office , otherwise it had fallen within the cognizance , and jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical sanhedrin . . though the case be meerly spirituall and ecclesiastical the christian magistrate ( by himself and immediatly ) may not onely examine by the judgement of discretion the sentence of the ecclesiastical court , but also when he seeth cause ( either upon the complaint of the party , or scandall given to himself ) interpose by letters , messages , exhortations , and sharp admonitions to the presbyterie or synod , who in that case are bound in conscience , with all respect and honour to the magistrate , to give him a reason of what they have done , and to declare the grounds of their proceedings , till by the blessing of god upon this free and fair dealing , they either give a rationall and satisfactory accompt to the magistrate , or be themselves convinced of their mal-administration of discipline . and in extraordinary cases when the clergy hath made defection , and all church discipline is degenerated into tyrannie , as under popery and prelacy it was ; it belongeth to the magistrate to take the protection of those who are cast out or censured unjustly ; for extraordinary evils must have extraordinary helps . and in this sence we are to understand divers of our reformers and others , groaning under the pressures of the roman clergy , and calling in the help of the civil magistrate for their relief . but we deny that ( in a well constituted church ) it is agreeable to the will of christ , for the magistrate , either c to receive appeals ( properly so called ) from the sentence of an ecclesiastical court , or to receive complaints exhibited against that sentence by the party censured , so as by his authority , upon such complaint , to nullifi● or make void the ecclesiastical censure . the latter of these two v●…delius pleadeth for , not the former . but apollonius oppugneth the latter , as being upon the matter all one with the former . now to ascribe such power to the magistrate , is . to change the pope , but not the po●…edome ; the head , but not the headship ; for is not this the popes chief supremacy , to judge all men ▪ and to be judged of no man , to ratifie or rescind at his pleasure the dec●ees of the church , councels ●nd all : and shall this power now be transferred upon the magistrate ? good lord , where are we , if this shall be the up-shot of our reformation ? o● for it ? shall we condemn the papists and anabaptists who give too little to the magistrate , and then joyn hands with the arminians , who give as much to the magistrate as the pope hath formerly usurp●d ? . appeals lie in the same line of subordination , and do not go de g●…nere in genus ; but the civil and ecclesiasticall courts stand not in one line , neither are they of one kind and nature ; they are disparata , non subordinata . . they who receive appeals , have also power to 〈◊〉 the sentence , else the appeal is in vain . but the magistrate hath no power to execute the church ce●sure , nor to shut out of the church , our opposites themselves being judges . it was not therefore without just cause that augustine did v●ry ●uch ●lame the donatists for their appealing from the ecclesi●stical assemblies , to the emperors and civil c●urts , epist. . and epist. . there are two examples alledged from scripture for appeals from ecclesiastical to civil courts : one is the example of ieremiah ; i●…r . . the other is the example of paul , act. . but neither of the two prove the point . for . ieremiah was not censured by the priests with any spirituall or ecclesiastical censure ( of which alone our controversie is ) but the priests took him and said to him , thou shalt surely die . jer. . . . would god that every christian magistrate may protect the servants of god from such unjust sentences and persecuting decrees . when ecclesiasticall courts are made up of bloody persecuters ▪ that is an extraordinary evil which must have an extraordinary remedy . . neither yet is there any syllable of ieremiahs appealing from the priests to the princes , but the text saith , when the princes of judah heard these things , then they came up , &c. verse . that is , the princes so soon as they understood that the priests had taken ieremiah , and had said to him thou shalt surely die . verse . and being also informed that all the people were gathered together tumultuously and disorderly against the prophet , verse . they thought it their duty to rescue the prophet from the priests and people , that he might be examined and judged by the civil court , he being challenged and accused as one worthy to die . as for pauls appellation to caesar. first , it is supposed by our opposites that he appealed from the ecclesiastical sanhedrin of the jews , which is a great mistake ; for he appealed from the judgement-seat of festus to caesar ; that is , from an in●eriour civil court , to a superiour civil court , which he had just cause to do : for though festus had not yet given forth any sentence against paul , yet he appeals à gravamine , and it was a great grievance indeed , while as festus shew'd himself to be a most corrupt judge , who though the jews could prove none of those things whereof they accused paul , act. . . ( which should have made festus to acquit and dismisse him ) yet being willing to do the jews a pleasure , he would have paul to go to ierusalem , there to be judged before himself . verse . now this was all the favour that the jews had desired of festus , that he would send paul to ierusalem , they laying wait in the way to kill him . vers . . no appellation here from the sanhedrin at ierusalem , where he had not as yet compeered to be examined , far lesse could he appeal from any sentence of the sanhedrin . the most which can be with any colour alleadged from the text , is , that paul declined to be judged by the sanhedrin at ierusalem , they not being his competent and proper judges in that cause . i stand at caesars iudgement-seat saith he , where i ought to be judged ; meaning that he was accused as worthy of death , for sedition , and offending against caesar ; whereof he ought to be judged onely at caesars tribunall ; not by the jews , who were no judges of such matters . a declinator of a judge is one thing , and appellation from his judgement or sentence is another thing . but put the case that paul had indeed appeal●d from the sanhedrin at ierusalem , either it was the civil sanhedrin , or the ecclesiasticall . if the civil , it is no president for appeals from ecclesiastical courts . if the ecclesiastical , yet that serveth not for appeals from ecclesiasticall courts in ecclesiasticall causes ; for it was a capital crime whereof paul was accused . nay , put the case that paul had at that time appealed from the ecclesiastical sanhedrin in an ecclesiastical cause : yet neither could that help our opposites , for the government of the christian church , and the government of the jewish church were at that time separate and distinct , so that the ecclesiastical court , which should have judged of any scandall given by paul ( if at all he ought to have been censured ) had been a christian synod , not a jewish sanhedrin . and so much of appeals . of which question triglandius , revius , and cabeljavius , have peculiarly and fully written . three famous academies also , of leyden , groening , and utrecht , did give their publike testimonies against appeals from ecclesiastical to civil courts . and the three professors of utrecht in their testimony do obtest all christians that love truth and peace , to be cautious and wary of the arminian poyson lurking in the contrary tenent . see cabeljav . defensio potestatis ecclesiasticae . pag. . it is further objected , that thus fixing a spirituall jurisdiction in church-officers , we erect two collateral powers in the kingdom , the civil and the ecclesiastical , unlesse all ecclesiastical courts be subordinate to magistracy , as to a certain head-ship . answ. there is a subordination of persons here , but a co-ordination of powers : a subordination of persons , because as the ministers of the church are subject to the civil magistrate , they being members of the common-wealth or kingdom ; so the magistrate is subject to the ministers of the church , he being a church-member . the former we assert against papists , who say that the clergy is not subject to the magistrate . the latter we hold against those who make the magistrate to be the head of the church : again , a co-ordination of powers ; because as the subjection of the person of the christian magistrate to the pastors and elders of the church , in things pertaining to god , doth not inferre the subordination of the power and office of the magistrate to the church-officers : so the subjection of pastors and elders to the magistrate in all civil things ( as other members of the common-wealth are subject ) may well consist with the co-ordination of the ecclesiastical power with the civil . and as it is an error in papists to make the secular power dependant upon , and derived from the ecclesiasticall power : so it is an error in others to make the ecclesiastical power derived from , and dependant upon the civil power : for the ecclesiastical power is derived from christ , ephes. . . and now while i am expressing my thoughts , i am the more confirmed in the same , by falling upon the concession of one who is of a different judgement ; for he who wrote ius regum in opposition to all spiritual authority exercised under any forme of ecclesiastical government , doth not withstanding acknowledge pag. . both of them ( the magistrate and the minister ) have their commission immediatly from god , and each of them are subject to the other , without any subordination of offices from the one to the other , for the magistrate is no lesse subject to the operation of the word from the mouth of the minister , then any other man whatsoever : and the minister again is as much subject to the authority of the magistrate as any other subject whatsoever ; and therefore though there be no subordination of offices , yet is there of persons ; the person of a minister remaining a subject , but not the function of the ministery . he might have said the same of the exercise of church-discipline which he saith of the preaching of the word , for the same christ who gave the keyes of doctrine , gave also the keys of discipline , without any tye to make the use thereof subject to the pleasure of the civil magistrate . let him prove that the ministery of the word is not subordinate to , nor dependant upon the magistrate ; and i shall prove by the same medium , that the ministery of church-censures hath as little of that subordination in it . and this i must adde , that least of all others can our independent brethren charge the presbyterians with the setting up of an ecclesiastical government co-ordinate with , and not subordinate unto the civil government : for themselves hold as much in this point ( if not more ) then we do . take for instance mr. cotton his k●…yes of the kingdom of heaven , published by mr. goodwyn and mr. nye , pag. . the first subject of the ministeriall power of the keyes , though it be independent in respect of derivation of power from the power of the sword to the performance of any spiritual administration : &c. pag. . as the church is subject to the sword of the magistrate in things which concerne the civil peace : so the magistrate ( if christian ) is subject to the keyes of the church . &c. as for that collaterality which is objected , i answer , the civil and ecclesiastical power , if we speak properly , are not collateral . . they have no footing upon the same ground : there may be many subject to the magistrate , who are no church-members , and so not under the spiritual power : and where the same persons are subject to both the powers , there is no more collaterality in this case , nay , not so much , as is betwixt the power of a father in one man , and the power of a master in another man , when both powers are exercised upon the same man who is both a son and a servant . . powers that are collateral , are of the same eminency and altitude , of the same kinde and nature ; but the civil power is a dominion and lordship : the ecclesiastical power is ministerial , not lordly . . collateral powers do mutually and alike exercise authority over each other respectively . but , though the magistrate may exercise much authority in things ecclesiastical , church-officers can exercise no authority in things civil . the magistrates authority is ecclesiastical objective , though not formaliter : but the church-officers authority is not civil so much as objective , not being exercised about either civil , criminal , or capital cases . . collateral powers are subordinate to , and derived from the supreme and original power , like two branches growing out of the same stock , two streams flowing from the same fountain , two lines drawn from the same center , two arms under the same head . but the power of the magistrate is subordinate unto ; and dependeth upon the dominion of god the creator of all : the power of church-officers dependeth upon the dominion of christ , the mediator and king of the church . i shall conclude my answers to the present objection , with the testimony of learned d salmasius , who hath so overthrown the papal and prelatical government from scripture and antiquity , that he hath withall preserved , yea strengthened the distinction of civil government and church-government , and holdeth that church-censures and civil punishments do very well consist and sweetly agree together . i have now done with the negative part of this present controversie , what the power of the magistrate in ecclesiasticis is not . i proceed to the positive part , what it is . to this i w●ll speak first more generally , then more particularly . for the general , i hold with the large consession of faith of the church of scotland ; art. . moreover to kings , princes , rulers , and magistrates , we affirm , that chiefly and most principally , the conservation and the purgation of the religion appertains ; so that not onely they are appointed for civil policy ▪ but also for maintenance of the true religion , and for suppressing of idolatry and superstition whatsoever . to the same purpose , calvin , instit. lib. . cap. . sect . . hoc nomine maximè laudantnr sancti reges , quòd dei cultum corruptum vel eversum restituerint , vel curam gesserint religionis , ut sub illis pura & incolumis s●…oreret . the like see in zanchius in . praec . pag. . and in polanus syntag. lib. . cap. . they hold that the christian magistrate his office , as concerning religion , is , diligently to take care that in his dominion , or kingdom , religion from the pure word of god , expounded by ●…he word of god it self , and understood according to the principles of faith ( which others call the analogy of faith ) be either instituted , or ( being instituted ) kept pure ; or being corrupted , be restored and reformed : that false doctrines , abuses , idolls , and superstitions be taken away , to the glory of god , and to his own and his subjects salvation . unto these things i do assent as unto safe and undoubted truths . but for the clearer un●erstanding and enodation of our present question , i will particularize and explain what i hold , by these five following distinctions . . distingue materiam subjectam . there are two sorts of things belonging to the church . some which are intrinsecal , and belonging to the soul or inward man , directly and primarily . such things are not to be dispensed and administred by the civil magistrate , i mean the word and sacraments , the keys of the kingdom of heaven , the suspension or excommunication of church-officers or members , the ordination or deposition of officers , the determination and resolution from scripture of controversies concerning the faith , the worship of god , the government of the church , cases of conscience . these being in their nature , end , and use , meerly spiritual , and belonging not to the outward man , but to the inward man or soul , are committed and intrusted to the pastors and other ruling officers of the church , and are not of civil and extrinsecal , but of ecclesiastical and intrinsecal cognizance and judgement . there are other things belonging to the church , which are extrinsecal and do properly belong to the outward man , and are common to the church with other humane societies or corporations . things of this kinde fall within the civil jurisdiction . for the churches of christ , being societies of men and women , and parts of common-wealths , are accountable unto and punishable by the civil magistrate , in their bodies , lives , civil liberties , and temporal estates , for trespasses against the law of god or the law of the land : by the law of god i understand here ius divinum naturale , that is , the moral law or decalogue , as it bindeth all nations ( whether christians or infidels ) being the law of the creator and king of nations . the magistrate by his authority , may and in duty ought to keep his subjects within the bounds of external obedience to that law , and punish the external man with external punishments for external trespasses against that law. from this obligation of the law , and subjection to the corrective power of the magistrate , christian subjects are no more exempted then heathen subjects , but father more straitly obliged . so that if any such trespasse is committed by church-officers or members , the magistrate hath power and authority to summon , examine , judge , and ( after just conviction and proof ) to punish these , as well as other men . we do therefore abominate the disloyal papal tenent , that clergy men are not to be examined and judged by civil , but by ecclesiastical courts onely , even in causes civil and criminal . whereof see duarenus de sacr. eccl. minist . lib. . cap. . spelman concil . britann . tom. . pag. . i further explane my self by that common distinction , that there are two sorts of things that belong to the church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , things inward , and things outward . for church officers and church-members do consist ( as other men ) of a soul , and of a body . all things properly belonging to the soul or internal man , ( which here we call things inward ) are the object of ecclesiastical power given to church-officers , pastors , and other ruling officers . but what belongs to the outward man , to the bodies of church-officers and members ( which things are outward ) the judging and managing thereof , is in the hand of the magistrate , who ruleth not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that are without , whom the church judgeth not , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the things outward of the church . salmasius calls the power of the magistrate in things ecclesiastical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the inward episcopacy or overseeing . which well agreeth with that which constantine said to the bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you are made bishops of the inward things of the church , i of the things outward . so that he doth not assume their government , but distinguisheth his from theirs . this external inspection and administration of the magistrate , in reference to religion , is twofold . . corrective , by externall punishments . . auxiliary , by externall benefits and adminicles . the magistrate may and ought to be both custos & vindex utriusque tabulae , he ought to preserve both the first and second table of the holy and good law of god , from being despised and violated , and punish by corporal or other temporal punishments such ( whether church officers or church-members ) as openly dishonour god by grosse offences , either against the first or against the second table ; and this he doth as gods deputy and vicegerent subordinate and subservient to that universall dominion which god almighty exerciseth over the children of men . but in doing hereof , he is also helpfull and usefull to the kingdom of christ as mediator ; magistracy being ( in the respects aforesaid ) serviceable and profitable ( as to order the common-wealth aright , so also ) to purge the church of scandals , to promote the course of the gospel , and the edification of one another . but how ? not perfectly , but pro tanto ; not every way , but more suo ; not intrinsecally , but extrinsecally ; not primarily , but secundarily ; not directly , but ex consequenti ; not sub formalitate scandali , sed sub formalitate criminis , not under the notion of scandall , but of crime ; the magistrate in punishing all crimes committed by any in the church ( which are contrary to the law of god ) in suppressing tumults , disorders , in prot●cting the church from danger , harme , or mol●station , in putting a hook in the nostrils , and a bridle in the mouthes of unruly , obstinate , and contumacious sinners , who vexe the church , and create trouble to the people of god ; in so doing , he doth by consequence , and removendo prohibens , purge the church , and advance the kingdom of christ , and the course of the gospel : in the mean while not depriving the church of her owne int●insecall power and jurisdiction , but making it rather more 〈◊〉 by the aid of the secular power . and so much of the corrective part of the magistrates administration . the other part of his administration in reference to religion , is auxiliary , or assistant to the church . for the magistrate watcheth over the outward businesse of the church , not onely by troubling those persons , and punishing those sins that trouble the israel of god ; but by administring such things as are necessary for the well being and comfortable subsistence of the church , and for that end , doth convocate synods pro re nata , ( beside the ordinary and set meetings ) and presideth therein ( if he please ) in externall order , though not in the synodicall debates and resolutions : he addeth his civil sanction to the synodical results , if he find nothing therein which may hurt peace or justice in the common-wealth . the magistrate ought also to take care of the maintenance of the ministery , schooles , poor , and of good works for necessary uses , that religion and learning may not want their necessary adminicles . finally , he ought to take care that all churches be provided with an able , orthodox , and godly ministery , and schools with learned and well qualified teachers , such as shall be best approved by those to whom it belongeth to examine and judge of their qualifications and parts . and all these wayes the magistrate ought to be , and the well affected magistrate hath been and is a nursing father to the church of christ. . my second distinction shall be this : the magistrate may and ought not onely to conserve justice , peace and order in the common-wealth , and in the church , as it is in the common-wealth , but also to take speciall care of the conservation of the true reformed religion , and of the reformation of it when and wherein it needeth to be reformed , imperativè , not elicitivè . the magistrate saith dr. rivet on the decalogue , pag. . is neither to administer word , nor sacraments , nor church discipline , &c. but he is to take care that all these things be done by those whom god hath called thereunto . what ever is properly spiritual belonging to the soul and inward man ( such as church-censures , and the other particulars before mentioned ) cannot be actus elicitus of the magistrate : the magistrate can neither immediatione suppositi , nor immediatione virtutis , determine controversies of faith , ordain ministers , suspend from the sacraments , or excommunicate . he can neither doe these things himself ; nor are they done in the name and authority of the magistrate or by any ministeriall power receeived from him , but in the name and authority of jesus christ , and by the power given from jesus christ. yet all these and generally the administration of the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , are actus imperati of the christian magistrate , and that both antecedenter and consequenter . antecedently , the magistrate may command church-officers to suspend or excommunicate all obstinate and scandalous persons : he may command the classis to ordain able and godly ministers , and no other : he may command a synod to meet , to debate and determine such or such a controversie . consequently also , when the thing is examined , judged , resolved , or done by the ecclesiasticall power , the magistrate hath power and authority to adde his civil sanction confirmation , ot ratification , to make the ecclesiasticall sentence to be obeyed and submitted unto by all whom it concerneth . in all which the christian magistrate doth exceeding much for the conservation and purgation of religion : not elici●…ndo actus , doing or exercising by himself or by his owne authority acts of church . government or discipline , but taking care , that such and such things be done by those to whom they do belong . . distinguish the directive part and the coercive part . the directive part , in the conservation or purgation of religion , doth belong to the ministers and ruling officers of the church assembled together ; in administring therefore that which concerneth religion and peoples spirituall good , the magistrate not onely juvatur , but dirigitur , is not onely helped , but directed by the ecclesiastical directive power ; fest. hon. disp. . thes. . magistracy may say to ministery as moses said to hobab ; thou mayest be to us in stead of eyes . ad sacrae religionis informationem , fid●…lis magistratus verbi divini administris , veluti oculis , uti debet ; and for that end he is to make use of consistoriall and synodicall assemblies say the professors of l●…yden , synopspur . 〈◊〉 . disp. . thes. . but the coercive part , in compelling the obstinate and unruly , to submit to the presbyteriall or synodicall sentence , belongs to the magistrate . not as if the magistrate had nothing to do , but to be an executioner of the pleasure of church-officers , or as if he were by a blind and implicite faith to constrain all men to stand to their determination . god forbid . the magistrate must have his full liberty to judge of that which he is to compell men to do , to judge of it , not onely judicio appreh●…nsivo , by understanding and apprehending ●right what it is , but judicio discretivo , by the judgement of christian prudence and discretion , examining by the word of god , the grounds , reasons , and warrants of the thing , that he may in faith , and not doubtingly , adde his authority thereto . in which judging , he doth iudicare , but not iudicem agere ; that is , he is iudex suarum actionum , he judgeth whether he ought to adde his civil authority to this or that which seemeth good to church-officers , and doth not concur therewith , except he be satisfied in his conscience that he may do so ; yet this makes him not supreme judge or governour in all ecclesiastical causes , which is the prerogative of jesus christ , revealing his will in his word : nor yet doth it invest the magistrate with the subordinate ministeriall forensicall directive judgement in ecclesiastical things or causes , which belongeth to ecclesiasticall not to civil courts . . distinguish between a cumulative and a privativ●… authority . the mag●strate hath indeed an authoritative influence into matters of religion and church-government ; but it is cumulative , that is , the magistrate takes care that church-officers as well as other subjects may do those things which ex officio they are bound to do ; and when they do so , he aideth , assisteth , strengtheneth , ratifieth , and in his way , maketh effectuall what they do . but that which belongs to the magistrate is not privative , in reference to the ecclesiastical government . it is understood salvo jure ecclesiastico : for the magistrate is a nursing father , not a step . father to the church : and the magistrate ( as well as other men ) is under that tye ; cor. . . we can do nothing against the truth , but for the truth . this proviso therefore is justly made , that whatever power the magistrate hath in matters of religion , it is not to hinder the free exercise of church discipline and censures against scandalous and obstinate sinners . as the casuists in other cases distinguish lucrum cessans , and damnum emergens , so must we distinguish between the magistrate his doing no good to the church , and his doing evil to the church : between his not assisting , and his opposing : between his not allowing or authorizing , and his forbidding or restraining . it doth properly and of right belong to the magistrate to adde a civil sanction and strength of a law for strengthning and aiding the exercise of church discipline , or not to add it . and himself is judge whether to add any such cumulative act of favour or not . but the magistrate hath no power nor authority to lay bands and restraints upon church-officers to hinder any of christs ordinances , or to forbid them to do what christ hath given them a commission to do . and if any such restraints of prohibitions or lawes should be laid on us , we ought to obey god rather than men . . distingue tempora . whatever belongs to the magistrate in matters of religion , more then falls under the former distinctions , is extraordinary , and doth not belong to ordinary government . in extraordinary reformations the magistrate may do much by his owne immediate authority , when synods have made defection either from the truth of doctrine , or from holinesse and godlinesse : yet in such a case he ought to consult with such orthodox godly divines as can be had , either in his owne or from other dominions . fest. hon. disp. . thes. . and so much be spoken of the magistrate his power and duty in things and causes ecclesiasticall . as we do not deny to the magistrate any thing which the word of god doth allow him , so we dare not approve his going beyond the bounds and limits which god hath set him . and i pray god that this be not found to be the bottome of the controversie , whether magistracy shall be an arbitrary government ; if not in civil , yet in ecclesiastical things ? whether the magistrate may do , or appoint to be done in the matter of church-government , admission to , or exclusion from the ordinances of christ , what ever shall seem good in his eyes ? and whether in purging of the church he is obliged to follow the rules of scripture , and to consult with learned and godly ministers ? although erastus himself ( as is before observed ) and sutlivius ( a great follower of him ) de presbyt . cap. . are ashamed of , and do disclaim such assertions . chap. ix . that by the word of god there ought to be another government beside magistracy ●r civil goveram●nt , ●amely an ecclesiastical government ( properly so call●d ) in the hands of church-offic●rs . this question hath arisen from mr. colemans third and fourth rule which he offered to the parliament , excluding all government of church-officers , ministers and elders ; that is , as he expounds himself all corrective government , leaving them no power except what is meerly doctrinal , and appropriating all government properly so called to the magistrate onely . mr. hussey following him falls in the same ditch with him . the question is not whether church-officers ought to have any share in the civil government ? nor whether church-officers may have any lordly government or imperious domination over the lords heritage ? nor whether church-officers may exercise an arbitrary irregular government , and rule as themselves list ? god forbid . but the question plainly is , whether there may not , yea ought not to be in the church a ministeriall or ecclesiastical government properly so called , beside the civil government or magistracy . mr. coleman did , and mr. hussey doth hold there ought not . i hold there ought : and i shall propound for the affirmative these arguments . the first argument i draw from tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders that rule well . mr. hussey pag. . askes whether the word elder be prima , or secunda notio . if prima notio , why must not elder women be church-officers as well as elder men ? if secunda notio for a ruling officer , parliament men , kings and all civil governours are such elders . i know no use which that distinction of prima and secunda notio hath in this place , except to let us know that he understands these logicall termes . egregiam vero laudem . he might have saved himself the labour , for who knowes not hieromes distinction ? elder is either a word of age or of office : but in ecclesiasticall use it is a word of office . mr. husseys first notion concerning elder women is no masculine notion . his second notion is an anti-parliamentary notion . for the honourable houses of parliament in the first words of their ordinance concerning ordination of ministers have declared , that by the word of god a bishop and a presbyter or elder are all one ; for thus beginneth the ordinance , whereas the word presbyter , that is to say elder , and the word bishop , do in the scripture intend and signifie one and the same function , &c. therefore parliament men and civil governors cannot be the elders mentioned by the apostle paul , except mr. hussey make them bishops , and invest them with power of ordination . besides this , if kings and parliament men be such elders as are mentioned in this text , then the ministers of the word must have not onely an equall share in government , but more honour and maintenance then kings and parliament men . see how well mr. hussey pleadeth for christian magistracy : it is also an anti-scripturall notion , for some of those elders that ruled well , did labour in the word and doctrine , as paul tells us in the very same place ; these ( sure ) are not civil governours . wherefore mr. hussey must seek a third notion before he hit the apostles meaning . it is not hujus loci to debate from this text the distinction of two sorts of elders ; though among all the answers which ever i heard or read , mr. husseys is the weakest , pag. . that by elders that labour in the word and doctrine , are meant those ministers whose excellencie lies in doctrine and instruction , and that by elders that rule , are meant those that give reproof . he contradistinguisheth a reproving minister from a minister labouring in the word and doctrine . the very reproof given by a minister will be , ( it seemes ) at last challenged as an act of government . it is as wide from the mark , that he will have the two sorts of elders to differ thus , that the one must governe and not preach , the other must preach and not govern ; not observing that the text makes ruling to be common to both . the one doth both rule and labour in the word and doctrine : the other ruleth one y , and is therefore called ruling elder , non quia solus praeest , sed quia solum praeest . but to let all these things be laid aside as heterogeneous to this present argument : the point is , here are rulers in the church who are no civil rulers . yea this my argument from this text was clearly yeelded by mr. coleman in his maledicis pag. . but i will deal clearly saith he , these officers are ministers , which are instituted not here , but else-where ; and those are the rulers here mentioned . ergo , he yeeldeth ecclesiastical rulers ( and those instituted ) distinct from magistracy . neither is it a lordly but a ministeriall ruling of which our question is . for my part saith mr. hussey , i know not how lordship and government doth differ one from another . then every governour of a ship must be a lord . then every steward of a great house must be lord of the house . there is an oeconomicall or ministerial government , and of that we mean. my second argument i take from thes. . . and we beseech you brethren to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui praesunt vobis . hence doth calvin conclude e a church government distinct from civil government , for this is a spirituall government , it is in the lord , that is in the name of the lord , or ( as others ) in things pertaining to god. hence also beza argueth against episcopall government ; because the elders in the apostolique churches did govern in common . but saith mr. hussey pag. . pasor telleth us that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a genitive case signifieth praecedo , and then it signifieth no more but them that go before you , either by doctrine or example . i answer first to the matter , next to the force of the word . for the matter , certainly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ruling power of ministers , is not meerly doctrinall or perswasive , as is manifest by tim. . . where those who are not convinced of two sorts of elders , are yet fully convinced of two sorts of acts , the act of ruling , and the act of teaching . whatsoever that text hath more in it , or hath not , this it hath , that those who labour in the word and doctrine , are rulers ; but they are more especially to be honoured for their labouring in the word and doctrine . next , as to the force of the word , if it be true which mr. hussey here saith , then the english translators that read are over you ; calvin , beza , bullinger , gualther , and others that here follow hierome , and read praesunt vobis ; arias montanus who reads praesidentes vobis , have not well understood the greek . but if mr. hussey would needs correct all these and many more , why did he not at least produce some instances to shew us where the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are used for no more , but a meer going before , either by doctrine or example , without any power or authority of government . yea if this here be no more but a going before either by doctrine or example , then every good christian who goeth before others by good example is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; neither will that of the genitive case help him , for see the like tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that ruleth well his owne house , mr. hussey will make it no more but this , one that goeth before his owne house , by teaching them , or by giving them good example , though the very next words tell us there is more in it , and that is authoritative government , having his children in subjection . so vers . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ruling their children well . pasor is not at all against my sence , but for it : for if mr. hussey will make pasor to say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a genitive doth never signifie any more but praecedo , then he makes him to say both that which is manifestly false , and in so saying to contradict himself , for pasor tells us also , the word signifieth praesum , and for that he cites tim. . . where it is with a genitive . sometime indeed with a genitive it may be turned praecedo , as pasor saith , but he citeth onely tit. . . where it is not genitivus personae ( as thes. . but rei ; and we may also read praestare , as a. montanus to excell or be chief in good works , or to maintain , as our books have it . but furthermore i shall offer for answer to mr. hussey the observation of an excellent grecian . it is f salmasius de primatu papae , pag. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to speak properly , is another thing then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the former signifieth a power of jurisdiction and government : the latter a precedence or placing of one before another : although they are sometimes used promiscuously , and although 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yea they have the very names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( if you look to the native etymologie of the words ) from their precedence or standing before , even as antistites quasi ante stantes , and praetor quasi praeitor : such names being chosen ( for mollifying and dulcifying of government ) as might hold forth precedence , rather then high sounding names of power and authority . i shall adde but two testimonies of ancient grecians : plato epist. . near the end : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . or if he that ruleth some great city , and such as hath the dominion over many smaller cities , should unjustly distribute to his owne city the means and substance of those lesser cities . dionysius areopagita epist. . speaking of moses his supreme power of rule and government over israel , which was envyed by korah and his faction , calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . well : mr. hussey will try if his logick can help him , if his greek cannot . whatsoever this person is that is to be beloved , ho is supposed not instituted in this place , the subject is supposed not handled in any science . the like he saith afterward pag. . that we cannot prove from cor. . that paul did institute excommunication , but at most that he supposed an institution . for my part , that scripture which supposeth an institution , shall to me prove an institution ; for i am sure that which any scripture supposeth , must be true . and herein as i take it , mr. coleman would have said as i say , for in his fourth rule he proved the institution of magistracy from rom. . yec magistracy is not instituted in that place , but supposed to be instituted . a third argument i take from hebr. . remember them which have the rule over you , who have spoken unto you the word of god : vers. . obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves : for they watch for your soules , as they that must give an account . bullinger and gualther referre this th . verse both to magistracy and ministery , and so far they are ours , in sharing the rule and government between both , and in making obedience due to both . but calvin and many others doe better expound the text of ecclesiasticall rulers or governours onel : wherein salmasius followeth the greek scholiasts , who expound the text of bishops or elders who did in common govern the church . see walo messal . pag. . . that it is not spoken of civil but of ecclesiastical rulers , may thus appear : beside that it were hard to take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the th . verse in another sence then it hath verse . or the rulers that watch for the soule , vers . . to be any other , then the rulers that had spoken the word of god , vers . . it is further to be noted that the apostle speaks of such rulers as the beleeving hebrewes had at that time , as is evident by vers . . salute all them g that have the rule over you , and all the saints , and those rulers did watch for their soules . but they had no christian or godly magistrates that watched for their soules , or whom the apostle would thus salute with the saints . but the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith mr. hussey pag. . which is ducum , them that lead you . the apostle hath indeed chosen a word free of ambition , yet saith beza , auctoritatis maximae , it is a word of the greatest authority . the syriack hath the same word here , by which he rendreth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . and if you consult the septuagints , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 except very rarely where it signifieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu viae ducem ( and then , to speak properly , subjection and obedience is not due to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as exod. . . where yet it was an angel that was the guide , and so not without authority : they do usually and in innumerable places use this word to expresse one invested with power and authority of government ; and the same hebrew words which they render by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are likewise by by them translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; all which are names of superiority , command , and government : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the governour , is pilates highest title , matth. . . and erastus , lib. . cap. . pag. , saith , the magistrates of the gentiles were called by the names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the same in signification . stephen in theslinguae gr. citeth out of plutarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and tells us that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a genitive , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , generally is used for praesum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is iosephs greatest title , to expresse his government over egypt , acts . . yea , christ himself is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to expresse his governing or ruling power over his church , matth. . . salmasius doth at once shew us , both that the apostle means the elders of the church under the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that the same name is used for civil magistrates , yea emperours . see walo messal . pag. , . far be it from all the ministers of christ , to arrogate or assume any such dominion as belongs to the civil magistrate , or to lord it over the lords inheritance . nay , here that rule must take place , luke . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that is chief , as he that serveth . onely the holy ghost gives to church-officers those names of authority which are given to civil magistrates , thereby to teach the people of god their duty , and that there is another government beside the civil , whereunto they ought to submit and obey in the lord. master husseys next answer is , that where our books have it obey them that have the rule over you , the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is no more but be perswaded . for proof whereof , he tells us out of pasor , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is verbum foreuse , a word whereby the advocates perswade the judges : yet we cannot say that the judges obey the advocates . i answer : let him make of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what he can ; the passive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth frequently signisie i obey , or obtemper : for which signification , h. stephanus in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , citeth out of xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : out of plutaroh , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : out of plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if we come to the scripture phrase , i am sure in some places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a thing of another nature , then to be perswaded forensically , as iam. . , behold , we put bits in the horses mouthes , that they may obey us : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but here when we speak of the obedience of church-members to church-officers , it is a free , rational , willing , christian obedience ; yet obedience it is which we owe to spiritual rulers , as well as that which we owe to civil magistrates . sure gualther and bullinger did understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here to be more then be perswaded ; for they apply this text to the obedience due to magistrates . and m. hussey might have also observed that pasor renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by pareo , obedio ; for which he citeth gal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to obey the truth . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he renders inobediens , refractarius , as rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disobedient to parents . i know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is also used for to be perswaded ; but i verily believe m. hussey is the first man that ever quarrelled the word obey in this text , and turned it to be no more but be perswaded . yet if he shall well observe that which followeth in the very next words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and submit your selves ( which in theodorets opinion noteth here intense obedience : they must not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yeeld , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yeeld with subjection and submission : this relateth to authority ; nor can we say that the judges do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the advocates , nor travellers to their guides ) he himself shall be perswaded to cast away this glosse , and to seek a better . and if he will stand to it , he shall but do a disservice to magistracy , whiles he would weaken the power of the ministery : for though there be much in the new testament concerning subjection or submission to magistrates ; yet the clearest , fullest , yea ( to my remembrance ) the onely expresse word for obedience to magistrates is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is rightly translated in our books to obey magistrates : but master hussey will make it no more , but to be perswaded by magistrates . yea , the very simple and uncompounded verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ in the fore-cited passages of xenophon and plutarch is used where they speak of obedience to magistrates and masters . if this must fail him , he hath yet another answer : let the word stand , saith he , as it is translated obey ; yet it is not alway correlative to the command of a superiour : and the holy ghost requireth obedience here , not by an argument from the authority of him that leadeth them , but from the benefit that cometh to themselves ; for that is unprofitable for you . he divideth what the apostle joyneth ; for there are two sorts of arguments in the text , by which the apostle perswadeth them to this obedience : one is taken from the authority of the ministery , which is intimated both by that name of authority 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by their subordination or submission which the apostle calls for : another from the benefit that cometh to themselves , by their obedience , and the hurt which they shall do to themselves by their disobedience . both these arguments are wrapt up in these words , for they watch for your souls , which is the very same with that acts . . to all the flock over the which the holy ghost hath made you overseers . the apostle doth also perswade christians to be subject to the magistrate , by an argument taken from the benefit that cometh to themselves , rom. . . for he is the minister of god to thee for good : yet that doth not weaken but rather strengthen the authority of the magistrate . the fourth argument shall be taken from tim. . . against an elder receive not an accusation , but before ( or under ) two or three witnesses . which is not a temporary charge laid upon timothy as an evangelist , and so incompetent to ordinary ministers : for it is joyned with the rules of publike rebuking , of laying on of hands , not partaking of other mens sins , and such like things which are of ordinary concernment . he is also charged to keep the commandment till the appearing of christ , tim. . , which cannot be otherwise understood then as spoken to him in reference to the ministery . now what is an act of government , if this be not , to receive accusations , and that against elders , and that under two or three witnesses ? the apostle intendeth here the avoiding of these two evils ; first , upon the one hand , because veritas odium parit , and elders doing their duty faithfully , will certainly be hated , and slandered , and evil spoken of by some , that therefore every diotrephes pratling against a servant of christ with malicious words , may not be able to blast his christian reputation and good name : next , upon the other part , because the offences and scandals of elders are not to be connived at , but to be aggravated and censured , more then the offences of others , that therefore an accusation be received against them , if it be under two or three witnesses . now where accusations ought to be received , and that under two or three witnesses , and not otherwise ( with special charge also to observe these things , without partiality , or preferring one before another , vers . . ) there is certainly a forensical proceeding , and a corrective jurisdiction or government . more of this argument in malè audis , pag. . fifthly , what is that else but a corrective jurisdiction , tit. . . a man that is an heretick , after the first and second admonition , reject , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he speaks of a rejecting of persons , not of things onely ; and of such a rejecting of persons , as cannot be understood onely of that avoiding or rejecting , by which every private christian ought to observe , and avoid , and not receive false teachers , but of a publike ministerial or consistorial rejecting of an heretick , by cutting him off , or casting him out of the church . it is a canon de judiciis ecclesiasticis , saith tossanus upon the the place . this the greek will easily admit : for stephanus in thesauro linguae gr. tells us that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used for recuse , aversor , repudio ; and citeth out of plutarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to repudiate or put away a wife . as here also we may read , a man that is an heretick , after the first and second admonition , repudiate or put away ; though the word reject doth also bear the same sence . and as the greek will admit it , so i have these reasons to confirm it , which shall suffice for the present . ( he that pleaseth , may read a large discourse concerning the censure of hereticks , in claudius espencaeus upon this place . ) first , the apostles scope is not to hold forth the common duties of all christians , except ex consequenti : but his primary intention all along in that epistle , is to instruct titus concerning the ordering and governing of the church , chap. . vers . . secondly , there must be a first and second admonition , before the heretick be thus rejected . this rejecting is not for his dangerous and false doctrine , simply or by it self considered , but for his contumacy and incorrigiblenesse . but private christians ought to observe by the judgement of private discretion , and ought in prudence and caution to avoid all familiar fellowship and conversation with a man that is an heretick , though he hath not yet gotten a first and second admonition : matth. . , . beware of false prophets which come to you in ●…eeps clothing , but inwardly they are ravening wolves . ye shall know them by their fruits . thirdly , the admonition in the text is a publike authoritative or ministerial admonition , after that thou ( titus ) hast once and again admonished him saith the syriack : therefore the rejecting must also be publick and ministerial . fourthly , h this rejecting of an heretick is the last act , when he appears incorrigible . we find before chap. . vers . . rebuke them sharply ; and chap. . vers . . rebuke with all authority . but now when the apostle saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reject , this is a higher degree . and this ( much more ) must be with all authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which words compare with cor. . . where the apostle opposeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , commandement , and opinion or judgement . from all which it will appear , that this rejecting of an heretick by titus and others joyned with him in the government of the church , was an authoritative and juridical act , and the judgement thereupon decisive , not consultative onely . fifthly , look by what authority elders were ordained , by the same authority they were for heresie ( maintained with contumacy ) rejected : for the apostle committeth into the same hands , the ordaining of elders , and the rejecting of hereticks ; compare tit. . . with tit. . . now the ordination was by the presbyterie : tim. . . therefore so was the rejection . i conclude with the dutch annotations upon tit. . . reject . i. e. have no communion with him . let him go without disputing any further with him , and casting the holy things before such dogs . matth. . . let him not remain in the outward communion of the church . the sixth argument i draw from cor. . . do not ye judge them that are within ? vers. . therefore put away from among your selves that wicked person . cor. . . sufficient to such a man is this punishment ( or censure . ) which was inflicted of many . here is an ecclesiastical judging , not by the judgement of private christian discretion onely ( for so they judged those also that were without ) but an authoritative corrective judgement , by which a scandalous brother , a rotten member , like to infect other members , is put away from among the people of god. and this judgement was made , sentence given , and censure inflicted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by many , that is not by all , but by the elders of that church saith walaeus , tom. . pag. , or you may read by the chiefest ; so piscator and heinsius upon the place . the sence is all one , as if the apostle had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by them that have the rule over you . now what will you make of judging , putting away , and censuring , being acts neither of a civil power , nor put forth upon any except church-members , if you make it not a corrective church-government ? as for mr. colemans answer that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amounts to no more but an objurgation , i have fully confuted that in male audis pag. . . . which i will not resume . but beside all i said there , i add somewhat which i have since observed . zonaras in conc. antioch . can . . useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for to be punished or censured : and in conc. carthag . can . . he calls the man who is under church-censure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . balsamon in conc. carthag . can . . calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . both of them do often use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for church-censure , as in the place last cited , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yea the councell of antioch held under constantius , useth pauls word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to expresse ecclesiasticall censure , and an act of corrective government . can. . it is said of him that receiveth a presbyter or deacon being justly deposed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ille quoque à communi synodo puniatur , ut qui ecclesiastica statuta dissolvat . ibid. can. . a bishop is prohibit to ordain within the charge of another bishop , unlesse that other bishop consent . but if any presume to do such a thing , let the ordination be void or null , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ipse a synodo puniatur , and let himself be punished by the synod : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith balsamen , how they should be punished who ordain without the bounds of their owne charge , and without consent of him whose charge it is , may be learned from other canons . where you see he understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to agree in signification with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is punishment . the sixth general councel can. . useth the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for suffering punishment , adding also by way of explanation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be subject to afflictions and labours . seventhly , we have an argument from cor. . , . and the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets ; for god is not the author of confusion , but of peace , as in all churches of the saints . the apostle is giving such rules and directions concerning prophecying or interpretation of scripture , that upon the one hand there may be a liberty to all the prophets to prophecy , and that the church may be edified by the gifts of all , and that for that end one ought to give place to another : upon the other hand , that a boundlesse liberty and confusion , and immunity from censure , may not be introduced into the church ▪ to this latter branch belongs vers . . . . let the prophets speak two or three , and let the other judge . he will have two , or at most three prophets to speak in one congregation , at one diet or time of assembling : and those prophets , saith he , must be i examined , judged , and censured by the other prophets : for the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets , that is , every particular prophet distributively , is subject to all the prophets collectively , or to the colledge of prophets ( add , and of other spirituall persons intrusted with the government of the church , together with the prophets , as from vers . . and gal. . . is well observed by our country-man mr. dickson upon this place ) . therefore walaeus tom. pag. . doth rightly collect from this place an authority of church-government . protestant writers prove hence the authority of general-councels above the pope : and that the pope is a false prophet , because he refuseth to be subject to the prophets . iunius in divers places , applieth this text to the authority of presbyteries and synods . gualther upon the place applyeth it against the pope who will judge all men , and be judged of no man ; whereas ( saith he ) the apostle here will have no man how eminent soever , to be free from censure , when he is censurable . so then we have in this text a subjection , and an authority of judging and censuring . and this judgement which the apostle here speaks of , is neither the judgement of the civil magistrate , nor the judgement of discretion common to the whole church , but it is the judgement or censure of prophets , and that not school-wise according to mr. husseys notion of schooles , that is by the prophets disputing a man out of his error , and no more , no vote , no decision , no result , except he that hath taught an error do agree to the arguments of the other prophets , and so all end in a brotherly accord , and in the unanimous consent of the whole clergy ( for so doth he advise the parliament ) so that he shall be no more subject to all the prophets , then all the prophets to him . yea in mr. husseys sence the pope will not refuse to be subject to a councel of prophets , and then protestant writers have been far out of their way , who have disputed against the pope from this text , supposing it to hold forth a binding authoritative judgement of the prophets , whereunto any one prophet is bound to be subject , the judgement of his private discretion being alwaies reserved to him , that he give not blind obedience . eighthly , i argue from revel . . . . the lord jesus reproveth the angel of the church in pergamus for suffering those that taught the doctrine of balaam , and the angel of the church in thyatira for suffering iezebel which called her self a prophetesse , to seduce his people . the fault here reproved must be the neglect of church-censures and corrective government , which is so manifest , that they who plead most for liberty of conscience from the magistrate , do acknowledge that the angels of these churches are reproved for not censuring ecclesiastically those that did thus seduce gods people . neither is it said because thou art silent and dost not reprove nor convince ; but because thou hast there them that hold the doctrine of balaam : that is , because thou dost not cast them out of the church , that they may not hurt others . so the english annotations upon the place , referring us also to cor. . the angel of the church was guilty in this , that those who had so much scandalized the church by their doctrine , were still in the church , and not yet cast out of the church . and who can imagine that the angels of those churches whom christ himself commendeth for holding fast his name , and for their love , service , faith , and patience were so void either of prudence as not to observe , or of zeal , as not to gainsay and confute by sound doctrine those soul and scandalous errors ? certainly their sin was like that of eli , they did not together with the doctrinal and monitory part , make use of that jurisdiction and corrective power , which god had put in their hands . ninthly , we have another argument from thess. . . and if any man obey not our word by this epistle , note that man , and have no company with him , that he may be ashamed . here the syriack helpeth us much . and if any man obey not these words which are contained in this epistle , let that man be separated from you , neither have company with him , that he may be ashamed . gualther upon the place saith , the apostle speaks de disciplina ecclesiastica , what discipline they ought to have in the church , and the end thereof . so calvin , beza , piscator , zanchius , diodati , the dutch annotations , gomarus , also mariana , cajetan , salmeron , gorranus , esthius in lib. . sent. dist. . sect. . and diverse others following augustine , ambrose , chrysostome , theophylact , theodoret , aquinas , all these do apply it to ecclesiasticall discipline and censure . some controversie there is whether this text reach as far as excommunication ( which doth not belong to this present argument ) but certainly it reacheth to a publick church-censure , and is more then the withdrawing of private company and fellowship , either because of personal or private injuries , or because of prophanesse . for . the offence spoken of by the apostle is not a matter of civil or personal injury , but of scandal ; he speaks of idle bodies that walked disorderly , not working at all , and if these must be noted and separated , how much more saith theoylact . those who commit crimes and wickednesse ? . here is contumacy added to the offence , if any man obey not our word by this epistle , intimating that upon occasion of this epistle , those that walked disorderly were to be solemnly admonished , and required to work in quietnesse , and to eat their owne bread : which if after admonition they would not do , then to note them . aquinas clears it by sam. . - for rebellion is as the sin of witck-craft , and stubbornesse is as iniquity and as idolatry . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , note that man : signate ( as menochius rendreth it ) rather then either significate or notate : set a mark upon him , even as ( saith erasmus ) we set a mark upon pushing oxen that we may avoid them ; which agreeth well with the syriack , let that man be separated from you : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is some what more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latter usually signifieth no more , but significo , indico , signum do : but the former is signum & notam imprimo , obsigno , insignio . the septuagints make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to answer to the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , levavit , elevavit , sustulit , so psal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. signatum est super nos : that is , the light of thy c untenance is lifted up upon us examplarly , or banner-wise , so as it may be remarkeable to others . the learned authors of the dutch annotations upon thess. . . tell us that this greek word doth not properly signifie to present or represent one , but to note one and mark him out , putting some ignominy upon him , or outing him from an honourable congregation , and marking or blotting out his name , as one unworthy of that honour . by which reason , as likewise by that which followes , they confute those who construe the word note with the word epistle , as if the apostle had said , note or present me such a one by a letter . . have no company with him . he speaks it to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they may have no fellowship with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he will have those that walk orderly and by rule , to have no company with those that walk disorderly . now this concerneth the whole church equally , and it is spoken to the church , for what reason can there be that some in the church should have no company with one , because of his scandalous and disorderly walking , but the same reason will make the whole church to have no company with him ? there may be divers civil respects and considerations which may make it unfit for some to keep familiar civil fellowship , which respects and considerations do not concern others . but the avoyding of the company of those who walk scandalously and disorderly , and that because they walk in that manner , and further adde obstinacy to their sin after publike admonition ; must needs belong to the whole church . . note that man and have no company with him ; he must first be noted , before he be avoyded , and both these are publick ecclesiastical acts : for it was far from the apostles meaning that every man should be herein left to his liberty ; he that pleaseth to note him and have no company with him , well and good ; he that pleaseth not , shall be free . but unlesse there be an ecclesiastical judgement and censure past upon such a one , every one had been left to his liberty . . that he may be ashamed : this as it is the end of church-censures , so it will be attained in a very small measure , and perhaps not at all , by one private man his avoyding the company of another , which will not make the offender ashamed , abased , and humbled , but when he is publikely noted , and when the church avoids his company , that is it which most covers a man with shame and confusion of face . tenthly , the apostle mentioneth ecclesiastical rulers , rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praefectus , or qui praeest , he that ruleth , that is , the ruling elder . he is making an enumeration of ecclesiastical offices and administrations , and no other : so calvin , beza , piscator , martyr , tossanus , diodati , all upon the place , and iunius eccles. lib. . cap. . do conceive , and the whole context and the allusion to the severall offices of severall members in the same body proveth it , and if all the rest be ecclesiastical , why not k the office of ruling also , which is there mentioned ? for how should civil ruling come in among the ecclesiastical administrations , especially in those dayes when magistrates were not christian ? musculus takes the rulers here to be elders . gualther and bullinger , though they make this text applicable to civil rulers , yet they do not exclude church-officers from ruling , but expressely mention church-governours distinct from civil governours , to be there comprehended under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mr. hussey pag. . answering this argument , can neither deny what i said of gualther and bullinger , nor yet doth affirm that civil rulers are there meant , onely his reply is that my argument is drawn from the interpretation of the place , but the disputant may not interpret saith he , that is the answerers part : this calls to mind the anabaptistical error , concionatores non retinent verba textus , sed interpretantur ea , id quod non ferendum . for which see petrus hi●…kolmannus de anabaptism●… , disp. . cap. . my argument was drawn from the text , for the text rightly understood and interpreted ; is the text. but see now what strange rules you may exspect when mr. hussey comes to school-disputes , the disputant may not interpret , he must keep close to termes , if the thing be not in terminis in the text , it s no argum●nt , by which rule he will at one dash overthrow not onely the disputations of protestants against papists ; of the ancient fathers against the hereticks of their times ( for how is justification by faith onely , the number of the sacraments , the consubstantiality of the sonne with the father , and many other most materiall points proved , but by scripture rightly opened , cleared , and interpreted ? ) but also the disputations of the apostles , and of jesus christ himself against the pharisees , sadduces , and jewes ; for there is nothing more ordinary with christ and his apostles in their disputes for the truth , then to interpret scripture , and give the sence of it . eleventhly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the governments mentioned cor. . . are not civil but ecclesiastical governments , as i have largely proved chap. . and shall not need here to repeat it ; onely observe what l bullinger saith on the place : whereunto add the testimony of hugo grotius ( whom i suppose our opposites do not look upon as an adversary ) on luke . . he acknowledgeth that in the church of corinth , censura morum was penes presbyterium , the censure of mens manners , was in the power of the presbytery . this government the church of corinth had , a christian magistrate they had not . twelfthly , if in the jewish church there was an ecclesiastical government , distinct from the civil ; then in the christian church also there ought to be an ecclesiastical government distinct from the civil . but in the jewish church there was an ecclesiastical government distinct from the civil . ergo. the proposition is proved thus . there can be no reason given for an ecclesiastical government among the jews , distinct from the civil , which will not hold as well and as strongly for an ecclesiastical government among christians , distinct from the civil : for we speak not now of the particulars ( a high priest , or the like ) which were typical and proper to that time , but we speak of a church government distinct from the civil , look upon it under that notion , and then see if any reason can be given for it among them , which will not conclude the like among us : yea much more among us , for if the priests had a great influence and interest into the civil government of the jewes , and yet there was a church-government distinct from the civil ; how much more now when ministers have not , neither ought to have any share in the civil government ? the assumption hath been abundantly proved before in the first book . i will not repeat , but here note these scriptures : ier. . . the prophets bear rule : it was their office to bear rule , it was their sin to support themselves in their ruling by the false prophets . chron. . azariah , the ruler of the house of god. chron. . . and azariah the ruler of the house of god. 〈◊〉 . . . serajah the ruler of the house of god. all the chief pri●sts or heads of the several classes or orders of priests were called principes sanctuarii saith matthias martinius lexic . philol. pag. . so . chron. . . hilkiah and zachariah , and jehiel , rulers of the house of god. act. . . then said paul , i wist not brethren that he was the high priest , for it is written thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people . finally , deut. . . where we find schoterim , that is officers , rulers , or such as were set over the charge ; the . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hierome , doctores . more plainly kings . . the priest appointed officers over the house of the lord. thirteenthly , a corrective ecclesiastical government in the churches of galatia seemeth to be intimated , gal. . . i would they were even cut off ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which trouble you . which many understand of excommunication . see esthius in lib. . sent. dist. . sect. . . also salmeron , menochius , vasquez , novarinus , and ( of ours ) b●…za , diodati , gomarus , all upon the place , beside diverse others . musculus upon the place doth paralell this cutting off , with delivering to sathan , cor. . . tim. . . and explaineth excindantur by abalienentur which best suteth to excommunication . certainly the words will easily admit this sence , or rather invite to it : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not properly perdo , destruo , consumo , but amputo , abscindo , also minuo , because that from which any thing is cut off , is diminished and made lesse : also repello , abjungo , separo , ahstraho . and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , abscindor , excindor , separor , abstra●…or . hunters and such as trace the vestigies , but cannot find them , are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be cut off or abstracted . h●…sych . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , abscissus , is not he who is cut off by death or destruction , but he that hath his members cut off : which seems to have been the ground of augustine his mistake of this text , conceiving the apostles wish to be , that those men should be made eunuchs . the septuagints have sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , circumcido , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , demitto , as synonymous with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now from the phrase , to the purpose of the text. that it is meant of excommunication , i have these reasons which confirme me : . because vers . . a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump , are the very same words which he useth cor. . . where he presseth the excommunication of the inces●uous man ; as there , one unclean person in life ; so here , some few seducers ( especially that one who is singularly pointed at vers . . ) is meant by the little leaven , which was to be purged out , lest it should leaven the whole church . . interpreters do generally agree , that the apostle here alludeth to circumcision , which those judaizing teachers pressed upon the galatians as necessary : wishing that they who would so fain have the galatians circumcised , were themselves cut off and cast out of the church as rotten members , or as a gangren out of the body . this allusion suteth best with excommunication . . the words so understood will more fitly answer and be paralel unto the cutting off in the law , that soul shall be cut off from among his people ( which i have before proved to be meant of excommunication ) as likewise to that cor. . . put away that wicked person from among you . . other interpretations do not so well agree to the text. this cutting off could not be expected nor any hopes had of it by the hand of justice , or of the magistrate , for the magistrates of that time were themselves troublers of the christians , so far they were from cutting of those that troubled them . those that understand the words of an imprecation of eternal cutting off from god , and being accursed from christ , draw themselves into thorny questions , wherein they can hardly satisfie themselves or others . to understand it of cutting off by death , doth not well answer that allusion to circumcision , generally observed ( as hath been said ) by interpreters : which allusion doth intimate that it is not a cutting off out of the world , but a cutting off from the body of the church . i would that they themselves were cut off as the praeputium from the church , that is , cut off à consortio ecclesiae saith gu●…lther . if it be said , why then doth the apostle onely wish it ? why doth he not prescribe or command to excommunicate them ? to this we may either answer as b●…za , the apostle pauls authority at that time was extreamly blasted and weakned in the churches of galatia ; or thus , the apostle knew that as the churches of galatia then stood affected ( being bewitched with the judaizing zealots , and in a manner moved away to another gospel ) both churches and ministery were unwilling to excommunicate those that he means of : for which cause he would not peremptorily command their excommunication , renitente ecclesiâ , but forbeareth for that season , wishing for better times . some think that the apostle speaketh positively of excommunication , vers . . he shall bear his judgement . but others are of opinion the apostle there speaks of the judgement of god , which he certainly and positively denounces , and that vers . . he addeth this as a distinct purpose , that he could wish them also cut off from the church by excommunication . it will be an argument of more weight against erastus his interpretation of that text , if we object against him thus . this cutting off which the apostle wisheth to those that troubled the galatians , cannot be meant of a divine or miraculous judgement upon them , such as he thinks to be meant cor. . ( which place he parallels with gal. . . as to the punishment intended ) for if so , why doth not the apostle adjudge them positively to be cut off or destroyed , as he did constitute and decree by his apostolical power of miracles ( so thinks erastus ) the incestuous corinthian to be delivered to satan ? to this erastus replieth , lib. . cap. , because the apostles had not power to work miracles quoties vellent , as often as they would , nor to afflictor stay any , but when it seemed good in gods eyes , sed quando deo visum fuit utile , necessarium , & salutare . but i ask , was it right and agreeable to the will of god , that the apostle should wish their cutting off ? was it not profitable and necessary for the churches good , that they should be cut off ? where shall we finde that the working of a miracle was profitable and necessary for the churches good , and that an apostle did desire and thirst after the working of that miracle , and yet had not power from god to work it ? how had the false apostles insulted at this ? is this the great apostle of the gentiles , who hath not power from god to work a miracle , when himself professeth he would gladly have it wrought ? fourteenthly , that passage , cor. . . is by some brought ( not without very considerable reasons ) for the spiritual or ecclesiastical censures . and have in readin●…sse , saith the apostle , or ( as the syriack , we are ready ) to revenge all disobedience , when your obedience is fulfilled . novarinus in cor. . . plerique de excommunicandi potestate haec verba interpretantur . in this sence was the text understood a thousand yeers ago by gegro●…y epist. lib. . cap. . the dutch annotations upon the place , say that the apostles meaning is ; of declaring the vengeance of god against the obstinate ; and of exercising the ecclesiastical banne or discipline , against those who professing themselves members of the congregation , do yet teach or lead unchristian lives or doctrine . others also ( among whom is master david dickson ) understand church-censures to be here meant . the apostle is in that chapter confuting the calumny of such as said of him , his epistles were weighty and powerful , and did speak of great things ; but when he himself is bodily present , he doth but little , he assumes no great authority , he is weak and almost contemptible . in answer hereunto , he tells them , the weapons of our warfare ( speaking not onely in his own name , but in the name of all the ministers of christ ) though they be not carnal , yet they are mighty through god to conquer and captivate souls to the obedience of christ. and as for the stubborn and unruly , we are armed with a power of corrective government , which shall be more fully executed in due time . there is but one of two interpretations which can with any probability seem to agree to this text , namely , that it is meant either of the extraordinary apostolical power , by which they did miraculously punish some offenders ( as peter did ananias and sapphira , and as paul did e●…ymas ) or of a corrective church-government , and excommunication . the reasons which induce me to believe , that the apostle meaneth here of church-censures , especially excommunication , and not of that extraordinary miraculous power , are these . . the reason added , when your obedience is fulfilled , cannot suit to the power of working miracles ( for it had been the more seasonable to work such miracles , while the obedience of the corinthians was not yet fulfilled . miracles are not for them that believe , but for them that believe not , saith the same apostle . ) but it suits very well to the power of church-censures : for as esthius and novarinus explain the apostles reason , it is in vain to excommunicate all such as are worthy of excommunication , when there is a general re●itency and unwillingnesse in the church ; or to cut off a member , when the same evil hath infected either the whole or the greatest part of the body ; which augustine also tells us in divers places . and this ( by the way ) confirms the reason which i gave why the apostle onely wisheth those that troubled the galatians to be cut off , but doth not command it , in regard of the present unwillingnesse and disaffection of those churches . . we may have a great deal of light to this place by comparing it with cha●… . . verse , . and chap. . verse . many among the corinthians had sinned foul and ●eandalous sins , whereof they had not repented , and for which they were not censured or cast out of the church . the apostle certifieth them , that if he come , he will not spare . what ? was it his meaning to work a miracle upon every fornicator , and each other scandalous person in the church of corinth ? no sure : mark his words ; now i write to them which heretofore have sinned , and to all other , that if i come again , i will not spare . who can imagine his meaning to be , that he would work a miracle upon them and all other ? so ●ere when it is said , having in readiness●… to 〈◊〉 all 〈◊〉 , let it be remembred that the apostolical power of miracles was never appointed to be executed against all disobedience . thirdly , that which the apostle saith of the spiritual weapons , mighty through god to the pulling down of strong holds , &c. was not proper or peculiar to the apostles , but is rightly applied to all the ministers of the gospel : the more hardly can it be supposed , that what is immediately added , and as it were with one breath uttered , and having in readinesse to 〈◊〉 all disobedience , is meant of the extraordinary apostolical power . fourthly , such as the weapons are for conquering and subduing souls to the obedience of christ , such is the corrective or punitive part there spoken of . but the weapons for conquering , are meerly spiritual , not corporal : therefore the corrective or punitive part there spoken of , is also spiritual , and so doth not concern the inflicting of corporal punishment , such as the erastians understand by delivering to satan . fifteenthly , an ecclesiastical ruling power may be proved from cor. . . i beseech you that you would confirm your love towards him . here is a juridical power of loosing , and consequently of binding ; for it belongeth to the same power to binde and loose , to excommunicate and to absolve . an authoritative juridical loosing , i prove from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which properly signifieth the making a thing sure or firm by a decisive suffrage , authoritative judgement , or ratificatory and obligatory sentence past upon it . hen. stephanus in thes. linguae gr. in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith that this text cor. . . is more rightly read , ut ratam faciatis in illum charitatem , then as the vulgar latin hath it , ut confirmetis . the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he expoundeth thus ; auctoritatem do , auctoritate mea comprobo ; vel ratum habeo , ratum facio . pasor renders the same verb sancio , ratum facio , and citeth for that sence , cor. . . so erasmus likewise upon the place . so cartwright upon the same place against the rhemists . so chemnitius exam. conc. trident. part . . de indulg . pag. . the force of this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was urged against the opinion of erastus in a publike dispute at heydelberg ; the narration whereof is left by ursinus in his catechetical explications . that the word signifieth an authoritative act , and supposeth a ruling power , may be thus further confirmed . first , who did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? no doubt the apostle borroweth the word from the language and customs of the heathen greeks . now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a fixed or set lawful assembly , which met with a judicial ruling power , and ratified a thing by decisive suffrages , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stephanus and scapula in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; erasmus in cor. . . arias montanus in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tells us that to the graecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the same thing , which comitia to the latines : therefore such assemblies had a judicial power , and their suffrages were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , firm and ratified sentences . secondly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commeth from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence also cometh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lord , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dominion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to rule , or to have a dominion : it was long ago observed by dionysius areopagita , de divinis nominibus , cap. . where after he hath put into the description of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dominion , that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , true and unshaken firmenesse , he addes this reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which balthasar corderius rendereth thus : qu●…propter dominatio grae●…è à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 derivato nomine , idem est quod firmatio , firmamentum & firmum , ac firmans seu ratificans . pachimeres in his paraphrase addeth that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it signifieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath its name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so then it is not every confirming , certifying , or making sure a thing , but when a thing is made sure or firm with fulnesse of authority and power . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is therefore rightly rendred by stephanus , scapula and pasor , not onely firmamentum , rata fides , but auctoritas plena , full authority . thirdly , the same apostle calls a ratified testament ( which ratification is by a legal and judicial authority ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gal. . . fourthly , the opposite verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth anctoritate priv●… , omni imperio spolio , irritum reddo . as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 noteth a privation of authority , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a giving of authority or ratification . the sixteenth argument to prove a distinct church-government , is this . the visible political ministerial church is the kingdom of jesus christ , and he is the head , king , judge , and law-giver thereof , isa. . . isa. . , . psal. . . luk. . . cor. . eph. . m , . dare any say that the lord jesus shall not governe the church of england , and reigne over the same ? luk. . . must he not be received both as lord and as christ ? acts . . now in the administration and government of a kingdom these three things are necessarily required . . lawes . . officers , ministers , judges , courts . . censures and punishments of offences . which three being universally necessary in every kingdom , can 〈◊〉 of all be supposed to be wanting in the church and kingdom o● jesus christ , who hath been more faithfull in the execution o● his kingly office , and hath provided better for the government of his church , then ever any king or state in this world did for a civil government . i adde the lawes , judicatories , and censures in the kingdom of christ must be spiritual and becl●siastical , because his kingdom is not of this world , and his servants cannot take the sword , iohn . . neither are the weapons of our warfarre carnal , but yet mighty through god , and in readinesse to revenge all disobedience : cor. . . . i do not see what can be answerd to this argument , except any do so far deny the kingly office of jesus christ , as to say that the church political or ministerial is not his kingdom ; but onely the church mystical ; that is , as he ruleth over our soules by his word and spirit . to which purpose mr. hussey in his plea pag. . denyeth that the visible church can be called the body of christ , or he their head ; and tells us that the government which christ hath over the faithful , is truely spiritual , and of this kingdom faith he , he hath indeed no officers but his spirit . i reply , . the scripture is plain that a visible ministeriall church is the body of christ , rom. . , . cor. . . . cor. . . to . if we admit of a visible church and visible saints , we must also admit of a visible body , and a visible kingdom of christ. . the political ministerial church were a body without a head . the analogie of a political head as well as of a natural head agreeth to christ : the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and he hath an influence upon the church potestative as well as effective . . he 〈◊〉 his prophe●icall office not onely in teaching us inwardly by his spirit , but in teaching the church outwardly by his servants the ministers of his word : now i● he be a prophet to the visible ministerial church , he is also a king to the same ; for his offices cannot be divided , his scholars are his subjects , and whosoever receive him as a prophet , must also receive him as a king. yea , let us hear mr. hussey himself pag. . the kingdom of christ is 〈◊〉 ample as his prophecy , &c. the doctrine which they must teach commands , no●… commands have alwaies power and authority 〈◊〉 . so that either he must say that christ gives no commands to the visible church , or confesse that the visible church is the visible kingdom of christ. that the kingdom of christ comprehendeth the government and discipline of the church , i prove from matt●… . ● . . there be some standing here which shall not tast●… of death till they see the son of man comming in his kingdom : where first of all note , christ hath not onely an invisible , but a visible kingdom ; next , this visible kingdom is not meant of his comming again in glory to judge the quick and the dead ; for all that were then hearing christ , have tasted of death , and yet christ is not come to judgement . nor is it meant of christs tranfiguration mentioned matth. . for that was six dayes after , matth. . . and if he meant that , he would not have said so emphatically , there be some here that shall not taste of death , &c. intimating what was to come to passe , not after some daies , but after some yeares ; as if he had said this age or generation shall not passe away till these things be fulfilled . neither is that transfiguration any where called the kingdom of god , nor can it be properly so called . nor lastly is the kingdom of god in that place meant onely of the preaching of the gospel , for so they had seen christ comming in his kingdom . luk. . . . nor is it meant of christs working of miracles , for so likewise they had seen his kingdom . matth. . . melius ergo beda & gregorius , quorum sententiam nostri sequuntur , per illud regnum christi intelligunt constitutionem ecclesiarum , post christi ascensum , saith tossanus upon the place . some of those to whom he spoke at that time lived to see christ reigne in the gathering and governing of churches . gregor .. hom . in evang. et quia nonnulli ex discip●…lis usque ad●…o in corpore victuri erant ut ecclesiam dei constructam conspiceren●… , & contra mundi hujus glorium erectam , consolatoria promissione nan●… dieitur : sunt quidam de hinc 〈◊〉 qui non gustabu●…t mortem , donec videant reg●…um dei. the very same words hath bed●… on mark. . . following ( it seemes ) gregory . grotius on matth. . . doth likewise understand the promulgation of the gospel , and the sc●pter of christ , that is , his law going out of zion to be here meant . i conclude , as the church is not onely a mystical but a political body , so christ is not onely a mystical but a political head. but peradventure some men will be bold to give another answer , that the lord jesus indeed reigneth over the church , even in a political respect , but that the administration and influence of this his kingly office is in , by , and through the magistrate , who is supreme judge , governour , and head of the church under christ. to this i answer , hence it would follow . that christs kingdom is of this world , and commeth with observation , as the kingdoms of this world do , which himself denieth luke iohn . next , it would follow , that christ doth not reigne nor exercise his kingly office in the government of his church under pagan , turkish , or persecuting princes , but onely under the christian magistrate , which no man dare say . . the civil magistrate is gods vicegerent , but not christs : that is , the magistrates power hath its rise , orig●nation , institution , and deputation , not from that speciall dominion which christ exerciseth over the church as mediator and head thereof , but from that universal lordship and soveraignity which god exerciseth over all men by right of creation : in so much , that there had been ( for orders sake ) magistrates or superior powers though man had not fallen , but continued in his innocency ; and now by the law of nature and nations there are magistrates among those who know nothing of christ , and among whom christ reigneth not as mediator , though god reigneth over them by the kingdom of power . . if the magistrate be supreme head and governour of the church under christ , then the ministers of the church are the magistrates ministers as well as christs , and must act in the magistrates name , and as subordinate to him ; and the magistrate shall be christs minister , and act in christs name . the seventeeth argument i draw from the institution of excommunication by christ , matth. . . tell it unto the church : but if he neglect to hear the church , let him be unto thee as a heathen man and a publican . in which text . all is restricted to a brother , or a church-member , and agreeth not to him who is no church-member . . his tre●pasle is here lookt upon under the notion of scandal , and of that which is also like to destroy his owne soule . . the scope is not civil , but spiritual , to gain or save his soul. . the proceedings are not without witnesses . . there is a publick complaint made to the church . . and that because he appeares impenitent , after admonitions given privatly , and before two or three . . the church speaks and gives a : judgement concerning him , which he is bound to obey . . if he obey not , then he is to be esteemed and held as a heathen man and a publican . . and that for his not hearing the church , which is a publike scandal concerning the whole church . . being as as an heathen and publican , he is kept back from some ordinances . . he is bound on earth by church-officers . whatsoever ye bind , &c. . he is also bound in heaven . more of this place else-where . these hints will now serve . the erastians deny , that either the case , or the court , or the censure there mentioned is ecclesiastical or spiritual . but i prove all the three . first , christ speaketh of the case of scandals , not of personal or civil injuries , whereof he would be no judge , luk. . . and for which he would not permit christians to go to law before the roman emperor or his deputies , cor. . . . . but if their interpretation stand , they must grant that christ giveth laws concerning civil injuries , and that he permitteth one of his disciples to accuse another for a civil injury before an unbeleeving judge . beside , christ saith not , if he shall hear thee , thou hast from him a voluntary reparation of the wrong , or satisfaction for it ( which is the end why we deal with one who hath done us a civil injury ) but he saith , if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother , intimating that the offending brother is told and admonished of his fault , onely for a spiritual end , for the good of his soul , and for gaining him to repentance . all which proveth that our saviour meaneth not there of private or civil injuries , as the erastians suppose , but of scandals , of which also he had spoken much before , as appeareth by the preceding part of that chapter . a civil injury done by one brother to another is a scandal , but every scandal is not a civil injury . the jewes ( to whose custome christ doth here allude ) did excommunicate for diverse scandals which were not civil injuries . and paul saith of a scandal which was not a civil injury : when ye sin so against the brethren . &c. cor. . . . the court is ecclesiastical , not civil , for when it is said tell it unto the church , must we not expound scripture by scripture , and not understand the word church to be meant of a civil court ? for though the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used act. . reoitative , of a heathenish civil assembly , called by that name among those heathens : yet the pen-men of the holy ghost have not made choice of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in any place of the new testament , to expresse a civil court either of jewes or christians . so that we cannot suppose that the holy ghost speaking so as men may understand him , would have put the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place to signifie such a thing as no where else in the new testament it is found to signifie . nay , this very place expoundeth it self , for christ directeth his speech to the apostles , and in them to their successors in the government of the church . whatsoever ye shall bind &c. and if two of you shall agree , &c. so that the church which here bindeth or judgeth , is an assembly of the apostles , ministers , or elders of the church . . the censure is spirituall , as appeareth both by these words , let him be unto thee as a heathen and a publican ; which relate to the excommunication from the church of the jewes , and comprehendeth not onely an exclusion from private fellowship and company ( which was the condition of the publicans , with whom the jewes would not eat ) but also an exclusion from the temple , sacrifices , and communion in the holy things , which was the condition of heathens , yea of prophane publicans too : of which elsewhere . and further it appeareth by these words , whatsoever ye shall bind on earth , &c. the apostles had no power to inflict any civil punishment , but they had power to bind the soul , and to retain the sin . ioh. . . and this power of binding is not in all the scripture ascribed to the civil magistrate . the eighteenth argument shall be drawn from the example of excommunication , cor. . , . the apostle writeth to the church of corinth to deliver to sathan ( for the delivery to sathan was an act of the church of corinth , as the syriack explaineth it ) the incestuous man , which is called a censure inflicted by many cor. . . that is , by the whole presbytery of the church of corinth . and whereas some understand by delivering to sathan , the putting forth of the extraordinary apostolicall power to the working of a miracle upon the offender , by giving him over into the hands of sathan , so as to be bodily tormented by him , or to be killed and destroyed ( as erastus takes it ) i answer . it cannot be meant of death , for it is said that hymeneus and alexander were delivered to sathan , and to what end ? that they might learne not to blaspheme , tim. . which had been too late to learn after death , . nor is it at all meant of any miraculous tormenting of the body by the divel , for beside that it is not likely this miracle could have been wrought , paul himself not being present to work it , it is utterly incredible that the apostle would have so sharply rebuked the church of corinth , for that a miracle was not wrought upon the incestuous man , ( it not being in their power to do : ) or that he would seek the consent of that church to the working of a miracle , and as a joynt act proceeding from him and the church by common counsell and deliberation , for where read wee of any miracle wrought that way ? therefore it is much more safe to understand by delivering to sathan , ( as gualther himself doth ) excommunication , which is a shutting out of a church-member from the church , whereby sathan commeth to get dominion and power over him , for he is the god of this world , who reigneth at his pleasure in and over those who are not the church and people of god. cor. . . eoh. . . and if any shall be so far unsatisfied as not to admit this sence which we put upon that phrase of delivering to sathan ; yet our argument for excommunication drawn from cor. . standeth strong , the weight of it not being laid upon tradere satanae onely , but upon vers . . . , . compared with cor. . . which undeniably prove excommunication from church fellowship . the nineteenth argument shall be drawn from act. . . take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the flock over the which the holy ghost hath made you overseers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , compared with pet. . . . feed the flock of god which is among you , taking the oversight thereof : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which texts as they hold forth a bishop and a presbyter to be one and the same iure divino , so they hold forth the ruling power of presbyters or elders . first , because otherwise the simile ( so much made use of in these scriptures ) of overseeing the flock ( mentioned and joyned together with the feeding thereof ) will fall short in a main and most materiall point : for the overseers of flocks do not onely make them to lye down in green pastures , and lead them beside the still waters , but they have also rodds and staves for ruling the flocks , and for correcting and reducing the wandring sheep , which will not be brought home by the voice of the shepheard , psal. . . . the pastorall rod there mentioned by david is corrective : as clemens alexandrinus paedag . lib. . cap. . who doth also paralel it with that cor. . shall i com● unto you with a rod ? secondly , paul requireth the elders of the church of ephesus to take heed unto , and to oversee the whole flock , which did consist of more then did or could then meet together ordinarily into one place for the worship of god , as appeareth by the church in the house of aquila and priscilla ( which was one , but not the onely one church assembly at ephesus ) by the great and wonderfull increase of the gospel at ephesus , and such other arguments which i do but point at , the full debate of them not being my present work . peter also writing to the churches of the strangers in severall provinces , calls them the flock not flocks , and commends unto the elders the feeding and oversight of that flock . now what is it that can denominate many particular visible churches or congregations to be one visible ministeriall flock or church , unlesse it be their union and association under one ecclesiasticall government ? no doubt , they had the administration of the word and sacraments partitive , or severally . nor do i deny but they had a partitive several government : but there was also an union or association of them under one common government , which did denominate them to be one visible ecclesiastical flock . thirdly , the very name given to the elders of the church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a name of authority , rule , and government , especially in the christian and ecclesiasticall use of the word . h. stephanus in thes. ling. gr. in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith that the elders of the church were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to wit saith he , those qui verbo & gubernationi praeera●…t . where he tells us also that the magistrate or praetor who was sent with a judiciall power into those townes which were und●r the power of the athenians , was called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the septuagints use the word nehem. . . ioel the son of zi●…hri was their overfeer ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and judah the son of senuah was second over the city . he that had but the second place was a ruler , how much more he that was in the first place . loe here , the head and chief ruler of the benjamites called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so numb . . . kings . . the chief officers of the host , the captains over thousands , and captains over hundreds , are called by the septu●gints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the same hebrew words which they render by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they render in other places by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praefectus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , antistes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praepositus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , princeps : yea the name of god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they render by this word iob. . . this is the portion of a wicked man from god , and the heritage appointed to him by god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the greek , by the overseer , ( even as the same name of bishop is given to christ , pet. . . ) conradus kirch●…rus in the word pakad , tells us also that gen. . . l●…t pharaoh do this and let him appoint officers over the land , where the . read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the greek scholia which he useth to cite hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fourthly , peter addeth , not as being lords , or over-ruling 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we might understand he condemneth the ruling power of the lord bishop , not of the lords bishop , of episcopus dominus , not of episcopus domini . just as ezek . . . the shepheards of israel are reproved for lording it over the flock , with force and with cruelty have ye ruled them , it was their duty to rule them , but it was their sin to rule them with force and with cruelty . the twentieth argument i take from cor. . . let a man so account of us , as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god. moreover it is required in stewards that a man be found faithfull . and tit. . . a bishop is the steward of god ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this name doth exclude lordship and dominion , but withall it noteth a ministeriall rule or government , as in the proper , so in the metaphorical signification : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a name diverse times given by aristotle in his politicks to the civil magistrate . the septuagints have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as fynonymous with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . esth●…r . . to the lieutenants and the deputies . the . thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the holy ghost by the same word expresseth government , gal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is under tutors and governors . rom. . . erastus is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophylact thinks he was governour of the city ; erasmus that he was praefectus aerario , town-treasurer . the english translators call him the chamberlain of the city . yea setting aside the metaphorical signification of this name often used for a name of rule ; the very literall and native signification of the word will serve to strengthen this argument in hand . ministers are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , house-stewards , or over the house ; but what house ? aristotle at the beginning of the second book of his oeconomicks , distinguisheth a fourfold oeconomy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : kingly , noble , civil , private : the ministers of christ are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the first sort . they are stewards in the house of the great king. he that is steward in a kings house , must needs have a ruling power in the house . kings . . ahishar was over solomons houshold . kings . . and ahab called obadiah which was the governour of his house . kings . . eliakim which was over the houshold . in all which places the . have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i hold therefore with m peter martyr upon cor. . . that ministers being by their calling and office stewards in the house of god , ought to cast out prophane impure persons out of the house , and receive them again upon their repentance . and why are they called stewards of the mysteries of god ? surely the sacraments are part ( and a chief part ) of those mysteries : and christ hath made his ministers ( not the civil magistrates ) stewards of these mysteries , to receive unto , or to exclude from the sacraments ; and as they may not keep back any of the children of the house , so they may not suffer dogs to eat at the childrens table . the one and twentieth argument , which shall claudere agmen , shall be drawn from act. . where we find an ecclesiastical assembly or synod of the apostles , elders , and other choice brethren , snch as iudas and sylas : these did so assemble themselves , and proceed with authority in a businesse highly concerning the truth of the gospel , christian liberty , the healing of scandal , and the preserving of peace in the church , as that it is manifest they had , and executed a power of government distinct from magistracy . mr. selden de jure natur . & gent. lib. . cap. . hath sufficiently expressed that which is the ground of my present argument : and i rather choose to speak it in his words then in my owne , now a dispute being had of this thing at antioch , paul and barnabas ( who having used many arguments against that pharisaical opinion , yet could not end the controversie ) are sent to hierusalem that there the thing might be determined by the apostles and elders . it is agitated in a synod . in it it is determined by the apostles and elders , that the gentiles who had given their names to christ , are not indeed bound by the law of moses or of the hebrewes , as it is mosaicall and prescribed to the church or common-wealth of the iewes , but that they ought to enjoy their christian liberty . and so much for that which the synod loosed them from . but what dorh the synod bind upon them ? the synod doth also impose certain things , namely abstinence from fornication , and from things offered to idols , and from blood , and things strangled , vt quae necessario observanda , ex authoritate synodi , saith mr. selden , being such as were necessarily to be observed , in regard of the authority of the synod , by those who giving their names to the christian religion , should live with the jewes ( they also giving their names to the christian religion ) and so enter into religious fellowship with them . i shall adde two other testimonies of mr. prynns ; the first i shall take out of his twelve considerable serious questions concerning church-government , pag. . where arguing against the independency of particular congregations , he askes , whether the synod●…l assembly of the apostles , elders , and brethren at hierusalem , act. . who made and sent binding decrees to the churches of the gentiles in antioch , syria , and cilicia , and other churches , be 〈◊〉 an apparent subversion of independency . so that by mr. prynns confession , the scripture holds forth other governours or rulers in the church beside magistrates , and the authority of these other governours to be such as to make and send to the churches binding decrees in things and causes ecclesiastical . another testimony i take from his independency examined , pag. . where he argueth against the independents , and proveth from act. . the authority of ordinary ecclesiastical synods , bringing also six arguments , to prove that the apostles did not there act in their extraordinary apostolical capacity , or as acted by a spirit of infallibility , but in their ordinary capacity . thereafter he concludeth thus . therefore their assembling in this councel , not in their extraordinary capacity , as apostles onely , bu●… as elders , ministers : and the elders , brethrens sitting together in councell with them , upon this controversie and occasion , is an undeniable scripture authority for the lawfulnesse , use of parliaments , councels . synods under the gospel , upon all like nec●…ssary occasions : and for their power to determine controversies of religion , to make canons in things necessary for the churches peace and government . loe here mr. prynn gives us an undeniable scripture authority for a diataktick governing power in the church , distinct from magistracy . how he will draw from act. . the use of parliaments or their authority , i do not imagine : it is enough for my argument that he acknowledgeth this scripture to warrant synods of ministers and elders , and the power of these synods to be not onely consultive , but conclusive , decisive , and obligatory ; for , this ( i suppose ) he means by the power to determine controversies , and to make canons for the churches peace and government : else he had concluded nothing against the independents , who yeeld a consultive synodicall power . if any shall yet desire to be more parti●ularly satisfied concerning the strength of my present argument from act. . i will make it out from these particulars following . first , here is a power and authority to assemble synodically , and it is an intrinsecall power within the church it self , not adventitio●s or extrinsecall from the magistrate . whence the soundest protestant writers prove , that though the civil magistrate hath a power of convocating synods , and he ought to do it when the churches necessity or danger doth call for such a remedy ; yet this power of his is positive , not privative , cumulative , not destructive , and that if the magistrate be an enemy and persecuter of the church and of true religion , or cease to do his duty , that is to wit , in a manifest danger of the church , the church notwithstanding ought not to be wanting to her self , but ought to use the right and authority of convocation , which first and for●…most remaineth with the rulers of the church ; as may be seen act. . so say the professors of leyden in synops. purior . theol. disp. . thes. . beside diverse others whom i might here cite , but that is not now my businesse . secondly , beside the publike debate and deliberation , the synod did also choose and send certain delegates or commissioners to antioch , and wrote by them a synodical epistle to the churches in antioch , syria , and cilicia . i beleeve such synodical acts of sending commissioners and letters to the churches in other nations or provinces , should now be lookt upon as acts of government , if done without the leave of the magistrate , as then iudas and silas were sent . thirdly , that synod did exercise and make use of a threefold ecclesiastical power , for remedy of a three-fold ecclesiastical disease . . they purge out the leven of false doctrine and heresie , by deciding and determining that great controversie , whether circumcision and the keeping of the ceremoniall law of moses were neeessary to salvation . they hold forth and declare to the churches the negative ; and this they do by the dogmatik power . . there was a great scandal , taken by the beleeving jewes ( then not fully instructed and perswaded concerning the abrogation of the ceremoniall law by the death of christ ) who were so far stumbled and offended at the beleeving gentiles for their eating of things sacrificed to id●ls , and of blood , and things strangled , that they could not freely nor contentedly converse , company , and eate together with the gentiles . for remedy whereof , the synod doth require ( in regard of the law of love , edification , peace , and avoyding of scandall ) that the gentiles should abstain from those things , as also from fornication , ( which for what cause it is added , i do not now dispute ) and this they do by the diataktik power . . there was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a schisme , dissention , and rent made in the church by the judaizing teachers , vers . . who clothed themselves with a pretended authority and warrant from the apostles and elders at hierusalem , and thereupon got the more following , and drew away the more disciples after them . for remedy hereof , the synod stigmatizeth and brandeth those men , by declaring them to be lyars , troublers of the church , and subverters of souls , vers . . and this they do by the critick power , or authority of censures . fourthly , the decree and canon of the synod , which is made , imposed , emitted and promulgat , is authoritative , decisive , and binding ; act. . . for it seemed good to the holy ghost , and ( here the arabick repeateth it seemed good ) to us , to lay upon you no greater burthen then these necessary things , that ye abstain &c. if it be said that this was but a doctrinal advice . it seemed good &c. i answer , iosephus antiq. iud. lib. . cap. . speaking of the decree of the supreme sanhedrin ( which he that disobeyed was to be put to death ) calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which seemeth good : so likewise in this place , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not meant of an opinion onely , for an opinion ( as schoolmen define it ) is properly such a 〈◊〉 of or assent to a thing , as is evident and firme , but not certain : so that opinion cannot be ascribed to the holy ghost ; it is therefore here a word of authority and decree : as mr. leigh in his critica sacra at the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 noteth out of ch●…mnitius . in which sence the grecians frequently use it . so stephanus out of demosthenes : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is de reed by the senate . and budaeus out of plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is certainly appointed to die . observe also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , imposing and burthen . they do impose some burthen , onely they are carefull to impose no burthen except in necessary things . acts . . and as they went through the cities they delivered them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the decrees that were ordained of the apostles and elders which were at hierusalem . and here i cannot passe the observation of that gentleman who hath taken so good pains in the original tongues , mr. leigh in his critica sacra of the new testament , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : wheresoever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is found in the new-testament , it is put for decrees or lawes , as luke . . acts . . it is put for the decrees of caesar ; and ephes. . . colos. . . for the ceremonial lawes of moses ; and so frequently by the lxx . in the old testament for decrees ; as dan. . . and . . . and . . for lawes , dan. . . caeterum saith erasmus upon act. . . dogmata graeca vox est , significans & ipsa decreta five placita , non doctrinam ut vulgus existimat . and whereas some have objected , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are used onely in reference to a doctrinal power , as col. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i answer , budaeus expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be decerno , and col. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the syriack makes it judicamini ; erasmus and bullinger , decretis tenemini . stephanus , beza , and gualther , ritibus oneramini ; the english translators , are ye subject to ordinances ? this subjection was not onely to doctrines , but to commandements , vers . . after the commandements and doctrines of men : and these commandements ( though in deed and truth the commandements of men onely at that time ) were imposed as the commandements of god , and as ceremoniall lawes given by moses . the vulgar latine hath decernitis , and tertullian readeth sententiam fertis , both of them ( it seemeth ) having read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : however they understand the power related unto to be more then doctrinall . i conclude that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts . . must be more then doctrinal declarations , and that it is meant of binding decrees ( that i may use mr. prynns phrase ) especially when joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there was a judgement passed and given upon the making and sending of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not the judgement of one or two , but the judgement of the apostles and elders synodically assembled . so acts . . iames and the elders speaking of that synodical judgement say , we have written and concluded that they observe no such thing , &c. these four considerations being laid together , concerning an intrinsecall ecclesiastical power of assembling together synodically ; of choosing and sending commissioners with a synodical epistle to the churches in other parts ; of providing effectual and necessary remedies both for heresies , scandals , and schismes arising in the church ; of making and imposing binding decrees on the churches , will infallibly prove from scripture authority another government in the church beside magistracy . i might here adde other arguments , but so much for this time . chap. x. some objections m●de against ecclesiastical government a●d discipline answered . mr. hussey in his epistle to my selfe objecteth thus , what will your censure doe ? it will shame a few whores and knaves ; a great matter to shame them the law of nature shameth . all this in terminis might have been as justly objected against the apostle paul , when he wrote to the corinthians to put away from among themselves the incestuous man. what will your censure do paul ? a great matter to shame one whom the law of nature shameth . the lord save me from that religion which will not shame whores and theeves , and all other whom the law of nature shameth , and that in a church way ( as well as civilly ) if any such member fall into such impiety : yet this is not all . all orthodox writers that write of church-censures , will tell him , that scandalls either of doctrine or life , either against the first or second table , fall under ecclesiastical cognizance and censure . secondly , he argueth thus ibid. sure in the day of our lord there will be as good a returne of the word preached , as of the censure . and in his plea pag. . if the word be able to make the man of god perfect , then nothing is wanting to him : perfectum cui nihil deest : and it is a wonder how that conscience should be wrought upon by humane authority , with whom divine cannot prevail . answ. . this also he might as well have objected against the apostle paul , who did require the corinthians to put away from among them the incestuous man , and titus to rej●ct an heretick after once or twice admonishing of him . . he might object the same thing against magistracy . shall there not be a better account of the word preached then of magistracy ? and if the word be able to make the man of god perfect , there is no need of magistracy . perfectum est cui nihil deest . surely many erastian arguments do wound civil as well as ecclesiastical government . . church-censures are not acts of humane authority , for they are dispensed in the name of the lord jesus christ , and ( if clave non errante ) are ratified in heaven . . discipline is no addition to that word which is able to make the man of god perfect , for it is one of the directions of the word . . the comparison which some make between the efficacy of the word preached , and the efficacy of church-discipline , as to the point of converting and winning foules , is a meer fallacy ab ignoratione ●…lenchi : for church discipline is not intended as a converting , light-giving , or life-giving ordinance . faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the word of god : and the word is the power of god for salvation to every one that beleeveth . but ecclesiastical discipline hath a necessary use , though it hath not that use . discipline and censures in the church are intended . . for the glory of god. that his name may not be blasphemed , nor the doctrine of the gospel reproached , by occasion of uncensured scandalls in the church . . for keeping the ordinances of christ from prophanation and pollution , that signa gratiae divinae , the signes of gods favour and grace , and the seales of his covenant may be denied to unworthy scandalous persons . . for preserving the church from the infection of bad and scandalous examples , it is fit to put a black mark upon them , and to put away the wicked person as the apostle saith ; for a rotten member if it be not cut off , and a scabbed sheep if not separated from the flock , may infect the rest . . for the good also of the offender himself , that he may be ashamed , and humbled . thes. . . . cor. . . this afflicting of the sinner with shame and sorrow , may and shall by the blessing of god be a means to the destruction of the flesh ; cor. . . that is to tame and mortifie his lusts , and so far removere prohibens that he may be the better wrought upon by the word . i conclude , church-government being instituted by christ , and having a necessary use in the church ; the erastians gain nothing by comparing it with the word . because it is not so necessary as the word , ergo , it is not necessary at all . or because it is not efficacious in the same manner as the word is . ergo it is not efficacious at all . the apostle saith christ sent me not to baptiz●… but to preach the gospel , cor. . . what if he had said christ sent me not to rule but to preach the gospel ? then had the erastians triumphed . yet this expression could not have proved that church-government is not an ordinance of christ , more then that can prove that baptisme is not an ordinance of christ. a negative in the comparative , will not inferre a negative in the positive . . object . i could never yet see said mr. coleman , how two co-ordinate governments exempt from superiority and inferiority can be in one state. against this i instanced in the co-ordinate governments of a general and an admiral , of a master and a father , of a captain and a master in one ship . mr. hussey finding he can not make good mr. colemans word , tells me pag. . that he meaneth two supreme co-ordinate governments . where first he loseth ground , and tacitely yeeldeth that church-government and civil government , distinct each from other do well consist , as long as they are not supreme , but as two armes under one head : no inconsistency therefore of congregational and classical elderships , and of provinciall assemblies , with the subordinate magistrates and civil courts in cities and counties . next we shall find also in scripture two co-ordinate supreme governments , for the civil and the ecclesiastical sanhedrin of the jewes were both supreme and co-ordinate , and there was no appeal from the sentence of either : as is evident by that disjunctive law , deut. . . and the man that will do presumptuously , and will not hearken unto the priest ( that is to the priests , as vers . . ) or unto the judge ( that is , the assembly or court of judges , as i have cleared else-where ) even that man shall die . but i have also answered more fully this objection concerning co-ordination . chap. . . object . ministers have other work to do , and such as will take up the whole man. to this argument ( saith mr. hussey pag. . ) mr. gilespie maketh no answer at all , though saint paul useth the very self same argument to discharge the preachers from oversight of the poor . act. . . god forbid we should leave the care of the word of god , and serve at tables . it will not be unseasonable to mind both him and mr. prynne that the canonized names by them used stylo romano , saint paul , saint matthew , saint mark , &c. ought to be laid aside , except they will use it of all saints , and why not as well saint moses , and saint aar●…n ( whom the psalmist calls the saint of the lord ? ) or why not saint aquila , saint apollos , saint epaphras , &c. methinks men professing reformation ought not to satisfie themselves in using this forme of speech , onely of such as have been canoniz●dat rome , and inrolled saints in the popes calender . and as strange it is that mr. hussey makes paul to act in the businesse , act. . before he was either saint or apostle . now to the argument . i did answer at first ( though mr. hussey is pleased not to take notice of it ) pag. . that where mr. coleman objected , ministers have other work to do , he might as well have added , that when ministers have done that other work , and all that ever they can , yet without the power of church-government , they shall not keep themselves , nor the ordinances from pollution : that is , church-government is a part of their work , and a necessary part , which hath been proved : i thought it enough to touch an answer where an objection was but touched : another objection in that very place being more insisted on ( and with more colour of reason ) concerning the fear of an ambitious ensnarement . and for the objection now in hand , mr. hussey hath made it no whit stronger by his instance from act. . for . the apostles did not wholy lay aside the care of the poor . sure paul ( afterward an apostle ) took great care of the poor at diverse times , and in diverse places as himself recordeth : but such taking care of the poor as did distract and hinder them from the main work of preaching the gospel , this was it which they declined ; and in that respect the work of baptizing also did give place to the work of preaching , cor. . . likewise the work of discipline must be so ordered , as may not hinder the principal work of preaching the gospel : which is very possible , yea probatum est : for where church-government is exercised , there are as painful preachers as any in the world , and such as neglect none of their other work . . to take speciall and particular care of the poor , did belong by christs institution ( whose mind was no doubt known to the apostles ) to the office of deacons , and for that reason the ministers of the word ought in like manner to be relieved of that burthen by deacons : but church-government doth belong to the elders of the church , of whom some labour both in doctrine and government , others in government onely . but neither must the argument go so , i have another thing to ask ; what is that other work which will take up the whole man ? mr. hussey pag. . expounds mr. colemans meaning , that the preaching of the gospel would take up the whole man , especially in our time : our knowledge of the scriptures is to be acquired by ordinary means &c. and in his epistle to the parliament he saith , i found the minister charged onely with preaching and baptizing , which being performed with such zeal and diligence as is needful , is aboundantly a sufficient employment . and so he takes off the minister not onely from government , but from visiting particular families , especially the sick ; from catechising and examining those who are to be admitted to the lords supper , from the celebration of the lords supper it self , to say nothing of the solemnization of marriage , yea from disputations in schools concerning the controversies of the time , which yet himself so much calls for . and why ? the minister hath other work to do , and such as will take up the whole man , which is to preach and baptize . . object . if acts of government be put in the hands of church-officers , there is fear of an ambitious ensnarement , which mr. coleman proved by an arguing from his owne heart to the hearts of other men . mr. gilespies answer to the matter of ambition saith mr. hussey , pag. . is onely by involving the civil magistrate in the same danger of ambition . and here he falleth out into a concertation , professedly with my answer , but really with mr. colemans argument : for the foundation of his argument was universal . might i measure others by my selfe , and i know not why i may not ( god fashioneth mens hearts alike , and as in warer face answers to face , so the heart of man to man ) &c. hereupon i replyed , is this corruption onely in the hearts of ministers ? or is it in the hearts of all other men ? i suppose he will say in all mens hearts ; and then his argument will conclude against all civil government . and now per omnes musas i beseech him , which of us involveth the magistrate in ambition ? must i be charged with involving the magistrate because i discovered that mr. colemans argument involveth the magistrate ? he might as truly say he is not the traytor that commits treason , but he is the traytor that 〈◊〉 treason . and why saith he that my answer was onely concerning that involving of the magistrate ? did i not first shew that the two scriptures on which mr. colemans argument was grounded , did not prove it : though now mr. hussey tells us mr. coleman did but allude to those scriptures ( i am sure it was all the scripturall proof which was brought for that argument upon which so much weight was laid ) which i will not trouble my reader withall saith he : a pretty shift , when a man cannot defend the argument , then forsooth he will not trouble the reader . next , did i not deny that which mr. coleman did take for granted ; that we may reason from this or that particular corruption in one mans heart , to prove the same particular corruption in all other mens hearts , and that paul taught us not so ? phil. . . did i not also answer in his owne words , that his brethrens wisedom and humility may safely be trusted with as large a share of government as themselves desire ? did i not lastly answer , that if his whole argument were granted , it cannot prove that there ought to be no church-government , for where the thing is necessary , abuses must be corrected and amended , but must not take away the thing it self ? unto which exceptions nothing hath been replied , nor offered to vindicate or make good that argument which was publikely offered to the parliament . if such men were fit to put the reverend assembly and all the ministery of england to school again , to learn to dispute , let every pious and wise man judg . and so i am ledd on to another objection . . object . schools of divinity will advance learning and religion , and get us an able ministery more then ecclesiasticall government can do . so mr. col man in his sermon pag. ● . yea mr. hussey calleth for schools , that there may be unity found among the preachers of the gospel , together with more learning and knowledge , pag. , , , . ( where by the way the jesuits are much beholding to him , and protestant writers very little . ) in his epistle to the parliament he desireth that ministers would unbend their thought of government , and think on wayes to get knowledge . i should have thought multum scientiae , parum cons●…ientiae , might be as seasonable a complaint . knowledge and learning are indeed most necessary , and i am confident shall flourish more under presbyteriall government , then either under popery or prelacy . school-disputes need not hinder ecclesiastical government : that ought to be done , and this not to be left undone . there is a practical part which belongs to presbyteries and synods , as well as a contemplative part belonging to schools : which made m the divines of ze●…land to offer this among other articles to be advised upon by the synod of dort , that they who are preparing for the ministery , may ( after their education at schools , before their setling in the ministery ) be for some space present in presbyteries , to learn church-government . that which a minister must do , is work : and that work is labouring in the word and doctrine , in ruling and watching over the flock , in dispensing the ordinances to them as a faithful steward . but mr. hussey pag. . tells us the minister must not be called from his study to examine notorious offences : which indeed suteth his notion of schools . the grecians did not intend schools for any such work ; for to them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was rest from work , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be idle , to take a vacation from work , that is , from other affairs , and from a practical life , to attend reading and studies . if schools be made to serve for all those necessary uses which church-government will serve for ; then there is much said ; but other wise nothing against us . . object . but quis custodiet ipsos custodes ? if the power of government and censures be in the hands of church-officers , how shall they be censurable and punishable for their owne offences ? how shall the censurers themselves be censured ? this objection i find in the eight epistle of dionysius areopagita ( or who ever he was that wrote under that name ) it was made by one d●…mophilus , what then say you , must not the prophane priests , or such as are convicted to have done somewhat amisse be corrected ? and shall it be lawful to them alone , while they glory in the law , to dishonour god by breaking of the law ? a little after , this direct answer is made to the objection . but if perhaps any among these erre from that which it becommeth him to do , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let him be corrected by the saints of his owne order , and so order shall not be intermixed with order , but each one shall be exercised in his owne order and administration . as the faults of church-officers deserve the greatest censures , so in all the reformed churches , where the free exercise and administration of church-discipline is received , there is greatest severity of church-discipline against church-officers , and especially against ministers of the word , when any such are upon just proof convict of scandal . it is too much diffidence ( and groundlesse , i dare say ) to apprehend that ministers who have taken upon them the bond of such a covenant , and joyned in such a reformation , will yet be ready to connive at any scandalous person of their owne coat . and if a classis should happen to commit such an error , yet there can be no such fear in this particular from a provinciall or national assembly , which in a well reformed church , ( as they are constituted of choice , able , and godly , both ministers and others assembled from diverse quarters , so ) use to correct ( not to confirme ) the mal-administration in inferior ecclesiastical courts . i speak here of the ecclesiastical offences of church-officers : their other offences belonging wholy to the civil cognizance and jurisdiction . . object . but let the scripture speak expressely , and institutions appear institutions , and all must bow . it is asked why we must not prove a must be , as well as a may be : and whether do our proofes amount to an institution and a ius divinum . for satisfaction in this point also . i answer the question which for the present i speak to , is not whether christ hath in his word limited and determined us to any one particular forme of church-government , so as no other forme can be admitted as lawful or agreeable to the word : much lesse do i now enquire what is that particular forme or kind of government which christ hath instituted . but the present controversie with the erastians is , whether christ have not appointed and instituted a government in his church in the hands of church-officers , distinct from civil government : as it is one thing to enquire whether it be the will of god , that there be a civil government or magistracy , that is , that there be not an anarchie in a n●tion , but some rule and government . another thing , to enquire whether god hath in his word limitted a nation to any one particular kind of civil government , and if any , what it is ? so it is one thing to enquire whether it be the will of christ , that there be an ecclesiastical government , or an intrinsecal power of ruling in the hands of church-officers , distinct from the civil government ? another thing to ask whether the word determineth any one kind of church-government as necessary , and which it is ? the former , not the latter is our present controversie . yea in very truth the erastians do oppose not onely the institution , but the lawfulnesse and agreeablenesse to the word of god , of a church-government distinct from the civil ; for their principles and arguments tend to the investing of the civil magistrate with the whole and sole power of church-government ; as that which belongeth to him onely , and that iure divino : so that if their principles hold good , it shall be unlawful and contrary to the word of god , for church-officers to claim , or assume , or exercise any government or power of censures . though ( i say ) the clearing and vindicating of the lawfulnesse of a distinct church-government , doth overthrow the erastian principles : yet that i may deal the more clearly and fully , for the satisfaction of all such as may be satisfied , this i avouch and averre : it is jure divino , it is the will of god , and of his sonne iesus christ the king and head of his church , that there be a church-government in the hands of church-officers distinct from the civil government . it is de necessitate praecepti , of the necessity of precept that it be s●… . it is sin and a violation of christ●… institution if it be not so . i am confident the arguments which i have brought chap. . will reach this point , and fully conclude it , especially if the strength of them be put together . yet now to drive the nail to the head , i adde these following arguments , directly inferring and proving an institution . first , the scripture speaks of church government in the same manner , and with the same height , fulnesse , and peremptorinesse of expression , as it speaketh of other things which are without controversie acknowledged even by the erastians themselves to be institutions of christ. for instance , let the erastians prove against the socinians the necessity and perpetuity of the ordinance of baptisme , that it ought to continue alwais in the church , and that by vertue of an institution and precept of christ : i will undertake by the like medium to inferre the like conclusion concerning church-government . again , let them prove the necessity , perpetuity , and institution ( i say not now of the word it self , or of preaching , but ) of the ministery , or of the pastoral office , i will bring the like argument concerning church-government : i do not now compare or paralel the government with the ministery of the word quo ad necessitatem medii vel finis , as being equally necessary to salvation , nor yet as being equally excellent ; but this i say , the one is by the scripture language an institution and ordinance of christ as well as the other . one ordinance may differ much from another , and still both be ordinances . secondly , church-government is reckoned among such things as had an institution , and which god did set in the church , cor. . . it is a good argument for the institution of pastors and teachers , that god set them in the church , as we read in that place , and christ gave them to the church , ephes. . . will not this then hold as well for the institution of a government in the church ? that the governments mentioned cor. . . are ecclesiastical and distinct from civil , is already proved , chap. . thirdly , if it be the will and commandement of god , that we be subject and obedient to church-governors , as those who are over us in the lord , as well as to civil governors , then it is the will of god that there be a rule and government in the church , distinct from the civil . for relata se mut●…o ponunt vel tollunt . if we be obliged by the fifth commandement to honour magistrates as fathers , then it is the will of god that there be such fathers . so when we are commanded to know them which are over us in the lord , and to esteem them highly , thess. . . to honour doubly elders that rule well , tim. . . to be subject and obedlent unto ecclesiasticall rulers , heb. . . with verse . . doth not this intimate the will of god , that pasto●s and elders be over us in the lord , and rule us ecclesiastically ? fourthly , that which being administred is a praise and commendati●n to a church , and being omitted is a ground of controversie to christ against a church , can be no other then an ordinance , and necessary duty . but church-government and discipline is such a thing , as being administred , it is a praise and commendation to a church , cor. . . revil . . . and being omitted is a ground of controversie to christ against a church , cor. . . . . revel . . . . ergo. fifthly , the rules and directions concerning an ecclesiastical government and discipline are delivered preceptwise in scripture cor. . . put away that wicked person from among you . thess. . . note that man. tit. . . a man that is an heretick after the first and second admonition reject . augustine lib. contra donatistas post collationem , cap. . saith that church-censur●s and discipline are exercised in th● church secundum praeceptum apostolicum , according to the apostolick precept , for which he citeth thess. . . sixthly , there is an institution and command , matth. . let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican . in which place there are three acts of the church , that is , of the assembly of church-officers . . they must be met together to receive complaints and accusations , tell the church . . they give sentence concerning the case , if he neglect to hear the church , &c. where heareing is required and obedience , there must needs be an authoritative speaking or judging . so that they who would prove the church here hath onely power to admonish doctrinally , because it is said if he hear not the church ; they may as well prove that the judges of israel had no more power but to admonish doctrinally because it is appointed deut. . . that the man who will not hearken to the judge shall die ; and it is not there expressed that the judge shall put him to death , more then it is expressed here that the church shall declare the offender to be as a heathen and a publican . . they must bind such a one by excommunication , whatsoever ye bind on earth , &c. neither could it ever enter in the thoughts of jesus christ to command one church-member or private brother to esteem another brother as an heathen and a publican , whom he would not have so esteemed by the whole church : and least of all can it be the will of christ that one and the same person should be esteemed by one of the church to ▪ be as a heathen and a publican , and withall be esteemed by the whole church as a brother , a good christian , a church-member , and accordingly to be freely admitted to the ordinances . chap. xi . the necessity of a distinct church-government under christian as well as under heathen magistrates . some when they could not denie but there was a church-government in the primitive and apostolick churches , distinct from all civil government , and churchcensures distinct from all civil punishments ; yet they have aledged ( though no such thing was alledged of old , neither by constantine and other christian emperors , nor by others in their behalf ) that this was for want of christian magistrates , and that there is not the same reason for such a church-government or censures , where there is a christian magistracy . see mr. husseys plea , pag. . as likewise mr. prynne in his diotrephes catechised . master colemans re-examination , pag. . calls for an instance where the state was christian. for taking off this exception , i shall observe , first of all n grotius ( otherwise no good friend to church-government , being poisoned with the arminian principles , who have endeavoured to weaken extremely the authority of classical and synodical assemblies , and to give a kind of papal power to the magistrate ) yet in this particular he argueth strongly for us , and not against us . secondly , where is that christian magistracy which hath suppressed or punished all such offences as did f●ll under ecclesiastical cognizance and censure , in the primitive and apostolick churches ? or where is that christian magistrate that will yet undertake to punish all those offences and scandals which were censured in the apostolick churches ? till some such instance be given , this exception against church-discipline and censures under a christian magistrate hath not so much as colour enough . aliae sunt leges caesarum ▪ ali●…e christi : aliud papinianus , aliud paulus noster praecipit saith hierome in epitaph . fabi●…lae . caesars lawes , and christs lawes are not the same , but different . papinianus commands one thing , paul another thing . chrysostome homil. . in . epist. ad cor. tells us that the best and wisest law-givers had appointed no punishment for fornication , for consuming and trifling away of time with playing at dice , for gluttony and drunkennesse , for stage-plaies and lascivious whorish gestures therein . is there not some cause to apply all this ( and much more of this kind ) even to christian law givers and magistrates ? put the case that he who is called a brother ( as the apostle speaks ) that is a member of the visible church , be found grossely ignorant of the principles of religion , and so far from growing in knowledge , that he loseth the knowledge of the scriptures , and of the truth of god which he had ( for this hath been diverse times observed ) through neglect of the means : or if he be known to neglect ordina●lly prayer in and with his family , and to continue in that offence after admonition : or if he live in known or scandalous malice and envie , and refuse to be reconciled with his neighbour , or if he be a known lyar and dissembler : or if by his words and actions he do scandalously and manifestly shew himself covetous , drowned in sensuality , ambitious , proud : or if he give a foul scandal by filthy and obscene speeches , by lascivious , obscene , whorish-like gestures or actions , where the act it self of adultery or fornication cannot be proved . i suppose that for these and such like scandals ( which are causes deserving not onely the elderships enquiry and admonition , but suspension from the lords table ) the christian magistrate neither doth , nor by the civil or municipal laws is bound to arraign and punish all such as are guilty thereof . thirdly , whereas arch-bishop whitgift answ. to the admon . pag. . did alledge that the church may not be governed under a christian magistrate as it may under a tyrant , which he brings as an exception against ruling elders and elderships , while he could not denie but such there were in the primitive church . mr. cartwrigh ▪ in his reply pag. . answereth , that if these elders under a tyrant had medled with any office of a magistrate , then there had been some cause why a godly magistrate being in the church , that office should cease : but since they did onely assist the pastor in matters ecclesiastical , there is no distinction between times of persecution , and times of peace , as touching the office of elders . the like say i of church-censures and discipline . if the government of the church by presbyteries and synods , if suspension and excommunication in the apostles times had been an usurping of any thing belonging to the magistrate , then there had been some reason to lay aside all church-censures and ecclesiastical government , when the magistrate turned christian , and willing to do his duty . but if not , then the civil and church-government may still remain distinct , even where the state is christian. fourthly , every institution or ordinance of christ , must continue as a perpetual obligation , unlesse we can find in the word that christ hath given us a dispensation or taken off the obligation , and set a period to the ordinance , that it shall continue so long and no longer . i mean every ordinance of christ must be perpetual , which we cannot prove from the word to be but temporal or extraordinary . now in the word christ hath not appointed the governing the church , and correcting scandals , to be onely under a tyrant , and to cease under a christian magistrate : neither is there any such thing held forth in scripture ( which yet our opposites must shew , if they will make good what they say ) but contrariwise , what christ delivered to the apostles , and they to the churches , is to be kept and continued , till our lord come again cor. . . . tim. . . and he himself saith , rev. . . . that which ye have already , hold fast till i come . these things were not spoken to the apostles , to timothy , to the churches of that time personally ( for they were not to live till christs comming again ) but the charge was given to them in name of and with respect unto all the ministery and churches of christ. fifthly , this exception made against church-censures under a christian magistrate , supposeth that such censures will make an interfering and clashing between the civil and ecclesiastical power . but there is no cause for that fear , these powers being so hugely differenced in their efficient causes , matters , formes , ends , effects , objects , adjuncts , correlations , and ultimate terminations , as i have made it to appear in the particulars , chap. . sixthly , the churches liberty and power is not to be infringed , diminished , nor taken away ; but preserved , maintained , enlarged , and augmented under a christian magistrate . were it not a sad case , if there should be cause to say that the churches of christ have not so much liberty under a christian magistrate to keep themselves and the ordinances from pollution , as they had under pagan and infidel magistrates ? seventhly , why may not christian church-government consist with christian magistracy , as well as the jewish church government did consist with the jewish magistracy , being of the same religion ? or if we please to look to later presidents , who can be ignorant that civil government and church-discipline have rather strengthened then destroyed each other , not onely in france where the magistracy is not protestant , but in scotland , in the low-countries , in geneva , and else-where ? eightly , we have covenanted to endeavour a reformation of church-government and discipline according to the word of god and the example of the best reformed churches . now both the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches , leadeth us to a church-government distinct from civil government : and the example of the best reformed churches doth undeniably lead us to a church-discipline , even where he magistrate is christian , neither doth the word make any exception of christian states , but contrariwise chargeth us to keep the commandement and ordinances till christ come again . ninthly , the magistrate hath other work to do , and such as will take up the whole man : and if he should take upon him the whole burthen of church-government , the enquiring into , examining and correcting of all scandals in the church , surely it is more then he can discharge , or give a good account to god of . it will be hard enough to church-officers to do it , though they are set apart to that service , and ex officio do watch over peoples souls , as they that must give an account . but for the christian magistrate to discharge the whole corrective part of church-government , and to watch over the soules of all the people ; so as to take care of the purging of the church from scandals , and for that end to observe , examine , and judge all offences in the church , and to determine that this man ought to be admitted to the sacrament , and that man ought not to be admitted ( for that there must be a suspension of scandalous and unworthy persons , i now take it for granted because of the ordinance of parliament ) as it is impossible for the magistrate to do all this , so i beleeve it will be to him durus sermo , a hard saying , to hear that he must give account to god of all these things ; and that ministers have no more to answer for but preaching , ministring the sacraments to those to whom they are appointed to give them , catechizing , visiting the sick , exhorting , admonishing , reproving , comforting . it was a good argument against the prelat ; he assumed the ecclesiastical government of a whole diocesse , and could not give account to god for so many thousands , and sometime hundreths of thousand souls . yet mr. coleman would have had the parliament to be church-officers to the whole kingdom in point of corrective government , and the ministery to have no part of that government . but then i ask , how shall they answer for that ecclesiastical government and administration of theirs , more then the prelat could answer for the ecclesiastical government of a whole diocesse ? if it be said that the parliament is onely to settle a rule , and to give order what is to be done , and to commit the execution and the managing of particular cases to subordinate courts and inferiour officers , then no more is said then the prelats did plead for themselves , that they did per alium what they could not do per se. so that such principles do tend directly to involve the parliament in the prelatical guiltinesse , which our principles do avoid . was it not another argument used against the prelats , that they could not manage both civil and church-government , and that an ecclesiastical administration could not consist with civil power and places in the parliament or with offices of state , any one of these administrations ( either the civil or the ecclesiastical ) requiring the whole man. do not the erastians endeavour to draw the parliament into the very same absurdity with which the prelats were pressed ? for if any of these two administrations require the whole man , how can the civil magistrate ( though christian ) take upon him the burthen of church-government , more then church-officers can take upon them the burthen of civil-government ? philo the jew gives this reason why moses did make a partition of the charge between ioshua and aaron , committing to the one the civil , to the other the ecclesiastical administration . he considered that it was impossible rightly to take care both of the supreme civil power , and of the priesthood , since the one professeth to care for things pertaining to god , the other for men . philo de charitate . tenthly , ratio immutabilis facit praeceptum immutabil●… . if the apostle had required the corinthians to excommunicate the incestuous man , upon such grounds and reasons as were proper to that time , and are not applicable to after times , so as to prove the necessity of excommunication for , the like offence , then there were some reason why excommunication should not be esteemed a perpetual ordinance in the church : but it is manifest that the reasons given by the apostle were not proper to that time , but do concern this time as well as that . the reasons are taken . from the glory of god , vers●… . . he that had done such wickednesse as was not so much as named among the gentiles , was not to be suffered among gods people , but to be taken away from among them ; if evil be not put away from israel , it is a great dishonour to the god of israel . this first argument used by the apostle , is like that ezek. . , . they had prophaned the holy name of god among the heathen , therefore god would sanctifie his great name , and make the heathen to know that he is the lord , when he should be sanctified in his people before their eyes . . from the commission , power , and authority which the church of corinth that is their presbytery ( compare cor. . . ) had to excommunicate such a●one . vers . , . in the name of our lord iesus christ when ye are gathered together . &c. . from the good and benefit of the sinner himself , that he might be ashamed , humbled , reclaimed , mortified and saved : vers . . for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord jesus . . from the churches good , that the church might be preserved from the contagion of such sinful examples vers . . know ye not that a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump ? . from that which was signified and typified by the purging out of leaven from israel in the time of the passeover . vers . , purge out therefore the old leaven &c. . from the end of christs death , which was to purifie and sanctifie , as well as to reconcile and justifie his people , vers . . . for christ our passeover is sacrificed for us , therefore let us keep the feast , &c. . from the difference which ought to be made between the foul sins of church-members , and others that are not church-members : a blacker mark is to be put upon the former , then upon the latter : and more withdrawing there must be from a scandalous brother or professor of christian religion , then from a prophane heathen , vers . . . . from all which it doth appear , that it is not without good reason that martyr and pareus upon cor. . do maintain the necessity of excommunication , under a christian and pious magistrate , as well as under an infidel and prophane magistrate . eleventhly , the end and use for which church-censures are necessary , is not intended and endeavoured , much lesse attained , by the government of the christian magistrate . for though the christian magistrate punisheth many ( i cannot say all ) grosse and scandalous sins with corporal or civil punishments : yet to punish sin is one thing ; to seek the salvation of the sinner is another thing : so the offender his suffering of punishment and satisfying the law of the land is one thing ; his declaring of his repentance , and publike confession of his sin , for taking away the scandal which he hath given to the church , is another thing . suppose a deli●quent ( whose fault is not capitall by the law of the land , for instance a fornicator , a drunkard , a common swearer , a sabbath-breaker , or the like ) to have suffered in his person or estate , all the punishment which he ought to suffer , so that he hath now made a civil atonement ( as i may call it ) for his offence , and the christian magistrate hath no further to charge him with . suppose also that he is by such corporal or civil punishments as by a bit and bridle over-awed and restrained from committing again the like ext●rnal acts : notwithstanding he hath not the least signe of true repentance and godly sorrow for his former foul and scandalous sins , and he is known to be not an accuser , but an excuser of himself for those faults and scandals . such a one comes and desires to receive the sacrament . must his poenal satisfaction to the christian magistrate be a sufficient poenitential satisfaction to the church ? here is a rock which the er●…stians dash upon , unlesse they admit of a distinct ecclesiastical judgement , concerning the signes of repentance in a scandalous sinner , according to which , as these signes shall appear or not appear , he is to be admitted or not admitted to the sacrament . twelfthly , the power of binding and loosing , is not a temporary but a perpetual power , that is , appointed by christ to continue in his church alwaies unto the end . now this power is given onely to church-officers , and christ hath not given the keyes of discipline and the power of binding and loosing ( of which else-where ) to the magistrate , nay not to the christian magistrate , more then to the infidel magistrate . let the least hint be found in scripture , where christ hath given any such power to the christian magistrate , and i yeeld the cause . thirteenthly , the new testament holdeth out as little of the ministery of the word and sacraments under a chrīstian magistrate , as it doth of a church-government under a christian magistrate . shall this therefore strengthen the socinian tenent , that baptisme is not a perpetual ordinance in the church , and that we are not obliged by that commission which the apostles had to baptize ? god forbid . fourteenthly , the german anabaptists required an expresse warrant or example in the new testament of a christian magistrate , or of the sword and wars in a christian state , yet this hath been thought no good argument against magistracy and wars among christians . i cannot pretermit a passage of gualther , who may seem to be opposite to me in this present question . even he in his homily upon iohn . . after he hath spoken of excommunication in the jewish church , and in the apostolick churches , he addeth o and this day also there is need of ecclesiastical discipline , which being instituted in the reformed churches , ought to be diligently kept , lest the indulgence of magistrates , which reignes almost every where , should render the doctrine of the gospel suspected among those that are without , and that themselves also may be contained in their office , and may not think that any thing they will is lawful to them in the church . but after all this , let me put mr. hussey and other erastians in mind , that if they do acknowledge that jesus christ hath instituted or commanded that there be a church government and power of censures distinct from the civil government , when the magistrate is heathenish or idolatrous , let them speak it out , and let us agree so far . otherwise if they do not agree in this , it is but a blind for them to make use of this distinction , that where the magistrate is christian , there is no necessity of a distinct church-government . i conclude with a passage of mr. prynne in his twelve considerable serious questions touching church-government . the ninth of those questions runs thus . whether the independents challenge of the presbyterians to shew them any national church , professing christ in our saviours or the apostles daies , before any one nation totally converted to the christian faith , or any general open profession made of it by the princes , magistrates , and major part of any nation , kingdom , republick , who were then all generally pagans and persecutors of the gospel , not then universally imbraced , be not a most irrational unjust demand ? sure if this hold against the independents , it will hold as strongly , yea more strongly against the erastians , to prove their demand to be most irrational and unjust , while they challenge us to shew them in the new-testament a distinct church-government under a christian magistrate , or where the state was christian , though themselves know magistrates and states were then generally pagan and not christian : yea there was in those daies much more of a national church then of a christian magistrate . an appendix to the second book , containing a collection of some testimonies not cited before ; and first a testimony of king iames in a declaration of his , penned with his own hand , signed and delivered to the commissioners of the church of scotland at linlithgow , december . anno . i for my part shall never , neither my posterity ought ever cite , summon , or apprehend any pastor or preacher for matters of doctrine , in religion , salvation , heresies , or true interpretation of the scripture : but according to my first act which confirmeth the liberty of preaching the word , ministration of the sacraments , i avouch the same to be a matter meer ecclesiastical , and altogether impertinent to my calling . therefore never shall i , nor ever ought they , i mean my posterity , acclaim any power or iurisdiction in the foresaids . his majesties meaning was that he ought not to do this in prima instantiâ , that is , before the person be accused , convict , or judged in any ecclesiastical court. ( which was the question at that time , occasioned by mr. andrew melvill his case ) afterward in the same declaration it followeth thus . christ saying dic ecclesiae , and one onely man stealing that dint in a quiet hole , the act of parliament reduceth the sentence for informality and nullity of processe , not as iudges whether the excommunication was grounded on good and just causes or not , but as witnesses that it was unformally proceeded , against the warrant of gods word , example of all reformed ki●ks , and your owne particular custome in this countrey . a little after . i mind not to cut off any liberty granted by god to his kirk . i acclaim not to my self to be judge of doctrine in religion , salvation , heresies , or true interpretation of scripture . and after . my intention is not to meddle with excommunication , neither acclaim i to my self or my heires power in any thing that is meer ecclesiastical and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor with any thing that gods word hath simply devolved in the hands of his kirk . and to conclude , i confesse and acknowledge christ iesus to be head and law-giver to the same . and what soever persons do attribute to themselves , as head of the kirk , and not as member , to suspend or alter any thing that the word of god hath onely remitted to them , that man i say committeth manifest idolatry , and sinneth against the father in not trusting the words of his son , against the son in not obeying him and taking his place , against the holy ghost , the said holy spirit bearing the contrary record to his conscience . testimonies taken out of the harmony of the confessions of the faith of the 〈◊〉 churches , r●printed at london . pag. . out of the confession of helvetia . furthermore , there is another power of duty , or ministerial power limited out by him , who hath full and absolute power and authority . and this is more like a ministry then dominion . for we see that some master doth give unto the steward of his house authority and power over his house , and for that cause delivereth him his keyes , that he may admit or exclude such as his master will have admitted or excluded . according to this power , doth the minister by his office , that which the lord hath commanded him to do , and the lord doth ratifie and confirm that which he doth , and will have the deeds of his ministers to be acknowledged and esteemed as his own deeds , unto which end are those speeches in the gospel : i will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , and whatsoever thou bindest or loosest in earth , shall be bound and loosed in heaven . again , whose sins soever ye remit , they shall be remitted ; and whose sins soever ye retain , they shall be retained . but if the minister deal not in all things as his lord hath commanded him : but passe the limits and bounds of faith , then the lord doth make void that which he doth . wherefore the ecclesiastical power of the ministers of the church , is that function whereby they do indeed govern the church of god , but yet so as they do all things in the church as he hath prescribed in his word ; which thing being so done , the faithful do esteem them as done of the lord himself . pag. . out of the confession of bohemia . the th . chapter of ecclesiastical doctrine is of the lords keyes , of which he saith to peter , i will give thee the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , and these keyes are the peculiar function or ministery and administration of christ his power , and his holy spirit ; which power is committed to the church of christ , and to the ministers thereof , unto the end of the world : that they should not onely by preaching publish the holy gospel , although they should do this especially , that is , should shew forth that word of true comfort , and the joyful message of peace , and new tydings of that favour which god offereth , but also that to the beleeving and unbeleeving , they should publikely or privately denounce and make known , to wit , to them his favour , to these his wrath , and that to all in general , or to every one in particular , that they may wisely receive some into the house of god , to the communion of saints , and drive some out from thence , and may so through the performance of their ministery , hold in their hand the scepter of christ his kingdom , and use the same to the government of christ his sheep . and after , moreover a manifest example of using the power of the keyes is laid out in that sinner of corinth and others , whom st. paul , together with the church in that place , by the power and authority of our lord jesus christ , and of his spirit , threw out from thence and delivered to sathan : and contrariwise after that god had given him grace to repent , he absolved him from his sins , he took him again into the church to the communion of saints and sacraments , and so opened to him the kingdom of heaven again . by this we may understand , that these keyes , or this divine function of the lords , is committed and granted to those that have charge of souls , and to each several ecclesiastical societies , whether they be smal or great . of which thing the lord sayeth to the churches , verily i say unto you , whatsoever ye bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven . and straight after : for where two or three are gathered together in my name , there am i in the middest of them . pag. . out of the french confession . vve beleeve that this true church ought to be governed by that regiment or disc●pline which our lord jesus christ hath established , to wit so , that there be pastors , elders , and deacons , that the purity of doctrine may be retained , vices repressed . &c. pag. . out of the confession of belgia . vve beleeve that this church ought to be ruled and governed by that spiritual regiment which god himself hath delivered in his word , so that there be placed in it pastors and ministers purely to preach , and rightly to administer the holy sacraments : that there be also in it seniors and deacons , of whom the senate of the church might consist , that by these means true religion might be preserved , and sincere doctrine in every place retained and spread abroad : that vicious and wicked men might after a spiritual manner be rebuked , amended , and as it were by the bridle of discipline kept within their compasse . pag. . out of the confession of auspurge . again , by the gospel , or as they term it by gods law , bishops , as they be bishops , that is , such as have the administration of the word and sacraments committed to them , have no jurisdiction at all , but onely to forgive sin , also to know what is true doctrine ; and to reject such doctrine as will not stand with the gospel , and to debarre from the communion of the church such as are notoriously wicked , not by humane force and violence , but by the word of god. and herein of necessity the churches ought by the law of god to perform obedience unto them , according to the saying of christ , he that heareth you , heareth me . upon which place the observation saith thus . to debar the wicked , &c. to wit by the judgement and verdict of the presbyterie , lawfully gathered together . &c. a testimony out of the ecclesiastical discipline of the reformed churches in france . cap. . art. . the knowledge of scandals , and the censure or judgement thereof belongeth to the company of pastors and elders . art. . if it befalleth , that besides the admonitions usually made by the consistories to such as have done amisse , there be some other punishment or more rigorous censure to be used : it shall then be done either by suspension , or privation of the holy communion for a time , or by excommunication or cutting off from the church . in which cases the consistories are to be advised to use all prudence , and to make distinction betwixt the one and the other : as likewise to ponder and carefully to examine the faults and scandals that are brought before them , with all their circumstances , to judge warily of the censure , which may be required . harmonia synodorum belgicarum . cap. . art. . . . peccata sua natura publica , aut per admonitionis privatae contemtum publicata , ex consistorii totius arbitrio , modo & formâ ad aedificationem maximè accomodatis sunt corrigenda . qui pertinaciter consistorii admonitiones rejecerit , à s. coenae communione suspendetur . si suspensus post iter atas admonitiones nullum poenitentiae signum dederit , ad excommunicationem procedet ecclesia . melchior adamus de vitis germanorum theologorum , pag. . cumque sub id tempus ( anno . ) fredericus elector palatinus , qui ludovico successerat , de ecclesiarum agitaret reformatione : composuit melanchthon , cum evocato venire integrum non esset , scriptum de reformandis ecclesiis : cujus synopsin aliquot regulis comprehendit : quas addimus . vera & salutaris gubernatio ecclesiae christi praecipuè in his sex membris consistit . primum , in vera & pura doctrina , quam deus ecclesiae suae patefecit , tradidit , & doceri mandavit . secundo , in legitime usu sacramentorum . tertio , in conservatione ministerii evangelici & obedientiae erga pastores ecclesiarum ; sicut deus vult & postulat conservari ministerium evangelii , & servat ipse sua potentiâ & presentiâ . quarto , in conservatione honestae & pia disciplinae retinendae per judicia ecclesiastica , seu jurisdictionem ecclesiasticam . quinto , in conservandis studiis necessariae doctrinae & scholis . sexto , ad haec opus est defensione corporali & facultatibus , ad personas , quae sunt in efficiis necessariis , alendas . the irish articles of religion . art. . neither do we give unto him ( the supreme magistrate ) hereby the administration of the word and sacraments , or the power of the keyes . and art. . but particular and visible churches ( consisting of those who make profession of the faith of christ , and live under the outward means of salvation ) be many in number : wherein the more or lesse sincerely according to christs institution , the word of god is taught , the sacraments are administred , and the authority of the keyes is used ; the more or lesse pure are such churches to be accounted . laurentius humfredus de religionis conservatione & reformatione vera . ad nobilitatem , clerum , & populum anglicanum . pag. . nec satis mirari possum nec satis dolere , cum intellgam in his locis * repudiari disciplinam ecclesiasticam , & vel nullam esse vel nimis laxam , vel non satis vigilanter administratam , in quibus tamen alioqui religionis sincera ef●igies cernitur : quasi evangelium esse possit ubi non vivitur evangelicè : aut quasi christus laeto ▪ carnali , voluptuario delectetur evangelio . &c. at in ecclesia manere debet censura & jurisdictio , non minus quam gladius in repub. pag. . sit ergo haec prima reformationis perfectae ratio , nostri ac peccatorum recognitio & emendatio . deinde severior adsit in ecclesia castigatio & animadversio : ut illa laxit as & remissio frnaeetur , quo minus & levius deinceps peccetur . finis . the third booke . of excommunication from the church . and , of suspension from the lords table . chap. i. an opening of the true state of the question , and of master prynnes many mistakes and mis-representations of our principles . having now by the light of scripture and other helps asserted a church-government distinct from civill magistracy , both in the old and new testament , the last part of my present undertaking shall be to vindicate the particular ordinances of excommunication and suspension , called by the schoolmen excommunicatio major & minor . of which also i have before spoken divers things occasionally ; for i have asserted an excommunication and suspension in the jewish church , booke . chap. , , , , , , , , . the nature , grounds , reasons , uses , and ends whereof , were not proper to the old testament , but such as concerne the christian church . i have also brought arguments booke . chap. , . which conclude not onely church-government , but excommunication . and so much of my worke is done : neverthelesse there is more to doe . m r prynne first in his foure grand quaeres , and thereafter in his vindication of the same , hath argued much , both against the suspension from the sacrament of a person not excommunicated and wholly cast out of the church , and against some of the most pregnant scripturall proofes for excommunication it selfe . in his vindication he hath branched forth the controversie into ten points of difference . two of these , viz. the fifth concerning suspension from the sacrament of the passeover , and the ninth concerning casting out of the synagogue , i have discussed before in the first book . where i have also examined other assertions of his concerning the jewish sanhedrin , temple , confession of sinne . the other points of difference not handled before , i am ( as the lord will help me ) now to speak to . the first point of difference is , whether in those foure quaeres of his he stated the controversie aright . he is offended that i ( in a sermon of mine before the honourable house of commons ) charged the questionist with mistakes , and that i did not take notice of the question concerning suspension from the sacrament , as he stated it . vindic. pag. . i had reason , because he had mis-stated it ; and since it pleased him to interpose in a matter depending between the honourable houses of parliament , and the reverend assembly of divines , and to publish a paper plainly reflecting upon a petition of the assembly , i hope he can not think either the assembly , or me , tied to his stating of the question . if he will meddle with the businesse of the assembly , he must speak to it as it is . and that it may now appeare how just cause i had to charge his queres with mistakes of the state of the question , ( which he still mistaketh ) i shall endeavour a more particular and full discovery of these his mistakes . and first , that which was desired by the assembly was , that such a rule may be established by authority of parliament , as may keep off all scandalous and notorious sinners from the sacrament . the question was not what texts of scripture doe warrant this thing . it did not concerne me to debate whether the scriptures of the old and new testament quoted by him , prove suspension from the lords table . the controversie was of the practicall conclusion , and of establishing such a rule , as may keep off scandalous persons from the sacrament . if the thing be done , if the conclusion be consented to , there is the greater liberty for men to abound in their own sence concerning the mediums to prove it . secondly , and if he would needs debate what texts of scripture doe prove the thing , and what precept or president in scripture doth warrant it : me thinks he had done better to have informed himselfe , on what scripturall proofs the reverend assembly had grounded the suspension of scandalous sinners from the sacrament , though not yet cast out of the church ; the proofes from scripture voted in the assembly , were these . because the ordinance it selfe must not be prophaned . and because we are charged to withdraw from those who walk disorderly . and because of the great sinne and danger both to him that comes unworthily , and also to the whole church . the scriptures from which the assembly did prove all this , were , matth. . . thess. . , , . cor. . , to the end of the chapter , compared with iude vers . . tim. . . another proofe added by the assembly was this . there was power and authority under the old testament to keep unclean persons from holy things , levit. . . num. . . chro. . . and the like power and authority by way of analogy continues under the new testament , for the authoritative suspension from the lords table , of a person not yet cast out of the church . now that which was the strength of the assemblies proofes of the proposition , m r prynne hath almost never touched , but run out upon other particulars . thirdly , observe that he disputes all along whether any minister can suspend one from the sacrament . but this no body , that i know , asserts . the power is given not uni , but unitati , to the eldership , not to any one , either minister or elder . fourthly , that which in the preface of his queres he undertakes to prove , is , that excommunication and suspension from the sacrament , being a matter of great moment and much difficulty , is to be handled and established with great wisdom , caution and moderation . and his result in the close is concerning a limited jurisdiction in presbyteries . as these things are not denied by any that i know , so himselfe manifestly acknowledgeth by these expressions , the thing it selfe for the substance , ( which yet the current of his debate runneth against● ) and onely questioneth concerning the bounds , cautions and limitations . god forbid that church-officers should ever claim an unlimited power : their power is given them to edification , and not to destruction , and we can doe nothing against the truth , but for the truth , cor. . , . the power of censures must not be in the power of any one man , nor in the power of any who are themselves scandalous and worthy of censure . a there must be no sentence of excommunication or suspension , upon reports , surmises , suspitions , but either upon the confession of the offence or proofe thereof by two witnesses at least . none must be excommunicated nor suspended for money matters , debts , and such like civill causes which are not of ecclesiasticall cognizance , but are to be judged by the civill judge . it must not be for those peccata quotidianae incursionis , such sinfull infirmities as all the godly in this life are guilty of : though on the other side , the scandalous sinnes meant of in this controversie , must not be restricted to such sinnes onely as can not stand with the state of grace . these and such like limitations we doe not onely admit of , but desire to be put . fifthly , he goeth about to cleare the state of the question out of aretius , and citeth him for what himself now undertaketh to prove . whereas aretius holds excommunication to be an ordinance of god both in the old and new testament , and that it was wanting through the injury and corruption of the times , the abuse of it in popery having made the thing it self hatefull ; and the most part in those places where he lived , loving carnall liberty so well ; and taking upon them the protection and defence of prophane ones , and being so unwilling to be brought under the yoke of christ. for these and the like reasons , he thought it not expedient to have that discipline of excommunication erected at that time in those parts ; as himselfe gives the reasons : and b he professeth withall , that he doth not despaire of better times , when men shall be more willing to submit to that discipline . so that this is the question , if it shall be stated out of aretius ; whether excommunication , being an ordinance of god , ought to be setled where prophanesse and licentiousnesse abounds , and where the better party is like to be oppressed by the greater party : or whether we should wait till god send better times for the setling of it . sixthly , the author of those questions maketh a parallel between that power of censures now desired to be setled in presbyteries , and the prelaticall tyranny , as if this were the very power which heretofore was declaimed against in , denied to , and quite taken away from the prelates . yea in the close he makes this power now desired to be setled in presbyteries , to be such as our very lordly prelates never durst to claime . yet ecclesiae anglicanae politeia in tabulas digesta authore richardo cousin tab. . tels me that the episcopall jurisdiction did exercise it selfe in these censures , which were common both to lay-men and clergy-men ( as they were called . ) . interdictio divinorum . . monitio . . suspensio vel ab ingressu ecclesiae , vel a perceptione sacramentorum . . excommunicatio . . anathematisinius , &c. neverthelesse there is a truth too in that which m r prynne saith . i confesse the prelates never durst desire that which this learned and pious assembly hath desired in this particular . he hath said it . the prelats never durst indeed take upon them to suspend all scandalous persons from the sacrament ; for if they had , it had been said unto most of them , physitian cure thy selfe , besides the losing of many of their party . and moreover the very lordly prelates never durst make themselves to be but members of presbyteries , nor to be subject to the admonitions and censures of their brethren , which every minister now must doe . the lordly prelate did ( contrary to the institution of jesus christ ) make himselfe pastor of many congregations , even of his whole diocesse , and did assume sole and whole power of government and church censures to himself , and his underling officers which were to execute the same in his name . and as the appropriating of jurisdiction to the lordly prelate , so the manner and kind of his government , and his proceedings in ecclesiasticall censures , came neither from christ nor from the purest antiquity , but from the popes canon law. what then hath presbytery to doe with prelacy ? as much as light with darknesse , or righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse . he that would see more of the differences between presbyteriall and prelaticall government , let him read a book printed in the prelates times , entituled the pastor and the prelate . and the cleere antithesis between presbytery and prelacy printed at london anno . . see also what i have said before book . . chap. . . it is evident by his fourth question , that he states the case , as if ministers meant to know the secrets of all mens hearts , and to be so censorious and peremptory in their judging as to quench the smoaking flax or to break the bruised reed ; thereupon he askes whether the sacrament may be denyed to a man , if he desires to receive it , in case he professe his sincere repentance for his sinnes past , and promise newnesse of life for the time to come . god forbid we be censorious , peremptory , and rigid in our judging of mens spirituall estate ; where there is any thing of christ , it s to be cherished , not quenched . but again , god forbid that we shut our eyes to call darknesse light , or black white . in that very place where our saviour condemneth uncharitable judgement , immediately he addeth , give not that which is holy unto the doggs , neither cast ye pearles before swine mat. . impenitency under a scandalous sinne is discerneable either by not confessing it , or by not forsaking it . all our present controversie is concerning a visible church , visible saints , visible holinesse , visible repentance , visible fitnesse or qualification for the sacrament , that is c of such externall signes and evidences as the word of god holds out for judging of the spirituall estate of other men , not of such internall gracious marks whereby a man must judge of his own spirituall estate . and so he that professeth his sincere repentance for his sinnes past , and promiseth newnesse of life for the time to come , if there be nothing which ( visibly and to the eye of man ) giveth the lye to his profession and promise , ( for instance , if it can be proved that immediately before or immediately after he hath professed or promised the contrary to his companions in his wickednesse , or that he still continueth in the practise of that sinne ) is not to be excluded as an impenitent sinner from the sacrament . . the third quaere , as also the conclusion of all , runneth upon a great mistake , by reason of the confounding of things which are of a different nature . there is great weigh-laid upon this , that there is as much sin & danger to a mans soule in his unworthy and unprofitable hearing of the word , as in his unworthy receiving of the sacrament ; and therefore ministers may as well refuse to preach unto people , whom they deeme unprofitable hearers , as refuse to give them the sacrament , because they judge them unmeet to receive it . whether the sinne of unworthy hearing be as great as the sinne of unworthy receiving the sacrament , i will not now debate . the d reply which was made to his quaeries by another , hath said enough to that point . but that which i intend in this place , is ( for clearing a maine principle which we goe upon ) to distinguish these two things . there are some ordinances appointed for the conversion of sinners . there are other ordinances appointed for the communion of saints . the preaching of the word and the hearing thereof , though it hath no small influence into the communion of saints , yet it is also appointed for converting and bringing in sinners who have no part in the communion of saints . the sacrament was not appointed for the conversion of sinners , but is peculiar to the communion of saints . the apostles preached to the unbeleiving jewes in the temple and synagogues act. . . act. . . . act. . . . act. . . . . but it is onely said of those that gladly received the word , they continued stedfastly in the apostles doctrine and fellowship , and in breaking of bread and in prayers . act. . . the apostles preached also to many heathens and idolaters , but they admitted none to the sacramens till they saw such evidences as might perswade them in the judgement of charity that they were such as might be admitted . they that are suspended from the sacrament , yea they that are excommunicate , are admitted to the hearing of the word for their conversion , as the unbeleeving jewes and heathens were . can any alledge the like reason for admitting them to the sacrament ? erastus himself observeth that the unclean under the law who might not eat of the passeover , yet were not forbidden but commanded to observe the sabbath , and the feast of expiation . i mention it onely as an argument ad hominem . if a sinner be known for a improfitable hearer of the word , that cannot make it a sinne to me to preach any more to him . but if he be known to be a dogg or a swine in reference to the sacrament , that will make it a sin to me if i minister the sacrament to him . the reason is because i am still bound to endevour his conversion ( not knowing that he hath blasphemed against the holy ghost ) but i am not bound to give him the seale of remission of sinnes and salvation by jesus christ : yea it were sinne to give that seal to him who is visibly and apparently uncapable of such sweet and comfortable application of christ. i conclude that the suspending of scandalous persons from the sacrament , is neither onely nor principally grounded upon the sinne and guilt of eating and drinking unworthily , which will cleave to the unworthy communicant : but rather ( not excluding the other ) upon the nature of the ordinance which is such as cannot admit of the notoriously scandalous to receive , but that holy ordinance shall thereby be prophaned and made common ; for what can be more contrary to the na ure of that ordinance and to the institution of jesus christ , than to turne the communion of saints , into the communion of scandalous sinners ; and to make that which was instituted for the comfort of those that repent and beleeve , to be a comfort and seal of salvation to those who are known by their fruits to have neither repentance nor faith , and so to send them away with a good conceit of their spirituall estate , and thereby to strengthen their hearts and hands in wickednesse ? . the question is not whether all scandalous persons are to be excommunicated and wholly cast out off the church . the assemblies petition was not concerning excommunicating , but concerning suspending from the sacrament all scandalous persons . yet the current of master prynnes argumentation both in his quaeries , and in his vindication thereof , for the most part , runneth along against excommunication and suspension from the sacrament , as the tittles likewise doe promise . which is a fallacy d conjunctis ad divisa . and when he debateth so much concerning excommunication and suspension , his and is either copulative or exegeticall . if copulative , he opposeth no body that i know so much as himself ; for i know none that would have all scandalous sinners suspended , to be excommunicated also , except himself . if exegeticall , even so he is contrary to himself , who confesseth that one may be suspended from the sacrament before he be excommunicated . vindic . p. . . and whereas in the latter part of his first quaere , he would drive us to this hard choice , that either a scandalous person must be excommunicated , or not suspended from the sacrament ; he saith it is evident by tertullians apology cap. . & lib. de poenit . that scandalous persons were ever excommunicate and wholly cast out of the church , not barely sequestred from the sacrament . whence saith he all the canonists and schoolemen determine that an excommunicate person is excluded from the church and all publike ordinances . let the prudent reader observe , that in stead of proving that scandalous persons were wholly cast out of the church , he tells us out of the canonists and schoolemen , that excommunicate persons were wholly cast out of the church , that is , that those who were cast out of the church , were cast out of the church . and for his antiquity , he hath given here no small wound to the reputation of his skill in antiquities . which will more fully appear chap. . meane while , how can any that hath read tertullian or cyprian , not know , that some failings and falls in time of persecution , and other smaller offences , were not punished by excommunication , but by suspension from the sacrament , till after publike declaration of repentance and confession of the offence , the offender was admitted to the sacrament . and for the places he citeth , i find in tertullians book de poenitentia much of that exomologesis and publike declaration of repentance , but that all scandalous persons brought under church-censures were wholly cast out of the church , i find not ; in the chapter of his apologetick there is no such thing as is alledged , but the contrary plainly intimated , e concerning severall degrees of ecclesiasticall discipline , and that if any mans offence was so great , as to deserve excommunication , then he was excommunicate and wholly cast out of the church . and as in the antient churches there were , and in the reformed churches there now are different degrees of censures , according to the different degrees of offences : so in the jewish church the like may be observed , both concerning ceremoniall uncleannesse , and morall offences . touching the former , that law num. . . command the children of israel that they put out of the camp every leper , and every one that hath an issue , and whosoever is desiled by the dead , hath been understood by the jewish doctors respectivè , that is , that the , leper was put out of all the three camps , the camp of israel the camp of the levites , and the camp of divine majesty which was the tabernacle : he that had an issue might be in the camp of israel , but was put out of the other two . he that was defiled by the dead , was onely restrained from the camp of divine majesty , for which also see before book . . ch●…p . . and touching morall offences , there were severall steps and degrees in the jewish excommunication , as f master selden hath observed from the talmudists : for first a man was separate from the congregation for dayes , and if thereafter he was found obstinate , he was separate for other dayes , and if after dayes he did not repent , then they passed from the lesser excommunication to the greater , that is from niddui and shammatha ( as he thinketh ) to cherem or anathema . the author of the quaeries , while he argueth in that first quaere against the suspending from the sacrament of a person not excommunicated nor wholl● cast out of the church , closeth in this particular with them of the separation ( which i beleeve he did it not intend to doe ; ) for they in one of their letters in answer to the second letter of fr. junius written to them , where they bring eleven exceptions against the dutch churches , one of these exceptions was that they use a new censure of suspension , which christ hath not appointed . they doe hold excommunication to be an ordinance of christ , but doe reject the distinction of suspension and excommunication , as master prynne doth . tenthly , the true state of the present question is not , whether the parliament should establish the power of suspending scandalous persons from the sacrament , as iure divino , ( nay , let divines assert that , and satisfie peoples consciences in it : but let the parliament speak in an authoritative and legislative way , in adding their civill sanction . ) nor , whether there ought to be any suspension from the sacrament of scandalous persons , not yet excommunicated and cast out of the church ; and that the elder-ship should doe it ; for the ordinance of parliament hath so farre satisfied the desires of the reverend assembly and of the generality of godly people , that there is to be a suspension of scandalous persons ( not excommunicated ) from the sacrament , and power is granted to the eldership to suspend from the sacrament for such scandals as are enumerate in the ordinances of octob. . . and march. . . which ordinances doe appoint that all persons or any person that shall commit such or such an offence , shall be by the eldership suspended from the sacrament , upon confession of the party , or upon the testimony of two credible witnesses . so that in truth the stream of master prynnes exceptions runneth against that which is agreed and resolved upon in parliament : and his arguments ( if they prove any thing ) must necessarily conclude against that power already granted by parliament to elder-ships . and now if he will speak to that point which is in present publike agitation , he must lay aside his querees and his vindication thereof , and write another book to prove that the assembly and other godly ministers and people ought to rest satisfied ( in point of conscience ) with the power granted to elderships to suspend from the sacrament in the enumerate cases , and that there is not the like reason to keep off scandalous persons from the sacrament for other scandalls beside these enumerate in the ordinance of parliament . nay , and he must confine himself within a nearower circle , then so ; for the parliament hath been pleased to think of some course for new emergent cases , that the door may not be shut for the future upon the remonstrances of elderships concerning cases not expressed . i know the gentleman is free to choose his own theme to treat of , and he may handle what cases of conscience he shall think fit for the churches edification . but since he professeth in the conclusion of his foure questions and in the preface before his vindication , and in divers other passages , that his scope is to expedite a regular settlement of church discipline , without such a power of suspending the scandalous , as is now desired to be setled in the new elderships , and manifestly reflecteth upon one of the assemblies petitions concerning that businesse , as hath been said ; yea the first words of his queres tell us , he spoke to the point in present publike agitation , the case standing thus ; i must put him in mind ( under favour ) that he hath not been a little out of the way , nor a little wide from the mark . and if the question were which of these tenents ( master prynnes or ours , ) concerning suspension , doth best agree with the mind of the parliament , let us heare their own ordinance dated march . . the words are these : yet were the fundamentalls and substantiall parts of that government long since setled in persons by and over whom it was to be exercised , and the nature , extent , and respective subordination of their power was limitted and defined ; onely concerning the administration of the sacrament of the lords supper , how all such persons as were guilty of notorious and scandalous offences might be suspended from it , some difficulty arising , not so much in the matter it self , as in the manner , how it should be done , and who should be the judges of the offence : the lords and commons having it alwayes in their purpose and intention , and it being accordingly declared and resolved by them that all sorts of notorious scandalous offenders should be suspended from the sacrament , which is the very point so much opposed by master prynne ; for the controversie moved by him is not so much concerning the manner , or who should be the judges , as concerning the matter it selfe : he contending that all sorts of notorious scandalous offenders should not be suspended from the sacrament , but onely such as are excommunicated and excluded from the hearing of the word , prayer , and all other publique ordinances . having now removed so many mistakes of the true state of the question : that which is in controversie is plainly this ; whether according to the word of god there ought to be in the elderships of churches a spirituall power and authority , by which they that are called brethren , that is , church members , or officers , for the publique scandall of a prophane life , or of pernicious doctrine , or for a private offence obstinately continued in after admonitions , and so growing to a publique scandall , are upon proofe of such scandall to be suspended from the lords table untill signes of repentance appeare in them ; and if they continue contumacious , are in the name of jesus christ to be excommunicate and cut off from all membership and communion with the church , and their sinnes pronounced to be bound on earth , and by consequence in heaven , untill by true and sincere repentance they turne to god , and by the declaration of such repentance be reconciled unto the church . the affirmative is the received doctrine of the reformed churches , whereunto i adhere . the first part of it concerning suspension , is utterly denyed by m r prynne , which breaketh the concatenation and order of church discipline held forth in the question now stated . whether he denieth also excommunication by elderships to be an ordinance and institution of christ , and onely holdeth it to be lawfull and warrantable by the word of god , i am not certaine . if he do , then he holds the totall negative of this present question . however i am sure he hath gone about to take away some of the principall scripturall foundations and pillars upon which excommunication is builded . * as touching the gradation and order in the question as now stated , it is meant positively and exclusively , that such a gradation not onely may but ought to be observed ordinarily ( which m r prynne denieth ) although i deny not tha● for some publique enormous , haynous abominations , there may be ( without such degrees of proceeding ) a present cutting off by excommunication . but this belongs not to the present controversie . chap. ii. whether matth. . , , . prove excommunication . the second point of difference is concerning matth. . m r prynne in the first of his foure questions told us that the words matth. . . let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican , are meant onely of personall private trespasses between man and man , not publique scandalous sinnes against the congregation : and that t is not said , let him be to the whole church , but let him be to thee , &c. this i did in my sermon retort . for if to thee , for a personall private trespasse ; much more to the whole church , for a publique scandalous sinne , whereby he trespasseth against the whole congregation . yea , it followeth upon his interpretation , that he may account the whole church as heathens and publicans , if all the members of the church doe him a personall injury , whereupon i left this to be considered by every man of understanding , whether if a private man may account the whole church as heathens and publicans for a personall injury done to himselfe alone , it will not follow that much more the whole church may account a man as a heathen and publican , for a publique scandalous sinne against the whole church . m r prynne in his vindication , pag. . glanceth at this objection , but he takes notice onely of the halfe of it , and he is so farre from turning off my retortion , that he confirmeth it ; for pag. . he confesseth that every christian hath free power by gods word to esteeme not onely a particular brother , but all the members of a congregation , as heathens and publicans , if he or they continue impenitent in the case of private injuries , after admonition . now my exception against his quere remains unanswered . if i may esteem the whole church as heathens and publicans , when they doe me an injury and continue impenitent therein : may not the whole church esteem me as an heathen man and a publican , when i commit a publique and scandalous trespasse against the whole church , and continues impenitent therein ? shall a private man have power to cast off the whole church as heathens and publicans ? and shall not the whole church have power to cast off one man as an heathen and publican ? i know he understands those words , let him be to thee as a heathen man and a publican , in another sence then either the reformed churches doe , or the ancient churches did , and takes the meaning to be of avoyding fellowship and familiarity with him , before any sentence of excommunication passed against the offender . but however my argument from proportion will hold . if civill fellowship must be refused , because of obstinacy in a civill injury , why shall not spirituall or church-fellowship be refused to him that hath committed a spirituall injury or trespasse against the church ? if private fellowship ought to be denied unto him that will not repent of a private injury , why shall not publique fellowship in eating and drinking with the church at the lords table be denied unto him that will not repent of a publique scandall given to the congregation ? are the rules of church fellowship looser and wider than the rules of civill fellowship ? or are they straiter ? is the way of communion of saints broader than the way of civill communion ? or is it narrower ? peradventure he will say , that the whole church , that is , all the members of the church , have power to withdraw from an obstinate scandalous brother , that is , to have no fraternall converse or private christian fellowship with him . well then : if thus farre he be as a heathen and a publican to the whole church distributively , how shall he be as a christian brother to the whole church collectively ; if all the members of the church severally withdraw fellowship from him even before he be excommunicated , how shall the whole church together be bound to keepe fellowship with him till he be excommunicated ? instead of loosing such knots , m r prynne undertakes to prove another thing , that this text of matthew is not meane of excommunication or church censures , and that the church in this text was not any ecclesiasticall consistory ( here he citeth iosephus , as if he had spoken of that text ) but onely the sanhedrin or court of civill justice . but though all this were true which he saith , yet there may be a good argument drawn by necessary consequence from this text to prove excommunication . which grotius did well perceive : for in his annotations upon the place , after he hath told his opinion that excommunication is not meant in this text , he addeth , that he hath elsewhere spoken of the antiquity and necessity of excommunication : quanquam ad eam ex hoc etiam loco non absurde argumentum duci p●…sse , non negaverim : though i will not deny , saith he , that even from this place , the argument may be drawn to excommunication without any absurdity . my argument afore-mentioned will hold good even from master prynnes owne exposition . thus farre i have gone upon a consession : now to the confutation . before i come to his reasons , i observe in his margent a double mistake of the testimony of scapula . first , he sends us to scapula to learn that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth any civill assembly or councell , as well as an ecclesiasticall presbytery . yes : scapula tels us , it hath in heathen writers a generall signification , to expresse any assembly called forth . but he addeth immediately , that in the writing of christians it signifieth the assembly of such as are called to eternall life and doe professe christian religion . since therefore it hath not the same signification in heathen writings , and in the new testament , he should have shewed us where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the new testament doth signifie a civill court of justice . i hope the holy ghost did speake so in this place as he might be understood , and to take the word church here , in that sence which it hath nowhere else in the new testament , doth not agree with that received maxime , that scripture is to be expounded by scripture . i finde indeed the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used for a civill assembly , acts . , . but as that is an heathen assembly , so it is not the evangelist luke his expression otherwise then recitative : that is , he mentioneth an heathen assembly under that name by which heathens themselves called it . his other mistake of scapula , is , the citing of him for that assertion , that the church in this text is not an ecclesiasticall con sistory . whereas scapula doth expound the church matth. . to be meant of the presbytery or colledge of elders , ( as g stephani thesaurus doth also ) and having told that the word signifieth the whole christian church : also particular congregations : he addeth two more restricted significations : sometimes it signifieth a christian family : sometimes the presbytery ; for this last he citeth matth. . now i proceed to m r prynnes reasons . first , saith he , this text speakes not at all of any publique scandalous sinne against the church or congregation , the proper object of church censures , but onely of private civill trespasses between man and man , as is evident by the words , if thy brother trespasse against thee , goe and tell him his fault between him and thee , &c. answ. we have ever understood that place of such trespasses , which grow publique afterwards by the offenders obstinacy after admonition . yet the trespasse here meant , may be often such as even at first is scandalous to more then one . such a case falleth under christs rule here , and is not excluded . wherein observe durand upon the fourth book of the master of sentences dist. . quest. . but if , saith he , the sinne be not altogether secret , nor altogether knowne , that is , such as is known to many by whom he may be convict , or be is ill reported of among grave persons , though the publique fame be not against him , so the procedor which christ hath set us in the gospell , seemeth to have place , to wit , that first he may be secretly admonished , concerning his amendment ; which if it profit not , that he may be admonished concerning his amendment before those who know the fact ; but if that also doe not profit , that then he may be declared to the church . but if we should grant that no other trespasse is meant here , but a private trespasse , yet i aske , is there no private trespasse but that which is civill ? the schoolmen writing de scandalo will tell him that one brother trespasseth against another when he scandalizeth him by any sinfull example , though without any civill injury . nay it s the greatest trespasse which is committed against the soule of our neighbour : scandall is soule murther . it is a breach of the law of love , not onely by omission , but by commission . he that is commanded to edifie his brother , and then giveth scandall to him , doth he not trespasse against his brother ? the like answer i return to that which he addeth , that luke relating the same thing without any dic ecclesiae , luk. . , puts it out of question , if compared with gen. . . ( there is no such scripture ) sam. . . what ? out of question . doth he not find scandalous sins in the two verses immediately preceding in luke , and thereupon it s immediatly added , take heed to your selves , if thy brother trespasse against thee , rebuke him , and if he repent , forgive him . can not a christian rebuke his brother who scandalizeth him , and if he repent forgive him ? luke needed not adde dic ecclesiae , because he speaks of a repenting brother , not of an impenitent brother , after private admonition . and that scandalous trespasses are understood matth. . . ( as augustine , tostatus , and many others have observed ) may thus appeare . . scandals are the greatest and worst trespasses , as hath been said , and woe unto the world because of offences . surely jesus christ did intend to provide a remedy against the greatest evils , rather than against the lesser . . christ would not be judge of civill injuries , luke . . how can it be then supposed that he giveth here lawes concerning civill rather then spirituall injuries ? . christ saith , if be shall heare ( not repaire ) thee , thou hast gained ( not thy goods or thy good name , or the like , but ) thy brother . intimating , that it s not a mans owne interest , but the rescuing of his brothers soule from sinne and scandall , which is here sought . m r prynne himselfe confirmeth it not a little , for he takes the meaning to be of avoyding a brothers company , in the case of a civill or private injury , if he continue impenitent after admonition . now what if he that hath done the injury make full reparation , and all reall satisfaction to the brother injured , and yet continue impenient shewing no symptome at all of repentance , must he not by m r prynnes exposition be esteemed as an heathen man and a publican , because of his visible and scandalous impenitency ? how often hath it been seen that a man was compelled by law , or perswaded by friends to make a reall restitution and full satisfaction for a civill or personall injury ; and yet hath given very great scandall by his impenitency , not so much as confessing , but still defending and justifying his sinfull act , in his discourses ? . the dependency upon the preceding parts of that chapter confirmeth it : from the beginning of the chapter to this very text , vers . . christ hath been upon the doctrine of scandals , warning us not to offend so much as one of his little ones , which he presseth by divers arguments . . the erastians and we doe both agree in this , that christ here hath a respect to the jewish government . now the trespasses for which men were excommunicate by the jewish sanhedrin were scandalous trespasses , such as the despising of any of the precepts of the law of moses , or statutes of the scribes : the doing of servile worke upon easter eve : the mentioning of the name of god rashly , or by a vaine oath : the inducing of others to prophane the name of god , or to eate holy things without the holy place ; and the like ; more of this elsewhere , in the causes of the jewish excommunication . . m r prynne expoundeth this text in matthew by cor. . , , , . but there the apostle intends the purging of the church from scandals , whether those scandals have any private injury in them or not . instance in idolatry and drunkennesse , there mentioned . . i can also ( without yeelding the least advantage to the erastian cause ) admit and suppose that which is so much pressed both by erastus , m r prynne , and others , viz. that these words , if thy brother trespasse against thee , are spoken of a personall injury between man and man , though i doe not grant the thing , yet i am content , even upon their own supposition , to argue from this text. and first , it may be answered with aegi dius de coninck . de actib . supernat . disp. . dub. . that christ doth not speake of the case of personall injuries , as if he meant to restrict unto such cases the order of proceeding for gaining of the offenders soule from sinne ; h but onely for examples sake he brought such kind of sinne , of which it might have been most doubted , whether in the reproofe thereof this order be to be kept , and in which it can be most hardly observed , in respect of the innate desire of revenge in many . . let our opposites themselves say , whether we ought not in conscience and duty , endeavour the gaining of an offending brothers soule , when we see him commit a trespasse against god , which is no personall injury to our selves , as well as when the trespasse is a personall injury . . as this order of proceeding here prescribed by christ , is ( in the case of a personall injury ) the greatest triall of christian love in the person offended , so it may ( by gods blessing ) be the stronger and more efficacious upon the person offending , to conquer and overcome his spirit , while he that might prosecute him in a legall and criminall way , commeth in meeknesse and love to admonish him , and to endeavour the gaining of him from sin by repentance . which is the observation of chrysostome upon the place , for if he that might demand punishment upon him , even that man be seen to be taking care of his salvation , this most of all other things is able to make him ashamed , and to yeeld . . if it be a civill and personall injury matterially , yet it comes not in here under that formall consideration , but partly as a scandall to him that hath received the injury ( so that chrysostome doth rightly make this text to hang together with that which was said before in the same chapter concerning scandals ) partly as a soul-destroying sinne upon him that doth the wrong , which doth endanger his salvation : and if under such a notion private injuries be here spoken of , then what have our opposites gained ? . the scope also is not civill but wholly spirituall ; which chrysostome doth very well explaine . hom. . in matth. what is it , if he shall heare thee ? if he shall be perswaded to condemne himselfe of sinne . thou hast gained thy brother , he saith not thou bast a sufficient punishment or satisfaction , but thou hast gained thy brother . and after , he saith not accuse , nor censure , nor demand punishments , but convince , saith he . the context confirmeth it ; for these words are added immediately after the parable of bringing home the lost sheep . which parable we have also luke . ( where it is not applied to the reducing of such as have done private injuries , but of publicans and sinners who were publiquely scandalous : this i thought good to note by the way ) ammonius alexandrinus de quatuor evang. consonantia , cap. , . doth together with the parable of the lost sheep , adde also the other two , of the lost penny , and the lost sonne , immediately before these words , if thy brother trespasse against thee &c. . and suppose that the businesse hath its rise and beginning from a personall injury , verse . yet the trespasse for which the man is to be held as a heathen and publican , is a publique scandalous sinne against the church or congregation , namely his neglecting to heare the church vers . . for it is not his first trespasse , but his contumacy against the church , which by this text is to make him esteemed as an heathen and a publican . before i leave this point , i will answer the chief argument by which eràstus would prove that this text is meant only of private civill injuries : because ( saith he ) the trespasse here spoken of is no other then what one brother may forgive to another . i answer , both he and master prynne doe suppose this text mat. , , . to be parallell to that in luk. . . . which they take for granted , without proof or reason . certainly there is a great difference between the purpose and scope of the one place and of the other . it will be replyed that even in this very chapter matth. . the next thing which follows vers . . is concerning personall injuries which one brother can and ought to forgive to another . then came peter to him and said , lord how oft shall my brother sinne against me , and i forgive him ? &c. to that i answer . . we cannot gather from the text that peter did propound this question immediately after or upon occasion of that which went before vers . , , , &c. where nothing is spoken of one brothers forgiving another . we read luk. . . then came to him his mother and his brethren , &c. yet the meaning is not that his mother and his brethren came to him immediately after his speaking of the words before mentioned by luke in that place ; for that it was not after these , but after other words , is plain from the harmony of the other evangelists matthew and mark. so here these words then came peter , may very well relate to a new businesse and to another time . . or if it was the same time , it might be said , then came peter , that is , peter being absent , and not having heard that which christ had been before speaking , he came immediatly after , & did propound a new question . . suppose also that peter was present and heard all which had been before spoken , yet it is much doubted among interpreters , whence peter had the rise and occasion of that question . some think it was upon his calling to minde those words in the rule of prayer , even as we forgive those who trespasse against us . others conceive the occasion of his question was that which was said vers . . againe i say unto you if two of you shall agree on earth , supposing that agreement ( and consequently forgiving of injuries ) is necessary to make our prayers the more effectuall ; for my part , i think it not improbable that whatever the occasion of the question was , vers . beginneth a new and distinct purpose . which i take to be the reason why the arabik here makes an intercision , and beginneth the eight and fiftieth section of matthew at those words , then came peter and said , lord how oft , &c. . and if vers . . have a dependence upon that which went before , it may be conceived thus : christ had said , if thy brother trespasse against thee , goe & tell him his fault betweene thee and him alone , which supposeth a continuance of the former christian fellowship and fraternall familiarity , and that we must not cast off a scandalous brother as lost , or as an enemy , but admonish him as a brother . this might give occasion to peter to aske , lord how oft shall my brother sinne against me , that is , scandalize me by his sinne against god , ( for even in luk. . . . that of forgiving one that trespasseth against us , is added immediately after a doctrine of scandals ; ) and i forgive him , that is , as grotius expounds it , restore him to the former degree of friendship and intimate familiarity , to deale with him thus as with a brother ; which he well distinguisheth from that other forgiving which is a not revenging . and so much of master prynnes first reason . his second reason is because the mention of two or three witnesses vers . . relateth onely to the manner of trying civill capitall crimes ( as murders and the like ) before the civill magistrates of the jewes , &c. not to any proceedings in ecclesiasticall causes , in their ecclesiasticall consistories , of which we find no president . answ. . if this hold , then the text must not be expounded indefinitely of civill injuries ( as he did before ) but of civill capitall injuries , whereas erastus takes the meaning to be of smaller offences onely , and not of capitall crimes . . the law concerning two or three witnesses is neither restricted to capitall crimes , nor to civill judicatories . i appeale to the ordinance of parliament dated octo. . . the elder-ship of every congregation shall judge the matter of scandall aforesaid , being not capitall , upon the testmiony of two credible witnesses , at the least . that law therefore of witnesses is alike applicable to all causes and courts ecclesiasticall and civill deut. . . one witnesse shall not rise up against a man for any iniquity , or for any sinne , in any sin that he sinneth : at the mouth of two witnesses or at the mouth of three witnesses shall the matter be established . . and the same law is in the new testament clearly applied to proceedings in ecclesiasticall causes cor. . . & again tim. . . against the elder receive not an accusation but before two or three witnesses , which is not spoken to any civill magistrate , but to timothy and others joyned with him in church government . his third reason doth onely begge what is in question , that by the church is not meant any ecclesiasticall but a civill court of the jewes . he needed not to cite so many places to prove that the jewes had civill courts . if he could but cite one place , to prove that they had no ecclesiasticall courts , this were to the purpose . not that i grant that at this time the jewes had any civill jurisdiction or jewish court of justice ; for after that herod the great did kill hircanus and the sanhedrin , ( in the opinion of many learned men ) the jewes had no more any civill jurisdiction . now herod the great was dead before the time of christs ministery . others think they had some civill jurisdiction a while after hircanus death . how ever he cannot prove , that at this time when christ said tell the church , the jewes had any civill court of justice , which did exercise either criminall or capitall judgements . i have in the first book shewed out of buxtorf , l'empereur , casauhon , and i. coch. ( who prove what they say from the talmudicall writers ) that yeeres before the destruction of the temple ( and so before christ said tell the church ) the court of civill justice at hierusalem did cease . if master prynne make any thing of this glosse of his , he must prove . that there was no ecclesiasticall court among the jewes . ( i have before proved that that councell of the jewes in christs time was an ecclesiasticall court , though he conceives it was meerely civill ) . that a private civill injury might not then , nor may not now , be brought before a civill court , except after severall previous admonitions despised . . that chists rule , tell the church was antiquated and ceased , when a civill court of justice among the jewes ceased . if he say that the same rule continueth for telling the civill magistrate in case the offender prove obstinate after admonition , then i aske . ● . how will he reconcile himself ? for pag. . he saith the church in this text is onely the sanhedrin or court of civill justice among the jewes . . if this text mat. . was applicable to the primitive church after the destruction of ierusalem , and when there was no jewish sanhedrin to goe to , then the pagan magistracy must passe under the name of the church , for they had no other civill court of justice to goe to . one thing i must needs take notice of , that whereas he would prove here that tell the church , is nothing , but , tell the civill court of justice among the jewes , commonly called the councell saith he , or sanhedrin , he doth hereby overthrow all that he hath been building for the jewish sanhedrin at that time , had not power to judge civill , nor criminall , and least of all capitall offences , but onely causes ecclesiasticall : the romans having taken from them their civill government , and left them no government nor jurisdiction except in matters of religion . i hope master prynne will not in this contradict i erastus . and if so , how shall his glosse stand , that this text is to be understood of civill injuries yea , and of these onely , for remedy whereof he conceives that christ sends his disciples to the jewish sanhedrin ? how sweetly doe his tenents agree together ? his fourth reason is , that those words , let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican , cannot signifie excommunication , because heathen men being never members of the church , could never be excommunicated or cast out of it , being uncapable of such a censure . as for publicans , those of them who were members of the jewish church , though they were execrable to the jewes , by reason of their tax-gatherings and oppressions , yet we never read in scripture , that they were excommunicated or cast out of their synagogues , but contrarily , that they went up into the temple to pray , as well as the pharisees , and were more acceptable to christ himself , &c. so likewise sutlivius ( against beza ) de pres●…yt . cap. . pag. . i answer . by a retortion . master prynne p. . expounds these words , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican , to be meant of avoiding familiar fellowship with the brother that hath committed a civill trespasse , and keeping no more civill company with him . now i argue thus ad hominem . this cannot be the meaning which he gives , because heathens being never admitted into familiar fellowship and company with the jewes ( who might not marry nor familiarly converse with them , as himself proveth pag. . ) could never be cast out of their fellowship and company , being uncapable of any such thing . if our exposition of excommunication must drive us to acknowledge that heathens were formerly members of the jewish church , his exposition of avoiding familiar fellowship , must drive him to acknowledge that formerly the heathens were admitted into familiar fellowship with the jewes . . those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let him be unto thee , &c. do not look backward but foreward ; neither is the matching and comparing of the scandalous impenitent brother , with an heathen , à priori , but à posteriori , so that no comparison is to be made between the praeterite estate of an offending brother , and the praeterite estate of an heathen man , but between the future estate of an offending obstinate brother , and the present estate of an heathen man. . let him be unto thee as an heathen , is as much as have no communion nor fellowship with him in the holy assemblies nor in the temple ; for heathens were not permitted to come into the temple ezek. . . . act. . . whereupon paul is accused for bringing greeks into the temple and so polluting that holy place act. . . heathens were excluded from atrium israelis , the court of israel , which was without the court of the priests . there was without the court of israel , atrium gentium , the court of the heathen , otherwise called intermurale , because it lay between the temple and the utter wall mentioned ezek. . . into this utmost court or intermurale heathen men were admitted to come and worship there , according to that kings . . . chro. . . they might not onely come into the holy land , but to the holy city , and not onely to the holy city , but to the mountain of the house of the lord , yea , not onely to the mountaine of the temple , but within the utter wall : yet into the court of israel which was properly the first or utter court of the temple , they were forbidden to enter . he that would be further satisfied that these things were so , let him read ioseph . antiq . lib. . cap. . t●…status in . reg. . quaest . . arias montanus de saer . fabric . pag. . azorius instit . moral tom. . lib. chap. . l'empereur annot. in cod middoth cap. . sect. . peradventure you will say , if it was thus , then an excommunicate person being esteemed as an heathen , must not g●t leave to heare the word , nor at all to enter into the places of publike ass●molies where the word was preached . answ. i will not now debate that point . others have debated it with the anabaptists who hold that excommunicate persons ought not be admitted to the hearing of the word . luc. osiand . enchirid. contra anab. c. . quest . . but however it doth not follow upon what i have said , that excommunicate persons must be wholly excluded from hearing of the word . first , because the places of our publike worship have no sacramentall significancy or holinesse as the temple and tabernacle had of old : therefore say the professors of leyden there is not the like reason to exclude excommunicate persons wholly from our temples , as there was excluding them from the temple of ierusalem . . because both christ io. . . and the apostles acts . . did use to preach in solomons porch , ( b ) this porch so called was the great east porch in the intermurale , whether heathens were admitted , and so they did hear the word , though they had no leave to come into the court of israel , there to have fellowship with or to be esteemed and reputed among the people of god. yea , as master selden tells us de jure nat . & gent. lib. . cap. . some understand by solomons porch act . . . & . . the very court of the gentiles , into which they came to worship , which gentiles were not withstanding forbidden by a superscription under paine of death to enter into the court of israel , or into that which iosephus calls the second temple . iosephus doth also make mention of foure porches of the temple ; into the utmost of which ( & this is certainly meant of solomons porch ) it was lawful for heathens to come . contra appron . l. . . for the other part , let him be unto thee as a publican , if the meaning were no more but this avoid all fellowship and familiarity with him , it doth not hurt our exposition : exclusion from the temple being clearly signified by his being as an heathen : and avoiding of fellowship with him being in the most emphaticall manner further expressed by his being as a publicans both these put together do the more fully hold forth excommunication . and in this sence some resolve the words . . yet let us see how master prynne proves that the publicans were admitted into the temple or synagogues . he tells us that christ received them or conversed with them , as if the meaning had been to compare an impenitent brother with penitent publicans , luk. . . who drew neer to christ to heare him luk. . . who left all and followed christ to be among his disciples matth. . . luk. . , . mark. . . who justified god luk. . . who knew themselves to be sick of soule-diseases matth. . , . these very places cited by himself make against him . however the question is how publicans were esteemed of in the jewish church ( for that is the thing pointed at in those words , let him be unto thee as a publican ) for that , he objecteth that publicans went up into the temple to pray . if he meane that publicans who were neither devout jewes nor proselytes , went up into the temple to pray , had accesse to and fellowship in the sacrifices and temple worship , as well as the jewes themselves , it s more than he can prove . if he mean that publicans who were jewes or proselytes , went up into the temple to pray , it helpeth him not , except he can prove that when christ saith , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican , the meaning is of such a publican as was a devout jew or proselyte . and if so , then he had to prove that the jewes did not keep civill company or fellowship , so much as with the religious publicans with whom they went together to the temple to pray and worship . this also he hath to prove , not that religious publicans ( of whom christ means not ) but that impious infamous publicans came to the temple . . that passage luke . . concerning the publicans goe ing up to the temple to pray ; first , it is expressely declared to be a parable vers. . and therefore can not prove the reality of the thing according to the letter , no more than an audible conference between abraham and the rich man in hell can be proved from luke . . to the end of the chapter , ( though i believe that be a history related parabolically , as v●…ssius proveth in his theses : ) farre lesse can a parable properly so called prove an historicall narration . the meaning may be no other but this , that if such a publican and such a pharisee should goe up to the temple to pray , then the one should depart justified , and the other not . . i can also grant without any prejudice to the businesse of excommunication that the publican , yea an execrable publican did goe up to the temple to pray . for an excommunicate person among the jewes ( as many thinke ) so long as there was hope of his repentance , had leave to come into the utter court of the temple , yet so that they came in at the gate of the mourners , and excommunicate persons were known by all that saw them , to be excommunicate persons . more of this booke . cap. . . this very text luke . helpes us . for t is said vers. . the publican stood afarre off , that is , ( in the opinion of diodati ) in some remote part of the first court of the temple , kings . . it is very probable ( whereof see book . chap. . that the intermurale or atrium gentium is meant , which sometime hath the name of the temple . to the publicans standing afarre off is opposed the pharisees standing by himselfe , vers. . where i construct 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as camero doth : so camerarius and beza following the syriack and some old greek copies : he stood apart by himselfe , the very custome making it so , that the publican should not come neere him , but stand in atrio gentium . . the reason why publicans are named as hatefull and execrable persons , was not for civill respects , nor because publicans , ( for the jewes themselves did not refuse to keep company with good and just publicans , as i shall prove afterwards : ) particularly , it was not for their tax-gathering ( a particular mentioned by m r prynne , it seems to strengthen his exposition of civill injuries ) but for divers scandalous sinnes and abominable prophanesse , therefore publicans and sinners , publicans and harlots , publicans and gluttons , and wine-bibbers are almost synonyma's in the gospell , matth. . . & . . & . . murke . . luke . . and publicans are named as the worst of men , matth. . , . the most of them being so reputed . from all this which hath been said in answer to his fourth reason it appeareth that let him be to thee as an heathen and a publican , is more than he would make it , keepe not any familar company , or have no civill fellowship with him . and whereas page . he saith that paul expresly interprets it so , cor. . , , . thess . . ephes. . . rom. . . i answer out of himselfe , in that same place , and pag. . let him be to thee as an heathen , &c. is a phrase never used elsewhere in scripture . how then , saith he , that paul doth expresly interpret it ? paul commandeth to withdraw fellowship , ( and that for any scandalous sin in a church-member , although it be no private injury to us , as the places quoted by himselfe make it manifest ) therefore paul doth expresly interpret that phrase mat. . to be meant of withdrawing civill fellowship only . what consequence is there here ? i come to his fifth and last reason , the words runue only , let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican , not to the whole church . answ. . this is the very thing he said in his first quaere , which is answered before . i shall onely adde here another answer out of l erastus , who argueth thus : one brother should forgive another seventy times in a day , if the offending brother doe so oft turn againe and crave pardon : therefore so should the church doe to a sinner that craveth pardon , even as often as he doth crave pardon . for ( saith he ) there can be no just reason given wherefore the whole church ought not to doe herein , what church members ought to doe severally . if this be a good argument when christ saith , if thy brother repent , forgive him , luke . . ( by which place m r prynne expoundeth matth. . . ) will it not be as good an argument , let him be to thee as an heathen and a publican , therefore let him be such to the whole church , when the whole church is offended by his obstinacy and impenitency ? . those words , let him be to thee , cannot be restrictive . it must be at least extended to all such as are commanded to rebuke their brother , and if he continue obstinate to tell the church . now the commandement for rebuking our brother that fals into a scandalous sinne , is not restricted to him that is personally or particularly wronged , but it is a common law of spirituall love , levit. . . yea , saith m r hildersham , lect . . on psal. . every man hath received ●… commandement from christ , to inform●… the governours of the church of such a brother as cannot otherwise be reformed , matth. . . tell the church . if it belong to every church member to reprove a scandalous sinne which his brother committeth in his ●ight or hearing , or to his knowledge , and if he repent not , to tell the church , then it also belongs to every church member to esteeme him as an heathen man and a publican , if he heare not the church . . the next words , whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in hraven , being spoken to the apo les , and in them to other mini●ers of jesus christ , doe expound the former words let him be unto thee , &c. to be meant not of private withdrawing of fellowship , but of a publique church censure . . the reason why chri● will have such an offender to be esteemed as an heathen man and a publican , is not the offence and fault first committed , but his obstinacy and contumacy in that offence , and his neglecting to heare the church . so that suppose the offence had been a private or personall injury ; yet that for which thē offender is to be esteemed as an heathen and a publican , toucheth the whole church , and is a generall scandall to them all , namely his contumacy and not hearing the church . how can it then be imagined , that christ would onely have one church member to esteem a man as an heathen and a publican , for that which is a common generall scandall to the whole church ? m munsterus in his annotations upon matth. . doth better hit the meaning , that the offender is to be esteemed as an heathen man and a publiean , by those who did before admonish him but were despised , that is , by the church , whose admonitions being despised , they ought to cast out him who had despised them . . and how can it be supposed , that christ would have one and the same person to be as a heathen man and a publican to one member of the church , and yet not to be as ● heathen man and a publican , but as a brother received in fellowship by the whole church ? sure this were a repugnancy between the judgement of the whole church , and the judgement of one member of the church : and two things which are repugnant can not be both of them agreeable to the will of christ. chap. iii. a further demonstration that these words , let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican , are not meant of avoyding civill , but religious or church-fellowship . i hope i have already made it to appeare that to draw excommunication from matth. . is not to extract water out of flint , as m r prynne supposeth : but that it commeth as liquidè from the text , as water out of the fountaine . wherein i am the more confirmed , because m r prynnes exposition of these words , let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican , can not stand , for he takes the sence to be no more but this , keepe not any civill fellowship or company with such a one . now that this can not be our saviours meaning , i prove thus . . if a private man shall thus at his owne hand withdraw and separate from an offending brother , as from an heathen man and a publican , n what order , peace , or good government can there be either in church or state ? and all the odium cast upon excommunication ( as contrary to the spirituall priviledges of christians ) will fall more heavy upon his owne way , which brings any man ( be he prince , parliament-man , pastor , or whoever he be ) under so much slavery to the lust of any private person , that he may be by that person ( and by ten thousand persons more , in case of so many civill injuries , not amended after complaint to the magistrate ) esteemed , avoyded , and abhorred , as an heathen man and a publican . so that in the issue it may fall out , that any man how eminent or deserving soever he be in church or state , may be looked upon as a heathen and a publican by ten thousand of the people , before ever he be so judged by any judicature . for instance , put case that a minister be judicially convict to have wronged his parishioners in the matter of small tythes , and they conceive him to persevere in the same injury , must or may each of them flee from him as from an heathen and a publican ? put case a whole company thinke themselves wronged in pay or otherwise by their captaine , or a whole regiment by their colonell , and after complaint made finde themselves not repaired , are they therefore free to avoyd all civill company with the captaine or colonell , and to flee from them as from heathens and publicans ? and what if both the lord major of london and many godly ministers who have eate at his table , should accuse mr. prynne of a calumny , because of that passage in his booke , pag. . where he saith of anabaptists , separatists , independents , presbyters or divines , neither of which make any conscience of not repairing to the lord majors , or any other publique city feast , where they are sure of good fare , because they were certaine there to meet and eate with some covetous or other scandalous persons , with whom st. paul probibtes them , no not to eate ? if , i say , the lord major should accuse m r prynne for slandering him and his house with the company of scandalous persons : and if many godly conscientious ministers should accuse him for aspersing them , as having more love to good fare , then conscience of avoyding to eate with scandalous persons : and if after sentence past against m r prynne he should still continue impenitent and not confesse his fault in this particular ? will he allow the lord major , and all the godly ministers who have eaten at the lord majors table to avoyd m r prynne as an heathen and a publican ? let hm take heed whether his principles will lead him . . m r prynne saith pag. . that let him be to thee as an heathen and a publican , is interpreted by cor. . , , . thess. . . and elsewhere by paul. now that place of the corinthians which he citeth , is meant of excommunication , as shall be proved in due time . and vers . . ( cited by himselfe ) makes it plaine , that a judiciall act , not a private mans withdrawing onely , is meant ; for that verse speaks twice of judging , an apostolicall judgeing , and an ecclesiasticall judging . and the best interpreters expound thess. . . of church censures . it s not the case of private civill injucies which the apostle there speaks of , but the case of publique scandall , if any man be disobedient to the apostolicall epistle , note that man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , put a marke upon him , that is , let him be publiquely censured , let him be separated from you , saith the syriak , and then have no company with him , and all this that he may be ashamed , which must needs be by some publique censure or blacke mark put upon him . . let him be to thee as an heathen ; if it be meant of keeping no civil company , he must shew us that the jews of old were and christians under the new testament are forbidden to keepe civill company with heathens and those that are without the church . he goeth about to prove that the phrase is taken from the practice of the jewes in that age , pag. . but how doth he prove it ? he citeth some places to prove that the israelites might not marry with the canaanites , but he doth not prove that they might not keep civill company with any of the heathens . there was no such favour nor fellowship permitted between the israelites and the canaanites , as between the israelites and other gentiles who came among them from other lands , as tostatus noteth in matth. . quaest . . the reason was because god had destinat the canaanites to utter destruction , and that the whole land of canaan should be given to the children of israel . onely some few by speciall dispensation were spared as the gibeonites because ioshua and the princes had sworne unto them , and rahab with her kindred because she saved the spies . but such extraordinary cases excepted , the israelites ought not to permit any of the canaanites to live , nor receive them though they had been willing to be circumcised as tostatus there thinketh . however that great distance and alienation in point of fellowship between the israelites and the canaanites , was not qua heathens , but qua canaanites , otherwise the children of israel had been obliged to root out other nations as well as the canaanites . yea the law puts an expresse difference between the nations , in so much that some of them were not to be abominate , though others were , deut. . . thou shalt not abhorre an edomite , for he is thy brother : thou shalt not abhorre an egyptian , because thou wast a stranger in his land. the very canaanites themselves were by the law , deut. . , . to have so much favour as an offer of peace , which if any of their cities had accepted , that city was not to be cut off , but the people thereof were to be tributaries , and to serve israel , and so permitted to live among them . the last of his citations maketh very much against him , namely , acts . , . where the jewes of asia doe accuse paul for bringing greekes into the temple . for they had seen before with him in the city trophimus an ephesian , whom they supposed that paul had brought into the temple . marke here paul is not challenged for conversing familiarly with a greeke , but onely for bringing him into the temple ; and without all doubt the malice of his adversaries did catch at every advantage which they could have against him . i cannot but admire how m. prynne could cite this place to prove that the jewes might not converse nor keepe civill company with the heathens , since it proveth the very contrary , that the jewes might have civill , but no religious fellowship with heathens . and whereas he addeth that the jewes had no dealing or conversation with the samaritans , joh. . . luke . , . i answer , the reason was because the jewish church had excommnnicated and anathematized for ever the samaritans , who being once circumcised and having received the booke of the law , did afterward hinder the building of the house of the lord. this excommunication of the cuthites or samaritans most solemnly performed you may finde in pirke r. ecclesiae , cap. . more of this elsewhere . here i onely touch it , to shew that this also of the samaritans makes against him . . it is certaine that the jewes had civill company and conversation with heathens . for solomons servants and hirams servants were both together . kings . . chr. . . yea , chr. . , . solomon numbred of strangers or heathens in the land of israel , a hundred fifty and three thousand and six hundred . could there be so many of them and employed also in the building of the temple , and yet no civill company kept with them ? nehemiah in the court of artaxerxes , and daniel with his companions in the court of nebuchadnenar had civill company with heathens , but religious company with them they would have none . we finde the king of edom in fellowship with iehoshaphat and iehoram , kings . and the merchants of tyre were permitted to come into ierusalem , and there to fell all manner of ware unto the children of iuda , onely they were forbidden to doe it upon the sabbath day , nehem. . , , . l'empereur de legibus ebraeorum forensibus pag. , . putteth it out of controversie , that in christs time there were many heathens in the land of canaan with whom the jewes did converse and dwell together ; and that christ found in those places where he preached both jewes and gentiles . istis locis inter istos commorabantur gentiles , qui magistrorum placitis se astringi passi non sunt . and a little after , nec enim israelitas ab alienigenarum urbibus abstinuisse , iosephus indicat . and that long before that time there was a mutuall conversing of jewes and gentiles , i gather from kings . . thou shalt make streets for thee in damascus as my father made in samaria , meaning for trade and commerce . i will here anticipate a great objection which may be made against me , from acts . . ye know that it is an unlawfull thing for a man that is a jew to keepe company or come unto one of another nation . this might seem to make more for m r prynnes exposition , then all the places cited by himselfe . but i answer , for the better understanding of that place , first of all observe what drusius quaest. & resp . lib. . quaest . . tels us out of elias in thesbite : the jewes had an old law against drinking wine with gentiles or heathens , lata videlicet eo tempore quo gentes vinum libabant in sacris , the law was made at that time when the gentiles used a praelibation of wine in their idolatrous solemnities : whereupon the wise men of the jewes fearing lest heathen men should give to jewes that wine which had been dedicated to idols did forbid the jewes to drinke wine with heathens : which ( as other statutes of their wise men ) the jewes did religiosè religiously observe . marke we hence , . it was not a generall received custome among the jewes , in no case to eate or drinke with heathens ; else it had been unnecessary and supervacaneous to forbid the drinking of wine with heathens , exceptio affirmat regulam in non exceptis . . it was for a religious and consciencious reason , propter 〈◊〉 idololatriae , for feare of pertaking with idolatry , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 civill respects , that they were forbidden to drinke wine with the gentiles . the same i say of their shunning to eate with them , for the heathens used also a dedicating of their meats to idols , cor. . . secondly , observe peter addeth immediately : but god hath shewed me that i should not call any man common or uncleane : meaning , so as not to keepe company with him because of his gentilisme or uncircumcision , or because of his eating of meats which were uncleane by the ceremoniall law , as ludovicus de dieu doth rightly give the meaning , understanding , not morall , but onely ceremoniall uncleannesse to be there spoken of ; for many men under the gospell are still to be looked upon and avoyded as morally uncleane . but god had taught peter by abrogating the ceremoniall differences of meats in the vision , that the ceremoniall law which was the partition wall between jewes and gentiles , was now to be taken away : so that the gentiles should be no longer called dogs , as matth. . . neither were the disciples to be forbidden any longer to goe into the way of the gentiles , matth. . . henc forth no man should be called holy because of his circumcision , no man uncleane because of his uncircumcision . this being the meaning , it followeth that the unlawfulnesse of eating and companying with an heathen mentioned act. . . must not be so understood , as if bare civill fellowship had been unlawfull ; but it must be understood , first , in reference to the morall law , that is for avoiding the danger of idolatry in eating or drinking that which idolatrous heathens had sacrificed to idolls , as hath been just now cleared . secondly , in reference to the ceremoniall law , or of such fellowship as was contrary to the ceremoniall law , in eating together with heathens of meats legally unclean , such as were represented to peter in the vision , and he commanded to eate what was formerly unclean to him . otherwise when the gentiles did not eat any thing which the jewes were forbidden to eat , it was lawfull for the jewes to eat with the gentiles saith tostatus in . paral. . quest. . so likewise grotius de jure belli ac pacis lib. . cap. . sect. . where he referreth the jewes their not eating with the heathens , to the law of meats or the peculiaris victus which was prescribed to the jewes . but otherwise the law did not make it unlawfull for them to eat with any of another nation : which he thinks is proved by christs own example who took a drink of water from the woman of samaria , being yet most observant of the law. that the unlawfulnesse of eating with the heathens was understood in reference to the ceremoniall law , i prove , from gal. . . . peter having before eaten with the gentiles , to avoid the scandall of some jewes that came from iames , did withdraw and separate himself from the believing gentiles : what ? to keep no more any civill company with them . i hope no man will imagine that . but the text expounds it selfe vers . . if thou being a iew , livest after the manner of the gentiles , and not as doe the iewes , why compellest thou the gentiles to live as doe the iewes ? this was peters fault , that having formerly lived as the gentiles , that is , eating with them all sorts of meats freely , thinking himself liberate from the yoke of the ceremoniall law , afterward he withdrew and separated himself from that manner of fellowship with the centiles , and bound up himselfe to live as doe the jewes , and to observe the distinction of meats according to the law. and in so doing , whiles he avoided the scandall of the jewes , he gave a greater scandall to the gentiles in compelling them by the authority of his example to judaize , and to thinke the ceremoniall law necessary . thirdly , the foresaid place act. . is to be understood of such fellowship as was not meerely civill , but religious and sacred : as may appear , . by the exposition formerly given of these words , god hath shewed me that i should not call any man common or unclean . . by the invitation of the men that were sent from cornelius to peter who did not call him to civill but to sacred fellowship act. . . and they said , cornelius the conturion , a just man and one that feareth god , and of good report among all the nation of the jewes , was warned from god by an holy angell , to send for thee into his house and to heare words of thee . . peter calls in the men and lodgeth them ; that being a civill fellowship , he doth it freely , v. . but when he comes to cornelius and those that were assembled with him , to heare words from peter , here was the case of conscience , and here peter beginneth to apologize v. . ye knew how that it is an unlawfull thing , &c. the syriak hath it thus , ye know that it is not lawfull for a man that is a jew to joyn himself unto a man that is a stranger , who is not a sonne of his generation : as it were intimating a religious and church fellowship . . that which gave offence to them of the circumcision at ierusalem . was , that they heard peter had so gone in to men uncircumcised , that they had also received the word of god from him act. . . . and as soone as they were satisfied in that point , that god had given unto the gentiles repentance unto life vers . . they held their peace , and made no further scruple concerning eating with them . i hope i have sufficiently answered the strongest objection which can be made against that which i did begin to prove , namely , that the jewes might and did keep civill company and fellowship with heathens . which that i may now further consirme , let it be observed with schindlerus in lexic. pentaglo p. . that there were two sorts of proselytes among the jewes . some that were circumcised and received the law of moses ; and such a one was even as a jew , and was called proselytus justitiae or faederis , a righteous or a true proselyte , or a proselyte of the covenant . others , that did onely renounce ldolatry and keep the seven precepts given to the sonnes of noah , not being circumcised nor keeping the law of moses , were permitted to dwell with the jewes , and therefore such a one was called proselytus portae or proselytus incola , a proselyte of the gate , or a proselyte indweller , who dwelt within their gates . see for the same thing l'empereur de legibus ebraeorum forensibus pag. buxtorflexic . rabbin . p. . . grotius de jure belli acpacis lib. . cap. . sect. . henr. vorstius observ . ad chronol . r. ganz . pag. . georgius genzius in annot . ad maimon . canon . ethic. p. . . to the same purpose , master ainsworth annot . in gen. . . and on exod. . . and on levit. . . hath noted out of the hebrew writers : that such of the heathens as did observe the seven precepts given to the sonnes of noah , though they were not circumcised , neither did observe the ordinances of the ceremoniall law , nor were admitted to the holy things of the children of israel , yet they were permitted to cohabit and converse with the people of god in the holy land. and that it was so , may be proved from levit. . . . . ( where the chaldee hath an uncircumcised indweller ) deut. . . yea , such a one might dwell in the priests house lev. . . the jewes receive no proselyte now except one that undertakes to keep the whole law to the least jote , as doctor buxtorf informes us in the place last cited : and so they are a great deale more strict in reference to the gentiles then the antient jewes were . notwithstanding they doe without scruple familiarly converse and keep company with gentiles who keep not the last of the seven precepts which bind ( as they think ) all the sonnes of noah , namely that concerning the not eating of blood . how much more may we suppose that the antient jewes did keep civill company and fellowship with such gentiles as did observe all these seven precepts ? and this comparison the jewes have made between themselves and the gentiles in reference to the law of moses . it is our inheritance , not theirs : as for them , let them observe the seven precepts . exc. gem. sanhedrin . cap. . sect. . so that the jewes were not scandalized at the gentiles their not observing of the whole law of moses , not being circumcised , &c. but at their not keeping of those seven precepts , which were also a part of the law of moses . this to me appeareth to be a chief reason ( if not the reason ) why the synod of the apostles & elders at ierusa . did impose upon the churches of the gentiles no other burthen of jewish rites & ceremonies , but to abstain from blood & things strangled : they did not impose circumcision , nor holy dayes , nor the like : because that which was intended was , to draw together the beleevers of the jewes & the beleevers of the gentiles into a familiar conversation , that they might live together and eat together without scandall : and this could not be , except the beleiving gentiles should observe the seven precepts which were given not onely to the posterity of abraham , but to the posterity of noah ; of which precepts one did forbid the eating of blood gen. . . ( and under that is comprehended also the eating of things strangled ) now there was no doubt of the beleiving gentiles their observing of the other six precepts which the hebrewes say were observed from adam to noah : the first against idolatry , . against blasphemy , . against shedding of blood , . against uncleannesse or unlawfull copulations , . against rapine or robbery , . for executing judgement and inflicting punishment upon malefactors . all the question was of the seventh and last against eating of blood , which the beleiving gentiles ( though they knew it to be older then the ceremoniall law or circumcision it self , and to belong to all the posterity of noah , yet ) knew to be temporary and not perpetuall , and so at the abrogation of the other ceremonies , and propagation of the gospell to the gentiles , thought themselves free from that , as well as other ceremonies . on the other part , it was a principle among the jewes , that they ought not to converse familiarly with any of the gentiles , except such as observe the seven precepts given to the sonnes of noah . wherefore the synod of the apostles and elders thought good that the beleiving gentiles should so farre condescend to the weaknesse of the jewes ( not fully instructed concerning christian liberty , and the abrogation of the old ceremonies ) as to observe for a time that precept against eating blood , as well as the other precepts given to the sonnes of noah ; to the intent that the jewes and gentiles might peaceably and familiarly cohabite and converse together : for though the gentiles did not observe the other ordinances and ceremonies of the jewes : yet observing those seven precepts , they were free to converse familiarly with the jewes . schindlerus in his lexicon pentagl . pag. . land pag. seemeth to have had the same notion ; for he saith the apostles and elders would not impose circumcision and the keeping of the law of moses , but they imposed some things not unlike to the precepts given to the sonnes of noah . i returne to that distinction of the two sorts of proselytes . the one had the name of ger tzedek a proselyte of righteousnesse , and ger berith , a proselyte of the covenant . the other was called ger toschav , a prosclyte indweller and ger schagnar , a proselyte of the gate , qui intra portas , inter judaeos scilicet habitabat , who dwelt within the gates , to wit among the jewes saith matthias martinius in lexic . philol . pag. . this proselyte indweller was not called nor esteemed as one of the jewes , being no church member , nor admitted to any religious or church commnnion with the jewes , but he was still esteemed and reckoned as one of the uncircumcised gentiles . yet the iewes did keep civill company and fellowship with such a one , as with a neighbour and a inhabitant of the same city , or land. and if the jewes had not been free to keep civill company with heathens or infidells , yet christians are expressely allowed to do so . cor. . . if any of them that beleeve not , bid you to a feast , aud ye be disposed to go , whatsoever is set before you , eat , asking no question for conscience sake ; and ch. . . . . the apostle permitteth christians to company and eat with fornicators , covetous , extortioners , or idolaters , who are no church-members , but by no meanes with scandalous brethren . i doe not dispute whether any more liberty of this kind is granted to christians , then peradventure was granted to the jewes . yet i am sure a great measure of the liberty of civill fellowship with heathens was granted to the jewes also . it must needs follow from that which hath been said , that , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican , is not a casting out from mere civill fellowship and company , but from religious and church-fellowship . this agreeth well with that passage in iosephus contra appionem lib. . whoever ( of the gentiles ) are willing to come and live under our law , it doth freely receive them esteeming communion to consist not onely in origination or descent , but also in choyce of life . but as for those ( of the gentiles ) who come occasionally among us , our law doth not admit them into our solemne or sacred assemblies , but it appointeth to communicate unto them all such things as they need , as fire , water meat , also to shew them the way , and to let none of them be unburied . ( so likewise publicans noted for impiety and injustice were permitted to be city members , but not owned for church-members ) grotius de jure belli ac pacis lib. . c. . sect. . holds that it was lawfull for the jewes , not onely to have company and commerce with heathens , but to doe them good and to enter in league and covenant with them , such onely excepted as the law did accurse , namely the seven nations in canaan , the amalekites , ammonites and moabites . he brings among other things the example of the asmonites , who as they were themselves skilled in the law , so with the approbation both of priests and people , they made a covenant with the lacedemonians and romanes : yea publikely prayed for them . learned master selden de jure nat . & gent. lib. . c. doth not onely confirme what hath been said before of the proselyti domicilii , heathens not circumcised nor keeping the law of moses , but observing the seven precepts given to the sonnes of noah , and that such were permitted to dwell together with the children of israel ; but he further tells us out of maimonides that though when the jewish republike did flourish and when they were sui juris , no strangers were permitted to dwell among them except such as did renounce idolatry and keep the seven precepts , yet after the captivity and under the romans , the jewes did allow to themselves a common commerce and civill conversing even with such gentiles , as had not renounced the pagan or idolatrous worship ; & as for such of the gentiles , as the jewes did observe to be good men whom they called ex piis è gentibus mundi , such as cornelius the centurion , to whom the jewes themselves gave a good estimony of these he saith that though they were not formally admitted and received as proselyte indwellers were wont to be ( that formall reception of proselyti domicilii having ceased in those later times ) yet he puts it out of doubt that the jewes were willing that such gentiles should dwell among them . adde hereunto that which gul. vorstius annot . in maimon . de fundam●…legis cap. . sect. . observeth ou● of beth joseph de idololat . and out of aboda zara , that a heathen man was permitted to be phi●tian to a jew , provided that he should not entice him to idolatry : and that a jew also was permitted to be physitian to a gentile , for which purpose they alledged the example of moses who ( as their tradition told them ) did practice medicine in egypt . furthermore when master prynne understands nothing by those words let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican , but avoid civill fellowship and keep no familiar company with him , and expounds it also by cor. . . with such a one not to eat ( which he still conceives to be onely meant of avoiding civill fellowship ) and by . io. . receive him not into thy house . he is twice out , both because the jewes did keep civill company with heathens which hath been proved : and also because ( if we beleive the jewish writters concerning the customes of their nation ) the rabbies or wise men among them did not keep familiar fellowship nor civill company with the plebeians of the jewes themselves : they were forbidden to eat and drink with or among the plebeians . maimen de fundam . legis cap. . sect. . neither might they converse in the paths nor come into the houses of the plebeians . ibid. sect. . gul. vorstius in his annot . pag. . addeth a passage in misua that a wise man might neither lodge with a plebeian nor receive a plebeian to lodge with him . neverthelesse a wise man was permitted to converse not onely civilly but frequently with an heathen man , for which see master selden de jure nat . & gent. lib. . cap. . quoniam nihil mali ex gentilium consuetudine viro scientiori im●…inere censebant . so that in master pryn●… sence , all the plebeians of the jewes themselves were as heathens and publicans , or civilly excommunicated by their wise men . wherefore we must needs distinguish a two fold communion or fellowship among the jewes , one civill , another ecclesiasticall ; it was the shutting out from the ecclesiasticall communion of the jewes , which christ alludes to mat. . for beside the distinct notions of the jewish church and the jew state ( of which before ) is. abrabanel de capitc fidei cap. . speaking of certaine fundamentall articles which the jewish church did beleive , saith , they were intended to be articles of judaisme , so that he that should beleive these should be in the communion of israel : and ib. cap. . speaking of an article concerning the coming of the messiah , he moves a doubt about it , because rabbi hillell who denieth it , was not excluded from the communion of the law , for the gema●…a gives him the title of rabbi . when he comes to the solution of this doubt cap. . he cleares rabbi hillell , as not denying that article . but all this intimateth that for heresy there was a shutting out from ecclesiasticall communion : or that an hereticall apostat jew was unto them as an heathen man ; and therefore they were permitted to take usury as from strangers or heathens , so from an apostat jew , quia fratris nomen exuerat saith master selden de jure nat . & gent. lib. c. . in tzemach david edit . hen. uorst . pag. . it is said that the chief of the hereticks were tzadok and baythos , who denying rewards and punishments after this life , exiverunte communione ( vel caetu israelis ) they went out from the ecclesiasticall communion of israel . this is good reason to say of a sonne of israel , if he be a sonne of belial , let him be to thee as an heathen , that is , esteeme him as prophane , and as lost as an heathen ; have no more church communion with him then with an heathen . and by this time i suppose it doth fully appeare to the intelligent reader that some uncircumcised heathens were admitted in to the civill fellowship , and some israelites continued not in the ecclesiasticall fellowship of ihe jewes : which overturneth the whole strength of m r prynnes answer to our argument from matth. but once more , ( for i have thought good to insist the longer upon this point , because much dependeth upon it . ) let him be to thee as an heathen , doth forbid ecclesia●icall communion , not civill company except secondarily & as a consequent of excommunication , & for spirituall respects and ends ( as i shall shew anon ) but it is not meant of abstaining from meere civil company & fellowship : because the jews were permitted to keep civil company and fellowship with heathens , even any civill company which did not encroach upon religion , or had appearance of an ensnarement into idolatry , and in that respect ( as participating of religious fellowship ) became unlawfull . this is the point i have been proving , and which i will yet further prove out of maim mides de idolalotria cap ▪ . that one chapter is sufficient to 〈◊〉 the present question . thus it begins . three daies before the feasts ( or holydaies ) of heathens that worship idols , we are forbidden to buy from them , or to sell unto them any durable thing ; to take or give any thing in lend ; to take or make payment of that which was given in lend upon writ , or pledge ; but what was given in lend upon words onely , it is lawfull to exact ; because this seemeth to be taken out of their hands . it is also lawfull to sell unto them , that which can not last , as green herbs or anything sodden ; and that ever untill their holy day . you see it was lawfull among the jewes to buy and sell , borrow and lend , to make contracts , with heathens , yea with idolatrous heathens ; onely in some ( not in all ) things there was a restraint upon them , and that but three daies before the heathen sestivities . then follows sect. . this hath place in the land of the israelites : but in the other lands , it is not forbidden except upon their holy day . if any man transgresse , by having trade or commerce with them , during that space of three daies , it is lawfull ( though ) to use the ware : but if any man trade with them upon their holyday , the things are forbidden to be used . it is unlawfull also to send a gift to an heathen man upon his holy day : unlesse it be known that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n●…t 〈◊〉 the worship of idols , neither ser●…eth them . but if som●… 〈◊〉 m●…n upon his holyday send a gift to an israelite , let him not take it from him , 〈◊〉 it be suspected that h●… will be offended . nevertheless●… he shall not use it , untill it be known that the heathen man doth not worship idols nor esteem them to be gods. observe . that the things mentioned in the first section , though unlawfull to the ●ewes in their own land , three daies before the heath●nish 〈◊〉 , yet they held them not unlawfull in other lands . . they held it lawfll for a jew to send a gift to an heathen man , or to receive a gift from him , so that it were not upon the heathenish festivity . . yea in some cases it was permitted to a jew to send a gift to an heathen man , upon the very heathen festivity , ( to wit , if he knew that heathen man to be no worshipper of idols ) as likewise to receive a gift from him ( though upon the holy day ) for avoyding of offence . sect. . reckoneth among the heathenish festivities a day set apart by them for coronation of a king , or in memory of a mans nativity , deliverance out of danger , or the like . then it is added sect. . but with those idolaters who spend that day in mirth and gladnesse , eating and drinking , and observe that day whether for custome or for the kings honour , neverthelesse hold it not for a holy day , it is lawfull to have commerce and trade . wh●n conversing with heathens did not entrench upon religion , they could doe it without scruple , even upon the heathens good daies or solemnities of joy . then sect. . is israelites dwell among heathens with whom they have made a cov●…nt , it is lawfull to sell armes to the kings servants and to his military forces , &c. it is unlawfull to enter into a town in which idolatry is practiced : it is lawfull to come out of it . but if the idoll be without the town , it is also lawfull to enter in it . if the jewes might dwell among and enter into league and covenant with heathens , yea enter into the townes of idolaters , when the idoll was not in town , then they held it not unlawfull to have any civill company with heathens . it follows sect. . it is lawfull to goe to the markets or faires of heathens , and to buy from them beasts , men-servants , maid-servants , though they be yet heathens : also houses fields , vineyards . also for writing ( contracts ) it is permitted to goe to their judiciall courts . if it be objected that sect. . doth forbid an israelite to come to the banquet of a heathen , which he hath made for his sonne or for his daughter ; i answer from that very place . for lest this should be taken for a prohibition of civill fellowship , maimonides did adde these words . now this intervall is appointed for idolatry : for it is said , and one call thee , and thou eate of his sacrifice , and thou take of their daughters unto thy sonnes , and they goe a wboring after their gods : citing exod. . , . from all which i conclude , that christs words , relating to the jewish custome , let him be to thee as a heathen man , cannot be meant ( as m r prynne would have them ) of avoyding meere civill company and fellowship ; for as much as it was not held unlawfull among the jewes to have civill company and commerce with heathens . sure the jewes of our age are farre from holding such a thing unlawfull . yea so farre i am unsatisfied with m r prynnes interpretation , that i verily believe ( and so doe some others ) a part of the intendment of these words , let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican , is to hold forth the lawfulnesse , yea the obligation of performing all naturall ( and in diverse cases morall ) duties to a person excommunicated : i meane that the text doth intimate thus much . as upon the one hand the contumacious offender who will not heare the church , is to be used no better than an heathen or a prophane publican , and is not to be admitted to any ordinance , except such as heathens and prophane publicans are and may be admitted unto ; so upon the other hand , let him have no worse usage and entertainment , then those very heathens and publicans , unto whom all naturall and some morall duties are performed , notwithstanding they be heathens and publicans . for the apostle commandeth christians to be subject even to heathen magistrates , servants to honour and be subject to heathen and ungodly masters , the wife not to depart from the husband because he believeth not . so that this rule of christ , matth. . . is so full and perfect , as to teach us , as well what fellowship is lawfull with such a one , as what fellowship is not lawfull to be kept with him . i doe not deny but that ( according to the ordinary rule ) fellowship with an excommunicate person in meat , drinke , familiarity , and salutations , is unlawfull , as well as in the sacrament and prayer , according to the received rule : si pro delictis , anathema quis efficiatur ; os , or are , vale , communio , mensa negatur . and the scripture forbidding to eate with such a one , or to have company with him , or to bid him god speed , will reach as farre . neverthelesse there are divers excepted or reserved cases in which the performance of naturall duties unto and keeping of civill company with an excommunicate person is allowed . the exception made from the rule is this : haee anathema quidem faciunt , ne possit obesse : utile , lex , humile , res ignorata , necesse . utile , as when a man seeketh payment of debt from an excommunicate person . lex , because the law alloweth husband and wife to company together , though the one of them be excommunicate . humile , because children may and ought to doe the duties of children , and servants the duty of servants , and subjects the duty of subjects , and vassals the duty of vassals , and souldiers the duty of souldiers , in companying with submitting unto , honouring and obeying of their excommunicated parents , masters , kings , lords , commanders . r●…s ignorata , when he that companieth with an excommunicate person , doth not know that he is excommunicate . necesse , as when a man passeth through the land or is under the power of excommunicate persons , or some such way is drawn into a necessity of speaking and companying with them . all which is most agreeable to this expression , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican , and to the nature of excommunication , which doth not breake asunder naturall or morall , but spirituall and ecclesiasticall bonds . if it be asked why then are we forbidden to eate with an excommunicate person , or to bid him god speed ; i answer , these things are not forbidden but under a spirituall notion and for a spirituall end , that the offender may be ashamed and humbled , that others may not be deceived by countenancing of him or companying with him , and that our eating with him or saluting of him may not be interpreted as a conniving at , or complying with his sinnes , or as a signe of christian fellowship with a scandalous person formerly called a brother ▪ sinally that god may be the more glorified , wickednesse the more ashamed , others the more edified , the sinner the more abas●d , our selves the better kept from snares by avoyding of all appearance of evill . otherwise setting aside these and such like spirituall considerations and respects , i doe aver that excommunication hath nothing to doe with the avoyding of civill company qua civill , that is under a civill or politicalln otion . thus we have the negative part of the rule of christ. now to the positive part . what is it to be as an heathen and a publican ? he must not be worse used in naturall or civill things , y●t he mu● be used in the same manner as an heathen and a publican , in spirituall things . wherefore , let him be as an heathen man , implieth foure things : . i have proved that heathens were not permitted to come into the utter court of the temple , which the children of israel did come into , onely they might come and worship in the 〈◊〉 or atrium gentium ; and when they were at any time brought into the temple , it s challenged both by god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● . and by the people of the jews , acts . . . h●ns , though sojourning among the children of israel , and dwelling within their gates might not eate of the passeover exod. . , . where the civill fellowship was allowed , partaking of the passeover was forbidden . . no heathen man , no not he that was in the priests house , might ca●e of an offering of the holy things , levit. . , . . a sac●ifice was not accepted from the hand of an heathen l●…it . . . those that came from a farre countrey to pray and worship before the temple , if they had brought out of their owne countrey , or had bought in the land of israel , beasts , or bread , or oyle , or frankincence , or the like , and brought any of these for an oblation , it was not accepted from their hand as tostatus in . paral . . quest . . rightly observeth . onely he collecteth from ezra . , . that an heathen might give to the priests money or expences to buy sacrifices , and to offer them in the temple . fiftly , and generally , the heathens had no part or portion with gods people , nehem. . . they were not within but without the church , being aliens from the common-wealth of israel , and strangers from the covenants of promise , having no hope , and without god in the world , ephes. . . so that , let him be as an heathen must reach thus farre , let him no more partake in the ordinances then an heathen , have no more church-communion with him then with an heathen , let him be no more acknowledged for a church member than an heathen . and good reason ; he hath made himselfe as an heathen , yea worse than an heathen , rom. . . if thou be a breaker of the law , thy circumcision is made uncircumcision . yea a scandalous and prophane church member is worse then an infidell , tim. . . cor. . . this fivefold restraint of heathens from the temple , from the passeover , from eating of an offering , from bringing an oblation unto the lord , and generally from all church fellowship , did lie even upon those heathens who did cohabit and familiarly converse with the children of israel , who are called proselyti domicilii : and no heathen man was free of such restraint , except proselyti justitiae , who were circumcised and made members of the jewish church , and had the name of jewes . finally , let him be unto thee as an heathen man , may have a commentary from sam. . . where david curserh his enemies before the lord , because they had made him as an heathen man : they have driven me out this day from abiding in the inheritance of the lord , saying , goe serve other gods. he did not reckon his banishment , want of civill liberties , cutting off from the civill fellowship and company of the children of israel , in comparison of that which was farre worse to him , and a great deale heavier to be borne , namely , that he was rejected and repudiate from spirituall fellowship with gods people , from partaking in the holy ordinances , from comming to the sanctuary , from the church priviledges , that his persecution was materially and substantially an excommunication , and qua excommunication it was more grievous to him then qua persecution . i suppose it now appeares that let him be to thee as an heathen man , is a shutting out not from civill , but from sacred fellowship . the other branch , let him be to thee as a publican , i have before said enough of it . this onely i adde . there were among the jewes two sorts of publicans : some were good and just men , exacting no more then what was appointed them ; others were unjust and extortioners , and thereby made infamous . the former sort the hebrews have professed they were willing to converse civilly withall , as members of the same common-wealth . see l'empereur de legibus ebraeorum forensibus , pag. . but when christ saith , let him be to thee as a publican , he means the impious and unjust publican onely , as the same learned antiquary there saith . and so when our saviour bids us esteem such a one not onely as an heathen man , but as a publican , he means that he is not only to be denied fellowship in the holy things , but further made infamous among the people ; for the name publican is used to signifie the worst of men , matth. . , . and in the gospell it is said , publicans and sinners , publicans and harlots , as was noted before . so hierome upon matth. . . understands the name of publicans secundum tropologiam , for such as are given to unlawfull gaines , deceits , thefts , perjuries , and such like abominable wickednesses . wherefore we must not thinke that for civill respects of tax-gathering or the like the jewes refused to keepe civill company or fellowship with the publicans . for we read in exc. gem. sanbedrin cap. . sect . . that though he that was a shepheard , as such , was unfit to be a witnesse , yet he that was simply a publican ( that is , as i. coch. saith in his annotation , a publican who is not convict of exacting more then is appointed by law ) or a publican as a publican is not forbidden to be witnesse . where it is also added , that the father of r. sira had the office of a publican thirteen yeeres . hence we see that a publican were he a jew or gentile , provided he were a just publican , his testimony had faith and credit in judgement ; how then can it be supposed that the jewes did not so much as keep any civill company with such a one ? we must therefore understand that the jewes refused to have any fellowship with the impious and unjust publicans , as with church members , and this the jewes did because of their scandalous ungodlinesse and unrighteousnesse . wherefore to be esteemed as a publican was esteemed among the jewes , comprehendeth these three things . . to be esteemed as the worst of men , impious , abominable , execrable , infamous , and as it were publici odii victimae , for so were the publicans esteemed among the jewes . d r buxtorf●…lexic . chald. talm. & rabbin . pag. . tels us that where in sanhedrin fol. . . it is said of a certaine publican , the glosse expounds it thus , of a certaine wicked man. . not to hold or keep with such a one , the religious christian fellowship , which we keep with church members ; yea , and ( for religious ends , and in spirituall respects , as was said before ) not to keep with such a one , so much as that civill fellowship which we are permitted to keep with pagans and unbelievers , with whom when bidden to a feast , we may goe and eate together as the apostle expresly resolveth , but with him that is called a brother when scandalous and obstinate , ( and therefore justly made as a publican ) we may not so much as eate , as the same apostle teacheth , wherein those are ever to be excepted , who are tied by naturall relations to performe naturall and humane duties to the party excommunicate and made as a publican , as the wife to the husband , the children to their parents . in both these respects , let him be as a publican , superaddeth somewhat , and saith more then was in that other part , let him be as an heathen man. the third thing which i conceive to be meant by being esteemed as a publican , is coincident with was meant by let him be as an heathen , that is , let him be kept that which back from communion and fellowship with the church in the holy things . m r prynne brought a parabolicall argument concerning the publicans going up to the temple to pray . that devout and religious publicans , whether jewes or gentiles did goe up into the temple to pray , i make no question , and such a one is the publican in the parable ; yea , if we marke the pharisees owne words he speaketh of that publican as one of the best and most religious publicans luk. . . god , i thanke thee that i am not as other men are , extortioners unjust , adulterers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even as this publican , the vulgar latin hath it velut etiam hic publicanus , as likewise this publican , making the publican to be one of those extortioners , unjust , adulterers . but it is a mistake of the text , which plainly holds forth a disjunctive , not a copulative sence . the pharisee is further declaring what himself was not , and the disjunctive ● intimateth some new matter . therefore the syriak and arabik hath it , neither as this publican . erasmus , aut etiam ut hic publicanus . arias monntanus , aut & ut hic publicanus . and the english , or even as this publican . many of the publicans were extortioners , unjust , adulterers , but the pharisee thought he had not said enough when he had preferred himself to these , therefore he addeth this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or even as this publican , which is a rising and heightning of his speech , as if he had said , god , i thank thee that i am more holy and righteous then the best of the publicans , who yet are not ( as most of them are ) extortioners , unjust , adulterers . but that prophane , unjust , scandalous , infamous , publicans whether jewes or gentiles , were allowed or permitted to come to the temple , to the worship , prayer and sacrifices , among the rest of the people of the jewes , i deny it , and master prynne hath said nothing to prove it . these onely are the publicans meant of when christ saith , let him be unto thee as a publican . now this sort of publicans , if they were allowed any thing in reference to the temple , it was but to stand afarre off in the intermurale or atrium gentium as heathens might doe . if the religious publican stood afarre off , how much more the prophane infamous publican ? that such as were publikely scandalous , infamous for impiety , and esteemed the worst of men ( which i have shewed to be meant by let him be unto thee as a publican ) were admitted into the temple as much as the rest of the people of the jewes , or had fellowship with the church in the holy things , i doe not beleive , i have proved the contrary from philo and iosephus . chap. iv. a confutation of erastus and bilson their interpretation of math. . , , . as likewise of doctor sutliffe his glosse differing some what from theirs . as for that other erastian glosse upon matth. . . that christ meaneth of going to the orthodox magistrate being of the same true religion , ( & that this is the sence of those words tell the church ) but if the brother who hath done us wrong will not heare nor obey that magistrate , then let him he unto thee as an heathen man and a publican , that is , thou mayest prosecute him , as thou wouldest prosecute an heathen man or a publican before an extrinsecall tribunall , such as at that time the roman emperours was to the jewes . see erastus thes . . wherein he is followed by bishop bilson of the perpetuall government of christs church cap. . this glosse hath been justly rejected by many learned men . the first argument which i bring against it , is that it is wide from the scope of the text , yea prejudgeth and even overthroweth the great thing which is principally intended by jesus christ in this place , camero myroth . in math. . thinks it is , utterly different from christs intention in this place , which is to prescribe rules to our consciences concerning the amendment of our brother , and the reducing of him from his sinne , not to give oeconomicall rules concerning the reparation of our injuries or losses : wherefore he concludes that by the church is meant the presbytery mentioned . tim. . . he holdeth also that in the new testa . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth ever signifie an assembly cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad religionem , with an habitude and reference to religion . let it be also observed with bucerus script . anglic. pag. . . , , . that what our saviour directeth one brother to doe toward the gaining of another , by admonitions and reproofs , doth onely belong to the care and sollicitude of the salvation of his soule , and the gaining of him from eternall death to eternall life ; and this he collects from these words in the text , thy brother , and thou hast gained thy brother . he doth also paralell math. . . with gal. . . brethren , if any man be overtaken in a fault , ye which are spirituall , restore such an one in the spirit of meeknesse . now this as it is the surest exposition ( expounding scripture by scripture ) so it doth not concerne a judiciall proceeding in the case of private injuries , but the christian duty of reclaiming and saving the soule from sin . he further observeth that the thing which christ recommendeth to every christian , to be done ex charitate christiana , is nothing else but what is incumbent to pastors ex officio ; for pastors ought by vertue of their publike charge and ministery to doe the same thing authoritatively , which one christian is bidden doe to another in christian brotherly charity , that is to admonish , rebuke , &c. i am perswaded were the lord jesus his scope and intent in this text rightly understood , there should need no other confutation of the glosses given either by erastus or by m r. prynne . they restrict to the case of private or personall injuries , and to the party injuried civilly , that which our saviour prescribeth o as a duty of christian charity , which every church member oweth to another . it was an impious word of cain , am i my brothers keeper ? though spoken in reference to his brothers body and naturall life ; how much more sinfull is it , to say or thinke in reference to our brothers soule , am i my brothers keeper ? every christian is bound by the commandement of god to rebuke his brother , when he seeth , heareth , or knoweth hlm to commit sinne : lev. . . thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sinne upon him . where the marginall paralell in the english bibles is mat. . . yea , erastus himself lib. . cap. . pag. . confesseth that christ doth in matth. . interpret that law lev. . so prov. . . such as keep the law contend with the wicked . we ought to hate and abhorre sinne by which god is dishonoured ( and consequently to expresse our zeale against it by rebukes when it is committed in our sight , hearing , presence , privity or knowledge ) as much yea much more , then if it were a private and personall injury against our selves psal. . . amos , . . rom. . . psal. . , . hence it is that the apostle exhorteth christians to warne them that are unruly or disorderly , thess. . . wherefore it is justly and truly maintained by augustine regul . infine tomi primi . durandus lib. . dist . . quaest. . tostatus in math. . quaest. . and divers thers , that to admonish and rebuke a brother committing sinne , is a necessary christian duty commanded by the word of god , whereunto christians are obliged by the love of god and their neighbour : for which see also aegidius de coninck de actib . supernat . disp . . dub . . & . and if the offender be not reduced by more private admonitions and rebukes , the same law of spirituall love bindeth his brother that knoweth his sinne and impenitency to tell the church , as ioseph told his father of his brethrens faults , gen. . . and joseph brought unto their father their evill report , that is their scandalous sinnes which made them to have an evill report . it is well noted by pareus upon the place , that the thing which ioseph did complaine of to his father , was not his brethrens hatred against himselfe , nor any personall injury done to himself , ( because their hatred of ioseph was the effect , not the cause , of the information which he gave to his father of their faults ) but it was their sinne and scandalous life by which they brought an evill name upon themselves and the family of their father . wherein he doth upon good reason justifie what ioseph did , because he told not his brethrens faults to an enemy but to a father , nor for their evill , but for their good . it was also declared unto the apostle by them of the house of cloe that there were contentions among the corinthians cor. . . so it is collected from thess. . . that some in the church of thessalonica gave notice to the apostle of such as walked disorderly . and as he that spares the rod hates the child , so he that neglects to rebuke an offending brother , or ( when that cannot amend him ) neglects to tell the church , doth hate his brothers soule , in so farre as he suffers sinne upon him . if these things be acknowledged for truths , we will be easily induced to believe that the scope of jesus christ math. . , , . is to teach us , not what he permits the party injured to doe toward the party injuring , but what he commands every one that loves the soule and salvation of his neighbour , to doe for reducing his neighbour from a sinne wherewith he is overtaken . which fitly agreeth with p that which drusius praeter . lib. . on mat. . . citeth e libro musar . besides , both fathers , schoole-men , casuists , commentators , popish , and protestant , when they handle the questions de correptione fraterna , they make brotherly rebukes to be a common duty of love which one neighbour oweth to another , and ever and anon they cleare what they hold from mat. . i verily believe it is one of the wiles yea depths of sathan in perverting that text with the erastian glosses , to throw out of the church and to drown in desuetude and oblivion , a great and necessary duty which every christian by the law of love oweth to the soule of his brother with whom he converseth , which were it conscionably practised , i dare say , it should be a most powerfull and effectuall meanes ( by the blessing of christ upon his owne ordinance ) to purge the church of scandals , to gaine soules , and to advance holinesse . now he that can neither be reduced by more private reprehensions nor by publike ecclesiasticall conviction , let him be unto thee as an heathen man , saith christ , let him be esteemed as one that hath no part in the communion of the saints , in church-membership , in the holy things , in the common-wealth of israel , in the covenants of promise , more then an heathen man. which is a spirituall , not a civill separation , according to that gal. . . we who are jewes by nature , and not sinners of the gentiles . my second argument shall be this . that which christ saith generally of any sinne whereby one brother scandalizeth another brother , the erastians restrict to private or personall injuries . and whereas christs rule tendeth to the rescuing and saving of a sinner , their glosse runnes upon a mans particular interest in the resarclating of a private injury . if thy brother trespasse against thee , that is , cum quis coram aliquo peccaverit , saith munsterus , when any brother sinneth in the presence of some other . are we not oblidged to rebuke an offending brother in christian love ; and to endeavour to bring him to repentance and to save his soule ; whether he hath done to us any particular injury or not : may we suffer sinne upon his soule , because that sinne is not an injury to us ? let it be well observed , the thing here aimed at , is the salvation of the offending brother , and his turning from sinne , as grotius rightly noteth from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( which q erastus also confesseth from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) for in that sence is the same word used cor. . , , , . that i might gain them that are under the law , &c. and pet. . . they may be wonne by the conversation of the wives . this ( saith grotius ) james doth explain ch. . v. . he which converteth the sinner from the error of his way , shall save a soule from death , and shall hide a multitude of sinnes . if this then be the meaning of christs words , thou hast gained thy brother : then it concerneth all sinnes whereby we know our brothers soule and salvation to be in hazard . wherefore though grotius understand private injuries to be that case which the text putteth , yet saith he , it is the manner of the law of god , by one particular and more remarkable kind of things , to intimate what ought to be done in other things according to the rule of just proportion . and it holds more true in other sinnes , then in the case of private injuries : this rebuking is necessary as well in sins which are committed against god as in those which are committed against man , and by so much the more its necessary in sinnes which are committed against god , by how much they are heavier then sinnes which are committed against man , saith tostatus in mat. . quest . . and grotius himself citeth out of mimus , amici vitia si feras faeias tua . and whereas the erastian take much hold of the words against thee . if thy brother trespasse against thee . i have before answered , that any sinne against god which is committed in my sight , hearing , or knowledge , and so becommeth a scandall or stumbling block to me , is a trespasse committed against me , because he that ought to edifie me doth scandalize me . so that the words against thee are added , to signifie , not a civill injury , bnt rather a spirituall injury or scandall . augustine regul . . in fine tom. . applieth the rule and method of proceeding mentioned mat. . to lascivious or adulterous behaviour , which one brother observing in another , ought to admonish him , first secretly , then to take witnesses , then to tell the church , and if he be contumacious , de vestra societate projiciatur , let him be cast out of your society saith he , and the context carrieth it to any scandall whereby one brother scandalizeth another : whereof much was spoken in the preceding part of the chapter . erastus pag. . scopus christi est in hoc capite docere , quantum malum sit scandalum . the scope of christ is in this chapter to teach how great an evill scandall is . wherefore i adhere to the resolution of tostatus in math. . quaest . , sive sit peccatum directè contra deum , sive contra proximum , si fit nobis scientibus , fit contra nos , cum nos scandalizet . both chrysostome and theophilact upon math. . . observe this cohesion , that christ having before spoken against those that give scandall , now he gives a rule to the person scandalized . thirdly , that exposition which now i argue against , tendeth to make one scripture contradict another , and to make that lawfull by one scripture , which another scripture makes unlawfull even some of themselves being judges . they so expound matth. s. that they make it lawfull ( and as such allowed by christ himself ) for a christian to pursue his brother for a civill injury before infidell or heathnish judges , even as he would pursue an heathen or infidell , if such an one had done him the in ury . r erast , saith freely ( yet foully ) that if a congregation of the faithfull be under the turke or the pope , one of them may pursue another for an injury ( when the offender will not hearken to his own assembly ) before those judges who are aliens , and enemies to the true religion . his exposition of matth. . doth plainly lead hereunto . so saith bishop bilson ( a great follower of erastus ) in this debate upon matth. . in the place before cited , let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican , that is pursue him in those courts , where thou wouldest a pagan and publican that should do thee wrong . but how doth this agree with cor. . ( the place which erastus thes . . conceiveth to be a commentary upon matth. . ) doth not the apostle expressely condemne it , as being utterly a fault that one brother went to law with another for the things of this life or civill causes , before the unjust and unbeleevers ? nay , let us heare bishop bilson himself in that very place . paul saith he by no means permitted them to pursue their brethren at the tribunals of infidels . what then ? will they set paul against christ ? or will they make cor. . contrary to matth. . as for that whereby erastus would reconcile this difference , it is as good as nothing . he saith pag. . that paul requireth them to referre to arbitrators within the church it self , only the smallest matters and things pertaining to this life , but not crimes or weighty matters which he would reserve to the magistrates , otherwise he had detracted much from those to whom he every where commandeth to give obedience . and so ( saith he ) that which paul saith is nothing but what christ saith , tell the church . besides paul himself appealed to cesar. let all men judge ( saith he ) whether the apostle would make it unlawfull to other wronged persons , which he thought lawfull for himself ? i answer , . if it was a shame and foule scandall for christians to pursue one another for smaller matters pertaining to this life , how much more for crimes and weightier matters ? for then the unbeleevers might cast the heavier load of reproaches upon the christian religion . . this might have opened a door to elude that which the apostle so earnestly presseth ; for one would be ready to say , this cause of mine is a weighty one , it is an injury and crime that can not be born , therefore i am free to pursue it before unbelievers . whereas the apostle saith , why do ye not rather take wrong ? why doe ye not rather suffer your selves to be defrauded ? . the judging of the smallest matters , and of the things pertaining to this life , is by the apostle opposed , not to weighty civill injuries , but to the judging of the world and of angells , as is manifest by the antithesis in the text. but he maketh no intimation of the least distinction of civill injuries , as if some might be pursued before unbeleiving judges , some not : he speaketh generally vers . . dare any of you having a matter against another . vers . . if then ye have judgements of things pertaining to this life vers . . why doe ye not rather take wrong ? . if that which paul saith , be the same with that which christ saith tell the church , and if it was pauls mind that he who would not hearken to chosen arbitrators among the saints might be pursued before the unbeleiving judges ( as erastus tells us both here and thes. . ) then tell the church cannot be meant of telling the magistrate of the same religion ; for paul sends them to no christian magistrate ( because there was none such then and there ) but to arbitrators chosen among the saints . t is most strange to me that so acute a disputant could expound the telling of the church matth. . by the reference to arbitrators . cor. . and yet understand the church matth. . to be the civill magistate . . there might be subjection and obedience to the heathen magistrates , although the saints should not go to law one against another before them . paul did but appeal from caesars deputy to caesar himself . he was drawne by the jewes before the tribunall of festus ( wherein paul was a sufferer ) and finding festus unjust and partiall , and that he endeavoured to deliver him to the jewes , who had a mind to have him put to death , thereupon he appealeth from festus to caesar. so that if erastus had made the paralell right , all that he could conclude from pauls example , had been this , that when a christian is drawne and compelled by his accusers and enemies ( not being christians ) before the tribunall of an inferiour heathen judge , if he there find himself in danger of his life , he may appeale in his just defence to an higher heathen judge . wherefore i yet conclude that by the erastian principles christ and paul cannot be reconciled ▪ these three arguments doe militate not onely against erastus and bilson , but likewise against sutlivius de presb. cap. . where he gives this sence of matth. . , , . that we ought to take heed we give no scandall in the pursuing of injuries , and for that end ought to give admonition first privately , then before witnesses , and in case of obstinacy in the brother that hath done the injury , to tell the rulers of the church ( meaning the prelates ) and if he will not hear them , then to go to law with that brother , as with an heathen or publican . the other arguments which are to follow , ( the last excepted ) strike not at his interpretation , but at those other glosses , of erastus , bilson , and master prynne . fourthly , this erastian exposition makes these words , but if he neglect to hear the church , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican , to be applicable onely to such christians as live under unbelieving magistrates , and not to all christians . this consequence erastus foresaw , that it would needs follow from his interpretation , therefore he plainly owneth it thes. . he confesseth that the former part concerning rebuking and seeking to gaine the offending brother , belongs to all christians ; what a boldnesse is here to rent asunder this passage of scripture , which was uttered as it were with one breath ? and why doth not the latter part also belong unto all christians ? must christians that live under an infidell magistrate have more effectuall meanes and wayes to use towards an offending brother , and may they go a step further in putting him to shame or in humbling him , then those christians can doe who live under a christian magistrate ? how well doth this hang together ? i should have thought the ballance must rather fall to this hand . but to make the condition of those , who live under a christian magistrate to be more privative , and the condition of those who live under an infidell magistrate to be more cumulative , is too great a paradoxe for me . sixthly , whereas they say that the way prescribed by christ matth. . is such as is agreeable to the law of moses , and they understand by tell the church , tell the magistrate , i aske what magistrate ? if the judges and magistrates of the cities , as bishop bilson thinkes , then he who did not hearken to those judges might appeale to the great sanhedrin at hierusalem , or the judges themselves might referre and transmit the case thither : so that the man was not to be straight way accounted as an heathen man and a publican . but if by the church they understand the great sanhedrin it self , he that would not hearken to it was to be put to death by the law deut. . so that it had not been agreeable to the law of moses , to teach that he who will not hearken to the great sanhedrin is to be esteemed as an heathen man and a publican ; for this supposeth that he shall not dye but be suffered to live . seventhly , the erastian principles do plainly contradict and confute themselves . for both erastus , bishop bilson , and master prynne hold that he jewish sanhedrin in christs time was a temporall magistracy and a civill court of justice , which had power to scourge , imprison , torture , and outlaw offenders , yea to put to death as the first two doe positively averre . s how then can it be said , if he neglect to heare the church , &c. that is , if he neglect to heare the civill magistrate who hath power to imprison , scourge , torture , outlaw , yea to put him to death ? surely if he neglect to heare the church , doth intimate that the church hath not used nor cannot use any externall coercive power . erastus findes himselfe so mightily puzled with this difficulty , that to make out his interpretation of matth. . he confesseth thes. . and confirm . thes. lib. . cap. . the jewish sanhedrin had no power under the romans to judge of civill causes and injuries , but of things pertaining to their religion onely , t so that at that time ( saith he ) a man might impune without punishment contemne the judgement of the sanhedrin in civill things . and thus while he seeketh a salvo for his glosse upon matth. . he overthroweth the great argument by which he and his followers endeavour to prove that there was no other sanhedrin in christs time , but a civill court of justice , because say they , that sanhedrin had the power of the sword and other temporall punishments . eighthly , observe the gradation in the text , . a private conviction or rebuke . . conviction before two or three witnesses . . conviction before the church , and the churches declaring the thing to be an offence , and commanding the offender to turn from his evill way . . if he will not heare the church ( which implieth that the church hath spoken and required him to doe somewhat which he refuseth to doe ) then let him be as an heathen man and a publican . this last is heavier then all that went before , and is the punishment of his not hearing the church now this gradation is in consistent with the interpretation which erastus giveth ; for by his owne confession the sanh drin of the jewes at that time had not power to judge of civill causes nor to punish any man for a civill injury , but for a matter of religion onely . ( yet they are not matters of religion , but civill trespasses which he understands to be meant matth. . ) here is an intercision in the third step of the gradation . and if it were an offence in the matter of religion , it had not been a greater punishment , but a greater ease to the offender , to draw him before the roman tribunals , for the romans cared for none of those things , of which the jewish sanhedrin was most zealous . the gradation in the text is as inconsistent with m r prynnes interpretation ; for imagine the offender to be after previous admonitions publiquely accused and convict before the church ( that is , in his opinion ) the civill court of justice which had power to imprison , scourge , torture , and outlaw offenders , if not to condemne , and put to death ) what should be done with such an one ? can we goe no higher ? yes : thus it is in m r prynnes sence . he that will not submit to the magistrate , and cannot be reduced by stripes and imprisonment , torturing and outlawing , yea peradventure by condemnation to die the death ; let this be the last remedy for such an one , let him be unto thee as an beathen man and a publican , that is , withdraw familiar civill company from him . ninthly , that interpretation of erastus leaneth to a false supposition , namely that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a publican , are meant universally of all publicans good or bad , or whatever they were . to prove this he takes an argument pag. , , . from the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for with the grecians , saith he , the article being joyned to the predicate , noteth the nature and consequently the universality of the thing ; whence he concludeth that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a publican qua publican , and so every publican . now what can be the sence of christs words in reference to every publican ( saith he ) unlesse this be it , that it was lawfull to pursue any publican at a tribunall of the romans ? i answer , his argument goeth upon a most false supposition , which i cleare by the like instances , matth. . . use not vaine repetitions as the heathen doe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . shall we thence conclude that the heathens as heathens , and so all heathens without exception did use repetitions in prayer , or that they were all so devout in their way as to make long prayers ? luke . . i am not as other men are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , extortioners , unjust●… &c. did the pharisee meane that every man eo ipso that he was another man , and so the rest of the pharisees as well as others , were extortioners , &c. iohn . . he is cast forth as a branch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if the rule of erastus hold , then a branch as a branch , and so every branch is cast out . many such instances might be given . if in these texts there must be a restriction of the sence , notwithstanding of the prepositive article , so that by heathens we must understand devout or praying heathens : by other men , vulgar men , or the common sort of men ; by a branch , a fruitlesse or withered branch . why shall we not also understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the prophane loose or unjust publican , and as grotius doth rightly expound it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let him be esteemed , saith he , as an heathen man , that is , as an alien from religion , or as a publican ; that is , if he be a jew , esteeme him as an infamous sinner , or one of a flagitious life . since therefore erastus confesseth pag. . that as the office of the publicans was lawfull , so likewise many publicans were honest , chast , religious , and pious men , i may safely conclude , that let him be unto thee as a publican , cannot be meant universally of all publicans . for how can it be supposed that christ would tacitely allow of alienation from or severity to pious publicans ? tenthly , whereas the erastians lay great waight upon that forme of speech , let him be to thee , ( not to the whole church ) as an heathen man and a publican , ( which is also one of sullivius his exceptions de presbyterio , cap. . ) in this also they do abuse the text , for . the same offence which is a sufficient ground to one church-member to esteem another church member as an heathen man or a publican , being a publique and known scandall ( such as is contumacy and disobedience to the church ) must needs be a sufficient ground to all other church members , or to the whole church to esteem so of him . surely christ would not have contradictory judgements in his church concerning so high a point , as is the esteeming of a church member to be as a heathen man and a publican . . the erastians herein argue no better than the papists : christ said to peter , i will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heaven . therefore unto peter alone . peradventure mr. hussey was so sagacious as to prevent this objection with his popish concession : these keyes were never given to any of the apostles but to peter , saith he , in his plea for christian magistracy , pag. . it seems he will farre lesse sticke to grant the prelaticall argument , timothy laid on hands , and titus ordained elders , therefore each of these had the power of ordination by himselfe alone . . it is a good observation of luther tom. . resolv . super propos . . de potest . papae . fol. . in the sixteenth of matthew christ begins with all his disciples , whom say ye that i am ? and he endeth with one , unto thee will i give , &c. in the eighteenth of matthew he beginneth with one , if thy brother trespasse against thee , &c. and he endeth with all , whatsoever he binds on earth , &c. whence he concludeth that in both these places what is said to one is said to all of them . chap. v. that tell it to the church hath more in it , then , tell it unto a greater number . there is yet another interpretation of these words invented to elude the argument for ecclesiasticall government and censures from mat. . tell it unto the church , that is , if the offending brother will neither hearken to private admonition , nor to admonition before two or three witnesses , then tell it unto many or unto a greater company . this cals to mind u d r sutcliffes glosse upon the word presbytery , tim. . . that it signifieth presbyters or ministers non juris vinculo , sed utcunque collectos , as if the occasionall meeting of some presbyters in westminster hall , or upon the exchange , or in a journey , or at a buriall , were a presbytery with power to lay on hands . that interpretation of the word church is no better . but that i may reject nothing without reason , i desire it may be considered , . whether either in scripture , or in any greeke lexicon , or in any classick author , it can be found that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was ever used to signifie meerly a greater number or company then two or three , not called out and imbodied together for government or worship . for my part i could never yet finde where the simple majority of the number maketh the denomination of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i finde the word sometimes ( yet very seldome ) used of an unlawfull assembly combining or joyning together to evill : the reason i take to be this , because they pretended to be authorised as a lawfull assembly ; so christ called iudas , friend , when he came to betray him with a kisse . but since the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 matth. . . doth signifie a lawfull assembly , ( as all doe confesse ) i desire some testimony of scripture or approved authors , where this name is given to a lawfull assembly , which was not imbodied for worship or government , but had the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simply because of the majority of number . sure i am 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is at least caetus evocatus , an assembly called forth ; and every offended brother hath not from christ the priviledge of gathering a church . . if by tell it unto the church were meant no more but this , tell it unto a greater number , then if the offender doe not heare the church , there must be recourse unto some others distinct from the church , for the more authoritative and ultimate determination , ( unlesse it be said that there is no remedy for offences , but in a greater number which each man shall make choice of ) but where is their more effectuall remedy , or where will they fixe the ultimate degree of proceedings ? . when christ saith tell it unto the church , and if he neglect to heare the church , &c. whether respect be had to the forme of the hebrews , or to the forme of the grecians , the church will still have a ruling power . in the old testament , the originall giveth the name kahal , church , ( which is the word used in the hebrew evangel of matthew published by munsterus , chap. . vers . . ) and the septuagints the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the elders and rulers of israel , as chro. . . . & . . chro. . . and in other places . and that which is said of the elders , deut. . . i●…sh . . ● . is said of the congregation or church , num. . . ios. . . so exod. . . compared with vers . . the septuagints also render kahal by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prov. . . it was not therefore to any assembly , but to an assembly of rulers , that causes were brought in the old testament . if we turne to the heathen grecians , among them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had a power of jurisdiction to judge and determine causes , as is manifest from acts . . . there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was of two sorts , as suidas , budaeus , stephanus , and others have observed . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a lawfull set fixed assembly , which met at ordinary diets ( which is meant in that place of the acts last cited ) it was also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because of the jurisdiction and ruling power which was seated in it . wherein i am confirmed by this passage of aristotle polit . lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for the assembly , saith he , hath the government or arbitrement of all such things ; he is speaking of the choosing of magistrates , and of craving an account of their administration . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was indicted and called pro re nata , upon some urgent extraordinary cause , and it was concio magnatum s●…ve optimatum , in which the people were not present , as in the other . it was therefore rightly noted by passor that demosthenes useth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro concione magnatum . afterward the roman senate was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without an adjection . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore among the heathen grecians ( from whom the word came ) was not any assembly , but an assembly which had a jurisdiction or ruling power . it shall not be in vaine to adde that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to appeale to a superiour ruler commeth from the same originall verbe from which commeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . the church mentioned matth. . . hath a forensicall or juridicall power , as appeareth by that of the two or three witnesses vers . . which relateth to a juridicall proceeding in the trying and punishing of offences , as m. prynne hath observed . peradventure some man will say , that the two or three witnesses here are brought in onely to be witnesses to the admonition , or to make the admonition the more effectuall , and the more to be regarded , but not as if any use were to be made of these witnesses , to prove the fact or offence it selfe before the church , if there be occasion . i answer , either it must be supposed here that the trespasse was seen or knowne onely by him that gives the first rebuke privately , or that it was also seen or known by those two or three witnesses . if the former , it is much disputed among schoolmen whether he that rebukes his offending brother be to proceed any further than a private rebuke for a private offence , or whether he is to stop at private rebukes , and not to take witnesses with him ( which divers thinke to be unfit and disallowed , as being an officious and unnecessary irritation of the offending brother by the spreading of his shame , a making of a private sinne to become scandalous to others , as likewise an engaging of witnesses to assist in the admonition and rebuke by a blinde and implicite faith ) for my part i shall not need here to dispute this point : for what ever ought to be done , or ought not to be done in this case , when the trespasse is known to one onely : yet in the other case when besides him that rebukes there are two or three more which can be witnesses of the fact or trespasse committed ( the trespasse being yet not publiquely divulged ) it can not be denied , that these witnesses of the fact are to be brought unto and confronted with the offender , when he cannot be gained by private rebuke , and ( if need be ) prove it afterward before the church . which i have before noted out of durand . and x aegidius de coninck tels us ( in whatsoever other case witnesses are to be taken , or are not to be taken ) in this case all doe consent that witnesses are to be taken . concerning the taking of witnesses , when the trespasse is known to me alone , there are three different opinions . . that when i have rebuked the offender privately , and cannot gaine him , i am to proceed no further , but have done my duty and must leave the event to god. . that when a secret admonition is not effectuall ▪ witnesses are to be taken , in case the offender so admonished continue in his sinne , or in case his relapse be feared and expected , that the witnesses may observe such continuing or relapse in sinne , and then assist and joyne in rebuking him , and if need be ( that is , in case of his contumacy ) to prove the fact before the church . . that even when his continuance or relapse in sinne can not be observed , ( and so can not be afterward proved by witnesses ) yet the second admonition is to be given before witn●sses , when the first admonition given privately hath not gained the offender . of these let the reader judge . t is enough for the point now in hand , that when witnesses can be had to prove the trespasse committed , they ought to be brought , first before the offender , and then ( if he continue obstinate ) before the church to prove the fact : and they must be three , or two at the least , which i doe not see how it can be thought necessary , if we suppose that the sinne is not known to any but to me alone who give tho first rebuke ; for if there must be a witnesse of my second admonition , why may not one witnesse joyn with me as well as two , when i can not have two , but one onely , willing and ready to ●oyn with me . but now a necessity of precept lies on me , that i must have two witnesses at least , which cannot be otherwise understood , but in reference to a forensicall proceeding afterwards , if need be . . that interpretation which now i speak against , while it goeth about to avoyd a power of jurisdiction and censure in this text , it doth subject him that is reproved by another , to a heavier yoke , and brings him into a greater servitude . for though a man be not disobedient nor contumacious unto any court civill or ecclesiasticall , yet if he doth not hearken to such a number , as the party offended shall declare the case unto ( being a greater number then two or three ) he must be by and by esteemed and avoyded as an heathen man and a publican . . this interpretation , as it is fathered upon grotius , so it may be confuted out of grotius upon the very place . he expounds tell it unto the church by the same words which drusius citeth , è libro musar . declare it coram multis , before many . but is this any other then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the many spoken of cor . ? a place cited by grotius himselfe , together with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before all , tim. . . now these were acts of ecclesiasticall power and authority , not simply the acts of a greater number . he tels us also it was the manner among the jewes to referre the businesse ad multitudinem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the assembly of those who were of the same way , or followed the same rites , the judgements of which multitude ( saith he ) seniores tanquam praesides moderabantur , the elders as presidents did moderate . he further cleares it out of tertullian apol . cap. . where speaking of the churches or assemblies of christians , he saith : ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes & censura divina &c. praesident probati quique seniores . where there are also exhortations , corrections , and divine censure , &c. all the approved elders doe preside . and is not this the very thing we contend for ? i hope i may now conclude that tell the church is neither meant of the civill magistrate , nor simply of a greater number , but of the elders or ( as others expresse it better ) of the eldership or assembly of elders ; so stephanus , scapula , and pasor in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , calvin , bucerus , illyricus , beza , hunnius , tossanus , pareus , cartwright , camero , diodati , the dutch annotations , all upon the place . marlorat in thesauro in the word ecclesia zanchius in . praec . pag. . iunius animad . in bell. contr. . lib. . cap. . gerhard loc . theol . tom. . pag. . meisuerus disput. de regim . eccles. quaest . . trelcatius instit. theol. lib. . pag. . polanus syntag. lib. . cap. . bullinger in cor. . . whittaker . de ecclesia quaest . . cap. . danaeus in tim. pag. . . these and many more understand that neither the magistrate nor the multitude of the church , nor simply a great number , is meant by the church matth. . but the elders or ecclesiasticall senate , who have the name of the church , partly , by a syn●cdoche because they are a chief part of the church ( as otherwhere the people or flock distinct from the elders , is called the church act. . . ) partly , because of their eminent station and principall function in the church , as we say we have seen such a mans picture , when haply t is but from the shoulders upward : partly , because the elders act in all matters of importance , so as they carry along with them the knowledge and consent of the church . ( and therefore according to salmeron his observation tom. . part . . tract . . christ would not say , tell the officers or rulers of the church , but tell the church , because an obstinate offender is not to be excommunicate secretly or in a corner , but with the knowledge and consent of the whole church : so that for striking of the sinner with the greater fear and shame , in regard of that knowledge and consent of the church , the telling of the officers is called the telling of the church : ) partly also , because of the ordinary manner of speaking in the like cases ; that which is done by the parliament is done by the kingdom , and that which is done by the common councell is done by the city . among the jewes with whom christ and his apostles were conversant this manner of speaking was usuall . danaeus ( where before cited ) citeth r. david kimchi upon ose. . noting that the name of the house of israel is often put for the sanhedrin in scripture . t is certaine the sanhedrin hath divers times the name kabal in the hebrew and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek of the old testament , which is acknowledged even by those who have contended for a kind of popular government in the church . see guide unto zion pag. . ainsworth in his counterpoison pag. . chap. vi. of the power of binding and loosing matth. . . they that doe not understand matth. . . of excommunication , are extreamely difficulted and scarce know what to make of that binding and loosing which is mentioned in the words immediately following v. . verily i say unto you , whatsoever ye shall bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . erastus and grotius understand it of a private brother , or the party offended his binding or loosing of the offender . bishop bilson understands it of a civill binding or loosing by the magistrate , whom he conceives to be meant by the church vers . . these doe acknowledge a coherence and dependance between vers . . and . m r prynne differing from them , doth not acknowledge this coherence , and expounds the binding and loosing to be ministeriall indeed , but onely doctrinall . some others dissenting from all these , doe referre this binding and loosing not to a person , but to a thing or doctrine , whatsoever ye shall bind , that is , whatsoever ye shall declare to be false , erroneous , impious , &c. sutlivius though he differ much from us in the interpretation of vers . , , . yet he differeth as much ( if not more ) from the erastians in the interpretation of vers . . for he will have the binding and loosing , to be ecclesiasticall and spirituall , not civill , to be juridicall , not doctrinall onely , to be acts of government committed to apostles , bishops and pastors : he alloweth no share to ruling elders , yet he alloweth as little of the power of binding and loosing , either to the magistrate , or to the party offended . see him de presbyteri●… cap. . & . so that they can neither satisfie themselves nor others , concerning the meaning and the context . for the confutation of all those glosses , and for the vindication of the true scope and sence of the text , i shall first of all observe , whence this phrase of binding and loosing appeareth to have been borrowed , namely , both from the hebrewes and from the graecians . the hebrews did ascribe to the interpreters of the law , power , authority 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bind , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to loose . so grotius tells us on mat. . . the hebrews had their loosing of an excommunicated person , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 see buxtorf . lexic . chald. talm. rabbin . pag. . the grecians also had a binding and loosing which was judiciall . budaeus and stephanus on the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cite out of aeschines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quum primo suffragio non absolutus fuerit reus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the stone by which the senators did give their suffrage in judgement , it was either a blacke stone , by which they did bind the sinner and retaine his sinne , and that stone was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : or it was a white stone , by which they did loose remit and absolve : and that stone was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which was the thing that tully calleth solvere crimine . so where it is said , her iniquity is pardoned isa. . . the read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , her iniquity is loosed . and because there is usually some kind of expiation before a loosing and remitting of sinnes , which expiation being performed the loosing follows , therefore the graecians called such necessary and r●quisit expiation by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , loosing : and they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they expiatory gods , who did chiefly take care of those expiations . that in scripture the power of binding , is judiciall and authoritative , is cleared by my reverend and learned colleague ma●er rutherford in the divine right of church government pag. . i adde , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto which grotius sends ●s , is ●sed for that binding or incarceration which is an act of 〈◊〉 authority , as gen. . . gen. . . . . num. . levit. . . kings . . . isa. . . jer. . . ezek. . . it is also used for an authoritative prohibition num. . . my lord moses forbid them . thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interdictum , a decree forbidding somewhat dan. , , , . as binding and loosing are acts of authority and power , such as doth not belong to any single person or brother offended , so the binding and loosing mentioned matth. . . are acts of ecclesiasticall and spirituall authority , belonging to the kingdom and government of christ in his church , but not belonging to the civill magistrate . and as the authority is ecclesiasticall and spirituall , so it is more than doctrinall , it is a power of inflicting or taking off church censures . these two things i will endeavour to prove . . that this power of binding and loosing belongeth neither to private christians nor to civill magistrates , but to church officers . . that this power is juridicall or forensicall , and not doctrinall onely ; that is , that church-officers are here authorised to bind with censures , or to loose from censures , as there shall be cause . in both which we have antiquity for us . which i doe the rather observe because erastus and grotius alledge some of the antients , for their exposition of math. . . that this binding or loosing is by the offended brother . that which augustine , origen , and theophylact say of one brother his binding or loosing , is but spoken tropologically , and not as the literall sence of the text , yea , theophylact in that passage cited by erastus and grotius , doth distinguish between the ministeriall or ecclesiasticall binding and loosing , and the party offended his binding and loosing . non enim solùm quae solvunt sacerdotes sunt soluta , sed quaecunque & nos &c. theophylact doth also find excommunication in that text illam autem ( ecclesiam ) si non audierit , tunc abjiciatar , ne suae maliti●… participes faciat alios . i further appeal to augustine himself epist. . where speaking of excommunication and anathema he distinguisheth it from corporall punishment , and after he hath spoken of the temporall sword he addeth , spiritualis autem paena , qua fit quod scriptum est , quae ligaveris in terra , erunt ligata & in caelo , animas obligat . but the spirituall punishment , by which that thing is done which is written , what thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven , doth bind soul●… . againe in his sixth tome lib. . contra adversarium legis & prophetarum ●…ap . . y he doth most plainly interpret math. . . of church discipline and binding by censure . z hierome both in his commentary upon matth. . and in his epistle to heliodorus , speaketh of this power of binding as a judiciall forensicall power belonging to the ministers or officers of the church , by which they judge and censure offenders . but to save my self the labour of more citations , i take help from bishop bilson , of the perpetuall government of christs church cap. . where though he expound the binding and loosing matth. . . to be acts of the magistrate , yet he acknowledgeth hat the antient writers leane vere much another way , and understand that text of the ministeriall and spirituall power of excommunication , for which he citeth chrysost. de sacerdotio lib. . ambros. de paenitent . lib. . c. . hierom. in matth. cap. . hilar. in mat. can . . vnto these i also adde isidorus polusiota in the third book of his epistles , epist. . where he applieth this text matth. , . to this sence , that impenitent finners are to be bound , and penitent sinners loosed , and thence argueth against the absolving of a perjured person who had not declared himself penitent , but had purchased his absolution by a gift . nor can i passe chrysostome upon this very text , where he tells that christ will have such a one to be punished 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , both with a present chastisement and with a future punishment , or both in earth and in heaven ; and would have the offender to fear 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , casting out of the church . he addeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he cuts not off immediately , but after admonitions . i will now proceed to a further confirmation of the two propositions afore mentioned . touching the first , that this binding and loosing matth. . . belongeth nei her to private christians , nor to civill magistrates , but to church officers , i clear it thus . there are two things by which ( as schoolemen observe ) mens soules and consciences are bound , . they are bound by their sinnes . prov. . . his own iniquities shall take the wicked himself , & he shall be holden with the cords of his sins , act. . . thou art in the bond of iniquity . . men are bound by precepts matth. . . they bind heavy burthens and grievous to be born , and lay them on mens shoulders . this binding by precept or law , some take to be meant ezech. . . o sonne of man behold they shal put bands upon thee , & shall bind thee with them , that is , thou shalt in vision see thy self bound with bands upon thee , to signifie that i have forbidden thee to be a reprover to the rebellius house . so the chaldee paraphrase . but thou a sonne of man , behold i have put my word upon thee , as a band of cords with which they bind , and thou shalt not goe forth into the midst of them . now in both these respects the scripture elsewhere doth ascribe to church-officers a power of binding and loosing . in respect of sinne io. . . whosesoever sins ye remit they are remitted unto them , and whosesoever sin s ye retaine they are retained . it is spoken to the apostles and their successors in the ministery of the gospell . matth. . . i will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heaven : and whatsoever thou shal●… bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven . where the power of binding and loosing is given to the apostles , & grotius upon the place cleareth it from . cor. . . . god hath committed unto us the word of reconciliation . now then we are ambassadours for christ. so that we find in scripture church officers inabled and authorised ex officio as the heraulds and ambassadours of the king of zion , to loose from the bands of sinne all repenting and beleiving sinners , and to bind over to eternall justice and wrath the impenitent and unbeleevers . they are also authorised , dogmatically and authoritatively to declare and impose the will of christ , and to bind his precepts upon the shoulders of his peeple matth. . . as likewise to loose them and pronounce them free from such burthens , as men would impose upon them contrary or beside the word of god cor. . . an example of both we have act. . . the synod of the apostles and elders bindeth upon the churches such burthens , as were necessary by the law of love for the avoiding of scandall , but did pronounce the churches to be free and loosed from other burthens which the judaizing teachers would have bound upon them . now therefore if we will expound matth. . . by other scriptures ( it being the onely surest way to expound scripture by scripture ) it is manifest and undeniable , that church-officers are by other scriptures inabled and authorised to bind & loose in both those respects afore-mentioned . but we no where find in scripture , that christ hath given either to all private christians , or to the civill magistrate , a commission and authority to bind or loose sinners ; i know a private christian may and ought to convince an impenitent brother , and to comfort a repenting brother , ex charitate christiana : but the scripture doth not say , that god hath committed to every private christian the word of reconciliation , and that all christians are ambassadours for christ , nor is there a promise to ratifie in heaven the convictions or comforts given by a private christian : no more then a king doth ingage himself in verbo principis to pardon such as any of his good subjects shall pardon , or to condemne such as any of his good subjects shall condemne : but a king ingageth himself to ratifie what his ambassadours , commissioners or ministers shall doe in his name and according to the commission which he hath given them to pardon or condemne . besides all this , if christ had meant here of the brother to whom the injury was don , his private binding or loosing , not condemning or forgiving , then he had kept the phrase in the singular number , which erastus observeth diligently all along the text vers . , , . but he might have also observed , that vers . . carries the power of binding and loosing to a plurality , vvhatsoever ye bind , &c. as for the magistrate , it belongeth to him to bind with the cords of corporall or civill punishments , or to loose and liberat from the same , as he shall see cause according to law and justice . but this doth n t belong to the spirituall kingdome of jesus christ ; for his kingdome is not of this world , neither are the weapons thereof carnall but spirituall . and beside the magistrate may lawfully and sometime doth bind on punishment , when the soule is loosed in heaven , and the sinne remitted . again , the magistrate may lawfully , and sometime doth loose and absolve from punishment , when a mans soule is impenitent , and sinne is still bound upon his conscience . there is no such promise that god will forgive whom the magistrate forgiveth , or condemne whom the magistrate condemneth . neither hath god any where in scripture committed to the magistrate the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , or the word of reconciliation , as to the ambassadours of christ. binding and loosing in the other sence by a dogmaticall authoritative declaration of the will of christ , is not so principally or directy intended matth. . . as that other binding and loosing in respect of sinne . howbeit it is not to be excluded , because the words preceding vers. . mention not onely the execution of excommunication , let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican ; but also the churches judgement , and determination of the case , if he neglect to heare the church , which words implie , that the church hath declared the will of christ in such a case , and required the offender to doe accordingly , but he shewing himselfe unwilling and contumacious , as it were saying in his heart , i will breake their bands asunder , and cast away their cords from me , thereupon the promise reacheth to this also , that what the church hath determined or imposed according to the will of christ shall be ratified and approved in heaven . a now christ hath no where given a commission either to every particular christian , or to the magistrate , to teach his people to observe all things which he hath commanded them , and authoritatively to determine controversies of faith , or cases of conscience . as in the old testament , the priests lips did preserve knowledge , and they were to seeke the law at his mouth , mal. . . so in the new testament the ministers of christ have the commission to make known the counsell of god. my second proposition that the power of binding and loosing matth. . . is juridicall or forensicall , and meant of inflicting or taking off ecclesiasticall censures ; this i will make good in the next place against m r prynne , who to elude the argument for excommunication from matth. . answereth two things concerning the binding and loosing there spoken of . . that these words have no coherence with , or dependence upon the former . . that this binding and loosing is meant onely of preaching the gospell . touching the first of these , i confesse if by the church , vers . . be meant a civill court of justice ; and by those words , let him be unto thee as an heathen , &c. be meant no more but keepe no civill fellowship with him ( which is his sence of the text ) i cannot marvell that he could finde no coherence between vers . . and vers . . yet if there be no coherence between these verses , the generality of interpreters have gone upon a great mistake of the text , conceiving that christ doth here anticipate a great objection , and adde a great encouragement in point of church discipline ; for when the offender is excommunicated , ( that is all the church can doe to humble and reduce him ) put the case he or others despise the censures of the church , what will your censure doe ? saith m r hussey : to that very thing christ answereth , it shall be ratified in heaven , and it shall doe more then the binding of the offenders in fetters of iron could doe . but let us heare what m r prynne saith against the coherence of text : because ( saith he ) that of binding and loosing is spoken onely to and of christs disciples , as is evident by the parallel text of joh. . . not of the jewish church . it maketh the more against him ( i am sure ) that it s spoken to and of christs disciples , for this proveth that the church vers . . is not the jewish sanhedrin , but the christian presbytery , then instituted , and afterwards erected : and that the thing which makes one as an heathen and a publican , is binding of his sinnes upon him . and for the context , immediatly after christ had said , if he neglect to heare the church , let him be unto thee , &c. he addeth , verily i say unto you , whatsoever ye shall bind on earth , &c. the dependency is very cleare . a christian having first admonished his brother in private , then having taken two or three witnesses , after this having brought it to the publique cognizance of the ecclesiasticall consistory , and after all that , the offender being for his obstinacy excommunicate ; here is the last step , no further progresse . now might one thinke , what of all this ? what shall follow upon it ? nay , saith christ , it shall not be in vaine , it shall be ratisied in heaven . and as the purpose cohereth , so that forme of words , verily i say unto you , is ordinarily used by christ to signifie his continuing and pressing home the same purpose which he had last mentioned , as matth. . . matth. . . matth. . . matth. . . matth. . . matth. . . matth. . , . matth. . . matth. . . matth. . . matth. . , . marke . . & . . & . . luke . . and many the like passages . to my best observation , i have found no place where christs verily i say unto you , begins a new purpose which hath no coherence with nor dependency upon the former . this coherence of the text and the dependency of vers . . upon that which went before ( which dependency is acknowledged by erastus , who perceiving that he could not deny the dependency , fancieth that the binding and loosing is meant of the offended brothers pardoning or not pardoning of the offender , confirm . thes. pag. . ) doth also quite overthrow master prynnes other answer , that this binding and loosing is onely meant of preaching the gospell , and of denouncing remission of sinnes to the penitent , and wrath to the impenitent . nay , that potestas clavium conoionalis is instituted in other places : but here its potestas cl●…vium disciplinalis , as is evident : first , by the coherence of the text , and by the taking of two or three more , and then telling of the thing to the church ; all which intimateth a rising as from one or two or three more , so from them to the church , which cannot be meant of one man , as hath been argued against both pope and prelate , for no one man can be called a church : neither hath one man the power of jurisdiction ; but one man hath the power of preaching . secondly , the apostles , and those who succeed them in the worke of the ministery have the same power of the keys committed from christ to them ministerially , which christ hath committed from the father to him ( as mediator ) authoritatively . for in the parallel place , ioh. . v. , . where he gives them power of remitting or retaining sinnes , he saith , as my father hath sent me , even so send i you . but the father gave christ such a power of the keyes , as comprehends a power of government , and not meerely doctrinall , isa. . , . i will commit the government into his hand , &c. and the keyes of the house of david will i lay upon his shoulder . thirdly , it may be proved also by that which immediately followeth , vers . . againe i say unto you , that if two of you shall agree on earth &c. which cannot be meant of the power of preaching ; for neither the efficacy of preaching , nor the ratification of it in heaven , nor the fruit of it on earth , doth depend upon this , that two preachers must needs agree in the same thing . but it agreeth well to the power of discipline , concerning which it answereth these two objections . first , it might be said , the apostles and other church-governours may fall to be very few in this or that church where the offence riseth ; shall we in that case execute any church-discipline ? yes , saith christ , if there were but two church-officers in a church ( where no more can be had ) they are to exercise discipline , and it shall not be in vaine . againe , it might be objected , be they two or three , or more , what if they doe not agree among themselves ? to that he answereth , there must be an agreement of two church-officers at least , otherwise the sentence shall be null ; we can not say the like of the doctrinall power of binding or loosing , that it is of no force nor validity unlesse two at least agree in the same doctrine , as hath been said ; two must agree in that sentence or censure , which is desired to be ratified in heaven , and then they binding on earth , and unanimously calling upon god to ratifie it in heaven , it shall be done . fourthly , this binding and loosing can not goe without the church , it is applicable to none but a church member or a brother . so the threed of the text goes along from vers . . if thy brother trespasse against thee , and vers . . thou hast gained thy brother . and when it is said , tell the church , it is supposed that the offender is a member of the church , over whom the church hath authority , and of whom there is hope that he will heare the church . and when it is said , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican , it is supposed that formerly he was not unto us as an heathen man and a publican . for these and the like reasons tostatus in matth. . quaest . . and divers others hold that this rule of christ is not applicable to those who are without the church . but if the binding and loosing be meant onely of preaching the gospell , as master prynne would have it , then it were applicable to those that are not yet baptised nor made church members , for unto such the gospell hath been and may be preached . the binding and loosing which is proper to a brother or to a church member , must be a juridicall power of censures , of which the apostle saith , cor. . . what have i to doe to judge them also that are without ? doe not ye judge them that are within ? therefore chrysostome hom. . in matth. ( according to the greeke hom. . ) doth parallel matth. . with cor. . proving that this rule of christ is not applicable to one that is without , but onely to a brother . which paul also saith in these words , what have i to doe to judge them also that are without ? but he commandeth us to convince and reduce brethren , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to cut off the disobedient : this he ( christ ) doth also in this place . theophylact also on matth. . noteth the same restriction of this rule of christ to a christian brother . fifthly , this binding power is not to be made use of , till all other meanes have been essayed , ante tentanda omnia saith munsterus , first a private admonition , then before witnesses , then the matter is brought to the church , the church declareth and judgeth , the offender neglecteth to heare the church , then after all this commeth the binding , which must needs be a binding with censures ; for that binding which master prynne speakes of , the denouncing of the wrath of god against the impenitent , by the preaching of the gospell , is not , neither ought to be suspended or delayed upon such degrees of proceeding . sixthly , this binding and loosing is not without two or three witnesses , vers . . but that of two or three witnesses relateth to a forensicall or judiciall proceeding , as m r prynne himselfe tels us . these witnesses may be brought before the ecclesiasticall court , either to prove the offenders contumacy being admonished , or to prove the scandalous fact it selfe , which was from the beginning knowne to two or three witnesses , according to the sence of schoolmen , expressed in the precedent chapter . seventhly , this phrase of binding and loosing is taken both from the hebrews , and from the grecians . but both the hebrews and the grecians used these words in a juridicall sence , as i observed in the beginning . eighthly , that the binding and loosing matth. . . is juridicall , not doctrinall , belonging to the power of jurisdiction , not of order , is the sence of the ancients above cited , as likewise of scotus lib. . sent. dist. . quaest. . art . . tostatus in matth. . quest. . yea the current both of schoolmen and of interpreters , as well protestant , as popish , runneth that way . it were too long to cite all . yea further salmasius in appar . ad lib. de primatu p●…p . . understands the binding and loosing matth. . . ioh. . . of discipline . so walaeus tom. . pag. . so divers others . from the same places aretius theol. probl . loc . . de excom . draws excommunication as an ordinance of christ. from the same two texts ioh. . . and matth. . . dionysius areop agita de ecclesiastica hierarchia cap. . sect . . doth prove that christ hath committed unto the ministers of the church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . his ancient scholiast maximus upon that place tels us , that he speaks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of excommunications and separations , or ( as he there further explaineth ) the judging and separating between the righteous and the wicked . salmeron upon matth. . . thinks that the latter part of that verse , and whatsoever thou shalt binde on earth , &c. doth belong to the power of jurisdiction and censure : hugo de s. victore de sacramentis lib. . cap. . doth also expound matth. . . of the forensicall power of excommunication . now if in these places binding and loosing , remitting and retaining sinnes comprehend a juridicall power of laying on or taking off church censures ; how much more must this juridicall power be comprehended matth. . . where the context and circumstances will much more enforce this sence , then in the other two places ? this binding and loosing being also in the plurall number , whatsoever ye bind , &c. not in the singular , as the phrase is matth. . . whatsoever thou shalt bind &c. one minister may bind doctrinally , but one alone can not bind juridically . ninthly , the very doctrinall or concionall binding which is yeelded by m r prynne , is voyded and contradicted by the admission of known scandalous impenitent sinners to the sacrament : for he that is admitted to the sacrament is loosed , not bound ; remission , not condemnation is supposed to be sealed up to him , as is manifest by the words of the institution , matth. . , . drinke ye all of it , for this is my blood of the new testament , which is shed for many for the remission of sinnes . so that without a power of binding by censures , and namely by suspension from the sacrament , one and the same scandalous impenitent person shall be bound by the word , and loosed by the sacrament . surely he that is to be bound by the word , ought also to be bound by suspension from the sacrament , unlesse we make one publique ordinance to contradict another . tenthly , doth m r prynne believe that jesus christ hath any where given to church-officers a forensicall or juridicall power of binding by excommunication , and loosing by absolution or receiving againe into the communion of the church ? if he doth believe it , then i aske where hath christ committed that power unto them , if not matth. ? if he doth not believe that christ hath given any such power , then why doth he hold excommunication to be lawfull and warrantable by the word of god ▪ most certaine it is , that neither king , nor parliament , nor eldership , nor synod , nor any power on earth , may or ought to prohibite or keepe backe from the sacrament such as christ hath not commanded to be kept backe , or to bind sinners by excommunication , if christ hath given no such commission to bind in that kind . eleventhly , it may give us some light in this present question , to compare the phrase of binding and loosing matth. . . with psalm . , , , . let the high praises of god be in their mouth , and a two-edged sword in their hand , to execute vengeance upon the heathen and pnnishments upon the people . to bind their kings with chaines , and their nobles with fetters of iron , to execute upon them the judgement written : this honour have all his saints . which both jewish and christian interpreters referre to the kingdome of christ , out of whose mouth proceedeth a two-edged sword , revel . . . & . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the phrase used in the greeke version of psalm . if it should be understood of temporall or externall victories and conquests of the nations and their kings , so it was not fulfilled to the jews in the old testament ; and the jewes doe now but in vaine flatter themselves with the expectation of such a thing to come . there are but two expositions which are most received and confirmed . the first is , that the saints shall judge the world together with christ cor. . . and then vengeance shall be executed on the wicked , and all they who would not have christ to reigne over them shall be bound hand and foot and cast into utter darknesse . this is the sence of arnobius upon the place , and the jesuits of doway , emmanuel sa , jansenius , lorinus , menochius goe that way . the other exposition holds an accomplishment of the thing in this same world , and this in a spirituall sence , concerning the kingdome of christ in this world , is holden by calvin , bucer , vvestmeherus , heshusius , gesuerus , fabritius , and others . so the dutch annotations , augustine and hierome , both of them upon the place , take the sword , and the chaine , and fetters to be meant of the word of god conquering and overcomming aliens , and hereticks , and the mightiest enemies ; which others cleare from isa. . . men of stature shall come over unto thee , and they shall be thine , they shall come after thee , in chaines they shall come over . but because the psalmist maketh mention of a corrective or punitive judiciary power , therefore others ▪ adde for making the sence more full , the power of excommunication ; for which lorinus citeth bruno , and hugo victorinus . of the protestant interpreters upon the place , gesnerus , applieth it to the power of the keyes , to be made use of according to that which is written math. . fabritius conceiveth the text to comprehend castigationes spirituales , and he citeth math. . . math. . . io. . . heshusius cleareth it by the instance of theodosius excommunicated by ambrose , master cotton in his keyes of the kingdom of heaven pag. . applyeth it to the ecclesiasticall power of the keyes . bartholomaeus coppen understands it of the spirituall rule and kingdom of christ , and makes it paralell to cor. . . the weapons of our warrefare are not carnall but mighty through god , to the pulling downe of strong holds , vers . . and having in readinesse to revenge all disobedience . this judiciary ecclesiasticall power is to be executed upon all such of the nations as fall under the government of the church according to the rule of christ. and this honour have all his saints , that their ministers are armed with a power . they that follow this latter exposition will be easily induced to beleive that the binding and loosing mat. . . is also judiciall or juridicall : they that follow the former exposition , will also observe that the phrase of binding in scripture , even where it is ascribed to the church or saints , is used in a judiciary sence , and therefore it is most sutable to the scripture phrase to understand mat. , . in that sence . as touching that other exposition of the binding and loosing , that the object it is exercised about , is not a person , but a thing or doctrine , for it is not said whomsoever but whatsoever ye bind : it is sufficiently confuted by ▪ much of that which hath been said already , proving a forensicall binding and loosing even of persons . onely i shall adde these further considerations . first , the binding and loosing are acts of the power of the keyes , and are exercised about the same object , about which the power of the keyes is exercised math. . . now the power of the keyes is exercised about persons , for the kingdom of heaven is opened or shut to persons , not to doctrines . if it be said that the keyes are for opening and shutting , not for binding and loosing , to this i answer with alexr . alensis part . quaest. . membr . . that these keyes are as well for binding and loosing as for shutting and opening ; but the act of binding and loosing doth agree to the keyes immediately and in respect of the subject ; but the act of opening in reference to the last end . ibid. membr . . he had given this reason why the power of the keyes is called the power of binding and loosing , because although to open and shut be the more proper acts of the keyes themselves , yet neverthelesse to loose and bind are the more proper acts in reference to those who are to enter into the kingdome , or to be excluded from the same ; for the persons themselves which doe repent , are the subject of loosing : and they that repent not , of binding . which is not so of opening and shutting ; for although the opening be to those that are loosed , and the shutting to those that are bound ; yet those that are loosed are not the subject of opening ( as to the manner of speaking ) nor those that are bound , the subject of shutting . so then antecedently binding and loosing are acts of the power of the keyes , because a man is bound before he be shut up , and loosed before the door be opened to him . secondly , that glosse which now i despute against , doth suppose one of these two things : either that binding and loosing cannot be exercised upon the same object at different times , and that the binding is such as can never be loosed againe ; or otherwise that one and the same doctrine may be condemned at one time , and approved at another time . both which are absurd , and contrary to the generality of divines . thirdly , seeing the scripture speaketh of binding and loosing in reference to persons , as corporally , so spiritually , which i have before proved . why then , shall persons be excepted from being the object of binding and loosing matth. ? fourthly , that of binding and loosing mat. . . doth cohere with and is added by occasion of that which went before , as is also before proved . if this concerning the context be acknowledged , it will carry it to persons ; for it was an offending brother , not a false doctrine , which was spoken of in the verses preceding . fifthly , binding and loosing here doth at least reach as farre as retaining or remitting of sinnes io. . . but there it is whosoever sinnes ye remit , &c. they whose sinnes are retained , are bound . wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whatsoever mat. . . is put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whomsoever , by an hypallage generis , many examples whereof may be given in scripture : so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 io. . . is expounded by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and all things that offend mat. . . expounded by them that doe iniquity . vnlesse you please to understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whatsoever sinnes ye bind upon men or loose from off them , they shall be bound upon them or loosed from off them in heaven . chap. vii . that cor. . proveth excommunication and ( by a necessary consequence even from the erastian interpretation ) suspension from the sacrament of a person unexcommunicated . master prynne in his first quaere did aske whether that phrase cor. . to deliver such a one to sathan , be properly meant of excommunication or suspension from the sacrament onely . this , he saith , i did in my sermon wave with a rhetoricall preterition . i answer for the latter part of the quaere , i know not the least ground , for who did ever expound it of suspension from the sacrament onely ? for the former part of it , it s not necessary to be debated , therefore for husbanding time and not to multiply questions unnecessarily , i said in my sermon , that the question ought to be whether that chapter ( not whether that phrase ) prove excommunication ; and that we have a shorter way to prove excommunication from the last words of that chapter as doctor moulin doth in his vates lib. . cap. . and if i should grant that delivering such a one to sathan signifieth either of those things which master prynne conceiveth , that is , a bodily possession , torture , or vexation by sathan , inflicted either by the apostolicall power of miracles , or by gods immediate permission : yet that will not prove that it signifieth no more . therefore peter martyr upon the place , thinks that the apostles delivering of the man to sathan by a miraculous act , and the churches delivering of him to sathan by excommunication , doe very well stand together . so synop. pur . theol. disp . . thes. ▪ and he alloweth of both these expositions ; and afterward in his common place of excommunication he speaketh of gods cooperating with the church censure , by punishing the excommunicate person with diabolicall vexations . sure i am an excommunicate person may truly be said to be delivered to sathan , who is the god and prince of this world and reigneth in the children of disobedience . but master prynne will find himself difficulted to prove that tradere satanae cor. . is onely meant of a miraculous or extraordinary act , or to shew how or why the apostle requireth the assembling of the church and their consent to the working of a miracle . which ( if there were no more ) may discover the weaknesse of master prynnes notions concerning delivering to sathan , , . but as the full debate were long , so it were not necessary , since master prynne doth now himself acknowledge that the last verse of that chapter proveth excommunication , vindic . pag. . i come therefore to the next , which he calls the fourth difference , whether cor. . . with such an one no not to eat , be properly meant of excommunication or suspension from the sacrament . but ( whatsoever be properly meant by that phrase ) that which his debate driveth at , is , that this verse doth neither prove excommunication nor suspension from the sacrament so much as by necessary consequence . but let us see whether his reasons can weaken the proof of suspension from vers . . first he saith there is not one syllable of receiving or eating of the lords supper in this chapter . i answer , the question is neither of syllables nor words but of things , and how will he prove that vers . . let us keep the feast , not with old leavon , &c. is not applicable to the lords supper , i say not to it onely , yet surely it cannot be excluded , but must needs becomprehended as one part , yea , a principall part of the meaning , the better to answer the analogy of the passeover , ( there much insisted upon . ) he may be pleased also to remember that he himself pag. . proving the passeover and the lords supper to be the same for the substance , for proof hereof citeth cor. . . and that aretius theol probl . loc . . expoundeth our feast of the passeover cor. . to be meant of the lords supper . but he further objecteth from cor. . , . we are all partakers of that one bread ; if all were then partakers of this bread , certainly none were excluded from it in the church of corinth ; but at the israelites under the law , did all eat the same spirituall meat , and all drinke the same spirituall drinke though god were displeased with many of them who were idolaters , tempters of god , fornicators , murmurers , and were destroyed in the wildernesse . cor. . . to . so all under the gospell who were visible members of ●…he church of corinth , did eat and drink the lords supper to which some drunkards whiles drunken did then resort , as is clear by cor. . . . which paul indeed reprehends vers . . answ. when paul saith , we being many are one bread and one body , for we are all partakers of that one bread , he speaketh of the communion of saints , & the word all can be of no larger extent then visible saints , to whom the epistle is directed cor. . . and cannot be applyed to visible workers of iniquity , who continue impenitent and obstinate in so doing . as we may joyn in communion with a visible church , which hath the externall markes of a church , though it be not a true invisible church ; so we joyne with visible saints to become one body with them in externall church communion and to be partakers of one bread with them , though they be not true or invisible saints in the hid man of the heart . but if these be visibly no church , we cannot joyne in church communion ; and if a man be visibly no saint , he ought not to be admitted to the communion of saints . i shall never be perswaded , that the apostle paul would say of himselfe and the saints at corinth , we are one body with known idolaters , fornicators , drunkards and the like . if all in the church of corinth , ( none excluded ) even drunkards whiles drunken , and if all under the gospell who are visible members of the church ought to be admitted to eat the same spirituall meat and drinke the same spirituall drink at the lords table , as he supposeth that in the wildernesse all the israelites did the like , who were idolaters , fornicators , &c. then i beseech you observe how master prynne doth by all this overthrow his owne rules ; for pag. . and elsewhere he tells us he would have notorious scandalous sinners who after admonition persevere in their iniquities without remorse of conscience or amendment to be excommunicated from the church and from the society of the faithfull in all publike ordinances ? if both in the church of israel and in the church of corinth , all were admitted and none excluded , even those who were idolaters or drunkards , whiles actually such without repentance or amendment ; how can master prynne straiten christians , now more then moses did the jewes , or paul the corinthians ? since therefore his arguments drive at it , it s best he should speak it out , that all manner of persons who professe themselves to be christians , be they never so scandalous , never so obstinate , though they persevere in their iniquity after admonition without amendment , yet ought to be admitted to the lords table . he shall never be able to prove either that those drunken persons cor. . . were drunken when they did resort to the church , ( for it was in the church and in eating and drinking there , that they made themselves drunke ) nor yet that the idolaters and fornic●tors in the wildernesse their eating of the spirituall meat and drinking of the spirituall drinke mentioned by the apostle cor. . was after their idolat●ies and fornications : but of this latter , i have elsewhere spoken distinctly and by it self . to say that all who were visible members of the church of corinth were admitted , and none excluded , and to say it with a certainly is to make too bold with scripture . and the contrary will sooner be proved from cor. . . ye cannot drink the cup of the lord and the cup of devills : ye cannot be partakers of the lords table and of the table of devills . so much for his first exception . his second is concerning persons ( but not to the purpose ) that if we looke upon the catalogue of those with whom we are forbidden to eat , not onely shall most of the anabaptisticall and independent congregations , but too many presbyterian ministers and elders , who are most foreward to excommunicate others for idolatry , fornication , drunkennesse , must first be excommunicated themselves for their owne covetousnesse . answ. let it light where it may , ministers doe not stand nor fall to his judgement ▪ but where just proof can fasten either covetousnesse or any other scandalous sinne upon them , it s all the reason in the world they be censured with the first . if i had fallen upon this passage of his book without knowing the author , i had presently imagined it to be a peece from oxford , it calls to my thoughts so many expressions in pamphlets from thence , aspersing london and westminster , as more full of covetousnesse , lying , hypocrisie , then oxford of bloody oathes , masses and the like . thirdly , saith he , it is as clear as the noone day sunne , that , no not to e●…t , in this text is no more , then not to keep company , or hold civill familiarity with such . what ? as cleare as the noon day sun ? let us open our eyes then to see this meridian light ; first saith he , no not to eat , is interpreted in the text it self by not to keep company , which we find twice in the preceding words , eating together being one of the highest expressions of outward friendship and familiarity . had the apostle said simply , not to eat ▪ this argument had been the more colourable , but after he had twice said , not to keep company , to adde no not to eat , b doth plainly intimate that the apostle argueth from the lesse to the greater ▪ and that there is some other fellowship and company with such a one , which is more than eating together and so much lesse permitted : and what is that ? ( eating together being as master prynne saith one of the highest expressions of outward friendship and familiarity . ) must it not be communion in the holy things , and especially the receiving such a one to the lords table ? as if he had said , if scandalous brethren be spots in your common , how much more in your sacred feasts ? for which cause the mixture of scandalous persons in church fellowship is extreamly blamed pet. . . iude v. . put case that a parliament man or a divine of the assembly were known ( as god forbid ) to be an incendiary , an active malignant , a traytor , a blasphemer , so that no raher parliament man or member of the assembly would eat or company with him , were it not strange , if for all that such a one should be permitted to sit in parliament or in assembly ? is it not as strange if the whole church distributively shall not so much as eat with a scandalous person , and yet the whole church collectively shall eat with him , in that very action which is a symbole of the communion of saints ? so that if i should now admit that sence , that these words no not to eat , amount to no more then not to keep company , or hold civill familiarity with such , ( as m r. prynne expresseth it ) yet the argument will stand firme and strong in regard of this necessary consequence . if a private christian ought not to hold so much as civill fellowship with a scandalous brother not excommunicated , much lesse ought the church to admit him to church communion in all publike ordinances ; ( there being lesse latitude , & the rule much stricter in this communion than in private civill fellowship , ) & if we be forbidden to do so much as to eat with such a one at a common meal , quanto magis convictu sacro saith pareus upon the place , how much more is the church forbidden to receive him to the lords table ? for if the end of avoiding private company with such a one be to make him ashamed , as the erastians themselves doe confesse from thes. . . were it not contrary to that end to countenance and embolden him by receiving him to publike church communion at the lords table ? surely the refusing of the private could not so much put him to shame , as the admission to the publike should put respects upon him . wherefore cor. . . as it is interpreted by master prynne proveth by a necessary consequence the suspension from the sacrament of a scandalous church-member not excommunicated . if his next reason help him not , surely his sun will go down at noon , he citeth some paralell texts , which interpret not to eat here , of avoiding them , turning away from and rejecting them , &c. which are no judiciall acts of the presbytery , but morall or prudentiall acts of particular christians . answ. there is a judiciall presbyteriall act , ( as very many conceive ) in some of those paralell texts cited by him thess. . . tit. . . and so his proof is no lesse questionable , then the thing he would prove by it . and here the apostle intendeth more then a voluntary prudentiall withdrawing of particular christians , even a judiciall act , in the very next words , what have i to doe to judge them also that are without ? doe not ye judge them that are within ? where he gives the reason of what he had said before , that he had written to them not to be mixed with scandalous brethren , permitting them to keep company with pagans though guity of the same faults . the reason , because church-censures are onely for those that are church-members not for aliens . after m r prynne hath put forth his strength to prove that excommunication or suspension from the sacrament is not meant cor. . . he comes in the next place to answer the argument drawn by consequence ▪ if we may not so much as eate with such a one at our owne tables , farre lesse at the lords table . whereunto his answer is , the argument is fallacions , saith he , because it varieth in the kinde of eating , the one being civill , the other spirituall ; the one private in ones owne house , or anothers , where he hath absolute freedome or liberty to eate or not to eate with another , the other publike in the church , &c. but all this ( say i ) maketh our argument the stronger ; for if it be sinne to a private man to eate in his owne house with a scandalous brother , though this be but a civill fellowship in which there is more liberty and lesse latitude than in religious fellowship ; how much more sinfull is it for church-officers to admit such a one to sacramentall eating with the church ? and for that first rule of his , that arguments from the lesse t the greater are not conclusive , except in the same kind of action , it s utterly untrue . for the holy scripture it selfe hath divers arguments from the lesse to the greater , where the kind is no lesse different , if not more , than private civill eating together is from publique eating together at the table of the lord , as numb . . . if miriams father had spit in her face , should she not be ashamed seven daies ? how much more when god hath smitten her with leprosie for speaking against his servant moses ? h●…g . . . you have built to your selves ceiled houses , how much more ought ye to have built the house of the lord ? ioh. . . if i have told you earthly things , and ye believe not , how shall ye believe if i tell you of heavenly things ? cor. . . know ye not that we shall judge angels ? how much more things that pertain to this life ? his second exception is , that they fall not b●…th under the self-same precept . if this be a just exception against our argument , then one cannot argue thus , it s a sinne to steale a mans private goods , how much more to steale that which is holy ? it s a sinne to reproach a mans name , how much more to reproach gods name ? these doe not fall under the selfe-same precept ? shall such arguments be therefore inconcludent ? whence comes all this new logick which the world never knew before ? his third condition ( let it be remembred he saith , if either of these three conditions faile , the argument is inconseqent ) is , that it must be within the compasse of the same power . if it be so , how shall that hold universally true ? h●…w much better is it to get wisdome then gold ? and to get understanding rather to be chosen then silver ? by m r prynnes rule it must onely hold true in this case , when it fals within the compasse of the same power to get both wisdome and gold ? however if he had apprehended out argument aright , he had perceived that the iesser thing , and the greater thing are both within the compasse of the same power . the church of corinth ought not to eate with such a one at common tables : therefore not at the lords table . for this refusing to eate with such a one at common tables , was by vertue of a judiciall ecclesiasticall sentence passed against the scandalous person . so that when m r prynne saith we have free power not to eate bread with those at our own tables , with whom we have no power or liberty left us by christ , to refuse to eate with them at the lords table , and thereupon supposeth that our argumentation from that text is one principall cause and prop of independency , yea of separation , not onely from sacraments , but from churches : he doth altogether misapprehend the businesse . for . separation from churches is properly a renouncing of membership as unlawfull : our argument concerneth the unlawfulnesse of a particular act , not of a membership in such a church . . the causes and motives of separation suppose either an unlawfull constitution of churches , or an unlawfull government of churches , or both , so farre , that they who separate hold it unlawfnll to continue their membership in churches so constituted and governed , or so much as to communicate and partake in the sacrament with such churches , though they know no scandalous person admitted to the sacrament . . the great mistake lieth in this , that our present controversie is apprehended to be whether every particular christian hath power or liberty from christ to withdraw from the sacrament , because of the admission of a scandalous person . whereas our question is onely of the churches power to suspend a scandalous person from the sacrament , and when the apostle vers . . , . forbiddeth to be mixed or so much as to eate with such and such scandalous members of the church , he meaneth of church-discipline and excommunication , which he had begun to speak of , and so he comes to shew them what kinde of persons c he would have to be excommunicated , and used like that incestuous man. so beza , bullinger , hunnius , gualther , martyr , tossanus , and others upon the place . and long before all these augustine and beda plainly expound the apostles words of a publique ecclesiasticall judgement , past upon one who hath either confessed his offence or is formally accused and convict thereof ; and as they conceive , that text doth not at all justifie but doth rather condemne private christians their separating from the church , because of a mixture of scandalons persons . i know we ought prudently and cautiously to endeavour the avoyding of the company and fellowship of scandalous brethren , though not yet censured in the church , ( which may be proved from other scriptures ) but that is not the point the apostle is here upon : he meanes by no not to eate synecdochically , the whole casting off of an excommunicate person , and all that separation or withdrawing which is commanded to be made from him , or if you will ( by a metonimy of the effect for the cause ) he meanes excommunication it selfe : and however , the words immediately following prove that a publique judiciall act is intended as hath been said before . these things considered , i shall not need to be led out of my way by m r prynnes descanting upon the meaning of cor. . . how farre it prohibits civill communion and eating with a scandalous christian , being a railer or fornicator or idolater , &c. i confesse some of his limitations , as namely , that we may eate with such a●one in cases of expediency or when we can not avoyd it in civility nor without offence , are very lubricke , unsafe , and ensnaring , and at best it s but like that in martials epigramme difficilis , facilis , jucundus , acerbus es idem ; nec tecum possum vivere , nec sine te . but to treat of that case of conscience in generall is not hujus loci ; for this text speaks of not eating with an excommunicate person . neither yet shall i need here to examine m r prynnes six considerations p. , , . which he wisheth to be pondered by separatists and independents misled , ( as he thinks ) by our fallacious argument : i hope he doth not mistake our question so farre as to comprehend the sinfulnesse of any private christian his receiving of the sacrament , when and where some scandalous sinners are admitted to the sacrament , that private christian not being accessary to the sinne of the minister and eldership in admitting those scandalous sinners . wherefore i will adde eight counterballancing considerations to prove from cor. . * the first twelve verses thereof ( all which m r prynne conceiveth can not prove excommunication ) compared with cor. . an ecclesiasticall jurisdiction or power of censures , and particularly of excommunication . . there was a censure inflicted upon the incestuous man by the eldership of the church of corinth , being assembled together cor. . , . where read we that ever the church was intentionally gathered together , to cooperate with an apostle in the exercise of his miraculous apostolicall power ? but we doe read that this mans punishment or censure was inflicted upon him not by the apostle alone but by many , cor. . . erastus pag. ▪ thinks that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( in our bookes rendered punishment , and in the margent censure ) was not excommunication , but onely sharpe objurgation or reproofe . to this i have abundantly answered book . chap. . and in male audis pag. , , . and if it should be granted that the man was not then excommunicate but sharply and publiquely rebuked ( which indeed is the opinion of some ) yet the church of corinth had proceeded to excommunication , had not written to disswade them , if the apostle and take them off with a sufficit , which he neither needed nor would have done , if they had power to doe no more ●o the offender then to rebuke him sharply . to conclude this point , m prynne granteth that cor. . . proveth excommunication ; and why the gathering together , vers . . should not be intended for the same worke , i cannot imagine ? some question there was of old whether the apostles meaning vers . . were not that the corinthians should put away every man out of himselfe the evill of sinne . which augustine having somewhere left in medio , doth in his retractations correct , ( and beda upon the place out of him tels us the very same ) and expound it of the taking away of the evill man from the church by excommunication , because saith he , the greeke can not be rendered hoc malum , but hunc malum . . they who had power to receive him and forgive him , and to confirme their love towards him , had power to cast him out and censure him ; but those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church officers of the church of corinth had power of the former ; therefore of the latter . see cor. . , . the apostle adviseth them to forgive the offender . how to forgive him ? not as man forgives a private injury : that was not the case . nor onely by the doctrine of remission of sinnes applied to him in foro conscientiae , upon evidence of his repentance : that any one minister might doe . but the apostle will have those many who had censured him consistorially and judicially , to forgive him in the same manner . which is yet further confirmed by that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that confirming of their love towards him vers . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is ratum facere , thence commeth not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . when the apostle will expresse a ratified or confirmed testament galat. . . he cals it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from the same word erasmus doth collect that the apostle speaketh to them as the ordinary judges who have power to confirme their love to that penitent sinner in an authoritative manner . and why doth the apostle choose a word which properly signifi●th an authoritative confirming or ratifying of a thing , if he were not speaking of a jurisdiction and power of inflicting and taking off againe censures ? . the apostle upon occasion of that offenders case , puts the corinthians in remembrance , that they ought likewise to purge the church from the mixture of other scandalous sinners , cor. . , , , . the chapter both begins and ends with the case of the incestuous man and his punishment ; which makes interpreters conceive , that what is enterlaced concerning other scandalous sinners in the church , is to be understood of such as the apostle would have to be censured in the same manner as that incestuous man. . he instanceth in six cases , ( not intending an enumeration of all the particular cases of excommunication ) fornication , covetousnesse , ( meaning covetousnesse scandalously and grossely manifested , or practicall covetousnesse , for of the heart god onely judgeth ) idolatry , railing , drunkennesse , extortion . his instancing in these , tels us he intends not the case of private civill injuries , but of scandals , yea though the scandall be without the mixture of any civill or private injury , as in the case of an idolater or a drunkard . . and even where there is a private injury wrapt up in the bosome of the scandall , as in railing and extortion , yet the apostle there looketh upon them not qua injuries , but qua scandals ; and in that notion , he will have not onely the party particularly interrested and injured , but the other members of the church also to withdraw communion from the offender ; for he writeth to the whole church of corinth , not to keepe company with such . . when he saith , with such a one no not to ●…ate , he intimates by no not some further and greater punishment than not eating with him , as hath been said before : if not so much as eating with him , then muchlesse church communion with him at the lords table . . he meanes not of that withdrawing whereby each christian may and ought to withdraw familiarity and fellowship from such a notorious scandalous sinner , whose sinne is manifest before hand , that he may keep himselfe pure , and not partake of another mans sinne : in which case a member of one church may withdraw familiar conversing with a scandalous member of another church . but he speakes of such a withdrawing from and avoyding of the fellowship of a scandalous brother , as is done not by one or some few private christians , but by the whole church ( for hee writeth to the whole church of corinth , not to company nor eate with such a one ) i say , by the whole church , whereof the offender was a member : and that not without a judiciall or consistoriall sentence , vers . . doe not ye judge them that are within ? which can not be restricted to the judgement of christian discretion and prudence ( for so both the apostles and they did judge those that were without , to walke circumspectly toward them , col. . . and to beware of their evill . ) but t is meant of censures and punishments inflicted by many , that is , by the presbyters of that church , cor. . . . and so i have touched upon the last consideration , which is this . that as the fault was a scandall given to the church , and the judgement and censure was ecclesiasticall , not civill , so that censure for that offence was inflicted onely upon church members , not upon unbelievers . if an unbeliever did a civill injury to a christian , the christian was free to accuse the unbeliever ( if he saw it good ) before the civill magistrate , and there to seeke judgement and justice . or the christian was free to withdraw civill fellowship from the unbeliever , which did him a civill injury , which i suppose m r prynne will easily grant . but this way of censuring and punishing a scandalous church member , did not agree to an heathen who was an idolater , or drunkard , or extortioner , &c. vers. , , , . thus i have proved church censure from cor. . compared with cor. . without laying the weight of any argument upon tradere sathanae . which i would not have to be understood , as if i yeelded to our opposites , that the delivering to satan is not meant of excommunication . my meaning is onely to make the shorter worke of the erastian antithesis . the weight of their arguments , not of ours , is laid upon tradere sathanae . but for my sence of the word , i am of their opinion who interpret it of excommunication ; and so doth gualther himselfe . so doth the syriack , which readeth , that you ( corinthians ) may deliver such a one to satan . if it was an an act of the church of corinth , then it was a church censure , not a miracle . the greeke doth also carry it to be an act of the church of corinth assembled together . we have also some ( though not all ) of the ancients for us in this particular : as balsamon in canon . epist. basilii ad amphilo●… . c●…n . ● . observeth . basil speaketh of some who at that time had been delivered to satan for yeeres , that they might learn not to carry thnmselves filthily , yea unnaturally , as they had done formerly : concerning whom he adviseth that now after so long a time , they might be ( upon their spontaneous confession of their hainous offence ) received againe into the church . hereupon balsamonn oteth , those are said to be delivered to satan , who are separated from the communion of christians . chap. viii . whether judas received the sacrament of the lords supper . m r. prynne hath filled up a good part of his vindication with the case of iudas , as going very farre in the deciding of this present contoversie . but as protestant writers answer the papists in the case of peter , that it cannot be proved tha● peter was ever bishop of rome , but rather that he was no● ; and if he had , this cannot prove the popes supremacy : the like i say of this case of iudas . m. prynne shall never be able to prove that iudas did receive the sacrament of the lords supper : and if he could prove it , yet it shall not at all helpe that cause which he maintaineth . i begin with the matter of fact , whether iudas received the sacrament of the lords supper , as well as the other apostles , which is the question by him stated . for decision whereof , i hold it necessary , first of all that these two things be premised , concerning the harmony of the evangelists in that matter of iudas , the use whereof we shall see afterwards . matthew and marke tell us christs discourse of the traytor at table , and the discovery of iudas , before the institution of the sacrament . luke hath the same thing after the institution and distribution of the sacrament . so that either matthew and marke speak by anticipation , or luke speaketh by a recapitulation ; that is , either matthew and marke put before what was done after , or luke puts after what was done before . now that there is in luke an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a narration of that after the institution which was indeed before the institution of the sacrament , may thus appeare . . that very thing which luke placeth after the institution and distribution of the sacrament , luk. . , , . behold the hand of him that betrayeth me is with me on the table . and truly the sonne of man goeth as it was determined , but woe unto that man by whom he is betrayed . and they began to enquire among themselves which of them it was that should doe this thing . the very same thing doe matthew and marke record before the institution of the sacrament , matth. . . to . marke . . to . and it is more credible that one of the evangelists is to be reduced to the order of two , rather than two to the order of one . . especially considering that luke doth not relate the businesse of the last supper according to that order wherein things were acted or spoken , as is manifest by luke . . . and he tooke the cup and gave thanks and said , take this and divide it among your selves . this though related before the taking and breaking of the bread , yet it is but by an anticipation or preoccupation , occasioned by that which had preceded vers . . so to joyne the protestation of not drinking againe , with that of not eating againe the passeover with his disciples : therefore beza , salmeron , maldonat , and others following augustine and euthymius doe resolve it is an anticipation , even as paul mentioneth the cup before the bread , cor. . . i know some understand the cup mentioned luke . . to be the paschall cup ; others , to be the cup in the ordinary supper ; but to me its plaine that it was the eucharisticall cup ; yea m r prynne takes it so pag. . because that which luke saith of that cup , that christ tooke it , and gave thankes , and gave it to the disciples , that they might all drinke of it , and told them he would not drinke with them any more of the fruit of the vine till the kingdome of god should come ; all this is the very same which matthew and marke record of the eucharisticall cup. therefore our non-conformists were wont to argue from that place , that the minister ought not to give the sacramentall elements to each communicant out of his owne hand , but that the communicant● ought to divide the elements among themselves , because christ saith in that place , of the cup , divide it among your selves . . luke saith not that after supper , or after they had done with the sacrament , christ told his disciples that one of them should betray him ; onely he addeth , after the history of the sacrament , what chrst said concerning the traytor . but matthew and marke doe not onely record christs words concerning the traytor before they make narration concerning the sacrament , but they record expresly that that discourse and the discovery of the traytor was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as they did eate , matth. . . marke . . now when the evening was come he sate down with the twelve , and immediately followeth , as the first purpose which christ spake of , and as they did eate , he said , verily i say unto you , that one of you shall betray me . which could not be so , if luke relate christs words concerning the traytor in that order in which they were first uttered ; for luke having told us verse . that christ tooke the cup after supper and said , this cup is the new testament , &c. addeth , but behold the hand of him that betrayeth me is with me on the table . so that if this were the true order , christ did not tell his disciples concerning the traytor , as they did eate ( which matthew and marke doe say ) but after they had done eating . if it be said that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may suffer this sence , when they had eaten , or having eaten . i answer , the context will not suffer that sence ; for they were indeed eating in the time of that discourse , matth. . . he that dippeth his hand with me in the dish the same shall betray me , jos. . . he it is to whom i shall give a sop after i have dipped it . . musculus in loc . com . de caen . dom . pag. . gives this reason out of rupertus , why lukes narration of christs words concerning the traytor , is placed by a recapitulation after the sacrament : because luke is the onely evangelist who writeth distinctly of the paschall supper , and what christ said at that supper : and having once fallen upon that purpose , the connexion of the matter did require that he should immediately adde the story of the e●charisticall supper , without interlacing that of the traytor . which reason will passe for good with such as think iudas did eate of the paschalll supper , and that christs words concerning him were spoken at the paschall supper , which i greatly doubt of . . m r prynne pag. . doth in effect grant the same thing that i say ; for he saith , that matthew and marke record that immediatly before the institution of the sacrament , as they sate at meat jesus said unto the twelve , verily one of you shall betray me , whereupon they began to be sorrowfull and to say unto him , &c. he addeth , that iudas was the last man that said , is it i ? immediately before the institution , as matthew records . but of luke he saith onely thus much , that he placeth these words of christ concerning judas his betraying him , after the institution and distribution of the sacrament , not before it . if it be thus as m r prynne acknowledgeth , that matthew and marke record , that christ had that discourse concerning iudas before the institution of the sacrament , then most certainly it was before the institution of the sacrament , because it must needs be true which matthew and marke say . whence ●t will necessarily follow that luke doth not mention that discourse concerning iudas in its proper place , and this doth not offer the least violence to the text in luke , because he doth not say that christ spake these words after the sacrament , onely he placeth these words after the sacrament , as m r prynne saith rightly . when scripture saith that such a thing was done at such a time , it must be so believed . but when scripture mentioneth one thing after another , that will not prove that the thing last mentioned was last done . more plainly master prynne pag. , . tels us that the sacrament was given after christ had particularly informed his disciples that one of them should betray him , which he proves from ioh. . . to . matth. . . to . marke . . to . luke . , , . whence it follows inevitably by his owne confession , that matthew and marke recording that discourse about iudas after the sacrament , doe place it in the proper order ; and that luke mentioning that discourse about iudas after the sacrament , doth not place it in its owne place . this is the first thing which i thought good to premise , which will easily take off the strongest argument which ever i heard alledged for iudas his receiving of the sacrament , namely this , that luke immediately after the institution and distribution of the sacrament addeth , but behold the hand of him that betrayeth me is with me at the table . if these words were not uttered by christ in that order wherein luke placeth them ( which i have proved ) then the argument is not conclusive . the second thing to be premised , is this : that the story which we have ioh . from the beginning to verse . concerning the supper at which christ discoursed of iudas and gave him the sop , after which he went immediately out , was neither in bethany two daies before the passeover , as the antidote animadverted tels us pag . nor yet after the institution of the sacrament , as m r prynne tels us , vindic. pag. . herein differing either from himselfe or his friend . that supper in bethany , the pamphlet saith , was two daies before the passeover ; but some interpreters collect from iohn . , . it was longer before ; christ having come to bethany six daies before , and after that supper the next day christ did ride into ierusalem on a young asse , and the people cried hosanna , joh. . . the very story which we have matth. . marke saith that two daies before the passeover the chiefe priests and scribes sought how to put christ to death , but he doth not say that the supper in bethany was two daies before the passeover . but of this i will not contend , whenever it was , it is not much materiall to the present question , there was nothing at that supper concerning iudas , but a rebuking of him for having indignation at the spending of the alabaster box of oyntment , and from that he sought opportunity to betray christ : but the discourse between christ and his apostles concerning one of them that should betray him , and their asking him one by one is it i ? was in the very night of the passeover , as is cleare matth. . , , to . marke . , to . so that the story ioh. . . to . being the same with that in matthew and marke , could not be two daies before the passeover . and if two daies before christ had discovered to iohn who should betray him , by giving the sop to iudas , how could every one of the disciples ( and so iohn among the rest ) be ignorant of it two daies after , which made every one of them to aske is it i ? finally , that very night in which the lord jesus did institue the sacrament , the disciples began to be sorrowfull , and began to enquire which of them it was that should betray him , matth. . . marke . . luke . . but if christ had told them two daies before that one of themselves who did sit at table with him should betray him , surely they had at that time begun to be sorrowfull and to aske every one is it i ? that which hath been said doth also discover that other mistake that the discourse at table concerning the traytor , and the giving of the sop to iudas ioh. . was after the institution of the sacrament . if it were after , then either that in iohn is not the same with the discourse concerning the traytor mentioned by matthew and marke ; or otherwise matthew and marke speake by anticipation . but i have proved both that the true order is in matthew and marke , and that the discourse concerning the traytor mentioned by iohn must be in the evangelicall harmony put together with that in matthew and marke , as making one and the same story . and if this in iohn had been posterior to that in matthew , then why doth m r prynne himselfe joyn these together as one , pag. , . these things premised , i come to the arguments which prove that iudas did not receive the sacrament of the lords supper . the first argument ( which was by me touched in that sermon so much quarrelled by m r prynne ) is this . it is said of iudas , ioh. . . he then having received the sop went immediatly out . but this sop or morsell was given him before the sacrament , whiles they were yet eating the other supper , at the end whereof christ did institute the sacrament . therefore iudas went away before the sacrament . let us heare m r prynnes four answers to this argument , pag. , . first , saith he , iudas went not out till after supper , iohn . . and supper being ended , &c. answ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will not prove that the supper was fully ended . the centurists gent. . lib. . cap. . explaine iohn . . thus , magnâ caenae hujus parte peractâ , a great part of this supper being done ; yea the greek may be as well turned thus , when they were at supper , as the late english annotations have it . ludovicus de dieu chooseth this sence . salmeron and others proue it from verse . he riseth from supper , with vers . ▪ he sate down againe to supper , and dipped the sop . take but two like instances in this same story of the passion , matth. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 now when jesus was in bethany , not , after jesus was in bethany . matth. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 now when the even was come , not , when the even was ended . his second answer , that all the other three evangelists prove that iudas was present at the sacrament , is but petitio principii . thirdly ( saith he ) the sacrament was not instituted after supper , but as they sat at supper . answ. it was indeed instituted while they were sitting at supper , or before they rose from supper , so that they were still continuing in a table gesture ; yet the actions must needs be distinguished , for they did not at the same instant receive the sacrament , and eate of another supper too . and though it be said of the bread , that as they did eate , jesus tooke bread , yet of the cup paul and luke say , that jesus tooke it after supper , that is , after they had done eating ; therefore certainly after iudas got the sop and went away , at which instant they had not done eating . neither is there any ground at all luke . . to prove that he tooke the cup during supper , as m r prynne conceiveth . but finding no strength herein , he addeth : that some learned men are of opinion that christ had that night first his paschall supper , at the close whereof he instituted his own supper . secondly , an ordinary supper which succeeded the institution of his own , in imitation whereof the corinthians and primitive christians had their love feasts , which they did eat immediately after the lords supper : and this is more then intimated john . v. , , to , &c. therefore lukes after supper he tooke the cup , must be meant onely after the paschall supper , not th●… other supper . answ. i verily believe that beside the paschall and eucharisticall suppers , christ and his disciples had that night a common or ordinary supper , and so think calvin and beza upon matth. . . pareus upon matth. . . fulk on . cor. . . cartwright ibid. and in his harmony lib. . pag. . pelargus in ioh. . quaest . . tossanu●… in matth. . tolet and maldon●… upon iohn . . iansenius cone . evang . cap. . and divers others . i am very glad that m r prynn●… grants it ; and i approve his reason , that in the paschall supper we read of no sops , nor ought to dip them in . the jewes indeed tell us of a sauce in the passeover which they call chareseth : but i suppose christ kept the passeover according to the law , and did not tie himselfe to rites which had come in by tradition . i could bring other reasons to prove an ordinary supper , if it were here necessary . but what gaineth m r prynne hereby ? surely he loseth much , a● shall appeare afterwards . . whereas he thinks the common supper at which christ did wash his disciples feet , and discover iudas , and give him the sop , was after the sacrament , as i know not those learned men that thinke as he doth in this point , so ●t is more than he can prove . the contrary hath been proved from matthew and marke who record that the discourse concerning iudas was while they were eating that supper which preceded the sacrament ; so that the giving of the sop to iudas must be before the sacrament . but after the sacrament both matthew and marke doe immediately adde , and when they had sung a hymne they went out into the mount of olives . . as for that of the corinthians , the very place cited by himselfe maketh against him , cor. . . for when they came together to eate the lords supper , every one did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first take his owne supper , and that in imitation of christ who gave the sacrament after supper . so aquinas , lyra , and others following augustine . this taking first or before , d hath reference to the sacrament ; because it is spoken of every one who came to the lords table , every one taketh before his owne supper , which made such a disparity that one was hungry and another drunken at the sacrament , the poore having too little , and the rich too much at their owne supper . . the example of the ancient christians will helpe him as little . i finde no such thing in tertullians apologetik , as the eating of the love feasts immediately after the lords supper . but i finde both in the e african canons and in f augustine , and in g walafridus strabo that once in the yeere ( and oftner by divers ) the sacrament was received after the ordinary meat for a commemoration of that which christ did in the night wherein he was betrayed . it had been formerly in use among diver● to take the sacrament ordinarily after meat , till the african councell discharged it , as laurentius de la barre observeth in the notes upon tertullian pag. . edit . paris . . augustine epist. . cap. . & . answereth certaine quaeries of ianuarius , concerning eating or not eating before the sacrament . he saith that christ did indeed give the sacrament after supper , and that the corinthians did also take it after supper : but that the scripture hath not tied us to follow these examples , but left us at liberty . and upon this ground he defendeth the churches custome at that time of taking the sacrament fasting , for greater reverence to the ordinance . but in this he speakes plainly , h that when christ was eating with the disciples , and telling them that one of them should betray him , he had not then given the sacrament . with augustines judgement agreeth that epistle of chrysostome , where answering an objection which had been made against him , that he had given the sacrament to some that were not fasting , he denieth the fact , but addeth , if he had done so , it had been no sinne , because christ gave the sacrament to the apostles after they had supped . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let them depose , saith he , the lord himselfe , who gave the communion after supper . in commemoration whereof the ancient church ( even when they received the sacrament fasting at other times , yet ) upon the passion day called good friday received it after meales , as i proved before . and this i also adde by the way , that though ▪ paul condemneth the corinthians for eating their love feast in the church , yet he allowes them to eate at home before they come to the lords table , as the centurists , cent . . lib. . cap. . pag. . prove from cor. . . and if any man hunger let him eate at home , that ye come not altogether unto condemnation . casaubon exerc. . pag. . edit . francof . . thinks it was in imitation of christs example that those egyptians mentioned by socrates did take the sacrament at night after they had liberally supped 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being filled with all sorts of meats . i conclude therefore that when luke saith after supper he took the cup , the meaning is , after both paschall and common supper , and that there was no other eating after the sacrament that night , and so consequently the giving of the sop to iudas must needs be before the sacrament ; and his going out immediately after the sop proves that he did not receive the sacrament . but m r prynne gives us a fourth answer , which is the last ( but a very weake ) refuge . the word immediately , saith he , many times in our common speech signifieth soon after , or not long after , as we usually say we will doe this or that immediately , instantly , presently , whenas we mean onely speedily , within a short time . answ. . this is no good report which m r prynne brings upon the english tongue , that men promise to doe a thing immediately , when they do not mean to doe it immediately . i hope every conscientious man will be loath to say immediately , except when he meanes immediately , ( for i know not how to explaine immediately , but by immediately ) and for an usuall forme of speaking , which is not according to the rule of the word , it s a very bad commentary to the language of the holy ghost . . and if that forme of speech be usuall in making of promises , yet i have never known it usuall in writing of histories , to say that such a thing was done immediately after such a thing , and yet divers other things intervened between them . if between iudas his getting of the sop and his going out did interveene the instituting of the sacrament , the taking , blessing , breaking , distributing , and eating of the bread , also the taking and giving of the cup , and their dividing it among themselves , and drinking all of it ; how can it then be a true narration that iudas went out immediately after his receiving of the sop . . neither is it likely that satan would suffer iudas to stay any space after he was once discovered , lest the company ▪ and conference of christ and his apostles should take him off from his wicked purpose . . gerard having in his common places given that answer , that the word immediately may suffer this sence , that shortly thereafter iudas went forth ; he doth professedly recall that answer in his cotinuation of the harmony cap. . p. . and that upon this ground , because iudas being mightily irritated and exasperated ▪ both by the sop , and by christs answer , ( for when iudas asked is it i ? christ answered thou hast said ) would certainly breake away abruptly and very immediately . so much of the first argument . the second argument ( which i also touched in my sermon ) was this . as christ said to the communicants , drinke ye all of it , matth. . . and they all dranke , matth. . . so he saith to them all , this is my body which is broken for you , this is the cup of the new covenant in my blood , which is shed for you , luke . . . but if iudas had been one of the communicants , it is not credible that christ would have said so in reference to him , as well as to the other apostles . this argument m r prynne p. . doth quite mistake , as if the strength of it lay in a supposed particular application of the words of the institution to each communicant , which i never meant , but dislike it as much as he : the words were directed to all , in the plurall . this is my body broken for you , &c. my blood shed for you , &c. m r prynne conceives that it might have been said to iudas , being meant by christ , onely conditionally , that his body was broken , and his blood was shed for him , if he would really receive them by faith . jonas schlichtingius a socinian in his booke against meisnerus pag. . though he supposeth as m r prynne doth that iudas was present at the giving of the sacrament , yet he holds that it is not to be imagined , that christ would have said to iudas , that his body was broken for him . and shall we then who believe that the death of jesus christ was a satisfaction to the justice of god for sinne ( which the socini● believe not ) admit that christ meant to comprehend iudas ●mong others , when he said this is my body which is broken for you ? ministers doe indeed offer christ to all upon condition of believing , being commanded to preach the gospell to every creature , and not knowing who are reprobates : but that christ himselfe ( knowing that the sonne of perdition was now lost , that the scripture might be fulfilled iohn . . ) would in the sacrament ( which is more applicative then the word , and particularizeth the promises to the receivers ) so speake , as that in any sence those words might be applied to iudas , that even for him his body was broken and his blood shed ; and that thereupon the seales should be given him , to me is not at all credible ; and i prove the negative by foure arguments : ( though i might give many more ) . if christ did in reference to iudas meane conditionally that his body was broken , and his blood shed for him , if he would believe ( as m r prynne holds ) then he meant conditionally to save the sonne of perdition whom he knew infallibly to be lost , and that he should be certainly damned and goe to hell , and that in eating the sacrament he would certainly eate and drinke judgement to himselfe ( all which m r prynne himselfe pag. . saith christ infallibly knew ) but who dare thinke or say so of jesus christ ? suppose a minister knew infallibly that such a one hath blasphemed against the holy ghost , ( which sinne the centurists and others thinke to have been committed by iudas , which could not be hid from christ ) and is irrecoverably lost , and will be most certainly damned , durst that minister admit that person to the sacrament , and make those words applicable to him so much as conditionally ; this is the lords body broken for you : this is the blood of the new covenant shed for you unto remission of sinne ? how much lesse would christ himselfe say so , or mean so in reference to iudas ? . if christ would not pray for iudas , but for his elect apostles onely , and such as should believe through the word of the gospell , then he meant not so much as conditionally to give his body and blood for iudas . ( for if he meant any good to iudas , so much as conditionally , he would not have excluded him from having any part at all in his prayers to god. ) but christ doth exclude iudas from his prayer , iohn . not onely as one of the reprobate world vers . . but even by name vers . . giving him over for lost , and one that was not to be prayed for . . love and hatred in god and in his sonne jesus christ , being eternall and unchangeable , ( for actus dei immanentes sunt aeterni ) it followeth that if there was such a decree of god , or any such meaning or intention in christ , as to give his body and blood for iudas , whom he knew infallibly to be lost : and since that same conditionall meaning or intention could not be without a conditionall love of god and of christ to iudas and his salvation : this love doth still continue in god , and in christ , to save iudas now in hell upon condition of his believing , which every christian i thinke will abominate . . that conditionall love and conditionall intention or meaning , could not have place in the sonne of god. for as spanhemius doth rightly argue in his late learned exercitations de gratia universali pag. . it doth not become either the wisdome or goodnesse of god to will and intend a thing upon such a condition as neither is nor can be . and pag. . he saith , that this conditionall destination or intention cannot be conceived , as being incident onely to such as doe neither foreknow nor direct and order the event , and in whose hand it is not to give the faculty and will of performing the thing . which can not without impiety be thought or said of god. thus he . the third argument ( which i shall now adde ) is that whereby hilarius can. . in matth. and innocentius the third lib. . de mysterio miss . cap. . prove that iudas received not the sacrament , neither was present at the receiving of it . because that night while iudas was present , christ in his gracious and comfortable expressions to his apostles did make an exception , as iohn . , . ye are cleane , but not all . for he knew who should betray him , therefore said he , ye are not all cleane , vers . . i speak not of you all , i know whom i have chosen . so vers . . even as before joh. . . have not i chosen you twelue , and one of you is a divell . but at the sacrament all his sweet and gracious speeches are without any such exception , this is my body which is given for you , &c. yea he saith positively of all the apostles to whom he gave the sacrament , i will not drinke henceforth of this fruit of the vine , untill that day when i drinke it new with you in my fathers kingdome , matth. . . and this he saith nnto them all , as it is cleare from vers . . drinke ye all of it . againe , luke . , , . ye are they which have continued with me in my temptatoons . and i appoint unto you a kingdome as my father hath appointed unto me . that ye may eate and drinke at my table in my kingdome , and sit on thrones judging the twelve tribes of israel . would not christ much more have excepted iudas in these expressions , if he had been present , seeing he had so often excepted him before ? as for m r prynnes reasons from scripture to prove that iudas did receive the sacrament , they are extreamely inconcludent . first , he saith , that matthew , marke , and luke , are all expresse in terminis , that christ sate down to eate the passeover , and the twelve apostles with him ; that iudas was one of those twelv● , and present at the table ; that as they sate at meat together , jesus tooke bread , &c. that he said of the cup , drinke ye all of it ; and marke saith they all dranke of it . answ. . the three evangelists are all expresse in terminis , that when even was come , christ sate down with the twelve ; as likewise that the twelve did eate with him that night ; but that the twelve apostles were with him in the eating of the passeover , they are not expresse in terminis , and i have some reasons which move me to thinke that iudas did not eate so much as of the passeover that night ▪ whereof in the proper place . . and if he had been at the passeover , that proves not he was at the lords supper . when christ tooke the cup and said , drink ye all of it , it was after supper , that is , after the paschall supper , as m r prynne himselfe gives the sence . . when marke saith , they all dranke of it , he means all that were present , but iudas was gone forth . his argument supposeth that iudas was present , which being before disproved , there remaines no more strength nor life in his argument . that which he addeth pag. , . if it have either strength or good sence , i confesse the dulnesse of my conception . he would prove from matthew and marke that immediately before the institution of the sacrament , christ told his disciples that one of them should betray him , and they all asked is it i ? and that therefore certainly the sacrament was given to iudas , because he was the last man that said is it i ? immediately before the institution . and further ( saith he ) luke placeth these words of christ concerning iudas his betraying of him , after the institution , which manifesteth that iudas was present at the sacrament . his inference is this , that seeing iohn averreth , chap. . v. . that all this discourse , and the giving of the sop to iudas was after supper , and the other three evangelists agreeing that christ instituted and distributed the sacrament , as they did eate , before supper quite ended , it must follow that iudas did receive the sacrament . answ. . but how doth this hang together , first to argue that iudas received the sacrament , because christs discourse concerning iudas , and iudas his question is it i ? were immediately before the institution of the sacrament : and againe to prove that iudas did receive the sacrament , because christs discourse about iudas was after supper ended , and after the sacrament which was instituted before supper ended ? the one way of arguing destroyeth the other . . for that in matthew and marke , that christ discoursed of the traytor , and that iudas said is it i ? before the institution of the sacrament , i confesse ; but that it was immediately before the institution of the sacrament the evangelists doe not say , neither doth he prove it . iudas went out after that discourse and the sop , and how much of the consolatory and valedictory sermon ( which beginneth iohn . . ) was spent before the distribution of the sacrament , who is so wise as to know ? . for that in luke , i have proved that though he sets down the things , yet not in that order wherein they were done : which is also the opinion of grotius upon that place . and for that iohn . . supper being ended , i have answered before . shall we in the next place have a heape of humane testimonies concerning iudas his receiving of the sacrament ? i see so much light from scripture to the contrary , that i shall not be easily shaken with the authority of men : yet it shall not be amisse a little to trie whether it be altogether so as he would make us believe . he saith we goe against all antiquity , pag. . and against the most and best of protestant writers , pag. . yea , that all ages have received it as an indubitable verity that iudis received the sacrament , pag. . no sir , soft a little . the truth is the thing hath been very much controverted both among the fathers , and among papists , and among protestant writers . i have found none so unanimous for iudas his receiving of the sacrament as the lutherans , i endeavouring thereby to prove that the wicked hypocrites and unbelievers doe in the sacrament eate the true body of christ , and drinke his true blood , yet ( as hot as they are upon it ) they acknowledge it is no indubitable verity , they cite authorities against it as well as for it . see gerhard harm . evang . cap. . brachmand tom. . pag. . neither doe the lutherans make any such use of iudas his receiving of the sacrament as master prynne doth : for they hold that not onely excommunicated persons , but scandalous and notorious sinners , not yet excommunicated , ought to be kept backe from the lords table : see gerhard loc . com . tom. . , , . where he proves distinctly that all these ought to be excluded from the lords supper . . hereticks . . notorious scandalous sinners . . excommunicated persons . . possessed persons , furious persons , and idiots . . infamous persons , who use unlawfull arts , as magitians , negromancers , &c. and for the exclusion of scandalous sinners he citeth the ecclesiasticall electorall constitutions . l. osiander enchir. contra anabap. cap. . quaest . . tels us that the lutheran churches exclude all known scandalous persons from the sacrament . but it is strangest to me that m r prynne will not give credit to some of the testimonies cited by himselfe . theophylact. enar in matth. . saith quidam autem dicunt quod egresso juda , tradidit sacramentum aliis discipulis , proinde & nos sic facere debemus , & malos à sacramentis abarcere . idem enar . in marc. . quidam dicun●… ( but who they were appeares not saith m r prynne , in any extant worke of theirs ) iudam non fuisse participem sacramentorum , sed egressum esse priusquam dominus sacramenta traderet . shall we take this upon m r prynnes credit , that it doth not appeare in any extant worke of theirs ? nay , let him take better heed what he saith , and whereof he affirmeth . in the next page he himselfe excepteth one , which is hilary ; but except him onely , he saith that all the ancients unanimously accord herein , without one dissenting voyce . but see now whether all is to be believed that m r prynne gives great words for . t is well that he confesseth we have hilary for us . first therfore let b the words of hilary be observed . next i will prove what he denieth , namely that others of the ancients were of the same opinion . clemens lib. . constit . apost . cap. . after mention of the paschall or typicall supper , addeth these words , as of the apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but when he had delivered to us the antitype mysteries ( so called in reference to the paschall supper ) of his precious body and blood , judas not being present with us . i doe not owne these eight bookes of the apostolicall constitutions , as written by that clemens who was pauls fellow-labourer , phil. . yet certainly they are ancient as is universally acknowledged . dionysius areopagita ( or whosoever he was that anciently wrote under that name ) de ecclesiastica hierarchia cap. . part . . sect . . speaking of the same bread , and the same cup , whereof all the communicants are partakers , he saith that this teacheth them a divine conformity of manners , and withall cals to mind christs supper in the night when he was betrayed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in quo caena : so ambrose the monke in his latine translation , and iudoeus clichtoveus in his commentary , in which supper ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 relates to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the supper before mentioned , and signifieth the time of supper , or after supper was begun . ; so the graecians use to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie in the time of sicknesse ) the authour himselfe of those symbols doth most justly deprive or cast out him ( judas ) who had not holily and with agreement of mind supped together with him , upon holy things . by these holy things he understands ( it should seem ) the typicall or paschall supper , of which iudas had eaten before , and peradventure that night also , in the opinion of this ancient . iudocus clichteveus in his commentary saith onely , that iudas did that night eate together with christ cibum , meate , he saith not sacramentum . this ancient writer is also of opinion that christ did excommunicate iudas , or as clichtoveus expounds him , à caeterorum discipulorum caetu aequissime separavit , discrevit & dispescuit . if you thinke not this cleare enough , heare the ancient scholiast maximus to whom the centurists give the testimony of a most learned and most holy man : he flourished in the seventh century , under constans , he was a chiefe opposer of the monothelites , and afterwards a martyr . his scholia upon that place of dionysius , maketh this inference 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that after judas had gone forth from supper , christ gave the mystery to his disciples . againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where note , that to him also , ( that is , to iudas ) he ( christ ) gave of a mysticall bread ( meaning the unleavened bread of the passeover ) and cup ( meaning the cup drunke at the paschall supper ) but the mysteries ( that is , the eucharisticall bread and cup , commonly called the mysteries by ancient writers ) he gave to his disciples after judas went forth from supper , as it were because judas himselfe was unworthy of these mysteries . adde hereunto the testimony of georgius pachymeres , who lived in the thirteenth century : in his paraphrase upon that same place of dionysius , he saith that christ himselfe the author and institutor of this sacrament , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . christ doth cast out and separate or excommunicate most justly judas , who bad not holily supped together with him . for having given to him also of a mysticall bread and cup , he gave the mysteries to the disciples alone , after be went forth from supper , thereby as it were shewing that judas was unworthy of these mysteries . by the mysteries which maximus and pachimeres speake of , and which they say christ gave to his disciples , after iudas was gone forth . , i can understand nothing , but the eucharisticall supper , the elements whereof are very frequently called the mysteries by the ancients , as hath been said . and if any man shall understand by these mysteries the inward graces or things signified in the lords supper , then what senoe can there be in that which maximus and pachimeres say ? for christ could as easily keepe backe from iudas , and give to his other disciples , those graces and operations of his spirit , when iudas was present among them , as when he was cast out . so that it could not be said that christ did cast out iudas in order to the restraining from him , and giving to the other disciples , the invisible inward grace signified in the sacrament , as if the other apostles had not received that grace at the receiving of the sacrament , but that iud●…s must first be cast out , before they could receive it ; or as if iudas had received the inward grace , if he had not gone out from supper . the sence must therefore be this , that iudas as an unworthy person was cast out by christ , before he thought fit to give the sacrament of his supper unto his other apostles . unto all these testimonies adde ammonius alexandrinus de quatuor evangeliorum consonantia , cap. . where he hath the story of iud●…s his receiving of the sop , and his going forth immediately after he had received it : thereafter cap. . he addeth the institution and distribution of the lords supper , as being in order posterior to iudas his going forth . so likewise before him tacianus doth make the history of the institution of the sacrament to follow after the excluding of iudas from the company of christ and his apostles : which neither of them had done , if they had not believed that iudas was gone before the sacrament . with all these agreeth l innocentius the third , who holdeth expresly that the sacrament was not given till iudas had gone forth : and that there is a recapitulation in the narration of luke . moreover as it is evident by the forementioned testimonies of theophylact that some of the ancients did hold that christ gave not the sacrament to iudas : so also the testimony cited by m r prynne out of victor antiochenus beareth witnesse to the same thing : sunt tamen qui judam ante porrectam eucharistiae sacamentum exivisse existiment . but yet ( saith he ) there are who conceive that judas went forth before the sacrament of the eucharist was given . and with these words m r prynne closeth his citation out of victor antiochenus . but i will proceed where he left off . the very next words are these , sane johannes quiddam ejusmodi subindicare videtur . certainly i●…hn seemeth to intimate some such thing . which is more then halfe a consenting with those who thinke that iudas went forth before the sacrament of the lords supper . i shall end with two testimonies of rupertus tuitiensis , m one upon the sixth : n another upon the thirteenth of iohn . the latter of the two speaketh thus , being englished . but we must know , that , as it hath been also said before us , if judas after the sop did goe forth immediately , as a little after the evangelist saith , without doubt , he was not present with the disciples at that time when our lord did distribute unto them the sacrament of his owne body and blood . and a little after , therefore by the lords example the good ought indeed to tolerate the bad in the church , untill by the fanne of judgement the graine be separated from the chaffe , or the tares from the wheate : but yet patience must not be so farre void of discerning , as that they should give the most sacred mysteries of christ , to unworthy persons whom they know to be such . as for moderne writers , this present question hath been debated by salmeron tom. . tract . . and by d r kellet in his tricaenium lib. . cap. . both of them hold that iudas did not receive the lords supper . mariana on luke . . citeth authors for both opinions , and rejecteth neither . gerhard harm . evang. cap. , citeth for the same opinion , that iudas did not receive the lords supper , ( beside salmeron ) turrianus and barradius : and of ours danaeus , musculus , kleinwitzius , piscator , & alii complures , saith he , and many others . adde also zanchius upon the fourth command . gomarus ( who professedly handleth this question upon iohn . ) o beza puts it out of question , and p tossanns tels us it is the judgement of many learned men , as well as his owne . q musculus following rupertus , concludeth that certainly iudas was gone forth , before christ gave the sacrament to his apostles . so likewise r diodati and s grotius . by this time it appeareth that m r prynne hath no such consent of writers of his opinion , or against mine , as he pretendeth . as for those ancients cited by m r prynne , some of them ( as origen and cyrill ) did goe upon this great mistake that the sop which christ gave to iudas , was the sacrament ; which errour of theirs is observed by interpreters upon the place . no marvell that they who thought so , were also of opinion that iudas received the sacrament of the lords supper ; for how could they choose to thinke otherwise , upon that supposition ? but now the later interpreters , yea m r prynne himselfe having taken away that which was the ground of their opinion , their testimonies will weigh the lesse in this particular . chrysostome thinks indeed that iudas received the sacrament , but he takes it to be no warrant at all for the admission of scandalous persons : for in one and the same homily , hom. . in matth. he both tels us of iudas his receiving of the sacrament , and discourseth at large against the admission of scandalous persons . as for bernard m r prynne doth not cite his words nor quote the place . oecumenius ( in the passage cited by m r prynne ) saith that the other apostles and iudas did eate together communi mensa , at a common table ; but he saith not at the sacrament of the lords supper . that which oecumenius in that place argueth against , is the contempt of the poore in the church of corinth , and the secluding of them from the love feasts of the richer sort . now , saith he , if christ himselfe admitted iudas to eate at one and the same table , with his other disciples , ought not we much more admit the poore to eate at our tables ? m r prynne tels us also that nazianzen in his christus patiens agreeth that iudas did receive the lords supper together with the other apostles . i answer , first i finde no such thing in that place . next , those verses so entituled , are thought to be done by some late author , and not by nazianzen , as io. new enklaius in his censure upon them noteth , and giveth reason for it . cyprians sermon de ablutione pedum , as it is doubted of whether it be cyprians , so the words cited by m r prynne doe not prove the point in controverfie . the other testimony cited out of cyprians sermon de caena domini , as it is not transcribed according to the originall , so if m r prynne had read all which cyprian saith in that sermon against unworthy receivers , peradventure he had not made 〈◊〉 of that testimony . the words cited out of ambrose doe not hold forth clearely iudas his receiving of the eucharisticall supper . the words cited out of augustine epist. . iudas accepit pretium nostrum , are not there to be found , though there be something to that sence . it is no safe way of citations to change the words of authors . this by the way . as for his other three citations out of augustine tract . . . & . in ioh. i can not passe them without two animadversions . first , the greatest part of those words , which he citeth as augustines words , and also as recited by beda in his commentary on cor. . is not to be found either in augustine or beda in the places by him cited ; viz. these words : talis erat judas , & tamen cum sanctis discipulis undecin●… intrabat & exibat . ad ipsam caenam dominicam pariter accessit , conversari cum iis potuit , eos inquinare non potuit : de uno p●…ne & petrus accipit & judas ; & tamen quae pars fideli & infideli ? petrus enim accepit ad vitam , manducat judas ad mortem : qui enim comederunt indigne judicium sibi manducat & bibit sibi , non tibi , &c. of which last sentence if m r prynne can make good latine , let him doe it , ( for i can not ) and when he hath done so , he may be pleased to looke over his bookes better to seeke those words elsewhere , if he can finde them , for as yet he hath directed us to seeke them where they are not . my next animadversion shall be this . the words of augustine , which m r prynne alledgeth for iudas his receiving of the sacrament , are these , tract . . in joh. num enim mala erat buccella quae tradita est judae à domino ? absit . medicus non daret venenum : salutem medicus dedit , sed indigne accipiendo ad perniciem accepit , quia non pacatus accepit . thus the originall , though not so recited by m r prynne : but that i passe , so long as he retaines the substance . yet how will he conclude from these words that iudas received the sacrament of the lords supper , unlesse he make augustine to contradict himselfe most grossely : for tract . . in joh. ( another place whether m r prynne directeth us , ) speaking of christs giving of that buccella or sop to iudas , he saith , non autem ut putant quidam negligenter legentes , tunc judas christi corpus accepit : but judas did not at that time receive the body of christ , as some negligently reading doe thinke . which words beda also in his comment on ioh. . hath out of augustine . it is augustines opinion that the sacrament was given before that time , at which iudas was present . that which m r prynne citeth out of algerus ( a monke , who in that same booke writeth expresly for transubstantiation ) maketh more against him then for him . for algerus takes the ●eason of christs giving the sacrament to iudas , to be this , because his perverse conscience though knowne to christ was not then made manifest , iudas not being accused and condemned : so that he was a secret , not a scandalous sinner . thus farre we have a taste of m r prynnes citations of the ancients . peradventure it were not hard to finde as great flaws in some other of those citations . but it is not worth the while to stay so long upon it . among the re● he citeth haymo bishop of halberstat for iudas his receiving of the sacrament . but he may also be pleased to take notice that haymo would have no notorious scandalous sinner to receive the sacrament , and holds that a man eats and drinks unworthily qui gravioribus criminibus commaculatus praesumit illud ( sacramentum ) sumere ; that is , who being defiled with haynous crimes presumeth to take the sacrament ; but if he had thought it ( as master prynne doth ) the most effectuall ordinance , and readiest meanes to worke conversion and repentance , he could not have said so . that which m r prynne pag. . citeth out of the two confessions of bohemia and belgia , doth not assert that for which he citeth them . for neither of them saith that iudas did receive the sacrament of the lords supper . the belgik confession saith an evill man may receive the sacrament unto his own condemnation . as for example , judas and simon magus both of them did receive the sacramentall signe . i can subscribe to all this ; for it is true in respect of the baptisme both of iudas and simon magus . but i must here put m r prynne in minde , that the thing which he pleads for , is extreamly different from that which the belgick churches hold . for harmonia synodorum belgicarum cap. . saith thus , nemo ad caenam dominicam admittatur , nisi qui fidei confessionem ante reddiderit , & disciplinae ecclesiasticae se subjecerit , & vitae inculpatae testes fideles produxerit . let no man be admitted to the lords supper , except he who hath first made a confession of his faith , and hath subjected himselfe to the church discipline , and hath proved himselfe by faithfull witnesses to be of an unblameable life . the other confession of bohemia saith that iudas received the sacrament of the lord christ himselfe , did also execute the function of a preacher , and yet he ceased not to remaine a divell , an hypocrite , &c. this needeth not be expounded of the lords supper ( which if he had received , how did he still remaine an hypocrite ? for that very night his wickednesse did breake forth and was put in execution ) but of the passeover received by iudas once and againe , if not the third time . that chapter is of sacraments in generall , and that which is added , is concerning ananias and his wife , their being baptised of the apostles . however the very same chapter saith that ministers must throughly looke to it , and take diligent heed lest they give holy things to dogs , or cast pearles before swine . which is there applied to the sacraments , and is not understood of preaching and admonishing onely as m r prynne understands it . also the booke entituled ratio disciplinae ordinisque eccles●…astici in unitate fratrum bohemorum cap. . appointeth not onely church-discipline in generall , but particularly suspension from the lords table of obstinate offenders . finally , whereas m. prynne citeth a passage of the antiquated common prayer booke , as it hath lost the authority which once it had , so that passage doth not by any necessary inference hold forth that iudas received the sacrament , as d. kellet sheweth at some length in his tricaenium . the citation in which m. prynne is most large , is that of alexander alensis part . . quaest. . membr . . art . . sect . . ( though not so quoted by him ) but for a retribution , i shall tell him three great points , in which alexander alensis in that very dispute of the receiving of the eucharist , is utterly against his principles . first , alexander alensis is of opinion that the precept matth. . . give not that which is holy to dogs , neither cast ye pearles before swine , doth extend to the denying the sacrament to known prophane christians ; for both in that section which hath been cited , and art . . sect . . answering objections from that text , he doth not say , that it is meant of the word , not of the sacrament , and of infidels , hereticks , persecutors , not of prophane ones : but he ever supposeth , that the ministers are forbidden by that text , to consent to give the sacrament to prophane scandalous sinners . secondly , alexander alensis holds , that christs giving of the sacrament to iudas , is no warrant to ministers to give the sacrament to publique notorious scandalous sinners , though they doe desire it . and thus he resolveth ib. art . . sect . . if the priest know any man by confession to be in a mortall sinne ; he ought to admonish him in secret , that he approach not to the table of the lord : and he ought to deny unto such a one the body of christ , if he desire it in secret . but if he desire it in publique , then either his sinne is publique or secret . i●… publique , he ought to deny it unto him ; neither so doth he reveale sinne because it is publique : if private , he must give it , lest a worse thing fall out . thirdly , alexander alensis holds the sacrament of the lords supper , not to be a converting , but a confirming and conserving ordinance ibid. art . . sect . . his words i shall cite in the debating of that controversie . chap. ix . whether judas received the sacrament of the passeover that night in which our lord was betrayed . mr prynne ( distrusting peradventure the strength of his proofes for iudas his receiving of the lords supper ) betakes himselfe to an additionall argument pag. . all our antagonists , saith he , and the evangelists clearely agree that jud●…s did eate the passeover with christ himselfe , as well as the other apostles : now the passeover was a type of the lords supper , &c. it seems he had not the notes of my sermon truly ( though he endeavour to confute it ) for i did then , and i doe still make a very great question of it , whether iudas did so much as eate the passeover at that time with christ and the other apostles : and i thinke i have very considerable reasons which make it probable that iudas did not eate the passeover that night with christ and the apostles . the resolution of this question depends upon another , whether christ and his apostles did eate the passeover before that supper at which he did wash his disciples feet , and gave the sop to iudas ( after the receiving whereof iudas immediately went out ) or whether that supper was before the eating of the passeover . i finde t some others as well as my selfe have been of opinion that it was before , not after the passeover ; ( yea that the jewish custome was to eate their common supper before the passeover . see m. weemse his christian synagogue pag . ) i finde also ammonius alexandrinus de quatuor evangeliorum consonantia cap. . placeth that supper mentioned iohn . , , , . at which jesus did wash his disciples feet , and when he had done sate down againe , and told them that he who was eating bread with him should betray him . then cap. . he proceedeth to the story of the paschall supper , in which he conceiv●th the sop was given to iudas ; but in this particular he did much mistake ; for the sop was given at the same supper mentioned iohn . , , , . and not at the paschall supper ( as m prynne also acknowledgeth , ) this is cleare , that ammonius placeth the common supper at which christ did wash his disciples feet , and told them of the traitor , to have been before the paschall supper . i will first tell the reasons that incline me this way , and then answer the objections which may seem to be against it . the reasons are these : . the orientall custome was to wash before meal , not after they had begun to eate . . this supper ( in which the sop was given to iudas , whereupon he went away ) was before the feast of the passeover , joh. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meaning immediately before the feast of the passeover , it being reckoned from the time of eating the paschall lambe , and so before the feast of the passeover , hath the same sence as luke . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the pharisee wondred that christ had not washed before dinner , that is immediately before dinner . so here i undestand before the feast of the passeover , that is immediately before the time of eating the paschall lambe , which was the beginning of the feast of the passeover . you will say perhaps that christ did not eate the passeover upon the same day that the jewes did , and so those words before the feast of passeover , may be understood before the passeover of the jewes , not before the passeover of christ. i answer , whether christ and the jewes kept the passeover at one time , is much debated among interpreters . baronius , toletus , and divers others hold that christ did eate the paschall lambe upon the same day with the jewes . scaliger , causabon , and others hold the contrary . the question hath been peculiarly debated between ioh. cloppenburgius , and ludovicus capellus , yet so that capellus ( who followes scaliger and casaubon ) acknowledgeth that both opinions have considerable reasons , and both are straitned with some inconveniencies . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de ultimo christi paschate pag. . & . for my part , i shall not contend : but admit the distinction of christs passeover and the jewes passeover ; yet saith maldonat upon ioh. . . i doubt not but iohn understands christs passe-over ; for all the evangelists in the story of the last supper when they speake of the passeover , they mean christs passeover , and it was the true passeover according to the law. . that which makes many to thinke that christ did eate the passeover before that other supper in which he gave the sop to iudas , is a mistake of the jewish custome , which as they conceive was to eate other meat after , but none before the paschall lambe . now to me the contrary appeareth , namely , that whatsoever the jewes did eate before the paschall supper , in the night of the passeover , was eaten before the paschall supper , and it was among them forbidden to eate any thing after the paschall supper . which may be proved not onely by that talmudicall canon ( cited by d. buxtorf in hist. instit . caenae dom. ) which saith , the passeover is not eaten except after meal : but also more plainly by w liber rituum paschalium lately translated and published by rittangelius : and by another canon cited by x martinius . but there are two arguments which may be brought to prove that iudas did eate the passeover with christ and the apostles . . because that supper at which iudas got the sop , was after the paschall supper , for it is said iohn . . supper being ended . which must be meant of the paschall supper . i answer these words may very well be understood not of the paschall supper , but of that other supper at which the sop was given to iudas . and as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : some greeke copies have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and nonnus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so the sence were as augustine expounds , supper being prepared and ready and set on table . but be it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the matter is not great ; for there is no necessity of expounding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus , when supper was done or ended . it may suffer other two sences . one is , that of augustine , when it was supper time , or when supper was set on table . and this sence is followed by a●…binus fl●…us alcuinus lib. de divinis officiis , artic. de caena domini . circa v●…speram vero caenâ factâ , id est paratâ , & ad convivantium mensam usque perductâ , non transactâ neque ●…initâ , surgit jesus à caenâ & p●…it vestimenta , &c. so likewise mariana upon ioh. . . tels us that caenâ factâ , may well be expounded , caenâ paratâ , or ante caenam , or cum caenae tempus adesset , which he cleareth by the like formes of speech in other scriptures . secondly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may very well be translated , when supper was begun , or when they were at supper , as i have before shewed by like instances in the new testament , matth. . . . things permanent as a house , or the like are said to be factae , when they are ended and compleate . but things which are successive are said to be factae , when they are begun , as dies factus , not when the day is ended , but when it is begun . so here , there can be no more proved from the words , but that supper was begun , or they were at supper . this sence is given by osiander , erasmus , ●…ossanus harm . evang . part . cap. . beside the centuri●ts , salmeron , and lud. de dieu before cited . the other argument may be this . matthew , marke and luke , after they have told of the making ready of the passeover , adde that christ sate 〈◊〉 with the twelve . ans. . it cannot be proved , that this is meant of sitting down to eate the passeover ; nay , it rather appeareth from the text , that it was to eate that other supper , at which the sop was given to iudas ; the same discourse and questioning concerning the traytor , which iohn sets down before iudas his getting of the sop and going out ; is recorded by ma●…thew and marke , to have been in that first supper , unto which christ sate down with the twelve when even was come . therefore christs sitting down with the twelve matth. . , . mark ▪ . , . ●eing spoken of that supper at which christ told his disciples that one of them should betray him , and every one asked is it i ? ( which by m r prynnes confession was not the paschall , but the ordinary supper . ) it followeth that the sitting down with the twelve is not meant of the passeover , but of an ordinary supper before the passeover . . the same words of christs sitting down with the twelve are expounded ( though upon other considerations ) as spoken in reference not to the paschall , but the ordinary or common supper , by lorinus in psal. . . following maldonat , and by gerhard . harm . evang. cap . p. . their reason is , because according to the law , the passeover was to be eaten standing , not sitting : but that is more then can be proved from the law which doth not so much as speake of standing at the first passeover . it is no necessary consequence : they had their stav●s in their hands , ergo they were standing . this by the way . . granting that christs sitting downe with the twelve were spoken of the paschall supper , yet the paschall supper being after the other supper , at which iudas got the sop and went away ( which i now suppose for the reasons before-mentioned till i see better reasons to the contrary . ) it might be said , after iudas was gone , that christ sate down with the twelve , as well as cor. . . it is said of christ risen from the dead , he was seen of cephas , then of the twelve , though he was seen onely of the eleven , and iudas was gone to his place . which answers all that can be said from luke . , . if i have not said so much , as to put it out of all question that iudas did not eate of the passeover with christ and his apostles , yet i am sure i have cleared so much as this , that master prynne will not be able to prove convincingly that iudas did eate of the passeover that ●ight with christ. i will conclude with the pious observation of m r cartwright : that it was not a vaine or idle question , which the disciples propounded , ( being commanded to prepare the passeover ) they aske , where wilt thou that we prepare ? luke . , . for christ having commanded them , that into whatsoever city they entered , they should enquire who were godly therein , and turne in to such , to lodge and to eate there ; they did thereby easily understand , that if in common and ordinary eating together , then much more in this sacred feast , they must turne in to the families of the godly , and avoyd the prophane ; especially considering that they who were of that houshold were to eate the passeover with christ and his disciples , according to the law. from this very example of the passeover he drawes an argument for keeping off all ungodly and prophane persons from the sacrament , so farre as is possible . thus cartwright harm . evang. lib. . pag. . the like observation chrysostome hath upon matth. . . i will keepe the passeover at thy house with my disciples . he bids us marke those words with my disciples : not with prophane or scandalous ones , but with my disciples . to the like purpose titus bostrorum episcopus in luke . hath this observation . non manducat autem hoc pascha cum judaeis , sed tantum cum discipulis suis : siquidem judaei , propter obstinatam incredulitatem , hoc paschate indigni erant . yet he eateth not this passeover with the jewes , but onely with his own disciples : for as much as the jews , because of their obstinate incred●…lity , were unworthy of this passeover . chap. x. that if it could be proved that judas received the lords supper , it maketh nothing against the suspension of known wicked persons from the sacrament . i have now done with the first part of this controversie concerning iudas , and have disproved that which m r prynne hath said either for iudas his receiving of the sacrament of the lords supper , or for his eating of the passeover . in which particulars , though learned and godly divines who are against the admission of scandalous sinners to the sacrament , are not all of one opinion , yet all looke upon it as a matter of debate , and i know none that ever cried downe with scorne and contempt the opinion of iudas his not receiving of the sacrament , excep● m r prynne whose grounds are oftimes weakest where his assertions are strongest . i proceed to the second answer . granting that iud●…s did receive the sacrament , that can make nothing for the admission of scandalons sinners whose prophannesse and ungodly conversation is knowne , and maketh their name to stinke in the church . for iudas his wickednesse was not publique nor knowne before he had got the sop and gone out , and left the company of christ and the apostles . and moreover he who argueth from christs receiving of iudas to the sacrament , when though his sinne was yet secret , yet christ knew him to be a divell ; to prove that the eldership may and ought to admit one to the sacrament , whom they know to be a iudas , a divell : may as well argue from christs choosing of iudas to be an apostle when he knew him to be a divell , to prove the lawfulnesse of the elderships choosing of a minister whom they know to be a divell . but now for that point of the scandall or secresie of iudas his sinne , let us heare m r prynnes reply , pag. , . he gives it foure feet to runne upon . but the truth is , it hath but two ( the same things being twice told ) and those how foundered you shall see by and by . first he saith , that at the time when christ instituted the sacrament he foretold the disciples that iudas should betray him iohn . . to . matth. . . to . marke . . to . luk●… . , , . more plainly pag. . he saith , christ did admit iudas , to eate the passeover and sacrament with his other disciples , and they made not any s●…ruple of conscience to communicate with him in both , no not after christ had particularly informed them , and iudas himselfe , that he should betray him , matth. . . to . answ. . it was but just now that m r prynne told us , ( to manifest that iud●…s was at the sacrament ) that luke placeth christs words concerning iud●…s , after the sacrament , not before it . and more expressely he told us out of iohn that christs discourse about iudas , and his informing of the disciples that one of them should betray him , and his giving the sop to iudas , was after the sacrament , because it was after supper end●d , the sacrament being instituted and distributed before supper ended vindic. pag. , . & . the same thing which before he made to be after the sacrament , to prove that iudas did receive the sacrament , the very same he now makes to be before the sacrament , that he may prove iudas a scandalous ●inner and a known traitor , even before his receiving of the sacrament . and shall he thus abuse not onely his reader , but the word of god it selfe with palpable and grosse contradictions ? i shall beseech him in the feare of god to looke to it , and never more to take this liberty to put contrary sences upon the holy scripture , so as may seeme to serve most for his present advantage . surely such lucubrations are not onely subitane but sinfull . . his answer which now he gives us doth clearely yeeld these two things : . that the discourse about the traytor , and the giving of the sop , i●…hn . . to vers . . was before the sacrament ; now iudas having gone out immediately after the sop , hereby master prynne strengthneth my argument which i brought to prove that iudas did not receive the sacrament ; which argument in this very particular he formerly opposed . . he hath here also yeelded that these words luke . , , . but behold the hand of him that betrayeth me is with me on the table , &c. though mentioned after the sacrament ( which is the most colourable argument for iudas his receiving of the sacrament ) yet were spoken before the sacrament , and that the order of time is not to be gathered from luke but from matthew and marke who record that discourse about iudas before the sacrament . and in yeelding this , he takes off his own strongest argument , and confirmes what i have before taken pains to prove . . those divines that hold iudas did receive the sacrament , doe conceive that those words , but behold the hand of him that betrayeth me , &c. were indeed spoken after the sacrament , and that luke placeth them in their proper place . and so holding that the discourse about the traytor was after the sacrament , they doe thereby intimate that iudas was not knowne to be the traytor , till after the sacrament . wherefore either a man must quit the most considerable argument for iudas his receiving of the sacrament , or else acknowledge that iudas was not knowne by the disciples to be the traytor till after the sacrament . . when after the giving of the sop christ said to iudas , that thou dost , doe quickly , no man at the table knew for what intent he spake this unto him , john . . but if christ had particularly informed them that iudas was the traytor , how is it that they could have been so altogether ignorant of christs intent , as to thinke that he was still trusting iudas with the buying of what they had need of against the feast , or with giving to the poore ? hence lud. capellus spicileg . in joh. . collecteth that when iohn asked of christ , who it was , and when christ said , he it is unto whom i shall give the sop , this was but a secret conference , and the rest of the disciples did not heare it : else they could not have been so ignorant of it . . the places cited by m r prynne doe not prove that christ did particularly tell and informe his disciples that iudas ( but that one of them ) should betray him . christ made it known to iohn alone by the signe of giving the sop , ioh. . . yea theophylact. upon ioh. . thinkes , that as the other apostles heard not what christ said to iohn concerning the traytor , so iohn himselfe even at that instant could hardly imagine that iudas would commit so great wickednesse . nullus ergo cog●…vit , saith he , no man did know it , which he gathers from the words of john himselfe , vers . , . bucerus in matth. . . holdeth the same . i know some thinke it was made knowne to all the disciples by that math. . then jud●…s which betrayed him answered and said , master is it i ? he said unto him , thou hast said . but others answer that it is not certaine that christ said this to iudas in the hearing of all the disciples : also that these words thou hast said , are not a cleare affirmation of the thing . lud. capellus spicileg . in matth. . admitteth these words thou hast said , to be affirmative of that which had been said . but he moves this doubt : when iudas had said is it i ? he did not affirme the thing , but doubted of it . how then did christ returne such an answer as agreeth to that which iudas had said , as if it had been a positive truth . he gives this solution , that christ as searcher of the heart did speake it to iudas , who was in his conscience convinced that he was the man , and so assenteth to the truth of that testimony of his conscience . now this could not be certainly known to the other apostles . for my part i shall not need to contend much about that : for granting it to be a cleare information to all the disciples that iud●…s was the traytor , yet ( by their principles who hold iudas did receive the sacrament ) this was after , not before the sacrament , for they make the anticipation to be in matthew and marke , and the true order to be in luke . . beside that of the french catechisme , which saith the impiety of iudas was concealed , and not broken forth into the light and knowledge of men when the sacrament was given : take these other testimonies , martyr . in cor. . et quod attinet ad judam , peccatum ejus non erat cognitum atque perspectum , nec ullo judicio convictum . gerhard . harm . evang. cap. . pag. , iudae scelus nondum erat in lucem productum , sed anim●… suo illud ad●…c ela●…sum tenebat . the same he hath in his common places tom. . pag. . where he sheweth that iudas receiving of the sacrament maketh nothing for the admission of scandalous persons ; because although iudas had gone to the chiefe priests and agreed with them , this was knowne to none of the disciples , at that time , but to christ himselfe onely . nay the testimony cited by m r prynne himselfe out of algerus de sacram. maketh strongly against him in this particular : quia enim saith algerus ) judas accusatus & damnatus non fuerat , ideo christus conscientiam ejus perversam , quamvis sibi notam damnare noluit . for because judas was not accused & condemned , therefore christ would not condemne ( openly ) his perverse conscience , though known to himself . innocentius . in the place above cited de myst . missae lib. . cap. . after he hath asserted that iudas did not receive the lords supper , he addeth , that if it should be granted that iudas did receive it , this onely will follow at most , that ministers are to admit to the sacrament such as are not known to the church , to be impious or wicked , as iudas his wickednesse was not at that time knowne to the disciples . likewise both chrysostome and theophylact upon iohn . are cleare in this , that iudas hypocrisie was not detected to the apostles till christ did separate him , and he went forth . moreover i shall minde m r prynne how he himselfe doth apply this example of iudas in his independency examined , pag. , . he argueth thus : whether independents refus●…ll to admit such christians who are not notoriously scandalous in their lives , nor grossely ignorant in the principles of religion , to the sacrament of the lords supper , &c. onely upon this suspition or apprehension , that they are but carnall men , not truly regenerated or sanctified by gods spirit ( though they can not certainly judge of their present spirituall conditions infallibly known to god alone ) be not a very uncharitable arrogant , yea unchristian practice , contrary to our saviours owne immediate example , who at the first institution of this sacrament admitted iudas to his last supper , as well as his disciples , though he certainly knew him to be both a traytor and a divell . in which argumentation he himself supposeth that iudas was not notoriously scandalous , nor knowne to the disciples , ( but to god and christ alone ) to be a traytor and divell . for otherwise he could not in any reason argue thus against the independents : because if this supposition be not laid downe that iudas was an unregenerate yet not a scandalous person : then the independents had this obvious answer , that if his argument prove any thing , it doth conclude the admission not onely of unregenerated and unsanctified , but of scandalous persons , to the sacrament ; whereas he brings it to prove against them , that persons not scandalous , though unregenerate , ought not to be refused the sacrament . and now he brings the same thing against us to prove that scandalous persons ought to be admitted , if not excommunicated , and desirous to receive the sacrament . he tels us by the way of iudas his theevish , covetous , as well as traiterous disposition iohn . . both which did make him scandalous . but he might have observed , that the holy ghost sheweth plainly that in that act iudas was not a scandalous sinner in the esteeme of the other disciples ; for his theevish covetous disposition was not known to the disciples ; yea the pretext of his care for the poore was so plausible to them ( though abominable to christ who knew his heart ) that it is said , not onely of iudas , but of the disciples ( by his instigation ) they had indignation at the wasting of that which might have been sold for much and given to the poore , matth. . . let us now heare m r prynnes other answer vindic. pag. , . he tels us that though perchance the other disciples did not know that iudas was a traytor and a divell , yet christ himselfe did infallibly know all this of iudas , and did notwithstanding admit him to the sacrament . whereupon he beseecheth all ministers not to make themselves wiser , holier , rigider in this point then christ himselfe . answ. . if ministers did take upon them to suspend men from the sacrament upon their owne private knowledge of some secret sinnes whereof those men are guilty : his argument might say somewhat . but the question being of suspension by the eldership upon the notoreity or proofe of the offence , and consis●oriall formall conviction of the offender , he saith here nothing to that point . . what a minister should do when he certainly knows one of the congregation ( not convict nor notoriously scandalous ) to be a iudas , a traytor , a divell , i will not now dispute . but surely m r prynnes reason why the minister ought to admit such a one , is not rightly applied , * for christ did then know iudas to be a traytor and a divel , but how ? not as man , by sight , information , or the like , but as god and as omniscient , that is , he knew iudas by that same knowledge whereby he knows close hypocrites in whom no eye of man hath seen any thing scandalous , but rather good and promising signes ; some of this kind no doubt are admitted to the sacrament both among presbyterians and independents , whom christ knowes to be iudasses , because he knows what is in man. but now for a minister to know ( not the heart and the reines as christ doth , but ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some foule act which a man hath done , and some wicked profession which a man hath made , though in private , and not yet known to the world ; this is a very different case from the other , and if christ had admitted iudas to the sacrament , knowing him by his divine knowledge to be a traytor , this could not prove , that a minister ought to admit a traytor , whom by his humane knowledge he knows to be such . . and if that which christ did in this particular ought to be a president to ministers what to doe in like cases : then as christ had a most sad and moving discourse about the traytor , till iudas himselfe was made to understand , that christ knew his traiterous purpose , and then he said to him , that thou dost doe quickly , which x diverse doe rightly conceive to be as much , as if christ had said to him , get you gone , i have no more to doe with you : he spake it , ut a consortio suo recederet , that he might be gone out of his company , as ambrose takes it : and thus did by the sword of his mouth chase away and as it were excommunicate iudas before the sacrament . so should a minister ( if he see one in the congregation whom he certainly knows to be a iudas , and to be living in some abominable wickednesse , even whiles he comes with a professed desire to receive the sacrament ) tell the congregation , that he knows and sees one amongst them whom he certainly knows to be guilty of such a particular secret horrible sinne , and ( if it be possible ) make the sinner himselfe to know by such or such a signe , that he is the man whom he speakes of , and not to leave off powerfull checks , sharpe rebukes , terrible comminations , till by the blessing of god and the power of the word , he get such a one terrified and chased away . . it shall not be in vaine to observe here that gamachaeus in tertiam partem thomae quaest. . c. . though he hold that christ gave the sacrament to iudas ( whence he argueth that the sacraments doe infallibly worke ex opere operato , where no barre is put , though there be no faith nor devotion exercised in the receiver ) yet he doth immediately move this objection , it is unlawfull to give the sacraments to the unworthy , and to such as live in mortall sinne . whereunto y he answereth , that it is indeed unlawfull to ministers to give the sacrament to the unworthy , when they can refuse them without scandall ( a restriction which i suppose m r prynne dare not owne ; for if the lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse of the thing must be determined by the scandall , they goe upon a very slippery ground . ) he addeth that it is unlawfull to us to follow gods example in giving holy things to the unworthy , as it is unlawfull to follow his example in the permitting of sinne when we can hinder it . the like i finde in alexander alensis , summa theol. part . . quaest. . membr . . art . . sect . . where he moves this objection in the question , whether christ gave the sacrament to iudas . christ himselfe hath commanded , give not that which is holy to dogs , &c. and it seems he would not doe the contrary of that which himselfe commandeth . unto this objection his answer is , that this prohibition lieth indeed upon the ministers , dispencers of the sacraments , but bindeth not christ himselfe the law-maker . as long therefore as we are able to prove from scripture , that scandalous persons ought to be keep back from the sacrament , and that it is unlawfull for church ▪ officers to admit such ; the erastians doe but weakly helpe themselves by arguing from christs giving the sacrament to iudas . which i have said by way of concession : for my opinion is , that christ did upon the matter excommunicate iudas , and that his practice in this very particular is a patterne to us , which i hope i have made evident . finally , it is observed by io. baptista de rubeis in his novum rationale divinorum officiorum lib. . cap. . that this cause of iudas doth not concerne publique and known scandalous persons , but secret and lurking wicked persons , when they publikely desire to receive the sacrament ; who yet ( saith he ) ought to be admonished and dehorted by the minister , that they come not to the sacrament : and if such a one make his desire to receive the sacrament secretly known to the minister , the minister ought to refuse him , though his sinne be yet secret , and not publiquely known . * but if the sinne be open or manifest , then whether the sinner do secretly or openly desire to receive the sacrament , the minister ought to refuse him . chap. xi . whether it he a full discharge of duty to admonish a scandalous person of the danger of unworthy communicating ? and whether a minister in giving him the sacrament after such admonition , be no way guilty ? mr. prynne pag. . stateth the seventh point in difference thus , whether the minister hath not fully discharged his duty and conscience if he give warning to unworthy communicants of the danger they incurre by their unworthy approaches to the lords table , and seriously dehort them from comming to it , unlesse they repent , reforme , and come preparedly ? but here he much mistakes his marke , or hitteth it not , as may appeare thus . first , what if we should affirme it , as he doth ? what hath he gained thereby ? that the minister hath not the power of keeping backe scandalous persons : which cannot adde one dram weight to his cause . the power is seated in the eldership , of which the minister is a principall member : even as aristotle polit . lib. . cap. . tels us that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is not the senator but the senat that doth rule . but if m r prynne meant to conclude against the suspension of scandalous persons not excommunicated ( the thing which all along he opposeth , ) he ought to have stated the point thus , whether the eldership hath not fully discharged their duty , &c. for every branch of this controversie concerning suspension ( which is an act of jurisdiction and censure ) must be fixed upon the eldership , not upon the minister . there is a huge difference between the ministers personall duty , and the censure of suspension : in so much that if the affirmative of this present question ( as he stateth it ) were yeelded to him ; it derogateth nothing from the power of the eldership to suspend from the sacrament a person not excommunicate . secondly , in the debating of this point he sometimes argueth against the refusing or withholding of the sacrament by any minister or presbytery as pag. , , . sometimes he argueth that no ministers private judgement or conscience ought to be the rule of his admitting any to , or suspending them from the sacrament , as pag. . which is a confounding together of two most different points . thirdly , and if the question should be stated of the minister his duty , that which m r prynne affirmeth , viz. that the minister hath fully discharged his duty and conscience , if he give warning to unworthy communicants of the danger they incurre by their unworthy approaches , to the lords table , and seriously dehort them from comming to it , unlesse they repent , reforme and come preparedly ; is erroneous and false : for there are other necessary duties incumbent to the minister , in this businesse : as . he must be earnest in his prayers to god , for the conversion and reformation of such unworthy persons , else that god would give his spirit and assistance to the eldership , and others to whom the case shall be brought , that they may faithfully doe their duty in restraining such persons : or ( if not so ) that god would by his owne providence keepe backe such persons , or hedge up their way with thornes , and make a wall , that they shall not finde their pathes to come and prophane the lords table . . the minister must deale seriously with the eldership by informations , exhortations , and admonitions , to move them to doe their duty . . the minister must give his owne vote and sentence in the eldership against the admission of such persons . . if ( which god forbid ) the eldership be not willing to doe their duty , but sinfully neglect it , the minister ought to addresse himselfe with his complaints to the superiour ecclesiasticall assemblies ( as they lie in their order ) that they may interpose by their authority , to rectifie the mal-administration of the congregationall eldership . . and if it should fall out that a scandalous unworthy person should finde so much favour in the higher assemblies also , as that they shall judge him fit to be admitted to the sacrament ; yet if the minister know him certainly to be a scandalous abominable person , and be also cleere in his conscience , that the matter of scandall is sufficiently proved , he must not doe an unlawfull act in obedience to men , but walke by that apostolicall rule , tim. . . be not partaker of other mens sinnes ; keep thy selfe pure . in doing whereof , he doth not make his conscience the rule of inflicting any censure and particularly of suspending from the sacrament ( which must be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by many ) but yet his conscience so sarre as it is informed and illuminate by the word of god , is a rule to him of his owne personall acting or not acting , notwithstanding of which the offender stands rectus in curia , and is not excluded by the sentence of any ecclesiasticall court. i confesse a minister ought to be very cleare in his conscience , and be perswaded ( not upon suspicions , surmises , or such like sleight motives , but ) upon very certaine grounds , that the sentence of an eldership , classis , or synod is contrary to the word of god , before he refuse to doe the thing . but what may be the reason why m r prynne is so large upon this point from pag. . to ? i take not upon me to judge de intentione operantis . but the intentio operis is to yeeld somewhat in lieu of suspension from the sacrament , which yet shall be no church censure nor act of jurisdiction , and so to make the discipline of suspension ( yea and excommunication too ) to be of no necessary use in the church . for if it be sufficient and a full discharge of duty , to admonish unworthy scandalous persons , not to come to the lords table , unlesse they repent and reforme , this cuts off the necessity of censure , whether suspension or excommunication . as for that admonition or warning to be given , it is no church censure , nor act of jurisdiction , especially when given by the minister alone ; for no ecclesiasticall jurisdiction can be excercised , or censure inflicted by any one man , how eminent soever in the church . yea when it is a consistoriall or presbyteriall admonition , it is not properly a censure , but a degree to censure . . because admonition doth not exclude a person from any church priviledge nor from communion in any ordinance . and how can one be said to be under church censure , who still enjoyeth all church priviledges ? . if consistoriall admonition be a binding , where is the loosing of that bond ? every censure consistorially inflicted , must be also consistorially taken off , upon repentance appearing in the party . these things i doe but t●uch , that i might make it appeare how m r prynnes doctrine tendeth to strip elderships out of all jurisdiction or power of censures . now come we to the particulars , wheren i doe not finde any great matter to insist long upon . he ●irst premiseth six conclusions . supposed conclusions he may make them , but proved conclusions they are not . the first of them is indeed ushered in syllogistically , but very weakly , as shall appeare . the strength of his discourse he contracteth into this argument . those who have a true right to the sacrament , as visible members of the visible church , ought not in justice or conscience to be deprived of it , in case they demand it , by any minister or presbytery . but all unexcommunicate christians , who are able to examine themselves , as visible members of the visible church , have a true right to the sacrament , in case they doe demand it , when publiquely administred . ergo , they ought not in justice or conscience be deprived of it , by any minister or presbytery , when publiquely administred , if they shall require it . answ. first , this is fallacia plurium interrogationum ; for these words , as visible members of the visible church , both in the major and minor , clogge and confound the argument , and patch up two distinct propositions into one . secondly , his major cannot be admitted without a distinction . there is ius ad rem , and ius in re . there is a remote right , or a right in actu primo , th●t is , such a right , relation , or habitude as entitleth a person to such a priviledge or benefit , to be enjoyed and possessed by him when he shall be capable and fit to enjoy it : such is the right of a minor to his inheritance : such was the right of lepers of old to their t●nts , houses , and goods , when themselves were put out of the camp , and might not ( during their leprosie ) actually enjoy their own habitations : such is the right which a man hath in england to his sequestred estate , lands , and houses ; he doth not lose but retaine his right , title , charters and deeds ( as valid in law , and not made voyd or null ) and may be againe admitted to the actuall possession upon satisfaction given to the state : and a huge difference there is between sequestration , and forfeiture or outlawry . there is againe a proxime right , or a right in actu secundo , which rendereth a person actually and presently capable of that thing which he is entituled unto . if m r prynnes major be understood of the first kind of right , i deny it . if of the second kind of right , i admit it , and it doth not help his opinion , nor hurt mine . thirdly , yea himselfe must needs admit an exception from his major proposition , for by his owne principles , those that have a true right to the sacrament , as visible members of the visible church , may be excommunicated and so deprived , not onely of the sacrament , but of all other publique ordinances . when he tels us here that nothing but an actuall excommunication can suspend them from this their right , he doth but begge that which is in question . and if his argument conclude against a lesser suspension from their right , why not also against the greater ? fourthly , he hath not proved his minor , especially being understood of the second kind of right , which renders me● actually and presently capable of the thing . he saith that the sacraments were bequeathed by christ , to his visible church on earth , and all visible members of it . which he hath not proved , and i deny it , except it have this limitation , all visible members of the visible church , which are ( visibly or in externall profession and conversation ) qualified according to the rule of christ , and against whose admission to the sacrament there is no just exception . fifthly , when he concludeth , that no unexcommunicated christians who are able to examine themselves ( that is , as himselfe hath explained , who are not naturally disabled as children , and fooles : though he shall finde it a very hard taske to prove , that all other unexcommunicate christians besides these , are able to examine themselves ) ought in justice or conscience to be deprived of the sacrament by any minister or presbytery : he doth upon the matter conclude , that the ordinances of parliament octob. . . and march . . authorising presbyteries to suspend from the sacrament scandalous persons unexcommunicated , are contrary to all justice and conscience . n. b. sixthly , as touching that limitation yeelded by himselfe , that they must be such as are able to examine themselves , i aske , . are persons grossely ignorant able to examine themselves ? . are drunken persons able to examine themselves ? . are men of corrupt minds and erroneous , yea prophane principles , who call evill good , and pervert scripture to the defending of some grosse sinnes , are these able to examine themselves ? . are those who are known that they had never any worke of the law upon their consciences to convince or humble them ( for by the law is the knowledge of sinne ) able to examine themselves ? if the answers be affirmative , then surely this selfe-examination is not ri●htly apprehended what it is . if the answers be negative ; then those who in their address●s to the lords table are found ignorant , or drunke , or defenders of sinne , or presumptuous and unconvinced , and doe manifestly appeare such , though they be not excommunicated , and being professed christians , and desiring the sacrament , yet ought not to be admitted . i proceed to his second conclusion , the strength whereof ( so farre as i am able to gather from his discourse ) may be drawn together into this argument . such as in all ages , yea by the very apostles themselves , have been deemed fit to receive , and could not be denied the sacrament of baptisme , ought to be ( being baptised and unexcommunicated , and willing to communicate ) admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper . but in all churches from christs time till this present , all externall professors of christ , even carnall persons , onely upon a bare externall profession of faith and repentance , were deemed fit to receive , and were never denied the sacrament of baptisme ( yea , saith he , we read in the very apostles times that a meere externall sleight confession of sinne , and profession of the christian faith , was sufficient to enable sinners to be baptized ergo , all externall professors of christ , &c. ought to be admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper . answ. . i retort the argument thus . such as have been deemed by the apostles and by all well constituted churches , unworthy to be admitted to baptisme , ought also to be deemed unworthy though baptised ) to be admitted to the lords supper . but all known wicked and prophane livers , how able and willing so ever to make confession of the true christian faith , have been by the apostles and all w●ll con●ituted churches deemed unworthy to be admitted to baptisme . ergo , all known wicked , &c. more of this afterward chap . and chap . secondly , i answer directly , i distinguish the major , i deny the minor. i distinguish the major : those who have been admitted to baptisme ought to be admitted to the lords supper caeteris paribus , if the proportion hold in the particulars , and if they be as free of scandalous sines now when they desire to receive the lords supper , as they were when they desired to receive baptisme . he needed not make so great a matter of our suspending from the sacrament a person formerly deemed fit to receive baptisme . for why ? the person is a scandalous person now which he was not th●n . my limitation of caeteris paribus he himselfe ▪ must admit ; otherwise how will he defend his owne principle , that the flagicious , abominable and obstinate sinners who cannot be reduced by admonitions , may and ought to be excommunicated , and so to be cut off from the lords supper , and all other publike ordinances , although formerly deemed sit to receive baptisme ? the minor i utterly deny as most false and as a reproach ca● upon the apostles themselves . m r prynnes rule is so large , that turkes or pagans who practically live in idolatry , common swearing , adultery , drunkennesse , murthering , stealing , or the like , and are known to live in those abominable scandalous sinnes , ought neverthelesse up●…n a meere externall sleight confession of sinne , and profession of the christian faith , be baptised . when i expected his proofe from the apostles times , he onely tels us that philip baptized simon magus though he were in the gall of bitternesse and bond of iniquity , acts . yea , saith he , many other who turned wolves , apostates , hereticks were baptised by the very apostles , acts . . tim. . if he had proved that simon magus was known to be in the gall of bitternesse and bond of iniquity when philip did baptize him , or that the apostles did baptise any ( upon a sleight externall profession ) who were then known to be wolves , apostates , and hereticks , he had said more for his cause then all his booke saith beside . but to tell us that some persons baptized ( he might as well have said that some persons who received the lords supper did appeare afterward to be in the gall of bitternesse , wolves , apostates , heretickes , is as much as to travell , and to bring forth nothing . for how shall ever this reach the admission of known prophane persons to the lords supper ? that which he had to prove was the admission ( not of hypocrites , but ) of knowne scandalous profane persons to baptisme . his third conclusion that it is the ministers bounden duty to administer the sacraments to their people , as well as to preach and pray ; no man will deny it , so that the ministers doe it debito modo , and according to the rule of christ : they are stewards of the mysteries of god : moreover it is required in stewards that a man be found faithfull , cor. , . it is the bounden duty of stewards to give the childrens bread to children and not to dogges and swine . it is not the duty of ministers to preach peace to the wicked , and much lesse to seale it to them who are knowne to be such . the fourth conclusion , that the word and sacraments are set accidentally for the fall and ruine , as wel as for the salvation of men ▪ maketh nothing to the purpose in hand . whatever the secret intention of god be , and his unsearchable judgement upon the soule of this or that man , it is no rule of duty to the minister or eldership . to the law and to the testimony . secret things belong to god. the fifth , that god onely infallibly knows the hearts , and present state of all men , is no whit neerer the point the eldership ●udggeth of words and works , professions and practises . by their fruits ye shall know them . the sixth , that no ministers private judgement or conscience ought to be the rule of his admitting any to , or suspending them from the sacrament , is also wide from the controversie in hand , which is concerning the elderships ( not the ministers ) power . of the ministers personall duty i have spoken before . these six conclusions premised ▪ m r prynne proceeds to prove , that a minister in delivering the sacrament to a scandalous unexcommunicated person , who after admonition of the danger , doth earnestly desire to receive it , &c. becomes no way guilty of his sinne or punish●…ent , in case be eate or drinke judgement by his unworthy receiving of it . his first reason , because this receiver hath a true right to this sacrament , as a visible member of the visible church , is the same thing which i have already answered . his second reason , because ●…e ( the minister ) hath no commission from christ to keep back such a person , doth not conclude that the minister becomes no way guilty &c. he had to prove that a minister hath no commission touching this businesse , but onely to admonish the person of the danger . i hold there are other five duties incumbent to the minister . of which before , if any of these duties be neglected , the minister is guilty . whether such a person ought to be kept backe is the point in controversie , and therefore he ought not have taken the negative pro confessò . his third reason pag. . is the same which was used by z erastus as one of his arguments against excommunication , that the apostle saith , let a man examine himselfe , and so let him eate of that bread , and drink of that cup. cor. . . therefore a mans fitnesse or unfitnesse for the sacrament , is not to be judged by others , but by himselfe onely , and if he judge himselfe fit , the eldership hath no power to exclude him . the same scripture is here pressed against us by m r prynne to prove , that if a man judge himselfe fitly prepared , joynes with others in the publique confession of his sinnes , and promiseth newnesse of life , the minister ( he should say the eldership ) ought in point of charity to deem him so , and hath no commission from christ to exclude him , &c. let a man therefore examine himselfe , not others , or others him . i answer , . the self-examination there spoken of , is not mentioned as exclusive : for it is not said , let a man examine himselfe onely . . yet i can grant it to be exclusive , it being understood of that judging of a mans selfe , which prevents the judgement of god vers . . no mans examining of another can doe this , but his examining of himselfe . that which can give us confidence and boldnesse before god , and assure our hearts before him , joh. . . is not the examination or approbation of others , but of our owne conscience ; for what man knowes the things of a man , save the spirit of man which is in him ? cor. . . the pastors and elders of corinth had admitted some to the lords table , whom they judged sit and worthy communicants , but god judged otherwise of them . therefore saith the apostle , let a man make a narrow search of his owne conscience , and not rest upon the judgement of others . . if it be enough for a man to examine himselfe , by what warrant doth m r prynne require more , namely , that a man joyn with others in the publique confession of his sinnes , and promise newnesse of life . . it is not enough for a notorious scandalous sinner to judge himselfe , nor yet to joyne with others in publique confession : but he must publiquely and particularly confesse his owne sinne , which he must doe personally , or for his own part , and others can not doe it with him . . a augustine tels us when a man hath examined himselfe , he must also edifie the church ( which before he scandalized ) by a publique declaration of repentance for his scandalous sinne . . m r prynne himselfe vindic. pag. . will not have an excommunicated person , to be againe received and admitted to the lords supper till publique satisfaction given for the scandall , and open profession of amendment of life , accompanied with externall symptomes of repentance . and why all this examination should not be required for a prevention of excommunication , yea of suspension , i know not . m r prynnes fourth reason is , because the minister administers the sacrament to that scandalous unexcommunicated person , as to a person outwardly fitted and prepared , the inward preparation of whose heart for ought he knows may be sincere towards god , and really changed from what it was before . i appeale to every godly minister , whether this can pacifie or secure his conscience , that a scandalous unexcommunicated person living in known prophannesse and wickednesse , is or may be esteemed a person outwardly fitted and prepared for the sacrament , yea that the inward preparation of his heart , while he is living in grosse scandalous sinnes , may be sincere towards god and really changed from what it was before : and that therefore he ( the minister ) in delivering the sacrament to a scandalous unexcommunicated person who after admonition of the danger , doth earnestly desire to receive it , as conceiving himselfe in his own●… heart and conscience meet to participate of it , becomes no way guilty , & c ? the lord save me from that divinity which holds that a scandalous person in the church may be admitted to the lords supper as a person outwardly fitt●d and prepared for that sacrament . fifthly , he argueth from the holinesse and lawfulnesse of administring the sacrament , and the ministers good intention to benefit all , and hurt none by it . answ. the first part of this reason is a fallacy ab ignoratione elenchi : the point he had to prove was , that the administration of the sacrament to a scandalous person , is a holy lawfull action . the latter part doth not conclude . a good intention can not justifie a sinfull action . sixthly , saith he , because such a persons unworthy r●…eiving is onely contingent and casuall ▪ no minister or creature being able infallibly to judge , wh●…ther god at this instant , may not by the omnipotent working of his spirit , &c. change both his ●…eart ▪ and his life . answ. . by this principle the minister shall become no way guilty , if he deliver the sacrament to an heathen , to an excommunicated person , for the same reason will have place in that case as much as in this , viz. god may at the very instant before or in the act of receiving change the heart and life of such a heathen or excommunicate person . . a scandalous prophane person his unworthy receiving , is casuall and contingent in sensu diviso , but not in sensu composit●… , that is , peradventure god will give him repentance and change his heart and his life , which done , he shall come worthily , and receive worthily : but while he is yet scandalous and neither heart nor life yet changed , his receiving in that estate will certainly be an unworthy receiving : for it implies a contradiction and impossibility , to say that a mans life can be changed while it is not changed , in sensu composit●… , or that a man can be worthy while he is unworthy . . it is a most sinfull tempting of the almighty to ca●l his word behind us , and then expect the working of omn●potency for that whereof we have neither promise nor example in the word . seventhly , he argueth from our concessions that ministers may administer the sacrament to masked hypocrites , and yet are not guilty of their unworthy receiving . this he saith is a yeelding our objection false in the case of scandalous persons too . but his reason is ●ust as if he had said , ministers are not guilty when they give the sacrament to those who are not scandalous . ergo , they are not guilty when they give the sacrament to those that are scandalous . or , as if he had argued thus he th●t harboureth a traytor whom he doth not nor cannot know to be such , is not guilty . ergo , he that harboureth a knowne traytor is not guilty . eighthly , ( for he hath given his seventh already ) he tels us , that the minister onely 〈◊〉 the sacrament , and the unworthy receiving is the receivers own personall act and sinne alone . answ . he begges againe and againe what is in que●ion . . there is an unworthy giving , as well as an unworthy receiving . the unworthy giving is a sin●ull act of the minister , which makes him also accessary to the sinne of unworthy receiving , and so partake of other mens ●innes . the ninth concerning christs giving of the sacrament to iudas is answered before . the tenth i have also answered before in his fourth conclusion . the minister is a sweet savour of christ , as well in those that perish by the sacrament , as in those that are benefited by it , with this proviso , that he hath done his duty , as a faithfull steward , and that he hath not given that which is holy to dogs , else god shall require it at his hands . finally , he argueth from cor. . . he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh ( not condemnation but ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 judgement , ( meaning some temporall judgement ) to himselfe ) not to the minister or communicants . ) answ. . whatever be meant by judgement in this place , certainly it is a punishment of sinne , and such a thing as proceedeth from gods displeasure : and it is as certaine that unworthy receiving maketh a person lyable to a greater judgement then that which is temporall . . if to himselfe be restrictive and exclusive in the case of close hypocrites , such as are by church-officers ( judging according to outward appearance ) admitted to the sacrament ; yet how will it be made to appeare that the apostle meant those words as restrictive and exclusive in the case of scandalous and knowne unworthy communicants . . such a scandalous person doth indeed eate and drink judgement to himselfe ; but this can neither in whole nor in part excuse but rather greatly aggravate the sinne of the minister : for when a wicked man dieth in his iniquity , yet his blood god will require at the hands of the unfaithfull minister , who did strengthen his hands in his sinne . chap. xii . whether the sacrament of the lords supper be a converting or regenerating ordinance . i had in answer to mr. prynns third quaere , given this reason why prophane and scandalous persons are to be kept off from the sacrament , and yet not from hearing the word : because the word is not onely a confirming and comforting , but a converting ordinance , and is a mean appointed of god to turn sinners from darknes to light , and from the power of sathan to god : whereas the sacrament is not a converting , but a confirming and sealing ordinance , which is not given to the church for the conversion of sinners , but for the communion of saints : it is not appointed to put a man in the state of grace , but to seal unto a man that interest in christ and in the covenant of grace which he already hath . mr. prynne doth with much eagernesse contradict me in this , and argue at length the contrary . ( which is the marrow and fatnesse ( if there be any ) in his debate concerning the eighth point of difference ) whereby he doth not onely contradict me , but himself too ( as shall appear ) yea and joyn not onely with the more rigid lutherans , but with the papists themselves against the writers of the reformed churches . for the very same thing which is controverted between him and me , is controverted between papists and protestants . the papists hold that the sacraments are instrumental● to confer , give , or work grace ; yea ex opere operato ▪ as the school-men speak . our divines hold that the sacraments are appointed of god , and delivered to the church as sealing ordinances , not to give , but to testifie what is given , not to make but confirm saints . and they do not onely oppose the papists opus operatum : but they simply deny this instrumentality of the sacraments , that they are appointed of god for working or giving grace , where it is not . this is so well known to all who have studied the sacramentarian controversies , that i should not need to prove it . yet that none may doubt of it , take here some few insteed of many testimonies . b calvin holds plainly against the papists that the sacraments do not give any grace , but do declare and shew what god hath given . he clear● it in that chapter thus , the sacraments are like seals appended to writs , which of themselves are nothing , if the paper or parchment to which they are appended be blank . again , they are like pillars to a house which cannot be a foundation , but a strengthening of a house that hath a foundation ; we are built upon the word , the foundation of the prophets and apostles . again , sacraments are to us from god , that which messengers are which bring good newes from men , they declare what is , but do not so much as instrumentally make it to be . these are calvins similes . c b●…llinger confuteth the popish doctrine concerning the sacraments conferring of grace , by this principle , that the saints are justified and sanctified before they are sealed and confirmed by the sacraments . d ursinus speaks so fully and plainly for us , that none can say more . he distinguisheth between the word and sacraments , as between converting and confirming ordinances , and argueth that the sacraments do not confer grace , because we receive not the thing by receiving the signe , but we get the signe because it is supposed we have the thing . yea he speaks of it as a principle known to children . wolfangus musculus in his e common places saith thus , who seeth not what manner of persons we must be when we approach to this mystical table of the lord , to wit , not such as do therein first of all seek the fruition of the body and blood of the lord , as if we were yet destitute thereof ; but such as being already before partakers thereof by faith , do desire to corroborate more and more in our hearts , the grace once received by the sacramental communication of the body and blood of the lord , and by the remembrance of his death , and to give thanks to our rede●…mer . f martin bucer upon matth. . . puts this difference between the word preached , and the lords supper ; that the word may be preached to the unconverted : but the lords supper may not be given to any who by their lives do declare that they are out of communion with jesus christ. which is the very point now in controversie . g festus honnius disp. . thes. . confuting the popish opinion of the sacraments working or giving grace , brings this reason against it ; they that receive the sacraments , have this grace before they receive them , neither are any to be admitted to the sacraments who may be justly supposed not to be justified and sanctified . aretius coment . in mark . loc . . observeth , qui admissi sint ad istam coenam ? discipuli solum , who were admitted to that ( eucharistical ) supper ? the disciples o●…ely . hence he inferreth : quare mysteria haec ad solos fideles pertinent : wherefore these mysteries do pertain to the faithful alone : that is , to those who are supposed to be converted and beleevers . vossius disp. de sacram. effic . part . poster . after he hath observed two respects in which the sacraments do excel the word . . that infants who are not capable of hearing the word , are capable of the sacrament of baptisme , and are brought to the laver of regeneration . . that the sacraments do visibly and clearly set before our eyes that which is invisible in the word . he adds h thes. . other two respects in which the word doth far excel the sacraments . . that the word can both beget & confirm faith : the sacraments cannot beget faith in those that are come to age , but onely conserve and increase it . . that without the word we cannot be saved , for he that beleeves not is condemned ; now faith commeth by hearing : but the sacraments though profitable means of grace , yet are not simply necessary . the confession of the faith of the church of scotland in the article entituled to whom sacraments appertain , saith thus . but the supper of the lord we confesse to appertain to such onely as be of the houshold of faith , and can try and examine themselves as well in their faith , as in th●…ir duty towards their neighbours . the belgick confession art. . saith of the sacraments in generall , that god hath instituted them to seal his promises in us , to be pledges of his love to us ▪ and to nourish and strengthen our faith. and i art. . they plainly hold that the sacrament of the lords supper is intended and instituted by christ for such as are already regenerate , and are already quickned with the life of grace . the synod of dort in their judgement of the fifth article of the remonstrants k sect. . ascribeth both the inchoation and conservation of grace to the word : but ascribeth o●ely to the sacraments the conserving , continuing , and perfecting of that begun grace . in the belgick form of the administration of the lords supper ( see corpus disciplinae lately published by the ministers and elders of the dutch church at london pag. . ) it is said thus . those which do not feel this testimony in their hearts ( concerning their examining of themselves touching their repentance , faith , and purpose of true obedience ) they eat and drink judgement to themselves ; wherefore we also ( according to the commandement of christ and the apostle paul ) do admonish all those who find themselves guilty of these ensuing sins , to refrain from comming to the lords table , and do denounce unto them that they have no part in the kingdom of christ. ( here follows an enumeration of diverse scandalous sins concluded with this general , and all those which lead a scandalous life . ) all these as long as they continue in such sins , shall refrain from this spiritual food ( which christ onely ordained for his faithful people ) that so their ●…udgement and damnation may not be the greater . which plainly intimates that they hold this sacrament to be a sealing , not a converting ordinance . and this they also signifie , ibid. pag. . and to the end we may firmly beleeve that we do belong to this gracious covenant , the lord jesus in his last supper took bread . &c. l paraeus puts this difference between the word and sacraments ; that the word is a mean appointed both for beginning and confirming faith : the sacraments means of confirming it after it is begun . that the word belongs both to the converted and to the unconverted : the sacraments are intended for those who are converted and do beleeve , and for none others . and though the lutherans make some controversie with us about the effect of the sacraments , yet m ioh. gerhardus doth agree with us in this point , that the lords supper is not a regenerating but a confirming and strengthening ordinance , and this difference he puts between it and baptisme . n walaeus asserteth both against papists , and against some of the lutherans , that sacraments do instrumentally confirme and increase faith and regeneration ; but not begin nor work faith and regeneration where they are not . petrus hinkelmannus de anabaptismo disp. . cap. . error . disputeth against this as a tenent of the calvi●…ists . fideles habent spiritum s. habent res signatas ante sacramenta : the faithful have the holy spirit , they have the things which are sealed , before they receive the sacraments . brochmand . system . theol. tom. . de sacram. cap. . quaest. . condemneth this as one of the calvinian errors : sacramenta non esse gratiae conferendae divinitu●… ordinata media : that sacraments are not instituted and appointed of god to be means of conferring or giving grace . which he saith is the assertion of zuinglius , beza , danaeus , musculus , piscator , vorstius . the lutheran opinion he propounds ibid. quaest . . that the sacraments are means appointed of god to confer grace , to give faith , and being given to increase it . esthius in sent. lib. . dist . . sect. . stateth the opinion of the calvinists ( as he calls us ) thus , justificationem usu sacramenti esse priorem , obtentam nimirum per fidem quâ homo jam ante credidit sibi remitti peccata ; sacramentum verò postea adhiberi , ut verbo quidem promissionis fides confirmetur : elemento verò ceu sigillo quodam diplomati appenso eadem fides obsignetur ; atque ita per sacramentum declaretur testatumque fiat hominem jam prius esse per fidem justicatum . this he saith is manifestly contrary to the doctrine of the church of rome , from which ( saith he ) the lutherans do not so far recede as the calvinists . gregorius de valentia in tertiam partem thomae disp. . quaest. . punct . . thus explaineth the tenent which he holdeth against the protestants concerning the sacraments giving of grace . sacramenta esse veras causas qualitatis gratia , non principales , sed instrumentales : hoc ipso videlicet , quod deus illis utitur ad productionem illius effectus , qui 〈◊〉 gratia , tamet si supra naturam seu efficacitatem naturale●… ipsorum . the papists dispute indeed what manner of casuality or vertue it is by which the sacraments work grace , whether phisica , or ethica ; whether infita , or adsita . in which questions they do not all go one way . see gamachaeus in tertiam partem tho. quest. . cap. . but that the sacraments do work or give grace to all such as do not ponere obicem , they all hold against the protestants . they dispute also whether all the sacraments give the first grace , or whether baptisme and pennance onely give the first habitual grace , and the other five sacraments ( as they make the number ) give increase of grace . but in this they all agree , that habitual grace is given in all the sacraments of the new-testament : the thomists hold further , that the very first grace is de facto given in any of the sacraments . see for the former o becanus , for the latter p tannerus . you will say peradventure ▪ that protestant writers hold the sacraments to be . significant or declarative signes . . obsignative or confirming signes ▪ . exhibitive signes , so that the thing signified is given and exhibite to the soul. i answer , that exhibition which they speak of , is not the giving of grace where it is not ( as is manifest by the afore quoted testimonies ) but an exhibition to beleevers , a real effectual lively application of christ and of all his benefits to every one that beleeveth , for the staying , strengthening , confirming , and comforting of the soul. chamierus contractus . tom. . lib. . cap. . docemus ergo in sacramentorum perceptione effici gratiam in fidelibus : & hactenus sacramenta dicenda efficacia . polan . syntag. lib. ● . cap. . saith the visible external thing in the sacrament , is thus far exhibitive , quia bona spiritualia per eam fidelibus significantur , exhibentur , communicantur & obsignantur . so that in this point habenti dabitur is a good rule . for unto every one that hath shall be given , and he shall have abundance ; but from him that hath not shall be taken away even that which he hath . maith . . . our divines do not say that the sacraments are exhibitive ordinances , wherein grace is communicated to those who have none of it , to unconverted or unbeleeving persons . by this time it may appear ( i suppose ) that the controversie between us and the papists concerning the effect of the sacraments ( setting aside the opus operatum , which is a distinct controversie ▪ and is distinctly spoken to by our writers , setting aside also the casualitas phisica and insita , by which some of the papists say the sacraments give grace , though diverse others of them hold the sacraments to be onely moral causes of grace ) is thus far the same with the present controversie between mr. prynn and me , that protestant writers do not onely oppose the opus operatum , and the casualitas physica & insita , but they oppose ( as is manifest by the testimonies already cited ) all casuality or working of the first grace of conversion and faith in or by the sacraments , supposing alwaies a man to be a beleever and within the covenant of grace before the sacrament , and that he is not made such , nor translated to the state of grace in or by the sacrament . this the papists contradict , and therein mr. prynn joyneth with them . when bellarmine brings an impertinent argument : the sacraments ( saith he ) have not the same relation to faith which the word hath : nam verbum dei praecedit fidem , sacramenta autem sequuntur , saltem in adultis . the word of god doth go before faith , but the sacraments follow after it , at least in those who are of age . dr. ames bell. enerv . tom. . lib. . cap. . corrects his great mistake or oblivion . hoc illud est quod nos docemus : sacramenta confirmare fidem per verbum dei prius ingeneratam , saltem in adultis . this ( saith he ) is that which we teach , that the sacraments confirm that faith which was first begotten by the word of god , at least in those who are of age . mr. prynns assertion is ▪ that the lords supper is a converting , as well as a sealing ordinance ; for clearing whereof h● premiseth two distinctions . there are two sorts both of conversion and sealing , which he saith his antagonists to delude the vulgar have ignorantly , wilfully , or injudiciously confounded . whether such language beseems a man fearing god , or honouring them that do fear god , let every one judge who knoweth any thing of christian moderation . see now if there be any reason for this grievous charge . first ( saith he ) there is an external conversion of men from paganisme or gentilisme to the external profession of the faith of christ. this ( he saith ) is wrought by the word or by miracles , and effected by baptisme in reference to infants of christian parents . but how the baptism● of such infants is brought under the head of conversion from paganisme to the external profession of christ , i am yet to learn. secondly saith he , there is a conversion from a meer external formal profession of the doctrine and faith of christ , to an inward spiritual embracing and application of christ with his merits and promises to our souls , by the saving grace of faith , and to an holy christian real change of heart and life : in this last conversion , the sacrament of the lords supper is not onely a sealing or confirming , but likewise a regenerating and converting ordinance as well as the word . he might upon as good reason have made a third sort of conversion from a scandalous and prophane life to the external obedience of the will and commandements of god. but all this is to seek a knot in the rush ; for there is but one sort of conversion which is a saving conversion , and that is a conversion from nature to grace , from sin to sanctification , from the power of sathan to god , whether it be from paganisme , or from prophanenesse , or from an external formal profession . now that conversion which mr. prynn ascribes to the sacrament is a true sanctifying and saving conversion . the other conversion which he ascribes not to the sacrament , is not a saving conversion , for the external conversion of men from paganisme or gentilisme to the external profession of the faith of christ , without the other conversion to an inward spiritual embracing of christ , doth but make men seven ▪ fold more the children of hell. so that mr. prynn hath more opened his sore when he thought to cover and patch it . the other distinction which he gives us , is of a twofold sealing . but by the way he tells us that baptisme and the lords supper are termed sacraments and seals , without any text of scripture to warrant it . hereby as he gratifieth q the socinians not a little ( who will not have the lords supper to be called either seal or sacrament , but an obediential act and a good work of ours , and tell us that we make the lords supper but too holy to delude the vulgar ) so he correcteth all orthodox writers , ancient and modern . the apostl● ▪ describeth circumcision to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a seal of the righteousnesse of faith , rom. . . whence divines give the name of seals to all sacraments rectè autem ( saith aretius theol. probl. loc. . ) speciebus imis & intermediis generibus eadem ●…ssignantur in definiendo genera . circumcision is a seal , therefore a sacrament is a seal : as well as this , justice is a habit , therefore vertue is a habit . man is a substance , therefore a living creature is a substance . and further , if circumcision was a seal ; the lords supper is much more a seal ; as we shall see afterwards . the honourable houses of parliament , after advice had with the assembly of divines have judged this point ( which mr. prynn so much quarrelleth ) to be not onely true , but so far necessary and fundamental , that in their ordinance of october . . for keeping back the ignorant and the scandalous from the sacrament , this truth , that the sacraments are seals of the covenant of grace , is enumerate among those points of religion , which all persons who shall be admitted to the lords supper ought to know , and of which whosoever is ignorant shal not be admitted to the lords supper . i hope mr. prynn shall not be willing to fall within the category of ignorant persons , and such as ought not be admitted to the sacrament : which yet by that ordinance he must needs do ; if he will not know the lords supper to be a seal of the covenant of grace . wherefore though he leaneth much that way , both here , and pag. . yet i shall expect he will rectifie himself in this particular . his words are these . there is a double sealing ( if we admit this sacrament or baptisme to be seals , though never once stiled seals in any scripture text ) and in the margent , they are termed sacraments and seals of the covenant , without any text to warra●…t it . now quaeritur whether mr. prynn doth know that the sacraments are seals of the covenant of grace ; and if he doth not know this , whether doth not the ordinance strike against him . and now to return , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a seal ; ( which makes most to our present purpose ) is a scripture word . as for the word sacrament , we need not seek it in scripture , because it is a latin word , and there is not either in the hebrew or greek ( the languages in which scripture was written ) any word which properly , closely and fully answereth to the word sacrament . sure we have the thing sacrament ( though not the name ) in scripture . peradventure mr. prynn is the more afraid of the word sacrament , because some derive it à sacramente which suteth not so well to his notion of a converting ordinance . well : but what are nis two sorts of sealing ? . a visible external sealing of the pardon of sin and gods promises in the blood of christ to our outward s●…nces . . an internal invisible sealing of them by the spirit , working in , by the word and sacraments to our souls . in the first sence ( he saith ) this sacrament is a seal to all receivers , even to those who are scandalous and unworthy , who receive onely the outward elements . again this first kind of sealing ( saith he ) seals all gods promises and a free pardon of all our sins onely conditionally , if we truly repent , lay hold on christ &c. the second which is an absolute sealing , he grants to belong onely to worthy penitent beleeving receivers . who doth now delude the vulgar ? when the lords supper is called a sealing ordinance ; did ever any man understand this of a sealing to our outward sences onely , or of receiving the outward elements and no more ? who can mistake the thing so far as to think that christ hath instituted and ordained this sacrament to be a meer external seal and no more ? when he grants that in the second sence this sacrament is a seal , onely to worthy , penitent , beleeving receivers , who receive the inward invisible grace , as well as the outward signes : he grants that which i require , that is , that it is a sealing ordinance intended for worthy penitent beleeving receivers , not for the scandalous and unworthy . god forbid we should make a sealing ordinance to be an empty ordinance . the truth is , his first kind of sealing without the second , is no sealing , yea worse then no sealing . where there is no charter , how can there be a sealing , except we seal blank paper ? and as we shall hear anon from chrysostome , we have not so much as the seal , except we have that which is sealed . i know it will be answered , there is somewhat to be sealed even to the scandalous and unworthy ▪ that is , the pardon of all their sins conditionally , if they truly repent , beleeve , lay hold on christ. in this very place mr. prynn tells us , that all gods promises and a free pardon is sealed , even to scandalous and unworthy receivers conditionally ; that is , as he explicates himself pag . upon condition that they become penitent and beleeving receivers . but then ( say i ) he must upon as good reason grant , that the sacrament may be given to pagans and turks , at least the first day of preaching the gospel to them ; may it not be said to pagans and turks , that if they repent and beleeve on christ , they shall have pardon of sin ? here is the thing to be sealed in mr. prynn's opinion . what then should hinder the sealing ? he shunneth to call the sacrament a converting ordinance in reference to pagans ; and now behold his principles will admit the giving of the sacrament even to pagans as a sealing ordinance , how much more then as a converting ordinance ? we have now heard his two distinctions , which if they have given any clearing to his assertion , it is such as is little to his advantage . i will now premise some distinctions of my owne to clear that which i hold . . the question is not de potentia dei absoluta , whether god by his omnipotency can give the first grace of conversion in the instant of receiving the sacrament . but the question is of the revealed will of god , and the way of the dispensation of grace made known to us in the gospel , which must be the rule to us to walk by . a peradventure it may be , and who knoweth but the scandalous sinner may be converted , is no warrantable ground to go upon in this case , as mr. prynn would make it pag. . for we may as well adventure to delay repentance , upon a peradventure it may be . there is an example in the new-testament of one who got repentance and mercy at his end , and if we beleeve the hebrews and divers christian interpreters ; there is another example of the same kind in the old testament , which is the example of achan . whereas there is no example in all the scripture of any converted by the sacrament . but if a thing be contrary to the revealed will and commandement of god ( as both these are , the delaying of repentance , and the admission of scandalous persons to the sacrament ) we may not dare to go upon peradventures . to the law , and to the testimony . search the scriptures . if the word do not shew us any thing of conversion by the sacrament , we must not think of any such thing . . we must distinguish between the sacrament it self , and those things that do accompany the sacrament , powerful preaching , exhortation , prayer , or the like before or after the sacrament . put case a sinner be effectually converted by a sermon or a prayer , which he heareth at the ordination of a minister , will any man therefore say that ordination is a converting ordinance ? so if by most serious powerful exhortations , convictions , promises , threatnings , by prayer , by christian conference by reading or meditation before or after the sacrament , the lord be pleased to touch the conscience and convert the soul of an impenitent prophane wicked liver , nothing of this kind can make the sacrament a converting ordinance . . we must distinguish even in conversion between gratia praeveniens & subs●…quens , operans & co-operans , excitans & adjuvans , or rather , between habitual and actual conversion . habitual conversion i call the first infusion of the life and habits of grace ; actual conversion is the souls beginning to act from that life and from those habits . the first or habitual conversion in which the sinner is passive , and not at all active , it being wholy the work of preventing , exciting , quickning grace , is that which never is to be looked for in the sacrament of the lords supper , which is enough to overthrow that opinion , that scandalous impenitent sinners ( having an external formal profession , but known by a wicked abominable conversation to be dead in sins and trespasses , in whom the holy ghost hath never yet breathed the first breath of the life of grace ) may be admitted to the lords supper ( if they desire it , not being excommunicated ) upon hopes , that it may prove a converting ordinance to them . as for gratia subsequens co-operans & adjuvans , by which the sinner ( having now a spiritual life created in him and supernatural habits infused in his soul ) is said actually to convert , repent , and beleeve . i consider even in this actual conversion , repenting , beleeving , these two things . . the inchoation . . the progresse of the work . where the work is begun , if it were but faith like a grain of mustard seed , and where there is any thing of conversion which is true and sound ; the sacrament is a blessed powerful means to help forward the work . but i peremptorily deny that the sacrament of the lords supper is appointed or instituted by christ as a regenerating converting ordinance , as well as the word , or as a means of beginning actual , much lesse habitual conversion . . when i hold the lords supper not to be a converting but a sealing ordinance , the meaning is not as if ▪ i beleeved that all who are permitted to come to the lords table are truly converted , or that they are such as the seals of the covenant of grace do indeed and of right belong unto ( for we speak of visible churches and visible saints ) but my meaning is that christ hath intended this sacrament to be the childrens read onely ( though the hired servants of the house have other bread enough and to spare ) and he alloweth this portion to none but such as are already converted and do beleeve : and that they who are the ministers of christ and stewards of the mysteries of god ought to admit none to this sacrament , except such as are quallified and fit ( so far as can be judged by their profession , knowledge , and practice , observed and examined by the eldership according to the rules of the word , no humane court being infallible ) to have part and portion in the communion of saints , and to receive the seals of the covenant of grace , at least that they may not dare to admit any man whose known and scandalous wickednesse continued in without signes of repentance , saith within their heart , that there is no fear of god before his eyes . these things premised ( which are to be remembred by the reader , but need not be repeated by me as we go along ) i proceed to the arguments which prove my assertion , that the lords supper is not a converting but a sealing ordinance . and thereafter i shall answer mr. prynns arguments brought to the contrary . chap. xiii . twenty a●guments to prove that the lords supper is not a converting ordinance . first , that which is an institute significant signe , to declare and testifie the being of that thing which is thereby signified , is not an operating cause or mean which makes that thing signified to begin to be where it was not . but the sacrament is an instituted signe to declare and testifie the being of that thing which is thereby signified . ergo , this is an argument used by r protestant writers against papists . the sacraments being by their definition signes , are not causes of that which they signifie , neither are the things signified the effects of the sacraments . wherefore the sacrament of the lords supper being a signe of our spiritual life , faith , union with christ , and remission of sins , is not instituted to convey these spiritual blessings to such as have them not . significancy is one thing , efficiency another . you will say by this argument there is no grace exhibited nor given to beleevers themselves in the sacrament . answ. growth in grace and confirmation of faith is given to beleevers in the sacrament , which the significancy hinders not , because the sacrament doth not signifie nor declare that the receiver hath much grace and a strong faith ; but that he hath some life of grace and some faith . the very state of grace or spiritual life , regeneration , faith and remission of sins are signified , declared , testified , and sealed , but not wrought or given in the sacrament . the strengthening of faith and a further degree of communion with christ is not signified in the sacrament , i mean , it s not signified that we have it , but that we shall have it , or at most that we do then receive it . so that beleevers may truly be said to receive at the sacrament a confirmation or strengthening of their faith , or a further degree of communion with christ : but it cannot be said that the very sacramental act of eating or drinking , being a signe of spiritual life and union with christ ( as that which we have , not which we shall have , or at that instant receive ) is a mean or instrumental cause to make a man have that which it testifieth or signifieth he hath already . there is no evasion here , for one who acknowledgeth the sacrament to be a signe , declaring or shewing forth that we have faith in christ , remission of sins by him , and union with him . mr. prynn must either make blank the signification of the sacrament à parte ante , though not à parte post , or else hold that the signification of the sacrament , is not applicable to many of those whom he thinks fit to be admitted to receive it . secondly , that which necessarily supposeth conversion and faith , doth not work conversion and faith . but the sacrament of the lords supper necessarily supposeth conversion and faith . ergo. the proposition is so certain , that either it must be yeelded , or a contradiction must be yeelded : for that which worketh conversion and faith , cannot suppose that they are , but that they are not . therefore that which supposeth conversion and faith , cannot work conversion and faith , because then the same thing should be supposed both to be and not to be . the assumption i prove from scripture . mark. . . he that beleeveth and is baptized shall be saved . act. . . repent and be baptized . vers . . then they that gladly received his word were baptized . act. . . . and the e●…nuch said , see here is water , what doth hinder me to be baptized ? and philip said , if thou beleevest with all thin●… heart 〈◊〉 mayest . act. . . can any man forbid water that these should not be baptized which have received the holy ghost as well as we ? now if baptisme it self ( which is the sacrament of our initiation ) supposeth ( according to the tenor and meaning of christs institution ) that the party baptized ( if of age ) doth actually convert and beleeve , and ( if an infant ) supposeth an interest in jesus christ and in the covenant of grace ( for if he be a child of an heathen or an infidel although taken into a christian family , yet the synod of dort. sess. . adviseth not to baptize such a child , till it come to such age as to be instructed in the principles of christian religion . ) how much more doth the lords supper , necessarily , by christs institution , suppose that the receivers are not unconverted and unbeleeving persons ? the previous qualifications which are supposed in baptisme , must be much more supposed in the lords supper . thirdly , that which gives us the new food , supposeth that we have the new birth and spiritual life , and that we are not still dead in sins and trespasses . but the sacrament of the lords supper gives us the new food . ergo it supposeth we have the new birth . the proposition i prove thus . s a man must first be born by the new birth , before he can be fed with the new food : and how can a man eat the flesh , and drink the blood of christ , and yet be supposed not to have a spiritual life before that act , but to get a spiritual life in that very act ? doth a man get life because he eats and drinks , or doth he not rather eat and drink because he lives ? the assumption is a received and uncontroverted truth . and hence do divines give this reason why we are but once baptized , but do many times receive the lord● supper ; because it is enough to be once born , but not enough to be once nourished or strengthened . see the belgick confession . art. . and d. parei miscellanea catechetica pag. . i shall strengthen my argument by the confession of bohemia cap. . the sacraments cannot give to any such ( which before was not inwardly quickened by the holy ghost ) either grace or justifying and quickening faith , and therefore they cannot justifie any man , nor inwardly quicken or regenerate any mans spirit : for faith must go before . and after . for if a dead man or one that is unworthy do come to the sacraments , certainly they do not give him life and worthinesse . &c. see the harmony of confessions printed at london . pag. . . to what end then is the sacrament of the lords supper instituted ? for that , see the confession of belgia ibid. pag. . we beleeve and confesse that jesus christ our lord and saviour hath instituted the holy sacrament of his supper , that in it he might nourish and sustain those whom he hath regenerated and ingrafted into his family , which is the church . both these chapters did mr. prynn cite in the question of iudas ( which yet prove not what he affirmeth in that point , as i have noted before ) but it seems he did not observe these passages , which make directly against him in this question of conversion or conferring of grace by the sacrament . i add also mr. pemble in his christian disections for receiving the sacrament . the sacrament saith he is appointed for our nourishment in grace ; where we grow not by it , it is a signe this food was not digested but vomited up again t where faith , repentance , thankfulnesse , and obedience are not increased , there christ crucified was not remembred . but how can there be any nourishment in grace , or any increase of grace in those who come to the sacrament , without the first grace , or in the state of unregeneration ? fourthly , that ordinance which is instituted onely for beleevers and justified persons , is no converting but sealing ordinance . but the sacrament of the lords supper is instituted onely for beleevers and justified persons . ergo. the proposition hath light enough in it self ; for converting ordinances do belong even to unjustified and unconverted persons . therefore that which is instituted onely for beleevers is no converting ordinance . all the question will be of the assumption , which i shall the rather confirm , because it is the very principle from which polanus and others argue for the suspension of scandalous persons from the lords table . now i prove the assumption thus . every sacrament , even a sacrament of initiation , is a seal of the righteousnesse of faith. if circumcision was a seal of the righteousnesse of faith . rom. . . then baptisme ( which hath succeeded to circumcision ) is also a seal of the righteousnesse of faith , and that more fully and clearly then circ●mcision was : and if baptisme be a seal of the righteousnesse of faith , much more is the sacrament of the lords supper a seal of the righteousnesse of faith ; which is also proved by mat. . . for this is my blood of the new covenant , which is shed for many for the remission of sins . chrysostome on rom. . considering those words vers . . a seal of the righteousnesse of faith , hath this meditation upon it , that a sacrament is no signe , no seal , except where the thing is which is signified and sealed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for of what shall it be a signe , or of what shall it be a seal , when there is none to be sealed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for ( faith he ) if it be a signe of righteousnesse , and thou hast not righteousnesse , neither hast thou the signe . if therefore a sacrament be a seal of the righteousnesse of faith , then it is instituted onely for beleevers and justified persons , because to such onely it can seal the righteousnesse of faith . upon this ground saith u ursinus that the sacraments are to the wicked and unbeleevers no sacraments : which agreeth with that rom. . . if thou be a breaker of the law , thy circumcision is made uncircumcis●…on . fifthly , the apostle argues that abraham the father of the faithfull , and whose justification is as it were a pattern of ours , was not justified by circumcision , or ( as aquinas confesseth upon the place ) that circumcision was not the cause but the signe of justification . rom. . . . . we say that faith was reckoned to abraham for righteousnesse . how was it then reckoned ? when he was in circumcision or in uncircumcision ? not in circumcision but in uncircumcision . and he received the signe of circumcision , a seal of the righteousnesse of the faith which he had yet being uncircumcised x if abraham the father of the faithful , got not so much as the sacrament of initiation , till after he was justified and sanctified , how shall we think of receiving , not onely the sacrament of initiation , but the sacrament of spiritual nourishment , while unjustified and unsanctified ? and if god did by his word make a covenant with abraham , before he received circumcision the seal of that covenant , must it not much more be supposed , that they are within the covenant of grace , who eat and drink at the lords table , and consequently , that those who are children of disobedience and wrath , and strangers to christ and the covenant of grace ( apparently and manifestly such , though not professedly ) ought not to be admitted to the lords table under colour of a converting ordinance , it being indeed a seal of the covenant of grace . sixthly , that ordinance which is appointed onely for such as can and do rightly examine themselves concerning their spiritual estate , regeneration , repentance , faith , and conversation : is no converting ordinance . but the sacrament of the lords supper is an ordinance which is appointed onely for such as can and do rightly examine themselves concerning their spiritual estate , regeneration , repentance , faith , and conversation . ergo , it is no converting ordinance . the reason of the proposition is , because unconverted persons cannot nor do not rightly examine themselves concerning their spiritual estate , regeneration , &c. for such are a generation pure in their own eyes , and yet not washed from their filthinesse . proverb . . . and . . and . . and the natural man cannot know the things of the spirit of god , because they are spiritually discerned , but he that is spiritual judgeth all things . cor. . . . the carnal mind is enmity against god. rom. . . the assumption is proved by cor. . . but let a man examine himself , and so let him eat of that bread and drink of that cup. this self-examination ( interpreters say ) must be concerning a mans knowledge , y repentance , faith , and conversation . the apostle expounds himself cor. . . examine your selves whether ye be in the faith : prove your own selves , how that jesus christ is in you except ye be reprobates , or counterfeit , and unapproved . this self examination , as it is requisite at other times , so especially before our comming to the lords table ; and an unconverted man can no more do it truly and rightly ( according to the apostles meaning ) then he can convert himself . and here that which mr. prynn did object , maketh against himself ; the apostle saith , let a man examine himself , not others ; for the examination there spoken of belongs to the court of a mans own conscience , and to the inward man saith martyr upon the place , not to the ecclesiastical court. but a natural unconverted man may possibly examine others and espie a mote in his brothers eye , he cannot in any right or acceptable manner examine his own conscience , nor go about the taking of the beam out of his own eye . z he therefore who either cannot through ignorance , or doth not through impenitency and hardnesse of heart , examine himself , and is known to be such a one by his excusing , justifying , or not confessing his scandalous sin , or continuing in the practice thereof , ought not to be admitted to that holy ordinance which is instituted onely for such as can and do humbly and soundly examine themselves , and consequently not intended for unconverted impenitent persons . seventhly , that ordinance unto which one may not come without a wedding garment , is no converting ordinance . but the supper of the lord , the marriage feast of the kings son , is an ordinance unto which one may not come without a wedding garment . ergo. the proposition hath this reason for it . if a man must needs have a wedding garment that comes , then he must needs be converted that comes ; for what-ever ye call the wedding garment , sure it is a thing proper to the saints , and not common to unconverted sinners , and the want of it doth condemn a man into utter darknes , matth. . . the assumption is clear from matth. . . . when the king came in to see the guests , he saw there a man which had not on a wedding garment . and he saith unto him , friend , how camest thou in hither , not having a wedding garment ? and he was speechlesse . if he had been of mr. prynns opinion he needed not be speechlesse ; for mr. prynns divinity might have put this answer in his mouth . lord i thought this to be a converting ordinance , and that thou wouldest not reject those that come in without a wedding garment , provided that here at the marriage feast they get one . but we see the king condemneth the man for comming in thither without a wedding garment . eightly , that ordinance which is not appointed to work faith is no converting ordinance . but the sacrament of the lords supper is not appointed to work faith . ergo. the proposition must be granted , unlesse a man will say that conversion may be without faith . the assumption is proved by rom. . . men cannot pray if they do not beleeve , and they cannot beleeve if they do not hear the word , v. . so then faith commeth by hearing , and hearing by the word of god. if faith commeth by hearing , then not by seeing ; if by the word , then not by the sacrament . ninthly , that ordinance which hath neither a promise of the grace of conversion annexed to it , nor any example in the word of god of any converted by it , is no converting ordinance . but the sacrament of the lords supper hath neither a promise of the grace of conversion annexed to it , nor is there any example in all the scripture of any ever converted by it . therefore it is no converting ordinance . tenthly , that ordinance whereof christ would have no unworthy person to partake is not a converting ordinance . but the lords supper is an ordinance whereof christ would have no unworthy person to partake . ergo. the proposition i prove thus . it is not the will of christ that converting ordinances should be dispenced to no unworthy person ( for else how should they be converted ) but onely he hath forbidden to dispence unto unworthy persons such ordinances as belong to the communion saints . the assumption i prove from cor. . . whosoever ( though otherwise a worthy person & one converted to the state of grace ) shall eat this bread and drink this cup of the lord unworthily , shal be guilty of the body & blood of the lord. v. . for he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh judgment to himself , not discerning the lords body . if the unworthines of that particular act , in respect of the manner of doing it , make a man so guilty and liable to such judgement , how much more the unworthinesse of the person that eats and drinks ? for a mans state , the course of his life , and the frame of his spirit , is more then one single act . this therefore doth prove that he that is an unworthy person ( if he come to the lords table ) doth eat and drink unworthily ( whence is that where the apostle saith vers . . he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , the syriack interpreter hath it , he that eateth and drinketh thereof being unworthy , or indignus existens : ) which may be also gathered from the interweaving of vers . . between vers . . and vers . . he that eats and drinks , not having before rightly examined himself , eats and drinks unworthily . but he that is an unworthy person , and comes to the lords table unworthily and unpreparedly , eats and drinks not having before rightly examined himself . ergo. what of that ? will you say . a much to the point . every unconverted and unregenerate person is an unworthy person ( as the scripture distinguisheth worthy persons and unworthy ) and comes unworthily and unpreparedly ( if he come while such ) to the lords table ; therefore such a one if he come , eats and drinks unworthily , and so eats and drinks judgement to himself . b augustine argueth promiscuously against those who come unworthily , and those that eat and drink unworthily , and applyeth the apostles words of eating and drinking unworthily , to all who come with polluted souls , such as all unconverted have . and gualther , martyr , and other interpreters upon the place , the centurists also in the place last cited , reckon those to eat and drink unworthily , who come without the wedding garment , and without faith , and holinesse of conversation , which intimateth that they who live unworthily , do also eat the lords supper unworthily , which is most plainly intimate in the directory pag. . where ignorant , scandalous , and prophane persons are warned not to come to that holy table , upon this reason , because he that eats and drinks unworthily , eats and drinks judgement to himself , which necessarily implyeth that unworthy persons and prophane livers , if they come to the sacrament , are not converted , but sin more in eating and drinking unworthily . i conclude therefore that the prohibition of eating and drinking unworthily doth necessarily imply a prohibition of unconverted , unregenerate , impenitent persons , to come to the lords table , and by consequence that it is no converting ordinance . eleventhly , that ordinance which is eucharistical and consolatory , supposeth that such as partake of it have part and portion in that thing for which thanks are given , and are such as are fit to be comforted . but the lords supper is an ordinance eucharistical and consolatory . ergo. the proposition needs no other proof but the third commandement ; thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain . shall a man be called to give thanks for redemption , reconciliation , and remission of sins , and to take comfort in jesus christ , even while he is such a one of whom god hath said , there is no peace to the wicked : high talk becommeth not a fool . psal. . . rejoyce in the lord o ye righteous , for praise is comely for the upright . psal. . . . offer unto god thanksgiving &c. but unto the wicked god saith , what hast thou to do to declare my statutes , or that thou shouldest take my covenant in thy mouth . c the assumption is acknowledged among all ; for as it hath the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so is the nature of it . it is also a consolatory ordinance , in which we are called to spiritual joy and gladnesse , it being a feast of fat things full of marrow , and of wines on the lees well refined . at this ordinance of the holy supper christ spake many a sweet and consolatory word to the disciples , and did not rebuke them nor chide them , as he had done at other times . is it not then a healing slightly of the malady of impenitent unconverted sinners , yea a betraying of their souls to bring them to joy and comfort and thanksgivings and songs of praise , to eat of the marrow and fatnesse , and to drink of the rivers of pleasure which are in the house of god , when we ought rather call them to weeping and to mourning , to make their peace with god , and to flee from the wrath to come ? twelfthly , that ordinance unto which christ calleth none but such as have spiritual gracious qualifications , is not a converting but a sealing ordinance . but the lords supper is an ordinance unto which christ calleth none but such as have spiritual and gracious qualifications . ergo. the proposition i hope needs no proof , because unconverted persons dead in sins and trespasses , have no spiritual gracious qualifications . the assumption may be proved by many scriptures . if of any ordinance , chiefly of this ; it holds true that christ inviteth and calleth none but such as labour and are heavie loaden , matth. . . such as are athirst for the water of life , iohn . . isa. . . such as have the wedding garment , matth. . . such as examine themselves cor. . . such as are christs friends , cant. . . eat o friends , drink yea drink abundantly o beloved . thirteenthly , that ordinance which is instituted for the communion of saints , is intended onely for such as are saints , and not for unconverted sinners . but the lords supper is an ordinance instituted for the communion of saints , and of those who are members of the same body of christ cor. . . . compared with cor. . . ergo. martin bucer de regno christi lib. . cap. . conceiveth that this sacrament doth so far belong to the communion of saints , that wicked and unworthy persons are not onely to be kept back from partaking , but from the very beholding or being present in the church at the giving of the sacrament : which yet is more then we have affirmed . fourteenthly , if baptisme it self ( at least when ministred to those that are of age ) is not a regenerating or converting ordinance , far lesse is the lords supper a regenerating or converting ordinance . but baptisme it self ( at least when ministred to those that are of age ) is not a regenerating or converting ordinance . ergo. the ground of the proposition is , because baptisme hath a nearer relation to regeneration then the lords supper , and therefore hath the name of the laver of regeneration . the assumption i prove thus . . because we read of no persons of age baptized by the apostles , except such as did professe faith in christ , gladly received the word , and in whom some begun work of the spirit of grace did appear ( i say not that it really was in all , but somewhat of it did appear in all . ) . if the baptisme of those who are of age be a regenerating ordinance , then you suppose the person to be baptized an unregenerated person ( even as when a minister first preacheth the gospel to pagans , he cannot but suppose them to be unregenerated : ) but i beleeve no consciencious minister would adventure to baptize one who hath manifest and infallible signes of unregeneration . sure , we cannot be answerable to god if we should minister baptisme to a man whose works and words do manifestly declare him to be an unregenerated unconverted person . and if we may not initiate such a one , how shall we bring him to the lords table ? fifteenthly , if the baptisme even of those who are of age must necessarily precede their receiving of the lords supper , then the lords supper is not a converting but a sealing ordinance . but the baptisme even of those who are of age must necessarily precede their receiving of the lords supper . ergo. the assumption is without controversie , it being the order observed by christ and by the apostles , and by all christian churches . the proposition i prove thus . . d what better reason of the necessity of this precedency of baptisme , than that baptisme is the sacrament of regeneration , the lords supper the sacrament of our spiritual nourishment , and one must be borne before he eat and drink . . the apostle saith gal. . . as many of you as have been baptized into christ , have put on christ. rom. . . we are buried with him by baptisme into death . col. . . buried with him in baptisme , wherein also you are risen with him through the faith of the operation of god. therefore if the sacrament of the lords supper be intended onely for the baptized , then it is intended onely for such as are supposed to have put on christ , are buried and raised again with him through faith , and consequently , it is not intended for unconverted persons to convert them , but for converted persons to confirme them . sixteenthly , the method of the parable of the forlorne son maketh very much against mr. prynns opinion . the lord is indeed ready to forgive , and hath compassion upon the poor sinner , and falls on his neck and kisseth him , and saith to his servants , bring forth the best robe and put it on him , and put a ring on his hand , and shoes on his feet , and bring hither the fatted calf , and kill it , and let us eat and be merry . luke . . , . and this is done in the sacrament of the lords supper , more especially and more manifestly then in any other ordinance . but when ? not while the man is yet playing the prodigal , wasting his substance with riotous living , nor yet while he is filling his belly in a far countrey with the husks which the swine did eat . but it was when he came to himself , when he came to his father and said , father i have sinned against heaven and in thy sight , and am no more worthy to be called thy son. then , and not till then , doth the father bestow upon him the best robe and the fatted calf . for this my son was dead ( saith the father ) and is alive again , was lost and is found . had the best robe and the fatted calf been given him before he repented and came to himself , he had ( belike ) been so much the more carelesse of comming home to his father . but we see these love tokens , this feast , and this mirth , is for entertaining a poor penitent , not for converting an impenitent sinner . seventeenthly , i shall draw another argument both out of the directory for the publike worship of god throughout the three kingdoms , and out of mr. prynn himself . thus it is . that ordinance from which the minister in the name of christ ought concionaliter or doctrinally to excommunicate all impenitent prophane persons , is not a converting but a sealing ordinance . but the lords supper is an ordinance from which the minister ought in the name of christ concionaliter or doctrinally to excommunicate all impenitent prophane persons , ergo. the proposition ariseth from this ground , we ought not to dehort impenitent prophane men from converting ordinances , but rather exhort them to come and partake thereof . the assumption i prove , first , from the directory in the head of the lords supper , which speaketh of the minister thus , next , he is , in the name of christ on the one part to warn all such as are ignorant , scandalous , prophane , or that live in any sin or offence against their knowledge or conscience , that they presume not to come to that holy table , shewing them that he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh judgement to himself . and on the other part he is in especial manner to invite and encourage all that labour under the sence of the burthen of their sins , and fear of wrath , and desire to reach out unto a greater progresse in grace then yet they can attain unto , to come to the lords tàble . is it not here held forth as the will of christ , that no prophane impenitent unconverted person ought or may come to the lords table , but onely such as have somewhat of the work of grace in them ? but let us hear mr. prynn himself . the seventh difference which he stateth between his antagonists and himself pag. . is this . whether the minister hath not fully discharged his duty and conscience if he give warning to unworthy communicants of the danger they incurr by their unworthy approaches to the lords table , and seriously dehort them from comming to it , unlesse they repent , reform , and come prepared . if this be a right stating of that difference ( and if it be true which mr. hussey in his epistle to the parliament pag. . saith , that it is a very great and dangerous sin , if they come without repentance , faith , and charity , wherein the minister must instruct his people publikely and privatly . ) then i suppose that mr. prynn will not deny that a minister ought in duty and conscience to do all this , to admonish a scandalous unworthy person , and seriously dehort &c. onely he contends that the minister is not bound in duty and conscience after all this to keep back such from the sacrament . well : i take for the present what he grants : and even by that i prove the lords supper is no converting ordinance ; for if it were . . how dare any minister seriously dehort any unworthy person from approaching to it ? may we forbid sinners to use the means of their conversion , especially if they be such as are not excommunicated nor cast out of the church , and do desire to receive the sacrament ? ( which are the cases often put by mr. prynn . ) . how can the minister warn such persons not to come to the sacrament unlesse they repent , reform , and come prepared ? if it be not a sealing ordinance intended onely for such as do repent and reform , the minister may not say so . . and otherwise the sence were this , that such persons ought not to come to a converting ordinance , unlesse they be converted ; for to repent , reform , and come prepared , are things which none can do who are not converted . finally ▪ by mr. prynn his principles , we may as well ▪ yea rather , dehort men from comming to hear the word unlesse they repent and reform . for pag. . he saith that the sacrament is as converting , yea a more humbling , regenerating , converting ordinance then the word . which if it be so , then we may more warrantably and with lesse danger to the souls of those who do not repent and reform , dehort them from comming to the word , then from comming to the sacrament . eighteenthly , that ordinance which is not communicable to heathens or pagans , nor to excommunicated christians , for their conversion from darknesse to light , from the power of sathan to god , from the state of sin to the state of repentance , is not a converting ordinance . but the lords supper is such . ergo. the reason of the proposition is , because converting ordinances are communicable to heathens : and thence proceeded the general commission to preach the gospel to every creature , and to teach all nations matth. . mark . . which accordingly the apostles did , rom. . . col. . . and if the sacrament be a converting ordinance for known impenitent scandalous prophane persons within the church , what reason is there imaginable why it is not also a converting ordinance for heathens , pagans , turks , jews ? or where have we the least hint in scripture that an ordinance which may convert the prophanest unexcommunicated person within the church , cannot convert both heathens and excommunicated christians ? the assumption i prove from mr. prynns own acknowledgement , pag. . though the sacrament saith he must not be administred to heathens , to whom the gospel may and must be preached , before they beleeve and professe christ : yet it must be administred to them as well as baptisme , after their beleef and profession of christ. where he clearly grants both sacraments , baptisme and the lords supper , to be onely sealing and confirming ( not converting ) ordinances to heathens , and therefore not communicable to them , till after they beleeve and professe christ. nineteenthly , that ordinance which is not communicable nor lawful to be administred to any known impenitent sinner under that notion , but onely as penitent sinners , truly repenting of their sins past , is not a converting but a sealing ordinance . but the sacrament of the lords supper is such . ergo. the proposition i prove thus . a converting ordinance may be administred to known impenitent sinners under that notion , or lookt upon as such , wallowing in their blood and filthinesse . yea a converting ordinance qua converting , is not ( nor indeed can be ) administred to penitent sinners qua penitent , or lookt upon as truly converted . for as every effect is in order of nature posterior to its cause , so a converting ordinance being the instrumental cause of conversion , regeneration , and repentance , it must needs be supposed that conversion and repentance doth not in order of nature precede but follow after the administration of the converting ordinance . the assumption is granted by mr. prynn pag. . the minister ( saith he ) doth not ( i suppose he will also say ought not ) administer the sacrament to any known impenitent sinners under that notion , but onely as penitent sinners , truly repenting of their sins past , and promising , purposing to lead a new life for the future . therefore yet again by some of his own principles , the sacrament is not administred as instrumental to the first conversion of scandalous unworthy persons in the church : for where there is in any ordinance an instrumental causality toward the conversion of a scandalous person , that ordinance must needs be administred to that person under the notion of an unconverted person , and the effect of conversion lookt upon as consequent , not as antecedent . the twentieth argument and the last is this . as i have before shewed that mr. prynn in holding the sacrament to be a converting ordinance , unto which unregenerate impenitent and unbeleeving persons ( not being excommunicated ) ought to be admitted , doth joyn issue with papists , and dissenteth from the protestant writers in a very special point , and that the controversie draweth very deep : so i will now make it to appear that he dissenteth as much from the ancients in this particular . dionysius areopagita de eccles. hierarch . cap. . part. . speaking of the nature of this ordinance of the lords supper , tells us that it doth not admit those scandalous sinners who were in the condition of penitents , before they had fully manifested their repentance , much lesse prophane and unclean persons in whom no signe of repentance appeareth ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not admitting him who is not altogether most holy . just in martyr apol. . lets us know that in his time the lords supper was given to none , but to such a person as was lookt upon as a beleever , and washed in the laver of regeneration , and lived according to the rule of christ. chrysostome hom. . in matth. augustine de side & operibus cap. . isidorus pelusiota lib. . epist. . and others might be here added . but i shall bring their full testimonies chap. . where i will shew antiquity to be for the suspension of scandalous persons unexcommunicated . beside these , i add also e beda upon cor. . who tells us both out of augustine and prosper , that none ought to come to the lords table but a justified person , and such a one as abideth in christ and christ in him . isidorus de ecclesiast . offic . lib. . cap. . citing the apostles words , he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , addeth . f for this is to receive unworthily , if any man receive at that time in which he should be repenting . the same words hath rabanus maurus de instit. cleric . lib. . cap. . which plainly sheweth us that in their judgement , the sacrament of the lords supper doth suppose conversion and repentance to be already wrought , and if it be not wrought , the receiving is an unworthy receiving . moreover that the lords supper was not anciently esteemed a converting ordinance , but a sealing ordinance , supposing conversion , is more then apparent by the distinction of missa catechumenorum and missa fidellum : and by that proclamation in the church before the sacrament , sancta sanctis , the sence whereof durantus de ritibus , lib. . cap. . num . . giveth out of chrysostome and cyrill , that sancta sanstis was as much as to say : si quis non est sanctus , non accedat : if any man be not holy , let him not approach . or as if it had been said to them , the sacrament is a holy thing , sancti & vos cum sitis sancto spiritu donati ; and seeing you also are holy , the holy spirit being given unto you ; atque ita sancta sanctis conveniant , and so holy things agreeing to holy persons . if the lords supper be a holy thing intended onely for holy persons , then ( sure ) it is no converting ordinance . i might also cite divers school-men against mr. prynn in this particular . i shall instance but in two for the present . scotus in lib. . sent. dist . . quaest. . proveth from cor. . . that it is a mortal sin for a man to come to the sacrament at that time when he is living in a mortal sin ; and that he who is not spiritually a member of christ , ought not to receive the sacrament , which is a signe of incorporation into christ. alexander alensis part . quaest. . membr . . art. . sect. . saith thus . as there is a double bodily medicine ( curativa & conservativa ) one for cure , another for conservation , so there is a double spiritual medine , to wit ( curativa & conservativa ) one for cure , another for conservation ; repentance for the cure , the eucharist for conservation . &c. chap. xiiii . mr. prynne his twelve arguments brought to prove that the lords supper is a converting ordinance , discussed and answered . it shall be now no hard businesse to answer mr. prynns twelve arguments , brought by him to refute my assertion , that that the sacrament of the lords supper is no converting ordinance . see vindic. pag. . to . first he tells us we grant that moral carnal christians , and all such as are not convicted of scandalous sins , are to be admitted to the sacrament . thrrefore doubtlesse ( saith he ) it is and was intended by christ for a converting ordinance to all such as these , to turn them from their evil waies , and work saving grace within their hearts , since it can have no other proper primary effect in such . certainly god and christ bestow no ordinances upon men in vain ; therefore their intentions in instituting this supper , even for such visible , moral , unregenerate christian , as well as real saints , must necessarily be for their conversion , not their confirmation and sealing onely . answ. lapsus in initio mali augurii est . he confoundeth here things most different . . he confoundeth our admitting of communicants , with gods intention to do good to their souls : and his argument runs upon this mistake , that god intendeth good to the souls of all who come to the lords table , though wicked close hypocrites ; and since this good cannot be sealing onely , it must be conversion . but it is neither sealing , nor conversion , nor any good at all which god intends by that ordinance to them that perish : yet it is not in vain : for he himself tells us pag. . that even in these , the minister administring the sacrament , is a sweet savour to god , who hath appointed the sacrament secundarily and contingently , to be a means of aggravating mens sins and condemnation , to magnifie his justice . . there is a most dangerous mistake in that which he saith of the intentions of god and of christ. if he mean of what god intendeth or purposeth in the councel of his own will , that in this sence god intendeth the conversion of those that perish , is to make void and frustraneous the decree , will , and intention of god , which is grosse arminianisme and jesuitisme . but if he mean finis operis , the proper end for which the sacrament was instituted , and the good which the word of god tells us we ought to seek , and may through the grace of god find in the sacrament : then in that sence , to say that christs intention in instituting this sacrament was for conversion of moral unregenerate christians , is meerly a begging of what is in question . the like i say of that proper primary effect of the sacrament in such . if he mean the proper primary effect decreed in the secret counsel of god , he myres himself in arminianisme . if he mean the proper primary effect of the sacrament in respect of its own nature , this is but petere principium . . all who pretend right to the sacrament are either visible saints , qualified according to the rule of christ , and such as the eldership ( examining their profession and practice according to the rules of the word ) judgeth fit to be admitted to the sacrament ; or they are not such . if they be such , then the end and use of the sacrament in reference to them , is to be a sealing ordinance . for the eldership judgeth and supposeth them fit to be sealed and confirmed , so far as they can understand , and in that capacity do admit them : god onely being able to judge close hypocrites . if they be not qualified , as i have said , then we do not grant that they ought to be admitted . his second argument hath no strength at all . all ordinan●es which strengthen grace do more or lesse begin or beget it , and the directory it self calls the sacraments means of grace pag. . what then ? the directory calls this sacrament means of grace , because by it christ and all his benefits are applied and sealed up unto us , and we are sealed up by his spirit to an assurance of happinesse and everlasting life . but ( saith he ) why may not the sacraments convert as well as confirm . i have given many reasons for it . if he could prove that what confirms doth also convert , why did he not do it ? if he could not prove it , why brings he a strong affirmation instead of an argument ? as for that which he addeth , that the lords supper is received not once as baptism , but frequently . for this very end , that those who often fall into sin through infirmity , may likewise by this supper often rise again , be refreshed , comforted , and get strength against their corruptions and sins : and is it not then a converting as well as a confirming ordinance ? what a wavering is here ? is the raising , refressiing , and comforting of those who often fall through infirmity , the conversion or first grace which now we dispute of ? or whether doth he not here yeeld the cause ? for the refreshing and comforting and strengthening of those that fall through infirmity , is the effect of a confirming not of a converting ordinance . and in this sence divines have given a reason , why we are but once baptized , but do often receive the lords supper , because baptisme is the sacrament of our initiation , the laver of regeneration ; ( i mean not that which hath been called baptismal regeneration , fancied to be common to all the baptized , but i mean that which is wrought in and sealed to the elect baptized ) the lords supper is the sacrament of our spiritual nourishment and strengthening : and it is enough to be once born , once regenerate , but we must be often nourished and strengthened . his third argument is this . the very receiving of the sacrament even in ●…nregenerate persons , is accompanied with such things as are most effectual to convert . as . with a previous external serious examination of their own hearts and estates between god and their own consciences . . a solemn searching out of all their open or secret sins and corruptions , past or present , accompanied with a serious particular privat confession of them , a hearty contrition and humiliation for them &c. . pious soul ravishing meditations &c. which make deep temporary impressions on their hearts . flexanimous exhortations , admonitions , comminations , directions , prayers by the ministers in the congregation , before , in , and after this dutie . whereupon he leaveth it to every mans conscience to judge whether this sacrament is not more likelie to regenerate and change their hearts , and lives , then the bare word preached , or any other ordinance . answ. . here is a lump of wild , uncouth , and most erroneous divinity . who ever heard of an external examination of mens hearts between god and their own consciences ? or . that unregenerate persons can and do seriously examine their own hearts , and search out all their sins with a hearty contrition and humiliation for them ? &c. or . that deep temporary impressions on their hearts are most effectual to convert and regenerate ( for he doth enumerate all these as particulars most effectual to convert . ) or . that in the very receiving of the sacrament , men hear the ministers prayers in the congregation . . that this sacrament is more likely to regenerate then the bare word preached ( i suppose he means not the word without the spirit ( for nobody holds the bare word in that sence to regenerate ) but preaching without other concurring ordinance ) or any other ordinance . which if it be , he cannot choose but allow to give the sacrament of the lords supper to excommunicated persons , and to the unbaptized , whether heathens or jews , being of age , and desiring to receive it . secondly , if all the whole antecedent part of his argument were granted , the consequence is naught : for this must be the consequence , if examination of mens hearts , the searching out of all their sins , confession , contrition , prayers , vowes , meditations , exhortations , which do accompany the sacrament , be most effectual to convert and to beget grace , then the sacrament is a converting ordinance . which consequence he will never prove . put the case that self-examination , confession , prayers , vowes , meditations , exhortations , at the calling of a parliament , at the going out of an army , at the choosing of magistrates or ministers , at the death of parents , friends , &c. prove effectual to conversion ; shall we therefore say that the calling of a parliament , the going out of the army , the choosing of ministers or magistrates , the death of parents or friends , are converting ordinances ? his fourth argument alone is syllogistical ( i wish all his arguments throughout his whole book had been such , that the strength or weaknesse thereof might the sooner appear ) that ordinance where●…n we most immedietly converse with god and christ , and have more intimate visible sensible communion with them , then in any other , is certainly the most powerful and effectual ordinance of all others , to humble , regenerate , convert , and beget true grace within us . &c. but the sacrament of the lords supper by our antagonists own confession is such . ergo. answ. . i retort his argument against himself . that ordinance wherein we most immediatly converse with god and christ , and have more intimate communion with them then in any other , is a sealing , confirming , but not a converting ordinance . for they who are converting have not such intimate communion and immediat conversing with god and christ , as they who are already converted and do walk with god as enoch did and are filled with all joy and peace in beleeving , rom. . . even with joy unspeakable and full of glory , pet. . . the daughters of ierusalem being sick of love for christ , yet are far from that communion with him , which his spouse longer acquainted with him did enjoy , therefore they ask at her , whither her beloved was gone that they might seek him with her . cant. . hath the child fed with milk more communion and conversing with his father , then the son come to years , who eateth and drinketh at his fathers table ? do we not see often a servent convert like apollos , whom an aquila and priscilla must take and expound unto him the way of god more perfectly . act. . , . . i deny his proposition as he frames it , for the plain english of it is this ; if it be a sealing , comforting , confirming ordinance , then it is a converting ordinance , which i clear thus . he takes his medium from his antagonists concession , for they accord ( saith he ) that we have more immediate communion with god in this ordinance then in any other , for as much as in this sacrament christ is more particularly applied , and the remission of our sins more sensibly sealed to us then in any other ordinance : from whence i thus infallibly conclude against these opposites . then follows his argument , which is no other then a putting of the converted in the condition of the unconverted , or the unconverted in the capacity of the converted ▪ or to prove it converts , because it seals . . if this sacrament be the most powerful and effectual ordinance of all others , to humble , regenerate , convert , and beget true grace : it will follow that we ought ( at least may ) give the sacrament not onely to the most ignorant and scandalous within the church , but to turks , pagans , jews , and to excommunicated persons , as i said before . . he challengeth his antagonists for crying up and magnifying this sacrament above the word preached , and by way of opposition tells them that he hath in some former tractates proved gods presence and spirit to be as much , as really present in other ordinances as in this . vindic. pag. yet now i see no man who doth so much as himself , magnifie the sacrament above the word . . whereas he brings this proof for his major proposition : because the manifestation , revelation , and proximity of god and christ to the soul , is that which doth most of all humble and convert it . if this hold true in the generality as he propounds it , then the spirits of just men made perfect and glorified , are converted by the revelation and proximity of god and of christ , whereof they have unconceaveably more then the saints on earth . but neither in this world doth the manifestation and revelation of god and of christ , prove conversion and regeneration to be in fieri at that instant when god so manifesteth and revealeth himself , which is the thing he had to prove . i give instance in divers of those scriptures cited by himself : gods revealing of himself to iob , chap. . and . to isaiah , chap. . christs manifesting of his power to peter , luke . was after , not at their conversion , so that psal. . . but heteregeneous impertinent quotations of scripture are usual with him : i am sorry i have cause to say it . some other scriptures which here he citeth may be expounded of gods proximity to us , and ours to god in conversion , isa. . . zeph. . . eph. . . iam. . . but that this kind of proximity which doth convert , is in the sacrament , he hath supposed , but not proved . his fifth argument is taken from the converting power of the word : that which makes conversion by the word is the particular application of christ and the promises . now the sacrament doth most particularly and effectually apply christ and the promises unto every communicants eyes , ears , heart , and soul , far livelier then the word preached . answ. . this is a meer fallacy , à dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter : and easily discovered . the sacrament applyeth christ , but to whom ? not to the unconverted and unbeleevers ( for that were to give a seal without a charter ) but to those that are supposed to be converted and beleevers . he had this to prove , that the sacrament doth apply christs death , passion , and merits to unconverted persons , and to unbeleevers , yea to their heart and soul. . that the sacrament doth apply the death , passion , and merits of christ to the communicants ears , and that far livelier than the word preached , is to me a riddle which i think will trouble mr. prynn himself to expound . . a great controversie there hath been about the orall or corporal manducation of the body of christ in the sacrament . but mr. prynn out-runneth here all ubiquitaries in the world , for he hath said no lesse then that every communicant eateth spiritually and by faith the body of christ , even unconverted persons , for he saith , that this sacrament doth most particularly , fully , lively , and sensibly apply the promises , yea the death , passion , and merits of christ unto every communicants eyes , ears , heart and soul . which is plainly universal grace to all who ever received this sacrament ( and so to iudas , according to his principles ) and to all who ever shall receive it . . whereas he would confirm this which he saith , by his antagonists confession ; i do not think he can give any conscientious account of that word . who said it , or where ? he must needs hold universal grace , hold it who will. . here lies the strength of his argument : the word converts by applying christ , therefore the sacrament , which doth more lively apply christ to every communicant , must be a converting ordinance . which necessarily implyeth , that all who receive the sacrament are converted . yea if application inferre conversion , as the effect of the application , the saints and beleevers themselves must be again constituted in the first article of conversion , and transition from the estate of nature and unregeneration . . the application of christ in the word unto conversion , is a thing of another nature than the sacramental application of christ , and therefore like effects ought not to be ascribed unto these ordinances : for the application of christ made in the word preached to the unconverted to convert them , is per influxum physicum , by a most efficacious life-giving influence , as when elisha applyed himself to the shunnamites dead child , or like that ezek. . . iohn . . and . . but this manner of influence or causality is denied to the sacrament by many of the schoolmen and papists themselves . so much of his fifth argument which i thought to answer in two words , if the many absurdities in it had given me leave . his sixth argument is this , all grant that god doth as effectually convert by the eye as by the ear . all grant . i deny it . and i verily beleeve he can produce very few authors ( if any ) for it . he ought not to speak so great words without good warrants , which here i am sure he hath not . well : but he will prove the thing it self . first he tells us of the book of nature , and of the creatures , by which we are instructed &c. but either he means that the very book of nature can and doth effectually and savingly convert to faith in christ and to true sanctification , or not . if the affirmative , then the heathens who lived and died in paganisme had sufficient means and helps to conversion and faith in christ : ( for those pagans had the book of the creatures to instruct them , as is expressed in some scriptures cited by himself ) and so there may be salvation and the means thereof without the church . if this be not his meaning , but that the book of nature instructeth us concerning many things of god , yet doth not teach us to know christ and all things necessary to salvation , far lesse doth effectually and savingly convert : then he hath said nothing to that point which he had to prove . . he saith that all the sacrifices of the old law , and circumcision , and the passeover did teach gods people who participated of them , or were present at them , by the eye , and were converting ordinances , as all do and must acknowledge . answ. here is another tinckling cymbal . do all acknowledge that the sacraments of the old testament were converting ordinances ? there can be no rational account given hereof . certainly our writers before cited , and diverse others who denie the sacraments of the new testament to be converting ordinances , never meant to admit that the sacraments of the old testament were converting ordinances . . how circumcision did teach by the eye those who did participate of that ordinance , and so infants , is another riddle . . if sacrifices under the law had been converting ordinances , yet that cannot be a just parallel to sacraments , except seeking to make the lords supper a converting ordinance we convert it self into a sacrifice for sin , as papists do . but neither doth he offer the least colour of reason to prove that all the external sacrifices of the old law were converting ordinances , which here he affirmeth . the apostle speaketh otherwise of the legal sacrifices , which he saith could not make him that did the service perfect , as pertaining to the conscience : heb. . and therefore calls all those rites carnal ordinances , vers . . for though they were spiritual in respect of their signification and typifying of christ , and sealing the covenant of grace to the faithful in the old testament , yet they were not spiritual in regard of their giving of grace or working conversion or purging the conscience , for they had no such operation nor effect . fourthly , mr. prynn confirms his present argument by the miracles of the prophets , christ and the apostles , which ( saith he ) converted thousands without preaching , did convert and regenerate men by the eye without the ear . for proof whereof he cites abundance of texts of scripture which do not prove what he saith , nay some of them prove the contrary . some of the scriptures cited , do not prove conversion and regeneration by miracles , but either confirmation as iohn . . after the miracle , it is added , and his disciples beleeved on him . or some preparatory initial work before regeneration , as that iohn . . mr. prynn will hardly prove that nicodemus was already regenerated at that instant , when he knew not what regeneration was : or that those iohn . . who beleeved on christ when they saw his miracles at the feast , had any more then a temporary faith , it being said of them , that iesus did not commit himself unto them , because he knew all men . act. . . luke . . . tell us of some who at the sight of miracles were stricken with fear and amazement , and gave glory to god , which proves not that miracles did convert , but convince . the like i say of kings . . . other texts cited by him make expresse mention of the word as a mean of the conversion which was wrought , as iohn . . the man beleeved the word that jesus had spoken , and this was before the miracle . iohn . . many beleeved , but they heard christ preach vers . . so iohn . . those jewes who beleeved on christ after they had seen the miracle , did also hear that which christ said , yea their beleeving is mentioned as an effect of their hearing , vers . . . so act. . . stephen did indeed great miracles , but the multiplying of the number of the disciples , is referred to the word , vers . . act. . . it is expressely said , and the people with one accord gave heed unto those things which philip spake , hearing and seeing the miracles which he did . quâ fide hath mr. prynn cited this very text to prove that men were converted by miracles without the word , by the eye without the ear . some other scriptures by him quoted prove onely a popular confluence and the multitudes following of christ. having seen his miracles as iohn . . and . . . matth. . . . for the people were inclined to hearken to doctrine by miracles , which moveth natural men to flock together to see strange things saith mr. hussey . plea for christian magistracy , pag. . which he is pleased to clear by peoples flocking to a mountebank . other texts which he citeth , speak of miracles , but not a syllable of conversion or regeneration wrought by miracles , as act. . . act. . . . among the rest of the texts he citeth iohn . . ye seek me , not because ye saw the miracles , but because ye did eat of the loaves and were filled . and hence forsooth he will prove that miracles did convert and regenerate men . i had not touched these particulars , were it not that i desire mr. prynn himself in the fear of god may be convinced of his making too bold with the scripture in citing and applying it very far amisse : and that for the future his reader may be wary , and not take from him upon trust a heap of scriptural quotations , such as often he bringeth . in the fourth place , he tells us , that the things we see with our eyes do more affect , and beget deeper impressions in our hearts , then the things we hear . he means ( i think ) do more effectually convert , for so he makes the application , that the very beholding of christs person , passion , without the word , were the most effectual means of working contrition , conversion , &c. well : what is his proof ? he citeth christs words to his disciples , blessed are your eyes for they see : ( without adding the rest , and your ears , for they hear ) and simeons words , mine eyes have seen thy salvation , as if forsooth either simeon or the apostles had been converted and regenerated by the seeing of christs person . he cites also luk. . , , . as if all who ( beholding christs passion and death ) smote upon their breasts , had been by that sight converted and regenerated . that the things we behold with our eyes , if they be great or strange things work deep impressions , there can be no doubt of it . but that the hearing of great things may not work as deep impressions , or that seeing without hearing doth convert and regenerate , hath been strongly affirmed by mr. prynn , but not yet proved . i proceed to his seventh argument which is this . the most melting soul-changing meditation is the serious contemplation of christs death and passion . no meditation comparable to this , to regenerate and convert a carnal heart . and is not this effectually represented to our eyes , hearts , in this very sacrament in a more powerful prevailing manner then in the word alone . answ. that which he had to subsume and prove is , that this sacrament worketh in a unregenerate carnal heart such soul changing meditations of the death and passion of christ , as it never had before ( the soul having never before been regenerate ) which being the point to be proved , why did he not prove it , if he could ? no doubt the sacrament is a most powerful mean to beget in the hearts of beleevers and regenerate persons most humbling and melting meditations concerning the death of christ. but that it begetteth any soul changing or regenerating meditations in those in whom the word hath never yet begun the work of regeneration and conversion ; i do as much disagree in this , as i agree in the other . the eighth argument which he brings is from comparing the sacrament with afflictions . our own corporal external afflictions are many times without the word the means of our repentance and conversion unto god , &c. then much more the sacrament , wherein the afflictions of christ himself are so visibly set forth before our eyes . answ. . it is a very bad consequence , for the strength resolves into this principle , an unregenerate carnal man will be more affected and moved with the representation of christs afflictions , than with the feeling of his own corporal afflictions . . affliction doth not convert without the word either going before or accompanying it ( unlesse we say that pagans or turks may be converted savingly by affliction before ever they hear the word . ) psal. . . blessed is the man whom thou chastenest and teachest him out of thy law. job . . . . . and if they be bound in fetters , and holden in cords of affliction . then he sheweth them their work and their transgression that they have exceeded . he openeth also their ear to discipline , and commandeth that they return from iniquity . behold conversion by afflictions , but not without the word . while mr. prynn goeth about to prove that afflictions convert without the word , the first text he citeth is psal. . . . where expresse mention is made of the word . as for manasseh his conversion chron. . . . it was wrought by the means of affliction , setting home upon his conscience that word of god mentioned in the verse imediatly preceding , which saith and the lord spake to manasseh and to his people , but they would not hearken . let him shew the like instance of the conversion by the sacrament of such as would not hearken to the word , and i shall yeeld the cause . the word is expresse , that affliction is one special powerful mean of conversion , but it no where saith any such thing of the sacrament . . it was also incumbent to him to prove that afflictions do convert without the word , not onely at such times and in such places as do sequester a person from the liberty of hearing the word preached , but also when and where the word is freely enjoyed . otherwise how far is he from concluding by analogy the point he had to prove ? which is , that an unregenerate person living under the ministery of the gospel , and being an ordinary hearer , never converted by the word , may neverthelesse ( according to the dispensation of the grace of god revealed in scripture ) be converted by the sacrament received ? his ninth argument is this . that ordinance whose unworthy participation is a means of our spiritual obduration , must by the rule of contraries when worthily received , be the instrument of our mortification , conversion , salvation . but the unworthy receiving of the sacrament is a means &c. answ. . this argument doth necessarily suppose , that an unconverted , unmortified , unworthy person , while such , may yet worthily receive ( and so by that means be converted ) the contrary whereof i have demonstrated in my tenth argument . . if the sacrament be not worthily received , without repentance , faith , and self-examination ( for which cause men are dehorted to come , except they repent &c. ) then there is perfect non-sence in the argument , for to say that the sacrament when worthily received is the instrument of conversion , is as much as this ; the sacrament is an instrument of conversion to those who are already converted . . that rule of contraries is extremely mis-applyed . the rule is oppositorum , quatenus talia , opposita sunt attributa , contraries have contrary attributes . g the comparison must be made secundum differentias quibus dissident , otherwise that old fallacy were a good argument . a single life is good , therefore marriage is evil ; virginity is pure , therefore marriage is impure : whereas marriage and single life are not opposed in the point of good and evil , purity and impurity , but in the point of immunity from worldly cares and troubles . so it is a bad consequence ( at least against us ) unworthy receiving of the sacrament is an instrument of obduration , ergo worthy receiving of it is a mean of conversion . for we hold that worthy receiving and unworthy receiving are not opposed in point of conversion , but in point of sealing : the worthy receiving seals remission and salvation : the unworthy receiving seals judgement . but mr. prynn still takes for granted what he had to prove ; viz. that this particular is one of those differentiae quibus dissident ista opposita . come on to his tenth argument . it s taken from the ends for which this sacrament was ordained . . the keeping in memory christs death . . the ratification and sealing of all the promises and covenant of grace unto the receivers souls . . to be a pledge and symbole of that most neer and effectual communion which christians have with christ , and that spiritual union which they enjoy with him . . to feed the communicants souls in assured hope of eternal life . . to be a pledge of their resurrection . . to seal unto them the assurance of everlasting life . . to binde them as it were by an oath of fidelity to christ , whereupon he asketh how it is possible that this sacrament should not both in gods intention and christs ordination , be a converting as well as a sealing ordinance , since that which doth seal all these particulars to mens souls , &c. must needs more powerfully perswade , pierce , melt , relent , convert an obdurate heart and unregenerate sinner then the word it self ? answ. . his argument may be strongly retorted against himself , divers of these ends of the sacrament being such as are incompetent and unapplicable to obdurate and unregenerate sinners : how did he imagine that even to such as these , the sacrament doth ratifie and seal to their souls all the promises and covenant of grace , they not having yet closed with christ in the covenant ? or how will he make it to appear , that this sacrament is a pledge of a most neer union and communion with christ , even to those who are yet far from any union with christ ? or how shall they be fed in hope and sealed in assurance of everlasting life , who are yet under the curse of the law and state of condemnation ? surely master prynne granting here that the sacrament is ordained of christ to seal , and that it doth seal all these particulars to mens souls , doth thereby yeeld the whole cause . for that which doth seal all these particulars to mens souls , most certainly doth not convert , but presuppose conversion . . if this sacrament be by gods intention a converting ordinance , and gods intention being by him distinguished from christs ordination , whether doth it not necessarily follow both from this and from his first argument ( unto which this gives more light ) that god did in the secret counsel of his will intend and decree the conversion of the flintiest heart and obdurest spirit , as he speaketh ; and that either this effect is wrought by the sacrament in the flintiest heart and obduratest spirit ( which i believe he dare not say ) or that gods decree and intention is frustrate ? . and if the sacrament must needs more powerfully perswade , pierce , melt , relent , convert an obdurate heart and unregenerate sinner then the word it self ; how then can he either seclude pagans , or dehort impenitent unworthy persons from the sacrament ? his eleventh argument is the grossest and palpablest petitio principii of any that ever i met with , and to be offered to none except such as cannot distinguish between that which is affirmed , and that which is proved . first he tells us what true conversion is , and then asks if any thing be so prevalent to effect this as the sacrament . this therefore i passe . his twelfth and last argument is an appealing to the experience of christians . but a part of his appeal is of no use ; that is , whether this sacrament doth not strengthen against corruptions and tentations , which doth not touch this present controversie . it is as little to the purpose which he saith of conversion by preparations to the sacrament , which may be by the word , prayer , &c. but that many thousands of converted christians will experimentally affirm , that the receiving of the sacrament was the first effectual means of their conversion , yea , that they had not been converted had they been debarred from it for their former scandalous sins , i do as confidently deny it as he affirmeth it : and if any who hath been a scandalous liver , whose heart was never yet turned , humbled , broken , changed by the word , nor by any other mean of grace , should affirm that his very receiving of the sacrament did effectually convert him , i durst not herein give credit to him . for to the law and to the testimony ; if they speak not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . and whereas he concludes , for shame therefore disclaim this absurd irreligious paradox , for which there is not the least shadow of scripture or solid reason : i shall wish him for shame to disclaim this and many such like expressions more bold and arrogant , then either prudent or conscientious . and the intelligent reader who considereth my twenty arguments for that which he calls so absurd , and my answers to all his twelve arguments , will easily judge where the shame and irreligiousnesse will lie . if at his door , let him look to it . alba ligustra cadunt , vaccin●…a nigra leguntur . all that he addeth pag. , , , being at best rhetorical , not rational , and a superstructure upon that foundation , that the lords supper is a converting ordinance ; it needs no battering , but falls of it self , the foundation being taken away . and as we ought not nor cannot without sin suspend scandalous sinners from the sacrament , if it be a converting ordinance ( upon which supposition also both the advice of the assembly of divines , and the ordinance of parliament concerning suspension from the sacrament , were most sinful and unlawful ) so if it be not a converting but a sealing ordinance ( which i hope is now luce clarius ) there needs no other argument for the suspension of scandalous sinners living in grosse reigning sins , but this , that the end and use for which this sacrament was instituted , is not conversion which these need , but sealing and confirmation , of which they are incapable , they being such as ought to be kept back à signis gratiae divinae , as divines speak . for how shall these that in words professe god , but in their works deny him , be sealed with the seals or marked with the marks of the favour and grace of god ? most certainly this question concerning the nature , end , and use of the sacrament , casts the ballance of the whole controversie concerning suspension : which i have therefore been the larger upon . and whereas master prynne concludeth , pag. , with a large citation out of lucas osiander enchir. contra anabapt . cap. . quaest . . for that he shall have this return . first , all that osiander there saith , is brought to prove this point against the anabaptists , quod et si unum aut alterum videamus in ecclesia aliqua flagitiosum , propterea neque secessionem faciendam , neque à sacris congressibus , aut coena domini christiano abstinendum . that although in some church we see some one or other flagitious person , yet a christian is not therefore either to make a separation , or to abstain from the sacred assemblies or the lords supper . which is not the question now agitated between us . secondly , after that passage cited against us , master prynne might have taken notice of another passage which maketh against himself . where the anabaptists did object to the lutheran churches , their admitting of scandalous persons to the sacrament , osiander denieth it : for ( saith he ) although we cannot help hypocrites their coming to the lords table ; nos tamen scienter neminem admittimus , nisi peccatores poenitentes , &c. yet we admit none willingly , except penitent sinners who confesse their sins and sorrow for them . thirdly , osiander , ibid. quaest. . holdeth excommunication to be an ordinance of god , and groundeth it upon matth. . , , . therefore master prynne must seek another patron then osiander . and now the nature of the ordinance being cleared , there needeth no more to confute master prynne in that which he makes the eighth thing in controversie between him and his antagonists , namely , whether ministers may not as well refuse to preach the word to such unexcommunicated , grosse , impenitent , scandalous christians , whom they would suspend from the sacrament . certainly it is not lawful but commanded as a duty to preach both to the converted and to the unconverted , without excluding the most scandalous impenitent sinners whosoever . but the lords supper being ( according to its institution and the minde of jesus christ ) a sealing or confirming ordinance onely , it cannot without a violation of the institution be given to known impenitent scandalous persons . other particulars in his debate concerning this eighth point of difference , which do require any answer , i will take occasion to speak unto them in the next chapter . chap. xv. whether the admission of scandalous and notorious sinners to the sacrament of the lords supper , be a pollution and profanation of that holy ordinance ; and in what respects it may be so called ? master hussey in his plea , pag. . doth very much mistake his mark , when in opposition to what i had said concerning the polluting of the sacrament by the admission of the scandalous , he tells me out of beza , that the sacraments remain effectual to the good , though evil men come to them : and thereupon concludeth , that the sacrament is holy and pure to the believer , notwithstanding the unpreparednesse of the wicked : which is not the thing in question : much lesse is it the question , whether there be any such thing as a pollution of the sacrament : for this master coleman hath yeelded ( though before he quarrelled that phrase of polluting the ordinances ) giving instance in the using of cheese instead of bread , male dicis , pag. . but the true state of the controversie may be laid open in these few distinctions . first , as scotus in lib. . sent. dist. . quaest. . distinguisheth two sorts of things which may be called necessary to a sacrament ; necessarium simpliciter , and necessarium aliqualiter : the former he calls that without which the sacrament is no sacrament : the later , that without which they that give the sacrament cannot avoid sin , or the want whereof maketh the ministery guilty ; so do i distinguish two sorts of pollution of the sacrament , one which makes the sacrament no sacrament , but a common or unhallowed thing to those that do receive it , as ( for instance ) if the sacrament were given by those that are no ministers , o● to those that are no church , or without the blessing and breaking of bread : another which makes the ministration of the sacrament hic & nunc , and with such circumstances to be sinful , and those that do so administer it to be guilty : and so whatsoever is done in the ministration of the sacrament contrary to the revealed will of god , is a pollution of that ordinance . the present question is of the later , not of the former . secondly , some wicked men by their receiving the sacrament do onely draw judgement upon themselves , and these are close hypocrites : others by their receiving of the sacrament do involve not themselves onely , but others also into sin and gods displeasure ; and these are scandalous notorious sinners . thirdly , the sin of those who pollute the sacrament by using it contrary to the nature and institution of it , may be the sin of others , and those others accessary to such pollution of the sacrament two ways : either it is the sin of the whole church , none excepted , so that none that communicateth then and there can be free of the sin , as where the bread is elevated and worshipped , all the communicants are eo ipso that they joyn in the sacrament then and there , partakers of the sin of bread-worship , though perhaps some of them do not joyn in the act of worshipping the bread , but have done what they could to prevent or hinder it . or it is the sin onely of so many as have not done what they ought and might have done for observing the institution , rule and example of jesus christ. and of this sort is the sin of communicating with scandalous and profane men . if private christians have interposed , by admonitions given to the offender , and by petitions put up to those that have authority and power for restraining the scandalous from the lords table , they have discharged their consciences , and may without sin communicate though some scandalous members be admitted : for such persons sin in taking the sacrament , but worthy communicants are not partakers of their sin . but if church-officers who have a charge and authority from jesus christ , to receive none whom they know to be unworthy , profane and scandalous , shall not withstanding admit such persons , they are thereby partakers of their sin , so that their receiving , or rather polluting of the sacrament , is imputed not to themselves onely , but to the church-officers who had authority to keep them back , and did it not . fourthly , the suffering of a mixture of known wicked persons among the godly in the church , doth sometime defile us with sin , sometime not . it doth not defile us , when we use all lawful and possible remedies against it , and namely , when we exercise the discipline of excommunication , and other church-censures , saith augustine , lib. contra donatistas , post collationem , cap. . tom. . but it doth defile us , and we do incur sin and wrath , when the means of redressing such known evils are neglected , indisciplinata patientia ( it is augustines word ) so to bear with wicked men , as not to execute discipline against them , that certainly makes us partakers of their sin . i mean in a reformed and well constituted church , where the thing is feasible . but where it cannot be done , because of persecution , or because of the invincible opposition either of authority , or of a prevalent profane multitude , in that case we have onely this comfort left us , blessed are they that hunger and thirst after righteousnesse ; and , in magnis voluisse sat est . fifthly , neither doth this question concerning the pollution or profanation , or abuse of the sacrament , concern those peccata quotidianae incursionis , such sins of infirmity as all the godly , or at least the generallay of the godly , are subject unto and guilty of , as long as they are in the world ( for then the sacrament should be polluted to all ; for , who can say , i have made my heart clean , i am pure from my sins ? ) but onely grosse and scandalous sins , such as make the name of god and the profession of religion to be evil spoken of and reproached , those roots of bitternesse which spring up , whereby many are like to be defiled ; those that are guilty of such sins , and have given no evidence of true repentance , if they be received to the sacrament , it is a profaning of the ordinance . now that the admission of scandalous and notorious sinners to the sacrament in a reformed and constituted church , is a profanation or pollution of that ordinance , may be thus proved . first , paraeus upon the question in the heidelberg catechism , where it is affirmed , that by the admission of scandalous sinners to the sacrament , the covenant of god is profaned , giveth this reason for it , because as they who having no faith nor repentance , if they take the s●als of the covenant , do thereby profane the covenant ; so they who consent to known wicked and scandalous persons their taking of the seals , or to their coming to the sacrament , do by such consenting make themselves guilty of profaning the covenant of god ( for the doer and the consenter fall under the same breach of law ) yea , so far do they sin by such consenting , as that they do thereby acknowledge the children of the devil to be the children of god , and the enemies of god to be in covenant and to have fellowship with god. he distinguisheth these two things , who ought to come to the sacrament , and who ought to be admitted . none ought to come , except those who truely believe and repent : none ought to be admitted , except such as are supposed to be believers and penitent , there being nothing known to the contrary . if any impenitent sinner take the sacrament , he profanes the covenant of god. if the church admit to the sacrament any known to live in wickednesse without repentance , the church profaneth the covenant of god. secondly , that ordinance which is not a converting but a sealing ordinance , which is not appointed for the conversion of sinners but for the communion of saints , is certainly profaned and abused contrary to the nature , institution , and proper end thereof , if those who are manifestly ungodly , profane , impenitent , and unconverted , be admitted to the participation thereof . but the sacrament of the lords supper is not a converting but a sealing ordinance , &c. which i have proved by infallible demonstrations . ergo. thirdly , that use of the sacrament which is repugnant and contradictory to the word truly and faithfully preached in the name of christ , is a prophaning of the sacrament . but to give the sacrament to those who are known to live in grosse sins without repentance , is an use of the sacrament which is repugnant and contradictory to the word truly and faithfully preached in the name of christ. ergo. i suppose no man will denie , that if we truly and faithfully preach the word , we may and ought to pronounce and declare such as live in sin impenitent and unconverted , to be under gods wrath and displeasure as long as they continue in that estate . be not deceived saith the apostle , neither fornicators , nor idolaters , nor adulterers , nor effeminate , nor abusers of themselves with mankind , nor theeves , nor covetous , nor drunkards , nor revilers , nor extortioners , shall inherit the kingdom of god. cor. . . . see the like ephes. . , , . whence it is , that doctrinally we warn the ignorant and scandalous , and all such as live in known sins without repentance , that they presume not to come and prophane that holy table . of which ministers are appointed by the directory to give warning . how then can we by giving the sacrament to such as these , give the lye to the word ? h for what other thing shall we do ; if those whom the word pronounceth to have no part in the kingdom of god nor of christ , shall be admitted as well as the godly to eat and drink at the lords table , while known to continue in the committing of their damnable sins , or while it is known that they have not repented of the uncleannesse , and fernication , and lasciviousnesse which they have committed ? cor. . . what is this but to absolve in the sacrament those who are condemned in the word , and to open the kingdom of heaven in the sacrament unto those on whom the word shutteth it ? fourthly , that use of the sacrament which strengtheneth the hands of the wicked , so that he turneth not from his wickednesse , is an abuse and profanation of the sacrament . but the giving of the sacrament to any known prophane impenitent person is such an use of the sacrament as strengtheneth the hands of the wicked , so that he turneth not from his wickednesse . ergo. i appeal to the experience of all godly and faithful ministers , whether they have not found it a great deal more difficult to convince or convert such prophane men as have been usually admitted to the sacrament , then to convince or convert such as have been kept back from the sacrament ? no marvel that such prophane ones as have usually received the seals of the covenant of grace , and joyned in the highest act of church-communion , live in a good opinion of their souls estate , and trust in lying words , have we not eaten and drunken at thy table ? the sacrament , the sacrament , as of old the temple , the temple . mr. prynn thinks , that the minister hath fully discharged his duty and conscience , if he give warning to unworthy communicants of the danger they incurre by their unworthy approaches to the lords table . vindic. pag. , . but he may be pleased to receive an answer from himself , pag. . the things we see with our eyes do more affect and beget deeper impressions in our hearts , then the things we hear . the word preached is verbum audibile , the sacrament is verbum visibile . how shall prophane ones be perswaded by their ears to beleeve that whereof they see the contrary with their eyes ? they will give more credit in mr. prynns own opinion to the visible word , then to the audible word . fifthly , if it were a prophanation of the sacrament of baptisme to baptize a catechumene , a jew , or a pagan professing a resolution to turn christian , he being manifestly under the power of abominable reigning sins , and being still a prophane and wicked liver , although he were able to give a sound and orthodox confession of faith : then it is also a prophanation of the lords supper to admit unto it abominable and prophane livers . but it were a prophanation of the sacrament of baptisme &c. augustine lib. de fide & operibus cap. . tells us , that the church did not admit whores and such other scandalous persons to baptisme . et nisi egerint ab his mortuis operibus poenitentiam , accedere ad baptismum non sinuntur . and except they repent ( saith he ) from these dead works , they are not suffered to come unto baptisme . divers arguments he brings in that book for this thing , as . that peter saith ( act. . . ) repent and be baptized . . that the apostle heb. . , . joyneth repentance from dead works with baptisme . . that iohn preached the baptisme of repentance . . that fornicators , adulterers , theeves , &c. shall not inherit the kingdom of god : therefore such as are known to live in these sins without repentance ought not to be baptized . . he argueth from cor. . , , . &c. now i offer this quaere . shall an abominable wicked life , murther , adultery , swearing , cursing , lying , or the like keep back a man from so much as entering into the visible church by the door of baptism , and shall not the like abominations keep back a man from fellowship with the saints at the lords table ? is there more evidenc● of saintship required in those who come to be baptized , then in those who come to the lords table ? if there be , let our opposites speak it out , and open up the riddle . if there be not , then how can their tenent avoid the prophanation of the lords table ? sixthly , that ordinance which is prophaned by admitting infants and idiots who can make no good use of it , is much more prophaned by admitting abominable and known prophane persons who make a very bad use of it . but the lords supper is prophaned by admitting infants and idiots who can make no good use of it . ergo. mr. prynn pag. . yeeldeth that children , fools , and distracted men , are by a natural disability made uncapable of receiving the lords supper , because unable to examine themselves , to which ( saith he ) not withstanding they have been admitted in some churches . in what churches fools and distracted men have been admitted to the lords supper , i should have willingly learned from him , for as yet i know not any such thing children i know were somtime admitted by the ancients who did afterward discover their own great error in that particular . however , he yeelds as i take it , children and fools to be uncapable of the lords supper . and why ? because unable to examine themselves , in regard of natural disability . but where there is no disability in the natural faculties , may not a sinful disability which a man hath drawn upon himself ( as ignorance , drunkennesse , corrupt and atheistical opinions , presumptuous excusing or defending of sin ) make him unable to examine himself ? shall men that are unable to examine themselves be admitted to the sacrament , because not disabled by any natural disability ? sure this was far from pauls thoughts when he delivered that rule concerning examining our selves before the sacrament . whoever they be who are unable to examine themselves , whether naturally or sinfully , much more they who manif●stly appear unwilling to examine themselves , if they be admitted and allowed to come to the lords supper , it is a high and ha●nous prophanation of that ordinance . wherefore to prosecute my argument , why do we exclude infants and idiots ? because 〈◊〉 apostle saith , let a man examine himself , and so let him 〈◊〉 bread , and drink of that cup : but infants and idiots 〈◊〉 examine themselves . now a positive prophanation of the sacrament , is worse then a negative prophanation of it : abuti is more then non bene uti . we know that prophane impenitent sinners will not onely make no good use of the sacrament , nor examine themselves aright , but will abuse it to the worst use that can be , even to slatter themselves in their wickednesse , and to harden themselves in sin and impenitency . mr. prynn will tell us , we know not but god may convert such at the sacrament . but there is not the least hint in all the word of god of any impenitent sinner converted by the sacrament . and beside , it is as easie for god to give an idiot or distracted man his right wits , and to illuminate him with a self-examining knowledge and light in the very instant of approaching to or sitting down at the table ; and if a possibility , a per adventure it may be , and who knoweth but it may convert and do them good ; be a warrantable ground for ministers to administer the sacrament to prophane and scandalous persons as mr. prynn holds , pag. . why shall not the same ground be as warrantable for admitting idiots . seventhly , if the temple was polluted and prophaned by the comming of prophane and abominable persons into it , then is the sacrament of the lords supper also profaned by such persons their participation of it . but the temple was polluted and prophaned &c. the reason of the consequence in the proposition is , because as the temple had a sacramental signification of christ , and a certain ceremonial holinesse , as well as the lords table , so it will be dur●…s sermo ( and i presume none of our opposites will adventure to say it ) that such prophanesse as did of old keep back men from the temple , cannot now exclude them from the sacrament . the assumption is largely proved in the first book , both from scripture and from jewish writers . that one place ezek . . . . ( beside divers others ) cleareth it . moreover this they have done unto me : they have defiled my sanctuary in the same day , and have prophaned my sabbaths ▪ for when they had slain their children to their idols , then they came the same day into my sanctuary to prophane it . you see the temple was prophaned and polluted , not onely by those that were ceremonially unclean , but by idolaters and murtherers when any such presumed to come into the temple . eighthly , i desire the scope of that place hag. . , , , . may be considered . the lord is teaching his people , that a thing legally holy , could not by the touch thereof sanctifie that which by the law was common and not holy , yet he which was legally unclean , did defile whatsoever he touched , yea though it were legally holy . so is this people , and so is this nation before me , saith the lord , and so is every work of their hands , and that which they offer there is unclean . the legal holinesse and uncleannesse were significant ceremonies to teach the people the hecessity of moral holinesse , and the evil or danger of moral uncleannesse : hence god himself argues from the significant ceremony to the morality , so as the place holds forth by necessary plain consequence these three propositions . . the ceremonial uncleannesse did signifie the moral uncleannesse , and the effect of the former did signifie the effect of the latter . . unholy persons are not sanctified by their approaching to , or joyning in holy ordinances : but he that is filthy will be filthy still , and he that is unjust ▪ unjust still . if god do not give them his spirit to sanctifie them , the ordinances cannot do it . . yet unholy persons , while such , do defile holy ordinances , and that by moral as well as by ceremonial uncleannesse : therefore the people themselves , and every work of their hands being evil , the lord for that cause reckoneth their sacrifices to be unclean . did prophane persons defile the sacrifices of old , and do they not defile our sacraments ? nay , i should think this , much more then that , there being more of the communion of saints in our sacraments , then in their sacrifices . the ninth argument which alone may conclude the point , shall be taken from matth. . . give not that which is holy unto the dogs , neither cast ye your pearls before swine . if the sacrament be a holy thing , and if prophane scandalous impenitent sinners be dogs and swyne , then to give the sacrament to such , is to prophane and pollute the sacrament , and indeed no better but worse then to give pearls to swine . mr. prynns ▪ reply vindic . pag. . doth not take off this argument . for without any proof , he restricteth to certain particulars that which the text saith generally both of the things and of the persons . first for the things , he saith the text is principally intended of not preaching the gospel to such , so that we must seclude them from the word as well as from the sacrament . but i ask , is it meant onely of the word ? he hath not said so , nor will ( i think ) say so . erastus himself pag. . confesseth it is meant also of the sacraments . the text saith not , the holy thing , and the pearl , but holy things , pearls . it must therefore be understood respective . some are so vile , and so abominably prodigiously prophane , blasphe●ous , mockers , persecuters , that i ought not to preach to such , but to turn away from them to others , according to christs direction , and the apostles example . others are such as i may preach unto , yet ought not to pray or give thanks with them , nor to admonish them ( and much lesse give them the sacrament ) others i may admonish and pray with them , yet ought not to give them the sacrament . and all these by reason of that rule , give not that which is holy to dogs , &c. so that we are not bound up by this text , either to seclude men from the word , or otherwise from no holy : thing . next , the argument holds à fortiori , from the word to the sacrament . for saith i pareus . if christ said this of the word , which is common to the converted and to the unconverted , how much more must it be said of the sacraments , which are instituted onely for such as are converted . as for that sort of persons which the text speaks of , master prynne ( following erastus , lib. . cap. . ) saith that these doggs and swine are onely such infidels and heathens , who refused to embrace the gospel , and harbour the preachers of it : or pers●cutors of the gospel , and of the ministers of it : or open apostates from the christian faith which they once embraced . and he citeth divers scriptures , which he saith do expresly determine it . but he observes not that the most which those scriptures prove , is , that such men as he speaks of are doggs and swine , which is not the question : that which he had to prove , is , that the doggs and swine which christ speaks of , are onely infidels , or persecutors , or apostates from the christian faith . this onely he hath boldly averred , but shall never prove it . it is one thing to prove that infidels , persecutors and apostates are doggs and swine , another thing to prove that there are no other doggs and swine . that which the apostle peter saith , of such as having escaped the pollutions of the world , and known the way of righteousnesse , do afterward turn aside from the holy commandment , namely , that such do with the dog ●eturn to the vomit , and with the sow that was washed to the wallowing in the mire , pet. . , , . doth belong to all scandalous and backsliding christians , whether they be such in doctrine or in life onely ; and is generally so applied by divines . erastus himself , pag. . understandeth that vomit and puddle , . pet. . to be the sinful pleasures of the world , relabuntur ( saith he , glossing upon the place ) ad voluptates moresque hujus seculi . and solomon saith the same thing generally of an ungodly wicked person , prov. . . as a dog returneth to his vomit , so a fool returneth to his folly . nor is it to be forgotten that the apostle using the words of epimenides , calls the cretians evil beasts , tit. . . because they professed to know god , but in their works ▪ denied him , being impure , disobedient , and unto every good work reprobate . wherefore the precept matth. . . is rightly applied by isidorus pelusiota , lib. . epist. . to the denying of the sacrament to all persons of an unclean conversation , ▪ as well as to jews and hereticks . so chrysostome doth apply this text to the excluding of known unworthy men from the sacrament ; and this he doth , homil. . de compunctione cordis , as i remember . and hom. in matth. he hath these words to the same purpose . if thou hadst a clear fountain committed to thy keeping , to be kept clean by thee , wouldst thou let filthy swine come and puddle in it ? how much more the fountain of the blood of christ ? where by filthy swine he understandeth all unworthy and scandalous persons whatsoever , as is evident by that which follows , and by that also which went before , where he gives instance of the scandals in life and conversation . and upon the text it self , matth. . he applieth it to a suspension of all such as were not acknowledged for visible saints , not onely from receiving but from beholding the sacrament . hence was that in the ancient church , sancta sanctis ; at which word all others were dismissed before the receiving of the sacrament , who were not accounted visible saints . hence came the distinction of duplex missa , that is , duplex dimissio . missa catechumenorum , & missa fid●…lium . when the catechumens were dismissed , then also together with them were dismissed all scandalous persons who had scandalized the church , except such penitents as ( having now in a great measure satisfied the church-discipline , and manifested their repentance publikely , according to certain usual degrees of publike declaration of repentance ) were permitted to behold the giving and receiving of the sacrament , after the catechumens were gone ( which yet themselves were not admitted to partake of , till they had gone thorow all the degrees , and finished the whole course of publikely manifesting repentance ; onely in the danger of death they were permitted to receive the sacrament , before that course was finished , if they should desire it . ) then last of all , after the sacrament , was the missa fidelium , the dismission of the faithful . augustine , lib. de fide & operibus , cap. . so applieth the prohibition of giving holy things to doggs , that he thence argueth against the administration of baptism to persons living in adultery ( although such as have embraced the orthodox doctrine ) which is also the scope of that whole book . now if persons of a profane conversation , though orthodox in their judgement and profession , be such doggs as ought to be refused baptism when they desire it , surely they are also such doggs as ought to be refused the lords supper . moreover , the onely seeming advantage which master prynne catcheth , is from the word doggs ( which yet is no advantage ; for that is applied generally to wicked and profane persons in the scriptures above cited ▪ and so revel . . . ) but he shall do well to observe the word swine too : for ( as grotius upon the place , following chrysostome , doth make the distinction ) the doggs are such as bark and contradict ; the swine such as do not bark and contradict , but by an impure life ( saith he ) declare how little esteem they have of the holy things . which difference ( as he conceives ) the text it self doth hint : for it mentioneth not onely the turning again to rent , which is the dogges part , but the trampling of pearls under feet , which is the swines part . finally , this argument from matth. . hath gained so much upon erastus himself , lib. . cap. . that he restricteth himself to the admission of such onely to the sacrament as acknowledge and confesse their fault , promise amendment , and desire to use the sacraments rightly with the rest , so far as we are able to judge . which concession will go far . chap. xvi . an argument of erastus ( drawn from the baptism of john ) ●gainst the excluding of scandalous sinners from the lords supper , ●xamined . the strongest arguments of erastus drawn from the old testament , i have before discussed . another argument of his which deserveth an answer ( for i take him in his greatest strength ) is this . iohn baptist ( saith he ) did baptize all , none excepted , who came to him to be baptized ; yea , even the pharisees and sadduces , whom yet he called a generation of vipers . answer . . they that were baptized by iohn , did confesse their sins , and professe repentance ; and l erastus himself brings in iohn baptist speaking to those pharisees on this manner . i do not see into your hearts , but he that cometh after me , hath his fan in his hand , and will separate the chaff from the wheat : so that though ye may deceive me with a feigned repentance , yet you cannot deceive him . hereupon erastus concludeth , that the ministers of the gospel ought not to deny the sacraments to those that professe repentance , and ought not take upon them to judge of mens hearts whether they do truely and unfeignedly repent . m now all this maketh for the suspension from the sacrament of all such as do not confesse their sins , nor professe repentance for the same : the drunkard that will not confesse his drunkennesse , the unclean person that will not confesse his uncleannesse , the sabbath-breaker that will not confesse his breach of the sabbath , are by this ground to be excluded ; and so of other scandalous persons . we are not to judge of mens hearts ▪ , but we are to judge of the external sign●s of repentance , whether sin be confessed , and repentance declared by some hopeful signes or not . . neither doth his argument fully reach admission to the lords table , where some further and more exact proof must be had of ones fitnesse and qualification for the communion of saints . even those that are of age when they are baptized are but incipientes : when they come to the lords table they are proficientes : there is some more required in proficients , then in novices and beginners : as there is more required to fit one for strong meat th●n for milk . . it is also a question whether those pharisees that came to the baptisme of iohn were indeed baptized of him n tostatus tells us some think they were not baptized , and they prove it from luk. . . and all the people that heard him and the publicans justifie●… god , being baptized with the baptisme of john. but the pharisees and lawyers rejected the counsel of god against thems●…lves , being not baptized of him . there is a controversie whether th●se be the words of our saviour christ , or of the evangelist luke . but there can be no controversie of this , that the pharisees and lawye●s were not baptized of iohn , but the people and the pu●licans were . which may very well be extended to those pharisees of whom we read matth. . . for the holy ghost having said of the people , that they were baptized of iohn in iordan , confessing their sins , he saith no such thing of the pharisees , but onely that they came to his baptisme ( whether to see the fashion and the new ceremony , or whether with an intention to be baptized ) after which we read no more but that iohn gave them a most sharp admonition , and called them a generation of vipers , and told them that they should not glory in being abrahams children : whereupon it may seem they went away displeased and unbaptized . but when i compare the evangelists together , that which appears to me to be meant matth. . . concerning many of the pharisees comming to the baptisme of iohn , is that they were sent from ierusalem with a message to ask iohn , who art thou ? for they who were sent upon that message were of the pharisees , iohn . . and they were sent to bethabara beyond iordan where iohn was baptizing , iohn . . and a part of iohns answer to them was , i baptize with water , but there standeth one among you whom ye know not : &c. iohn . . in both passages iohn speaks of him that was to come after him , whom he preferreth before himself . in both , he professeth that he could do no more but baptize with water or ministerially . in both , he saith he was not worthy to unloose the latchet of christs shoe . so that many of the circumstances do agree with the story , matth. . and the other circumstances are not inconsistent . in the other evangelists it is , i baptize you with water : but that proves not that the pharisees who were sent to iohn , were baptized , for luke doth plainly apply those words to the people luke . . . . but when the pharisees asked iohn , why baptizest thou &c. the answer to them was not i baptize you with water , but i baptize with water . o the centurists think that the pharisees who were sent from ierusalem to iohn to ask him who art thou ? john . were not sent from any good esteem which was had of iohn , but from malice , and an intent to quarrel with him . this they prove because iohn saith to them o generation of vipers , who hath forewarned you to flee from the wrath to come ? which insinuateth a coincidency of these two stories related matth. . and iohn . p salmeron thinks that message was sent to iohn out of honour and respect to him , and he endeavours to confute the centurists , but among all his answers he doth not averre ( which had been his best reply , if he had thought it probable ) that those words o generation of vipers , were not spoken to the pharisees that were sent from ierusalem to iohn . yea q salmeron himself doth in another place observe divers coincidencies between the story of that which passed between iohn , and the pharisees that came to his baptism ; and the story of that which passed between iohn and the pharisees that were sent to him from ierusalem . . erastus argueth from the admission of a generation of vipers to baptisme , to prove the lawfulnesse of admitting a generation of vipers to the lords supper . but i argue contrariwise . such persons as desire to be received into the church by baptisme , if they be prophane and scandal us persons , ought not to be baptized but refused baptisme , as augustine proveth in his book de fide & operibus . therefore prophane and scandalous persons ought much lesse be admitted unto the lords supper . of which argument more before . i conclude with the r centurists . iohn did not cast pearls before swine : he did not admit rashly any that would to baptisme , but such as confessed their sins , that is , onely such as were tryed and did repent , but the contumacious and the defenders of their impieties or crimes he did reject . chap. xvii . antiquity for the suspension of all scandalous persons from the sacrament , even such as were admitted to other publik ordinances . mr. prynn in his first quaere would have us beleeve that in the primitive times scandalous sinners were ever excommunicated and wholy cast out of the church , and sequestred from all other ordinances , as well as from the sacrament ; and since ( saith he ) in the primitive times ( as is evident by tertullians apologie cap. . de poenitentia lib. and others ) scandalous persons were ever excommunicated and wholy cast out of the church ( extra gregem dati ) not barely sequestred from the sacrament . but for further clearing of the ancient discipline concerning suspension , i have thought good here to take notice of the particulars following . first , that great antiquary s albaspinaeus , proving that church communion or fellowship was anciently larger than partaking of the sacrament of the lords supper ; he proves it by this argument , because many of those who had scandalously fallen , were admitted to communion with the church in prayer and all other ordinances , the eucharist onely excepted . next , it is well known to the searchers of antiquity , that there were four degrees of publike declaration of repentance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which the latines call fl●…us , auditio , substratio , consistentia : after all which followed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the participation of the sacrament , which they were at last admitted unto , and is therefore mentioned by some as the fifth degree , though ( to speak properly ) it was not poenal , nor any degree of censure as the other four were . first , the penitent was kept weeping at the church door , beseeching those that went in to pray for him : thereafter he was admitted to hear the word afar off among the catechumens : in the third place there was a preparatory reconciliation or reception into the church , with prayer and imposition of hands , which being done , the man was in some sort admitted into christian fellowship , and acknowledged for a brother , yet after the word and prayer . he went forth with the catechumens before the sacrament . but there was a fourth degree after all this ; he might stay in the church , and see and hear in the celebration of the sacrament , after the catechumens and the three first sort of penitents were dismissed , yet still he was suspended from partaking of the sacrament , for a certain time after he was brought to this fourth and last step : t so cautious were those ancients in admitting of men to the sacrament , till they perceived lasting , continuing , clear , and real evidences of true repentance . three of the degrees above-mentioned are found in the canons of the councel of ancyra . and of the councel of nice , namely the three last . the first which did not admit a man so much as into the church to the hearing of the word , as it was afterwards added , so it is not so justisicable as the other three . but here is the point i desire may be well observed , that of old in the fourth and fifth , yea in the third century , u men were admitted not only to the hearing of the word , but to prayer with the church , who yet were not admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper . x the councel of ancyra held about the year . can. . appointeth some scandalous persons to shew publike signes of repentance for . years , before they be admitted to fellowship with the church in prayer : and for . years thereafter to be kept off from the sacrament . y the councel of nice doth plainly intimate the same thing , that some were admitted to prayer , but not to the sacrament . the different steps of the reception of those that had fallon may be likewise proved from z the councel of arles . i. mich. dilherrus lib. . electorum cap. . after the mention of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth observe that as antiquity did goe too far , so the later times have fallen too short . and this is a chief cause why christian religion doth hear very ill among many , because ecclesiastical discipline hath waxed cold * so much by the way . this of the several degrees of penitents . i shall yet further insist upon , because this alone will prove that we have antiquity for us . a gregorius thaumaturgus in his canonical epistle concerning those who in the time of the incursion of the barbarians , had eaten things sacrificed to idols , and had committed other scandalous sins ; doth plainly distinguish these five things thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the weeping is without the gate of the church , where the sinner must stand , beseeching the faithfull that come in to pray for him . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the hearing is within the gate in the porch , where the sinner may come no nearer then the catechumens , and thence go out again . &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the substration is that standing within the church door , he go forth with the catechumens . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the consistency is that he stand still together with the faithful , and do not go forth with the catechumens . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the last place the participation of the holy mysteries or sacrament . he that will read the epistles of basilius magnus to amphilochius will find these five degrees more particularly distinguished , applyed to several cases , and bounded by distinct intervalls of time . it were too long to transcribe all : b i shall onely give you some most plain passages to prove that there was in basils time a suspension from the sacrament of the lords supper alone , or that a man was suspended from the sacrament , when he was not suspended from hearing and praying among the faithful . for further confirmation of the same thing , read conc. ancyr . can. . can. . can. . can. . can. . can. . co●…t . nican . can. . can. . can. . can. . i do not mean to approve the too great severity of this ancient discipline , nor do i hold it agreeable to the will of christ , that such as give good signes of true repentance , and do humbly confesse and really forsake their sin , having also made publike declaration of their repentance to the church for removing the publike scandal , ought notwithstanding of all this , to be suspended from the sacrament when they desire to receiv● it . for the word doth not warrant the suspending of scandalous sinners from the sacrament , until such a set determinate time be expired , but onely till they give sufficient evidence of repentance . but setting aside this and such like circumstances , the thing it self , the suspending of a scandalous person from the sacrament , who is not nor ought not to be suspended from assembling , hearing , and praying with the church , is the will of christ , as i have proved , and was the commendable practice of the ancient church , which is the point i now prove against mr. prynne . the councel of ancyra can. . . doth also appoint the time of suspension from the sacrament to be made shorter or longer , according as the signes of true repentance should sooner or later , more or lesse appear in the offender . so doth the councel of nice can. . and the councel of carthage held under honorius and theodosius the lesser . can. . if any man shall obj●ct against me and say ; peradventure the penitents before spoken of , were onely such as did manifest their repentance after excommunication , and these several degrees afore-mentioned , were but the degrees of their reception or admission into the church , so that all this shall not prove the suspension from the sacrament of persons not excommunicated . i answer , he that will think so , will be found in a great mistake : and my argument from antiquity will yet stand good , for suspending from the sacrament persons not excommunicated . for first , neither do the canons of the councels of ancyra , and nice , nor of gregorius thaumaturgus and basilius magnus , nor yet the commentators zonaras and balsamon , apply these five degrees above mentioned to persons who had been excommunicated , but they speak generally of persons who had committed scandalous sins , and afterward were converted and appeared penitent : for instance , those who did backslide and fall in time of persecution , as multitudes did under licinius and other persecuters , when they converted and professed repentance , they were received again into the church by certain steps and degrees , some more , some fewer , according to the quality of their offence ; no man that hath searched antiquity will say that all who did fall in time of persecution were excommunicated for that offence , nor yet that they were all put to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the weeping at the church door , but yet all of them , even those whose offence was least ( as the libellatici who had taken writs of protection from the enemy or persecuter ) were put to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or consistentia , which was a suspension or abstention from the sacrament , even when the person was admitted to hear and pray with the church . wherefore the degrees afore-mentioned were degrees of receiving into the communion of the church scandalous persons professing repentance . secondly , the . canon of basil to amphilochius speaketh thus . he that hath stolen , if repenting of his own accord he accuse himself , shall be for a year restrained from the communion of the holy mysteries onely . but if he be convict , the space of two yeers shall be divided to him unto substration and consistency : then let him be thought worthy of the communion . will any man imagine that a penitent theef accusing himself , was excommunicated ? it is more then manifest that here was a suspension of an offender not excommunicated . for assoon as the offence was known by the offenders accusing of himself , he was suspended from the sacrament alone for a year , and then admitted to the sacrament . yea he that was convict of theft , was not by this canon excommunicated , nor yet put either to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but onely to the third and fourth degrees . thirdly , by the th . canon of basil to amphilochius , he that had killed another though in a lawful war , was ( for the greater reverence to the sacrament ) suspended for three yeers ; and by the . canon , he also that killed a robber was suspended from the sacrament . i do not justifie these canons , but only i cite them to prove , that by the ancient discipline persons not excommunicated were suspended from the sacrament : for no man can imagine that a souldier shedding blood in a lawful war , or a man killing a robber on the high way was therefor excommunicated . fourthly , the eighth general councel called synodus prima & secunds , held about the yeer . in the thirteenth canon , speaking of certain turbulent schismaticks ( not being of the clergie as the canon speaketh , but laicks or monks ) appointeth this censure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let them be totally or altogether separated from the church . which intimateth that there was a lesser degree of being separated or suspended from communion with the church . zonaras upon that canon doth so understand it , and distinguisheth a double 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c for it is also a separation ( saith he ) to be excluded or restrained from the receiving of the divine mysteries onely . but there is another separation , which is to be cast out of the church , which the canon calleth a total separation , as being the heavier or greater censure . which is the very same distinction with that which was afterward expressed under the terms of major & minor , the greater and lesser excommunication . for which also i shall give you another proof as clear and older too , taken from the . canon of the sixth general councel , where it is decreed that those who resort to magicians , charmers , fortune-tellers , and such others who professe curious and unlawful arts , shall fall under the canon of six years separation . but as for those who per●…ist in such things , and do not turn away nor flee from these pernicious and heathenish studies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we appoint them to be altogether cast out of the church . mark the gradation in the canon , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and hear balsamon his explanation upon it . note from this present canon ( saith he ) that he who sinneth and converteth , obtaineth favour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and is punished in a lesser measure ; but he who persevereth in the evil , and is not willingly reduced to that which is better , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is greatly punished . for here also he that commeth and confesseth the sin , is to be punished with six yeers segregation : but he that persevereth in the evil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to be east out or expelled from the church : adde what he had said before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and shall not thenceforth converse with the orthodox . which intimateth as plainly as any thing can be , that there was an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a segregation or sequestration used in the ancient church , which was a lesser censure than casting out of the church and from the company of church-members . zonaras seemeth to understand the canon otherwise . ( for he saith nothing of the offenders converting and confessing his sin before the six years segregation ; but that for the offence it self ( committed , not confessed ) a man was segregated six years , and afterward if he did not repent but continue in the offence , that then he was to be cut off , and cast out of the church : wherein as i take it , he did explain the mind of the councel , better then balsamon . however in that point which i now prove , they are most harmonious , namely concerning a greater and lesser excommunication . wherefore also the fathers of this synod ( saith zonaras ) did ordain those who do such a thing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be segregated for six years , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but if they continue therein , to be also cut off from the church . fifthly , to suppose that there were no poenitentes in the ancient church but such as were excommunicati , were a greater error then that it should need any confutation . yea there were some poenitents who did of their own accord confesse their offences which could not have been otherwise known but by such voluntary confession : and those saith zonaras annot. in conc. carth. can. . were most properly called poenitents , i hope no man will imagine that such were excommunicated . but so it was that all the poenitents ( even such as had neither been excommunicated nor yet forensically convict by proof of scandal , but did voluntarily confesse and convert ) were for some season kept back from the sacrament , as is manifest by that instance given out of basilius magnus , of theft voluntarily confessed , for which notwithstanding the offender was for a year suspended from the sacrament . sixthly , it is manifest that there were several degrees of censure upon bishops and presbyters . they were sometime suspended from giving the sacrament , and as it were sequestred from the exercise of their ministery , which suspension or sequestration is sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be separate , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be sequestred from communion , to wit in the exercise of the ministery , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to minister there was a higher censure then this , which was deposition or degradation , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the honour or degree of presbytership to be taken away ; basils phrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they are deposed from their degree . these two censures , a suspension or sequestration from the ministery , and a total deposition from the ministery are distinguished by the eighteenth canon of the councel of ancyra , and the sixteenth canon of the councel of nic●… , compared with the fifteenth canon of those called the apostles , ( which certainly were not the apostles , yet are ancient ) see also zonaras in can. . apost . likewise both him and balsamon in conc. nic. can. . again there was somthing beyond all this , which was excommunication or to be wholy cast out of the church , a censure sometime not inflicted when the former were : for a minister might be suspended , yea deposed from his ministery , yet permitted to communicate or receive the sacrament among the people , as is plainly determined can. . apost . and can. ▪ basilii ad amphil. if there were such degrees of censure appointed for bishops and presbyters , how shall we suppose that there was no lesse censure for church-members then excommunication ? for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a minister , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to one of the people , were paralel . whence it is that you will often find in the ancient canons , and namely of the sixth general councel , he that committeth such a fault , if he be one of the laity , let him be segregated , if one of the clergie , let him be deposed . as therefore a further censure after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might fall upon a minister ; so a further censure after that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might be inflicted upon one of the people . i have now made it to appear that the practice , discipline , and canons of the ancient church , are for us in this present controversie about suspension from the sacrament . in the next place i will produce particular testimonies of fathers . i shall take them as they fall to my hand without any curious order . i begin with isidorus p●…lusiota who flourished about the year . or ( as others say ) . in the first book of his epistles , epist. , to thalel●…us he disswadeth from giving the sacrament to three sort of persons . . to jews . . to hereticks , of both which he saith that they had once received the doctrine of truth , but did after return with the dog to the vomit . . to persons of a prophane and swinish conversation . d unto all or any of these he holds it unlawful to give the sacrament , and that because of a divine prohibition , give not holy things to dogs , neither cast ye pearls before swine . and he concludeth thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for saith he the giving of the mysteries to such persons , is unto those who contemptuously give them , a breach out of which they are not awaked . dionysius areopagita ( whom i do not take to be that areopagite converted by paul ▪ act. . but certainly he is an ancient writer as is manifest by the scholia upon him , written by maximus who flourished about the year . he is also cited by the sixth general councel , and by some ancient writers ) de ecclesiastica hierarchia cap. . part . . sect. . . having spoken of the exclusion of the catechumens , energumens , and penitents from the sacrament of the lords supper , though all these heard the word read and preached , he addeth that unclean , carnal , prophane persons in whom sathan reigneth by sin , are worse , and ought much lesse to be admitted to the sacrament , then those who were bodily possessed of the divel . these therefore ( unclean and profane persons ) as the first , and much rather then those ( energumens ) let them be suspended or sequestrate by the judicial or discriminating voice of the minister : for it is not permitted unto them to partake of any other holy thing , but the ministery of the word , by which they may be converted . for if this heavenly celebration of the divine mysteries , refuse or repel , even penitents themselves ( although they were sometime partakers thereof ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not admitting him who is not altogether most holy , &c. ( for that most pure voice doth also restrain those who cannot be joyned and knit together with such as do worthily communicate in those divine mysteries ) surely the multitude of those in whom vile lusts and passions do reigne , is much more prophane , and hath much lesse to do with the fight and communion of these holy things . the old scholiast maximus upon that place saith thus , note that he reckoneth together with the energumens those that continue without repentance in the allurements of bodily pleasures , as fornicators , lovers and frequenters of unlawful plaies , such as the divine apostle having mentioned , doth subjoyn with such a one no not to eat . where mr. prynn may also note by the way how anciently cor. . . was applied , so as might furnish an argument against the admission of scandalous persons to the sacrament . let us also hear the paraphrast pachimeres upon the place . for if the celebration of the divine mysteries refuse even those who are in the very course of repentance , not admitting such , because they are not throughly or wholy purified and sanctified , as it were proclaiming it self invisible and incommunicable unto all who are not worthy to communicate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , much more they who are yet impenitent are to be restrained from it . if you please to search further , take but one passage of e cyprian , which speaks plainly to me for suspension from the sacrament , for he sharply reproves the receiving to the sacrament such persons as were not excommunicate ( for if they had , most certainly he had mentioned that as the most aggravating circumstance ) but having committed smaller offences , had not made out the course of publike manifesting their repentance according to the discipline of the church . if we shall require more , we have a most plain testimony of iustine martyr , telling us that at that time they admitted none to the lords supper except those onely who had these three qualifications . . they must receive and beleeve the doctrine preached and professed in the church . . they must be washed or baptized unto the remission of sins and regeneration . . they must be such as live according to the rule of christ. his words are these . this food is with us called the eucharist , which is lawful for none other to partake of , but to him that beleeveth those things to be true which are taught by us , and is washed in the laver for remission of sins and for regeneration , and liveth so as christ hath delivered or commanded . g walasridus strabo ( a diligent searcher of the ancients which were before him , and of the old ecclesiastical rites ) who died about the year . mentioneth this suspension from the sacrament , as an ecclesiastical censure received from the ancient fathers : and he gives three reasons for it , to prove that it is for the sinners own good to be thus suspended . . that he may not involve himself in greater guiltinesse . . that he may not be chastened of the lord with sicknesse and such other afflictions as the profanation of that sacrament brought upon the corinthians . . that being terrified and humbled , he may think the more earnestly of repenting and recovering himself . it was truly said that this discipline was received from the ancient fathers , which as it appeareth from what hath been already said , so the testimony of chrysostome must not be forgotten . he in his tenth homily upon matthew expounding those words matth. . . and were baptized of him in jordan , confessing their sins : noteth that the time of confession belongeth to two sorts of persons : to the prophane not yet initiated ; and to the baptized : to the one that upon their repentance they might get leave to partake in the holy mysteries : to the other that being washed in baptism from their filthinesse they might come with a clean conscience to the lords table . his meaning is , that neither the unbaptized nor scandalous livers though they were baptized , might be admitted to the lords table , whereupon he concludeth : let us therefore abstain from this l●…ud and dissolute life . h the latin translation rendring the sence rather then the words , speaketh more plainly . but there is a most full and plain passage of chrysostome in his . homily upon matthew , neer the end thereof , where he saith of the lords supper , let no cruel one , no unmerciful one , none any way impure , come unto it . i speak these things both to you that do receive , and also to you that do administer . even to you this is necessary to be told , that with great care and heedfulnes you distribute these gifts . there doth no small punishment abide you , if you permit any whose wickednesse you know , to partake of this table : for his blood shall be required at your hands . if therefore any captain , if the consul , if he himself that wears the crown come unworthily , restrain him , which to do thou hast more authority then he hath . and after . but if you say how shall i know this man and that man ? i do not speak of those that are unknown , but of those that are known . i tel you a horrible thing , it is not so ill to have among you those that are bodily possessed of the divel , as these sinners which i speak of , &c. i let us therefore put back not onely such as are possessed , but all without distinction whom we see to come unworthily , &c. but if thou thy self darest not put him back , bring the matter to me , i will permit no such thing to be done . i will sooner give up my life , than i will give the body of the lord unworthily ; and sooner suffer my blood to be poured out , than give the lords blood unworthily , and contrary to my duty ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to such as are horribly scandalous . he concludeth that this discipline is medicinal and profitable in the church , and that the keeping back of the scandalous , is the way to make many worthy communicants . can any man imagine that all such unworthy persons were excommunicate and wholy cast out of the church ? do not all chrysostomes arguments militate against the admission of any scandalous and unworthy person known to be such ? saith he not , that all simply or without distinction whom they perceived to come unworthily were to be put back ? if onely excommunicate persons were kept back from the sacrament , what needed all this exhortation to those that did administer the sacrament to be so careful , cautious , and heedful , whom they would admit ? and if none were to be excluded from the sacrament but those that were branded with the publike infamy of excommunication , what needed this objection to be moved , how shall i know such ? moreover , both cyprian and k ambrose do most plainly and undeniably hold forth different degrees of church censures , and l cyprian is most full and clear concerning a suspension from the sacrament of persons not excommunicated nor cast out of the church . for answering a case of conscience put to him concerning certain young women whose conversation and behaviour with men had been scandalous and vile , he resolveth that so many of them as did professe repentance , and forsake such scandalous conversing and companying together , if they were still virgins , were to be again received to communicate with the church ( namely in the sacrament from which they had been kept back ) with premonition given to them , that if they should after relapse into the like offence , they should be cast out of the church graviore censura with a heavier censure : but that if they were found to have lost their virginity , they should make out the whole course of publike declaration of repentance , and so not be so soon admitted to , but longer susspended from the sacrament . adde hereunto a passage in m augustine plainly intimating that at that time , beside reprehension , degradation , and excommunication , there were other censures daily used in the church according to the apostles commandement , thess. . . . he is speaking of the mixture of good and bad in the church , and that wicked men may be in some sort suffered in the church , provided ( saith he ) that the discipline of excommunication , and the other usual censures in the church be not neglected , but duly executed where it is possible . but what were those other censures , if not the suspension of scandalous and prophane persons ( not excommunicated ) from the sacraments : i appeal for further proof hereof to one passage more of augustine de fide & operibus cap. . n whores , stage-players , and others whosoever they be that are professors of publike filthinesse , except such bonds ( of wickednesse ) be loosed and broken , are not permitted to come unto the sacraments of christ : which forsooth according to their judgment ( that is such as would have profane persons baptized as well as others ) should be all admitted , unlesse the holy church should retain the ancient and vigorous custom , which commeth from the most clear truth , by which she hath it for certain , that they who do such things , shall not inherit the kingdom of god. whence it will certainly follow , that all who were excluded from the lords table were not excommunicated persons : for first , the church did keep back such scandalous persons upon this ground , because those who are known to live without repentance in any of those sins , of which the apostle saith that they who do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of god , are not fit to be admittrd unto the sacrament ( for this were to give the seals of salvation to those whom the word pronounceth to be in a state of damnation . ) secondly , augustine is there confuting the opinion of some ( whom he calls fratres qui aliter sapiunt , brethren who otherwise understood themselves well ) whose principles did admit to the sacraments all uncleane and scandalous persons : which cannot be meant of excommunicated persons ; for there was never any such opinion maintained in the church , that all excommunicated persons ought or may be received to the sacrament . lastly , lest his meaning should be restricted to the sacrament of baptisme onely , ( of which principally and purposely he treateth in that book ) he speaketh in the plural of the sacraments of christ. observe also these passages of gregory called the great , epist. lib. . cap. . sicut exigente culpâ , quis à sacramento communionis dignè suspenditur , ita insontibus nullo modo talis debet irrogari vinaicta . ibid. cap. . et si in vestra cognitione cujusquam ●…um facinorosi criminis reum esse patuerit , tunc ex nostra auctoritate non solum dominici corporis & sanguinis communione privatu●… fit , verum●…tiam in monasterium ubi poenitentiam agere debeat , retrudatur . and so much for antiquity in this question . chap. xviii . a discovery of the instability and loosenesse of mr. prynn his principles , even to the contradicting of himself in twelve particulars . i shall not need to insist upon his tenth point of difference vindic. pag. . nor upon his four following quaerees and conclusion , in all which there is no new material point , but a repetition of divers particulars spoken to and debated else-where . as touching that hint of a new argument pag. . consider the parabl●… of the mariage of the kings son , where the king sent forth his servants to invite guests to the wedding supper , who gathered together all they found , both bad and good , that the wedding might be furnished with guests . matth. . . to . i answer , . some understand here by the bad vers . . those who had formerly ( before they were called and brought home by the gospel ) been the worst and most vicious among the heathens , so that the words both bad and good make not a distinction of two sorts of christians or church-members , but of two sorts of heathens not yet called , some of them were good , some of them bad comparitively , that is , some of them much better then others , some of them much worse . so grotius , and long before him hierome and theophylact upon the place . . others ( as bucerus , tossanus , cartwright , o gomarus ) understand by the bad , close hypocrites who appear good so far as the ministers and officers of the church are able to judge of them . these by a synecdoche of the genus for the species may be understood by the bad . and so the text will not comprehend scandalous and known prophane persons . that synecdoche generis , is often used in scripture , is proved by sal. glassius philolog . sacrae lib. . tract . . cap. . . i throw back an argument from the same parable against himself , for the king sheweth his servants that he will have unworthy persons kept back from the marriage feast , vers . . then saith he to his servants , the wedding is ready , but they which were bidden were not worthy , luk. . . for i say unto unto you , that none of those men which were bidden shall tast of my supper . the king makes it also known that he alloweth none to come in to this mariage feast , except such onely as have the wedding garment ( or as the syriak wedding garments ) upon them . all which is inconsistent with mr. prynns principles concerning the admission of known scandalous unworthy persons to the sacrament , as to a converting ordinance . . and if all must be brought in or let in to the lords supper , both bad and good promiseuously and without distinction , then it should follow that the ordinances of parliament concerning the suspension of all sorts of scandalous persons from the sacrament are contrary to the will of christ : and that mr. prynn himself in yeelding ●…ag . . and else-where , that scandalous impenitent obstinate persons ought to be not onely suspended but excommunicated , doth yeeld what his argument concludes to be unlawful . and so i come to that which i have here proposed , viz. the instability and loosenesse of mr. prynns principles in this controversie . by comparing divers passages together , i find that he doth professe and pretend to yeeld the question , which yet he doth not yeeld really and indeed . first , it is to be observed that he deserteth erastus and that party in the point of excommunication . for in the vindication of his four questions pag. . he readily yeeldeth that grosse notorious scandalous obstinate sinners , who presumptuously persevere in their iniquities , after private and publike admonitions , without remorse of conscience or amendment , may be justly excommunicated from the church , the society of the faithful , and all publike ordinances , after due proof and legal conviction of their scandalous lives : and that . cor. . . warrants thus much . the antidote animadverted by p. in the first page yeeldeth that excommunication is an ordinance of god. and indeed cor. . . doth not onely warrant excommunication as lawful , but injoyn and command it as necessary ; for the apostles words are praeceptive and peremptory : therefore put away from among your selves that wicked person . the thing was not indifferent , but necessary and such as could not without sin be omitted . however mr. prynn his asserting from that place that it may be , is a deserting of the erastian party . . in the . page of his vindication he professeth that his antagonists do contend for that which he granteth them with advantage . they would have scandalous sinners suspended from the sacrament . he will have them not onely suspended from the sacrament , but excommunicated from all other publike ordinances . . he confesseth ibid. that in some cases a person not excommunicated may be suspended from the sacrament . but whatever his concessions may seem to be , they are really as good as nothing . for . he will have none to be suspended from the sacrament except such as are ripe for excommunication , and against whom the sentence of excommunication is ready to be pronounced as persons incorrigible . . he admitteth no suspension from the sacrament till after several solemn previous publike admonitions , reprehensions , rebukes contemned or neglected . see both these pag. . whence you see that with mr. prynns consent all the votes of parliament concerning several causes of suspension from the lords table , shall be of no use to presbyteries , until after a long processe of time , and after many previous publike admonitions , so that if one in the congregation commit a notorious incest or murther a day or two , or a week before the celebration of the sacrament , and the thing be undeniably certified and proved before the eldership , yet the eldership cannot suspend such an abominable scandalous sinner from the sacrament , hac vice : but must first go through all those preparatory steps which are necessary and requisite before excommunication . well : but after all those publike previous admonitions , shall the sentence of excommunication follow ? nay , here also he will have presbyteries to go through a very narrow lane : for in the same place he thus describeth the persons whom he would have to be excommunicated ; they are scandalous , obstinate , peremptory , incorrigible , notorious sinners , who desperately and professedly persevere in their grosse scandalous sins , &c. but i beseech you , what if they persevere in their grosse scandalous sins neither desperately nor professedly ? must they not then be excommunicate ? shall not the offender be cast out of the church after clear proof of the offence , and several previous publike admonitions contemned or neglected ? must we wait till the adulterer professe that he will persevere in his adultery ; and till the blasphemer professe that he will persevere in his blasphemy ? nay further , what if the offender do neither 〈◊〉 nor actually persevere in his grosse scandalous sin ? put case he that hath blasphemed once do not blaspheme the second time : and that he who grossely and scandalously prophaned the lords day , did it but once , and hath not done it again since he was reproved . must this hinder the sentence of excommunication , when that one grosse scandal is not confessed , nor any signe of repentance appearing in the offender ? moreover whereas mr. prynn in his fourth quare , and in several places of his vindication seemeth to allow none to be admitted to the lords table except such as professe sincere repentance for sins past , and promise newnesse of life for time to come . if we expound his meaning by his own expressions in other places , that which he granteth bordereth upon nothing : for pag. . speaking of scandalous sinners their admission to the sacrament , if they professe sincere repentance for their sins past , and reformation of their lives for time to come , he addeth , as all do at least in their general confessions before the sacrament , if not in their private meditations , prayers , &c. and a little after he saith , that all who come to receive , do alwaies make a general and joynt confession of their sins before god and the congregation &c. and then he addeth pag. . yea i dare presume , there is no receiver so desperate , that dares professe when he comes to receive , he is not heartily sorry for his sins past , but resolves to persevere impenitently in them for the future , though afterward he relapse into them , as the best saints do to their old infirmities &c. i know the best saints have their sinful infirmities , but whether the best do relapse to their old infirmities may be a question . and however he doth open a wide door for receiving to the sacrament all scandalous sinners not excommunicated , if they do but tacitely joyn in the general confession of sins made by the whole church , or do not contradict those general confessions , and professe impenitency and persevering in wickednesse , though in the mean time there be manifest real symptomes of impenitency , and no confession made of that particular sin which hath given publike scandal . wherefore i say plainly with the professors of leyden , synops. pur. theol. disp. . thes. . the administration of this censure of suspension from the lords table hath place in these two different cases , either when one that is called a brother hath given some hainous scandal of life or doctrine , who after admonition doth indeed by word of mouth professe repentance , but yet doth not sh●…w the fruits meet for repentance , that so the scandal might be taken away from the church : or when he doth not so much as in words promise or professe repentance , &c. martin bucer hath a notable speech to this purpose de regno christi , lib. . cap. . to hold it enough that one do professe by word onely repentance of sins , and say that he is sorry for his sins , and that he will amend his life , the necessarie signes and works of repentance not being joyned with such profession , it is the part of antichrists priests , not of christs . in the next place it is to be taken notice of , how palpably and grossely mr. prynn contradicteth himself in divers particulars : which being observed , may peradventure make himself more attentive in writing , and others more attentive in reading such subitane lucubrations . the particulars are these which follow . . vindicat , pag. . he saith , the confession of sin which was made at the trespasse offerings , was not to the priest , classis , or congregation , but to god alone . . in the very same page he saith , none were kept off from making their atonement by a trespasse offering , if they did first confesse their sins to god , though perchance his confession was not cordiall , or such as the priests approved , but external onely in shew . i beseech you how could it be at all judged of , whether it was external and onely in shew , if it was made to god alone ? nay , if it was made to god alone , how could it be known whether he had confessed any sin at all ; and so whether he was to be admitted to the trespasse offering or not ? . vindic. pag. . he freely granteth that all scandalous , obstinate , peremptory , incorrigible , notorious sinners , who desperately and professedly persevere in their grosse scandalous fins , to the dishonour of christian religion , the scandal of the congregation , the ill example and infection of others , after several solemn previous publike admonitions , reprehensions , rebukes , contemned or neglected , and full conviction of their scandal and . vindic. pag. . certainly the speediest , best and only way to suppresse all kind of sins , schismes , to reform and purge our churches from all scandalous offences , will be for ministers not to draw out the sword of excommunication and suspension against them , which will do little good , but the sword of the spirit , the powerful preaching of gods word , and the sword of the civil magistrate . impenitency , may and ought to be excommunicated , suspended , &c. if this be the best and only way to suppresse sin , and to reform and purge the churches , how is it that some scandalous sinners may and ought to be excommunicated ? . vindic. pag. where the f●…ct is notorious , the p●…oofs 〈◊〉 , the sentence of excommunication ready to be pronounced against them as persons impenitently scandalous and in●…orrigible , ●…erchance the presbyterie or ●…l ssis may order a suspension from the sacrament , or any other ordinances , before the sentence of excommunication solemnly denounced if they see just cause . . yet all along he disputes against the su pending from the sacrament of a person unexcommunicated , and not suspended from all other publike ord nances and society of gods people . and pag . arguing for the right of all visible members of the visible church to the sacrament , he saith that nothing but an actual excommunication can suspend them from this their rig●…t . . vindic. pag. . he saith that a particular examination of the conscience , and repentance for sin , is no where required in scripture of such who did eat the passeover . and herein he distinguisheth the trespasse-offerings , and the passeover , that in bringing a trespasse offering men came to sue for pardon , and make atonement , and that therefore confession of sin was necessary . but in the passeover . ibid. pag. . he saith that the passeover was the same in substance with the eucharist under the gospel , wherein christ was spiritually represented and received , as well as in the lords supper . but how can this be , if repentance for sin was not necessary in the passeover , and if it was onely a commemoration of a by ▪ p●st temporal mercy in sparing the first born of the israelites ? there was r●… atonement &c. but onely a commemoration of gods infinite mercy in passing over the israelites first born when he sl●…w the egyptians .   . vindic. pag. . he saith that immediatly before the institution of the sacrament , christ told his disciples that one of them should betray him , and that iudas was the last man that said is it i ? immediately before the institution . and pag. . he saith . that the other disciples did eat the sacrament with iudas , after christ had particularly informed them and iudas himself , that he should betray him . . yet pag. . he reckoneth that very thing to have been after the institution of the sacrament : for to that objection that iudas went out before supper ended , immediately after he received the sop , whereas christ did not institute the sacrament till after supper : he makes this answer , that the dipping of the sop ( at which time iudas said is it i ? ) was at the common supper , which ( saith he ) succeded the institution of the sacrament , so that the sacrament was instituted after the paschal , not after the common supper . and pag. . he argues that iudas did receive the sacrament upon this ground , that all this discourse and the giving of the sop to judas was after supper ended ; but christ instituted and distributed the sacrament ( at least the bread ) as he sate at meat , as they were eating , before supper quite ended . . vindic. pag. . speaking of ungodly scandalous sinners , he plainly intimateth that the receiving of the sacrament of the lords supper is more likely to regenerate and change their hearts and lives then the word preached . and in that same page , he holdeth that this sacrament is certainly the most powerful and effectual ordinance of all others to humble , regenerate , convert . the like see pag. , . and pag. . yea no doubt many debosht persons have been really reclaimed , converted , even by their accesse and admission to the sacrament . . pag. . he ascribeth the power of godlinesse in many english congregations to powerful preaching , and saith , that this sword of the spirit , the powerful preaching of gods word , and the sword of the civil magistrate , are onely able to effect this work , to suppresse all kind of sinnes , schismes , to reform and purge the churches . if this be the speediest , best , and onely way to suppresse all kind of sinnes , schismes , to reform and purge our churches from all scandalous offences , as he there saith , and if the word and the magistrate are onely able to effect this work ; how is it that the lords supper doth change mens hearts and lives , and that more effectually then any other ordinance ? again pag. . he saith , he hath in other treatises of his proved gods presence and spirit to be as much , as really present in other ordinances , as in this of the lords supper . how then makes he this sacrament to be the most powerful and effectual ordinance of all others , to humble , regenerate , convert ? . pag. . he makes the sacrament to be a seal to the sences of unworthy persons , but not to their soules ; in this latter sence he saith it is a seal onely to worthy penitent beleeving receivers . . yet pag. , . the strength of his tenth argument lies in this , that the sacrament sealeth unto the communicants souls , yea to the flintiest heart , and obduratest spirit , the promises , an union with christ , assurance of everlasting life , and therefore in regard of the sealing of all these particulars unto mens souls , must needs convert an obdurate unregenerate sinner . which argument were non-sence if it did not suppose the sacrament to seal all these particulars even to the souls of unregenerate sinners . mark but these words of his own ; since that which doth seal all these particulars to mens souls , and represent them to their saddest thoughts , must needs more powerfully perswade , pierce , mels , relent , convert an obdurate heart ▪ and unregenerate sinner , &c. . vindic. pag. . he admitteth that a minister ought in duty and conscience to give warning to unworthy persons of the danger of unworthy approaching to the lords table , and seriously dehort them from . pag. . he tells us of an old error in forbidding drink to those who were inflamed with burning feavers , which physitians of late have corrected by suffering such to drink freely . he desires that this old comming to it unless they repent , reform , and come prepared . error of p●isicians may not enter among divines ; for as drink doth extinguish the unnatural heat which else would kill the diseased , so feaverish christians burning in the flames of sins and lusts ought to be permitted freely to come to the lords table , because they need it most to quench their flames . do these now repent , reform , and come prepared ? yet here he makes it a sin to forbid them to come to the lords table . though he applieth it against suspension : yet the ground he goeth upon makes it a soul murthering sin , so much as to dehort them from that which they need most to quench the flames of their lusts . . vindic. pag. . i answer , first ▪ that the minister doth not administer the sacrament to any known impenitent sinners under that notion , but onely as penitent sinners , truly repenting of their sins past . the meaning of which words cannot be that the minister gives the sacrament to known impenitent sinners , while known to be impenitent , and yet he gives the sacrament to those known impenitent sinners , not as impenitent , . this as it casts down what himself hath built in point of the converting ordinance ( for if the sacrament be not administred to any known impenitent sinners , under that notion , but onely as penitent , then it doth not work but suppose repentance and conversion in the receivers , and so is not a converting ordinance to any receiver : ) so also it is inconsistent with what himself addeth in the very same place . secondly but as penitent : which were a mighty strong bull. but the meaning bust needs be , that the minister gives the sacrament to such as have been indeed formerly lookt upon as impenitent sinners , and known to be such , but are now when they come to the sacrament lookt upon under the notion of penitent sinners , and that the minister gives the sacrament to none , except onely under the notion and supposition that they are truly penitent . saith mr. prynn , he ( the minister ) us●…h th●…se words , the body of christ which was broken , and the blood of christ shedd for you , &c. not absolutely , but conditionally onely , in case they receive the sacrament worthily , and become penitent ▪ and beleeving receivers , as they all professe themselves to be ▪ just so as they preach repentan●…e and remission to their auditors ; therefore the case is just , the same in both ( the word preached and the sacrament ) without any difference : here christ is offered in the sacrament , as well as to the word , and accordingly the sacrament administred to known impenitent sinners under that notion , and as still known to be impenitent upon condition that they become penitent . . vindic. pag. . it being onely the total exclusion from the church and all christian society ( not any bare suspension from the sacrament ) which works both shame aud remorse in excommunicate persons , as paul resolves , . thess. . . cor. . . compared with cor. . . to . . yet vindic. pag. . and . he denieth that either cor. . . . or thess. . . can amount to any excommunication or exclusion from the church , and expounds both these places of a private withdrawing of civil fellowship , without any publike judicial act or church censure . . in his epistle to the reader before his vindication , he disclaimeth that which some conceived to be his opinion , viz. that the ministers and elders of christs church , ought not to be trusted with the power of church censures , or that all of them are to be abridged of this power : and professeth that these debates of his tend onely to a regular orderly settlement of the power of presbyteries , not to take from them all ecclesiastical jurisdiction due by divine right to them , but to confine it within certain definite limits . . diotrephes catechised , pag. . it is the safest readiest way to unity and reformation , to remit the punishment of all scandalous offences to the civil magistrate , rather then to the pretended disputable questioned authority of presbyteries , classes , or congregations . . vindic. pag. . he agreeth with his opposites that scandalous obstinate sinners after proof and conviction , may be justly excommunicated from the church &c. and that cor. . . warrants thus much &c. so that thus far there is no dissent on either part . remember the present controversie which he speaks to , is concerning excommunication in england , and so under a christian magistracy . . diotrephes catechised , pag. . . he plainly intimateth that cor. . . is no satisfactory argument for the continuance and exercise of excommunication in all churches , and where the magistrates be christian. and that those who presse this text , may as well conclude from the very next words , cor. . . to . that it is unlawful for christians to go to law before any christian judges now , &c. where by the way it is also to be noted , that he should have said before any heathen judge●… . otherwise the argument cannot be parallel . i shall now close with four counter-quaeries to mr. prynne . . since diu deliberandum quod semel statuendum , which is a received maxime , approved by prudent men , and god himself , as his epistle to the reader saith ; whether was it well done to publish his subitane lucubrations ( as himself in that preface calls them ) and upon so short deliberation to ingage in this publike and litigious manner against the desires of the reverend and learned assembly , especially in a businesse wherein it is well known the hearts of godly people do generally go along with them ? . whether mr. prynus language be not very much changed from what it was in the prelats times : seeing vindic. pag. . he hath these words , our opposites generally grant , &c. citing onely cartwright ? and are the old non conformists of blessed memory , now opposites ? where are we ? i confesse as he now stands affected , he is opposite to the old non-conformists , and they to him . for instance . mr. hildersham lect. . on psal. . holdeth that all open and scandalous sinners should do open and publike repentance , and acknowledge their scandalous sins in the congregation , otherwise to be kept back from the holy communion . and while mr. prynn pleadeth that matth. . , , . is not meant of a presbyterie or of any church-censure , he manifestly dissenteth from the non-conformist , and joyneth issue with bpp. bilson de gubern . eccl. c. . and sutlivius de presbyterio cap. . pleading for prelacy against presbyterie . . seeing the businesse of excommunication and sequestration from the sacrament , now in publike agitation , is a matter of great moment , much difficulty , and very circumspectly to be handled , established , to prevent pro●anation and scandal on the one hand ; and arbitrary , tyrannical , papal domineering power over the consciences , the spiritual priviledges of christians , on the other . ( these are his own words in the preface of his quaeries ) whether hath he gone in an even path to avoid both these evills ? or whether hath he not declined to the left hand , while he shunned the error of the right hand ! whether hath he not so gone about to cure the heat of the liver , ▪ as to leave a cold and phlegmatick stomack uncured ? and whether doth he not trespasse against that rule of his owne last cited , when he adviseth this as the best and onely way to suppresse all kind of sins , and to reform and purge the churches of this kingdom , that the sword of excommunication and suspension be not drawn , but onely the sword of the spirit , and the sword of the magistrate ? vindic. pag. . finally , whether in this kingdom there be more cause to fear and apprehend an arbitrary , tyrannical , papal domineering power over the consciences of christians , ( where church discipline is to be so bounded by authority of parliament , that it be not promiscuously put in the hands of all , but of such against whom there shall be no just exception found , yea are or shall be chosen by the congregations themselves , who have also lately abjured by a solemn covenant , the popish and pre●atical government ? ) or whether we ought not to be more afraid and apprehensive that the ordinances of christ shall hardly be kept from pollution , and the churches hardly purged from scandals , there being many thousands both grossely ignorant , and grossely scandalous ? . i desire it may be ( upon a review ) seriously considered , how little truth , wisdom , or charity there is in that suggestion of mr , prynn , pag. . that the lives of the generality of the people are more strict , pious , lesse scandalous and licentious in our english congregations ▪ where there hath been powerful preaching , without the practice of excommunication or suspension from the sacrament , then in the reformed churches of france , germany , denmark , or scotland , for which i appeal to all travellers , &c. i confesse it is a matter of great humiliation to the servants of christ , that there is occasion to exercise church discipline and censures in the reformed churches : yet this is no other then what was the condition of the apostolique churches . cor. . . i fear saith the apostle l●…st when i come again , my god will humble me among you , and that i shall bewail many which have sinned already , and have not repented of the uncleannesse , and fornication , and lasciviousnesse which they have committed . and this is not the onely testimony concerning scandals and disorderly walking in those primitive churches . but as for those who are so rigid in their censures against the government of the reformed churches , i answer to them as hierome did of the montanists . they are rigid , not to the end that themselves also might not commit worse sins ; but this difference there is between them and us , that they are ashamed to confesse their sins , as if they were righteous : we while we repent , do the more easily obtain mercy . mr. prynn and others of his profession are not very willing that such an ecclesiastical discipline be established in england , as is received and setled in scotland and other reformed churches . but if once the like sin-searching , sin-discovering , and sin-censuring discipline were received and duely executed in england , then ( and not till then ) such comparisons may ( if at all they must ) be made , between the lives of the generality of the people in england , with those in other reformed churches , which of them is more or lesse licentious and scandalous . a testimony of mr. foxe the author of the book of martyrs , taken out of a treatise of his printed at london , . entituled de censura ecclesiastica interpellatio j. foxi , the eighth chapter of which treatise is here translated out of latin into english. what the are chief obstacles hindering excommunication ? that the thought and care of excommunication hath now so far waxed cold almost in all the churches , is to be ascribed ( as appeareth ) unto three sorts of men . the first is of those whose minds the wealth of this world and high advancement of dignity do so lift up , that they are ashamed to submit the neck to the obedience of christ. what ( say these ) shall that poor fellow lay a yoke on me ? what , should i be subject to this naughty and rude pastor ? but let go , good sir ▪ your vain swelling empty words ; how rude soever he be , yet if he be your pastor , you must needs be a sheep of the flock , whom if he doth rightly instruct , so much the more dutifully you must submit . but if otherwise , it is the fault of the man , not of the ministry ; to those at least yeeld thy self to be ruled , whom thou knowest to be more learned . but go to , thou which canst not suffer a man to be thy pastor , to whom then wilt thou submit thy self ? unto christ himself ( thou sayest : ) very well forsooth . this then is of such importance , that christ for thy cause must again leave the heavens , or by his angels or arch-angels feed and govern thee , whom these mean men the pastors do not satisfie : but what if it so pleased the lord by these mean pastors , as thou callest them , to cast down and conf●und all the highest statelynesse and pride of this world , even as of old by a few and comtemptible fishers he subdued not onely the high and conceited opinion of philosophers , but even the scepters of kings also ? now what will thy boasting magnificence say ? but hear what christ himself saith of them , whom thou from thy high loftinesse look●st down upon as unworthy . he that despiseth you despiseth me ( saith he . ) and moreover who so despiseth christ , despiseth him from whom he is sent , and who said unto him , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee : ask of me and i will give thee the heathen for thine inheritance , and the utmost ends of the earth for thy possission : thou shalt rule them with a rod of yron , and break them in pe●…ces like a p●…tters vessel . wherefore seeing thou dost acknowledge so great a lord , so many wayes above all maiesty whatsoever can be named ; let it not be grievous to thee ( my brother whosoever thou art , or with how great power soever thou art highly advanced ) laying aside thy high looks and pride , to be humbled under his mighty hand ; and do not think it a light matter ( whereas thou entertainest with so great applause and honourable respect an earthly kings ambassadors ) that thou shouldest disdain the ambassadors of him , who alone hath power over all kings and lords . if thou yeeldest unto a mortal physitian thy wounds to be handled , yea to be cut also , and to be burned and seared ( if need be ) how commeth it , that thou canst lesse endure the same thing also in the curing of the diseases of the soul from the spiritual physitian , especially seeing in so many respects better is the health of the soul then of the body ? nor do thou so account any whit in this regard to be impared of thy honour , if unto thy bishop or pastor , yea rather herein to christ thou be subjected . yea contrariwise , so account as the thing is indeed , that there is no true glory but in christ and in his sheepfolds ; that none do more prosperously reigne , then they which every way do serve him , without whom as there is no glory , so is there no safety and salvation . neither let it seem disgraceful to thee , what so many ages ago the most high monarchs of the world and most potent emperors have done before thee : amongst whom philip , as he was the first of all the emperors who was made a christian ; so i meet with no other more famous example , and more worthy of all mens imitation . he willing to be present at the solemn assemblies of the church on easter , and to communicate of the sacrament ▪ when as yet he was judged not worthy of admission ; it is reported that fabian the bishop withstood him , neither did receive him before he confessed his sins , and stood among the penitentiaries . what would those our proud gyants , fighters against god do here , if they had stood in the like condition and high place ? but this no lesse mild then most mighty emperor was nothing ashamed ( forgetting in the mean while his imperial majesty ) of his own accord to submit himself to the obedience of his pastor , undergoing every thing whatsoever in the name of christ was imposed upon him . o truly noble emperor , and no lesse worthy bishop ! but these examples in both are too rare amongst us this day . another ▪ sort is of those which would be christians but in name and title onely , they promise an honest enough shew of christian profession ; they dispute both learnedly , and every where with grea● endeavour , of christ ; they carry about in their hands the gospel ; they frequent sacred sermons ; have cast off all superstition ; they feed with the perfect ; they marry , eat , and are clothed , so as they hold no difference either of times or of places . finally , whatsoever is pleasing in christ they take and stiffely hold . but if ye look into their life , they are epicures , wasters , ravenous , covetous , sons of belial ; not christs servants , but slaves of their belly ; who according to the satyrist , think vertue to be but words , as the wood to be but trees . and of these there is a great store every where , who seeing onely for their belly they follow christ , they leave nothing undevised and uninterprised to hinder excommunication , that so they may the more freely satisfie and serve their own lusts . so the covetous man feareth that his covetousnesse be called in question , which he will not forsake . the adulterer , he that buyeth or selleth men into slavery , the dycer , the whoremonger , the drunkard would rather his intemperance to be concealed . so the robber , the murderer , the incendiary is afraid to be laid open or made known . so he that delighteth to be fatted and enriched with the dammages of the common ▪ wealth , is unwilling to have any bridle to curb and restrain him : the cheater that with false wares beguileth the people ; the seller that with unjust gain outeth counterfeit wares ; the deceiver who cozeneth and circumventeth his neighbour . last of all whosoever are thus affected that they savour or follow nothing but their belly , their ambition , and the purse , they do not willingly endure that their liberty of sinning should be stopped to them . moreover after these , others not much unlike them , come into the same account , which out of some places of scripture perversely wrested , if they find out ought that may flatter their affections , hence forthwith do they promise a wicked liberty of sinning to themselves and others , whence follows a very great corruption of life , together with injury of the scripture . while these men are not sufficiently shaken and stricken with the sence of their sin , and force the scripture violently wrested to defend and maintain their perverse affections , from which scripture it had been meet to seek all medicines of their vices . but little do these men in the mean while consider how dear it cost christ , which they make so small account of . they do not mark and weigh how horrible a thing sin is before god , which no otherwise could be expiate and purged but by the death of his onely begotten son ; which hath utterly rui●ated not whole cities , but kingdoms also and monarchies . which things if these and all other epicures did more diligently think of , it would come to passe i suppose , that neither the custome of sin would so much like them , and withall the matter it self would so far draw them , that more willingly they would have recourse unto these so many waies wholsom remedies of the church , as unto the onely medicine of mans life . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a luke . . john . , . b luke . . john . , . c joh. . , d d john . . e de regno christi lib. . cap non d●fuerunt quoque intra ●os triginta annos , praesertim in germania , qui videri voluerunt just●m evangelii praedi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. v●um perpauci adhuc repei ti sunt qui se christi evangelio & regno emuino subj●cissent : imo qui passi fuissent christi religionem & ecclesia●um disciplinam restitui per omnia juxta leges regis nostri . et infra in hungaria , gratia domino , non-paucae jam existunt ecclesiae quae cum p●â christi doctrinâ , s●lidam etiam ejus discipl●nam receperunt , custodiunique religiosè . rex noster christus saxit ut ●arum ecclesiarum exemplunt quàm plurimae sequantur . f de polit . eccles. lib. . cap. . politeia ecclesiastica est pars regni christi . g m iohn welseh his letter to the lady fleemming , written from his prison at blacknesse in january . who am i that he should first have called me and then constituted me a minister of glad things , of the gospell of salvation these fifteen yeeres already , and now last of all to be a sufferer for his cause and kingdome , to witnesse that good confession that jesus christ is the king of saints , and that his church is a most free kingdome , yea as free as any kingdome under heaven , not onely to convocate hold and keepe her meetings , conventions , and assemblies , but also to judge of all her affaires , in all her meetings and conventions , among his members and subjects ! these two points , that christ is the head of his church , secondly that she is free in her government from all other jurisdiction except christs ; these two points are the speciall cause of our imprisonment , being now convict as traytors for maintaining thereof . we have been waiting with joyfulnesse to give the last testimony of our blood in confirmation thereof , if it would please our god to be so favourable as to honour us with ●hat dignity . thus he . h discourse of the troubles at frankeford first published in the yeere and reprinted at london in the yeere . pag. . i acts . , . k jude ep . v. . l fr à s. clara apolog. episcop . cap. . m the second booke of the discipline of the church of scotland , cap. . n the confession of faith of the church of scotland art. o ibib. p ibid. q ibid. r the confession of helvetia in the head of magistracy . s the confession of bohemia cap. . t the french confession art. . u the confession of belgia att. . x the confesof saxony , art. . y irish articles of religion art. , . z matth. , . & . which is meant ●t laying on or taking of church censure . august . tract . in jo. si 〈◊〉 in ecclesiâ fit , ut quae in terrd ligantur in caelo ligentur , & que solvuntur in terrd , solvantur in caelo : quiacum excommunicat ec. clesia , in caelo ligatur excommunicatustcum reconciliatur ab ecclesiâ , in caelo solvitur reconciliatus , &c. a the second booke of the discipline of the church of scotland , cap. . c see the laws and statutes of geneva translated out of the french and printed at london . pag. , . d de corona orat . . in initio e in orat . contr● ciesiphontem . f matth. ● . . g psalm . . luke ● ▪ . h origen . in levit . hom. . quid percu●it ? carnem . quid sanat ? spiritum . prorsus ut illa deficiat , iste pro ▪ ficiat . i hier. ad marcellum . notes for div a -e a de iure natur . & gentium lib. . cap. . prosely●us iustitiae utcunque novato patriae nomine iudaeus dice●etur , non tam quidem 〈◊〉 iudaicus simpliciter censendus ●sset qu●m peregrinas semper , cui jura quamplurima inter cives . see the like lib. . c. . b buxtorf . lexic. chald. talm. & rabbin pag. proselyti justitiae sunt qui non rerum externarum , sed solius religionis causâ , & gloriae dei studio , religionem iudaicam amplectuntur , & totam legem mosis dicto modo recipiunt . hi natis iudaeis habentur aequales : understand in an ecclesiasticall , not in a civill capacity . in which sence also matthias martinius in lexic. philol . pag. . saith that these proselytes , cum ad sacrorum iudaicorum communionem admit●ebantur , &c. veri iudaei censebantur : and that to be made a proselyte , and to be made a jew , are used promiscuously in the rabbinicall writings . so also drusius praet . l. . in io. . . c caete●ùm supremus senatus cujus in hoc concl●visedes , duplex fuisse videtur , pro ●erum ecclesi●ticarum & politicarum diversitate : quonia● deut . . ubi de supremis senatoribus agitur , manisestè sacerdos d iudice distinguitur ; ad sacerdotema●t ad iudicem i. e. sacerdotes aut iudices , ut com . . inaicio est , ubi pro sacerd●te ponuntur sacerdotes . adde ieboshaphatum , cum iudicia hicrosolymis restaura●et , duos ordines conflituisse , sacerdetes & capita samilia●um , ad judicium dei & ad litem : similiter duos praes●les com . un●m ad omnem causam dei : alterum scilicet duce● iudaeorum ad omne negotium regis . quibus succinunt verba jerem. . . quibus seniores populi● senioribus sacerdot●m distinguntur . quocirca in n. t. sublato ( ut videtur ) per h●rodem , uno synedrio , sc. politico ; al●erum apostolorum seculo supersuit , in quo politici etiam manebant reliqui● : nam ab ecclesiasticis seniores populi distinguntur , matth. . . & . vers . . ni magis placeat , quod ab aliis observatum suit , herodem , sublatis . senioribus è familia davidica , alios inseriores substitu●sse : quod judiciorum quibusdam excmplis firmari videtur . adeo 〈◊〉 illis temporibus duplex quoque synedrium suerit , quamvis utriusque senatores subinde convenirent : qu● fortè reserendum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod matth. . . marc . . & . . acts . . occurrit . ( quin etiam cap . cod . iomae , eadem distinctio his verbis confirmatur ( ubi de 〈◊〉 sacerdotis magni ad diem expiationis agitur ) tradunt eum seniores d●mus iudicii , senioribus sacerdotii . d propter meritum assess●rum sy●edrii , qui occupati sunt in lege , & illuminant iudicium . et descendit in babyloniam ad concilium sapientum . i● non fuit synedrium iudicum & magistratus summi , sed collegium doctorum . f iu exod. . quaest. . g in exod. . quest. . h menocbius in exod. . . redite ad populum , ut illum regatis , & in officio contineati● . pelargus upon the place saith that moses would not leave the church without rulers to avoyd the danger of popular anarchy . i eros●…us confirm th●…s . lib. cap. m●…ses 〈◊〉 ait , intersici ●…dum ●…sse illum , qu●… vel 〈◊〉 , sentemiae vel judicis assentire nollet non ergo liberum facit ab i●…lo ad 〈◊〉 pr●…vocare . k me●ochius in . paral. . . idem sunt praepositi & iudices , quorum mun●s erat israelitarum causas qu● juxta legem finiebantur , judicare , quod patet ex . paral. . . ubi habemus constituit jehosaphat in jerusalem levi●…as & sacerdotes , & princip s famil●…arum ex is●…a l , ut judicium & causam domini judicarent . l salmas . apparat . ad libros de primatu p. . quae ad ●es sacras ac divinas pertinebant , de his praecipue judicium sacerdotum fuit , de ali● civilibus & regalib● , praesides 〈◊〉 rege constituti , ut patet ex lib. . chro. cap. . titinus in . chro. . . ubi not a distinctionem sori seu magistratus ec clesiastici & civilis , contra anglo-calvinistas & nostros arminianos . m magdeb gent. 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap . seniores populi videntu●… fuisse 〈◊〉 è populo lecti viri , aetate , d ctrina , & vitae p●…obitate spectati , gui simul cum ecclesiasticis 〈◊〉 , templi , 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 rerum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ecclesiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 habuerunt . n antiq. iud. lib. . cap . ipsi 〈◊〉 pontifices dissiacre cae●erunt à sacer●otibus & primatibus hieroso● mi●anorum ●ivium , singuléque m●edebant stipati manu au ▪ dacissimorum & seditiosorum bominum , 〈◊〉 inter se mutu●s ce●tabant convitiis & 〈◊〉 : nec erat qui compesceret , quasi vacante urbe magistratibus . in tantum autem exarsit summorum pontific●m impudentia , ut auderent servos suos in areas mittere , qui auf●rrent debitas sacerdotibus decimas , aliquótque pauperiores è sacerdo●um ordine alimentorum in●pia fame deficerent . tantò plus ●um pol●ebat violentia sedi - tiosorum quam justitia . n lexicon chald. talmud . & rabbin . edit . . pag. ● , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excommunicatio , exclusio ● caetu sacro , ejectio ex syna ▪ goga &c. cum tali excommunicato non licet edere nec bibert . quo fortè respicit apostolus cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nam admonitionem illam generalem facit , ex occasione incestuosi quem excommunicare jubet . o de iure natur . & gentium lib. . cap. . atque is planè à communicatione orationis , & convenius , & omnis sancti commercii relegabatur , quemadmodum de bujusmodi anathemate sub initils ecclesie christianae loquitur tertullianus . p animad in pirke pag. . qu●… enim dicat apostatam , blashemum aliaque sacra capita intra templum suisse admissa ? &c. certe si quibuslibet excommunicatis permissum suisset in trare templom , tum 〈◊〉 mitior judaicae synagoga disciplina esset statuenda , quam veteris christianae ecclesiae . q quest. & resp. l. . quaest . solebant autem veteres ( i●der ) si qu● gravius deliquerat , primum eum movere caetu ecclesiastico : si non emendabat se , tum feriebant 〈◊〉 : quòd si ne tum quidem redibat ad srugem , ultimo ac postremo loco samatizabant . r annot. in exc. gemar . sanhedrin cap. . qui simpliciter excommunicatus est ( menudde ) est ille quidem separatus à caetu , ita ut pro vero membro ecclesie non habeatur . s lexicon pentaglot . pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excommunicatio , cum quis se non emendans catu ecclesiastico ●ovetur , & ex populo suo excinditur . where he also mentioneth the three distinct kinds of excommunication niddui , cherem , and schammata . ibid. pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 remetio , excommunicatio , ejectio ex caetu piorum , illa anathematis species , qua quis immundus ab bominum contubernio , aut qua aliquis ● caetu ecclesiastico removetur ad tempus ▪ à lege praescriptum . t de arcano sermone cap. . ejectio autem è synagega , communicationis abnegatio est , & abalienatio a religiosa consuetudine , quae á nostris recepto jam verbo sixcommunicatio dicitur . u magdeb. cent. . ●…ib . . cap . judicabant degmata & promulgobant eorum damnationes , unà cum personis : quae quidem res ▪ nihil aliud quam publica excommunicatio erat jo. . . & . . . & ● . ● . et infra . extra synagogam fieret , ▪ hoc est excommunicaretur . x 〈◊〉 ▪ ebr. cap . legis sanctio triplex &c. prima est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aversatio , antolitio & amandatio &c. secunda est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 devo●… extremo cuidam exitio . excommunicatio : quando videlicet a●…quis excindi duebatur ex populo sue , & in eo amplius non censeri ( ut jam supra expo ▪ suimus ) ex majore aliquo delicto . atque hoc p●…to esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fieri &c. primae illae speciei respondet quod in ecclesiis nostris vocamus prohibitionem seu suspensionem à sacramentis : 〈◊〉 excommunicatio publice facta . y harum trium excommunicationis specierum vel potius graduum , secunda primam , tertia utramque includebat . prima piis quidem iudaeis erat formidabtlis , quia per eam à sacrorum communione submovebantur , at qui minus pii erant eâ non magnopere movebantur . y buxtors lexic. rabbin . p. ex pesachim fol. . qui vesperâ sabbathi & aliorum dierum festorum operas serviles ●cit , infaustum illud quidem est , neque videt signum benedictionis , sed non schammatisamus eum : at qui vesper● pas ch●tis operas serviles facit , hîc verò omnino schammatisamus eum . they did also excommunicate an hereticall or epicurean israelite . buxtorf ibid , pag. . z lexicon . chald. talmud . & rabbin . pag. . excom municatio siebat quandoque verbis expressis , quando excommunicandus erat praesens : quandeque scripto publicè affixo , quando absens erat . hinc legitur in majemone in libro madda cop . . sect. . quomodo sit niddui : dicit n. esto in excommunicatione . si. excommunicant eum in faciem , id est presentem , dicit n. hic esto in excommunicatione sive banno . ibid. pag. . nuncius vel minister publicus judicii câ side habetur , ut si dicat , n. à me citatus ad judicium , contempsit me , aut vilipendit judicem , aut dixit sa nolle comparere in judicio , tunc sammatisent ipsum ad verba ejus , sed non scribunt super eo schedam excommunicationis shammata , donec veuerint duc quo testentur ipsum noluisse comparere ad judicium . a lexicon rabbin . p. . ex sententia domini dominorum , sit in anathemate ploni filius ploni , in utraque domo judicii , superiorum scilicet & inferiorum , in anathemate item sanctorum excelsorum , in anathemate seraphim & ophannim , in anathemate denique totius ecclesiae , maximorum & minimorum &c. b another forme more full and large see in vorstius his animadversions upon pirke pag. . to . decreto vigilum atque edicto sanctotum anathemizamus . adju●amus , excommunicamus schammatizamus , maledicimus , execramus ex sententia hujus loci atque ex scientia hujus coe●ûs , hoc libro legis , sexcentis tredecim praeceptis in illo conscriptis . anathe . mate quo joshua devo vie jericho ; maledictione quâ maledixit eliseus pueris , & maledictione quam imprecatus est gichazi servo suo . shammate quo schammatizavit barack meroz , &c. nomine aebthariel jah domini zehaoth . nomine michael principis magni . nomine mathatheron cujus nomen est sicuti nomen domini ejus . nomine sandalphon qui nectit coronas pro domino suo . nomine nominis . literarum . nomine quod apparuit mosi in sinai . nomine quo dissecuit moses mare . nomine ehieh ascher ehieh , ero qui ero . arcano nominis amphor●…sch . scripturâ quae exarata est in tabulis . nomine domini exercituum dei israelis , qui sedit inter cherubim , &c. maledictus ex ore nominis celebrandi , & tremendi , quod e●reditur ex ore sacerdotis magni die expiationum , &c. evellatur ipse è tabernaculo . nolit dominus illi condonare , sed tunc sumet furor & indignatio contra virum illum . incumbant illi omnes maledictiones conscriptae in hoc libro legis . expellat nomen ejus sub caelo , & segreget illum in malum ex omnibus tribubus israelis , juxta omnes execrationes hujus faederis consignatas in hoc libro legis , &c. haec sit voluntas dei & dicatur amen . c quid tum fec●runt ezra , zerobahel , & jehoshua ? congregaveront totam ecclesiam seu caetum populi in templum dom ni & introduxerant . sacerdotes , & . adoles ▪ centes ( seu discipulos minores ) quibus erant in manibus . buccinae , & . libri legis . hi clangebant ; levitae autem cantabant & psallebant : & excommunicabant cuthaeos per mysterium nominis te r●grammati , & per scripturam descriptam in tabulis legis , & per anathema fori superioris seu caelestis , & per anathema fori inferioris seu terrestris , ita ut nemo israelitarum unquam in posterum comederet buccellam aliquam cuthaeorum . hinc dicunt quicunque comedit carnem cuthaei , is vescitur quasi carne poreinâ . cuthaeus quoque ne seret proselytus , neque haberet partem in resurrectione mortuorum , juxta illud quod scriptum est . non ad vos simul nobiscum attinet instauratio domus dei nostri : neque in hoc neque in suturo seculo . praeterea quoque ne haberet partem in jerusalem . hinc dicitur , uobis non est pars neque jus , neque memoria in jerusalem . transmisetunt autem anathema hoc ad israelitas qui erant in babylonia . d annot gem in ex. sanhedrin . p. . r. simon , si●… . lakisch custodiebat hortum . venit quidam & ficus caepit vovare . ille inclamare : hic non nauci facere . tum ille ▪ excommunicatus esto . tu vicissim inquit alter excommunicatus esto . nam si ad pecuniam tibi obstrictus sum , numquid anathemati obnoxius sum ? adiit r. lakisch super hoc scholae rectores . responsum est : ipsius anathema anathema est ▪ tuum nullum est . e buxtorf . lexion chald. talm. & rab. p. . . f de his meritò dubitari potest , num licuerit ipsis sacra adire limina , imprimis qui severi●…i ex communicationis genere vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 multati erant . quis enim dicat apostatam , blasphemum , al●…áque sacra capita intra templum suisse admissa ? de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alia ratio ●…sse potest , eum his spes veniae non fuerit adempta . g m. selden de ●…ure natur . & gentium lib. . cap. . effectus ac finit excommunicationis hujusmodi , jure communi erat , ut solitae popularium consuetudin●… libertate reu●… privaretur , usque dum panitentiâ ad bonam mentem rediens solveretur sententiâ . h independency examined pag. . vindic. of the . questions p. . i de gubern . eccl. pag. . k gen. ▪ . l lorinus in psal. . . ex plutarcho . m see ainswarth upon the place . n bucer . scripta anglicana ▪ pag. . nunc autem legimus ▪ lev. , . & . deum populo suo ordin●sse ac mandasse : si quos de populo , de sacerdotibus , aut principibus , aut si etiam populus universus aliquid fortè deliquisset contra mand●a sua , seu ●aciendo quae ipse vetuerat , seu omittendo quae praeceperat ; ut tales ante se in ecclesia sua , & coram sacerdote comparerent , ibi peccatum suum confiterentur , veniam pererent , oblationes suas offerrent , & hoc modo per sacerdotem recoaciliationem consequerentur . idque haud dubiè non absque seria humiliatione , planctu , & jejunio . o eximia l●us est paenitentiam agenti , ut publicè confiteatur , iniquitates suas toti caetui indicans , & delicta quae in proximum admisit , aliis aperiens hunc in modum . revera peccavi in n. n. ( virum nominans ) & haec vell illa feci : ecce autem me vobis nunc convertor , & me facti paenitet . qui vero prae super●ia non indicat , sed abscondit iniquitates suas ▪ ill● perfecta non est paenitentia : quia dicitur , qui abscondit scelera sua , non dirigetur . haec dicta intelligenda sunt de peccatis quae in proximum admittuntur . verum in transgressionibus quae sunt hominis in deum , non necesse est cuiquam seipsum propalare : quin imò perfrictae frontis est , illiusmodi peccata revelare : sed in conspectu dei paenitentiam agit , & coram illo peccata haec speciatim recenset . p hanc 〈◊〉 confessionem hebraei vocant confessionem super peccato singulari , quia in aliis sacrificiis siebat confessio peccatorum generalis , saith ●atablus upon the place . q confirm . thes. pag. . . r ex ●o quod in libro joma , id est , dierum , in capite , jom h●kippurim , id est , dies propitiationum , ita scribitur . dixit rab. hunna : omnis qui transgressione transgressus est , necesse est ut singulatim exprimat peccatum . s seld. de jure nat . & gentium lib. . cap. . pro diversitate peccati & peccantis moribus , nunc citius nunc serius sequebatur absolutio . sed ut plurimum excommunicatio fiebat in diem tricesimum &c. intra hoc tempus exspectabat forum ut ad bonam ●ediret . mentem , 〈◊〉 , & quae juberent ipsi praestaret &c. post trignta di●um contumaciam , idem tempus semel i●erabatur &c ▪ at vero s● ▪ neque intra id spatii paenitens absolutionem pe●eret , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cherem seu anathemate feriebatur . t offerenti victimas le● praecipit , ut p●rus fiat corpore ac animo . et infra . necessum est igitur adituros templum sacr●rum gratia , & corpore nitidos esse , & multo magis anima . ● &c. nam veri dei templum non patet prophanis sacrificiis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) et post . an dubium est , neque legem quicquam ab injustis , neque solem à tenebris accipere ? et versus finem . caeterum quia societatem humanitatemque ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) maximè docet lex nostra , utrique vir●ti honorem habet meritum , neminem deplorate malum ad eas admittens , sed quàm longissimè in rem malam ablegans . cum igitur sciret concionibus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) admisceri multos improbos , quòd se posse in turba latere autument , ut id caveret in posterum , omnes indignos à sacro caetu edicto prohibint ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) incipiens à semiviris obscaeno 〈◊〉 laborantibus , qui naturae monetam adulterantes , in impudicarum mulierum affectum & formam sponte degenerant . spadones item & castratos arcet &c. pariter repellit non tantum scorta , sed & natos è prostitutis , contactos materno dedecore propter natales adulterinos . &c. alii vero quasi contendant hos in impietatis stadio post se relinquere , addunt amplius , ut non solùm ideas , sed & deum esse negent . et post . proinde omnes hi meritò pelluntur à sacris c●ibus , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) u antiq. lib. . cap. ● . libenter & continuò degebat ( agrippa ) hierosolymis , institutorum ac rituum patriae servator religiosissimus ▪ 〈◊〉 enim ●rat â contaminamentis omnibus , nec ulla dies ei praeteribat absque sacrificio . accidit aliquando ut quidam hierosolymita legis peri●s , nomine simon , advocata concione , per regis absentiam , agentis ●um caesareae , crimina●etur illum ●t impurum & arcendum templi aditu , quod non ni●i dignis pateat . id ubi praefectus u●bis illi significavit per literas , confestim accersivit hominem &c. di● mihi inquit , quid ribi non probatur ex his quae ●acimus . x annot ▪ in luk. . . qui hac nota ( minoris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 five niddui ) inusti erant , s●ante templo , accedebant ad templum , ut ex hebraeis vir doctus notavit : sed haud dubiè consistebant extra ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui distingueb●t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ab israelitis . nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lo●o habebantur . y confirm thes. lib. . cap. . pag. . and elsewhere . z nam mos id●●erebat ut publicani in atrio . gentilium , pharisaei in atrio israelitarum sta●nt , nec quicquam in ●o erat insolitum au● pharisaeo imputandum . a sanè cum servator in templo d●cuisse cap. . joh. legitur , quò mulierem depraehensam pharisaei ipsi adduxerunt ; alium locum praeter hunc qui ●at extra a tria , designati credere nequeo : quandequidem è josepho obs●vatum jam suit , impu●is atria adire fa● non fuisse . b p. cuneu● de ▪ repub . hebr. lib. . cap. . concilii magni sedes in ipso ●anctuario fuit . c de monarchia lib. . proinde rectè honesté que vetitum est alicubi , ne merce● meretrici● inferatur in sacratium . atqui nummi per se carent crimine , sed quae hos accepit unà cum suo quaestu est abominabilis . d lib. de victimas offerentibus . nam veri dei templum non pater profanis sacrificiis . tali homini dicerem , obon● , non gaudet d●us centenis boum victimis &c. mavult pia● mentes &c ▪ * haec porta &c. i. e. d●us hoc templum sibi dicari voluit , hîc est sanctuarium ejus : debet pu●um esse ab omnibus sordibus , quemadmodum etiam lex severè jubet . antehac impuri & scelerati ( quales saul , & alii omnes impii qui primas tenebant , i●a ut nemo non 〈◊〉 ipsorum esse templum ) co●ruperant hoc templum . non fuit igitur tam domicilium ipsius dei , quamlatronum ●verna . e lib. . de vit●… mos●…s : quem ne honoris quidem gratia ●…as est nominari ab omnibus●… sed à solis optimis & purificatis hominibus . f vatablus in num. . . t●ia secundum hebraeos castra erant . castra nempe dei , id est tabernaculum : castra levitarum , & castra israel . leprosi ab omnibus arcebantur : impuri per fluxum à primis duobus excludebantur . pollutus vero propter cadaver solum à tabernaculo ecclesiae arcebatur . godwyn in his moses and aarom lib. . cap. . cit●th paulus fagius for the same thing . see also mr. wee●…se his christian synagogue pag. . . g de tempfabrie . p. . in quod ( at●ium ) exte●i , id est gentes , quae israolis nomen non prosit erentur , conve nire ad orandum poss●nt : & isr●elitae etiam qui caeremoniali ritu puri non essent : h uide edit . lutin . cantabr . a●…no . . pag. . eximia laus est paenitentiam agenti , ut publicè confiteatur , iniquitat●s suat toti caetui indicans , & delicta q●ae in proximum admisit , ●liis 〈◊〉 hunc in modum , ●evera pecca●i in n. n. ( vitum nominans ) & haec & illa seci 〈◊〉 ecce autem me vobis nunc conv●rtor & me facti paenitet . q●i verò prae superbia non i●dicat , sed abscondit iniquitates suas , illi perfecta non est paenitentia , quia dicitu● , qui abscondit scelera sua , non dirigetur . i r. mosis canones panitentiae cap. . quicunque verbis confitetur , & ●x corde non statuit peccacum derelinquere : ecce hic ei similis est qui lavat , & manu reptile immundum retinet : neque enim quicquam prodest lavatio , donec reptile abjecerit . et hoc illud est quod a sapiente illo dicitur . qui autem confessus fuerit & reliquerit ea , misericordiam consequetur . quin & oportet ut pecca●um speciatim recenseat : quia dicitur : obsecro domine , peccavit populus iste peccatum maximum seceruntque sibi deos anreos . k confirm . thes. lib . cap. . & . l lib. . cap. . m pag. , , , . n see ainsworth ▪ annot . on num. . . o ainsworth on lev●t . . p pag. . . q pag. . cum ergo quaeritur cur ei qui semen praeter voluntatem noctu emisit , ad sacra adire non licuerit , priusquàm mundaretur , scortatori autem & concubinario licuerit ? respondeo , quia ille ad se appropinquantes contaminabat ; hic deo & sibi immundus tantum erat : aliosque non magis inquinabat , quàm si cum uxore legitima cubavisset . r pag. . quocirca non fuit exclusio haec , qua propter legis immunditiam aliqui prohibebantur venire in caetus publicos , sigu●a rei cujuspiam in hoc seculo complendae , sed i●ago & simulacrum suit rei in altera vita persiciendae . s tostatus in levit. . quast . . t tostatus in matth. . quaest . . etiam actus quidam praeter contactum , reddebant homines immundos ad manducandum agnum , vel quaecunque sanctificat● , sicut litigare judicialiter , vel intrare in locum judicii ad litigandum , sic dicitut io. . lud. capelli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de ultimo christi paschate p. . cum itaque haec una fuerit illarum traditionum , ut ne die festo capitali judicio vacarent , causa nulla est curex istimemus eos sine necessitate voluisse proprias constitutiones ita pedibus conculcare , & tam sole●is festi religionem prophanare . casaubon exerc. . anno . num . . citeth a plaine passage in maimonides declaring that they held it unlawfull to judge of capitall cases upon the perparation to the sabbath or to a holy-day . u l' empereur annot . in cod . middoth . p. . arcebantur autem hujusmodi contaminati , donec ca peregissent quae ad reatum caeremonialem quem contraxerant delendum facerent , atque hac ratione suis magistris morem gessissent . the unclean were not permitted to partake of the sacrifices . iosephus de bello iud lib. . c. . x pag. . huc ipso , quod ad expiandum peccatum jubetur adferre sacrificium , non excluditur à sacramentis , sed ad ea invitatur ; nam o●nnia haec sacrificia etant vera sacramenta , y pareus in ●…evit . . differunt sacrificium & sacramentum ; quod sacrificium est obedientia nostra deoad mandatum ejus praestita , sive moralis five caerimonialis cum morali conjuncta ▪ sacramentum est signum gratiae dei erga nos in fide à nobis susceptum . z lavater hom . . in ezram . a tostatus in levit. . quaest . . ainsworth on levit. . . b deinde nec judaei confiteban● peccata omnia exactè , accuratè , sicut nos ; non enim peccata interna & mentalia , sed solùm externa , quae opere ipso consummata essent , & in exteriorem actum trans●issent &c. tertiò , nec judaei omnia externa peccata in confessione declarabant , sed praesertim notoria & publica , ut fert opinio probabilior . a s●…e a●…psiagius di●…p : adv . anabapt . pag. . ioh. cloppenburg . in gangraena theol. anabapt . part . . disp. . citeth these words out of a booke of the anabaptists de censur . eccles. ante adventum christi tempore veteris testamenti , unicum tantum institutum suisse regimen , ac non nisi unicam punitionem , videlicet d m●…gistratu exercendam secundum scriptam lagem à mose traditam : quâ luendum erat vel in bonis vel in corpore , ●…c sustinenda aut mors , aut carcer , aut muleta pecuniaria : quae omnia politici 〈◊〉 , non ecclesiastici judicii . in opposition hereunto he addeth . in ecclesiis reformatis creditur ex verbo dei , fuisse à deo jam olim in u. t. 〈◊〉 duplex regimen , duplici officio gubernátionis , qua politicae , qua ecclesiasticae ; distinctum . b d. 〈◊〉 in deut. . judicia ecclesiastica ad ecclesiam pertinent secundum verbum dei. magistratus nihil ominus est custos utriusque tabulae , & ces●antibus sacerdotibus vel degenerantibus , debet reformare secundum legem . c lev. . ● d lev. . ▪ e num. . , . f quum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legem interpretarentur , quod proprium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verò formulas juris praescriberent , & actiones civiles docerent , & forensia magis tractarent . notes for div a -e * see nihil respondes pag. . male audis pag. . . a in alijs ( ecclesijs ) ubi aut nulla est excommunicatio in usu , aut non lecitime administratur , ac nihilomirus absque omni convoversia , in consesso est ac palam docetur , eam merito in ecclesia vigere debere , et infra , ne etiam celsitudo tua se suasque ecclesias ab alijs omnibus ecclesijs , tain ab ijs quae nullam habent excommunicationem , quam ab ijs quae habent , nova hac opinione sejungat : siquidem universae ac singulae uno ore confitentur , semperque confessae sunt , merito illam in usu esse debere . b erast. praefat . nos de illis solis loqui peccatoribus qui doctrinam intelligunt , probant amplectuntur : peccata sua se agnoscere vere atque edisse aiunt , & sacramentis secundum institutienem christi uti cupiunt . et lib. . cap. . faciunt praelerea nobis injuriam ( imo vera calumnia est ) cum dicunt nos omnes sine ullo examine velle admitti , quales quales sint ac esse velint . quippe sic volumus unumquemque admitti , quomodo ecclesiae nostrae consuetudo & regula jubet . et intra . sane ut idololatram & apostatam , negamus membrum esse ecclesiae christi , sic etiam nequitiam suam desendentem negamus inter membra ecclesiae censendum esse . et quemadmodum illos ex christiano coetu judicamus exterminandos , sic hos queque putamus in eo coeiu non esse ferendos . verum neque de bis , neque de illis quaerunt nostrae theses : sed disputatur in eis , de solis doctrinam amplexantibus , & sacramentis rite cum ecclesia uti cupientibus , hoc est poenit entiam eodem modo quo alij profitentibus . c erastus ib. equidem in thesibus ab initi●… monui , me de sola illa excommunicatione apere , qua aliqui doctrinam intelligentes , probantes , amplexantes , & sacramentis rectè uti cupientes , quod ad externum usum attinet ab eijsdem propter anteactae vitae turpitu linem a quibusdam presbyteris repelluntur : quia scilic et non videtur eis serio dolere , qui lapsus fuit , ac sibi dolere id profitetur . isa. . ● . d procul , hinc procul ite prophani , conclamat vates , totoque absistite luco . et illud , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 et illud , tu genitor cape sacra manu patriosque penates . me bello extento digressum & caede recenti attrectare nefas , donec me flumine vivo abluere — e caesar lib. . de bello gallico , si quis privatus aut publicus eorum decreto non steterit , sacrificijs interdicunt . haec poena est apud eos gravissima quibus est interdictum , ij numeroimpiorum ac sceleratorum habentur . ij omnes decedunt ( others read ) ab ijs omnes decedunt ) adinim sermonemque defugiunt , ne quid ex contagione incommodi accipiant . f erastus lib. . cap. . horum debetis vitam & mores observare , & quos impuros esse cognovistis vitare , ne vos quoque inficiamini ; ipsi autem pudefiant & in viam redeant . g salmasius appar . ad lib. de prim . pag. . cum sit ut jam vidimus duplex potestas ecclesiastica , altera interna , external altera tam peccant qui utramque principi , vel magistratui civili tribuunt , quam qui utramque denegant ministre ecclesiastico . h erastus confirm . thes. lib. . cap. . veruntamen ut in rebus prophanis curandis ei ( magistratui ) non licet terminos & fines aequitatis , justitiae ac honestatis , hoc est praescriptionem legum & statutorum reiptranscendere . sic in disponendis & ordinandis rebus sacris , vel ad cultum divinum pertinentibus , longe minus ei licet 〈◊〉 in parte , a praescripto verbi dei discedere ; quod tanquam re gulam in omnibus debet sequi , ab eoquenusquam vel latum pilum deflectere . i erastus ibid. intelligi hoc debet de ea repub. dictum , in quia magistratus & subditi , eandem profitentur religionem , eamque veram . in hac dico duas distinctis jurisdictiones minime debere esse . in alta , in qua videlicet magistratus falsam tuetur sententiam , certo quodo●…modo toler abilis videri fortosse possit divisi●… rectionum . k confirm . thes. lib. . cap. . quod addis non licere magistratui , re ita postulante , docere & sacramenta administra re ( si modo per ne gotia possit utrique muneri sufficere ) idverum non est . l bullinger de conc. lib. . c. . si turpe aut indignum quondam videbatur gentes inducere in templum del : quare non videatur hodie sacrilegum , introducere in synodum ecclesiasticam canes & porcos . m appar . ad lib. de primatu pag. . ubicunque sane imperio opus est per vim agente ac jubenie , aut jurisdictione cogente & cohercente , nihil istic habent quod agant verbi divini ministri , neque jus agendi ullum , etiamsi de re aut persona ecclesiastica quaestio sit , aut de religione agatur , sed ad principes out magistratus ea vis coactiva , & il'ud jus imperativum & coercitivum pertinet . ibid. pag. . iurisdictionem ijdem ( pontificij doctores ) porro interiorem ac exteriorem ita distinguunt , ut interior sit qua sacerdos possit peccatorem confessum a peccatis absolvere & satisfactionem ponere : exterior autem qua peccatores adstringit 〈◊〉 anathematis , aliasque publicas censuras irrc●…at , & abijsdem exsolvit . verum hae duae iurisdictiones un●…m faciunt , ean que solam interiorem . nulla quippe exterior est , cum utraque respiciat & p●…o objecto habeat hominem interiorem , id est animam . lb. p. . finis tantum respici debet . aliquis suspenditur & excommunicatur ? sane , sed ut per poenitentiam restitui possit , & sacramenta corporis & sanguiris christi iterum participare . et poenitentia illa quam quis agit ut possit reconciliari , interioris est hominis . n festus honnius disp . . thes . . circa bonum spirituale versatur potestas ecclesi astica proprie ita dicta , cujus proprium officium est verbum dei praedicare , sacramenta administrare , disciplinam ecclesiasticam exercere , ministros ecclesiae ordinare , de controversiis ecclesi isticis quae circa doctrinam aut regimen ec clesiae intercidunt , ordinarie judicare , & de ritibus adiaphoris ad ordinem , decorum atque aedificationem ecclesiae pertinentibus , canones seu leges ecclesiasticas constituere . i. gerard loc . com . tom. . pag. . distinguitur christi regnum ad quod potestas clavium pertinet , ab imperiis mundanis quae gladio corporali in administratione utuntur . o synt. theol. lib. . cap. . regnum christi vel naturale est ▪ vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . regnum christi naturale est quod christus a natura hal et , estque communis totius deita is &c. hes regnum etiam universale dicitur , quia est simpliciter in universa . at regnum christi donativum est qued christus tradiium a patre ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accepit &c. hoc regnum 〈◊〉 prium christi , quod ut rex mediator obtinet in persona sua : ac regnum etiam singulare di● quia est peculiare in ecclesia &c. utque naturale regnum obtinet jure naturae , quia est naturalis filius dei patris : ita donativum regnum obtinet jure donationis . p synt. pur . theol. desp. . thes . . ipsi ( patri ) suum queque sceptrum mediatorium seu oeconomieum traditurus dicitur , ut imperium mere divinum eadem gloria ae majestate cum patre , erga suos electos in aeternum exerceat . zach. ursinus tom. . pag. . christus patri tradet regnum post glorificationem ecclesiae , id est , desinet facere officium mediatoris . q calv. in col. . . postquam generaliter de christi excellentia disseruit , deque summo ejus in omnes creaturas principa●… : iterum redit adea quae peculiariter ad ecclesiam spectant . in nomine capitis alii plura considerant &c. hic vero potissimum , meo judicio , de guhernatione loquitur . r greg. de valenti● . comment . in thom. tom . . disp . . quaest . . punct . . si autem per omnem potestatem , secundo intelligamus ibi cum hieronymo & anselmo omnem potestatem necessariam quidem christo ad gubernandam spiritualiter omnem ecclesiam , tum in coelo , ubi est caput & rex 〈◊〉 ; tum in terra , ubi 〈◊〉 homines , quorum item est rex & caput : satis constat non inde sequi quod accepe●…it etiam potestatem pol●…ticam . medina in tertiam partem , quaest : . a●t . . dicendum quad omnis potestas & auctoritas tribuenda est christo , si tamen decens sit ad efficium redemptionis ; at quod fuerit rex temporalis totius orbis minime decuit christum , ●…b idque istam auctoritatem non accepit . s calv. in cor. . . aut certe tam munus quam domum olim suit , quod nobis hodie est incognitum : aut ad diaconiam pertinet , hoc est curam pauperum . atque hoc secundum mihi magis arridet ▪ t synop. pur . theol. disp. . thes. . tametsi ob istam mediationem filius dei minor sit patre , non propterea ipso minor est quoad deitatem . u synops. pur . theol. disp. . coroll . . an apostolus paulus cum hominem incestuojum satanae tra●…ret , quicquam peculiare habuerit ? nos contra socinianos apostolum paulum non ex jwe sibi peculiari , sed sibi cum omnibus ecclesiae preslyteris communi , incestuosum illum satanae tradidisse , colligimus ex cor. . . mat. . . . x jo. brentius hom. in luc. tom. . hom. . quis me construit judicem aut divisorem super vos ? hoc est , alia est civilis magistratus voca to , alia mea vocatio . ad illum pertinet ut dijudicet controversias de haereditatibus , & id genus ahis rebus . ad me autem pertinet ut doceam evangelion de remissione peccatorum , & vita aeterna . ut igitur nollem quod magistratus meum officium temere usurparet , ita & mea interest , ne temere usurpem mihi vocationem magistratus . observanda doctrina , qua non solum erudimur , quod sit proprium & legitimum officium christi in hoc externo mundo , verum etiam admonemur exemplo christi , ne quis alienam vocationem illegitime invadut . jo. winckelmannus in luk. . . negat se esse politicum judicem herciscundae familiae , sicut nec adulteram damnet , joh. . ostendit enim esse discrimen inter politicum magistraium , & munus ecclesiasticum . y greg. de valentia comment . theol. tom. . disp. ▪ quaest. . punct . . homo , quis me constituit judicem aut divisorem inter vos ? quasi diceret : nemo plane , neque homo , & multo minus deus . si enim a deo habuisset dominium jurisdictionis politicae , multo verius su sset censtitutus judex politicus , quam si eam jurisdictionem habuisset ab homine . et tamen negat omnino se fuisse talem judicem constitutum . unde per hoc quod addit , quis me constituit judicem ? &c. eum remisit ad alium qui haberet eam potestatem , qua ipse careret . see the like in bellarmine de pontif. lib. . cap. . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a hier. ru st co monacho . etiam muta animantia & serarum greges ductores sequuntur suos . in apibus principes sunt . b qui mario , ipse caio caesari : qui augusto , ipse & neroni ; qui vespasianis vel patri vel filio , suavissimis imperatoribus , ipse & domitiano crudelissimo . et ne per singulos ire necessesit , qui constantino christiano , ipse apostatae iuliano . c synops. pur . theol. disp . . thes. . e●…si vero hanc spiritualem p●…testatem a christiani magistratus inspectione , tanquam utriusque tabulae custode non eximimus , negamus tamen eam , aut ejus praxin a magistratus suprema aucto●…itate pendere , sicuti quidam ●…ecentiores contendunt , cum a christo solo pendeat , & ab ipso immediate ecclesiae sit concessa ut loci an●…ea producti demon strant . ac proinde nec per appellationem , aut provocationem proprie dictam , po●…estas haec ad magistratus aut principum tribunal deferr●… potest . quum ejus executio penes ipsos non sit . d apparat. ad lib. de primatu pag. , . ●…lebs autem ipsa quam curan●… pastores , quantum a●…tines ad animaecuram , pastoribus suis subdita est . si corporis ratio aga●…ur , summum in illud imperium habent principes ac supremi magistratus . delicta igitur hominum dupliciter puniumur , aut in anima sola , aut in corpore . poenae quae corporis necem aut noxam inferunt , aut bonorum amissionem , a magistratu civili infliguntur : quae vero animarum castigationem & emendationem spectant , per ministrum ecclesiae imponuntur . summa earum poenarum excommunicatio est . et in●ra . idem peccatum in eodem homine ali●…er vindicat magistratus civilis , aliter punit minister ecclesiae . e praesunt in domino . hoc additum videtur ad notandum spirituale regimen . tametsi enim reges quoque & magistrátus dei ordinatione praesunt , quia tamen ecclesiae gubernationem dominus peculialiter vult suam agnosci , ideo nominatim praeesse in domino dieuntur , qui christi nomine & mandato ecclesiam gu-bernant . f et hoc nomine differt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod haec praesidentiam cùm potestate , sive praeposituram cum jurisdictione ac coercitione ●ibuat , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vero ut in loco quis sit priore collocatus , tantum efficit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hesychius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interpretatur gubérnationem vel administrationem . et notum qui dicerentur proprie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in republica atheniensium . g aretius comment . in hebr. . . primum apostolus salutat suo nomine ipsorum praepositos , hoc est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quo nomine intelligo tum ministros , tum etiam seniores , qui reliquos auctoritate regebant , & in officio detinebant . h zach ursinus tom. . pag. . object . . tantum praecipit ministro ut eum sugiat ergo non excommunicantus . resp. negatur antecedens quia non vult de una & eadem re , vel persona , contraria judicia esse aut pugnantes sententias . ergo dum vult ut haereticum pro everso habeat minister , non vult ut reliqui in ecclesia habeant eum pro stante . object . . sed non jubet excommunicari . resp. iubet , quia vult illum pro everso & suopte judicio condemnato haberi . ergo non est ecclesiae membrum , & alibi docet judicium hoc debere fieri ordinario & legitimo consensu ecclesiae . i aegid . hunnius in cor. . . paulus hanc regulam praescribit , ut spiritus prophetarum prophetis subjiciantur , id est ▪ ut is qui prophetas , non du●…itet , sermonem & concionem suam censurae judicioque reliquorum concionatorum subjicere . k musculus upon the place . habet ecclesia quaelibet suos praesectos & gubernatores &c. isti sunt seniores &c. calv. ibid. temporis illius conditio non de quibuslibet praefectis paulum loqui ostendit , ( quia tunc nulli erant pii magistratus ) sed de senioribus qui morum erant censores . tossanus ibid. id omne ad regimen & ordinem ecclesiae & potestatem illam spiritualem de qua cor. . referri debet : & tribuitur praesidum appellatio quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat apostolus tim. . omnibus in genere ministris & etiam senioribus ecclesiae . l at gubernatores vocavit amb●osius qui spiritu ilibus retina●ulis docum●nto 〈◊〉 hominibus , quales sunt seniores , pres●yteri , & disciplinae christianae praesecti , morum censores . m curabit denique ( oeconomus ) ut impuros & perdite viventes a familia excludat , eosdemque si poenitentiam egerins , rursus in eam recipiat . m synod . dord . sess . . et quia vocati ad ministerium regimini ecclesiae aliquando sunt praeficiendi : ecclesiarum vero regimen in scholis exacte non addiscitur , non abs re f●…ret si aliquot ante vocasionem mensibus , in urbibus 〈◊〉 us potestas his fiat ut inte●…sint presbyter●…is , &c. n annot. in luc. . . reperti sunt & qui judicia ista ecclesiae putarent inhibenda ; quoties christiana●… potestates deus concederet saeculo &c. at christi leges multo plus exigunt , quam in commune civibus impe●…ii alicujus praescribi solet , aut etiam potest , semper enim magna pars hominum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quare civiles quidem leges suo funguntur officio , si graviora & societati maxime no●…entia delicta coerceant : at quae contra dilectionis , contra mansuetudinis , contra patientiae leges pec●…antur , extra communes leges sunt posita : non etiam extra eas leges ▪ quas se sectantibus christus praescribit , & secundum quas ▪ judicare debet ille selectus ex mundo coetus . o et hodie e●iam disciplina ecclesiastica opus est , quae in reforma●is eccles●is instituta diligenter servari debet , ne magistratum indulgentia quae ubique sere regnat , evangelii doctrinam exteris suspectam reddat , & ut ipsi quoque in officio contineantur , nec sibi quidvis in ecclesia licere putentt . matth. . john . matth. . cor. . cor. . matth. . cons. theol. pag. . gubernatio ecclesiae in quibus consistat . * he wrote from basil. notes for div a -e a aug. tom . bom . . nos vero à communione prohibere quenquam non postumus , quamvis haec prohibitio nondum sit mortalis , sed medicinalis , nisi aut spōnte confessum , aut in aliquò sive seculari five ecclesiastico judicio nominatum atque convictum . b theol. probl . loc . . interea non desperandum esse libenter fateor , dabit posterior aetas tractabiliores fortè animas , mitiora pectora , quàm nostra habent saecula . c concil . nicaen . can . . ab omnibus verò illud praecipue observetur , ut animus eorum & fructus paenitentiae at●endatur . quicunque enim cum omni timore & lachrymis perseverantibus , & operibus bon●s conversationem su●m , non ve●bis soli● , sed opere & veritate demonstran● , cum tempus statutum etiam ab his fuerit imple●um , & orationibus jam caeperint communicate , licebit etiam episcopo humanius circa eos aliquid cogitare . qui vero indifferenter habnerint lapsum , & sufficere sibi quod ecclesiam introierint , arbitrantur , ipsi omnimodo tempora statuta complebunt . d a full answer to a printed paper entituled foure serious questions concerning excommunication and suspension &c. consirm . thes. lib. p. . non tamen pro non judaeo , vel non circumciso , aut pro improbo damna●…vór habeba ●…ur cogebatur inhilominus secundùm ritus patrios vivere , sabbatum custo dire , aliáque talia sacere . quinetiam a sacramento expiationis generalis , quae die . ●…eni îs septembris per agebatur lev. . & . immundi nulli excludebantur . e ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes , & censura divina . nam & judicatur magno cum pondere ut apud certos de dei conspectu : summumque futuri judicii praejudicium est , si quis ita deliquerit , ut a communicatione orationis , & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii releget●r . f de iure natur . & gent. lib. . cap. . * yea now also it appeareth by his diotrephes catechised that he denieth and opposeth excommunication it selfe , at least under a christian magistrate . g steph. restringitur & 〈◊〉 m●…do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad synedrium seu presbyterium , id est seniorum collegium , ut matth. . so marlora●… in thesaur●… saith that the word ecclesia is taken prosenatu ecclesiastico matth. . . h sed solùm exempli causa attulit tale genu● peccati , de quò maximè poterat dubitari , an in ejus correptione hic ordo servandus sit , & in quò difficillimè servetur , ob innatam multis cupiditatem vindictae . i consirm . thesium lib. . cap. . quis nescit illo tempore judaeos sub romanis vixisse , ac praesidem eorum p●rentibus omnibus jus dicere solitum suisse ? civilem potentiam ad se omnem f●rè per●raxerant , relicta potestate ipsis de rebus sacris judicandi , & secundum legis ceremonias vivendi . idem lib. . cap. . in●erim tamen pa●ebant romanis : neque in aliis rebus potestatem servaverant integram , quàm in rebus ad religionem morésque patrios pertinentibus . b iosephus an-tiq . lib. . cap. . suasit ( popu lus ) regi ut orientalem instauraret porticum . ea templi extima claudebat , profundae valli & augustae imminens , &c. opus solomonis , regis , qui primus integrum templum condi●it . l erast cousirm . thes. lib. . pag. . quod uni dictum est , dictum toti est ecclesiae . at uni dictum est ut septuagies in die culpam deprecanti remit●at . ergo tota ecclesia deprecanti ignoscore debet , quo●iescunque in die sibi ignosci petot nulla enim justa causa proferri poterit , cur tota ecclesia non debeat facere in hac causa , quod singulis ejus membris praeceptum est . m quod si hos contemn●t , indicetur ecclesiae ejus pervicatia . et si ne ecclesiam au dierit , monitus scilicet à multis , habeatur ab eis veluti ethnicus & publicanus . et quaecunque illi sic ligave in t , ligata habebuntur in caelis , hoc est , quos ita monitos ejecerint è suo consortio , ●i etiam apud patrem ejecti habebuntur . n martyr in cor. . ult . loc . de excom . verum si hoc pro suo arbitrio cuique permittatur , ut facultatem habeat discedend● & separandi se à quibus voluerit , simultates , contentiones , & discordiae , longè graviores orientur , quàm si publicâ excommunicatione ut●remur . o cartwright histor. christi ex . evang. pag. . hoc loco ( mat. ) notandum , singulotum in ecclesia civium munus esse , ut deiinquentem s●rm corpaint . p si peccaverit in te frater tuus ] eadem habentur in libro musar . quan ▪ quam paulò aliter , qui arguit socium debet primùm hoc sacere placidè interse & ipsum solùm verbis mollibus , ita ut non pude saciat eum si respiscit ▪ bene est ●… sin , debet eum acriter arguere , & pudefacere inter se & ipsum . si non respiscit , debet adhibere socios , ipsumque coram illis pudore afficere : si nec hoc mod●… quicquam prosecit , debet eum pudesacere coram multis , ejusque delictum publicare . nam certè detegendi sunt hypocritae . q confirm . thes. lib. . cap. . p . ideo dicit christus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud math. ut intelligamus cum erroris & iniquitatis convincendum esse , ut eam agnoscat ac deprecetur non apud nos tantum , sed multò magis apud deum . r confirm . thes. lib. . cap pag. . habitant nunc sub turca & pontifice romano fideles ; si quis assiciatur ibi à fratre injuriâ , nec audire injuriosus suum coetum velit , quid aliud potest offensus facere quàm ejus implorare judicis opem , qui facultatem habet coercendi ? s sutliviks de presbyteri● cap. deindelo●…uitur christus de ecclesia , quae cogendi potestarem non habuit , c ▪ j sque sententiam impunèlic●…it contemn●…re . nam si cogendi po●…statem habuisset , srustra i●…la verba addita sunt , fi ecclesiam audire noluerit : nam ecclesia coegisset , & sententiam suam executioni mandasset . this he objecteth against the presbytetian interpretation . but in truth it helpeth us and strongly mili tateth against the erastian interpretation . t pag. . proinde impunè poterat , qui volebat judicium synedtii contemnere in civilibus rebus . u sutcliv de presbyt . cap. . x de actib . super●…at . disp. . d●…b . . item qua●do peccatum corripiendi p●aeter me est uni vel alteri notum , etiam facile mihi est hos post primam correp ionem adjungere mihi socios ac testes secundae 〈◊〉 . cum eni● hi non minus quàm ego ejus pecc●tum noverint , aequaliter poterunt ipsum de hoc corripere , illudúe poste● , si opus 〈◊〉 , coram superior● testari . quare communiter omnes censent in eo casu testes ●sse adhibendos , si prima correptio non suerit efficax . sed tota difficultas est quando pecca●um est mihi soli notum . qua in re triplex est 〈◊〉 . prima docet quando tunc proximus non ●mendatur secreta me admonitione , non esse ulterius p●ogrediendum , &c. y ignoscendi autem misericors mansuetudo , &c. non ad hoc valet ut sit iniquitas impunita , aut torpens & dormiens disciplina , quod potius obsit quam dil g ns vigilansque vindicta . claves quippe ●egni caelorum sic dedit christus ecclesiae , ut non solùm diceret quae solveritis super terram , c●unt solu a & in caelis : ubi apertissim è bonum , non malum pro malo reddit ecclesia : verùm & adjungeret : quae ligaveritis in terra erunt ligata & in caelo . quia bon● est & vindicandi justitia . illud enim quod ait , si nec ecclesiam audi●rit , sit tibi tanquam ethn●cus & publicanus , g●avius est quam si gladio soriretur , si flammis absumeret●r , si feris subrigeretur . nam ibi quoque subjunxit , amen dico vobis quae ligaveritis super te●tam erunt ligata & in caelis : ut intelligeretur quanto gravius sit punitus qui velut relictus est impunitus . z hior . in matth. . , quia dixerat , si autem ecclesiam non audierit , sit tibi sicut ethnicus & publicanus , & poter●t contemptoris fratris haec occulta esse responsio vel tacita cogitatio : si me despicis & ego te despicio : si tu me condemnas & meâ sententiâ condemnaberis : potestatem tribuit apostolis , ut sciant qui à talibus condemnantur , humanam sententiam divina sententia roborari , & quodcunque ligatum sucrit in terra , lig●ri pariter & in caelo . hier. epist. . ad heliod . absit ut de his quicquam sinist um loquar , qui apostolico gradui succedentos , christi corpus sacro ore conficiunt , per quos & nos christiani sumus . qui claves regni caelorum habentes , quodammodo ante judic●i d●em judicant , &c , mihi ante presbyterum ( legendum fortasse presbyterium ) sedere non licet : illi si peccavero , li●et tradere me satanae in interitum catuis , ut spiritus salvus fit . et in veteri quidem lege , quicunque sacerdotibus non obtemperasset , aut extra castra positus , lapidabatur à populo , aut gladio cervice subjecta , contemptum expiabat c●uore : nunc ve●ò inobediens , spirituali mucrone truncatur , aut ejectus de ecclesia , ●abido daemonum ore discerp●tur . a sutlivius de presbyt . cap. . p. . apostoli religionis & fidei à christo cognitionem acceperunt : haec enim pars est maxima clavium quas ille apostolis suis commisit . b m●…gdeb . cent. lib. . cap. . pag. . edit . giving the sence of this very place , they say . atque ita excludantur a communione ecclesiae , ut non modo arceantur ab usu sacramen : orum , sed etiam à commerció , ne cibus quidem cum iis capiatur . novariuus upon the place expreseth the apostles meaning in these words of ambrose . cum fraire in quo vi●…ia haec reperiuntur , non solùm sacramenta non edenda , sed nec communem escam docet , ut erubescat quum vitatur & se currigat . c gualther archel . in cor. . . catalogus eorum qui debent excommunica●i . tossanus ibid. quod cibum non vult sumi cum iis , pertinet id quidem ad disciplinam excommunica●ionis . martyr ibid. notandum praeterea , non esse privatorum hominum ut quisque pro sus libidine ab hoc vel ab illo , quem peccasse fortè suspicatus fuerit , sese disjungere velit . ad commune judicium ecclesiae pertinet . angust . hom. joyneth cor. . v. . with v. , . and then saith , quibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oftendit non ●…emerè aut quomodolibet , sed per judicium ●…uferondos esse 〈◊〉 ab ecclesiae communione , ut si per judicium auferri non possunt , tolerentur potius , ne perverse malos quisque evitando , ab ecclesia ipse discedens , eos quos fugere videtur vinci●…t ad gehennam . the same hath bed●… upon the place out of augustine ▪ so likewise ambr●…se and the centurists before cited ▪ * the verse he yeeldeth to be a warrant for excommunication : yet he 〈◊〉 concerning that also , in diotre●… catechised . cor. . , . ter●…ul . apolog . d 〈◊〉 . ce●… . . lib. . cap. . cap. . edit . . apud corinthios invalu●rat ●lle abusus , ut an●e caenam dominicam inter se concertarent ; & alii ibi suas coenas instruerent & benepoti caenam domini acciperen● . e ●…od . c●…non . eccl . afri●… . can . . ut sacramenta altaris 〈◊〉 ni●i à jejunis hominibus celebrentur , excepto uno die anniversario , quo caena dominica celebratur . f august . epist. . cap. . sed nonnullos probabilis quaedam ratio delectavit , ut uno certo die per annum quo ipsam caenam dominus dedit , ●anquam ad insigniorem commemorationem , post cibos offerti & accipi liceat corpus & s●nguinem domini &c. hoc tamen non arbitror institu●um , nisi quia plures & propè omnes in plerisque locis eo die caenare consueverunt . g walafridus strabo de reb . eccl . cap. . hoc qu●que commemorandum videtur , quod ipsa sacrament● quidam interdum jejuni , interdum pransi perc●pisse leguntur . he tels us out of socrates that the egyptians ne●re alexandria , as likewise those in thebais did often take the s●crament after they had eaten lib●rally . h cum sero factum esset , recumbebat cum duodecim , & manducantibus ois dixit ▪ quoniam unus ex vobis me tradet . post enim tradidit sacramentum . i gerhard . loc . com . tom . . pag. , . petrus hinckelmannus de anabaptismo . disp . . cap. . b hilarius can. . in matth : post quae judas proditor indicatur , sine quo pascha accepto calice & fracto pane conficitur : dignus enim aeternerum sacramentorum communione non f●erat &c. neque sanè bibere cum eo poterat , qui non erat bibeturus in regno . l lib. . de myster . misse cap. . patet ergo quod judas prius exiit quàm christus traderet eucharistiam . quod autem lucas post calicem commemorat traditc●…em , per recapitualtionem potost intelligi : quia saepe ●…it in scriptura ut ' quod prius sactum sserat posterius enarretur . that whole chapter is sp●nt in the debating of this questio● . m in i●…h . de participatione autem co●po r●s & sanguinis ejus , potest aliquis opinari quod ille ( judas ) intersuerit . sed profecto diligentius evangelistarum natratione , doctorumque ●nsiderata diversitate , citius deprehendi , huic quoque sacramento illum nequaquam inter● nam cum accepis●et buccellam , qua traditor designatus est , exivit continuo . n idem in io. . sciendum 〈◊〉 ò est , quia , sicut & ante nos dictum est , si post bucellam continuo judas ●xivit , sicut paulò post evangelista dicit , procul●ubio nequaquam discipulis tunc interfuit , quando domirus noster sacramentum illis corporis & sanguinis sui distribuit . et paulo post . igitur exemplo domini , tolerate quidem malos boni debent in ecclesia , don●c ventilabro judicii granum à palea , vel à tritico separentur zizan●a : 〈◊〉 e● non ●o usque indis● eta debet esse patientia , ut indig●is , quos noverunt , sacrosancta christi tradant mysteria . o beza i●… jo. . . certa videtur esse corum sententia ●ui existimant judam institutioni sacrae caenae non interfuisse . p tessanus in joh. . ita ut judae qu●dem laverit pedes christus , sed postea egres●us caenae sacramentali non interfuerit , sicut ●ruditi multi ex hoc capite colligunt . q musculus in loc . com . de can●… dom. p. . m●hi sanè dubium non est , egressum ad perficiendum traditionis scelus fuisse judam , priusquam sacramentum hoc à domino disscipul is traderetu● . r diodati upon ioh . . we may gather from hence that he ( judas ) did not communicate of our saviours sacrament . s grotius annot . in mat. . , . luk . . ●…ch . . holds that the supper at which the sop was given to iudas , and from which he went forth , was the common supper , and that it was before the lords supper , and that luke doth not place christs words concerning iudas luke . . in the proper place . t gerhard . har●… evang. cap. . quidam statuunt pedum lotionem ips● etiam legali caenae sive agni pasch●lis esui praemittendam esse . w non dimittunt ( caetum comedentium ) post esum ( agni ) paschalis cum bellariis ( hoc est non sinunt caetum comedentium post esum agni paschalis comedere secundarum mensatum delitias ) ibid. v●…rsus finem . comedentium caetus sic dimittitur , ut nihil amplius cibi aut bellariorum aut similes secundarum mensarum delitias , quae ad commessationes pertinent , illis comedere aut quicquam bibere permissum sit : non enim in more habent post sacram hanc caenam indulgere commess●tionibus & 〈◊〉 , imo ne minimum quidem ▪ gustant . x matth. martini●… lexic. philol . pag. . nam sanè canon paschali●… diser●…e interdicebat , post poculum la●…dationis , aliquid cibi aut p●…tus sumere . interdicitur comedere aliquid post poculum hymni . hic fuit verus ritus celebrat●…nis pascha temporibus messiae , &c. * durantus de ritibus lib. . cap. . num . . ipsi tamen ( judae ) corpus & sanguinem suum dedit , ne occultum peccatorem sine accusatore & evidenti probatione , ab aliorum communione separarot . et insra num . . nam etsi christo nota crat judae iniquitas , sicut deo : non tamen ei cognita crat co modo , quo hominibus innotescit . x gerhard . har. evang cap. . christus his verbis judam quasi excommunicat , & ex apostolorum coll●gio disc●dere jubet , cum se totum diabolo tradidisset . quod facis fac citius , id est , cum ali● magistro te addixeris , & me audire pertinaciter renuas , abi ex meo & apostolorum meorum conspectu , &c. ambros. lib. . de cain & abel cap. . quod facis fac cele●…ius , quid illud ? ut quia introie●at in illum satanas , ipse abiret à christo. ejicitur itaque & excluditur , ●o quod jam cum domino jesu esse non posset , qui caeperat es●e cum diabolo . estius in lib. . sent. dist . . sect . . qui● & ipse christus hanc potestatem qua traduntur homines sathanae , exercuisse videtur , quando iudam à suo consortio removit , atque abire jussit dicendo , quod facis , fac citius . chrysostome hom. . in joh. ( according to the greek hom. . ) making a transition unto that text , that thou dost , doe quickly , he useth these words , to expresse what christ was at that instant doing to iudas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , christ did separate him from the rest of the apostles , and cast him out . theophy lact . upon the same place : illum divisit domin●…s & separavit ab alils discipulis . y respondemus id nobis revera esse illicitum , & peccare ministros qui dant sacramenta indignis , quando fine scandalo denegare possunt , attamen deum his legibus non teneri , cum sit supremus dominus , qui suis donis utitur , prout voluerit , quemadmodum etiam deus non peccat permittendo hominum peccata , imò & ad peccati substantiam concurrendo ; nobis verò , nec concurrere licet nec permittere aliquod peccatum , quando sufficienter & moraliter id impedire possumus . * si verò peccatum est manif●stum , tun● verò sive in occulto sive in manifesto petat , debot ei denegare . z c●…nfirm , thes. p●g . . a tom. . hom . . et cum in se protulerit severissimae medicinae sententiam , veniat ad antistites , per quos illi in ecclesiâ claves ministrantur , & tanquam bonus incipi●s jam esse filius maternorum membrorum ordine custodito , à praep●sitis sacrorum accipiat satisfaction s suae modum , ut in offe●ndo sacrificio cordis contribulati devotus & supplex , id tamen agat , quod non solum illi p●osit ad recipiendam salutem , sed etiam caeteris ad exemplum . ut si peccata ejus non solum in gravi ejus malo , sed etiam in scandalo est aliorum : atque hoc expedire videtur utilita●i ecclesiae , antistiti in notitia multorum , vel etiam totius plebis agere paenitentiam non recuset . b i●stit . pag. . edit . . cum hoc tantum in ministerio habeant ( sacramenta ) testificari nobis ac confirmare dei in nos benevolentiam &c. ut quae 〈◊〉 largiantur quidem aliquid gratiae , sed renuncient & ostendant quae divina largitate nobis data sunt . c decad. . serm. . docuit vulgus sacerdotum & monachorum sacramenta novae legis non tantum esse signa gratiae , sed simul etiam gratiae causos , hoc est qu●… habeant virtu●…m conferendi gra●…iam . and after . sancti & electi dei non tum primum gratia dei donisque coelestibus participant , cum sacramenta percipiunt . etenim rebus prius quam fignis partic●…pant . and after . pro●…nde in coena 〈◊〉 non primum accipiuntur divi●…a 〈◊〉 , sed pro acceptis aguntur gratia . effec●… his opinor , eviciqu●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d ursin. tract . theol. pag. . sicut verbum est conversionis & confirmationis organum : sic 〈◊〉 sacramenta sunorgana confirmationis &c. non res accipimus ideo quia signum accipimus : sed signum nobis tribuitur quia res habemus : idque ita , ut non cur habeamus causa , sed quod eas habeamus testimonium sit . ibid. de sacram. def●ns . quinti arg. pag. . nos vero supra hoc discrimen verbi & sacramentorum non dis●…imulavimus , quod fides per verbum inch●…atur : sacramentorum usu autem confirmatur , exercetur , fovetur , augetur jam inchoata . sacramenta enim ne docent quidem , nedum confirmant , nisi praeeunte verbo & addente explicationem typorum . ideirco etiam sacramenta iis instituta sunt , quos deus jam pro membris ecclesiae a nobis vult agnosci . inchoatio igitur fidei ordinaria verbi propria est ; confirmati●… inchoatae , sacramentis cum verbo communis est . judicium de disciplina ecclesiastica ad finem tom. pag. . quasi non pueris jam no●…um , verbum & conversis & non conversis esse annuncia●…dum , quo illi quidem confirmentur , hi vero convertantur . sacramenta autem iis esse instituta qui jam sunt conversi & membra populi dei facti . e de coena dom. pag. quis non videt quales nos ad mysticam hanc domini mensam accedere oporteat ? nempe non tales qui fruiti●…nem corporis ac sanguinis domini primum in ea ●…aeramus , tanquam illius adhuc expertes : sed qui per fidem illius jam antea participes , gratiam semel acceptam , communicatione hac sacramentali corporis ac sanguinis domini , & mortis ipsius rememoratione , in cordibus nostris magis ac magis corrob●…rare , redemptorique gratias agere cupiamus . f adhaec praedicandum iis quoque est , qui nondum audierunt , aut certe nondum perceperunt . attame● utcunque feratur impuritas con●entuum ubi verbum praedicatur , quam christus & apostoli quoque tulerunt : coenae tamen communio ( ut dixi ) purior esse debet . nam publica est eorum qui palam se christianos profitentur , de redemptione gratiarum actio ●ideo circa hanc , ut communionem christi solemmiter sancti percipiunt , ita excludendi inde sunt qui vita sua se extra ●anc communionem esse , ma●ifesto probant . g fideles enim ante usum sacramentorum hanc gratiam omnin● habe●t : neque ad sacramentorum usum accedere debent qui ea● gratiam pro aetatis modo non habeat , neque admittendi sunt qui eam non habere meri●o praesumuntur . h quemadmodum autem sacramenta duplici nomine praesiant verbo , itidem verbum duobus nominibus praferendum sacramentis . vno quod verbum in adultis & generet fidem , & genitam foveat atque alat : sacramenta vero ●am non gignant , sed tantum genitam conserve●t atque augeant . altero quod absque verbo non salv●mur . &c. i credimus & confit●mur iesu● christum servatorem nostrum sanctae coenae sacramentum ●rdinasse & instituisse , ut ea nutriat & sustentet eos , quos jam regeneravit , &c. at vero , ad conservationem vitae sp●ritualis & c●estis , quam fideles jam habent , deu● illis pane● 〈◊〉 misit &c. k quem ad modum autem deo placuit opus hoc suum gratiae per predicationem evangelii in nobis incho●re , ita p●r ejusdem auditum , lectionem , meditationem , adhortationes , minas , promissa , nec non per usum sacramentorum , illud conservat , continuat et persicit . l explic. catech. quaest. . verbum est instrumentum spiritus sancti , per quod incl●…oat & confirmat in nobis fidem ideoque verbum debet praeire . sacramenta sunt organa spiritus sancti per quae fidem inchoatam confirmat : ideoque sacramenta debent sequi . ibid. quaest. . art. . sacramenta tantum sunt instituta fidelibus & conversis , ut his promissionem evangelii obsignent , & fidem confirment . verbum quidem est conversis , & non conversis commune , ut conversi confirmentur , nondum conversi convertantur : sacramenta vero ad solos fideles per●…inent . m loc. com . tom. . pag. . per baptismam regeneramur ac re●…ovamur : per sacramentum coenae alimur ac nutrimur ad vitam aeternum . in baptism●… praesertim infan●…um , per spiritum s. fides accenditur : in usu sacrae coenae augetur , confirmatur , & obsignatur . per baptis●…num christo inserimur , in quo spirituale incrementum salutari coenae usu accipimus . n tom. . pag. . at an non per sacramenta etiam fides & regeneratio exhibetur ? resp. distinguendum inter primum fidei & resipiscentiae initium , & confirmationem ejus ac augmentum . nemo admit●…tur ad sacramenta nisi pro fideli & poenitente habeatur ; quemadmodum verba clara sunt , quisquis crediderit & baptizatus fuerit . in●…ntes habentur pro foederatis , ac proinde etiam pro iis qui spiritum fidei acceperunt , sed de hac repostea . sic in coena requiritur , ut 〈◊〉 probet se an sit in fide , & ut digne manducet : infidelibus enim vel nondum credentibus nullae fiunt promissiones , ac proinde nec obsignantur . perperam ergo statuunt ipsa sacramenta esse caus●… primae regenerationis aut justificationis , tum pontificii , tum lutherani quidam . sed si fidei & regenerationis conf●…atio & augmentum spectetur , recte tribuitur sacramentis ut causis instrumentalibus . o becanus theol. schol. part . . tract . de s●cram . quaest. . omnia sacramenta ●…ovae legis s●…mper conferunt gratiam habitu●…lem seu 〈◊〉 , non ponentibus obicem , ac proinde gratia habitualis est communis quidam esfectus om●…ium sacramentorum : est communi●… sententia . p tannerus in thomam . tom. . disp. . qaest . . dub. . ●…mo omnia sacramenta de facto nonnunquam possunt ex opere operato ( how much more if there be also opus operantis ) confer●…e primam gr●…am . haec est sententia magis pia & probabilior ; quam docet s. thomas &c. eandem communiter sequuntur t●…omistae . he confirms it thus . quia quaedam sacram●…nta per se pro●…riesolum instituta ad dindam prima●… gratiam , tossunt conserre 〈◊〉 . ergo etiam per se instituta ad honc toterunt conferre primam &c. atque hoc etiam sensu admitti potest quod nonnulli dixeru●…t , omnibus sacramentis sub ratione saltem generica sacramenti novae legis , etsi non specifica , per se co●…venire ut gratiam primam conferant . q faustus socinus de coena dom. tract . brev . terum , quod omnes fere opinantur , hoc ritu , quem sacramentum appellant , confirmari saltem fidem nostram , ne id quidem verum censeri debet ; cum nec ullo sacro testimonio comprobetur , nec ulla ratio sit , cur id fièri possit . quomodo enim potest nos in fide confirmare id quod nos ipsi facimus , quodque licet a domino institutum , opus tamen nostrum est . smalc . disp. . de coena . vox sacramenti in hac significatione barbara vel saltem sacris liter is incognita est , ●…b hominibus vero otiosis , qui ceremoniis hujusmodi nescio quid praeter sacram scripturam superstiti●…sum aut eti●…m idololatricum ex parte , 〈◊〉 non sunt 〈◊〉 , ad 〈◊〉 dolum 〈◊〉 . r chamier . contract . tom . lib. . cap. . quia ut efficientia toto genere suo differt a significatione : ita diversa ratio est instituendi in st●…umenta efficientia , & significantia &c. . prob . inductione . quia nulla signa sive miraculosa , sive alia sunt efficientia . polanus synt. lib. . cap. . elementum sacramentale significat , testatur , & obsignat ●…redentibus rem verbo dei promissam , eam autem nequaquam causat , efficit , aut producit . s synops. pur. theol. disp. . thes. . duo tantum esse & non plura ( sacramenta ) affirmamus : quoniam unum est initiationis , seu regenerationis , alterum nutritionis seu alimoniae . so matthias martinius lexic. philol. pag. . makes this distinction between baptisme and the lords supper : that is a sacrament of initiation and ●…doption : this of confirmation and ●…urishment . t polan . synt lib. . cap. . he holds that omnes illi qui scandala praebent & non resipiscunt serio , a mensa domini sunt arcendi . . quia si infideles & impoenitèntes ad coenam domini admitterentur , profanaretur foedus dei , tam communicando symbola foederis iis quibus deus nihil promittit , quam usu●…pando symbola sacra sine fide & resipistentia . . quia polluerent & contaminarent eibum & potum consecra●…um , quem christus non destinavit nisi suis domesticis & fidelibus &c. . quia incredulos & manifeste impios christus prohibuit admitti ad sacram coenam : nam instituit illam solis fidelibus . u ubi supra pag. . x bullinger decad. . serm . . quis praeterca i●…de non colligat , nos qui filii abrahae sumus , non alia ratione justificari , quam p●…trem justifica●…um constat , ac sacramenta nostra in nobis non aliud ●…fficere , quam quod in ille 〈◊〉 ? 〈◊〉 cum eadem sit ratio sacramentorum veterum & nostrorum . y synops. pur . theol. disp. . th●s . . dignus ejus usus praeeu●…te probatione sui cujusque definitur : scilicet an sit in fide cor. . . & s●…ria resipiscentia afficiatur , secundum illud pauli , probet vero seipsum homo . &c. z ursinus tract . theol. pag. . edit . . ad coenam domini autem nulli nisi adulti , qui & probare seipsos possunt , & hanc probationem confessione & vita ostendant . quid porro de his faciendum qui vitam christianis indignam agunt ? ecclesiastica disciplina coercendi sunt . a magdeb. cent. lib. cap. . pag. . indigne eos uti docet ( paulus ) qui sine vera poenitentia & fide accedunt . &c. oecumenius upon cor . fixeth the sin of eating and drinking unworthily upon the corinthians , in regard of their contempt of the ●… poor , and their other sinnes : supposing all such to eat unworthily who are under any wickednesse unrepented , when they come . b de tempore scrm. . et cum nullus homo velit cum ●…unica sordibus plena ad ecclesiam convenire , nescio qua conscientia cum anima per luxuriam sit inquinata , praesumit ad altare accedere : non timens illud quod apostolus dixit : qui enim manducat corpus & sumit sanguinem domini indigne , reus erit corporis & sanguinis domini . c zuinglius tom. . de verâ & falsâ religione cap. de sacram. coena dominica d●…nus experimentum , quod morte christi fidamus , quum gratulantes & laeti adsimus in eo coe●…u , qui deo gratias agit pro beneficio redemptionis . d hutterus disp. . de coena dom. thes. . sacramentum initiationis novi test. puta baptisinum , ordine convenientissimo excipit sacramentum confirmationis , quod est sacra●…ssima coena domini & servatoris nostri jesu christi : tum ob causas alias , tum quod ea est fidei nostrae , in baptismo nobis collatae , respectu nostri infirmitas , ut nisi subinde confirmetur , mo●… penitus fatiscat & intereat . e si itaque in me manet , & ego in illo , tunc manducat , tunc bibit . qui autem non in me manet , nec ego in illo , & si accipit sacramentum , magnum acquirit tormentum . et infra . ad altare dei invisibile ( quo non accedit injustus ) ille pervenit , qui ad hoc praesens justificatus accedit . f hoc est enim indignè accipere , si eo tempore quis accipiat , quo debet agere poenitentiam . g vide kekerm . system . log . lib. . cap. ● . h z●ch . ursin . judicium de disciplina ecclesiastica . tom. . pag. . haec enim dei voluntas non erit in aeternum , ut ecclesia christiana alicui gratiam christi & remissionem pec catorum , annun ciatione verbi divini deneget , & eidem exhibitione sacramentorum spondeat . i explic. catech. q●aest ▪ . si enim christus hoc di xit de verbo audibili ▪ quod ta●…men institutum est conversis , & n●…n convers●…s vel convertendis : 〈◊〉 magis 〈◊〉 dic●…uy d●… verbo visibili hoc est de sacrame●…tis , quae tantum conversis sunt institut●… . ( ) pag. . sermo noster de illis est , qui crimen agnoscunt & con●…itentur : qui emendationem promi●…tunt : qui sacramentis rectè cum cae●…eris u●…i , quantum judicare nos possumus , desiderant . l pag. . m medina in tertiam partem , quaest . . verum cum non sit idem , agnoscere se peccatorem , & con●…iteri peccata sua , recte intelligimus cos sua peccata saltem majora indicasse , & confessos esse d. johanni , sic●…t & act. . multi creden●…ium dicuntur venisse ad paulum confitentes & annuntiantes actus suos . n in matth. . quaest . . so salmeron ▪ tom. part. . tract . . narrantur venisse ad jo●…annem & ad baptis●…um su●…m . non ●…onstat autem an baptisati su●…rint : n●…m luc. ▪ . dicuntur sprevisse consilium dei in seme●… ipsos , non baptisati a johanne . o cent. . lib. . cap. . p tom. . part . . tract . . q ibid. tract . . r cent. . lib. . cap. . nequaquam margaritas anie porcos proi●…cit : non quoslibet temere ad baptismum admisit , sed consitentes peccata sua , hoc est , exploratos , & agentes poenitentiam tantum : con●…umacos vere , ac defensores suarum impietatum aut scelerum , reprobavit . s observat. lib. . cap. . nam eorum in lapsos judicium ad eucharistiam referri nequit , quibus post aliquod tempus omnia cum 〈◊〉 fratribus volunt esse communia , praeter eucharistiam , cui enim cum fidelibus supplicationes facere & orare liceret , is ad omnia quae eram in societate christiana , una excepta eucharistia , jus habere censebatur . t albaspinaeus observ. lib. . observ. . quod si quaeratur quam ob rem antiqui quartum illum gradum posuerint &c. nulla potest c●…ngruentior commodio●… que 〈◊〉 ratio , quam quae ex reverentia ac religiene petitur , qua adversus , sanctam eucha●…istiam fe●…ebantur : detetestabile q●…ippe deo & hominilus , non solum existurabant hominem , vel levissima macula inquindium , aut maculae nebula ●…ffusum , ad e●…haristiam accedere , sed etiam periculosum absolutes poeni●…entes eam tangere & a●…ectare , quo●…●…on satis sancti & sanctificati censebantur , quibus tanta res committeretur . u causabon exerc. ● . pag. . edit . francof . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 igitur c mysteriis genti●…m vox accepta , appellabatur statio inter fideles : ibi poenitentes duos persape annos agebant ; quod ad caetera ejusdem conditionis cum fidelibus ; neque jam cum catechumenis exibant ; sola participatione mysteriorum caeteris fra●…ribus inferiores . x conc. ancyr . can. de his qui irrationabiliter versati sunt sive versantur . quotquot ante vicesimum ae●…atis suae annum , tale crimen commiserint , quindecim annis exactis in poenitentia , communionem mereantur orati●…num . deinde quinquennio in hac communione durantes , tunc dentum oblationis sacramenta contingant . discutiatur autem vita eorum , quales tempore poenitudinis extiterint . &c. y conc. nicaen . can . duobus autem annis iidem sine oblatione in oratione sola participent populo . z conc. arelat . . can. . si qui vero dolore victi & pondere persecutionis negate & sacrificare compulsi sunt , duobus annis inter catechumenos : triennio inter poenitentes habeantur a communione suspensi . of these poenitentes we read also in codice canonum ecclesiae africanae can. . & can . and it is certain they were admitted to the word , and some to prayer , but not to the sacrament , till the church was abundantly satisfied with the signes and proofs of their true repentance . * et causa non est postrema cur apud multos pessime audiat christianismus : quod disciplina ecclesiastica refrixerit . a vide apud theod. balsam . can. greg. thaumat . can. . fletus seu luctus est 〈◊〉 p●…rtam 〈◊〉 : ubi peccato●…em stantem opo●…tet fideles ingredientes orare ut pro se precentur . auditio est intra portam in porticu , uhi oportet eum qui peccavit stare , usque a●… catechumenos , & illinc egredi . audiens enim , inquit , scriptaras , & doctrinam , ejiciatur , & precatione indignus censeatur . subjectio autem seu substiatio est , ut intra templi portam stans cum catechumenis egrediatur . congrega●…o seu consistentia est , ut cum fidelibus consistat , & cum catechumenis non egrediatur : ●…ostremo est participatio sacramentorum . b vide apud theod. balsam . canonic . epist. basilii ad amphil. can. . oportet autem non eos ( trigamo●… ) omnino arcere ab ecclesia , sed dignari auditione duobus vel tribus annis : & postea permitti quidem consistere , seu in fidelium esse congregatione , a boni tamen communione abstinere , & sic postquam poenitentiae fructum ullum ostender●…nt , communionis loco restituere . ibid. can. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , anno a sola sacramentorum commun●…one arcebitur . ibid. can. . qui autem sine necessitate suam fidem 〈◊〉 . cum duobus annis defleverint , & duobus annis audiverint , & in quinio in substratione fuerint , & in duobus aliis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sine oblatione in orationis communionem suscepti extiterint , ita tandem condigna scilicet poenitentia ostensa , in corpo●…is christi communionem recipientur . the like see can. . can. . can. . can. . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d margaritas item ne ante porcos projiciamus , divino interdict● prohibemur , hoc est ante e●s qui in vitiosis affectibus volutantur , ac porcinum vitae genus sequuntur : ne forte conculcent eas pedibus , nimirum in sceleratis suis studiis divino nomini contumeliam inferentes : & conversi disrumptant vos . e cypr. lib. . ep. . na●… cum in mi●…oribus peccatis agant peccatores poenitentiam justo tempore , & secundum disciplinae ordinem a l exomologesin veniant , & per manus impositionem episcopi & cleri jus communicationis accipiant ; nunc ●…udo tempore , persecutione adhuc perseverante , nondum restituta ecclesiae ipsius pace , ad communicationem admittuntur , & 〈◊〉 nomen ●…orum , & nondum poenitentia acta , nondum exomologest facta , nondum manu eis ab episcopo & clero imposita , eucharistia illis datur , cum scriptum sit , qui ederit l'anem aut biber●…t calicem domini indigne , reus erit corporis & sanguinis domini . just. marty● apol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( c ) de rebus eccles. cap. . unde etiam criminum foeditate capitalium , a membris christi deviantes , ab ipsis sacramentis ecclesiastico suspenduntur judicio . et infra . sciendum enim a sanctis patribus ob hoc vel maxime constitutum , ut mortaliter peccantes a sacramentis dominicis arceantur , ne indigne ea percipientes , vel majore reatu involvantur , ut judas , &c. vel ne ( quod apostolus de corinthiis dicit ) infirmitatem corporis & imbecillitatem , ipsamque mortem praesumptores incurrant . et ut a communione susperst , terrore ejus exclusionis , & quodam condemnationis anathemate compellantur , studiosius poenitentiae medicamentum appete●…e , & avidius recuperandae salutis desideriis inhiare . h tempus quidem confessionis , aeque & lotis baptismate , & illotis prophanisque incumbit : illis quidem ut post patentia criminum vulnera poenitentia inter veniente curentur , & ad sacra mysteria redire mereantur : his vero ut ablutis in baptisino maculis , ad dominicam mensam munda jam conscientia accedant . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k ambros. lib. . de offic . cap. . cui titulus : de be ▪ nignitate & quod excommunicatio tardius sit exerenda ; saith thus sic episcopi affectus boni est ut 〈◊〉 sanare infirmo●… , serpentia auserre ulcera , adurere aliqua non abscindere : postremo quod sanari non potest , cum dolore abscindere . l cypr. lib. . epist. ● or according to pamelius his edition epist . . quod si poenitentiam hujus illiciti concubitus sui egerint , & a se invicem recesserint , inspiciantur interim virgines ab obstetricibus diligenter , & si virgines inventae fuerint , accepta communicatione ad ecclesiam admittantur , hac tamen interminatione ut si ad eosdem masculos postmodum reversae suerint , aut si cum eisdem in una domo & sub eodem tecto simul habitaverint , graviore censura ejiciantur , nec in ecclesiam postmodum facile recipiantur . si autem de eis aliqua corrupta fuerit deprehensa , agat poenitentiam plenam . m aug. lib. contra donatist . post collationem cap. . ita sane ut nec emendationis vigilantia quiescat , corripiendo , degradando , excommunicando , cae●…erisque coe citionibus licitis atque concessis , quae salva unitatis pace in ecclesia quotidie fiunt , secundum praeceptum apostolicum charitate se●…vata , qui dixit , si quis autem non obaudit verbo nostro . &c. n meretrices & hist●iones & quilibet alii publicae turpitu dinis professores , nist solutis out di●uptis talibus vinculis , ad christi sacramenta non permittun●ur accedere : qui utique secundum istorum sententiam omnes admitterentur , nisi antiquum & robustum morem sancta ecclesia retineret ex illa scilicet liquidissima verita●e venientem , qua cer●um habet , quoniam qui talia agunt , regnum dei non p●ssidebunt . o in matth. . neque enim apertos ac palam malos , apostoli aut ulli sancti evangelii praecones congregare , & ecclesiae communioni per sacramenta aggregare potuerunt aut congregarunt , quod tales a communione ecclesiae tanquam pestes illius sint arcendi , sed congregarunt opertos ac●…ectos , quos quia sub ovina pelle sunt lupi & sub externa fidei & vitae ●…bristianae specie , internam fraudem ac impietatem tegunt ( atque ita vere bonis exterius pares , imo interdum superiores apparent ) idcirco ab apostolis aliisque evangelii praeconibus dignosci non potuerunt . &c. rigidi autem sunt , non qu● & ipsi pejora non peccent : sed hoc inter nos & illos interest , quod illi erubescunt confiteri peccata , quasi justi : nos dum poenitentiam agimus , facilius veniam promer●mur . the duty of pastors and people distingushed [sic]. or a briefe discourse, touching the administration of things commanded in religion. especially concerning the means to be used by the people of god (distinct from church-officers) for the increasing of divine knowledge in themselves and others. wherein bounds are prescribed to their peformances, their liberty is enlarged to the utmost extent of the dictates of nature and rules of charity: their duty laid downe in directions, drawn from scripture-precepts, and the practise of gods people in all ages. together with the severall wayes of extraordinary calling to the office of publike teaching, with what assurance such teachers may have of their calling, and what evidence they can give of it, unto others. / by john ovven, m.a. of q. col. o. owen, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing o thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the duty of pastors and people distingushed [sic]. or a briefe discourse, touching the administration of things commanded in religion. especially concerning the means to be used by the people of god (distinct from church-officers) for the increasing of divine knowledge in themselves and others. wherein bounds are prescribed to their peformances, their liberty is enlarged to the utmost extent of the dictates of nature and rules of charity: their duty laid downe in directions, drawn from scripture-precepts, and the practise of gods people in all ages. together with the severall wayes of extraordinary calling to the office of publike teaching, with what assurance such teachers may have of their calling, and what evidence they can give of it, unto others. / by john ovven, m.a. of q. col. o. owen, john, - . [ ] , [ ] p. printed by l. n. for philemon stephens, at the gilded lion in pauls church-yard, london : . reproduction of the original in the british library. annotation on thomason copy: "may. ". eng clergy -- office -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no the duty of pastors and people distingushed [sic]. or a briefe discourse, touching the administration of things commanded in religion.: esp owen, john d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the duty of pastors and people distingushed . or a briefe discovrse , touching the administration of things commanded in religion . especially concerning the means to be used by the people of god ( distinct from church-officers ) for the increasing of divine knowledge in themselves and others . wherein bounds are prescribed to their performances , their liberty is enlarged to the utmost extent of the dictates of nature and rules of charity : their duty laid downe in directions , drawn from scripture-precepts , and the practise of gods people in all ages . together with the severall wayes of extraordinary calling to the office of publike teaching , with what assurance such teachers may have of their calling , and what evidence they can give of it , unto others . by john ovven , m. a. of q. col. o. london , printed by l. n. for philemon stephens , at the gilded lion in pauls church-yard . . to the trvly noble , and my ever honoured friend , sir edward scot , of scots-hall in kent , knight of the honourable order of the bath . sir : having of late been deprived of the happinesse to see you , i make bold to send to visite you ; and because that the times are troublesome , i have made choise of this messenger : who having obtained a license to passe , feares no searching : he brings no newes ( at least ) to you , but that which was from the beginning , and must continue unto the end , which you have heard , and which ( for some part thereof ) you have practised out of the word of god . he hath no secret messages prejudiciall to the state of church or common-wealth ; neither i hope , will he entertain any such comments by the way ▪ considering from whom he comes , and to whom he goes ; of whom , the one would disclaime him , and the other punish him . ambitious i am not of any entertainment for these few sheetes , neither care much what successe they find in their travel ; setting them out meerly in my own defence , to be freed from the continued solicitations of some honest judicious men , who were acquainted with their contents : being nothing , but an houres country-discourse , resolved , from the ordinary pulpit method , into its own principles : when i first thought of sending it to you , i made ful account to use the benefit of the advantage , in recounting of , and returning thanks for some of those many undeserved favours which i have received from you . but addressing my self to the performance , i fainted in the very entrance ; finding their score so large , that i know not where to begin , neither should i know how to end : only one i cannot suffer to lye hid in the croud , though other engagements hindred me from embracing it , viz. your free proffer of an ecclesiastical preferment , then vacant , and in your donation . yet truly all received courtesies , have no power to oblige me unto you , in comparison of that abundant worth , which by experience i have found to be dwelling in you . twise by gods providence , have i been with you , when your county hath been in great danger to be ruined , once by the horrid insurrection of a rude godlesse multitude ; and againe , by the invasion of a potent enemy , prevailing in the neighbor county ; at both which times , besides the generall calamity justly feared , particular threatnings were daily brought unto you : under which sad dispensations , i must crave leave to say ( only to put you in mind of your selfe , if it should please god againe to reduce you to the like straights ) that i never saw more resolved constancy , more cheerfull unmoved christian courage in any man . such a valiant heart in a weak body , such a directing head , where the hand was but feeble , such unwearied endevours , under the pressures of a painful infirmity , so well advised resolves in the midst of imminent danger , did i then behold , as i know not where to parallel . neither can i say lesse in her kind of your vertuous lady , whose known goodnesse to al , and particular indulgences to me , make her ( as she is in her self ) very precious in my thoughts and remembrance : whom having named , i desire to take the advantage thankfully to mention her worthy son , my noble and very deare friend c. westrow , whose judgement to discerne the differences of these times , and his valour in prosecuting what he is resolved to be just and lawfull , places him among the number of those very few , to whom it is given to know aright the causes of things , and vigorously to execute holy and laudible designes . but further of him i choose to say nothing , because if i would , i cannot but say too little . neither will longer detain you from the ensuing discourse , which i desire to commend to your favourable acceptance , and with my hearty prayers , that the lord would meet you and yours in all those wayes of mercy and grace , which are necessary to carry you along through all your engagements , untill you arrive at the haven of everlasting glory , where you would be : i rest your most obliged servaent in iesus christ our common master : john ovven . the preface to the ensuing discourse . the glasse of our lives , seemes to runne and keep pace with the extremity of time : the end of those ends of the world a which began with the gospell , is doubtlesse comming upon us , hee that was instructed what should bee , till time should be no more , said , it was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the last houre in his time : much sand cannot be behind , and christ shakes the glasse : many minutes of that houre cannot remaine ; the next measure we are to evpect , is but a moment , the twinkling of an eye , wherein we shall all be changed ; now as if the horoscope of the decaying age , had some secret influence into the wils of men , to comply with the decrepit world , they generally delight to run into extreames : not that i would have the fate of the times to beare the faults of men , like him who cried , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to free himself , intitling god and fate to his sins ; but only to shew how the all-disposing providence of the most hign , works such a complyance of times and persons , as may joyntly drive at his glorious aymes , causing men to set out in such seasons as are fittest for their travell . this epidemicall disease of the aged world , is the cause , why in that great diversity of contrary opinions , wherewith mens heads and hearts are now replenished : the truth pretended to be sought with so much earnestnesse , may be often gathered up , quite neglected , between the parties litigant ; medio tulissimus , is a sure rule , but that fiery spirits , pyrout eocus & aethon quartusque phlegon , will be mounting . in the matter concerning which , i propose my weake essay , some would have all christians to be almost ministers , others none but ministers , to be gods clergie : those would give the people the keys , these use them , to lock them out of the church , the one ascribing to them primarily al ecclesiasticall power for the ruling of the congregation ; the other abridging them of the performance of spirituall duties , for the building of their own soules : as though there were no habitable earth betweene the valley ( i had almost said the pit ) of democraticall confusion , and the precipitious rock of hierarchicall tyranny : when unskilfull archers shoot , the safest place to avoid the arrow , is the white : going , as neare as god shall direct me , to the truth of this matter , i hope to avoid the strokes of the combatants on every side . and therefore wil not handle it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} with opposition to any man , or opinion , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} briefly proposing mine owne required judgement : the summary result whereof , is , that the sacred calling may retaine its ancint dignity , though the people of god be not deprived of their christian liberty ; to cleare which proposall , somethings i shall briefly premise , chap. i. of the administration of holy things among the patriarks before the law . . concerning the ancient patriachs ; from these , some who would have judaisme , to be but an intercision of christiauity derive the pedigree of christians , affirming the diference between us & them , to be solely in the name & not the thing it self : of this thus much at least is true , that the law of commandements , contained in ordinances did much more diversifie the administration of the covenant , before , and after christ , then those plaine moralities , wherewith in their dayes it was cloathed : where the assertion is dificient , antiquity hath given its authors sanctuary from farther pursuit . their practice then , were it cleer , can be no president for christians ; all light brought to the gospel , in comparison of those full and glorious beames , that shine in it selfe , is but a candle set up in the sunne : yet for their sakes , who found out the former unity , i will , ( not following the conceit of any , nor the comments of many ) give you such a bare naration , as the scripture will supply me withall , of their administration of the holy things and practise of their religion : ( as it seemes christianity , though not so called ) and doubt you not of divine approbation , and institution : for all prelacy , at least , untill nimrod hunted for preferment , was dejure divino : i finde then , that before the giving of the law , the chief men among the servants of the true god , did every one in their owne families with their neighbors adjoyning , of the same perswasion , performe those things which they knew to be required , by the law of nature , tradition , or speciall revelation ( the unwritten word of those times ) in the service of god , instructing their childeren and servants in the knowledge of their creed concerning the nature and goodnesse of god , the fall and sin of man , the use of sacrifices , and the promised seede , ( the summe of their religion ) and moreover performing {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} things appertaining unto god . this we have delivered concerning seth , enoch , noah , abraham , lot , isaack , iacob , iethro , iob , others : now whither they did this , as any way peculiarly designed unto it as an office , or rather in obedient duty to the prime law of nature , in which , and to whose performance , many of them were instructed , and incouraged , by divine revelation , ( as seemes most probable ) is not necessary to be insisted on : to me truely it seemes evident , that thert were no determiuate ministers of divine worship before the law , for , where finde we any such office instituted , where the duties of those officers prescribed ? or were they of human invention ? god would never allow , that in any regard , the wil of the creature should be the measure of his honour & worship ; but the right and exercise of the priesthood , say some was in the first borne ; but a proofe of this will be for ever wanting . abel was not adams eldest sonne , yet if any thing were peculiar to such an office , it was by him performed , that both the brothers carried their sacrifices to their father , is a vaine surmize : who was priest then , when adam dyed ? neither can any order of descent be handsomely contrived : noah had three sonnes , grant the eldest onely a priest ; were the eldest sonnes of his other sons priests or no ? if not , how many men , feareing god , were scattered over the face of the earth , utterly deprived of the means of right worship ; if so , there must be a new rule produced , beyond the prescript of nature , whereby a man may be enabled by generation to convey that to others , which he hath not in himselfe : i speake not of melchisedeck , and his extraordinary priesthood ; why should any speak where the holy ghost is silent ? if we pretend to know him , we overthrow the whole mystery , and run crosse to the apostle , afirming him to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} without father , mother , or genealogie ; for so long time then , as the greatest combination of men , was in distinct families ( which sometimes were very great ) politickes and oeconomicks being of the same extent , all the way of instruction in the service and knowledge of god , was by the way of paternall admonition : for the discharge of which duty , abraham is commended gen. . . whereunto the instructers had no particular ingagement , but only the generall obligation of the law of nature ; what rule they had , for their performances towards god , doth not appeare ; all positive law , in every kinde is ordained for the good of community : that then being not , no such rule was assigned , untill god gathered a people , and lifted up the standard of circumcision for his subjects to repaire unto : the world in the dayes of abraham , beginning generally to incline to idolatry and polutheisme , the first evident inreconcileable division was made betweene his people and the malignants , which before lay hid in his decree , visible signes and prescript rules , were necessary for such a gathered church : this before i conceive to have been supplyed by speciall revelation . the law of nature a long time prevailed for the worship of the one true god . the manner of this worship , the generalty had at first ( as may be conceived ) from the vocall instruction of adam , ful of the knowledge of divine things ; this afterwards their children had from them by tradition ; helped forward by such who received particular revelations in their generation ; such as noah , thence called a preacher of righteousnesse : so knowledge of gods will increased , untill sinne quite prevailed , and all flesh corrupted their wayes ; all apostacy for the most part beginnes in the will , which is more bruised by the fall , then the understanding . nature is more corrupted , in respect of the desire of good , then the knowledge of truth ; the knowledge of god would have flourished longer in mens mindes , had not sinne banished the love of god out of their hearts . the summe is , that before the giving of the law , every one in his owne person , served god according to that knowledge he had of his will . publike performances were assigned to none , further then the obligation of the law of nature , to their duty in their owne familyes . i have purposely omitted to speake of melchisedocke as i said before , having spoken all that i can , or dare concerning him , on another occasion , onely this i will adde , they who so confidently affirme him to be shem , the sonne of noah , and to have his priesthood in an ordinary way , by vertue of his primogeniture , might have done well to aske leave of the holy ghost , for the revealing of that which he purposely concealed , to setforth no small mystery , by them quite overthrowne . and he who of late makes him looke upon abraham and the four kings , all of his posterity , fighting for the inheritance of canaan ; ( of which cause of their quarrell the scripture is silent ) robs him at least of one of his titles , a king of peace ; making him neither , king nor peaceable , but a bloody grandsire , that either could not , or would not part his fighting children , contending for that whose right was in him , to bestow on whom he would . and thus was it with them in the administration of sacred things : there was no divine determination of the priestly office on any order of men : when things appertaining unto god , were to be performed in the name of a whole family ( as afterwards sam. . . ) perhaps the honour of the performance was by consent given to the first borne : further , the way of teaching others , was by petarnall admonition : ( so gen. . ) motives thereunto , and rules of their proceeding therein , being the law of nature , and speciall revelation . prescription of positive law , ordained for the good of community , could have no place , , when all society was domesticall . to instruct others ( upon occasion ) wanting instruction for their good , is an undeniable dictate of the first principles of nature ; obedience to which , was all the ordinary warrant they had , for preaching to any beyond their owne families , observed by lot gen. . . though his sermon contained a little false doctrine , ver. . againe , speciall revelation leaves as a great impression on the minde of him to whom it is made , so an effectuall obligation for the performance of what it directeth unto , the lyon hath roared , who will not fear ; the lord god hath spoken who can but prophes●e , amos . . and this was noahs warrant for those performances , from whence he was called a preacher of righteousnes , pet. . . thus although i doe not finde any determinate order of priesthood by divine institution , yet do i not thence conclude with aquin. . ae quest . . a ( if i noted right at the reading of it ) that all the worship of god , i meane for the manner of it was of humane invention , yea sacrifices themselves : for this will worship as i shewed before god alwayes rejected , no doubt but sacrifices and the manner of them were of divine institution , albeit their particular originall , in regard of precept though not of practice be to us unknowne ; for what in all this concernes us , we may observe that a superinstitution of a new ordinance , doth not overthrow any thing that went before in the same kinde , universally morrall , or extraordinary ; nor at all change it , unlesse by expresse exception , as by the introduction of the ceremoniall law , the offering of sacrafices , which before was common to all , was restrained to the posterity of levi : looke then what performances in the service of god , that primitive houshold of faith was in the generall directed unto , by the law of nature , the same regulated by gospel light ( not particularly excepted ) ought the generallity of christians to performe , which what they were may be collected from what was fore spoken . chap. ii. of the same among the jewes , and of the duty of that people distinct from their church officers . . concerning the jews after the giving of moses law , the people of god were then gathered in one , and a standard was set up for all his to repaire unto , and the church of god became like a city upon a hill , conspicuous to all ; and a certaine rule set downe for every one to observe that would approach unto him : as then before the law we sought for the manner of gods worship from the practise of men , so now since the change of the externall administration of the covenant , from the prescription of god ; then we ghessed at what was commanded , by what was done ; now at what was done , by what was commanded ; and this is all the certainety we can have in either kinde , though the consequence from the precept , to the performance ; and on the contrary , in this corrupted state of nature , be not of absolute necessity ; onely the difference is , where things are obscured , it is a safer way to prove the practise of men by gods precept , charitably supposing them to have been obedient , then to wrest the divine rule to their observation ; knowing how prone men are to deifie themselves , by mixing their inventions with the worship of god : the administration of gods providence towards his church hath been various and the communication of himselfe unto it , at sundry times , hath been in divers manners ; especially , it pleased him not to bring it to perfection but by degrees , as the earth bringeth forth fruit , first the blade , then the eare , then the full corne in the eare : thus the church before the giving of moses law , seems to have had two maine defects , which the lord at that time supplyed ; one in discipline , or government , in that every family exercised the publique worship of god within it self or a part . ( though some do otherwise conclude from gen. . . ) which was first removed , by establishing a consistory of elders , the other , in the doctrine wanting the rule of the written word being directed by tradition , the manifold defects whereof , were made up , by speciall revelatition : to neither of these defects was the church since exposed : whether there was any thing written before the giving of the law , is not worth contending about : austine thought enochs prophesie was written by him ; prophesie was written by him ; and josephus afirmes , that there were two pillars erected , one of stone , the other of brick before the stoode , wherein divers things were ingraven ; and sixtus senensis , that the booke of the wars of the lord was a volume ancienter then the bookes of moses ; but the contrary opinion is most received , so chrysost. hom. . in mali . after its giving , none ever doubted of the perfection of the written word for the end to which it was ordained , untill the jewes had broached their talmud , to oppose christ , and the papists their traditions , to advance antichrist ; doubtlesse the sole aime of the work , what ever , were the intentions of the workmen . the lights which god maketh , are sufficient to rule the seasons for which they are ordained ; as , in creating of the world , god made two great lights , the greater light to rule the day , and the lesser light to rule the night ; so in the erection of the new world of his church , he set up two great lights , the lesser light of the old testament , to guide the night , the darke space of time under the law , and the greater light of the new testament , to rule the glorious day of the gospel , and these two lights do sufficiently enlighten every man that commeth into this new world : there is no neede of the false fire of tradition , where god sets up such glorious lights . this be premised , for the pronass of men , to deflect from the golden rule , and heavenly polestarre in the investigation of the truth ; especially in things of this nature , concerning which we treat , wherein ordinary indeavours , are farre greater in searching after what men have done , then what they ought to have done ; and when the fact is once evidenced , from the pen of a rabbi , or a father , presently conclude the right : amongst many , we may take a late treatise for instance , intituled , of religious assemblies and the publike service of god , whose author would prescribe the manner of gods worship among christians , from the custome of the jewes ; and their observations , he would prove from the rabbines ; not at all taking notice , that from such observances , they were long agon recalled , to the law and to the testamony . and afterwards for them sharply rebuked by truth it selfe : doubtlesse it is a worthy knowledge to be able , and a commendable deligence to search into those coyners of curiosities , but to imbrace the fancy 's of those wild-heads which have nothing but noveltie to commend them , and to seeke their imposition on others , is but an abasing of their owne ceisure and others industry : the issue of such a temper , seemes to bee the greatest part of that treatise , which because i wait onely for some spare houres to demonstrate in a perticular tract . i shall for the present , omit the handling of divers things there spoken of , though otherwise they might very opportunately here be mentioned . as the office and duty of prophets , the manner of gods worship in their synagogues , the originall and institution of their latter teachers , scribes and pharises , & . and briefly onely observe those things , which are most immediatly conducing to my proposed subject . the worship of god among them , was either morall , or ceremoniall and typicall , the performances belonging unto the latter , with all things thereunto conducing , were appropriated to them , whom god had peculiarly set a part for that purpose : by ceromoniall worship , i understand all sacrifices and offerings , the whole service of the tabernacle , and afterwards of the temple : all which , were typicall , and established merely for the present dispensation , not without purpose of their abrogation , when that which was to be more perfect , should appear . now the severall officers with their distinct employments , in and about this service , were so punctually prescribed , and limited by almighty god , that as none of them might {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} without presumptious impiety , intrude into the function of others , not allotted to them , as numb. . , , , . so none of their bretheren might presume to intrude into the least part of their office , without manifest sacriledge . josh. . , . true it is , that there is mention of divers in the scripture that offered sacrifices , or vowed so to do , who were strangers from the priests office , yea from the tribe of levi , as jepha . judges , . manoah , jud. . david , . sam. . and again , . sam. . solomon , kings . and again , . kings . but following our former rule of interpreting , the practise , by the precept , we may finde , ( and that truely ) that all the expresions of their offerings signifie no more ; but , they brought those things to be offered , and caused the priests to do , what in their owne persons they ought not to performe . now hence by the way we may observe , that the people of god , under the new testament , contrary distinct from their teachers , have a greater interest in the performance of spirituall duties belonging to the worship of god , and more in that regard is granted unto them , and required of them , then was of the ancient people of the jewes , considered as distinguished from their priests , because their duty is prescribed unto them under the notion of those things which then , were appropriate onely to the priests ; as of offering incense , sacrifice ; oblations , and the like , which in their originall institution were never permitted to the people of the jewes , but yet tralatitiously and by analogie are injoyned to all christians , but of these afterwards ; the main question is , about the duty of the people of god , in performances for their owne edification , and the extent of their lawfull undertakings for others instruction ; for the first , which is of nearest concernment unto themselves : the summe of their duty in this kind may bee reduced to these two heads ; first , to heare the word and law of god read attentively , especially when it was expounded . secondly , to meditate therein themselves , to study it day and night , and to get their senses exercised in that rule of their duty . concerning each of which , we have both the precept , and the practise , gods command , and their performance . the one , in that injunction given unto the priest , daut . . , , . when all israel is come to appeare before the lord thy god , in the place that hee shall choose , thou shalt reade this law before all israel in their hearing : gather the people together , men , and women , and children , and thy stranger that is within thy gates , that they may heare , and that they may learne , and feare the lord your god ; and that their children which have not knowne may heare and learne . all which we find punctually performed on both sides , nehem. . , , , . ezra the priest standing on a pulpit of wood , read the law , and gave the meaning of it , and the eares of all the people were attentive to the booke of the law . which course continued untill there was an end put to the observances of that law ; as act. . . moses of old time hath in every citie them that preach him being read in the synagogues every sabbath day : on which ground , not receding from their ancient observations , the people assembled to heare our saviour teaching with authority , luk. . . and s. paul divers times tooke advantage of their ordinary assemblies to preach the gospel unto them . for the other , which concernes their own searching into the law , and studying of the word wee have a strict command , deut. . , , , . and these words which i command thee this day shall bee in thy heart , and thou shalt teach them diligently unto thy children , and shalt talke of them when thou sittest in thy house , and when thou walkest by the way , and when thou lyest down , and when thou risest up , and thou shalt bind them for a sign upon thy hand , & they shal be as front lets between thine eyes , & thou shalt write them upon the posts of thy house & upon thy gates : which strict charge is again repeated , cap. . . summarily comprehending all wayes whereby they might become exercised in the law : now because this charge is in particular given to the king , chap. . vers. , . the performance of a king in obedience thereunto , will give us light enough into the practise of the people : and this we have in that most excellent psalme of david , viz. . which for the most part , is spent in petitions for light , direction , and assistance in that study , in expressions of the performance of this duty , and in spirituall glorying of his successe , in his divine meditations : especially vers . . hee ascribeth his proficiency in heavenly wisedome and understanding above his teachers , not to any speciall revelation , not to that propheticall light wherewith he was endued ( which indeed consisting in a transient irradiation of the mind , being a supernaturall impulsion commensurate to such things as are connaturall onely unto god , doth of it selfe give neither wisedome nor understanding ) but unto his studdy in the testimonies of god . the blessings pronounced upon , and promises annexed to the performance of this duty , concerne not the matter in hand : only from the words wherein the former command is delivered , two things may be observed , . that the paternall teaching and instruction of families in things which appertaine to god , being a duty of the law of nature , remained in its full vigor , and was not at all impaired , by the institution of a new order of teachers for assemblies , beyond domesticall then established : neither without doubt ought it to cease amongst christians , there being no other reason why now it should , but that , which then was not effectuall . secondly , that the people of god , were not onely permitted , but enjoyned also , to reads the scriptures , and upon all occasions , in their owne houses , and else-where , to talke of them , or communicate their knowledge in them , unto others : there had been then , no councell at trent to forbid the one , nor perhaps was there any strict canon , to bring the other within the compasse of a conventicle : but now for the solemne publique teaching and instructing of others , it was otherwise ordained , for this was committed to them in regard of ordinary performance , who were set apart by god ; as for others before named : so also for that purpose , the author of the treatise i before mentioned , concludeth that the people were not taught at the publike assemblies by priests , as such , that is , teaching the people was no part of their office or duty : but on the contrary , that seems to be a mans duty in the service or worship of god , which god requires of him , and that appertain to his office whose performance is expressely enjoyned unto him , as such , and for whose neglect , hee is rebuked or punished : now all this wee find concerning the priests publike teaching of the people : for the prof of which the recitall of a few pertinent places shal suffice , levit. . . we have an injunction laid upon aaron and his sonnes , to teach the children of israel all the statutes that the lord had spoken to them by the hand of moses . and of the levites it is affirmed , deut. . . they shall teach jacob thy statutes , and israel thy law . now though some restraine these places to the discerning of leprosies , and between holy and unholy , with their determination of difficulty emergent out of the law , yet this no way impaires the truth of that i intend to prove by them for even , those things , belonged to that kind of publike teaching , which was necessary under that administration of the covenant : but in stead of many , i will name one not lyable to exception : mil. . . the priests lips should preserve knowledge , and they should seeke the law at his mouth , for he is the messenger of the lord of hosts : where both a recitall of his own duty , that he should be full of knowledge to instruct , the intimation of the people , that they should seeke unto him , or give heed to his teaching with the reason of them both , for he is the lords messenger , ( one of the highest titles of the ministers of the gospell performing the same office ) doe abundantly confirme , that instructing of the people in the morall worship of god , was a duty of the priestly office , or of the priests as such . especially considering the effect of this teaching mentioned , vers. . the turning of many from their iniquitie . the proper end of teaching in assemblies : all which we find exactly perperformed by an excellent priest , preaching to the people on a pulpit of wood : nehem. . , , , . further , for a neglect of this , the priests are threatned with rejection from their office : hosea . . now it doth not seeme justice , that a man should be put out of his office , for a neglect of that , whose performance doth not belong unto it ; the fault of every neglect , ariseth from the description of a duty : untill something then of more force , then any thing as yet i have seene , bee objected to the contrary , we may take it for granted , that the teaching of the people under the law , in publique assemblies , was performed ordinarily by the priests , as belonging to their duty , and office . men indued with gifts supernaturall , extraordinarily called , and immediately sent by god himselfe , for the instruction of his people , the reformation of his church , and fore-telling things to come , such as were the prophets , who when ever they met with opposition , staid themselves upon their extraordinary calling , come not within the compasse of my disquisition . the institution also of the schooles of the prophets , the employment of the sonnes of the prophets , the originall of the scribes , and those other possessours of moses chaire in our saviours time , wherein hee conversed here below , being necessarily to be handled in my observations on the fore-named treatise , i shall omit untill more leisure , and an enjoyment of the small remainder of my poore library , shall better enable me . for the present , because treating in causa facili , although writing without bookes , i hope i am not besides the truth : the booke of truth , praised bee god , is easie to bee obtained , and god is not tyed to meanes , in discovering the truth of that booke . come we then , to the consideration of what duty in the service of god , beyond those belonging unto severall families , were permitted to any of the people , not peculiarly set apart for such a purpose . the ceremoniall part of gods worship , as we saw before , was so appropriate to the priests , that god usually revenged the trangression of that ordinance , very severely , the examples of vzzah and vzziah , are dreadfull testimonies of his wrath in that kind : it was an unalterable law , by vertue whereof , the priests excommunicated that presumptuous king . for that whch we chiefly intend the publique teaching of others , as to some it was enjoyned , as an act of their duty , so it might at first seeme , that it was permitted to all , who having ability thereunto , were called by charity or necessitie ; so the princes of jehoshaphat taught the people out of the law of god , as well as the priests and levites , chron. . , , , . so also nehemiah , and others of the chiefe of the people are reckoned among them who taught the people , nehem. . and afterwards , when saint paul at any time entred into their synagogues ; they never questioned any thing but his abilities , if he had any word of exhortation to the people he might say on : and the scribes questioning the authoritie of our saviour for his teaching , were moved to it , not because he taught , but because he taught so , and such things , with authoritie , and against their traditions , otherwise they rather troubled themselves , to thinke how he should become able to teach : mark . , . then him , because he did : there are indeed many sharpe reproofes in the old testament of those who undertooke to be gods messengers without his warrant , as jerem. . , . i have not sent these prophets , yet they ran : i have not spoken to them , yet they prophesied . but if they had stood in my counsell , &c. to which , and the like places it may satisfactorily be answered , that howsoever by the way of analogie , they may be drawn into rule , for these times of the gospel , yet they were spoken only in reference to them who falsly pretended to extraordinary revelations , and a power of foretelling things to come : whom the lord forewarned his people of , and appointed punishments for them , deut. . with which sort of pretenders that nation was ever replenished , for which the very heathen often derided them : he , who makes it his employment , to counterfeit gods dispensations , had then no more glorious worke to imitate then that of prophesie , wherein he was not idle : yet notwithstanding all this , i doe not conceive the former discourse to be punctually true in the latitude thereof : as though it were permitted to all men , or any men , besides the priests and prophets to teach publikely at all times , and in all estates of that church . only i conceive that the usuall answers given to the fore-cited places , when objected , are not sufficient : take an instance in one , chro. . of the princes of jehoshaphat teaching with the priests : the author of the book before intimated , conceives that neither priests nor princes taught at all in that way we now treat of , but only that the priests rode circuit to administer judgement , and had the princes with them to do execution ; but this interpretation he borroweth only to confirme his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that priests did not teach as such , the very circumstance of the place inforces a contrary sence ; and in the . chap. there is expresse mention of appointing judges for the determination of civill causes in every city , which evidently was a distinct work distinguished from that mentioned in this place : & upō the like ground i cōceive it to be no intimation of a moveable sanedrim , which although of such a mixt constitution , yet was not itinerant , and is mentioned in that other place : neither is that other ordinary glosse more probable , they were sent to teach , that is to countenance the teaching of the law ; a duty which seldome implores the assistance of humane countenance , and if for the present it did , the kings authority commanding it was of more value then the presence of the princes . besides , there is nothing in the text , nor the circumstances thereof , which should hold out this sence unto us ; neither do we find any other rule , precept or practise , whose analogie might lead us to such an interpretation : that , which to me seemes to come neerest the truth is that they taught also , not in a ministeriall way , like the priests and levites , but imperially , and judicially declaring the sense of the law , the offences against it , and the punishments due to such offences ; especially in as much as they had reference to the peace of the common-wealth : which differs not much from that which i rest upon , to wit , that in a collapsed and corrupted state of the church , when the ordinary teachers are either utterly ignorant and cannot , or negligent and will not performe their duty , gifts in any one to be a teacher , and consent in others by him to be taught , are a sufficient warrant for the performance of it : and then this , the places cited out of the old testament prove no more . for the proceedings of st paul in the synagogues , their great want of teaching ( being a people before forsaken of the spirit & then withering ) might be a warrant for them to desire it , and his apostolicall mission for him to do it ; it doth not then at all from hence appear , that there was then any liberty of teaching in publike assemblies granted unto , or assumed by any in such an estate of the church , as wherein it ought to be : when indeed it is ruinously declining every one of gods servants hath a sufficient warrant to helpe or prevent the fall : this latter being but a common duty of zeale and charitie , the former an authoritative act of the keyes , the minister whereof is onely an instrumentall agent , that from whence it hath its efficacy , residing in another , in whose stead , ( cor. . , . ) and under whose person it is done . now who ever doth any thing in anothers stead , not by expresse patent from him , is a plaine impostor ; and a grant of this nature made unto all in generall doth not appeare . i am bold to speake of these things under the notion of the keyes , though in the time of the law ; for i cannot assent to those schoole-men , who will not allow that the keyes in any sense , were granted to the legall priests ; their power of teaching , discerning , judging , receiving in , and casting out , import the thing , though the name ( no more then that of regnum coelorum , as hierom and augustine observe ) be not to bee found in the old testament . and doubtlesse god ratified the execution of his owne ordinances in heaven , then , as well as now : what the immediate effect of their services was , how far by their own force they reached , and what they typified , how in signification onely , and not immediatly they extended to an admission into , and exclusion from the heavenly tabernacle , and wherein lyes the secret power of gospell commissions beyond theirs to attaine the ultimate end , i have declared else-where . thus much of what the ancient people of god distinguished from their priests might not doe , now briefely of what they might , or rather of what they ought , and what their obedience and profession declared , that they thought themselves obliged unto : private exhortations , rebukings , and such dictates of the law of nature being presupposed ; we find them further , speaking often one to another , of those things which concerned the feare , and worship of the lord , malac. . . by their lips feeding many with wisedome , prov. . . discoursing of gods lawes upon all occasions , deut. . , , . by multitudes encouraging each other to the service of god , zach. . , . isa. . . joyntly praising god with chearefull hearts . psalm . . . giving and receiving mutuall consolation , psal. . . and all this , with much more of the same nature , at their meetings , either occasionall , or for that purpose indicted . alwayes provided , that they abstained from fingring the arke , or medling with those things which were appropriated to the office of the priests : and concerning them hitherto . chap. . containing a digression concerning the name of priests , the right of christians thereunto by their interest in the priesthood of christ , with the presumption of any particularly appropriating it to themselves . and now the transaction of these things , in the christian church , presents it selfe , to our consideration ; in handling whereof , i shall not at all discourse , concerning the severall church officers instituted by christ and his apostles , for the edification of his body : nor concerning the difference between them , who were partakers at first of an extraordinary vocation , and those who since have been called to the same work in an ordinary manner , divinely appointed for the direction of the church : neither yet doth that diversity of the administration of government in the churches , then when they were under the plenitude of apostolicall power , and now when they follow rules prescribed for their reiglement , come in my way . further , who are the subject of the keyes in whom all that secondary ecclesiasticall power , which is committed to men doth reside , after the determination of so many learned men , by cleere scripture light , shall not by me be called in question : all these though conducing to the businesse in hand , would require a large discussion , and such a scholasticall handling , as would make it an inconsutilous piece , of this popular discourse : my intent being only to shew , that seeing there are , as all acknowledge , some under the new testament , as well as the old , peculiarly set apart by gods own appointment for the administration of christs ordinances , especially teaching of others by preaching of the gospell , in the way of office and duty , what remaineth for the rest of gods people to doe , for their own and others edification . but here before i enter directly upon the matter , i must remove one stone of offence , concerning the common apellation of those who are set apart for the preaching of the gospell : that which is most frequently used for them in the new testament is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , so cor. . . cor. . . and chap. . . and . , . tim. . . and in divers other places ; to which adde {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , cor. . a word though of another originall , yet of the same signification with the former : & both rightly translated ministers : the names of ambassadours , stewards and the like , wherewith they are often honoured are figurative , & given unto them , by allusion only , that the former belonged unto them , and were proper for them , none ever denied but some rabshakes of antichrist ; another name there is , which some have assumed unto themselves , as an honour , and others have imposed the same upon them for a reproch : viz. that of priest , which to the takers seemed to import a more mysterious imployment , a greater advancement above the rest of their brethren , a neerer approach unto god , in the performances of their office , then that of ministers : wherefore they embraced it , either voluntarily , alluding to the service of god and the administration thereof amongst his antient people the jewes , or thought that they ought necessarily to undergoe it , as belonging properly to them , who are to celebrate those mysteries , and offer those sacrifices , which they imagined , were to them prescribed : the imposers on the contrary , pretend divers reasons why now that name can signifie none but men rejected from gods work , and given up to superstitious vanities ; attending in their minds , the old priests of baal , and the now shavelings of antichrist : it was a new etimologie of this name , which that learned man cleaved unto , who unhappily was ingaged into the defence of such errours , as he could not but see , and did often confesse : to which also he , he had an entrance made by an arch-bishop ; to wit , that it was but an abbreviation of presbyters , knowing full well , not only that the signification of these words , is divers amongst them , to whom belongs jus & norma loquendi , but also , that they are widely different in holy writ . yea farther , that those who first dignified themselves with this title , never called themselves presbyters , by way of distinction from the people , but only to have a note of distance among themselvs : there being more then one sort of them that were sacrificers , and which eo nomine , accounted themselves priests : setting aside then all such evasions and distinctions as the people of god are not bound to take notice of , and taking the word in its ordinary acceptation , i shall briefly declare , what i conceive of the use thereof , in respect of them , who are ministers of the gospell : which i shall labour to cleare by these following observations : . all faithfull ministers of the gospell , in as much as they are ingrafted into christ , and are true believers , may , as all other true christians , be called priests : but this inasmuch as they are members of christ , not ministers of the gospell : it respecteth their persons , not their function , or not them as such : now i conceive it may give some light to this discourse , if we consider the grounds and reasons of this metaphoricall appellation , in divers places of the gospell , ascribed to the worshippers of christ ; and how the analogie , which the present dispensation holds with what was established under the administration of the old testament , may take place : for there we find the lord thus bespeaking his people , ye shall be unto me a kingdome of priests , an holy nation , exod. . . so that it should seeme that there was then a twofold priesthood : a rituall priesthood , conferred upon the tribe of levi , and a royall priesthood , belonging to the whole people : the first is quite abrogated and swallowed up in the priesthood of christ , the other , is put over unto us under the gospell , being ascribed to them and us , and every one in covenant with god , not directly and properly , as denoting the function peculiarly so ca●led , but comparatively with reference had to them that are without ; for as those who were properly called priests , had a neerer accesse unto god , then the rest of the people , especially in his solemne worship , so all the people that are in covenant with god , have such an approximatiō unto him by vertue thereof , in comparison of them that are without , that in respect thereof , they are said to be prists : now the outward covenant made with them , who were the children of abraham after the flesh , was representative of the covenant of grace made with the children of promise , and that whole people typified the hidden elect people of god ; so that of both there is the same reason . thus as the priests the sons of levi are said to come neere unto god , deut. . . and god tels them that him whom he hath chosen , he will cause to come neere unto him , numb. . . chosen by a particular calling ad munus to the office of the rituall priesthood : so in regard of that other kind , comparatively so called , it is said of the whole people , what nation is there so great that hath god so nigh unto them , as the lord our god is in all things that we call upon him for , deut. . . their approaching nigh unto god made them all a nation of priests , in comparison of those dogs and unclean gentiles that were out of the covenant : now this prerogative is often appropriate to the faithful in the new testament : for through christ we have an accesse by one spirit unto the lord , eph. . . & . . we have boldnesse & accesse with confidence : so james . . draw nigh unto god , and he will draw nigh unto you : which accesse and approximation unto god , seemed as before was spoken to be uttered in allusion to the priests of the old law , who had this priviledge above others in the publike worship , in which respect only things then were typicall . since because we enjoy that prerogative in the truth of the thing it selfe ; which they had onely in type , we also are called priests : and as they were said to draw nigh in reference to the rest of the people ; so we , in respect of them , who are strangers to the covenant : that now are said to be afarre off , ephes. . . and hereafter shall be without , for without are dogs , &c. rev. . . thus this metaphoricall appellation of priests is in the first place an intimation of that transcendent priviledge of grace and favour , which jesus christ hath purchased for every one that is sanctified with the bloud of the covenant . . we have an interest in this appellation of priests , by vertue of our union with christ , being one with our high priest , we also are priests : there is a twofold union between christ & us : the one , by his taking upon him our nature , the other , by bestowing on us his spirit : for as in his incarnation he took upon him our flesh and bloud by the work of the spirit , so in our regeneration he bestoweth on us his flesh and blood , by the operation of the same spirit : yea so strict is this latter union , which we have with christ , that as the former is truly said to be a union of two natures into one person , so this , of many persons into one nature ; for by it , we are made partakers of the divine nature , pet. . . becoming members of his body , of his flesh , and of his bones , ephes. . . we are so parts of him , of his mysticall body , that we and he become thereby as it were one christ ; for as the body is one , and hath many members , and all the members of that one body being many , are one body , so is christ , cor. . . and the ground of this is , because the same spirit is in him and us ; in him indeed dwelleth the fulnesse of it , when it is bestowed upon us , onely by measure : but yet it is still the same spirit ; and so makes us , according to his own prayer , one with him : as the soul of man being one , makes the whole body with it , to be but one man ; two men cannot be one , because they have two souls ; no more could we be one with christ , were it not the same spirit in him and us : now let a man be never so big or tall , that his feet rest upon the earth , and his head reach to heaven , yet having but one soul , he is still but one man : now though christ for the present , in respect of our nature assumed , be never so far remote and distant from us in heaven , yet by the effectuall energie , and inhabitation of the same spirit , he is still the head of that one body , whereof we are members , still but one with us . hence ariseth to us a twofold right to the title of priests ; . because being in him , and members of him , we are accounted to have done , in him , and with him , whatsoever he hath done for us ; we are buried with christ , rom. . . dead with him , v. . quickned together with christ , ephes. . . being raised up , we sit together with him in heavenly places , v. . risen with him , colos. . . now all these in christ , were in some sence sacerdotall ; wherefore we having an interest in their performance , by reason of that heavenly participation , derived from them unto us , and being united unto him , that in them was so properly , are therefore called priests . secondly , by vertue of this union , there is such an analogie between that which christ hath done for us as a priest , and what he worketh in us , by his holy spirit , that those acts of ours , come be called by the same name with his , & we for them , to be termed priests . thus because christs death , and shedding of his blood , so offering up himself by the eternall spirit , was a true , proper sacrifice for sin , even our spirituall death unto sin , is described to be such , both in the nature of it , to be an offering or sacrifice ; for i beseech you brethren ( saith s. paul ) that you offer up your bodies a living sacrifice , holy , &c. rom. . . and for the manner of it , our old man is crucified with him , that the body of sin might be destroyed , rom. . . thirdly , we are priests as we are christians , or partakers of an holy unction , whereby we are annointed to the participation of all christs glorious offices ; we are not called christians for nothing ; if truly we are so , then have we an unction from the holy one , whereby we know all things , ioh. . . and thus also were all gods people under the old covenant , when god gave that caution concerning them , touch not my christians , and do my prophets no harm , psal. . . the unction then of the holy spirit , implies a participation of all those endowments which were typified by the anointing with oyl , in the old testament ; and invests us with the priviledges in a spirituall acceptation , of all the sorts of men , which then were so anointed ; to wit , of kings , priests and prophets : so that by being made christians ( every one is not so that bears that name ) we are ingrafted into christ , and do attain to a kinde of holy and intimate communion with him , in all his glorious offices , & in that regard are called priests . fourthly , the sacrifices we are injoyned to offer , give ground to this appellation ; now they are of divers sorts , though all in generall , eucharisticall ; as first , of prayers and thanksgivings , psa. . i will offer unto thee the sacrifice of thanksgiving , and will call upon the name of the lord ; and again , let my prayer be set before thee as incense , and the lifting up of my hands be as the evening sacrifice , psa. . . so , heb. . . therefore let us offer unto god the sacrifice of praise , that is , the fruit of our lips . secondly , of good vvorks , heb. . . to do good , and to communicate forget not , for vvith such sacrifices god is well pleased . thirdly , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or self-slaughter , crucifying the old man , killing sin , and offering up our souls and bodies , an acceptable sacrifice unto god , rom. . . fourthly , the sweet incense of martyrdom ; yea , and if i be offered up on the sacrifice and service of your faith , philip . . . now these and sundry other services acceptable to god , receiving this appellation in the scripture , denominate the performers of them priests . now here it must be observed , that these aforenamed holy duties , are called sacrifices , not properly , but metaphorically onely , not in regard of the externall acts , as were those under the law , but in regard of the internall purity of heart , from whence they proceed . and because pure sacrifices by his own appointment , where heretofore the most acceptable service to almighty god ; therefore now , when he would declare himself , to be very much delighted with the spirituall acts of our duty , he calls them , oblations , incense , sacrifices , offerings , &c. to intimate also a participation with him in his offices , who properly and directly is the onely priest of his church , and by the communication of the vertue of whose sacrifice we are made priests , not having authority in our own names , to go unto god for others , but having liberty through him , and in his name , to go unto god for our selves . not to lose my self and reader in this digression , the sum is , the unspeakable blessings which the priesthood of christ hath obtained for us , are a strong obligation for the duty of praise and thanksgiving , of which that in some measure we may discharge our selves , he hath furnished us with sacrifices of that kinde , to be offered unto god : for our own parts , we are poor , and blinde , and lame , and naked , neither in the field , nor in the fold , in our hearts , nor among our actions , can we finde any thing worth the presenting unto him ; wherefore he himself provides them for us , especially for that purpose , sanctifying and consecrating our souls and bodies , with the sprinkling of his blood , and the unction of the holy spirit . further , he hath erected an altar ( to sanctifie our gifts ) in heaven , before the throne of grace , which being spread over with his blood , is consecrated unto god , that the sacrifices of his servants may for ever appear thereon : adde to this , what he also hath added , the eternall and never expiring fire , of the favour of god , which kindleth and consumes the sacrifices laid on that altar : and to the end that all this may be rightly accomplished , he hath consecrated us with his blood , to be kings and priests to god for evermore . so that the close of this discourse will be , that all true beleevers , by vertue of their interest in jesus christ , are in the holy scripture , by reason of divers allusions , called priests , which name , in the sense before related , belonging unto them as such , cannot on this ground , be ascribed to any part of them , distinguished any wayes from the rest , by vertue of such distinction . secondly , the second thing i observe concerning the businesse in hand , is , that the offering up unto god , of some metaphoricall sacrifices , in a peculiar manner , is appropriate unto men , set a part for the work of the ministery : as the slaying of mens lusts , and the offering up of them being converted by the preaching of the gospel , unto god : so saint paul of his ministery , rom. . . that i should be the minister of iesus christ , unto the gentiles , ministring the gospel of god ; that the offering up of the gentiles might be acceptable , &c. ministers preaching the gospel , to the conversion of souls , are said to kill mens lusts , and offer them up unto god , as the fruit of their calling ; as abel brought unto him an acceptable sacrifice , of the fruit of his flock ; and so also in respect of divers other acts of their duty , which they perform in the name of their congregations . now these sacrifices are appropriate to the ministers of the gospel , not in regard of the matter , for others also may convert souls unto god , and offer up prayers and praises , in the name of their companions : but in respect of the manner , they do it publikely and ordinarily ; others privately , or in extraordinary cases ; now if the ministers , who are thus gods instruments for the conversion of souls , be themselves ingrafted into christ ; all the acts they perform in that great work , are but parts of their own duty , of the same nature in that regard , with the rest of our spirituall sacrifices : so that they have not by them , any further peculiar interest in the office of the priesthood more then others : but if these preachers themselves do not belong unto the covenant of grace , ( as god oftentimes out of his care for his flock , bestows gifts upon some for the good of others , on whom hee will bestow no graces , for the benefit of their own souls , men may administer that consolation out of the word unto their flock , which themselves never tasted , preach to others , and bee themselves castawaies . saint paul tells us that some preach christ out of envy and contention , not sincerely , but on purpose to adde to his affliction ; and yet saith he whether in pretence or in truth , christ is preached , and therein doe i . rejoyce , yea , and will rejoyce , philip . . , , . surely had there been no good effected by such preaching , saint paul would not have rejoyced in it ; and yet doubtlesse it was no evidence of sanctification , to preach christ meerely out of contention , ( and on purpose to adde to the affliction of his servants ) but i say if the lord shall be pleased at any time to make use of such , as instruments ; in his glorious worke of converting soules , shall we thinke that it is looked upon , as their sacrifice unto god ? no surely , the soule of the lord is delighted with the repentance of sinners ; but all the sacrifices of these wicked men are an abomination unto him , and therefore they have no interest in it ; neither can they from hence , be said to be priests of god , seeing they continue dogges and uncleane beasts , &c. so that all the right unto this priestly office , seemes be resolved into , and be the same with the common interest of all beleevers in christ , whereby they have a participation of his office : whence i affirme ; thirdly , that the name of priests is no where in the scripture attributed peculiarly , and distinctly to the ministers of gospel as such ; let any produce an instance to the contrary , and this controversie is at an end : yea that which puts a difference betweene them , and the rest of the people of gods holinesse , seemes to be a more immediate participation of christs propheticall office , to teach , instruct , and declare the will of god unto men , and not of his sacerdotall , to offer sacrifices for men unto god . now i could never observe that any of those , who wereso forward of late to stile themselves priests , were at all greedy of the apellation of prophets ; no , this they were content to let goe , name and thing ; and yet when christ ascended on high , he gave some to be prophets , for the edification of his body , ephes. . . none as wee finde to be priests : priests then ( like prelats ) are a sort of church officers , whom christ never appointed ; whence i conclude ; fourthly , that whosoever maintaineth any priests of the new stament , as properly so called in relation to any altar or sacrifice , by them to be offered , doth as much as in him lyeth disanull the covenant of grace , and is blasphemously injurious to the priesthood of christ ; the priest and the sacrifice under the new testament are one , and the same : and therefore they who make themselves priests , must also make themselves christs , or get another sacrifice of their owne . as there is but one god , so there is but one mediator of god and man , the man jesus christ , tim. . . now he became the mediator of the new testament chiefly by his priesthood , because by the eternall spirit he offered up himselfe unto god , heb. . . . neither is any now called of god to be a priest as was aaron , and without such divine vocation to this office , none ought to undertake it , as the apostle argues , heb. . now , the end of any such vocation , and office is quite ceased ; being nothing but to offer gifts and sacrifices unto god , heb. . . for christ hath offered one sacrifice for sin for ever , and is sate downe at the right hand of god , heb. . . yea by one offering he hath perfected them that are sanctified , v. . and if that did procure remission of sins , there must be no more offering for sin , v. . and the surrogation of another makes the bloud of christ to be no better then that of bulls and goates . now one of those they must doe , who make themselves priests , ( in that sence concerning which we now treat ) either get them a nevv sacrifice of their owne , or pretend to offer christ againe ; the first seemes to have been the fault , of those of ours , who made a sacrifice of the sacrament , yet pretended not to beleeve the reall presence of christ in , or under the outward elements or species of them ; the other of the romanists , whose priests in their masse , blasphemously make themselves mediators , between god and his son , and offering up christ iesus for a sacrifice , desire god to accept him ; so charging that sacrifice with imperfection , which he offered on the altar of the crosse , and making it necessary not only that he should annually , but daily , yee hourely suffer afresh , so recrucifying unto themselves , the lord of glory . further , themselves confessing , that to be a true sacrifice it is required , that that which is offered unto god be destroyed , and cease to be , what it vvas , they doe confesse by what lyes in them , to destroy the son of god , and by their masse , have transubstanciatd their altars into crosses , their temples into golgatha's , their prelates into pilates , their priests into hangmen ; tormentors of iesus christ , concerning them and ours we may shut up this discourse , with what the apostle intimates to the hebrews , viz. that all priests are ceased , who were mortall , now small cause have we to beleeve them to be immateriall spirits , among whom we finde the workes of the flesh to have been so frequent . and this may give us some light , into the iniquity of those times , whereinto we were lately fallen ; in which lord bishops and priests , had almost quite oppressed the bishops of the lord , and ministers of the gospell ; how unthankefull men were we , for the light of the gospell , men that loved darkenesse rather then light . a wonderfull , and horrible thing vvas wrought in our land , the prophets prophesied falsly , the priests bare rule by their meanes , almost the whole people loved to have it so , and what shall we now doe in the end thereof , ierem. . . . such a hasty apostacy was growing on us , as we might justly wonder at , because unparalelled in any church , of any age : but our revolters were profound , hasty men and eager in their masters service . so what an height of impiety , and opposition to christ , the roman apostacy in a thousand yeeres attained unto , and yet i dare aver that never so many errors & suspitions in an . yeeres crept into that church , as did into ours of england in . and yet i cannot herein give the commendation of so much as industry to our innovators ; ( i accuse not the whole church , but particulars in it , and that had seized themselves of its authority ) because they had a platforme before them , and materialls provided to their hand ; and therefore it was an easie thing for them to erect a babel of antichristian confusion ; when the workemen in the roman apostacy were forced to build in the plaine of christianity without any praeexistent materialls , but were fain to use brick and slime , of their own provision ; besides they were unacquainted with the maine designe of satan , who set them on worke ; and therefore it is no wonder if those nimrods oftimes hunted counter , and disturbed each other in their progresse ; yea the first mover in church apostacy , knowes , that novv his time is but short , and therefore it behooves him to make speedy worke in seducing , lest he be prevented by the comming of christ . then having himselfe a long tract of time granted unto him , he allowed his agents to take leasure also ; but what he doth novv , must be done quickly , or his whole designe will be quashed : and this made him inspire the present businesse , with so much life and vigor . moreover , he was compelled then to sow his tares in the darke , while men slept , taking advantage at the ignorance and imbroylement of the times ; if any man had leasure enough to search , and learning enough to see and finde him at it , he commonly filled the world with clamors against him , and scarse any but his vowed champions durst be his advocates ; in our time he was grown bold and impudent , working at noone day ; yea , he openly accused and condemned , all that durst accuse him , for sowing any thing but good wheat , that durst say that the tares of his arminianisme and popery was any thing but true doctrine : let us give so much way to indignation , we know satans trade what it is , to accuse the brethren , as men are called after their professions , one a lawyer , another a physitian , so is he the accuser of the brethren ; now surely if ever he set up a shop on earth , to practise his trade in , it was our high commission court , as of late imployed , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . cap. . of the duty of gods people in cases extraordinary concerning his worship . this being thus determined , i returne againe to the maine {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , concerning the duty and priviledge of the common people of christianity , in sacred things : and first in cases extraordinary , in which perhaps it may be affirmed , that every one ( of those i meane before named ) is so farre a minister of the gospell as to teach and declare the faith to others , although he have no outward calling thereunto ; and yet in this case every one for such an undertaking must have a warrant by an immediate cal from god , and when god calls there must be no opposition , the thing it selfe he sends us upon , becomes lawfull by his mission , what god hath cleansed , that call not thou common , act. . . never feare the equity of what cod sets thee upon ; no excuses of disability or any other impediment , ought to take place , the lord can and will supply all such defects : this was moses case , exod. . . oh lord ( saith hee ) i am not eloquent , neither heretofore , nor since thou hast spoken to thy servant , but of a slow speech , and a slow tongue ; and the lord said unto him , who hath made mans mouth , have not i the lord ? so also was it with the prophet jeremy , when god told him , that hee had ordained him a prophet unto the nations , he replyes , ah lord god , behold i cannot speake , for i am a child ; but the lord ( saith hee ) said unto me , say not i am a child , for thou shalt goe to all that i shall send thee , and whatsoever i command thee , thou shalt speak , jer. . . nothing can excuse any from going on his message , who can perfect his praise , out of the mouth of babes and sucklings . this the prophet amos rested upon , when he was questioned , although he were unfit for that heavenly employment , either by education or course of life : i was no prophet , neither was i a prophets sonne ; but i was an heardman , and a gatherer of sycamore fruit ; and the lord tooke me as i followed the flock , and said unto me , go prophecy to my people israel amos . , . so on the contrary , st. paul , a man of strong parts , great learning , and endowments , of indefatigable industry , and large abilities , yet affirmes of himselfe , that when god called him to preach his word , he conferred not with flesh and bloud , but went on presently with his work . gal. . , . cap. v. of the severall wayes of extraordinary calling to the teaching of others ; the first way . now three wayes may a man receive , and be assured that hee hath received this divine mission , or know that he is called of god , to the preaching of the word : i meane not that perswasion of divine concurrence , which is necessary also for them , ●hat are partakers of an ordinary vocation , ( but which is required in extraordinary cases to them , in whom all outward calling is wanting . . by immediate revelation . . by a concurrence of scripture rules , directory for such occasions . . by some outward acts of providence necessitating him thereunto . for the first , not to speak of light propheticall , whither it consists in a habit , or rather in a transient irradiating motion , nor to discourse of the species , whereby supernaturall things are conveyed to the naturall facultie , with the severall wayes of divine revelation , ( for st. paul affirmeth it to have been {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as well as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) with the sundry appellations it received , from the manner whereby it came ; i shall onely shew , what assurance such a one as is thus called may have in himselfe , that he is so called , and how he may manifest it unto others . that men receiving any revelation from god , had alwayes an assurance that such it was , to me seemes most certain : neither could i ever approve the note of gregory on the . of ezek. viz. that prophets being accustomed to prophecying , did oftentimes speake of their own spirit , supposing that it proceeded from the spirit of prophesie . what is this but to question the truth of all propheticall revelations , and to shake the faith that is built upon it : surely the prophet jeremiah had an infallible assurance of the author of his message , when he pleaded for himself before the princes , of a truth the lord hath sent me unto you , to speake all these words in your eares . chap. . . and abraham certainly had neede of a good assurance whence that motion did proceed , which made him addresse himselfe , to the sacrificing the son of promise ; and that all other prophets had the like evidence of knowledge , concerning the divine verity of their revelations is unquestionable ; hence are those allusions in the scripture , whereby it is compared unto things whereof we may be most certaine by the assurance of sense . so amos . . the lyon hath roared , who will not feare ? the lord god hath spoken , who can but prophecy ? and jerem. . . his word was in my heart as a burning fire shut up in my bones , things sensible enough . happily satan may so far delude false prophets , as to make them suppose their lying vanities are from above : whence they are said to be prophets of the deceit of their owne hear , jerem. . . being deceived , as well deceivers ; thinking in themselves , as well as speaking unto others , he saith , vers. . but that any true prophets should not know a true revelation , from a motion of their owne hearts , wants not much of blasphemy . the lord surely supposes that assurance of discerning , when he gives that command ; the prophet that hath a dreame , let him tell a dreame , and he that hath my word , let him speake my word faithfully ; what is the chaffe to the wheate ? ierem. . . he must be both blind and mad , that shall mistake , wheat , for chaffe , and on the contrary , what some men speak of an hidden instinct from god , moving the mindes of men , yet so , as they know not wither it be from him , or no , may better serve to illustrate plutarchs discourse of socrates daemon , then any passage in holy writ . st. austin saies , his mother would affirme , that though she could not expresse it , yet she could discern the difference between gods revelation , and her own dreames : in which relation , i doubt not but the learned father tooke advantage from the good old womans words of what she could do , to declare what might be done , of every one that had such immediate revelations . briefly then , the spirit of god , never so extraordinarily moveth the minde of man to apprehend any thing of this kinde whereof we speake , but it also illustrateth it with a knowledge , and assurance , that it is divinely moved to this apprehension . now because it is agreed on all sides , that light propheticall is no permanent habit in the minde of the prophets , but a transient impression , of it selfe , not apt to give any such assurance , it may be questioned from what other principle it doth proceed . but not to pry into things perhaps not fully revealed , and seeing st. paul shewes us that in such heavenly raptures , there are some things unutterable of them , and incomprehensible of us , we may let this rest , amongst those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , it apappeareth then from the preceding discourse , that , a man pretending to extraordinary vocation , by immdiate revelation , in respect of selfe-perswasion , of the truth of his call , he must be , as ascertained of it , as he could be , of a burning fire in his bones , if there shut up . cap. vi . what assurance men extraordinarily called , can give to others , that they are so called in the former way . the next thing to be considered , is , what assurance he can give to others , and by what means , that he is so called . now the matter , or subject of their imployment may give us some light , to this consideration : and this is either , the inchoation of some divine work to be established amongst men , by vertue of a new , and before never heard of revelation of gods will ; or a restauration of the same , when collapsed and corrupted by the sin of men . to the first of these , god never sendeth any , but whom he doth so extraordinarily and immediately call , and ordain for that purpose , and that this may be manifested unto others , he alwayes accompanieth them with his own almighty power , in the working of such miracles , as may make them beleeved , for the very works sake which god by them doth effect . this we may see in moses , and ( after iesus christ anointed with the oyl of gladnesse above his fellows to preach the gospel ) the apostles : but this may passe ; for nothing in such a way , shall ever again take place , god having ultimately revealed his minde , concerning his worship , and our salvation ; a curse being denounced to man or angel , that shall pretend to revelation , for the altering or changing one jot or title of the gospel . for the other , the work of reformation , there being , ever since the writing of his word , an infallible rule , for the performance of it , making it fall within the duty and ability of men , partakers of an ordinary vocation , and instructed with ordinary gifts ; god doth not always immediately call men unto it : but yet because oftentimes he hath so done , we may enquire what assurance they could give , of this their calling , to that imployment . our saviour christ informs us , that a prophet is often without honour in his own country : the honour of a prophet , is to have credence given to his message ; of which it should seem , jonas was above measure zealous ; yet such is the cursed infidelity and hardnesse of mens hearts , that though they cryed , thus saith the lord , yet they would reply the lord hath not spoken ; hence are those pleadings betwixt the prophet ieremie , and his enemies the prophet averring of a truth , the lord hath sent me unto you , and they contesting , that the lord had not sent him , but that he lyed in the name of the lord ; now to leave them inexcusable , and whether they would heare or whether they would forbeare , to convince them , that there hath been a prophet amongst them , as also to give the greater credibility to their extraordinary message , to them that were to beleeve their report , it is necessary that the arme of the lord should be revealed , working in and by them , in some extraordinary manner , it is certain enough , that god never sent any one extraordinarily , instructed onely with ordinary gifts , and for an ordinary end : the ayme of their imployment i shewed before was extraordinary , even the reparation of something instituted by god , and collapsed by the sin of man ; that it may be credible , or appeare of a truth , that god had sent them for this purpose , they were alwayes furnished , with such gifts and abilities , as the utmost reach of humane indeavours , with the assistance of common grace cannot possibly attaine . the generall opinion is , that god alwayes supplies such , with the gift of miracles . take the word in a large sence , for every supernaturall product , beyond the ordinary activity of that secondary cause whereby it is effected , and i easily grant it ; but in the usuall restrained acceptation of it , for outward wonderfull workes , the power of whose production consists in operation , i something doubt the universall truth of the assertion . we do not read of any such miracles wrought by the prophet amos , and yet he stands upon his extraordinary immediate vocation ; i was neither prophet nor the son of a prophet , but the lord called me , &c. it sufficeth then that they be furnished with a supernaturall power either in , . discerning , . speaking , . working : the power of discerning according to the things by it discernable , may be said to be of two sorts , for it is either of things present , beyond the power of humane investigation , as to know the thoughts of other mens hearts , or their words not ordinarily to be knowne , as elisha discovered the bed-chamber-discourse of the king of syria ( not that by vertue of their calling they come to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , knowers of the heart , which is gods property alone , but that god doth sometimes reveale such things unto them , for otherwise no such power is included in the nature of the gift , which is perfective of their knowledge , not by the way of habit , but actuall motion in respect of some particulars , and when this was absent , the same elisha affirmeth that he knew not why the shunamitish woman was troubled ) or secondly of things future and contingent in respect of their secundary causes , not precisely necessitated by their own internall principle of operation , for the effecting of the things so foreknown : and therefore the truth of the fore-knowledge , consists in a commensuration to gods purpose . now effects of this power , are all those predictions of such things which wee finde in the old and new testament , and divers also since : secondly , the supernaturall gift in speaking i intimate , is that of tongues , proper to the times of the gospel , when the worship of god was no longer to be confined to the people of one nation . the third in working , is that which strictly and properly , is called the gift of miracles : which are hard , rare , and strange effects exceeding the whole order of created nature : for whose production god sometimes useth his servants instrumentally , moving and inabling them thereunto , by a transient impression , of his powerfull grace ; of which sort the holy scripture hath innumerable relations . now with one of those extraordinary gifts at the least , sometimes with all , doth the lord furnish those his messengers of whom we treat : which makes their message a sufficient revelation of gods will , and gives it credibility enough , to stir up faith in some , and leave others inexcusable . all the difficulty is , that there have been simon magusses , and are antichrists , falsely pretending to have in themselves , this mighty power of god , in one or other of the forenamed kinds . hence were those many false prophets , dreamers , and wizards mentioned in the old testament , which the lord himselfe forewarnes us of , as also those agents of that man of sin , whose comming is after the working of satan with povver and signes , and lying vvonders , thes. . . i meane the jugling priests and iesuits , pretending falsely by their impostures to the power of miracle vvorking ; though their imployment be not to reforme , but professedly to corrupt the worship of god : now in such a case as this , we have : . the mercy of god to relye upon , whereby he will guide his into the vvay of truth , and the purpose or decree of god , making it impossible that his elect should be deceived by them . secondly , humane diligence accompanied with gods blessing , may helpe us wonderfully in a discovery , whither the pretended miracles be of god , or no ; for there is nothing more certaine , then that a true and reall miracle , is beyond the activity of all created povver , ( for if it be not , it is not a miracle ) so that the divell and all his emissaries are not able to effect any one act truely miraculous : but in all their pretences there is a defect discernable , either in respect of the thing it selfe pretended to be done , or of the manner of its doing , not truely exceeding the power of art or nature , though the apprehension of it , by reason of some hell-conceived circumstances , be above our capacity . briefely , either the thing is a lye , and so it is easie to faigne miracles , or the performance of it , is pure jugling , and so it is easie to delude poore mortalls . innumerable of this sort at the beginning of the reformation , were discovered among the agents , of that wonder-vvorking man of sin , by the blessing of god upon humane endeavours ; now from such discoveries , a good conclusion may be drawne , against the doctrine they desire by such meanes to confirme : for as god never worketh true miracles , but for the confirmation of the truth , so will not men pretend such as are false , but to persvvade that to others for a truth , which themselves have just reason to be persvvaded is a lye ; now if this meanes faile , thirdly , god himselfe hath set downe a rule of direction for us , in the time of such difficulty , deut. . , , . if there arise among you a prophet or dreamer of dreames , and giveth thee a signe or a vvonder , and the signe , or the vvonder come to passe , vvherefore he spake unto thee , saying , let us goe after other gods to serve them , thou shalt not hearken to the vvords of that prophet , or dreamer of dreames , for the lord your god proveth you , to know whether yee love the lord your god , with all your heart , and all your soul . ye shall vvalk after the lord your god , and fear him , and keep his commandements , and obey his voice , and you shall serve him , and cleave unto him , and that prophet or dreamer of dreams shall be put to death . the sum is , that seeing such men pretend that their revelations and miracles are from heaven , let us search , whither the doctrine they seeke to confirme by them , bee from heaven , or no ; if it bee not , let them bee stoned , or accursed , for they seeke to dravv us from our god , if it bee , let not the curse of a stony heart , to refuse them , be upon us . where the miracles are true , the doctrine cannot be false ; and if the doctrine be true , in all probability the miracles confirming it , are not false ; and so much of them , who are immediatly called of god from heaven , what assurance they may have in themselves , of such a call , and what assurance they can make of it to others ; now such are not to expect any ordinary vocation ; from men below , god calling them aside to his worke , from the middest of their brethren : the lord of the harvest may send labourers into his field , without asking his stewards consent , and they shall speake what ever he saith unto them . chap. . the second way whereby a man may be called extraordinarily . secondly , a man may be extraordinarily called to the preaching and publishing of gods word by a concurrence of scripture rules , directory for such occasions , occurrences , and opportunities of time , place , and persons , as he liveth in , and under . rules in this kinde , may be drawn either from expresse precept , or approved practise : some of these i shall intimate , and leave it to the indifferent reader , to judge , whether or no they hold in the application ; and all that in this kinde i shall propose , i did with submission to better judgements . consider then , . that of our saviour to saint peter , luke . . when thou art converted , strengthen the brethren , which containing nothing but an application of one of the prime dictates of the law of nature , cannot , ought not to be restrained unto men of any peculiar calling as such : not to multiply many of this kinde , ( whereof in the scripture is plenty ) adde only that of saint james , brethren , if any of you do erre from the truth , and one convert him , let him know , that he which converteth the sinner from the error of his way , shall save a soule from death , &c. from these and the like places it appeares to me , that . there is a generall obligation on all christians , to promote the conversion and instruction of sinners , and man erring from the right way : againe , consider that of our saviour , mat. . . men d●… not light a candle and put it under a rushell , but on a candlesticke , and it giveth light unto all that are in the house : to which adde that of the apostle , if any thing be revealed to another that sitteth by , let the first hold his peace , cor. . . which words , although primarily they intend extraordinary immediate revelations , yet i see no reason why in their equity and extent , they may not be directory for the use of things revealed unto us by scripture light ; at least we may deduce from them , by the way of analogie , that . whatsoever necessary truth is revealed to any out of the word of god , not before known , he ought to have an uncontradicted liberty of declaring that truth , provided that he use such regulated wayes for that his declaration , as the church wherein he liveth ( if a right church ) doth allow . further see amos . . the lion hath roared , who will not feare ? the lord god hath spoken , who can but prophesie ? and jer. . . then said i , i will not make mention of his name , but his word was in mine heart , as a burning fire shut up in my bones , i was weary with forbearing , and i could not stay : with the answer of peter and john , to the rulers of the jews , acts . , . whether it be right in the sight of god to hearken unto you more then unto god , judge yee , for we cannot but speake the things that we have seen and heard . whence it appeares , that . truth revealed unto any , carries along with it an unmoveable perswasion of conscience ( which is powerfully obligatory ) that it ought to be published and spoken to others . that none may take advantage of this to introduce confusion into our congregations , i gave a sufficient caution in the second rule . many other observations giving light to the businesse in hand , might be taken from the common dictates of nature , concurring with the many generall precepts we have in the scripture , but omitting them , the next thing i propose is the practise , &c. . of our saviour christ himselfe , who did not only pose the doctors when he was but twelve years old , luke . . but also afterwards preached in the synagogue of nazareth , luke . . being neither doctor , nor scribe , nor levite , but of the tribe of juda ( concerning which tribe it is evident that moses spake nothing concerning the priesthood . ) . againe , in the eight of the acts , great persecution arising against the church , after the death of stephen , they were all scattered abroad from jerusalem , ver. . that is , all the faithfull members of the church , who being thus dispersed , went every where , preaching the word , ver. . and to this their publishing of the gospell ( having no warrant , but the generall engagement of all christians , to further the propagation of christs kingdome ) occasioned by their own persecution , the lord gave such a blessing , that they were thereby the first planters of a setled congregation among the gentiles , they , and their converts being the first that were honoured by the name of christians , acts . . and . neither . is the example of saint paul altogether impertinent , who with his companions repaired into the synagogues of the jews , taught them publikely , yea , upon their own request , acts . . apollos also spake boldly , and preached fervently , when he knew only the baptisme of john , and needed himselfe further instruction , acts . . it should seeme then , in that juncture of time , he that was instructed in any truth , not ordinarily known , might publikely acquaint others with it , though he himselfe were ignorant in other points of high concernment ; yet perhaps now it is not possible that any occurrences should require a precise imitation , of what was not only lawfull , but also expedient , in that dawning towards the cleare day of the last unchangeable revelation of gods will . now in these and the like , there is so much variety , such severall grounds , and circumstances , that no direct rule can from them be drawn , only they may give strength to what from the former shall be concluded . for a further light to this discourse , consider what desolate estate the church of god , hath been , may be , and at this present , in divers places is reduced to : her silver may become drosse , and her wine be mixt with water , the faithfull city becomming an harlot , her shepheards may be turned into dumb sleeping dogs , and devouring wolves , her watchmen may be turned smiters , her prophets to prophesie falsely , and her priests to beare rule by lies , the commandements of god being made void by the traditions of men , superstition , humane inventions , will-worship , may defile and contaminate the service of god ; yea , and greater abominations may men possessing moses chaire by succession doe : now that the temple of god hath been thus made a den of theeves , that the abomination of desolation hath been set up in the holy place , is evident from the jewish and christian church : for in the one it was clearly so , when the government of it was devolved to the scribes and pharisees , and in the other , when the man of sin had exalted himselfe in the midst thereof . now suppose a man , living in the midst and height of such a sad apostacy , when an universall darknesse had spread it selfe over the face of the church , if the lord be pleased to reveale unto him out of his word some points of faith , then either not at all known , or generally disbelieved , yet a right beliefe whereof is necessary to salvation ; and further out of the same word shall discover unto him the wickednesse of that apostacy , and the meanes to remove it , i demand , whether that man without expecting any call from the fomenters and maintainers of those errors , with which the church at that time , is only not destroyed , may not preach , publish , and publikely declare the said truths to others ( the knowledge of them being so necessary for the good of their soules ) and conclude himselfe thereunto called of god , by vertue of the forenamed , and other the like rules ? truly for my part ( under correction ) i conceive he may , nay he ought , neither is any other outward call requisite to constitute him a preacher of the gospell , then the consent of gods people to be instructed by him ; for instance , suppose that god should reveale the truth of the gospel , to a meere lay man ( as they say ) in italy , so that he be fully convinced thereof ; what shall he now do ? abstaine from publishing it , though he be perswaded in conscience , that a great doore of utterance might be granted unto him , onely because some hereticall , symonaicall , wicked antichristian prelate , hath not ordained him minister ; who yet would not do it , unlesse he will subscribe to those errors and heresies which he is perswaded to be such : truly i think by so abstaining , he should sin against the law of charity , in seeing ( not the oxe or asse of his brother falling into the pit , but ) their precious soules , sinking to everlasting damnation , and not preventing it , when he might ? and were he indeed truly angry with his whole nation , he might have the advantage of an italian revenge . moreover , he should sin against the precept of christ , by hiding his light under a bushell ▪ and napkining up his talent , an increase whereof will be required of him at the last day : now with this i was alwayes so well satisfied , that i ever deemed all curious disquisition after the outward vocation of our first reformers , luther , calvin , &c. altogether needlesse ; the case in their dayes being exactly that , which i have laid downe . come we now to the third and last way , whereby men not partakers of any outward ordinary vocation , may yet receive a sufficient warrant for the preaching and publishing of the gospell , and that by some outward act of providence guiding them thereunto ; for example , put case a christian man , should by any chance of providence , be cast by shipwrack or otherwise , upon the country of some barbarous people , that never heard of the name of christ , and there by hs goodnesse that brought him thither , be received amongst them , into civill humane society ; may he not , nay , ought he not to preach christ unto them ? and if god give a blessing to his endeavours , may hee not become a pastor to the converted soules ? none i hope makes any doubt of it ; and in the primitive times , nothing was more frequent then such examples ; thus were the indians and the moores turned to the faith , as you may see in eusebius : yea great was the liberty which in the first church was used in this kinde , presently after the supernaturall gift of tongues ceased amongst men . chap. . of the liberty and duty of gifted , uncalled christians , in the excercise of divers acts of gods worship . and thus have i declared , what i conceive , concerning extraordinary calling to the publick teaching of the word ; in what cases onely it useth to take place , whence i conclude , that whosoever pretends unto it , not warranted by an evidence of one of those three wayes , that god taketh in such proceedings , is but a pretender , an impostor , and ought accordingly to be rejected of all gods people in other cases , not to disuse what outward ordinary occasion from them who are intrusted by commission from god , with that power , doth conferre upon persons so called , we must needs grant it a negative voyce , in the admission of any to the publick preaching of the gospell , if they come not in at that doore , they do climbe over the wall , if they make any entrance at all : it remaines then , to shut up all , that it be declared , what private christians , living in a pure , orthodoxe , well ordered church may doe , and how far they may interest themselves , in holy soule-concerning affaires , both in respect of their owne particular , and of their brethren in the midst of whom they live : in which determination , because it concerneth men of low degree , and those that comparatively may be said to be unlearned , i shall labour to expresse the conceivings of my minde , in as familiar plaine observations as i can ; onely thus much i desire may be premised , that the principles and rules of that church governement , from which , in the following assertions i desire not to wander , is of that ( to which i doe , and alwayes in my poore judgement have adhered , since by gods assistance , i had engaged my selfe to the study of his word ) which commonly is called presbyteriall , or synodicall , in opposition to prelaticall , or diocesan on the one side ; and that which is commonly called independant , or congregationall on the other . . then a diligent searching of the scriptures , with fervent prayers to almighty god , for the taking away that vaile of ignorance , which by nature is before their eyes , that they may come to a saving knowledge in , and a right understanding of them , is not only lawfull and convenient for all men professing the name of christ , but also absolutly necessary because commanded , yea indeed commanded , because the end so to be attained is absolutely necessarie to salvation : to confirme this , i need not multiply precepts out of the old or new testament , such as that of isa. . . to the law and to the testimony , and that of joh , . . search the scriptures , which are inumerable , nor yet heap up motives unto it , such as are the discription of the heavenly countrey , whither we are going , in them is cōtained , joh. . . cor. . . revel : . . &c. the way by which we are to travaile laid down , iohn . . and . , . jesus christ whom we must labour to be like , painted out , gal. . . and the back-parts of god discovered , deut. . . by them onely true spirituall wisdom is conveied to our souls , iere. . . whereby we may become even wiser then our teachers , psa. . in them all comfort and consolation is to be had , in the time of danger and trouble , psa. . . and , . in briefe the knowledge of christ which is life eternall ioh. . . yea , all that can be said in this kinde comes infinitely short , of those treasures of wisdom , riches , & goodnes , which are contained in them ; the law of the lord is perfect converting the soule , the testimony of the lord is sure , making wise the simple , psa. . . but this duty of the people is cleere , and confessed ; the objections of the papists against it , being for the most part , so many blasphemies against the holy word of god ; they accuse it of difficulty , which god affirmes to make wise the simple , of obscurity , which openeth the eyes of the blinde ; to be a dead letter , a nose of wax , which is quicke and powerfull pearcing to the dividing asunder of the soule and spirit ; to be weake and insufficient , which is able to make the man of god perfect and wise unto salvation ; yea that word which the apostle affirmeth to be profitable for reproofe , is not in any thing more full , then in reproving of this blasphemy . . they may not onely ( as before ) search the scriptures , but also examine , and try by them the doctrine that publikely is taught unto them ; the people of god , must not be like children tossed too and fro , and carried about with every winde of doctrine , by the slight of men , and cunning craftinesse , whereby they lie in wait to deceive : ephes. . . all is not presently gospell , that is spoken in the pulpit , it is not long since , that altar-worship , arminianisme , popery , superstition , &c. were freely preached in this kingdom ; now what shall the people of god do in such a case ? yeild to every breath , to every puffe of false doctrine ? or rather try it by the word of god , and if it be not agreeable thereunto , cast it out like salt that hath lost its savour : must not the people take care that they be not seduced ? must they not beware of false prophets , which come unto them in sheepes cloathing , but inwardly are ravening wolves ? and how shall they do this ? what way remaines , but a trying their doctrine by the rule ? in these evill dayes wherein we live , i heare many daily complaining , that there is such difference , and contrariety among preachers , they know not what to doe , nor scarce what to believe ; my answer is , do but your own duty , and this trouble is at an end ; is there any contrarity in the book of god ? pin not your faith upon mens opinions , the bible is the touchstone : that there is such diversity amongst teachers is their fault , who should thinke all the same thing ; but that this is so troublesome to you , is your own fault , for neglecting your duty of trying all things by the word : alas , you are in a miserable condition , if you have all this while , relied on the authority of men , in heavenly things ; he that builds his faith upon preachers , though they preach nothing but truth , and he pretend to believe it , hath indeed no faith at all , but a wavering opinion , built upon a rotten foundation : what ever then is taught you , you must go with it , to the law , and to the testimony , if they speake not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them , isaiah . . yea , the bereans are highly extolled , for searching whether the doctrine concerning our saviour , preached by st. paul , were so , or no , acts . . agreeably to the precept of the same preacher , thes. . . make triall of all things , and hold fast that which is good : as also to that of st. john , epist. . . beloved , believe not every spirit , but try the spirits whether they be of god , because many false spirits ar● gone out into the world ; prophets then must be tried , before they be trusted ; now the reason of this holds still : there are many false teachers abroad in the world , wherefore try every one , trie his spirit , his spirituall gift of teaching , & that by the word of god . and here you have a door rule laid down , how you may extricate your selves from the former perplexity : nay , st. paul himself speaking to understanding christians , requires them to judge of it , cor. . . i speake as to wise , judge ye what i say : hence are those cautions , that the people should looke that none do seduce them , matth. . . to which end , they must have their souls exercised , in the word of god , to discerne good and evil , heb. . . thus also in one place , christ biddeth his followers , heare the pharisees , and do what they should command , because they sate in moses chaire , matt. . , . and yet in another place , gives them a caution to beware of the doctrine of the pharisees , matr. . . it remaineth then , that the people are bound to hear those , who possesse the place of teaching in the church , but withall they must beware that it contain nothing of the old leaven , to which end they must try it by the word of god : when as saint paul prayeth for the philippians , that their love might abound yet more and more in knowledge , and all judgement , that they might approve things that are excellent , phil. . , . unlesse ministers will answer for all those soules they shall mislead , and excuse them before god , at the day of triall , they ought not to debar them , from trying their doctrine ; now this they cannot do , for if the blinde , lead the blinde both shall fall into the pit of destruction . and here i might have just occasion of complaint : . of the superstitious pride of the late clergy of this land , who could not endure to have their doctrine tried by their auditors , crying to poor men with the pharises , john . you were altogether borne in sins , and do you teach us ? a pretty world it is like to be , when the sheepe will needs teach their pastors ; nothing would serve them , but a blinde submission , to the loose dictates of their cobweb homilies : he saw farther sure , in the darkenesse of popery , who contended that a whole generall councell , ought to give place , to a simple lay man , urging scripture , or speaking reason . now surely this is very far from that gentlenesse , meeknesse , and aptnesse to teach , which st. paul requireth in a man of god , a minister of the gospel : secondly , the negligence of the people also , might here come under a just reproofe , who have not laboured , to discerne the voice of the hireling , from that of the true shepheard , but have promiscuously followed , the new fanglednesse , & hereticall errours , of every time serving starver of souls . whence proceedeth all that misery , the land now groaneth under , but that we have had a people , willing to be led by a corrupted clergy , freely drinking in the poison , wherewith they were tainted : the prophets prophesied falsely , the priests bare rule , by their meanes , the people loved to have it so , but what shall we now doe in the end thereof ; who could ever have thought , that the people of england , would have yeilded a willing eare , to so many popish errours , and an obedient shoulder , to such a heavy burden of superstitions , as in a few years , were instilled into them , and laid upon them : voluntarily by their own sinfull neglect , ensnaring their consciences , by the omission of this duty we insist upon , of examining by the word what is taught unto them ; but this is no place for complaints , and this is a second thing , which the people distinct from their pastors may do for their own edification . now whether they do this privately , every one apart , or by assembling more together , is altogether indifferent . and that this was observed by private christians , in the primitive times is very apparent . come we in the third place , what either their duty bindes them to , or otherwise by the word , they are allowed to doe , in sacred performances , having reference to others ; looke then in generall upon those things we finde them tied unto , by vertue of speciall precept : such as are to warne the unruly , comfort the feeble minded , support the weake , thes. . . to admonish and reprove offending brethren , matth. . . to instruct the ignorant . joh. . . act. . . to exhort the negligent , heb. . . and . . . to comfort the afflicted , thes. . . to restore him that falleth , gal. . . to visit the sicke ▪ matth. . , . to reconcile those that are at variance , matth. . . to contend for the truth , jude . pet. . . to pray for the sinner not unto death , ioh. . . to edifie one another in their most holy faith , jude . to speak to themselves in psalmes and hymnes , and spirituall songs , ephe. . . to be ready to answer every man , in giving account of their faith , col. . . to marke them that make divisions , rom. . . with innumerable others to the like purpose , it remaineth them to consider : secondly , in particular , what course they may take , beyond private conference between man and man , by indiction of time or place , for the fulfilling of what by these precepts , and the like is of them required : to which i answer ▪ . lawfull things must be done lawfully , if any unlawfull circumstance , attends the performance of a lawfull action , it vitiates the whole worke , for bonum oritur ex integris ; for instance , to reprove an offender , is a christian duty , but for a private man to do it , in the publicke congregation , whilest the minister is preaching , were instead of a good act , a soule crime , being a notorious disturbance of church decency and order . . that for a publicke , formall , ministeriall teaching , two things are required in the teacher : first , gifts from god : secondly , authority from the church ( and i speake now of ordinary cases ) he that wants either , is no true pastor : for the first , god sends none upon an employment , but whom he fills with gifts for it : . not one command in the scripture made to teachers . not one rule for their direction : . not one promise to their endeavours , . not any end of their unemployment ; . not one incouragement to their duty , . not one reproofe for their negligence , . not the least intimation of their reward , but cuts off ungifted : idoll pastors , from any true interest in the calling : and for the other , that want authority from the church , neither ought they to undertake any formall act , properly belonging to the ministery , such as is , solemne teaching of the word ; for , . they are none of christs officers , ephes. . . . they are expresly forbidden it , ier. . . heb. . . . the blessing on the word is promised only to sent teachers , rom. . , . . if to be gifted , be to be called , then , . every one might undertake so much in sacred duties , as he fancies himselfe to be able to performe . . children ( as they report of athanasius ) might baptise . . every ▪ common christian , might administer the communion : but endlesse are the arguments that might be multiplied against this fancy ; in a word , if our saviour christ be the god of order , he hath left his church to no such confusion . thirdly , that to appoint time and place , for the doing of that which god hath appointed indefinitely to be done , in time and place , rather commends then vitiates the duty ; so did jobs friends in the duty of comforting the afflicted , they made an appointment together to come and comfort him , job . . and so did they , zech. . . and so did david , psal. . . fourthly , there is much difference betweene opening or interpreting the word , and applying the word upon the advantage of such an approved interpretation , as also betweene an authoritative act , or doing a thing by vertue of speciall office , and a charitable act , or doing a thing out a motion of christian love . fifthly , it may be observed concerning gifts ; first , that the gifts and graces of gods spirit , are of two sorts , some being bestowed for the sanctification of gods people , some for the edification of his church , some of a private alley , looking primarily inwards , to the saving of his soule , on whom they are bestowed , ( though in their fruits also , they have a relation , and habitude to others ) other some , ayming at the common wealth or profit of the whole church , as such : of the first sort , are those mentioned , gal. . , . the fruit of the spirit is love , joy , peace , &c. with all other graces that are necessary to make the man of god perfect , in all holinesse and the feare of the lord : the other are those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , spirituall gifts of teaching ▪ praying , prophe●ying , mentioned , cor. . and in other places . secondly , that all these gifts comming down from the father of lights , are given by the same spirit , dividing to every one as he will , cor. . . he is not tied in the bestowing of his gifts , to any sort , estate , calling or condition of men , but worketh them freely , as it pleaseth him , in whom he will ; the spirit there mentioned , is that god which worketh all things , according to the counsell of his owne will , ephes. . . they are neither deserved by our goodnesse , nor obtained by our endeavours . thirdly , that the end why god bestoweth these gifts on any , is meerely , that within the bounds of their owne calling ( in which they are circumscribed , cor. . . ) they should use them to his glory , and the edification of his church , for the manifestation of the spirit is given to every man to profit withall , cor. . . christ gives none of his talents to be bound up in napkins , but expects his owne with increase : and from these considerations it is easily discernable , both what the people of god distinct from their pastors in a well ordered church , may do in this kinde , whereof we treate , and how : in generall then i assert , that for the improving of knowledge , the increasing of christian charity , for the furtherance of a strict and holy communion of that spirituall love and amity which ought to be amongst the brethren , they may of their owne accord , assemble together , to consider one another , to provoke unto love and good works , to stir up the gifts that are in them , yeilding and receiving mutuall consolation , by the fruits of their most holy faith . now because there be many vzzahs amongst us , who have an itching desire to be fingring of the arke , thinking more highly of themselves , then they ought to thinke , and like the ambitious sons of levi , taking too much upon them ; it will not be amisse , to give two cautions , deducted from the former rules : first , that they doe not , under a pretence of christian liberty and freedome of conscience , cast away all brotherly amity , and cut themselves off from the communion of the church ; christ hath not purchased a liberty for any to rent his body : they will prove at length , to be no duties of piety , which breake the sacred bonds of charity . men ought not under a pretence , of congregating themselves to serve their god , separate from their brethren , neglecting the pnblick assemblies , as was the manner of some , rebuked by the apostle , heb. . . there be peculiar blessings , and transcendent priviledges annexed to publick assemblies , which accompany not private men to their recesses ; the sharp-edged sword becomes more keene , when set on by a skilfull master of the assemblies ; and when the water of the word flowes there , the spirit of god moves upon the face thereof , to make it effectuall in our hearts : what , despise you the church of god ? cor. . . secondly , as the ministry , so also ought the ministers , to have that regard , respect and obedience , which is due to their labours in that sacred calling : would we could not too frequently see more puffed up with the conceit of their owne gifts , into a contempt of the most learned and pious pastors ; these are spots in your feasts of charity , clouds without water , carried about of winds : it must doubtlesse be an evill roote , that bringeth forth such bitter fruit . wherefore let not our brethren fall into this condemnation , lest there be an evill report , raised by them that are without : but remember them who have the rule over you , who have spoken unto you the word of god , heb. . . there is no greater evidence , of the heavenly improvement , you make by your recesses , then that you obey them that are guides unto you , and submit your selves , for they watch for you soules , as they that must give an account , that they may do it with joy , and not with griefe , for that is unprofitable for you , ver. . let not them who despise a faithfull painfull minister in publick , flatter themselves , with hope of a blessing on their endeavours in private : let them pretend what they will , they have not an equall respect unto all gods ordinances . wherefore that the comming together in this sort , may be for the better , and not for the worse , observe these things : now for what gifts , ( that are as before freely bestowed ) whose exercise is permitted , unto such men , so assembled : i meane in a private family , or two or three met {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in one . and first we may name the gift of prayer , whose exercise must not be exempted , from such assemblies , if any be granted : these are the times , wherein the spirit of grace and supplications , is promised to be poured out upon the jerusalem of god , zech. . . now god having bestowed the gift , and requiring the duty , his people ought not to be hindred in the performance of it : are all those precepts to pray in the scriptures , onely for our closets ? when the church was in distresse for the imprisonment of peter , there was a meeting at the house of mary the mother of john , act. . . manie were gathered together praying , saith the text : a sufficient warrant for the people of god in like cases : the churches are in no lesse distresse now , then at that time , and in some congregations the ministers are so oppressed , that publikely they dare not , in others so corrupted , that they will not pray for the prosperity of jerusalem : now truly it were a disconsolate thing , for any one of gods servants to say , during all these streights , i never joyned with any of gods children in the pouring out of my prayer in the behalfe of his church : neither can i see how this can possibly be prevented , but by the former meanes ; to which adde the councell of st. paul , speaking to themselves , in psalmes , and hymnes , and spirituall songs , making melody in their hearts unto the lord , eph. . . secondly , they may exercise the gifts of wisdom , knowledge , and understanding in the wayes of the lord ; comforting , strengthening , and incouraging each other with the same consolations , and promises , which by the benefit of the publicke ministry , they have received from the word : thus in time of distresse the prophet malachi tels us , that they that feared the lord , spake often one to another , and the lord hearkned and heard , &c. chap. . . comforting ( as it appeares ) one another in the promises of god , made unto his church , against the flourishing of the wicked , and overflowing of ungodlinesse , the persecution of tyrants , and impurity of transgressors . thirdly , they may make use of the tongue of the learned ( if given unto them ) to speake a word in season to him that is weary , isa. . . for being commanded to confesse their faults one to another , james . . they have power also to apply to them that are penitent , the promises of mercy : we should never be commanded to open our wounds , to them who have no balme , to powre into them : he shall have cold comfort , who seekes for councell from a dumbe man , so that in this , & the like cases , they may apply unto , and instruct one another in the word of god , doing it as a charitable duty , and not as out of necessary function , even as aquila , and priscilla , expounded unto apollos the word of god more perfectly then he knew it before , act. . . in summe , and not to inlarge this discourse with any more particulars , the people of god are allowed all quiet , and peaceable meanes , whereby they may help each other forward , in the knowledge of godlinesse , and the way towards heaven ; now for the close of this discourse , i will remove some objections , that i have heard godly men , and men not unlearned lay against it , out of a zeale not unlike that of joshua , for moses sake , the constitute pastors sake , to whom , though i might briefly answer , with moses , i would to god all the lords people were prophets ; i heartily wish that every one of them , had such a plentifull measure of spirituall endowments , that they might become wise unto salvation , above many of their teachers , in which vote , i make no doubt but every one will concurre with me , who have the least experimentall knowledge , what a burthen upon the shoulders , what a griefe unto the soule of a minister , knowing , and desiring to discharge his duty , is an ignorant congregation , of which , thanks to our prelates , pluralists , non-residents , homilies , service-book , and ceremonies , we have too toomany in this kingdom , the many also of our ministers in this church , taking for their directory , the laws and penalties of men , informing what they should not do , if they would avoid their panishment , and not the precepts of god , what they should as their duty do , if they meant to please him , and knowing there was no stature , whereon they might be sued , for ( pardon the expression ) the dilapidation of soules , so their owne houses were ceiled , they cared not at all though the church of god lay wast : i say , though i might thus answer , with opening my desire for the increasing of knowledge among the people ; of which , i take this to be an effectuall means , yet i will give briefe answers , to the severall objections . then this seemes to favour an allowance of licentious conventicles , which in all ▪ laces , the lawes have condemned , learned men in all ages have abhorted , as the seminaries of faction and schisme in the church of god . that ( under correction ) i conceive , that the law layeth hold of none , as peccant in such a kinde , but onely those , who have predeclared themselves to be opposers of the worship of god , in the publique assemblies of that church wherein they live : now the patronage of any such , i before re●●cted ; neither doe i conceive , that they ought at all to be allowed the benefit of private meetings , who wilfully abstaine from the publique congregations , so long as the true worship of god is held forth in them : yea , how averse i have ever beene , from that kinde of confused licentiousnesse in any church , i have somewhile since declared , in an answer ( drawne up for my owne , and some private friends satisfactions ) to the arguments of the remonstrants , in their apologie , and replies to vedelius , with other treatises , for such a liberty of prophecying , as they terme it . if then the law account onely such assemblies to be conventicles , wherein the assemblers contemne and despise the service of god in publique , i have not spoken one word in favour of them : and for that canon which was mounted against them , whether intentionally , in the first institution of it , it was moulded , and framed against anapabtists , or no , i cannot tell ? but this i am sure , that in the discharge of it , it did execution oftentimes , upon such as had christs precept and promise , to warrant their assembling , mat. . , . not to contend about words , would to god that which is good , might not be persecuted into odious appellations , and called evill , when it is otherwise ; so to oppose it to the tyrannicall oppression , of the enemies of the gospell : the thing it selfe , rightly understood , can scarce be condemned of any , who envies not the salvation of soules . they that would banish the gospell from our houses , would not much care , if it were gone from our hearts ; from our houses i say , for it is all one whether these duties be performed in one family , or a collection of more ; some one is bigger then ten other ; shall their assembling to performe what is lawfull for that one , be condemned for a conventicle ? where is the law for that ? or what is there in all this more then god required of his ancient people , as i shewed before ? or must a master of a family , cease praying in his family , and instructing his children , and servants in the wayes of the lord , for feare of being counted a preacher in a tub ? things were scarcely carried with an equall hand , for the kingdom of christ , when orders came forth on the one side , to give liberty to the profane multitude to assemble themselves at heathenish sports , with bestiall exclamations , on the lords own day , and on the other , to punish them , who durst gather themselves together for prayer , or the singing of psalmes ; but i hope , through gods blessing , we shall be for ever quit of all such ecclesiasticall discipline , as must be exercised according to the interest of idle drones , whom it concerneth to see that there be none to try or examine their doctrine , or of superstitious innovators , who desire to obtrude their fancies , upon the unwary people ; whence comes it that we have such an innumerable multitude of ignorant stupid soules , unacquainted with the very principles of religion ? but from the discountenancing of these means of increasing knowledge ; by men who would not labour todo it themselves ; oh that we could see the many swearers , and drunkards , & sabbath-breakers , &c. in this nation , guilty onely of this crime ; would the kingdom were so happy , the church so holy ! men are apt , to pride themselves in their gifts , and flatter themselves in their performances , so that let them approch as nigh as the tabernacle , and you shall quickly have them encroaching upon the priests office also , and by an over-weening of their own indeavours , create themselues pastors in seperate congregations . it cannot be , but offences will come , so long as there is malice in satan , and corruption in men , there is no doubt , but there is danger of some such thing : but hereof the liberty mentioned is not the cause , but an accidentall occasion onely , no way blameable , gifts must not be condemned , because they may be abused , god-fearing-men will remember korah , knowing ( as one sayes well ) that vzzah had better ventured the falling then the fingring of the arke , they that truely love their soules , will not suffer themselves to be carried away by selfe-conceit , so farre as to help overthrow the very constitution of any church by confusion , or the flourishing of it by ignorance , both which , would certainly follow such courses ; knowledge if alone puffeth up , but joyned to charity it edifieth . but may not this be a meanes for men to vent and broach their owne private fancies unto others ? to foment and cherish errors in one another ? to give false interpretations of the word , there being no way to prevent it ? for interpreting of the word , i speake not , but applying of it being rightly interpreted ; and for the rest , would to god the complaints were not true , of those things that have for divers yeares in this church beene done publickly , and outwardly according to order : but that no inconvenience arise from hence , the care rests on them , to whom the dispensation of the word is committed , whose sedulous indeavour , to reprove and convince all unsound doctrine , not agreeing to the forme of wholesome words , is the soveraigne and onely remedy to cure , or meanes to prevent this evill . for the close of all , we may observe , that those who are most offended , and afraid , lest others should encroach upon their callings , are for the most part such , as have almost deserted it themselves , neglecting their owne imployment , when they are the busiest of mortals , in things of this world . to conclude then , for what i have delivered in this particular , i conceive that i have the judgement and practise of the whole church of scotland , ( agreeable to the word of god ) for my warrant ; witnesse that act of their assembly at edinburgh , an. . wherewith the learned ruthersurd concludes his defence of their discipline , with whose words i will shut up this discourse ; our assembly also , commandeth goldy conference at all occasionall meetings , or as gods providence shall dispose , as the word of god commandeth , providing none invade the pastors office , to preach the word , who are not called thereunto by god and his church . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} finis . i have perused this discourse touching the administration of things commanded in religion , and conceive it written with much clearenesse of judgement , and moderation of spirit , and therefore do approve of it to be published in print . may . . joseph caryl . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- a cor. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . revel. . . epist. joh. . . matth. . . cor. . . zanch. de fine sec . mol. acc. proph . rom. . . euseb. eccles. hist. lib. . cap. ambr. de sacra . lib. . ephes . . gen. . . cap. . . cap. . , . &c. . . cap. . , , . cap. , cap. . cap. . , . cap. . . cap. . , , . exo. cap. . . job cap. . . cap. . , , . tho : . ae q. . ad . jacob armin. de sacerd . ch. orat . gen. . . eccles. malignantum . august . con. faust . lib. . cap. . per incrementa temporum crevit divinae cognitionis incrementum es . regno . hom. . in ezek. a med. marke . aug. de civit . dei . lib . cap. . joseph . antiq. lib. . ca. . sixt. senens . bib. lib. . matth. . . chr. . . cast him out , joh. . acts . . aquin. durand . tractatu de sacerdotio christi , contra armin socini : & papistas , non . dum edito . hook : eccles. polit lib . whitgift . ans. to the admon . rev. . . & . . & . . pet. . . &c. for offering the host or their christ they pray : supra quae , propitio ac sereno vultu respirere digneris , & accepta habere ficut dignatus es munorae pueri tui justi abel , & sacrificium patriarchae nostri abrahae : with many more to that purpose . sciendum est quod aliquando prophetae sancti dum consuluntur ex magno usu prophetandi quaedam ex suo spiritu proserunt , et se hoc ex prophetiae spiritu dicere suspicantur . gregor : hom. . in ezek. dicebat se discernere ( nescio quo sapore quem verbis explicare non poterat ) quid interesset interdeum revelantem , & animam suam somniantem . aug. confess . the discovery of pretenders . ezek. . , . &c. . . the third way . vos facite quod scriptum est , ut unodicente , omnes examinent , me ergodicente quod sentio , vos discern●…te & examinate ; orig. in josh. hom. . eusebius russ . eccles. . . . object . answ . . object . answer . . object . answer an enquiry into the constitution, discipline, unity & worship of the primitive church that flourished within the first three hundred years after christ faithfully collected out of the extant writings of those ages / by an impartial hand. king, peter king, lord, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing k estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an enquiry into the constitution, discipline, unity & worship of the primitive church that flourished within the first three hundred years after christ faithfully collected out of the extant writings of those ages / by an impartial hand. king, peter king, lord, - . v. printed for jonathan robinson ... and john wyat ..., london : . attributed to lord peter king. cf. bm. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -- history -- early church, ca. - . church history -- primitive and early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an enquiry into the constitution , discipline , unity & worship , of the primitive church , that flourished within the first three hundred years after christ . faithfully collected out of the extant writings of those ages . by an impartial hand . london , printed for jonathan robinson at the golden lion , and john wyat at the rose in st. paul's church-yard , . the preface to the reader . the design of the following treatise is in general to represent the constitution , discipline , vnity and worship of the primitive church , that flourish'd within the first three hundred years after christ ; but more particularly and especially to describe their opinions and practices , with respect to those things that are now unhappily controverted between those of these kingdoms , who are commonly known by the names of church of england-men , presbyterians , independents and anabaptists ; for which reason it comes to pass , that to those points , concerning which there is no difference amongst us , i have not spoken so largely as otherwise i might have done ; and some other customs of theirs i have not mentioned at all , because now neglected and disused by us . what i have written as to this subject , i have wholly collected out of the genuine and unquestionably authentick writings of those ages , that are now extant , making use of no other writings whatsoever , except the ecclesiastical history of eusebius , which was writ in the beginning of the fourth age , and relates only those affairs that were transacted in the three former , beyond the period of which time this enquiry doth not reach ; but is wholly limited thereby , and confined thereunto . that which hath been thus collected , has been done , i hope , with the greatest impartiality and fidelity , without any prepossession of mind , or any fraudulent dealing whatsoever , which the reader may the sooner believe , and the easier be convinced of , since for the clearer demonstration of my faithfulness and vnprejudicedness herein , i have taken care to print in the margent the original words of all the passages that i have cited , at least of all that are necessary , together with the very pages whence i fetch'd them , that so the reader turning to the pages mentioned in those editions that i use , ( which editions i shall set down at the end of this preface ) and finding it according to my quotations , may the more readily be perswaded , that throughout this whole tract i have been every way honest and unbyass'd . and as i have faithfully and impartially collected these observations , so i have as modestly and unconcernedly represented them , avoiding all words or speeches that might seem to carry the least sharpness or reflection in them , and have as nakedly expressed them , declining all affected or pompous expressions , contenting my self with those terms , that most naturally serve to render the truth more perspicuous and evident , according to the observation of clemens alexandrinus , * he that would deliver the truth , ought not studiously to affect an elegancy of expression , but only to use such words , whereby he may render what he means intelligible . whether all , or some , or none of the following primitive customs may be changed by the civil magistrate , or by a convocational assembly , i pretend not here to handle ; my design at present is only to search into matter of fact , to find out what were the vsages of the ancient church within the first three hundred years after christ ; for , as was said before , no lower do i intend to go , which after the most impartial and serious enquiry , i find to be according to the ensuing treatise , in the penning whereof i have avoided all prolixity and tediousness , and for that end omitting to answer several objections , that i know may be made against several things which i have here asserted , mine intention being briefly and perspicuously to prove what i judge to be the true practice of the primitive church , as to those points now disputed by us . as for the occasion of my publishing this treatise , it cannot be imagined to proceed from a spirit of vanity or ambition , since i so far conceal my name , as that even my bookseller knows not who i am ; much less , i hope , will it be construed by any , to proceed from a spirit of contention and animosity , from an ill design to foment and increase our present feuds and divisions ; since i assure the whole world , our unnatural quarrels do so much afflict and trouble me , as that i would sacrifice not only this book , but also all that i either am or have , if thereby i might be an happy instrument to compose and heal them . but amongst other reasons , these two were the chiefest that swayed me hereunto , to inform others , and , to inform my self : to inform others what the practices of the primitive apostolick churches were , if any shall be inquisitive and desirous to know them ; or , if i am mistaken , ( as who is without his errors ? ) to be better informed my self , which , i must needs confess , was that which i chiefly designed in the publication hereof ; wherefore without any ostentation or challenging , but unfeignedly and sincerely to prevent mistakes in my younger years , i humbly desire , ( if the request be not too bold ) and shall heartily thank any learned person , that will be so kind as to inform me , if he knows me to have erred in any one , or more particulars , which he may do , either publickly , or if he thinks fit , privately , by letter to my bookseller , who will convey it safely to my hands ; and if any one that finds me deceived in any one or more points , will favour me so far , as to undertake such a trouble , i should desire these few things of him , that he would be pleased , as i have done , to use only those writings that were composed within my prescribed time , and if possible , the same editions , and not only to form objections against what i have written , but also to answer , or rather to give me another sense of those passages which i have cited , and then i promise , if my mistakes are fairly shewn , i will not pertinaciously and obstinately defend them , but most willingly and thankfully renounce them , since my design is not to defend a party , but to search out the truth . i have but one thing more to add in this preface , and that is , that when i first resolved on the printing of this treatise , i designed to have published my observations on the fourth general head propounded in the title page to be enquired into , viz. the worship of the primitive church , as well as now i have done those on the three former , but for some reasons i have reserved this for a particular tract by its self , which probably , though i do not absolutely promise it , may in a little time more be also published ; and that the rather , because in this part i have made two or three references thereunto , which i thought good to acquaint the reader with , that so if he cannot find some things that i have referred to in this treatise , he may be assured they are to be met with in the ensuing one . the primitive authors mentioned in this treatise , together with those editions that i have made use of , are as follow . s. ignatii epistolae graeco-latin . quarto , edit . isaci vossii . amstelodam . . s. barnabae epistola catholica , edit . ad calcem s. ignatii , quarto . amstelodam . . s. clementis romani epistolae graeco-latin . quaerto edit . patricii junii . oxonii , . s. irenaei opera , folio . edit . nic. galasii . genevae , . s. justini martyris opera graeco-latin . folio . coloniae , . epistola plinii secundi trojano imperatori de christianis in fronte operum justin. martyr . colon. . clementis alexandrini opera , folio edit . heinsii . lugdun . batav . . tertulliani opera , folio edit . paris . . novatiani de trinitate & de cibis judaicis inter opera tertulliani . edit . paris . . cypriani opera , folio . edit . sim. goulart . apud johan . le preux . . vita cypriani per pontium ejus diaconum . in fronte oper. cyprian . edit . goulart . . fragmentum victorini petavionensis de fabrica mundi , pag. , . histor. literar . dr. s. cave , edit . folio . londini , . minucii felices octavius edit . ad calcem tertullian . apolog. per desiderium heraldum . quarto . paris . . origenis commentaria omnia quae graece reperiuntur , edit . de huetii . vol. folio . rothomagi . . originis contra celsum , libri octo , & ejusdem philocalia graeco-latin . edit quarto , per gulielm . spencer . cantabrigiae , . originis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seu , de oratione . graeco-latin . octavo . oxonii . . as for those other works of origen which are extant only in latin , i have made no use at all of those of ruffin's translation , except his creed , since in them we know not which we read , whether origen or ruffin ; and as for those which were translated by more faithful hands , i have used the editions of merlin or erasmus , without nominating the page . eusebii pamphili ecclesiastica historia graeco-latin . folio . edit . henric. vales. paris . . i have read only the seven first books of eusebius's history , because the three others go beyond my limited time. as for the writings of s. gregory of neocaesarea , they are but few , and from thence i have taken nothing but his creed , so that there is no need to mention any edition of his works . the same i may say also of the short epistle of polycarp , which i have cited but once , and therein have used the version of dr. cave , extant in his apostolici , pag. . there are vet some other fathers whose remaining tracts i have read , as theophilus antiochenus , athenagoras , &c. who are not cited in this 〈◊〉 , because i have found nothing in them 〈◊〉 to my design . an enquiry into the constitution , discipline , unity , and worship , of the primitive church . chap. i. § . . the various significations of the word church . § . . a particular church the chief subject of the ensuing discourse : the constituent parts thereof , two-fold , viz. clergy and laity . § . . each of these had their particular functions , and both their joint offices : three things on which a great part of the following discourse depends , proposed to be handled , viz. the peculiar acts of the clergy , the peculiar acts of the laity , and the joint acts of them both . § . . the peculiar acts of the clergy propounded to be discussed according to their several orders : first , of the bishops : a view of the world as it was in a state of heathenism , at the first preaching of christianity , necessary to be consider'd : where the apostles planted churches , they appointed the first converts to be bishops thereof . § . . but one bishop in a church : the orthodoxness of the faith proved from the succession of the bishops : the titles and relation of the bishop to his flock . § . . that we may give the more clear and distinct answer to this important query , it is necessary , that we first examin the primitive notion of the word church , upon the due apprehension of which depends the right understanding of a great part of our following discourse . this word , church , as in our modern acceptation , so also in the writings of the fathers , is equivocal , having different significations according to the different subjects to which it is applyed . i shall not here concern my self about the derivation of the word , or its original use amongst the heathens , from whom it was translated into the christian church ; but only take notice of its various uses amongst the ancient christians , which were many , as , . it is very often to be understood of the church vniversal , that is , of all those , who throughout the face of the whole earth professed faith in christ , and acknowledged him to be the saviour of mankind . this irenaeus calls , the church dispersed thro' the whole world to the ends of the earth , and the church scattered in the whole world. and origen calls it , the church of god under heaven . this is that which they called the catholick church , for catholick signifies the same as vniversal . thus polycarp when he was seized by his murderers , prayed for the catholick church throughout the world. and in this sense dionysius alexandrinus calls the persecuting emperour macrianus , a warrior against the catholick church of god. ii. the word church is frequently to be understood of a particular church , that is , of a company of believers , who at one time , in one and the same place , did associate themselves together , and concur in the participation of all the institutions and ordinances of jesus christ with their proper pastors and ministers . thus irenaeus mentions that church which is in any place . and so dionysius alexandrinus writes , that when he was banished to cephro in lybia , there came so many christians unto him , that even there he had a church . tertullian thinks that , three were sufficient to make a church . in this sense we must understand , the church of rome , the church of smyrna , the church of antioch , the church of athens , the church of alexandria , or the church in any other such place whatsoever , that is , a congregation of christians assembling all together for religious exercises at rome , antioch , smirna , athens , alexandria , or such like places . iii. the word church is sometimes used for the place , where a particular church or congregation met for the celebration of divine service . thus paulus samosatenus the heretical bishop of antioch ordered certain women to stand in the middle of the church , and fing psalms in his praise . so clemens alexandrinui adviseth , that men and women should with all modesty and humility enter into the church . so the clergy of the church of rome in their letter to cyprian , concerning the restitution of the lapsed , give as their advice , that they should only come to the threshold of the church-door , but not go over it . and in this sense is the word frequently to be understood in tertullian , origen , and others , to recite whose testimonies at large would be both tedious and needless . iv. i find the word church once used by cyprian for a collection of many particular churches , who mentions in the singular number , the church of god in africa and numidia . else i do not remember , that ever i met with it in this sense , in any writings either of this , or the rest of the fathers ; but whenever they would speak of the christians in any kingdom or province , they always said in the plural , the churches , never in the singular , the church of such a kingdom or province . thus dyonisius alexandrinus doth not say the church , but the churches of cilicia . and so irenaeus mentions , the churches that were in germany , spain , france , the east , egypt and lybia . so also tertullian speaks of the churches of asia and phrygia , and the churches of greece . and so of every country they always express the churches thereof in the plural number . v. the word church frequently occurs for that , which we commonly call the invisible church , that is , for those , who by a sound repentance and a lively faith , are actually interested in the lord jesus christ : according to this signification of the word must we understand tertullian , when he says , that christ had espoused the church , and , that there was a spiritual marriage between christ and the church . and that of irenaeus , that the church was fitted according to the form of the son of god. and in this sense is the word oftentimes used in others of the fathers , as i might easily shew , if any one did doubt it . vi. the word church is frequently to be interpreted of the faith and doctrine of the church . in this sense irenaeus prays , that the hereticks might be reclaimed from their heresies , and be converted to the church of god ; and exhorts all sincere christians not to follow hereticks , but to fly to the church : upon which account hereticks are said to have left the church , as tertullian told marcion , that when he became an heretick , he departed from the church of christ , and their heresies are said to be dissonant from the church , as origen writes , that the opinion of the transmigration of souls was alien from the church . there are yet several other significations of this word , though not so usual as some of the forementioned ones , nor so pertinent to my design , so that i might justly pass them over , without so much as mentioning them : but lest any should be desirous to know them , i will just name them , and then proceed to what is more material . besides then those former significations , the word according to its original import is also used for any congregation in general ; sometimes it is applyed to any particular sect of hereticks , as tertullian calls the marcionites the church of marcion : at other times it is attributed to the orthodox in opposition to the hereticks , as by the same tertullian : sometimes it is appropriated to the heathen assemblies , as by origen , at other times in opposition to the jews it is ascribed to the believing gentiles , as by irenaeus : in some places it is taken for the deputies of a particular church , as in ignatius . in other places it signifies the assembly of the spirits of just men made perfect in heaven , which we commonly call the church triumphant , as in clemens alexandriaeus . once i find it denoting the laity only , in opposition to the clergy : and once signifying only christ as the head of the faithful . § . . but the usual and common acceptation of the word , and of which we must chiefly treat , is that of a particular church , that is , a society of christians , meeting together in one place under their proper pastours , for the performance of religious worship , and the exercising of christian discipline . now the first thing that naturally presents its self to our consideration , is to enquire into the constituent parts of a particular church , or who made up and composed such a church . in the general , they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elect , the called and sanctified by the will of god. and in innumerable places they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the brethren , because of their brotherly love and affection ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the faithful , in opposition to the pagan world , who had no faith in the lord jesus christ , nor in the promises of the gospel . but more particularly we may divide them into two parts ; into the people that composed the body of the church , and those persons who were set apart for religious and ecclesiastical employments : or to conform to our ordinary dialect , into the clergy and laity , which is an early distinction , being mentioned by clemens romanus , and after him by origen , and several others . § . . each of these had their particular offices , and both together had their joynt employments , to all which i shall distinctly speak in the ensuing tract , as they naturally resolve themselves into these three particulars : i. the peculiar acts of the clergy . ii. the peculiar acts of the laity . iii. the joint acts of them both . by the resolution of which three questions , some discovery will be made of the constitution and discipline of the primitive church , and of their practice with respect to many points unhappily controverted amongst us . § . . i begin with the first of these , what were the peculiar acts of the clergy ? now here must be consider'd the functions of every particular order and degree of the clergy , which we may say to be three , viz. bishops , priests and deacons , whose employments we shall severally handle ; as also several other points , which under those heads shall offer themselves unto us . i shall begin first with the bishop ; but for the better understanding both of him and the rest , it will be necessary , first of all , to consider the condition of the whole world , as it was before the preaching of the gospel , in a state of paganism and darkness , having their understandings clouded with ignorance and error , alienated from god , and the true worship of him , applauding their own bruitish inventions , and adoring as god whatever their corrupted reason and silly fancies proposed to them as objects of adoration and homage . into this miserable state all mankind , except the jews , had wilfully cast themselves ; and had not christ the son of righteousness enlightned them , they would have continued in that lost and blind condition to this very day : but our saviour having on his cross triumph'd over principalities and powers , and perfectly conquered the devil , who before had rul'd effectually in the heathen world ; and being ascended into heaven , and sat down at the right hand of the father , on the day of pentecost he sent down the holy ghost on his apostles and disciples , who were then assembled at jerusalem , enduing them thereby with the gift of tongues , and working miracles , and both commissionating and fitting them for the propagation of his church and kingdom , who having received this power and authority from on high , went forth preaching the gospel , first , to the jews , and then to the gentiles , declaring those glad tidings to all kingdoms and provinces ; so that as the apostle paul said , rom. . . their sound went into all the earth , and their words unto the ends of the world ; every one taking a particular part of the world for his proper province , to make known the joyful news of life and salvation through christ therein . thus st. andrew principally preach'd the gospel in scythia , st. bartholomew in india , st. matthew in parthia , st. john in the lesser asia , and all the rest of the apostles had their particular provinces allotted them , wherein they went forth preaching the gospel ; and as they came to any city , town or village , they published to the inhabitants thereof the blessed news of life and immortality through jesus christ , constituting the first converts of every place through which they passed , bishops and deacons of those churches which they there gathered . so saith clemens romanus , the apostles went forth preaching in city and country , appointing the first fruits of their ministry for bishops and deacons , generally leaving those bishops and deacons to govern and enlarge those particular churches , over which they had placed them , whilst they themselves passed forwards , planted other churches , and placed governors over them . thus saith tertullian , clemens was ordained bishop of rome by st. peter , and polycarp bishop of smirna by st. john. § . . whether in the apostolick and primitive days , there were more bishops than one in a church , at first sight seems difficult to resolve : that the holy scriptures and clemens romanus mention many in one church , is certain : and on the other hand it is as certain , that ignatius , tertullian , cyprian , and the following fathers affirm , that there was and ought to be but one in a church . these contradictions may at the first view seem inextricable ; but i hope the following account will reconcile all these seeming difficulties , and withal afford us a fair and easy conception of the difference between the ancient bishops and presbyters . i shall then lay down as sure , that there was but one supreme bishop in a place , that was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bishop , by way of eminency and propriety . the proper pastor and minister of his parish , to whose care and trust the souls of that church or parish , over which he presided , were principally and more immediately committed . so saith cyprian , there is but one bishop in a church at a time . and so cornelius objects to novatian , that he did not remember , that there ought to be but one bishop in a church . and throughout the whole epistles of ignatius , and the generality of writers succeeding him , we find but one single bishop in a church , whose quotations to which purpose would be fruitless to recite here , since the 〈◊〉 practice of the universal church confirms it , and a great part of the following discourse will clearly illustrate it . only it may not be impertinent to remark this by the way , that by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or succession of bishops , from those bishops who were ordained by the apostles , the orthodox were wont to prove the succession of their faith , and the novelty of that of the hereticks , let them demonstrate the original of their churches , as tertullian challenges the marcionites , and other hereticks ; let them turn over the orders of their bishops , and see whether they have had a succession of bishops from any one who was constituted by the apostles or apostolick men : thus the truly apostolick churches have , as the church of smirna has polycarp there placed by st. john , and the church of rome clement , ordained by peter ; and other churches can tell , who were ordained bishops over them by the apostles , and who have been their successors to this very day . so also says irenaeus , we challenge the hereticks to that tradition , which was handed down from the apostles by the succession of bishops . and in the next chapter of the same book , the said father gives us a catalogue of the bishops of rome till his days , by whom the true faith was successively transmitted down from the apostles ; in which catalogue we find but one bishop at a time , and as he died , so another single person succeeded him in the charge of that flock or parish . so that this consideration evidences also , that there was but one bishop strictly so called , in a church at a time , who was related to his flock , as a pastor to his sheep , and a parent to his children . the titles of this supreme church-officer are most of them reckoned up in one place by cyprian , which are , bishop , pastour , president , governour , superintendent and priest. and this is he , which in the revelations is called the angel of his church , as origen thinks , which appellations denote both his authority and office , his power and duty , of both which we shall somewhat treat , after we have discoursed of the circuit and extent of his jurisdiction and superintendency , which shall be the contents of the following chapter . chap. ii. § . . as but one bishop to a church , so but one church to a bishop . the bishop's cure never call'd a diocess , but usually a parish , no larger than our parishes . § . . demonstrated by several arguments . § . . a survey of the extent of several bishopricks , as they were in ignatius's days , as of smirna . § . . ephesus . § . . magnesia . § . . philadelphia . and § . . trallium . § . . the bigness of the diocess of antioch . § . . of rome . § . . of carthage . § . . a reflection on the diocess of alexandria . § . . bishops in villages . § . . all the christians of a diocess met together in one place every sunday to serve god. § . . having in the former chapter shewn that there was but one bishop to a church , we shall in this evidence , that there was but one church to a bishop , which will appear from this single consideration , viz. that the ancient diocesses are never said to contain churches , in the plural , but only a church , in the singular . so they say , the church of the corinthians , the church of smirna , the church in magnesia , the church in philadelphia , the church in antioch , and so of any other place whatsoever , the church of , or in such a place . this was the common name whereby a bishops cure was denominated , the bishop himself being usually called , the bishop of this or that church , as tertullian saith , that polycarp was ordained bishop of the church of smirna . as for the word diocess , by which the bishops flock is now usually exprest , i do not remember that ever i found it used in this sense by any of the ancients : but there is another word , still retained by us , by which they frequently denominated the bishops cure , and that is parish : so in the synodical epistle of irenaeus to pope victor , the bishopricks of asia are twice called parishes . and in eusebius's ecclesiastical history the word is so applied in several hundred places . it is usual there to read of the bishops of the parish of alexandria , of the parish of ephesus , of the parish of corinth , of the parish of athens , of the parish of carthage ; and so of the bishops of the parishes of several other churches ; by that term denoting the very same , that we now call a parish , viz. a competent number of christians dwelling near together , having one bishop , pastor or minister set over them , with whom they all met at one time to worship and serve god. this may be evinc'd from the intent of the word it self , which signifies a dwelling one by another , as neighbours do ; or an habitation in one and the same place , as the church of smirna writ to the church that parished in philomelium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the epistle of clemens romanus is to the church of god parishing at corinth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , dwelling or living in philomilium and corinth ; so that a parish is the same with a particular church , or a single congregation ; which is yet more evident from a passage in the differtations of apollonius against alexander a cataphrygian heretick , wherein it is said , that because that heretick had been a robber , therefore that parish to which he belonged would not receive him , that is , that particular church or congregation to which he appertained , excluded him from communion because of his depredations and robberies ; so that a parish and a particular church are synonimous terms , signifying one and the same thing ; and consequently a bishop having but one parish under his jurisdiction , could extend his government no farther than one single congregation ; because a single congregation and a parish were all one , of the same bulk and magnitude . § . . but that the bishops diocess exceeded not the bounds of a modern parish , and was the same , as in name , so also in thing , will appear from these following observations , as , . all the people of a diocess did every sunday meet all together in one place to celebrate divine service . thus saith justin martyr , on sunday all assemble together in one place , where the bishop preaches and prays ; for as ignatius writes , where the bishop is , there the people must be ; and there is a necessity that we do nothing without the bishop ; since it is unlawful to do any thing without him ; for where the pastour is , there the 〈◊〉 ought to follow ; wherefore as christ did nothing without the father , so do you nothing without the bishop and presbyters , but assemble into the same place , that you may have one prayer , one supplication , one mind , and one hope ; for if the prayer of one or two have so great a force , how much more prevalent must that be , which is made by the bishop and the whole church ? he then that doth not assemble together , is proud , and hath condemned himself : for it is written , god resisteth the proud . let us not therefore resist the bishop , that we may be subject to god. so that these passages clearly prove , that all the members of the bishops church assembled together in one place to send up their common prayers to the throne of grace , and to discharge those other religious duties which were incumbent on them , which convincingly evidences the bishops church to be no bigger than our parishes ; for if it had been bigger , it would have been impossible that the members thereof , should have constantly assembled together in one place , as we see here they did . . the bishop had but one altar or communion table in his whole diocess , at which his whole flock received the sacrament from him . there is but one altar , says ignatius , as there is but one bishop . at this altar the bishop administred the sacrament to his whole flock at one time . so writes cyprian , we celebrate the sacrament , the whole brotherhood being present . and thus it was in justin martyr's days , the bishop's whole diocess met together on sunday , when the bishop gave them the eucharist ; and if any were absent , he sent it to them by the deacons . certainly that diocess could not be large , where all usually communicated at one time ; and the deacons carried about the consecrated eucharist to those that were absent ; which would have been an endless and painful task for the deacons , had their bishoprick contained more christians in it , than one congregation would have held . tertullian writes , that in his time and country , the christians received the sacrament of the lord's supper from the hands of the bishop alone . now in those days and places they communicated at least three times a week , viz. wednesdays , fridays , and lord's days , which had been impossible to have been done , if the bishop had had inspection over more than one congregation , as is obvious to every ones reason ; for the bishop being finite and corporeal as well as others , could not be present in many places at once , but must be confined to one determinated fixed place , in which alone he could administer and dispense the eucharist : and for this reason it is , that ignatius exhorts the philadelphians to use the one 〈◊〉 , that is , not to leave the bishop , and communicate elsewhere , but to partake of that single eucharist which was administred by him : for as he proceeds to say in the same place , there is but one body of our lord jesus christ , one cup , one altar , and one bishop . as there was but one bishop in a church , so there was but one altar , a bishop and an altar being correlates : so that to set up another altar , was a periphrasis of a schismatick , or of one that causelesly separated from his lawful bishop , and sat up another , which was that they called schism , as we shall shew in its proper place . thus cyprian describes a schismatick as one , that contemns his bishop , leaves the ministers of god , and dares to set up another altar : and particularly he brands novatian as such an one , because he erected a profane altar , that is , an altar in opposition to the altar of cornelius his lawful bishop : for , as he saith in another place , no man can regularly constitute a new bishop , or erect a new altar , besides the one bishop , and the one altar : for which reason he calls the altar that is erected by schismaticks , against the one altar of their lawful bishops , a profane altar : which agrees with that of ignatius , that he that is within the altar is pure , but he that does any thing without the bishops , priests and deacons , is impure ; and as he says in another place , whosoever is without the altar , wants the bread of god. . the other sacrament of baptism was generally administred by the bishops alone within their respective diocesses . so saith tertullian , before the bishop we renounce the devil and the world. for as cyprian says , the bishops ought only to baptize : and to the same effect writes fortunatus bishop of thucabori , that our lord jesus christ gave unto the bishops the power of baptizing . so that the bishops did ordinarily baptize all the persons that were baptized in their diocesses ; and if so , it is not probable , i may say possible , that their diocesses were extended beyond the bulk of single congregations . . the churches charity was deposited with the bishop , who , as justin martyr reports , was the common curator and overseer of all the orphans , widows , diseased , strangers , imprisoned , and , in a word , of all those that were needy and indigent . to this charitable office ignatius adviseth , polycarpus ; but of that advice more shall be spoken in another place ; only let us here observe , that that diocess could not be very large , where the bishop personally relieved and succoured all the poor and indigent therein . . all the people of a diocess were present at church censures , as origen describes an offender , as appearing before the whole church . so clemens romanus calls the censures of the church the things commanded by the multitude . and so the two offending subdeacons and acolyth at carthage were to be tried before the whole . no offenders were restored again to the churches peace , without the knowledge and consent of the whole diocess : so cyprian writes , that before they were re-admitted to communion , they were to plead their cause before all the people . and it was ordained by an african synod , that except in danger of death , or an instantaneous persecution , none should be received into the churches peace , without the knowledge and consent of the people . . when the bishop of a church was dead , all the people of that church met together in one place to chuse a new bishop . so sabinus was elected bishop of emerita , by the 〈◊〉 of all the brotherhood ; which was also the custom throughout all africa , for the bishop to be chosen in the presence of the people . and so fabianus was chosen to be bishop of rome , by all the brethren who were met together in one place for that very end . . at the ordinations of the clergy the whole body of the people were present . so an african synod held anno , determined , that the ordination of ministers ought to be done with the knowledge , and in the presence of the people , that the people being present , either the crimes of the wicked may be detected , or the merits of the good declared ; and so the ordination may be just and lawful , being approved by the suffrage and judgment of all . and bishop cyprian writes from his exile to all the people of his diocess , that it had been his constant practice in all ordinations , to consult their opinions , and by their common counsels to weigh the manners and merits of every one : therein imitating the example of the apostles and apostolick men , who ordained none , but with the approbation of the whole church . . publick letters from one church to another were read before the whole diocess . thus cornelius bishop of rome , whatever letters he received from foreign churches , he always read them to his most holy and numerous people . and without doubt when firmilian writ to all the parish of antioch , they could all assemble together to read his letter , and return an answer to it ; since we find that in those days one whole church writ to another whole church , as the church of rome writ to the church of corinth . and cyprian . and his whole flock , sent gratulatory letters to pope lucius upon his return from exile . lastly , the whole diocess of the bishop did meet all together to manage church-affairs . thus when the schism of felicissimus in the bishoprick of carthage was to be debated , it was to be done according to the will of the people , and by the consent of the laity . and when there were some hot disputes about the restitution of the lapsed , the said cyprian promised his whole diocess , that all those things should be examined before them , and be judged by them . and so also , when they were to send a messenger to any foreign church , all the people could meet together to chuse that messenger , as they could in the church of philadelphia . now put all these observations together , and duly consider , whether they do not prove the primitive parishes to be no larger than our modern ones are , that is , that they had no more believers or christians in them than there are now in ours : i do not say , that the ancient bishopricks had no larger territories , or no greater space of ground , than our parishes have . on the contrary , it is very probable that many of them had much more ; since in those early days of christianity , in many places the faithful might be so few , as that for twenty or thirty miles round , they might associate together under one bishop , and make up but one church , and that a small one too : but this i fay , that how large soever their local extent was , their members made but one single congregation , and had no more christians in it , than our parishes now have ; for that diocess cannot possibly be more than one single congregation , where all the people met together at one time , prayed together , received the sacrament together , assisted at church censures together , and dispatched church affairs together ; and yet the members of the primitive diocesses did all this together , as the preceding observations evidently declare ; so that i might stop here , and add no 〈◊〉 proofs to that which hath been already so clearly proved . § . . but yet that we may more clearly illustrate this point , we shall demonstrate it by another method , viz. by shewing the real bulk and size of those bishopricks , concerning whom we have any notices remaining on ancient records ; and manifest , that the very largest of them were no greater than our particular congregations are . and for the proof of this , we shall quote the writings of st. ignatius , in whose genuine epistles there is such an account of the bishopricks of smirna , ephesus , magnesia , philadelphia , and trallium , as manifestly evidences them to be but so many single congregations . as for the diocess of smirna , its extent could not be very large , since nothing of church-affairs was done there without the bishop ; he baptized and administred the eucharist , and none else could do it within his cure without his permission ; wherever he was , his whole flock followed him ; which they might without any inconveniency do , since they frequently assembled together ; as ignatius advised polycarp the bishop of this church , to convene his diocess to chuse a faithful honest man to send a messenger into syria : so that the bishop of this church could know his whole flock personally by their names , carrying himself respectfully and charitably to all with all meekness and humility towards serving-men and serving-maids , and charitably , taking care of the widows within his diocess , permitting nothing to be done there without his privity . insomuch that none were married without his previous advice and consent . now , how all these things could be done , how all this bishoprick could meet together in one place , how the bishop could personally know all the members thereof by their respective names , even the meanest serving-maids therein , and permit none to be married without his knowledge and advice , without reducing this diocess to a single parish , i know not . § . . as for the diocess of ephesus , there was but one altar or communion table in its whole territory , at which they all communicated together ; whence they are said , to break the one bread ; and he that was without or separated from that altar , is said , to want the bread of god. the members also of this church could all meet together in one place , to send up their joint prayers to god in christ : and therefore ignatius condemns all those of that diocess who did not assemble together in that one place , with the rest of the members thereof , to send up their prayers to god , as proud , self-conceited , and justly condemnable ; because thereby they 〈◊〉 themselves of that unconceivable benefir , that would accrew unto them by joyning in the prayers of the whole church for if the prayer of one or two hath so great a force with god , how 〈◊〉 more prevalent must the prayer of the bishop and the whole church be ? so that if to communicate together , and to pray together , be the marks of a particular church , then this bishoprick was one . § . . as for the church of magnesia , they all assembled with the bishop , having but one church , and one altar , joyning all together in one prayer , because to have congregated elsewhere would have been against conscience and precept . now how large such a church is , where there is but one meeting-place , and one altar , where all communicate and pray together , is no hard matter to determine . § . touching the bishoprick of philadelphia , its extent may be guessed at by this , that the members thereof could do nothing without the bishop , who being their shepherd , wherever he was , they were to follow him like sheep , receiving the sacrament all together from him , at that one altar belonging to their diocess ; which they might well enough do , since their multitudes were not so great , but that on other occasions they could meet all together , as to chuse a messenger to send to the church at antioch in syria . § . . as for the diocess of trallium , that could be no larger than the former ones , since it had but one altar in it , which was correlate to its one bishop ; so that to separate from the altar , was the same , as to separate from the bishop ; whence ignatius says , that he that is within the altar is pure , that is , he that doth any thing without the bishop , priests and deacons , is impure . now let any impartial man judge , whether all these descriptions of those ancient diocesses do not forcibly constrain us to reduce them to the rate of our modern parishes . and if these were no greater , especially ephesus , at which place st. paul preached three years , we have no reason to imagin , that other bishopricks where the apostles never were , or at least never preach'd so long , surmounted their bulk and largeness . how long it was before these diocesses swell'd into several congregations , is not my business to determin , since it happened not within my prescribed time ; except in the church of alexandria ; the reason and manner whereof shall be shewn in a few leafs more , after that i have more fully evidenced this point , by demonstrating , that the greatest bishopricks in the world , even in the third century , were no more than so many single congregations : and if this can be proved , it is the solidest demonstration that can be given : for the larger a church was , and the more time it had to settle and increase its self , the greater reason have we to expect that it should exceed all others in numbers and diffusiveness . now the four greatest diocesses , that in those days were in the world , are antioch , rome , carthage , alexandria . the three former of which , during the whole three hundred years after christ , never branched themselves into several particular congregations , though the latter did , as shall be hereafter shewn . § . . as for the diocess of antioch , its members were not so many , but that years after christ , they were able to meet all in one place , of which we have this memorable instance , that when paulus samosatenus the heretical bishop thereof , was deprived by a synod held in that place , and domnus substituted in his room , he refused to resign the churches house , till the emperor aurelian forced him to resign that house : so that for above years after christ , the whole bishoprick of antioch had but one church to serve god in . § . . how large the diocess of rome was , may be conjectured by that ; . all the people thereof could meet together to perform divine service , as appears by that history of a certain confessor called natalis , who returning from the theodosian heresy , put himself into the habit of a penitent , threw himself at the feet of the clergy and laity , as they went into their publick meeting-place , and so bewailed his fault , that at length the church was touched with compassion towards him . . in this diocess there was but one church or meeting-place ; for when bishop anterus died , all the brethren met together in the church , to choose a successor ; which distinction or nomination of place , viz. that they met in the church , denotes that they had but one church all ; for if they had had more churches than one , the historian would have left us in the dark , as to what church they met in , whether in st. james's , st. john's , or st. peter's . . in this bishoprick also they had but one altar or communion-table , as appears from a passage of cyprian , who describes the schism of novatian a presbyter of this church , by his erecting a profane altar , in opposition to the altar of cornelius his lawful bishop . . the whole diocess could concur together in salutations and letters to other churches . thus concludes a letter of the clergy of rome to the clergy of carthage , the brethren which are in bonds salute you , and the presbyters , and the whole church . . whatever letters were writ to that church , were read before them all , as it was the custom of bishop cornolius , to read all publick letters to his most holy and most numerous flock . lastly , the people of this diocess met all together to choose a bishop , when the see was vacant . so upon the death of anterus , all the brethren met together in the church to chuse a successor , where all the people unanimously chose fabianus . and so after the death of fabianus , cornelius was chosen bishop of that diocess by the suffrage of the clergy and people . now whether all these things put together , whether their having but one communion-table in their whole diocess , as also but one church , where they all usually met , do not unavoidably reduce this bishoprick to the circumference of a modern parish , i leave every man to judge . § . . the next diocess to be considered is carthage , which next to rome and alexandria , was the greatest city in the world , and probably had as many christians in it , as either , especially if that is true , which tertullian insinuates , that the tenth part thereof was christian ; for he remonstrates to scapula the persecuting president of that city , that if he should destroy the christians of carthage , he must root out the tenth part thereof . but yet how many soever the christians of that bishoprick were , even some years after tertullian's days , they were no more in number , than there are now in our parishes , as is evident from scores of passages in the writings of cyprian bishop of that church . for , . the bishop of that diocess could know every one therein . . the bishop of that diocess was the common curator of all the poor therein , relieving the poor and indigent , paying of their debts , and aiding the necessitous tradesmen with money to set up their trades . as cyprian when he was in his exil'd state , sent caldonius , herculanus , rogatianus , and numidicus to his church at carthage , to pay off the debts of the indebted members thereof , and to help those poor mechanicks with a convenient sum of mony , who were willing to set up their trades . if cyprian's diocess had consisted of scores of parishes , how many thousand pounds must he have expended , to have paid off the debts of all the insolvent persons therein , and to have 〈◊〉 every poor trader with a sufficient stock to carry on his employment ? . all the diocess was present , when the sacrament of the lord's supper was administred . so saith cyprian , we celebrate the sacrament , the whole brotherhood being present . . when celerinus was ordained lector or clerk by cyprian , he read from the pulpit , so that all the people could see and hear him . . in all ordinations , all the people were consulted , and none were admitted into holy orders without their approbation , as is assured by cyprian bishop of this diocess , who tells us , that it was his constant custom in all ordinations to consult his people , and with their common counsel to weigh the merits of every candidate of the sacred orders . and therefore when for extraordinary merits he advanced one to the degree of a lector or clerk , without first communicating it to his diocess , he writes from his exil'd state to his whole flock the reason of it . . when that see was vacant , all the people met together to chuse a bishop . whence pontius says , that cyprian was elected bishop of this diocess by the favour of the people . and cyprian himself acknowledges , that he was chosen by the suffrage of all his people . . all the people of this diocess could meet together to send letters to other churches ; an instance whereof we have in that gratulatory letter still extant in cyprian , which they all sent to lucius bishop of rome , on his return from exile . . all the people were present at church-censures , and concurred at the excommunication of offenders . thus cyprian writing from his exile , to the people of this his diocess , about the irregularities of two of his subdeacons , and one of his acolyths ; and about the schism of felicissimus , assures them , that as to the former , when ever it should please god to return him in peace , it should be determined by him and his colleagues , and his whole flock . and as to the latter , that then likewise that should be transacted according to the arbitrament of the people , and the common counsel of them all . . at the absolution of penitents , all the people were present , who examined the reality of the offender's repentance ; and if well satisfied of it , consented , that they should be admitted to the churches peace . therefore when some presbyters in a time of persecution , had with too great 〈◊〉 and precipitancy assoyled some of those , that through the violence of the persecution had succumbed , cyprian writes them from his exile an objurgatory letter , commanding them to admit no more , till peace should be restored to the church , when those offenders should plead their cause before all the people . and touching the same matter he writes in another place to all the people of his diocess , that when it should please god to restore peace to the church , then all those matters should be examined in their presence , and be judged by them . lastly , nothing was done in this diocess without the consent of the people . so resolved bishop cyprian from the first time i was made bishop , said he , i determined to do nothing without the consent of my people . and accordingly when he was exil'd from his flock , he writ to the clergy and laity thereof , that when it should please god to return him unto them , all affairs , as their mutual honour did require , should be debated in common by them . now whether all these observations do not evidently reduce the diocess of carthage to the same bulk with our parishes , i leave to every one to 〈◊〉 : for my part , i must needs profess , that i cannot imagin , how all the people thereof could receive the sacrament together , assist at the excommunication and absolution of offenders , assemble together to elect their bishop , and do the rest of those forementioned particulars , without confining this bishoprick within the limits of a particular congregation . § . . as for the diocess of alexandria , though the numbers of the christians therein were not so many , but that in the middle of the fourth century they could all , or at least most of them , meet together in one place , as i might evince from the writings of athanasius , were it not beyond my prescribed time ; yet in the third century they had divided themselves into several distinct and separate congregations , which were all subjected to one bishop , as is clearly enough asserted by dyonisius bishop of this church , who mentions , the distinct congregations in the extremest suburbs of the city . the reason whereof seems to be this ; those members of this bishoprick , who lived in the remotest parts of it , finding it incommodious and troublesom every lord's day , saturday , wednesday and friday ( on which days they always assembled ) to go to their one usual meeting-place , which was very far from their own homes ; and withal being unwilling to divide themselves from their old church and bishop , lest they should seem guilty of the detestable sin of schism , which consisted in a causeless separation from their bishop and parish church , as shall be hereafter shewn , desired their proper bishop , to give them leave for conveniency sake , to erect near their own habitations a chappel of ease , which should be a daughter-church to the bishops , under his jurisdiction , and guided by a presbyter of his commission and appointment , whereat they would usually meet , tho' on some solemn occasions they would still all assemble in one church with their one bishop . that for this reason these separate congregations were introduced at alexandria , seems evident enough ; because dyonisius alexandrinus saith , that these distinct congregations were only in the remotest suburbs ; and the christians hereof were not as yet arrived to those great numbers , but that seventy years after they could meet all together in one and the same place , as might be proved from that forementioned place of athanasius . so that these distinct congregations were only for the conveniency and ease of those who lived at a great distance from the bishop's church , being introduced in the third century , and peculiar to the bishoprick of alexandria : all other bishopricks confining themselves within their primitive bounds of a single congregation , as we have before proved the largest of them did ; even antioch , rome , and carthage . § . . if then a bishoprick was but a single congregation , it is no marvel that we find bishops not only in cities , but in country villages ; there being a bishop constituted , where-ever there were believers enough to form a competent congregation ; for , says clemens romanus , the apostles going forth , and preaching both in country and city , constituted bishops and deacons there . much to which purpose cyprian says , that bishops were ordained throughout all provinces and cities : hence in the encyclycal epistle of the synod of antioch , it is said , that paulus samosatenus had many flatterers amongst the adjacent city and country bishops ; of this sort of country-bishops was zoticus , bishop of the village of comane . and we may reasonably believe , that many of those bishops , who in the year , were assembled at carthage to the number of fourscore and seven , had no other than obscure villages for their seats , since we find not the least notice of them in ptolomy , or any of the old geographers . § . . but let the bishops seats have been in any place whatever , their limits , as hath been proved , exceeded not those of our modern parishes : i do not here mean , as was said before , that the territory of some of them , was no larger ; no , i readily grant that ; for it is very probable , that in those places , where there were but few believers , the christians , for several miles round , met all 〈◊〉 at the greatest place within that compass , where probably there were most christians , whence both the church and its bishop took their denomination from that place where they so assembled . but this is what i mean , that there were no more christians in that bishoprick , than there are now in our ordinary parishes ; and that the believers of that whole territory met altogether with their bishop for the performance of religious services . thus it was in the age and country of justin martyr , who describing their solemn assemblies , writes , that on sunday all the inhabitants both of city and country met together , where the lector read some portions of the holy scriptures ; and the bishop preached unto them , administred the eucharist , and sent by the deacons part of the consecrated elements to those that were absent . so that the inhabitants both of city and country , assembled all at the bishop's church , hearing him , and communicating with him , following herein the exhortation of saint ignatius to the magnesians , let nothing , saith he , be in you , that may divide you ; but be united to the bishop , and those that preside over you : as therefore our lord jesus christ did nothing without his father , neither by himself , nor his apostles , so do you nothing without the bishop and presbyters , but assemble into one place , and have one prayer , one supplication , one mind , and one hope . chap. iii. § . . what the bishop's office was . § . . always resident on his cure. § . . how the bishop was chosen , elected , or presented by the majority of the parish . § . . approved by the neighbouring bishops . § . . installed by imposition of hands . how many bishops necessary to this installment . § . . when a bishop was promoted , he certified it to other bishops . § . . a brief recapitulation of the peculiar acts of the bishop . § . . the bishop's flock having been so largely discussed , it will now be necessary to speak something of the bishop's duty towards them , and of the several particulars of his honourable office : i shall not here be tedious , since about this there is no great difference ; only briefly enumerate the several actions belonging to his charge . in brief therefore ; the particular acts of his function were such as these , viz. preaching of the word , praying with his people , administring the two sacraments of baptism and the lord's supper , taking care of the poor , ordaining of ministers , governing his flock , excommunicating of offenders , absolving of penitents ; and , in a word ; whatever acts can be comprised under those three general heads of preaching , worship , and government , were parts of the bishop's function and office. i have but just named these things , because they are not much controverted ; and my design leads me chiefly to the consideration of those matters which have been unhappily disputed amongst us . § . . to the constant discharge of those forementioned actions , did the primitive bishops sedulously apply themselves , continually preaching unto their people , praying with them , and watching over them , and to that end , residing always with them ; which incumbency or residency on their parishes , was deem'd so necessary , that cyprian enumerating the sins that brought the wrath of god upon the churches in that bloody persecution of decius , mentions the bishops non-residencies as one ; their leaving their rectories , and deserting their flocks , and wandring about the country to hunt after worldly gain and advantage : and therefore the said cyprian writing to the roman consessors , who were inveigled into the schism of novatian , tells them , that since he could not leave his church , and come in person unto them , therefore by his letters he most earnestly exhorted them to quit that 〈◊〉 faction ; so that he look'd on his obligation of residency at his church to be so binding , as that in no case almost , could he warrant the leaving of it ; which determination of his might be the more fix'd and peremptory , because that not long before , he was so severely tax'd by the roman clergy , and by many of his own parish , for departing from them for a while , though it was to avoid the fury of his persecutors , who had already proscribed him , and would have executed him as a malesactor , had he not by that recess from his church , escaped their murderous hand . so that the primitive apostolick bishops constantly resided with their flocks , conscientiously applying themselves with the utmost diligence and industry to the promotion of the spiritual welfare of those that were committed to their trust , employing themselves in all acts of piety , and offices of charity ; so leading a laborious and mortified life , till either a natural , or a violent death removed them from earth to heaven , where they were made priests to the most high , and were infinitely remunerated for all their pains and sorrows ; and so leaving their particular flocks on earth , to be sed and govern'd by others , who should succeed them in their places ; which brings me in the next place to enquire , how a vacant bishoprick was supplied , or in what manner a bishop or minister was elected to a diocess or parish ? § . . now the manner of electing a bishop , i find to be thus : when a parish or bishoprick was vacant through the death of the incumbent , all the members of that parish , both clergy and laity , met together in the church commonly , to chuse a fit person for his successor , to whom they might commit the care and government of their church . thus when alexander was chosen bishop of jerusalem , it was by the compulsion or choice of the members of that church . and as for the bishoprick of rome , we have a memorable instance of this kind in the advancement of fabianus to that see , upon the death of bishop anterus : all the people met together in the church to chuse a successor , proposing several illustrious and eminent personages , as fit for that office , whilst no one so much as thought upon fabianus then present , till a dove miraculously came and sate upon his head , in the same manner as the holy ghost formerly descended on our saviour ; and then all the people , guided as it were , with one divine spirit , cryed out with one mind and soul , that fabianus was worthy of the bishoprick ; and so straightways taking him , they placed him on the episcopal throne . and as fabianus , so likewise his successor cornelius was elected by the suffrage of the clergy and laity . thus also with respect to the diocess of carthage , cyprian was chosen bishop thereof by its inhabitants and members , as pontius his deacon writes , that though he was a novice , yet by the grace of god , and the favour of the people , he was elevated to that sublime dignity ; which is no more than what cyprian himself acknowledges , who frequently owns , that he was promoted to that honourable charge by the suffrage of the people . § . . when the people had thus elected a bishop , they presented him to the neighbouring bishops for their approbation and consent , because without their concurrent assent , there could be no bishop legally instituted , or confirmed . thus when the fore-mentioned alexander was chosen bishop of jerusalem , by the brethren of that place ; he had also the common consent of the circumjacent bishops . now the reason of this , i suppose , was , lest the people thro' ignorance or affection , should chuse an unfit , or an unable man for that sacred office ; it being supposed , that a synod of bishops had more wisdom , learning , and prudence , than a congregation of unlearned and ignorant men , and so were better able to judge of the abilities and qualifications of the person elect , than the people were . hence we find , that sometimes the election of a bishop is attributed to the choice of the neighbouring bishops , with the consent and suffrage of the people : this custom generally prevail'd throughout africa ; where upon the vacancy of a see , the neighbouring bishops of the province met together at that church , and chose a bishop in the presence of the people , who knew his life and conversation before ; which custom was observed in the election of sabinus , bishop of emerita in spain , who was advanc'd to that dignity by the suffrage of all the brethren , and of all the bishops there present . but whether the election of a bishop , be ascribed to the adjoining ministers , or to the people of that parish , it comes all to one and the same thing ; neither the choice of the bishops of the voisinage , without the consent of the people ; nor the election of the people , without the approbation of those bishops , was sufficient and valid of it self ; but both concurred to a legal and orderly promotion , which was according to the example of the apostles and apostolick preachers , who in the first plantation of churches , ordained bishops and deacons , with the consent of the whole church . § . . a bishop being thus elected and confirmed , the next thing that followed , was his ordination or 〈◊〉 , which was done in his own church by the neighbouring bishops ; as cyprian mentions some bishops in his time , who went to a city called capse to install a bishop ; whither when they were come , they took the bishop elect , and in the presence of his flock , ordained , or installed him bishop of that church , by imposition of hands , as sabinus was placed in his bishoprick by imposition of hands . therefore fortunatus the schismatical bishop of carthage , got five bishops to come and ordain him at carthage : and so novatian , when he schismatically aspired to the bishoprick of rome , that he might not seem to leap in uncanonically , wheedled three ignorant and simple bishops to come to rome , and install him in that bishoprick by imposition of hands . how many bishops were necessary to this installing of a bishop elect , i find not ; three were sufficient , as is apparent from the forecited action of novatian ; whether less would do , i know not , since i find not the least footsteps of it in my antiquity , unless that from novatian's sending for , and 〈◊〉 just three bishops out of italy , we conclude that number to be necessary . but if there were more than three , it was not accounted unnecessary or needless ; for the more bishops there were present at an installment , the more did its validity and unexceptionableness appear : whence cyprian argues the undeniable legality of cornelius's promotion to the see of rome , because he had sixteen bishops present at his ordination : and for this reason it was , that fortunatus , the schismatical bishop of carthage falsely boasted , that there were twenty-five bishops present at his installment . and thus in short , we have viewed the method of the ancients in their election of bishops ; we have shewn , that they were elected by the people , approved and installed by the neighbouring bishops ; on which account it is , that cyprian calls them chosen and ordained . § . . it may not now be amiss to mention this custom , that when a bishop was thus presented and advanced to a see , he immediately gave notice of it to other bishops , especially to the most renowned bishops and bishopricks , as cornelius writ to cyprian bishop of carthage , an account of his being promoted to the see of rome ; betwixt which two churches , there was such a peculiar intercourse and harmony , as that this custom was more particularly observed by them , insomuch that it was observed by the schismatical bishops of each church , novatian giving notice to cyprian , bishop of carthage , of his promotion to the church of rome : and fortunatus advising cornelius bishop of rome , of his advancement to the church of carthage . § . . let what hath been spoken now suffice for the peculiar acts of the bishop : we have proved , that there was but one bishop to a church , and one church to a bishop ; we have shewn the bishop's office and function , election and ordination ; what farther to add on this head , i know not : for as for those other acts which he performed jointly with his flock , we must refer them to another place , till we have handled those other matters which previously propose themselves unto us : the first of which will be an examination into the office and order of a presbyter , which , because it will be somewhat long , shall be the subject of the following chapter . chap. iv. § . . the definition and description of a presbyter ; what he was . § . . inferior to a bishop in degree : § . . but equal to a bishop in order . § . . the reason why there were many presbyters in a church . § . . presbyters not necessary to the constitution of a church . § . . when presbyters began . § . . it will be both needless and tedious to endeavour to prove , that the ancients generally mention presbyters distinct from bishops . every one , i suppose , will readily own and acknowledge it . the great question which hath most deplorably sharpned and sour'd the minds of too many , is what the office and order of a presbyter was : about this the world hath been , and still is most uncharitably divided ; some equalize a presbyter in every thing with a bishop ; others as much debase him , each according to their particular opinions , either advance or degrade him . in many controversies a middle way hath been the safest , perhaps in this , the medium between the two extremes may be the truest : whether what i am now going to say , be the true 〈◊〉 of the matter , i leave to the learned reader to determin ; i may be deceived , neither mine years , nor abilities , exempt me from mistakes and errors : but this i must needs say , that after the most diligent researches , and impartialest enquiries , the following notion seems to me most plausible , and most consentaneous to truth ; and which , with a great facility and clearness , solves those doubts and objections , which , according to those other hypotheses , i know not how to answer . but yet however , i am not so wedded and bigotted to this opinion , but if any shall produce better , and more convincing arguments to the contrary , i will not contentiously defend , but readily relinquish it , since i search after truth , not to promote a particular party or interest . now for the better explication of this point , i shall first lay down a definition and description of a presbyter , and then prove the parts thereof . now the definition of a presbyter may be this : a person in holy orders , having thereby an inherent right to perform the whole office of a bishop ; but being possessed of no place or parish , not actually discharging it , without the permission and consent of the bishop of a place or parish . but lest this definition should seem obscure , i shall 〈◊〉 it by this following instance : as a curate hath the same mission and power with the minister , whose place he supplies ; yet being not the minister of that place , he cannot perform there any acts of his ministerial function , without leave from the minister thereof : so a presbyter had the same order and power with a bishop , whom he assisted in his cure ; yet being not the bishop or minister of that cure , he could not there perform any parts of his pastoral office , without the permission of the bishop thereof : so that what we generally render bishops , priests , and deacons , would be more intelligible in our tongue , if we did express it by rectors , vicars , and deacons ; by rectors , understanding the bishops ; and by vicars , the presbyters ; the former being the actual incumbents of a place , and the latter curates or assistants , and so different in degree , but yet equal in order . now this is what i understand by a presbyter ; for the confirmation of which , these two things are to be proved . i. that the presbyters were the bishops curates and assistants , and so inferiour to them in the actual exercise of their ecclesiastical commission . ii. that yet notwithstanding , they had the same inherent right with the bishops , and so were not of a distinct specifick order from them . or more briefly thus : . that the presbyters were different from the bishops in gradu , or in degree ; but yet , . they were equal to them in ordine , or in order . § . as to the first of these ; that presbyters were but the bishops curates and assistants , inferiour to them in degree , or in the actual discharge of their ecclesiastical commission . this will appear to have been , in effect , already proved , if we recollect what has been asserted , touching the bishop and his office , that there was but one bishop in a church ; that he usually performed all the parts of divine service ; that he was the general disposer and manager of all things within his diocess , there being nothing done there without his consent and approbation : to which we may particularly add , . that without the bishop's leave , a presbyter could not baptize : thus saith tertullian the bishop hath the right of baptizing , then the presbyters and deacons , but yet for the honour of the church , not without the authority of the bishop ; and to the same effect , saith ignatius , it is not lawful for any one to baptize , except the bishop permit him . . without the bishop's permission , a presbyter could not administer the lord's supper . that eucharist , says ignatius , is only valid , which is performed by the bishop , or by whom he shall permit ; for it is not lawful for any one to celebrate the eucharist , without leave from the bishop . . without the bishops consent , a presbyter could not preach ; and when he did preach , he could not chuse his own subject , but discoursed on those matters which were enjoyned him by the bishop , as the bishop commanded origen to preach about the witch of endor . . without the bishop's permission , a presbyter could not absolve offenders , therefore cyprian severely chides some of his presbyters , because they dared in his absence , without his consent and leave , to give the church's peace to some offending criminals . but what need i reckon up particulars , when in general there was no ecclesiastical office performed by the presbyters , without the consent and permission of the bishop : so says ignatius , let nothing be done of ecclesiastical concerns , without the bishop ; for whosoever doth any thing without the knowledge of the bishop , is a worshipper of the devil . now had the presbyters had an equal power in the government of those churches wherein they lived , how could it have been impudent and usurping in them to have perform'd the particular acts of their ecclesiastical function , without the bishop's leave and consent ? no , it was not fit or just , that any one should preach , or govern in a parish , without the permission of the bishop or pastor thereof ; for where churches had been regularly formed under the jurisdiction of their proper bishops , it had been an unaccountable impudence , and a most detestable act of schism for any one , tho' never so legally ordained , to have entred those parishes , and there to have performed ecclesiastical administrations , without the permission of , or which is all one , in defiance to the bishops , or ministers thereof ; for though a presbyter by his ordination had as ample an inherent right and power to discharge all clerical offices , as any bishop in the world had ; yet peace , unity and order , oblig'd him not to invade that part of god's church , which was committed to another man's care , without that man's approbation and consent . so then in this sense a presbyter was inferiour to a bishop in degree , in that having no parish of his own , he could not actually discharge the particular acts of his ministerial function , without leave from the bishop of a parish or diocess : the bishops were superiour to the presbyters , in that they were the presented , 〈◊〉 , and inducted ministers of their respective parishes ; and the presbyters were inferiour to the bishops , in that they were but their curates and assistants . § . . but though the presbyters were thus different from the bishops in degree , yet they were of the very same specifick order with them , having the same inherent right to perform those ecclesiastical offices , which the bishop did , as will appear from these three arguments . . that by the bishop's permission they discharged all those offices , which a bishop did . . that they were called by the same titles and appellations as the bishops were : and , . that they are expresly said to be of the same order with the bishops . as to the first of these , that by the bishop's permission , they discharged all those offices which a bishop did ; this will appear from that , . when the bishop ordered them , they preach'd . thus origen , in the beginning of some of his sermons , tells us , that he was commanded thereunto by the bishop , as particularly when he preach'd about the witch of endor ; he says , the bishop commanded him to do it . . by the permission of the bishop , presbyters baptized . thus writes tertullian , the bishop has the right of baptizing , and then the presbyters , but not without his leave . . by the leave of the bishop , presbyters administred the eucharist , as must be supposed in that saying of ignatius , that that eucharist only was valid , which was celebrated by the bishop , or by one appointed by him ; and that the eucharist could not be delivered but by the bishop , or by one whom he did approve . . the presbyters ruled in those churches to which they belonged , else this exhortation of polycarpus to the presbyters of philippi , would have been in vain ; let the presbyters be tender and merciful , compassionate towards all , reducing those that are in errors , visiting all that are weak , not negligent of the widow and the orphan , and him that is poor ; but ever providing what is honest in the sight of god and men ; abstaining from all wrath , respect of persons , and unrighteous judgment ; being far from covetousness , not hastily believing a report against any man , not rigid in judgment , knowing that we are all faulty , and obnoxious to judgment . hence , . they presided in church-consistories together with the bishop , and composed the executive part of the ecclesiastical court ; from whence it was called the presbytery , because in it , as tertullian says , approved elders did preside . . they had also the power of excommunication , as rogatianus and numidicus , two presbyters of cyprian's church , by his order join'd with some bishops of his nomination , in the excommunication of certain schismaticks of his diocess . but of both these two heads , more will be spoken in another place . . presbyters restored returning penitents , to the church's peace . thus we read in an epistle of dyonisius , bishop of alexandria , that a certain offender called serapion , approaching to the time of his dissolution , sent for one of the presbyters to absolve him , which the presbyter did , according to the order of his bishop , who had before commanded , that the presbyters should absolve those who were in danger of death . . presbyters confirmed , as we shall most evidently prove , when we come to treat of confirmation : only remark here by the way , that in the days of cyprian , there was a hot controversie , whether those that were baptized by hereticks , and came over to the catholick church , should be received as members thereof by baptism and confirmation , or by confirmation alone ? now i would fain know , whether during the vacancy of a see , or the bishop's absence , which sometimes might be very long , as cyprian was absent two years , a presbyter could not admit a returning heretick to the peace and unity of the church , especially if we consider their positive damnation of all those that died out of the church ? if the presbyters had not had this power of confirmation , many penitent souls must have been damn'd for the unavoidable default of a bishop , which is too cruel and unjust to imagine . . as for ordination , i find but little said of this in antiquity ; yet as little as there is , there are clearer proofs of the presbyters ordaining , than there are of their administring the lord's supper : all power and grace , saith firmilian , is constituted in the church , where seniors preside , who have the power of baptizing , confirming , and ordaining ; or as it may be rendred , and perhaps more agreeable to the sense of the place ; who had the power as of baptizing , so also of confirming and ordaining . what these seniors were , will be best understood by a parallel place in tertullian ; for that place in tertullian , and this in firmilian , are usually cited to expound one another , by most learned men , as by the most learned dr. cave , and others . now the passage in tertullian is this ; in the ecclesiastical courts approved elders preside : now by these approved elders , bishops and presbyters , must necessarily be understood ; because tertullian speaks here of the discipline exerted in one particular church or parish , in which there was but one bishop ; and if only he had presided , then there could not have been elders in the plural number ; but there being many elders to make out their number , we must add the presbyters to the bishop , who also presided with him , as we shall more fully shew in another place . now the same that presided in church-consistories , the same also ordained ; presbyters as well as bishops presided in church-consistories ; therefore presbyters as well as bishops ordained . and as in those churches where there were presbyters , both they and the bishop presided together , so also they ordained together , both laying on their hands in ordination , as st. timothy was ordained by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery ; that is , by the hands of the bishop and presbyters of that parish where he was ordained , as is the constant signification of the word presbytery , in all the writings of the ancients . but , . though as to every particular act of the bishop's office , it could not be proved particularly , that a presbyter did discharge them ; yet it would be sufficient , if we could prove , that in the general , a presbyter could , and did perform them all . now that a presbyter could do so , and consequently by the bishop's permission did do so , will appear from the example of the great saint cyprian , bishop of carthage , who being exil'd from his church , writes a letter to the clergy thereof ; wherein he exhorts and begs them to discharge their own and his office too , that so nothing might be wanting either to discipline or diligence . and much to the same effect he thus writes them in another letter , trusting therefore to your kindness and religion , which i have abundantly experienced , i exhort and command you by these letters , that in my stead you perform those offices which the ecclesiastical dispensation requires . and in a letter written upon the same occasion , by the clergy of the church of rome , to the clergy of the church of carthage , we find these words towards the beginning thereof , and since it is incumbent upon us , who are as it were bishops , to keep the flock in the room of the pastor . if we shall be found negligent , it shall be said unto us , as it was said to our careless preceeding bishops , in ezekiel . , . that we looked not after that which was lost , we did not correct him that wandered , nor bound up him that was lame , but we did eat their milk , and were covered with their wooll . so that the presbyters were as it were bishops , that in the bishop's absence kept his flock , and in his stead performed all those ecclesiastical offices , which were incumbent on him . now then if the presbyters could supply the place of an absent bishop , and in general discharge all those offices , to which a bishop had been obliged , if he had been present ; it naturally follows that the presbyters could discharge every particular act and part thereof . if i should say , such an one has all the senses of a man , and yet also assert that he cannot see , i should be judged a self-contradictor in that assertion ; for in affirming that he had all the human senses , i also affirmed , that he saw , because seeing is one of those senses . for whatsoever is affirmed of an universal , is affirmed of every one of its particulars . so when the fathers say , that the presbyters performed the whole office of the bishop , it naturally ensues , that they confirmed , ordained , baptized , &c. because those are particulars of that universal . but now from the whole we may collect a solid argument for the equality of presbyters with bishops as to order ; for if a presbyter did all a bishop did , what difference was there between them ? a bishop preached , baptized and confirmed , so did a presbyter . a bishop excommunicated , absolved and ordained , so did a presbyter : whatever a bishop did , the same did a presbyter ; the particular acts of their office was the same ; the only difference that was between them was in degree ; but this proves there was none at all in order . . that bishops and presbyters were of the same order , appears also , from that originally they had one and the same name , each of them being indifferently called bishops or presbyters . hence we read in the sacred writ of several bishops in one particular church , as the bishops of ephesus , and philippi , that is , the bishops and presbyters of those churches , as they were afterwards distinctly called . and clemens romanus sometimes mentions many bishops in the church of corinth , whom at other times he calls by the name of presbyters , using those two terms as synonimous titles and appellations , you have obeyed , saith he , those that were set over you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and let us revere those that are set over us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are the usual titles of the bishops ; and yet these in another place he calls presbyters , describing their office , by their sitting , or presiding over us . wherefore he commands the corinthians to be subject to their presbyters , and whom in one line he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or bishops . the second line after he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or presbyters . so polycarp exhorts the philippians to be subject to their presbyters and deacons , under the name of presbyters including both bishops and priests , as we now call them . the first that expressed these church-officers by the distinct terms of bishops and presbyters , was ignatius , who lived in the beginning of the second century , appropriating the title of bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or overseer , to that minister who was the more immediate overseer and governour of his parish ; and that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder or presbyter , to him who had no particular care and inspection of a parish , but was only an assistant or curate to a bishop that had ; the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or bishop , denoting a relation to a flock or cure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or presbyter , signifying only a power or an ability to take the charge of such a flock or cure ; the former implying an actual discharge of the office , the latter a power so to do . this distinction of titles arising from the difference of their circumstances , which we find first mentioned in ignatius , was generally followed by the succeeding fathers , who for the most part distinguish between bishops and presbyters ; though sometimes according to the primitive usage they indifferently apply those terms to each of those persons . thus on the one hand the titles of presbyters are given unto bishops ; as irenaeus in his synodical epistle , twice calis anicetus , pius , higynus , telesphorus , and xistus bishops of rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or presbyters . and those bishops who derived their succession immediately from the apostles , he calls , the presbyters in the church ; and whom clemens alexandrinus in one line calls the bishop of a certain city not far from ephesus , a few lines after he calls the presbyter . and on the other hand , the titles of bishops are ascribed to presbyters , as one of the discretive appellations of a bishop is pastour . yet cyprian also calls his presbyters the pastors of the flock . another was that of president , or one set over the people . yet cyprian also calls his presbyters presidents , or set over the people . the bishops were also called rectors or rulers . so origen calls the presbyters the governours of the people . and we find both bishops and presbyters included under the common name of presidents or prelates , by st. cyprian , in this his exhortation to pomponius , and if all must observe the divine discipline , how much more must the presidents and deacons do it , who by their conversation and manners must yield a good example to others ? now if the same appellation of a thing be a good proof for the identity of its nature , then bishops and presbyters must be of the same order , because they had the same names and titles . suppose it was disputed , whether a parson and lecturer were of the same order , would not this sufficiently prove the affirmative ? that though for some accidental respects they might be distinguished in their appellations , yet originally and frequently they were called by one and the same name . the same it is in this case , though for some contingent and adventitious reasons bishops and presbyters were discriminated in their titles , yet originally they were always , and afterwards sometimes , called by one and the same appellation ; and therefore we may justly deem them to be one and the same order . but if this reason be not thought cogent enough , the third and last will unquestionably put all out of doubt , and most clearly evince the identity or sameness of bishops and presbyters , as to order ; and that is , that it is expresly said by the ancients , that there were but two distinct ecclesiastical orders , viz. bishops and deacons , or presbyters and deacons ; and if there were but these two , presbyters cannot be distinct from bishops , for then there would be three . now that there were but two orders , viz. bishops and deacons , is plain from that golden ancient remain of clemens romanus , wherein he thus writes , in the country and 〈◊〉 where the apostles preached , they ordained their first converts for bishops and deacons , over those who should believe : nor were these orders new ; for for many ages past it was thus prophesied concerning bishops and deacons , i will appoint their bishops in righteousness , and their deacons in faith. this place of scripture which is here quoted , is in isa. . . i will make thine officers peace , and thine exactors righteousness . whether it is rightly applyed , is not my business to determin . that that i observe from hence is , that there were but two orders instituted by the apostles , viz. bishops and deacons , which clemens supposes were prophetically promised long before : and this is yet more evidently asserted in another passage of the said clemens a little after , where he says , that the apostles foreknew through our lord jesus christ , that contention would arise about the name of episcopacy , and therefore being endued with a perfect foreknowledge , appointed the aforesaid officers , viz. bishops and deacons , and left the manner of their succession described , that so when they died , other approved men might succeed them , and reform their office. so that there were only the two orders of bishops and deacons instituted by the apostles . and if they ordained but those two , i think no one had ever a commission to add a third , or to split one into two , as must be done , if we separate the order of presbyters from the order of bishops : but that when the apostles appointed the order of bishops , presbyters were included therein , will manifestly appear from the induction of those fore-cited passages in clemens's epistle , and his drift and design thereby , which was to appease and calm the schisms and factions of some unruly members in the church of corinth , who designed to depose their presbyters ; and that he might dissuade them from this violent and irregular action , amongst other arguments he proposes to them , that this was to thwart the design and will of god , who would that all should live orderly in their respective places , doing the duties of their own stations , not invading the offices and functions of others ; and that for this end , that all occasions of disorderliness and confusion might be prevented , he had instituted diversities of offices in his church , appointing every man to his particular work , to which he was to apply himself , without violently leaping into other mens places ; and that particularly the apostles foreseeing through the holy spirit , that contentious and unruly men would irregularly aspire to the episcopal office , by the deposition of their lawful presbyters ; therefore that such turbulent spirits might be repressed , or left inexcusable , they ordained bishops and deacons where they preached , and described the manner and qualifications of their successors , who should come after them when they were dead and gone , and be rever'd and obeyed with the same respect and obedience as they before were ; and that therefore they were to be condemned as perverters of the divine institution , and contemners of the apostolick authority , who dared to degrade their presbyters , who had received their episcopal authority in an immediate succession from those who 〈◊〉 advanced to that dignity by the apostles themselves . this was the true reason for which the fore-quoted passages were spoken , which clearly evinces , that presbyters were included under the title of bishops , or rather that they were bishops ; for to what end should clemens exhort the schismatical corinthians to obey their presbyters , from the consideration of the apostles ordination of bishops , if their presbyters had not been bishops ? but that the order of presbyters was the same with the order of bishops , will appear also from that place of irenaeus , where he exhorts us to withdraw from those presbyters , who serve their lusts , and having not the fear of god in their hearts , contemn others , and are lifted up with the dignity of their first session ; but to adhere to those who keep the doctrine of the apostles , and with their presbyterial order are inoffensive , and exemplary in sound doctrine , and an holy conversation , to the information and correction of others ; for such presbyters the church educates , and of whom the prophet saith , i will 〈◊〉 thee princes in peace , and bishops in righteousness . now that by these presbyters , bishops are meant , i need not take much pains to prove ; the precedent chapter positively asserts it ; the description of them in this quotation , by their enjoying the dignity of the first session , and the application of that text of isaiah unto them , clearly evinces it . no one can deny but that there were bishops , that is , that they were superiour in degree to other presbyters ; or , as irenaeus styles it , honoured with the first session ; but yet he also says , that they were not different in order , being of the presbyterial order , which includes both bishops and presbyters . to this testimony of irenaeus i shall subjoin that of clemens alexandrinus , who tho' he mentions the processes of bishops , presbyters and deacons , from which some conclude the bishops superiority of order ; yet the subsequent words evidently declare , that it must be meant only of degree , and that as to order they were one and the same ; for he immediately adds , that those offices are an imitation of the angelick glory , and of that dispensation , which , as the scriptures say , they wait for , who treading in the steps of the apostles , live in the perfection of evangelick righteousness ; for these , the apostle writes , shall be took up into the clouds , ( here he alludes to the manner of the saints glorification in thess. . . then we which are alive , and remain , shall be caught up together with them in the clouds , to meet the lord in the air , and so shall we ever be with the lord ) and there first as deacons attend , and then according to the process , or next station of glory , be admitted into the presbytery ; for glory differs from glory , till they increase to a perfect man. now in this passage there are two things which manifest , that there were but two ecclesiastical orders , viz. bishops and deacons , or presbyters and deacons ; the first is , that he says , that those orders were resembled by the angelick orders . now the scripture mentions but two orders of angels , viz. archangels and angels , the archangels presiding over the angels , and the angels obeying and attending on the archangels . according to this resemblance therefore there must be but two ecclesiastical orders in the church , which are bishops or 〈◊〉 byters presiding and governing , with the deacons attending and obeying . the other part of this passage , which proves but two ecclesiastical orders , is his likening of them to the progressive glory of the saints , who at the judgment day shall be caught up in the clouds , and there shall first as deacons attend and wait on christ's judgment-seat , and then , when the judgment is over , shall have their glory perfected , in being placed on the celestial thrones of that sublime presbytery , where they shall for ever be blest and happy . so that there were only the two orders of deacons and presbyters , the former whereof being the inseriour order , never sat at their 〈◊〉 conventions , but like servants stood and waited on the latter , who sat down on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or seats in the form of a semicircle , whence they are frequently called , consessus presbyterii , or the session of the presbytery , in which session he that was more peculiarly the bishop or minister of the parish , sat at the head of the semicircle , on a seat somewhat elevated above those of his colleagues , as cyprian calls them , and so was distinguished from them by his priority in the same order , but not by his being of another order . thus the foresaid clemens alexandrinus distinguishes the bishop from the presbyters , by his being advanced to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the first seat in the presbytery , not by his sitting in a different seat from them : for thus he writes , he is in truth a presbyter of the church , and a minister of the will of god , who does and teaches the things of the lord , not ordained by men , or esteemed just , because a presbyter , but because just , therefore received into the 〈◊〉 , who although he be not honoured with the first seat on earth , yet shall hereafter sit down on the twenty and four thrones , mentioned in the revelations , judging the people . so that both bishops and presbyters were members of the same presbytery , only the bishop was advanced to the first and chiefest seat therein , which is the very same with what i come now from proving , viz. that bishops and presbyters were equal in order , but different in degree ; that the former were the ministers of their respective parishes , and the latter their curates or assistants . whether this hath been fully proved , or whether the precedent quotations do naturally conclude the premises , the learned reader will easily determine . i am not conscious that i have stretched any words beyond their natural signification , having deduced from them nothing but what they fairly imported : if i am mistaken , i hope i shall be pardoned , since i did it not designedly or voluntarily . as before , so now i profess again , that if any one shall be so kind and obliging to give me better information , i shall thankfully and willingly acknowledge and quit mine error ; but till that information be given , and the falsity of my present opinion be evinc'd , ( which after the impartialest and narrowest enquiry , i see not how it can be done ) i hope no one will be offended , that i have asserted the equality or identity of the bishops and presbyters as to order , and their difference as to preeminency or degree . § . . now from this notion of presbyters , there evidently results the reason why there were many of them in one church , even for the same intent and end , tho' more necessary and needful , that curates are now to those ministers and incumbents whom they serve , it was found by experience , that variety of accidents and circumstances did frequently occur both in times of peace and persecution ; the particulars whereof would be needless to enumerate , that disabled the bishops from attending on , and discharging their pastoral office ; therefore that such vacancies might be supplied , and such inconveniencies remedied , they entertained presbyters or curates , who during their absence might supply their places , who also were helpful to them , whilst they were present with their flocks , to counsel and advise them ; whence bishop cyprian assures us , that he did all things by the common council of his presbyters . besides this , in those early days of christianity , churches were in most places thin , and at a great distance from one another ; so that if a bishop by any disaster was incapacitated for the discharge of his function , it would be very difficult to get a neighbouring bishop to assist him . to which we may also add , that in those times there were no publick schools or universities , except we say the catechetick lecture at alexandria , was one for the breeding of young ministers , who might succeed the bishops as they died ; wherefore the bishops of every church took care to instruct and elevate some young men , who might be prepared to come in their place when they were dead and gone . and thus for these and the like reasons most churches were furnished with a competent number of presbyters , who helpt the bishops while living , and were fitted to succeed them when dead . § . . i say only , most churches were furnished with presbyters , because all were not , especially those churches which were newly planted , where either the numbers or abilities of the belîevers were small and inconsiderable : neither indeed were presbyters essential to the constitution of a church ; a church might be without them , as well as a parish can be without a 〈◊〉 now ; it was sufficient that they had a bishop ; a presbyter was only necessary for the easing of the bishop in his office , and to be qualified for the succeeding him in his place and dignity after his death . for as 〈◊〉 writes , where there are no presbyters , the bishop alone administers the two sacraments of the lord's supper and baptism . § . . as for the time when presbyters began , to me it seems plain , that their office was even in the apostolick age , tho' by their names they were not distinguished from bishops till sometime after . the first author now extant , who distinctly mentions bishops and presbyters , is ignatius bishop of antioch , who lived in the beginning of the second century : but without doubt before his time , even in the days of the apostles , where churches increased , or were somewhat large , there were more in holy orders than the bishops of those churches . we read in the new testament of the bishops of ephesus , acts . . and philippi , philip. . . which must be understood of what was afterwards distinctly called bishops and presbyters . so likewise we read in st. timothy , tim. . . of a presbytery , which in all the writings of the fathers , for any thing i can find to the contrary , perpetually signifies the bishop and presbyters of a particular church or parish . and to this 〈◊〉 may add what clemens alexandrinus reports of st. john , that he went into the neighbouring provinces of ephesus , partly that he might constitute bishops , partly that he might plant new churches , and partly that he might appoint such in the number of the clergy , as should be commanded him by the holy ghost . where by the word clergy , being oppos'd to bishops , and so consequently different from them , must be understood either deacons alone , or which is far more probable , presbyters and deacons . chap. v. § . . the order and office of the deacons . § . . subdeacons what ? § . . of acolyths , exorcists , and lectors ; thro' those offices the bishops gradually ascended to their episcopal dignity . § . . of ordination . first , of deacons . § . . next of presbyters ; 〈◊〉 candidates for that office presented themselves to the presbytery of the parish where they were ordained . § . . by them examined about 〈◊〉 qualifications , viz. their age. § . . their condition in the world. § . . their conversation . § . . and their vnderstanding . humane learning needful . § . . some inveighed against humane learning , but condemned by clemens alexandrinus . § . . those that were to be ordain'd presbyters , generally pass'd thro' the inferiour offices . § . . when to be ordained , propounded to the people for their attestation . § . . ordain'd in , but not to a particular church . § . . ordain'd by the imposition of hands of the presbytery . § . . the conclusion of the first particular , concerning the peculiar acts of the clergy . § . . next to the presbyters were the deacons , concerning whose office and order i shall say very little , since there is no great controversie about it ; and had it not been to have rendred this discourse compleat and entire , i should in silence have pass'd it over . briefly therefore , their original institution , as in 〈◊〉 . . was to serve tables , which included these two things , a looking after the poor , and an attendance at the lord's table . as for the care of the poor , origen tells us , that the deacons dispensed to them the churches money , being employed under the bishop to inspect and relieve all the indigent within their diocese : as for their attendance at the lord's table , their office with respect to that , consisted in preparing the bread and wine , in cleansing the sacramental cups , and other such like necessary things ; whence they are called by ignatius deacons of meats and cups , assisting also , in some places at least , the bishop or presbyters in the celebration of the eucharist , delivering the elements to the communioants . they also preached , of which more in another place ; and in the absence of the bishop and presbyters baptized . in a word , according to the signification of their name , they were as ignatius calls them , the churches servants , set apart on purpose to serve god , and attend on their business , being constituted , as eusebius terms it , for the service of the publick . § . . next to the deacons were the subdencons , who are mentioned both by cyprian and cornelius . as the office of the presbyters was to assist and help the bishops , so theirs was to assist and help the deacons . and as the presbyters were of the same order with the bishop , so probably the subdeacons were of the same order with the deacons , which may be gathered from what we may suppose to have been the origin and rise of these subdeacons , which might be this , that in no church whatsoever , was it usual to have more than seven deacons , because that was the original number instituted by the apostles ; wherefore when any church grew so great and numerous , that this stinted number of deacons was not sufficient to discharge their necessary ministrations , that they might not seem to swerve from the apostolical example , they added assistants to the deacons , whom they called subdeacons or under deacons , who were employed by the head or chief deacons , to do those services in their stead and room , to which , by their office , they were obliged . but whether this be a sufficient argument to prove the subdeacons to be of the same order with the deacons , i shall not determine , because this office being now antiquated , it is not very pertinent to my design , i only offer it to the consideration of the learned , who have will and ability to search into it . § . . besides those forementioned orders , who were immediately consecrated to the service of god , and by him commission'd thereunto , there were another sort of ecclesiasticks , who were employed about the meaner offices of the church , such as acolyths , exorcists and lectors , whose offices , because they are now disused , except that of the lector , i shall pass over in silence , reserving a discourse of the lector for another place ; only in general , these were candidates for the ministry , who by the due discharge of these meaner employs , were to give proof of their ability and integrity , the bishops in those days not usually arriving per saltum to that dignity and honour ; but commonly beginning with the most inferiour office , and so gradually proceeding thro' the others , till they came to the supreme office of all , as cornelius bishop of rome , did not presently leap into the episcopal throne , but first passed thro' all the ecclesiastical offices , gradually ascending to that sublime dignity . the church in those happy days , by such a long tryal and experience , using all possible precaution and exactness , that none but fit and qualify'd men should be admitted into those sacred functions and orders , which were attended with 〈◊〉 dreadful and tremendous a charge . and this now brings me in the next place , to enquire into the manner and form of the primitive ordinations , which i chuse to discourse of in this place , since i shall find none more proper for it throughout this whole treatise . § . . as for the various senses and acceptations which may be put on the word ordination , i shall not at all meddle with them ; that ordination that i shall speak of is this , the grant of a peculiar commission and power , which remains indelible in the person to whom it is committed , and can never be obliterated or rased out , except the person himself cause it by his heresie , apostacy , or most extremely gross and scandalous impiety . now this sort of ordination was conferred only upon deacons and presbyters , or on deacons and bishops , presbyters and bishops being here to be consider'd as all one , as ministers of the church-universal . as for the ordination of deacons , there is no great dispute about that , so i shall say no more concerning it , than that we have the manner thereof at their first institution in acts . . which was , that they were ordained to their office by prayer and imposition of hands . § . . but as for the ordination of presbyters , i shall more distinctly and largely treat of the manner and form thereof , which seems to be as follows . whosoever desired to be admitted into this sacred office , he first proposed himself to the presbytery of the parish where he dwelled and was to be ordained , desiring their consent to his designed intention , praying them to confer upon him those holy orders which he craved . now we may suppose his petition was to the whole presbytery , because a bishop alone could not give those holy orders , as is most evident from cyprian , who assures us , that all clerical ordinations were performed by the common counsel of the whole prebytery . and therefore when upon a most urgent and necessary occasion he had been forced to ordain one , but a lector without the advice and consent of his presbytery , which one would be apt to think was no great usurpation , he takes great pains ( ep. . p. . ) to justifie and excuse himself for so doing . § . . upon this application of the candidate for the ministry , the presbytery took it into their consideration , debated his petition in their common council , and proceeded to examine whether he had those endowments and qualifications which were requisite for that sacred office. what those gifts and qualifications were , touching which he was examined , may be reduced to these four heads , his age , his condition in the world , his conversation , and his understanding . as for his age ; it was necessary for him to have lived some time in the world , to have been of a ripe and mature age ; for they ordained no novices , or young striplings : that was the practice of the hereticks , whom tertullian jeers and upbraids with ordaining raw and vnexperienced clerks . but as for the orthodox , they took care to confer orders on none , but on such as were well stricken in years ; observing herein the apostolick canon in tim. . . not a novice , lest being lifted up with pride , he fall into the condemnation of the devil . but yet if any young man was endued with extraordinary grace and ability , the fewness of his years was no obstacle to his promotion , that being superseded by the greatness of his merit ; as we find in the case of aurelius in cyprian , who tho' young in years , yet for his eminent courage and excellency , was graced with ecclesiastical orders : and such an one , i suppose , was the bishop of magnesia in the times of ignatius , which gave occasion to that exhortation , to the people of that diocese , not to despise their bishop's age , but to yield him all due respect and reverence . § . . as for his condition in the world ; he was not to be entangled with any mundane affairs , but to be free from all secular employments , and at perfect liberty to apply himself wholly to the duties of his office and function . this also was founded on that other apostolick canon in tim. . . no man that warreth , entangleth himself with the affairs of this life , that 〈◊〉 may please him who hath chosen him to be a soldier . which words , saith cyprian , if spoken of all , how much more ought not they to be entangled with secular troubles and snares , who being busied in divine and spiritual things , cannot leave the church , to mind earthly and worldly actions ? which religious ordination , as he goes on to write , was emblematiz'd by the levites under the law ; for when the land was divided , and possessions were given to eleven tribes , the levites who waited upon the temple and altar , and the sacred offices thereof , had no share in that division ; but the others till'd the ground , whilst they only worshipped god , and received tenths of the others encrease for their food and sustenance ; all which hapned by the divine authority and dispensation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who waited on divine employments , should not be withdrawn therefrom , or be forced either to think of , or to do any secular affairs : which fashion , as he there continues to write , is now observed by the clergy , that those who are promoted to clerical ordinations , should not be impeded in their divine administrations , or iucumbred with secular concerns and affairs , but as tenths , receiving subscriptions from the brethren ; depart not from the altar and sacrifices , but night and day attend on spiritual and heavenly ministrations . these words were spoken on the occasion of a certain bishop called geminius victor , who at his death made a certain presbyter , called geminius faustinus trustee of his last will and testament , which trust cyprian condemns as void and null , because a synod had before decreed , that no clergyman should be a trustee , for this reason , because those who were in holy orders ought only to attend upon the altar and its sacrifices , and to give themselves wholly to prayer and supplication . it was a blot in the hereticks ordinations , that they ordained such as were involved in the world , and embarass'd with carnal and secular concerns . § . . as for the conversation of the 〈◊〉 to be ordained , he was to be humble and meek , of an unspotted and exemplary life . so says cyprian , in all ordinations we ought to choose men of an unspotted integrity , who worthily and holily offering up sacrifices to god , may be heard in those prayers which they make for the safety of their flock : for it is written , god heareth not a sinner ; but if any one be a worshipper of him ; and doth his will , him he heareth . wherefore before they were ordained , they were proposed to the people for their testimony and attestation of their holy life and conversation : but of this we shall speak more in another place : only it may not be improper to remember here , that this is also an apostolick canon , in 〈◊〉 tim. . , , . a bishop then must be blameless , the husband of one wife , vigilant , sober , of good behaviour , given to hospitality , apt to teach , not given to wine , no striker , not guilty of filthy lucre , but patient , not a brawler , not covetous . moreover he must have a good report of them which are without , lest he fall into reproach , and the snare of the devil . § . . as for the understanding of the person to be ordained , he was to be of a good capacity , fit and able duly to teach others . this is also another of the apostolick canons in tim. . . study to shew thy self approved unto god , a workman that needeth not to be ashamed , rightly dividing the word of truth . and in tim. . . a bishop must be apt to teach , which implies an ability of teaching , and a 〈◊〉 of rightly understanding , apprehending , and applying the word of god ; to which end humane learning was so conducive , as that origen pleads not only for its usefulness , but also for its necessity , especially for that part of it , which we call logick , to find out the true sense and meaning of the scripture , as appears from this following digression , which he makes concerning it , in one of his commentaries , how is it possible , saith he , that a question either in ethicks , physicks , or divinity , should be understood , as it ought , without logick ? you shall hear no absurdity from those who are skill'd in logick , and diligently search out the signification of words ; whereas many times , thro' our ignorance in logick , we greatly err , not distinguishing homonymies , amphibolies , the different vsages , properties and distinction of words , as some from the ignorance of the homonymy of the word world , have sell into wicked opinions touching its maker , not diseerning what that signifies in john . . the world lies in wickedness ; where they understanding by the world , the frame of heaven and earth , and all creatures therein , blaspheme the creator thereof , by affirming , that the sun , moon and stars , which move in so exact an order , lie in wickedness . so also thro' the same ignorance they know not the true sense of that text in john . this is the lamb of god , which taketh away the sins of the world. neither of that in cor. . . god was in christ reconciling the world to himself : wherefore if we would not err about the true sense of the holy scripture , it is necessary that we understand logick , which art of logick , the foresaid father thinks , is recommended to us by solomon in prov. . . he that refuseth reproof , or logick , as he rendreth it , erreth . clemens alexandrinus also stifly asserts the utility of humane learning , where he says , that it is profitable to christianity for the clear and distinct demonstrations of its doctrine , in that it helps us to the more evident understanding of the truth . and in particular for logick , he gives it high encomiums , as that it is a hedge to defend the truth from being prod down by sophisters , that it gives us great light duly to understand the holy scriptures , that it is necessary to confute the sophisms of hereticks . and in general , for all sorts of learning he tells us , that it keeps the way of life , that we be not deceived or circumvented , by those that endeavour to draw us into the way of sin . so that he thinks philosophy and the liberal arts came down from heaven unto men. but should i produce all the passages in this father , concerning the utility and excellency of humane learning , i must transcribe several pages in folio , which if the reader has a curiosity to view , he may especially take notice of these places , stromat . lib. . pag. , , , , , , and stromat . lib. . pag. , , , , , , . § . . it is true , there were some in those days , of whom clemens 〈◊〉 complains , who dreaded philosophy , lest it should deceive them , as much as children did hobgoblins . because they saw by too lamentable experience , that many learned mens brains were so charmed , or intoxicated with philosophical notions , as that they laboured to transform them into christian verities , and so thereby became authors of most pestilent and damnable heresies , which is particularly observed by tertullian , with respect to the hereticks of his time , who in this account calls the philosophers , the patriarchs , of hereticks . therefore they accused philosophy it self , as the production of some evil inventor , introduced into the world for the ruin and destruction of mankind . even tertullian himself , for this reason had an extream pique against philosophy , and violently decry'd it , especially logick , as inconsistent with true christianity , as may be seen at large in his book , de prescriptione adversus haereticos , p. , but to this objection clemens alexandrinus replies , that if any man had been deceived and misled by philosophy , that that proceeded not from philosophy , but from the wickedness of his nature ; for whosoever has wisdom enough to use it , he is able thereby to make a larger and a more demonstrative defence of the faith than others . and concerning logick in particular , he tells them , that as for eristick , jangling logick , for impertinent and contentious sophisms , which he elegently calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the shadows of reason ; he disliked it as much as they , and frequently inveighs against it : but as for the 〈◊〉 substantial part of it , he could not but deem it profitable and advantagious , since it helps us to find out the truth , enables us the better to understand the scriptures , and shews us how to refel the sophisms and cunning arguments of the hereticks . but besides this sort of objectors , there were others , of whom clemens alexandrinus speaks , who condemned learning on this account , because it was humane , unto whom that father answers , that was most unreasonable , that philosophy only should be condemned on this account , and that the meanest arts besides , even those of a smith and shipwright , which are as much humane , should be commended and approved ; that they did not rest here and go no farther , but having got what was useful and profitable from it , they ascended higher unto the true philosophy , making this humane philosophy a guide unto , or , a preparatory for the true philosophy . these were the sentiments of this learned father touching the utility and excellency of humane learning , with respect to the interpretation of scripture , the finding out and defending of the true faith and doctrine , and such like things , which were the very heart and soul of the presbyters function and employ ; from whence we may rationally collect , that it was needful , amiable , and profitable in a presbyter : i do not say that it was absolutely necessary , for it is apparent that a great part of the ancient presbyters were not skill'd in it ; but i say that it was very useful and advantageous , and they prized and esteemed those presbyters , who were vers'd in it , especially those of them who were arch-presbyters or bishops , who , if possible , were to be well read in those parts of learning , which were proper to confirm the articles of christianity , and to confute the enemies thereof . this is plainly insinuated by origen , when he says , that the holy scriptures exhort us to learn logick , in that place , where it is said by solomon , he that refuseth reproof , or logick , as he understandeth it , erreth ; and that therefore he that instructeth others , ( the greek word more particularly denotes the bishop ) ought to be able to convince gain-sayers . § . . upon this examination of the candidates for the ministry ; and their approbation by the presbytery , the next thing that follow'd was their being declared capable of their desired function , to which they were very seldom presently advanced , but first gave a specimen of their abilities in their discharge of other inferiour ecclesiastick offices , and so proceeded by degrees to the supreme function of all , as cornelius bishop of rome , did not presently leap into his office , but passing thro' all the ecclesiastical employments , gradually ascended thereunto . and as aurelius , a member of the church of carthage , began first with the lowermost office of a lector , tho' by his extraordinary merits he deserved those that were more sublime and honourable . § . . that this was their constant and unalterable practice , i dare not affirm ; i rather think the contrary , as i might easily prove , were it pertinent to my design ; this that follows is more certain , that whether they were gradually or presently ordained presbyters , their names were published or propounded to the people of that church , where they were to be ordained , that so , if worthy of that office , they might have the testimony and attestation of the people ; or if unworthy and unfit , they might be debarred and excluded from it , by which course the crimes of the wicked were discovered , the vertues of the good declared , and the ordination became valid and legitimate , being examin'd by the suffrage and judgment of all . § . . if the people objected nothing against the persons proposed , but approved their fitness for that office ; the next thing that followed , was their actual ordination in that particular church , where they were so propounded , not that they were only ordain'd for that particular church , but in it they were ordained ministers of the church universal , being at liberty , either to serve that church , where they received their orders , or , if they had a legal call , to spend their labours elsewhere , in other churches , as origen was a presbyter of alexandria , tho' he was ordained in palestina , by the bishops of caesarea and jerusalem , and numidicus was a presbyter of the church of carthage , tho' he received his orders elsewhere . hence the presbyters of a church were not confined to a set number , as the bishop and deacons were , but were sometimes more , sometimes less ; as fit persons for that office presented themselves , so were they ordained , some of whom still remained in the same church , where they received their orders ; and others went and served other churches every one going where the providence of god did call him . § . . but now their formal ordination was by imposition of hands , usually of the bishop and presbyters of the parish where they were ordained : for this there needs no other proof than that injunction of st. paul to timothy , 〈◊〉 tim. . . neglect not the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . as for imposition of hands , it was a ceremony that was variously used in the old testament , from whence it was translated into the new , and in the primitive church used on sundry occasions , to no purpose here to enumerate : one of those actions was , ordination of church-officers , wherein , i think , it was never omitted . thus novatian was ordained a presbyter by imposition of hands . and the bishops of cesarea and jerusalem imposed hands on origen to make him a presbyter . the imposition of hands being the completion of ordination , or the final act thereof ; for whosoever had past through the forementioned examination and attestation , and consequently to that had received the laying on of hands , he was esteemed by all , as legally ordained , and was ever after deemed to have sufficient power and authority to exert and discharge the duty and office of the presbytership , to which by those actions he was advanced and promoted . § . . here now i shall conclude what i designed to write , with respect to the first particular , concerning the peculiar acts of the clergy , under which i have discoursed distinctly of the office , and order of bishops , priests and deacons , as also of several other things relating to their charge and dignity . as for those other acts of theirs , which remain to be inquired into , i shall not meddle with them here ; for tho' they may have some rapport or connexion to this head , yet they more properly and immediately respect the third , unto which place therefore i shall refer their discussion and examination . chap. vi. § . . the peculiar acts of the laity proposed to be discoursed of . what were the qualifications of church-membership . § . . the people , in some cases , had power to depose their bishops . § . . the conjunct acts of the clergy and laity proposed to be discoursed of . all ecclesiastical affairs were managed by their joint endeavours . § . . having in the former chapters treated of the peculiar acts of the clergy , i come now in this to speak something to the peculiar acts of the laity , and to enquire into those actions and powers , which they exerted distinctly by themselves . and here it may not be amiss first of all to make an enquiry into the constitution of the laity , that is , how and by what means they were first admitted to be members of a church , by vertue of which membership they were made partakers of all those powers , which we shall hereafter mention . now for answer hereunto , in general , all those that were baptized , were look'd upon as members of the church , and had a right to all the priviledges thereof ; except they had been guilty of grofs and scandalous sins , as idolatry , murder , adultery , and such like ; for then they were cast out of the church , and not admitted again , till by a penitent and holy deportment they had testified their grief and sorrow for their unholy and irregular actions ; for as origen saith , we do our utmost , that our assemblies be composed of good and wise men. so that none who are admitted to our congregations , and prayers , are vitious and wicked , except very rarely it may happen , that a particular bad . man may be concealed in so great a number . but since the greatest part of christians were adult persons at their conversion to christianity , and admission into church-fellowship and society , therefore we must consider the prerequisites of baptism , since that sacrament gave them a right and title to that admission or reception . now those persons who designed to leave heathenism and idolatry , and desired to be members of a christian church , were not presently advanced to that degree , but were first continued a certain space of time in the rank of the catechumens , or the catechised ones : these were candidates of christianity , who were to stay some time in that order for these two reasons : the one was , that they might be catechised and instructed in the articles of the christian faith , from whence they were called catechumens : and the other was , that they might give demonstrations of the reality of their intentions , by the change of their lives , and the holiness of their conversations . whilst they were in this estate , or rather in a preparatory thereunto , they were first privately instructed at home , till they understood the more intelligible principles of christianity , and then they were admitted into the first rank of catechumens , who are called by tertullian edocti , or , those that are taught . these were permitted to come into the church where they stood in a place by themselves , and were present at the sermons , which were adapted to their capacities , being discourses of the ordinary and less mysterious truths of the gospel . if they behaved themselves well in this rank , then they were advanced to the superior rank of the perfecti , or , perfect , as tertullian calls them , who stayed not only at the lessons and sermons , but also at the prayers , which were the conclusion of the first service , and in a little time were baptized , and tarried with the faithful at the celebration of the eueharist , or the second service . this was the manner of 〈◊〉 amongst the ancients ; none in those days were hastily advanced to the higher forms of christianity , but according to their knowledge and merit gradually arrived thereunto , being first instructed at home , then admitted to the didactick part of the publick , and then to the supplicative part thereof . it was the wicked policy of the hereticks indifferently to pray and hear with all , making no difference between the faithful or the catechumens : but the true church distinguished and permitted not the catechumens to enjoy the priviledges of the faithful , till they had in a sense merited them , which was , when thro' a considerable time of trial they had evidenced the sineerity of their hearts , by the sanctity and purity of their lives , and then , as origen saith , we initiate them in our mysteries , when they have made a proficiency in holiness , and according to the utmost of their power , have reformed their conversations . when they had changed their manners , and rectified their irregular carriages ; then they were washed with the water of baptism , and not before ; for as tertullian saith , we are not baptized , that we may ceafe to sin , but because we have already ceased . as soon as they were baptized , they commenced members of the church universal , and of that particular church , wherein they were so baptized , and became actual sharers and exerters of all the priviledges and powers of the faithful . § . . now what the distinct and separate powers of the faithful were , must be next considered ; several of them , to make the discourse under the former head complete , we 〈◊〉 there , as their election and choice of their bishops , their attestation to those that were ordained , and such like , which will be unnecessary and tedious to repeat here ; and others of them cannot be well separated from their conjunct acts with the clergy , but must with them be discoursed of in the next head , so that there will be little or nothing to say here of their discretive and particular acts , save , that as they had power to elect their bishops , so if their bishops proved afterwards scandalous and grosly wicked in life , or at least heretical in doctrine , and apostates from the faith , they had power to depose them , and to chuse others in their rooms . this i must be forced also to mention in another place , so that for the proof of it i shall urge only the case of martialis and basilides , two spanish bishops , who for apostacy and idolatry , were deserted by their parishes , who elected felix and sabinus bishops in their steads . after this deposition martialis and basilides claim'd the exercise of their episcopal authority , but their parishes denied it to them ; and that they might not seem to act by a power , which belonged not unto them , they sent to several bishops in africa , to know their judgment thereupon , who being convened in a synod anno , whereof cyprian was president , approved and commended their proceedings , assuring them , that it was according to the divine law , which was express , that none but those that were holy and blameless should approach god's altar ; that if they had continued to have communicated with their profane bishops , they would have been accessaries to their guilt and villany , and would have contradicted those examples and commands in scripture , which oblige a people to separate from their wicked and ungodly ministers ; that they had not acted irregularly in what they had done ; since as the people had the chief power of choosing worthy bishops , so also of refusing those that were unworthy : and many other such like passages are to be found in that synodical epistle , which 〈◊〉 assert the peoples power to depose a wicked and scandalous bishop . but however , tho' the people had such a power appertaining to them , yet being subject to be guided by giddiness , envy or pride , where churches were regularly associated , and their circumstances did permit it , they did not by vertue of their power alone , upon their own single judgment depose their bishop ; but that their actions might be the more authentick and unquestionable , they had their complaints heard , and the whole affair examined by the synod to which they belonged , or by some other bishops , who , if their accusations were just and valid , might concur with them in the deposition of their bishop , and in the election of a new one : and from hence it is , that we find the power of deposing bishops ascribed to synods , as paulus samosatenus bishop of antioch , was deprived by a synod held in that place , and privatus bishop of lambese was deposed by a synod of ninety bishops . the same method being observed in the deposition of a bishop , as in his election . as a bishop was elected by the people , over whom he was to preside , and by the neighbouring bishops , so was he deposed by the same ; both which things seem to be intimated in that passage of the forementioned synodical 〈◊〉 , wherein it is said , that the people chiefly has power either to chuse worthy bishops , or to refuse unworthy ones . the word chiefly implying , that besides the people , some others were necessary to concur with them either in the election or deprivation of a bishop ; and those were the neighbouring bishops , or to speak more properly , that synod to which they appertained ; of which synods , of their power and authority , i shall discourse more largely elsewhere . § . . having thus briefly dispatched the second head , i now proceed to handle the third , which respects the conjunct acts of the 〈◊〉 and laity : in answer whereunto , i find , that , in general , all things relating to the government and policy of the church , were performed by their joint consent and administrations , the people were to do nothing without the bishop : and on the contrary , he did nothing without the knowledge and consent of his people . when any letters came from foreign churches , they were received , and read before the whole church , and the whole church agreed 〈◊〉 common letters to be sent to other churches . and so for all other matters relating to the policy of the church , they were managed by the common advice and counsel of the clergy and laity , both concurred to the discharge of those actions , to recite every particular act whereof would be extremely tedious and fruitless . wherefore in speaking hereunto , i shall confine my self to those of their complex acts , that regarded the discipline of the church , which being an answer to the second part of our enquiry , viz. an enquiry into the discipline of the primitive church , shall be the subject of the following chapter . chap. vii . § . . the necessity , quality , and excellency of discipline . six things propounded to be handled . . for what faults offenders were censured . . who were the judges that censured . . the manner of their censures . . what their censures were . . the course that offenders took to be absolved . . the manner of their absolution . § . . censures were inflicted for all sorts of crimes , especially for idolatry . § . . the whole church were the judges that composed the ecclesiastical consistory . the executive power lodg'd in the clergy , and the legistative both in clergy and laity . in difficult points some neighbouring bishops assisted at the decision of them . § . the manner of their censures . § . . their censures consisted in excommunications , and suspensions ; the dreadfulness thereof . § . . the course that offenders took to be absolved : they first lay groveling and weeping at the church doors . § . . then admitted into the rank of the penitents . their behaviour during their time of penance . § . . how long their penance was . in some cases the fixed period anticipated ; when ended , the penitents were examined by the court , and if approved , then absolved . § . . the manner of their absolution . they came into the church with all expressions of sorrow , publickly confessed the sin for which they had been censured . the church was tenderly affected with their confession . § . . after confession they were absolved by the clergies imposition of hands . § . . then admitted to the churches peace . the clergy generally restored only to lay communion . § . . as all governments are necessitated to make use of laws , and other political means , to preserve their constitution . so the church of christ , which has a certain government annexed to it , that it may preserve its self from ruine and confusion , has certain laws and orders for the due regulation of her members , and penalties annexed to the breaches thereof . but herein lies the difference between the one and the other ; the penalties and executions of the former , are like its constitution , purely humane and carnal ; but those of the other are spiritual ; as religion was at first received by spiritual and voluntary , and not by carnal and involuntary means : for as tertullian says , it is not religion , to force a religion , which ought to be willingly , not forcibly received . so by the same means it was continued , and the penalties of the breach of it were of the same nature also . the churches arms were spiritual , consisting of admonitions , excommunications , suspensions , and such like , by the weilding of which she governed her members , and preserved her own peace and purity . now this is that which is called discipline , which is absolutely necessary to the unity , peace , and being of the church ; for where there is no law , government or order , that society cannot possibly 〈◊〉 , but must sink in its own ruins and confusions . to recite the numerous encomiums of discipline , that are interspers'd in the writings of the ancients , would be an endless task : let this one suffice out of cyprian , discipline , says he , is the keeper of hope , the stay of faith , the captain of salvation , the fewel and nutriment of a good disposition , the mistress of vertue , that makes us perpetually abide in christ , and live to god , and tend towards the heavenly and divine promises . this to follow is saving , but to despise and neglect is deadly . the holy ghost speaks in psal. . . keep discipline , lest the lord be angry , and ye perish from the right way , when his wrath is kindled but a little against you . and again , in psal. . . but unto the sinner god said , what hast thou to do to declare my law , and to take my judgments into thy mouth ? thou hatest discipline , and castest my words behind thee . and again we read in wisdom . . he that casteth off discipline is unhappy . and by solomon we have received this command from wisdom , in prov. . . my son , forget not the discipline of the lord , nor faint when thou art corrected ; for whom the lord loveth he correcteth . but if god corrects whom he loves , and corrects them that they may amend ; christians also , and especially ministers , do not hate , but love those whom they correct , that they may amend , since god hath also soretold our times in jer. . . and i will give you pastors after mine own heart , and they shall seed you in discipline . now this is that discipline , viz. the power and authority of the church exerted by her , for her own preservation , in the censuring of her offending members , that i am now to discourse of ; for the clearer apprehension whereof these six queries must be examined into , . for what faults offenders were censured . . who were the judges that censured . . the manner of their censures . . what their censures were . . the course that offenders took to be absolved . and , . the manner of their absolution . § . . as to the first of these , for what faults offenders were censured . i answer , for schism , heresie , covetousness , gluttony , fornication , adultery , and for all other sins whatsoever , none excepted ; nay , the holy and good men of those days were so zealous against sin , that they used the strictest severities against the least appearances of it , not indulging or sparing the least branch of its pestiferous production , but smartly punishing the least sprout of it , it s lesser acts , as well as those that were more scandalous and notorious . cyprian writes , that not only gravissimae & extrema delicta , the greatest and most heinous crimes , but even minora delicta , the lesser faults were punished by their ecclesiastical courts , so cutting off sin in its bud , and by the excision of its lesser acts and ebullitions , preventing its more gross and scandalous eruptions . that particular sin which they most severely punished , and through the frequency of persecutions had numerous objects of , was apostacy from the truth , or a lapsing into idolatry , which crime was always 〈◊〉 with the extremest rigour ; of which ninus , clementianus and florus were sad instances , who tho' they had for some time couragiously endured their persecutions and torments , yet at last , thro' the violence thereof , and the weakness of their flesh , unwillingly consenting to the heathen idolatries , were for that fault forced to undergo three years penance ; and had it not been for their ancient merits , must have underwent it much longer , as may be seen at large in the d epistle of cyprian . and thus by these and such like severe and rigorous courses , those primitive virtuoso's endeavoured to prevent sin , and to make all the professors of the christian religion truly holy and pious ; for as origen saith , we use our utmost endeavours , that our assemblies be composed of wise and honest men. § . . as for the judges that composed the consistory or ecclesiastical court , before whom offending criminals were convened , and by whom censured , they will appear to have been the whole church , both clergy and laity ; not the bishop without the people , nor the people without the bishop , but both conjunctly constituted that supreme tribunal , which censured delinquents and transgressors , as will be evident from what follows . all the power that any church-court exerted , was derived from that promife and commission of christ , in matth. . , . thou art peter , and upon this rock will i build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it . and i will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven ; whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . now this power some of the ancients mention , as given to the bishops . thus origen writes , that the bishops applyed to themselves this promise that was made to peter , teaching , that they had received the keys of the kingdom of heaven from our saviour , that so whatsoever was bound , that is , condemned by them on earth , was bound in heaven ; and whatsoever was loosed by them , was also loosed in heaven ; which , says he , may be orthodoxly enough applyed to them , if they hold peter's confession , and are such as the church of christ may be built upon . and so also says cyprian , the church is founded upon the bishops , by whom every ecclesiastical action is governed . others of the ancients mention this power , as given to the whole church , according to that in matth. . , , , . if thy brother shall trespass against thee , go and tell him his fault between thee and him 〈◊〉 if he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy 〈◊〉 but if he will not hear thee , take with thee one or two more , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established ; and if he shall neglect them , tell it unto the church ; but if he neglect to hear the church , let him be unto thee as an heathen and a publican . verily , i say unto you , whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven . by the church here is to be understood , the whole body of a particular church or parish , unto which some of the fathers attribute the power of the keys , as tertullian , if thou fearest heaven to be shut , remember the lord gave its keys to peter , and by him to the church . and firmilian , the power of remitting sins is given to the apostles , and to the churches which they constituted , and to the bishops who succeeded them . now from this different attribution of the power of the keys , we may infer this , that it was so lodged both in bishops and people , as that each had some share in it : the bishop had the whole executive , and part of the legislative power ; and the people had a part in the legislative , tho' not in the executive . as for the executive power , by which i understand the formal pronunciation of suspensions and excommunications , the imposition of hands in the absolution of penitents , and such like ; that could be done by none , but by the bishop , or by persons in holy orders deputed and commission'd by him , as the sequel will evince . but as for the legislative , decretive , or judicatorial power , that 〈◊〉 both to clergy and laity , who conjunctly made up that supreme consistorial court , which was in every parish , before which all offenders were tried ; and , if found guilty , sentenced and condemned . now that the clergy were members of this ecclesiastical court , is a thing so evidently known and granted by all , as that it would be superfluous to heap up many quotations to prove it , so that i shall but just confirm it , after i have proved that which may seem more strange ; and that is , that the laity were members thereof , and judges therein , being sharers with the clergy in the judicial power of the spiritual court : and this will most evidently appear by the consideration of these following testimonies : the first shall be out of that place of clemens romanus , where he writes , who will say according to the example of moses , if seditions , contentions and schisms are hapned because of me , i will depart , i will go wheresoever you please , and i will do what are enjoyned me by the people , so the church of christ be in peace . so origen describes a criminal as appearing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . before the whole church . and dyonisius bishop of alexandria in his letter to fabius bishop of antioch , speaks of one serapion , that had fallen in the times of persecution , who had several times appeared before the church , to beg their pardon , but no one did ever take any notice of him . but cyprian is most full in this matter , as when two subdeacons , and an acolyth of his parish , had committed some great misdemeanors , he professes that he himself was not a sufficient judge of their crimes , but they ought to be tried by all the people . and concerning felicissimus the 〈◊〉 , he writes to his people from his exile , that , if it pleased god , he would come to them after easter , and then that affair should be adjusted according to their arbitrement and common counsel . and in another place he condemns the rash precipitation of some of his presbyters in admitting the lapsed to communion , because of some pacificatory libels obtained from the confessors , and charges them to admit no more till peace was restored to the church , and then they should plead their cause before the clergy , and before all the people . and concerning the same matter , he writes in another letter to the people of his parish , that when it should please god to restore peace to the church , and reduce him from his exile , that then it should be examined in their presence , and according to their judgment . so that the consistory court was composed of the people , as well as of the bishop , each of whom had a negative voice therein . on one side , the bishop could do nothing without the people . so when several returned from the schism of fortunatus , and bishop cyprian was willing to receive them into the churches peace , he complains of the unwillingness of his people to admit them , and the great difficulties he had to obtain their consent , as he thus describes it in his letter to cornelius bishop of rome , o my dear brother , if you could be present with me , when those men return from their schism , you would wonder at what pains i take to perswade our brethren to be patient , that laying aside their grief of mind , they would consent to the healing and receiving of those that are sick ; i can scarce 〈◊〉 , yea , i extort a grant from my people , that such 〈◊〉 received to communion . and on the other side , the people could do dothing without the bishop ; as when one of the three bishops that 〈◊〉 ordained novatian , came back to the church and desired admission , the people alone could not receive him , without the consent of the bishop 〈◊〉 , for else they would not have so earnestly press'd him 〈◊〉 his permission , as we find they did . thus then we have viewed the members of the spiritual court , and have proved that they were all the members , or the whole body of the church , clergy as well as laity , and laity as well as clergy ; 〈◊〉 one without the other , but both together . but now forasmuch as the people were encumbred with earthly business , and it was not possible that they could constantly give their attendance , and narrowly search into every thing that should be brought before them : therefore we may suppose , that the members of the presbytery , who , as was said before , under the head of ordination , were to be free from all worldly cares and employments , were appointed as a committee to prepare matters for the whole court. an instance whereof we meet with in maximus , vrbanus , sidonius , and some others , that had joined in the schism of novatian , who being sensible of their fault , came into the presbytery , and desir'd the churches peace ; the presbytery accepted of their submission , and proposed it to the whole church , who readily embraced it . so that the presbytery prepared matters for the whole court , which court was the supreme tribunal within the limits of that parish , before whom all matters that there occurred , were tried , and by whom all were judged ; only when any great and difficult points were decided , 't is probable it was the custom to desire the bishops of the neighbouring parishes to come over , and assist there in presence , that so their censures might be the freer from any imputation of partiality or injustice . thus when a nice affair was to be determined at rome , cornelius desired five bishops to assist , that so what they did might be firm and indisputable . § . . having thus found out the members of the ecclesiastical tribunal , the next thing to be consider'd , is the manner and form of their proceedings in the exercise of their judicial power and authority , which by tertullian is described to be after this manner : when at their general assemblies the other parts of divine worship were ended , then followed exhortations , reproofs , and a divine censure ; for the judgment is given with great weight , as amongst those that are sure , that god beholds what they do ; and this is one of the highest preludiums and forerunners of the judgment to come , when the delinquent is banished from the communion of prayers , assemblies , and all holy commerce . approved elders preside there , who obtained that honour by testimony , not by price . so that when the consistory was sat , the bishop and his assisting presbyters , here called approved elders ; but commonly the presbytery presided and moderated all things there proposed and debated . then the offenders , if possible , were actually brought before them , ( tho' the non-appearance of the criminals was no impediment to their proceedings ) for notwithstanding they condemned them , and censured them not only for those crimes , for which they were cited to appear , but also for their contumacy and stubbornness , as cyprian writes , the proud and obstinate are killed with the spiritual sword , whilst they are cast out of the church ; and those that are stubborn and fear not god , but go off from the church , let no man accompany . but yet , i say , if possible , the offenders personally appeared , that so their crimes might be objected to them , to which they were to plead , as cyprian says , that the lapsed were to plead their cause before the clergy and the whole church . then the court consider'd the defendant's plea , as cyprian writes , that all things were debated in common amongst them . and if the bishop and majority of the court judged their defence insufficient , they were voted by their common suffrage to be condemned and censured , as cyprian writes , that whoever was excommunicated , it was by the divine suffrages of the people . the delinquent being thus cast , or found guilty , the next thing that succeeded , was the formal declaration of the sentence of the court , which was pronounced , as tertullian intimates in that fore-quoted passage , by one of the presiding elders , that is , either by the bishop or a presbyter commission'd by him , the manner of which pronunciation seems also from that passage to be thus : he that passed the formal sentence on the criminal , first began with exhortations ; that is , as we may reasonably suppose , he exhorted the faithful to use all diligent care and fear to avoid those sins and crimes , which had brought the offenders before them to so lamentable and fatal condition . then followed reproofs , which were sharp rebukes and reprehensions to the delinquents for their foul miscarriages and enormous practices , setting forth the evil , villany and misery of them ; that they were provoking to god , grievous to the faithful , scandalous to religion , and in fine , ruining and pernicious to themselves ; in that it rendred them obnoxious to that divine censure , which then immediately , as the conclusion of all , he formally pronounced on them . which brings me to the consideration of the fourth query , viz. what the primitive censures were ; of which , in the following section . § . . now in answer hereunto ; as the church , so her arms were spiritual ; her thunderbolts 〈◊〉 in suspensions and excommunications , in ejecting and throwing out of the church her scandalous and rotten members , not permitting a re-induction of them , till by visible signs of repentance they had satisfied for their crimes and villanies . various are the appellations that are given to the sentence of excommunication in the writings of the ancients . by dionysius alexandrinus it is called , a driving away from the church . by tertullian , a casting out from the churches communion , and a driving from communion . by cyprian , a separation from the church , an ejection out of the church , a killing with the spiritual sword , and many other such like terms occur in the fathers , all tending to describe the fearfulness and misery of an excommunicated state : so tremendous was it , that whosoever was in that condition , was look'd upon as accursed by god , and really was so by men , who esteem'd him as a limb of satan , and a member of the devil , shunning his company as they did the plague , or any other infectious disease . those , says cyprian , that are proud , and fear not god , but go off from the church , let no man accompany . and therefore irenaeus speaking concerning the hereticks , who were all excommunicated , says , that according to the command of paul , we must avoid them ; and john forbids us so much as to wish them god speed , since by so doing we communicate with their evil works . and tertullian in that forementioned place writes , that the delinquent was banished from the communion of prayers , assemblies , and all holy converse ; being look'd upon as one unworthy of humane society , cast out of the church of god here ; and if impenitently dying in that condition , as certainly excluded the kingdom of god hereafter . for as origen writes on matth. . . on which text excommunication is founded , he that is condemned and bound by the church on earth , remains bound , none in heaven unloosing him . § . . no wonder then that men in their right senses were affrightned at the tremendous misery of an excommunicated condition , and that when through their corrupt natures and wicked practices they had incurred that sentence , they never left fasting . watching , weeping , and the endurance of the severest courses of mortification , till they were absolved from it , and reinstated in god and the churches favour . which brings me in the next place to search into the course that offenders took to be received into the church again , the usual method whereof seems to have been thus : all those that desired to be delivered from that miserable state , in the first place in a most penitent and humble manner came weeping and crying unto the church-doors , where they lay groveling on the ground , prostrating themselves at the feet of the faithful as they went into church , and begging their prayers to god for them . the behaviour of these men is thus elegantly express'd by the clergy of the church of rome in a letter to cyprian , let them , say they , knock at the church-doors , but not break them ; let them come to the threshold of the church , but not . pass over it ; let them watch at the gates of the celestial tents , but armed with modesty , by which they may remember they were deserters ; let them resume the trumpet of their prayers , but not to sound an alarm to battle ; let them arm themselves with the darts of modesty , and retake that shield , which by their apostacy they lost , that so they may be armed , not against the church , which grieves at their misery , but against their adversary the devil ; a modest petition , a bashful supplication , a necessary humility , and an industrious patience will be advantagious to them ; let them express their grief by their tears , and their sorrow and shame for their crimes by their groans . so tertullian , in the same manner describes one in this state , by lying in sackcloth and ashes , by having a squalid body , and a dejected soul , by fasting , praying , weeping , groaning and roaring night and day ; by throwing himself at the clergies feet , and kneeling before the faithful , begging and desiring their prayers and pardon . § . . if the ecclesiastical court thought their repentance to be real , and those external expressions of sorrow and grief to proceed from suitable affections of heart , then they began to encline to some terms of remission and reconciliation , and gave the delinquents some hopes of it , by admitting them to come into the church , and to stay at some part of divine service , but not at the whole of it , to communicate with the faithful , till they had for a long space of time , which they then imposed on them , by their humble and modest carriage gave good proofs of their sorrow and repentance . this fixed time of tryal was called , the time of penance , during which the penitent , as he was now called , appeared in all the formalities of sorrow , with a course habit , and a dejected countenance , continually fasting and praying , lamenting and bemoaning the greatness and aggravations of his sin and wickedness , as may be seen in sundry places of the fathers , all which to transcribe would be very tedious ; wherefore i shall content my self with translating a few elegancies pertinent to this purpose , out of cyprian's book de lapsis , wherein he thus inveighs against those , who in a state of penance indulged themselves in the delights and enjoyments of the flesh , can we think that that man weeps with his whole heart , and with-fastings , tears , and sighs beseeches god , who from the very first day of his offence daily frequents the baths , who indulging to his gluttonous appetite this day , vomits up his undigested crudities the next day , and does not communicate of his meat and drink to the necessities of the poor ? he that goes gay and jocund , how doth he bewayl his death ? does that woman weep and mourn , who spends her time in putting on splendid garments , and does not think upon the garment of christ , which she lost ? who seeks after precious ornaments and rich jewels , and does not bewail the loss of the heavenly and divine adorning ? altho' thou puttest on exotick garbs and silken garments , thou art naked ; altho' thou beautifiest thy self with gold and pearls , without the beauty of christ thou art deformed : and thou who dyest thine hair , now leave it off in this time of penance ; and thou who paintest thine eyes , wash it off with thy tears . if thou shouldst lose any one of thy dear friends by death , thou wouldst sorrowfully weep and howl , and express the greatness of thy sorrow by thy disregarded face , mourning garments , neglected hair , cloudy countenance , and dejected visage . why , o wretch , thou hast lost thy soul , and wilt not thou bitterly weep , and continually lament ? now therefore pray and supplicate more earnestly , pass the day in weeping , the night in watching and crying , both night and day in tears and lamentations , prostrate your selves upon the ground , roll your selves in dust and ashes ; after having lost the garment of christ , have no cloathing here ; having tasted the devil's meat , chuse now to fast . § . . how long these penitentiary stations were , cannot be defined , since they differed according to the quality of the offence and the offender , according to the circumstance of time , and the will and pleasure of the 〈◊〉 court who imposed them ; some were in the state of penance two years , some three , some five , some ten , some more , some even to their lives ends ; but how long and rigorous soever their penance was , they were patiently , humbly , and thankfully to endure it the whole time , being not absolved , till they had undergone the legal and full time of satisfaction . it is true indeed , that in some extraordinary cases the prudence of the church saw fit to dispense with the usual length and severity of their inflicted discipline , as in case of death , of an approaching persecution , or , when a great multitude , and eminent leading persons were cencerned in the same offence ; as in the case of trophimus , which may be seen in the d epistle of cyprian . besides these , the confessors claimed the privilege of restoring penitents before the usual time ; which irregular and unreasonable practice of theirs caused great disturbances to the church of carthage in the days of cyprian , which may be seen at large in several epistles extant in the beginning of his works . but laying aside these unusual circumstances , the fixed period of penance was never anticipated ; but how long and severe soever it was , the penitent chearfully submitted to it . when the appointed time of penance was ended , the penitent applyed himself to the ecclesiastical court for absolution , who examined his demeanours and actions , which if they approved and liked , they then proceeded to the formal assoyling of him , of which in the following sections . § . . on the appointed day for absolution , the penitent , or he that was now to be absolved , came into the church mourning and weeping , and expressing all external indications of his internal sorrow : as when natalis , a roman confessor , was absolved for his joyning with the theodotian hereticks , he came into the church , as it is related by an ancient 〈◊〉 christian , covered with sackcloth and ashes , throwing himself at the feet of the clergy and laity , and with tears in his eyes begging their pardon and forgiveness . it being looked upon as very proper , that they should be admitted into the church by tears , not by threats ; by prayers , and not by curses . hence at this time for the greater demonstration of their sorrow and humility , they were to make a publick confession of their sin , styled by them exomologesis , which was , as cyprian saith , a confession of their great and heinous crime , and was a necessary antecedent to absolution , inasmuch as it was the source and spring of all true repentance . for as tertullian observes , out of confession is born repentance , and by confession comes satisfaction . and in many places of cyprian the necessity of confession is asserted ; for as tertullian says , confession as much diminishes the fault , as dissimulation aggravates it ; confession is the advice of satisfaction , dissimulation of contumacy . and therefore he condemns those , who thro' shame deferred from day to day the publication of their sin , as more mindful of their shamefacedness , than of their salvation : like those who have a disease in their secret parts , through shame conceal it from the chyrurgeons , and so with their modesty die and perish . confession therefore being so necessary , the greatest offenders were not exempted from it ; as when philip the emperor , as eusebius calls him , or rather philip a prefect of egypt , would have joyned with the faithful in the churches prayer , bishop babylas denied him admission , because of his enormous crimes ; nor would he receive him , till he had made a publick confession of his faults . and accordingly when one of those bishops that schismatically ordained novatian , returned as a penitent , he came into the church weeping , and confessing his sin ; where we may observe , that it is said in the singular number , his sin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which intimates , that the penitent's confession was not only general , or for all his sins in the gross ; but it was particular , for that special sin for which he was censured ; consonant whereunto cyprian , as before quoted , writes , that the penitent confessed his most great and heinous sin ; that is , that sin for which he was so severely punished . this confession of the penitents was made with all the outward signs of sorrow and grief , which usually so affected the faithful , as that they sympathized with them in mourning and weeping . whence tertullian exhorts the penitent not through shame to conceal , but from a true godly disposition , to confess his fault before the whole church , and to weep and mourn for it , since they , being his brethren , would also weep with , and over him . and so from the same consideration , cyprian exhorted the lapsed to this penitent confession , with our tears , saith he , joyn your tears ; with our groans couple your groans . § . . as soon as confession was over , then followed the formal absolution , which was thus : the person to be absolved , kneeled down before the bishop and the clergy , who put their hands upon his head , and bless'd him ; by which external ceremony the penitent was declaratively and formally admitted to the churches peace . thus cyprian writes , that they received the right of communion by the imposition of hands of the bishop and his clergy . and that no one can be admitted to communion , unless the bishop and clergy have imposed hands on him . this being accounted the third and last general requisite for the reconciling of offenders , the two former being the undergoing a state of penance , and a publick confession of their sin ; all which three are frequently mentioned together as such by cyprian , as where he says , let offenders do penance a set space of time , and according to the order of discipline , let them come to confession , and by imposition of hands of the bishop and clergy , let them receive the right of communion . and in other places he complains of the irregular and unadvised actions of some of his presbyters , that they admitted some of the lapsed to communion , before they had undergone a duc penance , made a publick confession of their sin , and had hands imposed on them by the bishop and clergy . § . . after the penitents were absolved by imposition of hands , then they were received into the communion of the faithful , and made partakers again of all those priviledges , which by their crimes they had for a while forfeited : only when an offending clergy man was absolved , he only was restored to communion as a lay-man , but never re-admitted to his ecclesiastical dignity . thus when one of the schismatical bishops , that ordained novatian , returned to the church , he was deprived of his ecclesiastical office , and admitted only to lay-communion . so likewise apostate or lapsed bishops were never restored again to their office. the reasons whereof may be seen in the th epistle of cyprian . and therefore basilides a lapsed bishop would have been extremely glad , if the church would but have permitted him to communicate as a layman . but yet i suppose that for every fault clergymen were not deprived of their orders , but only according to the greatness of their crimes , and the aggravation of them , since i find that maximus a presbyter of the church of rome , who had been deluded into the schism of novatian , was upon his submission restored by cornelius , to his former office . chap. viii . § . . of the independency of churches . § . . of the dependency of churches . § . . of synods , and the several kinds of them . § . . how often synods were convened . § . . who were the members of synods . § . . by whose authority synods were convened . § . . when convened , the manner of their proceedings , a moderator first chosen , what the moderator's office was . § . . then they entred upon business , which had relation either to foreign churches , or their own ; with respect to foreign churches , their acts were only advising . § . . with respect to their own churches obliging . the end and power of synods enquired into . § . . to that large discourse of the primitive discipline , which was the subject of the preceding chapter , it will be necessary to add this observation , that all those judicial acts were exerted in and by every single parish , every particular church having power to exercise discipline on her own members , without the concurrency of other churches ; else in those places where there might be but one church for several miles round , which we may reasonably suppose , the members of that church must have travelled several , if not scores of miles , to have had the consent of other churches , for the punishment of their ofsenders : but there is no need to make this supposition , since it was decreed by an african synod , that every one's cause should be heard where the crime was committed , because that to every pastor was committed a particular portion of christ's flock , which he was particularly to rule and govern , and to render an account thereof unto the lord. and so another african synod , that decreed the rebaptization of those that were baptized by hereticks , thus conclude their synodical epistle to pope stephen , who held the contrary , whereas we know that some bishops will not relinquish an opinion , which they have embraced , but keeping the bond of peace and concord with their colleagues , will retain some proper and peculiar sentiments , which they have formerly received ; to these we offer no violence , or prescribe any law , since every bishop has in the administration of his church , free liberty to follow his own will , being to render an account of his actions unto the lord. after these two synodical determinations , it might be thought needless to produce the single testimony of cyprian , but that it shews us not only the practice of the bishops of his age , but also of their predecessors . amongst the ancient bishops of our province , saith he , some thought that no peace was to be given to adulterers , for ever excluding them from the communion of the church ; but yet they did not leave their fellow-bishops , or for this break the vnity of the catholick church ; and those that gave peace to adulterers , did not therefore separate from those that did not , but still retaining the bond of concord , every bishop disposed and directed his own acts , rendring an account of them unto the lord. thus every church was in this sense independent ; that is , without the concurrence and authority of any other church ; it had a sufficient right and power in its self to punish and chastise all its delinquent and offending members . § . . but yet in another sense it was dependent , as considered with other churches , as part of the church universal , there is but one church of christ , saith cyprian , divided through the whole world into many members , and one episcopacy diffused through the numerous concord of many bishops . a particular church was not the whole church of christ , but only a part or member of the universal one ; and as one member of the natural body hath a regard to all the other members thereof , so a particular church , which was but one member of the universal , had relation and respect to the other members thereof . hence tho' the labours and inspections of the bishops were more peculiarly confined to their own parishes , yet as ministers of the church universal , they employed a general kind of inspection over other churches also , observing their condition and circumstances , and giving unto them an account of their own state and posture ; as cyprian inspected that of arles , giving this as his reason for it , that altho' they were many pastors , yet they were but one flock , and they ought to congregate and cherish all the sheep , which christ redeemed by his blood and passion . and the clergy of the church of rome thanked cyprian , that he had acquainted them with the state of the church in africa ; for say they , we ought all of us to take care of the body of the whole church , whose members are distended through various provinces . if the bishop of one church had any difficult point to determine , he sent to another bishop for his advice and decision thereof . as when dyonisius bishop of alexandria had a critical cause to determine , he sent to xystus bishop of rome , to know his opinion and counsel therein . and so when there was some difference at carthage about the pacificatory libels of the martyrs , cyprian writ to the church of rome for their advice therein . for saith he , dearly beloved brethren , both common reason and love require , that none of these things that are transacted here , should be kept from your knowledge , but that we should have your counsel about ecclesiastical administrations . in these , and in many other such like cases , which would be needless to enumerate , there was a correspondence between the particular churches of the universal one . § . . but that that chiefly deserves our 〈◊〉 , was their intercourse and government by synodical assemblies , that is , by a convocation of bishops , presbyters , deacons , and deputed lay-men of several particular churches , who frequently met together to maintain unity , love and concord , to advise about their common circumstances and conditions , to regulate all ecclesiastical or church-affairs within their respective limits , and to manage other such like things , of which i shall more largely treat in the end of this chapter . that which must be spoken of in this section is , the several kinds or sorts of synods , the most august and supreme kind whereof , was an universal or 〈◊〉 synod , which was a congregation of the bishops and deputies of as many churches as would please to come from all parts of the world : of this sort i find but one within my limited space of the first three hundred years after christ , and that was the council of antioch , that condemned paulus samosatenus . or if this will not pass for a general council , there was no such one before that of nice , which was held anno . and so there was no one of this kind within that time to which i am confined . but those synods , which were very frequent within my prescribed time , were provincial synods , that is , as many particular churches as could conveniently and orderly associate themselves together , and by their common consent and authority dispose and regulate all things that related to their polity , unity , peace , and order . what extent of ground , or how many particular churches each of such synods did contain , cannot be determined ; their precincts were not alike in all places , but according as their circumstances and conveniencies would permit ; so they formed themselves into these synodical assemblies , and were governed in common by those synods , who were called the synods of such or such a province : as we read in cyprian of the province of arles , and the bishops therein . and cyprian frequently speaks of the bishops of his province , as the bishops in our province , and throughout our province , and throughout the province : and tells us , that his province was very large , and that it was the custom of his province , and almost all other provinces , that upon the vacancy of a parish , the neighbouring bishops of that province should meet together at that parish to ordain them a new bishop . § . . how often these provincial synods were convened , is uncertain , since that varied according to their circumstances , and their 〈◊〉 customs . firmilian bishop of caesarea in cappadocia writes , that in his province they met every year . and whosoever will consider the frequent synods that are mentioned in cyprian , will find that in his province they met at least once , and sometimes twice or thrice a year . § . . as for the members that composed these synods , they were bishops , presbyters , deacons , and deputed laymen in behalf of the people of their respective churches . thus at that great synod of antioch , that condemned paulus samosatenus , there were present bishops , presbyters , deacons , and the churches of god , that is , laymen that represented the people of their several churches . so also we read in an ancient fragment in eusebius , that when the heresie of the montanists was fix'd and preach'd , the faithful in asia met together several times to examine it , and upon examination condemned it . so also when there were some heats in the church of carthage about the restitution of the lapsed , cyprian writes from his exile , that the lapsed should be patient till god had restored peace to the church , and then there should be convened a synod of bishops , and of the laity who had stood firm during the persecution , to consult about , and determine their affairs . which proposition was approved by moses and maximus , and other roman confessors , who liked the consulting of a synod of bishops , presbyters , deacons , confessors , and the standing laity , as also did the whole body of the clergy of the church of rome , who were willing , that that affair of the lapsed should be determined by the common counsel of the bishops , presbyters , deacons , confessors , and the standing laity . and thus at that great council held at 〈◊〉 , anno . there were present eighty seven bishops , together with presbyters , deacons , and a great part of the laity . § . . if it shall be demanded by whose authority and appointment synods were assembled . to this it will be replyed , that it must necessarily have been by their own , because in those days there was no christian magistrate to order or determine those affairs . § . . when a synod was convened , before ever they entred upon any publick causes , they chose out of the gravest and renownedst bishops amongst them , one , or sometimes two , to be their moderator or moderators ; as at the council held at carthage , anno . cyprian was moderator or prolocutor thereof . and so we read of the prolocutors of several synods , that were assembled in divers parts of the world , to determine the controversies concerning easter : as victor bishop of rome was prolocutor of a synod held there . palmas bishop of amastris moderator of a synod held in pontus ; and irenaeus bishop of lyons of another in france . polycrates bishop os ephesus presided over a synod of asiatick bishops ; and at a convocation in palestina there were two moderators , viz. theophilus bishop of caesarea , and narcissus bishop of jerusalem . the office and duty of a moderator was to preside in the synod , to see all things calmly and fairly debated and decreed ; and at the conclusion of any cause , to sum up what had been debated and urged on both sides , to take the votes and suffrages of the members of the synod ; and last of all , to give his own . all this is evident in the proceedings of the council of carthage , which are extant at the end of cyprian's works , cyprian being moderator of that council : after all things were read and finished relating to the question in hand , sums up all , telling the synod what they had heard , and that nothing more remained to be done , but the declaration of their judgment thereupon . accordingly thereunto the bishops gave their respective votes and decisions ; and last of all cyprian , as president , gave in his . § . . when the moderator was chosen , then they entred upon the consideration of the affairs that lay before them , which may be consider'd in a two-fold respect , either as relating to foreign churches , or to those churches only of whom they were the representatives . as for foreign churches , their determinations were not obligatory unto them , because they were not represented by them ; and so the chiefest matter they had to do with them , was to give them their advice and counsel in any difficult point , which they had proposed to them ; as when the people of astorga and emerita in spain had written to some african churches for their advice , what to do with their two bishops , who had lapsed in times of persecution . this case was debated in a synod held anno , whose opinion thereupon is to be seen in their synodical epistle , extant at large amongst the works of cyprian . epist. . p. . § . . but with respect unto those particular churches , whose representatives they were , their decrees were binding and obligatory , since the regulation and management of their affairs was the general end of their convening . various and many were the particular ends of these synodical conventions , as for the prevention of injustice and partiality in a parish consistory : as suppose , that such a consistory had wrongfully and unrighteously censured one of their members , what should that censured person do , unless appeal to the synod to have his cause heard there , as felicissimus did , who after he was excommunicated by his own parish , of which cyprian was bishop , had his cause heard before a synod , who ratified and confirmed the sentence of excommunication against him . and therefore we may suppose it to be for the prevention of partiality and injustice ; that in lesser asia offenders were usually absolved by the synod , which met every year . synods also were assembled for the examining , condemning , and excommunicating of all hereticks within their limits , that so the faithful might avoid and shun them : as paulus samosatenus was condemned by the council of antioch , for resolving of all difficult points that did not wound the essentials of religion , or had relation unto the discipline of the church , as when there was some scruple about the time of baptizing of children , a synod of sixty six bishops met together to decide it . and so when there were some disputes concerning the martyrs power to restore the lapsed , synods were to be assembled to decide them . but why do i go about to reckon up particulars , when as they are endless ; let this suffice in general , that synods were convened for the regulation and management of all ecclesiastical affairs within their respective jurisdictions , as firmilian writes , that in his country the bishops and presbyters met together every year , to dispose those things which were committed to their charge . here they consulted about the discipline , government , and external polity of their churches , and what means were expedient and proper for their peace , unity and order , which by their common consent they enacted and decreed to be observed by all the faithful of those churches whom they did represent . he who denies this , must be very little acquainted with the ancient councils , especially those which were held after the emperors became christians . the reason why we find not more synodical decrees of the three first centuries , comes not , from that they judicially determined none , or required not the observance of them ; but from that , either they were not careful , or the fury and violence of the times would not permit them to transmit them down to their successors ; or through the length of time they are lost , and scarce any thing besides the names of such synods are now remembred ; and of multitudes , neither names nor decrees are to be found : but yet there is enough escap'd the fury of persecution , and the length of time to convince us , that those synods did decree those things , which they judged expedient for the polity , discipline and government of those particular churches , that were within their respective provinces , and required them to be observed by all the members thereof . thus we find these following canons determined by several synods in africa , viz. that though a delinquent had not endured the whole time of penance , yet if he was very sick , and in danger of death , he should be absolved . that at the approach of a persecution , penitent offenders should be restored to the churches peace . that penance should not be hastily passed over , or absolution be rashly and speedily given . that all lapsed and apostate clergymen , should , upon their repentance , be only admitted to communion as lay-men , and be never more capable of discharging or performing any ecclesiastical function . that no clergyman should be a curator or trustee of a last will or testament . and many other such like synodical decrees relating to the discipline and polity of the church , are to be met with in cyprian , which were ever accounted obligatory to all those parishes who lived within those respective provinces , and had their representatives in those respective synods ; for to what purpose else did they decree them , if it had been fruitless and ridiculous to have made frequent and wearisom journeys , with great cost and pains , to have debated and determined those things , which they judged expedient for the churches well-being , if after all it was indifferent , whether they were obeyed , or not ? but that their decrees were binding , is adjudged by an african synod of sixty six bishops , held anno , who sharply 〈◊〉 a certain bishop called therapius , for breaking the canons of a synod , in absolving a certain presbyter called victor , before the time appointed by that synod was expired . probably the breaker of those canons was to have been deposed or suspended , or some other severe punishment inflicted on him , since the bishops of this synod speak as if they had moderated the rigour of the canons against therapius , in that they were contented only with chiding him for his rashness , and with strictly charging him , that he should do so no more . so another synod in africa decreed , that if any one should name a clergy-man in his last will and testament for his trustee , no sacrifice should be offered for him after his death . ( what the meaning of this offering of sacrifice after his death is , i shall not shew here , since i must treat of it in another place . ) accordingly when geminius victor bishop of 〈◊〉 had by his last will and testament constituted geminius faustinus a presbyter , his trustee , cyprian bishop of carthage , writ unto the clergy and laity of furnis touching this matter , wherein he informs them , that he and his colleagues were very much offended that geminius victor had thus broke the canons of the synod ; but that since he had done it , he hoped they would take care that he should suffer the penalty annexed to the breach thereof , that in conformity thereunto they would not mention him in their prayers , or make any oblation for him , that so the decree of the bishops , which was religiously and necessarily made , might be observed by them . to these two instances we may add that of martialis and basilides , two spanish bishops , who for their falling into idolatry in times of persecution , were deprived of their ecclesiastical functions , and adjudged never more to be admitted to the churches communion in any other quality than that of laymen , which rigorous sentence an african synod defends , from the authority of a general council , who had before decreed , that such men should only be admitted to repentance , but be for ever excluded from all clerical and sacerdotal dignities . chap. ix . § . . of the vnity of the church , of schism , defined to be a breach of that vnity . the vnity of the church , and consequently the breach of it to be differently understood , according to the various significations of the word church . § . . the vnity of the church vniversal considered negatively and positively ; negatively , it consisted not in an vniformity of rites , nor in an vnanimity of consent to the non-essential points of christianity . the rigid imposers thereof condemned as cruel and tyrannical . § . . positively , it consisted in an harmonious assent to the essential articles of faith. the non-agreement therein called schism , but not the schism of the ancients . § . . how the vnity of a church collective was broken ; this neither the schism of the ancients . § . . the vnity of a particular church consisted in two things , in the members love and amity each towards other , and in the peoples close adherence to their bishop , or parish church : the breach of the former sometimes called schism . § . . the breach of the latter , which was a causeless separation from their bishop , the schism of the ancients . in how many cases it was lawful for the people to separate from their bishop . § . . a separation under any other pretence whatsoever , was that which the fathers generally and principally meant by schism , proved so to have been . § . . farther proved from ignatius . § . . exemplified in the schism of felicissimus and novarian . § . . an objection answered touching the schism of novatian . how the schism of one particular church affected other churches . § . . a summary and conclusion of this discourse concerning schism . § . . having in the precedent chapters discoursed of the constitution and discipline of the primitive church , i come now in this to treat of the unity thereof , which i had a very great inclination to search into , since by the due understanding thereof we shall the better apprehend the notion of the ancients concerning schism , because that schism is nothing else but a breach of that unity , as will 〈◊〉 evidently appear from the quotations that we shall be forced to make use of in this chapter . now that we may know what the breach of the unity of the church was , it is absolutely necessary first to know what the unity its self was ; for till we understand its unity , it is impossible that we should understand the breach thereof . now for the distinct apprehending hereof , we must remember the various acceptations of the word church , as they are related in the beginning of this treatise , and according to the different significations thereof , so must its unity be diversified , or be differently understood ; and according to the different manner of its unity , so must we apprehend the breach thereof . § . . if in the first place we reflect upon the word church , as signifying the church universal , or all those , who throughout the whole earth profess faith in christ , then we may consider its unity in this sense either negatively , wherein it did not consist ; or positively , wherein it did consist . negatively , it consisted not in an uniformity of rites and customs ; for every particular church was at liberty to follow its own proper usages : one church was not obliged to observe the rites of another , but every one followed its own peculiar customs . thus with respect to their fast before easter , there was a great diversity in the observation of it , in some churches they fasted one day , in others two , in some more , and in others forty hours , but yet still they retained peace and concord , the diversity of their customs commending the vnity of their faith. so also the feast of easter its self was variously celebrated . the asiatick churches kept it on a distinct day from the europeans , but yet still they retained peace and love , and for the diversity of such customs , none were ever cast out of the communion of the church . so likewise writes firmilian , that in most provinces their rites were varied according to the diversities of names and places , and that for this no one ever departed from the peace and vnity of the catholick church . so that the unity of the church universal consisted not in an uniformity of rites and usages . neither in the next place did it consist in an unanimity of consent to the non-essential points of christianity , but every one was lest to believe in those lesser matters , as god should inform him . therefore justin martyr speaking of those jewish converts , who had adhered to the mosaical rites , says , that if they did this only through their weakness and 〈◊〉 , and did not perswade other christians to the observance of the same judaical customs , that he would receive them into church-fellowship and communion . whosoever imposed on particular churches the observance of the former of these two things , or on particular persons the belief of the latter , they were esteemed not as preservers and maintainers , but as violaters and breakers of the churches unity and concord . an instance of the former we have in that controversie between the churches of the east and west , touching the time when easter was to be celebrated . for when victor bishop of rome had excommunicated the 〈◊〉 churches , because they continued to observe that feast on a different time from the churches of the west , not only the bishops of the adverse party , but even those of his own side condemned him as rash , heady , and turbulent , and writ several letters about this affair , wherein as the historian writes , they most sharply censured him . as for the latter , we have an instance thereof in the controversie that was between stephen bishop of rome , and cyprian bishop of carthage , touching the validity of hereticks baptism : for when stephen anathematized cyprian , because he held the baptism of hereticks to be null and void , other bishops condemned stephen as a breaker and disturber of the churches peace . and amongst others , firmilian a cappadocian bishop , vehemently accuses him as such , because that he would impose upon others the belief of such a disputable point , which , says he , was never wonted to be done , but every church followed their own different ways , and never therefore broke the vnity and peace of the catholick church , which now , saith he , stephen dares to do , and breaks that peace which the ancient bishops always preserved in mutual love and honour . and therefore we find in the acts of that great council of carthage convened to determine this matter , that when cyprian summ'd up the debates thereof , he dehorts his fellow-bishops from the imposing humour and temper of stephen , it now remains , saith he , that every one of us declare our judgments concerning this matter , judging no man , or removing any one from our communion , if he think otherwise than we do ; for let none of us make himself a bishop of bishops , or by a tyrannical terror , compel his colleagues to the necessity of obeying . so that the forcing a belief in these lesser matters was cruelty and tyranny in the imposers thereof , who for such unreasonable practices were look'd upon as enemies to , and violators of the churches concord , being the true schismaticks , inasmuch as they were the cause of schism and division ; unto whom therefore may be applyed that saying of irenaeus , that at the last day christ shall judge those who cause schisms , who are inhumane , not having the fear of god , but prefering their own advantage before the unity of the church , for trivial and slight causes rent and divide the great and glorious body of christ , and as much as in them lies , destroy it ; who speak peace , but wage war , truly straining at a gnat , and swallowing a camel. § . . but positively , the unity of the church universal consisted in an harmonious assent to the essential articles of religion , or in an unanimous agreement in the fundamentals of faith and doctrine . thus 〈◊〉 having recited a creed , or a short summary of the christian faith , not much unlike to the aposiles creed , immediately adds , the church having received this faith and doctrine , although dispersed through the whole world , diligently preserves it , as tho' she inhabited but one house , and accordingly she believes these things , as 〈◊〉 she had but one soul and one heart , and consonantly preaches and teaches these things , as tho' she had but one mouth ; for altho' there are various languages in the world , yet the doctrine is one and the same ; so that the churches in germany , france , asia , aegypt or lybia , have not a different faith ; but as the sun is one and the same to all the creatures of god in the whole world : so the preaching of the word is a light that enlightens every where , and illuminates all men that would come to the knowledge of the truth . now this bond of unity was broken , when there was a recession from , or a corruption of the true faith and doctrine , as irenaeus speaks concerning tatian the father of the encratites , that as long as his master justin martyr lived , he held the found faith , but after his death falling off from the church , he shaped that new form of doctrine . this unity of the church in doctrine , according to hegesippus , continued till the days of simeon cleopas bishop of jerusalem , who was martyred under trajan ; but after that false teachers prevailed , such as the 〈◊〉 , marcionists , 〈◊〉 , and others , from whom sprung false christs , false apostles , and false prophets , who by their corrupt doctrines against god and his christ , divided the unity of the church . so that the unity of the church universal consisted in an agreement of doctrine , and the corruption of that doctrine was a breach of that unity , and whoever so broke it , are said to divide and separate the unity of the church , or which is all one , to be schismaticks . so irenaeus writes , that those that introduced new doctrines , did divide and separate the unity of the church . and cyprian writes , that the devil found out heresies and sehisms , by which he might subvert the faith , corrupt the truth , and divide the unity . but now for distinctions sake the breach of this unity was commonly called heresie , and the word schism generally applyed to the breach of the churches unity in another sense , of which more in the other sections . § . . if in the next place we consider the word church collectively , as denoting a collection of many particular churches , in which sense it is once used in cyprian . then its unity may have consisted in a brotherly correspondence with , and affection toward each other , which they demonstrated by all outward expressions of love and concord , as by receiving to communion the members of each other , as irenaeus mentions , was observ'd between the churches of rome and asia , in mutually advising and assisting one another by letters , or otherwise , of which there are frequent instances in the ancients , and especially in cyprian's epistles , and in manifesting all other marks and tokens of their love and concord . now this unity was broken , when particular churches clash'd with each other , when from being possess'd with spirits of meekness , love and charity , they were inflamed with hatred , rage and fury against each other . a sad instance whereof we have in that controversie betwixt cyprian and stephen , or rather between the churches of europe and africa , touching the validity of heretical baptism , wherein those good men were so far transported with bitterness and rancour against each other , that they interchangeably gave such 〈◊〉 language and invidious epithets , as are too odious to name , which if the reader be curious to know , he may find too much of it in cyprian's epistles . or if several particular churches had for the promotion of peace , unity and order , regularly disposed themselves into a synodical government and discipline , as was always done when their circumstances and conveniencies would permit them ; then whoever broke or violated their reasonable canons , were censured as turbulent and factious , as it hath been evidenced in the former chapter , and needs no farther proof in this , because that the schism of the ancients was not a breach of the churches unity in this sense , viz. as denoting or signifying a church collective . § . . but schism principally and originally respected a particular church or parish , tho' it might consequentially influence others too . now the unity of a particular church consisted in the members love and amity toward each other , and in their due subjection or subordination to their pastour or bishop : accordingly the breach of that unity consisted in these two things , either in a hatred and malice of each other , or in a rebellion against their lawful pastour , or which is all one , in a causeless separation from their bishop , and those that adhered to him . as for the first of these , there might be envies and discords between the inhabitants of a parish , without a formal separation from communion , which jars and feuds were called schism ; an instance whereof we find in the church of corinth , unto whom st. paul objected in cor. . . when ye come together in the church , i hear that there be divisions , or as it is in the original , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , schisms amongst you . here there was no separate communion , for they all came together in the church , and yet there were schisms amongst them , that is , strifes , quarrels and discords . and as far as i can perceive from the epistle of clemens romanus , which was writ to appease another schism in the same church of corinth , there were then only turmoils and differences , without any actual separation . but on this i shall not enlarge , because it is not what the ancients ordinarily meant by schism . § . . but that which they generally and commonly termed schism , was a rebellion against , or an ungrounded and causless separation from their lawful pastour , or their parish-church . now because i say , that a causless separation from their bishop was schism , it will be necessary to know how many causes could justifie the peoples desertion of their pastour , and these i think were two , or at most three ; the first was apostacy from the faith , or when a bishop renounced the christian faith , and through fear of persecution embraced the heathenish idolatries , as was done in the case of martialis and basilides two spanish bishops , and was justified by an african synod , as is to be seen throughout their whole synodical epistle , still extant amongst those of cyprian's . the second cause was heresie , as irenaeus saith , we must fly far off from all hereticks . and origen allows the people to separate from their bishop , if they could accuse him of false and 〈◊〉 doctrine . a third cause was a scandalous and wicked life , as is asserted by an african synod held anno . whose exhortations and arguments to this purpose may be seen at large in their synodical epistle , still extant in cyprian , epist. . p. . out of which several passages pertinent to this occasion , have been already cited in the sixth chapter of this treatise , to which i must refer the reader . of this mind also was irenaeus before them , who writes , that as for those presbyters , who serve their pleasures , and have not the fear of god before their eyes , who contumeliously use others , are lifted up with pride , and secretly commit wickedness , from 〈◊〉 such presbyters we ought to separate . origen indeed seems to be of another mind , and thinks that the bishops immorality in life could not justifie his parishes separation , he , saith he , that hath a care of his soul , will not be scandalized at my faults , who am his bishop , but considering my doctrine , and finding it agreeable to the churches faith , from me indeed he will be averse , but he will receive my doctrine according to the precept of the lord , which saith , the scribes and 〈◊〉 sit on moses his chair , whatever therefore they say unto you hear , and do , but according unto their works do not , for they say and do not : that scripture is of me , who teach what is good , and do the contrary , and sit upon the chair of moses as a scribe or pharisee ; the precept is to thee , o people , if thou canst not accuse me of false doctrine , or heretical opinions , but only beholdest my wicked and sinful life ; thou must not square thy life according to my life , but do those things which i speak . now whether irenaeus , or an african synod , or origen be to be most credited , i leave the learned to judge , tho' i think they may be both nearer reconciled than they seem to be , irenaeus and that synod affirming , that the people of their own power and authority might immediately , without the concurrent assent of other churches , upon the immorality and scandal of their bishop , leave and desert him ; origen restraining the people from present execution , till they had the authority of a synod for so doing ; for thus he must be understood , or else he will contradict all other writers , it being avouched by all , that synods did depose all those bishops that were guilty of criminal and scandalous enormities , as privatus bishop of lambese was deposed by a synod of ninety bishops , for his many and heinous crimes . § . . but now excepting these three causes of apostacy , heresie and immorality , it was schism in a parish to leave their minister , or to set up another bishop against him ; for tho' they at first chose their bishop , yet their bishop being on their choice approved and confirmed by the neighbouring bishops , they could not dethrone him , without truly assigning one of those forementioned causes ; for this was to gather a church out of a church , to erect a new altar and a new bishop , which could not be in one church ; for as cyprian writes , god is one , christ is one , the church is one , the rock on which the church is built is one ; wherefore to erect a new altar , and constitute a new bishop , besides the one altar and the one bishop , is impracticable ; whosoever gathers here , scatters ; so to do is adulterous , impious , sacrilegious , mad and wicked . from hence , says cyprian , schisms do arise , that the bishop is not obeyed ; and it is not considered that there ought to be but one bishop , and one judge in a church at a time . and this is the rise and source of schismaticks , that through their swelling pride they contemn their bishop , and so they go off from the church , so they erect a profane altar , and so they rebel against the peace of christ , and the ordination and vnity of god. and again , from thence proceed schisms , that the bishop who is but one , and presides over the church , is contemned by the proud presumption of men , and he that was thought worthy by god , is esteemed unworthy by men. and again , the church is the people united to their bishop , and the sheep adhering to their pastour ; the bishop is in the church , and the church in the bishop ; whosoever are not with the bishop , are not in the church , and those do in vain flatter themselves , who having not peace with god's priests , creep about , and privately communicate with some , as they think , when the catholick church is not divided , but connexed and coupled together by the vnity of its agreeing bishops . whosoever therefore should causelesly desert his bishop , and solicit others so to do , was a true schismatick , since in so doing , he divided a portion of the flock with the bishop , separated the sheep from their pastour , and dissipated the members of christ. from these quotations then it is apparent , that the primitive schism respected only a particular church , and consisted in a person 's separation from communion with his lawful bishop without a just and authentick cause ; when any one should set up a particular church in a particular church , in opposition to the lawful bishop thereof , and should draw away the inhabitants of that parish from the communion of their legal minister , setting up distinct meetings and conventicles , as cyprian calls them . this was true schism ; for as ignatius says , whosoever so assembled were not congregated legally according to the command : and whosoever officiated without the bishop , sacrificed to the devil . § . . this notion now of schism gives us a clear reason , why we find in ignatius so frequent and pathetick injunctions of obedience to , and unity with our respective pastours , of avoiding all divisions , and closely adhering to them ; because a deserting of them , or a separating from them , was a commission of this horrid and detestable sin of schism , as will appear from these following exhortations and instructions of his , with which every leaf almost of his epistles are fraught and furnished , all you of the church of smirna obey your bishop as jesus christ did the father , and the presbytery as the apostles , and honour the 〈◊〉 according to the command of god. let nothing of ecclesiastical services be done without the bishop ; let that communion only be esteemed valid , which is performed by the bishop , or by one permitted by him . wherever the bishop is , there let the people be ; as where jesus christ is , there the catholick church is ; it is not lawful without the bishop , or one permitted by him , to baptize or celebrate the 〈◊〉 ; this is pleasing unto god , that so whatsoever is done may be firm and legal . have respect unto your bishop ; as god hath respect unto you . my soul for theirs that obey their bishop , presbyters and deacons , and with them let my part in god be . let us not resist our bishop , lest we be found resisters of god. i exhort you to do every thing in the vnity of god , the bishop presiding in the place of god , and the presbyters in the place of the council of the apostles , and the deacons persorming the intrusted ministry of jesus christ ; let there nothing be in you that may divide you , but be united to your bishop and presidents : as therefore christ did nothing without the father , being united to him , neither by himself nor by his apostles , so do you nothing without the bishop and presbyters , nor privately withdraw from them , but assemble together , having one prayer , one supplication , one mind and one hope . flee all division ; where the pastour is , there as sheep follow , for there are many 〈◊〉 wolves , that seek to carry you away , but let them have no place in your vnity — whoever are god's and jesus christ's , they are with the bishop ; and whosoever repenting shall come to the vnity of the church , those shall be god's , that they may live according to jesus christ. be not deceived , my brethren , if any one follows a 〈◊〉 , or one that causeth division and separation , he shall not inherit the kingdom of god. respect the bishop , presbyters and deacons ; do nothing without the bishop , keep your flesh as the temple of god , love vnity , avoid schisms , be followers of jesus christ , as he was of his father — where division and wrath is , god dwells not ; god therefore pardons all penitents , if they penitentially return to the vnity of god , and the presbytery of the bishop . and some other such like expressions there are in the 〈◊〉 of this father , which evidently demonstrate schism to be nothing else than a causeless separation from our parish bishop or minister , and a wandring after , or an adhesion to another false and pretended pastour . § . . but for the clearer proof , that this was what the father 's meant by schism , it may not be altogether unnecessary to add unto these quotations an example or two ; for examples more convincingly 〈◊〉 than bare testimonies and citations . and here let us first view the schism of felicissimus in the hurch of carthage , as it is related in the th , th , and th epistles of cyprian , and we shall find it respecting only that particular church or parish . when cyprian was elected bishop of carthage , felicissimus and others of his faction opposed him , but finding themselves too weak , and not powerful enough to balance his interest , they yielded to his promotion , but yet still retained an hatred against his person , and waited for a more favourable opportunity and a plausible pretence to separate from him . it pleased god that cyprian some time after his advancement , was forced , by reason of the persecution , to withdraw and absent from his flock , during which absence that faction made use of all means to lessen his interest , till they had made their party indifferently strong , and then they broke out into an open separation from him , forming themselves into a distinct meeting , creating a new bishop , erecting a new altar , and constituting a new church . now all this was acted in , and respected only the particular parish of carthage , without causing or attempting any separation in any other church or parish ; and yet this cyprian calls schism , and excommunicates the actors in it as schismaticks , and breakers of the unity of the church , of his church actually , and of all the other churches of the church universal virtually , who like the members of the natural body , are affected with the pains and convulsions of each other . so also the famous schism of novatian respected only the particular church of rome , being no other than his causeless separation from cornelius his lawful bishop , and his erecting separate conventicles against him , as may be read at large in those epistles of cyprian , that treat of this affair , and in his book de vnitate ecclesiae . § . . but i foresee an evident objection against this restrained notion of schism , and in particular from the schism of novatian , which i cannot well pass over without resolving , since the solution thereof will inform us in the manner , how the schism of one particular church did affect other churches . now the objection may be this : if schism respected only one particular church , whence then comes it to pass that we read of novatian bishops , not only at rome , where that schism first began , but in several other churches and parishes besides ? now to this i answer , that we must distinguish between the schism and the heresie of novatian ; had novatian been only guilty of schism , in all probability , his schismatical actions , as well as all other schisms before , would have ended in the same church where they began , and have proceeded no farther ; but he having once engaged in his schism , and willing to continue it , that he might have some pretence for those enormous practices , he accused his bishop of remitting and loosing the reins of discipline , in communicating with trophimus , and others , that had sacrificed to idols , as may be amply seen in the th epistle of cyprian ; consequently for the justification of this accusation , he added this doctrine , as the characteristick dogma of his party , that the church had no power to absolve those who lapsed after baptism , but were to leave them to the tribunal of god. this was an error in doctrine , invidious to the mercy of god , and injurious to the merits of christ , as cyprian shews at large in his th epistle . every error in doctrine was called heresie . accordingly novatian is branded for this as an heretick ; whence the confessours in their return from his party , confessed that in adhering to them , they had committed schisms , and been the authors of heresies . and in the same epistle they call novatian an heretick , and a schismatick . so cyprian also accuses the said novatian , of heretical pravity ; and calls his error a schismatical and heretical error . so that novatian's schism was accompanied with heresie ; which , as usual , was called after the name of its author ; and having many eminent persons to abet it , and a specious shew of sanctity and mortification , it is no wonder that it spreads its self into many other churches , besides that where it was first hatched ; unto which we may also add their industrious endeavours to proselyte men unto their party , running about , as cyprian writes , from house to house , and from town to town , to gain companions in their obstinacy and error . for many of them really thinking themselves to be in the right , and believing others to be in the wrong , conceived it to be their bounden duty to leave their bishop , if he would not leave his heresie , as they apprehended it to be . and probably several bishops of the orthodox , who were the legal pastours of their respective parishes , were through their own ignorance , and those men's fair pretences , deluded into the same uncharitable error with them , of denying the lapsed any pardon . but we need not guess at this as only probable , since we have an instance of it in martian the lawful bishop of arles , concerning whom , cyprian writes to stephen bishop of rome , that he had received advice from the bishops of that province , that martian of arles had joyned himself unto novatian , and had departed from the vnity of the church , and the concord of the bishops , holding that heretical severity , that the consolations of divine pity and fatherly lenity , should be shut against the penitent and mourning servants of god , who knock at the church with tears , sighs and groans , so that the wounded are not admitted to have their wounds healed , but being left without any hope of peace or communion , are thrown out to the rapine of wolves , and prey of the devil . so that it was not novatian's schism , but his heresie , that was diffused through other churches ; his schism respected only his own church , but his heresie , which was a breach of the unity of the church universal , respected other churches also ; so that in answer to the forenamed objection , we need only say this , that there was no such thing as the objection supposes ; that is , that there were no bishops or followers of novatian's schism in other churches , but that those that were discriminated by his name , were the bishops and followers of his heresie . but however let us suppose the worst , viz. that all schismaticks had been orthodox and sound in every point of faith , had been exemplary and pious in the discharge of every duty , had been guilty of no crime but their schism from their bishop and parish , and yet their schism might have influenced other churches and parishes too , and that i think these two ways . . if one or more churches had admitted to communion those that were excommunicated by their own church for schism , that church or churches made themselves partakers of those mens crimes , and involved themselves in the same guilt of division and schism with them , as martian , bishop of arles , was adjudged by cyprian as a schismatick , because he had joined with novatian , when he had been before excommunicated . i do not here mean , that a bishop or parish to make themselves guilty , should actually or personally communicate with the author of the schism himself , much less in the church where he began his schism , but it was enough if they joyned with his legates or messengers , or any of his followers in any church whatsoever ; and therefore neither an african synod , nor antonius an african bishop , would communicate with the legates of novatian . nor would cornelius joyn in communion with felicissimus a schismatick of carthage , when he came to rome ; but as he was excluded from communion in his own church , so likewise was he in that of rome . . it was the custom when any bishop was elected , to send news of his promotion to other bishops , as cornelius did to cyprian , that so he might have their confirmation , and their future letters to the bishop of that church , to which he was promoted , might be directed unto him , as cyprian did unto cornelius ; which custom of sending messengers to other churches , to acquaint them of their advancement to the episcopal throne , was also observed by the schismaticks , and in particular by novatian , who sent maximus a presbyter , augendus a deacon , machaeus and longinus unto cyprian , to inform him of his promotion to the see of rome . now if any bishop or church did knowingly approve the pretensions of the schismatical bishop , they broke the concord of the church , and became guilty of schism , as may be gathered from the beginning of an epistle of cyprian's to antonius an african bishop , wherein he writes him , that he had received his letter , which firmly consented to the concord of the sacerdotal colledge , and adhered to the catholick church , by which he had signified , that he would not communicate with novatian , but hold an agreement with bishop cornelius . and therefore when legates came to cyprian , both from cornelius and novatian , he duly weighed who was legally elected ; and finding cornelius so to be , he approved his election , directed his congratulatory letters unto him , refused to communicate with the schismatical messengers of novatian , and exhorted them to quit their schism , and to submit to their lawfully elected bishop . so that in these two respects , the schism of a particular church might influence others also , involving them in the same crime , creating quarrels and dissentions between their respective bishops , and so dividing the dischargers of that honourable office , whom god had made one ; for as cyprian says , as there is but one church throughout the whole world , divided into many members ; so there is but one bishoprick diffused through the agreeing number of many bishops . § . . but now that we may conclude this chapter , the sum of all that hath been spoken concerning schism , is , that schism in its large sense , was a breach of the unity of the church universal ; but in its usual and restrained sense of a church particular , whosoever without any just reason , through faction , pride and envy , separated from his bishop , or his parish church , he was a true schismatick ; and whosoever was thus a schismatick , if we may believe saint cyprian , he had no longer god for his father , nor the church for his mother , but was out of the number of the faithful ; and though he should die for the faith , yet should he never be saved . thus much then shall serve for that query , concerning the churches unity . the next and 〈◊〉 thing that is to be enquired into , is the worship of the primitive church ; that is , the form and method of their publick services , of reading , singing , preaching , praying , of baptism , confirmation , and the lord's supper ; of their fasts and feasts ; of their rites and ceremonies , and such like , which i thought to have annexed to this treatise ; but this being larger than i expected , and the discourse relating to the primitive worship being like to be almost as large , i have for this and 〈◊〉 other reasons , reserved it for a particular tract by its self ; which , if nothing prevents , may be expos'd hereafter to publick view and observation . finis . the second part of the enquiry into the constitution , discipline , unity & worship , of the primitive church , that flourished within the first three hundred years after christ . faithfully collected out of the extant writings of those ages . by an impartial hand . london , printed for jonathan robinson at the golden lyon , and john wyat at the rose in st. paul's church-yard . . the second part of the enquiry into the constitution , discipline , unity and worship of the primitive church . chap. i. § . . of the publick worship of the primitive church . § . . in their assemblies they began with reading the scriptures . other writings read besides the scriptures . § . . who read the scriptures , from whence they were read , and how they were read. § . . whether there were appointed lessons . § . . after the 〈◊〉 of the scriptures , there followed singing of psalms . § . . what psalms they sung. § . . the manner of their singing . § . . of singing men , and of church musick . § . . to singing of psalms succeeded preaching . on what the preacher discoursed : how long his sermon was . § . . the method of their sermons . § . . who preached ; usually the bishop , or by his permission , any other , either clergyman or layman . § . . having in a former treatise enquired into the constitution , discipline , and unity of the primitive church ; i intend in this to enquire into the worship thereof , which naturally divides its self into these two parts , into the worship its self , and , into the necessary circumstances thereof , as time and place , and such like ; both which i design to handle , beginning first with the worship its self , wherein i shall not meddle with the object thereof , since all protestants agree in the adoring god alone through jesus christ , but only speak of those particular acts and services , whereby in the publick congregations we honour and adore almighty god , such as reading of the scriptures , singing of psalms , preaching , praying , and the two sacraments , every one of which i shall consider in their order , as they were performed in the ancient parish churches . and first , § . . when the congregation was assembled , the first act of divine service , which they performed , was the reading of the holy scriptures . in our publick assemblies , says tertullian , the scriptures are read , psalms sung , sermons preached , and prayers presented . so also just in martyr writes , that in their religious assemblies , first of all , the writings of the prophets and apostles were read . but besides the sacred scriptures , there were other writings read in several churches , viz. the epistles and tracts of eminent and pious men , such as the book of hermas , called pastor , and the epistle of clemens romanus to the church of corinth , which were read in the publick congregations of many churches . § . . he that read the scriptures , was particularly destinated to this office , as a preparative to holy orders , as aurelius , whom cyprian design'd for a presbyter , was first to begin with the office of reading . the name by which this officer was distinguished , was in greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in latin , lector , both which signifie in english , a reader , or as we now call him , a clark. the place from whence the clark read , was an eminency erected in the church , that so all the people might see and hear him , which was called pulpitum , or a pulpit , from which pulpit he read the scriptures alone , and not others alternatively with him ; it being his office only to read , whilst the congregation listned to him , as cyprian writes , that celerinus a lector , read the law and the gospel to all the people . celerinus only read , whilst all the people attended ; and therefore when this duty was ended , it is described only by the lectors ceasing to read , and not by the peoples ceasing so to do . § . . how much the lector read at a time is uncertain , since they varied according to the circumstances of their condition . so writes tertullian , that they read the scriptures according to the quality of their present times . and to the same purpose says justin martyr , that the clark read , until it was sufficient . § . . when the readended , then followed the singing of psalms . so says tertullian , 〈◊〉 scriptures are read , and psalms sung. this was a considerable part of the christians service , who , as pliny writes , met together before day , to sing an hymn to christ , it being useful to elevate the mind in heavenly raptures of praise and adoration , and to raise a pious soul into greater degrees of admiration of god's love and bounty , whence such a soul is described by clemens alexandrinus , to be continually blessing , praising , singing and presenting hymns to god the lord of all , being assisted by the holy spirit of god , without whose aid it was impossible to sing either in good rhime , tune , metre or harmony . the christians in those days condemned only the debauched bacchanalian singing and roaring , but commended the blessing and praising of god , by thanksgiving and singing of psalms . inasmuch that it was made one 〈◊〉 distinction of a christian : as tertullian inveighs against the marriage of a believing woman with an 〈◊〉 , because thereby she would be hindred from discharging the ordinances of the gospel , amongst which he enumerates singing of psalms ; for then , says he , what would her husband sing to her ? or , what would she sing to her husband ? and a little after he describes the happy condition of that couple , who were both christians , in that they did both joyn together in , and exhort one another to , the vigorous performance of god's worship , psalms and hymns sound between those two , and they mutually excite one another , who shall sing unto god best ; it being their daily employment , and recurring as often as they eat their meat . thus faith clemens alexandrinus , a good christians life , is a continued festival , his sacrifices are prayers and praises , reading of scriptures before meat , and singing of psalms and hymns at meat . hence in their feasts and banquers , when they drank to one another , they sung an hymn , therein blessing god for his unexpressible gifts towards mankind , both as to their bodies and souls . i confess indeed that most of these quotations respect only private singing of psalms , and so they may seem to be somewhat alien from my purpose ; on which account i should not have mentioned them , but have wholly passed them over in silence , had it not been to have satisfied those , who hold it unlawful to sing any psalms at all , in what manner soever ; for if singing in private was usual and commendable , then no doubt publick singing was so also . § . . what those psalms or hymns were , that the primitive christians sung , may be a question necessary to be resolved , which i take to be two-fold , either such as were taken out of the holy scriptures , and particularly out of the book of psalms , or such as were of their own private composing . so writes tertullian , that after the celebration of the lord's supper , every one sung an hymn out of the bible , or of his own composing . as for the singing of david's psalms , the same father particularly mentions the d psalm , as sung in his days , o how good and pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in vnity : this thou canst not easily sing , unless when thou suppest with many . as for the hymns that were of private men's composition , it was one of the accusations of paulus samosatenus , the heretical bishop of antioch , that he abolished those psalms , which were wont to be sung to the honour of the lord jesus christ , as novel , and composed by modern authors , and that he appointed women on easter day , in the middle of the church , to sing psalms in his praise . and in the fragment of an anonymous author extant in eusebius , we find the heresie of artemon , who denied the divinity of christ , 〈◊〉 , not only by the scriptures , and the writings of the precedent fathers , but also by the psalms and hymns of the brethren , which were formerly composed by them , wherein they praised christ by making him a god. such a private composed hymn was that which clemens alexandrinus mentions , as one commonly known among the christians in his days , beginning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or hail light. protreptic . p. . § . . as for the manner of the primitive singing , it was in good tune , and concent , all the people bearing a part in it ; but whether all together , or antiphonally , cannot well be determined , every country probably following its own mode , singing only in general being commanded , not the particular manner or fashion of it . in a precedent quotation mention is made of singing , in concent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or with voices altogether . in other places the alternative method of singing seems expresly to be used ; as pliny writes , that the christians in his time , met together before day , to sing an hymn to christ by course , or , one against another . and so in that forecited passage of tertullian , what will an vnbelieving husband sing to a believing wife ? or what will a believing wife sing to an vnbelieving husband ? § . . as for singing men and singing women , i find that paulus samosatenus the heretical bishop of antioch , abolished the old usual hymns , and appointed certain women on easter day in the middle of the church , to sing psalms in his praise . but whether these singing women were first instituted by this heretical bishop , or were before his time , i cannot tell . as for church-musick , for organs , and the like , those primitive ages were wholly ignorant of them ; for it cannot rationally be conceived , that in those days of continual persecution or violence , they could either use or preserve them ; all that they look'd after , was to sing in rhyme , metre , tune and concent , to offer up unto god the praises of their voices , lips and mouths , which clemens alexandrinus thinks , was emblematized or shadowed forth by those musical instruments mentioned in the th psalm , where , saith he , we are commanded to praise god on the psaltery , that is , on the tongue , because the tongue is the psaltery of the lord ; and to praise him on 〈◊〉 harp , by which we must understand the mouth ; and to praise him on the loud sounding cymbals , by which the tongue is to be understood , which sounds or speaks through the knocking or coition of the lips. § . . when the singing of psalms was ended , then succeeded the preaching of the word . so writes tertullian , scriptures are read , psalms sung , and then sermons pronounced . as for the subject of the preacher's sermon , it was usually a commentary or explication of the lessons that were just before read . so it was in the time and country of justin martyr , who writes , that when the reader had ended , the bishop made a sermon , by way of instruction and exhortation , to the imitation of those excellent things which had been read . whence origen calls their sermons explanations of the lessons . and such explanations are all his sermons or homilies , as whosoever reads them will easily see ; and he himself intimates as much in several of them . as for the length of their sermons , they usually preach'd an hour , as origen complains of his abundance of matter , that if he should throughly handle every part of it , it would require not only the one hour of their assembly , but several . therefore when the lessons were long and copious , which sometimes consisted of several chapters , as the lesson which was the subject of origen's th homily on jeremiah , reached from the th chapter and th verse , to the th chapter and th verse . the preacher passed over some of the matter unmentioned , and handled the most important , or the most curious part therein . thus in the beginning of a sermon of origen's , we find , that the chapters that were read , were the , , , and th chapters of the first book of samuel , which he complains were too large and 〈◊〉 to be all handled at once , and therefore he would only discourse of the th chapter , touching the witch of endor , and those things related there 〈◊〉 her . § . . as for the manner of their sermons , we may observe this method in those of origen's , that he first began with a short 〈◊〉 , and then explained verse after verse , or sentence after sentence , 〈◊〉 the natural and literal signification of the words , and then the spiritualized or mystical meaning of them , and concluded with a suitable application of all , either by way of exhortation to piety and vertue , or by way of dehortation from vice and impiety . always accommodating their discourses to the capacities of their hearers . is their auditors were prudent and understanding , then they scrupled not to treat of the profound mysteries of the gospel ; but if they had attained no great measure of knowledge , and had need of milk , as the apostle stiles it , then they concealed from them those deep and recondite points . § . . as for the preacher himself , it was usually the bishop of the parish . so saith 〈◊〉 martyr , the bishop preaches by way of instruction and exhortation , to the imitation of those excellent things which we . or else he desired a presbyter , or some other fit person to preach in his room ; without his consent it had been schism and violence in any person whatsoever to have usurped his chair , but with his permission any clergyman or layman might preach in his pulpit . now that clergymen preach'd , no one will question , though it will be doubted , whether laymen did : but that they did so , appears from a memorable history concerning origen , who going from alexandria into palestina , by the desire of the bishops of that country , publickly preach'd in the church , and expounded the holy scriptures , although he was not yet in holy orders . at which action , when demetrius bishop of alexandria was offended , alexander bishop of jerusalem , and theoctistus of caesarea writ to him in defence of it , as follows , whereas you write in your letter , that it was never before seen or done , that laymen should preach in the presence of bishops , therein you wander from the truth ; for wheresoever any are found , that are fit to profit the brethren , the holy bishops of their own accord ask them to preach unto the people . so evelpis was desired by neon bishop of laranda , and paulinus by celsus of iconium , and theodorus by atticus of synnada , our most blessed brethren ; and it is credible , that this is likewise done in other places , though we know it not . but yet though laymen preach'd , it was not every one that did so , but only those , that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fit to prosit the brethren ; and though they were never so fit , yet they did not irregularly or disorderly run about a preaching , or discharge that sacred office , till they were desired by the bishop of a parish to do it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but stayed for the permission and approbation of such an one ; for without that , their sermons and discourses would have been but so many acts of schism and faction . chap. ii. § . . after preaching all the congregation rose up to joyn in publick prayers . § . . they prayed towards the east . their reasons for that custom . § . . they lifted up their hands and eyes towards heaven . § . . whether the minister that officiated wore a surplice , and therein of ministers habits . § . . whether they sung their prayers , and whether they used responsals . § . . of prescribed liturgies . the lord's prayer not always , but commonly used by them . § . . to the lord's prayer they added other prayers of their own choice or invention , proved so to have been . § . . whether their prayers were divided into several collects . § . . as soon as the sermon was ended , then all the congregation rose up to present their common and publick prayers unto almighty god , as justin martyr writes , that when the preacher had finished his discourse , they all rose up , and offered their prayers unto god. standing being the usual posture of praying ( at least the constant one on sundays , on which day they esteemed it a sin to kneel ) whence the preacher frequently concluded his sermon with an exhortation to his auditors , to stand up and pray to god , as we find it more than once in the conclusion of origen's sermons , as , wherefore standing up , let us beg help from god , that we may be blessed in jesus christ , to whom be glory for ever and ever , amen . and , wherefore rising up , let us pray to god , that we may be made worthy of jesus christ , to whom be glory and dominion for ever and ever , amen . and again , standing up let us offer sacrifices to the father through christ , who is the propitiation for our sins , to whom be glory and dominion for ever and ever , amen . § . . accordingly the whole congregation stood up , and turned their faces towards the east , it being their custom and manner to pray towards that quarter , as tertullian writes , we pray towards the east . now the reasons that i meet with for this usage , may be reduced to these three or four. i. out of respect and reverence to their lord and master jesus christ , they prayed towards the east , because the east is a title 〈◊〉 to christ in the old testament ; for that place in zach. . . behold the man whose name is the 〈◊〉 , they translated according to the septuagint , behold the man whose name is the east , which misapprehension of the word branch , arose from the different significations or applications of the greek word , by which the septuagint expressed it . in the original hebrew the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies an arising or sprouting out , as doth a branch from a root . the word by which they rendred it in greek , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in a large sense comprehends all sorts of arising and springing out ; but strictly and generally is applyed to the arising and first appearing of the sun , and by a metonymy , is appropriated to the east , because the sun arises in that quarter . the fathers therefore not knowing the original , and finding christ to be called in their ordinary version 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , presently concluded , that according to the usual signification of the word , he was there termed by the prophet , the east , whom they conceived to be so called , because he was to arise like a star : and , as the sun that arises in the east penetrates thro' the world with its warm and illuminating rays ; so christ the sun of righteousness would arise with more warmth and light , and pierce farther than the material sun , even into the depths of mens hearts and minds . hence the east is called by tertullian , a type of christ , and for this reason we may very well suppose , that they prayed towards the east , as well as built their churches toward it , which that they did , we shall shew in its proper place . ii. another reason might be with respect to the similitude of the rising of the sun , with our spiritual arising out of the darkness of sin and corruption , which i find thus expressed by clemens alexandrinus , let prayers be made towards the east , because the east is the representation of our spiritual nativity : as from thence light first arose , shining out of darkness ; so according to that rising of the sun , the day of true knowledge arose on those , who lay buried in ignorance ; whence the ancient temples looked towards the west , that so they who stood against the images therein , might be forced to look towards the east . iii. origen advises to pray towards the eastern climate , to denote our diligence in the service of god , in being more forward to arise and set about it , than the sun is to run his daily course , for which he produces an apocryphal text , wisdom . . that it might be known , that we must prevent the sun to give thee thanks , and at the day-spring pray unto thee . iv. another reason for their praying towards the east , was their opinion of the excellency of this quarter above others , which argument origen thus delivers , as well as i can translate it . whereas there are four climates , the north and south , the west and east , who will not acknowledge that we bught to pray looking towards the east , symbolically representing thereby , our souls beholdthe arising of the true light ? if a man , which way soever the doors of his house are placed , would rather make his prayers towards the windows , saying , that the sight of the sky hath something more peculiar 〈◊〉 it , to stir up his affection , than his looking against a wall. or if it so happen , that the windows of his house do not look towards the east , that happened from the arbitrary structure of the builder , but not from nature , which prefers the east before the other quarters , and nature is to be preferred before that building . or if any one will pray in the open field , will he not pray rather towards the east , than towards the west ? and if in these things the 〈◊〉 is preferred before the west , why is it not so also in every other thing besides ? for these four reasons now , but principally i suppose for the first , they usually prayed towards the east , inasmuch that for their worshiping towards this quarter , and for their religious observation of the lord's day , or sunday , so called , because dedicated to the sun , they were accused by the heathens of reverencing and adoring the sun. § . . the congregation being thus turned towards the east , they put themselves into a 〈◊〉 of prayer , stretching out their hands , and lifting up their eyes towards heaven , as clemens . alexandrinus writes , we lift up our head , and stretch out our hands towards heaven . and so tertullian , we pray looking upto heaven , 〈◊〉 expanded hands , by this devout 〈◊〉 imitating the lifting up of their hearts to god in the 〈◊〉 wherefore , as now to quicken the peoples devotion , the 〈◊〉 before prayer excites them thereunto , by saying , let us pray . so in the african churches , in cyprian's days , the minister prefac'd in his prayer , by saying to the people , lift up your hearts . to which the people to testifie their consent , answered , we lift them up unto the lord. § . . after this the minister began to pray . but before we handle his prayer , it may not be unnecessary to consider in what habit he officiated , whether in a surplice , or no. his usual garb was a pallium , which is the same with what we call a cloak . this as being the most simple and plain garment was commonly worn by the christians ; the usual garb throughout the whole roman empire was the toga , which was more gay and splendid than the pallium ; wherefore those who came over from paganism to christianity , for the indication of their humility and contempt of the world , quitted the toga as too pompous and mundane , and assumed the pallium or cloak , as more grave and modest ; from which change of apparel , and renouncing of a sumptuous habit , to embrace a poor and mean one , the heathens derided and exposed the christians , even to a proverb , a toga ad pallium , which sarcastical language engaged tertullian to write a little tract in defence of the cloak , which is still extant in his writings , under the title of de pallio . but salmasius and dr. cave think this severe habit was not worn by all 〈◊〉 , but only by those of them that lead a more austere and mortified life , such as the clergy , and some self-denying personages 〈◊〉 the laity , and that therefore it is called by tertullian in the sorementioned tract , sacerdotis habitus , or priests apparel , as it is in all ancient manuscripts , and in the first edition of beatus rhenanus , and not sacer habitus , the holy apparel , as it is in the later editions . but whether it were so or no , i shall not here debate . this is sufficient for my purpose , that the clergy usually wore a cloak . but now , that in times of publick prayer , they should put a surplice , or any other kind of linnen garment over their cloaks , neither tertullian , nor any other , speak the least syllable of it : instead of putting another vestment on their gown or cloak , tertullian mentions some in his days , who at prayers would throw off their gown or cloak , which he condemns as a superstitious affectation , and an heathenish 〈◊〉 . so , saith he , the heathens pray to their gods , which if 〈◊〉 . ought to have been done , would have been enjoyned by the apostles , who have given directions concerning the manner of prayer ; unless some think , that when paul had put off his cloak at prayer , he forgot it , and left it behind him at carpus's . § . . but quitting the habit of him that 〈◊〉 , let us return to his prayer , which he pronounced with a modest and bashful voice , that being most proper for those , who came to acknowledge the multitude and heinousness of their sins , and to beg god's pardon and grace , which is the end and design of prayer . musical singing is best agreeable to the praising and adoring of god ; but our petitions to god ought to be sent up with most fervent prayers , with tears , and cries , and groans . doubtless the minister so prayed , as did most affect the people , whose mouth he was to god ; for they did not vocally 〈◊〉 with him in the prayers , but only testified their assent to what the minister prayed , by saying 〈◊〉 , or so be it . thus in the prayer at the celebration of the lord's supper , the president of the assembly only prayed , and the people concurred with the amen . so writes justin martyr , the bishop makes a long prayer over the elements , and when he ends , all the people present give their approbation , by saying , amen . and when the elements are blessed by the minister's prayer , and the people have approved it , by saying , amen , then they are distributed . and the bishop , according to his ability , prays over the elements , and the people give their acclamations , saying , amen . so that scrupulous person mentioned by dionysius alexandrinus in his epistle to xystus , is said , to have frequently heard the eucharistical prayer , and with the rest of the congregation to have answered , amen . henricus valesius in his notes on this place ; as likewise dr. hammond in his annotations on cor. . think that st. paul had reference to this custom of the peoples saying amen , at the conclusion of the eucharistical prayer in cor. . . else when thou shalt bless with the spirit , how shall be that occupieth the room of the unlearned , say amen , at thy giving of thanks , seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest ? in which place st. paul condemns as absurd and senseless , the practice of some men , who would consecrate the sacrament in hebrew or syriack before greeks , who understanding not those tongues , could not bear their share in the eucharistical prayer , which consisted not in antiphonal or responsory replies to the minister , but only in saying 〈◊〉 , or , so be it , to what he had prayed . it is true indeed , that these citations are spoken in particular of the prayer before the lords supper ; but yet they may be also applyed to their prayer after sermon , since we have no reason to imagine , that in the one they should use responsals , and in the other none . but that in all their prayers the priest only prayed , seems to be apparent , from that it was one part of his office , to pray for the people , the priests , says cyprian , pray for the safety of the lord's people . and , the priests who have sacrificed to idols , cannot assume to themselves the priesthood , or make any prayer in god's sight for the brethren . therefore those ought to be chosen into the priesthood , whom god will hear . it was the priest that solely pronounced the publick prayers without the voices of the people : and indeed it was impossible for the people to respond , since they had no fixed publick form of prayer , except the lord's prayer , which lord's prayer they frequently , though not always , repeated : and then as to their other prayers , every bishop or minister of a parish , was left to his own liberty and ability therein . § . . as for the use of the lord's prayer , it must first be observed , that the 〈◊〉 repeating of it with other prayers , was not esteemed necessary , but frequently it was omitted . thus in the heavenly prayer of polycarpus at the stake , the lord's prayer is neither at beginning nor ending . the conclusion of it is , lord i will praise thee , i will bless thee , i will magnifie thee , through the eternal high priest christ jesus thy beloved son , by whom to thee , with him , and the holy ghost , be glory now , and for evermore , amen . so clemens alexandrinus concludes his last book of pedagogy , with a prayer , which neither ends nor begins with the lord's prayer ; and origen prescribing a method of prayer , speaks not a word of the lord's prayer , but advises both to begin and end with doxology , or a giving praise to god. in this respect they regarded the lord's prayer , as given by christ for a pattern of all other prayers , according to which they were to be made ; whence cyprian calls this prayer , the law or rule of praying ; so that to pray otherwise than that prayer directed was ignorance and impiety wherefore , says cyprian , let every one pray to god , not only for himself , but for all the brethren , as the lord hath taught us to pray for all . and so writes clemens alexandrinus , that a good man never remembers the affronts that are offered him , but always forgets them ; wherefore he justly prays , saying , forgive us as we forgive others ; that is , he prays according to the sense of the fifth petition ; for it is the sense , not the very words of that petition , that he here recites . but tho' the repetition of the lord's prayer was not necessary , yet it was usual ; whence saith origen , christ gave us a prayer , with which he commanded us to pray unto the father . and tertullian writes , that our lord jesus christ gave to his disciples a new form of prayer . whence he calls the lord's prayer , the lawful prayer . and cyprian yet more fully writes , that christ hath given us a form of prayer , he hath admonished and instructed what we should pray for : he that made us live , hath taught us to pray , that whilst we offer unto the father , the prayer which the son taught , we may be the more easily heard . — for what prayer can be more spiritual , than that which was given us by christ , who gave us also the holy spirit ? and what prayer can be more prevalent with god , than that of his son , who is the truth , proceeding out of his mouth ? so that to pray otherwise than he hath taught , is both ignorance and impiety . let us pray therefore , dearly beloved brethren , as god our master hath taught us : it is a friendly and familiar prayer to ask god with his own , and to present the prayer of christ to his ears ; the father will acknowledge his sons words . when we pray , let him that dwells in the heart , be in the voice ; and since we have him an advocate with the father for our sins , when we beg pardon for our sins , let us use the words of our advocate ; and since he says , that whatsoever we shall ask of the father in his name , he will give it us ; how much more efficaciously shall we prevail for what we beg in christ's name , if we ask it in his prayer ? to this prayer it is that tertullian gives this encomium , in the compendium of a few words , how many declarations of prophets , evangelists , and apostles ; how many speeches , parables , examples and precepts are contained ! how many duties towards god! honour to god in the preface , faith in the first petition , hope in the second , resignation in the third , petition for life in the fourth , confession of sins in the fifth , watchfulness against temptations in the sixth . what wonder ! god alone could teach , how he would be prayed to . § . . but tho' they frequently used the lord's prayer , yet they did not only use that , but other prayers also ; for immediately to the foregoing encomium of the lord's prayer , tertullian adjoyns , that we may add thereunto , and offer up prayers unto god according to the variety of our circumstances and conditions . from which passage of the said father , we may guess their usual method of prayer was first to begin with the lord's prayer , as the ground and foundation of all others , and then according to their circumstances and conditions to offer up their own prayers and requests . now that this conjecture may appear to have some foundation , it will be necessary to translate at large this place of tertullian , and to shew the introduction or occasion of it , which was this : after this father had , as before , commented on , summ'd up , and magnify'd the lord's prayer , he concludes , that nevertheless , we may add thereunto ; for since the lord the observer of all humane necessities , has in another place , after he had delivered this prayer , said , ask and ye shall receive : and every one has particular circumstances to beg for ; therefore having premised the lawful and ordinary prayer , there is place for accidental . requests , and a liberty of offering up other petitions , so as they do agree with the precepts : as far as we are from the precepts , so far are we from god's ears ; the remembrance of the precepts makes way for our prayers to heaven , of which it is the chief . now these other prayers , which made up a great part of divine service , were not 〈◊〉 and imposed forms , but the words and expressions of them were left to the prudence , choice and judgment of every particular bishop or minister . i do not here say , that a bishop or minister used no arbitrary form of prayer ; all that i say is , that there was none imposed : neither do i say , that having no imposed form , they unpremeditately , immethodically or confusedly vented their petitions and requests ; for without doubt they observed a method in their prayers ; but this is what i say , that the words or expressions of their prayers were not imposed or prescribed , but every one that officiated , delivered himself in such terms as best pleased him , and varied his petitions according to the present circumstances and emergencies : or if it be more intelligible , that the primitive christians had no stinted liturgies , or imposed forms of prayer . now this being a negative in matter of fact , the bare assertion of it is a sufficient proof , except its affirmative can be evinced . suppose it was disputed , whether ever st. paul writ an epistle to the church of rome , the bare negation thereof would be proof enough that he did not , except it could be clearly evidenced on the contrary that he did : so unless it can be proved that the ancients had fixed liturgies and prayer-books , we may very rationally conclude in the negative , that they had none at all . now as to these prescribed forms , there is not the least mention of them in any of the primitive writings , nor the least word or syllable tending thereunto that i can find , which is a most unaccountable silence , if ever such there were , but rather some expressions intimating the contrary ; as that famous controverted place of justin martyr , who describing the manner of the prayer before the celebration of the lord's supper , says , that the bishop sent up prayers and praises to god with his utmost ability , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , that he prayed with the best of his abilities , invention , expression , judgment and the like . i am not ignorant that there is another sense given of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , according to his ability . but i must needs say , that i generally , if not always found this phrase to include personal abilities . thus as to the explanation of scripture , origen writes , that he would expound it , according to his ability , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he would comment on that parable of the blind man , that was healed near jericho , mentioned in luke . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so on the parable concerning the husbandman ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and on the marriage of the king's son , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that he would search out the sense of the gospel of st. john , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now what doth origen intend , by his searching out the sense , and expounding the meaning of the scriptures to the utmost of his power and ability ? is it a bare reading and transcribing of other mens works , or an employment of his own abilities and studies to find out the sense and meaning of them ? certainly every one will think the latter to be most probable . so as to the argumentative defence of the truth , origen promises that he would answer the calumnies of celsus , according to his power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and that he would defend and confirm his arguments against celsus according to his power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and demonstrate the reasonableness of the christian religion , according to his power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and dispute against celsus , according to his power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now whether origen's defending the truth , and disputing against celsus according to his 〈◊〉 ability and power , consisted in a reading , or in a bare transcribing out of a book , the written arguments of other men , or in an employment of his own abilities , inventions and expressions , is no difficult matter to determine . i have not found one place , wherein this phrase of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not comprehend personal abilities ; and several scores more might i cite , where it is so to be understood , which i shall omit , and mention only one more , spoken by origen with respect to this duty of prayer , where it must of necessity imply personal abilities , and that is in his book de oratione , where he prescribes the method and parts of prayer , the first whereof was doxology ; wherein , says he , he that prays must bless god according to his power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must signifie the performer's abilities of judgment and expression , because it is not spoken of prescribed words , but of a prescribed method of prayer ; as if any one should desire me to inform him , how or in what method he must pray ; i tell him , as origen doth in this place , that first he must begin with an invocation of god by his titles and attributes ; then he must proced to praise god for his mercies and benefits , confessing withal his ingratitude and unfruitfulness ; then beg pardon for past sins , strength against future , and conclude all with praising god through christ , and that he must do all this according to the utmost of his ability . what could any one imagine , that i should intend by this advice of following this method to the utmost of his power , but by the exerting of his own abilities , understanding , memory , invention , expression , and the like , since i direct him not to any prescribed words , but only to the observation of those general heads and parts of prayer . so that the ministers praying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or according to the utmost of his ability , imports the exerting his gifts and parts in suitable matter and apt expressions ; and that the primitive prayers were so , appears yet farther from a passage in origen , who thus explains that verse in matth. . but when ye pray , use not vain repetitions as the heathens do , but when we pray , let us not battologise , that is , use not vain repetitions , but theologise : but we battologise , when we do not strictly observe our selves , or the words of prayer , which we express , when we utter those things which are filthy either to do , speak , or think , which are vile , worthily reprovable , and alienated from the purity of the lord. surely this caution had been needless of strictly observing the words that they uttered , and this fear had been groundless of expressing themselves undecently or sinfully , if they had had a prayer-book to recur to ; but that they had no such prayer-book appears yet more evidently from tertullian , who describing their publick prayers , says that looking up to heaven , they spread abroad their hands because innocent ; uncovered their heads , because not ashamed ; and without a monitor , because they prayed from the heart . now what is to be understood by praying from the heart , will best appean from enquiring into what is opposed to it , viz. the praying by a monitor . now the praying by a monitor , as is acknowledged by all , was praying by a book . but thus tertullian affirms the primitive christians prayed not : we do not pray , saith he , with a monitor , reading our prayers out of a book . no ; but on the contrary , we pray de pectore , from the heart , our own heart and soul dictating to us , what is most proper and fuitable to be asked , having no need of any other monitor besides . hence their prayers were suited to their emergencies and present circumstances , as tertullian writes , that having premised the lord's prayer , we may offer up accidental requests and petitions , of which occasional requests we find some instances , as in the sixteenth epistle of cyprian , where that father assures moses and maximus , two roman confessors , that he remembred them in his publick prayers with his congregation . and in another epistle where he congratulates pope lucius upon his return from banishment , he assures him , that he did not cease in his publick prayers to bless god for so great a mercy , and to pray him that was perfect , to keep and perfect in him the glorious crown of his confession . and so when the church of carthage sent a sum of money to the bishops of numidia , for the redemption of some christian captives , they desired those bishops to remember them in their publick prayers . so that their prayers could not be 〈◊〉 , invariable forms , because they could add new petitions , as their occasions and circumstances did require . firmilian reports of an exorcist woman , that being acted by the devil , she did wondrous feats , taking upon her to perform ecclesiastical administrations , as to baptize and celebrate the eucharist , the elements whereof she consecrated , with an invocation not to be despised , that is , as seems to be most agreeable unto the place , and to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of justin martyr . the matter , invention and expression of that prayer , wherewith she consecrated the elements , was not mean of contemptible , but indifferently well performed . so that it seems evident , that though the method of their prayers might in the main be the same , yet every one was left to follow his own fancy and expression therein . but that i may hasten to the conclusion of this section , it is very unlikely that they were obliged to prescribed forms , because they never read a syllable of their prayers out of any book whatsoever , which is evident from their posture of prayer , which was two-fold , either with their hands and eyes lifted up to heaven , or with their eyes shut : that they prayed with their eyes and hands lifted up to heaven , has been already shewn in the third section of this chapter , to which i shall only add this farther observation , that they stretched out their hands in the figure of a cross. that they also prayed with their eyes shut , is evident from origen , who having explained what is meant by that injunction of our saviour in matth. . . and when thou prayest , thou shalt not be as the hypocrites are ; for they love to pray standing in the synagogues , and in the corners of the streets , that they may be seen of men ; verily , i say unto you , they have their rewards , thus explains the following verse ; but thou , when thou prayest , enter thou into thy closet , and when thou hast shut to thy door , pray to thy father which is in secret , and thy father which seeth in secret , shall reward thee openly . but he that is no hypocrite , enters into the closet of his heart , to the riches that are treasured up there , and shutting himself in amongst those treasures of wisdom and knowledge , and not fixing his eyes on external objects , as looking after any thing without , and closing every gate of the senses , lest he should be drawn aside by them , and their species or fancies should creep into his mind , he prays the father , who never flies from , or leaves such an one , but together with the son , dwells in him . so the same father writes , that a true christian prays in every place , closing the eyes of his senses , but erecting those of his mind . now let them have prayed iu either of these postures , and it is very evident that they could read in neither of them ; for it is very improbable that they could turn over the leaves of a book , whilst their hands were extended towards heaven in the form of a cross ; or that they could read in a book , whilst their eyes were lifted up , or else quite shut and closed . if therefore there had been prescribed and imposed forms , they must of necessity have remembred them , which would have been an intolerable load to the strongest memory , especially to have repeated word after word the prayers of their fast days , which must have been several hours long , since some of their fasts , as will be shewn in another place , were prolonged from the morning of one day , to the beginning of another . § . . there remains now but one question more with respect to their publick prayers , and that is , whether they were divided into several collects ? to which i have not much certain to answer ; probably on their assemblies on fast days , when they continued together treble the usual time , for the ease of the bishop and his assistants , they made several 〈◊〉 prayers , and probably at their ordinary meetings , their prayer after sermon was but one entire piece . but all this is but conjecture , all that i find positive , is touching their prayer , that preceded the consecration of the eucharistical elements , which , as justin martyr writes , was one long prayer , to which the people said , amen . chap. iii. § . . of baptism : the persons baptizing . § . . the persons baptized : first , infants . § . . next , adult persons . the qualifications that were required in them . § . . the manner of baptism : the person to be baptized abjured the devil , the world , and the flesh , and gave his assent to the fundamental articles of the christian faith. § . . a digression concerning the ancient creed . the creed commonly call'd the apostles , not known within the first three hundred years after christ. in those days they had other brief summaries of faith , agreeing in sense , but not in words . § . . all the ancient creeds transcribed in their original language . § . . the creed , commonly call'd the apostles , compared with the ancient creeds . § . . how the creed was composed . § . . having in the former chapter discoursed of their publick prayers , i 〈◊〉 in the next place to consider the two sacraments , viz. baptism , and the lord's supper . and first of all , to treat of that of baptism , together with its appendix and confirmation ; for the more methodical and distinct handling whereof , i shall enquire into these three things , viz. the persons baptizing , the persons baptized , and the manner of baptism . first , as to the persons baptizing , usually they were the bishops or pastors of their respective parishes , as justin martyr describes baptism as performed by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or president ; and tertullian by the antistes , or , superintendent ; and by the high priest , who is the bishop ; but with his permission and consent , it was allowed to presbyters and deacons ; and in case of necessity , even to lay-men to baptize ; but never under any necessity whatsoever was it permitted to a woman so to do . § . as for the persons that were baptized , they were two sorts , either infants , or adult persons . that infants were baptized , will be evident from this single consideration . baptism was always precedent to the lord's supper ; and none were admitted to receive the eucharist , till they were baptized . this is so obvious to every man , that it needs no proof : if any one doubts it , he may 〈◊〉 it clearly asserted in the second apology of justin martyr , p. . children received the eucharist in the primitive church , which is also a thing so well known , as that for the proof of it i shall only urge one passage of cyprian's , where he tells a long story of a sucking girl , who so violently refused to taste the sacramental wine , that the deacon was obliged forcibly to open her lips , and to pour down the consecrated wine . therefore it naturally follows , that children were baptized ; for if they received that ordinance , which always succeeded baptism , then of necessity they must have received baptism its self . but i needed not to have mentioned this consideration , since infant-baptism is as clearly asserted in words at length in the primitive writings , as a thing can possibly be . thus origen writes , that children are baptized for the remission of their sins , fer the purging away of their natural filth , and original impurity which is inherent in them , according to job . . what is man that he should be clean ? and he which is born of a woman , that he should be righteous ? and that of the prophet isaiah , chap. . v. . when the lord shall have washed away the filth of the daughter of sion , and shall have purged the blood of jerusalem from the midst thereof . no one is clean from the filth ; no , though he lived but one day upon the earth . wherefore because through the sacrament of baptism , the uncleannesses of our birth are purged away , therefore children are baptized . and the same father commenting on that place of our saviour , matth. . . see that ye despise not one of these little ones , alledges this as one reason , why we should not do so , because of the angels that guard them , on which reason he makes this query , at what time the angels begin their guardianship over those little ones , whether at the time of their birth or their baptism ? so that little ones were baptized ; by which little ones he means infants and children , as is most evident from those other titles , which he gives them in the same tome , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , little children , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , infants ; and in one place he supposes them to be under three or four years old . to these testimonies of origen , i might also add those of irenaeus , lib. . cap. . p. . and of cyprian , de lapsis , § . . p. . but i shall chuse to wave them , because i would willingly translate at length the determination of an african svnod , held anno , whereat were present threescore and six bishops ; the occasion of which determination was this : a certain bishop called fidus , had some scruples , not concerning the baptism of infants , but concerning the time of their baptism , whether they might be baptized before the second or third day after their birth , or before the eighth day , as it was observed with respect to circumcision under the mosaical oeconomy ; the reasons or grounds for which his scruples he proposed to this synod , who having seriously examined them , 〈◊〉 decreed , that childrens baptism was not to be deferred to long , but that the grace of god , or baptism , should be given to all , and most especially unto 〈◊〉 , which synodical decree , because so pertinent to my purpose , i have at large transcribed as follows : quantum vero ad cansam infantium pertinet , quos dixisti intra secundum vel tertium diem quo nati sint constitutos baptizari non oportere ; & considerandam esse legem circumcisionis antiquae , ut intra octavum diem eum qui natus est baptizandum & sanctificandum non putares ; longe aliud in consilio nostro omnibus visum est ; in hoc enim quod tu putabas esse faciendum , nemo consensit , sed universi potius judicavimus , nulli hominum nato misericordiam dei & gratiam denegandam ; nam cum dominus in evangelio suo dicar , filius hominis non venit animas hominum perdere , sed salvare ; quantum in nobis est , si fieri potest , 〈◊〉 anima perdenda est . quid enim ei deest , qui semel in utero , dei manibus formatus est ? nobis enim atque oculis nostris , secundum dierum secularium cursum , accipere , qui nati sunt incrementum videntur : caeterum quaecunque a deo fiunt , dei factoris majestate & opere perfecta sunt . esse denique apud omnes , sive infantes , sive majores natu , unam divini muneris aequalitatem , declarat nobis divinae scripturae fides , cum helisaeus super infantem sunamitis viduae filium qui mortuus jacebat , ita se deum deprecans superstravit , ut capiti caput , & faciei facies applicaretur , & superfusi helisaei membra singulis parvuli membris & pedes pedibus jungerentur . quae res si secundum nativitatis nostrae & corporis qualitatem cogitetur , adulto & provecto infans non posset . nam & quod vestigium infantis , in primis 〈◊〉 ini diebus constituti , mundum non esse 〈◊〉 , quod unusquisque nostrum adhuc horreat exosculari , nec hoc 〈◊〉 coelestem gratiam dandam impedimento esse oportere ; scriptumest enim , omnia mundasunt mundis ; nec aliquis nostrum id debet hortere , quod deus dignatus est facere . nam etsi adhuc infans a partu novus eft , non ita est tamen , ut quisquam illum in gratia danda atque in pace facienda horrere debeat osculari , quando in osculo 〈◊〉 unusquisque nostrum pro sua religione ipsas adhuc recentes dei manus debeat cogitare , quas in homine modo formato & recens nato quodammodo exosculamur , quando id quod deus fecit , amplectimur . nam quod in judaica . circumcisione carnali octavus dies observabatur , sacramentum est in umbra atque in imagine ante 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 veniente christo veritate completum . 〈◊〉 quia octavus dies , id est , post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dies 〈◊〉 erat , quo dominus 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & circumcisionem nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hic dies 〈◊〉 , id est , post sabbacum primus , & dominicus praecessit in imagine , quae imago cessavit fuperveniente 〈◊〉 veritate , & data nobis spirituali circumcisione . propter quod neminem putamus a gratia consequenda impediendum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lege quae iam 〈◊〉 est ; nec spiritualem circumcisionem impediri carnali 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed omnem omnino hominem admittendum efse ad gratiam christi , quando & petrus in actibus apostolorum 〈◊〉 , & dicat , dominus mihi dixit , 〈◊〉 communem dicendum & immundum . caeterum si homines 〈◊〉 aliquid ad 〈◊〉 gratiae posset ; magis adultos & provectos & majores natu possent impedire peccata graviora . porro autem si etiam gravissimis delictoribus & in deum multum ante peccantibus , cum postea crediderint , remissa peccatorum datur , & a baptismo atque a gratia nemo prohibetur ; quanto magis prohiberi non debet 〈◊〉 , qui recens natus nihil peccavit , nisi quod secundum adam carnaliter natus contagium mortis antique prima nativitate contraxit ? qui ad remissam peccatorum accipiendam hoc ipso facilius accedit , quod illi remittuntur non propria , sed aliena peccata & idcirco , frater charissime , haec fuit in concilio nostra sententia , a baptismo atque a gratia dei , qui omnibus 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , & pius est , neminem per nos debere prohiberi . quod cum 〈◊〉 universos observandum 〈◊〉 atque retinendum , tum magis circa 〈◊〉 ipsos & recens natos 〈◊〉 putamus , qui hoc 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ac de divina 〈◊〉 plus merentur , quod in primo statim na 〈◊〉 suae ortu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 flentes nihil aliud 〈◊〉 quam 〈◊〉 . as for the matter of infants , whom , you said , were not to be baptized within the second or third day after their nativity , or according to the law of circumcision within the eighth day thereof ; it hath appeared to us in our council quite contrary ; no one maintained your opinion , but we all judged , that the mercy and grace of god was to be denied to no man ; for since the lord said in the gospel , the son of man came not to destroy , but to save the souls of men ; therefore as much as lies in our power , no soul is to be lost ; for what is there defective in him , who has been once formed in the womb by the hands of god ? to us indeed it seems , that children increase , as they advance in years ; but yet whatever things are made by god , are perfected by the work and majesty of god their maker . besides , the 〈◊〉 scriptures declare , that both infants and adult persons have the same equality in the divine workmanship : when elisha prayed over the dead child of the sunamitish widow , he lay upon the child , and put his head upon his head , and his face upon his face , and his body upon his body , and his feet upon his feet . this may be thought improbable , how the small members of an infant should equal the big ones of a grown man ; but 〈◊〉 is expressed the divine and spiritual equality , that all men are equal , and alike , when they are made by god ; that though the encrease of our 〈◊〉 may cause an inequality with respect to men , yet not with respect to god ; unless that that grace , which is given to 〈◊〉 persons , be more or less according to the age of the receivers ; but the holy ghost is given equally to all , not according to measure , but according to god's mercy and indulgence ; for as god is no respecter of persons , so neither of years ; he equally offers to all , the 〈◊〉 of his heavenly grace . and whereas you say , that an 〈◊〉 for the first days after his birth is unclean , so that 〈◊〉 one is 〈◊〉 to kiss him , this can 〈◊〉 no impediment to his 〈◊〉 of heavenly grace ; for it is written , to the pure all things are pure ; and none of us should dread that which god hath made ; for although an 〈◊〉 be newly born , yet he is not so , as that we should dread to 〈◊〉 him ; since in the 〈◊〉 of an infant , we ought to think upon the fresh works of god , which in a 〈◊〉 we * 〈◊〉 in an infant newly formed and born , when we embrace that which god hath made . and whereas the 〈◊〉 jewish 〈◊〉 was performed on the eighth day , that was a type and shadow of some future good thing , which , christ the truth being now come , is done away ; because the eighth day , or the first day after the sabbath , was 〈◊〉 be the day on which our lord should rise and quicken us , and give us the spiritual circumcision ; 〈◊〉 was the carnal circumcision on the eighth day , which type is now abolished , christ the truth being come , and having given us the spiritual circumcision . wherefore it is our judgment , that no one ought to be debarred from god's grace by that law , or that the spiritual circumcision should be hindred by the carnal one ; but all men ought to be admitted to the grace of christ , as peter saith in the acts of the apostles , that the lord said unto him , that he should call no man common or unclean . but if any thing can hinder men from baptism , it will be hainous sins , that will debar the adult and mature therefrom ; and if those who have sinned extremely against god , yet if afterwards they 〈◊〉 , are baptized , and no man is prohibited 〈◊〉 this grace , how much more ought not an insant to be 〈◊〉 , who being but just born , is guilty of 〈◊〉 sin , but of original which he 〈◊〉 from adam ? who ought the more 〈◊〉 to be received to the remission of sins , 〈◊〉 not his own , but others sins are remitted to him . wherefore , dearly beloved , it is our opinion , that from 〈◊〉 , and the grace of god , who is merciful , kind and benign to all , none 〈◊〉 to be prohibited by us , which as it is to be observed and followed with respect to all , so especially with respect to infants , and those that are but just born , who deserve our help , and the divine 〈◊〉 , because at the first instant of their nativity , they beg it by their cries and tears . apud cyprian . 〈◊〉 . . § . , , . p. , . so that here is as formal , synodical decree for the baptism of infants as possibly can be 〈◊〉 ; which being the judgment of a synod , is more 〈◊〉 and cogent than that of a private father , it being supposable , that a 〈◊〉 father might write his own particular judgment and opinion , but the determinations of a synod or council , denote the common practice and usage of the whole church . § . . it is evident then , that infants were baptifed in the primitive ages ; and as for the baptism of the adult , that being own'd by all , it will be needless to prove it . these were 〈◊〉 grown in years , able to judge and 〈◊〉 for themselves , who relinquished paganism , and came over to the christian faith. what qualifications were required in them previous or antecedent to baptism i need not here relate , since i have already handled this point in the sixth chapter of the former treatise , to which i refer the reader . in short , such as these were first instructed in the 〈◊〉 faith , continued some time in the rank of the 〈◊〉 , till they had given good proofs of their resolutions to 〈◊〉 a pious , religious life , and had protested their assent and consent to all the christian verities , and then they were solemnly baptized . which brings 〈◊〉 to the third thing proposed , 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 of baptism , which for the main was , as 〈◊〉 . § . . the person to be baptized was first asked several questions by the bishop , or by him that officiated , unto which he was to give his answer , concerning which baptismal questions and answers dionysius 〈◊〉 speaks in his letter to xystus bishop of 〈◊〉 , wherein he writes of a certain sorupulous person in his church , who was exceedingly troubled , when he was present at baptism , and heard the questions and answers of those that were baptized . which questions firmilian styles , the lawful and usual interrogatories of baptism . now these questions and answers were two-fold : first , of abjuration of the devil and all his works : and , secondly , of a firm assent to the articles of the christian faith. first , of abjuration . the minister proposed this question to the party baptized , or to this effect , do you renounce the devil , the world , and the flesh ? to which he answered , yes . so writes 〈◊〉 , when 〈◊〉 are baptized , 〈◊〉 renounce the world , the devil , and his angels . and with 〈◊〉 mouth we have vowed to renounce the world , the 〈◊〉 and his angels . and we have renounced the devil and his angels . and thou hast 〈◊〉 to renounce the world , the devil , and his angels . and , we were called to the warfare of the living god , when we promised in the words of baptism . to the same effect also says cyprian , when we were baptized , we renounced the world. and we have renounced the world , its pomps and delights . and the servant of god has renounced the devil and the world. and , we have renounced the world , and by the faith of spiritual grace have cast off its riches and pomps . and , we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the devil and the world. and so likewise saith clemens alexandrinus , that in baptism we renounced the devil . the second question was , whether the party to be baptized , did believe all the articles of the christian faith , to which he answered , yes , as justin martyr writes , that those who were to be baptized , were to give their assent to the things that were 〈◊〉 and held by them . so cyprian writes , that at baptism they asked the baptised person 's assent to this creed , whether he believed in god the father , son , and holy ghost , remission of sins , and eternal life through the church ? and that at baptism they asked , dost thou believe 〈◊〉 life everlasting , and remission of sins through the holy church ? these articles of faith to which the baptized persons gave their assent , are called by cyprian , the law of the symbol . and by novatian , the rule of truth . § . . and here since we have mentioned the symbol , it will be no unuseful digression to enquire a little into the ancient creeds ; for as for that creed , which is commonly called the aposties , all learned persons are now agreed , that it was never composed by them , neither do i find it within my prescribed time : but though they had not that , yet they had other creeds very like thereunto , which contained the fundamental articles of the christian faith , 〈◊〉 which all christians gave their assent and 〈◊〉 , and that publickly at baptism ; whence , as before it is called by cyprian , the law of the symbol ; and by novatian , the rule of truth . this creed was handed down from father to son , as a brief summary of the necessary scripture truths , not in ipsissimis verbis , or in the same set words , but only the sense or substance thereof , which is evident , from that we never find the creed twice repeated in the same words , no , not by one and the same father ; which that it may the more manifestly appear , as also that we may see the congruity and affinity of the ancient creeds with our present creed , commonly call'd the apostles , i shall 〈◊〉 in their original language all the whole creeds , and pieces of creeds , that i find within my limited bounds , which , together with the authors wherein they are to be 〈◊〉 , are as follows . § . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignat. epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , lib. . c. . p. , , 〈◊〉 in unum deum fabricatorem 〈◊〉 ac 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 quae in eis sunt , per christum jesum dei filium , qui propter 〈◊〉 erga figmentum suum dilectionem , 〈◊〉 quae esset ex virgine , generationem 〈◊〉 , ipse per se hominem adunans deo , & passus sub pontio pilato , & resurgens , & in claritate receptus , in gloria venturus salvator eorum qui salvantur , & judex eorum qui 〈◊〉 , & mittens in ignem aeternum transfiguratores veritatis , & contemptores patris sui & adventus ejus . irenaeus , lib. . cap. . p . regula est autem fidei , ut jam hinc quid credamus , profitearur , illa scilicet , qua creditur unum omnino deum esse , 〈◊〉 alium praeter mundi creatorem , qui universa de nihilo produxerit per verbum suum , primo omnium amissum : id verbum filium ejus appellatum in nomine dei , varie visum patriarchis , in prophetis semper auditum , postremo delatum ex spiritu patris dei & virture in virginem matiam , carnem factum in utero ejus , & ex ea natum , egisse jesum christum , exinde proedicasse novam legem & novam promissionem regni coelorum , virtutes fecisse , fixum cruci tertia die resurrexisse , in coelos ereptum , sedere ad dexteram patris , misisse vicariam vim spiritus sancti , qui credentes agant , venturum cum claritate ad sumendos sauctos in vitae eternae , & promissorum coelestium fructum , & ad 〈◊〉 judicandos igni perpetuo , facta utriusque partis resuscitatione cum carnis 〈◊〉 . haec regula a christo — instituta nullas habet apud nos quaestiones , nisi quas haereses 〈◊〉 , & quae haereticos faciunt . 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 , advers . 〈◊〉 . p. . unicum quidem deum credimus , sub hac 〈◊〉 dispensatione quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus , ut unici dei sit & filius sermo ipsius , qui ex ipso processerit , per quem omnia facta sunt , & sine quo factum est nihil , hunc missum a patre in virginem , & ex ea natum hominem & deum , filium hominis & filium dei , & cognominatum jesum christum , hunc passum , 〈◊〉 mortuum & sepultum secundum scripturas , & resuscitatum a patre , & in coelo resumptum , sedere ad dexteram patris , venturum judicare vivos & 〈◊〉 , qui exinde miserat secundum promissionem suam a patre spiritum sanctum paracletum , sanctificatorem fidei eorum qui credunt in patrem , & filium , & spiritum sanctum . hanc regulam ab initio evangelii decucurrisse , &c. tertul. advers . praxean . p. . regula fidei una omnino est , sola immobilis & irreformabilis credendi scilicet in unicum deum omnipotentem , mundi conditorem , & 〈◊〉 ejus jesum christum , natum ex virgine maria , crucifixum sub pontio pilato , tertio 〈◊〉 resuscitatum a mortuis , receptum in coelis , sedentem nunc ad dexteram patris , venturum 〈◊〉 vivos & mortuos , per carnis etiam resurrectionem . tertullian de virginib . veland . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen . comment . in 〈◊〉 . tom. . p. . vol. . unus deus est , qui omnia creavit , atque composuit ; quique ex nullis fecit esse universa , deus a prima creatura & conditione mundi omnium justorum , adam , abel , seth , enos , &c. & quod hic deus in novissimis diebus , 〈◊〉 per prophetas suos ante promiserat , 〈◊〉 dominum 〈◊〉 jesum christum , 〈◊〉 quidem vocaturum israel , secundo vero etiam gentes post perfidiam populi israel . hic deus 〈◊〉 & bonus pater domini nostri jesu christi , legem & prophetas & evangelia ipse 〈◊〉 , qui & apostolorum deus est , & veteris & novi testamenti : tum deinde quia jesus christus ipse qui venit , ante omnem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex patre est : qui cum in omnium conditione 〈◊〉 ministrasset ( per ipsum enim omnia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) novissimis temporibus seipsum 〈◊〉 homo factus est , incarnatus est cum deus 〈◊〉 & homo mansit quod deus erat . corpus assumpsit corpori nostro simile , eo solo 〈◊〉 , quod natum ex virgine & spiritu sancto est , & quoniam hic jesus christus natus & 〈◊〉 est in veritate , & non per imaginem , communem hanc mortem vere 〈◊〉 est ; vere enim a morte resurrexit , & post resurrectionem conversatus cum 〈◊〉 suis assumptus 〈◊〉 . tum deinde honore ac dignitate patri ac filio sociatum tradiderunt spiritum sanctum , in hoc non jam manifeste discernitur , utrum 〈◊〉 aut innatus . sed inquirenda jam ista pro viribus sunt de sacra scriptura , & sagaci perquisitione investiganda , sane quod iste spiritus 〈◊〉 unumquemque sanctorum vel prophetarum , vel apostolorum inspiravit , & non 〈◊〉 spiritus in veteribus , alius vero in his , qui in adventu christi inspirati sunt , manifestissime in ecclesiis praedicatur . post haec jam , quod anima substantiam , vitamque habens 〈◊〉 , cum ex hoc mundo discesserit , & pro 〈◊〉 meritis dispensabit , sive vitae aeternae ac 〈◊〉 haereditate potitura , si hoc ei sua 〈◊〉 praestiterint ; sive igne aeterno ac 〈◊〉 mancipanda , si in hoc eam scelerum culpa detorserit . sed & quia erit tempus resurnectionis mortuorum , cum corpus hoc quod in 〈◊〉 seminatur surget in incorruptione , & quod seminatur in ignominia , surget in gloria . origen . in proaem . lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . credis in deum patrem , filium christum , spiritum sanctum , remissionem peccatorum , & vitam aeternam per sanctam 〈◊〉 cyprian . epist. . § . . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gregor . 〈◊〉 . § . . these are all the creeds that i have met with , in which the words are various , but generally recurring to the 〈◊〉 sense : it would be too tedious to translate them all ; wherefore i shall sum them up in the creed , commonly call'd the apostles , and thereby shew their congruity and agreement , as also , what is in the apostles creed more than in these . now the articles of the apostles creed , that are to be found in the 〈◊〉 creeds , are as follows : i believe in god the father almighty , maker of heaven and earth , and in jesus christ his only son our lord , who was conceived by the holy ghost , born of the virgin mary , suffered under pontius pilate , was crucified , dead , and buried — the third day he rose again from the dead , ascended into heaven , sitteth at the right hand of god the father almighty , from whence he shall come to judge both the quick and the dead . i believe in the holy ghost , the holy catholick 〈◊〉 — the forgiveness of . here are now two clauses of our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz. he descended into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the communion of 〈◊〉 . § . . if we would know how they were 〈◊〉 , we must first consider how the whole creed was framed , which i conceive was done these two ways . first , some of the articles were derived down from the very days of the apostles . secondly , others were afterwards added in opposition to heresies , as they sprung up in the church . first , some of the articles were 〈◊〉 down from the very days of the 〈◊〉 , such were these , i believe in god the 〈◊〉 , ( or as the greek creeds read it , in one 〈◊〉 the father , in opposition to the polytheism of the heathens ) and in jesus christ his only 〈◊〉 son our lord : i believe , in the holy 〈◊〉 the resurrection of the body , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lasting . for in the days of the 〈◊〉 as well 〈◊〉 afterwards , it was the practice at baptism , to demand the baptized 〈◊〉 assent 〈◊〉 the fundamental articles of the 〈◊〉 faith , us philip did the 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst which fundamentals we may be 〈◊〉 they reckoned the doctrine of the 〈◊〉 because they were baptized in the name and dedicated to the service of the 〈◊〉 ; and that of the unity of the godhead , because , it was the great 〈◊〉 and design of their preaching to overturn the pagans multiplicity of deities ; and that of the resurrection of the 〈◊〉 , and the life everlasting , because that was the characteristick or peculiar doctrine of the 〈◊〉 religion , by which it was eminently 〈◊〉 from other sects and opinions , and was the only comfort and support of the christians under their sufferings and martyrdoms , according to that of st. paul , . 〈◊〉 . . . if the dead rise not at all , why are they then baptized for the dead ? as for the other articles of the creed , viz. such as are predicated of christ , as , his being conceived of the holy ghost , born of the virgin mary , &c. and those other two , the holy catholick church , and , the forgiveness of sins , i conceive them to be introduced the second way , viz. in opposition to heresies , as they sprung up in the church , as , was conceived by the holy ghost , in opposition to the 〈◊〉 , ebionites , and cerinthians , who taught that christ was born in the ordinary and common way as other men and women are : was born of the virgin mary , suffered under pontius pilate , &c. in contradiction to the docetae , simonians , and others , who affirmed christ to be a man , not really , but only phantastically , or in appearance ; of which hereticks 〈◊〉 speaks ; and 〈◊〉 them his forementioned creed seems particularly to be levelled , the remission of sins , against the basitidians , who held that not all sins , but only involuntary ones would be remitted ; or rather against the novatians , who denied remission to the lapsed : the holy catholick church , to exclude thereby all 〈◊〉 and schismaticks from being within the pale thereof . by these two ways then was the creed composed , and by the latter hereof were those two articles introduced , of christ's descent into hell , and of the communion of saints . the communion of saints was brought in last of all . the descent into hell towards the 〈◊〉 end of the fourth century , into the manner and occasion whereof , as also the intent and meaning of this article , i had designed once to enquire , having made some collections concerning it ; but finding i should be then forc'd to pass the limits of my prescribed time , i have thought it expedient to omit it , and to return to those points , from whence i have so long digressed . chap. iv. § . . of godfathers . § . . 〈◊〉 preceded baptism : the form and reason thereof . § . . next came baptism its self : the sacramental water 〈◊〉 by prayer . § . . the person baptized in the name of the trinity . § . . 〈◊〉 , or dipping , generally used . § . . sometimes perfusion , or sprinkling . the validity thereof considered . § . . after baptism followed prayers . § . . having in the former chapter made a little digression , i now return to the matter that first occasioned it , which was , the questions proposed to the persons to be baptized , unto which adult persons answered for themselves , and susceptors , or godfathers , for children . of these susceptors , or sponsors , 〈◊〉 speaks , where he thus adviseth the delay of childrens baptism , what necessity is there that sponsors should expose themselves to danger , who through death may 〈◊〉 of the performance of their promises , or may be deceived by the wicked disposition of those they promise for ? whether the use of sponsors was from the apostles days , i cannot determine , unless the negative may be conjectured from justin 〈◊〉 , tertullian's senior by fisty years , who when he enumerates the method and form of baptism , says not one word of sponsors or godfathers , as may be seen in his second apology , pag. , . § . . when these questions and answers were ended , then followed exorcization , the manner and end whereof was this : the minister put his hands on the persons head that was to be baptized , and breathed in his face , implying thereby the exorcization , or expelling of the devil or evil spirit from him , and a preparing of him for baptism and confirmation , when and where the good and holy spirit was conferred and given . this practice i find mentioned by clemens alexandrinus , who speaks of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or exorcism before baptism , but more fully by some of those bishops that were present at that famous council of carthage , held anno in whose determinations , exorcization is required as previous and antecedent to baptism . thus in that of crescens bishop of cirta , i judge , saith he , that all hereticks and schismaticks , who would come to the catholick church , are not to be admitted , till they have been first exorcized and 〈◊〉 . so also said lucius bishop of 〈◊〉 , it is my opinion that all hereticks are to 〈◊〉 exorcized and baptized . and thus more clearly vincentius bishop of thibaris , we know hereticks to be worse than 〈◊〉 . if therefore they would turn and come to the lord , we have a rule of truth , which the lord commanded the 〈◊〉 , saying ; go , in my 〈◊〉 , lay on hands , and cast out devils , ( mark . . ) and in another place . go and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , of the son , and of the holy ghost , ( matth. . . ) therefore first let them come by imposition of hands in exorcism , and then by the regeneration of baptism , that so they may be made partakers of christ's promises ; but otherwise i think they cannot . from this last determination we may observe the reason of these exorcisms , which arose from a misunderstanding of christ's valedictory speech to his disciples in mark , , &c. in the th verse of that chapter 〈◊〉 them to go forth preaching the gospel , and to baptize , which was to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perpetual ministration to the end of the world. then he proceeds to tell them , v. , . that for the speedier propagation of the gofpel , and that the heathens 〈◊〉 the more readily embrace it , he would confer on them , and the first preachers 〈◊〉 of , the gift of working miracles , that in 〈◊〉 name they should cast out devils , and speak with new tongues , as they most 〈◊〉 did at the day of pentecost ; that they should take up serpents , as paul did at 〈◊〉 without receiving any injury ; and if they 〈◊〉 any deadly thing , it should not hurt them ; they should say hands on the sick , and they should recover ; all which they did , as ecclesiastical histories 〈◊〉 testifie ; and st. mark closes this chapter , and his gospel , with saying , that when the apostles went 〈◊〉 and preached , the lord 〈◊〉 with them , and confirmed the word with signs following . so that these were extraordinary actions 〈◊〉 promised to the 〈◊〉 and first 〈◊〉 of the faith of christ. but now it is evident from the forementioned determination of vincentius bishop of 〈◊〉 , that in his age , they apprehended them to be like baptism , ordinary and standing administrations in the church , and so 〈◊〉 in the sense of the fore-cited text , introduced for an ordinary and constant practice , that which was promised by christ for an extraordinary and miraculous gift . christ promised his 〈◊〉 , the miraculous power of casting devils out of bodies possessed by them : but these fathers understood this promise of the common spiritual effects of the gospel , which , where it is believingly received , delivers that person from the desusion and dominion of the devil , under which we all naturally are , being by nature children of wrath ; and for the declaration of this invisible freedom and deliverance , which they all thought to be in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 baptism , they made use of this external sign of exorcism just before baptism , to declare thereby , that now the unclean devil with all his power and tyranny was cast out of that person , who was now going in and by 〈◊〉 , to be 〈◊〉 to the service of a 〈◊〉 master , viz. of the blessed trinity , father , son , and holy ghost , god blessed for evermore . § . . when 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 , then came baptism its self ; and the person being ready to be baptized , the minister , by prayer , 〈◊〉 the water for that use , because it was not any water , but only that water , as sedatus bishop of turbo writes , which is sanctified in the church by the prayers of the minister , that 〈◊〉 away sin. it is true indeed , as tertullian writes , that any waters 〈◊〉 sacramentum sanctificationis consequuntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , supervenit 〈◊〉 statim 〈◊〉 de coelis & baptism . p. . may be applyed to that use , but then god must be first invocated , and then the holy ghost presently comes down from heaven , moves upon them , and 〈◊〉 them . 〈◊〉 , saith cyprian , the water must be first 〈◊〉 and sanctified by the priest , that by its washing it may wash away the sins of man that is baptized . § . . the water being consecrated , the person was then baptized in the name of the father , of the son , and of the holy ghost . so writes justin 〈◊〉 , they are baptized in the name of god the father , lord of all , and of our saviour jesus christ , and of the holy ghost . for as clemens 〈◊〉 says , the baptized person by this dedication to the blessed trinity , is delivered from the corrupt trinity , viz. the devil , the world , and the flesh , and is now sealed by the father , son and holy ghost . this baptizing in the name of trinity , origen terms , the invocation of the adorable trinity . § . . as for the 〈◊〉 of water employed in baptism , that is , whether they 〈◊〉 or dipped ; to me it seems evident , that their 〈◊〉 custom was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or dip the whole body . when st. barnabas describes a baptized person by his going down into the water , we go down , saith he , into the water full of sin and filth , but we ascend with fruit and benefit in our hearts . and so tertullian represents baptized persons , as , entred into the water . and as let down into the water . and justin martyr describes the same by being washed in water ; and calls the place where they are baptized 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a washing-place , or a bath ; whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against the baptism of hereticks , condemns it as carnal , and as being upon that account no 〈◊〉 different from the baptism or washing of the jews , which they used as a common and ordinary bath to wash away the 〈◊〉 of their bodies . § . . but though immersion was their usual custom , yet perfusion or sprinkling was not accounted unlawful ; but in cases of necessity that was used , as in clinic baptism , which was , when sick persons , whose deaths they apprehended , were baptized in their beds , as 〈◊〉 being sick , and 〈◊〉 death , as was 〈◊〉 , was baptized in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfusion , or , pouring on of water . it is true indeed , this baptism was not generally esteemed as perfect , as the more solemn baptism ; for which reason it was a custom in some churches , not to advance any to clerical orders , who had been 〈◊〉 baptized ; an instance whereof we have in the church of rome , where the ordination of novatian to be a presbyter , was opposed by all the clergy , and by many of the 〈◊〉 , as unlawful , because of his clinic perfusion . but yet that they held it not altogether or absolutely unlawful to be done , appears from that on the intreaties of the bishop , they consented that he should be ordained , as he accordingly was : and cyprian in a set discourse on this subject , declares , that he thought this baptism to be as perfect and 〈◊〉 , as that done more solemnly by immersion , for when one magnus writ to him , 〈◊〉 his opinion , whether those were 〈◊〉 baptized , who , through their 〈◊〉 , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but only perfused or aspers'd , he 〈◊〉 . nos quantum concipit mediocritas nostra , 〈◊〉 in nullo mutilari & 〈◊〉 posse divina beneficia , nec minus aliquid illic posse contingere , ubi plena & tota 〈◊〉 & dantis & sumentis accipitur , quod de divinis muneribus hauritur . neque enim sic in sacramento salutari delictorum contagia , ut in lavacro carnali & seculari 〈◊〉 cutis & corporis 〈◊〉 , ut aphronitris , & 〈◊〉 quoque adjumentis , & solio & piscina opus fit , quibus ablui & mundari corpusculum 〈◊〉 . aliter pectus credentis abluitur , aliter mens hominis per fidei merita mundatur . in sacramentis 〈◊〉 necessitate cogente , & deo indulgentiam suam 〈◊〉 , totum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 divina compendia . nec quemquam movere debet , quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 persundi videantur aegri , cum gratiam dominicam 〈◊〉 , quando 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per ezechielem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , & aspergam super vos aquam 〈◊〉 , & mundabi mini ab omnibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ab omnibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vos , & dabo vobis cor novum , & spiritum novum dabo in vobis . item in numeris , & homo qui 〈◊〉 immundus usque ad 〈◊〉 , hic 〈◊〉 dietertio , & die septimo & mundus erit ; si 〈◊〉 non suerit purificatus die tertio , & die septimo , non erit mundus , & exterminabitur anima illa de israel , quoniam aqua aspersionis non est super eum sparsa . et iterum , & locutus est dominus ad moysen , dicens , accipe 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 israel , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 purificationem 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aqua purificationis ; & iterum , aqua aspersionis purificatio est . unde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quoque aquae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lavacri obtinere ; & quando haec in ecclesia 〈◊〉 , ubi sit & dantis & accipientis 〈◊〉 integra , stare omnia & consummari ac perfici posse 〈◊〉 domini & fidei veritate . epist. . § . . p. , . that as far as he could 〈◊〉 , he 〈◊〉 that the divine benefits could 〈◊〉 wise be 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 , nor that less thereof could 〈◊〉 , where the divine gifts are received with a sound and full faith , both of giver and receiver : far in baptism , the spots of sin are otherwise washed 〈◊〉 , than the 〈◊〉 of the body in a secular and carnal bath is , in which there is need of a seat to sit upon , of a vat to wash in , 〈◊〉 soap , and other such like implements , that so the body may be washed and cleansed ; but in another manner is the heart of a believer is the mind of a man purified by 〈◊〉 merits of christ. in the sacraments of 〈◊〉 through the indulgence of god in cases of 〈◊〉 , the divine 〈◊〉 convey the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those that 〈◊〉 nor let 〈◊〉 one think it strange , that the sick , when they are baptized , are only perfused or sprinkled , since the scripture says , by the 〈◊〉 ezekiel , chap. . v. , . i will sprinkle clean water upon you , and ye shall be clean ; from all your 〈◊〉 , and from all your idols will i cleanse you ; a new heart also will , i give you , and a new spirit will i put within you . also it is said in numbers , chap. . , . and the man which shall be 〈◊〉 to the evening , 〈◊〉 shall 〈◊〉 purified the third day , and the seventh day , and 〈◊〉 shall be clean ; but if he shall not be purified the third 〈◊〉 and the seventh day , he shall not 〈◊〉 clean , and that soul shall be 〈◊〉 off from israel , because the 〈◊〉 of aspersion hath not been sprinkled on him . and again the lord spake unto moses , numb . . v. , . take the 〈◊〉 from among the children of israel , and cleanse them ; and thus shalt thou do unto them to cleanse 〈◊〉 sprinkle water of purifying upon them . and again , the water of aspersion is purification : from whence it appears , that sprinkling is sufficient instead of immersion ; and whensoever it is done , if there be a sound faith of giver and receiver it is perfect and complent . and a little 〈◊〉 in the same epistle , the said father argues the validity of baptizing by sprinkling , because such as had been so baptized , were never baptized again . aut si aliquis 〈◊〉 eos nihil 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 quod aqua salutari 〈◊〉 perfusi sunt , sed 〈◊〉 & vacuos esse ; non decipiantur , & si incommodum languoris 〈◊〉 & convaluerint , baptizentur . si autem baptizari non possunt , 〈◊〉 jam baptismo 〈◊〉 sanctificati sunt , 〈◊〉 in fide sua & domini indulgentia 〈◊〉 ? idem ibid. § . . p. . if , saith he , any shall think that such have not 〈◊〉 the grace of god , but 〈◊〉 void and empty thereof , because they have been only 〈◊〉 with the saving laver ; let not such then that have been so baptized , 〈◊〉 themselves ; but 〈◊〉 they recover their health , let them 〈◊〉 baptized ; but if they cannot be 〈◊〉 , as having been already sanctified with the ecclesiastical baptism , why then are they scandalized in their faith , and in the mercy of god ? so that sprinkling or perfusion was 〈◊〉 valid , and seems to be always used in cases of necessity , as immersion was in their ordinary publick baptism , when as tertullian writes , they dipped the baptized person three times under water , that is , dipping him once at the naming of each person of the holy trinity . we are , says the foresaid father , dipped at the naming of each person . § . . when baptism was over , the person that had been then baptized , as justin martyr relates it , was 〈◊〉 into the number of the faithful , who then sent up 〈◊〉 publick prayers to god for all men , for themselves , and for him that had been baptized . after which the baptized person , as the said father goes on to write , was admitted to receive the other sacrament of the lord's supper with the rest of the faithful . so that in justin. martyr's age , at least in his 〈◊〉 at that season , it seems very probable that there followed only prayers after baptism : but not long after his time , we meet with many other ceremonies then used , which because they have some relation to our present controversies , i shall mention in the following chapter . chap. v. § . . after baptism followed 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 vnction . § . . then signation , or 〈◊〉 with the sign of the cross. § . . then 〈◊〉 of hands , or confirmation . § . . 〈◊〉 reasons for 〈◊〉 . § . . for 〈◊〉 § . . for imposition of hands § . . 〈◊〉 immediately followed baptism . § . . 〈◊〉 confirmed as well as bishops . § . . confirmation reiterated . § . . as for those rites that succeeded baptism , and which we find first mentioned in tertullian , they were in number three , viz. vnction , signation , and imposition of hands ; or if the reader pleases , he may call them all by the name of confirmation . touching unction or chrismation , 〈◊〉 thus writes , as soon as we are baptized , we are 〈◊〉 with the blessed vnction — an external carnal vnction is poured upon us , but it spiritually advantages . and to the same purpose says his follower cyprian , he that is baptized must of necessity be anointed , that having received the 〈◊〉 or vnction , he may be the anointed of god , and have him in the grace of christ. § . . under this crismation was comprehended signation , or the signing of the baptized person with the sign of the cross , which the minister performed with this 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 . so saith 〈◊〉 , the flesh is 〈◊〉 , that the soul may be 〈◊〉 . and then it follows , the flesh 〈◊〉 signed , that the soul may be fortified . this sign was made in the forehead , as cyprian observes , than king 〈◊〉 for invading the priest's office , was smit with a 〈◊〉 on his forehead , and mark'd by an offended god 〈◊〉 that place where those are mark'd whom god receives . hence he calls a christians forehead ; a signed forehead ; and thus elegantly exhorts the people of 〈◊〉 in allusion hereunto , to take unto themselves the whole armour of god , mentioned 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . to take 〈◊〉 themselves for a covering for their head , the 〈◊〉 of salvation , that their ears might be fortified against their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that their eyes might be strengthned against the beholding of 〈◊〉 images , that their forehead might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that so the sign of god might be 〈◊〉 inviolable . so pontius speaks of certain confessors , who by the 〈◊〉 of their t or mentors had their foreheads marked a second time. it is observed by tertullian , that the devil strives to be god's ape , imitating the acts of his worship and service , and prescribing the fame to his deluded adorers , as particularly in the idolatrous services of 〈◊〉 as , whose priests baptized some as his believing and faithful servants , and sign'd them in their foreheads as his 〈◊〉 . § . . to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imposition of hands , or that which most properly we term confirmation , which was , the minister 〈◊〉 his hands on the head of the party baptized ; anointed and signed , and prayed that the holy ghost would be pleased to descend , and 〈◊〉 upon him : this immediately followed signation , as that did unction . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the flesh is 〈◊〉 that the soul may be 〈◊〉 ; the flesh is signed , that the 〈◊〉 . the flesh is 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 that the soul may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the spirit . and when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is finished , 〈◊〉 hands are imposed , with prayers invocating and inviting the holy 〈◊〉 . § . 〈◊〉 . having thus briefly shewn what their additional acts to baptism were , it will in the 〈◊〉 place be necessary to enquire into the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or reasons of their usage of them ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for unction : this was taken from the 〈◊〉 rites , 〈◊〉 it was employed in the instalment of 〈◊〉 high priest , to denote his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the service of god , as tertullian writes ; this vnction is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the jewish dispensation , wherein the high priest was anointed with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of an horn , as aaron was by moses . so now in the times of the gospel , all christians being , as tertullian says , 〈◊〉 to god and the 〈◊〉 . they were in 〈◊〉 thereunto 〈◊〉 by the a 〈◊〉 of oyl to their 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 , os the 〈◊〉 father expresses it , the flesh is anointed , 〈◊〉 soul may be consecrated . from the spiritual unction also of god the son by god the father , for which reason he was called christ , or anointed , they pleaded for their 〈◊〉 and external unction , as 〈◊〉 saith , jesus is called christ from being anointed , which vnction was spiritual , because whilst only a spirit , he was anointed by the father , as in the acts. they are gathered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this city against thy holy son , whom thou hast 〈◊〉 ; but our 〈◊〉 is carnal , though it spiritually profits . cyprian adds this further reason for this custom of 〈◊〉 , viz. he that is baptized , must of necessity receive the 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 , that so he may be the 〈◊〉 of god , and 〈◊〉 in him the gract of christ. § . . as for signation , or the signing with the sign of the cross : by this was 〈◊〉 . that they were to be 〈◊〉 and valiant in the cause of christ , having their hearts 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , as 〈◊〉 observes , the 〈◊〉 is sign'd , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 may be 〈◊〉 . hence this sign was made on an open , visible place , on their 〈◊〉 which is the seat of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , implying thereby , that they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and constantly to fight like good soldiers under the cross of christ ; whence 〈◊〉 says , that as the christians , so the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 sign'd the foreheads of their soldiers . § . . as for the very act of confirmation , or imposition of hands , that was practised from an opinion of the imperfection of 〈◊〉 , that that did not convey the graces of the holy spirit , but only prepared persons for the reception of them , when they should be actually bestown in the confirmation , for as 〈◊〉 says , we do not receive the holy ghostin baptism , but-being 〈◊〉 therein by the 〈◊〉 , ( 〈◊〉 to the angel that mov'd upon the 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 ) we are 〈◊〉 prepared for the holy ghost . and , when our bodies , are 〈◊〉 and blessed , then that most holy spirit willingly descends from the father . and at the imposition of hands , the soul is illuminated by the spirit . cyprian in his th epistle , § . , , , 〈◊〉 somewhat largely of this custom of confirmation ; from whence i have observed this following 〈◊〉 of it . every one in a state of heathenism and idolatry was considered as dead ; wherefore when any one came from that state to the christian faith , he was said to live ; which life may be compared to a natural life : as to compleat a natural life ; there must be a body 〈◊〉 a soul , so must the same be imagin'd in a 〈◊〉 life : as in the first creation , god first 〈◊〉 the body of man , and then breathed 〈◊〉 him the breath of life ; first made a fit 〈◊〉 to receive the soul , before the soul its self 〈◊〉 framed : so in the second creation , god first prepares the man , before he gives his spirit ; 〈◊〉 first makes the man a fit temple for the holy ghost , before he gives the holy ghost . now the 〈◊〉 by which a man is prepared and 〈◊〉 , is by baptism , by which he is cleansed and purged from sin , and fitted for the reception of the spirit of god , in which respect he is to be regarded as a body : the way by which the holy ghost is infused , which as a living soul must actuate and direct that prepared body , is by prayer and imposition of hands , or by confirmation . for as cyprian writes in the same place , baptism alone cannot purge away . sins , or sanctifie a man , unless he has also the holy ghost . that is , has received confirmation , as it is frequently styl'd in cyprian's epistles . in the decrees of the council of carthage , and in the letter of cornelius to fabius bishop of antioch , extant in eusebius , lib. . cap. . p. . this being the regeneration of the spirit , and baptism the regeneration of water , both which our saviour affirmed to be necessary , when he said unto 〈◊〉 , john . . except a man be born of water , and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of god. as nemesianus bishop of thubunis saith , one is not sufficient without the other , the spirit cannot 〈◊〉 without water , nor the water without the spirit . therefore it was necessary to be regenerated by both sacraments , viz. by baptism and by confirmation . wherefore , as cyprian exhorts , we must pray , that those who are yet earthly , may become heavenly , and be born of the water and the spirit . that is , be baptized and confirmed , which were the external signs of 〈◊〉 from sin , 〈◊〉 bestowing grace , both 〈◊〉 necessary to make a compleat 〈◊〉 ; for as the same father writes , then are 〈◊〉 truly sanctified , and fully become the sons of god , when they are regenerated with both sacraments , baptism and 〈◊〉 ; according as it is written , except a man be born of water and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of god. so that though a 〈◊〉 was baptized , yet they accounted his christianity incomplete and imperfect till he was also confirmed : for which reason 〈◊〉 objects against 〈◊〉 , that he could scarcely acknowledge him a complete christian , because being baptized in his bed , he 〈◊〉 not received confirmation , or the additionary rituals to baptism , nor did he ever 〈◊〉 receive them . thus you see the reasons they produced for this usage , to fortifie which , they added some examples of the holy writ , 〈◊〉 tertullian 〈◊〉 to this purpose the example of jacob 〈◊〉 genesis , who put his hands on the heads of ephraim and manaffes , and blessed them . and cyprian urges that instance of the apostles , acts . . . where , after several of the 〈◊〉 had been baptized by philip , peter and james conferred the holy ghost on them by imposition of hands , they had no need again to be baptized , saith he , having been baptized by 〈◊〉 , but only what was 〈◊〉 or lacking , was performed by peter and john , which was , that by prayer , and imposition of hands , the holy ghost should be conferred on them , which custom , as he there adds , is now observed by us , that those who are baptized in the church , are offered to the governours thereof ; by whose prayer and imposition of hands , they receive the holy ghost , and are compleated with the lord's seal . to this practice also firmilian refers that action of st. paul , in acts . . where on those who had been only baptized by john's baptism , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the holy ghost by imposition of hands , and cyprian applies to confirmation the descent of the holy ghost , 〈◊〉 . . in miraculous 〈◊〉 and gifts of tongues on cornelius and his friends , though they were not then baptized . so much now for the reasons of confirmation ; all that i shall do more , is to add two or three observations concerning it . § . . the first whereof is , that confirmation was an immediate consequent of baptism ; it was not deferred till many years after , but was presently administred , as tertullian writes , as soon as we come out of the baptismal laver , we are anointed , and then we are confirmed . else if they had not been so soon confirmed , they must , notwithstanding their baptism , according to their opinions , as it hath been before demonstrated , have continued graceless , without the adorning gifts of the holy spirit , a long time , even as long as their confirmation was delayed , which to imagine concerning them is unreasonable and uncharitable . indeed in case of necessity , when they had neither time nor 〈◊〉 it was waved , 〈◊〉 immersion was with respect to baptism ; but yet if the sick person happened to recover , he was then to be confirmed , as is evident from the case of novatian , whom 〈◊〉 accuses , because that when he was restored to his health again , he was not confirmed according to the canon of the church . but otherwise 〈◊〉 immediately , or 〈◊〉 the same time followed 〈◊〉 . § . . from the former observation there follows this , that not only the bishop , but also his presbyters or curates did by his 〈◊〉 , and in his absence confirm : for if confirmation always succeeded baptism , then whenever baptism was , there was also confirmation . now 〈◊〉 for baptism , we may reasonably suppose , that in a church there were some fit to be 〈◊〉 at least once a year ; and sometimes it might happen that either the see was 〈◊〉 , or the bishop through persecution might be 〈◊〉 from his flock so long a time , as cyprian was double the space ; and if so , must no persons have been baptized within that time by reason of the bishop's unavoidable absence ? that seems a little hard , since , as was said before , they esteemed baptism and confirmation necessary to salvation , and to deprive 〈◊〉 souls of salvation , that died within that 〈◊〉 , because they had not been confirmed by 〈◊〉 bishop , which was impossible , would be too severe and uncharitable . besides , that presbyters did baptize , we have proved already ; and since confirmation was done at the same time with baptism , it is very reasonable to conclude , that he that did the one , performed the other also . but , that presbyters did confirm , will appear most evidently from this very consideration , viz. that the imposition of hands 〈◊〉 persons just after baptism , which we call confirmation , and the imposition of hands at the 〈◊〉 of offenders , which we call 〈◊〉 , was one and the self same thing , confirmation and absolution being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that we make use of , to distinguish the 〈◊〉 times of the performances of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ceremony . the : thing or 〈◊〉 was not different , imposition of hands was used both at one and 〈◊〉 other , 〈◊〉 the same mystical signification , viz. the conferring 〈◊〉 the holy ghost and his graces on that 〈◊〉 : on whom 〈◊〉 were imposed . only now to distinguish the time of this 〈◊〉 of hands , whether after baptism , or at the 〈◊〉 of offenders ; these two terms of confirmation and 〈◊〉 are used by us , the former to signifie that used just after baptism , and the latter , that 〈◊〉 was employed at . this now , viz. that confirmation and 〈◊〉 were one and the self same thing , i 〈◊〉 presently prove : and then in the next 〈◊〉 i shall shew , that with the bishop , and sometimes without the bishop , presbyters did absolve by imposition of hands . and if these 〈◊〉 points can be clearly manifested , it will 〈◊〉 follow that presbyters did confirm ; for if there was no difference between confirmation and absolution , but only with respect to time ; and 〈◊〉 presbyters at one time , viz. at absolution conferred the holy ghost by imposition of hands , it is very unreasonable to deprive them of the same power at the other time , which was at confirmation . if presbyters could at one season bestow the holy spirit , it is very probable that they could do the same at the other also . now as to the first point , viz. that there was no difference between confirmation and absolution , but that they were one and the self same thing ; this will appear most evidently from the consideration of that famous controversie , touching the validity of hereticks baptism , between stephen bishop of rome , and cyprian bishop of carthage : or rather between the churches of europe and africa , the sum whereof was this , stephen bishop of rome 〈◊〉 , that those who were baptized by hereticks , and came over to the catholick church , should be received only by imposition of hands . cyprian bishop of carthage contended , that besides imposition of hands , they should also be baptized , unless that they had been before baptiz'd by the orthodox , in which case imposition of hands should be esteemed sufficient . now this imposition of hands they sometimes term that which we 〈◊〉 confirmation , and sometimes absolution , 〈◊〉 using either of those expressions , and indifferently applying them , according 〈◊〉 they pleased , in one place giving it the title of confirmation , and in another that of absolution , which that they did , i shall endeavour to evince , by shewing ; first , that they called this imposition of hands confirmation . secondly , that they called it absolution . first , i shall prove that they called it confirmation ; unto which end let us consider these following 〈◊〉 , those , says cyprian , which are baptized without the church , when they come unto us , and 〈◊〉 the church which is 〈◊〉 one , they are to be baptized , because the imposition of hands by confirmation , is not sufficient without baptism , for then they are fully sanctified , and become the sons of god , when they are born 〈◊〉 both sacraments , 〈◊〉 as it is written , 〈◊〉 a man be born again of the water and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of god. to the same effect says 〈◊〉 bishop of 〈◊〉 , those 〈◊〉 greatly 〈◊〉 , who affirm that they ought only to be confirmed by imposition of hands , and so to be received , since it is , manifest they must be 〈◊〉 with both sacraments in the catholick church . and secundinus bishop of carpis determined , that on hereticks who are the seed of antichrist , the holy ghost cannot be conferred by imposition of hands alone in confirmation . stephen pleaded on his side , that 〈◊〉 very name of christ was so advantagious to faith and the sanctification 〈◊〉 baptism , that in what place soever any one was baptized in that name , he immediately obtained the grace of christ. but unto this firmilian briefly replies , that if the baptism of hereticks , because done in the name of christ , was sufficient to purge away sins , why was not confirmation , that was performed in the name of the same christ , sufficient to bestow the holy 〈◊〉 ? and therefore it is thus eagerly argued by cyprian , why 〈◊〉 they , saith he , ( meaning stephen and his party , who received hereticks by imposition of hands only ) patronize hereticks and schismaticks , let them answer us , have they the holy ghost , or have they not ? if they have , why then do they lay hands on those that are baptized by them , when they ceme over to us , to bestow on them the holy ghost , when they had received him before ; for if he was there , they could confer him ? but if hereticks and 〈◊〉 have not the spirit of god , and therefore we lay hands on them in confirmation , that they may here receive , what hereticks neither have , nor can give ; it is manifest , that since they have not the holy ghost , they cannot give remission of sins . that is , since they cannot confirmtherefore they cannot baptize . so that from these and some other passages , which to avoid tediousness i omit ; it is clear , that both stephen and cyprian understood by imposition of hands , that which we now call 〈◊〉 . secondly , i now come to shew , that they also termed it absolution , as will appear from these following instances . they ( says cyprian , meaning stephen and his followers ) urge , that in what they do , they follow the old custom , that was used by the ancients when heresies and schisms first began , when those that went over to them , first were in the church , and baptized therein , who when they returned again to the church , and did penance , were not forced to be baptized . but this , says he , makes nothing against us , for we now observe the very same ; those who were baptized here , and from us went over to the hereticks . if afterwards being sensible of their error they return to the church , we only absolve them by the imposition of hands , because once they were sheep , and as wandring and straying sheep the shepherd receives them into his flock ; but if those that come from hereticks were not first baptized in the church , they are to be baptized , that they may become sheep ; for there is but one holy water in the church , that makes sheep . but that this imposition of hands was the same with absolution , will most evidently appear from the opinion or determination of stephen , and from cyprian's answer thereunto . stephen's opinion or determination was if any shall from any heresie come unto us , let nothing be innovated or introduced besides the old tradition , which is , that hands be imposed on him as a penitent . now unto that part of this decree which asserts the reception of hereticks only by absolution , or the imposition of hands in penance to be a tradition , descended down from their predecessors . cyprian replies , that he would observe it as a divine and holy tradition , if it were either commanded in the gospel , and the epistles of the apostles , or contained in the acts , that those who came from hereticks should not be baptized , but only hands imposed on them for penance , or , as penitents ; but that for his part , he never found it either commanded or written , that on an heretick hands should be only imposed for penance , and so he should be admitted to communion wherefore he on his side concludes and determins , let it therefore be observ'd , and held by us , that all who from any herefie are converted to the church , be baptized with the one lawful baptism of the church , except those who were formerly baptized in the church , who when they return , are to be received by the alone imposition of hands after penance into the flock , from whence they have strayed . so that these instances do as clearly prove , that they meant by their imposition of hands , absolution , as the former instances do , that they meant confirmation , and both of them together plainly shew and evidence confirmation and absolution to be the very self-same thing ; for since they promiscuously used and indifferently applyed these terms , and that very thing , which in some places they express by confirmation , in others they call absolution , it necessarily follows , that there can be no essential or specifical difference between them , but that they are of a like numerical identity or sameness . but , secondly , i now come in the next place to demonstrate , that together with the bishop , and sometimes without the bishop , presbyters did absolve by imposition of hands , that they did it , together with the bishop , several places of cyprian abundantly prove . offenders , saith he , receive the right of communion by the imposition of hands of the bishop , and of his clergy . and , no criminal can be admitted to communion , unless the bishop and clergy have imposed hands on him . and that some times they did it without the bishop ( always understanding his leave and permission ) is apparent from the example of serapion , who being out of the churches peace , and approaching the hour of dissolution , sent for one of the presbyters to absolve him , which the presbyter did , according to the order of the bishop , who had before given his permission unto the presbyters to absolve those who were in danger of death . and as the bishop of alexandria gave his presbyters this power , so likewise did cyprian bishop of carthage , who when he was in exile , order'd his clergy to confess and absolve by imposition of hands , those who were in danger of death . and if any were in such condition , they should not expect his presence , but betake themselves to the first presbyter they could find , who should receive their confession , and absolve them by imposition of hands . so that it is evident that presbyters , even without the bishop , did absolve offenders , and formally receive them into the churches peace by imposition of hands . now then , if the imposition of hands on persons just after baptism , and the imposition of hands at the restitution of offenders was one and the self-same thing ; and if presbyters had power and authority to perform the latter , i see no reason why we should abridge them of the former ; both the one and the other was confirmation ; and if presbyters could confirm at one time , why should we doubt of their right and ability to perform it another time ? if it was lawful for them to impose hands on one occasion , it was as lawful for them to do it on another . § . from the precedent observation of the identity of that which we now distinguish by the names of confirmation and absolution , it necessarily results , that confirmation was not like baptism , only once performed , but on many persons frequently reiterated : all persons after baptism were confirmed , that is , by the imposition of hands and prayer , the holy ghost was beseeched to descend upon them , and so to fortifie them by his heavenly grace , as that they might couragiously persevere in their christian warfare to their lives end ; but if it should so happen , as oftentimes it did , that any so confirmed should fall from the christian faith , and be for a time excluded the churches peace , when they were again admitted , hands were again imposed on them , and the holy spirit again invocated , to strengthen them with his almighty grace , by which they might be upheld to the day of salvation ; and so as often as any man fell , and was restored to the churches communion , so often was he confirmed , and the holy ghost entreated more firmly to establish and settle him . chap. vi. § . of the lord's supper : the time when administred . § . persons that received it ; none present at the celebration thereof besides the communicants . § . the manner of its celebration : in some places the communicants first made their offerings . § . the minister began with a sacramental discourse , or exhortation : then followed a prayer , consisting of petitions and praises , which consecrated both the elements at once . § . after that the words of the institution were read . § . then the bread was broken , and the wine poured out , and both distributed : diversity of customs in the manner of the distribution . § . the posture of receiving . § . after they had communicated they sung a psalm and then concluded with prayer , and a collection for the poor . § : the first of the christian sacraments having been so largely discussed , i now come to treat of the other , viz. the lords supper ; in the handling of which i shall enquire into these three things : . the time. . the person . and , . the manner thereof . first , as for the time of its celebration : in general , it was at the conclusion of their solemn services , as justin martyr writes , that after they had read , sung , preached and prayed , then they proceeded to the administration of the eucharist . but as for the particular part of the day , that seems to have been according to the circumstances and customs of every church . in tertullian's age and country they received it at supper-time ; from which late assembling , it is probable , that the heathens took occasion to accuse them of putting out the lights , and promiscuously mingling one with another . which accusation may be read at large in justin martyr's dialogue with tryphon , in minutius felix , and the apologies of tertullian and athenagoras . but whether this was then their constant season in times of peace , i know not ; this is certain , that in times of persecution they laid hold on any season or opportunity for the enjoying of this sacred ordinance : whence tertullian tells us of their receiving the eucharist in their antelucan assemblies , or , in their assemblies before day . and pliny reports , that in his time the christians were wont to meet together before it was light , and to bind themselves by a sacrament . cyprian writes that in his days they administer'd this sacrament both morning and evening . and , that as christ administer'd the sacrament in the evening , to signifie the evening and end of the world. so they celebrated it in the morning , to denote the resurrection of their lord and master . all that can be gathered from hence is , that they did not deem any particular part of the day necessary to the essence of the sacrament , but every church regulated its self herein according to the diversity of its customs and circumstances . § . as for the 〈◊〉 communicating , they were not indifferently all that professed the christian faith , as origen writes , it doth not belong to every one to eat of this bread , and to drink of this cup. but they were only such as were in the number of the faithful , such as were baptized , and received both the credentials and practicals of christianity . that is , who believed the articles of the christian faith , and lead an holy and a pious life . such as these , and none else , were permitted to communicate . now since none but the faithful were admitted , it follows that the catechumens and the penitents were excluded ; the catechumens because they were not yet baptized , for baptism always preceded the lords supper , as justin martyr says . it is not lawful for any one to partake of the sacramental food , except he be baptized . the penitents , because for their sins they were cast out of the church , and whilst excluded from the peace thereof , they could not participate of the marks and tokens of that peace , but were to be driven therefrom , and not admitted thereto , till they had fully satisfied for their faults , lest otherwise they should profane the body of the lord , and drink his cup unworthily , and so be guilty of the body and blood of the lord. hence when the other parts of divine worship were ended , and the celebration of the eucharist was to begin , the catechumens , penitents , and all , except the communicants , were to depart , as tertullian says hereof , pious initiations drive away the profane . these being mysteries which were to be kept secret and concealed from all , except the faithful ; inasmuch as to others the very method and manner of their actions herein were unknown , which was observed by the pagans , who objected to the christians the secrecy of their mysteries , which charge tertullian does not deny , but confessing it , answers , that that was the very nature of mysteries to be concealed , as ceres's were in samothracia . § . the catechumens with others being gone out , and none remaining but the faithful , the celebration of the eucharist next followed ; which brings me to the inquiry of the third thing , viz. the manner of the celebration thereof . but before i meddle therewith , i shall briefly premise this observation , viz. that in some places , as in france and africa the communicants first made their offerings , presenting according to their ability , bread , or wine , or the like , as the first fruits of their encrease , it being our duty , as irenaeus writes , to offer unto god the first fruits of his creatures , as moses saith , thou shalt not appear empty before the lord. not as if god wanted these things , but to shew our fruitfulness and gratitude unto him . wherefore cyprian thus severely blam'd the rich matrons for their scanty oblations , thou art rich and wealthy , saith he , and dost thou think duly to celebrate the lord's supper , when thou refusest to give ? thou who comest to the sacrament without a sacrifice , what part canst thou have from the sacrifice which the poor offer up ? these offerings were employed to the relief of the poor , and other uses of the church ; and it seems probable that a sufficient quantity of that bread and wine was presented to the bishop , or to him that officiated , to be employed for the sacramental elements , whose consecration next succeeded , which in the main was after this following manner . § . it is very likely , that in many places the minister first began with an exhortation or discourse touching the nature and end of that sacrament , which the congregation were going to partake of , that so their hearts might be the more elevated and raised into heavenly frames and dispositions . this may be gathered from the history of an exorcist woman , related by firmilian , who took upon her to per. form many ecclesiastical administrations , as to baptize and celebrate the lord's supper , which last she did without the wonted sermon , or , discourse . which seems to intimate , that in those days it was customary in lesser asia , and perhaps at carthage too , for the minister to make a speech or exhortation before the participation of the sacrament . but whether this practice was universal , or more ancient than 〈◊〉 , i cannot determin ; this that follows was , viz. a prayer over the elements by him that officiated , unto which the people gave their assent , by saying amen . this prayer is thus described by justin martyr , bread and wine are offered to the minister , who receiving them gives praise and glory to the lord of all through the son , and the holy ghost , and in a large manner renders particular thanks for the present mercies ; who when he hath ended his prayers and praise , all the people say amen . and when the minister hath thus given thanks , and the people said amen , the deacons distributed the elements . and again , bread and wine are offered to the minister , who to the utmost of his abilities sends up prayers and praises , and the people say amen , and then the consecrated elements are distributed . from this description by justin martyr of the sacramental prayer , we may observe these few things pertinent to the matter in hand . i. that there was but one long prayer antecedent to the distribution of the elements : for he says , that the minister having received the bread and wine , he offered up prayers and praise unto god in a large manner ; and when he had ended , the people said amen . ii. that this long prayer consisted of two parts , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he calls them , that is , petition and thanksgiving ; in the former they prayed for the peace of the church , the quiet of the world , the health of their emperors , and in a word , for all men that needed their prayers , as it is represented by tertullian , we pray , saith he , for the emperors , for all that are in authority under them , for the state of the world , for the quiet of affairs , and for the delay of the day of judgment . in the latter they gave god thanks for sending christ , and for the institution of that comfortable sacrament , desiring his blessing on , and consecration of the elements then before them . iii. that by this one prayer both the elements were consecrated at once ; for he says , that the minister took both elements together , and blessed them , and then they were distributed . he did not consecrate them distinctly , but both together . § . after prayer was ended , they read the words of institution , that so the elements might be consecrated by the word , as well as by prayer . whence origen calls the sacramental elements the food that is sanctified by the word of god and prayer . and that is hallowed by the word of god , and prayer . and 〈◊〉 writes , that when the bread and wine perceive the word of god , then it becomes the eucharist of the body and blood of christ. § . the elements being thus consecrated , the minister took the bread , and brake it , the bread which we break , or , or the broken bread , as it is styled by irenaeus , and then gave it to the deacons , who distributed it to the communicants , and after that the cup , which the deacons in the like manner delivered . so it was in justin martyr's time and country , the element , saith he , being blessed , the deacons give to every one present of the consecrated bread and wine . but in tertullian's time and country the minister , and not the deacons , distributed the elements , we receive , saith he , from no ones hands but the bishops . and yet at the same place not many years after , the deacons offered the cup to those that were present . so that herein there was a diversity of customs ; in some places the deacons delivered the elements , in others the bishop , or the minister that consecrated them . but whether it was done either by bishop or deacons , it seems probable , that which of them soever did it , they delivered the sacramental bread and wine particularly to each communicant . i find but one example to the contrary , and that was in the church of alexandria , where the custom was to permit the people to take the bread themselves from the plate , or vessel wherein it was consecrated , as is insinuated by clemens alexandrinus ; but in most other churches it is likely that the elements were particularly delivered to every single communicant . so it was in the country of justin martyr , where the deacons gave to each one of the consecrated bread and wine . so at carthage in the time of cyprian , the deacons offered the cup to those that were present . in the time of which father it was usual for children and sucking infants to receive the sacrament , unto whom it was necessary particularly to deliver the elements , since it was impossible for them to take it orderly from the hands of others : and therefore when a little sucking girl refused to taste the sacramental wine , the deacon violently forc'd it down her throat . so it was also at rome , as appears from what cornelius reports of his antagonist novatian , that when he administer'd the sacrament , and divided and gave to each man his part ; with his two hands he held those of the receiver , saying to him , swear unto me by the body and blood of the lord jesus christ , that thou wilt never leave my party , to return to that of cornelius ; so forcing the miserable receiver , instead of saying amen , to say , i will not return to cornelius . § . as for the posture of receiving , at alexandria the custom was to stand at the table , and receive the elements , which may be supposed to have been 〈◊〉 this manner : the bread and wine being consecrated , the communicants came up in order to the communion table , and there standing received the elements , and then returned to their places again . but whether this was universal i know not , or whether any other postures were used , i cannot determin ; only as for kneeling , if the sacrament was celebrated on the lords day , as usually it was , or on any other day between easter and whitsontide , then no church whatsoever kneeled ; for as tertullian writes , on the lords day we account it a sin to worship kneeling , which custom we also observe from easter to whitsontide . § . the elements being thus blessed , distributed , and received , they afterwards sung an hymn or psalm to the praise and glory of god , as tertullian writes , then every one sings an hymn to god , either of his own composition , or out of the holy scriptures . then followed for a conclusion a prayer of thanksgiving to god almighty for his inestimable grace and mercy ; as the same tertullian saith , prayer concludes this feast . to which was subjoined a collection for the poor . when as justin martyr reports , every one that was able and willing gave according to his ability , and that that was gathered , was committed to the care of the bishop , who relieved therewith the orphans and widows , the sick and distressed , prisoners , travellers , strangers , and in a word , all that had need thereof . chap. vii . § . of the circumstances of publick worship . § . of the place thereof : in times of peace fixed places for that end , metonymically called churches . § . how those churches were built . § . no holiness in those places . § . of the time of publick worship . § . the first day of the week an usual time. § . celebrated with joyfulness , esteemed holy , and spent in an holy manner . § . their reasons for the observation of this day . § . the usual title of this day , the lord's day . § . sometimes called sunday , but never the sabbath-day . § . saturday another time of publick worship . § . hitherto i have spoken of the several particular acts of the publick worship of the ancients : i now come , according to my propounded order , to enquire into the necessary circumstances thereof . by which i mean such things as are inseparable from all humane actions , as place and time , habit , and gesture . as for habit , as much of that as is controverted , i have spoken to already in that chapter , where i discoursed of the ministers habit in prayer . and as for gesture , i have already treated of worshipping towards the east . and of their posture at the reception of the lord's supper . there is nothing more disputed with reference thereunto , besides the bowing at the name of jesus , and the worshipping towards the communion table ; but both these being introduced after my prescribed time , viz. above three hundred years after christ , i shall say nothing to them , but pass on to the discussing of the two remaining circumstances of publick worship , viz. place and time. § . first . as for place : this all will readily grant to be a necessary circumstance of divine worship ; for if we serve god , it is impossible , but that it must be in one place or other . now one query with respect hereunto may be , whether the primitive christians had determined fixed places for their publick worship ? unto which i answer , that usually they had ; though it is true indeed , that in times of persecution , or when their circumstances would not permit them to have one usual sixed place , they met where-ever they could , in fields , deserts , ships or inns : yet in times of peace and serenity they chose the most setled convenient place that they could get , for the performance of their solemn services ; which place , by a metonymy , they called the church . thus at rome , the place where the christians met , and chose fabian for their bishop , was the church . at antioch paulus samosasatenus bishop thereof , ordered certain women to sing psalms to his praise in the midst of the church . at carthage the baptized persons renounced the devil and all his works . in the church and thus fertullian very frequently calls their definite places for divine worship churches . § . as for the form of these churches , or the fashion of their building , i find this description of them in tertullian , the house of our dove like religion is simple , built on high and in open view , respecting the light as the figure of the holy spirit , and the east as the representation of christ. the meaning whereofis , that their churches were erected on high and open places , and made very light and shining , in imitation of the holy ghost's descent upon the apostles at the day of pentecost , who came down with fire , or light upon them ; and that they were built towards the east , in resemblance of christ , whom they apprehended in scripture to be called the east , concerning which title , and the reason thereof , i have already discoursed in that head concerning praying towards the east , unto which place , to avoid repetition , i refer the reader . § . but tho' they had these fixed places or churches for conveniency and decency , yet they did not imagin any such sanctity or holiness to be in them , as to recommend or make more acceptable those services that were discharged therein , than if they had been performed elsewhere ; for as clemens alexandrinus writes , every place is in truth holy , where we receive any knowledge of god. and as justin martyr saith , through jesus christ we are now all become priests to god , who hath promised to accept our sacrifices in every , or in any part of the world. and therefore in times of persecution , or such like emergencies , they scrupled not to meet in other places ; but where-ever they could securely joyn together in their religious services , there they met , though it were in fields , deserts , ships , inns or prisons , as was the case and practice of dionysius bishop of alexandria . so that the primitive practice and opinion with respect to this circumstance of place was , that if the state of their affairs would permit them , they had fixed places for their publick worship , call'd churches , which they set apart to that use , for conveniency and decencies sake ; but not attributing unto them any such holiness , as thereby to sanctifie those services that were performed in them . i know nothing more with respect to place , that requires our consideration : i shall therefore now proceed to enquire into the time of publick worship , under which will be comprehended the primitive fasts and feasts . § . time is as necessary a circumstance to religious worship as place ; for whilst we are in this world , we cannot serve god at all times , but must have some determinate time to serve him in : that god's people therefore under the law might not be left at an uncertainty when to serve him , it pleased the almighty to institute the sabbath , the passover , and other feasts , at which times they were to congregate and assemble together , to give unto god the glory due unto his name , and for the same end under the evangelical administration there are particular days and seasons appointed for the publick and solemn worship of the glorious and eternal lord , according to the sayings of clemens romanus , god hath required us to serve him . in the appointed times and seasons . for which reason we ought to serve him at those determinated times . that so worshipping him at those commanded seasons , we may be blessed and accepted by him . § . now the principallest and chiefest of these prescribed times was the first day of the week , on which they constantly met together to perform their religious services . so writes justin martyr . on the day that is called sunday , all both of the country and city assemble together , where we preach and pray , and discharge all the other usual parts of divine worship . upon which account those parts of god's publick worship are styled by tertullian the lord's days solemnities . aurelius , who was ordained a lector , or a clark , by cyprian , is described in the execution of his office , by reading on the lord's day . and victorinus petavionensis represents , this day , as an usual time , wherein they received the lord's supper . which was observed by the heathen in minucius felix , who mentions the christians assembling to eat on a solemn day . and pliny reports , that the christians in his time met together on an appointed day , to sing praises unto christ , as a god , and to bind themselves by a sacrament . § . this was the day which clemens alexandrinus calls the chief of days , our rest indeed ; which they observed as the highest and supremest festival , on sunday we give our selves to joy , saith tertullian . and before him st. barnabas , we keep the eighth day with gladness . and ignatius , we observe the lord's day , banishing every thing on this day that had the least tendency to , or the least appearance of sorrow and grief ; inasmuch that now they esteemed it a sin either to fast or kneel : even the montanists themselves , those rigid observers of fasts and abstinences abstained from fasting on this most glad and joying day . this day they accounted holy , as dionysius bishop of corinth , in his letter to the church of rome , saith , to day being the lord's day , we keep it holy . the way wherein they sanctified it , or kept it holy , was the employing of themselves in acts of divine worship and adoration , especially in the publick parts thereof , which they constantly performed on this day , as has been already proved ; and in that forementioned letter , where dionysius bishop of corinth , writ unto the church of rome , that that day being the lord's day , they kept it holy . the manner of sanctifying it is immediately subjoined , in it , saith he , we have read your epistle , as also the first epistle of clemens . and clemens alexandrinus writes , that a true christian , according to the commands of the gospel , observes the lords day , by casting out all 〈◊〉 thoughts , and entertaining all good ones , glorifying the resurrection of the lord on that day . § . the reafon why they observed this day with so much joy and gladness , was , that they might gratefully commemorate the glorious resurrection of their redeemer , that happened thereon . so writes st. barnabas , we keep the eighth day with gladness , on which christ arose from the dead . so says ignatius , let us keep the lord's day , on which our life arose through 〈◊〉 . and so says clemens alexandrinus , he that truly observes the lord's day , glorifies therein the resurrection of the lord. justin martyr relates that on sunday the christians assembled together , because it was the first day of the week , on which god out of the confused chaos made the world , and jesus christ our saviour arose from the dead ; for on fryday he was crucified , and on sunday he appeared to his apostles and disciples , and taught them those things that the christians now believe . and to the same purpose origen adviseth his auditors to pray unto almighty god , especially on the lord's day , which is a commemoration of christ's passion ; for the resurrection of christ is not only celebrated once a year , but every seven days . § . from hence it was , that the usual appellation of this day both by the greek and latin churches , was the lords day . so it is styled by clemens alexandrinus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the lords day . and amongst the latins , by victorinus petavionensis , dies dominicus , the lords day . as also by an african synod , and by tertullian . sometimes it is simply called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , dominicus , that is , the lords , without the addition of the word day , as it is thus called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by ignatius . and dominicus by cyprian . § . so that the lords day was the common and ordinary title of this blessed and glorious day ; though sometimes in compliance with the heathens , that they might know what day they meant thereby , they called it in their phrase , sunday , so termed because dedicated to the sun. thus justin martyr informing the heathens of the time and manner of the christians assemblies tells them that on the day called sunday they met together for their religious exereises . and , that on sunday they assembled together . and so tertullian upon the same occasion lets the heathens know that the christians indulged themselves on sunday to mirth and joyfulness . but though they so far complyed with the heathens as to call this sunday , yet i do not find that they ever so far indulged the jews as to call it the sabbath day ; for through all their writings , as may be especially seen in tertullian , and justin martyr , they violently declaim against sabbatizing , or keeping the sabbath day , that is , the judaical observation of the seventh day , which we must always understand by the word sabbatum in the writings of the ancients , not the observation of the first day , or the lords day ; for that was constantly celebrated , as it has been already proved , and by those who condemn the observance of the sabbath day , the sanctification of the lord's day is approved and recommended , as by justin martyr and tertullian in those passages already cited , unto which we may add that clear passage of ignatius , let us no longer sabbatize , but keep the lords day , on which our life rose . or as it is more fully expressed in his interpolated epistle , instead of sabbatizing , let every christian keep the lords day , the day on which christ rose again ; the queen of days , on which our life arose , and death was conquered by christ. § . so that their not sabbatizing did not exclude their keeping of the lords day nor the christian , but only the judaical observance of the sabbath , or seventh day ; for the eastern churches , in compliance with the jewish converts , who were numerous in those parts , performed on the seventh day the same publick religious services that they did on the first day , observing both the one and the other as a festival . whence origen enumerates saturday as one of the four feasts solemnized in his time ; though on the contrary , some of the western churches , that they might not seem to judaise , fasted on saturday , as victorinus petavionensis writes , we use to fast on the seventh day . and , it is our custom then to fast , that we may not seem with the jews to observe the sabbath . so that besides the lord's day , saturday was an usual season whereon many churches solemnized their religious services . as for those other times , in which they publickly assembled for the performance of divine worship , they will fall under the two general heads of times of fasting and times of feasting , of which in the following chapters . chap. viii . § of the primitive fasts , two-fold , occasional and fix'd , of occasional fasts , what they were , and by whom appointed . § . of fixt fasts , two-fold , weekly and annual : wednesdays and fridays weekly fasts ; till what time of the day observed , and why observed . § . one necessary annual fast , viz. lent. why they fasted at lent , and how long lasted . § . of the manner of their fasts . three sorts of fasts , viz. statio , jejunium , and superpositio . what those several kinds were , and at what times observed . § . in this chapter i shall make an enquiry into the primitive fasts , which may be considered in a two-fold respect , either as occasional , or fixt . occasional fasts were such , as were not determined by any constant fixed period of time , but observed on extraordinary and unusual seasons , according as the variety and necessity of their circumstances did require them . thus in times of great and imminent danger either of church or state , when by their sins they had kindled god's wrath and fury against them , that they might divert his vengeance , and appease his offended majesty , they appointed set days and times for the abasing of themselves before the lord , for the seeking of his face by prayer and fasting , abstaining from the food of their bodies , and practising all external acts of humiliation , as so many indications of the internal contrition of their hearts and souls . so cyprian in the time of a sharp persecution advised his flock to seek to appease and pacifie the lord , not only by prayers , but by fastings , and by tears , and by all kind of intreaties . and when the same father foresaw an approaching persecution , he writ to cornelius bishop of rome , that since god was pleased in his providence to warn them of an approaching fight and tryal , they ought with their whole flocks diligently to fast and watch , and pray , to give themselves to continual groans , and frequent prayers ; for those are our spiritual arms , that make us firmly to stand and persevere . tertullian jeers the heathens , that in times of danger or great necessity , after they had voluptuously and sensually glutted themselves , they then ran to the capitol , and with all outward signs of humility , deprecated gods judgments , and implored his mercy , whilst in the mean time they were enemies unto him , but , says he , we on such emergencies and occasions abstain from all things , give our selves wholly to fasting , roll our selves in sackcloth and ashes ; thus incline god as it were to repent , to have mercy and compassion upon us ; for by this way god is honoured . these occasional fasts were appointed by the bishops of every church , as they saw fit and necessary . so writes tertullian , the bishops are wont to ordain fasts for their churches , according as the circumstances of the churches require . § . the next sort of fasts were set or fixed ones , that is , such as were always observed at the same time and season ; and these again were two fold , either weekly or annual . first , weekly . these were kept every wednesday and friday , as clemens alexandrinus relates that they fasted on every wednesday and friday . these fasts were commonly called stations , in allusion to the military stations , or the soldiers standing , when on the guard. thus tertullian mentions their stationary days . and writes that wednesdays and fridays were stations . on these stationary days their fasts ended at three a clock in the afternoon ; whence they are called by tertullian , the half fasts of stations . though some on fridays lengthened out their fasts till evening . why they fasted on wednesday rather than on any other day of the week , i cannot find ; but on friday they chose to fast because christ was crucified thereon . § . the next sort of fixed fasts is such as are annual , of which kind they had but one , viz. lent. and indeed besides this , they had no other necessary fixed fast , 〈◊〉 weekly nor yearly ; the faithful were not strictly obliged to the observation of any other , as will be evident from what follows . it is true , they fasted wednesdays and fridays , but this was ex arbitrio , of their own free will and choice , not ex imperio , of command or necessity . for when the montanists , began to impose as a duty other stinted fasts , they were for so doing branded as hereticks , who , saith apollonius concerning montanus , is this new doctor ? his works and doctrin evidently declare him , this is he that teaches the dissolution of marriages , and prescribes fasts . and for the same practice they were accused by the orthodox , for galaticising , or committing the error of the galatians in observing days , and months , and years . but that the ancients esteemed lent to be the only necessary fixed fast , and any other , even the stationary days to be indifferent , will appear most evidently from this ensuing passage of tertullian , tertullian being now a montanist , and defending their prescribed fasts against the orthodox , thus jeeringly exposes the opinions of his adversaries with respect to the necessary determined times of fasting . forsooth , saith he , they think that according to the gospel , those days are to be prescribed fasts , wherein the bridegroom was takeu away , ( i.e. lent ) and those to be the only fasts of christians , the legal and prophetical fasts being abolished ; and that for others we may indifferently fast , according to our will , not out of necessity or command , but according to our circumstances and conditions , and that so the apostles abserved , commanding no other fixed and common fasts besides this ; no , not the stationary days , which indeed they keep on wednesdays , and fridays , and do all observe , but yet not in obedience to any command , or to the end of the day , but prayers are concluded at three a clock in the afternoon , according to the example of peter in the acts. so that from hence it is evident , that the orthodox apprehended themselves to be free from the necessary observation of the stationary fasts , and to be only strictly obliged to fast on those days , wherein the bridegroom was taken away ; or on lent , from which periphrasis of lent we may collect both the reason and the duration thereof . first , the reason thereof , or the ground on which they founded the necessity of this fast , and that was on that saying of christ , in matth. . . the days will come when the bridegroom shall be taken from them . this they imagined to be an injunction of christ to all his followers , to fast at that time , when the bridegroom should be taken away . the bridegroom they esteemed to be christ , the time when he was taken away , his crucifixion , death , and continuing under the power of death to the instant of his resurrection , during which time they thought themselves by the forementioned command obliged to fast . secondly , from hence we may observe the duration of this fast , or how long it was continued , and that was , from the time that christ the bridegroom was taken away , to the time that he was restored again , that is , from his passion to his resurrection . now according to their various computations of the beginning and end of christ's being taken away , so was the duration of their fast ; some might reckon from christ's agony in the 〈◊〉 , others from his being betrayed by judas . 〈◊〉 again from his being fastned to the cross , and others from his being actually dead ; and so according to these diversities of computations were their fasts either lengthened or shortned . this we may probably suppose to be the occasion of the different observations of this fast with respect to its duration , as we find it in irenaeus , some , says he , esteem , that they must fast but one day , others two , others more , and some allow to this fast forty hours . which last space of time seems to have been their general and common allowance : whence this fast , was afterwards called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , quadragesima , that is , not a fast of forty days , in imitation of christ's fasting in the wilderness , but a fast of forty hours , beginning at friday twelve a clock , about which time christ was dying , and ending sunday morning , when christ arose . so that from twelve a clock good friday , as we call it , when christ the bridegroom was taken away , they fasted , in obedience to his command , as they imagined , till sunday morning , when he was found again by his resurrection , at which time they forgot their sorrow and mourning , concluded their fast , and began the joyful festival of easter , or of christs resurrection . § . as for the manner of their fasts , we may observe them to be of three sorts , viz. statio , jejunium , and superpositio ; station , fasts , and superposition ; all which three are at once mentioned by victorinus petavionensis , we fast , says he , till the ninth hour , or till evening , or their is a superposition till the next morning . i. there was the fast of stations , which ended at three a clock in the afternoon , or at the ninth hour , as it is called in the forecited passage of victorinus petavionensis . this sort of fasting was used on 〈◊〉 and fridays , which days , as we have shewn before were called stationary days , and on them divine services were ended at three a clock in the afternoon , for which reason montanising tertullian terms them , the half fasts of stations . ii. the next sort was strictly called jejunium , or a fast ; which according to the 〈◊〉 place of victorinus petavionensis , lasted till evening : of this sort , it is probable , their occasional fasts were , as tertullian writes , in times of necessity and danger we dry up our selves with fasting , abstain from all meat , roll our selves in dust and ashes , and by these means cause god to have mercy upon us . though it is also likely , that in times of more eminent danger they extended these fasts unto that of superposition . the second sort of fasts was observed by some on fridays , who turned the station into a fast , as victorinus petavionensis writes , on friday , in commemoration of the lord's passion , i either keep a station , or observe a fast. iii. the last sort of fasts was called superposition , or , as by the greeks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which lasted till the morning of the next day , according to that of victorinus petavionensis , let superposition be done till the next day . as for the times when this fast was observed , i find that in some of the western churches they so kept every saturday throughout the year , fasting thereon till midnight , or till the beginning of sunday morning , as victorinus petavioniensis says , let superposition be done on saturday , lest we should seem to observe the jewish sabbath . but not only in these , but in other churches also , they so fasted on easter eve , or on the saturday preceeding that sunday , which being lent , was so necessary and usual , that tertullian enumerating those particular acts of divine worship , that a christian woman could not freely perform , if married to a pagan husband , reckons this as one , that on easter eve she could not stay up , and watch that night : but to please her husband , must be diverted from this necessary fast , that usher'd in the glorious festival of easter , which brings me in the next place to enquire into this , and their other feasts , of which in the ensuing chapter . chap. ix . § . of the primitive feasts , two-fold , occasional , and fix'd , § . of easter . § . of whitsunday . § . of christmas : on what day of the year christ was born . § . of epiphany . § . besides these no other feasts in commemoration of christ , the virgin mary , or the apostles . the apostles not called saints in the primitive writings . § . festivals in commemoration of the martyrs : observed on the annual day of their martyrdom . persons appointed to take an exact account of the day of their decease . § . why those festivals were observed . the day of the martyrs death termed their birth days . § . the place where these festivals were solemnized : of the buryingplace of the ancients . § . the manner of the observation of these festivals . § . as the primitive fasts were two-fold , so likewise were their feasts , either occasional , or fixed . as for those that were occasional , i shall pass them over , because not controverted , and come immediately to enquire into their fixed feasts , which , as their fasts , were also two-fold , either weekly or annual . of their weekly feasts , which were sundays , and in the oriental churches saturdays , i have already discoursed , so that there only remains an enquiry into their annual feasts , which , befides the martyrs festivals , were two , viz. easter and whitsunday , or at most three , viz , easter , whitsunday , and christmass , of each of which in their order . § . i begin with easter , as being the antientest feast of all , concerning which tertullian writes , we celebrate easter in the first month every year . cyprian mentions their easter solemnities . and origen reckons easter as one of the four festivals observed in his time . but that they solemnized easter , is a thing so well known , that it will be unnecessary to prove it , especially since every one knows , or at least might easily know , those sharp contests and debates that were in the church about the time when it should be kept ; the whole affair hath been at large related by several hands in our own tongue ; amongst others , by the most learned dr. cave , in his apostolici , in the life of irenaeus , to which i refer the curious , contenting my self with giving a very brief account of the controversie , which was this : the churches of the lesser asia kept their easter the same day that the jews kept their passover , on what day of the week soever it happen'd . the church of rome , with other churches , kept it the lords day after . this diversity of customs created a violent disorder and confusion amongst the christians ; for the church of rome would impose their usages on the churches of the lesser asia , unto which the latter peremptorily refused to submit . to appease these heats and storms , polycarp bishop of smirna came to rome to confer with anicetus bishop of that church about it , who 〈◊〉 , that every church should be left to follow its own custom , as accordingly they were to the times of pope victor , who revived this controversie , and was so turbulent and imperious , as that he excommunicated the asiaticks , for refusing to comply with the church of rome in this matter , condemning them as hereticks , loading them with the long and frightful name of tessareskaidekatitae , or , quartodecimani , so called because they kept their easter quarta decima luna , upon the fourteenth day after the appearance of the moon , or at the full moon , on what day soever it happened . but however the asiaticks stood their ground , and still maintained their old custom , till the council of nice , anno . by their authority decided this controversie , decreeing , that throughout the whole christian world , easter should be observed not on the day on which the jewish passover fell , but on the lord's day ensuing , as it was ever after observed and followed . § . the next feast that was observed was whitsunday , or pentecost , in commemoration of the holy ghosts descent on the apostles , which also was very ancient , being mentioned several times by tertullian ; and reckon'd by origen for one of the four festivals observed in his time , the other three being sundays , saturdays , and easter . § . as for christmass , or the time of christs nativity , there is a passage in clemens alexandrinus , which seems to intimate , that it was then observed as a festival : for speaking of the time when christ was born , he says , that those who had curiously search'd into it , affixed it to the th day of the month pachon . but the basilidian hereticks held otherwise , who also observed as a feast , the day of christs baptism . from which words who also , if that be the meaning of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one might be apt to infer , that the meaning of clemens alexandrinus was , that the basilidians not only feasted at the time of christs nativity , but also at the time of his baptism . but whether this interpretation will hold , i leave to the learned reader to determin . on the contrary , there are other considerations , which more strongly insinuate , that this festival was not so early solemnized , as that when origen reckons up the feasts observed in his age , he mentions not one syllable of christmas ; and it seems improbable that they should celebrate christs nativity , when they disagreed about the month and day when christ was born . clemens alexandrinus reckons from the birth of christ to the death of commodus , exactly one hundred ninety four years , one month , and thirteen days ; which years must be computed according to the nabonassar , or egyptian account , who varied from this in our year , in that they had only days in a year , never taking notice of the odd hours , or quadrant of a day , that every fourth year makes a whole day , and are accordingly by us then added to the month of february , which maketh the bissextile or leapyear . so that though the egyptians always begun their year with the first day of the month thoth , yet making no account of the annual odd hours , that month wandereth throughout the whole year : and whereas now the first day of that month is the first day of our march , about seven hundred years hence , it will be the first of september ; and after seven hundred years more , or near thereabouts , it will come to the first of march again . wherefore that we may reduce unto our style this calculation of clemens alexandrinus , we must deduce , for those odd hours which are not accounted , one month and eighteen days , and so reckoning the birth of christ from the death of commodus , which happened on the first day of january , to be one hundred ninety four years , wanting five or six days , it will appear that christ was born on the th or th of the month of december , according to the julian account , which is the epoch we follow . but as the same father farther writes in the same place , there were some , who more curiously searching after the year and day of christs nativity , affixed the latter to the th of the month pachon , now in that year in which christ was born , the month pachon commenced the twentieth day of april : so that according to this computation christ was born the th day of may. nay , there were yet some other ingenious men , as the same father continues to write , that assigned christ's nativity to the th or th of the month pharmuthi , which answers to our th or th of april : so that there were diversities of opinion concerning the time of christs birth , which makes it very probable , that there was then no particular feast observed in commemoration of that glorious and transcendent mercy . § . there is yet another feast called by us epiphany , wherein there is a commemoration of christs baptism , which i find to have been peculiarly solemnized by the basilidian hereticks . for thus clemens alexandrinus reports it to be a particular custom of theirs , to keep as a festival the day of christs baptism . the day on which christ was baptized , they said to be the fifteenth of the month tyby , in the fifteenth year of the reign of the emperor tiberius , which answers to our one and thirtieth of december ; or as others imagin'd it , on the eleventh of the month tyby , which was the seven and twentieth of our december . § . besides these forementioned festivals , there were none others observed to the honour of the blessed jesus , nor of the virgin mary , nor of the holy apostles and evangelists ; and which may be a little observable , it is very seldom , if ever , that the ancients give the title of saints to those holy persons , but singly style them , peter , paul , john , &c. not st. peter , st. paul , or st. john. § . but now there was another sort of festivals , which every church celebrated in the commemoration of its own martyrs , which was , on the anniversary day of their martyrdoms : they assembled together , where they recited the martyrs glorious actions , exhorted to an imitation of them , and blessed god for them . so says cyprian , the passions of the martyrs we celebrate with an anniversary commemoration . and so writes tertullian , vpon the annual day of the martyrs sufferings , we offer thanks to god for them . when this practice began , cannot certainly be determined ; it is first found mentioned in the letter of the church of smirna to the church of philomilium , touching the death of polycarp , wherein they write , that they had gathered up his martyr'd bones and buried them in a decent place , where , say they , if possible , we will meet to celebrate with joy and gladness the birth-day of his martyrdom . hence that they might be certain of the very day of the martyrs sufferings , there were some appointed to take an exact account of them , and faithfully to register them , that so there might be no mistake . thus cyprian writ from his exile to the clergy of his church , that they should take special care , exactly to note down the very day of the martyrdom of the faithful , that so they might be commemorated amongst the memories of the martyrs , and to signifie to him the precise time of their departure to a glorious immortality , that so he might also celebrate it . § . the reasons for which they observed these festivals , we find in the forementioned letter of the church of smirna , wherein they write that they would meet to celebrate with joy and gladness the martyrdom of polycarp , for the commemoration of those who had already gloriously striven , and for the confirmation and preparation of others by their examples . so that their design was two-fold , to animate and encourage others to follow the glorious examples of those heroick martyrs , who were commemorated before their eyes , and to declare the honour and veneration , that they had for those invincible champions of jesus christ , who by their martyrdoms were now freed from all their miseries and torments , and translated to a blessed and glorious immortality , in an happy manner experiencing the truth of that scripture in ecclesiastes . . that the day of a man's death is better than the day of his birth . whence the time of the martyrs deaths was usually termed their birth-day , because then was a period of all their grief and trouble , and a beginning of their everlasting bliss and 〈◊〉 . thus in the forementioned letter of the church of smirna concerning the death of polycarp , they write , that they would meet to celebrate with joy and gladness the birth-day of his martyrdom . and so tertullian says , that they annually commemorated the birth-days of the martyrs ; that is , their deathdays ; as he writes in another place concerning st. paul , that he was born at rome , when he suffered martyrdom there . § . as for the place where these anniversary solemnities were performed , it was at the tombs of the martyrs , who were usually buried with the rest of the faithful , in a distinct place from the heathens , it being their custom to interr the christians by themselves , seperate from the pagans ; accounting it an hainous crime , if possibly it could be prevented , to mingle their sacred ashes with the defiled ones of their persecuting and idolatrous neighbours . wherefore in the ratification of the disposition of martialis bishop of astorga by an african synod held anno , this was one of the articles alledg'd against him , that he had buried his sons after the pagan manner , in gentile sepulchres , amongst men of another faith. and for this reason it was , that the surviving christians would run upon ten thousand hazards , to collect the scattered members of the dead martyrs , and decently to inter them in the common repository of the faithful . as when emilian the barbarous prefect of egypt , forbad any , under severe penalties , to entomb the dead bodies of the murdered saints , and seduously watched if any would durst to do it . yet 〈◊〉 a deacon of alexandria resolutely ventured upon it ; and it is applauded by the historian as an act of religious boldness and freedom , whereby asturias a roman senator rendred himself renouned , in that when he saw the martyrdom of marinus at caesarea , he took his martyred body , cloathed it with a precious garment , bore it away on his own shoulders , and magnificently and decently 〈◊〉 it . and in a letter from the christians of lyons and vienna in france to the churches of 〈◊〉 , concerning their sore and grievous persecutions , we find them passionately complaining of the inhumane cruelty of their persecutors , that neither prayers nor tears , neither gold nor silver , could prevail with them , to permit them to collect the dead bodies of their murthered brethren , and decently to 〈◊〉 them . as on the other hand , the faithful or the church of smirna rejoyced , that they had gotten the most precious bones of polycarp , which they buried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 decebat , where they ought , as valesius renders it ; that is , as seems most probable , at the common burying place of the christians . now it was at these tombs and sepulchres that the memories of the martyrs were solemnized . thus in the forecited letter of the church of smirna to the church of philomilium , they write , that in that place where they had interr'd the bones of polycarp , they would by the blessing of god assemble together , and celebrate his martyrdom ; which was a practice so usual and constant , as that the heathens observed it : so that as on the one hand , under the persecution of valerian , aemilian the prefect of egypt threatned dionysius alexandrinus and his fellow-sufferers , that for their obstinacy and 〈◊〉 , as he termed it , he would send them into lybia , to a desert place called cephro , where they should not meet together , or go to those places called cemeteries . that is , the places where the martyrs and the rest of the faithful were buried ; so on the other hand when galienus valerian's son restored peace to the churches , he published an express edict for returning to the christians the cemeteries that were taken from them . § . if in the next place it shall be enquired , how they observed these festival days . i answer , that they did not , according to the fashion of the heathens , spend them in riot and debauchery , in bacchanalian revellings and luxury , but in religious exercises and employments , in prayers and devotions . he , saith origen , truly keeps a festival , who does what he ought to do , always praying , and by his prayers offering up unbloody sacrifices unto god. the solemnites of these feast days were not drunkenness and gluttony , but acts of piety and charity . now they publickly assembled , as the church of smirna writes in her letter concerning the death of polycarp , to commemorate the martyrs courage and triumphs , and to exhort and prepare others to the same glorious and renowned actions . or as tertullian expresses it , now they offered oblations . as cyprian , they offered oblations and sacrifices ; that is , they offered thanks and praise to god , that had given grace to those martyrs , to seal his truths with their blood , and in evidence of their gratitude distributed of their substance to the poor and 〈◊〉 . chap. x. § . of the rights and ceremonies : the difference between them . § . of ceremonies : many used by the ancients , which through various ways crept into the church . § . of rites : every church followed its own rites without imposing them on any other . § . the members of every church obliged to observe the rites of that church where they lived . § . the conclusion of this enquiry , with an earnest perswasion to peace , vnity and moderation . § . having in the precedent chapters enquired into the several parts of divine worship , and the circumstances thereof , i now come to close up all with a brief appendix concerning rites and ceremonies , by which i mean two different things : by rites , i understand such actions as have an 〈◊〉 relation to the circumstances or manner of worship : as for instance . the sacrament was to be received in one manner or other , but whether from the bishop or deacon , that was the rite . lent was to be observed a certain space of time , but whether one day , or two days , or three days , that was the rite thereof . so that rites 〈◊〉 necessary concomitants of the circumstances of divine worship , appendages to them ; or , if you rather please , you may call them circumstances themselves . by ceremonies , i mean such actions as have no regard either to the manner or circumstances of divine worship , but the acts thereof may be performed without them ; as for instance , in some churches they gave to persons when they were baptized , milk and hony. and , before they prayed , they washed their hands . now both these actions i call ceremonies , because they were not necessary to the discharge of those acts of divine worship , unto which they were affixed ; but those acts might be performed without them ; as baptism might be entirely administred without the ceremony of giving milk and hony , and prayers might be presented without washing of hands . now having explained what i intend by those two terms of rites and ceremonies , let us in the next place consider the practice of the primitive church with reference thereunto . and first for ceremonies . § . it is apparent that there were many of that kind crept into the church , of whom we may say , that from the beginning they were not so : for when the quire of the apostles was dead , till which time , as hegesippus writes , the church remained a pure and unspotted virgin ; then the church was gradually 〈◊〉 and corrupted , as in her doctrin , so also in her worship , an infinity of ceremonies by degrees insensibly sliding in , very many of which were introduced within my limited time , as the eating of milk & hony after baptism , the abstaining from baths the week after , the washing of their hands before prayer , their sitting after prayer , and many other such like , which through various ways and means winded themselves into the church ; as some came in through custom and tradition ; one eminent man perhaps invented and practised a certain action , which he used himself , as judging it fit and proper to stir up his devotion and affection ; others being led by his example performed the same , and others again imitated them , and so one followed another , till at length the action became a tradition and custom , after which manner those ceremonies were introduced , of tasting milk and hony after baptism , of abstaining from the baths the whole ensuing week , of not kneeling on the lords day , and the space between easter and whitsuntide , of the signing of themselves with the sign of the cross in all their actions and conversations , concerning which and the like , tertullian writes , that there was no law in scripture for them , but that tradition was their author , and custom their confirmer . of which custom we may say what tertullian says of custom in general , that commonly custom takes its rise from ignorance and simplicity , which by succession is corroborated into use , and so vindicated against the truth : but our lord christ hath called himself truth , and not custom ; wherefore if christ was always , and before all , then truth was first and ancientest ; it is not so much novelty as verity that confutes hereticks : whatsoever is against the truth is heresie , although it be an old custom . others again were introduced through a wrong exposition or misunderstanding of the scripture ; so were their exorcisms before baptism , and their unctions after baptism , as in their proper places hath been already shewn . finally , others crept in through their dwelling amongst the pagans , who in their ordinary conversations used an infinity of superstitions ; and many of those pagans , when they were converted to the saving faith , christianiz'd some of their innocent former ceremonies , as they esteemed them to be ; either 〈◊〉 them deceut and proper to stir up their devotion , or likely to gain over more heathens , who were offended at the plainness and nakedness of the christian worship of which sort were their washing of honds before prayer , their sitting after prayer , and such like . concerning which tertullian affirms , that they were practised by the heathens . so that by these and such like methods it was , that so many ceremonies imperceptibly slid into the ancient church , of some of which tertullian gives this severe censure , that they are deservedly to be condemned as vain , because they are done without the authority of any precept , either of our lord , or of his apostles ; that they are not religious , but superstitius , affected and constrained , curious rather than reasonable , and to be abstained from because heathenish . § . as for the rites and customs of the primitive church , these were indifferent and arbitrary ; all churches being left to their own freedom and liberty to follow their peculiar customs and usages , or to embrace those of others , if they pleased ; from whence it is , that we find such a variety of methods in their divine services , many of which 〈◊〉 be observed in the precedent part of this discourse ; as , some received the lords supper at one time , others at another ; some churches received the elements from the hands of the bishop , others from the hands of the deacons ; some made a collection before the sacrament , others after ; some kept lent one day , some two days , and others exactly forty hours ; some celebrated easter on the same day with the jewish passover , others the lords day after ; and so in many other things one church differed from another , as firmilian writes , that at rome they did not observe the same day of easter , nor many other customs which were practised at jerusalem ; and so in most provinces many rites were varied according to the diversities of names and places . so that every church followed its own particular customs , although different from those of its neighbours , it being nothing necessary to the unity of the church , to have an uniformity of rites ; for according to firmilian , the unity of the church consisted in an unanimity of faith and truth , not in an uniformity of modes and customs ; for on the contrary , the diversity of them , as irenaeus speaks with reference to the fast of lent did commend and set forth the vnity of the faith. hence every church peaceably followed her own customs , without obliging any other churches to observe the same ; or being obliged by them to observe the rites that they used ; yet still maintaining a loving correspondence , and mutual concord each with other ; as firmilian writes , that in most provinces many rites were varied according to the diversities of names and places ; but yet , saith he , never any one for this broke the peace and vnity of the church . one church or bishop did not in those days anathematize another for a disagreement in rites and customs ; except when victor bishop of rome , through his pride and turbulency , excommunicated the asiatick bishops for their different observation of easter from the church of rome ; which action of his was very ill resented by the other bishops of the christian churches , and condemned by them as alien from peace and unity , and contrary to that love and charity , which is the very soul and spirit of the gospel ; even the bishops of his own party , that celebrated easter on the same day that he did , censured his 〈◊〉 and violence , as unchristian and uncharitable , and writ several letters , wherein they severely checkt him , as eusebius reports , in whose time they were extant , all which are now lost , except the fragment of an epistle , written by irenaeus , and other bishops of france , wherein they affirm , that victor was in the right with respect to the time of easter , that it ought to be celebrated , as he said , on the lords day , but that yet he had done very 〈◊〉 to cut off from the vnity of the church those that observed it otherwise ; that it had never been known , that any churches were excommunicated for a disagreement in rites , 〈◊〉 of which there was not only in the time of easter 〈◊〉 self , but in the fast that preceded it : some fasted one day , others more ; some forty hours , which variety of observations began not first in our age , but long before us in the times of our ancestors , who yet preserved peace and vnity amongst themselves , as we now do ; for the diversity of 〈◊〉 commended the vnity of faith : and as for this 〈◊〉 concerning the time of easter , the bishops which governed the church of rome before soter , viz. anicetus , pius , higynus , telesphorus , and xystus , they never celebrated it the same time with the 〈◊〉 , neither would they permit any of their people so to do ; but yet they 〈◊〉 kind and 〈◊〉 to those who came to them from those 〈◊〉 , where they did otherwise observe it , and never any for this cause were thrown out of the church ; even your predecessors , though they did not keep it , yet they sent the eucharist to those that did keep it ; and when in the times of anicetus , blessed polycarp came to rome , and there were some controversies between them , they did not seperate from one another , but still maintained peace and love : and though anicetus could never perswade polycarp , nor polycarp anicetus to be of each others mind , yet they communicated one with another ; and anicetus in honour to polycarpus , permitted him to consecrate the sacrament in his church , and so they departed in mutual love and kindness ; and all the churches , whether observing , or not observing the same day , retained peace and vnity amongst themselves . § . but though one church could not oblige another to a conformity in rites and customs , yet a particular church or parish could enforce its own members to such a conformity , an instance whereof we meet with in that famous controversie about the time of easter . it was the custom of the asiaticks to celebrate that feast at the full moon , or at the same time with the jewish passover , on whatsoever day of the week it happened . it was the manner at rome to observe it the lords day after , and both these churches quietly followed their several usages , without imposing them on each other . but yet the churches of asia permitted none of their members to solemnize it after the roman manner ; neither did the churches of rome , or of the west , license any of their inhabitants to celebrate it after the asiatick manner ; for if either of them had granted any such thing , there must have ensued confusion and disorder , to have seen easter differently observed in one and the same church ; whilst some members of a parish where fasting , to behold others feasting , would have been a perfect ataxy and irregularity : therefore though anioetus bishop of rome retained peace and unity with foreign churches , that differed from him as to the time of easter , without obliging them to a compliance with the roman custom ; yet he peremptorily required it of the members of his own church , and would never permit them to solemnize that feast on the same time with the asiaticks . so that though every church had the liberty to use what rites she pleased , yet every particular member had not , but was obliged to observe the manners and customs of that church where he lived , or where he occasionally communicated . a church collectively , or the majority 〈◊〉 a church with their bishop could change their old customs , and introduce new ones , as was done in the affair of easter , the asiaticks at length submitting to the roman usage ; but till that was done , every particular member was required to follow the old customs of that church , to which he belonged , and not to bring in any innovations or new rites , because , as was said before , that would beget tumults and disorders , and the persons so acting would be guilty of that strife and contention , which is condemned by those words of the holy apostle cor. . . but if any man seem to be contentious , we have no such custom ; neither the churches of god. which is , as if the apostle had said , if any men , either to shew their wit , or to head and strengthen a party , will contradict what we have said , and affirm it to be decent and comely , either for men to pray covered , or women uncovered , this should silence such contentious opposers , that there is no such rite or custom in any of the churches of god , but their practice is the very same with what we have directed unto , and therefore to that they ought peaceably and quietly to submit and yield . thus now i have finished this enquiry , and have as far as i could , search'd into what was first proposed . if i have not illustrated any point , as clearly as might be expected , the reason is , because i found nothing farther pertinent thereunto in those writings to which i am confined ; if i had , i should freely have mentioned it . whether i have been mistaken in the sense and meaning of any passage , i must leave unto my readers to judge ; all that i can say is , that i am not conscious to my self of any wilful and designed mistakes , having throughout this whole discourse endeavoured deavoured to find out the plain and naked truth , without being byass'd to any party or faction whatsoever ; and that if any one shall be so kind and favourable as to convince me of any slips or errors , which i may have committed through inconsideration , or want of a due understanding , i shall thankfully acknowledge them , and willingly renounce and leave them . § . what hath been related concerning the constitution , discipline , unity and worship of the primitive church shall suffice , i have nothing more to add , but mine earnest intreaty and persuasion unto all those , into whose hands this little treatise shall fall , to imitate and follow the primitive christians in their moderation and the peaceableness of their temper and disposition . in those happy days the christians were so eminent above all other sects for their mutual love and charity , that the heathens observed it with astonishment , and cried out with admiration , behold , how they love one another ! we are , saith tertullian , ready to die for each other ; and we call one another brethren , because we acknowledge one and the same god the father , and have been sanctified by the same holy spirit , and have been brought from the same state of ignorance , to the light of the same marvellous . truth . but alas ! how is the gold become 〈◊〉 how is the most fine gold changed ! how is that love and charity now turned into malice and cruelty ! pity , compassion , and tender-heartedness have left the world , and envy , hatred and rancour are succeeded in their places ; love is now exploded as ungenteel and mean , charity is condemned as abject and base , whilst hatred , revenge and fury are esteemed as noble and generous . but , o lord , how loug ? shall malice and envy , wrath and pride for ever ride triumphant and uncontrolled ? when 〈◊〉 thou , o prince of peace , and god of love , heal our breaches , and compose our differences , and cause us with all lowliness and meekness , and long-suffering to forbear one another in love , endeavouring to keep the vnity of the spirit in the bond of peace ? we have too too long unnaturally quarrelled already , and to the dishonour of god , and the scandal of religion , have most unchristianly abused each other : i speak not this only of one party , but of all ; we have all been guilty as to this matter , we have all erred and gone astray from the most holy commandment , and have been deficient every one of us in this great and necessary duty of love and unity : we have loathed concord , and loved jarrs and divisions , and have been always back-biting , persecuting and maligning one another to this very day , never at all remembring that we were brethren , and professors of the same blessed and glorious religion . but what shall i say ? this theme is too harsh and displeasing ; if it is an unpleasant work to rip up those uncharitable actions , may they be buried in perpetual silence and oblivion , and never more be remembred , so as to stir up anger and revenge , but only so as they may produce in us all humility , repentance , and mutual forgiveness ; let us now with our floods of penitential tears at once quench god's anger for our past divisions , and the flames of our present fire and heats , that so there may be no fuel for future contentions ; and being grieved that we have played the fool so long , we may now the more firmly resolve by the grace of god to do so no more , that so however infamous we have been heretofore for our blind zeal and unaccountable animosities , we may for the time to come be highly renowned and conspicuous for our ardent love and fervent charity , putting away all bitterness and wrath , and anger , and clamour , and evil speaking , with all malice , being kind to one another , tender-hearted , forgiving one another , even as god for christs sake hath forgiven us , putting on ( as the elect of god , holy and beloved ) bowels of mercy , kindness , humbleness of mind , meekness ; long suffering , 〈◊〉 one another , and forgiving one another . certain i am , we need no arguments to induce us hereunto ; both the necessity and facility of love and unity require it at our hands ; its necessity is evident from hence , that whilst we spend our zeal and heat about these inconsiderable matters , the very foundations of faith and morals are attack'd and shaken , atheism increases , immorality prevails , and those damnable heresies , which for many ages have been silenced and abandoned , are now revived by men of a corrupt faith , who take an occasion from the lawlesness and licentiousness of this present age , to vent those cursed tenents , which eradicate and destroy all religion ; it is to be feared , that unless we hasten to compose our differences about the skirts and fringes of religion , the very vitals and essentials thereof will be corroded and devoured by heresie and profaneness . and as for these and the like reasons the necessity of an union or comprehension is manifest on the one hand , so the facility of such an union is as apparent on the other hand ; for , thanks be to god , our differences are neither about faith nor manners ; we all believe in one and the same god , hope to be saved by one and the same redeemer , desire to be sanctified by one and the same sanctifier , receive one and the same scriptures , assent to the same doctrins , and acknowledge the necessity of the same duties : our disputes are only about lesser matters , about modes and forms , about gestures and postures , and such like inferiour matters , about which it should grieve a wise man to quarrel , and which with the greatest ease in the world might be composed and setled , if managed by men of prudence and moderation ; and such men , t is hoped , are the reverend bishops advanced by their majesties , whose promotion to those places of dignity and trust many honest and peaceable men look upon as a good omen and prognostick of our future union and happy establishment . with these two considerations let us remember those solemn vows and engagements which we made to almighty god , and to one another in the day of our late distress ; how we then vow'd and promised , that if god would be pleased to deliver and rescue us , we would forget our differences , and mutually condescend and abate of our rigour and severity : wherefore now since god hath so wonderfully saved us , let us not be so perfidious and faithless , as to neglect to perform what we then obliged our selves unto ; but let us willingly and conscientiously discharge it , lest god bring severer judgments on us then ever , and at once utterly destroy us both root and branch , for our lying , perjury and hypocrisie . many other such cogent arguments i might 〈◊〉 produce ; but that i may avoid too great prolixity and tediousness , i shall urge but one more , which is , that unless we have an uniting spirit , and a peaceable disposition , we are no true christians , we unjustly arrogate that glorious name ; for the very soul of christianity is love and charity , the kingdom of god , saith the apostle , is not meat and drink , not zealous disputes and strifes about lesser points , but righteousness , and peace , and joy in the holy 〈◊〉 ; for he that in these serveth christ , is acceptable to god , and approved of men. it is an absurdity and a meer contradiction , for a man to say that he is religious , and yet to be malicious and uncharitable . our saviour flatly tells us , that by this all men shall know that we are his disciples , if we have love one to another . we may talk what we please of religion , and profess what we list ; the word of god is plain , that whosoever hath not love and charity , is no christian ; but to allude to that of christ , john . . he is a thief and a robber , he hath not the spirit of god abiding and dwelling in him ; for the fruit of the spirit is love , joy , peace , long suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness , temperance . and the wisdom from above is peaceable , gentle , and easie to be entreated , full of mercy and good fruit. so that the very soul and spirit of christianity consists in unity , love , and amity . wherefore let my intreaties be prevalent with you to endeavour for a mutual compliance and comprehension , as you have any regard to the honour of god , and the credit of religion ; as you would hinder the growth of damnable errors , and abominable debaucheries , and do what in you lies to prevent the ruin and damnation of multitudes of poor souls ; nay , as you would secure your own salvation , and be able with confidence to appear at the dreadful and impartial day of judgment , let me conjure you in the name of god to love one another with a pure heart forvently , to follow after righteousness , godliness , faith , love , patience , meekness ; to forget and pardon all former injuries and affronts , doing nothing for the time to come , through strife or vain-glory , but in lowliness of mind , each esteeming others better than themselves , doing all things without murmurings or disputings , avoiding all foolish and unlearned questions , knowing that they do but gender strifes , behaving your selves like the servants of the lord , who must not strive , but be gentle unto all men , apt to teach , patient , mutually complying with each other , doing all things unto edification , labouring after peace and unity , that so we may at length with one mind and one mouth glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. and for the accomplishment of this blessed and glorious design , let us above all things avoid pride and vain-glory , which , as it is to be feared , hath had no small share both in the causing and increasing of our divisions : we have been so stiff and self-conceited , and stood so much upon the pitiful punctilio's of honour , that we have refused to condescend to one another , or to join in a way of comprehension , or mutual relaxation , which seems to be the only way left for union and agreement , if ever we hope , or intend to have it . wherefore let me address my self unto you in the words of the reverend and moderate bishop hall , men , brethren and fathers help , for gods sake put to your hands to the quenching of this common flame , the one side by humility and obedience the other by compassion , both by prayers and tears . and as he , so let me beg for peace as for life by your filial piety to the church of god , whose ruins follow upon our divisions , by your love of god's truth , by the graces of that one blessed spirit , whereby we are all informed and quickened , by the precious blood of that son of god , which was shed for our redemption , be inclined to peace and love , and though our brains be different , yet let our hearts be one . let us all endeavonr by a compliance and a comprehension to promote love and charity , peace and unity , that so being children of peace , and obedient subjects of the prince of peace , the god of peace may bless us with peace , quiet and serenity here , and at the end of our days receive us into his eternal peace , and everlasting rest ; which god of his infinite mercy grant may be the portion of us all , through the merits of his only son our lord and saviour jesus christ. amen , and amen . postcript . because some practises and customs mentioned in the precedent treatise , were not from the first plantation of christianity , but were afterwards introduced ; and others might not be universal , but only followed in some particular churches , it will not be unnecessary to add a table of the names , age , and country of those fathers , and of their contemporaries , who have been cited by us , that so we may guess at the time when such customs were brought in , and know the places where they were chiefly practised . names . countries . age. several synods held in africa between anno christi & . alexander bishop of jerusalem , anno anonymus apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . lesser asia , anicetus bishop of rome , the synodical letter of — the council of antioch , held anno apollinaris bishop of 〈◊〉 in lesser asia , apollonius —   asturius — palastina , aurelius — carthage , 〈◊〉 artemon —   babylas bishop of antioch , saint barnabas   basilides the heretick alexandria , basilides a bishop in spain , celerinus — carthage , letters of the clergy of rome , to the clergy of carthage , writ between . anno , & 〈◊〉 clemens bishop of rome , clemens of alexandria , cornelius bishop of rome , crescens bishop of certa in africa , cyprian bishop of carthage , dionysius bishop of corinth , dionysius bishop of alexandria , eusebius a deacon of alexandria . fabianus bishop of rome , anno firmilian bishop of caesarea in cap padoeia , fortunatus a schismatic in africa , fortunatus bishop of thucabori in africa , gregory bishop of neoearsarea , ignatius bishop of antioch , irenaeus bishop of lyons , justin martyr . samaria , lucius bishop of thebeste in africa , names . countries . age. a letter of the churches of lyons and vienne . to the churches of asia , anno minucius felix rome , martialis a bishop in spain , natalis rome , nemesianus bishop of thubunic in africa , novatian rome , origen a presbyter of alexandria , palmas bishop of amastris in pontus , paulus samosatenus bp. of antioch , plinius an heathen .   polycarpus bishop of smirna , polycrates bishop of ephesus , pontius a deacon of carthage , privatus bishop of lambese in africa , sabinus bishop of emerita in spain , sedatus bishop of turbo in africa , secundinus bishop of carpis in africa , an epistle of the church of smirna to the church of philomilium , stephen bishop of rome , tatianus syria , tertullian a presbyter of carthage , theoctistus bishop of caesarea in palaestina , theophilus bishop of caesarea in palaestina , victor bishop of rome , victorinus petavionensis hungary , vincentius bishop of 〈◊〉 in africa zoticus bishop of comane in lesser asia notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud eus. l. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epistad herm. apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . ea quae est in quoque loco ecclesia . lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . c. . p. . ubi tres , ecclesia est . exhort . ad castitat . p. . ecclesia romana , cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad smirn. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen contr . celsum ; lib. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. synod . antioch . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 paedag. lib. . c. . p. . adeant ad limen ecclesiae . apud cyprian . epist . . §. . p. . de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . de corona militis , p. . and very often in his book de virginibus velandis . de orat. §. . p. . in provinciâ africà & numidiâ ecclesiam domini , epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . ecclesiis asiae & phrygiae . adversus praxeam , p. . per graeciam ecclesiae . de virgin. veland . p. . christus sibi sponsabat ecclesiam . advers . marcion . lib. . p. . spirituales nuptias ecclesiae & christi . exhort . ad castitat . p. . ecclesia ad figuram imaginis filii ejus coap tetur . lib. . c. . p. . conversos ad ecclesiam dei , lib. . c. . p. . confugere ad ecclesiam . lib. . c. . p. . ab ecclesiâ christi recessisti . de carne christi , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in mat. tom. . p. . vol. . ecclesiam suam . adversus marcion . lib. . p. . haereses ecclesiam lacessentes . de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra cels. lib. . p. . ea quae ex gentibus est 〈◊〉 , lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad philadelph . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . padag . lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . ecclesia vero christus . tertullian . de 〈◊〉 , p. . epist. eccles. smirn. ad eccles. philomil . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. roman . epist. . ad 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad cor. p. . homil , . in jerem. p. , . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad corinth . p. . smirnaeorum ecclesia habens polycarpum ab johanne conlocatum , romanorum clementem à petro ordinatum . de 〈◊〉 script . advers . haeret. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad cor. p. . unus in ecclesia ad 〈◊〉 sacerdos . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad fabium . antioch . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . edant origines ecclesiarum suarum , evolvant 〈◊〉 episcoporum 〈◊〉 , ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquem ex 〈◊〉 vel apostolicis 〈◊〉 , qui tamen cum 〈◊〉 perseveraverit , habuerit autorem & antecessorem . hoc enim modo ecclesiae apostolicae census suos deserunt , sicut smirnaeorum ecclesia habens polycarpum ab johanne conlocatum 〈◊〉 , sicut romanorum clementem à petro ordinatum proinde utique exhibent , quos ab apostolis in episcopatum constitutos , 〈◊〉 seminis traduces habeant . de praescript . advers . 〈◊〉 p. . eam traditionem quae est ab apostolis , quae per successiones presbyterorum in 〈◊〉 custoditur , provocamus eos . lib. . c. . p. . lib. . c. . p. , . a pastore oves , & filios 〈◊〉 parente 〈◊〉 . cypr. epist. . §. . p. . episcopus , praepositus , pastor , gubernator , antistes , sacerdos . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 , §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . rom. epist. . p. . smirnis ecclesia . irenaeus lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignat. epist. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem epist. . p 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 in smirnis ecclesia constitutus episcopus . iren. l. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. . c. 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . cap. . p. . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . epist. . 〈◊〉 cor. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. , cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apol. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad tralles . p . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad smirn. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad philadelph . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad magnes . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad ephes. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad philad . p. . sacramenti veritatem fraternitate omni praesente celebramus . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog . . p. . nec de aliorum manu quam de praesidentium sumimus . de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 . de oratione , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad philadelph . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. contemptis episcopis , & dei sacerdotibus derelictis constituere 〈◊〉 aliud altare . de unitat. ecclesiae , §. . p. . profanum altare 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . aliud altare constitui , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 novum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 unum altare , & unum sacerdotium , non potest . epist. . §. . p. . altare profanum . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad tralles . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad ephes. p. . sub antistis contestamur nos renunciare diabolo & pompae . de coron . milit. p. . non nifi in ecclesia praepositis licere baptizare . epist. . §. . p. . potestatem baptizandi episcopis dedit . act. concil . carth. apud cyprian . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . epist. ad polycarp . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in matth. tom. . p. . vol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad cor. p. . plebe universâ . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . acturi causam apud plebem universam . epist . . §. . p. . sine petitu & conscientiâ 〈◊〉 . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . de universae fraternitatis suffiagio . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . apud nos quoque & fere per provincias universas tenetur , ut ad eam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , episcopi ejusdem provinciae 〈◊〉 quique conveniant , & episcopus deligatur plebe 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . ordinationes sacerdotales non nisi sub populi assistentes conscientiâ fieri oportere , ut plebe praesente , vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur , & sit ordinatio 〈◊〉 & legitima , quae omnium suffragio & judicio 〈◊〉 examinata . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . in ordinationibusclericis , fratres charislimi , solemus vos ante consulere , & mores , ac merita fingulorum communi concilio ponderare . ad plebem universam epist. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clemens romanus epist. . ad cor. p. . sanctissimae atque amplissimae plebi 〈◊〉 . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. synod . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. rom. epist. . p. . fraternitas omnis . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . secundum 〈◊〉 quoque vestrum , ea quae agenda sunt disponere pariter & limare poterimus . ad plebem epist. . §. . p. . tune examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . ad plebem epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad philad . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad polycarp . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad polycarp , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ihidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad ephes. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad magnes . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad philadelph . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad philadelph . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad tralles . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . anonym . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . profanum altare erigere . epist. . §. . p. . salutant vos fratres , qui sunt in vinculis , & presbyteri , & tota ecclesia . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . sanctissimae atque amplissimae plebi , legere te semper literas 〈◊〉 . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . cleri ac plebis suffragio . cyprian . 〈◊〉 . . §. . p. . quid ipsa carthago passura est , decimanda a te . ad sca 〈◊〉 , p. . ut omnes optimè nossem . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . ut expungeretis necessitates fratrum nostrorum sumptibus , si qui etiam vellent suas artes exercere , additamento quantum satis esset , desideria eorum 〈◊〉 . idem ibidem sacramenti veritatem 〈◊〉 omni praesente celebramus . epist. . §. . p. . plebi universae , epist. . §. . p. . in ordinationibus clericis , fratres charissimi , solemus vos ante consulere , & mores ac merita 〈◊〉 communi consilio ponderare . epist. 〈◊〉 . ad clerum & plebem . p. . plebi universae . epist. . p. . plebis favore . in vita cypriani . populi universi suffragio . epist. . §. . p. . vicarias vero pro nobis ego & collegae , & fiaternitas omnis has ad vos literas 〈◊〉 . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . secundum vestra divina 〈◊〉 conjurati . epist. . ad 〈◊〉 , §. . p. . et cum plebe ipsa universa . epist. . §. . p. . secundum arbitrium quoque vestrum , & omnium 〈◊〉 commune consilium . epist. . ad plebem , §. . p. . acturi apud plebem universam causam suam . epist. . §. . p. . examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . epist. . ad plebem , §. . p. . a primordio episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consensu plebis 〈◊〉 privata sententia gerere . epist. . §. . p. . de iis quae vel gesta sunt , vel gerenda , sicut honor 〈◊〉 . poscit , in commune tractabimus . epist. . §. . p. . apolog. ad constant. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . advers . 〈◊〉 apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vide ut antea . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , epist. . ad corintn . p. . per omnes provincias , & per urbes singulas ordinati sunt episcopi , epist . . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . anonym . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . concil . carthag . apud cyprian . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog . . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad magnes . p. . origen . in 〈◊〉 . hom. . justin. martyr . apol. . p. . tertul. de baptism . p. . idem de coron . milit. p. . justin martyr . apol. . p. . firmilian . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . tertul. apol. cap. . p. . cypr. ep. . §. . p. . idem ep. . §. . p. . episcopi derelictâ cathediâ , plebe desertâ , per alienas provincias oberrantes , negotiationis questuosae 〈◊〉 aucupari , de lapsis , §. . p. . nos ecclesiâ derelictà , 〈◊〉 exire , & ad vos venire non possumus . epist. . §. . p. . epist. . apud cyprian . p. . pontius in vita cypriani . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb , lib. , cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . episcopo cornelio — cleri ac plebis suffragio ordinato . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . judicio dei , & plebis favore ad officium sacerdotii , & episcopatus gradum , ad huc neophytus - electus est . in vita cypriani . populi universi suffragio . epist. . §. . p. . populi suffragium . epist. . §. . p. . suffragium vestrum , epist. §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . apud nos , & fere per provincias universas tenetur , ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad cam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & episcopus deligatur , plebe praesente , quae singulorum vitam plenissime novit , & uniuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione perspexit . quod factum videmus in sabini ordinatione , ut de universae fraternitatis suffragio , & de episcoporum judicio episcopatus ei deferetur . synod . african . apud cyprian . epist . . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. roman . epist. . ad corinth . p. . in capsensi civitate propter ordinationem episcopi essetis , epist. . §. . p. . episcopatus ei deferretur , & manus ei imponeretur . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . quinque pseudo-episcopi carthaginem venerint , & fortunatam sibi dementiae suae socium constituerint . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cornel. apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . episcopo in ecclesia à sedecim coepiscopis facto . epist. . §. . p. . jactare viginti quinque episcopos affuisse . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . delecti , ordinati . epist . . §. . p. . tu te episcopum factum literis nunciares . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . venerunt ad nos missi à novatiano maximus presbyter , &c. cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . ad te legati à fortunato missi . idem epist. . §. . p. . baptismum dandi habet jus — episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi auctoritate propter ecclesiae honorem . de baptism . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad smirn. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad smirn. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . homil. de engastrym . p. . vol. . aliqui de presbyteris , nec evangelii , nec loci sui memores , sed neque futurum domini judicium , neque nunc sibi praepositum episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est , cum contumeliâ & contemptu praepositi totum sibi vendicent . epist. . §. . p. . vide etiam epist. . §. . p. . & epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad smirn. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. de engastrym . p. . vol. . baptismum dandi habet jus - episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi auctoritate . de baptism . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad smirn. p. . epist. ad philip. §. . thus 〈◊〉 by dr. cave , in the life of st. polycarp , p. . probati praesident seniores . apol. c. . p. . vid. cyprian . epist. . & . p. . & . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad fabium antioch . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . omnis potestas & gratia in ecclesiâ constituta sit ubi praesident majores 〈◊〉 , qui & baptizandi , & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . primitive christianity . part . cap. . p. . probati praesident seniores . apol. c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tim. . . fungamini illic & vestris partibus ac meis , ut nihil vel ad disciplinam , vel ad diligentiam desit . epist. . §. . p. . fretus ergo & dilectione & religione 〈◊〉 , quam satis novi , his literis & hortor , & mando , ut vos — vice 〈◊〉 fungamini circa gerenda ea , quae administratio religiofa deposcit . epist. . §. . p. . et cum incumbat nobis qui videmur praepositi esse , & vice pastoris 〈◊〉 gregem , si negligentes inveniamur , dicetur nobis quod & antecessoribus nostris dictum est , qui tam negligentes praepositi erant : quoniam perditum non requisivimus , & errantem non correximus , & claudum non colligavimus , & 〈◊〉 eorum edebamus , & lanis eorum operiebamur . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . actor . v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . phil. . epist. . ad corinth . p. . ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . ibidem , p. . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . qui in ecclesiâ sunt presbyteri — qui cum episcopatus successione , &c. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . pastores ovium . epist. . §. . p. . praepositi . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment in matth. vol. . p. . et cum omnes omnino disciplinam tenere oporteat , multo magis praepositos & diaconos curare hoc 〈◊〉 est , qui exemplum & documentum caeteris de conversatione & moribus suis 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad corinth . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem , p. . presbyteri qui serviunt suis voluptatibus , & non praeponunt timorem dei in cordibus suis , sed contumeliis agunt reliquos , & principalis consessionis tumore elati sunt — ab omnibus igitur talibus absistere oportet , adhaerere vero his , qui & apostolorum sicut praediximus , doctrinam custodiunt , & cum presbyterii ordine sermonem sanum , & conversationem sine offensâ praestant ad informationem & correctionem reliquorum — tales presbyteros nutrit ecclesia , de quibus & propheta ait , & dabo principes tuos in pace , & episcopos tuos in 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . p. . videt & ordinationes , sive stationes ministrorum ejus . diaconorum , ut mihi videtur , ordinem memorat astantium divino ministerio . 〈◊〉 . . in cantic . cantic . origen . nobiscum sedeat in clero . cyprian . epist. . p. . collegis meis . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . communi consilio . epist . . p. . ubi ecclesiastici ordinis non est consessus , & offert , & tingit sacerdos , qui est 〈◊〉 solus . 〈◊〉 . ad castiat . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud . 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in 〈◊〉 . tom. . p. . vol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad tralles . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . martyr . apolog. . p. . baptismum dandi habet jus episcopus dehinc presbyteri & diaconi . tertul. de bapt. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . hypodiaconum optatum . epist. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . naricum acoluthum . cyprian . epist. . p. . unus de exorcistis vir probatus . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 cypr. ep. . §. . p. . hos lectores constitutos . cyp. ep. . §. . p. . non iste ad episcopatum subito 〈◊〉 , per omnia 〈◊〉 officia promotus — ad sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis religionis gradibus ascendit . cypriar . epist. . §. . p. . communi consilio omnium nostrum . epist. . p. . necesse fuit — necessitate urgente promotum est . ibidem . communi consilio . epist. . apud cypr. p. . nunc neophytos conlocant . 〈◊〉 praescript . adv . haeret. p. . in annis ad huc novellus . cypr. epist. . p. . merebatur — clericae ordination is — gradus & incrementa — non de annis suis , sed de meritis aestimandus . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . epist. ad magnes . p. . nemo militans deo obligat se molestiis saecularibus , ut possit placere ei cui se probavit . quod cum de omnibus dictum sit , quantò magis molestiis & laqueis saecularibus obligari non debent , qui divinis rebus & spiritualibus occupati , ab ecclesia recedere , & ad terrenos & saeculares actus vacare non possunt , cujus ordinationis & religionis formam levitae prius in lege tenuerunt , ut cum terram dividerent , & possessiones partirentur undecem tribus , levitica tribus , quae templo & altari , & ministeriis divinis vacabat , nihil de illa divisionis portione perciperet , sed aliis terram colentibus , illa tantum deum coleret , & ad victum atque alimentum suum ab undecem tribubus de sructibus qui nascebantur , decimas reciperet . quod totum fiebat de auctoritate & dispositione divinâ , ut qui operationibus divinis insistebant , in nullâ re avocarentur , nec cogitare aut agere saecularia cogerentur . quae nunc ratio & forma in clero tenetur , ut qui in ecclesia domini ordinatione clerica promoventur , in nullo ab administratione divina avocentur , nec molestiis & negotiis saecularibus alligentur , sed in honore sportulantium fratrum tanquam decimas ex fructibus accipientes , ab altari & sacrificiis non recedant , sed die ac nocte coelestibus rebus & spiritualibus serviant . epist. . §. , . p. . cum jampridem in consilio episcoporum statutum sit , ne quis de clericis & dei ministris tutorem vel curatorem testamento suo constituat , quando singuli divino sacerdotio honorati , & in clerico ministerio constituti , non nisi altari & sacrificiis deservire , & precibus atque orationibus vacare debeant . idem ibidem . nunc saeculo obstrictos concolant . tertul. de praescript . adv . haeret. p. . humiles & mites . cyprian epist. . §. . p. . in ordinationibus sacerdotum non 〈◊〉 immaculates & integros antislites eligere debemus , qui sancte & digne sacrificia deo offerentes , audiri in precibus possint , quas faciunt pro plebis dominicae incolumitate , cum scriptum sit , deus peccatorem non audit , sed siquis deum coluerit , & voluntatem ejus 〈◊〉 , illum audit . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tom. . comment . in genes . p. , . vol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra 〈◊〉 , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stiom . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . str. lib. . p. . haereticorum patriarchae philosophi . advers . hermog . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clemens alexand. strom. l. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . stromat . lib. . p. . stromat . lib. . p. , , , . and lib. . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum , 〈◊〉 . . p. . non 〈◊〉 ad episcopatum subito pervenit , per omnia ecclesiastica officia promotus — ad sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis religionis 〈◊〉 ascendit . 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . merebatur talis clericae ordinationis ulteriores gradus & incrementa majora , sed interim placuit ut ab officio 〈◊〉 incipiat . idem epist. . p. . ordinationes sacerdotales non nisi sub populi assistentis conscientiâ fieri oportere , ut plebe praesente vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur , & sit ordinatio justa & legitima , quae omnium suffragio & judicio fuerit examinata . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . numidicus presbyter adscribatur presbyterorum carthaginensium numero . 〈◊〉 . epist. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cornel. apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . per baptisina spiritus sanctus accipitur , & sic a baptizatis & spiritum sanctum 〈◊〉 ad bibendum calicem domini pervenitur . cyprian . ep. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra 〈◊〉 , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen contra 〈◊〉 , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem ibidem , p. . de praescript . adv . haeret . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen contia celsum , lib. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , idem ibidem . p. . de 〈◊〉 . advers . haeret. p. . quis catechumenus , quis fidelis incertum 〈◊〉 ; pariter audiunt , pariter orant . tert. de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra 〈◊〉 , lib. . p. . non ideo abluimur , ut delinquere desinamus , sed quia desinivimus . 〈◊〉 poenitentia , p. . desiderio vestro divina praecepta respondent quibus jampridem mandantur voce coelesti , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quos & quales oporteat 〈◊〉 altari — in levitico praecipit dominus & 〈◊〉 homo , in quo fuerit macula & vitium non accedet offerre dona deo — nec sibi plebs blandiatur quasi immunis 〈◊〉 contagio delicti 〈◊〉 , cum sacerdote peccatore communicans — propter quod plebs obsequens praeceptis dominicis . & deum metuens , a peceatore praeposito separare se debet , nec se ad sacrilegi sacerdotis sacrificia miscere ; quando ipsa maxime habeat 〈◊〉 vel eligendi dignos 〈◊〉 , vel indignos 〈◊〉 . epist. . apud cyprian . §. , , . p. , . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . nonaginta 〈◊〉 sententia condemnatum . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 ipsa maximè habeat 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 eligendi 〈◊〉 sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . vicarias vero pro nobis , ego , & collegae , & fraternitas omnis , has ad vos literas mitimus . 〈◊〉 , ep. . §. . p. . in commune tractabimus . 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . nec religionis est cogere religionem , quae sponte suscipi debeat , non vi . ad scapulam , p. . disciplina custos spei , retinaculum fidei , dux itineris salutaris , fomes ac nutrimentum bonae indolis , magistra 〈◊〉 , facit in christo manere semper ac jugiter deo vivere , & ad promissa coelestia & divina praemia 〈◊〉 . hanc & sectari salubre est , & aversari ac negligere letale . 〈◊〉 psalmis loquitur spiritus sanctus continete disciplinam , ne forte irascatur 〈◊〉 , & pereatis à via recta , cum exaiserit cito ira ejus super vos . et iterum ; peccatori autem dixit deus , ad quid exponis justificationes meas , & assumis testamentum meum per os ruum ? tu autem odisti disci . plinam , & abjecisti sermones meos retro . et denuo legimus : disciplinam quia abjicit , infelix est . et de salomone mandata sapientiae monentis accipimus : fili ne neglexeris disciplinam domini , nec defeceris ab eo correptus . quem enim diligit dominus corripit . si autem deus quem diligit , corripit , & ad hoc corripit , ut emendet , fratres quoque & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non oderunt ; sed diligunt eos quos corripiunt ut emendent ; quando & deus per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praedixerit , & tempora nostra significaverit , 〈◊〉 & dabo vobis pastores secundum cor meum , & pascent vos pascentes cum disciplina . de 〈◊〉 & habitu virginum , §. . p. , . so was 〈◊〉 in cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . euseb. lib. . c. . p. . origen . hom. . in jerem . p. . vol. . origen . ibidcm . cyprian . ep. . §. . p. . cyprian . ep. . §. . p. . origen contra celsum , lib. . p. . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . commentar . in matthaeum , tom. . p. . vol. . ecclefia super episcopos constituatur ; & omnis actus ecclesiae , per eosdem praepositos gubernetur . epist. . §. . p. . si clausum putas coelum , memento claves ejus hic dominum petro , & per eum ecclesiae reliquisse . scorpiac . p. . potestas remittendorum peccatorum apostolis data 〈◊〉 , & ecclesi is quas illi â christo missi . constituerunt , & episcopis qui eis ordinatione vacariâ successerunt . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . comment . in mat. tom. . p. . vol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. o. c. . p. . haec 〈◊〉 tractanda 〈◊〉 , & limanda plenius ratio — cum plebe ipsa universa . epist. . §. . p. . secundum arbitrium quoque vestrum & omnium nostrum commune consilium — ea 〈◊〉 agenda sunt disponere pariter , & limare poterimus . epist. . § . p. . acturi & apud nos , & apud plebem universam causam suam . epist. . §. . p. . cum pace nobis omnibus à domino prius data , ad ecclesiam regredi caeperimus , tunc examinabuntur singula praesentibus ac judicantibus vobis . epist. . ad 〈◊〉 , §. . p. . o si posses , frater charissime , iuic interesse 〈◊〉 , cum pravi 〈◊〉 & perversi de schismate revertuntur , videres quis mihi 〈◊〉 sit persuadere patientiam fratribus nostris , ut 〈◊〉 dolore sopito 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 curandisque conseutiant ; vix 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 extorqueo , ut tales 〈◊〉 admitti . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cornel. apud 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . cap. . p. . in presbyterium venerunt — quod erat consequens , omnis hic actus populo fuerit insinuandus . 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. , . p. , . adfuerunt episcopi quinque — ut firmato consilio , quid circa personam eorum observari deberet , consensu omnium 〈◊〉 . cornel. ad 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes , & censura divina ; nam & judicatur magno cum pondere , ut apud certos de dei conspectu , 〈◊〉 futuri judicii praejudicium est , fi quis ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione orationis , & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . praesident probati quique seniores , honorem istum non precio sed testimonio adepti . apolog. cap. . p. . spirituali gladio superbi & contumaces necantur , dum de ecclesia ejiciuntur . epist. . §. . p. . contumaces & deum non timentes , & ab ecclesia in totum recedentes , nemo comitetur . epist . . §. . p. . acturi & apud nos , & apud plebem universam causam suam , epist. . §. . p. . in commune tractabimus . epist. . §. . p. . secundum vestra divina suffragia conjurati . epist. . ad plebem . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. l. . c. . p. . ab ecclesiae communicatione abjectus . de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . a communicatione depellere . de monogam . p. . ab ecclesia separati , epist. . §. . p. . de ecclesia se pellerent . epist. . §. . p. . spirituali gladio necantur . epist. . §. . p. . contumaces & deum non timentes , & ab ecclesia in totum recedentes , nemo comitetur . epist . . §. . p. . quos paulus jubet nobis devitare , joannes enim non ave nobis eis 〈◊〉 volens . qui enim 〈◊〉 , inquit , eis ave , communicat operibus eorum nequissimis . lib. . cap. . p. . a communicatione orationis & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . apol. c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in matth. tom. . p. . vol. . pulsent sane fores , sed non utique confringant ; adeant ad limen ecclesiae , sed non utique transiliant . castrorum coelestium excubent portis , sed armati modestia , qua intelligant se desertores fuisse . resumant precum suarum tubam , sed qua non bellicum clangant . arment se quidem modestiae telis , & quem negando mortis metu fidei demiserant , clypeum resumant , sed ut contra hostem diabolum vel nunc armati non contra ecclesiam , quae illorum dolet casus , armatos 〈◊〉 esse credant . multum illis proficiet petitio modesta , postulatio verecunda , humilitas necessaria , patientia non otiosa ; mittant legatos pro suis doloribus lacrymas ; advocatione fungantur ex intimo pectore prolati gemitus , dolorem probantes cominissi criminis & pudorem , epist. . apud cyprian . §. . p. . sacco & cineri incubare , corpus sordibus obscurare , animum 〈◊〉 dejicere , — 〈◊〉 preces alere , 〈◊〉 , lachrymari , & mug re dies noctesque — presbyteris advolvi , & caris dei adgeniculari , omnibus fratribus 〈◊〉 deprecationis suae iujungere . de foenitentia , p. . lamentari eum putamus ex toto corde jejuniis , fletibus , planctibus dominum deprecari ; qui ex primo criminis die lavacra quotidie celebrat , qui epulis affluentibus pastus , & 〈◊〉 largiore distentus , cruditates suas postridie ructat , nec cibos & potus suos cum pauperum necessitate communicat ? qui hilaris ac laetus incedit , quomodo mortem suam deflet ? an illa ingemiscit & plangit , cui vacat cultum pretiosae vestis induere , nec indumentum christi , quod perdidit , cogitare ? accipere pretiosa ornamenta & monilia elaborata , nec divini & coelestis ornatus damna deflere ; tu licet indumenta 〈◊〉 & vestes sericas induas , nuda es ; auro te licet & margaritis gemmisque 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 christi decore deformis es . et quae capillos tuos inficis , vel nunc in doloribus desine , & quae nigri pulveris ductu oculorum liniamenta 〈◊〉 , vel nune lacrymis oculos tuos ablue . si quem de tuis charis mortali exitu perdidisses , ingemisceres dolenter , & fleres : facie inculta , veste mutata , neglecto capillo , vultu nubilo , ore dejecto indicia maeroris 〈◊〉 , animam tuam misera perdidisti — 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 plangis , non jugiter ingemiscis ? §. , 〈◊〉 . p. . orare oportet impensius & rogare , diem luctu transigere , vigiliis noctes ac fletibus ducere , tempus omne lachrymosis lamentationibus occupare , stratos solo adhaerere cineri , in cilicio & sordibus volutari : post indumentum christi perditum , nullum hic jam velle veslitum : post diaboli cibum malle jejunium . §. . p. . legitimum & plenum tempus satisfactionis . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . urgere exitus coeperit . apud 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . lapsis pacem dandamesse , & eos ad praelium , quod imminet , armari & 〈◊〉 oportere . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . inspecta vita ejus qui agit poenitentiam . cypr. epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. l. . c. . p. . non minis sed precibus & lamentationibus . cypr. ep. . §. . p. . exomologesin 〈◊〉 - 〈◊〉 atque extremi delicti . epist. . §. . p. . satisfactio confessione disponitur , confessione poenitentia noscitur . de poenitentia , p. . epist. . §. . p. . epist. . §. . p. . tantum relevat confessio delictum , quantum dissimulatio exaggerat ; 〈◊〉 enim satisfactionis consilium est , dissimulatio contumaciae . de poenitentia , p. . pudoris magis memores quam salutis velut illi qui in partibus verecundioribus corporis contractâ vexatione , conscientiam medentium vitant , & ita cum erubescentia sua pereunt . de 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cornel . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . exomologesin gravissimi atque extremi delicti . epist. . §. . p. . ergo cum te ad fratrum genua protendis — aeque illi cum super te lacrymas agunt . de poenitentia , p. . cum lacrymis nostris vestras lacrymas jungite ; cum nostro gemitu , vestros gemitus copulate . de lapsis , §. . p. . per impositionem manus episcopi & cleri jus communicationis accipiunt . epist. . §. . p. . nec ad communicationem venire quis possit , nisi prius illi & ab episcopo & clero manus 〈◊〉 imposita . epist. . §. . p. . agant peccatores poenitentiam justo tempore , & secundum disciplinae ordinem ad exomologesin veniant , & per impofitionem manus episcopi & cleri jus communicationis accipiant . epist. . §. . p. . ante actam poenitentiam , ante exomologesin gravissimi atque extremi delicti factam , ante manum ab episcopo & clero in poenitentiam impositam , offerre lapsis pacem , & eucharistiam dare audeant . epist. 〈◊〉 . §. . p. . and almost the same words are repeated , epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . satis sibi gratulans , si sibi vel laico communicare contingeret . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . maximam presbyterum locum suum agnoscere jussimus . cornel. apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . statutum sit omnibus nobis , & aequum sit pariter ac justum , ut unius cujusque causa illic audiatur , ubi est crimen admissum , & singulis pastoribus 〈◊〉 gregis sit 〈◊〉 quam regat unusquisque & gubernet rationem sui actus domino rediturus . apud 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . caeterum scimus quosdam quod semel imbiberint nolle deponere , nec propositum suum facile mutare , sed salvo inter collegas pacis & concordiae vinculo , quaedam propria , quae apud se semel sint usurpata , 〈◊〉 qua in re nec nos vim cuiquam facimus , aut legem damus , cum habeat in ecclesiae administratione voluntatis suae arbitrium liberum 〈◊〉 praepositus , rationem actus sui domino redditurus . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . apud antecessores nostros quidam de episcopis 〈◊〉 in provincia nostra dandam pacem moechis non putaverunt & in totum poenitentiae locum contra adultetia clauserunt , non 〈◊〉 a coepiscoporum suorum collegio recesserunt , aut catholicae ecclesiae unitatem vel duritiae vel censurae suae obstinatione ruperunt , ut quia apud alios adulteris pax dabatur , qui non dabat de ecclesia separaretur , manente concordiae vinculo & perseverante catholicae ecclesiae individuo sacramento , actum suum disponit & dirigit unusquisque episcopus , rationem propositi sui domino redditurus . epist. . §. . p. . cum sit a christo una ecclesia per totum mundum in multa membra divisa , item episcopatus unus episcoporum multorum concordi 〈◊〉 diffusus . epist. . §. . p . nam etsi pastores multi sumus , unum tamen gregem pascimus , & oves universas quas christus sanguine suo & passione quaesivit , colligere & fovere debemus . epist. . §. . p. . omnes enim nos decet pro co pore totius ecclesiae , cujus per varias quasque provincias membra digesta sunt , excubare . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . et dilectio communis & ratio exposcit , fratres charissimi , nihil conscientiae vestrae subtrahere de his quae apud nos geruntur , ut sit nobis circa utilitatem ecclesiasticae administrationis commune consilium . epist. . p. . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . coepiscopis nostris in eadem provincia 〈◊〉 tutis . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 provincia nostra . st . . §. . p. . per provinciam noam . ep. . §. . p. . per provinciam . epist. . §. . p. . latius fusa est nostra provincia . epist. . §. . p. . apud nos & fere per provincias universas tenetur . ut — ad eam 〈◊〉 cui 〈◊〉 ordinatur episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant . epist. . §. . p. . per singulos annos in unum conveniamus . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ex epist. synod . apud euseb. l. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . ut episcopi plures in unum convenientes , praesente & 〈◊〉 plebedisponere omnia consilii communis religione possimus . epist. . §. . p. . consultis omnibus episcopis , presbyteris , diaconibus , confessoribus , & ipsis stantium laicis . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . collatione consiliorum cum episcopis , presbyteris diaconis , confessoribus , pariter ac stantibus laicis sacta , lapsorum tractare rationem . 〈◊〉 cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . episcopi plurimis — cum presbyteris & diaconibus , praesente etiam plebis maxima parte . act. concil . carthag . apud cyprian . p. . act. concil . carthag . ad calcem oper . cypr. apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. , . apud fuseb . lib. . cap. . p. . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . literas ad te collegae nostri manu sua subscriptas miserunt , qui auditis eis , quid senserint , & quid pronunciaverint , ex eorum literis disces . cyp. epist. . §. . p. . per singulos annos conveniamus — ut lapsis fratribus per poenitentiam medela quaeratur . firmil . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . euseb. lib. . c. . p. . apud cyprian . epist. . p. . in unum convenientes — disponere omnia possimus . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . ut per singulos annos seniores & praepositi in unum conveniamus ad disponenda ea quae curae nostrae commissa sunt . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . statueramus — si periculum infirmitatis urgeret , pacem sub ictu mortis acciperent . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . censuimus — pacem dandam esse , & eos ad praelium , quod imminet , armari & instrui oportere . ibidem . ante legitimum & plenum tempus satisfactionis — pax ei concederetur . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . decreverit ejusmodi homines ad poenitentiam quidem agendam posse admitti , ab ordinatione autem cleri atque sacerdotali honore 〈◊〉 . apud cyprian . ep. . §. . p. . statutum sit , ne quis de clericis & dei ministris tutorem vel curatorem testamento suo constituat . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . victori antequam poenitentiam plenam egisset , 〈◊〉 therapius , pacem dederit , quae res nos sàtis mover , recessum esse à decreti nostri auctoritate . apud cypr. epist. . §. . p. . satisfuit objurgare therapium — quod temere hoc fecerit , & instruxisse ne quid tale de caetero faciat . ibidem . censuerunt ne quis frater excedens , ad tutelam vel curam clericum nominaret , ac si quis hoc fecisset , non offerretur pro eo , nec sacrificium pro dormitione ejus celebraretur . apud cypr. epist. . § . p. . graviter commoti sumus ego & collegae mei - & ideo victor , cum contra formam nuper in concilio à sacerdotibus datum , geminium faustinum presbyterum ausus sit tutorem constituere , non est quod pro dormitione ejus apud vos fiat oblatio , aut deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in ecclesia frequentetur , ut sacerdotum decretum 〈◊〉 & necessariè factum servetur à nobis . ibidem , §. , . p. . maximè cum jampridem decretum est ejusmodi homines ad poenitentiam quidem agendam posse admitti , ab ordinatione autem cleri atque sacerdotali honore prohiberi . 〈◊〉 cypr. ep. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. 〈◊〉 . . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem ibidem . in plurimis provinciis multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur , nec tamen propter hoc ab ecclesiae catholicae pace atque unitare aliquando 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dialog . cum tryphon . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . c. . p. . multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur , nec tamen propter hoc ab ecclesiae catholicae pace atque unitate aliquando discessum est . quod nunc stephanus ausus est facere , tumpens adversum vos pacem , quam semper antecessores ejus vobiscum amore & honore mutuo custodierunt . superest ut de hac ipsa re singuli quid sentiamus , proferamus , neminem judicantes , aut à jure communionis aliquem , si diversum senserit amoventes . neque enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se esse episcoporum constituit , aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit . concil . carthag . apud cyprian . p. . judicabit 〈◊〉 qui schismata operantur , qui sunt immanes , non habentes dei dilectionem , 〈◊〉 utisitarem potius considerantes , quam unitatem ecclesiae , propter modicas & quaslibet causas magnum & gloriosum corpus christi conscindunt & dividunt , & quantum in ipsis est , 〈◊〉 , pacem loquentes & bellum operantes , 〈◊〉 liquantes culicem & camelum transglutientes . lib. . cap. . p. . hane igitur praedicationem & hanc fidem adepta ecclesia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in universo mundo diligentes conservat , 〈◊〉 in una eademque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ae 〈◊〉 iis fidem habet , acsi unam animam unumque 〈◊〉 idem cor haberet : 〈◊〉 uno 〈◊〉 haec praedicat , docet 〈◊〉 tradit , acsi uno ore praedita esset . quamvis 〈◊〉 dissimilia sint in mundo genera linguarum , una tamen eademque est vis traditionis ; nec quae constitutae sunt in germania ecclesiae aliter credunt aut tradunt , nec quae in hispaniis , neque in galliis , neque in oriente , neque in aegypto , neque in lybia , aut in medio orbis terrarum fundatae sunt . sed quemadmodum sol creatura dei unus & idem est in universo mundo . ita & 〈◊〉 veritatis ubique lucet , & illuminat omnes homines qui ad notionem veritatis venire volunt . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . scindunt & separant unitatem ecclesiae . lib. . cap. . p. . diabolus haereses invenit & schismata , quibus subverteret fidem , veritatem corrumperet , scinderet unitatem . de unitate ecclesiae §. . p. . in provincia africa & numidia ecclesiam domini . epist. . §. . p. . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . basilidem & martialem libellis idololatriae commaculatos — episcopatum 〈◊〉 , & sacerdotium dei administrare non oportere . epist. synod . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . oportet longe fugere ab 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . si habueris accusationem doctrinae 〈◊〉 , & alienorum ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . qui vero presbyteri serviunt suis voluptatibus , & non praeponunt 〈◊〉 dei in cordibus luis , sed contumeliis agunt reliquos , & principalis consessionis tumore elati sunt , & in absconfis agunt mala — ab omnibus talibus absistere 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . qui curam habet vitae suae , non meis delictis qui videor in ecclesia praedicare scandalizabitur , sed ipsum dogma considerans , & pertractans ecclesiae sidem , à me quidem aversabitur , doctrinam vero suscipiet secundum 〈◊〉 domini , qui ait , supra cathedram moysi sederunt scribae & pharisaei , omnia enim 〈◊〉 vobis 〈◊〉 audite & facite , juxta autem opera illorum nolite facere ; dicunt quippe & non faciunt : iste sermo de me est , qui bona doceo , & contraria gero & sum sedens supra cathedram moysi quasi scriba & pharisaeus ; praeceptum tibi est , o popule , 〈◊〉 non habueris accusationem doctrinae 〈◊〉 , & alienorum ab ecclesia dogmatum , conspexeris vero meam culpabilem vitam , atque peccata , ut non habeas juxta dicentis vitam tuam instituere , sed ea facere quae loquor . homil. . in ezechiel . ob multa & gravia delicta . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . deus unus est , & christua unus , & una ecclesia , & cathedra una super petrum domini voce fundata ; aliud altare constitui , aut sacerdotium novum fieri praeter unum altare & unum sacerdotium non potest : quisquis alibi collegerit , spargit , adulterum est , impium est , quodcunque humano furore instituitur , ut dispositio divina violetur . epist. . §. . p. . neque enim aliunde nata sunt schismata , quam inde quod sacerdoti dei non obtemperatur , nec unus in ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos , & ad tempus judex vice christi 〈◊〉 . epist. . §. . p. . hi sunt ortus atque conatus schismaticorum malè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placeant , ut praepositum superbo 〈◊〉 contemnant , 〈◊〉 de ecclesia receditur , sic altare profanum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sic contra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ordinationem atque unitatem dei rebellatur . epist. . §. . p. . inde schismata & haereses 〈◊〉 sunt , & oriuntur , dum episcopus qui unus est , & ecclesiae praeest , superba quorundam praesumptione contemnitur , & homo dignatione dei honoratus indignus hominibus judicatur . epist. . §. . p. . illi sunt ecclesia plebs sacerdoti adunata , & pastori suo grex adhaerens , unde scire debes episcopum in ecclesia esse , & ecclesiam in episcopo , & si qui cum episcopo non sunt , in ecclesia non esse , & frustra sibi blandiri eos , qui pacem cum sacerdotibus dei non habentes obrepunt , & latentur apud quosdam communicare se credunt , quando ecclesia , quae catholica una est , 〈◊〉 non sit , neque divisa , sed sit utique connexa , & cohaerentium sibi invicem sacerdotum glutino copulata . epist. . §. . p. . cum episcopo portionem plebis dividere , id est , à pastore oves , & filios à parente separare , & christi membra dissipare . epist. . §. . p. . conventicula sibi diversa 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 . eccles. §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad magnesios , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad philadelph . p. . commisisse se schismata , & haeresis auctores fuisse . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . schismatico & 〈◊〉 homine . ibidem §. . p. . haereticae pravitatis . epist. . §. . p. . schismaticus & haereticus error . epist. . §. . p. . ostiatim per multorum domos , vel oppidatim , per quasdam civitates discurrentes , obstinationis suae & erroris scissi sibi quaerant comites . epist. . §. . p. . martianus arelate consistens novatiano se conjunxerit , & à catholicae ecclesiae unitate , atque à corporis nostri & sacerdotii consensione discesserit , tenens haereticae praesumptionis durissimam pravitatem , ut servis dei poenitentibus & dolentibus , & ad ecclesiam lachrymis & gemitu & dolore pulsantibus , divinae pietatis & lenitatis paterna solatia & subsidia claudantur , nec ad fovenda vulnera admittantur vulnerati , sed sine spe pacis & communicationis relicti ad luporum rapinam & praedam diaboli projiciantur . epist. . §. . p. . cum novatianus ipse , quem sequitur , olim abstentus & hostis ecclefiae judicatus sit . epist. . §. . p. . et cum ad nos in africam legatos misisset , optans ad communicationem nostram admitti , hinc sententiam retulerit , se foris esse coepisse , nec posse à quoquam nostrum sibi communicari . cypr. ep. . §. . p. . cum novatiano te non communicare . idem epist. . §. . p. . felicissimum rejectum à te illic esse . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . tuas literas legimus . cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . literas nostras ad te direximus . cyprian . epist . . §. . p. . venerunt ad nos , missi à novatiano maximus presbyter & augendus diaconus , & machaeus quidam , & longinus . cyprian . epist . . §. . p. . accepi literas tuas , concordiam collegii sacerdotalis firmiter obtinentes & catholicae ecclesiae cohaerentes , quibus significasti cum novatiano 〈◊〉 non communicare , sed cum cornelio coepiscopo nostro unum tenere consensum . epist. . §. . p. . literas nostras ad 〈◊〉 direximus . epist. . §. . p. . a communicatione eos nostra statim cohibendos . esse censuimus . epist. . §. . p. . nec mandare desistimus , ut perniciosa dissensione deposita — agnoscant , episcopo 〈◊〉 facto , alium constitui nullo modo posse . ibid. §. . p. . cum sit à christo una ecclesia per totum mundum in multa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 item 〈◊〉 unus 〈◊〉 multorum concordi numerositate 〈◊〉 . epist . . §. . p. . alienus est — habere jam non potest 〈◊〉 patrem , qui 〈◊〉 non habet matrem ; tales etiam si occisi in confessione nominis suerint , macula 〈◊〉 nec sanguine abluitur . de unit. eccles. §. . & . p. . & . notes for div a -e scripturae leguntur , psalmi canuntur , adlocutiones 〈◊〉 , & petitiones delegantur . de 〈◊〉 , c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib . c. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . c. 〈◊〉 . p. . placuit ut ab officio lectionis incipiat . epist. . p. . just. martyr . apol. . p. . tertul. de praescript . advers . 〈◊〉 . p. . cyprian . epist. . p. . & epist. . §. . p. . plebi universae — legat praecepta & evangelium domini . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . martyr . apolog. . p. . cogimur ad literarum divinarum commemorationem , siquid praesentium temporum qualitas aut praemonere cogit aut recognoscere . apolog. cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog . . p. . scripturae leguntur , psalmi canuntur . de anim. cap. . p. . carmen christo , quasi deo dicere . epist. ad 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. origen . de orat. §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. alex. paedag . lib. . c. . p. . quid maritus suus illi ? vel marito quid illa cantabit ? ad uxor . lib. . p. . sonant inter duos psalmi & hymni , & mutuò provocant , quis melius deo suo canet ? ibidem , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . quisque de scripturis sanctis , vel de proprio ingenio provocatur in medium deo canere . apolog . c. . p. . vide quam bonum & quam jueundum habitare fiatres in unum : hoc tu psallere non facile 〈◊〉 , nisi quo tempore cum compluribus coenas . advers . psychy . cos de jejunio . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. concil . 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen . de oratione , §. . p. . origen . de orat. §. . p. . carmen 〈◊〉 dicere secum invicem . epist. ad trajan . quid maritus suus illi ? vel marito quid illa cantabit ? ad uxor . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen . de oratione , §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . scripturae leguntur , psalmi canuntur , ad locutiones proferuntur . de anima , c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog . . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum , lib. . p. . homil. de engastrym . and homil. . in jerem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . homil de 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. de 〈◊〉 . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem , 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. . in jerem. vol. . p. . quapropter consurgentes deprecemur dominum , ut digni efficiamur — christo jesu , cui est gloria & imperium in saecula saeculorum . amen . homil. . in cantic . surgentes per christum sacrificia patri offeramus , ipse enim propitiatio est pro peccatis nostris , cui est gloria & imperium in saecula saeculorum . in 〈◊〉 . homil . . nos ad orientis regionem precari . apolog. c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . martyr . dialog . cum tryphon . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem , 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 christi figuram . advers . valentin . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 , §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de oratione , §. . p. , . inde suspicio , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nos ad 〈◊〉 regionem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apol : . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . iib. p. p. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. origen . de orat. §. . p. . sacerdos 〈◊〉 orationem praefatione praemissa , parat fratrum 〈◊〉 dicendo , sursum corda , & responder 〈◊〉 , habemus ad dominum . cyprian . de orat. dominic . §. . p. . pallio nihil expeditius — quippe tota molitio ejus operire est solutim , id est , uno circumjectu — ita omnia hominis simul contegit . tertul. de pallio , p. . primitive christianity , part . c. . p. . quorundam positis penulis orationem facere : sic enim adeunt ad idola nationes : quod utique 〈◊〉 fieri 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 qui de habitu orandi docent , comprehendissent , nisi si qui putant paulum penulam suam in oratione penes carpum reliquisse . d. oratione , p. . modestis precibus orare . cyprian . de orat. dominic . §. . p. . enixis precibus , lacrymis , ingemiscamus , preces , gemitus , lachrymae . cyprian . epist. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog . . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . in precibus quas faciunt pro plebis dominicae incolumitate . epist. . §. . p. . qui idolis sacrificando sacrilega sacrificia fecerunt , sacerdotium dei sibi vindicare non possunt , nec ullam in conspectu ejus precem pro fratribus facere . epist. . §. . p. . oportet eos ad sacerdotium deligi , quos à deo 〈◊〉 audiri . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apxd euseb. lib. . c. . p. . dc oratione , §. . p. , , . orandi legem . de unit . ecclesiae , §. . p. . ut aliter orare quam docuit , non ignorantia sola sit , sed & culpa . de orat. dominic . §. . p. . unusquisque oret deum non pro se tantum , sed pro omnibus fratribus , sicut dominus orare nos docuit . epist. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. 〈◊〉 . . p. . quâ patrem — nos jussit orare . in isaiam , homil . . novam orationis formam determinavit . de oratione , p. . legitima oratio . de suga in 〈◊〉 . p. . orandi ipse formam dedit , ipse quid precaremur monuit & 〈◊〉 : qui 〈◊〉 vivere , docuit & 〈◊〉 — ut dum prece & oratione quam filius docuit , apud patrem loquimur , facilius audiamur — quae 〈◊〉 potest esse magis spiritualis oratio , quam quae verè à 〈◊〉 nobis data est , à quo nobis & spiritus 〈◊〉 missus est ? quae verè magis apud patrem precatio , quam quae à filio , qui 〈◊〉 veritas , de ejus ore prolata est ? ut 〈◊〉 orare quam docuit , non ignorantia sola sit sed & culpa — oremus itaque fratres dilectissimi , sicut magister deus docuit . amica & familiaris 〈◊〉 est deum de suo rogare ad aures ejus ascendere 〈◊〉 orationem , 〈◊〉 pater filii sui verba : cum precem 〈◊〉 , qui habitat intus in pectore , ipse sit & in voce : & cum ipsum 〈◊〉 apud patrem 〈◊〉 pro peccatis mostris quando peccatores pro 〈◊〉 nostris petimus , advocati 〈◊〉 verba premamus . nam cum dicat , quia quodcunque petierimus à patre in nomine ejus , dabit nobis : quantò efficacius 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 in christi nomine , si petamus 〈◊〉 oratione ? de 〈◊〉 . dominic . §. , . p. . compendiis paucorum verborum , quot attinguntur edicta 〈◊〉 , evangeliorum , apostolorum , sermones domini , parabolae , exempla , praecepta , quot simul expunguntur officia dei , honor in patre ; fides , testimonium in nomine , oblatio obsequii in voluntate , commemoratio spei in regno , petitio vitae in pane , exomologesis debitorum in deprecatione , sollicitudo tentationum , in postulatione tutelae . quid mirum ! deus solus docere potuit , ut se vellet 〈◊〉 . de orat. p. . posse nos super adjicere — & sunt quae petantur pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de oratione , p. posse nos super adjicere . quoniam tamen dominus prospector humanarum necessitatum seorsim post traditam 〈◊〉 disciplinam , 〈◊〉 , inquit , & 〈◊〉 , & sunt quae 〈◊〉 , pro 〈◊〉 cujusque , praemisia legitima & ordinaria oratione quasi fundamento , accidentium jus est desideriorum , jus est 〈◊〉 extrinsecus petitiones , cum memoria tamen 〈◊〉 : ne quantum à 〈◊〉 tantum ab 〈◊〉 dei longè simus . memoria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sternit ad coelum quorum praecipuum est , 〈◊〉 . p. . apolog. . p. . com. in matth. tom. . p. . vol. . com. in matth. tom. . p. . vol. . 〈◊〉 . tom. . p. . ibid. tom. . p. . com. in johan . tom. . p. . vol. . contra celsum . lib. 〈◊〉 . p. . ibid. lib. . p. . ibid. lib. . p. . ibid. lib. . p. 〈◊〉 . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de oratione , §. . p. . illue suspicientes christiani manibus expansis , quia innocuis , capite nudo , quia non erubescimus , denique sine monitore , quia de pectore oramus . apolog. c. . p. . praemissa legitima & ordinaria orarione , accidentium jus es desideriorum . de orat. p. . et quando in sacrificiis precem cum plurimis facimus . epist. 〈◊〉 . §. . p. . hic quoque in sacrificiis atque in orationibus nostris non cessantes deo — gratias agere , & orare pariter , ac petere , ut qui perfectus 〈◊〉 atque perficiens , custodiat & perficiat in vobis confessionis vestrae gloriosam coronam . epist. . §. . p. . in mentem habeatis in orationibus vestris , & eis vicem boni operis in sacrificiis & precibus repraesentetis . epist. . §. . p. . invocatione non contemptibili . apud cypr. ep. . §. . 〈◊〉 . expandimus manus & dominica passione modulantes & orantes consitemur christo. tertul. de orat. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de orat. §. . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contia celsum , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . apolog. . p. . de 〈◊〉 . milit. p. . summus sacerdos qui est episcopus . de baptism . p. . dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi auctorirate — laicis etiam jus est — 〈◊〉 in necessitatibus . ibidem , p. , . mulier non tingendi jus sibi pariet . ibid. p. . diaconus reluctanti licet , de sacramento calicis infudit . de lapsis , §. . p. . parvuli baptizantur in remissionem peccatorum ; quorum peccatorum ? vel quo tempore peccaverunt ? aut quomodo potest ulla lavacri in parvulis ratio subsistere , nisi juxta illum seusum de quo paulo ante diximus , nullus mundus à sorde , nec fi unius diei quidem fuerit vita ejus super terram ? et quia per baptismi sacramentum nativitatis sordes deponuntur , propterea baptizantur & parvuli . in lucam . homil. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in mat. tom. . p. . vol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . * this they speak with reference to their custom of saluting one another at the conclusion of their publick 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. just. mart. apol. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . 〈◊〉 . . p. . usitata & legitima verba interrogationis . apud cyprian . epist. . §. . p. . contestamur 〈◊〉 renunciare diabolo & pompae & angelis 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. . 〈◊〉 nos 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 & angelis ejus ore nostro 〈◊〉 . de spectac . p. . renunciavimus diabolo & angelis ejus . de 〈◊〉 . p. . pactus 〈◊〉 renunciare diabolo , & pompae & angelis ejus . lib. de 〈◊〉 . c. . p. . vocati sumus ad militiam dei vivi , jam 〈◊〉 cum in sacramenti verba spondimus . ad martyr . p. . saeculo renunciaveramus cum baptizati sumus . epist. . §. . p. . mundi pompis & deliciis jam tunc renuncravimus . de hab. virg. §. . p. . dei servus — diabolo jam renunciarat & saeculo . de lapsis , §. , p. . saeculo renunciavimus & divitias ejus & 〈◊〉 pas fide gratiae spiritualis 〈◊〉 . de orat. dom. § : . p. . diabolo & mundo renunciavimus . de bono 〈◊〉 , §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. epist. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. apolog . . p. . symbolo baptizare , nosse deum patrem , filium christum , spiritum sanctum , credis remissionem peccatorum , & vitam aeternam per sanctam ecclesiam ? epist. . §. . p. . credis in vitam aeternam , & remissionem peccatorum per sanctam ecclesiam ? epist. . §. . p. . symboli legem . epist. . §. . p. . regula veritatis . de 〈◊〉 inter opera 〈◊〉 p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ad smirn. p. . quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est sponsores etiam periculo ingeri , qui & ipsi per mortalitatem 〈◊〉 promissiones suas possunt , & proventu malae indolis falli ? de baptism . p. . theodot . epirom . p. . censeo omnes haereticos & schismaticos qui ad catholicam ecclesiam voluerint venire , non ante ingredi , nisi 〈◊〉 & baptizati prius fuerint . apud 〈◊〉 . p. . haereticos — censeo 〈◊〉 & baptizandos esse . ibid. 〈◊〉 . . haereticos scimus pejores esse quam ethnicos , si ergo conversi ad dominum venire voluerint , habemus utique regulam veritatis , quam dominus praecepto divino mandavit apostolis , dicens : 〈◊〉 in nomine meo , 〈◊〉 imponite , daemonia expellite ; & alio loco , ite , docete gentes ; baptizantes eos in nomine patris & filii , & spiritas sancti ; ergo primo per manus impositionem in exorcismo ; secundo per baptismi regenerationem , tune possunt ad christi pollicitationem venire : alius autem fieri censeo non debere . ibid. p. . aqua . act. concit . 〈◊〉 . apud cyprian . p. . omnes aquae de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ergo mundari & sanctificari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sacerdote ut possit baptismo suo peccata hominis qui baptizatur 〈◊〉 epist. . §. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. epitom . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . in johan . vol. . tom. 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . cathol . §. . p. . aquam 〈◊〉 de spectaculis , p. . in aqua demissus . de baptismo . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . ibidem ut supra . nihil differt a judaeorum baptismo , quo sic illi utuntur , & 〈◊〉 tanquum communi & vulgari lavacro tantum sordes laventur . apud cyprian . ep. . §. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cornel. ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ex 〈◊〉 . cornel. ad . fabium antioch apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . ter mergitamur . de coron . milit. p. . nec semel , sed ter , ad singula nomina in personas singulas tingimur . advers . 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . egressi de lavacro perungimur benedicta unctione — in nobis carnaliter currit 〈◊〉 . sed spiritualiter proficit . de baptism . p. , . ungi quoque necesse est eum , baptizatus sit , ut accepto chrismate , id est , unctione , esse unctus dei , & habere in se gratiam christi possit . epist. . §. . p. . . leprae 〈◊〉 in fronte maculatus 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 parte corporis 〈◊〉 offenso domino , ubi signantur qui dominum 〈◊〉 . de unit. eccles. § . p. . frons cum signo . de lapsis , § . p. . accipiamus quoque ad 〈◊〉 capitis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut 〈◊〉 aures , ne . confessores frontium notatarum secunda inscriptione signatos . in vita cypriani . tingit & ipse quosdam , utique credentes & fideles suos : expiationem delictorum de lavacro repromittit ; & sic initiat 〈◊〉 , signat illic in frontibus milites suos . de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . caro ungitur , ut anima 〈◊〉 : caro 〈◊〉 , ut & 〈◊〉 muniatur ; caro manus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut & anima spiritu 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . 〈◊〉 manus 〈◊〉 , per 〈◊〉 advocans & invitans spiritum sanctum . de baptism . p. . de 〈◊〉 disciplina , quâ ungi 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 in sacerdotio solebant , ex quo aaron à moyse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de baptism . p. . 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 sacerdotes sumus ? 〈◊〉 est , regnum quoque nos & sacerdotes deo & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fecit . 〈◊〉 . ad castitat . p. . caro ungitur , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 . carnis . p. . christus dictur à 〈◊〉 quod est unctio , quae domino nomen accomodavit , facta spiritualis , quia spiritus unctus est à deo patre , 〈◊〉 in actis : collecti sunt enimvero in 〈◊〉 civitate adversus 〈◊〉 filium 〈◊〉 quem 〈◊〉 : sic & in nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed spiritualiter proficit . de bapt. p. 〈◊〉 . ungi quoque necesse est eum , qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut accepto 〈◊〉 , id est , unctione , esse 〈◊〉 dei , & habere in se gratiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . § . p. . caro signatur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 muniatur . de 〈◊〉 . carnis . p. . signat illic in frontibus 〈◊〉 suos . 〈◊〉 adv . haeret. p. . non quod in aquis spiritum sanctum consequamur , sed in aqua 〈◊〉 sub . de 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 . tunc ille 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super 〈◊〉 & benedicta corpora libens à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . caro manus 〈◊〉 adumbratut , ut & anima spiritu illuminetur . de 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , p. . non per manus impositionem quis nascitur , quando accipit spiritum sanctum , sed in baptismo , ut spiritum jam natus accipiat , sicut in primo 〈◊〉 adam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ante enim 〈◊〉 eum 〈◊〉 , & tunc 〈◊〉 in faciem ejus flatum vitae , nec 〈◊〉 potest accipi 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 prius 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 §. . p. . peccata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 sanctificare aqua 〈◊〉 non potest , 〈◊〉 habeat & spiritum sanctum , § . p. . neque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sine aqua onerari porest , neque aqua sine spiritu — utioque sacramento debere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ecclesia catholica . act. concil . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 cyprian . p. . ut qui adhuc sunt prima 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , incipiant 〈◊〉 coelestes , ex aqua & spiritu nati . de 〈◊〉 . dominic . § . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 enim demum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & esse 〈◊〉 dei possunt , si sacramento utroque nascantur , cum scriptum sit , 〈◊〉 quis natus fuerit ex aqua & spiritu , non 〈◊〉 introire in regnum dei. epist. . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f. b. antioch . 〈◊〉 euseb. lib. . cap. 〈◊〉 . p. . nepotes suos ex joseph esrem & manassem . iacob 〈◊〉 inipositis & 〈◊〉 manibus 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 . p. . quia legitimum & ecclesiasticum , baptismum consecuti fuerant , 〈◊〉 eos ultra non oportebat : sed tantummodo quod deerat id a petro & johanne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut oratione 〈◊〉 eis habita , & manu imposita , invocaretur & 〈◊〉 super eos spiritus sanctus . quod nunc quoque apud 〈◊〉 geritur , ut qui in 〈◊〉 baptizantur , 〈◊〉 ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram 〈◊〉 ac manus 〈◊〉 spiritum sanctum consequantur , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . § . p. . eos qui ab johanne baptizati fuerint , 〈◊〉 missus esset 〈◊〉 domino spiritus sanctus baptizavit denuospirituali 〈◊〉 , & sic eis 〈◊〉 imposuit , ut acciperent 〈◊〉 sanctum . apud cyprian epist. . § . p. . invenimus hoc esse ab apostolis custoditum , ut 〈◊〉 domo corneliicenturionis super ethnicos qui illic aderant , fidei calore ferventes , descendisserspiritussanctus , &c. epist. . § . p. . egressi de lavacro perungimur benedicta unctione — 〈◊〉 manus imponitur . de 〈◊〉 . p. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. 〈◊〉 . p. . 〈◊〉 qui sint foris extra ecclesiam tincti — quando ad 〈◊〉 , atque ad ecclesiam quae una est , venerint , baptizari 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 sit eis manum 〈◊〉 ad accipiendum spiritum sanctum , nisi accrpiant & ecclesiae 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 enim demum 〈◊〉 sanctificari & esse 〈◊〉 dei possunt , 〈◊〉 sacramento utroque 〈◊〉 , cum scriptum 〈◊〉 , nisi quis natus 〈◊〉 ex aqua & spiritu non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in regnum 〈◊〉 . epist. . § 〈◊〉 p. . male sibi quidam interpretantur , ut 〈◊〉 quod per manus 〈◊〉 spiritum sanctum 〈◊〉 , & sic recipiantur , cum manifestum sit utroque sacramento debere eos renasci in ecclesia catholica . act-concil . 〈◊〉 . apud cyprian . p. . super filios alienos , &c soboles antichristi 〈◊〉 sanctum per manus impositionem 〈◊〉 non posse descendere . act. concil . carthag . apud cyprian . p. . sed in multum , inquit , proficit nomen christi ad fidem & baptismi sanctificationem ut quicunque & ubicunque in nomine christi baptizatus fuerit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gratiam christi , quando huic ioco breviter occurri possit , & 〈◊〉 , quoniam si in 〈◊〉 christi valuit foris baptisma ad hominem purgandom , in 〈◊〉 christi nomine valere illic potuit & manus 〈◊〉 ad accipiendum spiritum sanctum . apud cyprian epist. . § . p. . qui haereticis sive schismaticis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 nobis habeant 〈◊〉 spiritum sanctum , an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? sihabent , cur illic 〈◊〉 , quando ad nos veniunt , manus imponitur ad 〈◊〉 spiritum 〈◊〉 , cum jam utique 〈◊〉 acceptus sit ubi si fuit , dari potuit ? si autem 〈◊〉 cuncti haeretici & schismarici non habent spiritum sanctum , & ideo apud nos manus imponitur , ut hic accipiatur , quod illic nec 〈◊〉 , nec dari potest : manifeslum est nec remissionem peccatorum dari 〈◊〉 eos posse , quos 〈◊〉 spiritum sanctum non habere . epist. . § . p. . cyprian . epist. . § . p. . & § . p. . epist . . § , , . p. . 〈◊〉 apud cyprian . epist. . § . p. . & § . p. . et dicunt se in hoc veterem consuetudinem sequi , quando apud veteres haereseos & schismatum prima adhuc fuerint initia , ut hi illic essent , qui de ecclesia recedebant , & hic baptizati prius fuerant : quos tamen ad ecclesiam revertentes , & poenitentiam agentes , necesse non erat baptizare , quod nos quoque hodie observamus , ut quos constet hic baptizatos esse , & à nobis ad haereticos tranfisse , si postmodum peccato suo cognito & errore digesto , ad veritatem et matricem redeant , satis sit in poenitentiam manum imponere : ut quia ovis jam fuerat , hanc ovem abalienatam & errabundam in ovile suum pastor recipiat . si autem qui ab haereticis venit , baptizatus in ecclesia prius non fuit , sed alienus in totum & profanus venit : baptizandus est , ut ovis fiat , quia una est aqua in ecclesia sancta quae oves faciat . epist. . § . p. . si quis ergo à quacunque haeresi venerit ad nos , nihil innovetur , nisi quod traditum est , ut manus illi 〈◊〉 in poenitentiam . apud cyprian . epist. . § . p. . si ergo autem evangelio praecipitur , aut in apostolorum epistolis , aut actibus continetur , ut à quacunque haeresi venientes non baptizentur , sed tantum manus illis imponatur in poenitentiam , observetur haec divina & sancta traditio . ibid. § . p. . retro nusquam omnino praeceptum eft , neque 〈◊〉 , ut heretico tantum manus in poenitentiam imponatur , & sic ei communicetur . ibid. § . p. . observetur itaque à nobis & tenetur — ut omnes qui ex quacunque haeresi ad ecclesiam convertuntur , ecclesiae unico legitimo baptismo baptizantur , exceptis his qui baptizati in ecclesia prius fuerant , & sic ad haereticos transierant , hos enim oportet , cum redeant , acta poenitentia per manus impositionem solam recipi ; & in ovile , unde erraverant , à pastore restitui . ibidem § . p. . per impositionem manus episcopi & cleri jus communicationis accipiunt . epist. . § . p. . nec ad communicatition em venire quis possit , nisi prius illi & ab episcopo & clero manus fuit imposita . ep. . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ex epist. alexand. apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . si premi infirmitate aliqua & periculo coeperint , exomologesi facta , & manu eis a vobis in poenitentiam imposita . epist. . § . p. . si incommodo aliquo infirmitatis periculo occupati fuerint , non expectata praesentia nostra apud presbyterum quemcunque praesentem — exomologesin facere delicti sui possint ; ut manu eis in poenitentiam imposita , veniant ad dominum cum pace . epist. . § . p. . apolog. . pag. . in tempore victûs . de coron . milit. p. . eucharistiae sacramentum etiam antelucanis coetibus . de coron . milit . p. . ante lucem convenire — seque sacramento obstringere . epist. ad trajan . in matutinis sacrificiis — cum ad coenandum venimus , mixtum calicem offerimus . epist. . § . p. . christum offerre oportebat circa vesperam diei , ut hora ipsa sacrisicii oftenderet occasum & vesperam mundi — nos autem resurrectionem domini mane celebramus . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 in joan. vol. tom. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . just. martyr . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. p. , . ante actam poenitentiam — offerre lapsis pacem , & eucharistiam dare , id est , sanctum domini corpus profanare audeant , cum scriptum sit ; qui ederit panem , aut biberit calicem domini indignè , reus erit corporis & sanguinis christi . cyprian . epist . . § . p. . piae initiationes arceant prosanos . apolog. cap. . p. . ex forma omnibus mysteriis silentii fides adhibeatur , samothracia & eleusinia reticentur . apolog . cap. . p. . offerre igitur oportet deo primitias ejus creaturae , sicut & moyses ait , non apparebis vacuus ante conspectum domini dei tui . lib. . c. . p. . non quasi indigenti , sed ut ipsi nec infructuosi nec ingrati sint . lib. . cap. . p. . locuples & dives es , & dominicum celebrare te credis , quae corbonam omnino non respicis ? quae in dominicum sine sacrificio venis , quae partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit , sumis ? de opere & eleemosyn . § . . sine sacramento solitae praedicationis . apud cypr. epist. . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid p. . oramus pro imperatoribus , pro ministris eorum ac potestatibus , pro statu saeculi , pro rerum quiete , pro mora finis . apolog . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . com. in matth. vol. . p. . quando mixtus calix & fractus panis percipit verbum dei , fit eucharistia sanguinis & corporis christi . lib. . cap. . p. . panis quem frangimus — fractus panis . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . nec de aliorum manu , quam praesidentium sumimus . de coron . milit. p. . calicem diaconus offerre praesentibus coepit . cyprian . de lapsis , § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apol . . p. . calicem diaconus of ferre praesentibus coepit . cyprian . de 〈◊〉 , § . p. . diaconus — 〈◊〉 licet de sacramento calicis infudit . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ex 〈◊〉 . dionys. alexan. apud euseb. lib. . cap. p. . die dominico — nefas ducimus — de geniculis adorare , eadem immunitate die paschae in pentecosten usque gaudemus . de coron . milit. p. . quisque de scripturis sanctis , vel de proprio ingenio , provocatur in medium deocanere . apol. cap. . p. . oratio convivium dirimit . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apol. . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dionys. a. lex . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . c. . p. . in ecclesia . tertul. de coron . milit. p. . in lib. de virgin. veland . nostrae columbae domus simplex , etiam in aeditis semper & apertis , et ad lucem , amat figuram spiritus sancti , orientem christi figuram . advers-valentintan . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dialog . cum tryphon . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dyonis . alexand . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. . ad corinth . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. apolog. . p. . dominica solennia . de anima . c. . p. . dominico legit . cyp. epist. . p. . die dominico cum gratiarum actione ad panem exeamus . de fabric . mundi apud d. cave , p. . ad 〈◊〉 solenni die coeunt . p. . essent 〈◊〉 stato die ante lucem convenire , carmenque christo quasi deo dicere secum invicem , seque sacramento obstringere . epist. ad trajan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stromat . lib. . p. . diem solis laetitia indulgemus . apolog. cap. . p. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. cathol . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . p. . die dominico jejunium nesas ducimus , vel de geniculis adorare . tertul. de cor. mil. p. . . quantula est enim apud nos interdictio ciborum duas in anno hebdomadas xerophagiarum nec totas , exceptis scilicet sabbatis & dominicis offerimus deo. tertullian de jejuuio , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. catholic . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad magnes . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stomat . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. . maxime in dominica die , quae passionis christi commemoratrix est ; neque enim resurrectio domini semel in anno , & non semper post septem dies celebratur . in isaiam . homil. . strom. lib. . p. . & lib. . p. . de fabric . mund. apud dr. cave , hist. literar . p. . dies dominicus . apud cyprian . ep. . § . p. . dominicum diem . de idolat . p. . ad magnes . p. . epist. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apolog. . p. , & . diem solis laetitiae indulgemus . apolog. c. . p. . advers . judaeos . dial. cum tryphon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad magnes . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. interpol . ad magnes . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cont. cels. lib. . p. . die septima — solemus superponere — parasceve superpositio fiat , ne quod cum judaeis sabbatum observare videatur . de fabric . mun. apud d. cave . p. . ad placandum atque exorandum dominum , non voce sola , sed & jejuniis , & lachrymis , & omni genere deprecationis ingemiscamus . epist. . § . p. . quoniam providentia domini monentis instruimur — appropinquare 〈◊〉 certaminis & agonis nostri diem , jejuniis , vigiliis , orationibus insistere , cum omni plebe non desinamus , incumbamus gemitibus assiduis & deprecationibus crebris , haec sunt enim nobis arma coelestia ; quae stare & perseverare fortiter faciunt . epist. . § . p. . denique cum ab imbribus aestiva , hyberna suspendunt , & annus in cura est , vos quidem quotidie pasti , statimque pransuri , balneis & cauponis & lupanaribus operati , aquilicia jovi immolatis , nudipedasia populo denunciatis coelum apud capitolium quaeritis , nubila de 〈◊〉 expectatis , aversi ab ipso & deo & coelo . nos vero jejuniis aridi , & omni continentia aspersi 〈◊〉 omni vitae fruge dilati , in sacco & cinere volutantes , invidia coelum tundimus , deum tangimus , & cum misericordiam extorserimus , jupiter honoratur . apolog. cap. . p. . episcopi universae plebi mandare jejunia assolent — ex aliqua solicitudinis ecclesiasticae causa . de jejun . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . p. . stationum dies . de orat. p. . stationibus quartam & sextam sabbati dicamus . de jejunio , p. . non ultra nonam detinendum . tertul. de jejun . p. . stationum semijejunia . ibid. p. . jejunium facimus . victor . petav. apud d. cave , p. . ob passionum domini . victor . petav. ubi antea . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . galatis nos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aiunt observatores dierum , & mensium & annorum . tertul. de jejun . p. . certè in evangèlio illos dies 〈◊〉 determinatos putant , in quibus ablatus est sponsus : & hosesse jam solos legitimos jejuniorum christianorum abolitis legalibus , & propheticis vetustatibus , — itaque de caetero indifferenter jejunandum ex arbitrio , non ex imperio novae disciplinae pro temporibus & causis uniuscujusque : sic & apostolos observasse , nullum aliud imponentes jugum certorum & in commune omnibus obeundorum jejuniorum : proinde nec stationum , quae & ipsae suos quidem dies habeant quartae feriae & sextae , passim tamen currunt , neque sub lege praecepti neque ultra supremam diei , quando & orationes fere hora nona concludat de petri exemplo quod actis refertur , de jejunio , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud euseb. lib . cap. . p. . usque ad horam nonam jejunamus , usque ad vesperam , aut superpositio usque in alterum diem fiat . de fabric . mun. apud d. cave , p. . stationum semijejunia . de jejun . p. . denique cum ab imbribus aeftiva , &c — nos jejuniis aridi , & omni 〈◊〉 aspersi — 〈◊〉 coelum tundimus . apolog . cap. . p. . ob passionem domini jesu christi aut stationem do , aut jejunium facimus . de fabric . mund. apud d. cave , p. . superpositio usque in alterum diem fiat . d. fabric . mundi apud d. cave , p. . parasceve superpositio fiat , ne quod cum judaeis sabbatum observare videamur . ibid. p. . quis solennibus paschae abnoctantem securus sustinebit . ad vxor. lib. . p. . pascha celebramus annuo circulo in mense primo . de jejun . p. . solennia paschae . epist . . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra cel sum , lib. . p. . de coron . milit. p. . de baptism . p. . & de idololatria , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum . lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strom. lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. a petro ordinatum . tertul. de praescript . advers . haeret. p. . tunc paulus , &c. idem . scorpiac . advers . gnostic . p. . ab johanne conlocatum . idem de praescript advers . haeret p martyrum passiones & dies anniversaria commemoratione celebramus . epist. . § . p. . oblationes pro defunctis , pro 〈◊〉 annua die facimus . de coron milit. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p . dies eorum , quibus excedunt , 〈◊〉 , ut commemorationes eorum inter memorias martyrum celebrare possimus — significet mihi dies quibus in carcere beati fratres 〈◊〉 ad immortalitatem gloriosae mortis exitu 〈◊〉 , & celebrentur hic a nobis oblationes & sacrificia ob commemorationes eorum epist. § . p , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . oblationes pro defunctis , pro natalitiis annua die facimus . de coron milit. p . tunc paulus civitatis romanae consequitur nativitatem , cum illic martyrii renascitur generositate . scorpiac adv . gnostic . p. . filios — exterarum gentium more apud profana sepulchra depositos , & alienigenis consepultos . apud cyprian . epist. . § . p . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dionys. alexand. apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . apud euseb. lib. cap. p . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dion . alex. apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud . euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . contra celsum , lib. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. . oblationes facimus . de coron milit. 〈◊〉 . celebrentur hic a nobis oblationes & sacrificia epist. . § . p. . suscepti lactis & mellis concordiam proegustamus . tertul. de coron . 〈◊〉 . p. . manibus ablutis — orationem obire . idem de oratione , p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. 〈◊〉 . suscepti lactis & mellis concordiam praegustamus , exque ea die lavacro quotidiano per totam 〈◊〉 abstinemus . tertul . de coron milit. p. . manibus ablutis — orationem obire — adsignata oratione assidendi mos est quibusdam idem de orat. p . suscepti lactis & 〈◊〉 concordiam praegustamus , exque ea die 〈◊〉 quotidiano per totam hebdomadem 〈◊〉 — die dominico nefas ducimus de geniculis adorare , eadem 〈◊〉 a die paschae in 〈◊〉 usque gaudemus ad 〈◊〉 atque promotum , ad omnem aditum & exitum — quacunque nos 〈◊〉 exercet frontem crucis signaculo terimus . harum & aliarum ejusmodi disciplinarum si legem expostules 〈◊〉 nullam invenies , 〈◊〉 tibi praetendetur auctrix , consuetudo confirmatrix . idem de coron milit. p , , . fere consuetudo initium ab aliquà 〈◊〉 vel simplicitate sortita in usum per successionem corroboratur , & ita adversus veritatem vindicatur , sed dominus noster christus veritatem se , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . si semper christus & prior omnibus aequè veritas sempiterna & antiqua res — haereses non tam novitas quam veritas revincit , quodcunque adversus veritatem sapit hoc erit haeresis , etiam vetus consuetudo . de virgin . veland . p. . manibus ablutis — orationem obire — adsignata oratione assidendi mos — gentilibus adaequant . de orat. p. , . quibus merito vanitas exprobanda est , siquidem sine ullius aut dominici aut apostolici praecepti auctoritate fiunt , hujusmodi enim non religioni , sed superstitioni deputantur , affectata & coacta & curiosi potius quam rationalis officii . certe vel eo coercenda quod gentilibus adaequent . de orat. p. . circa celebrandos dies paschae , & circa multa alia divinae rei sacramenta videat esse apud alios aliquas diversirates , nec observari illic omnia aequaliter , quae hierosolymis observantur , secundum quod in caeteris quoque plurimis provinciis multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur . apud cyprian epist. . § . p. . fidei & veritatis unanimitatem . apud cypr. epist. . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb . lib. . c. . p. . plurimis provinciis multa pro locorum & nominum diversitate variantur , nec tamen propter hoc ab ecclesiae catholicae pace atque unitate 〈◊〉 discessum est . apud cyprian . epist. . § . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud euseb. lib. . cap. . p. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iren. apud euseb . lib. . cap. . p. . vide , inquiunt , ut invicem se diligunt . tertul . apolog. cap. . p. . pro alterutro mori sant parati — 〈◊〉 nos vocamus — quia unum patrem deum 〈◊〉 , qui unum spiritum biberunt sanctitatis , qui de uno utero ignorantiae 〈◊〉 ad unam lucem expiraverunt veritatis . ibidem , p. . lam. . v. . ephes. . , . ephes. . , . colos. . , . rom. . . john. . . gal. . . . james . . pet. . . tim. . . phil. . . tim. . , . rom. . . passion sermon . ibid. a christian beleefe concerning bishops this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing c ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a christian beleefe concerning bishops northbrooke, john. spiritvs est vicarius christi in terra. broadside. s.n.], [london : . "partly extracted from john northbrooke's spiritvs est vicarius christie in terra. a breefe and pithie summe of the christian faith"--nuc pre- imprints. place of publication suggested by wing. creased with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng episcopacy. bishops. church polity. presbyterianism -- apologetic works. a r (wing c ). civilwar no a christian beleefe, concerning bishops. [no entry] f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a christian beleefe , concerning bishops . i a beleeve , b that the office of a bishop is a worthy office , and warrantable by the word of god , c approved of by the apostles , d and instituted of god himselfe : e having the charge of one particular church , f or congregation , under each of them , g which they are h set over , i to feede ; k that is , to preach the gospel to them : l instructing and m teaching them , not by the traditions of the fathers , n but by the holy scriptures , o and shewing them good examples , by leading p unreproovable lives , and q performing such offices of the r ministeriall function , as becommeth s such faithfull guides ; having regard to their t bishoprick , ( which is the u great charge of their w pastorall office ) x over which they are set . and i y beleeve , that our z praelaticall bishops , a who are lifted up to a b ruling power , and a c lording hierarchie , are d not called of god , nor of e divine institution , but f anti-christian , g ethnicall , and h diabolicall ; and i suffered to be k in the church , l by the good will and pleasure of almightie god , as a m punishment for our sinnes , and a token of gods displeasure : and therefore n the people of god ought to pray , o that they may be cast out of the church , and onely p preaching presbyters may remaine , to q divide the word of god , and open and r interprete it to the people . and i s beleeve , that the t temporall magistrates are appointed of god , to punish sinne u upon all evill doers , whether clergie , or laytie ; and the government of the church doth pertaine to the w church , or x congregation , with the y laytie , and their z assistance , and not to the sole a prelates . the church hath foure offices . first , to keepe the canonicall scriptures . secondly , to publish the same . thirdly , to keepe it cleare from the counterfeit apocrypha , and all ●ounterfeit and corrupt bookes . fourthly , to make it the rule of their actions . the churches authoritie doth consist ●hiefely in foure things . first , to choose and ordaine ministers , according to the order of the apostles . secondly , to teach by lawfull ministers , so made . thirdly , to minister the sacrament by tho●e ministers , using su●● , time as shall be thought most expedient for the s●me . fourthly , to examine the doctrines , whether they be of god , or not ; ●nd that must be done by the scriptures . john northbrooke , preacher of gods ●ord , cantabr . cyprianus ad cornaelium , liber primus . sacerdos dei evangelium tenens , & christà praecepta custodiens , occidi potest , non pot●st vinci . the faithfull beleever , that will imitate christ the high-priest , in holding the gospel , and keeping the commandements , may well be killed , but conquered he cannot be . printed in the yeere . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- a acts . . b tim. . . c phil. . . d acts . . e revel. . . f psal. . . g cor. . . h acts . . i rom. . . k tim. . . l cor. . . m math. . . n tim. . . o tim. . . p cor. . . q eze. . . r rom. ●● . s isay . . t acts . . u tim. . . w ephes. . . x hosea . . y acts . . z tim. . . a tim. . . b hosea . . c peter . . d thess. . . e pet. . f thess. . . g mark . . . h tim. . . i tim. . . k acts . . l thess. . . m amos . . n john . . o cor. . . p cor. . . q cor. . . r cor. . . s john . . t rom. . . u rom. . . w tim. . . x psal. . . y tim. . . z acts . . a pet. . . nihil respondes: or, a discovery of the extream unsatisfactorinesse of master colemans peece, published last weeke under the title of a brotherly examination re-examined. wherein, his self-contradictions: his yeelding of some things, and not answering to other things objected against him: his abusing of scripture: his errors in divinity: his abusing of the parliament, and indangering their authority: his abusing of the assembly: his calumnies, and namely against the church of scotland, and against my selfe: the repugnancy of his doctrin to the solemne league and covenant, are plainly demonstrated. / by george gillespie minister at edenburgh. published by authority. gillespie, george, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) nihil respondes: or, a discovery of the extream unsatisfactorinesse of master colemans peece, published last weeke under the title of a brotherly examination re-examined. wherein, his self-contradictions: his yeelding of some things, and not answering to other things objected against him: his abusing of scripture: his errors in divinity: his abusing of the parliament, and indangering their authority: his abusing of the assembly: his calumnies, and namely against the church of scotland, and against my selfe: the repugnancy of his doctrin to the solemne league and covenant, are plainly demonstrated. / by george gillespie minister at edenburgh. published by authority. gillespie, george, - . [ ], p. for robert bostock dwelling in pauls church-yard, at the signe of the kings head., printed at london : . a reply to: coleman, thomas. a brotherly examination re-examined (wing c ). annotation on thomason copy: "nouemb: ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng coleman, thomas, - . -- brotherly examination re-examined -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no nihil respondes: or, a discovery of the extream unsatisfactorinesse of master colemans peece, published last weeke under the title of a brot gillespie, george d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nihil respondes : or , a discovery of the extream unsatisfactorinesse of master colemans peece , published last weeke under the title of a brotherly examination re-examined . wherein , his self-contradictions : his yeelding of some things , and not answering to other things objected against him : his abusing of scripture : his errors in divinity : his abusing of the parliament , and indangering their authority : his abusing of the assembly : his calumnies , and namely against the church of scotland , and against my selfe : the repugnancy of his doctrin to the solemne league and covenant , are plainly demonstrated . by george gillespie minister at edenburgh . tim. . . vnderstanding neither what they say , nor whereof they affirme . published by authority . printed at london for robert bostock dwelling in pauls church-yard , at the signe of the kings head . . a discovery of the extreame unsatisfactorinesse of master colemans peece , published last week under the title of , a brotherly examination re-examined . after that master coleman had preached and printed such doctrine as i was in my conscience fully perswaded was contrary to the covenant of the three kingdomes , and destructive ( if it were put in practice ) to the reformation of religion : he having also flatly and publikely imputed to the commissioners from the church of scotland , a great part of the fault of hindering union in the assembly here . i thought my selfe obliged in duty and in the trust which i bear , to give a publike testimony against his doctrin , ( which others did also ) upon occasion not sought , but by divine providence , and a publike calling then offered , first for preaching , and after for printing ; in either of which i thinke there did not appeare the least dis-respect or bitternesse towards the reverend brother . the lord knowes my intention was to speake to the matter , to vindicate the truth , and to remove that impediment of reformation by him cast in : and if he , or any man else had in meeknesse of spirit , gravely and rationally , for clearing of truth , endeavoured to confute me , i ought not , i should not have taken it ill ; but now when this peece of his against me , called a brotherly examination re-examined ( i thinke he would or should have said examined , for this is the first examination of it ) i finde it more full of railing than of reasoning , of gibing than of gravity ; and when polemicks doe so degenerate , the world is abused , not edified . he tells me if i have not worke enough i shall have more ; i confesse the answering of this peece is no great worke , and the truth is , i am ashamed i have so little to make answer unto , yet i shall doe my best to improve even this worke to edification . when other worke comes i wish it be worke indeed , and not words . res cum re , ratio cum ratione concertet , as the father said ; arguments sir , arguments , arguments , if there be any : you have affirmed great things , and new things which you have not proved . the assertions of such as are for a church government in genere , and for the presbyteriall government in specie , are knowne ; their arguments are knowne , but your solutions are not yet knowne . if mr. prynnes booke against the suspension of scandalous persons from the sacrament be the worke for the present , which he meanes , i hope it shall be in due time most satisfactorily spoken unto both by others and by my selfe ; i desire rather solid then subitane lucubrations : in the meane while , let not him that putteth on his armour , boast as he that putteth it off . and let the brother that puts me in minde of other worke , remember that himselfe hath other worke to doe which he hath not yet done . i have for better method and clearnesse divided this following discourse into certaine heads , taking in under every head such particulars in his reply as i conceive to be most proper to that point . that master coleman doth not onely prevaricate but contradict himselfe , concerning the state of the question . he tels us often that he doth not deny to church-officers all power of church-government , but onely the corrective part of government : that the doctrinall and declarative power is in the ministery , see pag. . & he denyeth that he did advise the parliament to take church government wholly into their owne hands , i never had it in my thoughts saith he , that the parliament had power of dispensing the word and sacraments . i must confesse it is to me new language which i never heard before , that the dispensing of the word and sacraments is a part of church government ; sure the word government is not , nor was never so understood in the controversies concerning church government : but if it be , why did the brother in his sermon oppose doctrine and government , give us doctrine , said he , take you the government . but behold now how he doth most palpaply contradict himselfe , in one and the same page ; it is the th . i know no such distinction of government , saith he , ecclesiasticall and civill , in the sence i take government for the corrective part thereof ; all ecclesiasticall ( improperly called ) government , being meerely doctrinall ; the corrective or primitive part being civill or temporall . againe within a few lines ; i doe acknowledge a presbyterian government , i said so expresly in my epistle , and doe heartily subscribe to the votes of the house . if he heartily subscribe to the votes and ordinances of parliament , then be heartily subscribeth that elderships suspend men from the sacrament for any of the scandalls enumerate , it being proved by witnesses upon oath ; this power is corrective , not meerly doctrinall . he must also subscribe to the subordination of congrigationall , classicall , and synodicall assemblies in the government of the church , and to appeales from the lesser to the greater , as likewise to ordination by presbyteries ; and i pray , is all this meerly doctrinall ? and will he now subscribe heartily to all this ; how will that stand with the other passages before cited ? or with page . where it being objected to him , that he takes away from elderships all power of spirituall censures ; his reply neither yeeldeth excommunication nor suspention , but admonition alone , and that by the ministers who are a part of the elderships , not by the whole eldership consistorially . againe , page . he confesseth ; i advised the parliament to lay no burthen of government upon them , whom he , this commissioner thinkes church officers , pastors and ruling-elders . now i argue thus ; he that adviseth the parliament to lay no burthen of government upon ministers and ruling elders , he adviseth the parliament to doe contrary to their owne votes and ordinances , and so is farre from subscribing heartily thereunto . but mr. coleman by his owne confession adviseth the parliament to lay no burthen of government upon ministers and ruling elders ; ergo , &c. how he will reconcile himselfe with himselfe , let him looke to it . page . he takes it ill that one while i make him an enemy to all church government , then onely to the presbyteriall ; onely is his owne addition . but i had reason to make him an enemy to both , for so he hath made himselfe ; yea , in opposing all church government he cannot chuse but oppose presbyteriall government : for the consequence is necessary , a genere ad speciem , negatively though not affirmatively . if no church government , then no presbyteriall government . the particulars in my brief examination , which mr. coleman either granteth expresly , or else doth not reply unto . my argument page . proving , that as many things ought to be established jure divino as can well be , because he cannot answer it , therefore he granteth it . pag. . he had in his sermon call'd for plaine and cleare institutions , and let scripture speake expresly . now pag. . he yeeldeth , that it is not onely a divine truth ( as i call'd it ) but cleare scripture , which is drawne by necessary consequence from scripture . he hath not yet ( though put in minde ) produced the least exception against the known arguments for excommunication and church government , drawn from mat. . and cor. . he tells the affirmer is to prove ; but the affirmers have proved : and their arguments are known , ( yea he himselfe pag. . saith ; i have had the opportunity to heare almost what man can say in either side , speaking of the controversie of church government ) therefore he should have made a better answer , then to say that those places did not take hold of his conscience , yet if he have not heard enough of those places he shall i trust ere long heare more . he had said , i could never yet see how two coordinate governments exempt from superiority and inferiority , can be in one state , page . i gave him three instances , a generall and an admirall , a father and a master , a captaine and a master of a ship ; this pag. . he doth not deny , nor saith one word against it ; onely he endeavoureth to make those similes to run upon foure feete , and to resemble the generall assembly , and the parliament in every circumstance ; but i did not at all apply them to the generall assembly , and the parliament . onely i brought them to overthrow that generall thesis of his concerning the inconsistency of two co-ordinate governments , which if he could defend ; why hath not he done it ? his keeping up of the names of clergy and laiety being challenged by me , pag. . he hath not said one word in his re-examination to justifie it . i having pag. , . confuted his argument drawn from the measuring of others by himselfe , whereby he did endeavour to prove that he had cause to feare an ambitious ensnarement in others as well as in himself , god having fashioned all mens hearts alike ; now he quitteth his ground and saith nothing for vindicating that argument , from my exceptions . i shewed pag. . his misapplying of the king of sodonus speech , but neither in this doth he vindicate himselfe . that which i had at length excepted against his fourth rule concerning the magistrate , and his confirmation thereof , he hath not answered , nor so much as touched any thing which i had said against him from the end of page . to the end of page . except onely a part of page . and of page . concerning cor. . . some contrarious argumentations he hath page . ( of which after ) but no answer to mine . page . he digresseth to other objections of his own framing , instead of taking off what i had said . his abusing of the scriptures . master coleman did ground an argument upon psal. . , prov. . . which cannot stand with the intent of the holy ghost , because contrary to other scriptures , and to the truth , as i proved pag. . he answereth in his re-examination that my sence may stand , and his may stand too ; but if my sence may stand , which is contrary to his , then his argument had no sure ground for it ; yea , that which i said was to prove that his consequence drawne from those scriptures did contradict both the apostle pauls doctrine and his owne profession , which still lyeth upon him since it is not answered . page . he citeth cor. . . give none offence neither to the jewes nor to the gentiles , nor to the churches of christ ; to prove that all government is either a jewish government , or a church government , or a heathenish government , and that there is no third ; yes sir , your selfe hath given a third , ( for you have told three ) but transeat cum caeteris errorihus . to the matter . this is a perverting of scripture to prove an untruth ; for the government of generalls , admiralls , majors , sheriffes , is neither a jewish government , nor a church government , nor a heathenish government . neither doth the apostle speake any thing of government in that place ; he maketh a distribution of all men who are in danger to be scandalized , not of governments . and if he had applyed the place rightly to the parliament of england , he had said , they are either of the jewes , or of the gentiles , or of the church of god , and this needeth not an answer . but when he saith ; the english parliament is either a jewish government , or a church government , or a heathenish government , i answer it is none of these , but it is a civill government . pag. . declaring his opinion of church government , he citeth rom. . . for the punishment of him that doth evill ; to prove that the punitive part belongs to the christian magistrate . but what is this to the punitive part which is in controversie , spirituall censures , suspention from the sacrament , deposition from the ministery , excommunication . the punitive part spoken of rom. . belongeth to all civill magistrates whether christian or infidell . pag. . he maketh this reply to thess. . . tim. . heb. . . . why man ! i have found these an hundred and an hundred times twice told , and yet am i as i was . why sir , was the argument so ridiculous , i had brought those places to prove another government ( and if you will the institution of another government ) beside magistracy , which he said he did not finde in scripture . here are some who are no civill magistrates set over the thessalonians in the lord , thess. . . paul writeth to timothy of elders that rule well , tim. . . the churches of the hebrewes had some rulers who had spoken to them the word of god , heb. . . rulers that watched for their soules as they that must give an account , verse . now let the reverend brother speake out , what can he answer ? were these rulers civill magistrates ? did the civill magistrate speake to them the word of god ? if these rulers were not magistrates but ministers , i aske next , is it a matter of indifferency and no institution to have a ministery in a church or not ? i hope though he doe not acknowledge ruling elders jure divino , yet he will acknowledge that the ministers of the word are jure divino ; yet these were some of the rulers mentioned in the scriptures quoted . let him loose the knot , and laugh when he hath done . page . . he laboureth to prove from cor. . . that christ hath placed civill government in his church , and whereas it is said , that though it were granted that civill governments are meant in that place , yet it proves not that christ hath placed them in the church : he replyeth ; i am sure the commissioner will not stand to this : he that placed governours was the same that placed teachers . but his assurance deceiveth him , for upon supposition that civill governments are there meant , ( which is his sence ) i deny it , and he doth but petere principium . god placed civill governments , christ placed teachers ; god placed all whom christ placed , but christ did not place all whom god placed . next , whereas it was said , that governments in that place cannot be meant of christian magistrates , because at that time the church had no christian magistrates ; he replyeth , that paul speaks of governments that the church had not , because in the enumeration , ver. , . he omits none but helpes and governments . i answer , the reason of that omission is not because these two were not then in being ( for god had set them as well as the rest in the church , ver. . ) but to make ruling elders and deacons contented with their station , though they be not prophets , teachers , &c. thirdly , i asked how comes civill government into the catalogue of ecclesiasticall and spiritaall administrations . his reply is nothing but an affirmation , that christian megistracy is an ecclesiasticall admiration , and a quere whether working of miracles and gifts of healing be ecclesiasticall . answ. hence followeth , . that if the magistrate cease to be christian , he loseth his administration . . that though a worker of miracles cease to be christian , yet it is a question whether he may not still worke miracles . lastly , where i objected that he puts magistracy behind ministery , he makes no answer , but onely that he may doe this as well as my rule puts the nobility of scotland behind the ministery . no sir , we put but ruling elders behind ministers in the order of their administrations , because the apostle doth so . it is accidentall to the ruling elder to be of the nobility , or to nobles to be ruling elders : there are but some so , and many otherwise . that of placing deacons before elders , cor. . is no great matter , sure the apostle , rom. . placeth elders before deacons . his errors in divinity . . pag. . he admitteth no church-government distinct from civill , except that which is meerly doctrinall . and pa. . he adviseth the parliament to take the corrective power wholly into their own hands , and exempteth nothing of ecclesiasticall power from their hands but the dispencing of the word and sacraments . hence it followeth that there ought to be neither suspension from the sacrament , nor excommunication , nor ordination , nor deposition of ministers , nor receiving of appeals , except all these things be done by the civill magistrate . if he say the magistrate gives leave to do these things . i answer . . so doth he give leave to preach the word , and minister the sacraments in his dominions . . why doth he then in his sermon , and doth still in his re-examination , pag. . advise the parlament to lay no burthen of corrective government upon ministers , but keep it wholly in their own hands : it must needs be far contrary to his mind , that the magistrate gives leave to do the things above mentioned , they being most of them corrective , and all of them more than doctrinall . . he gives no more power to ministers in church-government then in civill government : for pag. . he ascribeth to them a ministeriall , doctrinall , and declarative power , both in civill and ecclesiasticall government . . pag. . and . he holds , that the corrective or punitive part of church-government is civill or temporall , and is wholly to be kept in the magistrates own hands . and in his sermon , pag. . he told us he sees not in the whole bible any one act of that church-government in controversie , performed . all which how erroneous it is , appeareth easily from cor. . . put away that wicked person from among you : which mr. prynne himself in his vindication , pag. . acknowledgeth to be a warrant for excommunication , cor. . . there is a punishment or censure inflicted by many , tim. . . against an elder receive not an accusation but before two or three witnesses . where acts of church-government or censures were neglected , it is extremly blamed . rev : . , . . was not all this corrective , yet not civill or temporall ? . pag. . whereas i had said that without church-government , ministers shall not keep themselves nor the ordinances from pollution . he replyeth pag. . that he understands neither this keeping of themselves from pollution , no● what this pollution of the ordinances is . i am sorry for it , that any minister of the gospel is found unclear in such a point . i will not give my own , but scripturall answers to both . the former is answered , tim. . . be not partaker of other mens sins , keep thy self pure . it is sin to dispense ordinances to the unworthy whether ordination , or communion in the sacrament . for the other the pollution of ordinances is the scripture language . i hope he means not to quarrell at the holy ghosts language , ezek. . . her priests have violated my law , and have profaned mine holy things : they have put no difference between the holy and profane . mal. . . ye offer polluted bread , upon mine altar : vers. . ye have prophaned it . mat. . . ye have made it a den of theeves . matth : . . cast not pearls before swine , lest they trample them under their feet . . pag. . whereas i had objected to him , that he excludeth ruling elders , as well as ministers from government : he answers , that ruling elders are either the same for office and ordination with the minister ( which as he thinks the independents own , but not i ) or they are the christian magistrate , and so he saith he doth not exclude them . mark here he excludeth all ruling elders from a share in church-government , who are not either the same for office and ordination with the minister , or else the christian magistrate ; and so upon the matter he holdeth that ruling elders are to have no hand in church-government . those ruling elders which are in the votes of the assembly , and in the reformed churches , have neither the power of civill magistracy ( qua elders and many of them not at all being no magistrates ) nor yet are they the same for office and ordination with the minister , for their office , and consequently their ordination to that office , is distinct from that of the minister , among all that i know . and so excluding all ruling elders from government who are neither magistrates nor the same with ministers , he must needs take upon him that which i charged him with . . pag. . where he makes reply to what he had said against his argument from ephes. . three last verses . he saith he will blow away all my discourse with this clear demonstration . that which is given to christ , he hath it not as god , and christ as god cannot be given . but this place ( ephes. . three last verses ) speaketh both of dignity given to christ , and of christ as a gift given . therefore christ cannot be here understood as god . this is in opposition to what i said pag. . concerning the headship and dignity of christ , as the naturall son of god , the image of the invisible god . colos. . . and pag. . of the dominion of christ as he is the eternall son of god . this being premised , the brothers demonstration is so strong as to blow himself into a blasphemous heresie . i will take the proposition from himself , and the assumption from scripture , thus . that which is given to christ , he hath it not as god . but all power in heaven and in earth is given to christ , matth. . . life is given to christ , joh. . . authority to execute judgement is given to christ , ibid. ver. . all things are given into christs hands , joh. . . the father hath given him power over all flesh , joh : . . he hath given him glory , joh : . . ergo , by mr. colemans principles , christ hath neither life , nor glory , nor authority to execute judgement , nor power over all flesh , as he is the eternall son of god consubstantiall with the father , but onely as he is mediator god and man . as for the giving of christ as god , what if i argue thus . if christ as he is the eternall son of god , or second person of the ever blessed trinity , could not be given , then the incarnation it self , or the sending of the son of god to take on our flesh , cannot be called a giving of a gift to us . but this were impious to say . ergo . again , if christ as he is the second person of the blessed trinity could not be given , then the holy ghost as he is the third person cannot be given ( for they are coessentiall , and that which were a dishonour to god the son , were a dishonour to god the holy ghost ) but to say that the holy ghost cannot be given as the third person , were to say that he cannot be given as the holy ghost . and what will he then say to all these scriptures that speak of the giving of the holy ghost ? act. . . rom. . . joh : . . &c. finally , as mr. colemans demonstration hath blown away it self , so it could not hurt me , were it solid and good ( as it is not ) for he should have taken notice that in my examination i did not restrict the dignity given to christ , ephes. . . nor the giving of christ , vers. . to the divine nature onely . nay i told pag. , . that those words of the apostle hold true even of the humane nature of christ . . pag. . he concludeth with a syllogisme which he calleth the scope of my discourse ( i know not by what logick the proposition being forged by himself , and contrary to my discourse ) thus it is . whosoever do not manage their office and authority under christ and for christ , they manage it under the devill , and for the devill , for there is no middle , either christ or belial . he that is not with me is against me . but according to the opinion of the commissioner , christian magistracy doth not manage the office and authority thereof under christ , and for christ . therefore , he beleeves i shall be hard put to it , to give the kingdom a clear and satisfactory answer . it s wel that this is the hardest task he could set me . the truth is , his syllogisme hath quatuor terminos , and is therefore worthy to be exploded by all that know the laws of disputation . those words in the proposition under christ , and for christ , can have no other sence , but to be serviceable to christ , to take part with him , and to be for the glory of christ , as is clear by the confirmation added , he that is not with me is against me . but the same words in the assumption must needs have another sence , under christ and for christ , that is , vice christi , in christs stead . for that which i denyed was , that magistracy is derived from christ as mediator , or that christ as mediator hath given a commission of vicegerentship and deputy-ship to the christian magistrate to manage his office and authority under & for him , and in his name . as is clear in my examination , pag. . nay mr. coleman himself a little before his syllogisme , pa. . takes notice of so much . his words are these . the commissioner saith , magistracy i● not derived from christ : i say magistracy is given to christ to be serviceable in his kingdom : so that though the commissioners assertion be sound ( which in due place will be discussed ) yet it infringeth nothing that i said . now then quâ fide could he in his argument against me confound these two things which he himself had but just now carefully distinguished . if he will make any thing of his syllogisme , he must hold at one of these two sences . in the first sence , it is true that all are either for christ or against christ . and it is as true that his assumption must be distinguished . for de facto the christian magistrate is for christ when he doth his duty faithfully , and is against christ if he be unfaithfull . but de jure , it holds true universally that the christian magistrate manageth his office under and for christ , that is , so as to be serviceable for the kingdom and glory of christ . in the second sence ( which onely concerneth me ) taking under and for christ , to be in christs stead as his deputies or vicegerents : so his assumption , is lame and imperfect , because it doth not hold forth my opinion clearly . that which i did and still do hold is this . that the civill magistrate , whether christian or pagan , is gods vicegerent , who by vertue of that vicegerent-ship is to manage his office and authority under god , and for god , that is in gods stead , and as god upon earth . but he is not the vicegerent of christ as mediator , neither is he by vertue of any such vicegerentship to manage his office and authority under christ , and for christ , that is , in christs stead , and as christ mediator upon earth . this was and is my plain opinion ( nor mine alone , but of others more learned ) and mr. coleman hath not said so much as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to confute it . so much for the assumption . but in the same sence i utterly deny his proposition as being a great untruth in divinity , for the sence of it can be no other then this , whosoever do not manage their office and authority in christs stead , or as deputies and vicegerents of christ as he is mediator , they manage it in the devils stead , as the devils deputies and vicegerents . now i assume . pagan magistrates do not manage their office as the deputies and vicegerents of jesus christ , as he is mediator : ergo as the devils deputies . which way was the authority derived to them from christ as mediator . mr. coleman pag. . saith in answer to this particular ( formerly objected ) that christ is rightfull king of the whole earth , and all nations ought to receive christ , though as yet they do not . but this helpeth him not . that which he had to shew , was that the pagan magistrate , even while continuing pagan , and not christian , doth manage his office as christs deputy and vicegerent . if not , then i conclude by his principles , a pagan magistrate is the devils deputy and vicegerent , which is contrary to pauls doctrine , who will have us to be subject for conscience sake , even to heathen magistrates as the ministers of god for good . rom. . first verses . by the same argument mr. coleman must grant that generals , admirals , majors , sheriffes , constables , captains , masters , yea every man that hath an office , is either christs vicegerent , or the devils vicegerent : then which what can be more absurd ? i might beside all these shew some other flawes in his divinity , as namely , pa. . and . he doth not agree to this proposition , that the admitting of the scandalous and prophane to the lords table , makes ministers to partake of their sins . and he supposeth that ministers may do their duty , though they admit the scandalous . but of this elsewhere . his abusing of the honorable houses of parlament . most honorable senators , i humbly beseech you to look about you , and take notice how far you are abused by mr. coleman . . while he pretendeth to give you more then his brethren , he taketh a great deal more from you , and ( so far as in him lieth ) even shaketh the foundation of your authority . the known tenure of magistracy is from god , he is the minister of god for good , and the powers that are , are ordained of god , saith the apostle ; the magistrate is gods vicegerent . but now this brother seeketh a new tenure and derivation of magistracy , which takes away the old . he told in his sermon , pa. . christ hath placed governments in his church , cor. . . of other governments beside magistracy i find no institution , of them i do . rom. . , . i find all government given to christ , and to christ as mediator , ( i desire all to consider it ) ephes. . three last ▪ vers. and christ as head of these given to the church . here you have these three in subordination . god , christ , and the christian magistrate . god gives once all government even civill to christ , and to him as mediator . well but how comes it then to the magistrate ? not straight by a deputation from god . mr. colemans doctrine makes an interception of the power . he holds that god hath put it in christs hands as mediator . how then ? the brother holdeth that christ as mediator hath instituted and placed the christian magistrate , yea and no other government in his church . this was the ground of my answer , pag. . that he must either prove from scripture that christ as mediator hath given such a commission of vicegerent-ship and deputy-ship to the christian magistrate : or otherwise acknowledge that he hath given a most dangerous wound to magistracie , and made it an emptie title claiming that power which it hath no warrant to assume . i added : as the mediator hath not anywhere given such a commission and power to the magistrate , so as mediator he had it not to give : for he was not made a judge in civill affairs , luk. . . and his kingdom is not of this world . joh. . . now but what reply hath he made to all this ? pa. . he saith granting it all to be true and sound , yet it infringeth not what he said . the commissioner ( saith he ) saith magistracy is not derived from christ : i say magistracie is given to christ to be serviceable in his kingdom . but by his good leave and favour he said a great deal more then this , for he spake of christ his being head of all civill governments , and his placing these in his church , as he is mediator . yea that fourth rule delivered by him in his sermon , did hold forth these assertions . . that god gave all government even civill to christ , and to him as mediator . . that christ as mediator hath power and authority to place and substitute under and for him the christian magistrate . . that christ hath placed and instituted civill governments in his church , to be under and for him as he is mediator . . that the christian magistrate doth , and all magistrates should manage their office under and for christ , ( that is , as his vicegerents ) he being as mediator head of all civil government . now in stead of defending his doctrine from my just exceptions made against it , he revileth , and having brought the magistrate in a snare , leaves him there . he endeavours to vindicate no more but this , that magistracy is given to christ to be serviceable in his kingdom . but if he had said so at first , i had said with him , and not against him in that point . and if he will yet hold at that , why doth he pag. . refer my assertion to further discussion ? secondly , he hath abused the parliament in holding forth that rule to them in his sermon , establish as few things jure divino as can well be . and yet now he is made by strength of argument to acknowledge pag. . that this is a good rule . establish as many things . jure divino as can well be . thirdly , i having stated the question to be not whether this or that form of church-government be jure divino , but whether a church government be jure divino ? whether christ hath thus far revealed his will in his word , that there are to be church censures , and those to be dispenced by church-officers . i said the brother is for the negative of this question , pa. . this he flatly denieth , pag. , . whereby he acknowledgeth the affirmative , that there is a church government jure divino , and that jesus christ hath so far revealed his will in his word , that there are to be church censures , and those to be dispensed by church-officers . but how doth this agree with his sermon ? christ hath placed governments in his church . of other governments ( said he ) beside magistracie i find no institution , of them i do . is magistracie church-government ? are magistrates church-officers ? are the civill punishments church censures ? is this the mystery ? yes , that it is : he will tell us anon that the houses of parliament are church-officers ; but if that bolt doe any hurt i am much mistaken . fourthly , he professeth to subscribe to the votes of parliament concerning church-government , page . and yet he still pleadeth that all ecclesiasticall government is meerely doctrinall , ibid. the parliament having voted that power to church-officers which is not doctrinall ( as i shewed before ) and he adviseth the parliament to keep wholy in their own hands the corrective part of church-government , page . though the parliament hath put into the hands of elderships a power of suspention from the sacrament , which is corrective . fifthly , he did deliver in that sermon before the honourable house of commons , divers particulars , which being justly excepted against , and he undertaking a vindication , yet he hath receded from them , or not being able to defend them , as that concerning two co-ordinate governments in one kingdome , and his argument concerning the feare of an ambitious ensnarement in ministers ; these being by me enfringed he hath not so much as offered to make them good . sixtly , having acknowledged under his owne hand that he was sorry he had given offence to the reverend assembly , and to the commissioners from scotland , he now appealeth to the parliament , and tells us they are able to judge of a scandalous sermon , and they thought not so of it , page . i know they are able to judge of a scandalous sermon , that they thought not so of it , it s more then i know or beleeve ; however i know they have a tender respect to the offence of others even when themselves are not offended , and so they and all men ought to doe according to the rule of christ : for his part after he had acknowledged he had given offence , it is a dis-service to the parliament to lay over the thing upon them ; for my part , i thinke i doe better service to the parliament in interpreting otherwise that second order of the house , not onely desiring but injoyning mr. coleman to print that sermon ; as near as he could as he preached it . this was not ( as he takes it ) one portion of approbation above all its brethren ( for i shall not beleeve that so wise an auditory was not at all scandalized at the hearing of that which was contrary both to the covenant , and to their own votes concerning church-government ; nor at that which he told them out of the jewish records , that hezekiah was the first man that ever was sick in the world , and did recover ) but as i humbly conceive it was a reall censure put upon him : his sermon being so much excepted against and stumbled at , the honourable house of commons did wisely injoyne him to print his sermon , that it might abide triall in the light of the world , and lye open to any just exceptions which could be made against it abroad , and that he might stand or fall to himself . seventhly , he abuseth the parliament by arrogating so much to himselfe as that his sermon will in the end take away all difference , and settle union , page . and that his modell will be when he is dead the modell of englands church-government , as he saith in his postscript , whether this be prophecying or presuming , i hope we are free to judge and what if the wisedome and authority of the honourable houses upon advice from the reverend and learned assembly chuse another way than this ? must all the synodicall debates , and all the grave parliamentary consultations resolve themselves into master colemans way , like jordan into mare mortuum . eightly , he doth extreamly wound the authority of parliament in making their office to be a church office , and of the same kind with the ministers office , page . doe not i hold ministers church-officers ? and a little after . i desire the parliament to consider another presbyterian principle , that excludes your honourable assembly from being church-officers . if so , then the offices of the magistrate and of the minister must stand and fall together ; that is , if the nation were not christian , the office of magistracy should cease as well as that of the ministery ; and if he make the magistrate a church-officer , he must also give him ordination , except with the socinians he deny the necessity of ordination . his abusing the reverend assembly of divines . whereas i had objected that his sermon had given no small scandall and offence , he replyeth page . but hath it given offence ? to whom ? i appeale to the honourable audience . is this candide or faire dealing when he himselfe knew both that he had given offence , and to whom . i shall give him no other answer but his owne declaration which he gave under his hand , after he had preached that sermon . for much of what is reported of my sermon i utterly deny , and referre my selfe to the sermon it selfe ; for what i have acknowledged to be delivered by me , although it is my judgement , yet because i see it hath given a great deale of offence to this assembly , and the reverend commissioners of scotland ; i am sorry i have given offence in the delivery thereof . and for the printing , although i have an order , i will forbeare , except i be further commanded . tho. coleman . page . i had this passage : and where he asketh where the independents and we should meet ? i answer ; in holding a church government jure divino , that is , that the pastours and elders ought to suspend , or excommunicate ( according to the degree of the offence ) scandalous sinners . who can tell but the purging of the church from scandalls , and the keeping of the ordinances pure ( when it shall be actually seene to be the great worke endeavoured on both sides ) may make union between us and the independents more easie then many imagine . what reply hath he made to this ? pag. . sure i dreame ( awake then ) but i will tell you newes : the presbiterians and independents are ( he should have said may be ) united ; nay more , the lutherans and calvinists : nay more yet , the papist and protestant : nay more then so , the turk and christian . but wherein ? in holding that there is a religion wherein men ought to walke . no sir ; they must be united upon the like termes : that is , you must first have turkes to be christians , and papists to be protestants , and then you must have them as willing to purge the church of scandalls , and to keepe the ordinances pure . we will never dispaire of an union with such as are sound in the faith , holy in life , and willing to a church-refining and sin-censuring government in the hands of church officers . in the meane while it is no light imputation upon the assembly to hint this much , that the harmony and concord among the members thereof for such a government as i have now named ( though in some other particulars dissenting ) can no more unite them , than turkes and christians , papists and protestants can be united ; and now i will tell you my newes ; the presbiterians and independents are both equally interested against the erastian principles . he reflecteth also upon the assembly in the point of jus divinum , page . but what his part hath been in reference to the proceedings in the assembly is more fully , and in divers particulars expressed in the briefe view of mr. coleman his new modell , unto which he hath offered no answer . his calumnies . page . he desireth me with wisdome and humility to minde what church-refining , and sin-censuring worke this church-government with all his activity hath made in scotland , in the point of promiscuous communicating ; i shall desire him with wisdome and humility to mind what charity or conscience there is in such an aspersion ; i dare say divers thousands have keen kept off from the sacrament in scotland , as unworthy to be admitted , where i my selfe have exercised my ministery , there have been some hundreds kept off ; partly for ignorance , and partly for scandall . the order of the church of scotland , and the acts of generall assemblies are for keeping off all scandalous persons , which every godly and faithfull minister doth conscientiously and effectually endeavour ; and if here or there it be too much neglected by some archippus who takes not heed to fulfill the ministery which he hath received of the lord , let him and his eldership beare the blame , and answer for it . page . i having professed my unwillingnesse to fall upon such a controversie in a fast sermon . he replyeth ; how can you say , you were unwilling ? but how can you in brotherly charity doubt of it , after i had seriously professed it ? my doing it at two severall fasts ( the onely opportunities i then had to give a testimony to that presently controverted truth is no argument of the contrary . may not a man doe a thing twenty times over and yet doe it unwillingly ? page . he slandereth those that did in their sermons give a publike testimony against his doctrine , the occasion ( as he gives out ) not being offered , but taken . but had they not a publike calling and employment to preach as well as himselfe ? and if a fast was not occasion offered to them , how was a fast an occasion offered to him to fall upon the same controversie first , and when none had done the like before him ? a fourth calumny is this . he had first blamed two parties that they came byassed to the assembly ; i answered , how then shall he make himselfe blamelesse who came byassed a third way , which was the erastian way ; and that for our part we came no more byassed to this assembly then the forraine divines came to the synod of dort , alexander to the councell of nice , and cyrell to that of ephesus , and paul to the synod at jerusalem ; but now page . , instead of doing us right he doth us greater injury , for now he makes us byassed not onely by our owne judgements , but by something adventitious from without , which he denyeth himself to be , ( but how truely i take not on me to judge : beholders doe often perceive the byassing better then the bowlers ) yea he saith , that i have acknowledged the byas , and justifie it . where sir , where ? i deny it ; it s no byas for a man to be setled , resolved , and ingaged in his judgement for the truth , especially when willing to receive more light , and to learne what needeth to be further reformed . hath he forgotten his owne definition of the byas which he had but just now given ? but he will needs make it more then probable by the instances which i brought , that the commissioners from scotland came not to this assembly , as divines by dispute and disquisition to finde out truth , but as judges to censure all different opinions as errours ; for so came forraigne divines to dort , alexander to the councell of nice , cyrill to ephesus . is it not enough to slander us , though he doe not for our sakes slander those worthy divines that came to the synod of dort , alexander also and cyrill , prime witnesses for the truth in their daies ? could no lesse content him then to approve the objections of the arminians against the synod of dort , which i had mentioned page ? but he gets not away so ; the strongest instance which i had given he hath not once touched : it was concerning paul and barnabas who were ingaged ( not in the behalfe of one nation , but of all the churches of the gentiles ) against the imposition of the mosaicall rites , and had so declared themselves at antioch before they came to jerusalem . finally , whereas he doubts , though not of our willingnesse to learne more , yet of our permission to receive more : that very paper first given in by us ( which i had cited , and unto which he makes this reply ) did speake not onely of our learning , but of the church of scotlands receiving ; and which is more , there is an actuall experiment of it , the last generall assembly having ordered the laying aside of some particular customes in that church , and that for the nearer uniformity with this church of england , as was expressed in their owne letter to the reverend assembly of divines . a fifth calumny there is , page . . the commissioner is content that jus divinum should be a noli me tangere to the parliament , yet blames what himselfe grants . i was never content it should be a noli me tangere to the parliament , but at most a non necesse est tangere , for so i explained my selfe , page , . if the parliament establish that thing which is agreeable to the word of god , though they doe not establish it as jure divino , i acquiesce ; in the meane time both they and all christians , but especially ministers ought to search the scriptures , that what they doe in matters of church-government they may doe it in faith and assurance that it is acceptable to god . it was not of parliamentary sanction , but of divines doctrinall asserting of the will of god that i said , why should ius divinum be such a nolime tangere ? it seemes strange to him that i did at all give instance of the usefulnesse of church-government in the preservation of purity in the ordinances and in church-members . he saith for an independent to have given this instance , had been something ; but it seemes strange to him that i should have given an instance of the power and efficacy of government , as it is presbyteriall , and contradistinct to congregationall . this is a calumny against presbyteriall government , which is neither privative nor contradistinct , but cumulative to congregationall government ; and the congregationall is a part of that government which is comprehended under the name of presbyteriall . but in cases of common concernment , difficulty , appeals , and the like , the preserving of the ordinances and church-members from pollution , doth belong to presbyteries and synods . he sayth of me , page . he ascribeth this power of purif●ing men , and means of advancing the power of godlinesse afterward , to government . a calumny . it was only a sine quo non which i ascribed to government , thus farre , that without it ministers shall not keep themselves nor the ordinances from pollution , pag. . but that church-government hath power to purify men , i never thought it , nor said it . that which i sayd of the power ( which he pointeth at ) was , that his way can neither preserve the purity , nor advance the power of religion ; page . and the reason is , because his way provideth no ecclesiasticall effectuall remedy for removing and purging away the most grosse scandalous sinnes , which are destructive to the power of godlinesse . god must by his word and spirit purify men , and work in them the power of godlinesse . the church-government which i plead for against him , is a meanes subservient and helpfull , so farre as removere prohibens , to remove that which apparently is impeditive and destructive to that purity and power . having told us of the proud swelling waves of presbyteriall goverment , i asked upon what coast had those waves done any hurt , france , or scotland , or holland , or terra incognita ? he replieth page . i confesse , i have had no great experience of the presbyteriall government . why make you bold then to slander it , when you can give no sure ground for that you say ? he tels us , his feares arise from scotland , and from london . the reverend and worthy ministers of london can speak for themselves aetatem habent . for my part ( though i know not the particulars ) i am bound in charity not to beleeve those aspersions put upon them by a discontented brother . but what from scotland ? i my selfe ( sayth he ) did heare the presbytery of edingburgh censure a woman to be banished out of the gates of the city ; was not this an encroachment ? it had bin an encroachment indeed , if it had bin so . but he will excuse me if i answer him in his own language ( which i use not ) page and . it is at the best a most uncharitable slander . and , there was either ignorance or mindlesnesse in him that sets it down . there is no banishment in scotland but by the civill magistrate , who so farre aideth and assisteth church discipline , that prophane and scandalous persons when they are found unruly and incorrigible , are punished with banshment or otherwise . a stranger comming at a time into one of our presbyteries , and hearing of somewhat which was represented to or reported from the magistrate , ought to have had so much both circumspection and charity , as not to make such a rash and untrue report . he might have at least enquired when he was in scotland and informed himselfe better , whether presbyteries or the civill magistrate doe banish . if he made no such enquiry , he was rash injudging . if he did , his offence is greater , when after information he will not understand . he makes this to be a position of mine , pag. . that a learned ministery puts no black marke upon prophanenesse more then upon others . a calumny . for first he makes me to speake non-sence . secondly i did not speake it of a learned ministery , but of his way page . how long agoe since a learned ministery was knowne by the name of master colemans way ? his way is a ministery without power of government , or church censures . of this his way i said , that it putteth no black marke upon prophanenesse and scandall in church members more than in any others . and the reason is , because the corrective or punitive part of government he will have to be only civill or temporall ▪ which striketh against those that are without , as well as those within . put the apostle tells us of such a corrective governement , as is a judging of those that are within , and of those only cor. . . and this way ( which is not only ours , but the apostolicall way ) puts a black marke upon prophanenesse & scandalous sins , in church members more then in any others . . he saith of me page . the commissioner is the only man that we shall meet with , that forsaking the words , judgeth of the intentions . a calumny . i judged nothing but ex ore tuo . but in this thing he himselfe hath trespassed . i will instance but in two particulars . in that very place he saith admonition is a spirituall censure in the commissioners opinion . whence knowes he that to be my opinion ? consistoriall or presbyteriall admonition given to the unruly , may be called a censure . and if this were his meaning , then ascribing to elderships power of admonition , he gives them some power of spirituall censures , and so something of the corrective part of government ; which were contrary to his owne principles . but he speaketh it of the ministers admonishing , who are but a part of the elderships , as himselfe there granteth . now where did i ever say or write , that admonition by a minister is a spirituall censure ? againe page . he so judgeth me , that he not only forsaketh but contradicteth my words , how can you say you were unwilling ? . he saith page . now the commissioner speaks out , &c ▪ what! not the parliament of england meddle with religion ? a horrid calumny . where have i said it . dic sodes . i never preached before 〈…〉 but i exhorted them to meddle with religion , and that in the first place and above all other things . i shall sooner prove , that master coleman will not have the parliament of england to meddle with civill affaires , because he makes them church officers . it s a non-sequitur . their power is civill , ergo they are not to meddle with religion ? it will be a better consequence . they are church officers . so he makes them , page . and christian magistracy is an ecclesiasticall administration . so he saith , page . ergo , they are not to meddle with civill government . the repugnancy of his doctrine to the solemn league and covenant . mr coleman , pag. . acknowledgeth that to assert any thing contrary to the solemn league and covenant , is a great fault in any , in himselfe more then in divers others , if made out : he having for his own part taken it with the first , and not only so , but having adminstred it to divers others : yes , and take this one circumstance more . in his sermon upon , jer. . . at the taking of the covenant , septemb. . . he answereth this objection against the extirpation of prelacy . but what if the exorbitancies be purged away , may not i notwithstanding my oath , admit of a regulated prelacy ? for satisfaction to this objection ; he answereth thus , first , we swear not against a government , that is not . secondly , we swear against the evils of every government , and doubtlesse many materials of prelacy must of necessity be retained , as absolutely necessary . thirdly , taking away the exorbitancies , the remaining will be a new government , and no prelacy . let the brother now deale ingenuously ; what did he understand by those materials of prelacy absolutely necessary to be retained ? did he understand the dispensing of the word and sacraments , which is common to all pastors ? or , did he understand the priviledges of parliament ? were either of those two materials of prelacy ? and if he had meant either of these , was this the way to satisfie that scruple concerning the extirpation of prelacy ? again , what was that new government which he promised them , after the taking away of the exorbitancies of the old ? was it the ministers doctrinall part ? that is no new thing in england . was it the parliaments assuming of the corrective part of church-government ( as hee improperly distinguisheth ) wholy and soly into their own hands , excluding the ministery from having any hand therein ? this were a new government i confesse . but sure he could not in any reason intend this as a satisfaction to the scruples of such as desired a regulated prelacy , whose scruples he then spoke to ; for this had been the way to disswade them from , not to perswade them to the covenant . but i goe along with his re-examination , pag. . he explaineth himselfe and me thus , he should have said that i advised the parliament to lay no burthen of government upon them whom he this commissioner thinks church-officers , then had hee spoken true ; i thank him for his explanation . and i pray who were the church officers , whom i said hee excluded from church government ? were they not pastors and ruling elders ? and doth not himselfe think these to be church-officers ? yes , of the ministers he thinks so , but of ruling elders he seemes to doubt , except they be magistrates . well but excluding these church-officers from church-government he takes with the charge . why seeks he a knot in the rush ? but now , how doth he explaine himselfe ? he will have the parliament to bee church-officers ( of which before ) and such church-officers as shall take the corrective part of curch-government wholy into their own hands ; yet not to dispence the word and sacraments , but to leave the doctrinall part to the ministry , and their power to be meerely doctrinall as he saith , pag. . thus you have his explanation . but doth this salve the violating of the covenant ? nay , it makes it more apparent ; for the government of the church , which the first article of the covenant speaks of , is distinguished from the doctrinall part , that we shall endeavour the reformation of religion in the kingdomes of england and ireland in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government . so that excluding pastors and ruling elders from the corrective part of government , and from all power which is not meerely doctrinall , he thereby excludeth them from that discipline and government which the covenant speaks of , as one speciall part of the reformation of religion . come on to the reasons . i had given foure reasons : he takes notice but of three . this is the second time he hath told three for foure , yet even these three will doe the businesse . . the extirpation of church-government is not the reformation of it ; here the brother addeth these words following as mine , which are not mine , therefore he that finds no church-government , breaks his covenant . his reply is , we must reforme it according to the word of god : if that hold out none , here is no failing . he addeth a simile of a iury sworn to enquire into the felony of an accused person , but findes nor guilty : and of three men taking an oath to deliver in their opinions of church-government ( where by the way he lets fall , that i hold the nationall synod to be above all courts in the kingdom ; which if he meane of ecclesiasticall courts , why did he speak so generally ? if he meane above all or any civill courts , it is a grosse calumny . ) but now if this be the sense ( which he gives ) of that first article in the covenant , then . all that is in the second article might have been put into the first article ; for instance , wee might in mr colemans sense , have sworn to endeavour the reformation of prelacy , and even of popery it selfe , according to the word of god and the example of the best reformed churches : that is , taking an oath to deliver in our opinions of these things , according to the word of god , and to enquire into the evills of church-government by archbishops , bishops , deans &c. whether guilty or not guilty . i strengthned my argument by the different nature of the first and second article ; i said , the second article is of things to be extirpated , but this of things to be preserved and reformed . why did hee not take the strength of my argument and make a reply ? . by the same principle of his we are not tied by the first article of our covenant to have any either doctrine or worship , but only to search the scriptures , whether the word hold out any ; for doctrine , worship , discipline and government goe hand in hand in the covenant . . his owne simile hath this much in it against him . if a iury sworn to enquire into the felony of an accused person , should after such an oath , not only finde the person not guilty , but further take upon them to maintain that there is no such thing as felony ; surely this were inconsistent with their oath . so he that sweares to endeavour the reformation of religion in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , and yet will not only dislike this or that forme of government , but also hold that there is no such thing as church-government , he holds that which cannot agree with his oath . . this answer of mr colemans , leaving it free to debate whether there be such a thing as church-government , being his only answer to my first argument from the covenant , must needs suppose , that the government mentioned in the covenant ( the reformation whereof we have sworne to endeavour ) is understood even by himselfe , of church-officers , their power of corrective government ; it being the corrective part only , and not the doctrinall part , which he casts upon an uncertainty whether the word hold out any such thing . . church-government is mentioned in the covenant as a spirituall , not a civill thing . the matters of religion are put together , doctrine , worship , discipline and government . the priviledges of parliament come after in the third article . the reverend brother replies , what if it be ? therefore the parliament is not to meddle with it , and why ? and here he runs out against me , as if i held that the parliament is not to meddle with religion ; an assertion which i abominate . princes and magistrates their putting off themselves all care of the matters of religion , was one of the great causes of the churches mischiefe , and of popish and prelaticall tyranny . but is this just and faire , sir , to give out for my opinion , that for which you are not able to shew the least colour or shadow of consequence from any thing that ever i said ? that which was to be replied unto , was , whether doe not the materials of the first article of the covenant differ from the materials of the third article of the covenant ? or whether are they the same ? whether doth the priviledge of parliament belong to the first article of the covenant ? whether is that government mentioned in the first article , a civill thing or a spirituall ? if civill , why is discipline and government ranked with doctrine and worship , and all these mentioned as parts of the reformation of religion ? if spirituall , then why doth the brother make it civill or temporall pag. . to all this nothing is answered : but , what if it bee ? then is my argument granted . and to put it yet further out of question , i adde other two arguments from that same first article of the covenant . one is this ; in the first part of that first article we sweare all of us to endeavour the preservation of the reformed religion in the church of scotland in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government : where all know that the words discipline and government ( especially being mentioned as two of the principall things in which the reformed religion in that church doth consist ) signifie church-government , and church-discipline , distinct both from doctrine and worship , and from civill government ( which , by the way , how mr coleman endeavoureth to preserve , i will not now say , but leave it to others to judge : ) therefore in that which immediately followeth , our endeavouring the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of england and ireland in doctrine , worship , discipline and government ; the words discipline and government must needs be understood in the same sense thus farre , that it is a church-discipline , and a church-government distinct from the civill power of the magistrate , and distinct also from doctrine and worship in the church ; for we cannot make these words discipline and government in one and the same article of a solemn oath and covenant , to suffer two senses differing toto genere , ( especially considering that the civill government is put by it selfe in another article which is the third ) unlesse we make it to speak so as none ▪ may understand it . the other argument which i now adde , is this ; in the third part of that first article we sweare that we shall endeavour to bring the churches of god in the three kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion , confession of faith , forme of church government , directory for worship and catechising ; where . church government doth agree generically with a confession of faith , directory of worship , and catechising : i mean all these are matters of religion , none of them civill matters . . it is supposed there is such a thing as church government distinct from civill government ; and therefore it is put out of all question , that so farre there shall be an uniformity between the churches of god in the three kingdoms ( and otherwise it were an unswearing of what was sworn in the first part of that article ) but it tieth us to endeavour the nearest conjunction and uniformity in a form of church government ; which were a vaine and rash oath , if we were not tied to a church government in generall , and that as a matter of religion . the uniformity in a form of church-government which we sweare to endeavour , must needs be meant of corrective government , it being clearly distinguished from the confession of faith , and directory of worship . so that mr colemans distinction of the doctrinall part , and of the dispensing of the word and sacraments cannot here help him . from these two arguments ( beside all was said before ) i conclude , that the covenant doth undeniably suppose and plainely hold forth this thing as most necessary and uncontrover●able , that there ought to bee a church-government which is both distinct from the civill-government , and yet not meerely doctrinall . and if so , what apollo can reconcile mr colemans doctrine with the covenant ? and now i go on . my last reason formerly brought was this : will the brother say that the example of the best reformed churches leadeth his way . for the covenant tieth us to a reformation of the government of the church both according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches : that , as regula regulans : this , as regula regulata , the reverend brother replieth : . the best reformed church , that ever was , went this way , i meane the church of israel . answ. . is the church of israel one of the reformed churches which the covenant speakes of ? . was the church of israel better reformed than the apostolicall churches ? why then cals he it the best reformed church that ever was ? . that in the jewish church , there was a church-government distinct from civill government , and church censures distinct from civill punishments , is the opinion of many who have taken great paines in the searching of the jewish antiquities ; and it may be he shall heare it ere long further proved both from scripture , and from the very talmudicall writers . . i desire ( saith he ) the commissioner to give an instance in the new testament of such a distinction ( civill and church government ) where the state was christian . answ. i desire him to give an instance in the new testament of these three things , and then he will answer himselfe . . where was the state christian ? . where had the ministery a doctrinall power in a christian state ? . where doth the new testament hold out , that a church government distinct from civill government may be where the state is not christian , and yet may not be where the state is christian ? shall the churches liberties be diminished , or rather increased where the state is christian ? in the third and fourth place , the brother tels us of the opinions of gualther , bullinger , erastus , aretius . the question is of the examples of churches , not of the opinions of men . but what of the men ? as for that pestilence that walketh in darknesse through london and westminster , erastus his booke against beza , let him make of it what he can , it shall have an antidote by and by . in the meane while he may take notice that in the close of the sixth book erastus casts down that which he hath built , ●ust as bellarmine did in the close of his five books of justification . but as for the other three named by the brother , they are ours , not his in this present controversie . gualther expounds the fifth chapter of cor. all along of excommunication , and of the necessity of church discipline , in so much that he expounds the very delivering to satan ( the phrase most controverted by erastus and his followers ) of excommunication ; and the not eating with the scandalous , v. , , . hee takes also to import excommunication . hee thinks also that ministers shall labour to little purpose , except they have a power of government . bullinger is most plaine for excommunication , as a spirituall censure ordained by christ : and so he understands , matth. . . aretius holds , that god was the authour of excommunication in the old testament , and christ in the new . and now , are these three master colemans way ? or doth not his doctrine flatly contradict theirs ? peradventure he will say , yet there is no excommunication in the church of zurik ( where those divines lived ) nor any suspension of scandalous sinners from the sacrament . i answer , this cannot infringe what i hold , that the example of the best reformed churches maketh for ▪ us , and against him ▪ for first , the booke written by lavater , ( another of the zurike divines ) de ritibus & institutis ecclesiae tigurinae , tels us of divers things in that church , which will make the brother easily to acknowledge that it is not the best reformed church : such as feastivall daies , cap. . that upon the lords daies before the third bell , it is published and made knowen to the people , if there be any houses , fields or lands to be sold , cap. . they have no fasts indicted , ibid. nor psalmes sung in the church , cap. . responsories in their letany at the sacrament , the deacon upon the right hand saith one thing , the deacon upon the left hand saith another thing , the pastor a third thing , cap. . . yet the church of zurike hath some corrective church government , besides that which is civill or temporall , for that same booke , cap. . tells us that in their synods , any minister who is found scandalous or prophane in his life , is censured with deposition from his office , ib officio deponitur . then followes , finita censura , singuli decani , &c. here is a synodicall censure , which i finde also in wolphius a professor of zurike . and the book before cited , cap. . * tells us of some corrective power committed to pastors and elders . which elders are distinguished from the magisteates . . the zurike divines themselves looked upon excommunication as that which was wanting through the injury of the times , the thing having beene so horribly abused in popery , and the present licentiousnesse abounding among people , did hinder the erecting of that part of the church discipline at that time . but they still pleaded the thing to be held forth in scripture , and were but expecting better times for restoring and setting of excommunication , which they did approve in genevah and in other reformed churches , who had received it . i give you their owne words for the warrant of what i say . i have beene the longer upon this point , as being the chiefe objection which can bee made by master coleman concerning that clause in the covenant , the example of the best reformed churches . hee hath onely one thing more , which may well passe for a paradox . hee will take an instance foresooth , from genevah it selfe , though presbiterian in practice . and why ? because in the genevah annotations upon , mat. . . it is said that , the externall discipline is to be fitted to the capacity of the church . this is no scotland presbytery , saith the brother . nay sir , nor yet genevah presbytery , for it doth not at all concerne presbytery . it is spoken in referrence to the chooseing of fit and convenient times for fasting and humiliation ; that as christ did not at that time tie his disciples to fasting , it being unsutable to that present time , so other like circumstances of gods worship which are not at all determined in the word , are to bee accommodated to emergent occasions , and to the churches condition for the time : which both scotland and genevah , and other reformed churches doe . if i have now more fully and convincingly spoken to that point of the covenant , let the brother blame himselfe that put me to it . the lord guide his people in a right way , and rebuke the spirit of error and division , and give us all more of his spirit to lead us into all truth , and into all selfe-deniall : and grant that none of his servants be found unwilling to have the lord jesus christ to reigne over them in all his ordinances . finis . faults in the printing . page . line . primitive , r. punitive , ib. l. . be r. he p. . l. . admiration , r. administration , p. . l. . he had , r. i had , p. . l. . revileth , r. resileth . p. . l. . being r. been , p. . cyrell r. cyrill . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- gualther archetyp ▪ in ● cor ▪ . . decrevi impurum hunc t●ad●ndum esse satanae , id est ●jiciendum ex ecclesia , &c ratio locution●s quia extra e●cl●siam ●atan regnat . in ver. . ●●a ve●o in nuit disciplinam necessariam esse , ne contagiu● peccan●i se●p●t . in ver. . , . catalogus eorum qui debent excomm●n ca●i , ibid. ●mo non su●●i●iunt ministri nisi publica authoritate juven●ur . idco paulus corint●io● tam 〈…〉 m●net , ut ecclesiae disciplinam instaurent , & sermentum omne expurgent . in ver. . tollite , &c. si christiani es●is si ecclesiam vul●is ●abere purem , utin ini jure ve●l●o . billinger in ▪ cor. . v. , , v●ri ergo apostolici & ve●re● quoque contum●ces & ecclesiastica ●●ns●● a digno●● co●●ubernio sanctorum a●jeceru●t , excl●den●e●●os à s●●ris 〈…〉 & communione c●rporl● & sangui●●● mysti●● . and a little after , quod sihis quoque addas ordinationem christi ex math●● , vide●is eam huc quoque specta●e , ut publi●è mulc●●tur quisp●●tis 〈…〉 in honest● per●exeri● vivere . esse enim e●●●icum & publi●●●um , est 〈…〉 è catalogo ecclesi●s●ico & recen●●ri haberique inter ●●cino●osos quibus nihil neque o●●icii , ●eque sinceri ●u●ò commi●●as . aret. theol. probl. loc. . a deo originem habit , & a christ● confirmata fuit . and after , supra de origine dixi , indicans ●●●o in●i●tam suisse ●anc disciplinam , &c. demum christus filius dei tandem ecclei●●u● commendavit . wolphius com . in li . esdrae pag. ● . atque hoc exemplo veteris testamenti discimus quid facto opus sit in n●vot nempe ut crebris synodis ac censuris , in vocationem in doctriuam , in vitam aec mores ecclesiastarum inspiciatur . * in ecclesiis 〈◊〉 tigurinae , deligantur seniores , qui un● cum pastore vitia corrigant . postea magistratus de 〈…〉 blasphemis , 〈…〉 s●mi● . bullinger in . cor. . et hac tenus de castigatione sceler●i ecclesiastica . hic tamen diligenter admoni●os ●olo fraires , vigilent , & omni diligenti● curent , ut salviare hoc pharmacum , è caetu sanctorùm pontificis avaritia eliminatum , reducatur , hoc est ut scelera offendentia plectantur . hic enim unicu● est excommunicationis fini● , ut mores excolautur & floreant sancti , prophani ve●ò coerceantur , ne mal● porro impudentia ac impietate grass●tur . nostram est ista ● fratres , summa cum diligentia curare . videmus enim & paulum cess●ntes hoc loco incicare . aretius ubi supra . magistratu● jugum non admittunt , timen● honoribus , licentium amant &c. vulgus quoque & plebs d●ssolutio● : major pars corruptissima est , &c. int●●●● non 〈◊〉 esse 〈◊〉 ●ateor dabit posterior aetas tructabiliores for●● anima● , minor● pectora , quam nostra habent seculas lavater in nehem . homil. . quia pontifices romani excommunicatione ●…endum ●suam tyrannidem abusi sunt , factum est ut nulla ferè justa discipl●na amplius in ecclesiis jnstitui possit nisi autem sl●g ●i●si coerceantur , omnia ruant in pejus necesse est . a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome and the encroachments of that upon other sees, especially the see of constantinople / by william cave ... cave, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome and the encroachments of that upon other sees, especially the see of constantinople / by william cave ... cave, william, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for r. chiswel ..., london : . errata on p. [ ]. advertisements: [ ] p. at end. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -- history -- early church, ca. - . episcopacy -- early works to . patriarchs and patriarchate. papacy. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church , by bishops , metropolitans , and patriarchs . more particularly , concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome , and the encroachments of that upon other sees , especially the see of constantinople . by william cave , d. d. one of his majesties chaplains in ordinary . omne genus ad originem suam censeatur , necesse est . tert. de praescript . c. . p. . london , printed for r. chiswel , at the rose and crown in s. paul's church-yard , mdclxxxiii . to the right reverend father in god henry lord bishop of london , one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy-council . my lord , in compliance with the good old rule of s. ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do nothing without leave from the bishop , i have taken the confidence to lay these papers at your lordships feet ; being well content , they should receive from you a sentence of life or death ; either to come abroad into open light , or be condemn'd to be thrown aside , if you shall judge them useless and unprofitable . for i am not so fond of my own undertakings , as to flatter my self , that any thing that i can do , will work much upon the obstinate humour of a perverse and contentious age. my lord , the church of england is usually assaulted by two sorts of adversaries . the one declar'd enemies to the episcopal government , or if at any time in a good humour they allow the name , they deny the thing making the bishop of the primitive times no more in effect than a meer parish-priest . the other are great pretenders to antiquity , and strongly enough assert the episcopal order , but withall would obtrude upon us a supreme and universal bishop , to whom all others are to be subject and accountable , and he we may be sure is the bishop of rome . as for the first of these , i have not directly enter'd the lists with them , though what is here said concerning the ancient church-government might be enough to satisfie men modest and unprejudic'd ; and more i did not think fit to add . they have been so often baffled upon that argument , that nothing but a resolv'd obstinacy could make them keep a post , so utterly indefensable . but the men of that way seem generally too over-weaning and opiniative , and i have no hopes of doing good upon that man , that 's wiser in his own conceit , than seven men that can render a reason . indeed the nature of my design led me more immediately to encounter with the other party , whose cause ( so far as it relates to the subject under debate ) i have examin'd , and brought to be tried by the standard of antiquity , the truest rule to proceed by in this matter ; and this managed without any needless exasperations . for i never could think it a reasonable method of conviction to rail at popery , or to load the bishop of rome with ill names , and spiteful characters . the best way sure in such cases is to appeal to the judgment of the ancients , and to enquire what power and authority was allow'd him in the wiser and better ages of christianity . which i hope i have done with all truth and fairness in the following discourse . my lord , your lordships known zeal for the protestant cause , and ( what next the goodness of the divine providence is the strongest bulwark and defence of it ) the honour and interest of the church of england , might give you a just title to this discourse , though there were no other inducement to it . but we that are the clergy of your diocess , think our selves oblig'd to take all occasions of letting the world know , how much we rejoyce under the happy influences of your care and conduct ; how much we are beholden to that great example of pastoral industry and diligence , you daily set before us ; that we have to deal with a temper so incomparably sweet and obliging , and that not only in private converses , but in all public cases that concern the church under your charge , you are pleased so freely and familiarly to consult and advise with us . 't is this ( to mention no more ) that creates in us so just a regard and veneration for your lordship . and i verily believe , since the primitive times there never was a more mutual endearment and correspondence . never bishop , that treated his clergy with a more paternal kindness and condiscention ; never clergy that paid a greater reverence , and a more chearful obedience to their bishop . that this concord and agreement may not only continue , but encrease , and the happy effects of it visibly spread over your whole diocess , and especially this great city , is the earnest prayer of , my lord , your lordships faithful and sincerely devoted servant , william cave . to the reader . among the several virtues , wherewith the religion of our lord does at once refine and adorn humane nature , there are none conduce more , both to the peace of the world , and the quiet of private and particular persons , than humility and contentment ; the laying aside the vain and fond opinion of our selves , a lowliness of mind to esteem others better than our selves , in honour preferring one another ; an easiness and satisfaction under that place and portion , which the wisdom of the divine providence has thought fit to allot us , and a generous contempt of those little and sordid arts , by which men hunt after power and greatness , and impatiently affect dominion and superiority over others . a noble and divine temper of mind , which our lord has effectually recommended both by his doctrine , and the example of his life . he has taught us , that we should not , after the proud and hypocritical manner of the pharisees , do our works to be seen of men , make broad our phylacteries , and enlarge the borders of our garments , love the uppermost rooms at feasts , and the chief seats in the synagogue , and greetings in the markets ; that we should not affect proud titles , and the honour of a name , to be call'd of men , rabbi , rabbi , for that one is our master , even christ , and all we are brethren , ( not that our lord here absolutely forbids all honour and precedence , no more than he does all mastership and superiority in what follows , but only an inordinate desire , a vicious and irregular inclination toward these things , and an undue and tyrannical exercise of them ) that we should call no man our father upon earth , that is , in the same sence , and with the same respect , wherewith we do god , for that one is our father , which is in heaven , neither that we be called masters , for that one is our master , even christ : for that whosoever should exalt himself , shall be abased , and he that should humble himself , shall be exalted . and then for his own practice , how openly did he protest against seeking his own glory , or receiving honour from men ? how studiously did he stifle the fame of his own miracles , and whatever might raise him in the esteem and value of the world. when an appeal was made to him to judge a cause , he rebuk'd the motion with a who made me a judge , and a ruler over you ? when the jews were resolv'd to have made him king , he fled from the very shadow of a crown . when there was a strife amongst his own apostles , which of them should be accounted the greatest , like the kings of the gentiles which exercis'd lordship and authority over their subjects , he ended the controversy with a short decision , but ye shall not be so . this charge s. peter particularly applies to the bishops and rulers of the church , that they should not be lords over god's heritage ; that the younger should submit themselves to the elder ; yea , all of them be subject one to another , and be cloathed with humility : for that god resisteth the proud , and giveth grace to the humble . had the excellent rules here laid down by s. peter , been observ'd by those who pretend to be his successors , the christian world had been free from those infinite disturbances and distractions , which the pride and ambition of the roman bishops have brought upon it . for certainly among all the corruptions and innovations of that church , nothing is more palpable and notorious , than an intolerable usurpation over the rights of their brethren ; nothing more wild and extravagant , than the challenging a supremacy over the christian church , as affix'd to the see of rome , expresly contrary not only to the scripture , the great canon of our faith , but to the laws of all ancient councils , and the practice of the church ; which however it allow'd a primary honour and respect to the roman prelate , yet still set him out , as it did to all other bishops , the particular extent of his jurisdiction . this is that which i have endeavoured to evince in the following discourse , wherein i have trac'd the papal authority to those proper bounds and limits , within which it was confin'd of old . and upon that occasion have briefly survey'd the frame and constitution of the ancient church , and that policy and government , whereby it was manag'd in its purer and better times . that which gave birth to the whole discourse , was this : i had elsewhere in relating the acts of the second general council , represented the third canon of that council , which decreed , that the bishop of constantinople , upon the account of its being new rome , or the imperial city , should have the priviledge of honour next to the bishop of rome . a canon which they of rome could never pardon , as which limits the power of the roman prelate , and declares the foundation upon which it stands . for the illustration of this canon , i intended im that place to have added a digression concerning the ancient power and precedence of the bishops of rome ; but upon second thoughts , referr'd it to an appendix at the end of the book . but that book swelling into too great a bulk , and this discourse being grown beyond the proportion that was at first design'd , i was over-perswaded by some friends to venture it abroad alone . a thing which had i intended from the beginning , it had come forth , at least in some parts , more perfect than it is , and with some advantages which now it is forc'd to go without . i have wholly wav'd all debates concerning the jus divinum of episcopacy , and the controversies that depend upon it , ( enough has been said upon that argument ) and have chiefly insisted upon those branches of the ecclesiastic government , which have been less canvassed amongst us . for the same reason i have more lightly touch'd upon the pope's universal supremacy , 't was his metropolitical and patriarchal power i principally design'd to enquire into . i know volumes have been written de primatu papae , de ecclesiis suburbicariis , &c. and therefore i have reduc'd what concerns those matters into as narrow a compass as i could , and have said no more than what is necessary to clear the argument , and express my own sense about it . if what is here said shall administer any light to this part of church-antiquity , i shall be very glad ; if not , i am content it should follow the fate of many much better books to be thrown aside . 't was never design'd to instruct the learned , but only to form a short scheme of the true state of things , for the benefit of those , who have not been much conversant in the antiquities of the church ; at least to give some aid and direction to the younger sort , who first apply themselves to the study of those ancient times . and if it may but attain this end , i shall think my time and pains have been well bestow'd . the contents . chap. i. the state of the church-government , and power of the roman bishops 'till the council of nice . an equality among the apostles as church governours appointed by christ . peter's pretended supremacy over the rest shewed to be vain and groundless . if any such had been granted , it belong'd not to the roman bishops . early appearances of the pride and usurpation of the bishops of that church . special advantages of that see to set up for tyranny and usurpation . the foundation of that church by two great apostles , peter and paul. rome the seat of the empire . the honour and advantages of that church thereby . the catholick faith long time preserv'd entire in the church of rome . it s large revenues affording liberal hospitality . it s sending forth emissaries to plant christianity in other countries , and thereby claiming superiority over them . the pride of that church severely censur'd by s. basil . a general scheme of the subordination in the government of the primitive church , by bishops , archbishops , and patriarchs , and the conformity herein to the civil state. episcopal government , how it spread it self at first ? metropolitans introduc'd , and why ? a brief account of the ancient way of ecclesiastical administration out of cyprian and others , by the bishop and his clergy , by provincial synods . what things usually manag'd there . foreign churches how mutually transacting with one another . the bishops of rome had no more authority in this period , than the bishops of other greater sees . pope melchiades appointed commissioner by constantine . donatus appeals from his judgment . his sentence brought under examinations in the synod of arles . page chap. ii. the government of the church , and power of the bishops of rome , as 't is represented in the canons of the nicene council . the sixth canon of the synod of nice set down , with the occasion of it . seven observations drawn from that canon . i. that the larger bounds of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the roman provinces . a. province , what . whether the countries in italy so called . ii. that the chief church-governour in every province was the metropolitan . the prudence and convenience of that way of government . patriarchs prov'd not to be intended in the nicene canon . iii. that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . this own'd by some of the greatest champions of rome . iv. that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch , were ever of the greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . the eminency of sees according to the greatness of the cities wherein they were planted . this gave precedency to the church of rome . the three sees of rome , alexandria and antioch ascribed to s. peter . blasphemous things spoken of the pope upon that account . primacy allow'd to the see of rome . no supremacy belonging to it . the christian church then knew of no such supereininent power . v. that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but by custom and the practice of the church . this plainly shew'd to be the sence of this and other following councils . vi. that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . the fourth , sixth , and seventh canons of this council noted to that purpose . the same shew'd to be the determination of other synods . what other rights belong'd to metropolitans . vii . that this way of ecclesiastick administration was not any late novel institution , but founded upon ancient custom and practice . what this antiquity implies . the original of metropolitans briefly enquir'd into . several instances of this way of government noted in the second and third centuries . the word metropolitan not met with 'till the council of nice . but the thing long before . the sum of the observations upon this canon . page chap. iii. the extent of the bishop of rome's jurisdiction , considered as a metropolitan . a search into the proper bounds of the roman bishop . his power fourfold , episcopal , metropolitical , patriarchal , apostolical . the first not controverted ; the last discharg'd as extravagant and groundless , and as frequently baffled , both by the reformed , and greek church . l. allatius's jeer of his country-men . his metropolitical jurisdiction considered , as concurrent with that of the provost of rome . that how great , and how far extending . the suburbicary regions , what . sicily no part of the urbicary regions . the usual conformity between the extent of the civil and ecclesiastick jurisdiction in those times . the power of the roman metropolitan confin'd within an hundred miles of rome . rufinus his exposition of the suburbicary churches . greatly quarrell'd at by the romish writers . his authority in other cases allow'd sufficient and unquestionable . his book approv'd by pope gelasius and others . no probability of his being mistaken in the sence of the canon , or the extent of the roman metropolitanship , or the suburbicary churches . his explication confirm'd by most ancient interpreters of this canon . the bishops of rome and italy distinct . the bishop of milan rank'd with him of rome . the objection of the bishop of rome's being confin'd to so narrow a compass , consider'd and answer'd . the majores dioeceses in the epistle of the synod of arles , what . the bounds of the roman bishops shew'd to have been heretofore small from an ancient notitia episcopatuum . the fraud in the first publication of that notitia . morinus noted . the greatness of rome equivalent to a large extent . page chap. iv. an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in the christian church . an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in general . none before the council of nice . what that council contributed to them . civil dioceses , when , and by whom introduc'd . these gave start to primary metropolitans . dioceses , when first brought into the church . the title of patriarch borrow'd from the jews . who their patriarchs , and whence descended . exarchs , what . the word patriarch , when first us'd by church-writers in a strict and proper sence . the patriarchs among the montanists , who . a short survey of the four great patriarchates . the extent of the patriarchate of alexandria . the dioecesis aegyptiaca , what . the patriarchal jurisdiction in what sence larger than that of the augustal prefect . little gain'd to this patriarchate more than a title of honour . the patriarchate of antioch commensurate to the eastern diocess . the contest about cyprus , how determin'd . palestine for some time under antioch . the patriarchship of constantinople . by what degrees it arose . what privilege conferr'd upon it by the second general council . the bishops of it hence forwards exercising a kind of patriarchal power over the churches of the neighbouring provinces . the power granted to that see by the council of chalcedon . its ninth , seventeenth , and eight and twentieth canons considered to that purpose . jurisdiction over the three dioceses of asiana , pontica , and thrace . this setled upon a full debate and discussion of the matter . this power own'd by the synod to have been exercised of a long time before . this grant urg'd against the universal supremacy of the see of rome . the extent of the constantinopolitan patriarchate in after times manifested from several ancient notitiae . the patriarchate of jerusalem . the honour confirm'd to this church by the nicene council . it s subjection to the see of caesarea . when first attempting a metropolitical power . the contest between this bishop , and the bishop of antioch , how determin'd in the council of chalcedon . when first styl'd patriarch . the extent of this patriarchate . page chap. v. the bounds of the roman patriarchate . a return to the roman patriarchate . the limits hereof not expresly set down by the ancients . unjustly pretended to reach over the whole west . this granted by them of the greek church , and why . the pope's patriarchal power disown'd by the churches of milan , aquileia , and ravenna . the independency and opposition of those churches to the roman see , severally evinc'd by particular cases and instances . the power of metropolitans in france kept up independant from rome . the truth of this confess'd and clear'd by de marca . other instances of preserving their rights against the pretensions of rome , hincmar of rhemes , and the synod of metz. two other national churches instanc'd in , the african , and the britannick churches . the famous case of appeals in the church of africk . a clear account of that matter . their publick rejecting the power which the pope challeng'd over those churches . the letters of the council of carthage to pope boniface and caelestine to that purpose . several useful and proper corollaries deduc'd from this story , for the evincing the vain pretensions of the papal power over those churches . the boldness of some in denying the truth of this whole story . the state of the britannick church . the progress of religion and church-government here 'till the times of pope gregory . the church govern'd here by an archbishop and bishop at austin's arrival . their customs wholly different from , and independant upon rome . their absolute refusal to own the authority of austin or the pope . the slaughter of the bangor-monks suspiciously charg'd upon austin . the pope's proper patriarchate most probably shew'd to be of equal extent with the jurisdiction of the vicarius urbicus . what provinces under his government . the roman synod consisting of the bishops of those provinces . a twofold patriarchate of the pope trifling and precarious . the bishops of rome daily amplifying their jurisdiction . the means whereby they did this briefly intimated . page chap. vi. the encroachments of the see of rome upon other sees , especially the see of constantinople . the roman bishops breaking the bounds of all laws and canons . their taking hold of all occasions of magnifying their own power . instances of julius , damasus , innocent , zosimus , to this purpose . the briskness and activity of pope leo. his many letters written to advance the reputation of his authority . his jealous eye upon the growing greatness of the see of constantinople . the attempts and actings of his legates in the council of chalcedon . their mighty opposition against the passing the xxviii . canon of that synod . the fraud of paschasinus in citing the sixth canon of nice . their protestation against the power granted to the bishop of constantinople . pope leo's zeal and rage against these synodal proceedings . faelix his excommunicating acacius of constantinople . the pretended occasion of that sentence . the same spleen continued and carried on by pope gelasius . a reconciliation procur'd by the emperour justin between the bishops of rome and constantinople . pope john's insulting over epiphanius in his own church at constantinople . john the second's ranting letter to justinian . the bishop of constantinople assumes the title of oecumenical patriarch . this in what sence ( probably ) meant . the passionate resentment of pope pelagius hereat . the same zeal shew'd by his successor gregory the great . his letters written upon that occasion . the hard words he every where bestows upon that title . his mistake about the offer of that title to the pope in the chalcedon council . the true state of that case . this title frequently given to the constantinopolitan bishops in the council under mennas , before john assumed it . baronius's poor evasion of that matter . gregory still continues to thunder out anathema's against this title . all this suspected to be but noise , and the quarrel only because themselves had not the title . phocas his usupation of the empire . the monstrous villany and wickedness of that man. pope gregory's scandalously flattering caresses to him and his empress . boniface the third makes suit to phocas , and procures the title of oecumenical to be affixt to the see of rome . the pope's daily enlargement of their power and tyranny , and their advantages for so doing . the whole concluded with the canons or dictates of pope hildebrand . page errata . page . line . read whosoever . p. . l. . r. administration . p. . marg . r. iii. p. . l. . r. - head . p. . l. . r. crustuminum . p. . l. . r. larger . p. . l. . r. desire . p. . l. . after who , add are . p. . l. . r. this . p. . l. . r. them . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. isidore . a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church , by bishops , metroplitans , and patriarchs , &c. chap. i. the state of the church-government , and power of the roman bishops till the council of nice . an equality among the apostles as church governours appointed by christ . peters pretended supremacy over the rest shewed to be vain and groundless . if any such had been granted , it belong'd not to the roman bishops . early appearances of the pride and usurpation of the bishops of that church . special advantages of that see to set up for tyranny and usurpation . the foundation of that church by two great apostles , peter and paul. rome the seat of the empire . the honour and advantages of that church thereby . the catholick faith long time preserv'd intire in the church of rome . it s large revenues affording liberal hospitality . it s sending forth emissaries to plant christianity in other countries ▪ and thereby claiming superiority over them . the pride of that church severely censur'd by st. basil . a general scheme of the subordination in the government of the primitive church , by bishops , arch-bishops and patriarchs , and the conformity herein to the civil state. episcopal government how it spreads it self at first ? metropolitans introduc'd and why . a brief account of the ancient way of ecclesiastical administration out of cyprian and others , by the bishop and his clergy , by provincial synods . what things usually manag'd there . foreign churches how mutually transacting with one another . the bishops of rome had no more authority in this period than the bishops of other greater sees . pope melchiades appointed commissioner by constantine . donatus appeals from his judgment . his sentence brought under examinations in the synod of arles . i. order and government are so essentially necessary to the peace and welfare of mankind , that no society whether civil or sacred can subsist without it : where there is none to command , there will be none to obey , and where every one is left to do what he please , there must be confusion and every evil work . no sooner therefore had our blessed saviour laid the foundation of the christian church , but he chose twelve , whom he named apostles , to whose care and conduct he committed the administration of it . these he invested with equal powers , upon these he deriv'd the same mission , which he himself had receiv'd from god , as my father sent me , so send i you . all had the same authority to preach , plant , and propagate the church , to feed and rule the flock of christ , to go teach and baptize all nations ; the same keys of the kingdom of heaven committed to one as well as another , that whatsoever sins they should remit , they should be remitted , and whosoever sins they retain , they should be retained : the same holy spirit breathed upon all with a receive ye the holy ghost . notwithstanding all which , it is confidently pretended on the behalf of s. peter , that a paramount authority was conferr'd upon him , and that not only above , but over the rest , that he was constituted by our lord , prince and head of the colledge ; the other apostles were indeed shepherds of the flock , but were themselves christs sheep , and st. peter appointed pastor over them ; with a great deal more , boldly asserted at a venture , and attempted to be made good by such warrant from scripture , as any thing , but the necessity of maintaining a desperate cause would be ashamed to produce . and as no such charter can be produc'd , sign'd by our saviour , so neither do we find s. peter challenging , much less exercising any such superiority . he submitted to the orders of the apostolical colledge , and rendered himself accountable to them for his actions , styles himself no more than their fellow-presbyter , and cautions against lording over god's heritage . how openly did s. paul assert , that he came not a whit behind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very chiefest apostles ? and that the gospel of the uncircumcision was committed unto him , as well as that of the circumcision was to peter . james and john are said to be pillars as well as he ; nay , the whole twelve apostles are equally styl'd the twelve foundations of the new jerusalem , that descended out of heaven , and it was indifferently promised to all , that they should sit upon twelve thrones , judging the twelve tribes of israel . nay , when a strife arose amongst them , which of them should be greatest in his kingdom , our lord on purpose to silence all such ambitious attempts for the future , plainly told them , that though the kings of the gentiles exercised dominion over their subjects , and they that are great exercised authority upon them : yet ye shall not be so ; but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister , and whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your servant . ii. and yet after all should it be granted , that our lord gave s. peter some kind of superiour power over the rest , yet what is this to the bishops of rome ? unless it could be prov'd , that those priviledges were to be haereditary , and were not to determine and expire with s. peter's person . bellarmine * pleads , that it is founded in a right of succession , and this right settled jure divino , and by our lords own institution , who expresly commanded s. peter to fix the apostolical seat at rome . the proofs he brings to make good this command are a passage out of an apocryphal epistle of pope marcellus , long since discarded together with the rest , as the most notorious cheat and imposture that ever was put upon the christian church ; and at best an uncertain story of our lords appearing to peter , and that too nothing to his purpose . and therefore not daring to trust to them , he fairly quits * the jus divinum , and confesses that the pontifical succession has no foundation in scripture : however , that 't is not improbable , and that 't is a thing piously to be believed ; that is , perhaps it may be so , and perhaps not , we may do well to believe it , but there 's no certain ground for it . an admirable foundation to build so important a claim upon , and for the sake whereof they have now for many ages created so much trouble and disturbance to the christian world. and besides , there 's a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this case lies at the bottom , it being generally taken for granted , that s. peter was in a proper sence bishop of rome , which yet i believe can never be made good . that he constituted that church , and laid down his life there for the confirmation of it , i easily grant , but this makes him not properly bishop of it , and consequently the popes cannot properly be his successours . dye he might there , but how comes this to entitle the bishops of rome to the succession ? if so , then ( as a learned man * of the greek church long since urged in this case ) because our lord died at jerusalem , therefore the bishop of jerusalem , as possessing the seat of our great high-priest , may claim an universal superiority , and challenge to be as much greater than the bishop of rome , as christ is than peter . once more , let it be suppos'd that this supremacy was entail'd not only upon s. peter , but upon his successors , how comes it to pass that it was not lodg'd in the see of antioch , where they grant s. peter resided as bishop several years before he went to rome , and which therefore in all reason ought to challenge a primary title ? an objection which bellarmin with all the subtilties of his wit and learning is not able to claw off . so many insuperable barrs are there lying in the way to this soveraign and unaccountable authority of their church . iii. but what power soever the bishops of rome may pretend to derive from s. peter , sure i am they thus far inherit too much of his spirit and temper , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i mean , that rash and busie fervour and eagerness , so frequently noted in him by the ancients : forward like him to speak , run , and interpose at every turn ; and forward like him too to smite with the sword , when meeting with the least opposition . no sooner were the heats of the fifth persecution somewhat cooled , and the church entred a little upon more calm and prosperous days , but we find pope victor , an. . picking a quarrel with some of the eastern churches about the time of celebrating easter , and though they justified themselves to the christian world by apostolical practice , and a constant uninterrupted observation ever since , yet because refusing to comply with the custome of the church of rome , he hastily threw them under excommunication , to the great disturbance and amazement of the christian world , for which he was severely rebuked by the wise and good men of that time , especially the mild and peaceable irenaeus . it was not much above half an age after this , when the practice of baptizing a new those who had been baptized by hereticks begun mightily to prevail in some parts of the east , but especially in the african churches . stephen , who was then bishop of rome , storm'd hereat , and in a great rage publickly declared , that he would hold no communion with them ; and when , according to the custome whereby churches mutually acted in those days , they sent some bishops to give him an account of their opinion and practice , he proudly refused * either to see them , or speak with them ; and not content to deprive them of the peace and communion of the church , he denied them the common offices of humanity and charity , forbidding the christians at rome so much as to entertain them . to cyprian he gave very hard words , calling him false christ , false apostle , deceitful worker ; and no better did he treat firmilian bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , and the churches of iconium . but cyprian ( though a man otherwise of great gentleness and moderation ) plainly told him , * that this was nothing but the effect of a proud , impertinent , imprudent , self-contradicting humour , that it proceeded from blindness and perverseness , from obstinacy and presumption , and directly tended to the patronage and encouragement of error and heresie . firmilian charg'd * him with inhumanity , audaciousness and insolence , with doing very unjust and unwarrantable things ; that they at rome , however vainly pretending apostolical authority , did not themselves exactly observe primitive tradition , that he could not but disdain stephens open and manifest folly , who while he boasted so much of the eminency of his episcopal place , and contended that he had the succession of peter , upon whom the foundations of the church were laid , did yet hereby introduce several other rocks , and build new churches upon them . and when not long after the controversie came to be canvass'd in a synod of eighty seven african bishops , whom cyprian had assembled at carthage for that purpose , in the speech that he made at the opening of the council , cyprian tax'd the pride and ambition of the bishop of rome , telling * them that they should all freely speak their minds , without judging , or excommunicating any that were of another opinion , that none of them took upon himself to make himself bishop of bishops , or by a tyrannical threatning to force his colleagues into a necessity of compliance : since every bishop , according to the power and liberty granted to him , had his proper rule and jurisdiction , and could no more be judg'd by another , than he himself could judge others ; that in these matters they were to expect the judgment of our lord jesus christ , who alone had power both of appointing governours over his church , and of calling them to an account for their administration . iv. by these instances ( and many more no doubt , which the history of those times would have set before us , had the churches records come safe to us ) it appears , how early the bishops of rome set out to usurp a dominion over the church , and though they generally met with opposition , yet they still went on , and vigorously improv'd all advantages , with what success , the christian world has now for many ages found to their cost . and certainly never any stood fairer to start and carry on such a design . for , first , their church was not only apostolical , but had been founded by two of the most eminent apostles , peter and paul , which gave a mighty reputation to it in after ages ; the christian world bearing an extraordinary reverence to those great names , which the bishops of that see knew how to improve to their own advantage . for this reason irenaeus * calls the church of rome the greatest and most eminent church , and most universally known , as being founded by the two most glorious apostles peter and paul ; and s. augustine * says , that in it there always flourished the principality of the apostolick chair ; and origen took a journey * on purpose to rome , to gratify his curiosity with the sight of so ancient and renowned a church . and upon this account must be discharged very many of those great things , which several of the fathers speak so liberally concerning the church of rome ; who thought they could never express a veneration big enough towards s. peter , and consequently towards the place which he had honoured with his doctrine and residence , and watred with his blood : which however spoken by them out of a devout intent , prov'd the first rounds of that ladder , by which the roman bishops mounted up to a supremacy above the rest . it happening in a few ages that nothing was talkt of at rome , but of the prince of the apostles , and the authority of the apostolick see , 'till almost every thing there became apostolical , and was covered with s. peters name . secondly , their church was planted in the imperial city , a place that seem'd born for empire and soveraignty , that had long since conquered , and at that time governed the greatest part of the world ; a city that was the center of all nations , and the seat of majesty and magnificence , where all great affairs were transacted , and all the scenes of glory and greatness represented in a little compass . which could not but reflect a more than ordinary lustre upon those bishops that sat at the upper end of the world , and make them appear considerably bigger , more conspicuous and useful than the rest of their brethren , and by reason of the general confluence of all nations to rome , enable them in a little time to draw the cognizance of ecclesiastick causes from all parts thither . 't was this conveniency of situation gave them opportunity to insinuate themselves into the favour of the emperors , and by their power to enlarge their own borders , yea , and to succour and relieve their clients and dependants , which made many to court their protection and assistance , though often with the loss of their own freedom and liberty . this was especially done after the emperours became christians , the roman church being by them enrich'd with vast honours and priviledges , accounting that the greatness of that church would not a little contribute to the splendour and magnificence of the empire . and though the imperial seat was quickly translated to another place , yet besides that the emperours a long time retain'd their affection for rome , what the pope lost in one sence , he gain'd in another , making use of the emperours absence to enhance his own power and revenue , 'till he was able not only to lord it over his brethren , but over princes themselves . thirdly , the roman church continued for several ages the seat of true apostolick doctrine , maintaining that character that s paul had given them , that their faith was spoken of throughout the whole world , it being here preserv'd pure and uncorrupt , while a great part of the christian world besides was over run with error and heresie , and torn in pieces by schisms and factions . this made rome in those days ( while it remain'd sound and orthodox ) in a manner the standard of catholick communion , most other churches veering in point of communion , as they found the wind blow from that quarter , and saw how the business far'd at rome . accordingly theodosius in the beginning of his reign resolving to reform the doctrine of the church , then miserably degenerated in the eastern parts , commanded , * that that faith only should take place , that was profess'd by pope damasus , and peter of alexandria , that faith and religion which s. peter had delivered to the church of rome , and which had all along 'till that time flourisht there . this made way for appeals , every party being desirous to gain the good will of that church , and to have its bishop pronounce for their cause , 'till from an honourary arbitration it came to be claim'd as a right and due . and persons ( especially those who were persecuted in their own countries for their adherence to the catholick faith ) were the more encourag'd to repair hither , because here they were kindly treated , and hospitably entertain'd ; a piece of charity which the bishops of that church by reason of their ample possessions and large endowments , were very capable to afford . for besides their standing rents and revenues , their gains by collections and oblations was so great , that by them alone in the time of pope damasus , they were enabled to live in a state and grandeur like that of temporal princes , if we may believe the account given by ammianus marcellinus ; * and the story is known of praetextatus ( a zealous gentile ) design'd to be consul , who reflecting upon the plenty of that see , was wont pleasanly to tell * pope damasus , make me but bishop of rome , and i will immediately become a christian . 't is certain that church could never want plentiful incomes flowing in upon it ; and as charitable it was in those days , as it was wealthy , and was not only very kind to strangers when they came thither , but was wont to transmit very liberal distributions of its charity to forreign churches , to relieve the necessities of the brethren that were under persecution , and were condemned to the mines , as dionysius bishop of corinth tells us in his letter * to soter bishop of rome , written about the year clxxiv . and that this had been the custome of that church from the very infancy of christianity . fourthly , the church of rome by the advantage of the imperial city was capable of propagating the christian doctrine into several parts of the west , to send out disciples , receive dispatches , transmit directions , and supply all emergencies that might arise . accordingly upon this foundation the popes built and advanc't a claim to superiority and dominion . thus damasus writing * to the bishops of africk , tells them , that in all doubtful cases they ought to have recourse to him as to the head , and thence to take their determination , from whence they had received their institution and instruction in the christian faith. and pope innocent tells * decentius bishop of eugubium , that all the churches in those parts ought to take their measures from rome , and nothing to be valid , but what 's received from thence ; it being evident , that no churches had been planted in italy , france , spain , africk , sicily , and the interjacent islands by any , but such as had been ordain'd by s. peter , or his successors . and this is the plea we are so often urg'd with , whereby the roman see challenges jurisdiction over england , its commissionating augustine the monk to convert the saxons , and settle religion in these parts . but were there no more to be offered in answer to it , this were enough , that christianity had for several ages been planted here , before ever austin set his foot on english ground : as perhaps we may have occasion to shew afterwards . in short , though it became churches thus planted , to bear a very grateful respect to that mother church , that was the instrument to convey to them the christian faith ; yet did it lay them under no obligation to subjection and servitude : however the church of rome has handled the matter to its own advantage , and from the lenity and tenderness of a parent , had degenerated into the pride and cruelty of a stepmother ; and not content to exercise authority over its own colonies , began to advance its banners over all the rest ; proudly proclaiming it self the mother and mistres of all churches . i observe no more , then that pride seems to be a vice more peculiar to rome , than other places : 't was this put the old romans upon subduing the world ; and by this the emperors tyrannized over it for some ages , and when rome shifted its lords , it did not change its task-masters ; the ambition which the emperors laid down , the popes took up , and prosecuted it by far worse arts and methods , than ever the romans did of old . s. basil more than once complains * of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pride of the west , and how little help was to be expected from them that neither understood the truth , nor would be content to learn it ; that he was resolved to write to the pope , to let him know that it did not become him to insult over and add to the miseries of the afflicted , nor to think pride to be honourable ; a thing alone sufficient to render a man odious in the sight of god : and elsewhere he expresses * a very passionate resentment , that he hated the pride of that church . v. furnished with these advantages , the roman prelates set up for themselves , and gave not over , till they had by right and wrong spread such an ecclesiastic empire over the world , as would admit neither superior nor equal . in order to the discovery whereof , it will be necessary to enquire what was of old the proper jurisdiction of the bishops of rome , before they removed those antient land-marks which the fathers had set . we have elsewhere * observ'd , ( what has been remarkt by many , and indeed is evident to any one vers'd in church-antiquity ) that in the primitive times , the external polity of the church was conform'd as near as might be to the mode that obtain'd in the civil state. now the whole roman empire consisted of thirteen dioceses , ( for so they began to style those large divisions about the time of constantine , ) whereof seven in the eastern parts , egypt , the orient , or east properly so call'd , asiana , pontica , thrace , macedonia and dacia ; and six in the west , italy , afric , illyricum , france , spain , and britain ; besides the roman praefecture , extending to the provinces round about the city , which had anciently been a peculiar government , equal , yea superior in dignity to any diocess ; whereof hereafter . in each of these diocesses were several provinces , ( in all ) the chief city whereof in every province , was the metropolis , that had a kind of jurisdiction over all the rest ; both title and dignity being peculiarly settled by imperial constitution . now the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction , were concurrent after this manner ; in every city there was a civil judge , who presided over it , and the towns about it ; and to him answered the bishop of that city : in every province a proconsul or president resided at the metropolis , govern'd that whole division , received appeals , and determined all important cases brought before him from the inferior cities . correspondent to him was the metropolitan , or ( as they after call'd him ) the archbishop , whose see was in the same city , who superintended the several churches , and ordained the several bishops within his province . and then in every diocess , there was a vicarius or lieutenant , who kept his residence in the principal city , thence dispatcht the imperial edicts , and there heard and decided those causes , that were not finally determin'd by inferiour courts . and concurrent with him in ecclesiastical matters was the primate , or ( as some of them were more eminently stiled ) the patriarch , who presided over the several metropolitans within that diocess , appointed the conventions of his clergy , umpir'd the differences that arose between the several bishops , and gave the last determination to all appeals brought before him . and thus by an orderly subordination of deacons and presbyters to their bishops , of bishops to their immediate metropolitans , of metropolitans to their respective primates or patriarchs , and by a mutual correspondence between the several primates of every diocess , the affairs of the christian church were carried on with great decorum and regularity . vi. this excellent platform was not fram'd and set up all at once . in the more early ages christianity being generally first preacht and planted in the greater cities , and the ecclesiastical government settled there , thence spread it self into the neighbouring country , and persons were thence dispatcht to preach and attend the ministeries of religion in those rural plantations , who yet were in all things steer'd and directed by the bishop and his ecclesiastick senate residing in the city . as churches multiplied , and christianity extended it self into wider circles , it was found necessary to fix a particular bishop almost in every city , to whom was committed the care and superintendency over all the clergy and people there , and in all the towns and villages belonging to the jurisdiction of that place . but because controversies began to arise between the several bishops ( and sometimes between them and the inferiour clergy ) which could not easily be determin'd , where every ones authority was independant , it was necessary that some one should preside over all the other bishops of that province , as the proconsul did in the civil state , who might convene synodical assemblies , adjust the differences , and manage the ordinations of the provincial bishops . and for this none could be so fit as he that resided in the metropolis of the province ( thence call'd metropolitan ) partly because the countries for the most part round about had originally derived their christianity from thence , and 't was but fit they should pay a peculiar respect to the mother-church , partly because most persons had occasion to resort thither for the dispatch of business , and might with the same opportunity conveniently transact both their civil and ecclesiastick matters , and partly because 't was but reasonable , that the bishop of so eminent a place should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have an honourable presidency over the rest , as the council of antioch particularly provides * in this case ; ordaining accordingly , that tho every bishop might ordain presbyters and deacons , and manage the affairs of his own 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or particular diocess ( as we now call it ) yet that all the bishops of the province should acknowledge the metropolitan , and attempt nothing of moment without his knowledge and consent ; which they there enact , not as any novel constitution , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they tell us , according to a most ancient rule and canon , that had been in force from the times of their fore-fathers . to the metropolitan then upon every extraordinary occasion the provincial bishops addressed themselves , to him also other metropolitans , such especially as lay nearest to him , were wont to send letters of communion , to testify their consent with him in the faith ( a confession whereof every new metropolitan us'd to send abroad upon his advancement to his see ) and mutually to consult each others advice in all important cases . vii . this 't is plain from the writings of s. cyprian and others , was the way of administration during those first and most early ages of christianity : private causes every bishop judg'd of within his particular jurisdiction , where taking to him the assistance of his clergy , his presbyters and deacons , they did communi consilio ponderare , * weigh things by common advice and deliberation ; where the case was of greater importance , or more general concernment , it was referr'd to a provincial synod , wherein the chief bishop of the province presided , and directed all affairs . here the ordination of bishops was usually perform'd , or where a synod could not conveniently be had , by as many bishops as could be got together , the rest * who were absent by writing under their hands testifying their consent , and the whole either actually manag'd by , or at least done by the allowance and confirmation of the chief bishop . here also criminal bishops were depos'd , and the same way of general suffrage observ'd : thus when cornelius and his synod at rome * had condemn'd and cast out novatian for his schismatical usurpation of that see , the bishops that were not present at the council , did by their letters ratify and subscribe that decree . viii . in reference to the affairs of churches abroad , they acted by a kind of mutual consociation , they communicated councils , interpos'd in differences , oppos'd the same common enemies , and upon all occasions afforded ready help and assistance to one another , that dilectio communis , that cyprian so often speaks of , * the common bond of love and charity obliging them to advise together , that so by joynt consultations things might be carried on to the best advantage of ecclesiastick administration . for they look'd upon themselves , he tells us , * as members of the same body of the church , though stretcht out into many several provinces , and that therefore they were bound to have care one of another , and to watch over the welfare of the whole body . upon a persons election to any of the greater sees , they were wont to send their congratulatory letters , to give him joy of that place , to signify their concurrence with his advancement to a share of the government of the church , and their communion with him in the faith. thus cyprian by letters * approv'd cornelius his election to the see of rome , which he did , he tells us according to divine tradition and ecclesiastick institution ; nay he sent to all the bishops of his province , requiring them by their letters to do the like . and when marcian bishop of arles was depos'd for his siding with novatian , cyprian wrote * to pope stephen to send him word who succeeded in that bishopprick , that so he might know to whom to direct his communicatory letters . when any person was duly excommunicated in on church , he could not be admitted to communion in another . thus when felicissimus , who had been excommunicated by cyprian and the african synod , fled to rome , * and came thither guarded with a potent faction , he found the doors shut against him , whereof cornelius advis'd cyprian by letters , which the good man commends as replenisht with brotherly love , ecclesiastick discipline , and episcopal censure . and when the legats of novatian ( who had procur'd himself to be irregularly ordain'd bishop of rome , for which he was synodically condemn'd ) came into africk , cyprian rejected them , * and utterly refus'd to receive them to communion . in short , no sooner did any extraordinary emergency arise , but notice was presently given of it to other churches , and advice return'd what was fit to be done in those matters , and all possible assistance afforded towards the dispatching of them . in all which transactions the bishop of rome was no otherwise considered than ( as all others were ) as a bishop of the catholick church , nor was his sentence any more regarded than that of other bishops . donatus à casis nigris accus'd * cecilian bishop of carthage to constantine the great . the emperour referr'd the case to pope melchiades , and three french bishops , together with whom assembled fifteen bishops of italy , who gave judgment against donatus . wherein as the pope acted as the emperours delegate , and had no more power than the rest of his collegues , so the sturdy african slighted his judgment , and appeal'd from it . constantine hereupon referrs the business to a synod at arles in france , ann. cccxiv . where the former sentence is again brought under examination , and this thought no injury or dishonour to the bishop of rome , nay , his legates in that council subscribed only in the fifth place , * as the subscriptions publisht by sirmoud out of an ancient copy , stand at this day . in short , 't is ingenuously confess'd by pope pius the second , * then cardinal , that before the time of the nicene council very little regard was had to the church of rome . by all which we see how the government of the church in those days was carried on ; bishops superintended the affairs of the church in every city and its adjacent territory , over them were metropolitans and provincial synods , and with foreign churches they transacted by a mutual agreement and confederation for the good of the whole , but without any coercive power over one another . chap. ii. the government of the church , and power of the bishops of rome , as 't is represented in the canons of the nicene council . the sixt canon of the synod of nice set down , with the occasion of it . seven observations drawn from that canon . i. that the larger bounds of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the roman provinces . a province what . whither the countries in italy so called . ii. that the chief church-governour in every province was the metropolitan . the prudence and convenience of that way of government . patriarchs prov'd not to be intended in the nicene canon . iii. that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . this own'd by some of the greatest champions of rome . iv. that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch were ever of the greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . the eminency of sees according to the greatness of the cities wherein they were planted . this gave precedency to the church of rome . the three sees of rome , alexandria and antioch ascrib'd to s. peter . blasphemous things spoken of the pope upon that account . primacy allow'd to the see of rome . no supremacy belonging to it . the christian church then knew of no such supereminent power . v. that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but by custome and the practice of the church . this plainly shew'd to be the sence of this , and other following councils . vi. that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . the fourth , sixth and seventh canons of this council noted to that purpose . the same shew'd to be the determination of other synods . what other rights belong'd to metropolitans . vii . that this way of ecclesiastick administration was not any late novel institution , but founded upon ancient custome and practice . what this antiquity implies . the original of metropolitans briefly enquir'd into . several instances of this way of government noted in the second and third centuries . the word metropolitan not met with till the council of nice . but the thing long before . the sum of the observations upon this canon . in this condition stood things at that time when the great council assembled at nice , an. cccxxv . where what had hitherto been transacted only by custome and mutual consent , became then a law of the church . for alexander the venerable bishop of alexandria having complain'd to the synod , that the metropolitical rights of that see had been invaded by the irregular and ambitious attempts of meletius , the schismatical bishop of lycopolis in thebais , who during the late persecution had amongst other crimes taken upon him to ordain bishops , and to confer inferiour orders where-ever he came , the synod did not only depose meletius , and in a manner null his ordinations , but pass'd among others this following canon . let ancient customs still take place ; those that are in egypt , libya and pentapolis , that the bishop of alexandria have power over all these ; because such also is the custome of the bishop of rome . and accordingly in antioch , and in other provinces , let the priviledges be preserved to the churches . this also is altogether evident , that if any man be made a bishop without the consent of the metropolitan , this great synod decrees such a one to be no bishop . and if two or three , out of a contentious humour , shall oppose the common election duly and regularly made according to the canon of the church , let the majority of voices in this case prevail . in this canon , which has been the subject of infinite debate and controversie , there are several things very observable to our purpose , which every impartial unprejudicate reader will see do naturally flow from it . first , that the larger bounds of ecclesiastical jurisdiction at that time were concurrent with the roman provinces . secondly , that the chief church governour within every province was the metropolitan . thirdly , that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . fourthly , that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch were ever of greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . fifthly , that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but flow'd only from custome and the practice of the church . sixthly , that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . seventhly , that this way of ecclesiastick admiration was not any late novel institution , but was founded upon ancient custome and practice . all which observations i shall briefly explain and make good . . that the larger bounds of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the roman provinces . every city , besides what was within its walls , and immediate suburbs , had usually some adjacent territory , whither its government did extend , as strabo * notes of nemausus or nismes , a city of the gallia narbonensis , that it had under it twenty four villages , all well peopled and inhabited , and so commonly in other places ; and these were the towns and villages ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are call'd in the ninth canon of antioch ) that were under the superintendency and jurisdiction of the city-bishop . but a province was a collection of many cities , with all the tracts and territories belonging to them ; and was greater or less according to the custome of places , or as the will of princes had set them out . augustus ( as strabo who lived about that time informs * us ) when he resolv'd to commit some parts of the empire to the immediate care of the senate , and to reserve the rest to himself , divided each moiety 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into several provinces , and caus'd a rationarium or book to be made of it ( this he did out of the commentaries * of balbus , whom he had appointed to measure the several parts of the empire : ) some account of these provinces strabo there gives us , but a more full and particular account is given by dion cassius . * how these provinces stood divided in the following ages , especially from the times of constantine , is distinctly and accurately set down in the notitia imperii , compos'd under the reign of the younger theodosius . i observe no more then that if at augustus his settlement ( which is taken notice of , and objected by some * ) the countries in italy were not styl'd provinces , but regions , ( he divided it says pliny * into eleven regions ; whence italy and the provinces , and jus italicum , and jus provinciale are frequently distinguisht ) yet this distinction held not long , nor universally , the words being promiscuously us'd , as is evident from the scriptores rei agrariae ( some whereof if their titles bely them not , liv'd not long after augustus his age ) where we find more than once , the territory of the province of picenum , as well as the region of picenum , the province of apulia and calabria * , of valeria ‖ , of tuscia * , and the like . and for after ages , especially from the times of constantine , no man can doubt of it , that has but once lookt either into the justinian , or theodosian code . ii. that the chief church-governour within every province was the metropolitan , that is , the bishop that resided in the metropolis , or mother-city of the province . for as the preventing schism and disorder had necessitated provincial bishops ( who being all equal had no power one over the other ) to chuse one common president to umpire and determine differences , and manage those affairs which could not be done by every single bishop , so reason and conveniency , the example of the civil government , and the greatness of the place , pleaded for the bishop of the metropolis to be the person , who hence deriv'd the title of metropolitan . and this salmasius * himself , how ill a friend soever to the whole episcopal order , cannot but confess was wisely contriv'd , and that had but metropolitans contain'd themselves within their proper bounds , there could not have heen a more useful and laudable institution . his business was upon all important occasions synodically to summon together the bishops of his province , and therein to enquire into their miscarriages and misdemeanors , to judg of the contentions that arose between them , to ordain persons to vacant bishopricks , or at least to ratify their ordination , and to direct all transactions that were of greater and more general concernment . therefore the fathers of antioch take care , that forasmuch as all that have any business to dispatch , are forc'd to go to the metropolis , therefore the bishops in every province should own , honour and give precedence to the bishop that presided in the metropolis , and attempt nothing of moment without his concurrence , and this according to a more ancient canon derived to them from their fore-fathers . by the ancient canon here spoken of cannot be meant this of nice , which was but sixteen years before it , and therefore without doubt referrs to the xxxiv . canon of the apostles , which almost in the same words commands the bishops in every nation to own him who is first or chief amongst them , and to esteem him as head , and to do nothing of moment without his consent , which truly expresses the ancient practice of the church ; these apostolick canons being nothing else but a collection of rules and customes agreed upon in the first ages of christianity . for ( that i may note this by the way ) 't is vain to think , that a thing then first began to be , when we find it first mention'd or enjoyn'd by a synodal decree ; the canons in such cases being very oft expressive of a more ancient practice , which they then take notice of , or enforce , only because some extraordinary accidents at that time may have given particular occasion for it . as here at nice , in the case of the rights of metropolitans , which the canon mentions and resettles , only because meletius's usurpation had brought it into question . it had been long before an ancient custome , and having lately received some little shock , the church no sooner had an opportunity of meeting together in a general council , but it establisht these metropolitical priviledges by its oecumenical authority . there are , i know , and they too men of no mean name and note , both heretofore and of later times , who tell us , that this nicene canon is to be understood not of metropolitans , but patriarchs : but where does the council say , or so much as hint any such thing , the synod both here and in all other places constantly calls them metropolitans , and makes the bounds of their jurisdiction to be provinces , not diocesses . and indeed the word diocese , as relating to this extent of ecclesiastick government , was not in use till above an intire age after . nay perhaps at this time it was scarce in use for the larger division of countries in the civil state : for it was but about this time that constantine new modell'd the government , and brought in dioceses as comprehending several provinces under them . so that either here must be patriarchs without dioceses , or if the canon be meant ( as some explain it ) of metropolitani metropolitanorum , of some prime and principal metropolitans , that presided over the metropolitans of the several provinces within their jurisdiction , then 't is plain the synod must intend such whereever it mentions metropolitans , for it all along speaks of them as of the same . in the fourth canon it provides , that in every province a bishop ordain'd shall be confirm'd by the metropolitan ; which is necessarily to be restrain'd to proper provincial metropolitans . in this sixth canon it speaks more particularly , and because the metropolitick rights had been invaded in egypt , ordains that the bishop of alexandria , no less than he of rome , and that he of antioch , and the churches in all other provinces should still enjoy their ancient priviledges . where we see it speaks of them all without any difference in this respect as provincial churches . and thus the ancient version of this canon ( whereof more hereafter ) understood it , when it rendred it thus , in caeteris provinciis privilegia propria reserventur metropolitanis ecclesiis , that at antioch , and in the other provinces , the metropolitan churches should have their own priviledges . and to put the case out of doubt what the council meant , the canon adds in the close , that no bishop should be made without the consent of the metropolitan . nothing therefore can be more absurd , than to say , that patriarchs are meant in the former part of the canon , and metropolitans only in the latter , when as the canon it self makes no difference . and indeed were that the meaning , the grave and wise fathers of that council took an effectual course that posterity should never understand their mind . if we look into the following canon , that secures the rights of the metropolitan church of caesarea in palestine , and though it grants the next place of honour to the bishop of jerusalem , yet still it subjects him to his own metropolitan . and i suppose it will puzzle any man to give a wise reason , why the church of jerusalem ( for which the christian world ever had so great and so just a veneration ) should be subject to that of caesarea , but only that caesarea was the metropolis of that province , and so had been ever since the time of vespasian , and accordingly josephus says * 't was the greatest city in the country , and tacitus * calls it the head of judaea . so miserably does alexander aristinus blunder in his exposition of this canon , when by virtue of it he makes the bishop of jerusalem to become a patriarch , and yet withal to be subject to the metropolitan of caesarea , or , which is all one , that the metropolitan of caesarea should not hereby lose his ancient power and dignity . as if any patriarch , and much more one of the five greater , could be subject to a private metropolitan , or a metropolitan could have his ancient rights reserv'd to him , when at the same time a considerable part of them are taken from him . but patriarchs were not then heard , or so much as dreamt of in the church ; nothing being truer than what balsamon has observ'd * in this case , that anciently all the metropolitans of provinces were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolute and independent , and ordain'd by none but their own provincial bishops . iii. that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . this is so evidently the sence of the canon , that few , who have otherwise will good enough , have yet the hardiness to oppose it . the sun it self is not clearer at noon-day , than that hereby the council design'd , that the bishop of alexandria should have the same power within his province , that the bishop of rome had in his . let the bishop of alexandria ( says the canon ) have all his ancient and accustomed powers and priviledges in egypt , libya and pentapolis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 since , or forasmuch as the bishop of rome has the like custome , that is , ( as a learned and zealous champion * for the popes supremacy does yet with great ingenuity expound it ) that he and none but he should exercise jurisdiction within his own bounds ; as the alexandrian bishop has prescrib'd limits to his diocess , so also has he of rome : and as he of rome manages the affairs of his own diocess without the interposal or medling of any other person , so we will that he of alexandria shall have the same power , and that none shall obstruct him in the exercise of it . the canon then makes a double comparison between these two metropolitans , the one respecting the extent of their jurisdiction , that one was confin'd and limited as well as the other ; the other the fulness of their power , which they might exercise within their respective limits , and that none might presume to invade or hinder it , but by the same right by which the roman prelate govern'd his churches , by the same might he of alexandria the churches subject to him . one of the greek scholiasts * summs up the canon into these words . let the bishop of alexandria have power over egypt , libya and pentapolis : and the roman bishop over those places that are subject to rome . harmenopulus * expresses it in somewhat more general terms : let the ancient customes of arch-bishops still prevail , and every one have power over his own province . i enquire not now what were the peculiar bounds , within which the power of the bishops of rome was terminated . 't is enough at present , that whether larger or narrower , limits he had , which he might not regularly pass , and that the church of rome was in those days accounted a particular church , and as much a member of the church universal , as alexandria , antioch , or that of any other province . iv. that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch , were ever of greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . hence they are here particularly named , while others are dismist with an et caetera , and rome as the most eminent , made the exemplar according to which the rights of alexandria were to be recovered and resettled . 't were impertinent to shew that respect was always paid to places proportionable to their temporal power and greatness ; s. cyprian * long since told us , that the reason why rome had the precedency of carthage , was pro magnitudine sua , because 't was the greater city . and 't were as endless as 't is needless to prove , that the places mention'd in this canon were capital cities of the empire : rome was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as athanasius styles * it ) the metropolis , or chief city of the roman world , it had for several ages been the governing city , and was still the seat of empire , the greatness whereof the geographical poet * has no less briefly than elegantly thus summ'd up . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rome triumphs in th' imperial seat , and is wealth 's store-house , and the world's metropolis . alexandria besides the vastness of the place , numerousness of its inhabitants , the riches and plenty of its traffick , was the seat of the imperial vice-roy , call'd the augustal prefect : indeed it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * the second city under the sun , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as aristides * styles it , the greatest next to rome ; and thence by ancient writers * emphatically call'd the city . antioch was frequently the court of emperors , constantly the residence of their lieutenants , the most ancient , rich and populous city of the east , commonly styl'd antioch the great : now the greatness of these places added a proportionable reputation to their several bishops , it being but reasonable that they should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as the fathers at antioch speak * ) precede others in honour , who presided in the most eminent and honourable cities . and because rome was confessedly the greatest and noblest city of the empire , hence the church there had an honourary precedency before all others , and the bishops of it in all publick meetings and consultations had the first place allowed them , and upon all occasions a mighty deference and respect paid to them , and their favour was courted , and addresses made to them from all parts . and in this sence 't is plain the ancients understood the honour due to the roman bishop . when the council of constantinople decrees , * that the bishop of that city shall have the next place to him of rome , for that constantinople was new rome , it sufficiently shews upon what foundation the precedency of the roman prelate stood . and that of chalcedon * much more expresly , that the cause why the fathers gave priviledges to the see of old rome was , because that was the imperial city . and in pursuance of these canons ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the emperour justinian enacts , * that the bishop of old rome should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first of all bishops . i know there are , ‖ who place the eminency of these three great sees upon another bottom , and tell us it was , because they were all founded by s. peter , two of them by himself , and that of alexandria by the ministry of s. mark his peculiar disciple , sent thither by his immediate direction and authority : and the assertion further improv'd , that these three cities being severally the chief cities of the three then known parts of the world , europe , asia and africa , thence it follows that the government of these three great churches , and in them of the whole christian world is lodg'd in s. peters successour , and 't is added * ( with greater boldness shall i say , or blasphemy ? ) that s. peter herein exprest a lively representation both of the unity of the godheads , and of the holy trinity , and that as 't is but one and the same episcopal office that is in a bishop , a metropolitan , and a patriarch , so a trinity of patriarchs meets in the unity of the pope ; so that in the see of the prince of the apostles , there is an unity in trinity , and a trinity in unity . but where men can suffer their wits want only to sport at this rate ( though 't is gravely brought in by way of argument , by some otherwise learned enough ) 't is no wonder , that nothing should be stuck at , true or false , that may serve their cause . but i spare any farther censure of this authour , finding by his life * ( publisht since the writing of these papers ) that he repented afterwards of so hasty and inconsiderate an undertaking , and oft intended to have brought that work under a review and castigation . and indeed any man may at first sight discern 't was the issue of a juvenile heat , and wanted the corrections of calmer and maturer thoughts . but perhaps it might prove no such easie task to make it out that s. peter founded those three sees , and if he did , that any such authority as is claim'd , is thence deriv'd to the see of rome . antioch and alexandria did always maintain their jurisdiction independent , though the popes frequently inculcated their being originally instituted by s. peter , as a kind of obligation to rome , and that which reflected the greatest honour upon those churches . and the fathers we see found their preheminence upon the glory and majesty of their cities , and none more expresly than that of rome , the bishop whereof was therefore honoured , caress'd and add rest unto , because bishop of rome . and had he contented himself with that place and deference which the fathers gave him , and not broken down inclosures , and trampled over the heads of his brethren , we should neither have envied , nor denied it . and though perhaps it might admit some dispute , whether rome having for so many ages lost the honor of being the imperial city , the privileges conferr'd upon that church , upon that account , ought not in reason to abate proportionably ; yet we are willing to grant , what genuine antiquity did allow , that the bishop of that place containing himself within primitive rules and orders , should be esteemed the most honourable among all christian bishops , that he should be first , but not lord , much less tyrant over his brethren . the priviledges assign'd him by the ancient canons , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says a late learned patriarch of alexandria * ) priviledges of honour , not conveyances of a tyrannical power to make or abrogate laws as he pleases . and therefore suppose the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the primacy of the church of rome ( mention'd in the beginning of this sixt nicene canon , as 't is quoted by paschasinus the popes legate in the council of chalcedon ) were granted , yet who knows not that there is a primacy of order as well as power ; a primacy amongst equals ; and such 't is plain was that which the ancient councils did assign him , not an universal , monarchical , uncontroulable power and supremacy over the whole christian church , which would have fundamentally destroy'd the very design of this nicene canon , which makes the bishops of alexandria , antioch , the other provinces , independent , and as supream within their own limits , as the pope is in his . is there no difference between precedency and supremacy , between dignity and dominion ? let the roman church be the head of all churches ( as 't is sometimes styl'd by the ancients , and frequently challeng'd by the popes ) 't is so only in an honourary sence , and in that respect other churches , especially that of * constantinople , have the same title given to them . where then shall we find the soveraign , arbitrary , and unbounded power of the bishop of rome ? and where , but in the pride , ambition and usurpation of that see ? certain i am it has not the least footing in this or any other ancient council . nor can it be suppos'd , that had the fathers of this venerable synod known of any such supereminent power of the roman bishop , as is now pretended to ( and know it they must , if there had been any , meeting from all parts of the world ) we cannot suppose , i say , they would have given the bishops of alexandria , antioch , &c. equal power within their respective provinces , without inserting into the canon a salvo to the supreme rights and prerogatives of the see of rome , especially when we find them in the very next canon , giving the bishop of jerusalem an honourable session , but still with a proviso to preserve the rights of the metropolitan of that province . v. that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but flow'd only from custome and the practice of the church . this is here laid down as one of the main foundations upon which the whole body of the canon is built , the right here convey'd not being divine institutions , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ancient customs , introduc'd by time and use and a wise contrivance . which is not only the case of metropolitans in general , but is particularly applied to him of rome , it being ( says the canon ) the custome for the bishop of rome to have such metropolitick power . had these good fathers known of any peculiar commission given by christ to peter , and in him to the bishop of rome , to be his supream and universal bishop upon earth , to govern his church by a despotical unaccountable power , or that our lord had but so much as authorized and appointed him to be superiour to all the bishops within the roman province , it had been hard , not to say unjust and unreasonable in them to conceal it , and an irreparable injury to that church , to derive its authority from any meaner original . an injury , which we cannot conceive but that the popes legates , who were then in council , must have immediately entred their protest against . but the christian world was as yet unacquainted with such notions , and the popes then either did not claim any such power , or to be sure durst not challenge it in that assembly , where they knew it must be shamefully baffled and rejected . what power soever our lord or his apostles convey'd to bishops , this is certain , that all bishops as such stand upon a common level , and that superiority and subordination among them is meerly from humane positive institution , borrowed from the forms in the civil state , and with great reason brought in to comply with the conveniencies and necessities of the church . and to this the fathers usually refer it . thus we see they here determined the case of metropolitans . and in the following canon the bishop of jerusalem's taking place next to his metropolitan before all the other bishops of that province , is ascrib'd to custome , and ancient tradition . in the council of ephesus the bishop of antioch was complain'd of for invading the rights of the metropolitan of cyprus , in deciding whereof the fathers affirm , * it would be sufficient prejudice to his cause , if he had not ancient custome on his side : and having determin'd the case against him , decree , that every province should enjoy those original rights pure and inviolable , which had been deriv'd to them by long continuance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according as the power of ancient custome had prevail'd . and when some years after by reason of the incursions of the barbarous people , the metropolitan of cyprus was forc't to remove to nova justinianopolis in the hellespont , the fathers of the sixt council in trullo confirm'd * his rights to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to ancient custome : for the holy fathers ( say they ) have determin'd , that customs should be preserv'd in every church . vi. that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . no man in those days was bound to go beyond his own metropolis , much less did they know of any obligation to seek to rome either for consecration , or confirmation . and for this the laws of the church are as express and peremptory as words could make them . our great council had made provision herein by their fourth canon , that a bishop should be ordain'd by all the bishops in the province : but because pers haps business , or distance , might render that inconvenient , and sometimes impossible , they decree that it should be done by three , the rest testifying their consent in writing ; and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the validity of what was done , should be from the confirmation of the metropolitan in every province . and because the case of meletius was then before them , and had rais'd a mighty noise and clamour , they again establish this matter in the close of the sixth canon by way of recapitulation , that whoever should be made bishop without the consent of his metropolitan , his ordination should be null and void , and that if any doubt and dispute arose in this case , the majority of votes should carry it : accordingly in their synodical epistle * to the church of alexandria they tell them , they had taken care about the election of their bishops , and that it must be with the concurrence and confirmation of the bishop of alexandria . this constitution we find unanimously ratified by almost all following councils ; by that of antioch a most expresly , by that of laodicea b , by that of sardica c , by the second d and fourth e councils of carthage , by the general council of chalcedon f , who take notice of the neglect of some metropolitans in delaying the ordinations of their provincial bishop ; and in the particular controversie between anastasius of nice , and eunomius of nicomedia g , they all with one voice ratify the nicene canon . in all which canons , and infinite more that might be mention'd , there is not the least intimation given of any prerogative peculiar to the bishop of rome , or that he has any power to take this right out of the hands of the respective metropolitans . nor is ordination the only priviledge which the synod of nice vests in metropolitans , for though they more particularly insist upon this , because meletius had given such fresh occasion by violating the metropolitan rights of alexandria , yet in the beginning of the sixt canon they establish their priviledges in general , that they should have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the ancient powers and priviledges that belong'd to their churches in every province . what these were , practice and the subsequent canons of the church do inform us ; to take care that vacant sees were well supplied , to call provincial synods , to disperse canons there agreed on for the common good , to end controversies between their bishops , to admonish the unruly , to censure and suspend the irreregular , to give communicatory letters to their provincial bishops that were to go into foreign parts , and such like . in short , the synod of antioch ( than which perhaps none ever made wiser and better rules for the government and discipline of the church ) order * the bishops of every province not only to honour their metropolitan , but to do nothing of moment without his consent . lastly , i observe hence , that this way of ecclesiastick administration was not any late novel institution , but was founded upon ancient custome and practice . 't was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says the canon most expresly . how far this antiquity does extend , it is not easie precisely to determine . salmasius * himself grants it for an hundred years before the synod of nice : and we would not have thankt him for a larger concession , had the state of things before that council been as clearly transmitted to us , as they were afterwards . indeed the records and writings of those early ages are generally lost , and the defending christianity from the assaults of heathens on the one side , and hereticks on the other , take up the far greatest part of those few that remain . so that little light is afforded us to discover the originals of particular churches , and to trace out the gradual advances of polity and church-discipline . whether the apostles themselves fixt a superiour bishop in every metropolis of the civil state , as some will have it ; or whether the apostles only form'd the scheme and draught , but left it to following ages to erect and set it up , as de marca * thinks , i leave it to the reader , who is curious about these matters , to weigh their arguments , and then pass his sentence . to me it seems probable that it actually commenc'd not long after the apostolick age , when sects and schisms began to break in apace , and when the apostles who were the supream governours and moderators being remov'd off the stage , and controversies multiplying between particular bishops , it was found necessary to pitch upon one in every province , to whom the umpirage of cases might be referr'd , and by whom all common and publick affairs might be directed . in the declining part of the second century we find philip styl'd * not only bishop of the diocess of gortyna , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but also of all the rest of the churches or dioceses ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in crete , among which pinytus is reckon'd bishop of the parochia of gnossus . towards the latter end of the same century we find several provincial synods conven'd for determining the paschal controversie * : pope victor presided in that at rome ; in that of palestine , theophilus bishop of caesarea , and narcissus of jerusalem ; where narcissus is joyn'd with theophilus , because the bishop of jerusalem had ever the place of honour next to his metropolitan of caesarea , and this ( say our nicene fathers ) from custome and ancient tradition . polycrates bishop of ephesus , at the request of victor summon'd a synod of the bishops of asia ( i. e. of the lydian or proconsular asia , whereof ephesus was the metropolis ) wherein he was president , who all subscrib'd his opinion , as he tells us in his letter to pope victor . in france there was a convention 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the bishops of the several gallick dioceses , wherein irenaeus bishop of the metropolis of lyons was chief moderator . bacchylus also bishop of corinth ( that was a metropolis too ) held a synod of the bishops of achaia ( if s. jerome * understand eusebius aright ) and in their name wrote an epistle about this matter . this the author of the ancient synodicon * calls a provincial synod , and expresly styles bacchylus arch-bishop of corinth . how oft does s. cyprian * mention his province , and his fellow-bishops in it , to whom he communicated affairs of the church , and commanded ( mandavimus is his own word ) their help and assistance : and this province no mean one neither , as extending over africk properly so call'd , numidia , and the two mauritania's . nor can i see any reason with salmasius * to understand it of the civil province , especially when the best reason he gives , is , that the power of primates or metropolitans was not yet in force , which is a plain and shameful begging of the question . indeed if he means it only of the title , by which they were call'd , i grant that the word metropolitan is very rarely , if perhaps at all , to be found in any authentick writer before the time of the nicene council : they were in those days styl'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first bishops , and the heads of provinces , ( as is plain from the xxxiv . apostolick canon ) i. e they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief bishops that resided in the several metropoles , as zonaras truly expounds that canon . but whatever becomes of the title , the thing it self is plain to all that are not byass'd by prejudice and partiality , that there was a superiour bishop in every province , resident at the metropolis , who partly by himself , partly by the assistance of his provincial bishops meeting in council , usually manag'd all the more important church-affairs within that province . the sum in short of this great nicene canon amounts to this that the greater limits of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were concurrent with the provinces of the roman empire , that the prime governours within those bounds were the metropolitans , and though some were more honourable than others , by reason of the eminency of their episcopal stations , yet that every metropolitan had a free and independent power of ordination , and steering the main affairs of the church within that province ; that the bishop of rome had the same , and no more within the roman province ; a power not granted by any immediate commission , or divine authority , but introduc't for conveniency , and setled by custome and long continuance . chap. iii. the extent of the bishop of romes jurisdiction , considered as a metropolitan . a search into the proper bounds of the roman bishop . his power four-fold , episcopal , metropolitical , patriarchal , apostolical . the first not controverted . the last discharg'd as extravagant and groundless , and as frequently baffled , both by the reformed , and greek church . l. allatius's jeer of his country-men . his metropolitical jurisdiction considered as concurrent with that of the provost of rome . that how great , and how far extending . the suburbicary regions what . sicily no part of the urbicary regions . the usual conformity between the extent of the civil and ecclesiastick jurisdiction in those times . the power of the roman metropolitan confin'd within an hundred miles of rome . rufinus his exposition of the suburbicary churches . greatly quarrell'd at by the romish writers . his authority in other cases allow'd sufficient and unquestionable . his book approv'd by pope gelasius and others . no probability of his being mistaken in the sence of the canon , or the extent of the roman metropolitanship , or the suburbicary churches . his explication confirm'd by most ancient interpreters of this canon . the bishops of rome and italy distinct . the bishop of milan ranckt with him of rome . the objection of the bishop of romes being confin'd to so narrow a compass , considered and answered . the majores dioeceses in the epistle of the synod of arles what . the bounds of the roman bishops shew'd to have been heretofore small from an ancient notitia episcopatuum . the fraud in the first publication of that notitia . morinus noted . the greatness of rome equivalent to a large extent . i. thus far then we have gain'd ; that the bishop of rome as well as the rest was bounded within his metropolitical province ; the council supposing this as the ground of its constitution , that the bishop of alexandria should have jurisdiction over all within his province , as the bishop of rome had in his . 't is true , the council does not assign the proper limits of the roman metropolitanship , as it does that of alexandria , there being a more particular reason why it should specify the latter , that being the subject under debate , and the main , if not only occasion of the canon ; we must therefore search it out some other way . and here we are told * of a three-fold power vested in the pope ; episcopal , patriarchal , and apostolical ; or as others * distinguish a little more accurately , he may be considered under a four-fold capacity , as a bishop , as a metropolitan , as a patriarch , and lastly as pope , or as he is the vicar of christ , and head of the universal church . in which capacity he is not only more honourable than all other bishops and patriarchs , but has full authority over them , to consecrate , confirm , or depose them , yea when he pleases , to suppress old , and to erect new episcopal sees . hereby ( they tell us ) he is constituted judge over all churches in the world , and may at pleasure visit , govern , and give laws to them . for the first of these , as he is a private bishop , we have no controversie with him : and for the last , his supreme and apostolical power over the whole christian church ; 't is so wild and extravagant a claim , so groundless and precarious , so utter a stranger to scripture and primitive antiquity , that it 's needless to take pains in the refuting of it . nay , the popes themselves how desirous soever to amplify their own power , have not yet dar'd to challenge it where they knew it would be disputed or denied . in the discourse that past between constantius and pope liberius about the condemnation of athanasius , the emperour askt him , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what great part of the world are you , that you only should take his part ? and that ( as he urges a little before ) when the whole world had past sentence upon him . the proper answer to which ( had liberius known of any such power ) had been this . i only am intrusted by christ with supream authority over the whole church , and i having acquitted him , 't is no matter though the whole world besides has condemn'd him . and so no doubt he would have answered , had he been aware of any such prerogative affixt to his see. but popes had not then set this claim on foot , nor 't is like dreamt of it , nor if they had , was the world as yet dispos'd to receive it . something we said to this before , when we considered the bishop of rome as standing uppermost among the metropolitans mention'd in the nicene canon . to add more , were a vain , and impertinent loss of time ; especially after so much as has been said upon this argument , both by the writers of the greek church , ( alexius aristinus , zonar as , balsamon , matthaeus blastares , pet. antiochenus , macarius ancyranus , demetrius chomatenus , barlaam , nilus thessalonicensis , nicetus seidus , nilus doxopatrius , geo. coressius , gabriel philadelphensis , maximus margunius , meletius alexandrinus , &c. whom leo allatius * in a scornful insultation over the deplorable state of his own country is pleas'd to style graecanica ingenia , the witts of greece ) and by them of the reform'd religion , and by some too of their own church , by whom all pleas and pretences to this power have been so often and so shamefully baffled , that a man would wonder if at this time of the day they should be again rallied , and brought into open field . it remains then that we consider him in his metropolitical , and patriarchal capacity . ii. and first we shall enquire what were the bounds of his metropolitical power . and the best measures we can take in this matter , will be to enquire into the extent of the civil jurisdiction of the provost of rome , with which that that of the roman prelate must run parallel , no man can doubt , that considers the course of things in those times , when in this respect the church and the state went so fairly hand in hand . a thing not only affirm'd by protestants , but granted by the most learned and zealous writers of the church of rome . let us therefore consider first how the case stood in the civil state. the prefect of rome was an officer of great antiquity , instituted in the very infancy of that state , while govern'd by kings , but being only of a pro tempore-use , was never made fixt and ordinary till augustus , who being much engag'd in foraign wars , appointed a magistrate , who might in the interim supply his room , manage his affairs , and administer justice at home . his publick appearances were very pompous and stately , and he had several great officers under him , as may be seen in the notitia imperii . the greatest persons in the city were not exempt from his power , for calling five persons of the senatorian order to his assistance , he might try and pass sentence upon the head of a senator himself . his government extended not only to rome , but to an hundred miles round about it , where the limits of his jurisdiction ceas'd , as is expresly said in a rescript a of the emperour severus . ditioni suae non solum roma commissa ( quamvis in illa contineantur universa ) verum etiam intra centesimum miliarium potestatem te protendere , antiqua jura voluerunt , as his patent runs in b cassiodore . within this compass were several countries , which partly from their lying round about , partly from their subjection to , and dependance upon the praefecture of rome , were usually styl'd urbicariae c and suburbicariae d , and suburbanae regiones e , sometimes also regiones solitae f , the countries within which the governour of rome was wont to exercise his solemn jurisdiction , and vicinae regiones g , countries that lie next to the city . and these i doubt not are those four regions mention'd in a law h of constantine m. directed to orfitus praefect of the city . iii. this circumference salmasius conceives * ( though herein stiffly oppos'd by his learned antagonist ) to be the romana regio , mention'd in an old inscription at nola , and by the historian ( as he corrects * him out of an ancient manuscript ) in the life of probus , where 't is oppos'd to verona , benacum , and other regions of italy ; and that this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the region of the romans , spoken of by ignatius in the front of his epistle to that church . what these four regions were , mention'd in the law of constantine , is not agreed by those that have searcht furthest into this matter . gothofred * makes them to have been tuscia suburbicaria ( another part of it being call'd annonaria ) picenum suburbicarium ( to distinguish it from the annonarium ) and of these there is no doubt : the other two he makes to be latium vetus , and latium novum , lying south of rome , and extending as far as sinuessa upon the river safo , which divided beween latium and campania . salmasius * will have the latium vetus and novum to have been but one and the same , and which was afterwards call'd campania latina , and to fill up the number , substitutes the province of valeria , so call'd from the valerian way , that lay through it . another french lawyer , * who takes upon him in less than half a sheet of paper ( which he publisht on purpose ) to state the controversie , will have five of the eleven regions ( into which pliny tells us augustus the emperour divided italy ) to belong to this , viz. the first , fourth , fifth , sixth and seventh , as those that lay next the city , and were bounded with the rivers tifernus and silarus on the east , and marca and constantinum on the west . but herein he offers no other evidence than his own conjecture . sirmondus * ( and others after him ) extends the number of the suburbicary countries to ten , which he makes the same with the ten provinces , that were under the vicarius urbicus , and to have thence taken their denomination . but there are two things amongst many others that lye strongly in prejudice of that opinion , and with me turn the scales . first , that some of these ten provinces , especially the three islands of sicily , sardinia and corsica lay too remote to come under the notion of suburbicary regions : for urbicarium , and suburbicarium , suburbanum , and suburbicum all importing the same thing ( as the learned jerom aleander * readily grants ) must necessarily imply their lying within some tolerable neighbourhood to the city . secondly , that sicily , one of the ten provinces belonging to the vicarius urbicus , is most expresly distinguish'd * from the urbicary regions , and as equally as 't is from italy , strictly so call'd , that is , the seven provinces that constituted the italick diocess . a case so clear , that sirmond * though he endeavours to say something to it , yet 't is so thin and trifling , that it rather shews he had a good mind to answer it , than that his answer would ever hold water . others * are willing to suggest , as if in that law of constantius , illyricum ought to be read instead of sicily : but this is thrown in only as a conjecture , and that too against all reason , illyricum belonging at that time to another jurisdiction . for by the famous distribution * which constantine the great made of the parts and offices of the empire , illyricum was under a praetorian prefect of its own , and so i suppose continued all the time of constantius ( in the latter part of whose reign this law was made ) though afterwards a great part of it was laid to the command of the praetorian prefect of italy . but morinus * like a young and daring champion that was resolv'd to do the work , is for quite dashing it out of the body of the law , as a word contrary to the usage of that time . all which shuffling artifices are a shrew'd sign it was a bad cause they had to manage . in short , though men of learning may by tricks and subtilty intangle and perplex an argument ( as they have done in this controversie ) yet two things are plain beyond all just exception . first , that the jurisdiction of the city-praefect reacht an hundred miles about rome . secondly , that the urbicary and suburbicary regions lay chiefly , and in all likelyhood , intirely within that compass , and deriv'd that title from their vicinity to the city , and their immediate dependance upon the government of its provost . and i cannot but a little wonder that sirmond , who more than once grants * the praefect of rome to have had jurisdiction within an hundred miles , should yet as often deny * , that he had any provinces under his government , as if there had been no provinces within that compass , when they are expresly call'd the suburbanae provinciae in the theodosian code * , and the ordinary judges in those parts commanded to return all greater causes to the tribunal of the city-praefect , and this in contradistinction to the course of other provinces , which were to be accountable to the praetorian praefect . iv. having thus found out the jurisdiction of the roman praefect , it should one would think be no hard matter to discover that of the bishop of rome , there being so known a correspondence between the civil and ecclesiastical government of those days . and though this did not always , nor universally take place ( and how should it , when time , and the will of princes made such alterations in the bounds of places and provinces ? ) yet did it generally obtain . a thing introduc'd at first for greater conveniency , founded upon long custome , and settled by several laws and canons of the church , insomuch that if a change or alteration had been , or should hereafter be made by imperial authority in any city , that then the order of episcopal sees should follow the civil and political forms , as is expresly provided by two general councils , the one of chalcedon * , the other of constantinople * . nor can any reason be given , why the bishop of alexandria should exercise a pastoral authority over three such large provinces , as egypt , libya and pentapolis , but only because they were under the civil government of the praefectus augustalis , the imperial vice-roy , who kept his residence in that city . the jurisdiction then of the bishop of rome being of equal circumference with that of the roman provost , must extend to all the city-provinces , that lay within an hundred miles round about it . accordingly we find that when great disturbances were made in the church of rome by the manichees , and other hereticks and schismaticks , valentinian the third writes * to faustus praefect of rome to expel them all out of the city ; but especially to proceed against those who separated themselves from the communion of the venerable pope , and whose schism did infect the people ; commanding him , that if upon warning given they should not within twenty days reconcile themselves , he should banish them one hundred miles out of the city ; that so they might be punisht with their self-chosen solitude and separation . the emperour thinking it but just , that they who had voluntarily rejected , should be themselves cast out of the bounds of his jurisdiction , that they who had perverted many in the capital city , should not be left within any part of his diocess to infect the people . and this was done in compliance with the course observ'd in civil cases , where notorious malefactours were so us'd . thus symmachus * the gentile was for his insolence banish'd an hundred miles out of rome . and some ages before that , severus having cashiered the souldiers that murdered the emperour pertinax , banisht * them , and charg'd them at the peril of their heads not to come within an hundred miles of rome , that is , within the limits of the city-praefecture . and more plainly yet , in the case of ursicinus , who had rais'd infinite stirs at rome about the choice of pope damasus , and had set up himself as competitor in that election , for which he had been banish'd into france , valentinian the elder afterwards ( as appears by his rescript * directed to ampelius the city-provost ) gave him and his companions leave to return into italy , provided they came not to rome , nor any place within the suburbicary regions , that is , within the jurisdiction of the roman bishop . but rufinus has put the case beyond all question , who in his short paraphrase ( for for a translation we may be sure he never intended it ) of the sixt nicene canon , tells * us , that according to ancient custome , as he of alexandria had in egypt , so the bishop of rome had the care and charge of the suburbicary churches . the champions of the roman church finding themselves sorely pinch'd with this authority , have no other way to relieve themselves but to throw it quite off their necks , and to fall foul upon rufinus , loading him with all the hard names and characters of reproach , charging him with malice , falshood , ignorance , want of learning , and indeed what not . but the world is not now to be taught that rufinus was a man of parts and learning , witness the reputation which his works had of old , and still have to this day . pope gelasius with his synod of seventy bishops allow'd * them ( the case only of free-will excepted : ) and among the rest his ecclesiastical history , wherein this very nicene canon is extant , and gives him too the title of a religious man into the bargain . so that rufinus his exposition has the popes own approbation on its side . and surely if ever his judgment be infallible , it is , when he has his council about him to advise and assist him . and though perhaps that gelasian synod , if searcht into , may not be of that authentick credit , as to lay any considerable stress upon it , yet however it stands good against them , that own its authority , and thereby approve its determination . and though it had not given this testimony to rufinus , yet there wants not other evidence that the thing was so . accordingly hincmar of rhemes , speaking of this very book of rufinus whence this passage is taken , assures us * , it was one of those that were receiv'd in the catalogue of the apostolick see. nay , his ecclesiastical history obtain'd such credit , that it was wont solemnly to be appeal'd * to by fathers and councils in some of the most weighty and important cases of the church . v. nor is there any shadow of probability , that he should be mistaken either in the sence of the nicene canon , or in the province of the bishop of rome . he was himself an italian , born not above twenty years after the synod of nice , baptiz'd , and perhaps born at aquileia , a famous city of friuli , ( honoured heretofore with the residence of augustus and some other emperours , and made afterwards a metropolis , and the seat of the praetorian prefect ) and himself a presbyter of that church : he had been frequently conversant at rome , had travell'd over most parts of the christian world , and had convers'd with persons of the greatest note and eminency in every place . in all which respects he could no more mistake the jurisdiction of the see of rome , than we can suppose , that a prebend of york born and bred in the church of england , should be ignorant how far the province of canterbury does extend . nor can there be the least reason to imagine , either that by suburbicary churches rufinus should mean any other , than what lay within those provinces , that were universally known by that title , or that he should dare so openly , and in the face of the world to shut up the bishop of rome within those suburbicary regions , had not his power at the time of the nicene council ( whose canon he must in all reason be suppos'd to explain as things stood at the time of that synod ) been notoriously known to have been confin'd within those limits . but what need we take pains to vindicate the credit of our witness ? he stands not alone in this matter , his testimony being sufficiently justified by concurrent evidence . the ancient version of the nicene canons ( publish'd by sirmond * out of the records of the vatican , and another exactly agreeing with it by mons. justell , from a very ancient manuscript ) the author whereof was perhaps not much later than rufinus , renders it by suburbicaria loca , the suburbicary places ; the three arabick versions , the alexandrian , that of the melchites , and the paraphrase of joseph the egyptian , all express it to the same effect , that he should have power over his countries and provinces , and what ever lay next to him : alex. aristenus , and sim. logotheta , two greek canonists , and a third ancient epitomizer of the canons , mention'd by leo allatius * , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the places and provinces that lay under rome , i. e. the suburbicary countries . nor will it a little contribute to the further clearing of this matter , to observe , that as the civil government of the roman provost is distinguish'd from that of italy in the writings of those times , so is this of the roman prelate : and this distinction very ancient . when paul of samosata bishop of antioch refus'd to give domnus possession of that church , an appeal was made to the emperour aurelian , who referr'd the decision of the case to the bishops of italy and of rome , as eusebius * tells us : and in the title of the letter written by the sardican synod to the church of alexandria , 't is said , * that the bishops assembled from rome and italy , i. e. italy taken in its strict and peculiar notion , as 't is there distingusht from campania , calabria , &c. thence milan as being head of the italick dioces , is in an ecclesiastick sence call'd * the metropolis of italy , and dionysius bishop of that church styl'd * bishop of the metropolis of italy , and sulpitius severus speaking of priscilian and his company coming into italy , says * they address'd themselves to damasus bishop of rome , and ambrose of milan , as bishops that had the greatest authority in those days . and in this respect in the civil sence berterius * truly makes rome to be the metropolis of the suburbicary regions , as milan was of the rest of italy . vi. but it seems no small prejudice to the great men of that church , that so venerable a person as the bishop of rome should be pent up within such narrow limits , much inferiour to many others , especially him of alexandria or antioch . but besides that the eastern dioceses ( as some think ) were generally larger than those of the west , the ecclesiastick provinces ( as we noted before ) were restrain'd to the form of the civil constitution , and were more or fewer , as it happened in the political distribution : wherein if the roman bishop had not so large an extent as some others , yet was it made up in the number , and frequency of episcopal sees , beyond what was in all those times in other places of the like extent . and therefore when the synod at arles in their letter * to pope sylvester , say that he did majores dioeceses tenere ( a passage frequently quoted by the writers of the roman church ) possess greater dioceses ; besides , that the place as salmasius * observes is very corrupt , and affords no currant sence , 't is plain that the word diocess there cannot be understood of patriarchal dioceses ( constantine not having yet made the division of the empire , nor dioceses come up in a civil , much less in an ecclesiastical sence ) and must therefore be meant of single bishopricks , in the modern use of the word , and which was not unusual in those days , as is evident from the code of the african church , and the conference between the catholicks and donatists at carthage , where nothing is more common and obvious than this usage of the word diocess , for a single episcopal see ; the places * are too numerous to be reckon'd up . and thus also . pope leo uses * the word in the case of restitutus an african bishop . vii . and indeed that the bounds of the church of rome for several ages after the nicene council were much narrower than some others , appears from an old greek notitia episcopatuum , wherein the five patriarchates are distinctly reckon'd up , with all the provinces and bishopricks contain'd under them . where under him of rome , are set down no more than six provinces ( whereof the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the province of urbicary rome is the first ) containing not above one hundred and eight episcopal sees . a number far inferiour to the rest , especially the patriarch of constantinople , who had subject to him xxxiii provinces , and in them ccclxxxix bishopricks , besides some others then newly added to him . this notitia had been heretofore publisht by carolus a s. paulo in his geographia sacra , but when he came to that part of it that concerns the diocess of rome , he quite leaps over it , pretending the manuscript copy to be imperfect , and that the words were so corrupted , that scarce any one remain'd entire ; leaving somewhat more than a bare suspicion , that he himself , or some before him had purposely rac'd the manuscript , least the nakedness of the country , the thinness and smallness of the roman diocess in comparison of others , should be discovered . but to their great confusion it has been lately publish'd * intire and perfect out of the oxford library , where the account that we have given is plain and notorious . all which considered , with how little reason and pretence to truth does morinus * appeal to the ecclesiastick notitia's , even such as were made long after the times of constantine , to prove the amplitude of the roman province , as to the jurisdiction of the bishop of rome . but to return , there can be no reason to expect , that the ecclesiastick limits in those days should be longer than those of the state , which were the standard and measure , by which the others were ordinarily regulated . nor is the greatness of any jurisdiction so much to be measured by the largeness of its extent , as by the honor and authority of the place , where 't is exercised ; as that of the lord mayor of london , though reaching no further than the liberties of the city , ( which take not in half the suburbs ) is yet a more honourable authority , than that of a sheriff of the largest county in england . in this regard the bishop of rome had though a shorter cut , a better and more noble jurisdiction , than any other prelate in the world besides ; rome being the seat of majesty and power , the residence of the emperours , the highest court of justice , the place to which all parts paid either homage , or at least respect and veneration , honoured with the title of rome the great , the provost whereof was reckoned next * in honour to the emperour , and upon all occasions went equal in dignity to the praetorian prefect , who yet commanded ten times as many provinces : he had the precedence a of all the great officers of rome , and to him belong'd civilium rerum summa , b the management of all civil affairs . hence the title given to sylvester , is that of bishop of the imperial city c and the council of chalcedon tells us , that the fathers therefore gave a prerogative to the see of rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because that was the governing and imperial city ; and constantius the emperour though he had already condemn'd and depos'd athanasius , did yet to put the better colour upon it , desires to have it ratified by the authority enjoy'd by the bishops of the eternal city , as the heathen historian * has remark'd . and thus much may serve for the metropolitical bounds of the roman prelate . chap. iv. an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in the christian church . an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in general . none before the council of nice . what that council contributed to them . civil dioceses when , and by whom introduc'd . these gave start to primary metropolitans . dioceses , when first brought into the church . the title of patriarch borrowed from the jews . who their patriarchs , and whence descended . exarchs what . the word patriarch when first us'd by church-writers in a strict and proper sence . the patriarchs among the montanists , who . a short survey of the four great patriarchates . the extent of the patriarchate of alexandria . the dioecesis aegyptiaca , what . the patriarchal jurisdiction in what sence larger than that of the augustal prefect . little gain'd to this patriarchate more than a title of honour . the patriarchate of antioch commensurate to the eastern diocess . the contest about cyprus how determin'd ? palestine for some time under antioch . the patriarchship of constantinople . by what degrees it rose . what priviledge conferr'd upon it by the second general council . the bishops henceforwards exercising a kind of patriarchal power over the churches of the neighbouring provinces . the power granted to that see by the council of chalcedon . it 's ninth , seventeenth and eight and twentyeth canons considered to that purpose . jurisdiction over the three dioceses of asiana , pontica , and thrace . this settled upon a full debate and discussion of the matter . this power own'd by the synod to have been exercised of a long time before . this grant urg'd against the universal supremacy of the see of rome . the extent of the constantinopolitan patriarchate in after times manifested from several ancient notitiae . the patriarchate of jerusalem . the honour confirm'd to this church by the nicene council . it s subjection to the see of caesarea . when first attempting a metropolitical power . the contest between this bishop , and the bishop of antioch how determin'd in the council of chalcedon . when first styl'd patriarch . the extent of this patriarchate . i. proceed we in the second place to consider him as a patriarch , the highest degree of ecclesiastick government which the church ever owned . and in order to the better clearing the whole matter , it will be of some advantage , and perhaps not unpleasant to the reader , to enquire briefly into the rise and original of patriarchs in general , and then survey each particular patriarchate . the rise of patriarchs is but obscurely delivered in the records of the church , the thing not being particularly and by name taken notice of , 'till like a river that has run a great way , and gathered many tributary rivulets , it had swell'd it self into a considerable stream . that there were none at the time of the nicene council we shew'd before , the chief church-governours then being the metropolitans , some of which soon after set up for more room , and began to enlarge the bounds of their jurisdiction . and two things there were greatly contributed to that attempt . first , the mighty reputation which the synod of nice had given to metropolitans , and especially to the particular sees of rome , alexandria and antioch . this inspir'd them with an ambitious affectation of extending their superiority and jurisdiction , and prepar'd the way among their brethren , for the easier reception of it . socrates observ'd , * that long before his time ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which must reach as far as the council of nice at least ) the bishop of rome ( as he also of alexandria ) had gone beyond the bounds of his place , and had aspir'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a power and dominion over his brethren . a remark so very clear and plain ( especially as to the bishop of rome ) that nothing is more obvious in the whole history of the church . the synod of nice was beholden by all with a just regard and veneration , and its decrees receiv'd as oracles from heaven , and the christian world finding what particular care it had taken of those three great sees , were the more ready to submit and strike sail to their usurpations . hence the following popes , but especially leo the first , do upon all occasions magnifie the nicene canons , and amplify their meaning beyond what was at first intended by them . secondly , the late division of the empire , and the alteration of it from that form , whereinto it had been cast , first by augustus , and afterwards by the emperour hadrian , new modell'd by constantine the great much about the time of the nicene council , gave a singular advantage and opportunity to promote and further this design . ii. for constantine introduc't four praetorian praefectures , each praefecture containing several dioceses ( xiii . in all ) and each diocess comprehending several provinces , the vicar or civil lieutenant residing in the metropolis of every diocess , and presiding over all the provinces within that division . and how easie was it , the world being so prepar'd and dispos'd , and the church so readily embraceing the forms of the civil state , for the chief metropolitan of every diocess to set up for himself . the dignity of the city where he resided , and the resort of people thither for the dispatch of business made him at first be esteem'd and honored as the first bishop of the diocess , and this in a little time brought on the priviledge of ordaining the metropolitans of the several provinces , and to be intrusted with almost the same powers over metropolitans , which they had over provincial bishops . and no doubt it made persons more willing to comply with such a model , that haveing frequent occasion of repairing to the metropolis , ( as is intimated in the ninth canon of antioch ) they might with the greater conveniency dispatch their civil and ecclesiastical affairs both at once . it serv'd not a little to help on this business , that the second general council gave the bishop of constantinople the next place of honour to him of rome upon the account of its being the imperial city ; which gave no small encouragement to the bishops of all diocesan metropoles to attempt the extending their superiority equal to that of the imperial governour that kept his residence in that city . but that which puts the case past dispute is ▪ that that council took in the form of civil dioceses into the church , at least , approv'd what was already taken in : for so they provide * that bishops should not go beyond the diocess to meddle in churches that were without their bounds . socrates * giving an account of this canon , says expresly , that the fathers of the synod having made division of the provinces , constituted patriarchs . and though perhaps by patriarchs socrates means no more than those pro tempore commissioners who were within such and such places appointed to judge who should be received to catholick communion ( as we have elsewhere * observ'd ) yet very plain it is , that the council there intends diocess properly , and in an ecclesiastick sence , and therefore opposes it to province , ordaining that bishops should not ordinarily go out of the diocess to celebrate ordinations , or any other church-offices ; and that the canon concerning dioceses being observ'd , the synod in every province should manage the affairs of it according to the nicene constitution . and in the sixt canon they speak yet more expresly , that if any take upon him to accuse a bishop , he shall first exhibit and prosecute his charge before the provincial synod ; and in case they cannot end it , that then the accusers shall apply themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the greater synod of the bishops of that diocess , who shall be assembled for that purpose . and if any slighting the bishops of the diocess , shall sue to the emperour , or the secular tribunals , or to a general council , he shall not in any wise be admitted to exhibit an accusation , but be rejected as a violator of the canons , and a disturber of ecclesiastick order . and to name no more in a case so evident , pope innocent * in a letter written about the year ccccviii . says of the church of antioch , that its authority reacht not over a single province , but over a diocess ; though withal he falsly makes it to have been so settled by the synod of nice . nay long before all this we meet with ecclesiastick dioceses in this sence . for by a law * of the emperour gratian bearing date may the xvii . ann. ccclxxvi . it is provided , that the same customs that were in use in civil judicatures , should obtain in church matters , and the final decision and determination of ecclesiastick causes should be made in their proper places , and by the synod of every diocess . and this course the emperour insinuates , as that which was not then first introduc't . iii. from all this it appears that according to the political constitution , diocesan or , as 't was after call'd patriarchal , jurisdiction was brought into the church , and that accordingly the bishops of some of those cities , who had hitherto been but metropolitans , advanc't into the title and dignity of primates ( which was the word that generally obtain'd in the western parts , the word patriarch being late , and little us'd in the western church ) extending their superintendency commensurate to the jurisdiction of the vicar of the diocess . and because some of these metropoles were cities of far greater eminency and account than others , as rome , alexandria , &c therefore the bishops of them were ( in the east especially ) honoured with the title of patriarchs , differing at first from other primates not so much in power , as in dignity and honour , they were diversorum nominum , sed ejusdem officii , as gratian * notes . that this title of patriarch was borrowed from the jews , there can be no doubt . upon the final destruction of their church and state , they were dispers'd into several countries , especially in the eastern parts , where not being capable of continuing their levitical polity , exactly according to the mosaick institution , they constituted some persons to exercise the chief authority among that people , who kept their residence in some of the greater cities , as at babylon , alexandria , tiberias , and afterwards probably at jerusalem . the persons thus made choice of , are thought to have been of the tribe of judah , and more particularly to have descended from the line of david . epiphanius * seems to make them ( at least them of tiberias ) to have been the posterity of gamaliel , the great councellour spoken of in the acts. but theodorit * has a more peculiar fancy , that they were the descendants of herod the great , who was by his fathers side an ascalonite , by his mothers an ●dumaean . but however descended , they were entrusted with the chief power and government over the jews within their particular jurisdictions . these are they who so often calld 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the heads of the exiles , and otherwhiles princes , and frequently patriarchs ( though besides these supream , it seems probable from some of the imperial laws , that they had an inferiour sort of patriarchs , who were but just superiour to their presbyters , or elders ) of these jewish patriarchs there is frequent mention both in jewish a , and christian b writers , and especially in the theodosian c code : whence also 't is evident that this office and title ceas'd , or rather was abolisht by the imperial authority not long before the year d ccccxxix . in the time of the younger theodosius . but though it be plain whence this title was deriv'd , yet when it first sprung up in the christian church , it is hard to say . in the canons * of the chalcedon council he is call'd exarch of the diocess , and any bishop or clergy-man that has a controversie with his own metropolitan , is allow'd to appeal to him ( the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indifferently notes any chief person in place or power , and the sence or it is to be determin'd according to the circumstances of the case : thus the canons mention both exarch * of the province , and exarch of the diocess , the first denoting a metropolitan , the second a patriarch ) but in the acts * of that council we are told of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most holy patriarchs of every diocess ; and in the several libels * exhibited against dioscurus , pope leo is intitled patriarch of great rome . and that this title was not then newly taken up we are assured from the letters * of theodosius and his empress placidia , about calling the third general council , holden at ephesus ann. ccccxxxi . in both which leo is styl'd the most reverend patriarch . this is the first time that i remember to have met with a patriarch strictly so call'd , unless we will understand the passage of socrates i mention'd concerning patriarchs in a proper sence . iv. indeed the montanists or cataphrygians , who started up under the reign of the emperour antoninus , had their patriarchs . they had three orders * of church-officers , patriarchs , cenones and bishops . but besides that they were an odd and absurd sect , whom the catholick church alwas disown'd , 't is not easie to guess what they meant by patriarchs , whom they plainly make distinct from bishops . they were it seems their prime ecclesiastick governours , the chief whereof resided probably at pepuza in phrygia , which they fantastically call'd * jerusalem , affirming it to be the new jerusalem , that came down out of heaven , and this 't is like in imitation of the jewish high-priest ; for from the judaical constitution they borrowed many of their devices , and perhaps might borrow the very name as well as thing from them , the prime church-officer among the jews after the destruction of the temple , and the abrogation of that polity , being styl'd patriarch , as we noted before . but it may be doubted , whether the montanists had those three orders from the beginning of their sect , it being taken notice of by none elder than s. jerome , nor that i know of , mention'd by any other ancient writer after him . however 't is certain , that in the common use of the word , it occurrs not till the time of pope leo , and the ephesine and chalcedon councils . after that the title became fixt , and nothing more common than the word patriarch , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patriarchal sees in the writings of the church . what and how many these particular sees were , we are told by the sixt council in trullo * , where they are particularly enumerated , and their order and precedency adjusted in this manner , rome , constantinople , alexandria , antioch , jerusalem . from hence then we descend to survey these particular patriarchates ; not designing to meddle with secondary and later patriarchates , such as that of aquileia , grado , russia , the patriarchs of the maronites , jacobites , armenians , the catholick or patriarch of bagdad or mauzel and the like . our business now is with the five ancient , and eminent patriarchships , and though first in order , we shall reserve that of rome to be treated of in the last place , intending to discourse more fully concerning it . v. we begin with the patriarch of alexandria ( for i shall take them in order , as i conceive they grew up in time ) who seems to have gain'd little by his new patriarchship besides the honour of the title , whether we consider him in point of precedency , in point of power , or in the extent of his jurisdiction ; nay in some respects he was a loser rather than a gainer by it . in point of precedency , he was before the second metropolitan in the whole christian world , whereas now he was thrust down into the third place . in point of power he was before this change sole metropolitan of those parts , and the ordination of his suffragan bishops intirely belong'd to him , or depended upon his consent and confirmation , which now according to the constitution of church-policy must be devolv'd upon the several metropolitans under him : nor was he much advanc't in the extent of his jurisdiction . 't is true the dioecesis aegyptiaca consisted of six large provinces , all under the government of the augustal praefect , who constantly resided at alexandria ( and consequently in spirituals belong'd to the patriarch of that place : ) these in the notitia imperii * we find thus reckon'd up ; libya superior , libya inferior , thebais , aegyptus , arcadia , augustanica . whereas in the nicene canon the alexandrian metropolitanship is said to extend but over three , egypt , libya and pentapolis . but when it is considered , that thebais , arcadia and augustanica , were of old parts of , and lay hid under the more general name of egypt , and that pentapolis was the same with the upper libya , the account will be much the same . we find in the council of nice * that the bishop of alexandria was appointed to give an account of those synodal transactions to the churches throughout all egypt , libya and pentapolis , and the neighbouring countries as far as the provinces of india . where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or whole egypt ( in opposition to the other two which were but single provinces ) takes in egypt strictly so call'd , thebais , arcadia and augustanica ; and by the neighboring regions that lay as far as india , are doubtless meant the frontier countries that bordered upon the roman provinces , and were perhaps confederate with the empire , and wherein 't is like the bishops of alexandria had propagated christianity ( as we know athanasius did in india ) whose churches therefore own'd a dependance upon the see of alexandria . and in this respect i grant the bishop had somewhat a larger jurisdiction than the augustal praefect , tho otherwise they were the same . upon the erection of this see into a patriarchate , several metropolitans start up : ten of the metropolitans of his diocess , the emperour theodosius * commanded dioscorus to bring along with him to the council of ephesus . how many more he had is not certain . nilus doxopatrius in his notitia * says there were thirteen ; the old greek notitia we mention'd before a reckons ten provinces , and in them ninety nine bishopricks , which surely argues that a miserable desolation had laid waste those countries , and reduc't the number of episcopal sees . seeing before the time of the nicene council there met in synod near an hundred * bishops out of egypt and libya , whom alexander had summon'd to the condemnation of arius . and that so many there were , athanasius expresly * tells us more than once . and how greatly bishopricks were multiplied afterwards , the reader who is vers'd in these matters needs not be told . vi. the see of antioch always took place next that of alexandria , being ever accounted the prime city of the east . like the rest it arose by degrees into a patriarchate , first getting an honourary , then an authoritative superiority over that diocess . during the session of the second general council , the bishops not only of that province , but of the eastern diocess met together to ordain flavianus bishop of antioch , whose act herein was ratified by the vote of that council , as the remaining part of the synod , meeting again the next year , tell * pope damasus in their letter to him . about this time , or rather sometime before , i guess the bishop of antioch had set up for a patriarchal power , and had begun to enlarge his jurisdiction from a province to a diocess . now the eastern diocess * under the care of the comes orientis contain'd fifteen provinces , the three palestine's , phoenice , syria , cyprus , phoenice libani , euphratensis , syria salutaris , osrhoëna , mesopotamia , cilicia secunda , isauria and arabia ; cyprus indeed stood out , and would not submit to the see of antioch , and though the bishop stickled hard to bring them under , yet the cyprian bishops stoutly maintain'd their ancient rights . the case was canvass'd and debated at large in the council of ephesus * , and upon hearing the whole matter , the council adjudg'd it for the cyprian churches , that they should still enjoy their ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their liberties independent upon the see of antioch , and pass'd a particular canon in favour of them . and so they continued for many ages : and therefore in the old notitia * cyprus is not plac'd under any of the patriarchates , but is noted to be a province 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having jurisdiction within it self . but the rest of the provinces for any thing that appears , submitted , and the bishop of jerusalem with his metropolitan of caesarea , were both for some time under the see of antioch . and this renders s. jerom's meaning plain enough in that known passage * , when he tells john bishop of jerusalem , who in the controversie between him and epiphanius had appeal'd to theophilus of alexandria , that if he would have appeal'd , it should have been either to him of caesarea , who was his metropolitan , or to the bishop of antioch as metropolitan of the whole east , that is , of the eastern diocess . but when he says , this course was settled by the synod of nice , 't is plain 't was his mistake . and indeed his own ni fallor shews he was not very confident and peremptory in the case . the account of this patriarchate , as delivered by * nilus doxopatrius ( with whom in the main concurr many other ancient notitiae * ) stands thus . immediately subject to the patriarch were viii . metropolitans , who had no suffragan bishops under them , and viii . or as others reckon , xii . arch-bishopricks : besides which he had xiii . metropolitick sees ; tyre containing under it xiii . bishopricks ; tarsus vi ; edessa xi . or as others x ; apamea vii ; hierapolis xi , the latine notitiae reckon but viii ; bostra xix , or xx ; azarbus ix . seleucia in isauria xxiv ; damascus xi ; amida viii , or as the latins vii ; sergiopolis v , but by some one less ; daras x , the latin notitiae call it theodosiopolis , and allow but vii . episcopal sees ; and lastly emesa containing vi. this was the state of that once venerable patriarchate . vii . the next that succeeds is the patriarchate of constantinople , which though starting later in time , soon got beyond the other two . the bishop of byzantium or constantinople had for several ages been only a private bishop , subject to the metropolitan of heraclea , which anciently had the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as procopius * tells us ) the primacy of all the cities of that country ; in acknowledgment of which subjection the bishops of heraclea had ever the priviledge to ordain the patriarch of constantinople . but no sooner was that city made the seat of the empire , but great things were spoken of it , 't was styl'd the governing city , the metropolis of the whole world a , a great city ( says nazianzen b in one of his sermons to the people of that place ) and the very next to rome , nay not at all yielding the primacy to it , it being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first and chiefest city of the empire . and now the bishop of constantinople began to appear considerable in the world , and both church and state conspir'd to render him great and powerful . the fathers of the second general council holden in that city , considering that constantinople was new rome , conferr'd * upon him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priviledge of honour and respect next to the bishop of rome . this at one lift set him over the heads of the bishops of alexandria and antioch . accordingly in the preceding canon of that council , and in a law * of theodosius conforme thereto concerning the bounds of dioceses , and catholick communion , he is set before both the bishops of those sees ; and if the subscriptions to this synod be of any credit , we find nectarius subscribing first to the decrees of the council . and when the acts of the clancular synod at ephesus were read in the chalcedon council * , and it was found that the bishop of constantinople was therein put in the fifth place , the bishops presently rais'd a clamour , why had he not his proper place , why was he thrust down into the fifth place ; whereupon paschasinus the popes legate declar'd that he held anatolius of constantinople in the first place : which diogenes of cyzicum affirm'd was according to the constitutions of the fathers . but to return to what we were upon . though this canon of constantinople gave the bishop no direct power , yet it gave him so mighty a value and reputation , that he wanted not opportunities enough to carve for himself . he was soon courted on all hands , his mediation requested , and his interposal desired for the ending differences , and where provincial bishops could not agree about the election of their metropolitans , the case was very often referr'd to him , and he perform'd the ordination . this in time begat a right , at least a claim , over the churches in those countries that lay next him , especially the dioceses of asiana , pontica and thrace , in which 't is plain he exercised a patriarchal power . thus to omit other instances , s. chrysostom synodically heard the cause of antoninus bishop of ephesus ( the metropolis of the asian diocess ) and afterwards went himself in person thither , where he conven'd a synod of lxx . bishops of those parts , heard the cause over again , gave judgment upon it , and ordain'd a metropolitan in that city . he likewise depos'd gerontius bishop of nicomedia , which lay in the diocess of pontica , and some others , and fill'd up their sees ; whereof we have elsewhere given an account at large . and this very instance we find produc'd and pleaded in the chalcedon synod * to prove the rights of the constantinopolitan see over those churches . i know the validity of these good mans proceedings in this matter is disputed by some , and was of old put among the articles exhibited against him to the synod at the oke . but no doubt can be made , but chrysostom thought he had sufficient authority and right to do it , and would not have attempted it , had it not been warranted by the practise of his predecessors . in the mean time i cannot but smile at the grave fancy of a learned man * , who without the least shadow of any other warrant than his own conjecture , will have chrysostom to have acted herein as the popes legate , and to have done all this by vertue of his absolute and supreme authority . so quick-sighted and acute are men to discern what never was , and so willing to believe , what 't is their interest should be true . viii . but to proceed with our patriarch of constantinople , he held on much at this rate till the general council at chalcedon holden there ann. ccccli . when what he had hitherto holden by custome , canonical authority made his right . by their ninth canon they provide , that if any bishop or clergy-man have a controversie with his own metropolitan , it shall be at his liberty to appeal either to the exarch , that is , primate of the diocess , or to the see of constantinople , where his cause shall be heard . a canon that invested him with a vast power , putting him into a capacity of receiving and determing final appeals from all those parts . the same they again ratify by their seventeenth canon , and by their twenty-eight make a more particular provision for him . first , they profess in general altogether to follow the decrees of the holy fathers , then they recognize the third canon of the second general council ( which was then read before them ) and decree the same priviledges , and upon the same account , as that had done to the church of constantinople . forasmuch ( say they ) as the reason why the fathers conferr'd such priviledges upon the see of old rome , was , that it was the imperial city . and upon the same consideration the bishops of that second general council gave equal priviledges to the see of new rome ; rightly judging ( as the canon goes on ) that the city which was honoured with the empire , and the senate , and enjoy'd equal priviledges with old imperial rome , should also in ecclesiastical matters have the same honour with it , only coming after it in the second place . and because the bishop of constantinople had hitherto had no certain diocess , nor any place wherein to exercise jurisdiction , but what he held precariously , and as it were by courtesie , in the latter part of the canon they fix his bounds , giving him power over the three dioceses of pontica , asiana and thrace , that the metropolitans of all those places , and all the bishops of the barbarous countries belonging to those dioceses , should be bound to come , and receive their ordination from the bishop of constantinople . and now he lookt like bishop of the imperial city , being invested with so ample and extensive a jurisdiction . for the three dioceses of asiana , pontica and thrace were great and large . the first * containing eight provinces ( viz. pamphylia , lydia , caria , lycia , lycaonia , pisidia , phrygia pacatiand , and phrygia salutaris , both which were anciently comprehended under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or greater phrygia , as it stood oppos'd to the lesser , that lay upon the hellespont : ) the second * eleven ( bithynia , galalatia , paphlagonia , honorias , galatia salutaris , cappadocia prima , cappadocia secunda , hellenopontus , pontus polemoniacus , armenia prima , armenia secunda : ) the third * six ( europa , thracia , haemimontus , rhodopa , maesia secunda , scythia . ) the popes legates were infinitely enrag'd at this canon , and the powers and priviledges hereby given to the see of constantinople , and us'd all possible arts to overthrow it , but all in vain , it pass'd clearly , and was subscrib'd by all the bishops then present in the synod , amounting to a very great number , whose subscriptions are still extant * in the acts of the council . after a full discussion of the whole matter , that no pretence of force or fraud might be objected , as many of the bishops of asiana and pontica as were then in the synod were desir'd to declare whether they had freely submitted to this constitution . who accordingly stood up , and one after another did most solemnly protest that they had voluntarily and unconstrainedly assented to , and subscrib'd the canon , and that nothing was more acceptable to them . and many of them expresly declar'd they did it for this reason , because not only themselves , but their predecessors had been ordain'd by the bishops of constantinople , and that the see of constantinople had these rights 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from canons and precedent customs . so that it 's more than probable that the bishop of constantinople had exercised this power within those dioceses almost ever since the time of , and by virtue of the third canon of the second general council . and 't is observable what eusebius bishop of dorylaeum , a city of the greater phrygia , tells the synod upon this occasion , that he had been at rome , and there in the presence of the clergy of constantinople that were with him had read the canon ( i suppose he means that of the second general council ) to the pope , who approv'd and received it , ( which i the rather take notice of because not only modern writers , but gregory the great * so confidently affirms , that the church of rome neither had copies , nor did admit the acts and canons of that council . ) and whereas eusebius of ancyra scrupled to subscribe , yet he confest , that he himself had been ordain'd by the bishop of constantinople , that he had ever declin'd ordaining provincial bishops , and had done it only by direction of the bishop of constantinople . and after thalassius of caesarea in cappadocia told the synod , that they were of arch-bishop anatolius his side , and did decree the same thing . the judges hereupon having weighed all that had past , declar'd , that in the first place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that precedency and singular honour should according to the canons be paid to the arch-bishop of old rome ; and that withal the arch-bishop of the imperial city of constantinople , being new rome , ought to enjoy the same priviledges of honour , and to have besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , power of himself , and by his own authority to ordain the metropolitans within the dioceses of asiana , pontica and thrace ; the election being first duly made within every province , and that then it shall be at the choice of the arch-bishop of constantinople , whether the metropolitan elect shall come to him for his consecration , or whether by his permission it shall be done at home by the provincial bishops ; and that this shall no ways prejudice the rights of metropolitans and provincial bishops in ordaining private and particular bishops , wherein the arch-bishop of constantinople shall not interpose . whereupon all with one voice cried out , 't was a righteous sentence , that they were all of that mind , that this just judgment pleas'd them all , that the things that had been establisht should take place , and that every thing had been done decently and in order . in conclusion , they wrote a synodical letter * to pope leo , acquainting him with what had past , and upon what grounds they had done it , and desiring his concurrence in it . and we may observe they tell him , that in settling this power upon the see of constantinople , they did but confirm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the custome which that church had of a long time obtained over those three dioceses . which puts it past all peradventure what we noted before , that from the very time of the second general council , the constantinopolitan bishops had exercised a kind of patriarchal jurisdiction over those churches , though never till now settled by canon . ix . and now let the reader impartially reflect upon the whole affair , and when he has considered what this wise and great council expresly affirm , that the priviledges which the fathers gave to the see of rome were meerly upon the account of its being the imperial city , and that for the very same reason they gave equal priviledges to the see of constantinople , only reserving a honourary precedence to him of rome ; let him tell me , whether it can be suppos'd , they could or would have said and done this , had they known , or but so much as dream't of any supream authority , which christ had immediately given the bishops of rome over the whole church of god. nor was this the only council that thus honoured the constantinopolitan see ; somewhat more than two ages after met the sixt general council in the trullus , or great arch'd-hall or secretarium of the pallace , who confirm'd * what both the former councils , that of constantinople , and the other of chalcedon , had done in this matter , and assigned each patriarch his proper place . x. what additions , or alterations after ages made in the see of constantinople , the reader may perceive somewhat by perusing the following accounts . in the greek notitia publisht * not long since out of the bodleian library , compos'd in the reign of the emperour leo the wise , about the year dcccxci . this patriarchate had under it xxxiii . metropolitans , who had under them ccclxxv . episcopal sees , besides xli . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or independent arch-bishopricks , subject to no metropolitan . leunclavius * presents us with another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or disposition of the churches of this patriarchate made by this same emperour , wherein are set down lxxxi . metropolitans , containing under them dlxxiv . suffragan sees , and xxxix . arch-bishopricks . but surely this list is either greatly interpolated , or must be of a later date than it pretends to , being so different from the other both in the number , and the names of places , and not very consistent with it self . for whereas it reckons up lxxxi . yet when it comes to set down each metropolitan with his particular suffragans , it gives but an account of lvii . of the number . but however this be , within an age or two after , partly by the addition of new provinces , partly by erecting new metropoles , it was enlarg'd for in the notitia , or discourse concerning the five patriarchal sees written by nilus doxopatrius the archimandrite , ann. mxliii . the account stands thus . * metropolitans lxv . under the bishopricks dcxl. arch-bishopricks without suffragans , and immediately subject to the patriarch xxxiv . ann. mcclxxxiii . andronicus palaeologus entred upon the empire : he publisht an order * according to which the metropolitans were to take place , wherein they are reckon'd up to the number of an hundred and nine . and in another , agreed upon by the emperour and the patriarch , put out by leunclavius * , but without any date either of time or persons , are mention'd lxxx . metropolitical sees , archiepiscopal xxxix . and thus much for the patriarchship of constantinople . xi . the fourth that remains is the patriarchate of jerusalem , the last in time , and least in circuit . for several ages the bishop of jerusalem was no more than a private prelate , subject to the metropolitan of caesarea . for so the notitia publisht by william archbishop of tyre informs * us , that according to ancient tradition , and records of good authority in those parts , the church of jerusalem had no bishop under it , nor enjoy'd any , or very little prerogative till the reign of justinian , and the times of the fifth general council ; though always out of reverence to the place , custom and ancient tradition ( as the fathers of nice inform * us ) had allow'd him a peculiar honour , and therefore those fathers decree him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the consequence of honour , that is , that he should have respect and precedence before all the bishops of that province next to his own metropolitan . and indeed whatever they of the church of rome may talk of the merit of s. peter , as the foundation of the supereminent authority of that church , surely if any church might have pleaded merit , one might have thought it should have been that of jerusalem , which for so many ages had been the metropolis of the jewish nation , the seat of their kings , adorn'd with a most magnificent temple , and all the solemnities of divine worship ; the place where our blessed saviour spent the greatest part of his publick ministry , where he preacht so many sermons , wrought so many miracles , where he suffered , died , and rose again , and whence he ascended into heaven , where the apostolical colledge was kept for some years , and all affairs of the church transacted there ; where s. james the brother of our lord was made ( and that say some of the ancients by our lords own hands ) the first christian bishop of that see ; the place where the first church was planted , and from whence christianity was propagated into all other parts of the world. this was the true mother church , and if merit might have challeng'd primacy and power , it had more to say for it self , than all other churches in the world besides . but caesarea happening to be the metropolis of that province , and the seat of the roman governour , carried away the superiority , and so jerusalem though it had an honourary respect , continued a private see , subject to the metropolitan of caesarea , as he for some time was to the patriarch of antioch . but after that the empire was become christian , and that constantine the great , and his mother helena , and some following emperours began to reflect some peculiar favours upon that place , and had grac'd it with stately and magnificent buildings , and other marks of honour ; and after that the devotion of christians began to pay an extraordinary respect to the places of our lords crucifixion , sepulchre , and resurrection , the bishops of that church lookt upon themselves as hardly dealt with to be coop'd up within so narrow a compass , and to be subjected to another jurisdiction , and therefore resolv'd to throw off the yoke , and to get what power they could into their own hands . the first that graspt at the metrpolitick rights was s. cyrill , who disputed the case with acacius bishop of caesarea , for which acacius depos'd him , and persecuted him both in the synod at seleucia , and in that which followed at constantinople about the latter end of constantius his reign . what immediately followed in this controversie , is uncertain , the history of the church being silent in that matter . in the council of ephesus , juvenal bishop of jerusalem laid claim to the metropolitical jurisdiction of that province , and sought to have it confirm'd by a decree of that synod . but cyrill of alexandria president of the council , oppos'd and hindred it . after this a high contest arose between him and maximus bishop of antioch , who challeng'd jerusalem and palestine as within his diocess . the case was brought before the chalcedon council * , where it was debated , and at last by compromise between the two contending parties brought to this issue , that the bishop of antioch should retain the two phoenicia's and arabia ( which it seems were also in dispute ) and the see of jerusalem should have the three palaestine provinces for the bounds of his ecclesiastick jurisdiction . this was assented to , and ratified by the decree of the council . and now the bishop of jerusalem had his peculiar diocess , though of no very great extent , allotted him , and the tables were turn'd , and caesarea it self subjected to him , and the fifth and last place among the patriarchs assign'd to him ; as appears from the constitution of the sixth general council . and because jerusalem lay in the borders both of the antiochain , and alexandrian patriarchates , therefore to make up its jurisdiction , we are told * that something was taken out of each , the metropolitick sees of rabba and berytus , from him of alexandria , as caesarea and scythopolis from him of antioch . and that as a badge of his ancient subjection , the metropolitan of caesarea still had the honour * to ordain the patriarch of jerusalem , as upon the fame account he of heraclea had to consecrate the patriarch of constantinople . and in this patriarchal capacity we find the bishop of jerusalem subscribing in all councils , and upon occasions summoning the bishops of his patriarchate . thus ann. dxviii . we find john bishop of jerusalem with his synod of the bishops of the three palaestines sending a letter * to john patriarch of constantinople . and when the council at constantinople under mennas had condemn'd anthimus , severus , and the rest of the acephali ann. dxxxvi . peter patriarch of jerusalem ( as he is all along call'd in the acts * of his council ) summon'd a patriarchal synod of all the bishops of the three palaestine provinces , who confirm'd what had been done in the council at constantinople . and thenceforwards the patriarchate of jerusalem runs smooth and currant through the history of the church . as to what bishops and metropolitans he had under him , the old notitiae * give us this account . the patriarch himself had immediately under him xxv . bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nilus doxopatrius * calls them , independent bishopricks , because subject to no other metropolitan ; besides which he had four metropolitans : the metropolitan of caesarea , who had twenty bishops under him ; he of scythopolis or basan , who had nine ; rabba moabitis , or as doxopatrius has it , petra , who had twelve , and berytus , who had xxxv . which by the authors we have cited are particularly reckon'd up . chap. v. the bounds of the roman patriarchate . a return to the roman patriarchate . the limits hereof not expresly set down by the ancients . unjustly pretended to reach over the whole west . this granted by them of the greek church , and why . the popes patriarchal power disown'd by the churches of milan , aquileia and ravenna . the independency and opposition of those churches to the roman see , severally evinc't by particular cases and instances . the power of metropolitans in france kept up independant from rome . the truth of this consess'd and clear'd by de marca . other instances of preserving their rights against the pretensions of rome ; hincmar of rhemes , and the synod of metz. two other national churches instanc't in : the african , and the britannick churches . the famous case of appeals in the church of africk . a clear account of that matter . their publick rejecting the power which the pope challeng'd over those churches . the letters of the council of carthage to pope boniface , and caelestine to that purpose . several useful and proper corollaries deduc't from this story for the evincing the vain pretensions of the papal power over those churches . the boldness of some in denying the truth of this whole story . the state of the britannick church . the progress of religion and church-government here 'till the times of pope gregory . the church govern'd by an arch-bishop and bishop at austin's arrival . their customs wholly different from , and independant upon rome . their absolute refusal to own the authority of austin or the pope . the slaughter of the bangor-monks suspiciously charg'd upon austin . the popes proper patriarchate most probably shew'd to be of equal extent with the jurisdiction of the vicarius urbicus . what provinces under his government . the roman synod consisting of the bishops of those provinces . a two-fold patriarchate of the pope trifling and precarious . the bishops of rome daily amplyfying their jurisdiction . the means whereby they did this briefly intimated . i. having thus dispatcht the other patriarchs , we return to him of rome , ever allow'd to be the first , and most honourable of the number . what his patriarchal bounds were , the records of the church have not so particularly set out , as they have done the rest . and here the champions of that church when they find themselves prest upon , and that rhe popes universal and apostolical power is a post not to be defended , presently retreat to his patriarchate , which with great confidence they extend over the whole western world , being content with half , when they cannot have all . and to this prodigious latitude some * of them stretch the suburbicary churches , ( as if the whole western empire had been nothing but the suburbs of rome ) and in this sence they tell us rufinus meant the canon of nice , and this upon no wiser reason than ( what is as trifling and precarious as the other ) that the whole west was the special diocess of the bishop of rome . but this looks rather like fancy and romance , than that grave and sober arguing that becomes those great names that use it . omitting therefore this extravagant notion of suburbicary churches , come we to the thing it self . and herein it must be granted , they have the later greeks , zonaras , balsamon , barlaam , nilus , &c. on their side , who very liberally give him all the western provinces , and that too by vertue of the sixth canon of nice . a concession which they make not so much out of any kindness to the church of rome , as partly out of a design to magnifie the power and greatness of their own patriarch of constantinople , who was to share equal priviledges with him of rome ; partly because they were willing to keep the pope within any bounds , whose restless ambition they saw carrying all before it , and therefore car'd not to throw him the west for his portion , for which they had no care or concernment what became of it , being mainly intent upon preserving their jurisdiction at home . and here i cannot but by the way remark the indiscreet and injudicious zeal of a very learned man * , who confidently asserts , that in the expedition of the franks for the recovery of the holy land , god by a peculiar providence let the eastern parts be subdued by the western armies ; that so those famous patriarchal sees might learn to strike sail to the see of rome , and own the greatness and dignity of that church . besides , 't is to be considered , that in this concession the greeks took their measures of things from the state of the church as it was in their time , when the pope had in a manner intirely subdued the western provinces to the see of rome . but in the better and more early ages the case was otherwise . and indeed that the popes patriarchal jurisdiction was far enough from extending over the whole west , there can be no better evidence , than that there was scarce any western church in those days , that did not upon occasion oppose the power , and remonstrate against the usurpations of the see of rome . in italy we need go no further than to those churches that lay next it , i mean the great churches of milan , aquileia , and ravenna . ii. how great milan was , and of how great reputation the bishop of it , so that he stood upon a level with him of rome , we briefly noted before ; it being next rome , the largest , richest , most plentiful , and populous city of the west , as procopius * tells us . s. ambrose his election and ordination to that see was made purely by the provincial bishops , and at the command of the emperour , without the least notice taken of the roman bishop . a case so clear , that de marca * fairly gives up the cause , and confesses that in those times and for some ages after , the pope had nothing to do in the ordination of the metropolitan of milan : nay , that this was the case of all metropolitans out of the popes jurisdiction in italy , where the bishops of every province constantly ordain'd their own metropolitans without any authority ; or so much as consent had from the bishop of rome . but then not being able to shift off the evidence of truth , and yet willing withall to serve his cause , he does in order to that design , distinguish the roman patriarchate into ordinary , over a great part of italy , and extraordinary , over the whole west . a distinction wholly precarious , and which is worse , false . and indeed what kind of patriarchate that must be , that could consist without right of ordaining metropolitans , the first and most inseparable branch of patriarchal power , would have become a person of his , i say not ingenuity , but wisdom and learning to have considered . as for milan , the metropolitick rights of that church , he confesses , continued independant at least till the year dlv. and indeed 't is plain from the epistle * of pope pelagius ; who confesses that the bishops of milan did not use to come to rome , but they and the bishops of aquileia ordain'd each other : and when he was not able to reduce them by other means , he endeavour'd to bring them in by the help of the secular arm , as appears from his letter * to narses the emperours lieutenant to that purpose . and afterwards upon a difference that hapened , milan withdrew it self from the communion of the church of rome for two hundred years * together . and though with others it was brought at last under the common yoke , yet upon every little occasion it reasserted its original liberty . thus when ann. mlix . great disturbances arose in that church * , pope nicolaus the second sent peter damian as his legate to interpose . this made it worse , the common out-cry presently was , that the ambrosian church ought not be subject to the laws of rome , and that the pope had no power of judging , or ordering matters in that see ; that it would be a great indignity , if that church which under their ancestors had been always free , should now to their extream reproach ( which god forbid ) become subject to another church . the clamour increas'd , and the people grew into an higher ferment , the bells are rung , the episcopal pallace beset , the legate threatned with death , who getting into the pulpit , and having in a short speech set forth the pope's and s. peter's power , and wheedled the people with some popular insinuations , reduc'd things to a better order . iii. the church of aquileia was much at the same pass with that of milan , the bishops whereof mutually ordain'd one another , without so much as asking the pope leave . and though pelagius * would insinuate , that this was done only to save the trouble and charge of a journy to rome , yet de marca * honestly confesses the true reason was , that milan being the head of the italick diocess , the ordaining the metropolitan of aquileia belong'd to him as primate ; and the ordaining the primate of milan belong'd to him of aquileia , as being the first metropolitan of the diocess of italy . upon this account , and that of the tria capitula , this church held no correspondence with that of rome for above an hundred years , and when gregory the great having got the emperour on his side , attempted by force and armed violence to bring them to answer their stubbornness at rome , the bishop of aquileia with his provincial synod met , and wrote an humble remonstrance * to the emperour mauricius , wherein they set forth the true state of their case , and the unjust and violent proceedings of the pope , and plainly tell him that they had at the time of their ordination given caution in writing to their metropolitan , which they never had , nor would violate , and that unless his majesty was pleas'd to remove this compulsion , their successours would not be suffered to come to aquileia for ordination , but would be forc't to fly to the arch-bishops of france , as being next at hand , and receive it there . the emperour was satisfied with their addresses , and wrote * to the pope ( baronius calls them imperious letters , written more tyrannico , like a tyrant ) commanding him to surcease the prosecution , and to create those bishops no farther trouble , 'till the affairs of italy were quieted , and things might more calmly be enquired into . baronius is strangely angry at this letter , even to the heighth of rudeness and passion , especially towards so good an emperour , that he should take upon him arroganti fastu , with so much pride and arrogancy not to beseech , but to command the pope , which he again says was done not like an emperour , but a tyrant . but the istrian and ligurian bishops , little regarded how it thundred at rome . nay , to make the ballance hang more even , they had some time since advanc't their metropolitan to the title and honour of a patriarch , which baronius * himself grants was done while paulinus was metropolitan of aquileia about the year dlxx. an honour a long time resident at aquileia , then translated to grado , and at last fixt at venice . though withal aquileia having recovered its broken fortunes , resum'd the style and dignity of a patriarch , an honour which it retains to this day . iv. let us next view the church of ravenna , and see whether that was any more conformable to rome than the rest . ravenna had for some time , especially from the days of honorius , been the seat of the roman emperours ; and in the declining times of the empire , the exarchs of italy , who govern'd in chief under the emperour , constantly resided there , while rome was under the command of a petty duke : swell'd with so much honour and advantage , the bishops of ravenna for some ages disputed place with them of rome , the exarchs taking all occasions to curb and repress the pope . ann. dcxlix . maurus , sometimes steward of that church * , entred upon the archiepiscopal see of ravenna . a man as my author grants , wise , and of a shrew'd sharp wit. he without taking any notice of rome , was consecrated by three bishops of his own province , ordain'd his own provincial bishops , and was so far from seeking any confirmation from the pope , that he received his pall from the emperour . this gave infinite distaste to pope martin , and 't is like to his successour eugenius , who sat but one year . but pope vitalian who succeeded , would not so put it up , but summons maurus to appear , and answer his contempt at rome , but he slighted the summons , for which the pope excommunicated him , and he in requital did the like to the pope , nay upon his death-bed oblig'd his clergy never to submit themselves to the bishop of rome . reparatus his successour trod in the same steps , and procur'd the emperours rescript to free that church from any subjection to the roman see. ann. dccviii . * felix of ravenna was content to receive his ordination at the hands of the pope , but when he came thither , an oath of allegiance and fidelity was required of him to the see of rome . this he utterly denied , a confession of his faith he offered , but homage he would not pay , nor engage to send money to rome . nor more he did , but home he goes , where his people gave him little thanks for what he had done , and both agreed to defend their liberty ; but it cost the old man dear , and them too for that attempt . for justinian rhinotmetes the emperour ( who favoured the pope ) being made acquainted with what was done at ravenna ; a fleet is sent under the command of theodorus patricius , the city besieg'd , and taken , several of prime quality lost their lives and fortunes , and the poor arch-bishop had his eyes put out , and was banisht into pontus , where he remain'd , 'till the severity of discipline had taught him better manners . the same courage in asserting the priviledges of their church against the papal encroachments was afterwards shewn by john , and guibert successors in that see , as were it necessary , might be particularly related . but the case is too evident to be denied , and the argument thence too strong to be evaded , how little those times understood of any patriarchal jurisdiction which the pope had over all italy , much less over the whole west . v. if we look into france , we shall find them careful to secure the rights of metropolitans , and the priviledges of provincial bishops , without being oblig'd to fetch them from rome . the second council of arles ann. cccclii . decree * , that no bishop shall be ordain'd without his own metropolitan , and three of the provincial bishops , the rest testifying their consent by letter . the second of orleans holden ann. dxxxiii . renew * the ancient form and manner of ordaining metropolitans , that it shall be done by the bishops of the province , which shews how little they depended upon any foreign power in this matter . but it 's needless to insist upon this point , which the learned de marca * has so fully cleared and vindicated , as a fundamental part of the liberties of the gallican church , and has deduc't it through the several ages and dynasties of their kings . i shall only remark , that when hincmar arch-bishop of remes had depos'd rothald bishop of suessons for great misdemeanours , rothald appeal'd to rome , and pope nicolaus espous'd his cause , wrote sharply to hincmar , and cited him to appear , and answer what he had done at rome . but hincmar would not stir , but publisht a large apologetick * to the pope , wherein he justifies his act , and though he gives good words , and great deference to the see apostolick , yet stoutly contends , that he ought to be content with a general care and inspection , and not interrupt the ordinary rights of metropolitans , and that 't was infinitely reasonable , that the criminal should be referr'd to the judgment of his own province . two years before this , viz. ann. dccclxiii . a french synod met at metz * about the marriage of king lotharius , wherein they determin'd contrary to the liking of the papal legates . however they sent letters with the reasons of their proceedings by guntharius arch-bishop of colen , and theatgaud of triers to pope nicolaus . the pope upon their arrival call'd a synod , wherein he excommunicated the synod of metz , and depos'd the two arch-bishops that were sent with the letters , and publisht * a manifesto of what he had done . to this the bishops return'd an answer , wherein having represented the personal affronts , and ill usage they had met with from him , they tell him chap. iv. that as for his froward , unjust , and unreasonable sentence , contrary to all canons , they did not own it , yea as being illegal and unwarrantable , they together with the rest of their brethren slighted and despised it , and utterly renounc'd communion with him , contenting themselves with the communion and fellowship of the whole church , over which he had so proudly exalted himself , and from which through his pride and contempt he had separated himself . and whereas he had styl'd them his clerks , they bid him take notice they were none of his clerks , but persons , whom , if his pride would have suffer'd him , he ought to have own'd and treated as his brethren and fellow bishops , with much more there spoken with a just , but smart resentment . and now can any man believe , the pope should have met with such treatment upon all occasions , and that from the wisest , gravest , most learned , and eminent persons in their several ages , had his title to the jurisdiction of the west been so clear and unquestionable , as some men seem to represent it . the same might be shew'd in other countries , and he must be a great stranger to church-history , that can be at a loss for instances of this nature . i shall therefore instance only in two more ( and with them dispatch this argument ) the african and the britanick churches . vi. i chuse to instance in the churches of africk , because so confidently challeng'd by them of rome at every turn , and because they were under the civil jurisdiction of the praetorian praefect of italy . and here omitting infinite arguments that offer themselves , i shall insist only upon the famous case of appeals , commenc'd under pope zosimus , ann. ccccxviii . and not ended 'till some years after , which will furnish us with a plain and uncontroulable evidence , how little authority more than what was honourary , the see of rome in those days had over those churches . the case , as briefly as it can well be summ'd up , stands thus , * apiarius a presbyter of sicca in africk had been depos'd by his diocesan urbanus for very notorious and scandalous offences , and the sentence ratified by a provincial council . hopeless of any relief at home , over he flies to rome , tells his tale to pope zosimus , who restores him to communion , espouses his cause , and sends him back with faustinus an italian bishop , and two roman presbyters into africk , to see him resettled in his former place . when they arriv'd in africk , they found a council of african bishops to the number of ccxvii . sitting at carthage , to whom they delivered their message partly by word of mouth , partly by writing . but the writing being demanded , a memorial was produc't containing instructions from pope zosimus what they should insist upon ; it consisted of four heads . first , concerning the appeals of bishops to the see of rome . secondly , against the busie resorting of bishops to court. thirdly , concerning the handling the causes of presbyters and deacons by the neighbouring bishops , where they were unjustly excommunicated by their own . fourthly , concerning the excommunicating bishop urban ( who had depos'd apiarius ) or at least his appearing at rome , unless he corrected what he had done amiss . but the main thing insisted on was that of appeals , and the popes sending legates thither to hear causes , and this too challeng'd by zosimus in his memorial by vertue of a canon of the council of nice , giving leave to bishops accus'd or condemn'd to appeal to rome , and power to the pope to hear and determine those appeals , either immediately by himself , or by commishoners which he should send to that purpose . the african fathers were infinitely surpriz'd to hear such a power claim'd , and more to hear it claim'd as due by a canon of nice . they had search'd into the canons of that council , which they found to be but twenty , and not one of that number to this purpose . while these things were debating , zosimus dies , and boniface succeeds , and the case is again canvast , and the result of the consultation was , that for the present things should rest upon that bottom , whereon the popes memorial had plac't them , 'till they could send to the three great churches of constantinople , antioch and alexandria for authentick copies of the nicene canons , to adjust and decide this matter . they wrote likewise to pope boniface by his legates ( who then return'd ) acquainting him with the state of the case , and what was done in it , and withal tell him , that if it were as those pretended canons claim'd , the issue would be intolerable to them : but they hop'd it would be found otherwise , no such thing appearing in their copies of that council . however they had sent to the eastern churches for such as were most authentick , and intreated him also to do the like . vii . some years pass'd in this matter , at length the messengers that had been sent into the east return'd , and brought letters * from cyril of alexandria , and atticus of constantinople , importing that they had sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most true and exact copies of the authentick synod of nice , preserv'd in the archives of their churches , copies of which they had also sent to pope boniface . hereupon a full council of african bishops is conven'd , to which pope caelestine ( for boniface was lately dead ) dispatcht faustinus as his legate . and now the case of apiarius is again brought under examination , and found worse than it was before , the farther they rak'd into it , the more foul and offensive did it appear to them , 'till the conviction of his conscience , though sore against his will , forc'd him to confess all , and save them the trouble of any farther scrutiny . and now this cause being over , and the pretence of appeals overthrown by the authentick copies of the canons of nice , nothing remain'd but to write to caelestine , which they did in a quick and smart strain , wherein they first give him an account of the case of apiarius , and how troublesome and injurious his legate faustinus had been to the whole synod , in asserting the priviledges of the church of rome , and by vertue thereof challenging that apiarius should be readmitted to communion , because his holiness ( believing his appeal , which yet could not be made good ) had restor'd him to communion , a thing which he ought in no wise to have done . next they proceed earnestly to beseech him , that henceforth he would not so easily give ear to those that came from hence , nor admit any to communion , whom they had excommunicated , which he might easily perceive was prohibited by the council of nice , which if it has taken so much care about the inferiour clergy , how much more did it intend it in the case of bishops , that where any are suspended from communion within their own province , his holiness should not rashly and unduly readmit them , that he should , as became him , reject the unwarrantable repairing of presbyters and others of the inferiour clergy , there being no canon of any council that has depriv'd the african church of this right , and that the decrees of nice have most plainly committed both the inferiour clergy , and the bishops themselves to their own metropolitans ; having most wisely and justly provided , that all affairs shall be determin'd in the very places where they arise , and that the grace of the holy spirit will not be wanting to every province , whereby equity may be prudently discern'd , and constantly maintain'd by the ministers of christ , especially since every man has liberty , if he be offended with the determination of his judges , to appeal to a provincial , or if need be , to a general council : unless perhaps any one can think , that god should enable single persons to examin the justice of a cause , and deny it to a vast number of bishops assembled in council . or , how shall a judgment then made beyond sea be valid , whereto the persons that are necessary to give in evidence , either through the infirmity of their sex , or age , and many other impediments that will intervene , cannot be brought ? for that any commissioners should be sent hither by your holiness , we do not find ordain'd by the fathers in any synod . for as to what you long since sent us by faustinus as part of the nicene council , in the true and authentick copies of that council ( which we received from cyril of alexandria , and atticus of constantinople , and which we sent to your predecessour boniface ) we could find no such matter . in conclusion , they advise him , that he should not upon the request of any man , send any of his clerks thither to execute his sentence , nor grant such leave to any , lest they should seem to introduce the smoaky pride of the world into the church of christ , which holds forth the light of simplicity , and the brightness of humility to all them that are desirous to see god : that as to faustinus , they are confident , that brotherly love continuing through the goodness and moderation of his holiness , africa shall no longer be troubled with him . such was their letter to the pope , a letter not fuller fraught with true matters of fact , than fortified with clearness and strength of reason . viii . from this naked and unartificial representation of the case , its plain ; first , that whatever power the ●●shop of rome claim'd in africk , was even by his own tacit confession , founded upon the canons of the church . zosimus did not pretend a commission from christ , or a delegation from s. peter , but only a canon of nice to justify his proceedings . secondly , that the canons of the church give the bishop of rome no power over foreign churches , either to receive their excommunicated members , to hear and decide their causes , or to restore them to communion , or to send legates and commissioners with authority to determine the cause at home ; for this , say the african fathers , nullâ invenimus patrum synodo constitutum . thirdly , that zosimus was guilty of a notorious forgery and imposture in falsifying the nicene canons , pretending a canon of sardica to be a canon of nice , and as such endeavouring to impose it , and his own power by it upon the african churches . can it be suppos'd , that zosimus should be ignorant what and how many the nicene canons were ? the popes legates were present , and as we are often told , presided in that synod , brought the decrees home with them ( as all other great churches did ) where they were no doubt carefully preserv'd among the records of that church , and the frequent occasions of those times , made them be daily lookt into . was not the pope , think we , able to distinguish between nice and sardica , between an oecumenical council , and a synod only of western bishops , call'd in another emperours reign above twenty years after . no , no , it was not a sin of ignorance , but the pope knew well enough which council would best serve his turn , that the world had a just and a mighty veneration for that of nice , and that his design would be easily swallowed , if he could gild it over with the reputation and authority of that synod . it was obvious to except against sardica , that it was but a particular council , and that the canon it made for appeals to rome was only a provisionary decree , when the injur'd person was not like to meet with justice at home , but the whole mass of bishops was corrupted , and set against him , as was the case of athanasius and two or three more in respect of the arians , who were the occasion , and for whose sakes that canon was made . but that of nice was universal , and unexceptionable , and which he hoped would pass without controul . but the african bishops according to the humour of that nation were of too honest and blunt a temper to be cajol'd by the arts of rome . they requir'd to have the matter brought to the test , and to be judg'd by the original canons , and so the fraud was discovered , and brought to light in the eye of the world. fourthly , that the church of africk , and accordingly every national church , has an inhaerent power of determining all causes that arise within it self : that this right is founded both upon most evident reason , ( nothing being fitter than that controversies should be ended in the places where they began , where there are all advantages of bringing matters to a more speedy and equal trial ) and upon the wisdom and justice of the divine providence , which would not let his assistance be wanting in one place more than another , and especially there where doing right to truth did more immediately make it necessary ; and that 't was as probable two or three hundred should sift out truth as a single person . that the nicene synod had made this the right of the african no less than other churches , and they did not understand how they had forfeited it , or that any council had taken it from them . fifthly , that it was not lawful for any person , accused or proceeded against in africk , to appeal to transmarine churches , no not to the see of rome . this they tell coelestine most expresly , and call them improba refugia , wicked and unwarrantable refuges . against this they had particularly provided in the council at milevis * not long before this contest arose , that if any clergyman had a controversie with his bishop , the neighbouring bishops should hear and determine it . but if there were any occasion of appealing , they should appeal no further than to an african council , or to the primates of those provinces . and that if any should resolve to appeal to any transmarine judgment , no man in africk should admit them to communion . the canon 't is true expresses only the appeals of presbyters , deacons , and the inferiour clergy ; but as the fathers in their letters to caelestine argue strongly , if this care be taken about the inferiour clergy , how much more ought it to be observ'd by bishops . sixthly , that the power which the bishop of rome sought to establish over other churches , evidently made way to bring pride , and tyranny , and a secular ambition into the church of god , and that if this course were follow'd , it would let in force , and domination , and a scornful trampling over the heads of our brethren , and perhaps the calling in the secular arm to remove the opposition it would meet with ; principles and practices infinitely contrary to the mild and humble spirit of the gospel . and now let the reader judge what power the pope had over the african churches , so solemnly denied , so stiffly oppos'd , not by two or three , but by two or three hundred bishops , twice met in council upon this occasion , and their judgment herein not precipitated , but past upon most mature and deliberate debate and consultation , and after that the cause had been depending for five or six years together . the truth is , so great a shock is this to the papal power , that the advocates of that church know not which way to decline it . at last stands up one , * who not being able to unty , resolv'd to cut the knot , directly charging both the acts of the council , and the epistles to boniface and caelestine , without any warrant from antiquity , to be forg'd and supposititious . but the best of it is , the writers in this cause that came after him , had not the hardiness to venture in his bottom . nor have any of the many publishers of the councils since that time stigmatiz'd them with the least suspicion of being spurious , nor taken any notice of the trifling exceptions he makes against them . ix . from africk let us sail into britain , and see how things stood in our own country , the first nation of the whole western world that received the christian faith ; it being planted here ( as gildas , an authour of untainted credit , and no inconsiderable antiquity , informs us , and he speaks it too with great assurance ) * tempore summo tiberii caesaris , in the latter time of tiberius his reign , which admit to have been the very last year of his life ( he died march the xvi . ann. chr. xxxvii . ) it was five or six years before 't is pretended s. peter ever came at , or founded any church at rome . christianity though struggling with great difficulties , and but lukewarmly entertain'd by some , yet as gildas assures us , made shift to keep up its head in the following ages , as is evident from some passes in origen , tertullian , and others , and from the known story of king lucius ( leuer maur as the britains call him , the great brightness ) the first christian king. but this we have particularly noted elsewhere * . religion being settled , that church government grew up here as in other countries , by bishops and then metropolitans , or superiour bishops , there can be no just cause to doubt . at the council of arles ann. cccxiv . we find three british bishops among others subscribing the decrees of that synod , eborius of york , restitutus of london ( the same perhaps that subscrib'd the determination made by the sardican synod ) adelfius de civitate coloniae londinensium , with sacerdos a priest , and arminius a deacon . after the empire had submitted to christianity , we cannot question but that religion prospered greatly in this island , and that constantine who made it his business to advance it in all places , would much more give it the highest encouragement in that place , to which he owed both his first breath and empire . what progress it made afterwards , i may not stand nicely to enquire ; 't is certain it flourish'd here under the roman government 'till the declension of the empire , when that guard and protection being withdrawn , the country became a prey to the neighbour - picts and scots , as not long after to the saxons , a war-like but pagan nation , whom the britains had call'd in to their assistance , who drove the remainder of the britains , and with them religion into the mountains , where yet it throve under the greatest hardships . things continued thus , when ann. dxcvi. pope gregory the great sent austine the monk to convert these saxons , who after his first expedition being at arles consecrated arch-bishop of canterbury , applied himself more closely to this errand than he had done before . he found paganisme covering the greatest parts of the island , but withal a considerable church among the britains ; seven bishops * they had as bede informs us ; a number says bale * , conform'd to the seven churches of asia ; their sees were hereford , tavensis or landaff , lhan-padern-vaur , bangor , elviensis or s. asaph , worcester and morganensis , suppos'd by many to be glamorgan , but that being the same with landaff , r. hoveden * reckons chester in the room of it , or as bishop usher * thinks not improbable , it might be caer-guby or holy-head in the isle of anglesey . these seven were under the superintendency of a metropolitan , whose archiepiscopal see had been formerly at caer-leon upon uske ( the famous river isca ) in monmouthshire , but some years before austins arival had been translated to menevia or s. davids ( so call'd from the bishop that translated it ) in pembrook-shire , though for some time after retaining the title of arch-bishop of caer-leon . and to him were the welsh bishops subject , and by him ordain'd , as he by them , until the time of king henry the first . besides these episcopal sees , the britains had colledges or seminaries , and in them vast numbers of christian monks , who dwelt especially at bangor under the care and superintendency of abbot dinooth . but that which spoil'd all was , that this church had rites and usages * vastly different from them of rome , both in the observation of easter , the administration of baptism , and many other customes . a most infallible argument , that the britannick church had no dependance upon , had held no communication with the church of rome . their celebration of easter after the manner of the ancient asiatick churches , clearly shewing that they had originally deriv'd their religion from those eastern parts . to reduce therefore this church into subjection to rome , was a great part of austins work . in order whereunto by the help of king ethelbert , he procur'd a conference with them at a place upon the borders of worcester-shire , call'd from this occasion augustins oke . austin us'd all his arts to prevail upon them , perswaded , intreated , threatned , but in vain . after a long disputation they declar'd they preferr'd their own ancient traditions and customs , from which they might not depart without leave and liberty from their own church . nay , if the british fragment produc'd by one of our great antiquaries * be of any credit , abbot . dinoth plainly told him with a be it known to you , and without doubt , that they ow'd no more to the pope of rome , than to every godly christian , vzi. the obedience of love and brotherly assistance , other than this he knew none due to him , whom they call'd pope , and who claim'd to be own'd and styl'd father of fathers ; that for themselves they were under the government of the bishop of caer-leon upon uske , who under god was to oversee and guide them ▪ austin saw 't was to no purpose at present to treat further , and so reserv'd himself for another conference . a second therefore and a more general meeting is propounded and agreed to , whereto came the seven british bishops , and many other persons of learning , especially of the college of bangor . austin as before press'd them to a compliance with the roman and apostolick church . but they , offended with his proud and contemptuous treatment of them , never so much as rising out of his chair , at their coming to salute him , told him plainly , they would do nothing of what he demanded , nor would they own him for archbishop ; prudently arguing among themselves , if he would not now vouchsafe so much as to rise up to us , how much more when we have submitted to him , will he despise and scorn us . austin finding no good was to be done upon them , parted from them with this passionate farewel , that since they would not have peace with their brethren , they should have war from their enemies , and for as much as they refus'd to preach the way of life to the english , they should be punisht with death by their hands . and his word it seems was made good : for soon after ethelfrid king of northumberland , at the instigation ( as is said ) of ethelbert king of kent , march'd with a powerful army to caer-leon , and made great havock and destruction , and among the rest slew twelve hundred of the innocent monks of bangor , who were come along with their army , by fasting and prayer to intercede with heaven for its prosperous success . that austin was the first spring of this fatal tragedy , moving ethelbert , as he did ethelfrid , there are not only strong suspicions , but the thing is expresly affirm'd by several historians of no inconsiderable credit and antiquity . 't is true bede says this happened not till after austins death . but besides the inconsistency in point of chronology , 't is suspicious that passage was foisted into bede , it being wanting in the ancient saxon translation of king alfred , done within cl. years after bedes death . nay , though we should grant the slaughter to have happened after the death of austin , yet who knows not but he might easily lay the design with ethelbert , though himself liv'd not to see the execution . and the proud and haughty spirit of the man gives but too much encouragement to the suspicion . what became of the british churches after this , i am not concern'd to relate . 't is enough to my purpose , that from the very originals of this church it was independant upon rome , and that for six hundred years together ; nor could be brought to strike sail , 'till fire and sword ( the most powerful arguments of the papal cause ) had converted , that is , in effect ruin'd and destroy'd it . x. from the whole of what has been said , laid together , the impartial reader will easily make this conclusion , how vain and frivolous the pretences are to the popes patriarchal authority over the whole west , when there 's scarce any one western church that did not in those times stoutly appear against the incroachments of rome . but you 'll say , where then shall we find the roman patriarchate ? certainly within much narrower limits . and here nothing can offer it self with so much rational probability , as that his patriarchal jurisdiction was concurrent with that of the vicarius urbicus , or the lieutenant of rome , as his metropolitical was with that of the praefectus urbis , or city-provost . now the vicarius urbicus had ten provinces * under his government , four consular , viz. campania , tuscia , and umbria , picenum suburbicarium ( the suburbicary as well as other provinces being in some cases * , especially that of tribute , under the inspection of the praetorian praefect , and his lieutenant ) sicilia ; two correctorial , apulia with calabria , and lucania brutiorum ; four praesidial , samnium , sardinia , corsica , and valeria . this was the urbicary diocess , distinct from the italick diocess , the metropolis whereof was milan . within these bounds the bishops of rome , especially after the times of the nicene council took upon them to exercise jurisdiction , to call synods , ordain metropolitans , and dispatch other church-afairs . hence they had their usual synod , which was a kind of council in ordinary to the bishop of rome , and met upon all important occasions . such was the synod of pope damasus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of the bishops that assembled with him at rome , mention'd by athanasius * , as conven'd about his cause . such that of the bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in those parts , spoken of by pope julius * , as concurring with him in his letter to the eastern bishops . the old roman notitia ( produc'd by baronius * out of the records of the vatican , but of an age much later than the times we write of ) tells us this synod consisted of lxx . bishops . and much about that number , we find them in the acts of councils , as in the synod under pope gelasius a , and in that under symmachus b . thus we find pope leo c requiring the bishops of sicily to send three of their number every year upon michaelmus-day to meet the roman synod , fraterno concilio soc●andi . and the synod of sardica * sending their decrees to pope julius , desire him to communicate them to the bishops in sicily , sardinia and italy , ( i. e. that part of italy that lay within the urbicary diocess ) that none of them might receive communicatory letters from any that had been depos'd in that council . and this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the multitude of bishops wherewith pope leo was encompast , and whom by vertue of the power and preheminence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of his own proper place and jurisdidiction he had conven'd out of many cities in italy , as the empress galla placidia speaks in her letter * to theodosius . not but that sometimes here ( as in other places ) ▪ we find foreign bishops convening in synods , with those under the jurisdiction of the roman bishop , especially upon some extraordinary emergencies : but then this was only in a brotherly way , and at the invitation of the chief bishop of those parts , and not that they were under his charge and government . he had no direct and immediate influence over any but those who lay within the bounds , over which the civil governours who resided at rome , extended their authority , and who no doubt fell in the willinglier with his jurisdiction , for the conveniency of their being aided and assisted by the church of rome . by all which we see , that no sooner were dioceses divided and settled by the civil constitution , but the roman bishop began to extend his jurisdiction commensurate to the urbicary diocess , within which his metropolitical was at last swallowed up . this the learned arch-bishop of paris * readily grants , and thinks is intimated in the ancient version of the nicene canon , which we mention'd before , where the bishop of rome is said to have principality over the suburbicary places , and all the province ; the first denoting the government of the provost , the latter that of the vicarius , or lieutenant of rome , and consequently the one represents the popes metropolitical , the other his patriarchal jurisdiction . 't is true he often tells us of a two-fold patriarchate the pope had , ordinary , and extraordinary , the one reaching to the urbicary diocess , the other over the whole west . but with how little reason and pretence of truth we noted before . we grant the pope had always great honour given him by all , and more by the western churches , but authoritative power he had not but over his own special diocess , nor does s. basil's styling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief of the western bishops , imply any more than dignity and precedence ; or the empires being divided into east and west , and in allusion thereto the churches being sometimes distinguish'd into eastern and western make any more for his western patriarchate , than it did for the bishop of constantinoples being patriarch over the whole east . arguments which i should be asham'd to mention , but that they are produc'd by such great names , and are indeed the best they have in this matter . i grant that according to the ambitious humour of that church they were always attempting to enlarge their borders , and to propagate their power beyond its just limits : and partly by recommending persons to be bishops in foreign churches , and thence proceeding to impose them , partly by interposing in ordinations , and exacting an oath of obedience to the see of rome from the persons consecrated , partly by challenging the immediate decision of episcopal causes , and a power to confirme , translate , excommunicate , depose , or restore all delinquent bishops , partly by drawing appeals to rome , and taking the determination of matters from the cognizance of their proper judges , and arrogating the sole priviledge of judging and condemning heresies , partly by claiming to preside in all councils , and if disoblig'd , withholding their assent to the decrees of synods , partly by sending their legates into foreign countries to hear and decide cases , and take up controversies , by taking off , and engaging brisk and active bishops by honourary imployments , by sending commissions to the bishops of the greater sees , and lodging certain powers in their hands to act as their vicars within their several provinces , that so they might seem to derive their authority from the roman see , as they did at thessalonica , corinth , justiniana prima , arles , &c. partly by giving all imaginable encouragement to persons , whether of the clergy or laity to send to rome for the resolution of difficult and important cases , and partly by dispatching missionaries to convert pagan countries ; by these and infinite other the like arts and methods , they grew in time though not 'till some ages , to challenge and exercise a power over all the churches of the west . but from the beginning it was not so . the summ then of all that has been discours'd hitherto is this ; that as 't was the dignity of the city of rome gave the bishops of that place preheminence above all other primates or patriarchs , so 't was the division of the empire made by constantine , exalted his power from that of a metropolitan to a patriarch , and enlarged it to an equal extent with the diocess of the lieutenant of rome ; within which bounds they pretty well contain'd themselves 'till their pride and ambition began more openly to break out , and to disturb the peace and order of the church . chap. vi. the encroachments of the see of rome upon other sees , especially the see of constantinople . the roman bishops breaking the bounds of all laws and canons . their taking hold of all occasions of magnifying their own power . instances of julius , damasus , innocent , zosimus to this purpose . the briskness and activity of pope leo. his many letters written to advance the reputation of his authority . his jealous eye upon the growing greatness of the see of constantinople . the attempts and actings of his legates in the council of chalcedon . their mighty opposition against the passing the xxviii . canon of that synod . the fraud of paschasinus in citing the sixth canon of nice . their protestation against the power granted to the bishop of constantinople . pope leo's zeal and rage against these synodal proceedings . faelix his excommunicating acacius of constantinople . the pretended occasion of that sentence . the same spleen continued and carried on by pope gelasius . a reconciliation procur'd by the emperour justin between the bishops of rome and constantinople . pope john's insulting over epiphanius in his own church at constantinople . john the seconds raving letter to justinian . the bishop of constantinople assumes the title of oecumenical patriarch . this in what sence ( probably ) meant . the passionate resentment of pope pelagius hereat . the same zeal shew'd by his successour gregory the great . his letters written upon that occasion . the hard words he every where bestows upon that title . his mistake about the offer of that title to the pope in the chalcedon council . the true state of that case . this title frequently given to the constantinopolitan bishops in the council under menans , before john assum'd it . baronius's poor evasion of that matter . gregory still continues to thunder out anathema's against this title . all this suspected to be but noise , and the quarrel only because themselves had not the title . phocas his usurpation of the empire . the monstrous villany and wickedness of that man. pope gregory's scandalously flattering caresses to him and his empress . boniface the third makes suit to phocas , and procures the title of oecumenical to be affixt to the see of rome . the popes daily enlargement of their power and tyranny , and their advantages for so doing . the whole concluded with the canons or dictates of pope hildebrand . i. though custome and the canons of the church had set out the bishop of rome his proper portion in the ecclesiastick government , yet how hard is it for covetousness and ambition to keep within any bounds ? a spirit of pride still fermented in that see , that made them restless , 'till they had thrown down all enclosures , and that their sheaf alone ( as it was in joseph's vision ) arose and stood upright , and the sheaves of their brethren stood round about , and did obeysance to it . in the discovery whereof we shall only remark the more general attempts they made concerning it . and first nothing made more way to their usurpt dominion , than the magnifying their own power , and the priviledges of their church upon all occasions . ii. to begin no earlier than pope julius ; in his letters to the bishops of antioch , to make them more willing to submit their cause to be tried at rome , he had it seems highly extoll'd the greatness of that church , and the dignity and authority of his see , as appears by the summ of their answer * , and his rejoynder to their letter . not long after pope damasus writing also to the eastern bishops , commends * them that they had yielded due reverence to the apostolick see : and though this was spoken with modesty enough ( aw'd hereinto perhaps by the synod at rome , in whose name he wrote ) yet in his epistle * to them of numidia , and in general to all catholick bishops ( if that epistle be genuine ) he speaks out , telling them that according to ancient institutions , they did well in all doubtful cases to have recourse to him as to the head , and that this was founded upon custome and ecclesiastick canons ; concluding his long epistle thus , all which decretals , and the constitutions of all my predecessors , which have been publish'd concerning ecclesiastical orders and canonical discipline , we command to be observ'd by you , and all bishops and priests , so that whoever shall offend against them , shall not be received to pardon , the cause properly respecting us , who ought to steer the government of the church . this was most pontifically spoken , and boldly ventured at , especially if we consider how little the african bishops regarded the authority of the roman church , when the case of appeals arose a few years after , as we have already seen at large . siricius came next to damasus , and he in his letter * to himerius of taragon in spain , magnifies the roman church as the head of that body , and bids him convey those rules he had sent to all the bishops in that and the neighbour countries , it not being fit that any bishop should be ignorant of the constitutions of the apostolick see. innocent the first , more than once and again styles * the church of rome the fountain and head of all churches , and this built upon ancient canons ; and yet perhaps meant no more , than that it was the principal and most eminent church of the christian world : an honour , which upon several accounts intimated before , antiquity freely bestow'd upon it . zosunus in a letter to the council of carthage ( produc'd by baronius * out of a vatican copy ) makes a mighty flourish with the unlimited power of s. peter , that he had the care not only of the roman , but of all churches , ratified by the rules of the church , and the tradition of the fathers , that both by divine and humane laws this power descended upon the bishop of that see , whose sentence none might presume to reverse . iii. leo the great entred that see about the year ccccxl. a man of somewhat a brisker and more active temper , than those that had been before him , and one that studied by all imaginable methods to enlarge his jurisdiction , and being a man of parts and eloquence , did amplify and insinuate his power with more advantage . he tells * the mauritanian bishops , that he would dispence with the election of those bishops , who had been immediately taken out of the laity , so they had no other irregularity to attend them , not intending to prejudice the commands of the apostolick see , and the decrees of his predecessours ; and that what he pass'd by at present , should not hereafter go without its censure and punishment , if any one should dare to attempt , what he had thus absolutely forbidden . and elsewhere * that bishops and metropolitans were therefore constituted , that by them the care of the universal church might be brought to the one see of s. peter , and that there might be no disagreement between the head and the members . and in a sermon upon the martyrdom of peter and paul , in a profound admiration he breaks out * into this rhetorical address . these ( says he ) are the men that have advanced thee to this honour , that thou art become a holy nation , a peculiar people , a royal and priestly city , that being by the holy see of s. peter made head of the world , thou mightest govern farther by means of a divine religion , than by worldly power . for although enlarg'd by many victories , thou hast extended the bounds of thy empire both by sea and land , yet is it far less which thou hast conquer'd by force of arms , than that which thou hast gain'd by the peace of the church . iv. but leo was a man not only for speaking , but for action . he saw the emperours and the eastern bishops were resolv'd to advance the see of constantinople , that it might bear some proportion to the imperial court , and that the synod of constantinople had already adjudg'd it the place of honour next to rome ; that therefore it concern'd him to bestir himself to stifle all attempts that way , well knowing that the glory of that would eclipse his lustre , and cramp those designs of superiority and dominion , which the bishops of rome were continually driving on over the church of christ . a general council was now call'd to meet at chalcedon , ann. ccccli . wherein were present no less than six hundred and thirty bishops : hither pope leo sent his legates , furnished with peremptory instructions ( which they afterwards read openly in the synod ) to keep a quick eye upon all motions that way , and with all possible resolution to suppress them . at the opening of the council , the legates cunningly slipt in a clause , telling * the fathers , that they had such and such things in command from the most blessed and apostolical bishop of the city of rome , which was the head of all churches : which either was not heeded by that synod , or pass'd by in the sence before declar'd , as allowing it an honourary preheminence above the rest . in the fifth session of that council * the papal legates mov'd that the epistle of leo about the condemnation of nestorius might be inserted into the very definition of the council against that heresie . craftily foreseeing what a mighty reputation it would give the pope in the eye of the world , and to what vast advantage it might be stretch'd afterwards . but the council stiffly oppos'd the motion , and said , they freely own'd the letter and were ready to subscribe it , but would not make it part of the definition . the legates were angry , demanded the letter back again , and threatned to be gone , and to have a synod at rome . and when the emperour intimated some such thing , the bishops cried out , they were for the definition as it was , and they that did not like it , nor would subscribe it , might if they please get them gone to rome . after this , all things went on smoothly 'till they came to frame the canons , among which one was * , that the bishop of constantinople should enjoy equal priviledges with the bishop of rome ; and then the legates could hold no longer , plainly telling them , that this was a violation of the constitution of the great synod of nice , and that their commission oblig'd them by all ways to preserve the papal dignity , and to reject the designs of any , who relying upon the greatness of their cities , should attempt any thing to the contrary . to prove that this was contrary to the nicene decrees , they produc'd the sixth and seventh canons of that council , beginning thus as paschasinus repeated them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. the church of rome ever had the primacy . let egypt therefore have this priviledge , that the bishop of alexandria have power , &c. where instead of the first words of that canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let ancient customs still take place , the legate shuffled in this sentence as more to his purpose , the church of rome ever had the primacy . and admitting here that this was only the title to that canon in the roman copy , yet 't is somewhat more than suspicious , that paschasinus intended it should be understood as part of the canon it self . which if so , there could not be a bolder piece of forgery and imposture . but the fathers were not to be so impos'd upon . aetius arch-deacon of constantinople produc'd a copy from among the records of that church , which he delivered to constantine the secretary , who read it according to the genuine words of the canon , without any such addition , let ancient customs still take place , &c. and in confirmation of that were next read the second and third canons of the second general council at constantinople . and because the legate had objected that the canon had been procur'd by fraud , the judges requir'd the bishops concern'd to declare their minds , who all readily declar'd the contrary . the case having been thus fully debated , and nothing material being alledg'd against it , the canon pass'd by the unanimous suffrage of the fathers , the roman legates only entring their protestation , and resolving to acquaint the pope with what was done , that so he might judge both of the injury done to his own see , and the violence offered to the canons . v. no sooner did the news of what had pass'd in the synod arrive at rome , but pope leo storm'd to purpose , wrote * to anatolius bishop of constantinople , charging him with pride and ambition , with invasion of the rights of others , with irreverence towards the nicene canons , contrary to which he had exalted himself above the bishops of alexandria and antioch . he dispatch'd * letters also to the emperour marcianus , to his lady the empress pulcheria , and to juvenal bishop of jerusalem , and the rest of the fathers of the synod , all to the same effect , complaining of the pride of anatolius , and the irregular proceedings of the council , that the priviledges of churches were destroy'd , the bounds of metropolitans invaded , many depressed to make way for one , venerable decrees made void , and ancient orders trodden in the dirt . that whatever rules were made contrary to the canons of nice were null , that the care and inspection of these things was committed to him , a duty which he could not neglect without being guilty of unfaithfulness to his trust , that therefore by the authority of s. peter he repeal'd and made void what ever any council had agreed upon , repugnant to the nicene canons , yea , though done by many more in number than were in that venerable synod , declaring that no regard or reverence was to be paid to their constitutions . in all which though nothing appear above ground but a mighty zeal for the honour of the nicene canons , yet 't is plain enough 't was his own ambition , his envy and emulation that lay at the bottom . and indeed , neither leo , nor any of the bishops of that see could ever pardon the chalcedon synod , not only for making the bishop of constantinople equal to him of rome , but for placing the primacy of the roman church , not in any divine right , but only in romes having been the seat of the empire . vi. henceforward they beheld the bishops of that place with an evil eye , as competitors with them in the government of the church , and the likeliest persons to give check to their extravagant designs , and therefore laid hold upon all occasions to weaken their interest , and to vent their spleen against their persons . and it was not long after , that a fit occasion presented it self . john the tabennosiot * had by gifts and bribes ( enabled thereto by being steward and treasurer of that church ) procur'd himself to be made bishop of alexandria , expresly contrary to his oath lately made to the emperour zeno , that he would never attempt that see. for which he caus'd him to be expell'd , and peter mongus , who had been heretofore consecrated to that place to be restor'd . peter was a patron of the eutychian heresie , but which at first he craftily dissembled , insinuating himself into the favour and friendship of acacius bishop of constantinople , who constantly held communion with him . but was so far from siding with him in any heretical sentiments , that no sooner did he hear * that peter had publickly anathematiz'd the chalcedon council , but he dispatch'd messengers to alexandria to know the truth of things , before whose eys peter cast a mist , having form'd a judicial process about that matter , and brought in persons to depose that he had done no such thing . nay , he himself wrote * to acacius , assuring him , that the charge was false , and that he had , and did confirm and embrace the council of chalcedon ; though all this was pretence and elaborate hypocrisie . john driven out from alexandria , flies to rome , giving out himself to be a martyr for the cause of pope leo , and the faith of the chalcedon synod . welcome he was to pope simplicius , who wrote to the emperour in his behalf ; but dying not long after his arrival , his successour faelix readily espous'd the quarrel , and after some preparatory messages and citations ( wherein he required of the emperour zeno , that acacius might be sent to rome , there to answer what john of alexandria laid to his charge ) taking advantage of two synods at rome , held one soon after the other , twice excommunicated and depos'd acacius , for communicating with him of alexandria . letter after letter he wrote both to the emperour , and the clergy and people of constantinople , that the sentence against acacius might be own'd and put into execution , who yet continued in his see 'till his death , without any great regard to the sentence from rome , which he so far slighted * , that to be even with him , he struck the popes name out of the diptychs , to shew the world he renounc'd all communion with him . this so much the more enrag'd his enemies at rome , who all his life long pelted him with continual clamours and threatnings . nay , faelix and his successours persecuted his very memory , denouncing censures against any that should mention his name with respect and honour . and i cannot but observe that in the edict * that was pass'd against him at rome , mention is made of nothing but contumacy against the popes admonitions , the ill usage and imprisonment of his legates , and the affront therein offered to his person , and in the excommunicatory letter sent to acacius himself , though favouring of hereticks was the great and indeed only thing pretended abroad , yet the very first thing wherewith he charges him , is contempt of the nicene council , and invading the rights of other mens provinces . it seems though he was loth to speak out , it was the decree of the late synod of chalcedon still stuck in his stomach , by which the constantinopolitan patriarch had been advanc'd to so much power in the east , and made equal to him of rome . and indeed gelasius , who came after faelix , says * plainly , that the apostolick see never approv'd that part of the chalcedon canons , that it had given no power to treat about it , and by its legates had protested against it , and thence most infallibly inferrs , that therefore it was of no authority or value ; and accordingly peter of alexandria , which was the second see ( i. e. according to the constitution of the nicene canon ) could not be duly absolv'd by any other power then that of the first see , i. e. his own ; accounting that of constantinople ( as he elsewhere * asserts ) not to be reckon'd so much as among metropolitan sees : and as he argues in his epistle * to the emperour anastasius , if christians be oblig'd in general to submit to their regular bishops , how much more should submission be made to the bishop of that see , to whom both god and the subsequent piety of the church have always given the preheminence above all bishops ; and so he goes on , according to the custome of the men , to speak big words of the authority and priviledges of the apostolick see. vii . several years this breach that had been made remain'd , 'till justin , a man of very mean originals , having by no good arts gain'd the empire , thought it his interest to oblige and unite all parties . and first he begins to court the pope , to whome he wrote * , giving him an account of his advancement to the empire , and begging his prayers to god to confirm and establish it . this hormisda in his answer calls a paying the first fruits of his empire due to s. peter . hereupon reconciliation is offered , and john bishop of constantinople writes to him to that purpose , which he at length consents to upon this condition , that the name of acacius might be stricken out of the diptychs ; which at last is done , and that of the pope again put in , and so a peace is piec'd up , and the catholick faith profess'd on both sides , according to the decrees of the four general councils . and though epiphanius , who succeeded john in the see of constantinople , maintain'd the same correspondence , yet when ever it came to any important instance , the pope could not forget his proud domineering temper over the bishops of that church . which sufficiently appear'd about this very time , when john the first , hermisda's successour , being by theodorick king of the goths sent embassadour to constantinople , with this message to the emperour justin , either that he should restore to the arians their churches in the east , or expect that the catholicks in italy should have the same measures , he departed from rome with weeping eyes and a sad heart , being grieved not more to be made the bearer of a message , so contrary to his judgment , than to be put upon an imployment that seemed a diminution to the papal dignity ; he being ( as marcellinus * observes ) the only pope that had ever been commanded out of the city upon any such errand . however arriving at the imperial city , he resolved to keep up his port , entred with great state , and being invited * to sit upon a seat even with that of epiphanius bishop of that church , he refus'd , telling them he would maintain the prerogative of the apostolick see , not giving over , 'till a more eminent throne was purposely plac'd for him above that of the bishop of constantinople . as if it had not been enough to reproach and vilify him at a distance , unless contrary to all laws and canons , and to the rules of modesty , civility and reason , he also trampled upon him in his own church . nay , anastasius * adds , that the emperour in honour to god came before him , and prostrated himself upon the ground to adore and worship him . pope john the second , about ten years after writing * to justinian ( though there want not very learned men , who question the credit of that epistle ) talks stylo romano , just after the rate of his predecessours ; he tells the emperour , 't was his singular honour and commendation , that he preserv'd a reverence for the roman see , that he submitted all things to it , and reduc'd them to the unity of it , a right justified by s. peter's authority , conveyed to him by that authentick deed of gift , feed my sheep ; that both the canons of the fathers , and the edicts of princes , and his majesties own professions declar'd it to be truly the head of all churches . where yet ( as in infinite other expressions of that nature in the pontifical epistles ) he warily keeps himself within general terms , capable of a gentler or a brisker interpretation , as it stood with their interest to improve . viii . wearied out with continual provocations , oppositions and affronts from rome , the patriarchs of constantinople began to think upon some way , by which they might be better enabled to bear up against them . to this end , john who from his extraordinary abstinence was sir-nam'd nesteutes or the faster , being then bishop of that see in a synod conven'd there ann. dlxxxix . about the cause of gregory bishop of antioch , procur'd the title of oecumenical or universal bishop to be conferr'd upon him ; with respect probably , to that cities being the head seat of the empire , which was usually styl'd orbis romanus , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the universe , or whole world , and it could not be therefore thought extravagant , if the bishop of it did assume a proportionable title of honour , nothing appearing that hereby he laid claim to any extraordinary jurisdiction . nor indeed is it reasonable to conceive , that the eastern patriarchs ( who as evagrius , who was advocate for gregory in that synod , tells us * ) were all either by themselves or their legates present in this council , together with very many metropolitans , should at one cast throw up their own power and authority , and give john an absolute empire and dominion over them ; and therefore can be suppos'd to grant no more , than that he being the imperial patriarch should alone enjoy that honorable title above the rest . besides that every bishop as such , is in a sence intrusted with the care and sollicitude of the universal church , and though for conveniency limited to a particular charge , may yet act for the good of the whole . upon this ground it was , that in the ancient church , so long as order and regular discipline was observ'd , bishops were wont upon occasion not only to communicate their councils , but to exercise their power and functions beyond the bounds of their particular diocess , and we frequently find titles and characters given to particular bishops ( especially those of patriarchal sees ) equivalent to that of universal bishop : i cannot but mention that passage of theodorit , who speaking of nestorius his being made bishop of constantinople , says * , that he was intrusted with the presidency of the catholick church of the orthodox there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was nothing less then that of the whole world. a passage which perhaps might the more incourage and invite john at this time to assume the title . ix . but in what sence soever intended , it sounded high ▪ but especially made a loud noise at rome , where they were strangely surpris'd to find themselves outshot in their own bow ; for though they had all along driven on the design with might and main , yet they had hitherto abstain'd from the title . pelagius , who at this time sat in that chair , was extreamly netled at it , and immediately dispatch'd letters * to john and the bishops of his synod , wherein he rants against this pride and folly , talks high of the invalidity of all conciliary acts without his consent and approbation , charges them , though summon'd by their patriarch , not to appear at any synod , without authority first had from the apostolick see , threatens john with excommunication , if he did not presently recant his error , and lay aside his unjustly usurpt title of universal bishop ; affirming that none of the patriarchs might use that profane title , and that if any one of them were styl'd oecumenical , the title of patriarch would be taken from the rest , a piece of insolence which ought to be far from all true christians ; with a great deal more to the same effect . i know the last publishers of the councils make this epistle to be spurious , a false piece of ware patch'd up in insidore mercators shop . but however that be , plain it is from s. gregory * , ( who sent copies of them to the bishops of antioch and alexandria ) that pelagius did write such letters , wherein by the authority of s. peter he rescinded the acts of that synod , propter nephandum elationis vocabulum , for the sake of that proud and ungodly title , prohibiting his arch-deacon then at constantinople , so much as to be present at prayers with the patriarch of that place . x. gregory the great succeeded pelagius , whose apocrisiarius , or agent he had been at constantinople when the thing was done . a man of good learning , and greater piety , and of somewhat a more meek and peaceable temper , then most of those that had gone before him , which perhaps he owed in a great measure , to those sad calamitous times , he so oft complains of , wherein he liv'd : and yet as tender in this point as his predecessours . john of constantinople had lately sent him an account * of the proceedings in the case of john presbyter of chalcedon , wherein he took occasion to style himself oecumenical patriarch almost in every sentence . this touch'd pope gregory to the quick , and as he had an excellent talent at writing letters , he presently sends to mauritius the emperour , to the empress constantina , to the patriarchs of alexandria and antioch , to john himself , and to sabinian his own deacon then residing at constantinople . in all which he strains all the nerves of his rhetoric to load the case with the heaviest aggravations , complaining * that by the contrivance of this proud and pompous title , the peace of the church , the holy laws , and venerable synods , yea and the commands of our lord jesus himself ( who by that instrument , tu es petrus , &c. had committed the care of the whole church to peter , prince of the apostles ) were disturb'd and shatter'd ; that it better became bishops of this time rather to lye upon the ground , and to mourn in sackcloth and ashes , than to affect names of vanity , and to glory in new and profane titles , a piece of pride and blasphemy , injurious to all other bishops , yea to the whole church , and which it became the emperour to restrain : * that by this new arrogancy and presumption he had lift up himself above all his brethren , and by his pride had shewn , that the times of antichrist were at hand ; that he wondred the emperour should write to him to be at peace with the bishop of constantinople , chiding * sabinian his deacon for not preventing the emperour's commands being sent to him . to eulogius bishop of alexandria , and anastasius of antioch ( whom elsewhere * he tickles with their three sees being the only three apostolical sees founded by s. peter prince of the apostles , and that they mutually reflected honour upon each other ) he represents , * how great a diminution this was to their dignity , that they should therefore give none this title , for that so much undue honour as they gave to another , so much they took away of what was due to themselves ; that this fond attempt was the invention of him , who goes about as a roaring lyon , seeking whom he may devour , and a forerunner of him , who is king over all the children of pride . he tells john * himself , and that as he pretends with tears in his eyes , that unless he quitted this proud foolish title , he must proceed further with him , and that if his profane and ungodly humour could not be cur'd by gentler methods , it must be lanc'd by canonical severity ; that by this perverse ▪ title he had imitated the devil , and had made himself like to lucifer son of the morning , who said , i will ascend above the heights of the clouds , i will exalt my throne above the stars of god ; telling us , that by clouds and stars we are to understand bishops , who water by their preaching , and shine by the light of their conversation , whom while he despis'd and trod upon , and proudly lift up himself above them , what did he but aspire above the height of the clouds , and exalt his throne above the stars of heaven ; that such proud attempts had been always far from him or his predecessors , who had refus'd the title of universal bishop , when for the honour of s. peter prince of the apostles , the venerable council of chalcedon offered it to them . xi . in which last passage ( inculcated by him at every turn , no less * than four or five several times ) i cannot but remark either his carelesness , or insincerity ; carelesness , in taking such an important passage upon trust ; or insincerity , if knowing it to be otherwise , to lay so much stress upon so false and sandy a foundation . for the truth is , neither were his predecessors so modest , that i know of , as to refuse such a title , neither did the synod of chalcedon ever offer it to them . there being nothing in all the acts of that council that looks this way more than this , that four persons that came from alexandria with articles against dioscorus their bishop , exhibited their several libels of accusation , which they had presented to pope leo ( who had beforehand espoused the quarrel ) with this inscription , to leo the most holy and religious oecumenical archbishop and patriarch of great rome . these libels the papal legats desired might be inserted into the acts of the council ; which was done accordingly ( as is usual in all judiciary proceedings ) for no other reason ( as the synod it self tells * us ) but this , that remaining there , they might thence be again rehears'd in council , when dioscorus himself should appear , and come to make his defence . this is the true state of the case , and now let the reader judge , whether the council offer'd the pope this title , when they were so far from approving it , that they did not so much as once take notice of it . i do not deny , but that the pope's legats might have an eye that way , and design to have that title remain among the records of the council ( as they were watchful stewards to improve all advantages for their master ; ) and therefore we find them sometimes subscribing * themselves vice-gerents of leo of rome , bishop of the universal church , which yet elsewhere * they thus explain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the apostolical and chief bishop of the whole church . but however they intended it , certain it is for any thing that appears to the contrary , that the fathers themselves never dreamt of any such matter , and accordingly when they came * singly to declare their judgments about the epistle of pope leo , they style him only pope , or archbishop of rome , nor do his legates there give him any other title . and in their synodal epistle * to him , they superscribe it only , to the most holy and blessed archbishop of rome . binius * indeed will have the word oecumenical to have been in the inscription , and that it was maliciously struck out by some transcriber , because ( says he ) in the body of the epistle the fathers own leo to be the head of the universal church , and the father of all bishops . when as the letter has not one word to that purpose , more than this , that as the head presides over the members , so did leo over the bishops in that synod ; which can import no more than his presiding by his legates ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his qui tuas vices gerebant , as the last publishers of the councils truly correct the translation ) in that council . but suppose the pope had had this title conferr'd upon him , ( as gregory untruly affirms ) 't was no more than what was frequently given to the patriarch of constantinople , as , to omit other instances , is evident from the council holden there ann. dxxxvi . under mennas , and another under john years before , where john and mennas , successively bishops of that see , have both in the acts of those councils , and in libels of address from whole synods , the title of oecumenical patriarch near twenty times bestow'd upon them . and this was several years before it was assum'd by that patriarch john whom we mention'd before . and 't is methinks a sorry evasion of baronius * , and his footman binius ‖ ( though 't is that which they always have at hand , when an argument pinches , which they know not how to decline ) that this title was foisted into the acts of the council by some later greeks . and yet they produce no authority , no nor shadow of pretence from any ancient copy that ever it was otherwise . and what if the church of rome did receive the acts of that council , and yet make no such clamours and loud outcry against it ? perhaps it did not intirely admit the acts of that synod under john of constantinople ann. dxviii . binius himself says , they were but magna ex parte recepta , in a great measure receiv'd by the church of rome . and who knows whether this title might not be some part of what was rejected . but if not , perhaps the popes might slight it as a title only accidentally given , not claim'd as due . whereas pelagius and gregory rant so much against the other john , because he assum'd it in opposition to rome , and had it by a solemn synodical act conferr'd upon him . i observe no more concerning this , than that leo allatius * ( who is not wont to neglect the least hint that may serve his cause ) speaking of this passage , barely takes notice of baronius's inference , without the least sign of his approving it . but to return . xii . while gregory was venting these passionate resentments , john the patriarch dies . but the quarrel died not with him , cyriacus , who came after him , keeping up the title . this put the popes passion into a fresh ferment , and now all the hard things are said over again , and cyriacus * is warn'd to lay aside the scandal of that ungodly title , that had given so much offence ; and that * he would hold no communion with him 'till he had renounc'd that proud and superstitious word , which was the invention of the devil , and laid * a foundation for antichrist to take possession , nay peremptorily affirms * with an ego autem fidenter dico , that whoever either styles himself , or desires to be styl'd by others , universal bishop , is by that very pride of his a fore-runner of antichrist . and when he understood that john bishop of thessalonica , urbicius of dyrrachium , john of corinth , and several others , were summoned to a synod at constantinople , not knowing whether a snake might not lye hid in the grass , he writes * to them , giving them an account of the rise and progress of that proud and pestiferous title , ( as he calls it ) cautioning them not only not to use it themselves , but not to consent to it in others , nor by any overt act to approve or own it ; and if any thing should be craftily started in the synod in favour of it , he adjures them by all that is sacred , that none of them would suffer themselves to be wrought upon by any arts of flattery and insinuation , of rewards or punishments to assent to it , but stoutly oppose themselves against it , and couragiously drive out the wolf that was breaking into the fold . xiii . he that shall view these passages , and look no farther than the outside of things , will be apt to think , surely s. gregory was the most self-denying man in the world , and that he and his successors would sooner burn at a stake , than touch this title . and yet notwithstanding all these passionate outcries , 't is shrewdly suspicious , that they were levell'd not so much against the title it self , as the person that bore it . we have taken notice all along what an inveterate pique the bishops of rome had against those of constantinople , ever since the emperours and councils had made them equal to them , and this now added to all the rest , seem'd to exalt constantinople infinitely above s. peter's see. had this title been synodically conferr'd upon the pope , we had heard none of this noise and clamour ; but for him to be pass'd by , and his enemy the patriarch of constantinople to be crown'd with this title of honour , 't was this dropt the gall into his ink. and therefore in the midst of all this humility he ceas'd not to challenge a kind of supremacy over that bishop : who doubts ( says he * ) but that the church of constantinople is subject to the apostolic see , a thing which both the emperour , and eusebius the bishop of it , daily own . but this 't is plain is there spoken in the case of rites and ceremonies , wherein it seems all churches must take their measures from rome ; unless with spalato * we understand it of a subjection in point of order and dignity , that rome was the first see , and constantinople the second . the truth is , to me the passage seems suspected , and that constantinople is there thrust in for some other place ; and the rather , because there was no eusebius at that time bishop of that see , nor for a long time either before or after . however , gregory had all his eyes about him , that no disadvantage might surprise him ; and therefore in his letter to the bishops of greece ( mentioned before ) that were going to the synod at constantinople , he tells them , that although nothing should be attempted for the confirmation of the universal title , yet they should be infinitely careful , that nothing should be done there to the prejudice of any place or person : which though coucht in general terms , yet whoever understands the state of those times , and the pope's admirable tenderness in those matters , will easily see , that he means himself . and indeed , that the bishops of rome look'd upon the title of oecumenical bishop to be foul and abominable only 'till they could get it into their own hands , is evident , in that gregory had scarce been months cold in his grave , when pope boniface the third got that title taken from constantinople , and affix'd to the see of rome ; the manner whereof we shall a little more particularly relate . xiv . mauricius the emperour had in his army a centurion call'd phocas , one whose deformed looks were the index of a more brutish and mishapen mind . he was * angry , fierce , bloody , ill-natur'd , debauch'd , and unmeasurably given to wine and women ; so bad , that when a devout monk * of that time oft expostulated with god in prayer , why he had made him emperour , he was answer'd by a voice from heaven , because i could not find a worse . this man taking the opportunity of the soldiers mutinying , murder'd the emperour , and possess'd his throne , which he fill'd with blood , and the most savage barbarities . ten of the imperial family * he put to death , and so far let loose the reins to fierceness and cruelty , that he had it in design , to cut off all those , whom nobility , or wisdom , or any generous or honourable actions had advanc'd above the common rank . and yet as bad as this lewd villain was , scarce was he warm in the throne when he receiv'd addresses from pope gregory , who complemented the tyrant , and that too in scripture-phrase , at such a rate , that i know not how to reconcile it with the honesty of a good man. his letter * begins with a glory be to god on high , who , according as it is written , changes times , and transfers kingdoms , who gives every one to understand so much , when he says by his prophet , the most high ruleth in the kingdom of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will. the whole letter is much of the same strain , representing the happy advantages the world would reap under the benign influences of his government . and in another * written not long after he tells him , what infinite praise and thanks they ow'd to almighty god , who had taken off the sad and heavy yoak , and had restor'd times of liberty under the conduct of his imperial grace and piety . he wrote * likewise to the empress leontia ( one who is said to have been not one jot better than her husband ) with flattering caresses ; and under abundance of good words , courts her kindness and patronage to the church of s. peter , which he fails not to back with , thou art peter , and upon this rock , &c. to thee i will give the keys , &c. xv. not long after gregory dies , and sabinian , who succeeded , living not full six months , boniface the third of that name takes the chair . he had very lately been apocrisiarius , or the pope's legate at constantinople , where he wanted not opportunities to insinuate himself into the favour of phocas , and the courtiers . and now he thought it a fit time to put in for what the popes notwithstanding all the pretences of self-denial , so much desir'd , the title of universal bishop , and the rather because cyriacus patriarch of constantinople , was at this time under disfavour at court. from the very first entrance upon the papacy he dealt * with phocas about this matter , and at length gain'd the point , though not without some considerable difficulty and opposition , aegre nec sine multa contentione , as my authors have it . at last out comes an edict from phocas , commanding , that the church of rome should be styl'd and esteem'd the head of all churches , and the pope universal bishop . a rare charter sure , not founded upon the canons of the church , but upon an imperial edict , and this edict too granted by the vilest and the worst of men. but so they had it , no matter how they came by it . and now that title that had so lately been new , vain , proud , foolish , prophane , wicked , hypocritical , presumptuous , perverse , blasphemous , devilish , and antichristian , became in a moment not only warrantable , but holy and laudable , being sanctified by the apostolic see. xvi . from henceforth the church of rome sate as queen , and govern'd in a manner without control . for the empire being broken in the west by the irruptions of the lombards into italy , and its power declining in the east by the successful invasions of the saracens , the emperours were but little at leasure to support and buoy up the honour of the constantinopolitan patriarchate . advantages which the popes knew well enough how to improve . and indeed every age made new additions to the height of the papal throne , and the pride of that church increasing proportionably to its power and grandeur , hector'd the world into submission to the see of rome , which as imperiously imposed its commands and principles upon other churches , as tyrants do laws upon conquer'd countries . witness ( for a concluding instance ) those extravagant canons * or articles , ( dictates he calls them ) which pope gregory the seventh publish'd about the year mlxxv. i know monsieur launoy ‖ has attempted to shew that these dictates concerning the prerogative of the see apostolic were not fram'd by gregory the seventh . whether his reasons be conclusive , i am not now at leasure to enquire . sure i am they are without any scruple own'd for his by baronius , and generally by all the writers of that church : and launoy himself is forc'd to grant , that several of them are agreeable enough to the humour , pretensions , and decrees of that pope . they run thus . . that the church of rome is founded by our lord alone . . that the bishop of rome only can be truly styl'd universal bishop . . that he alone has power to depose or reconcile bishops . . that his legate , though of an inferiour degree , is above all bishops in council , and may pronounce sentence of deposition against them . . that the pope may depose absent bishops . . that where any are excommunicated by him , we may not , among other things , so much as abide in the same house with them . . that he only may , according to the necessity of times , make new laws , constitute new churches , turn a canonry into an abby , and on the contrary divide a rich bishoprick , and unite such as are poor . . that it is lawful only for him to use the imperial ornaments . . that all princes shall kiss none but the pope's feet . . that his name alone shall be recited in churches . . that there is but one only name in the world [ that is , that of pope . ] . that it is in his power to depose emperours . . that in case of necessity he may translate bishops from one see to another . . that wheresoever he please , he may ordain a clerk to any church . . that whoever is ordain'd by him , may have the government of any other church , but may not bear arms , nor may receive a superiour degree from any bishop . . that no council ought to be call'd general without his command . . that no chapter nor book shall be accounted canonical without his authority . . that no man may reverse sentence past by him , and he only may reverse all others . . that he ought not to be judg'd by any . . that none presume to condemn any person that appeals to the apostolic see. . that the weightier causes of every church ought to be referr'd to that see. . that the church of rome never err'd , nor , as the scripture testifies , shall ever err . . that the bishop of rome , if canonically ordain'd , is by the merits of s. peter undoubtedly made holy , as s. ennodius bishop of pavia bears witness , favour'd herein by many of the holy fathers , as is contain'd in the decrees of the blessed pope symmachus . . that by his leave and command subjects may accuse [ their superiours . ] . that without any synod he may depose and reconcile bishops . . that no man shall be accounted catholic , that agrees not with the church of rome . . that it is in his power to absolve the subjects of unjust governours from their fealty and allegiance . these were maxims with a witness , deliver'd like a true dictator and head of the church . and it shew'd , the world was sunk into a prodigious degeneracy , when a man durst but so much as think of obtruding such principles upon the consciences of men , and imposing them upon the belief of mankind . the end . books printed for , and sold by richard chiswell . folio . speed's maps and geography of great britain and ireland , and of foreign parts . dr. cave's lives of the primitive fathers , in . vol. dr. cary's chronological account of ancient time. wanley's wonders of the little world , or hist . of man. sir tho. herbert`s travels into persia , &c. holyoak's large dictionary , latine and english . sir rich. baker's chronicle of england . wilson's compleat christian dictionary . b. wilkin's real character , or philosophical language . pharmacopoeia regalis collegii medicorum londinensis . judge jones's reports in common law. cave tabulae ecclesiasticorum scriptorum . hobbs's leviathan . lord bacon's advancement of learning . sir will. dugdale's baronage of england in two vol. hooker ' ecclesiastical polity . winch's book of entries . isaac ambrose's works . guillim's display of heraldry with large additions . dr. burnet's history of the reformation of the church of england , in . vol. dr. burnet's account of the confessions and prayers of the murtherers of esquire thynn . burlace's history of the irish rebellion . herodoti historia gr. lat. cum variis lect. rushworth's historical collections the d . part in . vol. rushworth's large account of the tryal of the earl of strafford , with all the circumstances relating thereunto . bishop sanderson's sermons , with his life . fowlis's history of romish conspir . treas . and usurpat . dalton's office of sheriffs with additions . dalton's office of a justice of peace with additions . keeble's collection of statutes . lord cook 's reports in english . sir walter raleigh's history of the world. edmunds on caesars commentaries . sir john davis's reports . judge yelverton's reports . the laws of this realm concerning jesuites , seminary priests , recusants , the oaths of supremacy and allegiance explained by divers judgments , and resolutions of the judges ; with other observations thereupon , by will. cawley esq ; . william's impartial consideration of the speeches of the five jesuits executed for treason . . josephus's antiquities and wars of the jews with fig. qvarto . dr . littleton's dictionary , latine and english . bishop nicholson on the church catechism . the compleat clerk : precedents of all sorts . history of the late wars of new england . dr. outram de sacrificiis . bishop taylor 's disswasive from popery . spanhemii dubia evangelica , vol. dr. gibbs's sermons . parkeri disputationes de deo. history of the future state of europe . dr. fowler 's defence of the design of christianity , against john bunnyan . dr. sherlock's visitation sermon at warrington . dr. west's assize sermon at dorchester . lord hollis's relation of the unjust accusation of certain french gentlemen charged with a robbery ● . the magistrates authority asserted , in a sermon , by james paston . cole's latine and english dictionary . mr. james brome's two fast-sermons . dr. jane's fast sermon before the commons . . mr. john jame's visitation sermon april . . . mr. john cave's fast-sermon on . of jan. . mr. john cave's assize sermon at leicester july . . dr. parker's demonstration of the divine authority of the law of nature and the christian religion . mr. william's sermon before the lord mayor . . mr. william's history of the powder treason , with a vindication of the proceedings relating thereunto , from the exceptions made against it by the catholick apologist and others ; and a parallel betwixt that and the present popish plot. speculum baxterianum , or baxter against baxter . mr. hook's new philosophical collections . dr. burnet's relation of the massacre of the protestants in france . dr. burnet's conversion and persecutions of eve cohan a jewess of quality lately baptized christian . dr. burnet's letter written upon discov . of the late popish plot. dr. burnet's impiety of popery being a second letter written on the same occasion . dr. burnet's sermon before the lord mayor upon the fast for the fire , . dr. burnet's fast serm. before the house of com. dec. . . dr. burnet's sermon on the . of january . dr. burnet's sermon at the election of the l. mayor . . dr. burnet's sermon at the funeral of mr. houblon . . dr. burnet's answer to the animadversions on his history of the rights of princes , . dr. burnet's decree made at rome . condemning some opinions of the jesuites and other casuists . published by dr. burnet , with a preface . dr. burnet's a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome . bibliotheca norfolciana , sive catalogus lib. manuscript . & impress . in omni arte & lingua , quos hen. dux norfolciae regiae societati londinensi pro scientia naturali promovenda donavit . octavo . elborow's rationale upon the english service . bishop wilkin's natural religion . hardcastle's christian geography and arithmetick . dr. ashton's apology for the honours and revenues of the clergy . lord hollis's vindication of the judicature of the house of peers in the case of skinner . lord hollis's jurisdiction of the h. of peers in case of appeals . lord hollis's jurisdiction of the h. of peers in case of impositions . lord hollis's letters about the bishops votes in capital cases . duporti versio psalmorum graeca . dr. grew's idea of philological history continued on roots . spaniara's conspiracy against the state of venice . dr. brown's religio medici : with digbies observations . dr. salmon upon the london dispensatory . brinsley's posing of the accidence . several tracts of mr. hales of eaton . bishop sanderson's life . dr. tillo●son's rule of faith. dr. simpson's chymical anatomy of the york-shire spaws ; with a discourse of the original of hot springs and other fountains . dr. simpson's hydrological essays , with an account of the allum works at whitby , and some observations about the jaundice . s . d . dr. cox's discourse of the interest of the patient , in reference to physick and physicians . organon salutis : or an instrument to cleanse the stomach . with divers new experiments of the vertue of tabaco and coffee : with a preface of sir hen. blunt. dr. cave's primitive christianity , in three parts . a discourse of the nature , ends , and difference of the two covenants , . s . ignatius fuller's sermons of peace and holiness . s . d . a free conference touching the present state of england , at home and abroad , in order to the designs of france . s . mystery of jesuitism , third and fourth parts . doctor sanway's unreasonableness of the romanists . record of urines . doctor ashton's cases of scandal and persecution . cole's latin and english dictionary . the tryals of the regicides in . certain genuine remains of the lord bacon in arguments civil , moral , natural , &c. with a large account of all his works , by dr. tho. tennison . dr. puller's discourse of the moderation of the church of england . dr. saywel's original of all the plots in christendom . sir john munsons discourse of supream power and common right . dr. henry bagshaw's discourses on select texts . mr. seller's remarks relating to the state of the church in the three first centuries . the country mans physician ; for the use of such as live far from cities or market towns. dr. burnet's account of the life and death of the earl of rochester . dr. burnet's vindic. of the ordinations of the church of engl. dr. burnet's history of the rights of princes in the disposing of ecclesiastical benefices and church lands . — life of god in the soul of man. markam's perfect horseman . dr. sherlock's practical disc . of religious assemblies . dr. sherlock's defence of dr. stillingfleet's unreasonableness of separation . dr. sherlock's vindication of the defence of dr. stillingfleet in answer to mr. baxter and mr. lob about catholick communion . the history of the house of estee , the family of the dutchess of york , octavo . sir rob. filmer's patriarcha , or natural power of kings . mr. john cave's gospel to the romans . dr. outram's . serm. preached on several occasions . dr. salmon's new london dispensatory . lawrence's interest of ireland in its trade and wealth stated . dvodecimo . hodder's arithmetick . gro●ius de veritate religionis christianae . bishop hacket's christian consolations . the mothers blessing . a help to discourse . new-englands psalms . an apology for a treatise of human reason , written by m. clifford esq ; . the queen-like closet , both parts . vicesimo qvarto . valentine's devotions . guide to heaven . pharmacopoeia collegii londinensis reformata . books lately printed for richard chiswell . an historical relation of the island of ceylon in the east indies : together with an account of the detaining in captivity the author , and divers other english-men now living there , and of the author 's miraculous escape : illustrated with fifteen copper figures , and an exact map of the island . by capt. robert knox , a captive there near years , fol. mr. camfield's two discourses of episcopal confirmation , octavo . bishop wilkin's fifteen sermons never before extant . mr. john cave's two sermons of the duty and benefit of submission to the will of god in afflictions , quar. dr. crawford's serious expostulation with the whiggs in scotland , quarto . a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome ; to which is added , the popes brief to the assembly of the clergy , and their protestation . published by dr. burnet . alphonsus borellus de motu animalium , in vol. quarto . dr. salmon's doron medicum , or supplement to his new london dispensatory , octavo . sir james turner's pallas armata , or military essayes of the antient , grecian , roman and modern art of war , fol. mr. tanner's primordia : or the rise and growth of the first church of god described , octavo . a letter writ by the last assembly general of the clergy of france to the protestants , inviting them to return to their communion ; together with the methods proposed by them for their conviction . translated into english and examined by dr. gilb. burnet , octavo . dr. cave's dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops , metropolitans , and patriarchs : more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome , and the encroachments of that upon other sees , especially constantinople , octavo . dr. cave's his history of the lives , acts , death , and writings of the most eminent fathers of the church that flourished in the fourth century : ( being a second volume ) wherein amongst other things is an account of arianism , and all other sects . of that age. with an introduction containing an historical account of the state of paganism under the first christian emperours , folio . books in the press . doctor john lightfoot's works in english , fol. mr. selden's janus anglorum englished , with notes : to which is added his epinomis , concerning the ancient government and laws of this kingdom , never before extant . also two other treatises written by the same author : one of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdiction of testaments ; the other of the disposition or administration of intestates goods : now the first time published , fol. mezeray's history of france rendred into english , fol. gul. ten ▪ rhyne med. doct dissertat . de arthritide , mantyssa schematica , & de acupunctura . item orationes tres de chemiae ac botaniae antiquitate & dignitate . de ▪ physiognomia & de monstris . cum figuris & authoris notis illustratae , octavo . d. spenceri dissertationes de ratione rituum judaicorum , &c. fol. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e epist . ad philadelph . p. . vid. ad trall . p. . notes for div a -e mat. xxiii . , , , , , , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chrysost . in loc . pet. v. , . life of s. greg. naz. sect. v. num. ix . notes for div a -e joh. xx . . pet. v. , , . cor. xi . . gal. ii . . — . rev. xxi . . matth. xix . . matth xx . , , . * de rom. pontif. l. . c. . col. ● . c. . col. . l. . c. . col. . * l. . c. . l. . c. . ubi supr . * barlaam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . edit . graec. * firmil . ep. ad cypr. inter ep. cypr. p. . * epist . . ad pomp. per tot . p. . * epist . supr . cit . p. , &c. * synod . carth. apud cypr. p. . * adv. haeres . l. . c. . p. . * epist . . col . . * euseb . h. eccl. l. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 herod . hist . l. . in vit . commod . p. . tibi proficiscentium major facultas fuit : primò , quia in commune imperii caput undique gentium convenitur ; tum , quod clementissimum principem in hac parte degentem , varia omnium desideria vel necessitates sequuntur . symmach . l. . epist . xxviii . ( ad protad . ) vid. sis not lectii . * de fid . cathol . c. th. leg . . vid. soz. l. . c. . p. . * lib. . p. . * hieron . ad pammach . adv . error . jo. hierosol . p. . * ap. euseb . h. e. l. . c. . p. . * epist . v. concil . tom. ii . col . . * innoc. epist . i. ibid. col . . * epist . . ad gregor , p. . * ap. baron . ad an. . t. . p. . * prim. chr. part. . ch. . p. . edit . . vid. breerwoods quaer . . & berter . pithan . fere per tot . aliique . * can. . * cypr. epist . xxxiii . p. . xxxii . p. . * vid. cone . nic. can. iv . * cornel. epist . ad fab. antioch . ap . eus . l. . c. . p. . * epist . xxix . p. . * epist . xxx . p. . * epist . xlii. p. . * epist . lxvii . infin . * epist . lv. p. . * epist . xli. p. . * optat. l. . p. , &c. & const . epist . ad melch. ap . euseb . l. . c. . p. . * vid. conc. tom. . col . . * epist . cclxxxii . p. . vid. epiph. haeres . . p. . sozom . l. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nist territorium est universitas agrorum intra fines cujusque civitatis : quod ab eo dictum quidam aiunt quod magistratus ejus loci intra eos fines terrendi , id est , submovendi jus habet . l. . § . de verb. signific . * geograph . l. p. . vid. plin. l. . c. . p. . * lib. . p. . * vid. j. front. de colon . inter s●r . rei agr. à goes . edit . p. . frag . de term. ib. p. . * lib. . in vit . august . * sirmond . censur . p. . c. . p. . aleand . refut . conject . p. . c. . p. . * lib. . c. . p. . front. ib. p. . . & alibi . * ib. p. . ‖ ib. p. . * hyg . de limit . ib. p. . * appar . ad primat . pap . p. . can. ix . * de bell-jud . l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . * hist . l. . p. . * in can. ii. concil . c p. p. . * l. allat . de consens . eccles . orient . & occid . l. . c. . n. . p. . * alex. arist . in loc . * epit. can. sect. i. tit. i. in jur. gr. rom. p. . * epist . xlix . p. . * epist . ad solit . p. . * dionys . de script . orb. vers . . p. . * dion . orat. xxxii . ( ad alex . ) p. * orat. in rom. p. . tom. . * alexand. ap . eustath . comment . in homer . i●iad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stephan . in v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * can. ix . * can. ii . * can. xxviii . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. . edit . graec. vid. barlaam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . fac . . edit . graec. ‖ l. allat . ib. c. . n. , , &c. p. , &c. morin . exercit . eccles . l. . exerc . . p. . * morin . ib. p. . . vide sis etiam hieron . aleand . de region . suburb . dissert . . c. . p. . * vit. i. morin . p. . . * melet. alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . * constantinopolitana ecclesia omnium aliarum est caput . lib. . cod. just . tit. . l. . * concil . ephes . can. viii . * can. xxxix * ap. theod. l. . c. . p. . a can. xix . b can. xii . c can. vi . d can. xii . e can. i. f can. xxv . g conc. chalced. act. xiii . col . . * can. ix . * de primat . c. . p. . * de concord . l. . c. . n. . p. . * epist . dionys . corinth . episc . ap . eus . l. . c. . p. . * euseb . h. eccl. l. . c. . p. ▪ * de script . in bacchyl . c. . * a papp● edit . p. . * vid. epist . xlii. p. . xlv . p. . * loc. ●itat . * l. allat . ib. c. . n. . p. . filesac . de s. episc . auctor . c. . §. . p. . * bellarm. de r. pont. l. . c. . col . aleand . de reg . suburb . part. ii. c. . p. . sirmond . censur . p. ii. c. . p. . * ap. theod. l. . c. . p. . * ib. n. . col . . a ap. vlp. de offic praef . urb . l. . ff . §. . lib. . tit. . & collat . ll. mosac . tit. . de plag . b form. lib. . p. c l. . c. th. lib. . tit. . l. . lib. . tit. . l. . tit. . ib. d l. . c. th. lib. . tit. . l. . tit. . ib. l. . tit. . e l. . c. th. lib. . tit. . f vlp. ubi supr . §. . g l. . c. th. lib. . tit. . h l. c. th. lib. . tit. . * epist . ad amic . p. . euchar. p. . c. . p. . p. . c. . p. . * euchar. ib. p. . & not . salm. in vit . probi . * conjectur . de region . suburb . c. . p. . , . & com . ad c. th. lib. . tit. . l. . * epist . cit . p. , . eucharist . . c. . p. . , &c. * io lechasser . observat . de eccles . suburb . p. , . * censur . conject . l. . c. . p. . advent . p. . c. . p. . * refut conject . p. c. . p. . * lib. . c. th. tit. . l. . p. . * censur . ubi supr . c. . p. . vid. advent . ib. p. . * aleand . ubi supr . c. . p. . * vid. zosim . hist . l. . p. . * exercit. eccles . l. . c. . p. . * cens . c. . p. . adv. c. . p. . * cens . p. . propemp . l. . c. . p. . * lib. . tit. . l. . * conc. chalc can . . * conc. c. p. in trull . c. . * l. . c. th ▪ lib. . tit. . * prosp . de promiss . div . p. iii. prom . . p. . * herodian . hist . l. . p. . * ext. ap . baron . ad ann. . vid. item rescr . ad maxim . v. v. ibid. * h. eccl. l. . c. . * distinct . xv . c. . sancta romana . p. m. . * adv. hincm . laud. cap. . p. . * vid. conc. nic. ii. act. con. t. vii . col. . . vid. cyril . epist . ad pp . afric . conc. t. . col . . * censur . p. ii . c. . p. . * de eccl. occid . & or. consens . l. . c. . s. . p. . * h. e. l. . c. . p. . * ap. athan. apol. ii. p. . vid. ad solitar . p. . * ap. ath. ib. p. . * ap. theod. h. eccl. l. . c. . p. . * sac. hist . l. . p. . * pithan . p. . c. . p. . * ext. conc. t. . col . . * de primat . c. vlt. p. . * vid. cod. can. eccl. afric . can. . . . . . . . . . & in collat . carthag . passim . * epist . lxxxvii . c. . p. . * a d. bevereg . inter annot. ad can. xxxvi . conc. vi. in trull . p. . * exerc. eccl. l. . exercit . xxx . p. . * — adoratum populo caput , & crep●t ingens sejamis : deinde ex facie toto or be secunda , &c. juvenal . satyr . x. vers . . orbe &c. ] quia praefectus vrbi fuit venerabilis , secundus à caesare tiberio . vet. scholiast . ibid. — erubuit tanto spoliare ministro imperium fortuna tuum : stat proxima cervix ponderis immensi — p. stat. sylv. l. . c. . vers . . de rub. gallico . p. v. vid. gothofred . conjectur . dissert . i. c. . ii. c. . & j. dartis . de reg. suburb . part. i. c. . p. . a l . c. lib. . tit. . symmach . l. . epist . . p. . b id. ib. epist . . p . c ap. eus . de vis. c. l. . c. . p. . can. . * a. marcell . hist . l . p. m. . * l. . c. xi . p. . * concil . c. p. can. . * l. . c. . p. . * life of greg. nazianz . sect. v. num. . * epist . xviii . non longe abinit ▪ * lib. . c. th. tit. l. . * distinct . xcix . p. . * haeres . . p. . * dial. . tom. iv . p. . a seder olam , r. abraham , r. dav. ganz . in zemach , david . benjamin in itin . &c. b epiph. haeres . xxx . ubi supra . cyril . catech. xii . p. . hieron . comm. in esa . c. . p. . & alibi . chrysost . adv . jud. l. . p. . & de hisce intelligendus est locus in epistola hadriani ap . vopisc . in saturnino p. . c lib. . tit. viii . de judaeis . l. . . . . , , . . . . d vid. c. th. ubi supr . l. . & theod. loc . supr . citat . * can. ix . & xvii . * con. sard. can. vi . * conc. chal. act. ii . col . . tom. . * ib. act. iii. col . . * ext. ibid. col . . * hieron . epist . ad marcellam . p. t. . habent primos de pepusa phrygiae patriarchas . secundos , quos , &c. * vid. apollon . ap . euseb . l. . c. . p. . &c. . p. . * can. xxxv . * ca. . fol. . ubi vid. comment . panciroll . * gel. cyz . h. conc. nic. l. . c. . p. . * conc. chalc. act. i. p. t. iv . * ap. l. allat . de cons . eccl. or. & occid . l. . c. . n. . p. . a chap. . num. . * vid. alexand . epist . encycl . ap . socr. l. . c. . p. . * apol. ii. p. . vid. p. . * ap. theod. l. . c. . p. . * not. imp. orient . c. fol. . * act. vii . col . . &c. tom. iii. * vbi supr . p. . * hier. ad pammach . tom. . p. * ap. l. allat . l. . c. . n. . col . . * ap. guil. tyr. l. mirae . notit . episc . &c. * de aedific . justin . lib. c. . p. . vid. chron. alex. ad an. const . xxv . p. . a chrysost . homil. iv . de verb. esai . t. . p. . b orat. xxvii . p. . * can. iii. * c. th. lib. . tit. . l. . * conc. chalc. act. . col . . * act. xi . col . . * morin . l. . exercit. xiv . p. . impp. theodosius & honorius aa . philippo pf . p. illyrici . omni innovatione c●ssante , vetustatem & canones . pristinos ecclesiasticos , qui nunc usque tenuerunt , per omnes illyrici provincias , servari praecipimus : tum , si quid dubietatis emerserit , id oporteat , non absque scientia viri reverendissimi sacrosanctae legis antistitis vrbis constantinopolitanae ( quae romae veteris praerogativa laetatur ) conventui sacerdotali sanctoque judicio reservari . dat. prid. jul. eustathio & agricola coss. [ ] * vid. notit ; imp. c. . fol. . * ib. c. . fol. . * ib. c. . fol. . * act. xvi . col . , &c. tit. iv . * lib. . indict . xv . epist . . col . . * ext. ib. col . . vid. ib. col . . a. * can. xxxvi ▪ * inter annot . d. bevereg . ubi supr . * jur. gr. rom. l. . p. . * ext. ap . l. allat . loc . cit . c. . col . , &c. * ext. ad calc . codin . cle offic . cp . p. . * ib. l. . p. . * ad colc . lib. . histor . suae p. . * can. vii . * act. vii . col . . &c. * guilielm . tyr. loc . citat . * nil . doxopatr . ap . l. allat . ubi supr . c. . n. . col . . * ext. conc . t. v. col . . * ext. ibid. col . . &c. * ap. guil. tyr. ibid & miraeum notit . episc . p. . * vbi supra . * sirmond . censur . de eccl. suburb . c. . p. . advent . p. ii c. . p. . * ph. berter . pithan . diatrib . ii. c. . p. . . * goth. lib. . c. . p. . * deconcord . l. . c. . n. . p. . vid. n. . * ext. conc. t. v. col . . * epist . v. ib. col . . * plat. in vit . steph. ix . p. . * p. dam. act. mediol . à seipso conscript . ext . ap . baron . t. xi . p. . & jo. monach. de vlt. p. dam. c. . * epist . supr . laud col . . * loc. supra citat . * ext. ap . baror . an. . n. xxxviii . tom. . * ext. ib. n. xliii . * tom. . p. . * hieron . rub. hist . ravennat . l. . ad ann. dcxlix . p. . . . vid. bar. ad ann. . n. ii . iii. t. . * baron . cod . an n. ii . iii. iv . rub. ibid. p. . . * can. v. conc. t. . col . . * can. vii . ib. col . . * de concord . l. . c. . per tot . c. . n. . . * ext. ap . bar. ad ann. . t. . n. xxxv . &c. * annal. incert . auct . ad ann. . inter script . coetan . a pith. edit . p. . * ext. loc . cit . * epist syv. afric . ad bonifac. concil . t. ii . col . . item ad coelest . ib. col . . concil . carth . vi . col . . cod. can. eccles . afric . in init . * ext. ubi supr . col . . * conc. mil. ii . can. xxii . t. . col . . * m. a. capell . de apellat . eccl. afric . c. . p. . * gild. de excid . brit. non longe ab init . * antiq. apost . life of s. paul. §. x. n. . introd . to the apostolici . n. . . * bed. l. . c. . p. . vid. galfr. monomuth . l. . c. . girald . cambr. itin . cambr. l. . c. . p. . & not . d. powell . ibid. * de script . cent. i. n. . p. . * annal. par. post . sub joann . r. fol. . * de primord . eccl. brit. c. . p. . * bed. ubi supr . p. . * spelm. conc. brit. an. . t. . p. . * notit . imper . c. . fol. . * vid zosim . hist . l. . p. . * epist ad afric . in init . * ep. ad orient . ap . athan . apol. ii . p. . * ad. ann. . tom. xi . p. . a concil . t. iv . col . . b ibid. col . . c ep. iv . c. . p. . * ext. ep. ap . hilar. in fragm . col . . * conc. t. . col . . * de concord l. . c. . §. . p. . * ap. sozom. l. . c. . p. . ap . alban . apol. ii. p. . * theod. h. e l. . c. . p. . * dam. epist . v. conc. t. . col . . * epist . . c. . ib. col . . * vid. innoc. epist . . . . conc. t. . * ad an. . tom. . * epist . . c. . p. . * epost . . c. . p. . * serm. . in natal . app. c. . p. . * conc. chalc. act. i. conc. t. . col . * act. v. col . . &c. * ibid. act. xvi . col . . * epist . . c. . p. . * epist . . . . . . * evagr. h. e. l. . c. . . &c. p. & seq . vid. gest . de nom . acacii . conc. t. . col . gelas. epist . . ad epp. dard. ib. . & tom. de anath . vincul . ib. col . . * evagr. ib. c. . p. . * ext. epist . ib. c. . * basil . cil. h. eccl. ap . niceph. l. . c. . p. . * ext. in calc . gest . de nom . acac. ubi supr . col . . faelic . epist . vi . ib. col . . * tom. de anath . ubi supr . * ad epp. dard. ib. col . . * epist . viii . ib. col . . * inter epist . hormisd . conc. t. . col . . * chron. indict . . philox . & prob. coss . p. . * niceph. h. e. l. . c. . p. . * in vit . joan . ▪ conc. t. . col . . * epist . . ibid. col . . * h. eccl. l. . c. . p. . * haeret. fab . l. . c. . t. . p. . * pelag. epist . viii . conc. t. . col . . * lib. . indict . . epist . . col . . vid. etiam epist . . ibid. * lib. ● ▪ pist . ▪ . * ib. epist . . * epist . . * epist . . * lib . ind. . epist . . * lib. . epist . . * epist . . * epist . , , . lib. . epist . . * conc. chalc. act. iii. col . . conc. t. . * ib. act. vi . col . . * act. xvi . col . . * act. iv . col . . &c. * ext. ib. col . . * not. in loc . col . . * ad an. . t. . p. . ‖ not. in conc. sub menna . conc. t. v. col . . * de consens . eccl. or. & occ. l. . c. . n. . col . . * lib. . epist . . ( vid. l. xi . epist . . al. . * ib. ep. . * epist . . * ib. ep. . * lib. . epist . . * lib. . epist . . * de rep. eccl. l. . c. , n. . p. . * cedren ▪ compend . hist . p. . * cedren . ib. p. . vid. anastas . sinait . quaest . xvi . p. . * vid. niceph . l. . c. , . * l. xi . epist . xxxvi . indict . vi . col . . * ib. ep. xliii . col . . * ib. ep. xliv . * sabell . ennead . viii . l. . col . . plat. in vit . bonif. iii. p. . naucher . vol. ii . gener. xxi . p. . adon . martyrol . prid . id. novembr . * ext. inter epist . greg. vii . ad calc . ep. lv . conc. t. . col . . & ap . baron . ad ann . . p. . ‖ epist . part. vi . epist . . ( ad ant. faur . ) an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford, and superscribed to dr. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof. wherein is shewed, how impossible it is for the king with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops, or to the alienating the lands of the church. steward, richard, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing s thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford, and superscribed to dr. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof. wherein is shewed, how impossible it is for the king with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops, or to the alienating the lands of the church. steward, richard, ?- . j. t. turner, samuel, d.d. [ ], , [ ] p. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeere, m dc xlvii. [ ] attributed to richard steward by wing. a printing of and reply to: a letter written to d. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof. the letter is signed "j.t." on b r. place of publication from wing. a reissue, with cancel title page, of the edition with "wherein the point of sacriledge, with some others now in controversie, is handled, and fully stated." in title. in this edition a r line begins: plus ultra,. annotation on thomason copy: "apr: ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -- government -- early works to . church and state -- england -- early works to . episcopacy -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . great britain -- history -- civil war, - -- religious aspects -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford, and superscribed to dr. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof.: wherein steward, richard c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford , and superscribed to dr. samvel tvrner , concerning the church , and the revenues thereof . wherein is shewed , how impossible it is for the king with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops , or to the alienating the lands of the church . printed in the yeere , mdcxi . vii . faults escaped , correct thus . page . line . for lawes read lands . p. . l. . r. preserving . p. . l. . r. this in the postscript . p. . l. . r. visum . p. . l. . r. and elsewhere , part . p. . l. . for then r. that . p. . l. . for since , r. sure . p. . l. . r. aliquid . p. . l. . for this r. the . p. . l. ult. r. that error . ibid. l. ult. r. that consent . p. . l. . r. creet . ibid. l. . r. apostolicall . p. . l. . r. vindicta . p. . l. . dele not . p. . l. r. must not . p. . l. . for there , r. other . p. . l. ult. r. preserve . p. . l. . r. the commons . p. . l. . for 〈◊〉 , r. are . p. . l. . dele that . a letter written to d. samuel turner , concerning the church , and the revenues thereof . noble doctor , i expected when you had seen the kings last messages , your reason would have prompted you to have look'd this way , which caused a delay in sending unto you , untill the difficulty of the passage made me suspect whether this may come safe to you , and by the preparations and designes here , i feare i shall not have another oportunity ; take this therefore as a farwell-truth , that the moderate party here , are at their ne plus ultra , the presbyterians & independants will agree , and the scots and we shall not fall out ; and it must now be the wisdome of your selfe , and such as have power and interest with the king , to save him , your selves , and country from ruine : your visible strength to hold out , ( much lesse to prevaile ) is too well known here , and your hopes from france and ireland , will soon vanish , which if successefull by a victorious army ( which i beleeve you shall never see ) would but make you and us slaves to a forraign nation , and extirpate that religion , both sides pretend to maintaine . to be plaine , i know no way left you , but to accept such conditions of peace as may be had ; you are too much a souldier , to thinke a retreate ( upon so many disadvantages ) dishonourable to a generall , or acceptance of hard conditions by a starved beleagured garrison to the governour . in short , of evils choose the least ; and i must tell you , it is expected from you , ( and the more wise and honest party with you ) that they should make use of their reason , and advise the king to save what is left , wherein it is believed you may prevaile ; considering what hath already passed in so many free offers to give satisfaction in the militia , ireland , paiment of the publique debts , choice of judges , lord admirall , officers of state , and others , with an act of oblivion and free pardon , free exercise of religion , to presbyterians , and independants their own way , and a promise to endeavour in all particulars , that none shall have cause to complaine for want of security : things so farre beyond our former hopes , that i cannot doubt , but the same reason which moved the offer of these , will obtaine to concession of such others , as the parliament shall require in order to peace , which ( as neere as i can guesse ) will be either the removall and punishment of evill counsellors , and ministers , who have drawn the king into these troubles , or the busines of the church , ( all other materiall things to my apprehension being already offered . ) for the first of these , i know not how you can with reason gain-say the bringing offenders to justice ; and if the parliament prerogative streine justice in the tryall and punishment ( beyond example of better times ) it were wisdome for such as may therein be concerned , to withdraw , dum furer in cursu , for if it must come to suffering , melius unus quam unitas : for the busines of the church i wish it could be prevented , ( there are who can witnesse the labour and hazards i have undergone for that end ) conceiving no government equall to a well ordered episcopall , for the well-being of this church and state : but when the necessity of times hath proposed this sad question for resolution , whether consent to alter episcopall government in the church , or let both church and state ruine together , my reason assents to the former . i beleeve the doctrine of the place where you are , would perswade the contrary , and it hath been from thence transmitted hither as an orthodox truth , that the altering that government , being as they say jure divino , is sinfull ; and the taking away the church-lands , sacriledge , at least unlawfull ; which if i could believe , would change my opinion , for i cannot give way for the committing a sin for a good end , ( what ever the romanist , or jesuited puritan pretend in defence of it ) but if i mistake not , ( and if i doe , i pray reforme me ) the opinion that the government by bishops is jure divino , hath but lately been countenanced in england , and that but by some few of the more lordly clergy ; for we alwayes acknowledge the protestants of germany , the low countryes , and elsewhere , part of the reformed protestant catholique church though they had no bishops ; and i am certaine the king would never have given way for the extirpation of bishops in scotland , had he conceived them to be jure divino ; nor to the presbyterians , and independants here to exercise their religion their own way , ( as by his late messages ) when such a tolleration in the face of such a divine law , must needs be sinfull : and for the latter opinion against taking away of church lands , i am lesse satisfyed , being so farre from conceiving it sacriledge , that i do not conceive it unlawfull , but may be done without breach of any law , ( which must be the rule for tryal of the lawfulnes or unlawfulnes of every action ) nay though there be never so many curses or imprecations added to the donation : nor do i herein ground my opinion barely upon the frequent practise of former times , not only by acts of parliament , ( in the times of queen eliz , and king james , and king charles , if you have not forgotten the exchange of durham house ) aswell as henry the eighth ) but even by the bishops themselves , and deanes and chapters , insomuch , that if the wisdome of the state ( after clergy men were permitted to marry ) had not prohibited their alienations , and restrained their leases to . yeares , or . lives , their revenues at this day would not have been subject to envy . but to deale clearely with you doctor , i do not yet understand how there can be any sacriledge , properly so called , which is not a theft and more : viz. a theft of something dedicated to holy use , ( a communion-cup for instance , or the like ) & theft you know must be of things moveable , even by the civil law , and how theft can be of lands , or sacriledge committed by aliening church-lands , i pray aske your friend holbourne and his fellow lawyers , for ours here deride us for the question . as for the main quere , touching the lawfulnes of aliening church-lands , ( i use the expression for the lands of bishops , deanes , and chapters , ) good doctor give me your patience to heare my reasons . and first i lay this as a foundation , that there is no divine command that ministers under the gospell should have any lands , ( the hire of a labourer at most , a fitting maintenance is all to be challenged ) nor do we read that the apostles had any lands , ( which i mention to avoid the groundlesse arguments upon the lands and portions allotted to the tribe of levi by gods appointment , to whom our ministers have no succession ) and then it will follow , that they enjoy their lands by the same law of the state as others doe , and must be subject to that law which alone gives strength to their title ; which being granted , i am sure it will not be denyed , that by the law of the nation , he that hath an estate in lands in fee-simple , by an implyed power , may lawfully alien , though there be an expression in his deed of purchase or donation to the contrary : which being so , makes the alienation of bishops lands even without any act of parliament , to be lawfull , being done by those who have an estate in fee simple , ( as the bishop , with the deane and chapter hath . ) then further , i am sure it will be granted , that by the law of this nation , whosoever hath lands or goods , hath them with this inseparable implyed condition or limitation , viz. that the parliament may dispose of them or any part of them at pleasure . hence it is they sometimes dispose some part in subsidies and other taxes ; enable a tenant for life , to sell an estate in fee-simple , and not at all unlawfull , because of that limitation or condition before mentioned ; and who ever will be owner must take them according to this law : now hence comes the mistake , by reason there is not such an expresse condition or limitation in the deed of donation , ( which would silence all disputes ) whereas it is as cleare a truth , that where any thing is necessarily by law implied , it is as much as if in plaine words expressed , of which your lawyers ( if reason need a helpe from them ) can easily resolve . besides , it were somewhat strange , that the donor of the lawes should preserve them in the hands of the bishops , from the power of the parliament ; which he could not doe in his owne , and give them a greater and surer right then he had himselfe : nor doe i understand their meaning , who terme god the proprieter of the bishops lands , and the bishop the usufructuary . for i know not how ( in propriety of speech ) god is more entituled to their lands then to his whole creation ; and were clergie-men but usufructuaries , how come they to change , dispose or alter the property of any thing , ( which an usufructuary cannot doe ) and yet is by them done daily ? aske them by what divine law s. maries church in oxford , may not be equally imployed for temporall uses , as for holding the vice-chancellours court , the university convocation , or their yearly acts ? and for the curses ( those bug-beare words ) i could yet never learne that an unlawfull curse was any prejudice but to the author , of which sort those curses must needs be , which restraine the parliament or any other from exercising a lawfull and undenyable power , which in instances would shew very ridiculous , if any curse should prejudice anothers lawfull right . i am sure such curses have no warrant from the law of god or this nation . if this doth not satisfie the former doubts in your bishops , ( for i know you to be too great a master of reason to be unsatisfied ) aske them whether church-lands may not lawfully ( the law of the state not prohibiting ) be transferred from one church to another upon emergent occasions ? which i think they will not deny . if so , who knowes that the parliament will transferre them to lay-hands ? they professe no such thing , and i hope they will not , but continue them for the maintenance of the ministery , ( which prevents all disputes upon the last question ) but if they shall hereafter do otherwise , you know my opinion : onely mistake me not in this free discourse , as if i did countenance or commend the parliaments proceedings in their new reformation , but as a caution to you in the exigencies of times , what is fittest to be done , when ( i take it ) mistresse necessity in all things indifferent , or not unlawfull , must be obeyed , in which cases the most constant men must be contented to change their resolutions with the alteration of time . your party have been resolute enough to preserve the rights of the church , and further peradventure then wise men would have done , but at an ultra posse you and we must give over , especially for an imaginary right . and think seriously with your selfe , whether after all other things granted , it will be fit to run the hazard of the very being of this church and state , the king and his posterity , and monarchy it selfe , onely upon the point of church-government by bishops , or aliening the church-lands , or rather whether the kings councell ( in duty ) ought not to advise him the contrary , who should be wise as well as pious , yet herein may be both , ( for i doe not thinke conveniencie or necessity will excuse conscience in a thing in it selfe unlawfull , what ever states-men maintain to the contrary ) your interest with the king is not small , and your power with the lords ( who are guided by reason ) very considerable , you cannot doe better then make use of both at this time . if they have a desire to preserve the church , it were wel their thoughts were fixed upon some course for setling a superintendencie in the presbyteriall government , ( which no way crosseth the nationall covenant ) and preserve the revenues in the church , which i beleeve at uxbridge treaty would have been granted , what ever it will be now . i have given you my sense upon the whole businesse . si quid novisti rectius , candidus imperti , si non his utere . j. t. so farewell doctor . i give you commission to shew this to my lord dorset , ( who by + and something else can guesse my name ) and to as many more as owne reason and honesty . an answer to the foregoing letter , superscribed to d. samuel turner , &c. sir , you have put an odde taske upon me , in commanding my judgement on a letter lately sent to a doctor in oxford , with a commission to shew it to the lord of dorset , and to as many more as own reason and honesty ; for this is the postscript , and many the like passages in the letter , ( as that the more wise and honest party would make use of their reason , and i know you too great a master of reason , to be unsatisfyed ) makes me feare , that if i should perhaps dissent in opinion from this epistler , i might be thought , ( at least in his conceite ) to incurre a sharpe censure both in point of reason and honesty : which i confesse at first somewhat troubled me , untill i remembred you were wont to say , that when vessels do once make such noises as these , t is a very shrewd signe they are empty . he who wrote the letter seemes most desirous of peace , and truly sir so am i ; besides we agree in this , that we must not commit sinne for a good end ; so that if peace it selfe cannot be attained without that guilt , we must be content with a worse estate . but you very well know , with how many severall deceipts our affections can mislead our reason ; you remember who it was that said it unto the very face of a prophet , i have kept the commandement of the lord , and yet his sin remained still a great sinne , and much the worse because he excused it : for his guilt is lesse that commits a crime , then his that undertakes to defend it ; because this cuts off all repentance , nay , it makes a sin to grow up into that more wicked heighth of a scandall , and so t is not only a snare to the sinner himselfe , but it warrants many more to be sinfull . whether this oxford londoner , for so i take the epistler to be , hath not defended or made apologies for sinne , and hath not in that sense , done evil that good may come thereof , i am now to make an enquiry , and i shall follow him in his two generals . . the delivering up the kings friends , whom they above call evil counsellors . and . the businesse of the church . . for the kings friends . he sayes , — i know not how you can with reason gainsay the bringing offenders to justice : indeed nor i neither , but what if they be not offenders ? what if they must be brought to injustice ? i know no man that will refuse to be judged by a parliament , whose undoubted head is the king , and the king sitting there , with an unquestioned negative , nay for his majesty to referre delinquents to be judged by the house of peers , sitting in a free parliament , and judging according to the known lawes of the realme , is that at least which in my opinion would not be stucke at . but the parliament prerogative , which this letter speakes of , being now so extended , as we have cause to thinke it is , i doubt in this case , whether not only in point of honour , but in point of justice and conscience , the king for his own peace , can leave his friends to such men , whom he is clearely bound by so many grand ties to protect . but this sir i shall commit to you to determine , and if you returne me a negative , i shall not presume to question your reason or honesty ; nor shall i perswade the kings friends that they would banish themselves , unlesse it were only to do that great favour to the two houses now at westminster , as to keep them from some future foule acts of oppression and bloud , because they shall have none left to act upon . . for the busines of the church , which he againe divides into two parts , first that of episcopacy , & secondly of sacriledge . and in these sir i shall speake with lesse hesitation , i shall clearely tell you the epistler is cleane out ; and though you very well know me a great honourer of your profession , yet i cannot hold it fit to decide cases of conscience , or in humane actions to tell us what is sinne or no sinne : and i am confident , sir , you will not take this ill at my hands . first for episcopacy , his words are , if i mistake not , ( and if i do , i pray reforme me ) the opinion that the government by bishops is jure divino , hath but lately been countenanced in england , and that by some few of the more lordly cleargy . these last words make me suspect some passion in the writer , as being in scorne heretofore taken up by men , who for a long time were schismatiques , in their hearts , and are now rebels in their actions : and since the lawes of this land makes some church men lords , i do the more marvaile that the epistler lookes awry upon it : so that though his profession be , that he has undergone labours and hazards for the episcopall government , yet truly sir i must thinke , that t is then only fit for the church to give him thankes , when she has done all her other busines . but grant that tenet to be but of late countenanced , it thence followes not , that t is any whit the lesse true . for in respect of the many hundred yeares of abuse , the reformation it selfe was but of late countenanced here , yet i take it for an unquestionable truth that the laity ought to have the cuppe . and though i was not desired to reforme this epistlers errour , yet in charity i shall tell him , that he is out , when he affirmes that this opinion was but of late countenanced in this church , as i could shew him out of archbishop whitgift , and bishop bilson and others : and since perhaps he may thinke these to be but men of the more lordly clergy , i shall name one more who may stand for many , and who wrote forty yeares since , that most excellent man m. hooker , ( a person of most incomparable learning , and of as much modesty , who i dare be bold to say , did not once dreame of a rotchet ) he averres in cleare tearmes , there are at this day in the church of england , no other then the same degrees of ecclesiasticall order , namely bishops , presbyters , and deacons , which had their beginning from christ and his blessed apostles themselves , or as he expounds himselfe , bishops and presbyters , ordained by christ himselfe in the apostles and the seventy , and then deacons by his apostles ; i may adde bucer too , no man i am sure of the lordly clergy , who though he were not english born , yet he was professor here in king edwards time , and he wrote and dyed in this kingdome , bishops , saith he , are ex perpetua ecclesiarum ordinatione ab ipsis jam apostolis , and more , usum hoc est spiritui sancto : and sure if bishops be from the apostles and from the holy spirit himselfe , they are of divine institution . nay what thinke you if this tenet be approved by a plaine act of parliament ? i hope then it wants no countenance which england can give it , and it needs not fly for shelter under the wings of the lordly cleargy ; you have these words in the booke of consecration of archbishops and bishops , which is confirmed by parliament ; it is evident to all men reading holy scriptures , and ancient authors , that from the apostles times there have been these orders of ministers in christs church , bishops , presbyters and deacons . and againe , the prayer in the forme of consecration of bishops , almighty god giver of all good things , which by thy holy spirit hast appointed divers orders of ministers in thy church , mercifully behold this thy servant now called to the worke and ministery of a bishop ; and in questions to the person to be consecrated a bishop , are you perswaded that you be truly called to this ministration , according to the will of our lord jesus ? &c. i beseech you sir consider , whether these words , or this prayer could fall from any man , not possessed with this tenet , that episcopacy was of divine right : for if the three orders may be found by reading the holy scriptures together with ancient authors : if men are taught to pray , that god by his spirit has appointed divers orders in his church , and this made the ground of praying for the present bishop , if the person to be consecrated must professe that he conceives he is called according to the will of our lord jesus christ , either all this must be nothing else but pure pagentry , and then the parliament mocked god by their confirmation , or else episcopacy is grounded in scripture , is appointed by the spirit of god , is according to the will of our lord jesus , and all this hath not been said of late , nor countenanced only by some few of the more lordly cleargy . and we have the lesse reason to doubt that this tenet was countenanced in this church of ours , because we find it in those parts that have lost episcopacy , for we are told by doctor carlton , after bishop of chichester , and that wrote against the arminians , more then twenty five yeares since , that sitting at dort , he then protested in open synod , that christ instituted no parity , but made twelve apostles , the chiefe , and under them seventy disciples : that bishops succeeded to the twelve , and to the seventy , presbyters of an inferiour ranke ; he affirmed this order had been still maintained in the church , and then challenged the judgement of any learnned man , that could speake to the contrary . their answer was silence , which was approbation enough , but after , ( saith he ) discoursing with diverse of the best learned in the synod , he told them how necessary bishops were , to suppresse their then risen schismes ; their answer was , that they did much honour and reverence the good order and discipline of the church of england , and with all their hearts would be glad to have it established among them ; but that could not be hoped for in their state : their hope was , that seeing they could not do what they desired , god would be mercifull unto them , if they did but what they could . if they hoped for mercy that might pardon what they did , sure they must suppose that what they then did , was sinfull : nay , they thought their necessity it selfe could not totally excuse their sinne ; for then in that particular there had been no need to hope for gods mercy : nor could they well thinke otherwise ; since being pressed , they denyed not but that episcopacy was of christs own institution , and yet they were no lordly clergy , nor do i well see how either by charitable or civil men , they can at all be taxed either for want of reason or honesty . . indeed some seem to startle at this tenet , that episcopacy is of divine right : as if , because divine , it might therefore seem to endanger monarchal power . but under favour i conceive this fear to be among us very groundlesse , for since the tenents of our church are in this particular the very self same with the ancient times : as that the bishops have no power , but what is meerely directive only ; that all power co-active either in them or in others , is derived meerly from the royal authority ; that they cannot legally make use , no not so much as of this directive power , but only by the kings leave : so that if the temporall lawes should forbid them to preach that , which in point of salvation is necessary to be spoken , yet they cannot preach but upon the forfeiture of their heads , and those being demanded by the kings lawes , they must submit to a martyrdome , ( though t were sinne in them that demand it ) so that in the execution of all ecclesiastical power , the supremacy is in the king alone ; these i say being so much the tenets of our church , that i conceive there is no learned man amongst us , who would not readily subscribe to them , i cannot see at all where in the opinion we defend , any danger lies to this monarchy . but examine the presbyterian principles , and you will clearely find , kings and they cannot stand together , for either you consider that new government in the scotish sence , which allowes no appeale to any other power , and then t is plaine , that where men admit this , they admit of a supremacy , which doth not reside in the king ; and by consequent , of two severall supremacies within the bounds of the selfe same kingdome , which can no more stand with monarchy , then it can with monogamy to be maried to two severall wives . and though t is said that this presbyterian government meddles only with spirituall things , which concerne the good of the soule , and so it cannot hurt regall power , yet this is but onely said , and no more : for it is well known , that in ordine ad spiritualia , ( and all things may by an ordinary wit be drawn into this ranke , as they have been by the church of rome ) this government intrudes upon what things it pleaseth ; and indeed where a supremacy is once acknowledged , no wise man can thinke , that it will carry it selfe otherwise . so that king james his maxime was undoubtedly most true , upon this same ground we are on , no bishop , no king : for that most prudent prince did soone discerne , that if a power were once set up , which at least in the legall execution of it , did not derive it selfe from the king , there was no doubt to be made , but it would ere long destroy the very king himselfe . or consider presbyterian government in the english sense , as it is now set up by the two houses at westminster , which is a government limited by an appeale to the parliament , for either by parliament here they meane the two houses excluding the king , and then t is as plain as before , they set up two supremacies , his majesties and their owne : or else by parliament they meane the king with both houses , and then it will follow , that either there must be a perpetuall parliament , ( which sure neither king nor kingdome can have cause to like ) or else the supremacy will be for the most part in the presbytery ; because when ever a parliament sits not , there will be no judge to appeale to ; or if it be said the parliament may leave a standing committee to receive appeales in such ecclesiasticall causes ; then either in this committee the king hath no negative ; and in that case t is clear that the ecclesiasticall supremacy will be not at all in the king ; or else the king hath a negative , but yet is joyned with persons whom he himself chooses not , and so most probably will be check'd and affronted in any sentence he intends to give ; and this clearely overthrowes that which is already declared by parliament , to be a right in the king , as inherent in his crowne , that ecclesiasticall appeales may be made to him alone in chancery , ( for the statute names no other ) and that his majesty alone may appoint what commissioners he please for their finall decision : i say , consider the presbyterian government in the english parliament sense , and in the sense of the english assembly , for the presbyterians there are wholly for the scotish forme , as appeares by their quarrels at what the houses have already done in their ordinances ; so that their aime is not only to set up a new government , but in plain tearmes , a new supremacy : and hence , to say truth , he must see very little who discernes not , that though the presbyterian party seemes to strike at the bishops , yet their maine aime is at the king ; whose supremacy they endure not , as being a flower which they intend for their owne garland ; and so , though they hypocritically cry out ( that they may abuse the people ) against the pride of the lordly bishops , yet in the meane time , the wiser sort must needs see , that they intend to make themselves no lesse then indeed kingly presbyters . we acknowledge the protestants of germany , the low countryes , and part of the reformed catholique protestant church , though they had no bishops , &c. though we maintain episcopacy to be of divine right , ( i. e. ) of divine institution , yet hence it doth not follow , that germany are no protestant churces ; no , it must be a crime of a most horrid taint , that makes a church run into non ecclesiam ; for though that of the jewes was bad , and idolatrously bad ; yet god seriously protests he had not sent her a bill of divorce . nay no learned man of judgement durst ever yet affirm that the roman church her selfe was become no true part of the church catholique ; and yet she breakes a flat precept of christ , [ drinke yee all of this ] and shall we be thought to deny the same right to christians without bishops , when they breake but christs institution ? no , churches they are , true parts of the catholique church : but in point of ordination and of government apostolicall they are not . i am certaine the king would never have given way to the extirpation of bishops in scotland , had he conceived them to be jure divino , &c. grant it were so , yet of all mankind are kings onely bound , that they must not change their opinions ; or if perhaps they have done ill , must they for their repentance be more lyable to reproach , then subjects are for their crimes ? the king would not have given way to the presbyterians , and independents , to exercise their religion here their own way , ( as by his messages ) ▪ when such a tolleration in the face of such a divine law must needs be sinfull . there is a great mistake in this argument ; for to tollerate , doth not at all signifie either to approve or commend their factions , neither of which the king could at all do to those schismatiques without sinne . but it meerely implies not to punish , which kings may forbeare upon just reason of state , as david forbore to punish the murtherers of joab ; and we our selves in our english state , have no punishment for all sorts of lyars , and yet their sinne is against a flat law divine . we affirme then episcopacy to be of divine right , that is , of divine institution , and that must needs tacitly imply a divine precept too ; for to what end are things instituted by god , but that it is presumed , it is our part to use them ? and to what end should some men be appointed to teach , and to govern , but that its clearely implyed , then there are other men too , that ought both to heare and obey ? he that institutes or erects a bridge over a broad swelling stream , needs not ( you will think ) adde an expresse command , that men should not walke in the water : thus when our lord and saviour made his institution of that great sacrament of the eucharist , he gave command indeed concerning the bread , do this in remembrance of me ; and concerning the cup , drinke yee all of this , but he gave no expresse command to do both these together , and yet his institution hath been still held to have the nature of a command ; and so for a thousand yeares the whole church of christ did ever practise it , save only in some few cases , in which men supposed a kind of necessity : i say then episcopacy is of divine right , instituted by christ in his apostles , who since they took upon them to ordaine and to govern churches , you need not doubt they received an authority from their master to do both ; for since men will not thinke they would breake their own rules : no man taketh this upon him , but he that is called of god , as aaron was . episcopacy then was instituted in the apostles , who wer bishops et aliud amplius ; and distinguished by christ himself from the seventy , who were the presbyters . so the most ancient fathers generally , or if you will take s. hierom. opinion , ( who was neither a bishop , nor in his angry mood any great friend to that order ) they were instituted by the apostles , who being themselves episcopi et amplius , did in their latter dayes formalize and bound out that power which still we do cal episcopacy . and so their received opinions may stand together for episcopatus , being in apostolatu tanquam consulatus in dictatura , as the lesser and subordinate power , is alwayes in the greater : we may truly say it was instituted by christ in his apostles who had episcopall power and more , and then t was formalized and bounded by the apostles themselves , in the persons of timothy and titus , &c. so that call the episcopall order either of divine right , or apostolicall institution , and i shall not at all quarrell at it : for apostolicall will seeme divine enough , unto christians ; i am sure salmatius thinks so , ( a sharpe enemy to the episcopall order ) if ( saith he ) it be from the apostles , t is of divine right ; thus we find the power of ordination and of jurisdiction to be given to those men alone ; for then that power is properly episcopall , when one man alone may execute it , so s. paul to timothy , lay hands suddenly on no man , tim. . . lay hands in the singular number , thou , & thou alone , without naming any other : against an elder , receive not an accusation , in the singular number too ; thou , receive not , thou alone , but under two or three witnesses ; and then the text is plaine , he and he alone might do it . so to titus for this cause , and that thou , and thou alone , shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine elders in every city , tit. . . where plainly those two powers of government and ordination are given unto one man ; so s. iohn to the churches of asia , rev. . . when he presumes all the governing power to reside in the angels of those churches , and only in them alone , as all ancients understand it . and hence t is plaine , that though we should yeeld that the apostles only did institute bishops , yet in this revel. christ himselfe immediately in his own person , and the holy spirit withall , did both approve and confirme them : and the learned observe , that the bishops of those sees , are therefore called angels by s. iohn , who was born a jew , because in palestina their chief priests were then called their angels ; and so this appellation was taken up by the apostle in that place , because the bishops were those churches chiefes : this truth appeares not only from those cleare texts , but from the mutuall consent and pactise for more then . yeares space of all the christian church ; so that neither s. hierome , nor any other ancient , did ever hold orders to be lawfully given , which were not given by a bishop , nor any church jurisdiction to be lawfully administred , which was not either done by their hands , or at least by their deputation . i know there are men lately risen up , especially in this last century , which have collected and spread abroad far other conclusions , and that from the authority of the text it selfe : but as t is a maxime in humane lawes , consuetudo optima legum interpres , custome and practice is the best interpreter : so no rationall man but will easily yeeld , it as well holds in lawes divine : for i would gladly aske , what better way can there be for the interpreting of texts , then that very same meanes whereby i know the text it selfe to be text ? sure the same course whereby i know the epistles to timothy and titus to have been written by s. paul , must needs be the best course to understand the sense of those epistles ; and if i therefore beleeve them to be written by that apostle , because the universality of the whole christian church has brought me to that beliefe , ( and there 's no other rationall way of beleeving it ) why doe i not beleeve the same christian sense , which the universal consent assures me they were written in ? shall i beleeve , and yet disbeleeve that selfe-same consent which is the best ground of my beliefe ? this is as it were in cleare terms to say , that i beleeve such a tale for the authors sake who hath told it , and yet i doe now hold the selfe-same man to be a lyar . men doe beleeve the testimony of universall consent , in the sense it gives of single termes , and why not in the sense it gives of sentences or propositions ? without the help of this consent , ( which is indeed the ground of our dictionaries ) how shall we know that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies the resurrection of the body , which the socinians at this day deny ? and i know no such way to confute your error , as by the authority of your consent . admit then of that rule , that consent universall is the best interpretation of texts ; and then i am sure , it is as cleare as true , that episcopacy is of divine or apostolicall right ; yea and that proposition , there can be no ordination , without the hands of a bishop , will clearely appeare to be as well grounded as this ; there can be no baptisme without a lawfull minister , which is good divinity amongst our new masters in scotland : and antiquity allowed of it , extra casum necessitatis : for i aske upon what text doe they ground this rule ? i suppose they will say upon our saviours words , to the eleven , matth. . go teach all nations , and baptize them : but in the institution of the eucharist he spake those words too ; but only to the twelve , drinke yee all of this , matth. . i demand then how shall i know that when our saviour spake those words unto the eleven , he spake them only as to lawfull ministers ; but when he spake the other , to the twelve he spake at large as unto them that did represent all christian men ? so that though only ministers may baptize , yet all christians may receive the cup : perhaps they will say , that the generall practise of receiving the cup , is manifest from cor. . and i thinke so too , where s. paul seems to chide the whole church for their irreverence at that great sacrament : but if a quarreler should reply , that he there speaks but of the presbyters alone , whereof many were at that time at corinth : as when in the . chap. he seemes to chide the whole church for not excommunicating the incestuous person : yet t is plain , he meanes none but the men in government ( as sure all presbyterians will allow me ) i know not what could be said but to make it appeare out of the fathers , and others , that the whole christian church never tooke the words in that sense . and if to stop the mouthes of wranglers , we must at length be constrained to quote the authority of universall consent , and the common practise of christs church , then you will easily see that those two named propositions do stand fast on the same bottome , there can be no baptisme without a lawfull minister , extra casum necessitatis , for so the consent and practise of the universall church hath still interpreted that text : and againe t is true , there can be no ordination without the hands of a bishop , for so those texts both out of timothy and titus have been understood , and practised for . yeares together by the consent of the whole church of christ . t is true that this precept , go ye teach , &c. runnes not in exclusive words , yee apostles , or yee lawfull ministers , and none but yee ; yet extra casum necessitatis , no man was allowed to baptise but a lawfull minister : so though these commands , [ lay hands suddenly on no man ] and [ do thou ordaine elders in every city ] runne not in verbis exclusivis , thou and none but thou , or men of thine order only : yet the church understanding and practising them in an exclvsive sense , no man for yeares in any setled church , was held rightly ordained , without the hands of a bishop . nay that there is something divine in the episcopall order , will appeare clearely by this , that immediately from the times of christ & his apostles , ( yea within the reach of those times ) t was universally spread throughout the whole face of the churches : so that no man can name a nationthat was once wonne unto the christian faith , but he shall soon find that there were bishops : so that there must needs be an uunversall cause , for an effect that was so universall . generall councell there was none about it , at which all christians might have met , and might have thence obeyed her directions . nor can any name a power to which all christians should submit ( for they were soone fallen into factions ) but only the authority of christ or of his apostles ; from them then must needs flow the episcopal order , and at that fountaine i shall leave it . i say within the reach of the apostles times , for before s. iohn dyed , there are upon good church records above . bishops appointed to the several sees ; as at hierusalem , alexandria , antioch , and rome , & ephesus , at creece , at athens , and colosse , & divers others , it being easie to draw a catalogue of them out of several ecclesiasticall writers . and here it will be plain , that its a foule corruption ; nay , how flat a sinne is brought into the church of christ , where episcopacy is thrown down ! and so where ordination is performed by any hands without theirs , t is as grosse , as if lay-men should be allowed to baptize , when a presbyter doth stand by : nay more , it is as bad as if the order of presbyters should therefore be thrown downe , that lay-men might baptize : and what 's this , but willingly to runne into a necessity it selfe , that wee might thence create an apology ? t is a corruption farre worse , then if a church should audaciously attempt to pull down the lords day ; since the observation of that time is neither built on so cleare a text , nor on the helpe of so universall a consent , as is the order of episcopacy : so that if men can thinke it sinfull to part with the lords day , though the institution of it be meerly apocryphall , they must needs confesse there is at least so much sinne , ( nay indeed more ) in parting with their bishops , and then the oxford doctrine which the epistler gybes at , and talkes of , as transmitted for an orthodox truth , will it seemes prove no lesse in earnest . secondly , for the point of sacriledge ; the better to cl●●●e this , i must premise these assertions . . that god accepts of things given him , and so holds a propriety as well in the new , as in the old testament . . that god gets this propriety in those things he holds , as well by an acceptation of what is voluntarily given , as by a command that such things should be presented to him . . that to invade those things , be they moveable , or immoveable , is expresly the sinne of sacriledge . . that this sinne is not only against gods positive law , but plainly against his morall law . . proposition . god accepts of things given , &c. for proofe of this , first i quote that text , i hungred and ye gave me meat ; i thirsted and ye gave me drinke , &c. mat. . if christ do not accept of these things , he may say indeed , yee offered me meat , but he cannot say that yee gave it : for a present is then only to be called a gift , when it is accepted as his own that takes it . and do's he thus accept of meat and clothing , and do's he not accept of those kind of endowments , that bring both these to perpetuity ? will he take meat and refuse revenues ? doth he like ( can you imagine ) to be fed and clothed to day , and in danger to be starved to morrow ? the men thus provided for , he calles no lesse then his brethren : in as much as you have done it unto the least of these my brethren , yee have done it unto me . whether these were of those brethren which he had enjoyned to teach others , or of those which he would have instructed , the text there doth not decide ; without doubt it must be meant of both ; for it were a strange thing to affirme that christ liked it extreame well to be fed and to be clothed , in all those he called his , but only in his seventy , and his apostles ▪ but to put it out of doubt , that what is done to them , is done to him too , his owne words are very plain , he that receiveth you , teaching disciples , receiveth me ; in the tenth of that gospell , where he sends all forth to preach , and that reception implyes all such kind of provisions , as is apparently plaine throughout the whole tenour of the chapter . and againe , i quote that so well known passage of ananias and saphyra his wife , act. . his sin was , he kept back part of the price of those lands he had given to god , for the publique use of the church , yea , given to god , and t is as plaine that he did accept it ; for s. peter you know thus reprooves him , why hast thou lyed , or why hast thou deceived the holy ghost ? for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} do's properly import , why doest thou cheat him of what is now his own proper right ? and againe , thou hast not lyed unto men , but unto god : and is this so strange a thing ? are not all our lyes to be accounted sinnes before god ? yes , all against god , as a witnesse and a judge ; but yet not all against god as a party : and therefore t is a more remarkeable , a more signall lye , thou hast not lyed unto men ; a negative of comparison , not so much to men , as to god : what 's done to them is scarce worth the naming , but thou hast lyed unto god , as a witnesse and a judge ; yea and a party too . thou hast lyed , & rob'd god by lying , and so runne thy selfe into an eminent sinne : and that shall appeare in gods judgement , so the fathers generally expound that place ; both of the greek and latine church , and affirme his crime was a robbing god of that wealth , which by vow or by promise was now become gods propriety : so the modern interpreters , yea , so calvin , sacrum esse deo profitebatur , he professed that his land should be a sacred thing unto god , ( sayes he ) on that place ; and there beza too , pradium deo consecrassent ; the the man and his wife , they consecrated this land to god , and he that will not believe so universall a consent in the interpreting a place of scripture , should do well to consider , whether upon the same ground ( as i told you before ) he may not be brought to doubt of his dictionary , for that is but universal consent ; he may almost as well doubt whether {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifyes god , and altogether as well , whether {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifyes the gospell . the new testament will afford more places for this purpose ; thou that abhorrest idols , committest thou sacriledge ? rom. . . t is true , these words are spoken as to the person of an unconverted jew , and may be therefore thought to aime only at those sinnes , which were descryed in the law of moses : but do but view s. pauls way of arguing , and you will quickly find they come home to us christians too : he there tells the jew that he taught others those things , which yet he would not do himselfe : and he strives to make this good by three severall instances , first , thou that preachest a man should not steale , doest thou steale ? secondly , thou that sayest a man should not commit adultery , dost thou commit adultery ? in both these , t is plain , that the jew he dealt with did the same things he reprehended : and straightway the third comes , thou that abhorrest idols , dost thou commit sacriledge ? so that hence 't will follow ( if s. pauls words have logique in them ) that these two sinnes are of the selfe same nature too : and that to commit a sacriledge is a breach of the same law , as to commit an idolatry : so that crime will appeare without all doubt a plain robbery of god ; for he that steales from men , yea though a whole community of men , though bona universitatis , yet he sinnes but against his neighbour , t is but an offence against the second table of the law , in these words , thou shalt not steale : but sacriledge layes hold on those things which the latine lawes call bona nullius , it strikes downright immediately at god , and in that regard no idolatry can out doe-it : as this is , t is a breach of the first table of the law , and both these crimes are equally built upon the self-same contempt of god ; the offenders in both kinds , the idolater and sacrilegious person both thinke him a dull sluggish thing ; the first thinkes he will patiently looke on , while his honour is shared to an idol ; the other imagines he 'l be as sottishly tame , though his goods be stoln to his face . this was without doubt the sense of all ancient churches ; for upon what ground could they professe they gave gifts to god , but only upon this , that they presumed god did stil accept them ? so s. iraeneus , we offer unto our god our goods in token of thankefullnesse . so origen , by gifts to god we acknowledge him lord of all : so the fathers generally ; so emperours and kings ; so charles the great , to god we offer what we deliver to the church , in his well known capitulars : and our own kings have still spoken in this good old christian language ; we have granted to god , for us and our heires for ever , that the church of england shall be free , and have her whole rights and liberties inviolable ; they are all the first words of our magna chart. her whole rights & liberties , words of a very large extent , and imply farre more then her substance : and yet these , and all these lands , and honours , and jurisdictions ; all these have beene given to god ; yea , and frequently confirmed by the publique acts of the kingdome : and yet if ananias might thus promise , and yet rob god , consider i beseech you , whether england may not do so too . . proposition , god gets this propriety as well by an acceptation of what is voluntarily given , as by a command , that such things should be presented to him . for the second , t is plaine in the text , that god did as much take the temple to be his , as he did the jewes tithes and offerings . these last indeed were his by expresse law & command , but the temple was the voluntary designe of good david , and the voluntary work of king solomon . nay god expresly tels david , that he had been so far from commanding that house , that he had not so much as once asked this service . and therefore in his apologie saint paul tels the jewes , neither ( sayes he ) against the law of the jewes , nor against the temple , have i offended any thing : for he might in some case offend against the temple , and yet not against the law : notwithstanding all this , god pleads as much for his temple in the prophet haggai , as he doth in malachi for his tithes , in this his words are , ye have robbed we in tithes and offerings ; in the other , is it time for you , o ye , to dwell in sieled houses , and this house lie waste ? therefore ye have sowne much , and bring in little , ye eate , but have not enough , so hag. . . and to affirme , that god in the new testament doth accept of meat , and drink , and cloathing , as it is plaine , mat. . he doth accept of money land was sold for , as in the case of ananias , and yet that he doth not accept land it selfe , is so contrary to all reason , so contrary to the practice not onely of the christian , but humane world , so contrary to what god himselfe has expressed in the old testament , and no where ●●called it in the new , that he ▪ that can quiet his conscience with such concepts as these , may i doubt not attaine to the discovery of some quirkes , which in his conceipt may either palliate murthers or adulteries : for to think that those possessions are indeed gods which he doth command , but not those which he doth accept , is to use god so as we would neither use our selves nor our neighbours : for no man doubts but that 's as properly mine which i accept as a gift from others , as what i attaine to by mine owne personall acquisition , be it by a just war , by study , by merchandice , or the like . . proposition . that to invade those things consecrated , be they moveable or immoveable , is expresly the sin of sacriledge . sacriledge is then committed , say the schooles and the casuists , ( and they speak in their owne profession ) quando reverentia rei sacrae debita violatur : when we violate that reverence due to a thing sacred , by turning it into a thing profane : so as the violation may be committed either per furtum , by theft , strictly so taken , by stealing a thing moveable ; or per plagium , which is the stealing of a man ; or per invasionem , which is a spoiling men of lands , or of things immoveable : for as any one of these done against our neighbour is no doubt in scripture phrase a theft , a sin against the . commandment , thou shalt not steale : so done against god , t is no doubt a sacriledge , and a breach of the first table , be it either against the first or the second commandement , i stand not now to dispute : for the word used in the new test . to expresse this sin , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , praeda , or spolium : so that sacriledge is not to be defined onely by theft strictly taken , but t is a depredation , a spoliation of things consecrated , and so the word extends it selfe as properly ( if not more ) to lands , as it doth to things moveable . and hence aquinas is plaine , that sacriledge reaches out its proper sense ad ea quae deputata sunt ad sustentationem ministrorum , sive sint mobilia , sive immobilia : for it would be very strange to affirme , that in the sacking of jerusalem , nebuchadnezzar was sacrilegious , when he transported the holy vessels , but not at all when he burnt the temple . . proposition , that this sinne is not onely against gods positive law , but plainly against the morall law . for this common reason hath taught all , even pagan nations to hold sacriledge a sinne : so that lactantius observes , ( and he was well read in humane learning , which made him to be chose tutor to a sonne of constantine the great ) inomni religione nihil tale sine vindicto : god did still remarkably revenge this sinne , not onely in the true , but amongst men of the most false religions : and 't were easie to shew , that never any nation did yet adore a god , but they thought he did accept , and did possesse himselfe of some substance . i omit those proofs that would be thought far too tedious , t is enough to quote the prophets words , will a man rob god ? yet ye have robbed me , mal. . . a man , any man , though an ammonite , or a meere philistine , no pagan ( that must be the sense ) will doe it to his god , which you jewes doe to me ; for the law written in his heart ( and he can goe by no other ) that law controlls this offence , and so plainly tells him , that because his god may be robb'd , he may therefore have a propriety ; and if sacriledge be a sin against the law morall , it will follow , that what wee read in the old testament against that sinne , must be as morall , and that whereby we christians are as much obliged , as by what we read against theft , or against adultery ; save onely in those passages which are particularly proper unto the policie of the jews , and we may let them goe for judiciall . these assertions being premised , i returne to the epistler , who conceives it to be no sacriledge to take away the church lands ; [ nor do i ( saith he ) herein ground my opinion barely upon the frequent practise of former times , not onely by acts of parliament in the times of queen elizabeth , king james , and so king charles , if you have not forgotten the exchange of durham house , as well as h. . but even by the bishops themselves , &c. ] he will not ground his opinion upon the practise ; and indeed he hath little reason for it : for if from a frequent practise of sinne , we might conclude it were no sinne , we might take our leaves of the decalogue ; and as our new masters do , put it out of our directory , because our intent is to sinne it downe : and therefore i shall say no more of such lawes of hen. . then i would of davids adultery a that t is no ground at all to make men bold with their neighbours wives . queene elizabeth made a law ( so you have told me sir , for i do speake nothing in this kind but from you ) that bishops might not alienate their mannors , castles , &c. but only to the crowne , but if she sometimes tooke order that church , men should not be bishops , untill they had first made such alienations ( as i have heard you say they did ) i know not how to defend it , but must withall tell you , that if princes or subjects resolve to sell the church preferments , t is great odds but that in a clergy consisting of above . persons , they shall not want chapmen for them : for king james , i must highly commend that most christian prince , who ( you say ) amongst his first lawes , tooke away that of queen elizabeth : not can i well tell why this epistler here doth quote that king for his purpose , unlesse it were only for the alienation of york ▪ house ; but i must informe him that that act was lawfull , because 't was for the advantage of the archiepiscopall see , there being cleare text for it , that the levits themselves might change what was theirs by a divine law , so they gained by the permutation ; and this answer will serve for what king charles did about durham house . but he thinks it an argument , that even by bishops themselves , deanes , and chapters , &c. such things were done , alienations made , and long leases granted : true sir , for those clergymen were but men , and their sinnes can at all no more abrogate gods law , then can the sinnes of the laity : yet i could name you church-men of great note , who totally refused to be preferred by that queene to any bishopricke at all , because they would by no meanes submit their conscience unto the base acts of such alienations , and one of them was bishop andrews : i could tell you too that those long leases he speakes of , might have one cause more then the marriage of the clergy ; for when they saw men so sharply set upon the inheritance of the church ; when they saw a stoole of wickednesse set up , of sacrilegious wickednes , that imagined mischiefe by a law , some , not the worst of men , thought it fit to make those long leases , that the estate of the church might appeare the more poore , and so lesse subject unto harpies , and then their hope was , at the length ▪ at least after many yeares spent , it might returne whole unto their successours . he goes on , but to deale clearely with you doctor , i do not understand how there can be any sacriledge ( properly so called ) which is not a theft and more , viz. a theft of some thing dedicated to holy use , ( a co●●munion cup for instance or the like ) and th●se you know must be of things moveable , 〈…〉 civil law , and how theft can be of lands , or 〈…〉 by alienating church lands ; i pray aske your friend holborne , and his fellow lawyers , for ours here deride us for the question . ) it seemes sir they are very merry at london , or at least this epistler thinks so ; for being winners he might perhaps conceive they make themselves pleasant at a feather . and that this argument is as light a thing , appeares before from my third assertion : for can any man thinke in earnest , that t is sacriledge , and so a sinne , to take a cup from the church , and t is none to take away a mannour ? as if ahab had been indeed a thiefe , had he rob'd naboth of his grapes , but eliah was too harsh to that good king , because he only tooke away his vineyard : indeed there is such a nicety in the civill law , that actio furti lyes only against him , who has stolne rem mobilem : for justinian it seemes in the composition of his digests ( which he tooke from the writings of the old jurisprudentes ) thought it fit to follow ulpians judgement , and yet sabinus in his booke de furtis , a man of note amongst those men , was known to be of another opinion : non tantum ( sayes he ) rerum moventium , sed fundi quoque , et aedium fieri furtum : a theft properly so call'd may be of things immoveable : i would gladly know of the epistler whether he thinks all men both divines and others , bound to frame all the phrases of their speech according to the criticismes of the civill law , as it s now put out by justinian ? if not , why may not some use the word furtum in sabinus his sense , as well as others may in ulpians ? and then sacriledge may be properly called a theft , and as properly in immoveables ; or if we will needs speake according to his sense whom justinian hath approved , i do not well see how men can spoile the church of her lands , and at the civil law escape an action of theft : for it lyeth against him that takes the trees , & the fruits , and the stones , and i am confident there is no church-robber , but he intends to make use of these kinds of moveables ; otherwise what good wil the church-land do him ? and if he does make this use , a thiefe he is in the civill law phrase , & then in the very sense of this epistler himself , he is without doubt a sacrilegious person : but where i wonder did that londoner learne , that furtum strictè sumptum , was the genus of sacriledge ? so that where there is no theft in the civill law sense there is none of this kind of sin : i am sure t is neither intimated by the greek , nor the latine word : nor i believe delivered by any learned authors on the subject : so that i must set down an assertion , ( i conceive well grounded too ) point blanck against this londoner , and affirme there may be a sacriledge properly so call'd , which is not a theft in the civill law-sense ( which has been grounded in the third assertion ) and then we need not trouble sir robert holborne ( that learned gentleman may have other busines ) nor his fellow lawyers , for i doubt not there are enough besides , who will here smile at this passage , and will thinke that this epistler hath met with a civill law quirke , which he knew not well how to weild : but to say truth he deales clearely with the doctor , and tels him that for his particular , he doth not yet understand ; which for my part i believe ; and do not only wonder , he would gibe at another man , in a point he could no better master . but these arguments it seemes are but only the forlorne-hope , the main battell is yet to come . he calls this the main quere , and desires patience from the doctor , first ( saith he ) i lay this as a foundation , that there is no divine command that ministers under the gospell should have any lands . true , the clergy under the gospell hold not their lands by a divine command , but they do by a divine acceptation by christs most gracious acceptance of such goods and possessions which have been given him by good christians : and this title you now heare will go as farre as a law , and that is we conceive farre enough , for it gives god a propriety in such lands , and so keeps men from a re-assumption . he goes on , the hire of a labourer at most , as fitting maintenance , is all that can be challenged : i but that maintenance must be honourable , or else we christians shall use god like no other men ; farre worse i am sure then do pagans : and when such a maintenance hath been once given in lands , the acceptation of christ will soone make it irrevocable : so that it signifyes little to say the apostles had no lands ; for they who had the money for lands fold , might ( no man can well doubt ) have still kept the lands had they liked it : but the church was straight to be in hot persecution , the disciples were to fly , and lands we know are no moveables , and it were very strange if not ridiculous to affirme that ananias and his wife sinned in taking back● that money which they promised , but if in specie they had given their lands , they might have revoked that gift without sacriledge . he proceeds , which i mention to avoid the groundlesse argument upon the lands and portions allotted to the tribe of levi by gods appointment ▪ to whom our ministere have no succession . our ministers challenge nothing which belongs to that tribe , by leviticall right : but where things are once given to god for the use of his ministers , they there get a morall interest ; and what wee read of this kind in the old testament , doth as much obli●ge christians , as if it were found in the now . [ and 〈…〉 that they enjoy their 〈◊〉 by the 〈…〉 others do , and must be subject to that law which alone gives strength to their title . ] out into 〈◊〉 : have church-men no title to those possessions they enjoy , but by the law of this land alone ? yes , besides these , they have christs acceptation , and so they are become theirs by law evangelicall : their lands are gods own propriety , and so they hold from him by the law morall too ; and therefore though by the lawes of the land they hold estates in fee-simple , and so may alienate without punishment from the law of england : yet they cannot do it without the guilt of sinne , as being a breach of the law evangelicall and morall : except then only when they better themselves by some gainfull , or at least by some not hurtfull permutation . besides , were the argument good , it would only follow , that the clergy by their owne act might alienate their lands , but no man else without their consent . and i conceive it would not now prove so easie a taske to bring church-men to such an alienation . but the parliament may do it ▪ for ( sayes he ) i am sure it will be granted , that ( by the lawes of this nation ) whosoever hath lands or goods , hath them with this inseparable limitation and condition : viz. that the parliament may dispose of them or any part of them at pleasure . this you have oft told me sir is strange doctrine ; for either the parliament , ( i hope he meanes the king in parliament ) doth this , as being the supreame power , or as being representative , and so including the consent of the whole people of england . if as being the supreame power , it will follow , that any absolute prince may as lawfully do the like ▪ and yet this hath been ever held tyrannicall in the great turk , as being against the rules of justice and humanity . indeed samuel 〈◊〉 the israelites , that since they would needs change their theocracy , the immediate government of god himselfe , though it were into monarchy , the best of all humane governments , the king should take their sons and their daughters , their fields , and their vineyards , &c. and they should cry , and should find no help : yet the best divines think , that this would be most unjust , most sinful in their king , and expresly against the law of moses , who leaves every man his propriety , onely the prophet there averres it should be not punishable in him , they should have no remedy , since being the supreame power , 't was in no subjects hands to judge him : so if the king in parliament should take away church-lands , there is ( i confesse ) no resistance to be made , though the act were inhumanely sinfull . or secondly , the parliament does this as representing the whole people ▪ and so including their consent ( for they who consent can receive no injury ) and then i understand not which way it can at all touch the clergy , who are neither to be there by themselves , nor yet ( god knowes ) by representation : or if againe they were there , i would gladly know what burgesse , or what knight of a shire , nay what clerke , or what bishop doth represent christ ( whose lands these are ) and by vertue of what deputation ? nor doe i beleeve that any subject intends to give that power to him that represents him in parliament , as to destroy his whole estate , except then onely , when the known laws of the land make him lyable to so high a censure . but grant that this were true in mens lands , yet sure it will not hold in god's . for since in magna charta ( that hath received by parliament at least . confirmations ) the lands we speak of are now given to god , and promise there made , that the church shall hold her whole rights and liberties inviolable . sure the kingdome must keep what she hath thus promised to god , and must now think to beginne to tell him of implyed conditions , or limitations : for it were a strange scorne put upon god , if men should make this grand promise to their maker , and then tell him after so many hundreds of yeares , that their meaning was to take it back at their pleasure : i believe there is no good pagan that would not blush at this dealing , and conclude , that if christians may thus use their god , without doubt he is no god at all . he goes on , [ hence is it they sometimes dispose some part in subsidies , and other taxes . ] the parliament disposeth part of mens estates in subsidies , and taxes , and with their consents , ergo , it may dispose of all the church lands , though church-men themselves should in down right termes contradict it : truly sir , this argument is neither worth an answere nor a smile : for i am sure you have often told me that the parliament in justice can destroy no private mans estate : or if upon necessity it may need this or that subjects land for some publique use , yet that court is in justice bound to make that private man an amends . subsidies you said were supposed to be laid on salvo contenemento , so that a duke might still live like a duke , and a gentleman like a gentleman : is it not so with the clergy too ? by their own consent indeed , and not otherwise ; they are often imposed , and they are paid by them ; but yet they are burthens which they may beare salvo contenemento : and they are paid not out of gods propriety , by alienating of his lands , but out of that usus fructus they receive from god : and so the maine doth still go on to their successors . so that to inferre from any of these usages , that the 〈◊〉 of bishops , and deanes , and chapters , may be wholly alienated from the church , is an inference that will prevaile with none but those , who being led by strong passions that it should be so , make very little use of their reason to oppose that passion . he proceeds , [ now hence comes the mistake , by reason there is not such an expresse condition or limitation in the deeds of donation , ( which would silence all dispute ) whereas it is as cleare a truth , that where any thing is necessarily by law implyed , it is as much as in plain termes expressed . ] no marvell if such conditions be not expressed in benefactors deeds of donation , because it would make pious deeds most impiously ridiculous : for who would not blush to tell god , that indeed he gives him such lands , but with a very clear intent to revoke them ; and what christian will say that such an intent is tacitely there , which it were impiety to expresse ? nay t is apparantly cleare , in the curses added by such donors , upon those who shall attempt to make void their gifts , that their meaning was plaine , such lands should remaine gods for ever : by magna charta these gifts are confirmed unto the church for ever , ( she shall have her whole rights and liberties inviolable ) and yet is there a tacite condition in the selfe-same law that they may be violated . no marvell if with us men cannot trust men , if god himselfe cannot trust our lawes . and if that charter , or any else made by succeeding princes , do indeed confirme such donations ( as without all doubt they do ) sure they must confirme such donations in that same sence wherein the donors made them ; for so do all other confirmations ; nay in this case of a totall dis-inhaerison , there cannot be in law any such tacite conditions or limitations as the epistler speakes of : for i have shewed such to be unjust ▪ and tyrannicall in a private subjects estate , and therefore in gods they are much more unjust ; because they are sure he cannot offend ; and an unjust and tyrannicall meaning must not be called the meaning of the law . the letter goes on . [ besides , it were somewhat strange , that the donors of the lands should preserve them in the hands of the bishops from the power of parliament , which he could not doe in his owne , and give them a greater and surer right then he had himselfe . ] the lay-donee might preserve them thus in his owne hands , suppose him but an honest person : for though a parliament may impunè disinherit such an innocent man , yet they cannot doe it justè ; and so in this regard both the donor and the donee are in the same condition . besides , t is no such strange thing , for the self-same right ( as a right suppose of fee-simple ) to become more sure in his hands that takes , then it ever was in his hands that gave it . for though the right it self be still the same right , ( for nemo dat quod non habet ) yet by gift it may now come into a more strong hand , and by this meanes that selfe-same right may become the stronger . and sure with us gods hand should be more strong then mans : nay hence , as some think , lands given to the church , were said to come in manum mortuam , as it were into a dead hand , which parts with nothing it hath once closed upon . and why the epistler should call this a strange thing , i doe not yet see the reason , because t is alwayes so , when any one benefactor doth by vertue of a mortmaine convey his lands to any kind of corporation . againe , [ nor doe i understand their meaning , who terme god the proprietor of the bishops lands , and the bishop the usufructuary . ] i conceive i have made this plaine , because such lands were first offered to god , and became his owne property by his owne divine acceptation : and if the dominium directum of these things doe once rest in god , the dominium utile , the usus fructus alone is the onely thing left to be the patrimony of his clergie . but he addes a reason , [ for i know not how ( in propriety of speech ) god is more entitled to their lands , then to his whole creation . ] here the epistler speaks out : for truly , sir , i feare the lawyer your friend is little better then an independent . how ? hath god no more title in propriety of speech to one piece of ground then another ? no more to a place where a church is built , then where men have now placed a stable ? our english homilies , which are confirmed by law , cry downe this crosse piece of anabaptisme . t is true , god made all things , and so the whole world is most justly his by that great right of creation : but yet the psalmists words are as true , the earth hath he given to the children of men . so as that great god is now wel content to receive back what men will give him : and this acceptance of his must needs in all reason make those things his more peculiarly . thus christ calls the temple his fathers house : 't was god's , and god's more peculiarly , not onely by right of creation , but by gift . thus lands given unto god are his , and his more peculiarly ; his , because he made them , and his againe , because having once given them to the children of men , upon their gift he did accept them : so that his priests , and his poore being sustained by them , he calls it in a more peculiar manner , his meat , his drinke , and his cloathing : and then if in point of acceptance with god , there be great difference between feeding his priests , and feeding them that doe him no such service , there must needs be as much difference between lands set out unto that sacred use , and lands of a more common employment . he gives a second reason , [ were clergie-men but usufructuaries , how come they to change , dispose , or alter the property of any thing , ( which an usufructuary cannot doe ) and yet is done by you daily ? ] how come they to change or dispose any thing ? yes , they may change , or dispose , or alter many kinds of things , for so without doubt any usufructuary may doe , so he wrong not his lord by an abuse done to his propriety . thus he may change his corne into clothing , or , if he please , his wool into books : nay he may alter the property of his possessions too , if he have expresse leave of his lord : and god himself did tell levi , that he was well content that men should alter some things that belonged to him , so it were for the tribes advantage , levit. . : the letter goes on . [ aske them by what divine law s. maries church in oxford may not be equally imployed for temporall uses , as for holding the vice chancellors court , the university convocation , or their yeerly acts ? ] he might as well have asked , why not as well for temporall uses , as for temporall uses ? for if those he names be not so , his argument is naught ; and if they be so , t is not well put downe . his meaning sure was for other temporall uses , as well as for those . and truly sir , to put a church to any such kind of use , is not to be defended ; and therefore i excuse not the university : especially she having had ( at least for a good time ) so many large places for those meetings . yet something might be said for the vice-chancellours court , because t is partly episcopal , something for the act at least in comitiis , because t is partly divine ; but i had rather it should receive an amendment then an excuse . though it follow not neither , that because this church is sometimes for some few houres abused , therefore it may be alwayes so ; as if because sometimes t is made a profane church , t is therefore fit 't were no church at all . he proceeds . [ and as for their curses ( those bug-beare words ) i could never yet learne that an unlawfull curse was any prejudice but to the author : of which sort those curses must needs be , which restraine the parliament , or any there from exercising a lawfull and undenyable power , which in instances would shew very ridiculous , if any curse should prejudice anothers lawfull right . i am sure such curses have no warrant from the law of god , or this nation . ] no warrant from the word of god ? i conceive there is a very cleare one : & our mother-church commends it to the use of her sons in the expresse words of her commination , cursed be he that removeth away the mark of his neighbours lands : and all the people shall say , amen . deut. . . if he be accursed that wrongs his neighbour in his lands , what shall he be that injures god ? if a curse light upon him ( and a publique curse confirmed by an amen made by all the people ) who removes but the mark whereby his neighbours lands are distinguisht ; sure a private curse may be annexed by a benefactor unto his deed of donation , in case men should rob the very lands themselves that have been once given to their mother . that such curses restraine the parliament in its lawfull undenyable rights , is ( you have told me ) but a great mistake : for though the parliament may impunè ( which in some sense is called lawfully ) take away the church lands , ( though it may doe it without punishment , because ( the king being there ) it is the highest power ) yet that court it selfe cannot do it justè , cannot doe it without sinne , and that a fouler sinne then the removing a land-marke , and then a fouler curse may follow it . let the epistler then take heed of these more then bug-beare words ; for believe it , sir , in such curses as these there is much more then showes and vizards : and if you will give trust to any stories at all , many great families and men have felt it . his last argument is ( for all the rest is but declamation ) [ aske your bishops whether church lands may not lawfully ( the law of the state not prohibiting ) be transferred from one church to another upon emergent occasions , which i thinke they will not deny : if so , who knowes that the parliament will transferre them to layhands ? they-professe no such thing , and i hope they will not , but continue them for the maintenance of the ministery . ] i conceive the bishops answer would be , that t is no sacriledge to transferre lands from one church to another : but yet there may be much rapine and injustice , the will of the dead may be violated , and so sinne enough in that action ; many may be injuriously put from their estates , in which they have as good title by the lawes of the land , as those same men that put them out . to say then the church lands may be totally given up , because the epistler hopes the parliament will commit no sacriledge , is a pretty way of perswasion , and may equally worke on him to give up his own lands , because he may as well hope to be re-estated again , in that the parliament will do no injustice . and now sir , having thus observed your commands , i should have ceased to trouble you ; yet one thing more i shall adventure to crave your patience in : and t is to let you know , that if this epistler had been right in both his conclusions , that episcopacy is not of divine institution , & that sacriledge is no sinne ; yet if you cast your eyes upon his majesties coronation oath , wherein he is so strictly sworne to defend both the episcopall order , and the church-lands and possessions , you would easily acknowledge that the king cannot yeeld to what this letter aims at , though he were in danger of no other sinne then that of perjury ▪ and though i must needs guesse that the epistler knew well of this juratory tye , yet you will the lesse blame him for a concealment of this kind , because he was not retained of the churches counsell . his majesties oath you may read published by himselfe in an answer to the lords and commons in parliament . . may , . it runnes thus : episcopus . sir , will you grant and keepe , and by your oath confirme to the people of england , the lawes and customes to them granted by the kings of england , your lawfull and religious predecessors , and namely the lawes , customes , and franchizes granted to the clergy by the glorious king s. edward , your predecessour , according to the lawes of god , the true profession of the gospell established in this kingdome , and agreeable to the prerogative of the kings thereof , and the ancient customes of this realme ? rex . i grant and promise to keepe them . episc. sir , will you keepe peace and godly agreement entirely ( according to your power ) both to god , the holy church , the clergy , and the people ? rex . i will keepe it . episc. sir , will you ( to your power ) cause law , justice , and discretion in mercy and truth to be executed in all your judgements ? rex . i will . episc. will you grant to hold and keep the lawes and rightfull customes which the commonalty of this your kingdome have , and will you defend and uphold them , to the honour of god , so much as in you lyeth ? rex . i grant and promise so to do . then one of the bishops reads this admonition to the king , before the people , with a loud voice . our lord and king , wee beseech you to pardon and grant , & to preserve unto us , & to the churches committed to our charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice : and that you would protect and defend us , as every good king ought to be a protector and defender of the bishops and churches under his government . the king answereth , with a willing and devout heart i promise and grant my part , and that i will preserve and maintaine to you and the churches committed to your charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice : and that i will be your protector and defender to my power , by the assistance of god , as every good king in his kingdome by right ought to protect and defend the bishops and churches under his government . then the king ariseth , and is led to the communion table , where he makes a solemne oath in sight of all the people to observe the promises , and laying his hand upon the booke , saith , the oath . the things that i have before promised , i shall performe , and keep ; so helpe me god , and the contents of this booke . in the first clause t is plaine , he makes a promissory oath unto the whole people of england , ( a word that includes both nobility , and clergy , and commons ) that he will confirme their lawes and customes : and in the second paragraph thereof he sweares peculiarly to the clergy , that he will keepe the lawes , customes , and franchises granted to the clergy by the glorious king s. edward : and more plainly in the fift clause , he makes like promissory oath unto the bishops alone in the behalfe of themselves and their churches : that he will reserve and maintaine to them all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice , and that he will be their protector and defender . where first , since he sweares defence unto the bishops by name , t is plaine , he sweares to maintain their order : for he that sweares he will take care the bishops shall be protected in such and such rights , must needs sweare to take care that bishops must first be : for their rights must needs suppose their essence . and where a king sweares defence , what can it imply but defence in a royall kingly way ? tu defende me gladio , & ego defendam te calamo , is the well known speech of an old church-man to a prince : for sure where kings sweare defence to bishops , i do not thinke they sweare to write bookes in their behalfe , or attempt to make it clear to the people that episcopacy is jure divino : but a king , whose propriety it is to beare the sword , sweares to weare it in the defence of bishops ; for though t is against the very principles of the christian faith , that religion should be planted or reformed by bloud , yet when christian kings have by law setled christian religion , and sworne to defend those persons that should preach it , he ought sure to beare his sword to defend his lawes , and to keepe his soule free from perjury . and by canonicall priviledges that belong to them and their churches , there must needs be implyed the honour of their severall orders , as that bishops should be above presbyters , &c. together with all their due rights and jurisdictions . the words , due law and justice , cannot but import that his majesty binds himselfe to see that justice be done to them and the churches , according to the law then in force when he tooke that oath . and when the king sweares protection and defence , that clause must needs reach not only to their persons , but to their rights and estates ; for he sweares not onely to men , but to men in such a condition , to bishops and their churches ; and those conditions of men grow little lesse then ridiculous , if their estates be brought to ruine ; so that such a protection were neither at all worth the asking , nor the swearing , if the king should protect a bishop in his life , and yet suffer him to be made a begger , since to see himselfe in scorne and contempt , might more trouble him then to dye . and whereas he sweares to be their protector and defender to his power by the assistance of god , these words ( to his power ) may seem to acquit him of all the rest , if he fall into a condition wherein all power seemes taken from him : but that sir will prove a mistake ; for one of the greatest powers of the king of england is in the negative in parliament ; so that without him no law can be enacted there , since t is only the power-royall that can make a law to be a law ; so that if the king should passe a statute to take away the church-lands , he protects it not to his power : since t is plaine , that so long as a man lives and speakes , he hath still power to say , no : for it cannot be said that the church in this case may be as it were ravished from the king , and that then he may be no more guilty of that sinne then lucrece was in her rape , for though a chaste body may suffer ravishment , yet the strength of a tarquin cannot possibly reach unto a mans will or his assent . now in all promissory oathes made for the benefit of that party to whom we sweare ; t is a rule with divines , that they of all others do more strictly bind , except then alone when remission is made , consensu illius cui facta est promissio . so although the king sweare unto the people of england , that he will keepe and confirme their lawes , yet if you their commons desire these said lawes , be either abrogated or altered , t is cleare that oath binds no further , because remission is made by their own consent who desired that promise from him : and upon this very ground t is true , that the king sweares to observe the lawes only in sensu composito , so long as they are lawes . but should the desire either to alter or abrogate either law or priviledges , proceed from any other , but from them alone to whose benefit he was sworne , t is cleerely plaine by the rules of all justice , that by such an act or desire his oath receives no remission : for the foundation of this promissory oath is their interest he was sworn to and it cannot therefore be remitted but by them alone for whose sake the oath was taken . so that when ( in the second paragraph of the first clause , and more plainly in the fift ) he sweares a benefit to the bishops alone , in the behalfe of them and their churches , t is apparent that this oath must perpetually bind , except a remission can be obtained from the bishops themselves , and their churches he was sworne to . this then must be confessed to be the sense of the oath , that when the king hath first sworn in generall to grant , keepe and confirme the lawes and customes of the people of england , he farther yet particularly sweares unto the clergy , to preserve their lawes and priviledges , and customes ; because since they are not able to make a negative in parliament , so that the clergy may easily be swallowed up by the people and the lords : therefore in a more particular manner they have obtained an oath to be made unto them by the king , which being for their particular benefit , it cannot be remitted without their expresse consent , so that although an act of parliament being once passed by the votes of the king and both houses , it doth sir ( as you have told me ) bind the whole people of england : yea the whole people as it includes the clergy too ; yet it concernes the king by vertue of his oath to give his vote unto no such act as shall prejudice what he hath formerly sworne unto them , except he can first obtain their expresse consent , that he may be thereby freed from his juratory obligation . it may be said perhaps that in the consent given by both houses of parliament , the consent of the clergy is tacitely implyed , and so it is , ( say our lawyers as you have told me sir ) in respect of the power obligatory , which an act so passed obtaines upon them , for they affirme that it shall as strongly bind the clergy , as if they themselves had in expresse termes consented to it . although bishops being men barred from their votes in parliament , and neither they nor their inferiour clergy having made choice of any to represent them in that great councell , their consents can in no faire sense be said to be involved in such acts as are done as well without their representative presence , as they once without their personall . but the question is , whether a tacite consent , ( though it be indeed against their expresse wils ) can have a power remissory to absolve the king from his oath ; he that affirmes it hath , must resolve to meet with this great absurdity , that although ( besides his generall oath unto the whole people of england ) his majesty be in particular sworne unto the rights . of the clergy , yet they obtaine no more benefit by this , then if he had sworn onely in generall ; which is as much as to say , that in this little draught oathes are multiplyed without necessity , nay without signification at all , and that the greater part of the first , and the whole fourth clause , are nothing else but a meere painfull draught of superfluous tautologies . for his yeelding to the two first lines swears him to keep and confirme the lawes and customes of the whole people of england ; which word ( people ) includes those of the clergy too , and therefore in generall their lawes and customes are confirmed no doubt in those words , and so confirmed that they cannot be shaken but at least by their tacite consent in a parliamentary way . but since the king condescends to afford to their rights , a more particular juratory tye , there is no doubt but it binds in a way too , that is more particular ; so that his majesty cannot expect a remission of this oath , without their consents clearely expressed : for as when the king sweares to keep the lawes of the people in general , he cannot be acquitted but by the expresse consent of the people , or by a body that represents the people , quatenus the people ▪ so that when in particular he sweares unto the lawes and customes of the clergy , this oath must needs bind until it be remitted in an expresse forme , either by the whole clergy , themselves , or by some body of men at least , that represents the clergy , quatenus the clergy , and not only as they are involved in the great body of the people , so that he that shall presume to perswade his majesty to passe an act in prejudice of this ecclesiastical body ( to whom he is thus sworn ) without their expresse consent first obtained , councels him to that which is both grosly injurious unto his fellow subjects , nay which is indeed a most damnable wickednesse against the very soule of the king . sir , as i conceive t is now plaine enough , that if the parliament should destroy the episcopall order , and take away the lands of the church ; the houses in that act would runne themselves into two sinnes , and his majesty into three ; and upon this supposition the epistler and i are agreed : [ i do not thinke ( saith he ) conveniency or necessity will excuse conscience in a thing in it selfe unlawfull ] and before that , he calls the contrary the tenet of the romanist , or jesuited puritan : onely i would beseech him for his own soules sake to consider how great a scandall he hath given to mankind , in defence of such sinnes as these . for i conceive that durand offended more in holding fornication was no sinne against the law naturall , then shechem did ( who was onely under that law ) in his lust upon old jacobs daughter , fraudem legi facere , ( saith the civilian ) is worse then legem violare , it argues a more un-subject-like disposition for a man to put tricks and quirks upon his prince his lawes , then to runne himselfe into a down-right violation : and god we know is king , i am a great king ( saith the lord of hosts ) and a king in whose hand is vengeance , malach. . . t is true sir , we are thus put into a very sad condition , when the only option that seemes left us now , is either to choose sinne or ruine ; but yet ( if well used ) t is a condition glorious ; a condition wherein all that noble army of martyrs stood , before they could come at martyrdome , and if in preparation of mind we thus lay our lives downe at the feet of christ , i am undoubtedly perswaded t is our only way to preserve them . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- . h. . c. . epist. ans. epist ▪ ans. epist. ans. sam. . act. . . mal. . . aquin. . . qu. . art. . ibid. art. . 〈◊〉 verum de furto . gel. l. . c. ●lt . l. verum . a discourse of ecclesiastical politie wherein the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of external religion is asserted : the mischiefs and incoveniences of toleration are represented, and all pretenses pleaded in behalf of liberty of conscience are fully answered. parker, samuel, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) a discourse of ecclesiastical politie wherein the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of external religion is asserted : the mischiefs and incoveniences of toleration are represented, and all pretenses pleaded in behalf of liberty of conscience are fully answered. parker, samuel, - . the third edition. [ ], xlvi, p. printed for john martyn ..., london : . this item appears at reels : and : . reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -- church of england. church polity. religious tolerance. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of ecclesiastical politie : wherein the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of external religion is asserted . the mischiefs and inconveniences of toleration are represented , and all pretenses pleaded in behalf of liberty of conscience are fully answered . the third edition . london , printed for iohn martyn at the bell in s t paul's church-yard , . the preface to the reader . reader , i cannot imagine any thing , that our dissenting zealots will be able to object against this ensuing treatise , unless perhaps in some places the vehemence and severity of its style ; for cavil i know they must : and if they can raise no tolerable exceptions against the reasonableness of the discourse it self , it shall suffice to pick quarrels with words and phrases . but i will assure thee , the author is a person of such a tame and softly humour , and so cold a complexion , that he thinks himself scarce capable of hot and passionate impressions : and therefore if he has sometimes twisted invectives with his arguments , it proceeded not from temper but from choice ; and if there be any tart and vpbraiding expressions , they were not the dictates of anger or passion , but of the iust and pious resentments of his mind . and i appeal to any man , who knows upon what sober grounds and principles the reformation of the church of england stands ; and how that its forms and institutions are not only countenanced by the best and purest times of christianity , but establisht by the fundamental laws of the land ; whether he can so perfectly charm and stupifie his passions , as not to be chafed into some heat & briskness ? when he seriously considers , that this church so rightly constituted , and so duely authorised should be so savagely worried by a wild and fanatique rabble ; that this church so soberly modelled , so warrantably reformed , and so handsomly settled , should have been so perpetually beleaguered , and be yet not out of all danger of being rifled , if not utterly demolisht by folly and ignorance ; that the publick peace and settlement of a nation should be so wofully discomposed upon such slender and frivolous pretenses , and that , after they have been so often and so shamefully baffled ; that both church and state should be so lamentably embroyl'd by the pride and insolence of a few peevish ignorant and malepert preachers ; and lastly , that these brain-sick people , if not prevented by some speedy and effectual remedy , may in a little time grow to that power and confidence , as to be able ( to use their own language ) to * shut the heavens that they shall not rain , i. e. to restrain the highest powers of church and state from their wonted influence ; and to have power over the waters to turn them into blood , i. e. to turn the still people of a state or nation into war and blood : or , to speak in our own plain english , to tye the hands of authority , to instigate the people of god to rebellion , and once more involve the kingdom in blood and confusion . let the reader consider all this , as throughly and seriously as i have done , and then be a stoick if he can . but besides this , let any man , that is acquainted with the wisdom and sobriety of true religion , tell me , how 't is possible not to be provoked to scorn and indignation against such proud , ignorant , and supercilious hypocrites ; who though they utterly defeat all the main designs of religion , yet boast themselves its only friends and patrons ; signalize their party by distinctive titles and characters of godliness , and brand all others , howsoever pious and peaceable , with bad names , and worse suspicions ? who i say , that loves and adores the spirit of true religion , can forbear to be sharp and severe to such thick and fulsom abuses ? in that there is not any thing can so much expose or traduce true piety , as this sort of hypocrisie ; because whilst folly and phantastry appears in the vizour of holiness , it makes that seem as ridiculous as it self . and hence the greatest friends of true goodness have always been the severest satyrists upon false godliness ; and our blessed saviour scarce seemed more concern'd to plant and propagate christianity , than to explode the pharisaick hypocrisie , i. e. religious pride and insolence . i know but one single instance , in which zeal , or a high indignation is just and warrantable ; and that is when it vents it self against the arrogance of haughty , peevish , and sullen religionists , that under higher pretences to godliness supplant all principles of civility and good nature ; that strip religion of its outside to make it a covering for spight and malice ; that adorn their peevishness with the mask of piety , and shroud their ill nature under the demure pretences of godly zeal ; and stroak and applaud themselves as the only darlings and favourites of heaven , and with a scornful pride disdain all the residue of mankind , as a rout of worthless and unregenerate reprobates . thus the only hot fit of zeal we find our saviour in , was kindled by an indignation against the pride and insolence of the iews , when he whipt the buyers and sellers out of the outward court of the temple : for though they bore a blind and superstitious reverence towards that part of it , that was peculiar to their own worship , yet as for the outward court , the place where the gentiles and proselytes worship't , that was so unclean & unhallowed , that they thought it could not be prophaned , by being turn'd into an exchange of vsury . now this insolent contempt of the gentiles , and impudent conceit of their own holiness , provoked the mild spirit of our blessed saviour to such an height of impatience and indignation as made him with a seeming fury and transport of passion whip the tradesmen thence , and overthrow the tables . so hateful is all proud , testy , and factious zeal to a loving and divine temper of mind . and indeed what can we imagine more odious or mischievous than a spirit of pride , peevishness , and animosity adopted into the service of god ? this divides religion into factions and parties , engenders a sullen and unsociable niceness towards all that herd not with themselves , breeds nothing but rancour , malice and envy , and every thing that is destructive of the common peace and amity of mankind . and when people separate and rendevouz themselves into distinct sects and parties , they always confine all their kind influences to their own faction , and look with a scornful and malignant aspect upon all the rest of mankind , become enemies and outlaws to humane society , and shatter in pieces that natural peace and common love , that preserves the welfare and tranquillity of humane nature . their minds ( like the savage americans ) are as contracted as their herds , and all that are not within the fold of their church , are without the sphere of their charity : this is entirely swallowed up within their own combination , and 't is no part of their duty to commiserate or supply the wants of the vnregenerate . as the poet describes the jewish bigots , non monstrare vias , eadem nisi sacra colenti , quaesitum ad fontem solos deducere verpos . they would not so much as direct the way to any but a circumcised brother , nor bestow a cup of cold water upon a thirsty samaritan . the elect are confined to their own party , and all besides are the wicked and reprobate of the earth , hated of god , and unfit to be beloved by his people . and this possesses their minds with a holy inhumanity ; and then , if the saints ever get into power , no tyrant so cruel and butcherly ; and they have the same esteem of the wicked as of insects or vermin , and use them accordingly : but when they are out of power , they are then forced to support their malice with slanders and calumnies and proud comparisons : when they meet and gossip together , how do they congratulate each other , that they are not as this or that formalist ? and the greatest part of their idle tattle is usually spent either in censuring or pitying , or slandering some of their neighbours , as poor carnal and unconverted wretches . and when they deign to converse with the vnregenerate and men of the world , i. e. all out of their own rowt , they make them keep their distance ; and the language of their deportment is that of their predecessors in the prophet isaiah : stand by thy self , come not near to me ; for i am holier than thou . in brief , whoever is proud and conceited upon the score of religion , naturally falls into the most savage insolence and baseness of nature , and is utterly uncapable of being either good subject , or good neighbour . now to lash these morose and churlish zealots with smart and twinging satyrs , is so far from being a criminal passion , that 't is a zeal of meekness and charity , and a prosecution of the grand and diffusive duty of humanity , and proceeds only from an earnest desire to maintain the common love and amity of mankind . and though good manners oblige us to treat all other sorts of people with gentle and civil language ; yet when we have to do with the scribes and pharisees , we must point our reproofs with sharp invectives , we must discover them to themselves to humble them ; we must lance their tumour , and take out the core of their proud flesh before we can cure them ; anodynes and softer medicines make no impressions upon them , to treat them smoothly does but feed the humour ; soft and tender words do but tempt their disdain , and sooth up their vanity ; they think you flatter and fawn upon them , if you speak them fair , your civility they will interpret respect , and a forced esteem of their godliness . they know that you and the rest of the world hate the people of god , and would use them basely and inhumanely ; but that the greatness of their piety gives check to your malice , and , in spight of all your outragious passion against them , extorts a more gentle usage , if not a secret love and veneration . but beside , that soft reproofs do but cocker their presumption , they would suffer true goodness to be run down by the violence of ignorance and zeal . and to think to argue rude and boystrous zealots out of their folly meerly by the strength of calm and sober reason , is as likely a matter as to endeavour by fair words to perswade the northern wind into a southern point . if you will ever silence them , you must be as vehement as they : nothing but zeal can encounter zeal . and he that will oppose the pharisees , must do it with their eagerness , though not their malice . clamour and confidence make stronger impressions upon the common people , than strength of reason ; and the rabble ever runs to that party , that raises the biggest noise . and therefore seeing we are not so ill-bred , as to oppose clamour to clamour ; we must supply our want of noise and throat ( as our saviour did in his invectives against the pharisees ) by sharpness and severity . and though there is but little ground to hope that the keenest reasons should be able to pierce their thick and inveterate prejudices ; yet however the sharper edge they have , the deeper they will stick in the minds of those , whose concern and interest it is to punish and correct them . for i am not so vain as to design , or expect their own conviction : as good attempt the removal of mountains , as of some mens scruples . and i remember the italian proverb , chi lava la testa d'al asino perde il sapone . and therefore i never proposed to my self any other aim in this following discourse , than by representing the palpable inconsistency of fanatick tempers and principles with the welfare and security of government , to awaken authority to beware of its worst and most dangerous enemies , and to force them to that modesty and obedience by severity of laws , to which all the strength of reason in the world can never perswade them . when i first resolved upon this vndertaking , the main design in my thoughts , was to represent to the world the lamentable folly and silliness of these mens religion , aud to shew what pitiful and incompetent guides of their actions their own consciences are ; and that to leave them to the government of their own perswasions , is only to deliver them up to be abused by all manner of vices and follies ; and that when they have debaucht their minds with pride , ignorance , self-love , ambition , peevishness , malice , envy , surliness , and superstition , &c. they then bestow the authority and sacredness of conscience upon their most violent , boisterous , and ungovernable passions : in brief , that their consciences are seized on by such morose and surly principles , as make them , the rudest and most barbarous people in the world ; and that in comparison of them , the most insolent of the pharisees were gentlemen , and the most savage of the americans philosophers . but in this design i found my self happily prevented by a late learned and ingenious discourse , the friendly debate , that has unravel'd all their affected phrases with so much perspicuity of wit , discovered the feebleness of their beloved notions , with so much clearness of reason , demonstrated the wildness of their practices by so many pregnant and undeniable testimonies , exposed the palpable unwarrantableness of their schism , the shameful prevarication of their pretences , and utter inconsistency of their principles with publick peace & settlement ; and in brief , so evidently convicted the leaders in the faction of such inexcusable knavery , and their followers of such a dull and stubborn simplicity ; that 't is impossible any thing should hold out against so much force of reason and demonstration , but invincible impudence and obstinacy : and when men insconce themselves in their own wills , they are there impregnable . wilfulness is enchanted armour , upon which the sharpest steel makes no impression ; and they are secure from the power of conviction , that are unalterably resolved never to be convinced . otherwise nothing could be more apparent to any man ( that has but a competent knowledge of the nature of the things there debated ) that never any cause in the world was more shamefully baffled and triumphed over , than this of schismatical non-conformity . and though it has gaul'd them into an implacable rage and indignation ( for that as solomon observes , is the humour of some sorts of men , to rage and be confident , when they are convinced ) yet in spight of affronts and provocations , it has found them a tame and patient people , that can generously endure to see themselves so smartly pelted for their folly and villany , and never so much as snarl , or attempt to fasten upon those weapons , that have so sorely bruised them ; and as for those little cattel that have been so hardy as to nibble at a reply , they have only put us in mind of the old fable of the serpent and the file , and have proved nothing but the strength of their folly , and weakness of their teeth ; and all of them may wear their fangs to the roots , before they make any impression upon the body of the discourse . the main and most popular objection , i could ever meet with against it , is its form and method , viz. it s being written in way of dialogue ; in which way of writing ( they say ) a witty man may make any thing look as uncouth and ridiculous as he pleases . and this is true , in absurd and inartificial dialogues ; but when they are skilfully contrived ( as this is ) there is no way of arguing more smart and convictive : for the design of such composures is to represent the authors own thoughts upon occasion of something affirm'd or intimated by the counter-party ; and therefore if his own discourse be rational and concluding , there is nothing more required to that of the other party , than that his talk be agreeable to the pretenses of those men he personates : so that , if the authors own arguments and opinions ( that are the substance of the treatise ) be unreproveable , 't is not material how wise his adversaries discourse is , so it be not false . neither would he require them to defend and justifie every thing that is said in the person of the non-conformist ( for many things are collateral , and only design'd to set off his reasonings with a comical humour and pleasantness ) but only to reply to the scope and substance of his book by justifying their own notions that he has confuted , and by confuting those that he has asserted . which unless they shew themselves able to perform , they must acknowledge he has perfectly shamed their folly , and unmaskt their hypocrisie . but besides , this being but a general exception , must by the laws of reasoning pass not only for a precarious but a false cavil , till it is proved by some particular instances , & neither needs , nor admits of any other reply , than barely to challenge them to alledg any thing of moment in their own behalf about the particular matters there debated , that he has not sufficiently represented : if in any thing considerable he has been disingenuous , let them point it out ; but if they cannot , let them not think to satisfie the world , by objecting what they confess they cannot prove , because they do not . 't is true indeed , the speeches of the non-conformist are not so large and copious as his adversaries , because his part consists mainly in hinting doubts and objections , which must of necessity be in all forms of arguing much shorter than their just and satisfactory replies ; especially when they are not barely answered , but confuted too : and therefore considering the difference of the parts of the dialogue , he has as clearly represented their sense as his own ; and if all he says for them were composed into one continued speech , it would be no easie matter to discern it from one of their own discourses . but the thing that really grieves them , is , that in this method he has stopt all their subterfuges , as he proceeds , by preventing their shifting of phrases , and hiding themselves in a maze of words ; for , whereas 't is their usual artifice to tire out the wise , and amuse the simple , by rowling up and down in canting and ambiguous expressions , he has been at the pains to serret them from phrase to phrase , and never left his pursuit till they were left quite naked and defenceless , and without one crany whereby to make an escape : in so much , that they can never be able to return any tolerable answers to one part of his treatise , that are not already prevented in another . but that which chiefly tempts less discerning people to suspect some partiality , is , that the discourse of the non-conformist looks all along so simply ; though for that they ought to consider , that 't is no wonder if non-sense runs so lamely , when truth and reason tread so close upon its heels ; and the babble of a fool never appears so fulsom , as when he discourses with a philosopher ; 't is the smartness and perspicuity of the reply , that makes their folly so transparent : remove the conformist , and then the other talks at as wise a rate , as any of their own writers . but i beg the readers pardon , for having so much tired his patience with satisfying the cavils and impertinences of these people ; when i am so well assured that they are uncapable either of being ashamed or argued out of their follies . 't is one thing to baffle , and another to convince them . and where they want stores of reason to encounter an adversary , they never want magazines of reproaches : and therefore i shall only advise that excellent person , the author of the debate , to be careful how he lays aside his vizour ; for if ever they discover him , let him look to be pelted to purpose with slanders , and blasting reports : and though he be a person of the clearest and most unspotted innocence , that is no fence against the foulest aspersions ; but if they ever find out the place of his residence , let him assure himself , they will quickly find the next dunghil to it , how clean soever he sweeps his own door . as for my own part i am hardned enough to be proof against the poison of asps , the stings of vipers , and the tongues of — and rest satisfyed in this , that they can never abuse me more than they are pleased to abuse themselves ; it being the most solemn strain of their devotion to vilifie themselves with large confessions of the hainousest and most aggravated sins : they will freely acknowledge their offences against all the commandments , and that with the foulest and most enhancing circumstances they can rake together , and confess their injustice , vncleanness , and extortion , and all the publican and harlot sins in the world : and in all their confessions they stick not to charge themselves with such large catalogues of sin , and to amass together such an heap of impieties , as would make up the compleatest character of lewdness and villany . and if their consciences do really arraign them of all those crimes , whereof they so familiarly endite themselves , there are no such guilty and unpardonable wretches as they . so that their confessions are either true , or false : if false , then they fool and trifle with the almighty ; if true , then i could easily tell them the fittest place to say their prayers in . but however 't is pity to abridge them the liberty all men have , to abuse themselves : but if they will extend this their priviledge so far , as to attaint other mens reputations , i shall only admonish them as a friend before-hand , that there is somebody in the world that will not fail to requite their slanders , and false aspersions , with their own true character . and so i take my leave of them , to address my self to those for whom this discourse was intended . and though i dare not be so sawcy as to teach my superiours , how to govern the kingdom , out of ezekiel , or the revelations ; yet i will presume to put up this single petition , in order to the security of our publick peace and settlement . that whatsoever freedom they may think good to indulge to religion , they would not suffer irreligion to share in the favour , nor permit atheism to appear openly ( as it begins to do ) under the protection of liberty of conscience . i am not so utterly unacquainted with the experience of former ages , as to be over-apt to complain of the degeneracy of our own : the world i know has ever had its vicissitudes , and periods of vertue and wickedness : and all common-wealths have advanced themselves to their power and grandeur by sobriety and wisdom , and a tender regard of religion ; and from thence have declined again by softness and effeminacy , by sacrilege and prophaneness , and a proud contempt of god and his worship . this is the circle of humane affairs , and on these constant turns depend the periods and certain fates of empires . so that though atheism reigns and prevails more in the present age , than in some that went immediately before it ; yet there have been seasons , when it was mounted up to a greater height of power and reputation , than 't is yet advanced to : but then those have always been black and fatal times , and have certainly brought on changes and dissolutions of states . for the principles of irreligion unjoynt the sinews and blow up the very foundations of government : this turns all sense of loyalty into folly ; this sets men at liberty from all the effectual obligations to obedience , and makes rebellion as vertuous , when ever it either is , or is thought as advantageous . and therefore it imports authority to nip this wanton humour in the bud , and to crush it whilst 't is young and tender ; for as yet it has found but slender entertainment with wise and sober persons , and is only propagated among little and unlearned people : discreet men that have not more religion , have yet at least more wit and manners : the only zelots in the cause are the young nurslings , and small infantry of the wits , the wild and hair-brain'd youths of the town . a sort of creatures that study nothing but sloth and idleness , that design nothing but folly and extravagance , that aspire to no higher accomplishments than fine phrases , terse oaths , and gay plumes , that pretend to no other stock of learning , but a few shavings of wit gathered out of plays and comedies ; and these they abuse too , and labour to pervert their chaste expressions to obscene and irreligious purposes ; and johnson and fletcher are prophaned , as well as the holy scriptures . they measure the wit of their discourse by its prophaneness and ribaldry ; and nothing sets it off so handsomly as neat and fashionable oaths : and the only thing that makes them appear more witty then other folk , is their daring to be more wicked : their iests are remarkable for nothing but their presumption , and the picquancy of their conceit lies in their boldness . men laugh not so much at the wit , as the sawciness of their discourse ; and because they dare vent such things , as a discreet or civil man would scorn to say , though he were an atheist . but these shallow fools are proud and ambitious to gain a name and reputation for debauchery , they slander themselves with false impieties , and usurp the wickedness they were never guilty of , only to get a renown in villany . 't is these apes of wit , and pedants of gentility that would make atheism the fashion forsooth , and prophaneness the character of a gentleman ; that think it a piece of gallantry to scoff at religion , droll upon god and make sport with his laws ; that account it an argument of iudgment and ingenuity , to be above the follies of conscience : and a height of courage and magnanimity , at all adventure to brave and defie heaven , and out-dare the almighty ; and the noblest part of a gentile behaviour , to counterfeit an haughty and supercilious disdain of religious sneeks ; and to beg all men that are respective to their consciences , for soft and cowardly fools , that are scared with phantastick and invisible powers , and easily abused with tricks , and juglings , and publick tales . now certainly , these phantastick changelings must needs be wonderfully qualified , to judge of the most serious and most difficult enquiries in the world . are they not likely ( think you ) to search into the deepest foundations of religion , to weigh and examine all the arguments for the being of god , and immortality of the soul ; to enquire into the grounds of the christian faith , and to take an account of the truth and credibility of the scriptures ? and , when they have so utterly emasculated their vnderstandings with softness and luxury , are not they prodigiously able to examine what agrees or quarrels with the dictates of pure and impartial reason ? are they not likely to determine what is truely great and generous , that never heard of any other maxims of philosophy , but what they have pick'd up at plays , out of the stiff disputes of love and honour ? and are they not likely to give a wonderful account of the record of ancient times ( without which they are utterly unable to judg of the truth or falshood of any religion ) that were never acquainted with any history , unless perhaps that of the follies , and amours of the french court ? and yet how briskly do these giddy youths determine these , and a thousand other difficult theories , that they never had learning or patience enough to understand , much less to make an exact and satisfying search into their truth and evidence ? alas young men ! you are too rash and forward , your confidence swells above your vnderstandings : 't is not for you to pretend to atheism , 't is too great a priviledge for boys and novices . 't is sawsiness for you to be prophane , and to censure religion impudence and ill manners : and whatsoever rational pleas atheism may admit of , 't is not for such as you to pretend to wit and learning enough to understand them . and therefore take heed of exposing your vanity and weakness ; and , if you will not be wise , yet at least be modest : be advised , not to set up before your time , and better to furnish your vnderstandings , before you vent your wit. consider , what a fulsome thing it is , that when the most learned and inquisitive of the philosophers could never raise atheism above the certainty of a grand perhaps : and therefore denied not , but only doubted , the truth of religion : for none of them could ever be so utterly forsaken of his reason , as to attempt to demonstrate there could be no god ; but only by shewing how , to solve the phaenomena of nature and providence without him , that possibly there might be none : and therefore they were never so absurd , as to affront the worship of the deity ; but thought themselves as effectually obliged in prudence to the duties of vertue and religion by the possibility , as by the certainty of things . now i say , when these men of parts and learning were so modest and diffident in their singular perswasions ; what an unhandsome thing is it for such empty fops as you , with so bold and frontless a confidence , to defie the almighty , to deride the wisdom of his laws , to cavil at his sacred oracles , and to give the lye to the vniversal sense of mankind ; and all this at all adventure ? and yet , methinks , 't is pretty to hear one of these little mushrome wits , charge religion with credulity and easiness of belief ; and talk confidently , that 't is want of iudgment and enquiry that betrays fools and ignorant people to be scared with the tales and threatnings of ambitious priests : though it be so utterly impossible that any men should be more chargeable with credulity , than themselves ; and no mans faith is capable of being more implicit , than their vnbelief ; nor can the most illiterate peasant take up his countries religion upon more slender grounds and motives , than they do their infidelity : their being equally ignorant forces them to be equally credulous . for , not to repeat any of the forementioned particulars , with what a greedy confidence do they swallow down the principles of the malmsbury philosophy , without any chewing , or consideration ? how hussingly will they assert , that the notion of an immaterial substance implies a contradiction , for no other reason , than because it does ? that men have no faculties but of sense and imagination ; that vnderstanding is reaction , and reason a train of phantasmes ; that the will is a corporeal motion , that its determinations are fatal and mechanical , and necessitated by the impressions of external and irresistible causes ; that its liberty of choice is as absurd and insignificant nonsense , as a round quadrangle ; that religion is the belief of tales publickly allowed ; that power is right , and justifies all actions whatsoever , whether good or bad ; that there is nothing just , or unjust in it self ; that all right and wrong is the result of humane contracts ; and that the laws of nature are nothing but maxims and principles of self-interest ! how boldly do they take up with these and other resembling principles of baseness and irreligion , upon the bare authority and proofless assertions of one proud and haughty philosopher ? how much severe study and contemplation is required to a competent knowledge of these things ? and yet with what a stiff and peremptory confidence are they determined by these men , that cannot pretend to any other knowledge , ( and 't is a very candid presumption to allow them so much ) than of the laws of a play , or poem ? in brief , these empty spunges suck in opinions , for their agreeableness with their debauched and licentious practices , without ever considering their truth and evidence ; for alas ! they never troubled their heads with such enquiries : and therefore , whatever they pretend , 't is not their reasons , but their lusts and vices , that cavil at the principles of religion ; and they except against it , not because it contradicts their understandings , ( for that they never considered ) but their appetites : 't is their sins and sensual inclinations , that prejudice and bar up their minds against it : and though they were convinced of its truth , they would however be infidels still , in spight of all the reason and demonstration in the world . their irreligion is an after-game of their debauchery , they are forced to it in their own defence . their wickedness has made infidelity their interest , and atheism their refuge ; and then they cannot , will not believe , for no other reason , but only because they dare not . but that i may not pursue their ignorance too unmercifully , i will venture , before i conclude , to commend their skill : for i cannot but acknowledge them guilty of one little piece of art and sophistry , viz. that being conscious to themselves , that no tolerable exceptions can be raised against the principles of true goodness , they affect to reproach it with forged and disingenuous aspersions , and wittingly disparage its native beauty and loveliness , by representing it in false and uncouth disguises . for , whereas there is nothing more noble and generous , more cheerful and sprightly , more courteous and affable , more free and ingenuous , more sober and rational , than the spirit and genius of true religion ; these witty gentlemen are pleased to paint it out in sad and melancholy shapes , with poor and wretched features , with soure and anxious looks , as an enemy to all mirth and cheerfulness , and a thing that delights in nothing but sighs , and groans , and discoloured faces : they dress it up in all the follies and deformities of superstition ; and then , when they have made it ridiculous , they make themselves sport with it : and thus by representing it as a humour unworthy the entertainment of a generous mind , that justifies their contempt of so weak a passion , and makes a sumptuous apology for the gallantry of atheism and prophaneness . and indeed , if religion were as mean and absurd , as these men would make it , and others have made it , let it not only excuse but abet their practices ; let it be the mark of an high and gallant spirit , to be an atheist ; let it be gentility to despise , and wit to droll upon religion ; let all devotion be esteemed the child of folly and weakness ; let it be an argument of wisdom , to be prophane and vicious , and let vertue become a name of the greatest reproach and infamy . but alas ! when 't is so demonstratively evident , that true piety ( though it were an imposture ) is our greatest wisdom and perfection ; that it both adorns , and advances humane nature ; that it is so highly advantageous to the peace and happiness of the world ; that it carries in it all that is amiable and lovely , all that is cheerful and ingenuous , all that is useful and profitable ; and that 't is whatever can advance either our content , or interest , or reputation : when all this is so amply evident , what can be more unpardonably base and disingenuous , than for these men , in spight of all remonstrances , still to upbraid it with the villanies of hypocrisie , and blast its credit with the absurdities of superstition , which is the greatest folly in the world , for no other reason , than because it debauches what is the greatest wisdom ? and therefore they would do well to understand a little better what religion means , before they take upon them to disgrace and defame it ; and let them not discover their lamentable rawness and ignorance , by laughing at its folly and meanness , till they can first prove a base and selfish spirit to be more noble and generous , than an universal love and charity ; pride and luxury to be more amiable than sweetness and ingenuity ; revenge and impatience more honourable than discretion and civility ; excess and debauchery more healthful than temperance and sobriety : to be enslaved to their lusts and passions more manly , than to live by the rules of reason and prudence ; malice and injustice to be more graceful and becoming a gentile behaviour , than kindness and benignity ; and the horrors of an amazed spirit to be fuller of pleasure and felicity , than that peace and calmness of mind that springs from the reflections of an exact conscience . till all this , and much more is made good , that is , till all the maxims of folly and wisdom are changed , let them be civil , and modest , and not scorn too confidently . and though all this could be done , yet , as for their parts they will be so far from ever performing it , that they will never be at the pains of attempting it ; and if they should , 't is ( god knows ) too great a work for their little understandings . and therefore i appeal to all the wise and sober world , whether they that would make religion ridiculous , are not infinitely so themselves ? whether to consute it with raillery and bold iests , be not as void of wit as reason ? and whether all the folly and madness in the world can equal this of these scoffing atheists ? and thus having scourged their ignorance and presumption with severity enough , i shall forbear either to expose them for their pedantry , or to lash them for their rudeness and ill manners : though what can be more pedantick , than to be so big with every little conceit , as to be in labour to vent it in every company ? and a pert school-boy is scarce more troublesome with a petty criticism against mr. lilly , than these truantly youths are with any singular exception , that they have picked up against the holy scriptures . they cannot meet with a person of any reputation for learning , but they must be pecking at him with their objections ; and if he slight their impertinent pratings ( as all discreet men do ) then the next time they meet their dear hearts , with what triumphant shrugs do they boast their success against the man in black , and so laugh and drink themselves into confidence and folly ! and then , as for their want of manners , what deportment can be more course and clownish than to affect to be offensive to all discreet men , and to delight to loath and nauseate all civil company with the filthiness of their discourse ? a behaviour more irkesom to a gentleman of any breeding and civility , than the buffoonry of hostlers and porters . they can scarce meet with a clergy-man , but they must be pelting him with oaths , or ribaldry , or atheistical drollery ; i. e. they study to annoy him with such discourse , as he is obliged ( though he were inwardly as great a villain as themselves ) to detest by his place and profession : a piece of breeding much like his , that would have refused to entertain a vestal with any other discourse , than by describing the rites of priapus , or the lascivious arts of cleopatra . and so i leave them to the correction of the publick rods : and 't is high time that authority check , and chastise the wantonness of this boyish humour . for the infection spreads and grows fashionable , and creeps out of cities into villages . to impeach religion is become the first exercise of wit , in which young gentlemen are to be disciplined ; and atheism is the only knowledge and accomplishment they gain by a gentile education ; and they have nothing to make them fancy themselves more witty and refined people , than illiterate peasants and mechanicks , but a readiness and pregnancy to rally upon religion : and he is a raw youth , and smells rank of his grandame and his catechism , that cannot resolve all the articles of his faith into the cheats and impostures of priests . and thus they live here till they have sinned , or fooled away all sense of honour and conscience ; and so return home useless , and unserviceable to their countrey ; and if they turn sots , they may prove less dangerous : but if not , they are prepared for any designs of mischief and publick disturbance . for at the same time they shake hands with religion , they bid adieu to loyalty ; in that whilst they own no tyes of conscience , they know no honesty but advantage ; and interest is the only endearment of their duty to their prince : and therefore , when-ever this happens to run counter to their loyalty , 't is then the strongest and most effectual inducement to any attempts of treason , and rebellion . and thus they may prove good subjects , as rogues and out-laws are , who will be honest when 't is their interest ; but when 't is not , then any thing is their duty , that contributes to their security . and with these men in all civil wars and dissentions of state , the strongest side has always the justest cause ; and if rebels prove successful against their lawful prince , they gain their assistance . and to these principles we must ascribe the unhappy success of the late rebellion : the silly and well meaning zealots were only abused by sly and crafty incendiaries for the compassing of their own ambitious ends , and by their councils only was the cause managed , advanced , and finished ; till they raised their own fortunes upon the ruines of the royal interest , and establish'd themselves in the royal power and dignity . and though the men and their designs are perished , yet their principles thrive and propagate ; and 't is strange , yet easie to observe , how the contempt of religion works men into a dislike of monarchy ; and i scarce ever met with any zealous common-wealths-man , whom i could not easily discover to have more of the atheist than the politician ; in brief , all men of this perswasion are so far from being inclined to love their prince , that they are engaged by their very principles to hate the vsurper : for , take away the divine institution of government , and the obligations of conscience to obedience , and then all government is vsurpation , and all sense of obedience folly : and princes have no other right to their crowns , but what is founded upon force and violence ; their empire was first gain'd by wars , butcheries , and massacres ; their diadems hang upon their swords ; and their thrones stand deep in humane blood ; and all kingdoms are nothing but societies of slaves and tyrants ; and if any subject can set himself free from his sovereigns oppression , he is the braver man ; and when he can win his crown , he deserves to wear it . and there is no man that laughs at the folly of religion , who is not angry at the superstition of government . and therefore i leave it to authority to consider , how much it concerns them to restrain the insolence of this wanton humour ; and to punish those , who make it their business to propagate irreligious principles , as the worst and most dangerous enemies to the state. but my scorn and indignation against the presumptuous lavishness of these redoubted wight swells this preface to too large and tedious a length ; and therefore , i shall only crave leave to premise this one caution for the advantage of the ensuing treatise , and so have done ; viz. that in the management of this debate , i have been careful to confine my discourse to the weightiest and most material considerations , and have industriously waved all matters of an inferiour and subordinate importance . for to what purpose is it to examine every little exception , and every gay and plausible appearance ; when the enquiry is so clearly determinable , by arguments of the greatest evidence and concernment ? and therefore i have only represented the inconsistency of liberty of conscience , with the first and fundamental laws of government . in which if i have spoken reason , i have , without any more ado , carried the cause ; if i have not , i am content to lose my labour . for there are no considerations of equal evidence and importance with those that relate to the peace and settlement of societies : so that , if those i have urged prove ineffectual , all others , drawn from less considerable topicks , would have been impertinent ; and so far from strengthning my discourse , that they would rather have abated of its demonstrative truth and evidence : for being in their own natures not capable of such enforcing and convictive proofs , to mix them with clearer and more certain reasonings , were only to allay their strength , and dilute their perspicuity . and for this reason have i purposely omitted the examination of that argument , that so strongly possesses the warm and busie brains of some undertaking men , viz. that liberty of conscience would be mightily conducive to the advancement of trade . for whether it be so , or so , it matters not , after it is proved to be apparently destructive of the peace of kingdoms . and though perhaps it might be no difficult task to prove the vanity of their conceit , yet , after this performance , it would be at least a trifling and frivolous undertaking ; because no man can be so utterly forsaken of all reason and discretion , as to think of promoting traffick by any ways that are destructive of the ends and interest of government . and therefore , if i have sufficiently proved , that liberty of conscience is so ; 't is but an idle speculation after that to enquire , what service it would do to the advancement of trade : because 't is already proved inconsistent with a greater good , than all the advantages of commerce can amount to . so that granting these projecting people all they can demand , and supposing their design as serviceable to the benefits of trade , as they pretend ; yet , what can be more shamefully imprudent , than to put the kingdom upon so great an hazard for so small an advantage ? certainly publick peace and settlement ( that is the first and fundamental end of all societies ) is to be valued above any advantages of wealth and trading : and therefore , if liberty of conscience as naturally tends to the disturbance of government , as it can to the advancement of trade ( if any thing may be supposed to contribute to the wealth of a nation that tends to the dissolution of its peace ) so vast a mischief must infinitely out-weigh this , and a thousand other lesser advantages : for there is nothing in the world of value enough to balance against peace , but peace it self . and therefore i confess i cannot but smile when i observe how some , that would be thought wonderfully grave and solemn statesmen , labour with mighty projects of setting up this and that manufacture , in their several respective towns and corporations ; and how eagerly they pursue these petty attempts beyond the great affairs of a more publick and vniversal concernment ; and how wisely they neglect the settlement of a whole nation , for the benefit of a village or burrough . if indeed the affairs of the kingdom were in a fix'd and establish'd condition , these attempts might then have been seasonable ; and the enriching of particular places would be an accession to the wealth and power of the whole kingdom . but whilst we are distracted among our selves , with such a strange variety of iealousies and animosities ; whilst the publick peace and settlement is so unluckily defeated by quarrels and mutinies of religion ; and whilst the consciences of men are acted by such peevish and ungovernable principles ; to erect and encourage trading combinations , is only to build so many nests of faction and sedition , and to enable these giddy and humoursom people to create publick disturbances . for 't is notorious , that there is not any sort of people so inclinable to seditious practices as the trading part of a nation ; and their pride and arrogance naturally increases with the improvement of their stock . and , if we reflect upon our late miserable distractions , 't is easie to observe , how the quarrel was chiefly hatch'd in the shops of tradesmen , and cherish'd by the zeal of prentice-boys , and city-gossips . and hence it is , that the fanatick party appears so vastly numerous and considerable , above and beyond their real number , partly because these bold and giddy people live in greater societies of men , and so are more observable ; whereas in country towns and villages their account is inconsiderable , and arises not ( to speak within compass ) above the proportion of one to twenty ; and partly because in those places where these vermine naturally breed and swarm , they are always most talkative , and clamorous , and full of buzze : and therefore , though their party be much the least , and the meanest interest ; yet whilst their number is conjectured by their noise , they make a greater appearance , than twice as many sober and peaceable men . riots and tumults are much more remarkable , than societies of quiet and composed people ; and a rout of unlucky boys and girls raise a greater noise ( especially when they wrangle among themselves ) than all the parish beside . but whether they are more or less considerable , 't is a very odd and preposterous piece of policy , to design the inriching of this sort of people , whilst their heads are distemper'd with religious lunacies : for it only puts weapons into the hands of madmen , wherewith they may assault their governours . their fundamental principles incline them to perverse and restless dispositions , that never are , nor will be , satisfied with any establish'd frame of things : and if the affairs of religion are not exactly model'd to their own nice and peremptory conceptions , that is ground enough to overturn the present settlement , and to new model the church by a more thorow reformation . now whilst men are under the power of this proud and peevish humour , wealth does but only pamper and encourage their presumption , and tempt them to a greater boldness and insolence against authority . and if their seditious preachers do but blow the trumpet to reformation ( i. e. to have every thing alter'd they dislike ) how easily may they fire these heady people into tumults and outrages ? how eagerly will they flow into their party in spight of all the power and opposition of their governours ? and how prodigally will they empty their bags , and bring in even their bodkins and thimbles , and spoons to carry on the cause ? he is a very silly man , and understands nothing of the follies , passions , and inclinations of humane nature , who fees not that there is no creature so ungovernable , as a wealthy fanatick . and therefore let not men flatter themselves with idle hopes of settlement , any other way , than by suppressing all these dissentions , and reducing the minds of men to an agreement and vnity in religious worship . for it is just as impossible to keep different factions of religion quiet and peaceable , as it is to make the common people wise men and philosophers . if indeed we could suppose them sober and discreet , it were then no great danger to leave them to their liberty ; but upon the same supposition we may as well let them loose from all the laws of government and policy : because if every private man had wit & honesty enough to govern himself and his own actions , there would be no need of publick laws and governours . and yet upon this impossible presumption stand all the pretenses for liberty of conscience , that , if men were permitted it , they would use it wisely and peaceably ; than which 't is hard to suppose a greater impossibility . for the conscience of the multitude is the same thing with their wisdom and discretion : and therefore , 't is as natural for them to fall into the snare of an abused and vicious conscience , as 't is to be rash & foolish : for an erroneous conscience is but one sort of folly , that relates to the iudgment of their moral actions ; in which they are as ignorant , and as likely to mistake as in any other affairs of humane life . there is no observation in the world establish'd upon a more certain and universal experience , than that the generality of mankind are not so obnoxious to any sort of follies and vices , as to wild and unreasonable conceits of religion ; and that , when their heads are possess'd with them , there are no principles so pregnant with mischief and disturbance as they . and if princes would but consider , how liable mankind are to abuse themselves with serious and conscientious villanies , they would quickly see it to be absolutely necessary to the peace and happiness of their kingdoms , that there be set up a more severe government over mens consciences and religious perswasions , than over their vices and immoralities . for , of all villains the well-meaning zealot is the most dangerous : such men have no checks of conscience , nor fears of miscarriage to damp their industry , but their godliness makes them bold and furious ; and , however their attempts succeed , they are sure of the rewards of saints and martyrs . and what so glorious as to lose their lives in the cause of god ? these men are ever prepared for any mischief , if they have but a few active and crafty knaves to manage and set them on : ( and there is never want of such in any common-wealth . ) and there needs no other motive to engage their zeal in any seditious attempt , than to instil into their minds the necessity of a thorow reformation ; and then you may carry them wheresoever you please , and they will never boggle at any mischief , out-rage , or rebellion to advance the cause . and therefore , it concerns the civil magistrate to beware of this sort of people above all others , as a party , that is always ready formed for any publick disturbance . one would think , the world were not now to be taught , that there is nothing so difficult to be managed as godly zeal , or to be appeased as religious dissentions : people ever did , and ever will pursue such quarrels with their utmost rage and fury ; and therefore let us be content to govern the world as it ever has been , and ever must be govern'd ; and not be so fond as to trouble our heads with contriving ways of settling a nation , whilst 't is unsettled by religion . agreement in this is the first , if not the only foundation of peace : and therefore , let that be first established upon firm and lasting principles ; ( which it easily may by severe laws faithfully executed , but otherwise never can . ) but till it is done , 't is just as wise and safe for a prince to enrich his subjects with trade and commerce , as 't is to load weak and unfinished foundations with great and weighty superstructures . to conclude , all arguments are to be considered in their proper place , and order : and 't is but an unskilful , and inartificial way of discoursing , to argue from less weighty and considerable matters against the first and fundamental reasons of things ; and yet of this preposterous method are those men guilty , who talk of the interests of trade in opposition to the interests of government : and therefore for a fuller answer to this , and all other the like pretenses , i shall now refer the reader to my book ; where i think i have proved enough to satisfie any man of an ordinary understanding , that indulgence and toleration is the most absolute sort of anarchy , and that princes may with less hazard give liberty to mens vices and debaucheries , than to their consciences . as for my method , 't is plain and familiar , and suited to every man's capacity ; i have reduced the state of the controversie to a few easie and obvious propositions ; under these i have couch'd all the particular matters concern'd in our present debates , and by analogy to their reasonableness have cleared off all difficulties and objections ; and have been careful all along to prove the absolute necessity of what i assert from the most important ends and designs of government , compared with the natural passions and inclinations of mankind . and whoever offers to talk of these affairs without special regard both to the nature of government , and to the nature of man , may amuse himself with the fine dreams and hypotheses of a warm brain ; but shall be certain to miss the necessary rules of life , and the most useful measures of practicable policy ; that are suited only to the humours and passions of men , and designed only to prevent their follies , and bridle their enormities . and therefore the main notion i have pursued has been to make out , how dangerous a thing liberty of conscience is , considering the tempers , and tendencies of humane nature , to the most necessary ends and designs of government . a vein of which reasoning i have been careful to run through all parts and branches of my discourse , it being vastly the most considerable , if not the only thing to be attended to in this enquiry . and as i have kept close to my main question , so have i cautiously avoided all other collateral and unnecessary disputes ; and have not confined my self to any hypothesis , nor determined any controversie , in which it was not immediately concern'd ; but have expressed my reasonings in so general terms , as that they might be equally forcible upon the minds of all men , of howsoever different perswasions in all other matters . and now i have no other favour , or civility , to request of the reader , than that he would suspend his iudgment , till he have seriously perused , and weighed all parts of the following treatise : but , if he shall pass sentence upon any part , before he has considered the whole , he will in all probability put himself to the pains of raising those objections , i have already answered to his hand ; and perhaps the next thing he condemns may be his own rashness . chap. i. a more general account of the necessity of an ecclesiastical power , or sovereignty over conscience in matters of religion . the contents . the competition between the power of princes , and the consciences of subjects , represented . the mischiefs that unavoidably follow upon the exemption of conscience from the iurisdiction of the supreme power . the absolute necessity of its being subject in affairs of religion to the governours of the common-wealth . this proved at large , because religion has the strongest influence upon the peace of kingdoms , and the interests of government . religion is so far from being exempted from the restraints of laws and penalties , that nothing more requires them . 't is more easie to govern mens vices than their consciences , because all men are bold and confident in their perswasions . the remiss government of conscience has ever been the most fatal miscarriage in all common-wealths . impunity of offenders against ecclesiastical laws , the worst sort of toleration . the mischiefs that ensue upon the permitting men the liberty of their consciences are endless . fanaticism a boundless folly. affairs of religion as they must be subject to the supreme civil power , so to none other . the civil and ecclesiastical iurisdictions issue from the same necessity of nature , and are founded upon the same reason of things . a brief account of the original of civil power . the original of ecclesiastical power the same . in the first ages of the world , the kingly power and priestly function were always vested in the same persons , and why . when they were separated in the iewish state , the supremacy was annexed to the civil power . and so continued until , and after our saviours birth . no need of his giving princes any new commission to exercise that power , that was antecedently vested in them by so unquestionable a right . and therefore the scripture rather supposes than asserts it . the argument against penal laws in religion from the practice of our saviour and his apostles , answered and confuted . the ecclesiastical iurisdiction of princes not derived from any grant of our saviours , but from the natural and antecedent rights of all sovereign power . christ and his apostles could not use any coercive iurisdiction , because they acted in the capacity of subjects . their threatnings of eternity carry in them as much compulsion upon conscience , as secular punishments . the power of the church purely spiritual . in the first ages of the christian church god supplied its want of civil iurisdiction by immediate and miraculous inflictions from heaven . diseases of the body the usual consequences of excommunication . and this had the same effect as temporal punishments . all this largely proved out of the writings of st. paul. when the emperors became christian , the ecclesiastical iurisdiction was reannext to the civil power . and so continued till the vsurpation of the bishops of rome . how since the reformation the ecclesiastical power of princes has been invaded by some pragmatical divines . their confidence has scared princes out of their natural rights . of the clause of exception annexed to the jejunium cecilianum . how the puritans used it to countenance all their unruly and seditious practices . a conclusion drawn from all the premisses for the absolute necessity of the ecclesiastical power of princes . § . notwithstanding that conscience is the best , if not the only security of government , yet has government never been controul'd or disturb'd so much by any thing as conscience . this has ever rival'd princes in their supremacy , and pretends to as uncontroulable an authority over all the actions and affairs of humane life , as the most absolute and unlimited power durst ever challenge . are governours gods vicegerents ? so is this . have they a power of deciding all controversies ? so has this . can they prescribe rules of virtue and goodness to their subjects ? so may this . can they punish all their criminal actions ? so can this . and are they subject and accountable to god alone ? so is this , that owns no superiour but the lord of consciences . and of the two conscience seems to be the greater sovereign , and to govern the larger empire . for whereas the power of princes is restrain'd to the outward actions of men , this extends its dominion to their inward thoughts : its throne is seated in their minds , and it exercises all that authority over their secret and hidden sentiments , that princes claim over their publick and visible practices . and upon this account is it set up upon all occasions to grapple with the scepters and swords of princes , and countermand any laws , they think good to prescribe ; and whenever subjects have a mind to controul or disobey their decrees , this is immediately prest and engaged to their party , and does not only dictate , but vouches all their remonstrances . do subjects rebel against their sovereign ? 't is conscience that takes up arms. do they murder kings ? 't is under the conduct of conscience . do they separate from the communion of the church ? 't is conscience that is the schismatick . do they tye themselves by one oath to contradict and evacuate another ? 't is conscience that imposes it . every thing any man has a mind to , is his conscience ; and murther , treason , and rebellion plead its authority . the annals and histories of all times and places are too sad a witness , that this great and sacred thing has ever been abused , either through the folly of some , or hypocrisie of others , to patronize the most desperate mischiefs , and villanies , that were ever acted . § . here then we see is a competition between the prerogative of the prince , and that of conscience , i. e. every private mans own judgment and perswasion of things : the judgment of the magistrate inclines him to command , that of the subject to disobey ; and the dictates of his conscience countermand the decrees of his prince . now is there not likely to be untoward doings , when two supreme powers thus clash and contradict each other ? for what power would be left to princes , if every private mans perswasion ( for that is his conscience ) may give check to their commands ? most mens minds or consciences are weak , silly , and ignorant things , acted by fond and absurd principles , and imposed upon by their vices and their passions ; so that were they entirely left to their own conduct , in what mischiefs and confusions must they involve all societies ? let authority command what it please , they would do what they list . and what is this but a state of perfect anarchy , in which every man does what is good in his own eyes ? and therefore whilst men contend for the sovereign empire of their consciences , and invest it with the royal supremacy , by making it subject and accountable to none but god alone , they do in effect but usurp their prince's crown , defie his authority , and acknowledge no governour but themselves . for seeing that conscience is nothing but the judgment and opinion of their own actions , if this be exempt from the commands of governours , and if men not only may , but always ought to comply with their own dictates , when they oppose their decrees , 't is easie to determine whether themselves or their governors be vested with the supreme authority . in brief , every single person is subject to two supreme powers , the laws of his prince , and the dictates of his conscience , i. e. to his own and his princes opinion : and therefore if the supreme power of the prince must give place to that of his conscience , it ceases upon that score to be supreme ; because there is a superior authority that can countermand all its laws and constitutions . what then is to be done in this case ? who shall arbitrate between these two mighty rival powers , and so justly assign the true bounds of their respective dominions ; that princes may never intrench upon the rights of conscience , nor conscience lay waste the rights of princes , but both may act within their proper spheres without invading each others territories ? for whenever their powers happen to interfere , the quarrel quickly proceeds to all the mischiefs and confusions of war. for there is not any thing so tender , or so unruly as conscience : if authority curb it too severely , it grows wild and furious , and impatient of all restraints ; if it permit it an unbridled liberty , it soon runs it self into all the mischiefs and enormities in the world . and therefore it must be managed with equal tenderness and severity : and as it must be guided by wise and sober laws , else it grows giddy and exorbitant ; so must it not be provoked to resistance by tyranny and oppression : for if it once put the sword into subjects hands , it proves of all rebels the most fatal and implacable , and is the best commander of a rebellious army in the world . we see then that 't is a matter of equal difficulty and importance to avoid all the mischiefs and calamities that naturally follow upon the contentions of these two supreme powers . 't is difficult to bring them to terms of accommodation , because neither of them will own any superiour that may umpire their controversie ; and yet that this should be done is absolutely necessary to the peace , settlement , and tranquillity of all common-wealths . § . and therefore 't is the design of this discourse by a fair and impartial debate to compose all their differences , adjust all their quarrels and contentions , and settle things upon their true and proper foundations . which i think may be effectually enough perform'd by these two considerations . . by proving it to be absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the world , that the supreme magistrate of every common-wealth should be vested with a power to govern and conduct the consciences of subjects in affairs of religion . . by shewing this to be so certain and undoubted a truth , that it is and must be acknowledged by its fiercest adversaries ; and that those who would deprive the supreme civil power of its authority in reference to the conduct of the worship of god , are forced to allow it in other more material parts of religion ; though they are both liable to the same inconveniences and objections . and this will oblige me to state the true extent of the magistrates power over conscience in reference to divine worship , by shewing it to be the very same with his power over conscience in matters of morality , and all other affairs of religion . under one of which two considerations i shall have occasion to state the most material questions , and to answer the most considerable objections , that occur in this controversie . and i do not question but things may be made out with that demonstrative evidence , and settled upon such safe and moderate principles , as may abundantly satisfie every mans conscience , how nice and curious soever , provided it be not debauch'd with vice , and wicked principles ; . but if it be , then 't is easie to make it appear both the magistrates duty and interest to punish such vicious and diseased conscience as much as all other immorality . § . first then 't is absolutely necessary to the peace and tranquillity of the commonwealth , which , though it be the prime and most important end of government , can never be sufficiently secured , unless religion be subject to the authority of the supreme power , in that it has the strongest influence upon humane affairs ; and therefore if the sovereign power cannot order and manage it , it would be but a very incompetent instrument of publick happiness , would want the better half of it self , and be utterly weak and ineffectual for the ends of government . for 't is certain , nothing more governs the minds of men than the apprehensions of religion : this leads or drives them any way . and as true piety secures the publick weal by taming and civilizing the passions of men , and inuring them to a mild , gentle and governable spirit : so superstition and wrong notions of god and his worship , are the most powerful engines to overturn its settlement . and therefore unless princes have power to bind their subjects to that religion that they apprehend most advantageous to publick peace and tranquillity , and restrain those religious mistakes that tend to its subversion ; they are no better than statues and images of authority , and want that part of their power that is most necessary to a right discharge of their government . for what if the minds of men happen to be tainted with such furious and boysterous conceptions of religion , as incline them to stubborness and sedition , and make them unmanageable to the laws of government ; shall not a prince be allowed to give check to such unruly and dangerous perswasions ? if he may , then 't is clear that he is endued with a power to conduct religion , and that must be subject to his dominion , as well as all other affairs of state. but if he may not , then is he obliged in some cases tamely to permit his subjects to ruine and overturn the common-wealth . for if their wild and capricious humours are not severely bridled by the strictest laws and penalties , they soon grow headstrong and unruly , become always troublesome , and often fatal to princes . the minds of the multitude are of a fierce and eager temper , apt to be driven without bounds and measures , whithersoever their perswasions hurry them : and when they have overheated their unsettled heads with religious rage and fury , they grow wild , talkative and ungovernable ; and in their mad and raving fits of zeal break all the restraints of government , and forget all the laws of order and sobriety . religion sanctifies all their passions : anger , malice , and bitterness are holy fervors in the cause of god. this cancels and dispenses with all the obligations of sobriety : and what has prudence to do with religion ? this is too hot and eager to be tyed up to its flat and dull formalities . zeal for the glory of god will both excuse and justifie any enormity . there can be no faction or rebellion in carrying on the interests of the godly party , and the great work of a thorough reformation must not be trusted to the care of carnal and lukewarm politicians . and by these and the like pretences do they easily destroy the reverence of all things sacred and civil , to propagate any wild propositions ; are arm'd with religion , and led on by the spirit of god to disturb the publick peace , kill kings , and overthrow kingdoms . and this has ever been the bane and reproach of religion in all times and places : and there is scarce a nation in the world that has not felt the miseries and confusions of an holy war : and the annals of all ages are full of sad stories to this purpose . § . and therefore to exempt religion and the consciences of men from the authority of the supreme power is but to expose the peace of kingdoms to every wild and fanatick pretender , who may , when ever he pleases , under pretences of reformation thwart and unsettle government without controul ; seeing no one can have any power to restrain the perswasions of his conscience . and religion will be so far from being at liberty from the authority of the civil power , that nothing in the world will be found to require more of its care and influence , because there is not any other vice to which the vulgar sort of men are more prone , than to superstition or debauched conceptions concerning god and his worship , nor any that more inclines them to an unruly and seditious temper . it inflames their crazy heads with a furious and sectarian zeal , and adopts their rankest and most untoward passions into the duties of religion . and when passion becomes holy , then it can never be exorbitant ; but the more furious and ungovernable it is , so much the more vehement is their zeal for the glory of god ; and they that are most peevish and refractory , are upon that account the most godly . and then all passion and stubbornness in religious quarrels must be christned zeal , all zeal must be sacred , and nothing that is sacred can be excessive . and now when men act furiously upon these mistakes ( as all that are possessed with them must ) what can the issue be but eternal miseries and confusions ? every opinion must make a sect , and every sect a faction , and every faction , when it is able , a war , and every war is the cause of god , and the cause of god can never be prosecuted with too much violence . and then all sobriety is lukewarmness , to be obedient to government carnal complyance , and not to proceed to rebellion for carrying on the great work of a thorough reformation , is to want zeal for the glory of god. and thus are their vices sanctified by their consciences , malice , folly , and madness are ever the prevailing ingredients of their superstitious zeal , and religion only obliges them to be more sturdy and impudent against the laws of government ; and they are now encouraged to cherish those passions in spight of authority , from which the severity of laws might effectually have restrain'd them , were it not for the cross obligations of an untoward conscience . § . and for this reason is it , that 't is found so nice and difficult a thing to govern men in their perswasions about religion , beyond all the other affairs and transactions of humane life ; because erroneous consciences are bold and confident enough to outface authority : whereas persons of debauch'd and scandalous lives , being condemn'd by their own consciences as well as the publick laws , can have nothing to bear them up against the will of their superiors , and restraints of government . but when mens minds are possest with such unhappy principles of religion as are more destructive of the peace and order of civil society than open lewdness and debauchery , and when the vertues of the godly are more pregnant with villany and mischief than the vices of the wicked , and when their consciences are satisfied in their mischievous and ungovernable perswasions , and when they seriously believe that they approve themselves to god by being refractory and irreclamable in their fanatick zeal , then how easie is it to defie authority , and trample upon all its threatnings and penalities ? and those laws , that would awe a prophane and irreligious person at least into an outward compliance , shall but exasperate a boisterous conscience into a more vehement and seditious disobedience . now when 't is so difficult for magistrates either to remove these religious vices , or to bridle their unruliness , they must needs find it an incomparably harder task to restrain the extravagancies of zeal , than of lewdness and debauchery . and therefore seeing the multitude is so inclinable to these mistakes of religion , and seeing , when they are infected with them , they grow so turbulent and unruly , i leave it to governours themselves to judge , whether it does not concern them with as much vigilance and severity either to prevent their rise or suppress their growth , as to punish any the foulest crimes of immorality ? and if they would but seriously consider into what exorbitances peevish and untoward principles about religion naturally improve themselves , they could not but perceive it to be as much their concernment to punish them with the severest inflictions , as any whatsoever principles of rebellion in the state. § . and this certainly has ever been one of the most fatal miscarriages of all governours , in that they have not been aware of this fierce and implacable enemy ; but have gone about to govern unruly consciences by more easie and remiss laws , than those that are only able to suppress scandalous and confessed villanies , and have thought them sufficiently restrain'd by threatning punishments , without inflicting them . and indeed in most kingdoms ( so little have princes understood their own interests in reference to religion ) ecclesiastical laws have been set up only for scar-crows , being established rather for shew and form sake , than with any design of giving them life , by putting them into execution ; and if any were so hardy as not to be scared into obedience by the severity of their threatnings , they have been emboldned to disobedience by the remisness of their execution , till they have not only plaid with the law it self as a sensless trifle , but have scorn'd the weakness of the power that set it up . for there is nothing more certain in experience , than that impunity gives not only warranty but encouragement to disobedience ; and by habituating men to controul the edicts of authority , teaches them by degrees to despise it . and this is the main reason why ecclesiastical laws have generally proved such ineffectual instruments of uniformity , because they have either been weakned through want of execution , or in a manner cancell'd by the oppositions of civil constitutions . for when laws are bound under severe penalties , and when the persons , who are to take cognisance of the crime , have not power enough to punish it , or are perpetually check'd and controul'd by a stronger power , no wonder if the laws be affronted and despised ; and if , instead of bringing mens minds to compliance and subjection , they exasperate them into open contumacy . restraint provokes their stubbornness , and yet redresses not the mischief . and therefore it were better to grant an uncontroul'd liberty by declaring for it , than , after having declared against it , to grant it by silence and impunity . the prohibition disobliges dissenters , and that is one evil ; and the impunity allows them toleration , and that is a greater : and where governours permit , what their laws forbid , there the common-wealth must at once lose all the advantages of restraint , and suffers all the inconveniences of liberty . so that as they would expect peace and settlement , they must be sure at first to bind on their ecclesiastical laws with the streightest knot , and afterward to keep them in force and countenance by the severest execution ; in that wild and fanatick consciences are too headstrong to be curb'd with an ordinary severity ; & therefore their restraints must be proportion'd to their unruliness : and they must be managed with so much a greater care and strictness , than all other principles of publick disturbance , by how much they are more dangerous & unruly . § . for if conscience be ever able to break down the restraints of government , and all men have licence to follow their own perswasions , the mischief is infinite , and the folly endless ; and they seldom cease to wander from folly to folly , till they have run themselves into all the whimsies and enormities , that can debauch religion , or annoy the publick peace . the giddy multitude are of a restless and stragling humour ; and yet withalso ignorant and injudicious , that there is nothing so strange and uncouth , which they will not take up with zeal and confidence : insomuch that there never yet was any common-wealth , that gave a real liberty to mens imaginations , that was not suddenly over-run with numberless divisions , and subdivisions of sects : as was notorious in the late confusions , when liberty of conscience was laid as the foundation of settlement . how was sect built upon sect , and church upon church , till they were advanced to such a height of folly , that the usurpers themselves could find no other way to work their subversion , and put an end to their extravagancies , but by overturning their own foundations , and checking their growth by laws and penalties ? the humour of fanaticising is a boundless folly , it knows no restraints ; and if it be not kept down by the severity of governours , it grows and encreases without end , or limit , and never ceases to swell it self , till it has broke down all the banks and restraints of government . thus when the disciplinarians had in pursuit of their own peevish and unreasonable principles divided from the church of england , others upon a farther improvement of the same principles subdivided from them ; every new opinion was enough to found a new church , and sect was spawn'd out of sect , till there were almost as many churches as families : for when they were once parted from the order & sobriety of the church they lived in , nothing could set bounds to their wild and violent imaginations . § . schismaticks always run themselves into the same excess in the church as rebels and seditious persons do in the state , who out of a hatred to tyranny are restless till they have dissolved the common-wealth into anarchy & confusion ; and , because some kingly governments have proved tyrannical , will allow no free states but under republicks . as was notorious in all the apologies for the late usurpers , who took it for granted in general , that all government under a single person was slavish and oppressive without respect to its particular constitutions ; and that the very name of a common-wealth was a sufficient preservation of the peoples liberties , notwithstanding that those who managed it were never so imperious and arbitrary in the exercise of their power . and in the same manner our church dissenters , out of abhorrency to the papal tyranny and usurpation upon mens understandings , never think the liberty of their consciences sufficiently secured , till they have shaken off all subjection to humane authority : and because the church of rome by her unreasonable impositions has invaded the fundamental liberties of mankind , they presently conclude all restraints upon licentious practices and perswasions about religion under the hated name of popery . and some theological empericks have so possess'd the peoples heads with this fond conceit , that they will see no middle way between spiritual tyranny , and spiritual anarchy , and so brand all restraint of government in affairs of religion as if it were antichristian , and never think themselves far enough from rome , till they are wandred as far as munster . whereas the church of england in her first reformation was not so wild as to abolish all ecclesiastical authority , but only removed it from those who had unjustly usurp'd it to its proper seat , and restrain'd it within its due bounds and limits : and because the church of rome had clogg'd christianity with too many garish and burdensome ceremonies , they did not immediately strip her naked of all modest and decent ornaments out of an over-hot opposition to their too flanting pomp and vanity , but only cloathed her in such a dress , as became the gravity and sobriety of religion . and this is the wisdom and moderation of our church to preserve us sober between two such unreasonable extremes . § . but not to run too hastily into particular disputes , 't is enough at present to have proved in general the absolute necessity that affairs of religion should be subject to government ; and then if they be exempt from the jurisdiction of the civil power , i shall demand , whether they are subject to any other power , or to none at all ? if the former , then the supreme power is not supreme , but is subject to a superiour in all matters of religion , or rather ( what is equally absurd ) there would be two supreme powers in every common-wealth ; for it the princes jurisdiction be limited to civil affairs , and the concerns of religion be subject to another government , then may subjects be obliged to ( what is impossible ) contradictory commands : and at the same time the civil magistrate requires him to defend his country against an invasion , the ecclesiastical governour may command him to abandon its defence , for the carrying on an holy war in the holy land , in order to the recovery of our saviour's sepulchre from the possession of the turks and saracens . but seeing no man can be subject to contradictory obligations , 't is by consequence utterly impossible he should be subject to two supreme powers . if the latter , then the former argument returns ; and as to one half of the concerns of the common-wealth there must be a perfect anarchy , and no government at all . and there is no provision to be made against all those publick mischiefs and disturbances that may arise from errors and enormities in religion ; the common-wealth must for ever be exposed to the follies of enthusiasts , and villanies of impostors ; and any man , that can but pretend conscience , may whenever he pleases endeavour its ruine : so that if princes should forego their sovereignty over mens consciences in matters of religion , they leave themselves less power than is absolutely necessary to the peace & defence of the common-wealths they govern . in brief , the supreme government of every common-wealth , wherever it is lodged , must of necessity be universal , absolute , and uncontroulable , in all afairs whatsoever , that concern the interests of mankind , and the ends of government : for if it be limited , it may be controul'd : but 't is a thick and palpable contradiction to call such a power supreme , in that whatever controuls it must as to that case be its superiour . and therefore affairs of religion being so strongly influential upon affairs of state , and having so great a power either to advance or hinder the publick felicity of the common-wealth , they must be as uncontroulably subject to the supreme power as all other civil concerns ; because otherwise it will not have authority enough to secure the publick interest of the society , to attain the necessary and most important ends of its institution . § . now from these premisses we may observe , that all supreme power ; both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs , issues from the same original , and is founded upon the same reason of things ; namely the indispensable necessity of society to the preservation of humane nature , and of government to the preservation of humane society : a supreme power being absolutely necessary to the decision of all those quarrels and controversies , that are naturally consequent upon the passions , appetites , and follies of men , there being no other way of ending their differences but by the decrees of a final & unappealable judicature . for if every man were to be his own judge , mens determinations would be as contradictory as their judgments , & their judgments as their humours or interests ; and so must their dissentions of necessity be endless : and therefore to avoid these and all other inconveniences that would naturally follow upon a state of war , it was necessary there should be one supreme and publick judgment , to whose determinations the private judgment of every single person should be obliged to submit it self . and hence the wisdom of providence , knowing to what passions and irregularities mankind is obnoxious , never suffered them to live without the restraints of government ; but in the beginning of things so ordered affairs , that no man could be born into the world without being subject to some superior : every father being by nature vested with a right to govern his children . and the first governments in the world were established purely upon the natural rights of paternal authority , which afterward grew up to a kingly power by the increase of posterity ; and he that was at first but father of a family , in process of time , as that multiplied , became father of a city , or province : and hence it came to pass that in the first ages of the world , monarchy was its only government , necessarily arising out of the constitution of humane nature , it being so natural for families to enlarge themselves into cities by uniting into a body according to their several kindreds , whence by consequence the supreme head of those families must become prince and governour of a larger & more diffused society . and therefore cedrenus makes adam the first monarch in the world , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and thus afterwards in the division of the earth among the posterity of noah , the heads of families became kings and monarchs of the nations of which they were founders , from whence were propagated the several kingdoms of the first and elder times ; as appears not only from the mosaick history , but also from all other the best and most ancient records of the first ages of the world : but as for common-wealths , they are comparatively of a very late discovery , being first contriv'd among the grecians , whose democracies and optimacies were made out of the ruines of monarchick government ; which was but sutable to the proud , factious , and capricious humour of that nation , where scarce any one could pretend to a little skill in poetry or wrestling ( their two greatest accomplishments ) but he must immediately be an vndertaker for new modelling the common-wealth ; which doubtless was one of the main causes of their perpetual confusions , and frequent charges in government . § . having thus firmly founded all civil government upon paternal authority , i may now proceed to shew , that all ecclesiastical power bottoms upon the same foundation : for as in the first ages of the world , the fathers of families were vested with a kingly power over their own posterity ; so also were they with the priestly office , executing all the holy functions of priesthood in their own persons , as appears from the unanimous testimony of histories both sacred and prophane . thus we find all the ancient patriarchs priests to their own families ; which office descended together with the royal dignity to the first-born of each family . and this custom of investing the sovereign power with the supreme priesthood , was ( as divers authors both ancient and modern observe ) universally practis'd over all kingdoms of the world for well nigh years , without any one president to the contrary . in that among all societies of men there is as great a necessity of publick worship , as of publick justice ; the power whereof , because it must be seated somewhere , can properly belong to him alone , in whom the supreme power resides ; in that he alone having authority to assign to every subject his proper function , and among others this of the priesthood ; the exercise whereof as he has power to transfer to another , so may he , if he please , reserve it to himself . and therefore this the wisdom of the elder ages always practised , in order to the better security of their government ; as well knowing the tendency of superstition , and false notions of the divine worship , to tumults and seditions ; and therfore , to prevent the disturbances that might spring from factions in religion , they were sollicitous to keep its management in their own immediate disposal . and though in the jewish common-wealth , the priestly office was upon reasons peculiar to that state separated by a divine positive command from the kingly power ; yet the power and jurisdiction of the priest remained still subject to the sovereign prince , their king always exercising a supremacy over all persons , and in all causes ecclesiastical : nothing can be more unquestionable than the precedents of david , solomon , hezekiah , iehu , iehosaphat , iosiah , &c. who exercised as full a legislative power in affairs of religion , as in affairs of state. they alone restrain'd and punish'd whatever tended to the subversion of the publick and establish'd religion ; they suppress'd innovations , reform'd corruptions , ordered the decencies and solemnities of publick worship , instituted new laws and ceremonies , and conducted all the concerns of religion by their own power and authority . now there is nothing that can be pretended against the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of christian magistrates , that might not with as great a shew of reason have been urged against these jewish kings . § . and thus were the affairs of religion in all nations govern'd by the supreme power till our blessed saviour's birth , who came into the world to establish new laws of religion , and not to set up any new models of politie . he came not to unsettle the foundations of government , or to diminish the natural rights of princes , and settle the conduct of humane affairs upon new principles , but left the government of the world in the same condition he found it : all his discourses were directed to private persons , and such whose duty it was to obey , and not command ; and therefore though we find him every where highly solicitous to press men to obedience in general , ( and perhaps it would be no easie task to find out any professors of the art of policy , either ancient or modern , that have carried the doctrine of obedience so high as the sermons of our saviour , and the writings of his apostles ) yet no where he takes upon him to settle , much less to limit the prerogatives of princes ; and therefore the government of religion , being vested in them by an antecedent and natural right , must without all controversie belong to them , till it is derogated from them by some superiour authority : so that unless our saviour had expresly disrobed the royal power of its ecclesiastical jurisdiction , nothing else can alienate it from their prerogative . and therefore 't is no wonder if he left no commands to the civil magistrate for the right government of religion ; for to what purpose should he give them a new commission to exercise that power , that was already so firmly establish'd in the world by the unalterable dictates of natural reason , and universal practice , and consent of nations : it being so clearly inseparable from the supreme power in every common-wealth , that it loses both its supremacy , and its usefulness , unless it be universal and unlimited ? in that the end of all government is to secure the peace and tranquillity of the publick ; and therefore it must have power to manage and order every thing that is serviceable to that end . so that it being so clearly evident from the experience of mankind , and from the nature of the thing it self , that nothing has a stronger influence upon the publick interests of a nation , than the well or ill management of religion ; its conduct must needs be as certain and inseparable a right of the supreme power in every common-wealth , as the legislative authority it self ; without which 't is utterly impossible there should be any government at all . and therefore the scripture seems rather to suppose than assert the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of princes . what else means that promise , that kings shall be nursing fathers to the church of god , unless by their power they may cherish and defend the true religion , and protect it from being destroyed by hereticks and seducers ? what does the scripture mean when it styles our saviour king of kings , and makes princes his vicegerents here on earth ? what means the apostle , when he says , kings are appointed to this end , that under them we may live a quiet and peaceable life , not only in all honesty , but in all godliness too ? where we see , that the propagation of godliness is as much the duty of governours , as the preservation of justice ; neither of which can a prince ( as such ) effectually promote , but by the proper effects of his power , laws and penalties . besides all which , all the power of the common-wealth our saviour lived in , was fall'n into such mens hands , that would be so far from concerning themselves in the defence , protection , and propagation of christianity , that he knew they would exert the utmost of their force to suppress and destroy it . now to what purpose should he entrust them with a commission to govern his church , when he knew they would labour its utter ruine and destruction ? and hence was there no other peaceable method to propagate the christian faith in the world , but by the patience and sufferings of its professors : and therefore our saviour , to secure his religion from the reproach of being factious and seditious against the state , was sollicitous above all things to arm them with meekness and patience ; and to this purpose he gave them glorious promises to encourage their submission to their unhappy fate , and severe injunctions to secure their obedience to all the commands of lawful superiours , except when they run directly cross to the interest of the gospel ; which as the posture of affairs then stood , was incomparably the most effectual , as well as most innocent way of its propagation . § . and therefore 't is but an idle and impertinent plea that some men make for liberty of conscience , when they would restrain the magistrates power so , as to make use of no other means than what our saviour and his apostles used to convince and convert men : an argument that much resembles that , which they urge with so much popular noise and confidence against that little grandeur & authority that is left to the governours of our church ; because forsooth the apostles , by reason of the unhappy juncture of affairs in their times , lived in a mean and persecuted condition ; and therefore what was their calamity , these men would make our duty : but it were to be wished they would pursue their argument to all the purposes for which it may as rationally serve : and so they must sell their lands , and bring the money and lay it at the bishops feet ; they must pass away all their proprieties , and have all things in common , and part them to all men as every man has need , because the primitive christians did so . at so prodigious a rate of impertinency do men talk , when their passions dictate their discourses ; and to so fine a pass would the affairs of christendom be brought by this trifling pretence of reducing the state of the church to its primitive practice in all accidents and circumstances of things . but yet i suppose these men themselves would scarce imitate the practice of our saviour and his apostles in this particular ; for if the scribes and pharisees were now in being , i hope they would not allow them the liberty openly to blaspheme the name of iesus , and to persecute all that would not believe him an impostor ; which though they did familiarly in his own time , yet he never went about to restrain their blasphemies by laws and punishments : and therefore i only demand , whether the civil magistrate may make penal laws against swearing and blasphemy , and such other irreligious debaucheries ? if he may , why then they are matters that as directly and immediately relate to religion , as any rites and ceremonies of worship whatsoever ; and for the government of which they are as utterly to seek for any precedent of our saviour and his apostles . nay more , if this argument were of any force , it would equally deprive the magistrate of any power to compel his subjects to obedience to any of the moral precepts of the gospel by secular laws and punishments ; because our saviour and his apostles never did it : especially when all matters of morality do as really belong to our spiritual concerns , as any thing that relates immediately to divine worship , and affairs of meer religion ; and therefore if the civil magistrate may not compel his subjects to a right way of worship with the civil sword , because this is of a spiritual concernment ( as is pretended : ) upon the same ground , neither may he make use of the same force to compel men to duties of morality , because they also equally relate to their spiritual interests : besides , the magistrates authority in both is founded upon the same principle , viz. the absolute necessity of their due management in order to the peace and preservation of the common-wealth . we derive not therefore his ecclesiastical jurisdiction from any grant of our saviours , but from an antecedent right wherewith all sovereign power was indued before ever he was born into the world ; forasmuch as the same providence , that intrusted princes with the government of humane affairs , must of necessity have vested them in at least as much power , as was absolutely necessary to the nature and ends of government . § . but further yet , all the ways our saviour has appointed in the gospel for the advancement and propagation of religion , were prescribed to subjects , & not to governours ; and this indeed is certain , that no private person can have any power to compel men to any part of the doctrine , worship , or discipline of the gospel ; for if he had , he would upon that very account cease to be a private person , and be vested with a civil power . but that no magistrate may do this , will remain to be proved , till they can produce some express prohibition of our saviour to restrain him : and till that be done , 't is but a strange rate of arguing , when they would prove that magistrates may not use any coercive power to promote the interests of religion , because this is forbidden to their subjects ; especially when 't is to be considered , that christ and his apostles acted themselves in the capacity of subjects to the common-wealth they lived in , and so could neither use themselves , nor impart to others any coercive power for the advancement , and propagation of their doctrine ; but were confined to such prudent and peaceable methods , as were lawful for persons in their condition to make use of , i. e. humble intreaties , and perswasions . our saviour never took any part of the civil power upon himself , and upon that score could not make penal and coercive laws ; the power of coertion being so certainly inseparable from the supreme civil power : but though he back'd not his commandments with temporal punishments , because his kingdom was not of this world ; yet he enforced them with the threatnings of eternity , which carry with them more compulsion upon mens consciences than any civil sanctions can : for the only reason why punishments are annex'd to laws , is because they are strong motives to obedience ; and therefore when our savour tied his laws upon mankind under eternal penalties , he used as much force to drive us to obedience , as if he had abetted them with temporal inflictions : so that the only reason why he bound not the precepts of the gospel upon our consciences by any secular compulsories , was not because compulsion was an improper way to put his laws in execution , for then he had never established them with more enforcing sanctions ; but only because himself was not invested with any secular power , and so could not use those methods of government , that are proper to its jurisdiction . § . and therefore the power , wherewith christ intrusted the governours of his church in the apostolical age , was purely spiritual ; they had no authority to inflict temporal punishments , or to force men to submit to their canons , laws and penalties ; they only declared the laws of god , and denounced the threatnings annexed to them , having no coercive power to inflict the judgments they declared , and leaving the event of their censures to the divine jurisdiction . though alas ! all this was too weak to attain the ends of discipline ( viz. to reclaim the offending person , and by example of his censure to awe others into obedience ) and could have but little influence upon the most stubborn and notorious offenders . for to what purpose should they drive one from the communion of the church , that has already renounced it ? to what purpose should they deny him the instruments and ministries of religion , that cares not for them ? to what purpose should they turn him out of their society , that has already prevented them by forsaking it ? how should offenders be reclaim'd , by being condemn'd to what they chuse ? how should they be scared by threatnings , that they neither fear nor believe ? and if they will turn apostates , how can they be awed back into their faith by being told they are so ? and therefore because of the weakness of this spiritual government to attain the ends of discipline , and because that the governours of the church being subject to those of the common-wealth , they were not capable of any coercive power ; 't is wonderfully remarkable how god himself was pleased to supply their want of civil jurisdiction by his own immediate providence , and in a miraculous manner to inflict the judgments they denounced ; that if their censures could not affright refractory offenders into obedience , his dreadful execution of them might . for 't is notoriously evident from the best records of the primitive and apostolical ages , that the divine providence was pleased to abet the censures of the church by immediate and miraculous inflictions from heaven . in those times torments and diseases of the body were the usual consequents of excommunication ; and this was as effectual to awe men into subjection to the ecclesiastical government , as if it had been endued with coercive iurisdiction . for this consists only in a power of inflicting temporal punishments ; and therefore when the anathema's of the church were attended with such inflictions , criminals must have as much reason to dread the rod of the apostles , as the sword of the civil magistrate , in that it carried with it a power of inflicting temporal penalties , either of death , as on ananias and sapphira , or of diseases , as on elymas the sorcerer . and this is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherewith st. paul so often threatens to lash the factious corinthians into a more quiet and peaceable temper . thus cor. . . what will ye ? shall i come unto you with a rod , or in love , and in the spirit of meekness ? i. e. consider with your selves , that seeing i have determined to visit the church of corinth , whether when i come you had rather i should chastise you with the apostolical rod by exercising my power of inflicting punishments , and by consigning the refractory to those sharp and grievous diseases that are wont immediately to follow apostolical censures ; or whether i should come with a more gentle and merciful design without being forced by your stubborness upon a necessity of using this severity among you ? as you behave your selves , so may you expect to find me at my coming . and thus again , cor. . . he threatens them with his being in a readiness ( if he should come among them ) to revenge all their disobedience : and upon this account he immediately professes himself not ashamed to boast of his power and authority in the church . and in the . chapter of the same epistle , he again shakes the same rod over them , threatning , that if their refractoriness force him to strike them with some judgment , that it should be a sharp and severe one : if i come again i will not spare , since ye seek a proof of christ speaking in me . these extraordinary inflictions were signs and evidences of his apostleship . and he would make them know , that he was commissioned by christ to teach and govern their church , by making them to feel the sad effects of his miraculous power , if nothing else would satisfie them about the right of his authority . and to the same purpose is the same apostles command to the same church concerning the incestuous corinthian , cor. . . that they should deliver him to satan for the destruction of the flesh , i. e. that they should denounce the sentence of excommunication against him , which would amount to no smaller a punishment , than his being resign'd up to the power and possession of some evil spirit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chrysost. in . ad cor. hom. . to be tormented with ulcers , or some other bodily diseases and inflictions , which was then the usual consequent of excommunication . the end of all which is , as immediately follows , the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit might be saved in the day of the lord iesus , i. e. that being humbled and brought to a due sense of his sin by the sadness of his condition , and the heavy strokes of this cruel executioner of the divine justice , this might be a means of working him to repentance and reformation . and to the same end did the same apostle deliver hymeneus and alexander unto satan , that they might learn not to blaspheme ; that being vexed and tormented by some evil spirit , this might take down their proud and haughty stomachs , and make them cease to traduce and disparage his apostolical authority , when they had smarted so severely for contradicting it . and thus was the divine providence pleased in the first ages of the church , when it wanted the assistance of the civil magistrate , to supply that defect by his own almighty power : so necessary is a coercive jurisdiction to the due government and discipline of the church , that god himself was fain to bestow it on the apostles in a miraculous manner . and thus was the primitive discipline maintain'd by miracles of severity , as long as it wanted the sword of the civil power . but when christianity had once prevail'd and triumphed over all the oppositions of pagan superstition , and had gain'd the empire of the world into its own possession , and was become the imperial religion , then began its government to re-settle where nature had placed it , and the ecclesiastical jurisdiction was annexed to the civil power : for as soon as the emperours thought themselves concern'd to look to its government , and protection , and were willing to abet the spiritual power of the clergy with their secular authority ; then began the divine providence to withdraw the miraculous power of the church ( in the same manner as he did by degrees all the other extraordinary gifts of the apostolical age , as their necessity ceased ) as being now as well supplied by the natural & ordinary power of the prince . so that though the exercise of the ministerial function still continued in the persons , that were thereunto originally commissioned by our saviour , the exercise of its authority and jurisdiction was restored to the imperial diadem ; and the bishops became then ( as they are now ) ministers of state as well as religion , and challenged not any secular power , but what they derived from the prince : who , supposing them best able to understand and manage the interests of religion , granted them commissions for the government of the church under himself , and vested them with as much coercive power , as was necessary for the execution of their office and jurisdiction : in the same manner as judges are deputed by the supreme authority of every common-wealth to govern the affairs of justice , and to inflict the penalties of the law upon delinquents : so that bishops neither have , nor ever had any temporal authority , but only as they are the kings ecclesiastical judges , appointed by him to govern affairs of religion , as civil or secular judges are to govern affairs of justice . § . and now that the government of all the affairs of the church devolved upon the royal authority assoon as it became christian , is undeniably evident , from all the laws and records of the empire : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : from the time that the emperors became christian , the disposal and government of church affairs depended entirely on their authority : constantine was no sooner settled in his imperial throne , but he took the settlement of all ecclesiastical matters into his own cognizance : he called synods and councils , in order to the peace and government of the church , he ratified their canons into laws , he prohibited the conventicles of the donatists , and demolish'd their meeting-houses , he made edicts concerning festivals , the rites of sepulture , the immunities of churches , the authority of bishops , the priviledges of the clergy , and divers other things appertaining to the outward polity of the church . in the exercise of which jurisdiction he was carefully followed by all his successours : which cannot but be known to every man that is not as utterly ignorant of the civil law , as he in the comedy who supposed corpus iuris civilis to be a dutchman . the code , the authenticks , the french capitulars are full of ecclesiastical laws and constitutions . the first book of the code treats of nothing but religion , and the rites and ceremonies of publick worship , the priviledges of ecclesiastical men and things , the distinct offices and functions of the several degrees in the ecclesiastical hierarchy , and the power and jurisdiction of bishops both in civil and religious affairs , and infinite other things that immediately concern the interests of religion . and then as for the authenticks , ecclesiastical laws are every where scattered up and down through the whole volume ; which being divided into nine collations , has not above one ( viz. the fourth ) that has not divers laws relating to church affairs . and as for the capitulars of charles the great , together with the additions of lewis the godly , his son and successour , they contain little else but ecclesiastical constitutions ; as may be seen in lindembrogius his collection of ancient laws , together with divers other laws of theodorick , and other gothish kings . § . and next to the divine providence , we owe the settlement and preservation of christian religion in the world to the conduct of christian princes . for by the time of constantine the primitive spirit and genius of christianity was wearing out of fashion , and the meekness and humility of its first professours began to give place to a furious and tumultuary zeal ; and no sooner did the heats of persecution begin to abate , but the church was presently shattered into swarms of factions by the violent passions and animosities of its members about bare speculations or useless practices : and of all the quarrels that ever disturbed the world , there were never any perhaps so excuseless or so irregular as those of christendom ; of which 't is hard to determine , whether they were commenced with more folly and indiscretion , or pursued with more passion and frowardness . the rage and fierceness of christians had kindled such a fire in the church , that it must unavoidably have been consumed by its own combustions , had not the christian emperours employed all their power to suppress the fury of the flames . and though in spight of all their prudence and industry , christianity was sadly impaired by its own tumults and seditions ; yet had it not been for the care of christian princes , it had in all humane probability been utterly destroyed ; and the flames that had once caught its superstructures , must without remedy have burnt up its very foundations . and if we look into the records and histories of the first christian emperours , we shall find that the most dangerous disturbances that threatned the state , had their beginnings in the church ; and that the empire was more shaken by the intestine commotions that arose from religion , than by foreign wars and invasions . and upon this account is it , that we find them so highly concern'd to reconcile all the discords , and allay all the heats about religion , by silencing needless and unprofitable controversies , determining certain & necessary truths , prescribing decent rites & ceremonies of publick worship , and all other wise and prudent expedients to bring the minds and practices of men to sobriety and moderation . § . and by this means was the outward polity of the church tolerably well established , and the affairs of religion competently well grounded ( though better or worse , according to the wisdom and vigilance of the several emperours ) till the bishops of rome usurp'd one half of the imperial power , and annexed the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and supremacy to their own see. for taking advantage of the distractions occasioned partly by the incursions of the northern nations on the west , partly by the invasions of the turkish power on the east , but mainly by the division of the empire it self , they gain'd either by force or fraud the whole dominion of religion to themselves , and by pretending to the spirit of infallibility , usurp'd an absolute and uncontroulable empire over the faiths and consciences of mankind . and whilst they at first pretended no other title to their sovereignty but what they derived from religion , they were constrain'd to scrue up their power to an unmeasurable tyranny , thereby to secure themselves in those insolencies and indignities wherewith they perpetually affronted the princes of christendom : and knowing the free-born reason of men would never tamely brook to be enslaved to so ignoble a tyranny , they proclaim'd it a traytour or ( what is the same ) a heretick to the catholick faith , and by their lowd noises and menaces frighted it out of christendom . in which design they at length advanced so far , till rome christian became little less fond and superstitious than rome heathen ; and christianity it self was almost debauched to the lowest guise of paganism , and europe , the seat of the most refined and politest part of mankind , was involved in a more than african ignorance and barbarity . and thus did they easily usher in the grand departure and apostasie from religion by the falling away from reason , and founded the roman faith as well as empire upon the ruines of humane liberty . § . in which sad posture continued the affairs of christendom till the reformation : which though it has wrought wonderful alterations in the christian world , yet has it not been able to resettle princes in their full & natural rights , in reference to the concerns of religion . for although the supremacy of the civil power in religious matters be expresly asserted in all the publick confessions of the reformed churches , but especially in that of the church of england ; which is not content barely to affirm it , but denounces the sentence of excommunication against all that deny it : yet by reason of the exorbitant power that some pert and pragmatical divines have gain'd over the minds of the people , this great article has found little or no entertainment in their practices : there starting up a race of proud and imperious men about the beginning of the reformation , who , not regarding the princes power , took upon themselves to frame precise hypotheses of orthodoxy , and to set up their own pedantick systems and institutions for the standards of divine truth ; and wanting , what the other had , the authority of prescription , they pretended to the spirit of god : and this pretence not only excused , but justified any wild theorems they could not prove by sober reason ; and those that would be awed with it , they embraced for orthodox , and those that would not , they branded for hereticks : by which little device they decoyed the silly and ignorant rabble into their own party . the effect of all which has been nothing but a brutish and fanatick ignorance , making men to talk of little else but raptures and extasies , and filling the world with a buzze and noise of the divine spirit ; whereby they are only impregnably possess'd with their own wild and extravagant fansies , become saucy and impudent for religion , confound order , and despise government , and will be guided by nothing but the whimsies and humours of an unaccountable conscience . § . and hence it comes to pass , that most protestant princes have been frighted ( not to say hector'd ) out of the exercise of their ecclesiastical jurisdiction by the clamours of giddy and distemper'd zealots ; superstition and enthusiasm have out-fac'd the laws , and put government out of countenance by the boldness of their pretensions . confident men have talked so lowdly of the inviolable sacredness and authority of their consciences , that governours , not throughly instructed in the nature and extent of their power , so lately restored to them , have been almost scared from intermedling with any thing , that could upon this score plead its priviledge and exemption from their commands . and how peremptory soever some of them have been in asserting the rights of their supreme power in civil affairs , they have been forced to seem modest and diffident in the exercise of their ecclesiastical supremacy , and dare scarce own their legislative power in religious affairs , only to comply with the saucy pretences of ungovernable and tumultuary zeal . one notorious instance whereof in our own nation , is the iejunium cecilianum , the wednesday fast , that was injoin'd with this clause of exception , that if any person should affirm it to be imposed with an intention to bind the conscience , he should be punished like the spreaders of false news . which is plainly to them that understand it , ( as a late learned prelate of our own observes ) a direct artifice to evacuate the whole law : for ( as he excellently argues ) all humane power being derived from god , and bound upon our consciences by his power , not by man , he that says it shall not bind the conscience , says it shall be no law ; it shall have no authority from god , and then it has none at all ; and if it be not tied upon the conscience , then to break it is no sin , and then to keep it is no duty . so that a law without such an intention is a contradiction ; it is a law which binds only if we please , and we may obey when we have a mind to it ; and to so much we are tied before the constitution . but then if by such a declaration it was meant , that to keep such fasting-days was no part of a direct commandment from god , that is , god had not required them by himself immediately , and so it was ( abstracting from that law ) no duty evangelical , it had been below the wisdom of the contrivers of it ; for no man pretends it , no man says it , no man thinks it : and they might as well have declar'd , that the law was none of the ten commandments . the matter indeed of this law was not of any great moment , but the declaration annexed to it proved of a fatal and mischievous consequence ; for when once the unruly consciences of the puritans were got loose from the restraints of authority , nothing could give check to their giddy and furious zeal , but they soon broke out into the most impudent affronts and indignities against the laws , and ran themselves into all manner of disloyal outrages against the state. as is notoriously evident in the writings and practices of cartwright , goodman , whittingham , gilby , whitehead , travers , and other leading rabbies of the holy faction ; whose treatises are stuffed with as railing , spightful , and malicious speeches both against their prince , the clergy , the lords of the council , the judges , the magistrates , and the laws , as were ever publickly vented by the worst of traytors in any society in the world . and as for the method of their polity , it was plainly no more than this , first to reproach the church with infamous and abusive dialogues , and then to libel the state with bitter and scurrilous pamphlets , to possess mens minds with dislikes and jealousies about publick affairs , whisper about reproachful and slanderous reports , inveigle the people with a thousand little and malicious stories , enter into secret leagues and confederacies , foment discontents and seditions , and in every streight and exigence of state threaten and beleaguer authority : in fine , the scope of all their sermons and discourses was to perswade their party , that if princes refuse to reform religion , 't is lawful for the people with direction of their godly ministers , ( i. e. themselves ) to do it , and that by violent and forcible courses . and whither this principle in process of time led them , the story is too long , too sad , and too well known to be here repeated : 't is sufficient , that it improved it self into the greatest villanies , & concluded in the blackest tragedy that was ever acted upon this island . § . well then , to sum up the result of this discourse , 't is evident , we see , both from reason and experience , what a powerful influence religion has upon the peace and quiet of kingdoms ; that nothing so effectually secures the publick peace , or so easily works its disturbance and ruine , as it s well or ill administration ; and therefore that there is an absolute necessity that there be some supreme power in every common-wealth to take care of its due conduct and settlement ; that this must be the civil magistrate , whose office it is to secure the publick peace , which because he cannot sufficiently provide for , unless he have the power and conduct of religion ; its government must of necessity be seated in him and none else . so that those persons , who would exempt conscience and all religious matters from the princes power , must make him either a tyrant or an impotent prince ; for if he take upon him to tye laws of religion upon their consciences , then according to their principles , he usurps an unlawful dominion , violates the fundamental rights and priviledges of mankind , and invades the throne and authority of god himself : but if he confess that he cannot , then does he clearly pass away the bigest security of his government , and lay himself open to all the plots and villanies that can put on the mask of religion . and therefore should any prince through unhappy miscarriages in the state be brought into such streights and exigences of affairs , as that he cannot restrain the head-strong inclinations of his subjects , without the hazard of raising such commotions and disturbances , as perhaps he can never be able to allay , and so should be forced in spight of himself to indulge them their liberty in their fansies and perswasions about religion ; yet unless he will devest himself of a more material and more necessary part of his authority , than if he should grant away his power of the militia , or his prerogative of ratifying all civil laws ; unless , i say , he will thus hazard his crown , and make himself too weak for government by renouncing the best part of his supremacy , he must lay an obligation upon all persons , to whom he grants this their religious freedom , to profess that 't is matter of meer favour and indulgence ; and that he has as much power to govern all the publick affairs of religion , as any other matters that are either conducive , or prejudicial to the publick peace and quiet of the common-wealth . and if they be brought to this declaration , they will but confess themselves ( to say no worse ) turbulent and seditious persons , by acknowledging , that they refuse their obedience to those laws , which the supreme authority has just power to impose . chap. ii. a more particular account of the nature and necessity of a sovereign power in affairs of religion . the contents . the parallel between matters relating to religious worship , and the duties of morality . moral vertues the most material parts of religion . this proved , ( . ) from the nature of morality , and the design of religion : ( . ) by a particular induction of all the duties of mankind . a scheme of religion , reducing all its branches either to the vertues or instruments of morality . of the villany of those mens religion , that are wont to distinguish between grace and virtue . they exchange the substance of true goodness for meer metaphors and allegories . metaphors the only cause of our present schism ; and the only ground of the different subdivisions among the schismaticks themselves . the vnaccountableness of mens conceits , that when the main ends and designs of religion are undoubtedly subject to the supreme power , they should be so eager to exempt its means and circumstances from the same authority . the civil magistrate may determine new instances of virtue ; how much more new circumstances of worship ? as he may enjoyn any thing in morality , that contradicts not the ends of morality ; so may be in religious worship , if he oppose not its design . he may command any thing in the worship of god , that does not tend to debauch mens practices , or their conceptions of the deity . all the subordinate duties both of morality and religious worship , are equally subject to the determinations of humane authority . § . having in the former chapter sufficiently made out my first proposition , viz. that 't is absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the world , that the supreme magistrate of every common-wealth should be vested with a power to govern the consciences of subjects in affairs of religion ; i now proceed to the proof of the second thing proposed , viz. that those who would deprive the supreme civil power of its authority in reference to the conduct of the worship of god , are forced to allow it in other more material parts of religion , though they are both liable to the same inconveniences and objections : where i shall have a fair opportunity to state the true extent of the magistrates power over conscience in reference to divine worship , by shewing it to be the same with his power over conscience in matters of morality , and all other affairs of religion . and here it strikes me with wonder and amazement to consider , that men should be so shy of granting the supreme magistrate a power over their consciences in the rituals and external circumstances of religious worship , and yet be so free of forcing it upon him in the essential duties of morality ; which are at least as great and material parts of religion , as pleasing to god , and as indispensably necessary to salvation , as any way of worship in the world. the precepts of the moral law are both perfective of our own natures , and conducive to the happiness of others ; and the practice of vertue consists in living suitably to the dictates of reason & nature . and this is the substance and main design of all the laws of religion , to oblige mankind to behave themselvs in all their actions as becomes creatures endued with reason and understanding , and in ways suitable to rational beings , to prepare and qualifie themselves for the state of glory and immortality . and as this is the proper end of all religion , that mankind might live happily here , and happily hereafter ; so to this end nothing contributes more than the practice of all moral vertues , which will effectually preserve the peace and happiness of humane societies , and advance the mind of man to a nearer approach to the perfection of the divine nature ; every particular vertue being therefore such , because 't is a resemblance and imitation of some of the divine attributes . so that moral vertue having the strongest and most necessary influence upon the end of all religion , viz. mans happiness ; 't is not only its most material and useful part , but the ultimate end of all its other duties : and all true religion can consist in nothing else but either the practice of vertue it self , or the use of those means and instruments that contribute to it . § . and this , beside the rational account of the thing it self , appears with an undeniable evidence from the best of demonstrations , i. e. an induction of all particulars . the whole duty of man refers either to his creator , or his neighbour , or himself : all that concerns the two last is confessedly of a moral nature ; and all that concerns the first , consists either in praising of god , or praying to him : the former is a branch of the vertue of gratitude , and is nothing but a thankful and humble temper of mind , arising from a sense of gods greatness in himself , and his goodness to us : so that this part of devotion issues from the same virtuous quality , that is the principle of all other resentments and expressions of gratitude ; only those acts of it that are terminated on god as their object , are styled religious : and therefore gratitude and devotion are not divers things , but only different names of the same thing ; devotion being nothing else but the virtue of gratitude towards god. the latter , viz. prayer is either put up in our own or other mens behalfs : if for others , 't is an act of that virtue we call kindness or charity : if for our selves , the things we pray for ( unless they be the comforts and enjoyments of this life ) are some or other virtuous qualities : and therefore the proper and direct use of prayer is to be instrumental to the virtues of morality : so that all duties of devotion ( excepting only our returns of gratitude ) are not essential parts of religion , but are only in order to it , as they tend to the practice of virtue and moral goodness ; and their goodness is derived upon them from the moral virtues to which they contribute ; and in the same proportion they are conducive to the ends of virtue , they are to be valued among the ministeries of religion . all religion then ( i mean the practical part ) is either virtue it self , or some of its instruments ; and the whole duty of man consists in being virtuous ; and all that is enjoin'd him beside , is in order to it . and what else do we find enforc'd and recommended in our saviour's sermons , beside heights of morality ? what does st. paul discourse of to felix but moral matters , righteousness , and temperance , and iudgment to come ? and what is it that men set up against morality , but a few figurative expressions of it self , that without it are utterly insignificant ? 't is not enough ( say they ) to be completely virtuous , unless we have grace too : but when we have set aside all manner of virtue , let them tell me what remains to be call'd grace , and give me any notion of it distinct from all morality , that consists in the right order and government of our actions in all our relations , and so comprehends all our duty : and therefore if grace be not included in it , 't is but a phantasm , and an imaginary thing . so that if we strip those definitions that some men of late have bestowed upon it , of metaphors and allegories , it will plainly signifie nothing but a vertuous temper of mind ; and all that the scripture intends by the graces of the spirit , are only vertuous qualities of the soul , that are therefore styled graces , because they were derived purely from gods free grace and goodness , in that in the first ages of christianity he was pleased , out of his infinite concern for its propagation , in a miraculous manner to inspire its converts with all sorts of vertue . wherefore the apostle st. paul , when he compiles a complete catologue of the fruits of the spirit , reckons up only moral vertues , gal. . . love , joy or chearfulness , peaceableness , patience , gentleness , goodness , faithfulness , meekness , and temperance ; and elsewhere , titus . . the same apostle plainly makes the grace of god to consist in gratitude towards god , temperance towards our selves , and justice towards our neighbours . for the grace of god that bringeth salvation hath appeared to all men , teaching us that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts , we should live soberly , righteously , and godly in this present world . where the whole duty of man is comprehended in living godlily , which is the vertue of humble gratitude towards god : soberly , which contains the vertues of temperance , chastity , modesty , and all others that consist in the dominion of reason over our sensual appetites : righteously , which implies all the vertues of justice and charity , as affability , courtesie , meekness , candour , and ingenuity . § . so destructive of all true and real goodness is the very religion of those men that are wont to set grace at odds with vertue , and are so far from making them the same , that they make them inconsistent ; and though a man be exact in all the duties of moral goodness , yet if he be a graceless person ( i. e. void of i know not what imaginary godliness ) he is but in a cleaner way to hell , and his conversion is more hopeless than the vilest and most notorious sinners ; and the morally righteous man is at a greater distance from grace than the profane , and better be lewd and debauch'd , than live an honest and vertuous life , if you are not of the godly party . bona opera sunt perniciosa ad salutem , says flaccus illiricus . moral goodness is the greatest let to conversion ; and the prophanest wretches make better saints than your moral formalists . and by this means they have brought into fashion a godliness without religion , zeal without humanity , and grace without good nature , or good manners ; have found out in lieu of moral virtue , a spiritual divinity , that is made up of nothing else but certain trains and schemes of effeminate follies and illiterate enthusiasms ; and instead of a sober devotion , a more spiritual and intimate way of communion with god , that in truth consists in little else but meeting together in private to prate phrases , make faces , and rail at carnal reason ( i. e. in their sense all sober and sincere use of our understandings in spiritual matters ) whereby they have effectually turn'd all religion into unaccountable fansies and enthusiasms , drest it up with pompous and empty schemes of speech , and so embrace a few gawdy metaphors and allegories , instead of the substance of true and real righteousness . and herein lies the most material difference between the sober christians of the church of england , and our modern sectaries , that we express the precepts and duties of the gospel in plain and intelligible terms , whilst they trifle them away by childish metaphors and allegories , and will not talk of religion but in barbarous and uncouth similitudes ; and ( what is more ) the different subdivisions among the sects themselves are not so much distinguish'd by any real diversity of opinions , as by variety of phrases and forms of speech , that are the peculiar shibboleths of each tribe . one party affect to lard their discourses with clownish and slovenly similitudes ; another delights to roul in wanton and lascivious allegories ; and a third is best pleased with odd , unusual , unitelligible , and sometimes blasphemous expressions . and whoever among them can invent any new language , presently sets up for a man of new discoveries ; and he that lights upon the prettiest nonsense , is thought by the ignorant rabble to unfold new gospel-mysteries . and thus is the nation shattered into infinite factions , with sensless and phantastick phrases ; and the most fatal miscarriage of them all lies in abusing scripture-expressions , not only without but in contradiction to their sense . so that had we but an act of parliament to abridge preachers the use of fulsom and luscious metaphors , it might perhaps be an effectual cure of all our present distempers . let not the reader smile at the odness of the proposal : for were men obliged to speak sense as well as truth , all the swelling mysteries of fanaticism would immediately sink into flat and empty nonsense ; and they would be ashamed of such jejune and ridiculous stuff as their admired and most profound notions would appear to be , when they , want the varnish of fine metaphors and glittering allusions . in brief , were this a proper place to unravel all their affected phrases and forms of speech , which they have learn'd like parrots to prate by rote , without having any notion of the things they signifie , it would be no unpleasant task to demonstrate , that by them they either mean nothing at all , or some part or instrument of moral vertue . so that all religion must of necessity be resolv'd into enthusiasm or morality . the former is meer imposture , and therefore all that is true must be reduced to the latter ; and what-ever besides appertains to it , must be subservient to the ends of vertue : such are prayer , hearing sermons , and all manner of religious ordinances , that have directly no other place in religion , than as they are instrumental to a vertuous life . § . 't is certain then , that the duties of morality are the most weighty and material concerns of religion ; and 't is as certain , that the civil magistrate has power to bind laws concerning them upon the consciences of subjects : so that every mans conscience is and must be subject to the commands of lawful superiours in the most important matters of religion . and therefore is it not strange , that when the main ends and designs of all religion are avowedly subject to the supreme power , that yet men should be so impatient to exempt its means and subordinate instruments from the same authority ? what reason can the wit of man assign to restrain it from one , that will not much more restrain it from both ? is not the right practice of moral duties as necessary a part of religion , as any outward form of worship in the world ? are not wrong notions of the divine worship as destructive of the peace and settlement of common-wealths , as the most vicious and licentious debaucheries ? are not the rude multitude more inclined to disturb government by superstition than by licentiousness ? and is there not vastly greater danger of the magistrates erring in matters of morality , than in forms and ceremonies of worship , in that those are the main , essential , and ultimate duties of religion ; whereas these are at highest but their instruments , and can challenge no other place in religion , than as they are subservient to the purposes of morality ? nay , is it not still more unaccountable , that the supreme magistrate may not be permitted to determine the circumstances and appendages of the subordinate ministeries to moral virtue , and yet should be allowed ( in all common-wealths ) to determine the particular acts and instances of these virtues themselves ? for example , justice is a prime and natural virtue , and yet its particular cases depend upon humane laws , that determine the bounds of meum and tuum : the divine law restrains titius from invading caius's right and propriety ; but what that is , and when it is invaded , only the laws of the society they live in can determine . and there are some cases that are acts of injustice in england , that are not so in italy ; otherwise all places must be govern'd by the same laws , and what is a law to one nation must be so to all the world. whereas 't is undeniably evident , that neither the law of god nor of nature determine the particular instances of most virtues , but for the most part leave that to the constitutions of national laws . they in general forbid theft , incest , murther , and adultery ; but what these crimes are , they determine not in all cases , but is in most particulars to be explained by the civil constitutions ; and whatsoever the law of the land reckons among these crimes , that the law of god and of nature forbids . and now is it not strangely humoursome to say , that magistrates are instrusted with so great a power over mens conscience in these great and weighty designs of religion , and yet should not be trusted to govern the indifferent , or at least less material circumstances of those things that can pretend to no other goodness , than as they are means serviceable to moral purposes ? that they should have power to make that a particular of the divine law , that god has not made so ; and yet not be able to determine the use of an indifferent circumstance , because ( forsooth ) god has not determin'd it ? in a word , that they should be fully impowered to declare new instances of vertue and vice , and to introduce new duties in the most important parts of religion , and yet should not have authority enough to declare the use and decency of a few circumstances in its subservient and less material concerns . § . the whole state of affairs is briefly this ; man is sent into the world to live happily here , and prepare himself for happiness hereafter ; this is attain'd by the practice of moral vertues and pious devotions ; and wherein these mainly consist , almighty goodness has declared by the laws of nature and revelation : but because in both there are changeable cases and circumstances of things , therefore has god appointed his trustees and officials here on earth to act and determine in both , according to all accidents and emergencies of affairs , to assign new particulars of the divine law , to declare new bounds of right and wrong , which the law of god neither does nor can limit ; because of necessity they must in a great measure depend upon the customs and constitutions of every common-wealth . and in the same manner are the circumstances and outward expressions of divine worship , because they are variable according to the accidents of time and place , entrusted ( with less danger of errour ) with the same authority . and what ceremonies this appoints ( unless they are apparently repugnant to their prime end ) become religious rites ; as what particular actions it constitutes in any species of virtue , become new instances of that virtue , unless they apparently contradict its nature and tendency . now the two primary designs of all religion , are either to express our honourable opinion of the deity , or to advance the interests of vertue and moral goodness ; so that no rites or ceremonies can be esteemed unlawful in the worship of god , unless they tend to debauch men either in their practices , or their conceptions of the deity : and 't is upon one or both of these accounts that any rites and forms of worship become criminally superstitious ; and such were the lupercalia , the eleusinian mysteries , the feasts of bacchus , flora , and venus , because they were but so many festivals of lust and debauchery ; and such were the salvage and bloody sacrifices to saturn , bellona , moloch , baal-peor , and all other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the antient paganism ; because they supposed the divine being to take pleasure in the miseries and tortures of its creatures : and such is all idolatry , in that it either gives right worship to a wrong object , or wrong worship to a right one , or at least represents an infinite majesty by images and resemblances of finite things , and so reflects disparagement upon some of the divine attributes by fastning dishonourable weaknesses and imperfections upon the divine nature . as for these , and the like rites and ceremonies of worship , no humane power can command them , because they are directly contradictory to the ends of religion ; but as for all others that are not so , any lawful authority may as well enjoyn them , as it may adopt any actions whatsoever into the duties of morality , that are not contrary to the ends of morality . § . but a little farther to illustrate this , we may observe , that in matters both of moral vertue and divine worship there are some rules of good and evil that are of an eternal and unchangeable obligation , and these can never be prejudiced or altered by any humane power ; because the reason of their obligation arises from a necessity and constitution of nature , and therefore must be as perpetual as that : but then there are other rules of duty that are alterable according to the various accidents , changes , and conditions of humane life , and depend chiefly upon contracts , and positive laws of kingdoms ; these suffer variety , because their matter and their reason does so . thus in the matter of murther there are some instances of an unalterable nature , and others that are changeable according to the various provisions of positive laws and constitutions . to take away the life of an innocent person is forbidden by such an indispensable law of nature , that no humane power can any way directly or indirectly make it become lawful , in that no positive laws can so alter the constitution of nature , as to make this instance of villany cease to be mischievous to mankind ; and therefore 't is capital in all nations of the world. but then there are other particular cases of this crime , that depend upon positive laws , and so by consequence are liable to change according to the different constitutions of the common-wealths men live in . thus though in england 't is murther for an injured husband to kill an adulteress taken in the act of uncleanness , because 't is forbidden by the laws of this kingdom , yet in spain and among the old romans it was not , because their laws permitted it ; and if the magistrate himself may punish the crime with death , he may appoint whom he pleases to be his executioner . and the case is the same in reference to divine worship , in which there are some things of an absolute and indispensable necessity , and others of a transient and changeable obligation : thus 't is absolutely necessary every rational creature should make returns of gratitude to its creator , from which no humane power can restrain it ; but then for the outward expressions and significations of this duty , they are for the most part good or evil according to the customs and constitutions of different nations , unless in the two forementioned cases , that they either countenance vice , or disgrace the deity . but as for all other rituals , ceremonies , postures , & manners of performing the outward expressions of devotion , that are not chargeable with one or both of these , nothing can hinder their being capable of being adopted into the ministeries of divine service , or exempt them from being subject to the determinations of humane power . and thus the parallel holds in all cases between the secondary and emergent laws of morality , and the subordinate and instrumental rules of worship ; they both equally pass an obligation upon all men , to whom they are prescribed , unless they directly contradict the ends of their institution . and now from this more general consideration of the agreement between matters of meer worship and other duties of morality in reference to the power of the civil magistrate , we may proceed by some more particular accounts to discover , how his dominion over both is of equal extent , and restrain'd within the same bounds and measures ; and that in what cases soever he may exercise jurisdiction over conscience in matters of morality , in all the same he may exercise the same power in concerns of religious worship ; and on the contrary , in what cases his power over matters of religion is restrain'd , in all the same is it limited as to things of a moral nature : whence it must appear with a clear and irresistible evidence , that mens right to liberty of conscience is the same in both to all cases , niceties , and circumstances of things , and that they may as rationally challenge a freedom from the laws of justice as from those of religion , and that to grant it in either is equally destructive of all order and government , and equally tends to reduce all societies , to anarchy and confusion . chap. iii. a more particular state of the controversie , concerning the inward actions of the mind , or matters of meer conscience . the contents . mankind have a liberty of conscience over all their actions , whether moral or strictly religious , as far as it concerns their iudgments , but not their practices . of the nature of christian liberty . it relates to our thoughts , and not to our actions . it may be preserved inviolable under outward restraints . christian liberty consists properly in the restauration of the mind of man to its natural priviledge from the yoke of the ceremonial law. the substantial part of religious worship is internal , and out of the reach of the civil magistrate . external worship is no part of religion . it is and must be left undetermined by the law of god. sacrifices the most antient expressions of outward worship were purely of humane institution . though their being expiatory depended upon a positive law of god , yet their most proper and original vse , viz. to express the significations of a grateful mind , depended on the wills of men. of their first original among the heathens . the reason why god prescribed the particular rites and ceremonies of outward worship to the iews . vnder the christian dispensation he has left the disposal of outward worship to the power and discretion of the church . the impertinency of mens clamours against significant ceremonies , when 't is the only use of ceremonies to be significant . the signification of all ceremonies equally arbitrary . the signification of ceremonies is of the same nature with that of words . and men may as well be offended at the one as the other . § . first then , let all matters of meer conscience , whether purely moral or religious , be subject to conscience meerly , i. e. let men think of things according to their own perswasions , and assert the freedom of their judgments against all the powers of the earth . this is the prerogative of the mind of man within its own dominion ; its kingdom is intellectual , and seated in the thoughts , not actions of men ; and therefore no humane power does , or can prescribe to any mans opinions and secret thoughts , but men will think as they please in spight of all their decrees , and the understanding will remain free when every thing else is bound . and this sovereignty of conscience is no entrenchment upon that of princes : because 't is concern'd only in such matters as are of a quite different nature from their affairs , and gives no restraint to their commanding power over the actions of men ; for meer opinion , whilst such , has no influence upon the good or evil of humane society , that is the proper object of government ; and therefore as long as our thoughts are secret , and lock'd up within our own breasts , they are out of the reach of all humane power . but as for matters that are not confined within the territories of meer conscience , but come forth into outward action , and appear in the societies of men , there is no remedy but they must be subject to the cognizance of humane laws , and come within the verge of humane power ; because by these societies subsist , and humane affairs are transacted . and therefore it concerns those , whose office it is to secure the peace and tranquillity of mankind , to govern and manage them in order to the publick good. so that 't is but a vain and frivolous pretence , when men plead with so much noise and clamour for the sacred and inviolable rights of conscience , and apparently invade or infringe the magistrates power , by submitting its commands to the authority of every subjects conscience ; because the commands of lawful authority are so far from invading its proper liberty , that they cannot reach it , in that 't is seated in that part of man , of whose transactions the civil power can take no cognizance . all humane authority and jurisdiction extends no farther than mens outward actions , these are the proper object of all their laws : whereas liberty of conscience is internal and invisible , and confined to the minds and judgments 〈◊〉 men ; and whilst conscience acts within its proper sphere , that civil power is so far from doing it violence , that it never can . but when this great and imperious faculty passes beyond its own peculiar bounds , and would invade the magistrates authority by exercising an unaccountable dominion within his territories , or by venting such wild opinions among his subjects , as he apprehends to tend to the disturbance of the publick peace , then does it concern him to give check to its proceedings as much as to all other invasions ; for the care of the publick good being his duty , as well as interest , it cannot but be in his power to restrain or permit actions , as they are conducible to that end. mankind therefore have the same natural right to liberty of conscience in matters of religious worship , as in affairs of justice and honesty , i. e. a liberty of iudgment , but not of practice ; they have an inviolable freedom to examine the goodness of all laws moral and ecclesiastical , and to judge of them by their suitableness to the natural reasons of good and evil : but as for the practice and all outward actions either of virtue or devotion , they are equally governable by the laws and constitutions of common-wealths ; and men may with the same pretences of reason challenge an exemption from all humane laws in matters of common honesty upon the score of the freedom of their consciences , as they plead a liberty from all authority in duties of religious worship upon the same account ; because they have a freedom of judgment in both , but of practice in neither . § . and upon the reasonableness of this principle is founded the duty ( or rather priviledge ) of christian liberty , viz. to assert the freedom of the mind of man , as far as 't is not inconsistent with the government of the world , in that a sincere and impartial use of our own understandings , is the first and fundamental duty of humane nature . hence it is , that the divine providence is so highly solicitous not to have it farther restrained than needs must ; and therefore in all matters of pure speculation it leaves the mind of man entirely free to judge of the truth and falshood of things , and will not suffer it to be usurp'd upon by any authority whatsoever : and whatsoever opinion any man entertains of things of this nature , he injures no man by it , and therefore no man can have any reason to commence any quarrel with him for it ; every man here judges for himself , and not for others , and matters of meer opinion having no reference to the publick , there is no need of any publick judgment to determine them . but as for those actions that are capable of having any influence upon the publick good or ill of mankind , though they are liable to the determinations of the publick laws , yet the law of god will not suffer them to be determin'd farther than is requisite to the ends of government : and in those very things in which it has granted the civil magistrate a power over the practices of men , it permits them not to exercise any authority over their judgments , but leaves them utterly free to judge of them as far as they are objects of meer opinion , and relate not to the common interest of mankind . and hence , though the commands of our lawful superiours may change indifferent things into necessary duties , yet they cannot restrain the liberty of our minds from judging things thus determin'd to remain in their own nature indifferent : and the reason of our obligation to do them is not fetcht from any antecedent necessity in themselves , but from the supervening commands of authority , to which obedience in all things lawful is a necessary duty . so that christian liberty , or the inward freedom of our judgments may be preserved inviolable under the restraints of the civil magistrate , which are outward , and concern only the actions , not judgments of men ; because the outward determination to one particular rather than another does not abrogate the inward indifferency of the thing it self ; and the duty of our acting according to the laws arises not from any opinion of the necessity of the thing it self , but either from some emergent and changeable circumstances of order and decency , or from a sense of the absolute indispensableness of the duty of obedience . therefore the whole affair of christian liberty relates only to our inward judgment of things ; and provided this be kept inviolate , it matters not ( as to that concern ) what restraints are laid upon our cutward actions . in that though the gospel has freed our consciences from the power of things , yet it has not from that of government ; we are free from the matter , but not from the authority of humane laws ; and as long as we obey the determinations of our superiours with an opinion of the indifferency of the things themselves , we retain the power of our christian liberty , and are still free as to the matter of the law , though not as to the duty of obedience . § . neither is this prerogative of our christian liberty so much any new favour granted in the gospel , as the restauration of the mind of man to its natural priviledge , by exempting us from the yoke of the ceremonial law , whereby things in themselves indifferent were tied upon the conscience with as indispensable an obligation , as the rules of essential goodness & equity , during the whole period of the mosaick dispensation ; which being cancell'd by the gospel , those indifferent things , that had been made necessary by a divine positive command , return'd to their own nature , to be used or omitted only as occasion should direct . and upon this account was it that st. paul , though he were so earnest an assertor of his christian liberty against the doctrine of the necessity of jewish ceremonies , never scrupled to use them , when ever he thought it serviceable to the interests of christianity ; as is apparent in his circumcision of timothy , to which he would never have condescended out of observation of the mosaick law , and yet did not in the least scruple to do it for other purposes as prudence and discretion should direct him . and though in his discourses of christian liberty he instances only in circumcision , meats and drinks , and other ceremonial ordinances , which were then the particulars most in dispute between the christians and the jews ; yet by the clearest analogy of reason the case is the same as to the judicial law , and all other things commanded by moses , that were not either rules of eternal goodness , or expresly establish'd in the gospel : this being its clearest and most important design , to reprieve mankind from all the burdensome and arbitrary impositions of moses , that were scarce capable of any other goodness than their being instances of obedience ; and to restore us to such a religion , as was most suitable to the perfection of humane nature ; and to tye no other laws upon us , than such whose natural and intrinsick goodness should carry with them their own eternal obligation . and therefore whatsoever our superiours impose upon us , whether in matters of religious worship , or any other duties of morality , it neither is , nor can be any entrenchment upon our christian liberty , provided it be not imposed with an opinion of the antecedent necessity of the thing it self . § . now the design of what i have discoursed upon this article of christian liberty , is not barely to shew the manifest impertinency of all those little objections men force from it against the civil magistrates jurisdiction over the outward concerns of religion ; whereas this relates entirely to things of a quite different nature , and is only concern'd in the inward actions of the mind : but withal my purpose is mainly , by exempting all internal acts of the soul from the empire of humane laws , to shew that religion , properly so called , is of all virtues the least obnoxious to the abuse of government , in that the whole substance of religious worship is transacted within the mind of man , and dwells in our hearts and thoughts beyond the reach of princes ; the soul is its proper seat and temple , and there men may worship their god as they please , without offending their prince . for the essence of religious worship consists in nothing else but a grateful sense and temper of mind towards the divine goodness , and so can reside in those faculties only that are capable of being affected with gratitude and veneration : and as for all that concerns external worship , 't is no part of religion it self , but only an instrument to express the inward veneration of the mind by some outward action or posture of the body . upon which account it is that the divine wisdom has so little concern'd it self to prescribe any particular forms of divine service ; for though the christian laws command us by some exteriour signs to express our interiour piety , yet they have no where set down any particular expressions of worship and adoration . and indeed the exteriour significations of honour being so changeable according to the variety of customs and places , there could be no particular forms or fashions prescribed : for so some would have been obliged to signifie their honourable sentiments of god by marks of scorn and dishonour ; because those fashions and postures which in some places are indications of respect , are to others signs of contempt . so mad and seditious is the humour of those men , who brand all those forms of divine service , that are not expresly enjoyn'd in the holy volume , with the odious titles of superstition and will-worship ; and so in one sentence condemn all the churches in the world , seeing there is not any one that has not peculiar rites and customs of its own , that were never prescribed nor practised by our saviour or his apostles . and in all ages of the world god has left the management of his outward worship to the discretion of men , unless when to determine some particular forms has been useful to some other purposes . § . the ancientest and most universally practised way of expressing divine worship and adoration , was by offering of sacrifices ; those first ages of the world conceiving it a proper and natural way of acknowledging their entire dependence upon , and gratitude towards god , by publickly presenting him with a portion of the best and most precious things they had : and god was well-pleased with them , not because he at all delighted in the blood of bulls and goats , but because they were the pledges , and significations of a grateful mind . and yet this outward expression of divine worship , notwithstanding its universality and antiquity , was only made choice of by good men as a fit way of intimating the pious and grateful resentments of their minds , and cannot in the least pretend to owe its original to any divine institution , seeing there appears not any shadow of a command for it ; and to say it was commanded , though 't is no where recorded , is to take the liberty of saying any thing without proof or evidence . that indeed sacrifices became expiatory , and that the life of a beast should be accepted to redeem the life of a man , depended purely upon positive institution , lev. . . for the life of the flesh is in the blood , and i have given it to you upon the altar to make an atonement for your souls ; for 't is the blood that maketh an atonement for the soul. now it was a matter of meer grace and favour in god to exchange the blood of a beast for the blood of a man , which was really forfeited for every transgression of that law , that was establish'd upon no less sanction than the threatning of death . in which commutation of the forfeiture was an equal mixture of the divine mercy and severity , hereby he at once signified his hatred to sin , and his compassion to sinners ; in that though he might have remitted the offence without exacting the penalty , yet to shew his implacable hatred against sin , and withal the more to affright men from its commission , he would never remit its guilt without some sort of recompence and expiation . but setting aside this positive institution of sacrifices and consumptive oblations , their prime and natural use was only to express the significations of a grateful mind , as sufficiently appears not only in the religion of the ancient jews , but heathens too . among whom the first and earliest footsteps of the worship of god appear in their harvest sacrifices and oblations , when they presented the deity with a parcel of their annual returns in acknowledgment of his bounty and providence : crying harvest-in was their most solemn , and most ancient festival , arist. nicomach . l. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the ancient sacrifices and festival meeting appear to have been at first instituted upon the ingathering of their fruits , such were the offering of their first-fruits : which was a decent and sutable way of acknowledging their homage and gratitude to their supreme lord ; and had they not been directed to a wrong deity ( as probably they were to the sun ) they might have been no less pleasing to the almighty , than cornelius's alms and devotions : because god is no respecter of persons , but in every nation he that feareth him , and worketh righeousness , is accepted with him . § . in the mosaick dispensation indeed god took special care to prescribe the particular rites and ceremonies of his worship , not so much by reason of the necessity of the thing it self , as because of the sottishness and stupidity of that age ; in that all the religions in the world were lamentably degenerated into the most sordid and idolatrous superstition , and the jewish nation were sottishly addicted to the absurd customs of their neighbours ; and therefore the divine wisdom enjoyn'd them the most contrary usages , as a fence to keep them from passing over to the religion of the gentiles . but when mankind was grown up to a riper understanding , and could discern that religion was something else beside customs and ceremonies ; then did god cancel the old discipline of the law , and by the ministry of iesus christ establish'd a more manly and rational dispensation ; in which as he has been more solicitous to acquaint us with the main and fundamental affairs of religion , so has he scarce at all concern'd himself in exteriour rites and significations ( having instituted only two , viz. the two sacraments that are distinguish'd from all other ceremonies , by their being federal and peculiarly significative of the covenant between god and man , seal'd by the first , renewed and confirmed by the second ) but as for all other rites and ceremonies of external service , he has left their entire disposal to the power and discretion of the church it self , knowing that as long as men had wit and reason enough to manage the civil affairs of common-wealths , they could not want prudence to judge what circumstances were conducive to order and decency in publick worship . and if we take a survey of all the forms of divine service practised in the christian church , there is not any of them can so much as pretend to be appointed in the word of god , but depend on the authority of the civil power in the same manner as all customs and laws of civil government do . and therefore to quarrel with those forms of publick worship , that are established by authority , only because they are humane institutions , is at once notorious schism and rebellion : for where a religion is establish'd by the laws , whoever openly refuses obedience , plainly rebels against the government , rebellion being properly nothing else but an open denial of obedience to the civil power . nor can men of this principle live peaceably in any church in christendom , in that there is not a church in the world , that has not peculiar rites and customs and laws of government and discipline . § . but of this i shall have occasion to account elsewhere , and shall rather chuse to observe here , from what i have discoursed of the use and nature of outward worship , the prodigious impertinency of that clamour some men have for so many years kept up against the institution of significant ceremonies ; when 't is the only use of ceremonies , as well as all other outward expressions of religion , to be significant : in that all worship is only an outward sign of inward honour , and is indifferently perform'd either by words or actions ; for respect may as well be signified by deeds , and postures , and visible solemnities as by solemn expressions : thus to approach the divine majesty with such gestures as are wont to betoken reverence and humility , is as proper a piece of worship , as to celebrate his greatness by solemn praises : and to offer sacrifices and oblations , was among the ancients the same sort of worship as to return thanksgivings , they being both equally outward signs of inward love and gratitude . and therefore there can be no more exception against the signification of ceremonies than of words , seeing this is the proper office of both in the worship of god. and as all forms , and ceremonies , and outward actions of external worship are in a manner equally significant , so are they equally arbitrary ; only some happen to be more universally practised , and others to be confined to some particular times and places : kneeling , lying prostrate , being bare-headed , lifting up the hands or eyes , are not more naturally significant of worship and adoration than putting off the shoes , bowing the head , or bending the body ; and if some are more generally used than others , that proceeds not from their natural significancy , but from custom and casual prescriptions : and to bow the body , when we mention the name of iesus , is as much a natural signification of honour to his person , as kneeling , or being bare-headed , or lifting up the hands or eyes , when we offer up our prayers to him . but if all outward actions become to betoken honour by institution , then whatsoever outward signs are appointed by the common-wealth , unless they are customary marks of contempt , and so carry in them some antecedent vndecency , are proper signs of worship ; for if actions are made significant by agreement , those are most so whose signification is ratified by publick consent . § . so that all the magistrates power of instituting significant ceremonies , amounts to no more than a power of determining what shall or shall not be visible signs of honour , and this certainly can be no more usurpation upon the consciences of men , than if the sovereign authority should take upon it self ( as some princes have done ) to define the signification of words . for as words do not naturally denote those things which they are used to represent , but have their import stampt upon them by consent and institution , and and may , if men would agree to it among themselves , be made marks of things quite contrary to what they now signifie : so the same gestures and actions are indifferently capable of signifying either honour or contumely ; and therefore that they may have a certain and setled meaning , 't is necessary their signification should be determined : and unless this be done either by some positive command , or publick consent , or some other way , there can be no such thing as publick worship in the world , in that its proper end and usefulness is to express mens agreement in giving honour to the divine majesty : and therefore unless the signs by which this honour is signified be publick and uniform , 't is not publick worship , because there is no publick signification of honour . so far is it from being unlawful for governours to define significant ceremonies in divine worship , that it is rather necessary ; in that unless they were defined , it would cease to be publick worship : and when different men worship god by different actions , according to their different fansies , 't is not publick , but private worship ; in that they are not publick , but private signs of honour . so that uniformity in the outward actions of religious worship is of the same use , as certainty in the signification of words , because otherwise they were no publick expressions of honour . and therefore , to sum up the whole result of this discourse : if all internal actions of the soul are beyond the jurisdiction of humane power , if by them the substance of religious worship be perform'd , if all outward forms of worship have no other use , than only to be instruments to express inward religion , and if the signification of actions be of the same nature with that of words ; then when the civil magistrate takes upon him to determine any particular forms of outward worship , 't is , after all that hideous and ridiculous noise that is raised against it , of no worse consequence , than if he should go about to define the signification of all words used in the worship of god. chap. iv. of the nature of all actions intrinsecally evil , and their exemption from the authority of humane laws , against mr. hobs ; with a full confutation of his whole hypothesis of government . the contents . no magistrate can command actions internally evil. the reason hereof is , not because men are in any thing free from the supreme authority in earth , but because they are subject to a superiour in heaven . to take off all obligations antecedent to humane laws , is utterly to destroy all government . mr. hobs his hypothesis concerning the nature and original of government proposed . it s absurdity demonstrated from its inconsistency with the natural constitution of things . the principles of government are to be adapted , not to an imaginary , but to the real state of nature . this hypothesis apparently denies either the being of god , or the goodness and wisdom of providence . it irrecoverably destroys the safety of all societies of mankind in the world. it leaves us in as miserable condition under the state of government , as we were in his supposed natural state of war. it enervates all its own laws of nature , by founding the reason of their obligation upon meer self-interest . which false and absurd principle being removed , all that is base , or peculiar in the whole hypothesis , is utterly cashier'd . § . when any thing that is apparently and intrinsecally evil is the matter of an humane law , whether it be of a civil or ecclesiastical concern , here god is to be obeyed rather than man : no circumstances can alter the rules of prime and essential rectitude , their goodness is eternal and unchangeable . and therefore in all such actions disobedience to humane laws is so far from being a sin , that it becomes an indispensable duty . where the good or evil of an action is determined by the law of nature , no positive humane law can take off its morality ; because 't is in it self repugnant to the principles of right reason , & by consequence as unchangeable as that . and therefore if the supreme magistrate should make a law not to believe the being of god or providence , the truth of the gospel , the immortality of the soul ; that law can no more bind , than if a prince should command a man to murther his father , or to ravish his mother ; because the obligatory power of all such laws is antecedently rescinded by a stronger and more indispensable obligation . and thus has every man a natural right to be virtuous , and no authority whatsoever can deny him the liberty of acting virtuously without being guilty of the foulest tyranny and injustice : not so much because subjects are in any thing free from the authority of the supreme power on earth , as because they are subject to a superiour in heaven ; and they are only then excused from the duty of obedience to their sovereign , when they cannot give it without rebellion against god. so that it is not originally any right of their own , that exempts them from a subjection to the sovereign power in all things ; but 't is purely gods right of governing his own creatures , that magistrates then invade , when they make edicts to violate or controul his laws . and those who would take off from the consciences of men all obligations antecedent to those of humane laws , instead of making the power of princes supreme , absolute , and uncontroulable , they utterly enervate all their authority , and set their subjects at perfect liberty from all their commands . for if we once remove all the antecedent obligations of conscience and religion , men will be no further bound to submit to their laws , than only as themselves shall see convenient ; and if they are under no other restraint , it will be their wisdom to rebel as oft as it is their interest . in that the laws of superiours passing no obligation upon the consciences of subjects , they neither are , nor can be under any stronger engagements to subjection , than to preserve themselves from the penalties and inflictions of the law ; and so by consequence may despise its obligation , whenever they can hope to escape its punishment . now , how must this weaken the power , and supplant the thrones of princes , if every subject may despise their laws , or invade their sovereignty , whenever he can hope to build his own fortune upon their ruines ? how would it expose their scepters to the continual attempts of rebels and usurpers , when every one , that has strength enough to wrest it out of his princes hands , has right and title enough to hold it ? what security could princes have of their subjects loyalty , that will own their power , as long as it shall be their interest ; and when it ceases to be so , call it tyranny ? how shall they ever be secured by any promises , oaths , and covenants of allegiance , that have no other band but self-security , or hope of exemption from the penalties of the law ? will not the most sacred bonds and compacts leave them in as insecure a condition as they found them in ? in that self-advantage would have kept their subjects loyal and obedient without oaths , and nothing else will do it with them ; and therefore they can add no new obligations to that of interest : for if to perform their covenants be advantageous , they are bound to perform them by the laws of prudence and discretion without the oath as much as with it ; if disadvantageous , no oath can oblige them , in that interest and self-preservation is the only enforcement of all their covenants : and therefore when that tye happens to cease , their obligation becomes null and void , and they may observe them if they please , and if they please break them . § . but the vanity and groundlesness of this opinion will more fully appear , by discovering the lamentable foundation , on which it stands ; and that is a late wild hypothesis concerning the nature and original of government , which is briefly this : that the natural condition of mankind is a state and posture of war of every man against every man , in that all men being born in a condition of equality , they have all an equal right to all things ; and because all cannot enjoy all , hence every man becomes an enemy to every man : in which state of hostility there is no way for any man to secure himself so reasonable as anticipation , that is , by force or wiles to master the persons of all men he can , till he see no other power great enough to endanger himself ; so that there is no remedy but that in the state of nature all men must be obliged to seek and contrive , in order to their own security , one anothers destruction . but because in this condition mankind must for ever groan under all the miseries and calamities of war , therefore they have wisely chosen by mutual consent to enter into contracts and covenants of mutual trust , in which every man has , in order to his own security , been content to relinquish his natural and unlimited right to every thing ; and hereby they enter into a state of peace and government , in which every man engages by solemn oath and covenant to submit himself to the publick laws in order to his own private safety . so that , according to this hypothesis , there are no rules of right or wrong antecedent to the laws of the common-wealth , but all men are at absolute liberty to do as they please ; and how cruel soever they may be to one another , they can never be injurious , there being nothing just or unjust but what is made so by the laws of the society , to which all its members covenant to submit when they enter into it . this hypothesis , as odde as it is , is become the standard of our modern politicks ; by which men , that pretend to understand the real laws of wisdom and subtlety , must square their actions ; and therefore is swallowed down , with as much greediness as an article of faith , by the wild and giddy people of the age. and of the reality of it none can doubt but fops and raw-brain'd fellows , that understand nothing of the world , or the complexion of humane nature . now 't is but labour in vain to go about to confute the phantastick theory of things , only by demonstrating the groundlesness of the conceit ; it being the fashion and humour of those men i have to do with , to embrace any hypothesis how precarious soever , if it do but serve the purposes of baseness and irreligion : and therefore i shall not content my self with barely proving the weakness of its foundation , but shall confute and shame it too , by shewing it to be palpably false , absurd , and mischievous from these ensuing considerations . § . first then the hypothesis , which he lays as the basis of all his discourse , is infinitely false and absurd : for what can be more incongruous , than to proceed upon the supposal of such a state of nature as never was , nor ever shall be ; and is so far from being sutable to the natural frame of things , that 't is absolutely inconsistent with it ? and though philosophers are so civil among themselves ( with how much reason i now determine not ) as to allow one another the liberty , when they frame theories and hypotheses of things , to suppose some precarious principles ; yet are they never so fond as to grant such fundamental suppositions , as are apparently false and incongruous , and repugnant to the real state of things : or if any will take upon them that unwarrantable liberty of invention , yet however it would be monstrously impertinent to lay down their own lamentable fictions , as the fundamental reasons of the truth , and reality of things . and yet with this gross and inexcusable absurdity is this hypothesis most notoriously chargeable . for when it has once supposed ( without ever attempting to prove it ) that the state of nature is a state of war , and that by nature all men have a right to all things , and come into the world without any obligations to mutual justice and honesty , it from thence concludes : that in a bare state of nature there can be no right and wrong ; that what mischiefs soever men may do to each other , they can do no injuries ; that the first reason and foundation of all natural right is self-preservation , and that in pursuance of this principle men enter into societies , bind themselves to an observance of the laws of justice and natural equity by mutual bonds and covenants , and think themselves engaged to observe them only in order to self-interest . so that if we remove this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this fundamental falshood , that the state of nature is a state of war and anarchy , all the subsequent propositions will immediately appear to be as groundless , as they are unreasonable ; and there will not remain the least shadow of reason to believe private interest , the only reason of right and wrong , or the first and fundamental law of nature ; and this authors city will appear to stand upon no firmer foundation than a fable and a falshood ; and his hypothesis so grosly absurd and incongruous , as would be highly blameable in the contrivance of a dramatick plot. but if , instead of conforming the principles of justice and government to this false and imaginary state of the world , we take a serious view of the true and real posture of the nature of things ; the dictates of reason that must naturally result from thence , will be as contrary to some of those this author hath assign'd , as the natural state of things is to this imaginary one : namely , that there was a first cause of humane kind , and that this first cause is a being endued with goodness and equity ; and therefore that when he made mankind , he design'd their welfare and felicity ; and by consequence created them in such a condition , in which they might acquire it . all men therefore having by the divine appointment a common right and title to happiness , which cannot be obtain'd without society , nor society subsist without mutual aids of love and friendship , because we are not self-sufficient , but stand in need of mutual assistances ; from hence it follows , that as every man is obliged to act for his own good , so also to aim at the common good of mankind , because without this the natural right that every individual man has to happiness , cannot possibly be obtain'd ; so that there will plainly arise from the constitution of humane nature an essential iustice , that demands of every man offices of love and kindness to others as well as to himself ; in that without this that common welfare and happiness , which nature , or rather that divine providence that made it , design'd for all and every individual of mankind , must become utterly unattainable . and hence the sole fountain of all the mischiefs and miseries in the world is excess of unreasonable self-love , and neglect of all other interests but our own ; and all such , as separate their own concerns from the common interest , are the profess'd enemies of mankind : and therefore 't is the only aim of all the just laws and wise philosophy in the world , to assign reasonable allowances between self-love and society . and if all men would be just , and impartial between themselves and the publick , i. e. all others , there would be no use of laws nor judges , this being the only office of publick justice , to balance every mans private interest . well then , because there is an absolute necessity that the government of the world must be suited to , and established upon the natural condition of humane nature ; hence it is , that it is made as natural to the being , as 't is necessary to the preservation of mankind ; and that as we cannot subsist , so neither can we be born out of society , he that made us , having made this our natural condition , that we could not possibly come into the world but under a state of government , all children being actually as soon as born under the power and authority of their parents : and therefore as mankind cannot continue without propagation , so neither can propagation without government ; and to be a subject is as natural upon being born , as to be a man. now 't is certain , that that only can be accounted the state of nature that was made and design'd by the author of nature ( for if it be not suitable to that order and condition of things , that he has establish'd , 't is preternatural . ) and therefore seeing he did not create multitudes of men together out of each others power , and in a state of war and hostility , but begun the race of humane kind in a single person , by whom the community of men was to be propagated , that must be the state of nature in which it was at first founded , and by which it is still continued : but if men will feign such an imaginary state of nature as is utterly contradictory to the real , and then , upon such an unnatural frame of affairs , establish our natural rights ; 't is no wonder if they prove contrary to our common interests , seeing they are suited to a contrary state of things . § . secondly , no man can seriously embrace this hypothesis , that does not firmly believe either ( . ) that there never was any author of humane nature , but that a multitude of men hapned by chance to arise like mushromes out of the earth altogether , who out of diffidence and jealousie one of another for want of acquaintance shun'd society , and withdrew like all other beasts of prey into dens and secret retirements , where they lived poor and solitary as bats and owls , and subsisted like vermine by robbing and filching from one another ; till finding this way of living lamentably unsafe and uneasie , every man being always upon the guard against every man , and in continual fear and danger from the whole community , they grew weary of this forlorn and comfortless way of living ; and thence some that were more wise , or more cowardly than others , when they chanced to meet in their wild rangings after prey , instead of belabouring one another with snagsticks , and beating out each others brains , made signs of parley , and so began to treat of terms of mutual peace and assistance , and so by degrees to win others into their party , till they hearded together in small rendezvouses , like the little common-wealths of the savage americans , which in process of time grew up into larger societies , from whence at length came the different nations and governments of the world. but if this fortuitous original of humane nature be too absurd and ridiculous to be asserted , then ( . ) it must be supposed , that there was a first author and creator of mankind : and if there were , then whoever believes this hypothesis , must withal believe that he contrived things so ill , that unless his creatures had by chance been more provident than himself , they must of necessity have perish'd as soon as they were made ; and therefore that the well-being of the world is to be entirely attributed to mans wit , and not to gods providence , who sent his creatures into it in such a condition as should oblige them to seek their own mutual ruine and destruction ; so that had they continued in that state of war he left them in , they must have lived and died like gladiators , and have unavoidably perish'd at one time or other by one anothers swords ; and therefore that mankind owe the comfort of their lives not at all to their creator , but entirely to themselves ; forasmuch as the very laws of nature , whereby , according to this hypothesis , the world is preserved , were not establish'd by the divine providence ; but are only so many rules of art , being , as all other maximes of prudence and policy are , inventions of humane wit , and suppose man not in the natural state and posture of war , in which god left him , but in a preternatural one of his own contriving . but certainly the deity that made us , if we suppose him good , made us not to be miserable ; for so we must unavoidably have been in a perpetual state of war : and therefore to suppose he both made and left us in that condition , is directly to deny our creators goodness . and then if we suppose him wise , we cannot imagine he would frame a creation to destroy it self ; unless we can believe his only design was to sport himself in the folly and madness of his creatures , by beholding them by all the ways of force and fraud to conspire their own mutual destruction : and therefore if the creation of man were a product of the divine wisdom or goodness , his natural state must have been a condition of peace , and not such a state of war that should naturally tend to his misery , ruine , and utter destruction . § . ( . ) this hypothesis irrecoverably destroys the safety of all societies of mankind in the world : for if personal safety and private interest be the only foundation of all the laws of nature or principles of equity , i. e. if men endeavour peace , and enter into contracts of mutual trust , if they invade not the proprieties of others , if they think themselves obliged to promote the good of the society , if they submit themselves to the laws of the common-wealth , if they practise justice , equity , mercy , and all other virtues , if they refrain from cruelty , pride , revenge , and all other vices , only to secure their own personal safety and interest ; then whenever this obligation ceases , all the ties to justice and equity , that derive all their force and reason from it , must also cease ; and when any single person can hope to advance his own private interest by the ruine of the publick , it will be lawful for him to effect it ; and war , rebellion , and injuries will be at least as innocent as faith , justice , and obedience ; because these are good only in order to private interest , and therefore when those chance to be as conducive to it , they will then be as just and lawful . so that this single principle does as effectually work the subversion of all government , as if men were taught the most professed principles of rebellion , as , that all government is tyranny and usurpation ; that his majesties possession of the crown is his best title ; that whoever has wit or strength enough to wrest his scepter from him , has right to hold it . for as men of these and the like perswasions will never act them , but when opportunity invites ; and will be obedient to any government , till they can destroy it : so will those other rebel , as soon as they think it their interest . for when ever they can hope to mend their fortunes by rebellion , the same obligation , that restrain'd them from it , does now as forcibly invite them to it , that is self-interest , i. e. they cannot but think rebellion lawful , as oft as they think it safe . and there are no villains so mad or foolish as to attempt it upon other grounds . so that , though this author has assign'd us some not unuseful laws of nature , yet has he effectually enervated their force and usefulness , by resolving the reason of their obligation into self-interest ; and so laying the fundamental principles of all injustice , as the only foundation of all the rules of justice : for as 't is the nature and office of justice to maintain the common right of all , and to secure my neighbours happiness as well as my own ; so the formal obliquity of all injustice lies in pursuing of a private interest without regard to the common good of all and every member of the society . and therefore if private interest be the only reason and enforcement of the laws of nature , men will have no other motive to obey their constitutions , than what will as strongly oblige to break them ; i. e. if men are just and honest for no other reason than because 't is their interest , then when 't is their interest , they may ( and if they are wise will ) be unjust and dishonest . and so men that owne the laws of 〈…〉 this principle may be villains , 〈…〉 of all their restraints ; and the most lewd and profligate wretches will , as well as they , be just or unjust , as it serves their turns . for this principle , that engages men to be honest only as long as they must , will as effectually oblige them to be rogues as soon as they can . § . so that according to this hypothesis , mankind is left in as ill a condition after they have by pacts and covenants united into societies , and a state of peace , as they were in their natural state of war. for all covenants of mutual trust are ( according to its own rules ) in the state of nature invalid ; because under that men are under no obligations of justice and honesty to one another , and have no other measure of their actions but their interest ; and therefore as that might invite them in some circumstances to enter into bonds and contracts , so it may in others to break them . so that in the state of government all their promises , oaths , and contracts will prove as ineffectual as in the state of nature : partly , because the force of all contracts , made in the state of government , ariseth from the validity of the first compact , that was made in the state of nature ; that is , in that state in which it could have no validity ; partly , because they have no other tye but that of self-interest , and so can lay no other obligation upon us to observe them , than they might have done before . and therefore if mankind be once supposed in this natural state of war , they can never be delivered from it ; and after they have enter'd into covenants of peace , they would remain as much as before in a posture of war , and be subject to all the same dangers and miseries , that would have annoyed them if they had continued in their natural state . for if justice and fidelity be not supposed to be the law and duty of our natures , no covenants are of power enough to bring us under any obligation to them . now , having thus clearly blown up the foundations of this hypothesis , 't were but labour in vain to make particular enquiries into all the flaws and follies of its superstructures , seeing they must of necessity stand and fall together ; for if its subsequent propositions be coherently deduced from these fundamental principles , all the evidence and certainty they can pretend to , depends on them ; and therefore the premisses being once convicted of falshood , all pretences to truth in the conclusions must necessarily vanish . and if any of them happen to be true and rational , 't is not by vertue of these , but other principles . thus though the laws of nature , he assigns , may be useful to the ends of government and happiness of mankind ; yet , because upon those grounds , on which he assigns them , they would be no laws , that alone is sufficient evidence of the errour and vanity of his whole hypothesis ; seeing how good soever they may be in themselves , yet upon the principles , and in the method , in which he proposes them , they are of no force . in that self-interest being the only reason of their obligation , the interests of civil society come thereby to be no better secured with , than without them : because if they were not in force by vertue of any compact , all men would chuse to act according to them , when they thought it advantageous ; and when they have the utmost force his principles can give them , no man would think they obliged him , when ever he apprehended them disadvantageous . so that this malignant principle of meer self-interest running through the whole systeme , and twisting it self with every branch of his morality , it does not only eat out , and enervate its native life and vigour , but withal envenoms their natural truth and soundness with its own malignity . which principle being removed , and that influence it hath on other parts of this hypothesis being prevented , and withal the foundation on which it stands ruin'd , viz. his absurd and imaginary state of nature , we have perhaps cashier'd all that is either base or peculiar in it , and restored the true accounts of natural justice and right reason , viz. that all men have a natural right to happiness from the very design of their creation , that this cannot be acquired without mutual aids and friendships ; and therefore right reason dictates , that every man should have some concern for his neighbour , as well as himself : because this is made necessary to the welfare of the world by the natural state of things , and by this mutual exchange of love and kindness men support one another in the comforts of humane life . chap. v. a confutation of the consequences that some men draw from mr. hobs's principles in behalf of liberty of conscience . the contents . how a belief of the imposture of all religions is become the most powerful and fashionable argument for the toleration of all . though religion were a cheat , yet because the world cannot be govern'd without it ; they are the most mischievous enemies to government that tell the world it is so . religion is useful or dangerous in a state , as the temper of mind it breeds is peaceable or turbulent . the dread of invisible powers is not of it self sufficient to awe people into subjection , but tends more probably to tumults and seditions . this largely proved by the ungovernableness of the principles and tempers of some sects . fanaticism is as natural to the common people , as folly and ignorance ; and yet is more mischievous to government , than vice and debauchery . how the fanaticks of all nations and religions agree in the same principles of sedition . to permit different sects of religion in a common-wealth , is only to keep up so many incurable pretences and occasions of publick disturbance . the corrupt passions and humours of men make toleration infinitely unsafe . toleration only cried up by opprest parties , because it gives them opportunity to overturn the settled frame of things . every man that desires indulgence is engaged by his principles to endeavour changes and alterations . a bare indulgence of men in any religion , different from the establish'd way of worship , does but exasperate them against the state. § . and now the reason , why i have thus far pursued this principle , is , because 't is become the most powerful patron of the fanatick interest ; and a belief of the indifferency , or rather imposture of all religion , is now made the most effectual ( not to say most fashionable ) argument for liberty of conscience . for when men have once swallowed this principle , that mankind is free from all obligations antecedent to the laws of the common-wealth , and that the will of the sovereign power is the only measure of good and evil ; they proceed suitably to its consequences , to believe , that no religion can obtain the force of a law , till 't is establish'd for such by supreme authority ; that the holy scriptures were not laws to any man , till they were enjoyned by the christian magistrate ; that no man is under any obligation to assent to their truth , unless the governours of the common-wealth require it ; and that setting aside their commands , 't is no sin to believe our blessed saviour a villanous and lewd impostor ; and that , if the sovereign power would declare the alcoran to be canonical scripture , it would be as much the word of god as the four gospels . leviath . p. . c. . for if sovereigns in their own dominions are the sole legislators , then those books only are canonical , that is law , in every nation , which are established for such by the sovereign authority . so that all religions are in reality nothing but cheats and impostures , and at best but so many tales of imaginary and invisible powers , publickly allowed and encouraged , to awe the common people to obedience . leviath . p. . c. . who are betrayed into it by these four follies , a false opinion of ghosts and immaterial substances , that neither are , nor ever can be ; ignorance of second causes , devotion towards what men groundlesly fear ; and mistaking things casual for divine prognosticks . in brief , all religion is nothing but a cheat of policy , and was at first invented by the founders and legislators of common-wealths , and by them obtruded upon the credulous rabble for the ends of government . and therefore , though princes may wisely make use of the fables of religion to serve their own turns upon the silly multitude , yet 't is below their wisdom to be seriously concern'd themselves for such fooleries ; so that , provided their subjects will befool themselves with any one imposture , 't is not material which they single out ; in that all religions equally oblige to the belief of invisible powers , which is all that is requisite to the designs of policy . and as long as a prince can keep up any apprehensions of religion in the minds of his subjects , 't is no policy to disoblige and exasperate any of them , by interessing his power for one party more than another , and by forcing all other sects against their own inclinations to conform their belief to the perswasions of one faction ; but rather to endear them all to himself , by indulging them their liberty in their different follies : and so he may with more ease secure his government by abusing all , and yet disobliging none . § . in answer to this objection , 't is not material to my present purpose largely to examine & refute these wild and extravagant pretences , by asserting the truth and divine authority of religion , and giving a rational account of the grounds and principles , on which it stands : only let me observe that this discourse lies under no less prejudice than this , that if any of the principles of religion be true , then is all these mens policy false : but waving this too great advantage , i shall content my self only to discover of what noisom and pernicious consequence such principles are to the common-wealth , though it were granted that all religion were nothing but imposture . and this i shall do ( without reminding the reader how i have already prevented this objection in the first part of the discourse , when i shew'd what good or bad influence upon the state mens perswasions about religion have ) by these four ensuing considerations . first , then methinks his majesty is bound to con these men thanks for endeavouring to render the truth of religion suspected , and to possess mens minds with apprehensions of its being false ; whereby they effectually rob him of the best security of his crown , and strongest inducements of obedience to his laws . there being for certain nothing so absolutely necessary to the reverence of government , the peace of societies , and common interests of mankind , as a sense of conscience and religion : this is the strongest bond of laws , and only support of government ; without it the most absolute and unlimited powers in the world must be for ever miserably weak and precarious , and lie always at the mercy of every subjects passion and private interest . for when the obligations of conscience and religion are cashier'd , men can have no higher inducements to loyalty and obedience , than the considerations of their own private interest and security ; and then wherever these happen to fail , and interest and advantage invite to disobedience , men may do as they please : and when they have power to shake off authority , they have right too ; and a prosperous usurper shall have as fair a title to his crown as the most lawful prince ; all government will be founded upon force and violence , and kings nothing but terrible men with long swords . but when the ties of conscience are superinduced upon those of secular interest , this extends the power of princes to the hearts of their subjects , and secures them as much from the very thoughts , as attempts of treason . for nothing so strongly influences the minds of men , or so authoritatively commands their passions and inclinations , as religion ; forasmuch as no fears are ( not only to the considerate part of mankind , but to the ruder sort ) so vehement as those of hell , nor hopes so active as those of heaven : and therefore the commands of religion being back'd with such mighty sanctions , they must needs have infinitely more force to awe or allure the minds of men to a compliance , than any secular interests . whereas those men that think themselves above the follies of conscience , and either believe or regard not the evils threatned hereafter ( an attainment to which these our modern politicians do not blush to pretend , though it be but an odde piece of policy openly to owne and proclaim it ) must make their present interest the rule and measure of all their actions ; and can have no other obligation to obey their lawful superiours in what they command , than they have to disobey them , viz. their own security and self-preservation . whereas if these men lived under the restraints of conscience , and the serious apprehensions of religion , and believed the laws of their prince to be bound upon them by the laws of god , and that under the threatnings of everlasting misery ; their loyalty would be tied upon them by all that men can either hope or fear , and they would have all the engagements to obedience that the serious reflections upon a happy or miserable eternity could lay upon them . but if the principles of government have so essential a dependence upon those of religion , if nothing be powerful enough to secure obedience but the hopes and fears of another life , if all humane laws have their main force and efficacy from the apprehensions of religion , if oaths , promises , and covenants , and whatsoever else whereby civil societies are upheld , are made firm by nothing but the bonds of religion ; then let authority judge , how much it is beholden to those men , who labour to bring it into publick disreputation , and to possess their subjects with an opinion of its falshood : whereby they not only set them loose from their authority , but enrage them against it , by perswading them they are governed by cheats and impostures , and that the magistrate builds his dominion upon their folly and simplicity , there being nothing more hateful to mankind than to be imposed upon : so that though religion were a cheat , they are apparently the greatest enemies to government , that tell the world it is so . § . but secondly , nothing more concerns the interest of the civil magistrate , than to take care , what particular doctrines of religion are taught within his dominions ; because some are peculiarly advantageous to the ends of government , and others as naturally tending to its disturbance : some incline the minds of men to candour , moderation , and ingenuity , and work them to a gentle and peaceable temper , by teaching humility , charity , meekness , and obedience : now 't is the interest of princes to cherish and propagate such doctrines among their subjects , that will make them not only quiet , but useful in the common-wealth . but others there are that infect the minds of men with pride , peevishness , malice , spight , and envy ; that incline them to delight in detracting from princes , and speaking reproachfully of government , and breed in them such restless and seditious tempers , that 't is next to an impossibility for any prince to please or oblige them . now , as for such perverse and arrogant sects of men , it certainly concers governours to suppress them as so many routs of traytors and rebels . religion then is either useful or dangerous in a common-wealth , as the temper of mind it breeds is peaceable or turbulent : and as there is nothing more serviceable to the interests of government , so there is nothing more mischievous : and therefore nothing more concerns princes , than to take care what doctrines are taught within their dominions . for seeing religion has , and will have the strongest influence upon the minds of men ; when that renders them averse and troublesom to government , 't is that all the power nor policy in the world can keep them peaceable , till such perswasions are rooted out of their minds by severity of laws and penalties . and , as long as men think themselves obliged , upon pain of damnation , to disobedience and sedition , not any secular threatnings and inflictions are of force enough to bridle the exorbitances of conscience . there is not any vice so incident to the common people as superstition , nor any so mischievous . 't is infinitely evident from the histories and records of all ages and nations , that there is nothing so vicious or absurd but may pass for religion , and ( what is worse ) the more wild and giddy conceits of religion are ever suckt in by the multitude with the greatest passion and eagerness ; and there is no one thing in the world so difficult , as to bring the common people to true notions of god and his worship ; insomuch that 't is no paradox to affirm , that religion ( i. e. what is mistaken for it ) has been one of the greatest principles of mischief and wickedness in the world. and if so , then certainly nothing requires so much care and prudence in the civil magistrate , as its due conduct and management . so that the dread of invisible powers is of it self no more serviceable to awe the people into subjection , then to drive them into tumults and confusions ; and if it chance to be accompanied ( as it easily may ) with tumultuous and seditious perswasions , 't is an invincible obligation to villany and rebellion . and therefore it must needs above all things concern princes , to look to the doctrines and articles of mens belief ; seeing 't is so great odds that they prove of dangerous consequence to the publick peace : and in that case , the apprehensions of a deity , and a world to come , makes their danger almost irresistible . sect. . there are some sects whose principles , and some persons whose tempers will not suffer them to live peaceable in any common-wealth . for what if some men believe , that if princes refuse to reform religion themselves , 't is lawful for their godly subjects to do it , and that by violence and force of arms ? what if they believe , that princes are but executioners of the decrees of the presbytery ; and that in case of disobedience to their spiritual governours , they may be excommunicated , and by consequence deposed ? what if they believe , that dominion is founded in grace ; and therefore that all wicked kings forfeit their crowns , and that it is in the power of the people of god to bestow them where they please ? and what if others believe , that to puruse their success in villany and rebellion is to follow providence ; and that when the event of war has deliver'd up kings into their power , then not to depose or murther them , were to slight the guidance of gods providential dispensations ? are not these , and the like innocent propositions ( think you ) mightily conducive to the peace and settlement of common-wealths ? such articles of faith as these cannot but make brave and obedient subjects , and he must needs be a glorious and powerful prince , where such conceits are the main ingredients of his subjects religion . let any man shew me , what doctrines could have been more unluckily contrived to disturb government than these . and if men would study on purpose to frame and model a rebellious faith , these must have been their fundamental articles : and yet 't is sufficiently known where they have been both believed and practised . but further , is there not a sort of melancholy religionists in the world , whose very genious inclines them to quarrels and exceptions against the state , and management of publick affairs ? there is nothing so malepart as a splenetick religion ; the inward discontent and uneasiness of mens own minds maintains it self upon the faults and miscarriages of others : and we may observe , how this humour is ever venting it self in sighs and complaints for the badness of the times ( i. e. in effect of the government ) and in telling and aggravating little stories , that may reflect upon the wisdom and ability of their superiours . 't is impossible to please their fretful and anxious minds ; the very delights and recreations of the court shall stir their envy , and the vanities of the great ones grieve and wound their tender souls . however princes behave themselves , they can never win upon the affections of these people ; their very prosperity shall disoblige them , and they are ready upon all occasions to bring them to account for their misdemeanours : and if any of the grandees happen to be discontented , they have here a party ready formed for the purpose , to revenge their injury , and bring evil counsellors , that seduce the king , to iustice. and 't is not impossible but there may be a sort of proud and haughty men among us ( not over-well affected to monarchick government ) who , though they scorn , yet patronize this humour , as a check to the insolence and presumption of princes . again , are there not some whole sects of men , all whose religion is made up of nothing but passion , rancour , and bitterness ? all whose devotion is little better than a male-contentedness , their piety than a sanctified fury , and their zeal than a proud and spightful malice ; and who , by the genius of their principles , are brought infinitely and irrecoverably under the power of their passions ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now , nothing imports governours so much as to manage mens passions ; in that 't is these , rather than our appetites , that disturb the world. a person that is debaucht and intemperate is indeed useless to the common-wealth , but he that is turbulent and passionate is dangerous . but then when passion is fired with religious zeal , nothing can temper its outragious and fanatick heats ; but it works the minds of men into rancour and bitterness , and drives them into all manner of savage and inhumane practices . princes have never found any thing so restive and ungovernable , as sectarian madness ; no malice so spightful and implacable , as the zeal of a godly party ; nor any rage so fierce and merciless , as sanctified barbarism . all the ancient tyranny has in some places been out-done by a thorough-godly reformation : zeal for the glory of god has often turn'd whole nations into shambles , fill'd the world with continual butcheries and massacres , and flesh'd it self with slaughters of myriads of mankind . and when men think their passions warranted by their religion , how is it possible it should be otherwise ? for this obliges them by their greatest hopes and fears to act them to the highest : and 't is easie to imagine what calm and peaceable things those men must be , who think it their duty to enforce and enrage their passions with the obligations of conscience . and yet alas ! how few are they , who have wisdom enough to keep their zeal clean from these sowre and crabbed mixtures ? the generality of men are scarce sensible of their spiritual wickednesses ; and 't is observable , that in all ages , and all religions of the world , few people have taken notice of them beside their wise men and philosophers . and even among the professors of christianity it self , notwithstanding that our religion has made such special provisions against all excesses of passion , and establish'd love , charity , moderation , patience , candor , and ingenuity , as its prime , and fundamental duties ; yet the spirit of meekness and humility soon decayed , with its primitive and apostolical professors ; and within a few centuries of years the church was over-run with some sects of men , much of the same temper with some of our modern saints . so that even in true and innocent perswasions 't is necessary to asswage the distempers and indiscretions of a forward zeal : the giddy multitude judge weakly , fancy strongly , and act passionately ; and , unless restrain'd by wary and sober laws , will drive on so furiously in a good cause , till they run their religion into folly and faction , and themselves into tumults and riotous proceedings . what socrates once said of vertue , that when it is not conducted by prudence , it is but pedantry , and a phantastick thing , is much more true of religion ; which , when it wants the guidance and ornament of this vertue , may be folly , or madness , or any thing rather than it self . in brief , fanaticism is both the greatest , and the easiest vice that is incident to religion ; 't is a weed that thrives in all soils , and there is the same fanatick spirit , that mixes it self with all the religions in the world. and 't is as natural to the common people , as the proud , or ignorant , or perverse , or factious , or stubborn , or eager , or passionate : for when ever any of these vices or follies are twisted with mens apprehensions of religion , they naturally work , and ferment their minds into a boysterous and tumultuary zeal . and yet how infinitely difficult it is to cure the common heard of these vices , the experience of all ages is too great a demonstration : so that there is nothing so apparently necessary , or difficult , as to govern the vulgar rout in their conceptions of religion ; seeing 't is so natural for them both to mix and heigthen , yes , and sanctifie their passions with their consciences . and from hence it is , that though the fanaticks in all nations may disagree in the objects and matters of their superstition , according to the different customs of their country , and variety of their educations ; yet as for their tendency to disturbance and sedition in the state , 't is in all places the same to all intents and purposes : and those unquiet sects , that have often disturb'd , and sometimes subverted whole kingdoms in africa , if they had hapned to have been born in europe , would have done the same here ; where though their religion might have been different , yet would their genius have been the same , as rising from the same conjunction of conscience and passion . and therefore it cannot but be a wonder to any man , that is acquainted with the experience of former ages , to see governours , after so many warnings , so insensible of this mischief : and however they may think themselves unconcern'd to restrain the opinions of any dissenting sect , as being perhaps but foolish and inconsiderable in themselves ; yet nothing can more highly concern them than to provide against their inclinations , as being generally of a sad and dangerous consequence to the state. and this at present may suffice to evince , how much it concerns authority to look to the particular principles and inclinations of every sect ; and to prove , that the meer belief of invisible powers , is so far from being religion enough to awe men to obedience ; that unless it be temper'd with a due sense of vertue , and managed with special prudence and discretion , it rather tends to make the rude multitude more head-strong and ungovernable . sect. . thirdly , to permit different sects of religion in a common-wealth , is only to keep up so many pretences and occasions for publick disturbance ; the factions of religion are ever the most seditious , and the less material their difference , the more implacable their hatred : as the turks think it more acceptable to god , to kill one persian than seventy christians . no hinge so vehemently alienates mens affections , as variety of judgment in matters of religion ; here they cannot disagree , but they must quarrel too : and when religion divides mens minds , no other common interest can unite them ; and where zeal dissolves friendship , the ties of nature are not strong enough to reconcile it . every faction is at open defiance with every faction , they are always in a state and posture of war , and engaged in a mortal and irreconcileable hatred against each other . when ever men part communion , every party must of necessity esteem the other impious and heretical ; in that they never divide but with pretences , that they could not agree without being guilty of some sin or other , as blasphemy , or idolatry , or superstition , or heresie , or the like : for all agree in this principle , that peace ought always to be preserved , where it can without offending god , and offering violence to conscience : and therefore they cannot but look upon one another , as lying under the divine wrath and displeasure , and consequently , in a damnable condition : and then are both parties engaged , as they love god , and the souls of men , to labour one another ruine . and when the party is form'd , and men are listed into it by chance and education , the distinguishing opinion of the party is to them the most material and fundamental article of their belief ; and so they must account of all that either disowne or deny it , as of heathens , infidels , and enemies to the faith. besides that , all men are naturally more zealous about the principles in which they differ , than about those in which they agree . opposition whets and sharpens their zeal , because it endangers the truths they contend for ; whereas those that are not opposed are secure and out of hazard of being stifled by the adverse party , that is concern'd equally with themselves for their preservation . and hence we see , by daily experience , that men , who are tame and cool enough in the fundamentals of religion , are yet utterly impatient about their own unlearned and impertinent wranglings , and lay a greater stress upon the speculations of their own sect , than upon the duties of an absolute and indispensable necessity ; only because those are contradicted by their adversaries , and these are not . well then , seeing all dissenting parties are possess'd with a furious and passionate zeal to promote their own perswasions , and seeing they are perswaded that their zeal is in god's cause , and against the enemies of god's truths ; how vain is it to expect peace and settlement in a common-wealth , where their religion keeps men in a state of war , where zeal is arm'd against zeal , and conscience encounters conscience , where the glory of god and the salvation of souls lies at stake , and where curse ye meroz is the word of both parties ? so that whatsoever projects fansiful men may propose to themselves , if we consider the passions of humane nature , as long as differences and competitions in religion are kept up , it will be impossible to keep down mutual hatreds , jealousies , and animosities ; and so many divided churches as there are in a state , there will ever be so many different armies , who , though they are not always in actual fighting , are always in a disposition to it . beside , where there are divided interests of religion in the same kingdom , how shall the prince behave himself towards them ? if he go about to ballance them against one another , this is the ready way to forfeit his interest in them all ; and whilst he seems concern'd for no party , no party will be really concern'd for him , every one having so much esteem for it self , as to think it ought to enjoy more of his favour and countenance than any other . and withal 't is an infinite trouble and difficulty to poise them so equally , but that one party shall grow more strong and numerous than the rest ; and then there is no appeasing their zeal , till it has destroyed and swallowed up all the weaker interests . but suppose he be able to manage them so prudently , as always to keep the ballance equal ; he does thereby but keep up so many parties , that are ready form'd to joyn with any emergent quarrels of state : and whenever the grandees fall out , 't is but heading one of these , and there is an army . and let men but reflect upon all the late civil wars , and rebellions of christendom , and then tell me , which way they could either have been commenced or continued , had it not been for different factions of religion . if he side with one party , and by his favour mount it above the rest , that not only discontents , but combines all the other dissenting factions into an united opposition against his own : and it becomes their common interest , to work and contrive its ruine ; its prosperity does but exasperate the competition of all its rivals into rage and indignation : and as success makes it self more secure in its settlement , so it makes them more restless and industrious to overturn it . no party can ever be quiet or content as long as 't is under any other , but will ever be heaving and struggling , to dismount the power that keeps it down : and therefore we find that all dissenters from the establish'd frame of things are always assaulting it with open violence , or undermining it by secret practices , and will hazard the state , and all , to free themselves from oppression ; and oppress'd they are , as long as they are the weaker party . and therefore we never find this way of toleration put in practice under any government , but where other exigences of state required and kept up a standing army ; and by this means 't is not so difficult to prevent the broils and contentions of zeal : but this is only a more violent way of governing mens consciences , and instead of restraining them by laws & penalties , it does the same thing with forts and cittadels : so that unless we are willing to put our selves to the expence and hazard of keeping up standing forces , indulgence to dissenting zealots does but expose the state to the perpetual squabbles and wars of religion . and we may as well suppose all men to be wise and honest , and upon that account cancel all the laws of justice and civil government , as imagine , where there are divided factions in religion , that men will be temperate and peaceable in the enjoyment of their own conceits , and not disturb the publick peace to promote and establish them ; when 't is so well known from the experience of all ages , that nothing has ever been a more effectual engine to work popular commotions , than changes and reformations in religion . sect. . so that though the state think it self unconcern'd to restrain mens perswasions and opinions , yet methinks they should be a little concern'd to prevent the tumults and disturbances that naturally arise from their propagation . and could it be secured , that if all men were indulged their liberty , they would use it modestly , and be satisfied with their own freedom , then ( i confess ) toleration of all opinions would not be of so fatal and dangerous consequence ; as if all men were as wise and honest as socrates , they might , as well as he , be their own law , and left entirely to their own liberty , as to all the entercourses and transactions of humane life . but alas ! this is made infinitely impossible , from the corrupt passions and humours of men : all sects ever were , and ever will be , fierce and unruly to inlarge their own interests , invading or supplanting whatever opposes their increase , and will all certainly conspire the ruine of that party that prevails and triumphs over the rest ; every faction ever apprehending it its due to be supreme : and there will ever be a necessity of reformation , as long as all factions are not uppermost ; and it will be crime enough in any one party , to be superiour to another . so that if all our dissenting sectaries were allowed their entire liberty , nothing can be expected ( especially from people of their complexion ) but that they should all plot together against the present establishment of the church ; every combination being fully perswaded of its worthlesness in comparison to it self : for unless they had apprehended their own way more excellent , they had never divided from ours . beside that 't is a fundamental principle that runs through all their sects , that they are bound under pain of eternal damnation to labour their utmost to establish the worship of god in in its greatest purity and perfection ; and withal apprehending that way now established by law defective and superstitious , they cannot but be bound in conscience to endeavour its utter ruine and subversion ; which design when they have once compassed , they entertaining the same opinion of each other as they do of us , they will turn their weapons upon themselves , and with as much zeal contrive each others destruction as they did ours : and the result of all will be , that the common-wealth will be eternally torn with intestine quarrels and commotions , till it grow so wise again as to suppress all parties but one ; that is , till it return to that wisdom and prudence from whence it parted by toleration . and therefore nothing can be more vulgarly observable , than that though all parties , whilst under the power of a more prevailing interest , have cried up toleration , as the most effectual instrument to shake and dissettle the present frame of things ; yet have they no sooner effected their design , than they have immediately put in to scramble for the supremacy themselves ; which if they once obtain , they have ever used with as much rigour and severity upon all dissenters , as they ever felt themselves . so that this principle of liberty of conscience much resembles that of community of goods ; for as those men cry up equality of estates , as a most reasonable piece of justice , that have but a small share themselves ; yet whenever their pretence succeeds , and they have advanced their own fortunes , and served their own turns , they are the first that shall then cry it down , and oppress their inferiours with more cruelty than ever themselves felt whilst in a lower station ; so do those whose private perswasions happen to cross the publick laws , easily pretend to liberty of conscience . one must yield ; and because their stubborn zeal scorns to bend to the commands of authority , these must be forced to give place to that : so that when conscience and authority happen to encounter , all the dispute is , which shall have most force in publick laws , whether my own or my princes opinion ? but how plausibly soever this notion may be pleaded by men out of power , 't is ever laid aside as soon as ever they come into it ; and the greatest pretenders to it when oppress'd , are always the greatest zealots against it , as soon as it has mounted themselves into power , as well knowing it to be the most effectual engine to overturn any settled frame of things . in brief , 't is reformation men would have , and not indulgence ; which they only seek to gain ground for the working of their mines , and planting of their engines , to subvert the established state of things . for if we demand , wherefore they would be born with in their dissentions from our way of worship ? they answer , because they cannot conform to it in conscience , i. e. because they apprehend it sinful ; for otherwise they must think themselves guilty of the most intollerable schism and rebellion , to create factions and divisions in a common-wealth , when they may avoid it without any violence to their consciences : but if they apprehend our way of worship upon any account sinful , then are they plainly obliged in conscience to root it out , as displeasing to almighty god , and in its stead to plant and establish their own . and now if this be the issue of this principle , let magistrates consider how fatal and hazardous alterations in religion have ever been to the common-wealth . they cannot pluck a pin out of the church , but the state immediately shakes and totters ; and if they will allow their subjects the liberty of changing and innovating in religion ( as it is apparent from the premisses they must , if they allow them their pretences to liberty of conscience ) they do but give them advantages for eternal popular commotions and disturbances . sect. . fourthly , a bare indulgence of men in the free exercise of any religion , different from the publick profession , can lay no obligation upon the party . perhaps when the rigour of a law , under which they have smarted a while , is at first relaxed , this indeed they may at present take for a kindness , because 't is really a favour in comparison to their former condition ; and therefore as long as the memory of that remains fresh upon their minds , it may possibly affect them with some grateful resentments . but alas ! these affections quickly vanish , and then what before was favour , is now become iustice ; and their prince did but restore them to their just and lawful rights , when he took off his tyrannical laws and impositions from the consciences of his best subjects . while those unjust laws were in force , he oppress'd and persecuted the people of god ; and therefore when he cancels them , all the kindness he is guilty of , is only to repent of his tyranny and persecution , which is no favour , and by consequence no obligation . and ( what is more considerable ) all the dissenting parties he permits , and does not countenance , he disobliges . is this all the kindness ( say they ) he can afford the godly , not to persecute them by law and force to their utter ruine ? are we beholden to him barely for suffering us to live in our native soil , and enjoy only our fundamental priviledges ? is this all the reward and encouragement we deserve ? are not we the praying and serious people of the nation , for whose sakes only the lord is pleased to stay among us ? and were it not for us , would he not perfectly forsake and abandon it ? and is this all our requital , to be thus slighted , and thus despised , only for our zeal to god , and serviceableness to the publick , by that power and interest we have in him , to keep him among us ; whilst vain and useless persons are countenanced and encouraged with all places of office and employment ? these are the natural results of the minds of men , who think themselves scorn'd and disrespected , especially when flush'd with any conceit and high opinion of their own godliness . and 't is an eternal truth , that for the godly party not to be uppermost , is and ever will be persecution . for nothing more certain , than that all men entertain the best opinion of their own party , otherwise they had never enrolled themselves in it : and therefore if the state value them not at as high a rate as they do themselves , they are scorn'd and injured , because they have not that favour and countenance they deserve . and so unless they have publick encouragement , as well as indulgence , they have reason to be discontented , because they have not their due . and if the prince do not espouse their party , he undervalues , and consequently disgusts them ; and if he joyn himself to any other ( as there is a necessity of his owning some profession ) he does not only disoblige , but alienate their affections , by embracing an interest they both hate and scorn . for , where-ever there is difference of religion , there is opposition too ; because men would never divide from one another , but upon grounds of real dislike ; and therefore they are always contrary in those differences that distinguish their parties . and this cannot but be a mighty endearment of their prince to them , when he neglects and discountenances his best subjects , only because they are the godly party ( for so every party is to it self ) to join himself to their profest and irreconcileable enemies . and they will be wonderfully forward to assist a patron of idolatry and superstition , or an enemy to the power of godliness ( for these are the softest words that different sects can afford one another . ) and withal i might adde , that they must needs be much in love with him , when they have reason to believe , that they lie perpetually under his displeasure , and that he looks upon them as little better than enemies . so that if a prince permit different parties and interests of religion in his dominions , however he carries himself towards them , he shall have at least all parties discontented but one : for if himself be of any , he displeases all but that ; if of none , he displeases all : and zealous and religious people of all sorts must needs be wonderfully in love with an atheist ; and there is no remedy , but he must at least be thought so , if he be not of any distinct and visible profession . chap. vi. of things indifferent , and of the power of the civil magistrate in things undetermined by the word of god. the contents . the mystery of puritanism lies in this assertion , that nothing ought to be established in the worship of god , but what is expresly commanded in the word of god. the wildness , novelty , and unreasonableness of this principle . it makes meer obedience to lawful authority sinful . it takes away all possibility of settlement in any church or nation . it is the main pretense of all pious villanies . it cancels all humane laws ; and makes most of the divine laws useless and impracticable . it obliges men to be seditious in all churches in the world , in that there is no church that has not some customs and vsages peculiar to it self . all that pretend this principle do and must act contrary to it . the exorbitancy of this principle makes all yielding and condescension to the men that plead it unsafe and impolitick . wherein the perfection and sufficiency of the holy scriptures consists . of the vanity of their distinction , who tell us , that the civil magistrate is to see the laws of christ executed , but to make none of his own . the dangerous consequents of their way of arguing , who would prove , that god ought to have determined all circumstances of his own worship . 't is scarce possible to determine all circumstances of any outward action , they are so many and so various . the magistrate has no way to make men of this perswasion comply with his will , but by forbidding what he would have done . the puritans upbraided with mr. hooker's book of ecclesiastical politie , and challeng'd to answer it . their out-cries against popery , will-worship , superstition , adding to the law of god , &c. retorted upon themselves . the main objection against the magistrates power in religion proposed , viz. that 't is possible that he may impose things sinful and superstitious . this objection lies as strongly against all manner of government . our inquiry is after the best way of settling things , not that possibly might be , but that really is . though ecclesiastical iurisdiction may be abused , yet 't is then less mischievous than liberty of conscience . the reason of the necessity of subjection to the worst of governours , because tyranny is less mischievous than rebellion or anarchy . the author of the book entituled , vindiciae contra tyrannos , confuted . that it may , and often does so happen , that 't is necessary to punish men for such perswasions into which they have innocently abused themselves . actions are punishable by humane laws , not for their sinfulness , but for their ill consequence to the publick . this applied to the case of a well-meaning conscience . sect. . all things , as well sacred as civil , that are not already determined as to their morality , i. e. that are not made necessary duties by being commanded , or sinful actions by being forbidden either by the law of nature , or positive law of god , may be lawfully determined either way by the supreme authority ; and the conscience of every subject is tied to yield obedience to all such determinations . this assertion i lay down to oppose the first and the last and the great pretence of non-conformity , and wherein ( as one observeth ) the very mystery of puritanism consisteth , viz. that nothing ought to be established in the worship of god , but what is authorized by some precept or example in the word of god ; that is the complete and adequate rule of worship : and therefore , christian magistrates are only to see that executed that christ has appointed in religion , but to bring in nothing of their own ; they are tied up neither to add nor diminish , neither in the matter nor manner : so that whatever they injoin in divine worship , if it be not expresly warranted by a divine command , how innocent soever it may be in it self , it presently upon that account loses not only its liberty but its lawfulness ; it being as requisite to christian practice , that things indifferent should still be kept indifferent , as things necessary be held necessary . this very principle is the only fountain and foundation of all puritanism , from which it was at first derived , and into which it is at last resolved . a pretence so strangely wild and humorsom , that it is to me an equal wonder , either that they should be so absurd as seriously to believe it ; or , if they do not , that they should be so impudent , as thus long and thus confidently to pretend it , when it has not the least shadow of foundation either from reason or from scripture ; and was scarce ever so much as thought of , till some men having made an unreasonable separation from the church of england , were forced to justifie themselves by as unreasonable pretences . for , what can be more incredible , than that things that were before lawful and innocent , should become sinful upon no other score than their being commanded , i. e. that meer obedience to lawful authority should make innocent actions criminal ? for the matter of the law is supposed of it self indifferent ; and therefore if obedience to the law be unlawful , it can be so for no other reason than because 't is obedience . so that if christian liberty be so awkard a thing ( as these men make it ) 't is nothing else but christian rebellion , 't is a duty that binds men to disobedience , and forbids things under that formality , because authority commands them . now what a reproach to the gospel is this , that it should be made the only plea for sedition ? what a scandal to religion , that tenderness of conscience should be made the only principle of disobedience ; and that nothing should so much incline men to be refractory to authority , as their being conscientious ? what a perverse folly is it to imagine , that nothing but opposition to government can secure our liberty ? and what a cross-grain'd thing is it , to restrain things only because they are matters of liberty ; and first to forbid princes to command them because they are lawful , and then subjects to do them only because they are commanded . but to expose the absurdity of this principle by some more particular considerations . § . first , the follies and mischiefs that issue from it , are so infinite , that there can be no setled frame of things in the world , that it will not overturn : and if it be admitted to all intents and purposes , there can never be an end of disturbances , and alterations in the church ; in that there never was , nor ever can be any form of worship in the world , that is to all circumstances prescribed in the world of god : and therefore if this exception be thought sufficient to destroy one , there is no remedy but it may , as occasion requires , serve as well to cashier all ; and by consequence take away all possibility of settlement . thus when upon this principle , the disciplinarians separated from the church of england , the independents upon the same ground separated from them , the anabaptists from the independents , the familists from the anabaptists , and the quakers from the familists , and every faction divided , and subdivided among themselves into innumerable sects , and undersects ; and as long as men act up to it , there is no remedy , but innovations must be endless . if it be urged against lord-bishops , 't is as severe against lay-presbyters ; if against musick in churches , then farewel singing of psalms in rhime ; if against the cross , why not against sprinkling in baptism ? and if against cathedral churches , then down go all steeple-houses : if against one thing , then against every thing ; and there is nothing in the exteriour parts of religion , but the two sacraments , that can possibly escape its impeachment . all the pious villanies , that have ever disturbed the christian world , have shelter'd themselves in this grand maxime , that iesus christ is the only law-maker to his church ; and whoever takes upon himself to prescribe any thing in religion , invades his kingly office. the gnosticks of old so abused this pretence to justifie any seditious and licentious practices , that they made heathen princes look upon christianity as an enemy to government ; and the fanaticks of late have so vex'd and embroil'd christendom with the same principle , that christian princes themselves begin to be of the same perswasion . 't is become the only patron and pretext of sedition : and when any subjects have a mind to set themselves free from the laws of their prince , they can never want this pretence to warrant their disobedience . seeing there is no nation in the world that has not divers laws , that are not recorded by the four evangelists ; and therefore if all humane institutions intrench upon our saviours kingly prerogative , they are , and ever must be , provided with matters of quarrel to disturb government , and justifie rebellion . § . secondly , nay further this fond pretence , if made use of to all the ends , for which it might as wisely serve , would cancel all humane laws , and make most of the divine laws useless ; which have only described the general lines of duty , but left their particular determinations to the wisdom of humane laws . now the laws of god cannot be put in practice , but in particular cases and circumstances , these cannot be determin'd but by the laws of man ; therefore if he can command nothing , but what is already prescribed to us in the word of god , he can have no power to see the divine laws put in execution . for where are described all the rules of justice and honesty ? where are determined all doubts and questions of conscience ? where are decided all controversies of right and wrong ? where are recorded all the laws of government and policy ? why therefore should humane authority be allowed to interpose in these great affairs , and yet be denied it in the customs of churches and rules of decency ? there is no possible reason to be assign'd but their own humour and fond opinion , they are resolved to believe it , and that is argument enough , for 't is unanswerable . how comes this proposition to be now limited to matters of meer religion , but only because this serves their turn ; for otherwise , why are not the holy scriptures as perfect a rule of civil , as of ecclesiastical policy ? why should they not be as complete a system of ethicks , as they are a canon of worship ? why do not these men require from the scriptures express commands for every action they do in common life ? how dare they take any physick , but what is prescribed in the word of god ? how dare they commence a suit at law , without warranty from scripture ? how dare they do any natural action , without particular advice and direction of holy writ ? § . thirdly , but as foolish as this opinion is , its mischief equals its folly ; for 't is impossible but that these sons of strife and singularity must have been troublesom and seditious in all churches and common-wealths . had they lived under the jewish church , why then , where has moses commanded the feast of purim , the feast of the dedication , the fasts of the fourth , the fifth , the seventh , and the tenth months : what warrant for the building of synagogues ? and what command for that significant ceremony of wearing sack-cloth and ashes , in token of humiliation ? if in the primitive ages of christianity , why then , where did our saviour appoint the love-feasts ? where has he instituted the kiss of charity ? where has he commanded the observations of lent and easter ? where the lords-day sabbath ? and , where all their other commemorative festivals ? vide tertull . de coronâ , c. . will they retreat to the lutheran churches , they will there meet with not only all the same , but many more antichristian and superstitious ceremonies to offend their tender consciences , and will find themselves subject to the same discipline and government , saving that their superintendents want the antichristian honours and revenues of the english bishops , partly through the poverty of the country , partly through the injury of sacriledge , but mainly because the church revenues are in the possession of romish bishops ? will they to france , there , notwithstanding the unsetled state of the protestants of that nation , through want of the assistance of the civil power , they shall meet with their liturgies , and establisht forms of prayer , and change of apparel for divine service , as well as at home ? if they will to geneva , there mr. calvin's common-prayer-book is as much imposed , as the liturgy of the church of england ; there they are enjoyn'd the use of wafer-cakes , the custom of godfathers , and godmothers , bidding of prayer , proper psalms not only for days , but for hours of the day , with divers other rites and ceremonies , that are no where recorded in the word of god. in a word , what church in the world can affirm these were the only customs of the apostolical age , and that the primitive church never used more or less than these ? so that these men of scruple , that renounce communion with the church of england , must do the same with all churches in the world ; in that there is not any one church in christendom , whose laws and customs are not apparently liable either to the same , or as great exceptions . now magistrates must needs be obligd to deal wonderful gently with such tender consciences as these , that are acted by such nice and unhappy principles , as must force them to be troublesom and unpeaceable in any common-wealth in the world. nay , what is more notorious than all this , these men have all along , in pursuit of this principle , run directly counter to their own practices and perswasions . for , not to puzzle them to discover in which of the gospels is injoyn'd the form of publick penance in the kirk of scotland , or to find out the stool of repentance either among the works of bezaleel , or the furniture of the temple ; we read indeed of beesoms , and flesh-forks , and pots , and shovels , and candlesticks , but not one syllable of joynt-stools . let them tell me , what precept or example they have in the holy scriptures for singing psalms in meeter ? where has our saviour or his apostles enjoyn'd a directory for publick worship ? and that which themselves imposed , what divine authority can it challenge , beside that of an ordinance of lords and commons ? what precept in the word of god can they produce for the significant form of swearing ( by laying their hand upon the bible ) which yet they never scrupled ? what scripture command have they for the three significant ceremonies of the solemn league and covenant , viz. that the whole congregation should take it ( . ) uncovered , ( . ) standing , ( . ) with their right hand lift up bare . now , what a prodigious piece of impudence was this , that when they had not only written so many books with so much vehemence against three innocent ceremonies of the church , only because they were significant , but had also involved the nation in a civil war ( in a great measure ) for their removal , and had arm'd themselves and their party against their sovereign with this holy league of rebellion , that even then they should impose three others , so grosly and so apparently liable to all their own objections ? what clearer evidence can we possibly have , that it is not conscience , but humour and peevishness that dictates their scruples ? and , what instance have we , in any nation of the world , of any schism and faction so unreasonably begun and continued ? the rebellion of corah indeed may resemble , but nothing can equal it . and from hence we may discover , how vain a thing it is to make proposals and condescensions to such unreasonable men , when 't is so impossible to satisfie all their demands ; and suppose we should yield and deliver up to their zeal , those harmless ceremonies , they have so long worried with so much fury and impatience ; it would only cherish them in their restless and ungovernable perswasions : for whilst their peevish tempers are acted by this exorbitant principle , the affairs of religion can never be so setled , as to take away all occasions and pretences of quarrel ; in that there never can be any circumstances of religious worship , against which this principle may not as rationally be urged ( and 't is impossible to perform religious worship without some circumstance or other : and if all men make not use of it against all particulars , 't is because they are humoursom as well as seditious , and so allow one thing upon the same principle they disavow another : for certainly otherwise it were impossible , that any men should , when they pray , refuse to wear a surplice ; and yet when they swear , ( which is but another sort of divine worship ) never scruple to kiss the gospel . so that whoever seriously imbibes this perswasion , and upon that account withdraws himself from the communion of the church , he understands not the consequences of his opinion ; if it does not lead him down to the lowest folly of quakerism , which after divers gradual exorbitances of other less extravagant sects , was but the last and utmost improvement of this principle . and therefore , whilst men are possess'd with such a restless and untoward perswasion , what can be more apparently vain , than to talk of accommodations , or to hope for any possibility of quiet and setlement , till authority shall see it necessary ( as it will first or last ) to scourge them into better manners , and wiser opinions ? so that we see the weight of the controversie lies not so much in the particular matters in debate , as in the principles upon which 't is managed ; and for this very reason , though we are not so fond as to believe the constitutions of the church unalterable , yet we deem it apparently absurd , to forego any of her establish'd ceremonies out of compliance with these mens unreasonable demands : which as it would be coarsly impolitick upon divers other accounts , so mainly by yielding up her laws , and by consequence submitting her authority to such principles as must be eternal and invincible hindrances of peace and setlement . this , let them consider whom it most concerns . § . fourthly , as for their principle of the perfection and sufficiency of the holy scriptures , 't is undeniably certain as to the fundamental truths , and substantial duties of christian religion ; but when this rule , that is suited only to things necessary , is as confidently applied to things accessory , it lays in the minds of men impregnable principles of folly and superstition : for confounding them in their different apprehensions between the substantial duties , and external circumstances of religion ; and making them of equal value and necessity , it makes the doing , or not doing of a thing , necessary to procure the divine acceptance , which god himself has not made so ; and places a religion in things that are not religious , and possesseth the minds of men with false and groundless fears of god : wherein consisteth the very essence and formality of superstition . whereas were they duly instructed in the great difference between things absolutely necessary , and things meerly decent , and circumstantial ; this would not only preserve them in the right notions of good and evil , but also keep up the purity of religion , decency of worship , and due reverence of authority . and therefore when these men would punctually tye up the magistrate to add nothing to the worship of god , but what is enjoyn'd in the word of god , if their meaning be of new articles of belief , 't is notoriously impertinent ; because to this no civil magistrate pretends ; but if their meaning be , that the magistrate has no authority to determine the particular circumstances of religion , that are left undetermined by the divine law , 't is then indeed to the purpose , but as notoriously false ; in that we are certainly bound to obey him in all things lawful , and every thing is so , that is not made unlawful by some prohibition ; for things become evil not upon the score of their being not commanded , but upon that of their being forbidden ; and what the scripture forbids not , it allows ; and what it allows , is not unlawful ; and what is not unlawful , may lawfully be done : and therefore it must needs be our duty to conform to all circumstances of worship , that are determined by lawful authority , if they are not antecedently forbidden by the law of god , though they are not commanded . things that are not determined remain indifferent ; what is indifferent is lawful , and what is lawful the magistrate may lawfully command ; and if it be sinful to obey him in these things , 't is so to obey him at all ; for all things are either lawful or unlawful : 't is a sin to obey him in things unlawful , and if it be so in things lawful too , then is all obedience sinful . § . fifthly , when they tell us , that the civil magistrate is indeed to see to the execution of the laws of christ , but to make none of his own : 't is a distinction without a difference ; for if he may provide for the execution of the laws of religion , then may he make laws that they shall be executed ; this being the most proper and effectual means to promote their execution : so that nothing can be more vain than to deny the civil magistrate a power of making laws in religion , and yet to allow him an authority to see the laws of religion executed ; because that is so apparently implyed in this , in that whoever has a power to see that laws be executed , cannot be without a power to command their execution : especially if we consider the particular nature of the laws of christ , that they have only determined the substance and morality of religious worship , and therefore must needs have left the ordering of its circumstances to the power and wisdom of lawful authority ; & whatever they determine about them , is but in order to the execution of the laws of god ; in that whatever they enjoyn cannot be put in practice , without being clothed with some particular circumstances , and reduced to some particular cases . thus when the holy apostle sets us down a general rule , that all things be done in order and decency , without determining what the things are that are conducive to it , the determination of this rule when 't is reduced to practice , must be entirely left to the government of the church , that must judge what things are decent and orderly ; and what laws it establishes in order to it , though they are but further pursuances of the apostolical precept , yet are they new and distinct commands by themselves , and injoyn something , that the scripture no where commands . so that the divine laws being general , and general laws not being to be put in execution , but in particular cases and instances , he that has authority to look to the execution of these general laws , must withal be vested with a power to determine with what particular instances , cases , and circumstances they shall be put in practice and execution . and here when they tell us , that it cannot stand with the love and wisdom of god , not to take order himself for all things that immediately concern his own worship and kingdom ; and that if iesus christ has not determined all particular rites and circumstances of religion , he has discharged his office with less wisdom and fidelity than moses ; who ordered every thing appertaining to the worship of god , even as far as the pins and nails of the tabernacle , with divers others the like idle and impertinent reasonings : one would think that men who argue at this rate , had already at least discovered in the holy scriptures a complete form of religious worship , as to all particular rites and ceremonies of an eternal , universal , and unchangeable obligation ; and therefore till they can believe this themselves , and prove it to others , instead of returning solemn answers to such baffled and intolerable impertinencies , i shall only advise them , to consider the unlucky consequents of their way of arguing , when instead of producing a particular form of publick worship , prescribed by god himself , they with their wonted modesty prove he ought to have done it ; and that unless he has done it , he has been defective in his care & providence over his church : for what can the issue of this be , but that god is chargeable with want of wisdom or goodness , or with some other defect , even by certain and infallible experience ? for , if he has not determined every particular circumstance of worship , then he must stand charged with all the absurdities , they object against their being left undetermined ; and therefore if no such prescribed form can be produced , ( as 't is infinitely certain none ever can ) then let them consider , what follows ▪ so unhappy a thing is it , when men will needs be disputing against experience ; whose evidence is so powerful and forcible upon the minds of men , that demonstration it self is not strong enough to cope with it : how much less the weak and puny arguments , wherewith these men assault it ? sect. . sixthly , there is no particular action but what is capable of a strange and unaccountable variety of circumstances , nor any part of outward worship but may be done after a thousand different modes and fashions ; in that as every action is clothed with natural and emergent circumstances , so is every circumstance with its circumstances , every one of which may be modified in sundry ways and manners . and therefore , in this infinite variety of things , the laws of god prescribe only the general lines of duty , and rarely descend to their particular determinations , but leave them to be determined by prudence and discretion , by choice , and custom , by laws , and prescriptions , and by all those ways by which humane affairs are governed and transacted . thus for example , the divine law has made charity a standing and eternal duty , but has left its particular way of expression undetermined , and uncommanded : and 't is indifferent whether it be done by building of colledges , or churches , or hospitals ; by repairing of bridges , or rivers , or high-ways ; by redeeming of slaves and prisoners ; by hospitality to the poor , or provision for orphans ; or by any other way of publick or private bounty : and when a man 's own thoughts have determined his own choice to one or more of these particulars , even that is vested with a strange number of accidents and circumstances , which must of necessity be left entirely to the conduct of his own reason and discretion . and the case is the same , as in all other duties of moral virtue ; so in that of religious gratitude , or divine worship , this duty it self is of a natural and essential necessity ; but yet may and must be performed with an unconceivable variety of dresses , customs and ways of expression , that are left utterly free and undetermined in scripture : any of which may be decently used , provided they do not make debasing representations of god , wherein consists the proper folly of idolatry and superstition . and all the advantages of order and solemnity , wherewith religion may be prudently adorned , are not only lawful , but decent , although they are not warranted by any precept in the word of god ; that neither has , nor indeed can determine all particular modes and circumstances of worship , they are so various , and so changeable . and men may , with as much reason , search the holy records for the methods of legal proceedings in our common law courts , as for particular rubricks and prescriptions of all outward forms and circumstances of publick worship : so that what these men demand is so unreasonable , that , considering the nature of things , 't is impossible . sect. . and this may suffice to demonstrate the unparallel'd follies and mischiefs of this principle . which being all i intend at present , i suppose it needless to engage in any further scholastick disputes , about the nature of indifferent actions , and some other less material controversies that depend upon this ; partly because this principle on which alone they stand , being removed , they become utterly groundless , and so by its confutation are sufficiently confuted ; and partly because all this has been so often , so fully , and so infinitely performed already . and of all the controversies that have ever been started in the world , it will be hard to find any that have been more fairly pursued and satisfactorily decided , than this of the church of england , against its puritan adversaries ; that has all along been nothing else but a dispute between rational learning , and unreasonable zeal . and it has been no less an unhappiness , than it was a condescension in the defenders of our church ; that they have been forced to waste their time and their parts , in baffling the idle cavils of a few hot-headed and brain-sick people . and there is scarce a greater instance of the unreasonableness of mankind , than these mens folly , in persisting so obstinately in their old and pitiful clamours , after they have been so convincingly answered , and so demonstratively confuted . and indeed how is it possible to satisfie such unreasonable men , when their greatest exception against the constitutions of the church has ever been no other than , that they were the churches constitutions ? insomuch , that if authority should think good out of compliance with their cross demands , to command what they now think necessary , that must then , according to their principles , become unlawful : because ( forsooth ) where they take away the liberty of an action , they destroy its lawfulness . now what possibly could have betrayed men into so absurd a perswasion , but a stubborn resolution to be refractory to all authority , and to be subject to nothing but their own insolent humours ? and as long as they lie under the power of this perswasion , that they are obliged in conscience to act contrary to whatever their superiours command them in the worship of god , the magistrate has no other way left to decoy them into obedience , but by forbidding what he would have them do , and commanding what he would have them forbear ; and then if he will accept to be obeyed by disobedience , he shall find them ( good men ) the most obedient subjects in the world . sect. . but to return to what i was saying , instead of troubling my self with any further confutation of so baffled a cause , i shall rather chuse to do it more briefly , and yet perhaps more effectually , by uybraiding them with their shameful overthrows , and daring them but to look those enemies in the face , that have so lamentably cowed them by so many absolute triumphs and victories : and , not to mention divers other learned and excellent persons , i shall only single out that famous champion of our church , mr. hooker ; upon him let them try their courage ( though by so safe a challenge i do but give proof of my own cowardise . ) how long has his incomparable book of ecclesiastical polity bid shameful defiance to the whole party , and yet never found any so hardy as to venture upon an encounter ? now this author being confessedly a person of so much learning , candour , judgment , and ingenuity , and withal so highly prized , and insisted upon by the regular and obedient sons of the church , that they have in a manner cast the issue of the whole cause upon his performance : what is the reason he was never vouchsafed so much as the attempt of a just reply ? 't is apparent enough both by their writings , and their actions , that they have not wanted zeal ; and therefore that he has escaped so long free from all contradiction , 't is not for want of good will , but ability ; not because they would not , but because they were convinced they could not confute him . so that the book it self is as full and demonstrative a confutation of their cause , as the matters contained in it ; i. e. 't is unanswerable , ( and i know nothing can do it more effectually , unless perhaps a reply to it ) and shall live an eternal shame and reproach to their cause , when that is dead ; and would probably have been buried in utter forgetfulness , were it not for this trophy of success against them : and therefore , until they can at least pretend to have returned some satisfactory answer to that discourse , they prove nothing but their own impudence ; whilst they continually pelt us with their pamphlets , and such little exceptions , that have been so long since so shamefully and demonstratively baffled . sect. . and whereas they are wont , in order to the making their principles look more plausibly , to stuff their discourses with frequent and tragical declamations against popery , will-worship , superstition , &c. i cannot perswade my self , 't is worth the labour to wipe off such idle reproaches , by solemnly discoursing these matters ; both because this has been so frequently and fully performed already , and because , though these outcries have been made use of to affright silly people ; yet few , if any of their ring-leaders are still so fond either to own this charge against us , or to plead it in their own justification . only i cannot but observe of all these and the like pretences , that we need not any stronger arguments against themselves , than their own objections against us . for if in this case there be any superstition , 't is they that are guilty of it : for this vice consists not so much in the nature of things , as in the apprehensions of men , when their minds are possessed with weak and unworthy conceits of god. now he that conforms to the received customs and ceremonies of a church , does it not so much upon the account of any intrinsick value of the things themselves , as out of a sense of the necessity of order , and of the duty of obedience : whereas he that scrupulously refuses to use and practise them , takes a wrong estimate of the divine wisdom and goodness , and imagines that god judges his creatures by nice and pettish laws , and lays a greater stress upon a doubtful or indifferent ceremony , than upon the great duty of obedience , and the peace and tranquillity of the church . so that the principles upon which we proceed , are no other , than , that , as the divine law has prescribed the substantial duties of religion ; so it has left its modes and circumstances undetermined : but because every action must be done some way or other , and be vested with some circumstances or other ; and because the generality of men are not so apt to be abused with fantastick and ridiculous conceits in any thing , as in matters of religion ; therefore we think it necessary , for the prevention of all the follies & indecencies , that ignorance and superstitious zeal would introduce into the worship of god , that the publick laws should determine some circumstances of order and decency ; which have at least this advantage , that they provide against the mischiefs of disorder and confusion : and therefore we place no antecedent necessity in any of the particular rites and ceremonies of our church , but only think it highly convenient , if not absolutely necessary , that some be prescribed ; that there is an handsomness and beauty in these that are prescribed : and therefore , because 't is necessary that some be determined , and because these are , rather than divers others , already settled , we think they have an indispensable necessity superinduced upon them , consequent to the determinations of authority . no man affirms , that we cannot serve god acceptably without a surplice ; but yet , because 't is but requisite that publick worship should be performed with beauty and solemnity ; and because the use of this vestment is but handsom and beautiful , and prevents slovenliness and indecency , 't is but agreeable that it should be injoin'd , as any other decent habit might have been : and when this is singled out by authority , it then becomes consequentially necessary : whereas those , who forbid things indifferent as sinful , and lay obligations upon mens consciences , to abstain from what is innocent , and make that necessary not to be done , which god has left at liberty , and made lawful to be done ; usurp upon mens consciences , by imposing fetters on them , where god has left them free , and become guilty of the most palpable piece of superstition , by teaching their own prohibitions for doctrines ; and so making it a necessary duty , and part of divine worship , to abstain from what god has no where forbidden ; and making it a mortal and damnable sin , to do what is innocent ; and supposing that god will , or at least justly may , inflict eternal torments upon men , for making their addresses to him , rather in a cleanly white vestment , than in a taylors cloak , or perhaps in mechanical querpo . sect. ii. and then as for their out-cry against will-worship , 't is the very same with that against superstition ; for 't is one sort of it , and is criminal no farther than 't is superstitious . now when they exclaim against superstition , they mean only that part of it that consists in will-worship , and when against will-worship , 't is only as 't is a branch of superstition : so that these two impertinent clamours signifie but the same thing under different denominations , and so amount but to one . but however this is 't is certain , that will-worship consists in nothing else than in mens making their own fancies and inventions necessary parts of religion , whereby they make that requisite to procure the divine acceptance , that god has no where required ; and 't is the same thing whether this be done by injunctions or prohibitions : and they that affirm the doing or not doing of an action which god has no where either commanded or forbidden to be necessary duties , are equally guilty of this crime : and therefore if these men make it necessary to forbear what god has no where forbidden , they teach their own fancies for doctrines , and impose something as a part of the service of god , on their own , and other mens consciences , that the law of god has not imposed ; and withal so unworthily mis-represent the divine wisdom and goodness , as to labour to make the world believe , that god has such an abhorrency to a thing so innocent as a white garment , that , to worship him in it , is sufficient to bring us under his everlasting wrath and displeasure ; for every thing that is sinful , is as well in their , as our , esteem mortal & damnable . but then , as for our own parts , they cannot be more apparently guilty of this piece of folly , then we are clear and innocent from its very suspicion ; because all rituals , and ceremonies , and postures , and manners of performing the outward expressions of devotion , are not in their own nature capable of being parts of religion ; and therefore unless we used and imposed them as such , 't is lamentably precarious to charge the determination of them with will-worship ; because that consists in making those things parts of religion , that god has not made so . so that when the church expresly declares against this use of them , and only injoins them as meer circumstances of religious worship , 't is apparent that it cannot by imposing them , make any additions to the worship of god , but only provides , that what god has required , be performed in a decent and orderly manner . sect. . and then as for christian liberty , why should we suffer them so far to invade ours , as to renounce those things as criminal , which we believe to be innocent ? and if things indifferent when injoin'd lose not only their liberty , but their lawfulness ; then why not when forbidden , and that by an incompetent authority ? when our superiours impose rules of decency , and law of discipline , they do not infringe our christian liberty ; because they do not abolish the indifferency of things themselves , wherein alone it consisteth : and though they become thereby necessary duties , 't is not from the nature and necessity of the thing it self , but from the obligations of obedience , or some emergent reasons of order and decency : whereas nothing can be more plain , than that these men do not only abridge our liberty , but also lay insolent confinements upon the supreme power , by making things indifferent so absolutely unlawful , that they will not allow the just commands of lawful authority sufficient to make them cease to be sinful . how oft , and how plainly have they been told , that , when authority injoins things left indifferent , and undetermined by the word of god , 't is so far from incroaching upon our christian liberty , that it rather confirms it ? in that this supposes that the things themselves may , or may not be either done or enjoined , according to the dictates of prudence and discretion ; but when they are once determined by publick laws , though the matter of the law be indifferent , yet obedience to it is not . whereas when they will not permit their governours to injoin these things , and if they do , will not obey their injunctions , do they not apparently intrench upon our liberty , by making what christ has left indifferent , necessary ; and , under pretences of asserting their christian liberty , take upon them to confine the rights of authority ? but to all this , as evident as it is , nothing can make them attend ; but they still deafly proceed in their old clamours : which is too clear an argument , that 't is not reason that dictates their exceptions , but humour , prejudice , and peevishness . sect. . and then as for their declamations against adding to the law of god , to be short , i appeal to the reason of all mankind , whether any men in the world are more notoriously guilty of unwarrantable additions than these , who forbid those things as sinful , and consequently under pain of damnation , which the law of god has no where forbidden ? what is it to teach the commandments of men for doctrines , but to teach those things to be the law of god that are not so ? and , what can more charge the divine law of imperfection , than to teach that a man may perform all that it has commanded , and yet perish for not doing something , that it has not commanded ? and so do they , who make it necessary not to do something that god has left indifferent . whereas nothing can be more unreasonable than to tax the church of making additions to the law of god , because all her laws are imposed , not as laws of god , but as laws of men , and so are not more liable to this charge than iustinian's institutes , and littleton's tenures . and then in the last place , as for their noise against popery , ( a term , that , as well as some other angry words , signifies any thing that some men dislike ) i shall say no more , than , that we have most reason to raise this out-cry , when they take upon themselves ( as well as the old gentleman at rome ) to controul the laws of the secular powers . and what do they , but set up a pope in every mans conscience , whilst they vest it with a power of countermanding the decrees of princes ? these things cannot but appear with an undeniable evidence to any man , that is not invincibly either ignorant , or wilful , or both : and therefore 't is time they should , at least for shame , if they will not for conscience , cease to disturb the church with clamour , and exceptions so miserably impertinent , that i blush for having thus far pursued them with a serious confutation . and therefore leaving them and their impertinencies together , ( for i despair of ever seeing these old and dear acquaintances parted ) i shall now address my self to clear off one more material and more plausible objection , and so conclude this particular . and 't is this . sect. . 't is possible , the magistrate may be deceived in his determinations , and establish a worship that is in its own nature sinful and superstitious ; in which case ( if what i contend for be true ) all his subjects must either be rebels , or idolaters : if they obey , they sin against god ; if they disobey , they sin against their sovereign . this is the last issue of all that is objected in this controversie , and the only argument that gives gloss and colour to all their other trifling pretences : and yet 't is no more than what may be as fairly objected against all government of moral and political affairs ; for there 't is as possible , that the supreme power may be mistaken in its judgment of good and evil ; and yet no man will deny the civil power of princes , because they are fallible , and may perhaps abuse it . and yet in this alone lies all the strength of this objection against their ecclesiastical jurisdiction , because forsooth , 't is possible they may erre , and manage it to evil purposes . but whatever force it carries in it , it rather strikes at the divine providence , than my assertion , and charges that of being defective in making sufficient provisions for the due government of mankind , in that it has not set over us infallible judges and governours : for unless all magistrates be guided by an unerring spirit , 't is possible they may act against the ends of their institution ; and if this be a sufficient objection against their authority , it must of necessity overthrow the power of all fallible judicatures , and make governours as incompetent judges in matters of morality and controversies of right and wrong , as in articles of faith and religion . and therefore our enquiry is , to find out the best way of setling the world , that the state of things is capable of : if indeed mankind were infallible , this controversie were at an end ; but seeing that all men are liable to errors and mistakes , and seeing there is an absolute necessity of a supreme power in all publick affairs , our question ( i say ) is , what is the most prudent , and expedient way of setling them ; not that possibly might be , but that really is ? and this ( as i have already sufficiently proved ) is , to devolve their management on the supreme civil power ; which though it may be imperfect and liable to errors and mistakes , yet 't is the least so , and is a much better way to attain publick peace and tranquillity , than if they were entirely left to the ignorance and folly of every private man , which must of necessity be pregnant with all manner of mischiefs and confusions . so that this method , i have assign'd , being comparatively the best way of government of all ecclesiastical , as well as civil affairs , is not to be rejected , because 't is liable to some inconveniences ; but rather to be embraced above all others , because 't is liable to incomparably the fewest . and if it so happen , that some private persons suffer wrong from this method of proceeding , yet this private injury has an ample compensation from the publick benefit that arises from it ; and when it so falls out that either the whole society , or one individual must suffer , 't is easie to determine , that better one honest man perish , than a million . the inconveniences of a bad government are inconsiderable , in comparison to anarchy and confusion ; and the evils , that fall upon particular men from its unskilful or irregular administration , are vastly too little to weigh against the necessity of its institution . sect. . and upon this principle stands the necessity of subjection and obedience to all authority , in that , though its ill management may happen to bring many and great inconveniences upon the publick ; yet they cannot equal the mischiefs of that confusion which must necessarily arise , if subjects are warranted to disobey , or resist government , whenever they shall apprehend 't is ill administred . perhaps never any government was so good , as to be administred with exact justice and equity , nor any governour so wise , as not to be chargeable with faults and miscarriages ; and therefore if upon every quarrel every wise or honest man can pick against the laws of the common-wealth , he may lawfully withdraw his obedience , what can follow but a certain and unavoidable dissolution of government , when every man will be commanded by nothing , but his own perswasions , that is himself ? and upon this account 't is that the law of god has tied upon us such an absolute and indispensable subjection to authority , which though it may be mischievous , yet 't is less so than disobedience : and the world must be govern'd , as it can be , by men , and not as it might be , by angels . the management indeed of humane affairs is generally bad enough , but 't is as well as can probably be expected , if we consider the weaknesses and imperfections of humane nature : and therefore we must bear it as well as we can : because if we go about to alter any present setlement , we must almost of necessity make it worse : and all the effects of such attempts have seldom ended in any thing else but perpetual confusions , till things have at length resetled in the same , or as bad , ( if not a worse ) condition than they were in before . the miseries of tyranny are less , than those of anarchy ; and therefore 't is better to submit to the unreasonable impositions of nero , or caligula , than to hazard the dissolution of the state , and consequently all the calamities of war and confusion , by denying our subjection to tyrants . and there never was any lawful magistrate so bad , whose laws and government were not more conducive to the preservation of the common good , than his oppression was to subvert it : and 't is wisely eligible to suffer a less evil , rather than lose a greater good . 't is a known , and a wise saying of tacitus ; bonos principes voto expetere debemus , qualescunque pati ; & quomodo sterilitatem , aut nimios imbres , & caetera naturae mala , sic luxum & avaritiam dominantium tolerare . and this , in one word , is not only a satisfactory answer , but an ample confutation of that pestilent book , ( vindiciae contra tyrannos ) the scope whereof is , only to invite subjects to rebel against tyrannical government , by representing the evils of tyranny : which though they were as great , as he supposes them to be ; yet they are abundantly less than those that follow upon rebellion , as himself and his party were sufficiently taught by the event . and for one common-wealth , he can instance in , that has gain'd by rebellion ; 't is easie to produce an hundred that it has hazarded , if not utterly ruined . and therefore this author ( not to mention mariana , and buchanan , and others ) has perform'd nothing in behalf of his cause , by displaying the miseries of a tyrannical power , unless he had withal evinced them to be more calamitous than those of war and confusion . there is nothing in this world , that depends upon the freedom of man's will , can be so securely establish'd , as not to be liable to sad inconveniences ; and therefore that constitution of affairs is most eligible , that is liable to the fewest . and upon this score , i say , it is that the divine law has so severely injoin'd us to submit to the worst of governours ; because notwithstanding that tyranny is an oppressing burden of humane life , yet 't is less intolerable than a state of war and confusion . sect. . but to speak more expresly to the particular matter in debate , 't is necessary the world must be govern'd ; govern'd it cannot be without religion , & religion , as harmless and peaceable as it is in it self , yet when mixt with the follies and passions of men , it does not usually inspire them with overmuch gentleness and goodness of nature ; and therefore 't is necessary that it submit to the same authority , that commands over all the other affections of the mind of man. and we may as well suppose all men just and honest , and upon that account cancel all the laws of equity , as suppose them wise and sober in their religious conceits , and upon that score take off all restraints from the excesses and enormities of zeal . 't is therefore as necessary to the preservation of publick peace , that men should be govern'd in matters of religion , as in all other common affairs of humane life . and as for all the inconveniences that may follow from it , they are no other , than what belong to all manner of government , and such as are , and must be , unavoidable as long as mankind is endued with liberty of will ; for so long he cannot be intrusted with any power , how good soever , that he may not abuse . and therefore for men to go about to abrogate the ecclesiastical iurisdiction of the civil magistrate , because he may abuse it to evil and irreligious ends , by establishing idolatry , instead of the true worship of god ; ( in which case 't is pity that good men should be exposed to ruine , only for preserving a good conscience ) 't is just as reasonable as if they should cashier all manner of government , and set men free from all oaths and obligations of allegiance ; because 't is possible some usurper may gain the supreme power , and then force his subjects to abjure all their former oaths to their lawful sovereign ; and 't is pity that men of the gallantest , and most honest principles , should be fined , decimated , hanged , banish'd , and murdered only for their loyalty to their prince . and thus will the parallel run equal in all cases between the civil and ecclesiastical authority of the supreme powers : both may be , and often are lamentably abused ; and therefore if that be reason enough to abolish one , 't is so to abolish both : so that the whole result of all amounts only to this enquiry , whether it would not be a politick course to take away all government , because all government may be abused ? sect. . though this be a sufficient reply to the objection , yet it will not be altogether impertinent or unnecessary to abet it with this one consideration more . that it may , and often does so happen , that 't is necessary to punish men for such perswasions into which they have perhaps innocently abused themselves : for 't is easily possible for well-meaning people through ignorance and inadvertency to be betrayed into such unhappy errors , as may tend to the publick disturbance , which though it be not so much their crime as infelicity , yet is there no remedy but it must expose them to the correction of the publick rods and axes . magistrates are to take care of the common-wealth , and not of every particular mans concerns : and the end of all their laws is to provide for the welfare of the publick , that is their charge , and that they must secure ; and if any harmless and well-meaning man make himself obnoxious to the penalties of the law , that is a misfortune they cannot prevent , and therefore must deal with him , as they do with all other offenders ; that is , pity , and punish him . private interest must yield to publick good , and therefore , when they cannot stand together , and there is no remedy but one must suffer , 't is better certainly that one , or a few , should perish than the whole community . neither is it possible that any laws should be so warily contrived , but that some innocent persons may sometimes fall under their penalties ; yet , because 't is more beneficial to the publick welfare , that now and then a guiltless person should suffer , than that all the guilty should escape ; in that the former injures but one , the latter all : therefore is it necessary to govern all societies by laws , and penalties , without regard to the ill fortune that may befal a few single persons , which can hardly be avoided whilst the laws are in force : and yet 't is necessary that either the same , or some other in their stead be establish'd , that will be liable to the same inconvenience . besides , 't is not unworthy observation , that it is not so properly the end of government to punish enormities , as to prevent disturbances ; and when they bring malefactors to justice ( as we term it ) they do not so much inflict a punishment upon the crime , ( for that belongs peculiarly to the cognizance of another tribunal ) as provide for the welfare of the common-wealth , by cutting off such persons as are pests and enemies to it , and by the example of their punishment deter others from the like practices . and therefore there are some sins , of which governours take not so much notice , that are more hainous in themselves , and in the sight of god , than others that they punish with capital inflictions ; because they are not in their own nature so destructive of the ends of government , and the good of publick societies . so that actions being punishable by humane laws , not according to the nature of the crime , but of their ill consequence to the publick , when any thing that is otherwise even innocent , is in this regard injurious , it as much concerns authority to give it check by severity of laws and punishments , as any the foulest immoralities . temporal punishments then are inflicted upon such persons that are turbulent against prescribed rules of publick worship , upon the same account , as they are against those that offend against all other publick edicts of government : they are both equally intended , to secure the publick peace and interest of the society ; and when either of them are violated , they equally tend to its disturbance : and therefore as mens actings against the civil laws of a common-wealth are obnoxious to the judgment of its governours , for the same reason are all their offences against its ecclesiastical laws liable to the censure of the same authority . so that the matter debated , in its last result , is not so much a question of religion , as of policy ; not so much of what is necessary to faith , as to the quiet and preservation of a common-wealth ; and 't is possible a man may be a good christian , and yet his opinion be intolerable , upon the score of its being inconsistent with the preservation of the publick peace , and the necessary ends of government . for 't is easily imaginable how an honest and well-meaning man may , through meer ignorance , fall into such errours , which though god will pardon , yet governours must punish : his integrity may expiate the crime , but cannot prevent the mischief of his errour . nay so easie is it for men to deserve to be punished for their consciences , that there is no nation in the world , in which ( were government rightly understood and duly managed ) mistakes and abuses of religion would not supply the gallies with vastly greater numbers than villany . chap. vii . of the nature and obligations of scandal , and of the absurdity of pretending it , against the commands of lawful authority . the contents . the leaders of the separation being asham'd of the silliness of the principle , with which they abuse the people , think to shelter themselves , by flying to the pretence of scandal . scandal is any thing that occasions the sin of another , and is not in it self determinately good or evil. all scandal is equally taken , but not equally criminal . men are to govern themselves , in this affair , by their own prudence and discretion . of st. paul's contrary behaviour towards the iews , and gentiles , to avoid their contrary scandal . the reason of the seeming contradiction , in this point , between his epistles to the romans , and galatians . the proper obligations of scandal are extended only to indifferent things . the cases , in which it is concern'd , are not capable of being determined by setled laws and constitutions . how scandalously these men prevaricate with the world in their pretence of scandal , that may excuse their refusal of conformity , but gives no account of their separation . of their scrupling to renounce the covenant , this is no reason to drive them from divine service into conventicles . how shamefully these men juggle with the world , and impose upon their followers . if they would but perswade their proselytes to be of their own minds , it would end all our differences . they first lead the people into the scandal , and then make this the formal reason why they must follow them . if the peoples scruples are groundless , then to comply with them , is to keep them in a sinful disobedience . a further account of their shameful prevarication . the ridiculousness of the peoples pretending it concerning themselves , that they are scandalized . by their avoiding private offences , they run into publick scandals . they scandalize their own weak brethren most of all , by complying with them . old and inveterate scandals are not to be complyed with , but opposed : and such are those of the non-conformists . the commands of authority and the obligations of obedience infinitely outweigh , and utterly evacuate all the pretences of scandal . sect. . though the former principle , viz. that no man may with a safe conscience do any thing in the worship of god , that is not warranted by some precept or precedent in the word of god , be riveted into the peoples minds , as the first and fundamental principle of the puritan separation ; yet their leaders seem to be ashamed of their own folly : and being driven from this , and all their other little holds and shelters , they have at length thought it the safest and the wisest course to flie to the pretence of scandal . this is their fort royal , in which they have at last secured and entrench'd themselves . as for their own parts ( they tell us ) they are not so fond as to believe , that the ceremonies of the church of england are so superstitious , and antichristian , and that themselves might lawfully use them , were it not that there are great numbers of sincere , but weak christians that apprehend them to be sinful ; and for this reason they dare not conform to our ceremonial constitutions , for fear of ensnaring and scandalizing weak consciences ; which is , in the apostles account of it , no less than spiritual murther . and whatever is due to authority , the souls of men are too high a tribute . none can be more ready , than themselves , to submit to all lawful commands ; but here they desire to be excused , when they cannot obey but at the price of souls . 't is a dreadful doom , that our saviour has denounced against those , who offend any of his little ones , i. e. babes and weaklings in christianity : and therefore , though they would not stick to hazard their own lives in obedience to authority , yet nothing can oblige them to be so cruel , and so uncharitable , as to destroy any for whom christ died ; which is certainly done by casting snares and scandals before their weak brethren . this is the last refuge of the leaders of the separation , and therefore i cannot but think my self obliged to examine its strength and reasonableness ; and i doubt not , but to make it appear as vain and frivolous , as all their other cavils , and shuffling pretences . sect. . scandal then is a word of a large and ambiguous signification , and the thing it imports is not determinately either good or evil , but is sometimes innocent , and sometimes criminal , according to the different nature of those things from whence it arises , or of those circumstances wherewith it is attended ; for in the full and proper extent of the word , 't is any thing ( whether good , or evil , or indifferent ) that occasions the fall or sin of another . now if the matter of the scandal , or that which occasions anothers sin , be in it self good and vertuous , this casual event is not sufficient to reflect any charge or disparagement upon it ; and therefore 't is in scripture frequently attributed to the best of things , to the cross of christ , to christ himself , and to the grace of god. if it be a thing in it self criminal , though it be chiefly blameable upon its own account , yet this usually aggravates and enhances the original guilt of the action . but lastly , if it be a thing indifferent , and a matter of christian liberty , then is it either faultless , or chargeable , according to its different cases and circumstances , as christian prudence and discretion shall determine , so various and contingent a thing not being capable to be govern'd by any fix'd and setled measures . some are scandalized out of weakness , and some out of peevishness ; some before due information of their mistake , and some after it ; some because they do not , and some because they will not understand . all which , with infinite other circumstances , men ought to consider in the exercise of their christian liberty , and suitably to guide themselves by the same rules of wisdom and charity , that determine them in all the other affairs of humane life . for the action it self is only the remote occasion , and not the immediate cause of the scandal ; in that , being in its own nature indifferent , and by consequence innocent , it cannot be directly and from it self productive of any criminal effect : and therefore , its being abused and perverted to purposes and opportunities of sin , is purely accidental . and the proper and immediate cause of every mans falling , is something within himself : 't is either folly , or malice , or ignorance , or wilfulness , too little understanding , or too much passion , that betray some men into sin by occasion of other mens actions . so that the schools distinction of scandal into passive or that which is taken , and active or that which is given , is apparently false and impertinent , and is the main thing that has perplexed and intricated all discourses of this article : because scandal , properly so called , is never given , but when it is taken ; as being only an occasion of offence taken by one manfrom the actions of another . now if his taking offence , where it was not given , proceeds from weakness and ignorance , then is his case pitiable , and a good-natur'd man will out of tenderness and charity forbear such things , as he seizes on to abuse to his own destruction : for all the obligations of scandal proceed purely from that extraordinary height of charity and tenderness of good nature , that is so signally recommended in the gospel ; which will oblige us to forbear any action that we may lawfully omit , when we know it will prove an occasion of sin and mischief to some well-meaning , but less knowing christians . but if it proceed from humour , or pride , or wilfulness , or any other vicious principle , then is the man to be treated as a peevish and stubborn person ; and no man is bound to part with his own freedom , because his neighbour is froward and humorous : and if he be resolved to fall , there is no reason i should forego the use of my liberty , because he is resolved to make that his stumbling-block . so that we see all scandal is equally taken , but not equally criminal : in that , some take it only because they are weak , and some because they are peevish ; according to which different cases we are to behave our selves , with a different demeanour in this affair . § . and for this we have variety of examples in the practice of the apostles , whose actions were liable to the opposite scandals of jews and gentiles . if they complyed with the jews in their rigorous observation of the mosaick rites , this was a scandal to the gentiles , by leading them into a false and mischievous opinion of their necessity : if they did not comply , then that proved a scandal to those iews , that were not as yet fully instructed in the right nature , and extent of their christian liberty , and the dissolution of the mosaick law ; and so would be tempted to fall back from that religion , that inclin'd men to a scorn and contempt of the law of moses . now between these two extremes they were forced to walk with great prudence and wariness , inclining sometimes to one , and sometimes to the other ; as they apprehended most beneficial to the ends & interests of christianity . thus though st. paul condescended to the circumcision of timothy , to humour and gratifie the jews , who could not be so suddenly wrought off from the prejudices , and strong impressions of their education , and therefore were for a time indulged to the practice of their ancient rites and customs ; yet , when he was among the gentiles , he would not be perswaded to yield so far to the jewish obstinacy , as to suffer the circumcision of titus , but opposed it with his utmost zeal and vehemence ; because this would in probability have frustrated the success of all his labour in propagating the gospel among forein nations ; if he who had before so vehemently asserted their christian liberty , and instructed them in their freedom from the mosaick law , and particularly , from this ceremony , should now seem inconsistent with himself , by acting directly contrary to his former doctrine , and bringing men into a subjection to the law of moses , after himself had so often declared its being revers'd and superannuated . for what else could be probably expected , than that his gentile proselytes being discouraged , partly by his prevarication , and partly by the weight of that noke , to which they foresaw , or at least suspected , they must submit , should be strongly tempted to an utter apostacy ? and therefore , wisely weighing with himself , that the scandal was less dangerous in angring the jews , than in hazarding the gentiles , he chose rather to leave them to their own peevishness , than to hazard the revolt of these , gal. . , . § . and this is the true reason ( as some learned men have observed ) of this great apostles different deportment , in this particular , towards the churches of rome and galatia ; because in the roman church there lived no small number of natural jews , who , when they were first converted to christianity , were not so well instructed in the abrogation of the mosaick law. the method , whereby the apostles invited them at first to embrace the christian faith , was barely to convince them of its evidence and divine authority ; without taking any notice , whether their old religion were thereby abrogated , or continued : for had they at the first attempt dealt roundly with them in that particular , that had been so far from winning their assent , that it had been absolutely the most effectual way to affright them from the gospel . and from hence it came to pass , that there were dispersed among them so many judaizing christians , who , though they were sufficiently instructed in the positive articles of the christian faith ; yet not being so throughly informed as to the superannuating of those legal observances , they were as firmly wedded to them , as if they had still continued in the jewish religion : therefore does the apostle advise , that these weak and uninstructed converts should be tenderly treated ; and exhorts the more knowing christians , for a while , to comply with their weakness and simplicity ; till time , and better information should wear off their old prejudices , and at length bring them to a better understanding of their own liberty . but then , as for the galatians , when they hapned to fall into the same error , he thought not fit to treat them with the same tenderness and civility : but rather chides and lashes them out of their childish folly ; because ( as st. chrysostome observes ) at their first conversion they had been competently instructed in the extent of their christian liberty , and had already disclaimed all their jewish perswasions ; and therefore , for them to relapse into the errours of iudaism , could not proceed from weakness , and want of instruction , but from lightness and giddiness of mind : a vanity that deserved to be upbraided with as much briskness and vehemence of satyr , as st. paul has us'd in that epistle . and upon this account arose the quarrel between him and st. peter , in that st. peter had not carried himself so prudently in the use of his christian liberty , as he might have done ; their controversie was not about an article of faith , or a prescribed duty of religion , but purely about an occasional and changeable matter of prudence . but to pass by this , and divers other particular cases , to the same purpose , in the writings of st. paul , whose practice in this affair is the best comment upon his doctrine : the result of what i have discoursed from him evidently amounts to these two consequences , ( . ) that the proper obligations of scandal are extended only to matters of an indifferent and arbitrary nature . those things that are absolutely necessary , we are bound to do , whether they offend any man or no ; and those that are absolutely unlawful , we are bound to forbear , upon the score of stronger obligations than those of scandal : and therefore its proper scene must lie in things that are not determinately good or evil . ( . ) that the cases , in which it is concern'd , are not capable of being determin'd by any unalterable laws and constitutions ; and that we have no other rules for the government of our actions in reference to it , but those of common prudence and discretion . and now , from this more general account may we proceed , with more clearness and security , to some more close and particular considerations , that immediately relate to this affair , as 't is pleaded by some men in justification of their present schism . § . first , and here in the first place let me desire them , to consider how manifestly & scandalously they prevaricate with the world , in their management of this apology , in that the pretence is too narrow a covering for their practices . for however it may serve to excuse their refusal of conformity in the exercise of their publick and ministerial function , which they must renounce , though to the ruine of their families , to please the brethren ; yet how will this account for all the other disorders and irregularities of their separations ? what has this to do with their private meetings and conventicles , against the commands of publick authority ? they plead it only to justifie themselves in laying down their ministry , and not to keep them from being present at our assemblies in a private capacity : ( as they sometimes are . ) why therefore should they keep up such an apparent separation , by gathering people into distinct meetings of their own , when they might without any criminal scandal to their brethren , or violence to their own consciences , be constant at our congregations ? when themselves were ( or at least thought they were ) in power , they did not think so slightly of unnecessary separations , but provided against their very appearances and possibilities : why therefore should they now make so light of exposing the church to all the distempers that naturally follow , upon making parties and divisions ? if there were nothing but scandal in the case , they would live quietly and conformably in a private condition , though this might possibly restrain them from doing so in a publick office. and one would think that such nice and tender-natur'd people , that will undo themselves to please their neighbours , should be wonderfully tender of giving needless offence to their governours . and , whatever other pretences they make to excuse their non-conformity , nothing can justifie their separation , but the unlawfulness of being present at our congregations . for what , if they scruple to renounce the covenant ; is this any reason , why they should gather people into conventicles , keep their private meetings in time of publick service , affront the laws and constitutions of the common-wealth , and encourage their followers in a down-right schism and separation ? it would be a pretty way of arguing , to hear one of them plead : i cannot renounce the covenant , therefore i must keep a conventicle ; and yet this is their method of acting . and therefore they can never clear themselves of some odd suspicions , unless they would frankly and openly declare their opinion of our service : if they think it unlawful , then let them own , and profess , and plead it ; if lawful , then let them justifie themselves , in that , when lawful authority requires them , and the people , to keep up a just and lawful communion with the church , yet they should notwithstanding keep up so wide a schism , by gathering people out of publick congregations into private meetings . and could their credulous disciples be but made sensible , how coarsly they are impos'd upon by their leaders , and how lamentably they juggle and dissemble with the world , they would then more abhor them for their hypocrisie , than they now admire them for their saint-like and demure pretences . for if they would perswade them to do what themselves would not scruple in their circumstances , ( i. e. to be of their own mind ) this schism would quickly be ended , and the church setled . the only reason ( say most of them ) why they forsook their ministry was , that they durst not abjure the covenant ; dispense with them for this , and they are conformists . but if that be the only thing they scruple , then , why are they not regular and conformable in all other particulars , against which they can pretend no such exceptions ? and what does renouncing the covenant concern the people ? and therefore how shall that excuse , or justifie them in their separation ? this thing has no relation to the divine service , and therefore , however it may restrain men from something else , 't is no motive to drive them from that . now what can be more apparent , than that these men are resolved to comply with , and encourage , the people in a wicked and rebellious schism ( for so it must be , if it be groundless and unwarrantable ) by herding them into conventicles for their own private ends , and that in spight of authority ? whereas had they any true sense of conscience and ingenuity , they would labor to dispossess the people of their mistakes , and to reconcile them to a fair and candid opinion of the church , when she requires nothing of them , but what they themselves are convinced in conscience , is lawful and innocent . for , if they valued the peace of the church , the commands of authority , and the setlement of the nation before their own selfish ends , instead of keeping up divisions ( as 't is evident they do by their conventicles ) they would be as zealous , as he that is most so , to remove the grounds of schism and faction , and to reunite their party to the church , by perswading them to an orderly and peaceable conformity . which if it be innocent ( as themselves believe it is ) it must , in the present circumstances of affairs , be necessary ; if it be any mans duty to be peaceable in the church , and obedient to lawful authority . sect. . secondly , how came the people to be scandalized ? by whom were they betrayed , and affrighted into their mistakes ? who buzzed their scruples , and jealousies into their heads ? and , who taught them to call our ceremonies , popish , superstitious , and antichristian ? what other inducement have they to dislike the churches constitutions , but meerly the example of their leaders ? their practice is the only foundation of the peoples opinion ; and when their flocks straggle from our churches , 't is only to follow their pastors : they first lead the people into an errour , and then this must be an apology for themselves to follow them . and thus , whilst they dance in a circle , 't is no wonder , if at the same time , their preachers follow their people , and the people follow their preachers . and therefore if the godly ministers , who dare not conform for fear of scandalizing the weak brethren , would but venture to do it , the weak brethren would cease to be scandalized . so that these men first lay the stumbling-block in the peoples way , and then , because it scares silly and timorous souls , this serves for a pretence to startle , & be astonish'd at it themselves , and withal to increase the childish fears of the multitude by their own seeming & counterfeit horror . now with what a shameless brow do these men prevaricate with publick authority ? they have deceived the people into a publick errour , and then will not undeceive them for fear of their displeasure : and when they have possess'd their minds with unworthy scruples , and jealousies against the commands of their superiors , then must this weakness of the people be made the formal excuse of their own disobedience . and by this artifice they prostitute the reverence of all government to the fortuitous humor and peevishness of their own disciples ; and so by making the publick laws submit to the pleasure of those whom they govern , they put it in their own power to enact , or repeal them as they please ; and no law shall have any force to bind the subject without their approbation : because 't is in their own power , when they please , to work prejudices , in the people against it ; and therefore , if their being offended be sufficient to take off their obligation , 't is , or 't is not a law , only as themselves shall think good . and thus they first govern the common people , & then sooth and flatter their pride , by inveigling them into a conceit , that they are govern'd by them , and by this stratagem they govern all . but however , from whomsoever these good people learn'd their idle & imaginary scruples , the offence they have taken against the customs and prescriptions of the church , is either just and reasonable , or it is not : if the former , then they have rational grounds for their dislike & separation ; and if they have , then these men that think themselves bound to comply with them , even against the commands of authority , ought to plead those reasons , and not meerly scandal , to justifie their disobedience ; because they must carry in them an obligation antecedent to that of scandal ; in that they are supposed sufficient to warrant and patronize it ; and therefore 't is not that , but the grounds , on which their dislike is founded , that are to be pleaded in their defence and justification . but if the latter , then is their dislike groundless , and unreasonable : and if so , 't is easie to determine that they ought rather to undeceive them , by discovering their mistake , than to encourage them in their sinful disobedience , ( for so it must be , if it be groundless ) by compliance with them . and by this means they will fairly discharge themselves from all danger of any criminal offence . for however scandal groundlesly taken ( and so it is always , because there is never any reason to be offended at an indifferent thing ) may possibly lay a restraint upon my liberty , till i have informed the person of his error , and disavowed those ill consequences he would draw from my example ; and when i have so done , i have prevented the danger of scandal , which always supposes errour , weakness , or mistake of conscience ; and therefore when the errour is discovered , and the weakness removed , so is the scandal too : and if he shall still pretend to be scandalized , 't is not because he is weak , but peevish ; and if after this i comply with them , and that against the commands of my lawful superiors , i shall disobey authority , only , because my neighbour is unreasonable , i. e. for no reason at all . and this further discovers , how shamelesly these men shuffle and prevaricate with the world ; in that when most of them have declared , in their private discourses , that they are not so fond as to imagine our ceremonies unlawful , or antichristian , and when their grandees and representatives have profess'd to publick authority in solemn conferences , that they scruple not these things upon their own account , but only for fear of giving offence to some well-meaning people that were unhappily possess'd with some odd and groundless jealousies against them . for if so , then why are not these good people , that follow them , better informed ? why do they not instruct them in the truth , and disabuse them out of their false and absurd conceits ? why do they connive at their pride and presumption ? or at least , why do they not more smartly reprove them , for their rashness to censure the actions of their neighbours , to condemn , and revile the wisdom of their superiors , and to scorn the knowledge of their spiritual instructors ? why do they not chide them out of their malepart , peevish , and impatient confidence , and , by convincing them at least of the possibility of their being deceived , reduce them to a more humble and governable temper ? why do they not teach them in plain terms that the establish'd way of worship is lawful , and innocent , and therefore that they ought not to forsake it , to the disturbance of the church , and contempt of authority ? if they would but make it part of their business to undeceive the people , how easily would all their stragling followers return into the communion of the church ? but they dare not let them know their errours , lest they should forfeit both their party , and their reputation : and therefore , instead of that , they rather confirm them in their mistakes , and in their own defence , are forced to perswade them , that they ought to be scandalized . insomuch , that it is not unusual to hear the foolish people pretend it concerning themselves , and to tell you that your action is a scandal to them : by which they mean , either that it leads them into sin , or that it makes them angry . if the former , that is a ridiculous contradiction ; for if they know how the snare and temptation is laid , then they know how to escape it ; my action does not force them into the sin , but only invites them to it , through their own mistake and folly : and therefore if they have discovered , by what mistake they are likely to be betray'd , they know how to provide against the danger : for , if they know their duty in the case , how can they plead scandal , when that supposes ignorance ? and however i behave my self , they know what they have to do themselves : if they do not , how can they say of themselves , that they are scandalized ; when by so saying they confess they are not ? for that implies a knowledge how to do their duty , and avoid the danger . if the latter , i. e. that they are angry , then all their meaning is , that i must part with my liberty , and disobey my superiors to please them ; that their saucy humour must give me law ; that i must be their slave , because they are proud , and insolent ; and that they must gain a power over me , because they are forward to censure mine actions . § . thirdly , we encounter scandal with scandal , and let the guilt of all be discharged upon that side that occasions the most and the greatest offences : now all the mischief they can pretend to ensue , in the present constitution of affairs , upon their compliance with authority , reaches no farther than the weak brethren of their own party ; whereas by their refractory disobedience they give offence not only to them , but to all , both to the jew , and to the gentile , and to the church of god. and , not to insist upon the advantages they give to atheism and popery , let me only mind them , that if the accidental offence of the judgments of some well-meaning , but less knowing christians , of a private capacity , pass a sufficient obligation upon conscience , to restrain it from any practice in it self lawful ; of how much more force must that scandal be , that is given to publick authority , by denying obedience to its lawful commands , and by consequence infringing its just power in things not forbidden by any divine law ? now if the rites and ceremonies of the church of england were in themselves apparently evil , then their repugnancy to the law of god were sufficient objection both against their practice , and their imposition ; and their scandal to weak and ignorant christians were of small force , in comparison to their intrinsick , and unalterable unlawfulness : but , because this is not pretended in our present case , what a shameful scandal and reproach to religion is it , to neglect the necessary duty of obedience , and subjection to lawful authority , under pretence of complyance with the weak and groundless scruples of some private men ? 't is certainly past dispute , that the reasonable offence of some weaker brethren cannot so strongly oblige our consciences , as the indispensable command of obeying our lawful superiors . and it is a shame to demand , whether the judgment of a lawful magistrate have not more force and power over conscience , than the judgment of every private christian : if not , then may the laws of authority be cancell'd , and controul'd by the folly and ignorance of those that are subject to them ; for meer scandal arises only from the folly and ignorance of the persons offended . for if there be any just and wise occasion of dislike , the action becomes primarily unlawful , not because 't is scandalous , but because 't is antecedently evil ; whereas meer and proper scandal is only concern'd in things in themselves indifferent : so that in this case all the difficulty is , whether is the greater scandal , to do an indifferent thing , when a private christian dislikes it ; or not to do it , when publick authority enjoyns it ? and certainly it can be no controversie , whether it be a fouler reproach to religion , to disobey a christian magistrate in a thing lawful and indifferent , than to offend a private christian. and i may safely appeal to the judgment of all wise and sober men , whether the intolerable waywardness of some nice and squeamish consciences to the commands of just authority , be not a fouler and more notorious scandal to religion , than a modest and humble compliance with them , though in things not so apparently useful and necessary ? and then , as for their own weak brethren , of whom they seem so exceedingly tender , they can no way more scandalize them , than by complying with them : by which they are tempted and betray'd into the greatest and most mischievous enormities ; for thereby they encourage their folly , feed and cherish their ungrounded fancies , confirm them in a false opinion of the unlawfulness of their superiors commands , and so lead them directly into the sins of unwarrantable schism and disobedience . how many feeble and deluded souls are enticed , by the reputation of their example , to violate the commands of authority , and that , when themselves are not convinced of their unlawfulness , and so entangle themselves in a complicated sin , by disobeying their lawful superiors , and that with a doubtful and unsatisfied conscience ? they cannot be ignorant , that the greatest part of their zealous disciples are offended at the laws and constitutions of the church , for no other reason , than because they see their godly ministers to slight them ; and therefore , unless their example be sufficient to rescind the lawful commands of their governors , they give them the most criminal scandal , by inviting them to the most criminal disobedience . so that all circumstances fairly considered , the avoiding of offences will prove the most effectual inducement to conformity : for this would take away the very grounds and foundations of scandal , remove all our differences , prevent much trouble and more sin , cure all our schisms , quarrels , and divisions , banish our mutual jealousies , censures , and animosities , and establish the nation in a firm and lasting peace . in brief , the only cause of all our troubles and disturbances , is , the inflexible perversness of about an hundred proud , ignorant , and seditious preachers ; against whom , if the severity of the laws were particularly levelled , how easie would it be in some competent time to reduce the people to a quiet and peaceable temper , and to make all our present schisms ( that may otherwise prove eternal ) expire with , or before , the present age ? the want , or neglect , of which method , is the only thing , that has given them so much strength , & so long a continuance . § . fourthly , no man is bound to take notice of , or give place to old and inveterate scandals , but rather ought , in defence of his christian liberty , to oppose them with a publick defiance , and to shame those that pretend them out of their confidence . for the only ground of compliance and condescension in these cases , is tenderness and compassion to some mens infirmities ; and as long as i have reason to think this the only cause of their being scandalized , so long am i bound by charity and good nature to condescend to their weaknesses , and no longer : for after they have had a competent time and means of better information , i have reason enough to presume , that 't is not ignorance , that is the gound of their taking offence , but pride or peevishness , or something worse . so that all that is to be done in this case , is to disabuse the weak by rectifying his judgment , removing his scruples , declaring the innocence of my action , clearing it of all sinister suspicions , and protesting against all those abuses , he would put upon the lawful use of my christian liberty : and when i have so done , i have cleared my self from all his ill-natured jealousies and surmises , and discharged all the offices and obligations of charity . and if , after all this , my offended neighbor shall still persevere in his perverse mis-interpretation of my actions , and pretend , that they still gaul and ensnare his tender conscience ; the man is peevish and refractory , and only makes use of this precarious pretence , to justifie his uncharitable censures of my innocent liberty ; and then am i so far from being under any obligation to comply with the peevishness and insolence of his humour , that i am strongly bound to thwart and oppose it . for otherwise i should but betray my christian liberty to the tyranny of his wilful and imperious ignorance , and give superstitious folly the advantage and authority of prescription . for if that prevail in the practice of the world , and i must yield and condescend to it , because 't is stubborn , and obstinate , it must , in process of time , gain the reputation of being the custom and received opinion of the church ; and when it can plead that , then it becomes necessary : inveterate errours are ever sacred and venerable , and what prescription warrants , it always imposes : custom ever did , and ever will rule and preside in the practices of men , because 't is popular ; and being ever attended with a numerous train of followers , it grows proud and confident , and is not ashamed to upbraid free reason with singularity and innovation . so that all i could gain , by an absolute resignation of my own liberty to another mans folly , would be only to give him a plausible pretence to claim a right of command and dominion over me , and to make my self subject to his humour by my own civility . and thus , though the jews were in the beginning of christianity for a time permitted the rites and customs of their nation ; yet afterward when the nature of the christian religion was , or might be , better understood , the church did not think it owed them so much civility : and if the primitive christians had not given check to their stubborn perswasions , they had given them authority ; and , by too long a compliance , would have vouched and abetted their errours , and adopted judaism into christianity ; and circumcision not only might , but of necessity must have been conveyed down to us from age to age , by as firm and uninterrupted a tradition as baptism . and this shews us , how way-ward and unreasonable those men are , who still persevere to object scandal against the churches constitutions , after she has so often protested against this exception by so many solemn declarations . when at first it was pretended , it might perhaps for a while excuse , or alleviate their disobedience ; but after authority has so sufficiently satisfied their scruples , and removed their suspicions , and so amply cleared the innocence of its own intentions , if men will still continue jealous and quarrelsom , they may thank themselves if they smart for their own presumption and folly . and princes have no reason to abridge themselves in the exercise of their lawful power , only , because some of their subjects will not learn to be modest and ingenuous . and if his majesty should think good to condescend so far to these mens peevishness , as to reverse his laws against them out of compliance with them , this would but feed and cherish their insolence , and only encourage them to proceed ( if that be possible ) to more unreasonable demands ; for upon the same reason they insist upon these , they may , when they are granted them , go on to make new remonstrances , i. e. upon no reason at all . and beside , this would but give the countenance of authority to their scruples and superstitious pretences , and leave the church of england under all those calumnies to posterity , with which themselves or their followers labour to charge it , and oblige future ages to admire and celebrate these peevish and seditious persons as the founders of a more godly and thorow reformation . not to mention how much princes have ever gain'd by their concessions to the demands of fanatick zealots , they may easily embolden , but hardly satisfie them ; and if they yield up but one jewel of their imperial diadem to their importunity , 't is not usual for them to rest , till they have gain'd crown and all , and perhaps the head that wears it too ; for there is no end of the madness of unreasonable men . how happy would the world be , if wise men were but wise enough to be instructed by the mistress of fools ? but every age lives as much at all adventure as if it were the first , without any regard to the warnings and experiences of all former ages . sect. . fifthly , the commands of authority , and the obligations of obedience , infinitely outweigh , and utterly evacuate all the pretences of scandal . for the matters wherein scandal is concern'd are only things indifferent ; but nothing that is not antecedently sinful remains so , after the commands of lawful authority are superinduced upon it ; these change things indifferent , as to their nature , into necessary duties , as to their vse ; and therefore place them beyond the reach of the obligations of scandal , that may in many cases extend to the restraint of our liberty , but never to the prejudice and hinderance of our duty ; so that no obedience , how offensive soever , unless it be upon some other account faulty , is capable of being made criminal upon the score of scandal ; the obligations whereof are but accidental and occasional , whereas those of obedience are of a prime , absolute , and eternal necessity . princes are gods deputies , and lieutenants here on earth , he vests them with their power , and by his own law binds us to obey theirs ; and though their decrees pass no direct obligation upon the consciences of men , yet the divine laws directly and immediately bind their consciences to obey them ; and god has annex'd the same penalties to disobedience to their laws , as to his own : so that obedience to all the lawful commands of our superiours is one part of our duty to god , because our obligation to it is tied upon us by his own immediate command : aud therefore if the duty of avoiding scandal , that is of compliance with my neighbours weakness , be sufficient to excuse that of obedience to authority , 't is so too to take off the immediate obligations of god himself : so that when these two , the publick commands of a lawful superiour , and the private offence of an honest neighbour countermand each other , if the latter prevail , then may it forbid what god has made a necessary duty , and oblige us to disobey him out of compliance with the folly and ignorance of men . how few are there of the divine laws more severe and peremptory , than those that command obedience to authority ? and therefore if we may decline this duty only to avoid scandal , why not any ? why not all ? this then is our duty , and must be done ; and as for all its casual and equivocal events , no mans conscience is concern'd to provide against them . and if other men will be offended because i do my duty , that is their fault and not mine ; and better be the occasion of another mans sin , than the author of mine own . no mans folly or ignorance can cancel my obligations to god , or god's vicegerent ; and in all cases where there is any competition between scandal and a command of god , or any other lawful authority , there is no other difficulty to be resolved , than , whether i shall disobey god , or displease my foolish neighbour ? and 't is ( one would think ) past all dispute , that when any thing is positively determin'd as a matter of duty , the obligations to obedience in that particular are not , for that very reason , left to any man's choice and prudence ( as all matters of scandal are ) but it must become in all cases and circumstances whatsoever , a duty of a precise absolute , and indispensable necessity , and certainly god had made but odd provision for the government of the world , if he should allow one subject , for the pleasure of another , to derogate from the authority of lawful superiours , and permit them the liberty to disobey the commands of governours , rather than displease one another : for this must unavoidably end in an utter dissolution of all government , & devolve the supremacy entirely upon every private man , that either has or can pretend to have a weak and a tender conscience . for if scandal to weak and tender consciences be of sufficient force to rescind the obligatory power of the commands of authority , then whoever either has , or can pretend to a weak conscience , gains thereby an absolute sovereignty over all his superiours , and vests himself with a power to dispense with or evacuate their commands . so that in the issue of all , this pretence puts it in the power of any peevish or malevolent person to cancel all the decrees of princes , and make his own humour the rule of all their polity and laws of government , and become superior to his own superiours only by being ignorant or peevish . how is it possible to make authority more cheap and contemptible ( if men would study to weaken and disgrace it ) than by making its commands of less force , than the folly or perverseness of every arrogant mechanick ? and what can be more destructive of all manner of government than to make all the rules of order and discipline less sacred , than the whimsies of every phantastick zealot ? in brief , the peace and quiet of honest men is likely to be mighty well secured , when disobedience shall be thought the product of a more exact and tender conscience ; when to pick quarrels with the laws , and make scruple of obeying them shall be made the specifick character of the godly party ; and when giddy and humorous zeal shall not only excuse , but hallow disobedience ; when every one , that has pride enough to fancy himself a child of god , shall have licence to despise authority and do as he list . what an irresistible temptation is this to proud and zealous enthusiasts , to affect being troublesome to government , and disobedient to all the laws of discipline , when it shall pass for the result of a more extraordinary tenderness of conscience ? what encouragement could men have to obey their superiours , when to dispute and dislike their laws shall be thought to proceed from a greater holiness and a more exact integrity ? and what a resistless inducement is this to all proud and phantastick zealots to remonstrate to the wisdom of authority , if thereby they may gain the renown and glory of a more conspicuous godliness ? if men would but consider the natural consequences of this , and the like pretences , they could not but see how fatally and unavoidably they lead to anarchy , and an utter dissolution of all government . which mischief ( as is notoriously apparent from the premisses ) all the world can never prevent , if the scandal of private men may ever dispence with the obligation of publick laws . chap. viii . of the pretence of a tender and unsatisfied conscience ; the absurdity of pleading it in opposition to the commands of publick authority . the contents . this pretence is but an after-game of conscience . 't is a certain and unavoidable dissolution of government . 't is a superannuated pretence , and is become its own confutation . old scruples proceed not from tenderness , but stubborness of conscience . this particularly shewn in their scruple of kneeling at the communion . they affect their scruples out of pride and vain-glory. tenderness of conscience is so far from being the reason of disobedience , that it lays upon us the strongest obligations to obedience . a tender conscience is ever of a yielding and pliable temper . when 't is otherwise , 't is nothing but humour or insolence , and is usually hardy enough not to scruple the greatest villanies . the commands of publick authority abrogate all doubts and scruples , and determine all irresolution of conscience . the matter of all scruples is too small to weigh against the sin and mischief of disobedience . the apostles apology , viz. we ought to obey god rather than men , holds only in matters of great and apparent duty , but not in doubtful and disputable cases . nothing more easie than to raise scruples . no law can escape them , this particularly shewn in our own laws . when two obligations interfere , the greater always cancels the less . hence 't is impossible for any man to be reduced into a necessity of sinning . obedience to publick authority is one of the greatest and most indispensable duties of mankind , because most necessary to their well-being . to act against our own scruples , out of obedience to authority , is an eminent instance of virtue . in cases of a publick concern , men are to be govern'd not by their own private , but by the publick iudgment . in these matters the commands of publick authority are the supreme rules of conscience . there is a vast difference between liberty and authority of conscience . the puritans tenderness of conscience is one of the rankest sort of heresies . wherefore 't is absolutely necessary for authority to command things indifferent . the conclusion of all . sect. . the last refuge for godly disobedience is the pretence of a poubtful , scrupulous , & unsatisfied conscience ; for ( say they ) though we cannot positively condemn the ceremonial constitutions of the church , as things in themselves unlawful , yet unlawful they are to us , whose consciences are not sufficiently satisfied concerning them ; because whatsoever is done with a doubting conscience , i. e. without faith , or a full perswasion of mind , is done against it : according to that clear and unquestionable maxim of st. paul , whatsoever is not of faith , is sin . but this precarious pretence , as well as that of scandal , is but an after-game of conscience ; they first resolved to quarrel our constitutions , and then 't is an easie matter to want satisfaction about them ; and when mens arguments depend upon their wills , 't is in their own power only to repeal them , and all the reason in the world can never cure willful and artificial scruples . however , if the obligation of laws must yield to that of a weak and tender conscience , how impregnably is every man , that has a mind to disobey , arm'd against all the commands of his superiours ? no authority shall be able to govern him , farther than himself pleases , and if he dislike the law , he is sufficiently excused from all obligations to obedience ; and no laws shall ever be able to oblige any man , that either has , or can pretend to a weak conscience : for seeing no man can discern the reality of mens pretensions , 't is all one to the concernments of government , whether the tenderness of conscience , that men plead to excuse their disobedience , be serious or counterfeit : for , whether it be so , or so , 't is directly contrary to all the ends and interests of government . and if it be admitted for a sufficient excuse to disobey , 't is an effectual and incurable dissolution of all the force of laws , and makes them obligatory then only when every man pleases ; and he that will may obey , and he that will not may chuse ; seeing 't is so easie for any man , that has no inclination to the law , to claim the inviolable priviledge of a tender conscience : so that to make proviso's for tender consciences , is to abate the whole law ; seeing it gives every man liberty to exempt himself , and if he dislike the law , he is under no obligation to obey it . but suppose this pretence to be serious without design or disguise , is it fit the laws of the common-wealth should ask leave of every ignorant , and well-meaning man , whether they shall be laws or no ? a weak conscience is the product of a weak understanding ; and he is a very subtil man , that can find the difference between a tender head , and a tender conscience : and therefore if princes must consult their subjects consciences in all their laws , this would make all the wisdom of government submit to the power of folly and ignorance . and when any person pleads weakness or tenderness of conscience against the obligation of any law , his meaning is , that he is not of the same judgment and opinion with his governours ; and 't is wise , and handsom , and becoming the grandeur or authority in all its laws , to comply with the learned apprehensions of every honest and illiterate peasant ; who if he be not satisfied in their determinations , may cancel their obligations as to himself , and if they offer to force this honest man to submission , they invade the sacred and inviolable liberty of a tender conscience . so full of anarchy are all these mens pretences . and therefore governours must look to the publick , and let tender consciences look to themselves . laws must be of an unyielding and inflexible temper , and not such soft and easie things , as to bend to every mans humour , that they ought to command . and unless government be managed by some setled principles , it must for ever remain weak and unfixed : princes must not be diffident in their rules , and maxims of policy ; but as they must set down some to themselves , so they must act up roundly to them . for all changes of the publick laws and methods of policy sadly weaken , if they do not utterly unsettle the common-wealth ; in that prescription is , at least in the practice of the world , the greatest strength and security of government : 't is indeed the fountain of authority , and the thing that vests princes with their prerogatives ; and no power , what right or title soever it may plead , can ever be firmly establish'd , till it can plead the warrant and authority of prescription : and therefore if princes will be resolute ( and if they will govern , so they must be ) they may easily make the most stubborn consciences bend to their commands ; but if they will not , they must submit themselves , and their power , to all the follies and passions of their subjects . for there are no conceits so extravagant , or so pernicious , that may not pass for principles of conscience . in brief , there is nothing so ungovernable as a tender conscience , or so restive and inflexible as folly or wickedness , when hardned with religion : and therefore instead of being complyed with , they must be restrain'd with a more peremptory and unyielding rigour , than naked and unsanctified villany ; else will they quickly discover themselves to be pregnant with greater and more fatal dangers . sect. . this stale pretence comes now too late , and is so ancient , that 't is long since superannuated : old doubts and scruples are like old scandals worn out of date by time and experience : they are the natural products of ignorance , weakness is their parent , and folly their nurse ; and if they improve not into confidence , they never survive their infancy , but of themselves vanish and dissolve into nothing : and therefore this pretence having out-lived it self , is become its own answer and confutation : because men ought not , nay , they cannot remain so long under vncertainties ; and 't is impossible but they should before this time be competently determined , as to the lawfulness or unlawfulness of the things themselves : for if in so long a time they have not been able to discover that sinfulness in them they suspected , that is sufficient evidence of their being innocent ; because their scruples have occasioned them to be so throughly sifted and examined : and if after all that hot and vehement contention , that has been raised about them , it appears not yet wherein they are criminal and chargeable , ( for if it does , then the doubt ceases , and the certainty , not the suspition of sin is to be objected ) that is presumption enough for any modest and sober man to conclude their innocence ; and still to retain the scruple , is folly and peevishness , and then the conscience is not doubtful , but obstinate and peremptory : the man is resolved to cherish his scruple , and persist in his folly ; and if he will not be satisfied , it is not because he is weak and timorous , but because he is stubborn and dis-ingenuous . and then he pretends conscience only to vouch his humour , and his insolence , i. e. he is a villain and an hypocrite ; and is so far from deserving pity , especially from authority , that no offenders can more need or provoke their severity ; in that , such men resolve to tire out their governors by their inflexible stubbornness , and to affront their laws with trifles and contemptuous exceptions . at the first setlement of a church or new religion , then indeed mens old follies , prejudices , and weaknesses , ought to be charitably considered ; and they are not to be forced into new customs and usages , by too much rigor and severity ; but ought to be gently and tenderly treated , till time and better information may wear off their scruples , and little exceptions . and this was the case of the iews in the first ages of christianity , who were at first indulged in their weak and trifling conceits ; because then they might reasonably be presumed to arise from a pitiable ignorance and dissetlement of conscience : but as soon as the abrogation of the mosaick institution was fully declared and acknowledged in the church , they were brought under the common yoke of discipline , and were not permitted to plead their doubts and scruples against publick laws and constitutions . and this too is our present case , men labour to support an old schism by out-worn scruples and jealousies , and will persevere in their doubts , because they are resolved never to be satisfied ; for otherwise it were impossible , that after so much time , and so much satisfaction , they could still remain unresolved . and if whole armies of reason have not been sufficient to chase away all their little and imaginary fears : yet methinks so long time , and so much experience might be sufficient to convince them , that they are but shadows , and illusions of their own melancholy fancies ; for had they been real and substantial things , it is impossible they should ever have escaped the discovery of so long and so severe a scrutiny . but , if nor time , nor reason can disabuse them , it is not their ignorance , but their obstinacy that is invincible . thus v. g. when to kneel at the communion , is in it self an handsom and decent action , in that this sacrament is the most solemn piece of gratitude , or worship in the christian religion , and a peculiar acknowledgment of our vast and unspeakable obligations to our redeemer ; and therefore to be performed with the profoundest reverence and humility : and when these men themselves are not only ready to observe , but also to enjoyn the same posture in their ordinary prayers , and other less solemn expressions of devotion ; and when the power of the church has actually determined and required this reverent posture , to stamp a peculiar sacredness and solemnity upon this duty , no man can possibly now scruple its practice without affected contempt , and wilful disobedience ; because they cannot but be convinced ( unless they are resolved against it ) of the vanity and dis-ingenuity of their old pretence : namely , lest they should be interpreted to give religious worship to the elements , and by lying prostrate before the bread and wine , they should become guilty of idolatry , in giving divine worship to a sensless piece of matter . for when they plead this excuse for their disobedience , they cannot but be conscious to themselves , that by it they do not only despise , but slander and reproach the laws , that they out-face and traduce authority , and would force their governours to believe and confess that they favour what they expresly abhor ; seeing the very same law that enjoyns this ceremony , provides so expresly against this abuse , and declares so industriously , that it is so far from designing any reverence to the creatures themselves , that it abhors it ; but only requires it , as it is used in all other religious addresses to heaven . and , if notwithstanding all this , men will dread it as a piece of idolatry , because ( forsooth ) it has been , or may be abused to that purpose , i say no more , than that if such thin and frivolous scruples may out-weigh the laws , and evacuate our obligations to obedience , there are none in the world that are not as apparently liable to as dis-ingenuous surmises ; and they may as rationally forbear looking up towards heaven in their prayers , lest they should worship the clouds , or the sun , moon , and stars . but the truth of it is , some men study for impertinent scruples , to ensnare themselves , and labour to raise great doubts from little reasons , and cannot be satisfied , because they will not ; they have enslaved themselves to their follies , and boared their ears to their scruples , and are resolved to grow old in a voluntary bondage to trifles and fooleries . now it is necessary for people of this humour to streighten the laws , till they have made them too severe and rigorous to be obeyed , to draw their knot , till it becomes troublesom and uneasie ; to put them upon the wrack , and stretch them beyond , or beside their own intention by rare and extraordinary cases , by harsh and unkind interpretations , and by far-fetch'd and disingenuous suspicions ; and , under the shelter of such precarious pretences as no law can possibly avoid , they refuse the liberty that is given them to obey the laws , only that they may take the licence to disobey them . in brief , the main mystery of all this niceness ( though themselves have not wit enough to observe its first causes ) is , for the most part , nothing but a little pride and vain-glory : it is a glorious thing to suffer for a tender conscience , and therefore it is easie and natural for some people to affect some little scruples against the commands of authority , thereby to make themselves obnoxious to some little penalties ; and then what godly men are they that are so ready to be punished for a good conscience ? how do such men hug and nurse their dear scruple ? all the reason , and all the perswasion in the world shall never be able to wrest it from them . it is their ephod and their teraphim , the only mark of their godliness , and symbol of their religion ; and if you rob them of that , you take away their gods : and what have they more ? sect. . if my conscience be really weak and tender , what can become it more than humble obedience and submission to authority ? weakness of conscience always proceeds in some measure from want of wit ; and therefore to make this the pretence of disobedience , is in effect to say , i will controul the wisdom of my superiours , because i have little or none my self . certainly , where persons have any serious sense of their own ignorance , they can scarce have a stronger obligation to obedience : and they can never be so confident in any action , as when they obey ; because then they have the publick wisdom to warrant them , and their own folly to excuse them : that is , they follow the best guide men are capable of , in their circumstances . and a subject that is conscious of his own weakness , when he resigns up himself to the wisdom of his superiours , in matters doubtful and disputable , is in effect governed by the best and safest dictates of his own conscience ; which , unless it be hardned with pride and insolence , cannot but perswade him , that he ought to presume them more competent judges of the fitness and expediency of publick laws , whose work and office it is to understand them , than himself , who is wholly ignorant of the management and transaction of publick affairs . this is the most common principle of humane life , and all men practise by it in all their concerns , but those of religion . and that is the reason it has ever been debauched with so many follies and frenzies , because silly people will not submit their consciences to any thing but their own giddy imaginations : whereas , if they would but condescend to the same rules of government in matters of religion , as they do in all their other affairs , obedience to authority might be secured without any violence to conscience ; seeing no conscience , that is acted by wise and sober perswasions , will ever be stiff in doubtful and uncertain cases , against the determinations of the publick wisdom : because such men being sensible how unable they are to govern themselves , they know they can never act more safely , than when they are governed by their superiors : and being they cannot pretend to trust confidently enough to their own conduct , how can they proceed upon wiser and more reasonable grounds , than by committing themselves to the publick wisdom ? in which , though possibly they might be misguided , yet they may secure themselves , that , god who values integrity more than subtilty , will pardon their weakness , and reward their meekness and humility . but for a man to plead weakness of conscience for disobedience to government , is just as if a child in minority should reject the advice of his guardians , because he has not wit enough to know , when he is well advised ; or as if a fool should refuse to be governed , because he has not reason enough to discern when he is well managed ; or as if a blind man should not trust to the conduct of a guide , because he is not able to judge when he is misled . humility and condescension are the most proper duties of weakness and ignorance , and meekness , and simplicity the only ornaments of a tender conscience : and one would think that men , whose confidence exceeds not their wit , should be strangely wary of censuring the wisdom of authority . and therefore it is but a very odd pretence to weakness of conscience , when it appears in nothing but being too strong for government ; and that man that pretends to it , does not seriously believe himself , if he presumes he is wise enough to govern his governors : and so does every one , that thinks the perswasions of his own mind of sufficient force to cancel the obligations of their commands . it is an handsom piece of modesty for one , who pretends to weakness of conscience , when his prince requires his obedience to give him counsel , to advise him how to govern the kingdom , to blame and correct the laws , and to tell him how this and the other might be mended . and , what can be more fulsom , than to see men , under pretences of great strictness and severity of conscience , to cherish stubbornness and vanity , and to endure neither laws nor superiours , because they are proud enough to think themselves more holy than their neighbours ? what a malapert and insolent piece of pride is it , for every prating gossip and illiterate mechanick ( that can mark themselves with some distinctive names and characters of godliness ) to scoff and jibe at the wisdom of publick authority , to affront the laws and constitutions of a church , to pity and disdain the lamentable ignorance of learned men , and to libel all sorts of people that are not of their own rendez-vous ( especially their superiors ) with slanders and idle stories ? what strange effects are these of a diffident and timorous conscience ? a conscience that knows it self to be acted by certain and infallible principles , how could it be more head-strong and confident ? and therefore , if we compare these mens practices with their pretences , what can be more evident , than that it is not tenderness of conscience that emboldens them to fall out with all the world , but pride , and vanity , and insolence ? for nothing else could possibly drive them on with so peremptory a sail , against so strong and so united a torrent . for a conscience , that is only weak and tender , is of a yielding and pliable temper , it is soft and innocent modest , and teachable , apt to comply with the commands of its superiours , and easily capable of all impressions tending to peace and charity ; but when it is stubborn and confident in its own apprehensions , then it is not tender , but hardy and humoursom : and , as queasie as it is in reference to its superiours commands , it is usually strong enough to digest rebellion and villany ; and whilst it rises against a poor innocent ceremony , it is scarce ever stirred with schism , faction , and cruelty . now to permit these men their liberty , who mistake insolence for tenderness of conscience , ( than which nothing more easie , or more natural for people , that are both proud and simple ) is to suffer ignorance to ride in triumph , because it is proud and confident ; and to indulge zealous idiots in their folly , because they threaten authority , to be peevish and scrupulous to their laws , and to infest their government with a sullen and cross-grain'd godliness ( an artifice not much unlike the tricks of some froward children ) and therefore such untoward and humoursom saints must be lashed out of their sullenness ( as children are ) into compliance and better manners ; otherwise they will be an eternal annoyance to all government , with the childish and whining pretences of a weak and crasie conscience . in brief , i appeal to all mankind ( that have but any tolerable conception of the nature and design of religion ) whether it be not much more becoming the temper of a christian spirit , to comply with the commands of their superiors , that are not apparently sinful , in order to the peace and setlement of the church , than to disturb its quiet by a stubborn and peremptory adherence to our own doubts and scruples ? for , what is there in christianity of greater importance , than the vertues of meekness , peaceableness , and humility ? and in what can these great duties more discover themselves , than in the offices and civilities of humble obedience ; that contains in it all that is most amiable , and most useful in the christian religion ? 't is modesty , 't is meekness , 't is humility , 't is love , 't is peacebleness , 't is ingenuity ; 't is a duty so pregnant with vertue in it self , and of such absolute necessity to the happiness of mankind , that there is scarce anything can come in competition with it , whose obligation it will not at the first appearance utterly cancel and evacuate , ( as i shall more fully demonstrate in the ensuing propositions . ) in the mean while we see , what is to be done in the case of tender consciences : if they are acted by calm and peaceable principles , they will not desire liberty ; if they are not , they will not deserve it . for , if they are humble and modest , they will chuse to submit to the will of their superiors , rather than , by thwarting them , do what in themselves lies to discompose the publick peace . and therefore if they will rather venture to embroil the common-wealth , and contradict authority , than forego their own peremptory determinations , and make their superiors comply and bend to their confidence ; it is because they are criminally bold and imperious in their own conceits , and are of a temper too stubborn , insolent , and presumptuous to be endured in any society of men . sect. . doubts and scruples are so far from being sufficient warranty of disobedience , that they are outweighed by the obligations of the law : for if i doubt concerning the injustice of my action , i must also of necessity doubt of the injustice of my disobedience ; and unless i am absolutely certain that the law is evil , i am sure disobedience to it is : and therefore i am always as forcibly bound to obey a scrupled law , for fear of the sin of disobedience , as to disobey it , for fear it commands an essential evil : so that a doubting conscience must always at least as much fright us from disobeying , as from obeying any humane law. though indeed , if we would speak properly , the commands of authority perfectly determine , and evacuate all doubtfulness and irresolution of conscience : for , if it before hung in suspence concerning the lawfulness of the action , and unresolved , whether it were good or evil , as not having competent reason to incline to one side rather than to the other ; yet when authority casts its commands into the scale ( if in some mens consciences they weigh any thing ) they cannot but add weight more than enough to determine the judgment , and incline the balance . for if the reasons on both sides were equal before , than thet side that gains this accession has most reason now . so that laws do not force us to obey them with a doubting conscience , but remove our doubts at the same time they require our obedience ; because they destroy the equal probability of the two opinions , and determine the conscience to a confidence of acting , by directing it to follow the safest and most probable perswasion : in that no practice or opinion , that is capable of doubt or uncertainty , can be of equal importance with the prime duties of obedience and humility ; and the matter of all doubts and scruples is ever of too small and inconsiderable a consequence to be laid in the balance against the great and weighty mischiefs of disobedience . if indeed the commands of authority enjoyned any thing absolutely and apparently evil , and against the great and unalterable rules of truth and goodness , in such exigents da veniam imperator would be a fair and civil excuse : but matters of a less importance will not pay the charges of a persecution , it is not worth the while to suffer for little things ; and that man has but the just reward of his own folly , that would suffer martyrdom in the cause of an indifferent ceremony , or for the truth of a metaphysical notion . and the suggestion of optatus to the donatists , who were so forward to cast away their lives in defence of their little schism , was smart and severe . nulli dictum est , nega deum ; nulli dictum est , incende testamentum ; nulli dictum est , aut thus pone , aut basilicas dirue . istae enim res solent martyria generare . matters , wherein the being of religion , and the truth of christianity , were directly concerned , were worth the dying for , and would quit the costs of martyrdom ; but no indifferent rites or ceremonies were of value enough to pay for the lives of men : and the zealots of the pars donati , who were so ambitious to suffer imprisonment , confiscation of goods , banishment , and death it self , out of a pertinacious resolution against some established customs and usages of the church , could never be rewarded in any other heaven , but the paradise of fools . things that are essentially evil , no change or variety of circumstances can make good ; and therefore no commands of any superior can ever warrant or legitimate their practice : but then these are always matters of the greatest and most weighty importance , and of an apparent and palpable obliquity , such as blasphemy , murther , injustice , cruelty , ingratitude , &c. that are so clearly and intrinsically evil , that no end , how good or great soever , can ever carry with it goodness enough to abate or evacuate their malice . but as for all matters , that are not so apparently good or evil , but are capable of doubt and uncertainty , their morality is of so small importance , that it can never stand in competition with the obligations and conveniences of the great duty of obedience . and thus when the apostles were forbidden by the jewish sanhedrim to preach the name of iesus , acts . . they desired to be excused , upon no other account but of an express command from god himself , in a matter of great importance , and apparent necessity . our blessed saviour coming into the world with a commission from its supream governour to make laws , and the holy apostles having an infallible assurance of his divine authority from his great , manifest , and undeniable miracles ( the most certain and unquestionable credentials that heaven can send to the sons of men ) they could not but lie under an indispensable obligation to give assent to his message , and obedience to his commands ; and that out of duty to the supream governour of the universe ; from whose unquestionable laws , no other authority can ever derogate , because it is all of an inferiour nature . but to apply this rule , which the apostles never made use of , but in a case of certain , absolute , and notorious injustice , to matters of a small , doubtful , and uncertain nature , is absolutely inconsistent with the quiet of government , and infinitely distant from the intention of the apostles . their plea was in a case of great , evident , and unquestionable necessity : but what warrant is that for my disobedience , when i only fear , or fancy the law to be unjust ? which , if it were so , is not of moment enough to weigh against the mischiefs and enormities , that follow upon disobedience : and therefore in all doubtful and less considerable cases , that side , on which obedience stands , must ever carry it ; and no man that is either wise or good , will ever trouble his governours , with nice and curious disputes ; the authority of the law stifles all scruples , and trifling objections . and thus where there was no apparent repugnancy to the law of god , we find none more compliant and conformable in all other things than the apostles , freely using any customs of the synagogue or iewish church , that were not expresly cancelled by some divine prohibition . but further , this their apology is as forcible a plea in concerns of civil justice and common honesty , as in matters of religion ; it holds equally in both , in cases of a certain and essential injustice , and fails equally in both , in doubtful and less material cases ; and was as fairly urged by that famous lawyer papinian , who upon this account , when the emperor commanded him to defend and justifie the lawfulness of parricide , chose rather to die , than to patronize so monstrous a villany : here the wickedness was great and palpable . but in matters more doubtful and less material , where the case is nice and curious , and not capable of any great interest , or great reason , there obedience out-weighs and evacuates all doubts , jealousies , and suspicions : and what wise or honest man will offend , or provoke his superiours upon thin pretences , and for little regards ? and if every man , that can raise doubts and scruples , and nice exceptions against a law , shall therefore set himself free from its obligation ; then farewel all peace , and all government . for what more easie to any man , that understands the fundamental grounds and reasons of moral equity , than to pick more material quarrels against the civil laws of any common-wealth , than our adversaries can pretend to against our ecclesiastical constitutions ? and now , shall a philosopher be excused from obedience to the laws of his country , because he thinks himself able to make exceptions to their prudence and convenience , and to prove them not so useful to the publick , nor so agreeable to the fundamental rules of natural justice and equity , as himself could have contrived ? what if i am really perswaded , that i can raise much more considerable objections against littletons tenures , than ever these men have , or shall be able to produce against our ceremonial constitutions ? though it be easie to be mistaken in my conceit , yet whether i am , or am not , it is all one , if i am confident . and now it would be mightily conducive to the interests of justice and publick peace for me , and all others of my fond perswasion in this particular , to make remonstrances to the laws of the land , to petition the king and parliament ; to leave us , at the liberty of our own conscience and discretion , to follow the best light , god has given us , for the setlement of our own estates ; because we think we can do it more exactly according to the laws of natural iustice , than if we are tied up to the positive laws of the land. thus that groundless and arbitrary maxim of the law , that inheritances may lineally descend , but not lineally ascend , whereby the father is made uncapable of being immediate heir to the son , would be thought by a philosopher prejudicial to one of the most equal and most ingenuous laws of nature , viz. the gratitude of children to parents ; which this law seems in a great measure to hinder , by alienating those things from them , whereby we are best able to express it . what if i have been happy in a loving and tender father , that has been strangely solicitous to leave me furnished with all the comforts and conveniences of life , that declined not to forego any share of his own ease and happiness to procure mine , that has spent the greatest part of his care and industry to bless me , according to the proportion of his abilities , with a good fortune , and a good education ; and has , perhaps out of an over-tender solicitude for my welfare , reduc'd himself to great streights and exigences : how monstrous & unnatural must the contrivance of this law appear to me , that , when the bounty of providence has blest me with a fortune answerable to the good old mans desires and endeavours , if i should happen to be cut off before him by an untimely death , all that , whereby i am able to recompence his fatherly tenderness , should in the common and ordinary course of law be conveyed from him to another person ; the stream of whose affections was confined to another channel , and who , being much concerned for his own family , could in all probability be but little concerned for me ? what an unnatural and unjust law is this that designs , as far as it can , to cut off the streams of our natural affections , and disposes of our possessions contrary to the very first tendencies , and obligations of nature ? so easie a thing is it to talk little plausibilities against any laws , whose obligation is positive , and not of a prime and absolute necessity : and yet down-right rebellion it would be , if i , or any man else , should refuse subjection to these and the like laws , upon these , & the like pretences . and thus , we see , is the case all the way equal between laws civil , and laws ecclesiastical . in all matters greatly and notoriously wicked , the nature of the action out-weighs the duty of obedience ; but in all cases less certain and less material , the duty of obedience out-weighs the nature of the action . and this may suffice to shew , from the subject matters of all doubts and scruples , that they are not of consideration great enough to be opposed to the commands of authority . and this leads me from the matter of a scrupulous conscience , to consider its authority : and therefore , sect. . as the objects of a scrupulous conscience are of too mean importance , to weigh against the mischiefs of disobedience ; so are its obligations too weak , to prevail against the commands of publick authority . for when two contradictory obligations happen to encounter , the greater ever cancels the less ; because if all good be eligible , then so are all the degrees of goodness too : and therefore to that side on which the greater good stands , our duty must ever incline ; otherwise we despise all those degrees of goodness , it contains in it above the other . for in all the rules of goodness there is great inequality and variety of degrees , some are prescribed for their own native excellency & usefulness , and others purely for their subserviency to these : now when a greater & a lesser virtue happen to clash , as it frequently falls out in the transaction of humane affairs , there the less always gives place to the greater , because it is good only in order to it ; and therefore where its subordination ceases , there its goodness ceases , and by consequence its obligation . for no subordinate or instrumental dutys are absolutly commanded or commended , but become good or evil by their accidental relations ; their goodness is not intrinsick , but depends upon the goodness of their end , and their being directed to a good end , ( if they are not intrinsically evil ) makes them virtuous ; because their morality is entirely relative and changeable , and so alters its colours of good and evil , by its several aspects and postures to various and different ends : and therefore they never carry any obligation in them , when they interfere with higher & more useful duties . and hence it comes to pass , that it is absolutely impossible for any man to be reduced into a necessity of sinning ; because , though two inferiour and subordinate duties may sometimes happen to be inconsistent with each other or with some duty of an absolute and unalterable goodness ; yet the nature of things is so handsomly contrived , that it is utterly impossible that things should ever happen so crosly , as to make two essential and indispensable duties stand at mutual opposit on : and therefore no man can ever be forc'd to act against one , out of compliance with the other : and if there be any contrariety between a natural and instrumental duty , there the case is plain , that the greater evacuates the less ; if between two instrumental duties , it can scarce so fall out , but that some emergent circumstances shall make one of them the more necessary ; but if they are both equally eligible , there is no difficulty ; and a man may do as he pleases . it is indeed possible for any man , by his own voluntary choice to entangle himself in this sad perplexity ; but there is no culpable error that is unavoidable , and every sinfully erroneous conscience is voluntary and vincible : and if men will not part with their sinful errors , it is not because they cannot , but because they will not avoid them . and if they resolve to abuse themselves , no wonder , if their sin be unavoidable ; but then the necessity is the effect of their own choice : and so all sin is inevitable , when the peremptory determination of the will , has made it necessary . but as for the nature of all the laws of goodness in themselves , they are so wisely contrived , that it is absolutely impossible any circumstances should ever fall out so awkardly , as to make one sin the only way to escape another , or a necessary passage to a necessary duty . now to apply this general rule of conscience to our particular case , there is not any precept in the gospel set down in more positive and unlimited expressions , or urged with more vehement motives and perswasions , than obedience to government ; because there are but few , if any , duties of a weightier and more important necessity than this : and for this reason is it , that god has injoined it with such an absolute and unrestrained severity , thereby to intimate that nothing can restrain the universality of its obligatory power , but evident & unquestionable disobedience to himself . the duty of obedience is the original and fundamental law of humane societies , and the only advantage that distinguishes government from anarchy . this takes away all dissentions , by reducing every mans private will and judgment to the determination of publick authority : whereas , without it , every single person is his own governour , and no man else has any power or command over his actions , i. e. he is out of the state of government , and society . and for this reason is obedience , and condescension to the wisdom of publick authority , one of the most absolute and indispensable duties of mankind , as being so indispensably necessary to the peace and preservation of humane societies . now a conscience , that will not stand to the decrees and determinations of its governors , subverts the very foundations of all civil society , that subsists upon no other principle , but mens submitting their own judgments to the decisions of authority , in order to the publick peace and setlement ; without which there must of necessity be eternal disorders and confusions . and therefore , where the dictates of a private conscience happen to thwart the determinations of the publick laws , they , in that case , lose their binding power ; because , if in that case they should oblige , it would unavoidably involve all societies in perpetual tumults and disorders . whereas the main end of all divine , as well as humane laws , is the prosperity and preservation of humane society : so that where any thing tends to the dissolution of government , and undermining of humane happiness , though in other circumstances it were virtuous , yet in this it becomes criminal , as destroying a thing of greater goodness than it self . and hence , though a doubtful and scrupulous conscience should oblige in all other cases , yet , when its commands run counter to the commands of authority , there its obligatory power immediately ceases ; because to act against it , is useful to vastly more noble and excellent purposes , than to comply with it : in that every man that thwarts and disobeys the laws of the common-wealth , does his part to disturb its publick peace , that is maintained by nothing else but obedience and submission to its laws . now this is manifestly a bigger mischief and inconvenience , than the foregoing of any doubts and scruples can amount to : and therefore , unless authority impose upon me something that carries with it more evil and mischief , than there is convenience in the peace and happiness of the whole society , i am indispensably bound to yield obedience to his commands : and though i scrupulously fear lest the magistrates injunctions should be superstitious , yet , because i am not sure they are so , and because a little irregularity in the external expressions of divine worship carries with it less mischief and enormity , than the disturbance of the peace of kingdoms , i am absolutely obliged to lay aside my doubt , rather than disobey the law ; because to preserve it , naturally tends to vast mischiefs and confusion ; whereas the inconvenience of my acting against it , is but doubtful ; and though it were certain , yet it is small and comparatively inconsiderable . and therefore to act against the inclinations of our own doubts and scruples , is so far from being criminal , that it is an eminent instance of virtue , and implies in it , besides its subserviency to the welfare of mankind , the great duties of modesty , peaceableness , and humility . and as for , what some are forward enough to object , that this is , to do evil , that good may come of it ; it is a vain and frivolous exception , and prevented in what i have already discoursed ; in that that rule is concerned only in things absolutely and essentially evil , whose nature no case can alter , no circumstance can extenuate , and no end can sanctifie : but things that are only subserviently good or evil , derive all their virtue from the greater virtue they wait upon ; and therefore where a meaner , or an instrumental duty stands in competition with an essential virtue , its contrariety destroys its goodness ; and instead of being less virtuous , becomes altogether sinful ; for though it have abstractedly some degrees of goodness , yet when it chances to oppose any duty , that has more , and more excellent degrees , it becomes evil and unreasonable , by as many degrees as that excels it . and one would think this case should be past dispute , as to the matters of our present controversie , that are of so vast a distance and disproportion ; forasmuch as obedience is a virtue of so absolute necessity , and so diffusive usefulness ; whereas the goodness of those little things , they oppose to it , is so small , that it is confessedly scarce discernable ; and their consciences , as nice and curious as they are , not able to determine positively , whether they are good or evil : and therefore , what a prodigious madness is it , to weigh such trifling and contemptible things against the vast mischiefs and inconveniences of disobedience ? the voice of the publick laws cannot but drown the uncertain whispers of a tender conscience ; all its scruples are hushed and silenced by the commands of authority : it dares not whimper , when that forbids ; and the nod of a prince aws it into silence and submission . but if they dare to murmur , and their proud stomachs will swell against the rebukes of their superiors , then there is no remedy but the rod and correction : they must be chastised out of their peevishness , and lashed into obedience . in a word , though religion so highly consults the interests of common-wealths , and is the greatest instrument of the peace & happiness of kingdoms ; yet so monstrously has it been abused by the folly of some , and wickedness of others , that nothing in the world has been the mother of more mischief to government . the main cause of which has been mens not observing the due scale and subordination of duties , and that , in case of competition , the greater always destroys the less : for hence have they opposed the laws , and by consequence the peace of the society , for an opinion , or a ceremony , or a subordinate instrumental duty ; whereas , had they soberly considered the important necessity of their obedience , they would scarce have found any duty of moment enough to weigh against it . for seeing almost all virtues are injoined us in order to the felicity of man , and seeing there is nothing more conducive to it , than that which tends to the publick weal and good of all ; and seeing this is the design , and natural tendency of the publick laws , and our obedience to them ; that had need be hugely , certainly , and absolutely evil , that cancels their obligation , and dispences with our obedience ; and not a form , or a ceremony , or an outward expression , or any other instrumental part of religion . but some menthink it better to be disputative than peaceable ; and that there is more godliness in being captious and talkative , than in being humble and obedient : it is a pleasure to them to be troublesome to authority , they beat about , and search into every little corner , for doubts & exceptions against their commands : and how do they triumph , when they can but start a scruple ? they labour to stumble at atoms , to boggle at straws and shadows ; and cherish their scruples till they become as big as they are unreasonable , and lay so much stress upon them , as to make them out-weigh the greatest and most weighty things of the law. and it is prodigiously strange ( and yet as common too ) to consider how most men , who pretend ( and that perhaps sincerely ) to great tenderness of conscience , and scruple postures and innocent ceremonies , are so hardy as to digest the most wicked and most mischievous villanies : they can dispence with spightfulness , malice , disobedience , schism , and disturbance of the publick peace , and all , to nourish a weak and an impotent scruple ; and in pursuit of any little conceit , they will run themselves into the greatest and most palpable enormities ; and will cherish it , till it weighs down the peace of kingdoms , and fundamental principles of common honesty . find me a man that is obstinately scrupulous , and i will shew you one that is incurably seditious ; and whoever will prefer his scruples before the great duties of obedience , peace , quietness , and humility , cannot avoid being often betrayed into tumults and seditions . but if we will resolve to be tender of our obedience to the great , undoubted , and unalterable commands of the gospel ; that will defend our consciences against the vexation of scruples , and little inadvertencies , protect the publick from all the disturbances of a peevish and wayward godliness , and secure our acceptance with god , without being so punctual and exact in the offerings of mint and cummin . sect. . in cases and disputes of a publick concern , private men are not properly sui iuris , they have no power over their own actions , they are not to be directed by their own judgments , or determined by their own wills ; but by the commands and determinations of the publick conscience . and if there be any sin in the command , he that imposed it , shall answer for it ; and not i , whose whole duty it is to obey : the commands of authority will warrant my obedience , my obedience will hallow , or at least excuse my action , and so secure me from sin , if not from error ; because i follow the best guide , and most probable direction i am capable of : and though i may mistake , my integrity shall preserve my innocence . and in all doubtful and disputable cases it is better to erre with authority , than be in the right against it ; not only , because the danger of a little error ( and so it is , if it be disputable ) is out-weighed by the importance of the great duty of obedience , that is more serviceable to the main ends of religion , than a more nice and exact way of acting in opposition to government ; but also , because they are to be supposed the fittest judges of what tends to the publick good , whose business it is to understand publick affairs : and therefore in all such matters , their commands are the supream rule of conscience , as being more competent judges of publick concerns , than mens own private perswasions ; and so must have a superior authority over them , and bind them to yield and submit to their determinations . and , if we take away this condescension of our private consciences to publick authority , we immediately dissolve all government ; for in case of dissention , unless we submit our perswasions to their commands , their commands must submit to our perswasions . and then , let any man tell me , wherein consists the power of princes , when it may be controlled by every subjects opinion ? and what can follow , but perfect disorder and confusion , when every man will be governed by nothing but his own conceits ? and if subjects may be allowed to dispute the prudence and convenience of all laws , government would be but a weak and helpless thing , and princes would command at the will and pleasure of their subjects . and , therefore people are never curious in their exceptions against any publick laws , unless in matters of religion ; and , in that case they study for reasons to disobey , because it gratifies their pride & vanity , to seem more knowing than their governours in that part of wisdom , that they think most valuable . self-conceit and spiritual pride are strange temptations to disobedience ; and , were there not something of this in it , men would find out other commands more liable to their exceptions . for how seldom is it , that any wars are commenced upon just and warrantable grounds ? and yet , how few are they , that take upon them to judge their lawfulness ? all men here think their princes command a sufficient warrant to serve him , and satisfie themselves in this , that , in case the cause prove to be unjust , the fault liesentirely upon him that commands , and not at all on him who has nothing to do but obey . and if it were otherwise , that no subject were bound to take up arms till himself had approved the justness of the cause , commonwealths must be bravely secured , and their safety must lie at the mercy of every humorsome and pragmatical fellow . and yet to this piece of arrogance do men tempt themselves , when they affect to be thought more godly than their neighbors . it is a gallant thing to understand religion better than their superiors , and to pity their ignorance in the great mysteries of the gospel , and by seeming to compassionate their weakness , to despise their authority . but if princes will suffer themselves to be controul'd by the pride and insolence of these contentious zealots , they do but tempt them to slight both their persons , and their government ; and if they will endure to be checked in their laws spiritual , and government of the church , by every systematical theologue , ( and most , not to say the best , of our adversaries are little better ) they may as well bear , to see themselves affronted in their laws civil , and government of the state by every village-attorney , and solicitor . well then , all men that are in a state of government are bound , in all matters doubtful and disputable , to submit the dictates of private conscience to the determinations of publick authority . nor does this oblige any man to act against the dictates of his own conscience , but only , by altering the case , alters his perswasions , i.e. though every man , considered absolutely , and by himself , be bound to follow his own private judgment ; yet when he is considered as the member of a society , then must be govern'd , then he must of necessity be bound to submit his own private thoughts to publick determinations . and it is the dictate of every mans conscience , that is not turbulent and seditious , that it ought in all things that are not of a great & apparent necessity , whatever its own private judgment of them is , to acquiesce in the determinations of its governors , in order to publick peace and unity . for unless this be done , there can be nothing but eternal disorders and confusions in the church ; in that it is utterly impossible that all men should have the same apprehensions of things , and ( considering the tempers and passions of mankind ) as impossible , that they should not pursue their differences and controversies with too much heat & vehemence : and therefore unless whatever their own judgments and apprehensions be , they are bound in all such cases to acquiesce in the decisions and determinations of the governors of the church , or common-wealth , in order to its peace and setlement , there can be no possible way of avoiding endless squabbles and confusions . and unless this be a fundamental rule & dictate of every mans conscience , that as he is bound in all doubtful cases to follow the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the best result of his own private perswasions , where he neither has , nor is obliged to have , any other guide or rule of his actions ; so he is bound to forego them all ( provided his plain and necessary duty be secured ) out of obedience to authority , and in order to the due government of the society ; there never can be any peace or setlement in any church or common-wealth in the world . and every conscience that is not thus perswaded , is upon that account to be reckoned as seditious and unpeaceable , and so to be treated accordingly . sect. . he that with an implicite faith and confidence , resigns up his own reason to any superior on earth in all things , is a fool ; and he is as great a fool , ( to say no worse ) that will do it in nothing : for as all men are immediately subject to god alone , in matters of indispensable duty , ( that are not at all concern'd in our present dispute ) so are they , in all other things , to condescend to the decrees and determinations of their lawful superiors . neither is this , to put men upon that supream folly of renouncing the use and guidance of their own reasons out of obedience to any mans infallibility . for by reason we mean nothing but , the mind of man making use of the wisest and most prudential methods , to guid it self in all its actions ; and therefore it is not confined to any sort of maxims and principles in philosophy , but it extends it self to any knowledge that may be gained by prudence , experience , and observation . and hence right reason , when it is imploy'd about the actions of men , is nothing else but prudence and discretion : now the reason of any wise and sober man will tell him , that it is most prudent , discreet , and reasonable , to forego his own private perswasions in things doubtful and disputable , out of obedience to his lawful superiours ; because , without this the world can never be governed . and supposing mens judgments and understandings to be never so much above the iurisdiction of all humane authority , and that no man can be bound to submit his reason to any thing but the commands of god ; yet every man ows at least so much civility to the will of his prince , and the peace of his country , as to bring himself to a compliance and submission to the publick judgment , rather than to disturb the publick peace , for the gratification of his own fancy and opinion . which is no enslaving of his reason to any mans usurpation over his faith and conscience , but only a bringing it to a modest compliance , in order to the common interests of humane society : and if it be not a duty of subjection , yet it is one of peaceableness ; and if it be not grounded upon our obligations to the authority it self , yet it is most clearly derived from an higher obligation , that all men are under , to advance the welfare of mankind , and more particularly of that society they live in , that is antecedent to those of government , which is instituted only in order to the common good : and therefore , though our duty in such cases could not be deduced from our obligation to any humane authority , yet it clearly arises from that duty of charity we owe to our fellow creatures . and though we are not to submit our vnderstandings to any humane power , yet we are to the first and fundamental laws of charity : which being one of the greatest duties of mankind , it is but reasonable to forego all more private and inferior obligations , when they stand in competition with it . and thus st. paul , notwithstanding he declaimed with so much vehemence against the observation of the judaical rites and ceremonies , never scrupled to use them , as oft as it was serviceable to the advancement of the christian religion , and by consequence the good of mankind . and all i would perswade men to , is only that they would do as much out of duty , as st. paul did out of civility ; that as he complied with the apprehensions of the jews , retaining his own private judgment to himself , for the greater advantage of religion ; so they would , whatever their own perswasions are of some things not clearly and absolutely sinful , comply with the determinations of their governours , when it is conducive to the nobler ends of publick peace and tranquillity : a thing in it self so good and so necessary , that there are very few actions , that it will not render virtuous , whatever they are in themselves , whenever they happen to be useful and instrumental to its attainment . and therefore in all matters ( that are no indispensable duties of religion ) he , that acts cross to the commands of authority , has no sense either of the great ends of order and government , or great duties of humanity , modest , peaceableness , meekness , and civility , i. e. he is a proud and factious person ; and has no other motive so to do , but the pleasure of being peevish and disobedient . in fine , there is a vast difference between liberty , and authority of conscience ; the former consists in the freedom of a mans own judgment , and of this no magistrate can deprive us , in that he cannot tie up any mans understanding from judging of things as himself pleaseth : but as for the latter , that consists in the power over mens outward actions , and this , as far as it concerns all publick affairs , every man does , and of necessity must pass away to the rulers of that society he lives in : because ( though i have said it often enough already , yet too often i cannot say it , in that it is the main key of the controversie , and yet but little , if at all regarded by our adversaries ) the very nature of government consists in nothing else but a power of command over mens actions ; and therefore unless all men grant it away to their governours , they live not under government , but in a state of anarchy : every man will be prince and monarch to himself , and as free from all commands , as if he lived out of all society ; seeing only himself shall have any real dominion over his own actions , and his governours shall not have power to command him any thing , but what himself first thinks fit to do : and i hope i need not to prove , that this is a plain dissolution of all government . so that when men will be the absolute masters of their own actions , it is not the freedom of conscience , but its power and sovereignty , for which they contend ; they will endure none to rule over them but themselves , and force princes to submit their laws to their saucy and imperious humour : and it is this they mean by their pretence to a tender conscience , i. e. a conscience that scruples to be subject to government , that will in spight of all publick laws be entirely at its own liberty , that will not submit it self to any rule but its own private perswasions , that affects to be nice and squeamish against all the commands of its superiours , and loves to censure them upon the lightest and most slender presumptions , and that will not yield up any thing of its own phantastick humour to its princes will , or the churches peace , i. e. in effect , the tenderness of their consciences ( for which , forsooth , they must be born with ) consists in nothing else but their being the greatest and most notorious hereticks . for the rankest sort of heresie is nothing but the product of a peevish and contentious spirit ; and an heretick is one that delights in quarrels and factions ; whence erasmus renders s. pauls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sectarum author , a man that loves to be the leader of a party : it is peevishness and obstinacy of will that turns small errors into great heresies . pride and passion , and whatsoever can make an opinion vicious , are its fundamental ingredients , and give it its essential formality . this vice lies not so much in the opinions , as in the tempers of men , it is a stubborn and refractory disposition of mind , or a peremptoriness in a mans own conceptions ; and therefore it is by saint paul reckon'd among the fruits of the flesh , as being a kind of brutish peevishness , that is directly opposed to that lenity and yieldingness of mind , that is one of the choicest fruits of the spirit ; whence he advises not to confute , but to admonish such an one , i. e. that is quarrelsome and boisterous for every trifle , and every fancy , because through pride and perversness he is uncapable of instruction ; and therefore can only be advised , and not disputed into sobriety . or ( to use the phrase of saint paul ) he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fellow that is troublesome and contentious , especially about the external rites and usages of the church . and such a malapert non-conformist he supposes disputing in the church of corinth , that their women ought , contrary to their received custom , to be uncovered at divine service : but he takes him up with this short and peremptory answer , if any man seem to be contentious , we have no such custom , neither the churches of god , i. e. in things neither morally good nor evil ( as few external rites are ) the practice of the church is the warrant of their lawfulness , and reason of their decency ; and that is satisfaction enough to any sober and peaceable mind : and he that shall refractorily persist to controul it , must be treated as a disturber of the peace , i. e. pitied and punished , as are all other turbulent and seditious persons . when mens consciences are so squeamish or so humorsome , as that they will rise against the customs and injunctions of the church they live in , she must scourge them into order , and chastise them , not so much for their fond perswasion , as for their troublesome peevishness . and this use of the churches rods and censures , is so absolutely necessary , that it is the only effectual way to preserve her from factions and contentions ; not only because upon this sort of men softer methods can make no impressions , but also because , if we remove the limits and boundaries of discipline , there will be no end of the follies and frenzies of brain-sick people : and when they are once let loose , who then can set bounds to the wildnesses of godly madness ? for this we have too clear a proof in the frantick practices of our modern sectaries , who , when they had inflamed their little zeal against the ceremonial constitutions of our church , ran themselves into all manner of wild and extravagant gestures : they measured the simplicity of christs worship by its opposition to all the rules of decency ; all institutions of order were unwarrantable inventions and traditions of men ; all custom was superstition , and all discipline was popish and antichristian . novelty , how uncouth and fantastick soever , was their only rule of decency ; and every sect distinguished it self from all others , by some affected and new-fangled singularity . and from hence it is , that it is so absolutely necessary , that governors injoin matters of no great moment , and consequence in themselves , thereby to avoid the evils that would naturally attend upon their being not injoined ; so that , when they are determined , though perhaps they are not of any great use to the commonwealth in themselves , yet they have at least this considerable usefulness , as to prevent many great mischiefs , that would probably follow from their being not determined : and therefore the goodness of all such laws is to be valued , not so much by the nature of the things that the law commands , as by the mischiefs and evil effects , that it prevents or redresses . and thus the main decency of order and uniformity in divine worship lies not so properly in the positive use of the rites themselves , as in the prevention of all the indecencies of confusion ; which could never be avoided , if there were not some peculiar rites positively determined . so that the law we see may be absolutely necessary , when the thing it commands is but meerly indifferent ; because some things necessary cannot be obtained , but by some things indifferent : as in our present case , there is an absolute necessity there should be order and decency in publick worship , but order and decency there cannot be without the determination of some indifferent & particular circumstances ; because , if every man were left to his own fancy and humor , there could be no remedy against eternal follies and confusions : so that it is in general necessary that some circumstances be determined , though perhaps no one particular circumstance can be necessary ; yet when any one is singled out by authority , it gains as absolute a necessity , as if it were so antecedently ; because though the thing it self be indifferent , yet the order and decency of publick worship is not : which yet can never be provided for , but by determining either this or some other ceremony as perfectly indifferent and arbitrary . and now upon the result of these particulars , i leave it first to publick authority to consider , whether it be not a wonderfully wise piece of good nature , to be tender & indulgent to these poor tender consciences ? and then . i leave it to all the world to judge , whether ever any church or nation in the world has been so wofully disturbed upon such slender and frivolous pretences as ours ? and thus have i at length finished what i designed and undertook , i. e. i have proved the absolute necessity of governing mens consciences and perswasions in matters of religion , & the unavoidable dangers of tolerating , or keeping up religious differences ; have shewn , that there is not the least possibility of setling a nation , but by uniformity in religious worship ; that religion may , and must be governed by the same rules , as all other affairs & transactions of humane life ; and that nothing can do it but severe laws , nor they neither , unless severely executed . and so i submit it to the consideration of publick authority , and am but little doubtful of the approbation of all that are friends to peace and government . but whatever the event may prove to others , it is not a little satisfaction that i reap to my self , in reflecting upon that candor and integrity , i have used through the whole discourse : in that , as i have freely and impartially represented the most serious result of mine own thoughts ; so withal have i been not a little solicitous , not to baulk any thing material in the controversie ; have encountred all their most weighty and considerable objections , have prevented all manner of escapes and subterfuges , and have not waved any thing , because it was too hard to be answered ; though some things i have , because too easie . and upon review of the whole , i have confidence ( perhaps it may be boldness ) enough to challenge the reader , if he will but be as ingenuous as he ought , to be as severe as he will ; and in defiance to all enemies of peace and government , of what name or sect soever , to conclude all in the words of pilate to the turbulent iews , what i have written , i have written . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * vide continuation of the friendly debate , pag. ▪ &c. notes for div a -e socr. l. . praes . notes for div a -e lib. . the schismatick sifted. or, the picture of independents, freshly and fairly washt-over again. wherein, the sectaries of these times (i mean, the principall seducers to that dangerous and subtile schisme of independency) are with their own proper pensils, and self-mixed colours, most lively set forth to be a generation of notorious dissemblers and sly deceivers. collected (for the most part) from undeniable testimonies under their own hands, in print; for the more fair and full satisfaction, and undeceiving of moderate and much misled christians; especially by the outward appearance of their piety of life, and a pretence of their preaching sound-doctrine. / by john vicars. vicars, john, or - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing v thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the schismatick sifted. or, the picture of independents, freshly and fairly washt-over again. wherein, the sectaries of these times (i mean, the principall seducers to that dangerous and subtile schisme of independency) are with their own proper pensils, and self-mixed colours, most lively set forth to be a generation of notorious dissemblers and sly deceivers. collected (for the most part) from undeniable testimonies under their own hands, in print; for the more fair and full satisfaction, and undeceiving of moderate and much misled christians; especially by the outward appearance of their piety of life, and a pretence of their preaching sound-doctrine. / by john vicars. vicars, john, or - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for nathanael webb, and william grantham, at the grey-hound in pauls church-yard., london: : . annotation on thomason copy: "june th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng sects -- england -- early works to . congregationalism -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century. a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no the schismatick sifted. or, the picture of independents, freshly and fairly washt-over again.: wherein, the sectaries of these times (i mea vicars, john b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the schismatick sifted . or , the picture of independents , freshly and fairly washt-over again . wherein , the sectaries of these times ( i mean , the principall seducers to that dangerous and subtile schisme of independency ) are with their own proper pensils , and self-mixed colours , most lively set forth to be a generation of notorious dissemblers and fly deceivers . collected ( for the most part ) from undeniable testimonies under their own hands , in print ; for the more fair and full satisfaction , and undeceiving of moderate and much misled christians ; especially by the outward appearance of their piety of life , and a pretence of their preaching sound-doctrine . by john vicars . for sions sake , i cannot hold my peace . isaiah , . . now i beseech you , brethren , mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned , and avoid them . for , these , that are such serve not our lord jesus christ , but their own belly ; and by good words and fair speeches , deceive the simple . rom. . , . london : printed for nathanael webb , and william grantham , at the grey-hound in pauls church-yard . . to the right honourable , and most worthily to be highly honoured thomas adams , esquire ; lord major of the most famous and renowned city of london ; i. v. prayeth all encrease of gracious honour , here and of glorious happinesse , hereafter . right honourable : it was the sad and unhappy complaint of the prophet jeremy in his dayes , and in that ungracious and ungratefull city , jerusalem ; that no man among them was valiant for the truth . jer. . . nay , the lord himselfe , by the same prophet , seeming to be , as it were , transported with holy indignation and just jealousie of neglect of his honour , and worship , bids them run to and fro through the streets of jerusalem , to see and seek if they could find any one man that loved the truth . jer. . . yea , this penury of pious men was not only among the poor and mean men , ver. . but even among the great men and rulers of jerusalem , ver. but , ô the honour and happinesse of this most famous , faithfull and ever renowned city of london ! this city of our god , of which ( most justly ) so many glorious things are , and may , and must be spoken , to the glory of god , and honour thereof ! over which , such a renowned and religious , such a valiant and vertuous governour is set ( verifying that of the prophet , nah. . . ( though there , iconfess , spoken in another sense : ) that our valiant men are in scarlet , even your good lordship , who have bin , as it were , purposely placed and appointed by god himselfe for these times ; and who are so valiant and couragious for the truth of your god , and the glorious work of gospell reformation , as cannot be dampt or daunted with any vaporous and seeming eclipsing clouds of unworthy disgusts raised by the selfish and elfish envy of schismaticall spirits , which of late have , only , passed over the faire face and cleer sun-shine of your honours piety and integrity ; for with unvanquishable valour and vigour of zeal for god and his truth , ( like a pious patriot , indeed ) your honour hath most gravely and graciously dispell'd them all , standing still , like an immoveable , invincible , and impregnable rock ; or rather running on , like the active sun in the firmament with so much the more resplendent beauty , and radiant lustre , in a sweet and swift course of constant piety and magnanimity , for the advancement of the immaculate cause of your god , and the common-wealth , to the high honour of god , and singular joy and comfort of all the true presbyterian saints and sons of our english sion , both in city and country . ride on prosperously , then , ( my most honourable good lord , ) in the cause of truth and righteousnesse , backt with the sacred suffrages and faithfull affections of very many thousands of most peaceable honest-hearted and god-honouring covenanters , both in city and country , yea , even of a whole nation of loyall and loving scottish-brethren , who , with us , most justly look for and long for the happy and holy consummating of a glorious reformation of the kingdoms grievances , and establishment of a blessed church-discipline , according to the minde of our great master christ jesus , and the plain literal meaning of our sacred solemne covenant . and hence ( my honourable good lord ) i have bin humbly bold ( emboldened by your honours much experienced candor and courtesie toward me , the meanest and most unworthy of all your lordships votaries ) to dedicate this little , but , i hope , very necessary and usefull treatise ( considering these seducing staggering and unstable-times ) as a small symbol , and though poore and plain , yet true tessera of my bounden gratitude , to your honours pious patronage : thus , i say , both , to take fit occasion to manifest my obliged hearts thankfulnesse for your lordships many most free and friendly favours ; as also , by this , though succinct , yet sincere discovery of the sly and subtile dissemblers and deceivers of our dayes , and consequently the mayn molesters and disturbers of the happy settlement of a godly church-government among us ; as also thus to adde , at least , one small stick to encrease the flame ( though i am confident i need not ) of your good lordships godly zeale in this glorious work , so much and so maliciously opposed by the impious and impudent sectaries of these most sadly distracted times . which , humbly hoping your honour will with accustomed christian candor , and exuberant friendly favour , candidly accept ; the continued , yea perpetuated encrease of all honour and happinesse to your good lordship , in this your renowned majoralty , and to the period of your pious pilgrimage , shall be the daily devoted prayers of your honours most humble and eve● to be commanded , observant servant in the lord , john vicars . to the godly and impartiall reader . the great dishonour ( good reader ) which i have frequently observed to be done to my god , in the abuse of his truth ; and the strange cockering of errours and schismes , by truths too violent and virulent adversaries and antagonists : together with the familiar vilifying and extream undervaluing of truths loyall presbyterian propugnators , and the most unreasonable high esteeme and loud and lofty elogies which the foolish world falsly and fondly blatters forth in prayse of schismaticall independents , and the rest of these times most seditious and dangerous sectaries , whose great ( and yet most just ) unhappinesse it is , that they cannot mayntain any thing ( for the most part ) of what they schismatically professe , but by grosse untruths , brainsick enthusiasmes , fictitious new-lights , aliàs , old-blasphemous errours , and too often by down-right-lyes . all these respects , i say , have made mee ( the meanest and most unworthy of ten thousand of my godly presbyterian-brethren ) in fervent zeal to god and his truth , and in pure love and loyalty to her faithfull presbyterian friends , thus ( according to my talent ) to set pen to paper , and ( with as much faithfulnesse as resolved freedome ) with their own hands to stop the mouths , and with their own pens to give a check to the untrue tongues of these so high pretenders to such soundnesse in doctrine , and integrity of life and conversation , as they themselves and their schismaticall scycophants do most frothily and falsly brag and boast them to be . and although i doe ( as i must ) make account , herein , to passe through bad report , as well as good report for this my pains : yet , so i may bring any honour to god , and his most precious truth , and adde ( though but a mite of zeale ) toward the just vindication ( which i have in some measure , in this treatise endevoured ) of my reverend good friend , because truths fast friend , i mean , learned and religious mr. edwards , in his christian faithfulnesse and godly fervour ( especially in his learned and elaborate antapologie , that invincible weapon , which hath given our independent sectaries such an incurable wound as they will never be able to claw off or heal up ) against these truths most crafty and calumniating adversaries ; yet notwithstanding , i say , i passe or care not ( having , i praise my god , that murum aheneum , the testimony of a good conscience within me ) for all the false and flashy slanders , that any , or all of them can strugle to asperse and spatter mee with . however , beseeching the lord that this my poore and honest labour may produce so much good , as either to open the eyes of some pious and plain-hearted seduced-ones ( as , many such , i am verily perswaded , are among them , who heartily desire to know and love the truth ) if it be the lords good pleasure ; or , at last to stablish and confirme the hearts of those that already , really and cordially love the truth and peace , and heartily hate schisme and disorderly confusion , i rest , thine to serve thee in the lord jesus ; john vicars . the names of the five pious apologists , principally mentioned in this treatise . master thomas goodwin . philip nye . william bridge . jeremiah burroughs . sidrach simpson . the names of the seven religious remonstrants , mainly also mentioned , in this work . master william greenhill . thomas goodwin - philip nye . william bridge . jeremiah burroughs . sydrach simpson . william carter . together with divers other heads of the independent faction . the schismatick sifted . having , not long since , dilucidated and plainly painted forth , to the sight of all ( in my picture of independency ) the basis or ground of that , as unhappy , as unholy-schisme of independency , to be spirituall-pride , self-seeking , and most grosse ingratitude to god and man : and having of late , and long time indeed , had many sad and serious thoughts , what should be the reason of the so constant and great growth of all-sorts of sectaries among us , which , as the superstructure , on that triple-foundation , have ( according to our old proverb , too true at this time , ill weeds grow apace ) mightily increased , and grown marvellous rife and ranke in the garden of god ( for want of serious and seasonable weeding ) to the great endangering , choking and stifling of the holy and wholsome herbs and flowers of unity , true peace and piety ; at last i found by sad and bad experience , that beside the great want of care and sedulity in the gardiners and guardians ( under god ) of his garden , the church , faithfully and effectually to weed and dresse it , i mean , through the strange impunity and intolerable toleration of sectaries and schismaticks , so out-facingly to flourish and sprout out among us ) beside this , i say , satan that old serpentine-seducer , had made use of an old sly stratagem of his , herein , to wit ; that those pernicious weeds should grow-up , and shoot-forth exceeding like unto most sweet and fragrant flowers and wholsome herbs , whereas , indeed , upon proof and experience , being used and smelt unto , they were nothing so , but , contrariwise , exceeding bitter , bad , poysonous and unwholsome . but , to speak plain-english ( for , since they so crave and cry-out for liberty of conscience , to do what they list , unjustly : i hope it is much-more lawfull for mee to desire liberty or freedome of speech , ( to speak nothing but truth plainly and honestly ) and to leave allegoricall expressions , and ( if it be lawfull in these doubling days ) to call a spade a spade , which i am resolved to do , yet with all possible christian moderation and godly temper that may be , considering the subject i write of ; i find , i say , that the two mayn stratagems which sathan useth , at this time , to cheat & deceive the world , yea , even many of the truly godly-party ; indeed , and to cause all sorts of schismes and errours thus to increase and multiply among us , i mean , especially , that most sly and subtile ( and therefore the most dangerous ) schisme of independency ; the two mayn stratagems , i say , for the more uncontroulable propagation hereof , are ; first , a popular appearance and outward habit of holinesse , ( if there be any more , i beseech them to let us see it by integer practice ) of life and conversation ; for , come and talk with any of our moderate ( if not neutrall ) or tender-conscienced even presbyterians , who ( many of them ) stand , as it were , on tip-toe , wavering which way to stand or fall , and ask them how it comes to passe , and possibly can be , that seeing these independents , anabaptists , &c. broach , and preach and practise such dangerous opinions and unwarranted church-ways ( as they call them ) to the great distraction and disturbance of the godly peace and tranquility both of church and state , when we have given them cleer demonstrations from the fountain of truth it self , that their ways and opinions are not according to christ and scripture-grounds ; yet , still , there answer is , o , i dare not but think and speak well of them , and hold them to be good christians , because they walk so holtly and religiously ; and also ( say they , in the second place ) because they preach and teach as sound doctrines as any of our presbyterian-ministers . and thus , i say , upon these two hinges turns the door of independents growing hopes of impunity , and a continued good opinion , even , i say , among our own presbyterian party , whereby , doubtlesse , they are greatly mistaken in them , and , i feare , grosly gulled by them , and , so , wrong the truth , in countenancing and encouraging her enemies , and retarding the work of reformation . for a briefe answer to both which ; though i intend not to enter into a polemicall dispute of these things ( which , i know would prove as endlesse as fruitlesse , especially with them who are familiarly known to love to live , salamander-like , in the fire of hot and heady disputes ) yet , i trust , by gods gracious assistance to give the godly , judicious and impartiall readers such pregnant proofs and demonstrative and reall testimonies ( and that briefly too ) of the exceedingly to be feared falsity and great mistake of both these , in our independents and their brother-sectaries , that they must in conscience , certainly , confesse the invalidity and weaknesse of their opinions and assertions of them , and see and say , that they are , surely , mistaken in them , and palpably deceived by them . to begin , then with the last of these first ; whereas it is pretended by some of our own , that they dare not but speak and think well of independents , because ( as they say ) they preach as sound-doctrines as any of the best-presbyterians doe : hereunto i answer , first , in generall ; that although i deny not , but that oftentimes they preach sound-doctrine ; yet , they frequently intermix much of their own unsavoury and unfound leven of false-opinions , together with the sound-doctrines , which they deliver . witnesse , that vehement , pernicious , yea even most damnable plea for a toleration of all opinions and liberty of conscience , the high-way to ruinate and destroy all religion and conscience ; together with their most ungodly inveighing against , both in pulpits and presses , that godly church-discipline , which is regulated , as neere as may be , by gods sacred word , and the pattern of the best and most purely reformed churches in europe ; and only crying-up a most licentious , unlimited and independent-destructive government of their own ungrounded invention ; whereby ( by a cleere and undeniable necessary-consequence ) they most undiscreetly , yea , irreligiously-endevour to overthrow and utterly , i say , to ruinate all sound-doctrine and pure truth it self . for , as it cannot be denied by any that the word of god soundly preached , and the sacraments purely administred , are gods field of corn , his precious vineyard , his garden of fragrant flowers and wholsome herbs ; and , as , a wise gardiner , or provident husbandman or vine-dresser , when he hath planted a garden or vineyard , or sown a corn-field , presently takes care to build a wall , or make a strong fence or hedge about the same , to preserve them from hurtfull beasts ; which otherwise would break-in , destroy the flowers or grapes , and root up and utterly spoyle the good corn : so ( although in the first place , it must be most justly granted , as i said before , that sound-doctrines , and the sacraments rightly administred , are the garden of god , and do contein the body and substance of soul-saving-truth , as being the fountain and foundation thereof ; yet ) it is as true , that godly-order , and scripture-discipline , or church-government is the hedge , wall , or strong-fence , which god , the most prudent and provident gardiner or husbandman , of this his pretious , garden , vineyard , or field of corn , hath planted and built round about the same , both to keep in safety and security the specious and pretious flowers , herbs , corn , and grapes , for the pious professours of his word and truth to be nourisht , cherisht and fed by them to eternall-life ; and thus to keep out the noysome and hurtfull wild-beasts and boars of the forrest , ( i mean , all sorts of tyrannizing misbelievers , hereticks , papists , and prophane atheists ) and all crafty foxes , yea , even the little-foxes ( i mean , anabaptists , antinomians , independents , seekers , and such like libertines , ) who , otherwise , all of them ( this wall , hedge , or fence being pluckt up or taken away ) would soon run in , ruinate and root up and destroy the pretious corn , fragrant flowers , and tender grapes thereof ; even utterly overthrow the fountain and foundation of sound-doctrine , and put in poyson of errours , and blasphemous and most dangerous , yea , damnable opinions and heresies among them , i say to the utter undoing and overthrow of the foundation or fountain , even of sound-doctrine and truth it selfe . this , i conceive , is a most faithfull and undeniable truth ; and ( though i know all sorts of sectaries will carp , snap and snarl at it ) shall therefore satisfie me , and may also , ( i think ) satisfie all other godly and moderate christians , who desire to be wise with sobriety ; but , if it will not , then to come to particulars , and so more closely to the point in hand . is not , to broach and preach that most wicked and accursed doctrine of toleration of all religions ( as i toucht before ) yea , of all heresies , errours , sects and schismes , under that slie , subtile , ungrounded and most ungodly pretext of liberty of conscience , forsooth , is not this , i say , a preaching of false-doctrine ? is not the broaching and preaching of the scripture , not to be the word of god ? of the performance of holy duties and expression of godly sorrow for sin , and penitent praying for forgivenesse of sin ; yea , and the performance of all these with an honest , humble , self-denying and christ-seeking broken-soul , to be called or counted no better than casting dirt ( as it were ) into gods face ? are not all these , my brethren , together with exceeding many more such like , yea , some far worse ( if it may be ) blasphemous and damnable doctrines and enormous opinions , set forth at large by reverend master edwards , in his gangraena , are not all these , i say , palpable preaching and broaching of false-doctrines ? and , if not all of them , yet many of them preached by our so admired independents ; and either few or none of all the rest , are at any time preached against ( nay are they not countenanced and encouraged ) by them ? wherefore , if any shall , still , object and say , that those forementioned dangerous opinions , and the rest related by master edwards are not the opinions of the more solid and temperate independents ; but , are the anabaptists , antinomians , and such like : i answer , they are moderate and most seeming solid independents which plead and preach mightily for toleration , and liberty of conscience , which , most directly are the inlets , open sluces , and wide-gaps for all the rest to rush and gush in amongst us ; and therefore , distinguish them as you please : and call them what you will , hereof i am most confident ; that though our most moderate and supposed most discreet independents may seem only in some things to differ and vary , and in their heads or brains ( as i may say ) to be somwhat distant from some of the rest of the dangerous sectaries ; yet are they all like sampsons foxes ) fast tyed by their tayls , with destructive firebrands of dissention , division , and confusion between them , to destroy ( as much as in them is ) the good-corn of gods-field , by their most ungodly struglings , studies , plots , and calumnies , to ruinate the wall , and pluck-up the hedge or safe fence , i mean ( as we all too sensibly feel at this day ) to hinder and oppose with all might and malice , power and policy , the settlement of the godly government and scripturall-discipline of our pious and peacefull presbyterians . and are these , now , the sound and orthodox men , that are so highly commended and blazoned abroad for their sincerity and soundnesse in doctrine ? who , thus dare , so boldly ( yet craftily , i confesse ) broach abroad such false doctrines , and thus preach and prate against gods most pure and soul-saving truths ? certainly , then , am i mightily mistaken . but , now , to come to the second or other main part of our own presbyterian friends common-plea for independents , & the other cause of their great growth amongst us , viz. their holines of life , which we have great ground and cause to feare , ( and more than to feare ) is but pretended and in appearance ; which , indeed , is , i say , the main thing i here intend to insist on , and principally to prove against them ( as i have promised ) and that , under their own hands , by most undeniable testimonies . and , herein , i shall first desire briefly to premise thus much by way of introduction to what is to follow ; namely , that this hath ever been ( even in all ages and times ) satans old-cloke , too well known to be almost worne quite thread-bare , by frequent and familiar use among deceivers . for if we look back to by-past times , and read ecclesiasticall histories , we shall most truly know , and unquestionably understand that those grand and grosse hereticks , and ring-leaders to dangerous and damnable heresies , errors , and schismes in the church of god , especially in the primitive churches , and former times , as arrius , pelagius , arminius &c. were all of them , men of extraordinary outward holy lives , and ( to see to ) of most integer conversation , even to generall admiration and approbation for their parts and piety , and to the singular love and liking of all the people among whom they then lived ; and yet they were , all of them , most notorious , dangerous , yea damnable hereticks . and look up also , even to our most blessed saviours time , and there we shall finde the scribes and pharisees to be outwardly , such demurely seeming saints ▪ such pure and holy persons to see to , that it was an universally received opinion , among all the common-people , the jews of those times , that if any two men in the world should goe to heaven and be saved , it was a scribe and a pharisee ; and yet , by our saviours own testimony , these were most notorious dissemblers , deceivers , and horrible hypocrites ; and , indeed , one main foul fault among them also , was , a most vile perverting of the law , to their own ayms and ends ; and teaching false-doctrines , and their own false glosses and intentions , in stead of sound-doctrine , which very thing made our blessed saviour himselfe to inveigh most bitterly against them as notorious hypocrites ; as is most evident in all the foure evangelists . the experience whereof also made the blessed apostle paul say ( having found false apostles in his times also , deceitfull-workers , transforming themselves into the apostles of christ ) that it was no marvail , for , satan , himselfe ( sayes he ) is transformed into an angel of light . and indeed there is very great politick reason hereof ; for , should not hereticks and schismaticks , first , put-on that brave embrodred-cloke of seeming holinesse , to dazle the eyes and understanding of their honest , innocent proselites ( as i believe many of these to be ) who i pray that had any light and sight of reason and religion , would so easily have received their so dangerous opinions , or damnable doctrines ? if satan should at first shew his cloven-foot , and the hornes on his head ( as fools , formerly , were made to believe the devill had such , to be frighted by them ) who , i say , would not , then fly from him , as , easily discerning him to be a devill ? so , i say , if heretical , erronious , & schismatical deceivers should at the very first shew the inside-danger & poyson of their aymes , plots , self-interests and designes intended by their heresies , errours , and schismes , who would so easily and instantly entertain them , and be so misled and abused by them ? therefore , dear christians take heed , for gods sake , of being taken with painted pretences of holinesse of life , in any man whatsoever he be : swallow not down , so easily , such gilded-pils ; or catching fish-hooks , which are onely covered-over with deceitfull baits to catch and undoe your poor plain-meaning soules . believe it , my christian friends , you try your mettalls by a very false and deceitfull touch-stone , if you look so on mens holy-lives and conversations alone ; nay , rather read , sound , and try men mainly and most especially by their soundnesse of doctrine ; for , if this fails , all is naught , i 'le warrant you . and that you may see 't is not mine , but the blessed apostle paul's judgement , and right rule of tryall , which cannot deceive , marke what he sayes , in two most pertinent places to this purpose . be yee followers of me , even as i also am of christ . no farther , or , no otherwise than i folow the lord jesus christ in sound doctrine and holinesse ; first and principally sound doctrine , and then holinesse : and to strengthen and back this to be his true meaning , indeed ; observe what this same blessed apostle , and faithfull servant of the lord sayes farther . there be some that trouble you , and would pervert the gospel of christ . but if either we ( even any of us apostles , though ever so holy ) or an angel from heaven ( for seeming sanctity or holinesse ) preach any other gospel ( or pretended truths ) than that which we have preached to you , let him be accursed to you . see here a time touch-stone , indeed , my friends , see first , to soundnesse of doctrine , without which , believe not nay , abominate , the seeming holiest men or angels , even angelicall-men that may pretend the greatest parts and piety that may be ; but having first , seen , by the right-rule , gods word , their doctrine to be sound , then , on gods name , search and see into their sanctimonie and integrity in life and conversation , and then you take the right way indeed , cordially to love and like , to follow , affect and imitate them . nay , i will bee bold to say and assure , and dare undertake to prove and justifie , by gods assistance , that , there is far more safety and sweetnesse for the soule to love and like , to follow and imitate , a christian or pastor , that is most sound and orthodox in doctrine and judgement , though subject to weaknesse : and humane infirmities : than him that seems to be most exact and strict in his outward walking and conversation , if he premeditately and invincibly ( against all perswasions and scripturall convictions ) goe on in the publike profession of errors and schismes ▪ destructive to the peace and edification of gods church and sound doctrine . but now without any farther digression ( having thus laid down these most necessary and pertinent premises ) i will by gods assistance come up close to the promised point , even our present main matter , touching the much boasted holines of life , of our independent sectaries , & shew how neer they come-up to down-right deceivers in their reall practice , testified , i say , by their own undeniable hand-writings . and , here , give me leave , good reader , in the first place for the better making fair way , and that , most briefly , for what follows ) to give unto thee , and from scripture it selfe , the perfect character , cognizance and description of a truly godly-man , a sure , pure saint , indeed , and sacred citizen of the new-jerusalem ; especially , in these two or three remarkable marks of him among divers others , viz. hee is such an one as speaks the truth from his heart ; and having thus spoken , promised , or sworn , keeps his promise , though to his own prejudice ; both these being fully and fairly connected and bound up together , in our blessed saviours most royall-law , and golden-rule : whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , doe yee even so unto them : and then also , doe but consider herewith , what the spirit of the lord sayes , concerning the contrary practisers . he that loves or makes a lye , shall be shut out of the new jerusalem among dogs , sorcerers , whoremongers , murtherers , and idolaters . now , then , i say , if our independents be found ( and that by testimonies under their own hands ) to be such as speak not the truth from their hearts ; and when they have promised and covenanted , break their promise and violate their covenant ( witnessed , i say , by their owne hands against themselves ) yea , and that when as it could be no prejudice to their livelihood , or estates , save only ( perhaps ) to their ungodly private ends ; and such as do that to others , which they would not be content should be done to themselves : then can any truly-gracious or impartiall good-man choose but , at least , greatly feare that they are not so holy-saints & godly men as they should be , or as the world too vulgarly and easily takes them to be ? truly , me thinks , they cannot . thus , then , now , to come to the try all hereof ; and , here , i will , by way of preamble , tell the reader one pretty passage , not altogether impertinent to our present purpose , touching master peters & my-self , which briefly was this , i being occasionally ( about-half-ayeer since ) at westminster-hall , was there encountred by master peters , that most pragmaticall quicquid in buccam , &c. of whom i will only say this by the way , that , whosoever loves to laugh at a sermon ( which is satans musick ) let him go heare master peters preach . this gentleman seeing me singly walking in the hall , and being my old acquaintance , came unto me , together with his independent brother , master bachiler , who heard our conference all the while , which was this . o , master vicars ( says master peters ) certainly , a great deal of repentance must needs lye upon your soule . why , master peters ( said i ) what 's the matter , what have i done ? o ( sayes he ) in sadding and grieving the hearts of gods saints , as you have done in your book , which you call the picture of independency . why sir , ( said i ) pray tell me what 's amiss in it ? truly master vicars ( says hee ) 't is naught all over , ( just , like my self , he might have added ) naught all over . is it naught all over , master peters , said i ? then , i hope you have read it all over ; and if so ; then , i beseech you said i ) since , you know , dolosus versatur in generalibus , the deceiver loves to deale in generals , shew so much candor and ingenuity toward me , as to tell me one particular passage therein , which you can make evident to be false or naught , and i assure you ( said i ) i will yeeld you all the rest to be naught without any farther controversie ; whereunto , here was all his reply ; alas , master vicars 't is naught all over , naught all over ; which words he uttering in his old , quick blustering manner , instantly ran away swiftly from me , all , which , his brother bachiler can testifie ( if he will speake the truth ) to be most true , who stood by , and heard and saw all i have related , from the first to the last . and was not here , thinke you , a brave independent champion , fit to finde fault with other mens works , and then run away , when he should give account of his slanderous words ? but , now , to come to some more serious and sollid matter , and fully to make good and confirme what i have promised and affirmed , in the frontispice of this treatise , namely , that independents ( i meane very many of the best and bravest of them ) are a generation of notorious dissemblers , and sly deceivers . most sorry i am , the lord knows , that i can so truly ( indeed too truly ) say and assure these things against them ; but in regard of their so elated and selfe-flated conceit of themselves and others too-too high opinions of them ; and also the great injurie which gods cause receives thereby , many ways , therefore , for sions sake i cannot hold my peace , & for jerusalems sake i will not rest , until the righteousnes thereof ( and the unquestionable innocency & integrity of her presbyterians ) go forth as brightnesse . and for this end to add my poor mite of zeal ( what in me is ) to help to vindicate gods abused churches honour , against these her close and subtile enemies , who have made their great and gross untruths as so many satanicall stratagems and staulking horses , to abuse and disgrace even the godliest partie of the most innocent presbyterians , by thus suggesting and protesting their palpable untruths to the more moderate , indifferent , and too credulous presbyterians among us , whereas , themselves ( the lord knows ) are the main ( if not onely ) offensive and destructiue-partie , and all this , onely to uphold ( for ought that can , to this day , be discerned , to the contrary ) maintain and enlarge their too apparent spirituall-pride , and selfe-aymes and ends , which i conceive to be most vile and ungodly in them . and because master john goodwin , in his late supercilious and unsavorie treatise , entituled cretensis , pag. . sayes , that master edwards ( in his sectarystinging gangraena ) judges , so and so , onely of some few ( at least , as hee would have it ) of those that are the retrimentitious-party or dregs of the independents and other sectaries ( to use his own words and expression ) as if ( sayes he ) a man should judge of cheap-side , by the dirtie-channel that runs in the midst of it . i therefore , here ( omitting , purposely , the most notorious jugling of m. j. g. himself most properly & fitly termed cretensis ( that is to say a lyer ) both by himself , and by reverend m. edwards in his second part of his excellent gangraena ; and pretermitting also the most unworthy double-dealing of those two grandees of the independents , master burroughs and master greenhill ( and these are none , sure , of master goodwins retrimentitious partie ) in their unfaithfull dealing with master edwards , as hee hath most fully manifested to the world , against all these three , in his said second part of the gangraena , pag. , , , &c. ) to omit these i say , as being so fully set forth as aforesaid , i will here in the first place shew to the godly and impartiall reader , diverse notable passages of some of the most eminent and highest prized independents , even of the five famous apologists , most cleerely setting forth , and that under their own hands , their most unfaithfull and deceitfull dealings with god and the world , and with their presbyterian-brethren . which i have extracted , and briefly culled-out from their so mightily magnified , and broadly bosted of apologeticall narration , attested and avouched under their own hands , of purpose ( as they , certainly , conceived and wee have justly deemed ) to paint out their own piety , and unspotted integrity to the world : whereas , contrariwise they have , thereby , even with their own pensils , blazoned abroad their own shame , and most unfaithfull double-dealing . first , then , i will begin with that poor delusive trick of theirs , of their pretended ( falsely so called ) exile or banishment out of england , which they themselves set forth in prima fronte libelli , in the very front and face of their apologie , to make the world take notice of that first and fair piece of their martyrdome , and to believe what rare suffering-saints and martyrs they were , insuffering , so sorely , for their tender-conscience sake . this you shall see apol. nar. pag. & where they tell you of their pitteous banishment , forsooth ; but , withall , fairely confesse it was a spontaneous or voluntary banishment , a banishment of their own choice and election , both for time , place , and company , ( and i may add , as easily undergone as undertaken ) for , they went into the choicest and fattest parts of all beautifull holland , no way pincht in body or purse ; for ( as reverend master edwards notes in his learned antapologie , and at large , most notably sets forth ) they were able ( some of them ) to spend two or three hundred pounds a year , and to doe other expensive acts besides . they went , i say , in their own time , were fitted with all conveniences for themselves and their families ; had brave company with them , gentlefolke of none of the meanest rank and quality ; and yet these call themselves gods poor exiles , or poor despicable , banished creatures : which , how fairly and fitly , let any godly judicious . christian , or even meer rationall creature which knows what banishment is , speake and judge by those forementioned premises . and now tell mee , good reader , whither these our independents be such fair dealers and truth speakers as the world deems them , and as the spirit of god would have them to be , according to the forementioned characters of the true saints and citizens of the new jeruselem . again , in their foresaid apologeticall narration , pag. & , they have these very words . for the congregations in england ( where , we were by the grace of christ converted , ( mark this ) and long exercised our ministry ) both in our own , and multitudes of the assemblies and parochiall-congregations thereof ( mark again those words good reader ) we make this sincere profession before god and all the world ( mark here again i beseech thee ) that notwithstanding all the defilements which we conceived to cleave to the true worship of god in them , or of the unwarranted power in church government exercised therein ; yet we ever esteemed and held this opinion of them , that they were the true churches and bodie of christ , and that the ministers thereof were true ministers , much lesse did it ever enter into our hearts to judge them antichristian : yea , wee always have protested that in these times ( pray marke these words well ) when the churches of england were most actually over-spread with defilements , and in the greatest danger thereof , we both did and would hold a communion with them , as the churches of christ , and baptized our children , and administred the lords supper in their parochiall congregations , and all this both before and since our returne from our foresaid exile . now , then , from all these premises , see and consider seriously , good reader , the independents most unjust and injurious separation from us , even under their own hands testified , and by such a deep and seeming-serious protestation , to god and the whole world protested against themselves ; wonderfull strange it is ( me thinks ) that truly , holy , and godly men should dare to deale thus , in so sacred and serious things ; nay those premises , touching our churches or congregations and ministers , being so granted by themselves , how most ungodlily and ungroundedly doe they now , and long time have forsaken our assemblies , as antichristian , and creep into corners , shops and chambers , and now adayes also some of their schismaticall brethren are not ashamed most impiously and most unjustly to preach , print , and prate against us and our assemblies directly under such notions , even as if we were abominable babylonians and antichristians . now truly my brethren , if this be to deale ingenuously , and to speake the truth from the heart , as becomes the truly godly saints and citizens of the new-jerusalem specified before to be davids character of a godly man , let any impartiall christian judge and determine . again , in the same apologeticall narration , pag. & , those five apologists and grandees of the independent faction , yea , those high-grown sauls that are taller then any of their presbyterian-brethren , by head and shoulders in parts and piety ( if we would believe the loud boasts of their sycophanticall proselites ) have these very words , in that foresaid place , evident to all that have eyes and understanding and wills , to see and read the same , viz. wee call god and men to witnesse , ( see how they here begin again with a deep asseveration ) that through the grace of christ , our spirits are , and have been so remote from a spirit of faction , division , pride , and singularity ( which are the usuall grounds of all schismes ) that we have expressed our constant forbearance , either to publish our opinions by preaching ( although wee had the pulpit free ) or to print any thing of our own or others for the vindication of our selves ( although the presses also were more free than the pulpits . ) marke good reader , i beseech thee , these their own words , and yet consider , how that most insolent and proud-spirited man mr. lilburn , in his most flashy and foul-mouthed letter , to ever to be honored mr. prinne , complains of the restraint of printers-presses , as a peece of their persecution forsooth , pag. of his said letter ) or to act for our selves , or for our way . all these foresaid particular branches of their protested forbearance , were , indeed , by them , and the presbyterian city ministers mutually covenanted to be done on both sides , but how faithfully , religiously and conscienciously they have kept and observed the same , ( yea , notwithstanding their protesting before god and men , neither to write , preach , dispute , or any way to act for themselves or their church-way , and all this , thus promised , since their last returne into england , from their fore-mentioned pretty piece of banishment ) now we will see and discover , i say , how faithfully and fairly they have kept their word and engagement herein . although , 't is most true that learned and religious master edwards hath in his elaborate antapologie given his impartiall and unprejudiced reader aboundant satisfaction touching these things , and i might here multiply many testimonies from thence of our independents self-condemnation touching the premises : yet because i maynly endevour brevity in this little treatise , i will content my self with these few following most true and undeniable self-confutations extant there in print under their owne hands ; namely , that , even , not all these apologists ( who have thus protested , as yee have heard ) have not , according to their so deep protestation before god and men , forborn to preach or print any thing of their own in the behalf of their church-way . first , then , take master burroughs his self-conviction herein ; who , in his sermons and expositions on the three first chapters of hosea , hath preached and printed severall things about and for their church-way . as , for example ; in his first lecture on hosea the second , at , , p. , . and the seventh lecture , hos. , at , , p. . and thirteenth lecture on hos. , . together with many other places in those his lectures , now extant , in print . secondly , master simpson , another of these so deep protesters , as aforesaid ; in his sermon called reformations preservation , on isaiah , . and on proverbs . , . hath , there , many things for their church-way , and for a toleration , p. , . . of those sermons . thirdly , also , master bridge , another of them , in his sermons , printed and published and entituled , babylons downfall ; and , that on zech. , at , , , & . together with many other , to be seen , in master edwards his most excellent antapol . afore-said ; but this truth being thus confirmed under the hands of three such eminent proofs and testimonies i think , it may give sufficient satisfaction herein ; besides , the very many other books and pamphlets . printed and reprinted for their church-way , since this parl. began , and since there covenant made to the contrary , all which for brevities sake , i say , and to avoid tediousnes , i willingly pretermit , and will not so much as mention , as , indeed , i need not , they being so notoriously known ( or may be known ) abroad to all that know ought herein . and as for their other kinds of acting , by themselves and others , in and for their church-ways advantage and advancement , i shall , i say , to avoid prolixity referre the reader , to the learned antapologie , p. , , &c. very worthy the reading for abundant cleer satisfaction in these premises . only i cannot forbeare to give thee one particular instance more hereof , which may ( mee thinks ) be instar omnium , to shew to the world their faithlesse craft and subtilty , yea , and most palpable double-dealing with their single-hearted presbyterian brethren , and thus , according to my promise , to let all men see ( that will not obstinately shut their eyes against such cleer and known truths ) what a godly-party and what holy-saints these independents are . the thing in brief , is this . about the beginning of the second yeer of the sitting of the parliament , the presbyterian pastors , in london , and the independents , met together , at reverend and religious master calamies house in aldermanbury , where , with mutuall consent , they all entred into an engagement one party to the other , that ( for advancing of the publike cause of a happy reformation ) neyther side should preach , print , or dispute , or otherwise act against others way ; and this to continue til both sides , in a full meeting , did declare the contrary , and by mutuall consent set each other at liberty , touching these things . and for the confirmation of this agreement , a writing or instrument was drawn , with full and cleer desire and assent of all , and also by all , there and then present , it was subscribed with every mans name ; and , this so done , was with a generall consent to be left , and so to abide , with master calamy , at his house , there to be seen at any time , by any of them that would have recourse unto it , to shew and see their agreement , all which was accordingly done , and this writing or instrument was left in master calamies custody . heere , now , let me hint this to the reader , by the way ; that , notwithstanding this writing or instrument of this their so solemne agreement ; no , nor their own fore-mentioned protestation of their own voluntary forbearance , so deeply ( but deceitfully ) professed and protested , in their apologie , to be so sacred unto them , & to be kept so strictly by them , with such deep silence ( for , these are their very words ) all these , i say , notwithstanding , they , in the interim , immediatly after , went on , in a too evident cōtrary practice , as hath bin before sufficiently declared ; and all these their protestations proved the most advantageous piece of policy , on their side , of any one that was , or could be done by them for the increasing of a party for them . just like the declarations set forth by king charles ( by means of the crafty bishops , in their late flourishing and domineering times ) that their should be no disputes , no preaching or printing on either side , for or against the arminian-points , which then were in great controversie : which declarations and inhibitions , being observed by many ministers , but not so , by the arminian-faction , was a mighty means to increase them , and to suppresse orthodox-doctrines . even so , i say , it fell out , heer , for , by this means of the agreement , nothing was preached or printed , or any way acted against their way , according to the foresaid agreement to hinder the growth of independents , on our side , ours making conscience most honestly and tenderly of their engagement . but , in the mean time , i say , many things were both preached and printed for it , as i have touched before ; which , if it were not apparent unfaithfulnesse and plain double-dealing , i know not what is . but now to come to this notable trick of theirs , acted by master philip nye , that notable independent-politician , and nimble-agent for their schismaticall church-way , which was this . the fore-mentioned writing or instrument of the mutuall agreement between the presbyterian and independent parties , being as aforesaid , left in the hands of reverend master calamy , by him to be kept and shewn and seen as occasion was offered ; it so fell out , that master nye came , one day , to master calamy , and pretended some reasons for his desire to see and borrow this writing of him for a little while ; whereupon , good master calamie , in his courtesie and singlenesse of heart , suspecting nothing amisse , but thinking he meant fairly , and would bring it again presently , as he had promised , let him have it . but he , after he had it , carried it away with him into yorkeshire , that so upon any complaints of the breach of the agreement when ours should have consulted with that writing , or shewn it against them , and brought their own hands subscribed thereunto , the writing was gone , and nothing now to shew against them ; as for conscience , they ( as it seem'd ) car'd not a rush for it ( no marvell , then , that they so cry out and plead for ( liberty of conscience ) for , this master nye hath ever since kept away this writing , and having been often intreated to restore it , his answer still hath been , that hee left it at hull among his other papers . this truth , is also fully related by reverend and faithfull master edwards , in his learned and most excellent independent frighting antapologie , and is backt also by the unquestionable testimony of our most grave and godly assembly of divines , in their most excellent answer to the seven independents most false and scandalous remonstrance , lately printed and published by the independents for the honour , forsooth of those seven authours thereof ; but which in the issue turned to their most just eternall , indelible dishonour . and are not these , then ( my deare presbyterian friends ) most soule blots and blemishes in so godly apartie , so gracious and holy saints , so cryed-up , rare christians , as independents are now a dayes hugely boasted to be ? doe these their practises , in word and deed answer to the characters of davids holy citizens of the new-jerusalem , to speake the truth from their hearts , and to keepe their promise though to their prejudice ? or , are they like our blessed saviours plain-dealing honest men , indeed , doing unto others , as they would bee done unto ? i know not , truly i cannot thinke they are . but to goe on , and to make their unfaithfull dealings , yet more evident and apparent to the whole world , and that , still , even under their own hands ; i shall now therefore , here , briefly add some few passages of their most gross double-dealing & unblushing slandering of the reverend and religious assembly of divines , in a most scandalous remōstrance of theirs touching a promised model of their new church way , most marvellously brag'd and boasted of , to be christs onely true and pure way of governing his church , and for the answerable production whereof they had been exceeding often and most earnestly urged and intreated , both by the reverend assembly , and by the religious pastors of london ; but , wherein all along from the first to this day they dealt most doubly , falsly and fallaciously . for even as at the first , when this often and urgent motion was made to them to bring in a modell of their church-government in writing to the assembly , & they accordingly promised it ; they were so far from faithfull performance hereof , first , that they secretly & sedulously had prepared printed , published & dedicated to the parliament their most proud , self-praysing ( & yet false ) apologetic all narration , never acquainting the assembly before-hand therewith , or tendring any writing of their church-government , to the assembly as they had promised , & in conscience ought to have done : just so , secondly , here , they again dealt with the reverend assembly ; for , wheras , stil the assembly earnestly moved them again and again ( for the surer and speedier composing of differences between them , and happier settlement of a blessed church government , so long and earnestly desired , as was hoped at least , by all ) that they would yet bring forth their modell of church-government ; yea , and since that also they had been earnestly importuned thereunto by master dury , a reverend , learned and godly minister of the hague in holland , ( as hath been testified by himselfe in a letter of his , sent to our assembly of divines , from the hague , march the seventh , , and extant in print , the substance whereof was to this effect . that he had oft required and intreated of these dissenting brethren , but never could obtein , to know the true points is difference , betwixt them and the other reformed churches . the like also had our london-ministers often desired but , could never , to this day , obtein their desire . but , now at length ( to come to the point ) with much fresh importunity , even almost beyond the bounds of modesty , they being thus urged , as it were , on all sides and not knowing how , with any credit , any longer to evade , they seemed ( now at last , i say ) to condescend to the thing ; and made choice of m. thomas goodwin to be the man that should manage the whole work of their promised modell ; to which purpose , hee also ( having undertaken the thing ) had for the space of at least six moneths , sequestred himself a part from his attendance on the assembly , and from his publike ministry , into the country , for his more conveniency to the work ; in which interim , ô what vaunts , brags and boasts had wee up and down by all their independent proselytes , what a rare new-modell was making , by m. thomas goodwin , and shortly to come forth , and all these brags , at least , three moneths before the famous upshot of all , and therefore great expectation was of it , on both sides , especially by all that were apt credulously to believe it , and all stood , as it were , gaping and gazing triumphantly , to see it . at last , about the end of the faid six moneths great and wonderfull expectation , that was rightly fulfilled , parturinnt montes nascitur ridiculus mus. for , in the issue of all , no modell could be produced , but instead thereof , they durst most ungodlily ( because most falsly ) and without all feare , or wit , or honesty ( as it may be feared ) exhibit to the assembly , a most absurd and scandalous apology or remonstrance , owned & subscribed by seven of their most eminent dissenting-brethren , which was afterward impudently printed and published ( and most craftily pretended to be so published clandestinely without the authours privity or consent ) under the name of a remonstrance ; both ( as they hoped ) to prop-up , if it be might be , the said authours crackt credit ; and also even perfidiously to dishonour and disgrace the whole right reverend assembly , if , i say , it had bin possible for them . in all this notwithstanding , both in their apologeticall narration , and in this their remonstrance , they seeme most seriously to professe and protest ( like cunning deceivers , indeed ) their integer carriage and honest meaning , in all the businesse , and their willingnesse and forwardnesse , always to make known what ever they held in church-government , together with their reasons , why , ( now , in the upshot of all ) they have not given in a modell of their church-government , laying the whole load ( just as our grandfather adam laid his offence upon god himself ) and the foul-fault of the only cause of their failing therein , upon the assembly of divines ; most shamelesly and falsly aspersing and bespattering the said reverend assembly , even all over ( in that remonstrance ) with very many intolerable slanderous accusations and imputations , false , i say , in every point and parcell of them ; as in the assemblies most excellent and abundantly satisfactory answer to the said remonstrance ( or reasons forsooth , of the independents or dissenting brethren ) lately set forth by authority of the honourable lords in parliament , may and doth most truly and abundantly appear . wherein pag. . they first prove the notorious unwillingnesse of these independents to make known what they hold in church-government , both from their own confession , in the forementioned apolog. narration , pag. penn'd and published by themselves , and also by the testimonie of reverend master durie aforesaid , as also of reverend and religious master apollonins , a learned divine of walachria , who also sent to the independents in london , an expresse letter , desiring them to informe him what their opinion was in those points , in difference betwixt them and the presbyterian-partie , that so he might not mistake them ( he being then appointed by the classis of walachria to set down the judgement of those reformed churches , concerning these controversies , now agitated with us in england ) but yet notwithstanding he could not obtain it from them , as himselfe hath complained , and as they themselves too well know , is most true against them . in brief , who ever desires most fully and exactly to see the falsity and notorious halting of that whole remonstrance and apologie of the independents , even all over , àcapite ad calcem ; let him seriously peruse that most full and fair answer of our learned , reverend , and religious assembly , and he shall receive abundant and most luculent satisfaction , both touching the assemblies most tender , fair and faithfull dealings with them all along ; and also touching the unquestionable truth of what i have herein writ of these unhappie independents , viz. their most unreasonable and irreligious slandering of the assembly , all along , in that remonstrance , not having delivered the truth from their heart , in any part thereof , but altogether spoken deceitfully or falsly in every of their assertions , or aspersions ( rather ) laid upon thē . and now , say ▪ good reader , are these dealings of these prime independent-remonstrants , the practises of precious saints ? are these fit actions think you , for the heads of a godly-party , so bigly boasted of , and most mightily blazed abroad in the world by the trump of flying ( i had almost said lying ) fame ? certainly then am i extremely mistaken in my poor ●udgement and knowledge in piety and probity . concerning which their most injurious molesting of the peace of gods church , and their unbridled endeavours to obtrude wayes and rules of governing gods church after their own conceited opinions , not having any ground out of gods word for the same ; i shall here desire to minde them of a most pertinent passage , very fit for this our present purpose , related by my reverend friend m. burton in his sermon entituled , for god and the king . where hee writes thus . were it a law in england as once it was among the loctians ; that whosoever would propound a new law , should come with a halter about his neck , that if it pleased not the senate , the hangman , being ready , should doe his office on him . this passage master burton , then , applyed ( and i confesse most fitly ) to the prelates of his time , for their illegall innovations , and this passage ( i verily believe ) i may as properly apply to our schismaticall independents and the rest and best of their fraternity of sectaries , who so strive and struggle to introduce ( by their new lights forsooth ) such new laws or ways of a church-government , which so justly may , and doe displease our honourable senate , and molest the whole kingdom , because they cannot prove or justifie them from gods word , if therefore that law were on foot and in force among us , at this time , and that these our sectaries should be made to come with halters about their necks , on that condition ; what a case , these our independents , together with their waspish-brethren , the anabaptists , and the rest of their rabble : of sectaries , would be in , let all wise men judge ? again , see yet farther , i pray thee , good reader , more of their palpable and apparent halting and double-dealing , still manifested under their own hands , against themselves , for , heretofore mr. john goodwin , in his innocencies triumph , his theomachia . pag. , , . and diverse others of his late pamphlets ; mr. burton also ( my old entirely beloved friend , for whom my soule mournes in secret , to see him so falne off from his former faithfull principles ) in his vindication , pag. , , . and pag. , , &c. christ upon his throne , master lilburn , also , in his frothie and most scurrilous letter , to ever to be honoured m. prinne ; the jesuiticall author or authors of the arraignment of mr. persecution , together with very many others , too tedious to recite , and to whose own abusive words , in their own writings , in high derogation of the parliaments honour and authority in ecclesiasticall affairs , for brevittes sake i refer the reader . all these independents and sectaries , i say , and many others of them did heretofore in those times of their then writings ( and , rebus sic stantibus ) when their fears were exceeding strong that the parliament would certainly establish the presbyterian-government , and their hopes extreme weake and flat of having their independent church-way set up , or so much as a toleration tolerated to them : o then i say , how was the power of parliaments in ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , or matters of religion , cryed down , abased and abused by m. goodwin , and the rest ? alas , for the parliament to take upon it the ordering of church government , or church discipline , o this was a most high and intollerable presumption in them , this was a most bold intrenching upon christs royall prerogative , with many such like terrible taxations , and heavy imputations of wrongfull usurping an antichristian legislative power and authority over the consciences ( forsooth ) of christs free born holy-ones : but now adays , of late , the case is altered , since the election of new-members of parliament in the house of commons , whereby they begin to dream , ( and i trust in god they doe but dream ) that their hopes are now upon the wing , and raised up to a high-flown pitch of conceit that the presbyterian-government shall either quite down , and not be established at all , or else so clog'd and clipt with commissioners , and such like supposed yokes , curbs and restrictions , as shall like pharao's chariots in the red-sea , take off the wheels , and make it drive on so heavily , that independents , anabaptists , and the rest , shall have fit and fair oportunities mightily to advance and hurrie on their own designes , their crafty ayms and ends , and in time bring them to perfection , and for the present enjoy a full allowance of that cursed cause of the ruine of all sound religion and sincere holinesse , libertie of conscience for all damnable sects and schismes whatsoever . o , now , therefore , i say , how is the power of parliament in matters of religion and setling of church government , cryed-up and magnified , yea , and wholy and onely , ( as it were ) appropriated to them as the main master builders of gods house , his church ? and as for the assembly of divines , they have nothing to doe therein , but so far onely as the parliament pleases to use or refuse them . witnesse , first , the peace-maker , lately printed and published , which now so struggles to uphold a peaceable-union between the parliament and the city of london , especially , ( wherein he does well , if that were all ) but why , ipray , is this designe so fairely prest and put on ? o , because we in the city may assure our selves ( sayes this peace-maker ) if through our dis-unions the parliament should miscarry in the main cause in hand , not all our most professed friends in the world can preserve us from perishing . marke these words well , good reader , the main cause in hand , and consider the times , now , and certainly the peace-maker must needs mean religion and church-government ( not the businesse of war ) to be the main cause in hand , and then take speciall notice also of his so zealously maintaining of the parliamentarie-covenant , but with this proviso , that it be in his sense , and with his glosse set upon it , which i should wonder how this author dares thus to doe ( but that i now see they dare to doe any thing ) since as he well knows what a most deadly danger the author of the protestation protested was in , in former dayes , for putting his sense , as the parliaments sense , upon that parliamentarie-protestation . besides , how does this peace-maker agree with that crafty caution-contriver , mr. i. g. in his twelve cautions against the hot-pressers of reformation ? ( as hee flashingly termes the pious presbyterians ) who cannot endure a parliamentary-covenant-reformation of religion , or rather , as i may say , a covenanting-preparative to the worke of reformation of religion , as in those his twelve serious cautions , he most subtilely and slily ( like himselfe ) insinuates , and therein paddles , and pleases his own contentious humour , pretending indeed onely piety , but ayming ( as is most easie there to be understood ) at his own most dangerous and factious ends , his principall practice and trade for these many years . besides this peacemaker , we have also one m. walwin , a most egregiously pharisaicall whisperer , pharisaicall , i say ; for , in his frothy whisper in m. edwards his eare , pag. . he takes occasion ( just as his independent masters , the five apologists did also , in their apolog. nar. of themselves , so he ) to magnifie himselfe , not whispering ( now ) but blowing a trumpet of his own high prayses , with a long-breath , and a lowd-stentorian-voice , about two pages long in quarto , and all to paint out his own person to be such a seraphicall and angelicall-saint , yea , as it were , of such an immaculate , and sublimely refined nature and celestiall-temper , as if there were nihil humani , in the man ; in so much , that , truly for my part , i professe sincerely i never read or heard of such a notorious self-flatterer in all my life ; yea , certainly far transcending the proud pharisee mentioned in the the gospell . this pharisaicall whisperer , i say , being , now , turn'd like a weathercock , with the winde of temporizing-policy hath these words in that piece of his whispering-stuff , pag. . as far as it can , in this nation ( there 's a juggle ) i am certain , it belongeth only to the parliament to iudge what is agreeable to the word of god , and not unto the assembly of divines . ah , sir , is the case thus alter'd , now ? must the parliament only be judge in matters of religion ? whereas , heretofore , neither parliament , nor assembly ( by our sectaries familiar sentence ) had any such power . nay , see how hee goes on . and god ( sayes he ) hath blessed all their undertakings , in a wonderfull manner , by the hands of conscientious people , because of their just and tender regard unto freedome in religion , notwithstanding all importunity to the contrary ; meaning , in suffering all sorts of sectaries to doe what they list , notwithstanding all honest endevours of pious presbyterians , against licentious libertines and independents . thus this whisperer . but , to go on ; see , again , the strange boldnes of these our independents , set forth yet farther , by that most audacious jesuiticall-independent , the most seditious , yea , trayterous authour of the last warning to london . how , first , he most impudently quarrels at all government , both regall , civill and ecclesiasticall , and then scornfully contends with a government established by the parliament , in these words , pag. . , & . others ( meaning of the presbyterian partie ) are troubled with another as unreasonable a humour concerning ecclesiasticall government who are undone , ruined , and torne in peeces with rents and divisions if all the people may not be compelled to worship god as they doe , or in one uniforme way by the state established . yet ( sayes he ) p. . these are they that frame oaths and covenants for you in such ambiguous expressions ( like delphian-oracles ) that you shall seem to be bound to doe any thing they shall desire , be it ever so absurd or wicked . here , now , you see , this impudent independent will not endure a worship established by the state , when he fear'd the fall of his own partie , thereby : but look upon him a little farther , and see how notoriously he playes the jugler , and palpable impostor , pag. . in these very words . minde your own good ( this he also speaks to the city of london ) and cleave fast to the house of commons ; let no sorcerie or sophistrie divide you from them , be not importunate with them for church-government , but leave it to their wisdoms to measure-out unto the clergie , what may be for the quiet and profit of the people . see here now how the case is altered with this independent ; now , all must be left to the state , to the wisdome of the house of commons , now you see a parliamentary church government is the best . but , see again , how this satanicall-deceiver goes about most audaciously and sediciously to make a rent and division between the two houses of parliament . the lords ( says he ) are not to goe before the commons in determining what concerns the nations , their large answer to your last city-petition for church-government and suppression of conventicles , insinuates they would allure you from the commons , therefore observe them watchfully , and trust them accordingly , and let not any of these estrange you from that your faithfull councel , the house of commons . this is now adays , their tone and tune ; now , i say , that they suppose ( but most falsly i hope ) that the house of commons will either curb , or cast down the presbyterian-government , or at least grant a toleration to the independent-church way . but , in the meane season , judge ô my godly brethren , is not this a most satanicall dissembler , and abominable traitor too , to peace and truth ? and are not all these men brave and bold consciencious time-servers and time-observers for their own ayms and interests ? certainly , i think they are , or else i am still mightily mistaken . nay yet again , what a strange trick have they now of late taken up to abuse us withall ? even to make our solemne league and most sacred covenant that happy & heavenly tie upon our consciences to almighty god himself to be if possibly it may be ) a mayn snare and most da●gerous dilemma ( or nose of wax ) to undo us all ( in making us abominable and nauseous covenant-breakers ) by their false wrested comments and fallacious glosses & interpretations set upon it , for the surer and subtiller advance of their own wicked aymes and ends ; telling us that the parliament intended not the sense and acceptation of it , thus and thus , according to the letter of it , as we the presbyterians take it , and undiscreetly would have it ; neither for conformity to the church of scotland , or other reformed churches ; as my old deare , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unhappy friend m. burton in his fore-mentioned peacemaker seems to come too neer to such an interpretation of that branch of our covenant , when he sayes ; and why not rather to the churches of new-england , & yet he sees ( or may if he please ) the very church of scotland nominatim , expressed plainly in the covenant : but the letter ( they say ) must not stand for good ( but an , &c. ) sense , like the bishops oath . much , also , to this purpose , speaks that most wicked and seditious , yea , apparently jesuiticall last warning to london ; and walwin also that whisperer , and self-flated-flatterer , before more fully mentioned . and thus this godly party , these precious saints , willingly forget ( as i touched before ) or are now adayes ( without fear or piety ) most carelesse and fearlesse of the great danger of their lives , or , at least , of some severe corporall punishment , as the author of the protestation protested , once was in ( as i touched before ) for daring to wrest the sense of the covenants , orders or edicts of our wise and honourable parliamentarie senators , to their own private and most pernicious aymes and ends o tempora ! o mores ! if ever certainly , now , is that of the prophet jeremiah most truly and clearly fulfilled , and too manifest in these our independents : take ye heed , everyone , of his neighbour , and trust yee not in any brother ; for , every brother will utterly supplant , and every neighbour will walk with slanders . and for a most particular ratification of this scripture , i shall here give the reader a cleere example in an eminent independent past●r , now and long resident in this city , and well known to almost all in the city , viz. doctor homes , who succeeded reverend and religious master faucet , who being a sickly gentleman , and finding hee could not have his health well in the city , contracted with doctor homes about exchange of their livings , the one for the city , the other for the country in case of consent of the inhabitants of each place . master faucets parishioners out of their good respect and love to him , and for his desired accommodation , consented thereunto , and the rather also , as knowing the doctor to be a man of able parts , and perswaded he would live lovingly , and deale honestly and conscienciously with them , as a godly and faithfull pastor ought with his own people . after which consent the doctor procured a presentation from the ( then ) lord keeper to the bishop , and the next thing to be done was to have an induction from the bishop , but there the doctor made a stand , and desired conference with the parishioners about it ▪ to whom he declared the tendernes of his cōscience , and that he could not digest such an induction , he holding it antichristian , and yet without which he could not have the living , as the case then stood . whereupon the parishioners having very good thoughts of the doctor in those dayes , and hoping for much good by his ministry amongst them , were all of them willing to accept of him for their pastor , though he was not ( as the manner then was ) legally possest of the living provided , that the doctor should enter into bond to save the parish harmelesse from the next incumbent , for delapidations or any thing else that might befall them in that respect of the living , he not being proper incumbent . to this the doctor consented , seald the parish a bond , for the purposes aforesaid , and so the parishioners thought all was well between them , and thus it continued some few moneths , the doctor constantly preaching and officiating in his ministry amongst them ; but now at last , the doctor began to flag , and to be discontented , and would neither preach , nor doe ought else among his people as their minister , or but very seldom and discontentedly , and told the parishioners hee was troubled in minde , and bound in his spirit , and could not goe on comfortably with them , and desired therefore a conference with them all together , whereupon a meeting there was , and he then declared to them that he was much troubled in minde by reason of his engagement , and that it was a grèat hinderance to his studies , and to his other contentments , and that he could not goe on in preaching to them , till his engagement was taken off from him , making this a great argument therein , namely , that he had a wife , and that if god should take him away from her , his wife would then beliable to make good what he was bound to , but , that she was utterly unfit to deal in businesses of such a nature , and therefore , i say , he desired he might have in his bond again , or else he could not goe on comfortably in his ministry , and that if they would thus far favour and respect him , they should see how highly he should value their love therein , and how he would studie and strive to deserve it of them , bidding them trust him upon his word and promise , which accordingly they most freely and lovingly did , and gave him in the bond presently , and ever since that , they have paid soundly for it , for very shortly after hee began boldly to play reexs , to stand upon termes on tiptoe , as it were , with his parishioners , gathered an independent congregation , excluding all his foresaid loving parishioners from christian communion in their own parish church , except they would enter into a covenant with him , to walke according to his rule , which they not willing to yeeld unto he having got the keyes of the church from their clerke , keeps all the parishioners out , and will not administer the sacrament of the lords supper to any of them , not baptize any of their children , nor doe any act of a minister or pastor to his people , save what he would doe to a very turke or pagan , unlesse they will dance after his independent pipe ; and thus now the parishioners wander as sheepe without a sheepherd , glad to run into others pastures , and this they have gotten by trusting to a grave independents bare promise . and are not now the prophets words before recited , here too truly verified and confirmed ? the truth of all which though not extant in print under the doctors own hands ( as for shame is not like to be ) yet i am able to justifie by the testimonie of divers of the honest , able , religious , and understanding parishioners or inhabitants of that place , to full satisfaction . again who ever looks upon that peece of changeable taffatie , for i confesse t is finely spun ( as so are all his ) and yet interwoven with sablesilke , that is , much black-slander and jettie-jeers , i mean mr. john goodwins twelve serious considerable cautions about reformation , together with his soft and smooth probationer thereof , his independent brother master john bachiler ; o what prettie tinkling and tampering shall he there finde ( to abuse and blind-fold the understanding of their most willingly deceived and abused independent proselytes ) between the licenser and the licentious author , both upon the serious perusall of the crafty cautions themselves , and the licensers slie protestations ( there ) that he sees nothing therein contrary to sound doctrine and good manners ; and thus , in effect , hee also deals by his full approbation of my late friend mr. saltmarsh his most foggie and suffocating or choking smoake of the temple , touching which , i think , learned , grave and godly mr. ley , a reverend divine of the assembly hath sufficiently shewn him his grosse failings and weaknesses , to say no more ; and also his grones for liberty out of smectymnius , in neither of which also can mr. bachiler see any thing contrary to sound doctrine nor good manners though they bee full fraught ( especially , the grones for libertie ) with very false , falacious , and grossely misapplyed parallels , and unsavorie comparisons , between the cases or conditions and times of the dommeering prelates , ouer the truly tender consciences of the ( then ) truly godly nonconfommists , and our ( now ) pious presbyterians in their gracious and most moderate desire of unity and uniformity in sound doctrine , and scripturall discipline , with his schismaticall sectaries , in their most ungodly and ungrounded grones , or rather grunts , for abominable , yea damnable libertie of conscience , forsooth . nor can this tender conscienced licenser , to his deare independent authors , see ought amisse in master sal●marshes subtile and deceitfull treatise of free-grace , the glorious and specious deep-promising title whereof ( as learned and reverend master gatakar truly sayes , in his learned answer to that book of m. salimarshes ) on the very frontispeece , were bush enough of it self , to invite & intice ( guests ) to tast of such pretended precious liquor ; yet very much dangerous drinke of errour to be found therein , as mr. gatakar , i say , in that his learned and pious reply cleerely discovers , together also with master saltmarshes most injurious exceptions and discontents at reverend and religious master edwards his gangraena , of whom ( i mean master edwards ) i can say thus much , from master saltmarshes own mouth , on mine own particular knowledge , that i having got master saltmarsh both to heare master edwards preach in christ-church , and afterward to have much particular conference with him at my house , i and others have heard master saltmarsh give master edwards such high and honourable testimony both for his godly , sound , and satisfactory preaching , and also for his gravity , solidity , & sweetly tempered moderation in conference , as that i am confident , hee is not able to give more or better testimony and commendation of any independent or sectarie , whatsoever : yea , and he added these words unto me . i professe , sir ( says he to my selfe ) had i not thus heard m. edwards my self , i could not have believed the half thereof ; but , i am now glad i have , thus heard him , and conferred with him , that now i may ( as i will ) on all occasions , vindicate his reputation and honour , when ever i heare him traduced or ill-spoken of . or words full , to this effect . and all this , i say , i can most faithfully witnesse and testifie and so can others ) on mine own particular knowledge . truly , therefore , me thinks , had i said no more , in these respects , than what that worthy authour ( who ever he was ) of that , though succinct , yet most solid piece , entituled toichoructa , or independents razing their own foundation . wherein , he most singularly deciphers how neer the spirit of independents comes to remish jesuits , in their deceits and dissimulations , stretching their consciences beyond the the line of all fair-dealing ; had i , therefore , i say , said no more , me thinks , i had spoken enough to convince them of deep impiety and most foul iniquity , in the very way of their destructive schisme among us . nay , yet farther , take speciall notice , i beseech thee good reader , of one more even unparalell'd piece of impiety , and ( doubtlesse ) of unpattern'd palpable iniquity most worthily mentioned to their eternall and indelible shame and infamy by the foresaid authour of that toichoructa , which you shall finde exactly set downe , in that notable piece , pag , , . wherein hee shews how notoriously dissemblingly and unconscionably the independents of the assembly at westminster dealt with their presbyterian brethren , there , about commissioners to judge of sins not ennmerated in the ordinance touching admitting or not admitting to the sacrament of the lords supper . against which , when our presbyterian-divines desired their dissenting-brethren of the independent faction to joyn in a petition with them to the house of commons ; and although it is a thing which independents cannot according to their principles allow of ; yet , now , upon this just desire of their presbyterian-brethren , they answered ; the thing the assembly desired was good , yet they could not joyn with them therein because it might be a hinderance to a greater good which themselves desired . here 's policie to the purpose , indeed . and ( as the same authour goes on ) whether the independents have not had their hands deep in the promoting the businesse of commissioners and obstructing those wayes which might have prevented it i appeale to their owne consciences . now , if any one ask ( as well as wonder ) upon what principles , the indep●ndents can , in conscience , consent and approve of , yea , promote and farther ( as 't is too evident they have ) the laying on of such burthens upon other mens shoulders , as themselves cannot in conscience submit unto ? i answer , on what principles of conscience they thus proceed , i know not , but their prin●iples of policy , are divers and deep ; as first , themselves never meant to be unde● such bonds , but either hoped to get a formall toleration for their way , and exemption from such a rule , or at least , resolved to practise toleration in their seperated congregations , whether the magistrate tolerate it or not , unto them ; and therefore cared not how straight and pirching those or any bonds were made for others . thus and more , to this purpose , this worthy authour . now if all these be not prety independent tricks to play fast and loose with their brethren , i know not what belongs to fair play above board . and all these things being so evident and apparent to all truly pious and impartiall christians , that are not wilfully blinde , and so conspicuous under their own hands ( for the most part ) even all i have hither●o written of them , i cannot but exceedingly wonder how it should come to passe , that mens eyes and understanding ( especially too many even of the intelligent presbyterian party ) should be so blinded or rather besotted , and that their reason should be so gull'd and del●…ded , as to believe these and such like pernitious and perfidious pr●ctices to be consonant and agreeable to such pious-men and precious-saints ( i mean , i say , the heads and ring-leaders of them especially ) as the world cals and conceives them to be ; and therefore , they say , they dare not speak against them , or think evill of them ; considering i say in the first place ( as a sure ground to build their judgement on ) these scripture-marks and characters of a truly holy-saint and gracious citizen of the new-jerusalem ; and how d●ame●rally opposite thereunto , these independent sectaries walk , and how egregiously discrepant and remote they are from them . and , since , as our blessed saviour says , in the mouth , or testimony of two or three witnesses , every word or truth shall be established . i hope , this cloud of unquestionable self-condemning-testimonies , even as it were out of their own mouthes , and under their own hands ( the most of them ) may be abundantly sufficient , for the future , to stop the mouthes of our independent antagonists , and to satisfie the false conceits of any neutrall gainsayers , yea , and to make ( if it bee possible ) the boldest of them to blush and hold their tongues , or hide their faces for shame of themselves and their deceitfull and wicked way . and yet , i must confesse , i may seem , herein , to be much mistaken ( especially in the opinion of independents , object . and such as harken or adheare to them ) for , they have , most cunningly got a brave varnish to glaze over all these objections , and a fine back-do●e of evasion to get out at , from all these censures and surmises of presbyterians touching all these the independents seeming miscarriages ; namely , that all this which i have hitherto urged against them , as subtilties and deceivable errors , schismes or enormities , they finely and fairly call and count glorious new-lights , and rare-revelations . and , hence it is ( they will assure you ) that at the first they told us ( in their apologeticall narration ) that they would positively determine nothing in their church way or church-government , but forsooth , wait in expectation ( still ) of new-light , and so keep a reserve , to help themselves at a dead lift , for so are mr. burtons own words in his vindication . but hereunto , i answer , is not this a cleere jesuiticall juggle , and most like unto the popish equivocation , whereby the jesuits , seminarie-priests , and all jesuited papists did familiarly use to help themselves at a dead lift , answ . when they were examined upon any serious questions , even by a mentall reservation or equivocation to help themselves , i say , and thereby did they the more cunningly deceive the most acute argumentators and interrogating disputans that came against them ? and would not our independents , now adayes , by this their fine-trick of new-lights , forsooth , befool our faith , and make us believe they doe all now , by rare revelations ? herein , i say , dealing with us , just as the jesuites did with their proselytes and opposites too , in the point of transubstantiation , labour to make them believe that the bread and wine in the lords supper , were truly ; really , and corporally transubstantiated into the very body and bloud of christ even the very same which suffered and was shed on the crosse in all respects , though there was no visible change ( either to sight or sense ) in the bread or wine , but they still remained the same which they were before they were consecrated , whereof , when they were told so , they presently answered that it was so trāsinutated or changed by a miracle , forsooth , which indeed was a ridiculous and absurd answer ; for we never read of any miracle wrought either by any of the prophets , christ himself , or his apostles , but it was reall , evident , and visible , both to sight and sense to be a miracle indeed : even so i say to out independents , concerning their reserve or new-lights , tell them of any of their new & upstart errors , or vaporous enthusiasmes , or newly-revived-opinions or conceits , but indeed meer old errours ( call them what you please ) rak't out of the rotten ashes of ancient hereticks and schismaticks , presently their smooth and deceivable answer is ; o sir , these are not errours but new-lights , newly and rarely revealed to us by some sodain and secret inspiration , and when we demand or desire to have it made out unto us by gods written word , that they are reall and demonstrative , new-lights indeed , that we may evidently discerne them to be such , by that truest tonch-stone , the word of god , and not to be empty meteors and crotchets of their own brains ; then , alas , either through ignorance and deceivablenesse they cannot , or else with as much impertinencie as obstinacie , they will foolishly and falsely urge that of the prophet joel , and it shall come to passe , that i will poure out my spirit upon all flesh , and your sons and your daughters shall prophesie , &c. and your young men shall see visions . whereas this prophesie of joel ( as the apostle peter told the jews ) was clearly prophesied of , and mainly fulfilled in those times of the apostles , and then after our saviour christs ascention ( which were called those last-dayes , as all the learned observe ) the lord indeed poured out his spirit on all flesh , on young and old , male and female , and gave them power of admirably doing miracles and wonders , and then i say ( as the apostle peter , in that forecited scripture said ) was this prophesie of joel most apparently fulfilled , and so continued all the time of the apostles lives , and some of their holy disciples , even to about the time of the destruction of jerusalem . but what 's this to our times , wherein ( and long time before ) miracles are ceased ? can any of us dare to assume the extraordinary power of the spirit of god , to doe miracles , and worke wonders ? is it a miracle or a wonder ( indeed , i confesse it may be , to see such intolerable impudence ) to see young saucie boyes ( in comparison ) bold botching taylors , and other most audacious illiterate mechanicks , to run rudely and rashly ( and unsent for too ) out of their shops into a pulpit ; to see bold impudent huswives , without al womanly modesty , to take upon them ( in the naturall volubility of their tongues , & quick wits , or strong memories onely ) to prate ( not preach or prophesie ) after a narrative or discoursing manner , an houre or more , and that most directly contrary to the apostles inhibition ; but where , i say , is their extraordinary spirit poured out upon them , either in the gift of tongues ( except it be the lying and the slanderous tongues , which are rather the gifts of the evil spirit , as the apostle james testifies ) in gifts of miraculous healing the sick and sore , and such like ? where , i say , are any of these in our old or young tradesmen , or bould beatriceses of the female sex ? and does not the apostle peter most punctually come up to this very thing of our independents , even to shew us this most notable dissembling and fallacious trick of new-lights , and fained revelations , which he foresaw would follow his departure out of his earthly-tabernacle , , and therefore forewarns the people of god to beware of them , telling them , verse . that he and the rest of the faithfull apostles used not cunningly devised fables ( or new inventions of their own or other mens brains ) when they made known the power and comming of the lord jesus unto them . adding at length this most immoveable and infalible rule for them to walk by , and to be guided with , ver. . but we have a more sure word of prophesie , whereunto you doe well that yee take heed , as unto a light that shineth in a darke place , till the day dawn , and the day-star ( of truth ) arise in your hearts . away , then , with this notorious deceitfull trick of new-lights ( for shame ) and of your rare revelations ; cheat not the people of god and your own soules , especially , with these deceivable devices of your own brains , and schismaticall spirits . but , this , most certainly , is the independent way , now adayes , among us , to the great disturbance of the peace and comfort of the people of the lord , and when we justly tell them of their unfaithfull dealing , and down right deceiving , by this their trick of new-lights ; o then , just as the jesuits and popish priests , in queene maries dayes , and of later times , called those that would not believe their popish trick of transubstantiation to be a miracle , they called and counted them , i say , hereticks : so these our independents ( if we will not , and cannot in our consciences , nor by any of their demonstrations , beleeve their trick of new-lights to be a scripture revelation of some rare truth of god not formerly known but a meere conceit , yea , a plain deceit ) ô then presently , i say , our independents call and count us ( as my selfe heard master burroughs deliver such an expression in one of his lectures at michaels in corn-hill ) carnall and prophane presbyterians , grievers and despisers of the saints and godly party , forsooth , and contemners of the gifts of the spirit , whereas indeed there is no such thing in them , but they most palpable and impudent impostors . and thus , the lord knows , they goe about deceiving and being deceived , and truly , hinc illae lachrima , heer 's the source , the rice and originall of all these unhappie and unholy jars and divisions between us ; they are so nimble and quick-sighted in apprehension of new-lights , and we are so dull and obtuse ( if they will have it so ) and hard of belief to be led , or rather misled by them , as not being able to discerne so much out of gods word , till when , we shall ever question and quarrell at this novell and vain device of theirs . but again , our independents have one trick more , at least to put us object finely off from our just objurgations with them , and accusations of them , concerning their most dangerous and damnable errours , now adayes broacht by them , and brag'd of among them , viz. that wee are too uncharitable in thus upbraiding the saints with their infirmities , forsooth ; yea , and ( as i touch'd before ) in laying the failings and slips of onely the retrimentitious ▪ partie ( as master iohn goodwin terms them , as before ) that is , in plain english the excrements or dregs of sectaries , independents , anabaptists , and such like . where first answer . take notice , good reader , by way of reply hereunto in generall , that master iohn goodwin confesses , there is a retrimentitious or excrementall-partie among his saints . secondly , that he calls and counts their dangerous , damnable , and blasphemous errours , with the rest of their foul impieties , but sins of infirmity . but more particularly to the first , i briefly answer , that as i have sufficiently made it clear , all along in this treatise , they are not onely the retrimentitious-partie of their independent saints , that deale thus dangerously and deceitfully with us , but the very best and bravest , yea , seemingly , gravest grandees of them all . secondly , is not master iohn goodwin , or any of the rest of them ashamed , to call such abusive and abominable errours and such foul and frequent facts of impiety ( as they are too justly taxed with , and found guilty of ) sins onely of infirmity ? can he or they make us beleeve that they know not how to distinguish between sins of weaknesse or infirmity , and reigning-sins , church-disgracing and conscience-wounding abominations ? for my part i conceive ( under correction ) sins of infirmity are such as are committed either ignorantly , or if knowingly , yet ) fearfully , and with much reluctation of spirit , seldom , and that with much vehement repentance and godly sorrow after conviction , with purpose and bent of heart ( by gods grace ) to be more watch full against them for the future , and such like . as for reigning-sins , i conceive them to be , sins committed or acted knowingly , affectedly , promeditately , resolutely , constantly , or frequently and familiarly against all evidences of conviction or exhortation against them , yea , and so far from repentance for them , as to justifie them and rejoyce and boast in them ; together with such like other sad symptomes thereof . now , whether very many of our profest independents embrace or act their dangerous errours , lying , double dealing , and the like , as aforesaid , in the former or in the latter capacity or condition , as sins of weaknesse or of wilfulnesse , and affected obstinacy , i leave themselves to judge and faithfully to examine their own hearts and consciences ( for , to their own master they stand or fall ) and to all others also , who impartially observe and take notice of their carriage and conversation ; especially , upon serious consideration of those characters of a true saint , which i have faithfully fore-mentioned to them ; all that i will , for my part , say herein , is , to tell you my strong fears , that , in regard of the premises , i cannot but greatly suspect and doubt , in the latter capacity ( i say , very many of them ) so proud , so pragmaticall , so insolent and obstinate are they in a most ungrounded defence of their evils and errours ; and on these grounds , i must confesse i cannot judge more tenderly of them . and again , i say , in yet more full answer to this objection ; how dare any of them call or account any the ( seeming ) least of their errours , small-sins or no-sins , being against the eternall truth , of our most pure object . and holy god ? and whereas in the last place they cry out against us , and tax us , not onely of want of charity , but asperse us with plain impiety , for urging against them , and accusing them openly or inprint , of their foul offences , and openly taught and maintained dangerous errours , schismes , and enormities , and of their damnable doctrines and opinions : i say , and will avouch and maintain it , that our work and way herein , is both holy , honest , and warrantable from the word it self ; and particularly from that of the apostle paul , who answ . himselfe tels us , that , when peter ( who at that time seemed a pillar of gods house , the church ) did that which was worthy of blame , and that , openly , to the prejudice and so and all of gods people and cause : this blessed apostle , i say , tels us , that he withstood peter and rebuked him , even to his face for his dissimulation , and for being a means ( thereby to ensnare barnabas also into the same foule fault with him ; even the very same , whereof i now here complain in our independents and their schismaticall brethren , namely , dissimulation or double-dealing . yea , and ( as the same blessed , wise , and holy apostle said ) they are most worthy to be even most sharply rebuked , and also openly , in regard they have offended and dissembled so openly , even in print , therefore are , i say , to be reproved in paint , whereas , indeed , had they offended but in private , god forbid , but we should tenderly have dealt in private with them . and this indeed hath been a main ground of the quarrell between reverend master edwards , and his independent antagonists , who have most injuriously abused him with slanders , onely , or mainly for his zealous opposing , and sharpe reproving the open errours , schismes , and scandalous miscarriages of these men , who can be content to dishonour god and his truth , but cannot endure to be taxt and told of it , though the apostle tels them they are worthy to be blamed for it , and therefore in this respect , though ( according to that old axiome , amicus socrates , amicus plato , magic tamen amica veritas , though such an one is my friend , and such an one is my old acquaintance and friend , yet , by gods grace , truth is and shall be my best friend , yea , and i say as my blessed lord and master christ jesus said , to this end was i born , and for this cause came i into the world , that i should bear witnesse ( with the rest of gods faithfull ones ) to the truth ; and fully and faithfully to speake and declare the truth with all holinesse , godly zeal , courage and impartiality against whomsoever , in this case neither regarding the favours or frowns of any , but onely ayming at the glory of my god , which , i say , was the main end of my creation . but to conclude and shut up all i have now to say , it is most probable that our independents , and the rest of their schismaticall fraternity ( for as i have formerly toucht , i make account all the rest of the sectaries , are for certain independents ) object . will again , now at last object and say unto me ; that all this while i have but pleased my selfe , in beating the ayre , and shooting at rovers , being wide of the marke and much mistaken , in all that i have taxed and accused them with all , for none of them are at all perswaded or convinced in their consciences , that any of those which master edwards , or i , call errours or schismes , are schismes or sins , but ( as answer . was touched before ) new-lights , and new-revealed truths . whereunto i answer , with sorrow of soule for their sakes , i easily , indeed , believe they will say so , and i cannot much marvell at it , since ( as those demetrians said ) by this craft they have got much gain . and since i see this is their obstinate and inflexible resolution , thus , still , to say and hold , and that they are before hand resolved ( for private interests and self-aymes sake ) that no clearest demonstrative reasons or argumentations ( no though from apparent scripture , or scripture-consequences ) shall beat them off , or disswade them from these satans strong stratagems of new-light , new-revelations , keeping reserves , and liberty of conscience ; i therefore will say no more unto them , but with the spirit of the lord , said to obstinate and incorrigible ones ; hee that is unjust , let him be unjust still , and he that is filthy let him bee filthy still ; and he that is righteous , ô let him be righteous still ; and hee that is holy , let him be holy still ? onely , i herein may comfortably say to mine own heart , liberavi animam meam : yet , as the religious bonds of piety and charity binde me ) from my soule i shall unfainedly pray ( as the lord knows i daily doe ) that god would in the riches of his grace in christ jesus open their eyes and speake to their hearts , shew them the evill of their ways , and the great danger of their destructive errours , to the ruine of the whole kingdom , yea , of the three whole kingdoms , if they doe not timely retract and repent of those great and gangrene evils and blasphemous errours , which have enflamed almost the whole kingdom ( by their new-lights ) as so many firebrands to set on fire three whole kingdoms , i say , if the lord in mercie ( by the wisdome , piety , and impartiallity of our parliament ) quench not the flame in time , and graciously reconcile us not together by godly peace , unity , and unanimity of spirit , which the lord in much mercie grant unto us for his sake , who is the prince of peace , truth , and love , and of all godly order , even the lord christ the righteous , to whom be all honour , praise , dominion , with holy and hearty universall obedience , for ever , amen . the opinion and advice ( as it is deemed ) of monsieur de moulin , professor of divinity , in the vniversity of sedan , in france ; concerning the opinion of those who are named independents , in england . wherein , the inconcinnity and unreasonablenesse , if not apparent impiety of independents , in the mayn point of classicall-discipline , is most evidently discovered , by this eminently reverend and learned divine , to the shame and silence of our obstinate independents . sir , a certain friend of mine , an honest religious man hath given me notice , that certain persons doe finde fault with the order and discipline established in our church ; in which , the consistory are subject to the colloquies , and the colloquies to the provinciall synod ; and the provinciall to the nationall synod . and their desire is to have every particular consistory or congregation of one and the same absolute authority , independent from any superiour authority or assembly whatsoever . upon which , my said friend earnestly desired to have my opinion or judgement on the matter ; which , being of such a nature and importance , i could not any way decline , or deny his request , which , i have here set down , and is as followeth . i say , that those which propound this opinion ought in no manner or wise to be hearkened unto ; for if in case this their opinion were followed , there could nothing else ensue but the certain ruine of the church , and an extreme confusion , for the severall reasons , heer following . first , it happeneth often times , that two ministers of one parish or congregation , fall our and are at variance , and thereupon they separate and divide the congregation into two factions , in such an occasion of necessity , there must needs be the helpe of a superiour authority . secondly , the church or congregation hath but one minister , and he leads an ungodly life , to the scandall of the church , and the consistory of that congregation censureth him , all being of one accord or if it happen that the said consistory be divided , and of two opinions , there can be ( surely ) in such a case , no remedy , but by a superiour power and authority of colloquies or synods , who have power to depose and appoint such ministers ( or such a minister ) if there be but one ) as they shall think fit , and they or he desiring to be deposeth ? who shall depose him , the elders onely of the consistory , or the whole congregation or assembly ? shall they give sentence against them or him ? thirdly , if any one of the congregation bee unjustly suspended from the holy communion or absolutely excommunicated , unto whom shall he direct himselfe to be re-admitted to the congregation ; or to whom shall be direct his complaint , if so be the consistory who have unjustly suspended or excommunicated him , have an absolute authority to themselves without dependencie upon any other ? if any new heresies happen to be raised in any church , and that some ministers and congregations become infected therewith , what remedy is there to avoid this great evill , but by a synod , who may examine and depose the obstinate minister or partie who infecteth the church ? had not the synod of dort remedied this evill , the arminianisme was spreading it selfe over that whole countrey , and had unavoidably prevailed . for in case that every consistory or parish had been absolute of themselves and independent , they might have refused the resolution of the said synod , alleadging that they were not subject to synods , but had an absolute authority within themselves . it is the chiefe and peculiar work of synods , which they always first take in hand , to heare the complaint of particular churches , and to judge of appeals : if these be taken away from the synods , they need no more to meet , for they have nothing to doe : for to no purpose should they pronounce their judgements , if they might govern according to their own mindes , as if every parish were made a particular soveraignty which would be an order , which was never practised nor used in any place since the apostles . there are many small parishes in the countrey , where the consistory is composed of one minister ( of none of the greatest capacity ) and of foure or five countrey-men , or clowns , who are elders of that church : and shall to such a church be given such an absolute independent authority ? and if their minister happen to die , will you believe those clowns sitting to judge of the capacity of a new minister , to give him the imposition of hands , or to order in this case what ever may be needfull ? if upon occasion of wars or distractions in the kingdom , it be necessary to keepe a day of fasting and humiliation , through all the churches in the kingdom , who shall ordain this fast , or who shall appoint the day of celebration thereof ? if it be necessary to remonstrate to the kings majestie , the complaint of all the churches in generall , who shall depute the partie that shall present the petition of the churches of the whole kingdom ? if upon any occasion it be found needfull to alter any thing in the discipline of the church in generall , and to make any new necessary orders in the same , to be observed generally , can this be done by particular consistories being independent , and who are not subject to any generall ordinance ? in brief , it ought to be believed that the dependencie of particular churches to superiour powers , is that which maintains the union of the church , and this being taken away , there would remain no more correspondencie , but a wilfull and wofull confusion would soon appear . no man ought to be judge in his own cause . but if there happen a contention between two churches ( as it happeneth too often ) neither of these two churches can be judge in their own cause , and of necessity there must be reliefe by a superiour authority , else all will be naught between them , i will not believe ( though i confesse there is cause of jealousie ) that those that desire this independencie have any intelligence with the enemie , and that thereby they seeke ( under pretence of reformation ) to bring us into a confusion , or at least to expose us to the laughter of our enemies , though , i say , i fear this , by many symptomes thereof , i rather will ( in charity ) believe they err through want of experience , and knowledge of what is profitable for the church of god . the end of every good christian and common-wealths man , is to glorifie god in maintaining his true religion , to serve the king in the preservation of his royall person and dignity , and to procure the common good in maintaining justice , and liberty of the subject and kingdom . all these ( though three branches ) arise and spring from one root , and have the same essense and being : but it is impossible that any man should truly affect the king or common-wealth that is slight and negligent in religion , nor can any man fully discharge his duty to god , that is not carefull of king and common-wealth , see then ô independents , by this foresaid solid judgement , how feeble and false , yea , how dangerous and destructive your independent church-way is . the lord open your eyes to see it , and give you hearts affected with much sorrow for your obstinacie in it , and in his good time , graciously convert you from it , to embrace peace and truth with your presbyterian brethren , thus prayes . yours , j. v. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- ill weeds grow apace . want of weeding of gods garden , the church . plain-english . pretended piety and holinesse of life one great cause of the growth of independencie . pretence of preaching sound doctrine another cause of independents growth among us . schismaticks are like salamanders . pretence of preaching sound doctrine a cause of independents growth . sound-doctrine overthrown by our independents . a pregnant s●●●le . the word & sacraments are the vineyard or garden of the lord . godly government or scripturall church-discipline is the wall or fence about it . fals-doctrines preached and broached by independents and other sectaries . object . answ . toleration & liberty of conscience the only inlets for all other abominable opinions . iudges . , . independents and all other sectaries compared most fitly to sampsons foxes . pretended piety a second cause of independents growth among us . the seeming holinesse of hereticks of the primitive church . the outward seeming holy lives of the scribes and pharisees in our saviours time . cor. . , . mark this , ô all yee honest and plain hearted christians , that are apt to be deceived and seduced . holinesse of life is a false touchstone to try sound men by . cor. . . soundnesse in doctrine is a true touchstone to try a sound man by gal. . , . soundnesse in doctrine though accompanied with humane infirmities is a safer way to try men , than seeming-exact walking accompanied with errours in doctrine . the main promised point , now , proved . the certain characters of a truly godly-man . psal. . , . matth. . . revel. . . a pretty passage concerning m. peters . independents a generation of notorious dissemblers & sly deceivers . isaiah . . cretensis , p. . m. iohn goodwins retrimentitious-party of sectaries . the five famous apologists . the apologeticall narration intended by the independents for their credit , proved far otherwise . the apologists are gods poore exiles ; and how . antapol . p. . apol. nar. p. . apol. nar. p. . & . see heere the most strange & unblushing false dealing of the independents with presbyterians , contrary to their own words and protestations . another notable and undenyable false dealing of the independents with the presbyterians . antapolo . p. see heere also how most unblushingly the independents deal falsly with the presbyterians . a notable passage of fallacy , in the independents acted by mr. phil●p nye , one of their grand politicians . a remarkable discovery of the independents notorious subtilty & double-dealing . mr. nye palpably coozens mr. calamy of the writing or instrument that tyed the independents to be honest . antapol . p. the most shamelesse & slanderous remonstrance against the assembly of divines owned and subscribed by seven of the most eminent independents . the independents double-dealing about their apolog. narration . the strange & most urgent & earnest importunity of the presbyterians to procure a modell of the independents church-government . answer to the remonstrance mr. tho : goodwin , at last , chosen , by the independents to frame their new-modell of their church-way . parturiunt montes nascitur ridiculus mus. a most shamelesse and slanderous remonstrance against the assembly exhibited to the assembly ( instead of their new-modell ) by seven of the most eminent independents . the perfect practice of deceives . an answer of the assembly of divines to the remonstrance of the independents in mr. burton in his sermon ; for god and the king , p. . a fair tale told by the sectaries for themselves . still , more notorious double dealing , under the independents own hands . mr. iohn goodwin . mr. burton . christ upon his throne . mr. iohn lilburn . arraignment of mr. persesecution . the notorious double-dealing of independents touching the power of parliaments in church-government and matters of religion . the peace-maker , pag. . &c. the protestation protested . mr. i. g. in his . serious . cautions , &c. luke . , . the last warning to london . our holy covenant made an ensnaring dangerous dilemma to our consciences by the independents subtilties . the peace-maker . ierem. . . an independent jugling trick play'd by doctor homes with his parishioners . ier. . . mr. iohn bachilers approbation of a company of most pernicicious & schismaticall pamphlets , yet pretends all to be pious , sound and good . m. saltmarsh his singular testimony of m. edwards his preaching and conference . toichoructa , or , independents razing their own foundation . a remarkable piece of independents impiety . mat. . . a prettie independent evasion of all hitherto urged against independents . new-lights . vindication p. . donec ad triarios redieritres . independents emptie new-lights , and popish equivocation compared together . ioel . . acts . , . the extreme impiety , folly , and absurdity of the audacious sectaries both man and wom●n of our times , under a pretence of new-light , from the prophesie of ioel. cor. . tim. , & pet. . . iam. , , . here is an old light , and a true light indred . the independent saints infirmities must not bee medled with . cretensis , p. . not only the retrimentitious-party , but the gravest grandees of the independent-party . sins of infirmity briefly described . ragining sins briefly described . no errour into be accounted a small sin . the independents tax the presbyterians with piety for writing against their errours openly . galat. . . ibid. . . titus . . iohn . acts . . revel. . . a treatise of church-government occasion'd by some letters lately printed concerning the same subject / by robert burscough ... burscough, robert, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a treatise of church-government occasion'd by some letters lately printed concerning the same subject / by robert burscough ... burscough, robert, - . [ ], xxxvii, [ ], p. printed for samuel smith ..., london : . first ed. cf. dnb. errata: p. [ ] ( rd pagination). reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng burthogge, richard, ?-ca. . -- nature of church-government. church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur . z. isham , r. p. d. henr. episc . lond. à sacris . feb. . / . a treatise of church-government : occasion'd by some letters lately printed concerning the same subject . by robert burscough , m. a. london , printed for samuel smith , at the prince's arms in st. paul's church-yard . . the preface to the reader . an observing italian has given us an account of a transaction , which is not so well known amongst us , as many others of the like nature . he acquaints us , that in an assembly of catholicks , as he calls them , which were brought together by the late earl of bristol , a consultation was held concerning the fittest means of propagating their religion in this kingdom : and they agreed , that one of the most proper methods they could make use of for that purpose , was , to testifie a mighty zeal , and to make a great shew of friendship , for the non-conformists . whereupon , he tells us , they represented them as men of trade , whose sufferings would be prejudicial to the nation . they pretended to commiserate their condition , and declaim'd perpetually against persecution . and there were two things , he says , which they propos'd to themselves in this conduct . * the first , was to maintain the sectaries against the church of england ; hoping they might sooner destroy it by intestine divisions , and so more easily open a gate to popery . the second was , under a pretence of tolerating these sectaries , to stop the execution of the laws about religion , that their priests might meet with less opposition in advancing the religion of the church of rome . in pursuance of this design , as my author also informs us , they prevail'd with king charles the second to issue out his declaration for liberty of conscience ; which was recall'd by the interposition of the parliament : but the project , which was then so happily blafted by the parliament , reviv'd to amazement in the following reign , and the nation had the pain to see a jesuite made a privy counsellor and prime minister of state , and the protestant dissenters very deep in his interests , and warm under his influence ; to see these dissenters so liberally offering up their incense to the court , which was then labouring to inslave us to the pope ; and the court answering their devotion with many favors . for so it was , as every body knows : and when this alliance was confirm'd between them , hardly a week pass'd over our heads , which did not bring us fresh intelligence of their mutual endearments . what i have said of the dissenters , must not be understood of the whole body of them without exception : for to do them right , some of them were afflicted at the shameful confederacy in which their brethren were engaged : but neither in number , nor in zeal and diligence did they equal those that beheld our church in distress , with such eyes , as the children of edom look'd on jerusalem , in the day of her adversity , when they cry'd to the babylonians , rase it , rase it to the foundation . but it pleas'd god to disappoint their devices , so that their hands could not perform their enterprise : and one might then have thought , that the reflection on their actions , should have been such a mortification to them , as would have dispos'd them to an accommodation and union with those , from whom they had made an unreasonable separation ; and who were so willing to forget their former miscarriages , and to receive them with all imaginable tenderness . but they , on the contrary , have since appear'd more averse from the way of peace than ever . and it is observable , that the kindness of the papists , put them into a strange fit of complaisance , and was the cause , that either they employ'd their pens in the service of the church of rome , or not against it : but the obligations which they have receiv'd from the conformists , instead of abating , have inflam'd their rage , and given them encouragement to write abundance of books , such as they are , against the church of england . and this may shew , how dissatisfied they remain in their present circumstances , and that as long as we live with them , and not under them , we are like to hear of their complaints . when my adversary , who is of their number , and gave occasion to this discourse , saw their politicks , and his own defeated , i had hopes that he would leave me to the retirement i affected , and give me no farther trouble with his disputes about church-government . i was in expectation , that he would either study to be quiet , or that i should meet with him amongst some late apologists . but when i least suspected it , he appears in print on the offensive side , and rudely attacking a whole community , he would persuade his readers * , that a separate national jurisdiction , such as he supposes that of our ecclesiastical rulers to be , cannot but weaken the jurisdiction of kings and other states , and is neither more nor less , but the very same thing that heretofore was found so burdensom under the papacy , and that made the best and wisest and greatest of our kings so uneasie . so that he lays it down , he says , as a maxim , that nothing can be of greater danger to any government , than a national hierarchy , that does not depend upon it , or is not in the measures and interests of it . fresh experience has learn'd us this . in which words , his design is to cast an odium on the conforming clergy , and to suggest , that they have been hurtful unto kings , and usurpt a jurisdiction that is inconsistent with the safety , and the rights of sovereignty . but if this cannot be prov'd against them , either from the nature of their jurisdiction it self , or from their national union , or matter of fact , on which he grounds the charge , he must be content to bear the infamy of a false accuser . by the jurisdiction of the clergy , which is first to be consider'd , either he understands , that which is spiritual , and such as the pastors of the church receiv'd from christ ; and to say that this hath no limits , and is pernicious to the state , is not only to injure the truth , but to cast a reproach upon our lord himself : or else he means their temporal authority , with which they have been legally vested by sovereign princes , and then he knows that he hath falsly call'd it independent , unboundable and uncontrollable ‖ : he knows it is false , that this is neither more nor less , but the very same supreme and absolute power which the popes claim'd and usurpt , and by which they made our kings so uneasie : and i leave him to answer the convictions of his own conscience , for the wrong he hath done the reformation by so odious a reflexion . another thing on which he grounds his censure of the clergy , is their national union ; and he argues , that this , together with the independence which he ascribes to them , must needs render them very dangerous , as putting them into a condition of being made a powerful faction , and easie to be practis'd upon ; and inabling the heads of the faction to convey malignity to all their subordinates , and these to the people * . and thus , when the abolishing of the episcopal government with all its dependences , root and branch , was in agitation , mr. nathaniel fiennes objected ‖ against the bishops , that by their power over other ministers , who had an influence upon the people , they might mould them both according to their own wills ; and having put out our eyes , says he , as the philistins did sampson 's , they may afterwards make us grind , and reduce us to what slavery they please . a dreadful thing indeed , had there been any foundation for the apprehension of it . but if such fantômes as may at any time be rais'd by art or the strength of imagination , and have nothing in them of substance or reality , be sufficient to disquiet us , we are like to enjoy but little rest . and to come nearer to the purpose ; if a meer possibility of doing hurt , be so dangerous and formidable to princes , this would be enough to create in them frightful idea's of their guards and their armies , and of all that are about them , and render them at last , like pashur , a terror to themselves . he could not but see , that a meer capacity in the clergy of conveying malignity , was not sufficient to make them enemies to the state ; and he pretends , that they have been actually guilty of a most notorious defection from their duty to the civil magistrate , and that it has been found by experience , not only that there never was , but that there never can be in the world , a thing more dangerous to any government , than the national hierarchy . an accusation that sounds very harsh , and runs high , not against a few single persons only , but a considerable society . but he hath not told us , in what instance they were liable to it , or when it was they became so criminal . it is certain , that in the reign of queen elizabeth , they could not deserve so hateful a character . for jealous as she was of her glory , she could not find , that it was eclips'd by them . but she did perceive , how necessary it was , to check and repress the attempts against them , and was sensible , as mr. camden acquaints us * that her own authority was struck at through the sides of the bishops . as this admirable princess penetrated into the secrets of foreign courts , so she perfectly understood the interests of her own kingdoms : and if any would know , what she thought of some fiery zealots of those times , who spent their heats in opposing episcopacy and the liturgy , it may be seen in serjeant puckering's speech , recorded by sr. william dugdale ‖ , for it is made by her command . her successor king james could never discover , that nothing could be more dangerous to him , than the national hierarchy . he always believ'd , that episcopacy was of divine institution : and as he found it establish'd here , to his great satisfaction ; so he never saw cause to repent of his defence of it , and the privileges annex'd to it . how well he approv'd the constitution of the church of england , may appear from hence , that in his speech in the star-chamber he affirm'd , * that of any church that ever he read or knew of , present or past , he thought in his conscience , this was the most pure , and nearest the primitive and apostolical church in doctrine and discipline , and the sureliest founded on the word of god of any church in christendom . at the same time he complain'd of the contempt that was cast on a church so reform'd , and the governours thereof ; and looking on it as a sign of impending judgments , he says , god will not bless us and our laws , if we do not reverence and obey gods law , which cannot be , except the interpreters of it be respected and reverenced . such a regard he had for them , from a principle of religion ; and their fidelity to him was answerable to it ; and contributed not a little to the safety of his person , the support of the throne , and the welfare of the nation . but as for the many dangers to which he was expos'd , they arose from other quarters . they either proceeded from the conspiracies of papists , whose principles he examin'd and confuted ‖ , that neither the subversion of states , nor the murthers of kings , should have free passage in the world , for want of timely advertisement ; or from the practices of another sort of persons , whom he calls * the very pests in the church and common-wealth ; and by whom , as he declares to all christian monarchs , free princes and states , he was persecuted , not from his birth only , but four months before his birth . in the reign of king charles the first , the clergy were not wanting in their demonstrations of loyalty , as we all know , and they felt . yet i grant , that some had discours'd before his majesty , that episcopacy , as claim'd and exercis'd within this realm , was not a little derogatory to the regal authority , as well in the point of supremacy , as prerogative ; in the one , by claiming the function as by a divine right ; in the other , by exercising the jurisdiction in their own names : but on that occasion , he told dr. sanderson , that he did not believe , the church-government , as by law establish'd , was in either of the aforesaid respects , or any other way prejudicial to his crown . nevertheless he requir'd that learned man , from whom i borrow'd this relation , to draw up an answer to those two objections , for the satisfaction of others ; which he did accordingly : and i shall only crave leave , to transcribe from him the following words , which he uses near the conclusion of his treatise ‖ , by this time , says he , i doubt not , all that are not wilfully blind , do see and understand by sad experience , that it had been far better both with king and kingdom , than now it is , or is like to be in haste , if the enemies of episcopacy had meant no worse to the king and his crown , than the bishops and those that favour'd them did . i shall not further exercise your patience , in going about to prove , that the clergy were faithful to the crown in the reign of king charles the second . you may well enough remember what king james the second acknowledged * , that the church of england had been eminently loyal in the defence of his father , and support of his brother in the worst of times . but that our church-men have since revolted from their principles , which were then said to be for monarchy , i do not understand . nor was our author willing in plain terms to inform us , when it was that they became such examples of malignity , lest the calumny might easily be detected . yet , obscure as he is , he hath left us a key to his meaning : for he intimates , that they have been found to be dangerous by fresh experience , when they were not in the measures and interests of the government , respecting doubtless the late times , before the great revolution . and so the secret comes out , which was at the bottom , and rais'd his indignation . in the opinion you see of this gentleman , the clergy were then so very dangerous , when with so much courage they threw themselvs in the breach that was made by the dispensing power , and were asserting and labouring to preserve our laws and liberties , which others were offering up in sacrifice : they were then conveying their malignity to the people , when in their books and sermons , they defended the cause of the reformation with so much success , that popery lay gasping before them in great agonies , notwithstanding the cordials that were administred to it by other hands . and then indeed the king was uneasie , because his endeavours , to establish his religion , did not make the impressions he desir'd : and the jesuits and their associats were uneasie , because their measures were broken , and their expectation of extirpating the northern heresie defeated : and such of the dissenters , as had been assisting and pushing them on in works of darkness , were uneasie at the reproach they had brought upon themselves by their ill conduct . but in the rest of the nation there appear'd a general satisfaction , to see truth prevailing by lawful methods , against the errors of the church of rome , when they were cover'd with a powerful protection . one may wonder , what it is that induced our author to lead our thoughts to the transactions of those times ; since it would be more for his reputation , could he bury them in oblivion , or cover them with a veil of darkness . but it seems , he cannot dissemble how much he was affected with the management of affairs , when himself was in the interests and measures of the government , and when in a pamphlet intitled , prudential reasons for repealing the penal laws against all recusants , &c. penn'd by a protestant person of quality , he declar'd to the world , that king james the second had a clearer prospect of his own and the kingdoms interest , than any of his royal predecessors ever had , and pursu'd it with that conduct and vigour , which did correspond with the miracles that preserv'd the crown for him , and him for the crown , and for a glory greater than that of wearing crowns , to wit , to be the restorer of religion to liberty and freedom of exercise . and with such exquisite and servile flattery , was that unfortunate prince encouraged in the large steps he made to his ruine . that i have imputed to my adversary the harangue which i have quoted from the prudential reasons , you will not think strange , when i have told you , that sometime since i received several controversial letters , written by the hand of a non-conformist preacher , who subscrib'd them in his own name , and profess'd and persuaded his easie followers , that they were his own : but he could not deny , when the charge was lay'd before him , that they were compos'd by the protestant person of quality , as he is pleas'd to call himself , who hath lately publish'd some part of them , to which this treatise contains an answer . but how his amanuensis resents this usage , or contented he is to be stript of his borrowed plumes , and left naked to the pity or derision of spectators , as they are variously affected , i pretend not to discover . some may think he hath had very hard measure , and that he had much better never have enjoy'd the glory of his masters labours , than be depriv'd of it in such a manner ; but that i leave to be adjusted between themselves . and i had not said thus much of their combination , but out of great compassion to a deluded people , that i may let them see , if they do not wilfully shut their eyes on what it is they grounded their insolent boasting ; by what impostures they have been abus'd , and by what arts they have been engaged and encourag'd in their schism . here it may be fit to take notice , that since our author appear'd in open light , his style differs much from what it was before : for many pages of his manuscript papers , which i have by me , are fill'd with bitter invectives against me , and other conformists ; but it is in some measure true , what he now says , that his printed letters are refin'd from personal reflexions . he thought , it seems , that scurrility was suitable enough to the part he acted , when he sustain'd the person of another , and was asham'd of it , when he laid aside his disguise . yet since he shews no repentance for his former provocations , nor forbears to strike at the whole body of the conforming clergy , some may object , that i have handled him with an excess of tenderness . but i wish no greater defects may be found in this discourse , than that i have err'd on the side of lenity , and i shall not be much concern'd at this exception . nevertheless my adversary may be assur'd , that such a conduct as his must needs have awaken'd the observation of many , and i cannot promise , that others will spare him , as i have done ; or that he may not receive such correction from a severer hand , as he is not stoick enough to bear . for my part , i could have been content , if he had refin'd away none of his personal reflexions . i was willing enough that the world should have seen with what an impotent fury i have been assaulted by him , and i should have been glad to have been eas'd of the fatigue of writing and giving a new turn to the answers i had sent him . but for his own sake , i congratulate to him any tendency towards a calmness of thought , and still retain for him the regard that is due to an intelligent person , of a sharp wit , great reading and indefatigable industry . i could say more to his advantage , but that i am afraid to indulge an humour in him that is too predominant ; and what that is , you may perceive from the admonition he gave me in his letter of feb. . that he and i are never like to answer one anothers expectation , so long as he looks for strength and closeness in my discourses , or i think , to find weakness or loosness in his . which shews , that he is a man of a peculiar temper , and distinguish'd by such an air of assurance as is not common . not but that another might have treated me with as much contempt ; but he was the man of the world , that thought , nothing could come from him that is weak or loose . finding him in this condition , i thought it not unfit to give him such touches , as might make him sensible , that he is a mortal wight and of humane race : and having convinc'd him by the method i propos'd , that he was not infallible ; he now confesses some of his mistakes . yet there are some remains of his former distemper still hanging on him . for says he to his noble friends * , i present you in these following letters the true idea ( as i take it ) of church-government , which could it be receiv'd by all others with the same degree of candor , i assure my self it shall by you , would be of infinite advantage to end these fatal controversies that for many ages have perplexed , and in this last , almost destroyed the church . i have not the honour to be acquainted with those gentlemen , to whom he dedicates his book : but if i am not mistaken in their character , they are of more judgment , than to believe , that , if others were as candid as themselves , this idea , which he so much magnifies , would be of infinite advantage . they will rather perceive , that it would not otherwise put an end to the fatal controversies that have perplext the church , than poison would cure diseases , that is , by the death of the patients . for 't is evident , that the design of it , is to abrogate the authority which christ bestow'd on his ecclesiastical officers ; and consequently our author , instead of intitling his book , the nature of church-government freely discussed , might more fitly have call'd it , a treatise of church-anarchy or church-confusion . i know not whether the applause of his performances be continued to him in his own person , which he first receiv'd by proxy , from the neighbouring dissenters . but sure i am that he contradicts the avowed principles of their party , and the sense of their writers . he contends , that the pastors of the church have no authority , but what they derive from the state. he makes church-government a meer prudential thing and alterable in the form of it , according to the various forms of the civil government , and argues , that it ought to take its model from the appointment of the civil magistrate : whereas their other writers tell us , that a spiritual extraction of a legitimate ecclesiastical power cannot be made from a secular root * ; that the introduction of humane authority into the rule of the church of christ in any kind , destroyeth the nature of it ‖ ; that there is but one form of government laid down in the word , and that unchangeable * , and that to think , church-government must be fram'd according to the common-wealth , or civil government , is as if one should fashion his house according to his hangings ‖ . but that his friends may not resent the matter too highly , when they find how they have been impos'd on by him , i can assure them , that in contradicting their authors , he uses them no worse , than he does himself . for having formerly concluded from thess . . . that it was the duty of christians , to preserve the same government in the churches after the apostles days , that was appointed and practis'd in them ; he now comes to prove , that , let the government in those days be what it will , it is but a prudential and ambulatory thing , and lyable to changes according to the difference of times and occasions . and that his friends may not for the future expect to find him any more fix'd or steady , he professes in his epistle dedicatory , that he hath nothing of fondness in him for any opinions . he hath as little fondness in him for the authority of the apostles , as he hath for his own opinions . for however he takes diocesan prelacy to be a degeneracy or defection from an apostolical constitution , yet he boasts of his vindication of it , upon prudential grounds * : he represents episcopacy as a corruption , and yet he supposes , that it is of divine right , when it is by law established ‖ . the truth is , he hath confusedly jumbl'd together the notions of the dissenters , and the principles of hobbes and erastus ; and with this odd kind of mixture , he thinks himself sufficiently qualified to heal the breaches of christendom . before him , one peter cornelius van zurick-zee set up for a reconciler general ; and his project for union was * , that in every city , and in every county , there should be appointed a general meeting-place , in which the christians of all persuasions should be requir'd to assemble together , that they might hear the scriptures read , and afterwards talk about them , and give their interpretations of them according to their various sentiments . of this device he had such a conceit , that leaving his family and native country ‖ , he cross'd the seas , that he might reveal it in england ; expecting that here it would receive a kind entertainment , and from hence break forth as a light into all other countries and nations * . but whether this man , or the free discusser hath furnish'd us with a better plan of an universal peace ; or whether prudential reason hath been more happy , than a freak of enthusiasm , in proposing a method of union , or scheme of ecclesiastical polity , i leave you to determine . in the mean time , i am of opinion , that the way of governing churches , which is agreeable to the will of god , was not to be invented or first discover'd fifteen or sixteen hundred years after the birth of our saviour . i suppose a thing of such use must needs have been known to the primitive christians : and they generally believ'd , . that our saviour christ , who was the founder of church-government , bestow'd on his officers such authority , as qualified them for the administration of it . . that this government was episcopal from the beginning . on these two things i have chiefly insisted in this discourse , but far more copiously on the last , against which , i met with the greatest opposition : by which opposition , i do not only mean , that which hath been made by my adversary ; for i have considerd the utmost that i could find objected on that side . and upon the whole i am satisfied , that it requires no great abilities to defend episcopacy ; and that it proceeds from the goodness of the cause , that the more learned the opposers of it are , the more ready have they been to let fall such things as may serve for the vindication of it , and answer their own objections . this was the case of blondel and salmasius , but more particularly of the last , who hath so many things that favour my hypothesis , that of all modern authors none has been more useful to me , than walo messalinus . but all the assistance i have receiv'd from him , has been only to confirm the notions which i had before grounded on the holy scriptures , & the testimony of the ancients : from which i have prov'd , that episcopacy was of divine institution ; and that meer presbyters were generally subordinate to superior pastors in the apostles days , and afterwards in the best and purest ages : and if so , there can be no doubt concerning the succeeding times , or of the truth of what was affirm'd by the lord falkland in a warm speech which he made against some of the bishops * , that the order of the bishops hath always remain'd in the churches from christ to calvin . what i have said on this subject , fastens an imputation of novelty on the dissenters , but i cannot help it ; and they have no reason to be offended at it . for their own friends , the elders and messengers of the congregational churches , who met at the savoy * , confess ‖ , that it is true in respect of the publick and open profession , either of presbytery or independency , this nation hath been a stranger to each way , it 's possible , ever since it hath been christian . and i will adventure to add , that the nation may be well enough without them both , so long as it shall be christian ; it being now too late to try experiments of new models , and to establish such forms of government , as in the best ages , were never heard of in the world. when i had enquir'd into the original of church-government , and shew'd , that as it came out of the hands of christ and his apostles , and remain'd in the primitive times , it was , in the nature of it , spiritual ; and in form , episcopal ; i had thoughts to discourse particularly of the exercise of it in the administration of discipline , and the ordination of ministers ; as also of the extent of a bishops authority over many congregations ; and of the power of the church in a christian state ; and then to make some remarks on that mystery of iniquity that has been working amongst bigotted papists , and others , in opposition to episcopacy : but being interrupted by many avocations , and not being willing to swell this volume into too great a bulk , i have reserv'd those things , with some others , that may incidentally be consider'd , for a second part of this treatise . i doubt not , but some will be ready to say , that it had been much better to have let the whole work alone : for now , they think , it is not a time for controversies : i should think so too , and would our adversaries be of the same mind , and not drag us into the press by their importunity . but it may seem a little unreasonable , that a truce should be maintain'd only on one side : and i cannot imagine , that it is a time for us to lye open to acts of hostility , and not a time to guard our selves from them ; or that it is a time to cast reproach on an apostolical constitution of government , and not a time to defend it . i rather think , that it is high time to appear in vindication of it ; and that we cannot be unconcern'd spectators of the diligence , with which others endeavour to promote the interest of their several parties , unless we will declare to the world , that we are not influenced by any due sense of religion . indeed , if we are only in the communion of the church by law establish'd , at certain seasons , and with design to destroy it , or to serve a turn against it , then it is not strange , if we cannot endure to hear any thing in defence of it . but what is most astonishing , is , that persons should be found bearing the name of christian , and carrying on the works of darkness and treachery , of avarice and ambition , in the most solemn acts of worship , and the most sacred rites of our holy religion . yet is the number of them considerable ; and because it may not be fit to pass by them without notice , i shall here produce some part of the charge against them , as it is recited and address'd to them by a late writer . there are some things , says he * , that i will but lightly touch , though others of contrary sentiment will lay on load . one is , at which i am not a little abash'd , that though you , according to your declar'd principles and ordinary practice , are nonconformists and dissenters ; yet upon occasion , and to get into place and office of honor or profit , you will and can take any manner of tests that have of late been impos'd ; also that you can , on such occasions , take the sacrament according to the form and way of the church of england , though you never did before , nor perhaps will ever do the same again , except on the like occasion ; and although the making and forming of these tests , and the taking of the sacrament , were intended , and done on purpose to keep you , and such as you , out of office ; yet by these ways they have not been able to exclude you ; and they think , that nothing , though never so contrary to your principles , can be devis'd and made to keep you out , or to hold you in ; but that you will break all bounds , and leap over all hedges ; so that they are at a loss what to do with you , &c. my author who relates this to them as an objection of their adversaries , is himself a dissenter ; yet protests * that he knows not how to answer it in their behalf with truth and honesty . he confesses , that they make use of the same artifices , as the jesuits do in such cases : and he knows nothing , he tells them ‖ , that will more render them in the eyes of all , as men of flexible and profligate consciences . he also laments their hypocrisie , and breaks out into this exclamation * , o! the horrible scandal that comes from hence , &c. but i suppose , the example of these men hath nothing in it , that may prevail with us to abandon the vindication of a good cause ; their practices being such , as , if we have any thing of sincerity , we cannot think on without pain and detestation . errata . page . line . read averse . p. . l. . r. to bind and ab . p. . l. . marg . r. . p. . l. . r. the intention of the person . p. . l. . marg . r. c. . p. . l. . r. such , have . p. . l. . after high priest , add , and yet he could not have been constituted high priest . p. . l. . marg . r. successores reliquit . p. . l. . marg . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. of all churches . l. . r. presided . p. . l. . r. munere annos . p. . l. . r. continuance . l. . dele might . p. . l. , . marg . r. apostoli . p. . l. . r. and as . l. . r. more than . p. . l. . r. of an . p. . l. . r. were written . p. . l. . ( s ) this note should have been placed after city l. . and another added here to refer to the words of clemens . p. . l. . marg . r. c. . p. . l. . marg . r. ep. . p. . l. . marg . r. lib. . c. . p. . l. . marg . r. c. . p. . l. . marg . r. obnitente . p. . l. . r. is mop't . the contents of the chapters . chap. . jesus christ the founder of church-government . the apostles the first officers that he constituted . to them he gave no temporal authority , yet did communicate to them that which is spiritual . p. chap. . the apostles stood related amongst themselves as equals , but to other ecclesiastical officers , particularly to the seventy disciples , and to presbyters , as superiors , they were bishops both in title & authority , p. chap. . if the apostles were bishops , episcopacy is of a divine original . the objection against this , that the apostles were extraordinary officers , consider'd , p. chap. . s. james was an apostle , and yet he was bishop of jerusalem , and constantly resided there , p. chap. . the apostolate differs not in substance from the office of a bishop . it was design'd for continuance , p. chap. . the title and office of apostles were communicated to many besides the twelve , p. chap. . apostolical authority was communicated to timothy : who was bishop of ephesus . p. chap. . apostolical authority was communicated to titus , who was bishop of crete , p. chap. . apostolical authority was communicated to the angels mention'd revel . . . who were bishops of the asiatick churches , p. chap. . objections against episcopacy , taken from the writings of the first century , consider'd , p. chap. . after the apostles decease the churches were govern'd by single persons , who were distinguish'd by the name of bishops . p. chap. . the bishops were successors of the apostles . p. chap. . the bishops after the example of the apostles stood related amongst themselves as equals , but to other ecclesiastical officers as superiors . p. chap. . after the apostles days there was no space of time , nor any country where christianity prevail'd , without episcopacy , p. chap. . objections against episcopacy taken from the writings of the fathers , and some later authors examin'd , p. chap. . prelacy is no degeneracy from an apostolical constitution . the pastours of the church that came next after the apostles did not conspire to deprave any form of government which was of divine appointment , p. chap. . episcopacy cannot be thought a degeneracy from an apostolical constitution , if the testimony of the fathers may be admitted : their testimony vindicated , p. chap. . the testimony of the fathers is necessary for the ascertaining to us the canon of the holy scripture : it is as cogent for the divine original of episcopacy , p. a catalogue of books printed for , and sold by samuel smith , at the prince's arms in s. paul's church-yard , london , . an enquiry after happiness , in several parts ; by the author of practical christianity , vol. . of the possibility of obtaining happiness : the second edition , corrected and enlarged , in octavo , . price s. . d. — of the true notion of humane life : or a second part of the enquiry after happiness , in octavo , . price s. d. the wisdom of god manifested in the works of the creation : in two parts , viz. the heavenly bodies , elements , meteors , fossils , vegetables , animals , ( beasts , birds , fishes , and insects ) more particularly , in the body of the earth , its figure , motion and consistency , and in the admirable structure of the bodies of man and other animals ; as also in their generation , &c. by john ray , fellow of the royal society . the second edition , very much enlarged , printed in octavo , price s. miscellaneous discourses concerning the dissolution and changes of the world ; wherein the primitive chaos and creation , the general deluge , fountains , formed stones , sea-shells found in the earth , subterraneous trees , mountains , earthquakes , vulcano's , the universal conflagration , and future state , are largly discussed and examined : by john ray , fellow of the royal society , in octavo , . price s. d. the meditations of marcus aurelius antoninus the roman emperour , concerning himself : treating of a natural man's happiness : wherein it consisteth , and of the means to attain unto it . translated out of the original greek , with notes : by meric casaubon , d. d. the fifth edition : to which is added , the life of antoninus , with some select remarks upon the whole by monsieur and madam dacier , never before in english , in octavo , . price s. a treatise of church-government , address'd to the author of the letters concerning the same subject . chap. i. jesus christ the founder of church government . the apostles the first officers that he constituted . to them he gave no temporal authority , yet did communicate to them that which is spiritual . sir , since you have been pleas'd to declare to the world , what expectation you had , that i would give you a scheme of my thoughts concerning church-government , your readers have occasion enough to enquire , how you could meet with disappointment , when you had the papers before you , wherein i had largely handled that subject ; and whilst you pretend to have drawn the things from thence , which you endeavour to confute , and not from your own invention . the truth is , this address would have been unnecessary , had you fully related my sense of the matters in debate between us , as you found it express'd in my private letters : but the representations you have made of it are so very defective , that i think my self obliged to communicate to publick view the principles on which i proceeded , with a vindication of them . and i begin with what is evident enough , that our saviour christ , who is head of the church , was the founder of ecclesiastical government , and consequently it proceeded from a divine institution . the original of this government being known , we may the more easily gain a true idea of its nature : for that may best be discern'd , when we consider it in the greatest purity , as it came out of the hands of our lord , and was exercis'd by his apostles , who were the first ministers that he ordain'd . and upon enquiry we shall find , that , to qualifie them for the administration of it , he gave them no temporal jurisdiction , and yet did communicate to them spiritual authority : that amongst themselves they stood related as equals , but to other ecclesiastical officers , as superiors . and on these things all that i have to say of church-government will depend . an easie enquiry will inform us , that our saviour gave his apostles no temporal jurisdiction . for it is plain , that he did not send them to exercise any such dominion as was possess'd by the kings of the earth , or the lords of the gentiles . nor did he any where disingage them from subjection to the civil magistrate . he gave them commission to combate nothing but ignorance and vice ; and when he call'd them to resist unto blood , it was that of themselves , and not of other men . and according to the instructions they receiv'd , they taught and practis'd submission to secular princes , not only for wrath but conscience sake ; and in all their conduct nothing appear'd , that might give any just occasion of jealousie to the state , or create disturbance to the empire . our saviour said indeed , that when he was lifted up from the earth , he would draw all men unto him (a) . but these words , signifying what death he should die , (b) are far enough from the sense which jacobus de terano puts upon them : for that wretched paraphrast introduces our lord speaking after this manner , i will recover all the empires and kingdoms of the world , and take them from cesar and from kings and princes , by my souldiers the apostles . with such prodigious flattery , says marquardus freherus , (c) from whom i borrow'd that observation , the books of augustinus de ancona and other papal parasites are stuft ; and with such ornaments are the decretal epistles embellished . to these he might have added the annals of baronius , who , (d) amongst other things that occur in them of like nature , grounds the doctrine of deposing princes on that expression , arise peter , kill and eat . and accordingly that doctrine prevail'd by killing and devouring . it made its impressions with blood and violence ; but not without the assistance of much art , as may partly appear by this discourse of the cardinal prosper sanctacrucius with the french ambassador paul de foix in the presence of thuanus (e) : you compel me , sir , said the cardinal , in your favour , to reveal a mystery that hath been conceal'd with a profound veneration , which is , that this court uses an exquisite severity when there is occasion , and it may be done without danger : and when any man of great quality submits to it , the cause is prolong'd with abundance of delays till the fame thereof , and the terror of our name be spread over the world. this severity is so long successful , as it is tamely born , either through weakness or religious fear : but if a prince be held by neither , with caution and great dissimulation we depart from this rigor . this was an ingenuous confession , and it shews in what wretched condition they have been , who most of all dreaded the thunder of the vatican . that the popes and their creatures have infringed the prerogatives of princes , is evident beyond exception . and that others , who have seem'd very adverse from them , have notwithstanding in this imitated their example , appears also from many instances , and will not be deny'd , i suppose , by you , who have read spotswood's history of the church of scotland , and have no fondness for the presbyterian discipline . but whoever they are that take such measures , and invade and grasp into their hands the rights of the magistrate , whether they pretend to it in order to things spiritual , or for the advancement of the scepter of christ , they make the gospel a carnal thing , and do infinite dishonour to christianity by their usurpations . this may be sufficient to let you see , that the sentiments i have of ecclesiastical government intrench not on the temporal : and that , when you tell me , the sword knows no other edge , but what the magistrate gives it , it makes nothing against me , who am of opinion , that the church hath no secular power , but what is deriv'd from secular princes , and what may be limited or extended by them . nevertheless i affirm in the next place , that our saviour communicated some power to his church ; and particularly , that he conferr'd on his apostles such authority as secular princes could not bestow . for he gave them (f) the keys of the kingdom of heaven : he gave them commission to absolve offenders , and an assurance that their sentence should be ratified . whose soever sins , said he , ye remit , they are remitted unto them ; and whose soever sins ye retain , they are retained . after his ascension , they acted as his representatives , and by the power they received from him , they constituted other officers to be governours of churches ; and to them they convey'd some authority . for authority is implied in the titles (g) that are attributed to them in the scripture , and in different degrees it belongs to all ecclesiastical rulers . obey them that have the rule over you , says the author of the epistle to the hebrews , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls , heb. . . and clemens romanus (h) admonishes those who had laid the foundation of the schism at corinth , to be subject to their presbyters , to be contrite and penitent for their former miscarriages , to lay aside their arrogant speeches , and to learn submission ; since it were better , as he tells them , that they should be little in the fold of christ , than to swell with pride , and fall from their hopes in him . the authority that has been assigned to the apostles and other pastors of the church , is commonly called spiritual , and not unfitly ; for it is exercis'd in spiritual matters , and relates to the affairs of another world. it does not touch or hurt the body , or life , or estate of an offender , but by accident . it may be assisted by the coercive power of the magistrate , but that is not essential to it . the administration of it is sometimes rendred more easie by the favour of princes , and sometimes more difficult by their opposition ; but it is the same in it self under those various circumstances . it has its proper effects in the times of persecution , as well as in those that are serene and calm ; and it must be granted , that obedience is always due to it under the pain of god's displeasure ; unless one will say , that his precepts may be broken without danger , or that ecclesiastical government is one of the most precarious useless things in the world. before i dismiss this subject , it may be fit to take notice of the attempts against ecclesiastical authority that have been made by a late writer (i) , who is suppos'd by some to be , what he thought himself , a man of demonstration . you are no stranger to his opinions , amongst which this is one , that christ himself had not , nor hath in this world any regal or governing power (k) . our saviour was sent , says he , to persuade the jews to return to , and to invite the gentiles to receive the kingdom of the father , but not to reign in majesty , no not as his fathers lieutenant , till the day of judgment . and from hence he gathers , that no obedience to his officers can be requir'd . for this purpose he produces these words of christ , my kingdom is not of this world : (l) but he certainly mistakes their sense , as the manichees did before him : and the answer may be apply'd to him , which was given to them by theophylact (m) , who observes , that it is said indeed , my kingdom is not of this world , and again , it is not from hence . but it is not said , my kingdom is not in this world , or it is not here . the kingdom of christ is not from the earth as its cause , nor is it earthly in its nature . yet is the earth part of his empire , and he turns about the affairs of it at his pleasure . in his state of humiliation , he had power on earth to forgive sins (n) . and then it was that he said to his disciples , ye call me master and lord , and ye say well , for so i am (o) . after his resurrection he declar'd , that all power was given to him in heaven and in earth (p) . and so far is it from being true , that he reigns not till the day of judgment , that the apostle says expresly , he must reign till he hath put all his enemies under his feet (q) . if our saviour had all power , he might delegate some part of it to his apostles ; and that he did so , appears from what has been said ; and it may be confirm'd from the promise which he made to them , that they should sit on twelve thrones judging the twelve tribes of israel (r) . this place , i know , has been made use of to prove , that no ministers of christ have any ruling power , till he comes to judgment (s) . but one that attentively considers , that the jurisdiction which is represented by sitting on thrones , commences not with his coming in glory , but with his entring into it , or being (t) in it , may find reason to think , he design'd to intimate to his apostles , in such terms as they could then receive it , that when he was departed from them , and sate down at the right hand of the father , they should act as the supreme visible governours of the church , which is the mystical israel . another objection which the author of the leviathan (u) brings against ecclesiastical authority , is taken from our saviour's forbidding his followers , to be called masters (w) : but that proves too much or nothing ; for in what sense they might not assume the title of masters , in that it may not be attributed to any man upon earth , but belongs to christ . the want of it therefore would abrogate all humane authority , or none at all . the like may be said of his argument , which he grounds on these words of s. paul , not that we have dominion over your faith (x) : for , no man in the world hath any such dominion , as implies a right to coin new articles of religion , or to impose things to be believ'd , as the doctrine of god , which he hath no where reveal'd . this is what was disclaim'd by the great justinian (y) , and ought to be so by all other princes . since therefore there is a want of that dominion equally in all men , if such a defect were inconsistent with authority , it would destroy that of the civil magistrate , or render it a mere usurpation . but the objector assigns to supreme magistrates such authority , that by it , he says , all sorts of doctrine are to be approved or rejected (z) : and according to him , those magistrates must be obey'd , though they command their subjects to profess an assent to the alcoran , or to condemn the gospel of christ , or to worship idols . and for this he pleads from the example of naaman the syrian (a) who bowed himself in the house of rimmon , (b) when his master leaned upon his hand : but how impertinently he makes use of that instance , others have demonstrated : and i shall only note , that it is not strange , that a person who shews such an enmity to religion and to christianity in particular , should tell us , (c) that temporal and spiritual government , are but two words brought into the world , to make men see double , and mistake their lawful sovereign . whosoever reads and believes the scripture cannot but approve what he derides ; so manifest it is from thence , that a government distinct from the temporal was establish'd by our lord himself . the apostles were constituted by him the first rulers of his church , but without any commission from the civil magistrate . they laid their commands (d) on the christian converts , and expected an obedience to their orders : and we must believe they had power to do this from christ , notwithstanding this man so confidently denies (e) , that he left them any such authority . they asserted the right he gave them to preach , notwithstanding the prohibitions and menaces of the officers of state (f) ; and this was so reasonable , that they appeal'd to their enemies to be judges of it . without asking leave of any secular powers , they planted churches : they form'd societies under their proper rulers , and did not teach them to see double , when they requir'd them to honour and obey those that presided over them in the lord (g) . such spiritual governours remain'd after the decease of the apostles , when they were so far from receiving their office , or any support and assistance in the discharge of it , from temporal princes , that they were hated and persecuted by them . yet they proceeded in their work , and kept up their discipline . and it is certain , that before the empire was christian , the church was govern'd by its proper officers , as a society distinct from the state , and independent on it ; yet were not the christians then in danger of mistaking their lawful sovereign . you must excuse me , sir , that i have been so long detain'd by the exceptions of an author of no good fame . it is from him that you have taken some of your principles , and you are not neglected , when they are consider'd as i find them in the original . you follow the leviathan exactly , where you tell me , that the apostleship itself was not a magistracy , but a ministry (h) . for your meaning is not , that the apostles had no secular power , about which there was no dispute ; but as it is manifest from your own words , that they had no authority at all , unless it was to preach the gospel : and for this you quote cor. . . where s. paul says , we preach not our selves , but christ jesus the lord , and our selves your servants for jesus sake . but if this be for your purpose , and prove what you design by it , then was the office of the apostles , which has been so much magnified , a servile thing : then were they put under the dominion , and left to the disposal of their own converts , and made subject to the churches which they had planted , or , which is all one , the chief pastors were obliged to be govern'd by their flocks . and this comes of stretching a metaphor beyond the person that us'd it . you might have observ'd that the apostles were not properly the ministers of the churches , but of christ , and employ'd by him for the good of mankind : and this no more derogates from their power , than it does from the dignity of the blessed angels , that they are ministring spirits (i) , not of men indeed , but for them that shall be heirs of salvation . you might also have consider'd what s. paul declares , that he was so a servant unto all men , (k) as to remain free ; and consequently , that he could not otherwise be their servant , but in a figure . and this which he us'd was very suitable to the condition of a person , who was so abundant in his labours , and comply'd so much with men of different tempers ; not out of weakness indeed , or want of ability , but out of zeal and an ardent desire of the happiness both of jews and gentiles . another reason for which s. paul represented himself under this figure , is , that as servants then received no wages for their work , so he reaped no temporal profit from his industry in communicating things that are spiritual (l) . yet this proceeded from his choice , and not from the necessary obligation of his office. nor did it signifie want of power in him , (m) but a voluntary departing from his own right . he declar'd that the labourer is worthy of his reward (n) : that the lord hath so ordain'd , that they which preach the gospel should live of the gospel (o) , and that himself as well as others might justly have expected his maintenance from the contributions of those whom he had instructed , if he would have insisted on it . but had he been literally their servant , especially such a servant as those times afforded (p) , his acting amongst them as a judge or governour (q) , his passing sentence of condemnation on a criminal , and the order he sends that his decree should be put in execution , his declaring also that he was in readiness to revenge all disobedience (r) , must remain unaccountable . the mention he makes of his power to use sharpness (s) , if his directions were not observ'd , and his challenging obedience (t) from them to whom he ow'd obedience , could not but be very surprizing ; and his threatning that he would come with his rod (u) , if they did not prevent it by their reformation , and that then he would not spare (w) , must needs have appear'd very strange language to his good masters the corinthians . another argument , by which you pursue the design of the leviathan in opposing ecclesiastical authority , is taken from the inconsistence , you conceive , it hath with the civil government , if it be not deriv'd from it . you conclude , there can be no jurisdiction at all , unless it be in the magistrate , or proceeds from him ; because , as you tell me (x) , in one kingdom there can be but one spring or fountain of it . but if this be at all pertinent , and by jurisdiction you do not only mean that which is secular , your objection makes as much against the ruling power of the apostles , as of other spiritual pastors . yet is this some of that stuff which you so highly extol , and i suppose , that in your epistle dedicatory you had it particularly in your eye , where you say , that were your idea of church-government receiv'd by all others with the same degree of candour , as , you assure your self , it shall by your noble friends , it would be of infinite advantage to end those fatal controversies that for many ages have perplexed , and in this last almost destroy'd , the church . what your noble friends think of your performance , i cannot tell . for my own part , i am not surpriz'd to find you ascribing infinite advantage to the exploits of your own pen ; nor convinced , but that if your principles about ecclesiastical polity were generally embraced , they might be of more pernicious consequence than the collection , which , as lactantius (y) informs us , vlpian made of the impious rescripts of princes , that he might shew , what punishments should be inflicted on those who professed themselves worshippers of god. the justice of this charge will be manifest from hence , that the church cannot subsist without government , nor government without authority : if therefore , as you contend , there be no ecclesiastical government or authority , but what proceeds from the magistrate , this would put it into the power of a julian , to destroy the church , by dissolving that government , and abrogating that authority . and to this he might be the more inclin'd , did he believe that the hierarchy could not be tolerated with safety to himself , or were so dangerous a thing as you have represented it . had the apostles , you say (z) , own'd any pretensions of a design to erect a national ( much more an vniversal ) hierarchy or form of external government in the church , or had they done any thing to occasion a just suspicion of such a design , it would have much obstructed the true design and end of their mission , which was the planting and spreading christianity . for then magistrates and rulers in their own defence , and for the preservation of their own inherent prerogatives and rights , must have always oppos'd it . that is , they would have been obliged to restrain the apostles , or oppose their attempts , if they acted by other principles , or advanced other notions than you have embraced . and this may a little discover the tendency of your letters of church-government . there can be no question amongst those that believe the gospel , but that our saviour might have established an vniversal hierarchy . nor can there be any doubt , but if he enjoin'd his apostles to erect an external form of church-government , it had been their duty to obey his command . and what must then the kings and rulers of the earth have done ? if you have stated the case right , they might lawfully have taken counsel together against the lord , and against his anointed . they might and ought to have resisted his design and constitution : or in your words , they must in their own defence , and for the preservation of their own inherent prerogatives , have always oppos'd it . a passage which one would think you should hardly reflect on , without something of confusion . it will deserve the severer censure , if it be true , that such a hierarchy as you condemn , was indeed erected , and that by the appointment of christ himself . and this i take to be certain : for the apostles , to whom he committed the government of all the church militant , were not invisible rulers ; nor were the people under their charge invisible subjects . they admitted not persons into the christian society by any secret rite , but by baptism . nor did they expel them from it by any hidden practice , but in a publick manner . the faithful were united to them , and other pastors ordain'd by them , as also amongst themselves , not only in love or charity , as they were to all mankind ; but in that mutual relation which they had as visible members of the same body : and as such , they were obliged to meet and communicate in the assemblies that were held for the putting up of solemn prayers and praises to heaven for the celebration of the eucharist , and other external acts of worship . and whosoever had right to communion in one of those assemblies , he had so in all ; provided his demand of it was no way irregular . and whosoever was expell'd for his offences from one particular church , he was virtually excluded from the communion of all other churches . he could not rescind the sentence against himself , by shifting of places . nor could he be kept bound and loos'd on earth , unless he might have been absolv'd and condemn'd in heaven at the same time . after the apostles days an universal and external form of church-government was kept up , and appear'd in great vigor , notwithstanding the disturbance it receiv'd from without . you your self confess , that the notion of catholick vnity then obtain'd which was not understood , you say (a) , to be internal and spiritual : but to consist in something external , relating unto order and discipline ; as being an vnity that was to be maintain'd by communicatory and other letters , and by orders , and ( that ) was intended to support the notion of but one bishoprick in the church , and that every bishop participated of that one bishoprick in solidum . a notion that was of great use to make the discipline and power the more pointed : for if but one church , then to be cast out of any part of the church , was indeed to be ejected out of the whole ; and if but one bishoprick to be participated by all the bishops , what was done by one , was done by all . all did censure , if one did . the expulsion made by one bishop out of any church was in effect an expulsion from all churches ; and so a cutting off entirely from christianity , and all communion of saints . yet useful as you think this notion was , and early as it obtain'd , you take it to be intolerable . the authority which you acknowledge s. cyprian approv'd , and which was exercis'd by him and other excellent men in his time , was , in your judgment , fit to be extirpated by magistrates and rulers in their own vindication . because , as you tell me (b) , the permission of such a power over their subjects , as would not only possess an interest in their consciences , but be strengthned , as a secular empire , by a close connection of all the parts of it , and an exact dependance and subordination , would render their own precarious . how unfit this was to fall from the pen of a person that makes profession of christianity , your self may better be able to judge , if you suppose , that you had stood before decius or dioclesian , to give your advice concerning the state of christians , and the manner how they were to be treated : for had you then spoken your mind freely , as you have now expressed it , it would have been to this effect , amongst the christians , o emperor , there hath generally obtain'd a form of external government , which is very useful indeed to them , but to you as dangerous : for it possesses an interest in the consciences of your subjects : it is strengthned by a close connection and an exact dependance and subordination of its parts ; and being so , it renders your own power precarious . i therefore think , that it is necessary for you to oppose it , if you will be safe upon the throne , and not weakly abandon the defence of your own inherent prerogatives . but to this the christians might have reply'd , that what you had suggested , was false and injurious . that no danger arriv'd to the emperor from the form or administration of that government which obtain'd amongst them , or from the exercise of their religion in their assemblies , but much advantage rather to himself and his dominions . for example ; by their discipline (c) , they did not usurp his prerogatives , but put greater restraints upon vice , than he did by his laws . by their solemn prayers (d) they endeavour'd , not to engage heaven against him , but to draw down blessings on him ; and by hearing the doctrine of the gospel (e) , they were not instructed in the arts of sedition , but to be subject to principalities and powers , and to pay tribute and custom , fear and honor to whom they were due . by their sacramental engagements (f) they did not carry on any wicked design , but bound themselves not to commit any thefts or robberies , not to break their faith or promise , nor to conceal or keep back a pledge . and they that so carefully avoided all injustice , were far enough from invading the rights of princes , and could not but be useful members of humane society . 't is true the heathen emperors were sometimes under apprehensions of danger from their assemblies . but plinius secundus (g) could discover nothing in them , that might give any just occasion to such fears , or create disturbance to the empire . tertullian (h) , who knew them better , speaks with great assurance of their innocence , he professes , that if they were not unlike the seditious societies or factions , which are unlawful , they ought both to be involv'd in the same condemnation . but , says he , we are the same being assembled , as when we were dispers'd . we are the same all together , as when we are taken singly and apart , hurting no man , grieving no man. the union of persons so inoffensive , and so ready to render to all their due , could not be pernicious to any ; especially , not to the magistrate . the government , which was establish'd amongst them , could not be inconsistent with that of the state ; for however they were distinguished from one another ; yet were they both preserv'd together . the authority of spiritual rulers did subsist without injury to the secular power , which flow'd in another channel , and without help or assistance from it . and in this condition was church-government in the days of the apostles , and afterwards under the reigns of the heathen persecuting tyrants . the variation of circumstances , which it met with under the influence of christian princes , comes not under my present enquiry ; but it will be consider'd in the second part of this treatise . chap. ii. the apostles stood related amongst themselves as equals , but to other ecclesiastical officers , particularly to the seventy disciples , and to presbyters , as superiors , they were bishops both in title and authority . i have shew'd what authority the apostles had not , and what they had . i shall in the next place consider , how they stood related amongst themselves , and to other ecclesiastical officers . i shall digress from you in handling the former of these ; but it will not belong before i come to the last , in which our present controversie is chiefly concern'd . first , i observe , that the apostles stood related amongst themselves as equals in their office and authority . they were all sent by our lord , as he was by the father . they had all alike power to pardon and retain sins . and nothing of jurisdiction can be mention'd , that was peculiar to one of them ; and not common to the rest . yet the zealots of the roman communion ascribe to s. peter a sovereignty over the rest , and for this they passionately contend , not caring what they say , if they think it may advance the glory of that apostle . one may conjecture , what is to be expected in this kind from their lesser writers , when so great a man as leo allatius so much passes the bounds of modesty . peter on earth , says allatius (i) , is christ in dignity and authority . what things soever therefore were under the administration of christ , are subject also to peter , who after him is truly christ : so that he hath authority over all the churches in the world , over all the sheep and over all the shepherds . he tells us in another place (k) , that as the earth was divided amongst the sons of noah , so that shem had asia , cham had africa , and japhet europe : thus was the christian common-wealth divided by s. peter into three patriarchates , which were the alexandrian , the antiochian , and the roman . but as for the roman , it hath dominion , he says , in the other patriarchates . so that the pope is subject to none . he judges all men , but is not judged by any . he gives laws to others , but receives none . he changes laws at his pleasure . he creates magistrates . he decrees what is to be receiv'd as matter of faith , and , as he thinks fit , determines the weightier affairs of the church . although he would , yet he cannot err ; for a bar is put upon falshood , that it may have no access to him . he cannot be impos'd on by delusions , and although an angel should declare otherwise , yet being fortified by the authority of christ , 't is impossible he should be changed . this is very lofty ! and the author hath furnished us in this harangue with a notable train of thoughts . he was keeper of the vatican library to three popes successively , and he shews what sordid flattery he had at the service of his masters . it were easie to make large collections of such extravagancies ; but i hasten to more useful matter . i shall only produce an instance or two out of xavier's history of christ : for since that book is not very common , i may perhaps gratifie the curiosity of some , by shewing what sort of gospel it is that he communicated to the indians . this missionary represents our saviour directing his followers , not to relate to the church the sin of an offending brother who remains unreformed after two admonitions : but to tell it to the prince of the church (l) meaning s. peter , and after him the pope ) . if he had done this no otherwise than as a commentator , he had deserved , says ludovicus de dieu (m) , the character of a bad interpreter ; but when , as an historian , he puts such words into the mouth of christ , he may be justly charged with forgery , and lying against his own conscience . at the same rate , and in pursuance of the same design , when he had truly set down these words of christ , simon , simon , satan hath desired to sift you as wheat ; but i have pray'd that thy faith fail not , and when thou art converted , strengthen thy brethren ; he informs us , that for illustration , our saviour adds (n) , the faith of peter , who is the first successor or calif , shall never fail ; and 't is his work to confirm others . and so it came to pass , says the author , not one pope succeeding peter has been defective in the faith . and thus he comments on his own vision , and would establish an impudent fiction , by an assertion that is notoriously false . yet he declares , that this history excell'd all other things that had been translated into the persian tongue in the reign of acabar (o) the great mogul , for whose instruction it was compos'd . this , says he , is the book that most deserves , that the king should be proud of it , and think it worthy of an honourable acceptance . he therefore petitions him , that a command should be issued out for the reading of it in the church , as being the root of the doctrine of righteousness , the tranquillity of the heart , and the medicine of spirit (p) . these are glorious titles , and we have partly seen , how consistent they are with his performances . xavier might be the more hardy in a place where he was in no great danger of having the materials of his history examin'd . others perceive they have reason to be more cautious , and they proceed not by way of narrative , but labour to support the same cause for which he was concern'd , by arguments . but these , we may be sure , can have no great weight , since they are employ'd to prove , that there was a certain kind of government established amongst the apostles , of which , it is plain enough , themselves were ignorant . doubtless when the sons of zebedee made their petition to our saviour by their mother , that one of them ▪ might sit on his right hand , and the other on his left in his kingdom (q) , they knew nothing of the sovereignty of peter , which yet is supposed to have been promised before (r) , and s. paul was afterwards as great a stranger to it , when , in so publick a manner , he withstood him to the face at antioch (s) . i need not engage farther in this controversie , since it hath been so lately and fully handled by others . and perhaps , sir , you may think , that i have already dwelt too long on a subject , in which i have no adversary , but the advocates of the papacy . but their doctrine being so inconsistent with that scheme of thoughts which you have obliged me to publish , i was not willing to pass by them without ceremony . but now i return to you , and observe , secondly , that notwithstanding there was such an equality amongst the apostles , yet there were other ecclesiastical officers inferior to them . such , i think , were the seventy disciples , whom our lord constituted in the days of his flesh . for since the apostles and seventy disciples are thus represented under different denominations : since it is not doubted , but they were appointed in accommodation to the twelve princes of the tribes , and the seventy elders in the mosaical polity ; since none of the seventy could be of the order of the twelve , without a new election and advancement , you need not think it strange , that i conclude , as many have done before me , that they were of different ranks , and that in this state of things there was a disparity of ministers . but you tell me (u) , that if the prejudices of my education , or of my circumstances , had not stuck too fast to me , i might have discover'd , that the institution of the seventy disciples , was only temporary . yet if this discovery will do you any service , i cannot find that your self have made it . you say indeed , that the seventy were sent about a particular business to the house of israel , and that their office ceas'd of course at their return . but of this i find no grounds in the holy scripture . i am sure , the apostles (w) and seventy disciples (x) were sent abroad and employ'd in like manner at different times : but the first return'd without any loss of their function , and so might the last . and that they did so , we have reason to think , unless they were degraded or depressed into the rank of private men , by some act of their master . but to me it seems incredible , as it did also to blondel (y) , that when the harvest was like to increase , our lord diminished the number of his labourers : that he dismissed them when they were become acquainted with their work , which still was necessary ; or that he gave them a discharge at that time ; when , for their confirmation , he bestow'd on them power over all the power of the enemy , luke . . 't is true , the scriptures mention them not afterwards by the name of the seventy ; but if this proves , that their office was expired , one may also conclude from it , that they were all dead ; for there is as great a silence about their lives , as about their ministry . it may be useful to contemplate that platform of ecclesiastical polity , which those early times afford : yet i confess , they are something obscure , and that you do not unfitly call them a twilight between the law and the gospel . and this might have restrain'd you from reflecting on me , as influenced by prejudices or my circumstances , for not acknowledging that the office of apostles , which was first confer'd on the twelve , as well as in your opinion , the commission of the seventy disciples , was temporary , or expired at the farthest after our saviour's resurrection , when for this you produce no better argument , than what implies , that a former grant must necessarily be cancell'd , when additions are made to it . but about this , i have no need to dispute . we come now to another state of things which is most clear , and in which we are infinitely concern'd . the wall of partition was broken down : and after our lord's ascension , the multitude of believers increasing first amongst the jews , and afterwards amongst the gentiles , the apostles found it necessary to have some assistance in their labours , and for that purpose ordain'd presbyters and deacons , neither of which were their equals , but subject to their authority . i will not contend , as you have done , that a diocesan compar'd to an apostle is less in authority than a parish priest (z) , nor can i approve , what you take for granted , that the apostles could constitute no officers , over whom they did not retain a jurisdiction (a) . but since you offer more than i can accept ; you allow as much as i demand , which is only this , that presbyters were subordinate to the apostles . if there be now any doubt , whether the title of bishops may fitly be assign'd to the apostles , whose authority was prelatical , that may easily be resolv'd from hence , that when the psalmist , in one of his prophecies (b) , and s. peter in the application of it (c) , spake of a bishoprick , they mean't an apostleship . his bishoprick , say they , let another take ; that is , let another be chosen in the room of judas to bear the office of an apostle , and accordingly the apostles are said to have been bishops by s. cyprian (d) , and by hilarius sardus (e) , and other ancient writers . chap. iii. if the apostles were bishops , episcopacy is of a divine original . the objection against this , that the apostles were extraordinary officers , consider'd . if the apostles were bishops of the church , and if they had episcopal authority over presbyters , episcopacy is not a mere prudential thing , as you suggest , or a defection from the first rule of ecclesiastical government . it was not the invention of a diotrephes , or a creature of ambition , but proceeded from our lord himself , and is of a divine extraction . but however the apostles were bishops , you conclude , that they were not precedents for government in succeeding times , because , as you tell me , they were extraordinary officers . and in this assertion you stand not single ; for it has been often urged by others , and readily receiv'd by persons of different persuasions . nevertheless , i think , we ought not , without due examination , to admit a pretence , which has been made use of to very bad purposes . the greatest zealots for the papal monarchy tell us , that s. peter only convey'd his power to his successors ; but as for the rest of the apostles , their authority was extraordinary and died with them (f) . but this the socinians affirm of them all (g) and the same reason for which they conclude , that an end was put to the apostolical office , they employ also to cancel the use of ministerial mission or ordination . they grant indeed , that such mission was requisite for the first preachers of the gospel , but assert , that now it is become unnecessary , since we are not to teach a new doctrine with which the world is unacquainted , but to explain the old one . but at this rate , they that are weary of any ordinance of christ , which is of positive institution , need but fasten on it the name of extraordinary , and then it must be of no longer continuance . i have therefore been desirous to know what standard you have for extraordinaries . and on this occasion you have oblig'd me with an act of pure generosity , for which i never ask'd . you send me to cicero and lipsius to shew what were the extraordinary honors , power , magistrates , among the romans , which i knew well enough before . but what i demand is , some plain and certain rule by which the things design'd for continuance in the christian church may be distinguished from those , that were shortly to expire . and such a standard as this , i have not been able to obtain from you . i must therefore be content to state the matter , as well as i can , without it ; and for that purpose i shall here set down some things , wherein , i suppose , we are agreed . . we are agreed , that they are extraordinary officers , who are only rais'd on some particular or special occasion or accident , to which their work is limited . but then it must be granted , that whatsoever proves not that the work or office of the apostles was limited to their own time , or that they might have no successors , neither doth it prove them to have been extraordinary officers . this i take to be manifest enough , and what use i intend to make of it , will shortly appear . . we are agreed , that persons in office may have successors in some things , who have none in others : particularly , they may have those for successors in their ordinary work , who are not so in some of their privileges . we have great reason for this , for otherwise no succession of ecclesiastical officers could have been preserv'd , and we must have remain'd , like the old acephali (h) , without ministers and without sacraments . . we are agreed , that the apostles themselves had successors in their ordinary work . but that we may rightly understand one another , and that nothing may disturb so friendly an accommodation , i farther add , . that i take all that to be their ordinary work , which others also did perform by the authority they received from them , and which hath been continued in the church ever since their days . . i call that their extraordinary work , which was peculiar to them . accordingly you may reckon amongst extraordinaries such circumstances as were appropriate to themselves or their actions : and whatsoever privileges and qualifications they had , which were incommunicable , you may also set them down in your catalogue of extraordinaries , for they were personal , and died with them . . we are agreed , that to teach and instruct the people in the duties and principles of religion , to administer the sacraments , to constitute guides , and to exercise the discipline and government of the church , was the apostles ordinary work . this is what you your self assign unto them as such in the words of dr. cave , which i cannot but approve : but you must put a strange interpretation on them , if they do not overthrow that for which you produced them . for if , as you say well after that excellent author , it did belong to the standing and perpetual part of the apostles work , to exercise the discipline and government of the church : that must be either such a discipline , or such a government as they did not exercise , or such as they did : if you say the first of these , you suppose that to have been their ordinary work , which was not their work at all : if you say the last , then it will follow , that such government as they exercis'd , and which was prelatical , ought to be continued to the end of the world. i might now justly neglect all your arguments drawn from the number of the apostles , from their seeing christ , and the mission they receiv'd immediately from him ; from their being the foundation of the church , and the power they had to work miracles ; from the extent of their charge , and their unsetled condition , by which you would prove , that they are extraordinary officers : for you may furnish your self with a reply to them , from the articles of our agreement . but in hopes to give farther light to what has been said before , i am content to attend your motions , and you are like to find me liberal enough in my concessions . i. i grant , that originally there were but twelve apostles ; and i doubt not , but , as s. barnabas intimates (i) , they were so many in allusion to the twelve tribes of israel . but it does not follow from hence , that the office of the apostles was limited to that number or to their persons . on the contrary i shall prove in another place , that it was actually communicated to others : yet i deny not , but the name of the twelve was continued : for as it was assign'd to the apostles (k) with regard to their first institution , when judas was fall'n , and there remain'd only eleven ; so it was also when many more were admitted into the sacred college (l) . and thus says peter du moulin (n) . the regions of decapolis and pentapolis kept up their names , when some of their old cities were destroy'd , or when new ones were built within their precincts : and neapolis ( which signifies a new city ) is still so call'd notwithstanding its great antiquity . ii. i grant , that the first apostles saw the lord : but this was no part of their office : only it made them fit to be the first witnesses of christianity . because , says paulinus (o) , they were to be sent into the world for the information of all nations , it was requisite they should receive the faith , they were to preach , not only with their ears , but with their eys , that what they had more firmly learned they might more constantly teach . but we cannot infer from hence , that none might succeed them in teaching and governing . their conversation with christ in the flesh was a great privilege , to which at this time none can justly pretend : but what qualified them for the mission , by which they were enabled to constitute subordinate officers , did not hinder them certainly from appointing others to preside over them , as themselves had done . iii. i grant , that the apostles had their commission immediately from our saviour . but notwithstanding this privilege , others might as well succeed them in the authority , they had , to govern the churches , as princes might sit on the throne of david , who were not advanced to it in a manner so extraordinary , by the particular appointment and express declaration of the almighty , as himself had been . noah & his sons receiv'd power , by an express revelation (p) , over the beasts of the earth , and over the fowl of the air , over every thing that moved upon the earth , and over the fishes of the sea , and liberty to eat of every living thing as of the green herb . yet they transmitted that power and liberty to their posterity , who have not such an intercourse with heaven , as themselves had . thus the first apostles , who were sent immediately by christ himself , might convey their authority to others , who had not that advantage . and 't is manifest , that their office was actually delegated to matthias , to whom our lord did not immediately speak the words of their commission . iv. i grant , that the apostles were in some sense the foundation on which the christian church was built : for so we learn from s. paul , eph. . . but this does not demonstrate , that they were an extraordinary part of the building . some think they were said to be the foundation , because they first published the gospel . so the socinians (q) interpret that expression , and they infer from thence , as you have also done , that the apostles were extraordinary officers . but if , for that reason , they were so in any thing , it was in teaching , and consequently , that was an extraordinary part of their work , which , you say , was standing and perpetual . casaubon observes in one of his exercitations on the annals of baronius (r) , that when the word rock is used metaphorically in scripture , it is with allusion to some properties of a rock , and denotes firmness and stability , or the like . and says this learned man (s) a rock and foundation are put for the same thing , and differ not in reality , but in notion only . this is what you will be oblig'd to confute , if you still adhere to your opinion : for in vain do you argue , that the apostles must needs have had extraordinary authority , because they had the honour to be a foundadation of the catholick church , if no authority be signified by that expression . the apostles were vested with authority by their commission , before they planted churches , and therefore did not derive it from that work : but if we think , that because they formed those societies , their authority must needs have been extraordinary and incommunicable , we may as well conclude , that romulus was no king , because at rome he laid the foundation of the regal government , which work was not repeated by those that succeeded him in the throne . for my part , i know no necessity , that they who constitute churches should be of a distinct order from those that afterwards preside over them . frumentius (t) was as much a bishop , when he travell'd from one place to another in india , after his return thither , to plant churches , as any that govern'd them in succeeding times : and they that were ordain'd bishops by the apostles of those that afterwards should believe (u) , did not forfeit their character , whatever that was , or acquire any extraordinary authority , if they were employ'd to convert those that were committed to their charge . but you tell me , that whilst the founder of a college lives , it is the duty of the founded on emergent difficulties , to have recourse to him , and take his directions ; but he dying , his authority dies with him . and it may be so , and it may be otherwise . you your self cannot be ignorant , i am sure , how usual it hath been for founders to appoint visitors of their colleges , and how permanent their power has been in our universities . so that this argument , if one may call it so , may easily be turn'd against you . but founders , you say , as such , as have no successors . this is profound ! and it signifies , that none came after them to lay the very same foundations , which they had finished before . if such arguing as this silences all disputes , and puts an end to the fatal controversies , which you truly say , have almost destroy'd the church , it must be when the contending parties are become very weary of their strife , and are mightily inclin'd to an accommodation . v. i grant , that the apostles had power to work miracles , for the confirmation of their mission and doctrine . but this hinders not a succession to them in that authority which is not miraculous , but may be continued in all ages . there was something extraordinary in the manner of discharging the apostolical office , but it does not follow from hence , that the office itself was so , or ought to be laid aside . otherwise , for the same reason , we must lay aside baptism , imposition of hands , praying and preaching , because all these things were attended with something extraordinary and miraculous . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says s. chrysostom (w) . there was nothing that was merely humane or common in that age of wonders . but miracles are said to be the signs of an apostle , cor. . . and from hence you have infer'd , that none can have a title to the authority of apostles , who cannot produce those signs and credentials . and this , i confess , is very specious , but that is all , as may partly appear from what has been said already , and will be more manifest , by comparing the words of s. paul in the place before mention'd , with those of our saviour christ , mark . , . for speaking there in general terms of such as in all parts of the world should be drawn to the christian faith , these signs , says he , shall follow them that believe : in my name shall they cast out devils ; they shall speak with new tongues : they shall take up serpents , and if they drink any deadly thing , it shall not hurt them : they shall lay hands on the sick , and they shall recover . now if one should conclude , that whosoever cannot cast out devils , speak with tongues , &c. have not the signs that should follow those that believe , and therefore are no believers ; this consequence would be as good as the former . but if it be absurd , the other is so too . against this your exception is , that the signs our saviour speaks of , did not follow all , but only some that believed : that miracles were not called the signs of believers , but that they were such marks and characteristical notes of the apostles , that by them s. paul prov'd himself to be one of their order . to which i reply , . that you suppose a real difference between the expression of christ , and that of the apostle , whereas there is none . for i appeal to any person that is a competent judge of the sense of words , whether , these signs shall follow or attend a believer , and these shall be the signs of a believer , are not propositions of the same import . certainly had s. paul said , the signs which follow an apostle have been wrought among you , he had said as much as we find in his own words , the signs of an apostle were wrought among you . if therefore the promise of christ extends not to all the faithful , but some may believe who cannot shew the signs that once followed believers ; so may some have such authority over other ecclesiastical officers , as the first apostles exercis'd , who cannot perform those things which were the signs of those apostles . . if miracles , as such , were a note of the apostolical office , if they were that peculiar or characteristical mark , by which s. paul was known and demonstrated to be an apostle ; then all that had that mark , that is , all that wrought miracles , were also apostles ; and consequently the number of the apostles must be vastly increas'd by the accession of many christians , who did bear no office in the church at all . yet i deny not , but miracles in connexion with something else , were signs or marks both of the apostles and other christians . they were signs of the apostles , as they confirm'd that authority they exercis'd , and which they declar'd they had receiv'd from christ . they were signs of believers , as attesting the truth of what they professed . they were the signs of those that had the power of miracles , but not such signs , as exclude all others from their order and rank that have them not . for illustration of this , i further add , that something may be fit and necessary for the first institution of an order , which is not so for the continuance of it . for example , the seventy elders mention'd , num. . were constituted judges by the immediate command of heaven : and the lord came down in a cloud , and took of the spirit that was upon moses , and gave it to them , and they prophesied , v. . this spirit was no more accidental to them , than other miraculous gifts were to the apostles ; for it was made necessary by the appointment of god , v. , . and it was such a characteristical mark of their being chosen by him , that eldad and medad , who remain'd in the camp , were distinguished by it , and known to be of their number , v. . but it was only a mark of the first elders . none that came after them were advanced to that dignity , and confirm'd in it with such solemnity . yet the great council , which is said to have consisted of this order of men (x) , remain'd till the last desolation of the jewish nation (y) . the advancement of aaron to his office was extraordinary , and so were his circumstances ; yet others succeeded him in that office who were not admitted into it , nor established in it in a manner so miraculous and stupendous , as their great ancestor had been . they resided at jerusalem , whereas he had sojourn'd in the wilderness . they had not their garments made by inspired workmen , as his were : nor could they perform the mighty acts , which he did : yet were they as certainly high-priests as he was , notwithstanding the want of his qualifications . formerly you thought , that if an extraordinary mission and extraordinary power do not constitute extraordinary officers , then there never could be any such in the church of god. but upon better information , you cannot but acknowledge , that aaron had such a mission and such power , and yet was succeeded by some that had neither . only , you tell me , that these extraordinary qualifications of aaron were contingent , and that he had them , not as he was high-priest , but by a particular and express revelation ; nor could his authority , when he was oppos'd by corah and his company , have been preserv'd but by a miracle (z) . afterwards he could not have been continued high-priest , had he not been distinguished by the blossoming of his rod : for that by the appointment of god , became a necessary mark , by which the person might be known whom the lord had chosen to that dignity (a) , and without which , none might have own'd him under the character he had born . but this miracle was a visible confirmation of his election , and the wonderful rod was kept as a lasting sign of it against the rebels (b) . the successors of aaron as they were high priests , gave answers when they were consulted in weighty affairs by vrim and thummim . but according to josephus (c) these oracles ceas'd two hundred years before he wrote his antiquities , which is much later than the period assigned to them by the generality of the jewish rabbies (d) , yet it is early enough to shew , that there were many high-priests who had not that light and perfection which distinguished their predecessors , and for which they were so eminent and useful to their nation . the deacons , at jerusalem , where they were first appointed , were originally seven ; and these might not have been chosen and constituted , had they not been men full of the holy ghost (e) . stephen who was one of them , was full of faith and power , and did great wonders and miracles (f) . and philip also cast out unclean spirits , and healed those that were taken with palsies , and those that were lame (g) : so that simon magus , who saw the mighty works which he did , was filled with wonder and astonishment , like the inchanters of egypt , when they beheld the finger of god. but neither was it afterwards always requisite , that there should be just seven deacons , however some religiously adher'd to that number ; nor was it necessary , that they should always be adorn'd with gifts that were extraordinary and miraculous : for otherwise , when miracles ceas'd their office must have ceas'd with them . the circumstances of the first presbyters were also extraordinary . they were qualified for their ordination with extraordinary gifts , and directions were given about it by extraordinary indications . they could pray with the spirit , and preach by inspiration : they could speak languages which they had never learn'd , and perform other things as miraculous . yet when all those extraordinaries ceas'd , the order and mission of presbyters did not so , but still remain'd , and ought to remain to the end of the world. from these instances , it is manifest , that some things might be requisite for the beginning of an office , and for some that were vested with it ; a repetition of which , is not always necessary for its preservation ; nor for all that are advanced to it . however therefore , the apostles had some prerogatives , to which none at this time have any just pretence , however it was very fit , that they that were the first planters of the gospel should be able to recommend their doctrine , which was then new , to the world , with miracles , which we may call the seals of that commission which they receiv'd from christ : yet the authority they had , as supreme visible pastors of the church , might descend to others , who have no need of new seals or credentials for what may be sufficiently confirm'd by the same . let us now suppose , if you please , that the apostles did more miracles than any others ; or that the working of some , was peculiar to them ; yet if miracles , as such , hinder not a succession to them , the number and quality of their miracles cannot do it without some declaration , that they were intended for that purpose . they may rather seem to concur with other things , in signifying the pleasure of the almighty to preserve that office or order which he so highly approv'd , and which he had established in so wonderful a manner . vi. i grant , that the charge of the apostles was of great extent : yet this hinders not , but that they might have successors in their office or authority . they had a large sphere of action , when they were sent to disciple all nations : but then no apostle had sole commission to do this : neither were the apostles wont to act as in a common council by majority of voices , but dispers'd themselves , that they might better propagate the doctrine of christ : they did not all travel together into the same country ; but some went into asia , some into scythia , and others into other nations , says didymus (q) , as they were directed by the holy spirit . the armenian historian in galanus (r) tells us , that having received the holy ghost , they divided the countries by lot. but certain it is , that some of them were more especially engaged to plant christianity amongst the gentiles , some amongst those of the circumcision : some in this nation , and some in that . no single person had the whole work of preaching the gospel committed solely to him . for , as there ought to be no oecumenical bishop , so there was no oecumenical apostle , who had jurisdiction over the rest . it is also manifest , that all the bishops in the second and other centuries , had power to govern all the churches that were planted by all the apostles , and to propagate christianity far and near , so that the charge of both in general , was of equal extent . and if the multitude of pastors , as well as of other christians , increasing , particular bishops were concluded within a narrower compass than the apostles had been , such disproportion of dioceses , does not necessarily hinder the title of succession of one from another , as may appear by the following instances . the kings of judah are mentioned in scripture , as sitting on the throne of david (s) , when ten tribes pay'd them no obedience : so that however they had not his dominions intire , it was enough to preserve their succession to him in royal authority , that they retained it in such parts of them as remain'd under their subjection . eutropius says of severus , that he left his sons bassianus and geta his successors (t) . and constantine , he tells us , left his three sons his successors (u) , none of which singly could have all the dominions of their father , in which the other brothers had their share . and not to mention other examples , i find in plutarch's life of demetrius (w) , the great men who divided amongst them the empire of alexander , twice styled his successors , and once the successors by way of eminence : yet no one of them had either the personal courage and conduct , or all the dominions of that mighty conqueror . perhaps it will be said , that this is a mere dispute about words : for that is the reflection which a learned foreiner (x) was pleas'd to cast on it when it had been managed by an incomparable hand . but when salmasius (y) , whom others have followed , argues against the succession to the apostles , from his own mistake of a word , to give its true interpretation , and to confute that which is erroneous , is the best way , i think , to shew the weakness of his reasoning . vii . i grant , that other pastors of the church are commonly under an obligation to a more constant residence in some particular places , than the apostles were ; yet this hinders not the bishops from succeeding the apostles in their office or authority . for , . it is not essential to the office of a bishop , that he reside in a place as a local pastor of a particular church : nor is it always necessary , as you suggest , that he should be ordain'd to a certain people . they that with us are advanc'd to the episcopal chair , are constituted bishops in the church of god : but that they are limited to a certain diocese , proceeds from such rules of government , as are not always of necessary obligation . the council of chalcedon declar'd (z) , that none should be ordain'd at large ; yet this rule , says grotius (a) , was not of divine and perpetual , but positive right , and it may admit of many exceptions . before that council s. (b) paulinus was ordained absolutely , in sacerdotiam tantùm domini , non in locum ecclesiae dedicatus , as himself speaks in an epistle to severus : and when s. jerom (c) was made a presbyter , he had no peculiar church or title assign'd to him . and to come nearer to the matter , photius tells us (d) , that caius who flourished in the beginning of the third century , was constituted bishop of the gentiles , that is , of the heathen at large , that by his labours amongst them , he might draw them to the christian faith. indeed where ecclesiastical government is setled and christianity flourishes , however persecuted by the civil power , it is requisite for the most part , that the jurisdiction of bishops should be confin'd within their proper and certain bounds . yet when their circumstances resemble those of the apostles , and the great work is to convert infidels to the christian faith , doubtless it is then fit that they should make freer excursions . and therefore the great council of constantinople (e) , that so strictly limited bishops within their own dioceses , excepted those from their general rule who liv'd among the heathens , and gave them liberty to attempt their conversion , and that within the bounds of other bishops , as balsamon and zonaras explain the canon (f) . and yet i cannot think that they to whom this liberty was indulged were bishops of a distinct species , when they only differ'd from others in a particular circumstance . nor can i believe that they were bishops at home and something else abroad : or that they forfeited their episcopal character , when they were making converts or confirming them in a forein province . it is farther observable that the canons by which ecclesiastical officers were restrain'd within certain precincts , being made in times of peace , did not bind in cases of necessity . on which account , nicephorus patriarch of constantinople determin'd (g) , that it was lawful to communicate with the presbyters who were ordain'd at rome , and naples , and in lombardy , without the acclamation , or a title . and this he confirms from the examples of athanasius and eusebius , who , when arianism prevail'd , confer'd orders out of their own dioceses : a plain argument , that they had contracted no such relation to a particular people , but they remembred , they were bishops of the catholick church ; and thought they might , on some occasions , exercise their episcopal power in any part of it , without a breach of catholick communion . to conclude : as the office of presbyters was the same , when they were severally appropriated to distinct congregations , as it was when they had the care or government in common of many congregations under the presidence of the bishop (h) : so is the office of bishops the same , whether they are limited or not , within certain dioceses . and to serve the necessities of the church , some of them may be the more strictly confin'd , and not suffer'd to pass their line : and others may be left to greater freedom in the exercise of their function , without any essential difference . . it was not essential to the office of an apostle , that he should constantly be engag'd in travels . s. paul who was so abundant in his labours , remained two years at ephesus : and s. james resided much longer at jerusalem , as i shall shew in the following chapter . in the mean time , let me tell you , that all the arguments , by which you would prove , that the apostles were extraordinary officers , perform more than you would have them , or nothing at all . if they prove any thing , it is , that the apostles could have no successors in teaching and instructing the people ; which yet you say , was a standing and perpetual part of their office. so that you must be content , i think , either to yield up the cause , or you will be concern'd , as much as i , to answer your own objections . chap. iv. s. james was an apostle , and yet he was bishop of jerusalem , and constantly resided there . amongst the arguments by which some would prove , that the apostles were extraordinary officers , i find none more frequently produced , than that which is taken from their unsetled condition . and this you urge , after the example of others : but something you have in the management of it , that is peculiar , and must be ascrib'd to to your own invention . sure i am , say you (i) , athanasius in his comment upon the epistle to the romans , ad c. . v. . affirms the office of the apostles to have been to go up and down and preach , circumvagari ( as his translator renders him ) & evangelium praedicare . but excuse me , sir , if i tell you , that sure i am , you never saw any such comment of athanasius , nor any such translator as you have mention'd ; nor have they any being , but in your imagination . the use you make of the words you have cited , is almost as surprising as the quotation it self . in the judgement , say you , of this so celebrated a father , the apostles ( as such ) were but itinerant preachers : as if you had a mind to depress them now , as much as you exalted them before . i leave you to clear your self as well as you can ; and i come now to prove what i have already propos'd , that it was not essential to the office of an apostle , that he should be constantly engaged in travels . and this i think , is very clear , from the example of s. james the just . i know that many learned men have deny'd , that this james was one of the twelve , which others notwithstanding of great eminence have affirm'd . but i have no need to be interessed in that controversy . i think it sufficient , that he had both the name and authority of an apostle (k) . and i shall shew , that he was bishop of jerusalem , and constantly resided there . i join these things together , because of their affinity . if i prove either of them , it will be for my purpose ; if both , the truth will be more confirm'd , and they will give mutual light to one another . that s. james was bishop of jerusalem , appears from the testimony of a whole cloud of witnesses , amongst which , clemens alexandrinus and hegesippus , are the most commonly produced , and chiefly depended on by the assertors of episcopacy , as being the most ancient and best qualified to gain an assent to their information . s. clemens flourished in the next age after the apostles , and as blondel says truly of him (l) , he was eminent for holiness , and all manner of learning . but divine learning was the highest in his esteem ; to acquire which , he travel'd into many countries ; and , as himself acquaints us , he had masters to instruct him , that were of several nations . one of them , he tells us , was of coelosyria , and another of egypt (m) : the third he mentions , was an assyrian , and the fourth a hebrew . and these having preserv'd the doctrines and institutions of the apostles pure , which they receiv'd from peter and james , from john and paul , as children from their parents , communicated them to him and others in his time . we have therefore reason to think , that he was not deceiv'd nor design'd to impose on posterity , when he left us this relation , for which i now make use of his name (n) ; that although our lord had prefer'd peter , and james , and john , before the rest of the apostles , yet they did not contend about honour , but chose james the just to be bishop of jerusalem . jerusalem was the principal place , wherein our saviour himself exercis'd his office , and taught personally , when he was upon earth . it was the metropolis of the jews , who afforded converts to the christian faith , before salvation was brought to the idolatrous gentiles . the church of jerusalem therefore was justly styl'd by the council of constantinople (o) , the mother of churches : and it consisted of a vast number of believers . and these are things that may put such marks of dignity on the person that presides in it , that the chief apostles had reason to think , it would not have been a diminution , but an honour rather , to any of them , to have been in his station . this may be sufficient to clear the testimony of clemens alexandrinus , as recorded by eusebius , to whom i refer'd you : and i am not concern'd to enquire , whether the relation of it , which you produce from theodorus metochita and others , and which , you say (p) carries with it , it s own confutation , be so absurd as you imagine : yet i cannot but observe , that when i offer , what you despair of opposing with success , you think it enough to find out something else , which , in your judgment carries with it its own confutation . a politick device , i confess , but no great argument of your ingenuity . hegesippus flourish'd in the same age with clemens , but something more early : and living so near the apostles time , he made use of that advantage in his enquiries into the things that were done in them ; amongst which , he acquaints us , this was one (q) , that s. james took on him the government of the church of jerusalem . hegesippus does not only relate this of him , but he gives us a copious account of his life and martyrdom : yet this , i confess , would signifie but little , were he , as joseph scaliger represents him (r) , a trifling and a fabulous writer . but that he was unjustly censur'd by that celebrated critick , has been shew'd by petavius and valesius (s) : and to what they have said , more might be added , for his vindication : if it would not occasion too large a digression ; or were it necessary to insist so much on the authority of one , for the confirmation of a thing , which may be sufficiently prov'd by the suffrage of many others . that s. james was bishop , or had the charge of the church of jerusalem , hath been generally believ'd by the christians of different nations and languages . the memory of it hath been preserv'd by the ethiopians in their diptychs (t) : by the coptites in their fasti (u) ; and by the syrians in their menology (w) . it hath been receiv'd and related as an undoubted truth by hippolytus (x) and eusebius (y) : by cyril of jerusalem (z) , and another cyril of scythopolis (a) : by epiphanius (b) , and chrysostom (c) : by augustin (d) , and fulgentius (e) : by nicephorus (f) , and photius (g) : by oecumenius (h) , and nilus (i) : and it was also mention'd as a thing universally acknowledged by the sixth general council (k) ; and blondel (l) himself confesses , that it was asserted by all the fathers . this testimony in which they are so unanimous , will appear the more considerable , if it agree exactly with the circumstances of s. james , as they are represented in the holy scripture : and that it does so , will be manifest , by comparing it with several places of the new testament wherein he is mention'd . for instance , we read , that when peter had escap'd out of prison , he said to those that were surpriz'd and astonish'd at his presence (m) go and shew these things to james and to the brethren . in which words he passes by all ecclesiastical officers , except james , without any particular notice . and this i take to be an indication , that however , there might be others at jerusalem that were subordinate to him , there remain'd none with him , that were his equals . when paul went up to jerusalem to see peter , other disciples saw he none , but james the lord's brother (n) . and this is that james says s. jerom (o) , who was the first bishop of jerusalem : a person of great sanctity , and of such reputation , that the people would press and throng , that they might touch but the skirt of his garment . that father also gives this reason why s. paul did not see other apostles , it was he tells us (p) , because they were dispersed abroad to preach the gospel : but he resided where his peculiar charge was . fourteen years after this , or rather , as some think , after his conversion , s. paul went up again to jerusalem , and there he found james (q) , and reckons him with cephas and john , who seem'd to be pillars , and were chief apostles ; hereby paying respect , in the opinion of bede , to the dignity of his chair (r) . and 't is observable , that however peter was one of the number , yet to james he gives the first place , because says anselm (s) , at jerusalem where he was bishop , he had the primacy . but this you will not admit : for that preference , you say , might be only in respect of his being the lord's brother (t) . as if john was not also the lord's brother , who is mention'd after peter , or james had but lately contracted this relation . i think this variation in the order of names from the usual method , must suppose a change in the affairs of the apostles , and import something peculiar to s. james , which did not always belong to him ; but now gave him the pre-eminence in this place . what that was , we have seen already : and mr. calvin saw it , and does not speak of it as a thing improbable : for says he (u) , when the question is concerning dignity , it is wonderful that james should be prefer'd before peter : perhaps it was , because he was prefect of the church of jerusalem . the good man would not speak more plainly out of tenderness to his own discipline . at the council of jerusalem s. james makes a greater figure than any of the rest of the apostles , and speaks with an air of authority , as president of the synod . he was bishop of jerusalem , says chrysostom , (w) and to him was the chief place assign'd . and from hence it was , that others having given their sense of things in debate . s. james passes the final sentence ; whereupon , says hesychius (x) , how shall i celebrate the servant and brother of christ , the supreme governour of the new jerusalem , the prince of priests , the chief of the apostles , the most resplendent amongst the lamps , and most illustrious amongst the stars ! peter preaches , but james decrees . his words are but few , but comprehend the greatness of the question . my sentence is , says he , that we trouble not them , which from among the gentiles are turned unto god. and thus , says the commentator on his acts (y) , he spake the word , and it was done . his suffrage passed into the form of a law , and was deliver'd to the church . indeed , if s. james had usurpt a jurisdiction over his collegues , this had been criminal . but i have ascrib'd to him no other pre-eminence , but what , we may well suppose , was granted to him by the rest of the apostles , that the proceedings in the assembly might be the more regular . it was agreeable to the nature of a synod , not that he that presided in it , should determine the thing in controversie by his sole power , but with the consent of the other members of it . this is what s. james did after the full hearing of the matter , and the manner of his giving judgment (y) and the deference that was pay'd to the sentence he pronounc'd , are very remarkable ; for all did not only acquiesce in it , so that the debate ended , but his words were put into the decree which became obligatory to the churches . i find several persons of the roman communion , as much dissatisfied as your self , with the place that hath been assigned to s. james in this council . there , says binius (a) , peter rising up as the head of the apostles , speaks first . and says m. de marca (b) , it is peter that assembles the council , in which he gives the first or chief sentence , by defining the matter , as the emperor was wont to do in the senate . this sounds very great , but hath nothing in it of truth . binnius himself affirms (c) after baronius , that the apostles who were dispers'd over the world , were brought together by divine instinct or revelation ▪ and this he proves from the second chapter of the epistle to the galatians . and we read acts . . that there had been much disputing ; not without words i presume ; and then , and not before , peter rose up , and expressed his sense of the thing in question . yet if he had been the first speaker , neither will it be granted , that this is sufficient to establish the prerogatives which some have assign'd to him : nor yet , that the account he gave to the synod of the success of his preaching to the gentiles , and the expostulation with which he concludes it , are any arguments of his supremacy . yes says mr. schelstrate (d) , when he had spoken , the debate ceased . all were silent , and thereby gave a very manifest sign , that they thought , they must all acquiesce in his determination . that is , because 't is said , that all the multitude kept silence , and gave audience to barnabas and paul , v. . therefore s. peter was the supreme judge of controversies : and the other apostles had nothing to do , but to approve the sentence of their head. certainly he had need to have a very favourable judge , to get this admitted for demonstration . but any thing satisfies a willing mind : and some have been content on any grounds to attribute to s. peter what he never had , that they may derive from him what was never in his possession . but i return to s. james , who after the council was ended continued in his diocese . for s. paul in the second chapter of his epistle to the galatians , v. . takes notice of some jews that came from him to antioch . that is , says s. augustin (e) , they came from judea , for james govern'd the church of jerusalem . several years after this , s. paul return'd to jerusalem , and there he found s. james and his presbyters together , acts . . and this james , as chrysostom tells us (f) , was that great and admirable man , who was brother to our lord , and bishop of jerusalem . the last time he is mention'd in the scripture , is by s. jude ; but from him , i confess , we can learn but little , that may give any light to our affair . for however , in the title prefixed to the syriack version of his epistle published by dr. pocock , he is styled the brother of james the bishop , he is only said to be his brother in the text it self , v. . yet from hence we may gather , that jude knew him to be a person of that figure in the church , that the consideration of his relation to him , might gain attention to his doctrine and instruction . and i see no reason why he should not as well have call'd himself the brother of simeon (g) , as of james , but that simeon was not then in so eminent a station . how long it was that s. james govern'd the church of jerusalem , we cannot learn from scripture . but s. jerom (h) says it was thirty years , and he is followed amongst others by an ancient writer of our nation cited by whelock † in his annotations on bede's ecclesiastical history : it was not much less according to eutychius (i) to whom on other occasions you pay respect : for as he tells us , james continued bishop of jerusalem twenty eight years ; and with him agrees elmacinus , as i find him quoted by abraham ecchellensis (k) . in these accounts there will be no real difference , if it be allow'd , that in the greater are reckon'd two parts of years , as if they were entire , and that both are omitted in the less . during all his time , after our lord's ascension we have no relation of his travels ; but so frequently do we find him mention'd in scripture , as remaining at jerusalem , that walo messalinus thought (l) , that he did not remove a foot from thence . it was perhaps by reason of his constant residence there , that the jewish rabbies (m) became acquainted with his miracles , the memory of which they have preserv'd . but certain it is , that josephus (n) speaks of him , as a person that liv'd there under a very high character . he tells us , that all good men and careful observers of the law were highly dissatisfied with the proceedings of ananus the high-priest against him . and he imputes the calamities of the jews , and the destruction of their temple , to their killing this james the just , who , as he says , was the brother of jesus , who is called christ . and from hence it appears , that jerusalem was the scene of his actions and of his sufferings , that there he had flourish'd in great reputation , and there was condemned and persecuted to death by the fury of his enemies . but josephus , you tell me , speaks not a word of his dignity as a prelate : as if i or any body else had ever affirm'd , that he did . it is sufficient , that what he says of james , concurs with other things , to prove that he did not travel about the world , or that he was not an itinerant preacher : and for this cause i produced his testimony . if after all this , you say , he was no standing officer , i desire to be inform'd , what it is , that constitutes a standing officer , or by what marks he may be known . if you say , he was engaged in frequent journies to plant the gospel . i pray oblige me with the history of his travels . if you say , that however he was an apostle , his jurisdiction was but equal to that of presbyters , i must leave you to combat your self , who have ascrib'd to apostles a superior authority . one evasion you have yet remaining , which is , that granting s. james was bishop of jerusalem , it was in that sense only , as he was bishop of all the churches in the world ; and for this you quote a passage of an epistle , suppos'd to have been written to him by clement , whose name it bears . but as the words of this epistle are set down in the basil edition (o) , the author does not address himself to james , as governing all the churches in the world ; but to him , as bishop of jerusalem , and to all churches where-ever they are . be it as it will : no great regard , i think , is to be paid to an impostor , who , amongst other marks of forgery , hath this one , that is notorious ; he gives an account of the last words of peter , and of his decease , to james , who died before him the space of several years . we have seen under what character s. james remain'd at jerusalem : and we may conclude , that this office was not personal , but continued after his death , if it be evident , that simeon , or simon , as he is sometimes call'd , was his successor . and this is what is affirm'd by the ancients generally ; and the notice of what they declare might be the better convey'd to them , because simeon lived to so great an age , that his martyrdom falls within the compass of the second century . eusebius (p) and abulpharagius (q) assign it to the tenth year of trajan , which was the one hundred and seventh year of our lord. but a learned man of our own (r) ascribes it to the one hundred and sixteenth year of christ , and for this he produces some probable reasons , which have met with good reception (s) . not long after that time hegesippus was a writer , and he testifies (t) , amongst many others , that after the death of james , simeon was constituted bishop of jerusalem : a truth , that in the ages which afforded the best judges of it , met with an universal approbation . this being clear ; i know not what better form of government we can have , than that which was established at jerusalem in the first christian church that ever was , and of which some of the kindred of our saviour had the administration . i know not what more excellent model can be contriv'd , if this gives no satisfaction . chap. v. the apostolate differs not in substance from the office of a bishop . it was design'd for continuance . i have consider'd the arguments by which you would demonstrate , that the apostles were extraordinary officers , and in examining the last of them which i mention'd , i proceeded farther than was necessary , because i was willing to lay some things together , that relate to the same subject . it was my business to shew , that a setled residence in a place , was consistent with the office of an apostle ; and this i have not only done , but also prov'd , that s. james was bishop of jerusalem , and that simeon was his successor : and if so , this does not only answer whatever you produce for your opinion , but is a direct argument for episcopacy . it also shews , that the apostolate differs not in substance from episcopacy , and that it was design'd for continuance . a truth which i shall confirm , . from the nature of that office or authority , which was confer'd on the apostles . . from the necessity of the continuance of some things which depend on a succession to them . . from the promise which was annexed to their commission . . from the actual communication of their office to others , and the preservation of it after their decease . . this office or authority which was of divine institution , was never abrogated by any divine precept : it was neither appropriated to the apostles , nor can time render it useless or unfit : it is therefore such as ought to be preserv'd in all ages . we may well think , that they who were conversant with christ himself , and had receiv'd their commission immediately from him , have afforded us the best pattern of government that ever was ; and it seems very improbable , that our lord should shew us in their example , the most excellent way of managing ecclesiastical affairs , and put us under an obligation to reject it , without telling us so : or , that such a disparity of officers , as had his approbation , but never was oppos'd by him , should now become antichristian . they say , that empires are best preserv'd by such means as they were founded , and if the apostles thought a disparity of officers necessary , when they were employ'd in converting the gentiles ; i think 't is still requisite for the government of them now that they are converted : for their conversion , did prepare them for more instruction : it obliged them to an attendance at religious assemblies : it made them subject to discipline , who were not so before . and when the work increases , i think the labourers ought not to be diminished , nor their ranks broken . we may rather suppose , that when whole kingdoms embraced the christian faith , disorders would be increas'd . and when the first apostles were departed , who could convey diseases and death in their censures ; whenever that miraculous power ceas'd , it was requisite that some should retain all the authority they had , which was communicable , that by the dignity of their office they might keep up a reverence of discipline , and preserve the peace and unity of the church . . there is a necessity of the continuation of some things which might depend on a succession to the apostles , and cannot be preserv'd without it . amongst them , i reckon the administration of the sacraments ; and the reason of it will be manifest , when i have examin'd , by what right it is that you assign that administration to presbyters , as a standing part of their work. i therefore demand in the first place , from whence it is that they have right to baptize ? if it be from any declaration that is made to them in scripture , let it be shew'd ; if from any command , let it be produc'd : if from example , i pray inform me , where any of their order did baptize . i think upon enquiry it will be found , that none in scripture are said to baptize , but such as you call extraordinary officers : and if they were so , as many of their actions as were peculiar to them may not be drawn into precedent : it follows therefore from your principles , either that baptism must be laid aside , or else the laity may confer it , and they that have taken it out of their hands , have done it in their wrong , and that , ever since the days of the apostles . concerning the lord's supper , you are like to be as much or more at a loss ; for you tell me , that these words , do this in remembrance of me , were said to the apostles , not as they were ministers , but as communicants ( you mean private christians . ) and if so , i would demand , what grounds you have from scripture , for assigning to any ecclesiastical officers the administration of this sacrament , or how , with consistence to your own principles , you can free them from usurpation . the reason for which you think those words of christ were not said to the apostles as ministers , but as private christians , is , that otherwise there is no canon of communion for the common people or laity : at which , i suppose , some of them , who talk much of religion , would not be offended . but if there be nothing else , on which their right to the communion is founded , without any injury to them , this matter may be thus adjusted . the apostles as receiving the communion might be the representatives of the faithful , and of ministers only , in receiving the command of christ , to do as he had shew'd them ; that is , to bless and give to others the sacramental elements of bread and wine . and such i affirm they were ; and such you must acknowledge them to have been , unless you will say , that the administration of the eucharist by the pastors of the church hath no foundation in the holy scripture . i see no way to avoid the difficulties with which you are intangled , unless it be granted , that the apostles receiv'd commission to administer both the sacraments for not only themselves , but others also . and since a right to that commission cannot be convey'd but by ordination ; and there can be no power of ordination , unless it be deriv'd from the apostles : from hence i gather , that in this , which was a principal part of their authority , as well as in that of conferring baptism , and celebrating the eucharist , they ought to have successors in all ages . . when our lord , before his ascension , gave his commission to the apostles , he left them an assurance of his presence with them in these words , lo i am with you alway , even unto the end of the world , matth. . . and from hence it appears , that it is agreeable to our saviour's intention , that they should have successors : (u) for as the assembly of divines say well , this promise cannot be confin'd to their persons , who did not live to the end of the world , but reacheth all ages , and strongly argueth that the office of the ministry shall continue till the second coming of christ : and if so , let us see whether the words be capable of such a paraphrase as this ; hereafter there shall be another sort of ministers , far inferior to you , not only in personal gifts or inward and miraculous qualifications , but in authority ; and these i will protect to the end of the world ; but you and your function must shortly be extinct . now this is such an odd kind of interpretation , as i can by no means approve . but since the promise was made immediately to the apostles , one would think , that it had a more especial regard to the preservation of their order , if it was also meant of any others . against this , your exception is , that by the end of the world , some understand the consummation of the mosaical seculum , and think they have good reason for so doing , by comparing matth. . . with . , . but that expression is only used in the former of those verses of matth. . where the disciples said to our saviour , what shall be the sign of thy coming , and of the end of the world ? and here they seem to understand such an end , as should be put to the world , at our lord 's personal and glorious appearance ; and not that earlier period of his coming in a figure only , to take vengeance on the jewish nation : for this could hardly agree with the idea they had of that state of things , about which they made their enquiry . however it be , thrice (w) do we meet with this phrase in the thirteenth chapter of the same evangelist , and as often it signifies the consummation of all things at the day of judgment : for then it is , that the son will send forth his angels to gather out of his kingdom all things that offend , and them which do iniquity , and cast them in the furnace of fire . and then shall the righteous shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of their father ; that is , when he shall deliver up the kingdom to the father ; for then , says the apostle , (x) cometh the end . but if it be said , that the predictions i have mention'd from matth. . import no more , than the calamities that fell on the jews , and the refreshment that the christians receiv'd above sixteen hundred years ago ; after this rate of expounding scripture , one may evacuate the clearest prophecies of the future and glorious appearance of our lord , to render to every one according to his deeds . the exposition which you defend , is not free from other inconveniences : for it supposes , that the continuance of christ with his apostles , must be commensurate with the time of his long-sufferance towards his mortal enemies : and then , however he had already freed them from the mosaical yoke , and intended to disperse them into remote regions , where they would be little concern'd with the political affairs and government of judea : yet wherever they were , they could have no assurance of the presence of our lord with them , any longer than he preserv'd his crucifiers , and so their hopes must live and dye with his murderers . 't is true , all the apostles did not live till titus executed on the jews a most just vengeance . but then i would demand of you , that limit the advantage of our saviour's promise to the persons of the apostles , and understand by it , that extraordinary assistance he gave them in the discharge of their office , how he continued with them that were deceas'd : and whether their dust and ashes , or their reliques , perform'd the work and signs of apostles till that period , which you call the end of the mosaical seculum ? but some lived after that time , and i would be inform'd , whether they were then abandon'd by our lord ? if so , what afflicting thoughts must it cost s. john , who liv'd above thirty years after the destruction of jerusalem , when his master , that lov'd him so well all that while , deserted him , or lest him without his usual consolation . but this inconvenience you think (y) , may be avoided , by comparing matth. . . with matth. . . where we are inform'd , that joseph knew not mary , till she had brought forth her first born son. for as the meaning is not , that he knew her afterwards , so when our saviour says , that he would be with his apostles to the end of the jewish world , this signifies indeed , that he would be with them so long ; but does not imply , that he would be with them no longer . that is , you had fixed a period of christ's presence , but finding your self pressed with the consequence of it , you declare , that there was no period of it at all . and his declaring , that he would be with them to the end of the world , was as if he had said , he would be with them after the end of the world indefinitely . i do not see how that instance from matth. . . supports this exposition . for neither doth this shew how our saviour could be said to be with those that were deceas'd before the end of the jewish polity : that is , how he assisted them in the work of their apostleship , when that work was over , and they were entred into their rest : nor yet does it reach the case of those that surviv'd . for however it is enough for us to know , that the mother of our lord remain'd a virgin till the time of his birth ; yet it was not enough for them to know , that he would be with them till the jews were destroy'd . they had as much need of comfort and encouragement from his gracious promise afterwards , as they had before ; yet of this they must have been deprived , had the end of the world , beyond which that promise was not extended , signified the ruine of their nation . upon the whole , these words of grotius on matth. . . seem highly rational . from hence , says he (z) , it very manifestly appears , it was the mind of christ , that the apostles should commit to others , and they again to other faithful persons , that charge of government which was committed to them . for since this promise extends it self to the consummation of the world , and the apostles could not live so long ; christ is plainly to be thought to have spoken to their successors in that office. and this , sir , is the testimony of that learned man , who for the reputation he hath justly gain'd in the world of great knowledge , and exact criticism may signifie something with you , to use your own words : and if he was not much mistaken , this text of scripture , by which you would prove that the apostles were extraordinary officers , overthrows what you design by it , and supposes that the apostles ought to have successors till the coming of our lord to judgment . . the office of the apostles or the authority they had over presbyters was committed to many in their days that were not of the twelve , and it was preserved after their decease . it was therefore design'd for continuance , and ought to remain in all ages . this consequence i take for granted , and the assertions from whence it is drawn , i shall clear in their proper places . at present i only observe , that if they are true , they will much confirm what went before . for whatever extraordinary qualifications and peculiar privileges the first apostles had , it will be manifest , that the authority they had as supreme governours of the church , was none of them . that could not be limited to them , which was convey'd to others . what was communicated was certainly communicable . chap. vi. the title and office of apostles were communicated to many besides the twelve . i shew'd before , that however there were originally but twelve apostles , yet their office might be confer'd on others that were not of that number ; and that it actually was so , is evident from the examples of paul and barnabas , who were apostles (a) , and that not only in title , but in power also . for the first of these declares , that he was nothing behind the very chiefest apostles (b) . and if barnabas had ow'd him any subjection , when a controversie happen'd between them , it might easily have been ended by that authority , which one of them might have exercis'd , and the other ought to have obey'd : but they debated the matter on equal terms , and neither of them gave place to the other . the result was , when the contention between them grew sharp , they departed asunder , and took different courses (c) . but at another time they agreed , and went together to jerusalem : and then james , and peter , and john , who seem'd to be pillars , paid to both the regard that was due to their collegues : (d) they gave to both the right hand of fellowship , and both went to exercise their apostolical office among the heathen , as the other three did among those of the circumcision . you think however , that barnabas was an apostle of an inferior order , and that he had his apostleship from the church . for this you quote acts . . where , you tell me , the church is said to send forth barnabas as their apostle (e) , and not barely to dismiss him . but you might as well have said , that when the brethren sent away paul (f) , they did not barely dismiss him , but made him an apostle . and at the same rate , you may carry on the work of criticism farther , and declare , that when the magistrates sent serjeants (g) to free paul and silas ; when herod sent an executioner to cut off the head of john the baptist (h) ; when the chief priests and scribes sent forth spies that should feign themselves just men (i) , and when the pharisees and chief priests sent officers to take our saviour (k) , all these that were sent , were transform'd into so many apostles . that barnabas was , as you imagine , subordinate to any other apostles , is altogether improbable . for s. paul speaks of him , as a person in the same station with himself , where he says , have we not power to lead about a sister , a wife , as well as other apostles , and as the brethren of the lord and cephas ? and i only and barnabas , have we not power to forbear working ? cor. . , . which words suppose s. barnabas to have been s. paul's colleague , and s. paul to have had equal power with any of the most eminent apostles , and both to have been vested with all the rights and authority , that belonged to the apostleship ; for otherwise those expostulations would have been liable to great exceptions . besides paul and barnabas , there were many others that were not of the twelve , and yet did bear the title of apostles : and of what account they were in the church , theodoret informs us (l) . he observes , that anciently the same persons were indifferently call'd presbyters and bishops ; and then such as are now call'd bishops , were styled apostles , but afterwards this title was left to those that were properly apostles : and on others , who sometimes had it , the name of bishop was impos'd . to the same effect , is that passage , which is cited by amalarius from the reputed ambrose (m) , wherein he shews , that they who were ordain'd to govern the churches after the apostles ( by which , says salmasius , he means others besides the twelve ) finding themselves not equal to their predecessors in miracles or other qualifications , would not challenge to themselves the name of apostles ; but the titles of bishops and presbyters they thus divided . that of presbyters they left to others , and that of bishops was appropriated to them , who had the power of ordination : so that they presided over churches in the fullest right . this place is quoted several times by salmasius (n) , but how contrary it is to what he endeavours to establish , is very obvious : for it plainly intimates , that there were always prelates in the christian church , only with this difference . the first of them excell'd the rest in gifts , and were call'd apostles : but their successors finding how disproportion'd their merit was to that title , thought fit to decline it : and then they began to be distinguished by the name of bishops . yet both were of the same order , and govern'd with the same authority . this is not the only instance wherein salmasius has done right to the truth , with disservice to his cause . for in his dissertation against petavius (o) , he proves , that there were many secondary apostles , as we call them for distinction sake , which were the disciples of the first : and these , he tells us (p) govern'd the churches with equal right and power , and in the same manner as the first had done . he also ascribes to them the same place over presbyters , that bishops had in succeeding times (q) . so that , according to him , there were always prelates since the days of christ , differing indeed from one another in name and circumstance in the first ages , but not in authority . amongst the prelates of the first century . i think we may reckon the apostles of the churches mention'd by s. paul , . cor. . . for they are said to be the glory of christ : which character , i suppose , they did not beat , because they were employ'd in going on errands ; but as they were the representatives of christ , in governing such parts of his kingdom , as were assign'd to their especial care . the ground of this interpretation i take from cor. . . where we read , that man is the image and glory of god : which words , in the judgment of theodoret (r) , are not to be understood with respect either to the body of the man , or to his soul , but to the dominion that he hath from god over the creatures . in the same verse we read , that the woman is the glory of the man. the wife is the glory of her husband . she is , says theodoret (s) , as it were the image of that image : and as such , she hath power over the rest of the family . thus when these apostles are said to be the glory of christ , this implies something of jurisdiction , which they receiv'd from him . and when they are said to be the apostles of the churches , the meaning is not , that they were their messengers , but their spiritual pastors . they were their spiritual rulers , and our lord's vicegerents , acting in his name and by his authority . agreeable to what has been said , is this observation of s. jerom (t) , that in process of time , besides those whom the lord had chosen , others were ordain'd apostles , as these words to the philippians declare : i suppos'd it necessary , sayes s. paul , to send to you epaphroditus my brother and companion in labour , and fellow-souldier , † but your apostle , phil. , . but you wonder , that after s. jerom , i should cite this place for a proof , that epaphroditus was bishop of philippi , and at first you could hardly believe , that i was in earnest : as if it were now such a fault to follow s. jerom , who , when you have occasion to press him into your service , is as learned and pious a father , as any the churches ever own'd . s. jerom is not singular in what he says of epaphroditus : for hilary tells us (u) , he was by the apostle made the apostle of the philippians : which in his language signifies , that he was their bishop (w) . and with him agrees pacianus (x) and theodoret (y) also , whose notions about the primitive government of the church are usually very clear and coherent . if you consult writers of greatest fame amongst the assertors of presbyterian parity , you will find them granting , that epaphroditus was something more than a mere messenger . blondel (z) reckons him amongst the chief governors of churches ; and for this he quotes pacianus , jerom , and theodoret , as i have done ; and if you can hardly believe him to be in earnest , you may take the same exception against walo messalinus ; for says he (a) epaphroditus was call'd the apostle of the philippians , as paul was said to be the apostle of the gentiles , and peter the apostle of the circumcision . he mentions the contrary opinion , but then he adds (b) , to me it seems to have no appearance of truth , since i know that the word apostle , is never us'd by s. paul , nor by any other apostles and evangelists , but for a sacred ministery . but this observation of walo , you say , will hold no water ; for you take it , that john . . in which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is us'd in a common promiscuous sense , and render'd so by our translators , stands impregnable as a plain , direct , and unavoidable instance against him . that is , you are now assur'd , that whereas this word is us'd about fourscore times in the new testament , in one of them it signifies any common messenger . and if you could demonstrate this as impregnably as you have asserted it with confidence , it would be no great matter of triumph . yet this is more than i can grant , you have perform'd . for in the place you insist upon , our saviour speaks thus to his disciples , he that is sent , or an apostle , is not greater than he that sent him . as if he had said , ye my apostles , that i mean to settle governours of the church , are not greater than i , from whom you have your commission , and by whom you are constituted . that is the paraphrase of the learned dr. hammond on those words of our lord ; and as it is very agreeable to the context , so it shews to what little purpose you have employ'd this place of scripture . nor have you any better success , but less shew of reason , where you tell me , that notwithstanding epaphroditus is in greek call'd an apostle , yet it no more follows from thence that he was a bishop , than that joseph the mittendary , as you call him , in epiphanius , was on this account a bishop : for you might as well have urg'd , that for the same reason letters dimissory must have been bishops also , because they were sometime commonly styled apostles (c) . i think no man that reads the accounts of the mittendary in epiphanius , and of epaphroditus in the epistle to the philippians , can form the same notions of both ; for 't is manifest , that one was an officer under a jewish patriarch , and the other a christian minister of great eminence . the same general title indeed was common to both ; but it was not so applied at the time , about which we are in debate ; nor by those writers , from whose style and expressions , the thing in controversie must be determin'd . jacobus gothofredus (d) , who searched in to the original of the jewish apostles , of which epiphanius speaks , and was willing to carry it as high as possible , could not find them mention'd by any author before the fourth century . none of the pen-men of the new testament , no ecclesiastical writer of the first age calls any man an apostle , who was not a pastor of the christian church , and of an order superior to that of presbyters . and consequently , he that was styled the apostle of the philippians , was their bishop . by which word i always understand a prelate , when i give no intimation of the contrary , or of leaving its signification undetermin'd . you think the connexion and coherence carry it for your sense , and that epaphroditus was no more than a mittendary , because s. paul says of him , that he ministred to his wants . but if castellio has well expressed the sense of these words (e) , they will afford no such inference as you have drawn from them ; but signifie , that epaphroditus was sent to supply the place of s. paul at philippi . and much may be said for this exposition : but it is i confess , out of the common road of interpreters . and to what you have objected ; i farther answer ; that epaphroditus may be said to minister to the wants of s. paul , who received of him the things of the philippians (f) , and yet it doth not appear from scripture , that they sent him ; much less is there any probability , that if he was sent by them (g) , he was for that reason dignified with the highest title that belong'd to any officer in the christian church . there is another reason for that title , for s. paul calls him his brother (h) , in such a manner , as he does no man who was not his colleague . he also calls him his companion in labour , and his fellow souldier : not for attending him doubtless in carrying contributions from place to place ; but because he was engaged with him in the same spiritual work of the ministry . i make no question , but it is he that is styled by s. paul his toke-fellow (i) . and the word so translated (k) , in nonnus (l) , signifies an equal . in the glossary of philoxenus , and in the vulgar latin , 't is render'd by compar . and by compar , says reinesius (m) , is meant a fellow or companion in any office and condition ; and he shews , that so it is us'd in plautus . this learned man also gathers from phil. . . compar'd with chap. . v. . that the apostle intimated , that epaphroditus was his colleague or partner in the same function : and if so , he was not only in name , but in reality an apostle . i am not ignorant , that in this explication , i dissent from a learned author , who thinks it sounds too harsh , that persons should be call'd apostles of those from whom they had no mission . but it should be consider'd , that the sense of words , of such especially as are terms of art , often varies from their original signification ; so that we ought not to put such limits on their interpretation , as are not consistent with their use . and certain it is , that when apostles are mention'd under the relation they bear to any church or people , they are said to be the apostles of those by whom they were not sent (n) . they that are styled by clemens romanus (o) the apostles of us , are not such , as deriv'd their authority either from the romans , in whose name he writes ; or from the corinthians , to whom he directs his epistle , but from christ . the apostle of the gentiles (p) had not his commission from them . the apostles and angels of the churches , which i take to be of the same order , were not their messengers , but their principal governors . so exactly does it agree with the language of those times , that he that was the bishop of the philippians , should be call'd their apostle . 't is true , s. paul salutes several bishops at philippi (q) . but these in the syriack version , as mr. selden tells us (r) , in the arabick of erpenius , are said to be presbyters . and that they were no more than presbyters , we are agreed . many of the fathers , particularly jerom (s) , chrysostom (t) , theodoret (u) , and oecumenius (w) , had the same opinion of them ; for which they give this reason , that of one city , there might be no more than one prelatical bishop . and for such a bishop , we need not here be at a loss , having consider'd under what character it was , that epaphroditus was sent to the philippians . chap. vii . apostolical authority was communicated to timothy : who was bishop of ephesus . we have seen that the name and office of apostles was confer'd on many that were not of the twelve . i come now to shew , that there were others of the same order , or to whom the same authority was convey'd , who are not mention'd in scripture under the denomination of apostles . such are timothy and titus , and the angels of the asiatick churches , to which more may be added ; but on these i chiefly insist . that apostolical or episcopal authority was communicated to timothy may be collected from hence , that he had full power of ordination . this appears from the advice that was given him (x) , to lay hands suddenly on no man. that is , not to admit any into a sacred function , without a due examination . for so i interpret the words with theodoret (y) , photius (z) , and several others , both ancient and modern writers . some learned men , i know , put another sense on them , and by laying on of hands , understand the absolution of offenders from ecclesiastical censures : but i cannot find in scripture , that the reconciliation of penitents to the peace of the church was perform'd by that ceremony . the context leads us to the exposition i have given : for in the precedent verses the apostle treats of spiritual officers . he speaks of the double honour or maintenance , which is due to those that rule well , and shews the reason of it . he speaks of the complaints against others that are criminal , and of the publick reproof and censure of them . and to prevent the scandal that results from the miscarriages of such , he directs timothy to lay hands suddenly on no man : not to be too hasty in ordaining of any , lest by his precipitance , he should admit unworthy persons into the ministry , and partake with them in their sins . and from hence we may learn , what high trust was impos'd in him . for in the church committed to his care , the admission of persons into ecclesiastical offices , was wholly committed to him , and he was the sole judge of their qualifications . there were many presbyters where he resided , yet were they not joyn'd in commission with him ; and that they might not act as his equals in the administration of the government , is manifest from hence , that it is not said by s. paul to any of them , against my work-fellow whom i left amongst you , receive not an accusation ; but it was said to him , against an elder receive not an accusation , but before two or three witnesses , tim. . . which words plainly import the office of a judge . for , as (a) morinus observes , from hence we may gather , that three things belong'd to timothy , in which the office of a judge amongst the romans was contain'd . he might grant an action to those that petition'd for it , and prescribe the form of it : he might sit upon examination of matters in debate , and hear them pleaded ; and he might determine them , by passing sentence . presbyters therefore , as well as others , being liable to his sentence were subject to his authority . and this the apostle intimates , where he adjures him to be impartial in his proceedings with them , and not to be warpt by his affections or respect of persons , tim. . . we find not that any offending presbyters were left in a condition to put in exceptions against his authority ; or that , if they were rebuk'd by him before all , they might make the following reply , we believe our doctrine to be true , or know our actions just ; but if not , we are not accountable to you for them : for you , sir , and we stand upon the same level : if therefore you would make us subject to your censures , you take too much upon you , and usurp a power to which you have no right . yet if some modern opinions had prevail'd and were well grounded , that answer they might have given him , or they might have appeal'd from him , to their own colleagues in the consistory , or to their own private congregations . but that no such thing could be done , is evident , because it would have rendred the apostles instructions useless and impertinent . he had not only power to correct and punish miscarriages : he was also oblig'd to give suitable encouragement to the industrious . let the elders that rule well , says the apostle , be accounted worthy of double honour , especially they that labour in the word and doctrine , tim. . . i know that the meaning of these words has been mightily controverted by dissenting parties , and that they have been made a foundation by some for the establishment of such a sort of officers , as before the last age were never heard of in the christian world : but though they yield no such consequence as these men would draw from them , yet in my opinion , they may give some light to the matters before us , and afford us a pattern of what was practis'd in the primitive times . for , . all presbyters were not then usually employ'd in labouring in the word and doctrine ; as will be manifest to any that will but consult what mr. le moyne (b) has written on this subject , and the authorities mention'd by him . but there was no reason to fear , that the people should want instruction , when the bishop , who preach'd himself , had many presbyters under him , and employ'd some in teaching , some in administring the sacraments , some in visiting the sick , and comforting the weak and afflicted , some in enquiring into scandals , and assisting in the affairs of government . and the inconveniencies that might arise from emulation , if every one had been judge in his own cause , were best avoided by the authority of the bishop who assign'd work and encouragement to them suitable to their several capacities . . in the primitive times the bishop was intrusted with the goods of the church (c) , and out of the contributions that were made to him , he appointed subordinate officers to supply the wants of private christians . he was also obliged to make provision out of the same for his clergy . and for this , timothy was a precedent , whose duty it was , to take care that the labourer should have his reward , and that the elders , who rul'd well , should receive double honour , or a double portion out of the publick stock . they depended on him therefore for their maintenance , as well as in the exercise of their function . but that the force of what i have argued from the pre-eminence and power of timothy , may the better appear , i am desirous , his case may be compar'd with the following instance , in which we are alike disinteressed . nicocles was advis'd by isocrates (d) to confer honors on the most deserving , and to commit the management of affairs to men of worth , as knowing , that the miscarriages of those that were in such a station , would be imputed to him . he was also advis'd to take cognizance of complaints , and to judge indifferently , according to the merits of the cause between contending parties . and this was enough to satisfie any one that had never heard the name of nicocles , and knew nothing of his character , that he had the administration of government ; and that the persons about whom he receiv'd this counsel , were his subjects . in like manner , when we reflect on the direction that was given to timothy concerning the ordination of ministers , and the danger he incurr'd , if he did not observe it ; when we also consider how he was requir'd to proceed , if an action were brought before him against a presbyter , and what care he was oblig'd to take of the elders that ruled well , we have reason to conclude , that they were not his equals , but under his inspection and authority . that timothy had episcopal authority , is manifest , i think , from what has been said : and that he was bishop of ephesus , appears from hence , that there he resided (e) , that he might exercise his apostolical power in such manner as we have seen , and that he might charge some , who were persons doubtless that had right to preach the gospel , to teach no other doctrine . the apostle intended not , as m. daille observes (f) , that he should act feebly with those that were so bold , as to corrupt a thing so important : he does not say , that he should pray or exhort them , or that he should remonstrate to them , or simply that he should conjure them , not to depart from the truth . he uses a term that implies more vigour , and requires him to denounce ‡ to them , that they teach no other doctrine than the apostles did . for to denounce , is to act with authority , in the name , and instead of another , whose person one sustains , or whose minister he is , and with a menace of punishment to the disobedient . and from hence , says our author (g) it appears , that timothy was left by s. paul in the church of ephesus , with authority to govern it , and to censure and depose even preachers themselves . and if so , i think , we may safely conclude , that they were under his jurisdiction , notwithstanding any thing this learned man added for the service of his hypothesis . what i have said of the office of timothy fully agrees with the sentiments of the ancients . for by some of them , he is styl'd an apostle (h) : by some a bishop (i) , and both meant the same thing . others speak more plainly , and say , that he was bishop of ephesus (k) : and of this belief generally were the fathers . nevertheless , against that which they so universally receiv'd , you produce several objections , and refer me for more to mr. prynne , whose treatise intitled the vnbishopping of timothy and titus † &c. came lately to my hands ; and now i am able to tell you , that he is a very promising author . he pretends that he has refuted the arguments for episcopacy , taken from the examples of timothy and titus , in an irrefragable manner (l) , and that he hath shaken the rotten pillars , and undermin'd the sandy foundations of the high towring hierarchy , and left it without any divine prop , to support it longer (m) . this work he dedicates to the archbishops of canterbury and york , proposing to them two things (n) one of which he modestly leaves to their choice . . he challenges them to give him a speedy , solid , satisfactory answer , which must be pretty difficult , if , as he tells them , he had made it manifest , that their founding their prelacy on a divine right ( on which grounds only they were willing to continue in their station ) was a mere absurd ridiculous fiction . . in defect of this , he requires them to relinquish their places , and not any more to advance themselves above their fellow-ministers (o) . and for this demand , there might have been some reason , had he demonstrated every thing of which he boasts so confidently , with as much certainty , as he hath from abundance of quotations and examples both foreign and domestick (p) , that bishops may dye of the plague , as well as other folk , notwithstanding their rochets , miters , crofiers (q) , to the confusion of those arrogant prelates that think otherwise . but i was soon convinced that no great matter was to be expected from him : for , not far from the beginning of his treatise , he argues that timothy was no bishop , because he was a novice (r) : so he supposes he must needs be , who was a young man (s) . yet afterwards he expresly acknowledges , that he was a bishop (t) ; but so , that other bishops were his equals . he had before told us , that this same novice was a fellow-helper and co-partner with s. paul in the apostleship (u) , and consequently , in the judgment of all men , if we may take his word for it , of a degree superior to that of a bishop . nevertheless within a few pages after , he makes him inferior to presbyters (w) , because he was obliged to intreat them as fathers , and to pay them double honor , and not to receive it from them . and thus he snatches at any thing that may free him from a present inconvenience , and at his pleasure timothy must be such a novice as is unfit to bear the office of a bishop : at another time this is a depressing of him , who was qualified for , and exalted to , a higher dignity . one while he must be superior , then inferior , and afterwards equal to the same officers . and this discovers such a flaw in the judgment of the author , to say no worse of him , that i cannot but admire , that some persons of greater sense seem to have the same good opinion of his book , which himself had ; whereas 't is a rapsody of incoherent stuff , and for the most part very trifling . yet he hits on some things that may deserve our notice , and they shall not be neglected . the common refuge of dissenters that are concern'd for the unbishoping of timothy ( to speak in mr. prynne's language ) is , that he was an extraordinary officer , and evangelist . he is expresly so styled , says mr. prynne (x) : he is in direct terms call'd an evangelist , say the assembly of divines (y) , and that he was so , says smectymnuus , is clear from the letter of the text (z) , tim. , . yet neither in this place , nor in any other part of scripture , is that to be found which these men affirm with so much confidence . 't is true , timothy was admonish'd to do the work of an evangelist , but this he might , and yet be no evangelist . daniel did the work of the king (a) , and yet was no king. the levites did the work of all israel (b) , yet were they not all israel . and timothy , who , as m. prynne says truly , was a partner with s. paul in the apostleship (c) , which virtually contains in it all other ecclesiastical offices , might perform the work of other ministers , and not be of their order , nor come under their denomination . this has been said upon a supposition , that he was requir'd in this place to do the work of an evangelist properly so called , which i cannot grant . for an evangelist , according to eusebius (d) , was a person that preached the gospel where it had not been receiv'd , or to those who had not heard of it before . and in this sense timothy could not be an evangelist to the church of ephesus , which he was obliged to instruct and govern : and when he was so , it had flourished for many years (e) . i conclude therefore , that the word evangelist in this verse ought to be taken in a larger sense , and then to do the work of an evangelist , will signifie in general to preach the word , as it is expressed , v. . and if this interpretation , which has been embraced by many learned men , be admitted , it leaves no ground for the exception that hath been under consideration . but timothy and titus , you say , were co-founders of churches with the apostle paul , and from hence arose their visitorial power , which consequently was peculiar and extraordinary . that is , you have assum'd a liberty of bestowing on persons what titles you please , and then you draw from them such inferences as you think expedient . this you call arch-work , whose strength , you say , lies in the combination † . a church as we have seen had been founded at ephesus several years before the government of it was committed to timothy , and how he could be a co-founder , i do not understand . i suppose , he neither laid the old foundation over again , nor raz'd it , that he might lay another . if you call him a co-founder of that church , only because by his preaching he increas'd the number of believers ; the presbyters that were before his coming , were for the same reason co-founders also : for doubtless they were employ'd in the same work : but that they and others of the same rank , by converting infidels , and adding them to the church , started up into an higher order , than that of which they were before , is what , i think , was never yet heard of in the christian world. philip the evangelist laid the foundation of a church at samaria (f) ; but by doing this , he gained no new jurisdiction ; he did not obtain by it the power of imposition of hands which the apostles had : nor any authority over presbyters , but remain'd a deacon as he was before . if frumentius had not been ordain'd a bishop , his planting churches amongst the indians , or more properly the ethiopians (g) could not have made him one . nor did his diligence in that work render his office incommunicable : but the authority , he had , to constitute and govern priests and deacons , was convey'd to others after his death , and , as ludolphus will inform you (h) , he had successors in ethiopia to this very age. let us now suppose , that timothy had founded the church of ephesus , it doth not follow , as we have seen , that his authority was extraordinary . yet in your opinion he could not be a bishop , unless his office had related to a church already planted , for that you make the condition of episcopal charge . but how groundless this conceit is , may appear from what has been said , and particularly , from that known passage of clemens romanus (i) , where he says expresly that the apostles ordain'd some to be bishops of those that afterwards should believe . what bishops he speaks of , is not here the question . they were such as you approve , and they were constituted bishops of those , who , at that time , were unbelievers . but that bishops , who have commission to preach the gospel , have power to preach it to believers only : or if they preach it to infidels , that for that purpose they should either forfeit their former office , or need another , is so absurd , that to mention it , is a sufficient confutation of it . another of the objections , which you advance against the episcopacy of timothy , is , that he is not styled a bishop in scripture (k) . on this mr. prynne also insists , and calls it an infallible argument (l) . yet what he pronounces so like an oracle , signifies no more , than if one should attempt to prove , that presbyters neither are , nor ought to be called ministers ; because in scripture they are never mention'd under that title : or that baptism and the supper of the lord , neither are , nor may be called sacraments ; because that name is not ascribed to them in any part of scripture . the truth is , if we must always use the words of scripture , and no other , in treating of religious or ecclesiastical affairs , all translations of it ought to be rejected . it should be read to the people only in the original , and sermons should be made to them in greek and hebrew , which i suppose would not be much for their edification . you farther urge , that timothy could not be bishop of ephesus , because the stay he made there , was only upon the desire of the apostle , and did not arise from the duty of his place (m) . but what if he first took on him the peculiar charge of the church of ephesus immediately after s. paul besought him to remain there , could he not be a bishop of it , unless he was under an antecedent obligation to that residence ? or if he did it before ( which is improbable ) might he not be exhorted to the performance of a thing which was incumbent on him by his office ? the apostle , you know , beseeches the romans to present their bodies a living sacrifice , holy and acceptable unto god (n) . he beseeches the corinthians to speak the same thing (o) . he beseeches the thessalonians to walk worthy of god (p) , and buodias and syntiche to be of the same mind in the lord (q) . and from these instances it is manifest , that things may be duties on another account , when he makes them the matter of his exhortation . you fancy however that timothy could be no standing officer at ephesus , because , as you tell me , his stay and business there are limited to the apostles return (r) : for which you quote tim. . . compar'd with chap. . v. . . chap. . v. . and this gives me occasion to shew , . that where s. paul acquaints timothy with his hopes to see him at ephesus (s) , he speaks as under some uncertainty , for being acted by the holy ghost , says theoophylact (t) , he knew not whither that would carry him . theodoret (u) observes , that however the spirit reveal'd to the divine prophets and apostles whatever was expedient , yet did they not foresee all things . and it was as consistent with the dignity of s. paul , not certainly to foresee , whether he should visit timothy or not , as to be doubtful concerning the time of his coming , when he had this in his hopes . these things , says he , write i unto thee , hoping to come unto thee shortly : but if i tarry long , that thou mayest know how thou oughtest to behave thy self in the house of god. some necessary cause might detain him , besides his expectation (w) : and it doth not appear , that he took any journey to ephesus , after the writing of this epistle . . when he says , till i come , give attendance to reading , to exhortation , to doctrine (x) , this does not signifie , that if he did come to timothy , his attendance on these things must then cease , or his work be at an end : but the apostle might think by such an admonition , to excite his diligence , when he was absent from him : or else he might hereby intimate , that when he saw him , he would communicate to him farther instructions . . when the second epistle was sent to timothy , he was neither remov'd from his authority , nor the place where he resided , when the first was written (y) . for in several passages of both epistles , the same rules of discipline are given him . he is advis'd in both to avoid the same errors and miscarriages , and warn'd against the same persons . hymeneus and alexander are mention'd in both under marks of infamy (z) ; and this last , is that alexander who was drawn out by the multitude when the tumult was at ephesus . acts . . 't is likewise observable , that in the second epistle to timothy , chap. . v. . the apostle salutes prisca and aquila , whom he left formerly at ephesus , acts . . he also salutes the houshold of onesiphorus (a) , who ministred unto him whilst he was at ephesus , as timothy knew very well , . tim. . . yet says smectymnuus , to whom you refer me , paul was so far from setling timothy at ephesus , that he rather continually sent him up and down : for which they quote thess . . , . acts . . & . . & . . you also tell me (b) , that we find timothy as an itinerant officer often going from place to place upon occasion : and from hence you would infer , that he was not a bishop . but there is no sufficient ground for any such consequence , as may appear if it be consider'd , . that presbyters and deacons were sometimes engaged in travels , and that without any loss of their character . philip was appointed at jerusalem to serve tables (c) ; yet he did not relinquish his office , but remain'd one of the seven , when he went down to samaria (d) , and when he was at caesarea (e) . and i know nothing in scripture , that confines bishops perpetually within their own dioceses , or limits their absence from them to a certain number of days or miles . ordinarily indeed , they are obliged to reside where their peculiar charge is : yet great occasions , and their care for the publick good may sometimes call them thence . and diligent as they ought to be to instruct and govern that part of the church which is assign'd to them , they may not forget the relation they bear to the whole . primis ecclesiae temporibus , says a learned man (f) , omnes episcopi praeter peculiarem curam propriae sibi ecclesiae , in solidum sibi commissam , ut loquitur cyprianus , etiam universam , suo quodam modo curabant . these are the words of casaubon , and alstedius (g) was so affected with them , that he hath transcribed them into his supplement of chamier's panstratia , and about two hundred lines more verbatim , all very near together , without any mention of the author , being willing , it seems , that they should pass for his own . . the journeys mention'd in the smectymnuan objection , were taken before timothy was requested to remain at ephesus , as may be gather'd from hence , that s. paul left him there , when he went into macedonia (h) : but this could not be the first time of his going thither ; for then timothy was a companion of his travels (i) , and 't is probable that he had not been yet at ephesus . neither was it the second time : for he had then sent timothy before him into macedonia (k) , where afterwards they were both together (l) . nor yet the third ; for then to avoid the conspiracy of the jews , he return'd in great haste from achaia to macedonia (m) ; and departing thence , timothy , who waited for him at troas , attended on him to jerusalem . and from these reasons which i have briefly mention'd , but which bishop pearson (n) hath fully illustrated and confirm'd , we may conclude , that timothy was not desir'd by s. paul to remain at ephesus before this apostle was brought to rome : nor till after he had written his epistles to the romans , corinthians , philippians , colossians , thessalonians , philemon , and the hebrews (o) . what account therefore soever of the travels of timothy may be collected from any of those epistles , or the acts of the apostles , it is consistent enough with his setled residence in his diocese , when the church of ephesus was committed to his administration . i do not remember any other material objection against what i have said concerning this subject . so that i make no doubt still to affirm , that timothy was an ordinary pastor of the church ; and thus much in effect is acknowledged by some learned presbyterians , who say he was the first presbyter or president of the presbytery . and if they would allow such presidents as have the full power of ordination , which he had presidents with authority equal to his , and which , as cameron gathers from tim. . (p) , was greater than was consistent with the office of other presbyters . presidents that are so for life , as ludovicus cappellus (q) thinks , they originally were : then , if they please , they may call them presidents still , and i shall not contend about the name , if we are agreed about the thing . but since you and many others have not made the concessions i have mention'd , i shall farther prove , that the office of timothy was such as i have describ'd , by the following arguments . . if it had been intended that the authority committed to timothy and others of his rank should be temporary , either this may appear from the nature of the thing , or it might have been expected that we should have had some notice of it in the scripture . for if we may take the liberty , without any grounds to fasten on it the title of temporary or extraordinary , we may by the same means soon put an end to any constitutions whatsover . but there is nothing in the nature of this authority , that may hinder its continuance : nothing in the scripture that declares it to be abrogated : we may conclude therefore , that as it is fit to be continued , so it was design'd to be so in all succeeding times . . we have no reason to believe , that s. paul would alter his own constitutions without a cause ; or that , without any necessity , he would put the government of a church into a new model , and divert the course of discipline from that channel in which it ought to run in all ages . if therefore he sent timothy as an extraordinary commissioner to interpose in the affairs of ephesus , we may suppose this to have been either , . because there was some extraordinary work , which none but extraordinary officers could perform : or , . because there were no ministers at ephesus , or such only as were unfit for government : but neither of these can well be imagin'd : not the first , for the work was no other than what hath or might have been perform'd by bishops ever since : not the second , for there were presbyters at ephesus of eminent gifts , such as the holy ghost had made overseers (r) . it seems improbable then , that these were constituted supreme standing rulers of the church , or that the work for which they were so well qualified , was so soon taken out of their hands . particularly it seems improbable , either that they had the power of ordination , or that it would have been transfer'd from them to a stranger , who came to visit them , but was not of their number , and that without any ground or reason given , or any notice taken of them , as concern'd in the matter . flaminius did a thing acceptable to the greeks , when he gave them permission to live after their own laws : but if he had afterwards sent amongst them some governour with power and commission to over-rule and controul their magistrates , and to disturb that polity which had been established by his concession , by such changes and turns of affairs he would have introduc'd and encouraged great irregularities , and put his former admirers upon upbraiding his levity , or questioning his veracity . and let us now suppose , if you please , that such elders were constituted by s. paul at ephesus , as were inabled and obliged to perform the highest acts of ecclesiastical authority , as supreme ordinary pastors , and were design'd also to be a pattern for following ages : let us farther suppose , that an officer extraordinary had afterwards been left amongst them with commission from that apostle to alter the measures they had taken , and to suspend the exercise of a principal part of their function , by taking it wholly to himself , and that without any miscarriage laid to their charge ; you may easily perceive what reflections this might have occasioned , and that such proceedings would have been so far from setting things in order , that , one has reason to think , they would have put them into greater confusion . . if such eminent presbyters as were at ephesus , and a church so flourishing as that of ephesus was , had a governour put over them , this ought not to be esteemed an extraordinary thing ; for doubtless other presbyters and churches , whose exigences were greater , had so too . and if such a subordination of officers was necessary when the apostles were alive , i cannot imagine why an end should afterwards be put to it , when there was more occasion of it than ever . some of the most learned opposers of episcopacy , grant , that timothy and others of his rank , govern'd churches with the same plenitude of power , as bishops afterwards did ; who , as they say , were rais'd in the second century for the cure of schism . but if , in the common sense of christians , prelacy was useful to that purpose , as 't is supposed , this must have obliged them to preserve it , when it had been introduced amongst them by such as were directed by the spirit of god : and it could be no great argument of their wisdom , if they laid aside that which was of divine original , and were very shortly afterwards put upon contriving , how to restore it by a humane invention . . it seems very improbable , that the apostle should write two epistles to timothy , only to direct him in the temporary administration of the affairs of a place , where he was only to make a transient visit . but if from the examples we have of presbyters , and the rules that are laid down for them in scripture , we may gather , that such ought to be continued : then may we also conclude , from the example of timothy , from the authority he had , and the rules that were given to him for the exercise of it , and which are of perpetual use , that the office with which he was vested , ought to be preserv'd in the church till the end of the world. . as we learn from the scripture , that timothy resided at ephesus , so it may something confirm what i have said of his relation to that place , if there he ended his days . and this is what is testified by sophronius (s) , who tells us , that there he gloriously suffer'd martyrdom : but more fully by an ancient writer in photius (t) , who acquaints us , that he was put to death at the detestable festival called the catagogium , which he would have abrogated . . after his death we find onesimus in his place , who is said to be bishop of ephesus by ignatius (u) his co-temporary , and by whom he is represented as a person of admirable charity , and a worthy pattern and great blessing to his flock . polycrates was another of his successors (w) , and it were easie to reckon many more . if therefore your standard of extraordinaries be true and of any use , it must be granted , that his office was not of their number , and that the inferences you draw from his doing the work of an evangelist , and from your supposition of his being a co-founder , are groundless : for 't is in vain to advance little conjectures against plain matter of fact. chap. viii . apostolical authority was communicated to titus , who was bishop of crete . i have said so much of timothy , that the less need be added concerning titus , who had been train'd up with him under the same spiritual father , and was employ'd in the same manner . they were both s. paul's fellow-labourers and partners in the apostolate (x) , and they were left under the same character , and with the same authority , the one at ephesus , and the other in crete . titus was left in crete , of which he was bishop , say the fathers : and one part of his episcopal power appears from the commission he had to ordain elders there in every city , tit. . . but say you (y) , the word there (z) which is render'd ordain , is the same that is us'd , acts . . in the matter of the deacons , who were appointed by the apostles ( not one of the apostles , but all ) and chosen by the people . and one might well admire , that the same word which is translated appointed in one place , should be rendred ordain'd in another ; but that titus is said to ordain , and not to appoint only , that it might look , as if it were a plain text for sole ordination . so that here is a heavy charge against the translators ; and perhaps never was any more groundless . for i pray sir , what did they mean , either by appointing or ordaining , but constituting ? and if all the apostles constituted the deacons which were chosen by the people , will it follow from the signification of this word , that titus might not constitute elders , unless they were chosen by the people ; or that he could not do it , unless he had colleagues to assist him , or was himself a multitude ? when the lord in the gospel is said to set a ruler over his houshold (a) , must the interpretation of this expression be , that he did it not without a previous election in the family , and with the concurrence of his equals ? and when we read , that pharaoh made joseph governour over egypt and all his house (b) , must the meaning of this be , that pharaoh and some partners with him in the thone did this , but not without the common consent of their subjects ? if these things be absurd , you may at your leisure reflect on the success of your criticism , and the justice of your censure . we have seen what right titus had to constitute elders : and if it be absurd to imagine , that all his care of them was to be employ'd in examining and admitting them into office , and none afterwards ; it will follow , that since the rules for their conversation are directed unto him , he had over them an episcopal authority . for as the command that was given to the master of a family , that his children and servants should keep the sabbath , was an argument that they were under his jurisdiction , which rendred him accountable for them : so when the precepts by which presbyters ought to govern their actions were addressed to titus , this signifies that he had power to see them executed , and offences against them prevented or punish'd . another argument of his episcopal power , may be taken from hence , that he is required to rebuke the disobedient and refractory with all authority (c) . that is , says beza (d) , with the highest authority , as an ambassador of god : and to let no man despise him : which last advice confirms beza's exposition of the former , and shews , that if titus would exercise the authority he had , that was sufficient to create a reverence for him amongst all that were committed to his care . but this i confess might seem very strange , had his orders or his proceedings against offenders been precarious , or some notions about the pastors of the church then prevail'd , which of late have been entertain'd . in the imperial law the following precept is given to a judge or president (e) , observandum est jus reddenti , ut se contemni non patiatur . and it is suitable enough to the condition of a magistrate : but if it be said , of what use could it be , to instruct a person to let no man despise him , who had no coercive force to vindicate himself from contempt , if any were inclin'd to throw it on him . to this i know no other answer can be given , than that the authority of bishops , however it was only spiritual , did in that age strike such an awe upon the minds of christians , that they were able to stop the mouths of false teachers (f) without any external violence , or deprive them of their followers , if these had any true sense of piety . their publick reproof of scandalous offenders was then very dreadful , and when they expell'd them from the church by their censures , this was justly esteem'd a sad presage of their future judgment . such censures , i suppose , were meant by the apostle , where he instructs titus (g) to reject a heretick after the first and second admonition : on which words dr. hammond hath this annotation , which is not vulgar , but in my opinion very rational . the first and second admonition , says he , here refers to the method prescrib'd by christ in proceeding against christian offenders , matth ▪ . . but in some circumstances differs from it . there is mention of a threefold admonition ; one by the injured person alone , a second by two or three taken with him , the third by the church : but here only a first and second admonition . the cause of this difference , is to be taken from the quality of the person to whom this epistle is written , titus a bishop , whereas there the speech is address'd to every private christian that is injured by any . here the first admonition of the bishop carries an authority along with it , far above that of the private person , and the two or three with him , and so may well supply the place of both those ; and then the second here will be parallel to the third there ; and so after that is despis'd or proved uneffectual , it is seasonable to proceed to censures , to excommunicate the contumacious . thus cor. . . immediately after the second admonition deliver'd by s. paul , he tells the offenders he will not spare , and v. . he tells them , that this admonition is , that he may not proceed to excision or cutting off , which he there calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taking away , the word ordinarily used in the canons for excommunication . the summ of what i have said of titus , is , that he had commission to constitute officers , and to govern with plenitude of power , presbyters as well as others being under his jurisdiction . he was requir'd to inflict ecclesiastical censures on the disobedient , and set things in order in many churches . his office therefore or power was episcopal . to prove this , i have not urged any thing from the postscript of the epistle to titus , and therefore i am not concern'd at your exception against it , or to enquire into its authority . what is manifest from the epistle it self , and confirm'd by the testimony of the fathers , is sufficient for my purpose , that however there were many churches in crete , yet they were govern'd by a single person , as their chief pastor or bishop . what you object against his episcopacy , from the multitude of cities in crete , looks like one of the efforts of mr. prynne , and is so confus'd , that i can make no coherent sense of it . you suppose that every church or congregation must have a bishop : for which you give no other reason , but that some are confident of it : and i confess , if matters between us had been to be determin'd by confidence , you had often put me to a loss . yet here i do not see what service it can do you . for i would demand , whether the bishop you assign to every congregation , was a mere presbyter , or a prelate ? if you say the first , what is it to the purpose , unless you could prove , that he was not subject to another pastor who had the charge of many congregations ? if the last , what is become of the cause for which you contend ? if titus , say you (h) , was a bishop over all the churches in crete , he was a bishop of bishops : that is , of prelatical bishops , as your words import ; and consequently , if they express your thoughts , you must believe that at that time there were such bishops . and now methinks , our controversie appears a little oddly : for the tables are turn'd , and you are got on the side of prelacy . you contend , that the cretian elders were prelatical bishops , when i cannot allow , that they were more than presbyters . i cannot be convinc'd , but that titus being left in crete , was the only bishop , in the modern sense of the word , of all the churches there . nor do i see any reason , why this should be thought inconsistent with an episcopal function . theodoret had eight hundred parishes under his care (i) , yet this did not cause a nullity in his ordination . and however there were many cities in scythia , yet anciently one bishop had the charge of them all (k) , without any loss of his episcopal office. inconveniences indeed may arise from such large extent of dioceses ; but this was not the case , when , as rabanus maurus tells us (l) , bishops govern'd whole provinces under the name of apostles ; or when titus remain'd in crete . for then 't is certain , there were many churches under his care and administration ; and by what title soever he was distinguish'd , it is not material , as to the nature and ends of government . but if he was bishop of so many churches , you would fain know , which was the church of the cretians , where he resided . to which i can say nothing , but that it seems probable he visited all the churches of his diocese , and resided chiefly in the metropolis . if this satisfies not your pang of longing , as i have no ability , so i have no inclinati - to gratifie it any farther . for could i name with the greatest certainty the city where he commonly dwelt , you might also enquire , what part of that city , or what street he inhabited , and propose many other questions of the like importance , to which i am not prepar'd to give any reply . it is sufficient , that he was a pastor of many churches , and had authority over their presbyters and deacons : for if this be true , it strikes at the root of the presbyterian and independent opinions about church-government : and i know not what can be said in vindication of them , unless it be , that he was an extraordinary officer . this you insist on , and to prove it , you tell me he was an evangelist . but the scripture says of him no such thing . from the scripture indeed we learn , that philip was an evangelist (m) , and yet he wanted power , either to confirm those that were baptiz'd , or to ordain officers , by imposition of hands (n) . but titus could perform the last of these , which was the greater ; and consequently he was something more than an evangelist , and could be no less than an apostle , or a bishop . but that he may be reckon'd amongst the pastors extraordinary ▪ you likewise urge , that he was only left in crete , as the deputy or the delegate of the apostle , and that but for a time till he should have established churches in every city , and organiz'd them with elders , which having done , you say , 't is very probable that he return'd again to s. paul , to give an account of that affair ; and then , you think , his commission expir'd . not that you have read any such thing of him in scripture : but since he was oblig'd to act as the apostle had appointed , from hence , you collect , that his deputation was but temporary : and you might as well have concluded , that since it was the duty of presbyters and deacons , to walk as the same apostle appointed , or according to the rules he gave for their conversation , their offices also were temporary , and design'd for no long continuance . you think his case differ'd from theirs in this , that he was employ'd in frequent travels ; but in answer to that , i need only tell you , that his journeys to jerusalem , to macedonia , and to corinth , were undertaken and finished , before he was left in crete (o) ; that he died there , as we are inform'd by paulinus (p) and sophronius (q) : and that the government of the church has been episcopal in that island ever since his days . when i had proceeded thus far , i had the satisfaction to peruse some printed papers of an eminent person ; wherein amongst other things , he treats of this subject , and i was glad to find that i had not differ'd from the sentiments of so great a man , which he hath express'd in these words , we are not to suppose , says he , that the power of titus extended not to a jurisdiction over elders , when he had ordain'd them . for if any of those whom he had ordain'd , as believing them qualified according to the apostles rules , should afterwards demean themselves otherwise ; and be self-willed , froward , given to wine , can we believe that titus was not as well bound to correct them afterwards , as to examine them before ? and what was this power of ordination and jurisdiction , but the very same which the bishops have exercis'd ever since the apostles times ? but they , who go about to unbishop timothy and titus ; may as well unscripture the epistles that were written to them ; and make them only some particular and occasional writings , as they make timothy and titus , to have been only some particular and occasional officers . but the christian church , preserving these epistles , as of constant and perpetual vse , did thereby suppose the same kind of office to continue ; for the sake whereof , those excellent epistles were written : and we have no greater assurance that these epistles were by s. paul , than we have , that there were bishops to succeed the apostles in the care and government of the churches . chap. ix . apostolical authority was communicated to the angels mention'd revel . . . who were bishops of the asiatick churches . what timothy was at ephesus , and titus in crete , that were the angels mention'd revel . . . in their several dioceses : they govern'd the seven churches of asia with apostolical or episcopal authority . this is what you oppose , and one might therefore have expected from you another account of them , to which you would adhere ; but you fix upon nothing , a practice very common amongst many that are engaged with you in the same work , who combine indeed in their attempts against the truth , but without any steady principles , and in great confusion . amongst the rest , the assembly of divines tell us (r) , that these titles of angels are mysterious and metaphorical , and that it cannot not be safe or solid to build on them the structure of episcopacy . and yet they are not of the mind of the old alogians , who derided the revelation of s. john (s) , saying , of what advantage is it , that he talks of seven angels , and of seven trumpets ? they affirm , that this book is of singular use to christians to the end of the world (t) . they have also furnished us with annotations on it , such as they are ; and particularly without any he sitation , they give their interpretation of this expression , which yet they would have us believe , is so mysterious and obscure . as for their argument , that symbolical theology is not argumentative , it is no farther to be admitted , than as it signifies , that parables and figures are not to be stretched beyond the plain intention of any author : but if no determinate sense can be gather'd from them , this would make a great part of the holy scriptures useless to us , and leave us mightily in the dark concerning the institution of the sacrament of the lord's supper , which yet the reformed think , and that with good reason , they clearly apprehend . yet after all , we do not read of the mystery of the angels , but of the seven stars , of which the angels are the explication , and therefore must be suppos'd to be intelligible : and indeed there seems to be no difficulty in this , but what has been created by those that would amuse us with exceptions , that they may find some way to escape . you pretend not to have any certainty that the title of these angels was metaphorical . for what , say you (u) , if by the name of an angel , an angel properly so call'd should be understood ? should this be so , then farewel to any ground for diocesan bishops in the directions of the epistles to the angels . and should it not be so , you are not unprovided of other shifts : but if they succeed no better than this , the diocesans are safe enough . for to your quaere 'tis easie to reply , that these angels of the churches could not be celestial spirits , unless we may believe , that one of those spirits was faln and summon'd to repentance : that another of them had a name to live , but was dead : and that a third was wretched , and miserable , and poor , and blind , and naked : which , i think , is sufficiently absurd . but the revelation , you tell me , goes much upon the hypothesis and language of daniel ; and in daniel we read of the guardian angels of nations , and in such a manner , that what refers to the nations , or to their governours , is said of the angels themselves . which signifies nothing to the purpose , unless you were able to shew , that to charge the blessed angels with the sins of men , and call them to reformation of life hath a congruity with the prophetick scheme of daniel , or with the nature of those holy beings , who are so constant and chearful in their obedience to the divine will. walo messalinus (w) and some others affirm , that these angels were the churches themselves : and to comply with them , we must believe that the angels of the churches were the churches of the churches (x) which , i think , is no good sense . grotius reflecting on their exposition does justly charge it with a manifest contradicting of the holy scripture (y) , which declares that the candlesticks are the churches , and that the seven stars are the angels of the seven churches . but whither , says he , may not men be drawn by an itch of contradiction when they dare confound those things , which the spirit of god does so plainly distinguish ? yet i deny not that the instructions , which did immediatly relate to the angels were communicated by the spirit , not only to them , but to the churches also : it being fit that both should be made sensible how their duty and interest were combin'd ; and encourage one another in the performance of the things enjoin'd , and in carrying on the work of reformation with the greater vigour and application . if these angels were neither celestial spirits , nor the churches of asia themselves ; it cannot be imagin'd that they were any thing else but the pastors of those churches . yet this being suppos'd , some question has been made about their number , which is omitted , says smectymnuus , not without some mystery , lest we should understand by angel one minister alone and not a company . this you call a critical nicety . but i take it to be a prophane abuse of the holy scripture under a pretence of discovering a mystery . 't is said expresly in scripture that the seven stars are the angels : there were therefore just so many angels as there were stars . the churches also were seven , and every church had its distinct and peculiar angel ; and if any , notwithstanding this , deny that the number of the angels and churches was equal , they seem not in a capacity to be convinced of any thing by the clearest demonstration . as for the conceit , that every angel was a company , it is inconsistent with the scripture ; for the angels are not called constellations but seven stars . and says suidas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yet if these words sometimes happen to be us'd promiscuously , we ought not however to depart from their genuine and usual signification without necessity . such a necessity there is not here , for an angel no more properly signifies a colledge of angels than a man signifies a troop or a corporation . nor are the descriptions of the several angels applicable to a multitude , unless we will suppose that all the elders of the respective societies deserv'd the same particular reproof or commendation , which hath not the least shadow of truth . we read indeed , that the strong cattel before whom jacob placed his rods generally brought forth the speckled or ringstraked , and this we impute to a miracle , and question not the thing , because it is related by moses in the book of genesis (z) . but what should make all the presbyters of each of the seven churches have the same particular perfections or defects ; the same ornaments of mind , or stains and blemishes , i cannot imagine . i am sure no such thing is reveal'd in scripture , nor hath it any probability . yet i deny not that amongst the things that are written to the angels , there are some instructions mingled , in which others are immediatly concern'd (a) , and to whom they are addressed . and from hence smectymnuus and the assembly of divines argue , that every angel must be understood collectively . but they might have consider'd that sometimes in the holy scripture , discourses begun with one are diverted to many ; and with many , to one ; and that without any artificial transition . for example , s. paul in the fourth chapter of his epistle to the philippians , ver . . writes thus , i intreat thee yoke fellow . and he concludes his second epistle to timothy with these words ; the lord jesus christ be with thy spirit . grace be with you ; and one might as well infer from hence , that the philippians were a single person , and timothy a multitude , as conclude from the like instance , that every angel of the several asiatick churches was a presbytery . we have seen , that these angels were men , and not celestial spirits . we have also seen , that they were seven individual pastours , and not so many collective bodies . i farther add that they were distinguished by their eminence from all other ministers within their own precincts , and that constantly , as bishops of their respective churches . . these angels were distinguished by their eminence from all other ministers in their several churches . this is granted by beza (b) and some other learned presbyterians , and the thing is manifest . for if all the presbyters in these churches had been angels alike or without any difference in dignity or order , doubtless they would have born the same title , and then to have directed an epistle to any of them under the name of angel , would have been to as little purpose as to have dispatched away another letter with no other inscription but this , to a senatour of rome ; in both which cases no particular person would have thought himself concern'd . . these angels receiv'd not their office with condition that they should resign it before death , or shortly be degraded from it ; but they constantly retain'd their praeeminence . the christians did not distinguish their ordinary officers , as , some antiquaries observe (c) , the heathens did their priests , into such as were temporary and such as were perpetual or for life ; for none of them were temporary , but they were all obliged constantly to remain in their station unless any of them were deposed for their offences , or advanced into a higher order . the dignity , therefore , or authority of these angels was not limited to a certain number of days or years , but was communicated to them with a design that it should be continued in their persons . and that it was so may be gather'd also from hence , that there were duties prescrib'd in the epistles that were directed to them , which could not be perform'd but in their constant exercise of the same function . this is different from the account which is given of them by beza : for having suppos'd they were no more than presidents of the presbyteries without authority over them , he goes on to suppose that the office of presidents was ambulatory , passing from one presbyter to another in a circular motion . he tragically complains that it became fixed : for from hence , he says (d) , the oligarchical tyranny the top of which is the antichristian beast , had its original , to the destruction , not of the church only , but of the world. here is a heavy charge , you see , at which however one need not be concern'd , for the load falls on a chimera of his own ; his presidents , i mean , that had no being in or near the time he speaks of . yet if they had any existence before their late establishment , he produces nothing to prove , that they took their turns in this manner he describes , but groundless conjectures . he was under such fear that presidents or first presbyters might grow up into bishops or oligarchical tyrants , that he would allow them no long continuance in their station . for 't is probable , he thinks (e) , that their administration expir'd every week . and since he would have it so , he should have inform'd us , whether all that is said to have been done by the angels , which with him are first presbyters , or all that is prescrib'd to them , was or could be perform'd within the compass of a week : and if not , how it was applicable to them , when they had shifted their places , and were not consider'd under their former title ; or rather , whether the epistles were not addressed to the angels for the time being : and if so , how it came to pass , that the same actions are ascrib'd to all that were successively placed in the same chair . if he had consider'd these things , he had never troubled the world with his absurd conceit of circular presidents or weekly moderators . . these angels were bishops of the asiatick churches . for if they were distinguished from all other ministers in their several dioceses by their eminence and that constantly : we have reason to think it was rather after the manner of prelates , who are acknowledged by the adversaries of episcopacy to have govern'd the church in the following and succeeding ages , than as meer presidents , in beza's sense , of which there are no examples within a thousand years . mr. prynne's attempt to vnbishop them answers the rest of his performances . he says , as many of his brethren have also done , that ordinary presbyters are angels , and this he proves from rev. . . (f) the sense of which is the thing in question : and in his usual way of rhetorick he condemns the contrary opinion as a crazy conceit of a proud episcopal brain (g) . he hath advanced another assertion which is a little surprizing , and in which i presume you will hardly concur with him : he tells us , 't is evident beyond contradiction that the angels of god are all equal in order , power , dignity , office , degree , ministry (h) . and this , he says , is an unanswerable evidence of the equality of ministers by divine institution . he also informs us , that angels , being ministring spirits , have no need of lordships , mannors or possessions : and hence he takes occasion to express his indignation against the prelates for their palaces , mannors , lordships , possessions , miters , rochets , vestments . his book abounds with such stuff as this , which moves one to pity rather than expose his weakness . yet it was fit some notice should be taken of it , for the sake of those , that , to the prejudice of the truth , still have his person in admiration . but i return to the proposition from which he diverted me : and which i think may be thus confirm'd . . if these pastours that are called angels were only so styled , as they were presidents of the several presbyteries , then were they the angels of the presbyteries , but not of the churches ; which is directly contrary to what is said of them in the holy scripture . . they are said to be the seven stars in our lords right hand ver . . which signifies that they had such dignity and power as were not ascrib'd to any other officers in their respective churches : and if so , there is no question but our saviour approv'd their function , and would support those that were so near him in the discharge of it . . they were called angels in allusion to the practice of the jews , who attributed to their high priest the title of angel. for of him , i suppose , solomon speaks , where he says , suffer not thy mouth to cause thy flesh to sin , neither say thou before the angel it was an error . eccl. . . i cannot think that solomon here advis'd a person that had bound himself by a vow , not to make this speech before the messiah or any ministring spirits ( as some interpreters conceive ) or not to attempt to delude with words any invisible beings . it may seem he was in no danger of that : but the royal preacher gives him caution that he should not satisfie himself , if , by his excuses , he could impose on the high priest , who was obliged to take cognizance of his vows (i) , but to remember that god would be an avenger of the falshood , that was acted before his vicegerent , however it was cover'd with the greatest art . that exposition and what i infer from it , may be confirm'd from the d. chapter of isaiah ver . . where we find this expostulation , who is deaf as my messenger (k) ? but the the original may well be rendred , who is deaf as my angel ? and this doubtless was not an angel of light : nor can an inspir'd prophet be thought so stupid as the person was , against whom that complaint was made . his character is not so applicable to any as the high priest , whose duty indeed it was to understand the will of god and instruct others : but at that time , it seems , himself had great need of admonition , which yet he was in no readiness to receive . the like use of the word we meet with in malac. . . for i make no question , but what the prophet speaks there of the priest , is to be understood of the high priest , or , that it is he who is styled the angel (l) of the lord of hosts , at whose mouth the people were required to seek the law. and it may seem that the high priests were not only called angels , whilst they were inabled as the messengers of the almighty to reveal his mind by vrim and thummim , but after the period to which the cessation of these oracles is assign'd by josephus (m) himself . for diodorus siculus (n) speaking of the jews and their high priest , says , they esteem him an angel to convey to them the commands of god. and from what has been said , i collect , that there was an analogy between the jewish high priest , and every angel of the asiatick churches ; that both of them were governours in chief , and had their subordinate officers , and that the presbyters and deacons were subject to the one as the priests and levites were to the other . but , say you (o) , should it be yielded that the jews had any such practice to attribute the title of angel to their high priest , what could this amount to in our case , since every bishop is not a high priest in the sense of the jews ? for in their sense there could be but one , and then that one amongst the christians must be a pope . and to the pope you would do no small service , if you may be permitted to make inferences for him from this analogy ; for you stretch it as far as he desires , and beyond what is consistent with scripture and the common sense of christians in the best ages ; with both which it agrees , that there should be one bishop in a diocese , resembling the high priest within the bounds of his jurisdiction . farther than this , the similitude may not be extended , unless it be said , that as there is but one catholick church , which is the mystical israel , so mystically there is but one bishop . for all the bishops were anciently esteem'd as one ; and what was done by one in the due exercise of his office , was esteem'd the act of the whole colledge . a notion that supposes an equality of all bishops in their office and authority , and consequently is so far from affording any advantage to the popes , that it directly opposes their pretences , and has sometimes been us'd , to very good purpose , to prevent their usurpations and check their ambition . . the epistles directed to these angels are such as suppose them to have had jurisdiction over all others , both ministers and people , within their respective dioceses : and on this it is that i principally insist . our lord , says arethas (p) does by the angel treat with the church , as if by the master a person should discourse of one that is under his government : knowing that the master is wont to esteem those things as his own which are done by his scholars , whether they were worthy of honour or reproach . but he might have added , that a master could then only justly be charged with the irregularities of his scholars , when he had power , but did not exercise it , to prevent their miscarriages . and how much this is the case here may partly appear from this concession of blondel . the actions of the church , says that learned man (q) , whether they were glorious or infamous were imputed to the angels as their exarchs or chief governours . they were therefore more than moderators in a presbytery , and had full power to correct abuses . and this is what may be illustrated from the following instance , which i have chosen out of several that might be given . the angel of the church of pergamus is celebrated for his personal virtues . he dwelt where satan's seat was , and yet he held fast the name of christ , and denyed not the faith in those days when antipas the faithful martyr was slain . c. . v. . but some defect was imputed to him as a governour , i have a few things against thee , saith the lord , because thou hast them there that hold the doctrine of balaam , &c. so thou hast also them which hold the doctrine of the nicolaitans , which thing i hate , ver . , . and from hence we may gather , that it was in his power to suppress those pernicious doctrines and sects that disturb'd the church , and for this purpose the concurrence of any coordinate officers was not necessary . he could not alledge , that he wanted authority , or that others controul'd him in his proceedings against enormities : but as it was laid to his charge alone , that he had not stopt the mouths of gainsayers : so he alone was warn'd to repent for this want of discipline , lest the lord should come quickly and fight against him with the sword of his mouth , ver . . since therefore this angel had full power of reforming abuses , since the defect of that reformation is intirely imputed to him : since there is not the least appearance that he had any collegues join'd in commission with him , whose votes were necessary for the performance of what was expected from him : and since he alone is represented as responsible for the miscarriages of the christians at pergamus , 't is manifest , that they were all under his jurisdiction . he might have subordinate officers , but he had no equals . if the angels of the churches had such power as i have ascrib'd to them , there is no ground to suspect that they unjustly usurp'd it . for if it be a good argument that the text it self of the old testament had not been corrupted by the scribes and pharisees , when our saviour and his apostles were upon earth , that neither of them laid it to the charge of those wicked men : we may conclude from the epistles directed to these angels , that our lord was not offended at the station which they had in the churches , since he censures their faults and makes that no part of them . but this is not all that may be said for it : he plainly signifies his approbation of it , both in condemning their former remisness , and in exciting them to greater vigour , in the exercise of their office. this agrees exactly with the historical accounts that we have of the first age , and particularly with what clemens alexandrinus (r) relates of s. john ; who , as he tells us , visited the regions adjacent to ephesus , partly that he might form churches , partly that he might add fit persons to the clergy , and partly that he might ordain bishops . and if there be any doubt remaining , of what quality they were ; it may be resolv'd from hence , that the bishop of a city not far from ephesus , is said to be a person placed over all (ſ) : which character could belong to a prelate only . and as it is probable that this prelate was the angel of the church of smyrna , so it is manifest from the transaction which i have mention'd , that those of his order were of divine or apostolical appointment . chap. x. objections against episcopacy , taken from the writings of the first century , consider'd . i have shew'd that the churches of jerusalem and philippi , of ephesus and crete , the churches of smyrna and pergamus , thyatira and sardis , philadelphia and laodicea , were govern'd by bishops in the first century : and one need but read the second and third book of eusebius his ecclesiastical history , or s. jerom's catalogue of ecclesiastical writers , to find that bishops then presided in the churches of antioch and rome , of alexandria and athens ; and to be inform'd , who they were . this may give us reason to think , that all the churches in the world were at that time under an episcopal administration ; especially if it appear , that they were so in the following age : but before i come to make enquiry into that , it may be requisite to remove out of the way some objections that relate to the apostles days . . you argue from acts . , . titus . , . that mere presbyters were bishops . and this i am ready to grant : but then it must be acknowledged , that the presbyters mention'd in those places , were subordinate to other pastors , and consequently , a continuance of their office supposes a continuance of such superiors as they had , to the end of the world. their superiors were s. paul and titus , and if there be any question , whether the name of bishops may be ascribed to them , it may be determin'd from what has been said already . for if it belongs to the apostles , as i have prov'd from the words of s. peter , and some passages of the ancients , it may fitly be apply'd , not only to the twelve , but to all their colleagues . but episcopacy , you tell me (t) , is a word of ample signification ; for 't is not only to be met with in homer , plutarch , cicero , but it is apply'd to god by basil , and to the elders by peter : nothing therefore is deducible from it , as to the special nature of any office , except by way of analogy . and what then ? did i ever affirm , that it had but one sense in all the books where it occurs , whether they are sacred or profane ? did i ever assert , that none but apostles were called bishops , and deduce from that title an account of the special nature of their office ? if you can impute to me neither of these things , you must be content to fight with your own shadow : and i shall think it enough , that the instances i have produced , perform what i design'd by them . they shew , that in affirming , the apostles were bishops , and particularly , that s. james was a bishop , whatever exceptions some have taken against it , we speak the language of the scripture and the fathers : they also shew , that if mere presbyters were bishops , others had the same denomination , who had jurisdiction over them , and answer the objections against prelacy , that have been rais'd from acts . , . and other places . . you argue from clemens romanus , that in the first age , there were but two ranks of ecclesiastical officers , because he mentions no more , when he speaks of the bishops and deacons , that were constituted by the apostles , of those that afterwards should believe . as if the whole scheme of the government which the apostles established , might be taken from that one act , or they had done nothing , but what this author left upon record . but , as epiphanius tells us (u) , all things could not be regulated by them on a sudden . and the churches of their plantation afford us the best pattern of ecclesiastical polity , not as they were only in design , or in their infancy , but as they had receiv'd from their founders their due lineaments and just proportions , and were grown up to some perfection . this might have been a sufficient answer to what you have objected from the place before us , had you demonstrated , that when clemens only mentions two ranks of ministers ; he meant to exclude a greater number . but this you have not prov'd ; as one might have expected you should , before you built so much upon it . because persons differing in degree or order sometimes come under the same denomination . there were many that were said to be rulers of the same synagogue , as some have gather'd from mark . . (w) . yet one of those rulers was the president . there were many , that at the same time were said to be princes of asia (x) , yet one of them was called the asiarcha , by way of eminence , and distinguish'd from the rest in dignity and power ; as spanhemius (y) and harduinus (z) collect from some ancient coins , and from the epistle of the church of smyrna . and as a learned man of our own a observes , aaron and his successor eleazar are never styled high priests in the books of moses , but priests only : and yet the other priests were subject to them , when they had no distinct title . clemens romanus himself speaking of abraham , says , that all the priests and levites were descended from him (b) , and in one of the members of that division he must be suppos'd to comprehend the high priests , whom he does not expresly mention . and probably , it was in imitation of the hellenist jews (c) , that many of the primitive christian writers distinguish'd the clergy into two ranks : and to make them speak consistent with themselves , we need only grant , that two different orders , by reason of some general agreement between them , are contain'd in one of the branches of the distinctions which they use . this one thing being consider'd , may answer a great part of blondel's apology : and it shews , that if nothing else hinders , clemens might comprehend all the ruling officers of the church , under the name of bishops , that being a word , which , at that time , was of a general signification ; yet some of them might be supreme , and others subordinate to them . he might call them indifferently bishops or presbyters , yet some of them might be prelats ; and the rest of an inferior rank , and under their authority . but supposing , what , for my part i am inclin'd to believe , that all the bishops mention'd by clemens were mere presbyters , i know not what service this can do you . for he intimates (d) , that there were officers distinct from them , and superior to them : and only to these renowned men , as he calls them , and the apostles , whom he joyns with them , he ascribes the power of ordination , which hath been the prerogative of the bishops ever since his days . 't is true , it may seem , that there was no bishop at corinth , when he sent this epistle thither , which was before the destruction of jerusalem : but if the see was vacant at that time , it might be fill'd before the first century was expir'd . certain it is , that about the middle of the following age primus was bishop of corinth by succession , as you may learn from hegesippus (e) : and if you enquire into the original of that succession , tertullian (f) will lead you to it ; for he places at corinth , one of the chairs of the apostles . it was in another of them that s. clemens himself sate , who is the author of this epistle . he was a bishop or an apostle , as he is styl'd by clemens alexandrinus (g) : he is mentioned in the table of the roman apostles , which was taken by mabillon (g) out of a book of canons in the abbey of corbie : and , which amounts to the same thing , he is reckon'd in all the catalogues that are extant of the roman bishops . s. irenaeus (i) , who liv'd near his time , informs us , that he was bishop of rome . the same is attested by tertullian (k) and origen (l) , by eusebius (m) and epiphanius (n) , by optatus (o) and jerom † , by augustin (p) and many others . so that we have as great certainty of it , as there is , that clemens writ the epistle which bears his name . and if there be no ground to doubt of it , as i think there is not , his silence concerning a bishop of corinth , is not so cogent an argument against episcopacy , as his own example is for it : there not being the least cause to believe , that so excellent a person would have born an office , which himself condemn'd or believ'd to be sinful . chap. xi . after the apostles decease the churches were govern'd by single persons , who were distinguish'd by the name of bishops . in what hath been already said of episcopal government , i have for the most part limited my discourse to the first century , and only touch'd on it incidentally , as continued in succeeding times . i come now more fully to shew , that after the apostles decease , the churches or dioceses were govern'd by single persons , who were then distinguish'd by the name of bishops . this appears from many passages in the epistles of s. ignatius : as also from the fragments (q) that remain of hegesippus and dionysius of corinth , of polycrates and others , who flourish'd in the second century . in the third origen acquaints us , it was the custom to have no more than one bishop of a church (r) : and this he plainly intimates , where he tells us expresly , that in every church there were two : for according to him , one of them was visible , and the other invisible : one of them a man , and the other an assisting angel. 't is true , near the beginning of that age narcissus had alexander for his colleague in the government of the church of jerusalem : but as he was the first we meet with in ecclesiastical history , that after the apostles days admitted of a coadjutor : so his case was extraordinary , not only by reason of his extreme old age (s) , but also because , as eusebius informs us (t) , his breach of the churches rule was dispenc'd with by divine revelation . the rule was , that of one church or diocese , there might be no more than one bishop (u) . on which principle cyprian (w) and cornelius (x) argued against the novatians : and the council of nice (y) meant the same thing in prohibiting a plurality of bishops in one city ; and did not thereby introduce an innovation , but confirm an useful part of the ancient discipline . it was high time to do this , for when epiphanius , speaking of alexandria , says (z) , that it never had two bishops , as other cities , he intimates , that in the days of alexander , who was present in the nicene council , some cities in egypt had a plurality of bishops ; and if so , it was a thing fit to be repress'd , as being contrary to the primitive custom : a custom so avow'd , and which had been so well establish'd , that when the roman confessors abandon'd the schismaticks , by whose arts they had been deluded , and made their submission to cornelius ; when they acknowledged their errors before him with great humility , they profess'd , they could not charge themselves with the ignorance of this , that as there is one god , one christ , and one holy spirit , so there ought to be but one bishop of a catholick church (a) . yet a doubt still remains , on what account it was , that other cities differ'd from alexandria in such a manner , as epiphanius suggests . and some are of opinion , that the reason of it was , because some catholick bishops assum'd coadjutors , after the example of narcissus . but i rather think , it proceeded from the meletians , of whom he discourses in this place , and who with a mighty industry set up their schismatical bishops and assemblies . at alexandria , it seems , they could not carry on their designs so successfully as in other parts of egypt , till , as epiphanius relates the matter , they took their advantage of the death of alexander , and the absence of achillas his successon , and then in opposition to him , they made theonas their bishop , and at alexandria it self erected altar against altar . but if you are not mistaken , these meletians reform'd a great abuse at alexandria by that action : for there you say , the departure from the primitive institution of having divers bishops of one city began , as we are told by danaeus , who citeth epiphanius , and might have cited others . thousands , doubtless , sir , he might have cited to as much purpose , that is , to testifie such things as never enter'd into their thoughts . epiphanius knew very well , that plurality of bishops in one city , proceeded commonly from schism or heresie , and was far enough from taking that to be an argument of the purity of the church ▪ which in the common sense of christians , both before and after his own time , was esteem'd a corruption . danaeus had a conceit , that when there was in a city a plurality of bishops , they differ'd in this from the bishop of alexandria , that they were presbyters , and he a prelate (b) ; which sufficiently discovers the weakness of his judgment , or something worse . but he was willing , we see , it should be believ'd , that the first prelate , was to be found at alexandria , that he might have occasion to tell the world , that prelacy and monkery , and other plagues of the church , had their original from the same place . but that all bishops were equal , or that they had the same prelatical authority , i shall shew hereafter : and i am no farther concern'd with it here , than as it results from this proposition , that according to the primitive rule , the government of every diocese was monarchical : and this , i think , is manifest from what has been said , beyond all just exception . chap. xii . the bishops were successors of the apostles . we have seen that in the second and other centuries , the churches were govern'd by single persons , who were distinguish'd by the name of bishops : and in the next place , i shall prove , that the bishops were successors to the apostles : because this will confirm my leading proposition , that the apostles were ordinary pastors , and prepare my way to consider , how the bishops stood related amongst themselves and to others , and what regard is due to persons of their character . that the bishops were successors to the apostles ▪ s. augustin thought might be gather'd from the prediction that was made to the church by the psalmist in these words , in stead of thy fathers shall be thy children (c) ; for of them he gives us the following paraphrase (d) , the apostles begat thee , they are thy fathers . but could they remain with us always ? one of them said , i desire to depart , and to be with christ , which is far better : nevertheless to abide in the flesh , is more needful for you . he said so indeed . but how long could he continue here ? could he live on earth to this and future ages ? or was the church deserted , when the apostles were deceased ? god forbid . instead of the fathers , there are children : bishops are constituted in room of the apostles . do not therefore think thy self forsaken , because thou seest not peter : or because thou seest not paul , or because thou seest not any of those , from whom thou art descended , since fathers are risen out of thy own offspring . the author of the commentary on the psalms , that goes under the name of jerom , agrees with s. augustin in that exposition . and s. jerom himself , who upbraids the montanists for depressing the bishop into the third rank (e) , says in opposition to them , with us the bishops possess the place of the apostles . his sense of this he expresses more copiously in his epistle to evagrius ; for there he says , wherever there be a bishop , whether at rome or eugubium , at constantinople or rhegium , at alexandria or tanis , he is of the same merit , and of the same priesthood . the power of riches and meanness of poverty may render one bishop higher or lower than another ( that is , with respect to things external , or a priority of order , if that be the true reading which i follow ) but they are all the apostles successors (f) . long before jerom , firmilian , (g) was of the same judgment : for speaking of the bishops in general , he tells us , that they succeeded the apostles . and with him agrees cyprian . (h) , and clarus à muscula (i) his cotemporary . many others might be added : but here i shall only mention s. irenaeus , who argues thus against the hereticks in his time : we can number those , says he (k) , who by the apostles were instituted bishops in the churches , and their successors to our own time ; and they taught us none of the dotages of , these men : but if the apostles knew any hidden mysteries , which they secretly taught the perfect , they would chiefly have imparted them to the persons to whom they committed the churches . for they desir'd that they should be very perfect and unblamable , to whom they deliver'd their own place of government . thus that excellent father , and his testimony is the more considerable , because of his great antiquity . for 't is probable , he was born several years before the death of s. john (l) , and 't is certain , he receiv'd instruction from some that had seen and heard the apostles themselves . to invalidate his authority , you tell me , he is agreed by some to have affirm'd , that our lord christ did undergo his passion in the fiftieth year of his age . as if that might better be determin'd by their agreement about it than his own writings , in which we find no such thing . he no where fixes the period of our saviours passion : he no where assigns it to a certain year : yet i grant , he was of opinion , that our saviour liv'd about fifty years , if that passage be his , wherein he treats of this matter (m) . but antonius pagi (n) and other learned men conceive , it has been corrupted , it seeming incredible to them , that irenaeus should attribute to our lord so many years in that very chapter , wherein he reckons no more than three passovers which he celebrated after he enter'd upon the thirtieth year of his age , and declares , he did eat the last of them the day before his suffering . but there being no copies to justifie that charge of corruption , what i insist upon is , that if irenaeus was mistaken in the time of christs passion , it does not follow that he was so in the thing which i have cited from him . if he err'd concerning that period about which all mankind have been in the dark ; he might notwithstanding be a credible witness of such matters as could not well escape his notice and have nothing in them that is improbable . such was the severity of our saviours life and deportment that , it may seem , he appear'd more aged than he was : for when the jews said to him , thou art not yet fifty years old (o) , doubtless they thought , he was near so much . and it is easie then to conceive , how the report might arise and be continued , which irenaeus follow'd : but it was so far from becoming an universal tradition , that it was never embraced , that we find , by so much as two of the fathers . the case is very different when he relates , who succeeded the apostles , for of this lie could hardly be ignorant , that lived so near them . and the account he gives having been confirm'd by many others , and having met with an universal approbation , cannot be rejected by us with any shadow of reason . but you say , admitting irenaeus 's authority to be unblemished and cite as one could wish it , yet on this occasion , it will do me but small service : for the force of the testimony which i cite from him depends on the word magisterium , and magisterium signifies , not , as i understand it , a masterly authority , but teaching and doctrine : for in this latter sense the word is often us'd by the fathers and particularly by s. cyprian , as i may see lib. . ep. . and in other places . yet in that very epistle to which you refer me , we may not understand by it doctrine without authority , nor is it limited to any such sense amongst ancient writers . in suetonius (p) in ammianus marcellinus (q) , in sulpicius severus (r) and many others , it signifies some dignity or office with power and jurisdiction . it signifies government in apuleius (ſ) ; and casaubon (t) observes , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and magisterium sacerdotii are expressions equivalent . from hence it appears that locus magisterii in irenaeus may fitly be translated , the place of authority or government . and that it ought to be so , will be manifest , if it be consider'd , that he thought it peculiar to the bishops , to succeed the apostles in their own place or office. he could not think it peculiar to them to derive from the apostles the meer power of preaching , which was known to be common to other ministers . his words therefore can import no less , than that the bishops were constituted supreme pastors without that dependance on presbyters which these had on them ; or , that they were vested with such authority over other officers and churches as the apostles before enjoy'd and exercis'd . and now it may be fit , and it will be no difficult matter , to answer your objection , which i omitted before , against the succession of bishops to the apostles , and which is to this effect . the prelates , you conceive , cannot be said to be the apostles successors , because the apostles in their life time could not constitute any officers over whom they did not retain a jurisdiction , nor convey to others the places which , you suppose , they still kept . but if it be said they appointed that the prelates should be inducted into those places after their decease , you think , there is no credible tradition transmitted to us of that matter . but here is one thing you have forgotten that may deserve to be consider'd , which is , that unless all the apostles had died together the survivers might put others into the places of the deceas'd . accordingly , tho simeon was not nominated by s. james to be his successor , nor came into his place whilst he was alive , yet after the death of that apostle , he was by others constituted bishop of jerusalem (t) . it is farther observable , that the apostles , before their decease , were sometimes obliged to withdraw themselves from the churches which they had planted and govern'd , and thereupon they committed the government of them to fit persons , who may well be said to be their successors in that administration . especially since , as i have prov'd , the apostles communicated to them the same authority that themselves had exercis'd . yet as julius capitolinus acquaints us (u) , that lucius was as observant of marcus , who made him partner of his empire as a president was wont to be of the emperor himself : thus timothy and titus and others of the same rank , who had been ordain'd by the apostles , might still pay them such respect and deference as was due to persons of incomparable excellence , and yet all be of the same order . the apostles having communicated their episcopal authority to some in their own time , these transmitted it to others in the following centuries : and in this manner it has been conveyed to bishops in all ages . the bishops therefore may be said to succeed the apostles , and that not only in the government of churches , which were of their plantation , but of others also in countries to which they never arriv'd . for since they had commission to bring all nations under the discipline of christ , and govern them in his name , a right to that descends to their spiritual heirs , and they may exercise it in all the parts of the world. but notwithstanding your attempt to demonstrate that the apostles could have no successors , you make no doubt to affirm , that presbyters succeed them in their ordinary work : and about this i shall make some enquiry , when i have first put you in mind , that either you must suppose , these presbyters were subject to the apostles in their discharge of that work , and if so , a subjection was consistent with a succession to them ; or else they were not subject , and then you must allow that the apostles constituted officers over whom they retain'd no jurisdiction . take it which way you please , you are concern'd , i think , to reject or answer your own argument . to prove that priests are successors to the apostles , you quote a passage (†) of nilus , as you call the author of the treatise de primatu papae , which , as colomesius informs us , was compos'd by mark the ephesian . but to which of them soever it belongs it is not very material : for neither of them flourish'd within a thousand years of the days of the apostles and therefore come too late to determine what the belief of the primitive church was by their own testimony . indeed if a subordinate officer may be said to succeed the supreme for doing some things after his example , by authority deriv'd from him , then may priests be said to succeed the apostles ; and so they are by some that use a great latitude of expression . but the ancients speaking exactly , and telling us that the bishops succeed the apostles , thereby intimated , that they were both of the same order , or that both had the same function . for this they believ'd and urged when there was occasion . photius mentions it as a thing commonly acknowledg'd , that both had the same dignity of place (w) clarus à muscula acquaints us (x) , that both govern'd with the same power . s. basil ascribes to both the same prelacy (y) : and according to tertullian both sat in the same chairs (z) , and that not only as teachers , but as presidents or rulers of the churches . 't is true the bishops were not wont to assume to themselves the name of apostles for a reason already given , yet that it was sometimes ascrib'd to them appears from several instances (a) . it is also manifest , that sometimes they were stil'd apostolici (b) , that their office was call'd an apostolate (c) , and that any bishoprick , especially if it was founded by an apostle , was called an apostolick see. for the title of apostolick , that i may note this by the way , was not appropriated to the see of rome before the eleventh century , says the author of the notes on paulinus (d) : it was not before the thirteenth , says mabillon (e) : it was not certainly before the popes had trampl'd under their feet the rights of episcopacy . chap. xiii . the bishops after the example of the apostles stood related amongst themselves as equals , but to other ecclesiastical officers as superiors . as the bishops were successors to the apostles , so after their example they stood related amongst themselves as equals , but to presbyters as superiors in office and authority . . they stood related amongst themselves as equals . according to cyprian , every one of them in his own diocese was a judge in christs stead (f) and says that father , none of us makes himself a bishop of bishops , or by a tyrannical terror compells his collegues into a necessity of obedience (g) . this he spake in a council at carthage , and with reflection probably on stephen bishop of rome , who injuriously invaded the rights and liberties of his brethren . 't is true some bishops were distinguish'd from others by a primacy of order , and had the chief direction of ecclesiastical affairs . when synods were call'd , they presided in them ; and for this they had the example of s. james in the council of jerusalem . but their primacy depended on the consent of other bishops , and was mutable . it did not render them judges of the rest within their several provinces , nor might they condemn any of them by their own sentence , without the suffrages of their collegues . . in the purest ages after the apostles , the bishops stood related to presbyters as superiors : and in this it is that our controversie is chiefly concern'd . i shall therefore prove it more largely ; and for this purpose . i shall not only serve my self of such passages of ancient writers as describe the office or authority of bishops , but others also , that only mention them as an order distinct from priests . for if they were so , there can be no question to which of them the supremacy did belong . i begin with the testimony of s. ignatius , who says in his epistle to the philadelphians , that he cried with a loud voice , attend to the bishop , and to the presbytery , and to the deacons (h) . he instructs the ephesians to respect the bishop as the lord that sent him (i) . and to the smyrnaeans he declares , that in things relating to the church , none ought to act without the bishop (k) : that the eucharist is then valid when it is perform'd under his authority or by his permission ; without which , he says , it is not lawful to baptize or celebrate the feasts of love. so clearly does he assert the prerogatives of episcopacy . what i have cited from ignatius carries the greater weight with it , because , as chrysostom (l) informs us , he was conversant with the apostles and instructed by them . he was a person of so much sanctity and zeal , that he was willing to endure all the torments that the devil could inflict , that he might be with christ , and thought it more desirable to be torn in pieces by wild beasts for his sake , than to be emperor of the world. having had the advantages of such an education and being so wonderfully inflam'd with the love of jesus , he cannot be thought to have corrupted the church : nor had he time to accomplish it , had he design'd a thing so detestable . for he did not long survive s. john whose disciple he was . he suffer'd death under the emperor trajan , as simeon also did (m) , and probably both receiv'd the crown of martyrdom the same year . if an author so ancient and venerable had only told us that the government of the church in his time was episcopal , this might have signified much . but he does not only relate it as matter of fact , that there were bishops : he shews that obedience was due to them as the supreme pastours , and as the representatives and ambassadours of christ . and because it was suspected , that his asserting their authority had no higher cause , than a prudential foresight of the divisions , which some were about to make , he calls him to witness for whom he was in bonds , that it proceeded from the spirit of god (n) . and this protestation being made at a time when miraculous inspirations were frequent , there is not the least ground to question his veracity . the truth is , the epistles of this admirable man afford such plain evidence for episcopacy , that this has been the foundation of all the quarrels against them ; and particularly , it was the cause , as grotius informs us (o) , why they were rejected by blondel , tho in the florentino copy they were free from those things for which they had before been suspected by the learned . the famous isaac vossius , who publish'd them from that copy , tells us (p) , that every time he read them over , they presented him with fresh arguments of their exellence , and of their being genuine : and this will not appear strange to any person that peruses them with care and without prejudice . but if you take them to be spurious , you may try your skill in answering what has been said by dr. pearson and others in their vindication : and if you succeed in that attempt , i pray let us know , what grounds of certainty you have that there are any books of the antiquity to which they pretend , now extant in the christian world . to s. ignatius may be added his cotemporaries philo and agathopus , or whoever were the writers of the acts of his martyrdom : they attended on him in his journey from syria to rome , at which time , they tell us , the churches and cities of asia did honour the saint , by their bishops , priests and deacons (q) . and they deserve the more credit as being eye-witnesses of what they relate . not long after that time the emperor hadrian writ an epistle to servianus , which was preserv'd by phlegon , and transcrib'd from him by flavius vopiscus ; and in that there occurs a passage (r) from whence it is manifest , that bishops were then esteem'd of a different rank from presbyters , and that the distinction between them was obvious to the very heathen . but you are much surpriz'd , you say , at my citation of this epistle of hadrian ; for certainly it appears by it , that hadrian had but little acquaintance with the egyptian christians , and then his authority is of as little moment : or else these christians were of the worst of men , for he represents them as well as the other inhabitants of egypt to be a most seditious , vain and most injurious sort of men , and particularly says , that those that worship serapis were christians , and that the bishops of christ were devoted unto serapis . he adds that the very patriarch coming into egypt , was constrain'd of some to worship serapis , and of some to worship christ . was ever any thing more virulently said of christians or indeed more mistakingly ! &c. these are your words , and they seem an effect of the surprize you speak of , rather than any sedate thoughts . for , to begin where you leave off , that i may remove out of the way , what is little to our purpose . . you suppose that the patriarch mention'd by hadrian was a christian . whereas there was not then in the world any ecclesiastical officer , who did bear that title . eutychius indeed informs us , that there were patriarchs of alexandria ; but this was an argument of his ignorance , unless the apology which the learned and noble job ludolfus (ſ) makes for him may be admitted , that he mention'd them under that denomination by way of anticipation . this is the most plausible thing that can be said in his vindication : but that he did not only speak properly , but may as well be believ'd to have forgotten his own name as that of his predecessors , is a thought peculiar to your self . it is not my business here to enquire into the original of patriarchs in the christian church . it is sufficient for my purpose , that they are not mention'd by any author under that title before socrates who flourish'd in the fifth century . but the jews had their patriarchs much more early , as jacobus gothofredus (t) and other learned men have prov'd from unquestionable evidence : and amongst these jewish patriarchs i reckon this in vopiscus , not only for the reason already given , but because it is said , that he was compell'd to worship christ . if he had been a christian there had been no need of that compulsion : neither can it be suppos'd that the infidels would have attempted to force him to do what his avowed principles obliged him to perform . indeed if some cruelty had been us'd to extort from him a denial of christ , this had been an argument that he made profession of christianity ; to which he had no title , if without violence he could not be brought to confess our saviour and adore him . . you suppose , the little knowledge hadrian had of the egyptian christians confutes my argument taken from his testimony , by which i would prove that the office of a bishop in his time was distinct from that of a presbyter , whereas it gives it the greater force : for the thing may well be thought to be the more evident , in that it was taken notice of by a person who was so little acquainted with the christian affairs in egypt . . you suppose that because hadrian was under great mistakes concerning the egyptian christians and their bishops , this must render his testimony useless ; whereas it evidently proves what i design'd by it , whether his description of them be true or false . for whosoever gave him this relation , it cannot be imagin'd that they invented a sort of men that never were in being , that they might have a subject for their accusation : nor is there any ground to believe that hadrian or his informers had the spirit of prophecy or discover'd by divination that there would be such officers in succeeding times as had not then been heard of ; and that they contriv'd to bring an odium upon the prelates before they did exist . but as we may collect from the emperors words , that whether the christians were so fickle or not as he represents them , yet there were christians ; so we may conclude that whether the bishops worshipped serapis or not , there were bishops notwithstanding : and this is all that i intended by this instance . yet i may further add , that if the charge against these bishops be false , as you would have it , it is more for my purpose than if it were true ; as it is far more desirable that persons of their character should walk worthy of their vocation , than dishonour it by their practices , and be loaded with infamy and reproach . in your endeavours therefore to vindicate their innocence , you have taken care to confute your own objection ; which is founded on the injustice of the accusation that the emperor brings against them . but if you had omitted this stroke , you had lost a fair opportunity of being deliver'd of a quaint conceit which i have not met with in any other author , and i believe it to be new . as for the devotion you say of the egyptian bishops to serapis , you cannot imagine any occasion they should give , which with any colour should render them suspected of idolatry , but their signing with the sign of the cross , and the reason why you are inclin'd to think so is , because pignorius in his mensa isiaca assures us that serapis was anciently denoted by a cross ; and you conceive that this might be the hieroglyphick of the three headed monster of which chartarius gives the icon since that was annected to the image of serapis . now chartarius and his terrible icon i never saw , but am apt to think , that the act of signing with the cross , which leaves no visible impression behind it , hath no great resemblance of a three headed monster : and however pignorius says , that the cross denotes serapis , i know not that he hath given us any assurance of it . we find another interpretation put upon it in suidas (u) , to whom you refer me , and in socrates (w) , who is cited by pignorius , for in both it is said to signifie the life to come . be it as it will : the egyptians must have been very foolish , if they gather'd that the bishops were worshippers of serapis , from the use of that which was a sign of devotion and of their adherence to christ , in opposition to all idolatry . the heathens could without any such ground cast reproach on the innocent , and of this they made no difficulty . the apologists generally take notice how they accus'd the christians of atheism and incest , and devouring mans flesh , when they were the holiest and the most vertuous persons in the world . eusebius acquaints us (*) , that they forged lies and calumnies against our lord himself under the name of pilat's acts ; and no wonder that they treated the servants no better than they did the master of the family . but to give more colour to their slanders , they compell'd some infamous persons to profess themselves christians (x) , that they might load those that were so indeed with the blackest aspersions . and if the pastours of the church fled from the rage of persecution or hid themselves , 't is easie to conceive that men extreamly malicious against them and their religion , might hite or force some wretches to personate them in the worship of serapis : and we may be assur'd that any thing which tended to the dishonour of christianity would gain an easie belief amongst the adversaries . but whether the calumny was propagated this , or some other way against the bishops , i am not much concern'd about it , since we are agreed about their existence and their innocence . but about their character you have rais'd some doubt , for in this epistle , you say , there is only the name of bishop or presbyter without any specification of the office signified by it , either as to its nature or limits . as if these things could not be known , unless we had here met with their description ; or the emperor could not write intelligibly unless he had left us a clavis or glossary to let us into his meaning . i thought it had been sufficient for that purpose , that he uses the word bishop in such a sense as the other writers of that age generally did ; none of which apply it to any other person of their own time but the prelate only . besides , as i have shew'd , he distinguishes the bishop from the presbyter , for which he would have had no reason , had their office been the same ; as he would have had no cause to make the difference , he does , between jews and christians , had they been of the same principles and religion . the next witness i shall mention is clemens alexandrinus , who mentions the three orders , of bishops , presbyters and deacons (y) , and he calls the advances or progressions from one of these offices to another , imitations of the angelical glory . but this you believe , i mention'd for pomp rather than any cogency i thought was in it , it being only a conceit or flourish of rhetorick , in that father . and you might as well have said , that when he compares the visible officers of the church to the different ranks of angels , it was a meer conceit or flourish of rhetorick , that there were such officers or that there were angels . certain it is from this place , that clemens makes the dignity of a bishop superior to that of a presbyter , as he does the dignity of a presbyter superior to that of a deacon . and in another place (z) he shews that there were distinct rules prescrib'd to each of them . and i take this testimony of a person who flourish'd in the next age after the apostles to be very considerable . but say you , tho in his pedagogue he speaks of bishops , presbyters and deacons , yet in his stromata where he treats of ecclesiastical orders more at large , he mentions but two , the presbyter and deacon , and plainly intimates , that the bishop was only a presbyter honour'd with the first seat. and how is it that he plainly intimates this ? has he in any other part of his writings given us any notice of such a presbyter and his seat ? no : he hath not said a word about them . hath any other writer in or near his time left us a description of them ? no : they mention no such matter . could he not speak of presbyters , but one of them must needs be the president and moderator in the consistory ? that is not pretended . how hath he then so plainly intimated , that there was such a person ? no other way , but by a profound silence about him . and thus a man that speaks not a word , or is asleep , may plainly intimate what you please . 't is certain however , that in the passage to which you refer me , he speaks but of two ranks of ecclesiastical officers , yet he knew there were more ; and he mentions three not only in his paedagogue , but in his stromata : and his silence in one place cannot evacuate what he expresly declares in another . tertullian was cotemporary with clemens , and he , in his treatise of baptism , tell us (a) , that the chief priest , who is the bishop , hath the power of giving that sacrament , and after him the presbyters and deacons , but not without the authority of the bishop , for the honour of the church , which being safe , the peace is secur'd . but tertullian , you tell me , does more than seem to be on your side , when speaking of the christian congregations , both as to their discipline and government , and to their worship , he says , praesident probati quiquo seniores , &c. that the presbyters have the rule and government in them . and here you take it for granted , that these seniores are mere presbyters , and yet you know , this is a thing in question , a thing that hath been deny'd by many , not without good appearance of reason , since the titles of ancients or elders have sometimes been apply'd to bishops , as blondel will inform you , and that it is so here , the words seem to import . but about this , i may have occasion to discourse in another place . and at present i will suppose , that the seniors tertullian speaks of , were meer presbyters , and yet did preside , i know not however , why he should more than seem to be on your side ; but that great is the strength of imagination . for manifest it is from him , as we have seen , that the bishop stood related to the presbyters as their high priest : and without his licence or permission , they could not baptize . notwithstanding therefore they might preside in particular congregations , or otherwise as his assistants , yet it was with dependance on him , and subordination to him in the administration of the government . to evade this , you say , that such a distinction of officers , according to tertullian , was rather a matter of order for peace sake , and the honour of the church , than by divine institution . there was however such a distinction , and as for the original of it , that is another question ; which may also be resolv'd from this father . for he declares , that bishops were constituted by the apostles ; and there is no doubt , but one motive of it was , the welfare of the church ; which without peace and order cannot be preserv'd . indeed , if there had been no such institution , if the honor of the church were not to be regarded , and if peace , which is so much recommended in the gospel were an unnecessary thing , then he would have allow'd , that even lay-men might baptize : but now he charges them not to invade those things that belong to their superiors , nor to usurp the episcopal function (b) . not long after tertullian , flourish'd origen , and he tells us in his discourse of prayer (c) , that the obligation of a deacon , is distinct from that of a presbyter ; but the greatest of all , is that of a bishop . and says he in another place , more is requir'd of me , than of a deacon ; more of a deacon , than a lay-man . but he that governs in chief must give an account of the whole church . one passage more i shall add , because it hath something in it that is peculiar (d) : and this is taken from his commentaries on the gospel according to s. matthew , wherein he shews , how necessary it was for those to repress their arrogance , who thought too highly of themselves for this cause , especially that their ancestors or great grand-fathers had been advanced to the episcopal throne , or to the honour of priests and deacons . and this carries back his testimony much higher than his own time , and lower than that , i need not here descend . chap. xiv . after the apostles days there was no space of time , nor any country where christianity prevail'd , without episcopacy . if matters between us may be determin'd by the writings of the ancients , as you have granted , i think it sufficiently evident from what has been said , that churches were govern'd by bishops in the best ages after the decease of the apostles . and for the improvement of this argument , and to prevent evasions , i observe , that it is manifest from the testimony of the fathers , . that after the apostles days there was no space of time without episcopacy : nor . was there any country without it , where christianity prevail'd . . there was no space of time after the decease of the apostles without episcopacy . there was no such interval of forty years between that period , and the constitution of bishops , as blondel (e) dreamt of ; nor had he any thing but meer conjectures , to support his opinion , which is oppos'd by the whole current of antiquity . his friend walo messalinus (f) was more cautious , who acknowledges , that the distinction of the orders of bishops and presbyters was most ancient , and only requires , that the apostles times should be excepted : and yet his demand is too extravagant . for the fathers generally believ'd , that there was such a distinction in their days , and that by their appointment in churches of their own plantation . this may appear from what has been said already , and it may be farther confirm'd from tertullian , who thus upbraids the hereticks with their novelty ▪ and confutes their pretences to tradition (g) . let them declare , says he , the originals of their churches : let them shew an order of their bishops flowing by succession in such a manner from the beginning , that their first bishop had an apostle , or an apostolical person , who was conversant with the apostles , for his ordainer , and predecessor , and he adds , that this the apostolical churches did . and thus he thought to stop the mouths of gain-sayers , and triumphs much in his argument . but his attempt had been extremely vain , if they might have return'd him this answer . sir , you are under a mistake , or would impose on us . the apostles were extraordinary officers , and had no successors , nor did they constitute any bishops , as you pretend . the bishops you speak of , have deprav'd the government of the church : they have advanced themselves upon the steps to corruption , and contrary to the divine institution , usurpt a power over their brethren . what reason have we then to believe , that they hold fast that profession of faith which was once deliver'd to the saints , since they have so ambitiously trampled on their equals , and made no conscience to establish their own greatness on the ruines of the ancient discipline . 't is our glory , that we have none of them , and that we regard not their authority . yet upon your grounds , this they might have replied to the confusion of that learned father , had it then been believ'd that episcopacy was an innovation . i know it has been objected , that there are intricacies and inconsistences in the catalogues of the successions which the fathers have left us . but so there are in the catalogues of the high priests , that are g●ven by jewish and christian writers , as mr. selden (h) will inform you : and also in the catalogues of the archontes , who amongst the athenians gave the name and title to the year , as you may find , if you compare many of their names , as they are express'd in the marble chronicle at oxford , with what is extant concerning them in the books of the most famous greeks , and those books one with another . yet no body doubts , but there was amongst the israelites a succession of high priests from aaron , and amongst the athenians a succession of archontes from creon . and we have no reason to question , but there was such a succession of bishops from the apostles as the fathers speak of , notwithstanding in the tables of their succession , which have been convey'd to us , there be some variation . the words of king charles l. (i) are very apposite to my purpose . for says that judicious and excellent prince , all humane histories are subject to such frailties . there are differences in historiographers in reciting the succession of the babylonian , persian and macedonian kings , and of the saxon kings in england . and we find more inextricable difficulties in the fasti consulares , ( the catalogues of the roman consuls ) notwithstanding their great care in keeping the publick records , and the exactness of the roman histories , than are to be found in the episcopal catalogues , &c. yet all men believe , there were kings in those countreys , and consuls in rome in those times . so that the discrediting of the catalogues of bishops , in respect of some uncertainty and differences , which yet may be fairly reconcil'd , tendeth rather to the confirmation of the thing it self . . wherever christianity prevail'd the government of the churches was episcopal . for as s. irenaeus (k) argued for the christian religion , that the churches amongst the germans , amongst the hiberi and celtae : the churches planted in the east , in egypt and libya , and in the middle region of the world , or palestine , had not a faith or tradition different from one another ; but as one sun gave light to all the world , so did the same truth shine every where . thus may we say of the ecclesiastical polity or government in the first ages after the apostles , it was every where the same . it was the same as we have seen in europe , and in asia , and in africa . and distant as the nations were in situation , and different as they were in their customs and manners ; yet when christianity was receiv'd amongst them , it brought episcopacy with it . a plain argument that both proceeded from the same uniform cause , and that prelacy was not esteem'd a mere prudential thing , that might be rejected at pleasure . in the passage that i last cited from tertullian , he manifestly shews , that all apostolical churches were govern'd by a succession of bishops from the beginning : and in this he follows irenaeus , who intimates , that he could have set down such a succession in the rest , as he did in the church of rome ; but that he was unwilling to swell his volume into too great a bulk (l) . and in the following age s. cyprian (m) says , that bishops were long since ordain'd through all provinces and all cities . to the testimony of the fathers i shall add another of a modern writer ; but it relates to the practice of former times , and is pertinent to my design . the author i mean is the celebrated dr. walton , whose edition of the polyglott bibles was not a little for the honour of our church and nation , yet it rais'd the envy of some , and that drew from him these words (n) . it appears , says he , by these ancient translations , that what our sectaries have cryed down in the church of england as popish innovations , viz. episcopal government , set forms of liturgies , observation of festivals , besides the lord's day , were us'd as they are still in those eastern churches , planted by the apostles and their successors in asia and africk , from the first times of their conversion , so that what these men would exterminate , as romish and antichristian novelties , have been anciently us'd by those famous and flourishing churches which never profess'd subjection to the see of rome . this is that cordolium of our novelists , the practice of the vniversal church of christ , all the world over . i have shew'd what was the original of prelacy or episcopacy , and how universally it did obtain . but the dissenters understanding by a bishop , such a minister as may have no other pastor above him , nor any presbyter under him ; i would demand , where there is any instance of him in the holy scripture ; or whether the primitive fathers writ any thing of him . in what country did he live ? in what nation under the heavens did he exercise his pastoral care ? you will not pretend , i presume , that there was any such person whilst the apostles were alive ; for the apostles , you tell me , constituted no officers , over whom they retain'd not a jurisdiction : and i give you the space of five hundred years after their days , to find but one single presbyterian or independent bishop in any sound part of the catholick church , or any approved instances of ordinations perform'd by him . but if you attempt this , i am desirous , you would only insist on good authorities , and not , as i shall find you shortly , on legends and romances . chap. xv. objections against episcopacy taken from the writings of the fathers , and some later authors examin'd . i shall despair of proving any matter of fact that was perform'd many ages since , if it be not manifest from the testimonies which i have produc'd , that the government of the primitive church was episcopal . yet for the contrary opinion , you pretend , you have vouchers , and these fathers too , as learned and pious fathers , as any the churches ever own'd . and 't is very true , you have drawn quotations from some that were of great eminence . how pertinently you have done it , i come now to enquire . s. cyprian is one of the ancients to whom you appeal , and he says (o) , the deacons ought to remember , that the lord chose apostles , that is , bishops and praepositi : but the apostles , after his ascension , constituted deacons for the service of themselves and of the church . and from hence you gather , that the praepositi , here were only presbyterial or congregational bishops , because they are contradistinguish'd to deacons . that is , because this father makes no mention in this place of presbyters , that being nothing to his purpose , the bishops must be depress'd into their order . but it is obvious , and i wonder how it escap'd your notice , that the apostles themselves were the bishops or praepositi , of which he speaks . and now you may conclude , if you please , that the twelve apostles were no more than fixed pastors of so many single congregations . you likewise argue from s. cyprian , that however he had the title of bishop , yet he consider'd himself only as first presbyter ; for which you give this notable reason , that his name for a bishop is always praepositus , in respect of the people ; and you add , that he calls presbyters compresbyters , but he no where calls deacons condeacons . but you might as well say , that s. peter (p) consider'd himself only as first presbyter , because he addresses his exhortation to the elders , as being also an elder : or that s. basil (q) was of no higher order , than that of deacon , because he styles eustathius , elpidius and sabinus , condeacons . and the like may be said of other examples of the same nature , for an account of which , i refer you to blondel (r) , and mabillon (s) . i think it is observable , that howsoever s. cyprian calls presbyters his compresbyters , yet he never calls them his colleagues : nor did he think they might over-rule him by the number of voices . but when some of them attempted to restore the lapsi (t) in his absence , without regard to his authority , he express'd a just resentment of it . he complain'd of this , as a thing that was never done in the time of his predecessors : so that however he could at other times dissemble the contempt that was cast upon his office , he did not think fit on this occasion to be silent or remiss : but gave order that the rash and insolent offenders should be prohibited to exercise their function . 't is true s. cyprian says (u) , he resolv'd from the time that he was made bishop , not to act any thing without the counsel and consent of his clergy and people : but the reason of this was , he treated the lapsi with unusual lenity , so that he needed the concurrence of others to support his authority ; yet as he did not prescribe to others his own rules of discipline (w) , so neither did himself always take the same measures . sometimes he restor'd offenders to the peace of the church (x) , when the people were brought to consent to it , but with difficulty ; sometimes when they oppos'd it . he also requir'd his presbyters and deacons , and people , to receive amongst the clergy (y) , numidicus a presbyter , without consulting them before about this matter . and he acquainted his clergy and people , that without their suffrage celerinus (z) was constituted reader , and appointed that he should be joyn'd with aurelius , and that both should have their share of the monthly maintenance , as presbyters had . at another time he thus express'd his thoughts to them about a breach of discipline (a) : if there be any person , said he , either amongst our presbyters or deacons , or amongst strangers , so extravagant or rash , that he shall dare before our sentence be given , to communicate with the lapsed , let him be expell'd from our communion . and not expecting the concurrence of any , he depriv'd philumenus , fortunatus , and favorinus of their monthly dividend , till their cause should have a publick hearing . upon the whole we find , that s. cyprian was a person of an excellent temper , and as he us'd such great condescension towards his clergy and people , as seems not to have been practis'd before , nor is always necessary , but was very fit for the time in which he liv'd : so on the other hand , he was not wanting to assert his own authority , and the dignity of his order : for he tells us (b) , christ says to his apostle , and consequently to all bishops who succeed the apostles , he that heareth you , heareth me ; and he that heareth me , heareth him that sent me . and he that rejecteth you , rejecteth me , and he that rejecteth me , rejecteth him that sent me . he adds (c) , that schisms and heresies arise from hence , that the bishop who is one , and governs the church , is by the presumption of some despis'd . and to those that forsook their bishop , and erected altar against altar , he applies these words of isaiah , wo unto ye children that are deserters , saith the lord. ye have taken counsel , but not of me . ye have made a covenant , but not by my spirit , to add sins to sins (d) . another of the ancients which you have quoted for the support of your opinion , is the commentator on s. paul's epistles that bears the name of ambrose , and from him you expect some assistance , because he says , that of a bishop and presbyter there is but one ordination (e) . but his meaning is not , as you suppose , that their consecration was the same ; but that they are both of the same order : by which , he intends no more , than that they agree in this , that both are priests . he did not believe them to be of equal power , however he comprehended them under one general denomination ; for , says he , the bishop is the chief : and every bishop is a presbyter , but every presbyter is not a bishop (f) . and what service this can do you , i do not understand . but the bishop , he tells us , is the first presbyter : and this is a thing on which you much insist , as if it afforded some great advantage to your cause : whereas the fathers who us'd that expression which you so well approve , had no such notion of a first presbyter , as you have entertain'd , but made the same distinction between him and his clergy , as there was between the high priest and the other priests that were under his authority . another thing for which you cite this commentator , is , the information he gives us , that the eldest was always the first presbyter (g) , till the inconveniences of that course occasion'd the change which he says was made by a council . but to this i know not how to assent , because it appears from scripture , and the writings of the most primitive fathers , that they who in the early times of christianity , were advanced to the charge of bishops , were commonly qualified for it , and distinguish'd , by the extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost , or their own personal worth ; and there is no probability that a meer number of years was then held sufficient to recommend a person to the highest office in the christian church . yet if there was sometime such preference given to seniority , and such a change made in some particular country , as the author mentions , i am not concern'd about it . but if you think , the ancient custom he speaks of , was universal , and that a departure from it over the world , was decreed by a general council , i would gladly know where it was assembled . blondel thinks , the alteration was introduced by the council of nice ; and for this , he directs us to the fourth canon of that council ; in which there is not a word of this matter , nor are there any footsteps of it in antiquity . but whatever was the ground of advancing persons to the office of bishops , manifest it is , that this commentator believ'd , the office it self was of divine institution , and superior to that of presbyters )g) . for he declares , that james was constituted bishop of jerusalem by the apostles , and that the apostles in general were bishops . he affirms , that timothy and titus , and the angels of the asiatick churches were bishops also . and in the bishop , says he , all orders are contain'd , because he is the prince or chief of the priests . and yet this is one of the fathers , by whose testimony , you are content , matters between us should be determin'd . another of them is s. jerom (i) , who informs us , i confess , that originally a presbyter was the same as a bishop ; and that at first the churches were govern'd by the common counsel of priests . but it must be consider'd that , according to him , the churches were only under that administration , till by the instigation of the devil divisions did arise , and one said i am of paul , and another said , i am of apollos , or i of cephas . and it may seem not a little for the advantage of episcopacy , if , as he intimates , it was the best means of extirpating schism when a presbyterian parity was found insufficient for that purpose : and if it was therefore establish'd over the world by universal decree , and that whilst many of the apostles were alive . (k) blondel i know assigns a later date to that decree , and would have us believe , that it was not made before the year . but i am much more inclin'd to think , that it was never made at all , than that this project was first set on foot to remove the seeds or beginnings of schisms almost a hundred years after they were sown at corinth , or after it was there said among the people , i am of paul , and i of apollos and i of cephas (l) . blondel saw this absurdity , and to avoid it , he falls into another . he would persuade us that the schisms here mention'd are such as did not disturb the church till a long time after the decease of paul and apollos and cephas , and did not arise amongst the corinthians , but others that imitated their example . but by this exposition he does not only force the words of the author from their plain literal meaning , without any necessity ; but also makes him contradict his own avowed sense , & say in effect that episcopacy was not instituted before the year , notwithstanding , in his catalogue of ecclesiastical writers and other parts of his works , he hath left us an account of several bishops , distinct from presbyters , that were ordain'd by the apostles themselves . 't is true s. jerom sometimes in his heats , of which the cause is sufficiently known , let fall such words as seem inconsistent with the rights of episcopacy : yet if those words had been assaulted by his adversaries , he would not have been at a loss , but had made provision for a vindication of himself or a safe retreat , either by other expressions or the secret meaning of the same . he may seem to oppose the subordination of presbyters to the bishop as an innovation , or a departure from a former institution of government : yet he allows , as we have seen , that this departure was made about the time that s. paul writ his first epistle to the corinthians : he intimates that it was necessary ; and in his treatise against the luciferians he declares (m) that the welfare of the church depends on the dignity of the bishop , to whom , says he , if there be not granted a certain peerless authority , there will be as many schisms as there are priests . he may seem to believe that bishops were not constituted by any divine (n) order or disposal ; and perhaps he thought that they were not appointed by any precept of christ himself ; yet he denies not that they were ordained by those that had commission from him , and acted in his name and by his power . he may seem to be of opinion that the episcopal praeeminence or jurisdiction was at first a meer prudential contrivance and afterwards confirm'd by custom : yet in the production of it he ascribes no more to prudence than the laying hold on a sad occasion when it was offer'd , for its establishment (o) : and the custom he speaks of he resolves into apostolical tradition , and this he grounds on scripture . that we may know , says he (p) , that the apostolical traditions were taken out of the old testament , what aaron and his sons and the levites were in the temple , that may the bishops and presbyters and deacons challenge in the church . and this is as much as i demand . another of your authors is s. augustin ; who acquaints us indeed (q) , that the titles of bishop and presbyter were distinguish'd by custom . but it does not follow that there was not the same disparity of officers when those words were of promiscuous use , as there was afterwards , when they were limited in their signification . if this gives you not satisfaction , grotius will tell you (r) , what is agreeable to that which has been said already , that when the fathers speak of custom , they do not exclude an apostolical institution . nay , s. augustin says , that what hath been always held by the whole church , and was not appointed by councils , is most rightly believ'd to proceed from apostolical authority . and that he did not believe episcopacy was introduced into the church after the apostles decease appears from several instances and particularly from hence , that he thought the angels of the asiatick churches were their bishops (ſ) . thus far your witnesses have appear'd against you : and with them you have fitly join'd s. chrysostom , who says not , as you pretend , that there is no difference in a manner between bishops and priests , but that the difference is not great (t) : thereby intimating that some difference there was even in the apostles days , for of these he he speaks . and in this he tells us they were distinguish'd , that only the bishops had the power of ordination (u) . a thing so destructive of the cause for which you are concern'd , that the dissenters doubtless had rather see all the volumes of chrysostom in a flame , than be concluded by his testimony . after all , you must depend , i think , on the testimony of such as danaeus , buchanan , johannes major and hector boethius ; and of what authority these men are i come now to enquire . if we may believe danaeus , say you , epiphanius himself was at last compell'd to confess that in the age of the apostles no such distinction between bishops and presbyters , as i contend for , was to be found . to which i reply , if we may believe epiphanius himself , he confess'd no such matter . on the contrary , when he had represented aerius as the plague of mankind (w) : when he had expos'd and condemn'd his detestable ingratitude towards eustathius , and shew'd how he loaded his benefactor with calumnies because he was advanced to a bishoprick to which that modest leveller aspir'd : he then gives an account of this opinion of the heretick (x) , that there is no difference between a bishop and a presbyter ; which he censures as extremely foolish , and proceeds to the confutation of it . that a presbyter , says he (y) , cannot be the same with a bishop , the sacred word of the apostle declares . for thus he writes to timothy , rebuke not an elder but intreat him as a father (z) . but why should he forbid him to rebuke an elder , but that he had authority over him ? he admonishes him ver . . not to receive an accusation against an elder , but before two or three witnesses . but he did not give direction to any of the presbyters , not to receive an accusation against a bishop , not to rebuke a bishop . this then is a manifest argument of the disparity of those officers in the judgment of epiphanius . but if you can make him confess what he denies : if you can make him approve what he confutes ; and bring him to an agreement with one whom he represents as a prodigious villain and a monster ; then you may believe danaeus . but his credit labours much at present , and you have said nothing to relieve it . it hath been little for the honour of the presbyterian government that the father of it hath been thought to be aerius : but you think it is of more ancient and better extraction . the scots , you say , who receiv'd the knowledge of christianity in the first age , had not any knowledge for many ages after , that appears , of any but presbyterian jurisdiction . and for this you quote buchanan who tell us , that no bishop ever presided in the church of scotland before palladius his time , and that the church unto that time was govern'd by monks , without bishops , with less pride and outward pomp but greater simplicity and holiness . and if his word may be taken for it , this would be something to the purpose . but camden says (a) , that his history was condemn'd of falshood by the parliament of scotland , and that buchanan before his death bitterly accus'd himself of the calumnies he had divulged . so that however i have a great value for his wit and learning , i think no great credit is due to his testimony , since he wanted that veracity which is essential to a good historian . but here it seems we need not depend on his word alone : for he is warranted by the authority of johannes major , whose words you set down and they are to the same effect as the former . and really , say you , this testimony given by johannes major is very full . and who would not now think that this johannes major was an ancient father , that could give such a full and exact account of the primitive times ! yet did this man draw down his history of great britain as far as the marriage of k. henry viii . of england with the princess catherine of aragon , and dedicated it to k. james v. of scotland . he was alive says labbe in the year . and one that would undertake to declare what men were doing above a thousand years before he was born , had need to vouch better authority than his own to gain belief . but john major is not the only evidence buchanan might have cited : beda , you tell me , says that palladius was sent unto the scots who believ'd in christ , as their first bishop . how great an advantage is it to have the faculty of close reasoning ! yet so dull am i that i do not perceive how the words of bede prove those of buchanan to be true . for , . palladius might be sent into scotland , and yet not into the country now call'd by that name and intended by buchanan . it might be into ireland , of which beda himself says (b) , that it is properly the country of the scots : and accordingly in claudian (c) , the scot is the irish man. and that palladius was sent to the irish scots hath been prov'd by those great antiquaries the bishops of s. asaph (d) and worcester (e) , to whom i refer you for satisfaction . . the christian faith hath no such dependance on monkery , but the scots might believe , though there had never been any monks in the world . and i take it to be manifest that there were none so early as you imagine . polydor vergil (e) ascribes the institution of monkery to s. antony who died , as he tells us , in the year . danaeus says (f) , that it began to be in request in egypt after the year : and that it was later before it was receiv'd in europe . he attributes the invention of it to superstition and an idolatrous admiration of external things . he compares the monks to swarms of drones , and says that in the year . they were dispers'd and multiplied like the locusts in the revelation , upon the face of the whole earth . you see , sir , what sentiments your friend danaeus had of these men and of their institution : and little did he think , that the church of scotland was so happy in an excellent sort of presbyterian monks in the best and purest ages . s. jerom himself who had such a zeal for the monastick way of living , that he was willing to say as much for the honour of it as he was able , carries the original of it , notwithstanding , no higher than antony or paul the thebaean (g) . but which of them soever was the founder of it , it is not material , since they were cotemporaries and in the year . or thereabouts , one of them receiv'd a visit from the other . after their decease , the monks were despis'd in the west for the novelty of their constitution : and jerom complains (h) that in his time they were detested even at rome it self . so far is it from being true , that they had then made their progress as far as scotland , and flourish'd there in great reputation . it was therefore boldly done of hector boethius to tell the world (i) , that his countrymen , about the year . as blondel interprets his words , began diligently to embrace the christian faith , by the conduct and persuasion of certain monks . yet hardy as he was , you have exceeded hector himself . for you say , that the scots had the knowledge of christianity in the first age , which is much sooner than hector allows : and if your argument from beda perform what you design by it , these converted scots must have some kind of government , amongst them , and you undertake to shew from buchanan , that till the time of palladius the scottish church was govern'd by monks with more holiness and simplicity than it was afterwards by the bishops . and now , i think , it will follow from these things laid together , that the church of scotland was very well govern'd by the monks , whilst some of the apostles were alive , and after their decease till the year of our lord (k) . and this makes more for the honour of monkery than any thing else , i have yet read . you have likewise such an opinion of the antiquity of the culdees that you censure bishop spotswood for insinuating , that in their time there were bishops of his order , which he did , you say , that he might magnifie his office. a strange and unadvised project ! that he should think to magnifie his office by telling us , there were prelates in scotland before the culdees were extinct , who were not in being till many ages after the death of palladius . and are not mention'd by any writer that liv'd within five hundred years of his time (l) . hector boethius , whom you quote , was alive in the year . and yet he is the first , as the bishop of s. asaph observes (m) , that found that the monks were culdees , who are said by others as well as him , and of like credit , to have govern'd the church of scotland till the coming of palladius . he had no records of the primitive times to support his narrative , yet did not this abate the courage of hector , who knew how to supply that defect by a fertile invention . he made a bishop of s. alban's cloak , and call'd it s. amphibalus . he placed it in the isle of man , and there he put culdees under it . and at the same rate he might have scotland converted when he would , and by whom he pleas'd , and bestow on them what titles he thought convenient . 't is certain he was a very fabulous writer and in your letter of feb. . your self represented him as a romancer and his story of the culdees you call'd romancing : yet now you depend on it as good substantial evidence ; and this shews to what wretched shifts you are driven rather than you will acknowledge that you have been mistaken . chap. xvi . prelacy is no degeneracy from an apostolical constitution . the pastours of the church that came next after the apostles did not conspire to deprave any form of government which was of divine appointment . if we may not believe the ridiculous fable of the scottish monks , you have not been able to prove , that any part of the christian world , for many ages after the decease of the apostles , was without episcopal government . yet , as if the matter were clear on your side , and past all doubt , you take it for granted , that prelacy is a degeneracy from an apostolical constitution . you pretend to have observ'd the springs and motions by which it was advanced ; and to discover , on what grounds it was introduced , and by what degrees it grew up to that grandeur in which it now appears . . you say the defection began on tabernacle grounds † , and by pretences of some analogy unto the orders of that fabrick . and a little before you tell me , that when the judaizing opinion , which prevail'd mightily even in the days of the apostles , had , after their decease , diffus'd and spread it self farther , so that christians came into the admiration of the orders , beauty and pomp of the temple , which was but a fixed tabernacle , and christianity it self became consider'd ( as by some this day ) but as another kind of judaism , then ministers were turned into priests , deacons to levites . a wonderful transformation at such a time ! and it may seem very strange , that the christians should be much more charm'd with the beauty and pomp of the temple , when it was laid in ashes , than they were when it stood in its glory . to deal plainly with you , i take this to be very absurd , and inconsistent with the best records , we have , of the first ages . for it appears from them , that the weak brethren , as they were call'd , were most zealous at the first for the mosaical rites ; and that s. paul himself did more in compliance with them and the jews , than all the bishops in the world in the following century . the truth is , when an end was put to the jewish polity , the judaizers made a sect by themselves : and the pastours of the church thought fit to bury the mosaical rites in the ruins of the temple , and vigorously asserted their freedom from them . at least they let them fall by degrees : and 't is observable , that when the great controversie was rais'd about the keeping of easter , however they that contended , it ought to be observ'd exactly at the time of the jewish passover , had more to say for themselves from tradition , yet the matter was carried and determin'd on the side of christian liberty . but that liberty doth not leave all things indifferent that were drawn by analogy from the jewish laws or customs . for such things there are , and some of them of perpetual use . amongst these i reckon baptism and the supper of the lord (n) . the ordination of officers by imposition of hands (n) . the maintenance of those that minister in things sacred (o) , and the distribution of them into several ranks (p) . all these institutions had their basis in the jewish practices , and with some variation from the original , were consecrated to serve the purposes of christianity , and that by unquestionable authority . by such authority one is justified in ascribing to ecclesiastical officers the title of priests ; for it may seem , that they were opposers of such as did bear it , who are said by s. jude to have perish'd in the gainsaying of core , ver . . and manifest it is , and it has been generally acknowledg'd , that the almighty speaks of the professors of christianity where he says , i will take of them for priests and for levites . isai . . . and from hence we may gather , . that the christian church is such a society as should have its own spiritual officers chosen out of the rest of the faithful of any nation , and remaining distinct from them . . that the titles of priests and levites , which have been so often attributed to the officers of the christian church , had not their original from the meer fancies of the ancient fathers ; much less were they an invention of later times , but are founded on an expression of the holy scripture . . that amongst these officers there should be such disparity as had been under the law amongst the posterity of levi. . you pretend to discover by what degrees prelacy grew up to its present grandeur . and you tell me , one need but some experience in the course of things and a little proportion of mother wit , to make a clear and distinct conception of what you have said on this subject . you believe , that all presbyters were equal by a divine institution : yet notwithstanding that appointment of heaven , it was requisit , you say , for orders sake (*) , that in every assembly one should have the direction , and 't is most probable , the eldest presbyter had the first place and the first direction of matters . yet probable as it is , if one should affirm that 't is a meer conjecture of mother wit , you have said nothing that may be sufficient to confute him . however , this must be made the first prudential reason for a departure from a divine institution , and the first step towards the degeneracy of succeeding times . but this state of affairs did not long continue : another prudential reason appears to justle out the former , and introduces another step to corruption : for it was found by experience , you say , that the eldest was not always the worthiest and fittest for the direction of matters . a very notable discovery ! but it may seem a little strange , that men inspir'd , or but of ordinary capacity , did not foresee this ; and that no care was taken to prevent the inconveniences of the last contrivance . it also seems incredible , that the old men should be so easily degraded from their accustomed precedence and suffer their juniors to be pearcht into their places . they must be suppos'd to be persons of a very complaisant humour , tho they had no great proportions of mother-wit , seeing they would yield up their title and dignity of first presbyters without the least murmur or complaint . but that 's no matter , once upon a time , all the world over , it came to pass that the place devolv'd not by seniority but was confer'd by election made by all the presbyters and not unlikely but with prayer and imposition of hands . things very piously reckon'd amongst the means of depraving the institution of christ ! and now the first presbyter by this new ordination begins to look pretty like a bishop , yet he had no more authority in the college of presbyters than is by all protestants allow'd to peter in that of the apostles . but one step more brings him to the episcopal throne . for the best men are but flesh and blood † , and the best institutions liable to rust and canker . there was a diotrephes in the apostles own times , and those that follow'd after improv'd upon the example . and so the first presbyter soon became advanced into another order , and from being first , commenced prince of the presbyters . a great and sudden change ! and the thing was managed with so much fineness , that it was conceal'd many hundred years above a thousand : and it may seem strange that it should be discover'd at last , not from any ancient writings or credible informations , but by experience in the course of things and some proportions of mother-wit . authors indeed you quote , and several arguments you have , by which you would prove that corruptions were introduced into the church in such a manner as you have describ'd ; but you had much better have left us to depend wholly on your own word , than at all have produced them . since they can only serve to expose the weakness of your cause . one of those arguments you ground on tim. . . (*) . where s. paul says , let the elders that rule well be accounted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and doctrine . from hence you gather , that there was a distinction of elders ; and that some of them being better at ruling and some at preaching , they exercis'd themselves according to the talent , they had ; those that were better at ruling in ruling , and those that were better at preaching in labouring in the word and doctrine . and you farther conclude that there was always a first presbyter , and make no question but he was of the number of those that labour'd in the word . and i make no question , but here you have put together several things that might better have been omitted . for you suppose , that the elders who labour'd in the word and doctrine , were excell'd by others in ruling ; whereas all that the apostle mentions in this place are such as rule well . and then to those that you conceive were better at preaching than at ruling , you attribute the praeeminence in ruling , or that chief direction of matters in the consistories which belongs to the place of presidents . and this i think is sufficiently absurd . but what is worst of all , is , you make a text of scripture a foundation of one of the steps to corruption . an instance of some that were better at ruling than at preaching , you think , you have found in the epistle of clemens romanus to the corinthians ; and if you had , the matter is not great , since all that you would infer from thence is , that others were prefer'd before them who were not so well qualified , as themselves for the administration of the government . i am willing however to see the exercise of your critical faculty . you think then , that they who are said by clemens to have politiz'd well (q) were the presbyters , that ruled , rather than preach'd , well . but you might have found , that in another place , this father tells us , that peter and paul politiz'd divinely (r) ( if i may borrow your expression ) and doubtless did not mean thereby to distinguish them from preaching apostles . you might also have found that when he upbraids some for not politizing as they ought (ſ) , he meant not to reflect on them as bad governours , but in general as persons that did not walk (t) worthy of christ . these things so plainly shew your mistake , that you will not , i believe review your criticism with any great satisfaction . for an example of one that was better at preaching than at ruling and was a first presbyter , you produce the president (*) mention'd by justin martyr . and 't is true that preaching was the work of that president ; for so it appears from justin (u) : and it is as true , that he govern'd in chief ; for he was a bishop , as grotius will inform you ; whose learning , you , with so much reason admire . but of what use this can be to you , unless it be to overthrow what you would establish by it , i do not understand . you have some other quotations from the fathers which i need not here examine , having done it already . but i proceed to shew , that it is altogether improbable that the pastours of the church , who came next after the apostles , should conspire to deprave a divine institution . and this , i think will appear , if it be consider'd , . that they were persons of admirable holiness and virtue . . if they had not been such , they could not so suddenly have agreed in the same design , to corrupt the church , as you contend , in the same manner . . they were persons of admirable holiness and virtue . clemens alexandrinus (w) gives an account , what care s. john took of the churches after his return from patmos , and that he admitted such into the clergy as were design'd or distinguish'd by the holy ghost . and , as i noted before , irenaeus says (x) , the apostles were desirous , that they should be very perfect and unblamable in all things , whom they left to be their successors , to whom they committed their own place of government . and can we imagine that such persons as these conspir'd to deprave an institution of christ ? when they daily expos'd their lives to danger ; when they despis'd the vngulae and catastae , the rage of savage boasts and more savage men ; when a firm adherence to their religion expos'd them to the scourge or the cross , the axe or the fire , and when they express'd such a chearful readiness to embrace the sorest evils that could be inflicted on them , and death it self under the most dreadful circumstances , rather than deny their master , were they then contriving to ruin his discipline , or caballing to make themselves great ▪ or if the mystery of iniquity did so generally work in the prelates , who are suppos'd to have usurpt authority over their brethren , was there not an honest presbyter in the world to put them in mind of their duty , or to admonish them to keep their station ? was there not one upon earth that would oppose their innovations , or plainly tell them , that by the appointment of heaven all presbyters are equal ? if the presbyters had no regard for their own authority , had they no concern for their masters glory ? had they no remembrance of what the apostles taught , or of the instructions for the government of the church which they had given ? did they , not only quietly see the degeneracy spread apace , but help it forward , by relinquishing the trust and authority committed to them by the holy ghost ? we have no reason certainly to suspect any such matters of them : but if we had , i should dread the consequences of it . . if the bishops who liv'd in the next age to that of the apostles had not been persons of so much perfection and virtue , yet they could not so suddenly have agreed to corrupt the church in the same manner . arnobius disputing against the gentiles says in vindication of the history of christianity , (y) if that be false , whence comes it to pass , that the whole world was in so short a time fill'd with this religion : or how came nations so distant to receive it with one consent ? and in like manner i may demand , if prelacy be a defection from an institution of christ or his apostles , how came it to gain so early an admission amongst persons of so many different countries and languages ! how came it so suddenly to be establish'd in all the churches upon the face of the earth ? you say , that ecclesiastical prelates arose at best by occasion , and prudentially upon the increase of believers : but how did they every where meet with the like occasions ? how came all the churches in the world to act by the same prudential rules ? if you can shew , how all the bishops upon earth agreed to exalt themselves above their brethren , and how the presbyters every where so suddenly consented in their submission to them , you are the man of the world fittest to write a commentary on the philosophy of epicurus , and to prove that his atoms , by their accidental concourse , perform'd all the feats and wonders that have been attributed to them . that i have not been singular in matching such improbabilities , may appear from the words of mr. chillingworth , which i shall here set down . when i shall see (z) , says he , all the fables in the metamorphosis acted and prove stories : when i shall see all the democracies and aristocracies in the world lie down and sleep , and awake into monarchies : then will i begin to believe , that presbyterial government , having continued in the church during the apostles times , should presently after , against the apostles doctrine and the will of christ , be whirl'd about like a scene in a masque , and transform'd into episcopacy . in the mean time , continues my author , whilst these things remain thus incredible , and , in human reason , impossible , i hope i shall have leave to conclude thus : episcopal government is acknowledged to have been universally receiv'd in the church presently after the apostles times . between the apostles times and this presently after , there was not time enough for , nor possibility of , so great an alteration . and therefore there was no such alteration , as is pretended . and therefore episcopacy being confessed to be so ancient and catholick , must be granted also to be apostolick . chap. xvii . episcopacy cannot be thought a degeneracy from an apostolical constitution , if the testimony of the fathers may be admitted : their testimony vindicated . it is certain that the testimony of the fathers cannot be admitted to determine the controversie between us , but with the ruine of your cause , it being altogether inconsistent with your opinion , that episcopacy was not of a divine or apostolical appointment , but introduced prudentially , and gradually advanced upon the steps to corruption . even of that select company , who as you say , were as pious and learned fathers as any the churches ever own'd , and to whom you profess'd your adherence , there was not a man , who did not believe , that bishops were constituted by christ himself or his apostles , or by both . you have one refuge however yet remaining , which is , to reject those as incompetent witnesses , who upon examination appear against you . and accordingly you tell me * , that the fathers wrote things they saw not , and fram'd matters according to their own conceits , and many of them were tainted with partial humours . you farther add † , that the catalogues of the succession of bishops , which eusebius has given us , are only conjectural and traditionary ( words fitly join'd together ! ) that himself tells us , there was a great chasm in ecclesiastical history for the three first centuries : ay , that in the third book of that history chap. . he says expresly , as to the persons that succeeded the apostles in the government of the churches , that it is hard to tell particularly and by name , who they were : and that in making his catalogues , he went by way of collection and inference from what is written by s. paul , &c. but the sum of what eusebius does indeed say in that place , of those that were the disciples of the apostles , and succeeded them in the government of the churches , is only this , that it is hard to determine , how many , and who they were (a) ; yet from the words of s. paul , the names of some of them may be gather'd . he does not say , that he could give an account of none that were constituted governours of the apostolick churches , except those that were mention'd by that apostle : nor does he say , as you would have him , that he found the names of some in scripture , and tack'd bishopricks to them from his own fancy . on the contrary , he acquaints us in the chapter to which you refer me , that dionysius the areopagite was the first bishop of athens ; where he did not establish him by way of collection and inference : nor does he pretend to ground the relation he hath left us of him , on the words either of s. paul , or s. luke , or on his own invention : but he had it from dionysius of corinth ; whom he calls a most ancient writer , and that with good reason , for he flourish'd about the middle of the second century . from an epistle of the same dionysius of corinth (b) he was inform'd , that publius succeeded the areopagite in the government of the church of athens , and suffer'd martyrdom ; and that quadratus succeeded publius . and this is that quadratus (c) , who was a disciple of the apostles , and who declar'd in his apology for the christians , which he presented to the emperor hadrian , that he had seen many that had been cur'd , and rais'd from death by our lord himself . and that a person of such eminence should be bishop of athens , after such predecessors as he had , is more for the advantage of episcopacy , than all the quotations are against it , that have been heaped up by blondel in his laborious collections : and i am persuaded , that if an instance so early and so well attested , could have been produced in favour of a presbyterian parity , it had long since made a mighty noise , and alarm'd the world. 't is true , eusebius is the first that left us a body of ecclesiastical history : but he did not frame it out of his own conjectures . himself hath given us an account of the helps he had from others that were before him ; and valesius will present you at one view with a catalogue of books and records , out of which he drew materials for his work , that are very considerable . they are not so many indeed as one might have desir'd : yet as king charles the first observes (d) , with his usual exactness of judgment , even the darkness of the primitive times affords a very strong argument for episcopacy , which from the history of them , obscure as they were , receives so full and clear a proof , as scarce any other matter of fact hath found the like . against tertullian you object * , that many fob traditions past for current in his time : an exception that would destroy the credit of all the books that ever were written , if it were of force against any ; for fob traditions , as you call them , have pass'd for current amongst some in every age since the days of adam . but tertullian himself , you think , was one that transmitted such traditions to posterity , and particularly you are offended at him for reporting that the apostles had chairs in particular churches : and yet you are not sure , that this ought to be laid to his charge . only , you tell me , his words at first sight may seem to sound that way . a notable way of confuting the fathers , grounded on the sense of one of them , and that not certain neither , but taken from his words , as at first sight they seem to sound . one might have expected , that you should have spent a thought or two more about them , before you pass'd your censure on them , or reckon'd the author amongst the fabulous writers , and made him an instance of the partiality or impostures of the ancients . for my part , i think he meant by chairs , what you so quickly apprehended at the first glance , and that bishops sate in the material seats of the apostles in the administration of the government . and yet i see nothing in this that is incredible . it is neither contrary to the faith of history , nor without example in it . nor is it improbable , that before adoration was pay'd to reliques , the chairs of the apostles should be preserv'd about a hundred years . sure i am , that he might better judge of such a matter of fact , than we can at this time . and i know not , why this word may not as well be accepted when he discourses of these chairs , as when he adds (e) , that the authentick letters of the apostles were read in the apostolick churches . but whatever he meant by the chairs , 't is plain enough , he thought , the bishops were the successors of the apostles in particular dioceses or churches : and if you can no more believe this , than the story of the cells of the seventy interpreters , though justin martyr affirms , that he saw the ruines of those very cells , and that they were in the pharos of alexandria , i cannot help it . nor do i think it necessary to enter into a dispute about the truth or falshood of justin's relation . but since that which he says of those cells depends on the credit of some unknown alexandrians ; since they were reported to have been built in the pharos only , and that about four hundred years before he writ his paraenesis to the greeks : and since the tradition which he hath convey'd to us about them , was not universally receiv'd , but was with some disdain rejected by s. jerom , the most learned critick of his age ; it was not , in any of these respects , parallel to the account which i have given from tertullian and others , concerning the original of bishops ; nor is there any such connexion between them , as that they must stand or fall together . there is such clear evidence , that the churches were govern'd by bishops in the beginning of the second century , that it hath extorted a confession from the most learned adversaries : and if we had never been told , that they were constituted by the apostles or apostolical persons , or deriv'd their power by succession from them , the thing had notwithstanding been probable . but there is not the least reason to doubt of it , when we find it so universally believ'd by the ancient church : and particularly when tertullian asserts it in such a manner , as he does , and urges it with so much assurance against the hereticks . for if he had no grounds for it , i should not say that he was tainted with partial humours and framed matters according to his own conceit , but that he was void of common sense ; and as extravagant , as a protestant would be at this day , if , to confute the exceptions of papists against the meanness of some of the first reformers , he should affirm with great confidence , and insist on it as a thing too notorious to be deny'd , that calvin succeeded peter de la baume in the bishoprick of geneva , and that luther and melancthon were spiritual princes of the empire , and electors of germany . we are now almost at twice the distance from the beginning of luther's reformation , as tertullian was from the days of the apostles : and we are more remote from the coming of king james the first to the crown of england , than irenaeus was from the death of s. john , when he argued against the valentinians ▪ from the succession of bishops to the apostles , in the government of the churches . and what he said of it must then have appear'd either so palpably false , that it would have expos'd him and his cause to derision , or so evidently true , that your exceptions against it , would at that time , have been to the same effect , as if a dissenter should now declare . that the conformists had in this last age introduced several corruptions into the church , and episcopacy amongst the rest ; that in the reign of queen elizabeth all the ministers in the kingdom were equal , but after her decease the defection began , and was afterwards gradually carried on till the prelats arriv'd at their present greatness . that one need but some experience in the use of things , and a little proportion of mother wit to discover this , and to make a clear and distinct conception of it ; that however the bishops might pretend , that they had predecessors in the last century , and produce for it the testimony of many authors , yet those authors were tainted with partial humours , and there were fob traditions passed for current in their time , so that we are under no obligation to believe them . and now , sir , i leave you to judge , whether a person that should discourse seriously in such a manner , were fit to be argued with , or to be managed another way , according to the rules of art. you have another bold stroke yet remaining , which is † , that the catalogues of bishops deduced from the apostles , for ought you see , deserves but little more credit , as being but little better ascertain'd , than the catalogues of the british kings deduced from brute ; and this falls heavy upon s. jerom , as well as others ; for he approv'd such catalogues , and hath helpt to convey them to posterity . when you press'd him into your service , you made honourable mention of him under the titles of pious and learned , of which he must make a forfeiture , when he stands in your way ; and though he only confirms , by his own suffrage , what was generally believ'd in former ages , yet in that c●…se ; for ought you see , his word deserves little more credit than the most absurd or groundless fables . for such are the stories of brute , and the kings of his line : they have no foundation in any ancient history , or authentick records ; but about two thousand years after the time of brute's reputed landing at totness , they were first publish'd to the world. he that gave the first reputation to them , was geoffrey of monmouth , who is call'd by one of our antiquaries (f) , the english homer , and the father of lies . and as for his brutus ▪ some have observ'd , as mr. camden acquaints us (e) , that he was never hoard of , till , in a barbarous age , one hunibald a foolish writer , feign'd that francion a son of priamus , was the founder of the french nation . but then a report was rais'd , that our country-men were descended from the trojans , and our princes from this brutus ; who was said to be the son of sylvius , and grand-son of aeneas ; and 't is no wonder , that , in the times of the thickest ignorance , a fiction so agreeable was entertain'd and propagated amongst our ancestors , who disdain'd that their neighbours should excel them in extraction , whom they equal'd in courage . and now if any shall affirm , that as much , or near as much , may be said against the testimonies of the fathers asserting the succession of bishops to the apostles , i must beg your excuse , if i tell him , in the words of a late author , for whom i know you have some fondness , that he has not wip'd his eyes , but is moist with prejudice and passion . it is not any want of clearness or strength in the testimony , which the fathers give concerning the original of episcopacy , that drew from you the odious reflections which you cast on them ; but the force there is in it to demonstrate , that the strokes and lineaments of your scheme of church-government , are meerly the work of fancy , and that you have employ'd your pen in the service of a bad cause . this appears from what has been said already ; and i shall here add nothing more to confirm it , but one instance , which , i think , i may safely oppose against all that ever was written for the presbyterian equality of ministers , from the days of aerius , to this very moment . the instance i intend , is that of polycarp , who is not only said to have been bishop of smyrna by polycrates (h) and tertullian (i) , who flourish'd not long after him , and by eusebius (k) , jerom (l) , socrates (m) , sozomen (n) , victor capuanus (o) , suidas (p) , and many others , who liv'd at a greater distance from him , but by such as knew him , and could not be ignorant of his character . there were many that had the advantage of his ministry : many that had liv'd under his government in the church of smyrna , and were eye-witnesses of his martyrdom , who expresly declare (q) , that he was their bishop . this they do in an epistle which is yet extant , and which the famous joseph scaliger (r) , critical as he was , so highly approv'd and valu'd , that he reckons it amongst the noblest monuments of christian antiquity , and professes , that he could not read it , without something of extasie . s. irenaeus , who was his scholar , informs us likewise (s) , that he was bishop of smyrna . and the same is attested by s. ignatius (t) , who was not only his contemporary , but his friend , as also by philo and agathopus ; who acquaint us further (u) that ignatius , on whom they attended being in his way to rome , where he was about to be torn in pieces by wild beasts , for the christian faith , paid a visit to polycarp at smyrna , and that both these excellent men had been train'd up under the same master , and were the disciples of s. john. but if s. polycarp was bishop of smyrna , he was not the only minister there ; for he begins his epistle to the philippians thus , (w) polycarp and the presbyters that are with him . and from these presbyters he had no reason to distinguish himself , as he does , if both of them had born the same office. but in what manner he stood related to them , may appear from hence , that there was not one of all the ancients , i have cited , to prove that he was a bishop , who meant not that he was a prelate . and if enquiry be made , how he obtain'd his office , from tertullian (x) , and (y) jerom , and many others , we learn , that it was convey'd to him by s. john. but s. john , it seems , was not alone in that action ; for irenaeus tells us (z) , that polycarp was not only taught by the apostles , but constituted by them bishop of smyrna : and his words deserve the greater credit , because he was a hearer of polycarp in his younger years (a) , and understood doubtless what place he had in the church , and the manner of his advancement to it . i need make no inferences from this example , because it is so obvious , that it destroys your hypothesis . chap. xviii . the testimony of the fathers is necessary for the ascertaining to us the canon of the holy scripture : it is as cogent for the divine original of episcopacy . there are some that will hardly hear with patience any arguments that are drawn from the authority of the fathers ; because , as they conceive or pretend , it favours the papists : a thing very acceptable to the papists , could it be prov'd . but we do them too much honour , if we believe , that the ancient tradition is on their side , when some of the most learned amongst them dare lay no claim to it , for the support of those doctrines wherein they differ from us : and many of their greatest bigots have found themselves so press'd by it , that they have appeal'd from it to their oracle for the time being ; the pope , i mean , to whom cornelius mussus (b) , one of their number , profess'd , that he attributed more credit , than to a thousand austins , jeroms and gregories : and so ends the noise of antiquity , vniversality and consent . it is not my business here to attempt a vindication of the fathers , any farther than it answers my present design ; and i shall only observe , that they that despise them most , are sometimes forced to serve themselves of their authority . for example , gittichius says (c) , that his friends , who had read their books , found them plunged into the profoundest ignorance , hardly understanding so much as one article of the christian faith , but , like blind men , moving irregularly , and with a trembling pace . and such confidence he had , that the censures which his party had pass'd on them were just , or rather too modest , that he declares , the truth of the christian religion was wholly lost a little after the death of the apostles , and commends flaccius illyricus , for comparing the disputations of the fathers to a fight of drunkards at a feast , who are not solicitous to betake themselves to their swords , but supply the want of weapons with dishes or trenchers , with bread , or any thing that comes to hand . yet his friends sometimes make use of the testimony of those whom he so impudently charges with apostasie and folly , and whom they are wont to reproach ; and they depend on it in matters of great importance . they prove from thence in the racovian catechism , that our lord rose from the dead , as the scriptures relate , and that the several books of the new testament were written by the persons whose names they bear , herein following the example of their master socinus (e) , who argues from the unanimous consent of the primitive christians , that the four gospels , the acts of the apostles , &c. were written by those to whom they are attributed : and for this , he refers us to eusebius . at other times he treated the ancients with great contempt , because they stood in the way of this animal of glory , when he was resolv'd to make himself the head of a sect : yet he plainly shews , that for the vindication of the authority of the holy scripture an assent is necessary and due to their suffrage . and others , who ascribe very little to that suffrage , cannot but perceive , if they will attentively consider it , that when there is a dispute about some passages or parts of the holy scripture , whether they are genuine or not , one would render himself extreamly ridiculous , that should reject the testimony of the fathers as useless on this occasion , and go about to determine the controversie , and to convince gainsayers by his own instinct , or the dictates of a private spirit . but if , immediately after the apostles decease , there was a general departure from that rule of government which they appointed ; if all the primitive bishops were usurpers of the rights of those whom heaven had made their equals , and all the presbyters upon earth did tamely abandon that power which god had given them , and all the christians in the world with one consent approv'd and promoted the evil designs of the former , and the treachery of the last ; and if we must believe that the primitive writers conspir'd to put a cheat upon us , in the representations they have made of the affairs of the church , i would then be inform'd , what assurance we can have , that they have convey'd to us the true canon of scripture : for it may seem , that if they were men so extreamly corrupt , they deserv'd no great credit in any thing , and might be suspected to have made as bold with the oracles of god , as they had done with his institution of church-government . i make no doubt to affirm , that the testimony of the fathers is at least as cogent for the divine original of episcopacy , as it is when they ascertain to us the canon of scripture ; which yet is like to suffer nothing by this comparison . for if we reject them as false witnesses when they inform us , that bishops were appointed by the apostles , we must not only believe , as i have intimated already , that the pastors of the church , notwithstanding their great distance from one another , and their different customs and interests , generally hit , at the same time , upon the same project , to destroy that ecclesiastical polity , which had christ for its founder ; but that every where they had the same fatal success . we must also believe , that however government is a very nice thing , and is not usually changed without fears , and jealousies , and mighty clamours ; and however the alterations of the forms of government are so easily observed , yet did the rising prelates give so dextrous and nimble a turn to the government of the church , over all the world , that that there was not the least notice taken of it ; or else we must believe , that they destroy'd all the records of that transaction , so that no monuments remain of their ambition . and this we must also believe against the declarations of those that were conversant with the apostles , and their immediate successors ; against the informations of martyrs and confessors in the best and purest times ; and against the common faith of christians for above a thousand years after the death of our saviour . being thus credulous , we shall much resemble one vilgardus of ravenna , mention'd by glaber rodulphus , who asserted , that all the sayings of the poets ought in every point to be believ'd . and when we are arriv'd at that pitch of sense , no body , i suppose , will be much concern'd at what we contradict , or care to dispute with us , who are only fit for the entertainments of inchanted castles . thus , sir , i have consider'd your objections against that authority , which i still think , our saviour confer'd on the pastors of his church ; and also your exceptions against the divine right of episcopacy : and i am apprehensive , that i need an excuse , rather for paying you too nice an attendance , than for neglecting any thing of moment , either in your printed or manuscript papers . but what comes not within the compass of my present design , may be examin'd in the second part of this treatise , in which you may expect a review of your way of managing this controversie , which i omit at present , being willing to give you and my self some respite , who am , sir , your faithful servant , &c. novemb. . . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * il primo di mantenere le sette contra la chiesa d' inghilterra , sperando con questo mezo di destrugerla più tosto , rispetto alle tante animosita intestine , che senza dubbio haurebbono aperte più facilmente le porte al papismo : il secondo che sotto questo pretesto di toleratione de settari , non potessero le leggi haver campo libero all' esecuttione , in quello che riguarda la religione , e cosi fosse più facile a loro preti d' avanzar la religione romana . * nat. of church-government , p. , . ‖ p. . * p. . ‖ see his speech a. d. . in nalson's collect. vol. . p. . * regina haud ignara suam authoritatem per episcoporum latera in hoc negotio peti , &c. camd. hist . eliz. a. d. . ‖ view of the troubles in england , p. . * june . a. d. . ‖ see k. j ' s. works , p. . lond. . * ibid. p. . ‖ episcopacy not prejudicial to the regal power , p. . * speech in parliament , may . . * ep. ded. * see goodwin . theom . p. , &c. ‖ owen . true nature of the gospel-church , p. . * answer to . quest . ‖ cartwright . reply to whitgift , p. . * let. ms. ‖ see his epistle dedicatory . * see his way to peace . ‖ p. . * p. . * a. d. . see nals . collect. vol. . p. . * octob. . a. d. . ‖ see the preface before their declaration , &c. * vox clamantis , sect . . * p. . ‖ p. . * p. . notes for div a -e (a) john . . (b) ver. . (c) marq. freher . in append . ad dissert . de numism . census . (d) vid. sciop . ep. ad fulgent . edit . à colomesio inter observat . sacr. p. , &c. (e) vid. thuan . de vit . suâ . l. . (f) compare matth. . . with john . . (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (h) clem. rom. ep. ad corinth . c. . p. . ed. oxon. . (i) t. h. (k) lev. c. . (l) john . . (m) v. theophylact . comment . in evangel . ed. rom. p. . (n) matth. . . (o) john . . (p) mat. . . (q) cor. . . (r) mat. . . (s) loviath . c. . (t) see john . . & . . pet. . . (u) lev. c. . p. . (w) mat. . . (x) cor. . . (y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) &c. justin . cod. lib. : tit . . leg . . (z) t. h. lev. c. . p. . (a) leviath . c. . p. . (b) kings . . (c) leviath . c. . p. . (d) we command you , &c. thess . . . see also , v. , . thess . . . (e) it is manifest , that christ hath not left to his ministers in this world , unless they be also indu'd with civil authority , any authority to command other men . t. h. lev. c. . p. . (f) act. . . & . . (g) tim. . . thess . . , . heb. . . (h) letter of aug. . (i) heb. . . (k) cor. . . (l) cor. . . cor. . , . (m) cor. . , . thess . . . (n) tim. . . (o) cor. . . (p) vid. pignor . de serv. p. , &c. ed. amst . . (q) cor. . , , . (r) cor. . . (s) cor. . . (t) cor. . . (u) cor. . . (w) cor. . (x) p. . (y) lactant. p. . ed. oxon. (z) p. . (a) p. , . (b) p. . (c) vid. tertul. apolog. c. . p. . ed. paris . . (d) origen . contra ●els . l. . p. , . ed. spencer . tertul . apolog. c. . p. . arnob . adv . gent. l. . p. . ed. ludg. bat. . (e) vid. theophyl . ad autolyc . l. . p. . ed. oxon. . just . mart. apolog. . p. . (f) vid. plin. ep. . (g) vid. plin. ibid. & elmenhorst observat . in arn●b . p. . (h) haec coitio christianorum meritò sanè illicita , si illicitis par ; meritò damnanda , si non dissimilis damnandis — hoc sumus congregati , quod & dispersi : hoc universi , quod & singuli , neminem laedentes , neminem contristantes . tertul. apolog. c. . p. . (i) allat . de eccles . occident . & orient . perpet . consens . l. . c. . col. . (k) lib. . c. . col. . (l) principi ecclesiae dic , & si eum etiam non audit , &c. xavier . hist . christ . interpret . lud. de dieu , p. . (m) animadvers . in locum . (n) nunquam fides petri , qui successor primus est , deficiet , & opus ejus confirmare alios est . atque ità factum est , nam usque ad hodiernum diem nulli papae , qui derivatio ex vicario petro est , in fide defectus fuit . xav. ubi supra , p. . calipha ( pers . ) quod nomen summi imperatoris est vel pontificis , &c. lud. de dieu , in loc . (o) p. . (p) p. . (q) mat. . . (r) mat. . , . (s) gal. . (u) p. . (w) mat. . (x) luke . (y) blondel . apolog . sect. . p. . (z) p. . (a) p. . (b) psal . . . (c) act. . . (d) meminisse autem diaconi debent , quoniam apostolos , id est , episcopos & praepositos dominus elegit ▪ cyprian . ep. . p. . (e) apostoli episcopi sunt . hilar. in ep. ad ephes . c. . v. . (f) omnibus persuasum video hanc potestatem in petro fuisse ordinariam , quae transeat in successores , in aliis vero apostolis fuisse extraordinariam sive delegatam , quae morte illorum extincta fuerit . petr. de marca in opuse . p. . (g) quod attinet ad apostolos — certum est eos amplitis in ecclesiâ christi non inveniri . et enim causa , ob quam illi electi & missi & dati à deo fuere , desiit : ea verò fuit quod per eos deus doctrinam filii sui mundo primum annunciari & confirmari voluerit . catechism . racov. sect. . c. . (h) vid. nicephor . h. e. l. . c. . (i) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 barnab . ep. sect. . (k) joh. . . cor. . . (l) rev. . . (n) moulin . vat. l. . c. . p. . (o) quia apostoli in orbem terrarum mittendi forent ad omnium gentium informationem , non auribus tantùm sed & oculis praedicandam fidem capere debebant , ut quod firmiùs didicissent constantius edocerent . (p) gen. . (q) quod per eos deus doctrinam filii sui mundo primum annunciari & confirmari voluerit — vocati fuere fundamentum ecclesiae , &c. catechism . racov. sect. . c. . (r) casaub . exercit. . ad annal. baron . sect. . (s) res sunt affines petra & fundamentum , & pro eodem ponuntur : differunt nimirum non re , sed ratione tantùm , &c. ibid. (t) vid. socrat. h. e. l. . c. . (u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clem. rom. ep. ad cor. c. . (w) chrysost . c. . p. . ed. savil. (x) vid. sigon . de rep. heb. l. . c. . selden . de syn. heb. l. . p. . (y) vid. cun. de rep. heb. lib. . c. . (z) num. . (a) num. . . (b) v. . (c) joseph . antiq . lib. . c. . (d) vid. bernard . not. in joseph . antiq. p. . (e) acts . . (f) acts . . (g) acts . . (q) neque enim omnes apostoli ad omnes gentes pariter sunt profecti ; sed quidam in asiam , quidam in scythiam , & alii in alias dispersi sunt nationes , secundum dispensationem illius quem secum habebant spiritus sancti . didym . de sp. sanct. lib. . (r) accepto spiritu sancto , universas mundi plagas , ductis sortibus , partiuntur . vid. clem. galan . conciliat . part . . cap. . p. . (s) jerem. . . . . . , . . . (t) filios suos successores bassianum & getam . eutrop. hist . roman . brev. lib. . c. . (u) successores filios tres reliquit . lib. . c. . (w) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. vid. plutarch . vit. p. , , . ed. francosurt . . (x) dans le fonds ce n'est encore là qu'une dispute de mots . bibliotheque universel . t. . p. . (y) plures uni non succedunt . salmas . appar . p . (z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . can. . (a) grotius de imper. sum. pot. c. . sect. . p. . (b) ep. . p. . sect. . ed. paris . . (c) vid. hieron . ad pammach . ep. . (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . phot. bibl. cod. . col. . (e) can. . (f) vid. pandect . canon . t. . p. , . ed. oxon. (g) ep. canonic . à coteler . edit . in eccl. graec. monument . t. . p. , . (h) vid. epiphan . haeres . . n. . p. . sozomen . h.e. l. . c. . p. . & hen. vales . not . in locum . (i) p. . (k) gal. . . . . (l) vir sanctitate & omnimodâ eruditione praestans . blondel . apolog. sect. p. . (m) clem. alex. strom. l. . (n) clem. alex . apud euseb . h. e. l. . c. . (o) concil . const . ep. synod . apud thedoret . h. e. l. . c. . (p) really the story , as clement tells it ( if theodorus metochita and others represent him right ) carries its own confutation : for they make him say , that james , by divine appointment , was ordain'd to be the first bishop of jerusalem , to prevent any emulation and dispute , that peter , john , and the other james , might otherwise have had for that honor . p. . (q) vid. hegesip . apud euseb . h. e. l. . c. . & l. . c. . & apud hieron . in catalog . script . eccles . (r) scalig. animadvers . in euseb . chron. p. , . (s) petav. animadvers . ad epiphan . haeres . . n. . vales . annot. in euseb . h. e. l. . c. . (t) vid. ludolf . comment . ad hist . aethiop . p. . (u) ab eodem ludolf . edit . ibid. l. . n. . (w) vid. combefis , not. in auct . t. . col. , . an. . (x) hippolyt de . apost . (y) euseb . chron. can. p. . ed. scalig. (z) cyril . catech. . & . (a) cyril . scythop . à caugio citat . è cod. m.s. in append. ad gloss . gr. col. . (b) epiphan . haeres . . n. . (c) chrys . t. . p. . (d) aug. contr . crescon . l. . (e) fulgent . l. de trinit . ad foelicem notar. c. . (f) niceph. chronograph . ed. scalig. in thes . temp. p. . (g) phot. ep. . p. ● . (h) oecumen . enar. in act. apost . p. . (i) nil . doxopat . not. patriarch . ludg. bat. ed. inter var. sacr. p. . (k) concil . in trullo can. . (l) blond . apolog. p. . (m) act. . . (n) galat. . . (o) hic autem jacobus episcopus hierosolymorum primus fuit , &c. hieron . in galat . . . (p) quod illi ad evangelium praedicandum toto fuerant orbe dispersi . ibid. (q) gal. . . . (r) cujus cathedrae dignitatem etiam paulus apostolus in eo nominando venerans ait , jacobus , cephas , & johannes , &c. bed. prolog . super . epist . canon . nuper edit . à d. cave in hist . lit. p. . (s) jacobus hoc loco ponitur ante petrum & johannem propter primatum suum quem habebat in jerusalem , ubi erat episcopus . anselm . explanat . ep. paul. fol. . (t) p. . (u) quum hic quaestio sit de dignitate , mirum est jacobum petro praeferri : fortassis id factum fuit , quod jerosolymitanae ecclesiae erat praefectus . calvin . in galat. . . (w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrysostom . com . p , . (x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. phot. cod. . col. . (y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. commentar . rer. jacob. p. . edit . in combefis auctar. par . . a. d. . (y) my sentence is , &c. act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum emphasi proferendum . vid. jo. pricaei annot. in locum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrysostom . t. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophylact. in act. apost . p. . (a) surgens petrus tanquam apostolorum supremus & caput dixit [ in margine , primò loquitur ] . bin. concil . t. . p. . (b) conventum apostolorum & presbyterorum cogit , de negotio controverso relationem facit , primam sententiam dicit rem definiendo , ut s●lebat imperator in senatu . pet. de marc. opusc . p. . (c) vid. bin. not . ad synod . . apost . (d) petri auditâ sententiâ illicò obmutuit universum concilium , conquisitio cessavit . — tacuit omnis multitudo , subdit s. lucas , idque in signum manifestissimum , quod petri judicio acquiescendum duxerit omne concilium . scheistrat . antiq. illustrat . p. . (e) ab jacobo , id est à judaea , nam ecclesiae hierosolymitanae jacobus praefuit . august . t. . p. . edit . paris . . (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrys . t. . p. . (g) matth. . . (h) triginta annos hierosolymis rexit ecclesiam . hieron . in catalog . † wheloc . in h. e. bed. l. . c. . (i) factus est jacobus episcopus . hierosolymitanus quo munere viginti octo functus est . eutych . annal. t. . interpret . pocock . p. . (k) ab. ecchel . eutych . vindic . c. . p. . (l) hierosolymis non abstitit nec quoquam extra urbem pedem movit . wal. messal . p. . (m) vid. cl. castell . lexic . heptaglot . col. . (n) joseph . antiq. l. . c. . & apud origen . comment . in mat. p. . edit . huet . & lib. . contr. cels . p. . (o) a. d. . jacobo — & omnibus ecclesiis quae ubique sunt . (p) euseb . chronic. (q) abulpharag . dynast . . (r) dodwel . dissert . cyprian . . sect. , . (s) vid. anton. pagi critic . in annal. baron . a d. . n. . (t) hegesip . apud euseb . h. e. l. . c. . p. . & freculph . chron. t. . l. . c. . (u) jus divin . minist . evangel . par . . p. , . (w) matth. . , , . (x) cor. . . (y) p. . (z) hinc manifestissimè apparet voluisse christum ut apostolis aliis , illi rursum aliis viris fidis , munus illud magisterii commendarent . nam eùm promissio haec ad consummationem seculi se extendat , apostoli autem tam diu victuri non essent , omninò hic christu● in apostolorum persona censendus est etiam successores ejus muneris compellâsse . (a) acts . . (b) cor. . . (c) acts . , . (d) gal. . . (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . acts . . (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . acts . . (h) mar. . . (i) luk. . . (k) john . . (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. theod. ● . . p. . edit . sirmond . (m) quia beatis apostolis decedentibus , illi qui post illos ordinati sunt ut praeessent ecclesiis , illis primis exaequari non poterant , neque miraculorum testimonium par ill●… habere , sed in multis aliis inferiores illis esse videbantur , grave illis videbatur , apostolorum sibi vindicare nuncupationem . diviserunt ergo nomina ipsa & presbyteris nomen presbyterii reliquerunt . alii vero episcopi sunt nominati , híque ordinationis praediti potestate , ità ut plenissimè praepositos se esse ecclesiarum cognoscerent . vid. amalar. de eccl. offic. l. . c. . (n) vid. salmas . apparat. p. . & alibi . (o) walo messal . c. . (p) apostolorum discipuli apostolicâ auctoritate pari jure ac potestate ut illi fecerant ecclesias gubernabant . ibid. c. . p. . tenebant ecclesiam eodem jure ac more quo tenuerant eos apostoli . ibid. p. . (q) hi locum eundem tenuere in ecclesiâ supra presbyteros , quem postea episcopi obtinuere . ibid. c. . p. . (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. t. . p. . (s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. (t) paulatim verò tempore procedente & alii ab his , quos dominus elegerat ; ordinati sunt apostoli , sicut ille ad philippenses sermo declarat , necessarium autem existimavi , epaphroditum fratrem cooperatorem , & commilitonem meum vestrum autem apostolum , &c. mittere ad vos . hieron . in epist . ad galat. cap. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (u) erat eo●um apostolus ab apostolo factus . hil. sard. comment . in ep. ad philip. c. . v. . (w) vid. ejusdem comment . in . ep. ad corinth . c. . v. . & in ep. ad ephes . c. . v. . (x) et episcopi apostoli nominantur , sicut de epaphrodito paulus disserit , &c. pacian . ep. . (y) theod. t. . p. . (z) primi ecclesiarum curatores à primariis apostolis adlecti apostoli dicti sunt . hinc paulo philip. . . philippensium apostolus epaphroditus . blond . apolog. sect. . p. . vid. pl. p. , . (a) sic philippensium apostolus à paulo vocatus est epaphroditus , ut ipse paulus appellatus est apostolus gentium , & petrus apostolus circumcisionis . wal. messal . cap. . p. . (b) haec mihi verisimilis non videtur , qui sciam , vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nunquam à paulo nec ab aliis apostolis & evangelistis usurpari , insi de sancto ministerio , c. . p. . (c) dimissoriae literae dicuntur quae vulgò apostoli dicuntur . digest . lib. . tit. . l. . (d) gothofred . comment in cod. theodos . tom . . p. , ▪ (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . muneris mei vicarium . castell . (f) phil. . . (g) dicit simpliciter . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mittere , inquam , non remittere . wal. messal . c. . p. . (h) my brother , philip. . . (i) philip. . . (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nonn . metaphras . c. . (m) compar , pro socio cujuscunque muneris & conditionis apud plautum , pseud . act. . sc. . v. . ubi servus conservum appellat comparem suum ; & vulgatus ep. ad philip. . v. . interpres 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rectè compar germane , insinuans , collaboratorem & in eodem officio socium compellari ab apostolo : is verò epaphroditus erat , &c. reines . syntag. inscript . antiq. p. . (n) vid. wal. messal . c. . p. , , . (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. ep. c. . p. . (p) rom. . . (q) phil. . . (r) selden . de synedr . lib. . c. . p. . (s) hieron . t. . p. . (t) chrys . t. . p. . (u) theod. t. . p. . (w) oecumen . comment . p. . (x) tim. . . (y) theod. t. . p. . (z) phot. ep. . p. . (a) morin . de ordinat . par. . exerc. . c. . p. . (b) observat . ad ep. polycarp . p. , . (c) vid. canon . apost . . & . cyprian . ep. . p. . edit . oxon. (d) vid. isocrat . nicocl . p. , , . ed. basil . (e) tim. . . (f) exposition de la . epître à timothée , p. . ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (g) d'où paroît , que timothée avoit été laissé dans l'eglise d'ephese avec authorité de la gouverner & d'en censurer & deposer même les predicateurs . p. . (h) vid. hieronym . chronic . a. d. . theodoret. t. . p. . salvian . de gubernat . dei , l. . p. . & ep. . p. . ed. baluz . (i) vid. ambros . sive hilar. in . tim. . . epiphan . haeres . . n. . chrys . t. . p. . theophylact. in tim. . . (k) vid. anonym . apud phot. cod. . col. . euseb . h. e. l. . c. . p. . pallad . dialog . de vit . chrysostom . p. . ed. bigot . oecumen . ili tim. . . † edit . . (l) ep. ded. p. . (m) ibid. p. . (n) ep. ded. p. . (o) ibid. (p) ibid. p. , , , &c. (q) ibid. p. . (r) unbishop . p. . (s) p. . (t) p. . (u) p. . (w) p. . (x) unbishop . p. . (y) jus divin . minist . angl. par . . p. . (z) sm●c . p. . (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dan. . . (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. numb . . . (c) he worketh the work of the lord , as i also do , cor. . . (d) vid. euseb . h. e. l. . c. . p. . edit . vales . (e) see acts . , , . & . . qua est ephesi ecclesiae à paulo quidem fundata . iren. a●vers . haeres . l. . c. . p. . † p. . (f) acts . (g) see the history of ethiopia , by ludolphus . b. . c. . (h) ibid. c. . (i) clem. ep. p. . (k) p. . (l) p. . (m) p. . (n) rom. . . (o) cor. . . (p) thess . . , . (q) phil. . . (r) p. . (s) tim. . , . (t) theoph. in loc . citat . (u) theod. in loc . dict . (w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theodoret. t. . p. . (x) tim. . . (y) see dr. lightfoot 's harmony of the n. t. an. . (z) tim. . . . tim. . . & , . (a) tim. . . (b) p. . (c) acts. . (d) acts . . (e) c. . . (f) casaub . excercit . . ad annal. baron . n. . (g) alsted . supplem . l. . c. . (h) tim. . . (i) see acts . , . (k) acts . . (l) see cor. . . & . . & . . & . . (m) see acts . , , . (n) opp. posthum . chronolog . dissert . . c. . sect. . (o) vid. annal paulin. p. , , , . (p) timothei autoritas major suit quam ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ejus officium dici possit . camer . . tim. . . (q) primatus ille non fuit annuus , vel menstruus , aut hebdomarius , ac per vices sed perpetuus , sive uti loquuntur ad vitam , &c. thes . salmur . par . . p . (r) see acts . . (s) sophron. in catalog . (t) phot. cod. . (u) ignat. ep. ad ephis . p. , . (w) vid. euseb . h. e. l. . c. . & . (x) rom. . . cor. . ●… . thess . . . cor. . . & . . (y) p. . (z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. matth. . . (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. acts . . (c) tit. . . (d) cum omni imperio : id est , cum auctoritate summâ non simpliciter monendi , vel exhortandi , vel suadendi , sed praecipiendi , tanquam dei legatus . bez. in locum . (e) digest . l. . tit. . l. . (f) see tim. . . titus . . rev. . , , . . tim. . . (g) tit. . . (h) p. . (i) vid. theod. c. . p. , . (k) vid. sozomen . h. e. l. . c. . & l. . c. . (l) hi qui ordinationis nunc habent potestatem ( qui nunc nominantur episcopi ) non unius ecclesiae creabantur episcopi , sed provincias integras eo tempore regebant , apostolorum nomine nuncupati . rab. maur. in tim. . . (m) act. ▪ . (n) see act. . (o) vid. pearson . ubi supra , p. , , . (p) creta titum sibi sumpsit , paulin. poem . . p. . (q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sophron. in catalog . script . eccles . (r) jus divin . minist . evang. par . . p. . (s) epiphan . haeres . . n. . (t) argument before their annot. on the revelations . (u) p. . (w) c. . p. . (x) vid. usser . armachan . dissert . praefix . polycarp . & ignat. epist . c. . (y) grot. de imp. sum. potest . c. . sect. . p. . (z) gen. (a) rev. . , . (b) vid. bez. annot. in apoc. . . (c) vid. octav. falconer . inscript . athlet . p. . . ez. spanhem . de praestant . numism . p. , , . henrici noris cenotaph . pisan . dissert . . p. , . johan . harduin . num. antiq. illustrat . p. . , . (d) bez. in apocal. . . (e) hebdomadicam hanc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuisse probahile est . bez. vid. sarav . de divers . minist . grad . p. . (f) p. . (g) p. . (h) p. . (i) levit. . , , . (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sym● . ach . (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lxx . (m) joseph . ant. jud. l. . c. . (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . diod. sic. apud phot. cod. . col. . (o) p. . (p) areth. in apoc. . . p. , . (q) iis ( scilicet presbytericrum praepositis ) ceu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commissi gregis tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam pudenda ex aequo imputari potuere , & à domino ipso ecclesiarum asiaticarum angelos calestibus monitis ad fidei constantiam armante imputata sunt . blond . apolog. prae●at . p. . (r) clem. alex. de div. salv. p. . (ſ) smyrnam vocat hanc urb●●… auctor chronici alexandrini , annotante valesio . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . supra omnis constitutus . interpret . wal. messal . p. . (t) p. . (u) epiphan . haeres . . n. . (w) vid. grot. annot. in matth. . . (x) acts . . (y) vid. spanhem . de praest . numism . p. , . (z) harduin . num. antiq. illustrat . p. . a bevereg . ●od . can. vind. ● . . c. . p. . (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. r. c. . (c) vid. dodwel . dissert . cypr. . sect. , . (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. c. . (e) apud euseb . h. e. l. . c. . (f) tertul. de praescript . haeret . c. . (g) clem. alex. strom. l. . p. . (g) mabillon . de re diplom . l. . p. . (i) iren. adv . haeres . l. . c. . p. . (k) tertul. de praescript . haeret . c. . p. . (l) origen . comment . ed. huet . vol. . p. . (m) euseb . h. e. l. . c. . (n) epiphan . haeres . . n. . (o) optat. adv . parmen . l. . p. . † hieron . catalog . in clemente . (p) augustin . ad fortunat. ep. . (q) vid. euseb . h. e. l. . c. , . l. . c. . (r) in singulis ecclesiis bini sunt episcopi , alius visibilis , alius invisibilis . orig. in luc. . hom : . (s) salutat vos narcissus qui ante me hic tenuit episcopalem locum & nunc mecum eundem orationibus regit annos natus circiter centum sedecim . alexand. apud hieron . in cat. script . eccles . (t) euseb . h. e. l. . c. . (u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignat. ep. ad philadelph . p. . (w) vid. cypr. ep. . & ep. . p. . (x) corn. apud euseb . h. e. l. . c. . (y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . can. . (z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . haeres . . n. . (a) nec enim ignoramus unum deum esse , unum christum esse dominum , quem confessi sumus , unum spiritum sanctum , unum episcopum in catholicâ ecclesiâ esse debere . vid. cornel. ep. ad cyprian . inter epp. cypr. n. . p. . (b) haec praelatio unius in civitate alexandrinâ primum nata fuisse videatur ; ex qua urbe etiam monastica vita & variae ecclesiae pestes ortae sunt . dan. in aug. de haeres . c. . (c) ps . . . (d) aug ● . . p. . (e) apud nos apostolorum locum episcopi tenent . apud ●os episcopus ●ertius est . habent enim de pepusa phrygia patriarchar . hieron . ● . . p. . ep. . (f) potentia divitiarum & paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inferiorem episcopum facit ( ità enim lego sine negatione , ex fide cod. m.s. ) caeterùm omnes apostolorum successores sunt t. . ep. . (g) potestas peccatorum remittendorum apostolis data est & episcopis , qui eis ordinatione vicariâ successerunt . firmil . ep. ad cypr. inter epp. cypr. n. , p. . (h) laboramus & laborare debemus , ut unitatem à domino , & per apostolos nobis successoribus tràditum , quantum possumus , obtinere curemus . cyp. ep. . (i) quibus ( i. e. apostolis ) nos successimus . vid. concil . carthag . de baptizand . haeret. inter opp. cyp. p. . (k) habemus annumerare eos qui ab apostolis instituti sunt episcopi in ecclesiis & successores eorum usque ad nos , qui nihil tale docuerunt quale ab his deliratur ; etenim si recondita mysteria scissent apostoli , quae scorsim & latenter ab reliquis perfectos dotibant , his vel maximè traderent ea quibus etiam ipsas ecclesias committebant . valdè enim perfectos & irreprehensibiles in omnibus eos volebant esse quos & successores relinquebant , suum ipsorum loc●m magisterii tradentes . iren. adv . haeres . l. . c. . p. . (l) vid. dodwel . in iren. dissert . . (m) iren. adv . haeres . l. . c. . (n) critic . in annal. baron . a. d. . n. . (o) joh. . . (p) sueton , in vit . domit. c. . & in vit . aug. c. . (q) ammian . marcel . l. . p. . (r) sulp. sever. dialog . pag. . (ſ) apul. asin . aur. lib. . p. . (t) casaubon . not. ad jul. capitol . m. anton. philos . c. . p. . (t) vid. euseb . h.e. l. . c. . (u) vit. ver. c. , . p. . vid. not . salmas . ad loc . (†) ay , every priest this way is a successor of that apostle , from whom by tradition he received priesthood . let. . p. . paul. golomes . observat . sacr. p. . ed. . (w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . phot. cp . . p. . (x) manifesta est sententia domini nostri jesu christi , apostolos suos mittentis , & ipsis solis potestatem à patre sibi datam permittentis , quibus nos successimus eadem potestate ecclesiam gubernantes . clar. ubi suprà . (y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . basil . ad ambros . episcopum . ep. . p. . (z) ipse adhuc cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesident . tert. de praescript . c. . p. . (a) quadratus vocatur apostolus in men. gr. septemb. ● . item meletius antioch . episcop . à greg. nyssen . t. . p. . & plura istiusmodi occurunt exempla in scriptis veterum . (b) vid. bignon . ad marculf . formul . l. . c. . (c) vid. alcim . avit . ep. . . . . vid. savar . comment . in sidon . apoll. lib. . ep. . p. . (d) vid. not. ad paulin. ep. . p. . ed. paris . . (e) de re diplom . l. . c. . p. . (f) unus in ecclesiâ ad tempus sacerdos & ad tempus judex vice christi . ep. . p. . (g) neque enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se episcoporum constituit , aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit , vid. cypr. tr. p. . (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . ed. lond. . (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. ● . (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. p. . (l) chrys . t. . p. . (m) vid. chronic. oriental . p. . & abulpharag . dynast . . (n) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ep. ad philad . p. . (o) vid. praest . vir. ep. eccl. p. . ed. amstel . (p) vid. is . voss . ep. ignat. praefix . (q) honorabant sanctum per episcopos , presbyteros & diaconos . s. ign. martyr . ed. usser . p. . (r) devoti sunt serapi qui se christi episcopos dicunt . nemo illic archisynagogus judaeorum , nemo samarites , nemo christianorum presbyter , non mathematicus , &c. fl. vop . inter hist . aug. scr. p. , . (ſ) comment . in hist . aethiop . lib. . p. . (t) comment . ● . cod. tutodes . th. . p. . (u) suid. in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (w) socrat. l. . c. . (*) hist . eccl. l. . c. . (x) vid. euseb . ibid. (y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clem. alex. strom. l. . p. . (z) paedag. l. . c. . p. . (a) dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos , qui est episcopus : debinc presbyteri & diaconi : non tamen sine episcopi auctoritate , propter ecclesiae honorem , quo falvo , falva pax est . tert. de bapt. p. . ed. par. . (b) cùm ea majoribus competant , ne sibi adsumant dicatum episcopis officium episcopatus . de bapt. c. . p. . (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. orig. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . oxon. nuper edit . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . origen . in jerem. homil. . p. . (d) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . comment . p. . (e) apolog. p. . (f) wal. mess . p. . (g) edant origines ecclesiarum suarum : evolvánt ordinem episcoporum suorum ità per successiones ab initio decurrentem , ut primus ille episcopus aliquem ex apostolis vel apostolicis viris , qui tamen cum apostolis perseveraverit , habuerit auctorem & antecessorem . hoc enim modo ecclesiae apostolicae census suos deferunt . tert. de praescript . c. . p. . (h) selden . de success . in pontificat . l. . c. . & alibi . (i) final answer , &c. see his works , p. . (k) neque hae quae in germaniâ fundatae sunt ecclesiae aliter credunt aut aliter tradunt : neque hae quae in hiberis sunt , neque hae quae in celtis , neque hae quae in oriente , neque hae quae in aegypto , neque hae quae in libya , neque hae quae in medio mundo sunt constitutae . sed sicut sol creatura dei in universo mundo unus & idem est , sic & lumen , praedicatio veritatis , ubique lucet , &c. adv. haeres . l. . c. . p. . (l) sed quoniam valdé longum est , in hoc tali volumine omnium ecclesiarum enumerare successiones , &c. l. . c. . p. . (m) jampridem per omnes provincias & per urbes singulas ordinati sunt episcopi . cypr. ep . p. . (n) considerator consider'd , c. . p. . (o) meminisse autem diaconi debent quoniam apostolos , id est , episcopos & praepositos dominus elegit : diaconos autem post ascensum domini in coelos apostoli sibi constituerunt , episcopatus sui & ecclesiae ministros . (p) pet. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (q) basil . t. . p. . , . ed. paris . . (r) blond . apolog . p. . (s) mabillon . de re diplom . l. . c. . sect . . (t) cypr. ep. . p. . (u) ep. . p. . (w) vid. ep. ad stephan . p. . (x) vix plebi persuadeo imò extorqueo , ut tales patiantur admitti , & justior factus est fraternitatis dolor ex eo quod unus atque alius obtinente plebe & contradicente , mea tamen facilitate suscepti pejores extiterunt quàm prius fuerant . ep. . p. , . (y) ep. . p. , . (z) ep. . p. , , . (a) ep. . p. . (b) ep. . p. , . (c) inde enim schismata & haereses obortae sunt & oriuntur , dum episcopus qui unus est & ecclesiae praeest quorundam praesumptione contemnitur . ibid. (d) is . . . fecistis conventionem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lxx . ed. complut . (e) post episcopum tamen diaconatûs ordinationem subjecit . quare , nisi quia episcopi & presbyteri una ordinatio est . comment . in tim. . uterque enim sacerdos est . (f) sed episcopus primus est , ut omnis episcopus presbyter sit ; non tamen omnis presbyter episcopus . ibid. (g) comment . in ephes . . . )g) jacobum vidit hierosolymae quià illic erat constitutus ab apostolis episcopus . com. in gal. . . caput in ecclesiâ apostolos posuit , &c. ipsi sunt episcopi . com. in cor. . . hunc jam creatum episcopum instruit per epistolam . praefat. in ep. . ad tim. titum apostolus consecravit episcopum . praefat. in ep. ad tit. angelos episcopos dicit sicut docetur in apocalypsi johannis . com. in cor. . . in episcopo omnes ordines sunt , quià primus sacerdos est , hoc est princeps est sacerdotum , &c. com. in ephes . . . (i) idem est presbyter qui episcopus , & antequàm diaboli instinctu studia in religione fierent , & diceretur in populis , ego sum pauli , ego apollo , ego autem cephae , communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur . postquàm verò unusquisque eos quos baptizaverat , suos putabat esse , non christi , in toto orbe decretum est , ut unus de presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris , ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret & schismatum semina tollerentur . hicrom . ln tit. . (k) blond . apolog. p. . (l) cor. . . (m) ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet : cui si non exors quaedam & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in ecclesiis efficientur schismata , quot sacerdotes . hieron . t. . p. . (n) episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quam dispositionis dominicae veritate presbyteris esse majores . comment . in tit. . (o) ubi suprà . (p) ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento , quod aaron & filii ejus atquae levitae in templo fuerunt , hoc sibi episcopi & presbyteri & diaconi vendicent in ecclesia . ep. ad evagrium in sine . (q) quanquàm secundum honorum vocabula quae jam ecclesiae usus obtinuit episcopatus presbyterio major sit . &c. aug. ep. . (r) consuetudinem cum dicunt patres , non excludunt apostolicam institutionem , imò ut augustinus ait , quod universa tenet ecclesia , nec conciliis institutum , sed semper retentum est , non nisi apostólicâ auctoritate traditum rectissimè creditur . grot. de imper. sum. pot. c. . §. . p. . (ſ) divinâ voce laudatur sub angeli nomine praepositus ecclesiae . aug. ep. . (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. t. . p. . (u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ibid. (w) haeres . . n. , . (x) n. , . (y) n. . (z) tim. . . (a) ca●●… . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a. d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (b) haec ( hibernia scilicet ) propriè patria scottorum est . bed. h. e. l. . c. . p. . ed. chifflet . (c) — totam cùm scotus iernen movit & infesto spumavit remige tethys . claudian . in . consul . scilich . l. . carm. . v. , . (d) historical account of church-government , &c. c. . (e) antiquity of the british churches . c. . pref. p. . &c. (e) polyd. verg. de rer. invent. l. . c. . (f) vid. dan. opera . p. , , . (g) — asserunt antonium hujus propositi fuisse caput : quod ex parte verum est . amathas verò & macarius discipuli antonii , etiam nunc affirmant : paulum quendam thebaeum principem istius rei fuisse , quod non tam nomine , quàm opinione nos quoque comprobamus . hieron . ep. . p. . edit . francofurt . a. d. . (h) quousque genus detestabile monachorum non urbe pellitur ? ep. . p. . (i) coepere nostri eò tempori● christi dogma accuratissimè amplexari , monachorum quorundam ductu , &c. h. boeth . scot. hist . l. . fol. . vid. blondel . apolog. sect. . p. . (k) vid. blondel ubi suprà . (l) see the bishop of s. asaph . hist . ac. &c. c. . (m) ibid. † p. . (n) vid. ludolf comment . ad hist . aethiop . l. . c. . n. . (n) vid. ludolf comment . ad hist . aethiop . l. . c. . n. . (o) cor. . , . vid. hieron . (p) ep. ad evagr. in fine . (*) p. . † p. . (*) p. . (q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. . (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. . (ſ) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. . (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hesych . (*) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (u) vid. justin . apolog. . p. . grot. de imp. sum. pot. c. . §. . (w) lib. de div. salv. p. . ed. oxon. (x) adv. haeres . lib. . c. . (y) quod si falsa , ut dicitis , historia illa rerum est , unde tam brevi tempore tótus mundus ista religione completus est ? aut in unam coire qui potuerunt mentem gentes regionibus dissitae , ventis , coeli convexionibusque dimotae ●… arnob. advers . gent. l. . p. . (z) chillingw . apost . institut . of episc . sect. . * p. . † p. . (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (b) euseb . h.e. l. . c. . (c) vid. hieron . catalog . script . eccl. in quadrato . (d) reply to the answer of the divines at newport , amongst the works of k. c. p. . * p. . (e) percurre ecclesias apostolicas , apud quas ipsae adhuc cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesident , apud quas ipsae authenticae literae corum recitantur . tert. de praescript . c. . p. . p. . † p. . (f) jo. twin . comment . de reb. albion , &c. l. . p. . (e) camd. brit. p. , . (h) polycrat . apud hieron . in catalog . script . eccl. in polycrate . (i) tertul. de prascript . c . p. . (k) euseb . h. e. l. . c. , p. . (l) hieron . ● . . p. . (m) socrat. h. e. l. . c. ● . p. . (n) soz. h. e. l. . c. . p. . (o) vict. cap. è cod. m. s. à feuardent . citat . in annot. ad iren. p. . (p) suid. t. . p. . (q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . smyrn . eccles . ep. ed. usser . p. . (r) certè ego nihil unquam in historiâ ecclesiastica vidi , à cujus lectione commotior recedam , ut non amplius meus esse videar . aulmadvers . in euseb . chron. p. . (s) iren. advers . haeres . l. . c. . p. . (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ep. ad magnes . p. . (u) applicans [ ignatius ] post multum laborem smyrnaeorum civitati , cum multo gaudio descendens de navi , sestinabat s. polycarpum , episcopum coadjutorem videre ; fuerant enim quondam discipuli johannis . martyr . s. ignat. p. . ed. usser . (w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (x) smyrnaeorum ecclesia polycarpum à joanne collecatum resert . tertul. de praescript . h●res . c. . (y) polycarpus joannis apostoli discipulus ab eo smyrnae episcop●…s ordinatus , &c. hieron . catalog . in polycarpo . (z) polycarpus autem non solum ab apostolis edoctus , & conversatus cum multis ex eis qui dominum nostrum viderunt : sed etiam ab apostolis in asia , in eâ quae est smyrnis ecclesia constitutus episcopus , &c. iren. adv . haeres . l. . c. . p. . (a) vid. iren. ibid. & ●…p . ad florin . apud euseb . h. e. l. . c. . (b) cornel. muss . in ep. ad rom. c. . (c) vid. gittich . ep. ad ruar . ad calcem . epp. ruar . cent. . p. , &c. (e) legantur ea qua hac de re eusebius scribit pluribus in locis historia ecclesiastica & invenietur usque ad illius eusebii aetatem — nunquam fuisse in ecclesia qui dubitaret quin quatuor quae habemus evangella , liber actorum apostolorum , &c. ab iis scripta fuissent quibus attribuuntur . socin . lib. de auct . s. script . apud usser . in lib. de succes . eccles . c. . a short ansvver to a. s. alias adam stewart's second part of his overgrown duply to the two brethren. together with certaine difficult questions easily answered; all which a. stewart is desired to consider of, without replying, unlesse it be to purpose. a. steuart [sic] in his second part of his duply to the two brethren. page . the civill magistrate cannot bee orthodox, and tollerate a new sect, (hee meanes independencie, and may as well say presbytery) unles hee tollerate us to beleeve that hee is either corrupted by moneys, or some other waye, so to doe. goodwin, john, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a short ansvver to a. s. alias adam stewart's second part of his overgrown duply to the two brethren. together with certaine difficult questions easily answered; all which a. stewart is desired to consider of, without replying, unlesse it be to purpose. a. steuart [sic] in his second part of his duply to the two brethren. page . the civill magistrate cannot bee orthodox, and tollerate a new sect, (hee meanes independencie, and may as well say presbytery) unles hee tollerate us to beleeve that hee is either corrupted by moneys, or some other waye, so to doe. goodwin, john, ?- . [ ], p. s.n.], [london? : printed in the yeare . annotation on thomason copy: "london. feb. d". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng steuart, adam. -- second part of the duply to m. s. alias two brethren. church polity -- early works to . church and state -- england -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no a short ansvver to a. s. alias adam stewart's second part of his overgrown duply to the two brethren.: together with certaine difficult que goodwin, john d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short answer to a. s. alias adam stewart's second part of his overgrown duply to the two brethren . together with certaine difficult questions easily answered ; all which a. stewart is desired to consider of , without replying , unlesse it be to purpose . a. steuart in his second part of his duply to the two brethren . page . . the civill magistrate cannot bee orthodox , and tollerate a new sect , [ hee meanes independencie , and may as well say presbytery ] unles hee tollerate us to beleeve that hee is either corrupted by moneys , or some other waye , so to doe . proverb . . . the wicked is snared by the trasgression of his lips : but the iust shall come out of trouble . printed in the yeare . three of a stevart's conclvsions , with their paralells , which are added for better explanation of them ; their contradicting of themselves and their rebellious doctrine . conclusion . . pag. . the supreame ecclesiasticall judicature itselfe may fear that if they judge any thing amisse , their judgements will not bee approved , and put in execution in perticular churches ; and in all probability they are like to bee crossed [ iust as much as independents aske for , by this ensuing paralell . ] paralell . particular churches or congregations may examin the iudgements of the supreme ecclesiastical iudicature , and if they find them to bee amisse ▪ they may refuse to put them in execution , they may crosse them . conclvsion . . pag. . the civil magistrate is subject in a spirituall way unto the church ; hee must learne gods will by the ministers of the church who are gods ambassadours sent to him : hee must bee subject unto ecclesiasticall censures . conclvsion . . pag. . whatsoever the ecclesiasticall senate or presbiterie is bound not to tolerate , but must suppresse in the church ; that , the civil magistrate is bound not to tolerate , but must suppresse in the state : neither is the civil magistrate lesse bound to put it out of the state ; than the presbyterie is to put it out of the church ▪ [ exquisite poperie ; pestilent doctrine as appeares yet more clearely by this following paralell . ] paralell . if the presbytery shall think good to excommunicate king or parliament ; the civil magistrate , the people in whom the soveraign power resid●s originally , pag. . is absolved from all obedience , and bound to put them out of the civil state . a tast of a. stevart's extravagancies and contradictions in the second part of his duply to the two brethren . page . the civill magistrate [ even ] as christian , has power not to admit the true religion , to reject it , yea when it is receaved or approved , and confirmed by his secular and civill authority , to reject it and exile it . if the church bee corrupt ▪ and church officers negligent in their charge , and will not reforme it [ as the magistrate thinks good ; ] hee may command , yea compell them to do it . when the church is reformed , hee may command them , when they are negligent to bee diligent in their charge . if [ hee conceave ] they oppres any man in their ecclesiastical judgements and censures ▪ against the lawes of the kingdome , hee may desire them , yea command them to reverse their judgements ; and in case they reforme them not , [ againe ] command them , yea compel them by his civill power , to give him satisfaction , according to the lawes of the kingdome ▪ if [ hee conceave ] they derogate not from the lawes of god , [ which neither popish nor turkish magistrates will acknowledge , though their lawes bee never so contrary to the word of god . ] page . . the civill magistrate if hee follow gods word cannot grant a tolleration [ of independent churches ] without consent of the church , if hee judge it is not corrupted : [ as if the church being corrupted ; the magistrate may bee corrupt too , and tolerate what hee will . ] page . . how be it , the church compel not to subscribe ; yet the civill magistrate after sufficient conviction may compell to subscribe or to begon . pag. . what power hath the king or parliament to intrude and force upon the kingdome new religions or a tolleration of all sects ? the parliament assume no such power unto it selfe . a short answer to a. s. alias adam stewarts second part of his overgrown duply to the two brethren . sir ; had you concealed your selfe under the two first letters of your name , all the a. s'es in towne and country would never have beene able to cleare themselves ; for what you make but words of ; however , i may not adde a tittle in commendation of you for preamble to this pamphlet , as you tell us ( and is no more then requisite to justifie your own epistle ) is ordinary with writers in dedication of their bookes , least i bee put to a more shamefull recantation then a. s. was , and that for nothing but what charitie , as himselfe confesses , induced him to acknowledge in behalfe of the apologists . give mee leave then to observe first , that pag. . . you say idolatry is a sin against the second commandment . juris naturalis & perpetui ; insinuating that the power and duty of punishing both idolatrie and heresie is such also : if so ; then it obliges all nations of the world , and consequently supposes them capable to judge of all manner of idolatrie and heresie , which we see to bee notoriously false , and that , besides the confounding ecclesiasticall with civil power , whilest one state punishes this or that for heresie , it cannot possibly bee otherwise , ( since they are not onely different but diametrically opposite in profession ) but that another must canonize it for a sacred truth : secondly if states and powers must punish hereticks , they are bound to punish those for such onely , who in their owne judgements are such : and if you will engage states in punishing of hereticks , and they punish onely such as they find themselves obliged to punish in their own consciences and understandings , how can you according to your doctrine , blame them for punishing gods dearest children instead of hereticks , since they tooke them to bee hereticks , and thought they had done god and you good service to punish them ? if wee may not suffer hereticks to live amongst us ; then is the parliament to blame for suffering german , french , spanish , and portugal papists or dutch brownists and anabaptists to live here amonst us , though as marchants , onely for a time ; since their marchandizing gives them greater advantage of working people to their opinions by the respective civil conveniences and benefits , which they bring both to the whole nation in generall , and to some in particular ; nay , the very ambassadours of what states or potentates soever of different religions , ought not to bee permitted to reside ledgers amongst us under any pretence , if this doctrine bee evangelicall : so likewise may not wee under pretext of marchandize , live in turkish popish lutheran or other countreys differing from us in religion , travel into such parts for fashion sake as is usuall , nor keepe ambassadours there , nor bee by forrain states permitted to remain amongst them , if we would , or on any termes joine with such in wedlock ; man may by no meanes dispence herewith , if the command for punishing herecie and schisme bee naturall and perpetuall as is pretended &c. pag. . you quote out of deut. . . the man that doth presumptuously and will not hearken unto the priest , or unto the iudge , even that man shall dye ; aleadging , that there is the sa●e reason for the ministers of the new testament &c. but that wee may clearely see what dangerous consequences would follow hereupon , it may bee best to returne back unto the place in deut. . . . . . . . the text sayes ; if there arise a matter too hard for thee in iudgement between bloud and bloud , between plea and plea , and between stroake and stroake , being matters of controversy within thy gates : then shalt thou arise and get thee up into the place which the lord thy god shall chuse : and thou shalt come unto the priests and levites , and unto the iudge which shall be in those dayes and enquire , and they shall show the sentence of iudgement : and thou shalt doe according to the sentence which they of that place ( which the lord shall chuse ) shall shew thee , and thou shalt observe to doe according to all that they enforme thee : according to the sentence of the law which they shall teach thee , and according to the iudgments which they shall tell thee , thou shalt doe : thou shalt not decline from the sentence which they shall sh●w thee to the right hand nor to the left : then follows how the man that will do presumptuously and will not hearken unto the priest ( that standeth to minister there before ●●y lord thy god ) or unto the iudg , even that man shall dye and then shalt put away the evil from israel : and all the people shall ●eare , and feare , and doe no more presumptuously : to let passe all other exceptions to as . his misapplication of this text which was directed peculiarly to the iewes , and cannot concern any other people except papists who interpret rome to bee the place spoken of , verse . which god did chuse , and the pope to bee sole supreme infallible judge , priest and levite of these dayes to bee enquired after in matter of such difficulty and moment : if this law bee of naturall and perpetual obligation , as is insinuated by saying ; there is the same reasons for the ministers of the gospel , it will follow , that upon all matter of difference whether for blood , plea , or controversie verse . though any people , even gods owne , bee never so uniustly sentenced , ty●a●●i●ally enslaved , and most antichristianly persecuted ; they must by no meanes decline such sentence all the dayes of their life , least they bee thought to do presumptuously and so be put to death : what if a good number of the great turkes subjects should have their understandings enlightned to see the captivity and bondage they are brought into ? what if god should open the eyes of papists in spaine , italy , and france ▪ to see the spirituall fornication they are ravished into , and each of these nations in a submissive godly manner humbly implore their princes both for all common priviledges of nature , and christian liberties of the gospel ; if the respective priests and iudges instead of redressing their just grievances shall say as pharaoh did , exod. . . . . t ▪ is idlenesse which makes them seeke for lawfull priviledges and christian liberties , commanding their egyption task-masters to encrease both their civil and spiritual slavery ; must they not according to as . his divinity and pollicy still suffer themselves and their posterity to continue turkish bond-slaves and antichristian idolaters , lest they be judged to do presumptuously and so be put to death ? can as . avoyd this consequence ? will the priests levites and judges appointed in these times and countries unto which as . binds them over remedilesse , give other sentence ? deut. . . surely if the case bee so , wee might well desire that god would make us jewes to whom as i said those laws were given ; or send us christian laws to govern us withall . tell me a little ; when jereboam set up two calves of gold in dan and bethel , crying out behould your gods o israel , which brought you up out of the land of egypt : . king. . . . . &c. doe you not think hee did conjure the people not to go up so farre unto ierusalem to sacrifice , alleadging from your text in deut. . . . . that it was the sentence of the priest and judges it should bee so , from which they might no whitt decline , lest they were found to do presumptuously ? doubtlesse his plea was this ; from hence hee enforced his commandment for the peoples joyning with him in worshipping his gods , his calves ; and had as good a warrant for it then , as as . has now to say , there is the same reason for the presbyterian ministers of the gospel to legitimate their own inventions , their idolatry , the . and . chapters of the first of the kings are worth reading , that beholding their own , in iereboams sinnes , and calling to minde gods judgments on him , they may in time repent , lest a worse thing befall them . but wheras you would oblidge us unrepealably to stand to whatsoever your presbyterie degree concerning us , by sacriledgiously producing and blasphemously applying those reasons and effects which were only appliable at such a time , and to such a people as god was pleased to discover doubtfull cases to , as by oracle in the mouth of the high priest , chiefe judge , or levites ; i may not forbeare to tell you that your presbiterians are now noe better southsayers then their neighbours , they must either confesse to be of the same royall priesthood with their brethren in the masse . pet. . . and so pretend no more than others , or else be out of it , and so be baals priests , if any . but that wee may clearely understand the full ground , whereupon god required obedience from the people unto the sentence of the priests judges and levites , as also a commensurate reason , why the people might not onely without scruple , but with full and entire satisfaction yeeld such obedience , as was expected from them , it may bee exceeding requisite to make search into gods originall proceedings , as well before , as after , that hee imposed his commands upon the jewes in this behalfe . first , god calls upon moses saying , that hee would send him unto pharaoh to bring his israel out of egypt . exod. . . moses excuseth himselfe unto the lord , saying , they would not beleave him nor hearken 〈◊〉 him , alledging , that the lord had not appeared unto him . chap. , . hereupon the lord furnished him with miracles from verse . . to . and . . ordering him to take aaron unto his assistance , saying , that he would bee with both their mouthes and teach them what they should say . verse , . . that aaron should put upon his heart the breast-plate of judgement wherin was vrim and thuminim , that he should beare the judgement of the children of israel upon his heart before the lord continually exod. . . lev. . . according whereunto iethro ( prophetically no doubt ) counselled moses his sonne in law not to ware out himselfe with continuall attendance of the people from morning untill evening to enquire for them of god , but that hee would provide able men out of all the people , who might judge of all smaller matters themselves , and bring the greater unto moses , who was to bee for the people to god-ward , and bring the causes unto god . exod. . from verse , . . to . and when moses was to bee gathered to his people , the lord required him to lay his hands on joshua , in whom was the spirit , that hee might bee enabled to goe in and out before the people , and stand before the priest who should aske counsell for them in all doubtfull matters . numb. . . . . . the priests and iudges being thus miraculously qualified , god commanded the people in all streights and controversies of difficulty to have recourse unto them for sentence or direction ; according whereunto they were required to yeeld absolute obedience without gain-saying or murmuring , lest they were put to death as those that did presumptuously , deut. . . to . and . . . ch. . . . sam. . . . sam ▪ . . , king. . . . king. . . with diverse others : and well they did deserve it doubtlesse , when they might see such infallible evidence in these ministeres of the lord , that it was his divine pleasure it should be so , and that for their advantage too ▪ the children of israel therefore had recourse unto them upon all occasion , and the lord kept good correspondence with them , not answering them by amphibologies , doubtfull and delusive oracles , but by discovering to them , his will his purposes and intentions about whatsoever they enquired of him . sam . . . . jer. . . amos . . judg. . . and . so on the contrary , when they tooke in hand an enterprise without asking his counsell and advice , we may observe it did not thrive with them , it proved otherwise than they desired , as when joshua made league with the gibeonites joshua . . and now not to send you againe to the jewes , though you will have much a doe to finde an other nation to which you may apply your text of deut. . . . in which the sentence spoken of , must either bee fallible , or infallible ; if fallible , then it followes that god required the people to hearken , and bee subject unto such sentences as might bee sinfull ; such as they apprehended to be unjust and sinfull ; such as were in themselves absolutely sinfull , ( for all these cases might possibly have hapned upon such a supposition ) which were blasphemy to imagine : if the sentence bee to bee presumed infallible , then questionlesse god might very justly require the people to bee subject to it and impose a law unalterable after the manner of the meades and persians , that such as would not harken to it , might bee condemned to dye , as one that did presumptuously : doe but prevaile then with your presbyters , in cortesie , to discover to us some gleanings of their prophetick spirit ; or let us see what signes and wonders god is pleased to do by their mediation , more then by other mens ; and then whosoever will not yeeld a proportionable honour and obedience to them , for my part , let artaxarxes his decree be put in execution against him , whether it be to imprisonment ▪ confiscation of goods , banishment , or death : ezra . . . in the mean time if there bee any thing of godlinesse , or understanding of a man in you , dispence with such as cannot make idolls , fall downe and worship them . pag. ▪ sayes the civil magistrate is subiect in a spirituall way unto the church , and that the church is subiect to the civill magistrate in a civill way : but what if these different judicatiories will not bee subject to each other in their respective spher's ? what if the civill magistrate will not learne gods will by the ministers of the church ? as as . sayes hee must . pag. . what if hee become heretical , schismaticall ● must he● not bee proceeded against by the utmost of church censures , to wit , excommunication ? and if hee bee not worthy to remaine in the church ; must hee not by as . his doctrine bee turned out , or cut off from the civill state ? but some perhaps will be so court affected as to say , if the magistrate will be so , who can help it ▪ w●● must suffer what we cannot remedie : 't is true we must ; but pag , . you say that whatsoever the ecclesiasticall senate or presbyterie is bound not to tolerate but must suppresse in the church ; that , the civill magistrate or senate it bound not to tolerate , but must suppresse in the state , since he is a nurse of the state , and keeper of the two tables : and since whatsoever power the civill magistrates have , is derived from the people ; who sayes there is no remedie against a magistrate thus offending ? are not both houses of parliament , are not millions of the people enough to do justice in such a case ? but what if the civill magistrate be without , not of the church ? can you not with paul be contented that god should judge him ? cor. . if you say 't is now too late to make such a querie , and that he was admitted into the church by baptisme so long since , will he not , think you , repent his baptisme , and co●● such little thanks as promised submission for him unto the church without his order and consent ? nay , will he not plead non-age ? you know there are many good lawes provided for relieving of the pupillage in money matters ; having then thus m●●acled the civil magistrate whilst he was in swadling cloutes , you say he must now be subject to the church ; and that if he be once turn'd out of the church , he must likewise be turn'd out of the civil state ▪ is not this the popish doctrin of l●●●ing subjects from their obedience to prince or parliament ? are we thus leap't out of the popish frying-pan into the midst of presbyterian firebrands ? but , i dare say , you●●● stagger , & deny the words , beeing laid unto your charge ; the truth is , i find by this discourse , that you haue a trecherous memory , which hath led you into such a company of unreconcileable contradictions , far worse than many theeves and harlots , but if your heart or understanding had been better than your memory , this doctrin had never issued : turn then to p● . ▪ where you say that whatsoever the presbytery may not tolerate in the church , the civil magistrate must not tolerate in the state ; then turn to p. where you say that al power is originally in the people , which makes them the supremest magistrate of al , above both king & parliament ; as king & parliament are above other inferiour and subordinate magistrates ▪ now if you know how to spel & put these together , this popish doctrin besides others will clearly arise from thence , to wit ; that if primes and magistrates become hereticks , they may be excommunicated ; if excommunicated , the subjects are freed from their obedience to them ; and the people which having al power in themselves originally , become the supremest magistrate of al , are bound to cut them off from the civill state , whether they be kings or parliaments . but let us beware of such infernal tenets , according unto which there would be found no safety , neither for prince nor parliament ; but each of them , and everie body else , all alike , be forced to be of whatsoever religion shall by most voyces in a consistorie or synod , be thought to be the true one ( which is too great a hazard ) or else be deemed to doe presumptuously , and so loose their lives : but ch. . you say , if the church be corrupt , and the church officers negligent in their charge , and will not reforme it , the civill magistrate may command , yea , compell them to do it ; or if they will not , he may extraordinarily do it himselfe ▪ good now ; who shall here reach the civil magistrate whether the church be corruptor no ? at what time the church officers be negligent in their charge , not willing to reforme ; and when they oppresse any man with ecclesiasticall censures ? if you say the civil magistrate himselfe may see it by bringing them to the rule of gods word ; do you not contradict your selfe in page . and elsewhere saying , the civil magistrate must learn gods will by the ministers who are gods ambassadours sent unto him ? is it possible to reconcile the civil magistrate unto the spirituall office-bearers in such a case as this ? nay , is it ever possible for as . to make his atonement with this present assembly for frustrating so many yeares endeavours as they are like to make of it , in saying the civil magistrate hath power not to admit the true church , to reject it , yea , when it is received or approved , and confirmed by his secular and civil authority , to reject it and exile it ibid ? which yet is true enough ; but do you think the synod would have taken soe great paines , and our scotch brethren have sacrificed so much of their own blood , if even at best it should have been so hazardous whether ever their presbyterian discipline should be received or no ; or when received ▪ rest in ●uch dayly danger to bee turned out againe with shame ? is it not an ea●●y matter for the civil magistrate to say , these presbyterian churches are growne corrupt , their way of government was never apostolical and good , they ▪ tyrannize over their brethren insted of feeding them ▪ aiming at no reformation soe much as to get themselves into the fattest , benifices , and so banish them into america or some worse place ? woe would it have beene for any independent to have beene knowne to publish such theologie such heresie : page . you say how be it the church compell men not by externall vi●l●●ce to subscribe contrary to their judgements , yet the civil magistrate after sufficient conviction may compell you to subscribe or to be gon &c. the church you say compels not externally , but the civil magistrate may : but whence hath the civil magistrate this power in church affaires ? or why may not the church use the civil externall armes in church matters , rather then the civil magistrate should e●terpose with his owne weapons in church affaires ? is it not all one , think wee , in the sight of god , for church-men , church officers themselves to hang such a one whom they deeme a heretick , as to set a crosse a gallowes , a marke upon him , out of a tacit compact with the civil magistrate to hang him whensoever , or wheresoever he should meet with him ? if a combination of any people should thus compasse the death of any man , would they not all equally bee found guiltie ? shall a politick reservation of popish canon or civil law to keepe the clergie from the peoples odium , thus delud all christians to the end of the world ? may church-men connive ▪ approve , teach , and applaud the civil magistrate in punishing whosoever they suppose to be hereticks by imprisonment or death ; and not as innocently as christianly bee executioners themselves ? perhaps they will say they have no authority nor call to become executioners , to banish ▪ imprison or put to death ( and yet they have as good a call as to approve it in the civil magistrate ; ) but this is not the poynt wee stand upon : what if a towne or principality were giuen unto a company of presbyterian clergie-men ? ( i cannot think they will refuse it ) would they in such a case imprison banish or cause hereticks to die in this their principality ? if they say ( as the pope in the same case ▪ as pilate when he crucifide iesus ▪ and bishop b●nner whilst he made so many protestane martyrs ) they may not wash their hands in the blood of hereticks ; i reply neither in the blood of civil delinquents by the selfe same principle of theirs ▪ if they referre such judicature and executing of spirituall or civil offenders unto laymen to be their deputies within this principality of theirs ; i answere that this is but a popish eua●ion ; and such blood being shed by their authority or approbation ; must be accounted for by them ▪ as if they themselves had sat upon the bench , passed sentence , and beene executioners : if hereticks were punishable by death as murderers and traitors , i know no cause but that clergie-men ▪ if neede were , might as actually assist at execution of the one , as of the other : but if any man should expect my opinion of what these presbyterian clergie-men may doe upon the proffer of such a principality ; i confesse the refusall thereof might seem a verie great degree of evangelicall perfection , and the excessive care and travel which is required to govern it , though by a substitute , are altogether inconsistent with the ministerie of the gospel ; but to interpret the passing sentence and execution of death by such deputies or their officers , to be so intirely the peculiar acts of such deputies only , as that the said presbyterian clergie-men from whom the jurisdiction is derived , had not even as great a share therein ▪ as if they had beene present upon the bench , is a meere popish invention and delusion . our saviour and his apostles did neither tell the magistrates that then were , that it concerned them so much more to become christians that they might compel their subjects to be so too ; nor yet gave the christians instructions , or left upon record any such order or warrant ▪ that when ever the magistrate did become christian they might constraine the people to christianity &c. but in the same pag. . you graunt these spiritual delinquents must be first sufficiently convinced , alleadging that after a sufficient conviction , it is , morally , and should be supposed that they know the truth ; or should know it ; or if they know it not , that nothing can have bl●dered them , but their owne pertinaciousnes , which cannot excuse , but rather aggravates their ●in : but what , i pray , or how much do you call sufficiently convinced ? how can any one do otherwise , than yeeld unto whatsoever you have convinced him of ▪ how can you bee infallibly assured that a man ●s sufficiently convinced , if he himselfe denyes it ? how know you which is gods ●●oure for convincing of a man ? may not you likewise possibly interpret a dulnesse of apprehension in him , or your owne want of truly and well informing him , to bee his obstinate wilfull rejecting of the truth ▪ are there not above degrees of capacity and understanding between some men , and shall such whom god and nature have made more dull or lesse ingenious in judging of presbyterian discipline or doctrin be condemned to banishment or death for these defects of nature , beleeving , or discoursing about matters of beleefe , or but opinion only ? such you say the civil magistrate may compel to subscribe , [ against their conscience ] or to bee gon : but who gives the civil magistrate this authoritie ▪ or how comes hee to know or understand them to bee hereticks ? the presbyterian clergie-men , i hope , will be no more informers than executioners ; i am sure in most ( of such as are aleadged to bee ) christian countryes , the informer is counted more infamous than the executioner , because the one does all the busines for the most part in darknesse and under board ; whereas the other exposes his actions to the publick view ▪ but why may not church officers themselves as well hang or cut the throat of such a heretick , whom they have prepared and designed for the shambles of the civil magistrats execution , by their excommunicating of him ? if the putting him to death were just , they need not use any machivillian stratagem to prevent the peoples censuring them of cruelty , or make so nice to ●owle their fingers with the blood of such as they put to death deservedly : the levites when moses required them everie man to kill his son , his brother , companion , and his neighbour , were not so scrupulous exod. . . . and why may not the civil magistrate as well excommunicate , as banish or otherwise punish any hereticks ? doe not all punishments inflicted for spiritual offences , equally become spiritual ? or is it not necessary they should be spiritual to work a spiritual effect ? doubtlesse they bee , or ought to be so ; and if hanging of a spiritual offender bee as lawfull as excommunicating of him , surely , both the civil magistrate , and the presbyterian church officers may execute him , both alike . please then to satisfie me concerning these three queries : . by what authoritie does the civil magistrate punish a heretick ? . what is it he punishes him for ? . and thirdly , vpon what ●●●all and inditement ? if the few perticular warrants upon special occasion for punishing some certain idolaters expressy poynted it in the old testament , obliged all magistrates then ▪ and ever since to do the like ; you must condemne the greatest part of godly ▪ magistrates for omitting it ▪ and if you wil ha●● extraordinary 〈◊〉 to ●●gage th●● there unto upon all ordinary 〈◊〉 you must in●er that 〈◊〉 the people of the land who have entered into the la●e solemne league and covenant are bound with one accord to assault & cut the throats of al the papists they should meet withall , without any farther proces or impeachment , just as the israelites served mattan , b●als priest after that jehoida had made a covenant between the lord , the king , and the people . king . . . secondly , for what cause does the civil magistrate punish this church offender ? were it for civil delinquency , then is he no longer a meer heretick a bare church offender ; the church would have no jurisdiction to punish him for such civil delinquency : but that you may see it was for spiritual , for church offences for which he is unjustly banished , imprisoned or put to dea●h ; it wil appear upon the third query or inquiry , that the civil magist●ate proceeds against him after an implicit manner , by passing sentence by putting him to death upon the church triall and inditement only ; or else arraignes him the second time for the selfe same offence , ( a double injurie and injustice ) which , besides , being spiritual , the civil magistrate has no cognizance , is no competent judge thereof , nor can take upon himselfe any such authority without confounding the ecclesiasticall judicature with the civil . but i must trouble your patience a little longer with an other touch upon this string , this whipcord which you graunt the magistrate to scourge your brethren withal , in confidence your selves for this benevolence shall scape scotfree , and passe for white boyes , whatever offences you commit ; this no doubt wil expiate them all , and make attonement for them though they be never so many : you say the civil magistrate may compel [ men of different opinions ] to subscribe or to be gon ; nay , you say the civil magistrate may command and compel a corrupted church and negligent church officers into a reformation ; and that even when they are reformed , hee may command and compel them by his civil power , to give satisfaction , and reverse such ecclesiasticall censures and judgements , as the civil magistrate shall apprehend to bee oppressing unto any man , or contrary to the civil lawes : tell me , is this power which you present the civil magistrate withall in spirituall matters , a lesser , lesse spiritual or efficacious power , than what you reserve as peculiar to the church ? if it bee lesse , the civil magistrate surely is much beholding to you that you are so bountifull to him of such scrapps ; that you will set him ● work ( as the egyptian task-master did the israelites exo. . . ) with such leavings and shredds of discipline , and yet expect hee should doe that for you , which all your broad sides and batteries of decrees , ordnance , and canons of excommunication &c. could not effect ; and why i pray may not the church her selfe make use of small shot as well as greater ? but if you meane really side publica , and this power which you attribute to the civil magistrate concerning spiritual offenders and offences , be greater , more spiritual and efficacious to win and gain men unto true piety and godlinesse by fining , banishing , imprisonment or death ; can you not give him in the vantage ? can you not let him have the lesser of excommunication and other ceremonious ( in comparison of civil coercive ) censures ? briefly then ; if this power which you give the civil magistrate about the church , bee a toy or trifle , bate it him , and let not so many thousand ind●pendents your brethren be longer scandalized thereat ; but if you insist still to make it of so great concernment and necessity , teaching the people that the civil magistrate must likewise bee a terrour to spiritual offenders ; assure your selfe that both magistrate and people , will likely ere long see the injustice and absurdity , of having two magistrates to punish one offender for one fault , which also may disagree , may possibly contradict each other in their sentences , resolving through the corrupted principles which you instil , that the civil magistrate has power and understanding sufficient to discipline and govern both church and state . but perhaps you 'l say there is an act of parliament , a civil law declaring heresie , or any different , from the state opinions , such as for the present are in fashion to be censurable by the civil power : i answer not without all due respect unto the lawes and such as made them , that if there be any distinction betwixt a church state and a civil state , which all christians ●itherto acknowledged , the enacting civil lawes to punish spiritual offences , is not only a soloecisme an improprietie in state , but an incroaching on the churches power , a prophaning of the keyes , and injurious to the offender , who by this meanes is punished both beyond the degree and nature of his offence . but if you remember , as i put you in mind of before ; pag. ●● , you say , whatsoever the ecclesiastical senate or presbyterie is bound not to tolerate , but must suppresse in the church ; that the civil magistrate is bound not to tolerate but must suppresse in the state : but if this bee true , must not the civil magistrate joyne with the ecclesiastial in judging of heresie , schisme and all church offences ? or if , forsooth , your meaning be the presbyterial officials shall have the preheminence and passe their verdict first ; are not the civil powers obliged to passe the like implicitly , to do the same good justice whether it bee right or wrong , or else set at large , to give a different judgment , and so , ips● fact● , condemne your doctrin as arrogant and heretical ? oh that you would but ba●e us these impertinencies , these inconsistencies ▪ how many fair sheetes of paper would it have saved from fowling ? but whereas you enthraule the magistrate hereunto as nursing-fathers and mothers ; you may as well engage your nurse to knock all children on the head , because they speake not so readily or plainly as your owne , though sublimated , extracted from mercuries braine : and yet this rule of yours needs not bee so stout to admit of no exceptions no qualifications ; since the off-spring of fornication or adultrie are forward imps , and forwardnes a character of such imps , though otherwise undiscovered to the world : but for the text in esa. ● . . which propheside that the king● of the gentiles should become nursing fathers and their queens nursing mothers unto the church : mean you by their fighting for it ? by their cruel persecuting or tormenting christians ? 't is clearly by submitting themselves unto the churches spiritual yoake , by whose example their subjects might bee encouraged to do the like , of their owne free accord and godly disposition , without the least cullour of compulsion , in that the blessed spirit in the end of the same verse , brings for a reason of these kings and queens administring to the church , that they shall not be ashamed that waite for him ? now there would want a just capacity in them of being ashamed , for waiting on the church , or on christ the head thereof , if they were constrayned to wait . pag. . you say an ecclesiastical judicatore is nothing else but a certain n●mber of men endowed with an authoritive power according to gods word to judge of church ●usinesses according to gods glorie , and the weak of the church ; or in a word , the representative church of one parish , ●l●sse province , nation or of all the world : but where meet you with any such chimera of an ecclesiastical indicatorie in all the word of god ? where find you such an authoritive power as is by you insinuated ? where find you that it would be either for gods glorie , or the churches weale it should be so ? and last of all , where find you that a certain nomber of ecclesiasticall men , may be the representative church of the whole world ? though you rack and torture the th . and all other acts of the apostles by all the ecclesiasticall judicatories and authoritative powers which you can muster up , you will never bee able to get so much as a distinguishable eccho from them to this purpose : however , please your owne imagination ; erect as many consistorial babels as you will ; hammer out what decrees your selves think good ; and if you can , with a good conscience , tell us , wee may do well if wee observe them : but goe no farther ; since the church of jerusalem ( which you will , i beleeve , acknowledge your only president for assemblies ) did noe more ; and yet there were present there , apostles inspired men ; whereas if there be any thing else in the very best of your ecclesiasticall judicatories , as you call them , besides such infirmities a● are common to you , with any other nomber of your brethren , 't is more than all the world beleeves ; and therefore blame them not if they cannot run ●udwink'd with you into limbo , purgatorie or hell , since the way to heaven is too straight for men of implicit faith , blind zeale , orignorant devotion ( which are the best fruites your presbyterian disciplin can produce ) to light upon : and besides the manifold weighty exceptions which have been made already , and may yet bee farther multiplide , to prove that to bee no synod or ecclesiastical judicatorie in act. . tell mee , good sir , whether if they will make that a president ; the assembly which sits now at westminster may not according to the same grounds send their synodal decrees into germany , france , spaine , italie and other pretended christian countries , as well as they of jerusalem did into syrio , cilicia , who had noe r●presentatives in jerusalem , that we heare of , at the making of those decrees ? and by consequence , any certain nomber of men who have but confidence ●nough , and the civil sword to fight for them , ( else they will bee thought to say and do a● little to the purpose as their neighbours ) may take upon them to be an ecclesiastical judicature , the representative church , and so condemne the whole world into spirituall captivity , because their phansies tell them it is for gods glory and the churches weale it should bee so ? but suppose that antioch , syria and cilicia were willing to receive and yeeld obedience unto the decrees which were made by the church of jerusalem where there were present inspired apostles ; must this needs oblige all other churches now to do the same towards such as have no more infallibility than their brethren ? especially whether they will or no ? were not this to hang the christian libertie of the whole church militant upon the arbitrary proceedings of some few perticular congregations only ? good sir consider of it . to the exceptions which are justly alledged against the peremptorinesse of some ecclesiastical synods and assemblies which think they may parallel their own decisious with those of the apostolical church of jerusalem act. . which were infallibly certaine of the holy ghosts assistance , or else might possibly have erred , and consequently seduced all christians unto the end of the world , which would bee blasphemy of the greatest magnitude to imagine ; you aske wherefore may not every perticular minister say it seemeth good to the holy ghost and me ? to which i answer , that your ministers and you too , may bee rash in saying so , as you are in other matters : who can hinder you ? but must all the world bee mad or sottish to beleeve you ? because you are rash to say you know not what ? you say , that what seemeth good to the holy ghost , should likewise seeme good to all ministers ; i say so too ; but not contrariwise ? which rests on you to prove , or not require obedience as though the holy ghost were in your bosom , were at your beck : it is true , that whatsoever the church does rightly bind or loose on earth , is infallibly confirmed in heaven ; but that upon this presumption , every a s. a synod or assembly may take upon them to bind and loose , such as are not of their congregation prescribing both disciplin and doctrin unto their brethren , according to their owne imaginations ; much lesse expect that others should take their decisions to be oracles , and themselves little god almighties ; is a character of such high floane conceitednes and presumption , as since the creation was never equalized by any , except the son of the morning , lucifer himself es. . . . surely if god should say of these men ( as he did ironically of adam ) behold they are becom like us ; they can make new scriptures , new religions ; they are like enough to take him at his word , still soothing themselves in their fond attempts , until with adam they were excluded paradise : you think you may say it seemeth good to the holy ghost and you ; and what if i should graunt you may possibly in some sence ▪ say so unto your own heart with a good conscience ? must your conscience therefore become a rule , a yoake to other mens ? and if the blessed spirit should at any time be are witnes unto your spirit , or unto the spirit of a whole parliament and synod , what were this to the spirits of other men ? must not they waite with patience untill the blessed spirit bee pleased to visit their spirits likewise , before they can joyne with yours or the assemblies spirit ? but if the synods determination of this or that controversie should seeme good unto the holy ghost , as the churches decrees of ierusalem did ; must they therefore bee imposed upon the country , the whole world ? is not this to equalize your synodal canons with those decrees of the apostolical church of ierusalem , and so make scripture of yours as well as theirs ? is not this to adde to scripture ? nay , to alter it ? for adding to it is ipso facto altering , and it is said thou shalt not adde thereto ? deut. . . revel. . . can you or any synod say they are , or will be at any time , at their pleasure infallibly assisted by the holy ghost ? if not ; why doe you take so much upon you ? but you will say , you fast and pray ; you mean and hope well ; may not a companie of tinckers and coblers say the like ? but you are more wise , learned , noble , and therefore think it fitting that others should yeeld to your determinations ; rather than you to such as are rustick , illiterate , and obscure ; this in curtesie , may bee granted you , in part , that is , the not submitting your consciences to independents ; they seeke nothing lesse , beeing still willing to expect and pray for you with all long suffering and patience : what postumate dispensation then since ▪ the apostles leaving us , have you , not to doe the like ? they are the presbyterian doctors whose asses must passe for trumpeters , and whose geese are swans ; whose war a● must be thought better , and payde for deerer than any of their neighbours ; whatever they say must be accounted seraphical ; and mechanicks , all lay-men wave their owne reason and religion whilst they worship their's : 't is true , that jesus does tacitly commend nathaniel for beleeving in him , because he heard him only say , that hee saw him under the fig-tree ; yet withall he tels him that hee should see greater things than those ioh. . . that is , hee should see that , which would be a full and just ground of a higher degree and measure of faith in christ : in like manner , paul when he falls upon intergatories with the iewes his brethren after the flesh saying , how shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation ? he tells them withall that it was such a salvation as first began to be preached by the lord himselfe , and afterwards was confirmed unto us by them that heard the lord , god bearing witnes thereunto both with signes and wonders and with diverse miracles and gifts of the holy ghost hebr. . . . . from whence it followes , that wee may now much lesse beleeve new gospels , new doctrins which are not evident in scripture within the reach of our own capacities , and apprehensions ; or upon slender grounds , such as may possibly deceave us ; or upon any other lesse grounds than what are aboundantly able to satisfie both the strongest and weakest reasons and understandings of those from whom faith is required . it is said in pauls epistles to the ephesians that christ gave some to be apostles , some prophets , evangelists , pastours and teachers for the perfecting the saints , for the worke of the ministerie , for the edifynig of the body of christ , till we all come in the unity of the faith ; some whereof we find to have been more immediatly and largely gifted than the rest , as apostles prophets and evangelists , to whom in their rare indowm●nts and power of miracles , wee do not know any to have succeeded since the apostles dayes : but whether may wee not take the want of them as a grievous curse upon all christians with the rest of the world ever since ? whether can the gospel bee truly and throughly propagated without such infallible officers ? how can wee be assured that the gospel has beene inviolably conserved and preached unto ●● without such glorious witnesses to bare testimony thereto by signes and wonders ! how can the jewes bee certaine that they have the law and proph●ts conveyde unto them without beeing adulterated considering their severall captivities and persecutions ? who knowes whether ezra his memory might not faile him , in restoring unto them the scriptures , as is reported of him , after they were said to be almost all consumed by fire , when the chaldea●s tooke ierusalem ? sixtus senensis bibl : sanct. l. . ezra . pray , must their own or other mens reason be the handmaid to lead them through these laberinthes . wee see in genesis . that when isaack had an intension to blesse esauh ; jacob by his mother reb●ckah's counsell , having covered his hands and neck with kidskins , subtilly counterfetted himselfe to bee esauh , and so beguiled him of his blessing ▪ in the carriage whereof we see that isaack conceived it was iacob's voice , but that the hands were the hands of esauh ; whereof though he doubted , yet he suffered himselfe to beswaid that way , in regard that iacob affirmed himselfe to bee esauh ; verse . even so is it with multitudes of christians in many poynts of controversie , whilst the scriptures furnish us with testimonies which in some respect seeme to make for both sides ; however , in regard we cannot beleeve them both , i conceave a man may safely betake himself to that wherein he apprehends more evidence of the two ; and though it prove the wrong , yet god may accept of his indeavours and good intension , who did not blame isaack for thus blessing jacob through an errour , who yet since he had suspition of him by his voice , might have satisfyde himselfe concerning him , had he but felt the other parts of his body which were not counterfetted . paul likewise although he was a great blasphemer and persecuter . tim. . . act. . . . . yet he said of himselfe that hee had lived in all good conscience before god untill that day act. . . it is a very smale thing that i should bee judged of mans judgement ; i judge not my selfe , for i know nothing by my selfe . cor. . . . and rom. . . it is said hee that regardeth a day regardeth it to the lord , and hee that regardeth not the day unto the lord , he doth not regard it : hee that eateth , eateth to the lord for he giveth god thanks , and hee that eateth not , to the lord he eateth not and giveth god thanks : from all which way he gathered , that a good meaning and intention is greatly excusable before god , though it were in an erroneous way of fearing him : for all which respects the presbyterians do not only show themselves injurious in distip ●●ing , and ruling over their brethren , over whom they have no power , being freemen , free-christians equall to themselves ; but sacriledgious to gods bountifulnesse and long suffering , who like the scribes pharises hypocrites lay heavie burthens upon others , but they themselves will not put a finger to : luk. . . who streighten , if not quite dam up the way to heaven , not suffering others to enter , nor yet goe in themselves . math. . . good now let us fast or feast ; let us observe holy-dayes or not ; and so for other matters , according as gods spirit shall guide us thereunto , and not the spirit of a presbyterie , unlesse wee could see more in it than in our own . pag. . you say the supreame [ church ] iudicatorie may feare that if they judge any thing amisse , their judgments will not be approved , and put in execution with perticular churches ; and in all human probability they are like to be crossed : pray demur a little , and consider whether in these few lines you have not utterly demolished that mighty ( but imaginary ) babel of unlimmited authoritative jurisdiction which you had raised unto your classical presbyteries or superlative ecclesiastical assemblies ? doe you not here of your own accord acknowledge that in some cases , i. e. if they judge any thing amisse , the supreme church judioature it selfe may feare ●er judgements will not be approved and put in execution ( so much as ) in perticular congregations ? yea , and that in all humane probability they are like to be crossed ? since then you graunt your synods and highest church assemblies may judge amisse ; and that in such cases perticular churches may refuse to yeeld obedience ; will it not follow by undenyable consequence that such perticular churches must have power to examin and even judge the judgements of such assemblies according to their owne reasons and understandings ? and that whatsoever shall appeare to bee decreed or ordered amisse by such ecclesiastical assemblies , according to the light of their own reason and understanding which god has given them , and not to be submitted unto with a good conscience , ought and must not be put in execution by perticular congregations ? this is your owne doctrin sometimes though unawares ; for even on the top of the next page , . where you bring m. s. enquiring what should be done in case an oecumenical or general counsel erre ; you say you wil returne him answer , when hee tells you what must bee done in case the parliament should erre , or if the great sanedrin of the old testament or the councel of jerusalem had erred ; and yet you might remember to have objected thrice in this frivolous discourse of yours upon the like occasion , that quaestio non solvit qu●stionem : but do you not perceive a little spirit of perversenes in your selfe , that you can thus prevaricate ? thus play at fast and loose ? did you not just now confesse ( oh the power of truth ! that if the very supreme church judicature should judge amisse shee may feare her judgement will not be approved and put in execution by perticular congregations ? and doe you so soone boggle at the same querie afterwards ? will not this smal pittance of ingenuity reconcile you ( how fierce soever ) unto the independents ? either then recant this and such other passages ; or stand to them , and burn that confused volumne of sophistical distinctions and meere contradictions . pag. . . you say the example of the protestants in france suing for a toleration of their religion serves nothing towards the obtaining the like for independents in england : but why pray so magisteriall and peremptory ? have not the independents fought for the parliament against the cavaleers ? did they not refuse to joyn with the cavaliers in fighting against the scots ? your presbyterian disciplin had scarce been setled in scotland by civil and ecclesiastical authority , which you so much boast of in page . if independents had not done that for you which you were not able to do for your selves ? and doe you thus require them ? was there not the same reason for the scots some few yeares since to have submitted themselves unto the english service-booke , then adored by such an english uniformity , and sent , yea attempted to bee imposed upon them by the ecclesiastical authority of england ; as that the english and irish , two numerous and renowned nations , must now be subjugated by fire and sword unto a scotch directory ? surely if there be a god in heaven , or any conscientiousnesse on earth , it will never bee , or never long endure ; nescis quid serus vesper trabat : you say the protestants of france were compelled to idolatry and to bee actors in the damnation of their owne soules against the light of their consciences : and what if it be said the presbyterians professe and practise the same against the independents , against all that differ from them barely in opinion ? all the principles which concerne coercive discipline in , about , or for the church are common both to papists and presbyterians ? insted of arguments and reason , will you not say 't is false , foolish , fond , idle , ignorant , childish , currish , contradictorie , impertinent , non sence , nothing but wind and words of goodwin ? page . &c. how long will this great goliah of the presbyterians thus boast himselfe ? how long will the braying of this fowle mouth'd as . disquiet the people of god ? pack up your pedl●rs budget of such absurd distinctions abominable contradictions , unsufferable tautalogies , ( to say no worse ) and be gon , even anywhere , that we may be quit of you ; speake or write to instruction or edifying hereafter , or else hold your peace for shame of god and men : but do you not know that it shall be more tolerable for sodom and gomorrah , than for many people amongst whom christ wrought most of his miracles ? know you not that many who live and dye papists because through ignorance , ( as paul whilst he persecuted the saints . tim. . . whom god therefore had mercie on ) shall rise up in judgement against all protestants which know gods will and do it not ? doe you not take it to be mad doctrin of pauls when he presupposes there may bee a case when the best christians ( i say not presbyterians ) may , nay , ought never more eat flesh drinke wine , nor anything where at a brother stumbleth , is offended or made weake ? and yet if you beleeve rom. . . . cor , . . you may finde it evangelical , a little othergates , than such stuffe as you baptize with orthodox , and then think it pleaseth the holy ghost , ( because such men , such dust and ashes as your selfe know no better , ) that all the world , will they , nill they , must fall down and worship it : if independents say , they have no faith in communicating with your mixt multitude , and joyning in an english directory , alias a scotch common-prayer-booke ; and you notwithstanding by imprisoning or discountenancing compel them to it ; doe you not make them commit idolatrie ? are they not damned because they doubt thereof ? rom. . . can the priests in frame , the divels in hell , or presbyterians anywhere , do worse by protestants ? but you promise largely ; you say the presbyterians will not compel the independents to act against their consciences : only you will not suffer them to seduce other mens consciences : what an agrippa-like halfe christian paradox is this ? doth the truth constraine you to acknowledge that compelling independents to joyn with you in your mixt communions and stinted worship against their consciences , would amount unto idolatrie ? and may they not instruct their famelies , friends , brethren , and all such , who gaspe after a word of knowledge , or but desire to be instructed by them how to decline idolatrie , and worship god in sincerity and truth ? did not nature engrave it in the hearts of al men , that it is better to obey god than man ? did not the apostles for our clearer understanding resolve it when 't was made a question ? act . . are not all such condemned for unproffitable servants who put a candle under a bushel ? for lapping up their tallent in a napkin ? for not strengthning others after they themselves are converted ? and though you so often upbraid this as a licentious course and way , to let in all heresie and impiety ; have patience if i tell you the papists say the verie same for excluding protestantisme out of their dominions ; and neither you as profownd an as . as you take your selfe to be , nor all the presbyterians in the world , can say one tittle more than papists doe in this behalfe : now , wherein your divinity , your disciplin , your righteousnes exceeds not that of papists ; take it not so hainously , that independents who have not so learned christ , may not , dare not joyne with you : yet if upon a second consideration hereof you shall still remain head-strong , banishing all farther truth , left some heresies should creepe in therewith ; good now , do but discover to us a possibility how after the presbyterian rule , ( which , according to as . sayes the civil magistrate has power not to admit the true church , or to turne it out , though it had beene admitted and established by low . ) the roman church can ever be reformed , or the iewes converted to the gospel : concerning the churches of new-england , you say their independency is worse than heresie ; you strengthen your selfe in denying them a toleration in old-england , because they will not graunt you one in new-england , and yet you bid them begon thither and live in peace : but tell me a little ; how can they be secure in new-england from the omnipotency of the presbyterian disciplin which is as covetuous and ambitious as rome it selfe which claim 's no lesse than all the world ? ought you not to endeavour their conversion equal to your brethrens of old-england , and that as well unto your disciplin as to your doctrin ? are their soules not worth saving ? or their country not worth living in ? the soile is thought no whit inferiour , if not better then the best in old-england ; though there be not so good plundering for money and rich moveables : but why should not the soules of your new-english brethren bee as deare unto you , as those of old-england ? or though your brethren of new-england should know the way to heaven of themselves ; how can you with a quiet mind endure they should get thither without your passe , your mittimus , your peter-pence ? or why may not the old-english be thought as charitably on , or find the like favour from your over dilligent presbyerie ? but put the case you did really desire the new-english their conversion ? you approve of them in suffering no opinions to be published but their owne ? if this disciplin be strictly observed ; how can they possibly attaine to better light and knowledge ? what course will you take for their informing , for convincing them of this worse than heretical tenet as you call it , if to their's , and your church pollicy , they should lykewise attaine as sharp a civil sword as yours ? or put case that even your own most excellent doctorship were not so sound or orthodox as self conceited , which many have strong presumptions for , who are thought better able to judge thereof than as . himselfe , will you put your selfe in an impossibilitie of ever being reformed except tumultuously or illegally , both waies compulsively ? was ever any as . so dull , so stupid , so voide both of civil and christian policie ? but what shall i say unto you , since according to your theologie , nothing is so likely to prevaile with you as cudgelling ? page . you say that refusing to tolerate the independents will helpe to confirme the churches and people in the truth of presbyterian diciplin and doctrin ; that many men are led by authority , and take many things upon the trust of great men &c. phy as ! are you not asham'd thus to uncover the nakednesse of your churches ? to tell us and them that the presbyterian world takes up a religion and government upon trust ? and if the venerable and learned assemblie , as you stile them , should not graunt a toleration of any thing but poprie or turcisme , would not your good people whom you speake of , be as easily confirmed of the truth thereof ? surely they will , unlesse they bee wiser than their anchesters , which will not be beleeved . page . you ask what power hath either king or parliament to intrude and force upon the kingdome new religions or a toleration of all sects ? and say the parliament assumes no such power to it selfe : if this bee true ; how can it settle ( not to say intrude as as . does improperly and unmannerly ) the scotch presbyterian disciplin in england , more than the independency of new-english churches ? for since the churches of scotland and new england for doctrin agree in fundamentals , differ onely in disciplin , and as as . aleadges , doe persecute all opinions but their own ; how come the new-english and scots not to be both sects alike , since as . calls the apologists a sect ? but hee saies the presbyterian government is already established in england in the dutch , french , italian and spanish churches page . and i answer that hee may as well say the popish government was setled in england , because permitted to be made use of in in the queens chappells and so many ambassadours houses , little otherwise than was the presbyterian : but if the presbyterian government bee already established , what needs all this imprecating , this conjuring of as . yet for a farther setling of it ? but if the parliament may not , as as . saies , intrude and force upon the kingdome new religions ; and since the civil magistrate as you likewise say page . if he follow gods word cannot graunt a toleration without consent of the church if he judge it bee not corrupted : why doe you not then betake your selfe to the synod , forbearing to be farther troublesome unto the civil magistrate , untill it bee at leisure to talke with you for stigmatizing of it worse than mad , corrupted by bribery , or some other way , page . unlesse it descend unto such notions only as as . arrives to : and why , i pray , must the parliament needs tolerate all as . ' ses to think they are worse than madde , corrupted with money or some other way , if they should tolerate a new sect , you mean independents , i. e. any that but differ from one another in opinion , and such are all , as will not upon any occasion say , black is white , and white is black , or seeme to beleeve any thing else implicitely ? i know your meaning , your grand and common ( more than understood ) objection ; that there is but one true religion , but one faith , one way to heaven ; and why should wee then suffer men and women to bee of so many different waies faith's and religions ? for answer hereunto i can bee contented to graunt that there is but one true religion , one true faith and way to heaven ; but who can tell mee the precise and just precincts thereof ? what mean they by one true religion , one way , one faith ? the papists , luthrans , calvinists , all episcopal and presbyterian disciplind men generally are of this opinion ; each of them , whole nations and people , damn for the most part hand over head , all other professions but his own ; and even amongst these who by compulsion they will bee sure to make as good christians as themselves , to any mans thinking but their own , how few of them notwithstanding will they allow to get into heaven with them ? would it not be wonder if this circumference , this little continent of earth , should satisfie the vast desires of such , who seeme to think , that the heavens so infinitely more capacious , were only made for them and some few of their familiars ? o the malecontednesse of such spirits ! to say nothing of mahumetans nor any sort of pagans , no nor jewes who yet were the beloved nation of the lord , who promised to make all their enemies his owne ; to say nothing neither of papists , nor millions of christians , especially in the east which never heard more of poprie , than england had of presbyterie five yeares agoe ; ( which you may say was but a little , though since too much ) would it not be a harsh sentence for men of the classicall presbyterian-way to passe , which must send hedlong to hell all lutherans , calvanists , independents with sundry other differing protestants ? perhaps you will say though they live lutherans or independents , they may die converts , or well-willers to the presbyterian disciplin and doctrin : i answer , that this is such a may-bee , that if it come not whilst they live , i 'le passe my word 't will never happen afterward : you may as well say or think they may die jewes or papists , were you not apt to flatter your selfe , or glad to say any thing , rather than by plaine argument be made appeare as if you thought , god had first made the joyes of heaven , and in the fulnesse of time sent his son to repurchase them , for your fond opinions onely to vapour in ; but in case you doe not thus reprobate all lutherans , independents and such as differ from you in opinion , allowing them a possibilitie , even whilst they live and die lutherans or independents , to find the way to heaven ; why will you then not let them goe their own way ? what if it should seeme to you the farthest way about ? may it not prove the neerest home , according to the proverb ? i am certain it must be the surest way to them that know and apprehend no other : if then you cannot possibly decipher or chaulke out unto me exactly this only true religion and way to heaven , without imminent danger of streightning or enlarging it , do not take upon you to make enclosure of it , or compell others to leaue their owne way , unlesse you could bee infallibly assured , that were a better which you put them in , or were able to make them reraration , if it prove a worse . there are two great controversies which have set both state and church on fire , about which so many pamphlets have beene scribled , and not a few continued musing untill their heads grew addle , which yet , in my slender judgement , may be fully stated in a verie few lines only : that in the civil state , is betwixt magistrate and subject ; on the one side it is alledged , that if everie soule , the whole bodie of a people or nation must be subject unto the higher powers in all cases , whether they govern justly or tyrannically , then would it rest in the magistrates breast and power to ruin and destroy the whole nation at his pleasure : on the otherside , if the people may in some case deny subjection , it must bee in such as they apprehend themselves in imminent danger of destruction ; and then it will follow , that so often as they apprehend this imminent destruction , this necessitie ; soe often they may deny subjection , which would render the higher powers obnoxious unto the bare pretentions of the people , if they did but withall alledge their feares were reall : both these i confesse are great stumbling blocks , yet the latter , as i conceive , is to be adhered unto ; because it is a greater evil , to expose a whole nation to destruction , than a magistrate only : and lest it should be thought this tenet does expose the magistrate unto the inconstancie and violence of the people ; let such remember that magistrates are gods vice-gerents and as many times it happens that some scape better , for the present , for offending god than man but pay for it with a witnes afterwards ; soe if a people shall injuriously imploy that naturall power and might , which god has given them only for their defence , against the magistrates just commands and priviledges ; god becomes so much more engag'd to vindicate them , by how much being few in nomber , in comparison of the people , they want an arme of flesh to helpe themselves . as for the church controvesie , it may bee said in behalfe of independents , that unlesse differing and erroneous opinions bee tolerated ; the most orthodox and rectified are equally subject to bee persecuted : on the other side , presbyterians say , that the permitting differing opinions in a state , is to open a flood-gate to all manner of heresies and schysmes : what if wee did suppose these to bee the two great rocks of offence , which in some sense were no otherwise than scylla and charibdis ; one of which you could not avoide without adhering unto the other ? does it not remaine then , that wee should consider which of them is accompained with the greatest inconveniences ? the latter presupposes a possibilitie of entrance unto all heresies ; the former concludes a certainty of with-holding a great measure of truth , and even a possibility of keeping out the whole truth : now , this truth is like god himself ; even verie god himselfe , invallewable ; we may not hazard the least attom , the smalest proportion thereof , for al other possibilities or impossibilities whatsoever : what ? shall we put our selves into such a condition , that if we be in an errour it shall be impossible for us to get out of it againe , unlesse the whole civil state , the men of war , the world doe see it as clearely as our selves ? that if as yet wee have but some degrees of truth and knowledge , it shall be impossible for us to attain to greater ? that though we were in possession of the true religion , wee should bee liable to have it taken from us by everie sharper civil sword than our owne ? this is your doctrin page . where you say the civil mgistrate though christian has power to admit christian religion ; or when admitted to exile it afterwards ; but god keepe such presbyterian principles from farther taking root in england . but if king and parliament may not force a new religion or sect , suppose presbyterian , upon the kingdome ; much lesse can the synod which neither has , nor yet pretends , as is alleadged , to use the materiall sword ? and if for matters of religion , all power originally is in christ , as you sometimes acknowledge page . how can king , parliament , or synod wrest it from him ? nay , what thinke you ? is it not secondarily in the people , as well as civil power which you affirme in the same page ? and so doubtlesse is spiritual power ; unlesse you will make god to have provided mankind better of a safegard , or libertie to defend their bodies , than their soules : if then the spirituall power be so inherently in the people next under christ , as that they cannot so well renounce and part from it in many respects , by what they may of civil ; how can it be thought by any one that the king parliament or synod though never so much importun'd by a thousand such as . ses , should goe about to settle a n●w presbyterian scotch government , with an intention to force a conformity of the whole kingdome , three quarters whereof cannot , as yet be thought to submit unto it willingly , or for conscience sake ? page . and elsewhere , you advise the independents to quit their fat benefices ; but presbyterian know how to quit the leane benefices without your counsel : and where doe you find the independents in such fat benefices ? what if you cannot find one of them in a fat benefice ? will you not say good cause why , because the presbyterians would quickly heave them out , and get themselves ●n ? if they find any fatter than an other , and bee so liquorish ; if they regard neither flock nor the great shepheard of the flock christ jesus , but with esa●h or judas prefer . pence or a fat benefice before them both ; let them at least carry it more cau●elo●sly , and not ●●● skipping so , from one fat benefice or lecture unto a fatter , that all the world cry shame of them ; i need not name them , they are knowne to everie bodie but themselves . but prithee a. s , tell mee , do'st thou not intend this as a pious plot and master-peece of thine to accuse the independents of fat benefices , that they may bee provok'd to vindicate themselves by discovering who they were amongst the presbyterian rabbies that solicited so actively and dextrously , obtaining such an ordnance for tithes as all the subtle invention● of antichristian bishops could never get the like ? who they were that had more than a finger in helping sundrie ministers out of their livings partly for not paying the twentyeth part and other taxes ; and so soone as presbyterians had filld all benefices and lectures , to move , that ministers might then bee totally freed from all manner of ●essment● ; and is it not fitting it should bee so , think you ? that they should set and keepe the kingdome on ● fire , in ● desparate bloody civil warre , and yet bee totally exempted from contributing towards quenching , towards obtaining of a blessed peace ? i know these heathenish , jewish , popish notions of tythes , offerings , and 〈…〉 ons , were long since abominated ▪ and abolished amongst our scottish brethren ; and a. s. does well in not flattering the english presbyterians therein , lest independents should be farther scandaliz'd at him , who , it is well knowne , are not guilty of such si●oni● ; they 〈…〉 bargaine of the ministerie of the gospel , as if it were an unholy thing ; or themselves like so many coblers or shoe-makers to prostitute their labours , to them that proffer most ; they compel noe man to buy of them whether they will or no , much lesse at what price they themselves will , what god requires to be given for nothing , esa. . . ; they force no man to pay for that he never had , as presbyterians doe such as cannot with a good conscience communicate with them in their ordinances ; as if a tayl●r or hatter should wrench your money from you though you lik'd not , would not have his wares , his service : who will , may see the bloody tenet , and iohn baptist concerning tythes more largely . pag. . you say the power of the ministerie , or ecclesiastical power is able and sufficient to beat down all fin spiritually : but pray tell me ; can fin be sin politically , and not be fin spiritually ? now if ecclesiasticall power can beat down sin spiritually as you acknowledge ; will it not follow , that fin so beaten down spiritually , ceases to bee sin at all either spiritually or politically , and consequently no neede of civil power to punish it ? but to be briefe , as the title promised for me ; our saviour bids us do as we would be done to ; that is , love our neighbours as our selves , on which commandment hangs the law and prophets , math. . . and . . . and paul tels us that love is the fulfilling of the whole law ; rom. . nay our saviour would not have us dare to aske forgivenesse of our heavenly father , otherwise , than as we forgive our brethren . math. . . . . now , amongst all sorts of transgressours , there is no one offendeth so highly , so undoubtedly against this law of loving his neighbour as himselfe ; or doing as hee would bee done to ; as he that persecutes , that but disturbs his neighbours welfare , because he differs from him in opinion , for cause of conscience though erroneous ; which i prove thus : every man hath so much of an athist in him , by how much he esteemes not the enjoyment of his conscience , above all enjoyments under heaven ; and though we have known many turne , some with more facility , others perhaps not without some difficulty , from popish opinions unto episcopal , and then from episcopal to presbyterial , according as either of them became more commodious , gainsome or fashionable ; yet , if athisme not having totally taken possession of their hearts , they began at any time to demur or scruple , according to the remnant of conscience which might be remaining in them ; it was never knowne that such were contented to have even these reliques of conscience persecuted or disquieted , howsoever absurd and heretical they might seeme to other men ; and therefore such as raise any manner of persecution against their brethren for conscience sake , which they could not be contented to have done unto themselves , unlesse they were very athists , must necessarily be the greatest offenders against this law of loving our neighbours as our selves , of any in the world : and although i am enforced at present to apprehend you in this gall of bitternesse , yet my prayers and hopes shall be , that with the apostle cor. . . . it may be only said hereafter , that such were you once ; but you are now enlightned ; you are washed ; you are sanctify'de ; which god graunt in his good time and pleasure . twenty six difficult qvestions easily answered concerning a toleration of differing opinions . quest . . is it not the greatest presumption for a man to bee overswayde with his owne opinion , when others for the most part submit themselves to be governed by most voyces ? ans no : but far more presumptuous are they , who not content to injoy quietly their own opinions , proceed in compelling others to joyn with them therein , which yet may possibly bee as erroneous as other mens . q. . is it not the greatest hazard for men to build their faith upon their own private interpetations contrary to the decrees of synods and established lawes of kingdomes ? an. no : because broad is the gate which leadeth to destruction , and narrow is the path which leadeth to salvation ; though many bee called , few are chosen ; and every man must be saved by his own faith , not by the faith of parliaments or synods . q. . is it not great indiscretion to bee led away by a mans private reason and understanding contrary to the judgement and sense of many , and those perhaps the wise and learned ? an. no : because a man is to bee guided by his owne reason in all things and at all times ; and it would be a double errour , a sin against the holy ghost , not only to erre , but also to erre against his own reason and understanding . q. . may it not seeme singularity for some one , or a few inferiour people , to be totally governed by their own judgements and opinions , when the whole nation is uniforme ? an. no : because there is no mean betwixt beeing governed by a mans own reason , or that which is his implicitly , his ignorance . q. . is it not an ungodly thing to suffer men to be of any religion ? an. no : for both our saviour , his apostles and the primitive christians did the same , neither is it in the power of flesh and blood to hinder it . q. . is it not the most unseemly sight to see the people of one citty run scambling from their parishes to . conventicles where so many several doctrins are taught ? an. no : but far more monstrous and abominable in the eyes of god , for people of . severall opinions for feare or favour to assemble and joyn together hypocritically in one way of worship or church discipline . q. . but may wee not yeeld conformity of the outward man as a matter of great decencie and order in such cases which wee doe but doubt of , not certainly know to be forbidden ? an. no : because it makes us hypocrites , twofold more the children of the divel than we were before , and worse than they , who , yet unjustly , did overpresse us ro conformity . q. . ought we not then at least to keepe our different opinions and religion unto our selves in obedience to the civil magistrate that co●maunds it ? an. no : because it is better to obey god than man ; and christ sayes we must not feare them who can kill the body only ; bidding his disciples speake that in the light which he had told them in darknesse , and on the house tops what he had told them in the eare , affirming that he would deny whosoever should bee ashamed or deny him ; act. . . mat. . . . marke . . . tim. . . q. . if jesuited papists and other subtle hereticks be suffered , will they not likely seduce many unto their erroneous by-pathes ? an. though a toleration of erroneous opinions may gaine some to sathan , yet truth being therewith permitted to be published and improved , will in all probability , not only gain so many more to god ; but any one thus won to god , unto his truth , is worth thousands of those that fall from it , or rather from the seeming profession which they made thereof . ioh. . . q. . but may not the multiplying of heresies stifle or expel the truth , like as the abounding of tares and weeds often choake the wheat , and for this cause not be permitted ? an. though it seeme so to many at the first , yet our saviour in the parable of the tares math. . teaches us a quite contrary doctrin , and forbids [ heresies ] the tares to bee pull'd up before [ the day of judgment ] the the harvest verse . . least the wheat [ the children of the kingdome true professours ] verse . . bee therewith rooted up . q. . is it not wonderful extravagant that men & women should have a latitude to yeeld obedience to no manner of disciplin or doctrin than what they themselves list ? an. no : unlesse you will have them obliged to yeeld unto whatsoever disciplin and doctrin others list , though they neither understand nor know it . q. . but may it not likely prove a subvertion of the civil state whilst such scrupulous people may upon all occasion pretend out of conscience to deny obedience to the civil powers ? an. no : for such as are truly conscionable in gods , though but supposed work , and seruice , are also more exact and conscientious in rendring all due obedience unto man , unto the lawes and magistrate , not only for feare , but more for coscience sake . q. . may not diversity of opinions cause dissentions or breach of love in a country or cyttie ? an. no : but rather the contrary , whilst the civil magistrate countenanceth all alike and each man finds his neighbour not only permitting , but in some manner assisting him out of love , in such a way to heaven as he apprehends to be the only true way . q. . is it not equally impossible for a church-society as for a cytie to continue long without a government ? an. yes : if you meane spirituall government with its spirituall relations ; for as a church society is spiritual ; so must bee the government in all relations and respects . q. . but do we not by dayly experience in all places and houses find the independents wrangling with the presbyterians about church controversies ? an. no : but rather the contrary ; for if you marke it well , you may see they are still the presbyterians who generally begin first to find fault , and pick quarrells with the independents opinions , not the independents with the presbyterians . q. . may not the permitting men to teach and imbrace new opinions be occasion that we quite loose old truthes ? an. no : for if all opinions be permitted , the true ones must necessarily be included . q. . but is it fitting then for everie man to be of what religion he will ? an. yes surely ; and far better so , than to bee of whatsoever religion an other will have him to be of , since one of them must necessarily fall out . q. . must we then suffer men to run headlong in the way to hell , if they have neither will nor understanding to prevent it of themselve● ? an. surely yes : wee must suffer what we cannot hinder . q ▪ but may it not be hindered by hindering so many erroneous doctrins to be published , which if they never heare of they cannot long after , nor beleeve in to damn themselves ? an. n : because a mans own phansie , imagination and discourcive facul●y of themselves suggest and present unto his memory variety of opinions , though not so clearly perhaps at first ; which if it bee not graunted him freely to debate , aske counsel , judge and make choice of , his condition were worse than beasts , incapable of doing either good o evil ; and such as are carried away with every wind of novelty and false doctrin , were never sound in the true doctrin , though they might seeme so before , for want of oppertunity to show the contrary . qu. . if there be but one true religion , why should we suffer above one religion in a country ? a. if there be but one true religion we ought to be the more carefull how to get and keep it in the country ; not banishing any religion which in opinion of different judges may possibly be the true one , and by such as make profession of it , ( both , as wise learned and conscientious as our selves ) is proemptorily affirmed to be the only true one . q. . is it not a pious act to compel a companie of carelesse idle people to hear a good sermon , to do a good work whether they will or no ? an. no more pious an act , then for papists to use the like compulsion towards jewes and protestants in forcing them to heare their sermons , masse , or vespers . q. . yea : but though they bee thus compelled to heare good sermons at fi●st against their wills , the power and efficacy of truth is such , as that in likelihood it will win upon their affections , and work in them afterwards a desire to heare and practise them of their owne accord . an. this is not likely ; because we do not find in all the gospel , that such unwarrantable means were ever sanctifide to produce so good effect . q. . but have we not seen it by experience , that whilst the papists in england were made go to church , many of them were converted , and dyed protestants . an. the conversion of such papists was rather to be suspected counterfeit to save their purse ; and if it had been real at any time , we must attribute it to some private illumination , or other handy-work of god , and not to such means as are so contrary , both to the doctrin and practise of our saviour and his apostles . q. . may not the civil goverment interpose to punish such church-members with whom the spiritual , by reason of their refractorines cannot prevaile ? a. nothing lesse ; since the civil state or government has no more power nor virtue to make a papist turn protestant in england , than it can prevaile to make a protestant become a papist in spaine . q. . because papists do ill in compelling protestants to heare an idolatrons masse ; may not protestants do well to force papists to heare godly sermons ? an. a protestant sermon is as idolatrous to a papist , as a popish masse is to a protestant ; and neither of them can more judge with the understanding , than see with the eyes of the other , besides that god regards only such as serve him willingly . q. . but can there be any hurt in forcing refractory people to be present ●● religions orthodox assemblies , where , if they will , they may be informed of the truth ? an. yes : . because there can come no good thereof through want of willingnes , which god only regards , in him ▪ which i● thus compelled ; and . because this [ forcing ] is a doing evil that good may come thereof , which is prohibited , rom , . . finis . the true nature of a gospel church and its government ... by the late pious and learned minister of the gospel, john owen ... owen, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing o estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the true nature of a gospel church and its government ... by the late pious and learned minister of the gospel, john owen ... owen, john, - . [ ], p. printed for william marshall ..., london : . "the preface to the reader" signed: j.c. [i.e. isaac chauncey?]. errata: p. . advertisements: p. [ ]-[ ]. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. from t.p.) i. the subject matter of the church -- ii. the formal cause of a particular church -- iii. of the policy, rule or discipline of the church in general -- iv. the officers of the church -- v. the duty of pastors of churches -- vi. the office of teachers in the church -- vii. of the rule of the church, or of ruling elders -- viii. the nature of church polity or rule, with the duty of elders -- ix. of deacons -- x. of excommunication -- xi. of the communion of churches. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity. congregational churches -- discipline. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true nature of a gospel church and its government : wherein these following particulars are distinctly handled . i. the subject matter of the church . ii. the formal cause of a particular church . iii. of the polity , rule or discipline of the church in general . iv. the officers of the church . v. the duty of pastors of churches . vi. the office of teachers in the church . vii . of the rule of the church , or of ruling elders . viii . the nature of church polity or rule , with the duty of elders . ix . of deacons . x. of excommunication . xi . of the communion of churches . the publishing whereof was mentioned by the author in his answer to the vnreasonableness of separation . by the late pious and learned minister of the gospel , john owen , . d. d. licensed , june . . london , printed for william marshall , at the bible in newgate street , mdclxxxix . the preface to the reader . the church of christ , according as it is represented unto us , or described by the holy spirit of god , in the old and new testament , hath but a twofold consideration , as catholick and mystical ; or as visible and organized in particular congregations . the catholick church is the whole mystical body of christ , consisting of all the elect which are purchased and redeemed by his blood , whether already called or uncalled , militant or triumphant ; and this is the church that god gave him to be head unto , which is his body and his fullness , and by union with him christ mystical , ephes. . , . and this is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the only word most fully expressing the catholick church , used in scripture ) the church of the first-born , whose names are written in heaven , heb. . . i. e. in the lamb's book of life , and shall all appear one day gathered together to their head , in the perfection and fullness of the new jerusalem-state ; where they will make a glorious church , not having spot or wrincle or any such thing ; but holy and without blemish . the day of grace which the saints have passed in the respective ages of the church was but the days of its espousals , wherein the bride hath made her self ready ; but then will be her full married state unto christ , then will be the perfection not only of every particular member of christ , but of the whole body of christ , called a perfect man , and the measure of the stature of the fullness of christ , to which we are called , edifying and building up , by the ministry and ordinances of christ , whilst we are in via , in our passage unto this country , a city with a more durable fixed foundation which we seek . in order therefore unto the compleating this great and mystical body , christ hath his particular visible churches and assemblies in this world , wherein he hath ordained ordinances , and appointed officers , for the glorious forementioned ends and purposes . there is no other sort of visible church of christ organized , the subject of the aforesaid institutions spoken of , but a particular church or congregation ( either in the old or new testament ) where all the members thereof do ordinarily meet together in one place to hold communion one with another , in some one or more great ordinances of christ. the first churches were oeconomick when the worship of god was solemnly performed in the large families of the antidiluvian and postdiluvian patriarchs , where , no doubt , all frequently assembled to the sacrifices as then offered , and other parts of worship then in use . after the descent of a numerous progeny from abraham's loins , god takes them to himself in one visible body , a national but congregational church , to which he forms them four hundred and thirty years after the promise in the wilderness ; and although all abraham's natural posterity , according to the external part of the promise made to him , were taken into visible church-fellowship , so that it became a national church ; yet it was such a national church always , in the wilderness , and in the holy land , as was congregational ; for it was but one congregation during the tabernacle , or temple-state , first or second ; they were always bound to assemble to the tabernacle , or temple , thrice at least every year ; hence the tabernacle was still called the tabernacle of the congregation . they were to have but one altar for burnt-offerings and sacrifices ; what others were at any time elsewhere called high-places , were condemned by god as sin. lastly , when christ had divorced this people , abolished their mosaical constitution , by breaking their staff of beauty and their staff of bonds , he erects his gospel church , calls in disciples by his ministry , forms them into a body , furnisheth them with officers and ordinances ; and after he had suffered , rose again , and continued here forty days ; in which time he frequently appeared to them , and acquainted them with his will , ascends unto his father , sends his spirit in a plentiful manner at pentecost , whereby most of them were furnished with all necessary miraculous gifts , to the promoting the glory and interest of christ among jews and gentiles . hence the whole evangelical ministry was first placed in the church of jerusalem ( so far as extraordinary , or such a part of it as was to descend to churches of after ages ) neither were they placed as abiding or standing officers in any other church as we find . in this church they acted as the elders thereof , and from this church they were , it 's very likely , solemnly sent by fasting and prayer to the exercise of their apostolick function , in preaching , healing and working miracles , gathering churches , and setling officers in them ; even so as barnabas and paul were sent forth by the church of antioch . their distinguishing apostolick office and charge ( from which the evangelist differed but little ) was to take care of all the churches , not to sit down as standing pastors to all , or any particular congregation , but at the first planting , to gather , to direct , and confirm them , in practice of their doctrine , fellowship , breaking bread , and in prayer . wherefore , this apostolick care committed to them proves nothing either of the catholick authority , claimed by an oecumenick pastor ; or that charge of many congregations , claimed by diocesan bishops . whence it 's most evident , that all church officers , so far as they had any pastoral or episcopal office , was given to a particular congregation , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we read of no pastors of many congregations , nor of no church made up of many congregations , to which officers were annexed , nor of any representative church , as some would have . that apostolick power did descend to successors we utterly deny , it being not derivable ; for none after them could say , they had been eye witnesses of our lord , before or after his resurrection ; none since so qualified by an extraordinary measure of the spirit for preaching and working miracles ; and none but the pope challenges such an extensive care for , and power over all churches . that which descends from them to the ordinary ministry , is a commission to preach and baptize ; and why not to head , it being always in the commission that christ gave , a pastoral relation , or presbytership which was included in their apostleship , and exercised toward the church of jerusalem . such presbyter-ship john and peter both had . hence there remains no other successors jure to the apostles , but ordinary pastors and teachers . these are relative officers , and are always in , and to some particular congregations ; we know of no catholick visible church that any pastors are ordained to . . the scripture speaks of no church as catholick visible . . the thing it self is but a chimaera of some men's brains ; it 's not in rerum naturâ ; for if a catholick visible church be all the churches that i see at a time , i am not capable of seeing much more than what can assemble in one place . and if it be meant of all the churches actually in being , how are they visible to me ? where can they be seen in one place ? i may as well call all the cities and corporations in the world the catholick visible city or corporation ; which all rational men would call nonsence . besides , if all organized churches could be got together , it 's not catholick in respect of saints militant , much less of triumphant ; for many are no church members that are christs members , and many visible members are no true members of christ jesus . where is any such church capable of communion in all ordinances in one place ? and the scripture speaks of no other organized visible church . again , to a catholick visible church constituted , should be a catholick visible pastor or pastors ; for as the church is , such is the pastor and officers ; to the mystical church christ is the mystical head and pastor ; he is called the chief bishop and shepherd of our souls , pet. . . hence the uncalled are his sheep , as john . . but to all visible churches christ hath appointed a visible pastor or pastors ; and where is the pastor of the catholick visible church ? he is not to be found , unless it please us to take him from rome . to say that all individual pastors are pastors to the catholick church , is either to say that they are invested with as much pastoral power and charge in one church as in another , and then they are indefinite pastors ; and therefore all pastors have mutual power in each others churches ; and so john may come into thomas his church , and exercise all parts of jurisdiction there , and thomas into john's ; or a minister to the catholick church hath an universal catholick power over the catholick church ; if so , the power and charge which every ordinary pastor hath , is apostolick . or , lastly , he is invested with an arbitrary power , at least , as to the taking up a particular charge where he pleaseth , with a non obstante to the suffrages of the people ; for if he hath an office whereby he is equally and indisputably related to all churches , it 's at his liberty , by virtue of this office , to take where he pleaseth . but every church-officer , under christ , is a visible relate , and the correlate must be such , whence the church must be visible to which he is an officer . it 's absurd to say a man is a visible husband to an invisible wife , the relate and correlate must be ejusdem naturae . it 's true , christ is related to the church as mystical head , but it 's in respect of the church in its mystical nature , for christ hath substituted no mystical officers in his church . there is a great deal of difference between the mystical and external visible church , though the latter is founded upon it , and for the sake of it . it 's founded upon it as taking its true spiritual original from it , deriving vital spirits from it by a mystical vnion to , and communion with christ and his members ; and it 's for the sake of it , all external visible assemblies , ministers , ordinances are for the sake of the mystical body of christ , for calling in the elect , and the edifying of them to that full measure of stature they are designed unto . but the different consideration lies in these things , . that the mystical church doth never fail , neither is diminished by any shocks of temptation or suffering , that in their visible profession any of them undergo , whereas visible churches are often broken , scattered , yea unchurched , and many members fail of the grace of god by final apostasy . likewise christ's mystical church is many times preserved in that state only , or mostly , when christ hath not a visible organized church according to institution to be found on the face of the earth , so it was with his church often under the old testament-dispensation , as in aegypt , in the days of the judges when the ark was carried away by the philistins , in the days of manasseh , and other wicked kings , and especially in babylon . in such times the faithful ones were preserved without the true sacrifices , the teaching priest , and the law. so hath it been in the days of the new testament , in divers places ; under the draconick heathen persecutions , and afterward in the wilderness-state of the church , under the anti-christian vsurpations , and false worship . which mystical state is the place prepared of god to hide the seed of the woman in , from the dragons rage , for the space of one thousand two hundred and sixty days . again , vnto this mystical church is only essentially necessary , a mystical vnion unto the lord jesus christ , by the gift of the father , acceptation , and covenant-undertaking of the son , the powerful and efficacious work of the spirit of the father , and the son , working true saving faith in the lord jesus christ , and sincere love to him and all his true members . whereby as they have a firm and unshaken vnion , so they have a spiritual communion , though without those desirable enjoyments of external church privileges , and means of grace , which they are providentially often hindred from . visible churches being but christ's tents and tabernacles , which he sometimes setteth up , and sometimes takes down and removes at his pleasure , as he sees best for his glory in the world. but of these he hath a special regard as to their foundadation , matter , constitution and order , he gives forth an exact pattern from mount zion , as of that typical tabernacle from mount sinai of old. the foundation part of a visible church is the credible profession of faith and holiness , wherein the lord jesus christ is the corner stone , eph. ij . . matth. xvi . . this profession is the foundation , but not the church it self . it 's not articles of faith , or profession of them in particular individual persons that make an organized visible church . we are the houshold of faith built upon the foundation , &c. . it 's men and women , not doctrine , that are the matter of a church ; and these professing the faith , and practising holiness . the members of churches are always called in the new testament saints , faithful , believers : they was such that were added to the churches ; neither is every believer so as such , but as a professing believer , for a man must appear to be fit matter of a visible church before he can challenge church privileges , or they can be allowed him . . it 's not many professing believers that make a particular church . for though they are fit matter for a church , yet they have not the form of a church , without a mutual agreement and combination ( explicite or at least , implicite ) whereby they become , by vertue of christs charter , a spiritual corporation , and are called a city , houshold , house , being united together by joints and bonds , not only by internal bonds of the spirit , but external ; the bonds of vnion must be visible as the house is , by profession . this is a society that christ hath given power to , to choose a pastor , and other officers of christ's institution , and enjoy all ordinances : the words sacrament and prayer as christ hath appointed . hence a visible church must needs be a separate congregation ; separation is a proper and inseparable adjunct thereof ; the apostle speaks of church membership , cor. vi . . be not unequally yoked together [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yoked with those of another kind , the plowing with an ox and ass together , being forbidden under the law ] with vnbelievers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. visible vnbelievers of any sort or kind ; for what participation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath righteousness with vnrighteousness ? what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , communion or fellowship hath light with darkness ? vers. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what harmony hath christ with belial , men of corrupt lives and conversation , or what part , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath a believer , i. e. a visible believer with an vnbeliever ? it ought not to be rendred infidel ; but it was done by our translaters , to put a blind upon this place , as to its true intention , and to countenance parish communion ; for why did they not here , vers. . and every where else render , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an infidel ? vers. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what consistency hath the temple of god ( i. e. the gospel church ) with idols ? &c. i take this place to be a full proof of what is before spoken , that a gospel church is a company of faithful professing people , walking together by mutual consent , or confederation to the lord jesus christ and one to another , in subjection to and practice of all his gospel-precepts and commands , whereby they are separate from all persons and things manifestly contrary or disagreeing thereunto . hence ▪ as it's separate from all such impurities that are without , so christ hath furnished it with sufficient power and means to keep it self pure ; and therefore hath provided ordinances and ministers for that end and purpose ; for the great end of church-edification cannot be obtained without purity be also maintained in doctrine and fellowship . purity cannot be maintained without order ; a disorderly society will corrupt within it self ; for by disorder it 's divided , by divisions the joints and bands are broken , not only of love and affection , but of visible conjunction ; so that roots of bitterness , and sensual separation arising , many are defiled . it 's true , there may be a kind of peace and agreement in a society that is a stranger to gospel-order , when men agree together , to walk according to a false rule , or in a supine and negligent observation of the true rule . there may be a common connivance at each one to walk as he list , but this is not order but disorder by consent : besides a church may , for the most part , walk in order , when there is breaches and divisions . some do agree to walk according to the rule , when others will deviate from it . it 's orderly to endeavour to reduce those that walk not orderly ; though such just vndertakings seem sometimes grounds of disturbance , and causes of convulsion in the whole body , threatning even its breaking in pieces ; but yet this must be done to preserve the whole . the word translated order , colos. ij . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a military word ; it 's the order of souldiers in a band , keeping rank and file , where every one keeps his place , follows his leader , observes the word of command , and his right-hand man. hence the apostle joys to see their close order , and stedfastness in the faith , their firmness , valour , and resolution in fighting the good fight of faith , and the order in so doing ; not only in watching as single professors , but in marching orderly together as an army with banners . there is nothing more comly than a church walking in order when every one keeps his place , knows and practiseth his duty according to the rule , each submitting to the other in the performance of duty . when the elders know their places , and the people theirs . christ hath been more faithful than moses , and therefore hath not left his churches without sufficient rules to walk by . that order may be in a church of christ , the rules of the gospel must be known , and that by officers and people . they that are altogether ignorant of the rule , or negligent in attending it , or doubtful , and therefore always contending about it , will never walk according to it . hence it 's the great duty of ministers to study order well , and acquaint the people with it . it 's greatly to be bewailed , that so few divines bend their studies that way . they content themselves only with studying and preaching the truths that concern faith in the lord jesus , and the meer moral part of holiness ; but as to gospel-churches or instituted worship , they generally in their doctrine and practice let it alone , and administer sacraments as indefinitely as they preach ; care not to stand related to one people more than another , any further than maintained by them . likewise many good people are as great strangers to gospel churches and order , and as their ministers have a great adversness to both , and look upon it as schism and faction ; and this is the great reason of the readiness of both to comply with rules of men for making churches , canons established by humane laws , being carried away ( if they would speak the truth ) by corrupt erastian principles , that christ hath left the church to be altogether guided and governed by laws of magistratick sanction . reformation from the gross idolatrous part of antichristianism was engaged in with some heroick courage and resolution , but the coldness and indifference of protestants to any further progress , almost ever since is not a little to be lamented . many think it enough that the foundation of the house is laid in purity of doctrine , ( and it 's well if that were not rather written in the books than preached in pulpits at this day ) but how little do they care to set their hands to building the house . sure a great matter is from that spiritual sloathfulness that many are fallen under , as likewise being ready to sink under the great discouragements laid before them by the adversaries of judah , when they find the children of the spiritual captivity are about to build a gospel church unto the lord. and how long hath this great work ceased ? and will the lord's ministers and people yet say , the time is not come , the time that the lord's house should be built ? is it time to build our own houses , and not the house of the lord ? surely it 's time to build , for we understand by books the number of years whereof the word of the lord came to daniel the prophet , and to john the beloved disciple and new testament prophet , that he would accomplish . years in the desolation of our jerusalem , and the court which is without the temple , viz. the generality of visible professors , and the external part of worship , which hath been so long trod down by gentilism ; wherefore consider your ways , go up to the mountain , and bring wood , build the house , saith the lord , and i will take pleasure in it , ( hag. i. . ) and i will be glorified . men , it may be , have thought they have got , or , at least , saved by not troubling themselves with the care , charge , and trouble of gathering churches , and walking in gospel order ; but god saith , ye looked for much and lo it came to little , and when ye brought it home i did blow upon it . why , saith the lord , because of my house that is waste , and ye run every man to his own house . i doubt not but the time is nigh at hand that the gospel-temple must be built with greater splendor and glory than ever soloman's or zerubbabel's was ; and though it seems to be a great mountain of difficulties , yet it shall become a plain before him that is exalted far above all principalities and powers , and as he hath laid the foundation thereof in the oppressed state of his people , so his hands shall finish it , and bring forth the head-stone thereof with shouting in the new jerusalem-state , crying , now grace , grace , but then glory , glory to it . this hastening glory we should endeavour to meet , and fetch in by earnest prayers and faithful endeavours , to promote the great work of our day . the pattern is of late years given forth with much clearness , by models , such as god hath set up in this latter age in the wilderness , and sheltered by cloud and smoke by day , and the shining of a flaming fire by night ; for upon all its glory hath been a defence , yea , and it hath been a tabernacle for a shadow in the day time from the heat , and for a place of refuge and covert from the storm and from the rain . neither have we been left to act by the examples or traditions of men , we have had a full manifestation of the revealed mind and will of christ , with the greatest evidence and conviction ; god having in these latter times raised up many most eminent instruments for direction and encouragement unto his people , which he furnished accordingly with great qualifications to this end and purpose , that the true original , nature , institution and order of evangelical churches might be known , distinguished , prized and adhered to , by all that know the name of christ , and would be followers of him as his disciples , in obedience to all his revealed mind and will. amongst which faithful and renowned servants of christ , the late author of this most useful and practical treatise , hath approved himself to be one of the chief . i need say nothing of his stedfast piety , universal learning , indefatigable labours in incessant vindication of the doctrines of the gospel ( of greatest weight ) against all opposition made thereto , by men of corrupt minds . his surviving works will always be bespeaking his honourable remembrance , amongst all impartial lovers of the truth . they that were acquainted with him , knew how much the state and standing of the churches of christ , under the late sufferings and strugglings for reformation , was laid to heart by him . and therefore how he put forth his utmost strength to assist , aid , comfort and support the sinking spirits of the poor saints and people of god , even wearied out with long and repeated persecutions . it is to be observed , that this ensuing treatise was occasioned by one of the last and most vigorous assaults made upon separate and congregational-churches , by a pen dipt in the gall of that persecuting spirit , under which god's people groaned throughout this land. he then wrote an elaborate account of evangelical churches , their original , institution , &c. with a vindication of them from the charges laid in against them , by the author of the unreasonableness of separation ▪ this he lived to print , and promised to handle the subject more particularly , which is here performed . he lived to finish it under his great bodily infirmities ; whereby he saw himself hastening to the end of his race ; yet so great was his love to christ , that whilst he had life and breath he drew not back his hand from his service . this work he finished ( with others ) through the gracious support and assistance of divine power , and corrected the copy before his departure . so that , reader , thou maist be assured , that what thou hast here , was his , ( errata's of the press only excepted ) and likewise that it ought to be esteemed as his legacy to the church of christ , being a great part of his dying labours ; and therefore it 's most uncharitable to suppose , that the things here wrote , were penned with any other design , than to advance the glory and interest of christ in the world ; and that they were not matters of great weight on his own spirit . and upon the perusal that i have had of these papers , i cannot but recommend them to all diligent enquirers after the true nature , way , order and practice of evangelical churches , as a true and faithful account , according to what vnderstanding the professors thereof , for the most part have had and practised . who ever is otherwise minded , he hath the liberty of his own light and conscience . lastly , whereas many serious professors of the faith of the lord jesus ( it may be ) well grounded in the main saving truths of the gospel , are yet much to seek of these necessary truths , for want of good information therein , and therefore walk not up to all the revealed mind of christ , as they sincerely desire . let such , with unprejudiced minds , read , and consider what is here offered to them , and receive nothing upon humane authority ; follow no man in judgment or practice any further than he is a follower of christ. and this is all the request of him that is a lover of all them that love the lord jesus christ. j. c. there is lately published , by the same author , a treatise of the dominion of sin and grace . wherein sin 's reign is discovered , in whom it is , and in whom it is not : how the law supports it , and how grace delivers from it , by setting up its dominion in the heart . price bound s. the author also ushered into the world , by his preface , another very useful book , entituled , the best treasure : or , the way to be truly rich. being a discourse on ephes. iij. . wherein is opened and commended to saints and sinners , the personal and purchased riches of christ , as the best treasure to be preserved and ensured by all that would be happy here and hereafter . by bartholomew ashwood , late minister of the gospel . price bound s . d . another book of the same authors , entituled , the heavenly trade ; or the best merchandize , the only way to live well in impoverishing times . a discourse occasioned from the decay of earthly trades , and visible waste of practical piety , in the day we live in . offering arguments and counsels to all , towards a speedy revival of dying godliness ; and timely prevention of the dangerous issues thereof hanging over us . very necessary for all families . price s. d. some other books printed for and sold by william marshal . caryl's exposition on the whole book of job . in two volumes in folio . pool's synopsis criticorum . in v. volumes . latin. — 's synopsis on the new testament . in two large volumes , in latin , with the index , are to be sold very cheap . in quires both volumes for s , and both vol. well bound for s. pool's annotations in english. two volumes . index's to the old and new testament to be sold alone . price s. dr. owen on the hebrews . in four volumes . owen on the spirit . clark's martyrology . mellificium chirurgiae , or the marrow of chirurgery . an anatomical treatise . institutions of physick , with hippocrates's aphorisms largely commented upon . the marrow of physick , shewing the causes , signs and cures of most diseases incident to humane bodies . choice experienced receipts for the cure of several distempers . the fourth edition , enlarged withm any additions , and purged from many faults that escaped in the former impressions . illustrated with twelve copper cuts . by james cooke of warwick , practitioner in physick and chirurgery . there is also a very useful book of the same authors , for those that are desirous of being their own physicians , entituled , select observations of english bodies , of eminent persons , in desperate diseases . to which is now added an hundred rich counsels and advices for several honourable persons . with all the several medicines and methods by which the several cures were effected . with directions about drinking the bath water . price bound s. d. clarkson's primitive episcopacy . octavo . price bound , s. d. owen of justification . — 's brief and impartial account of the nature of the protestant religion . the true nature of a gospel church and its government . chap. i. the subject matter of the church . the church may be considered either as unto its essence , constitution and being ; or as unto its power and order , when it is organized . as unto its essence and being , its constituent parts are its matter and form. these we must enquire into . by the matter of the church , we understand the persons whereof the church doth consist , with their qualifications : and by its form , the reason , cause and way of that kind of relation among them , which gives them the being of a church , and therewithal an interest in all that belongs unto a church , either privilege , or power , as such . our first enquiry being concerning what sort of persons our lord jesus christ requireth and admitteth to be the visible subjects of his kingdom , we are to be regulated in our determination by respect unto his honour , glory , and the holiness of his rule . to reckon such persons to be subjects of christ , members of his body , such as he requires and owns , ( for others are not so ) who would not be tolerated , at least not approved , in a well governed kingdom or commonwealth of the world , is highly dishonourable unto him . but it is so come to pass ; that let men be never so notoriously and flagitiously wicked , until they become pests of the earth , yet are they esteemed to belong to the church of christ. and not only so , but it is thought little less than schism to forbid them the communion of the church in all its sacred privileges . howbeit , the scripture doth in general represent the kingdom or church of christ , to consist of persons called saints , separated from the world , with many other things of an alike nature , as we shall see immediately . and if the honour of christ were of such weight with us as it ought to be ; if we understood aright the nature and ends of his kingdom , and that the peculiar glory of it , above all the kingdoms in the world , consists in the holiness of its subjects , such an holiness as the world in its wisdom knoweth not , we would duly consider whom we avow to belong thereunto . those who know ought of these things , will not profess that persons openly profane , vicious , sensual , wicked and ignorant , are approved and owned of christ as the subjects of his kingdom , or that it is his will that we should receive them into the communion of the church . but an old opinion of the unlawfulness of separation from a church , on the account of the mixture of wicked men in it , is made a scare-crow to frighten men from attempting the reformation of the greatest evils , and a covert for the composing churches of such members only . some things therefore are to be premised unto what shall be offered unto the right stating of this enquiry : as , . that if there be no more required of any as unto personal qualifications in a visible uncontroulable profession , to constitute them subjects of christs kingdom , and members of his church , but what is required by the most righteous and severe laws of men to constitute a good subject or citizen , the distinction between his visible kingdom and the kingdoms of the world , as unto the principal causes of it , is utterly lost . now all negative qualifications , as that men are not oppressors , drunkards , revilers , swearers , adulterers , &c. are required hereunto . but yet it is so fallen out , that generally more is required to constitute such a citizen as shall represent the righteous laws he liveth under , than to constitute a member of the church of christ. . that whereas regeneration is expresly required in the gospel , to give a right and privilege unto an entrance into the church or kingdom of christ , whereby that kingdom of his is distinguished from all other kingdoms in and of the world , unto an interest wherein never any such thing was required ; it must of necessity be something better , more excellent and sublime than any thing the laws and polities of men pretend unto or prescribe . wherefore it cannot consist in any outward rites , easie to be observed by the worst and vilest of men ; besides the scripture gives us a description of it , in opposition unto its consisting in any such rite , pet. . . and many things required unto good citizens , are far better than the meer observation of such a rite . of this regeneration baptism is the symbol , the sign , expression and representation . wherefore unto those who are in a due manner partakers of it , it giveth all the external rights and privileges which belong unto them that are regenerate , until they come unto such seasons , wherein the personal performance of those duties whereon the continuation of the estate of visible regeneration doth depend , is required of them . herein if they fail , they lose all privilege and benefit by their baptism . so speaks the apostle in the case of circumcision under the law , rom. . . for circumcision verily profiteth , if thou keep the law ; but if thou be a breaker of the law , thy circumcision is made uncircumcision . it is so in the case of baptism . verily it profiteth , if a man stand unto the terms of the covenant which is tendered therein between god and his soul ; for it will give him right unto all the outward privileges of a regenerate state ; but if he do not , as in the sight of god his baptism is no baptism , as unto the real communication of grace and acceptance with him ; so in the sight of the church , it is no baptism , as unto a participation of the external rights and privileges of a regenerate state. . god alone is judge concerning this regeneration , as unto its internal , real principle and state in the souls of men , whereon the participation of all the spiritual advantages of the covenant of grace doth depend : the church is judge of its evidences and fruits in their external demonstration , as unto a participation of the outward privileges of a regenerate state , and no farther . and we shall hereon briefly declare what belongs unto the forming of a right judgment herein , and who are to be esteemed fit members of any gospel church-state , or have a right so to be . . such as from whom we are obliged to withdraw or withhold communion , can be no part of the matter constitūent of a church , or are not meet members for the first constitution of it . but such are all habitual sinners ; those who having prevalent habits and inclinations unto sins of any kind unmortified , do walk according unto them . such are profane swearers , drunkards , fornicators , covetous , oppressors , and the like , who shall not inherit the kingdom of god. cor. . , , . phil. . , . thess. . . tim. . . as a man living and dying in any known sin , that is habitually , without repentance cannot be saved ; so a man known to live in sin , cannot regularly be received into any church . to compose churches of habitual sinners , and that either as unto sins of commission , or sins of omission , is not to erect temples of christ , but chapels unto the devil . . such as being in the fellowship of the church , are to be admonished of any scandalous sin , which if they repent not of , they are to be cast out of the church , are not meet members for the original constitution of a church . this is the state of them who abide obstinate in any known sin , whereby they have given offence unto others , without a professed repentance thereof , although they have not lived in it habitually . . they are to be such as visibly answer the description given of gospel churches in the scripture , so as the titles assigned therein unto the members of such churches , may on good grounds be appropriated unto them . to compose churches of such persons as do not visibly answer the character given of what they were of old , and what they were always to be by virtue of the law of christ or gospel-constitution , is not church edification but destruction . and those who look on the things spoken of all church members of old , as that they were saints by calling , lively stones in the house of god , justified and sanctified , separate from the world , &c. as those which were in them , and did indeed belong unto them , but even deride the necessity of the same things in present church members , or the application of them unto those who are so , are themselves no small part of that woful degeneracy which christian religion is fallen under . let it then be considered what is spoken of the church of the jews in their dedication unto god , as unto their typical holiness , with the application of it unto christian churches in real holiness , pet. . , . with the description given of them constantly in the scripture , as faithful , holy , believing , as the house of god , as his temple wherein he dwells by his spirit , as the body of christ united and compacted by the communication of the spirit unto them ; as also what is said concerning their ways , walkings and duties ; and it will be uncontrolably evident of what sort our church members ought to be ; nor are those of any other sort able to discharge the duties which are incumbent on all church members , nor to use the privileges they are intrusted withal . wherefore , i say , to suppose churches regularly to consist of such persons for the greater part of them , as no way answer the description given of church members in their original institution , nor capable to discharge the duties prescribed unto them , but giving evidence of habits and actions inconsistent therewithal , is not only to disturb all church order , but utterly to overthrow the ends and being of churches . nor is there any thing more scandalous unto christian religion , than what bellarmine affirms to be the judgment of the papists in opposition unto all others ; namely , that no internal vertue or grace is required unto the constitution of a church in its members . lib. . de eccles. cap. . . they must be such as do make an open profession of the subjection of their souls and consciences unto the authority of christ in the gospel , and their readiness to yield obedience unto all his commands . this i suppose will not be denied ; for not only doth the scripture make this profession necessary unto the participation of any benefit or privilege of the gospel ; but the nature of the things themselves requires indispensably that so it should be . for nothing can be more unreasonable than , that men should be taken into the privileges attending obedience unto the laws and commands of christ , without avowing or professing that obedience . wherefore , our enquiry is only what is required unto such a profession , as may render men meet to be members of a church , and give them a right thereunto . for to suppose such a confession of christian religion to be compliant with the gospel , which is made by many who openly live in sin , being disobedient , and unto every good work reprobate , is to renounce the gospel it self . christ is not the high-priest of such a profession . i shall therefore declare briefly what is necessary unto this profession , that all may know what it is which is required unto the entrance of any into our churches , wherein our practice hath been sufficiently traduced . . there is required unto it a competent knowledge of the doctrines and mystery of the gospel , especially concerning the person and offices of christ. the confession hereof , was the ground whereon he granted the keys of the kingdom of heaven , or all church power unto believers , matth. . , , . the first instruction which he gave unto his apostles , was , that they should teach men by the preaching of the gospel , in the knowledge of the truth revealed by him . the knowledge required in the members of the judaical church , that they might be translated into the christian , was principally , if not solely , that of his person , and the acknowledgment of him to be the true messiah , the son of god. for as on their unbelief thereof their eternal ruine did depend , as he told them , if you believe not that i am he , you shall die in your sins ; so the confession of him was sufficient on their part unto their admission into the gospel church state. and the reasons of it are apparent . with others , an instruction in all the mysteries of religion , especially in those that are fundamental , is necessary unto the profession we enquire after . so justin martyr tells us what pains they took in those primitive times , to instruct those in the mysteries of religion , who upon a general conviction of its truth , were willing to adhere unto the profession of it . and what was their judgment herein , is sufficiently known , from the keeping a multitude in the state of catechumens , before they would admit them into the fellowship of the church . they are not therefore to be blamed , they do but discharge their duty , who refuse to receive into church-communion such as are ignorant of the fundamental doctrines and mysteries of the gospel ; or if they have learned any thing of them from a form of words , yet really understand nothing of them . the promiscuous driving of all sorts of persons who have been baptized in their infancy , unto a participation of all church privileges , is a profanation of the holy institutions of christ. this knowledge therefore belonging unto profession is it self to be professed . . there is required unto it a professed subjection of soul and conscience unto the authority of christ in the church . this in general is performed by all that are baptized when they are adult , as being by their own actual consent baptized in the name of christ. and it is required of all them who are baptized in their infancy , when they are able with faith and understanding to profess their consent unto , and abiding in that covenant whereinto they were initiated . . an instruction in , and consent unto the doctrine of self-denial and bearing of the cross , in a particular manner : for this is made indispensably necessary by our saviour himself , unto all that will be his disciples . and it hath been a great disadvantage unto the glory of christian religion , that men have not been more and better instructed therein . it is commonly thought , that who ever will , may be a christian at an easie rate , it will cost him nothing . but the gospel gives us another account of these things . for it not only warns us , that reproaches , hatred , sufferings of all sorts , oft-times to death it self , are the common lot of all its professors , who will live godly in christ jesus ; but also requires , that at our initiation into the profession of it , we consider aright the dread of them all , and engage cheerfully to undergo them . hence , in the primitive times , whilst all sorts of miseries were continually presented unto them who embraced the christian religion , their willing engagement to undergo them , who were converted , was a firm evidence of the sincerity of their faith , as it ought to be unto us also in times of difficulty and persecution . some may suppose that the faith and confession of this doctrine of self-denial and readiness for the cross , is of use only in time of persecution , and so doth not belong unto them who have continually the countenance and favour of publick authority . i say , it is , at least as they judge , well for them ; with others it is not so , whose outward state makes the publick avowing of this duty indispensably necessary unto them : and i may add it as my own thoughts , ( though they are not my own alone ) that notwithstanding all the countenance that is given unto any church by the publick magistracy , yet whilst we are in this world , those who will faithfully discharge their duty , as ministers of the gospel especially , shall have need to be prepared for sufferings . to escape sufferings , and enjoy worldly advantages by sinful compliances , or bearing with men in their sins , is no gospel direction . . conviction and confession of sin , with the way of deliverance by jesus christ , is that answer of a good conscience , that is required in the baptism of them that are adult . pet. . . unto this profession is required the constant performance of all known duties of religion , both of piety in the publick and private worship of god , as also of charity with respect unto others . shew me thy faith by thy works . . a careful abstinence from all known sins , giving scandal or offence , either unto the world , or unto the church of god. and the gospel requires , that this confession be made ( with the mouth confession is made unto salvation ) against ( . ) fear , ( . ) shame , ( . ) the course of the world , ( . ) the opposition of all enemies whatever . hence it appears , that there are none excluded from an entrance into the church state , but such as are either , ( . ) grosly ignorant , or , ( . ) persecutors , or reproachers of those that are good , or of the ways of god wherein they walk ; or , ( . ) idolaters ; or , ( . ) men scandalous in their lives in the commission of sins , or omission of duties , through vitious habits or inclinations ; or , ( . ) such as would partake of gospel-privileges and ordinances , yet openly avow that they will not submit unto the law and commands of christ in the gospel , concerning whom , and the like , the scripture rule is peremptory ; from such turn away . and herein we are remote from exceeding the example and care of the primitive churches . yea , there are but few , if any , that arrive unto it . their endeavour was to preach unto all they could , and rejoiced in the multitudes that came to hear the word . but if any did essay to join themselves unto the church , their diligence in their examination and instruction , their severe enquiries into their conversation , their disposing of them for a long time into a state of expectation for their trial , before their admittance , were remarkable . and some of the ancients complain , that their promiscuous admittance of all sorts of persons that would profess the christian religion , into church membership , which took place afterwards , ruined all the beauty , order and discipline of the church . the things ascribed unto those who are to be esteemed the proper subject matter of a visible church , are such as in the judgment of charity entitle them unto all the appellations of saints ; called , sanctified , that is visibly and by profession , which are given unto the members of all the churches in the new testament , and which must be answered in those who are admitted into that privilege , if we do not wholly neglect our only patterns . by these things , although they should any of them not be real living members of the mystical body of christ , unto whom he is an head of spiritual and vital influence ; yet are they meet members of that body of christ unto which he is an head of rule and government ; as also meet to be esteemed subjects of his kingdom . and none are excluded but such , as concerning whom rules are given , either to withdraw from them , or to cast them out of church society , or are expresly excluded by god himself from any share in the privileges of his covenant , psal. . , . divines , of all sorts , do dispute from the scripture and the testimonies of the ancients , that hypocrites , and persons unregenerate may be true members of visible churches . and it is a matter very easie to be proved ; nor do i know any by whom it is denied . but the only question is , that whereas undoubtedly , profession is necessary unto all church communion ; whether , if men do profess themselves hypocrites in state , and unregenerate in mind , that profession do sufficiently qualify them for church communion . and whereas there is a double profession , one by words , the other by works , as the apostle declares , tit. . . whether the latter be not as interpretative of the mind and state of men as the former ; other contest we have with none , in this matter . belarmine de eccles. lib. . cap. . gives an account out of augustine , and that truly , from brevec . collat. col. . of the state of the church . it doth , saith he , consist of a soul and body . the soul is the internal graces of the spirit ; the body is the profession of them , with the sacraments . all true believers making profession , belong to the soul and body of the church . some , ( as believing catechumens ) belong to the soul , but not to the body : others are of the body , but not of the soul ; namely , such as have no internal grace or true faith ; and they are like the hair or the nails , or evil humours in the body . and thereunto adds , that his definition of the church comprizeth this last sort only ; which is all one , as if we should define a man to be a thing constituted and made up of hair , nails , and ill humours ; and let others take heed that they have not such churches . there is nothing more certain in matter of fact , than that evangelical churches at their first constitution , were made up , and did consist of such members as we have described , and no other . nor is there one word in the whole scripture intimating any concession or permission of christ , to receive into his church those who are not so qualified . others have nothing to plead for themselves but possession ; which being malae fidei , ill obtained , and ill continued , will afford them no real advantage , when the time of trial shall come . wherefore , it is certain that such they ought to be . no man , as i suppose , is come unto that profligate sense of spiritual things , as to deny , that the members of the church ought to be visibly holy. for if so , they may affirm , that all the promises and privileges made and granted to the church , do belong unto them who visibly live and die in their sins ; which is to overthrow the gospel . and if they ought so to be , and were so at first , when they are not so , openly and visibly , there is a declension from the original constitution of churches , and a sinful deviation in them from the rule of christ. this original constitution of churches , with respect unto their members , was for the substance of it , as we observed , preferred in the primitive times , whilst persecution from without , was continued , and discipline preserved within . i have in part declared before , what great care and circumspection the church then used in the admission of any into their fellowship and order , and what trial they were to undergo , before they were received ; and it is known also , with what severe discipline they watched over the faith , walking , conversation and manners of all their members . indeed , such was their care and diligence herein , that there is scarce left in some churches , at present , the least resemblance or appearance of what was their state and manner of rule . wherefore , some think it meet to ascend no higher in the imitation of the primitive churches , than the times of the christian emperours , when all things began to rush into the fatal apostasie , which i shall here speak a little farther unto : for , upon the roman emperours embracing christian religion , whereby not only outward peace and tranquility was secured unto the church , but the profession of christian religion was countenanced , encouraged , honoured and rewarded ; the rule , care and diligence of the churches about the admission of members , were in a great measure relinquished and forsaken . the rulers of the church began to think , that the glory of it consisted in its numbers ; finding both their own power , veneration and revenue encreased thereby . in a short time , the inhabitants of whole cities and provinces , upon a bare outward profession , were admitted into churches . and then began the outward court , that is , all that which belongs unto the outward worship and order of the church , to be trampled on by the gentiles , not kept any more to the measure of scripture rule , which thenceforth was applied only to the temple of god and them that worshipped therein : for this corruption of the church , as to the matter of it , was the occasion and means of introducing all that corruption in doctrine , worship , order and rule which ensued , and ended in the great apostacy . for whatever belonged unto any of these things , especially these that consist in practice , were accommodated unto the state of the members of the churches : and such they were as stood in need of superstitious rites to be mixed with their worship , as not understanding the power and glory of that which is spiritual ; such as no interest in church order could be committed unto , seeing they were not qualified to bear any share in it ; such as stood in need of a rule over them , with grandeur and power , like unto that among the gentiles . wherefore , the accommodation of all church concerns , unto the state and condition of such corrupt members as churches were filled with , and at length made up of , proved the ruine of the church in all its order and beauty . but so it fell out , that in the protestant reformation of the church , very little regard was had thereunto . those great and worthy persons who were called unto that work , did set themselves principally , yea , solely for the most part , against the false doctrine and idolatrous worship of the church of rome ; as judging , that if they were removed and taken away , the people by the efficacy of truth and order of worship , would be retrived from the evil of their ways , and primitive holiness be again reduced among them . for they thought it was the doctrine and worship of that church , which had filled the people with darkness and corrupted their conversations . nor did they absolutely judge amiss therein : for although they were themselves at first introduced in compliance with the ignorance and wickedness of the people , yet they were suited to promote them , as well as to countenance them ; which they did effectually . hence it came to pass , that the reformation of the church as unto the matter of it , or the purity and holiness of its members , was not in the least attempted , until calvin set up his discipline at geneva , which hath filled the world with clamours against him from that day to this . in most other places , churches , in the matter of them , continued the same as they were in the papacy , and in many places as bad in their lives as when they were papists . but this method was designed in the holy , wise providence of god , for the good and advantage of the church , in a progressive reformation , as it had made a gradual progress into its decay . for had the reformers in the first place , set themselves to remove out of the church such as were unmeet for its communion , or to have gathered out of them such as were meet members of the church according to its original institution ; it would through the paucity of the number of those who could have complied with the design , have greatly obstructed , if not utterly defeated their endeavour for the reformation of doctrine and worship . this was that in the preaching of the gospel and the profession of it , which god hath since made effectual , in these nations especially , and in other places , to turn multitudes from darkness to light , and from the power of satan unto himself , translating them into the kingdom of his dear son. hereby ▪ way is made for a necessary addition unto the work of reformation , if not to the closing of it , which could not at first be attained unto , nor well attempted ; namely the reduction of churches , as unto their matter , or the members of them unto their primitive institution . the sum of what is designed in this discourse , is this only . we desire no more to constitute church members , and we can desire no less , than what in judgment of charity may comply with the vnion that is between christ the head and the church ; cor. . . eph. . . cor. . , . cor. . , . thess. . , , &c. that may in the same judgment answer the way of the beginning and increase of the church according unto the will of god , who adds unto the church such as shall be saved , act. . . the rule of our receiving of them , being because he hath received them , rom. . , . that may answer that profession of faith which was the foundation of the church , which was not what flesh and blood , but what god himself revealed , matth. . . and not such as have a form of godliness but deny the power thereof , tim. . . we acknowledge that many church members are not what they ought to be , but that many hypocrites may be among them ; that the judgment which is passed on the confession and profession of them that are to be admitted into churches , is charitative , proceeding on evidence of moral probability , not determining the reality of the things themselves ; that there are sundry measures of light , knowledge , experience , and abilities and readiness of mind in those that are to be admitted , all whose circumstances are duly to be considered , with indulgence unto their weaknesses : and if the scripture will allow us any further latitude , we are ready to embrace it . our present enquiry yet remaining on these considerations , is , what is our duty in point of communion with such churches as are made up or composed of members visibly unholy ; or such as comply not with the qualifications that are by the rules of the gospel indispensably required , to give unto any a regular entrance into the church , with a participation of its privileges . for it is in vain to expect , that such churches will reform themselves , by any act , duty or power of their own ; seeing the generality of them are justly supposed averse from , and enemies unto any such work. i answer therefore , . it must be remembred , that communion with particular churches is to be regulated absolutely by edification . no man is or can be obliged to abide in or confine himself unto the communion of any particular church , any longer , than it is for his edification . and this liberty is allowed unto all persons by the church of england . for , allow a man to be born in such a parish , to be baptized in it , and there educated ; yet , if at any time he judge that the ministry of the parish is not useful unto his edification , he may withdraw from all communion in that parish , by the removal of his habitation , it may be to the next door . wherefore , . if the corruption of a church , as to the matter of it , be such as that , . it is inconsistent with , and overthroweth all that communion that ought to be among the members of the same church , in love without dissimulation , whereof we shall treat afterwards . . if the scandals and offences which must of necessity abound in such churches , be really obstructive of edification . . if the ways and walking of the generality of their members , be dishonourable unto the gospel , and the profession of it , giving no representation of the holiness of christ or his doctrine . . if such churches do not , can not , will not reform themselves : then , it is the duty of every man who takes care of his own present edification , and the future salvation of his soul , peaceably to withdraw from the communion of such churches , and to join in such others , where all the ends of church societies may in some measure be obtained . men may not only do so , because all obligation unto the use of means for the attaining of such an end , doth cease , when the means are not suited thereunto , but obstructive of its attainment ; but also the giving of a testimony hereby against the declension from the rule of christ in the institution of churches , and the dishonour that by this means is reflected on the gospel , is necessary unto all that desire to acquit themselves as loyal subjects unto their lord and king. and it cannot be questioned by any , who understand the nature , use and end of evangelical churches , but that a relinquishment of the rule of the gospel in any of them , as unto the practice of holiness , is as just a cause of withdrawing communion from them , as their forsaking the same rule in doctrine and worship . it may be some will judge that sundry inconveniences will ensue on this assertion , when any have a mind to practise according unto it . but when the matter of fact supposed , is such as is capable of an uncontrollable evidence , no inconvenience can ensue on the practice directed unto , any way to be compared unto the mischief of obliging believers to abide always in such societies , to the ruine of their souls . two things may be yet enquired into , that relate unto this part of the state of evangelical churches : as , . whether a church may not , ought not , to take under its conduct , inspection and rule , such as are not yet meet to be received into full communion ; such as are the children and servants of those who are compleat members of the church . answ. no doubt the church in its officers , may and ought so to do ; and it is a great evil when it is neglected . for , ( . ) they are to take care of parents and masters as such , and as unto the discharge of their duty in their families ; which , without an inspection into the condition of their children and servants , they cannot do . ( . ) housholds were constantly reckoned unto the church , when the heads of the families were entred into covenant , luk. . . act. . . rom. . , . cor. . . tim. . . ( . ) children to belong unto , and have an interest in their parents covenant ; not only in the promise of it , which gives them right unto baptism ; but in the profession of it in the church covenant , which gives them a right unto all the privileges of the church , whereof they are capable , until they voluntarily relinquish their claim unto them . ( . ) baptizing the children of church members , giving them thereby an admission into the visible catholick church , puts an obligation on the officers of the church , to take care , what in them lieth , that they may be kept and preserved meet members of it , by a due watch over them , and instruction of them . ( . ) though neither the church nor its privileges be continued and preserved as of old , by carnal generation ; yet , because of the nature of the dispensation of gods covenant , wherein he hath promised to be a god unto believers and their seed ; the advantage of the means of a gracious education in such families , and of conversion and edification in the ministry of the church , ordinarily the continuation of the church , is to depend on the addition of members out of the families already incorporated in it . the church is not to be like the kingdom of the mamalukes , wherein there was no regard unto natural successors ; but it was continually made up of strangers and foreigners incorporated into it : nor like the beginning of the roman common-weal , which consisting of men only , was like to have been the matter of one age alone . the duty of the church towards this sort of persons , consists , ( . ) in prayer for them . ( . ) catechetical instruction of them , according unto their capacities . ( . ) advice to their parents concerning them . ( . ) visiting of them in the families whereunto they do belong . ( . ) encouragement of them , or admonition according as there is occasion . ( . ) direction for a due preparation unto the joining themselves unto the church , in full communion . ( . ) exclusion of them from a claim unto the participation of the especial privileges of the church , where they render themselves visibly unmeet for them , and unworthy of them . the neglect of this duty brings unconceivable prejudice unto churches , and if continued in , will prove their ruine . for they are not to be preserved , propagated and continued , at the easie rate of a constant supply by the carnal baptized posterity of those who do at any time justly or unjustly belong unto them : but they are to prepare a meet supply of members , by all the spiritual means whose administration they are intrusted withal . and besides , one end of churches , is , to preserve the covenant of god in the families once graciously taken thereinto . the neglect therefore herein , is carefully to be watched against . and it doth arise , ( . ) from an ignorance of the duty , in most that are concerned in it . ( . ) from the paucity of officers in most churches , both teaching and ruling , who are to attend unto it . ( . ) the want of a teacher or catechist in every church , who should attend only unto the instruction of this sort of persons . ( . ) want of a sense of their duty in parents and masters . ( . ) in not valuing aright the great privilege of having their children and servants under the inspection , care and blessing of the church . ( . ) in not instilling into them a sense of it , with the duties that are expected from them , on the account of their relation unto the church . ( . ) in not bringing them duly unto the church assemblies . ( . ) in not preparing and disposing them unto an actual entrance into full communion with the church . ( . ) in not advising with the elders of the church about them . and , ( . ) especially by an indulgence unto that loose and careless kind of education in conformity unto the world , which generally prevails . hence it is , that most of them on various accounts and occasions , drop off here and there from the communion of the church , and all relation thereunto , without the least respect unto them , or enquiry after them ; churches being supplied by such as are occasionally converted in them . where churches are compleat in the kind and number of their officers , sufficient to attend unto all the duties and occasions of them ; where whole families , in the conjunction of the heads of them unto the church , are dedicated unto god , according unto the several capacities of those whereof they do consist ; where the design of the church is to provide for its own successive continuation in the preservation of the interest of gods covenant in the families taken thereinto ; where parents esteem themselves accountable unto god and the church , as unto the relation of their children thereunto , there is provision for church order , usefulness and beauty , beyond what is usually to be observed . . the especial duty of the church in admission of members in the time of great persecution , may be a little enquired into . and , ( . ) it is evident , that in the apostolical and primitive times , the churches were exceeding careful not to admit into their society , such as by whom they might be betrayed unto the rage of their persecuting adversaries . yet , notwithstanding all their care , they could seldom avoid it ; but that when persecution grew severe , some or other would fall from them , either out of fear , with the power of temptation , or by a discovery of their latent hypocrisie and unbelief , unto their great trial and distress . however , they were not so scrupulous herein , with respect unto their own safety , as to exclude such as gave a tolerable account of their sincerity ; but in the discharge of their duty , committed themselves unto the care of jesus christ. and this is the rule whereby we ought to walk on such occasions . wherefore , ( . ) on supposition of the establishment of idolatry , and persecution , there or in any place , as it was of old , under , first the pagan , and afterwards the antichristian tyranny ; the church is obliged to receive into its care and communion all such as , ( . ) flee from idols , and are ready to confirm their testimony against them with suffering . ( . ) make profession of the truth of the gospel of the doctrine of christ , especially as unto his person and offices ; are , ( . ) free from scandalous sins ; and , ( . ) are willing to give up themselves unto the rule of christ in the church , and a subjection unto all his ordinances and institutions therein . for in such a season , these things are so full an indication of sincerity , as that in the judgment of charity , they render men meet to be members of the visible church . and if any of this sort of persons , through the severity of the church in their non admission of them , should be cast on a conjunction in superstitious and idolatrous worship , or be otherwise exposed unto temptations and discouragements prejudicial unto their souls , i know not how such a church can answer the refusal of them unto the great and universal pastor of the whole flock . chap. ii. of the formal cause of a particular church . the way or means whereby such persons as are described in the foregoing chapter , may become a church , or enter into a church-state , is by mutual confederation , or solemn agreement for the performance of all the duties which the lord christ hath prescribed unto his disciples in such churches , and in order to the exercise of the power wherewith they are intrusted , according unto the rule of the word . for the most part , the churches that are in the world at present , know not how they came so to be , continuing only in that state which they have received by tradition from their fathers . few there are , who think that any act or duty of their own , is required to enstate them in church order and relation . and it is acknowledged , that there is a difference between the continuation of a church , and its first erection . yet , that that continuation may be regular , it is required that its first congregating ( for the church is a congregation ) was so ; as also , that the force and efficacy of it be still continued . wherefore , the causes of that first gathering , must be enquired into . the churches mentioned in the new testament , planted or gathered by the apostles , were particular churches , as hath been proved . these churches did consist each of them of many members , who were so members of one of them , as that they were not members of another . the saints of the church of corinth , were not members of the church at philippi . and the enquiry is , how those believers in one place and the other became to be a church , and that distinct from all others ? the scripture affirms in general , that they gave up themselves unto the lord and unto the apostles , who guided them in these affairs , by the will of god , cor. . . and that other believers were added unto the church , act. . that it is the will and command of our lord jesus christ , that all his disciples should be joined in such societies , for the duties and ends of them prescribed and limited by himself , hath been proved sufficiently before . all that are discipled by the word , are to be taught to do and observe all his commands , matth. . . this could originally be no otherwise done , but by their own actual , express , voluntary consent . there are sundry things which concurr as remote causes , or prerequisite conditions unto this conjunction of believers in a particular church , and without which it cannot be . such are baptism , profession of the christian faith , convenient cohabitation , resorting to the preaching of the word in the same place . but neither any of these distinctly or separately , nor all of them in conjunction , are or can be the constitutive form of a particular church . for it is evident that they may all be , and yet no such church state ensue . they cannot altogether engage unto those duties , nor communicate those powers , which appertain unto this state. were there no other order in particular churches , no other discipline to be exercised in them , nor rule over them , no other duties , no other ends assigned unto them , but what are generally owned and practised in parochial assemblies , the preaching of the word within such a precinct of cohabitation , determined by civil authority , might constitute a church . but if a church be such a society as is intrusted in it self with sundry powers and privileges depending on sundry duties prescribed unto it , if it constitute new relations between persons , that neither naturally nor morally were before so related , as marriage doth between husband and wife ; if it require new mutual duties , and give new mutual rights among themselves , not required of them either as unto their matter , or as unto their manner before ; it is vain to imagine that this state can arise from , or have any other formal cause , but the joint consent and virtual confederation of those concerned , unto these ends : for there is none of them can have any other foundation ; they are all of them resolved into the wills of men , bringing themselves under an obligation unto them by their voluntary consent . i say unto the wills of men , as their formal cause ; the supreme efficient cause of them all being the will , law and constitution of our lord jesus christ. thus it is in all societies , in all relations that are not meerly natural , ( such as between parents and children , wherein the necessity of powers and mutual duties , is predetermined by a superiour law , even that of nature ) wherein , powers , privileges and mutual duties are established , as belonging unto that society . nor after its first institution , can any one be incorporated into it , but by his own consent , and engagement to observe the laws of it . nor , if the nature and duties of churches were acknowledged , could there be any contest in this matter ; for the things ensuing are clear and evident . . the lord christ , by his authority , hath appointed and instituted this church state , as that there should be such churches , as we have proved before . . that by his word or law he hath granted powers and privileges unto this church , and prescribed duties unto all belonging unto it , wherein , they can have no concernment who are not incorporated into such a church . . that therefore , he doth require and command all his disciples to join themselves in such church relations , as we have proved ; warranting them so to do , by his word and command : wherefore , . this joining of themselves , whereon depends all their interest in church powers and privileges , all their obligation unto church duties , is a voluntary act of the obedience of faith , unto the authority of christ , nor can it be any thing else . . herein do they give themselves unto the lord , and to one another , by their officers , in a peculiar manner , according to the will of god , cor. . . . to give our selves unto the lord , that is unto the lord jesus christ , is expresly to engage to do and observe all that he hath appointed and commanded in the church ; as that phrase every where signifieth in the scripture , as also joining our selves unto god , which is the same . . this resignation of our selves unto the will , power and authority of christ , with an express ingagement made unto him of doing and observing all his commands , hath the nature of a covenant on our part ; and it hath so on his , by virtue of the promise of his especial presence annexed unto this engagement on our part , matth. . , , . . for , whereas there are three things required unto a covenant between god and man. ( . ) that it be of gods appointment and institution . ( . ) that upon a prescription of duties there be a solemn engagement unto their performance on the part of men. ( . ) that there be especial promises of god annexed thereunto , in which consists the matter of confederation , whereof mutual express restipulation is the form ; they all concurr herein . . this covenant which we intend , is not the covenant of grace absolutely considered ; nor are all the duties belonging unto that covenant prescribed in it ; but the principal of them , as faith , repentance , and the like , are presupposed unto it ; nor hath annexed unto it all the promises and privileges of the new covenant absolutely considered ; but it is that which is prescribed as a gospel duty in the covenant of grace , whereunto do belong all the duties of evangelical worship , all the powers and privileges of the church , by virtue of the especial promise of the peculiar presence of christ in such a church . . whereas therefore in the constitution of a church , believers do give up themselves unto the lord , and are bound solemnly to engage themselves to do and observe all the things which christ hath commanded to be done and observed in that state , whereon he hath promised to be present with them and among them in an especial manner , which presence of his , doth interest them in all the rights , powers and privileges of the church ; their so doing , hath the nature of a divine covenant included in it , which is the formal cause of their church sate and being . . besides , as we have proved before , there are many mutual duties required of all which join in church societies , and powers to be exercised and submitted unto , whereunto none can be obliged without their own consent . they must give up themselves unto one another by the will of god. that is , they must agree , consent and engage among themselves to observe all those mutual duties , to use all those privileges , and to exercise all those powers , which the lord christ hath prescribed and granted unto his church . see jerem. . , . . this compleats the confederation intended , which is the formal cause of the church ; and without which , either expresly or virtually performed , there can be no church state. . indeed herein most men deceive themselves , and think they do not that , nor that it ought to be done , and dispute against it as unlawful or unnecessary , which for the substance of it they do themselves , and would condemn themselves in their own consciences , if they did it not . for unto what end do they join themselves unto parochial churches and assemblies ? to what end do they require all professors of the protestant religion so to do , declaring it to be their duty by penalties annexed unto its neglect ? is it not , that they might yield obedience unto christ in their so doing ? is it not to profess that they will do and observe all whatsoever he commands them ? is it not to do it in that society , in those assemblies whereunto they do belong ? is there not therein virtually a mutual agreement and engagement among them unto all those ends ? it must be so with them , who do not in all things in religion fight uncertainly as men beating the air. . now , whereas these things are in themselves , and for the substance of them , known gospel duties , which all believers are indispensably obliged unto ; the more express our engagement is concerning them , the more do we glorify christ in our profession , and the greater sense of our duty will abide on our consciences , and greater encouragement be given unto the performance of mutual duties ; as also the more evident will the warranty be , for the exercise of church power . yet do i not deny the being of churches unto those societies , wherein these things are virtually only observed ; especially in churches of some continuance , wherein there is at least an implicit consent unto the first covenant-constitution . . the lord christ having instituted and appointed officers , rulers or leaders in his church , ( as we shall see in the next place ) to look unto the discharge of all church duties among the members of it , to administer and dispense all its privileges , and to exercise all its authority , the consent and engagement insisted on , is expresly required unto the constitution of this order and the preservation of it . for without this , no believer can be brought into that relation unto another as his pastor , guide , over-seer , ruler unto the ends mentioned , wherein he must be subject unto him , partake of all ordinances of divine worship administred by him with authority , in obedience unto the will of christ ; they gave their own selves to us ( saith the apostle ) by the will of god. . wherefore , the formal cause of a church consisteth in an obediential act of believers , in such numbers as may be useful unto the ends of church edification , jointly giving up themselves unto the lord jesus christ , to do and observe all his commands , resting on the promise of his especial presence thereon ; giving and communicating by his law , all the rights , powers and privileges of his church unto them ; and in a mutual agreement among themselves , jointly to perform all the duties required of them in that state , with an especial subjection unto the spiritual authority of rules and rulers appointed by christ in that state. . there is nothing herein , which any man who hath a conscientious sense of his duty in a professed subjection unto the gospel , can question for the substance of it , whether it be according to the mind of christ or no. and whereas the nature and essential properties of a divine covenant are contained in them , as such it is a foundation of any church state. . thus under the old testament , when god would take the post●rity of abraham into a new peculiar church state , he did it by a solemn covenant . herein , as he prescribed all the duties of his worship to them , and made them many blessed promises of his presence , with powers and privileges innumerable ; so the people solemnly covenanted and engaged with him , that they would do and observe all that he had commanded them ; whereby they coalesced into that church state , which abode unto the time of reformation . this covenant is at large declared exod. . for the covenant which god made there with the people , and they with him , was not the covénant of grace under a legal dispensation ; for that was established unto the seed of abraham four hundred years before in the promise , with the seal of circumcision ; nor was it the covenant of works under a gospel dispensation ; for god never renewed that covenant under any consideration whatever : but it was a peculiar covenant which god then made with them , and had not made it with their fathers , deut. . , . whereby they were raised and erected into a church state , wherein they were intrusted with all the privileges , and enjoined all the duties which god had annexed thereunto . this covenant was the sole formal cause of their church state , which they are charged so often to have broken , and which they so often solemnly renewed unto god. . this was that covenant which was to be abolished , whereon the church state that was built thereon , was utterly taken away . for hereon the hebrews ceased to be the peculiar church of god , because the covenant whereby they were made so , was abolished and taken away , as the apostle disputes at large , heb. , , . the covenant of grace in the promise , will still continue unto the true seed of abraham , act. . , . but the church covenant was utterly taken away . . upon the removal therefore of this covenant , and the church state founded thereon , all duties of worship and church privileges were also taken away ; ( the things substituted in their room being totally of another kind . but the covenant of grace , as made with abraham , being continued and transferred unto the gospel worshippers , the sign or token of it given unto him is changed ; but another substituted in the room thereof . but whereas the privileges of this church covenant were in themselves carnal only , and no way spiritual , but as they were typical ; and the duties prescribed in it were burdensome , yea , a yoke intolerable ; the apostle declares in the same place , that the new church state , whereinto we are called by the gospel , hath no duties belonging unto it , but such as are spiritual and easie ; but withal , hath such holy and eminent privileges as the church could no way enjoy by virtue of the first church covenant ; nor could be believers made partakers of them , before that covenant was abolished : wherefore , . the same way for the erection of a church state for the participation of the more excellent privileges of the gospel , and performance of the duties of it , for the substance of it must still be continued . for the constitution of such a society as a church is , entrusted with powers and privileges , by a covenant or mutual consent , with an ingagement unto the performance of the duties belonging unto it , hath its foundation in the light of nature , so far as it hath any thing in common with other voluntary relations and societies ; was instituted by god himself , as the way and means of erecting the church state of the old testament ; and consisteth in the performance of such duties as are expresly required of all believers . chap. iii. of the polity , rule , or discipline of the church in general . . the things last treated of concern the essence of the church , or the essential constituent parts of it , according unto the appointment of christ. it remains in the next place , that we should treat of it as it is organical , or a body corporate ; a spiritually political society , for the exercise of the powers wherewith it is intrusted by christ , and the due performance of the duties which he requires . now , whereas it is brought into this estate , by the setting , fixing or placing officers in it , method would require that we should first treat of them , their nature , names , power , and the ways of coming unto their offices . but , whereas all things concerning them are founded in the grant of power unto the church it self , and the institution of polity and rule therein by jesus christ , i shall first treat somewhat thereof in general . that which we intend on various considerations and in divers respects , is called the power or authority , the polity , the rule , the government and the discipline of the church . the formal nature of it , is its authority or power . it s polity , is skill and wisdom to act that power unto its proper ends . it s rule , is the actual exercise of that power , according unto that skill and wisdom . it s government is the exercise and application of that authority according unto that skill , towards those that are its proper objects . and it is called its discipline , principally with respect unto its end . yet is it not material whether these things are thus accurately distinguished ; the same thing is intended in them all , which i shall call the rule of the church . . the rule of the church is in general the exercise of the power or authority of jesus christ , given unto it according unto the laws and directions prescribed by himself unto its edification . this power in actu primo , or fundamentally , is in the church it self ; in actu secundo , or its exercise , in them that are especially called thereunto . whether that which is now called the rule of the church by some , being a plain secular dominion , have any affinity hereunto , is justly doubted . that it is in it self the acting of the authority of christ , wherein the power of men is ministerial only , is evident . for , ( . ) all this authority in and over the church is vested in him alone . ( . ) it is over the souls and consciences of men only , which no authority can reach but his , and that as it is his ; whereof we shall treat more afterwards . the sole end of the ministerial exercise of this power and rule , by virtue thereof unto the church , is the edification of it self , rom. . , , . cor. . . chap. . . ephes. . , . . this is the especial nature and especial end of all power granted by jesus christ unto the church ; namely , a ministry unto edification , in opposition unto all the ends whereunto it hath been abused . for it hath been so unto the usurpation of a dominion over the persons and consciences of the disciples of christ , accompanied with secular grandeur , wealth and power . the lord christ never made a grant of any authority , for any such ends ; yea , they are expresly forbidden by him , luk. . . matth. . , , . jesus called his disciples unto him , and said , ye know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authority upon them : but it shall not be so among you ; but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister ; and whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your servant ; even as the son of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister . all the pleas of the romanists are utterly insufficient to secure their papal domination from this sword of the mouth of the lord jesus . for , whereas their utmost pretence and defence consists in this , that it is not dominion and power absolutely that is forbidden , but the vnlawful , tyrannical , oppressive exercise of power , such as was in use among the princes of the gentiles ; never was there any dominion in the world , no not among the gentiles , more cruel , oppressive and bloody , than that of the pope's hath been . but it is evident , that our lord jesus christ doth not in the least reflect on the rule or government of the kings and princes of the gentiles , which was good and righteous : yea , he speaks of them in an especial manner , whom their subjects for their moderate and equal rule , with their usefulness unto their countries , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or benefactors . their rule , as unto thé kind and administration of it in the kingdoms of the world , he approves of . and such a power or preheminence it was , namely good and just in it self , not tyrannical and oppressive , that the two disciples desired in his kingdom , which gave occasion unto this declaration of the nature of his kingdom , and the rule thereof . for in this power or dominion two things may be considered . ( . ) the exercise of it over the persons , goods and lives of men , by courts , coercive jurisdictions , processes of law , and external force in punishments . ( . ) the state , grandeur , preheminence , wealth , exaltation above others , which are necessary unto the maintenance of their authority and power . both these in the least participation of them , in the least degree whatever , are forbidden by our saviour to be admitted in his kingdom , or to have any place therein , on what pretence soever . he will have nothing of lordship , domination , preheminence in lordly power in his church . no courts , no coercive jurisdictions , no exercise of any humane authority doth he allow therein ; for by these means do the princes of the gentiles , those that are the benefactors of their countries , rule among them . and this is most evident from what in opposition hereunto he prescribes unto his own disciples , the greatest , the best in office , grace and gifts ; namely a ministery only , to be discharged in the way of service . how well this great command and direction of our lord jesus christ hath been and is complied withal , by those who have taken on them to be rulers in the church , is sufficiently known . wherefore there is no rule of the church , but what is ministerial , consisting in an authoritative declaration and application of the commands and will of christ unto the souls of men , wherein , those who exercise it are servants unto the church for its edification , for jesus sake , cor. . . it hence follows , that the introduction of humane authority into the rule of the church of christ in any kind , destroyeth the nature of it , and makes his kingdom to be of this world , and some of his disciples to be in their measure like the princes of the gentiles ; nor is it oft-times from themselves , that they are not more like them than they are . the church is the house of christ , his family , his kingdom . to act any power in its rule , which is not his , which derives not from him , which is not communicated by his legal grant ; or to act any power , by ways , processes , rules and laws not of his appointment , is an invasion of his right and dominion . it can no otherwise be , if the church be his family , his house , his kingdom . for what father would endure that any power should be exercised in his family as to the disposal of his children and estate , but his own ? what earthly prince will bear with such an intrusion into his rights and dominion ? foreign papal power is severely excluded here in england , because it entrenches on the rights of the crown , by the exercise of an authority and jurisdiction not derived from the king according unto the law of the land. and we should do well to take care that at the same time we do not encroach upon the dominion of christ , by the exercise of an authority not derived from him , or by laws and rules not enacted by him , but more foreign unto his kingdom , than the canon law or the popes rule is unto the laws of this nation , lest we fall under the statute of praemunire , matth. . , , . the power of rule in the church , then , is nothing but a right to yield obedience unto the commands of christ , in such a way , by such rules , and for such ends , as wherein and whereby his authority is to be acted . the persons concerned in this rule of the church , both those that rule and those that are to be ruled , as unto all their civil and political concerns in this world , are subject unto the civil government of the kingdoms and places wherein they inhabit . and there are sundry things which concern the outward state and condition of the church that are at the disposal of the governours of this world : but , whereas the power to be exercised in the church is meerly spiritual as unto its objects , which are the consciences of men ; and as unto its ends , which are the tendency of their souls unto god , their spiritual obedience in christ and eternal life , it is a phrensy to dream of any other power or authority in this rule , but that of christ alone . to sum up this discourse ; if the rulers of the church , the greatest of them , have only a ministerial power committed unto them , and are precisely limited thereunto ; if in the exercise thereof they are servants of the church unto its edification ; if all lordly domination in an exaltation above the church or the members of it , in dignity and authority of this world , and the exercise of power by external coercive jurisdiction be forbidden unto them ; if the whole power and rule of the church be spiritual and not carnal , mighty through god and not through the laws of men ; and be to be exercised by spiritual means for spiritual ends only ; it is apparent how it hath been lost in , or cast out of the world , for the introduction of a lordly domination , a secular coercive jurisdiction , with laws and powers no way derived from christ , in the room thereof . neither is it possible for any man alive to reconcile the present government of some churches , either as unto the officers who have the administration of that rule , or the rules and laws whereby they act and proceed , or powers which they exercise , or the jurisdiction which they claim , or the manner of their proceeding in its administration , unto any tolerable consistency with the principles , rules and laws of the government of the church given by christ himself . and this alone is a sufficient reason why those who endeavour to preserve their loyalty entire ▪ unto jesus christ , should in their own practice seek after the reduction of the rule of the church , unto his commands and appointments ; in the publick disposals of nations we have no concernment . . whereas therefore there is a power and authority for its rule unto edification , given and committed by the lord christ unto his church , i shall proceed to enquire how this power is communicated , what it is , and to whom it is granted , which shall be declared in the ensuing observations . . there was an extraordinary church power committed by the lord jesus christ unto his apostles , who in their own persons were the first and only subject of it . it was not granted unto the church , by it to be communicated unto them according unto any rules prescribed thereunto . for their office as it was apostolical , was antecedent unto the existence of any gospel church state properly so called ; neither had any church the least concurrence or influence into their call or mission . howbeit , when there was a church state , the churches being called and gathered by their ministry , they were given unto the church , and placed in the church for the exercise of all office , with power unto their edification according to the rules and laws of their constitution , act. . , . chap. . , , , . cor. . . chap. . . ephes. . , , , . . this power is ceased in the church . it is so , not by virtue of any law or constitution of christ ; but by a cessation of those actings whence it did flow , and whereon it did depend . for unto this apostolical office and power there was required , ( . ) an immediate personal call from christ himself . ( . ) a commission equally extensive unto all nations for their conversion , and unto all churches equally for their edification . ( . ) an authority in all churches , comprehensive of all that power which is in the ordinary constitution of them , distributed among many . ( . ) a collation of extraordinary gifts ; as of infallibility in teaching , of working miracles , speaking with tongues , and the like . whereas therefore all these things do cease , and the lord christ doth not act in the same manner towards any , this office and power doth absolutely cease . for any to pretend themselves to be successors unto these apostles , as some with a strange confidence and impertinency have done , is to plead that they are personally and immediately called by christ unto their office , that they have authority with respect unto all nations and all churches , and are indued with a spirit of infallibility , and a power of working miracles , whereof outward pomp and ostentation are no sufficient evidences . and certainly , when some of them consider one another , and talk of being the apostles successors , it is but aruspex aruspicens . . least of all in the ordinary state of the church , and the continuation thereof hath the lord christ appointed a vicar , or rather as is pretended a successor , with a plenitude of all church power , to be by him parcelled out unto others . this is that which hath overthrown all church rule and order , introducing luciferian pride and antichristian tyranny in their room . and whereas the only way of christs acting his authority over the churches , and of communicating authority unto them , to be acted by them in his name , is by his word and spirit , which he hath given to continue in his church unto that end unto the consummation of all things , the pope of rome placing himself in his stead for these ends , doth thereby sit in the temple of god , and shew himself to be god. but this is sufficiently confuted among all sober christians ; and those who embrace it , may be left to contend with the mahometans , who affirm , that jesus left john the baptist to be his successor , as haly succeeded unto mahomet . . all these , by whom the ordinary rule of the church is to be exercised unto its edification , are as unto their office and power given unto the church , set or placed in it , not as lords of their faith , but as helpers of their joy , cor. . . chap. . , , . cor. . . ephes. . , , , . pet. . , . for the church is the spouse of christ , the lambs wife ; and by virtue of that relation the enfeoffment into this power is her due and dowry ; all particular persons are but her servants for christs sake . for though some of them be stewards , and set over all their fellow servants , yet he hath not given them the trust of power to rule his spouse at their own will , and to grant what they please unto her . . but as this whole church power is committed unto the whole church by christ ; so all that are called unto the peculiar exercise of any part of it , by virtue of office-authority , do receive that authority from him by the only way of the communication of it , namely , by his word and spirit through the ministry of the church , whereof we shall treat afterwards . v. these things being thus premised in general concerning church power , we must treat yet particularly of the communication of it from christ , and of its distribution as unto its residence in the church . . every individual believer hath power or right given unto him upon his believing to become the son of god , joh. . . hereby , as such , he hath a right and title radically and originally unto , with an interest in all church privileges , to be actually possessed and used according to the rules by him prescribed . for he that is a son of god hath a right unto all the privileges and advantages of the family of god , as well as he is obliged unto all the duties of it . herein lies the foundation of all right unto church power , for both it , and all that belongs unto it , is a part of the purchased inheritance , whereunto right is granted by adoption ; wherefore , the first original grant of all church power and privileges is made unto believers as such . theirs it is with these two limitations ; ( . ) that as such only they cannot exercise any church power , but upon their due observation of all rules and duties given unto this end ; such are joint confession and confederation . ( . ) that each individual , do actually participate therein , according to the especial rules of the church , which peculiarly respects women that do believe . . where-ever there are two or three of these believers , ( the smallest number ) right and power is granted unto them , actually to meet together in the name of christ , for their mutual edification , whereunto he hath promised his presence among them , matth. . , . to meet and to do any thing in the name of christ ; as to exhort , instruct and admonish one another , or to pray together , as v. . there is an especial right or power required thereunto . this is granted by jesus christ unto the least number of consenting believers . and this is a second preparation unto the communication of church power . unto the former , faith only is required , unto this , profession with mutual consent unto , and agreement in the evangelical duties mentioned , are to be added . . where the number of believers is encreased , so as that they are sufficient as unto their number to observe and perform all church duties in the way and manner prescribed for their performance , they have right and power granted unto them , to make a joint solemn confession of their faith , especially as unto the person of christ and his mediation , matth. . , . as also to give up themselves unto him and to one another , in an holy agreement or confederation to do and observe all things whatever that he hath commanded . hereon , by virtue of his laws in his institutions and commands , he gives them power to do all things in their order which he grants unto his church , and enstates them in all the rights and privileges thereof . these believers , i say , thus congregated into a church state , have immediately by virtue thereof , power to take care that all things be done among them , as by the lord christ they are commanded to be done , in and by his church . this therefore is the church essential and homogeneal , unto which the lord christ hath granted all that church power which we enquire after , made it the seat of all ordinances of his worship , and the tabernacle wherein he will dwell . nor since the ceasing of extraordinary officers , is there any other way possible for the congregating of any church , than what doth virtually include the things we have mentioned . . but yet this church state is not compleat ; nor are the ends of its institution attainable in this state. for the lord christ hath appointed such things in and unto it , which in this state it cannot observe . for he hath given authority unto his church to be exercised both in its rule and in the administration of his solemn ordinances of worship . the things before mentioned , are all of them acts of right and power , but not of authority . . wherefore the lord christ hath ordained offices , and appointed officers to be established in the church , ephes. . , . unto these is all church authority granted . for all authority is an act of office-power , which is that which gives unto what is performed by the officers of the church , the formal nature of authority . . therefore unto the church , in the state before described , right and power is granted by christ to call , chuse , appoint and set apart persons made meet for the work of the offices appointed by him , in the ways and by the means appointed by him . nor is there any other way whereby ordinary officers may be fixed in the church , as we have proved before , and shall farther confirm afterwards . that which hereon we must enquire into , is , how or by what means , or by what acts of his sovereign power , the lord christ doth communicate office-power , and therewith the office it self unto any persons whereon their authority is directly from him ; and what are the acts or duties of the church in the collation of this authority . the acts of christ herein may be reduced unto these heads . . he hath instituted and appointed the offices themselves , and made a grant of them unto the church for its edification . as also , he hath determined and limited the powers and duties of the officers . it is not in the power of any or of all the churches in the world , to appoint any office or officer in the church , that christ hath not appointed . and where there are any such , they can have no church authority properly so called ; for that entirely riseth from , and is resolved into the institution of the office by christ himself . and hence , in the first place all the authority of officers in the church proceeds from the authority of christ in the institution of the office it self ; for that which gives being unto any thing , gives it also its essential properties . . by virtue of his relation unto the church as its head , of his kingly power over it and care of it , whereon the continuation and edification of the church in this world do depend ; where ever he hath a church called , he furnisheth some persons with such gifts , abilities and endowments , as are necessary to the discharge of such offices , in the powers , works and duties of them . for it is most unquestionably evident , both in the nature of the thing it self , and in his institution , that there are some especial abilities and qualifications required to the discharge of every church office. wherefore , where the lord christ doth not communicate of these abilities in such a measure as by virtue of them church order may be observed , church power exercised , and all church ordinances administred according to his mind unto the edification of the church , it is no more in the power of men to constitute officers , than to erect or create an office in the church , ephes. . , , . cor. . , , , , , &c. rom. . . this collation of spiritual gifts and abilities for office by jesus christ unto any , doth not immediately constitute all those , or any of them , officers in the church , on whom they are collated , without the observation of that method and order which he hath appointed in the church for the communication of office-power ; yet is it so prerequisite thereunto , that no person not made partaker of them in the measure before mentioned , can , by virtue of any outward rites , order or power , be really vested in the ministry . . this communication of office-power on the part of christ , consists in his institution and appointment of the way and means , whereby persons gifted and qualified by himself , ought to be actually admitted into their offices , so as to administer the powers , and perform the duties of them . for the way of their call and ordination , whereof we shall speak afterwards , is efficacious unto this end of communicating office-power , meerly from his institution and appointment of it . and what is not so , can have no causal influence into the communication of this power . for although sundry things belonging hereunto are directed by the light of nature , as it is , that where one man is set over others in power and authority , which before he had no natural right unto , it should be by their own consent and choice : and some things are of a moral nature , as that especial prayer be used in and about affairs that need especial divine assistance and favour ; and there may be some circumstances of outward actions herein , not to be determined but by the rule of reason on the present posture of occasions ; yet nothing hath any causal influence into the communication of office-power , but what is of the institution and appointment of christ. by virtue hereof , all that are called unto this office , do derive all their power and authority from him alone . . he hath hereon given commands unto the whole church to submit themselves unto the authority of these officers in the discharge of their office , who are so appointed , so prepared or qualified , so called by himself , and to obey them in all things , according unto the limitations which himself also hath given unto the power and authority of such officers . for they who are called unto rule and authority in the church by virtue of their office , are not thereon admitted unto an unlimited power to be exercised at their pleasure in a lordly or despotical manner ; but their power is stated , bounded , limited and confined as to the objects of it , its acts , its manner of administration , its ends , and as unto all things wherein it is concerned . the swelling over these banks by ambition , the breaking up of these bounds by pride and love of domination , by the introduction of a power over the persons of men in their outward concerns , exercised in a legal , coercive , lordly manner , are sufficient to make a forfeiture of all church power in them who are guilty of them . but after that some men saw it fit to transgress the bounds of power and authority prescribed and limited unto them by the lord christ ; which was really exclusive of lordship , dominion and all elation above their brethren , leaving them servants to the church for christs sake , they began to prescribe bounds unto themselves , such as were suited unto their interest , which they called rules or canons , and never left enlarging them at their pleasure , untill they enstated the most absolute tyranny in and over the church , that ever was in the world. by these ways and means doth the lord christ communicate office power unto them that are called thereunto , whereon they become not the officers or ministers of men , no , not of the church , as unto the actings and exercise of their authority , but only as the good and edification of the church is the end of it ; but the officers and ministers of christ himself . . it is hence evident , that in the communication of church power in office unto any persons called thereunto , the work and duty of the church consists formally in acts of obedience unto the commands of christ. hence , it doth not give unto such officers a power or authority that was formally and actually in the body of the community , by virtue of any grant or law of christ , so as that they should receive and act the power of the church , by virtue of a delegation from them ; but only they design , chuse , set apart the individual persons , who thereon are intrusted with office-power by christ himself , according as was before declared . this is the power and right given unto the church essentially considered with respect unto their officers , namely to design , call , chuse , and set apart the persons by the ways of christs appointment unto those offices , whereunto by his laws he hath annexed church power and authority . we need not therefore trouble our selves with the disputes about the first subject of church power , or any part of it . for it is a certain rule , that in the performance of all duties which the lord christ requires , either of the whole church , or of any in the church , especially of the officers , they are the first subject of the power needful unto such duties , who are immediately called unto them . hereby , all things become to be done in the name and authority of christ. for the power of the church , is nothing but a right to perform church duties in obedience unto the commands of christ , and according unto his mind . wherefore all church power is originally given unto the church essentially considered , which hath a double exercise ; first , in the call or choosing of officers ; secondly , in their voluntary acting with them and under them in all duties of rule . ( . ) all authority in the church is committed by christ unto the officers or rulers of it , as unto all acts and duties whereunto office-power is required ; and , ( . ) every individual person hath the liberty of his own judgment , as unto his own consent or dissent in what he is himself concerned . that this power under the name of the keys of the kingdom of heaven was originally granted unto the whole professing church of believers , and that it is utterly impossible it should reside in any other who is subject unto death , or if to be renewed upon any occasional intermission , is so fully proved by all protestant writers against the papists , that it needs not on this occasion be again insisted on . vi. these things have been spoken concerning the polity of the church in general , as it is taken objectively for the constitution of its state , and the laws of its rule ; we are in the next place to consider it subjectively , as it is a power or faculty of the minds of men , unto whom the rule of the church is committed . and in this sence it is the wisdom or understanding of the officers of the church , to exercise the government in it appointed by jesus christ , or to rule it according to his laws and constitutions : or , this wisdom is a spiritual gift ( cor. . . ) whereby the officers of the church are enabled to make a due application of all the rules and laws of christ , unto the edification of the church and all the members of it . unto the attaining of this wisdom , are required , ( . ) fervent prayer for it , jam. . . ( . ) diligent study of the scripture , to find out and understand the rules given by christ unto this purpose , ezra . , , . tim. . , . ( . ) humble waiting on god for the revelation of all that it is to be exercised about , ezek. . . ( . ) a conscientious exercise of the skill which they have received . talents traded with duly will encrease . ( . ) a continual sense of the account which is to be given of the discharge of this great trust , being called to rule in the house of god , heb. . . how much this wisdom hath been neglected in church government ; yea , how much it is despised in the world , is evident unto all . it is skill in the canon law , in the proceedings of vexatious courts , with the learning , subtilty and arts which are required thereunto , that is looked on as the only skill to be exercised in the government of the church . without this a man is esteemed no way meet to be employed in any part of the church government . and according as any do arrive unto a dexterity in this polity , they are esteemed eminently useful . but these things belong not at all unto the government of the church appointed by christ ; nor can any sober man think in his conscience that so they do . what is the use of this art and trade , as unto political ends , we enquired . nor is the true wisdom required unto this end , with the means of attaining of it , more despised , more neglected by any sort of men in the world , than by those whose pretences unto ecclesiastical rule and authority would make it most necessary unto them . two things follow on the supposition laid down . . that the wisdom intended is not promised unto all the members of the church in general ; nor are they required to seek for it by the ways and means of attaining it before laid down ; but respect is had herein only unto the officers of the church . hereon dependeth the equity of the obedience of the people unto their rulers . for wisdom for rule is peculiarly granted unto them , and their duty it is to seek after it in a peculiar manner . wherefore , those who on every occasion are ready to advance their own wisdom and understanding in the affairs and proceedings of the church , against the wisdom of the officers of it , are proud and disorderly . i speak not this to give any countenance unto the out-cries of some , that all sorts of men will suppose themselves wiser than their rulers , and to know what belongs unto the government of the church better than they ; whereas , the government which they exercise belongs not at all unto the rule of the church , determined and limited in the scripture , as the meanest christian can easily discern ; nor is it pretended by themselves so to do : for they say that the lord christ hath prescribed nothing herein , but left it unto the will and wisdom of the church to order all things as they see necessary , which church they are . wherefore , if that will please them , it shall be granted , that in skill for the management of ecclesiastical affairs according to the canon law , with such other rules of the same kind as they have framed , and in the legal proceedings of ecclesiastical courts , as they are called , there are none of the people that are equal unto them , or will contend with them . . it hence also follows , that those who are called unto rule in the church of christ , should diligently endeavour the attaining of , and encreasing in this wisdom , giving evidence thereof on all occasions , that the church may safely acquiesce in their rule . but hereunto so many things do belong , as cannot in this place be meetly treated of ; somewhat that appertains to them shall afterwards be considered . chap. iv. the officers of the church . the church is considered either as it is essential with respect unto its nature and being ; or as it is organical with respect unto its order . the constituent causes and parts of the church as unto its essence and being , are its institution , matter and form ; whereof we have treated . it s order as it is organical , is founded in that communication of power unto it from christ , which was insisted on in the foregoing chapter . the organizing of a church , is the placing or implanting in it those officers which the lord jesus christ hath appointed to act and exercise his authority therein . for the rule and government of the church , are the exertion of the authority of christ in the hands of them unto whom it is committed , that is the officers of it ; not that all officers are called to rule , but that none are called to rule that are not so . the officers of the church in general are of two sorts ; bishops and deacons , phil. . . and their work is distributed into prophecy and ministry , rom. . . . the bishops or elders are of two sorts ; ( . ) such as have authority to teach and administer the sacraments , which is commonly called the power of order , and also of ruling , which is called a power of jurisdiction corruptly : and some have only power for rule ; of which sort , there are some in all the churches in the world. those of the first sort are distinguished into pastors and teachers . the distinction between the elders themselves , is not like that between elders and deacons , which is as unto the whole kind or nature of the office ; but only with respect unto work and order , whereof we shall treat distinctly . the first sort of officers in the church are bishops or elders ; concerning whom there have been mighty contentions in the late ages of the church . the principles we have hitherto proceeded on , discharge us from any especial interest or concernment in this controversy . for if there be no church of divine or apostolical constitution , none in being in the second or third centuries , but only a particular congregation , the foundation of that contest which is about preheminence and power in the same person over many churches , falls to the ground . indeed , strife about power , superiority , and jurisdiction over one another , amongst those who pretend to be ministers of the gospel , is full of scandal . it started early in the church ; was extinguished by the lord christ in his apostles ; rebuked by the apostles in all others ; yet through the pride , ambition and avarice of men , hath grown to be the stain and shame of the church in most ages . for neither the sense of the authority of christ forbidding such ambitious designings , nor the proposal of his own example in this particular case ; nor the experience of their own insufficiency for the least part of the work of the gospel-ministry , have been able to restrain the minds of men from coveting after and contending for a prerogative in church-power over others . for though this ambition , and all the fruits or rewards of it , are laid under a severe interdict by our lord jesus christ , yet when men ( like achan ) saw the wedge of gold , and the goodly babylonish garment , that they thought to be in power , domination and wealth , they coveted them , and took them , to the great disturbance of the church of god. if men would but a little seriously consider , what there is in that care of souls , even of all them over whom they pretend church-power , rule or jurisdiction ; and what it is to give an account concerning them before the judgment seat of christ , it may be it would abate of their earnestness in contending for the enlargement of their cures . the claim of episcopacy , as consisting in a rank of persons distinct from the office of presbyters , is managed with great variety . it is not agreed whether they are distinct in order above them , or only as unto a certain degree among them of the same order . it is not determined , what doth constitute that pretended distinct order , nor wherein that degree of preheminence in the same order , doth consist , nor what basis it stands upon . it is not agreed whether this order of bishops , hath any church-power appropriated unto it , so as to be acted singly by themselves alone , without the concurrence of the presbyters ; or how far that concurrence is necessary in all acts of church-order or power . there are no bounds or limits of the diocesses which they claim the rule in and over , as churches whereunto they are peculiarly related , derived either from divine institution , or tradition , or general rules of reason respecting both or either of them ; or from the consideration of gifts and abilities , or any thing else wherein church-order or edification is concerned . those who plead for diocesan episcopacy , will not proceed any farther , but only that there is and ought to be a superiority in bishops over presbyters in order or degree . but whether this must be over presbyters in one church only , or in many distinct churches ; whether it must be such , as not only hinders them utterly from the discharge of any of the duties of the pastoral office , towards the most of them whom they esteem their flocks , and necessitates them unto a rule by unscriptural church-officers , laws and power , they suppose doth not belong unto their cause ; whereas indeed the weight and moment of it , doth lie in and depend on these things . innumerable other uncertainties , differences and variances there are about this singular episcopacy , which we are not at present concern'd to enquire into , nor shall i insist on any of those which have been already mentioned . but yet , because it is necessary unto the clearing of the evangelical pastoral office , which is now under consideration ; unto what hath been pleaded before about the non institution of any churches beyond particular congregations , which is utterly exclusive of all pretences of the present episcopacy , i shall briefly , as in a diversion , add the arguments which undeniably prove , that in the whole new testament , bishops and presbyters , or elders , are every way the same persons , in the same office , have the same function , without distinction in order or degree ; which also , as unto the scripture , the most learned advocates of prelacy begin to grant . . the apostle describing what ought to be the qualifications of presbyters or elders , gives this reason of it , because a bishop must be so , tit. . , , . ordain elders in every city , if any be blameless , &c. for a bishop must be blameless . he that would prove of what sort a presbyter that is to be ordained so , ought to be , gives this reason for it , that such a bishop ought to be , intends the same person and office by presbyter and bishop , or there is no congruity of speech , or consequence of reason in what he asserts . to suppose that the apostle doth not intend the same persons , and the same office by presbyters and bishops in the same place , is to destroy his argument , and render the context of his discourse unintelligible . he that will say , that if you make a justice of peace or a constable , he must be magnanimous , liberal , full of clemency and courage , for so a king ought to be , will not be thought to argue very wisely . yet such is the argument here , if by elders and bishops , distinct orders and offices are intended . . there were many bishops in one city in one particular church , phil. . . to all the saints that are at philippi , with the bishops and deacons . that the church then at philippi was one particular church or congregation was proved before . but to have many bishops in the same church , whereas the nature of the episcopacy pleaded for , consists in the superiority of one over the presbyters of many churches , is absolutely inconsistent . such bishops , whereof there may be many in the same church , of the same order , equal in power and dignity with respect unto office , will easily be granted ; but then they are presbyters as well as bishops . there will , i fear , be no end of this contest , because of the prejudices and interests of some ; but that the identity of bishops and presbyters should be more plainly expressed , can neither be expected nor desired . . the apostle being at miletus , sent to ephesus for the elders of the church to come unto him , that is the elders of the church at ephesus , as hath been elsewhere undeniably demonstrated , act. . , . unto these elders he says , take heed unto your selves , and to all the flock , over which the holy ghost hath made you bishops , to feed the church of god , ver . . if elders and bishops be not the same persons , having the same office , the same function and the same duties , and the same names , it is impossible , so far as i understand , how it should be expressed . for these elders are they whom the holy ghost made bishops ; they were many of them in the same church ; their duty it was to attend unto the flock ; and to feed the church , which comprize all the duties , the whole function of elders and bishops , which must therefore be the same . this plain testimony can no way be evaded by pretences and conjectures unwritten and uncertain ; the only answer unto it , is , it was indeed so then , but it was otherwise afterwards ; which some now betake themselves unto . but these elders were either elders only and not bishops ; or bishops only and not elders ; or the same persons were elders and bishops , as is plainly affirmed in the words . the latter is that which we plead . if the first be asserted , then was there no bishop then at ephesus ; for these elders had the whole oversight of the flock : if the second , then were there no elders at all , which is no good exposition of those words , that paul called unto him the elders of the church . . the apostle peter writes unto the elders of the churches , that they should feed the flock , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taking the oversight , or exercising the office and function of bishops over them , and that not as lords but as ensamples ( of humility , obedience and holiness ) to the whole flock , pet. . , , . those on whom it is incumbent to feed the flock , and to superintend over it , as those who in the first place are accountable unto jesus christ , are bishops ; and such as have no other bishop over them , unto whom this charge should be principally committed . but such , according unto this apostle , are the elders of the church . wherefore , those elders and bishops are the same . and such were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the guides of the church at jerusalem , whom the members of it were bound to obey , as those that did watch for , and were to give an account of their souls . heb. . . . the substance of these and all other instances or testimonies of the same kind , is this ; those whose names are the same equally common and applicable unto them all , whose function is the same , whose qualifications and characters are the same , whose duties , account and reward are the same , concerning whom there is in no one place of scripture the least mention of inequality , disparity or preference in office among them , they are essentially and every way the same . that thus it is with the elders and bishops in the scripture cannot modestly be denied . i do acknowledge that where a church is greatly encreased , so as that there is a necessity of many elders in it for its instruction and rule , that decency and order do require , that one of them do in the management of all church affairs preside , to guide and direct the way and manner thereof . so the presbyters at alexandria did choose one from among themselves that should have the preheminence of a president among them . whether the person that is so to preside , be directed unto by being first converted or first ordained , or on the account of age , or of gifts and abilities , whether he continue for a season only , and then another be deputed unto the same work , or for his life , are things in themselves indifferent , to be determined according unto the general rules of reason and order , with respect unto the edification of the church . i shall never oppose this order , but rather desire to see it in practice ; namely , that particular churches were of such an extent , as necessarily to require many elders both teaching and ruling for their instruction and government ; for the better observation of order and decency in the publick assemblies ; the fuller representation of the authority committed by jesus christ unto the officers of his church ; the occasional instruction of the members in lesser assemblies , which as unto some ends may be stated also , with the due attendance unto all other means of edification and watching , inspecting , warning , admonishing , exhorting , and the like ; and that among these elders one should be chosen by themselves , with the consent of the church , not into a new order , not into a degree of authority above his brethren , but only unto his part of the common work in a peculiar manner , which requires some kind of precedency . hereby no new officer , no new order of officers , no new degree of power or authority is constituted in the church ; only the work and duty of it is cast into such an order , as the very light of nature doth require . but there is not any intimation in the scripture of the least imparity or inequality , in order , degree or authority , among officers of the same sort , whether extraordinary or ordinary . the apostles were all equal ; so were the evangelists , so were elders or bishops , and so were deacons also . the scripture knows no more of an arch-bishop , such as all diocesan bishops are , nor an arch-deacon , than of an arch-apostle , or of an arch-evangelist , or an arch-prophet . howbeit , it is evident , that in all their assemblies , they had one who did preside in the manner before described , which seems among the apostles to have been the prerogative of peter . the brethren also of the church may be so multiplied , as that the constant meeting of them all in one place may not be absolutely best for their edification . howbeit , that on all the solemn occasions of the church whereunto their consent is necessary , they did of old and ought still , to meet in the same place for advise , consultation and consent , as was proved before . this is so fully expressed and exemplified in the two great churches of jerusalem and antioch , act. . that it cannot be gain-said . when paul and barnabas , sent by the brethren or church at antioch ( v. , . ) were come to jerusalem , they were received by the church , as the brethren are called in distinction from the apostles and elders , v. . so when the apostles and elders assembled to consider of the case proposed unto them , the whole multitude of the church , that is the brethren assembled with them , v. , . neither were they mute persons , meer auditors and spectators in the assembly , but they concurred both in the debate and determination of the question ; insomuch as they are expresly joined with the apostles and elders in the advice given , ver . , . and when paul and barnabas returned unto antioch , the multitude unto whom the letter of the church at jerusalem was directed , came together about it , ver . . . unless this be observed the primitive-church-state is overthrown : but i shall return from this digression . the first officer or elder of the church is the pastor . a pastor , is the elder that feeds and rules the flock , pet. . . that is , who is its teacher and its bishop ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , feed , taking the oversight . it is not my present design nor work to give a full account of the qualifications required in persons to be called unto this office ; nor of their duty and work , with the qualities or vertues to be exercised therein . it would require a large discourse to handle them practically , and it hath been done by others . it were to be wished , that what is of this kind expressed in the rule , and which the nature of the office doth indispensably require , were more exemplified in practice than it is . but some things relating unto this officer and his office that are needful to be well stated , i shall treat concerning . the name of a pastor or shepherd is metaphorical . it is a denomination suited unto his work , denoting the same office and person with a bishop or elder , spoken of absolutely without limitation unto either teaching or ruling . and it seems to be used or applied unto this office , because it is more comprehensive of , and instructive in all the duties that belong unto it , than any other name whatever ; nay , than all of them put together . the grounds and reasons of this metaphor , or whence the church is called a flock , and whence god termeth himself the shepherd of the flock ; whence the sheep of this flock are committed unto christ , whereon he becomes the good shepherd that lays down his life for the sheep , and the prince of shepherds ; what is the interest of men in a participation of this office , and what their duty thereon , are things well worth the consideration of them who are called unto it . hirelings , yea , wolves and dumb dogs , do in many places take on themselves to be shepherds of the flock , by whom it is devoured and destroyed . whereas therefore this name or appellation is taken from , and includes in it love , care , tenderness , watchfulness in all the duties of going before , preserving , feeding , defending the flock , the sheep and the lambs , the strong , the weak and diseased , with accountableness as servants unto the chief shepherd , it was generally disused in the church ; and those of bishops or overseers , guides , presidents , elders which seem to include more of honour and authority , were retained in common use ; that though one of them , at last , namely that of bishops , with some elating compositions and adjuncts of power , obtained the preheminence . out of the corruption of these compositions and additions in arch-bishops , metropolitans , patriarchs , and the like , brake forth the cockatrice of the church , that is the pope . but this name is by the holy ghost appropriated unto the principal ministers of christ in his church , ephes. . . and under that name they were promised unto the church of old , jerem. . . and the work of these pastors , is to feed the flock committed to their charge as it is constantly required of them , act. . . pet. . . of pastoral feeding there are two parts . ( . ) teaching or instruction . ( . ) rule or discipline . unto these two heads may all the acts and duties of a shepherd toward his flock be reduced . and both are intended in the term of feeding , chron. . . chap. . . jer. . . mic. . . chap. . . zech. . . act. . . joh. . . pet. . , &c. wherefore he who is the pastor , is the bishop , the elder , the teacher of the church . these works of teaching and ruling may be distinct in several officers , namely of teachers and rulers ; but to divide them in the same office of pastors , that some pastors should feed by teaching only , but have no right to rule by virtue of their office ; and some should attend in exercise unto rule only , not esteeming themselves obliged to labour continually in feeding the flock , is almost to overthrow this office of christs designation , and to set up two in the room of it , of mens own projection . of the call of men unto this office , so many things have been spoken and written by others at large , that i shall only insist , and that very briefly , on some things which are either of the most important consideration , or have been omitted by others : as , . unto the call of any person unto this office of a pastor in the church , there are certain qualifications previously required in him , disposing and making him fit for that office. the outward call is an act of the church , as we shall shew immediately . but therein is required an obediential acting of him also who is called . neither of these can be regular , neither can the church act according to rule and order , nor the person called act in such a due obedience , unless there are in him some previous indications of the mind of god , designing the person to be called by such qualifications , as may render him meet and able for the discharge of his office and work. for ordinary vocation is not a collation of gracious spiritual abilities suiting and making men meet for the pastoral office : but it is the communication of right and power for the regular use and exercise of gifts and abilities received antecedently unto that call , unto the edification of the church , wherein the office it self doth consist . and if we would know what these qualifications and endowments are for the substance of them , we may learn them in their great example and pattern , our lord jesus christ himself . our lord jesus christ being the good shepherd , whose the sheep are , the shepherd and bishop of our souls ; the chief shepherd , did design in the undertaking and exercise of his pastoral office , to give a type and example unto all those who are to be called unto the same office under him . and if there be not a conformity unto him herein , no man can assure his own conscience or the church of god , that he is or can be lawfully called unto this office. the qualifications of christ unto , and the gracious qualities of his mind and soul in the discharge of his pastoral office , may be referred unto four heads . . that furniture with spiritual gifts and abilities by the communication of the holy ghost unto him , in an unmeasurable fulness , whereby he was fitted for the discharge of his office. this is expressed with respect unto his undertaking of it , isa. . , . chap. . , , . luk. . . herein was he anointed with the oyl of gladness above his fellows , heb. . . but this unction of the spirit is in a certain measure required in all who are called , or to be called unto the pastoral office , ephes. . . that there are spiritual powers , gifts and abilities required unto the gospel ministry , i have at large declared in another treatise , as also what they are . and where there are none of these spiritual abilities which are necessary unto the edification of the church in the administration of gospel ordinances , as in prayer , preaching , and the like , no outward call or order can constitute any man an evangelical pastor . as unto particular persons i will not contend , as unto an absolute nullity in the office by reason of their deficiency in spiritual gifts , unless it be gross , and such as renders them utterly useless unto the edification of the church . i only say , that no man can in an orderly way and manner be called or set apart unto this office , in whom there are not some indications of gods designation of him thereunto by his furniture with spiritual gifts , of knowledge , wisdom , understanding and utterance for prayer and preaching , with other ministerial duties , in some competent measure . . compassion and love to the flock , were gloriously eminent in this great shepherd of the sheep . after other evidences hereof , he gave them that signal confirmation in laying down his life for them . this testimony of his love he insists upon himself , joh. . and herein also his example ought to lie continually before the eyes of them who are called unto the pastoral office. their entrance should be accompanied with love to the souls of men ; and if the discharge of their office be not animated with love unto their flocks , wolves or hirelings , or thieves they may be , but shepherds they are not . neither is the glory of the gospel-ministry more lost or defaced in any thing , or by any means , than by the evidence that is given among the most , of an inconformity unto jesus christ in their love unto the flock . alas ! it is scarce once thought of amongst the most of them , who in various degrees take upon them the pastoral office ; where are the fruits of it ? what evidence is given of it in any kind ? it is well , if some instead of laying down their own lives for them , do not by innumerable ways destroy their souls . . there is and was in this great shepherd a continual watchfulness over the whole flock to keep it , to preserve it , to feed , to lead and cherish it , to purify and cleanse it , until it be presented unspotted unto god. he doth never slumber nor sleep ; he watereth his vineyard every moment , keeps it night and day that none may hurt it ; looseth nothing of what is committed to him ; see is. . . i speak not distinctly of previous qualifications unto an outward call only , but with a mixture of those qualities and duties which are required in the discharge of this office. and herein also is the lord christ to be our example . and hereunto do belong , ( ) constant prayer for the flock . ( . ) diligence in the dispensation of the word , with wisdom as unto times , seasons , the state of the flock in general , their light knowledge , ways , walking , ignorance , temptations , trials , defections , weaknesses of all sorts , growth and decays , &c. ( . ) personal admonition , exhortation , consolation , instruction , as their particular cases do require . ( . ) all with a design to keep them from evil ; and to present them without blame before christ jesus at the great day . but these and things of the like nature , presenting themselves with some earnestness unto my mind , i shall at present discharge my self of the thoughts of them , hoping a more convenient place and season to give them a larger treat ; and somewhat yet farther shall be spoken of them in the next chapter . . zeal for the glory of god in his whole ministry , and in all the ends of it , had its continual residence in the holy soul of the great shepherd . hence it is declared in an expression intimating that it was inexpressible . the zeal of thy house hath eaten me up . this also must accompany the discharge of the pastoral office , or it will find no acceptance with him . and the want of it , is one of those things which hath filled the world with a dead , faithless , fruitless ministry . . as he was absolutely in himself holy , harmless , vndefiled , separate from sinners ; so a conformity unto him in these things , and that in some degree of eminency above others , is required in them who are called unto this office. again , none can or may take this office upon him , or discharge the duties of it , which are peculiarly its own , with authority , but he who is called and set apart thereunto according to the mind of jesus christ. the continuation of all church-order and power , of the regular administration of all sacred ordinances , yea , of the very being of the church as it is organical , depends on this assertion . some deny the continuation of the office it self , and of those duties which are peculiar unto it , as the administration of the sacraments . some judge , that persons neither called nor set apart unto this office , may discharge all the duties and the whole work of it ; some , that a temporary delegation of power unto any by the church , is all the warranty is necessary for the undertaking and discharge of this office. many have been the contests about these things , occasioned by the ignorance and disorderly affections of some persons . i shall briefly represent the truth herein with the grounds of it ; and proceed to the consideration of the call it self , which is so necessary . . christ himself in his own person , and by his own authority , was the author of this office. he gave it , appointed it , erected it in the church , by virtue of his sovereign power and authority , ephes. . , . cor. . . as he gave , appointed , ordained an extraordinary office of apostleship ; so he ordained , appointed and gave the ordinary office of pastorship or teaching . they have both the same divine original . . he appointed this office for continuance , or to abide in the church unto the consummation of all things , ephes. . . matth. . . and therefore he took order by his apostles , that for the continuation of this office , pastors , elders or bishops , should be called and ordained unto the care and discharge of it in all churches ; which was done by them accordingly , act. . , . chap. . . tim. . , . tit. . . wherein he gave rule unto all churches unto the end of the world , and prescribed them their duty . . on this office , and the discharge of it , he hath laid the whole weight of the order , rule and edification of his church , in his name and by virtue of his authority , act. . . col. . . tim. . . pet. . , , , , , . rev. . , , , , , &c. hereon a double necessity of the continuation of this office doth depend ; first , that which ariseth from the precept or command of it , which made it necessary to the church , on the account of the obedience which it owes to christ ; and secondly of its being the principal ordinary means of all the ends of christ in and towards his church . wherefore , although he can himself feed his church in the wilderness , where it is deprived of all outward instituted means of edification ; yet where this office fails through its neglect , there is nothing but disorder , confusion and destruction , that will ensue thereon ; no promise of feeding or edification . . the lord christ hath given commands unto the church , for obedience unto those who enjoy and exercise this office among them . now all these commands are needless and superfluous , nor can any obedience be yielded unto the lord christ in their observance , unless there be a continuation of this office. and the church loseth as much in grace and privilege , as it loseth in commands . for in obedience unto the commands of christ , doth grace in its exercise consist , tim. . . heb. . , . . this office is accompanied with power and authority , which none can take or assume to themselves . all power and authority , whether in things spiritual or temporal , which is not either founded in the law of nature , or collated by divine ordination , is usurpation and tyranny . no man can of himself take either sword. to invade an office which includes power and authority over others , is to disturb all right , natural , divine and civil . that such an authority is included in this office , is evident , ( . ) from the names ascribed unto them in whom it is vested ; as pastors , bishops , elders , rulers , all of them requiring of it . ( . ) from the work prescribed unto them , which is feeding by rule and teaching . ( . ) from the execution of church-power in discipline , or the exercise of the keys of the kingdom of heaven committed unto them . ( . ) from the commands given for obedience unto them which respect authority . ( . ) from their appointment to be the means and instruments of exerting the authority of christ in the church , which can be done no other way . . christ hath appointed a standing rule of the calling of men unto this office , as we shall see immediately . but if men may enter upon it , and discharge it , without any such call , that rule , with the way of the call prescribed , are altogether in vain . and there can be no greater affront unto the authority of christ in his church , than to act in it , in neglect of , or opposition unto the rule that he hath appointed for the exercise of power in it . . there is an accountable trust committed unto those who undertake this office. the whole flock , the ministry it self , the truths of the gospel as to the preservation of them all , are committed to them , col. . . tim. . . tim. . , , . act. . . pet. . , , , , . heb. . . they who must give an account . nothing can be more wicked or foolish , than for a man to intrude himself into a trust , which is not committed unto him . they are branded as profligately wicked , who attempt any such thing among men , which cannot be done without impudent falsification : and what shall he be esteemed who intrudes himself into the highest trust that any creature is capable off in the name of christ , and take upon him to give an account of its discharge at the last day , without any divine call or warranty ? . there are unto the discharge of this office especial promises granted and annexed of present assistances , and future eternal rewards , matth. . . pet. . . either these promises belong unto them who take this office on themselves without any call , or they do not . if they do not , then have they neither any especial assistance in their work , nor can expect any reward of their labours . if it be said they have an interest in them , then the worst of men may obtain the benefit of divine promises , without any divine designation . . the general force of the rule , heb. . . includes a prohibition of undertaking any sacred office without a divine call ; and so the instances of such prohibitions under the old testament , as unto the duties annexed unto an office , as in the case of vzziah invading the priesthood , or of taking a ministerial office without call or mission , as jerem. . , , . having respect unto the order of gods institutions , may be pleaded in this case . . whoever therefore takes upon him the pastoral office without a lawful outward call , doth take unto himself power and authority without any divine warranty , which is a foundation of all disorder and confusion ; interests himself in an accountable trust , no way committed unto him ; hath no promise of assistance in , or reward for his work , but ingageth in that which is destructive of all church-order , and consequently of the very being of the church it self . . yet there are three things that are to be annexed unto this assertion by way of limitation : as , ( . ) many things performed by virtue of office in a way of authority , may be performed by others not called to office , in a way of charity . such are the moral duties of exhorting , admonishing , comforting , instructing and praying with , and for one another . ( . ) spiritual gifts may be exercised unto the edification of others , without office-power , where order and opportunity do require it . but the constant exercise of spiritual gifts in preaching , with a refusal of undertaking a ministerial office , or without design so to do upon a lawful call , cannot be approved . ( . ) the rules proposed concern only ordinary cases , and the ordinary state of the church ; extraordinary cases are accompanied with a warranty in themselves for extraordinary actings and duties . . the call of persons unto the pastoral office is an act and duty of the church . it is not an act of the political magistrate , not of the pope , not of any single prelate , but of the whole church , unto whom the lord christ hath committed the keys of the kingdom of heaven . and indeed , although there be great differences about the nature and manner of the call of men unto this office , yet none who understand ought of these things , can deny , but that it is an act and duty of the church ; which the church alone is impowered by christ to put forth and exert . but this will more fully appear in the consideration of the nature and manner of this call of men unto the pastoral office , and the actings of the church therein . the call of persons unto the pastoral office in the church consists of two parts . ( . ) election , ( . ) ordination , as it is commonly called , or sacred separation by fasting and prayer . as unto the former , four things must be enquired into . ( . ) what is previous unto it or preparatory for it . ( . ) wherein it doth consist . ( . ) it s necessity , or the demonstration of its truth and institution . ( . ) what influence it hath into the communication of pastoral-office-power unto a pastor so chosen . . that which is previous unto it , is , the meetness of the person for his office and work , that is to be chosen . it can never be the duty of the church to call or choose an unmeet , an unqualified , an unprepared person unto this office. no pretended necessity , no outward motives can enable or warrant it so to do , nor can it by any outward act , whatever the rule or solemnity of it be , communicate ministerial authority unto persons utterly unqualified for , and uncapable of the discharge of the pastoral office according unto the rule of the scripture . and this hath been one great means of debasing the ministery , and almost ruining the church it self ; either by the neglect of those who suppose themselves entrusted with the whole power of ordination , or by impositions on them by secular power , and patrons of livings as they are called , with the stated regulation of their proceedings herein , by a defective law , whence there hath not been a due regard unto the antecedent preparatory qualifications of those who are called unto the ministry . two ways is the meetness of any one made known and to be judged of . ( . ) by an evidence given of the qualifications in him before-mentioned . the church is not to call or choose any one to office who is not known unto them ; of whose frame of spirit , and walking , they have not had some experience ; not a novice , or one lately come unto them . he must be one who by his ways and walking hath obtained a good report , even among them that are without , so far as he is known ; unless they be enemies or scoffers ; and one that hath in some good measure evidenced his faith , love and obedience unto jesus christ in the church . this is the chief trust that the lord christ hath committed unto his churches ; and if they are negligent herein , or if at all-adventures they will impose an officer in his house upon him without satisfaction of his meetness upon due enquiry , it is a great dishonour unto him , and provocation of him . herein principally are churches made the overseers of their own purity and edification . to deny them an ability of a right judgment herein , or a liberty for the use and exercise of it , is error and tyranny . but that flock which christ purchased and purified with his own blood , is thought by some to be little better than an herd of brute beasts . where there is a defect of this personal knowledge for want of opportunity , it may be supplied by testimonies of unquestionable authority . ( . ) by a trial of his gifts for edification . these are those spiritual endowments which the lord christ grants , and the holy spirit works in the minds of men , for this very end that the church may be profited by them , cor. . . and we must at present take it for granted , that every true church of christ , that is so in the matter and form of it , is able to judge in some competent measure what gifts of men are suited unto their own edification . but yet in making a judgment hereof , one directive means is the advice of other elders and churches , which they are obliged to make use off by virtue of the communion of churches , and the avoidance of offence in their walk in that communion . . as to the nature of this election , call or choice of a person known , tried , and judged , meetly qualified for the pastoral office , it is an act of the whole church , that is , of the fraternity with their elders , if they have any . for a pastor may be chosen unto a church which hath other teachers , elders , or officers already instated in it . in this case their concurrence in the choice intended , is necessary by way of common suffrage , not of authority or office-power . for election is not an act of authority , but of liberty and power , wherein the whole church in the fraternity is equal . if there be no officers stated in the church before , as it was with the churches in the primitive times , on the first ordination of elders among them , this election belongs unto the fraternity . . that therefore which we have now to prove , is this ; that it is the mind and will of jesus christ , that meet persons should be called unto the pastoral office ( or any other office in the church ) by the election and choice of the church it self whereunto they are called , antecedently unto a sacred solemn separation unto their respective offices : for , . under the old testament there were three ways whereby men were called unto office in the church . ( . ) they were so extraordinarily and immediately by the nomination and designation of god himself . so aaron was called unto the priesthood , and others afterwards , as samuel , to be prophets . ( . ) by a law of carnal generation ; so all the priests of the posterity of aaron succeeded into the office of the priesthood , without any other call . ( . ) by the choice of the people , which was the call of all the ordinary elders and rulers of the church , deut. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . give to your selves . it was required of the people , that they should in the first place , make a judgment on their qualifications for the office whereunto they were called . men known unto them for wise , understanding , righteous , walking in the fear of god , they were to look out , and then to present them unto moses for their separation unto office , which is election . it is true , that exod. . . it is said that moses chose the elders . but it is frequent in the scripture , that where any thing is done by many , where one is chief , that is ascribed indifferently either to the many , or to the chief director . so is it said , israel sent messengers , numbers , . . moses , speaking of the same things , says , i sent messengers , deut. . . so chron. . . they made peace with david and served him ; which is sam. . . they made peace with israel and served them . see also king. . . with chron. . . as also chron. . . with sam. . . and the same may be observed in other places . wherefore the people chose these elders under the conduct and guidance of moses , which directs us unto the right interpretation of act . . whereof we shall speak immediately . the first of these ways was repeated in the foundation of the evangelical church . christ himself was called unto his office by the father , through the unction of the spirit , isa. . heb. . and he himself called the apostles and evangelists , in whom that call ceased . the second ordinary way by the privilege of natural generation of the stock of the priests , was utterly abolished . the third way only remained , for the ordinary continuation of the church ; namely , by the choice and election of the church it self , with solemn separation and dedication by officers extraordinary or ordinary . the first instance of the choice of a church-officer had a mixture in it of the first and later way , in the case of matthias . as he was able to be a church-officer he had the choice and consent of the church ; as he was to be an apostle or an extraordinary officer , there was an immediate divine disposition of him into his office ; the latter to give him apostolical authority , the former to make him a president of the future actings of the church in the call of their officers . i say this being the first example and pattern of the calling of any person unto office in the christian church-state , wherein there was an interposition of the ordinary actings of men , is established as a rule and president not to be changed , altered or departed from , in any age of the church whatever . it is so , as unto what was of common right and equity , which belonged unto the whole church . and i cannot but wonder , how men durst ever reject and disanul this divine example and rule . it will not avail them to say , that it is only a matter of fact , and not a precept or institution that is recorded . for , ( . ) it is a fact left on record in the holy scripture for our instruction and direction . ( . ) it is an example of the apostles and the whole church proposed unto us , which in all things , not otherwise determined , hath the force of an institution . ( . ) if there was no more in it but this , that we have a matter of common right , determined and applied by the wisdom of the apostles , and the entire church of believers at that time in the world , it were an impiety to depart from it , unless in case of the utmost necessity . whereas , what is here recorded was in the call of an apostle , it strengthens the argument which hence we plead . for if in the extraordinary call of an apostle , it was the mind of christ , that the fraternity or multitude should have the liberty of their suffrage , how much more is it certainly his mind , that in the ordinary call of their own peculiar officers , in whom , under him , the concernment is their own only , that this right should be continued unto them ? the order of the proceeding of the church herein is distinctly declared . for , ( . ) the number of the church at that time , that is of the men , was about an hundred and twenty , v. . ( . ) they were assembled all together in one place , so as that peter stood up in the midst of them , v. . ( . ) peter in the name of the rest of the apostles , declares unto them the necessity of choosing one to be substituted in the room of judas , v. , , , , . ( . ) he limits the choice of him unto the especial qualification of being a meet witness of the resurrection of christ , unto those who constantly accompanied him with themselves from the baptism of john , that is , his being baptized by him , whereon he began his publick ministry . ( . ) among these they were left at their liberty to nominate any two , who were to be left unto the lot for a determination whether of them god designed unto the office. ( . ) hereon the whole multitude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , appointed two ; that is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the men and brethren , unto whom peter spake , v. . did so . ( . ) the same persons to promote the work , prayed and gave forth their lots , v. . . ( ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 matthias was by the common suffrage of the whole church , reckoned unto the number of the apostles . i say not that these things were done by the disciples in distinction from peter and the rest of the apostles , but in conjunction with them . peter did nothing without them ; nor did they any thing without him . the exception of bellarmine and others , against this testimony , is , that it was a grant and a condescention in peter , and not a declaration of the right of the church ; that it was an extraordinary case ; that the determination of the whole was by lot ; are of no validity . the pretended concession of peter is a figment ; the case was so extraordinary , as to include in it all ordinary cases , for the substance of them . and although the ultimate determination of the individual person , which was necessary unto his apostleship , was immediately divine by lot ; yet here is all granted unto the people , in their choosing and appointing two , in their praying , in their casting lots , in their voluntary opprobatory suffrage , that is desired . this blessed example given us by the wisdom of the apostles , yea , of the spirit of god in them , being eminently suited unto the nature of the thing it self , as we shall see immediately , compliant with all other directions , and apostolical examples in the like case , is rather to be followed , than the practice of some degenerate churches , who to cover the turpitude of acting in deserting this example and rule , do make use of a mock-shew and pretence of that which really they deny , reject and oppose . the second example we have of the practice of the apostles in this case , whereby the preceding rule is confirmed , is given us , act. . in the election of the deacons . had there ensued after the choice of matthias an instance of a diverse practice , by an exclusion of the consent of the people , the former might have been evaded , as that which was absolutely extraordinary , and not obliging unto the church . but this was the very next instance of the call of any church-officer ; and it was the first appointment of any ordinary officers in the christian church . for it falling out in the very year of christs ascension , there is no mention of any ordinary elders distinct from the apostles , ordained in that church . for all the apostles themselves yet abiding there for the most part of this time , making only some occasional excursions unto other places , were able to take care of the rule of the church , and the preaching of the word . they are indeed mentioned as those who were well known in the church not long afterwards , chap. . . but the first instance of the call or ordinary teaching-elders or pastors is not recorded . that of deacons is so by reason of the occasion of it . and we may observe concerning it unto our purpose , . that the institution of the office it self was of apostolical authority , and that fulness of church-power wherewith they were furnished by jesus christ. . that they did not exert that authority but upon such reasons of it , as were satisfactory to the church ; which they declare , v. . . that the action is ascribed to the twelve in general , without naming any person who spake for the rest ; which renders the pretence of the romanists from the former place , where peter is said to have spoken unto the disciples , whereon they would have the actings of the church which ensued thereon , to have been by his concession and grant , not of their own right , altogether vain . for the rest of the apostles were as much interested and concerned in what was then spoken by peter , as they were at this time , when the whole is ascribed unto the twelve . . that the church was greatly multiplied that time , on the account of the conversion unto the faith recorded in the foregoing chapter . it is probable indeed , that many , yea , the most of them were returned unto their own habitations ; for the next year there were churches in all judea , galilee and samaria , chap. . . and peter went about throughout all quarters to visit the saints that dwelt in them , ver . . of whose conversion we read nothing but that which fell out at jerusalem at pentecost ; but a great multitude they were , v. , . . this whole multitude of the church , that is the brethren , v. . assembled in one place , being congregated by the apostles , v. . who would not ordain any thing wherein they were concerned , without their own consent . . they judged on the whole matter proposed unto them , and gave their approbation thereof , before they entred upon the practice of it , v. . the saying pleased the whole multitude . . the qualifications of the persons to be chosen unto the office intended , are declared by the apostles , v. . of honest report , full of the holy ghost and wisdom . . these qualities the multitude were to judge upon , and so absolutely of the meetness of any for this office. . the choice is wholly committed and left unto them by the apostles , as that which of right did belong unto them ; look you out among you ; which they made use off , choosing them unto the office by their common suffrage , v. . . having thus chosen them , they presented them as their chosen officers unto the apostles , to be by them set apart unto the exercise of their office by prayer and imposition of hands , v. . it is impossible , there should be a more evident convincing instance and example of the free choice of ecclesiastical officers by the multitude or fraternity of the church , than is given us herein . nor was there any ground or reason why this order and process should be observed , why the apostles would not themselves nominate and appoint persons whom they saw and knew meet for this office , to receive it , but that it was the right and liberty of the people , according to the mind of christ , to choose their own officers , which they would not abbridge , nor infringe . so was it then , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith chrysostom on the place , and so it ought now to be ; but the usage began then to decline . it were well if some would consider how the apostles at that time treated that multitude of the people , which is so much now despised , and utterly excluded from all concern in church affairs , but what consist in servile subjection . but they have , in this pattern and president for the future ordering of the calling of meet persons to office in the church , their interest , power , and privilege secured unto them , so as that they can never justly be deprived of it . and if there were nothing herein , but only a record of the wisdom of the apostles in managing church affairs , it is marvellous to me , that any who would be thought to succeed them in any part of their trust and office , should dare to depart from the example set before them by the holy ghost in them , preferring their own ways and inventions above it . i shall ever judge , that there is more safety , in a strict adherence unto this apostolical practice and example , than in a compliance with all the canons of councils or churches afterwards . the only objection usually insisted on , that is by bellarmine and those that follow him , is , that this being the election of deacons to manage the alms of the church , that is somewhat of their temporals , nothing can thence be concluded unto the right or way of calling bishops , pastors or elders , who are to take care of the souls of the people . they may indeed be able to judge of the fitness of them who are to be entrusted with their purses , or what they are willing to give out of them ; but it doth not thence follow , that they are able to judge of the fitness of those who are to be their spiritual pastors , nor to have the choice of them . nothing can be weaker than this pretence or evasion . for , ( . ) the question is concerning the calling of persons unto office in the church in general , whereof we have here a rule , whereunto no exception is any way entred . ( . ) this cannot be fairly pleaded by them who appoint deacons to preach , baptize and officiate publickly in all holy things , excepting only the administration of the eucharist . ( . ) if the people are meet and able to judge of them who are of honest report , and full of the holy ghost and wisdom , which is here required of them , they are able to judge who are meet to be their pastors . ( . ) the argument holds strongly on the other side ; namely , that if it be right and equal , if it be of divine appointment and apostolical practice , that the people should choose those who were to collect and distribute their charitable benevolence because of their concernment therein , much more are they to enjoy the same liberty , right and privilege in the choice of their pastors , unto whom they commit the care of their souls , and submit themselves unto their authority in the lord. . accordingly they did use the same liberty in the choice of their elders , act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , say erasmus , vatablus , beza , all our old english translations , appointing , ordaining , creating elders by election or the suffrage of the disciples , having prayed with fastings . the whole order of the sacred separation of persons qualified unto the office of the ministry , that is , to be bishops , elders or pastors , is here clearly represented . for , ( . ) they were chosen by the people ; the apostles who were present , namely paul and barnabas presiding in the action , directing of it and confirming that by their consent with them . ( . ) a time of prayer and fasting was appointed for the action , or discharge of the duty of the church herein . ( . ) when they were so chosen , the apostles present solemnly prayed , whereby their ordination was compleat . and those who would have the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here mentioned to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or an authoritative imposition of hands , wherein this ordination did consist , do say there is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the words ; that is they feign a disorder in them , to serve their own hypothesis . for they suppose that their compleat ordination was effected , before there was any prayer with fasting ; for by imposition of hands in their judgment , ordination is compleated ; so bellarmine , a lapide , on the place , with those that follow them . but first to pervert the true signification of the word , and then to give countenance unto that wresting of it by assigning a disorder unto the words of the whole sentence , and that such a disorder as makes in their judgment a false representation of the matter of fact related , is a way of the interpretation of scripture which will serve any turn . ( . ) this was done in every church , or in every congregation , as tindal renders the word ; namely , in all the particular congregations that were gathered in those parts ; for that collection and constitution did always precede the election and ordination of their officers , as is plain in this place ; as also tit. . . so far is it from truth , that the being of churches dependeth on the successive ordination of their officers , that the church essentially considered , is always antecedent unto their being and call. but because it is some mens interest to entangle things plain and clear enough in themselves , i shall consider the objections unto this rendition of the words . the whole of it lies against the signification , use and application of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now although we do not here argue meerly from the signification of the word , but from the representation of the matter of fact made in the context ; yet i shall observe some things sufficient for the removal of that objection : as , . the native signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by virtue of its composition , is , to lift up , or stretch forth the hands , or an hand . and hereunto the lxx have respect , isa. . . where they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the putting forth of the finger , which is used in an ill sence , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor is it ever used in any other signification . . the first constant use of it in things political or civil , and so consequently ecclesiastical , is to choose , elect , design or create any person an officer , magistrate or ruler , by suffrage , or common consent of those concerned . and this was usually done with making bare the hand and arm , with lifting up , as aristophanes witnesseth . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he is a great stranger unto these things , who knoweth not that among the greeks , especially the athenians , from whom the use of this word is borrowed or taken , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was an act 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the whole assembly of the people in the choice of their officers and magistrates . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by common suffrage to decree and determine of any thing , law , or order ; and when applied unto persons , it signifies their choice and designation to office. so is it used in the first sence by demosthenes , orat. in timoch . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people confirmed my sayings by their suffrage : and in the other , philip. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; neither the senate , nor the people choosing him to his office. so is the passive verb used to be created by suffrages . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the act of choosing , whose effect was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the determining vote or suffrage . porrexerunt manus , psephisma notum est , saith cicero , speaking of the manner of the greeks . and when there was a division in choice , it was determined by the greater suffrage thucid. lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as many instances of this nature may be produced , as there are reports of calling men unto magistracy by election in the greek historians . and all the farther compositions of the word do signifie to choose , confirm , or to abrogate by common suffrages . . the word is but once more used in the new testament , cor. . . where it plainly signifies election and choice of a person to an employment , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : he was chosen of the churches to travel with us . . it is acknowledged , that after this was the common use of the word , it was applied to signifie the thing it self , and not the manner of doing it . hence it is used sometimes for the obtaining or collation of authority , or dignity or magistracy , any manner of way , though not by election . to appoint , to create . but this was by an abusive application of the word , to express the thing it self intended , without regard unto its signification and proper use . why such a use of it should be here admitted , no reason can be given . for in all other places on such occasions , the apostles did admit and direct the churches to use their liberty in their choice . so the apostles and elders , with the whole church , sent chosen men of their own company to antioch , such as they chose by common suffrage for that end ; so again ver . . i will send whom you shall approve , cor. . . the church chose them , the apostle sent him who was chosen by the church to be our companion , cor. . . look out from among your selves , act. . if on all these and the like occasions , the apostles did guide and direct the people in their right and use of their liberty , as unto the election of persons unto offices and employments , when the churches themselves are concerned , what reason is there to depart from the proper and usual signification of the word in this place , denoting nothing but what was the common practice of the apostles on the like occasions ? . that which alone is objected hereunto by bellarmine and others who follow him , and borrow their whole in this case from him , namely that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grammatically agreeing with and regulated by paul and barnabas , denotes their act , and not any act of the people , is of no force . for , ( . ) paul and barnabas did preside in the whole action , helping , ordering and disposing of the people in the discharge of their duty , as is meet to be done by some on all the like occasions . and therefore it is truly said of them , that they appointed elders by the suffrage of the people . ( . ) i have shewed instances before out of the scripture , that when a thing is done by the whole people , it is usual to ascribe it unto him or them who were chief therein , as elsewhere the same thing is ascribed unto the whole people . the same authors contend that the liberty of choosing their own officers or elders , such as it was , was granted unto them or permitted by way of condescention for a season ; and not made use of by virtue of any right in them thereunto . but this permission is a meer imagination . it was according to the mind of christ , that the churches should choose their own elders , or it was not . if it were not , the apostles would not have permitted it ; and if it were , they ought to ordain it , and practise according to it , as they did . nor is such a constant apostolical practice proposed for the direction of the church in all ages , to be ascribed unto such an original as condescension and permission . yea it is evident , that it arose from the most fundamental principles of the constitution and nature of the gospel churches , and was only a regular pursuit and practice of them : for , . the calling of bishops , pastors , elders , is an act of the power of the keys of the kingdom of heaven . but these keys are originally and properly given unto the whole church , unto the elders of it only ministerially ; and as unto exercise pastors are eyes to the church : but god and nature design in the first place , sight to the whole body , to the whole person , thereunto it is granted both subjectively and finally , but actually it is peculiarly seated in the eye . so is it in the grant of church-power , it is given to the whole church , though to be exercised only by its elders . that the grant of the keys unto peter was in the person and as the representative of the whole confessing church , is the known judgment of austin and a multitude of divines that follow him . so he fully expresseth himself , tractat. . in johan . peter the apostle bare in a general figure the person of the church . for as unto what belonged unto himself , he was by nature one man , by grace one christian , and of special more abounding grace , one and the chief apostle . but when it was said unto him , i will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven , &c. he signified the whole church , &c. again , the church which is founded in christ , received from him in ( the person of ) peter , the keys of the kingdom of heaven , which is the power of binding and loosing . unto whom these keys are granted , they according to their distinct interests in that grant , have the right and power of calling their bishops , pastors or elders ; for in the exercise of that trust and power , it doth consist . but this is made unto the whole church . and as there are in a church already constituted several sorts of persons , as some are elders , others are of the people only , this right resideth in them , and is acted by them according to their respective capacities , as limited by the light of nature and divine institution , which is , that the election of them should belong unto the body of the people , and their authoritative designation or ordination unto the elders . and when in any place the supream magistrate is a member or part of the church , he hath also his : peculiar right herein . that the power of the keys is thus granted originally and fundamentally unto the whole church , is undeniably confirmed by two arguments . . the church it self is the wife , the spouse , the bride , the queen of the husband and king of the church christ jesus , psal. . . john . . revel . . . chap. . . matth. . , , . other wife christ hath none , nor hath the church any other husband . now to whom should the keys of the house be committed but unto the bride ? there is , i confess , another who claims the keys to be his own , but withal , he makes himself the head and husband of the church , proclaiming himself , not only to be an adulterer with that harlot which he calleth the church , but a tyrant also , in that pretending to be her husband he will not trust her with the keys of his house , which christ hath done with his spouse . and whereas by the canon law every bishop is the husband or spouse of his diocesan church , for the most part they commit an open rape upon the people , taking them without their consent ; at least are not chosen by them , which yet is essential unto a lawful marriage . and the bride of christ comes no otherwise so to be , but by the voluntary choice of him to be her husband . for the officers or rulers of the church , they do belong unto it as hers , cor. . . . and stewards in the house , cor. . . the servants of the church for jesus sake , cor. . . if the lord christ have the keys of the kingdom of heaven , that is , of his own house , heb. . if the church it self be the spouse of christ , the mother of the family , psal. . . the bride , the lambs wife ; and if all the officers of the church be but stewards and servants in the house and unto the family ; if the lord christ do make a grant of these keys unto any , whereon the disposal of all things in this house and family doth depend , the question is , whether he hath originally granted them unto his holy spouse to dispose off according unto her judgment and duty , or unto any servants in the house , to dispose of her and all her concernments , at their pleasure ? . the power of the keys as unto binding and loosing , and consequently as unto all other acts thence proceeding , is expresly granted unto the whole church , matth. . , . if he shall neglect to hear them , tell the church ; but if he neglect to hear the church , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican ; verily i say unto you , whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . what church it is that is here intended , we have proved before ; and that the church is intrusted with the power of binding and loosing . and what is the part of the body of the people herein , the apostle declares ; cor. . . cor. . . secondly , this right exemplified in apostolical practice , is comprehended in the commands given unto the church , or body of the people , with respect unto teachers and rulers of all sorts ; for unto them it is in a multitude of places given in charge that they should discern and try false prophets , fly from them ; try spirits , or such as pretend spiritual gifts or offices ; reject them who preach false doctrine , to give testimony unto them that are to be in office ; with sundry other things of the like nature , which all of them do suppose , or cannot be discharged without a right in them to choose the worthy , and reject the unworthy , as cyprian speaks . see matth. . . joh. ● . . gal. . . thess. . , , . joh. . . joh. . . what is objected hereunto from the unfitness and disability of the people , to make a right judgment concerning them who are to be their pastors and rulers , labours with a three-fold weakness . for , ( . ) it reflects dishonour upon the wisdom of christ in commanding them the observance and discharge of such duties , as they are no way meet for . ( . ) it proceeds upon a supposition of that degenerate state of churches in their members , as to light , knowledge , wisdom and holiness , which they are for the most part fallen into ; which must not be allowed to have the force of argument in it ; when it is to be lamented , and ought to be reformed . ( . ) it supposeth that there is no supply of assistance provided for the people , in the discharge of their duty to guide and direct them therein ; which is otherwise ; seeing the elders of the church wherein any such election is made , and those of other churches in communion with that church , are by the common advice and declaration of their judgment , to be assistant unto them . thirdly , the church is a voluntary society . persons otherwise absolutely free , as unto all the rules , laws and ends of such a society , do of their own wills and free choice coalesce into it . this is the original of all churches , as hath been declared . they gave their own selves to the lord , and unto us by the will of god , cor. . . herein neither by prescription , nor tradition , nor succession , hath any one more power or authority than another ; but they are all equal . it is gathered into this society meerly by the authority of christ ; and where it is so collected , it hath neither right , power , privilege , rules nor bonds as such , but what are given , prescribed and limited by the institution and laws of christ. moreover , it abides and continues on the same grounds and principles , as whereon it was collected , namely , the wills of the members of it subjected unto the commands of christ. this is as necessary unto its present continuance in all its members , as it was in its first plantation . it is not like the political societies of the world , which being first established by force or consent , bring a necessity on all that are born in them and under them , to comply with their rule and laws . for men may , and in many cases ought to submit unto the disposal of temporal things , in a way , it may be , not convenient for them , which they judge not well off , and which in many things is not unto their advantage . and this may be just and equal , because the special good which every one would aim at , being not absolutely so , may be out-balanced by a general good , nor alterable , but by the prejudice of that which is good in particular . but with reference unto things spiritual and eternal it is not so . no man can by any previous law be concluded as unto his interest in such things ; nor is there any general good to be attained by the loss of any of them . none therefore can coalesce in such a society , or adhere unto it , or be any way belonging unto it , but by his own free choice and consent . and it is enquired , how it is possible that any rule , authority , power or office , should arise or be erected in such a society ? we speak of that which is ordinary ; for he by whom this church-state is erected and appointed , may and did appoint in it , and over it , extraordinary officers for a season . and we do suppose , that as he hath by his divine authority instituted and appointed that such societies shall be , that he hath made grant of privileges and powers to them proper and sufficient for this end ; as also that he hath given laws and rules , by the observance whereof , they may be made partakers of those privileges and powers , with a right unto their exercise . on these suppositions in a society absolutely voluntary , among those who in their conjunction into it , by their own consent , are every way equal , there can but three things be required unto the actual constitution of rule and office among them . and the first is , that there be some among them that are fitted and qualified for the discharge of such an office in a peculiar manner above others . this is previous unto all government , beyond that which is purely natural and necessary . principio rerum , gentium nationumque imperium penes reges erat ; quos ad fastigium hujus majestatis , non popularis ambitio , sed spectata inter bonos moderatio provehebat . just. so it was in the world , so it was in the church . praesident probati quique seniores , honorem istum non pretio sed testimonio adepti . tertull. this preparation and furniture of some persons with abilities and meet qualifications for office and work in the church , the lord christ hath taken on himself , and doth and will effect it in all generations . without this there can be neither office , nor rule , nor order in the church . . whereas , there is a new relation to be made or created between a pastor , bishop or elder , and the church , which was not before between them , ( a bishop and a church , a pastor and a flock are relata's ) it must be introduced at the same time by the mutual voluntary acts of one another , or of each party . for one of the relata can , as such , have no being or existence without the other . now this can no otherwise be , but by the consent and voluntary subjection of the church unto persons so antecedently qualified for office , according to the law and will of christ. for it cannot be done by the delegation of power and authority from any other superiour or equal unto them that do receive it . neither the nature of this power , which is uncapable of such a delegation , nor the relation unto christ of all those who are pastors of the church , will admit of an interposition of authority by way of delegation of power from themselves in other men , which would make them their ministers , and not christs ; nor is it consistent with the nature of such a voluntary society . this therefore can no way be done , but by free choice , election , consent or approbation . it cannot , i say , be so regularly . how far an irregularity herein may vitiate the whole call of a minister , we do not now enquire . now this choice or election doth not communicate a power from them that choose unto them that are chosen , as though such a power as that whereunto they are called , should be formally inherent in the choosers , antecedent unto such choice . for this would make those that are chosen to be their minister only ; and to act all things in their name , and by virtue of authority derived from them . it is only an instrumental , ministerial means to enstate them in that power and authority which is given unto such officers by the constitution and laws of christ , whose ministers thereon they are . these gifts , offices , and officers , being granted by christ unto the churches , ephes. . . where-ever there is a church called according to his mind , they do in and by their choice of them , submit themselves unto them in the lord , according unto all the powers and duties wherewith they are by him intrusted , and whereunto they are called . . it is required that persons so chosen , so submitted unto , be so solemnly separated , dedicated unto , and confirmed in their office by fasting and prayer . as this is consonant unto the light of nature , which directs unto a solemnity in the susception of publick officers ; whence proceeds the coronation of kings , which gives them not their title , but solemnly proclaims it , which on many accounts is unto the advantage of government ; so it is prescribed unto the church in this case by especial institution . but hereof i shall speak farther immediately . this order of calling men unto the pastoral office , namely by their previous qualifications for the ministry , whereby a general designation of the persons to be called is made by christ himself ; the orderly choice or election of him in a voluntary subjection unto him in the lord , according to the mind of christ , by the church it self ; followed with solemn ordination , or setting apart unto the office and discharge of it by prayer with fasting , all in obedience unto the commands and institution of christ , whereunto the communication of office-power and privilege , is by law-constitution annexed , is suited unto the light of reason , in all such cases , the nature of gospel societies in order or churches ; the ends of the ministry , the power committed by christ unto the church , and confirmed by apostolical practice and example . herein we rest , without any further dispute or limiting the formal cause of the communication of office-power unto any one act or duty of the church , or of the bishops or elders of it . all the three things mentioned are essential thereunto ; and when any of them are utterly neglected , where they are neither formally nor virtually , there is no lawful regular call unto the ministry according to the mind of christ. this order was a long time observed in the ancient church inviolate ; and the foot-steps of it may be traced through all ages of the church ; although it first gradually decayed , then was perverted and corrupted , until it issued ( as in the roman church ) in a pageant and shew , instead of the reality of the things themselves : for the trial and approbation of spiritual endowments previously necessary unto the call of any , was left unto the pedantick examination of the bishops domesticks , who knew nothing of them in themselves ; the election and approbation of the people was turned into a mock-shew in the sight of god and men , a deacon calling out , that if any had objections against him who was to be ordained , they should come forth and speak ; whereunto another cries out of a corner by compact , he is learned and worthy ; and ordination was esteemed to consist only in the outward sign of imposition of hands , with some other ceremonies annexed thereunto , whereby , without any other consideration , there ensued a flux of power from the ordainers unto the ordained . but from the beginning it was not so . and some few instances of the right of the people , and the exercise of it in the choice of their own pastors , may be touched on in our passage . clem. epist. ad corinth . affirms , that the apostles themselves appointed approved persons unto the office of the ministry , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by or with the consent or choice of the whole church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to enact by common consent ; which makes it somewhat strange , that a learned man should think that the right of the people in elections is excluded in this very place by clemens , from what is assigned unto the apostles in ordination . ignat . epist , ad philadelph . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , writing to the fraternity of the church , it becomes you , as a church of god , to choose or ordain a bishop . tertvll . apol . praesident probati quique seniores , honorem istum non pretio , sed testimonio adepti . the elders came unto their honour or office by the testimony of the people ; that is by their suffrage in their election . origen , in the close of his last book against celsus , discoursing expresly of the calling and constitution of churches or cities of god , speaking of the elders and rulers of them , affirms , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chosen to their office by the churches which they do rule . the testimony given by cyprian in sundry places unto this right of the people , especially in epist. . unto the elders and people of some churches in spain , is so known , so frequently urged and excepted against to so little purpose , as that it is no way needful to insist again upon it . some few things i shall only observe concerning , and out of that epistle : as , . it was not a single epistle of his own more ordinary occasions , but a determination upon a weighty question made by a synod of bishops or elders , in whose name , as well as that of cyprian , it was written and sent unto the churches who had craved their advice . . he doth not only assert the right of the people to choose worthy persons to be their bishops , and reject those that are unworthy ; but also industriously proves it so to be their right by divine institution and appointment . . he declares it to be the sin of the people , if they neglect the use and exercise of their right and power in rejecting and withdrawing themselves from the communion of vnworthy pastors , and choosing others in their room . . he affirms that this was the practice , not only of the churches of africk , but of those in most of the other provinces of the empire . some passages in his discourse , wherein all these things are asserted , i shall transcribe in the order wherein they lie in the epistle . nec sibi plebs blandiatur , quasi immunis esse a contagio delicti possit cum sacerdote peccatore communicans , & ad injustum & illicitum praepositi sui episcopatum consensum suum commodans . propter quod plebs obsequens praeceptis dominicis & deum metuens , a peccatore praeposito separare se debet ; nec se ad sacrilegi sacerdotis sacrificia miscere ; quando ipsa maxime habeat potestatem vel eligendi dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi ; quod & ipsum videmus de divina authoritate descendere . for this cause the people obedient to the commands of our lord , and fearing god , ought to separate themselves from a wicked bishop , nor mix themselves with the worship of a sacrilegious priest. for they principally have the power of choosing the worthy priests , and rejecting the unworthy ; which comes from divine authority or appointment ; as he proves from the old and new testament . nothing can be spoken more fully representing the truth which we plead for . he assigns unto the people a right and power of separating from unworthy pastors , of rejecting or deposing them , and that granted to them by divine authority . and this power of election in the people , he proves from the apostolical practice before insisted on . quod postea secundum divina magisteria observatur in actis apostolorum , quando in ordinando in locum judae episcopo , petrus ad plebem loquitur . surrexit , inquit , petrus in medio discentium , fuit autem turba in uno . nec hoc in episcoporum tantum & sacerdotum , sed in diaconorum ordinationibus observasse apostolos , de quo & ipso in actis eorum scriptum est . et convocarunt , inquit , duodecim , totam plebem discipulorum , & dixerunt eis , &c. according unto the divine commands the same course was observed in the acts of the apostles , whereof he gives instances in the election of matthias , act. . and of the deacons , chap. . and afterwards speaking of ordination , de vniversae fraternitatis suffragio , by the suffrage of the whole brotherhood of the church ; he says , diligenter de traditione divina , & apostolica observatione servandum est & tenendum apud nos quoque , ut fere per universas provincias tenetur : according to which divine tradition and apostolical practice , this custom is to be preserved and kept amongst us also , as it is almost through all the provinces . those who are not moved with his authority , yet , i think have reason to believe him in a matter of fact , of what was done every where , or almost every where , in his own days ; and they may take time to answer his reasons when they can , which comprize the substance of all that we plead in this case . but the testimonies in following ages given unto this right and power of the people in choosing their own church-officers , bishops and others , recorded in the decrees of councils , the writings of the learned men in them , the rescripts of popes , and constitutions of emperours , are so fully and faithfully collected by blondellus in the third part of his apology for the judgment of hierom about episcopacy , as that nothing can be added unto his diligence , nor is there any need of farther confirmation of the truth in this behalf . the pretence also of bellarmine , and others who follow him , and borrow ▪ their conceits from him , that this liberty of the people in choosing their own bishops and pastors , was granted unto them at first by way of indulgence or connivence ; and that being abused by them , and turned into disorder , was gradually taken from them , until it issued in that shameful mocking of god and man , which is in use in the roman church , when at the ordination of a bishop or priest one deacon makes a demand , whether the person to be ordained be approved by the people , and another answers out of a corner that the people approve him , have been so confuted by protestant writers of all sorts , that it is needless to insist any longer on them . indeed , the concessions that are made , that this ancient practice of the church , in the peoples choosing their own officers ( which to deny , is all one as to deny that the sun gives light at noon-day ) is , as unto its right , by various degrees transferred unto popes , patrons and bishops , with a representation in a meer pageantry , of the peoples liberty to make objections against them that are to be ordained , are as fair a concession of the gradual apostacy of churches from their original order and constitution , as need be desired . this power and right which we assign unto the people , is not to act it self only in a subsequent consent unto one that is ordained , in the acceptance of him to be their bishop or pastor . how far that may salve the defect and disorder of the omission of previous elections , and so preserve the essence of the ministerial call , i do not now enquire . but that which we plead for , is , the power and right of election to be exercised previously unto the solemn ordination or setting apart of any unto the pastoral office , communicative of office-power in its own kind unto the person chosen . this is part of that contest which for sundry ages filled most countries of europe with broils and disorders . neither is there yet an end put unto it . but in this present discourse we are not in the least concerned in these things . for our enquiry is what state and order of church-affairs is declared and represented unto us in the scripture . and therein there is not the least intimation of any of those things from whence this controversy did arise , and whereon it doth depend . secular endowments , jurisdictions , investiture , rights of presentation , and the like , with respect unto the evangelical pastoral office , or its exercise in any place , which are the subject of these contests , are foreign unto all things that are directed in the scriptures concerning them , nor can be reduced unto any thing that belongs unto them . wherefore , whether this jvs patronatvs be consistent with gospel-institutions ; whether it may be continued with respect unto lands , tythes and benefices ; or how it may be reconciled unto the right of the people in the choice of their own ecclesiastical officers , from the different acts , objects and ends required unto the one and the other , are things not of our present consideration . and this we affirm to be agreeable unto natural reason and equity , to the nature of churches in their institution and ends , to all authority and office-power in the church , necessary unto its edification , with the security of the consciences of the officers themselves , the preservation of due respect and obedience unto them , constituted by the institution of christ himself in his apostles , and the practice of the primitive church . wherefore , the utter despoiling of the church , of the disciples , of those gathered in church societies by his authority and command , of this right and liberty , may be esteemed a sacrilege of an higher nature , than sundry other things which are reproached as criminal under that name . and if any shall yet farther appear to justifie this deprivation of the right laid claim unto , and the exclusion of the people from their ancient possession with sobriety of argument and reason , the whole cause may be yet farther debated from principles of natural light and equity , from maxims of law and polity , from the necessity of the ends of church-order and power , from the moral impossibility of any other way of the conveyance of ecclesiastical office-power , as well as from evangelical institution and the practice of the first churches . it will be objected , i know , that the restoration of this liberty unto the people , will overthrow that jus patronatus , or right of presenting unto livings and preferments , which is established by law in this nation , and so under a pretence of restoring unto the people their right in common , destroy other mens undoubted rights in their own enclosures . but this election of the church , doth not actually and immediately instate the persons chosen in the office whereunto he is chosen ; nor give actual right unto its exercise . it is required moreover , that he be solemnly set apart unto his office in and by the church with fasting and prayer . that there should be some kind of peculiar prayer in the dedication of any unto the office of the ministry , is a notion that could never be obliterated in the minds of men concerned in these things , nor cast out of their practice . of what sort they have been amongst many we do not now enquire . but there hath been less regard unto the other duty , namely , that these prayers should be accompanied with fasting . but this also is necessary by virtue of apostolical example , act. . . the conduct of this work belongs unto the elders or officers of the church , wherein any one is to be so ordained . it did belong unto extraordinary officers whilst they were continued in the church . and upon the cessation of their office , it is devolved on the ordinary stated officers of the church . it is so , i say , in case there be any such officer before fixed in the church , whereunto any one is to be only ordained . and in case there be none , the assistance of pastors or elders of other churches may and ought to be desired , unto the conduct and regulation of the duty . it is needless to enquire what is the authoritative influence of this ordination , into the communication of office or office-power ; whilst it is acknowledged to be indispensably necessary and to belong essentially unto the call unto office. for when sundry duties , as these of election and ordination , are required unto the same end , by virtue of divine institution , it is not for me to determine what is the peculiar efficacy of the one or the other , seeing neither of them without the other , hath any at all . hereunto is added , as an external adjunct , imposition of hands significant of the persons so called to office , in and unto the church . for although it will be difficultly proved , that the use of this ceremony was designed unto continuance , after a cessation of the communication of the extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost , whereof it was the sign and outward means , in extraordinary officers ; yet we do freely grant it unto the ordinary officers of the church ; provided that there be no apprehension of its being the sole authoritative conveyance of a successive flux of office-power ; which is destructive of the whole nature of the institution . and this may at present suffice , as unto the call of meet persons unto the pastoral office , and consequently any other office in the church . the things following are essentially necessary unto it , so as that authority and right to feed and rule in the church in the name of christ , as an officer of his house , that may be given unto any one thereby by virtue of his law , and the charter granted by him unto the church it self : the first is , that antecedently unto any actings of the church towards such a person , with respect unto office , he be furnished by the lord christ himself with graces and gifts , and abilities , for the discharge of the office whereunto he is to be called . this divine designation of the person to be called , rests on the kingly office and care of christ towards his church . where this is wholly wanting , it is not in the power of any church under heaven , by virtue of any outward order or act , to communicate pastoral or ministerial power unto any person whatever . secondly , there is to be an exploration or trial of those gifts and abilities as unto their accommodation unto the edification of that church , whereunto any person is to be ordained a pastor or minister . but although the right of judging herein , belong unto and reside in the church it self , ( for who else is able to judge for them , or is entrusted so to do ? ) yet is it their wisdom and duty to desire the assistance and guidance of those who are approved in the discharge of their office in other churches . thirdly , the first act of power committed unto the church by jesus christ for the constitution of ordinary officers in it , is , that election of a person qualified and tried , unto his office , which we have now vindicated . fourthly , there is required hereunto the solemn ordination , inauguration , dedication or setting apart of the persons so chosen by the presbytery of the church with fasting and prayer , and the outward sign of the imposition of hands . this is that order which the rule of the scripture , the example of the first churches , and the nature of the things themselves , direct unto . and although i will not say that a defect in any of these , especially if it be from unavoidable hindrances , doth disanull the call of a person to the pastoral office ; yet i must say , that where they are not all duly attended unto , the institution of christ is neglected , and the order of the church infringed : wherefore , the plea of the communication of all authority for office , and of office it self , solely by a flux of power from the first ordainers , through the hands of their pretended successors in all ages , under all the innumerable miscarriages whereunto they are subject , and have actually fallen into , without any respect unto the consent or call of the churches , by rule , laws and orders , foreign to the scripture , is contrary to the whole nature of evangelical churches , and all the ends of their institution ; as shall be manifested , if it be needful . chap. v. the especial duty of pastors of churches . we have declared the way whereby pastors are given unto , and instated in the church . that which should ensue , is an account of their work and duty in the discharge of their office. but this hath been the subject of many large discourses , both among the ancient writers of the church , and of late . i shall therefore only touch on some things that are of most necessary consideration . . the first and principal duty of a pastor , is to feed the flock by diligent preaching of the word . it is a promise relating to the new testament ; that god would give unto his church pastors according to his own heart , which should feed them with knowledge and vnderstanding , jer. . . this is by teaching or preaching the word , and no otherwise . this feeding is of the essence of the office of a pastor , as unto the exercise of it ; so that he who doth not , or cannot , or will not feed the flock , is no pastor , whatever outward call , or work he may have in the church . the care of preaching the gospel was committed to peter , and in him unto all true pastors of the church under the name of feeding , joh. . , . according to the example of the apostles they are to free themselves from all encumbrances , that they may give themselves wholly unto the word and prayer , act. . their work is to labour in the word and doctrine , tim. . . and thereby to feed the flock over which the holy ghost hath made them overseers , act. . and it is that , which is every where given them in charge . this work and duty , therefore , as was said , is essential unto the office of a pastor . a man is a pastor unto them whom he feeds by pastoral teaching , and to no more . and he that doth not so feed , is no pastor . nor is it required only that he preach now and then at his leisure ; but that he lay aside all other employments , though lawful , all other duties in the church , as unto such a constant attendance on them , as would divert him from this work , that he give himself unto it , that he be in these things labouring to the utmost of his ability . without this , no man will be able to give a comfortable account of the pastoral office at the last day . there is indeed no more required of any man than god giveth him ability for . weakness , sickness , bodily infirmities , may disenable men from the actual discharge of this duty , in that assiduity and frequency which are required in ordinary cases . and some may through age or other incapacitating distempers , be utterly disabled for it , in which case it is their duty to lay down and take a dismission from their office ; or , if their disability be but partial , provide a suitable supply , that the edification of the church be not prejudiced . but for men to pretend themselves pastors of the church , and to be unable for , or negligent of this work and duty , is to live in open defiance of the commands of christ. we have lived to see , or hear of reproachful scorn and contempt cast upon , laborious preaching , that is labouring in the word and doctrine ; and all manner of discouragements given unto it , with endeavours for its suppression in sundry instances . yea , some have proceeded so far , as to declare that the work of preaching is unnecessary in the church , so to reduce all religion to the reading and rule of the liturgy . the next attempt , so far as i know , may be to exclude christ himself out of their religion , which the denial of a necessity of preaching the gospel makes an entrance into , yea , a good progress towards . sundry things are required unto this work and duty of pastoral preaching : as , ( . ) spiritual wisdom and understanding in the mysteries of the gospel ; that they may declare unto the church the whole counsel of god , and the unsearchable riches of christ ; see act. . . cor. . , , , . ephes. . , , , . the generality of the church , especially those who are grown in knowledge and experience have a spiritual insight into these things . and the apostle prays that all believers may have so , ephes. . , , . and if those that instruct them , or should so do , have not some degree of eminency herein , they cannot be useful to lead them on to perfection . and the little care hereof or concernment herein , is that which in our days hath rendred the ministry of many fruitless and useless . ( . ) experience of the power of the truth which they preach in and upon their own souls . without this , they will themselves be lifeless and heartless in their own work , and their labour for the most part unprofitable towards others . it is to such men , attended unto , as a task for their advantage ; or as that which carries some satisfaction in it from ostentation , and supposed reputation wherewith it is accompanied . but a man preacheth that sermon only well unto others , which preacheth it self in his own soul. and he that doth not feed on , and thrive in the digestion of the food which he provides for others , will scarce make it savoury unto them . yea , he knows not but the food he hath provided may be poyson , unless he have really tasted of it himself . if the word doth not dwell with power in us , it will not pass with power from us . and no man lives in a more wofull condition than those who really believe not themselves what they perswade others to believe continually . the want of this experience of the power of gospel-truth on their own souls , is that which gives us so many lifeless , sapless orations , queint in words , and dead as to power , instead of preaching the gospel in the demonstration of the spirit . and let any say what they please , it is evident , that some mens preaching as well as others not preaching , hath lost the credit of their ministry . ( . ) skill to divide the word aright , tim. . . and this consists in a practical wisdom upon a diligent attendance unto the word of truth , to find out what is real , substantial and meet food for the souls of the hearers , to give unto all sorts of persons in the church that which is their proper portion . and this requires , ( . ) a prudent and diligent consideration of the state of the flock , over which any man is set , as unto their strength or weakness , their growth or defect in knowledge ( the measure of their attainments requiring either milk or strong meat ; ) their temptations and duties , their spiritual decays or thrivings ; and that not only in general , but as near as may be with respect unto all the individual members of the church . without a due regard unto these things , men preach at random , uncertainly fighting like those that beat the air. preaching sermons not designed for the advantage of them to whom they are preached ; insisting on general doctrines not levelled to the condition of the auditory ; speaking what men can , without consideration of what they ought , are things that will make men weary of preaching , when their minds are not influenced with outward advantages ; as much as make others weary in hearing of them . and , ( . ) all these , in the whole discharge of their duty are to be constantly accompanied with the evidence of zeal for the glory of god , and compassion for the souls of men. where these are not in vigorous exercise , in the minds and souls of them that preach the word , giving a demonstration of themselves unto the consciences of them that hear , the quickening form , the life and soul of preaching is lost . all these things seem common , obvious and universally acknowledged : but the ruine of the ministery of the most for the want of them , or from notable defects in them , is , or may be no less evidently known . and the very naming of them , which is all at present which i design , is sufficient to evidence how great a necessity there is incumbent on all pastors of churches , to give themselves unto the word and prayer , to labour in the word and doctrine , to be continually intent on this work , to engage all the faculties of their souls , to stir up all their graces and gifts unto constant exercise , in the discharge of their duty . for who is sufficient for these things . and as the consideration of them is sufficient to stir up all ministers unto fervent prayer for supplies of divine aids and assistance , for that work which in their own strength they can no way answer ; so is it enough to warn them of the avoidance of all things that would give them a diversion or avocation from the constant attendance unto the discharge of it . when men undertake the pastoral office , and either judge it not their duty to preach , or are not able so to do , or attempt it only at some solemn seasons , or attend unto it as a task required of them without that wisdom , skill , diligence , care , prudence , zeal and compassion , which are required thereunto , the glory and use of the ministry will be utterly destroyed . . the second duty of a pastor towards his flock , is , continual fervent prayer for them . give our selves unto the word and prayer . without this , no man can , or doth preach to them as he ought , nor perform any other duty of his pastoral office. from hence may any man take the best measure of the discharge of his duty towards his flock . he that doth constantly , diligently , fervently pray for them , will have a testimony in himself of his own sincerity in the discharge of all other pastoral duties ; nor can he voluntarily omit or neglect any of them . and as for those who are negligent herein , be their pains , labour and travel in other duties , never so great , they may be influenced from other reasons , and so give no evidence of sincerity in the discharge of their office. in this constant prayer for the church , which is so incumbent on all pastors , as that whatever is done without it , is of no esteem in the sight of jesus christ : respect is to be had , ( . ) unto the success of the word , unto all the blessed ends of it among them . these are no less than the improvement and strengthening of all their graces , the direction of all their duties , their edification in faith and love , with the entire conduct of their souls in the life of god , unto the enjoyment of him . to preach the word therefore , and not to follow it with constant and fervent prayer for its success , is to dis-believe its use , neglect its end , and to cast away the seed of the gospel at random . ( . ) unto the temptations that the church is generally exposed unto . these greatly vary , according unto the outward circumstances of things . the temptations in general that accompany a state of outward peace and tranquility , are of another nature , than those that attend a time of trouble , persecution , distress and poverty . and so it is as unto other occasions and circumstances . these the pastors of churches ought diligently to consider , looking on them as the means and ways whereby churches have been ruined , and the souls of many lost for ever . with respect unto them therefore , ought their prayers for the church to be fervent . ( . ) unto the especial state and condition of all the members , so far as it is known unto them . there may be of them , who are spiritually sick and diseased , tempted , afflicted , bemisted , wandering out of the way , surprized in sins and miscarriages , disconsolate and troubled in spirit in a peculiar manner . the remembrance of them all ought to abide with them , and to be continually called over in their daily pastoral supplications . ( . ) unto the presence of christ in the assemblies of the church , with all the blessed evidences and testimonies of it . this is that alone which gives life and power unto all church assemblies ; without which , all outward order and forms of divine worship in them , are but a dead carcass . now this presence of christ in the assemblies of his church , is by his spirit , accompanying all ordinances of worship with a gracious divine efficacy , evidencing it self by blessed operations on the minds and hearts of the congregation . this are pastors of churches continually to pray for , and they will do so , who understand that all the success of their labours , and all the acceptance of the church with god in their duties , do depend hereon . ( . ) to their preservation in faith , love and fruitfulness , with all the duties that belong unto them , &c. it were much to be desired , that all those who take upon them this pastoral office , did well consider and understand how great and necessary a part of their work and duty doth consist in their continual fervent prayer for their flocks . for besides that it is the only instituted way , whereby , they may by virtue of their office bless their congregations , so will they find their hearts and minds in and by the discharge of it , more and more filled with love , and engaged with diligence , unto all other duties of their office , and excited unto the exercise of all grace towards the whole church on all occasions . and where any are negligent herein , there is no duty which they perform towards the church , but it is influenced with false considerations , and will not hold weight in the balance of the sanctuary . . the administration of the seals of the covenant is committed unto them as the stewards of the house of christ. for unto them the authoritative dispensation of the word is committed , whereunto the administration of the seals is annexed . for their principal end is , the peculiar confirmation and application of the word preached . and herein there are three things that they are to attend unto . ( . ) the times and seasons of their administration unto the churches edification , especially that of the lords supper whose frequency is enjoined . it is the duty of pastors to consider all the necessary circumstances of their administration , as unto time , place , frequency , order and decency . ( . ) to keep severely unto the institution of christ , as unto the way and manner of their administration . the gradual introduction of uninstituted rites and ceremonies into the church-celebration of the ordinance of the lords supper , ended at length in the idolatry of the mass. herein then , alone , and not in bowing , cringing , and vestments , lies the glory and beauty of these administrations ; namely , that they are compliant with , and expressive of the institution of christ ; nor is any thing done in them , but in express obedience unto his authority . i have received of the lord , that which i delivered unto you , saith the apostle in this case , cor. . . ( . ) to take care that these holy things be administred only unto those who are meet and worthy , according unto the rule of the gospel . those who impose on pastors the promiscuous administration of these divine ordinances , or the application of the seals unto all without difference , do deprive them of one half of their ministerial office and duty . but here it is enquired by some , whether in case a church have no pastor at present , or a teaching elder with pastoral power , whether it may not delegate and appoint the administration of these especial ordinances , unto some member of the church at this or that season , who is meetly qualified for the outward administration of them ; which for the sake of some i shall examine . . no church is compleat in order without teaching officers ; ephes. . , . cor. . , . a church not compleat in order cannot be compleat in administrations ; because the power of administrations depends upon the power of order proportionably . that is , the power of the church depends upon the being of the church . hence the first duty of a church without officers , is to obtain them according to rule . and to endeavour to compleat administrations , without an antecedent compleating of order , is contrary unto the mind of christ , act. . . tit. . . that thou should'st set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every church . the practice therefore proposed is irregular and contrary to the mind of christ. the order of the church is two fold ; as essential , as organical . the order of the church as essential , and its power thence arising , is , first for its preservation . secondly for its perfection . ( . ) for its preservation , in admission and exclusion of members . ( . ) for its perfection , in the election of officers . no part of this power which belongs to the church as essentially considered , can be delegated , but must be acted by the whole church . they cannot delegate power to some to admit members , so as it should not be an act of the whole church . they cannot delegate power to any to elect officers ; nor any thing else which belongs to them as a church essentially . the reason is ; things that belong unto the essence of any thing , belong unto it formally as such , and so cannot be transferred . the church therefore cannot delegate the power and authority inquired after , should it be supposed to belong to the power of order , as the church is essentially considered ; which yet it doth not . if the church may delegate or substitute others for the discharge of all ordinances whatsoever , without elders or pastors , then it may perfect the saints , and compleat the work of the ministry without them , which is contrary to ephes. . , . and secondly , it would render the ministry only convenient , and not absolutely necessary to the church ; which is contrary to the institution of it . a particular church , in order , as organical , is the adequate subject of all ordinances , and not as essential ; because as essential it never doth nor can enjoy all ordinances , namely the ministry in particular , whereby it is constituted organical . yet on this supposition the church as essentially considered , is the sole adequate subject of all ordinances . though the church be the only subject , it is not the only object of gospel ordinances ; but that is various . for instance , . the preaching of the word ; its first object is the world , for conversion : its next , professors , for edification . . baptism ; it s only object is neither the world nor the members of a particular church ; but professors , with those that are reckoned to them by gods appointment ; that is their infant seed . . the supper ; its object is a particular church only , which is acknowledged ; and may be proved by the institution , one special end of it , and the necessity of discipline thereon depending . ordinances whereof the church is the only subject and the only object , cannot be administred authoritatively , but by officers only . ( . ) because none but christs stewards have authority in and towards his house as such , cor. . . tim. . . matth. . . ( . ) because it is an act of office-authority to represent christ to the whole church , and to feed the whole flock thereby , act. . . pet. . . there are no footsteps of any such practice among the churches of god , who walked in order ; neither in the scripture , nor in all antiquity . but it is objected by those who allow this practice , that if the church may appoint or send a person forth to preach , or appoint a brother to preach unto themselves ; then they may appoint him to administer the ordinance of the supper . answ. here is a mistake in the supposition . the church , that is the body of it , cannot send out any brother authoritatively to preach . two things are required thereunto ; collation of gifts , and communication of office ; neither of which , the church under that consideration can do to one that is sent forth . but where god gives gifts by his spirit , and a call by his providence , the church only complies therewith ; not in communicating authority to the person , but in praying for a blessing upon his work. the same is the case in desiring a brother to teach among them . the duty is moral in its own nature ; the gifts and call are from god alone , the occasion of his exercise is only administred by the church . it is farther added by the same persons , that , if a brother , or one who is a disciple , only may baptize , then he may also administer the lords supper , being desired of the church . answ. the supposition is not granted nor proved , but there is yet a difference between these ordinances ; the object of one being professors as such at large ; the object of the other being professors as members of a particular church . but to return : . it is incumbent on them to preserve the truth or doctrine of the gospel , received and professed in the church ; and to defend it against all opposition . this is one principal end of the ministry , one principal means of the preservation of the faith once delivered unto the saints . this is committed in an especial manner unto the pastors of the churches , as the apostle frequently and emphatically repeats the charge of it unto timothy , and in him unto all , to whom the dispensation of the word is committed , epist. . , , . chap. . , , . chap. . . epist. . , . chap. . , , . the same he giveth in charge unto the elders of the church of ephesus , act. . , , . what he says of himself , that the glorious gospel of the blessed god was committed unto his trust , tim. . . is true of all pastors of churches according to their measure and call ; and they should all aim at the account , which he gives of his ministry herein ; i have fought a good fight , i have finished my course , i have kept the faith , tim. . . the church is the ground and pillar of truth ; and it is so principally in its ministry : and the sinful neglect of this duty , is that which was the cause of most of the pernicious heresies and errors that have infested and ruined the church . those whose duty it was to preserve the doctrine of the gospel entire in the publick profession of it , have many of them spoken perverse things to draw away disciples after them . bishops , presbyters , publick teachers , have been the ring-leaders in heresies . wherefore this duty , especially at this time , when the fundamental truths of the gospel are on all sides impugned from all sorts of adversaries , is in an especial manner to be attended unto . sundry things are required hereunto . as , ( . ) a clear , sound comprehensive knowledge of the entire doctrine of the gospel , attained by all means useful and commonly prescribed unto that end , especially diligent study of the scripture , with fervent prayer for illumination and understanding . men cannot preserve that for others , which they are ignorant of themselves . truth may be lost by weakness , as well as by wickedness . and the defect herein in many is deplorable . ( . ) love of the truth , which they have so learned and comprehended . unless we look on truth as a pearl , as that which is valued at any rate , bought with any price , as that which is better than all the world , we shall not endeavour its preservation with that diligence which is required . some are ready to part with truth at an easie rate ; or to grow indifferent about it , whereof we have multitudes of examples in the days wherein we live . it were easie to give instances of sundry important evangelical truths , which our fore-fathers in the faith contended for with all earnestness , and were ready to seal with their blood , which are now utterly disregarded and opposed by some who pretend to succeed them in their profession . if ministers have not a sense of that power of truth in their own souls , and a taste of its goodness , the discharge of this duty is not to be expected from them . ( . ) a consciencious care and fear of giving countenance or encouragement unto novel opinions , especially such as oppose any truth , of whose power and efficacy , experience hath been had among them that believe . vain curiosity , boldness in conjectures , and readiness to vent their own conceits , have caused no small trouble and damage unto the church . ( . ) learning and ability of mind to discern and disprove the oppositions of the adversaries of the truth , and thereby to stop their mouths , and convince gain-sayers . ( . ) the solid confirmation of the most important truths of the gospel , and whereunto all others are resolved in their ▪ teaching and ministry . men may , and do oft-times prejudice , yea , betray the truth , by the weakness of their pleas for it . ( . ) a diligent watch over their own flocks , against the crafts of seducers from without , or the springing up of any bitter root of error among themselves . ( . ) a concurrent assistance with the elders and messengers of other churches , with whom they are in communion , in the declaration of the faith which they all profess ; whereof we must treat afterwards more at large . it is evident what learning , labour , study , pains , ability and exercise of the rational faculties , are ordinarily required unto the right discharge of these duties . and where men may be useful to the church in other things , but are defective in these , it becomes them to walk and act both circumspectly and humbly , frequently desiring and adhering unto the advice of them whom god hath entrusted with more talents and greater abilities . . it belongs unto their charge and office , diligently to labour for the conversion of souls unto god. the ordinary means of conversion is left unto the church , and its duty it is to attend unto it . yea , one of the principal ends of the institution and preservation of churches , is the conversion of souls ; and where there are no more to be converted , there shall be no more church on the earth . to enlarge the kingdom of christ , to diffuse the light and savour of the gospel , to be subservient unto the calling of the elect , or gathering all the sheep of christ into his fold , are things that god designs by his churches in this world. now the principal instrumental cause of all these , is the preaching of the word ; and this is committed unto the pastors of the churches . it is true , men may be , and often are converted unto god by their occasional dispensation of the word who are not called unto office ; for it is the gospel it self that is the power of god unto salvation , by whomsoever it is administred , and it hath been effectual unto that end , even in the necessary occasional teaching of women . but it is so frequently in the exercise of spiritual gifts , by them who are not stated officers of the church , cor. . , . phil. . , , . pet. . , . but yet this hinders not , but that the administration of the glorious gospel of the blessed god , as unto all the ends of it , is committed unto the pastors of the church . and the first object of the preaching of the gospel , is the world , or the men of it for their conversion . and it is so in the preaching of all them unto whom that work is committed by christ. the work of the apostles and evangelists had this order in it . first , they were to make disciples of men , by the preaching of the gospel unto conversion , and this was their principal work , as paul testifieth , cor. . . and herein were they gloriously instrumental , in laying the foundation of the kingdom of christ all the world over . the second part of their work , was , to teach them that were converted , or made disciples , to do , and observe , all that he did command them . in the pursuit of this part of their commission , they gathered the disciples of christ into churches , under ordinary officers of their own . and although the work of these ordinary officers , pastors , and teachers , be of the same nature with theirs , yet the method of it is changed in them . for their first ordinary work is to conduct and teach all the disciples of christ to do and observe all things appointed by him ; that is to preach unto and watch over their particular flocks , unto whom they do relate . but they are not hereby discharged from an interest in the other part of the work in preaching the word unto the conversion of souls . they are not indeed bound unto the method of the apostles and evangelists ; yea , they are by virtue of their office , ordinarily excluded from it . after a man is called to be a pastor of a particular church , it is not his duty to leave that church , and go up and down to preach for the conversion of strangers . it is not , i say , ordinarily so , for many cases may fall out wherein the edification of any particular church is to give way unto the glory of christ , with respect unto the calling of all the members of the church catholick . but in the discharge of the pastoral office , there are many occasions of preaching the word unto the conversion of souls . as , ( . ) when any that are unconverted do come into the assemblies of the church , and are there wrought upon by the power of the word , whereof we have experience every day . to suppose that a man at the same time , and in the same place preaching unto one congregation , should preach to some of them , namely those that are of the church whereunto he relates , as a minister with ministerial authority ; and to others only by virtue of a spiritual gift , which he hath received , is that which no man can distinguish in his own conscience , nor is there any colour of rule or reason for it . for though pastors , with respect unto their whole office , and all the duties of it , whereof many can have the church only for their object , are ministers in office unto the church , and so ministers of the church ; yet are they ministers of christ also ; and by him it is , and not by the church , that the preaching of the gospel is committed unto them . and it is so committed , as that by virtue of their office they are to use it unto all its ends , in his way and method , whereof the conversion of sinners is one . and for a man to conceive of himself in a double capacity whilst he is preaching to the same congregation , is that which no mans experience can reach unto . ( . ) in occasional preaching in other places , whereunto a pastor of a church may be called and directed by divine providence . for , although we have no concernment in the figment of an indelible character accompanying sacred orders ; yet we do not think that the pastoral office is such a thing as a man must leave behind him every time he goes from home ; or that it is in his own power , or in the power of all men in the world , to devest him of it , unless he be dismissed or deposed from it by christ himself , through the rule of his word . where-ever a true minister preacheth , he preacheth as a minister ; for , as such the administration of the gospel is committed unto him , as unto all the ends of it ; whereof , the chief as was said , is the conversion of souls . yea , of such weight is it , that the conveniency and edification of particular churches , ought to give place unto it . when therefore there are great opportunities , and providential calls for the preaching of the gospel unto the conversion of souls , and the harvest being great there are not labourers sufficient for it ; it is lawful , yea , it is the duty of pastors of particular churches , to leave their constant attendance on their pastoral charge in those churches , at least for a season , to apply themselves unto the more publick preaching of the word unto the conversion of the souls of men. nor will any particular church be unwilling hereunto , which understands that even the whole end of particular churches is but the edification of the church catholick ; and that their good and advantage is to give place unto that of the glory of christ in the whole . the good shepherd will leave the ninety and nine sheep , to seek after one that wanders ; and we may certainly leave a few for a season , to seek after a great multitude of wanderers , when we are called thereunto by divine providence . and i could heartily wish that we might have a trial of it at this time . the ministers who have been most celebrated , and that deservedly in the last ages , in this and the neighbour nations , have been such as whose ministry god made eminently successful unto the conversion of souls . to affirm that they did not do their work as ministers and by virtue of their minsterial office , is to cast away the crown , and destroy the principal glory of the ministry . for my own part , if i did not think my self bound to preach as a minister , and as a minister authorized in all places , and on all occasions when i am called thereunto , i think i should never preach much more in this world. nor do i know at all what rule they walk by , who continue publick constant preaching for many years , and yet neither desire nor design to be called unto any pastoral office , in the church . but i must not here insist on the debate of these things . . it belongs unto men on the account of their pastoral office , to be ready , willing , and able , to comfort , relieve and refresh those that are tempted , tossed , wearied with fears and grounds of disconsolation in times of trial and desertion . the tongue of the learned is required in them , that they should know how to speak a word in season unto him that is weary . one excellent qualification of our lord jesus christ , in the discharge of his priestly office now in heaven , is , that he is touched with a sense of our infirmities , and knows how to succour them that are tempted . his whole flock in this world , are a company of tempted ones . his own life on the earth , he calls the time of his temptation . and those who have the charge of his flock under him , ought to have a sense of their infirmities , and endeavour in an especial manner to succour them that are tempted . but amongst them , there are some always that are cast under darkness and disconsolations in a peculiar manner ; some at the entrance of their conversion unto god , whilst they have a deep sense of the terrour of the lord , the sharpness of conviction , and the uncertainty of their condition . some are relapsed into sin or omissions of duties ; some under great , sore and lasting afflictions ; some upon pressing , urgent , particular occasions ; some on sovereign , divine desertions ; some through the buffetings of satan , and the injections of blasphemous thoughts into their minds , with many other occasions of an alike nature . now the troubles , disconsolations , dejections and fears that arise in the minds of persons in these exercises and temptations , are various , oftentimes urged and fortified with subtil arguing , and fair pretences , perplexing the souls of men almost to despair and death . it belongs unto the office and duty of pastors . . to be able rightly to understand the various cases that will occurr of this kind , from such principles and grounds of truth and experience , as will bear a just confidence in a prudent application unto the relief of them concerned . the tongue of the learned to know how to speak a word in season to him that is weary . it will not be done by a collection and determination of cases , which yet is useful it its place . for hardly shall we meet with two cases of this kind , that will exactly be determined by the same rule ; all manner of circumstances giving them variety . but a skill , understanding and experience in the whole nature of the work of the spirit of god on the souls of men ; of the conflict that is between the flesh and the spirit ; of the methods and wiles of satan , of the wiles of principalities and powers or wicked spirits in high places ; of the nature , and effects and ends of divine desertions , with wisdom to make application out of such principles , of fit medicines and remedies unto every sore and distemper , are required hereunto . these things are by some despised , by some neglected , by some looked after only in stated cases of conscience ; in which work it is known that some have horribly debauched their own consciences and others , to the scandal and ruine of religion , so far as they have prevailed . but not to dispute how far such helps as books written of cases of conscience , may be useful herein , which they may be greatly unto those who know how to use them aright ; the proper ways whereby pastors and teachers must obtain this skill and understanding , is , by diligent study of the scriptures , meditation thereon , fervent prayer , experience of spiritual things , and temptations in their own souls , with a prudent observation of the manner of gods dealing with others , and the ways of the opposition made to the work of his grace in them . without these things all pretences unto this ability and duty of the pastoral office are vain ; whence it is , that the whole work of it is much neglected . . to be ready and willing to attend unto the especial cases that may be brought unto them , and not to look on them as unnecessary diversions ; whereas a due application unto them , is a principal part of their office and duty . to discountenance , to discourage any from seeking relief in perplexities of this nature , to carry it towards them with a seeming moroseness and unconcernedness , is to turn that which is lame out of the way , to push the diseased , and not at all to express the care of christ towards his flock , isa. . . yea , it is their duty to hearken after them who may be so exercised , to seek them out , to give them their counsel and directions on all occasions . . to bear patiently and tenderly with the weakness , ignorance , dulness , slowness to believe and receive satisfaction , yea , it may be , impertinencies in them that are so tempted . these things will abound amongst them , partly from their natural infirmities , many being weak , and perhaps froward ; but especially from the nature of their temptations , which are suited to disorder and disquiet their minds , to fill them with perplexed thoughts , and to make them jealous of every thing wherein they are spiritually concerned . and if much patience , meekness and condescention , be not exercised towards them , they are quickly turned out of the way . in the discharge of the whole pastoral office , there is not any thing or duty that is of more importance , nor wherein the lord jesus christ is more concerned , nor more eminently suited unto the nature of the office it self , than this is . but , whereas it is a work or duty , which because of the reasons mentioned , must be accompanied with the exercise of humility , patience , self-denial and spiritual wisdom , with experience , with wearisome diversions from other occasions ; those who had got of old the conduct of the souls of men into their management , turned this whole part of their office and duty into an engine they called articular confession , whereby they wrested the consciences of christians to the promotion of their own ease , wealth , authority , and oft-times to worse ends . . a compassionate suffering , with all the members of the church in all their trials and troubles , whether internal , or external , belongs unto them in the discharge of their office. nor is there any thing that renders them more like unto jesus christ , whom to represent unto the church , is their principal duty . the view and consideration by faith of the glory of christ in his compassion with his suffering members , is the principal spring of consolation unto the church in all its distresses . and the same spirit , the same mind herein , ought , according to their measure , to be in all that have the pastoral office committed unto them . so the apostle expresseth it in himself : who is weak , and i am not weak ? who is offended , and i burn not ? cor. . . and unless this compassion and goodness do run through the discharge of their whole office , men cannot be said to be evangelical shepherds , nor the sheep said in any sense to be their own . for those who pretend unto the pastoral office , to live , it may be , in wealth and pleasure , regardless of the sufferings and temptations of their flock , or of the poor of it ; or related unto such churches , as wherein it is impossible that they should so much as be acquainted with the state of the greatest part of them , is not answerable unto the institution of their office , nor to the design of christ therein . . care of the poor , and visitation of the sick , are parts of this duty , commonly known , though commonly neglected . . the principal care of the rule of the church is incumbent on the pastors of it . this is the second general head of the power and duty of this office , whereunto many things in particular do belong . but because i shall treat afterwards of the rule of the church by it self distinctly , i shall not here insist upon it . . there is a communion to be observed among all the churches of the same faith and profession in any nation . wherein it doth consist , and what is required thereunto , shall be afterwards declared . the principal care hereof , unto the edification of the churches , is incumbent on the pastors of them . whether it be exercised by letters of mutual advice , of congratulation or consolation , or in testimony of communion with those who are called to office in them , or whether it be by convening in synods for consultation of their joint concernments , ( which things made up a great part of the primitive ecclesiastical polity ; ) their duty it is to attend unto it , and to take care of it . . that wherewith i shall close these few instances of the pastoral charge and duty , is , that without which all the rest will neither be useful unto men , nor be accepted with the great shepherd christ jesus . and that is an humble , holy , exemplary conversation in all godliness and honesty . the rules and precepts of the scripture , the examples of christ and his apostles , with that of the bishops or pastors of the primitive churches , and the nature of the thing it self , with the religion which we do profess , do undeniably prove this duty to be necessary and indispensable in a gospel ministry . it were an easie thing to fill up a volume with ancient examples unto this purpose ; with testimonies of the scripture and first writers among christians , with examples of publick and private miscarriages herein , with evident demonstration , that the ruine of christian religion in most nations where it hath been professed , and so of the nations themselves , hath proceeded from the ambition , pride , luxury , vncleanness , profaneness , and otherways vitious conversations of those who have been called the clergy . and in daily observation , it is a thing written with the beams of the sun , that whatever else be done in churches , if the pastors of them or those who are so esteemed , are not exemplary in gospel obedience and holiness , religion will not be carried on and improved among the people , if persons , light or prophane in their habits , garbs and converse , corrupt in their communication , unsavoury and barren as unto spiritual discourse ; if such as are covetous , oppressive and contentious ; such as are negligent in holy duties in their own families , and so cannot stir up others unto diligence therein ; much more , if such as are openly sensual , vitious and debauched ; are admitted into this office , we may take our leave of all the glory and power of religion , among the people committed unto their charge . to handle this property or adjunct of the pastoral office , it were necessary distinctly to consider and explain all the qualifications assigned by the apostle as necessary unto bishops and elders , evidenced as previously necessary unto the orderly call of them unto this office , tim. . , , , , , . tit. . , , , . which is a work not consistent with my present design to engage in . these are some instances of the things wherein the office-duty of pastors of the church doth consist . they are but some of them , and those only proposed , not pursued and pressed with the consideration of all those particular duties , with the manner of their performance , way of management , motives and enforcements , defects and causes of them , which would require a large discourse . these may suffice unto our present purpose ; and we may derive from them the ensuing brief considerations . . a due meditation and view of these things , as proposed in the scripture , is enough to make the wisest , the best of men , and the most diligent in the discharge of the pastoral office , to cry out with the apostle , and who is sufficient for these things ? this will make them look well to their call and entrance into this office , as that alone which will bear them out and justify them in the susception of it . for no sense of insufficiency can utterly discourage any in the undertaking of a work , which he is assured that the lord christ calls him unto . for where he calls to a duty , he gives competent strength for the performance of it . and when we say , under a deep sense of our own weakness , who is sufficient for these things ; he doth say , my grace is sufficient for you . . although all the things mentioned , do plainly , evidently and undeniably belong unto the discharge of the pastoral office , yet in point of fact we find by the success , that they are very little considered by the most that seek after it . and the present ruine of religion , as unto its power , beauty and glory in all places , ariseth principally from this cause , that multitudes of those who undertake this office , are neither in any measure fit for it , nor do either conscientiously attend unto , or diligently perform the duties that belong unto it . it ever was , and every will be true in general ; like priest , like people . . whereas the account which is to be given of this office , and the discharge of it at the last day unto jesus christ , the consideration whereof had a mighty influence upon the apostles themselves , and all the primitive pastors of the churches , is frequently proposed unto us , and many warnings given us thereon in the scripture ; yet it is apparent they are but few who take it into due consideration . in the great day of christs visitation , he will proceed on such articles as those here laid down , and others expressed in the scripture , and not at all on those which are now enquired upon in our episcopal visitations . and if they may be minded of their true interest and concern , whilst they possess the places they hold in the church , without offence , i would advise them to conform their enquiries in their visitations , unto those , which they cannot but know the lord christ will make in the great day of his visitation , which doth approach : this i think but reasonable . in the mean time , for those who desire to give up their account with joy and confidence , and not with grief and confusion ; it is their wisdom and duty continually to bear in mind what it is that the lord christ requires of them in the discharge of their office. to take benefices , to perform legal ▪ duties by themselves or others , is not fully compliant with what pastors of churches are called unto . . it is manifest also from hence , how inconsistent it is with this office , and the due discharge of it , for any one man to undertake the relation of a pastor unto more churches than one , especially if far distant from one another . an evil this is , like that of mathematical prognostications at rome , always condemned and always retained . but one view of the duties incumbent on each pastor , and of whose diligent performance he is to give an account at the last day , will discard this practice from all approbation in the minds of them that are sober . however , it is as good to have ten churches at once , as having but one , never to discharge the duty of a pastor towards it . . all churches may do well to consider the weight and burden that lies upon their pastors and teachers , in the discharge of their office , that they may be constant in fervent prayers and supplications for them ; as also to provide , what lies in them , that they may be without trouble and cares about the things of this life . . there being so many duties necessary unto the discharge of their office , and those of such various sorts and kinds , as to require various gifts and abilities unto their due performance , it seems very difficult to find a concurrence of them in any own person , in any considerable degree , so as that it is hard to conceive how the office it self should be duly discharged . i answer , ( . ) the end both of the office , and of the discharge of it , is the due edification of the church : this therefore gives them their measure . where that is attained , the office is duly discharged , though the gifts whereby men are enabled thereunto , be not eminent . ( . ) where a man is called unto this office , and applieth himself sincerely unto the due discharge of it , if he be evidently defective with respect to any especial duty or duties of it , that defect is to be supplied by calling any other unto his assistance in office , who is qualified to make that supply unto the edification of the church . and the like must be said concerning such pastors , as through age or bodily weakness are disabled from attendance unto any part of their duty ; for still the edification of the church is that , which in all these things , is in the first place to be provided for . . it may be enquired , what is the state of those churches , and what relation , with respect unto communion , we ought to have unto them whose pastors are evidently defective in , or neglective of these things , so as that they are not in any competent measure attended unto . and we may in particular instance in the first and the last of the pastoral duties before insisted on . suppose a man be no way able to preach the word unto the edification of them that are pleaded to be his flock ; or having any ability , yet doth not , will not give himself unto the word and prayer , or not labour in the word and doctrine , unto the great prejudice of edification : and suppose the same person be openly defective , as unto an exemplary conversation , and on the contrary , layeth the stumbling block of his own sins and follies before the eyes of others ; what shall we judge of his ministry , and of the state of that church whereof he is a constituent part , as its ruler ? i answer , . i do not believe it is in the power of any church really to conferr the pastoral office by virtue of any ordination whatever , unto any who are openly and evidently destitute of all those previous qualifications which the scripture requireth in them who are to be called unto this office. there is indeed a latitude to be allowed in judging of them in times of necessity and great penury of able teachers ; so that persons in holy ministry , design the glory of god and the edification of the church , according to their ability . but otherwise there is a nullity in the pretended office. . where any such are admitted through ignorance or mistake , or the usurpation of undue power over churches , in imposing ministers on them , there is not an absolute nullity in their administrations , until they are discovered and convicted by the rule and law of christ. but if on evidence hereof , the people will voluntarily adhere unto them , they are partakers of their sins , and do what in them lies to vn-church themselves . . where such persons are by any means placed as pastors in or over any churches , and there is no way for the removal or reformation , it is lawful unto , it is the duty of every one who takes care of his own edification and salvation , to withdraw from the communion of such churches , and to join with such as wherein edification is better provided for . for , whereas this is the sole end of churches , of all their offices , officers and administrations ; it is the highest folly to imagine that any disciple of christ , can be , or is obliged by his authority to abide in the communion of such churches , without seeking relief in the ways of his appointment , wherein that end is utterly overthrown . . where the generality of churches in any kind of association are headed by pastors defective in these things , in the matter declared , there all publick church-reformation is morally impossible ; and it is the duty of private men to take care of their own souls , let churches and church-men say what they please . some few things may yet be enquired into , with reference unto the office of a pastor in the church : as , . whether a man may be ordained a pastor or a minister , without relation unto any particular church , so as to be invested with office-power thereby . it is usually said , that a man may be ordained a minister unto , or of the catholick church , or to convert infidels , although he be not related unto any particular flock or congregation . i shall not at present discuss sundry things about the power and way of ordination which influence this controversy , but only speak briefly unto the thing it self : and , . it is granted , that a man endowed with spiritual gifts for the preaching of the gospel , may be set apart by fasting and prayer unto that work , when he may be orderly called unto it in the providence of god. for , ( . ) such an one hath a call unto it materially in the gifts which he hath received , warranting him unto the exercise of them for the edification of others , as he hath occasion , pet. . , . cor. . . setting apart unto an important work by prayer is a moral duty , and useful in church affairs in an especial manner , act. . . ( . ) a publick testimony unto the approbation of a person undertaking the work of preaching , is necessary . ( . ) unto the communion of churches , that he may be received in any of them as is occasion ; of which sort were the letters of recommendation in the primitive church , cor. . . cor. . . joh. . ( . ) unto the safety of them , amongst whom he may exercise his gifts , that they be not imposed on by false teachers or seducers . nor would the primitive church allow , nor is it allowable in the communion of churches , that any person not so testified unto , not so sent and warranted , should undertake constantly to preach the gospel . . such persons so set apart and sent , may be esteemed ministers in the general notion of the word , and may be useful in the calling and planting of churches , wherein they may be instated in the pastoral office. this was originally the work of evangelists , which office being ceased in the church , ( as shall be proved elsewhere ) the work may be supplied by persons of this sort . . no church whatever hath power to ordain men ministers for the conversion of infidels . since the cessation of extraordinary officers and offices , the care of that work is devolved meerly on the providence of god , being left without the verge of church-institutions . god alone can send and warrant men for the undertaking of that work. nor can any man know , or be satisfied in a call unto that work , without some previous guidance of divine providence leading him thereunto . it is indeed the duty of all the ordinary ministers of the church , to diffuse the knowledge of christ and the gospel unto the heathen and infidels , among whom , or near unto whom their habitation is cast ; and they have all manner of divine warranty for their so doing ; as many worthy persons have done effectually in new england . and it is the duty of every true christian , who may be cast among them by the providence of god , to instruct them according unto his ability in the knowledge of the truth : but it is not in the power of any church , or any sort of ordinary officers , to ordain a person unto the office of the ministry for the conversion of the heathen , antecedently unto any designation by divine providence thereunto . . no man can be properly or compleatly ordained unto the ministry , but he is ordained unto a determinate office ; as a bishop , an elder , a pastor . but this no man can be , but he who is ordained in and unto a particular church . for the contrary practice , . would be contrary to the constant practice of the apostles , who ordained no ordinary officers , but in and unto particular churches , which were to be their proper charge and care , act. . . tit. . . nor is there mention of any ordinary officers in the whole scripture , but such as were fixed in the particular churches where-unto they did relate , act. . . phil. . . revel . . . nor was any such practice known or heard of in the primitive church : yea , . it was absolutely forbidden in the ancient church , and all such ordinations declared null , so as not to communicate office-power or give any ministerial authority . so it is expresly in the first canon ▪ of the council of chalcedon , and the council decrees , that all imposition of hands , in such cases , is invalid and of no effect . yea , so exact and careful were they in this matter , that if any one , for any just cause , as he judged himself , did leave his particular church or charge , they would not allow him the name or title of a bishop , or to officiate occasionally in that church , or any where else . this is evident in the case of eustathius a bishop of pamphilia . the good man finding the discharge of his office very troublesome , by reason of secular businesses that it was incumbred withal , and much opposition , with reproach that befell him from the church it self , of his own accord laid down and resigned his charge , the church choosing one theodorus in his room . but afterwards he desired , that though he had left his charge , he might retain the name , title and honour of a bishop : for this end he made a petition unto the council of ephesus , who , as themselves express it , in meer commiseration unto the old man , condescended unto his desire as unto the name and title , but not as unto any office-power , which they judge , related absolutely unto a particular charge , epist. can. ephes. . ad synod . in pamphil. . such ordination wants an essential constitutive cause , and part of the collation of office-power , which is the election of the people , and is therefore invalid . see what hath been proved before unto that purpose . . a bishop , an elder , a pastor , being terms of relation , to make any one so without relation unto a church , a people , a flock , is to make him a father who hath no child , or an husband who hath no wife , a relate without a correlate , which is impossible , and implies a contradiction . . it is inconsistent with the whole nature and end of the pastoral office. whoever is duly called , set apart or ordained unto that office , he doth therein and thereby take on himself the discharge of all the duties belonging thereunto , and is obliged to attend diligently unto them . if then we will take a view of what hath been proved before to belong unto this office , we shall find , that not the least part , scarce any thing of it , can be undertaken and discharged by such as are ordained absolutely without relation unto particular churches . for any to take upon them to commit an office unto others , and not at the same time charge them with all the duties of that office and their immediate attendance on them ; or for any to accept of an office and office-power , not knowing when or where to exert the power or perform the duties of it , is irregular . in particular , ruling is an essential part of the pastoral office , which they cannot attend unto who have none to be ruled by them . . may a pastor remove from one congregation unto another ? this is a thing also which the ancient church made great provision against . for when some churches were encreased in members , reputation , privileges and wealth above others , it grew an ordinary practice for the bishops to design and endeavour their own removal from a less unto a greater benefice . this is so severely interdicted in the councils of nice and chalcedon , as that they would not allow that a man might be a bishop or presbyter in any other place , but only in the church wherein he was originally ordained : and therefore , if any did so remove themselves , decreed , that they should be sent home again , and there abide , or cease to be church-officers , council . nicea , can. , . chalced. can. , . pluralities , as they are called , and open contending for ecclesiastical promotions , benefices and dignities , were then either unknown , or openly condemned . yet it cannot be denied , but that there may be just causes of the removal of a pastor from one congregation unto another : for , whereas the end of all particular churches is to promote the edification of the catholick church in general ; where , in any especial instance , such a removal is useful unto that end , it is equal it should be allowed . cases of this nature may arise from the consideration of persons , places , times , and many other circumstances that i cannot insist on in particular . but that such removals may be without offence , it is required that they be made , ( . ) with the free consent of the churches concerned . ( . ) with the advice of other churches , or their elders , with whom they walk in communion . and of examples of this kind , or of the removal of bishops or pastors from one church to another in an orderly manner , by advice and counsel for the good of the whole churth , there are many instances in the primitive times . such was that of gregory naz. removed from casima to constantinople , though i acknowledge it had no good success , . may a pastor voluntarily , or of his own accord , resign and lay down his office , and remain in a private capacity ? this also was judged inconvenient , if not unlawful , by the first synod of ephesus , in the case of eustathius . he was , as it appears , an aged man , one that loved his one peace and quietness , and who could not well bear the oppositions and reproaches which he met withal from the church or some in it ; and thereon , solemnly upon his own judgment , without advice , laid down and renounced his office in the church , who , thereupon chose a good man in his room . yet did the synod condemn this practice , and that not without weighty reasons , whereby they confirmed their judgment . but yet no general rule can be established in this case ; nor was the judgment or practice of the primitive church precise herein . clemens , in his epistle to the church of corinth , expresly adviseth those on whose occasion there was disturbance and divisions in the church , to lay down their office and withdraw from it . gregory nazianzen did the same at constantinople , and protesteth openly , that although he were himself innocent and free from blame , as he truly was , and one of the greatest men of his age , yet he would depart or be cast out , rather than they should not have peace among them ; which he did accordingly , orat. . & vit . nazian . and afterward a synod at constantinople under photius , concluded , that in some cases it is lawful , can. . wherefore , . it seems not to be lawful so to do , meerly on the account of weakness of work and labour , though occasioned by age , sickness , or bodily distempers . for no man is any way obliged to do more than he is able , with the regular preservation of his life ; and the church is obliged to be satisfied with the conscientious discharge of what abilities a pastor hath ; otherwise providing for it self in what is wanting . . it is not lawful , meerly on a weariness of , and despondency under opposition and reproaches ; which a pastor is called and obliged to undergo for the good and edification of the flock , and not to faint in the warfare wereto he is called . these two were the reasons of eustathius at perga , which were disallowed in the council at ephesus : but , . it is lawful in such an incurable decay of intellectual abilities , as whereon a man can discharge no duty of the pastoral office unto the edification of the church . . it is lawful , in case of incurable divisions in the church constantly obstructing its edification , and which cannot be removed whilst such a one continues in his office , though he be no way the cause of them . this is the case wherein clemens gives advice , and whereof gregory gave an example in his own practice . but this case and its determination , will hold only where the divisions are incurable by any other ways and means . for if those who cause such divisions may be cast out of the church , or the church may withdraw communion from them ; or if there be divisions in fixed parties and principles , opinions or practices , they may separate into distinct communion ; in such cases this remedy , by the pastors laying down his office , is not to be made use of ; otherwise all things are to be done for edification . . it may be lawful , where the church is wholly negligent in its duty , and persists in that negligence after admonition , in providing , according to their abilities , for the outward necessity of their pastor and his family . but this case cannot be determined without the consideration of many particular circumstances . . where all or many of these causes concurr , so as that a man cannot cheerfully and comfortably go on in the discharge of his office , especially , if he be pressed in point of conscience through the churches non-compliance with their duty , with respect unto any of the institutions of christ : and if the edification of the church , which is at present obstructed , may be provided for in their own judgment after a due manner ; there is no such grievous yoke laid by the lord christ on the necks of any of his servants , but that such a person may peaceably lay down his office in such a church , and either abide in a private station , or take the care of another church , wherein he may discharge his office ( being yet of ability ) unto his own comfort , and their edification . chap. vi. of the office of teachers in the church , or an enquiry into the state , condition , and work of those called teachers in the scripture . the lord christ hath given unto his church pastors and teachers , ephes. . . he hath set in the church , first , apostles , secondarily , prophets , thirdly , teachers , cor. . . in the church that was at antioch there were prophets and teachers , act. . . and their work is both described and assigned unto them , as we shall see afterwards . but the thoughts of learned men , about those who in the scripture are called teachers , are very various ; nor is the determination of their state and condition easie or obvious , as we shall find in our enquiry . if there were originally a distinct office of teachers in the church , it was lost for many ages : but yet there was always a shadow or appearance of it retained , first in publick catechists , and then in doctors or professors of theology in the schools belonging unto any church . but this , as unto the title of doctor or teacher , is but a late invention . for the occasion of it rose about the year of christ , . lotharius the emperor having found in italy a copy of the roman civil law , and being greatly taken with it , he ordained that it should be publickly taught and expounded in the schools . this he began by the direction of imerius , his chancellor at bononia ; and to give encouragement unto this employment , they ordained , that those who were the publick professors of it should be solemnly created doctors , of whom bulgarus hugolinus , with others , were the first . not long after , this rite of creating doctors was borrowed of the lawyers by divines , who publickly taught divinity in their schools . and this imitation first took place in bononia , paris and oxford . but this name is since grown a title of honour to sundry sorts of persons , whether unto any good use or purpose , or no , i know not ; but it is in use , and not worth contending about , especially , if as unto some of them , it be fairly reconcileable unto that of our saviour , matth. . . but the custom of having in the church teachers , that did publickly explain and vindicate the principles of religion , is far more ancient , and of known usage in the primitive churches . such was the practice of the church of alexandria in their school , wherein the famous panlaenus , origen and clemens were teachers ; an imitation whereof was continued in all ages of the church . and indeed , the continuation of such a peculiar work and employment , to be discharged in manner of an office , is an evidence , that originally there was such a distinct office in the church . for , although in the roman church they had instituted sundry orders of sacred officers , borrowed from the jews or gentiles , which have no resemblance unto any thing mentioned in the scripture ; yet sundry things abased and corrupted by them in church-officers , took their occasional rise from what is so mentioned . there are four opinions concerning those who are called by this name in the new testament . . some say , that no office at all is denoted by it ; it being only a general appellation of those that taught others , whether constantly or occasionally . such were the prophets in the church of corinth , that spake occasionally and in their turns , cor. . which is that which all might do who had ability for it , v. . , . . some say , it is only another name for the same office with that of a pastor , and so not to denote any distinct office ; of which mind hierom seems to be , ephes. . . others allow , that it was a distinct office , whereunto some were called and set apart in the church , but it was only to teach ( and that in a peculiar manner ) the principles of religion , but had no interest in the rule of the church , or the administration of the sacred mysteries ; so the pastor in the church was to rule and teach , and administer the sacred mysteries : the teacher to teach or instruct only , but not to rule , nor dispense the sacraments ; and the ruling elder to rule only , and neither to preach nor administer sacraments ; which hath the appearance of order , both useful and beautiful . . some judge , that it was a distinct office , but of the same nature and kind with that of the pastor , endowed with all the same powers , but differenced from it with respect unto gifts , and a peculiar kind of work allotted unto it : but this opinion hath this seeming disadvantage , that the difference between them is so small , as not to be sufficient to give a distinct denomination of officers , or to constitute a distinct office. and it may be , such a distinction in gifts will seldom appear , as that the church may be guided thereby in their choice of meet persons unto distinct offices . but scripture-testimony and rule must take place ; and i shall briefly examine all these opinions . . the first is , that this is not the name of any officer , nor is a teacher , as such , any officer in the church ; but it is used only as a general name for any that teach on any account the doctrine of the gospel . i do not indeed know of any who have in particular contended for this opinion ; but i observe that very many expositors take no farther notice of them , but as such . this seems to me to be most remote from the truth . it is true , that in the first churches , not only some , but all who had received spiritual light in the gifts of knowledge and utterance , did teach and instruct others as they had opportunity , pet. . , , , . hence , the heathen philosophers , as celsus in particular , objected to the christians of old , that they suffered sutlers , and weavers , and coblers to teach among them , which , they who knew that paul himself , their great apostle , wrought at a trade not much better , were not offended at . of this sort were the disciples mentioned , act. . . so was aquila , act. . . and the many prophets in the church of corinth , epist. chap. . . but , . the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not used in the new testament but for a teacher with authority . the apostle john tells us , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chap. . . or as it is written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mark , . . which in mixed dialect was the same with rabbi : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were then in use for the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; of which see job . . isa. . . now the constant signification of these words , is , a master in teaching , a teacher with authority . nor is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the new testament , but for such a one . and therefore those who are called teachers , were such as were set apart unto the office of teaching , and not such as were so called from an occasional work or duty . . teachers are numbred among the officers , which christ hath given unto , and set in the church , ephes. . . cor. . . so that originally church-officers were intended by them , is beyond contradiction . . they are mentioned as those , who with others did preside in the church , and join in the publick ministrations of it , act. . , . . they are charged to attend unto the work of teaching , which none can be , but they whose office it is to teach , rom. . . it is therefore undeniable , that there is such an office as that of a teacher mentioned in the scripture . the second opinion is , that although a teacher be a church-officer , yet no distinct office is intended in that denomination . it is , say they , only another name for a pastor , the office being one and the same , the same persons being both pastors and teachers , or called by these several names , as they have other titles also ascribed unto them . so it is fallen out , and so it is usual in things of this nature , that men run into extreams ; truth pleaseth them not . in the first deviation of the church from its primitive institution , there were introduced , sundry offices in the church that were not of divine institution , borrowed partly of the jews , and partly of the gentiles , which issued in the seven orders of the church of rome . they did not utterly reject any that were of a divine original , but retained some kind of figure , shadow or image of them . but they brought in others that were meerly of their own invention . in the rejection of this exorbitancy , some are apt to run into the other extreme . they will deny and reject some of them that have a divine warranty for their original . howbeit , they are not many , nor burthensome : yea , they are all such , as without the continuation of them , the edification of the church cannot be carried on in a due manner . for unto the beauty and order of the church in its rule and worship , it is required , not only that there be many officers in each church , but also that they be of sundry sorts ; all harmony in things natural , political and ecclesiastical , arising from variety with proportion . and he that shall with calmness , and without prejudice , consider the whole work that is to be done in churches , with the end of their institution , will be able to understand the necessity of pastors , teachers , ruling-elders and deacons , for those ends , and no other . and this i hope i shall demonstrate in the consideration of these respective offices , with the duties that belong unto them , as i have considered one of them already . wherefore , as unto the opinion under present consideration , i say , . in the primitive church , about the end of the second century , before there was the least attempt to introduce new officers into the church , there were persons called unto the office and work of publick teaching , who were not pastors , nor called unto the administration of other ordinances . those of this sort , in the church of alexandria , were , by reason of their extraordinary abilities , quickly of great fame and renown . their constant work was publickly unto all comers , believers and unbelievers , to explain and teach the principles of christian religion , defending and vindicating it from the opposition of its heathen adversaries , whether atheists or philosophers . this had never been so exactly practised in the church , if it had not derived from divine institution . and of this sort is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the catechist , intended by the apostle , gal. . . for it is such an one as constantly labours in the work of preaching , and hath those who depend upon his ministry therein ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that are taught or catechised by him . for , hence alone it is that maintenance is due unto him for his work. let the catechised communicate unto the cathechist , the taught unto the teacher in all good things . and it is not the pastor of the church that he intends , for he speaks of him in the same case in another manner , and no where only with respect unto teaching alone . . there is a plain distinction between the offices of a pastor and a teacher , ephes. . . some pastors and teachers . this is one of the instances wherein men try their wits , in putting in exceptions unto plain scripture testimonies , as some or other do in all other cases ; which if it may be allowed , we shall have nothing left us certain in the whole book of god. the apostle enumerates distinctly all the teaching officers of the church , both extraordinary and ordinary . it is granted , that there is a difference between apostles , prophets and evangelists , but there is none , say some , between pastors and teachers ; which are also named distinctly . why so ? because there is an interposition of the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 between those of the former sort , and not between pastors and teachers ; a very weak consideration to controul the evidence of the design of the apostle in the words . we are not to prescribe unto him how he shall express himself . but this i know , that the discretive and copulative conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , between pastors and teachers , doth no less distinguish them the one from the other , than the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before made use of . and this i shall confirm from the words themselves . . the apostle doth not say pastors or teachers , which in congruity of speech should have been done , if the same persons and the same office were intended . and the discretive particle in the close of such an enumeration of things distinct , as that in this place , is of the same force with the other notes of distinction before used . . after he hath named pastors he nameth teachers with a note of distinction . this must contain either the addition of a new office , or be an interpretation of what went before ; as if he had said pastors , that is , teachers . if it be the latter , then the name of teachers must be added , as that which was better known than that of pastors , and more expressive of the office intended . it is declared who are meant by pastors in calling them teachers ; or else the addition of the word is meerly superfluous . but this is quite otherwise ; the name of pastor being more known as unto the indigitation of office-power and care , and more appropriated thereunto than that of teacher ; which is both a common name , not absolutely appropriated unto office , and respective of one part of the pastoral office and duty only . . no instance can be given in any place where there is an enumeration of church-officers , either by their names , as cor. . . or by their work , as rom. . , , . or by the offices themselves , as phil. . . of the same officer , at the same time to be expressed under various names , which indeed must needs introduce confusion into such an enumeration . it is true , the same officers are in the scripture called by several names , as pastors , bishops , presbyters , but if it had been said any where , that there were in the church bishops and presbyters , it must be acknowledged that they were distinct officers , as bishops and deacons are , phil. . . . the words in their first notion , are not synonymous ; for all pastors are teachers , but all teachers are not pastors ; and therefore the latter cannot be exegetical of the former . dly . as these teachers are so called and named in contradistinction unto pastors in the same place , so they have distinct office-works and duties assigned unto them in the same place also ; rom. . . he that teacheth on teaching ; he that exhorteth on exhortation . if they have especial works to attend unto distinctly , by virtue of their offices , then are their offices distinctly also ; for from one there is an especial obligation unto one sort of duties , and to another sort from the other . thly . these teachers are set in the church as in a distinct office from that of prophets ; secondarily , prophets , thirdly , teachers , cor. . . and so they are mentioned distinctly in the church of antioch , act. . . there were in the church at antioch prophets and teachers . but in both places pastors are comprized under the name of prophets ; exhortation being an especial branch of prophecy , rom. . , , . . there is a peculiar institution of maintenance for these teachers , which argues a distinct office , gal. . . from all these considerations , it appears , that the teachers mentioned in the scripture , were officers in the church distinct from pastors . for they are distinguished from them , ( . ) by their name , declarative of the especial nature of their office. ( . ) by their peculiar work , which they are to attend unto , in teaching by virtue of office. ( . ) by the distinct placing in the church as peculiar officers in it , distinct from prophets or pastors . ( . ) by the especial constitution of their necessary maintenance . ( . ) by the necessity of their work to be distinctly carried on in the church . which may suffice for the removal of the second opinion . the third is , that teachers are a distinct office in the church , but such whose office , work and power , is confined unto teaching only , so as that they have no interest in rule or the administration of the sacraments . and , . i acknowledge that this seems to have been the way and practice of the churches after the apostles . for they had ordinary catechists and teachers in assemblies like schools , that were not called unto the whole work of the ministry . . the name of a teacher , neither in its native signification , nor in its ordinary application , as expressive of the work of this office , doth extend it self beyond , or signifie any thing but the meer power and duty of teaching . it is otherwise as unto the names of pastors , bishops or overseers , elders , which as unto the two former , their constant use in scripture suited unto their signification , includes the whole work of the ministry ; and the latter is a name of dignity and rule . upon the proposal of church-officers under these names , the whole of office-power and duty is apprehended as included in them . but the name of a teacher , especially , as significant of that of rabbi among the jews , carries along with it a confinement unto an especial work or duty . . i do judge it lawful for any church , from the nature of the thing it self , scripture , general rules and directions , to choose , call and set apart meet persons unto the office , work and duty of teachers , without an interest in the rule of the church , or the administration of the holy ordinances of worship . the same thing is practised by many for the substance of it , though not in due order . and , it may be , the practice hereof duly observed , would lead us unto the original institution of this office. but , . whereas a teacher , meerly as such , hath no right unto rule or the administration of ordinances , no more than the doctors among the jews had right to offer sacrifices in the temple ; yet he who is called to be a teacher , may also at the same time be called to be an elder ; and a teaching elder hath the power of all holy administrations committed to him . . but he that is called to be a teacher in a peculiar manner , although he be an elder also , is to attend peculiarly unto that part of his work from whence he receiveth his denomination . and so i shall at present dismiss this third opinion unto farther consideration , if there be any occasion for it . the fourth opinion i rather embrace than any of the other , namely , upon a supposition that a teacher is a distinct officer in the church , his office is of the same kind with that of the pastor , though distinguished from it as unto degrees , both materially and formally : for , . they are joined with pastors in the same order as their associates in office , ephes. . . so they are with prophets , and set in the church as they are , cor. . , act. . . ( . ) they have a peculiar work of the same general nature with that of pastors assigned unto them , rom. . . being to teach or preach the gospel by virtue of office , they have the same office for substance with the pastors . ( . ) they are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the church , act. . . which comprizeth all sacred administrations . wherefore , upon the consideration of all that is spoken in the scripture concerning church-teachers , with the various conjectures of all sorts of writers about them , i shall conclude my own thoughts in some few observations , and then enquire into the state of the church , with reference unto these pastors and teachers . and i say , . there may be teachers in a church called only unto the work of teaching , without any farther interest in rule or right unto the administration of the sacraments . such they seem to be who are mentioned , gal. . . they are there called peculiarly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , catechists ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . instructors of those that are young in the rudiments of religion . and such there were in the primitive churches ; some whereof were eminent , famous and useful . and this was very necessary in those days when the churches were great and numerous . for , whereas the whole rule of the church , and the administration of all ordinances in it , is originally committed unto the pastor , as belonging entirely unto his office ; the discharge of it in all its parts , unto the edification of the church , especially when it is numerous , being impossible for any one man , or it may be more , in the same office where all are obliged unto an especial attendance on one part of it , namely , the word and prayer , it pleased the lord christ to appoint such as in distinct offices should be associated with them , for the discharge of sundry parts of their duty . so were deacons ordained to take care of the poor , and the outward concerns of the church , without any interest in rule or right to teach . so were , as we shall prove , elders ordained to assist and help in rule , without any call to preach or administer the sacraments . and so were teachers appointed to instruct the church and others in the truth , who have no right to rule , or the administration of other ordinances . and thus , although the whole duty of the edification of the church be still incumbent on the pastors , yet being supplied with assistance to all the parts of it , it may be comfortably discharged by them . and if this order were observed in all churches , not only many inconveniences would be prevented , but the order and edification of the church greatly promoted . . he who is peculiarly called to be a teacher , with reference unto a distinction from a pastor , may yet at the same time be called to be an elder also , that is to be a teaching elder . and where there is in any officer a concurrence of both these , a right unto rule as an elder , and power to teach , or preach the gospel , there is the same office and office-power , for the substance of it , as there is in the pastor . . on the foregoing supposition there yet remains a distinction between the office of a pastor and teacher ; which , as far as light may be taken from their names and distinct asscriptions unto them , consists materially in the different gifts which those to be called unto office have received , which the church in their call ought to have respect unto ; and formally in the peculiar exercise of those gifts in the discharge of their office , according unto the assignation of their especial work unto them , which themselves are to attend unto . upon what hath been before discoursed concerning the office of pastors and teachers , it may be enquired , whether there may be many of them in a particular church , or whether there ought only to be one of each sort : and i say , . take teachers in the third sence , for those who are only so , and have no farther interest in office-power , and there is no doubt , but that there may be as many of them in any church as are necessary unto its edification ; and ought so to be . and a due observation of this institution , would prevent the inconvenience of mens preaching constantly , who are in no office in the church . for although i do grant , that those who have once been regularly or solemnly set a part or ordained unto the ministry , have the right of constant preaching inherent in them , and the duty of it incumbent on them , though they may be separated from those churches , wherein and unto whom they were peculiarly ordained ; yet for men to give themselves up constantly unto the work of teaching by preaching the gospel , who never were set apart by the church thereunto , i know not that it can be justified . . if there be but one sort of elders mentioned in the scripture , it is out of all question , that there may be many pastors in the same church . for there were many elders in every church ; act. . . act. . . phil. . . tit. . . but if there are sundry sorts of elders mentioned in the scripture , as pastors , who peculiarly feed the flock , those teaching elders of whom we have spoken , and those rulers concerning whom we shall treat in the next place ; then no determination of this enquiry can be taken from the multiplication of them in any church . . it is certain , that the order very early observed in the church was one pastor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praeses , quickly called episcopus by way of distinction , with many elders assisting in rule and teaching , and deacons ministring in the things of this life , whereby the order of the church was preserved , and its authority represented . yet i will not deny , but that in each particular church there may be many pastors , with an equality of power , if the edification of the church doth require it . . it was the alteration of the state of the church from its primitive constitution , and deviation from its first order , by an occasional coalescency of many churches into one , by a new form of churches never appointed by christ , which came not in until after the end of the second century , that gave occasion to corrupt this order into an episcopal preheminence , which degenerated more and more into confusion under the name of order . and the absolute equality of many pastors in one and the same church , is liable unto many inconveniencies , if not diligently watched against . . wherefore , let the state of the church be preserved and kept unto its original constitution , which is congregational , and no other ; and i do judge , that the order of the officers , which was so early in the primitive church , namely , of one pastor or bishop in one church , assisted in rule and all holy administrations , with many elders teaching or ruling only , doth not so overthrow church-order , as to render its rule or discipline useless . . but whereas there is no difference in the scripture , as unto office or power intimated between bishops and presbyters , as we have proved , where there are many teaching elders in any church , an equality in office and power is to be preserved . but yet this takes not off from the due preference of the pastoral office , nor from the necessity of precedency for the observation of order in all church assemblies , nor from the consideration of the peculiar advantages , which gifts , age , abilities , prudence and experience , which may belong unto some according to rule , may give . chap. vii . of the rule of the church ; or , of ruling elders . . the rule and government of the church , or the execution of the authority of christ therein , is in the hand of the elders . all elders in office have rule ; and none have rule in the church but elders . as such , rule doth belong unto them . the apostles , by virtue of their especial office , were intrusted with all church-power ; but therefore they were elders also ; pet. . . joh. . joh. . see act. . . tim. . . they are some of them on other accounts , called bishops , pastors , teachers , ministers , guides , but what belongs unto any of them in point of rule , or what interest they have therein , it belongs unto them as elders , and not otherwise ; act. . , . so under the old testament , where the word doth not signifie a difference in age , but is used in a moral sence , elders are the same with rulers or governours , whether in offices civil or ecclesiastical ; especially the rulers of the church were constantly called its elders . and the use of the word , with the abuse of the power or office intended by it , is traduced to signifie men in authority ( signeiores , eldermani ) in all places . . church-power acted in its rule , is called the keys of the kingdom of heaven , by an expression derived from the keys that were a sign of office-power in the families of kings , isa. . . and used by our saviour himself to denote the communication of church-power unto others , which was absolutely and universally vested in himself under the name of the key of david ; revel . . . mat. . . . these keys are usually referred unto two heads ; namely , the one of order , the other of jurisdiction . . by the key of order , the spiritual right , power , and authority of bishops or pastors to preach the word , to administer the sacraments , doctrinally to bind and loose the consciences of men , are intended . . by jurisdiction , the rule , government , or discipline of the church is designed , though it was never so called or esteemed in the scripture or the primitive church , until the whole nature of church-rule or discipline was depraved and changed . therefore , neither the word , nor any thing that is signified by it , or which it is applied unto , ought to be admitted unto any consideration in the things that belong unto the church or its rule ; it being expressive of , and directing unto that corrupt administration of things ecclesiastical , according unto the canon law , by which all church-rule and order is destroyed . i do therefore at once dismiss all disputes about it , as of things foreign to the gospel and christian religion , i mean as unto the institutions of christ in his church . the civil jurisdiction of supreme magistrates about the externals of religion , is of another consideration . but that these keys do include the two-fold distinct powers of teaching and rule , of doctrine and discipline , is freely granted . . in the church of england , ( as in that of rome ) there is a peculiar distribution made of these keys . unto some , that is unto one special sort or order of men , they are both granted , both the key of order and of jurisdiction ; which is unto diocesan bishops , with some others under various canonical restrictions and limitations , as deans and arch-deacons . unto some is granted the key of order only , without the least interest in jurisdiction or rule by virtue of their office ; which are the parochial ministers , or meer presbyters , without any additional title or power , as of commissary surrogates , or the like . and unto a third sort , there is granted the key of rule or jurisdiction almost plenipotent , who have no share in the key of order , that is , were never ordained , separated , dedicated unto any office in the church ; such as are the chancellors , &c. . these chancellors are the only lay-elders that i know any where in any church ; that is , persons entrusted with the rule of the church , and the disposition of its censures , who are not ordained unto any church-office ; but in all other things continue in the order of the laity or the people . all church rulers , by institution , are elders . to be an elder of the church , and a ruler in it , is all one . wherefore , these persons being rulers in the church , and yet thus continuing in the order of the people , are lay-elders ; whom i wonder how so many of the church came so seriously to oppose , seeing this order of men is owned by none but themselves . the truth is , and it must be acknowledged , that there is no known church in the world , ( i mean whose order is known unto us , and is of any publick consideration , ) but they do dispose the rule of the church in part , into the hands of persons , who have not the power of authoritative preaching of the word , and administration of the sacraments committed unto them . for even those who place the whole external rule of the church in the civil magistrate , do it , as they judge him an officer of the church , entrusted by christ with church-power . and those who deny any such officers as are usually called ruling elders in the reformed churches to be of divine institution , yet maintain that it is very necessary that there should be such officers in the church , either appointed by the magistrate , or chosen by the people , and that with cogent arguments . see grot. de jure potestat . cap. . but this distribution mentioned of church-power , is unscriptural ; nor is there any foot-steps of it in antiquity . it is so as unto the two latter branches of it . that any one should have the power of order to preach the word , to administer the seals , to bind and loose the conscience doctrinally ; or ministerially to bind and loose in the court of conscience , and yet by the virtue of that office which gives them this power , not to have a right and power of rule or discipline to bind and loose in the court of the church , is that , which neither the scripture , nor any example of the primitive church doth give countenance unto . and as by this means , those are abridged and deprived of their power , to whom it is granted by the institution and law of christ , as it is with all elders duly called unto their office ; so in the third branch there is a grant of church-power unto such , as by the law of christ , are excluded from any interest therein . the enormity of which constitution , i shall not at present insist upon . but enquiry must be made what the scripture directs unto herein : and , . there is a work and duty of rule in the church , distinct from the work and duty of pastoral ▪ feeding , by the preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments . all agree herein , unless it be erastus and those that follow him , who seem to oppose it . but their arguments lie not against rule in general , which were brutish , but only a rule by external jurisdiction in the elders of the church . so they grant the general assertion of the necessity of rule , for who can deny it ? only they contend about the subject of power required thereunto . a spiritual rule by virtue of mutual voluntary confederation , for the preservation of peace , purity and order in the church , few of that opinion deny ; at least it is not that which they do oppose . for to deny all rule and discipline in the church , with all administration of censures in the exercise of a spiritual power internally inherent in the church , is to deny the church to be a spiritual political society , overthrow its nature , and frustrate its institution in direct opposition unto the scripture . that there is such a rule in the christian church , see act. . . rom. . . cor. . . tim. . . chap. . . heb. . , . revel . . . . different and distinct gifts are required unto the discharge of these distinct works and duties . this belongs unto the harmony of the dispensation of the gospel . gifts are bestowed to answer all duties prescribed . hence they are the first foundation of all power , work and duty in the church . vnto every one of us is given grace according to the measure of the gift of christ , that is , ability for duty , according to the measure wherein christ is pleased to grant it ; ephes. . . there are diversities of gifts , but the same spirit ; and the manifestation of the spirit is given to every man to profit withal , cor. . , , , , . having then gifts differing according to the grace given unto us , &c. rom. . , , . wherefore , as every man hath received the gift , so are they to minister the same , as good stewards of the manifold grace of god , pet. . . hence are they called the powers of the world to come , heb. . , . wherefore , differing gifts , are the first foundation of differing offices and duties . . that differing gifts are required unto the different works of pastoral teaching on the one hand , and practical rule on the other , is evident , ( . ) from the light of reason , and the nature of the works themselves being so different . and , ( . ) from experience ; some men are fitted by gifts , for the dispensation of the word and doctrine in a way of pastoral feeding , who have no useful ability in the work of rule ; and some are fitted for rule , who have no gifts for the discharge of the pastoral work in preaching . yea , it is very seldom that both these sorts of gifts do concurr in any eminency in the same persons , or without some notable defect . those who are ready to assume all things unto themselves , are for the most part fit for nothing at all . and hence it is , that most of those who esteem both these works to belong principally unto them , do almost totally decline the one , or that of pastoral preaching , under a pretence of attending unto the other , that is , rule , in a very preposterous way ; for they omit that which is incomparably the greater and more worthy , for that which is less and inferior unto it , although it should be attended unto in a due manner . but this , and sundry other things of the like nature , proceed from the corruption of that traditional notion , which is true in it self and continued among all sorts of christians ; namely , that there ought to be some on whom the rule of the church is in an especial manner incumbent , and whose principal work it is to attend thereunto . for the great depravations of all church government , proceed from the corruption and abuse of this notion , which in it self , and its original , is true and sacred . herein also , malum habitat in alieno fundo . there is no corruption in church-order or rule , but is corruptly derived from , or is set up as an image of some divine institution . . the work of rule , as distinct from teaching , is in general to watch over the walking or conversation of the members of the church with authority , exhorting , comforting , admonishing , reproving , incouraging , directing of them , as occasion shall require . the gifts necessary hereunto , are diligence , wisdom , courage and gravity , as we shall see afterwards . the pastoral work , is principally to reveal the whole counsel of god , to divide the word aright , or to labour in the word and doctrine , both as unto the general dispensation , and particular application of it , in all seasons , and on all occasions . hereunto spiritual wisdom , knowledge , sound judgment , experience and vtterance are required , all to be improved by continual study of the word and prayer . but this difference of gifts , unto these distinct works , doth not of it self constitute distinct offices , because the same persons may be meetly furnished with those of both sorts . . yet distinct works and duties , though some were furnished with gifts for both , was a ground in the wisdom of the holy ghost , for distinct offices in the church , where one sort of them were as much as those of one office could ordinarily attend unto , act. . , , . ministration unto the poor of the church , for the supply of their temporal necessities , is an ordinance of christ. the administration hereof , the apostles were furnished for with gifts and wisdom above all others : but yet , because there was another part of their work and duty superior hereunto , and of greater necessity unto the propagation of the gospel and edification of the church , namely , a diligent attendance unto the word and prayer , the wisdom of the holy ghost in them thought meet to erect a new office in the church , for the discharge of that part of the ministerial duty which was to be attended unto ; yet , not so as to be any obstruction unto the other . i do not observe this , as if it were lawful for any others after them to do the same ; namely , upon a supposition of an especial work , to erect an especial office. only i would demonstrate from hence , the equity and reasonable ground of that institution , which we shall afterwards evince . . the work of the ministry in prayer , and preaching of the word , or labour in the word and doctrine , whereunto the administration of the seals of the covenant is annexed , with all the duties that belong unto the especial application of these things before insisted on , unto the flock ; are ordinarily sufficient to take up the whole man , and the utmost of their endowments who are called unto the pastoral office in the church . the very nature of the work in it self is such , as that the apostle giving a short description of it , adds as an intimation of its greatness and excellency , who is sufficient for these things ? cor. . . and the manner of its performance adds unto its weight . for not to mention that intension of mind in the exercise of faith , love , zeal and compassion , which is required of them in the discharge of their whole office ; the diligent consideration of the state of the flock , so as to provide spiritual food convenient for them ; with a constant attendance unto the issues and effects of the word in the consciences and lives of men ; is enough for the most part to take up their whole time and strength . it is gross ignorance or negligence that occasioneth any to be otherwise minded . as the work of the ministry is generally discharged , as consisting only in a weekly provision of sermons , and the performance of some stated offices by reading , men may have time and liberty enough to attend unto other occasions . but in such persons we are not at present concerned . our rule is plain , tim. . , , , , . . it doth not hence follow , that those who are called unto the ministry of the word , as pastors and teachers , who are elders also , are devested of the right of rule in the church , or discharged from the exercise of it , because others not called unto their office , are appointed to be assistant unto them ; that is , helps in the government . for the right and duty of rule is inseparable from the office of elders which all bishops or pastors are . the right is still in them , and the exercise of it consistent with their more excellent work , is required of them . so was it in the first institution of the sanhedrim in the church of israel ; exod. . , , , , , , . moses had before the sole rule and government of the people . in the addition that was made of an eldership for his assistance , there was no diminution of his right , or the exercise of it according to his precedent power . and the apostles , in the constitution of elders in every church , derogated nothing from their own authority , nor discharged themselves of their care . so when they appointed deacons to take care of supplies for the poor , they did not forgo their own right , nor the exercise of their duty as their other work would permit them , gal. . , . and in particular , the apostle paul manifested his concernment herein , in the care he took about collection for the poor in all churches . . as we observed at the entrance of this chapter , the whole work of the church , as unto authoritative teaching and rule , is committed unto the elders . for authoritative teaching and ruling , is teaching and ruling by virtue of office : and this office whereunto they do belong , is that of elders , as it is undeniably attested , act. . , &c. all that belongs unto the care , inspection , oversight , rule and instruction of the church , is committed unto the elders of it expresly . for elders is a name derived from the jews , denoting them that have authority in the church . the first signification of the word in all languages respects age. elders are old men , well stricken in years ; unto whom respect and reverence is due by the law of nature and scripture command ; unless they forfeit their privilege by levity or wickedness , which they often do . now ancient men were originally judged , if not only , yet the most meet for rule , and were before others constantly called thereunto . hence , the name of elders was appropriated unto them , who did preside and rule over others in any kind . only it may be observed , that there is in the scripture no mention of rulers that are called elders , but such as are in a subordinate power and authority only . those who were in supream absolute power , as kings and princes , are never called elders . but elders by office , were such only as had a ministerial power under others . wherefore , the highest officers in the christian church being called elders , even the apostles themselves , and peter in particular , epist. chap. . v. . . it is evident , that they have only a ministerial power ; and so it is declared ver . . the pope would now scarce take it well to be esteemed only an elder of the church of rome ; unless it be in the same sence wherein the turkish monarch is called the grand signior . but those who would be in the church above elders , have no office in it , whatever usurpation they may make over it . . to the compleat constitution of any particular church , or the perfection of its organical state , it is required that there be many elders in it ; at least more than one . in this proposition lies the next foundation of the truth which we plead for , and therefore it must be distinctly considered . i do not determine what their number ought to be ; nor is it determinable , as unto all churches . for the light of nature sufficiently directs , that it is to be proportioned unto the work and end designed . where a church is numerous , there is a necessity of encreasing their number proportionable unto their work. in the days of cyprian there was in the church of carthage ten or twelve of them that are mentioned by name ; and at the same time , there were a great many in the church of rome under cornelius . where the churches are small , the number of elders may be so also . for no office is appointed in the church for pomp or show , but for labour only . and so many are necessary in each office as are able to discharge the work which is allotted unto them . but that church , be it small or great , is not compleat in its state , is defective , which hath not more elders than one ; who have not so many as are sufficient for their work. . the government of the church , in the judgment and practice of some , is absolutely democratical or popular . they judge that all church-power or authority , is seated and setled in the community of the brethren or body of the people . and they look on elders or ministers , only as servants of the church ; not only materially in the duties they perform , and finally for their edification , serving for the good of the church , in the things of the church ; but formally also , as acting the authority of the church by a meer delegation , and not any of their own received directly from christ , by virtue of his law and institution . hence , they do occasionally appoint persons among themselves not called unto , not vested with any office , to administer the supper of the lord , or any other solemn offices of worship . on this principle and supposition , i see no necessity of any elders at all , though usually they do conferr this office , on some with solemnity . but as among them , there is no direct necessity of any elders for rule , so we treat not at present concerning them . . some place the government of many particular churches in a diocesan bishop , with those that act under him , and by his authority , according unto the rule of the canon law , and the civil constitution of the land. these are so far from judging it necessary that there should be many elders for rule in every particular church , as that they allow no rule in them at all , but only assert a rule over them . but a church , where there is no rule in it self , to be exercised in the name of christ by its own rulers , officers , guides , immediatly presiding in it , is unknown to scripture and antiquity . wherefore , with these we deal not in this discourse ; nor have any apprehension , that the power of presenting men , for any pretended disorder , unto the bishops or chancellors court , is any part of church-power or rule . . others place the rule of particular churches , especially in cases of greatest moment , in an association , conjunction or combination of all the elders of them in one society , which is commonly called a classis . so in all acts of rule , there will be a conjunct acting of many elders . and , no doubt it is the best provision that can be made on a supposition of the continuance of the present parochial distribution . but those also of this judgment , who have most weighed and considered the nature of these things , do assert the necessity of many elders in every particular church , which is the common judgment and practice of the reformed churches in all places . . and some there are , who begin to maintain , that there is no need of any more but one pastor , bishop , or elder , in a particular church , which hath its rule in its self ; other elders for rule being unnecessary . this is a novel opinion , contradictory to the sence and practice of the church in all ages . and i shall prove the contrary . . the pattern of the first churches constituted by the apostles , which it is our duty to imitate and follow as our rule , constantly expresseth and declares , that many elders were appointed by them in every church , act. . . chap. . . chap. . , , , . chap. . . chap. . , &c. tim. . . phil. . . tit. . . pet. . . there is no mention in the scripture , no mention in antiquity , of any church wherein there was not more elders than one , nor doth that church answer the original pattern , where it is otherwise . . where there is but one elder in a church , there cannot be an eldership or presbytery ; as there cannot be a senate where there is but one senator ; which is contrary unto tim. . . . the continuation of every church in its original state and constitution , is , since the ceasing of extraordinary offices and powers , committed to the care and power of the church it self . hereunto the calling and ordaining of ordinary officers , pastors , rulers , elders , teachers , do belong . and therein , as we have proved , both the election of the people , submitting themselves unto them in the lord , and the solemn setting of them apart by imposition of hands , do concurr . but if there be but one elder only in a church , upon his death or removal , this imposition of hands must either be left unto the people , or be supplied by elders of other churches ; or be wholly omitted , all which are irregular . and that church-order is defective , which wants the symbol of authoritative ordination . . it is difficult , if not impossible , on a supposition of one elder only in a church , to preserve the rule of the church from being prelatical or popular . there is nothing more frequently objected unto those who dissent from diocesan bishops , than that they would every one be bishops in their own parishes , and unto their own people . all such pretences are excluded on our principles , of the liberty of the people , of the necessity of many elders in the same church in an equality of power , and the communion of other churches in association : but practically where there is but one elder , one of the extreams can be hardly avoided . if he rule by himself , without the previous advice in some cases , as well as the subsequent consent of the church , it hath an eye of unwarrantable prelacy in it : if every thing be to be originally transacted , disposed , ordered by the whole society , the authority of the elder will quickly be insignificant , and he will be little more in point of rule , than any other brother of the society . but all these inconveniencies are prevented by the fixing of many elders in each church , which may maintain the authority of the presbytery , and free the church from the despotical rule of any diotr●phes . but in case there be but one in any church , unless he have wisdom to maintain the authority of the eldership in his own person and actings , there is no rule but confusion . . the nature of the work whereunto they are called , requires , that in every church consisting in any considerable number of members , there should be more elders than one. when god first appointed rule in the church under the old testament , he assigned unto every ten persons , or families , a distinct ruler , deut. . . for the elders are to take care of the walk or conversation of all the members of the church , that it be according unto the rule of the gospel . this rule is eminent as unto the holiness that it requires , above all other rules of moral conversation whatever . and there is in all the members of the church great accuracy and circumspection required in their walking after it and according unto it . the order also and decency which is required in all church-assemblies , stands in need of exact care and inspection . that all these things can be attended unto , and discharged in a due manner in any church by one elder , is for them only to suppose who know nothing of them . and , although there may be an appearance for a season of all these things in such churches , yet there being not therein a due compliance with the wisdom and institution of christ , they have no present beauty , nor will be of any long continuance . these considerations , as also those that follow , may seem jejune and contemptible unto such as have another frame of church-rule and order drawn in their minds and interests . a government vested in some few persons , with titles of preheminence and legal power , exercised in courts with coercive jurisdiction , by the methods and processes of canons of their own framing , is that which they suppose doth better become the grandeur of church-rulers , and the state of the church , than these creeping elders with their congregations . but , whereas our present enquiry after these things , is only in and out of the scripture , wherein there is neither shadow nor appearance of any of these practices , i beg their pardon , if at present i consider them not . . we shall now make application of these things unto our present purpose . i say then , ( . ) whereas there is a work of rule in the church , distinct from that of pastoral feeding . ( . ) whereas this work is to be attended unto with diligence , which includes the whole duty of him that attends unto it . and , ( . ) that the ministry of the word and prayer , with all those duties that accompany it , is a full employment for any man , and so consequently his principal and proper work , which it is unlawful for him to be remiss in by attending on another with diligence . and , ( . ) whereas there ought to be many elders in every church , that both the works of teaching and ruling may be constantly attended unto . ( . ) that in the wisdom of the holy ghost , distinct works did require distinct offices for their discharge ; all which we have proved already ; our enquiry hereon is , whether the same holy spirit , hath not distinguished this office of elders into those two sorts , namely , those who are called unto teaching and rule also ; and those who are called unto rule only , which we affirm . the testimonies whereby the truth of this assertion is confirmed , are generally known and pleaded ; i shall insist on some of them only , beginning with that which is of uncontroulable evidence , if it had any thing to conflict withal but prejudices and interest ; and this is tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is praesum , praesidio ; to preside , to rule . praesident probati seniores . tertull. and the bishop or pastor in justin martyr , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so is the word constantly used in the new testament , rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that ruleth ; thess. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that are over them , that is , in place of rule , tim. . , , . it is applied unto family rule and government , as it is also unto care and diligence about good works , tit. . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the whole presidency in the church , with respect unto its rule . translators agree in the reading of these words , so the hebrew of munster , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elders of the congregation who well discharge their rule or conduct . so the syriack , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those elders . qui bene praesunt presbyteri ; vul lat. seniori che governano bene ; ital. all agree that it is the governours and the government of the church in general that is here intended . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the word most controverted . all translators esteem it distinctive , heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eminently ; syr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chiefly , principally ; maxime . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who labour painfully , labour to weariness ; travail in the word and doctrine . the elders or presbyters in office , elders of the church that rule well , or discharge their presidency for rule in due manner , are worthy , or ought to be reputed worthy of double honour ; especially those of them who labour , or are ingaged in the great labour and travail of the word and doctrine . and some things may be observed in general concerning these words . . this testimony relates directly unto the rules and principles before laid down , directing unto the practice of them . according to the analogy of these principles , these words are to be interpreted . and unless they are overthrown , it is to no purpose to put in exceptions against the sence of this or that word ; the interpretation of them is to be suited unto the analogy of the things which they relate unto . if we consider not what is spoken here in consent with other scriptures treating of the same matter , we depart from all sober rules of interpretation . . on this supposition , the words of the text have a plain and obvious signification , which at first view presents it self unto the common sence and understanding of all men. and where there is nothing contrary unto any other divine testimony , or evident reason , such a sence is constantly to be embraced . there is nothing here of any spiritual mystery ; but only a direction concerning outward order in the church . in such , cases the literal sence of the words rationally apprehended , is all that we are concerned in . but on the first proposal of this text , that the elders that rule well , are worthy of double honour , especially those who labour in the word and doctrine ; a rational man who is unprejudiced , who never heard of the controversy about ruling elders , can hardly avoid an apprehension that there are two sort of elders , some that labour in the word and doctrine , and some who do not so do . the truth is , it was interest and prejudice that first caused some learned men to strain their wits to find out evasions from the evidence of this testimony : being so found out , some others of meaner abilities have been entangled by them . for there is not one new argument advanced in this cause , not one exception given in unto the sence of the place which we plead for , but what was long since coined by papists and prelatists , and mannaged with better colours than some now are able to lay on them , who pretend unto the same judgment . . this is the substance of the truth in the text. there are elders in the church ; there are or ought to be so in every church . with these elders the whole rule of the church is intrusted ; all these , and only they , do rule in it . of these elders there are two sorts , for a description is given of one sort distinctive from the other , and comparative with it . the first sort doth rule , and also labour in the word and doctrine . that these works are distinct and different was before declared . yet , as distinct works , they are not incompatible , but are committed unto the same person . they are so unto them , who are not elders only , but moreover pastors or teachers . unto pastors and teachers , as such , there belongs no rule ; although , by the institution of christ , the right of rule be inseparable from their office. for all that are rightfully called thereunto are elders also , which gives them an interest in rule . they are elders with the addition of pastoral or teaching authority . but there are elders which are not pastors or teachers . for there are some who rule well , but labour not in the word and doctrine ; that is , who are not pastors or teachers . elders that rule well , but labour not in the word and doctrine , are ruling elders only ; and such are in the text. the most learned of our protestant adversaries in this case , ●re erastus , bilson , sarravia , downham , scultetus , mead , grotius , hamond ; who agree not at all among themselves about the sence of the words : for , . their whole design and endeavour is to put in exceptions against the obvious sence and interpretation of the words , not fixing on any determinate exposition of it themselves , such as they will abide by in opposition unto any other sence of the place . now this is most sophistical way of arguing upon testimonies , and suited only to make controversies endless . whose wit is so barren , as not to be able to raise one exception or other against the plainest and most evident testimony ? so the socinians deal with us , in all the testimonies we produce to prove the deity or satisfaction of christ. they suppose it enough to evade their force , if they can but pretend that the words are capable of another sence ; although they will not abide by it , that this or that is their sence . for if they would do so , when that is overthrown the truth would be established . but every testimony of the scripture hath one determinate sence . when this is contended about , it is equal that those at difference do express their apprehensions of the mind of the holy spirit in the word which they will abide by . when this is done , let it be examined and tried , whether of the two sences pretended unto , doth best comply with the signification and use of the words , the context or scope of the place , other scripture testimonies , and the analogy of faith. no such rule is attended unto in this case by our adversaries . they think it enough to oppose our sence of the words , but will not fix upon any of their own , which if it be disproved , ours ought to take place . and hence , . they do not in the least agree among themselves , scarce any two of them , on what is the most probable sence of the words , nor are any of them singly , well resolved what application to make of them , nor unto what persons ; but only propose things as their conjecture . but of very many opinions or conjectures that are advanced in this case , all of them but of one , are accompanied with the modesty of granting that divers sorts of elders are here intended , which , without more than ordinary confidence , cannot be denied : but , some by elders that rule well , do understand bishops that are diocesans ; and by those that labour in the word and doctrine , ordinary preaching presbyters ; which plainly gives them the advantage of preheminence , reverence and maintenance above the other . some by elders that rule well , understand ordinary bishops and presbyters ; and by those that labour in the word and doctrine , evangelists ; so carrying the text out of the present concernment of the church , deacons are esteemed by some to have an interest in the rule of the church , and so to be intended in the first place ; and preaching ministers in the latter . some speak of two sorts of elders , both of the same order , or ministers ; some that preach the word and administer the sacraments ; and others that are imployed about inferior offices , as reading , and the like , which is the conceit of scultetus . mr. mede weighs most of these conjectures , and at length prefers one of his own before them all ; namely , that by elders that rule well , civil magistrates are intended ; and by those that labour in the word and doctrine , the ministers of the gospel . but some discerning the weakness and improbability of all these conjectures ; and how easily they may be disproved , betake themselves unto a direct denial of that which seems to be plainly asserted in the text ; namely , that there are two sorts of elders here intended and described , which they countenance themselves in , by exception unto the application of some terms in the text , which we shall immediately consider . grotivs , as was before intimated , disputes against the divine institution of such temporary lay-elders as are made use of in sundry of the reformed churches . but when he hath done , he affirms , that it is highly necessary that such conjunct associates in rule from among the people , should be in every church ; which he proves by sundry arguments . and these he would have either nominated by the magistrate , or chosen by the people . wherefore , omitting all contests about the forementioned conceits , or any other of the like nature , i shall propose one argument from these words , and vindicate it from the exceptions of those of the latter sort . preaching elders , although they rule well , are not worthy of double honour , unless they labour in the word and doctrine . bvt there are elders who rule well that are worthy of double honour , though they do not labour in the word and doctrine . therefore , there are elders that rule well , who are not teaching or preaching elders , that is who are ruling elders only . the proposition is evident in its own light from the very terms of it . for to preach , is to labour in the word and doctrine : preaching or teaching elders , that do not labour in the word and doctrine , are preaching or teaching elders that do not preach or teach . and to say that preachers , whose office and duty is to preach , are worthy of that double honour which is due on the account of preaching , though they do not preach , is uncouth and irrational . it is contrary to the scripture , and the light of nature , as implying a contradiction , that a man whose office it is to teach and preach , should be esteemed worthy of double honour on the account of his office , who doth not as an officer teach or preach . the assumption consists upon the matter , in the very , words of the apostle . for he who says , the elders who rule well , are worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and doctrine , saith there are , or may be elders who rule well , who do not labour in the word and doctrine , that is , who are not obliged so to do . the argument from these words may be otherwise framed , but this contains the plain sence of this testimony . sundry things are excepted unto this testimony and our application of it . those which are of any weight consist in a contest about two words in the text , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; some place their confidence of evasion in one of them , and some in another ; the argument from both being inconsistent . if that sence of one of these words which is pleaded as a relief against this testimony be embraced , that which unto the same purpose is pretended to be the sence of the other , must be rejected . such shifts doth an opposition unto the truth , put men to . . some say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especially , is not distinctive , but descriptive only ; that is , it doth not distinguish one sort of elders from another ; but only describes that single sort of them by an adjunct of their office , whereof the apostle speaks . the meaning of it , they say , is as much as , seeing that . the elders that rule well , are worthy of double honour ; seeing that they also labour ; or especially considering that they labour , &c. that this is the sence of the word , that it is thus to be interpreted , must be proved from the authority of ancient translations , or the use of it in other places of the new testament , or from its precise signification and application in other authors learned in this language ; or that it is inforced from the context , or matter treated of . but none of these can be pretended . . the rendring of the word in old translations we have before considered . they agree in maxime illi qui ; which is distinctive . . the use of it in other places of the new testament is constantly distinctive , whether applied to things or persons , act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sorrowing chiefly at the word , of seeing his face no more . their sorrow herein was distinct from all their other trouble , gal. . . let us do good unto all ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but chiefly , especially , unto the houshould of faith. it puts a distinction between the houshold of faith and all others , by virtue of their especial privilege ; which is the direct use of the word in that place of the same apostle , phil. . . all the saints salute you ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especially they that are of caesar's house . two sorts of saints are plainly expressed ; first such as were so in general ; such as were so also , but under this especial privilege and circumstance , that they were of caesar's house , which the others were not ; as it is here with respect unto elders : all rule well , but some moreover labour in the word and doctrine , tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if a man provide not for his own , especial those of his own house ; especially children or servants , which live in his own house , and are thereby distinguished from others of a more remote relation . tim. . . bring the books ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especially the parchments ; not because they are parchments ; but among the books , the parchments in particular , and in an especial manner . pet. . , . the lord knows how to reserve the wicked to the day of judgment to be punished ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. especially those that walk after the flesh ; who shall be singled out to exemplary punishment . it is but once more used in the new testament ; namely , act. . . where it includes a distinction in the thing under consideration . whereas this is the constant use of the word in the scripture , ( being principally used by this apostle in his writings ) wherein it is distinctive and comparative of the things and persons , that respect is had unto ; it is to no purpose to pretend that it is here used in another sence , or is otherwise applied ; unless they can prove from the context that there is a necessity of their peculiar interpretation of it . . the use of the word , in other authors , is concurrent with that of it in the scripture , herodian . lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the syrians are naturally lovers of fetivals ; especially they that dwell at antioch . it is the same phrase of speech with that here used . for all they that dwelt at antioch were syrians ; but all the syrians dwelt not at antioch . there is a distinction and distribution made of the syrians into two sorts : such as were syrians only , and such as being syrians , dwelt at antioch , the metropolis of the country . if a man should say , that all english men were stout and couragious , especially the londoners ; he would both affirm the londoners to be englishmen , and distinguish them from the rest of their country-men . so , all that labour in the word and doctrine , are elders ; but all elders do not labour in the word and doctrine , nor is it their duty so to do ; these we call ruling elders and , as i judge , rightly . . the sence which the words will give being so interpreted , as that a distinction of elders is not made in them , is absurd ; the subject and predicate of the proposition being terms convertible ; it must be so , if the proposition be not allowed to have a distinction in it . one sort of elders only , it is said are here intended . i ask who they are , and of what sort ? it is said , the same with pastors and teachers , or ministers of the gospel . for if the one sort of elders intended , be of another sort , we obtain what we plead for , as fully as if two sorts were allowed . who then are these elders , these pastors and teachers , these ministers of the church ? are they not those who labour in the word and doctrine ? yes , it will be said , it is they and no other . then this is the sence of the words ; those who labour in the word and doctrine , that rule well , are worthy of double honour , especially if they labour in the word and doctrine . for if there be but one sort of elders ; then elders , and those that labour in the word and doctrine , are terms convertible . but elders , and labour in the word and doctrine , are subject and praedicate in this proposition . wherefore , there are few of any learning or judgment , that make use of this evasion ; but allowing a distinction to be made , they say , that it is as to work and employment , and not as unto office. those who in the disharge of their office as elders do so labour as is intended and included in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which denotes a peculiar kind of work in the ministry : yea , say some , this word denotes the work of an evangelist , who was not confined unto any one place ; but travelled up and down the world to preach the gospel . and those of this mind do allow , that two sorts of elders are intended in the words . let us see whether they have any better success in this their conjecture , than the others have in the former answer . . i grant , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word here used , signifies to labour with pains and diligence , ad ultimum virium , usque ad fatigationem ; unto the utmost of mens strength , and unto weariness . but , . so to labour in the word and doctrine , is the duty of all pastors and teachers ; and who ever doth not so labour , is negligent in his office , and worthy of severe blame , instead of double honour . for , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the labour of a minister ; and so of any minister in his work of teaching and preaching the gospel , cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every one ( that is every one employed in the ministry , whether to plant or to water ; to convert men , or to edifie the church ) shall receive his own reward , according to his own labour . he that doth not strive , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the ministry , shall never receive a reward , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to his own labour ; and so is not worthy of double honour . . it is a general word used to express the work of any , in the service of god ; whereon it is applied unto the prophets and teachers under the old testament , joh. . . i sent you to reap that whereon you bestowed no labour ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , others have laboured , and you have entered into their labours : that is of the prophets and john the baptist. yea , it is so unto the labour that women may take in the serving of the church , rom. . . salute mary , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who laboured much ; which is more than simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vers. . salute tryphoena and tryphosa , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who laboured in the lord. vers. . salute the beloved persis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who laboured much in the lord. so wide from truth is it , that this word should signifie a labour peculiar to some sorts of ministers , which all are not in common obliged unto . . if the labour of evangelists , or of them who travelled up and down to preach the word be intended , then it is so , either because this is the proper signification of the word , or because it is constantly used elsewhere to express that kind of labour . but the contrary unto both of these is evident from all places wherein it is used . so is it expresly applied to fixed elders , thess. . . we exhort you , brethren , to know , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , them that labour among you ; who are the rulers and instructers . it is therefore evident , that this word expresseth no more but what is the ordinary indispensable duty of every teaching elder , pastor or minister , and if it be so , then those elders , that is pastors or teachers , that do not perform and discharge it , are not worthy of double honour . nor would the apostle give any countenance unto them , who were any way remiss or negligent , in comparison of others , in the discharge of their duty ; see thess. . . there are therefore two sorts of duties confessedly here mentioned and commanded ; the first is ruling well , the other labouring in the word and doctrine . suppose that both these , ruling , and teaching , are committed to one sort of persons only , having one and the same office absolutely , then are some commended who do not discharge their whole duty , at least not comparatively unto others ; which is a vain imagination . that both of them are committed unto one sort of elders , and one of them only unto another , each discharging its duty with respect unto its work , and so both worthy of honour , is the mind of the apostle . that which is objected from the following verse , namely , that maintenance belongs unto this double honour , and so , consequently , that if there be elders that are employed in the work of rule only , that maintenance is due unto them from the church ; i answer , it is so no doubt ; if , ( . ) the church be able to make them an allowance . ( . ) if their work be such as to take up the whole or the greatest part of their industry ; and , ( . ) if they stand in need of it : without which considerations , it may be dispensed withal ; not only in them , but in teaching elders also . our next testimony is from the same apostle , rom. . , . . having then gifts differing according unto the grace given unto us , whether prophecy , let us prophesy according to the proportion of faith ; or ministry , let us wait on our ministry ; or he that teacheth on teaching ; or he that exhorts on exhortation , he that giveth let him do it with simplicity , he that ruleth with diligence , he that sheweth mercy with cheerfulness . our argument from hence is this ; there is in the church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one that ruleth ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to rule with authority by virtue of office , whence is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that presides over others with authority . for the discharge of their office , there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a differing peculiar gift bestowed on some ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ver . . and there is the especial manner prescribed for the discharge of this especial office , by virtue of that especial gift ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is to be done with peculiar diligence . and this ruler is distinguished from him that exhorteth , and him that teacheth , with whose especial work , as such , he hath nothing to do ; even as they are distinguished from those who give and shew mercy . that is , there is an elder by office in the church , whose work and duty it is to rule , not to exhort or teach ministerially , which is our ruling elder . it is answered , that the apostle doth not treat in this place of offices , functions , or distinct officers ; but of differing gifts , in all the members of the church , which they are to exercise according as their different nature doth require . sundry things i shall return hereunto , which will both explain the context , and vindicate our argument . . those with whom we have to do principally , allow no exercise of spiritual gifts in the church , but by virtue of office. wherefore , a distinct exercise of them is here placed in distinct officers ; one , as we shall see , being expresly distinguished from another . . give such a probable enumeration of the distinct offices in the church , which they assert , namely , of arch-bishops , bishops , presbyters , and chancellors , &c. and we shall yield the cause . . gifts alone do no more , give no other warranty nor authority , but only render men meet for their exercise , as they are called , and as occasion doth require . if a man hath received a gift of teaching , but is not called to office , he is not obliged nor warranted thereby , to attend on publick teaching , nor is it required of him in a way of duty , nor given in charge unto him , as here it is . . there is in one , rule required with diligence . he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a ruler ; and it is required of him that he attend unto his work with diligence . and there are but two things required unto the confirmation of our thesis . ( . ) that this rule is an act of office-power . ( . ) that he unto whom it is ascribed , is distinguished from them unto whom the pastoral and other offices in the church are committed . for the first , it is evident that rule is an act of office or of office-power : for it requires , ( . ) an especial relation ; there is so between him that ruleth , and them that are ruled ; and this is the relation of office , or all confusion will ensue . ( . ) especial prelation . he that rules , is over , is above them that are ruled ; obey them that are over you in the lord ▪ this in the church cannot be in any , but by virtue of office ▪ ( . ) especial authority . all lawful rule is an act of authority ; and there is no authority in the church , but by virtue of office. secondly , that this officer is distinct from all others in the church , we shall immediately demonstrate , when we have a little further cleared the context . wherefore , . it is confessed that respect is had unto gifts ; having different gifts , ver . , . as all office-power in the church is founded in them , ephes. . , , , , . but gifts , absolutely with reference unto common use , are not intended , as in some other places . but they are spoken of with respect unto offices or functions , and the communication of them unto officers , for the discharge of their office. this is evident from the text and context , with the whole design of the place : for , . the analysis of the place directs unto this interpretation . three sorts of duties are prescribed unto the church in this chapter . ( . ) such as are vniversal , belonging absolutely unto all , and every one that appertains unto it ; which are declared ver . . . ( . ) such as are peculiar unto some , by virtue of that especial place which they have in the church , ver . , , , , , . this can be nothing but office. ( . ) such as are general or common , with respect unto occasions , from ver . . to the end of the chapter . hence the same duty is doubly prescribed ; to some in way of especial office , to others in the way of a gracious duty in general . so here , he that gives , let him do it with simplicity , vers. . is the same duty or work for the substance of it , with distributing unto the necessity of the saints , vers. . and the apostle doth not repeat his charge of the same duty in so few words , as required in the same manner , and of the same persons . but in the first place , he speaks of the manner of its performance , by virtue of office ; and in the latter of its discharge as to the substance of it , as a grace in all believers . the design of the apostle lies plain in the analysis of this discourse . . the context makes the same truth evident . for , . the whole ordinary publick work of the church , is distributed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; prophecy and ministry . for the extraordinary gift of prophecy is not here intended ; but only that of the interpretation of the scripture , whose rule is the analogy of faith ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is such prophecy as is to be regulated by the scripture it self ; which gives the proportion of faith. and there is not any thing , in any , or both of these , prophecy and ministry , but it belongs unto office in the church . neither is there any thing belonging unto office in the church , but may be reduced unto one of these , as they are all of them here , by the apostle . . the gifts spoken of , are in general , referred unto all them who are intended . now these are either the whole church , and all the members of it , or all the officers of the church only . hence it is expressed in the plural number , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we having ; that is , all we that are concerned herein . this cannot be all of the church ; for all the church have not received the gifts of prophecy and ministry . nor can any distinction be made of who doth receive them , and who doth not , but with respect unto office. and therefore , . in the distribution which ensues of prophecy , into exhorting and teaching ; and of ministry into shewing , mercy , rule , and giving ; having stated these gifts in general , in the officers in general , making distinct application of them unto distinct officers , he speaks in the singular number , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he that teacheth , he that exhorteth , he that ruleth . . it is then evident that offices are intended ; and it is no less evident , that distinct offices are so , which was to be proved in the second place . for , ( . ) the distributive particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the indicative article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prefixed unto each office in particular , do shew them distinct , so far as words can do it . as by the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whether , they are distinguished in their nature ; whether they be of this or that kind ; so by the article prefixed to each of them in exercise , they are distinguished in their subjects . ( . ) the operations , work , and effects ascribed unto these gifts , require distinct offices and functions in their exercise . and if the distribution be made unto all promiscuously without respect unto distinct offices , it were the only way to bring confusion into the church , whereas , indeed here is an accurate order in all church administrations represented to us . and it is farther evident that distinct offices are intended . ( . ) from the comparison made unto the members of the body , ver . . all the members have not the same office ; the eye hath one , the ear hath another . ( . ) each of the duties mentioned and given in charge , is sufficient for a distinct officer , as is declared act. . . in particular , he that ruleth , is a distinct officer . an officer , because rule is an act of office , or office-power . and he is expresly distinguished from all others . but , say some , he that ruleth , is he that doth so , be who he will , that is the pastor or teacher , the teaching elder . but the contrary is evident . ( . ) he that says , he that exhorteth , and then adds , he that ruleth , having distinguished before between prophecy , whereunto exhortation doth belong , and ministry whereof rule is a part ; and prefixing the prepositive indicative article to each of them , doth as plainly put a difference between them , as can be done by words . ( . ) rule is the principal work of him that ruleth . for he is to attend unto it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with diligence , that is such as is peculiar unto rule , in contradistinction unto what is principally required in other administrations . but rule is not the principal work of the pastor , requiring constant and continual attendance . for his labour in the word and doctrine , is ordinarily sufficient for the utmost of his diligence and abilities . . we have therefore in this context the beautiful order of things in and of the church . all the duties of it , with respect unto its edification , derived from distinct differing spiritual gifts , exercised in and by distinct officers , unto their peculiar ends . the distinction that is in the nature of those gifts , their use and end being provided for in distinct subjects . the mind of no one man , at least ordinarily , is meet to be the seat and subject of all those differing gifts in any eminent degree ; the person of no man being sufficient , meet , or able to exercise them in a way of office towards the whole church ; especially those who labour in the word and doctrine , being obliged to give themselves wholly thereunto , and those that rule to attend thereto with diligence ; so many distinct works , duties and operations , with the qualifications required in their discharge , being inconsistent in the same subject ; all things are here distributed into their proper order and tendency , unto the edification of the church . every distinct gift required to be exercised in a peculiar manner , unto the publick edification of the church , is distributed unto peculiar officers , unto whom an especial work is assigned to be discharged by virtue of the gifts received , unto the edification of the whole body . no man alive is able to fix on any thing which is necessary unto the edification of the church , that is not contained in these distributions , under some of the heads of them . nor can any man find out any thing in these assignations of distinct duties unto distinct offices , that is superfluous , redundant , or not directly necessary unto the edification of the whole , with all the parts and members of it ; nor do i know any wise and sober man who knows any thing how the duties enjoined are to be performed , with what care , diligence , circumspection , prayer and wisdom , suited unto the nature , ends and objects of them , can ever imagine that they can all of them belong unto one and the same office , or be discharged by one and the same person . let men advance any other church order in the room of that here declared ; so suited unto the principles of natural light , operations and duties of diverse natures , being distributed and assigned to such distinct gifts ; acted in distinct offices , as renders those unto whom they are prescribed meet and able for them ; so correspondent to all institutions , rules and examples of church-order in other places of scripture ; so suited unto the edification of the church , wherein nothing which is necessary thereunto is omitted , nor any thing added above what is necessary ; and it shall be cheerfully embraced . the truth is , the ground of the different interpretations and applications of this context of the apostle , ariseth meerly from the prejudicate ▪ apprehensions , that men have concerning the state of the church and its rule . for if the state of it be national or diocesan , if the rule of it be by arbitrary rules and canons , from an authority exerting it self in courts ecclesiastical , legal or illegal , the order of things here described by the apostle , doth no way belong , nor can be accommodated thereunto . to suppose that we have a full description and account in these words of all the offices and officers of the church , of their duty and authority , of all they have to do , and the manner how they are to do it , is altogether unreasonable and senceless unto them , who have another idea of church-affairs and rule , conceived in their minds , or received by tradition , and riveted by interest . and on the other hand ; those who know little or nothing of what belongs unto the due edification of the church , beyond preaching the word and reaping the advantage that is obtained thereby , cannot see any necessity of the distribution of these several works and duties unto several officers ; but suppose all may be done well enough by one or two in the same office. wherefore , it will be necessary , that we treat briefly of the nature of the rule of the church in particular , and what is required thereunto , which shall be done in the close of this discourse . . the exceptions which are usually put in unto this testimony , have not the least countenance from the text or context , nor the matter treated of , nor confirmation 〈◊〉 any other divine testimony . it is therefore in vain to contend about them , being such as any man may multiply at his pleasure on the like occasion ; and used by those who on other considerations , are not willing that things should be as they are here declared to be by the apostle . yet we may take a brief specimen of them . some say it is gifts absolutely without respect unto distinct offices , that the apostle treats of ; which hath been disproved from the text and context before . some say that rule is included in the pastoral office , so as that the pastor only is here intended . but , ( . ) rule is not his principal work , which he is to attend unto in a peculiar manner with diligence above other parts of his duty . ( . ) the care of the poor of the flock belongs also to the pastoral office , yet is there another office appointed to attend unto it in a peculiar manner , act. . ( . ) he that ruleth , is in this place expresly distinguished from him that exhorteth , and him that teacheth . some say , that he that ruleth , is he that ruleth his family . but this is disproved by the analysis of the chapter before declared . and this duty , which is common unto all that have families , and confined unto their families , is ill placed among those publick duties , which are designed unto the edification of the whole church . it is objected , that he that ruleth , is here placed after him that giveth , that is the deacon ; i say then it cannot be the pastor that is intended ; if we may prescribe methods of expressing himself unto the apostle . but he useth his liberty , and doth not oblige himself unto any order in the annumeration of the offices of the church ; see cor. . , , , . and some other exceptions are insisted on of the same nature and importance , which indeed deserve not our consideration . . there is the same evidence given unto the truth argued for , in another testimony of the same apostle , cor. . . god hath set some in the church , first apostles , secondarily prophets , thirdly teachers , after that miracles , then gifts of healings , helps , governments , diversities of tongues . i shall not insist on this testimony and its vindication in particular , seeing many things would be required thereunto , which have been treated of already . some things may be briefly observed concerning it . that there is here an annumeration of officers and offices in the church , both extraordinary for that season , and ordinary for continuance , is beyond exception . unto them is added , the present exercise of some extraordinary gifts , as miracles , healing , tongues . that by helps , the deacons of the church are intended , most do agree , because their original institution was as helpers in the affairs of the church . governments , are governours or rulers , the abstract for the concrete ; that is , such as are distinct from teachers ; such hath god placed in the church , and such there ought to be . but it is said that gifts , not offices are intended ; the gift of goverment , or gift for government . if so , then these gifts are either ordinary or extraordinary ; if ordinary , how come they to be reckoned among miracles , healing , and tongues ? if extraordinary , what extraordinary gifts for government were then given distinct from those of the apostles ; and what instance is any where given of them in the scripture ? again , if god hath given gifts for government to abide in the church , distinct from those given unto teachers , and unto other persons than the teachers , then is there a distinct office of rule or government in the church , which is all we plead for . . the original order in these things is plain in the scripture . the apostles had all church-power and church-office in themselves , with authority to exercise all acts of them everywhere on all occasions . but considering the nature of the church , with that of the rule appointed by the lord christ in it or over it ; they did not , they would not ordinarily exercise their power by themselves or in their own persons alone . and therefore , when the first church consisted of a small number , the apostles acted all things in it , by the consent of the whole multitude or the fraternity , as we have proved from acts the first . and when the number of believers encreased , so as that the apostles themselves could not in their own persons attend unto all the duties that were to be performed towards the church by virtue of office , they added by the direction of the holy ghost , the office of the deacons , for the especial discharge of the duty which the church oweth unto its poor members . whereas therefore it is evident , that the apostles could no more personally attend unto the rule of the church , with all that belongs thereunto , without an entrenchment on that labour in the word and prayer , which was incumbent on them , than they could attend unto the relief of the poor , they appointed elders , to help and assist in that part of office-work , as the deacons did in the other . these elders are first mentioned , act. . . where they are spoken of as those which were well known , and had now been of some time in the church . afterwards they are still mentioned in conjunction with the apostles , and distinction from the church it self , acts . , , , . chap. . . chap. . . now the apostles themselves were teaching elders , that is such as had the work of teaching and rule committed to them , pet. . . joh. . and these elders are constantly distinguished from them ; which makes it evident , that they were not teaching elders . and therefore in all the mention that is made of them , the work of teaching or preaching is no where ascribed unto them ; which at jerusalem the apostles reserved to themselves , act. . , . but they are every where introduced as joining with the apostles in the rule of the church , and that in distinction from the church it self or the brethren of it . yea , it is altogether improbable , that whilst the apostles were at jerusalem , giving themselves wholly unto the word and prayer , that they should appoint in the same church many more teaching elders ; though it is plain that the elders intended were many . i shall add for a close of all , that there is no sort of churches in being but are of this perswasion , that there ought to be rulers in the church , that are not in sacred orders , as some call them ; or have no interest in the pastoral or ministerial office , as unto the dispensation of the word , and administration of the sacraments . for as the government of the roman church is in the hands of such persons in a great measure so in the church of england , much of the rule of it is managed by chancellors , officials , commissaries , and the like officers , who are absolutely lay-men , and not at all in their holy orders . some would place the rule of the church in the civil magistrate , who is the only ruling elder , as they suppose . but the generality of all protestant churches throughout the world , both lutherans and reformed , do both in their judgment and practice assert the necessity of the ruling elders which we plead for ; and their office lies at the foundation of all their order and discipline , which they cannot forgo without extream confusion , yea , without the ruine of their churches . and although some among us , considering particular churches only as small societies , may think there is no need of any such office or officers for rule in them ; yet when such churches consist of some thousands , without any opportunity of distributing themselves into several congregations , as at charenton in france , it is a weak imagination , that the rule of christ can be observed in them by two or three ministers alone . hence , in the primitive times we have instances of ten , twenty , yea , forty elders in a particular church , wherein they had respect unto the institution under the old testament , whereby each ten families were to have a peculiar ruler . however , it is certain that there is such a reformation in all sorts of churches , that there ought to be some attending unto rule , that are not called to labour in the word and doctrine . chap. viii . the nature of church-polity or rule ; with the duty of elders . having declared who are the rulers of the church , something must be added concerning the rule it self , which is to be exercised therein . hereof i have treated before in general : that which i now design , is , what in particular respects them who are called unto rule only ; whereunto some considerations must be premised . . there is power , authority , and rule granted unto and residing in some persons of the church , and not in the body of the fraternity or community of the people . how far the government of the church may be denominated democratical from the necessary consent of the people unto the principal acts of it in its exercise , i shall not determine . but whereas this consent , and the liberty of it is absolutely necessary according to the law of obedience unto christ , which is prescribed unto the church , requiring that all they do in compliance therewith be voluntary ; as unto the manner of its exercise , being in dutiful compliance with the guidance of the rule , it changeth not the state of the government . and therefore , where any thing is acted and disposed in the church , by suffrage , or the plurality of voices , the vote of the fraternity is not determining and authoritative , but only declarative of consent and obedience . it is so , in all acts of rule where the church is organical , or in compleat order . . that there is such an authority and rule instituted by christ in his church , is not liable unto dispute . where there are bishops , pastors , elders , guides , rulers , stewards , instituted , given , granted , called , ordained ; and some to be ruled , sheep , lambs , brethren , obliged by command to obey them , follow them , submit unto them in the lord , regard them as over them : there is rule and authority in some persons , and that committed unto them by jesus christ. but all these things are frequently repeated in the scripture . and when in the practical part or exercise of rule , due respect is not had unto their authority , there is nothing but confusion and disorder . when the people judge that the power of the keys is committed unto them as such only , and in them doth the right of their use and exercise reside ; that their elders have no interest in the disposing of church affairs , or in acts of church power , but only their own suffrages , or what they can obtain by reasoning , and think there is no duty incumbent on them to acquiesce in their authority in any thing ( an evil apt to grow in churches ) it overthrows all that beautiful order , which jesus christ hath ordained . and if any shall make advantage of this complaint , that where the people have their due liberty granted unto them , they are apt to assume that power unto themselves which belongs not unto them ; an evil attended with troublesome impertinencies and disorder , tending unto anarchy ; let them remember , on the other hand , how upon the confinement of power and authority unto the guides , bishops or rulers of the church , they have changed the nature of church-power , and enlarged their usurpation , until the whole rule of the church issued in absolute tyranny . wherefore , no fear of consequents that may ensue and arise from the darkness , ignorance , weakness , lusts , corruptions or secular interests of men ought to entice us unto the least alteration of the rule by any prudential provisions of our own . . this authority in the rulers of the church , is neither autocratical or sovereign , nor nomothetical or legislative , nor despotical or absolute ; but organical and ministerial only . the endless controversies which have sprung out of the mystery of iniquity , about an autocratical and monarchical government in the church , about power to make laws to bind the consciences of men , yea , to kill and destroy them , with the whole manner of the execution of this power , we are not concerned in . a pretence of any such power in the church , is destructive of the kingly office of christ , contrary to express commands of scripture , and condemned by the apostles , isa. . . jam. . . mat. . . chap. . , , , . luke . , . cor. . . cor. . , , . cor. . . pet. . , . . as the rule of the church , in those by whom it is exercised , is meerly ministerial , with respect unto the authority of christ , his law , and the liberty of the church , wherewith he hath made it free ; so in its nature it is spiritual , purely and only . so the apostle affirms expresly , cor. . , , . for its object is spiritual ; namely , the souls and consciences of men whereunto it extends , which no other humane power doth ; nor doth it reach those other concerns of men that are subject unto any political power : its end is spiritual , namely , the glory of god , in the guidance and direction of the minds and souls of men , to live unto him , and come to the enjoyment of him ; the law of it is spiritual , even the word , command and direction of christ himself alone ; the acts and exercise of it in binding and loosing , in remitting and retaining sin , in opening and shutting the kingdom of heaven , are all spiritual meerly and only . neither can there be an instance given of any thing belonging unto the rule of the church , that is of another nature , yea , it is sufficient eternally to exclude any power or exercise of it , any act of rule or government from any interest in church-affairs , that it can be proved to be carnal , political , despotical , of external operaration , or not entirely spiritual . . the change of this government of the church , fell out and was introduced gradually , upon an advantage taken from the unmeetness of the people to be lead under this spiritual rule . for the greatest part of them that made up christian churches , being become ignorant and carnal , that rule which consists in a spiritual influence on the consciences of men , was no way able to retain them within the bounds of outward obedience , which was at last only aimed at . there was therefore another kind of rule and government judged necessary to retain them in any order or decorum . and it must be acknowledged , that where the members of the church are not in some degree spiritual , a rule that is meerly spiritual will be of no great use unto them . but principally , this change was introduced by those that were in possession of the rule it self ; and that on two grounds . ( . ) their unskilfulness in the management of this spiritual rule , or weariness of the duties which are required thereunto : this made them willing to desert it ; with that perpetual labour and exercise of all sorts of graces which are required in it , and to embrace another more easie , and more suited unto their inclinations . ( . ) a desire of the secular advantages of profit , honour and veneration , which tendered themselves unto them in another kind of rule : by these means was the original government of the church , which was of divine institution , utterly lost ; and a worldly domination introduced in the room thereof . but the brief delineation given of it before , with what shall now be added , will demonstrate sufficiently , that all these disputes and contests which are in the world , between the church of rome and others about church-power and rule , are utterly foreign unto christian religion . . i shall therefore briefly enquire into these three things , ( . ) what is the skill and polity that is required unto the exercise , or administration of the government of the church ? ( . ) what is the sole law and rule of it ? ( . ) what are the acts and duties of it ? what it is conversant about ; especially those wherein the office of ruling elders doth take place . . the polity of church-government subjectively considered , is generally supported to consist , ( . ) in a skill , learning or understanding in the civil , and especially the canon law , with the additional canons , accomodating that law unto the present state of things of the nation , to be interpreted according unto the general rules of it . ( . ) knowledge of and acquaintance with the constitution , power , jurisdiction and practice of some law courts ; which being in their original , grant of power , manner of proceeding , pleas and censures meerly secular , are yet called ecclesiastical or spiritual . ( . ) a good discretion to understand a-right the extent of their power , with the bounds and limits of it ; that on the one hand they let none escape whom they can reach by the discipline of their courts , and on the other not entrench so far on the civil-power and the jurisdiction of other courts according to the law of the land , as to bring themselves into charge or trouble . ( . ) an acquaintance with the table of fees , that they may neither lose their own profit , nor give advantage unto others to question them for taking more than their due . but in these things we are not at present concerned . . the skill then of the officers of the church for the government of it , is a spiritual wisdom and vnderstanding in the law of christ , for that end , with an ability to make application of it in all requisite instances , unto the edification of the whole church , and all its members , through a ministerial exercise of the authority of christ himself , and a due representation of his holiness , love , care , compassion and tenderness toward his church . . the sole rule and measure of the government of the church being the law of christ ; that is , the intimation and declaration of his mind and will , in his institutions , commands , prohibitions and promises ; an vnderstanding herein , with wisdom , from that understanding , is and must be the whole of the skill enquired after . how this wisdom is bestowed as a spiritual gift , how it is to be acquired in a way of duty , by prayer , meditation and study of the word , hath been intimated before , and shall fully be declared , in our discourse of spiritual gifts . all decrees and decretals , canons and glosses come properly in this matter under one title of them , namely extravagant . the utmost knowledge of them , and skill in them will contribute nothing unto this wisdom . neither are any sort of men more strangers unto it , or unacquainted with it , than they are , for the most part , who are eminently cunning in such laws , and the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts . but wisdom in the knowledge of the will of christ as revealed in the scripture , is that alone which is of use in the government of the church . . a part of this wisdom consisteth in an ability of mind to make application of the law of christ in all requisite instances , unto the edification of the church in general , and all the members of it respectively . this wisdom is not notional only , but practical . it consists not in a speculative comprehension of the sence of the rule , or of the mind of christ therein only , though that be required in the first place ; but in an ability of mind to make application of it , whereunto diligence , care , watchfulness and spiritual courage are required . some are to be admonished ; some to be rebuked sharply ; some to be cut off ; in which and the like cases , a spirit of government acting it self in diligence , boldness and courage is necessary . and this is one reason why the lord christ hath appointed many elders in each church , and those of several sorts . for it is seldom that any one man is qualified for the whole work of rule . some may have a good understanding in the law of the churches government ; yet through a natural tenderness , and an insuperable kind of modesty , not be so ready and prompt for that part of this discipline which consists in reproofs and severity of censures . some may not have so great an ability for the indagation of the sence of the law as others have ; who yet upon the knowledge of it being discovered unto them , have readiness and boldness in christ to apply it as occasion doth require . all elders therefore in their variety of gifts are to be helpful to each other in the common work , which they are called unto . but such as are utterly destitute of these gifts , are not called unto this work ; nor any part of it . . the power that is exercised herein , is the power and authority of christ committed unto the elders . our authority , which the lord christ hath given us for edification , and not for destruction , cor. . . it is granted unto the rulers of the church , not formally to reside in them , as the power of a king is in his own person ; but ministerially and instrumentally only . for it must be the authority of christ himself , whereby the consciences of men are spiritually affected , with reference unto spiritual ends ; whereby they are bound or losed in heaven and earth , have their sins remitted or retained . and the consideration hereof is that alone which gives a due regard unto the ministry of the church , in the discharge of their office among them that desire to commend their consciences unto the lord christ in what they do . . the especial design of the rule of the church in its government is to represent the holiness , love , compassion , care and authority of christ towards his church . this is the great end of rule in the church , and of all the discipline which is to be exercised by virtue thereof . whilst this is not attended unto , when the officers and rulers of the church do not endeavour in all the actings of their power and office , to set forth these vertues of christ ; to exemplifie that impression of them which he hath left in his laws and rule , with the divine testimonies which he gives of them in his own person , they utterly deviate from the principal end of all rule in the church . for men to act herein in a way of domination , with a visible elation of mind and spirit above their brethren , with anger , wrath and passion , by rules , order and laws of their own devising ; without the least consideration of what the lord christ requires , and what is the frame of his heart towards all his disciples , is to reflect the highest dishonour imaginable upon christ himself . he who comes into the courts of the king in westminster - hall , when filled with judges , grave , learned and righteous , most ordinarily be allowed to judge of the king himself , his wisdom , justice , moderation and clemency , by the law which they proceed upon , and their manner of the administration of it . but god forbid that christians should make a judgment concerning the holiness , wisdom , love and compassion of christ , by the representation which ( as is pretended ) is made of him and them in some courts , wherein church-rule and discipline is admistred . when any had offended of old , their censure by the church was called the bewailing of them , cor. . . and that because of the sorrow , pity and compassion whereby in that censure they evidenced the compassion of the lord christ towards the souls of sinners . this is scarce answered by those pecuniary mulcts and other penalties , which , with indignation and contempt , are inflicted on such as are made offenders , whether they will or no. certainly , those who love the lord jesus christ in sincerity , and have a due honour for the gospel , will at one time or another begin to think meet , that this stain of our religion should be washed away . dly . the rule and law of the exercise of power in the elders of the church , is the holy scripture only . the lord christ is the only law-giver of the church ; all his laws unto this end are recorded in the scripture ; no other law is effectual , can oblige or operate upon the object or unto the ends of church-rule . if the church make a thousand rules or canons , or laws for government , neither any of them , nor all of them in general , have any the least power to oblige men unto obedience or compliance with them , but only so far , as virtually and materially they contain what is of the law of christ , and derives force from thence . as the judges in our courts of justice , are bound to judge and determine in all cases , out of and according to the law of the land ; and when they do not , their sentence is of no validity , but may and ought to be reversed . but if wilfully or of choice , they should introduce laws or rules not legally established in this nation , judging according unto them , it would render them highly criminal and punishable . it is no otherwise in the kingdom of christ , and the rule thereof . it is by his law alone that rule is to be exercised in it . there is nothing left unto the elders of the church , but the application of his laws , and the general rules of them unto particular cases and occasions . to make , to bring , to execute any other rules , laws or canons in the government of his church , is to usurp on his kingly dominion , whereunto all legislative power in the church is appropriate . nor is it possible that any thing can fall out in the church , that any thing can be required in the rule of it , nor can any instance be given of any such thing , wherein , for the ends of church-rule , there is or can be any more left unto the rulers of it , but only the application and execution of the laws of christ. unto this application to be made in a due manner , the wisdom and skill before described is requisite , and that alone . where there are other laws , rules or canons of the government of the church ; and where the administration of them is directed by laws civil or political , there is a skill in them required unto that administration , as all will confess . so is the wisdom we before described , and that alone , necessary unto that rule of the church which the lord christ hath ordained ; the instrument and means whereof , is his word and law alone . dly . the matter of this rule about which it is conversant , and so the acts and duties of it may be reduced unto three heads . . the admission and exclusion of members . both these are acts of church-power and authority , which are to be exercised by the elders only in a church that is organical and compleat in its officers . there is that in them both , which is founded in and warranted from the light and law of nature and rules of equity . every righteous voluntary society coalescing therein rightfully , upon known laws , and rules for the regulation of it unto certain ends , hath naturally a power inherent in it and inseparable from it , to receive into its incorporation , such as being meet for it , do voluntarily offer themselves thereunto ; as also to reject , or withhold the privileges of the society , from such as refuse to be regulated by the laws of the society . this power is inherent in the church essentially considered antecedently unto the enstating of officers in it : by virtue of their mutual confederation they may receive into the privileges of the society those that are meet , and withdraw the same privileges from those that are unworthy . but in these actings of the church , essentially considered , there is no exercise of the power of the keys , as unto authoritative rule , but what is meerly doctrinal . there is in what it doth a declaration of the mind of christ , as unto the state of the persons whom they do receive or reject . but unto the church as organical , as there are elders or rulers instated in it according unto the mind of christ , there is a peculiar authority committed for those acts of the admission and exclusion of members . unto this end is the key of rule committed unto the elders of the church , to be applied with the consent of the whole society , as we shall see afterwards . dly . the direction of the church in all the members of it , unto the observance of the rule and law of christ in all things , unto his glory and their own edification . and all these things may be reduced unto these four heads . ( . ) mutual , intense , peculiar love among themselves , to be exercised continually in all the duties of it . ( . ) personal holiness in gracious moral obedience . ( . ) vsefulness towards the members of the same church , towards other churches , and all men absolutely , as occasion and opportunity do require . ( . ) the due performance of all those duties , which all the members of the church owe mutually unto each other , by virtue of that place and order which they hold and possess in the body . about these things is church-rule to be exercised ; for they all belong unto the preservation of its being , and the attainment of its ends. dly . hereunto also belongs the disposal of the outward concernments of the church in its assemblies , and in the management of all that is performed in them , that all things may be done decently and in order . the disposal of times , seasons , places , the way and manner of managing all things in church-assemblies , the regulation of speeches and actions , the appointment of seasons for extraordinary duties , according unto the general rules of the word , and the reason of things from present circumstances , are acts of rule , whose right resides in the elders of the church . these things being premised , we may consider what is the work and duty of that sort of elders , which we have proved to be placed by christ for rule in the church . for , considering that which hath been spoken before concerning the pastoral office , or the duty of teaching-elders of the church , and what hath now been added concerning its rule in general ; i cannot but admire that any one man should have such a confidence in his own abilities , as to suppose himself meet and able for the discharge of the duties of both sorts in the least church of christ that can well be supposed . yea , supposing more teaching-elders in every church than one , yet if they are all and every one of them equally bound to give themselves unto the word and prayer , so as not to be diverted from that work by any inferior duties , if they are obliged to labour in the word and doctrine to the utmost of their strength continually , it will appear at length to be necessary , that there should be some whose peculiar office and duty is to attend unto rule with diligence . and the work of these elders consists in the things ensuing . . they are joined unto the teaching elders in all acts and duties of church-power , for the rule and government of the church . such are those before declared . this is plain in the text , tim. . . both sorts of elders are joined and do concurr in the same rule and all the acts of it ; one sort of them labouring also in the word and doctrine . of both sorts is the presbytery or eldership composed , wherein resides all church-authority . and in this conjunction , those of both sorts are every way equal , determining all acts of rule by their common suffrage . this gives order , with a necessary representation of authority , unto the church in its government . . they are in particular to attend unto all things wherein the rule or discipline of the church is concerned , with a due care that the commands of christ be duly observed by and among all the members of the church . this is the substance of the rule which christ hath appointed , whatever be pretended unto the contrary . whatever is set up in the world , in opposition unto it or inconsistent with it , under the name of the government of the church , is foreign unto the gospel . church-rule is a due care and provision , that the institutions , laws , commands and appointments of jesus christ be duly observed , and nothing else . and hereof , as unto the duty of the elders , we may give some instances : as , . to watch diligently over the ways , walking and conversation of all the members of the church , to see that it be blameless , without offence , useful , exemplary and in all things answering the holiness of the commands of christ , the honour of the gospel , and profession which in the world they make thereof . and upon the observation which they so make , in the watch wherein they are placed , to instruct , admonish , charge , exhort , encourage , comfort , as they see cause . and this are they to attend unto , with courage and diligence . . to watch against all risings or appearances of such differences and divisions on the account of things ecclesiastical or civil , as unto their names , rights and proprieties in the world , that are contrary unto that love which the lord christ requireth in a peculiar and eminent manner to be found amongst his disciples . this he calls his own new command , with respect unto his authority requiring it , his example first illustrating it in the world , and the peculiar fruits and effects of it which he revealed and taught . wherefore , the due observance of this law of love in it self and all its fruits , with the prevention , removal or condemnation of all that is contrary unto it , is that in which the rule of the church doth principally consist . and considering the weakness , the passions , the temptations of men , the mutual provocations and exasperations that are apt to fall out even among the best , the influence that earthly occasions are apt to have upon their minds , the frowardness sometimes of mens natural tempers ; the attendance unto this one duty or part of rule , requires the utmost diligence of them that are called unto it . and it is meerly either the want of acquaintance with the nature of that law and its fruits , which the lord christ requires among his disciples , or an undervaluation of the worth and glory of it in the church , or inadvertency unto the causes of its decays , and of breeches made in it ; or ignorance of the care and duties that are necessary unto its preservation , that induce men to judge that the work of an especial office is not required hereunto . . their duty is to warn all the members of the church of their especial church-duties , that they be not found negligent or wanting in them . there are especial duties required respectively of all church-members , according unto the distinct talents , whether in things spiritual or temporal , which they have received . some are rich , and some are poor ; some are old , and some are young ; some in peace , some in trouble ; some have received more spiritual gifts than others , and have more opportunities for their exercise . it belongs unto the rule of the church , that all be admonished , instructed , and exhorted to attend unto their respective duties ; not only publickly in the preaching of the word , but personally as occasion doth require , according to the observation which those in rule do make of their forwardness or remissness in them . in particular , and in the way of instance , men are to be warned that they contribute unto the necessities of the poor , and other occasions of the church according unto the ability that god in his providence hath intrusted them withal ; and to admonish them that are defective herein , in order to their recovery unto the discharge of this duty , in such a measure as there may be an equality in the church , cor. . . and all other duties of an a-like nature are they to attend unto . . they are to watch against the beginnings of any church-disorders , such as those that infested the church of corinth , or any of the like sort ; with remissness as unto the assemblies of the church and the duties of them , which some are subject unto , as the apostle intimates , heb. . . on the constancy and diligence of the elders in this part of their work and duty , the very being and order of the church do greatly depend . the want hereof hath opened a door unto all the troubles , divisions and schisms , that in all ages have invaded and perplexed the churches of christ from within themselves . and from thence also have decays in faith , love and order insensibly prevailed in many , to the dishonour of christ , and the danger of their own souls . first one grows remiss in attending unto the assemblies of the church , and then another ; first to one degree , then to another , until the whole lump be infected . a diligent watch over these things as to the beginnings of them in all the members of the church will either heal and recover them that offend , or it will warn others , and keep the church from being either corrupted or defiled , heb. . chap. . . it belongs unto them also to visit the sick , especially such as whose inward or outward conditions do expose them unto more than ordinary trials in their sickness ; that is the poor , the afflicted , the tempted in any kind . this in general is a moral duty , a work of mercy ; but it is moreover a peculiar church-duty by virtue of institution . and one end of the institution of churches , is , that the disciples of christ may have all that spiritual and temporal relief which is needful for them , and useful to them in their troubles and distresses . and if this duty were diligently attended unto by the officers of the church , it would add much unto the glory and beauty of our order , and be an abiding reserve with relief in the minds of them whose outward condition exposeth them to straits and sorrows in such a season . i add hereunto as a duty of the same nature , the visitation of those who suffer unto restraint and imprisonment upon the account of their profession , adherence unto church-assemblies , or the discharge of any pastoral or office-duties in them . this is a case wherewith we are not unacquainted , nor are like so to be . some look on this as the duty of all the members of the church , who yet enjoy their liberty ; and so it is , as their opportunities and abilities will allow them , provided their discharge of it be useful unto those whom they visit , and inoffensive unto others . but this duty diligently attended unto by the elders , representing therein the care and love of the whole church , yea , of christ himself unto his prisoners , is a great spring of relief and comfort unto them . and by the elders may the church be acquainted what yet is required of them in a way of duty on their account . the care of the primitive churches herein was most eminent . . it belongs unto them and their office , to advise with and give direction unto the deacons of the church , as unto the making provision and distribution of the charity of the church for the relief of the poor . the office of the deacons is principally executive , as we shall see afterwards . inquisition into the state of the poor , with all their circumstances , with the warning of all the members of the church unto liberality for their supply , belongs unto the elders . . when the state of the church is such , through suffering , persecution and affliction , that the poor be multiplied among them , so as that the church it self is not able to provide for their relief in a due manner , if any supply be sent unto them from the love and bounty of other churches , it is to be deposited with these elders , and disposed according to their advice , with that of the teachers of the church , act. . . . it is also their duty , according to the advantage which they have by their peculiar inspection of all the members of the church , their ways and their walking , to acquaint the pastors or teaching-elders of the church , with the state of the flock , which may be of singular use unto them for their direction in the present work of the ministry . he who makes it not his business to know the state of the church which he ministers unto in the word and doctrine , as to their knowledge , their judgment and understanding , their temptations and occasions , and applies not himself in his ministry to search out what is necessary and useful unto their edification ; he fights uncertainly in his whole work , as a man beating the air. but , whereas their obligation to attend unto the word and prayer , confines them much unto a retirement for the greatest part of their time , they cannot by themselves obtain that acquaintance with the whole flock , but that others may greatly assist therein from their daily inspection , converse and observation . . and it is their duty to meet and consult with the teaching-elders , about such things of importance , as are to be proposed in and unto the church , for its consent and compliance . hence , nothing crude or indigested , nothing unsuited to the sence and duty of the church , will at any time be proposed therein , so to give occasion unto contests or janglings , disputes contrary unto order or decency ; but all things may be preserved in a due regard unto the gravity and authority of the rulers . . to take care of the due liberties of the church , that they be not imposed on by any diotrephes in office , or without it . . it is incumbent on them in times of difficulties and persecution , to consult together with the other elders concerning all those things which concern the present duty of the church , from time to time , and their preservation from violence , according unto the will of christ. . whereas , there may be , and oft-times is but one teaching-elder , pastor or teacher in a church , upon his death or removal , it is the work and duty of these elders , to preserve the church in peace and unity ; to take care of the continuation of its assemblies ; to prevent irregularities in any persons or parties among them ; to go before , to direct and guide the church in the call and choice of some other meet person or persons in the room of the deceased or removed . these few instances have i given of the work and duty of ruling elders . they are all of them such as deserve a greater enlargement in their declaration and confirmation , than i can here afford unto them . and sundry things of the like nature , especially with respect unto communion with other churches and synods : but what hath been spoken is sufficient unto my present purpose . and to manifest that it is so , i shall add the ensuing observations . . all the things insisted on , do undoubtedly and unquestionably belong unto the rule and order appointed by christ in his church . there is no one of them , that is liable unto any just exception from them by whom all church order is not dispised . wherefore where there is a defect in them or any of them , the church it self is defective as unto its own edification . and where this defect is great , in many of them , there can be no beauty , no glory , no order in any church , but only an outward shew and appearance of them . and that all these things do belong unto the duty of these elders , there needs no other proof nor confirmation , but that they all undoubtedly and unquestionably belong unto that rule and order , which the lord christ hath appointed in his church , and which the scripture testifieth unto , both in general and particular . for all the things which belong unto the rule of the church , are committed to the care of the rulers of the church . . it is a vain apprehension to suppose that one or two teaching officers in a church , who are obliged to give themselves unto the word and prayer , to labour with all their might in the word and doctrine , to preach in and out of season ; that is , at all times , on all opportunities as they are able , to convince gain-sayers by word and writing , pleading for the truth ; to assist and guide the consciences of all , under their temptations and desertions , with sundry other duties , in part spoken to before , should be able to take care of , and attend with diligence unto all these things , that do evidently belong unto the rule of the church . and hence it is , that churches at this day do live on the preaching of the word , the proper work of their pastor , which they greatly value , and are very little sensible of the wisdom , goodness , love and care of christ in the institution of this rule in the church , nor are partakers of the benefits of it unto their edification . and the supply which many have made hitherto herein , by persons either unacquainted with their duty , or insensible of their own authority , or cold if not negligent in their work , doth not answer the end of their institution . and hence it is that the authority of government and the benefit of it , are ready to be lost in most churches . and it is both vainly and presumptuously pleaded , to give countenance unto a neglect of their order , that some churches do walk in love and peace , and are edified without it ; supplying some defects by the prudent aid of some members of them . for it is nothing but a preference of our own wisdom unto the wisdom and authority of christ ; or at best an unwillingness to make a venture on the warranty of his rule , for fear of some disadvantages that may ensue thereon . . whereas sundry of the duties before-mentioned , are , as unto the substance of them , required of the members of the church , in their several stations , without any especial obligation to attend unto them with diligence , to look after them , or power to exercise any authority in the discharge of them , to leave them from under the office-care of the elders , is to let in confusson and disorder into the church , and gradually to remove the whole advantage of the discipline of christ , as it is come to pass in many churches already . it is therefore evident , that neither the purity , nor the order , nor the beauty or glory of the churches of christ , nor the representation of his own majesty and authority in the government of them , can be long preserved without a multiplication of elders in them , according to the proportion of their respective members , for their rule and guidance . and for want hereof have churches of old and of late , either degenerated into anarchy and confusion , their self rule being managed with vain disputes and janglings , unto their division and ruine ; or else given up themselves unto the domination of some prelatical teachers , to rule them at their pleasure , which proved the bane and poison of all the primitive churches ; and they will and must do so in the neglect of this order for the future . chap. ix . of deacons . the original institution , nature and vse of the office of deacons in the church , are so well known , as that we need not much insist upon them . nor shall i treat of the name which is common unto any kind of ministry civil or sacred ; but speak of it as it is appropriated unto that especial work for which this office was ordained . the remote foundation of it lieth in that of our saviour , the poor you have always with you , joh. . . he doth not only foretel , that such there should be in the church , but recommends the care of them who should be so , unto the church . for he maketh use of the words of the law , deut. . . for the poor shall never cease out of the land ; therefore i command thee , saying , thou shalt open thy hand wide unto thy brother , to thy poor , and to thy needy . this legal institution , founded in the law of nature , doth the lord christ by his authority transferr and translate unto the use of gospel churches among his disciples . and it may be observed , that at the same instant hypocrisie and avarice began to attempt their advantage on the consideration of this provision for the poor , which they afterwards effected unto their safety . for on the pretence hereof , judas immediately condemned an eminent duty towards the person of christ , as containing a cost in it , which might have been better laid out in provision for the poor : the ointment poured on our saviour he thought might have been sold for three hundred pence ( it may be about forty or fifty pound ) and given to the poor , but this he said , not that he cared for the poor but because he was a thief , and had the bag ; out of which he could have made a good prey unto himself , joh. . . and it may be observed , that although judas malitiously began this murmuring ; yet at last some of the other disciples were too credulous of his insinuation , seeing the other evangelists , ascribe it to them also . but the same pretence , on the same grounds , in following ages was turned unto the greatest advantage of hypocrisy and covetousness that ever was in the world. for under this pretence of providing for the poor , the thieves who had got the bag , that is the ruling part of the clergy , with the priests , friars and monks who served them , allowed men in the neglect of the greatest and most important duties of religion towards christ himself , so as that they would give all that they had to the poor ; not that they cared for the poor , but because they were thieves , and had the bag ; by which means they possessed themselves of the greatest part of the wealth of the nations professing christian religion . this was their compliance with the command of christ ; which they equally made use of in other things . this foundation of their office was farther raised by the preaching of the gospel among the poor . many of them who first received it , were of that state and condition as the scripture every where testifieth . the poor are evangelized , matth. . . god hath chosen the poor , jam. . . and so it was in the first ages of the church ; where the provision for them was one of the most eminent graces and duties of the church in those days . and this way became the original propagation of the gospel . for it was made manifest thereby , that the doctrine and profession of it was not a matter of worldly design or advantage ; god also declared therein of how little esteem with him the riches of this world are ; and also provision was made for the exercise of the grace of the rich in their supply , the only way whereby they may glorify god with their substance . and it were well if all churches , and all the members of them would wisely consider how eminent is this grace , how excellent is this duty , of making provision for the poor , how much the glory of christ and honour of the gospel are concerned herein . for , whereas for the most part it is looked on as an ordinary work to be performed transiently and curiously , scarce deserving any of the time which is allotted unto the churches publick service and duties , it is indeed one of the most eminent duties of christian societies , wherein the principal exercise of the second evangelical grace , namely love , doth consist . the care of making provision for the poor being made in the church an institution of christ , was naturally incumbent on them who were the first only officers of the church , that is , the apostles . this is plain from the occasion of the institution of the office of the deacons , act. . the whole work and care of the church being in their hands , it was impossible that they should attend unto the whole and all the parts of it in any manner . whereas therefore they gave themselves , according to their duty , mostly unto those parts of their work , which were incomparably more excellent and necessary than the other , namely preaching of the word and prayer ; there was such a defect in this other part of ministration unto the poor , as must unavoidably accompany the actings of humane nature , not able to apply it self constantly unto things of diverse natures at the same time . and hereon those who were concerned quickly , as the manner of all is , expressed their resentment of a neglect in somewhat an undue order ; there was a murmuring about it , ver. . the apostles hereon declared that the principal part of the work of the ministry in the church , namely the word and prayer , was sufficient for them constantly to attend unto . afterwards indeed men began to think that they could do all in the church themselves , but it was when they began to do nothing in a due manner . and whereas the apostles chose , as their duty , the work of prayer and preaching , as that which they would and ought entirely give up themselves unto , and for the sake of that work would deposite the care of other things on other hands ; they are a strange kind of successors unto them , who lay aside that work which they determined to belong unto them principally and in the first place , to apply themselves unto any thing else whatever . yet did not the apostles hereon utterly forgo the care of providing for the poor which being originally committed unto them by jesus christ , they would not divest themselves wholly of it . but by the direction of the holy ghost they provided such assistance in the work , as that for the future it might require no more of their time or pains but what they should spare from their principal employment . and the same care is still incumbent on the ordinary pastors and elders of the churches , so far as the execution of it doth not interfere with their principal work and duty , from which those who understand it aright , can spare but little of their time and strength . hereon the apostles , by the authority of christ and direction of the holy spirit , under whose infallible guidance they were in all the general concernments of the church , instituted the office of deacons , for the discharge of this necessary and important duty in the church , which they could not attend unto themselves . and whereas the lord christ had in an especial manner committed the care of the poor unto the disciples , there was now a declaration of his mind and will , in what way and by what means he would have them provided for . and it was the institution of a new office , and not a present supply in a work of business which they designed . for the limitation of an especial ecclesiastical work , with the designation of persons unto that work , with authority for the discharge of it , ( set over this business ) with a separation unto it , do compleatly constitute an office , nor is there any thing more required thereunto . but whereas there are three things that concurr and are required unto the ministration unto the poor of the church . ( . ) the love , charity , bounty and benevolence of the members of the church , in contribution unto that ministration . ( . ) the care and oversight of the discharge of it . and , ( . ) the actual exercise and application of it ; the last only belongs unto the office of the deacons , and neither of the first are discharged by the institution of it . for the first is both a duty of the light and law of nature , and in its moral part enforced by many especial commands of christ ; so as that nothing can absolve men from their obligation thereunto . the office and work of the deacons is to excite , direct and help them in the exercise of that grace , and discharge of the duty therein incumbent on them . nor is any man , by the entrusting a due proportion of his good things in the hands of the deacons for its distribution , absolved thereby from his own personal discharge of it also . for it being a moral duty required in the law of nature , it receiveth peculiar obligations unto a present exercise by such circumstances as nature and providence do suggest : the care also of the whole work is as was said , still incumbent on the pastors and elders of the church ; only the ordinary execution is committed unto the deacons . nor was this a temporary institution for that season , and so the officers appointed extraordinary ; but was to abide in the church throughout all generations . for , ( . ) the work it self , as a distinct work of ministry in the church , was never to cease , it was to abide for ever ; the poor you shall have always with you . ( . ) the reason of its institution is perpetual ; namely , that the pastors of the churches are not sufficient in themselves to attend unto the whole work of praying , preaching , and this ministration . ( . ) they are afterwards not only in this church at jerusalem , but in all the churches of the gentiles reckoned among the fixed officers of the church , phil. . . and , ( . ) direction is given for their continuation in all churches , with a prescription of the qualifications of the person to be chosen and called into this office , tim. . , , . ( . ) the way of their call is directed , and an office committed unto them , let them be first proved , then let them use the office of a deacon . ( . ) a promise of acceptance is annexed unto the diligent discharge of this office , vers. . hence those who afterward utterly perverted all church order , taking out of the hands and care of the deacons , that work which was committed to them by the holy ghost in the apostles , and for which end alone , their office was instituted in the church , assigning other work unto them , whereunto they are not called nor appointed ; yet thought meet to continue the name and the pretence of such an office , because of the evident institution of it , unto a continuation . and whereas when all things were swelling with pride and ambition in the church , no sort of its officers contenting themselves with their primitive institution ; but striving by various degrees to some-what in name and thing , that was high and a-loft , there arose from the name of this office the meteor of an archdeacon , with strange power and authority , never heard of in the church for many ages : but this belongs unto the mystery of iniquity ; whereunto neither the scripture nor the practice of the primitive churches do give the least countenance . but some think it not inconvenient even to sport themselves in matter of church order and constitutions . this office of deacons , is an office of service , which gives not any authority or power in the rule of the church . but being an office , it gives authority with respect unto the special work of it under a general notion of authority ; that is , a right to attend unto it in a peculiar manner , and to perform the things that belong thereunto . but this right is confined unto the particular church whereunto they do belong . of the members of that church are they to make their collections , and unto the members of that church are they to administer . extraordinary collections from , or for other churches , are to be made and disposed by the elders , acts . . whereas , the reason of the institution of this office was in general to free the pastors of the churches who labour in the word and doctrine from avocations by outward things , such as wherein the church is concerned ; it belongs unto the deacons not only to take care of and provide for the poor , but to manage all other affairs of the church of the same kind ; such as are providing for the place of the church-assemblies , of the elements for the sacraments , of keeping , collecting and disposing of the stock of the church , for the maintenance of its officers , and incidencies , especially in the time of trouble or persecution . hereon are they obliged to attend the elders on all occasions , to perform the duty of the church towards them , and receive directions from them . this was the constant practice of the church in the primitive times , until the avarice and ambition of the superior clergy enclosed all alms and donations unto themselves ; the beginning and progress whereof is excellently described and traced by paulus sharpius , in his treatise of matters beneficiary . that maintenance of the poor which they are to distribute , is to be collected by the voluntary contributions of the church , to be made ordinarily every first day of the week , and as occasion shall require in an extraordinary manner , cor. . , . and this contribution of the church ought to be , ( . ) in a way of bounty , not sparingly , cor. . , , . ( . ) in a way of equality , as unto mens abilities , cor. . , . ( . ) with respect unto present successes and thriving in affairs , whereof a portion is due to god ; as god hath prospered him , cor. . . ( . ) with willingness and freedom , cor. . . chap. . wherefore it belongs unto the deacons in the discharge of their office , ( . ) to acquaint the church with the present necessity of the poor . ( . ) to stir up the particular members of it unto a free contribution according unto their ability . ( . ) to admonish those that are negligent herein , who give not according to their porportion ; and to acquaint the elders of the church with those who persist in a neglect of their duty . the consideration of the state of the poor unto whom the contributions of the church are to be ministred , belongs unto the discharge of this office. as , ( . ) that they are poor indeed , and do not pretend themselves so to be , for advantage . ( . ) what are the degrees of their poverty , with respect unto their relations and circumstances , that they may have suitable supplies . ( . ) that in other things they walk according unto rule . ( . ) in particular that they work and labour according to their ability ; for he that will not labour must not eat at the publick charge . ( . ) to comfort , counsel and exhort them unto patience , submission , contentment with their condition , and thankfulness ; all which might be enlarged and confirmed , but that they are obvious . the qualifications of persons to be called unto this office , are distinctly laid down by the apostles , tim. . , , , , , . upon the trial , knowledge and approbation of them , with respect unto these qualifications , their call to this office consists . ( . ) in the choice of the church . ( . ) in a separation unto it by prayer and imposition of hands , act. . , , . and the adjuncts of their ministration are , ( . ) mercy to represent the tenderness of christ towards the poor of the flock , rom. . . ( . ) cheerfulness to relieve the spirits of them that receive against thoughts of being troublesome and burdensome to others . ( . ) diligence and faithfulness by which they purchase to themselves a good degree , and great boldness in the faith which is in christ jesus . it remains only that we enquire into some few things relating unto this office , and those that are called unto it . as , . what is the meaning of the apostle , where he affirms , that the deacons in the discharge of their office , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tim. . . do purchase or procure unto themselves a good degree . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a step , a degree , a seat a little exalted , and metaphorically it is applied to denote dignity and authority . this good degree , which deacons may obtain , is in the judgment of most the office of presbytery . this they shall be promoted unto in the church . from deacons they shall be made presbyters . i cannot comply with this interpretation of the words . for , ( . ) the office of presbytery is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good work , no where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good degree . ( . ) the difference between a deacon and a presbyter is not in degree , but in order . a deacon made a presbyter is not advanced unto a further degree in his own order ; but leaves it for another . ( . ) the diligent discharge of the work of a deacon , is not a due preparation for the office of the presbytery , but an hinderance of it ; for it lies wholly in the providing and disposal of earthly things , in a serving of the tables of the church , and those private of the poor : but preparation for the ministry consists in a mans giving himself unto study , prayer and meditation . i shall only give my conjecture on the words , the apostle seems to me to have respect unto church-order , with decency therein , in both these expressions , shall purchase to themselves a good degree , and great confidence in the faith : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is of the same signification with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is a seat raised in an assembly to hear or speak . so saith the schol. on sophoc . oed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the place where the assembly ( or church ) met , was divided round about with seats in degrees , some above others , where all that met might without trouble hear him that stood in the midst as they sate . and countenance is given hereunto by what is observed concerning the custom of sitting in the jewish synagogues . so ambrose ; traditio est synagogae , ut sedentes disputarent , siniores dignitate in cathedris , subsequentes in subselliis , novissimi in pavimento ; it is the tradition or order of the synogogue , that the elders in dignity ( or office ) should discourse sitting in chairs ; the next order on forms or benches , and the last on the floor . so speaks philo before him ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when we meet in sacred places , places of divine worship , the younger sort according to their quality sit in orders under the elders . and this james the apostle hath respect unto in the primitive assemblies of the christian jews . for reproving their partiality in accepting of mens persons , preferring the rich immoderately before the poor , he instanceth in their disposing of them unto seats in their assemblies . they said unto the rich man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sit thou here in a good place ; that is in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the best degree ; and to the poor , stand thou there on the floor , or sit at my foot-stool , without respect unto those other qualifications whereby they were to be distinguished . wherefore , the apostle having respect unto church-assemblies , and the order to be observed in them , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here intended , may signifie no more but a place of some eminency in the church-assemblies , which is due unto such deacons , where with boldness and confidence they may assist in the management of the affairs of the church , which belongs unto the profession of the faith which is in christ jesus . if any shall rather think that both of the expressions do signify an encrease in gifts and grace , which is a certain consequence of mens faithful discharge of their office in the church , wherein many deacons of old were eminent unto martyrdom , i shall not contend against it . . whereas there are qualifications expresly required in the wives of deacons , as that they should be grave , not slanderers , sober , faithful in all things , tim. . . which is to be considered before their call to office ; supposing that any of them do fall from the faith as becoming papists , socinians , or quakers , whether their husbands may be continued in their office ? ans. . he who in his own person faithfully dischargeth his office , may be continued therein , yea , though his wife should be actually excommunicated out of the church . every one of us must give an account of himself unto the lord. he rejects us not for what we cannot remedy . the sinning person shall bear his own judgment . ( . ) such an one ought to take care , by virtue of his authority as an husband , that as little offence as possible may be given to the church by his wife , when she loseth the qualification of not being a slanderer , which is inseparable from such apostates . . may a deacon be dismissed from his office wholly , after he hath been solemnly set apart unto it by prayer ? ans. . the very end of the office being only the convenience of the church and its accommodation , the continuation of men in this office is to be regulated by them . and if the church at any time stand not in need of the ministry of this or that person , they may , upon his desire , discharge him of his office. ( . ) things may so fall out with men , as unto their outward circumstances , with respect unto either their persons in bodily distempers and infirmities , or their condition in the world , as that they are not able any longer to attend unto the due discharge of this office ; in which case they ought to be released . ( . ) a man may be solemnly set apart unto a work and duty by prayer for a limited season , suppose for a year only ; wherefore this doth not hinder but that a man on just reasons may be dismissed at any time from his office , though he be so set apart unto it . ( . ) a deacon by unfaithfulness and other offences , may forfeit his office , and be justly excluded from it , losing all his right unto it and interest in it , and therefore on just reasons may be dismissed wholly from it . ( . ) for any one to desert his office through forwardness , covetousness , sloth or negligence , is an offence and scandal which the church ought to take notice of . ( . ) he who desires a dismission from his office , ought to give an account of his desires and the reasons of them unto the church , that the ministry which he held may be duly supplied , and love continued between him and the church . . how many deacons may there be in one congregation ? ans. as many as they stand in need of , for the ends of that ministry ; and they may be at all times encreased , as the state of the church doth require ; and it is meet that there should always be so many , as that none of the poor be neglected in the daily ministration , nor the work be made burdensome unto themselves . . what is the duty of the deacons towards the elders of the church ? ans. whereas the care of the whole church in all its concernments is principally committed unto the pastors , teachers , and elders , it is the duty of the deacons in the discharge of their office , ( . ) to acquaint them from time to time with the state of the church , and especially of the poor , so far as it falls under their inspection . ( . ) to seek and take their advice in matters of greater importance relating unto their office. ( . ) to be assisting unto them in all the outward concerns of the church . . may deacons preach the word and baptize authoritatively by virtue of their office ? ans. ( . ) the deacons , whose office is instituted , act. . and whose qualifications are fixed , tim. . have no call unto , or ministerial power in these things . the limitation of their office , work and power , is so express , as will not admit of any debate . ( . ) persons once called unto this office , might of old in an extraordinary manner , may at present in an ordinary way , be called unto the preaching of the word ; but they were not then , they cannot be now authorized thereunto by vrtue of this office. ( . ) if a new office be erected under the name of deacons , it is in the will of them by whom it is erected , to assign what power unto it they please . chap. x. of excommvnication . the power of the church towards its members ( for it hath nothing to do with them that are without ) may be referred unto three heads , ( . ) the admission of members into its society . ( . ) the rule and edification of them that belong unto it . ( . ) the exclusion out of its society of such as obstinately refuse to live and walk according unto the laws and rules of it . and these things belong essentially and inseparably unto every free society , and are comprehensive of all church-power whatever . the second of these hath been treated of in the discourse concerning church offices and rule . and all that belongs unto the first of them , is fully declared in the chapters of the essential constituent parts of gospel churches , namely their matter and form. the third must be now spoken , unto which is the power of excommunication . there is nothing in christian religion , about which the contest of opinions hath been more fierce than this of excommunication , most of them proceeding evidently from false presumptions and secular interests . and no greater instance can be given of what the serpentine wits of men ingaged by the desire of domination and wealth , and assisted by opportunities may attain unto . for whereas , as we shall see immediately , there is nothing more plain , simple , and more exposed unto the common understanding of all christians , yea of all mankind , than is this institution of christ ; both as unto its nature , form and manner of administration , nothing more wholesome nor useful unto the souls of men ; nothing more remote from giving the least disturbance or prejudice to civil society , to magistrates or rulers , unto the personal or political rights or concernments of any one individual in the world : it hath been metamorphosed into an hideous monster ; an engine of priestly domination and tyranny , for the deposition or assassination of kings and princes , the wasting of nations with bloody wars , the terror of the souls of men , and the destruction of their lives , with all their earthly concerns , unto the erection of a tyrannical empire , no less pernicious unto the christian world , than those of the saracens or the turks . he is a stranger unto all that hath passed in the world for near a thousand years , who knows not the truth of these things . and to this very day the greatest part of them that are called christians are so supinely ignorant and doating , or so infatuated and blinded by their prejudices and corrupt interests , as to suppose , or to say , that if the pope of rome do excommunicate kings or princes , they may be lawfully deposed from their rule , and in some cases killed ; and that other persons being rightly excommunicated according unto certain laws , rules , and processes , that some have framed , ought to be fined , punished , imprisoned , and so destroyed . and about these things there are many disputes and contests ; when if men were awakned out of their lethargy they would be laughed at , as the most ridiculous and contemptible mormo's that ever appeared in the world ; though they are no laughing matter at present , unto them that are concerned in them . supposing then , ecclesiastical excommunication ( as i at present suppose , and shall immediately prove it ) to be an appointment of our lord jesus christ ; these things are plain and evident concerning it , not capable of any modest contradiction , ( . ) that there is no divine evangelical institution , that is more suited unto the light of nature , the rules of common equity , and principles of unseared consciences , as unto the nature , efficacy and rule of it , than this is . ( . ) that the way of the administration and exercise of the power and acts of it , is so determined , described and limited in the scripture , and the light of nature , as that there can be no gross error or mistake about it , but what proceeds from secular interests , pride , ambition , covetousness , or other vitious habits and inclinations of the minds of men. ( . ) that the whole authority of it , its sentence , power and efficacy , are meerly spiritual , with respect unto the souls and consciences of men only ; and that to extend it directly or indirectly , immediately or by consequences , unto the temporal hurt , evil or damage of any in their lives , liberties , estates , natural or legal privileges , is opposite unto , and destructive of the whole government of christ in and over his church . all these things wilfully appear in the account which we shall give of it . it is therefore evident , as was intimated , that nothing in christian practice hath been , or is more abused , corrupted or perverted , than this of excommunication hath been and is . the residence of the supream power of it to be exercised towards and over all christians , rulers and subjects , in the pope of rome , or in other single persons absolutely , over less or greater distributions of them ; the administration of it by citations , processes , pleadings and contentions in wrangling law courts according unto arbitrary canons and constitutions , whose original is either known , or unknown ; the application of it unto the hurt , damage , evil or loss of men in their temporal concerns , are utterly and openly foreign unto the gospel , and expresly contrary unto what the lord christ hath appointed therein . it would require a whole volume to declare the horrible abuses that both in point of right , and in matter of fact , with the pernicious consequences that have ensued thereon , which the corruption of this divine institution hath produced : but to make a declaration hereof , doth not belong to my present design ; besides , it hath in some good measure been done by others . in brief , it is so come to pass that it is made a meer political engine , of an external forcible government , of the persons of men , unto the ends of the interests of some , who have got a pretence of its power , administred by such ways and means , as wherein the consciences of men , neither of those by whom it is administred , nor of those unto whom it is applied , are any way concerned , with respect unto the authority , or any institution of jesus christ. from an observation hereof , and a desire to vindicate as well christian religion from such a scandalous abuse as mankind from bondage , to such a monstrous fiction as is the present power and exercise of it , some have fallen into another extream , denying that there is any such thing as excommunication , appointed or approved by the gospel . but this neither is , nor ever will be a way to reduce religion nor any thing in it , unto its primitive order and purity . to deny the being of any thing because it hath been abused , when there could have been no abuse of it , but upon a supposition of its being , is not a rational way to reprove and convince that abuse . and when those who have corrupted this institution , find the insufficiency of the arguments produced to prove that there never was any such institution , it makes them secure in the practice of their own abuses of it . for they imagine that there is nothing incumbent on them to justify their present possession and exercise of the power of excommunication ; but that excommunication it self is appointed in the church by christ , whereas the true consideration of this appointment , is the only means to divest them of their power and practice . for the most effectual course to discharge and disprove all corruptions in the agenda or practicals of religion , as the sacraments , publick worship , rule and the like , is to propose and declare the things themselves in their original simplicity , and purity , as appointed by christ , and recorded in the scriptures . a real view of them in such a proposal , will divest the minds of men , not corrupted and hardened by prejudice and interest , of those erroneous conceptions of them , that from some kind of tradition they have been prepossessed withal . and this i shall now attempt in this particular of excommunication . there hath been great enquiry about the nature and exercise of this ordinance , under the old testament , with the account given of it by the latter jews . for the right and power of it in general , belongs unto a church as such , every church , and not that which is purely evangelical only . this i shall not enquire into ; it hath been sifted to the bran already , and intermixed with many rabbinical conjectures and mistakes . in general , there is nothing more certain , than that there was a doubl● removal of persons by church-authority , from the communion of the whole congregation in divine worship . the one for a season , the other for ever ; whereof i have given instances elsewhere . but i intend only the consideration of what belongs unto churches under the new testament . and to this end we may observe , . that all lawful societies , constituted such by voluntary confederation , according unto peculiar laws and rules of their own choice , unto especial duties and ends , have a right and power by the light of nature , to receive into their society those that are willing and meet , ingaging themselves to observe the rules , laws and ends of the society ; and to expel them out of it who wilfully deviate from those rules . this is the life and form of every lawful society or community of men in the world , without which they can neither coalesce nor subsist . but it is required hereunto , . that those who so enter into such a society , have right or power so to do . and many things are required unto this end : as , ( . ) that those who enter into such a society be sui juris ; have a lawful right to dispose of themselves , as unto all the duties and ends of such a society . hence children , servants , subjects , have no power in themselves to enter into such societies , without the interposition of and obligation from a power superior unto that of parents , masters , or princes , namely , that of god himself . ( . ) that the rules , laws , and ends of the society be lawful , good and useful unto themselves and others . for there may be a confederation in and for evil ; which is a combination that gives no right nor power , over one another , or towards others that enter into it . ( . ) that it contains nothing that is prejudicial unto others in things divine or humane . ( . ) nor oblige unto the omission or neglect of any duty , that men by virtue of any relations , natural , moral or political , do owe unto others : nor , ( . ) is hurtful unto themselves in their lives , liberties , names , reputation , usefulness in the world , or any thing else , unto whose preservation they are obliged by the law of nature . nor , ( . ) can be , or are such persons obliged to forsake the conduct of themselves in things divine and humane , by the light of their own consciences , by an ingagement of blind obedience unto others , which would render every society unlawful by the law of god and light of nature . ( . ) least of all , have any persons right or power to oblige themselves in such societies , unto things evil , sinful , superstitious or idolatrous . these things are plain , and evident in themselves , and every way sufficient to divest all the religious societies and fraternities that are erected in the church of rome , of all that right and power which belongs unto lawful societies , constituted by voluntary confederation . and if any thing inconsistent with these principles of natural light be pretended in churches , it divests them of all power , as to the exercise of it , by virtue of any compact or confederation whatever . . it is required that a society , by voluntary consent vested with the right and power mentioned , do neither give nor take away any right , privilege or advantage , to , or from any members of the society which belong unto them naturally or politically ; but their power is confined unto those things alone , wherein men may be benefited and advantaged by the society . and this is the foundation of all political societies . men , for the sake and benefit of them , may and ought to forego many particular advantages , which , without them , they might make unto themselves . but they cannot forego any of those rights , which in their several relations are inseparably annexed unto them by the law of nature , nor give power over themselves in such things unto the society . so is it with churches ; the power of expulsion out of their society , extends only unto the benefits and advantages which the society , as such , doth afford and communicate . now these are only things spiritual if churches be an institution of him , whose kingdom is not of this world. the power then that is in churches , by virtue of their being what they are , extends not it self unto any outward concernments of men , as unto their lives , liberties , natural or political privileges , estates or possessions ; unless we shall say , that men hold and possess these things by virtue of their relation unto the church , which is to overthrow all natural and humane right in the world. de facto , men are now compelled whether they will or no , to be esteemed to be of this or that church , and to be dealt withal accordingly . but if they had not been divested of their natural liberty , they know not how , without their own consent , and should be taught , that by entering into a church , they must come under a new tenure of their lives , liberties and estates , at the will of the lords of the society according to the customs of their courts , there would not be so many wise men in churches , as now there are thought to be . but this is the true state of things in the church of rome , and among others also . christians are esteemed to be of them , and belong unto them , whether they will or no. immediately hereon all the rights , liberties , privileges , possessions which they enjoy by the law of god and nature , and by the just laws and constitutions of men in civil governments , under which they live , come to depend upon , and be subject unto the especial laws and rules of the society which they are adjudged to belong unto . for upon expulsion out of that society by excommunication , according unto the laws and rules which it hath framed unto it self , all their rights and titles , and liberties and enjoyments are forfeited and exposed to ruine . some indeed do earnestly and learnedly contend that the pope of rome hath not power to excommunicate sovereign kings and princes ; and that if he do , they make no forfeiture of life or dignity thereby . and there are good reasons why they do so . but in the mean time , they deal with other poor men after the same manner . for if a poor man be excommunicated , immediately he loseth the free tenure of his life , liberty and goods , by the law of the church and the land , and is committed to the gaol without bail or mainprize . so that by this artifice , all men hold their natural and civil rights , by the rules of the church society whereto they are supposed to belong . and as this utterly overthrows the foundation of all that property according to the laws of the land , which is so much talked of and valued ; so indeed it would be destructive of all order and liberty , but that the church is wise enough not to employ this engine unto great men and men in power , who may yet deserve excommunication as well as some of their poor neighbours , if the gospel be thought to give the rule of it . but those that are poor , helpless and friendless , shall in the pursuit of this excommunication be driven from their houses , cast into prisons , and kept there until they and their families starve and perish . and it is apparent that we are beholding unto the greatness , authority , and wealth of many , whom the ecclesiastical courts care not to conflict withal , that the whole nation is not actually brought under this new tenure of their lives , liberties and estates , which on this presumption they are obnoxious unto . and all this evil ariseth from the neglect and contempt of this fundamental rule of all societies , apparent unto all in the light of nature it self ; namely , that they have no power in or over any thing , right , privilege or advantage , but what men are made partakers of by virtue of such societies , their rule and laws whereunto they are obliged . but of this sort are not the lives , the liberties , the houses and possessions of men , with respect unto the church . they receive them not from the church , and a man would certainly think , that the church could not take them away . yea , we live and subsist in order , upon the good nature and wisdom of men , who judge it best neither to exert their power , nor act their principles in this matter . for , whereas they esteem all the inhabitants of the land to belong unto their church ; if they should in the first place excommunicate all that ought to be excommunicated by the rule and law of the gospel , and then all that ought to be so , according to their own laws and canons , both which a man would think they were obliged in point of conscience unto ; and in pursuit of their sentence , send out the capias for them all , i very much question whether any of them would go to prison or no ; and then in what a fine case would this government be ; and if they should all go to gaol , i am perswaded the king would be in an ill state to defend his realms against his enemies . . every society hath this power towards those who are incorporated in it by their own consent , and not towards others . for whence should they have such a power , or who should commit it unto them ? nor can any be cast out from those privileges which they never had an interest in , nor a right unto . the apostles rule holds in this case , especially with respect unto churches ; what have we to do to judge them that are without . and as unto the exercise of this power , they are all to be esteemed to be without , who are not rightly incorporated into that particular church , by which they may be ejected out of it . a power of excommunication at random towards all that those who exercise it can extend force unto , hath no foundation either in the light of nature or authority of the scripture . and it would be ridiculous in any corporation to disfranchise such as never belonged unto it , who were never members of it . . the only reason or cause for the expulsion of any person out of such a society , is a wilful deviation from the rules and laws of the society , whose observance he had engaged unto upon his entrance into it . nothing else can be required unto the preservation of a mans interest in any right or privilege , but what he took upon himself to perform in his admittance into it . and if the great rule of every church-society , be , that men observe and do whatsoever the lord christ hath commanded , none can be justly ejected out of that society , but upon a wilful disobedience unto his commands . and therefore the casting of men out of church ▪ communion on light and trivial occasions , or for any reasons or causes whatever , but such as essentially belong unto the rules and laws whereon the church doth originally coalesce into a society , is contrary unto natural light , and the reason of the things themselves . thus far i say is every lawful confederate society enabled and warranted by the light of nature , to remove from its communion , and from a participation in its rights and privileges any of its number who will not walk according to the rules and principles of its coalescency and constitution . whereas therefore the rule of the constitution of the church is , that men walk together in holy obedience unto the commands of christ , and the observance of all his institutions , without giving offence unto one another , or those that are without , by any sinful miscarriage , and do abide in the profession of the truth ; if any one shall wilfully and obstinately transgress in any of these things , it is the right and duty , and in the power of the church to remove him from its society . but this is not the entire nor the next immediate ground , reason , or warranty of ecclesiastical excommunication . for this natural equity will not extend it self unto cases that are in things spiritual and supernatural ; nor will the actings of the church thereon reach unto the consciences of men , for the proper ends of excommunication . wherefore it was necessary that it should have a peculiar institution in the church by the authority of jesus christ. for , . the church is such a society as no men have right or power either to enter into themselves , or to exclude others from , but by virtue of the authority of christ. no warranty from the light of nature , or from the laws of men , or their own voluntary confederation , can enable any to constitute a church-society , unless they do all things expresly in obedience unto the authority of christ. for his church is his kingdom , his house ; which none can constitute or build but himself . wherefore it is necessary , that the power of admission into , and exclusion from the church , do arise from his grant and institution . nor is it in the power of any men in the world , to admit into , or exclude from this society but by virtue thereof . . excommvnication is an act of authority , as we shall see afterwards . but no authority can be exercised in the church , towards any person whatever , but by virtue of the institution of christ. for the authority it self however ministerially exercised by others , is his alone ; and he exerts it not , but in the ways of his own appointment . so in particular the apostle directs , that excommunication be exerted in the name of our lord jesus christ ; that is , in and by his authority , cor. . . . the privileges from which men are excluded by excommunication are not such , as they have any natural or civil right unto ( as hath been proved ) but meerly such as are granted unto the church by jesus christ ; and men cannot by virtue of any agreement among themselves , without a warranty from him by his institution , expel others from the privileges which are meerly of his grant and donation . he alone therefore hath given and granted this power unto the church , namely of excluding any by the rules and ways of his appointment from the privileges of his grant , which is the peculiar power of excommunication inquired after . . there is such an efficacy assigned unto excommunication in binding the consciences of men , in retaining their sins , in the destruction or mortification of the flesh , in the healing and recovery of sinners ; as nothing but the authority of a divine institution can give unto it . by virtue of natural light and mutual consent , men may free themselves from the company and society of those who will not walk with them according to rules of communion agreed upon among them ; but they cannot reach the minds and consciences of others with any of these effects . . that excommunication is an express ordinance of our lord jesus christ in his churches is fully declared in the scripture . for , ( . ) the power of it is contained in the authority given by christ unto the church , under the name of the keys of the kingdom of heaven . for the power expressed therein is not meerly doctrinal and declarative as is the preaching of the gospel , the consequent whereof upon the faith or unbelief of them that hear it , is the remitting or retaining of their sin in heaven and earth ; but it is disciplinary also , as it is appropriated unto the house whose keys are committed unto the stewards of it . and seeing the design of christ was to have his church holy , vnblamable and without offence in the world , that therein he might make a representation of his own holiness , and the holiness of his rule ; and whereas those of whom it is constituted , are liable and subject unto sins scandalous and offensive , reflecting dishonour on himself and the church , in being the occasion of sinning unto others ; that design would not have been accomplished , had he not given this authority unto his church to cast out and separate from it self all that do by their sins so give offence . and the neglect of the exercise of this authority in a due manner , was the principal means whereby the glory , honour , and usefulness of the churches in the world , were at length utterly lost . ( . ) it hath a direct institution , matth. . , , , , , . if thy brother shall trespass , &c. tell it unto the church ; but if he neglect to hear the church , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican . verily i say unto you , whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven , &c. after all the learned and unlearned contests that have been about this place , the sence of it is plain and obvious , unto such as whose minds are not clouded with prejudices about such churches and such excommunications as are utterly foreign unto the scripture . but that by trespasses in this place , sins against god giving scandal or offence , are intended , hath been proved before ; as also , that by a church , a particular christian congregation is intended . this church hath the cognizance of the scandalous offences of its members committed unto it , when brought before it in the due order described . hereon it makes a determination , designing in the first place the recovery of the person offending , from his sin , by his hearing of its counsel and advice . but in case of obstinacy , it is to remove him from its communion , leaving him in the outward condition of an heathen and a publican . so is he to be esteemed by them that were offended with his sin , and that because of the authority of the church binding him in heaven and earth unto the punishment due unto his sin , unless he doth repent . the rejection of an offending brother out of the society of the church , leaving him as unto all the privileges of the church , in the state of an heathen , declaring him liable unto the displeasure of christ , and everlasting punishment without repentance , is the excommunication we plead for ; and the power of it , with its exercise , is plainly here granted by christ and ordained in the church . ( . ) according unto this institution was the practice of the apostles , whereof we have several instances . i might insist upon the excommunication of simon the magician , a baptized professor , by peter , who declared him to have neither part or lot in the church upon the discovery of his wickedness , act. . , , , , . yet because it was the single act of one apostle , and so may be esteemed extraordinary , i shall omit it . however , that fact of the apostle is sufficiently declarative of what is to be done in the church in like cases , and which if it be not done , it cannot be preserved in its purity according unto the mind of christ. but that which was directed by the apostle paul in the church of corinth towards the incestuous person , is express , cor. . , , , , . ( . ) he declares the sin whereof the person charged was guilty , with the ignominy and scandal of it , ver. . ( . ) he blames the church that they had not been affected with the guilt and scandal of it , so as to have proceeded to his removal or expulsion out of the church , that he might be taken away or cut off from them , ver. . ( . ) he declares his own judgment in the case , that he ought to be so taken away or removed , which yet was not actually effected by that judgment and sentence of his , ver. . ( . ) he declares the causes of this excision . ( . ) the supream efficient cause of it , is the power or authority of the lord jesus christ instituting this ordinance in his church , giving right and power unto it for its administration , in the name of our lord jesus christ , and with his power . ( . ) the declarative cause of the equity of this sentence , which was the spirit of the apostle , or the authoritative declaration of his judgment in the case , with my spirit . ( . ) the instrumental ministerial cause of it , which is the church ; do it in the name of the lord jesus christ , when you are gathered together , ver. . and thereby purge out the old leaven , that you may be a new lump , ver. . whence the punishment of this sentence is said to be inflicted by many , cor. . . that is , all those who on his repentance were obliged to forgive and comfort him , that is the whole church , ver. . ( . ) the nature of the sentence is the delivering of such an one to satan for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord jesus , ver. . not the destruction of his body by death , but the through mortification of the flesh , whereby he was shortly afterwards recovered and restored into his former condition . the whole of what we plead for , is here exemplified ; as , ( . ) the cause of excommunication , which is a scandalous sin unrepented of . ( . ) the preparation for its execution , which is the churches sence of the sin and scandal , with humiliation for it . ( . ) the warranty of it , which is the institution of christ , wherein his authority is engaged . ( . ) the manner and form of it , by an act of authority with the consent of the whole church . ( . ) the effect of it in a total separation from the privileges of the church . ( . ) the end of it . ( . ) with respect unto the church , its purging and vindication . ( . ) with respect unto the person excommunicated ; his repentance , reformation and salvation . it is usually replied hereunto , that this was an extraordinary act of apostolical power , and so not to be drawn by us into example . for he himself both determines the case , and asserteth his presence in spirit , that is by his authority to be necessary unto what was done . besides , it was a delivery of the man to satan , that is , into his power to be afflicted and cruciated by him , to be terrified in his mind , and punished in his body to the destruction of the flesh , that is unto death . such was the delivery of a man to satan by the apostle mentioned here , and tim. . , . in the judgment of many of the ancients . but there is no such power in any church at present to deliver an offender unto satan , nor any appearing effects of such a pretence . wherefore , this is a matter which belongs not unto churches at present . i answer , ( . ) what the apostles did in any church , whether present or absent , by their own authority , did not prejudice the right of the churches themselves , nor their power acted in subordination unto them and their guidance . so it is evident in this place , that notwithstanding the exerting of any apostolical power intimated , the church it self is charged with its duty , and directed to exercise its authority in the rejection of the offender . ( . ) there is nothing extraordinary in the case . ( . ) it is not so that a member of a church should fall into a scandalous sin , unto the dishonour of christ and the church , giving offence unto persons of all sorts . ( . ) it is an ordinary rule , founded in the light of nature , confirmed here and elsewhere by express divine commands , that such an one be rejected from the society and communion of the church , until he give satisfaction by repentance and reformation . ( . ) it is that without which the church cannot be preserved in its purity , nor its being be continued , as both reason and experience do manifest . ( . ) the judgment both of the fact and right was left unto the church it self , whence it was afterwards highly commended by the apostle for the diligent discharge of its duty herein , cor. . in brief , it is such a divine order that is here prescribed , as without the observance whereof , no church can long subsist . ( . ) there is no difficulty in the other part of the objection , about the delivery unto satan . for , ( . ) it cannot be proved , that hereon the offender was delivered so into the power of satan to be cruciated , agitated , and at length killed , as some imagine ; nor can any instance of any such thing , be given in the scripture or antiquity ; though there be many of them , who upon their rejection out of the church , were enraged unto an opposition against it , as it was with simon magus , marcian , and others . ( . ) yea , it is evident that there was no such thing included in their delivery unto satan , as is pretended . for the design and end of it was the mans humiliation , recovery and salvation , as is expresly affirmed in the text ; and this effect is actually had , for the man was healed and restored . wherefore , this delivery unto satan , is an ordinance of christ for the exciting of saving grace in the souls of men , adapted unto the case of falling by scandalous sins , peculiarly effectual above any other gospel ordinance . now this cannot be such a delivery unto satan , as that pretended , which can have no other end but destruction and death . ( . ) this delivery unto satan is no more but the casting of a man out of the visible kingdom of christ , so giving him up as unto his outward condition into the state of heathens and publicans which belonged unto the kingdom of satan . for he , who by the authority of christ himself , according unto his law and institution , is not only debarred from a participation of all the privileges of the gospel , but also visibly and regularly devested of all present right to them and interest in them , he belongs unto the visible kingdom of satan . the gathering of men by conversion into the church , is the turning of them from the power of satan unto god , act. . . a delivery from the power of darkness , that is , the kingdom of satan , and a translation unto the kingdom of christ , col. . . wherefore , after a man hath by faith , and his conjunction unto a visible church , been translated into the kingdom of christ , his just rejection out of it , is the redelivery of him into the visible kingdom of satan , which is all that is here intended . and this is an act suited unto the end whereunto it is designed . for a man hereby is not taken out of his own power and the conduct of his own mind , not acted or agitated by the devil , but is left unto the sedate consideration of his present state and condition . and this , if there be any spark of ingenuous grace left in him , will be effectually operative , by shame , grief and fear , unto his humiliation , especially understanding that the design of christ and his church herein , is only his repentance and restauration . here is therefore , in his instance , an everlasting rule given unto the church in all ages , the ordinary occurrences of the like cases requiring an ordinary power for relief in them , without which the church cannot be preserved . that it is the duty of the church enjoined unto it by the lord jesus christ , and that necessary unto its glory , it s own honour and edification to reject scandalous offenders out of its communion , is evidently declared in this place : and to suppose that to be the duty of the church , which it hath no power or authority to discharge , ( seeing without them it cannot be discharged ) is a wild imagination . . the duty of the church herein , with such other particular duties as suppose the institution hereof , are in many places directed and enjoined . it is so in that insisted on , cor. . the foundation of the whole discourse and practice of the apostle there recorded lies in this , that churches ought to cut off from among them scandalous offenders ; and that to the end they may preserve themselves pure ; and that this they ought to do in the name of christ , and by virtue of his authority , vers. , , . and this is the whole of that excommunication which we plead for . the manner of its administration we shall consider afterwards , cor. chap. . , , . the apostle commends the church for what they had done in the excommunication of the incestuous person , calling it a punishment , inflicted on him by them , vers. . he gives also an account of the effect of this sentence against him , which was his humiliation and repentance , vers. . and hereon gives direction for his restauration , by an act of the church forgiving him , and confirming their love unto him . men may fansie to themselves strange notions of excommunication , with reference unto its power , the residence of that power , its effects , extent and ends ; and so either on the one hand erect it into an engine of arbitrary domination over the church and all the members of it ; or deny on the other , that there is any such institution of christ in force in his churches . but we can be taught nothing more plainly of the mind of christ , than that he hath given power unto his church to cast out of their communion obstinate scandalous offenders , and to restore them again upon their repentance , enjoining it unto them as their duty . and it is an evidence of a woful degeneracy in churches , from their primitive institution , when this sentence is so administred , as that it hath an effect , by virtue of humane laws , or the outward concerns of men , but no influence on their consciences unto humiliation and repentance , which is the principal end of its appointment . the apostle treats of the same matter , gal. . , , , , , . he speaks of those false teachers who opposed and overthrew what lay in them , the fundamental doctrine of the gospel . these at that time were in great power and reputation in the churches of the galatians whom they had corrupted with their false opinions ; so as that the apostle doth not directly enjoin their immediate excision ; yet he declares what they did deserve , and what was the duty of the church towards them , when freed from their delusions , vers. . i would they were even cut off that trouble you . men have exercised their minds in curious conjectures about the sence of these words , altogether in vain and needlesly . the curiosity of some of the best of the ancients , applying it unto a forcible eunuchism is extreamly fond . no other excision is intended , but that which was from the church , and to be done by the church in obedience unto the truth . neither the subject matter treated of , the nature of the crime condemned , nor the state of the church , or design of the apostle , will admit of any other exposition , thessal . . . the apostle gives command unto the brethren of the church , and that in the name of our lord jesus christ , to withdraw from every brother that walketh disorderly . what it is to walk disorderly he declares immediately , namely , to live in an open disobedience unto any of the commands of christ , not after the tradition which he received of us , that is , the doctrine of the gospel which he had delivered unto them . this withdrawing is as unto church-communion , which cannot be done but upon some act of the church , depriving them of the rights of it . for if every member of the church should be left unto his own judgment and practice herein , it would bring all things into confusion . and therefore , vers. . he requires that a note be set on such a person by the church , that is , a sentence be denounced against him , before the duty of withdrawing from him by the brethren be incumbent on them . see to the same purpose tit. . , . tim. . . revel . . , , , , . it is therefore evident that this censure , judgment , spiritual punishment , is an institution of christ , for whose administration he hath given authority unto his church , as that which is necessary unto its edification , with its preservation in honour , purity and order . there have been many disputes about it , as unto its order and kinds . some suppose that there are two sorts of excommunication ; the one they call the lesser , and the other the greater : some three sorts , as it is supposed there were among the jews . there is no mention in the scripture of any more sorts , but one , or of any degrees therein . a segregation from all participation in church-order , worship and privileges , is the only excommunication spoken of in the scripture . but whereas an offending person may cause great disorder in a church , and give great scandal unto the members of it , before he can be regularly cut off or expelled the society ; some do judge that there should a suspension of him from the lords table at least , precede total or compleat excommunication in case of impenitency . and it ought in some cases so to be . but this suspension is not properly an especial institution ; but only an act of prudence in church-rule to avoid offence and scandal . and no men question but that this is lawful unto , yea , the duty of the rulers of the church , to require any one to forbear for a season from the use of their privilege in the participation of the supper of the lord , in case of scandal and offence which would be taken at it , and ensue thereon . and if any person shall refuse a submission unto them in this act of rule , the church hath no way for its relief , but to proceed unto the total removal of such a person from their whole communion . for the edification of the whole church must not be obstructed by the refractoriness of any one among them . this excommunication , as we have proved before , is an act of church-authority , exerted in the name of our lord jesus christ. and if so , then it is an act of the officers of the church , namely , so far as it is authoritative ; for there is no authority in the church properly so called , but what resides in the officers of it . there is an office in the church , which is meerly ministerial without any formal authority , that is of the deacons . but there is no authority in exercise , but what is in the elders and rulers of the church . and there are two reasons , which prove that the power of excommunication , as to the authoritative exercise of it , is in the elders of the church . ( . ) because the apostles , by virtue of their office-power in every church , did join in the authoritative excommunication , as is plain in the case insisted on , cor. . and there is no office-power now remaining , but what is in the elders of the church . ( . ) it is an act of rule . but all rule , properly so called , is in the hands of rulers only . we may add hereunto , that the care of the preservation of the edification of all its members , of the correction and salvation of offenders , is principally incumbent on them , or committed unto them as we have declared ; as also , that they are best able to judge when and for what this sentence ought to be denounced against any , which requires their best skill in the wisdom of spiritual rule . and therefore the omission of the exercise of it , when it was necessary , is charged as a neglect on the angels or rulers of the churches , as the due execution of it is commended in them . and therefore unto them it doth belong with respect unto their office , and is thereon an office-act , or an act of authority . howbeit , it cannot be denied , but that the interest , yea , the power of the whole church in the fraternity of it , is greatly to be considered herein . for indeed , where-ever the apostle treats of it , he doth not any where recommend it unto the officers of the church in a peculiar manner , but unto the whole church and the brethren therein . this is evident in the places before quoted . wherefore the whole church is concerned herein , both in point of duty , interest , and power . ( . ) in point of duty ; for by virtue of the mutual watch of all the members of the church over each other , and of the care incumbent on every one of them , for the good , the honour , the reputation and edification of the whole , it is their duty jointly and severally to endeavour the purging out from among them of every thing that is contrary unto those ends . and they who are not concerned in these things , are dead and useless members of the church . ( . ) in interest , they have also a concernment therein . they are to look that no root of bitterness spring up amongst them , lest themselves are at length defiled thereby . it is usually said , that the good are not defiled by holding communion with them that are wicked in a participation of holy ordinances . and there is some truth in what is said , with reference unto wicked undiscovered hypocrites ; or such as are not scandalously flagitious : but to promote this perswasion , so as to beget an opinion in church-members , that they are no way concerned in the scandalous sins and lives of those with whom they walk in all duties of spiritual communion , openly avowing themselves members of the same body with them , is a diabolical engine invented to countenance churches in horrible security unto their ruine . but yet besides that defilement , which may be contracted in a joint participation of the same ordinances with such persons ; there are other ways almost innumerable , whereby their example , if passed by without animadversion , may be pernicious unto their faith , love and obedience . wherefore they are obliged in point of spiritual interest , as they take care of their own souls , to concurr in the ejection out of the church , of obstinate offenders . ( . ) in point of power . for the execution of this sentence is committed unto and rests in the body of the church . according as they concurr and practise , so it is put in execution or suspended ; for it is they who must withdraw communion from them , or the sentence is of no use or validity ; this punishment must be inflicted by the many , who also are to restore him who is so rebuked . wherefore , excommunication , without the consent of the church , is a meer nullity . but if any one shall say , that excommunication is not an act of authority nor of office , but of power residing in the community resulting from their common suffrage , guided and directed by the officers or elders of the church , i shall again take up this enquiry immediately , and speak unto it more distinctly ; lest what is here spoken should not be sufficient unto the satisfaction of any . our next enquiry is concerning the object of this church censure ; or who they are that ought to be excommunicated . and , . they must be members of that church , by which the sentence is to be denounced against them . and this , as we have proved before , they cannot be without their own consent . one church cannot excommunicate the members of another . they are unto them as unto this matter without , and they have no power to judge them . the foundation of the right to proceed against any herein , is in their own voluntary engagement to observe and keep the rules and laws of the society whereunto they are admitted . the offence is given unto that church in the first place , if not only . and it is an act of the church for its own edification . and there is a nullity in the sentence which is ordained , decreed or denounced by any who are not officers of that church in particular , wherein the sin is committed . . these church-members that may be justly excommunicated , are of two sorts . . such as continue obstinate in the practice of any scandalous sin , after private and publick admonition . the process from the first offence in admonition , is so stated in ordinary cases , matth. . that there is no need farther to declare it . the time that is to be allotted unto the several degrees of it , shall be spoken unto afterwards . and unto a right judgment of obstinacy in any scandalous sin , it is required , ( . ) that the sin considered in it self be such , as is owned to be such , by all , without doubting , dispute or haesitation . it must be some sin that is judged and condemned in the light of nature , or in the express testimony of scripture ; yea , such as the holy ghost witnesseth , that continued in without repentance , it is inconsistent with salvation . if the thing it self , to be animadverted on , be dubious or disputable whether it be a sin or no , especially such a sin , either from the nature of the fact , or the qualifications of the person offending , or from other circumstances , so as that the guilty person is not self-condemned , nor are others fully satisfied in their minds about the nature of it , there is no room for excommunication in such cases . and if it be once allowed to be applied towards any sins , but such as are evident to be so ( as the apostle says , the works of the flesh are manifest ) in the light of nature , and express testimony of scripture , not only will the administration of it be made difficult , a matter of dispute , unfit for the determination of the body of the church , but it will leave it unto the wills of men to prostitute unto litigious brawls , quarrels and differences , wherein interest and partiality may take place ; which is to profane this divine institution . but confine it as it ought to be , unto such sins as are condemned in the light of nature , or by express testimony of scripture , as inconsistent with salvation by jesus christ , if persisted in , and all things that belong unto the administration of it , will be plain and easie . from the neglect of this rule proceeded that horrible confusion and disorder in excommunication and the administration of it , which for sundry ages prevailed in the world. for as it was mostly applied unto things holy , just , and good , or the performance of such gospel duties as men owed to christ , and their own souls ; so being exercised with respect unto irregularities , that are made such meerly by the arbitrary constitutions and laws of men , and that in cases frivolous , trifling , and of no importance , it was found necessary to be managed in and by such courts , such processes , such forms of law , such pleadings and intricacies of craft , such a burden of cost and charge , as is uncertain whether it ought to be more bewailed , or derided . . it is required hereunto , that the matter of fact , as unto the relation of the sin unto the particular offender , be confessed , or not denied , or clearly proved . how far this is to extend , and what ground of procedure there may be in reports or fame concurring with leading circumstances , we shall enquire afterwards . and although in such cases of publick fame , a good testimony from those of credit and repute in the church given unto the supposed guilty person , is of use and sufficient in some cases , singly to oppose unto publick reports ; yet to require a man to purge himself by others , from any feigned scandalous imputation , is an unwarrantable tyranny . . it is also required , that the previous process in and by private and publick admonition , and that repeated with patient waiting for the success of each of them , be duly premised . whether this extend it self unto all causes of excommunication , shall be afterwards enquired into . ordinarily it is so necessary unto the conviction of the mind and conscience of the offender , and to leave him without either provocation from the church , or excuse in himself , so suited to be expressive of the grace and patience of christ toward sinners , so requisite unto the satisfaction of the church it self in their proceedure , as that the omission of it will probably render the sentence useless and ineffectual . a crying out , i admonish a first , a second , a third time , and so to excommunication , is a very absurd observation of a divine institution . . it is required , that the case of the person to be censured as unto his profession of repentance on the one hand , or obstinacy on the other , be judged and determined by the whole church in love and compassion . there are few who are so profligately wicked , but that , when the sin wherewith they are charged , is evidently such in the light of nature and scripture , and when it is justly proved against them , they will make some profession of sorrow and repentance . whether this be sufficient , as in most cases it is , to suspend the present proceeding of the church , or quite to lay it aside , is left unto the judgment of the church it self , upon consideration of present circumstances , and what is necessary unto its own edification . only this rule must be continually observed , that the least appearance of haste or undue precipitation herein , is to be avoided in all these cases , as the bane of church-rule and order . again , the manner of its administration , according to the mind of christ , may be considered . and hereunto are required , ( . ) prayer , without which it can no way be administred in the name of our lord jesus christ. the administration of any solemn ordinance of the gospel , without prayer , is an horrible profanation of it . and the neglect or contempt hereof , in any who take upon them to excommunicate others , is an open proclamation of the nullity of their act and sentence . and the observation of the administration of it without any due reverence of god , without solemn invocation of the name of christ , thereby ingaging his presence and authority in what they do , is that principally which hath set the consciences of all mankind at liberty from any concernment in this ecclesiastical censure ; and whence those that administer it expect no other success of what they do , but what they can give it by outward force . and where this fails , excommunication is quickly laid aside . as it was when the pope threatned the cantons of the swissers , that if they complied not with some of his impositions , he would excommunicate them ; whereon they sent him word they would not be excommunicated , which ended the matter . wherefore , when our lord jesus christ gives unto his church the power of binding and loosing , directing them in the exercise of that power , he directs them to ask assistance by prayer , when they are gathered together , matth. . , , . and the apostle directs the church of corinth , that they should proceed unto this sentence when they were gathered together in the name of the lord jesus christ , cor. . . which could not be without calling on his name . in brief , without prayer , neither is the ordinance it self sanctified unto the church , nor are any meet to administer it , nor is the authority of christ either owned or engaged , nor divine assistance attained ; neither is what is done any more excommunication than any rash curse is , so that many proceed inordinately out of the mouths of men. and the prayer required herein is of three sorts . ( . ) that which is previous for guidance and direction in a matter of so great weight and importance . it is no small thing to fall into mistakes , when men act in the name of christ , and so engage his authority in what he will not own . and the best of men , the best of churches , are liable unto such mistakes , where they are not under the guidance of the holy spirit , which is to be obtained by prayer only . ( . ) in , or together with the administration of it ; that what is done on earth may be ratified in heaven , by the approbation of christ , and be made effectual unto its proper end. ( . ) it must be followed with the prayer of the church unto the same purpose ; all with respect unto the humiliation , repentance , healing and recovery of the offender . ly , it is to be accompanied with lamentation or mourning . so the apostle reproving the church of corinth for the omission of it when it was necessary , tells them , that they had not mourned ; that the offender might be taken away from among them , cor. . . it is not to be done without mourning : and himself calls the execution of this sentence from this adjunct , his bewailing of them . i shall bewail many that have sinned already , cor. . . compassion for the person offending , with respect unto that dangerous condition whereinto he hath cast himself ; the excision of a member of the same body with whom they have had communion in the most holy mysteries of divine worship , and sate down at the table of the lord , with a due sense of the dishonour of the gospel by his fall , ought to ingenerate this mourning or lamentation in the minds of them who are concern'd in the execution of the sentence . nor is it advisable for any church to proceed thereunto , before they are so affected . ly , it is to be accompanied with a due sence of the future judgment of christ. for we herein judge for christ , in the matters of his house and kingdom . and woe to them who dare pronounce this sentence without a perswasion on good grounds , that it is the sentence of christ himself . and there is a representation also in it of the future judgment , when christ will eternally cut off and separate from himself all hypocrites and impenitent sinners . this is well expressed by tertullian , ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes & censura divina ( speaking of the assemblies of the church ) nam & judicatur magno cum pondere , ut apud certos de dei conspectu ; summumque futuri judicii praejudicium est , si quis ita d liquerit ut a communicatione orationis & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur , apol. cap. . were this duty observed , it would be a preservative against that inter-mixture of corrupt affections , and corrupt ends , which often impose themselves on the minds of men , in the exercise of this power . lastly , the nature and end of this judgment or sentence being corrective , not vindicative ; for healing , not destruction , what is the duty of the church , and those principally concerned in the pursuit of it to render it effectual , is plainly evident . of what use a significavit and capias may be in this case i know not ; they belong not unto christian religion ; much less do fire and faggot do so . prayer for the person cut off ; admonition as occasion is offered ; compa●sion in his distressed estate , which is so much the more deplorable , if he know it not ; forbearance from common converse , with readiness for the restauration of love , in all the fruits of it , contain the principal duties of the church , and all the members of it towards them that are justly excommunicate . what farther belongeth unto this head of church-rule or order shall be spoken unto in the resolution of some cases or enquiries , wherein also some things only mentioned already , shall be more fully explained . i have made some enquiry before , whether excommunication be an act of authority and jurisdiction in the officers of the church , or an act of power in the fraternity of the church . but for the sake of some by whom it is desired , i shall a little more distinctly enquire after the truth herein ; though i shall alter nothing of what was before laid down . and , . it is certain , it hath been proved , and i now take it for granted , that the lord christ hath given this power unto the church . wherefore in the exercise of this power , both the officers and members of the church are to act according unto their respective interests . for that exercise of power in the church towards any , which is not an act of obedience unto christ , in them that exercise it , it is in it self null . there is therefore no distinction or distribution of power in the church , but by the interposition of especial duty . . the institution of christ , with respect unto a church as it is a peculiar society for its especial ends , do not deprive it of its natural right , as it is a society . there is in every community , by voluntary confederation , a natural right and power to expel those from its society , who will not be ruled by the laws of its constitution . and if the church should , by the institution of a power , new as unto the way , manner and ends of its exercise , be deprived of its original , radical power , with respect unto the general end of its own preservation , it would not be a gainer by that institution . it may be easily understood , that the lord christ should in particular appoint the way and manner of the exercise of this power or administration of this sentence , committing the care thereof unto the officers of the church . but it cannot be well understood , that thereby he should deprive the church of its right , and forbid them their duty in preserving their society entire and pure . neither can it be so in an especial manner committed unto any , as that upon their neglect , whereby those who by the law and rule of christ , ought to be cast out of the churches communion , are continued in it unto its sin and defilement , the church it self should be free from guilt . wherefore the apostle expresly chargeth the whole church of corinth with sin and neglect of duty , in that the incestuous person was not put away from among them : this could not be , if so be the power of it were so in the hands of a few of the officers , that the church had no right to act in it . for none can incurr a guilt meerly by the defect of others in the discharge of their duty . . the church essentially considered is before its ordinary officers ; for the apostle ordained officers in every church . but the church in that state hath power to put away from among them and their communion an obstinate offender . they have it , as they are a society , by voluntary confederation . wherein this comes short of authoritative excommunication , will immediately appear . . where a church is compleat and organized with its stated rulers , as the church of corinth was , yet rules , instructions and commands are given expresly unto the fraternity or community of the church , for their duty and acting in the administration of this sentence , and the cutting off an offender , cor. . , , , . cor. . , . yea , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or infliction of the sentence , is ascribed unto them , ver. . all these things do suppose a right and duty thereon to act according to their interest in excommunication , to reside in the whole church : wherefore , . there are some acts belonging hereunto , that the church it self in the body of the fraternity , cannot be excluded from without destroying the nature of the sentence it self , and rendring it ineffectual . such are the previous cognizance of the cause , without which they cannot be blamed for any neglect about it ; preparatory duties unto its execution , in prayer , mourning and admonition , which are expresly prescribed unto them ; and a testification of their consent unto it , by their common suffrage . without these things , excommunication is but a name with a noise ; it belongs not unto the order appointed by christ in his church . . hence arise the duties of the church towards an excommunicated person , that are consequential unto his exclusion from among them . such are praying for him , as one noted by the church , and under the discipline of christ ; avoiding communion with him in publick and private , that he may be ashamed , and the like ; all which arise from their own voluntary actings in his exclusion ; and such , as without a judgment of the cause , they cannot be obliged unto . . yet on the other side , unto the formal compleatness of this sentence , an authoritative act of office-power is required . for , ( . ) there is in it such an act of rule , as is in the hands of the elders only . ( . ) the executive power of the keys in binding and loosing , so far as it comprizeth authority to be acted in the name of christ , is entrusted with them only . . wherefore i shall say no more in answer unto this enquiry ; but that excommunication is an act of church-power in its officers and brethren , acting according unto their respective rights , interests , and duties particularly prescribed unto them . the officers of the church act in it as officers with authority , the brethren or the body of the church with power ; yet so , as that the officers are no way excluded from their power , consent and suffrage in the acting of the church , but have the same interest therein with all other members of the church ; but the community of the church have no interest in those authoritative actings of the officers which are peculiar unto them . where either of these is wanting , the whole duty is vitiated , and the sence of the sentence rendred ineffectual . i. it is enquired , whether excommunication , justly deserved , may and ought to be omitted in case of trouble , or danger that may ensue unto the church therein . it is usually granted that so it may and ought to be ; which seems in general to have been the judgment of austin . the troubles and dangers intended , are three-fold . ( . ) from the thing it self . ( . ) from the persons to be excommunicated . ( . ) from the church . . trouble may arise from the thing it self . for there being an exercise of authority or jurisdiction in it over the persons of men , not granted from the civil magistrate by the law of the land , those that execute it may be liable unto penalties ordained in such cases . . the persons to be excommunicated may be great , and of great interest in the world , so as that if they receive a provocation hereby , they may occasion or stir up persecution against the church , as it hath often fallen out . . the church it self may be divided on these considerations , so as that lasting differences may be occasioned among them , which the omission of the sentence might prevent . for answer hereunto , some things must be premised . as , . here is no supposition of any thing sinful or morally evil in the church , its officers , or any of its members , by refusing to omit the pronouncing of this sentence . whether there be any sin in giving occasion unto the troubles mentioned , to be avoided by an omission of duty , is now to be enquired into . . we must suppose , ( . ) that the cause of excommunication be clear and evident , both as unto the merit of the fact , and the due application of it unto the person concerned ; so as that no rational indifferent man shall be able to say , that it is meet that such an one should be continued a member of such a society ; as it ought to be , where-ever excommunication is administred . ( . ) that sufficient time and space of repentance , and for giving satisfaction unto the church ( whereof afterwards ) hath been allowed unto the person after admonition . ( . ) that the church doth really suffer in honour and reputation by tolerating such a scandalous offender among them . i answer , on these suppositions i see no just reason to countenance the omission of the execution of this sentence , or to acquit the church from the guilt of sin in so doing . for , . the first presence of danger is vain . there is not the least shadow of jurisdiction in this act of the church . there is nothing in it that toucheth any thing which is under the protection and conservation of humane laws . it reacheth not the persons of men in their lives , or liberties ; nor their estates or the least secular privileges that they do enjoy ; it doth not expose them to the power or censures of others , nor prejudge them as unto office or advantage of life . there is therefore no concernment of the law of the land herein , no more than in a parents disenheriting a rebellious child . . as unto danger of persecution , by the means of the person provoked , i say , ( . ) the same may be pleaded as unto all other duties of obedience unto jesus christ wherewith the world is provoked ; and so the whole profession of the church should give place to the fear of persecution . to testify against sin in the way of christs appointment , is a case of confession . ( . ) the apostles were not deterred by this consideration from the excommunication of simon magus , the seducing jews , hymeneus and alexander , with others . ( . ) the lord christ commandeth and reproveth his churches , according as they were strict in the observation of this duty , or neglective of it , notwithstanding the fear of persecution thereon , revel . . . and , ( . ) he will take that care of his church in all their obedience unto him , as shall turn all the consequents thereof unto their advantage . . as unto danger of differences in the church , there is nothing to be said ; but that if rule , order , love and duty will not prevent such differences , there is no way appointed of christ for that end : and if they are sufficient for it , ( as they are abundantly ) they must bear their own blame who occasion such differences . ii. but it may be said , what if such an offender as justly deserves to be excommunicated , and is under admonition in order thereunto in case of impenitency , should voluntarily withdraw himself from , and leave the communion of the church , is there any necessity to proceed against him by excommunication ? answ. . some say it is enough , if it be declared in the church that such an one hath cut off himself from the church , and is therefore no longer under their watch or care , but is left unto himself and the world. and this is sufficient with them who own no act of office-power or authority in excommunication , but esteem it only a noted cessation of communion , which destroys a principal branch of the power of the keys . wherefore , . where the offence is plain , open , scandalous , persisted in ; where admonition is despised or not complied with , it is the duty of the church to denounce the sentence of excommunication against such a person , notwithstanding his voluntary departure : for , . no man is to make an advantage unto himself , or to be freed from any disadvantage , censure or spiritual penalty , by his own sin ; such as is the voluntary relinquishment of the church , by a person under admonition for scandalous offences . . it is necessary unto the church , both as unto the discharge of its duty , and the vindication of its honour ; as also from the benefit and edification it will receive by those duties of humiliation , mourning and prayer , which are necessary unto the execution of this sentence . . it is necessary for the good and benefit of him who so deserves to be excommunicated . for , ( . ) the end of the institution of the ordinance , is his correction , not his destruction , and may be effectual unto his repentance and recovery . ( . ) it is to be followed with sharp admonition and prayer , which in due time , may reach the most profligate sinner . . it becomes not the wisdom and order of any society entrusted with authority for its own preservation , as the church is by christ himself ; to suffer persons obnoxious unto censure by the fundamental rules of that society , to cast off all respect unto it , to break their order and relation , without animadverting thereon , according to the authority wherewith they are intrusted . to do otherwise is to expose their order unto contempt , and proclaim a diffidence in their own authority , for the spiritual punishment of offenders . . one end of the appointment of the power and sentence of excommunication in the church , is to give testimony unto the future final judgment of christ against impenitent sinners , which none of them can run away from , nor escape . iii. a third enquiry may be , whether in case of any great and scandalous sin , the church may proceed unto excommunication , without any previous admonition . answ. . persons may be falsly accused of , and charged with great sins , the greatest of sins , as well as those of a lesser degree , and that both by particular testimonies and publick reports , as it was with the lord christ himself ; which daily experience confirms . wherefore , all haste and precipitation like that of david in judging the case of mephibosheth , is carefully to be avoided , though they are pressed under the pretences of the greatness and notoriety of the sin. . there is no individual actual sin , but it is capable of great aggravation or alleviation from its circumstances : these the church is to enquire into , and to obtain a full knowledge of them , that all things being duly weighed , they may be affected with the sin in a due manner , or after a goodly sort ; which is essential unto the right administration of this ordinance . . this cannot be done , without personal conference with the offender , who is to be allowed to speak for himself . this conference , in case guilt be discovered , cannot but have in it the nature of an admonition , whereon the church is to proceed , as in case of previous solemn admonition , in the order , and according to the rule which shall be immediately declared . iv. fourthly , whether on the first knowledge of an offence or scandalous sin , if it be known unto the church , that the offending party is penitent , and willing to declare his humiliation and repentance for the satisfaction of the church , may the church proceed unto his excommunication , in case the sin be great and notorious ? answ. . it is certain , that in an orderly progress , as unto more private sins , a compliance by repentance with the first or second admonition , doth put a stop unto all further ecclesiastical proceedure . . but whereas the enquiry is made concerning sins , either in their own nature or in their circumstances , great and of disreputation unto the church : i answer , if repentance be evidenced unto the consciences of the rulers of the church to be sincere , and proportionable unto the offence in its outward demonstration , according unto the rule of the gospel , so as that they are obliged to judge in charity , that the person sinning is pardoned and accepted with christ , as all sincerely penitent sinners are undoubtedly ; the church cannot proceed unto the excommunication of such an offender . for , . it would be publickly to reject them whom they acknowledge that christ doth receive . this nothing can warrant them to do ; yea , so to do is to set up themselves against christ , or at least to make use of his authority against his mind and will. yea , such a sentence would destroy it self ; for it is a declaration that christ doth disapprove them , whom he doth approve . . their so doing would make a misrepresentation of the gospel , and of the lord christ therein . for , whereas the principal design of the gospel , and of the representation that is made therein of christ jesus , is to evidence that all sincerely penitent sinners , that repent according unto the rule of it , are and shall be pardoned and accepted ; by the rejection of such a person in the face of his sincere repentance , there is an open contradiction thereunto . especially it would give an undue sence of the heart , mind , and will of christ towards repenting sinners ; such as may be dangerous unto the faith of believers , so far as the execution of this sentence is doctrinal : for such it is , and declarative of the mind of christ according unto the judgment of the church . the image therefore of this excommunication , which is set up in some churches , wherein the sentence of it is denounced without any regard unto the mind of christ , as unto his acceptance or disapprobation of those whom they excommunicate , is a teacher of lyes . . such a proceedure is contrary unto the nature and end of this sentence . for it is corrective and instructive , not properly punishing and vindictive . the sole end of it , with respect whereunto it hath its efficacy from divine institution , is the humiliation , repentance and recovery of the sinner . and if this be attained before , the infliction of this sentence is contrary to the nature and end of it . it will be said , that it hath another end also ; namely , the preservation of the purity of the church , and the vindication of its honour and reputation , wherein it suffers by the scandalous offences of any of its members . whereunto , i say , ( . ) no church is or can be made impure by them whom christ hath purged ; as he doth all those who are truly penitent . ( . ) it is no dishonour unto any church to have sinners in it , who have evidenced sincere repentance . ( . ) the present offence and scandal may be provided against by an act of rectoral prudence , in causing the offending person to abstain from the lords table for a season . v. it is enquired , ( fifthly ) whether such as voluntarily , causlesly and disorderly , do leave the communion of any church whereof they are members , though not guilty of any scandalous immoralities , ma● and ought to be excommunicated ? answ. . where persons are esteemed members of churches by external causes without their own consent , or by parochial cohabitation , they may remove from one church unto another by the removal of their habitation , according unto their own discretion . for such cohabitation being the only formal cause of any relation to such a church in particular , upon the ceasing of that cause , the relation ceaseth of its own accord . . where persons are members of churches by mutual confederation , or express personal consent , causless departure from them is an evil liable unto many aggrevations . . but whereas the principal end of all particular churches is edification , there may be many just and sufficient reasons why a person may remove himself from the constant communion of one church unto that of another . and of these reasons he himself is judge , on whom it is incumbent to take care of his own edification above all other things . nor ought the church to deny unto any such persons their liberty desired peaceably and according unto order . . it was declared before , that where any persons guilty of , and under admonition for any scandalous sin , do withdraw from the communion of any church , their so doing , is no impediment unto a farther procedure against them . . whereas there are amongst us churches , or those who are so esteemed in the consciences of men , so far differing in principles and practices , as that they have not entire communion with one another in all parts of divine worship , it may be enquired , whether if a man leave a church of one sort to join with one of another ; as suppose he leave a select congregation to join in a parochial church constantly and totally , he may be justly excommunicated for so doing , without the consent of the church whereunto he did belong . answ. . it is certain on the one hand , that if any man leave the communion of parochial assemblies to join himself unto a select congregation , those who have power over those parishes , will make no question whether they shall excommunicate him or no in their way . but , . supposing persons so departing from particular congregations , ( . ) to be free from scandalous sins . ( . ) that they depart quietly without attempting disorder or confusion in the church . ( . ) that they do actually join themselves unto the communion of some church , whose constitution , principles and worship they do approve , whereby their visible profession is preserved ; the church may not justly proceed unto their excommunication : it may suffice to declare , that such persons have on their own accord forsaken the communion of the church , are no more under its watch or care ; neither is the church further obliged towards them , but as unto christian duties in general . . as for those whose departure is as voluntary and causless so accompanied with other evils , such as are revilings , reproaches and false accusations , as is usual in such cases , they may be proceeded against as obstinate offenders . vi. the sixth enquiry is , what time is to be given after solemn admonition before actual excommunication ? answ. . the manner of some to run over the words , i admonish you a first , second , and third time , so immediately to make way for the sentence of excommunication , is that wherein men are greatly to be pitied for their ignorance of the nature of those things which they take on themselves to act , order , and dispose of , that we ascribe it not unto worse and more evil causes . . the nature of the thing it self , requires a considerable season or space of time , between solemn admonition and excommunication . for the end and design of the former is the repentance and recovery of the offender . nor doth its efficacy thereunto depend on , or consist in the actual giving of it ; but as other moral causes which may work gradually , upon occasional advantages . want of light , some present exasperation and temptation , may seem to frustrate a present admonition , when they do but suspend its present efficacy , which it may afterwards obtain on the conscience of the offender . . it being a church admonition that is intended ; it is the duty of the church to abide in prayer and waiting for the fruit of it according to the appointment of christ. and herein the case may possibly require some long time to be spent . . no present appearance of obstinacy or impenitence under admonition , ( which is usually pleaded ) should cause an immediate proceedure unto excommunication . for , ( . ) it is contrary unto the distinct institution of the one , and the other ; wherein the former is to be allowed its proper season for its use and efficacy . ( . ) it doth not represent the patience and forbearance of christ towards his church and all the members of it . ( . ) it is not suited unto the rule of that love which hopeth all things , beareth all things , &c. ( . ) all grounds of hope for the recovery of sinners by repentance , are to be attended unto , so as to deferr the ultimate sentence . nulla unquam de morte hominis cunctatio longa est . . if new sins are added of the same , or any other kind , unto former scandals , whilst persons are under admonition , it is an indication of the necessity of a proceedure . vii . it may be farther enquired , whether a man may be excommunicated for errors in matters of faith , or false opinions about them ? answ. . the case is so plainly and positively stated , rev. . , , , , . tim. . , . tit. . , . and other places , that it needs no farther determination . wherefore , . if the errors intended , are about or against the fundamental truths of the gospel , so as that they that hold them , cannot hold the head , but really make shipwrack of the faith , no pretended usefulness of such persons , no peaceableness as unto outward deportment , which , men guilty of such abominations , will frequently cover themselves withal , can countenance the church in forbearing after due admonition , to cut them off from their communion . the nature of the evil , the danger that is from it unto the whole church , as from a gangrene in any member , unto the body , the indignation of christ expressed against such pernicious doctrines , the opposition of them to the building of the church on the rock , which in most of them is opposed , to render a church altogether inexcusable , who omit their duty herein . . false opinions in lesser things , when the foundation of faith and christian practice are not immediately concerned , may be tolerated in a church , and sundry rules are given unto this end in the scripture , as , rom. . , , , &c. phil. . , . howbeit , in that low ebb of grace , love and prudence , which we are come unto , it is best for edification , that all persons peaceably dispose themselves into those societies with whom they most agree in principles and opinions ; especially such as relate or lead unto practice in any duties of worship . but , . with respect unto such opinions , if men will , as is usual , wrangle and contend to the disturbance of the peace of the church , or hinder it in any duty , with respect unto its own edification , and will neither peaceably abide in the church , nor peaceably depart from it , they may and ought to be proceeded against with censures of the church . viii . whether persons excommunicated out of any church may be admitted unto the hearing of the word in the assemblies of that church ? answ. . they may be so ; as also to be present at all duties of moral worship ; for so many heathens and vnbelievers , cor. . , . . when persons are under this sentence , the church is in a state of expecting of their recovery and return ; and therefore are not to prohibit them any means thereof , such as is preaching of the word . ix . how far extends the rule of the apostle towards persons rejected of the church , cor. . . with such an one no not to eat ; as that also , note that man and have no company with him , that he may be ashamed ? thess. . . . to eat comprizeth all ordinary converse in things of this life ; give us our daily bread. ( . ) to note , is either the act of the church , setting the mark of its censure and disapprobation on him ; or the duty of the members of the church , to take notice of him , as unto the end of not keeping company with him . wherefore , . herein all ordinary converse of choice , not made necessary by previous occasions , is forbidden . the rule , i say , forbids , ( . ) all ordinary converse of choice ; not that which is occasional . ( . ) converse about earthly secular things , not that which is spiritual ; for such an one may , and ought still to be admonished , whilst he will hear the word of admonition . ( . ) it is such converse as is not made previously necessary , by mens mutual engagement in trade and the like . for that is founded on such rules of right and equity , with such obligations in point of truth , as excommunication cannot dissolve . . no suspension of duties antecedently necessary by virtue of natural or moral relation , is allowed or countenanced by this rule . such are those of husband and wife , parents and children , magistrates and subjects , masters and servants , neighbours , relations in propinquity of blood. no duties arising from or belonging unto any of these relations , are released , or the obligation unto them weakned by excommunication . husbands may not hereon forsake their wives if they are excommunicated , nor wives their husbands ; magistrates may not withdraw their protection from any of their subjects ; because they are excommunicate ; much less may subjects withhold their obedience on any pretence of the excommunication of their magistrates , as such . and the same is true as unto all other natural or moral relations . . the ends of this prohibition are , ( . ) to testifie our condemnation of the sin , and disapprobation of the person guilty of it , who is excommunicated . ( . ) the preservation of our selves from all kinds of participation in his sin. ( . ) to make him ashamed of himself , that if he be not utterly profligate and given up unto total apostasie , it may occasion in him thoughts of returning . x. how ought persons excommunicated to be received into the church upon their repentance ? answ. . as unto the internal manner ; with all readiness and chearfulness ; with , ( . ) meekness , to take from them all discouragement and disconsolation , gal. . . ( . ) with compassion , and all means of relief and consolation , cor. . . ( . ) with love in all the demonstrations of it , vers. . ( . ) with joy , to represent the heart of christ towards repenting sinners . . the outward manner of the restauration of such a person consists , in , ( . ) his testification of his repentance unto the satisfaction of the church . ( . ) the express consent of the church unto his reception . ( . ) his renewed ingagement in the covenant of the church , whereby he is re-instated , or jointed again in the body , in his own proper place . in all which the elders , by their authority , are to go before the church . all sorts of persons do now condemn the opinions of the novatians , in refusing the re-admission of lapsed sinners into the church upon repentance . but there may be an evil observed amongst some , leading that way , or unto what is worse : and this is , that they seek not after the recovery of those that are excommunicated , by prayer , admonition , exhortation in a spirit of meekness and tenderness ; but are well satisfied that they have quitted themselves of their society . it is better never to excommunicate any , than so to carry it towards them when they are excommunicated . but there is a sort of men , unto whom if a man be once an offender , he shall be so for ever . xi . our last enquiry shall be , whether excommunication may be regular and valid , where the matter of right is dubious and disputable ? as many such cases may fall out , especially with respect unto the occasions of life , and mutual converse ; or when the matter of fact is not duly proved by positive witnesses , on the one hand , and is denied on the other . answ. . the foundation of the efficacy of excommunication , next and under its divine institution , lies in the light and conviction of the consciences of them that are to be excommunicated . if these are not affected with a sense of guilt , as in dubious cases they may not be , the sentence will be of no force nor efficacy . . a case wherein there is a difference in the judgment of good and wise men about it , is to be esteemed such a dubious case as is exempted from this censure . nothing is to be admitted here to take place , but what is reprovable by natural light , and the concurrent judgment of them that fear god. . if the case be about such a right or wrong , in pretended fraud , over-reaching , or the like , as is determinable by civil-laws , the church is no judge in such cases ; unless it be by way of arbitration , cor. . . if the question be about doctrines that are not in points fundamental , so as those who dissent from the church do carry it peaceably and orderly , there can be no proceedure unto ecclesiastical censures : but if men will do at on their own opinions , wrangling , contending , and breaking the peace of the church about them , there are other rules given in that case . . if the matter of fact be to be determined and stated by witness , it is absolutely necessary by virtue of divine institution , that there be two or three concurrent testimonies ; one witness is not to be regarded . see deut. . . numb . . . matth. . , &c. wherefore the ensuing rules or directions are to be observed in the matter of excommunication . . no excommunication is to be allowed in cases dubious and disputable , wherein right and wrong are not easily determinable unto all unprejudiced persons , that know the will of god in such things . nor is it to be admitted when the matter of fact stands in need of testimony , and is not proved by two witnesses at the least . . all prejudices , all partiality , all provocations , all haste and precipitation , are most carefully to be avoided in this administration ; for the judgment is the lords . wherefore , . we are continually , in all things that tend unto this sentence , and eminently in the sentence it self , to charge our consciences with the mind of christ , and what he would do himself in the case ; considering his love , grace , mercy and patience ; with instances of his condescension which he gave us in this world. . there is also required of us herein , a constant remembrance , that we also are in the flesh , and liable to temptation , which may restrain and keep in awe that forwardness and confidence which some are apt to manifest in such cases . in all these things , a watchful eye is to be kept over the methods of satan ; who by all means seeks to pervert this ordinance unto the destruction of men , which is appointed for their edification ; and too often prevails in that design . and if by the negligence of a church in the management and pursuit of this ordinance , he gets advantage to pervert it , unto the ruine of any , it is the fault of that church , in that they have not been careful of the honour of christ , therein . wherefore , . as excommunication by a cursed noise and clamor with bell , book and candle ( such as we have instances of in some papal councils ) is an horrible anti-christian abomination . so , . it is an undue representation of christ and his authority , for persons openly guilty of profaneness in sinning , to excommunicate them who are blameless in all christian obedience . . all excommunication is evangelically null where there is wanting an evangelical frame of spirit in those by whom it is administred ; and there is present an anti-evangelical order in its administration . . it is sufficiently evident , that after all the contests and disputes about this excommunication that have been in the world , the noise that it hath made , the horrible abuses that it hath been put unto , the wresting of all church-order and rule to give countenance unto a corrupt administration of it , with the needless oppositions that have been made against its institution ; there is nothing in it , nothing belongs unto it , nothing required unto its administration , wherein mens outward interests are at all concerned , and which the smallest number of sincere christians in any church-society , may not perform and discharge unto the glory of christ , and their own edification . it is the mystery of iniquity that hath traversed these things into such a state and posture , as is unintelligible unto spiritual wisdom , unpracticable in the obedience of faith , and ruinous unto all evangelical order and discipline . chap. xi . of the communion of churches . churches so appointed , and established in order as hath been declared , ought to hold communion among themselves , or with each other , as unto all the ends of their institution and order : for these are the same in all . yea , the general end of them , is in order of nature considered antecedently unto their institution in particular . this end is the edification of the body of christ in general , or the church catholick . the promotion hereof is committed jointly and severally unto all particular churches . wherefore , with respect hereunto , they are obliged unto mutual communion among themselves , which is their consent , endeavour and conjunction in and for the promotion of the edification of the catholick church , and therin their own , as they are parts and members of it . this communion is incumbent on every church , with respect unto all other churches of christ in the world equally . and the duties and acts of it in all of them , are of the same kind and nature . for there is no such disparity between them , or subordination among them , as should make a difference between the acts of their mutual communion ; so as that the acts of some should be acts of authority , and those of others acts of obedience or subjection . where ever there is a church , whether it be at rome or egubium , in a city or a village , the communion of them all is mutual , the acts of it of the same kind ; however one church may have more advantages to be useful and helpful therein than another . and the abuse of those advantages was that which wrought effectually in the beginning of that disorder , which at length destroyed the catholick church , with all church-communion whatever . for some churches , especially that of rome , having many advantages , in gifts , abilities , numbers and reputation above many , above most churches for usefulness in their mutual communion ; the guides of it insensibly turned and perverted the addresses made unto them , the advises and assistances desired of them in way of communion , or their pretences of such addresses and desires , into an usurpation , first of a primacy of honour , then of order , then of supremacy and jurisdiction , unto the utter overthrow of all church-order and communion , and at length of the whole nature of the catholick church , as stated and subsisting in particular churches , as we shall see . all churches on their first institution , quickly found themselves indigent and wanting , though not as unto their being , power and order ; yet as unto their well-being , with their preservation in truth and order , upon extraordinary occurrences , as also with respect unto their usefulness and serviceableness , unto the general end of furthering the edification of the church catholick . the care hereof , and the making provision for this defect , was committed by our lord jesus christ unto the apostles during their lives , which paul calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . the care of all the churches . for what was only a pressing care and burden unto them , was afterward contended for by others , as a matter of dignity and power ; the pretence of it in one especially being , turned into a cursed domination , under the stile and title of servus servorum dei. but if a thousand pretences should be made of supplying churches defects after the decease of the apostles , by any other order , way or means , besides this of the equal communion of churches among themselves , they will be all found destitute of any countenance from the scripture , primitive antiquity , the nature , use , and end of churches , yea , of christian religion it self . yet the pretence hereof is the sole foundation of all that disposal of churches into several stories of subordination , with an authority and jurisdiction over one another , which now prevails in the world. but there is no place for such imaginations , until it be proved , either that our lord jesus christ hath not appointed the mutual communion of churches among themselves by their own consent ; or that it is not sufficient for the preservation of the vnion , and furtherance of the edification of the church catholick , whereunto it is designed . wherefore , our lord jesus christ , in his infinite wisdom , hath constituted his churches in such a state and order , as wherein none of them are able of themselves , always and in all instances , to attain all the ends for which they are appointed , with respect unto the edification of the church catholick . and he did it for this end , that whereas the whole catholick church is animated by one spirit , which is the bond of union between all particular churches , ( as we shall see ) every one of them may act the gifts and graces of it unto the preservation and edification of the whole . herein then , we acknowledge , lieth the great difference which we have with others about the state of the church of christ in this world ; we do believe that the mutual communion of particular churches amongst themselves , in an equality of power and order , though not of gifts and usefulness , is the only way appointed by our lord jesus christ after the death of the apostles , for the attaining the general end of all particular churches , which is the edification of the church catholick , in faith , love and peace . other ways and means have been found out in the world for this end , which we must speak unto immediately . wherefore , it behoveth us to use some diligence in the consideration of the causes , nature and vse of this communion of churches . but it must be moreover premised , that whereas this communion of churches is radically and essentially the same among all churches in the world , yet , as unto the ordinary actual exercise of the duties of it , it is confined and limited by divine providence , unto such churches , as the natural means of the discharge of such duties may extend unto . that is unto those which are planted within such lines of communication , such precincts or boundaries of places and countries , as may not render the mutual performance of such duties insuperably difficult . yet is not the world it self so wide , but that all places being made pervious by navigation , this communion of churches may be visibly professed , and in some instances practised among all churches , from the rising of the sun even unto the going-down of the same , where the name of christ is known among the gentiles ; wherein the true nature of the catholick church and its union doth consist , which is utterly overthrown by the most vehement pretences that are made unto it , as those in the church of rome . wherefore such a communion of churches is to be enquired after , as from which no true church of christ is or can be excluded ; in whose actual exercise they may and ought all to live , and whereby the general end of all churches in the edification of the catholick church may be attained . this is the true and only catholicism of the church , which whoever departs from , or substitutes any thing else in the room of it , under that name , destroys its whole nature , and disturbs the whole ecclesiastical harmony , that is , of christs institution . however therefore we plead for the rights of particular churches , yet our real controversy with most in the world , is for the being , union and communion of the church catholick , which are variously perverted by many , and separating it into parties , and confining it to rules , measures and canons of their own finding out and establishment . for such things as these , belong neither to the internal nor external form of that catholick church , whose being in the world we believe , and whose vnion we are obliged to preserve . and whoever gives any description of , or limitation to the catholick church , besides what consist in the communion of particular churches intended , doth utterly overthrow it , and therein an article of our faith. but this communion of churches cannot be duly apprehended , unless we enquire and determine wherein their vnion doth consist . for communion is an act of vnion , that receives both its nature and power from it , or by virtue of it . for of what nature soever the vnion of things distinct in themselves be , of the same is the communion that they have among themselves . in the church of rome , the person of the pope , as he is pope , is the head and center of all church union . nor is there allowed any vnion of particular churches with christ or among themselves , but in and through him . an universal subjection unto him and his authority , is the original spring of all church vnion among them . and if any one soul fail herein , if as unto things of faith and divine worship , he do not depend on the pope , and live in subjection unto him , he is reputed a stranger and for●●●ner unto the catholick church . yea , they affirm , that be a man never so willing for , and desirous of an interest in christ , he cannot have it but by the pope . the communion of churches congenial and suited unto this union , proceeding from it , and exercised by virtue of it , ariseth from a various contignation of order , or the erection of one story of church interest upon another , until we come to the idol placed on the top of this babel . so is this communion carried on from the obedience and subjection of the lowest rubbish of ecclesiastical order , unto diocesans , of them to metropolitans , of them to patriarchs or cardinals , of them to the pope ; or an ascent is made from diocesan synods , by provincial and national , to those that are called oecumenical , whose head is the pope . yet two things must be farther observed to clear this communion of the roman catholick church ; as , ( . ) that there is no ascent of church-order or power by a vital act of communion from the lower degrees , orders or consociations , and by them to the pope , as though he should receive any thing of church-power from them ; but all the plenitude of it being originally vested in him , by these several orders and degrees , he communicates of it unto all churches , as the life of their conjunction and communion . ( . ) that no man is so jointed in this order , so compacted in this body , but that he is also personally and immediately subject to the pope , and depends on him as unto his whole profession of religion . and this is that which constitutes him formally to be what he is , that is antichrist ; and the church-state arising from its union unto him , holding him as its head , subsisting in a communion by virtue of power received through various orders and constitutions from him , to be anti-christian . for he and it , are set up in the room of , and in direct opposition unto the lord christ , as the head of the catholick church , and the church state thereon depending . this we have described , ephes. . , . speaking the truth in love , may grow up , &c. as also , col. . . where there is a rejection of them who belong not unto the church catholick , taken from its relation unto christ , and the nature of its dependance on him ; not holding the head , &c. when men shall cease to be wilfully blind , or when the powers of the strong delusion that begin to abate shall expire , they will easily see the direct opposition that is between these two heads and two churches , namely christ and the pope , the catholick church and that of rome . i know well enough all the evasions and distinctions that are invented to countenance this anti-christianism . as that there is a double head , one of internal influence of grace which christ is , and the pope is not ; the other of rule and authority , which the pope is . but this also is two-fold ; supream and remote ; or immediate and subordinate ; the first is christ , the latter is the pope . and there is yet farther a two-fold head of the church , the one invisible which is christ ; the other visible which is the pope . not to insist on these gross and horrible figments of a twofold head of the catholick church in any sence , which are foreign to the scripture , foreign to antiquity , whereof never one word was heard in the church for six hundred years after christ , deforming the beautiful spouse of christ into a monster ; we will allow at present , that the pope is only the immediate , visible , subordinate head of all rule and authority to their church , which is what they plead for . then i say that the church whereof he is the head is his body ; that it holds him as its head ; that it is compacted together by the officers and orders that depend on him , and receive all their influence of church-power and order from him , which though he communicates not by an internal influence of grace and gifts ( alas poor wretch ) yet he doth it by officers , offices , orders and laws ; so giving union and communion unto the whole body by the effectual working of every joint and part of the hierarchy under him , for its union , communion and edification . this , i say , is the anti-christ , and the anti-christian church-state , as i shall be at any time ready to maintain . let any man take a due prospect of this head , and this body as related and united by the bond of their own rules , constitutions and laws , acting in worldly pomp , splendor and power with horrid bloody cruelties against all that oppose it , and he will not fail of an open view of all the scriptural lineaments of the apostate anti-christian state of the church . i say again , this assigning of the original of all church order , union and communion unto the pope of rome , investing him therewith as an article of faith , constituting him thereby the head of the church ; and the church thereon his body , as it must be if he be its head ; so as that from him all power of order , and for all acts of communion , should be derived , returning all in obedience and subjection unto him , doth set up a visible , conspicuous anti-christian church state , in opposition unto christ and the catholick church . but with this sort of men we deal not at present . there is a pretence unto an ●nion of churches not derived from the papal headship . and this consists in the canonical subjection of particular churches unto a diocesan bishop ; and of such bishops to metropolitans ; which though de facto it be at present terminated and stated within the bounds of a nation ; yet de jure it ought to be extended unto the whole catholick church . according unto this principle , the vnion of the catholick church consists in that order , whereby particular churches are distributed into deanaries , arch-deaconries , exempt peculiars , under officials ; diocesses , provinces , under metropolitans , and so by or without patriarchs to avoid the rock of the papacy , issuing in a general-council , as i suppose . but , . to confine the vnion and communion of the catholick church hereunto , is at present absolutely destructive both of the church and its communion . for all particular churches , when they are by a coalescency extended unto those , which are provincial or national , have both politically and ecclesiastically such bounds fixed unto them , as they cannot pass to carry on communion unto , and with the church as catholick , by any acts and duties belonging unto their order : and hereby the union and communion of the church is utterly lost . for the union of the catholick church , as such , doth always equally exist , and the communion of it is always equally in exercise , and can consist in nothing but what doth so exist and is so exercised . where-ever is the catholick church , there is the communion of saints . but nothing of this can be obtained by virtue of this order . . we enquire at present after such an vnion as gives particular churches communion among themselves ; which this order doth not , but absolutely overthrows it ; leaving nothing unto them but subjection to officers set over them , who are not of them , according to rules and laws of their appointment ; which is foreign to the scripture and antiquity . . this order it self , the only bond of the pretended union having no divine institution , especially as to its extent unto the whole catholick church , nor any intimation in the scripture , and being utterly impossible to be put in execution or actual exercise , no man can declare what is the original or center of it , whence it is deduced , and wherein it rests . having removed these pretences out of our way , we may easily discern wherein the vnion , and consequently the communion of ●ll particular churches doth consist , and in the due observation whereof , all that church-order which the lord christ hath appointed and doth accept , is preserved . i say then , that the true and only vnion of all particular churches , consists in that which gives form , life and being unto the church catholick , with the addition of what belongs unto them as they are particular . and this is , that they have all one and the same god and father , one lord jesus christ , one faith and one doctrine of faith , one hope of their calling or the promised inheritance , one regeneration , one baptism , one bread and wine ; united unto god and christ in one spirit , through the bond of faith and love. this description , with what is suited thereunto , and explanatory of it , is all the account which is given us in the scripture of the constituting form of the catholick church , and of the vnion of particular churches among themselves . what church soever fails in the essential parts of this description , or any of them , it is separated from the catholick church , nor hath either union or communion with any true churches of christ. two things concurr unto the compleating of this vnion of churches . ( . ) their vnion or relation unto christ. ( . ) that which they have among themselves . . the lord christ himself is the original and spring of this vnion , and every particular church is united unto him as its head , besides which , with or under which , it hath none . this relation of the church unto christ as its head , the apostle expresly affirms to be the foundation and cause of its union , ephes. . , . col. . . the places before quoted . hereby it is also in god the father , thes. . . or hath god as its father . and unless this union be dissolved , unless a church be disunited from christ , it cannot be so from the catholick church , nor any true church of christ in particular ; however , it may be dealt withal by others in the world. from christ , as the head and spring of union , there proceedeth unto all particular churches , a bond of vnion , which is his holy spirit , acting it self in them by faith and love , in and by the ways and means , and for the ends of his appointment . this is the kingly , royal , beautiful vnion of the church . christ , as the only head of influence and rule bringing it into a relation unto himself as his body , communicating of his spirit unto it , governing it by the law of his word , enabling it unto all the duties of faith , love and holiness . for unto the compleating of this vnion on the part of the church , these things are required . ( . ) faith in him , or holding him as the head , in the sincere belief of all things concerning his person , office and doctrine in the gospel , with whatever belongs thereunto . ( . ) love unto him and all that is his . ( . ) that especial holiness , whose foundation is repentance and effectual vocation . ( . ) the observance of his commands , as unto all duties of divine worship . these things are essentially requisite unto this union on the part of the church . the reality and power of them , is the internal form of the church ; and the profession of them is its external form . . there concurreth hereunto an vnion among themselves , i mean all particular churches throughout the world , in whom the church catholick doth act its power and duty , and the relation that is between these churches , is that which is termed relatio aequiparentiae , wherein neither of the relata is the first foundation of it ; but they are equal . it doth not arise from the subordination of one unto another , they being all equal as unto what concerns their essence and power . and the bond hereof is that especial love which christ requireth among all his disciples , acting it self unto all the ends of the edification of the whole body . take in the whole , and the union of churches consists in their relation unto god as their father , and unto christ as their only immediate head of influence and rule , with a participation of the same spirit , in the same faith and doctrine of truth , the same kind of holiness , the same duties of divine worship , especially the same mysteries of baptism and the supper , the observance of the same rules or commands of christ in all church-order , with mutual love , effectual unto all the ends of their being and constitution , or the edification of the church catholick . there may be failures in them or some of them , as unto sundry of these things ; there may be differences among them about them , arising from the infirmities , ignorance and prejudices of them of whom they do consist , the best knowing here but in part ; but whilst the substance of them is preserved , the union of all churches , and so of the catholick church is preserved . this is that blessed oneness which the lord christ prayed for so earnestly for his disciples , that they might be one in the father and the son , one among themselves , and made perfect in one , joh. . , , , . without any respect unto that horrid image of it , which was set up in the latter days of the church , which all men were compelled to bow down unto , and worship , with the fire of nebuchadnezzars furnance . of any other union there is not the least mention in the scripture . this union of the catholick church in all particular churches , is always the same , inviolable , unchangeable , comprehending all the churches in the world at all times ; not confinable unto any state or party , not interruptible by any external form , nor to be prevailed against by the gates of hell ; and all such disputes about a catholick church , and its vnion , as can be so much as questionable among them that profess to believe the gospel , are in direct opposition unto the prayers and promises of jesus christ. whilst evangelical faith , holiness , obedience unto the commands of christ , and mutual love abide in any on the earth , there is the catholick church ; and whilst they are professed , that catholick church is visible ; other catholick church upon the earth i believe none ; nor any that needs other things unto its constitution . these things being premised , i proceed unto that which is our present enquiry , namely , wherein the communion of particular churches among themselves doth consist . the communion of churches , is their joint actings in the same gospel duties towards god in christ , with their mutual actings towards each other , with respect unto the end of their institution and being , which is the glory of christ in the edification of the whole catholick church . as unto the actings of the first sort , the ground of them is faith , and therein is the first act of the communion of churches . and this communion in faith among all the churches of christ is two-fold . ( . ) general in the belief of the same doctrine of truth , which is according unto godliness , the same articles of faith , and the publick profession thereof ; so that every one of them is the ground and pillar of the same truth . this the primitive church provided for in creeds and symbols , or confessions of faith , as is known . but as never any one of them was expresly owned by all churches ; so in process of time they came to be abused , as expressing the sence of the present church , whether true or false . hence we have as many arian creeds yet extant , as those that are orthodox . but unto the communion of all particular churches in the world , there is nothing required but a belief of the scripture to be the word of god , with a professed assent unto all divine revelations therein contained ; provided that no error be avowed that is contrary to the principal or fundamental doctrines of it . for although any society of men should profess the scripture to be the word of god , and avow an assent unto the revelations made therein , yet by the conceptions of their minds , and misunderstanding of the sence of the holy spirit therein , they may embrace and adhere unto such errors , as may cut them off from all communion with the catholick church in faith. such are the denial of the holy trinity , the incarnation of the son of god , his divine person or office , the redemption of the church by his blood ; the necessity of regeneration by his spirit , and the like . and they may also add that of their own unto their professed belief , as shall exclude them from communion with the catholick church . such are the assertion of traditions as equal with the written word ; of another head of the church besides the lord christ ; of another sacrifice besides what he once offered for all ; and the like . but where any are preserved from such heresies on the one hand and the other , there is no more required unto communion with the whole church , as unto faith in general , but only the belief before described . . this communion in faith respects the church it self as its material object . for it is required hereunto , that we believe that the lord christ hath had in all ages , and especially hath in that wherein we live , a church on the earth , confined unto no places nor parties of men , no empires nor dominions , or capable of any confinement ; as also that this church is redeemed , called , sanctified by him ; that it is his kingdom , his interest , his concernment in the world ; that thereunto , and all the members of it , all the promises of god do belong and are confined ; that this church he will save , preserve and deliver from all oppositions , so as that the gates of hell shall not prevail against it ; and after death will raise it up and glorify it at the last day . this is the faith of the catholick church concerning it self ; which is an ancient fundamental article of our religion . and if any one deny that there is such a church called out of the world , separated from it , unto which alone , and all the members of it , all the promises of god do appertain , in contradistinction unto all others , or confines it unto a party , unto whom these things are not appropriate , he cuts himself off from the communion of the church of christ. in the faith hereof , all the true churches of christ throughout the world , have a comforting refreshing communion , which , is the spring of many duties in them continually . . this communion of churches in faith , consists much in the principal fruit of it ; namely , prayer . so is it stated , ephes. . . for through christ we have an access by one spirit unto the father . and that therein the communion of the catholick church doth consist , the apostle declares in the following verses ; , , , . now therefore , &c. for prayer in all churches having one object , which is god even the father , god as the father , proceeding in all from one and the same spirit , given unto them as a spirit of grace and supplications to make intercession for them , and all of them continually offered unto god by the same high-priest ▪ who adds unto it the incense of his own intercession , and by whom they have all an access unto the same throne of grace , they have all a blessed communion herein continually . and this communion is the more express in that the prayers of all are for all ; so as that there is no particular church of christ in the world , not any one member of any of them , but they have the prayers of all the churches in the world , and of all the members of them every day . and however this communion be invisible unto the eyes of flesh , yet is it glorious and conspicuous unto the eye of faith ; and is a part of the glory of christ the mediatour in heaven . this prayer proceeding from , or wrought by one and the same spirit in them all , equally bestowed on them all , by virtue of the promise of christ ; having the same object , even god as a father , and offered unto him by the same high-priest , together with his own intercession , gives unto all churches a communion , far more glorious than what consists in some outward rites and orders of mens devising . but now if there be any other persons or churches , who have any other object of their prayers , but god even the father , and as our father in christ ; or have any other mediators or intercessors , by whom to convey or present their prayers unto god , but christ alone , the only high-priest of the church ; or do renounce the aid and assistance of the holy spirit , as a spirit of grace and supplications , they cut themselves off from all communion with the catholick church herein . . the vnity of faith in all churches , affecteth communion among them , in the administration of the same sacraments of baptism and the supper of the lord. these are the same in , unto , and amongst them all . neither do some , variations in the outward manner of their administration , interrupt that communion . but , where-ever the continuation of these ordinances is denied , or their nature or use is perverted , or idolatrous worship is annexed unto their administration , there communion with the catholick church is renounced . . they have also by faith communion herein , in that all churches do profess a subjection unto the authority of christ in all things , and an obligation upon them to do and observe all whatsoever he hath commanded . other instances of the like nature might be given ; but these are sufficient to manifest how unscriptural the notion is , that there is no proper communion with or among churches but what consists in a compliance with certain powers , orders and rites , the pressing whereof under the name of vniformity , hath cast all thoughts of real , evangelical church communion into oblivion . secondly , churches ordained and constituted in the way and manner , and for the ends declared in our former discourse on this subject , and by virtue of their union unto christ and among themselves , living constantly in all places of the world in the actual exercise of that communion , which consists in the performance of the same church-duties towards god in christ , unto their own continuation , encrease , and edification , have also an especial vnion among themselves , and a mutual communion thence arising . the bond of this vnion is love ; not the common regulated affection of humane nature so called ; not meerly that power and duty which is engraven on the hearts of men , by the law of creation , towards all of the same kind and blood with themselves ; but an especial grace of the holy spirit , acting in the church as the principle and bond of its union unto its self ; whence the command of it is called a new commandment ; because in it self , as unto the only example of it in the person of christ , the causes and motives unto it , with its peculiar ends and proper exercise , it was absolutely new and evangelical . an explanation of the nature of it belongs not unto this place although it be a grace and a duty of so much importance , wherein so much of the life , power and peculiar glory of christian religion doth consist , and is either so utterly lost , or hath such vile images of it set up in the world , that it deserves a full consideration ; which it may receive in another place . i say the holy spirit of grace and love , being given from christ , the fountain and center of all church-union , to dwell in , and abide with his church , thereby uniting it unto himself , doth work in it , and all the members of it , that mutual love , which may , and doth animate them unto all those mutual acts which are proper unto the relation wherein they stand , by virtue of their union unto christ their head , as members of the same body one with another . herein consists the union of every church in it self , of all churches among themselves , and so of the whole catholick church ; their communion consisting in regular acts and duties , proceeding from this love , and required by virtue of it . this account of the vnion and communion of churches may seem strange unto some , who are enamoured on that image which is set up of them in the world , in canons , constitutions of rites , and outward order in various subordinations and ceremonies , which are most remote from making any due representation of them . the church , in its dependance on christ its head , being by his institution disposed unto its proper order for its own edification , or fitly joined together and compacted , this love working effectually in every office , officer and member , according as unto its disposal in the body , for the receiving and communicating supplies for edification , gives the whole both its vnion and communion , all the actings of it being regulated by divine rule and prescription . instead hereof to erect a machine , the spring and center of whose motions are unknown , any other , i mean , but external force compacted by the iron joints and bands of humane laws , edifying it self by the power of offices and officers , foreign unto the scripture , acting with weapons that are not spiritual , but carnal , and mighty through him whose work it is to cast the members of the church of christ into prison , as unto an outward conformity , is to forsake the scripture and follow our own imagination . the outward acts of communion among churches , proceeding from this love , and the obligation that is on them to promote their mutual edification , may be referred unto the two heads of advice and assistance . churches have communion unto their mutual edification , by advice in synods or councils , which must in this place be considered . synods are the meetings of divers churches by their messengers or delegates , to consult and determine of such things as are of common concernment unto them all , by virtue of this communion which is exercised in them . . the necessity and warranty of such synods , ariseth , ( . ) from the light of nature . for all societies which have the same original , the same rule , the same interest , the same ends , and which are in themselves mutually concerned in the good or evil of each other , are obliged by the power and conduct of reason , to advise in common for their own good , on all emergencies that stand in need thereof . churches are such societies ; they have all one and the same authoritative institution , one and the same rule of order and worship , the same ends as we have declared ; and their entire interest is one and the same . when therefore any thing occurs amongst them , that is attended with such difficulties as cannot be removed or taken away by any one of them severally , or in whose determination all of them are equally concerned , not to make use herein of common advice and counsel , is to forsake that natural light which they are bound to attend unto in all duties of obedience unto god. . the vnion of all churches , before described in one head , by one spirit , through one faith and worship , unto the same ends , doth so compact them into one body mystical , as that none of them is or can be compleat absolutely without a joint acting with other members of the same body unto the common good of the whole , as occasion doth require . and this joint acting with others in any church , can be no otherwise , but by common advice and counsel , which natural circumstances render impossible by any means but their convention in synods , by their messengers and delegates . for although there may be some use of letters missive , and was so eminently in the primitive churches , to ask the advice of one another in difficult cases , ( as the first instance we have of the communion of churches after the days of the apostles , is in the letter of the church of corinth unto that of rome , desiring their advice about the composing of a difference among them , and the answer of the church of rome thereunto ; ) yet many cases may fall out among them , which cannot be reconciled or determined but by present conference , such as that was recorded , act. . no church therefore is so independent , as that it can always , and in all cases , observe the duties it owes unto the lord christ and the church catholick , by all those powers which it is able to act in it self distinctly , without conjunction with others . and the church that confines its duty unto the acts of its own assemblies , cuts it self off from the external communion of the church catholick ; nor will it be safe for any man to commit the conduct of his soul to such a church . wherefore , . this acting in synods is an institution of jesus christ ; not in an express command , but in the nature of the thing it self fortified with apostolical example . for having erected such a church-state , and disposed all his churches into that order and mutual relation unto one another , as that none of them can be compleat , or discharge their whole duty without mutual advice and counsel ; he hath thereby ordained this way of their communion in synods , no other being possible unto that end . and hereby such conventions are interested in the promise of his presence ; namely , that where two or three are gathered together in his name , there he will be in the midst of them . for these assemblies being the necessary effect of his own constitution in the nature and use of his churches , are or may be in his name , and so enjoy his presence . . the end of all particular churches is the edification of the church catholick unto the glory of god in christ. and it is evident , that in many instances this cannot be attained , yea , that it must be sinfully neglected , unless this way for the preservation and carrying of it on be attended unto . truth , peace and love may be lost among churches , and so the vnion of the catholick church in them be dissolved , unless this means for their preservation and reparation be made use of . and that particular church which extends not its duty beyond its own assemblies and members , is fallen off from the principal end of its institution . and every principle , opinion , or perswasion , that inclines any church to confine its care and duty unto its own edification only ; yea , or of those only which agree with it in some peculiar practice , making it neglective of all due means of the edification of the church catholick , is schismatical . . there is direction hereunto included in the order and method of church-proceedings in case of offence , prescribed unto it by christ himself . the beginning and rise of it , is between two individual persons ; thence is it carried unto the cognizance and judgment of two or three others before unconcerned ; from them it is to be brought unto the church ; and there is no doubt but the church hath power to determine concerning it , as unto its own communion , to continue the offender in it or reject him from it . this must abide , as unto outward order and the preservation of peace . but no church is infallible in their judgment absolutely in any case ; and in many , their determinations may be so doubtful as not to affect the conscience of him who is censured . but such a person is not only a member of that particular church , but by virtue thereof of the catholick church also . it is necessary therefore that he should be heard and judged as unto his interest therein , if he do desire it . and this can no way be done , but by such synods as we shall immediately describe . . synods are consecrated unto the use of the church in all ages , by the example of the apostles , in their guidance of the first churches of jews and gentiles ; which hath the force of a divine institution , as being given by them under the infallible conduct of the holy ghost , act. . which we shall speak farther unto immediately . having seen the original of church synods or their formal cause , we consider also their material cause , or the subject matter to be treated of or determined in them . and this in general is every thing wherein churches are obliged to hold communion among themselves , when any thing falls out amongst them , which otherwise would disturb that communion . and hereof some instances may be given . . churches have mutual communion in the profession of the same faith. if any doubts or differences do arise about it , any opinions be advanced contrary unto it , either in any particular church , which they cannot determine among themselves or among sundry churches , the last outward means for the preservation of the rule of faith among them , and of their communion in the condemnation of errors and opinions contrary unto the form of wholesome words , is by these synods or councils . the care hereof , is indeed in the first place committed unto the churches themselves , as was at large before declared : but in case through the subtilty , prevalency , and interest of those by whom damnable doctrines are broached , the church it self whereunto they do belong , is not able to rebuke and suppress them ; nor to maintain its profession of the truth , or that by suffering such things in one church , others are in danger to be infected or defiled , this is the last external refuge that is left for the preservation of the communion of churches in the same faith. we have multiplied examples hereof in the primitive churches , before the degeneracy of these synods into superstition and domination . such was eminently that gathered at antioch for the condemnation of the heresies of paulus samosatenus the bishop of that church . . it is so , with respect unto that order , peace and vnity , wherein every particular church ought to walk in it self , and amongst its own members . there were schisms , divisions , strife and contentions in some of the churches that were of apostolical planting and watering : so there was at antioch , and afterwards at corinth , as also of some of the churches in galatia . the duty of remedying and healing these divisions and differences from what cause soever they arise , is first incumbent on each particular member in every such church . unto them it is given in charge by the apostle in the first place ; and if every one of them do perform their duty in love , an end will be put unto all strife . in case of failure therein , the whole church is charged in the exercise of its power , authority and wisdom , to rebuke and compose such differences . but in case it is not able so to do , as it fell out in the church at antioch , then an assembly of other churches walking in actual communion with that church wherein the difference is arisen , and thereon concerned in their prosperity and edification , by their messengers and delegates , is the last outward means for its composure . . where there hath been any male administration of discipline , whereby any members of a church have been injured , as suppose they are unduly cast out of the church by the power and interest of some diotrephes ; or that any members of the church make a party and faction to depose their elders , as it was in the church of corinth , when the church at rome gave them advice in the case : it is necessary from the communion of churches and the interest the persons injured have in the catholick church , whose edification is the end of all church-administrations , that the proceedings of such a church be renewed by a synod , and a remedy provided in the case . nor was it the mind of the apostle that they should be left without relief , which were unduly cast out of the church by diotrephes ; nor is there any other ordinary way hereof , but only by synods ; but this case i suppose i shall speak unto afterwards . . the same is the case with respect unto worship , as also of manners and conversation . if it be reported or known by credible testimony that any church hath admitted into the exercise of divine worship any thing superstitious or vain , or if the members of it walk like those described by the apostle , phil. . , . unto the dishonour of the gospel and of the ways of christ , the church it self not endeavouring its own reformation and repentance ; other churches walking in communion therewith , by virtue of their common interest in the glory of christ , and honour of the gospel , after more private ways for its reduction , as opportunity and duty may suggest unto their elders , ought to assemble in a synod for advice , either as to the use of farther means for the recovery of such a church , or to with-hold communion from it in case of obstinacy in its evil ways . the want of a due attendance unto this part of the communion of churches , with respect unto gospel worship in its purity , and gospel obedience in its power , was a great means of the decay and apostacy of them all . by reason of this negligence instead of being helpful one to another for their mutual recovery , and the revival of the things that were ready to die , they gradually infected one another , according as they fell into their decays , and countenanced one another by their examples unto a continuance in such disorders . the image which in late ages was set up hereof in diocesan and metropolitical visitations , and those of lesser districts under officers of anti-christian names , hath been useful rather unto destruction than edification . but so it hath fallen out in most things concerning church-order , worship and discipline . the power and spirituality of divine institutions being lost , a machine hath been framed to make an appearance and representation of them to divert the minds of men from enquiring after the primitive institution of christ , with an experience of their efficacy . considering what we have learned in these later ages , by woeful experience of what hath fallen out formerly amongst all the churches in the world , as unto their degeneracy from gospel worship and holiness , with the abounding of temptations in the days wherein we live , and the spiritual decays that all churches are prone unto , it were not amiss if those churches which do walk in express communion , would frequently meet in synods to enquire into the spiritual state of them all , and to give advice for the correction of what is amiss , the due preservation of the purity of worship , the exercise of discipline , but especially of the power , demonstration and fruit of evangelical obedience . . hence it is evident what are the ends of such synods among the churches of christ. the general end of them all , is to promote the edification of the whole body or church catholick . and that , ( . ) to prevent divisions from differences in iudgment and practice which are contrary thereunto . the first christian synod was an assembly of the two first churches in the world by their delegates . the first church of the jews was at jerusalem , and the first church of the gentiles was at antioch ; to prevent divisions , and to preserve communion between them , was the first synod celebrated , act. . ( . ) to avoid or cure offences against mutual love among them . ( . ) to advance the light of the gospel by a joint confession and agreement in the faith. ( . ) to give a concurrent testimony against pernicious heresies or errors , whereby the faith of any is overthrown or in danger so to be . ( . ) to relieve such by advice , as may be by any diotrephes unduly cast out of the church . what are the ends whereunto they have been used , may be seen in the volumes written concerning them , and the numberless laws enacted in them , whereof very little belongs unto the discipline of the gospel , or real communion of churches . . the measure or extent of them ariseth from concernment and convenience . all unprejudiced persons do now acknowledge , that the pretence of oecumenical councils , wherein the whole church of christ on the earth , or all particular churches should be represented , and so obliged to acquiesce in their determinations , is a fond imagination . and it were easie to demonstrate in particular , how every one of them which hath in vulgar esteem obtained that title , were openly remote from so being . such councils never were , and , as it is improbable , never will nor can be , nor are any way needful unto the edification of the church . their due measure and bounds , as was said before , are given them by concernment and convenience ; wherein respect also may be had unto the ability of some churches to promote edification above others . such churches as are in the same instances concerned in the causes of them before declared , and may be helpful unto the ends mentioned , are to convene in such synods . and this concernment may be either from some of those causes in themselves , or from that duty which they owe unto other churches which are immediately concerned . so it was in the assistance given by the church at jerusalem , in that case which was peculiar to the church of antioch . with this interest or concernment , there must be a concurrence of natural , moral and political conveniences . some churches are planted at such distances from others , that it is naturally impossible that they should ever meet together to advise by their messengers , and some at such as that they cannot assemble but with such difficulties and hazzards as exempt them from the duty of it . and whereas they are placed under different civil governments , and those oft-times engaged in mutual enmities , and always jealous of the actings of their own subjects in conjunction with them that are not so , they cannot so convene and preserve the outward peace of the churches . hence the largest of the councils of old that are called oecumenical , never pretended farther than the single roman empire ; when there were innumerable churches planted under the civil jurisdiction of other sovereigns . wherefore in the assembling of churches in synods , respect is to be had unto the convenience of their meeting , that it may be so far as is possible without trouble or danger . and this , with respect unto the causes or occasions of them will determine what churches , which or how many may be necessary on such occasions to constitute a synod . and it is useful hereunto , that the churches which are planted within such a circumference as gives facility or convenience for such conventions , should by virtue of their mutual communion , be in express readiness to convene on all occasions of common concernment . again , in the assistance which in the way of advice and counsel , any one church may stand in need of from others , respect is to be had in their desire , unto such churches as are reputed and known to have the best ability to give advice in the case ; on which account the church at antioch addressed themselves in a peculiar manner unto the church at jerusalem which was far distant from them . but in all these cases use is to be made of spiritual prudence , with respect unto all sorts of circumstances ; which , although some would deny as the privilege of even matters of fact , and the application of general scripture rules unto practice , because we require divine institution unto all parts of religious worship ; yet we must not decline from using the best we have in the service of christ and his church ; rather than comply with any thing which in the whole substance of it , is foreign to his institution . it was the roman empire under one monarch in its civil distributions for rule and government , which gave the first rise and occasion unto a pretended visibly ruling catholick church under one spiritual monarch , distributed into those that were patriarchal , diocesan , metropolitical , and others of inferior kinds . for retaining the people in their civil distributions whereinto they were cast according to the polity and interest of the empire , there were ecclesiastical officers assigned unto each distribution , answerable unto the civil officers which were ordained in the polity of the empire . so in answer unto deputies , exarchs , praefects , governours of provinces and cities , there were found out and erected patriarchs , metropolitans , diocesans , in various allotments of territories and powers , requiring unto their compleat state one visible monarchical head , as the empire had , which was the pope . and whereas the emperors had not only a civil rule and power , but a military also , exercised under them by legates , generals , tribunes , centurions , and the like ; so there was raised an ecclesiastical militia in various orders of monks , friars , and votaries of all sorts , who under their immediate generals and praefects did depend absolutely on the sovereign power of the new ecclesiastical monarch . so was the visible professing church moulded and fashioned into an image of the old roman pagan empire , as it was foretold it should be , revel . , , . and although this image was first framed in compliance with it , and for a resemblance of it ; yet in process of time it substituted it self entirely in the room of the empire , taking all its power unto it self , and doing all its works . from this distribution of various sorts of new-framed churches in the roman empire , arose a constitution of synods or councils in subordination one unto another , until by sundry degrees of ascent they arrived unto those which they called general under the conduct of the pope , whose senate they were . but these things have no countenance given them by any divine institution , apostolical example , or practice of the first churches , but are a meer product of secular interest working it self in a mystery of iniquity . since the dissolution of the roman empire , nations have been cast into distinct civil governments of their own , whose sovereignty is in themselves , by the event of war and counsels thereon emergent . unto each of these it is supposed there is a church-state accommodated ; as the church of england , the church of scotland , the church of france , and the like ; whose original and being depends on the first event of war in that dissolution . unto these new church-states whose being , bounds and limits are given unto them absolutely by those of the civil government which they belong unto , it is thought meet that ecclesiastical synods should be accommodated . but in what way this is to be done there is not yet an agreement ; but it is not my present business to consider the differences that are about it , which are known unto this nation on a dear account . yet this i shall say , that whereas it is eminently useful unto the edification of the church catholick , that all the churches professing the same doctrine of faith , within the limits of the same supream civil government , should hold constant actual communion among themselves unto the ends of it before mentioned , i see not how it can be any abridgment of the liberty of particular churches , or interfere with any of their rights which they hold by divine institution , if through more constant lesser synods for advice , there be a communication of their mutual concerns unto those that are greater , until , if occasion require and it be expedient , there be a general assembly of them all to advise about any thing wherein they are all concerned . but this is granted only with these limitations : ( . ) that the rights of particular churches be preserved in the free election of such as are to be members of all these synods . ( . ) that they assume no authority or jurisdiction over churches or persons in things civil or ecclesiastical . ( . ) that none are immediately concerned in this proper synodal power or authority , ( which what it is we shall enquire ) who are not present in them by their own delegates . for that kind of synods which some call a classis , which is a convention of the elders or officers of sundry parochial churches , distinguished for presential communion , ordinarily in some acts of it by virtue of their office , and for the exercise of office-power , it is the constitution of a new kind of particular churches , by a combination of them into one , whose original distinction is only in the civil limits of their cohabitation ; which probably may be done sometimes , and in some places , unto edification . . the persons of whom all sorts of ecclesiastical synods are to consist , must be enquired into . and there is nothing of meer humane prudential constitution that hath longer obtained in the church , than that those should be officers of the churches only . and , whereas , after the days of the apostles we have no record of any synods of more churches than one , until after the distinction was made between bishops and presbyters , they were made up of both sorts of them . but afterwards , those who were peculiarly called bishops , enclosed this right unto themselves ; on what grounds god knows , there being no one tittle in the scripture , or the light of reason to give them countenance therein . it must therefore be affirmed , that no persons , by virtue of any office meerly , have right to be members of ecclesiastical synods as such . neither is there either example or reason to give colour unto any such pretence . farther is no office-power to be exerted in such synods as such , neither conjunctly by all the members of them , nor singly by any of them . officers of the church , bishops , pastors , elders , may be present in them , ought to be present in them , are meetest for the most part so to be , but meerly as such , it belongs not unto them . the care , oversight and rule of the churches whereunto they do belong , the flock among them distinctly is committed unto them , and for that they are instructed with power and authority by virtue of their office. but as unto their conjunction in synods , which is a meer act and effect of the communion of churches among themselves , it is not committed unto them in a way of peculiar right by virtue of their office. if it be so , without respect unto the power of the magistrate in calling them , or of the churches in choosing them , then it belongs unto them all ; for that which belongs unto any of them , as such by virtue of office , belongs equally unto all , and if it belongs unto all , then it belongs unto all of one sort only , as for instance bishops ; or unto all of all sorts , as for instance presbyters also . if it be stated in the latter way , then every presbyter , as such by virtue of his office , hath right and power to be present in all ecclesiastical synods , equal with that of the bishops . for although it be supposed that his office is not equal unto theirs ; yet it is so also that this right doth equally belong unto his office. if the former be avowed , namely , that this right belongs unto bishops only ( such as are pleaded for ) by virtue of their office as such ; then , ( . ) i desire that any tolerable proof of the confinement of this right unto such an office be produced , either from the scripture or reason , or the example of the first churches ; which as yet i have never seen . ( . ) i fear not to say , that a false presumption hereof was one principal cause and means of introducing tyranny into the churches , and the utter ruine of their liberty . concerning the composition that is made herein , that some should convene in ecclesiastical synods by their own personal right , and in virtue of their office , and others by a kind of delegation from some of their own order , it being a meer political constitution , which i shall immediately speak unto , it is not here to be taken notice of . there is nothing therefore in scripture example , or the light of natural reason , with the principles of all societies in union or communion , that will lead us any farther than this ; that such synods are to be composed , and consist of such persons as are chosen and delegated by those churches respectively who do act and exert their communion in such assemblies . so was it in the first example of them , act. . the church of antioch chose and sent messengers of their own number , to advise with the apostles and elders of the church at jerusalem ; at which consultation the members of that church also were present . and this is the whole of the nature and use of ecclesiastical synods . it is on other accounts that they make up so great a part of the history of the church . for the first three hundred years , they were nothing but voluntary conventions of the officers or elders , bishops and presbyters , with some others of neighbouring churches , on the occasion of differences or heresies among them . in and from the council of nice , there were assemblies of bishops and others called together by the authority of the roman emperours , to advise about matters of faith. in after ages those which were called in the western parts of the world , in italy , germany , france and england , were of a mixt nature advising about things civil and political , as well as sacred and religious , especially with respect unto mutual contests between popes and princes . in them the whole nature of ecclesiastical synods , was lost and buried , and all religion almost destroyed . thus this laudable practice of churches acting their mutual communion by meeting in synods or assemblies by their delegates or messengers , to advise about things of their common concernment and joint edification , as occasion should require , founded in the light of nature , and countenanced by primitive , apostolical example , was turned by the designing interests and ambition of men , unto the enstating of all church-power in such synods , and the usurpation of a power given unto no churches , nor all of them together , as might be made evident by instances innumerable . and whereas they have made such a noise in christian religion , and have filled so many volumes with their acts and doings , yet some of them , who under the pope , would place all religion in them , do grant and contend that they are a meer humane invention : so bellarmine affirms pighius to have done in his book de coelest . hierarch . lib. . cap. . but for his part he judgeth that it is more probable that they have a divine original by virtue of that word ; where two or three are gathered together in my name , there i will be in the midst of them , matth. . de concil . lib. . cap. . which will not bear the least part of the superstructure pretended to be built upon it . of these delegates and messengers of the church , the elders or officers of them , or some of them at least , ought to be the principal . for there is a peculiar care of publick edification incumbent on them , which they are to exercise on all just occasions : they are presumed justly to know best the state of their own churches , and to be best able to judge of matters under consideration . and they do better represent the churches from whom they are sent , than any private brethren can do ; and so receive that respect and reverence which is due to the churches themselves . as also they are most meet to report and recommend the synodal determinations unto their churches ; and a contrary practice would quickly introduce confusion . but yet it is not necessary that they alone should be so sent or delegated by the churches ; but many have others joined with them , and had so until prelatical vsurpation overturned their liberties . so there were others beside paul and barnabas sent from antioch to jerusalem ; and the brethren of that church , whatever is impudently pretended to the contrary , concurred in the decree and determination there made . . that which is termed the calling of these synods , is nothing but the voluntary consent of the churches concerned to meet together by their delegates and messengers , for the ends before declared . i no way deny , but that a christian magistrate may convene by his authority the bishops , pastors or ministers , with such others as he shall think meet within his own territories ; yea , and receive into his convention meet men out of the territories of others by their consent , to advise among themselves , and to give him advice about such concernments of religion , and of the church under his dominion , and regulate himself accordingly . it hath been practised with good success , and may be with bad also . and i do deny that churches have power , without the consent and authority of the magistrate , to convene themselves in synods to exercise any exterior jurisdiction that should affect the persons of his subjects , any otherwise than by the law of the land is allowed . but whereas the synods whereof we treat , and which are all that belong unto the church , can take no cognizance of any civil affairs wherein the persons of men are outwardly concerned ; have no jurisdiction in any kind , can make no determination , but only doctrinal declarations of divine truth , of the same nature with the preaching of the word ; there is no more required unto their calling beyond their own consent , but only that they may meet in external peace by the permission of the magistrate ; which when they cannot obtain , they must deport themselves as in case of other duties required of them by the law of christ. . in the last place i shall speak briefly of the power and authority of these synods , in what measures , extent and numbers soever they are assembled . for although this may be easily collected from what hath been declared concerning their original , nature , causes , use and ends ; yet it may be necessary to be more particularly enquired into , because of the many differences that are about it . there is a three-fold power ascribed unto synods . the first is declarative , consisting in an authoritative teaching and declaring the mind of god in the scripture . the second is constitutive , appointing and ordaining things to be believed , or done and observed by and upon its own authority : and thirdly executive in acts of jurisdiction towards persons and churches . the persons whom the authority pleaded , may affect , are of two sorts . ( . ) such as have their proper representatives present in such synods , who are directly concerned in its conciliary determinations . ( . ) such as have no such representatives in them , who can be no otherwise concerned but in the doctrine materially considered , declared in them . wherefore the ground of any churches receiving , complying with , or obeying the determinations and decrees of synods must be ; either , ( . ) the evidence of truth , given unto those determinations by the synod from the scripture ; or , ( . ) the authority of the synod it self affecting the minds and consciences of those concerned . in the first way , wherein the assent and obedience of churches is resolved ultimately into the evidence of truth from the scripture , upon the judgment which they make thereof , not only the discovery of truth is to be owned , but there is an authoritative proposal of it by virtue of the promised presence of christ in them , if duly sought and regarded ; whence great respect and reverence is due unto them . the power of a synod for the execution of its decrees , respects either , ( . ) the things or doctrines declared ; and is recommendatory of them on its authority from the presence of christ ; or , ( . ) persons ; to censure , excommunicate or punish those who receive them not . these things being premised , the just power of synods may be positively and negatively declared in the two following assertions . . the authority of a synod declaring the mind of god from the scripture in doctrine , or giving counsel as unto practice synodically unto them whose proper representatives are present in it , whose decrees and determinations are to be received and submitted unto on the evidence of their truth and necessity , as recommended by the authority of the synod from the promised presence of christ among them , is suitable unto the mind of christ , and the example given by the apostles , act. . hence it is evident , that in and after such synods , it is in the power of churches concerned , humbly to consider and weigh , ( . ) the evidences of the presence of christ in them , from the manner , causes and ends of their assembling , and from their deportment therein . ( . ) what regard in their constitutions and determinations there hath been unto the word of god , and whether in all things it hath had its due preheminence . ( . ) how all their determinations have been educed from its truth , and are confirmed by its authority . without a due exercise of judgment , with respect unto these things , none can be obliged by any synodical determinations ; seeing without them , and on the want of them , many assemblies of bishops who have had the outward appearance and title of synods or councils , have been dens of thieves , robbers , idolaters , managing their synodical affairs with fury , wrath , horrible craft , according to their interests , unto the ruine of the church ; such were the second ephesine , the second at nice , and that at trent , and others not a few . hence nothing is more to be feared , especially in a state of the church wherein it is declining in faith , worship and holiness , than synods , according to the usual way of their calling and convention , where these things are absent . for they have already been the principal means of leading on and justifying all the apostasy which churches have fallen into . for never was there yet synod of that nature , which did not confirm all the errors and superstitions which had in common practice entred into the church , and opened a door to a progress in them ; nor was ever the pretence of any of them for outward reformation of any use or signification . . the authority of a synod determining articles of faith ? constituting orders and decrees for the conscientious observance of things of their own appointment , to be submitted unto and obeyed on the reason of that authority , under the penalty of excommunication , and the trouble by custom and tyranny thereto annexed , or acted in a way of jurisdiction over churches or persons , is a meer humane invention , for which nothing can be pleaded but prescription from the fourth century of the church , when the progress of the fatal apostasy became visible . the proof of both these assertions depends on what was before declared of the nature and use of these synods . for if they are such as we have evinced , no other power or authority can be ascribed unto them but that here allowed . yet the whole may be farther illustrated by some brief considerations of the assembly at jerusalem in the nature of a synod , recorded , act. . . the occasion of it was a difference in the church of antioch , which they could not compose among themselves , because those who caused the difference , pretended authority from the apostles , as is evident v. . and . . the means of its convention , was the desire and voluntary reference of the matters in debate , made by the church at antioch where the difference was , unto that at jerusalem , whence , as it was pretended , the cause of the difference arose unto the hazzard of their mutual communion , to be consulted of with their own messengers . . the persons constituting the synod , were the apostles , elders and brethren of the church at jerusalem , and the messengers of that antioch , with whom paul and barnabas were joined in the same delegation . . the matter in difference was debated as unto the mind of god concerning it in the scripture , and out of the scripture : on james's proposal the determination was made . . there was nothing imposed a new on the practice of the churches , only direction is given ▪ in one particular instance as unto duty , necessary on many accounts unto the gentile converts , namely to abstain from fornication , and from the use of their liberty in such instances of its practice as whereon scandal would ensue , which was the duty of all christians even before this determination , and is so still in many other instances besides those mentioned in the decree ; only it was now declared unto them . . the grounds whereon the synod proposed the reception of and compliance with its decrees were four , ( . ) that what they had determined was the mind of the holy ghost : it pleased the holy ghost . this mind they knew either by inspiration , or immediate revelation made unto themselves , or by what was written or recorded in the scripture , which on all other occasions they alledged as what was the word , and spoken by the holy ghost . and it is evident , that it was this latter way , namely , a discovery of the mind of the holy ghost in the scripture that is intended . however , it is concluded that nothing be proposed or confirmed in synods , but what is well known to be the mind of the holy ghost in the scripture , either by immediate inspiration , or by scripture revelation . ( . ) the authority of the assembly as convened in the name of christ , and by virtue of his presence , whereof we have spoken before : it pleased the holy ghost and us . ( . ) that the things which they had determined were necessary , that is antecedently so unto that determination ; namely , the abstaining from the use of their liberty in things indifferent in case of scandal . ( . ) from the duty , with respect unto the peace and mutual communion of the jewish and gentile churches : doing thus , say they , ye shall do well , which is all the sanction of their decree ; manifesting that it was doctrinal , not authoritative in way of jurisdiction . . the doctrinal abridgement of the liberty of the gentile christians in case of scandal , they call the imposing of no other burden , in opposition unto what they rejected , namely , the imposing a yoke of ceremonies upon them , v. . so as that the meaning of these words is , that they would lay no burden on them at all , but only advise them unto things necessary for the avoidance of scandal . for it is impious to imagine that the apostles would impose any yoke , or lay any burden on the disciples , but only the yoke and burden of christ , as being contrary to their commission , matth. . , . hence it will follow , that a synod convened in the name of christ , by the voluntary consent of several churches concerned in mutual communion , may declare and determine of the mind of the holy ghost in the scripture , and decree the observation of things true and necessary , because revealed and appointed in the scripture , which are to be received , owned and observed , on the evidence of the mind of the holy ghost in them , and the ministerial authority of the synod it self . finis . errata . page . line . for to read do . p. . l. . r. state . p. l. . r. believers be p. . l. . r. mat. . p. . l. . r. if so , be . p. . l. . r. we enquire not . p. . l. ult . r. these . p. . l. . ephes. . . p. . l. . r. light. p. . l. . r. mere . p. l. . r. auricular . p. . l. . r. conc. p . l. . after publickly add read. p. . l. ▪ r. their mixed . p. . l. . for r. . p. . l. . for . r. . p. . l. . read over you p. . l. . for . r. . p. . l. . for . r. . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p . l. . r. will fully . p . l. r. this . p. . l. r. do . p. . l. . r. furnace . p . l. . r. probable . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e psal. . , , , , . psal. . , . psal. . cor. . . ephes. . . tim. . , , , , . ezek. . . joh. . . tit. . , , . joh. . . act. . . pet. . . phil. , . tit. . , . act. . . revel . . . act. . . cor. . , , . phil. . , . thes. . . tim. . . rom. . , . tit. . . mat. . , , . cor. . . rom. . . cor. . . chap. . . matth. . , . luke . . tim. . . rom. . . joh. . . joh. . , , . matth. . , , . cor. . . matth. . , , . mar. . , . luke . . phil. . . act. . , , . act. . . matth. . , . cor. . . phil. . . notes for div a -e ☞ notes for div a -e ☞ notes for div a -e matth. . , , , . chap. . , , , , . luke . , , , . pet. . , , , , . joh. . . act. . , . pet. . , . cant. . . jerem. . . chap. . . ezek. . . gen. . . psal. . . psal. . . joh. . , , . heb. . . pet. . . chap. . . ☜ ☞ notes for div a -e jam . . joh. . . exod. . . deut. . . levit. . . sam. . . cor. . , . ephes. . , , . ch. . . phil. . . col. . . thess. . . notes for div a -e ☞ notes for div a -e ☜ notes for div a -e ☞ ☞ notes for div a -e ☜ ☞ the independants declaration delivered in to the assembly. by thomas goodwin, william greenhill, william bridge, philip nie, sydrach simpson, and william carter. declaring their grounds and full resolutions concerning church-government. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing i thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the independants declaration delivered in to the assembly. by thomas goodwin, william greenhill, william bridge, philip nie, sydrach simpson, and william carter. declaring their grounds and full resolutions concerning church-government. goodwin, thomas, - . greenhill, william, - . bridge, william, ?- . nye, philip, ?- . simpson, sidrach, ?- . carter, w. (william) [ ], p. printed for b.t., london, : in the yeer. . annotation on thomason copy: "july ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church polity -- early works to . independent churches -- england -- early works to . dissenters, religious -- england -- early works to . congregationalism -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no the independants declaration delivered in to the assembly.: by thomas goodwin, william greenhill, william bridge, philip nie, sydrach simps goodwin, thomas c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the independants declaration delivered in to the assembly . by thomas goodwin , william greenhill , william bridge , philip nie , sydrach simpson , and william carter . declaring their grounds and full resolutions concerning church-government . london , printed for b. t. in the yeer . . a copy of the independants declaration to the assembly of divines . to make known what ever we hold , concerning church-government , as wee have had publique testimony in this assembly , so we have manifold instances and evidences of it ; witnesse that constant , free , and open expressing our selves upon all occasions , and in all questions propounded to the debate , with offers to give an open account at any time , in what ever should be asked us by any brother . our proffering divers times to bring in propositions , stated to our sense for the dispute , and when we were made a committee to that purpose , in the point of ordination , and did bring our iudgements concerning it for a dispute , it was laid aside . and at another time , when we our selves brought in papers , giving the state of the question , about that extraordinary way of ordination , which were read , and returned back unto us , it being publiquely professed that that was not an allowed way and course of this assembly , for any of the brethren to bring in papers , unlesse they were made a committee by the assembly it selfe . and so we were prevented of doing the like for time to come . likewise our frequent complainings of the stating of questions , so that we could not fully argue for our iudgements , wee being bound up to the questions as stated by you . the usuall answer to our complaints herein being , that the assembly sate not to argue the opinions of a few men , but if wee had any thing to say to the assertion brought in , we might . as also our earnest contending to have some questions ( which you all know are the greatest and most fundamentall points ) fairly disputed and debated , is a sufficient testimony of this our willingnesse . as in the entrance into the dispute of government , the first day , we pressed the handling of this , that there is a platform of government for the churches , under the gospel , laid down in the scripture , and desired to have discussed , what are the sure and certain wayes , whereby wee may judge what of government is held forth iure divino therein , which should have been fundamentall to all the disputes that were to follow : and this was professedly laid aside by you , which therefore in none of the subsequent debates , we could renew , and thus arguments were cut off , it being that great and necessary medium , by which the patticulars should be confirmed , and in a manner the whole controversie decided ; the greatest difference that were likely to grow betwixt us , being this , that the forms of government , you pretend to , and we deny , are asserted to be iure divino . in like manner , that other next great question , about the intire power in congregations , that have a sufficient presbytery for all censures , which as it is in order the first that presents it selfe for discussion ( as was urged ) so also it is one of the greatest points in difference betwixt us & you : yet the debate of this was not only denyed the first place in the dispute , but was to this day declined by you ; although to have it argued was contended for by us ▪ and not by us only , but by many of those , that are for a subordinate government thereof to synods . and though earnest desires and motions for it were renewed and inculcated , yet were they as often laid aside . yea and this , although it was once expresly commended by the grand committee of the hon. members of both houses , joyned with twelve divines of the assembly , to be next disputed , as the best means , both of expedition , and of ending the controversie . and over and above all this , to argue this our willingnesse to dispute our way , in the aforesaid honourable committeee appointed by an order of the honourable house of commons , to find out wayes , of accommodating different iudgements in the assembly , the sub-committee of divines , consisting of two of us , and foure others , appointed by that honourable committee to prepare wayes and propositions of accommodation , brought in the main and most of what practically we desired , and we therein added , that if such a liberty shall seem in the wisdome of this honorable committee , to be so prejudicical to the peace of the church as not to be permitted , we humbly desire , the doctrinall principles wherein we differ about church-government , may be taken into serious consideration , and some other way of accommodation in practise thought upon , as shall seem fit to this honourable committee : and this was presented to that honorable committee and those twelve of the assembly , to be transmitted , whether to the honorable houses , or the assembly as they should think meet . after this , when upon occasion of something brought in by one brother , and entertained , we took hold of that example , and one of us , with consent of the rest , brought in propositions , which contained matter of difference betwixt us , professing , that if this reverend assembly would debate them , or any one of them , we would bring in more , untill we had brought in all the frame , and the assembly themselves should pick and chuse what they would debate , & what not . but these propositions were rejected with a refusall to debate any one of them . and after all this , though the main parts of a presbyteriall government ▪ had been then voted by the assembly , and sent up to the honorable houses ( as , namely , that about ordination , and the presbyteriall government over many congregations , as also concerning the subordination of nationall , provinciall and classicall assemblies ) and there was not much remaining about church-government , to be concluded in this assembly : yet this reverend assembly requiring , ( by occasion of a book published , that reflected on these proceedings , that we had no hand in nor knowledge of ) a whole frame of government , with the grounds and reasons thereof , to be brought in by us , and voted us hereto to be a committee , we yeilded our selves to be a committee to bring in part by part , in like manner as the presbyteriall government was brought into the assembly , and disputed : but that was not accepted . and then it being said , that there was something in church-government , remaining undiscussed , and unresolved ; and it being further alledged that the assembly had not sent up all that which they had concluded , but meant to present an entire frame and body to the honourable houses : and that we might take away all occasions of any such jealousies that we were unwilling to discover what we held ( which were commonly in mens mouths abroad ) we yeilded to be a committee , to bring in the whole to this assembly , though upon all the fore-mentioned disadvantages , & were purposed & resolved amongst our selves so to do , and that in as convenient a time as a work of such a compasse could , ( in such a manner as was proposed by you ) be dispatched by us . and as in the debate about making us a committee , the assembly would not declare ( though pressed by us ) what they would do with that modell , and those reasons we should bring in ; so the voting of what yet remained in church-government , was hastened by you . and when not long after , upon occasion of the debate of one particular point , in which we differed from this assembly , we moved it might be deferred , because we should present our judgements and reasons about it , with the rest , ( for therein lay that which we accounted the favour of being made a committee by you ) it was publiquely answered , that therefore the assembly should the rather go on to the concluding of it , because we intended to bring it in ; and before we could dispatch that body we intended , so as to report it unto you according to your order ; ( the collection of the materials whereof , spent us two or three months , and we could not obtain the liberty to bring in any thing but the whole ) this assembly had presented to the honourable houses , as well what had been sent up by peeces afore , as what was since concluded , in one intire frame . by all which we perceived , that that which was the main end and use of presenting such a modell to this assembly , would be frustrated . and furthermore , we having given in ( as this assembly knows ) but two heads of dissenting reasons : the one against the presbyteriall government over many congregations : the other against the subordination of synods . by the successe of the latter we see , that this assembly can assume the liberty ( if it so please ) to reserve those we shall now present , unanswered , as they have done those our dissenting reasons against subordination of synods , although it contain a great and main part of that wherein we differ , as also is of all other , the greatest moment , both to this church and state , and hath been given in to this assembly ten months since , and their votes concerning these subordinations , as long since presented to the honourable houses , but have not been answered by any reply brought into this assembly , and so not ready to have been sent up to the hon. houses . and if these we might now bring in , should be undertaken to be answered by this assembly , yet we still retain the sense of so much remedilesse prejudice , by being bound from replying again , as doth make us justly wary : we may for ever lie under whatever mis-interpretations may happen , ( suppose but through mistake of yours , or imperfection of our expression ) without clearing our meaning , and wee may be bound up from further urging or driving home that wherein the strength of any argumenr lies , if the dint thereof should be avoided by some specious diversion . and although our former reasons given in after dispute to both the honourable houses , according to their order , were therefore not our own , but to be disposed of according to their appointment ; yet what we should now give in , we conceive to be in our own power . upon these considerations we think that this assembly , hath no cause now to require a report of us , nor will that our report be of any use , seeing that reports are for debates , and debates are for results to be sent up to the honorable houses , who have already voted another forme of government then what we shall present . however it may be of more use some other way , which by this course may be prevented , and therefore we are resolved to wait for some further opportunity to improve what we have prepared . finis . a defence of the principles of love, which are necessary to the unity and concord of christians and are delivered in a book called the cure of church-divisions ... / by richard baxter ... baxter, richard, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a defence of the principles of love, which are necessary to the unity and concord of christians and are delivered in a book called the cure of church-divisions ... / by richard baxter ... baxter, richard, - . [ ], , p. printed for nevil simmons ..., london : . an answer to edward bagshaw's "an antidote against mr. baxter's palliated cure of church-divisions." cf. matthews, a.g. works of richard baxter, , p. . pt. has special t.p. with title: the general part or introduction to the defence of my cure of church-divisions. pt. has caption title: an answer to the untrue and unjust exceptions of the antidote against my treatise for love and unity. reproduction of original in huntington library. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bagshaw, edward, - . -- antidote against mr. baxters palliated cure of church divisions. baxter, richard, - . -- cure of church-divisions. church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a defence of the principles of love , which are necessary to the unity and concord of christians ; and are delivered in a book called the cure of church-divisions . i. inviting all sound and sober christians , ( by what name soever called ) to receive each other to communion in the same churches . ii. and where that ( which is first desirable ) cannot be attained , to bear with each other in their distinct assemblies , and to manage them all in christian love. written to detect and eradicate all love-killing , dividing , and church-destroying principles , passions and practices , and to preserve the weak in this hour of manifold temptation . by richard baxter one of the mourners for a self-dividing and self-afflicting land. psal. . , . my soul hath long dwelt with him that hateth peace . i am for peace : but when i speak , they are for war. didicerat enim ( rex edilberth ) & à doctoribus auctoribusque suae salutis , servitium christi voluntarium , non coactitium , debere esse . beda hist. eccles. lib . cap. london , printed for nevil simmons , at the sign of the three crowns near holborn conduit . . calvinus in matth. . , , , &c. hoc porro multis valde absurdum esse videtur , in ecclesiae sinu foveri vel impios homines , vel profanos vel sceleratos : adde quod plerique zeli praetextu plus aequo morosi , nisi omnia ad eorum votum composita sint quia nusquam apparet absoluta puritas , tumultuose ab ecclesia discedunt , vel importuno rigore eam evertunt & perdunt . quare hic meo judicio simplex est parabolae scopus : quamdiu in hoc mundo peregrinatur ecclesia , bonis & sinceris in ea permixtos fore malos & hypocritas , ut se patientia arment filii dei , & inter offendicula quibus turbari possent , retineant infractam fidei constantiam — est quidem haec valde molesta conditio , quod reprobis o●eratur ecclesia usque ad finem mundi : hoc tamen tempus nobis ad patientiam ideo christus praescribit , ne vanâ spe nos lactemus . — graviter quidem pastores incumbere decet ad purgandam ecclesiam ; et hac in parte ab omnibus piis adjuvandi sunt , quatenus fert cujusque vocatio . verum ubi omnes in commune mutuas operas contulerint , non tamen eo usque proficient , ut penitus ab omni sorde purgent ecclesiam . — deinde etiam eorum zelum froenare & moderari , qui fas esse non putant societatem nisi cum puris angelis colere . qui ad extirpandum quicquid displicet ꝑraepostere festinant , antevertunt quantum in se est , christi judicium , & ereptum angelis officium temere sibi usurpant . — et in mat. . [ quod iohannes privatam orandi ●●r●nam t●adidit suis discipulis , id f●cisse existimo prout temporis ratio fereba● . res tune valde apud iudaeos corruptas fuisse notum est : tota certe religio sic collapsa erat , ut mi●um non sit precandi morem à pa●cis rit● cultum fuisse . ru●sus quum instar●t promiss● redemptio , sidelium mentes precand● ad ejus spem & d●siderium ex●itari oportuit . iohannes ex variis scripturae locis certam aliquam precationem conficere potuit quae tempori congrueret , ac propius accederet ad spirituale christi regnum — et in rom. . . prudenter & apposite utriusque vitiis occurrit . h●c enim vitio laborant qui sunt firmiores , ut eos qui inanibus scrupulis detinentur , ●in●uam superstitiosulos despiciant , atque irrideant : contra hi vix sibi cavere à temerariis judiciis queunt , ut no● damnent quod non assequuntur : quicquid fieri contra suum sensum cernunt , illud malum esse putant : illos ergo à contemptu dehortatur , hos à nimia morositate . ] calvin on matth. . this seemeth very absurd to many , that ungodly , or prophane , or wicked men , are cherished in the bosome of the church : and very many being over morose under pretence of zeal , unless all things be composed to their desires , because absolute purity is no where to be found , do tumultuously depart from the church , or by unseasonable rigidness do overthrow and destroy it . therefore in my judgement , this is the simple scope of the parable : that as long as the church sojourneth in this world , bad men and hypocrites will be mixt with the good and sincere in it ; that gods children may arm themselves with patience , and among the offences that might trouble them , may retain unbroken faith and constancy : — indeed this is a very troublesome condition , that the church is burthened with reprobates to the worlds end : but this is the space that christ prescribeth us for patience , lest we flatter our selves with empty hopes — the pastors indeed must diligently labour to purge the church : and in this all godly men should help them , as far as their calling doth allow . but when all men have done their best , they shall not so far have success , as to purge the church from all defilements . — and christ would bridle and moderate their zeal , who think it unlawful to have communion ( or fellowship ) with any but pure angels — they that preposterously make haste to root out all that displeaseth them , do as much as in them is prevent christs judgement , and snatch and usurp the angels work . calv. on mat. . that iohn delivered a private form of prayer to his disciples , i suppose he did it in suitableness to the time . that matters were then very corrupt with the jews , is known . all religion was so collapsed , that it is no wonder that the manner of praying was rightly observed but by few . and when the promised redemption was at hand , it was meet that the minds of the faithful should by prayer be stirred up to desire and hope for it . iohn might from several places of scripture make up one certain prayer , which should be agreeable to the time , and might come nearer to the spiritual kingdom of christ. here i desire the reader again to note , that though prayer was then so corrupted by the pharisees , yet christ usually joyned in their synagogues , luke . . and never medled with our controversie , about the lawfulness of set forms . calv. on rom. . . paul doth prudently and fitly meet with the faults of both sides : for this is the fault of the strong , that they despise and deride them as superstitious folk who are detained with vain scruples : on the contrary these can hardly forbear censorious condemning that which they understand not : and they think that to be evil , which is against their own sense . therefore paul disswadeth the one sort from contempt , and the other from overmuch moroseness . the contents of the first part . a preface to those readers who are of the excepters mind , and are offended at my book , called the cure of church-divisions , expostulating with them that have made my perswasions to love and communion , the occasion of their displeasure , backbitings and slanders ; and proveing the necessity of union among all real christians , and in particular between the non-conformists and conformists . . the general part , or introduction . chap. . a narrative of those late actions which have occasioned mens displeasure of both sides against me : the reasons of my omitting the narration of those former actions , which mr. durel and many others have reported falsly , because they wrote of that which they knew not : the reasons of my earnest displeasing endeavours with the bishops for reconciling and uniting terms in . our common profession about a liturgie at that time , and about this liturgie , and my practiee ever since . how the non-conformists must be united among themselves . of our judgement about communion in the liturgie and sacrament with the parish churches in a● . . my ends in opening this . . reasons for the writing and publishing my book called the cure of church-divisions . a word of the debatemaker . of the filse reports that have been vented of my book a●d me , and of some inferences to be noted by the reporters . chap. . the state of the controversie which i specialy managed in that book , with th●se that i called di●iders . chap. . objections and questions about this subject . quest. . doth not the second commandment and gods oft expressed jealousie in the matters of his worship , make it a sin to communicate in the liturgie ? quest. . doth not the covenant make it now unlawfull ? quest. . whether the case be not much altered since the old non-c●nformists wrote against separation , then called brownisme ? and whether we have not greater light into these controversies , than they had ? quest. ▪ is it not a shameful receding from our reformation , now to use an unreformed liturgie ? and a pulling down what we have been building ? quest. . will it not strengthen and encourage the adversaries of reformation ? quest. . will it not divide us among our selves , while one goeth to the parish churches , and another doth not ? quest. . shall we not countenance church tyranny , and harden prelates in their usurpations , and invite them to go further , and make more burdens of ceremonies or forms to lay upon the churches ? the manifold danger of feigning the scripture to be a particular rule , where it is none . the contents of the answer to the exceptions . except . . false worship distinguished and opened : whether i speak very little against persecution ? exc. . whether i was as guilty as any one whatsoever in stirring up and fomenting the war. whether it be unbecoming a minister to blame the sin which he hath been guilty of ? or to blame the effects , if he encouraged the cause ? whether nothing of the late military actions , be to be openly repented of ? whether i never mention the prophane , but with honour ? exc. . of partial tenderness as to reproof ? whether my prayer was jesting ? &c. exc. . of the supposed expressions of my pride . exc. . more of the excepters mistakes . exc. . what separation scripture calleth us to , and what not ? exc. . of the corruptions in the primitive churches , and of imposing . exc. . whether i be a revealer of mens secrets ? exc. . whether the universality of christians ever took the pope for their head ? of my dispute with mr. johnson ( alias , terret ) on that point . whether all history be uncertain ? whether it be intolerable to say , that the papists understand not that answer which is christian sense and reason . exc. . of local communion : of separating from the particular churches which we were never members of . exc. . of censurers requitals . whether a papist can go beyond a reprobate ? exc. . of scandal ; and of pauls case ; cor. . explained . exc. . more of my revealing secrets , and other of the excepters mistakes . exc. . whether by separatists , i meant the independents as such ? exc. . whether i speak slightly of prayer in comparison of study ? whether it be a slighting of christ , to say that he increased in wisdom ? which is opened . whether christ needed not prayer , but as a pattern to us ? &c. exc. . of expounding scripture by the impressions set upon our minds , in melancholy . how the spirit cureth our fears , and giveth us comfort , by twelve acts . exc. . whether my saying , that god hateth neither extemporate prayers nor forms , be as if i could never speak meanly enough of prayer ? whether i be a trifler , that neither believe the scripture or my self , for saying that in christs time , both liturgies by forms , and prayers by habit were used , and that christ yet made no question about them ? seldens words upon the iews liturgies . exc. . whether i did ill in disswading men from jeering and jesting at other true christians manner of worship ? and whether i purposely justifie persecution ? exc. . whether all be idolatry which is used in the worship of god without a command of god to make it lawful . the unhappy consequents of making so many christians and churches idolatrous . exc. . more of the excepters mistakes . exc. . whether our presence at the prayers of every church , be a professing of consent to all that is faulty in those prayers ? exc. . of not silencing any truth for peace . exc. . of imprudent speeches to superiours . exc. . whether there ●e any weak , ignorant and injudicious christians ; and whether they hereby have been any cause of our divisions ? and whether these be vile epithets , not to be given to christians , but instead of them all christians are to be told , that they have the anointing and know all things ? twenty proofs of such ignorance : and the greatness of their sin ( especially ministers ) that would hide it or deny it , at this time , manifested in forty aggravations . exc. . whether any hearers use to be more moved with the affectionate delivery of meaner than with a colder delivery of more excellent things ? of my forsaking the lords work . exc. . whether there be any article necessary to salvation unknown to the universal church ? whether in points of difficult speculation , one clear judicious well studied divine be not to be more hearkened to , than the major vote ? whether the perfection and plainness of the scriptures prove all christians to be of equal understanding , or to need no others help ? exc. . whether honest people be not in danger of following others into error and sin ? and whether to say so , be enough to make people afraid of being honest ? exc. . whether it be new or intolerable , to advise men not to imitate religious people in the sins which they are most prone to ? what it is to flatter professors of religion ; and what it is in them to expect it . exc. . of the name of a sect. exc. . whether we must avoid that good which is owned by bad men ? exc. . of his accusations of my unsetledness in the point of church government , and suspectedness in the point of iustification . exc. . whether we can speak bad enough of corrupted nature . twenty instances of speaking too bad of it . whether i understand by the [ flesh ] only the sensitive appetive ? whether i be strongly inclined to deny original sin ? of free-will . exc. . & . of other mistakes of the excepter . exc. . whether no persecution may consist with love ? exc. . & . of the fewness of believers , &c. exc. . more of his mistakes . exc. . whether the same spirit may not now use the ancient prayers and responses which first brought them in , or used them ? exc. . of my comparing ol. cromwell to maximus , and whether i dedicated a flattering book to his son ? exc. . of his imputation of levity . the conclusion , with some advice to the excepter , and a lamentation for the decay of love. a postscript . shewing how far , as mr. jacob and the old independents , so the new england pastors and elders ( and magistrates ) are from approving of the principles of separation . reasons why i am against the new terms of church-membership , and the approaches of some independents toward separation . reasons why the independent churches should as much fear the principles of separation as any . the preface to those readers who are of the excepters mind , and are offended at my book called , the cure of church-divisions . brethren , why should i wonder at the fruits of those weaknesses which we are all subject to ( some more , some less ) in this state of imperfection ? and which i so lately told you of at large , in my character of and directions for weak-christians . if a spirit of infallibility and miracles in paul and other the apostles of our lord , could not overcome these lamentable failings , in their hearers and followers , in the primitive church , why should such as i look for more success . if paul thought his galatians foolish and bewitched gal. . . and his corinthian christians to be babes , yea carnal and not spiritual , because there were among them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , envying , strife , and divisions , or as the words signifie , zeal or emulation , strife and separations or factions , or dividing into several parties , while one saith , i am of paul , and another i am of apollos ; what wonder if we are no better now . but our sins are not the less because that others had the like , but the greater because we take not warning by them , when the spirit of god hath so smartly reprehended them . i have as little reason as you to be ignorant what provocations the present militating and exasperated parties do give each others ; and how fair pretenses uncharitableness hath obtained . and i know but few of you that have either more openly put themselves into the breach , and attempted more to have prevented both severities against you , and the present divisions among us , than i have done , or that have undergone more wrath and calumny ( to mention no other kind of sufferings ) for such attempts than i have done : you cannot justly think that it is for want of your provocations and temptations to discontent , that i am not of your mind . i have had as many and great provocations as most of you all : and i am not naturally without those passions , which would take advantage by such usage . a multitude of fierce and reproachful volumes are written against me , many of them abounding with gross untruths in matter of fact ; to all which i have for peace sake been silent to this day . and none that know me do think , that it is to escape mens wrath that i have been more for peace and unity than you . i will do that right to them that have done me but little , as to testifie that i verily believe , could my conscience comply with their opinions and wills , i could as soon have their favour as most among you . but god is still the god of love , and peace , and concord ; and so must all his servants be : he changeth not , and we must not change from this which is his image . this is my religion ; and if any mens provocations must change me from this , they must change my religion . i am not for such fruits of suffering as some late eminent prisoners in london were , who turned quakers in prison , and lost their religion with their liberty ; nor will i pretend conscience for the defiling of my conscience , and the forsaking of the sacred life of love. do you not your selves condemn a carnal state ? remember then that they are carnal who are contentious dividers in the churches , cor. . , , . you will i doubt not joyn with me in disallowing of a fleshly mind and life : remember then that the workes of the flesh are these , as adulteries , fornications , &c. so also , hatred ( or enmities ) variance , emulations , wrath , strife , seditions ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dividings into parties ) heresies , envyings , &c. i know you will confess that if any man have not the spirit of christ , the same is none of his , rom. . . remember then that the spirit of christ is the spirit of love ; love to god and man is that divine nature which god indueth all christs members with . the fruit of the spirit is love , joy , peace , long-suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness , temperance , gal. . , , . when we think our selves wiser than those we differ from , let us not shew it by masterly censoriousness or contempt , but by being as much more loving and peaceable than they are . my brethren be not many masters , knowing that ye shall receive the greater condemnation . and when other mens faults rise up before you , watch both your passions and your tongues , remembring that in many things we all offend : and if any man offend not in word , the same is a perfect man , and able to bridle the whole body . who is a wise man and endued with knowledge among you ? let him shew out of a good conversation his works with meekness of wisdom : but if ye have a bitter envious zeal and strife in your hearts , glory not and lie not against the truth : this wisdom descendeth not from above , but is earthly , sensual , devillish : for where envying zeal ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and strife is , there is confusion and every evil work , jam. . , , , , , . brethren no change of times will allow me to change from this which is my religion : no injuries from men will excuse me if i forsake it . i hope i shall not be such a changeling in this which is the great command of the gospel , and the fulfilling of the law , and the very heart of all religion , as to turn from it for a prison or a voluminous calumny and reproach . i confess i must change , but i hope it will be , to turn still to more and more love and concord , and not to less . it is not thank worthy to love those that love us , nor to speak well of those that use us well , nor to take it patiently when we are bussetted or punished for our faults : but if we suffer for well doing , and lose none of our love or patience or integrity by our sufferings , happy are we . alas how sadly do many mistake , that fear only yielding to those whom they suffer by , and do not fear those passions , which would quench their love , and turn them unto sects and heresies , in meer opposition to their afflicters . i know that the great objection is , that under pretence of love , i would bring ungodly persecutors into reputation , and tempt men to unlawful communion with them , and that i make an ill application of good principles , to hide the odiousness of their sins , that care so little for the souls of men , as their usage of ministers and people doth openly declare . if i had only perswaded you to unite in love to one another , and not to think better of the destroyers of the church , nor to comply with them in their idolatrous way of worship , you could have born it . brethren , will you , that take it for injustice in a iudge , who will condemn a man before he hear him speak for himself , be intreated but to repress your passions for a little while , till you have calmely considered these things following . . did i ever perswade you to think well of the faults of other men , while i perswaded you to love their persons ? ( unless you call the communion a fault of which we are to speak anon ) did i ever seek to abate your dislike of the sins which you most speak against ? either malignity , cruelty , persecution , or any other . . the thing which i perswaded men to in that book , was communion with all christians , ( but differently as they differ in degrees of purity . ) that which i motioned and pleaded for , i summed up in the latter end , with the contrary extreams ; which you may there read in five propositions , . to adhere to the primitive simplicity , and make nothing necessary to our concord and communion which is not so . . to love your neighbours as your selves , and receive those to communion whom christ receiveth , and that hold the foresaid necessary things , be they episcopal , presbyterian , independents , anabaptists , calvinists , arminians , lutherans , &c. so they be not proved heretical or wicked . peruse the rest . when you come to your selves you will confess that this was no unreasonable nor unchristian motion ? which of all these parties is it that you are angry with me for perswading you to communion with ? must every one of the parties renounce communion with all the rest ? o how unlike is this doctrine to that of the holy ghost ? cor. . . & . , , . rom. . & . &c. if not every one , which of them is it ? is any one of all these parties , the whole church of god ? who dare say so ? why should i refuse communion with any one of these , while i scruple not communion with all the rest . or if it must be but with one sort , how shall i know which of them it must be ? i know some men judge of others by their own opinions and self interest : but is that indeed the christian rule ? some of the episcopal way are angry with me for including the independents ; when i doubt not but the far greater part of them are the sincere servants of christ : and since their synods late moderation , i know not many churches in the world , besides the waldenses of the bohemian , polonian and hungarian government , who are neerer to my own judgement , in order and discipline than those in new england are , and none that for piety i prefer before them . some are angry with me for taking in the anabaptists : when it is not such as the munster anabaptists that we have to do with , but godly men , that differ from us in a point so difficult , that many of the papists and prelatists have maintained , that it is not determined in scripture , but dependeth on the tradition of the church . i am not of their mind , and i have given them my reasons in my book for infant baptism : but having had more invitation to study the point throughly , and treat of it largely , than most of those that are offended herein , let them give me leave to say , that i know it to be a very difficult point ; and i know as good and sober men of that mind , as of theirs that are most against them ; and i know that in the dayes of tertullian , nazianzene , augustine , men had liberty to be baptized , or to bring their children , when and at what age they pleased , and none were forced to go against their consciences : and i know not that our rule or religion is changed , or that we are grown any wiser or better than they . i once motioned terms of concord to the anabaptists , and was in as hopeful a way for peace with them , as with most others , till — some are offended that i put in the arminians ; when i am confident that there is not one of many hundreds , who● are against communion with them that know what arminianisme is , and truly understand the difference . and the same men refuse not communion with those anabaptists who are arminians . and it hath been the work of not only mr. dury , but many other excellent men , for many years , to reconcile the lutherans with the calvinists ! and it hath justly been thought a blessed work to draw them to communion with each other ! and yet the lutherans are not only of most of the arminan opinions , but also have superintendents , liturgies , ceremonies , exorcisme , church-images , &c. when so much labour hath been bestowed in this work , and so many excellent treatises written for it , by pious dury , junius , paraeus , calixtus , ludov. crocius , joh. bergius , conrad . bergius , hattonus , amyraldus , hall , davenant , morton , &c. when all sober protestants have prayed for their success , or approved this design , are we now come to that pass , that those that seem the zealousest for the church and mutuall love , shall think it to be a sin , either to hold communion with the lutherans , or to write for it ? but the great offence is that i put in the episcopal , as fit for our communion ; which i suppose is principally because of their manner of worship , in which we must have communion with them . which foreseeing , i answered more objections against this than against the rest ; which hath occasioned some falsly to affirm , that i write only to draw men to communion with the church of england . i will therefore here proceed to some further expostulations of this point . . is there ever a word in all my book , perswading you to communion with a diocesan church , as such ? . is there one word in it for your communion with a national church , that hath one political spiritual constitutive head under iesus christ ; ( though the kings supremacie none of us question ) do i once meddle with any such thing ? . is there a word to perswade you to communion with persecutors ? though i am forced to displease you by answering that objection , and telling you that we should be impartial , and remember what most parties or many have done to others ; which you were not able it seems , to bear , though it was plainly necessary to the due resolution of the case in question , whether any persecutors may be communicated with ? . is there one word to perswade you that every parish is a true church , and fit to be communicated with ? if none of all this be there , i hope your patience is not very hard put to it , if i do but intreat you to repent ▪ if you have said that of it which is untrue , whoever told you so , or at least , not to proceed in untruths when you are so often warned of them . . do you think that it was done like tender conscienced christians , for so many to say , that i write against your meetings , yea that i conformed my self ? and this before ever they saw my book , or ever spake with man that saw it ? and that men dare yet continue such sayings while the book is visible to prove them false ? and revile against it when they confess that they never read it ? is this the fruit of the spirit of christ ? but give me leave after these expostulations , to come a little nearer to your objection , and to tell you openly where we differ . . you would have me speak for love and unity among the nonconformists : ( and i know no man that hath done it more frequently and more openly than i have done ; having these years been offering or publishing terms of peace . ) but god forbid that ever i should be of their opinion ( if there be any such ) who think that our union must be only with a party , and not with the whole church of christ ; or that we must love none , or seek peace with none but th●se , that are in such points of our own opinion ? i am united first to christ and the universal church , and consequently to all the parts as such ; though in divers degrees as they differ themselves in their conformity to christ. . i beseech you endure me with patience to tell you , that i never took either the non-conformists alone , or the conformists to be the whole church of christ , or to be his only people in this land : nor the only faithful ministers of the gospel . b●ethren , let not wrath and the faults of some , deceive us to become injurious to others ; or to deny them love and iustice , because that many of their opinion are bad . where in all the world , do you know a kingdom , where the greater part are not too bad , and where those that are of the rulers religion , be it never so right , do not comply with it to serve their flesh ? the low countries have no bishops nor ceremonies , nor no such liturgie as most are offended at with us , but are under the presbyterian government : and yet what the comm●n sort are there , and in other such countries , i need not tell you . forgive me for telling you , that if you know no godly persons ( ministers or others ) of the episcopal way , i do , and long have done : and as my acquaintance increaseth i know more and more . you that take me to be so bad , as the antidote describeth me , will think it no great commendation to them , that i profess to know those of them , whom i take to be much better than my self : therefore i will say a greater word , that i know those of them whom i think as godly and humble ministers , as most of the nonconformists whom i know . i doubt not but there are many hundred parish ministers , who are no persecutors , nor ever consented to persecution ! who preach holily , and live holily , though i could wish that they were more . and what reason have you to charge any other mens sins on them ? i am not ignorant what may be said to make them consequentially partakers . but i must say this in answer to all ; that if god will charge undiscerned consequences upon them and us , there will none of us all be found meet for church communion , or for heaven . i am judged by your selves to be too censorious of you , and too sharp in telling you of that which i doubt not to be your sin : why then are you so offended with me for being no more censorious and sharp towards others ? was i ever thought to be kinder to them than to you ? is not every man naturally most favourable to those of his own opinion ? is it conformity or non-conformity which i have most defended ? is it as a conformist or a nonconformist that i have been judged and used these . years ? it is they that have lately written reproachfully against me : it is they that have — i need name no more . but for the non-conformists i must bear witness of their kindness to me , that they never rejected me , never forbad me to preach ( but one sermon , ) nor , ( except particular angry parties whom i wrote against , ) they never denyed me their good word . what then can you think should draw me to be too sharp against them , and too favourable to the other ? i look for no worldly advantage or benefit from them . surely be that is apt to be too sharp , is liker to be so against dissenters from whom he suffereth , than against those that have ever been his friends ? but truth is truth , and the wisdom from above is without partiality and without hypocrisie . do but mark how both parties justifie me , while both condemn me , ( though i am too conscious of my faultiness to justifie my self ) the one side think that i am not half sharp enough against the anabaptists , s●p●ratists and independents : and you that i now write to , think that i am not half sharp enough against the conformists : so that one side doth not only justifie me from the charge of c●ns●●iousness or sharpness against the other , but blame me for the contrary , and are angry with me that i am no sharper . but gods judgement of us all is right , and his seal is sure , the lord knoweth who are his whoever shall deny it . god will not judge of upright christians as they judge of themselves , when they unjustly accuse themselves ; much less according to the judgement of their adversaries . brethren , i think verily that i have as much to say against conformity , as it is required of us ministers , as most of you that are most angry have : and yet i tell you again , that i believe there are many hundred godly ministers in the parish churches of england , and that their churches are true churches , and that i think not my self worthy to be compared with mr. bolton , whately , fenner , dr. preston , sibbes , white , field , u●her , jewel , and abundance other old conformists : and you might forgive me , if i compare them with your selves , and if i again profess to you , that if they were all alive , and used now the same liturgy and ceremonies as they did then , i could not find in my bea rt to think their communion in prayer and sacrament to be unlawful , nor to censure that man as injurious to the church , who should write to perswade others not to separate from them on that supposition . i am sure the assembly of divines that sate heretofore at westminster , were so conformable when they went thither , that i never heard of five non-conformists among them , besides the five dissenting brethren : their judgement was ( as mr. sprints ) that conf●rmity was lawful in case of necessity , rather than to be deprived of liberty to preach the gospel ; but that it was a burden which they should cast off as soon as they had liberty so to do : and i knew some who urged them to declare their repentance for their former conformity , and to have confessed it to have been their sin . but i never heard of any considerable number of them that ever did it , or that changed their minds : and though ministerial conformity ( as to engagements ) is now much altered , many of them that are yet living do again conf●rm . and though i then was not , nor yet am of their mind my self , yet i would not shun communion with the reverend members of that assembly ( twisse , gat●ker , whittaker , and the rest ) if again they wer●●sers of the liturgie among us . . but what if in all this i be mistaken , and if communion in the liturgie prove unlawful ? should you be so impatient as not to bear with one that in such an opinion differeth from you ? as i write for my opinion , so do you for yours ? and why should not you bear with my dissent , as well as i do with yours ? my judgement commanded me , first to exhort all sober christians , to draw neerer , and to lay by those principles , which drive them from each other as not to be communicated with : and secondly , where that cannot be obtained , to bear with one another in our several assemblies or churches , and to manage them with love and peace . this was my ex●●rtation , and the time once was ( even when the five dissenting brethren pleaded their cause with the assembly at westminster , ) that this motion would have been accepted , or at least not judged so great an injury as now it is . o brethren , do not expose your selves and cause , so much to the censure of impartial men , and of posterity , as to let them know that you are grown so high , or that in the very day of our humiliation these terms seem so injurious to you , as these exceptions intimate . mr. nye and mr. tho. good win were so friendly with dr. pr●ston , as to publish his works when he was dead . and i verily think if you had been acquainted with such conformists heretofore , as he was , and dr. stoughton , and dr. taylor , and mr. downam , and those forenamed , and abundance more , you could not choose but have thought them both tolerable and lovely , if you had not thought it lawful to communicate with them : much more you should have endured such as the non-conformists of that age , who used parish communion , and pleaded for it against the separatists , in far sharper language than ever i used to you ( as their books against johnson and cann and brown and ainsworth do yet visibly declare . ) if you think their reasons and mine for the lawfulness of parish communion to be insufficient , so do i think of yours against it . i have read divers that charge the liturgie with idolatry . did i ever lay so heavy a charge on you ? did i ever say that it is unlawful to have communion with you , as you say it is to have communion with others ? why then should you not bear with lesser contradiction , when others must bear with far greater from you ? will you proclaim your selves to be the more impatient ? you will then make men think that you are the most guilty . you say of such men as those before named [ your worship is idolatry , and it is unlawful for any christian to hold communion with you in it , and all that are present and joyn with you are guilty of the idolatry ] i do but say , that [ you make the case more odious than it is , and injure others by this charge ] what a world are we come to ▪ when those that you count unworthy of your communion , must not take your charge of idolatry as too sharp , and yet you that should be most patient , take it for a heynous crime and injury , to be told that you wrong them , and that you judge too hardly of them ? and that their communion is not unlawful ! nay , is it seemly for th●se men that have said and done so much , ( i say , so much , ) for liberty of conscience , and would never consent to the westminster assembly to declare against it , even as to those parties , whom you counted very erroneous your selves , to be yet so impatient of our liberty to tell the church our judgement about the lawfulness of other mens communion ? is it meet for them who are offended with those that silence us and restrain us of our liberty , to be so tender , as to shew by such language as this excepter useth , and by such unjust fames as some others have dispersed , how little themselves can bear dissenters ? i know that displeasure and impatience in the divers parties , is expressed different wayes ; but o that yet you would consider , how near of kin the principles are , and how much defect of love and patience there is in you as well as others . . and i intreat you to mark but what your own objection intimateth : you could endure it if i had only pleaded for peace and concord among the non-conformists : but doth not this intimate , that peace and concord in it self is desirable , among all those that should agree and be united ? why , i am as well able to prove that all true christians should have peace and love and concord for the strength of the universal church , as any of you all are able to prove , that any one party should have concord in it self . the episcopal part would have all possible concord among those that are episcopal ; and the presbyterians among presbyterians , and the independents among independents , and the anabaptists among anabaptists ; no party is for divisions among themselves , till the particular temptation doth prevail . and yet i am not pardonable for motioning , that all sober christians , as christians , may have all possible love , peace and concord among themselves . brethren , i am sure that christs body is but one : i do not despise all those words of christ and the spirit which i cited in my book : i know that the diversity of knowledge and gifts among true christians , should not make diversities of churches , cor. . when i know this , and cannot choose but know it , why should any be angry with me for knowing it ? i know that the godly conformists and non-conformists in england should be united , as well as each party among themselves ; i know that our division gratifieth the papists , and greatly hazardeth the protestant religion , and that more than most of you seem to believe or to regard ; i know that our division advantageth profaneness , and greatly hindereth the success of ministers on both sides : i know that it greatly pleaseth satan , and buildeth up his kingdom , and weakneth the kingdom of our lord : his own mouth hath told us so : and shall i not believe him ? as in our worcestershire agreement heretofore , we proceeded on terms which excluded not the episcopal ; so in our desires and terms of concord , we must still go the same way , and shut out none from our love and communion , whom christ receiveth and would have us receive . if they shut out us , that is not our sin but theirs . the hurt and loss is farr more to the excluder than the excluded ; to him that loseth his charity , than to him that loseth but communion with others . and i know that as none shall take out of christs hands , those that are given him by the father , and he himself will in no wise cast them out ; so he will at last give no more thanks either to diotrephes or to any separating parties , that would rob him of his own , and say that his children are not his children , and that his churches are not his churches , and that his worship is not his worship , but idolatry , than you will give to him that will turn out your children and servants , and take away your goods and lands , and say that they are not yours . brethren , it grieveth me to the heart , that neither party conformable or non-conformable is more sensible of the sin and danger of our distance . ( though i know that in both parties there are many wise and holy persons , who i suppose lament it more than i do . ) it layeth my soul in daily lamentations , to see how we run further and further from each other ; to the apparent danger of the protestant cause , and of the kingdoms welfare , and of all the hopes of our posterity ; and that in stead of repenting of those sins which every party is guilty of ▪ and taking warning by our former experiences , or by the dreadful judgements of god upon us all , that yet we are daily losing the little love that is left , and still flying further into more and more exasperations and distast ; as if all the church and kingdoms hopes consisted in overcoming one another . when our long experience telleth us , that subduing those that must still be members , is no cure of a divided body ; and that treading men down doth but alienate them the more . and i know that it is concord and union upon such terms in which we are all agreed , that must be our cure , if ever we be cured . and that no covenant nor partial interest , can possibly justifie us , if we will stablish our union on such terms , as shall either exclude such on one side as jewel , grindal , downam , hall and other such bishops , or such on the other side as ames , hildersham , cartwright , bayne , egerton , and other such worthy persons that were nonconformists : for my part , my terms should neither exclude , episcopal , independent , nor anabaptist . but one that will separate and exclude himself , or one that will tyraniz● and exclude all others , we cannot any otherwise have concord and communion with , than distantly by christian principles and patience . but at long running they shall be all convinced , that the cure of the church is not by meer conquest or contempt of others ; nor by the union and concord of some parties only , but of the whole ; and that the sound and sober conformists and non-conformists , are the parts in england , that must be united ; and that neither violence nor unjust separating censures are the healing way ; and that which party soever it be that contriveth and endeavoureth a union , by the extirpation and ruine of the other part , is schismatical , and taketh the way of desolation ; and that it is the devil , the infidels , and the papists , that will be the gainers by our continued divisions . and therefore though i know not the man alive , in england who hath more fair pretence , from the ungrateful usage of the differing partie● , to desist from any more such conciliatory attempts , yet , let my hopes be never so low , seeing it is a thing that must be done , or we are undone , i will imitate honest mr. dury , and choose rather to wast my daies in vain attempts for peace , than to go quarrelling and contending to the grave , as i have seen too many others do . and if both parties in this exasperated age , should never so much revile and s●ander me , ( though a surviving name be little of my interest ) i make no doubt but our posterity , will be constrained by experience , to think better of peace-makers than of contenders . the names of melanchthon , bucer , calixtus , bergius , burroughs , hall , davenant , &c. are far more grateful and honourable to after times , than the name of flacius ( though an excellent learned man ) or of schlusselburgius , calovius , or any of our fiery contenders or destroyers . to all this i add , that even the separated churches themselves do find a necessity of union and concord for their preservation . division else will pursue the several pieces , and the same principles which i write-against , if they go along with them , will crumble them all to dust . the separated churches in holland ( of the english ) fully proved this . even those members in new-england , which mr. norton sadly told mr. ash and me , did withdraw and gather themselves to an unlearned pastor , and would not be intreated by magistrates or ministers , yet when they were separated , would fain keep concord among themselves . and if half of that separated body , should again have separated from the rest , that fragment would fain keep themselves in unity . and still nature teacheth them to feel that their unity is their strength and life , and that their division is their dissolution . . and i must needs tell the world , that though i conform not , it is greater things than the matters of conformity , which are the chief parts of my religion ; and therefore it is not non-conformity that we must all unite in , so much as christianity , and soundness in the faith. and i doubt not but the independents who offer to subscribe to the doctrine of the church of england , will say that they differ far more from the quakers , and seekers , and familists , than they do from the conformists . and so do i , though i would have love and gentleness exercised to them all . . and if the present conformable ministry were more to be blamed than they are , yet they may learn and profit while they teach . many of them are young , coming lately from the university ; and may yet grow up to ability and piety , and greater usefulness in the church : and many of them are prejudiced against their brethren , for want of acquaintance : and a christian prudent loving familiarity and conversation with them , may make them in time become more serviceable to the truth , than we are : whereas a continued distance , estrangedness , and censorious aversation , will feed their mistakes and uncharitable censure● of us , yea and their sharp severities against us , and will keep up a heart-war , and a church-war in the land . and alas who knoweth either when or how , or in whose calamity it will end. for he that puts on his armour should not boast as he that puts it off . i do therefore conclude with this repeated profession , that it is the conformists and the non-conformists that constitute the english protestant body ; and it is the conformists and non-conformists that must at last , ( when they are wearied with tearing and opposing one another ) be brought together , and the faithful of both partyes must build up the church in love and peace . and therefore the interest of the protestant religion , must be much kept up by the means of the parish ministers , and by the doctrine and worship there performed ▪ and not by the non conformists alone . and they that think and endeavour that which is contrary to this ( of which side soever ) shall have the hearty thanks and concurrence of the papists . him therefore that is weak in the faith receive ye , but not to doubtful disputations . let not him that eateth despise him that cateth not . and let not him which eateth not judge him that eateth : for god hath received him . who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? — the kingdom of god is not meat and drink , but righteousness , and peace , and joy in the holy-ghost : for he that in these things serveth christ , is acceptable to god , and approved of men . let us therefore follow after the things which make for peace and the things wherewith one may edifie another . and blessed are the peace-makers , for they shall be called the children of god. the general part or introduction to the defence of my cure of church-divisions . being a narrative of those late actions which have occasioned the offence of men on both extreams ; with the true reasons of them , and of these writings , which some account unseasonable : with the true stating of the case of that separation , which my opposed treatise medleth with ; and an answer to several great objections . printed in the year . . i. the general part , or introduction . cap. . the narrative of those late actions , which have occasioned mens displeasure against me on both sides : with the reasons of them , and of my writing , which i am now defending . the number of books written against me is so great , that if i should not be very suspicious of my self , lest i had wronged the truth , and the church of god , and given men just occasion of all this obloquy , i should be very defective in humility , and in that care , which i am obliged to for the avoiding of such injuries . and i find upon examination that if i could have let all sides alone , and judged it consistent with my duty to be silent while the envious man sowed his tares , and not to have contradicted any that i took to be injuring the truth and church , nor to have sounded the trumpet against any error which arose before us , i could as easily have escaped their wrath as others . and i find that whereas our differences both in doctrine , and worship , and discipline , have engaged men of several minds in such writings against me . ( some infidels , diverse quakers , papists , antinomians , some arminians , some anti-arminians , anabaptists , separatists , levellers , diocesans , &c. ) what one accuseth me of , another doth not only acquit me of , but ordinarily as sharply accuse me for the contrary , and for going no further from the rest . so that nothing but silence could put by their fiercest accusations , and silence it self will not please the imperious sect , who think me criminal , because i serve them not according to their own desire and way . and silence was not that which i promised god at my ordination , nor is it a doing of that work , to which i was then consecrated and devoted . but because some men speak in a more sanguinary dialect than others , and because the late charges of disloyalty , ought not to be disregarded by a loyal subject , and because for the sakes of their own souls , it hath often made me pitty mr. durel , dr. boreman , and many others like them , who have published ugly falsehoods of me , i once thought to have here exercised so much charity to them , as by a full narrative of all those actions of my life , which concern such matters as they accuse me of , to have rectified all their mistakes at once , and made them understand , what it is , which they wrote of before they understood it : and the rather because this excepter followeth them , in telling me how guilty i was of the wars , and all the effects of them , and also that i wrote a flattering book to richard cromwell . and in this narrative i purposed to confess so much as had any truth in their accusations , and to stop them in their falsifications and calumnies as to the rest . but upon second tho●●●ts , i cast it by , perceiving by too long experience , that they who are engaged against the truth , are unable to bear it , and take all for an unsufferable wrong to them , which detecteth the falsehood of their reports . and when men do ( as mr. hinkley ) importune me to publish the reasons of my non-conformity , when they know that the law forbiddeth it , and there is no expectation of procuring a licence , or when the old stratagem is so visibly used , of drawing us by their challenges into their ambuscad'es ; or when i am eagerly provoked to gape against an oven , while it is red or flaming hot ; if i crave their patience , and exercise my own , till it be grown more cool , before i accept of such a challenge , and suffer them to use their art ( till repentance shall unteach it them ) and to make my name a stepping stone , to those ends which they now aspire after , methinks they should be content , to talk on without a contradiction , and to be free from the light of that truth , which they are not able to endure ; or at least should pardon me , if i imitate my lord , that was silent , even when false accusers sought his defamation and his blood . but , god ●nabling me , i promise them an answer , as soon as they will procure me license and indemnity . in the mean time , i shall now only , . tell you why i offended one side , by saying so much against their impositions , . and why i have since offended the other , yea both sides , by my late book called , the cure of church-divisions . before the king was restored , being then at london , i was called to preach two publick sermons ; t●● one before the parliament , the day before they voted the kings return ; the other before the lord major and aldermen on a day of thanksgiving for the hopes of his return . in the latter i plainly shewed my sense of the case of the falling party , and the armies actions , and gave as plain a warning to the then rising party , with some prognosticks thereupon . in the former ( the first that ever i preached to a parliament , and he last , ) i spake some words of the facility of concord with the sober godly moderate sort of the episcopal divines , and how quickly arch-bishop usher and i came to an agreement of the termes on which they might unite . when this sermon was printed , this passage caused many moderate episcopal divines to urge me to tell them the terms of that agreement ; and they all professed their great desires and hopes of concord upon such termes ; viz. dr. gulston , dr. allen , dr. bernard , dr. fuller , dr. gauden , and several others . dr. gauden desired a meeting to that end of the several parties , but none came at the day appointed but he and dr. bernard , and dr. manton and i ; where i spake these words , which he printed without the limitation annexed , which i set right in my next printed book , viz. that i found ( then ) little or nothing in the doctrinal part of the common prayer book , which was not sound , having but as favourable an exposition as good mens writings usually mnst have . he left out [ the doctrinal part ] at last when the earle of o●ery perswaded me to be his majesties chaplain in ordinary , and was present when the earl of manchester gave me ( and mr. ash ) an oath of fidelity , it being he that first brought me acquainted with bishop usher ; the mention of the same business fell in : whereupon we shortly after were told by the lord chamberlain , that it was his majesties pleasure , that there should be a treaty for union between the episcopal party and the presbyterians : and dr. reignolds , mr. calamy , mr. ash and my self being first employed , when we had made some entrance , we desired that some might be chosen by the ministers throughout the land , to signifie their sense , because we could speak in the name and sense of none but our selves ; but his majesty not consenting to that , we desired an addition of many brethren at hand , which was granted ; and the liberty for all ministers that would to meet with us , for consultation , as many did at sion-colledge and elsewhere . in this treaty we all professed our judgements for the lawfulness of a liturgie ; and desired the reformation of that which we had , with the addition of new forms in scripture phrase , fitted to the several offices , with liberty to the ministers to use this or that . whereupon we drew up such a liturgie our selves , which though it fell to my share , yet the rest of our brethren examined and approved of it , saving that dr. reignolds disliked the displeasing the bishops by such large additions , and a liturgie seeming entire of it self , instead of some additional prayers to theirs . how many weeks we were employed from first to last , in these debates , how fully and freely we took that opportunity to plead for reformation , and against unnecessary impositions , whilest the men that now quarrel with us said nothing that we know of : how hard a province fell to my own lot , as to the offending of the bishops , under whose hot displeasure i thereby ( in obedience to my conscience ) did cast my self , our writings ( which somebody hath published for the greater part of them ) shew ; and our savoy conference , and my prohibition to preach in worcester diocess shortly after ( before other ministers were silenced ) and the published writings against me , did all sufficiently acquaint the world : and the particulars of this business i now pass by . only i think meet to make this twofold profession , to the two parties on the extreams ; . that the true reason why i wrote and spake so much , so long , and so vehemently , had it been possible to have prevented many impositions , was principally because i undoubtedly foresaw how great a number of faithful worthy ministers would else be silenced by them ; and how ill the church could spare those ministers , while there are so many hundred thousands of ignorant and ungodly people in the land ; and what sort of ministers in too many places must unavoidably succeed them , unless the church doors should be shut up ? and i foresaw how the people under such ministers would be affected to religion , and to the bishops , and ministry ? and i foresaw what multitudes of religious persons would take the things imposed as unlawful , and would separate from communion with the publick churches ; and would worship god in private meetings with the silenced ministers . i foresaw how many ministers and people that did conform with a grudging conscience , would do more at last to undermine the impositions , than the non-conformists . i foresaw easily what jealousies ; displeasure , severities , imprisonments , &c. would follow the private preaching of the silenced ministers , and the private meetings of the people : and i knew well that other ministers as well as i , would judge it no better than perfidious sacriledge , to forsake the holy calling to which they were consecrated and devoted , and to desert so many thousand needy souls : but , above all , i foresaw , how certainly and sadly the churches divisions would be hereby increased , and the love of each party to the other would be abated , if not destroyed : how hard it was for one side to love and honour the non-conformists , that accounted them persecutors and unconscionable men : and how hard it was for the other side to love and honour those that they suffered by : and how little reproaches , fines , and imprisonments , do use to increase mens love to others . i ●or●knew that one side would call the other rebellious schismatical phanaticks ; and the other side were like enough to account them , perjured perfidious persecutors ; and that in the midst of such thoughts , such words , such usage , love was no more like to prosper , than fire in the sea . and i knew that whatever zeal be pretended for obedience and order on one side , or for purity of worship on the other , when love dieth , religion dieth ; and they that are destroyers of love , are destroyers of the church and of christianity , and of the souls of men : and to increase love is to save s●i●ls ▪ and i foresaw that the further they go in this way ; the further they will go from god and godliness ▪ from peace and safety , and that it will be the longer the worse , till they retire : for one hard usage on one side , and hard censure on the other side , after another , will by degrees raise men to the height of bitterness , and make them think , that their interest con●isteth in the hurt and ruine of each other . also i foresaw that while we worried , and weakned one another , as all sects would grow under the discontents of one party , so the papists were like to be the principal gainers ; and they would be ready to offer their service to strengthen one of the parties against the other ; and would be glad to take up the reproaches against the most religious people , that were by angry adversaries brought unto their hands ; and that when we had made our selves a common scorn by our manifold divisions , and by our biting and devouring one another , they would plead this as our shame , to draw people to themselves , as the only stable and consistent church ; and would make us giddy that we might rest on them as our supporters ; and when they saw us weak enough , would be ready to devour us all . and i easily foresaw how calamitous a thing it would be to the kingdom , to have most towns and parishes set all together by the ears , and for the neighbours to be as gu●lphes and gibellines , every man employed in censuring and reproaching others , instead of living together in neighbourly and christian love. and i foresaw what an injury this would be to the king , to have the suffering party under these temptations , and wise men made mad , and his people weakned by such sad divisions ; whereby their cheerfulness in his love and service would be abated , and forreign enemies would be encouraged to attempts against our peace and safety , and if ever they should invade us , it maketh me tremble to think how our divisions would debilitate us , and hazard all our common security and hopes . yea , how uncomfortable a thing it must needs be to the king , to rule such a divided people , that live in a heart-war among themselves , in comparison of ruling a loving , and concordant sort of men . in a word , i knew that a house or kingdom divided against it self would not stand : and though i could not make the bishops believe me , i knew that divisions , lamentable divisions ; were like to be the consequent , of the things which then i so importunately petitioned and intreated them to forbear : i kn●w it , for i could not choose but kn●w it . and for these reasons i wrote , i pleaded , i earnestly contended with them as i did , while there appeared any hope , as being loth to have seen the things which i have already seen , and god knoweth to how much worse we are going , if grace and wisdom yet prevent it not . and though i exasperated the sore which i would have cured , and have ever since my self lain under their displeasure , yet i have peace in the testimony of my conscience , that i did my best , to have prevented our miseries while i had time . . and i would give notice to the other party , that whilst i pleaded for their liberty , and against the imposing of unnecessary things , i took not all the things in question for unlawful to be done , which i thought unlawful to be made necessary to our communion or ministration . all knew that my judgement ever was for the lawfulness of kneeling at the sacrament ; ( especially since the rubrick is inserted , which disclaimeth both all bread worship and the bodily real presence . ) and we all as is said , thought a liturgie lawful ; and when we wrote our reply to the answer of our exceptions , we said these words ( which may tell you , whether i change my mind , and what was then our common sense ) pag. . [ while we took it to be a defective , disorderly and inconvenient mode of worship , it would be our sin to use it of choice , while we may prefer a more convenient way , whatever we ought to do in case of necessity , when we must worship god inconveniently , or not at all . ] and pag. , . [ what if it be only proved unlawful for you to impose it , though not for others to joyn with you when you do impose it ? is this no reason 〈◊〉 alter it ? should you not have some care to avoid sin your selves , as well as to preserve others from it ? an inconvenient mode of worship is a sin in the imp●ser , and in the chooser , and voluntary user , that may offer god better , and will not : and yet it may not be only lawful , but a duty to him , that by violence is necessitated to offer up that or none . ] by this you may see what we all thought then of not only hearing , but reading a defective liturgie in such a case . if you say , that this was but my own opinion ; i answer , though as they wrote the particular exceptions without me , so i wrote this defence of them by their appointment , yet it was examined and consented to by the rest , who were not men apt to take things on trust , nor to be imp●sed on by such a one as me . when this treaty was frustrate , and the torrent of displeasure came upon us , ( which reached me with the first ) i saw also that the storm of mens passions and discontents would quickly follow : and therefore according to my own judgement and advice to others , i endeavoured to practise my self ; that is , neither to forsake my calling , or omit any service i could do for the church , nor yet to do it in a turbulent and unpeaceable , or dividing way . for the first , i thought writing was my greatest work , which made me not travail abroad to preach ( which also weakness disabled me from doing ) . but yet i never to my remembrance either forbad any from coming to my house , nor ever invited any to hear me . i had no pastoral charge in london ; nor could i live there with my health : my judgement was , that though so many hundred ministers were silenced , and too many congregations had such , as were to us matter of grief , yet the interest of the christian protestant religion in england , must be much kept up , by keeping up as much of truth , piety and reputation as was possible in the parish churches . therefore i never laboured or disputed to make any minister a non-conformist , unless he came to me , and by desiring my judgement , made it my duty ( though i oft openly professed , that if i conformed my self to what is required of a minister , i should take it to be no little or single sin ) i remembred the saying of mr. dod , who thanked god for the churches sake , that some conformed , and for the truths sake , that some conformed not . i resolved that if i lived where was an intolerable minister , i would not hear him , nor come near him , so as to encourage him in his sinful undertaking of that sacred office : but if i lived under an able , worthy , or tolerable man , i would joyn with him in publick ( constantly if i had not caeteris paribus the liberty of better , and sometimes if i had ) and i would help him by my private labours as well as i could , and live with him in unity and peace . accordingly i constantly joyned in the publick prayers and hearing at the parish church where i lived ( having no better that i could go to ) and never preached to my family , but between the times of publick worship ; and the people that came in to me , wen● with me to the publick worship . in all this time many persons importuned me to indeavour that all non-conformists might agree in one , by what measures to walk as to their communion with the parish churches , and such other things , ( for many reasons : and i ever shanned all such attempts ; . because it is the way that we have blamed so much in others , to make narrow measures for other mens practices , and unnecessary terms of brotherly concord : we must unite as christians in necessary things ; and if one man can , e. g. kneel at the sacrament and another cannot , if one can joyn in common-prayer , and another cannot ; yea , if one can conform to the liturgie and ceremonies , and another cannot , it must not break our unity or peace . . because that non-conformists are not all of the same judgement in every particular among themselves : and how can they then agree upon the same practice in every point ? if they should ; either the most scrupulous must come up to them that think that lawful which they scruple , or else the later must come to the former : if they yield that think the things unlawful , and do as the others do , they shall sin : and then they might as well conform ? and if they that hold more things to be lawful must agree in practice with them that hold the fewest lawful , than such must . forsake their own understandings , and live in many sins ; and . they must be alwayes at an uncertainty in their practice , because some may yet arise , that may count more things unlawful ; and so the whole party may change their practice every year , as new scruples or errors arise in any ; . and so the most scrupulous though the most erroneous , must be the standard and rule of all the rest . . and so we should tempt others still to new scruples , and to make more and more things sinful , that so they might obtain the rule of all . i ever thought therefore that without any combinations , our way is , every man to know the truth as well as he can , and practice accordingly ; and live in love and peace with those that differ from him in tollerable things . and thus i hope most non-conformable ministers do . in the year divers learned and reverend non-conformists of london met to consider how far it was their duty , or lawful to communicate with the parish churches where they lived in the liturgie and sacrament : and we agreed the next day to bring in our several judgements in writing with our reasons . accordingly i brought in mine , in which i proved four propositions , . that it is lawful to use a form of prayer : . that it is lawful to joyn with some parish churches in the use of the liturgie . . that it is lawful to joyn with some parish churches in the lords supper . . that it is to some a duty to joyn with some parish churches three times a year in the lords supper . they being long , i read over to them the last only , which being proved ( by . reasons ) included all the rest . upon consideration whereof , no one of the brethren seemed to dissent , but to take the reasons to be valid ; save only that one objection stopt them all , to which i also yielded , and we concluded at the present to forbear sacramental communion with the parishes : and that was , because it was a time when great severities were threatned against those that could not so far conform ; and most of the independents and some others were against it ; and our brethren verily believed that if we should then communicate , those that could not yield so far , would be the sharplier used , because they yielded not as far as we . i yielded to them readily , that god will have mercy and not sacrifice , and even gods worship otherwise due , as prayer , or preaching , or sabbath-keeping may be omitted for an act of mercy , even to pull an oxe or ass out of a pitt . and therefore pro tempore i would forbear that sacrament , which was like to cause the imprisonment or undoing of my neighbour . in mentioning this , these three things are my end . . to tell the world the judgement of these ministers ; who are misjudged by their actual forbearance of publick communion , that they take it for a thing unlawful : whereas they are thus accidentally hindered from it ( besides many other accidents not here to be mentioned , this before named is one . ) . to shew the prelates who and what it is that hath hindered mens nearer communion with them ; and that while rigor and severity is trusted to as the only means to further it , it proveth the principal means of hindering it . . to shew the independents , that we have been so far from dealing hardly or uncharitably with them , that we have forborn that communion , which else our own judgements would have charged on us as our duty , either only , or chiefly for fear of being the least occasion accidentally of their sufferings : and if yet they are impatient with us for obeying our consciences , who can help it what the rest did after this consultation in their practices , i enquired not : but for my own part on the same argument i forbore communion with the parish churches in the sacrament a long time , till at last i saw that the reason seemed to me to cease , and i durst not for i knew not what , go against my judgement : but lest it might possibly have any such hurtful consequents , i chose a very private country parish to communicate with , where i sometime sojourned , and where there was neither that , nor any other reason to hinder me : but yet after many years further observation , lest men that know not of my practice , should be scandalized or insnared , to think that i forbore parish communion as unlawful , and so to do the like themselves , i once chose an easter day to communicate in a very populous church in london , purposely that it might be the further known : but having some reasons to forbear at the parish where i lived most constantly , it so far provoked the parson that — i may suppose no independent suffered so much through my communicating , as i have done by forbearing for their sakes . at last in the year . observing how mens minds grew every day more and more exasperated by their sufferings , and whither all this tended , and what was like to be the issue , i wrote this book called the cure of church-divisions ; the reasons whereof i am next to give you . but being not used to publish any thing unlicensed , nor thinking it fit to break the law of printing without necessity , nor knowing how to get it printed unlicensed if i would ; i knew that if i put any thing into it very provokingly , it would not be licensed , and would frustrate all the rest . and yet my conscience told me , that it looked so like partiality , to tell one party of their faults , and call them to their duty , and not the other , that i resolved to say as much to the bishops and imposing clergy , as should signifie my judgement plainly to any intelligent man , and tell them what sense i had of narrowing impositions and severities , and what is the way of unity and peace , though not to cloath it in exasperating language : and if they would not not license it all together , i purposed to cast it all aside . and to confess the truth , the deep sense of the sin and infatuation of this age , hath long made me desirous to have written one book , with the title in dying bradfords words , repent o england ; and that in several parts , professing first , my own repentance in several particulars , then calling severally the bishops and conformable clergy , the presbyterians , the independents , and the sectaries , corporations and country to repent . but i knew the bishops would not endure it , and i could not get it licensed or printed , and i had greater things to write , and many wise men whose judgements much rule me , disswaded me and laughed at my weakness , that i should think that such men would regard what i said , or that it would have any better effect than exasperation ! and i long purposed not to speak to one sort , till i might speak to all , to avoid partiality , and evil consequents . but at last considering , that by this rule i might never tell any of their sins , nor preach repentance to them whilst i lived , and that i must not deny my duty and charity to one sort , because another sort will not receive it , and seeing also necessity increase , and having already writen and said so much to the other party , i resolved to imitate those two excellent faithful tractates , viz. . mr. m. pool's vox clamantis in deserto in latine , calling the non-conformable ministers to repentance , and mr. lewis stukeley's ( a worthy congregational minister in exeter , and a kinsman of the late general monkes ) enumerating copiously most of the common sins of religious professors , and calling them earnestly and faithfully to repentance , which since the writing of this , i find excellently done in a book called englands danger and only remedy . and therefore i first published some old notes written eleven or twelve years ago called directions for weak christians , and annexed to it the character of a sound christian ; in both which i wrote that which was as like to have exasperated the impatient , as this book is ; and yet i heard of no complaints , and afterward i wrote this which i now defend ; and sent it to the licenser , who upon perusal refused to license it ; and so it lay by , and i purposed to meddle with it no more . but leaving it in the booksellers hands that had offered it to be licensed , after a long time he got it done ; and so unexpectedly it revived . the reasons of my writing it were no fewer than all these following , which i now submit to the judgement of all men truly peaceable and impartial , who value the interest of christianity , and of the universal church above their own . . to make up my foregoing directions to weak christians more compleat . having directed them about the private matters of their souls , i intended this as another part , to direct them in order to the churches peace . . many good people of tender consciences and weak judgements , desiring my advice about communion in the publick assemblies , i found it meetest to publish this general advice for all , to save me the labour of speaking to particular persons , and to serve those that lived further off . . i saw those principles growing up apace , in this time of prevocation , which will certainly increase or continue our divisions , if they continue and increase . i am sure that our wounds are made by wounding principles of doctrine ; and it must be healing doctrines that must heal us : and i know that we cannot be healed , till doctrinal principles be healed . to give way to the prevalency of dividing opinions is to give up our hopes of future unity and peace . and to give up our hopes of unity and peace , is to despair of all true reformation , and happiness of the church on earth . if ever the church be reduced to that concord , strength , and beauty , which all true christians do desire , i am past doubt that it must be by such principles , as i have here laid down . . but my grand reason was , that i might serve the church of christ , in the reviving and preservation of christian love. as it was an extraordinary measure of the spirit , which christ made his witness in the gospel church ; so is it as extraordinary a measure of love , which he maketh the new commandment , and the mark of all his true disciples : and whether afflicting on one side , and unmerciful and unjust censures , on the other side , one driving away ; and the other flying away , be either a sign or means of love : and whether taking others to be intolerable in the church , and unworthy of our communion , and separating from , or avoiding the worship where they are present , be likely to kindle love , or to kill it , let any man judge , that hath himself the exercise of reason , and unfeigned love. i know that this is the hour of temptation to the sufferers , to stir up passion and distaste ; and that men have need of more than ordinary grace and watchfulness , and therefore of more than ordinary helps & warning , to preserve due love , and keep out an undue hatred of those by whom they suffer . and how great a temptation also their censures and discontents will prove , to their superiours , and others by whom they suffer , and what unspeakable hurt it may do their s●uls , may easily be conjectured . this sin will prove our greatest loss . . hereupon men will be engaged in sinful actions of injustice and uncharitableness against each other . they will be glad to hear , and forward to believe hard and false reports of one another . and too forward to vent such behind one anothers backs : and there is no doubt , but many of each party already think worse of the other commonly , than they are : ( though , alas , we are all too bad , and some egregiously wicked . ) and those persons and churches that would censure a man for curses or oaths , should also censure men for slanders and backbitings . and should i not do my best , to prevent such a course of daily sin ? . both violence and separation tend to divide the builders themselves , and keep the ministers in contending with , and preaching and writing against each other , which should be employed in an unanimous opposition to the kingdom of satan in the world , and when all their united wisdom and strength is too little against the common ignorance and prophaneness of the world , their division will disable them , and give sin and satan opportunity to prevail . . it may engage them on both sides in the dreadful fin of persecuting each other , one party by the hand , and the other by the tongue , ( even while they cry out of persecution : ) and on both sides to hinder the gospel and mens salvation , on one side by hindering the preachers from their work , and on the other side ( yea on both ) by hindring the success . for what can be more done to make men despise the word , than to teach them to despise or abhor the preacher ? and what more can be done to destroy mens souls , than to harden them against the word ? is there any s●b●r man on either extream , that dare say , i would have none of the people saved , that are not , or will not be the hearers of our party ? if you dare not say , that you would have all the rest to be dam●ed , dare you say , you would not have them be taught by others ? or that you would not have them profit by the word they hear ? if not , how dare you tempt them to vilifie and despise their teachers ? if they will not learn of you , be glad if they will learn of any other , and do not hinder them . . by these means they will cherish an hypocritical sort of religiousness in the people , which is more employed in sidings , opinions and censurings of others , than in humble self-judging and in a holy heavenly mind and life . a man need not the spirit of god , and supernatural grace , nor much self-denyal , nor mortification of the flesh , to make him choose a certain fashion of external worship , and think that now he and those that are of that fashion , are the only people , and to reproach all of other fashions , as ungodly , and to think that he is therefore a better christian than the other , because his fashion of outward worship seemeth the better to him . not that any thing in gods worship should be denyed its due regard ; but its pity that by an unproportionable estimation of mens several outward fashions , words and gestures , poor souls should be tempted to deceive themselves , and to forget that he is the best christian that hath most faith , humility , love and heavenliness , which is the true holiness , and beauty of the soul. . when men think a lawful communion ( yea , a duty ) to be unlawful ; it will both keep them in the sin of omitting it , and cause them to add their sinful censures of all those that use that communion which they avoid . they do not only think that they are holier , because they hear not , and pray not , and communicate not in the parish churches , but they look down with a supercilious pity upon those that do ? and how many parties have i thus been pitied by ? as i go along the streets , the quakers say , poor man , thou art in darkness . the papists pity me , for not being one of them : the anabaptists pity me , for not being one of them : the separatists pity or disdain me , because i forbear not the worship that they forbear : and this excepter lamenteth my condition as passionately as any . it is not for [ not worshipping with them ] that they censure me ( for i am ready to do it , ) but for worshipping with others , in words which they like not . and whereas holiness was wont to be expressed most by worship actions , now it must be characterized more by negatives , even in external adjuncts . and if he be the best man that avoideth most the communion of others which he taketh to be bad , i have , and have had , neighbours better than you all , that never communicate with any church , nor ever publickly hear , or pray , or worship god at all , because they think all your wayes of worship to be bad . i remember rivet marketh out grotius by this , that while he forsook the protestant churches , and called us to unite with the church of rome ( that is , with the pope ruling not arbitrarily , but by the laws of a general council , not excluding that of trent ) he did actually communicate with none at all . . when mens judgements are thus mistaken about church communion , their worship of god will be corrupted : they will in their hearts earnestly desiee that all others may be of their mind , and they will complain to god of that as a sin , which is mens duty : especially among those of their own mind . and this offering up of their mistakes to god , in earnestness , as an acceptable service , is a sad polluting of holy things . so he that is famed to have written this antidote , is said to have made my book which was written for christian love , to be the matter of his publick humiliation . and another of my friends , in dayes of prayer , maketh it his lamentation , [ lord , here are those that are one day here , and another day at common-prayer : ] as if the exercise of knowledge and love , in impartial communion with all christs churches ( not forcing us to sin ) were a sin to be lamented . but i need not go further for instance , than this antidote , where the reverend author taketh it for a service of god , to write against those necessary precepts of love and unity , which he mistakingly opposeth . and so did mr. iohnson and mr. canne , who most confidently presented their writings for separation , to god , as a service which he had commanded them , and would own . . this narrow judgement tempteth men on one side , to anathematize all that say , there are any other true churches in england , save of one form and fashion ; and it tempteth others to deny the parish churches , to be at all true churches , and so to narrow the possessions of christ. and hereupon it tempteth them to endeavour to disgrace and dissolve each other . it draweth many to think , that it is the interest of religion now in england , to have the parish churches to be brought low in reputation and deserted , and gods publick worship , which they would have all religious people use , to be only that of tolerated or more private churches . by which they little know what they wi●● against the interest of the christian and pro 〈…〉 nt religion in this land ? nor what hurt they would do , if in this they had their wills . . these dividing principles and spirits which i oppose , will on one side give shelter to all the prophane malignant minds , that itch to be afflicting others , that fear god more than they : and on the other side , it will give shelter to all kind of heresies and sects ; of which experience is too full a proof . . yea , before our eyes , the most pernicious heresies , even those of quakers , are still not only continued , but increase . and we see men that to day condemn communion with the parish churches , and then with the presbyterians ; do shortly fly from communion with the independents too . and mens passions in sufferings pervert their judgements ; and frequently men are overcome by tryal , when they think they are most constant and have overcome . it s commonly known how many of late are turned quakers ; and what considerable persons lately in prison , fell to that unhappy heresie . yet they that by a prison lost their religion , no doubt thought themselves more honourable by their sufferings , than those that go to common-prayer . and shall we stand by and see this work go on , and neither lament their sin , that drive men to this , nor warn them of the passions and principles that lead to it . . separation will ruine the separated churches themselves at last , ( by separation i mean the same thing that the old non-conformists wrote against by that name ) it will admit of no consistency . parties will arise in the separated churches , and separate again from them , till they are dissolved . i beseech my deer brethren that are otherwise minded to open their eyes so far as to regard experience . brethren , what now comparatively are all the separated churches or parties upon earth ? would you have all christs churches , and all the interest of the christian religion to be as short lived , and to stand upon no more certain terms than they do ? how few separated churches do now exist , that were in being an hundred years ago ? can you name any ? and would you have had all the churches of christ on earth , to be dissolved , when they were dissolved ? or do you think that all were dissolved with them ? this would make us all seekers indeed . . separating and narrow principles befriend not godliness , as they pretend to do , but lamentably undermine it ? if it were but by driving off and disaffecting the lower sort of christians , whose communion you reject . the case of three or four churches in new-england grieve my heart : but the case of the summer islands as related to me by mr. vaughan , a worthy minister lately discouraged and come from thence , would make a christian heart to bleed ; to hear how strict and regular and hopeful that plantation once was ? and how one godly mininister by separation , selecting a few to be his church , and rejecting all the rest from the sacrament , the rejected party are grown to doleful estrangedness from religion , and the selected party much turned quakers , and between both , how wofull are the fruits . but the case of england , scotland , and ireland ( which i foretold in my book of infant baptisme ) is yet a more lamentable proof , what separation hath done against religion , so full a proof , that it is my wonder that any good man can overlook it . . yea it tendeth to make religiousness contemptible , and the professors of it , a common scorn , when we are perceived to place it in unwarrantable separations , and singularities , and when we make men think that the greatest difference between those that they call precise , or religious , and others , is but this , that one of them prayeth without book , and the other by the book ; that one of them will not joyn with those that use the liturgie , and the other will. if we let men see that in indifferent things we are indifferent , and that lesser evils we avoid as lesser , and greater evils , as greater , and that the great difference between us and the ungodly , is in our seriousness in our christian profession , and in our heavenlyness , and true obedience to christ , it would much convince them of their misery , and honour religion in the world : but when they perceive that the greatest contention which our houses and our streets do ring of , is whether we shall hear a man that conformeth or not ? or whether we shall pray with them that use the liturgie ? or whether we may sometimes communicate with a parish church or not ? this turneth the thoughts of the careless and carnal , the worldling and the sensualist , from the necessary condemning of himself for his ungodliness , and sets him on thinking , that these stricter people do differ from him in things of no importance , and that they are but an erroneous self conceited sort of persons , and that he is much the wiser man. thousands in england are hardened into a neglect of godliness , to our suffering and the apparent danger of their own damnation , by occasion of the unwarrantable singularities , and the scandalous sins , especially of those professors , that have been most addicted to sinful separations . . i am not causelesly afraid lest , if we suffer the principles and practices which i write against , to proceed without our contradiction , popery will get by it , so great advantage , as may hazzard us all , and we may lose that which the several parties do contend about . three waies especially popery will grow out of our divisions . . by the odium and scorn of our disagreements , inconsistency , and multiplied sects ; they will perswade people that we must either come for unity to them , or else all run mad , and crumble into dust and individuals . thousands have been drawn to popery or confirmed in it by this argument already : and i am perswaded that all the arguments else in bellarmine and all other books that ever were written , have not done so much to make papists in england , as the multitude of sects among our selves . yea some professors of religious strictness , of great esteem for godliness , have turned papists themselves , when they were giddy and wearied with turnings ; and when they had run from sect to sect , and found no consistency in any . for when they see so many , they say , how can i tell that this or that is in the right , rather than the other ? this it is that they ring continually in our ears . which of all these sects is in the right ? and what assurance have they of it more than all the rest that are as confident ? and how small a church doth any one sect make ? and ●f h●w late original ( for the most . ) but the poor deluded souls consider not , that in going to the papists , they go but to another sect that is worse than any of the rest ; and though greater , yet not past the third part of the christians in the world : and that christianity is but one : and that the way to rest , is to unite upon the common terms of simple christianity . . and who knoweth not how fair a game the papists have to play by the means of our divisions ? methinks i hear them hissing on each party , and saying to one side , lay more upon them , and and abate them nothing ? and to the other , stand it out and yield to nothing ? and who is so blind then as not to see their double game and hopes . viz. that either our divisions and alienations , will carry men to such distances and practices , as shall make us accounted seditious , rebellious , and dangerous to the publick peace , and so they may pass for better subjects than we ; or else that when so many parties under sufferings are constrained to beg and wait for liberty , the papists may not be shut out alone , but have toleration with the rest . and shall they use our hands to do their works , and pull their freedom out of the fire ? we have already unspeakably served them , both in this , and in abating the odium of the gun powder plot , and their other treasons , insurrections , and spanish invasion ( of which read thuanus himself that openeth all the mystery . ) . and it is not the least of our danger ( nor which doth least affect me ) lest by our follies , extremities and rigors , we should so exasperate the common people , as to make them readier to joyn with the papists , than with us , in case of any competitions , or their invasions , or insurrections against the king , and kingdoms peace . sure i am that the parliaments and peoples resolutions against them , after the late fire , and in the time of the last war , when they were so much feared , did discourage and depress them more , than all the rest of their opposers . and though we cannot rationally believe that the people of england , much less wise and sober governors , will ever be such enemies to themselves , as to subject themselves to the romish tyranny , and to forget what ireland and england have seen and felt , yet because it is not only oppression that maketh wise men mad , let us do nothing by unlawful alienations and singularities , or fierce and disobedint oppositions , which tend to make the people like better of the papists than of us . . i am not able to bear the thoughts of separating from almost all christs churches upon earth . but he that separateth from one or many upon a reason common to almost all , doth virtually separate from almost all . and he that separateth from all among us upon the account of the unlawfulness of our liturgie , and the badness of all our ministry , doth separate from them upon a reason common to almost all , or the far greatest part , as i conceive . . though ministerial conformity be to us , another thing ( by reason of the new impositions , ) than it was to our predecessors yet to the people conformite is the same , if not easier ( especially to them that i now speak to : ) for it is the liturgie , ceremonies and ministry , that most alienate them ( as i said before , and not so much the subscription against the obligation of the covenant . ) and the liturgie is a little amended as to them , by the change of the translation , and some little words , and by some●onger prayers . and the ceremonies are the same ; and thirty years ago there was many bare reading not preaching ministers , for one that there is now : therefore our case of separation being the same with what it was of old , i take it to be fully confuted by the antient non-conformists . and i have so great a veneration for the worthy names ( much more an estimation of the reasonings ) of mr. cartwright , egerton , hildersham , dod , amesius , parker , baines , brightman , ball , bradshaw , paget , langley , nichols , hering , and many other such , that i shall not think they knew not why they chose this subject , and wrote more against separation than the conformists did . nor do i think that the reasons of mr. iohnson and mr. canne , can stand before them . and it pittieth me to hear now many that differ from them say , we are grown wiser and have more light than they ! when as our writings upon the same subjects shew that we are far in that below them ? and in other parts of knowledge , al●s , what are we to reignolds , ames , parker and several of the rest ? but the world knoweth , that the turn of the times put most of us into the sudden possession of our opinions , without one half of the study ( it may be with most , not the hundredth part ) which cartwright , ames , parker , &c. bestowed upon these points . and i never yet saw cause to believe that our present dividers , do learn more in a days study , than those learned holy men did in twenty . nor do they shew more wisdom , or holiness in the main . i am very glad that the pious lectures of mr. hildersham , mr. r. rogers and such other old non-conformists , are in so good esteem among good people , where they will read them urging the people not only against separation , but to come to the very beginning of the publick worship , and preferring it before their private duties . as for them that say , if dod , ames , hildersham , &c. had lived till now , they would have been of our mind . i desire them to prove it , or not affirm it ? is not the liturgie , ceremonies , and ministery the same ? and what signs of such mutability did they shew ? could your reasons have conquered them , more than mr. ainsworths , iohnsons , or cannes ? they were not so light , to be changed causelesly . and i pray you mark , that if you are wiser in this point of separation than all these old non-conformists were , than iohnson , and canne , and howe , were wiser also in that than they , which doth not appear to us by their writings : and then , for all the greater light , that you think you have , yet iohnson , canne , and howe , had as great light , and were in this as wise as you , though ames , and the rest of the nonconformists were not . o that our brethren would but seriously read over the writings of these men , especially iacob , paget , ball , and bradshaw , and gifford against the separatists , and try whether the case was not the same . . yea i must confess , that when i think what learned , holy , incomparable men , abundance of the old cenformits were , my heart riseth against the thoughts of separating from them ! if i had come to their churches , when they used the common-prayer , and administred the sacrament , could i have departed and said , it is not lawful for any christian here to communicate with you ? what! to such men as mr. bolton , mr. whateley , mr. fenner , mr. dent , mr. crook , mr. dike , mr. stocke , mr. smith , dr. preston , dr. si●bes , dr. stoughton , dr. taylor , and abundance other such ? yea such as bishop iewel , bishop grindal , bishop hall , bishop potter , bishop davenant , bishop carl●t●n , &c. dr. field , dr. smith , dr iohn white , dr. willet , &c. yea and the martyrs too , as cranmer , ridley , hooper himself , farrar , bradford , philpot , sanders , &c. to say nothing of luther , melanebthon , bucer ; and the rest of the forreign worthies . could i separate from all these on the reasons now in question ? yea calvin himself and the churches of his way , were all separated from by the separatists of their times . . at least i cannot easily condemn the ancient independents , who were against separation as well as the presbyterians . mr. henry iacob is accounted the father of the ▪ english independents ; and he hath wrote a book against mr. iohnson the separatist , or th●s title , [ a defence of the churches and ministery of england , written in two treatises against the reasons and objections of mr. francis johnson , and ●thers of the separation , commonly called brow●●●s . ] and in the end he hath [ a short treatise concerning the truness of a pastoral calling in pastors made by prelates . ] and i intreat the reader to note that mr. iohnson there chargeth the church of england and their worship , with no fewer than . antichristian abominations . and i would ask any of the dividers , whether they have more than . antichristian abominations to charge upon it now . i am content that those i write to now , will cast by my book , if they will but read mr. iacobs . and dr. ames was half an independent , and yet against separation . i need not mention the great moderation of new-england , where their late healing endeavors greatly tend to increase our hopes of reconciliation ? ( o that the rest of the churches were as wise and happy ! ) whose experience hath possessed them with a deep dislike of the spirit of separation and division . yea ( if any thing may be believed which i have not seen ) mr. ph. nie himself hath writen to prove the lawfulness of hearing the preachers in the parish assemblies . and yet it is as confidently confuted by another of the brethren , as my book is by this excepter . and he that proveth it lawful to joyn with them that profess themselves a church , in their ordinary doctrine , and pulpit prayers , and psalms of praise , i think can never prove it unlawful at all times , to joyn with them in the use of the liturgie , or in the sacrament ( supposing the scruple of kneeling removed ) for the most of the liturgie is the reading of the scripture it self , and the rest is sound matter , though in an imperfect mode and fashion of words . . is sects and heresies increase among us , the blame of all will be laid upon the non-conformists . and so it now is : they commonly say , it is you that open the door to them all : and how injuriously soever this be said , it becometh our duty , not only to see that it be not true , but also to do our part against them . and this was one great reason why the old nonconformists wrote and preached so much more th●● the bishops against separation ; because all this spurious offspring was fathered on them , and still laid at their doors : and withal because they found how hard it is , to stop men that begin to find real faults with other men , from fancying abundance more that are not real ; and to keep men from running into extreams : and experience told them , that their own party was in danger of running from them , and it was not easie to keep them stable in the sober 〈◊〉 of the truth . especially the independents o● this account , are obliged to be the greatest disswaders of separation , because all sects are fathered on them , and too many of their congregations in england , and new-england , have been lamentably corrupted , or subverted and dissolved by them . . there is 〈◊〉 man that is acquainted with church history but knoweth , that as christ was crucified between two thieves , so his church hath been 〈◊〉 and troubled , between the prophane malignant persecutors , and the heretical and sectarian dividers ; even from the dayes of the apostles until this age . insomuch that paul himself , and peter , and iude , and iohn were put to 〈…〉 as largely against the dividers almost as the persecutors . iraenaeus , epiphanius , augustine , theodoret , besides the rest , do sadly tell us in their catalogues and controversies , how lamentably these dividers then hindered the gospel , and distressed and dishonoured the church . and the sad stories of h●lland , munster and others in germany , poland , and especially these twenty years past in england , do bring all closer to our sense . and are not the watch-men of christ still bound to tell the church of their danger on the one side , as well as the other ? yea in some respects to say more on this side , than on that , because religious people are easier and ofter turned to be dividers , than to be persecutors or prophane . . all these dangers lying before us , and the non-conformable ministers being under great reproaches , and lamentable hinderances from their sacred work , and called by god to fidelity as in a day of tryal , what guilt would be upon us , what shame would be our due , if we should all be silent whilest we see the principles of division continually increase ? the 〈◊〉 principles which the old non-conformists confuted , greatly propagate themselves , through the smart which alienateth the peoples minds . and reason doth so hardly prevail against feeling , that all that we can say will prove too little . this is the true cause why they cry out now , [ oh the case is changed ! it is not with us as it was in the old non-conformists daies ; ] because they did but hear of what was in those daies , but they see and feel what is done in ours . therefore we had so easie a work comparatively to perswade men that the old separatists were mistaken , but can hardly now perswade them that the same principles are a mistake ; because now they smart , and passion is not easily held in by reason . i can make shift to hold in a mettlesome horse , while he is not provoked ; but if a bishop will come behind me , and la●h him , or prick him , and then blame the rider if he run away with me , i cannot help it . but sure if we must needs have to do with such men , it concerneth us to hold the reines the harder . and if after such grievous judgements , as plagues , flames , poverty , reproach , and silencings , and sad confusions , which god hath tryed us with in these times , his ministers should through passion , policie or sloth , sit still and let professors run into sinful principles and extreams , it will be our aggravated sin . . and one reason why i set upon this work was , because i saw few others do it . if it must be done , and others will not , then i must take it for my duty . . and another reason was , because i knew but few that i was willing to thrust upon it , so forwardly as my self , for fear of being the author of their sufferings . many may be abler , that are not in other respects so fit . some ministers are young men . and like to live longer to serve god in his church ; and their reputation is needful to their success : if they be vilified , it may hinder their labours . and experience telleth us , that the dividing spirit is very powerful and victorious in censorious vilifying of dissenters . but i am almost miles emeritus at the end of my work , and can reasonably expect to do but little more in the world ; and therefore have not their impediment : and for popular applause , i have tryed its vanity : i have had so much of it , till i am brought to a contempt if not a loathing of it . and whereas some brethren , say , that censures will hinder the success of my writings , i answer , no man shall do his duty without some difficulties and impediments . if my writings will not do good by the evidence of truth in them , and if the censures of dividers are able to frustrate them , let them fall and fail . and some of my brethren have great congregations to teach , which are so inclined to this dividing way , that they cannot bear their information . but when i preached in my house to the most , i knew scarce any of the parish that came not to the parish church , but such as lived in my own house . also many ministers being turned out of all their maintenance , have families and nothing to maintain them , but what the charity of religious people giveth them . ( little do some know what the families of many godly ministers suffer ! ) and some independents are maintained by their gathered churches , and if they cast them off , both reputation , work and maintenance would fail ( for those that silence them will neither honor them , nor maintain them ) . and though i suppose that these brethren would serve god in the greatest contempt and poverty , and self-denial , if they perceive that god doth call them to it , yet i think it a duty of charity in me , to go before them , and do the more displeasing work , to prevent the sufferings of such , or at least , not to thrust them on so hard a service . for i have no church that maintaineth me , nor any people whose estimation i am afraid to lose , that are dividingly inclined , nor ( through gods mercy ) have any need of maintenance from others , and therefore may do my duty at cheaper rates than they . . and i will add one reason more of the publishing , though not of the writing of my book . when it had been long cast by , ●●ound in the debater , and ecclesiastical polititian that the nonconformists are made ridiculous and ●dious , as men of erroneous , uncharitable , and ungovernable principles and spirits ( though we subscribe to all the doctrine of the church of england ) and i thought that the publication of this book , should leave a testimony to the generations to come , by which they might know whether we were truly accused , and whether our principles were not as much for love and peace as theirs , and as consistent with order and government . is not the non-conformists doctrine the same with that of the church of england , when they subcribe to it , or offer so to do ? did not his majesty in his declaration about ecclesiastical affairs , complain of them ( dr. burges i suppose ) who pretended a difference between us in doctrine ? if they say that the non-conformists are to be denominated from the major part , i answer , we provoke the willingest of their adversaries to prove , that either the major part , or any thing near it , is of more erroneous doctrinal principles than themselves ? the independents as well as the presbyterians offer to subscribe to the doctrine of the . articles , as distinct from prelacy and ceremony . and i must witness that when i was in the country , i knew not of one minister of ten that are now silenced , that was not in the main ( as far as i could discern ) of the same principles with my self . and though any reproacher will blindly injure the non-conformists , who shall judge of them throughout england and scotland by the many parties in london , where a great number of differing opinions alwaies inhabited ; yet i may add that even in london , the burning of the churches , and the notorious necessity of many thousand souls , and the acts which punish them by six moneths imprisonment , if they come within five miles of a corporation , ( and therefore make them think it necessary to keep out of the parish churches , where they may presently be both accused and apprehended ) doth make the practice of many very humble , godly , peaceable , and moderate men ( by preaching at the time of publick worship , when their hearers cannot well come at another time ) to be such as causeth men to misstake their principles . but satan maligning the just vindication of the non-conformists against these accusations , hath by false suggestions stirred up some , who differ from the rest as well as we , to clamour against this book , which was published for the clearing of the innocent : and now they have disclaimed it , they have renounced their own part in those peaceable principles which they disown , and in this vindication ; but i must desire the next accuser , to charge this renunciation upon none but those that he can prove to be guilty of it , and not on the non-conformists . and the rather because ( by a self confutation ) they have shewed themselves , that the old non-conformists were more sober and peaceable ; and i can assure them , that the most of the non-conformists ministers of my acquaintance , are not a jot more rigorous or farther from them , than the old nonconformists were . and that those that treated with the bishops in . did yield to such an episcopacy , as the old non-conformists would scarcely have generally consented to ( viz. bishop ushers model in his reduction . ) if the accusers of the non-conformists shall say , [ by the censure of your book and person you see what non-conformists are , that will joyn in receiving and venting false reports , even of their brethren , before they saw or heard one line of the book , ] i answer to such : . call not that the act of the non-conformists , which some of one party of them are drawn to by misinformation . . there were so great persons and so many of the conformists concurred in the report , that you may well be silent as to parties , and say that iliacos intra muros , &c. we are all to blame . . it cannot be denyed , that among all parties in england , there are so many that take up false reports , and think it no sin if they did but hear it from credible persons , and hereby are satans instruments to vend false defamations , that it is become the shame and crime of the land ; and many strict professors ( excepting the graver and soberer sort ) are too commonly guilty of it , though not so much as others . i will not deny but humane converse requireth some credulity : but if men medled not with other mens matters without a call , and withall did love their neighbours as themselves , and were as tender conscienced as they ought to be , and knew how little before god it will excuse a lie or slander to say , [ i heard it of such an honest man , or i said but what i heard of many , ] it would prevent a great deal of sin . and that it may appear i am impartial , and defend not those faults in the religious sort , which they must repent of , i will intreat you to note from this one instance , these following obvious observations . . note by this instance what an inequality there may be in the ●●nd●●ness of mens consciences towards meer words and formes of worship , and towards the sins which nature it self condemneth , if they study not well the wiles of satan ; when the city and country shall have the same men that are tender conscienced ( which i commend ) about a ceremony or the fashion of their prayers , without any scruple or remorse thus receive and publish a slander or falshood , ( that i wrote against private meetings , and for conformity , and that i conformed ) and this before they had ever seen or spoken with one man living that had seen one line of the book , or could report it to them with the least pretense of knowledge . yea and all this against one that had given an opener testimony against conformity , than any one man of all them that thus slandered him , as far as ever i was able to know . . note here what i have told you in the book , the great difference between a formal dividing zeal for opinions , and a christian zeal of love and heavenliness and good workes . if you would kindle this latter in your own or others hearts , alas , what holy labour doth it require ? how many lively sermons are all too little to kindle the least flame of loving , heavenly fruitful zeal ! how many meditations and prayers are used before any holy flame appeareth ? but a zeal for our party and our opinions , and our several formes and fashions of speaking to god , will kindle and flame like the fire that consumed london . a sparke from one discontented persons mouth will suddenly take , and engage multitudes in city and country in the affectionate spreading of untruths ; and who can quench it till it go out of it self for want of fewel ? . note also the great partiality of multitudes of religious people , and how easily we can aggravate the faults of others , and how hardly we can either aggravate or see our own ! the defects of the liturgie , and the faults of those by whom we suffer , are easily heightned , even beyond desert . but when many of us vend untruths , and slanders against our brethren about the land , who aggravateth this or repenteth of it ? . but above all i intreate the dividing brethren , if they can so long lay by their partiality , to judge by this of the reasons of their separation from those churches ( private or parochial ) that they differ from , in tolerable things . you think it a sin to communicate in a church where the liturgie is used , and discipline is not so strictly exercised against some offenders , as you and i desire . but such publicke multiplyed untruths in mens mouths , doth never make you scruple their communion . i intreat you do but study an answer to one that would separate from you all , upon such grounds as these . first for the sin , consider of these texts , exod. . , . thou shalt not raise a false report : put not thy hand with the wicked to be an unrighteous witness . thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil ; neither shalt thou speak in a cause to decline after many to wrest it . psalm . . he that backhiteth not with his tongue , nor doth evil to his neighbour , nor taketh up a reproach against his neighbour . rom. . . backbiters , ●aters of god , cor. . . lest there be debate , strifes , backbibitings , whisperings , &c. prov. . . an angry counterance driveth away a backbiting tongue : tit. . , . put them in mind to be ready to every good work ; to speak evil of no man. pet. . . laying aside evil speakings — tim. . . whereof cometh evil surmisings , eph. . . let evil speakings be put away from you . jud. . these speak evil of those things which they know not . jam. . . speak not evil one of another ; he that speaketh evil of another and judgeth another , speakevil of the law , and judgeth the law. have you more and plainer texts of scripture agninst the common prayer than all these are ? now suppose one should say that a people of such sin as this should not be communicated with , especially where there is no discipline exercised that ever so much as calleth one man of them to repentance for it : what answer will you give to this , which will not confute your own objections , against communion with many parish churches in this land. . lastly hence note , how still overdoing is undoing . by the principles of love and peace conteined in the book which some reproach , had they not disowned them , they might have had their part in this just vindication , against them that accuse the non-conformists principles of enmity to love and peace : but they would have no part in it , and have cast away their own vindication , and so have confirmed their accusers , and tempted them to believe that some non-conformists are indeed such as they described : but i must again intreat them to distinguish : many sects go under the name of nonconformists , from whom we differ incomparably more than we do from the conformists ; as the quakers , seekers b●hmenists , and some others . we are none of those men that , because we all suffer together under the prelacy , do therefore more close with these , than with the conformists , with whom in doctrine and the substance of worship , we agree . but because it is their own resolved choice , to disown the principles and vindication of that book , i shall only say , i. to our accusers [ it is not these dividers which we vindicate , that will not stand to our vindication ] . ii. to posterity ( whose historical information of the truth of matters in this age i much desire , ) [ if you would know what sort of men they are , that these times call sectaries and dividers or separatists , i will give you but their own character of themselves , that you may be sure i wrong them not : peruse the book called , the cure of church-divisions ; for they are persons so contrary to that book , as that they take it to be an evil and mischievous thing , and greatly to be lamented and detested : in so much that some of them say , it had been well if the author had dyed ten years ago , and others , that this book hath done more harm than ever he did good in all his life . so intolerable is it to them , to have their love-killing and dividing principles so much as thus contradicted , while they cry out against the imposing spirit of others . the measure of their distaste against these principles of love and unity , i leave you to gather out of the exceptions which i am now to answer . cap. . the true state as the controversie , between me , and those whom i call church-dividers . because the excepter carrieth it all along , as if he understood not what i say , or would not have his reader understand it , i must state the case as it standeth between us , for the sake of them that love not to be deceived , nor to be angry at they know not what . know therefore that the design of the writer of that book was , to restore love and unity among christians , which he saw decaying and almost dying through the temptation of our sufferings from some , and our differences with others , and through the sidings of parties , and through the passions which conquer some mens judgements , and the hy 〈…〉 e of others , who place their religion in their sidings , and in the forms or fashions of the words of their prayers , or the circumstances of outward worship : and to acquaint christians with the wiles of satan , who would kill their grace , by killing their love , whilst they think they do but preserve their purity . and to open to them the secret windings of the serpent , and the workings of pride , and wrath , and selfishness , against the works of love and peace : and to shew them the great deceitfulness of mans heart , which often fighteth against god as for god , by fighting against love and unity ; and which oft loseth all , by seeming to overcome , and forsaketh religion by seeming valiant for it ; ) and i especially intreat the reader to note , that i said much more about principles , than practices ; because i know that as to communion with this or that church , m●ns practices may vary upon accidental and prudential accounts , of which i pretend not to be a judge : and therefore i first speak against love killing principles , and then against such practices only , as either proceed from such principles , or increase them . if i see a man stay from church , as i know not his reasons , so i judge him not ; unless as he doth it upon sinful causes , and especially if he would propagate those causes to others , and justifie them to be of god , when they are against him . and whereas hatred and enmity worketh by driving men from each others societies , as wicked or intolerable , and love worketh by inclining men to union and communion ; and again , mens distance increaseth the enmity which caused it ; and their nearness and familiarity increaseth love , and reconcileth them ; i did therefore think it a matter of great necessity to our welfare , to counsel men to all lawful nearness and communion , and to disswade them from all unnecessary alienation and separation from each other ▪ let the reader also understand , that in this , my purpose was not to condemn mens separation from the parish churches only , nor more than any other sinful separation : but from any true church of christians whatsoever ; when uncharitable principles drive them away , whether it be from presbyterians , independents , anabaptists , arminians , lutherans , &c. only because that those i deal most with , make most exceptions against communion with the parish churches , i bestowed most words in answering such exceptions . therefore observe . that it is none of our question , [ whether you should communicate with the parish churches alone , and no other ? . nor [ whether you should communicate with every parish church , or any one whose pastors are through insufficiency , heresie or impiety intolerable ? which i have written against dir. . p. , &c. . nor [ whether we may hold local communion in worship with a church which denyeth us such communion , unless we will sin : this i have oft enough denyed , p. , &c. . nor [ whether caeteris paribus local communion with a purer and better church , be not ordinarily to be preferred before local communion with a worse ? ( which i assert , p. , &c. ) . nor [ whether a man be a separatist from another church , meerly because he is not locally present with it ? ( for then when i am in one church , i separate from all other in the world ? ) . nor [ whether it be lawful to remove ones dwelling , for communion with a better minister and church , supposing that we are free ? p. . . nor [ whether it be lawful to remove to a better church , without removing ones dwelling , in a place where another church is near , to which we may go without any publick injury , or hurt to our selves or others , which is greater than the benefit , pag. . . nor [ whether we may remove both from church and countrey , by the occasions of our callings or trades , or other outward weighty reasons ? pag. . . nor [ whether we may keep in communion privately with our lawful pastors , if they be turned out of the publick temples ? ] which i have asserted , pag. . and have said , that where the pastor is , there the church is , in whatever place they do assemble , p. . ( which dr. hide also thought , when he began his book with an assertion of the necessity of separating then from the publick places . and so did other prelatists then , and so think the papists now , and most other parties . ) . nor is it any of our question , [ whether you should have communion with a diocesan church , as such ; ( it is a parochial church with such others that i spake of , and never a word of a diocesan church . ) . therefore it is none of the question [ whether you must own our diocesan bishops ? ] . nor yet [ whether you must have communion with any thing called , a national church , as a political society constituted of an ecclesiastical head and body , and denominated from that form , ●r constitutive head ? though we must own a national church , as it is improperly so denominated , from the king that is the civil head ( accidental , and not constitutive to the spiritual church . ) and as it is a community of christians , and a part of the universal church , united by the concord of her pastors ; who in synods may represent the whole ministry , and be the means of their agreement . . nor is it the question , [ whether you must needs hold communion with those individual bishops , whom you account the persecutors , and causes of our silence and confusions . i have told you in the story of martin , how he separated from the synods of th●se individual bishops , and from their local communion , without separating from the office , the churches , or from any other bishops . this is a matter that i did not meddle with , because it is not their communion that you are called to , but the parish churches . indeed to save m●ns lives , he did yield to the emperour once to communicate with them ; but ( saith sulp. severus ●i●l . . p. bib. pa● . . summa vi episcopis nitentibus , ut communionem ill●m subscriptione firmaret , extorqueri non potuit . and the angel that appeared to him said [ merito martine compungeris ; sed aliter exi●e nequi●ti : repara virtutem , resume constantiam , n● jam non periculum gloriae sed salutis incu●reris . ita ; ab illo tempore satis cavit , cum illa i●ha●ianae partis communione mis●●ri . and after finding his power of miracles abated , with tears he con●essed to sulpit. that propter communionis illius malum , cui se vel puncto temporis , necessitate , non spiritu mis●●isset , d●trimentum s●etire virtutis . s●d●●im p●s●ea vixit annos , nullam synodum adiit , ab omnibus episc●porum conve●●ibus se rem●vit . but this was only from those bishops who by provoking magistrates against the priscillian gnosticks , had brought all strict religious people under scorn . but he separated not from any others . . nay , i made it none of our question , [ whether you should communicate , with any parish minister , who concurreth with the● in the said matters whi●h y●u ●●cuse the bishops of , a●y farther than by c●●●orming to the la● . for it is but few o● 〈◊〉 parish ministers that were conv●cation men , or that you can prove did ever consent to our silencing . . nor is it any of the question , [ whether those also be guilty of separation and divisions , wh● shall make unnecessary engines of division , and ●●y upon the ne●ks of any churches such unnecessary things as have a tendency to divide . ] who hath said more against this , than i have done ? . nor is it any of our question , [ which of the two is the greater cause of divis●●●s , or which of the foresaid persons is m●●t 〈◊〉 ? ] who hath spoken plainlier in this , than i ? i● the brother that excepteth would ma●● you believe , that any one of these is the 〈◊〉 , i● you believe him , he doth but deceiive you . but whom i mean by s●parati●● ▪ i hav● pla●ly told you , pag. . ● . &c. ☞ and that which i perswade men to , is this : . to love all christians as themselves . . to hold nothing , and do nothing which is contrary to this love , and would destroy it . . therefore to deny no christians to be christians , nor no churches to be churches , nor no lawful worship of any m●de or party to be lawfull . . not to sep●●ate from any others upon any of these three false suppositions or accusations , ( viz. . as no true christians : . as no true churches : . as having no true worship , or as worshipping , so as it is not lawful to joyn with them . ) . to choose the most edifying ministry , and the soundest church , and purest manner of worshipping god , that possibly you can have on lawful terms , as to your ordinary use and communion , so far as you are free to choose . . to joyn with a defective faulty true church , ordinarily , and in a manner of worship which is defective , when you can have no better , on lawful terms , ( as without the publick injury , or your own greater hinderance than help ) and i prove , that this is the worst that you can charge ( as to this matter of communion ) on those parish churches in england , that have honest comp●tent pastors ; and the same others charge on the churches of independents and anabaptists . and that it is a duty to hold communion with any one of th●se constantly when you can have no better . . that if you can statedly have better ; yet sometimes to communicate with a defective church , as a stranger may do , that is not int●ressed in their discipline , or is no stated member , is not only lawful , but , for the ends sake , is a duty , when our never communicating with them is scandalous , and offensive to our rulers , and tendeth to make people think that we hold that to be unlawful which we do not , and when our actual communion is apt and needful to shew our judgement , and to cherish love and christian concord . on which account , as i would statedly communicate with the greek church , if i were among them , and had no better ; and would sometimes communicate with them in , their prayers and sacraments , if i did but pass through the countrey as a stranger , or if i could have better ; even so would i do with a parish church , if as faulty as you can justly charge it ( with the foresaid limitations ) or with a church of anabaptists or independents , ( if they did not use their meetings to destroy either piety or love. ) this is my judgement ; this is the summ of all that i plead for , as to communion . if the excepter deny not this , he talketh not at all to me . if any that have passionately reviled my book and me , do say , we thought you had gone further , and pleaded for more : i answer them , that we should not speak untruths , and revile things before we understand them , and then come off with [ i thought you had said more . ] it is this with other love-killing distempers that i strive to cure. and again i tell you , that it is , . ignorance : . pride , or overvaluing our own understandings : . and uncharitableness generated of these two , which is the cause of our cruelties and our unlawful separations , and which breed and feed our threatning divisions , among the parties on both extreams . and it s the death of these three that must be our cure. cap. . some objections ( or questions ) about separation answered . as to that party who think anabaptists and independents unfit for their communion , i am not now dealing with them ; and therefore am not to answer their objections . only on the by i shall here mind them ; . that it is not such as the old german anabaptists , who denyed magistracy to christians , &c. that i speak of ; but such as only deny infant baptism : and that many of them , are truly godly sober men ; and therefore capable of communion . and that the ancient churches left it to men ▪ liberty at what time they would have their children baptized . . that many independents are downright against separation ; mr. iacob hath notably written against it . therefore those that are but meer independents , refuse not communion with the parish churches : and why should you refuse communion with them ? . that many that separate , secundum quid , or pro tempore , from some part of worship only and for a season , yet separate not simply from the churches as no churches , nor would do all as they do , in othe● circumstances . for instance , when they come not to the publick assemblies , yet they will not refuse you , if you will come to theirs . go to their meetings , and see if they so far separate , as to forbid you ? nor perhaps to their sacraments , if you will submit to their way , as you expect they should do by yours . now seeing we are all agreed , that the magistrate doth not make ministers , churches ( or sacraments , ) but only encourage , protect and rule them , i desire you but to be so impartial as to consider that . you count not your selves separatists , because you never go to one of their meetings in their houses or other places ; why then should you call them separatists , only for not coming to yours ? . but if they are guilty of separation for holding either that your churches and ministry are null , or that communion with you is unlawful by gods law , enquire how far you also are separatists , if you say the same without proof by any others , ( though their lawfulness by the law of the land , i justifie not , no nor the regularity of their church assemblies . ) . and i would here note how partial most men are . they that think an independent or anabaptist , yea , or a presbyterian intolerable at home in their several churches , yet if they would but come to their communion , they would receive them as tolerable members . and they that think it unlawful to hold communion with the prelatists , and give the reason partly from their unfitness , yet would receive them ( in many churches ) if they did but change their opinions , and desire communion with them in their way . but it is those that judge parish communion ( where there are godly ministers ) unlawful , that i am here to speak to . and their principal doubts are such as many good and sober persons need an answer to . quest . i. quest. . doth not the second commandment , and gods oft expressed jealousie in the matters of his worship , make it a sin to communicate in the ●●turgi● ? answ . the meaning of the second commandment ( mistaken by many ) is directly to forbid corporal or interpretative idolatry , and worshipping god by images , as if he were like ● creature : and scandalousl● symbolizing with the idolaters ▪ or worshippers of false gods ▪ by doing that which in outward appearance is the worshipping of a false god , though the mind be pretended to be kept free . now the worshipping of the true god in the words of the liturgie , hath none of this ; nor will any but a sinful c●nsurer think that it is the worshipping of a false god. nor is every use of the same places , words , or other things indifferent , a symbolizing with idolatry : but the saying those words , or the using those acts or ceremonies , by which their false religion in specie is notified , as by a tessera , or badge to the world . or using the symbols of their religion as differing from the true . even as the use of baptism , and the lords supper , the creed , and the constant use of our church-worship , are the symbols of the christian religion . so their sacraments , incense , sacrificings , and worshipping conventions , were the symbols of worshipping false gods ; which therefore christians may not use . but they that say , that all false worship of the true god is idolatry , add to gods word , and teach doctrines which are but the forgeries of their own brain . though more than idolatry be forbidden by consequence in the second commandment , that proveth it not to be idolatry , because it s there so forbidden . . i have after distinguished of false worship , and told you , that if by false , you mean forbidden , or not commanded , or sinful , we all worship god falsly in the manner every day , and in some part of the matter very oft . our disorders , confusion , tautologies , unfit expressions , are all forbidden , and so false worship : and if god prohibit any disorder which is in the liturgie , he prohibits the same in extemporate prayers ( in which some good christians are as failing as the liturgie ) and as the words of the liturgie are not commanded in the scripture , so neither are the words of our extemporate or studied sermons or prayers . . god hateth every sin in every prayer ; but he hateth the avoiding of prayer , and of due communion much more . he hateth every disorder in extemporate prayer ; and yet he more hateth that censoriousness and curiosity , which would draw men to forsake the substantials of worship , or christian love and communion on that pretence . gods jealousie in his worship is most about the heart , and next about the substantials of his own institutions , and of natural worship , and least about the phrase of speech and order , while it is not such , as is grosly dishonourable to the nature of god , and to the greater things . and though god under the law expressed his jealousie much about ceremonies , yet that was not for the ceremonies sake , but to controll gross irreverence and contempt of holy things ( as in the case of uzzah , the bethshemites , uzziah , aarons sons ) and to keep up an esteem of the holiness of god , and to restrain sacrilegious presumption . and under the gospel , it is neither this place of worship , nor that , neither this mountain , nor ierusalem , but spirit and truth that god most looks at . it is not whether you pray by a book , or without , by words fore-studied or not , by words of your own contriving , or of anothers , that god is now jealous of . for even when you want words , he accepteth the groans excited by his spirit , rom. . , . if christians should plead gods jealousie about his worship ; as censoriously against thelr own prayers , as they do against other 〈◊〉 and churches in this case , they would turn prayer into the fuel of despair and torment . for god is so jealous of his worship , that he hateth all the sinful dulness , emptiness , wandrings , vain repetitions , confusions , unseemly expressions , of all your secret prayers , and all your family prayers . and yet i would advise you neither to think that god therefore hateth you , or the prayer it self , nor yet to fly from god and prayer , nor family worship , where it is no better done , gods jealousie , especially under the gospel , is to be minded for to drive us from our sloth and carelesness , to do the best we can , but not to drive us from him , or from prayer , or from one another . these are satans ends of minding men of gods jealousie , as he doth troubled souls to drive them to despair . and others may scruple joining with your weaknesses and faults in worship on pretence of gods jealousie , as well as you with theirs . what if twenty ministers be one abler than another , in their several degrees ( and the lowest of them doth weaklier than the liturgick forms . ) doth it follow , that only the ablest of all these may be joyned with , because that all the rest do worse ? it is granted that we must offer god the best , that we have or can do . but not the best which we cannot do ? and many things must concurr ( and especially a respect to the publick good ) to know which is the best . quest . ii. quest. . doth not the covenant make it now unlawful , to hold communion in the use of the liturgie ? answ. to hold communion in the liturgie ordinarily where we cannot lawfully have better , and extraordinarily where we can have better , is a thing that we are bound to by the covenant , and not at all bound against . for those of the independent way who think as mr. eaton writeth that the covenant bindeth not , i need not here say any thing as to their satisfaction . for others i say , . there is no word in all the covenant expresly against the liturgie . . if there had been any word in it against communion with the churches that use the liturgie , it had been sin , and against our duty , and therefore could not bind . . the judgement of protestants is , that vowes must not make us new duties of religion but bind us faster by a self obligation , to that which god binds us to without them . therefore ( though if we should vow an indifferent thing , it would bind , yet ) this could not be taken for the covenanters intention . . and it is commonly agreed , that if we vow a thing indifferent , it bindeth us not when the indifferency ceaseth : which may be by the magistrate● command , or by another mans necessity , or change of cases : else a man might before hand prev●●t most of the magistrates obligations , and his p●re●ts and masters too , and escape obedience ; and might say with the pharisees , it is corban , or a devoted thing . . it rem●●neth therefore that no man of us all hath need to go , or ought to go to the covenant to know what is his duty in the worship of god , but only to the scripture ; seeing if scripture make it no● a duty , the magistrates law will make the doing of it a sin ; and if scripture make it not a sin , the magistrates command will make it a duty . but when we know what is duty or sin ( in our case ) we may go to our vows next to prove that it is a double duty or a double or aggravated sin but no otherwise . therefore let the scripture only decide the first case , whether it be lawful or not . . the covenant or vow expresly bindeth us against schisme . but the renunciation of communion which i now dispute against , is plaine schisme ; therefore we are bound against it by that vow . . the covenant bindeth us against all that is contrary to the power of godliness , and found doctrine . but the separating which i plead against is certainly such . . the covenant bindeth us to unity and the nearest uniformity we can attain . but as the world goeth now , this communion is the nearest , and needful to express our unity . . the covenant bindeth us to reformation according to gods word , and the example of the best reformed churches : but to prefer no publick worship or a worse , before the liturgie , is deformation and prophaneness , and it is greater reformation to prefer the liturgie before none , than to prefer extemporate publick worship before the liturgie . and all the reformed churches in christendom , do commonly profess to hold communion with the english churches in the liturgie , if they come among us where it is used . therefore it seemeth to me to be perjury and covenant-breaking , either to prefer no publick worship before the liturgie , or to refuse occasional communion with the churches that use the liturgie , as a thing meerly on that account unlawful . quest . iii. quest. . whether the case be not much altered since the old non-conformists wrote against separation , then called brownisme ? and whether we have not greater light into these controversies than they ? answ. . the case of ministers conformity is much altered , by a new act which requireth subscribing new things , declaring assent and consent to all things prescribed and conteined in and by three books ; and by some other things . but that part of the liturgie which the people are to joyn in is made better , as is shewed before . and if we are returned to the same state that they were then in , we are under the same duties that they were under . and let it be remembred , that we never vowed that god should not bring us back to the same case ( which had been blasphemy ) and therefore it had been bad enough , if we had vowed not to do what was our duty in that state , if god should return us to it . . i earnestly intreat the doubting reader , that thinketh his duty and the churches peace , to be worth so much labour , but to read over some of the old non-conformists books against separation . and if you there find the very same objections answered ( or more and greater ) than judge your selves whether their case and ours was ( as to this cause ) the same . the books i would desire you to read are , mr. iacobs the independent against iohnson ; mr. bradshaws against iohnson , with mr. gatakers defence of it against canne : mr. gifford , mr. darrel , mr. paget , mr. hildersham , dr. ames , mr. cartwright , mr. brightman , and last of all and fulliest at the beginning of our troubles , mr. iohn ball in three books . but of this having spoken already , i shall repeat no more ; but only to profess my judgement , that our ordinary boasters that think they know more in this controversie than the old non-conformists did , as far as i am able to discern are as far below them almost , as they are below either chamier , sadeel , whitaker or such others in dealing with a papist . which of them can say that , about episcopacy , as gersom , bucer , didoclaue , blondell , salmasius have done ? and so of the rest . quest . iiii. quest. . is it not a shameful receding from our reformation , now to use an unreformed liturgie , and a pulling down of what we have been building . answ. . it is not fit here to enquire who it is that hath pulled down , and destroyed reformation : though it be easie to discern it . but this is certain , that god hath set up the government that is over us , and that our governours take down by their laws , that which we accounted reformation : this is not our worke , but theirs : and that they permit us not otherwise publickly to worship god. and that a man in goal doth ordinarily joyn in no publick worship at all . and where men do venture on other manner of worship in forbidden assemblies , the fears of some and the passionate discontent of others , and the disturbances by souldiers and officers , and such like , do take off much of the edification , and hinder us from such a frame of mind as is most agreeable to the work and day . and to worship god no where , is to go farther from reformation , than to worship him by the liturgie . . to do it of choice is one thing , and to do it as a duty put upon us by gods providence , and our governours , when we can do no better , is another thing . it is god that hath pulled down our liberty and opportunity to serve him otherwise : and we must obey him . it is no faulty mutability , to change our practice , when god by changing our condition doth change our duty : no more than it was in paul who to the jews became a jew , and circumcised timothy , and shaved his head for his vow &c. and became all things to all men : and no more than it was in augustine who professeth that he would worship god , as to formes and ceremonies , according as the church did with which he joyned where ever he came : nor no more than it is in a traveller or merchant to joyn , in several countries , in several fashions and ceremonies or rites of outward worship . quest . v. quest. . will it not strengthen and encourage the adversaries of reformation ? answ. . we must not make such carnal policies our guides , as to forbear that which god doth make our duty , for fear of encouraging other men . if we take this to be uncharitable factiousness in others , to desire rather all these distractions in the church , than that the non-conformists should be encouraged and strengthned by seeming to have justly desired a reformation , let us not be guilty of what we blame . . if you will believe themselves , it is the unwilling conformists that they are most in danger of , who profess that they conform of necessity , and desire a reformation ; as dr. william smith hath shewed in a book written to that end . the assembly of westminster that set up the presbytery were such conformists . . it is sinful pride and tenderness of their own honour , which maketh some men avoid their duty , and wrathfully grudge at them that speak for it , because those that are against them thence take occasion to insult over them or reproach them . if men do but say , you are now turncòats and time servers , and where is your reformation now , and you are now glad to do as we do , they think this reason enough why they should forbear that communion and worship which is their duty . are these beseeming self denying humble persons ? could they suffer death for their duty sake , that cannot bear a little reproach for it . object . if we knew it were our duty we would suffer for it . answ. but is it not this very suffering and reproach , and insulting of others , which maketh you think that it is not your duty ? and so carnal persons use to do . they will believe nothing to be their duty which they must suffer by . let gods honour be all to you , and your own be nothing , and you will not much stick at such things as these . quest . vi. quest. . but will not this course divide us among our selves ; while one goeth to the parish churches and another doth not ? answ. . mr. tombes did not stick at dividing the anabaptists when he wrote for parish communion . and mr. philip nye did not stick at the fear of dividing the independents , when he wrote a m. s. ( as i am credibly informed ) for the hearing of the parish preachers , ( though another wrote against it presently after ) . and if an ordinary attendance on their publick doctrine be lawful , this will go further than many think , to prove the rest of the communion lawful . . we are already so far divided in our judgements , as for one to hold it to be lawful , and another to be unlawful : and who can cure this division ? and why should it divide us more , if mens practice be according to their judgements , rather than for them to sin against their consciences ? . the great thing in which we differ from the prelatists yea and papists too is , that we would have our union laid only upon necessary things , and liberty and charity maintained in the rest . and shall we now contradict our selves , and say that things necessary are not sufficient for our union ? cannot we hold union among our selves , if some go to the publick assemblies , and some do not ? what is this but to have the imposing domineering spirit , which we speak so much against ? we cannot better confute the uncharitable dividing spirit of the world , than by shewing them , that we can hold love and union , notwithstanding as great differences as this , ( yea , and much greater . ) quest . vii . quest. . shall we not hereby countenance the prelates in church-tyranny and usurpation ? and invite them to go further , and to make more burdens of forms and ceremonies to lay upon the churches ? answ. without medling now with the question , what guilt it is that lyeth on any prelates in the points here mentioned , i answer , on your own supposition ; . that it is the king and his laws which we obey herein , and not the diocesans . . how openly and fully have we declared our utter dissent from the things which you suppose that we shall countenance them in ? our writings are yet visible : our conferences were notorious . and is not the loss of our ministry , and the loss of all ecclesiastical maintenance , and the pinching wants of many poor ministers , and their numerous families , and our suffering volumes of reproach , confinements , &c. a signification of our dissent ? the case is somewhat hard with abundance of godly faithful ministers ? few that never felt it themselves , can judge aright , what it is to want a house to dwell in , a bed to lye on , to have wives that are weak natured , to keep in yearly patience under all such necessities , which the husband can bear himself ; to have children crying in hunger and rags , and to have a landlord calling for his rent , and butchers , and brewers , and bakers , and drapers , and taylors , and shoo-makers calling for money , when there is none to pay them ( there being no fifth part of church-maintenance now allowed them ) : in the frost and snow to have no fire , nor money to but it ! and yet all this is little in comparison of their restraint from preaching the gospel of salvation ; and the displeasure of their governours against them if they preach . and is not all this yet an open signification of their dissent from the things which they so far deny complyance with ? if some of their accusers on both sides were but in the same condition , they would think it should go for a sufficient notification of dissent . . we perswade no man to any one sin , for communion with others , no not to save their lives . if the thing be proved unlawful to be used ( and not only unlawful to be so imposed ) we exhort all to avoid it . . yea , if an over numerous aggregation of things which singly are lawful , should make them become a snare and injury to the church ; we would have all in their places sufficiently signifie their dissent ; or if the number shall turn them into a sin in the users , we would have none to use them . though we would not have men censure or contemn one another ( much less destroy one another ) fo● a matter of meats , or dayes , or shadows ; yet if any will by false doctrine or imperiousness , say touch not , taste not , handle not , and will judge us in respect to meat , or drink , or holy dayes , or the new moon , or sabbaths , col. . . . we would have all men to bear a just testimony to the truth , and to their christian liberty . . but if the defects of publick worship be tolerable , and if providence , necessity and laws , concurr to call us to use them , ( when else we must use none , or do worse ) here communion doth become our duty : and a duty must not be cast off , for fear of seeming to countenance the faults of others . we have lawful means to signifie our dissent : it is not in our power to express it how we please , nor to go as far from the faulty as we can , to avoid the countenancing of their faults : but we must do gods work in his own way : and we must disown mens sins only by prudent lawful means , and not by any that are contrary to christian love and peace , or a breach of any law of god. . paul was not for countenancing any of the falsehoods and faults which he reproveth in any of the churches , especially partiality , sensuality , drunkenness at the very sacrament or love feasts , cor. , &c. and yet he never bids them forsake the communion of the church for it , till they shall reform . there were other wayes of testifying dislike . . i must not countenance an honest weak minister or master of a family , in the disorder or defects , or errors of his prayer or instructing ; and yet if they be tolerable errors or defects , i must not forsake either church or family-worship with him , that i may discountenance him . . there be errors on the contrary side , which are not without considerable danger ; which we are obliged also to take heed of countenancing . i will instance but in two ; one in doctrine , and the other in practice . . there are men otherwise very honest , and truly godly , and of holy and unblameable lives , who think that the scripture is intended by god , not only as a general , but a particular law or rule , for all the very circumstances of worship , ( yea , some say of the common business of our lives ) : and that the second commandment in particular condemneth all that is the product or invention of man in or about the worship of god ; and that to deny this is to deny the perfection of the scripture ; and that all written books , and printed , are images there forbidden ; and that all studied or prepared sermons , ( as to method or words , whether in notes or memory ) are forbidden images of preaching , and that all provided words or forms ( written , or in memory , of our own or other mens contrivance or composition ) are forbidden images of prayer ; and all prepared metre and tunes are forbidden images of praise or singing ; and that no man that useth any such preparation or form of words in preaching or prayer , doth preach or pray by the help of gods spirit : and that if parents do but teach a child a form of words to pray in , they teach him this forbidden imagery , yea , idolatry . i hope the number is but small that are of this opinion , and that it being commonly disowned by the non-conformists , no justice or modesty can charge it on them , but only on the few persons that are guilty of it . but yet i must say , that we are obliged to take heed of countenancing this error , as well as of countenancing church-usurpations . for . when a few men of eminent integrity are of this mind , it proveth to us that many more may be brought to it , and are in danger of it ; because meer piety and honesty is not enough to keep men from it : yea , when men otherwise eminent also for learning and great understanding are of that mind ( as they are ) poor , ignorant , unlearned persons , though very godly , are not out of the danger of it . . and if it prevail , what abundance of hurt will it do ? . you may read in the new ecclesiastical politician , how it will exasperate the minds of others , and give them matter of bitter reproach , and for the sake of a very few , how many that are blameless shall be aspersed with it ? and the cause of the non-conformists , yea , with many , the protestant , yea , and the christian religion , rendred contemptible and odious by it . . it draweth men into the dangerous guilt of adding to the word of god , under pretence of strict expounding it , and defending its perfection and extent . . by the same rule as they deal thus by one text ( as the second command ) they may do so by all : and if all or much of the scripture were but thus expounded , i leave it to the sober reader to consider , what a body of divinity it would make us , and what a religion we should have ? . it altereth the very definition of the holy scripture , and maketh it another thing : that which god made to be the record of his holy covenant , and the law and rule of faith and holiness , and the general law for outward modes and circumstances , which are but accidents of worship , is pretended by men to be a particular law , for that which it never particularly medleth with . . it sorely prepareth men for infidelity , and to deny the divine authority of the scripture , and utterly to undo all by overdoing . if satan could but once make men believe , that the scripture is a rule for those things that are not to be found in it at all , and which god never made it to be a rule for , he will next argue against it , as a delusory and imperfect thing . he will teach every artificer , to say , that which is an imperfect rule , is not of god. but the scripture is an imperfect rule . for saith , the watch-maker , i cannot learn to make a watch by it ; saith the scrivener , i cannot make a legal bond or indentures by it ; saith the carpenter , i cannot build a house by it ; saith the physician , i cannot sufficiently know or cure diseases by it ; saith the mathematician , astronomer , geographer , musician , arithmetician , the grammarian , logician , natural philosopher , &c. it is no perfect particular rule of our arts or sciences : the divine will say , it tells me not sufficiently and particularly what books in it self are canonical , nor what various readings are the right , nor whether every text be brought to us uncorrupted , nor whether it be to be divided into chapters and verses , and into how many : nor what metre or tune i must sing a psalm in , nor what persons shall be pastors of the churches , nor what text i shall choose next , nor what words i shall use in my next sermon or prayer , with abundance such like : only in general , both nature and scripture say , let all things be done in order and to edification , &c. spiritually , purely , believingly , wisely , zealously , constantly , &c. he that believeth it to be given as such a particular rule , and then findeth that it is silent or utterly insufficient to that use , is like next to cast it away as a delusion , and turn an infidel , or anti-scripturist . . this mistake tendeth to cast all rational worship out of the church and world ; by deterring men from inventing or studying how to do gods work aright . for if all that man inventeth or deviseth be a forbidden image , than we must not invent or find out by study , the true meaning of a text , the true method of praying or preaching , according to the various subjects : nay , we must not study what to say , till we are speaking , nor what time , place , gesture , words to use ; no nor the very english tongue that we must pray and preach in , whereas the scripture it self-requireth us , to meditate day and night , to study to shew our selves workmen that need not be ashamed : to search and dig for knowledge , &c. do they not err that devise evil ? but mercy and truth shall be to them that devise good : prov. . . i wisdom dwell , with prudence ( or subtilty ) and find out knowledge of witty inventions , prov. . . the preacher sought to find out acceptable words , eccles. . . banish study , and you banish knowledge and religion from the world : the spirit moveth us to search and study , and thereby teacheth us what to judge , and say , and do ; and doth not move us , as i play on an instrument , that knoweth not what it doth . . this opinion will bring in all confusion instead of pure reasonable worship : while every man is left to find that in the scripture which never was there , and that as the only rule of his actions , one will think that he findeth one thing there , and another another thing . for it must be reality and verity , which must be the term of unity : men cannot agree in that which is not . . yea , it will let in impiety and error ; for when men are sent to seek and find that which is not there , every man will think that he findeth that , which his own corrupted mind brings thither . . and hereby all possibility of union among christians and churches must perish , till this opinion perish : for if we must unite only in that which is not in being , we must not unite at all . if we must all in singing psalms , agree in no metre or tune in the church but one that scripture hath prescribed us , we shall sing with lamentable discord . . and hereby is laid a snare to tempt men into odious censures of each other : because studied sermons , printed books , catechisms and forms of prayer , are images and idolatry , in these mens conceits , all gods churches in the world must be censured as idolatrous . and almost all his ministers in the world must be accounted idolaters ; children must account their parents idolaters , and disobey them that would teach them a catechism , psalm or form of prayer . our libraries must be burnt or cast away as images ; and when ministers are diminished , and accounted idolaters , if satan could next but perswade people against all the holy books of the ministers of christ ( such as boltons , prestons , &c. ) as images and idols , had he not plaid a more succesful game , then he did by iulian , and doth by the turks , who keep the christians but from humane learning ? . hereby christian love will be quenched , when every man must account his brother an idolater , that cannot shew a scripture , for the hour , the place of worship , the bells , the hour-glasses , the pulpit , the utensils , &c. or that studieth what to say before he pray or preach ? . and hereby backbiting , slandering and railing must go currant as no sin , while every calvin , cartwright , hildersham , perkins , sibbs , &c. that used a form of prayer , yea , almost all the christians in the world , must be accused of idolatry , as if it were a true and righteous charge . . and all our sins will be fathered on god , as if the second commandment and the scripture perfection did require all this , and taught children to disobey their parents and masters , and say your prayers and catechisms are images and idols , &c . it will rack and perplex the consciences of all christians ; when i must take my self for an idolater , till i can find a particular law in scripture , for every tune , metre , translation , method , word , vesture , gesture , utensil , &c. that i use in the worshipping of god : when conscience must build only in the air , and rest only on a word which never was . . it will have a confounding influence into all the affairs and business of our lives . . lastly , it will affright poor people from scripture and religion , and make us , our doctrine and worship , ridiculous in the ●ight of all the world . the doctrine ( which we hear maintained ) which hath no better fruits than these , must be avoided , as well as the contrary extream , which would indeed charge the law of god with imperfection , and cause man to usurp the part of christ. and we must first know , how far god made the scripture for our rule ? and then we must maintain its sufficiency and perfection . ii. also on that extream , we must do nothing to countenance those practices which tend to alienate christians hearts from one another , and to keep up church-wars , or to feed bitter censures , scorns and reproaches . and we that must not scandalize the religious sort , must avoid all that thus tempteth them , which is the real scandal . but of this i have said enough in the book which i am now defending . part ii. an answer to the untrue and unjust exceptions of the antidote against my treatise for love and unity . dear brother ( for so i will call you , whether you will or not ) , the chief trouble that i am put to in answering your exceptions ( next to that of my grief for the churches and your self , by reason of such diagnosticks of your malady ) is the naming of your manifold untruths in matter of fact . it is , it seems , no fault in your eyes to commit them ; but i fear you will account it unpardonable bitterness in me to tell you that you have committed them . if i call them mistakes , the reader will not know by that name , whether it be mistakes in point of fact or of reason : and lies i will not call them , because it is a provoking word : therefore untruths must be the middle title . except . i. page . t●e whole d●s●●n of this book being ●● make such as at this day are carefull to k●●● themselves pure from al● defilements in false worship . odi●us , it may well be affirmed i● was neither seasonable n●r h●nest — answ. that 's the fundamental untruth which animateth all the r●●● when 〈◊〉 had got a false apprehension of the design of the book , you seem to expound the particular passages by that key . that which you call , the whole design , is not any part of the design , but is expresly and vehemently oft disclaimed and protested against in the book . and whoever readeth it without a partial mind , will presently s●● that the whole design of the book is to deliver weak christians from such mistakes and sins , as destroy their love to other christians , and cause the divisions among the churches . . false worship is a word of various sens●● : either it signifieth , . idolatry , in worshipping a false god. . or the idolatrous worshipping of images , as representations of the true god. . or worshipping god by doctrines and prayers that consist o● falshoods . . or devising worship-ordinances , and falsly saying they are the ordinances of god. . or making god a worship which he forbiddeth , in the sub●●an●e , and will not accept . . or worshipping god in an inward sinful manner , through false principles and ends as hypocrites do . . or in a sinful outward manner , through disorder , defectiveness , and unhandsome or unfit expre●●ions . o● these , i suppose you will not charge the churches you separate from , as guilty of the first , second , fourth , or sixth , ▪ which is out of the reach of humane judgment ▪ for i suppose you to be sober . as for the third , through gods great mercie , the doctrine of england is so ●ound , that the independants and presbyterians have still offered to subscribe to it in the articles : according to which ( if there were any doubtfulness in ) the phrases of their prayers , ▪ they ▪ are to be interpreted . for the fifth , if you accuse them of it , you must prove it ; which is not yet done ( supposing that you take not government for worship● ; nor can you do it . so that it must lie only on the seventh . and for that ( if you will take the word ▪ false-worship ] in that sense ) do not you also worship god falsly when you worship him sinfully ? and are not your disorders and unmeet expressions sins , as well as theirs ? alas , how oft have i joyned in prayer with honest men that have spoken confusedly , unhandsomly , and many waies more unaptly and disorderly than the common prayer is ? how oft have i heard good old mr. simeon ash say , that he hath heard many ministers pray so unfitly , that he could heartily have wished that they had rather used the common prayer ? when did any one of us pray without sin ? how ordinarily do anabaptists , antinomians , arminians , separatists , &c. put their opinions into their prayers , and so make them false prayers , and so false worship ? nay , could you lay by partiality , and kn●w your self ( a very hard thing ) you would presently see that you who wrote these exceptions , are liker to worship god falsly than they that do it by the liturgie , that is , in the third sense : because the doctrine of the prayers in the liturgie is sound ▪ but if you account this script of yours to be worship ( and why not writing as well as preaching ) or if you put the same things into your worship , which you put into your writings , ( as is very usual with others ) then it is false worship indeed , as consisting of too many falshoods . if you pray to god to encline men against all that communion which you write against , or lament such communion as a sin , this is falser worship than any is in the liturgick prayers . and if you will call all those modes of worship false , which god in scripture hath not commanded , what a false worshipper are you , that use a translation of scripture , a version and tunes of psalms , a dividing the scripture into chapters and verses , yea the method and words of every sermon and prayer , or most , and abundance such like which god commanded not ? god never bid you use the words of prayer in the liturgie ; nor did he ever bid you use those which you used last without it . o brother , if you knew your self , and judged impartially , you would see , that whatever you say against mens communicating with other mens tolerable failings , as false worship , may be as stronglie urged for avoiding communion in disordered prayers that are without book ▪ and much more in the prayers of honest erroneous separatists , anabaptists , antinomians , &c. which yet for my part i will not so easily avoid . i confess if my judgment were not more than yours against dividing from each other in the general , i should be one that should be as forward to disclaim communion with many zealous parties ( now received by you ) and that as false worshippers , as you are to disclaim communion with others . i am sure you worship god falsly , that is , sinfully , every time that you worship him . . but , seeing my book disswadeth you equally from unjust avoiding communion with all sound and sober christians ; i ask you , whether all these several parties are false worshippers , save you alone ? did not the presbyterians and independants agree in worship , when you gathered churches out of their churches , and when thousands separated from all the parish churches almost then existent ? indeed the anabaptists charged us also with false worship , but it was not truly . but the ordinary divider● had not that pretense . . o how easie a thing is it , brother , for a man , without any supernatural grace , to reproach another mans words in worship , and then to abhor it and avoid it , and think ▪ i am one that keep my self pure from false worship ! but to keep our selves pure from pride , censoriousness , uncharitableness , contention , evil speaking , and sensual vices , is a harder work . others can as easily ( without mortification or humilitie ) keep themselves pure from your false worship as you can do from theirs . except . ib. since the crying sin this day is not separation , but unjust and violent persecution , ( ½ ) which mr. baxter speak●eth very little against . answ. . a las , dear brother , that after so many years silencing and affliction , after flames and plagues , and dreadful judgments , after twenty years practice of the sin it self , and when we are buried in the very ruines which it caused , we should not yet know that our own uncharitable divisions , alienations , and separations , are a crying sin ? yea the crying sin ; 〈◊〉 well as the uncharitableness and hurtfulness of others ? alas , will god leave us also , even us to the obdurateness of pharaoh ? doth not judgment begin with us ? is there not crying sin with us ? what have we done to christs kingdome , to this kingdoms ▪ to our friends ( dead and alive ) to our selves , and ( alas ) to our enemies , by our divisions ? and do we not feel it ? do we not know it ? is it yet to us , even to us , a crime intolerable to call us to repentance ? wo to us ! into what hard-heartedness have we sinned our selves ! yea that we should continue in the sin , and passionately defend it ! when will god give us repentance unto life ? . and whither doth your passion carry you , when you wrote so strange an untruth as this , that i [ speak very little against it ● ▪ was it possible for you to read the book , and gather exceptions , and yet to believe your self in this ? doth not the book speak against church-tyranny ▪ unjust impositions , violence , and taking away mens liberty and rigor with dissenters , from end to end ? if any man that readeth but the preface ( as page , , , , . ) and all the second part ( besides much more ) can possibly believe you , i will never undertake to hinder him from believing any thing . . but suppose i had said little against it , will you charge me with negatives or omissions before you know my reasons ? or would you have no better people hear of their sin and duty , till persecutors will endure to hear of theirs . exod. . . behold the children of israel have not hearkened unto me : how then shall , & c. ● saith moses ? have most or many of the separation said more against severities than i have done ? . but could you possibly be ignorant that a license is not to be expected for such a discourse as you seem here to expect . you deal by me as the late perswasive to conformity , that vehemently calls to me to publish my reasons for nonconformity , while he knew my hands were tied by the laws and licensers . . but what if i had not in this book spoken much against persecution , is it not enough that i have done it in others ? i have not here written on many subjects which in other volumes i have written of . and why should i ? if i had , would you not have blamed me for writing one thing so oft ? but you most unhappily chose this instance for your quarrel , i think in the judgment of all the land , that have read my writings ? besides my five disputations of church government , how oft have i written against persecution ? the few publick sermons that ever i preached , had somewhat against it . read our papers to the bishops in . especially the reply to their exceptions , and the petition for peace . enquire again of the long provoking conference at the savoy , and the reason of the following indignation against me , and afterwards read this book again ; and then i modestly chalenge you , to name those men in england , especially of the separatists , that have said and done more against that severity which you call persecution , than i have done . . to name me one licensed book since the silencing of the ministers , and since the printing act , that hath said so much against severity and persecution as the book which you quarrel with hath done . except . ii. mr. b. mentioneth with much bitterness what was formerly done in the time of the war ; which is in him a most unbecoming practice ; because first , mr. b. was as guilty of stirring up and fomenting that war as any one whatsoever : and none ought to blame the effect , who gave rise and encouragement to the cause . answ. . if you mean that my words taste bitterly to you , i cannot deny it : you know best : but for my part , any reader may see in the book which the preface referreth to , that i only lament our too open undeniable uncharitableness and divisions , and the effects thereof , and use the mention of some mens former faults with whom they and i can hold communion , to prove by way of argument that they ought not to avoid communion with others for the like or less . and i know not how to convince men well , if i must pass by all such experimental arguments . . do you not mark your partialitie , brother ! in our reply to them . pag. , . et alibi , and in my disput. &c. i tell the bishops of faults past , of silencings , and suspendings , &c. of the excellent ministers afflicted and laid by ; and how ordinarily are they told of the things charged on bishop laud , pierce , wren , &c. in their articles to the parliament : and when did you blame me or others for so doing ? can i believe that this offendeth you ? and is it sin to tell your selves of your former sins , and none to tell the bishops of it ? o that we could know what spirit we are of . . your third untruth in point of fact , is , [ that i was as guilty of stirring up and fomenting that war as any one whatsoever . ] could you possibly believe your self in this ? . i suppose you never saw me till above ten years after i had done with wars . . i suppose you lived far from me . . if you know whom , and what you speak of , you know that i was never of the assembly ; i never preached to the parliament , till the day before the king was voted home : i was forced from home to coventry : there it was that i did speak my opinion , but refused their commission as chaplain to the garrison . in shropshire my father was twice imprisoned , that never did any thing against the king ; nor medled with wars : for two months i did something there to little purpose , and once got my father out of prison , by causing another to be seized to redeem him ; but i never took commission , office , or pay all that time . i never entred into the army till after nas●by fight , and openly declared i went thither for this purpose , to discharge my conscience in dissw●●ing the souldiers from the overturning of the government , and to have turned them from the purpose which i perceived among them , of doing what afterwards they did . if you and others that know not what they talk of , will but ask dr. brian , dr. grew , mr. king , or others , whom assembled , i twice consulted about it , or any survivers of the coventry committee , what business i went on into the army , you will change your mind . and did [ no man whatsoever do more than this . ] what not the parliament themselves ? not any of the chief speakers there ? not any of their acquaintance . what , not any of the other party neither ? not any of the armies , neither of the earl of essex nor of cromwel himself ? how then came the armies on both sides to be raised , and proceed so far in wars , before ever i saw one man of them , to my remembrance , or any parliament man or souldier had ever spake with me , or saw me , or ever had a line of writing from me ? why do you find none of my parliament sermons in print ? . but , if indeed i was as guilty as you mention , why is it in me a most unbecoming practice , to blame that which you think i did occasion ? is this good divinity , that it is unbecoming a minister to mention heinous sin with bitterness which we have bin guilty of ? how then shall we repent ? or is repentance an unbecoming thing ? i hope the act of oblivion was not made to frustrate gods act of oblivion , which giveth pardon to the penitent ? doth it forbid us to repent of sin , or to perswade our brethren to repent ? where sin is hated , repentance will not be hated : and if sin were as bitter as it must be , reproof would not be bitter . . do you think that you preach sound doctrine , when you say that [ none ought to blame the effects who gave rise and encouragement to the cause . ] if this doctrine be part of gods worship which you offer him , who should be avoided as a false worshipper , that is , a false teacher , sooner than your self ! what a scandal is it to the world , and dishonour to your self , that such doctrine should be found thus under your hand , deliberately delivered ? if this be true , then he that first encouraged the war on either side , must not blame any of the murders , robberies or other villanies therein committed ? then he that hired the french man to set london on fire , must not blame the burning of it . then a man ought not to blame any sin which ever he was a cause of ! then when a man hath once sinned he must despair , and never must repent nor blame his crime . if you had found such doctrine as this in the common prayer book , you would have had a fowler charge against it than now you have , as to doctrinals . which i mention but to shew you , that if we must run away from one another for every thing that is unsound , we shall never have done , and others must avoid you as much as you do them . . but your deceit in the word [ that war ] hath a transparent covering . which war is it that you mean ? do you think all that is done in one land , or one age , or by one army , is one war ? where there are several causes , ( especially if also several parties , ) sure they are several wars . the first war was made under the earl of essex , when the commissions run [ for the king and parliament ] . the second war begun under fairfax and cromwell , when [ for the king ] was left out of the commissions . another war was by cromwell against the londoners and parliament , when he garbelled them ( though it came not to blows ) . another war was against the scots army and the english that rose for the kings deliverance . another was in ireland : another in scotland : another between cromwel and the levellers . and many others there were afterwards under several usurping powers ; and do you call all these one ? or which of them do you mean ? . i suppose you grosly call the meer consequents , the effects . sure that which was the effect of a later war , might be but the consequent of a former . or else you must say that the parliament raised war against themselves , to pull down themselves , and set up a protector ? this was the consequent of their first war ; but whether the effect i leave to logicians to determine . but by this you may see that you again preach false doctrine . the king may give rise and encouragement to a war , and yet may lawfully blame such consequents as you call effects : what if the kings own army should plunder and murder , and blaspheme and depopulate ; yea , or depose or hurt , or any way injure the king himself ? shall a man that separateth from the liturgie as false worship come and tell us , that the king ought not to blame any of this because he gave rise and encouragement to the war : extremities and passion do thus unhappily use to blind men . . but seriously , brother , i beseech you let us review the effects you mention or respect . is it possible for any sober christian in the world to take them to be blameless , or to be little sins . what! both the violating the person and life of the king. and the change of the fundamental government or constitution . and an armies force upon the parliament which they promised obedience to ? first upon eleven members ; next upon the greater part of the house ; and lastly upon the remainder ? the taking down the house of lords ; the setting up a parliament without the peoples choice or consent . the invading and conquering scotland : the making their general protector . the making an instrument of government themselves , without the people . the setting up their second protector . the forcing him to dissolve the parliament . the pulling him down , whom themselves had lately set up . the setting up the remnant of the commons again : the pulling them presently down again : the placing the supremacy in a council of themselves , and their adherents . was all this lawful ? and to do all this as for god , with dreadful appeals to him ? dare you or any man , not blinded and hardened , justifie all this ? if none of all this was rebellion or treason , or murder , is there any such crime , think you , possible to be committed ? are papists insulting over us in our shame ? are thousands hardened by these and such like dealings into a scorn of all religion ? are our rulers by all this exasperated to the severities which we feel ? are ministers silenced by the occasion of it , about eighteen hundred at once , ( even many hundreds that never were in any wars , and such as consented not to this at all . ) are we made by it the by-word and hissing of the nations , and the shame and pitty of all our friends ? and yet is all this to be justified , or silenced ? and name of it at all to be openly repented of ? i openly profess to you , that i believe till this be done , we are never like to be healed and restored ; and that it is heinous gross impenitence , that keepeth ministers and people under their distress : and i take it for the sad prognostick of our future woe , and ( at best ) our lengthened affliction , to read such writings against repentance , and to hear so little open profession of repentance , even for unquestionable heinous crimes ; for the saving of those that are undone by these scandals , and for the reparation of the honour of religion , which is most notoriously injured . to see men still think , that their repentance is the dishonour of their party and cause , whose honour can no other way be repaired ! to see men so blind , as to think that the silencing of these things will hide them , as if they were not known to the world ! that man or party that will justifie all these heinous crimes , and still plead conscience or religion for them , doth grievous injury to conscience and religion : i have told you truly in the book which is bitter to you , that gods way of vindicating the honour of religion , is for us by open free confession , to take all the shame to our selves , that it be not injuriously cast upon religion . and the devils way of preserving the honour of the godly , is by justifying their sins , and pleading religion for them , that so religiousness it self may be taken to be hypocrisie and wickedness ; as maintaining and befriending wickedness . for my own part i thought when i wasted my strength , and hazarded my life in the army against these fore-named crimes , and afterwards preached and wrote against them so openly , and so many years , that i had not been so much guilty of them as you here affirm . but if i was , i do openly confess that , if i lay in sackcloth and in tears , and did lament my sins before the world , & beg pardon both of god and man , and intreat all men not to impute it to religion , but to me , and to take warning by my fall , which had done such unspeakable wrong to christ and men , i should do no more than the plain light of nature assureth me to be my great and needful duty . except . ii. ib. there is daily much greater prophaneness , and the consequent of prophaneness , immorality , acted by those ( ) whom yet mr. baxter never mentioneth but with honour ; as if no sins or miscarriages were to be blamed but theirs , who are unable to defend themselves . answ. . if this were true , i were much too blame , it being the very usage of others against my self , which i have great reason to complain of . . but if it was possible for you to believe your own words , that i never mention them but with honour , i shall think that there are few things that you may not possibly believe . reader , if thou peruse the book , and yet believe this author , i am not capable of satisfying thee in this , nor will i undertake it in any thing else . are these terms of honour pref. p. . [ how long lord must thy church and cause be in the hands of unexperienced furious fools ▪ &c. ] do i honour them when i so much display their sin ? and when in the scheme in the conclusion i describe it ? and when i tell you of many of such ministers , and that it is a duty to separate from them , or disown them . and when in the history of martin , i tell you how neer it i am my self , as to such as martin separated from ? and when i cite gildas , calling such no ministers , but enemies and traytors , &c. were you not very rash in this ? . but what if in this book i write neither against the prophane , nor the iews , nor the mahometans ? is it nothing that i have written the greater part of above fifty books besides against them . . what if there be prophaneness to be reproved ; doth it sollow that we must not be reproved also ? must we not repent , because they must repent ? . o how hard is it to please all men ▪ what man in eagland hath been less suspected to be a flatterer of such as he moaneth than my self ? or more accused of the contrary that hath any reputation of ministerial sobriety ? ask the bishops that conferred with us at the savoy , ? ask your self that read our reply then ? ask any that ever did converse with me ; whether ever i was suspected of flattery , or dawbing with men sins ? . but seeing you so far honour me , as to vindicate me from other mens accusations , i shall confess that it is my judgement , both that we should honour all men , pet. . . especially our superiors ; and also that in our eyes a vile person should be contemned , while we honour them that fear the lord , psal. . . except . iii. he alloweth himself a great and masterly liberty , to call his brethren fierce , self-conceited dividers , feaverish persons , &c. answ. if there be none such , or but a few , i will joyfully confess my error ; but if all ages of the church have had such , and if this kingdom have been so troubled by such , as all men know ; and if they yet live in this sin to their own trouble and ours , why should it be contrary to meekness to mention it ? should i hate my brother , in suffering sin to lie upon him . every paragraph almost inviteth me to remember christs words to the two fierie disciples , and to say , o how hard is it to know what manner of spirit we are of . tell me reader , whether this be not true ? that if i had called the bishops sacrilegious silencers of a faithful ministry , murderers of many hundred thousand souls , perjurious , proud , tyrannical , covetous , formal hypocrites , malignant haters of good men , &c. i might not very easily have come off with many of these angry brethren , without any blame for want of meekness ? nay , whether they would not have liked it as my zeal ? when as such a gentle touch upon themselves , doth intollerably hurt them . is there not gross partialitie in this . note also that these brethren that plead for libertie do call it a masterly libertie in me , thus to name their faults . and do you think that they would not have silenced my book , if it had been in their power ? note then whether the silencing imperious spirit , be not common to both extreams . except . ib. he useth the same frothy and unsavoury words , that others prophane prayer and the name of god by , and which at the best , is that foolish talking or jesting which we are commanded not so much as to mention , eph. . , . answ. the words are [ i am only perswading all dissenters to love one another , and to forbear but all that is contrary to love : and if such an exhortation and advice seem injurious or intolerable to you , the lord have mercy on your souls . ] is the matter of this prayer unlawful ? or can he prove that i spake it jestingly , when i took it to be the serious prayer of my grieved heart ? or may we use no words ( as lord have mercy on us , &c. ) which others use unreverently ? or is it true doctrine , that this is the foolish talk and jesting forbidden , eph. ? what proof is there here of any one word of all this ? except . iv. p. . he doth very often and needlesly insist on many things that may tend to advance his own reputation . ▪ the instances are added . answ. . i confess , brother , i am a great sinner , and have more faults than you have yet found out . but i pray you note , that all this still is nothing to our controversie , whether we should advise men against church divisions as contrary to love. . if a humble physitian may put a probatum to his receipt , and say i have much experience of this or that ; i pray you why may not a humble minister tell england , that i ( and you ) have had experience of the hurt of divisions , and of the healing uniting power of love ? did all the independent church-members whose experiences are printed in a book , take experience to be a word of pride . . and is it pride to thank the world for their civilities to me , in mixing comm●ndations , which i disown , with their censures ? what! to confess the remnants of their moderation ( notorious in matter of fact , the truth of which you durst not deny ) in the midst of their many false censures and calumnies . . or to tell you how unable i have ●ound back-biters , to prove their accusations in doctrinals to my face ? . or to tell you , that some ( even independents ) perswaded me , when i was silenced to write sermons for some of the weaker conformists ( such as are too many youths from the university ) to preach ? where lieth the pride of these expressions ? is it in supposing that there are any conformists weaker than my self ? whether , think you , this brother or i , think meanlier of them ? or set our selves at the greater distance from them ? . when i plead against charging forms with [ idolatry ] i say , that for my self [ it is twenty times harder to me to remember a form of words , than to express what is in my mind without them . ] if this be not true , why did you not question the truth of it ? if it be , why is it pride to utter it , as a proof that i plead for love , and not for my own interest ? is it pride to confess so openly the weakness of my memory ? i never learnt a sermon without book in my life : i think i could not learn an hours speech , sufficiently to utter the very words by memory in a fortnights time . and is it pride for a man to say that he can easier speak what is in his mind ? truly brother , i was so far from intending it as a boast , that i meant it as a dimin●tion of the over-valued honour of present extemporary expression , and to tell you , that i take it to be so far from proving that your prayers only are accepted of god , before a form , as signifying more grace , that i take it to be an easier thing for an accustomed man that hath not a diseased hesitancy to speak extempore what is in his mind , than to learn a form without book ; and that they tha● do this , do serve god with as much labour and cost as you do ? do i boast , or do i not speak the common case of most ministers , when i truly say , that when i take most pains for a sermon , i write every word : when i take a little pains i write the heads ; but when business hindereth me from taking any pains , i do neither , but speak what is in my mind ; which i suppose others as well as i , could do all the day and week together , if weariness did not interrupt them . i seek by these words but to abate their pride that think themselves spiritual , because they can pray or preach without book ; like some now neer me , that account it formality and a sign that a preacher speaketh not by the spirit , if he use notes , or preach upon a text of scripture ; but admire one neer them that cries d●wn such , and useth neither . . is it pride to say that [ th●se darker persons whom i have been ●ain to rebuke for their over-valuing me and my understanding , would yet as stiffly defend their most groundless opinions against me when i crost them , as if they thought i had no understanding . ] if you do think that you cannot be over-valued , or are not , so do not i. and i thought my rebuking men for it , had been no sign of pride . and , brother , i am confident , if you your self did not believe that my understanding , and consequently my writings are over-valued , you would never have written this book , especially in such a stile against me : yea , in the end you profess this to be your design , to undeceive those that had a good opinion of me . if those on the other side had not thought the same , my late auditors at kederminster had never had so many sermons , and that by persons so high , nor would so many books have been written to the same end even to cure the people of this dangerous vice , of over-valuing me . the matter of fact being so publick , invalidateth your exception . . the last expression of my pride is , that i give this testimony even to christians inclined to divisions , that if they think a man speaketh not to the depressing of true and serious religion , they can bear that from him , which they cannot bear from one that they think hath a malignant end : and that on this account in my sharpest reproofs my own auditors have still been patient with me . enquire whether this be true or not ? whether i have not preached twenty times more against divisions , to a people that never once quarrelled with it , than i have written against it in the book with which you so much quarrel . and is this probatum given against malignity a word of pride too ? you proceed in your charge that [ i have great thoughts of my self , and have learned little of christian or moral ingenuity , and am unfit to be a teacher of it to others . answ. . do you not yet perceive that you also have a silencing spirit ? when you and those that you separate from are agreed , that we are unfit to be teachers , because we gainsay you , why do you pretend so great a distance , even in the point of imperious severity . . o how hard is it still to know our selves , and what manner of spirit we are of . is it pride in me to think that i am righter than you or to express it ? why , brother , do not you think as confidently that you are righter than i ? and do you not as confidently utter it ? i differ no further from you , than you do from me : and why is it not as much sign of pride in you , to think you know more than i , as in me to think that i know more ( in this ) than you ? the truth is , pride is not a true valuing , but an over-valuing our selves , and our own understandings . if either you or i be in the right , and both think our selves confidently to be so , he is the proud person which ever he be , that is in the wrong ; for it is he that over-valueth his own understanding . here therefore the evidence must decide the case . except . v. p. . answered . your th ▪ exception implieth more untruths : the first is , that i did not consider that fault of the imposers , which i have written in that very book so much against , and elsewhere ; and before , said more against than any man that i know in england , this was not considerately spoken . the second is , that all or most of those that you separate from , made tearing engines and dividing impositions . if this be not implied you speak not to the point . but you may easily know that in all the parish-churches of england , there is not one man or woman , no not one minister of very many that ever made or imposed such engines . the third implied untruth is , that i plead either for subscribing assent , or for such communion as cannot be had , without subscribing assent , to what you know is sinful ; when you may joyn as far as i desire you , without subscribing any assent at all . except . vi. answered . . as to the sense of cor. . , , . and rev. . . you confess that the texts do directly and properly concern only infidels and idolaters there mentioned . . you say it belongs to others that are guilty of the same crimes , under the name of christians , proportionally . answ. very true ; if it be not a contradiction ! if any called christians be notorious infidels and idolaters , they are not christians , and so not fit for christian communion . but from the societies of such we must flie our selves : but not from the societies of christians , alwaies , when some such shall intrude . . you say [ we are commanded strictly to separate from every one that is called a brother , if he be covetous , or a railer , &c. answ. the church , and not a private man , must exclude such a one from church-communion . and you your self must exclude him from your private familiarity ; but you are not commanded to separate from the church , if they exclude him not . i am not bound to separate from the church where you are , for this book which you have written , though i could prove it railing . how few separated churches know you on earth , that have no covetous person or railer ? or at least , where the people hold it their dutie to separate from their own church , if any covetous person or railer be there ? . you add [ that if notwithstanding all admonition any church will still retain them , we are not to own such a church as a spouse of christ , and therefore must come out of it , &c. answ. . i have in that book proved the contrarie by abundant scripture instances ; and in the next exception you your self confess the primitive corruptions , and lay the stress of your separation only on imposed conditions of communion . . you give us no proof of this naked assertion . if a scolding woman or a covetous professor be reteined in a church otherwise pure , you are not therefore bound to separate , much less to take it for no church : for that is a true church which hath the true essentials of a church : but so may one that reteineth a covetous man or a scold . ergo — by your rule , you must separate not only from parish churches , but from most of the separated churches that ever i was acquainted with . i find no particular church called a spouse of christ , but the universal only : as a corporation is not a kingdome , but a part of a kingdome . . above twenty arguments in my book for infant baptism , shew that you did not truly say , that [ the best argument that all learned men have ever defended it by , is the proportion it hath to circumcision . except . vii . answered . you say that i impertinently recite the corruptions of the scripture churches , to prove that we are not to separate , &c. your reason is [ because many errors in doctrine and life were formerly admitted , yet none of them were imposed as conditions of communion . answ. do you not see that here you seem to deny what you said so confidently in the last exception ? there you say , we must come out , if they will receive such for members after all admonition , and retein them . here you seem plainlie to yield that up , and to lay all on imposed conditions of communion , as if else you could communicate with churches so corrupt . you can bear your own contradiction better than mine . . what is imposed on you as a condition to your communion in the doctrine and prayers of the parish churches , but your actual communion it self ? if you will say , that their bad minister , and their imperfect form , is imposed as a condition , because you must be present ; so they may say , that you also impose your imperfect manner and expressions on them , as conditions of their communion in your churches : and thus you are all imposers . except . viii . answered . first you say i said that i [ met with many conscientious professors , &c. that 's your fifth untruth : i said no such thing , but only [ many censorious professors . ] . you say , it is hardly possible to believe it . but that is possible to men that use to be more careful of speaking truth themselves , and that are acquainted with the people of england , by such means as conference , which is hardly possible to others . . you ask [ ought not such things to be concealed . ] and you abuse scripture to confirm it . but , . are you not here partial ? is it your judgement that we should conceal the faults or ignorance , or errors of the bishops , conformists , and parish members ? or be they not commonly multiplied and aggravated ? and yet , must the separatists ignorance and error be concealed . . do you desire their repentance and humiliation whose faults you would have concealed ? and do you imitate nehemiah and others of gods servants , that use to confess the sins of all ranks and sorts of men ? . do you use in publick humiliations to confess this ignorance of professors or not ? if not , what a kind of humiliation do you make ? if you do , do not you publickly reveal this secret . . how grosly are you unacquainted with england that take this for a secret , or for hardly to be believed , when we have congregations and multitudes of such , and the land * and world ringeth of them . . do you not thus harden them that charge us with factiousness , when you shew your self so solicitous for the concealment of the ignorance of your party , while you have no such care for others ? . but it is your sixth untruth in point of fact , when you say ( with scorn ) [ are not we commanded not to reveal the secret of another , which pious and prudent mr. baxter hath not scrupled to sin against , &c. prov. . . ] as you abuse the text , which speaketh of an individual person , who is supposed to be hereby injured , because known , so you speak untruly in saying i revealed anothers secrets ; for to pass by , that i reveal not the persons , who are still unknown , it is not true that they were secrets ! when i disputed almost all day with such ( both souldiers and others ) in the publick church at amersham above years ago , was that a secret , which they so fiercely proclaimed ? when i disputed daily almost with such in cromwell's army , was that a secret ? when i disputed with mr. brown ( an army chaplain ) and his adherents for the godhead of christ , in a publick church at worcester , was that a secret ? when i disputed in the publick church at kiderminster with the quakers , was that a secret ? when the said quakers , and many other sects , have come to my house , and have oft assaulted me in many other places openly , and vented their ignorance with fierce revilings and raging confidence , was that a secret ? when i have openly catechized men , was that a secret ? do not all sound protestants believe that they are fundamentals which our quakers commonly contradict , and are ignorant of , especially foxes party , whom smith and major cobbet accuse to deny christ and the resurrection , &c. and are there not assemblies of such in london ? and do not many turn to them of late ? and is that a secret which their books and their assemblies tell the world ? who is it now that is put to shame ? except . ix . answered . i must now answer for what i say against the papists too . i confess they are separatists or recusants too . but le ts hear the charge ? you say [ they are very unweighed and rash words , when he saies [ shew me in scripture or in church history that either there ever was de facto , or ought to be de jure such a thing in the world , as the papists call the church , and i profess i will immediately turn papist ; ] we think none can write thus , but declares a great unsteadiness in his religion ; for none that knoweth church history but can prove that such a church as the romane , hath been neer years actually in being . answ. . my foregoing words are these , [ the pope hath feigned another thing , and called it the church , that is , the universality of christians headed by himself : whereas . god never instituted or allowed such a church . . nor did ever the universality of christians acknowledge this usurping head . now when you say there hath been [ such a church as the romane ] either you mean what i denied [ such a church as they claim and feign ] and i described ; or only [ such a church as they are , which is another thing . ] if the later , why will you grosly abuse your reader by such a deceit , which tendeth to tempt him unto poperie ? what 's that to my words which you seem to contradict ? but if you mean the former , and indeed contradict me , then . you prevaricate in befriending popery . . you here set down three more untruths in matter of fact ; ▪ that there hath been neer years ( or ever was ) such a church ; that is , that the universality of christians did acknowledge the pope for the universal constitutive and governing head. . that there is none that knoweth church history but can prove this . . that they are very unweighed words , in which i assert what i did . and all this i have given the world full proof of , in my dispute against mr. iohnson the papist , of the visibility of the church . had i not weighed the words , i had not so many years ago so largely proved and maintained them . and i have there fully proved , that the romane church was only imperial , or of the empire ( and the countreys that after fell from the empire ) such as we call national , because under one prince . that de facto , the persians , the abassines , indians , part of armenia , and many other churches or christians , never acknowledged him their constitutive or governing head ; that the emperors who called the general councils had nothing to do with the subjects of other princes , nor used to call them : that the general councils consisted only of the subjects of the empire , ( and those that had been of the empire , ) except one iohannes persidis , and one or two more inconsiderable persons , that no account can be given of , who they were , or how they came thither . godignus himself will tell you enough of the abissines . all the papists in the world are never able to answer this publick evidence of fact , with any sense . mr. iohnson's reply i take not to be worthy of an answer with any man that can make use of an answer ; when his shift is so gross as to instance in the bishops of thracia as out of the empire , and such as they , which every novice in history and geographie can confute . unless i was confuted in ▪ london at a publick play , where ( that you may see who influenceth them ) a tutor in geographie was ( as i am credibly informed ) brought in telling his pupill , that prester iohn's countrey of abassia was of the same latitude with a place in worcester-shire called kederminster . ] now seeing reason forbiddeth me to interpret you as speaking of the church of rome as a sect or party , when i spake of it , as the universality of christians headed by the pope ( your context shewing that it is my words that you gainsay , ) therefore i must number these three also with the rest of your untruths . you adde [ we wonder that any protestant should be found , though but by the equalling of church history to scripture , as if the uncertain tradition of the one , were to be as much accounted of and followed as the divine and infallible revelation of the other . ] answ. . because this wonder plainly containeth an affirmation that i do so , i must say that it is your tenth untruth : prove such a word if you are able . . it is not true that this historie is uncertain ( though not to be equalled with scripture . ) is the case of a vast empire of aethiopia ( as big yet after the decay saith brierwood , as germany , italy , france and spain ) uncertain , when the world knoweth that they have not had so much as converse with the pope , and at oviedos attempt did not know who he was ? and so of persia , india , &c. if you will needs be so much wiser than your neighbours as to prove all historie uncertain , even that there was a caesar , or a william the conqueror . . while you befriend the papists in this one point , you will incommodate them in others , . and you will promote infidelitie , by making that historie uncertain by which we know the canonical books of scripture , and that they are delivered down to us the same and uncorrupt . when i had given in few words , a full and plain answer to the papists about our separation from their church , and remembred how many volumes they have troubled the world with , by obscuring our plain and ordinarie answer , i told them , that must have volumes to hide the sense , that if this answer seem not plain and full to them , it is because they understand not christian sense and reason ; and not for want of plainess in the matter , or through defectiveness as to satisfie a reasonable impartial man. this , brother , chargeth this saying , to be [ insolent , and from intolerable pride ] because i dare so charge another with want of christian sense and reason , &c. answ. . this is his eleventh untruth . i only named sense and reason objectively , not subjectively . it is not because the answer which i give the papists ( and which protestants commonly give ) is not full and plain , or wanteth sense or reason , but because the papists understand it not . he that hath sense and reason may be hindred from using it aright , by interest , partialitie , and wilful negligences which it is no new thing for protestants to think that papists are too oft guilty of . but how proud am i then , intolerably proud that in several books have maintained that all papists that hold transubstantiation , do make it an article of faith , and necessarie to salvation , flatly to contradict all the senses of all the sound men in the world , that shall judge whether bread be bread , and wine be wine ? how much more insolent a charge is this ? but , brother , popish absurdities have need of a better defence , than to call the adversarie insolent and proud . . and is the thing i say true or false ? i prove it true . the answer of the protestants about luther's reformation which i give , is christian● sense and reason : but the papists or any that deny it seriously , and take it not to be plain and full understand it not : ergo they understand not christian sense and reason . that is , in this : for i never said that they understand not christian sense and reason , in any other thing , nor is there the least appearance of such a sense . now if this , brother , will deny either of the premises , he may expect an answer . till then i adde . . are not you , brother , by your own censure notoriously insolent and intolerably proud , if this hold good , as well as i ? do you not take all that you say against me ( or some part at least ) to be plain and full , and to be christian sense and reason ? and do you not suppose me to think otherwise of it ? and do you not think that this is because i understand it not ? thus some mens hands do beat themselves . . and do you not implicitly charge all or most protestant writers with insolence and intolerable pride as well as me ? do they not all think their reasons against the papists plain and full ( at least some of them : ) and do they not think that the papists denie them because they understand not the christian sense and reason which is in them . . and have not all mankind a deficiencie of understanding ? and is it pride and insolence to say so ? . but judge of your own spirit by your own rule : do not you think those that you before charged with persecution , and making our dividing engines , and whose communion you think it a duty to avoid , to be such as understand not christian sense and reason in the arguings which i and others have used against them ? and is it not as lawful to think so of the papists ? except . x. answered . i used the phrase of [ local presential communion ] in contradistinction , . to the catholick communion of persons absent , which is by faith and love , . and the communion by delegates and representatives : and our brother here , . calleth this phrase [ insignificant iargon , ] which was not said through any redundancy of sense and reason above othets ; nor do i acknowledge his authoritie in the sentence without his reason . . he saith [ unlawful terms are imposed on us ] answ. brother , do you think men must trust their souls on your naked word ? where in all this book have you done any thing , that with an impartial understanding can go for proof , that [ in all the parish churches of england that use the liturgie , that is imposed as a condition of our communion in hearing or praying , which it is not lawful sometimes to do ? ] answer this , as to mr. nie about hearing , and to me about praying ; if you can ? and do not nakedly affirm . . you say you do not [ so much separate as forbear communion ] and your reason is [ for we were never of them . ] answ. i take you for a christian and a protestant : are you not so far of us ? is not a member of the same universal church of christ , obliged to hold communion , as he hath a special call or occasion , with more churches than that particular one which he ordinarily joyneth with ? if you purposely avoided and denied communion with all the independent churches in england save one , and wrote to prove it unlawful , i think this were a separating from them , as they are parts of the church universal that are neer you . except . xi . answered . . the word sect ( though oft taken but for one party in a division ) was not by me applied to all the names before going , but to the last named only , and such other . . i spake nothing at all of the truth or falshood of the censurers words , but of the requitals that censurers have by other mens censures , which may be sharp and passionate , and a rebuke to the censured , and modally culpable , when the words are true . yet i am content to undergo the censure you here cast out of me , rather than to censure , that a papist cannot go beyond a reprobate , unless you do , ( as mr. perkins doth , to make it good , ) be so charitable to all the millions else among them , as not to call them papists , except they practically hold the most pernicious opinions of their councils and divines . i confess i affect none of the honour of that orthodoxness , which consisteth in sentencing millions and kingdoms to hell , whom i am unacquainted with . except . xii . answered . here we have first a meer magisterial dictate without proof , that i speak [ triflingly ] about scandal , and shew how little i understand it . but where 's his reason or confutation ? . why all is but this [ paul would not eate flesh rather than he would offend his weak brother , &c. ] judge , reader , whether the bare citing of these words be any proof , that in scripture , scandal is not taken more for tempting , ensnaring , and laying before men an occasion of stumbling , or sinning , than for meer displeasing men , which is the thing that i affirmed . but , sure brother , if you soberly review it , you will find that you deal very hardly with the scripture and the souls of men . first the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which our translators turn [ make to offend ] you read [ offend ] instead of scandalize ; and . you bring a text against the truth which i assert , which is as plain for it as can well be spoken . the whole chapter shewing , that [ the weake brother ] that paul speaketh of , was one that [ with conscience of the idol , did eate it as a thing offered to an idol , and their conscience being weak was defiled , ver . . , and it is one whose conscience is emboldened ( or confirmed ) to eate those things which are offered to idols , and thereby he may perish , ver . , . and it is he that is ( not displeased ) but made to offend . and the scandalizing which paul would avoid is called [ becoming a stumbling to them that are weak , ver . . emboldening to that heinous sin , ver . . making a brother to offend , v. . twice over . is this , think you , displeasing the innocent , or rather , tempting those that are apt to sin , and confirming the faulty . read what dr. hammond saith of their weakness , and what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth there , and then further tell me ; . whether you mean such weak ones that you would not have me offend ? . whether those that are most displeased with us for communion in the liturgie , be such as you will say , are most in danger of yielding to sin ? . whether you would do as paul doth , call those weak brethren , who to that day did eate in idols temples , and that as a thing offered to idols ? . whether paul commanded the corinthians to separate from the church , because such men were in their communion ? . whether paul himself in communicating with that church , did not that which you write against ? . whether by this rule , we should not take heed most of scandalizing those christians that are aptest to sin ? . whether this text , which you so abuse , well considered , is not sufficient against all your cause , and for that which i maintain ? except . xiii . p. . answered . here is nothing but , . his saying that he may well doubt of the truth of what i report , viz. whether any ( or many ) faithful ministers would so reproach their people , and their honourable name which is upon them , as to call them pievish and self conceited christians . ] answ. . are there any such christians or not ? . if they are , should their fault be healed or cherished ? . if healed , should it be reproved or concealed ? but i will answer this further anon , when it comes in again . . he doubts not but those that thus complained to me expected so much prudence and faithfulness in me as to conceal their complaints , and not vent them now when the state of affairs is so much altered . answ. here are two untruths implied : . that these complaints were only made in secret , with an expectation that not only the persons , but the case it self should be concealed . but how did he know this ? might not many of them be men that since conform , and make the same complaint now openly ? yes , i could name you more than one such ? might not some be such as have done the same in print themselves ? yes , old mr. rob. abbot was one , who after removed to austins london , and died there , before mr. ash. if you will but read his book against separation , you will see thathe silenced not such matters , but hath said more than ever you are able well to answer . . it is not true that these complaints were only made before the state of affairs was altered ; for i have oft heard it since , with greater sense of it than ever before . nor is it any dishonour to a minister , not to be ignorant of satans wiles : the more they know them , the liker they are to overcome them . . in his conclusion are two more mistakes , but because they are prophetical , i will not count them with the grossest . the first is , that he hopes that hereafter all that fear god will be very careful how they make any complaint unto a person , ( the second ) who will take the next worst occasion to revile a whole innocent and godly party by a malicious publishing of it : whereas , . since the writing of his book i have had complaints against such as he , by many that fear god ; . and he cannot prove what he prophesieth i will do . but yet two more untruths are implied in the prophesie . . that i will revile a whole innocent , godly suffering party , when i protested i meant no particular party , but those of every party , episcopal , presbyterian , independent , anabaptist , &c. who through want of love are aptest causelesly to condemn their brethren and avoid them ( unless he will call all the ignorant , proud , and uncharitable of all parties , by the name of a whole godly suffering party . ) . that i will revile them maliciously ; unless he mean that writing for love and unity is a malicious act against satan and his kingdom . except . xiv . ( hereafter i must number them , for he is weary of it ) answered . this hath little worthy observation , but his th . untruth , viz. that [ by mentioning the separatist as a distinct body of men , from the antinomian , quaker , and anabaptist , it is evident i can mean no other , but my presbyterian and congregational brethren ] which he follows with an appeal to god against this slanderer , and earnestly prayeth that he would please to rebuke him . whether this earnest prayer be a curse ? and whether it be like to that rule , to pray for them that curse us , and whether this brother himself doth not in these very words put his error into his earnest prayer , even in print , and so verifie what he would so vehemently gainsay ( to say nothing of the common fame in london , that he that is famed to be the author of these exceptions , kept a day of humiliation about me and my book ) i leave to the readers observation . and also whether this earnest prayer ( or curse ) and this bold appeal to god , be not prophane , and rather a fruit of passion , than charitable zeal ? and whether he here knew what spirit he was of ? but to his untruth i answer , . i protested openly that my meaning was not what he affirmeth it to be ; and could he know it better than i ? . an antinomian and anabaptist as such , are distinct from separatists as such : but doth it follow that therefore they may not be separatists also that are antinomians and anabaptists ? though the errors whence the sects are denominated be various . . i have long ago in many books told the papists that i mean them , as the chief schismaticks and sect ; and dr. hide for the first page of his book , what i thought of him ; and the lutherans that so resist all the endeavours of dury , calixtus , bergius , lud. crocius , and many more , in refusing communion with the calvinists , that i mean them ; and here i profess that i mean no other party of men at all , but the dividers of all parties whatsoever , even in the beginning of my preface ; and yet , alas , brother , did you not tremble first to publish so gross an untruth , and when you had done , to ground your appeal to god , and earnest prayer against me , upon it ? the lord give you a meeker spirit , and a tenderer conscience . and that i mean not an independent as such ( for the presbyterians will not suspect me ) i will stop your mouth with this sufficient proof , . that the chief independants have written excellently against separation , as mr. iacob by name ; and they pretend that mr. bradshaw and dr. ames were independants . . that i rejoyce in the state of the churches of new england , since the synods concessions there , and good mr. eliots propositions for synodical constant council and communion of churches , as much as in any churches state that i hear of in the world , ( though as to the form of government , my judgement most agrees with the waldenses , or bohemian , published by lascitius and commenius ; ) especially since the magistrates late printed order , that all the ministers shall take especial care to catechize and personally instruct all the people under their charge , even from house to house ; at least or families meeting together , &c. which i much rejoice in . it is evident then , that though a man may be a divider , that is episcopal , presbyterian , independant or anabaptist , yet as such as their denominations signifie , i mean none of them ; for many of all these names are no dividers ( though a papist is so by the essence of his religion , un-churching all beside his sect. ) and if you had done me but common justice , you would have noted , that in my scheme in the end , the second proposition of the way of love which i plead for is in these words ; [ love your neighbours as your selves : receive those that christ receiveth ; and that hold the necessaries of communion , be they episcopal , presbyterian , independants , anabaptists , arminians , calvinists , &c. so they be not proved heretical or wicked . ] judge now of your truth and charity by these evidences . except . xv. p. . answered . here is the th . visible untruth , he saith [ he speaks very slightly of prayer in comparison of study , for the attaining of wisdome , calling it too cheap a way , which sheweth you how little he understandeth the nature of true prayer , ] &c. answ. i love you the better for your zeal for the honour of prayer , though i had rather knowledge and truth had guided it . reader , i intreat thee to peruse my book , and if thou find there what he saith , condemn me more than he doth , and spare not . i tell those men that will do nothing for knowledge but ask for it , that [ god hath not promised you true understanding upon your prayers alone , without all the rest of his appointed mea●s ; nor that you shall attain it by those means as soon as you desire and seek it ; for then prayer would be a pretence for laziness , &c. that praying is but one of the means which god hath appointed you to come to knowledge by ; diligent reading hearing , and meditation and counsel of the wisest is another . ] and will any christian deny the truth of this except the enthusiasts ? or should any godly minister rise up against it ? is any of this true ? . that i have here one word of comparing prayer and study ? . or that i prefer study or reading , or other means before prayer ? . or that i speak lightly of prayer in comparison of the other ? . or that i make prayer it self an easie thing ? is not this , that i call his th . untruth , composed of many ? when it is visible , that i put prayer first , that i only say that it is but one means , and not all ; and that others must be added , and that praying alone without other labour is too easie a way ? what should one answer to such dealing as this ? i beseech you , brother , preach not the contrary whatever you think , lest you justifie the silencers , while you blame them ? and if really you are against my words , satisfie the world by experience , how many you ever kn●w that came to the understanding but of the articles of faith , or the decalogue or catechism , or christianity it self ( that i say not to your degree of knowledge above me and such as i , ) by prayer alone , without hearing , reading , meditation , or conference . and why paul bids timothy give himself to reading , and meditate on these things , and give thy self wholly to them ? and why hearing and preaching are so much urged ? and whether it be any great fault to silence you and me and all the preachers in the land , if prayer be the only means of knowledge ? and whether you do not before you are aware still agree with them whom you most avoid , who cry up church-prayers to cry down preaching ? and why you wrote this book against me , if your earnest prayers against me , and the people , be the only means ? and when you have done , i can tell you of many papists and others , that you your self suppose never pray acceptably , who have come to a great deal of knowledge : though there be no sanctified saving knowledge ( after the first conversion ) without prayer . i am sorry you put me to trouble the reader about such things as these . it follows [ neither doth solomon direct to any other way principally , &c. ] answ. did i speak one word of the principality , or which was the principal way ? did i not put prayer first , and other means next ? this is not well , brother ; truth beseemeth our calling , and our work . and yet he that said , i was found of them that sought me not , in my opinion , which yet expecteth your reproach ) doth give so much knowledge as is necessary to mens first faith and repentance and conversion by the hearing or reading , or considering of his word , ordinarily to them that never first asked it by sincere prayer ; for i think that faith go●t● before a believing prayer . you adde we cannot but wonder that any dares so expresly go against the very letter of scripture , — but that we have done with wondering at mr. baxter's boldness . answ. this i may well put as your th . untruth . reader , try if you can find one syllable of what he speaks in all my book ? doth he that saith [ prayer is but one of the means ] contradict the letter of iam. . . if any man lack wisdome , let him ask it of god ? o how hard is it to know what spirit we are o● ? that a man should go on in such dealing as this ? and make his own fictions the ground of such tragical exclamations when he hath done ? yea , he proceed . for what follows in justification of his unwarrantable conceit exceeds all bounds of sobriety , — whither will not pride and overweening carry a man ? he that had so trampled upon his brethren without any regard to their innocency or sufferings , now speaks but slightly of our lord christ himself . ] answ. your anger i pass by ; i like you the better for speaking against pride : for by that you shew that you love it not under that name . but still how hard is it to know our selves ? i am sorry , . that you are so sore and tender as to account it trampling on you , to be intreated to love your brethren , and not ●o divide the church of god. . and that you say , he regardeth not your sufferings , who suffereth with you , and writeth so much as that book containeth against your sufferings . . and that you should call that your inno●ency , which i have proved so largely to be against the new and great commandement , and when you make so poor an answer to the proof . i might number these with your untruths , but that i will choose out the grosser sort ; such as is the next ( th . untruth ) that i speak slightly of christ. is it slighting christ to speak the words and undenied truth of scripture ? two things i say of christ ; . that he increased in wisdom in his youth ? do you not believe that to be true ? surely mr ieanes in all his writings against dr. hammond of that point , did never deny it . . that he would not enter upon his publick ministry till he was about years of age ? do you not believe that also ? what then is here that is a slighting of christ ? the reason of this later which i humbly conjecture at ( and elsewhere express ) is , that he might be an example to young men , not to venture and enter too early upon the ministry . the reason you alledge from num. . , . i gainsay not , though i think it far fetcht ( that christ must not enter sooner upon his publick ministry in his extraordinary office , because the sons of co●ah were numbred from years to . ) but you insinuate another untruth , yea express it while you flatly say , i insinuate , that christ staid till years old , that he might be more perfect in wisdome : i had no such word or thought . my following words [ it had been easier for christ to have got all knowledge by two or three earnest prayers than for any of us ] refer only to the first clause , ( of his growth in wisdom ) and not at all to the later ( of the time of his ministry . ) but you deny that christ had any addition of wisdom , except as to manifestation , i believe gods word ! and with others he will be as pardonable that believeth it , as he that denyeth it . i did not expound it : but if i must , i will. i think that according to the present frame of humane nature , the incorporate soul receiveth the several objects it must know ab extra , by the fantasie , and that by the senses , and that our acts of knowing exterior things are as philosophers affirm , objectively organical , though not efficiently and formally , that is , that the intromission by the senses and phantasie , is necessary to the right stating of the object , and therefore that in all those acts of knowledge which christ exercised as other men do , . the object , . the organical capacity and aptitude of the body were necessary ( not to the perfection of his humane soul , in essence , power , virtue , inclination , disposition , but only to the act of knowing . and so i think christ when new born knew not actually as a man , all that he aft●r knew ; no , nor long after ; and that he increased in actual knowledge , . as objects were presented , . and as the organs increased in capacity and aptitude , and no● otherwise . yet i believe that christ prayed before his organs and actual knowledge were at the highest , and that he could ( had it been his fathers will and his own ) by prayer have suddenly attained their perfection ; and that culpable imperfection he never had any , nor such as is the effect of sin in infants now . if this be an error , help me out of it by sitter means than reviling . you adde that christ needed not prayer for himself , but as a pattern to us , &c. answ. christ had no culpable need , nor as god any natural need . but , brother , take heed of the common error of them that think they can never say too much or do too much , when they are once engaged ; for this is but undoing . . do you think that christs humane nature was not a creature ? . do you think that all creatures are not dependant on the creator ? and need him not ? . do you think christs humane nature needed not divine sustentation in existence , life , and motion , and divine influx or communication hereunto , seeing that in god we live , and move , and be ? . do you think that christs body needed not created means ? as the earth , the air meat and drink , and sleep and rest ? and that he needed not drink , when it is said , he thirsted , ioh. . . i thirst . and ioh. . . [ being wearied with his journey , &c. ver . . give me to drink . ] whether he needed not cloathing , and needed not ordinary bodily supplies , when it is said , that some ministred to him of their substance , luke . . as our father knoweth that we have need of all these things , mat. . . . so i think that christs humane nature needed them ; and that he gave not thanks at meat for his disciples only ; and that he bid them speak nothing but the truth , when he said mat. . . mar. . . luke . . the lord hath need of him . and that it was for himself that he prayed three times that the cup might pass , if , &c. ( though for our instruction ) luke . . matt. . . . heb. . . wh● in the daies of his flesh , wh●n he 〈◊〉 offered up prayers and s●ppli●ati●ns with strong crying and tears unto him that was able to save him from death , and was heard in that he feared ; though he was a son , yet learned he obedience by the things which he suffered , and being made perfect , &c. ] i believe that when he was on the cross he needed deliverance , and when his body was in the grave it needed the divine power for to effect his resurrection . and how a man would have been formerly judged of that had denyed any of this . you may learn by the severities of many councils against the eutychians , nestorians , monothelites , &c. i am so regardful of your sufferings that i would not put your mind to any needless grief ; but yet i heartily wish your r●pentance , not only for your errors , but that you should let out your ( unknown ) spirit to such vehemency in your revilings upon such pittiful grounds , as when you adde ▪ [ so that to speak so lesseningly of prayer and christ , to undervalue so much the unspeakable usefuln●ss the of one , and the incomprehensible majesty of the other , becomes very well the spirit that mr. baxter writes with . ] this is but a repetition of untruths . except . xvi . p. . answered . having dir. . given five proofs by which i knew many to be mistaken that expound texts of scripture , by the impressions on their own spirits , i said dir. . [ it is very ordinary with poor fanciful women and melancholy persons , to take all deep apprehensi●ns for revelations ; and if a text come into their minds , to say , — this text was brought to my mind , and set upon my spirit , as if nothing could bring a text to their minds but some extraordinary motion of god ? and as if this bringing it to their mind , would warrant their exposition . ] whereupon i advise men to know the necessity of the spirits ordinary sanctifying work , and not to despise mens pretences of revelation ; but yet to believe none against scripture . as to the ground of this passage , it is such as is not disputable with me , being matter of sense ; ( so impossible is it for me to escape all the heinous accusations of this brother . ) it is not many years since i have had several persons with me ( two or three out of one county ) that brought me books written for the press , and urged me to procure them printed and shewed to the king , in which were abundance of scriptures abused to many daring predictions of things presently to come to pass , and all upon pretence of visions and revelations , and the setting of such an exposition on their hearts : and the men were ignorant , melancholy , and craz●d persons , and the scriptures almost all fal●ly interpreted , and the predictions fail . and all of them had the fifth monarchy notion without conference ( that i could learn ) with any about it . when i lived in coventrey , major wilkies a learned scot , lived in the house with me , who professed to have lived many years in a course of visions and revelations , and had abundance of texts set upon his heart , and expounded to him by vision , most for the millenary way , and for prophecies about our times and changes , ( and some against preciseness ) many of his expositions were considerable : some palpably false : some of his predictions came to pass , and some proved false : he was of a hot melancholy temper , and as i heard , after distracted . if this brother had known how many ( if not many score ) of deeply melancholy persons have been with me , that have had some of them prophecies , most of them almost in desperation , and some of them comforted by such or such a text , brought to their mind , which was of a quite different sense , and impertinent to that which they fetcht from it , and some of their collections contrary to the rest ; he would take heed of doing gods spirit so much wrong as to father poor crazed peoples deliratio●s on it ? and this is as common , i think , among the papists themselves , that meddle less with scripture than we do : what abundance of books be there , of the phantasmes of their fryers and nuns , as prophecies , visions , and revelations , which the judicious reader may perceive are but the effects of melancholy and hysterical passions , improved by ignorant or deceitful priests . but what is the charge against me here ? why he saith [ he calls them poor fanciful women , and melancholy persons , that ordinarily receive comfort by suggested texts of scripture . ] answ. this is the th . visible untruth . indeed here are are two gross untruths together . . he changeth the subject into the predicate , and then affirmeth me so to have spoken . i said [ it is ordinary for such fanciful and melancholy persons , to take deep apprehensions for revelations , and if a text come into their mind , to think it is by an extraordinary motion of the spirit . and he feigneth me to say , that they that ordinarily receive comfort by suggested texts are melancholy . is it all one to say , it is ordinary for melancholy persons to pray , to fear , to erre , &c. and , they that ordinarily pray , fear , erre , are melancholy . ] again , brother , this is not well . . he feigneth me to speak of them that [ ordinarily receive comfort ] when i have no such word , but speak of them that would draw others into error and separation by confident asserting false expositions of scripture as set on their mind by revel●tion from the spirit . this is not well neither . he addeth [ if this be not to sit in the chair of scorners , what is ? ] this needeth no answer . [ for ( saith he ) is not this the very language of holy men ; answ. alas , brother , how impertinent is your question ? the question is , whether this be the language of no melancholy person ? or of none but holy men ? and that as holy ? is it not the language of many ● popish nun and fryer that pretend to revelation ? have not i heard it with these ears from multitudes in melancholy and other weakness that have perverted the texts which they alledged ? have i not read it many books of experiences ? is he a scorner that saith , that a man may speak the same words mistakingly in melancholy which another speaketh truly ? do you well , brother , to trouble the world at this rate of discourse ? for charges on me , i pass them by . and for his saying that the bare recital of their usual words is fitter for a iester than a judicious divine , and when he hath done , to be so angry that they be not all ascribed to gods spirit , i will not denominate such passages as they deserve , lest i offend him . lest you deny belief to me , i intreat you and the reader to get and read a book published by mr. brown ( as is uncontrolledly affirmed , who lately wrote against mr. tombes against the lawfulness of communion in the parish churches ) concerning the experiences and strange work of god on a gentlewoman in worcester ( whom i will not name , because yet living , and god may recover her , but is there well known . ) this gentlewoman having been long vain , and a constant neglecter of publick worship , was suddenly moved to go into the church while i was there preaching ( on rom. . . ) the very text struck her to the heart ; but before the sermon was done she could hardly forbear crying out in the congregation : she went home a changed person ; resolved for a holy life . but her affection ( or passion ) being strong , and her nature tender , and her knowledge small ▪ she quickly thought that the quakers lived strictlier than we , and fell in among them . at last perceiving them vilifie the ministry and the scripture , her heart smote her , and she forsook them , as speaking against that which by experience she had found to do her good ; and desiring to speak with me ( who lived far off , ) opened this much to me . but all these deep workings and troubles between the several waies , did so affect her , that she fell into a very strong melancholy ; insomuch that she imposed such an abstinence from meat upon her self , that she was much consumed , and so debilitated as to keep her bed , and almost famished . mr. brown ( and others ) were her instructers , who were very zealous for the way called the fifth monarchy , and having instructed her in those opinions , published the whole story in print ( which else i would not have mentioned ) i shall say nothing of any thing which is otherwise known , but desire the reader that doth but understand what melancholy is , better than the writers did , to read that book , and observe with sorrow and pitty , what a number of plain effects of melancholy , as to thoughts , and scriptures , and actions , are there ascribed to me●r temptations on one side , and to gods unusual or notable operations on the other side ! in the end he saith [ and indeed when a soul oppressed with sorrow before , shall suddenly find ease , by having some scripture brought to their mind which before they thought not of if this be not the spirits work as a comforter , we shall be alwaies doubtful how aad when he performeth that office ; which way of doubting mr. baxter's divinity leads into , which sufficiently shews , it is not of god : for god calls us to hope perfectly , and to rejoyce in the hope . answ. the divinity which i think true and sound , doth teach enthusiasts , whether fryers or nuns , or any such phanatick , not to believe every spirit , but to try the spirits whether they be of god ; and to believe that satan can transform himself into an angel of light ; and to doubt whether their suggestions , revelations or prophecies be of god , till it be true and sure : for instance , i would have had your fellow prisoner have doubted of his three after mentioned prophecies uttered in the pulpit , as from the spirit of god ( that we should have no more king , tythes , or taxes : ) be not angry with me for giving you such instances ; it is only to save others from wronging the holy ghost , and exposing religion to profane mens scorn . and i would not have one turn anabaptist , if in their sorrow or musing that text should be set upon their mind , act. . . why tarriest thou , arise and be baptized , and wash away thy sins . ] nor would i have another turn papist , if that text be set upon his heart , act. . . arise and go into the city , avd it shall be told thee what thou must do : and if it be a popish priest that he ●irst me●teth with , and think●●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 th● m●n that must inform ●im . i wo●●d not 〈…〉 ember of any church , upon an insufficient reason separate from it , if that text be se● upon his heart , come out of her my people , &c. or ● cor. . . come out from among them , and be y● separate , &c. nor would i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hypocri●●●r ungodly person con●lude himself to be sincere ▪ if that text do suddenly come into his mind ( how affectingly soever ) ioh , . . behold an israelite indeed in whom is no guile . nor would i have an upright doubt●●g christian conclude himself an hypocrite 〈◊〉 that text come into his mind , act. . thy heart is not right in the sight of god , &c. i think that there is somewhat else besides the sudden coming into our minds , and the deepes● affecting of us , that is necessary to prove the true meaning of a text , and the soundness of our conclusions from it . and yet i never doubted but that the spirit doth both cause our comfort , and our resolutions and other gracious effects , by bringing forgotten texts to our remembrance . but the way that i think the spirit cureth our doubting by , is all these things following set together . . supposing that he hath infallibly guided the writers of the scripture . . and hath set to it the infallible seal of god ( which is the impress of his power , wisdome , and goodness . ) . and that he helpeth ministers to preach this gospel to us . . he next doth help us to remember , and to understand it ; and no false exposition is from the spirit of god : and he hath left us sufficient means to discern ( as far as is necessary to our salvation and our comfort ) whether it be rightly interpreted or not . . and he helpeth us firmly to believe the truth of it : and of the unseen glory which it promiseth . . and hereby he kindleth in us repentance , hope , and love , and reneweth both soul and life to the image of god , and the example of jesus christ. . and then he helpeth us to act or exercise all this grace . . and he helpeth us to discern the sincerity of it : and and so by the spirit we know that we have the spirit , and have the witness of christ , and the seal of god , and the pledge , earnest , and first fruits of eternal life within us , whilest the spirit doth make known himself to be in us . and all true signs of sanctification , or the divine nature in us , are signs of this in-dwelling sealing spirit : but so are not the sudden passions , and fancies , and change of parties , sides , or by opinions , or strong conceits unproved , from whence some use to fetch their comforts . . and next he helpeth us hereupon to make a true application of the promise of justification and salvation to our selves : having before applied or received it by faith and consent , and being iustified , he helpeth us to apply it to our assurance and setled hope and comfort ; and to argue , there is no condemnation to them that are in christ iesus , that walk not after the flesh but after the spirit : but i am in christ iesus , and i walk not after the flesh but after the spirit ; therefore there is no condemnation to me . . next the same spirit exciteth actual hope and ioy in the soul , by the said application of the promise ; that we shall not only conclude from it , that we have pardon and right to heaven in jesus christ , but also shall have the will and affections duly moved with that conclusion . . and the same spirit helpeth us to answer all the false cavils of satan , the world , or our misgiving hearts , which rise up against this hope and comfort . . and lastly he helpeth us in the use of all those holy means , by which this hope and comfort is to be maintained , and helpeth us against the sins that would destroy it , and so keepeth it in life , and exercise , and perseverance , till we finally overcome . by all these twelve acts together the spirit causeth the hope and comfort of believers , and saveth them from their doubts and sorrows . and now , brother , when you can calmly think of it , i should be glad that you would consider , whether to say this divinity leadeth to doubting , and that it is not of god , be not , . an untruth , . an injury to him whom you calumniate , . an injury to the souls of men that must be thus comforted , . and an injury to god , by telling the world , that his own doctrine is not his own , and by feigning gods truth to be mans error . and whether your way here opened ( by receiving sudden comfort by a remembred text ) be sounder doctrine ? and be not such a way as papists , quakers , and most deluded people commonly boast of ? and if you bring poor souls no better directions for their full assurance , peace and joy , whether in the end you will not prove a miserable comforter ? except . xvii . p. . answered . when i say that i wonder at men that think god maketh such a matter as they do of their several words and forms , as that he loveth only extemporate prayers and hateth forms , or loveth only prescribed forms and hateth extemporate prayers by habit , ] he saith this is ▪ as if i could never speak meanly enough about prayer . but , brother , if you kindle this burning zeal your self , by teaching men to hate either forms or praying by habit ; marvel not if it burn you , within and without ; and when your own passions have scorched you , other mens hatred of your prayers , as you hate theirs , do trouble you also . and if you hate the quenching of these fires , even when the churches by them are all on a flame , as sober ▪ men as you will be of another mind , i tell you again , brother , you greatly wrong and dishonour god , if you think that he layeth so much upon that which he never gave any law about , or spake one word for or against , as to tell the world that he hateth all prayer that is put up by a form or book . and that he that denyeth this , speaketh meanly of prayer . the lord teach you to know what manner of spirit you are of , ( which request i shall reit●rate for you , instead of praying with your earnestness , the lord rebuke him . ▪ have you the bowels of a christian , and the spirit of christian love and unity ▪ and can you think that god hateth ( for that was my word ) all the prayers of all the churches and christians in the world , that use a form ? even of all the greek churches , the armenians , abassines , jacobites , syrians , cop●ies , lutherans , and calvinists ; of all the english publick churches ; and the prayers of such holy men as dr. preston , dr. sibbes , mr. perkins , mr. hildersham , mr. cartwright , dr. stoughton , mr. whateley , mr. bolton , and all such as they that used some the li●urgie , and some other forms ? and that god hateth the prayers of all christian families and christians that use a form ? do you dislike adding to god's word , and will you adde to it so boldly , as to say , he hateth that which he never once forbad ? if you would make your reader think that i make god indifferent to all modes and words in prayer , you would abuse him : for though i never heard a man swear in prayer , i think you curse in prayer a little before ; and i have heard many rail in prayer , and traduce men for truth and duty , and vent their own errors . but i beseech you promote superstition no more , and feign no divine laws which you cannot shew us ? and teach not this unhappy age to feign things necessary that are not , and paint out the most holy gracious god , as the patron of every one of their fancies . your words [ doth not god regard the manner of our addressing our selves to him ? must we not pray in the spirit ? ] do still make me pray , that you may know your spirit . do you well to intimate that i say the contrary ? when i maintain that god so far accepteth them that worship him in spirit and truth , that he will accept their prayers , with a form or without , and hateth neither ; yea ; hath left both indifferent , to be varied as mens occasions and use for either vary , as he hath done a form or notes in preaching . it is an easie thing to turn formalist either way , by thinking god loveth our prayers either because they are in the same words , or in various words . the second part of this exception calleth me [ a trifler , that doth neither believe the scripture nor himself , but tries to abuse , &c. ] because i say about a liturgie , . certainly in christs time , both liturgies by forms , and prayers by habit were used . . that it is like that the pharisees long liturgie , was in many things worse than ours ; and yet christ and his apostles oft joyned with them , and never condemned them . ▪ answ. . let the reader observe whether ever christ , his apostles , or the pharisees medled with the controversie about the lawfulness of forms ? whether ever christ condemned them ? . let the reader note that when i say that certainly forms were used , i say not , whether in the synagogue or temple , or house , nor do i say that they were other forms than divine ? but when i say that it is like in many things the pharisees liturgie was worse than ours , i mean that it is like ( though not certain ) that part of it was of humane invention , and used publickly . and , . the word liturgie ( as martinius and other etymologists agree , hath three significations , . the largest is , for any publick office of ministry , and specially of distribution . . for the publick service of god , in reading , teaching , praying , &c. . for stated orders and forms of that publick service , to which bellarmine addeth a th . as the narrowest sense of all , viz for the sacrificing offices only ; which is no usual sense . now the second and third being the now-common sense , i thought there had been no question about them . that the jews had a divine liturgie in both senses ( as a service , and as a prescript form ) i proved in my th . disput. of liturgies many years ago . . in the temple they had most punctual prescripts for their sacrifices of all sorts , and their offerings ; and the manner of performance , and the actions of priests and people about them . in the synagogues moses and the prophets were read every sabbath day ! and the psalms were purposely penned ( many of them ) and recorded to be prayers and praises for the publick and private worship , and were committed to several church-officers to be publickly used : and david and solomon appointed the instruments , singers , and order & manner in which they should be used . a form of prayer for the priests is prescribed in three benedictions , numb . . . hezekiah commanded the levites to sing praises to the lord with the words of david and of asaph the s●●r , chron. . . chron. . . [ on that day david delivered first this psalm to thank the lord into the hands of asaph and his brethren , exod. . the song of moses is a form . and rev. . . the saints are said to sing the song of moses and of the lamb. most expositers think that the hymne that christ sung at his last supper , was the usual form : if not , it was a new form . moses form at the moving and resting of the ark is set down , numb . . , . deut. . ▪ . there is a form for the people to use , iudg. . deborahs song is recorded : so is hannahs praise , sam. and ioel . . there is a form for the priests in their humiliation : and iohn taught his disciples to pray ; and when christ was desired to teach his disciples as iohn had done his , he gave them a form . now let the sober reader judge whether the jews had no form or liturgie of god's appointment . if he say , i thought you had meant a humane form ; i answer , if you will think that which i say not , and choose rather to revile , than observe what you ●ead , i cannot help it . . when i speak of a probability afterward , i do mean of a humane liturgie : of which i will now only say , . that it seemeth very improbable to me that the pharisees who so abounded with traditions , should not so much as have any humane forms of prayer or praise . . when christ speaketh of their long prayers , i desire them on both extreams to consider , that , if it was a long liturgie , they should not compare the puritane to the pharisee in his long prayers as they use to do , but to others . but if they were extemporate prayers , . to one side i say , that if christ had been against extemporate praying , he would have put that into his rebukes : . to the other side i say , if the pharisees had the gift of long extemporate prayers , we must take heed of over-valuing such a gift , and ascribing it too much to the spirit , so that the pharisees long prayers , as a two edged sword , cut both extreams in this pievish controversie . . this controversie whether the iews had a liturgie , is handled so largely by mr. selden , that i must refer the reader to him that would see what is said for the affirmative , in eutych . alexandr . pag. to p. . where he shews that till ezra's time there was none but the scripture liturgie ; and that in ezra's time eighteen prayers were made ; and shews how far they might or might not adde : where having cited abundance of rabbins , he shews that however the jewish rabbins are fabulous , these historical testimonies are our best means of information , and are credible , and addeth the words of ios. scaliger , [ hic fuit vetus ritus celebrationis paschae temporibus messiae : quod vetustissimi canones in digestis talmudicis manifesto probant : nisi quis eos neget antiquos esse ; quod idem ac si quis capita papiniani , pauli , ulpiani , & aliorum iurisconsultorum in digestis iustiniani producta neget esse eorum iurisconsultorum quorum nomine citantur ; quod nemo sanus dixerit . except . xviii . p. . answered . here you except against me , if for any thing ▪ for [ being grown so scrupulous and so tender as to be offended , if any break jeasts upon common prayer . ] answ. . i spake of jesting on both sides at one anothers devotions , and not of one alone . . if you are for that way of breaking jeasts and scorns at other mens prayers , with what measure you mete it will be meted to you again . they will requite you to the full with jeasts and scorns at yours also . . brother , do you like this way , or do you not ? if you do , what a spirit are you of ? if you do not , why do you quarrel with this advice and whereas you cite my own words in the reply to the bishops , i must tell you ; . that i know nothing in any of those papers or treaty , as to the matter that i have changed my judgement in , or repent of . and i admire that the prelates that ask so often [ what will satisfie us ? ] and others that carry it to the world as if we had said nothing , should to this day leave that reply and our liturgie then offered them , and our petition for peace , so much unanswered ; which few that knew them will believe is for want of will and fervour or indignation against them ? . that yet the sentence cited by you [ whether it be that the common-prayer-book hath never a prayer for it self , ] i confess is sarcastical , and i unfeignedly thank you for calling me to review it ; and i do unfeignedly repent of it , and desire pardon of god and men , for speaking words of so much derision ? though i then no more perceived my fault , than you do yours . i mentioned some that were scandalized at the scorns of men at the liturgie heretofore ; and , . he calls it a prophane story fitter for ranters , . he challengeth me to tell the names of them that used those expressions . . he thinks i did greatly sin in repeating them . . else he will think i invented them ▪ on purpose to make my brethren odious , and justifie the persecution against them . answ. . if it be so bad , why are you so angry with me , for being against it , and th● like , or ●ny scorns at other mens tolerable devotion ? . your challenge is but a drop of your unrighteousness . i told you i knew them that were inflamed by those words , but not that i knew the speaker . and how should a man know the names of all that look in at a church-door ? how oft have i had quakers in the face of the market and of the publick congregation , revile me , and curse me as in the name of god , and speak as bad words as those , when i seldome asked what their names were . and yet i must name them or be to you a malicious lyar . and shall i no● be so with you , if i obey your challenge ? is it not uns●vo●●y to name men in such stories ? well , i will thus for this once obey you . in . coming up to london to the physitians , i lay at bosoms-inn in laurence-●●●●e : on the lords-day the inn-keeper , an old man ( mr. hawkshead as i remember his name was ) came in from laurence church with some guests in a very great passion : we ask'd him what the matter was ? he answered , that as he went into the church , a fellow look'd in , and spake those very words i recited , save that he said [ the deele ] instead of [ the devil : ] and from very sober honest people i have , i believe , many score times heard them call the common prayer [ porridge ] and say , [ he is not out of his porridge yet . ] . if i sin in repeating them , i pray you justifie not that spirit that uttered them ; nor be not of the mind of the councellor of the wicked in this age , whose policy is to perswade men to commit such heinous sins ( perjury , lying , &c. ) which sound odiously in the naming , and then no man may ever accuse them , lest he be guilty of railing , incivility , &c. . brother , a very low degree of ingenuity would have taught you to have judged such a plea for love , by one that in this book speaketh more against persecuting you , than ever you read , i believe , in a licensed book since the printing act , to have come from no malicious persecuting intent . yet , as if you were so eagerly set on the defence of the dividing scandalous miscarriages of this age , as to take it for persecution so much as to lament them , or pray against them , you gather the same conclusion from my very prayers to god , for pitty to his church that is distracted and endangered by such usage . and here , seeing your sufferings are so much talk'd of , and i am numbred by you among your persecutors , endure me to tell you , that suffering hath its temptations as well as prosperity ; and that the temptations to passion , and to run too far from those we suffer by , and to lose our charity to them and their adherents , are so much stronger to me ( i leave others to judge themselves ) than the temptations to fear and timerous complyances , that i was much more jealous of my heart in this , when i suffered most than at other times : for i knew that it is one of satans designs to rob me of my charity and integrity , in which he would more triumph than in depriving me of my maintenance , reputation and liberty . and i must confess to you , brother , that ( though i once hoped that we should have been great gainers by our sufferings ) the fruit of them now appeareth to me to be such in many as maketh me more afraid of imprisonment for the sake of my soul , than of my body , lest it should stir up that passion which should bear down my judgement into some errors and extreams , and corrupt and destroy my love to them by whom i suffer . and truly , brother , i am fully convinced that many that think their sufferings are their glory , and prove them better men than others , are lamentably lost and overcome by their sufferings . i think your companion and you are no gainers by it , who presently by preaching and writing thus , bring water to the extinguishing of christian love. i think those two gentlemen before mentioned , that turned quakers in prison , and left their religion ( as many more have done ) were losers by it . and i think many thousands in these times , that are driven into various errors and extreams , and have lost their charity to adversaries and dissenters , have lost a thousand times more than their liberties and money comes to . woe be to the world because of offences ; and woe be to them by whom offence cometh . experience of too many maketh me less in love with sufferings than i have been ; and to think that the quiet and peaceable preaching of the gospel ( though under many other disadvantages ) if god would grant it us , would be better for our own souls . except . xix . answered . you proceed , [ but mr. b. being once got into the chair of the scornful will not easily out , and therefore goes on [ it is an odious sound to hear an ignorant , rash , self-conceited person , especially a preacher , to cry out idolatry , idolatry , against his brethrens prayers to god , because they have something in them to be amended , ] whereas we do not therefore think any thing to be guilty of idolatry , because it hath something in it to be amended , [ but because it is used in the worship of god , without any command of god to make it lawful ; ] and this we must tell our dictator , is a species of idolatry , and forbid in the second commandement : and if he will not receive it so , it is , to use his own arrogant and imperious words , because he understands not christian sense and reason . answ. . the charge of idolatry against the liturgie and conformable ministers i found in iohn goodwins book , and mr. brownes , and others : but this , brother , carrieth it much further . . he contradicteth himself in his negation and affirmation : for , whatsoever is to be amended , which is used in gods worship , hath no command of god to make it lawful ( for it is sin : ) but whatsoever is used in gods worship without any command of god to make it lawful , he affirmeth to be idolatry : ergo , whatsoever is used in gods worship which is to be amended , he maketh to be idolatry . . reader , if this one section do not make thy heart grieve for the sake of the church of christ , that our poor people should be thus taught , and our congregations thus distracted , and unholyness , that is , uncharitableness , fathered upon the god of love , and our sufferings and non-conformity thus turned to our reproach , and wrath and reviling pretended to be religion , thou hast not a true sense of the concernments of christianity and the souls of men . i shall propose here these few things to thy consideration . quest. . whether an idolater be not an odious person , and unfit for christian communion ? ( that these men think so , their practise sheweth . ) q. . whether he that writeth and preacheth to prove others idolaters , do not write and preach to make them ( so far ) seem odious , and to perswade men from loving them , and having communion with them as christians ? q. . whether he that preacheth up hatred causelesly , and preacheth down christian love , do not preach down the sum of true religion , and preach against god , who is love ? q. . whether preaching against god and religion , be not worse than talking against it in an ale-house , or in prophane discourse ? and fathering all this on god and religion be not a sad aggravation of it ? q. . whether this , brother , that affirmeth this to be idolatry that he speaketh against , should not have given us some word of proof , especially where he calleth me that deny it , a dictator ? and whether both as affirmer among logicians , and as accuser among men of justice , the proof be not incumbent on him ? q. . whether here be a syllable of proof , but his angry affirmation ? q. . whether thou canst receive this saying of his , if thou have christian sense and reason , so far as to believe that all the churches of christ fore-named , the greek , the abissine , the armenian , the coptics , the lutherans , and all the reformed churches that fall under his charge , are idolaters ? and couldst bring thy heart accordingly to condemn them , and separate from them ? and whether thou canst take all the holy conformists of england , such as bolton , preston , sibbes , stocke , dike , elton , crooke , whateley , fenner , &c. for idolaters ? yea , and all the non-conformists that used and joyned in the liturgie ? q. . whether thou canst believe that this same brother himself , that writeth at this rate , do use nothing in gods worship which hath no command of god to make it lawful ? is all this reviling , all this false doctrine , all his untruths commanded of god ? or doth he not make himself an idolater ? q. . whether , if he teach true doctrine , there by any church or person in the world that worshippeth not god with idolatry ; i give my reasons . . there is no one but sinneth , ( or useth sin ) in the worship of god. but no sin is commanded or lawful : ergo there is no one , according to his doctrine , but useth idolatry in the worship of god. . there is no one that useth not some things not commanded to make them lawful , in the worship of god : therefore , if he teach true doctrine , there is no one but useth idolatry . the antecedent i have oft proved by many instances : the method of every sermon , and prayer , the words , the time and length , the translation of the scripture , whether it shall be this or that , the dividing of the scripture into chapters and verses , the meeter of psalms , the tunes , church utensils , sermon notes ( which some use , ) catechisms in forms , &c. the printing of the bible , or any other books , &c. none of these are commanded . and all these are used in the worship of god. and must all christians in the world be taught to fly from one another as idolaters ? is this the way of love and unity ? q. . why should this , brother , be so extream impatient with me for calling dividers , weak and pievish , and censorious christians ? if in his own judgement all men be idolaters , that use any thing in gods worship not commanded ? is not this to censure all men as idolaters ? and yet is a censure of previshness on these censurers a justifying of persecution . q. . whether this kind of talk be not sport to the papists , to hear us call one another idolaters , as well as them ? and do not make them deride us ; and harden them in their bread-worship , and image-worship , as being called idolatry on no better grounds than we so call one another . q. . whether it be not a great dishonour to any man to suffer silencing , because he cannot add to gods worship , the ceremonies and liturgie , and at the same time to add to gods word new and false doctrines of our own , by saying that [ it is a species of idolatry , forbidden in the second command , because it is used in the worship of god without any command to make it lawful . ] and if we should suffer such false doctrine , and additions , and love-killing , dividing principlesas this , to go uncontradicted , whether we do not betray the truth and our flocks , and shew that we were too worthy of our sufferings ? but that this assertion or definition of idolatry is false , i need to prove no otherwise , than , . that it is unproved by him that is to prove it , and , . that it denieth christ to have a church on earth , or to have any but churches of idolaters . . that it turneth all sin in gods worship into one species , even idolatry . and so every false doctrine used in gods worship is idolatry : every antimonian , anabaptist , separatist , or of any other error be it never so small , must be presently an idolater , if in prayer or preaching he speak his error : and what man is infallible ? when your companion promised in the pulpit , that there should be no more tythes , no more taxes , nor no more king , in worcestershire after worcester-fight , this must be idolatry . for certainly no error is commanded of god. . that it maketh the description of a thing indifferent , to be the description of idolatry . for as [ a thing forbidden ] is the description of sin , so to be [ not commanded ] speaketh no more but indifferency ( though the prohibition to do any thing not commanded , speaketh more , if it could be proved . ) . it is contrary to the scripture which never useth the word [ idolatry ] in that sense ? peruse the several texts , and try . . it equalleth almost all churches with the infidel and pagan world. . it heinously injureth god , who is a hater of idolaters , and will visit their sins ( as god-haters ) on the third and fourth generations ; to feign him to be thus a hater of his churches , and of them that use any thing in his worship not commanded . . it tendeth to drive all christians to despair , as being idolaters , and so abhorred of god , because they have all some uncommanded , yea forbidden thing in worship : for by this mans doctrine , a sinful wandring thought , a sinful disorder , or tautologie , or bad expression is idolatry , ( as being not commanded . ) . it tendeth to drive men to give ever worshipping god ; because while they are certain to sin , they are certain to be idolaters , when they have done their best ▪ . it hardeneth the mahometans in their enmity to christianity , who being the great exclaimers against idolatry do already falsely brand us with that crime . but what ever else it do , i am sure it is so pernicious an engine of satan , to kill love and divide the church , to feign every conformist how holy soever , and every one that useth in worship any thing not commanded , to be an idolater , that i may well advise all christians , as they love christ and his church , and their own souls , to keep themselves from such mistakes . were it not that it is unmeet to do great works ●●rily , on such slight occasions , in such a discourse as this is , i would here stay to open the meaning of the second commandement ; and shew , . that there are abundance of lawful things in gods worship , as circumstances and outward modes that are not commanded in specie or individuo . . that somethings forbidden in that commandement indirectly , are not idolatry . . much less are they a sufficient cause of separation . but this is fitter for another place . and i again refer you to mr. lawson in his theopolitica . except . xx. answered . this exception is but a bundle of mistakes , and the fruit of your false interpretation of my design , . that i prove not what i say , is not true , when the many instances fully prove it , and you your self deny them not . . when i explain my self frequently and fully , who i do not mean by dividers , and what separation i allow , you feign me to open my mind [ very unwillingly , ] and to [ defend those whom i traduce , ] that you may make men believe that i mean those whom i still profess that i mean not , and that you know my mind better than i my self . this is not true and righteous dealing . except . xxi . p. . answered . when i say [ our presence at the prayers of the church , is no profession of consent to all that is faulty in those prayers ] he saith , [ the apostle thought otherwise in a like ●ase of sitting at meat in an idols temple . ] answ. brother , of all the men that ever i had to do with , scarce any hath dealt so superficially , without saying any thing against the proofs which i lay down , no● seeming to take any notice of them . how can you choose but see your self , that by denying my proposition . . you make it unlawful to joyne with any church or person in the world ; and so would dissolve all church-communion and family-worship ; for do not all men sin in prayer ? and must any man consent to sin ? . how do you reflect on god that forbiddeth us , to forsake the assembling of our selves together ? if consenting to sin be unavoidable ? . i told you , we consent not to the faults of our own prayers , much less to anothers , that are less in our power ? what work would this one opinion of yours make in the world ? if we are guilty of all that is faulty in all the prayers of the church ( or family ) we joyn with , yea more , do by our presence profess consent to them ; and withal , if all not commanded in worship be idolatry ▪ what a world are we then in ? it 's time then to turn seekers , and say that church and ministry are lost . it is these principles , brother , that i purposely wrote my book against . but you speak much besides the truth , when you say [ the apostle thought otherwise in a like case ; ] for you never prove that he thought otherwise : dare you say , ( i beseech you think on it ) that paul and all the apostles , and all the churches , professed consent to all the faults in worship which they were present at ? how know you that they were never present at any such as paul reproveth in the corinthians ? yea , was christ a professed consenter to all that he was present at ? or all that he commanded men to be present at , when he went to the synagogues , and bade the cleansed , go shew themselves to the priests , and offer , &c. and bade his disciples , hear the scribes and pharisees , &c. i do not charge the consequences on your person , but it 's easie to see , that it will follow from this opinion , that christ was a sinner , and consequently no saviour , and so no christ. alas , whither would you carry the people of the lord ? nor do you prove paul's case to be like this . eating at the sacrifi●●s in the idols temples was visible corporal idolatry , forbidden indeed , in the second commandement as idolatry ( interpretative , visible , external , corporeal . ) it was that very act by which an idol was outwardly worshipped . therefore it was a professing-act interpretatively . symbolizing with idolaters i have told you , is professing ; for a symbole is a professing sign . but he that is present , with a church professing to worship , not an idol , but the true god , and that according to the scripture , and is united to the church only in this profession , doth not by so doing profess consent to a ministers ill wording , or methodizing of his prayers or his sermons , which is the work of his own office . . as for your charge of blasphemy , &c. on me , for intreating you to take heed lest you blaspheme , by making gods foreknowing of faults , to signifie an approbation , i pass it by , and will not by so frivolous a return be drawn to enter further on that point . except . xxii . p. . answered . whether it be bitterness , fierceness , fury , or proud impatience , to reprove these sins , in an instance which your self presume not to contradict ; and whether the opinion that [ no truth is to be silenced for peace ] be fit for judicious peaceable men to own , or be not fit to be gain-said , i have long ago debated in my book of infant-baptisme , pag. . except . xxiii . p. . answered . if you dissent , why did you answer none of the six reasons i gave for what i said , nor seem to take notice of them ? but only when i say [ it were easie to instance in unseasonable and imprudent words of truth , spoken to princes which have raised persecutions of long continuance , ruined churches , caused the death of multitudes , &c. upon which you put four questions , to which i answer , . the flattery of some , will not justifie the sinful imprudence of others . . if you should be guilty of the blood of thousands by one sin , will it excuse you that another was more guilty ? . elijah , micaiah , and iohn baptist , spake not unseasonably or imprudently : nor is all imprudent that bringeth suffering or death . . gospel ministers may follow them that spake prudently ; but unseasonable and imprudent speaking , is not following them . i have recited elsewhere a saying even of dr. th. iackson , that it is not because great men have not sins and wrath enough , that there are no more martyrs under christian rulers ; but because there be not john baptists enough to tell them of them ( to that sense . ) but , either by all this you mean to defend unseasonable and imprudent speaking , or else you mean that there is no such sin , or else you must needs contend where you consent . if it be the first or third , i will not be so imprudent as to sence with you . if the second , it is gross contradiction of reason and morality , and of christ himself , matth. . . tim. . , . cor. . . . amos . . eccl. . . except . xxiv . p. . [ he hath found out a new cause of separation , and such as we doubt not the pope will thank him for , when he saies , [ almost all our contentions and divisions , are caused by the ignorance and injudiciousness of christians ; ] for it is evident that our contentions at this day , are principally , if not wholly caused , by the pride , impertinencie and tyranny of imposers ; which guilt mr. baxter would ease them of , by charging it on the ignorance and injudiciousness of christians . ] answ. these last words are your th . untruth ; . where have i said a word to ease them of it ? may not two persons or parties be both guilty of division ? yea , if one were guilty [ wholly ] that is , of the whole , yet he may not be guilty solely , and no one with him . . have you or any of your party , done so much to have stopt that cause of divisions which you accuse , as i have done ? and did i ever change my mind ? . o that god would make you know what spirit you are of , and what you are doing ! alas , brother , will you leave england no hope of a cure ? what hope , while we are impenitent ? what repentance , while we justifie our sins ? yea , while the preachers teach the people to justifie them , and become the defenders of the sins which they should preach against ; and fight against their brethren that do but call m●n to ●●p●nt : what! is godliness up , and in honour among us , while repentance is down , as an intolerable abhorred thing ! what a godliness is that , which abhorreth repentance ? i am offended greatly with my own heart , that melteth not into tears over such lines as th●se , for england's sake ▪ and for religions sake ; for the honour of god , and for the souls of men . is that [ a new cause of separation ] which hath been the cause since the daies of the apostles to this day ? did ever man read the histories of the schismes and heresies of the churches , and not find out this cause , this old , this ordinary cause ? if you had remembred but what socrates and sozomene say of the church of alexandria alone , what contentions , what tumults , what blood-shed these weaknesses and faults of christians caused , it might have told you , it is no new thing . o lamentable case of miserable england , that even among the zealouser sort of ministers , any should be found , that either vindicateth all christians from the charge of ignorance and injudiciousness ! or that thinketh these are no causes , or no culpabie causes of divisions ! that have no more acquaintance with the people of this land ! and know no better them that they plead for ! that such should seek to flatter poor souls in despite of that open light , and undeniable 〈◊〉 of all the christian world ! that in an age when the weaknesses and faults of christians have wrought such heinous effects among us , they should be denied ! and when god by judgements hath so terribly summoned us to repent , by silencing , dissipations , imprisonments , reproaches , and most dreadful plagues and flames ; alas , shall we call to professors that have ruined us by ignorance and injudiciousness ( the gentlest names that their sin will bear ) and say , repent not christians , you are not ignorant or injudicious ; it is not you that are the causes of our divisions and calamities , our contentions at this day are principally , if not wholly caused by the pride , impertinency , and tyranny of the imposers . believe not , christians , that you are innocent ; believe not that you are not ignorant and injudicious as you love your souls , and as you love the land : if once god deliver us up to antichristian darkness and cruelties , it will be cold comfort to you , to think , that you once were flattered into impenitency , and made believe that you were not the cause . but that our hearts may yet more relent in this sad condition of the seduced , let us hear the following words . besides , ( saith he ) we cannot understand the meaning of such phrases as [ dull christians , ignorant and injudicious christians ; ] for whoever are christians indeed have received an anointing , by which they know all things , joh. . . . and should not have such vile epithets affixed to them , which only ●●nd to expose even christianity it self , as if it did not cure those that sincerely imbraced it , of their ignorance and injudiciousness . answ. it is no disgrace to christianity , that it is set off by the presence of ignorance and injudiciousness ; as sickness maketh us know the worth of health . nor is it long of life or health , that doleful diseases remain yet uncured ; for were it not for them , instead of diseases there would be death . it is godliness and christianity which bringeth that light and health into the world that is in it ; and men are not ignorant and bad because they are christians and religious , but because they are not better christians , and more religious . perfect christianity would make men perfectly judicious . the weakest true christian exceedeth the learnedst ungodly doctor even in judgement and knowledge ; because he practically and powerfully knoweth , that god is god , and to be preferred in honour , obedience , and love before all the world ; and that christ is christ , and to be believed in for justification and salvation ; and that the holy spirit is his advocate and our quickener , illuminater and sanctifier , to be believed and obeyed ; and that there is a life of happiness to be hoped for , which is better than all the pleasures of sin , and the felicity of worldlings ; in a word , they have a real , though imperfect understanding of the baptismal covenant , and of the creed , or symbole of christian faith : and this is a great and noble knowledge , and cure of them that were lately ignorant of all these things , and were led captive ●y the prince of darkness at his will. if the reader that would see the difference will peruse my small tractate of catholick unity , he may be informed of it . but yet is there no such thing as ignorant , dull , injudicious christians , because they know all things ; must we not use such phrases and epithetes , because christianity cureth them . dear brother , i have no mind to make you odious , nor to open your sin to others ; but you have opened it to the world , and i must open it to you , if possibly you may repent ; but especially i am bound to try to save mens souls from this perilous deceit ; and theref●●● i shall prove to you that there are such 〈…〉 and ignorant and injudicious christians ; and . i shall tell you the greatness of your error and sin . that there are such is proved , . by the words of scripture , heb. . , , , . [ seeing yee are dull of hearing : for when for the time yee ought to be teachers , yee have need that one teach you again which be the first principles of the oracles of god , and are become such as have need of milk and not of strong meat ; for every one that useth milk is unskilfull ( or unperienced ) in the word of righteousness ; for he is a babe : but strong meat belongeth to them that are of full age even those who by reason of use have their senses exercised to discern both good and evil . tim. . . not a novice , lest being lifted up with pride , he fall into the condemnation of the devil . the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is otherwise by our translators in the margin turned [ besotted . ] and strigelius saith that it signifieth not only puffed up , but one crack'd brain'd and phanatick : and lyserus saith of the same word , tim. . . translated high minded , that it answereth an hebrew word which signifyeth , to be dark , and not to shine clearly ; which leigh reciteth . see martinius de typho . . cor. . , , , . and i brethren could not speak unto you as unto spiritual , but as unto carnal , as unto babes in christ : i have fed you with milk ▪ and not with meat . for hitherto yee w 〈…〉 t able to bear it , neither yet now are yee able : for yee are yet carnal : for whereas there is among you , envying ( the word is , zeal , that is , emulation ) and strife , ( or contention [ and divisions , ] or factions , ) are yee not carnal , and walk as men ( or according to man ; ) for when one saith , i am of paul , and another i am of apollo , are yee not carnal ? eph. . . that we henceforth be no more children , tost to and fro , and carried about with every wind by the sleight ( or cousenage ) of men , and cunning craftiness whereby they lye in wait , to deceive ; but speaking the truth in love may grow up , &c. luke . . o fools and slow of heart to believe , all that the prophets have spoken . mark . . they considered not the miracle of the loaves , for their heart was hardened . mark . . why reason yee because yee have no bread ? perceive yee not yet , neither understand ? have yee your hearts yet hardened ? having eyes see yee not ? and having ears , hear yee not ? and do you not remember ? luke . . these things understood not his disciples at the first . luke . , , . they shall scourge him , and put him to death , and the third day he shall rise again : and they understood none of these things ; and this saying was hid from them , neither knew they the things which were spoken . cor. . . . . if any man think that he knoweth any thing , he knoweth nothing yet as he ought to know , — howbeit there is not in every man that knowledge : but some with conscience of the idol unto this hour , eat it as a thing offered to an idol , and their conscience being weak is defiled . shall not the conscience of him that is weak be emboldened to eat those things which are offered to idols . see rom. and . gal. . . cor. . . gal. and . throughout . col. . , , &c. heb. . . tim. . . should i recite all such epithetes , convictions , and reproofs in scripture it would be tedious . . the thing is further proved by the common experience of mankind , which it amazeth me to think a man that liveth among men in the world , awake and in his senses , can be ignorant of ? enemies know it : friends know it ; not only that there are ignorant and injudicious christians , but that the far greatest part are such though not in a damning , yet in a sad and troublesome degree ! and that the far greatest part of those that we hope are truly godly , remain so lamentably ignorant of abundance of things , that should be known , and continue in such an infancy of understanding , as is a great advantage to the tempter , and many waies calamitous to themselves , and to the church : it is the lamentation of all experienced ministers . alas , how ignorant even honest people remain ; and how slowly they come on in knowledge ? . if god have made it one half the work of the pastors of the churches , to labour all their daies to heal the ignorance of good people , then , such ignorant ones there are : but the antecedent is plain in scripture ; and believed by most ministers , as their daily sermons tell you . . do not the multitudes of sects and errors , and contentions that have torn the church from the apostles daies till now prove it ? were all those in the catalogues of epiphanius , augustine , philastrius , &c. certainly graceless ? or were none of them ignorant and injudicious ? and though church-tyranny be a grand divider , that this was not the only cause , two instances prove to the great disgrace of this assertion of his . first , the instance of the said sects of christians , for the first or years , when there were no such impositions . secondly , our late twenty years ( or neer ) contentions and divisions , and numerous parties , when there were little or no impositions . was it impositions or tyranny that bred sects in the armies , and in england and ireland in the daies of liberty ? . and is it not sufficient proof to england , that there are weak , ignorant , injudicious christians , when the ruines of twenty years experience overwhelmeth us , and when so many years unreconcilable differences prove i ? and when we have so many sects and differences to this day : what all these differences , these wars , these disputings , these censurings , divisions and confusions , and yet no ignorant injudioious christians ? o what will pass for proof with them that will not take such experience for proof ? . and what say you by all the greek , the abassine , armenian , nestorian , iacobite , &c. christians , that are alas , in national general ignorance : which will you affirm , brother ; that all these nations are damnable infidels , or no christians ? or that there are no ignorant christians among them ? . and what say you by all the contentions of lutherans and calvinists , arminians and antiarminians , the troubles of germany by muntzer and his anabaptists , and those at munster , and those in holland , and many other countreys . . and what say you by all the books now extant ( dr. crispes , mr. saltmarshes , cop's , mr. cradocks , mr. dels , mr. dens , mr. randalls , iacob behmens , and all the germane prophets , andr. osiander , swenkfieldius , &c. ) is there no christianity ? or no ignorance and injudiciousness apparent in them ? besides all the writings of episenpal , presbyterian , independents , separatists , anabaptists , &c. against one another . . do you not think your self , that multitudes of conformists , yea ministers are ignorant and injudicious ? sure you do ; and can you judge them all to be no christians ? . do you not think that i am ignorant and injudicious ? if not , you must not only think that i am no christian , but also extreamly maliciously wicked . but if you do so think of me , can you think so of all the non-conformable ministers of my judgement . i am sure if you believe your self , and as you write ; ignorance is the easiest charge we can expect from you . . and will you put sorth such a book as your own to the world , and when you have done deny the ignorance and injudiciousness of all christians ? this is all one as to swear that there is never a swearer among christians . . i appeal to the common charges of ministers in their sermons and books , who charge weak christians with dulness , ignorance , and injudiciousness . . i appeal to the experience of all masters of families , whether they meet with no such christians there ? yea , how hard it is to meet with better ? . i appeal to the experience of every self-knowing christian , whether he find not abundance of dulness , ignorance and injudiciousness in himself ? . i appeal to the prayers of almost all christians , whether they charge not themselves with this to god ? . i appeal to almost all the disagreeing disputers of this and every age , whether they charge not one another with it ? . i appeal to most parishes in england , whether many of the people charge not their ministers themselves with it ? i appeal to universities , tutors and schools , whether they know none such ? . i appeal to any judicious man , whether he find not the judicious even among good christians ; yea , and ministers to be , alas , too rare ? . and i appeal to all men that are awake , whether there be no christian children in the world ? and whether all such children are cured of ignorance and injudiciousness , and know all things by the anointing of the spirit ? and if all this be no proof , it is time to give over teaching and disputing . and now that , if perhaps , you may repent , and others be preserved , i shall tell you what nature this sinful doctrine and practice is of ; . it is a cherishing of pride , which is the first-born of the devil : yea of spiritual pride , even a pride of mens knowledge and iudiciousness , which is worse than pride of wealth or ornaments . . hereby it resisteth a great work of the gospel and spirit of christ , which consisteth in the humbling of souls , and making them become as little children , conscious of ignorance , and teachable . . it defendeth that sin which all experienced judicious men complain of , as that common calamity of mankind , which is the grand cause of contentions , and errors in the world. which is , mens thinking that they know what they do not , and over-valuing their own understandings , & thinking that they are wise when it is otherwise . . it contradicteth the holy ghost , and reproveth his language and reproofs , as i have before shewed . to which i adde tim. . , . they lead captive silly women laden with sins , led away with divers lusts , ever learning , and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth . cor. . where paul is put to prove the resurrection ; ver . . some have not the knowledge of god : i speak this to your shame : ver . . thou fool , that which thou s●west , &c. hos. . . the prophet is a fool , the spiritual man is mad , &c. cor. . . let him become a fool that he may be wise . if you say that some of these were not true saints , i answer , . paul calleth the church of corinth in general , saints . . our question is of more than true saints ; even such as may by others ( who are no heart-searchers ) be called , christians ; whether we may call any [ dull , ignorant , or injudicious christians ? ] . you teach parents and masters to neglect and betray the souls of their children and servants , that are christians : and children and servants , to reject the teaching of parents and masters : for if they are not dull , nor ignorant , what need they to be taught or to learn ? and at what age do they come to know all things , and to be past the title of ignorant ? is it at , or , or years old ? doubtless they may have the spirit then : if not , where is it that you will set the bounds ? at what age were you past your ignorance and injudiciousness , and knew all things ? . you thus make the work of schoolmasters needless ; and also of tutors and academies . . you encourage and countenance idle ministers , as to the labours necessary to christians : if there be no dull nor ignorant christians , they are not so blame-worthy as we have made them . . you excuse those that unjustly hinder christs ministers to preach to christians , in any part of the world : if there be no ignorant christians , preachers are not so necessary , nor silencing them so bad a thing as we have made it . . you encourage the contemners of the preaching of gods word , who say , what need we go to hear , we know as much as they can tell us . . you contradict the sermons of almost all ministers , as if they abused christianity , and belyed the people , when they reprove their ignorance and dulness . . you encourage the bold invaders of the ministry , who thinking that they know all things , and are not ignorant , do turn teachers of others , before they have learned themselves . . you encourage the disputing , contentious wrangling , and insolent spirit that is abroad , which maketh men tear and divide the church , by confidence in their several opinions ; while all of them may think that they are not ignorant nor injudicious . . you seek to keep christs disciples in continual ignorance , while you would make them believe that they are not ignorant , and so keep them out of a learning way , which is a disciples state . . you condemn your own practice , who preach to those that you judge your self to be christians ; for what need they your teaching ( as to their understandings ) if they are not ignorant , but know all things ? . you countenance the q●akers and papists in their doctrine of perfection : yea you go far beyond them , inasmuch as they ascribe perfection but to a few . . you justifie all the errors of the times , which christians hold , and teach them to say , we are christians , therefore we erre not , for we are not ignorant . . you justifie contradictions : for if ten men be of ten several contrary minds , e. g. about the exposition of a text , it is but one of them that can be right ; and yet you teach them all to think that they are right . . you do this against the full light and experience of an age of errors , yea of almost all ages of the church . . you shew your self insensible of the sinful ignorance and divisions , and ruines thereby procured , these twenty years . . you teach all those that are or have been guilty , to be impenitent . . you do this in an age , when dreadful judgements , which have begun at the house of god , do call his houshold most loudly to repent , and to be an example of penitence to others . . should you prevail thus to keep christians in impenitence , you would keep us in our calamities , and turn away the peace and deliverance which we hope and pray for , and be the prognostick of our continued woe , if not of the undoing of the land , and an utter forsaking . . you teach christians in prayer not to confess their dulness or ignorance , and make them speak falsly that do consess it . . you vilifie all those means which god hath instituted to cure his peoples ignorance , as a needless thing , if it be cured in all already ; as reading , hearing , meditating , conference , &c. . you cross the use of all the world , even the works of creation and providence , so far as they are gods means to teach christians knowledge , and cure their ignorance . . you teach men to lose the most of their lives , as to growth in knowledge , when they must believe that they are cured of their ignorance as soon as they are christians , and know all things perhaps at seven years old . . you teach almost all christians to despair of their sincerity , and to deny themselves to be christians . for when you have taught them that [ whoever are christians indeed , have received the anointing by which they know all things , and are cured of their ignorance and injudiciousness , & are not to be called dull , or ignorant , or injudicious christians . ] they will quickly assume [ but it is not thus with me , i am dull and ignorant , &c. therefore i am not a christian indeed . ] . you almost if not wholly deny and un-church christs church on earth , while you deny all to be christians indeed that are ignorant , injudicious , dull , and know not all things . . by cherishing the pride and ignorance of christians , you cherish all their other sins , which these two are the common parents of . . you make us hereby seem a tender and a factious people , that see motes in the eyes of others , but not beams in our own ▪ who can aggravate the sins of others , yea , the publick worship into idolatry it self ; but when we come to our party , we take it for a reproach to christianity , to be called dull , or ignorant , or injudicious . . you shew by this that your censure of the conformists is so high , as to make them all to be no christians indeed . for you cannot think that an idolater is not ignorant and injudicious : and so no christian with you . but he that wrote mr. bolton's life , thought otherwise . . you abuse the scripture , ioh. . . . to countenance all this ; as the quakers do [ he that is born of god sinneth not . ] calvin truly noteth that by [ knowing all things , he meaneth not universally ; sed ad praesentis loci circumstantiam restringi debet ; ] it is , the all things which the apostates there reproved did deny . as the prophet saith , they shall not need to teach one another saying , know the lord , for all shall know him : — and yet they might have need to teach one another an hundred other truths , though they all knew the true god from idols . so here to know all things , is to be knowing persons , in comparison of the infidels and apostates ; ( which , saith calvin , he speaketh to procure a fair audience with them : ) as if he should say , [ i speak not to you as so rude and ignorant persons that know not these great things which these apostates deny . ] dr. hammond thinketh that it meaneth , that the holy ghost by which you are anointed , or preferred before others , is a certain proof or evidence to you , of the truth of all the doctrine which christ taught , and therefore you cannot forsake him by the seducement of these apostates . beza ●aith , atqui cogn●scimus omnes ex parte , cor. . . est igitur hyperbole , qua significat apostolus , se nihil afferre quod illi jam antea non intellexerint , quos ipse commonefaciat potius quam doceat , ut loquitur etiam ipse dominus , jer. . . vel quod etiam simplicius est , omnia intelligit necessaria agnoscendis anti-christis , & ●avendis illorum insidiis : and to that purpose the english anotations . but further i grant , that all christians have that spirit which teacheth them all things needful to salvation . but how ? not in the first moment . nor without their pains and patience in learning : but in blessing them by degrees in the use of those means , which they must continue learning by , while they live ; which notwithstanding , most are long dull and ignorant , and injudicious , though not in comparison of unbelievers . but what if the text had meant properly [ yee know all things ; ] do you prove that this is spoken of all true christians , and that in all ages ? and that it is not partly grounded on the extraordinary anointing of the spirit , poured out , act. . proper to those primitive times , for the obsignation of the gospel . . it 's a heinous sin to be a flatterer of mens souls ! and to sowe pillows under mens elbows , and to call evil good , and to sooth multitudes up in their ignorance , and tell them , it is not an epithete fit for them . . and thus you teach them to oppose and hate a faithfuller sort of ministers , who will tell them of that which you would draw them to deny . . and it is a double sin for a minister to do this , who is a watch-man for the peoples souls . . and yet more , for one that so sharply reprehendeth the faultyness of conformists , as to separate from them . . and to pretend that the consession of our own faults is not only an easing of other mens , but even a meriting of the pope ; as if either the pope must be in the right , or no christians must be said to be church-dividers by their ignorance ; even in a time when our divisions so shew themselves , that no one can doubt of them : what is this but to perswade men to be papists ? . and what is all this but to expose us to the scorn of all that are inclined to scorn us . to teach them to look on us as they do on the quakers , as a proud , distracted sort of people , that will make the world believe that none of us are ignorant , injudicious , or dividers , against such notorious publick evidence : yea , to harden them that have voluminously reproached the non-conformists , and to engage your self to justifie all the ignorant , injudicious sayings that they are charged with ; or else to prove that the speakers were no christians . . and this you do in the very day of our scandals and reproach , where thousands are already hardened into a distaste of serious religion , by our former divisions and injudicious miscarriages ; as if you would thrust these miserable souls yet deeper into infidelity and atheism . and when the scandal of our divisions hath turned many ( and some old professors of religiousness ) unto popery ; you take the course to turn off more . . yea , by making us thus odious , you do very much to increase the distaste and displeasure of our afflicters , and to bring more sufferings upon us , as a people that are phanaticks indeed : even while you make proud imposition and persecution the cause of our divisions . and when the world knoweth , not only that in the first years of the church , there were swarms of heresies and sects , and also after luther's reformation , and among us in armies , cities , and countrey for about years , even to our own confusion ; yet would you tempt them to take us for a people not to be believed , by seeming to deny all this . and when i proved to you , that it is gods way after our misdoings , to take the shame to our selves , that it may not fall on our religion ; and the devils way to justifie the misdoings of christians , that christianity and religion may bear the blame ; you give no confutation of any of this , and yet go on to wrong the truth , by defending that which is not to be defended ; if there be none of all this that in your eyes is matter fit for your repentance , i still pray that you may better know what manner of spirit you are of . yet i wish you to observe , that i do not say , that in terms you assert all these ill consequences ; nor do i think that you so practically hold them , as not in some measure to hold the contraries of them ; i take you not to be so bad : but i only advise both you and others , to own no more the opinions which infer such things , nor to do that which tends to cherish them . and i here protest to all that shall take the occasion of your paper , to asperse the protestants , or the non-conformists in general , that they will be inhumanely disingenuous in so doing , when none but the guilty should be accused . except . xxv . answered . . brother , you do ill to intimate either of these untruths . . either that there is no such thing as [ an ignorant sort of preachers , more valued for their affectionate tone and fervour , than abler judicious men ; ] when as the whole christian world knoweth that there are many such preachers both among the several sects , ( and of our selves , there are or have been some ) and in the publick assemblies ; and among all christian churches where there is preaching through the world : and the worlds experience puts it past doubt , that the generality of the vulgar , unlearned and injudicious sort of men , do value a man by his tone and voice more than for the judgement and excellency of his matter , if not put off by such advantage . brother , you and i are both known persons ; though i look not to mention my self without your imputation of pride , i will venture , while i put my self on the side which you say i reproach , to tell you , that i was once commonly taken to have as affectionate a tone of speech as ever you were , at the least : and i ever found that matter and affection together took best : but that warm affection and fervent utterance , with common and little matter , took more with the far greater part , than far more excellent matter delivered , with less fervour of affection . i have said as much against cold preaching as ever you have done at least : and i am as much against it as ever : and i am my self much helped in profiting by an affectionate delivery . but , brother , i take it for no pride to think that i have had more experience of mens cases than you have had ; ( if you have had no more pastoral charge than i suppose , and came but out of the university when i was ready to be turned off from mine . ) and i must tell you that i have been oft sorry to see how the people have been moved ( in army and countreys ) to value a quaker , a seeker , an antinomian , an anabaptist , a socinian that preach'd down the god-head of christ ; ( and among the orthodox , such ignorant ones as you know i am acquainted with ; ) meerly for the tone and fervency of their delivery . scarce any thing hath more infected the injudicious with errour . . or if you deny not that such a thing there is , then it is yet worse in you to feign this empty loudness , or affected fervency , to be the preaching which god owneth to the conversion of souls , comparatively . this is to reproach the work of preaching and conversion , so ill do you avoid what you injuriously impute to others , when you cry out ▪ [ what could parker , &c. have spoken more reproachfully , &c. sure you thought i had spoken against fervent preaching it self , or else you would not have talk'd as you do ? here also ( after some mention of my pride and folly ) you adde two more gross untruths . . that what i spake of individual persons without respect to any party , conformists , non-conformists , or separatists , and instanced in many of my own acquaintance , some of which now conform , yea are zealous conformists , who were the ferventest loudest preachers that ever i knew in all my life : [ if i will not tell you who they are , ( alas man , did you never know such ) you must think it concerns all that are at this day engaged in a gospel separation . ] answ. had you said [ we will think so ] it might have been true : but , . i had made no mention at all of separation in the whole direction , nor intended any more than i expressed ; but only meant to direct people to avoid that error in the choice of teachers , which prepareth them for any seduction and division . . i had largely spoken there for affectionate preaching . . i am not acquainted with very many such as in england have been known by the name of separatists , that go no further ; but those few that i do know , i take to be colder , duller preachers , than those that are called presbyterians byfar , for the most part of them ; so far was i from meaning them ; but quakers , and fifth-monarchy men , and some anabaptists i know , and many revilers of the ministry i have known , in armies and countreys that were just such as i describe . . it is an untruth that you had no pretence of reason for ( that i can think of ) that i [ have left off the lords work , and instead of helping it forwards with you , am weakening your hands , and disgracing the builders . ] if you mean that i preach not in the pulpit , no more do you : if you mean that i have not a separated church , i never had one ( on your principles at least : ) if you mean that i preach not in london , . i cannot if i would . . i never had any pastoral charge , nor place in london , but preach'd one year up and down for others , and another year took but a voluntary lecture . . london i was forced eight years ago to forsake for my health and life . . gods work is not only in london . . i have no call thither , nor any people related to me as a pastor there . . there are very many worthy men there that want both employment and maintenance , whom i will not injure . are not all these reasons enough ? but if you think otherwise , . are not all the preachers in england forsakers of gods work that preach not in london ? . i think you preached not for many years , when you lay so long in prison : did you then forsake gods work ? but i must confess , brother , i have alwaies been too slothful and unprofitable a servant , and still am : yet i can say , that i know no other employment that i have , and that i spend no more time in other things than necessities of life require ; i play away none , and i idle away but little ; and preaching , were it oftner , is a small part of my work , and that will be proved to be the lords work , which you think is against him , ( as all have done that ever i wrote against almost . ) and i love you much the better for being zealous for that which you do but think is the lords work ; but i am past doubt that it will prove at last , that such doctrines , passions , and practices as yours , will be the weakeners and hinderers of the builders . except . xxvi . answered . p. . i intreat the reader to peruse my words which you except against so angrily , and i am assured , he will find them useful to him , in the great question who shall be iudge ? and to help him out of his perplexities . . it is a notorious untruth that you say , [ it is altogether a new way of deciding controversies , to affirm dictator like , in all points of belief or practice which are of necessity to salvation , you must ever keep company with the universal church . ] be it right or wrong , who knoweth not that knoweth what was held of old , that it is the way that irenaeus , tertullian , epiphanius , hierome , augustine , optatus , and abundance more have largely written for : and which vincentius lirinensis wrote his book for , ( quod semper , ubique , & ab omnibus , &c. ) . note , reader , that he leaveth out , that i said here [ no man must be iudge , no , not the universal church , but only that they are our associates , and that here every christian maketh the articles of his faith his own , and upon no mans authority , &c. ] but i maintain that it is no article of absolute necessity to salvation , that hath been unknown to the universal church till now ; for then it were no church . but , saith our brother , who shall tell us what is the universal church ? and where shall we find it ? answ. are these questions now to be answered by me ? did you never before hear it done by others ? the universal church , is the universality of christians : it is to be found militant , on this habitable earth . did you not know this ? but you ask , [ how comes the scripture not to be mentioned ? ] answ. because it was not seasonable , or pertinent . i was not defining the church ; if i had , it was definable without the naming of the scripture , at least before the scripture was written : and whence think you did i mean men should make the doctrine of faith their own , past controversie , but by the scripture ? good brother , till you have written more books for the authority of scriptures than i have done , or preach'd more for it , own not such disingenuous intimations . . you say that , [ what he addes is much more conceited and singular ; in matters of high and difficult speculation , the judgement of one man of extraordinary understanding and clearness , is to be preferred before both the rulers and the major vote . ] answ. it is another untruth , that this is singular . my very words are almost verbatim in mr. pemble vind. grat. elsewhere cited . why do the scotists , so far follow scotus , and the nominals , ockbam , and the dominicans , aquinas , &c. if this were a singular opinion ? do not all the peripateticks say the same of aristotle in philosophy ? and the atomists of epicurus , democritus and lucretius ; and the cartesians of their master ? doth not dr. twisse say the like of bradwardine and of piscator ? and do not many besides rutherford think the same of him ? do not the ramists say so of ramus ? do not the protestants say so of calvin , as to all that went before him ? nay , is it not almost the common opinion of all learned men ? and a thing beyond dispute ? did ever any man put such points of high speculation to the major vote ? alas , brother , that you should trouble men thus , by printing your confidence against unquestionable truths ! in the next place you suppose , [ mr. baxter hopes , as haman did in the like case , that he shall be the man , or else he would not have advised us to prefer the judgement of any one man whatsoever . ] answ. here are three more untruths , . that i hope to be the man. . that hamans was the like case . . that else i would not have advised , &c. but i let them go for one ; till you have proved what you say , and know my heart better than i my self . in the mean time i give you an instance in which i assure you i hope not to be the man : will you suppose at the next meeting of ministers , that there are sixteen that understand not the hebrew tongue , and three that have but a little smattering in it , and one that is a bithner , ● phagius , a buxtorfe , a tremelius , or ( to please you where it is possible ) an aynswer●h : if the controversie be , how such a t●●● of the old testament is to be interpreted , will you put it to the vote ? or will you not prefer that one mans judgement before all the rest ? and do not those ministers do thus , that trust to the translators , and understand not the originals themselves . but you adde , [ he knows we believe that the scripture is both perfect and plain . ] answ. yes , plain to them that are fitted to understand it . our labour is not to alter the scripture , but to alter mens understandings . do you know as much as twisse or bradwardine for all the scriptures are plain ? or do you think that i know as much as you ? let the reader judge . do you not think that your writing and preaching is needful , for all that the scripture is plain and perfect : and do you not know more than all your hearers ? if all the ministers silenced and unsilenced be not needless to teach the people , why may not some one man excell you and me , whose teaching may be needful to us , and yet the scripture not be disgraced ? or why will you not write us an infallible commentary , and save mr. poole his labour of abbreviating the criticks , if the plainness of the scripture serve your turn without the teaching of any one that excelleth you ? shall all our people , and all the differing , contending parties in england say , the scriptures are perfect and plain , and therefore we need not the translation of them , the interpretations , the decisions or helps of any but our selves ? or of any wiser than the most ? as for your anathema , i thank you for your admonition . except . xxvii . answered . you say he seems to us very much to disparage the reputation of honesty , when he scruples not to affirm [ it oft falleth out that honest people are like straying sheep , if one leap over the hedge , the rest will crowd and strive to follow him . ] this we think is enough to make people afraid of being honest , if indeed when they are so , they are so apt to go astray . answ. . do i need to cite you an hundred texts in which this sinning , straying inclination is charged upon honest men ? when paul saith of himself , what he doth , rom. . and david of himself , psal. . . and he that saith that he hath no sin deceiveth himself , and the truth is not in him , and there is not a just man that doth good and sinneth not . did not pauls carnal corinthians , and lgeal galatians go astray one after another ? are you sure that they that followed their leaders into all those sects which epiphanius and others mention , were all dishonest ? and all they that followed swinkfeldius , and behmen , and sti●felius , and muntzer , and such others ? and all they that have followed dr. crispe , or arminius , or the leading anabaptists , or seekers , of these ages ? yea , or all they that did and said those contrary and confounding things in our late troubles , which must not to you be mentioned ? are you sure that none of all these were honest ? or are you sure that none of them went astray ? even when they contradicted , yea , killed one another ? or are you sure that some seduced not the rest ? at least you should not have forgotten in the doing of it , that you were then writing an antidote to keep honest people from being infected by my book for love and unity ; and if honest people are in no such danger , why laboured you in vain ? your intenseness upon what your passion sets you on , hindereth your memory of what you cannot choose but know . . but , o brother , how injurious a course is this that you take ? how contrary to all the course of scripture , and the duty of a minister , to lay the reputation of honesty it self so much on such sinners as most honest men are , that honesty it self must be thus published by you to seem dangerous and hurtful , unless all honest people be vindicated from such errors ? as if we must grant that , if men can but prove this straying disposition in many honest persons , they must be afraid to be honest ? and do you not undoubtedly hereby give up all honesty to be avoided ? will any man but you , that is sober , and awake , deny the antecedent , that seeth our several parties , and knoweth what we have done ? this is not the way to vindicate honesty . health and life are not to be avoided because most men have diseases and infirmities . why did you not answer the proofs i gave you of the lutherans , armenians , greeks , and other kingdoms that run together in an error ? are the falls of gods servants recited in scripture , a reason to teach men to flye from honesty or religion ? except . xxviii . answered . when i counselled men to [ note and avoid the sins and bad examples of religious men , and to study what are the common errors of the religious party where we live , that we may take a special care to escape them . ] here , . you impute this to my enmity against strictness . answ. . i thank you for all your admonitions ; but , truly , brother , you quite mistake our controversie through your book ; which is about dividing the churches , and destroying love , and not whether my heart be malicious , wicked , or to be anathematized ! what if i be worse than iudas ? what 's that to our case in hand ? . and time will teach you , that sin is not godly strictness nor honesty ; and that he that was against your sin , might be for your strictness and your honesty . . you question whether [ any man that dares write so , is serious . ] this needs no answer . . you [ believe such counsel was never given to christians before . ] answ. . alas , that any minister or christian should be so unexperienced ! would you not only reproach the non-conformists , but all protestants , and all christians ? as if none either of their ministers or neighbours ever counselled men to watch and escape the sins which the religious part are guilty of , in the time and countrey where they are ? the jews were before christs time the holy peculiar people of god : and did you never read , cor. . . , , , , , , , . it 's too long to transcribe . did you never read heb. and ? nor read of the sins , of the polygamy , the putting away of wives , and other faults of the better sort , and the generality of the jews ? did you never read how common the high place-worship was even under godly kings ? nor yet how the law was neglected till the book was almost unknown ? did you never read of the sins of noah , lot and his family , abraham , isaac , iacob , moses , aaron , and his sons ; the company of corah , david , solomon , peter , & c ? did you never read of christs rebuke of his disciples for their hardness of heart , their ignorance , their striving who should be greatest ? and how he took that occasion to warn them by the comparison of a child , and by his washing and wiping of their feet ? nor yet of his rebuking their common expectation of a temporal kingdom ? are not the errors of the several religious sects reproved by the ancient writers , irenaeus , tertullian , epiphanius , augustine , &c. did you never read any writing counselling men to avoid the errors and sins of the donatists , nor the novatians , the monothelites , the nestorians , eutychians , & c ? the errour of the religious sort among the lutherans , is consubstantiation , church-images , ceremonies , &c. the error of the religious calvinists is too much neglect of the lords day : what those of the arminians and the anabaptists , and many other sorts are , i leave to you . did you never read any man that warned others to avoid these sins and errors ? did you never find in the antimonians writings , that the stricter sort of good people went too far in pressing humiliation , tears and degrees of sorrow , so as to be too dark and sparing in pressing the doctrine of grace and love : ( and it was partly true ; ) did you never hear or read , how superstition , ●remetical and monastical lives , excessive fastings and austerities , were caused by the strictest people ? nor yet of touch not , taste not , handle not ? nor of some lawful things feigned to be unlawful ? nor yet that ever paul wrote to the corinthians , galatians , &c. and christ , by iohn , to six of the asian churches , to know and avoid the sins of christians , together with the hereticks among them ? nor yet that paul said , act. . of your own selves shall men arise speaking perverse things to draw away disciples after them ? nor yet that he said , i have no man like minded , ( as timothy , ) for all seek their own things , and not the things that are iesus christs ? nor that all forsook him at his appearing before nero ? nor that all his disciples forsook christ and fled ? nor that paul said that the ministers of satan transformed themselves into ministers of righteousness ? in a word , that beside all other sins , the carnal siding and divisions which paul reproved the corinthians for , most ages have among the stricter sort been guilty of ? would you teach your hearers to put their doctrines or practices to a major vote of professors ? do you think we know the sincere from hypocrites ? or that either hypocrites or sincere are without sin ? or that we must take no warning by good mens falls ? must we all do over again , all the faults that religious men have done these years ? you make my heart grieve , brother , to think that there should be a man among us , that thinketh the church must be built up by such doctrines , and such means as yours ? you say [ we are commanded not to conform our selves to the world. ] answ. nor to sinning christians neither ; [ but first ( say you ) to suppose that the religious party have generally some common errors among them , and then to advise that we should carefully study to escape them ; this counsel we think mr. baxter may be the father of ; nor do we envy him the honour of it . ] answ. . have the religious sort among the greeks , abassines , nestorians , iacobites , armenians , lutherans , anabaptists , arminians , &c. no common error among them ? . are you for more infallibility and perfection than the papists themselves ? . will any christian besides you , that is sober , deny that we should study to escape them ? . did you ever read any sober writer of another mind ? i beseech you take heed of this pernicious flattery of professors : and i beseech all the religious that love their souls , to take heed of being ensnared by such flattery , into a proud , impenitent state . and in the grief of my heart here , i must say to the people that which i expect this brother should impute to enmity to godliness . you see by this manner of teaching what you have brought your selves and your teachers to ? i have oft grieved to observe , that many look that preachers should make it their business to flatter them , and extoll them in the highest praises , and to prick others as deep , and vilifie them as much as may be ; and this is the preaching that they are best pleased with . i know that the precious and the vile must be widely differenced , and he is no preacher of the gospel that doth not do it : but when the preacher must notifie our party as precious , and cast dung on those as vile , whom uncharitable men without proof think vile , and must hide all our sins , as if to touch them were to reproach religion it self , and must aggravate theirs , even the greatest that differ from us , or else be a flatterer and temporizer ; o that such knew but what manner of spirit they are of ! you adde that i make my advice ridiculous , by forgetting that i bid men agree with the universal church . answ. i said expresly , [ in the necessary articles of faith , ] and must we therefore agree with them in all their sins and errors ? or may i not say , [ separate not from most or any christians as to things true and necessary , ] and yet [ avoid their sins , ] and [ he followers of them as they are of christ. ] alas , poor christians , that ever you should either be instructed at this rate ? or yet have need to be instructed against it ? except . xxix . answered . why , brother , did you never till now hear either familists , socinians , or the grosser quakers ( such as major cobbet writes against , and smith ) called by the name of [ a sect , ] had you no greater thing to quarrel with ? you shall call them how you will. your anger i pass by . except . xxx . answered . y●● say [ may we not justly suspect that to be bad in the worship of god , which the wicked sort do love ? ] answ. i spake not of [ what they love , but , what they are for ; ] this change of my words is unrighteous . i only advised men not to reject a good cause , because it is owned by some ( or most bad persons . ) and why did you not answer my instance of the pharisees long prayers ? we have had many religious persons or sects that have of late been some against ▪ infant baptisme , some against singing psalmes , some against ministry , and church-meetings , and some against sacraments , and instituted ordinances , and some against tythes and universities , and humane learning ; ( and mr. norton of new england told me , that with them , a church separated from a church , or was gathered out of it , rejecting their pastors , and choosing unlearned men , and would receive and endure none that had humane learning ; and that moses and aaron ( as his words were ) magistrates and ministers went down on their knees to them with tears , and could not move them to relent unto unity , or to receive a learned minister , nor get any answer from them , but [ that is your judgement , and this is ours . ] i speak his very words as neer as i can possibly , spoken to old mr. ash and me , before his ( yet living ) companion mr. broadstreet a magistrate of new england . ) now all this the common people are against . must we therefore be against magistrates , ministers , ordinances , and all , because the common people are for them . how commonly are they against the quakers , and the familists , and the infidels , and heathens , and ( with us ) the papists ? are all these therefore in the right ? let any familist deny the scripture , or the immortality of the soul , and the common people will be against them . must we deny god and christ because we live in a land where they are owned ? brother , consider , . that some truths the light of nature teacheth all . . and some common illumination teacheth multitudes of bad men . . and some good education , and the tradition of their fathers , and the laws of the countrey teacheth . . and some are better persons among those that you separate from , than many are that separate from them . let not us then be bad , and more erroneous than those whom you account the worse , and all because they are no worse . the text which you wish me to read on my knees , i have done so , and i thank you for that advice ; but i answer not your hope of retracting what i have written ( in that , ) but contrarily , . on my knees i pray god to forgive you such abuse of scripture . . and to give you a sounder mind . for the text speaketh of infidels , or denyers of christs incarnation , and maketh this the differencing character , [ every spirit that confesseth that iesus is come in the flesh is of god ; and so on the contrary . but are all these christians that you plead for separation from , and charge with idolatry , infidels , and denyers of christ ? and all the churches on earth that use a liturgie ? o brother , you use not scripture , o● the church aright . we grant that in professed christians also , the carnal mind is enmity to god , and they that are most carnal , are likest to reject the truth ; but ye● we would not wish you to measure truth by the quality of the receiver : for christ is truly christ , though many workers of iniquity shall say , we have prophesied in thy name : many hereticks have been strict and temperate , when the greater part of the orthodox have been too loose : yet that did not prove the christian doctrine to be false . except . xxxi . answered . i have little here to do but number your visible untruths in matter of fact : one is ( th . untruth , ) [ he flyes upon all sides that are for order in any kind , ] when i speak not a word against order , nor against any side ; but the instances of some mens extreams , which all that are for order hold not . your d . untruth , is [ without expressing himself whether he is for papal , presbyterian , or independent government in the church , ] and [ if this were not crime enough to seem unsetled in so necessary a point . ] what signification have i given of unsetledness ? when i have long ago publickly told the world my judgement about all this to the full , in my five disputations of church government ; and in a book called christian concord , and another called universal concord , another of confirmation , besides many more . but might not a man be setled that were ( as i am in the main ) of the same judgement as is expressed in the waldenses , or bohemian government , described by laseitius and commenius ; which taketh in the best of episcopacy , presbytery and independency , and leaveth out the worst , and the unnecessary parts ? are all the hungarian , and transilvanian , and old polonian protestants , that come neer this order , withour order , or unsetled ? . it is your d . untruth that i write very dubiously about iustification , whether we are to take it to be by faith or by works . ] when as all that i was here to say of it , is spoken very plainly ; & i have written many books to make my mind as plain as it is possible for me to speak : ( as in my confession , my disputations of iustification , my apologies , my answer to dr. barlow , and in my life of faith , which was printed before this , where i have detected a multitude of errors about justification ; and many more . ) and if you expect every time i name justification i should write the summ of all those books over again , i shall fail your expectation , though i incur your censure , who , no doubt ' had i done it , would ( justly ) have censured such repetition for tedious vanity . you adde [ we fear he is not sound in that point . ] ( answ. your fear is your best confutation , and the best assistance that you afford , to make me as wise and judicious as your self . ) [ the lord , ( say you , ) we hope in mercy to his church , and particularly to those who have been deceived into a good opinion of him , will bring this man upon his knees , that he may make a publick acknowledgement of his folly . ] answ. if that be your work , it is the same with his , that it is said you sometime wrote against : so many volumes have been written already by papists , prelatists , anabaptists , quakers , seekers , and many other sects , for this very end , to cure mens good opinion of me ( as if a man that could but think ill of me , were in a fairer hope of his salvation ) that if all these have not yet accomplish'd it , nor all the famous sermons that have been preach'd against me ; i doubt , brother , that your endeavours come too late . you may perswade some few factio●s credulous souls into hatred , but still those that love god , will love one another . and i confess of all that ever i saw , i least sear your book , as to the bringing men out of a good opinion of me , unless your name and back-bitings can do it . when you say that i say that [ the presumptuous do boast of being righteous by christs imputed righteousness , ] in conscience and honesty you should not have left out [ without any fulfilling of the conditions of the covenant of grace on their part ; ] is this just dealing ? are there no such presumptuous boasters ? or will you justifie them all , that you may but vent your wrath on me . my judgement in the foresaid point of imputation of christs righteousness , i have opened at large in the foresaid writings , the life of faith , confession , disp. of iustif , &c. except . xxxii . p. . answered . i said , [ the good of nature is lovely in all men as men , even in the wicked , and our enemies ; ( and therefore let them that think they can never speak bad enough of nature , take heed lest they run into excess ; ) and the capacity of the good of holiness and happiness is part of the good of nature ; ] would you think now that any man alive should find error or heresie here ? or should deny this ? yet , saith this brother , this is strange counsel to them that have learned from scripture , that every imagination is evil , &c. so that we do not see if we will allow the spirit of god to be the best counsellor , how we can speak bad enough of corrupted nature , as the nature of every man now is . ] answ. truly , brother , that man that would not have professors of religiousness in england humbled in these times , may find in your book a greater help to cure his error , than in the debater , or the eccles. politician . . your [ not bad enough ] is sure a hyperbole : for you can speak as bad as the scripture doth ; and if that speak not bad enough , you accuse it of deficiency or error . . but i suppose , you meant [ not too bad . ] what do you think then of such sayings as these following ? if you speak truth , then , . mans nature is not capable of grace , or of any amendment or renovation . . nor is it capable mediately of glory . . mans nature is not reasonable , nor better or nobler than a bruit . . the argument would not be good against murdering of any but a saint , gen. . . who so sheddeth mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed ; for in the image of god made he man. . no man can grow worse than he is , if he never so much despise god and all his means of grace , and commit every day adultery , murder , treason , &c. . then there are no degrees of evil among natural men , nor is one any worse than another . . then men on earth are as bad as those in hell , and as the devils . . yea , ten hundred thousand times worse than devils , and the damned ; for so bad you can call them . . then mans nature hateth good formally as good , and loveth evil formally as evil . . then there are in mans nature no testimonies for a deity , or the immortality of the soul , nor no conscience of good or evil , nor no principles or dispositions to common honesty or civility ; or else all these are bad . . then no wicked man is culpable , as sinning against any such innate light , law , or principles . . then natural men are as much void of power to read , consider , or do any good at all , or forbear any sin at all , even hourly murder , thest , perjury , &c. as a stone is void of power to speak or to ascend . and so that all such that are damned , are damned for not doing that which they had no more power to do , and for not forbearing that which they had no more power to forbear than a stone to speak . or else that all such power it self is evil . . then it may be said , that there is nothing in all the nature of man which is the work of god ; or else that gods work it self as well as mans is evil . that man is not a man , or else it is evil to be a man. . then there is nothing in mans nature that god can in any kind or measure love ; or else that god loveth that which is evil , even with complacence . . then there is nothing in mans nature which we should love in one another ; and no man is bound to love , yea , every man is bound perfectly to hate all that are not saints ; or else we must not perfectly hate , but love that which is perfectly evil . . then no man should love his children or friends , for any thing in them till they have grace . . then no natural man should love himself : or else goodness is not the proper object of rational love . . then if every man be armed with utmost malice against others , and persecute and destroy them , imprison , torment , murder all good men , yea kingdoms , if he were able , it would be but that which we are naturally no more able to forbear , than the fire to burn , or a stone to be heavy . . then seeing every man ought to look upon every natural man as perfectly evil , and a perfect enemy to all mankind , if they all murder one another , it is but the destroying of such as have no good , either natural or moral , and so are far worse than toads or serpents . . then every natural man hath no reason saving only gods command , ( which it is impossible for him to obey ) to forbear the murdering of himself or his children , any more than others . . to conclude , then man is not bonum physicum , and in metaphysicks , ens & bonum non convertuntur . you adde , [ and had not mr. baxter told us before , that he understood by flesh , only the sensitive appetite ? ] answ. this is your th . untruth , and a meer fiction ; and your not nothing the place was no sufficient hiding of it . i have oft in many a writing declared otherwise what i understand by [ flesh. ] viz. . the sensitive apprehension , imagination , appetite and passion as it is grown inordinate . and , . the understanding , will , and executive power as they are corrupted to a sinful inclination to the objects of sense , and become the servants of the sensitive part , and are turned from the love of god , and things spiritual , unto the fleshly interest . you proceed , [ now we see one firm reason to deny the least allowance of free will in the things of god , since those that hold it in any degree , are strongly inclined to deny original sin and corruption ; which if mr. b. hath not felt , &c. ] answ. . this is plainly assertive of me , and is your th . untruth : i never denied it ; but have in my divine life and other writings , said more to prove it , than ever you have published . . if no degree of free will , even physical , or civil , be to be allowed , those that deny us liberty to preach , or if it were to live , do no more in your account , than they are as absolutely necessitated to do , as your pen was to write this . and sure you will alter our course of justice , and equal murder , man-slaughter , and chance-medley , as they call it : and whereas he that killed a man by the head of his axe flying off unwillingly , had an excuse and refuge from death by the law of moses , you will allow every man that killeth another , or that hurteth , beateth , or slandereth you , this much excuse as to say , i had no more liberty of will to do otherwise , than i have to hate felicity as such : or i could no more do otherwise , than your pen can forbear writing when you move it . and out of this section of your judgement of humane nature , i ask you , . do you not tell the world here the reason why you write so vehemently against my principles of love ? what wonder if you should hate all men perfectly whom you count natural , and so perfectly evil ? . do you not tell the world , that your purpose is to speak as bad of all us and others whom you account natural , as your tongue can possibly speak , and to take this for no slander , but your duty ; seeing you think , you cannot speak bad enough of corrupted nature , as the nature of every man now is ? do you not here tell us , that how bad soever you shall say of us , you never do or can say bad enough ? but why are you so angry with me for being and doing so bad , when i have no freedom to be or to do better , any more than the fire not to burn ? yea , when you inferr all mens natures to be incurably evil , and therefore desperate ; seeing it was a capacity of holyness which i asserted , when with such abhorrence you contend against my words . except . xxxiii . p. . answered . . to be a surly , proud professor is a milder accusation far than your last . . but why should a preacher think that a man must speak against no sin which he is guilty of himself ? except . xxxiv . answered . . i understand not what you mean by saying [ if they persecute any , they contract a guilt upon all ? ] if you mean on all the people , then you think you are guilty of persecution : if you mean on all the magistrates , then the innocent , even obadiah that ●id the prophets are guilty of persecuting them . what guilt a publick persons sin bringeth on a body politick as such , is a case that i mean not to dispute with you . . you adde , [ we think they do a very ill office to magistrates that insinuate , it is possible for them to persecute some , and yet be innocent . ] answ. if you intimate ( as you seem plainly to do ) that i have so done , this is your th . untruth , and worse than a meer untruth . except . xxxv . answered . . doth it follow that because lawful separation is not from the same uncharitable spirit , that persecution is , therefore unlawful separation is not ? . you force me to confute you by instances which yet you abhor to hear . you say [ persecution in no case can consist with love ? ] do you think your self that all the common-wealths-men , the anabaptists , the separatists , the independents , or whoever , that had a hand in the order for sequestring all ministers , that kept not their daies of humiliation and thanksgiving for the blood of scotland , had no love at all remaining ? or that none of this was persecution ? nor yet the ejecting of them that refused the engagement ? nor yet the imprisonment and banishment of the london ministers , and the death of mr. love and gibbons ? to pass by the scotch war it self , and all the rest . do not the sectaries think that the presbyterians did or would have persecuted them ? and did not the presbyterians think that the sectaries persecuted them ? do you think that in the contentions , with the donatists , the novatians , and many other professors of strictness , the parties that persecuted had no love , and so no true grace remaining ? truly , brother , i like persecution as little as most men living do , and have written more against it than you have done ; ( forgive this pride ) but i cannot be so uncharitable as to condemn all the sects , and parties , and persons , as utterly graceless that have been drawn to persecute one another ; when i consider how few sects in the world have escaped the guilt ; and how far pievishness and seeming interest hath carried them . you know , i suppose , that the munster anabaptists themselves , did not forbear it . the lutherans have oft persecuted the calvinists ; and the arminians in holland thought that the calvinists persecuted them , and denied them liberty of conscience : even the new england godly magistrates and ministers are accused of it by the quakers and the followers of mrs. hutchinson and gortin . and i would you knew what spirit you are of , whether you have none of the same spirit your self ? would you not have hindered the printing of this book of mine , if you could have done it ? and then would you not have hindered me from preaching the same thing , if you could have done it ? and is not this to silence that teaching which is against your judgement ? is not that spirit , which hath all the vehement slanders and revilings which your book aboundeth with , and which earnestly prayeth god to rebuke me , of the same kind think you , as to uncharitableness , with the persecuting spirit ? and is this in you inconsistent with all love ? . it is your th . untruth , that ( after many virulent expressions ) i am forced to confess , &c. my constant expression of my judgement , and true stating of my sense , is no [ forced confession ] of any thing : much less did i ever confess that no persecution can consist with love ; but have even there said much to evince the contrary . except . xxxvi . answered . i put ten questions to convince men of the sin of that separation which i speak against : and all his answer to them , is but this , [ he asks many questions about church-communion : but he knows the proverb , and let that answer him . ] answ. but is this impartial enquiring into the truth ? or is this kind of writing fit to satisfie sober men ? except . xxxvii . answered . your th . untruth is next , [ he taketh it ill that we should think the church of christ to consist but of a few , ] when i have no such word or sense ; but my self profess there to believe it ; and only contradict them that would rob christ of almost all those few , and make them incomparably fewer than they be . you adde , [ but when he saies , the belief of this is the next way to infidelity . ] answ. that 's your th . untruth ; i said no such thing ; i only admonish you to observe that your abusive lessening the number is your way to infidelity ; and i proved it , which you pass by : he that can believe to day , that christ came to dye for no more in all the world , than the separatists are , is like very shortly to believe that he is not the christ , the saviour of the world , and the lamb of god that takes away the sins of the world. when you adde that [ i cast reproach on the word of god that affirmeth this expresly , ] it is but another of your untruths , and an abuse of the word of god. except . xxxviii . answered . when i tell you of some that have run through all sects , and turned infidels , you adde another untruth , that i thus reproach a whole party with the miscarriages of some few , unless you mean by a whole party , all that are of that opinion which i confure : for all the separatists are not for it . and so what ever opinion in the world i shall gain-say , you may say that i contradict a whole party , that is , the party that holdeth that opinion . but , brother , doth every one reproach you , that telleth you of your danger , and would save you from infidelity and hell ? if the common people should tell you that you reproach their whole party , when you preach to them of the tendency and effects of sin and error , you would easily see the fault in them . your talk of a prostituted conscience i forgive : but if you must not be told of the dangerous tendency of an unsound doctrine , lest you seem to be reproached , you will leave your selves in a sad condition , when your cure is rejected as a reproach . except . xxxix . answered . very good . you grant that [ if the same spirit be restored to the same words , they will be as good as they were at the beginning . ] but , what spirit was that , brother , that first took up the forms and words that now we speak of ? it was not only a spirit of miracles , tongues , or supernatural inspiration . why do you say then that [ no man can restore the same spirit to them , and we cannot believingly expect that god will do it , because we have no promise for it ] it was but the spirit of illumination and sanctification ; and have not all christs members this same spirit ? judge by rom. . . cor. . eph. . , , , to . you have here then by consequence given up your whole cause . you grant that [ if the same spirit be restored which first used the prayers , and responses and praises of the liturgie , it is very true , that they may be used now : but the same spirit is in all the truly faithful ; ergo , by all the truly faithful they may be used now . ] except . xl. p. . answered . you say , [ it is unbecomingly done in mr. baxter to compare cromwell to the tyrant maximus , who dedicated a flattering book to his son . ] answ. . maximus is by most historians made so good a man , of himself , that i more feared lest many would have made me a praiser of cromwell by the comparison . . he is called a tyrant , because he was a usurper ; and do you think that cromwell was not so ; when he pull'd down both king , parliament , and rump ? nay , maximus was chosen in england by the souldiers at a time when pulling down and setting up by souldiers was too common ; and when his predecessors had little better title than himself : therefore i pray you judge not too roughly of maximus : but cromwell did usurp at a time when the case was otherwise ; our monarchy was hereditary by the undoubted constitution and laws of the land ; and our parliament by an act was to sit till they had dissolved themselves , and he had by solemn promises obliged himself to the parliament as their servant , and had fought against and kill'd the king , among other things , on this pretence that he fought against his parliament , and would have pulled them down ; which thing he actually and finally did himself . sir , god is not well pleased with the justifying or palliating of these things , , though men may be tempted to do it in faction , and for a divided interest . . it is publickly known that i did openly and constantly speak the same things all the time of cromwell's usurpation : why then is it unbecoming now ? among other places , see my book of infant baptisme , pag. to . and , , &c. where the passages spoke with caution are yet fuller than all these that displease you : if cromwell's party endured me then , cannot you endure me to say one quarter as much now ? . what if i had done otherwise ? shall such a suffering preacher as you teach us all , that its unbecoming to repent ? . that i dedicated a flattering book to his son , is your st . untruth . for common sense here will discern that you distinguish between the book and the dedication . and two books at once i directed to him . the books were one against popery , and the other against the english prelacy , and re-ordination , and the imposing of the liturgie and ceremonies ; and there is not one syllable of his son in all the book , save in that dedication . nor did i ever see him , speak to him , or write to him else , nor hear from him . but only hearing that he was disposed to peace , and against such turbulent church-destroying waies as you here plead for , i thought it my duty then to urge him to do that which was right and just . except . xli . answered . having my self been bred up under some tutors , and with acquaintance , that kept up a reputation of great learning and wisdom , by crying down the puritans as unlearned fellows , when themselves were more unlearned than i will here express , on the by i said that i had known such , and also that there were some such now , who having clumsie wits that cannot feel so fine a thred , nor are capable of mastering difficulties , do censure what they understand not : and that many that should be conscious of the dulness and ignorance of their fumbling , unfurnished brains , have no way to keep up the reputation of their wisdom , but to tell men , o such a one hath dangerous errors , &c. ] to this he saith , that if ben. johnson or hudibras had writ it , — but for learned mr. b. mortified mr. b. judicious mr. baxter , to fall into such levity , will i hope warn all to take heed how they over-value themselves , left god in judgement leave them to themselves , as he hath evidently done this poor man , &c. and he concludeth with an invitation of me , [ to a second and more seasonable retractation . ] answ. i heartily thank you for your pity , and for any zeal of god , though it be not according to knowledg ; and for my retractation , i suppose you would have called it a third . you quarrelled not with my suspension of my aphorisms of justification . and for my retractation of my political aphorisms , i have no more to say to you and others of your mind , but that you would better consult your own peace and other mens , and your innocency too , if you would meddle with your own matters , or with that only which concerneth you . and to conclude , . i unfeignedly forgive you all the revilings and other injuries of this your book . . i intreat you to review what is against god and his church , against faith , love , and peace , and to repent of it in time . . i beseech you to give over this pernicious flattery of professors , and daubing over their ignorance , injudiciousness , pride , and divisions ▪ . i intreat you to be more impartial towards dissenters , and let not your judgment be blinded by your passions . . to help you to impartiality , i beseech you consider how you tempt the bishops to think it no harm , to silence men that bold and do such things as you have vented and done in this book . . i beseech you to that end , better to study your self , and to know what manner of spirit you are of . besides all the intimated untruths , here are or gross untruths in matter of fact which i have set before you . for my self , it is not the least part of my non-conformity , that i dare not lie , by publick declaration to say , i assent and consent where i do not . now shall a man aggravate the crime of such things as these , and yet do what you do himself ? . i do solemnly profess to you , that i feel no malice against you , much less a desire of your hurt in all this that i say which is against your judgment , but an unfeigned love to you , and tenderness of your person . . lastly , i again protest against the injustice of any one that shall charge your opinions and miscarriages on the non-conformists ; when i know not two presbyterians or meer independants of your mind ; though too many so called in england , have enclined to unjust separations . and we are no more concerned in the opinions of them that are not protestants , though they also go under the name of non-conformists , than in the opinions of the papists , who are called recusants . and to conclude , i assure you , that if you write any more at the rates as you have done in this antidote , i shall give you the last word , as not intending to confute you , if you shall maintain that light is darkness ; nor plead any more a cause against you , which needeth not much argumentation as to sober judgements , but as to interests , passions , and byassed wills , which are otherwise moved than by truth and reason , and have but one eare ; and i fear not to encourage you before-hand by telling you , that you shall see that i have somewhat else to do . for it is a truth that i tell you with grief , that he that will take out of your book , . all the false doctrines . . all the gross untruths . . and all the impotent revilings , together with the professed end or design , to undeceive them that have a good opinion of me ; will leave so little , as may contained in a very narrow room . and he that seeketh in it for any thing that savoureth much of judgement , repentance , love , unity , or peace , must have other eyes than mine , or be disappointed . and i wonder not at that , when the sound principles of love , unity and peace are the things that have cast you into this displeasure , and which you write against . for where ever the principles of christian love and peace seem intolerable , there are such contrary principles as will bring forth contrary effects , which will prove indeed intolerable in the end . as there is nothing in this world which god doth design more gloriously to manifest and magnifie than his love , and nothing which he so much obligeth mankind to , especially believers , as the love of him and one another , so there is nothing which the great enemy of god and man doth so much hate , and seek to extinguish ; fighting by many sorts of weapons neither against small nor great , in comparison of divine and christian love . and his common way is to present the persons to us as unlovely , or odious , whom he would have us hate . and as their own predominant carnality and impiety doth give him full advantage with the ungodly , to make first that holyness which is contrary to them odious , and consequently holy persons , and god himself ; so with those that really love god , the tempter findeth this double advantage to make their brethren seem odious to them . . the great weakness and error of their judgements , sometimes about the things in difference , and sometimes about the persons through unacquaintedness ; whereby , either through mistake of the cause or of the man , they easily deny or extenuate all the amiable goodness which is in him , and think that the love of god , and of truth and godliness obligeth them to hate their brother , as a supposed enemie to both . and yet while they openly declare to the world , an aversation and a want of love , and a desire to make the person seem odious to others , by their obloquy , detraction and backbiting accusations they make themselves believe that all this is indeed no effect of hatred or malice , but of love , because they can still say , that they desire unfeignedly that the man were of their mind and way , which they call a desiring of his conversion and conviction , and of his own and the churches good . and thus not only the hereticks of his time , but the very jews were lovers of paul , and of other apostles : no doubt but they desired that which they thought was their conversion and their good ; and what hatred so great that may not have such a cover ; not only a feigned pretence , but a real , though erroneous desire . gardiner and bonner exprest the like , and no doubt , did really wish the martyrs had been of their mind ; and no doubt , but many that wish'd this , thought they wish'd but the persons and the churches good . the burning zeal which hath so much depopulated much of the world , was in many a zeal of god , though not according to knowledge . he that can transform himself into an angel of light , and his ministers into ministers of righteousness and free grace , no doubt , can teach them to persecute men in love , and to excommunicate them in love : to revile others in love , to hinder the preaching of the gospel in love , to afflict , or to divide the church in love. alas , how much is the serpent too subtile , for the understanding that trusteth to it self , and is not illuminated and guided by the spirit of light and love : how easily can he hide from us , that in our brother which we should love , and magnifie and multiply his faults into odious crimes , and transform his very virtues into vices , and his rightest judgement into errors . in this , brother , i thank god that my principles give me that advantage of you , that i think you not odious , but weak . . the other yet greater advantage that satan findeth , to kill the love of most , is selfishness ; one selfish man thinks that he may well account him bad and odious , who is against his worldly wealth and honour : and another thinks him bad and odious , who is against his learned or religious reputation , and would detect his ignorance or vice . another thinks him bad and odious , who is against his opinions , and the words or manner of worshipping god , which he is confident are best ; and he that hath once suffered spiritual pride to extoll his own understanding and his piety , will make that so far the measure of his censures , that all shall be thought so far to swerve from truth and godliness as they swerve from him . but if we should suffer much by others , and that for a cause which we take to be the cause of god , how easie is it for selfishness to stir up those passions , which shall blind our understandings , so far as to see no good at all scarce in them that we suffer by , or to extenuate all that is lovely in them ; yea , to think hardly of almost all others of their judgement and party , for their sakes : and if we think we may once call them persecutors , yea , or but such as conform to the persecutors waies , we think it 〈…〉 yeth almost any thing which we say 〈…〉 to make them odious : as th●se on the 〈…〉 side think they are justified in all 〈…〉 may say or do against m●n i●●hey 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 are men from loving their enemies , 〈◊〉 ●●●ssing them that curse them , and doing good to them that hate them , and praying for them that despightfully use them , ( or falsely accuse them , ) and persecute them , that they are hardly kept from hating those that love them , and cursing those that bless them , and hurting those that would do them good , and falsely accusing and despightfully using and persecuting those that pray for them : and yet lest they should not be flattered in their sin , and that yet they may judge themselves the children of our heavenly father , they will do all this as acts of love , to the church and truth , and to the persons souls ; and will love them , as is said , with a hurting , a reviling , a slandering , a cursing , and a hating and malicious love. o that the god of love would pitty and undeceive the selfish and passionate sort of professed christians ! and teach them to know what manner of spirit they are of ! o that he would rebuke the evil spirits that are gone fo●th ! the spirit of cove●o●sness and pride : 〈◊〉 hypocrisie , and religious imagery ! o● self-conceitedness ! of malice and wrath ! of back-biting and false accusing , before that both christianity and humanity be turned into devilisme , ( . tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) and earth be more conformable to hell ! o that the spirit of light would make us of one mind , and the spirit of love would mortifie both mens malignant and religious passions , contentiousness and malice , and cause us to love our neighbours as our selves ! that as the envious and striving wisdom from beneath , hath caused confusion , and every evil work , so the wisdom from above , which is first pure , and then peaceable , gentle , and easie to be intreated , might bring forth mercy and good fruits , without partiality and hypocrisie ; that we might edifie the body of christ in love , ( eph. . . ) and frustrate the hopes of the enemies of our peace , who wait for our total dissolution , and triumph already in our divisions , ( when it is their own mill which grindeth us into powder , ) but god can make their oven to bake us into a more christian and salubrious consistency , ( that i may use ignatius his ●llegory , ) but it must be first by ●ermenting us with unfeigned love ; and then we shall be lovely in his ●ight , and the god of love and peace will be with us , cor. . . amen . postscript . that the excepter may yet further be convinced that it is not any party of men called independents or anabaptists as such , that i here speak against ; as i did in my opposed book declare that i thought them both , and all others that hold the foundation , and disclaim it not by heresie , or wicked lives , to be such as the churches should receive into their communion ; and that it is their duty to hold communion in the same assemblies , notwithstanding their difference ; and that it is not the opinions which denominate them , that i write against ; but only the love-killing and dividing principles which are among them , which make them fly with censure and alienation from their brethren that are as meet for church-communion as they ; and oft break them into pieces among themselves ; so do i yet again here declare the same ; and not only so , but that if it were in my power , when their communion with others cannot be procured , they should yet be tolerated in their separation it self , and enjoy communion with themselves alone , in their separated congregations , under the laws of peace , being not tolerated to turn their preaching or worship into a reviling and reproaching of the orthodox , to the destruction of christian love : and i should not doubt but the communion of the orthodox churches maintained in constant synods , together with the special countenance of the christian magistrate , and the daily experience of believers ( which would still make the aged sort forsake them ) would suffice better than violent severities to repress the evil , and to give victorious truth opportunity to do its proper work . and to silence this calumny yet more , i do renew the profession which i have often published , that my own opinion is so much for independency , as that i think , no church is made , by god , to be a ruler to other churches , under the name of a mother church , or a metropolitane , or patriarchal , but that all these are humane forms ; and that councils are not the proper governours of the particular pastors ; but are for communion of pastors and churches directly , by way of consultation , consent and agreement ; ( as i have heretofore declared , that bishop usher professed his judgement to me . ) though i confess that the pastors in council are still the guides of the people , as well as singly at home , and by their consent lay a stronger governing obligation on them ; and that the general law of unity and concord doth consequently bind the several pastors , to concurr in all things lawful , ( consideratis considerandis ) with the confenting churches . and even dr. hammond is for independency so far as to say , that [ every such regular assembly of christians under a bishop , ( such as timothy was ) an oeconomus set over them by christ , was the church of the living god. ] though he adde [ such again every larger circuit under the metropolitane , &c. ] yet he confesseth , [ and such all the particular churches of the whole world , considered together under the supream head , christ iesus , dispensing them all by himself , and administring them severally , not by any one oeconomus ; but by the several bishops , as inferiour heads of unity to the several bodies , so constituted by the several apostles in their plantati●●s each of them having an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a several distinct commission from christ immediately and subordinate to none but the supream donor or plenepotentiary . ] so far he ; on tim. . ● . e. to this do but adde what bishop bilson of subjection largely sheweth , and other bishops as well as he , that metropolitanes and patriarks are not of divine but humane institution , ad accidental to the divine constitution of churches ; and also what ignatius saith , of the unity of churches , and description of a bishop , that [ to every church there was one altar , and one bishop with the presbyters and deacons , ] and so every communicating body , or congregation that had an altar , had a bishop , ( as mr. m●de on this of ignatius sheweth ; ) and then you will see how far independency is owned by others as well as by me . and for further silencing the calumny , let it be noted , that the churches in new-england are commonly called , independent , or congregational , and yet they are against separation , and do find by experience that separation is as perillous a thing to independent free churches , as it is to diocesane churches , and somewhat more , because they use not outward force to preserve their unity , and because one single congregation is sooner dissolved by division than such a thing as a diocesane church is . and therefore no men should be more willing to suppress dividing principles and passions than the independents , both because they are most charged with them , and with all our sects and confusio●● , and because they are not the least in danger of them . and that the new england churches are against the separation which hath been commonly known by the name of brownisme , i will give you these following evidences . . even mr. robinson himself , a part of whose church began the plantation at plimouth , though he was one of those that was called a semi-separatist , yet hath written for the lawfulness of hearing in our english conformable parish ▪ churches : and in his letter to his people in new-england ( in mortons memorial ) he hath these honest observable passages . [ how imperfect and lame is the work of grace in that person who wants charity to cover a multitude of offences ? — neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the common grounds of christianity , which are , that persons ready to take offence , either want charity to cover offences , or wisdom duely to weigh humane frailties ; or lastly , are gross , though close hypocrites , as christ our lord teacheth , mat. . , , . as indeed in my own experience , few or none have been found which sooner give offence than such as easily take it , neither have they ever proved sound and profitable members in societies who have nourished this touchy hum●ur . ] to these he addeth special reasons from themselves . mr. browne accusing the ministers as being separatists , and would be anabapists , &c. the ministers answered , that they were neither separatists nor anabaptists , they did not separate from the church of england , nor from the ordinances of god there , but only from the corruptions and disorders there , &c. old mr. wilson pastor of boston , being desired by all the elders of the churches assembled at his house , that ( on his dying bed ) he would solemnly declare to them , what he conceived to be those sins , which provoked the displeasure of god against the countrey , told them , that he had long feared these sins following as chief among others which god was greatly provoked by , . separation . . anabaptisme . . corahisme ; when people rise up , as corah , against their ministers and elders , as if they took too much upon them , when indeed they do but rule for christ , and according to christ ; yet it is nothing for a brother to stand up and oppose without scripture or reason , the doctrine and word of the elder , saying , i am not satisfied , &c. and hence if he do not like the administration , ( be it baptisme or the like ) he will then turn his back upon god and his ordinances , and go away , &c. and ( saith he ) for our neglect of baptizing the children of the church , those that some call grand-children , i think god is provoked by it . . another i take to be the making light of , and not subjecting to the authority of synods , without which the churches cannot long subsist . and so for the magistrates being gallio like , not caring for these things , or else not using their power and authority , for the maintenance of the truth and gospel , and ordinances , &c. morton , p. . . and among the poems there recorded of him , this is part , firm stood he 'gainst the familist and antinomian spirit strong ; he never lov'd the separatist , nor yet the anabaptists throng . neither the tolerators strein , nor quakers spirit could he brook , nor bow'd to the morellian train ; nor childrens right did over-look , p. . and , pag. . in the poems on their famous mitchell it followeth . the quaker trembling at his thunder , fled , and with caligula resum'd his bed : he by the motions of a nobler spirit clear'd men , and made their notions swine inherit . the munster goblin by his holy flood exorcis'd , like a thin phantasma stood : brown's babel shatter'd by his lightning , fell , and with confused horror pack'd to hell. let not the brazen schismatick aspire ▪ lot's leaving sodom , left them to the fire . but the fullest evidence is the work of the new-england synod , . who determined of two great points of church-practice , so as greatly tendeth to reconcile them to all the moderate presbyterians , and other peaceable christians . the one is . ▪ that members of the visible church according to scripture , are confederate visible believers , in particular churches , and their infant-seed ; that is , children in minority , whose next parents , one or both , are in covenant . ▪ the case of christians that are of no particular church is not here medled with ) . . and that [ the infant-seed of such when grown up , are personally under the watch , discipline , and government of the church ] . . that these adult persons are not to be admitted to full communion , meerly because they are and continue members , without such further qualifications as the word of god requireth thereunto . . that church-members who were admitted in minority , understanding the doctrine of faith , and publickly professing their assent thereto , not scandalous in life , and solemnly owning the covenant before the church , wherein they give up themselves and their children to the lord , and subject themselves to the government of christ in his church , their children are to be baptised . ] as to the points themselves , having written a treatise on the subject , ( under the name of confirmation ) and therein distinctly shewed my opinion in reconciling terms , ( though it may seem stricter than these propositions , and more inclining to the dissenters in some things ) i shall say nothing of it here . but by this it is visible , that the new-england synod do not only exclude the practice of gathering churches out of churches ( which was the great contest in england between the assembly and the congregational party ) ; but they provide that not so much as any particular persons that were baptized in their churches in infancy , shall be made church-members de novo ( unless by removing from one church to another ) , but shall be accounted members till they apostatize notoriously or are excommunicated : and so shall their children after them succeed by the way of baptism into the church , and they will have no other ordinary church-door but baptism . and so gathering churches of baptized persons will cease , unless it be in a ravelled state , when the old churches being dissolved , believers are to embody themselves anew . and mr. davenport and a few more , seeing that by this way their churches would fall into the way of england and other churches , by a succession of members growing up from infancy ( and not by making them up of new adult enterers , as the anabaptists do , ) did oppose himself by writing against the synod , which by some of them is largely answered : wherein they tell us that there were n●t ten in a synod of above seventy that did in any thing vote on the negative , and not above three against the third proposition , which carryeth the cause . they frequently disclaim separation : they cite allen and shephard p. . as advising for the reformation of such churches as our parishes , that they be acknowledged true churches , and then called to repentance and reformation , and a select number of those that agree to it , being fit for the sacrament , &c. to be admitted , and go in the congregational way , pag. . they cite cotton , holin . of chur. mem. p. . saying , [ neither among us doth irregeneration alone keep any from church-fellowship with us , unless it be accompanied with such fruits as are openly scandalous , and de convincingly manifest irregeneration . ] they prudently tell us , p. . that [ the lord hath not set up churches only that a few old christians may keep one another warm while they live , and then carry away the church into the cold grave with them when they die ; but that they might with all care and advantages nurse up still successively another generation of subjects to christ , &c. ] and that [ we may be very injurious to christ as well as to the souls of men , by too much straitening and narrowing the bounds of his kingdom , or visible church on earth . ] citing paraeus , ( in mat. . ) saying , [ in church-reformation it is an observable truth , that those that are for too much strictness , do more hurt than profit the church . ] abundance more to the same purpose i might collect . and seeing they take children growing up , to be members under church-discipline according to their capacities , let it be considered soberly , whether this doth not intimate to us , that discipline it self must not be exercised with the hurtful rigor that some expect ? for i would intreat the ridgeder sort , if they are parents , but to tell me , at what age , and for what faults , and for want of grace , they would have their own children excommunicated ? and when they have done , whether they will also proceed to a family excommunication of them for the same causes ? they adde a sixth prop. for the baptizing of the children of those that by death or extraordinary providence have been inevitably hindered from publickly acting as aforesaid , and yet have given the church cause in judgement of charity to look at them , as so qualified , and such as had they been called thereto would have so acted . and they adde a seventh propos. that [ the members of orthodox churches being sound in the faith , and not scandalous in life , and presenting due testimony thereof ; these occasionally coming from one church to another , may have their children baptized in the church whither they come , by virtue of communion of churches ; but if they remove their habitation , they ought orderly to covenant and subject themselves to the government of christ , in his church where they settle their abode , and so their children to be baptized : it being the churches duty to receive such to communion , so far as they are regularly capable of the same . ] so that they provide for the reception of all meet persons . but the chief thing observable is that in propos. . where the qualifications or description of a just entitleing profession is laid down , as consisting in no more than these four things , . understanding the doctrine of faith. . the publick profession of assent thereto . . not to be scandalous in life . . and solemnly owning the covenant before the church , wherein they give up themselves and their children before the lord. they require no other proofs of regeneration ; no● any particular account how they were converted ; nor what further signs of it they can shew . and , for my own part , i never dissented from those called congregational , in england , in the two great points from which their churches are denominated , viz. . that regularly they should consist but of so many as are capable of personal communion , which they call a congregation . . and that this congregation is not jure divino under the spiritual government of any superior church , as metropolitane , patriarchal , &c. but my chief dissent from them hath been , in their going beyond independency , and too many of them coming too neer to separation , . by making other tearms of mens title to church-member-ship , than these here recited by the new-england synod , and then the understanding , sober profession of assent and consent to the baptismal covenant is . . and for their gathering new churches in the several parishes , as if there had been no churches there before , and the members not gathered by them , were not the subjects of any church-discipline ; neither the children nor adult . and the reasons why i have ever dissented from them in these points , have been these . . because i find that the contrary was the way of scripture-times and all antiquity . and that the apostles still received members , upon a sudden and bare profession of belief and consent to the baptismal covenant , with the penitent renunciation of the flesh , the world , and the devil . and all ages since have held this course , and made baptisme the church-door . but i shall heartily joyn with any brethren that will endeavour herein to save the church , from that state of imagery and dead formality , which papists and all carnal hypocrites have mortified gods ordinances , and unspeakably injured the churches by , and are still working every ordinance of god that way : all good men should labour to recover religion and christian profession to an understanding seriousness . i will here insert the words of a most learned and high prelatist , to shew you that whoever is against this course in practice , no sober men can deny it in principles : eldersfield of bapt. pag. . marg . [ upon score of like reason whereto , and for such after-tryal , may have been taken up in the christian church that examination which did sift the constancy or rather consistency of those that had been taken in young , to their presumed grounds , that if they wavered , they might be known and discharged ; or if they remained constant , they might by imposition of hands receive what the common name of that ceremony did import , of their faith ( at least a sign of ) confirmation : vasques hath from erasmus ( in the preface to his paraphrase on the gospels ) a word of most wholsome , grave , and prudent advice , that those who were baptized young , when they begin to write man , should be examined , an ratum habeant id quod in catechismo ipsorum nomine promissum fuit ? quod si ratum non habeant , ab ecclesiae jurisdictione liberos manere , in part . thom. disp. . to. . c. . . if they did then stand to what their sureties had presumed for them , if not , they should be discarded : most necessary ! and of unimaginable benefit ; ( but not if it be turned into cursory imagery , ) such a scrutiny would shake off thousands of rotten hypocrites , and purge the church of many such infidel-believers ( or professors , ) upon whose dirty faces a little holy water was sprinkled when they knew not what it was ; but they no more mind the true sanctification appertaining , than turks or saracens , ( who shall rise up in judgement against their washed filthyness , ) or than those of whom st. peter , [ it is happened unto them according to the true proverb , the dog to his vomit , and the washed swine to wallow in the mire ; ] such discipline of awakened reason is that which the world groans for , ( and groan it may for any remedy that the formal hypocrites will either apply or endure . ) that men would become christians ! o that the truth of faith , and the power of true christian belief might be seen in the hearts and lives of those , that knowingly put the neck in christs yoak . ] so far eldersfield . see also dr. patrick of baptisme . dr. hammonds words i have recited after my treat . of confirmation ; they are very worthy of consideration . but to leave this digression , . my second reason why i dissent from them that will have other tearms of church-entrance than baptisme , and a stricter exaction of a title to membership than a professed affent and consent to the tearms of that covenant ; is because , if in our very church-title and constitution we forsake the scriptural and primitive tearms , we are liable to the exceptions of all dissenters , and cannot justifie our selves against their accusations ; nor well answer them that say , it is long of us , and not of them , that they communicate not with us . . because we shall unavoidably injure many of christs members , and keep those out whom he will own , and would have us own ; to the great injury of him and them . . because we shall lessen and weaken the church of christ , which is already so small , and so be injurious to it . . because we shall be alwaies at uncertainty , on what tearms to go : for if once we leave gods prescribed tearms , we shall never know where to fix : but every pastor will examine as he please , and form such covenant-tearms as are agreeable to the measure of his own private judgement and charity : and even among congregational men , we see already that the tearms of mens titles do vary , as the pastors ( or congregations ) differ in point of strictness . . and this layeth a certain foundation for perpetual dissentions and divisions ; when there are no certain tearms of concord : and there is no union when we depart from christs authority . and it is not in vain that christ himself prescribed a form of baptizing ; and if all his churches since the apostles daies , have brought us down that creed or those articles of faith , and form of baptizing used universally among them , new waies , and various waies , ( even as various as mens degrees of prudence and charity ) will never be the tearms of the churches unity . . and i am very much the more confirm'd against this extream by my long experience . having made it much of my work to know the minds and lives of all the people of the great parish where i lived , and since that , having conversed with many of the inferior rank , both for estate , and profession of piety , i have found that there is much more good in a great number of those , that are not noted openly for special professors of religiousness , than i did before believe . for no man is usually noted now for religious , in this stricter sense , . whose knowledge hath not some readiness of expression , in conference , and in prayer . . and who doth not come to private meetings , and associate himself with the stricter and forwarder sort of professors . but there are abundance of things which may hinder some serious weak christians from both these . dulness of natural parts , and want of good education , and use , and teaching , and company , may keep mens parts and utterance very low . and some young christians for want of former use , at their first true conversion , cannot speak sense , in the very fundamentals , which yet they have a saving sense and knowledge of , ( but are like infants , ) and their prayers have little better expressions , than abba father , and the unutterable groans of the spirit . and some never had the opportunity of profitable company ; and some are hindered from such converse by bashfulness ; and some by poverty and business , or distance ; and some by the restraint of parents , husbands , masters , &c. and some by ill company , and scandall , may have a prejudice against those religious people who are neerest to them ; who yet may be real lovers of christ. having found in many called common people more knowledge ( though not beter utterance ) than i expected , and more trust in christ , and more desire to be better , and love to those that are better , and more willingness to be taught ( crowding in publick or private when they have a full opportunity , and affectionately hearing the closest preaching , ) i am grown the more fearful of wronging christ , his church and them , by numbering such with those that are without , when they are baptized persons , that never were proved to have apostatized , nor to have lived impenitently in any sin so gross , as the back-bitings , proud-censoriousness and divisions of too many religiouser people are . . to which may be added the sad experience of this age of the dreadful miscarriages of the more noted sort of professors , turning infidels , ranters , quakers , socinians , antinomians , and too many scandalous in life ; and such as have destroyed order , government , unity , & reformation , when there was scarce an enemie able to hurt it much besides themselves : which is no dishonour to the profession of holyness , much less to christ and holyness it self ; but it seemeth to me a notable rebuke of our common over-valuing the meer parts and utterance , and extemporate performances of the people , and of ministers flattering such professors , and over-looking all of christ which is in many , that have had no such helps for gifts and utterance as they . . the second point in which the new-england synod agreed was , the stated consociation of churches , and use of synods , and herein , saith the defence , p. . there appeared no dissent or dissatisfaction in the synod . where they adde also ( as to the point of separation , ) [ we never said nor thought , that there should be a withdrawing from other churches upon differences , errors or offences of an inferiour and dubious nature , yea , though continued in : we are far enough from hastyness or harshness in that matter , being professed adversaries to a spirit of sinful and rigid separation . ] and that apostolical man mr. iohn eliot , hath printed a draught for stated synods , ( for counsel and concord , which is their proper use , ) which will go far enough to satisfie moderate men in that point , and saith more for such synods than ever i said . . having said thus much of the iudgement of congregational men in new-england against separation , i shall adde somewhat of the second assertion , that it concerneth the congregational party , as much in point of interest , to be against it , as any sort of men whatsoever . . because their churches have no other bond of concord ( here ) but voluntary consent ; and if that break , they are dissolved . . because their members being usually neither , so low as to be ignorant of matters of controversie , nor so high as to be able solidly to resolve them , are most like to be quarrelsome , and fall into divisions . and honest people that have a zeal of god , and for truth and unity , and not knowledge enough to guide it steadily , are likey to contend and trouble one another , than either they that are more careless , and have less zeal , ( and therefore like swine will leave such pearls to any that will take them up , ) or they that have sound knowledge to guide their zeal . . and the power which too many of them give the people , over the pastors and themselves , will do much to increase these divisions , and cause their dissolution . and that this is the sense of new-england , appeareth , . in their banishing lyford first , and the two brownes after , lest they should be divided about the prelacy and liturgie . . by their common judgement against dangerous toleration . . by the history of mrs. hutchinsons business in sir henry uane's daies . . by the history of mr. williams business . . and of gorton's . . and of the quakers of late ; all which i shall say no more of , but only transcribe some of the words of morton's memorial , about mr. williams , p. , &c : [ in the year . mr. roger williams removed from plimouth to salem , he had lived about three years at plimouth , where he was well accepted as an assistant to mr. ralph smith then pastor there ; but by degrees venting of divers of his own singular opinions , and seeking to impose them upon others , he not finding such a concurrence as he expected , des●red his dismission — foreseeing that he would run the same course of rigid separation and anabaptistry as mr. john smith the separatist at amsterdam had done , the church consented to his dismission ; and such as did adhere to him were also dismissed , or removed with him , or not long after him , to salem . — but he having in one years time filled that place with principles of rigid separation , and tending to anabaptistry ; the prudent magistrates of the massachusets jurisdiction , sent to the church of salem , desiring them to forbear calling him to office ; which they not hearkening to , was a cause of much disturbance . — he being in office , proceeded more vigorously to vent many dangerous opinions , as , that it is not lawful for an unregenerate man to pray ; nor to take an oath ; and in special , not the oath of fidelity to the civil government ; nor was it lawful for a godly man to have communion , either in family-prayer , or in an oath , with such as they judged unregenerate . and therefore he himself refused the oath of fidelity , and taught others so to do . also that it was not lawful so much as to hear the godly ministers of england , when any occasionally went thither ; and therefore he admonished any church-members that had done so , as of heynous sin . also he spake dangerous words against the patent which was the foundation of the government of the massachusets colony . also he affirmed that the magistrate had nothing to do in matters of the first table , but only the second : and that there should be a general and unlimited toleration of all religions : and for any man to be punished for any matters of his conscience , was persecution . — staying at home in his own house , he sent a letter , which was read in the publick church-assembly , to give them notice , that if the church of salem would not separate , not only from the churches of england , but the churches of new-england too , he would separate from them . the more prudent and sober part of the church being amazed at his way , could not yield to him : whereupon he never came to the church-assembly more , professing separation from them as antichristian : and not only so , but he withdrew all private religious communion from any that would hold communion with the church there . insomuch as that he would not pray , nor give thanks at meals with his own wife , nor any of his family , because they went to the church-assemblies . divers of the weaker sort of the church-members , that had been throughly levened with his opinions , of which number were divers women that were zealous in their way , did by degrees fall off to him : insomuch as that he kept a meeting in his own house , unto which a numerous company did resort , both on the sabbath day and at other times , by way of separation from , and opposition to the church-assembly there : which the prudent magistrates understanding , and seeing things grow more and more towards a general division and disturbance ; after all other means used in vain , they passed a sentence of banishment against him , out of the massachusets colony , as against a disturber of the peace of the church and commonwealth . after which mr. williams sate down in a place called providence — and was followed by many of the members of the church of salem , who did zealously adhere to him , and cryed out of the persecution that was against him : some others also resorted to him from other parts . they had not been there long together , but from rigid separation they fell to anabaptistry , renouncing the baptism which they had received in their infancy , and taking up another baptism , and so began a church in that way . but mr. williams stopped not there long ; for after some time he told the people that had followed him , that he was out of the way himself , and had misled them ; for he did not find that there was any upon earth , that could administer baptisme , and therefore their last baptisme was a nullity as well as their first : and therefore they must lay down all , and wait for the coming of new apostles : and so they dissolved themselves , and turned seekers ; keeping that one principle , that every one should have liberty to worship god , according to the light of their own consciences ; but otherwise not owning any churches or ordinances of god , any where upon earth . ] so far the history . to which i adde , that this man was one of the great instruments after all this , of sublimating the english separation to the same height , and gratifying the papists by raising up the sect of seekers , who said , that both scripture , ministry , church and ordinances were lost . and had they not now broken the church sufficiently , and made it small enough , when they had made it none ? god forbid that i should transcribe any of this with a desire to bring reproach on any mens persons , but only to help our dear brethren that are in danger , to prof● by the warning of other mens falls . for to this end was the scripture written historically , with the falls of the saints inserted in it . the same history , pag. , . thus describeth mr. thomas dudley a principal founder and pillar of the massachussets , and often governour , dying years old , that [ his zeal to order appeared in contriving good laws , and faithfully executing them on criminal offenders , hereticks and underminers of religion : he had a piercing judgement to discover the wolf , though cloathed with a sheep-skin , — ] these following are the conclusion of a pious copy of verses found in his pocket when he was dead . let men of god in courts and churches watch , o're such as do a toleration hatch , lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice , to poyson all with heresie and vice. if men be left , and otherwise combine , my epitaph's , i dy'd no libertine . ( but this is no excuse to them , that tolerate not men to obey the laws of christ. ) to these i may adde that ( though many prelatists utterly mistake , and think that it is the ministers every where that are the chief leaders of the people to separation , yet ) both in new-england and in old , the people are so much proner to it than the ministers , ( except a very few , ) that if it were not for the wisdom , gravity , stability and authority of the ministers restreining them , the matter would be otherwise than it is . as this synod of new-england sheweth you their stability and moderation , so do the choicest of their pastors still stand firm against all extreams , and hold the people in that concord which they have . the excellent service of mr. mitchell in this kind before he died is predicated by all . i will not recite all the complaints i heard from mr. nortons mouth , against the separating humour of many people , and their danger thereupon ; nor the many letters to the same purpose , which many worthy men thence have sent over to their friends , and their particular lamentations of the case of hartford , boston , &c. which i have had the sight of ; which fully testifie that they are no promoters of those waies . the sad case of the bermuda's i before mentioned : sad indeed , when in so disciplin'd a plantation , one minister shall turn away the greater part from church-communion , till they become aliens , — and the rest whom he gathered as the only worthy persons , shall so many turn quakers and such like , till religion between both is , — alas , how low ( as their late worthy minister fore-named testifyeth . ) the dissolution of the separated churches of the english in the low countreys by their own divisions , is a thing too well known to be concealed . from all which i gather , that it is the interest of the congregational churches themselves , as much as of any others , to joyn with us for the principles of christian love , forbearance and unity ; and against the principles of alienation and division : which is all that i am driving at . obj. but the churches of new-england would not joyn with a church that should use the common-prayer in that worship , nor in the sacrament . answ. nor i neither ordinarily if i were with them , and in their case ; who have liberty to worship god in the most edifying and serious , and orderly manner that they can . and yet were i in armenia , abassia , or among the greeks , i would joyn in a much more defective form than our liturgie , rather than in none . and that this is the judgement of many new-england ministers , ( to joyn with the english liturgie rather than have no church-worship ; ) i have reason to conjecture , because in their foresaid defence of the synod , pref. pag. , . they profess themselves to receive their principles not from the separatists , but from the good old non-conformists , to whom they adhere , naming cartwright , ames , paraeus , parker , baines , fox , dearing , greenham , &c. and i need not tell those that have read their writings , that the old non-conformists did some of them read the common-prayer , and the most of them judge i● lawful to jo 〈…〉 or else mr. hildersham , mr. rich. rogers , &c. would not write so earnestly to men to come to the beginning , and prefer it before all private duties : and perkins was for kneeling at the sacrament : and mr. baines his successor in his letters writes for communicating kneeling at the sacrament , and answereth the objections . but though i write this to give them the due honour of their moderation and sober judgement , yet not as making them or any men our rule , in faith or worship . obj. therefore the churches of new-england reprove not separation from a common-prayer church , though they would have none separate among themselves , because there is no just cause . ans. . the former answer may serve to make it probable , that they would joyn with them as churches , in case they had not better to joyn with on lawful tearms . . and their own expressions signifie that they take the english parishes that have godly ministers , for true churches , though faulty . . and those that i now write for cannot forget , that they gathered their churches by separation out of our parish-churches , when there was no common-prayer nor ceremonies used , nor any difference in worship found among us , that i know of ; and that in new-england it self , the principles which i deny , do too of procure separation from those churches , that have nothing which moderation and peaceableness will think a sufficient cause of such disjunction . . and it is well known that the name of a separatist and brownist was first taken up here in england , with relation to these parish-churches where they had the liturgie and ceremonies as now . therefore they would speak equivocally in disclaiming separatists and brownists , if they meant not such as the word is first and commonly used to signifie . . and if that were not the sense , a separatist might be said to be against separation as well as they in new-england . for canne or iohnson would be against separating from their own churches , or from any which they judged as faultless . . it was the parish-churches that had the liturgie , and were accused to have antichristian errors ( in them and the church of england which they belonged to ) which mr. h. iacob the father of the congregational party , wrote for communion with against francis iohnson , and in respect to which he called those separatists against whom he wrote ; the same i may say of mr. bradshaw , dr. ames , and other non-conformists , whom the congregational brethren think were favourable to their way . and if the old independents ( as well as the rest of the non-conformists ) accounted them culpable separatists that then wrote for separation from the parish-churches ( for diocesane churches i i● meddle not with , ) then we have small reason to think that those new-england brethren that disclaim the separatists , were of the mind of these separatists themselves , or that they differed from the old independents herein , when they seem rather to be of such healing principles and temper towards the presbyterians , ( as in my opinion ) they have in their synodical conclusions made ●p almost all the breach : and therefore are not to be accounted more for separation than the old congregational divines . and that you may see that the magistrates of new-england are of the mind of their pastors in the synod , and take the youth to be under the ministers charge , or at least that i may hereby express my gladness for this work of their great prudence and christian zeal , and call those my brethren of the ministry to repentance , who did neglect this work of personal instruction , while we had liberty to exercise the pastoral office ; and also that i may yet remember them that are silenced , what abundance of good the law yet alloweth them to do , by this course of going from house to house , and of catechizing the youth , ( seeing we are restrained to no members under years of age , ) i say for these reasons , i shall give you as my conclusion , the order of the governour and council of the massachusets in new-england to all the elders and ministers in their jurisdiction , for catechizing , and private labours with all the families under their charge ; dated at boston , mar. . . to the elders and ministers of every town within the jurisdiction of the massachusets in new-england : the governour and council sendeth greeting ; reverend , and beloved in the lord , whereas we find in the examples of holy scripture , that magistrates have not only excited and commanded all the people under their government , to seek the lord god of their fathers , and do the law and commandment , cro. . , , . ezra , . , , . but also stirred up and sent forth the levites , accompanied with other principal men , to teach the good knowledge of the lord throughout all the cities of iudah , . chron. . , , , . which endeavours have been crowned with gods blessing . also we find that our brethren of the congregational perswasion in england have made a good profession , in their book , entituled , a declaration of their faith and order , pag. . sect. . where they say , that although pastors and teachers stand especially related unto their particular churches ; yet they ought not to neglect others living within their parochial bounds , but besides their constant publick preaching to them , they ought to enquire after their profiting by the word ▪ instructing them in , and pressing upon them ( whether young or old ) the great doctrines of the gospel ▪ even personally and particularly , so far as their strength and time will permit . we hope that sundry of you need not a spur in these things , but are consciously careful to do your duty : yet forasmuch as we have cause to fear , that there is too much neglect in many places , notwithstanding the laws long since provided therein ; we therefore think it our duty to emit this declaration unto you , earnestly desiring , and in the bowels of our lord jesus requiring you to be very diligent and careful to catechize and instruct all the people ( especially the youth ) under your charge , in the sound and orthodox principles of christian religion ; and that not only in publick , but privately from house to house , as blessed paul did , acts . . or at least three , four , or more families meeting together , as strength and time may permit , taking to your assistance such godly and grave persons as to you may seem most expedient . and also that you labour to inform your selves , ( as much as may be meet ) how your hearers do profit by the word of god , and how their conversations do agree therewith ; and whether the youth are taught to read the english tongue : taking all occasions to apply suitable exhortations particularly unto them , for the rebuke of those that do evil , and for the encouragement of them that do well . the effectual and constant prosecution hereof , we hope will have a tendency to promote the salvation of souls , to suppress the growth of sin and prophaneness , to beget more love and unity amongst the people , and more reverence and esteem of the ministry , and will assuredly be to the enlargement of your crown and recompence in eternal glory . given at boston the th . of march , . by the governour and council , and by them ordered to be printed , and sent accordingly . edward rawson , secret. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e i desire the ●●ader to 〈◊〉 the most judi●ious ●o●●rate expositio● o● th● s●cond commandment ( a o● all the est ) i● mr. george lawson's th●opolitica . notes for div a -e untruth . false worship , what : seven senses of that word . . untruth . . untruth . of my mentioning former things . whether i were as guilty as any in stirring up the war ? and guilty of all which he calleth the effects ? whether nothing past must be repented o● . the reader must note that i wrote the full narrative of my actions herein , which this presupposeth , but after cast it away , because neither part of the accusers can bear it . untruth . whether i never mention the prophane but with honour . of partial genderness . of my foolish talking . of my pride . whether it be easier to pray extempore , or by memory of words . who is to be judged proud. more mistakes . whom we must come out from . whom we must disown as no church . the corruption of the scripture churches . untruth . of concealing the faults of dividers . of concealing the faults of dividers . * read but hornius his description of the english sects , eccles. hist. and see what strangers think of us . of my revealing secrets . untruth . untruth . untruth . the cause of popery tried . of mr. iohnson's reply to my book . untruth . whether it be intollerable pride to say that the papists understand not christian sense and reason . untruth . of separation . of censuring papists . of pauls not scandalizing the weak . i know that expositors much differ about the weak brother here described , but not in the point that i now urge the ●ext for . more of revealing secrets . untruth . whom i mean by dividing ; and of his curse . untruth . whether i slight prayer ? and whether wisdom is to be got by prayer alone , without any other means . untruth . . untruth . whether i speak slightly of christ ? how christ increased in wisdom . whether christ needed prayer for himself . of melancholy misinterpretations of scripture . untruth . whether god hates book-prayers or forms . whether the jews had a liturgie in christs time . see psal . and , &c. chr. . . and . chron. . , . of jeasting at other mens ●●ayers . the temptations of sufferings . many are overcome by suffering , who think they overcome . it 's a reproach to our nation that hornius hist. eccl. saith , [ ita ut seperatismus sive brownismus non alios habeat authores quam cum tyrannide & superstitione episcopos dominantes , pag. . so much good suffering doth . whether all that use any thing in gods worship not commanded ( and in particular a form of prayer ) be idolaters ? and what this censure of idolatry signifyeth . whither we are guilty of consenting to all that is faulty in the prayers that we are present at . untruth . of flattering christians . whether any 〈◊〉 be 〈…〉 ignorant , and injudicious . see my book of directions to weak christians to grow in grace . the greatness of the sin of thus flattering christians . how sad is it to read in ho●nius , salmasius and others abroad , such horrid descriptions of the english sects and scandals ? though the actors were not so many as some of them thought . of the loud voice of the preacher , and a sound judgement . untruth . untruth . whether i have left off the lords work . note how ordinarily christ himself and his apostles avoided persecution by removing . of the judgement of the unive●sal church . of the judgement of learned men in difficult speculations . untruth . whether honest people be not apt to stray after one anothers example . whether we should mark and avoid the sins of christians in the time and places where we live ▪ whether the religious sort may not have some common errour to be avoided ? untruth . untruth . untruth . of justification . whether we can speak bad enough of nature . see act. . and . and rom. , and . untruth . untruth . whether there be any free-will . whether he that counts all natural men as bad as he can name , will not hate them , and say bad of them without fear of slander ? untruth . whether no persecution can consist with love ? untruth . untruth . untruth . of the fewness of believers . untruth . whether the same spirit may not be restored to the ancient forms . untruth . maximus imperator r●mpub . g●bernahat : vir omni vitae merito praedicandus , si ei vel diadema non l●git●m●●umultua●te milite impositum repudi●re , vel armis civilibus abstinere licuiss●t ; sed m●gnum imperium nec sine pe●iculo ren● . i , nec sine armis potuit teneri : sulp. sev●rus dialog . . cap. . beda etiam , ●ist . eccl. l. . c. . maximus vir str●n●us & p●obus atque augusto dignus , nisi contra sacramenti fidem per tyrannidem emersisset , &c. invitus propemodum ab exercitu c●eatus imperator , &c. had not this man brought the catholick-church into a little room . animadversions on the eight theses laid down, and the inferences deduced from them in a discourse entitl'd church-government part v, lately printed at oxford smalridge, george, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) animadversions on the eight theses laid down, and the inferences deduced from them in a discourse entitl'd church-government part v, lately printed at oxford smalridge, george, - . [ ], p. printed at the theater, oxford : . attributed to george smalridge. cf. dnb. this item is also bound with "church-government" (wing w ) and "reflections on the historical part of church-government, part v" (wing s -- entry cancelled in wing nd ed.) at reel : . reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. entry for s cancelled in wing ( nd ed.). created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng r. h., - . -- church government. -- part v. -- relation of the english reformation. church polity. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion animadversions on the eight theses laid down , and the inferences , deduced from them , in a discourse entitl'd church-government . part . v. lately printed at oxford . they went out from us , because they were not of us : for if they had been of us , they would 〈◊〉 no doubt have continu'd with us ; but they went out that they may be made manifest , that they were not all of us. joh. . . oxford , printed at the theater . anno . imprimatur . io. venn vice-can . oxon. iun. . . to the university reader . these papers neither have , nor need any other recommendation , then that of the cause which they maintain . they are extorted by the importunity of those adversaries , who have endeavour'd to wound us in all our nearest concerns , the honour of our university , the autority of our church , and the rights of our sovereign . the laborious author of the discourses spar'd no pains to shake the foundations of our religion ; and the designing publisher has with no inconsiderable expence , endeavoured a farther advantage from them , by casting a reproach npon these seminaries of our education . but it is justly hop'd , that their designs against the university will prove as successless as their attempts on the church ; of which we know , that tho' the rains descend , the flouds come , and the winds blow , yet it cannot fall , for it is founded upon a rock . the hopes of our enemies abroad have been entertain'd , and the solicitude of our friends awaken'd by the news of our oxford converts daily flocking into the bosom of the roman church . but we hope all men are by this time convinc'd that they deserve as little consideration for their number , as they do regard for their accomplishments . no one need to be alarm'd at the desertion of six or seven members , who shall consider their dependence on one who by the magazines , which he had stor'd up against us , shews that he has not now first chang'd his complexion , but only let fall the vizour . nor ought we more to regard the insinuations of those , who tell us of the secret promises of such as have not openly profest , as having no other ground but the confidence of the reporters . but be it as it will , god covers us with his feathers , and under his wings will we trust ; we will neither be afraid of the arrow that flieth by day , nor for the pestilence that walketh in darkness : but we least of all fear any danger from this praesent attempt of our author , since the regal power seems engag'd with our church in one common defence ; for she is no farther concern'd in this present controversie , then as she is accus'd to have been too great a friend to the praerogative of the crown . and certainly that doctrine which invades the just rights of the prince , can hope but for few proselytes amongst those , who have constantly defended them in their writings , asserted them in their decrees , and upon all occasions vindicated them with their swords . for we do not lie open to the imputation of a condition'd and distinguishing loyalty , who have shew'd our readiness to imitate the glorious examples of our fathers , and were prepar'd ( had not god's good providence prevented our service ) to have transcrib'd that copy lately at sedgmore , which they set us formerly at edge-hill . and in truth our steady fidelity to the prince is so unquestionable , that our enemies have been pleas'd to ridicule what they could uot deny , and have made passive obedience bear a part in our character , when the muse has been inclin'd to satyr . as for our author and his theses there is nothing here advanc'd which was not in king edwards time fully answer'd by protestant writers ; and had he written in henry the th's reign , he might have receiv'd a reply from a roman catholic convocation ; so vain is it to urge us now with the stale pretences of a forreign iurisdiction , which our ancestors of the roman communion ejected with so universal a consent , and which our fathers of the reformation resisted even unto death ; i mean those glorious prelates , who here dying seal●d the truth of our religion with their blood , and left it as a legacy to us their children , by us to be convey'd to the generations yet to come . animadversions on the eight theses &c. as that person , who would prove himself a genuine son of the church of england , had need of more sincerity then this editor shew'd , whilst he profest to be of her communion ; so one , who has the ambition of appearing a potent enemy against her , had need of greater strength then he has either produc'd of his own , or borrow'd from others , since he has been her declar'd adversary . had he continued still to dissemble his faith , and affected an aequilibrium betwixt both churches , his writings would have been more suitable to such a character ; where the attentive reader will find the church of england but weakly attacq'd , and that of rome as faintly vindicated . but since some motives have prevail'd with him to assume the name of another church , as that which he has left has no great cause to lament the loss of such a member , so that which he would seem to have fled to will have little reason to boast that she has gain'd a proselyte . for how plausibly soever he may discourse of church-autority , he abounds in too great a plerophory of his own sense , to submit himself either to a convocation at home , or council abroad ; and altho' he would appear an enemy to luther , he seems at this very time to be drawing up a novell scheme of doctrines , and modelling to himself a new church . hence it is that in one of his treatises he has deserted the antient plea of transubstantiation , upon which the tridentine fathers founded their adoration of the host ; and from which all the great champions of that church have constantly deduc'd it . hence his modifying the council's sacramentum into res sacramenti , his prescinding from the symbols , his certain inferior cult only due to them , his stripping them even of the schoolmens latricall , qualified , secondary , improper , accidental co-adoration ; and such other his abstractive notions of that worship , as do indeed befit a nominal philosopher , but have no agreement with the avowed doctrines and practises of the roman communion . hence it is that in the discourse we are now upon , we read nothing of the dominus deus papa of the canonists ; nothing of the vicar of christ ; the holy , apostolick , and infallible see which their former writers have endeavour'd to establish iure divino ; nothing of the supreme pastour , governour and head of christ's church , the successor of s. peter , and other titles which even our representers of late ( whose business it hath been to mollifi● ) have furnish'd us with ; no not so much as of the modest bishop of meaux's primacy of s. peter's chair and common center of catholic unity ; but instead of these we are told of a western patriarch , one who pleads the prescription of some years for his autority , and thinks himself hardly dealt with , that because he claims more then his due , that which is his due should be denyed him . hence it seems to be that he is so wary in giving us his own opinions ; that he disputes so much , and affirms so little ; that he bounds all his positions with so many limitations that they seem contriv'd on purpose for subterfuges ; and that he very cautiously ventures not any farther then he thinks , tho' falsly , the autority of our writers will bear him out . hence those concessions ( which will perhaps by that party be judg'd over-liberall ) that images , and so the veneration or worship of them were very seldom , if at all , us'd in the primitive church . that the publick communion was then most commonly , if not allways , administred in both kinds unto the people . that the divine service which then , as now , was celebrated usually in the latin or greek tongue , was much better in those days then now understood of the common people . that the having the liturgy , or divine service , or the holy scriptures in a known tongue is not prohibited , nor the using of images enjoyn'd ; nor the priest's administring , and the people's receiving the communion in both kinds , if the supreme church-governours so think fit ( and we say they ill discharge the office of church-governours , who do not think fit our saviours institution should be observ'd ) declar'd unlawful by any canon of any council . ancient council he means , for latter councils have declar'd these unlawful . these are large grants from a romanist , and which give a great shock to their so much magnified pretence of universal tradition . had this author liv'd in those ages when the secular prince countenanc'd the beginnings of reformation , he would have scarce lost any thing for his too rigorous adhaesion to the c. of rome . for he thinks it probable that had the reformation only translated the former church liturgies and scriptures into a known tongue ; administred communion in both kinds , thought fit not to use images ; changed something of practise only without any decession from the churches doctrines , the church-governours would have been facile to license these . where by the way it seems something unintelligible how they should change practice without decession from doctrines , if doctrines enjoyn'd such practices , and if according to him , errours in practice allways presuppose some errour in matter of faith. but at least we may expect he would have outwardly complied , since he notes , that some outward compliance at the first , of those bishops , who made an open opposition afterward , might be upon a fair pretence , because the first acts of the reformation might not be so insupportable as the latter . where it is worth our observing , that the very first act , which gave life to the reformation , was shaking off all manner of obedience to the see of rome , then which i believe his holiness , contrary to this author's sentiments , thinks no act more unsupportable . these things consider'd , we could not have had a more easie adversary then this gentleman , and the church has less reason to fear his open opposition , then had he still continued in her bosom . for it seems not to be his province to publish what is material against us , but to publish much. but , god be thanked , our religion is not establish'd upon so weak a basis , as to be overthrown by a few theses unprov'd , and falsly applied . nor is it any wonder if that arguer doth not convince , who uses for principles conclusions drawn from praemisses , which the world never saw , and then assumes such things as every one acquainted with history is able to contradict . certainly his university-readers will not be very fond of the conclusion of that syllogism , whose major is a petitio principii , & minor a down-right fals-hood in matter of fact . they no doubt are surpriz'd to find consequents come before their antecedents , and church-government part the th to have stept into the world ( somewhat immaturely methinks ) before the other four . but the lawfulness of the english reformation was to be examin'd , and it would have took up too much time to shew why he impos'd upon us such a test. it might therefore be thought seasonable enough to examin the truth of his theses , when he shall be pleas'd to communicate to us whence they are inferr'd . in the meanwhile , it may not be unuseful to consider what disservice he had done to our cause , had his success aequal'd the boldness of his attempt . after all his theses and their applications , his correspondent alpha's and beta's , his perplex'd paragraphs , his intricate paratheses , and his taedious citations , what doctrine of the church of rome has he establish'd , or what principle of ours has he disprov'd ? should we grant that the clergy only have power in controversies of religion , that the secular prince has no autority to reform errours in the church , that our princes did wrongfully usurp such an autority , and that our reformation was not the act of the clergy ; will it hence follow ( which yet is to be prov'd by this author , e're he can perswade us to entertain any favourable opinion of popery ) that the second commandment ought to be expung'd out of the decalogue ? that idolatry is no sin ? or worshipping of images no idolatry ? that transubstantiation is to be believ'd in despight of sense , reason , scripture , and antiquity ? the service of god to be administred in an unknown tongue , as it were in mere contradiction to saint paul ? and the communion to be celebrated in one kind notwithstanding our saviours , drink ye all of this . it is indeed our happiness , that the reformation was carried on by the joynt concurrence of the civil and ecclesiastical power ; that we are united together by common rules for government and worship agree'd on by the bishops and presbyters in convocation , and made laws to us by the autority of the sovereign : we are allways ready to prove that the church of england being a national church , and not subject to any forreign jurisdiction , ow'd no obedience to the bishop or church of rome , & therefore might without their leave reform her self , and that accordingly our religion is establish'd by such laws as want no autority either civil or ecclesiastical , which they ought to have . this is a plea which we shall be allways prepar'd to justifie ; and a blessing for which we thank god , and for the continuance of which we shall never cease to pray . but now had those which we esteem corruptions of the roman church never been cast out , or were they reestablish'd ( which god in his mercy forbid ) by as good autority as that by which they are now abolish'd ; yet even then we could not submit to such determinations , and being concluded by an antecedent obligation to god durst not obey even lawful autority commanding unlawful things . he therefore that would gain a proselyte , who acts upon prudent and conscientious principles , in vain entertains him with schemes of church-government , since the things contested are such as no government in the world can make lawful ; it would be more rational to shew ( were not that an attempt long since despair'd of ) that the particular doctrines and practises to which we are invited , are agreeable to the word of god ; or that it doth not concern us , whether they be , or not . for if either it may be prov'd , that the errours of the church of rome were so great , that there was a necessity of reforming them , that every national church has a right to reform her self , that this right of the church of england in particular was unquestionable , that she us'd no other then this her lawful right , and that accordingly the reformation was effected by the major part of the then legal church-governours : or if in failure or this ( which yet we say is far from being our case ) it may be prov'd , that where evident necessity requires , and the prevailing errours are manifest , there the civil power may lawfully reform religion without the concurrence of the major part of the clergy , for secular interests averse from reformation ; or if lastly , supposing no such reformation made by lawful authority , but the laws which enjoyn such erroneous doctrines , remaining in their full force and vigour , every private christian can plead an exemption from his obedience to them , by proving them evidently contradictory to the known laws of god ; if any one of these pleas are valid , all which have by our writers been prov'd to be so beyond the possibility of a fair reply , then nothing which is aim'd at in these papers can affect us , and tho' the author would have shew'd more skill in proving his question , yet he had still betray'd his want of prudence in the choice of it . by what hath been sayd , the reader will be induc'd to think that these papers do not so much concern the church of england , as the state ; and that a reply to them is not so properly the task of a divine , as of a lawyer . the civil power is indeed manifestly struck at , and an answer might easily be fetcht from keble and coke . he may perswade himself that he acts craftily , but certainly he acts very inconsistently , who erects a triumphal statue to his prince , and at the same time undermines his autority ; in monumental inscriptions gives him the glorious and astonishing title of optimus maximus , and yet sets up a superiour power to his . if neither loyalty nor gratitude could perswade him to speak more rever●ntly , yet out of wariness he ought to have been more cautious in laying down such things , as seem to have an ill aspect on his majesties proceedings . for it may seem very rash to deny , that the prince can remove from the exercise of his office any of his clergy for not obeying his decisions in matters of a spiritual nature , when a reverend prelate suffers under such a sentence ; to assert that the prince , ought not to collate to benefices , where the clergy have canonical exceptions against the person nominated , whilst a friend of his thus qualified enjoys the benefit of such a collation ; to find fault with the reformers that they gave their prince leave to dispense with laws and constitutions ecclesiastical , when he himself is in that case most graciously dispens'd with . how far the regal power extends it self in these cases , especially as it may be limited by the municipal laws of the realm , i am not so bold as to determine ; but where such rights are claim'd by the sovereign , and actually exercis'd , there it becomes not the modesty of a private subject to be so open and liberal in condemning them . but then above all he renders his loyalty justly questionable , when he tells us it is disputed by the roman doctors , and leaves it a question , whether in case that a prince use his coactive jurisdiction in spiritual matters against the definitions of the church , then the pope hath not also virtually some temporal coactive power against the prince ? namely to dissolve the princes coactive power , or to authorise others to use a coactive power , against such a prince in order to the good of the church ? now i appeal to the judicious reader , whether the substance of that infamous libel , which was part of a late * traytour's indictment , and which was written by way of polemical discourse , as he pleaded , might not if manag'd by this author's pen have been thus warily exprest ; whether in case that a prince use his coactive jurisdiction in civil matters against acts of parliament , then the parliament hath not also virtually some temporal coactive power against the prince ; namely , to dissolve the princes coactive power , or to authorize others to use a coactive power against such a prince in order to the good of the state ? such bold problems as these ought not to be left undecided ; and one who had any zeal for his prince , would scarce let the affirmative side of the quaestion pass without affixing a brand on it . these expressions among others he might well be conscious would be offensive to any sir of known fidelity and loyalty to his prince ; and therefore such person 's good opinion was to be courted in an epistle apologetick● but certainly it was expected that the kind sir should read no farther then the epistle ; for if he did , he would find himself miserably impos'd upon . the author in this epistle praeacquaints him with these things . . that there is nothing touch'd in this discourse concerning the temporal prince his supreme power in such matters , as it is dubious whether they be spiritual or temporal , but only in things which are purely spiritual and ecclesiastical . . that he knows not of any ecclesiastical powers in this discourse denied to the prince , but which , or at least the chiefest of which , all other christian princes except those of the reformed states do forego to exercise . . nor of any , but which the kings of england have also foregone before henry the eighth . now i shall humbly beg leave to undeceive the unknown sir , and to represent to him that in all these he is misinform'd . as to the first , . that there is nothing touch'd in this discourse concerning the temporal prince his supreme power in such matters as it is dubious whether they be spiritual or temporal but only such as are purely spiritual and ecclesiastical . now if by dubious he means such things as he does not doubt , but they are spiritual , then this doth not reach our case ; because we may doubt whether some things are not temporal , which he doubts not but they are spiritual ; but if by dubious he means such things as are doubted by no body but that they are purely spiritual , then are we agreed ; since neither do we allow the temporal prince any power in things of which we our selves doubt not but they are purely spiritual . that there are some powers merely spiritual , appropriated to the clergy and incommunicable to the prince , no true son of the church of england will deny ; but now altho' the substance of those powers be immediately from god , and not from the king , as those of preaching , ordaining , absolving &c. yet whether these are not subject to be limited , inhibited , or otherwise regulated in the outward exercise of them by the laws of the land , and the autority regal is the thing quaestion'd . this cannot perhaps be better exprest then in the words of the reverend bp. sanderson ; the king doth not challenge to himself as belonging to him by virtue of his supremacy ecclesiastical the power of ordaining ministers , excommunicating scandalous offenders , or doing any other act of episcopal office in his own person ; nor the power of preaching , administring the sacraments , or doing any other act of ministerial office in his own person : but leaves the performance of all such acts of either sort unto such persons , as the said several respective powers do of divine right belong to , viz. of the one sort to the bishops , and of the other to the priests . * yet doth the king by virtue of that supremacy challenge a power as belonging to him in the right of his crown , to make laws as well concerning preaching , administring the sacraments , and other acts belonging to the function of a priest , as concerning ordination of ministers , proceeding in matters of ecclesiastical cognisance in the spiritual courts , and other acts belonging to the function of a bishop : to which laws as well the priests , as the bishops are subject , and ought to submit to be limited and regulated thereby in the exercise of those their several respective powers ; their claim to a ius divinum , and that their said several powers are of god notwithstanding . now to apply this ; that the deciding controversies of faith , and excommunicating offenders , &c. are the proper province of the clergy , we deny not ; but that the indicting synods in order to such matters , or making laws to regulate the exercise of them are purely spiritual , is not so undoubted as he would perswade us . again , that the spiritual autority which is to be exercised in the episcopal or sacerdotal functions can be derived from none but those spiritual persons who were invested with that autority , and power of delegating it to others , is willingly allow'd ; but that collation to benefices can be the act of none but the clergy will not be hence infer'd . for the spiritual autority it self , and the application of it to such an object are very different things . the power by which a clergy man is capacitated for his function is derived from the bishop which ordains him ; but the applying this power to such a place , the ordering that the ecclesiastical person shall execute that autority which he deriv'd from the church in such a peculiar part of the kingdom is not without the reach of the civil jurisdiction ; and therefore collation to benefices ( in the sence this author understands it ) should not have been reckon'd by him amongst those things of which it is not doubted but they are purely spirituall . another power of which he abridges the prince , and by consequence would have to be esteem'd purely spiritual , is the deposing from the exercise of their office in his dominions any of the clergy for transgressing of the ecclesiastical canons . now that the secular prince should have an obligation from god over all persons in all spiritual matters to bind them by temporal punishments to the obedience of the churches or clergy's determinations , and decrees ( as he words it ) and yet that the exercising this power , their performing what they are obliged to by god , should be without the reach of their autority , seems to me a paradox . that the christian emperors in the primitive times challeng'd such a power is plain from the undoubted testimony of the learned petrus de marca . * who tells us , that by the care of christian princes , hereticks were represt , the contumacy of bishops and clergy-men against the decrees of synods punish'd , and bishops restrain'd from oppressing their subjects by the violation of the canons . if we inquire how the princes secur'd the keeping of the canons ; * he tells us they did it by these methods . st . by delegating magistrates to see they were observ'd . ly . by punishing those who were guilty of the breach of them . and he particularly mentions deprivation inflicted by the secular power for violation of the canons . * for that , they thought removal from the see within the reach of their jurisdiction , tho' not degradation , which is a punishment merely ecclesiastical . ( which neither did the reforming princes ever think in their power to inflict . ) and he * there gives instances of bishops so depriv'd . and indeed this seems to be a necessary branch of power , which naturally flows from his being custos canonum , which he is prov'd by this author at large to be . how far the prince may abridge himself of this power by the laws of the land , i meddle not ; it suffices to shew that it is not originally a power merely spirituall . and from this and the former instances the reader will be able to judge the truth of that assertion , that there is nothing touch'd in this discourse concerning such matters , as it is dubious whether they be spiritual , or temporal . come we now to that other assertion of his , that he knows not of any ecclesiastical powers in this discourse denied to the prince but which ( or at least the chiefest of which ) all other christian princes except those of the reformed states do forego to exercise . now if by the chiefest , which he excepts , he means preaching the word , and administring the sacraments , excommunicating , and absolving ; neither do the reformed states challenge the exercise of these ; and as for others it will appear that the princes of the roman-catholick communion extend their supermacy as far as the reformed . and here it may not be improper to instance in that right which the kings of spain enjoy in sicily , which seems to extend even to those spiritual powers which our author calls the chiefest . * and this i find usher'd in by a roman-catholick writer with an assertion quite opposite to that which is laid down in this epistle . it even surpasses ( saith he ) that which henry the eighth of england boldly took when he separated from the church of rome . the king of spain as king of sicily pretends to be legate à latere , and born legate of the h. see ; so that he and his viceroys in his absence have the same power over the sicilians as to the spiritual that a legate à latere could have . and therefore they who execute that jurisdiction of sicily for the king of spain have power to absolve , punish , and excommunicate all sorts of persons , whether laicks or ecclesiasticks , monks , priests , abbots , bishops , and even cardinals themselves , that reside in the kingdom . they acknowledge not the popes autority , being sovereign monarchs as to the spiritual . they confess that the pope hath heretofore given them that priviledge : ( so that his holiness it seemes thought even those chiefest powers of the church alienable ) but at the same time they pretend that it is not in his power to recall it ; and so they acknowledge not the pope for head , to whose tribunal no appeal can be made because their king has no superiour , as to the spiritual . moreover this right of superiority is not consider'd as delegate , but proper ; and the king of sicily or they who hold jurisdiction in his place , and who are lay-men take the title of beatissimo & santissimo padre attributing to themselves in effect in respect of sicily what the pope takes to himself in regard of the whole church ; and they preside in provincial councils . as for the title of head of the church which taken by the reformers so much offends our discourser , this critical historian farther observes ; it was matter of great astonishment that in our age queen elizabeth took the title of head of the church of england . but seeing in the kingdom of sicily , the female succeeds as well as in england , a princess may take the title of head of the church of sicily , and of beatissimo & santissimo padre . nay it hath happen'd so already in the time of iean of arragon & castile the mother of charles the th : so that this critick concludes that it may be said there are two popes , and two sacred colledges in the church , to wit , the pope of rome , and the pope of sicily , to whom also may be added the pope of england . what jurisdiction spiritual the king of france challenges will best be learnt from the liberties of the gallican church , publish'd by the learned pitthaeus and to be found in his works . two of them which seem to come home to our purpose are these . * the most christian king hath had power at all times according to the occurrences and necessity's of his own affairs , to assemble or cause to be assembled synods or councils provincial and national ; and therein to treat not only of such things as tend to the preservation of his state , but also of affairs which concern the order and discipline of the church in his own dominions ; and therein to make rules , chapters , laws , ordinances , and pragmatick sanctions in his own name and by his own autority . many of which have been received among the decrees of the catholique church , and some of them approv'd by general councils . * the pope cannot send a legat à latere into france , with power to reform , judge , collate , or dispence , or do such other things which use to be specified in the bull of his legation , except it be upon the defire or with the approbation of the most christian king. neither can the said legate execute his office untill he hath promised the king in writing under his seal , and sworn by his holy orders , that he will not use the said legantine power in his kingdom , countreys , lands and dominions any longer then it shall please the king ; and that so soon as he is admonish'd of the kings pleasure to the contrary he will cease and forbear ; and that whilst he doth use it , it shall be no otherwise exercis'd then according to the consent of and in conformity to the king , without attemping any thing to the prejudice of the decrees of general councils , the franchises , liberties , and priviledges of the gallican church , and the universities , and publique estates of the realm . and to this end they shall present the letters of their legation to the court of parliament , where they shall be view'd , verified , publish'd and registred with such modifications as that court shall think fit for the good of the realm ; and all processes shall proceed according to such restrictions , and no otherwise . in these two liberties , we find the autority of the french king farther extended , and the papal power more limited , then our author can be contented the regal jurisdiction should be enlarg'd , and the patriarchal confined by the reformed . what power the most christian king claims in confirming canons we may learn from petrus de marca * who lays it down for a rule which never fails , that the deliberations of the gallican church can be look'd upon no otherwise then as counsel given to the king ; and that they cannot be put in execution without his consent and confirmation . and he there saith , that the king may praeside in councils as * head. * and in another place proposing to himself this quaestion , * whether , since the supreme protection of the canons doth belong to the king , it thence follows that he can command that they be observ'd without expecting the sentence of the gallican church ? he answers , * that it is indeed certain that the observation of them will be the more sacred , if they be made with the universal consent of the clergy , because every one desires that that should take place , which he himself approves of : but then , that it is aequally certain , that the king with the advice of his council , may by his edicts decree , that the canons be observ'd , and may add such modes and circumstances as are necessary for the better execution of them , and accommodate them to the interest of the state. this autority he confirms from the examples of the first christian emperors , and the former french kings , and adds expresly * that the most christian kings still use that right . and now methinks the revising of the canons by the kings of england , especially when humbly besought to do it by the clergy , should not be an invasion of the churches rights , when the french kings even without such interposition of the church , exercise the same right , and yet do , according to our auther , leave to the management of the clergy all power in spirituals . i might here insist upon collation of benefices , which the french kings challenge by right of the regale ; but i shall choose rather to mention the assembling of councils , because a french king in the last century seems to have doubted whether his clergy might convene without his consent ; as appears from that bold speech of his embassadour in the council of trent , which because it gives us some insight into the freeness of that synod , i shall beg leave to transcribe the latter part of it from goldastus * we refuse to be subject to the command of pius the th , all his judgments and decrees we refuse , reject , and contemn ; and although , most holy fathers , your religion , life , and learning was ever and ever shall be of great autority with us , yet seeing you do nothing , but all things are manag'd rather at rome , then at trent ; and the things that are here publish'd are rather the placita of pius the th , then the decrees of the council of trent , we denounce and protest here before you all , that whatsoever things are decree'd in this assembly by the will and pleasure of pius , neither the most christian king will ever approve , nor the french church ever acknowledge for the decrees of an oecumenical council . in the mean time the most christian king commands all you his arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , doctors , and divines to depart hence ; then to return , when it shall please god to restore to his catholick church the ancient methods and liberty of general councils , and to the most christian king his honour and dignity . now i leave it to the reader to judge whether any reformed states ever assumed to themselves greater autority over the ecclesiasticks , then this r. catholick prince , or whether ever any protestant exprest himself with greater warmth concerning this council , then that protesting embassador . it might be easie to shew how much power the venetian republick exercises in spirituals , had not this been done so lately by another pen. but what hath been said may suffice to evince , that this epistolographer impos'd upon the credulity of his sir , when he told him , that he knew of no ecclesiastical powers denied to the prince but which ( or at least the chiefest of which ) all other christian princes , except those of the reformed state , do forego to exercise . but our discourser perhaps presum'd his friend a stranger to sorreign affairs , and therefore thought he might the more securely use a latitude in his treating of those ; it remains therefore to examine whether he has been a more faithful relator of our own history , and what truth there is in his last epistolary assertion , that he knows not of any ecclesiastical powers in this discourse denied to the prince , but what the kings of england have foregone before henry the th . now whatever in relation to a power in spirituals is in this discourse accus'd of nov●lty seems easily reducible to these two heads : st . a supremacy in causes ecclesiastical denied to the western patriarch : as appears by our princes taking away all manner of forreign jurisdiction , prohibiting all appeals to the see of rome , all bulls from it , and in generall all intercourse with it . ly . the same supremacy invested in the sovereign ; as appears by king henry's assuming the title of head of the church ; by the kings making ecclesiastical laws ; by that synodical act of the clergy not to assemble or promulgate any canons without his leave ; by that power granted to the king to visit ecclesiastical persons , and to reform errours and heresies ; by his collating to benefices without consent of the clergy ; and by hindring excommunications in foro externo . now in answer to this charge of novelty ; it is confest that the pope did for some years usurp such a superiority ; but then , as it is granted that he did de facto claim such a power , so that it did de jure belong to him is denied ; and not only so , but farther we affirm , that he neither from the beginning challenged such a power , nor was he afterwards in so full possession of it , but that our princes have upon occasion vindicated their own right against all papal , or , if he pleaseth , patriarchal encroachments . and here waving the dispute of right i shall confine my self to matter of fact , that being the only case here controverted . where st of the supremacy of the western patriarch . that when austin came over to convert the saxons , no such supremacy was acknowledg'd by the british christians is evident from the celebrated answer of dinoth abbot of bangor to austin requiring such subjection . notum sit vobis &c. * be it known unto you that we are all subject and obedient to the church of god , and the pope of rome ; but so as we are also to every good & pious christian , viz. to love every one in his degree and place , in perfect charity , and to help every one by word and deed , to attain to be the sons of god ; and for other obedience i know none due to him whom you call the pope , and as little do i know by what right he can challenge to be father of fathers . as for us we are under the rule of the bishop of caerleon upon uske , who is to overlook and govern us under god. this is farther manifest from the * british clergy twice refusing in full synod after mature deliberation to own any such subjection . that appeals to rome were a thing unheard of till anselms time appears from the application of the bishops and barons to him to disswade him from such an attempt ; * telling him it was a thing unheard of in this kingdom , that any of the peers , and especially one in his station should praesume any such thing . that legates from rome were for years unheard of in this kingdom , we may learn from a memorable passage in the same historian concerning the arch-bishop of vienna reported to have the legantine power over england granted him a. c. * the news of which being come to england was very surprizing to all people , every one knowing it was a thing unheard of , that any one should have apostolical jurisdiction over them , but the arch-bishop of canterbury . and the event of that legacy was suitable , * for as he came , so he return'd , being taken by no one for a legate , nor in any thing discharging the office of a legate . that the church of canterbury own'd no superiour bishop to her own but christ , appears from her being call'd , * omnium nostrum mater communis sub sponsi sui iesu christi dispositione ; and in another place , mater omnium anglicanarum ecclesiarum , quae suo post deum proprio laetatur pastore . that appeals to rome were prohibited in king henry the ds time is manifest from the famous capitula of clarendon , amongst which this is one article . if any appeals shall happen they ought to proceed from the arch-deacon to the bishop , and from the bishop to the arch-bishop , and if the arch bishop shall fail in doing justice , the last address is to be made to the king. that doctrines prejudicial to the popes power were then publickly maintain'd , appears from these propositions amongst others censur'd by becket . st . that none might appeal to the see apostolick on any account without the kings leave . d . that it might not be lawful for an arch-bishop or bishop to depart the kingdom and come at the popes summons without the kings leave . d. that no bishop might excommunicate any who held of the king in capite , nor interdict his officers without the kings leave . which propositions so censur'd are selected out of the capitula of clarendon ; to the observation of which all the arch-bishops , bishops , and other ecclesiasticks ( even becket himself amongst the rest , tho● afterwards falling of ) had oblig'd themselves by a solemn oath , acknowledging them to be the customs of the king's predecessours ; to wit , henry the st his grandfather , and others , and that they ought to be kept inviolable by all . to what party the bishops were inclin'd in these differences betwixt the king and becket we cannot better learn then from baronius , whose severe animadversion on these praelates , ( wherein● he teaches us what kings are to expect if they displease his holiness , and how dreadful his fulminations be when they come out with full apostolick vigour ) the reader may peruse in the * margin . a like warm expostulation upon these proceedings we meet with in stapleton ( de tribus thomis , in thoma cant. ) * what did this henry the d tacitly demand , but that which henry the th afterwards openly usurp'd , viz. to be supreme head of the church of england ? and again * what was this , but that the king of england should be pope over his own subjects ? so that according to this author , henry the th was not the first of that name who pretended to be supreme head of the church . it would be too tedious here to recite the several statutes made in succeeding reigns against the popes encroachments , viz. the of edw. edv. . stat. de provisoribus . ed. . c. . ed. . c. . . . stat . . ric. . c. . r. . c. . r. . stat . . cap. . r. . c. . hen. . cap. . hen. . cap. . hen. . cap. . which speaks of horrible mischiefs and a damnable custom brought in of new in the court of rome . hen. . cap. . . hen. . cap. . h. . c. . which see collected by rastal under the title of provision and praemunire . fol. . it may suffice to add the opinion of our * lawyers that the article of the of hen. . c. . concerning the prohibition of appeals to rome is declaratory of the ancient laws of the realm ; * and accordingly the laws made by king henry the th for extinguishing all forreign power are said to have been made for the restoring to the crown of this realm the ancient right and iurisdictions of the same . which rights are destructive of the supremacy of the pope , as will farther appear by our d inquiry , how far the regal power extended in causes ecclesiasticall ? where st . as to the title of head of the church , we find that * king edgar was reputed , and wrote himself pastor pastorum , the vicar of christ , and by his laws and canons assur'd the world he did not in vain assume those titles ; * that our forefathers stil'd their kings patrons defenders , governours , tutors , and protectors of the church . and the king's regimen of the church is thus exprest by king edward the confessor in his laws . rex quia vicarius summi regis est , ad hoc est constitutus , ut re●num terrenum , & populum domini , & super omnia sanctam veneretur ecclesiam ejus , & regat , & ab injuri●sis de●endat . leg. edv. conf. apud lamb. where it is plain that he challenges the power of governing the church as being the vicar of god , so that it was but an artifice in pope nicholas the second to confer on the same king as a priviledge delegated by him , what he claim'd as a right deriv'd immediately from god * . to you ( saith that pope to the confessor ) and your successours , the kings of england we commit the advowson of that place , and power in our stead to order things with the advice of your bishops . where by the way if we may argue ad hominem this concession gives the king of england as much right to the supremacy over this church , as a like grant from another pope to the earl of sicily , gives the king of spain to his spiritual monarchy over that province . but the kings of england derive their charter from a higher power . they challenge from s t. peter himself to be * supreme , and from s t. paul that * every soul should be subject to them . and the extent of their regal power may be learn'd from s t. austin who teaches us * that the divine right of kings , as such , authorizeth them to make laws not only in relation to civil affairs , but also in matters appertaining to divine religion . in pursuance of which . ly . as to the power of making ecclesiastical laws ; that the kings of england have made laws not only concerning the external regimen of the church , but also concerning the proper functions of the clergy , namely the keyes of order and jurisdiction , so far as to regulate the use of them and oblige the persons entrusted with them to perform their respective offices , is evident to any one , who shall think it worth his leisure to peruse such laws yet extant . a collection of the laws made by ina , alfred , edward , ethelstan , edmund , edgar , ethelred ; canutus , and others we have , publish'd by mr. lambard , in which we meet with sanctions concerning faith , baptism , sacrament of the lord's supper , bishops , priests , marriage , observance of lent , appointing of festivals , and the like . and here it may not be unseasonable to urge an autority which our editor cannot justly decline ; i mean mr. spelman jun. in his book de vita alfredi written by him in english but publish'd in latin by the master of university college in oxford , in the name of the alumni of that society . this author , speaking of the laws made by king alfred in causes ecclesiastical , makes this inference from them . * these laws do therefore deserve our particular observation , because from them it is evident that the saxon kings alfred and edward were of opinion that they had a supremacy as well over ecclesiastical persons as lay-men ; and that the church which was within their dominions was not out of their jurisdiction , or subject to a forreign power and exempted from the laws of the countrey , as becket , anselm , and others afterwards fiercely contended . and again ; * from his ( king alfred's ) laws it is evident either that the roman supremacy was not yet risen to that heighth as in after ages , so as to lessen the jurisdiction of christian princes , or if it was , yet that king alfred did not so far subject himself to it . nay so far was king alfred from paying any such subjection that we are told * he found out a way to ruine and destroy that universal empire which the romanists in those dark ages had newly founded and were hastning to finish . which is spoken in reference to his restoring the second commandment expung'd out of the decalogue , of which thus that author ; * and here it may not be pass'd over , that in reciting the decalogue , the second commandment concerning the not making of graven images was according to the use of the d nicene council , which was celebrated an years before , in its place omitted . but that this defect might be supplied out of the context of the holy bible , after that which we call the tenth commandment , another was added to complete the just number , in these words , thou shalt not make to thy self any gods of gold ; which being added by the king himself as it doth argue the church to have been corrupt in her doctrine , so it is a testimony of the kings orthodoxy . from which one instance it is plain that , contrary to the pretensions of our author , king edward the th was not the st that took upon him to reform liturgies ; for king alfred here restores the decalogue to its primitive integrity : to judge what is agreeable to the word of god ; for he supply's the defect , which he finds in the missal , from the scriptures : to judge contrary to the determinations of the church ; for the church is here said to have been corrupt in that doctrine in which the king was orthodox ; to alter the constitutions of general councils because repugnant to the law of god ; for this omission of the commandment was ex usu secundi concilii niceni , and the worshipping of images here forbidden was introduc'd by that council which the romanists acknowledge general . these passages cited i take to be some of the perperam scripta which the publisher of that life mentions in the * praeface . and accordingly we find that whatsoever is advanc'd against the papal autority in the text is qualified in the comment , and it is plain that king alfred was a greater adversary to the power of the pope then his alumnus the annotator ; so that it is matter of surprize to find him appear in the frontispiece of this treatise of church government , who was so great an enemy to the anti-regal designs of it . ly . as to the power of calling synods , we need no more to clear this point then the very words of the statute by him urg'd . hen. . c. . where it is said , that the kings humble and obedient subjects the clergy of the realm of england had acknowledg'd according to the truth that the convocation of the same clergy is , always hath been , and ought to be assembled only by the kings writ . which is farther evident from the ancient from of calling and dissolving synods by a writ in each case directed to the arch-bishop of canterbury , as may be seen in d r. heylin * the clergy did indeed before this act of king henry th promulge and execute those canons by their own autority , which they here promise not to put in execution without the king's consent . but since no such canons could be put in ure till made ; nor be made but by the clergy assembled , nor the clergy be assembled but only by the king 's writ ; this executing of canons did in effect as much before this statute as after depend upon the king's pleasure . ly . as for visiting ecclesiastical persons , and reforming errors and haeresies by proper delegates , this is a necessary consequence from the supremacy they challeng'd . without such a power how shall the confessor regere ecclesiam , & ab injuriosis defendere ? if such a power as this be inconsistent with the principles even of roman-catholiques , whence is it that we find articles sent from queen mary to bp. bonner to be put in execution by him and his officers within his diocess ? whence is it that we find a commission directed to some bishops to deprive the reformed bishops ? but to speak of former times , if our kings had not such a power , whence is it that in king henry the fourth's reign upon the increase of lollardy we find the clergy thus petitioning that prince in the names of the clergy and praelates of the kingdom of england , * that according to the example of his royal praedecessors he would find out some remedy for the haerefies and innovations then praevailing ? whence is it that we find a commission from that king as defender of the catholick faith to impower certain persons to seize upon haeretical books , and bring them before his council , and such as after proclamation be found to hold such opinions , to be call'd and examined before two commissioners , who were of the clergy . * thly . as for collation of benefices . our learned lawyers assure us that all the bishopricks are of the king's foundation , and that they were originally donative , not elective ; and that the full right of investitures was in the sovereign who signified his pleasure therein per traditionem baculi & annuli by the delivery of a ring and crosier staff to the person by him elected and nominated for that office. * accordingly we find in the statute of provisors ed. . a. . the king call'd advower paramount of all benefices which be of the advowrie of people of holy church . and it is there said , that elections were first granted by the king's progenitors upon a certain form and eondition , as to demand license of the king to choose , and after election to have his royal assent , and not in other manner . that if such conditions were not kept , the thing ought in reason to resort to its first nature . lastly as for hindring excommunications in foro externo , it is one of the articles of clarendon ; that none that hold of the king in capite nor any of his houshold servants may be excommunicated , nor their land interdicted , unless our lord the king , if he be in the kingdom , be first treated with , or his iustice , if he be abroad ; so that he may do what is right concerning him . and amongst the articuli cleri . c. . it is complain'd that the king's letters us'd to be directed to ordinaries that have wrapt their subjects in sentence of excommunication that they should assoil them by a certain day , or else that they do appear and answer , wherefore they excommunicated them . this short account , however imperfect , may suffice to shew that the regal power in spirituals challeng'd by king henry the th was not quitted by his predecessors . and if the reader desires a more full account of these things i shall refer him to dr. hammond's dispatcher dispatch'd . c. . sect. . bishop brambal's just vindication c. . repl. to the bishop of chalcedon c. . sch. guarded c. . sect. . as also to sr. roger twisden in his historical vindication of the c. of england in point of schism ; which learned author has by a through insight into history , law-books , registers , and other monuments of antiquity enabled himself to give full and ample satisfaction to every unpraejudic'd reader concerning this subject ; and to convince him that this author knew very little either of the english history or of his own book , if he knew not of any ecclesiastical powers in this discourse denied to the prince , but which were foregone by the kings of england before henry the eighth . as for what he adds , that no more supremacy in such ecclesiastical matters , as are delegated by christ to the clergy and are unalienable by them to any secular power , can belong to the princes of one time or of one nation , then do to any other prince of a former time , or a diverse nation , we willingly acknowledge it , since no such powers belong to any prince , at any time , or of any nation . but then there is a supremacy in ecclesiastical matters delegated by god to the prince , which may be invaded by a forreigner under a forg'd pretence of his being head of the church ; and here secular laws may be made for the protection of such rights , and for the punishment of those who shall either invade them , or vindicate such invasion . and that person who under praetext of maintaining the churches rights shall impugn the just autority of his sovereign may be more a disloyal subject in these days , when this authority is by the laws vindicated from forreign usurpation , then he would have been in those days , when such usurpation was tolerated , and conniv'd at . having dwelt hitherto on the epistle , and discover'd so much insincerity in that , which yet was to bespeak the reader 's good opinion of the ensuing discourse , we have no great reason to expect any fairer dealing in the prosecution of his design . and here i shall be excus'd if i be the shorter in the examination of his theses , both because they are such as being propos'd only and not prov'd , it lies in our power to accept , or reject them at pleasure ; as also because they have already undergone the censure of a noble pen , and have not been able to abide a fair tryall . some of them are so ambiguously exprest that they may be either true or false according to the different construction they are capable of . the fals-hood of others is self-evident ; but then for the better vending of these , some truths are intermix'd according to the policy of luther's antagonist observ'd by his biographer * , who , to make his bad wares saleable , diligently mixeth some small stock of good with evil , so to make this more current , and all easily swallow'd down together by the imprudent and credulous . another artifice much practis'd by our author is that he lays down his propositions in general terms , but afterwards restrains them by such limitations , which if adher'd to would make them utterly disserviceable to his cause ; but then when they come to be applied , the these are refer'd to at large without any regard to such limitations . thus when in his first thesis he has propos'd that it is not in the just power of the prince to deny giving the ministers of christ license to exercise their office , and their ecclesiastical censures in his dominions , he means he saith in general , for he meddles not with the prince , his denying some of them to do these things whilst he admits others . now if this restraint be observ'd , then all which he would establish from this thesis will come to nothing . for he will not , i believe , presume to say that the reforming princes ever laid a general interdict upon all the clergy to prohibit them the exercise of their ecclesiastical functions . this is an act which the reformation detests , and which we leave to the charitableness of the universal pastor , who by virtue of our saviour's command of pasce oves ; challenges to himself a power of depriving the flock of all spiritual food . thus again , when in his third thesis he has asserted that the secular prince cannot eject from the exercise of their office in his dominions any of the clergy , nor consequently the patriarch from any autority which he stands possest of by ecclesiastical canons , he restrains such canons to those only that cannot justly be pretended to do any wrong to the civil government . now he knows that all canons which would obtrude upon us a forreign usurp'd autority are by us pretended ( whether justly or not , they will best judge who impartially weigh our reasons ) injurious to the civil government . another limitation of this thesis is that the civil power may judge , and eject , and disauthorize spiritual persons for moral and civil misdemeanors damageable to the common-wealth ; but this limitation is forgot when from this thesis he would prove the ejection of the bishops , in queen elizabeth's time unlawful ; for their deprivation was for refusing the oath of supremacy made first by roman-catholicks in king henry the th's time , and reviv'd by queen elizabeth ; so that the justice of it depends merely on the right of the civil power to make oaths for the better security of their government , and to impose such penalties as are exprest in the law on the violators ; and if such refusal be damageable to the common-wealth ( as it was then judg'd ) then the deprivation of those refusers will be justifiable according to his own principles . thus again in his th thesis when he has laid down , that as for things of meer ecclesiastical constitution , neither national synod , nor secular power may make any new canons contrary to the ecclesiastical constitutions of former superior councils , nor reverse those formerly made by them . he restrains it to those only as neither the prince can shew some way prejudicial to his civil government , nor the national synod can shew more prejudicial to their particular church , then the same constitutions are to the rest of christian churches . ( where by the way methinks it should suffice if they were aequally prejudicial , for one church is never the less wrong'd because another suffers . ) now we desire no more then the benefit of this limitation ; for if the prince may reverse such constitutions when prejudicial to civil government , and the national synod when praejudicial to their particular church , and each of these are judges of such praejudice , ( for neither doth aequity admit , nor doth he appoint any other arbiter ) then each of these have as much power granted them as they challenge , which is only to alter such constitutions as are prejudicial to them . having praemis'd thus much in general , and caution'd the reader against this piece of sophistry , which runs through the greatest part of this discourse , i shall now proceed to a particular survey of his theses . as for the first and second , i shall at present grant him that favour which he seems to request of all his readers , i. e. suppose them to be true , and shall content my self only to examin what inferences he deduces from them . and here i cannot but commend his policy for setting his conclusions at so great a distance from his praemisses , for they are commonly such as would have by no means agreed to stand too nigh together . from his first and second thesis , that the clergy have power to determine controversies in pure matters of religion , and to judge what is divine truth , what are errors ; & that they cannot alienate this power to the secular prince ; he infers that that synodical act of the clergy in k. henry the eighth's time , whereby they promise not to assemble without the king 's writ , nor when assembled to execute any canons without the king's consent , is unlawful . now it is to be observed that the clergy neither do deny that they have a power to determine controversies in pure matters of religion , which is what the first thesis would prove ; nor do they transfer such a power on the king , which might be against the tenor of the second . the utmost which can be deduc'd hence is , that the clergy did for prudential motives limit themselves in the exercise of one branch of their spiritual power ; and it will be difficult for this author to prove that he , who has a power jure divino , may not by humane laws be limited in the use of it . husbands have a power over their wives , fathers over their children , and masters over their servants by the law of god , and yet this power may be regulated by the laws of the land. thus the priest has a power to bind and loose from our saviour's commission , and yet according to this author , before the reformation the inferior clergy might not exercise any church censure contrary to the commands of their lawful spiritual superior . thus also if a general council have power to determine matters of faith , then according to his principles they have power to convene in order to such determination , and this power of theirs is unalienable ; and yet the romanists will not allow that such conventions may be made at pleasure , but that the hic & nunc are determinable by the pope , who only has power to indict councils , and to give autority to those decrees , which yet derive their power from the council's being infallible , and from the holy ghost assisting them . another act , which from the same thesis he accuses of injustice , is the clergy's beseeching the king's highness that the constitutions and canons provincial and synodal , which be thought prejudicial to the king's prerogative royal , or repugnant to the laws and statutes of this realm , or to be otherwise overmuch onerous to his highness and his subjects may be committed to the judgment of his highness , and of persons , of the temporalty , and of the clergy of this realm to be chosen and appointed by the king's majesty , and that such canons , as shall be thought by the more part of them worthy to be annull'd , shall be made of no value , and such other of the canons as shall be approv'd to stand with the law of god &c. shall stand in power . now it is to be consider'd that the laws , which the clergy here desire may be revis'd , are of a far different nature , and therefore the inspection of them may well be committed to different judges . some of them were suppos'd prejudicial to the king's praerogative royal , or repugnant to the laws of the realm , and here the lay-commissioners , being persons of the upper and lower house of parliament ( see the stat. ) were the best judges ; of others it was to be enquir'd whether they were agreeable to the word of god or not , and here the clergy were ready to give their determination . and altho' they both acted in a joynt commission yet no good reason seems assignable why both lay and ecclesiastical judges should be appointed , but that , the matters to be examin'd being of different cognizance , those which related to civil affairs should be determin'd by the temporalty , those which were of a spiritual nature by the spiritualty . and if so , then the deciding of these matters is not transfer'd from the spiritualty to the temporalty , but from one part of the clergy to another . and this he himself , after all his descants upon this act , confesseth , for , whatever sense the words in the praeface of this act were or may be extended to , i do not think the clergy at first intended any such thing , as to make the king or his commissioners judges of matters of faith or divine truth : and for this opinion of his he gives us his reasons in that , and the subsequent pages . another act , which is by this author judg'd contrary to his first thesis , is that statute of king henry the eighth which orders that no speaking , holding , or doing against any laws call'd spiritual laws made by autority of the see of rome , which be repugnant to the laws and statutes of the realm , or the king's praerogative shall be deem'd to be haeresie , from which he infers that the king and parliament undertake to be judges of haeresie . now the king and parliament do not here in my opinion take upon them to decide matters of faith , but only to enact that in such a case the subject shall not suffer the punishment usually inflicted on haereticks ; whether such speaking or doing be haeresie or not , they have power to ordain that it shall not be deem'd so i. e. the speaker shall not suffer as an haeretick . something parallel to this we have in that statute of much concernment ( to use our author's expression of another act ) made . eliz. c. . wherein it is enacted that the persons who shall withdraw any of the queens majesties subjects from the religion established by law to the romish religion , shall be to all intents adjudg'd as traytors , and shall suffer as in cases of high treason , and the like of persons willingly reconcil'd . where without disputing whether every such reconciler , or reconciled , is necessarily for that act ipso facto a traytor , all that is here enacted is that he shall suffer as such ; for it is undoubtedly within the reach of the civil power to ordain where they will inflict or not inflict their secular punishments , without being accountable for this to any autority under god's . and it seems very hard that if a subject expresses himself , or acts against such laws of a forreigner as are repugnant to the laws of his own country , there the prince cannot exempt him from a writ de haeretico comburendo without invading the churches right . another act condemn'd by virtue of his st and d theses is the convocation's granting to certain persons to be appointed by the king's autority to make ecclesiastical laws , and pursuant to this , articles of religion publish'd by the autority of king edward in the th year of his reign . now not to engage my self in a dispute whether these articles were not really what in the title praefix'd they are said to be ? articuli de quibus in synodo london , a. d. . ad tollendam opinionum dissentionem , & consensum verae religionis firmandum inter episcopos & alios eruditos viros convenerat , regia autoritate in lucem editi , i shall only accept of what is by him granted that de illis convenerat inter episcopos & alios eruditos viros qui erant pars aliqua de synodo london . so that here is only a part of the synod employ'd in drawing up these articles , and not any jurisdiction spiritual transfer'd from ecclesiastial persons to secular , which was by him to have been prov'd . another inference , which he deduces from these theses , is the unlawfulness of the oath of supremacy . now how far the regal supremacy is by us extended , will best be learnt from our articles . * the king's majesty has the chief power in this realm of england , and other his dominions : unto whom the chief government of all estates of this realm , whether they be ecclesiastical or civil , in all causes doth appertain , and is not or ought not to be subject to any forreign jurisdiction . so far for the extent of this power ; but now for the restraint . where we attribute to the king's majesty the chief government , by which titles we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended , we give not to our prince the ministring either of god's word , or of the sacraments , the which thing the injunctions also , lately set forth by q. elizabeth do most plainly testify , but that only prerogative which we see to have been given always to all godly princes in holy scriptures by god himself , that is , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by god , whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal , and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn & evil doers . it is therefore by our author to be prov'd that they who give no more to their prince , then hath been given always to all godly princes in holy scripture by god himself , do alienate to the secular governour any autority or office which they ( the clergy ) have receiv'd and been charg'd with by christ , with a command to execute the same to the end of the world ; which being a contradiction i leave it to him to reconcile . that by this oath , or any other act of queen elizabeth a greater power was either assum'd by herself , or given to her by others , then is consistent with that autority that is given by our saviour to the church will be very difficult for any reasonable man to conceive who shall have recourse to the injunction of this queen to which this very article refers us ; * where she declares that she neither doth nor ever will challenge any autority , but what was challeng'd and lately us'd by the noble kings of famous memory king henry the th , and king edward the th , which is and was of ancient time due to the imperial crown of this realm ; that is , under god to have sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons born within these her realms , dominions , and countreys , of what estate either ecclesiastical or temporal soever they be ; so as no other forreign power shall or ought to have any superiority over them . and if any person that hath conceited any other sense of the form of the said oath , shall accept the same oath with this interpretation , sense , or meaning ; her majesty is well pleas'd to accept every such in that behalf as her good and obedient subjects ; and shall acquit them of all manner of penalties contain'd in the act therein mention'd , against such as shall peremptorily and obstinately refuse to take the same oath . so that it 's evident from this injunction that it 's no way here stated what autority belongs to the church , and what to the civil magistrate , farther then that the queen ( as justly she might ) challenged what was due of ancient time to the imperial crown of this realm , and neither did nor would challenge more ; but what that was , is not here determin'd ; and she is content without such determination , if any person would take this oath in such a sense as only to exclude all forreign jurisdiction whether ecclesiastical or civil . another act which he finds repugnant to his st . thesis is king henry the th's claiming a right that no clergy-man , being a member of the church of england , should exercise the power of the keys in his dominions in any cause or on any person without his leave and appointment . but it is to be remembred that the ecclesiastical . censures asserted to belong to the clergie in the first thesis have reference to the things only of the next world ; but the censures here spoken of , are such as have reference to the things of this world . the habitual jurisdiction of bishops flows , we confess , from their ordination ; but the actual exercise thereof in publick courts after a coercive manner is from the gracious concessions of sovereign princes . from the st and d thesis he farther condemns the taking away the patriarch's autority for receiving of appeals , and exercising final judicature in spiritual controversies , as also the taking away the final judging and decision of such controversies not only from the patriarch in particular , but also from all the clergy in general , not making the arch-bishop of canterbury or convocation , but himself or his substitutes the judges thereof . for which he refers us to stat. . h. . . c. but in that statute i find no mention of a patriarch , or spiritual controversies , but only that in causes of contention having their commencement within the courts of this realm no appeal shall be made out of it to the bishop of rome , but to the arch-bishop of canterbury , and for want of justice in his courts to the king in chancery ; upon which a commission shall be directed to such persons as shall be appointed by the king definitively to determine such appeals . here is nothing of determining controversies in pure matters of religion , of deciding what is gods word , and divine truth , what are errors in the faith or in the practise of gods worship , and service , nor any of the other spiritual powers by him enumerated in the st thesis ; or if any such quaestions should be involv'd in the causes to be tried , why may not the commissioners , if secular , judge according to what has been praedetermin'd , by the clergy ? or let us suppose a case never yet determin'd , how doth he prove a power of judging in such causes transfer'd on secular persons , since if occasion requir'd , the delegates might be persons ecclesiastical ? but not only the acts of state and church , but the opinions of our doctors are to be examin'd by his test , and therefore from the same theses he censures that assertion of dr. heylin * that it is neither fit nor reasonable that the clergy should be able by their synodical acts to conclude both prince and people in spiritual matters , until the stamp of royal autority be imprinted on them . now it is plain to any one that views the context , that the dr. speaks of such a concluding the prince and people in matters spiritual , as hath influence on their civil rights . for he there discourses of the clergy under king henry obliging themselves not to execute those ecclesiastical canons without the kings consent which formerly they had put in execution by their own autority . but the canons so executed had the force of civil laws , and the violators of them were obnoxious to secular punishments . the dr. therefore very justly thought it unreasonable any should be liable to such punishments without his consent , who only has the power of inflicting them ; nor is this inconsistent with our authors first thesis ( had he at so great a distance remembred it ) which extends church-autority only to ecclesiastical censures , which have reference to things not of this , but the next world. these are the inferences which i find deduc'd , from his first and second theses in the several parts of this discourse , which had they been as conclusive , as they are false , yet i do not find but that his own party ( if that be the roman catholick ) had suffer'd most by them . for if the supremacy given to king henry was so great an invasion of the churches right , what shall we think of that roman catholick clergy , who so sacrilegiously invested him with this spiritual power ? if that synodical act was betraying the trust which the clergy had receiv'd from christ , what shall we think of those pastours , who so unfaithfully manag'd the depositum of their saviour ? if denying the popes authority was so piacular a crime , what opinion shall we entertain of those religious persons in monasteries , who professing a more then ordinary sanctity , and being obliged by the strictest vows of obedience so * resolutely abjur'd it ? what of those learned in the * university , who after a solemn debate , and serious disquisition of the cause , so peremptorily defin'd against it ? what of the * whole body of the clergy , whose proper office it is to determine such controversies , and to judge what is gods word , and divine truth , what are errors , who in full synod so unanimously rejected it ? what of the leading part of those prelates , * gardiner , bonner , and tonstal , who wrote , preach'd , and fram'd oaths against it ? what of the * nobles and commons , persons of presum'd integrity , and honour , who prepared the bill against it ? what lastly of the sovereign a declar'd enemy of the lutheran doctrine , and defender of the roman catholick faith , who past that bill into a law , and guarded the sanction of it with capital punishments ? if all these acted sincerely , then it is not the doctrine of the reformed , but of the romanists which is written against : if not , we seem to have just praejudices against a religion which had no greater influence over its profesors , then to suffer a whole nation of them perfidiously to deny that , which if it be any part , is a main article of their faith ? but to return to our author , what shall we judge of his skill in controversie who from principles assum'd gratis , draws deductions which by no means follow , and which if they did follow , would be the greatest wound to that cause which he pretends to patronize ? but because he has offer'd something under this first thesis , why the prince should pay an implicit obedience to his clergy , i come now to consider it . he tells us therefore that the prince professeth himself with the rest of the christians as to the knowing of spiritual truths a subject and scholar of the church ; and he earnestly claims a supreme power and confesseth an obligation from god over all persons in all spiritual matters to bind them upon temporal punishments to obedience of the churches ( or clergy's ) determinations and decrees . but here he either willingly misrepresents , or ignorantly mistakes our principles ; for the prince claims a supreme power over all persons , to bind them by temporal punishments to the obedience not of the churches , but of christs laws ; or of the former , no farther then they are agreeable with the latter . but , saith he , if the prince meaneth here only where himself first judgeth such their decrees orthodox and right , this power is in effect claim'd to bind all persons in all spiritual matters only to his own decrees ; whilst he praetends an obligation both of himself and his subjects to the churches . but , what if the prince judge such decrees neither orthodox nor right ? must he here give them the autority of civil sanctions ? this is to establish iniquity by a law ; and a power is claim'd in effect to bind all persons to the decrees of the clergy , whilst , as has been said , he praetends an obligation of himself & subjects to the laws of christ. but he goes on and tells us , that all texts of the new-testament do ordain obedience of church-men to the pagan princes , that then reigned , no less then to others . from which i suppose he would infer an exemption from obeying the prince in spiritualibus . but supposing that all texts do aequally ordain obedience to princes pagan , and christain , yet the obedience to a christian prince will be of greater latitude , since because he professes the true religion , his commands in spirituals not contradicting our saviours will exact our compliance . obedience in licitis is all the subject ow's to a prince either christian or infidel ; but the christian prince will oftner challenge my obedience , because he more rarely transgresseth the bounds of licita . if as he adds , all princes are oblig'd with the sword which god hath given them to protect and defend his true religion , and service in their dominions , whensoever it offers it self to them ; since many religions offer themselves , it becomes the prince to take care which is the true ; and not to take , whatever is offer'd ; which would be utterly destructive of our authors principles . as for the acts of ancient councils obliging even without the emperours consent , we own their obligation over their proper subjects , so far as they were agreeable with the laws of christ , and his apostles ; and urge the autority of emperours no farther then as adding their civil power to the spiritual power of the church . and here we challenge no other power to our princes , then was exercis'd by christian emperours , that is , to call synods , and to have a liberty of confirming , or not confirming their decrees by civil sanctions . as for what he cites out of our writers , all amounts to no more then this , that there are some offices peculiar to the church ; which neither do we deny , nor did our princes ever invade these functions . but because from hence he would insinuate that the prince has no power at all in causes ecclesiastical , & in his citations from these writers comes up to that character which the * book of education gives us of the sly , the close , and the reserv'd , who take notice of so much as serves to their own designs , and misinterpret and detort what you say even contrary to your intention ; i shall as briefly as may be shew that their concessions are far from giving any countenance to his cause . bishop andrews doth indeed say ( as all other of our church ) potestatis mere sacerdotalis sunt liturgi●e , conciones . i. e. dubia legis explicandi munus ; claves , sacramenta , & omnia quae potestatem ordinis consequuntur ; but then there are other ecclesiastical powers which he challenges to the prince ; viz. a to have supreme command in the exteriour polity of the church ; b to be keeper of both tables ; c to exercise all that power which the good kings of israel did ; d to make ecclesiastical laws ; to e delegate persons to judge in causes ecclesiastical ; to f punish the breach of those spiritual laws ; to g learn the will of god not only from the mouth of the clergy , but also from the scripture ; to h have autority over all persons ; to i eject even the high priest if he deserve it ; to k pull down high-places l ; and to reform the church from idolatry and superstition . these he claims to appertain to the prince m iure divino . the next author is dr. carlton . he amongst other rights of the church reckons institution and collation of benefices , which this writer marks with italian characters , and makes much use of . but this apostolical institution and collation by the bishop alluded to , doth also involve in it ordination , even as the ordination ( which is observ'd by himself n from the bishop ) signified also institution in the charge and cure . but the collation challeng'd by our princes is of another nature , and signifies no more then the nominating a person to be ordain'd to such an office , or presenting a person already ordained to such a benefice ; and the right of investitures ( which is the same with such a collation ) is by this bishop o asserted to emperours . this being clear'd which was by him on purpose perplex'd , if we take the extent of the regal power from this bishop , he tells p us , that sovereign's as nursing fathers of the chu●●● are to see that bishops and all inferiour ministers perform their faithfull duties in their several places , and if they be found faulty to punish them . his next author is mr. thorndike , who is as large as any one in the vindication of the churches rights ; and yet he tells us q , that no man will refuse christian princes the interest of protecting the church against all such acts as may prove praejudicial to the common faith. he holds ( as this writer with great concern r observes ) that the secular power may restore any law , which christ or his apostles have ordained , not only against a major part , but all the clergy and governours of the church ; and may , for a paenalty of their opposing it , suppress their power and commit it to others , tho' they also be establish'd by another law apostolical . thus that considerative man , who held not the pope to be antichrist , or the hierarchy of the church to be followers of antichrist s . bishop taylour ( his next author ) doth with the rest assert , that the episcopal office has some powers annex'd to it , independent on the regal ; but then he farther lays down these rules , t that the supreme civil-power is also supreme governour over all persons , and in all causes ; u hath a legislative power in affairs of religion and the church ; x hath jurisdiction in causes not only ecclesiastical , but also internal and spiritual ; y hath autority to convene and dissolve all synods ecclesiastical ; z is ( indeed ) to govern in causes ecclesiastical by the means and measure of christ's institutions , i. e. by the assistance and ministry of ecclesiastical persons ; a but that there may happen a case in which princes may and must refuse to confirm the synodical decrees , sentences , and judgments of ecclesiastics ; b that censures ecclesiastical are to be inflicted by the consent and concurrence of the supreme civil power . the next author cited is the learned primate bramhal ; and we have here reason to wonder that one who praetends to have been conversant in his writings , dares appear in the vindication of a cause , which the learned author has so longe since so shamefully defeated . as for the right of sovereign princes , this arch-bishop will tell c him , that to affirm that sovereign princes cannot make ecclesiastical constitutions under a civil pain , or that they cannot ( especially with the advice and concurrence of their clergy assembled in a national synod ) reform errors and abuses , and remedy incroachments , and usurpations in faith or discipline , is contrary to the sense and practise of all antiquity , and as for matter of fact he will instruct him , d that our kings from time to time call'd councils , made ecclesiastical laws , punish'd ecclesiastical persons , saw that they did their duties in their calling &c. from this bishop's acknowledgment , that the bishops are the proper judges of the canon , this author that he may according to the language of a * modern pen , as well waken the taciturn with quaestions , as silence the loquacious with baffling fallacies , takes occasion briskly to ask whether this bishop doth not mean here that the bishops may both compose and execute canons in the king's dominions , and use ecclesiastical censures by their own autority ? but see , saith he , the bishops depriv'd of the former power in the reformation . to which i answer that the power of which they were depriv'd in the reformation was only of such an executing the canons as carried with it pecuniary and corporal punishments , and this power the bishop has told him they could not exercise by their own autority . and here it were to be wish'd that our author in reading this bishop's works had made use of his advice , e to cite authors fully and faithfully , not by halves , without adding to , or new moulding their autorities according to fancy or interest . the next advocate against regal supremacy is king charles the first ; but if we may take a draught of that blessed martyr's sentiments from his own portraiture , f he did not think his autority confin'd to civil affairs , but that the true glory of princes consists as well in advancing gods glory in the maintenance of true religion , and the churches good ; as in the dispensation of civil power with justice , and honour , to the publick peace . g he thought himself ( as king ) intrusted by god and the laws , with the good both of church and state , and saw no reason why he should give up , or weaken by any change , that power and influence which in right and reason he ought to have over both . he thought himself oblig'd to preserve the episcopal government in its right constitution , ( not because his bishops told him so , but ) because his iudgment was fully satisfied that it had of all other the best scripture grounds , and also the constant practice of christian churches . he was no friend of implicit obedience , but after he has told the prince , h that the best profession of religion is that of the church of england , adds i would have your own iudgment and reason now seal to that sacred bond which education hath written , that it may be judiciously your own religion , and not other mens custom , or tradition , which you profess . he did not give that glorious testimony to the religion established in the church of england , that it was the best in the world , not only in the community as christian , but also in the special notion as reformed ; and for this reason required and intreated the prince as his father , and his king , that he would never suffer his heart to receive the least check against , or disaffection from it ; till he had first tried it , and after much search , and many disputes thus concluded . these are the sentiments of our authors , in which if i have been over-long , the reader will excuse me , that i choose rather to intermix something useful from these great pens , then to entertain him altogether with the paralogisms and prevarications of this writer . there is nothing that remains considerable under this first thesis , but his sub-sumption , that whatever powers belong'd to the church in times of persecution , and before emperours had embrac'd christianity , are , and must still be allowed to belong to her in christian states . which i conceive not altogether so necessary that it must be allowed , and i am sure by our authors it is not . as for convening of councils ( the power of greatest concern ) bishop i andrews to this quaestion ( what say you to the years before constantine ? how went assemblies then ? who call'd them all that while ? ) returns this answer . truly as the people of the jews did before in aegypt under the tyranny of pharaoh : they were then a church under persecution , until moses was rais'd up by god a lawful magistrate over them . the cases are alike for all the world . no magistrate did assemble them in aegypt , and good reason why ; they had none to do it . but this was no barr , but when moses arose , authoriz'd by god , & had the trumpets by god deliver'd to him , he might take them , keep them , use them , for that end , for w ch god gave them , to assemble the congregation — shall moses have no more to do then pharaoh ? or constantine then nero ? see also a dr field . his third thesis is , that the secular prince cannot b depose or eject from the exercise of their office in his dominions any of the clergy , nor introduce others into the place of the ejected . but the quaestion here is not , whether the prince can eject any of the clergy from the exercise of their office , but , whether he can depose any for not exercising it ? while the clergy faithfully discharge their office , the prince ought to protect them ; and if for this they suffer , no doubt but they are martyrs . but it is possible they may abuse their power , and then it is to be enquir'd , whether civil laws may not inhibit them the use of it ? this author holds the negative , and tell us st . they cannot eject them at pleasure , without giving any cause thereof . but he doth not pretend that the reforming princes ever ejected any without a cause given . and therefore he adds ly , neither may princes depose them for any cause which concerns things spiritual ; but with this limitation , without the consent of the clergy . i could wish he had here told us what he ment by things spiritual . for things , as well as persons spiritual are of great extent . ( d pope paul the d told the duke of mantua , that it is the opinion of the doctors , that priest's concubines are of ecclsiastical jurisdiction . ) but he gives us his reason for his assertion because it is necessary that a judge to be a competent one have as well potestatem in causam , as in personam , and the prince as has been mention'd in the st thesis has no autority to judge such causes purely spiritual . now the power denied to the prince in the ist thesis is to determine matters of faith. but may not the prince judge whether an ecclesiastick deserves deprivation without determining a matter of faith ? may not he judge according to what has been already determin'd by the church ? or may not he appoint such delegates as can determine matters of faith ? or are all the causes , for which a clergy-man may be depriv'd , merely spiritual ? by virtue of this thesis he proves the ejection of the western patriarch unlawful . now was not this matter of faith already determin'd by the clergy ? had they not unanimously decreed , that he had no more autority here , then any other forreign bishop ? and can the king be said here to have acted without the consent of the clergy ? and yet that matter of fact is applied to this thesis . as for the ejection of the bishops in king edward's time ; is not that confest to have been for not acknowledging the regal supremacy ? but this was a matter which wanted no new determination , for the church-autority had decided it in their synod in king henry's reign . but it is said , the judges were not canonical , as being the king's commissioners , part clergy , part laity . but neither was the cause purely canonical ; for denying the supremacy was not only an infringment of the canon , but also a violation of an act of parliament . as for the bishops , bonner and gardiner , they were accus'd for not asserting the civil power of the king in his nonage . nor do they plead conscience for not doing it , but deny the matter of fact * the same objections were then made against their deprivation , as are reassum'd by this author now ; and therefore it may suffice to return the same answers . that the sentence being only of deprivation privation from their sees , it was not so entirely of ecclesiastical censure , but was of a mix'd nature , so that lay-men might joyn in it ; & since they had taken commissions from the king for their bishopricks , by which they held them only during the kings pleasure , they could not complain of their deprivation , which was done by the king's autority . others who look'd farther back , remembred that constantine the emp. had appointed secular men to enquire into some things objected to bishops , who were call'd cognitores , or triers ; and such had examin'd the business of coecilian bishop of carthage , even upon an appeal , after it had been tried by several synods ; and given judgment against donatus , and his party . the same constantine had also by his autority put eustathius out of antioch , athanasius out of alexandria , and paul out of constantinople ; and though the orthodox bishops complain'd of their particulars , as done unjustly at the false suggestion of the arrians , yet they did not deny the autority of the emperors in such cases . but neither is the arch-bishop of canterbury by this author allow'd to be a proper judge ; & that , because he did not act by his canonical superiority in the church , but by the autority he joyntly with the rest receiv'd from the king ; as if he had ever the less the power of a metropolitan , because he was also the king's commissioner . by this way of arguing the decrees of oecumenical councils will be invalid , because they were call'd to determine controversies by the command of emperors . but how uncanonical soever king edward's bishops are said to have been , he does not except against queen mary's bishops , tho' they in depriving the reformed , acted by commission from the queen . as for the bishops ejected in q. elizabeth's time , it has been already said it was for a civil cause , i. e. refusing the oath of supremacy ; which why it should be lawful in her father's time , and unlawful in her's ; why it should be contriv'd by roman catholics in that reign , and scrupled by the same roman catholics in this ; why it should be inoffensive , when exprest in larger terms , and scandalous , when mitigated ; whence on a sudden the refusers espied so much obliquity in that oath , which they had all took before probably either as bishops or priests in the reigns of king henry the th , and edward the th ; whence this change of things proceeded , unless from secret intimations from rome , or their own obstinacy , will not easily be conjectur'd . as for his note , that what is sayd of the other clergy , may be said likewise of the patriarch , for any autority which he stands posses'd of by such ecclesiastical canons , as cannot justly be pretended to do any wrong to the civil government . he has been often told by our authors , that patriarchs are an humane institution ; that as they were erected , so they may be dissolv'd by the prudence of men ; that as they were erected by leave and confirmation of princes , so they may be dissolv'd by the same ; that the bishop of romes patriarchate doth not extend beyond the sub-urbicary churches ; that we are without the reach of his jurisdiction , and therefore that the power claim'd over us is an invasion ; that did not popes think fit to dispence with themselves for perjury , having sworn to keep inviolably the decrees of the eight first general councils , they would not in plain opposition to the a nicene and b ephesine canons pretend to any jurisdiction over us ; that they so invading ought to be judg'd by a free oecumenical synod if such an one could be had ; but that this remedy being praecluded us , each national church has liberty to free her self from such usurpation ; that the church of england pleads the benefit of this right ; and her sovereigns having power to transfer bishopricks , might remove the patriarchate from rome to canterbury , and justly exclude any forreign praelate from jurisdiction within their territories ; but that the power claim'd by the pope ( however mollified by the novices of that church ) is more then patriarchal , and that it is not our rule ( which this author so much dislikes ) but pope leo's the c st , that propria perdit , qui indebita concupiscit . this plea of a western patriarchate is fatally confounded by that one plain period of bishop d bilson . as for his patriarchate , by god's law he hath none ; in this realm for six hundred years after christ he had none ; for the last hundred years looking after greater matters he would have none ; above or against the princes sword he can have none ; to the subversion of the faith , and oppression of his brethren he ought to have none ; he must seek farther for subjection to his tribunal ; this land oweth him none . so much for the first branch of this thesis ; the d is , that as the prince cannot eject , or depose the clergy , so neither can be introduce any into the place of those , who are ejected , or deceas'd without the concurrence of the clergy . if by the concurrence of the clergy , he means that the person assign'd by the prince to any sacred office cannot execute it till he be ordain'd by the clergy , no one will deny it ; or if he think that the ordainer ought to lay hands on none but whom he esteems fit for the discharge of so sacred an office ; here also we agree with him ; but how doth it follow that because ordination , which is consecrating men to the work of the holy ministry , is the proper office of the clergy , the prince may not recommend to the church a fit person so to be consecrated , or assign to the person already consecrated , the place where he shall perform that holy work ? as for the canons by him alledg'd , they being humane institutions are not of aeternal obligation , but changeable according to the different state of the church . if the st apostolick canon , which excommunicates all who gain benefices by the interest of secular princes , and forbids the people to communicate with them , still oblige ; then we are exempted from communion with the bishop of rome . how comes the latter part of the th canon of the nicene council which concerns the election of bishops still to be valid , and the former part , which limits the jurisdiction of patriarchs , so long since to be null ? why must the c. of england accept the d . nicene council in matters of discipline , which the * gallican church rejected in matters of faith ? were the canon of the laodicean council , here cited , pertinent to the purpose , as it is not , ( it being directed only against popular elections ) yet why must that be indispensable , when another canon , which enumerates the canonical books of scripture , has so little autority ? it is plain the manners of elections have varied much in the divers states of the church . the apostles and apostolical persons nominated their successors ; afterwards bishops were chose by the clergy , and the people ; after , by the bishops of the province , the metropolitan ratifying the choice ; in process of time emperors , when become christian , interpos'd and constituted and confirm'd even popes themselves * . nor is this power of princes repugnant to holy scripture , in which we find that * king solomon put zadok the priest in the room of abiathar ; that * jehosaphat set amariah the chief-priest over the people in all matters of the lord : that he * set of the levites , and of the priests , and of the chief fathers of israel , for the iudgment of the lord , and for controversies . as for his alledg'd inconvenience , that , if temporal governors can place , and displace the clergy , they will make the churches synods to state divine matters according to their own minds , and so the church will not be praeserv'd incorrupt in her doctrine and discipline , they who maintain the just rights of the prince are not obliged to defend the abuse of them ; there is perhaps no power ordain'd for our good , which may not be perverted to mischief ; were this right of placing and displacing left to a patriarch or a synod , yet either of these might so manage their trust that a corrupted majority of clergy might state divine matters according to their own minds , and so the doctrines of christ be chang'd for the traditions of men . but to these objected injuries which the church may suffer from a bad prince , we ought to oppose the benefit she receives from the protection of a good one ; nor is it more true that constantius an arrian , by his unjustly displacing the orthodox bishops , procur'd arrianism to be voted in several eastern synods , then that the succeeding emperors by justly displacing the arrian bishops procur'd the nicene faith to be receiv'd in succeeding synods . but for these mischiefs , which a national synod is liable to , our author has found out , as he thinks , a remedy in his fourth thesis , that a provincial , or national synod may not lawfully make any difinitions in matters of faith , or in reforming some error , or heresy , or other abuse in god's service contrary to the decrees of former superior synods , or contrary to the judgment of the church vniversal of the present age shew'd in her publick liturgies . but there is a thesis in our bibles , which seems to me the very contradictory of this . for saith the prophet expresly , * though israel transgress , yet let not iudah sin. tho' ten tribes continue corrupted in their faith , yet let the remaining tribe take care to reform her self . for that iudah had sinned , and consequently was here commanded to reform is plain from the words of scripture , where it is said , that * iudah kept not the commandments of the lord her god , but walk'd in the statutes of israel which they made . but this argument of national councils reforming without the leave of general has been manag'd with so great learning and demonstration by arch-bishop laud in his discourse with fisher , and his lordship's arguments so clearly vindicated by the reverend d. stillingfleet , that as it is great praesumption in this author to offer any thing in a cause which has had the honour to have suffer'd under those pens , so neither would it be modest in me to meddle any farther in a controversie by them exhausted . i shall therefore proceed to his fifth thesis , that could a national synod make such definitions , yet that a synod wanting part of the national clergy unjustly depos'd , or restrained ; and consisting partly of persons unjustly introduc'd , partly of those who have been first threatned with fines , imprisonment , and deprivation , in case of their non-conformity to the princes injunctions in matters purely spiritual , is not to be accounted a lawful national synod , nor the acts thereof free and valid ; especially as to their establishing such regal injunctions . now how this is pertinent to our case i can by no means conjecture . for it has been shew'd that neither were the anti-reforming bps. unjustly depos'd , nor the reformers unjustly introduc'd . but what he means by the clergy's being threatned with fines , imprisonment , and deprivation in case of their non-conformity to the prince's injunctions may be learnt from another passage in his discourse , where he tells us that the clergy being condemn'd in the kings bench in a praemunire for acknowledging the cardinal's power legantine , and so become liable at the king's pleasure to the imprisonment of their persons , and confiscation of their estates , did to release themselves of this praemunire , give the king the title of ecclesiae & cleri anglicani protector , & supremum caput . which act , saith he , so passed by them , that , as dr. hammond acknowledges , it is easie to believe that nothing but the apprehensions of dangers , which hung over them by a praemunire incurred by them could probably have inclined them to it . but here we have great reason to complain of the unpardonable praevarication of this author in so foully misrepraesenting dr. hammond . which that it may be the more perspicuous , and that the reader may make from this instance a true judgment of this writer's sincerity , it will be necessary to transcribe the whole passage as it lies in the doctor . * though the first act of the clergy in this was so introduc'd , that it is easie to believe that nothing but the apprehension of dangers which hung over them ( by a praemunire incurr'd by them ) could probably have inclin'd them to it , and therefore i shall not pretend that it was perfectly an act of their first will and choice , but that which the necessity of affairs recommended to them , yet the matter of right being upon that occasion taken into their most serious debate in a synodical way , and at last a fit and commodious expression uniformly pitch'd upon by joynt consent of both houses of convocation , there is no reason to doubt , but that they did believe what they did profess , their fear being the occasion of their debates , but the reasons and arguments observ'd in debate , the causes , as in all charity we are to judge , of their decision . thus the doctor . now this prevarication is the more culpable , because it is not an original , but copied from mr. sergeant , whom this writer cannot but be praesumed to have known to have falsified it . for bishop bramhal ( in whose writings we find him very conversant ) had detected this mis-quotation in mr. sergeant , and severely reprimands him for it . his words are so applicable to our author , that i cannot excuse my self the omission of them . * he citeth half a passage out of dr. hammond , but he doth dr. hammond notorious wrong . dr. hammond speaketh only of the first preparatory act which occasion'd them to take the matter of right into a serious debate in a synodical way ; he applieth it to the subsequent act of renunciation after debate . dr. hammond speaketh of no fear but the fear of the law , the law of praemunire , an ancient law made many ages before henry the th was born , the palladium of england to preserve it from the usurpations of the court of rome ; but mr. sergeant mis-applieth it wholly to the fear of the king 's violent cruelty . lastly , he smothers dr. hammond's sense express'd clearly by himself , that there is no reason to doubt , but that they did believe what they did profess , the fear being the occasion of their debates , but the reasons or arguments offer'd in debate , the causes ( as in all charity we are to judge ) of their decision . he useth not to cite any thing ingenuously . this author must be thought to have read these passages , and yet ventured the scandal of promoting this forgery , tho' without the honor of being the first inventor of it . such practises , as these , require little controversiall skill , but much fore-head ; and we have seen a machine lately publickly expos'd for this laudable quality of imbibing whatever is blown into it's mouth , and then ecchoing it forth again without blushing . whether this be not our author's talent , let the reader judg ; as also what opinion we ought to have of his modesty , who after all this has the confidence to desire us to read , together with these his observations on the reformation , dr. hammond of sch. c. . ( the very chapter whence this is cited ) least , saith he , i may have related some things partially , or omitted some things considerable in this matter . as for this objection of the clergy's being aw'd by fear in this act , he himself has unluckily cited a passage from the ( then ) lady mary , which shews the vanity of it . i am well assur'd ( saith she speaking of edward vi. in her letter to the council ) that the king his father's laws were consented to without compulsion by the whole realm both spiritual and temporal . i shall say nothing more to this thesis but oppose another to it , that could an oecumenical synod make definitions contrary to the word of god , yet that a synod wanting the greatest part of christian bishops , unjustly excluded , and consisting partly of persons unjustly introduc'd , partly of those who have been first bribed with mony , and promises of church praeferment , or praeengag'd by oaths to comply with the vsurpations of a praetended spiritual monarch , is not to be accounted a lawful oecumenical synod , nor the acts thereof free and valid , especially as to their establishing such usurpations . this is a thesis , which needs no application . i proceed to his sixth thesis . that the iudgment and consent of some clergy-men of a province , when they are the lesser part , cannot be call'd the judgment and consent of the whole clergy of the province . this assertion , that a lesser part is not aequall to the whole , is the only thing which looks like mathematics in the whole discourse ; and the reader may hence be convinc'd that our author doth sometimes travel in the * high road of demonstration . but here we desire it may be prov'd , either that the reformation was not effected by the major part of the clergy , or that a minor part judging according to truth are not to be obey'd rather then the major part judging contrary to it . in the mean time it is easily reply'd , that the judgment and consent of some few bishops ( * suppose . bishops , and . cardinals giving canonical autority to books apocryphal , and making authentical a translation differing from the original ) cannot be esteem'd the judgment and consent of the catholic church . th . thesis . that since a national synod may not define matters of faith contrary to former superior councils , much less may any secular person define contrary to those councils , or also to a national synod . the defining matters of faith we allow to be the proper office of the clergy ; but because every one must give an account of his own faith , every one is oblig'd to take care that what he submits to the belief of , be consistent with his christianity : i am oblig'd to pay all submission to the church-autority , but the church having bounds , within which she ought to be restrain'd in her determinations , if she transgresses these limits , and acts against that christianity , which she professes to maintain , i may rather refuse obedience , then forseit my christianity . if in a cause of this moment i make a wrong judgment , i am answerable for it at gods tribunal , not because i usurped a right , which was never granted me , but because i misus'd a liberty which was indulg'd me . this we take to be the case of each private christian ; and farther , that the prince having an obligation not only to believe a-right , and worship god ( as is praescrib'd ) himself , but also to protect the true faith and worship in his dominions , ought to use all those means of discovering the truth , which god has afforded , viz. consulting the pastours of the church , reading the word of god &c. and that , having discover'd it , he may promulgate it to his subjects by them also to be embrac'd , but not without the use of that judgment and discretion which to them also is allowed . if here it happens that the civil and ecclesiastical power command things contrary , there is nothing to be done by the subject but to enquire on which side god is ; and if god be on the king's side by a direct law in the matter , he is not on the churches side for her spiritual autority . thus a good king of israel might * take away the high places and altars , and say unto iudah and ierusalem , ye shall worship before the altar at ierusalem , because such a command was justifiable by the law of moses ; nor is it any praejudice against it , * that the priests of the high places refus'd to come up to the altar at ierusalem . thus might king alfred restore to the decalogue , and to its obligation the non tibi facies deos aureos , tho' veneration of images was commanded by the second nicene synod . and tho' the councils of constance and trent had thought fit to repeal our saviour's institution , yet king edward might revive the ancient statute , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as for his eighth thesis it has already been prov'd to be felo de ●e , and that the limitation destroys whatever the proposition would have establish●d . when the gallican church shall have receiv'd all the decrees of the council of trent , and the roman church observed the canons of the first general councils , when the western patriarch shall have rechang'd his regalia petri into the old regulas patrum ; it may then be seasonable to examine , how far national churches are oblig'd by things of meer ecclesiastical constitution . i should now proceed to examine the historical part of his discourse ; but that i understand is already under the consideration of another hand , from which the reader may shortly expect a satisfactory account . but i may not omit for the reader 's diversion a grammatical criticism which our author hath made upon the little particle as . it is enacted the d . hen. . . c. that all such determinations , decrees , definitions and ordinances , as according to god's word , and christ's gospel shall at any time be set forth by the arch-bishops , bishops , and doctors in divinity appointed by his majesty , or else by the whole clergy of england , in and upon the matters of christ's religion &c. shall be by all his grace's subjects fully believ'd , obey'd , &c. vpon which he makes this learned note . whereas under the reformation private men are tied only to obey and believe the definitions of councils when they are set forth according to god's word . i. e. when private men think them to be so , yet here this liberty was thought fit to be restrain'd , and private men tyed to believe these definitions when set forth as according to god's word . i. e. when the setters forth believe them to be so . to obey a thing defin'd according to god's word ; and to obey a thing defin'd , as being according to god's word , are injunctions very different . now a little skill in honest walker's particles would have clear'd this point , and a school-boy that was to turn this passage into latin , would have known that as is put for which ; accordingly keble abridging this statute makes it run thus , all decrees and ordinances which according to gods word , &c. but this it is for people to meddle in controversie at an age when they have forgot their grammar . notwithstanding therefore this aristarchus , we still retain the liberty of believing and obeying only such things , which be defined according to god's word . for which we are much blamed in the conclusion of this discourse . * in rejection of the churche's iudgment ( saith he ) let none think himself secure in relying on the testimony of his conscience or judgment . but what reason soever he may have to undervalue the testimony of a good conscience , we think it advisable from st. paul , * to hold faith , and a good conscience which some having put away , concerning faith have made ship-wrack ; of whom are — but saith he , let none think himself secure in any of these things , so long as his conscience witnesseth still to him this one thing , namely his disobedience and inconformity to the church-catholic . but our consciences do not witness to us any disobedience to the church-catholic , but only to that church which falsly praetends to be catholic . he means to the major part of the guides thereof . but the cause has not yet been decided by poll , that we should know which side has the majority . let him know that his condition is very dangerous , when he maketh the church-guides of his own time , or the major part thereof , incommunicable-with in their external profession of religion ; there was a time then , when to believe the consubstantiality of the son was a dangerous condition ; and this perhaps made pope liberius externally to profess arrianism . when for the maintaining of his opinions he begins to distinguish and divide between the doctrine of the scripture , and the doctrine of the church . but why not distinguish , where the church her self distinguishes , and saith , christ indeed in the scriptures instituted so , but i institute otherwise ; as in the case of denying the cup. between the doctrines of the catholic church of the former ages , and of the catholic church of the present . but here again the church her self distinguishes , when she tells us that * licet in primitiva ecclesia sub utraque specie sacramentum reciperetur , yet now the contrary custom habenda est pro lege quam non licet reprobare . between the church's orthodoxness in necessaries , and non-necessaries to salvation . if there be no difference betwixt these , why doth a * friend of the author tell us of an obedience of assent in the one , but of non-contradiction only in the other ? when he begins to maintain the autority of an inferior ecclesiastical iudge against a superior . but what if this be only where the inferior judge agrees tho' not with his immediate superior , yet with the supreme ? or of a minor part of the church-guides against a major . but that is not a case yet fairly decided . when they grant that god hath given them , beside the scriptures , guides of their faith. but those guides themselves to be guided by the scripture . and that they have in their judgment departed from those guides . i. e. the major part of them . but this we would have prov'd . which in a court consisting of many is the legall iudge . guides and judges are different things ; but we hope when this court sits , the judges will consult the scripture , the statute they are to go by , and if they judge according to that , they will judge well . these are the doctrines of blind-obedience which this author so studiously inculcates . for since doctrines are taught us different from scripture , we are advis'd to use another way of discerning doctrines , then what the gospel prescribes . our saviour bids us , * beware of the leaven . i. e. the doctrine of pharisee's , tho' sitting in moses his chair . we are now advis'd to embrace all the doctrines of those that sit in the chair of s. peter . christ bids us , * take heed that no man deceive us tho' coming in his name . we are now told that they who come to us in the name of christ cannot deceive us . st. paul saith , * that if an angel from heaven preach to us any other doctrine then that which he preach'd , let him be accurs'd . now , if we do not embrace whatever a patriarch from the west preaches , tho' never so contrary to the gospel , we are concluded under an anathema . the apostles tell us , that they * have no dominion over our faith ; but their successors exercise a despotic power in requiring a servile obedience to all their dictates . s. paul's practise was to * withstand peter to the face , when he saw that he walk'd not uprightly according to the truth of the gospel ; but st. peter's successor pleads that in no case he may be withstood , because it is impossible , but that he should walk uprightly in the truth of the gospel . the inspir'd divine bids us * come out of babylon , that we may not partake of her sins ; our modern theologists advise us to come back into * babylon , for that she only is impeccable . finis notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e pag. ● §. . §. . pag . §. . pag. . §. . §. . p. . §. . p. . §. . p. . §. . p. . * see sidney's trial. * episcopacy not prejud . to reg power . p * cura principum christianorum olim non solum haereticorum ●uroros compressi , contumacia episcoporum aut clericorum adversus synodorum sententias rebellium ab externa potentia repressa ; sed etiam principum studio prohibiti episcopi ne legibus secularibus vel canonibus violatis injuriam subditis inferrent de concord . l. . cap. . par . . * canonum custodiae duobu● modis prospiciebant principes , tum delegatione magistratuum , qui ve●arent ne quid contra canones tentareture , tum exactis poenis à contumacibus si quid perperam gestum effect . ●b par . * in manifestissima violatione , canonibus factam injuriam iis poenis principes ulsciscebantur , quae legibus irrogatae erant , nempe expulsione à sede . deturbationem enim illam quae vacantem ecclesiam redderet sui arbitrii esse putabant ; non autem regradationem vel dejectionem ab episcopali dignitate , quae erat poena mere ecclesiastica . ib. par . . * ibid. * hist. of eccl , rev by a learned priest in france . p. . * le rois tres-chrestiens ont de tout temps selon les occurrences & necessitez de leur pays , assemblè o● fait assembler synodes o● conciles provinciaux & nationaux , esquels entre autres choses importantes à conservation de leur estat , se sont aussi traitezles a●faires concernans l'ordre & discipline ecclesiastique de leurs pays , dont ils ont saict faire reigles , chapitres , loix , ordonnances , & pragmatiques sanctions sou● leur nom & autoritè : & s●en lisent encor aujourd huy plusieurs ès recueils des ecrets receus par● eglise universelle , & aucunes approuvees par conciciles generaux . * le papen envoy point en france legates à latere avec faculte de re●ormer , juger , conferer , dispenser , & telles autres qui ont accoustumè d'estre specifiees par les bulles de leur pouvoir , si non a lá postulation du roy tres-christien ou de son consentement : & le legat n' use de ses facultez qu' apres avoir baillè promesse au roy par escrit sous son sein , & jurè par ses sainctes ordres de n'user desdites facultez e's royaume , pays , tertes & seigneuries de sa suje●tion si non tant & si longuement qu'il plaira au roy ; & que si cost que le dir legat sera adverty de sa volonte ' au contraire , ils'en desistera & cessera aussi qu'il n'usera des dites facultez si non pour le regard de celles dont il aura le consentement du roy & conformement à iceluy sans entreprendre ny faire chose au saincts decrets conciles generaux , franchi●es , libertez , & privileges de l'eglise gallicane & des universitez , & estatez publiques de ce royaume . et à cette fin se presentent les facultez de tels legats a la cour de parlement , ou elles sont veus , examinees , verifiees , publiees & registrees sous telles modifications que la cour voit estre à fair pour le bien du royaume : suivant lesqnelles modifications se jugent tous les process & differents qui surviennent pour rai●on de ce , & non autrement . * de conc , l . c● . par . . nunquam discedere oportet ab hac certis●ima regula , deliberationes ec●lesiae gallica●ae considerari non posse a●●ter quam vel●t conssilium regi datum , ●asque execu●ioni non posse ma●dari absque consensu & confirmatione ej●s * tanquam caput , comme chef ibid. * an ex ●o quod ●uprema canonum pro●ectio ad regem pertiner , sequatur cum jubere posse ut observenture , non expectata etiam senten●ia ecclesiae gallica●ae . * certum quidem est carum constitutionum obseruationum sore sanctiorem , si conderentur cum generali cleri consensu ; quoniam unusquisque ●am rem obtinere modis omnibus cupit quam ipso suo judicio comprobaverit . n●hilominus aeque certum est regem ex sententia concili● sui , quod auget aut minuit prout ei luber , posse latis edictis decernere ut ●ano●es observenture , ac circumstantias & modos necessarios addere ad saciliorem eorum executionem , sive etiam ad veram eorum mentem explicandam , eolque accommodare ad utilitatem regni lib. . c. . par . . * utuntur adhuc eo jure reges christianissimi . ●b par . . * collect. const●tut . imperial . t. . p. pi● quarti imperium de●ractamus , quaecunque sint ejus judicia & sentenciae rejicin●us , respui●●us , & contemnimus . et quanquam , pures sanctissimi , vestra omnium religio , vita , & eruditio magnae apud nos semper suerit & erit autoritatis , cum tamen nihil ● vobis● sed omnia magis romae , quam tridenti agantur , & quae hic publicantur magis p●● quarti placita , quam conci●ii tridentini decreta jure aestimentur , denunciamus & protest amur quaecunque in hoc conventu , hoc est , solo pii nutu & voluntate ●ecernuntur & publicantur ea neque regem christianishmum probat●rum● nequ● ecclesiam gadicanam pro de●reto o●cumenici concilii habituram . interea quo●quot estis galliae archiepiscopi , episcopi , abbates , doctores , theologi , vos omnes hinc abire rex christianissimus jubet , redituros ut primum l●eus optimus maximus ecclesi●e catholic in general 〈◊〉 counciliis antiquam sormam & libert●tem restituerit , regiautem christianissimo suam digni atom & majestatem . * spelm. conc. p. ● . * spelm. a. c. . * inauditum in regno suo esse & usibus ejus omnino contrarium , quemlibet de principibus & praecipue te tale quid praesumere , eadm . p. . . * quod per angllam auditum in admirationem omnibus veni● , inaudi●um scilicet in britannia cuncti scientes quemlibet hominum super se vices . postolicas gerere nisi solum archiepiscop●m cantuariae . ead. p. . . * quapropter sicut venit , ita reversus est à nemine pro legaro susceptus , nec in aliquo legati officio sunctus . ibid. * ger dorob . coll. hist. angl. . . col. . . * episcopi angliae suffraganei sancti thomae literis ejusdem sui rchiepiscopi apostolica legatione fungentis exagitati , resilientes , haud ( ut par erat ) parere mandatis . salubres admon●tiones ●uscipere , catholicae ecclesiae u●i●●tati consulere , vendicantes ea●● à ●●iserrima servitute studuerunt , sed ex adverso oppositi pro rege contra ipsum ser●ptis , verbis , sactisque repugnant , ac tantum abest ut ( quod eorum muae●i erat , ad quod & suis cos literis exci●averat ipse sanctus ) adversus regein pro ecclesia starent , redarguerent , & comminarentur ; ostentantes qu●e in arcu sagittae paratae era●t ad ferie●dum . censuras nimirum ecclesiasticas ab ecclesia ●omana apostolico vigore prodeuntes , ut potius adversus ●undem pro ecclesiae libertate pugnantem sanctissimum virum bella cierent , telis oppe●erent jurgiorum , in scandalum omnium ista audientium episcoporum orthodoxorum . b. r. an. a. c. . * quid aliud hic henricus secundus t●cte postulavit , quam quod henricus octavus completa jam malitia apert●u surpavit , nempe ut supremum ecclesiae caput in anglia esset ? * quid hoc est aliud , nisi ut rex angliae sit apud ●uos pap ? * cokes inst. l. . c. ● . * . eliz. c. . * tw●sd c. . par . . * chap. par . ● . c. . par . . * vobis & posteris vestris regibus angliae committimus advocationem ejusdem loci , & omnium totius angliae ecclesiarum , & ut vice nostra cum concilio episcoporum statuatis ubique quae j'usta sunt . * pet. ii. . * rom. xiii . . * in hoc reges , sicut eis divinitus praecipitur , deo serviunt in quantum reges sunt , si in regno suo bona jubeant , mala prohibeant , non solum quae pertinent ad humanam societatem , verum etiamu quae pertinent ad divinam religionem . aug. contra crescon . . . c. . * hae leges hactenus observationem merentur , quod ex iis . constat , etiam illis temporibus , reges saxonicos alfredum & edvardum sensisse se suprematum habere tam in ecclesiasticos , quam in laicos , neque ecclesiam , quae in ipsorum ditione esset , esse quid peregrinum , vel principi alicui extraneo subditam , domi autem civitatis legibus solutam , quod anselmus , beckettus , aliique deinceps insecuti acriter contenderunt . vita alfr. lib. . par . . * exipsius ( alfredi : legibus constat vel suprematum illum romanum ist is quidem temporibus nondum eo modo ; quo posterioribus saeculis , sase extulisse , scilicet ut christiani principes angustius reg●arent ; vel si eatenus pertigerit , non tamen eo usque se ei adjeci sse alfred . lb. * rex viam ingressus est , qua universali isti imperio , quod crassis temporibus recens extruxerant ( pontificii ) & absolvere deproperarant , ruinam & excrdium minaretur . l. . par . . * neque hoc sane penitus omittendum , videtur , quod inter decalogum recitandum secundum quidem praeceptum de sculptilibus non faciendis ex usu secundi concilii niceni ante centum annos celobrati suo loco plane praetermissum est . veruntamen ut ex ipso sanctorum bibliorum contextu quod deest suppleretur , post decimum quod dicimus mandatum aliud insuper ad justum numerum absolvendum , adjicitur . non tibi facies deos aureos . quod , cum ab ipso rege subjungitur , ecclesiam jam tum corrupti dogmatis arguit , rectae autem confessionis regi testimonium perhibet . l. . par . . * errores ( authoris ) retinuimus , & perperam scripta medicari potius , quam tollere maluimus . * ref , justif. p. j. c. . * quatenus inclytissimorum progenitorum & antecessorum vestrorum laudabilia vestigia gratiose considerantes dignetur vestra ●egia celsitudo pro conservatione dictae ecclesiae anglicanae ad deilaudem &c : super novitatibus & excessibus praedictis in praesenti parliamento providere de remedio opportuno tw . c. . par . . * lbid . * cokes instit. l. . s. . ep. * consid. concerning luther §. . p. . §. . p . §. . p. . §. . p. . §. . p. . §. . p. . §. . p. . §. . p. . §. . lb. § . p. . §. . p. . §. . p. . §. . p. . * art. . * sparrow's collection pag. . lond. . pag. pag. . p . * heylins ref. justified , part . . §. . * burn ref. ● . . p. . * convocatis undique dictae academiae theologis , habitoque complurium biorum spatio ac deliberandi tempore sasatis ampl● , quo interim cum omni qua potuimus diligentia , justitiae ●elo , religione & conscientia incorrupta perscruta remur tam sacrae scripturae libros quam super iisdem approbatissimo's interpretes , & eos quidem saepe & saepius a ●obis evolutos , & exactissime collatos , repetitos , & examinatos , deinde & disputationibus solennibus palam ac publice habitis & celebratis tandem in hanc sententiam unanimiter omnes convenimus ac concordes fuimus viz. romanum episcopum majorem aliquam jurisdictionem non habere sibi a deo collatam in sacra scriptura in hoc regno angliae quam alium quemvis episcopum . antiq. oxon lib. . pag. . * ref. . . p. . pag. . §. . * ibid. p. . * ibid. p. . * book of educ● ox. p. . a in ●●s , quae exterioris politiae sunt , ut praecipiat , suo sibi jure vindicat , tort , p. ● . b custos est non modo secundae tabulae , sed & primae . p. . c quodcunque in rebus religionis reges israel fecetunt , id ut ei faciendi jus sit ac potestas . ib. d leges autoritate regia ferendi , ne blasphemetur deus , ut jejunio placetur deus ; ut festo honoretur . ib. e delegandi qui de lege sic lata judicent ib. f siqui in leges ita latas committant , ●tsi , religionis causa sit , in eos autoritate regia an●madvertendi ib. g non ut totus ab alieno ore pendeat , ipse à se nihil dijudicet . ib. h omnibus omnium ordinum jus dicendi . ib. i abiathar ipsum , si ita meruit , pontificatu abdicandi . . k excelsa diruendi . i. e. peregrinum cultum abolendi . ib. l sive in idololatriam abeat vitulus aureus ; sive in superstitionem serpens aeneus , utrumque comminuendi . ib. m haec primatus apud nos jura sunt , ex jure divino . ib. n pag. . o jurisd , reg. ep. p. . p id. p. . q epilog . pag. . r church government , pag. . s church government , pag. . t ductor dub. . . c. . r. . u ibid. r. . x ibid. r. . y ibid. r. . n. . z ibid. r. . a ibid. r. . n. . b ibid. . . c. . r. . c bp. br. works tom. . p. . d ibid. p. . * educ . p. . e ibid. p. . f f. i. k. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . adv. to the pr. of wales . g ibid. cap. . h adv. to the pr. of wales . i serm. of the right of assemblies . a field of the church . . c. . b soave hist. of conc. tr. pag. . pag. . pag. . * burn. his. ref. part . . i. . p. . . ibid. p. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can. . here the council decrees that ancient customs should prevail ; that the priviledges of all churches in their distinct provinces should be kept inviolable . we desire the bishop of rome's patriarchate over the britannic churches should be prov'd to be an antient custom ; and if not that the priviledges of these churches may be preserv'd . b the fathers of the ephesine council having decreed that the cyprian prelates should hold their rights untouch●d and unviolated , according to the canons of the holy fathers , and the ancient customs , ordaining their own bishops , and that the bishop of antioch who then pretended jurisdiction over them , ( as the bishop of rome now doth over us ) should be excluded , add farther . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. cone . eph. can. . let the same be observ'd in other diocesses , and all provinces every where , that no bishop occupy any other province , which formerly and from the beginning was not under the power of him or his predecessors . if any do occupy any province , or subject it by force , let him restore it . now we plead the cyprian priviledges , and desire we may be exempted from the jurisdiction of the bishop of rome till it is prov'd that he or his predecessors did from the beginning exercise any power in these churches . c ep. . d true dif . part . . * petr. de marc. l. . c. . §. . * marca de conc. imp. & sac. cap. . * king. c. . v. . * chr. . ● . * v. . * hos. . . * king. c. . v. . pag . * sch c . §. . * bp. br. wor. tom. . p. . ●p . . * educ . p. . * soave hist● conc. tr. p. . * king. . . * king. . . * mat. . . pag. . * p. . * tim. c. . v. . * conc. const. sess. . * guide in controv. disc. . c. . par . . * mat. . . . * mat. . . * gal. . . * cor. . . * gal. . . . * rev. . . * babylonia apud joannem romanae ●rbis figura est . tertuladv . marc. i. . c. . roma quasi secunda babylon●a est . aug. de civit● de● . i. . c. . church-government and church-covenant discussed, in an answer of the elders of the severall churches in new-england to two and thirty questions, sent over to them by divers ministers in england, to declare their judgments therein. together with an apologie of the said elders in new-england for church-covenant, sent over in answer to master bernard in the yeare . as also in an answer to nine positions about church-government. and now published for the satisfaction of all who desire resolution in those points. mather, richard, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m thomason e _ thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ], :e [ ]) church-government and church-covenant discussed, in an answer of the elders of the severall churches in new-england to two and thirty questions, sent over to them by divers ministers in england, to declare their judgments therein. together with an apologie of the said elders in new-england for church-covenant, sent over in answer to master bernard in the yeare . as also in an answer to nine positions about church-government. and now published for the satisfaction of all who desire resolution in those points. mather, richard, - . mather, richard, - . apologie of the churches in new-england for church-covenant. peters, hugh, - . davenport, john, - . [ ], ; [ ], , [ ], - , [ ] p. printed by r.o. and g.d. [and t.p. and m.s.] for benjamin allen and are to be sold at his shop in popes head-ally, london : . the first two parts were written by richard mather. editor's note "to the reader" signed: h. peter, i.e. hugh peters. in part a reply to: ashe, simeon. a letter of many ministers in old england, requesting the judgement of their reverend brethren in new england concerning nine positions. "an apologie of the churches in new-england for church-covenant" and "an answer of the elders of the severall churches in new-england unto nine positions", the latter written by john davenport, each have separate dated title page with "printed by t.p. and m.s. for benjamin allen" in imprint. "an apologie" begins new register and pagination and possibly was issued separately (cf. wing m ). the last leaf is blank. annotation on thomason copy: on t.p. of part : "june "; on t.p. of part : "june ". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bernard, richard, - . ashe, simeon, d. . -- letter of many ministers in old england, requesting the judgement of their reverend brethren in new england concerning nine positions -- controversial literature -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . congregational churches -- england -- early works to . congregational churches -- government -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion church-government and church-covenant discvssed , in an answer of the elders of the severall churches in new-england to two and thirty questions , sent over to them by divers ministers in england , to declare their judgments therein . together with an apologie of the said elders in new-england for church-covenant , sent over in answer to master bernard in the yeare . as also in an answer to nine positions about church-government . and now published for the satisfaction of all who desire resolution in those points . london , printed by r. o. and g. d. for benjamin allen and are to be sold at his shop in popes head-ally , . to the reader . it is not hard to believe that such discourses as this wil meet with divers censures , the prophane and ignorant loathing christ , and any thing concerning him ; the formalist accounting such truths troublesom that may ingage him in the change of his opinions and practises , and some of the wisest will be apt to question the tyming such light as this : yea doubtles this pamphlet-glut●ed age will so looke upon it , and lay it by . but because i doe conceive that this sword will not be sheath'd which is now drawn , till church-work be better known , and more countenanced , and since safety is laid up in the temple , psa . . , , . i could not but help on this , which attended and practised may prove our security next to christ . these were either sudden answers to our doubting and inquiring brethren , or some satisfaction rendred about our so much slighted church-covenant , which wee could not but thinke might come to view , for the present stay to some faithfull soules , that call for light , and intend to use it well : for others , of what kind soever , we must beare their harder thoughts , among th●se usuall loads of scandals , that men of our judgement must carry , especially if zeale for the truth draw them forth to publike observation ; nor doe we purpose ( god helping us . ) to succumbe under calumny , being the livery of quieter times then these , let us bee viler still , so god and his arke may be more glorious . yet this i doe professe for my selfe and brethren that as we have not bin dealt with , nor convinc'd of any offence , so we shall ever be ready to give an account of that hope which is in us , being call'd thereunto ; in the meane time we over looke these barkings of black mouthes , and wish a good comment be made upon the text of our plaine meaning . the onely way i know to reach gods mind in worship will bee to love the truth for it's owne sake : yea to love it when it shall condemne our practises and persons also : who hath not observed that the first step to error is the declining the truth in love to it ? ⁂ hence popery begat her first brat , and hath nurst it up with thesame milke ; we would earnestly desire that none would call that unsensonable or unreasonable , which god seemes even now to call for , at the calling of this synode , and will carry so much reason with it , as god and his truth will owne ; more tendernes and respect to our brethren we know not how to shew , who sent us these . questions , no other dealing would we have from our brethren not consenting with us . some rivers have bin noted to differ in the colours of the water , yet running in the same channell : let jesus christ be lifted up by us all ; let us love him whilst wee dispute about him . presbytery and independency ( as it is cal'd ) are the wayes of worship and church fellowship , now looked at , since ( we hope ) episcop 〈…〉 out , and will be buried without expectation of another resurrection . we are much charged with what we own not , viz : independency , when as we know not any churches reformed , more looking at sister churches for helpe then ours doe onely we cannot have rule yet discovered from any friend or enemy , that we should be under canon , or power of any other church ; under their councell we are . we need not tell the wise whence tyranny grew in churches , and how common wealths got their pressure in the like kind . these be our sighs and hearty wishes , that selfe may be conquered in this poore nation , which shuts the doore against these truths . know ( good reader ) we do not hereby go about to whistle thee out of any known good way of god. commonly questions and answers cleare up the way , when other treatises leave us to darknes . read them , and what we say for a church-covenant , it may save charge and time in reading other bookes , remember wee strive not here for masteryes , but give an account of our practise wherein if thou know'st we faile candidus imperti ; if we agree let us worke by our plat-forme ; and may thy soule flourish as a greene heath or watered garden . so prayeth thine heartily h. peter . the xxxii questions stated . _ . whether the greatest part of the english there ( by estimation ) be not as yet unadmitted to any congregation among you , and the reasons thereof ? . what things doe you hold to be essentiall and absolutely necessary to the being of a true visible church of christ ? . whether doe you not hold all visible believers to bee within the visible church as members thereof , and not without in the apostles sence ; cor. . and therefore ought so to be acknowledged , and accepted in all congregations wheresoever they shall come , and are so knowne : and ought ( if they desire and be not otherwise unfit ) of right to be permitted to partake in all gods ordinances and church priviledges there , so farre as they personally concerne themselves , although they be not as yet fixed members in particul●r covenant , either with that congregation where for the present they reside , nor with any other ? . whether you doe not hold that baptisme rightly ( for substance ) partaked doth make them that are so baptized , members of the visible church : and so to have right ( at least quoad nos ) to all the priviledges thereof ( so farre as they are otherwise fit ) untill they be cast out ( if they so deserve ) by excommunication . . whether doe you not admit children under age as members of the church , together with , and in the admission of their parent or parents : so as thenceforth they may partake of all church priviledges being otherwise fit ) without any other personall profession of faith , or entring into church covenant , when they shall come to yeares ? and how long doe you count them under age ? . whether do not you admit orphants under age , with and in their guardians ? . whether doe you admit or refuse children under age only acco●ding to the present estate of their nearest parents ? or doe you not admit them if any of their next ancestors before their parents were believers ? . whether doe you require of all persons of age , whom you admit members of any church ? . a publike vocall declaration of the manner and soundnesse of their conversion ? . a publike profession of their faith concerning the articles of religion . . an expresse verball covenanting to walke with the said church in particular , in church fellowship . . and not to depart from the said church afterward without the consent thereof : or how doe you hold and practise in these things ? . whether doe you hold all , or the most of our parish assemblies in old-england to be true visible churches of christ ; with which you may lawfully joyne in every part of gods true worship ( if occasion served thereto : ) or if not all or the most , then what ones are those of which you so account , and with which you durst so partake or joyne ; and in what respects ? and why be not the rest such as well as they ? . if you hold that any of our parishionall assemblies are true visible churches , and that the members thereof are all , or some of them ( at least ) members of true visible churches , then whether will you permit such members ( at least ) as are either famously knowne to your selves to be godly , or doe bring sufficient testimoniall thereof from others that are so knowne , or from the congregation it selfe whereof they were members here , to partake with you in all the same ordinances , and parts of gods true worship in any of your congregations ( as by occasion they may be there ) in the same manner , and with the like liberty , as you would permit any that might happily come unto you from any of the churches of geneva , france , the low-countreyes , or yet from any one church to another among your selves : suppose from some church about connecticut , or that of plimouth , &c. vnto the church at boston , new-towne , dorchester , &c. or if not , what may be the reason thereof ? . whether doe you hold our present standing in our parish assemblies here in old england , to bee lawfull and safe to be continued in , or how f●rre it may be so ? . whether doe you hold that every believer is alwayes bound to joyne himselfe as a fixed member to some one particular congregation , so as if he doe not , and so oft and so long as he doth it not , so oft and so long he is without the church in the apostles sence , cor. . as an heathen or publican , out of the kingdome of christ , and possibility of salvation , according to that maxime in divinity , extra ecclesiam non est salus . . vvhether doe you thinke it lawfull and convenient that a company of private and illitterate persons ( into a church body combined ) should themselves ordinarily examine , elect , ordaine , and depose their owne ministers of the word , without the asistance of any other ministers of other churches , where the same may be had ? . whether doe you hold that every small company of seaven , or nine , or twenty , or fourty persons , combined into a church body , be such a church ( as by the ordinance of christ ) hath , and ought to have all power , and exercise of church government : so as they may transact all ecclesiasticall businesses independently amongst themselves ? . whether do you give the exercise of all church power of government to the whole church , or to the presbiters thereof alone ? and if to those , then we desire to know what act of government , and superior authority ( properly so called ) may the presbiters doe , more then any other member may doe , or without the particular consent of the rest , wee crave to have those particular acts mentioned : and how , and over whom in those acts the presbiters doe rule ( in propriety of speaking ) more then the rest of the congregation doe ? . whether doe you not permit women to vote in church matters ? . whether in voting doe the major part alwayes , or at any time , carry ecclisiasticall matters with you , or in what things doth it , in what not ? . what meanes have you to preserve your churches in vnity and verity , or to correct or reduce any church erring in doctrine or practice . as , . whether you have any plat-form of doctrine and discipline agreed upon ; or if you have not , whether meane you to have one , and when ; and thinke you it lawfull and expedient so to have ? . whether have you combined your selves together into classes , or purpose so to doe , so as to doe no weighty matter without their counsell and consent ? . or give you any power to synods and councells to determine and order things that cannot otherwise be ended , so as that their determination shall bind the particular churches so assembled to due obedience , in case they decree nothing but according to truth and right , and to peaceable suffering , in case they should doe otherwise ? or what other course you have , or intend to have for that end aforesaid ? . whether hold you , that each particular church may lawfully make such laws or orders ecclesiasticall , for the government of it selfe , and the members thereof ; for decency , order , and edification , as shall oblige all her members , and may not be omitted without sinne ? . wherein hold you that the whole essence of a ministers calling doth consist : as , whether is election by the people it , yea or no ? or . is it so essentiall , as that without it , the ministers calling is a meere nullity ? or . is ordination as essentiall a part thereof , as the peoples election ? or . is it but a meer formality and solemnity of their calling ? . whether doe you hold it lawfull for meer lay or private men to ordaine ministers in any case ? . what essentiall difference put you between the office of pastor and teacher , and doe you obser●●e the same difference inviolably ; and do not your teachers by vertue of that office give themselves usually to application of doctrine as , well as your pastours ? and do they not also usually apply the seales ? . what authority or eminency have your preaching elders , above your sole ruling elders , or are they both equalls ? . vvhether may a minister of one congregation ( being thereto requested ) do as a minister any act of his ministery ( as preach , baptize , administer the lords supper , ordain , &c. in and unto other congregations besides his owne ? . whether hold you that a minister of a congregation , leaving or loosing his place ( suppose without his fault ) doe withall lose both nomen and esse of his ministery , and do become a meere lay , or private man , untill he be a new elected , and ordained ? . whether doe you allow , or thinke it lawfull to allow and settle any certain & stinted maintenance upon your ministers ? . whether doe you permit and call upon meer lay and private men ( neither being in the ministerie nor intended to it ) ordinarily to preach or prophecie publiquely , in , and before the congregation ? and whether thinke you that prophecying mentioned , cor. . be to be understood of such , and be an ordinary and standing order of god in the church ? . whether doe you allow and call upon your people publiquely before all the congregation to propound questions , move doubts , & argue with their ministers of matters delivered either by them or others , either at the same , or some other time ? . whether hold you that the conversion of sinners to god is ordinarily the proper fruit and effect of the word preached , by a minister alone , and that by vertue of his office alone , or that it is alike common to ministers , and lay persons , so they be gifted to preach ? . whether all and every of your churches ( including plimouth , &c. ) do precisely observe the same course both in constitution and government of themselves ? . vvhether would you permit any companie of ministers and people ( being otherwise in some measure approvable ) to sit downe by you , and set up and practise another forme of discipline , enioying like libertie with your selves in the common-wealth , and accepted as a sister church by the rest of your churches ? . vvhether hold you it lawfull to use any set forms of prayer in publique or private , as the lords prayer and others , either made by himselfe that useth the same , or else by some other man ? the answers to the aforegoing questions . the first question answered . all the english and others also are freely admitted to be present in our congregations , at the reading of the scriptures , and exposition thereof ( which is wont alwayes to goe along therewith ) at the preaching of the word , singing of psalmes , prayers , admitting of members , and dispencing of censures ; and many also are admitted to church communion , and so to partake in church ordinances and priviledges , as sacraments , power of election , censures , &c. though many also there are who are not yet admitted to this church communion . but whether is the greater number , those that are admitted hereunto , or those that are not we cannot certainly tell ? but in the churches in the bay , where most of us are best acquainted , we may truely say , that for the heads of families , those that are admitted are farre more in number then the other : besides whom there are likewise sundry children and servants that are admitted also . and for the reason● why many are not yet received to church communion , they are sundry . . many are not admitted because they are not yet knowne . every yeare hitherto god hath replenished the country with many new commers , and these at the first are not suddainly taken in , as members of churches , till by time there have been some triall of them , and better occasion to know them what they are . sometimes once a yeare there are in the land many hundreds , and some thousands of this sort . . when by time they come to be knowne , many do appeare to be carnall , and give no testimony of being members of christ , and therefore if they should offer themselves to be members of churches the churches would not see warrant to receive them , because the church is the body of christ . . some that are godly do of their own accord for a time forbeare to offer themselves , till they be better acquainted with the church and ministry where they intend to joyne , and with the wayes in which the churches walke in this country , and and till they be better informed what are the duties of church members . . those that are knowne to be godly , are all admitted in some church or other presently , upon their own desire , when they offer themselves thereto : except any have given offence by walking ( in any particular , in their conversation ) otherwise then becomes the gospell ; and then such are to give satisfaction to them to whom they have given offence , by acknowledgeing their offence , and shewing repentance for it , and then they are admitted . it is one thing what churches ought to be by the appointment of jesus christ , another , what weaknesse and swerving● from his appointment , he may beare withall for a time , before he renounce and cast off a people from being his church . in respect of the former our answer is , that when a visible church is to be e●rected planted or constituted , by the appointment of christ , it is necessary that the matter of it in regard of quality , should be saints by calling , visible christians and believers , cor. . . eph. . . and in respect of quantity no more in number in the dayes of the new testament , but so many as may meet in one congregation . cor. . & . . acts . . & . . and the forme , a gathering together of these visible christians , a combining and uniting of them into one body , by the bond of an holy covenant , for which we refer you to the apolgie of the churches in n. e. sent the last yeare in way of answer to mr. bernard . for the latter we deny not , but visible churches rightly constituted at the first , may degenerate , and great corruptions may grow therein , both in respect of matter and forme , and likewise in respect of their walking and administrations , and yet the lord in his patience may beare long with them , before he give them a bill of divorce , and make them lo-ammi , not a people ; as the example of the church of israel in the old testament . of the church of corinth , the churches of galatia , the churches of asia , and others in the new testament , doe abundantly manifest . but what degrees of corruption may be , before the soule as it were , and life , and being of a church be destroyed , is hard for us precisely and punctually to determine ; or to say thus farre a church may erre , and yet remaine a church ; but if it proceed any further , then it ceaseth to be a church any more ; onely in the generall this we observe , the lord doth not presently cast off a church or give them a bill of divorce , no not for fundamentall errors in doctrine , or idolatry in worship , or tyranny in government , till after obstinate and rebellious rejection of reformation , and the meanes thereof : for all these were found in the church of israel , when they crucified christ , yet the apostles rejected them not , till after the light of grace offered , and blasphemously rejected , acts . , . but if your selves have so studied this point , as to have ripened and formed thoughts therein , we should gladly receive light from you . we do not know any visible church of the n. t. properly so called , but onely a particular congregation ; and therefore when this question in the first and last clause of it speakes of believers within the visible church , as members thereof , although they be not members of that particular congregation , where for the present they reside , nor of any other : this speech seemes to us according to our apprehension to imply a contradiction . they that are within the visible church as members thereof , must needs be members of some particular congregation , because all visible churches are congregationall , as mr. baine sheweth at large from the church of antioch , act. . . the church at corinth , cor. . & . and other examples and reasons with answers to the objections to the contrary in his dioces . triall quest . . whereto we referre you in this point ; neither is he alone in this tenent , for mr. parker , and many other teach the same . those silenced and deprived ministers that wrote the booke called , the christian and modest offer of disputation , laying downe . propositions which they offer to maintaine against the prelats , give this for the fourth of them viz. there is no true visible church of christ , but a particular ordinary congregation onely . doubtlesse every true visible church hath power from christ to exercise excommunication and other ordinances of christ , so that they proceed therein according to the rules of the word , cor. . . . mat. . . now dr. whitakers sheweth against bellarmine , that excommunication belongs not to the universall church , but onely to a particular congregation . qui justè excommunicantur , saith he , co satanae traditos esse concedimu● , non t●men posse pr●priem , d●●i eject●s ex ecclesia catholica , quia excommunicatio non catholica , sed particularis ecclesiae censura est . de eccles . qu. . c. . wherefore if excommunication which belongs to the visible church , belongeth to a particular congregation , it followeth , that there is no visible church , but onely a particular congregation . secondly , as all visible believers are not without christ , but in christ , according as they are believers , so we easily grant ; that those without , of whom the apostle speakes , cor. . were unbelievers , pagans , and heathens , both without christ , and also without the visible church . for those that were in christ , and believers in him , were not wont to abstaine from joyning to some particular congregation or other ; and so it come to passe , that as they were in christ by their faith , so by such joyning they became also to be within the visible church . . but this we conceive is cleare also , that unlesse believers , be members of this or that particular congregation , to whose inspection and government they have commended themselves in the lord , they also in some respect may be said to be without , that is without the jurisdiction and power of the visible church , and without right to the priviledges of it , as long as they continue in that state : for the church hath nothing to do , either to dispence censures and church priviledges to pagans , who are without all churches , and without christ also ; or to such christians , who though they are not without christ , yet are not within any particular church : for neither the church , nor the ministers thereof may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and though those without of whom the apostle speakes , cor. . were pagans and heathens , both without christ , and without the visible church also , yet when hee speaketh of judgeing , and saith they might judge them that are within , and not judge them that are without , hee must not be understood as if he meant it simply of being in christ or without christ , and no more then so , but also of being in that particular congregation , and without it : for it is plaine , that those that were in christ , if they were not also within their particular congregation , they had nothing to do to judge them ; and those that were within their particular congregation , them they might judge , though they were not in christ . . and that church priviledges do not belong to believers , as such , but onely to such as withall are members of some particular church : the grounds and reasons in the answer to the third and fourth proposition sent the last yeare , do seeme to us to make manifest , whereto we do referre you , for further answer to this question . it is an opinion of the anabaptists , that the church is made by baptisme , and therefore when they constitute or erect a church , they do it by being all of them baptized , which was the manner of mr. smith , mr. helwis , and the rest of that company when they set up their church : the papists also do imagine , that men enter into the church by baptisme , and it is said , that their founts were set neere the doores of their temples , to signifie mens entring into the church by baptisme , and they thought themselves to be christened , or made christian soules by being baptized . but we do not believe that baptisme doth make men members of the church , nor that it is to be administred to them that are without the church , as the way and meanes to bring them in , but to them that are within the church , as a seale to confirme the covenant of god unto them . for . this is one point of the dignity and priviledge of the church , that baptisme and all church ordinances are given and committed to it , as circumcision , and church ordinances were given and concredited to the church of the jewes , ioh. . . now if baptisme in its first being and institution be given as a benefit and priviledge to the church , then baptisme is not that which makes the church ; but the church is presupposed , and must be before it , for the dones , or persons to whom a thing is given , must needs be before the gift that is given to them . . the nature and use of baptisme is to be a seale to confirme the covenant of grace between god and his church , and the members thereof , as circumcision also was , rom. . . now a seale is not to make a thing that was not , but to confirme something that was before ; and so baptisme is not that which gives being to the church , nor to the covenant , but is for confirmation thereof . to bring in baptisme before the covenant , and before the church , with whom god makes the covenant and then to bring in the church afterwards , is to make baptisme a seale unto a blanke , or to a falshood . when the jesuits of rhemes had said that christ sent apostles to the jewes to move them to penance , and so by baptisme to make them of his church . and that paul was sent to the gentiles to move them also to faith and penance , and by baptisme to make them of his church . this saying of making men of the church by baptisme , though uttered by them , as it were by the way , and not being the chiefe scope of their discourse , yet seemed to mr. cartwright so erroneous and unsound , that hee would not let it passe without bearing speciall witnesse against the same . and therefore in opposition thereunto he hath these words , and in another character for more conspicuousnesse , viz. that baptisme makes not men of the church , but sealeth their incorporation into it , hath been declared afore . argument of acts . . and that catechisme which is commonly said to be penned by our reverend brother mr. ball , or mr. nicholas , now with god , giving this for the definition of baptisme , that it is a sacrament of our ingrafting into christ , communion with him , and entrance into the church , doth in the exposition plainely declare , that when they called baptisme a sacrament of our entrance into the church , they did not meane that baptisme made men members of the church , but signified and sealed that they were members afore : the seed of abraham say they , pag . gal. . . or children of christian parents are within the covenant , are christians and members of the church , cor. . . rom. . . baptisme therefore doth not make them christian soules , but doth solemnly signifie and seale their ingrafting into christ , and that communion which the members of christ have with him their head , and doth confirme , that they are acknowledged members of the church , and entred into it , pet. . . . the lord hath had his church when there was neither baptisme nor circumcision , and therefore baptisme or circumcision cannot be that which constitutes the church . the church is one and the same in essence from the begining of the world to the end thereof , viz. a company of people combined together by holy covenant with god , and one with another , and this hath been before baptisme , and likewise before circumcision in the dayes of the patriarks afore abraham . yea if baptisme now , or circumcision in former time did make men members of the church , then for forty yeares together there was no making members of the church , for so long circumcision was discontinued , when baptisme was not yet instituted , ioss . . , . &c. and so by this meanes all that generation of the israelites that were not circumcised till their comming over jordan unto gilgall , should have bin no members of the church afore that time of their circumcision , which is contrary to the scripture , which as it gives the name and title of a church to the body of this people , when they were in the wildernesse , act. . ● . ( and they were in the wildernesse . yeares , in the latter parts of which time there were few left remaining that had beene circumcised ) so it witnesseth that afore this time of their circumcision they were in covenant with god and his church , deut. . , , . for that covenant was not made with their fathers that came out of egypt , and were circumcised there , because that generation was consumed in the wildernesse for their murmuring afore this time : but this covenant was made with the children , that as yet were uncircumcised , and therefore it was not circumcision that made men members of the church . . baptisme hath been administred , and no church nor members made thereby , and men have been made members of churches and not then baptised , but before . and therfore it is not baptisme that makes men members of the church , jerusalem and all judea , and all the region round about jordan were baptised of iohn confessing their sinnes , mat. . . and christ made and baptised more disciples then iohn , ioh. . . and yet neither christ nor john did make new churches , nor gather men into them themselves , both the one and the other living and dying members of the jewish church , which was not yet dissolved , untill upon their rejecting of christ ( not onely of his person upon the crosse , but of his gospel in blaspheming and persecuting grace offered them ) the two staves of beauty and bands were broken and cut assunder , whereby god did breake the covenant that he had made with that people , and the brotherhood between juda and israel , that is , he did un church them , zach. . , . &c. to . so that here is baptisme administred by john and christ , and yet men not received thereby into the church as members , for they were members long afore . againe , when any of those of jerusalem , judea , and the region round about jordan , that were baptised of john , or any of those , many more that were baptised of christ , were afterward joyned as members to those christian churches in judea , samaria , and galile , act. . . ( as no doubt many of them were ) they were not made members of those christian churches by being baptised , for they were baptised long afore by john and christ , so that those men were members of the jewish church , which was not yet dissolved , and were baptised afterward . and therefore it was not baptisme that made them members , either of the one church or of the other . . there are sundry inconveniences , which for ought we see will unavoidably follow , if we shall say that baptisme makes men members of the church ; for first , if baptisme be that which constituts the church , then baptisme may be dispenced by them that are no ministers , for extraordinary ministers , as apostles , and such like are now ceased ; and ordinary ministers have no power to dispence baptisme to any , but onely to them that are already members of the church , seeing their commission and power is limited to the church , and the flock of god over which the holy ghost hath made them overseers , acts . . besides , the church is before the ministers , seeing the power of choosing ministers is given by christ unto the church ; and therfore if baptisme be that which makes the church , then men must be baptised afore there be ministers to baptise them , and consequently without ministers . secondly , if baptisme rightly for substance partaked , doth make men members of the visible church , then it will follow that papists are members of the church : for they have baptisme so farre right for substance , as that it needs not be repeated . but mr. perkins teacheth that this baptisme proves not the church of rome , of which all papists are members , to be any true church of god , and gives sundry reasons for the same , in answer to them , that from baptisme rightly for substance administred in popish assemblies , would prove those assemblies to be true churches : exposit . of creede , in the article , i believe the holy catholique church . and surely for our parts , we doe not see how it will be avoyded , but if baptisme made men members of the visible church , either papists are members of the visible church , and the church of rome , of which they are members , a true visible church , or else we must renounce their baptisme as corrupt and false , even for the substance of it ; and so all such as shall be converted from amongst them , must be baptised againe , as not having had the substance of baptisme before : such dangerous consequences do follow from saying , that baptisme , rightly for substance partaked , doth make them that are so baptised members of the visible church . if any shall say , though baptisme do not make men members of the church , yet it proves them to be members as a cause , is proved by the effect , or an antecedent by a consequent : and therefore all baptised persons should be admitted to all church priviledges as members , whereever they become . we answer , that this will not hold neither , but suppose a man have received baptisme as a member of some visible church , which ought not to have been administred to him , had he not been a member , yet this doth not prove him to be a member still and so give him right to all church priviledges , though hee do remaine alwaies as a baptised person ; and the reason is , because his baptisme may remain , when his church fellowship may be dissolved , as that he can have no right to sacraments thereby : the church member-ship of a baptised person may be thus dissolved by sundry meanes . . by some sentence of excommunication justly passed against him for his sinne ; for that censure puts him away from the communion of the church , cor. . . . and makes him as an heathen or publican , mat. . . so that in that case he can have no right to sacraments by his member-ship , though he still continue a baptised person . . by his voluntary departing from the church and the communion of the same when it is unjustly done , ioh. . . iude . heb. . . in which case dr. ames resolves such schismaticks to be no members of the visible church , cas . cons . lib. . c. q. . resp. . . by the dissolution of the church of which he was a member ; for church member-ship is in relation to a church , and therefore if the church cease , the membership must cease also ; relatum & correlatum quâ ●alia sunt simul , adeoquese mutuoponunt et tollunt . now a church may be dissolved , . by apostacie and gods giving them a bill of divorce thereupon , ier. . . when yet there may be in such a church some particular person or persons deare to god , who in such a case are bid to come out from such an apostate church , rev. . . hose . . , . & , , . . by death , as by some grievous pestilence or masacre , &c. in which case one particular person surviving , cannot be counted a member of a church , when that church is extinct of which he was , and yet he remaines a person baptised if he were baptised afore . . if that be true which is taught by dr. ames cas . cons . lib. . c. . q. . resp . . that in some cases it is lawfull and necessary to withdraw from the communion of a true church ( which seemes to be agreeable to grounds of scripture , ephes . . . chr● . . . ) then that will be another case wherein church membership is disanulled ; for how a man can be counted in that state a member of a church , when hee hath lawfully and necessarily withdrawn himselfe from the communion of the church , we do not understand . and this shall suffice for answer unto this point , whether baptisme make men members of a visible church , which as we conceive , is the scope and drift of this question . yet before we proceed to make answer to the next , something also may be said concerning some passages in your amplification of this fourth question . as first concerning those words wherein you aske , whether they that are baptised have not right , quoad nos , to all the priviledges of the visible church ( so farre as they are otherwise fit : ) concerning which words we may say , . that those words of your parenthesis ( so farre as they are otherwise fit : ) doe plainely imply , that in your judgement , though one hath received baptisme , yet this doth not give him right to the priviledges of the visible church , unlesse other things do concurre to make him fit , wherein we consent with you . now if this be so , then this seemes to be an answer to that which ( as we conceive ) is the maine intent of the question . for how can it be , that baptisme alone should give men right to the priviledges of the church ( as members thereof , as the question seemes to import ) when in the amplification of it , it is granted , that persons baptised have no such right , except other things doe concurre to make them fit : we doe not see how these things doe stand together . secondly , those words as farre as they are otherwise fit : ) as they seeme to imply that which contradicts the maine scope of the question ; so they are so generall and of such a latitude , as that when the question is answered the reader is still left at uncertainty : for if such a parenthesis may be annexed ( so farre as men are otherwise fit : ) then the like question may be applied to many other things besides baptisme , and would receive the very same answer , as in case of baptisme it would receive . as for example , if one should aske whether morall honestie or litterall knowledge in the scriptures , or historicall faith , or the use of reason , whether any of these doe not give men right to church priviledges , so farre as they are otherwise fit ? you know the answer would be , yea. for though none of these be sufficient alone , to give men right to the priviledges of the church , yet they are such as they that have them , have right so farre as they are otherwise fit , and so if it were granted that they that have received baptisme have right , as you say , to all the priviledges of the church , so farre as they are otherwise fit : yet as this doth not prove that baptisme alone doth give men such a right , so still it remaines to be considered , and more particularly declared , what those other things are that besides baptisme must concurre to make one fit ; and unlesse those things be expressed in particular , the question with such a generall qualification as is here set down , may be answered affirmatively , and yet the reader will be still in the darke , and as much to seeke as before . lastly , those words in the latter end of this question had need to be further cleared , wherein you aske , whether baptised persons have not right to all the priviledges of the church , quoad nos , untill they be cast out by excommunication ? for suppose an open blasphemer , a sabath-breaker , an adulterer , a drunkard , &c. that deserves to be excommunicated , be not proceeded against according to rule , but be suffered to continue in the church through bribery or other corruption of the times , would you say that such a person had right either before god , or quoad nos to all the priviledges of the church , onely because hee is baptised ? surely your words doe import so much , unlesse that parenthesis ( so far as they are otherwise fit ) may be any helpe in this case . and yet we hope you doubt not but such doggs and swine have no right either quoad nos , or otherwise , to the priviledges of the church as long as they continue in that state , although they have received baptisme , and although through the sinfull neglect of men they be not cast out by excommunication , as they doe deserve ; for if grosse sinners have such right to church priviledges , onely because they are baptised , then by what right can the church cast them out by excommunication , as you seeme to confesse that she may : for can she castimen out from such priviledges whereunto they have right ? doubtlesse such proceedings were not right , unlesse the church have such a transcendent power as the apostles never had , for they could do nothing against the truth but for the truth , nor had they any power for destruction , but for edification , cor. . . . wherefore we dare not say such men have right to church priviledges ( quoad nos ) untill they be actually cast out , because before they be cast out , it must be cleare to the church , that they have no such right , or else she can have no lawfull right to cast them out . . infants with us are admitted members in and with their parents , so as to be admitted to all church priviledges of which infants are capable , as namely to baptisme ; and therefore when parents are once admitted , their children are thereupon baptised , if they were not baptised afore , as sometimes it falls out . . but whether they should thereupon be admitted to all other priviledges when they come to age , without any personall profession of faith , or entring into church covenant , is another question , of which by reason of the infancy of these churches , we have had no occasion yet to determine what to judge or practise one way or other . . but for the present this we would say ; it seemes by those words of your parenthesis ( being otherwise fit ) you do acknowledge , that children of church members are not to be admitted to church priviledges , unlesse they be fit , wherein we consent with you as counting it altogether unsafe , that idiots , franticks , or persons openly ungracious and prophane , should be admitted to the lords table , though they were the children of church members , and thence we may inferre the necessity of their personall profession of their faith , when they come to yeares , and taking hold of church-covenant , whereby we meane onely a renewing of covenant , or a new professing of their interest in gods covenant , and walking according to it , when they shall be adulti : for otherwise we do confesse , children that are borne when their parents are church members , are in covenant with god even from their birth , gen. . . . and their baptisme did seale it to them . but notwithstanding their birthright , we conceive there is a necessity of their personall profession of faith , and taking hold of church-covenant when they come to yeares ( though you seeme to thinke it not needfull : ) for without this it cannot so well be discerned ; what fitnesse is in them for the lords table and other church priviledges , as by this meanes it might ? and inasmuch as entring into church-covenant is nothing else but a solemne promise to the lord , before him and the church , to walke in all such wayes as the gospel requireth of church members , if they shall refuse to make any such promise , and shall be unable , or unwilling to make any profession of their faith , when it is required of them , this would be an evidence against them , of their unfitnesse for church priviledges , inasmuch as they openly breake that rule , pet. . . be ready to give a reason of the hope that is in you with meeknesse and feare . what hope is there that they will examine themselves when they eat of that bread and drinke of that cup , cor. . . who when others do examine them they are unable or unwilling to give answer ? or how shall we thinke that they will receive the lords supper worthily , or walke as becomes the gospel if they do refuse to professe or promise any such matter ? wherefore in this point we cannot but fully approve the practise of the reformed churches , among whom it is the manner as zepporus writeth , to admit children that were baptised in their infancy unto the lords table , by publique profession of their faith , and entring into covenant , consuetum est , saith he ut qui per aetatem , neque doctrina catechetica perfectum ad sacram coenam primum admittuntur , fidei confessionem coram tota ecclesiâ publicè edant , &c. polit. ecles . l. . c. . p. . that is , the manner is , that they who by reason of age and perficiency in the doctrine of catechisme are first admitted to the lords supper , should publiquely before the whole church , make confession of their faith , being brought forth into the sight of the church by their parents , or them that are instead of parents , at the appointment of the minister : and likewise should promise and covenant by the grace of god to continue in that faith which they have confessed , and to leade their lives according to it : yea and moreover , to subject themselves freely and willingly to the discipline of the church ; these words we see are full and plaine , that children are not in those churches received to the lords table without personall confession of faith , and entring into covenant before . . but how long children should be counted under age , and whether orphans are not to be admitted with their guardians ( which is your sixt quaery ) we should be willing to heare your judgement therein , as having of our selves hitherto had no occasion to search into those questions ; onely this we thinke , that one certaine rule cannot be given for all , whereby to determine how long they are under age , but according as god gives experience and maturity of naturall understanding , and spirituall ; which he gives sooner to some then unto others . such children whose father and mother were neither of them believers , and sanctified , are counted by the apostle ( as it seemes to us ) not faederally holy , but uncleane , what ever their other ancestors have been , cor. . . and therefore we baptise them not . if you can give us a sufficient answer , to take us off from that scripture , cor. . which seemes to limit this faederall sanctity or holynesse to the children whose next parents one or both were believers , we should gladly hearken to you therein ; but for the present , as we believe we speake , and practise according to our light . and if we should goe one degree beyond the next parents , we see not but we may goe two , and if two , why not . , , or ? for where will you stop ? and if we shall admit all children to baptisme , whose ancestors within a thousand generations have been believers , as some would have us , we might by this reason baptise the children of turkes , and of all the indians , and barbarians in the country ; for there is none of them but they have had some believing ancestors within lesse then a . generations , it being farre from so much since noah and his sonnes came forth out of the arke . we do believe that all members of churches ought to be saints , and faithfull in christ jesus , eph. . . cor. . . col. . . phil. . . and thereupon we count it our duty to use all lawfull and convenient meanes , whereby god may helpe us to discerne , whether those that offer themselves for church members , be persons so qualified or no : and therefore first we heare them speake concerning the gift and grace of justifying faith in their soules , and the manner of gods dealing with them in working it in their hearts : which seemes to be your first particular in this quaery . secondly , we heare them speake what they do believe concerning the doctrine of faith , so taking a tryall what measure they have of the good knowledge of the lord , as knowing that without knowledge men cannot well examine themselves and discerne the lords body , as church members ought to doe when they come to the lords table . and hereby also we would prevent ( as the lord shall helpe us ) the creeping in of any into the church that may be infected with corrupt opinions of arminianisme familisme , &c. or any other dangerous error against that faith which was once delivered to the saints , as knowing how easily such men if they were admitted , might infect others , and perhaps destroy the faith of some . and this seemes to be intended in your second particular . for both these we have our warrant as in generall , from those places which shew how church members ought to be qualified , that they ought to be saints , faithfull in christ jesus , &c. so in speciall from that , math. . . acts , & acts . . . where men before they were admitted , made profession of repentance towards god , and faith towards the lord jesus christ ; for it is expressely said , that they confessed their sinnes , they confessed and shewed their deeds , they professed their faith in jesus christ the sonne of god. thirdly , when this is done , those that by manifestation of repentance and faith are approved ; as fit members for a church do openly professe their subjection to the gospel of christ , and to all the ordinances of god in that church , where now they joyne as members , which seemes to be your third particular in this quaerie . the distinction of particular churches one from another , as severall and distinct societies , seemes to us a necessary ground for this practise ; for without this kinde of covenanting , we know not how it would be avoyded , but all churches would be confounded into one , inasmuch as it is neither faith , nor intire affection , nor towne-dwelling , nor frequenting the assemblies that can make a man a member , or distinguish church members from other men : see the apologie . . your fourth particular in this quaerie is answered in the answer to the sixt position sent the last yeare : besides all these , we heare the testimony of others , if there be any that can speake of the conversion and godly conversation of such persons : which we judge to be a warrantable course from acts . , . it is the second of your quaeries , what things we hold necessary to the being of a true visible church in generall : which being answere● ; this of the parish assemblies in england in particular , whether we hold all or the most of them to be churches , we conceive might well have been spared . they that now the state of those assemblies may make application of the generall to the particulars , if they have a calling therunto . yet because you are pleased to put us to this also , we thus answer . . that we doubt not but of ancient time there have been many true churches in england consisting of right matter , and compacted and united together by the right forme of an holy covenant . for mr. fox sheweth at large , that the gospel was brought into england in the apostles times , or within a little while after , acts & mo● . lib. . begining p. . where hee reporteth out of gildas , that england received the gospel in the time of tiberius the emperor , under whom christ suffered ; and that joseph of arin . athea was sent of philip the apostle from france to england , about the yeare of christ . and remained in england all his time , and so hee with his fellowes laid the first foundation of christian faith among the brittaine people , and other preachers and teachers comming afterwards , confirmed the same and increased it . also the said mr. fox reporteth out of t●rtullian , that the gospel was disperced abroad by the sound of the apostles into many nations , and amongst the rest into brittaine , yea into the wildest places of brittaine , which the romans could never attaine unto , and alledgeth also out of necephorus , that simon zelotes did spread the gospell to the west ocean , and brought the same into the iles of brittanie , and sundry other proofs he there hath for the same point . now if the gospel and christian religion were brought into england in the apostles times , and by their meanes , it is like there were churches planted there of saints by calling ( which is the right matter of churches ) and by way of holy covenant , as the right form : for that was the manner of constituting churches in the apostles times , as also in the times afore christ , as hath been shewed from the scripture in the apologie . and the footsteps hereof ( though mixed with manifold corruptions that have growne in aftertimes ) are remaining in many places of the land to this day , as appeareth by those questions and answers at baptisme . abrenuntias ? abrenuntio ; credis ? credo : spondes ? spondeo : dost thou renounce the devill and all his works ? i renounce them all . dost thou believe in god the father & c ? i do believe . dost thou promise to walk according to this faith & c ? i do promise . for though it may be they conceived , that men entred into the church by baptisme , yet hereby it appears that their judgment was that , when men entred into the church there ought to be a renouncing of sin , and believing on christ , and an open professing of these things , with a promise to walk accordingly . secondly , though popish apostacy did afterwards for many ages over-spread all the churches in england ( as in other countries ) yet we believe god still reserved a remnant according to the election of grace amongst them , for whose sake he reserved the holy scriptures amongst them , and baptisme in the name of the trinity onely . and when god of his rich grace was pleased to stirre up the spirit of king edward the sixth , and queene elizabeth to cast off the pope and all fundamentall errors in doctrine and worship , and a great part of the tyranny of popish church government though at first some shires and sundry parishes stood out against that reformation for a time , yet afterwards they generally received the articles of religion agreed upon anno . which are published and consented to by all the ministers endowed in every congregation , with the silent consent also of the people , and subscription of the hands of the chiefe of them ; wherein they do acknowledge no rule of faith or manners , but the holy scriptures ; no divine worship but to god onely ; no mediation nor salvation but in christ onely : no conversion by mans free will , but by gods free grace : no justification but by faith : no perfection nor merit of works , with sundry other necessary and saving truths ; all which containing the marrow and summe of the oracles of god wich are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the eloquia des , concredited onely to the church . rom. . . . and which are that saving doctrine of truth , which is fruitfull in all the world where it comes , ●olo . . , . and upon which the church is grounded and built , and which also it holdeth forth and maintaineth , tim. . . ) we do therefore acknowledge , that where the people do with common and mutuall consent gather into setled congregations ordinarily every lords day , as in england they do , to heare and teach this doctrine , and do professe their subjection therunto , and do binde themselves and their children ( as in baptisme they do ) to continue therein , that such congregations are true churches , notwithstanding sundry defects and dangerous corruptions found in them , wherein we follow the judgement of calvin instit . . . . . &c. w●itaker , de notis ●cclesiae cap. . and many other divines of chiefe note : nor can we judge or speake harshly of the wombes that bare us , nor of the paps which gave us suck . thirdly , but inasmuch as grievous corruptions of latter yeares have greatly increased in some of those assemblies ( as we heare ) both in doctrine , in worship , and in the government thereof , besides those that were when some of us were there , and in former yeares : therefore we are not without feare ( and with griefe we speake it ) what things may come unto at length . if corruptions should still increase and grow ' they might come in time ( if the lord be not more mercifull ) unto such an height as unto obstinacy in evill , and to wilifull rejection of reformation , and the meanes thereof ; and then you know it might be just with god to cast off such utterly , out of the account and number of his churches ; so as never to walke among them any more : which we heartily pray the father of mercies to prevent that such a day may never be : but if ephesus repent not of her declinings , the lord hath threatned that he will come unto her quickly , and remove her candlesticke ; that is , he will un-church them , rev. . , . and lukewarme laodicea shall be spewed out of his mouth , rev. . . and therefore it behoves such of them to repent , and reform themselves betime , lest the lord deale with them as he ha●h done with others . and it much concernes your selves ( in hearty love and faithfullnesse we speake i● , and so we desire you wou●d accept of it ) it very much concernes you ( deare brethren ) whil'st you live amongst them , to beare faithfull witnesse against the corruptions that are remaining in any of them , in respect of their constitution , worship , d●scipline and ministerie , l●st by any sinnefull silence or slacknesse of yours that should blow the trumpet and stand in the gap , the breach should be made wider , and the iniquity increase ; and lest men should flatter themselves in their sinnes , under the name and title of the true church , as the jewes thought themselves secure because of the temple of the lord , jer. . . . because you would know not onelie whether we count those assemblies to b● churches , but what wee would doe for joining in gods worship in them , if occasion served thereunto : we answer , that if we were in england , we should willingly joine in ▪ some parts of gods true worship , and namely in hearing the word , where it is truely preached in sundry assemblies there ; yea though we doe not know them to bee churches , or knew not what they were , whether true churches or no ? for some worship , as praier , and preaching , and hearing the word , is not peculiar to church assemblies , but may be performed in other meetings . mars-hill at athens was no church , nor the prison at philippi , and yet the word of god was preached and heard lawfully w●th good successe in th●se places , act. . and act. . how much more might it bee lawfull to heare the w●rd in many parish assemblies in england , in when gener●lly there is a professing of christ ; and in many of them : m●n , soul●s that are sincere and upright hearted christians , as any are this day upon the face of the earth ; and m●ny congregations indeed that are the true churches of jesus christ , see mr. robinsons treatise of the lawfullnesse of hearing the ministers in the church of england . . but why we durst not partake in their prescript lyturgie , and such ordinances though true , as are administred therein ; we gave you account the last yeare , in answer to the first and second position : as al●o in an answer to a discourse of that subject , penned by our reverend brother mr. ball. what we have done in our ignorance whil'st we lived amongst you , wee have seene cause rather to bewaile it in our selves here , then to it in others there . our answer to this question is this , . that we never yet knew any to come from england in such a manner as you do here describe ( ● the things you mention may be taken conjunctim , and not severally ) viz : to be men famously known to be godly , and to bring sufficient testimoniall thereof from others that are so knowne , and from the congregation it selfe , whereof they were members : we say we never yet knew any to come to us from thence in such a manner , but one or other of the things here mentioned are wanting : and generally this is wanting in all of them , that they bring no testimoniall from the congregation it selfe : and therefore no marvell if they have not beene admitted ( further then before hath been expressed in answer to quest . . ) to church ordinances with us , before they have joyned to one or other of our churches ; for though some that come over bee famously knowne to our selves to be godly , or bring sufficient testimoniall with them from private christians , yet neither is our knowledge of them , nor testimonal from p●ivate christians sufficient to give us church-power over them , which wee had need to have , if we must dispence the ordinances of church communion to them ? though it be sufficient to procure all due reverent respect , and hearty love to them in the lord. . if the things mentioned were all to be found , yet it w●u●d be also requisite ( if they would partake of church ordinances with us , and yet not joyne to any of our churches ) that w●● should know the congregation it selfe , from which they come , not onely to be a true church , but also what manner of one it is : for such persons cannot communicate with us in church ordinances in their owne right ; because they joine not as members in any of our churches ; but it must be in right of the congregation in england , to which they doe belong , and by virtue of the communion of churches , and so our admitting of them to communion with us in such a manner , and upon such terms , is not only an act of communion with the persons themselves , but also with the congregation of which they are : now as we cannot of faith admit men to church ordinances , which we believe belong only to church members ; unles we know the congregation of which they are members to be a true church . so somtimes a congregation may be so corrupt , that though it doe remain a true church , yet for the corruption and impurities of it , it may be lawfull and necessary to withdraw communion from the same ( for which dr. ames gives sundry grounds and reasons , cas . cons . lib. c. . q. . resp . . ) or at least to protest against some grosse corruptions therein . in regard whereof we had need to have some knowledge and information what that congregation is , with whom now we have church communion ; when in heir right wee admit m●n into communion , that wee may know how to admit such m●n , and what to require from them more or l●sse . and this together with that want of testimoniall from the congregation is one main● reason , why some few godly men that have come from england upon occasion , not with purpose of continuance here , but of returning again● ; have not beene received to church ordinances during thei● abode in the countrey ( though this we may say also , that we know not of any such that have requested to be received ) whereas ●uch as have come in l●ke manner from one c●u●ch to another m●ngst our selves , upon their requ●st have been r●ceived : the reason ne say is , because these churc●es are better knowne then the parish assemblies are . . but if men come from one church in this countrey to another with purpose there to stay , and not to returne to the church from whence they came , ( which is the manner of all , or the most that come from england ) they are not rec●ived into our churches ; but upon the very same tearmes , and in the same manner , as men are received that come from england ; viz : upon personall profession of their faith , and entring into church covenant , in that church to which they now come ( and the same we say of such as come from any of the churches in other countries ) and wherefore are they not received otherwise , because we renounce the church of which they were members as no true church ? not so , but because wee believe in matter of faith , ( such as is the admitting of members ) any true church may erre : and there may now bee seene some unworthinesse in the man which did not appeare when hee was admitted in the other church : and therefore no reason that the act of one church in the admitting of members or the like , should bee a binding rule unto another ; for all churches are left to their liberty to admit and receive such into their chu●ch ; as they shal find to be fit according to the rule of the word , and to refuse others , without respect of what they have bin before , whether members of this church , or that church , or of any church , or none : and therefore in this , our walking and practice , is alike towards one another , and towards others as it is towards yours . in which practise we are not alone , for the very same as mr. parker reporteth , is the manner of the reformed churches , amongst whom , no man is admitted for a member ; but upon personall profession of faith , and entring into church covenant , though it may be he have formally beene admitted in the very same manner in the church where he lived before , polit. eccles . l. . c. . . . p. . if the ground of this qu. were any doubt in your owne consciences concerning your owne way , there were no fault in propounding such a qu. for further light and satisfaction , if wee were able to give it . or if it did ari●e from any unnecessary intermedling of ours in your matters , so as to take on us to condemne or judge your present standing , when we have no calling thereunto , there were then reason why we should give account of our owne doings or sayings . but if it came from some men we should looke at it as a tempting question , tending onely to make matter , and pick quarrells ; and then we should leave it to them that framed it , to consider the ground of it ; and to fr●me their owne answer to it . as for us , we have alwayes been slow and loth to judge or condemne your present standing ; remembring the saying of the apostle , who art thou that judgest another mans servant , he standeth or falleth to his own master , rom. . . but now knowing you well ( reverend and deare brethren ) and your integrity , we thinke wee may lawfully and safely answer , and that wee would doe by promising a few distinctions , for explaining the termes of the question . . concerning the persons in the parish assemblies , which may be meant of such as the providence of god hath so dispos●d that they are free and at liberty : or of such as are bound , and it may be not sui juris , as wives , children under the government of parents , servants , apprentices , prisoners , sickefolkes , &c. . concerning the parish assemblies , which may bee meant either of such as want the preaching of the word or sacraments , or discipline , or any other holy ordinance of christ , or have many ordinances in them which are not of god , but of men : or else it may be meant of some others , which in both respects are reformed and pure , if there be any such . . concerning standing in them , which may be meant onely of habitation , and dwelling upon house or land within the precincts of the parish ; or else in conforming in judgement or practise to the corrupt ecc●esiasticall ordinances used in those assemblies ; and contenting themselves therewith . . concerning lawfull and safe ; where safety may be meant either of safety from sinne , or from danger by persecution , these distinctions wee judge necessary to bee premised , because your question is , whether wee count your standing in the parish assemblies lawfull and safe ; or how farre it may be so ? and so our answer is in . propositions . . some persons , and namely those that are not sui juris , may lawfully and without sinne ; though it may bee not safely without danger of persecution , continue such standing in the parish assemblies , as doe dwell within the pr●c●●cts of them , so long as they neither conforme themselves to the corruptions of men by such continuing of their standing , nor live in the neglect or want of any ordinance of christ through their owne default . . such standing in the parish assemblies , where a man shall , and must conforme to the corruptions of men , in doctrine or worship ; or the government of the chu●ch , is not lawfull for any to be continued in . . to continue such standing in the parish assemblies , as to live in the want of any ordinance of christ is not lawfull , nor can be done safely without sinne of them , to whom the providence of god doth open a doore of further enlargement . the first of these propositions wee suppose you doubt not of . the second is confirmed by many places of scripture ; and namely by such as these . though israel play the harlot , yet let not iudah offend , and come not yee to gilgall , nor go up to bethaven , nor sweare the lord liveth : ephraim is joyned to idolls , let him alone , hos , . . . come out from among them , and be ye separate saith the lord , and touch no uncleane thing , and i will receive you , cor. . . be not partaker of other mens sinnes , keep thy selfe pure , tim. . . come out of her my people , that yee bee not partakers of her sinnes , and that yee receive not of her plagues , rev. . . have no fellowship with the unfruitfull works of darkenesse , but reprove them rather , eph. . . ephraim is oppressed and broken in judgment ; because he willingly walked after the commandement , hos . . . wee ought to obey god rather then men , act. . and . . jeroboam made priests of the lowest of the people , which were not of the sonnes of levi , and ordained a feast in the fifteenth day of the eigth moneth , in the month which he had devised of his ●w●e heart , &c. and then the levites left their suburbs and their posessions , and came to iudah and ierusalem , for ieroboam and his sonnes had cast them off from executing the priests office unto the lord ; and after them out of all the tribes of israell , such as set their hearts to seek the lord god of israel , came to ierusalem to sacrifice to the lord god of their fathers , king. . . with chron. . . . vpon these and such like grounds of holy scripture we are perswaded that such standing in the parish assemblies , as this second proposition mentions , is not lawfull for any to be continued in . and we hope , you doubt not of the truth of this second proposition neither , though we are afraid that many christians , when it comes to practice , doe sinfully pollute themselves by partaking in the ceremonies , and other corruptions in the prayers , in the doctrine , and in the ministery remaining in sundry of those assemblies , whom it will bee your part whilst you live among them faithfully and by all good meanes to instruct and teach , and exhort , to save themselves from the corruptions and pollutions of the times and places wherin they live ; as well in this particular of church matters , and gods worship as in other things : wherein wee wish with all our hearts that our selves when time was , had been more watchfull and faithfull to god and the soules of his people , then the best of us were : the lord lay not our ignorance to our charge . the third proposition may bee made good sundry wayes , . by precepts , wherin we are commanded to observe all things whatsoeuer christ hath commanded , mat. . . to seeke the kingdom of god and his righteousnesse , mat. . . to yeild our selves unto the lord , and to enter into his sanctuary , chr. . . and therefore we may not please our selves to live in the neglect of any ordinance which he hath instituted and appointed . . by examples , for the spouse of christ will not rest seeking her beloved untill shee finde him in the fullest manner , cant. . , . and . , . &c. and the same minde was in david ; as appeares by his heavy lamentation , when he wanted the full fruition of gods ordinances , and his longings , and prayer to be restored thereto , psal . . and psal . . and . although he enjoyed abiathar the high priest , and the ephod with him ; and likewise gad the prophet , sam. . , , . &c. sam. . . when good ezra in his journey from babilon to ierusalem , viewing the people at the river ahava found none of the sonnes of levi there , afore he would goe any further , he sent unto iddo a the place ca●iphia for ministers for the house of god , ezra . . . &c. and when being come to ierusalem they found by the law , that it was an ordinance of god to dwell in boothes , and keepe the feast of tabernacles in the seventh month , they presently set upon the practice thereof , in the appointed season ; when the like had not beene done in israel , from the dayes o● ioshua the son of nun unto that day , neh. . . &c. yea , and our lord jesus himselfe , though ●ee had no need of sacraments , to be to him any scale of remission or forgivenesse of sinnes , yet in conscience to the ordinance of god , ( that he might fullfill all righteousnesse , mat. . ▪ ) and for our example , did both observe the passover , and likewise was baptized , and did eat with his disciples at his last supper . all which examples being written for our learning , doe shew us how farre wee should bee from contenting our selves to live in the voluntary want of any ordinance and appointment of god. . there is none of the ordinances of christ , but they are needfull and very profitable in the right use of them to the soules of his servants : and therefore they should not be neglected . to thinke of any of them , as things that may well bee spared ; and therefore to content our selves to be without them , is to call in question the wisdome of him that did appoint them , and to make our selves wiser then god. . our owne infirmities and spirituall w●nts are such , as that wee have continuall need of all the holy meanes which the lord hath appointed , for supplying what is wanting in us ; for correcting what is amisse ; and for our continuance and growth in grace . hee is a proud man , and knowes not his own heart in any measure , who thinkes he may well be without any spirituall institution and ordinance of jesus christ . upon these and such like ground , we hold i● not lawfull nor safe , for any christian that is free , to continue such standing in the parish assemblies where he cannot enjoy all the spiritual and holy ordinances of christ . and hereupon we do exhort you lovingly in the lord , to take heed that this be not the sinne of any of you , nor of any other , whom your example may embolden thereunto : for necessity is laid upon you , and upon all christians , by th●se and such like grounds of the holy word of the lord ; that neither you , nor others doe live in the voluntary want of any holy ordinance of christ jesus , but either ●et them up , and observe them in the places where you are ; or else ( if you bee free ) to remove for the enjoyment of them , to some place where they may be had ; and it may be of the two , rather this latter . for sometimes i● israel sacrifice to their god in the land , they shall sacrifice the abomination of the egyptians to the lord : and ●o say they , shall wee sacrifice the abomination of the egyptians before their eyes , and will they not stone us ? it is better therefore in such a case to goe into the wildernesse , and to do it there , exo. . . , . hos . . . mat. . . as for that opinion that may be in the minds of some , that if any ordinance of goa be wanting , it is the sinne of them that are in authority , and they must answer for it ? but the people of god may without sinne , live in the want of such ordinances as superiors provide not for them . the answer hereuntois , that indeed the ordinances of god may more peaceably and quietly bee observed where the commandement and countenance of magistrates is afforded ; for then is fullfilled the saying that is written , kings shall bee thy nursing fathers , and queens thy nursing mothers , esa . . . and doubtlesse it is a great blessing , when god ( that hath the hearts of kings and princes in his hands , prov. . . ) doth incline them to favour , and further the service of the house of god , as somtimes he doth , even when themselves are alients and strangers . cyrus , darius , and artaxerxes , gave great countenance and incouragement to the jewes to build the house of god , that they might offer sacrifices of sweet savour to the god of heaven , and pray for the life of the king and of his sonnes , ezra . , . i● which case good ezra blesseth the lord , that had put such a thing into the kings heart , to beautifie the house of the god of heaven , ezra . . and therefore kings and all in authority , should be prayed for , that we may lead a godly and peaceable life , in godlinesse and honesty , tim. . , . neverthelesse , the things that are ordained and commanded of god , the observing of them in a peaceable way ( yeilding out reverence to all that are in authority , and praying for them ) this observing of the ordinances of god cannot be unlawfull , for lack of the commandement of man , as appeares by the doctrine and pract●ce of the apostles , act. . . & . . and the approved practise of believers in their times , if they had neglected the ordinances of god and namely church ordinances , till they had had the commandement of magistrate therein , such neglect would have beene their grievous sinne , and for ought we know they might have lived and died without them , the magistrates at that time be●ng all either heathens or jewes , yet enemies ; and if church communion and the exercise of such ordinances , as christ hath appointed for his churches , was lawfull , and needfull , and profitable , when magistrates were enemies to the gospell ; and bee not so when magistrates doe professe the gospell , we doe not see but christians may sometimes be losers by having christian magistrates , and in worse condition , then if they had none but professed e●emies . besides this , if ▪ superiors should neglect to provide bodily sustenance for them that are under their charge ; we doe not thinke that any mans conscience would be so scrupulous , but hee would thinke it lawfull b●y all good meanes to provide for himself in such case , rather then to sit ▪ still and say , if i perish for hunger , it is the sinne of them that have authority over mee , and they must answer for it : neither can we tell how the conscience of any christian can excuse himself , if he thinks no● the ordinances of christ , as necessary for the good of his soule , as food is necessary for his temporall life ; or doe not willingly in this spirituall hunger break through stone walls as the proverbe i● , and runne from sea to sea to seeke god in his owne way , rather then to perish without spirituall food , because others provide not for him . and this is our answer to this eleventh quere , concerning your standing in the parish assemblies : which answer of ours , and the exhortation therein , as we pray the father of mercies to make effectuall by his blessing for those good ends , which wee intend therein , so wee cannot in the same , but reflect upon our selves and our owne wayes in times past ; as seeing not a little cause to judge our selves before the lord , as long as wee live , for our sinfull ignorance and negligence , when wee were in england , ●o observe and walke according to those rules of the word , which now upon occasion given by this qu. wee doe commend to your selves and other christians . the lord in mercy pardon our offences , and direct your selves and his servants in ●ur deare native countrey , both in remaining and removing to doe that which is pleasing in his sight . whereas this qu. in the first clause and last but one compared together speakes of believers out of the kingdome of god , and possibility of salvation , we conceive it is a contradiction , for those that are true believers , cannot be out of possibility of salva●on , but possibly may , yea most undoubtedly shall bee saved , joh. . . and . . the contrary whereof is to overthrow all the promises of the gospell , and with the papists and arminians to establish falling from grace . . for that saying , extra ecclesiam non est salus , wee conceive it cannot be universally true , if it be meant of the visible church , which in the new-testament is a particular congregation ; but onely being taken for the church invisible , or the vniversall church , which is the whole company of the elect in heaven , in earth , and not yet borne , ioh. . . and . . out of which elected company there is not one that shall be saved , nor any of the elect neither , but in the way of regeneration , ioh . . but as for the visible , we believe the old saying is true , there are many wolves within , and many sheepe without , joh. . . and therefore it cannot be universally true , that out of the visible church there is no salvation : inasmuch as all christs sheepe shall be saved , ioh. . . of whom yet notwithstanding there are some not joyned to the visible church : if the thiefe that repented on the crosse was a gentile , as it was possible he was ; then hee was uncircumcised , and then it will trouble a man to tell of what visible church he was : and yet there is no doubt but he was saved . the like may be said of iob and of his friends , of whose salvation we make no question , and yet it is a great question whether they were of any visible church or no , inasmuch as the visible church in those times seemed to be appropriated to the house and posterity of abraham , isaac , and iacob , of which line & race it cannot easily be proved that all these men did come , nor that they joined themselves in visible fellowship with that church . the centurion , mat. . . and the woman of canaan , mat. . were both of them believers and saved , and yet it doth not appeare that they were members of the visible church of the iews , which was the only visible church of god in those times . men of yeares ought to be believers , and so in the state of salvation afore they be joyned to the visible church , and therefore there may be salvation out of that church : for it is possible that such an one as being a believer is fit to bee joyned to the church m●y di● and depart this life afore hee can bee joyned , as that good emperour valenti●ian . died before hee could bee baptize● . and for your selves if you should thinke that baptisme makes men members of the visible church ; as is intimated in your fourth question : you may not then deny but there may be salvation out of the visible church : unlesse you will say that there is no salvation without baptisme , which we believe is farre from you to imagine . . we doe hold that so ; oft and so long as a believer doth not joyne himselfe as a member to some particular congregation or other , so oft and so long : he is without the church in the apostles sence , cor. . for the church in the apostles sence , is a particular congregation ; for he writeth to , and of the church at corinth , which church was a particular congregation , cor. , , & . . & . . . and having power of judgeing her own members ( as all visible churches have ) yet had no power of judgeing any , but such as were within that particular congregation , as all them they had power to judge , whether they were believers in christ or no. mr. b●i●● ( as we said before ) is very large and cleare in proving this position , that the churches instituted by christ and the apostles , were only such as might meet in one congregation ordinarily , and answers many objections to the contrary , di●ces . tryal . q. . . for the question it selfe , we hold that every believer ( if possibly he can ) is alwayes bound to joyne himselfe as a member to some particular congregation or other ; and yet not because , else he is a heathen and publican , or out of possibilitie of salvation , as this question suggests , but upon other grounds . . because of the commandment of god , cant. . . math. . . . . because willingly not to doe this is a secret disparagement to the wisdome of god that hath ordained ▪ churches with giving power and privilegdes therunto mat. . . cor. . . and promises of his gracions presence to be with them and amongst them , mat. . . rev. . . exod. . . now to what end were all these , if believers should live and no● joyne themselves to some church ? these priviledges and promises would in such case be all in vain , and the mercy of god offered therin , unthankfully neglected . thirdly , voluntarily abstaining from joyning to the church is noted and condemned as a sinne , heb. . . and a signe of fearefull unbelievers , act. . . of the rest durst no man joyne unto them . fourthly , good men in scripture have been forward in practise this way , isay . , . zach. . . act. . , . and . . and have mourned with much bitternesse when they have been deprived of liberty so to doe , isay . . and ps . . and . and . fiftly , this joyning is a part of that order , and orderly walking which is required of believers , col. . . cor. . . sixtly , if believers doe neglect this joyning , it is not onely a wrong to themselves , but also a great unkindnesse to god : for if one believer may doe this , why not another , and if two why not three , foure &c. and ▪ if all believers should doe thus , god should have no visible churches upon earth , unles he will acknowledge the assemblies to be of unbelievers churches : foras stones in the mountains are not an house untill they be joyned together , though they be digged up out of the quarry , and squared & hewn , and hereby are made fit to be joyned together , and so to become an house : so believers are not a church till they be joyned in holy covenant in some congregation , though the worke , of grace and faith in their soules have made them fit , and meete to be a church of god , which is the house of the living god : or as the humane soule and body are not a man unlesse they be united ; so christian or believers are not a visible church without visible union into some particular . congregation . mr. perkins having said that forth of the militant church : there are no meanes of salvation , no preaching of gods word , no invocation of gods name , no sacraments , and therefore no salvation ; concludes with these words ; for this cause every man must be admonished evermore to joyn himselfe to some particular church , being a sound member of the catholick church , expos . of creed in the article of the church ; and doctor ames gives . reasons , why every christian should ioyne himselfe to some particular church or other cas . cons● . l. . c. . q. . and in another place he hath these words . illi igitur qui ▪ occasion●● habent adjungendi sese ecclesiae , & ●am negligunt , gravissimè peccant , non tantum in deum ratione institutionis , sed etiam in suas proprias animas ratione benedictionis adjunctae , etsi obstinatè persistant in ipsa incu●ia , quicquid alias profitentur , vix possunt haberi pro fidelibus regnum dei verè quaerentibus . medul . theol. l. . c. . sect. . first , whereas this th . question speakes of private and illiterate persons into a church body combined , wee looke at this as an incongruous expression , if not a contradiction . for a company so combined as to make a church , are not fitly called private , ( though they be illiterate in respect of humane learning ) in as much as a church or a church-body , especially in times and places of peace and liberty , is a publike congregation and society : and the acts of communion which they have among themselves ( such as is the election and deposing of ministers , whereof the question makes mention ) are not private acts but publike or people-like . neither are literate or learned men therefore publike , because they are indued with humane learning , unlesse withall they be called to publike office or imployment in church or common-wealth : and therefore if illiterate be an exegesis of private , we conceive that exegesis is not good . secondly , whereas this question asketh whether it be lawfull and convenient that such a company should themselvs ordinarily examine elect , ordain and depose their owne ministers ? if ordinarily be as much as frequently , we answer three things . first , that if one church doe frequently come to such actions , that is , to take in and put out the same men , this is not without suspition of much levity and rashnesse in the people , or unfaithfulnesse or unworthy walking in the ministers , or both ; and therefore ordinar●ly , that is , frequent taking in and putting out againe in this manner , is as much as may be to be avoided . secondly , when such things doe often and frequently fall out , it is doubtlesse a judgement of god upon such a people to have so many changes in their ministers ; as was that of which it was said , three shepheards have i cut off in one moneth , zach. . . that people should be so oft as sheep having no shepheard ; for the transgression of a land many are the princes thereof , pro. . . so in like sort for the transgressions of a church many are the ministers thereof ; we meane , when they have many ministers , by the comming in and going out of the same men , or the removing of some and the taking in of others in their roome : for otherwise , it is a blessing of god , when a church is furnished with variety of ministers at the same time , acts . . & . . phil. . . thirdly , yet this word ( ordinarily ) doth seeme to imply , that in your judgement sometimes this may be lawfull and convenient to be done ; now upon the same ground on which it may be done sometimes , upon the same it may be done at other times , if there be just occasion . thirdly , for the assistance of the ministers of other churches , of which this question maketh mention , if this be onely by way of counsell or advice , we know nothing unlawfull or inconvenient in such assistance , because churches are as sisters one to another , cant. . . and therefore it is our practice in ordination of ministers , as also in removall of them , to have such assistance . but for authority and power , we know none that ministers have properly so called in any congregation or church , save that one , over which the holy ghost hath made them overseers : and therefore we thinke it not lawfull nor convenient , when a church is to ordaine officers , to call in such assistance ( viz. by way of authority or power ) of the ministers of other churches . fourthly , we judge it lawfull and convenient that every church of christ ( what ever their humane learning be , whether much or lesse ) should elect and choose their ministers : god doth not ( for ought we know ) give this power of calling their owne ministers unto such churches as have many learned men in them , and deny it unto others ; but gives it indifferently to every church , as they are a church , and so to one church as much as to another . if we thought you doubted whether the power of calling ministers were given by christ unto the church , we might here alledge many reasons for it ; but this being the constant judgement of the eminent lights of this age , and the former who have been studious of reformation , wee must hope ( till we hear to the contrary ) that your selves do not differ from them in this point . as for us , those grounds and reasons from the holy scripture which are alledged by calvin , zanchius , mr cartwright , dr ames , and ( ) others doe satisfie us in this particular . ( ) institut . . . . ( ) de redemp . in . praecep . p. . . &c. who alledgeth bucer and musculus . ( ) . reply p. . &c. ( ) m●dul . theol. l. . c. . sect. & cas . consc . lib. . c. . q. . ( ) demonist . of disc . c. . fifthly as for that objection which seemes to be implyed in the word illiterate , that it should not be lawfull or convenient for a body to choose their owne ministers , because they are illiterate , or want men of humane learning among them , wee further answere thereto ; first , that among us when a company are to be combined into a church-body , ( as you speake ) there is usually one or other among them who doe not want all humane learning but have been trained up in universities and usually have been ministers and preachers of the word in our native countrey , and approved by the godly there ; and are here by the company that doe so combine intended to be chosen afterwards for pastors or teachers : and accordingly , after the church is gathered , are in due time elected and ordained into their places . secondly , but yet if there were none such among them at their first combining and uniting , we doe not see how this could hinder them of liberty to choose ministers to themselves afterward , when god shall send any to them that may be fit for the worke ; because this is a liberty that christ hath purchased for them by his precious bloud , and they that are fit matter to bee combined into a church-body , are not so illiterate but they have learned the doctrine of the holy scripture in the fundamentall points thereof ; they have learned to know the lord and their owne hearts , they have learned christ , the need they have of him , and of all the meanes of enjoying him , the worth that is in him , and the happinesse laid up for them in him : and therefore they may not be reproached as illiterate or unworthy to choose their owne ministers : nay , they have the best learning , without which all other learning is but madnesse and folly , and science falsly so called , tim. . . and indeed of none account with god , nor available for direction and guidance in the affaires of the house of god , such as is this election of ministers , nor for the salvation of the soule in another world , cor. . . . & . ▪ job . . . though it may be , and is very usefull therewith . thirdly , you know and ( we doubt not ) doe abhorre as much as wee the spirit of those men that are proud of their owne learning , and vilified believers in christ for want thereof , saying , doe any of the rulers , or of the pharisees believe in him ? but this people which know not the law are cursed , john . . . . first , a company of fourty persons , or twenty , or lesse , is not such a small company , but they may be a church properly and truely so called , if there be nothing against them but this , that such a number may seeme not sufficient : we do not finde that god doth any where say , they must be above fourty , or else they cannot be a church ; and therefore no mortall man can justly say it : nay , rather that speech of christ , of two or three gathered together in his name , matth. . . doth plainly imply that if there be a greater number then two or three , whom they being not satisfied in the answere of an offendor may appeale unto , and in so doing tell the church , such a small number may be a church , and may have the blessing of his presence to be among them . besides , the time hath been , in the dayes of adam and noah , when there was not fourty persons in the world , and yet adams family in his time , and noah● in his , was in those dayes a church , if there was any church on earth . and if christ and his twelve disciples were the first christian church , it is too much for any man to say , that twenty or fourty is such a small company that they cannot be a church . secondly , for the matter of government , there is a difference between ability and right : in respect of the former , in as much as some cases are more difficult then others , and some churches of lesse spirituall abilities then others , and god doth not afford assistance and direction at some times so much as at others ; therefore in such cases it is requisite that churches should seeke for light , and counsell , and advice , from other churches : as the church at antioch did send unto the church at ierusalem in a question , which could not bee determined among themselves , act. . . but this is not because they have no right , but when they are not able . thirdly , as for right let it be considered how the church at antioch did long endevour to have ended that matter amongst themselves , before they determined to send to ierusalem , vers . . which shewes that they had power or right to have transacted that businesse among themselves , if ability had served ; or otherwise , that endevour had been sinfull , as being a presuming to doe that , whereunto they had no right . we conceive then that every church , properly so called , though they be not above fourty , or twenty persons , or ten , or the least number that you mention , have right and power from christ to transact all their owne ecclesiasticall businesses among themselves , if so be they be able , and carry matters justly , and according to the rules of the word . the power of the keyes , matth. . . among other things noteth ministeriall or delegated power of government ; and this power is committed by christ unto the church , as may appeare , if wee consider , first , to whom christ directed his speech in that place of scripture ; not to peter alone , but to all the disciples also , for to them all the question was propounded by christ , vers . . and ●eter answered in all their names . secondly , that he and they were not then looked upon as apostles , or generall officers of all churches ( for that commission was not yet given them ) but as disciples and beleevers , believing with the heart , and confessing with the mouth jesus christ , the rocke upon whom the church is built ; wherein as they did represent all believers , so in peter and the rest , the keyes are committed to all believers that shall joine together in the same confession , according to the order and ordinance of christ . and therefore afterward this power of government is expresly given to the church , matth. . . according hereunto in that description of the visible church , as it is instituted by christ in the new testament , rev. . the members of the church are seene by john in a vision sitting on thrones , cloathed with white rayment , having on their heads crownes of gold , vers . . now thrones and crownes are ensignes of authority and power , to note unto us that authority and governing power , which is committed by christ unto the church . doctor fulke hath this saying ; the keyes of the kingdome of heaven ( whatsoever they are ) be committed to the whole church , and not to one person onely , as cyprian , augustine , chrysostome , jerome , and all the ancient doctors ( agreeably to the scriptures ) doe confesse , against the popes pardons chap. . p. . and elsewhere he saith ; the authority of excommunication pertaineth to the whole church , although the judgement and execution thereof is to be referred to the governours of the church ; which exercise that authority , as in the name of christ , so in the name of the who●e church whereof they are appointed governours , to avoid confusion : against the rhemists on cor. . sect. . and doctor whitaker hath these words : hoc est quod nos dicimus petrum gessisse personam omnium apostolorum ; quare hanc promissionem non uni petro , sed toti ecclesiae factam esse , & totam ecclesiam in illo claves accepisse . de pontif . roman . q. . c. . sect. . and in that booke hee is pregnant and plaine in this , that by the keyes is meant all ecclesiasticall power and jurisdiction , and that these keyes are given in peter to the whole church : the same is also taught by master parker polit. eccles . l. . c. . . . . , . where he proves by many arguments , that every visible church ( which hee acknowledgeth to be no other but a particular congregation ) hath the power of all ecclesiasticall government and jurisdiction commited to it by christ jesus ; and answereth many objections to the contrary : and page of that third book , making mention of foure opinions concerning those words of the keyes , and power of binding and loosing matth. . . the first of them that understand the pope onely to be meant thereby as peters successour : the second of them that understand it of the diocesan bishop : the third of them that understand those words as meant of the ministers but the ministers alone : the fourth of them that understand peter to represent the church in that place , and therefore that that promise is made unto the church : of these he refuseth the three first as unsound , and maintaines the fourth as onely agreeing to the truth . and master baine saith , every church by christs institution hath power of government , dioces . tryall quest . . p. . and hee tells us page . what hee meant by church : the word church ( saith he ) wee understand here not figuratively tataken metonymically for the place , syn●cdochecally for ministers administring ordinances ; but properly , for a body politicke standing of people to be taught and governed , and of teachers and governours : so that in his judgement every church ( properly so called ) hath power of government within it selfe : and by these words of his it may also be concluded , that all power of government is not in the elders alone for the power of government by church institution is in every church properly so called ; but ministers are not a church in propriety of speech , but onely figuratively by a synecdoche ; and therefore all power of government is not in the ministers alone , but a church properly so called is the body politique , consisting of people and ministers : but of this more may bee said in the next question . fourthly , for the matters of independency , whereof this question also makes mention : we doe confesse the church is not so independent but that it ought to dep●nd on christ both for direction from the rules of his holy word , ioh. . . act. . . and for the assistance of his holy spirit , to discerne those rules , and to walke according to them when they shall be discerned , ioh. ● . . and . . but for dependency upon men , or other churches , or other subordination unto them in regard of church government or power , wee know not of any such appointed by christ in his word . our saviours words are plaine , if a man heare not the chu●ch , let him beto thee as an heathen or publican . and his promise unto his church is plaine also , that whatsoever they shall binde on earth , shall be bound in heaven , &c. mat. . . &c. and the apostle bids the church deliver the impenitent sinner unto satan , cor. . . , . now when the man upon the churches censure comes to be in case as an heathen or publican , yea becomes bound in heaven as well as bound in earth , and also delivered unto satan , this seems to us to be such a firme ratification of the churches censure , as leaves no roome for any other ecclesiasticall power on earth to reverse or disanull the same , and so takes away that kinde of dependency and subordination of churches . nos plane dicimus ●cclesias initiò regi solitas esse à suis pastoribus , sic quidem ut nullis essent externis , aut ecclesi●s , aut episcopis subditae , non colossensis , ephaesi●ae , non philippensis , thessaloniensi , non h● romanae , non romanae cuiquam , se● paris omnes inter se juris essent , id est , sui omnes juris et mancipij whitak de pontif. roman . question . chapter . section . that is in summe . the churches were not dependent and subordinate to others , but all of them absolutely free , and independent . wee affirme saith master baine , that all churches were singular congregations equall in dependent each of other in regard of subjection , diocesse tryall . q . pag. . the twentieth chapter of mr. parker his third booke of eccles . politie , hath this title de summitate ecclesiae particularis . and the title of the . is , de paritate ecclesiarum , where he openeth and explaineth , and by many arguments and testimonies confirmeth what we hold of the independency and paritie of churches , to which learned discourse of his , we referre you for further satisfaction in this point . wee doe believe that christ hath ordained that there should be a presbytery or eldership , tim. . . and that in every church , ●it . . acts . . cor. . . whose worke is to teach and rule the church by the word and lawes of christ , tim. . ● and unto whom so teaching and ruling all the people ought to be obedient and submit themselves , heb. . . and therefore a government meerly popular or democraticall ( which divines and orthodox writers doe so much condemne in morillius , and such like ) is farre from the practice of these churches , and we believe farre from the minde of christ . secondly , neverthelesse a government meerely aristocratical , wherein the church government is so in the hands of some elders , as that the rest of the body are wholly excluded from entermedling by way of power therein , such a government we conceive also to be without warrant of the word , and likewise to be injurious to the people , as infringing that liberty which christ hath given to them in choosing their owne officers , in admitting of members , and censuring of offendors , even ministers themselves when they be such ; as the church of colosse must admonish archippus of his duety , col. . . master parker you know hath . arguments to prove the superiority of the churches over and above her officers , polit. eccles . lib. . cap. . and master baine saith , if the church have power by election to choose a minister , and so power of instituting him , then of destituting also : instituere & destituere ejusdem est potestatis , dioces . triall p. . and againe , no reason evinceth the pope , though a generall pastors subject to the censure of a church oecumenicall , but the same proveth a diocesan bishop ( and wee may adde , and a congregationall minister ) subject to the censure of the particular church , pag. . and whereas it might be objected , then may sheep censure the shepherd , children their fathers , which were absurd . to this he answereth , that similitudes hold not in all things , naturall parents are no waies children , nor in state of subjection to their children : but spirituall fathers are so fathers , that in some respects they are children to the whole church . so shepherds are no waies sheep , but ministers are in regard of the whole church . . parents and shepherds are absolutely parents and shepherds , bee they good or evill , but spirituall parents and pastors are no longer so , then they do accordingly behave themselves p. . ( to the same purpose and more a● large is this objection answered by master parker , polit. eccles . l. . c. . p. . . and againe , if their owne churches have no power over them , it will be hard to shew wherein others have such power of jurisdiction over persons who belong not to their owne churches , p. . so that all power is not in the officers alone , seeing the officers themselves , if they offend , are under the power of the church . even paul himselfe though an extraordinary officer , yet would not take upon him to excommunicate the incestuous person , without the church , but sends to them exhorting them to doe it ; and blames them because they had not done it sooner , cor. . which shewes that the exercise of all church power of government , is not in the officers alone : and therefore the lord iesus reproving pergamus and thyatira for suffering balaamites , nicholaitans , and the woman iezebel among them , and calling on them for reformation herein , rev. . sends his epistle , not onely to the angels of those churches , but also to the churches , or whole congregations , as appeareth rev. . . and also in the conclusion of those epistle , where the words are , let him that hath an eare heare what the spirit saith , ( not onely to the angels ) but unto the churches ; whereby it appeares , that the suffering of these corrupt persons and practises , was the sinne of the whole church , and the reforming of them , a duty required of them all ▪ now the reforming of abuses in the church , argues some exercise of church government , as the suffering of them argues some remissenesse therein ; and therefore it followes , that some exercise of church government was required of the whole church and not all of the angels alone . sure it is the whole congregation of israel thought it their duty to see to the reforming of abuses , when they appeared to spring up amongst them , as appeareth by their behaviour & practise when the two tribes and an halfe had set up the altar upon the bankes of jordan , ios . . for it is said , that the whole congregation of the children of israel gathered themselves together at shilo , to go up to warre against them , v. . and when phineas and ten princes with him , were sent to expostulate with them about the matter , it was the whole congregation that sent them , v. , . and when they delivered their message they spake in the name of the whole congregation , saying , thus saith the whole congregation of the lord , what trespasse is this ? &c. v. . which plainely declares , that the whole congregation ( and not the elders or rulers alone ) thought it their duty to see abuses reformed and redressed , which could not be without some exercise of government . and when achan the sonne of ca●mi had committed a trespasse in the accursed thing , ●is . . it is counted the sinne of the whole congregation and such a sinne as brought a plague upon them all : for it is said the children of israel committed a trespasse in the accursed thing , v. . and god saith to ioshua ( not the el●ers have sinned , but ) israel hath sinned , and they have transgressed my covenant , and they have stolne of the accursed thing , and put it among their owne stuffe . v. . and for this , wrath fell on all the congregation of israel , and that man perished not alone in his iniquity , iosh . . . now why should not he have perished alone , but wrath must fall upon them all ? and why should his sinne , be the sinne of all the congregation , if the care of preventing it , and timely suppressing the same , ( which could not be without some exercise of church government ) had not bin a duty lying upon all the whole congregation , but upon the elders and officers alone ? doubtlesse the just lord , who saith , every man shall beare his owne burden , gal. . . would not have brought wrath upon all the congregation for achans sinne , if such government as might have prevented , or timely reformed the same , had not belonged to the whole congregation , but to the elders alone . and before this time all the children of israel ( and not the elders alone ) are commanded to put lepers and uncleane persons out of the campe , numb . . , . by all which it appeareth , that all exercise of church government is not in the elders alone , but some power is in the people . and else-where he counts it no sacriledge for members of the church , though not in office , to handle those keyes , mat. . but rather a frivolous thing to thinke otherwise ; quasi absque sacrilegio , saith he , tractare claves priva●i nequeant , qui e●●s privatim tractare jubeatur . quoties fratres suos admonere , consolari , et aedificare . imò ve●ò est & publica clavium tractatio quam plebs christiana in unum coacta sine ullo sacrilegio ministrat , cor. . polit. eccles . l. . c. . p. . and yet this is not a singular conceit of his or ours , but the concurrent judgement of many worthy witnesses of the truth in these latter dayes , who do with great consent hold the ecclesiasticall government to be of a mixt form compounded of all three estates , and that the people are not to be wholly excluded from having any thing to do therein . si velimus christum ipsum respicere , fuit semper ecclesiae regimen monarchicum : si ecclesiae presbyter●s , qui in doctrina et disciplina suas partes agebant , aristocraticum : si totum corpus ecclesiae quatenus in electione episcoporum et presbyterorum suffragia ferebat , it a tamen ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 semper à presbyteris servaretur , democraticum : sic partim aristocritum partim democraticum , partim etiam monarchicum est , semper que fuit ecclesiae regimen , whita . de pontif . rom. qu. . c. . sect . . the church ( saith mr. cartwright ) is governed with that kinde of government , which the philosophers that write of the best common-wealths affirme to be the best . for in respect of christ the head it is a monarchy , and in respect of the ancients and pastors that governe in common and with like authority among themselves , it is an aristocraty , or rule of the best men ; and in respect that the people are not secluded , but have their interest in church matters , it is a democraty , or popular state , reply p. . and when dr. whitegift , from the doctrine of the authors of the admonition would infer this consequence , viz. that then the more that ruled the better estate it should be , and so the popular state should be the best : in answer hereunto he saith , i have spoken of this before , where i declared that the mixed estate is best , both by the example of the kingdome of christ , and also of this our realme , pag. . . and againe , whereas mr. dr. saith , that excommunication , and consequently absolution or restoring to the church again pertaineth only to the minister : it remaineth that i shew that the presbytery or eldership , and the whole church also , hath interest in the excommunication , and consequently in the absolution or restoring unto the church againe , p. . and againe , it is certaine saint paul did both understand and observe the rule of our saviour christ ( viz. that rule , mat. . tell the church ) but he communicateth this power of excommunication with the church : and therefore it must needs be the meaning of our saviour christ , that the excommunication should be by many , and not by one , and by the church , and not by the minister of the church alone , for hee biddeth the church of corinth twise in the first epistle , once by a metaphor , another time in plaine words , that they should excommunicate the incestuous person . and in the d. epistle , understanding of the repentance of the man , he intreateth them that they would receive him again : and therfore considering that the absolution of the excommunication doth pertain unto the churches , it followeth that the excommunication doth in like manner appertainunto it , p. . and again that the ancients had the ordering of these things , and that the peoples consent was required , & that the ministers did not take upon them of their own authority to excommunicate , &c. it may appeare almost in every page of cyprians epistles . in augustines time it appeareth also , that that consent of the church was required , p. . to these may be added , mr. fenner , who speaking of the ecclesiasticall presbytery , and of the businesse which the presbytery is to deale in , which hee distinguisheth into judiciarie , as deciding of doubts , and dispencing of censures . and extrajudiciary , as election , ordination &c. hath these words , atque haec sunt negotia quae praestari debent : in quibus per omnes ecclesias summa ecclesiastica potestas presbyterio demandata est , ita tamen ut in his quae maximi sunt momenti , et ad ecclesiae totius bonum velruinam maxime spectant , post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suam de his captum consilia ecclesiae denunciantur , ut si quid habeant quod consulant vel objiciant in ●●edium proferant : postea , autem auditis et assentien ibus ( nisi ad majorem senatum negotium deferri fuerit , necesse ad turbas vita●das sive componendas , quod tum cum major pars ecclesiae dissentit , faciendum est ) decervenda et pro decretis ecclesiis pro●onenda sunt , and then he declares what hee meanes by those matters maxim momenti , viz. excommunication , absolution , elections , and deposings of ministers and such like , sacrae the. lib. . c . wherin he plainly sheweth , that though the power of the presbytery be very great yet in things of greatest moment , as censures and elections , the people if they have any thing to counsell or object , have liberty to bring it in ; and afterwards matters are to be concluded when they have bin heard speake , and have given their consent , for which liberty and power of the people , he bringeth these scriptures , chro. . . acts . . . . cor. . . & cor. . . . zanchius speaking of that question , per quos exerceri debet excommunicatio , answers thus , nempe per ecclesia● , seu per ministros ecclesiae nomine , eoque et cum consensu totius ecclesiae promissio illa , quaecunque ligaveritis , ad totam ecclesiam est facta , ergo &c. praeterea apostolus hoc expressius declaravit , cor. . congregatis vobis , &c. alloquebatur autem totam ecclesiam . patres idem docent : cyprianus ad cornelium rom. episcopum seribit se multum laborasse apud plebem , ut par daretur lapsis p●enitentibus : si ergo non erat unius episcopi cum suo presbyterio solvere quempiam , sed requirebatur plebis eoque totius ecclesiae consensus : ergo neque ligari quispiam poterat , id est excommunicari , sine totius ecclesiae consensu . augustinus etiam contra donatistas ait , supersedendum esse excommunicatione quando tota plebs laborant eodem merbo , quid ita ? causam adfert , quia inquit , non assentientur excommunicationi . &c. satis aperte docet tunc temporis non solitum fuisse excommunicationem ferri in quempiam sine totius ecclesiae consensu ; et ratio est in promptu , quae enim adomnes pertinent eum consensu omnium fieri debent : ergo sine totius ecclesiae consensu excommunicari nemo debet . and then comparing the government of the church , to the roman common-wealth which had the dictators , the senate and the quirites , and shewing that the church government in respect of christ is a monarchy , in respect of the presbyters an aristocratie , and in respect of the people a democratie , he concludes thus , in rebus igitur gravissimis , quae ad totum corpus pertinent , uti est excommunicatio , sine consensu et authoritate totius ecclesiae nihil fieri debet , de redempt , in prae c. . pag. . &c. calvins words are these , cyprianus cum meminit per quos suo tempore exerceretur ( viz. potestas jurisdictionis ) adjungere solet totum clerum episcopo , sed . libi quoque demonstrat , sic praefuisse clerum ipsum , ut plebs inter●m à cognitione non excluderetur , sic enim scribit ; ab initio episcopatus mei statui sine cleri consilio & plebis consensu nihil agere , instit. . . c. . sect. . and againe , hoc addo , illam esse legitimam in excommunicando homine progressionem quam demonstrat paulus , si non soli seniores seorsim id faciant , sed conscia & approbante ecclesia , in eum scilicet modum , ut plebis multitudo non regat actionem , sed observet , ut testis & custos , ne quid per libidinem à paucis geratur , instit . l. . c. . sect. . those ministers that penned the christian and modest offer of disputation , doe say , that the pastor and elders that exercise ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , ought not to performe any maine and materiall ecclesiasticall act , without the free consent of the congregation , in propos . . the refuter of doctor downams sermon for the superiority of diocesan bishops , is plaine and full also in this point , in part . of his reply p. , . where answering doctor downam , that counted it schismaticall novelty , that the forme of the church government should be holden in part to be democrattcall , and that his refuter for so holding was a brownist or anabaptist ; he not onely proves the power of the people from the scripture , and delivers his owne judgement , that the ecclesiasticall government is of a mixt forme , compounded of all three estates ; but for the same tenent , and that the church government is in part democraticall or popular , he alledgeth the testimonies of the centuries , of illyricus , of doctor fulke . doctor willet , cyprian , augustine , p. martyr , dr whitaker , and others : master baines his judgement we heard before in the former question . vrsinus speaking of that question . quibus commissa est potestas clavium ▪ hath these words : quibus denunciatio verbi divini delegata est , iisdem & potestas illa clavium ; quae verò denunciatio fit in ecclesiastica disciplina est totius ecclesie , ad totam enim ecclesiam pertinet disciplina & jurisdictio spiritualis , sed alio modo fit illa denunciatio in verbi divini ministerio , quam in ecclesiae judicio . and then telling how this denunciation is done in the ministery , and by the ministers of the word , he comes to declare how it is done in church censures : in ecclesiastico judicio ( saith he ) gratiae & irae dei non fit denunciati . ab uno aliquo privatim ▪ sed à tota ecclesia aut nomine totius ecclesiae ' ab its qui ad hoc delecti sunt communi omnium consensu . and a little after answering objections brought against the use of excommunication , he hath these words : potest concedi quod christus non intelligat presbyterium ( viz. in that place matth. . tell the church ) sed propriè sumat vocabulum ecclesiae ante christum jdaicae● , post christum christianae : sed in ecclesiae jurisdictione oportet aliquem esse ordinem , aliquos oportet esse constitutos ab ecclesia , alioquin esset 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and speaking of that question , quis ordo servari debeat in exercenda clavium potestate ( he saith ) principalis pars in excommunicatione est denunciatio , qua &c. atque haec denunciatio qua quis excommunicatur non est penes ministrum ecclesiae , sed penes ipsam ecclesiam , & ejus nomine fit , quia mandatum hoc à christo datum est ecclesiae ; nam ipse ait expressè , dic ecclesiae . and finally , speaking of abuses to be avoided , and cautions to be observed in excommunication , he hath such words in the fourth proposition , or rule there annext , as doe declare it to be his judgement ▪ that if excommunication should be passed by a few , without the consent of the whole church , such proceedings would be both oligarchy and tyranny : attentem expendatum ( saith he ) à toto presbyterio , probetur ab ecclesia , non suscipiatur privat â authoritate , ne ministerium ecclesiae convertatur in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & tyrannidem , in his comment upon the catechisme , in the place de clavibus regni coelorum . pareus delivering certaine porismata or , conclusions concerning excommunication , hath this for the fifth of them , quòd excommunicandi potestas non fit penes unum episcopum , vel paucos pastores , sed penes ecclesiam ; proindelicet pastores & presbyteri ordinis cau ▪ â primas habeant partes circa censuras ecclesiasticas , & per eos h● administrentur ; quod tamen citra consensum ecclesiae pastores ad exclusionem proced●re non debeant , alibi demonstravimus in cor. . and a little after , answering stapletons objections that would have the power of excommunication to be in the bishop alone ▪ he brings in the case of cyprian , who could not absolve the lapsi without the people : cyprianus ( saith hee ) ad cornelium romanum episcopum scribit s● multum apua plebem laborasse ut pax daretur lapsis , quam si per se dare potuisset , non erat cur adeo in persuadenda plebe se fatigasset . so that in the judgement of pareus and cyprian all power of church government was not in the presbyters , but some power was in the people . musculus , although he thinke there be little use of excommunication and church discipline , where there is a christian magistrate , yet when it is to be used , he would not have the people excluded from having any hand therein , as may appeare by those words of his , where he speakes de disciplina ecclesiastica : hisce de rebus non constituet minister suo proprio arbitratu , sed erit ad institutionem earum director , & adhibebit suffragia & consensum sue plebis , ne quicquam invitae ecclesie imponatur . denique curabit ut plebs ipsa viros graves , timentes dei , ac boni testimonii deligat , quorum curâ & vigilantiâ disciplina ecclesiastica administratur , & si quid gravioris momenti accidat , ad ipsam ecclesiam referatur : loc. com . de ministris verbi dei , in tit . de potestate ministrorum p. . and afterward , in the latter end of that place , comming to speake of the deposing of unworthy ministers , he hath these words : quaeritur hic per quos disciplina ista administrari debeat ? respondeo , primum ecclesiae populus potestatem habens elegendi dignum ministrum , habet etiam ( teste cypriano ) potestatem indignum recusandi : deinde qui judices sunt censoresque morum in ecclesia ex officio tenentur redargnere peccantem ministrum , si duobus aut tribus testibus fide dignis coram ecclesia dei convictus fuerit . tertiò , iidem cum consensu & suffragiis plebis deponent ministrum , vel ad ltempus , vel in universum , vel excommunicabunt tandem juxta quaitatem peccati vel defectus illius , p. . doctor ames saith , potestas hujus disciplinae ( viz. of excommunication ) quoad jus ipsum pertinet ad ecclesiam illam in communi , cujus membrum est peccator : ad illos enim pertinet ejicere , ad quos pertinet primò admittere , & corporis totius interest ex aequo membrorum conservatio vel amputatio , cum ecclesi● idcirco consensu ( eoque magistratu non permittente tantum , sed & approbante & constituente ) est executioni mandanda . medul . theol. l. . c. . sect. . lastly , master parker observing a distinction betweene power , and the dispencing of power ; that the one is in the church and the other in the presbyters , hath these words : neque tamen dispensatio omnis , omneque exercitum est penes rectores solos , sed juxta temperamentum formae partim aristocratice , partim democraticae de manda●ae rectoribus suis ecclesi● , que ipsa per se obire satis commodè nequit , retinente vero dispensationem illam illudque exercitium quod & ipsi convenit , & pertinet ad ejus lignitatem , authoritatem , & libertatem à christo donatam . posit . eccles . l. . c. . and elsewhere he saith , imo vero est & publica clavium tractatio , quam plebes christiana in unum coacta , sine ullo acrilegio administrat . polit. eccles . l. c. p. . these testimonies we thought good to produce in this question , lest any should thinke that to give any church power of government to the people , were some singular opinion of ours , swerving from the truth , and disallowed by orthodox writers of the reformed churches ; and no doubt but besides these here cited , the same is taught by ●thers also , whom now we spare to alledge , intending onely ●hese few for a taste instead of many . . and therefore when this question demandeth whe●her we give the exercise of all church power of government to the whole congregation , or to the presbyters thereof alone ? our answer is , neither thus nor so , neither all to ●he people excluding the presbytery , nor all to the presbytery excluding the people . for this were to make the government of the church either meerly democraticall , or meerly aristocraticall , neither of which we believe it ought to be . . whereas this question demandeth to know what acts of government the presbyters may doe more then any other may doe , and to have those particular acts mentioned : this seemeth to us to be a very large demand , for who is able to mention all the particular acts of government , which any one governour may performe in his time , especially if he continue long in his place ? but if your meaning in this point be not of the individualls , but of the species or kinds , yet even there also it is much to require the particular mentioning of all ; yet to give you a taste take these . the calling of assemblies and dismissing of the same againe ; the ordinary preaching of the word , which is done by way of office ; and being the peoples mouth unto god in prayer ; the dispensing of baptisme , and the lords supper : the permitting of any to speak in an orderly way ; and againe enjoining silence : the putting of matters to vote , and pronouncing of sentence in the censure of offendors , or receiving in of penitents after their fall , and blessing of the people in the name of the lord ; these are acts of church government , which the presbyters may doe according to the word and another member may not do without breach of order and presuming above his place . . it is also here demanded , what the presbyters may do without the particular consent of the rest ? to which wee answer , that when they doe what the lord christ ( whose stewards they are ) by his word requires of them in their places , this should not be without the consent of the rest , ●or the rest of the church ought to consent thereto : christs sheep ought to heare his voice , iohn . . and to obey them that speak unto them in his name , heb. . . and if any man should in such case willfully dissent , the church ought to deale with such an one , for not consenting to the will and waies of christ , or else they shall all be guilty of the sinfull dissent of such an one . so that this passage ( if it be meant of presbyters doing their duty ) without the consent of the people , goes upon a supposall ( in respect of the people ) of that which never ought to be , neither are wee to suppose but that there may be rule when the elders and brethren doe not dissent nor are divided one from another : the multitude of them that believed in the first christian church at ierusalem , were of one heart and of one soule , a l. . . yet none needs to doubt , but there was rule and government amongst them , when yet their agreement was such , that the apostles and flders did nothing without the full consent of the rest . it is a miserable mistake either to thinke that in the church of christ the elders and brethren must needs dissent one from another , or if they all consent , that then there can be no ruling but against the peoples minde . they were none of the best shepheards to their flocks unto whom the lord saith , with force and rigour have you ruled them . ezech. . . as for doing any thing in their places ▪ which the word of christ , the lord and master of the church , commandeth not , nor alloweth such things ▪ they neither ought to do nor ought the church to consent unto them if they should ; for that were to make themselves partakers of their rulers sinnes , and so to bring judgement upon them all , as when the priests did wickedly beare rule , and the people loved to have it so , ieremiah . . . lastly , this question demandeth how , and over whom in those acts of government , which are done by the elders more then by other members , or without the consent of the rest , the presbyters doe rule in propriety of speaking more then the rest of the congregation ? wherein are sundry particulars . . how they rule ? whereunto wee answer , that neither the elders nor the people doe rule with lordly and princely rule , and soveraigne authority and power ; for that is proper to christ over his church : who is the onely lord , cor. . . and king and lawgiver that is able to save and to destroy , isa . . . psal . . luk. . . jam. . . the elders are forbidden to be lords over gods heritage , pet. . . or to exercise authority as the kings and princes of the earth doe , matth. . , . luk. . , . they are not so to rule , as to doe what themselves please , but they must do whatsoever christ hath commanded , mat. . . mr. baine sheweth from these words there are diversities of ministeries , but one lord , cor. . . that it is contrary to the scripture that there should be in the church more lords then one : ( and saith he ) look as great lords have in their houses ministers of more and lesse honour , from the steward to the scullery , but no lord-like or master-like power in any besides themselves : so is it with christ and his church , which is the house of god , wherein hee is the lord , apostles and others having more or lesse honourable services , but no masterlike power over the meanest of their fellow servants : on ephes . . . p. . and elsewhere he saith , no minister of the word hath any power but ministeriall in the church , the power of the apostles themselves and evangelists is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts . tim. . yea such a service as doth make the ministers having it so servants , that they are no way lords ; many ministers , one lord ; we preach christ iesus the lord ; our selves your servants for iesus sake , dioces . tryall . q. . p. . the elders are to rule as stewards , mat. . . luke . . as shepheards , act. . . as captaines , guides , leaders or overseers , by going before the people , and shewing them the word and way of the lord , tim. . . . & . . thes . . . h●b . . . . how they rule more then the rest of the congregation do ? whereto the answer is , that this is more then the rest of the congregation doe in these acts , even as acting is more then consenting , and as it is more to be a steward over of the house then one of the household , or to be a guide or leader , then to be guided or led . . over whom they doe rule ? even over the whole church in generall , and every member in particular , even all the flocke over which the holy ghost hath made them overseers , act. . . pet. . . the rule is expresse and plaine that women ought not to speake in the church , but to be in silence , cor. . . tim. , . and therefore they ought not to vote in church matters ; besides voting imports some kind of government , and authority and power : now it is not government and authority , but subjection and obedience which belongs unto women , by the rule , and so is the practice of women amongst us . church matters ought not to be determined meerly by multitude or plurality of votes , but by rules from the word of christ , whose will ▪ ( and not the will either of the major , or minor part of men , ) is the onely rule and law for churches , iam. . . isa . . . mat. . , . exod. . . . . for our practice among us , the major part of the church , yea usually the whole church doth consent and agree in one minde , and one judgement , and so gives a joint unanimus vote ; and the rule requires it should be so rom. . . and the example of the primitive apostolike churches , where things were carried ( nor meerly by the major or minor part , the rest dissenting , but ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or with one accord . act. . . & ● . & . . & ● . . & . . so that in this sence , matters with us are carried according to the vote of the major part , that is , with the joint consent of the whole church , but yet because it is the minde of christ . but it may be your meaning is in this question to take it for granted that the churches will be divided in their votes , and to know what course we take at such times : but if churches lay aside their owne affections , and give attendance to the rule , and be ( as all churches ought to be ) men of humble spirits , and sincere , and withall depend on christ their head and king for guidance , in their worke , we know no necessity of such a supposall , that they must needs be divided in their votes , especially considering what promises he hath made unto his church , of godly concord and agreement among themselves , and of his owne gracious presence in the midst of them , ier. . . zeph. . . mat. . . which promifes we believe are not in vaine . neverthelesse , we deny not but through the corruptions & distempers of men , some dissention may arise for a time in a true church , as it was in the church at corinth : and if any such thing fall out among us ( which we blesse god is not often ) then before matters be put to the vote , our course of proceeding is after this manner . if the elders and major part of the church consent in one conclusion , yet if any brother dissent , he is patiently heard , and his alledgements of scripture or good reasons are duely weighed : if it appeare that his judgement is according to the rule , the whole church will readily yeeld , though before they were otherwise minded . but if it appeare they who dissent from the major part , are factiously or partially carried , the rest labour to convince them of their error by the rule , if they yeeld , the consent of all comfortably concurreth in the matter ; if they still continue obstinate , they are admonished , and so standing under censure , their vote is nullified . if they without obstinate opposition of the rest , doe dissent still , yet referre the matter to the judgement of the major part of the body they are not wont to proceed to sentence ( if the matter be weighty as in excommunication ) till the reasons on both sides have bin duly pondered , and all brotherly means have been used for mutuall information and conviction . if the difference still continue the sentence ( if the matter be weighty ) is still demurred , even till other churches have been consulted with , who in such a case will send their elders to communicate their apprehensions and light , which they do not pro imperio , binding the church to rest in their dictates but by propounding their grounds from the scripture . these courses with gods presence and blessing ( which usually accompanieth his ordinance ) faithfully taken and followed , will prevaile either to settle one unanimous consent in the thing ▪ or at least to preserve peace in the church by the dissentors submission to the judgement of the major part , though they see not light sufficient to warrant them to act in the businesse : such subjection is according to the rule , ephes . . . pet. . . if the church or the elders should refuse the testimony of other churches according to god , they will ( after brotherly admonition and due patient waiting ) deny them the right hand of fellowship , till they shall give better evidence of their subjection to the gospel of christ . but thanks be to god we never had occasion of such withdrawing communion of one church from another , though now and then ( as need requireth ) churches send to other churches for their counsell and advice . meanes to preserve the churches in unitie and verity , and to reforme any that may erre , thankes bee to god we have sundry . first , the holy scriptures , which are a perfect rule for doctrine and practise , tim. . . pet. . . psal . . , . secondly , the ministery appointed by christ , viz. of pastors , teachers , elders , and deacons , ephes . . , . cor . . tim. . . . tim. . , . &c and vers . . and in both these we have frequently holden forth unto us the commandement of god , wherein he requires churches to bee of one mind and one judgement in the truth , cor. . . & . . . ephes . . . & phil. . . & . . . and his promise to lead his people into all truth , and holy agreement therein , jer. . . isa , &c. zeph. . . ioh. . . with many motives and rules from scripture for continuing in the said truth and love . now faith makes use of these promises and submits to these precepts and exhortations , and so both these being mixt with faith are profitable meanes by the blessing of god for that end aforesaid , heb. . . as these churches have found by experience , for these yeares since our comming into this countrey : and any other meanes sanctified of god for the aforesaid end , we hope we should be glad with thankfull hearts to improve and make use of as the lord shall help . as for a platforme of doctrine and discipline which you mention , as one meanes hereunto , if thereby you meane no more but a confession of faith of the holy doctrine which is according to godlinesse , we know nothing but it may be lawfull and expedient in some cases for any particular person that hath received the gift to doe it ; or any church , or a●l the churches in any christian common-wealth , to compile and set forth such a platforme . the practise of those churches , whose confessions are contained in that booke called the harmony of confessions , as also of master robinson at leiden , and others of our nation in other parts in the low-countries , who have published such platformes , we see no reason to condemne or disallow : neither count we it unlawfull or inexpedient for any church or churches , or person or persons in the countrey , upon just occasion to doe the like . but if your meaning be of a platforme to be imposed by authority upon others , or our selves , as a binding rule of faith and practice , so that all men must believe and walke according to that platforme , without adding , altering , or omitting ▪ then we are doubtfull whether such platformes be lawfull or expedient . for if the doctrine contained therein doe in any particular swerve from the doctrine contained in scripture then the imposing of them is so far forth unlawfull ; and if they be according to it , then they may seeme needlesse , in as much as the forme of wholesome words contained in scripture is sufficient . which reason against such platformes , makes nothing against sermons or preaching , though sermons must be according to the doctrine contained in scripture , because preaching is an ordinance of god and therefore not needlesse ; which we cannot say of such platformes . besides , as they are not necessary , so they may be a snare unto men , and a dangerous temptation of attending more to the forme of doctrine delivered from the authority of the church , and the imposers , then to the examining thereof according to the rule of scripture ; and so their faith may by this meanes stand in the wisedome or will of man , rather then in the power of god , as if men had dominion over their faith ; which things ought not so to be , cor. . . & . . ver . christians have liberty from god to search the scriptures , and try all things , and hold fast that which is good , act. . . ioh. . . thess . . . but the foresaid imposing of platformes and confessions compiled by men , doth seeme to abridge them of that liberty ; and if it be any meanes of unity , yet it may be a dangerous hinderance of some verity and degree of truth as binding men to rest in their former apprehensions and knowledge , without liberty , to better their judgement in those points , and shutting the doore against any further light which god may give to his best servants , and most discerning , beyond what they saw at first : and therefore we doubt such imposed platformes are not lawfull , or at least wise not expedient . the consociation of churches into classes and synods we hold to be lawfull and in some cases necessary ; as namely in things that are not peculiar to one church , but common to them all : and likewise when a church is not able to end any matter that concernes onely themselves , then they are to seeke for counsell and advice from neighbour churches ; as the church at antioch did send unto the church at ierusalem , acts . . the ground and use of classes and synods , with the limitations therein to be observed , is summarily laid downe by doctor ames , medul . theol. l . c. . sect. . unto whom we do wholly consent in this matter . but when you speake of doing no weighty matter without the consent and counsell of a classes , we dare not so far restraine the particular churches as fearing this would be to give the c●asses an undue power and more then belongs unto them by the word ; as being also an abridgment of that power which christ hath given to every particular church , to transact their owne matters ( whether more or lesse weighty ) among themselves ( if so be they be able ) without such necessary dependence upon classes , as we have shewed before in answer to q. . sect. . & . of that answere . and master parker testifieth , that in genevah , and in the low-countries , where they have some use of classes , yet it cannot bee said that their particular congregations are absque potestate omni in rebus grandtoribus , ut in excommunicatione ; the particular churches are not without power in the more weighty matters , as in excommunication , polit. eccles . li. . c. . sect. . p. . and master baine sheweth the same , saying , they have power of governing themselves , but for greater edification voluntarily confederate , not to use or exercise their power but with mutuall communion , one asking the counsell and consent of the other , dioces . triall q. . p. . and a little after geneva made his consociation , not as if the prime churches were imperfect , and to make one church by this union ; but because though they were intire churches , and had the power of churches , yet they needed support in exercising of it , &c. which is the very same that wee said before in q. viz. that all churches have right of government within themselves , but some had need of counsell and advice of others , because they are of lesse ability to transact their owne matters of themselves . and master parker in the same place afore alledged in the page immediately precedent , clearly sheweth against doctor downham , doctor sutcliffe , and others , that those particular congregations which have presbyters of their owne , with power within themselves , are the most perfect , and are precisely formed juxta formam illam quae in verbo patefacta est , according to that forme which is revealed in the word ; whereas others which have not the like are more defective and imperfect . and if this be so , then to binde churches to do no weighty matters without the counsell and consent of classes , were to blinde them to bee imperfect . and for synods , if they have such power that their determination shall binde the churches to obedience ( as you speake ) it is more then we yet understand . indeed bellarmine makes bishops in a councell or synod to be judges ; and that standum sit corum sententiae , quia ipsi sic statuerunt , quomodo statur sententia praetoris in causis politicis ; that is , either to obey or suffer : de concil . & eccles . l. . c. . but the orthodoxe writers do not consent to him therein ; for in their judgement the sentence of a councell or synod is onely inquisitio quaedam & dictio sententiae ministrato●ia & limitata , ita ut tantum valeat decretum concilii quantum valeat ejus ratio , as doctor ames hath it in his bellarminus enervatus , upon that place of bellarmine : that is , the sentence of a synod is onely a certaine enquiring and giving of sentence by way of ministery , and with limitation ; so that the decree of the councell hath so much force as there is force in the reason of it . and junius expresseth it thus ; sententia concilii per se ipsam suasionis non coactionis est judicium ministeriale , non authoritatem , per se necessitatemque adferens , animadvers . upon bellarmine in that place : that is , the sentence of a councell is of it selfe onely of advice , not of compulsion or constraint , and brings with it a judgement ministeriall , not authority of it selfe nor necessity ; whereunto we doe wholly consent . as for that clause in this question , that the determination of a synod should binde if not to obedience , yet to peaceable suffering , we know not what sufferings those should be : for punishments in purse or person , in respect of the body or outward man , are not to be inflicted by synods , but by civill magistrates ; and church-censures of excommunication , or the like , belong to the particular church of which an offendor is a member , out of the communion whereof a man cannot be cast , but onely by his owne church . onely christ hath authority to make lawes for the government of each particular church , and the members thereof , and h●s lawes doe oblige all the members , and may not be omitted without sinne , jam. . . jsa . . . ● mat. . , . ●ct . . . but for particular churches , they have no power to make lawes for themselves or their members , but to observe and see all their members observe those laws which christ hath given and commanded mat. . . deu● . . . iohn . . if any church shall presume further , they goe beyond their commission , and in such case their ecclesiasticall lawes may be omitted without sinne , nay it would be sinne to be subject to them col. . . to walke after them , hos . . . to be such servants of men as not to stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made us free , . or . . . gal. . . the outward calling of a minister consisteth properly and essentially in election by the people , as doctor ●mes sheweth , cas . cons . l. . c. . q. . and this election is so essentiall , that without it the ministers calling ( if you speak of an ordinary church officer ) is a nullity ; and therefore mornay , that learned noble man of france , approveth that saying of chrysostome , election by the people is so necessary , as that without it there is neither altar , nor church , nor priest-hood , where ( omitting other things ) it appeares to be their judgement , that without election by the people , the ministery is void ; and mornay addeth of his owne , concerning the bishops amongst the papists , that they were nullá plane 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nulla proinde , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the one presupposed the other , no imposition seeing without election , in his booke of the church , c. . p. . yet sometimes the peoples acceptance and approbation afterward may supply the want of election at the first , as iacobs after consent and acceptance of lea , made her to be his wife , though hee chose her not at the first . and by this we hold the calling of many ministers in england may be excused , who at first came into their places without the consent of the people . if ordination by imposition of hands , were of the essence of a ministers calling then in those churches , where such ordination is not used , their ministers should want a lawfull calling , which were an hard sentence against many ministers in scotland , where ( as is reported ) this ordination is not thought necessary , and therefore used or omitted indifferently . wee looke at ordination by imposition of hands , as a solemne investing of men into their places , whereto they have right and calling by election , like to the inauguration of a magistrate in the common-wealth , yet necessary by divine institution . tim. . . but not so necessary as if the ministers calling were a nullity without it . essentia ipsa vocationis , in electione legitima consistit ; ordinatio pendet ab electione , sicut coronatio principi● , aut magistratus inauguratio , ab electione , successione , aut aequivalente aliqua constitutione . ames bellarm. enervat . lib. . de clericis , c. . sect. . that is , the essence of a ministers calling consists in lawfull election , ordination depends upon election , as the coronation of a prince , or the inauguration of a magistrate , depends upon election , succession , or some other constitution aequivalent . and againe , ritus impositionis manuum non est absolute necessarius ad esse pastoris , non magis quam coronatio ad esse regis , aut celebratio nuptiarum ad earum esse . sect . . that is , the right of imposition of hands is not absolutely necessary to the essence of a pastor , no more then the coronation to the essence of a king , or the celebration of marriage to the essence thereof . ordination of ministers is not a private action but publique , and ought to be done publiquely in the assembly of the church , and therefore the persons that performe it , ( whether they be ordinary church officers or no ) cannot in any congruity of speech be called meere private persons in that action . . the church that hath no officers , may elect officers or ministers unto themselves , therefore it may also ordaine them ; which argument dr. whitaker useth as wee shall see anon . if it have commission and power from christ for the one , and that the greater , it hath it also for the other which is the lesser : now ordination is lesse then election , and depends upon it as a necessary antecedent by divine institution , by vertue of which it is justly administred , being indeed nothing else but the admission of a person lawfully elected into his office , or a putting of him into possession thereof , whereunto he had right before by election , as was said before in answer to the precedent question . . if a church have ministers or elders before , then this ordination is to be performed by the elders of the church , and in their assemblie . tim. . . as also many other acts are to be performed by them . . this ordination thus performed by the elders for the church , may fitly be called the act of the whole church , as it is the whole man that seeth , that heareth , that speaketh , when these acts are instrumentally performed by the eye , the eare , and the tongue , in which sense master parker saith , ecclesia per alios docet , baptisa●que , polit. eccles . l. . c. . p. . . but when a church hath no officers , but the first officers themselves are to be ordained , then this ordination by the rite of imposing of hands may be performed for the church by the most prime grave and able men from among themselves , as the church shall depute hereunto , as the children of israel did lay their hands upon the levites , numb . . . now all the congregation could not impose all their hands upon them together , all their hands could not possibly reach them together , and therefore it must needs be that some of the congregation in the name of the whole body performed this rite : and as this scripture sheweth , that the people may in some cases lay their hands upon church officers , ( for the levites were such , upon whom the children of israel did lay their hands ) so let it be considered , whether these reasons doe not further make it manifest . . men that are in no office may elect , therefore they may ordaine , because ordination is nothing else but the execution of election . . if it were not so then one of these would follow , either that the officers must minister without any ordination at all , or else by vertue of some former ordination received in some other church or else they must be ordained by some other minister or ministers of some other church , that were ordained afore them , and so the ministery to be by succession . but the first of these is against the scripture , tim. . . heb. . . and the second were to establish the popish opinion of the indeleble character , imprinted as they imagine in their sacrament of holy orders . whereas for ought we can discerne . if when they are called to office in any church , they have need of a new election , notwithstanding their former election into another church then they have by the same ground need of a new ordination , for ordination depends upon election : if their former election be ceased , their former ordination is ceased also ; and they can no more minister by vertue of a former ordination unto another church , then by vertue of a former election . and for the third , we doe not understand what authority ordinary officers can have to ordaine ministers to such a church , of which themselves are not so much as members besides at some times , namely at the first reformation after the times of popery , there were no others to be had but from the pope , and his bishops and priests . now it were a pittifull case , if the sheep must have no shepherd but such as are appointed to them by the wolves , that is , if gods people might not have ministers , but onely from the popish bishops . this were to say , either that the ministers of antichrist , must , or may ordaine ministers to the church of christ , or else that the popish bishops are true ministers of christ . and if protestants thinke it necessary , that their first ministers should be ordained by the popish bishops , it is no marvell if the papists do thereupon believe that their church is the true church , and their bishops true ministers . such a scandall is it unto them to maintaine this personall succession of the ministery . but god doth so much abhorre antichrist , that hee would not have his people to seek to him , nor his priests to ordaine christs ministers , as he would not take of babilon a stone for a corner , nor a stone for a foundation , ier. . . . it is thus in civill corporations and cities , the major , bayliffe , or other chiefe officer elect , is at his entrance and inauguration to receive at the hands of his predecessors the sword or keyes of the city , or to have some other solemne ceremonie by him performed unto him yet if either there be no former as at the first or that the former be dead or upon necessity absent , when his successor entreth , then is this ceremony and worke performed by some other , the fittest instrument ; neither need that city borrow any officer of another city , neither could he entermeddle there without usurpation , though both the corporations have the same charter under the same king. and so it is in this spirituall corporation or city , the church of god. . that this point may seeme the lesse strange to you , we pray you consider with us a little further the nature of this ordination , and then wee will adde the testimonies of some eminent protestant writers in this case , that you may see this is not any singular opinion of ours . for the former , some indeed have so highly advanced this ordination , that they have preferred it farre above preaching the word , ministring the sacraments , and prayer , making it and the power of excommunication , the two incommunicable prerogatives of a bishop above an ordinary minister ; yet the scripture teacheth no such thing , but rather the contrary , for when the apostles were sent out by christ , there was no mention of ordination in that commission of theirs , but only of teaching & preaching & baptising mat. . , . mark. . , . if ordination of ministers had bin such a speciall worke , there would belike have bin some mention of it in their commission . and certaine it is , the apostles counted preaching the word their principall worke , and after it prayer , and the ministring of the sacraments , act. . . cor. . . if ordaining of ministers had bin in their account so prime a worke , it may seem paul would rather have tarried in creete to have ordained elders there then have gone himselfe about preaching , seaving titus for the other , tit. . by all which it appeares , that ordaining of ministers is not such an eminent work as that it is to be preferred above preaching the word , and ministring the sacraments , and therefore to be performed by them that are superiours unto ordinary ministers ; preaching and ministring the sacraments , being left as inferiour workes unto ministers , of an inferiour ranke , as they would have it , that stand for the superiority of docesan bishops ; neither is it equall unto those other workes afore mentioned , that onely he that doth those , may performe this other also , as some others thinke ; but being nothing else in the true nature and use of it but the execution and accomplishment and confirmation of election , it may bee performed by the people of god , that yet have no officers , even as election may upon which it doth depend . . lastly , let these sayings of some protestant writers of singular note , either for holinesse , or learning , or both , be well considered of . master perkins saith , succession of doctrine alone is sufficient ; for this rule must bee remembred , that the power of the keyes ( that is , of order and jurisdiction ) is tyed by god and annexed in the new testament to doctrine . if in turkey , or america , or elsewhere , the gospel should be received by the counsell and perswasion of private persons , they need not send into europe for consecrated ministers , but they have power to choose their owne ministers from within themselves ; because where god gives the word he gives the power also ; upon gal. . . doctor willet saith , whereas bellarmine objecteth that as in the old law the priesthood went by carnall generation and lineall descent from aaron , so in the new it must bee derived by succession from the apostles ; we answere , first , that our saviour christ and his apostles could shew no lineall descent from aaron , neither had their ordination from his successors , and yet were the true pastors of the church . and a little after , this we say further , that both before christ there were true pastors and prophets , which were not ordained by the priests of aaron ; and since christ , that received not their ordination successively from the apostles . first , in the old law , when the ordinary priesthood was corrupted , god raised up prophets from other tribes that received not from the priests their ordination and allowance : such an one was amos , who was among heardsmen , and was made a prophet as he was gathering wilde black-berries . after the same manner in the corrupt times of the gospel , the lord hath raised up faithfull ministers to his church , that could shew no succession from the degenerate clergy . and a little after , if paul were made an apostle without the ordination of the lawfull apostles much more may the lord raise up new pastors to his church without ordination from the usurpers of the apostles : synops . papism . contr . . q. . of succession error . p. . mor●●y his words are full and plaine to the same purpose . viz although some of our men in such a corrupt state of the church , as we have seene in our time , without waiting for calling or allowance of them who under the title of pastors oppressed the lords flock , did at first preach without this formall calling , and afterward were chosen and called to the holy ministey by the churches which they had taught ; yet this ought to seeme no more strange , then if in a free common-wealth the people without waiting either for the consent , or for the voices of those that tyrannize over them , should ( according to the lawes ) make choice of good and wise magistrates , such ( happily ) as god would serve his turne of for their deliverance , and for the publike restitution . and hereof wee have examples , first , in the acts , where wee read that philip , who was but a deacon , preacheth in samaria without the calling of the apostles , yea without their privity , who for all that gave their allowance to his worke . in frumentius , carried upon another occasion into the indies , a meere lay-man , who yet there preacheth the gospel , and a good while after is there made bishop . in those of whom origen speaketh , that shall come by chance into a city where never any christian was borne , shall there begin to teach , and labour to instruct the people in the faith , whom the people shall afterward make their pastors and bishops : and besides , in all the scriptures there is not one place that bindeth the ministery of the gospel to a certaine succession ; but contrariwise the scripture sheweth , that god would send two speciall witnesses to prophesie against antichrist : of the church chap. . p. . doctor whitaker answering bellarmine , that would prove protestants to have no church , because their ministers had no ordination by bishops , saith , that as sometimes bishops were chosen by the clergy and sometimes by the people , so the same may be said of ordination , viz. that it was sometimes by the clergy and sometimes by the people ; and then addeth , quod si vocationem corum episcoporum legitimam fuisse concedat bellarminus , de ordinatione minus laboramus . qui enim habent authoritatem vocandi , iidem etiam authoritatem ordinandi habent , si legitima ordinatio non possit impetrari : nam ordinatio sequitur vocationem ; qui vocatur , i● quasi in sui muneris possessionem mittitur : de eccles . q. . cap. p. . finally , doctor ames doth also witnesse the same in many places of his workes : for a taste take these few sayings of his in this case , viz. ad totam ecclesiam semper pertinet ordinatio , quoad jus , vim , virtutem illam quam habet in ministro ecclesiae constituendo ; sicut celebratio matrimonii vim aut virtutem omnem acceptam refert legitimo consensui conjugum : ecclesie statu ( ministerio & ordine deficiente ) collapso vel corrupto , à plebe etiam actus iste ordinationis , quatenus necessarius est ad ministri constitutionem in tali casu , potest legitimè exerceri , bellarm . enervat . lib. . de clericis , cap. de ordinatione . and againe , a little after ; episcopos veros à veris episcopis ordinariè dicimus ordinand●s esse , sed nomine ecclesiae cui ordinantur . and againe , a little after , potestas ordinandi est aliqu● modo originaliter in tota ecclesia , sicut potestas videndi originaliter est in toto animali , quamvis formaliter & subjectivè sit in oculo tantùm ; tum etiam ordinationis exercitium pendet à tota ecclesia , sicut actus videndi hoc vel illud determinatè pendet non ab oculo sed à toto . and againe , quamvis in ecclesia benè constituta non debeat aliis quam presbyteris ordinandi manus mandari ; in defectu tamen idoneorum presbyterorum potest non presbyteris mandari . and yet againe in the next place , si concedatur hoc , quòd ex ordine nemo possit esse legitimus pastor , nisi sit à legitimo pastore & episcopo ordinatus : in ordinis tamen defectu , cùm jam primò instaurari debet ordo , non potest●tam accuratè observari , atque adeo extraordinarium aliquid tum potest intervenire sine ullo vitio . these words you see are punctuall and plaine , that the power of ordaining ministers is originally in the church ; and that though when a church hath presbyters , the act of ordaining is to be done by those presbyters ; yet in defect of such it may be performed by them that are no presbyters , lawfully , and without fault ; which is the case of our churches that are in their beginnings , and may be the case of any church when they come to be without officers , as by warre , pestilence , &c. it may come to passe . there are some things common to pastors with teachers ; as , that they are both officers of the church appointed by christ ; both elders or bishops to rule and feed the church , by labouring in the word and doctrine , act. tim. . . tit. . , . and therefore the name of pastour , in a generall sense may be given to them both , ier. . . as also the name of teacher , isa . . . as those names may also be given to apostles , in as much as they also are elders , pastors , teachers , to rule , to feed , to teach the church of god , pet. . . ioh. . . . tim. . . & . . . and if pastors and teachers be both of them church officers , to feed and rule the church ▪ by labouring in the word and doctrine , they must not do this without application of it to the consciences and states of the hearers , as god shall helpe them : for this application is one part of his worke , that is by his office to preach the word , without which the word is not handled in such a manner as it ought to be , tim. . . cor. . . luk. . . and many hearers need this , the word delivered in generall without application of it being to them as bread set before children in the whole loafe . and if both of them must labour in the word and doctrine , and not onely in a generall way , but with application , we see not but they may both of them administer the seales or sacraments , wherein there is a speciall application of the promises of the gospel , and the grace of christ therein , unto the faithfull and believing receivers . . and yet for all this community between them , they are not in propriety of speech the same officers , but distinct , and so the scripture speaketh of them ephes . . . for if a man would say their offices are confounded , because the same generall worke of preaching the word , and applying the same , belongs unto them both : by the same reason a man might say the offices of apostles and evangelists were confounded ; for both of them were to preach the word , with application of the same by doctrine , and seales ; and also that the ordinary pastors were the same office with them both , because hee also is to doe the same worke of preaching and applying : but an apostle is to feed , and rule , and teach , by way of doctrine and application , as an apostle ; an evangelist as an evangelist , and an ordinary pastor as an ordinary pastor , and therein lyes the difference : and wee may adde , a teacher as a teacher ; and therein is he distinguished both from the pastor , and from all other church officers , even as by the same they all are distinguished one from another , the same generall worke of doctrine and application being common to them all . . and for the teacher and pastor , the difference between them lyes in this , that the one is principally to attend upon points of knowledge and doctrine , though not without application ; and the other to points of practice , though not without doctrine : and therefore the one of them is called ▪ he that teacheth , and his worke is thus expressed , let him attend on teaching ; and the other , he that exhorteth , and his worke , to attend on exhortation , rom. . , . and the gift of the one is called a word of knowledge , and the gift of the other , a word of wisedome , cor. . . as experience also sheweth , that one mans gift is more doctrinall , and for points of knowledge ; and anothers more exhortatory , and for points of practise . it is not the manner of elders among us , whether ruling onely , or ruling and teaching also , to strive for authority or preheminence one above another ; as remembring what lesson our saviour taught his disciples , when they were at strife among them , which of them should be the greatest , luk. . , . &c. if diotrephes strive for preheminence ioh. , . verily we abhorre such striving , and by the grace of god respect one another as brethren . as for the peoples duty toward their elders , it is taught them plainly in that place , thes . . , . as also in that of tim. . let the elders that rule well bee counted worthy of double honour , specially they that labour in the word and doctrine ; and this word ( specially ) shewes them , that as they are to account all their elders worthy of double honour , so in speciall manner their teaching or preaching elders . these are answered in that which was sent the last yeare . we doe believe that every minister of the gospel ought to be maintained with sufficient and honourable maintenance , according to his need and occasions , in regard of his person , calling , charge of children and hospitality , so as he that preacheth the gospel may in all these respects live of the gospel , cor. . . gal . . tim. . . and this maintenance is not to be allowed as almes and courtesie , but as debt and duty , to bee paid according to the rule of justice ; the labourer is worthy of his wages , luk. . . which the apostle sheweth to be according to all lawes of nature , nations , moses and christ , cor. . but for setled and stinted maintenance , there is nothing done that way amongst us , except from yeare to yeare , because the conditions of ministers may vary , and of the church to which they doe belong : neither doe we know any such thing to be appointed by christ our lord , for the maintenance of the ministery in these dayes ; but this we know that the great mountaine burning with fire , cast into the sea upon the sounding of the second trumpet rev. . , . is applyed by some good writers to those times , when constantine brought setled endowments into the church , with ampla praedia ( as they are called ) are counted by some to bee no better then poyson to the church ; as the stories say that upon the fact of the good emperour a voice was heard , which said , hodie seminatum est virus in ecclesiam . and if those writers be not deceived which so expound that scripture ( as for our parts wee know not but they expound it truely ) then in as much as upon the casting of that mountaine into the sea , a third part of it became blood and a third part of living creatures dyed , and a third part of ships were destroyed , it may be truely gathered thence that the bringing in of setled endowments and eminent preferments into the church , hath been the corruption , and to some the destruction of such as lived by them , both church-officers and church-members . we doe not permit , and call upon ( such whom you call ) meere lay men , and private persons , neither being in the ministery nor intended to it , ordinarily to preach or prophecy publiquely , in or before the congregation , if by ordinarily , you meane frequently and usually . for where ordinary officers are not wanting to a church , and neither detained from their worke by sicknesse , nor just absence , we thinke it most meet to offer our sacrifice to god and to the church of our best gifts . but yet if you oppose ordinary to extraordinary , we doe confesse that some private members ( to wit such as are eminently fitted with knowledge and utterance , being also men of humble spirits , and holy lives , all which qualifications we finde but in a few ) may without an extraordinary calling from god be called forth by by the church upon some occasion ( and namely in the absence or bodily weaknesse of ministers , or for tryall of gifts when a man intends the ministery ) to speake to edification , exhortation and comfort . iehosaphat sent princes ( who neither were ministers , nor intended so to be ) to teach with the priests and levites , to wit , at least to incourage the people , to hearken to the priests and levites come amongst them , chron. . , , . as jehosaphat himselfe also did the like , chron. . . yea , and was their mouth also to god in prayer , v. . . to . as for that prophecying cor. . we conceive as some things in it be extraordinary , so some things ordinary . extraordinary , that private men , and new converts should be so soon & so suddainly , & so much enlightened & enlarged , as to be able to prophecy publikely to the edification of a whole church : but yet this we conceive to be ordinary , that some private men may be found ( at least in some churches ) grown christians , of able gifts , who may have received a gift of prophecy , and for such we doe not thinke it requireth any more an extraordinary calling for them to prophecy in our churches , then for iehosaphat and his princes to prophecy in the church of israel . our answer to this question is that we never knew any ministers that did call upon the people thus to doe : and as for us , such calling upon them is farre from us . all that we know to be holden in this case is this , that some thinke the people have a liberty to aske a question publiquely for their better satisfaction upon very urgent and weighty cause , though even this is doubted of by others , and all judge the ordinary practice of it , not necessary : but ( if it be not meekly and wisely carried ) to be inconvenient if not utterly unlawfull , and therefore such asking of questions is seldome used in any church among us , and in most churches never . true it is , in the times a little afore the synod divers that were infected with corrupt opinions were very bold , & forward in this kind of asking questions , after sermons , especially when they had heard somthing delivered publiquely that did make against their tenents ; by which kind of asking questions , they plainely discovered of what spirit they were , but for being called upon by us thus to doe , ( as it seems to your question that you have been informed ) the truth is , there was no such matter . but now these men are long since , ( the greatest part of them ) to an island ( called aquedneck ) departed from amongst us , some of them being excommunicated or banished , or both , & others departing voluntarily , or for feare of the like censure , by meanes of which departure of these troublesome spirits from amongst us , and the blessing of god upon the synod & sermons that have laid open & reproved this disorderly asking of questions , a man may now live from one end of the year unto another in these congregations , & not hear any man open his mouth in such kind of asking questions . . the conversion of sinners unto god doth not alwaies follow the preaching of every one , that is in a lawfull office of ministery , as experience and scripture doe aboundantly witnesse , isay . . , . & . . ezech. . . king. . . mat. . , . &c. iohn . . . and when it doth follow , it is not by vertue of him , or of his office , but by vertue of gods blessing , and the mighty operation of his spirit as he pleaseth , without which the minister and his office could have had no vertue at all to convert sinners unto god , cor. . . no more then peter and iohn could heale the lame man , by virtue of any power or holinesse that was in them , act. . . for otherwise faithfull ministers should not have their labours blessed for conversion some more and some lesse ▪ but all in the same measure , inasmuch as one of them is no more a minister then another , nor no more in office then another , their office being the same , the effect in conversion would bee the same if conversion were by the vertue of their office . the truth it is , the law of the lord , ( the whole word of god ) that converts the soule , psal . . . and the gospell that is the power of god unto salvation . rom. . . and therefore the conversion of a man to god is to be ascribed to god , and to the word of his grace ; and not to the minister , nor any vertue of his office . . but this we doe acknowledge , that the sound conversion of sinners , whensoever such a thing comes to passe , doth argue that the instruments of such conversion are sent of god : god would not so have blessed them , as to convert any by them , if himselfe had not sent them at all , rom. . , . ier. . . . and yet we dare not say , that gods word is not made effectuall to conversion , unlesse the man that speakes it be a minister , that is to say , a church officer , for the contrary is evident from the scripture , john . . act. . . with . , , . cor. . . they that were scattered abroad upon the persecution that arose about steven , were not church officers , at least all of them ( for the apostles who were their chiefe , if not their only preaching officers , were not scattered abroad upon that persecution , but remained still at jerusalem , acts . . ) and yet these men did so preach the word of the lord jesus to the iewes and the grecians , that through the good hand of the lord that was with them , a great number believed and turned to the lord ; and the same we say of the woman of samaria , by whose testimonie of christ many of the samaritans believed on him . to restraine the efficacy of gods word in such sort as to say that none can be converted by it , unlesse he that speakes it be a minister , is to limit the spirit of the lord , where he hath not limited himself , who is free in working by whom he pleaseth , and as he will , cor. . . even as the wind bloweth where it listeth , iohn . . and sometimes doth bring to passe great things by weake meanes , that his owne glory may be the more , cor. . , , . if any say , how can these things stand together , that a man that is no minister may be an instrument of conversion , and yet conversion of sinners argues that the man is sent of god ? wee answer , that we must distinguish of sending according to the divers degrees thereof . for sometimes it imports no more but such an act of gods disposing providence , whereby men are gifted and enabled for such or such a worke , and permitted thereunto , though they have no command from him for the doing thereof , nor doe it not with a sincere minde in any obedience to god , but for corrupt and sinister ends of their owne . thus god sent the king of assyria against the iewes , isa . . . and bands of the caldees , and bands of other nations against jehojakim , and against iudah , to destroy it , king. . . and yet they had no command from him to doe this , but sinned grievously in so doing . thus they that preached christ not sincerely , but of envie and strife , to adde affliction to pauls bands , yet inasmuch as they preached christ , might be said to be sent of god , and therefore the apostle joyed at their preaching , phil. . , . thus baalam in his prophecies against the enemies of israel and for the happy state of gods people , might be said to be sent of god , though his heart and ends were corrupt and sinfull . but if men be not onely enabled with gifts for such or such a worke , but besides this , have a sincere minde and desire in the using thereof , to seeke the glory of god , and the good of soules , such men may much more be said to be sent of god , iohn . . for these men have not onely abilities and gifts from god , and permission to imploy them as the former had but also his spirit within them , which doth set their hearts on right and holy ends , which the other wanted . and yet if men doe want a lawfull office of ministery , wherein to exercise those gifts or a lawfull calling to that office or exercise , they may in that respect be said not to be sent of god , or not to be called of him though sent of him , in the first or second respect . thus in the scriptures it is said of some they ran and i sent them not , ier. . . i perceived that god had not sent him , but he pronounced his prophecies , because sanballat and tobiah had hired him , neh. . . and yet doubtlesse in respect of gods disposing providence , he had sent them , as the scripture witnesseth , that god sends strong delusions and lying prophets , and unfaithfull shepherds , thes . . . king. . , . zech. . . to be a plague unto the sons of men , and for tryall to his servants , deut. . . cor. . . now let these distinctions be applyed to the case in hand , and we may perceive how , if a man convert sinners , certainly god sends him ; and yet some that are not called to any office in the ministery , may through his blessing convert sinners : a man converts none unlesse god send him in the first or second sence and yet he may convert , and not bee sent , if sending be taken in the third sence , that is for a lawfull calling into some office in the church . and wee may adde , further a man may be sent in this third sence and yet convert none if he be not also sent in the first and second respect ; that is a man may have a lawfull calling outwardly unto a lawfull office in the church , and yet not convert sinners , if he want gifts or sincerity of heart , which might be the case of iudas , and of many wicked priests in the old testament : yea , happily convert none though he be truly sent in all three respects , as was said before in the beginning of the answer to this quaere . but if comparison be made , we doubt not , but whilest the ministery remaines uncorrupt , god is wont to follow with a greater blessing the labours of those who have gifts and an office of ministery also , then of those who have gifts alone without office . he is willing , and wonted to honour himselfe most , where most of his wayes are observed . master parker polit. eccles . l. . c. . &c. . observes a difference between the substantialls in church politie , and the accessaries or accidentalls ▪ and circumstantialls : and againe , that of circumstances some are generall , and some particular and individuall ; and so sheweth that the church politie in regard of the substantialls thereof is prescribed in the word , and therefore immutable . according to which distinction wee answer , that if those words ( precisely the same course ) mentioned in this question , be not meant of particular and individuall circumstances , but only of the substantialls or generall circumstances , then for ought we know there is no materiall point , either in constitution , or government , wherein the churches in n. e. ( viz. in the bay , in the jurisdiction of plymouth , at connectacute , and quilipiake ) do not observe the same course . ( and sure it is if they doe not they ought , because christ hath left but one way for all churches , and the same to be observed to the worlds end , tim. . , . ) onely , that conformity to the lyturgie and ceremonies in some places , to the northward , that anabaptisme at providence , and familisme at aquidneck ▪ hinders that we cannot say the same of them , nor of any other in n. e. that concurre with them in their unwarrantable wayes ▪ if there be any such , though thankes be to god there is none within this jurisdiction . who must have liberty to sit downe in this common-wealth and enjoy the liberties thereof is not our place to determine , but the magistrates who are the rulers and governours of the common-wealth , and of all persons within the same . and as for acknowledging a company to be a sister church , that shall set up , and practise another forme of church discipline , being otherwise in some measure , as you say , approveable , we conceive the companie that shall so doe , shall not be approveable therein . for the discipline appointed by jesus christ for his churches is not arbitrary , that one church may set up and practice one forme , and another another forme , as each one shall please , but is one and the same for all churches , and in all the essentialls and substantialls of it unchangable , and to be kept , till the appearing of jesus christ , tim. . , . from which place master cartwright observes the perpetuity of church government taught by the apostles , unto the end of the world , and is plain and large in this point , rep. p. . as is likewise mr. parker polit. eccles . l. . c. . and so forward to the end of that book , unto whom we refer you herein . and if that discipline which we here practise , be ( as we are perswaded of it ) the same which christ hath appointed , and therefore unalterable , we see not how another can be lawfull ; and therefore if a company of people shall come hither , and here set up and practise another , we pray you thinke not much , if we cannot promise to approve of them in so doing , especially untill wee see how approvable the men may be , and what discipline it is that they would set up . for should wee in such generall words as is there expressed , promise to accept of a companie as a sister church ▪ that shall set up and practise another discipline , and then should be taken at the utmost extent of our words , we might by this meanes be bound to accept of a company of papists , or arminians , or familists , or anabaptists , as a sister church , for there is none of these but something may be found in them , and in their discipline , that is in some measure approveable . and yet we pray you heartily in the lord , so conceive of us in this passage , that we are farre from making any such comparison , as if your selves were not approved in our consciences far above the best of such men , yea and above our selves in many respects . we have said before in that which we sent you the last yeare , and upon this occasion we say it now againe , that you are in our hearts ( if the lord would suffer ) to live and dye together : and therefore if this question were meant of your selves , or any of you , and a company of godly people joyning with you ( as it may be it is , though we cannot certainly say it , because you doe not expresse so much ) we thinke if you were here , wee should gladly accept of you and your people as a sister-church , and that you would doe the like to ours ; and yet not when you should set up and practise one forme of church-discipline , and we another , but because we are perswaded if you were here , you would set up and practise the very same that wee doe , and not any other : or else if we be swerving from the rule in any particular ( as god knowes we are but weake men , and far from dreaming of perfection in this life ) god would by you send in more light unto us then yet we see , and make you instruments in his hand for perfecting what is here begun according to his will , for strengthening what is weake , and reforming what may be found to be amisse : for we trust in the lord , that as wee are desirous that you might joyne with us in the wayes wherein we now walke , ( which we doe not see but they are according to the rule ) so we should be as willing to receive light from you , and to redresse ( as god shall helpe us ) whatsoever by you or any other he may discover to us to stand in need of reformation . for which cause among others we doe the more earnestly desire , if it were the lords will that he might send you hither , nothing doubting but if you were here , there would be such agreement between you and us , that either you would approve of the things which we beleeve and practise , or that we should approve of what you may shevv us to be more agreeable to the minde of christ : and then there would be no occasion of such a question , whether we may set up and practise another discipline , and yet be accepted as a sister-church : but rather of blessing the lord , when that shall be accomplished in you and us which is written in the prophets , i will give them one heart and one way : i will turne unto the people a pure language , that they may all call upon the name of the lord , to serve him with one consent , jer. . . zeph. . . wee have confidence in you through the lord , that you will be none otherwise minded ; but if in any thing ye be otherwise minded god shall reveale even this unto you , gal. . . phil. . . this was answered in the answer to posit . . & . sent unto you the last yeare . finis . an apologie of the chvrches in new-england for chvrch-covenant . or , a discourse touching the covenant between god and men , and especially concerning church-covenant , that is to say , the covenant which a company doe enter into when they become a church ; and which a particular person enters into when he becomes a member of a church . sent over in answer to master bernard , in the yeare . and now published for the satisfaction of all who desire resolution in this point . london , printed by t. p. and m. s. for benjamin allen. . a discovrse tovching the covenant between god and men , and especially concerning church-covenant , that is to say , the covenant which a company do enter into when they become a church , and which a particular person enters into when he becomes a member of a church . . jer . . . come let us joyne our selves to the lord , in a perpetuall covenant that shall not be forgotten . although that which is foretold in these two chapters ; and namely in the fourth and fifth verses of this chapter , was in part fulfilled when the people of god returned from captivitie in babylon at the end of seventie yeares : yet we must not limit the place to that time onely , but may extend it further to the dayes of the gospel , and the spirituall return , not of the jews onely , but of the gentiles also , when men shall be converted from pagan , antichristian , babylonish , or jewish bondage and captivitie , or from slavery to sinne , and self-righteousnesse , and shall be joyned to god in the fellowship of his church , in the dayes of the new testament . for as some passages in this scripture were never fully accomplished at the returne from the captivitie of the seventie yeares , and namely this , that the children of israel and judah should returne both together : ( for the ten tribes returned not at all : ) so many things that literally concerned the jewes were types and figures , signifying the like things concerning the people of god in these latter dayes : in which respect sincere converts are called jewes , rom . . and israelites , gal. . . joh. . . and our sacraments are made antitypes of theirs , cor. . , , . and rome is called babylon , rev. . . and papists are called gentiles , rev. . . and therefore the captivitie of babylon might well be a type of the spirituall captivitie of gods people to antichristian bondage , and their returne from babylon to sion , a type of the returne of christians from romish slavery to the true sion , the christian church . and this may be added further , that this place seemes not onely to be meant of the private or personall conversion of this or that particular christian , but also further , of the open and joynt calling of a company , because it is said , they shall come , the children of israel and the children of judah together , and that their saying shall not be , let me joyne , &c. but in the plurall number , let us joyne our selves unto the lord , so noting the joyning of a company together in holy covenant with god. concerning which covenant with god , it will not be amisse for the better understanding of that which followes ; first , briefly to shew how diversly covenant is taken in the scripture , which sometimes imports generally any firme appointment or promise of god , when man doth not promise unto god any thing backe againe : thus the preserving of noah in the arke , and of the world from being drowned any more by a floud ; the interchangeable succession of day and night ; the giving of the priesthood unto phineas ; the setting forth of the shew-bread every sabbath before the lord , and the giving of the heave-offering unto the priests , are said to be done by a covenant , or an everlasting covenant of god , gen. . . & . , , . jer. . . num. . , . levit. . . num. . . but sometimes covenant is taken more strictly and properly , for an agreement which god doth make with men , when he promiseth some blessing unto men , and bindes them to performe some dutie backe againe to him . taken thus it hath two parts : first , a promise or stipulation of some blessing on gods part : secondly , restipulation or promise , or binding of man unto dutie back againe on his part : both these are in those words of the covenant , i will be to thee a god , thou shalt be to me a people : and so gen. . . & v. , , , . the covenant taken thus is either the covenant of workes , or the covenant of grace : and againe the covenant may be considered ; first as it is personall , private and particular , between god and one particular soule , making covenant with god , and god with him , either at his first conversion ; or at other times ; of which we reade sam. . . & psal . , . & . , . & . & psal . . , secondly , it is generall and publick of a company joyntly together , of which this text jer. . . seemes most properly to speake : as also that deut. . , , &c. and that exod. . , , and many others : a covenant taken thus generally when it respects spirituall blessings , and spirituall duties , in the communion of saints , is that which is called church-covenant , which church-covenant differs not in substance of the things promised from that which is between the lord and every particular soule , but onely in some other respects ; as first , the one is of one christian in particular , the other of a company joyntly together . secondly , if right order be observed , a man ought not to enter into church-covenant , till he be in covenant with god before , in respect of his personall estate . thirdly , the one is usually done in private , as in a mans closet between the lord and his soule , and the other in some publick assembly . fourthly , the one in these dayes is of such duties as the gospel requires of every christian as a christian , the other of such duties as the gospel requires of every church and the members thereof . now concerning church-covenant , two things are to be noted for the better understanding thereof : first , the description of it : secondly , the use of it , and the benefit and fruit thereof . for the former it may be thus described , viz. a solemne and publick promise before the lord , whereby a company of christians , called by the power and mercy of god to fellowship with christ , and by his providence to live together , and by his grace to cleave together in the unitie of faith , and brotherly love , and desirous to partake together in all the holy ordinances of god , doe in confidence of his gracious acceptance in christ , binde themselves to the lord , and one to another , to walke together by the assistance of his spirit , in all such wayes of holy worship in him , and of edification one towards another , as the gospel of christ requireth of every christian church , and the members thereof . in this description , there are comprised six things : first , the generall name of the thing : [ a solemne and publick promise ] a promise it is , and therefore it is called , a joyning in covenant here : an entring into covenant , deut. . . solemne and publick , and therefore it is by the children of israel and the children of judah together : and they say , let us joyne . secondly , the object [ the lord , and one another ] joyne our selves to the lord it is not a promise onely to man , but to the lord himselfe , and likewise to one another ; for , come let us joyne , implyes mutuall consent together . thirdly , the agents or the qualification of the persons : [ christians ] not turkes , indians , &c. saints , psal . . . , . [ called to fellowship with christ ] so cor. . else if they be not united to christ by faith , they are not fit materialls for such a building as a church of god , which is the house of the living god , ephes . . . cor. . . phil. . . rev. . . [ by his providence to live together ] else they cannot partake in the lords ordinances together as churches ought to doe , cor. . . act. . the whole church comes together in one place [ cleaving together in faith and love ] so act. . if they differ , namely , in opinion , or in their affection , and should joyne in this covenant , breaches , factions , rents , and schismes , would be like to be the issue of such joyning : things so unlike would not close nor long hold together , dan. . [ desirous to partake in all ordinances ] this should be the ground of their joyning in covenant together , psal . . . willing : and not pride , nor gaine , nor the like : fourthly , the act [ binde themselves ] that now they are bound by their owne word and promise , that they may say now , as psal . . . thy vowes are upon me , or as num. . . if he binde his soule with a vow . fiftly , the matter promised ; [ to walke together in all such wayes of worship and mutuall edification , as the gospel requireth of churches and church-members ] they binde not themselves to observe any devises of their owne , nor inventions of men , but such things as the word of god requireth ; neither is it perfect obedience to the law , for that were impossible to performe , and presumption to promise ; nor is it onely in generall the duties of the gospel , but specially such duties of worship to god , & edification of one another as concerne church-state , which now they enter into . sixtly , the manner of performing [ confidence of gods gracious acceptance and assistance through christ ] for in all our wayes god must be acknowledged , pro. . . and much more in such speciall matters of weight : if men in entring into this covenant looke for acceptance , through any worth of their owne , or promise dutie in their own strength , they shew themselves like to the pharisees , luk. . , . and turne the church-covenant into a covenant of workes : and as many as are of the workes of the law , are under the curse , gal. . . the use and benefit of this church-covenant , and the fruit thereof , may be seene in two particulars ; first , that this is that whereby a company of christians doe become a church : it is the constituting forme of a church . secondly , this is that by taking hold whereof a particular person becomes a member of a church , which was constituted afore . for the former of these ; every christian church must have in it both matter and forme , and as the matter by gods appointment are visible saints , or visible beleevers , ephes . . . cor. . . and in the new testament , onely so many as may meete together in one congregation : so the forme is a uniting , or combining , or knitting of those saints together into one visible body , by the band of this holy covenant . some union or band there must be amongst them , whereby they come to stand in a new relation to god , and one towards another , other then they were in before : or els they are not yet a church , though they be fit materialls for a church ; even as soule and body are not a man , unlesse they be united ; nor stones and timber an house , till they be compacted and conjoyned . now that a company becomes a church , by joyning in covenant , may be made good sundry wayes ; first , by plaine texts of scripture ; as from deut. . , , , , . yee stand this day all you before the lord your god , your captaines of your tribes , your elders , your officers , with all the men of israel , ver . . that thou shouldest enter into covenant with the lord thy god , ver . . and he may establish thee for a people unto himselfe , ver . . so that here is plain●y shewed , that here was a company , ver . . and this company were to be established to be a people unto the lord , that is to say , a church , ver . . and this is done by the peoples entring into solemne covenant with god , ver . . and therefore a company of people doe become a church by entring into covenant with god. this covenant was not like our church-covenants , for it was of all the nation together ; whereas the church-covenant with us , is of some select persons , leaving out others . . this objection concerns the matter of a church , but the covenant is not the materiall cause of a church , but the formall cause thereof : and for this the text is ▪ plaine and expresse , that by entring into covenant with god , a people come to be the lords people , that is to say , his church . . if it was of all the people together , the reason was because that church was a nationall church : now if a nationall church becomes a church by entring into solemne covenant with god , then a congregationall church becomes a church by the same means ; for there is no difference between them in this point . . though it was of all the people , we may not say it proves that when we looke at the materiall cause of a church , there may be a promiscuous taking in of all commers without distinction or separation of the precious from the vile ; for , first , when god took in this nation to be his people , he separated them from all the nations of the earth besides : so that there was a distinction and separation of some from others . secondly , this generation was generally a generation of beleevers ; for it was they that were to enter into the land within a while after ; for they were fortie yeares in the wildernesse ▪ & this covenant was made in the last moneth save one of the last of those fortie yeares , deut. . . and their carkasses fell not in the wildernesse through unbeliefe , as their fathers did , num . heb. . but entred by faith , and when they were entred , subdued kingdomes by their faith , heb. . . and served the lord all the dayes of joshua , and of the elders that out lived joshua , josh . . as for that which is said of them , ver . , . of this chap. that the lord had not given them eyes to see , &c. that proves not that they were wholly hardned in a carnall estate , but onely that they were dull and slow of heart to consider of sundry dispensations of god towards them ; for as much is said of the disciples of christ , mar. . , . when doubtlesse they were not meere carnall or naturall persons . this people deut. . could not become the lords people by entring into solemne covenant with god , for they were the lords church and people already before this . . if they were , yet that was by entring into solemne covenant with god on mount sinai , when the lord had brought them up out of the land of aegypt ; for then they entred into solemne covenant with god , and god with them , and so they bec●me the lords peculiar people , exod. ▪ , , , . &c. if they were his people before that , yet that also was by covenant made with them in the loynes of abraham , when god tooke him and his seede to be his church and people , yet separating ishmael from isaac and es●● from jacob , that the inheritance of the covenant of god , and of being the church of god , might rest in the house of jacob. . yet it was not without great reason that the lord should now establish them by solemne covenant to be a people to himselfe , because the nation had been much degenerated from the spirit and wayes of abraham in aegypt , and had broken that covenant by their idolatries there , ezek. . , . and the covenant made in sinai or hore● when they were come out of aegypt , they had also broken by their idolatries in the wildernesse , ezek . , . for which causes , and the like , the lord consumed that generation , that they never entred into the land , josh . . , . and therefore now when their posteritie and children were ready to enter in , the lord entred into covenant with them , and thereby established them to be his people , their fathers being cut off for breaking the covenant . but still it was by covenant that both fathers first , and children afterward became a church and people unto god ; and when this generation were entred into the land , their covenant made before between god and them , was confirmed by circumcision , josh . . . . they being not circumcised before . but this covenant was of the whole church with god , and therefore not like our church-covenants , which are between the church and the members , concerning watchfulnesse over one another , and the like . our church-covenants are with the lord himselfe , as was shewed before in the description thereof . for watchfulnesse and duties of edification one towards another , are but branches of the lords covenant , being duties commanded by the law : and so it was with that people of israel , who when they promised and covenanted to walke in all the wayes of god ; in all his statutes and commandements and judgements , they promised these duties of love and watchfulnesse and edification one towards another , because these were duties commanded and required of god , lev. : . deut. . the neglect whereof in the matter of achan was the sinne of all the congregation ▪ and brought judgement upon them all , josh . . , . yea by this covenant they were bound to duties towards them that were not then present , but children afterward to be borne , and proselytes , that afterward should be added to them , ver . , . like as our church-covenants are with them that now are , and that hereafter shall become members of the same church . when jehojada made a covenant between the king and the people , king. . . that covenant was but a branch of the lords covenant with them all , both king and people : for the king promised but to rule the people righteously , according to the will of god : and the people to be subject to the king so ruling . now these duties of the king to them , and of them to the king , were such as god required in his covenant , both of him and them : and so it is in church-covenant , the duties of the church to the members , and the members to the church , and one another , are no other but such as the gospel and the covenant of grace requireth both of the church and the members of it in their severall places . but this place of deut. . is not sufficient to prove a church-covenant in these dayes : because it is in the scriptures of the old testament , for what soever must be used in the dayes of the new testament , must be proved from the scriptures of the new testament , or else it is to be layd aside . . the church-covenant may be proved from the new testament also ▪ as will afterwards appeare . . but suppose there were not pregnant places for it in the new testament , yet it is not enough to prove the same unlawfull : for whatsoever ordinance of the old testament is not repealed in the new testament , as peculiar to the jewish paedagogie , but was of morall and perpetuall equitie , the same bindes us in these dayes ▪ and is to be accounted the revealed will of god in all ages , though it be not particularly and expressely mentioned in the writings of the new testament , else how shall we prove it unlawfull for a man to marry his sister , or his aunt ? how shall we prove it warrantable and necessary for magistrates to punish sabbath-breaking , blasphemy , and idolatry ? how shall we prove it lawfull to apply the seale of gods covenant unto infants ? or to admit women to eate of the holy things ; for the scriptures of the new testament doe speake little in these cases ; onely the scriptures of the old testament doe give direction , and light about them , lev ▪ . & . neh. . . &c. chron. . . & king. . gen. . . & exod. . . . and the new testament hath nothing to the contrary , and they are all according to morall equitie and reason , and therefore they are to be observed from the scriptures of the old testament , as the revealed will of god , though there were nothing expressely for them in the new. and the same we say of the particular in hand . for , that a company should be combined together into one body , in way of government and subjection , by way of mutuall free covenant ; as men doe when they enter into church estate , nothing is more naturall or agreeable to morall equitie ; nay , it implyeth a contradiction in the very name of libertie or freedome , that free-men should take upon them authoritie or power over free men without their free consent , and voluntary and mutuall covenant or engagement . and therefore seeing this covenant is not repealed in the scriptures of the new testament , the scriptures of the old are sufficient warrant for it . another scripture to prove the same , is deut. . , , . with deut. . . this day the lord hath commanded thee to doe these statutes and judgements ▪ thou shalt therefore keepe and doe them , &c. thou hast avouched the lord this day to be thy god , and to walke in his wayes , and to keepe his statutes , &c. and the lord hath avouched thee this day to be his peculiar people ; take heed and hearken , o israel , this day thou art become the people of the lord thy god. this scripture plainly shewes these things : . that here was the making of a covenant between god and man ; for that avouching of god to them , and them to god , was the making of covenant , ver . , . . this was not of one person , but of a company together , the whole people of israel , . . & . . here is the effect of this covenant , that thereby they become the lords people , ver . . so that when a company doe enter into holy covenant with god , they become thereby the lords people , that is to say , his church . so ezech. . . proves the same likewise : i entred into covenant with thee , saith the lord , and thou becam●st mine . here also is the making of covenant between the lord and men ; and this covenant was not personall , but of a company ; for it was with hierusalem , ver . . which was a whole citie ; it was with them that were multiplied as the bud of the feild , ver . . and it was with them that did prosper into a kingdome , ver . . and therefore not meant onely of any one particular person : and by this covenant they became the lords ; that is , the lords church and people ; for it is expresly said , i entred into covenant with thee , and thou becamest mine . so that when a company enter into covenant with god , and god with them , they become thereby the lords church and people . likewise ezek. . . i will cause you to passe under the rod ; and i will bring you into the bond of the covenant . in which place , there is first mention of an holy covenant . secondly , this was not of one person , but of a company , the whole house of israel , ver . . . thirdly , and this covenant is called a bond , because it is by covenant that a people are bound , and tyed , and knit together , as one church , all of them unto the lord , and one unto another ; so that the covenant is the bond of union , by which a company are so combined and united , as that they become a church . it is also observable , how the lord before he would bring them into this bond of the covenant , he would cause them to passe under the rod ; by which phrase , as junius upon the place well observes , is meant tryall and probation ; drawne from the manner of shepheards or owners of cattell , who went among their sheepe , or other cattell with a rod , and therewith pointed out such as were for the lords holy use , as lev. . . and so hereby is noted that god would not in the dayes of the gospel have men to be brought into his church hand over head , but he would first cause them to passe under the rod of due tryall and probation ; and then such as upon tryall were found to be holy for god , or meete matter for his church , should solemnly enter into covenant with god , and that covenant should be the bond that should combine them , and knit them together into one , that so they that were many particular persons , should all become one body , that is to say , a church . and so much of the first argument drawne from plaine texts of scripture . a second argument may be taken from the titles that are given to the church ; as first , that the church is said to be married or espoused unto christ , jer. . . & . . cor. . . from whence the argument may be formed thus : if every church becomes a church by being married or espoused unto christ , then a company becomes a church by way of covenant : but the former is true , therefore the latter is true also . the assumption , that a church becomes a church by being married unto christ , is plaine from the former scriptures , where the church of israel , and the church of corinth , in regard of their entring into church-estate , are said to be espoused and married unto christ , as a loving and chast virgine to one husband . which spirituall marriage between christ and his church , is also taught in the type of the marriage between king salomon and pharoahs daughter , psal . . the consequence of the proposition is plaine in reason ; for there is no marriage but by way of covenant ; no woman becomes a mans wife , but by way of bestowing her selfe in covenant upon such a man : neither doth a man become an husband , but by the same means ; and therefore the scripture speaking of the violation of marriage , calls it a violation of covenant , prov. . . christ hath but one wife or spouse , cant. . the catholique church indeed is but one ; viz ▪ the whole company of gods elect in heaven , in earth , dead , now living , and not yet borne : but as there is the church-catholique , which is but one ; so there are particular and visible churches , which are in number many ; and therefore the scripture speakes of churches , cor. . . . gal. . . of the churches of the gentiles , rom. . . of seven churches , rev. . . of all churches , cor. . . & . . rev. . . but if every particular church be the wife of christ , how many hundred wives should he have ? . if the church of israel , jer. . . the church of corinth , cor. . . the jewish church , rev. . . be the spouse and wife of christ , there is no reason but others should be the same also , especially seeing there is no particular church , but in respect of their church estate , they may decline and goe a whoring from christ , and that shews that they were first espoused to him ; for no woman can be said to goe a whoring from a man , if shee were never married , nor espoused to him at all . . this that seemes an absurditie , and were a sinfull practise among men , in respect of christ , is a certaine truth , and no dishonour unto him at all , to have more spouses then one upon earth , many spirituall spouses . men cannot give themselves wholly and intirely to many as christ can . every faithfull soule is espoused and married unto christ ; and in that respect he hath not onely many hundred but many thousand , yea many millions of spirituall spouses . but this spirituall marriage is between christ and the church , but the church-covenant is between the church and the members , and therefore this marriage doth not prove the church-covenant . . in some sort there may be said to be a marriage between the church and the members , viz. in respect of that deare love and affection , that ought to be between them ; and therefore it is said , as a young man marrieth a virgine , so shall the children of the church be married to the church , isa . . . . but properly the marriage is between christ & the church , and so is the covenant also , so farre as therein they give up themselves to christ as unto an head and lord ; as a woman in the covenant of marriage doth give up her selfe unto her husband ; and the performance of such duties as the church and the member owe one unto another , is a branch of that marriage-covenant , wherein they are tyed to christ ; for christ himselfe in his covenant requires , not onely that they should give up themselves to him , but also that they should performe these duties one unto another . and accordingly it is said of the churches in macedonia , that they gave up themselves first to the lord , and then to us by the will of god , cor. . . true it is , they doe also binde themselves by covenant one unto another , but in that respect the covenant is properly a brotherly covenant ; like that sam. . amos . . because there the engagement is to one another as brethren , fellow-members , and fellow-helpers , and not as to one head or lord , as it is in respect of christ , and therefore in that respect it is not so properly a marriage-covenant as it is in respect of christ : though duties to one another are promised in their covenant with one another , and also in their covenant with christ . in briefe thus : they promise unto christ duties to him , and duties to one another according to him : and so their covenant is a marriage-covenant with christ : they promise also to one another , duties to one another , and so it is a brotherly covenant . another title given to the church ( which also proves that a church is made by covenant ) is the title of a citie , or citie of god , psal . . . & . . & . . ephes . . the argument lyeth thus ▪ if a true church be a citie of god , then a church becomes a church by covenant : but every true church is a citie of god. ergo. the assumption is proved by the scriptures forealledged . the consequence of the proposition is plaine in reason , for every citie is united by some covenant among themselves , the citizens are received into jus civitatis , or right of citie priviledges , by some covenant or oath ; and therefore it is so likewise in this citie of god the church ; and men become citizens of the church by solemne covenant . the third argument may be drawne from the meanes of reforming and restoring a church when it is corrupted , which is by entring into covenant a new with god , chron. . & . . & neh. . . & . , . jer. . , . the reason may be taken thus : if a church decayed is to be restored and reformed by renuing covenant with god , then it was instituted and erected at the first by way of covenant : the reason of which consequence is , because abuses and corruptions are to be reformed by bringing things back to the first institution : thus christ reformes the abuses of marriage , by bringing them to the first institution of that ordinance ; from the beginning it was not so , mat. . and thus paul reformeth the abuses of the lords supper , by telling them what was the first institution thereof , cor. . , &c. and thus the lord jesus calling on the declining church of ephesus for reformation , bids her remember from whence shee is fallen , and repent and doe her first workes , rev. . . now the assumption is plaine from the texts above alledged , that at the reforming of a church , there is to be a renuing of covenant ; and thence it follows , that at the first erecting of a church , there was the making of a covenant with god , for els this renuing of covenant would not have been the way to reforme it . the fourth argument is taken from that which doth dissolve a church , which is the dissolving or breaking of the covenant , zach. . , , . if dissolving the covenant be that which doth dissolve the church , then the making of covenant is that which constitutes a church . the reason of the consequence is plaine , because otherwise the covenant might be dissolved & the church stand still , if it were not the making of the covenant that did constitute the church : but if dissipating stones in a building doe dissolve the house , then the compacting and conjoyning of them is that which makes the house ; if separation of soule and body be that which destroyes the man , that then we say he is not : it must needs be the uniting of them , that did constitute & make the man : and so it is in this case . and that dissolving the covenant is that which dissolves a church , is plaine from the text alledged , zach. . where the breaking of the two staves , of beautie and bands , that is , the unchurching of the jewes , is interpreted to be the breaking of the covenant that god had made with that people , and the brotherhood that was between judah and israel . the fifth argument is taken from the distinction which god hath appointed amongst churches , and the confounding of all churches into one , if there be not this covenant to distinguish them . if churches be distinct societies , and may not be confounded , then churches are compacted and combined by covenant : but the former is true . ergo. that churches are distinct societies , is plaine in the scripture , where we have mention of many churches in one countrey or province , gal. . . thes . . . of seven churches in asia , rev. . . and of all the churches , cor. . . rev. . . ephesus is not smyrna , nor smyrna is not thyatira , nor either of them pergamus , but each one distinct of themselves , having officers of their owne , which did not belong to others : vertues of their owne for which others are not praised , corruptions of their owne , for which others are not blamed ; if it were not thus , then when lacdicea is condemned for lukewarmenesse , or ephesus for declining , all the rest should be reproved also : and when philadelfia is praised , all the rest should be praised also , which we see is otherwise . now from hence the consequence is certaine , that therefore they are combined by some covenant each one amongst themselves ; for there is nothing els without this that wil sufficiently distinguish them . the spirit of god and faith in their hearts , is common to all christians under heaven , and in heaven also , and therefore this is not the thing that makes distinction . nor is it habitation in the same towne together , for that may be common to such christians as are not of this church , and usually is to many that are no christians . as it is with companies in london ; as the company of goldsmiths , &c. that many others dwell in the same towne with them , yea it may be in the same streete that are not of their company : and therefore it is not meerely habitation that doth distinguish them from others , but some combination and agreement amongst themselves ; so it is not habitation in the same towne that distinguisheth churches , and church-members from other men , but their mutuall agreement and combination and joyning themselves together in an holy covenant with god. if the spirit of god and faith in their hearts cannot distinguish one church from another , because these are common to them all , then how can covenant distinguish them , sith all churches are joyned by covenant one as well as another ? it is not a covenant simply or a covenant in generall that doth constitute a church , or distinguish one church from another , but a covenant with application and appropriation to these persons . even as it is in marriage , though all married couples be united by covenant , and a covenant wherein one couple promiseth the same duties that another couple doth , yet a covenant with application and appropriation of the duties covenanted to this man and this woman in particular , such a covenant is the very thing that make a couple , man and wife together , and gives them mutuall power over each other , as husband and wife , and puts a distinction between them and all other men and women in the world . and so it is in this case ; a covenant to performe church-duties with application and appropriation to such persons , is the very thing that constitutes a church , and distinguisheth one church from another . and thus much concerning the former of the two particulars , to shew the use of church-covenant , viz. that it is that whereby a company doe become a church . the second particular is this , that taking hold of the covenant , or joyning in it , is that which makes a particular person a member of a church . and this followes upon the former , and that may be the first argument to prove it . if joyning in covenant be that which makes a company to become a church , then taking hold of that covenant is requisite to make a particular person become a member of the church : but the first is true , as hath been shewed before ; therefore the second is true also : if compacting and conjoyning of stones and pieces of timber be , that that makes an house , then a particular stone cannot become a part of that house , till it be compacted and con●oyned to the rest : but the former is true , even in the church of god , which is the spirituall spouse and citie of god , living stones , christians , beleevers must be compacted together , and builded up together , ephes . . . . psal . ● . and therefore the latter is true also , that a particular christian becomes a member of the church , a part of that building by being combined with the rest . a second argument may be drawne from the scripture , isa . . , , . let not the sonne of the stranger , that hath joyned himselfe to the lord , speake , saying , the lord hath utterly separated me from his people , &c. the sonnes of the strangers that joyne themselves to the lord , to serve him , &c. and take hold of my covenant , even them will i bring to my holy mountaine , and make them joyfull in my house of prayer , &c. concerning which scripture , note three things to the present purpose . first , that these strangers were members of christ , true beleevers , joyned to god by faith ; for it is said , they have joyned themselves to the lord , v. & v. . that they loved the name of the lord , served him , and kept his sabbaths , v. . and yet for all this they were not as yet joyned as members of the visible church , for if they had been joyned , there would have been no cause for such a complaint , the lord hath separated me from his people , v. . besides , bringing them into the church as members , and granting them the priviledge of members , is promised as a reward and blessing upon this their joyning to the lord by faith and obedience , v. . and therefore it is not the same , but a distinct thing from it ; the one being promised as a reward and blessing upon the other . secondly , the lord promiseth that he will make them members of his church : them will i bring to my holy mountaine , and make them joyfull in my house of prayer . thirdly , that among other things requisite to make them members , this was one , viz. the taking hold of that covenant which was between the church of israel and god , v. . so that hence we may gather , that men may be members of christ , joyned to the lord by faith and love , and yet for the present not be members of the visible church : and that when god is so gracious to true beleevers , as to make them members of his visible church , it is requisite that they joyne in covenant before . but might not faith in christ , beleeving in heart on the god of israel , be all the taking hold of the covenant that is here meant . not so , but over and above that , here is also meant their open profession of their faith in the god of israel , and open binding of themselves by covenant to all such duties of faith and obedience , as god required of the church of israel , and the members thereof . now distinctly take the answer to this objection in three or foure particular propositions . first , there was a covenant between the church of israel and god , exod. . , , , . ezek . . deut. . . &c. secondly , this covenant was mutuall ; not onely a promise on gods part to be their god , and to take them for his people , but also reciprocally on their part to give up themselves unto god to be his people , and to doe the dutie of people to their god ; the covenant is not meerely to receive from god , and promise nothing back againe to him ; nor doth god binde himselfe therein , and leave men at libertie , but it is mutuall on both parts , as these scriptures declare ; gen. . . exod. . . deut. . . & . , . hos . . . & zach. . . thirdly , hereupon it followes , that if men had not promised , and also performed , in some measure of truth , the duties of faith and obedience unto god , they had not taken hold of the covenant , but had discovenanted themselves , notwithstanding all the promises of god unto their fathers or others . thus though god promised abraham to be a god to him , and to his seede in their generations , gen. . . yet the ishmaelites and edomites descending from abraham , were discovenanted by not promising nor performing those duties of faith and obedience , which god required on the peoples part : when a covenant containes promises on gods part , and duties also on mans , he doth not take hold of the covenant that takes one part , and leaves another . fourthly , to beleeve what god promised in the covenant for his part , and to promise in a private way the duties of obedience on mans part , was not sufficient to make these strangers members of the church , but they must doe it openly and in the view of the church , else the church could have had no warrant to have admitted such into their fellowship , if their faith and obedience had not been visibly professed , exod. . . chron. . . and in as much as the covenant was mutuall , when these strangers did manifest their taking hold of the covenant , they manifested and professed both faith and obedience , both that they beleeved what god promised , and that they would be obedient to what he required ; if any should have claimed church-fellowship , saying , i beleeve the promises , but would not binde himselfe to any duties of evangelicall obedience , this had been a taking hold of the covenant by the halves , a taking of one part of it in seeming and pretence , and a leaving of another ; but it would not have been sufficient to have brought a man into the fellowship of the church : such of the congregation of israel as would not come to hierusalem to enter into covenant , were to be separated from the church in the dayes of ezra , ezra . . and therefore such as being strangers should refuse to enter into it , could not be admitted into the church ; so that the taking hold of gods covenant , which is there required to make these strangers members of the church , is a beleeving in heart on the god of israel , and an open profession that they did beleeve , and likewise a promise of obedience or subjection unto the god of israel , and an open professing of such obedience and subjection ; and that is the joyning in covenant which we stand for , before a man can be a member of a church , even an open profession of faith and of obedience . a third argument is taken from those scriptures which shew that men become members by being added to the church , or being joyned to them , act. . . & . . & . . if men become members of the church by being added or joyned , then joyning in covenant ( or professing of subjection to the gospel or covenant of god ) is that whereby a man becomes a member of a church : but the former is true , as appeares by the scriptures forementioned , and therefore the latter is true also . but all the doubt in this argument will be concerning the consequence of the major proposition ; but that may be made good by this reason , and the confirmation of it , viz. that a man cannot be added or joyned to the church by any other meanes without this joyning in covenant . the truth of which assertion will appeare by shewing the insufficiency of all other means , without this joyning in covenant , and that may be done in answer to the objections ensuing . when men were added to the church , it may be , no more is meant but that god did convert them and worke faith in their hearts , and that converting of them was the adding of them to the church . this cannot be all ; for , first , saul was converted and had faith wrought in his heart , and yet he was not at the first received for a member of the church at hierusalem ( though he assayed to be joyned unto them , ) till they were better satisfied in his spirituall estate by the testimony of barnabas , act. . , , . and those strangers , isa . . ( as was said before ) were joyned to the lord by being converted , and having faith wrought in their hearts , and yet they doe lament it with griefe , that they were not joyned as members to the visible church : the lord hath separated me from his people , say they , ver . . the old saying is true concerning the visible church , there are many wolves within , and many sheepe without . secondly , those that were joyned were beleevers before they joyned ; for it is said , divers were added , ver . . thirdly , those that were added to the church , were added and joyned to them by such an act as others durst not put forth , act. . . of the rest durst no man joyne unto them , and therefore it was not by the irresistable act of god in converting of them , but by some voluntary act of their owne choice and consent ; for gods converting grace depends not upon mans daring , or not daring to receive it . if to be joyned be no more but to be converted , then when it is said , some durst not be joyned , the meaning should be , they durst not be converted , nor suffer faith to be wrought in them ; which is grosse arminianisme , suspending the converting grace of god upon the free will of the creature . fourthly , and as this joyning which others durst not doe , cannot be meant of being converted ; so if it be well considered , what the thing was wherein they durst not joyne , it may appeare that it was nothing els but this , that they durst not agree , and engage themselves to be of their body and societie ; that is , they durst not joyne in covenant with them . for it cannot be meant of dwelling in the towne with them , for this they both durst doe and did : nor is it onely of joyning to heare the word in their assembly , for this also they durst doe , and many did it in great multitudes , so that many by hearing the word became beleevers , and were added to the lord both of men and women , ver . . at this very time when it is said of some they durst not joyne unto them : nor is it of joyning to them in affection , or approbation of their way , for this they also durst doe and did expresse so much in magnifying and commending them , when yet they durst not joyne unto them , ver . . which magnifying of them doth imply that they heard their doctrine , and saw their practise , and approved it , and highly commended them for the same : wherefore seeing this joyning , which some durst not doe , cannot be meant of being converted , nor of joyning in habitation , nor of joyning in affection , nor in hearing the word in their assembly , nor of approbation , and expressions that way , it remaineth that it must be meant of joyning in that neere relation of church-fellowship amongst them , so as to be engaged by voluntary consent and agreement to be members of their church . fiftly , if joyning to the church , were no more but to be converted , then he that were converted were joyned as a member of every visible church throughout the world , which were a great confusion of that order , and distinction of churches , which the lord hath appointed . men may be joyned to the church , in heartie affection and love , and yet without any covenant . true , but this will not make them members of that church , for then saul was a member of the church at hierusalem , afore he was joyned a member , for he was joyned to them in heartie affection afore , and therefore assayed to joyne as a member ; and so were they that durst not joyne , act. . . yea then a man should be a member of many churches , yea of all christian churches in the world ; for he is to love them , and beare heartie affection to them all ; the true members of the churches in england are united in heartie affection , to the churches in scotland , in holland , in france , in new-england , &c. and yet they are not members of all these churches , nor subject to their censures as members are . but the reason of that is because they doe not dwell among them in the same towne . neither would habitation with them in the same towne , make a man a member of the church there , if there be no more then so . suppose saul to have dwelt in the same house afore his conversion in which he dwelt after , which is not unpossible nor unlikely ; yet we see he was no member of the church at hierusalem , afore his conversion , no nor of some time after , though he might have dwelt in an house in the midst of the christians , and church-members there . the members of the dutch and french churches in london , or other townes in england , are not members of the english-congregations or churches , no more then the english are of theirs , and yet they dwell promiscuously together in the same streete of the same towne . towne-dwelling would not make a man a free-man of a company in london , or some other corporation ; for many others dwell in the towne with them ; yea it may be in the same streete , that are not free of their company , and so it is in this case . but the reason why such as dwell in towne with the church , are not members thereof , may be , because they frequent not their . assemblies . idiots and infidells might come into the publick meetings among the corinthians , cor. . , , . yet idiots and infidells were not therefore members of the church . and saul after his conversion might have come in among the church in time of publick duties , and have seene and heard all that they had done : yet this would not have made him of one body with them . some indians , moores , and other naturall persons come into our meetings in new-england , some of their owne accord , and others by the command or counsell of their masters and governours yet no man can say , that all these are hereby made church-members . wherefore seeing neither conversion , nor loving affection , nor cohabitation , nor coming into their meetings , doth joyne a man as a member of the visible church ( for some men have all these , and yet are not members , and others are sometimes members of the visible churches , and yet want some of these , are hypocrites and want sound conversion ) it remaineth therefore that as sound conversion makes a man fit matter for a church ; so profession of his faith , and of his subjection to the gospel , and the churches approbation , and acceptance of him ( which is the summe of church-covenant ) is the formall cause that gives him the being of a member . but joyning doth not alway signifie joyning in covenant ; philip joyned to the eunnuchs chariote , and dust to mens feete , act. . . & luke , . and yet there was no covenant , and therefore men may joyne to the church without any covenant . the word indeed may expresse any close joyning , whether naturall , ( as the branch is joyned to the vine , or an arme or other member to the body ) or artificiall , as when two stickes were joyned to become one in ezekiels hand , ezek. . or when carpenters or masons doe joyne pieces of stone or timber together , to make one house , neh. . . ezr. . . but is not onely the force of the word that is stood upon . but when joyning is used to expresse such joyning , wherein a man voluntarily takes on him a new relation , there it alwayes implyes a covenant , whether the relation be morall and civill , or religious and ecclesiasticall : we speake of voluntary relation , for there are naturall relations , as betweene parents and children : and these need no covenant , there is no covenant to make a man a parent , or a childe ; there are also violent relations , as between conquerour and captives , and in these there is no covenant neither ; but others are voluntary , and these alwayes imply a covenant , and are founded therein , whether they be morall and civill ( as between husband and wife , pro. . . between master and servants , luk. . . between prince and subject , between partners in trade , chro. . , , . where the covenant or agreement is , that men shall bare such a share of charges , and receive such a share of profits : ) or religious , as between minister and people , between the church and the members : all these are done by way of covenant . a man cannot joyne himselfe to a woman as her husband , but by way of covenant : a man cannot joyne himselfe to another as a servant , or apprentise , but by way of covenant ; and so may we say of all the rest ; nor into any body corporate , but by the same way and means . if men be united into a body politick or incorporate , a man cannot be said to be joyned to them by meere heartie affection , unlesse withall he joynes himselfe unto them by some contract or covenant . now of this nature is every particular church , a body incorporate , cor. . . yee are the body of christ , &c. and hath power to cast out , cor. . . and to forgive and receive in penitents , cor. . . as a body incorporate ; and therefore he that will joyne unto them , must doe it by way of covenant or agreement ; and so this answer to this objection , may be a fourth argument to prove the point in hand , that joyning in covenant is that which makes a man , a member of a church . all voluntary relations , all relations which are neither naturall nor violent , are entred into by way of covenant . but he that joynes into a church as a member , or enters into a church , doth take upon him such a relation ; therefore joyning ▪ to a church as a member , is by way of covenant . a fifth argument may be drawne from the power which all churches , officers and members , have over all their members in the lord. if all churches , officers , and members , have power in the lord over all their members , then joyning in covenant is necessary to make a man a member of a church , but the former is true , therefore the latter is true also . the assumption in this argument , that all churches have power over their members , is proved from cor. . , . . where the apostle reproveth the corinthians for suffering the incestuous man amongst them , and commands them to deliver him to satan , and cast him out from amongst them . now this he would not have done , if they had had no power over him , or if there had been any roome for them to say , wee have nothing to doe with him , wee have no power over him . and the same is prooved in other scriptures also ; as , mat. . . psal . . . , , . and the consequence of the major proposition , viz. that then members doe engage themselves by covenant , is proved by this reason ; that churches have no power over such as have not engaged themselves by covenant , and committed power unto them , by professing to be subject to all the ordinances of christ amongst them . the truth whereof may appeare by two reasons : first , because all christians have power and right , jure divino , to choose their owne officers to whom they commit their soules , act. . & . & . . where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , imports choosing by election : and so the word is used and translated , cor. . . he was chosen by the churches , &c. it is not ministeriall gifts that makes a man a minister to every church , nor investeth him with spirituall power over them , nor though he dwell amongst them , unlesse they call him , and he accept of that call : and as they have power to choose their officers , so likewise to choose their brethren according to god , rom. . . now if they have power to choose their officers and brethren , then none can have power over them as officers and brethren , without their owne consent , and whom they never chose , nor promised by any covenant or engagement to be subject to the lord. secondly , if the church should exercise any act of church-power over such a man as never entred into covenant with them ( suppose to excommunicate him for whoredome or drunkennesse , or the like ) the man might protest against their act , and their sentence , as coram non judice , and they could not justifie their proceedings , if indeed there have passed no covenant or engagement between him and them . if he shall say , you have nothing to doe to passe sentence or censure upon me , i am none of your church , but of another church ; suppose in holland , in france , &c. and i am onely here now for merchandise sake , or upon some other occasion : what shall they say to stop his mouth , if there never passed any covenant between him and them . but ministers have power over the people by the word of god , heb. . . thes . . . tim. . . and not by mens engaging themselves by covenant . but what is it that makes men ministers to such a people , officers to such a church , or maketh them sheepe of my flocke ? is it not those scriptures that makes every man a pastour , or teacher , or ruler to a people , unlesse they call him to that office ; and then in so doing they covenant and engage themselves to be subject to him in the lord , and then those scriptures take hold on them . one might as well say , it is not the covenanting of a wife to her husband that gives him power over her , but the word of god ; for as the word of god commands people to obey their ministers , so it commands wives to be subject to their husbands , ephes . . . and yet all men know , a man cannot take this woman for his ▪ wife but by covenant . so that if shee once makes her selfe a wife by her owne voluntary covenant , then the word of god takes hold on her , and bindes her to doe the duties of a wife : but if shee ▪ hath made no covenant , the man hath no power over her as her husband , neither is shee his wife ; so if men once make themselves members of such a church , sheepe of such a mans flocke , by their own voluntary covenant , then the word of god takes hold of them , and bindes them to doe the duties of members to their fellow-brethren , and of people to their pastours or ministers . but if they never chose such a man to be their minister , nor covenanted to be subject to him in the lord , he then can have no power over them as a minister unto them , because they have right to chose their owne ministers . a sixth argument may be taken from the distinction that is between members , and not members . if there be by the word of god a distinction , between members of the church and such as are no members , then joyning in covenant is necessary to the being of a member ; but the former is true , as appeares cor. . . some are within , and may be judged by the church , and others are without , and may not ▪ and therefore the latter is true also . and the reason of the consequence is because there is nothing else without this joyning in covenant , that can sufficiently distinguish them ; it is not faith and grace in their hearts , for some men are members of the visible church , and yet have no grace , and others may have grace , and yet be no members , and therefore this is not the thing that doth distinguish them , nor is it affection , nor cohabitation , nor every approbation of the word of god , and the wayes of his church , nor comming into their assemblies to heare the word ; but these things were touched before , and therefore may be here the more briefly passed over . and so much shall suffice to have spoken of the second particular , concerning the use of church-covenant , that it is by joyning therein that a particular person becomes a member of a church . but here it will be needfull to remove sundry objections , which may seeme to some to be of great weight against church-covenant , that so by the removing of them , the truth may be the more cleared , to fuller satisfaction , if it be the will of god. church-covenant is a terme that is not found in scripture . first , so is sacrament , trinitie , &c. and yet those termes may be lawfully used , because the thing meant thereby is found . secondly , but seeing the covenant is between the lord and his church , as the two parties that are confederate , it is all one whether it be called the lords covenant , or the church-covenant : as when mamre , aver , & eschol were confederate with abraham , gen. . . might not one truely say , abraham was confederate with them ? relatives doe mutually put and establish one another . thirdly , the scripture allowes both the lords covenant with the church , eze. . . & the peoples covenant or saints covenant , or churches covenant with him , deut. . . psal . . . jer. . . fourthly , there is good reason for both the words ; both the lords covenant , and the church-covenant , because both are confederate ; and for that of church-covenant , there is this reason also , viz. to distinguish it from other covenants , as a marriage-covenant , pro. . . and a brotherly covenant , sam. . . the church-covenant being thus called not onely because they are a church , or members thereof that make it , but also because they enter into it in reference to church-estate and church-duties : the duties which they bind themselves unto in this covenant being such especially as concern a church and the members thereof . but this church-covenant puts some disparagement upon the covenant of grace , which every beleever is already entred into with god , and seeme to charge the same with insufficiency ; for every second covenant doth argue that the first was not faultlesse , heb. . . . a second covenant doth argue that the first was not faultlesse , where the covenants are contrary one to another , as the covenant of grace , and the covenant of works are , and so it is most true , that the bringing in of the free covenant of grace did argue that righteousnes and life could not be attained by the law , or covenant of works ; for if there had been a law given which could have given life , verily righteousnesse should have been by the law. gal. . . rom. . . . but if it be the same covenant that is renewed or made againe , though upon a new occasion , no man can say that entring into the same the second time , or a third , or a fourth , doth disanull the first , or cast disparagement upon the same . the covenant of works given to adam was not blamed or faulted , because it was renewed in sinai . the covenant of grace was first given to adam in paradise after his fall , afterward to abraham , then to the people of israel under types and shadows ; and againe after the coming of christ in the flesh ; yet none of these doth disanull the former , or argue the same to be faulty ; and the reason is , because it is still the same covenant though renewed upon new occasions ; and in some particulars in some other manner . and the like we say concerning church-covenant , or the covenant which a man makes when he enters into the church , viz. that it is not another covenant contrary to the covenant of grace , which every beleever is brought into at his first conversion , but an open profession of a mans subjection to that very covenant , specially in the things which concerne church estate , into which estate the man is now entring . it is not lawfull to make such a covenant as the church-covenant , because it is not in our power to keep it , and we do not know whether god will give us power . this ground is very true , that no man hath power of himselfe to any thing that good is , but all a mans power and abilitie must come of god through christ , . cor. . . phil. . . joh. . . but the inference is not good , that therefore it should be unlawfull to ento into church-covenant : for . by the same reason , all promises are unlawfull , and all covenants whatsoever ; as the covenant of marriage , the covenant of service , yea and the personall covenant of grace , when a particular soule promiseth faith and new obedience ; for there is none of these , no not the covenant of marriage , which a man is able of himself to keep , as the adultery of david and bathsheba , among others , doth plainly prove . . god hath promised to give power to them that in self-deniall seek it of him , and trust to his promise for it . ezek. . . jer. . . rom. . . jer. . . the true inference therefore from this ground , from mans disabilitie to performe were this , that therefore a man should not enter into church covenant in his owne strength , for that was peters fault in promising not to deny christ , but to die with him rather : but church-covenant , as also all other promises , should be entred into , in an humble looking up to christ jesus for help and assistance to performe . thou therefore my sonne , be strong in the grace that is in christ jesus , . tim. . . god disalloweth covenants of mans making ( and so our church-covenant ) in those words , but not by thy covenant . ezek. . . god doth not reprove them there for making covenant , for then he were contrary to himselfe , who elsewhere called them to do it , exod. . deut. . and commended them for it , psal . . . yea and in that very place of ezek. . acknowledgeth a covenant betweene him and them , ver . . . but the meaning is , he would do them good , but not for their good keeping the covenant of works , for they had very sinfully broken it , ver . but even as he saith elsewhere , not for their sakes , or for their righteousnesse , ezek. . . deut. . , , . but what force is there in this arguing , viz. if god will do us good , but not for our good keeping the covenant of works , then it is not lawfull to promise obedience to the covenant of grace , in such things as concerne church estate ; all men may easily see that here is a plaine non sequitur . this entring into covenant may keep out many good men from joyning to the churches , because they are not satisfied about it : and therefore it is better laid aside . it is not impossible , but good men may for a time be unsatisfied about it , till they understand the nature and use of it , and yet the thing be warrantable enough for all that in the sight of god ; the tribes were troubled at the altar set up upon the banks of jordan by the two tribes and an halfe , till they understood the intent and use of it , and for what purpose it was erected : and then they were satisfied . josh . . and the same may be said of peters eating with the gentiles , which at the first was very offensive to them of the circumcision , till they understood what peter had to say for his defence therein , and then they rested well satisfied , act. . but if men understand what the church-covenant is , there is no reason that good men should be troubled at it ; it being nothing else but a promise of obedience unto the gospel of christ , or of such duties as the gospel requireth of all christians in church-estate : for , will good men refuse to obey the gospel , or submit to the ordinances of christ ? or will they refuse to professe and promise so much ? if a man understand what it is , and what we meane by it , and yet refuse to enter into it when he hath opportunitie thereto , such refusing is no part of his goodnesse , but is to be reckoned amongst his corruptions ; it is ignorance at the best , and if not so , then it may be perversenesse of will , or some want of will to performe obedience to the gospel . and surely there is smal hope that such would yeeld subjection and obedience to the gospel , who do refuse to professe or promise it . but the scripture , act. . . tels of joyning to the church without any covenant . for it was not possible that . should enter into covenant in one day . two things may be said in answer to this objection . first , that . were not so many , but that joyning in covenant might easily be done by them all , in one day . for , . it was at penticost , at which time of the yeer the dayes were at the longest : and , . the scripture tels us , that david made a covenant with all the tribes of israel in one day , . sam. , , . the articles of the covenant betweene david and the tribes , and so betweene this . and the lord might be openly declared , and they both the one and the other might by some signe or other , expresse their consent thereunto in one day . secondly , as joyning in covenant is a thing that might be done , so it is more then probable that indeed it was done , by those . soules for it is said , ver . . that they gladly received the word , that is , they openly professed that they did with all their hearts receive it , for this receiving of the word is noted as a condition , upon which they were admitted to baptisme , and therefore it was not onely an inward receiving of it in their hearts , but also an open professing that they did receive it ; for an inward receiving of it in their hearts , without an open professing thereof outwardly , would not have been sufficient for the admitting of them unto baptisme . now this word which they received was an exhortation to repentance for sinne , and to faith in the promise , ver . . and to obedience in severing themselves from others , and saving themselves from that untoward generation , ver . . and therefore when they openly professed , that they gladly received this word , there was an open professing of their repentance for sinne , ver . . of their faith in the promise , and of obedience to the commandement , which is nothing else , but the very summe of church-covenant : yea , and further , their very preparation to this repentance , faith and obedience , in that true compunction and sorrow of soul , was also openly made manifest . ver . . but yet there would not be such long narrations , of every one severally as now are used , when men do enter into church-covenant , when each one makes a good long speech , in the profession of his faith and repentance . when the thing is certaine , as was shewed before , that they did openly professe repentance , faith and obedience , it is not difference in the length or largenesse of their speeches in expressing of themselves , that can make any difference in the thing : majus & minus non diversificant speciem . and we denie not but they might be briefer , because there was not such need they should be long in regard of some difference betweene them and us , their time and ours : first there were the apostles present to heare their confessions , and to judge thereof , who were men of very good discerning , and therefore briefer expressing of mens selves might suffice ; whereas the best christians , yea the best ministers amongst us are not to be compared to the apostles ; and therefore as we need more time for study , and for preparation for our sermons then they did : so likewise we need more time to heare , and try the soundnesse of mens repentance towards god , and faith towards our lord jesus christ . yet this we may adde withall , that if the apostles and those primative christians , men of such excellent discerning were sometimes deceived , and could not alwayes so discern , but that some hypocrites would creep into the church : as the example of ananias and saphira doth witnesse ; how much more need is there , that the churches of god in these dayes ( being far inferiour to them ) should be very watchfull and circumspect in trying the spirituall estates of them that offer to come into the church ? secondly , their times also differed from ours : for their christianitie was a matter of reproach and danger of excommunication , joh. . . of imprisonment , act. . . and . . and the like . and therefore to see men now to make open profession of their faith in christ jesus , whose servants and disciples were so hated , and who himselfe but a while before was crucified , this was not an ordinarie matter : and therefore in words , men might be the briefer when they came to be received into the church : but our times in new england do not persecute christ , and christians , and christian churches , but countenance them , and protect them ; and therefore there is more need now to be more studious in examination of mens estates when they offer themselves for church members : when the jews were in favour , many of the people of the land became jews , esth . . . but why is there so little proofe of this church-covenant in the new testament ? . suppose the new testament said nothing of it , yet it might have ground sufficient from the scriptures of the old testament ; for if it was gods revealed will in those dayes , that a companie should become a church , and particular persons become members of that church by way of covenant , we may be sure it is so now likewise , unlesse covenanting were peculiar to the jewish paedigogie ; indeed if it had never been used in those times , but were some new ordinance , peculiar to the dayes of the new testament , in such cases also a ground from the scriptures of the new testament were necessarie , as there is in all such things wherein there is any change or variation , from what was used in those times afore christ , as that there should not be nationall churches , but congregationall , and not one visible church , but many , that there should be baptisme , and the lords supper : these are matters that are not found in the old testament , nor were appointed to be used in those dayes , and therefore we must have warrant for them in the new , and so we have . but for the covenant it is otherwise , it is no new ordinance peculiar to the dayes of the gospel , nor any leviticall ordinance peculiar to the jewish pedigogie ; and therefore the scriptures of the old testament that give warrant for it , may be sufficient as hath been shewed afore . . and yet there is not wanting good warrant for it , that it ought to be used , in the dayes of the new testament . for , . the prophets do foretell it , isa . . , . and . . and jer. . . ezek. . . and in sundrie other places , to omit the rest at this time , because some of them have been spoken of before ; onely let those words of isa . . . be well considered , and see if they do not plainly hold forth that in the dayes of the new testament , men should openly professe their faith , and solemnly bind themselves by covenant , to be the lords people , one shall say , i am the lords , and another shall call himself by the name of jacob , and another shall subscribe with his hand , and sirname himself by the name of israel . these words are so plaine for open professing of faith in the lord , and open binding of mens selves by covenant unto him , as we conceive nothing need be more . . the apostles do sufficiently testifie , that such a thing was practised in their dayes , else how should we understand that fellowship in the gospel in its full latitude and breadth , phil. . . if this combining into church-fellowship be no part thereof ; yea when it is said , they continued stedfastly , or as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may well be translated , they strongly did cleave together , or hold together in such a fellowship , which was not preaching and hearing the doctrine of the apostles , nor sacraments , nor prayer , but a thing distinct from all these . if this combining themselves into a spirituall fellowship and societie of church-state be no part thereof , we know not how to understand it , nor what that fellowship should meane ; if doctrine , and sacraments , and prayer had not been particularly mentioned , in the same place , it might have been thought that the fellowship in which they so steadfastly clave together had been no more , but their coming together to observe these said ordinances , and their communion therein . but when all these are particularly mentioned , and fellowship mentioned among them , as a thing distinct from the rest , we may not confound it with the rest . we might as well say , that by doctrine is meant sacraments , and by sacraments is meant prayer ; as to say that by fellowship is meant nothing else but the exercise of doctrine , and sacraments , and prayer . and if these as they are distinctly named , be distinct ordinances , and may not be confounded , then fellowship being named in the same manner imports something distinct from them all , and may not be confounded with them , nor with any of them , no more then the other may be confounded one with another . and if so , then as this fellowship may import , the communion of their gift and goods one for the helpe of another , so it must first of all imply a combining of themselves into church-state by mutuall agreement , consent , or covenant . furthermore , when the apostle writeth , that by experience of the corinthians liberall contribution to the poore saints , men glorified god for their professed subjection to the gospel of christ , . cor. . . he plainly imployes thereby , that the corinthians had made a profession or promise of such subjection to the gospel as did comprehend this particular of distributing to the necessitie of the saints , among other things . and their liberall distribution which he there speaks of , was looked at as one point of their reall performance of that subjection to the gospel , which they had before professed , and promised . now the church-covenant is nothing else , but the professing or promising of such subjection , and therefore this place is another proofe of church-covenant . besides , it hath been shewed afore in argument . that those places which speake of being added to the church , of joyning , or assaying to joyne unto the church , act. . . and . and . are not expounded according to the full meaning of them , when they are understood of any other joyning , if joyning in covenant be left out . and therefore the scriptures of the new testament do beare good witnesse unto church-covenant , though , as we said before , the scriptures of the old testament might have been sufficient if the new testament had spoken nothing of it . but baptisme makes men members of the visible church , and therefore the covenant is needlesse . this is answered in the answer to the fourth of the . questions , where it is shewed at large that baptisme ●● a seale of the covenant betweene god and the church , but neither makes the church , nor members of the church , nor alwayes so much as proves men to be members . this church-covenant is a late devise , and was not known in ancient time , and therefore is to be rejected . first , true antiquitie is that of the scriptures . now sith church covenant is warranted by the scripture , as hath been shewed before in this discourse , it cannot be charged to want true antiquitie . when the papists are wont to charge the doctrine of protestants with novelty , and such as was never heard of before luther , the orthodoxe are wont to answer , that if the doctrine do not agree with the scripture , then let it be condemned for noveltie ; and if it do , it is warranted by the best antiquitie , even the testimonie of god himself who is the antient of dayes : our faith , faith doctor white , is in all points the same that is contained in the scripture , and so consequently of the same antiquitie : and therefore all they that say it came up but of late , must first prove it contrary to the word of god , or else hold their peace . white , way , . . and the same we say in this particular of the church-covenant . secondly , and yet they that search the stories and writers of the times and ages next after the apostles , may find some testimonie of church-covenant in those dayes : for instance , justine martyr in his apol. . makes mention of three things which were required of all that were admitted into the church as members , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is regeneration , and soundnesse in the faith , and a promise to walke in obedience to the gospel . and generally this was the practise of all those times , that never any man was admitted to baptisme , nor his children neither , but they put him to answer three questions , abrenuntios ? whereto he answered , abrenuntio . credis ? whereto his answer was , credo : and spondes ? to which he answered , spondes . so that here was an open declaration of his repentance from dead works , and of the soundnesse of his faith , in the two first particulars , and an open binding himself by covenant or promise to walke according to the gospel , in the third . but much needs not to be said in this point , unto them that do acknowledge scripture antiquitie to be sufficient , though after times should be found to swerve from the rules and patterns that are therein contained . if church-covenant be so necessarie , then all the reformed churches are to be condemned as no churches ; for they have no such covenant . they that have knowne those churches , not onely by their writings , and confessions of their faith , in synods and otherwise ; but also by living amongst them , and being eye-witnesses of their order , do report otherwise of them , viz. that they are combined together by solemne covenant with god and one another . zepperus , speaking of the manner , used in the reformed churches , in admitting the children of church-members to the lords table , when they came to age , and have been sufficiently catechised , and instructed in the doctrine of religion ▪ tells us , that such children are admitted to the lords table , by publick profession of faith , and entring into covenant . consuetum est , saith l●e , ut qui per atatem inque doctrinâ catecheticâ profectum ad sacram coenam primum admittuntur , fidei confessionem coram totâ ecclesiâ publice edant per parentes aut qui parentum loco sunt , jussû ministri , in ecclesia conspectum producti : quòdque in illa confessione , per dei gratiam perstare , ac , juxta illam , vitam instituere , insuper etiam disciplina ecclesiasticae ultrò ac spoute suâ subjicere sese velint , spondeant atque stipulentur , polit. eccles . lib. . cap. . p. . that is , the manner is , that they who by reason of age and proficiencie in the doctrine of catechisme are first admitted to the lords supper , should publickly before the whole church make confession of their faith , being brought forth into the sight of the church by their parents , or them that are instead of parents , at the appointment of the minister ; and likewise should promise and covenant by the grace of god to continue in that faith which they have confessed , and to lead their lives according to it ; yea , and moreover to subject themselves freely and willingly to the discipline of the church . these words we see are full and plaine , that children are not in those churches received to the lords supper , without personall confession of faith , and entring into covenant before ; and if they tooke this course with children come to age , there is as much reason , or more , that the same course should be holden with men of yeers , when they are admitted members . and so the same zepperus , speaking of the consociation of churches amongst themselves by mutuall confederation , hath these words , which as they may be applyed to the combining of many churches , so may they be combining of many members of the same church , 〈◊〉 illa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam in symbolo profite nunc apostolico , nihil aliud hic requirit , & vult , quam obligationem omnium ecclesiae membrorum & confoederationem , &c. that is , that communion of saints which we professe in the creed , doth require and meane nothing else but an obligation of all the members of the church , and a binding of them together by covenant . polit. eccles . li. c. . p . to these testimonies of z●pp●r●● , those words may be added of mr. parker our own countreyman , a man of singular note for learning and holinesse , who also himselfe lived sometimes beyond sea in the reformed churches , and there ended his dayes , so that we may safely give the more credit to his testimonie , he having so good meanes fully to know the state and order of those churches . now he speaketh of a solennis forma absque quâ in ecclesiae alicujus communionem nullus ritè recipitur : of a solemne forme , without which no man is rightly received into the communion of the church , hath these words . hic mos ille est reformatarum ecclesiarum non solum in lapsis restituendis , sed in extra●eis , i●ò quibuscunque recipiendis qui ad habitandum alicubi consident , etsi fortè in ecclesiâ illius loci quo ante commo● abantur , juxta hanc formam admissi prius fuerant . examinat presbyterium , plebs consentit , quisque testes vita sua secum adfert , vel testimonia sal●em : publicatur nomen cuiusque competentis pro con●io●e , admonetur quisque siquid habeat quod excipiat , ut denunciet presbyteris . si nihil contrà adferatur , admittitur quidem , sed non nisi solerni pactione cum deo & cum ecclesiâ ▪ spondet verò ecclesiae ▪ se ambulaturum prout sanctam illam communionem decet ; disciplinae illius ecclesiae subjacere velle , se fratribus illius communionis invigilaturum juxta christi praeceptum , matth. . . ut praeveniantur sanentur que scandala , & illi ad studium bonorum operum provehantur . that is , this is the manner of the reformed churches , not onely in restoring such as have fallen , but in admitting of strangers , yea of all whoever they be , who do sit down in any place for habitation , though perhaps they have been formerly admitted after the same manner in the church where they have formerly dwelt ; the presbytery doth examine , the people do consent , every man brings with him witnesses of his life , or at least-wise testimonies : the name of each one that desires to be a member , is published in the assembly , every one is admonished if he have any exception against the party , to bring it to the presbytery . if nothing be brought against him , then indeed he is admitted ; but yet no otherwise then by a solemne covenant with god and the church ; and to the church he promiseth that he will walk as becometh that holy fellowship , that he will be subject to the discipline of that church , that he will watch over the brethren of that communion , according to the command of christ , mat. . . that offences may be prevented and healed , &c. polit. eccles lib. cap. . § . pag. , . much more he hath to the same purpose in that place , alledging sundry canons and decrees of synods of reformed churches , wherein they have determined that none should be received into their churches , but by this way of solemne covenant . and others that have lived amongst them may have been eye-witnesses that this is their usuall practise . but what shall be said of the congregations in england , if churches must be combined by covenant ? doth not this doctrine blot out all those congregations out of the catalogue of churches ? for what ever covenant may be found in the reformed churches in other parts , yet it is plaine that the english have none . though we deny not but the covenant in many of those congregations is more implicite and not so plaine as were to be desired ; ( and what is amisse in them , in their materialls , or in want of explicite combining of pure matter , or many of their wayes , wee will not take upon us to defend ) yet we hope we may say of them with master parker , polit. eccles . lib . cap. . § . pag. . non abost ea realis & substantialis ( quanquam magis quàm par●rat implicita ) coitio in foedus , eaque voluntaria professio fidei substantialis : quâ ( deo gratia ) essentiam ecclesiae idque visibilis hacusque sartam tectam in angliâ conservavit ; that is , there wants not that reall and substantiall comming together , ( or agreeing in covenant , though more implica●e then were meete ) and that substantiall profession of faith , which ( thanks be to god ) hath preserved the essence of visible churches in england unto this day . the reasons why wee are loath to say , that the congregations in england are utterly without a covenant , are these : first , because there were many christian churches in england in the apostles time , or within a while after , as master fox sheweth at large , act. & mon. lib. . beginning pag . where he reporteth out of gildas , that england received the gospel in the time of tiberius the emperour , under whom christ suffered , and that joseph of arimathea was sent of philip the apostie from france to england about the yeare of christ . and remained in england all his time , and so he with his fellowes layd the first foundation of christian faith among the britaine people , and other preachers and teachers comming afterward , confirmed the same and increased it . also the said master fox reporteth out of tertullian , that the gospel was dispearsed abroad by the sound of the apostles into many nations , and amongst the rest into britaine , yea into the wildest places of britaine , which the romans could never attaine unto : and alledgeth also out of ni●●phorus , that simon zelotes did spread the gospel to the west ocean , and brought the same into the iles of britaine : and sundry other proofes he there hath for the same point . now if the gospel and christian religion were brought into england in the apostles times , and by their means , it is like that the english churches were then constituted by way of covenant , because that was the manner of constituting churches in the apostles time , as also in the times asore christ , as hath been shewed from the scripture before in this discourse . and if christian congregations in england were in those times combined by covenant , then eternitie of gods covenant is such , that it is not the interposition of many corruptions that may arise in after times that can disanull the same , except when men wilfully breake covenant and reject the offers of the gospel through obstinacy , which we perswade our selves they are not come unto : and consequently the covenant remaines which hath preserved the essence of churches to this day ; though the mixture of manifold corruptions , have made the covenant more implicite then were meete . secondly , because there want no good records ( as may be seene in seldens history of tithes ) to prove that in former times in england it was free for men to pay their tithes and oblations where themselves pleased : now this paying of tithes was accounted as a dutie of people to their minister , or sheepe to their pastour : and therefore seeing this was by their owne voluntary agreement and consent , their joyning to the church as members thereof , & to the ministery thereof as sheepe of such a mans flock , was also by their owne voluntary agreement and consent : and this doth imply a covenant ●● was not the precincts of parishes that did limit men in those dayes , but their owne choice . thirdly , those questions and answers ministred at baptisme , spoken of before , ( viz. do●st thou renounce ? i doe renounce : doest thou beleeve ? i doe beleeve : doest thou promise ? i doe promise ) as they were used in other places , so were they also in england , and are unto this day , though not without the mixture of sundry corruptions . now this doth imply a covenant . and when the children came to age , they were not to be admitted to the lords supper , before they had made personall confession of their owne faith , and ratified the covenant which was made at their baptisme by their parents , which course indeed afterward did grow into a sacrament of confirmation , but that was an abuse of a good order . if here it be said , that the members of the parishionall assemblies are not brought in by their owne voluntary profession , but by the authority and proclamation of the prince , and therefore they have no such covenant . the answer is , that the christian prince doth but his dutie when he doth not tollerate within his dominions any open idolatry , or the open worship of false gods by baptized persons , but suppresseth the same : and likewise when he gives free libertie to the exercise of all the ordinances of true religion , according to the minde of christ , with countenance also and encouragement unto all those whose hearts are willingly bent thereunto , ezra . . . . & . . and therefore this practise of his cannot overthrow the freenesse of mens ioyning in church ▪ communion , because one dutie cannot oppose nor contradict another . and suppose that this course of the magistrate should seeme to be a forcing of some to come in for members who were unfit , ( in which case it were not justifiable ) yet this doth not hinder the voluntary subjection of others , who with all their hearts desired it . when the israelites departed out of aegypt , there went a mixed multitude with them , many going with them that were not israelites indeed , exod. . and in the dayes of mordecay and hesther , many of the people of the lands became jewes , when the jewes were in favour and respect , est . . . and so joyned to them not of their owne voluntary minde , nor of any sincere heart towards god , but meerely for the favour or ●eare of men ; yet this forced or seined joyning of some could not hinder those that were israelites indeed from being israelites , nor make the jewes to be no jewes , no church-members . and the same may be said in this case , suppose the magistrates proclamation should be a cause , or an occasion rather , of bringing some into the church , who came not of their owne voluntary minde , but for feare , or for obteining favour , yet this cannot hinder , but others might voluntarily and freely covenant to be subject to the gospel of christ : such subjection and the promise of it being the thing which themselves did heartily desire , though the magistrate should have said nothing in it . if any shall hereupon inferre , that if the parishionall assemblies be churches , then the members of them may be admitted to church priviledges in new england , before they joyne to our churches : such one may finde his answer in the answer to the tenth of the thirty-two questions ; whereunto we doe referre the reader for this point . onely adding this , that this were contrary to the judgement and practise of the reformed churches , who doe not admit a man for member without personall profession of his faith , and joyning in covenant , though he had formerly been a member of a church in another place , as was shewed before out of master parker . lastly , if any say , that if these reasons prove the english congregations to have such a covenant as proves them to be churches , then why may not rome , and the assemblies of papists goe for true churches also ? for some man may thinke that the same things may be said for them that here in answer to this eleventh objection are said for the parishes in england : such one must remember two things : first , that we doe not say simply , a covenant makes a company a true church , but ( as was said before ) a covenant to walke in such wayes of worship to god and edification of one another , as the gospel of christ requireth . for who doubts ▪ but there may be an agreement among theeves , pro. . a confederation among gods enemies , psal . . a conspiracy among the arabians , the ammonites and ashdodites , to hinder the building of hierusalem , neh. . , . and yet none of these are made true churches by such kind of confederacies or agreements . and so wee may say of the assemblies of papists , especially since the counsell of trent . if there be any agreement or confederacy among them , it is not to walke in the wayes of the gospell , but in wayes contrary to the fundamentall truths of the gospel , as idolatry in worship , heresie in doctrine , and other antichristian pollutions and corruptions : and therefore if they combined in these things , such combinations will never prove them true churches . the church is the pillar and ground of truth , tim. . . but the religion of papists is so farre from truth , that whosoever liveth and beleeveth according to it , without repentance , cannot be saved . witnesse their doctrine in the point of vilifying the scriptures , and in point of free-will , and of justification by works , of the popes supremacy , of the sacrifice of the masse , of worshipping of images , &c. in regard of which , and such like , the holy ghost saith , that their religion is a sea , become as the bloud of a dead man , and every soule in that sea dyeth , rev. . . and therefore agreement in such a religion will never prove them to be true churches ; nor any assemblies of arrians , antitrinitaries , anabaptists , or famelists , supposing them also to be combined by covenant among themselves . but now for the assemblies in england , the case is farre otherwise ; for the doctrine of the articles of religion which they professe , and which they promise to hold and observe ( though some things are amisse in some of those articles , and though many persons live contrary in their lives ) yet the doctrine is such that whosoever beleeveth , and liveth according to it , shall undoubtedly be saved , and many thousands have been saved therein ▪ and therefore assemblies united by covenant to observe this doctrine may be true churches , when the assemblies of papists and others may be false , although they also were combined by covenant : the reason of the difference rising from the difference that is in the doctrine and religion which they severally professe , and by covenant binde themselves to observe , the one being fundamentally corrupt , and consequently pernicious : the other in the fundamentall points orthodoxall and sound . secondly , it must be remembred also ( which was intimated before ) that if fundamentall corruptions be professed in with impenitency and obstinacy , then god may disanull the covenant on his part , and give a bill of divorce to such a people , jere. . . now experience and the scripture also doth witnesse of the jesuited and trent-papists , that they repented not of the workes of their hands , of worshipping devills , and idolls of gold , &c. neither repented they of their murthers , nor of their sorceries , nor of their fornications , nor of their thefts , rev. . , . but now for the parish assemblies in england , we hope that we may safely say , they doe not sinne of obstinacy , but of ignorance , having not been convinced ( and many of them never having had means to be convinced ) of the corruptions that are amongst them , in respect of their constitution , and worship , and ministery , and so the covenant remaining among them , may prove them to be churches , when it cannot stand the papists in like stead , they being impenitent and obstinate : which we doe not speake to justifie the parishes altogether , as if there were not dangerous corruptions found in them , nay rather ( the lord be mercifull to the sinnes of his people ) wee may lament it with teares , that in respect of their members and ministery , in respect of their worship and walkings , in many of those assemblies there are found such apparent corruptions , as are justly grievous to a godly soule , that is enlightened to discerne them , and greatly displeasing to the lord , and indeed had need to be repented of betime , least otherwise the lord remove the candlesticke and unchurch them , rev. . . in a word , the corruptions remaining are just causes of repentance and humiliation : but yet in as much as the articles of religion , which they professe , containe such wholesome doctrine , that whosoever beleeveth and walketh according thereunto , in sinceritie , shall undoubtedly be saved , and in as much as the corruptions are not persisted in with obstinacy , therefore wee deny not but they have the truth of churches remaining . but this opinion of church-covenant , is holden by none but the brownists , or those of the separation , and therefore it is not to be received . this ground cannot be made good , that none but they of the separation are for church-covenant , for all the reformed churches generally , as was shewed before in answer to objection the tenth , are for it in their judgement & practise ; and shall all they be condemned for * brownists , or maintaining unlawfull separation from the church ? also master parker and doctor ames , men of our owne nation , famous for holinesse and learning , and moderation , both of them plead for church-covenant , and yet neither of them were brownists , but bare witnesse against that riged separation . for doctor ames , his judgement of church-covenant may be seene in his medulla , theol. lib. . cap. . § , , . fideles non constitunt ecclesiam particularem , quamvis simul forsan plures in eodem loco conveniant aut vivant , nisi speciali vinculo intersese conjunguntur , &c. that is , beleevers doe not make a particular church , though perhaps there be many of them that meete ▪ together , and live in the same place , unlesse they be joyned together by some speciall bond amongst themselves : for so one church would many times be dissolved into many , and many churches confounded into one . now this bond is a covenant , either expressed or implicite , whereby beleevers do binde themselves particularly to performe all such duties , both towards god and mutually to one another , as pertaine to the nature of a church , and their edification . and thereupon no man is rightly admitted into the church , but by confession of his faith , and stipulation , or promise of obedience . these words doe plainely and fully shew his judgement of church-covenant , to be the very same that is held and practised in new-england at this day . and that he was not for that severitie and regiditie of separation , may be cleared from sundry of his workes , wherein he plainly and fully beares witnesse against the same , and namely , in his fresh suite against ceremonies , pag. . and in his second manuduction , wherein he purposely and at large deales in this argument of separation . sure it is master canne in his booke , wherein he goes about to prove the necessitie of separation from the non-conformists principles , doth professedly and expressely oppose himselfe against doctor ames in the point of separation , which shewes how farre the good doctor was from favouring that way , when they most zealously therein doe count him to be a speciall opposite of theirs , as indeed he was . and for master parker , his judgement of church-covenant was heard before in part ; where he so much approveth the practise of the reformed churches in this point . and much more may be seene of his judgement herein , in the sixteenth chap. of the third booke of his polit. ecclesiastica . and yet in the same place , and likewise lib . cap. . . of the same treatise he plentifully and plainly shewes his dislike of the wayes of separation , as is also acknowledged in an admonition to the reader , prefixed before that booke , by i. r. suo , suorumque nomine . so that this assertion appeares to be untrue , wherein it is said , that none but brownists and separatists doe approve of church-covenant . as for the inference from this ground , that therefore church-covenant should not be received , because it is pleaded for and practised by the separatists . we answer , that this will not follow , unlesse it could be proved , that the separatists hold no truth ; or if they hold a truth wee must not hold it , that so it may appeare wee differ from them ; either of which , it were unreasonable to affirme . if the papists hold sundry articles of faith , as that there is a unitie of the divine essence , and trinitie of persons , that jesus christ is god and man , and that true messiah that was promised , and the onely saviour of the world , and many such like , must wee deny these things because they are holden by the papists ? this were as unreasonable as to condemne the doctrine of the resurrection , because it was maintained by the pharisees , act. . . and so we say of church-covenant , holden and practised by them of the separation ; as also many other truths are maintained by them : no reason that truth should be refused , because the separatists maintaine it . when doctor bancroft in a sermon at pauls-crosse , had avouched that the superioritie of bishops above other ministers , is by gods owne ordinance , and to make the contrary opinion odious , affirmed that aerius persisting in it , was condemned for an heretique by the generall consent of the whole church , and that martin and his companions , doe maintaine the same opinion of aerius ; what saith learned doctor reinolds hereunto , in a letter to sir francis knolls , who required him to shew his judgement herein : touching martin , saith he , if any man behave himselfe otherwise then in discretion and charitie he ought , let the blame be laid where the fault is , and defend him not ; but if by the way he utter a truth , mingled with whatsoever else , it is not reason that that which is of god should be condemned for that which is of man : no more then the doctrine of the resurrection should be reproved , because it was maintained and held by the pharisees : wherefore removing the odious name of martin from that which is sinceritie and love , is to be dealt with , &c. and the very same doe wee say to them that would make church-covenant to be odious , because it is held by those of the seperation , who are commonly called brownists : if men behave themselves otherwise then they ought , we defend them not therein , but if they hold any truth mingled with whatsoever else , wee would not have that which is of god to be condemned , for that which is of man : truth should not be refused , because of other corruptions that may be found in them that hold it . if you with them hold church-covenant , you iustifie them in all their wayes of seperation and erronious opinions . not so , for many of them hold that there are no visible christians that stand members of the parishes in england , and that it is not lawfull to hold any private religious communion with such persons ; and that the parishionall assemblies are none of them true churches , and that it is not lawfull to hear any of those ministers to preach the word , none of which are justified at all by holding church-covenant , though they do hold the same ; there is no such necessarie and inseparable connexion betweene these opinions , and that of church-covenant , that he that holds this , must needs hold the other also . but the time hath been , when your selves did not hold church-covenant , as now you do ; when you were in england you were not of this mind , and therefore no marvell if your change since your coming to new england be suspected , and offensive . if you change your judgement and practise in this manner , god knows whether you may come at last , and therefore men may well be afraid of holding with you in this point , which your selves did not hold when you lived in your native countrey . some of us when we were in england , through the mercie of god , did see the necessitie of church-covenant ; and did also preach it to the people amongst whom we ministred , though neither so soone nor so fully as were meete , for which we have cause to be humbled , and to judge our selves before the lord. but suppose we had never knowne nor practised the same before our coming into this countrey , yet if it be a truth of god , there is no reason why we should shut our eyes against the light , when god holds it forth unto us , nor that others should be offended at us for receiving the same . for by the same reason men might still continue in their sinnes , and not make any progresse in knowledge and holinesse , that so they may not seeme unconstant , which were contrary to the scripture , wherein we are commanded nor to fashion our selves according to the former lusts of our ignorance . . pet. . . but to be changed , rom. . . and renued , ephes . . . and put off the old man , and put on the new , ephes . . yea to grow in grace and holinesse , . pet. . . and be stronger and stronger , job . . that our good workes may be more at the last , then at the first , revel . . . sure it is , the apostle tells the corinthians and ephesians , that the time had been when they were not the same men that now they are when he wrote unto them ; and yet he doth not blame them for leaving their former opinions or practise , but commends them for it , . cor. . . ephes . . . &c. and it is said of apollos an eloquent man , and mighty in the scripture , that when he came to ephesus the way of god was expounded unto him more perfectly by aquila and priscilla , whereas before he was instructed in the way of the lord , knowing onely the baptisme of john : yet this was no dispraise at all to him , that now upon better information he would change his judgement to the better , nor unto them that were the means thereof : act. . , . nullus pudor est ad maliura transire . the time hath been , ( and we may be humbled for it ) when we lived without god in the world , and some of us in many sinfull courses : and shall any be offended , because we are not still the same ? and when god called us from the wayes of sin and death , to the fellowship of his grace in christ ; yet some of us lived a long time in conformity to the ceremonies imposed in our native countrey , and saw not the evill of them . but when god did open our eyes , and let us see the unlawfulnesse thereof , we cannot see but it would have been a with-holding the truth in unrighteousnesse , and a great unthankfulnesse to god for light revealed to us , if we should still have continued in that course through an inordinate desire of seeming constant : and therefore it is not any just cause of offence that we have changed our judgement and practise in those things , when we once perceived the word of god to disallow them . indeed it hath been sometime objected against mr. cartwright , and others , that desired the reformation of the churches in england , in regard of discipline and church-order , that they which stood so much for reformation in discipline , did in after times adde and alter some things , beyond what they saw at first , and what themselves had formerly desited ; and that therefore being so murable , and inconstant in their apprehensions , they were not to be regarded , nor hearkened unto : to which objection mr. pa●k●r makes full answer in eccles . lib. . ca. . p. ▪ where he sheweth from the scripture , and the testimonie of bishop jewel , doctor reinolds , and others , that in the reformation of religion god brings not his servants into perfection in knowledge and zeale at the first , but by degrees , so as they grow and make progresse in these things in such wise , that their good works are more at the last then at the first , as was said of the church of thyatira , even as the man that had been blind , when christ ●● stored him to his sight , could at the first but see men like tr●… walking , and afterward saw every man cleerly ; and therefore●… is no good arguing to say these men have altered and correc●… such things from what their apprehensions were at first , and therefore they are not to be regarded . now if this be no good arguing against mr. cartwright , and those that in england have been studious of reformation ( as indeed it is not ) then it is no good argument against us in this m●●ter of church-covenant , to say we now hold and practise otherwise then we have done in former time . if any shall here reply , that change from conformity to the cerem●nies to worship god more purely is warranted by the word , and therefore not blame-worthy , and that the same may be said of the case of apollos , of the corinthians , and ephesians forementioned , and of cartwright , and the rest in his times . we answer , that this is true , and thereby it appears , that it is not simply the changing a mans opinion or practise that can be counted blame-worthy , or offensive , but changing without warrant of the word ; and therefore in point of church-covenant , the iss●● must not be whether we or others have formerly known and practised it , but whether it have ground from gods word ; for if it have ( as we hope have been proved before in this discourse ) then the observing of it , can be no cause of just offence unto others , not imputation of inconstancy to our selves , though in time past we had not had so much light as to discerne the necessitie and use thereof . the good lord pardon every one that prepareth his heart to seek god , though he be not cleansed according to the purification of the sanctuary : and grant unto all his churches and servants ▪ that their love may abound yet more and more in knowledge , and in all judgement , that they may discerne the things that differ ▪ and approve the things that are excellent , and by his spirit of truth be led forward into all truth , till antichrist be utterly consumed with the breath of his mouth , and the brightnesse of his coming , and the holy city new jerusalem come down from god out of heaven , as a bride adorned for her husband the lambe , the lord jesus , to whom be all glory of affiance and service for ever . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e to. . to : . to : . object . answ . to . & . to . to . to . to . to . obj : answ : to . to . to . to . to . to . to . to to . to . t● . to . to . & . to . to . to . to . to . to . to . notes for div a -e object . answer . object . answer . object . answer . object . answer . argu. . object . . answer . obj. . answ . obj. . answer . argu. . argu. . argu. . object . answer . argu. . argu. . object . answer . argu. . object . . answer . obj. . answ . obj. . answer . object . . answ . object . . answ . argu. . argu. . object . answer . argu. . object . . answer . object . . answ . obj. . answ . obj. . answ . obj. . answ . obj. . answ . reply . answ . obj. . answ . obj. . answ . obj. . answ . obj. . answ . obj . ans● . obj. . answ . * by brownists and separatists you are to understād those of the riged separation . reply . answ . obje . . answ . reply . answ . bishop overall's convocation-book, mdcvi concerning the government of god's catholick church, and the kingdoms of the whole world. bishop overall's convocation book overall, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing o estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) bishop overall's convocation-book, mdcvi concerning the government of god's catholick church, and the kingdoms of the whole world. bishop overall's convocation book overall, john, - . sancroft, william, - . [ ], p. : ports. printed for walter kettilby ..., london : . edited by archbishop sancroft. cf. bm. reproduction of original in huntington library and union theological seminary library, new york. imperfect: copy at union theological seminary library lacks ports. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- government. church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - pip willcox sampled and proofread - pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur . junii . . w. cant . bishop overall's convocation-book , mdc vi. concerning the government of god's catholick chvrch , and the kingdoms of the whole world . london , printed for walter kettilby , at the bishop's head in st. paul's church-yard , . an advertisement to the reader . that convocation in which the acts and canons ( now printed ) pass'd , was first call'd an. . mo jac. and continued by adjournments and prorogations to . the three following books are publish'd from a copy carefully and faithfully transcribed from the original ms. which was bishop overall's , and drawn up by him ; after whose decease , it came into the possession of d r john cosin , sometime his secretary , and after lord bishop of duresm , who bequeathed it , with other his books , both printed and manuscript , to the publick library , by him founded , at duresm , for the use of that church , where ( it is suppos'd ) it is yet to be seen . the first of these three books was also heedfully compar'd , and in some casual defects , supply'd from another ms ▪ which from the attestation of archbishop bancroft ( who there presided ) at the end thereof , under his own hand , seems to have been the original , that then pass'd the upper-house of convocation ; and after his decease , it came to his successors the archbishops of canterbury . and among them , to archbishop laud , as appears under his own hand-writing , in the last page of it . and is now , or was lately , in the possession of d r barlow , the present lord bishop of lincoln . in the first and second of these books , there were several amendments made by the upper-house of convocation ; all placed at the end of bishop overall's ms. and according to such amendments , inserted in their proper places , is the following book printed . note , that the numeral letters in the margin , throughout the first book , refer to the pages in bishop overall's original ms. at duresm , as in the second page following , ii . p. in ms. means the second page in that ms. & sic de caeteris . in the first book of that ms. placet is set at the bottom of every page , and in the printed copy that word is sometimes misplaced by a line or two ; as on the margin , p. . placet is set against l. . which should have been against l. . errata . page . line . it be called , read it be not called , p. . marg . r. deut. . p. . marg . r. num. . p. . l. . expelled r. repelled , p. . marg . k. . . p. . l. . our pleasure r. their pleasure , p. . marg . joseph antiq. l. . r. l. . p. . artic. l. . of their r. other , p. . marg . jos . ant. l. . r. l. . p. . l. . quia r. qui , p. . l. . priest r. priests , p. . marg . r. luc. . . p. . l. . unless r. and least , p. . l. . were assured r. we are assured , p. . l. . after did not , add only , p. . l. . but r. that , p. . l. . rulers r. rules , p. . l. . vrsinus r. vrsicinus , p. . l. . above r. about , p. . l. . charls's r. charles , p. . l. . deprived r. depraved , p. . marg . cassan . in catalog . pro censid . . r. consid . . p. . l. . revenge our r. revenge thy , p. . l. . ridiculous joyes r. ridiculous toies . bishop overall's convocation-book , . concerning the government of god's catholick church , and the kingdoms of the whole world . lib . i. cap. i. amongst those attributes , and names of god , which are common in the scripture to all the blessed trinity , are these , to be the creator , and governour of the world , the lord of lords , and king of kings , which be there applied as well to the son of god , our lord jesus christ , the second person in the sacred trinity , as to god the father , and god the holy ghost . agreeably whereunto , and not otherwise , our chief purpose being to imitate the scriptures , in setting out , and describing the deity , and dignity of our saviour christ , by his almighty power , and universal government of all the world , as heir of all things , and head of his church ; we hold it fit to begin with his divine power of creation : and thereupon in the sense aforesaid do affirm , that he in the beginning did create both heaven and earth ; and that amongst the rest of the creatures , which he then made , he created our first parents , adam and eve , from whose loins mankind is descended . canon i. if any man therefore shall affirm with any pagan , heretick , atheist , or any other profane persons , which know not , or believe not the scriptures , either that heaven and earth had no beginning ; or that the world was made by angels , or the devil ; that the world was not otherwise made by christ , than as he was an instrument of god the father for the making of it ; or that he did not as god , create our said parents , adam and eve ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. ii. to him , that shall duly read the scripture , it will be plain and evident , that the son of god having created our first parents , and purposing to multiply their seed into many generations , for the replenishing of the world with their posterity , did give to adam for his time , and to the rest of the patriarchs , and chief fathers successively before the flood , authority , power and dominion over their children , and off-spring , to rule and govern them ; ordaining by the very law of nature , that their said children and off-spring ( begotten and brought up by them ) should fear , reverence , honour , and obey them . which power and authority before the flood , resting in the patriarchs , and in the chief fathers , because it had a very large extent , not only for the education of their said children and off-spring , whilst they were young ; but likewise for the ordering , ruling , and governing of them afterwards , when they came to mens estate . and for that also it had no superiour authority , or power over , or above it on earth , appearing in the scriptures , although it be called either patriarchal , regal , or imperial , and that we only term it potestas patria : yet , being well considered , how far it did reach , we may truly say , that it was in a sort potestas regia ; as now in a right and true construction , potestas regia may justly be called potestas patria . can. ii. if any man shall therefore affirm , that men at the first , without all good education , or civility , ran up and down in woods , and fields , as wild creatures , resting themselves in caves , and dens , and acknowledging no superiority one over another , until they were taught by experience the necessity of government ; and that thereupon they chose some among themselves to order and rule the rest , giving them power and authority so to do ; and that consequently all civil power , iurisdiction , and authority was first derived from the people , and disorder'd multitude ; or either is originally still in them , or else is deduced by their consents naturally from them ; and is not god's ordinance originally descending from him , and depending upon him , he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. iii. by the sin of our first parents , adam and eve , both they , and in them all their posterity , being so fallen from god , as that they were not able by any natural power , or faculties in them to discharge their duties towards him , or rightly in any sort to know him , as they ought , unto salvation , or duly serve his divine majesty ; it pleased almighty god in mercy ( besides the law of nature left in them ) to propound unto them another kind of doctrine , than nature could ever have taught them , viz. the mystery of salvation through our lord and saviour jesus christ ; how the son of god , who created them , when they were not , should in fullness of time take upon him their nature , and reconcile to god again as many as should believe in him ; the ground of which doctrine god himself did lay down as the foundation of the church of christ , when he said , that the seed of the woman should break the serpent's head . can. iii. if any man therefore shall affirm , either that our first parents after their fall , or consequently any of their posterity could serve , or please god truly by any natural powers , or faculties , that were left in them after the said fall ; or that the mystery of salvation through jesus christ , was not a secret , whereunto our corrupt nature could not attain ; or that our saviour christ is not the promised seed that should break the serpent's head ; or that any can possibly be partakers of everlasting life without faith in him , he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. iv. as the son of god , having created mankind , did ordain by the law of nature , and light of reason , that there should be some amongst them furnished with lawful power , and civil authority to rule and govern the rest , in things belonging to this natural life , and civil society , according to the true rules both of nature and reason : so did he also , according to the supernatural doctrine of the gospel , not only ordain , that there should be some likewise in his church , to rule and govern it ; but also gave them another kind of power , superiority , and authority , which is termed ecclesiastical , both for the teaching , and instructing of his people in the mysteries hid from nature , concerning their salvation through the seed of the woman : and for the better direction and government of them in the service of god , touching their duty towards god , and their neighbours . the institution of which ecclesiastical calling , and authority , as also the manner of the worship of god , through the blessed seed , from the fall of our first parents to the flood , although besides their sacrifices , prayers , and preachings , they be not expresly set down in the scriptures ; yet it is not to be doubted , but that , first , adam for his time , and afterward the heads of every family of the faithful , were not only civil governours over their kindred , but likewise had the power and execution of the priestly office ; and that they were themselves instructed and taught from god , as they afterward did instruct , and teach such as were under them in the said mysteries of man's restitution , through the promised seed , by faith , and in the right worship and service of the true god. can. iv. if therefore any man shall affirm , that the son of god having from the beginning a church upon earth , did leave them till the flood without priests , and priestly authority to govern and instruct them in those ways of their salvation , and in the right manner of the worship and service of god ; or that they might teach them any other doctrine in that behalf , than that , which they had received from god himself , he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. v. as all mankind , from the creation of the world , till the flood , descended from the loins of adam ; so after the flood , have they all descended from the three sons of noah , sem , cham , and japhet . can. v. and therefore if any man shall affirm , with any pagan , or profane atheist , either that there was not any such general deluge ; or that there is any nation , or people in the world , that doth not descend from one of the said three sons of noah , he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. vi. noah lived after the flood , . years , and saw his children's children wonderfully multiplied ; during which term of years , he was the patriarch , or chief governour over them ; ruling and ordering them by virtue of that superiority , power , and authority of the sword of justice , which was given unto him by almighty god , and was also warranted by the laws of nature and reason . touching this patriarchal , or , in effect , regal government of noah , there is more exprest in the scriptures , than there was before the flood , of the power and authority of adam , or of any of the chief fathers and rulers that were descended from him . for now there is mention made by god himself of punishing blood by blood , which was done by the sword of justice , being the chief ensign , and warrant of supream and regal authority . also the extent of this right and authority was so large , as that he lawfully distributed the whole world unto his said three sons , and their posterity . so that his said three sons , after him , were by the ordinance of god ( the chief authour of the said distribution ) made three great princes ; and also the sons of those three great princes ( of whom about seventy are named ) were the heads , and governours of the families and nations that descended from them , according to their tongues , in their several countries . can. vi. if any man shall therefore affirm , either that the civil power , and authority , which noah had before the flood , was by the deluge determined ; or that it was given unto him again by his sons and nephews ; or that he received from them the sword of his sovereignty ; or that the said distribution did depend upon their consents , or received from them any such authority , as without the same it could not lawfully have been made ; or that this power , superiority , and authority , and all the parts thereof , which noah's three sons , and their children had ( as is before declared ) did not proceed originally from god , or were not properly his ordinances , but that they had the same from the people , their off-spring , he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. vii . it is also certain , that as the civil magistrates , and their authority continued after the flood for the government of mankind according to the laws of god and nature , that thereby they might be kept in order , touching their duties both toward god and their neighbours , agreeably to the said laws , written afterward more fully by god himself in two tables : so did the priesthood and authority ecclesiastical also by the like ordinance of god continue , especially amongst the off-spring of sem , both to govern them ecclesiastically , and to instruct them in the mysteries of their salvation through the blessed seed of the woman , according to the doctrine of the gospel , which was from time to time in divers manners delivered by the son of god unto them . this priestly office , and ecclesiastical authority , was yet joyned , ( as before the flood ) with the office of the chief fathers , and civil governours . noah himself was both a prince and a priest ; he built altars , offered sacrifices , and taught the church , after the flood . years , all that which he had learnt from his fathers , concerning the creation of the world , the fall of man , and of his restitution by christ , and generally , all that did concern necessarily , either civil societies and government , or ecclesiastical assemblies and authority , not omitting the very ceremonies . after noah , the chief fathers , sem , abraham , isaac , and jacob did execute that office , god himself renewing unto them this promise of salvation through the blessed seed ; and not only confirming the same to abraham , and his posterity by the sacrament of circumcision ; but likewise teaching and instructing them in that heavenly mystery , sometimes by his own voice , and sometimes by visions , and divers other ways , whereof the scriptures make more plain mention , than they do of the delivery of the same evangelical doctrine before the flood . can. vii . if any man shall therefore affirm , either that the priestly office , and authority ecclesiastical , which noah had before the flood , was by that deluge determin'd or that it was by the election of his off-spring confer'd again upon him ; or that sem , abraham , isaac and jacob , were neither priests , nor had any ecclesiastical authority , until they were chosen thereunto by their children and nephews ; or that the priesthood and ecclesiastical authority were not the ordinances of god , for the governing and instructing of the church , according to the will and direction of god himself delivered and revealed unto them , as is aforesaid , he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. viii . as before the flood cain and his posterity were opposite to the posterity of seth , and might therefore generally have been called the church malignant ; so fell it out after the flood in the generations of japhet , but especially of cham , against the posterity of sem , in whose lineage the true worship of god , through the blessed seed was especially continued : and not that only , but in like manner as the children of seth in process of time provok't against them the wrath of god by corrupting their ways , and following in their conversations the generations of cain , and were in that respect all of them , with the rest of cain's off-spring , justly punisht and drown'd by the flood , saving eight persons ( noah and his wife , sem , cham and japhet , and their three wives ) so did the posterity , not only of cham and japhet , as well before as after the confusion of tongues , and the death of noah , but likewise the off-spring of sem ( who were called more effectually to the knowledge of the mysteries of christ , and right service of the true god ) leave the ways of noah and sem , and gave just occasion to almighty god ( had he not bound himself by his covenant to the contrary ) to have drowned them all again . nimrod , descended of cham , not contenting himself with the patriarchal , or regal mild government , ordain'd of god by the laws of reason and nature , became a tyrant , and lord of confusion ; and by histories it is apparent , that within few ages after the death of noah's sons , great barbarism and confusion fell among their generations , through their pride and dissoluteness , in that they thought scorn to be govern'd , either civilly or ecclesiastically , as god himself , by noah , had ordain'd , or to be ruled otherwise than as they list themselves : and touching the service of god , and the ecclesiastical authority , they mingled with true religion many false worships , and chose priests among themselves to serve god after their own fashions ; or rather they devis'd to themselves many gods , and found out priests accordingly , such as were content to train them up in those kinds of impiety . in chaldea it self , and the places adjacent , the children of sem were all of them almost grown to be idolaters ; insomuch as god himself to keep a remnant more carefully , that should through the publick profession of his name be partakers of his mercies in christ , called abraham with his family from the habitation of his fathers , to become a stranger in the land of canaan . can. viii . if therefore any man shall affirm , that the said posterity of noah's children did well in altering either the manner or form of civil government , which god had appointed , by bringing in of tyranny or factious popularity ; or of the ecclesiastical , by framing unto themselves a new kind of priesthood and worship after their own humours ; or that it was lawful for such as then served god , upon any pretence to have imitated their examples in either of those courses , he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. ix . it is apparent in the scriptures , that although god was not pleased , that the issue of jacob's children should by the example of the sons of noah , grow up to become the heads of so many several nations , but continuing together , should make one people and nation to be ruled and governed by the same laws and magistrates : yet it seemed good to his heavenly wisdom , that in so great a people as should descend from jacob's children , no one tribe or family should continue charg'd , both with the civil ( or regal ) and ecclesiastical function ; and therefore jacob making way to the fulfilling of the will of god herein , did take just occasion , moved thereunto by the spirit of god , to deprive his eldest son reuben of his interest by birthright in both those prerogatives , to be disposed afterward by god unto other of his brethren . now after jacob's death , the former thereof , viz. the scepter , in process of time , fell to judah , as jacob before had prophesied ; and the other also , viz. the priesthood , was afterwards given to levi by god's ordinance . cap. x. after jacob's death , till moses was sent to deliver the children of israel out of egypt , there is little in the scriptures touching either the civil or ecclesiastical government . it appeareth , that joseph being a great prince in aegypt , by the king's authority , was , whilst he lived , chief amongst his brethren : but after his death , through the tyranny of the kings of aegypt , which god suffer'd to lie heavily upon them for many years , the civil authority , which any of the tribes had , was very small ; there was such jealousy of their number , ( which daily encreast above all ordinary expectation ) as it is not likely , that the kings successively would suffer any great authority to rest in them ; howbeit we think , they had some , either the chief heads of the tribes generally , or of the tribe of ephraim and reuben ( for it may be jacob's prophecy of reuben's losing the prerogatives of his birthright , was not presently executed ) which did in their civilaffairs , appertaining to themselves , bear some chief sway amongst them . and touching the priesthood , although the people were then generally much polluted with idolatry , yet therein also they had some , most likely the first-born , who although they durst not there offer sacrifices to god , as they should , in that servitude : yet some of them ( we doubt not ) instructed the people in matters concerning the promises of the blessed seed , and perform'd , as they might , the other offices of their priesthood , although many of the people , and of the priests , as it seemeth , were then greatly polluted with idolatry . canones ix , and x. ix . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the uniting of the children of jacob into one nation , or the severing of the civil and ecclesiastical functions ( the prerogatives of birthright ) from reuben the first-born , and dividing of them from one person was made by themselves ; x. or that their servitude in aegypt was unjustly suffer'd to lie upon them so long by almighty god ; or that they being his church , he left them destitute of such comforts of direction , and instruction , as were necessary , those times consider'd , for their civil or ecclesiastical estate ; or that the people took upon them the appointing of the heads of their tribes and families , or the choice of their civil superiours , or of the priests , or that the example of those wicked kings may be any lawful warrant for any other king so to oppress the people , and church of god , he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xi . when the time came that god in mercy was pleased to deliver the children of israel out of egypt , and to place them in the land which he had promised them , he raised up his servants , moses and joshua , to take that charge upon them ; and accordingly moses being made their prince , or ( as the scripture speaks ) their king , did not only by god's appointment and assistance lead them , out of egypt , but governed them , ( being men , on foot , besides women and children ) forty years by his authority in the wilderness ; and joshua likewise succeeding moses , in the same princely power and authority , did , after many difficulties , bring them into the land of canaan , and gave them lawful possession thereof . so that although formerly the children of israel were kept in such great servitude and bondage , whilst they were in aegypt , as notwithstanding their number , they were no way able , like a free people , to lift up their heads : yet now they are knit together in one body , and setled , as a particular state , and free nation , in their own countrey , being rul'd and govern'd successively after a mild and temperate manner ; first by moses , in the wilderness , ( as is aforesaid ) and then by joshua , in canaan , whilst he lived . can. xi . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the children of israel were delivered out of aegypt by their own strength , and not by god's special direction , and mighty power ; or that it had been lawful for them ( not warranted by god ) to have departed thence , as they did , ( without licence first obtained of king pharaoh ) or that moses and joshua were not called to that high authority by god himself , but received the same from the people , as depending upon their choice ; or that dathan and abiram ( descended from reuben ) can be justified , in challenging of moses , that he took too much upon him , in executing only that authority which god hath given him , he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xii . as almighty god took order for the setling of his people in the land of canaan , and established a princely authority , to rule and govern them civilly ; so was he no less careful of his church . for however the priesthood was disposed of before this time , yet now it is apparent in the scriptures , that the same was after setled in the tribe of levi , and aaron was made , by god's appointment , ( for the better government of the church ) the chief and high priest ; the whole priesthood being assigned to his children , and their off-spring , as well to succeed him in the said highest place ; as also to execute the other inferiour functions belonging to priests ; and the rest of the tribe of levi were to attend other ecclesiastical services . can. xii . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the tribe of levi was assigned by the people , to undertake the said ecclesiastical offices ; or that aaron and his posterity were chosen by the people , to be their priests ; or that they were not chosen directly by god himself ; or that the people had any lawful interest , at any time afterward , either to chuse their priests , or ( they being appointed of god , as is aforesaid ) to deprive them of their places ; or that corah , of the tribe of levi , can be justified in saying , that aaron took too much upon him , thereby repining , either that aaron was rather made high priest , than he himself , or that the priesthood was annexed to aaron's posterity , whereas the rest of the levites were to serve in inferiour places ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xiii . before moses's death , god had appointed joshua to succeed him , but in joshua's days he appointed none to follow him immediately : whereupon , after his death , the israelites were left without a chief head , or prince to govern them . they had then remaining the particular officers and judges appointed by moses , at jethro's council , in their several tribes ; as also the general senate of seventy elders , ordained by god , upon moses's complaint , over all the nation . yet there fell very great disorders and confusions amongst them , for want of a chief judge and governour , whereby they might see their own disabilities and errors , and find , by experience , what it was to want a chief governour ; and furthermore be moved , when they were in distress , to fly unto god , and depend only upon him for the raising up of one , from time to time , to deliver and defend them : and it is apparent , that the people , shortly after joshua's time , falling most strangely into gross idolatry , and being , from time to time , during the history of the judges , very grievously afflicted by the bordering nations , and such as dwelt amongst them , when they found themselves still unable to withstand their enemies , using any great force against them ; then they had ( for the most part ) recourse to god by prayer , who did , at such times , appoint one for their prince , chief captain and ruler , to deliver them from their said enemies ; we say , for the most part , because sometimes they attempted some matters of importance without seeking any chief governour from god , as , at one time , the people of sichem presumed to chuse them a prince of their own , after gideon's death , which turned both to his ruine , and their destruction . and it is here generally to be observed , that when there was the greatest liberty among the israelites , during the time from joshua to saul ( whatsoever the people thought of their own courses ) the disorders and idolatry , in those days , were ascribed , by the holy ghost , to the want of judges , chief rulers or kings , amongst them , who should have reformed those enormities , not only in them , but likewise in the priests themselves ; if they did not their duties , especially in suppressing of idolatry , as they should have done . can. xiii . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the israelites fell not into many evils and disorders , by being left destitute of a certain chief governour after joshua's death ; or that when god raised up iudges to rule and govern them , the peoples consent was necessary thereunto ; or that the said iudges , being once appointed by god to those places , received their authority in that behalf from the people ; or that the fact of the sichemites may lawfully be imitated by any christian people , in so chusing to themselves a king or iudge , according to their own humours ; or that the want of kings , princes and rulers in any country , is not the mother of disorder and confusion ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xiv . it is manifest in the scriptures , that moses ( directed by the spirit of god ) did foresee , that the time should come , when the israelites being quietly setled in the land of canaan , should be govern'd by kings after the manner of other nations . and therefore almighty god did set down by moses's pen , the duty of all kings , and the rules whereby they ought to govern . jacob also ( being illuminated by the same holy spirit ) did not only foretel , that it would come to pass , that the tribe of judah should bear the scepter ; and that the kingdom , or government of judah , should be held by succession , according to the manner of other nations ; but likewise , tha the said scepter or government , should not be taken away from that tribe until the coming of christ . and it seemeth , that the people were not altogether ignorant of this foreseen alteration ; when finding divers wants and confusions amongst them after the death of one judge , before god was pleased to appoint them another ; they first offer'd rashly to gideon , their prince , that his children and off-spring should succeed him in that government . and afterward , being weary of depending upon god's pleasure , and misliking the rule of samuel's sons , they urged him undutifully and unseasonably , that they might have a king to rule over them as other nations had : meaning thereby principally ( as we suppose ) that such their kings might by succession govern them ; so as one being dead , they might still have another . we say , that they urged samuel to this purpose undutifully and unseasonably ; and that thereupon saul was appointed to be their king : because otherwise , if they had expected god's good pleasure and time , and contented themselves with his care over them , in raising up ( when he thought meet ) their judges to govern them ; they should have found shortly after , that the prophecy of jacob should have been fulfilled , and that god would have given the scepter of judah into the hands of david , and of his posterity according to their desire . can. xiv . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the people of israel did not grievously sin in being weary of gods immediate election and appointment of their chief governors ; or that the peoples preposterous hast did any way prejudice the dignity and authority of saul's regal power , or afterward of the scepter of judah ; or that the people then had in themselves any authority to set up a king over them ( for then they would not have been so earnest with samuel to make them a king ) or that after david's advancement to that kingdom , he was not as truly call'd thereunto by god himself , as aaron was to the priesthood ; or that david's posterity had not by god's ordinance as rightful an interest to succeed him in his said kingdom , as either aaron's sons had to succeed him in the priesthood , or moses , joshua , and the rest of the iudges , notwithstanding that god himself did chuse , and named them particularly , had in their governments ; or that the people then had any more authority to have withstood either david , or any of his posterity from being their king , than they had to have expelled either moses or joshua , or any of the rest of the iudges , whom god by name did appoint to govern them ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xv. it is manifest in the scriptures , that the kings in the old testament ( notwithstanding that they had their kingdoms by succession ) were as strictly bound to the observation of god's laws in their government , as moses , joshua , or any other the judges , or princes , elected , named , and appointed by god himself . they knew well , as jethro said , that it was impossible for themselves to hear and decide all the causes and controversies that might happen in their kingdoms : and by moses's example were not ignorant , that they might appoint and have judges to govern under them , not only in every tribe , but generally over all their kingdom ; and therefore they did therein accordingly follow the example of moses , being approved by god himself : no ways either diminishing their regal authority , or purposing to puff up their subjects with a conceit of any their own interest in the government , which they had not from , or under them ; but thereby ordering their kingdoms with such a temperate and fatherly moderation , as was most agreeable for the government of god's people . can. xv. if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the kings in the old testament were not bound as strictly to observe the laws of god in their governments , as were moses , joshua , and the rest of the iudges ; or that they had any greater liberty to do what they list , than the others had ; or that they had no authority , by the example of moses , and of all the rest of their predecessors in their princely government , to delegate and appoint such iudges and governours under them , as the other princes formerly under them had appointed ; or that because the said kings did imitate the said princes , in appointing such iudges to assist them in the government of their kingdoms , therefore their governments were to be judged rather aristocratical than truly monarchical ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xvi . when god first ordained civil magistrates , and gave them authority , his meaning was , that the people , whom they were to govern , should be subject unto them . from the beginning of the world , till moses's time , whilst the people of god , that profess'd his true worship , were governed by that authority , which was potestas patria , and in a sort regia ; their children and nephews were bound , by the law of nature , to honour , reverence and obey them . god having raised up moses to deliver the children of israel out of egypt , and to govern them afterward , as their king or chief ruler ; they promised that they would hear him , and do those things , which he , in the name of god , should command them . being in the wilderness , his own sister miriam , for using some undutiful speeches against him , was strucken by god with an exceeding great leprosie ; and so odious was the murmuring of korab , dathan and abiram , and their confederates , as the lord caused the earth to open , and to swallow some of them quick , and the fire to consume the rest . joshua succeeding moses , the people professed their subjection and obedience unto him , saying , all that thou hast commanded us , we will do ; and whithersoever thou sendest us , we will go ; as we obeyed moses in all things , so will we obey thee . whosoever shall rebel against thy commandment , and will not obey thy words , in all that thou dost command him , let him be put to death . during the reign of all the judges , though the people are noted for many great enormities ; yet we do not find , that they rebelled , or shewed any great disobedience against them , whom god had set over them to rule them , except the particular murmuring and opposition of the ephramites , against gideon and jephtha , at their first entrance , upon conceit they had been contemned ; which opposition god punished with a great overthrow of them . when the people had kings , according to the manner of other nations , to order and govern them ; their subjection was rather encreas'd than diminished , according to samuel's description of the king's ( claim or ) manner of ruling , which should reign over them , to command , not only over the persons of his subjects , but also over their goods : which manner of ruling or dealing , by any king , without a just cause , as it was tyranny ; so to deny it , when the necessity of the king and state did require it , according to the laws of the kingdom , was a great neglect of preserving the publick good , and a high degree of disobedience . besides it is generally agreed upon , that obedience to kings and civil magistrates is prescribed to all subjects in the fifth commandment , where we are enjoyn'd to honour our parents . whereby it followeth , that subjection of inferiours unto their kings and governours , is grounded upon the very law of nature ; and consequently that the sentences of death , awarded by god himself , against such as shewed themselves disobedient and incorrigible to their parents , or cursed them , or struck them , were likewise due unto those , who committed any such offences against their kings and rulers , being the heads and fathers of their commonwealths and kingdoms ; which is not only apparent by way of consequence , but likewise by example , practice and precept ; as , where shimei is judged to die for cursing of david , the lord 's anointed ; where david himself , appointed by god to succeed king saul , would not be induced , by any perswasions , to lay violent hands upon his master the king ; and where it is said , principi populi tui non maledices ; and again , ne maledicas regi in corde tuo : to which purpose more might be alledged . can. xvi . if any man therefore shall affirm , that it was lawful , in the old testament , either for children or nephews , to have been disobedient to their fathers , being their chief governours , from the creation till moses's time , or afterward for the children of israel , either under moses , joshua , the iudges , or their kings , to have been disobedient to them in their lawful commandments , or to have murmured , or rebelled against them ; or that it was , in those times , more lawful unto subjects , for any cause whatsoever , either to curse their princes , kings or civil governours ; or to bear arms against them , or to depose them from their kingdoms or principalities , or to lay violent hands upon their persons , than it was in the said times lawful upon any occasion , for children , either to have cursed their parents , or to have rebelled against them when they did reprove or correct them , or to have withdrawn themselves from their subjection , saying unto them , ( they being private men ) we will be no more your children , or you shall be no more our fathers ; or ( bearing civil authority over them ) we will depose you from your government over us , and will be no longer ruled by you ; or to have offered any violence unto them , or to have beaten them , and much less to have murthered them ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xvii . when god appointed princes , judges and kings to reign over his people , the manner usually was , that they had notice of it ; thereby to conform themselves to obedience . moses and aaron acquainted the israelites with god's pleasure for their deliverance out of egypt , by their service , agreeably to his promise formerly made to abraham : and they chearfully , and with great thankfullness submitted themselves to be ruled by them . god having appointed joshua to succeed moses , the same was signified by moses to the israelites , and they willingly protested their obedience unto him . likewise no sooner did the lord assign judges to defend and govern them , but presently they followed , and obeyed them . upon the people's request , samuel having anointed saul for their king , when the same was made apparent to them , either by casting of lots , or by answer from the lord , they shouted when they saw him , and said , god save the king. king david being anointed by samuel at god's appointment to succeed king saul , and after saul's death coming thereupon by god's direction to hebron , the tribe of judah presently anointed him again for their king , and yielded themselves to be governed by him . seven years after ( all which time , king david had wars with ishbosheth , saul's son ) the rest of the tribes came unto david , and acknowledged , that god had ordained him to be their governour . king david growing old , and having appointed , by god's direction , his son solomon to be anointed king in his own life time ; when the people knew , that zadok the priest had so anointed him , they forthwith upon the blowing of the trumpets , said all with one voice , god save king solomon . afterwards also the like course was held upon the death of every king , to make his successor known to the people . sometimes they were so addicted unto new kings , as they expected no further circumstance , but submitted themselves to their government : and sometimes it was held fit for the young princes to imitate king david's example , by kind usage , and loving words , to knit more firmly their subjects hearts unto them . placet eis . can. xvii . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the callings of moses , of aaron , of joshua , of the iudges , of saul , of david , of solomon , or of any other of the kings of judah , elected and named by god himself , or coming to their kingdoms by succession ( according as jacob by the spirit of prophecy had foretold ) did receive any such virtue or strength from the people , their said notice , presence and applause , as that without the same the said callings of god , either by name or by succession had been insufficient ; or that , if the people had withstood any of them , so called by god , as is aforesaid , they had not thereby sinned , and unjustly opposed themselves against god ; or , that the kingdom of judah , by god's ordinance going by succession , when one king was dead , his heir was not in right their king , ( however by some athaliah he might be hindred from enjoying it ) or , that the people were not bound without any further circumstance upon sufficient notice of their former king's death , to have obey'd his heir apparent , as their lawful king ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xviii . although we doubt not , but that the priests and levites in the old testament , were reckon'd amongst the rest of such , as were subject to their princes , judges , and kings ; yet we have thought it fit to make the same more apparent by some particulars . aaron the chief priest , and the rest of the levites , after that aaron was possest of the high priesthood , were at moses's direction all the time that he lived : and when he the said aaron had in some sort forgotten his duty to moses , in joining with his sister undutifully against him ; he found his offence therein , and did humbly submit himself in this sort to him ; alas , my lord , i beseech thee , lay not this sin upon us which we have foolishly committed . it is likewise manifest in the book of joshua , that eleazer , who succeeded aaron , with the rest of the priests and levites under him , dispos'd of themselves , and of their service , as joshua , their prince and governour did command them . and how obedient and humble , both the priests , and the levites , and the prophets themselves were to their kings , the examples of zadok , jehojadah , azariah , helchiah , nathan , and divers others do declare , they submitted themselves to their directions , and when they came into their presence , made obeysance before them upon their faces to the ground . likewise having offices distributed , and assigned severally unto them by sundry kings , they executed the same in the service of the temple accordingly . and as , while they did their duties , they were cherished ; so upon any notorious offence committed by them , they were censur'd and punished . solomon deposed abiathar from the high priesthood , and placed zadok in his room . and josiah likewise thrust all the priests from the altar of the lord in hierusalem , who had burnt incense in the high places . placet eis . can. xviii . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the priests in the old testament were not as rightly and properly subjects to the civil governours , as the rest of the people ; or that when they any ways offended , they might not be punished as lawfully by them as any others ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xix . as we have said of the people , that when the kings of judah were to succeed one another , their duty was to come together with joy and gladness to receive them for their kings ( as sent unto them as from god himself ) and accordingly to submit themselves unto their authority and government : so at such times , the priests for the most part , besides their general duties , as subjects , had some further service to be then by them perform'd : the parts of which service are all of them manifest in the advancement of king solomon to the royal throne of his father king david ; where the priests , by king david's direction , did give thanks to god , and prayed for king solomon ; they offered the peoples sacrifices of praise and thanksgiving to god for their new king ; and zadok the high priest did himself anoint him . howbeit this their service thus by them perform'd , did neither give to king solomon any right or title to succeed his father ; nor to themselves any priviledge or exemption from their subjection and obedience unto him . abiathar the high priest did anoint adoniah to have succeeded king david ; and no duty ( of likelyhood ) was omitted which was to be done in such a solemn action : but thereby adoniah received nothing but a badge of treason against the king his father , which he carried with him to his grave ; and zadok the high priest ( notwithstanding that he had anointed king solomon ) was afterward as much subject , and as dutiful unto him , as he had been before unto his father king david . nay , the greater the services are of any persons to their soveraigns , the greater is , and so ought to be , their subjection and obedience unto them . can. xix . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that adoniah was ever lawfully king of the israelites , because abiathar the high priest had anointed him ; or that king solomon received from zadok , or from the holy oyl , which he poured upon his head , any interest to his fathers kingly seat , which he had not before by the ordinance of god , and his fathers appointment ; or that abiathar might not justly have been condemn'd for a traytor , in that he anointed adoniah , as is aforesaid ; the right of the kingdom being then in king david , and in him by god's appointment , to be disposed of , and bestow'd upon his younger son solomon ; or , that it had not been a traiterous offence in zadok , if being commanded thereupon by king david to anoint king solomon , he should have refused so to have done ; or , that either zadok , or any other priest , who afterward according to their duties , anointed the kings of judah , were thereby more exempted from their subjection and obedience unto them , than were the rest of the people by their joy and applause , when their kings were newly advanced to their kingdoms ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xx. as it is apparent in the scriptures , that the israelites generally , as well the priests as the people , were equally bound , as subjects , personally to honour , reverence , and obey their kings : so is it there also as manifest , that the authority of their soveraigns over them , did not only extend to civil causes , but in like manner to causes ecclesiastical . for as it was then the duty of parents , so by the law of nature , was it of good kings and civil magistrates , to bring up their children and subjects , in the true service and worship of god ; as having a care committed unto them , not only of their bodies but likewise of their souls . in which respect the chief charge that all subjects and inferiour persons , of what condition soever , should diligently observe the said law of nature ( being the very same in substance that god , writing with his own finger , gave unto moses , and stiled by the name of his ten commandments ) was principally imposed upon kings and civil rulers . " they were to provide , that their subjects had no other god but him , who made heaven and earth ; that they made to themselves no graven images , nor bow'd down to them , nor worship'd them ; that they did carefully meet at certain times , to serve , honour , and magnifie the name of god ; and that they might not be negligent in the observing of the rest of his commandments . " and albeit , through the sin of our first parents , both kings and subjects were become unable so to perform these their duties of piety , as they should have done ; and that therefore the priesthood was not only to instruct them in the mysteries of their salvation hid from nature , but likewise to teach them , that grace did not so evacuate the law , but that still they were bound to obey it , with this addition or interpretation , that their faith being grounded upon the blessed seed of the woman , if they endeavoured to do that which god had commanded them , that which either they did amiss , or omitted , should , upon their repentance , be forgiven , and not imputed unto them . yet this mystical and heavenly doctrine did no way release , or set at liberty kings and princes from their charge before mentioned ; but rather laid a heavier burthen upon them , to provide that their subjects might be train'd up both in the doctrine of faith , and in such obedience to god , as his said commandments , so qualified by grace , as is before-mentioned , did require . can. xx. if any man therefore shall affirm , either that natural or political fathers ( kings and princes ) in the old testament , had not a charge laid upon them by god to bring up their children and subjects in his fear ; or , that the institution of the priesthood did more prejudice the authority of natural fathers , or of kings and princes in that behalf , than grace did abrogate the commandment and the obedience of the law ; or , that natural parents , kings and princes in those days , were not more strictly bound by the doctrine of grace , than they were before ( in respect of god's great mercy unto them ) to provide , that their children and subjects were not suffer'd , either to have any false gods among them , or to bow unto , or worship the likeness of any thing , which they had made to themselves , to blaspheme and take in vain the blessed name of god ; or to profane his sabbaths , or to neglect the observation of the rest of god's commandments , by committing of murther , adultery , theft , and such like offences , to the displeasure of god , and disturbance of their families , principalities and kingdoms ; or that the kings , princes , or governours of the israelites , being instructed in the mysteries of their salvation , were not as much bound , by the law of grace , to bring up their subjects in the true doctrine , that was grounded upon the blessed seed , as they were by the law of nature , that they should carefully observe the moral precepts and commandments of god ; or , that being so far bound , they had not equal authority to compel ( as need should require ) all their subjects , of every calling and condition whatsoever , to keep and observe both the said laws , as well of grace , as of nature ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxi . although it were sufficient to have shewed , that godly kings and rulers amongst the jews , had authority from god , as well in causes of true religion , as in other of their temporal affairs ; yet , if they had never put the same in practice , some scruple , in the minds of the simpler sort , might thereby have risen , to the prejudice of it . but this point also is manifest in the scriptures , and ought always , with due thankfulness for the same , to be remembered . it is true , that the dignity of the priests , in the old testament , but especially of the high-priest , was very great and eminent : howbeit ( the same notwithstanding ) had it not been for godly kings and princes , religion , among the jews , after the first publick establishment of it , would not have continued , so long as it did , without very great and intolerable corruptions . moses did blame aaron , for yielding to the making and worshipping of idols , and reformed the offence . and again , when aaron , being consecrated high-priest , had , with his two sons , eleazar and ithamar , done amiss , in burning the sin-offering , which they should , by god's appointment , have eaten ; and moses , being angry with them , reproved them for it . in the days of the judges , when the people fell to the worshipping of baalim and ashtaroth , the scriptures are silent , what became of the priests ; but it is apparent , that , during the lives of the judges , the people were , by them , restrained , in some sort , from that impiety , whereunto , still after their death , they greedily returned . when jehosaphat came to his kingdom , he found the people so destitute of teachers , as that he was moved , in zeal , to send the priests and many of the levites through all the cities of judah , to teach and instruct them . ahaz , the king of judah , was a very great idolater , delighting himself altogether in the abominations of the heathen ; and vriah , the high-priest , was a fit instrument for him ; for what the one did wickedly command , the other , to the intolerable profanation of god's true worship , was ready to put the same in execution . in the days of manasses and ammon , groves were planted hard by the temple ; horses were kept by the entrance of the house of the lord , either to be offered ( as 't is thought ) for sacrifices to the sun ; or else to carry the picture of it as an idol to be worshipped : the priests sundry of them served in high places , and many of the people burnt incense unto baal , to the sun , to the planets , and to the host of heaven : all which abominations the godly king josiah did abolish , reforming both the priests and the people : and afterwards , when the kings of judah did altogether neglect their duties in church causes , religion decreased , and went to havock . insomuch as the scriptures rehearsing the causes of the destruction of hierusalem , do set down this , among the rest , for one , viz. all the chief of the priests had trespassed wonderfully , according to all the abominations of the heathen , and polluted the house of the lord , which he had sanctified . much more might be alledged to this purpose ; as also to shew how king david , king solomon , and king jehosaphat distributed the levites and priests into their orders , and prescribed certain rules for them to observe in the manner of their attendance and service . but to the purpose in hand this is sufficient . can. xxi . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the godly princes and kings , in the old testament , did not practise their authority in causes ecclesiastical ; or that , in such their practice of it , they did not that which they were bound to do ; or that amongst the jews the true worship of god was not very much furthered , and continued by the godly care and endeavours of their princes and kings ; or that the want of such godly kings and princes was not then an occasion , and an opportunity taken , both by the priests , and by the people , to follow their own fancies , and to run into many disorders , false worships , idolatry , and sundry such abominations ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxii . what we have said , either of the authority of kings , or of the practice of it in causes ecclesiastical among the jews ; we would not have it extended so far , as if we imagined that in matters of religion kings might then lawfully command , and do what they list . in the separation of the priesthood from the regal principality ( the same having been formerly in one person ) they were then so , by god , distinguished , as in some things , appertaining to the office of kings , no priest , as he was a priest , had any authority to intermeddle ; as in some other things , appertaining to the office of priests , no king , as he was a king , might lawfully be an actor : both of them having their bounds and limits appointed unto them by god , which , without sin , they might not exceed . and therefore , as we greatly blame the high-priest , vriah , for obeying the wicked command of king ahaz , in building , by his direction , an altar in the temple , according to the form of one that was in damascus : so do we greatly commend the godly zeal of azariah , the high-priest , and of eighty other priests that were with him , in withstanding as far as lawfully they might ) vzziah , king of judah , when in the pride of his heart , he went into the temple of the lord , and would have burnt incense upon the altar of incense , which none might lawfully do but priests . but it is to be observed , that they did not withstand the king by force , or armies , but told him that it did not appertain unto him , but to the priests , to burn incense unto the lord ; and therefore urged him to go forth of the sanctuary . howbeit the king , being angry with them , for the same , persisted ( as it , appeareth ) in his former purpose ; and having incense in his hand , would have burnt it upon the altar , if god himself had not struck him in the forehead with a leprosie , wherewith being terrified ( as also with a great earthquake then happening , as some learned men have written from amos . . ) he was constrained , not only to desist from that rashness , and to depart hastily out of the sanctuary ; but likewise as a leper , to dwell in a house apart ( according to the law ) and jotham his son , as viceroy , ruled his father's house , and judged the people of the land vzziah himself , during his life , remaining king. can. xxii . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that uriah , the high priest , was bound to have built the said altar , because king ahaz did command him ; or that azariah , and the other priests did amiss , in reproving king uzziah so plainly ; or that they lawfully might have used any violence or force against the king's person , either in hindering him from burning of incense , or in thrusting him out of the temple , or in compelling him to dwell apart in a house , as he did ( though he was a leper ) if he had not , of himself , yielded to the observation of the law in that behalf ; or that he was deprived of his kingdom , either by the said stroke of god , or by his dwelling in a house apart ; or that any thing , which the priests then did , might have been a lawful warrant to any priest afterward , in the old testament , either to have deposed , by sentence , any of their kings from their kingdoms for the like offences , or to have used arms , or repressed such their unlawful attempts , by forcible ways , though they had imagined the same might have tended to the preservation of religion ; or , that either before that time , or afterward , any priest did resist by force of arms , or depose any of the kings , either of israel or of judah , from their kingdoms , though the kings of israel , all of them , and fourteen of the kings of judah , were open and plain idolaters ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxiii . we have shewed before , that king solomon did lawfully depose abiathar from the priesthood , and placed zadok in his room ; but that any priests , in the old testament ( as likewise we have before declared ) did ever depose , from their crowns , any of their kings , how wicked soever , or had any authority so to do , it can never be proved . howbeit one example of jehoiada , the high-priest , is fit to be considered . after the death of ahaziah king of judah , his mother athaliah finding his children to be very young , killed them all but the youngest , and reigned , by usurpation , six years over the land. the said youngest child , ( whose name was joash ) was secretly conveyed away by his aunt jehoshabeth , his father's sister , and the wife of jehoiada the high-priest ; who kept him so secretly in the temple , as that athaliah the usurper could never hear of him . now after the said six years , that joash , the true and natural heir apparent to the crown , had been so brought up ; he , the said jehoiada , being the king's uncle , and the chief head , or prince of his tribe , sent through judah , for the levites and chief fathers both of judah , and of benjamin , to come unto him to hierusalem : who accordingly repairing thither , and being made acquainted , by him , with the preservation of their prince , ( as is aforesaid ) and that it was the lord's will that he should reign over them ; they altogether , by a covenant , acknowledged their allegiance unto him , as unto their lawful king ; and so disposed of things , as presently after he was crowned and anointed : which dutiful office of subjects being performed , they apprehended the usurper athaliah , and slew her , as before it was , by the said states , resolved . in all the process of which action nothing was done , either by jehoiada , the high-priest , or by the rest of the princes and people of judah and benjamin , which god himself did not require at their hands ; joash their late king's son , being then their only natural lord and sovereign , although athaliah kept him for six years from the possession of his kingdom . can. xxiii . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that athaliah did well , in murthering her son's children ; or that jehoiada and his wife , did amiss , in preserving the life of their king joash ; or that athaliah was not a tyrannical vsurper , ( the right heir of that kingdom being alive ) or that it was neither lawful for jehoiada , and the rest of the princes , levites , and people , to have yielded their subjection unto their lawful king ; nor , having so done , and their king being in possession of his crown , to have joyned together for the overthrowing of athaliah the vsurper ; or that jehoiada , the high-priest , was not bound , as he was a priest , both to inform the princes and people , of the lord's promise , that joash should reign over them , and likewise to anoint him ; or that this fact , either of the princes , priests or people , was to be held for a lawful warrant , for any afterward , either princes , priests or people to have deposed any of the kings of judah , who by right of succession came to their crowns , or to have killed them for any respect whatsoever , and to have set another in their places , according to their own choice ; or , that either this example of jehoiada , or any thing else in the old testament did give then unto the high-priest any authority to dispute , determine , or judge , whether the children of the kings of judah should either be kept from the crown , because their fathers were idolaters , or being in possession of it , should be deposed from it in that respect , or in any other respect whatsoever ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxiv . almighty god foreseeing what defects there would be sometimes in kings and civil magistrates , and sometimes not only in the inferiour priests , but likewise in the high-priests themselves ; did still ( as occasion required , and for the benefit of his church ) raise up , and send unto them his prophets , men indued by his holy spirit with extraordinary authority , knowledge , zeal and courage ; who neither fear'd king nor priest , but told them plainly of their faults , denounced the judgments of god against them for their sins , and executed without respect of persons such other parts of their duties , as god himself immediately gave them in charge . notwithstanding the priests stood much upon their authority , and bragged , that the law should not perish from them , flattering themselves and the people with lying words ( as appeareth by the peoples speeches , taught most likely by them ) the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord , this is the temple of the lord ; yet the prophets told them plainly , " that they erred , that they were covetous , receivers of gifts , and false dealers ; that they had polluted the temple of god ; that the law should perish from them ; that god himself had found their wickedness in his own house ; that hierusalem should be destroy'd ; and that they themselves should be carried into captivity . " in respect of which , their faithful , bold , and plain dealing , according to god's commandment , and particular directions , the priests were for the most part greatly moved , and incensed against them . pashur , the high-priest , struck the prophet jeremy upon the face , and afterward cast him into prison ; also his death was conspir'd amongst the priests ; and the rest from time to time were little better treated by them . it is true , that there were in those times very many false prophets ; who pretending , that they likewise were sent from god , did greatly trouble that church and state ; but their falshood and lewdness , ought neither to have prejudiced the good priests , nor the true prophets . can. xxiv . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the priests in the old testament , from the highest to the lowest , were not bound to have obey'd the directions which god himself delivered unto them by his prophets ; notwithstanding that now and then some of them were of the tribe of levi , and consequently in other causes were subject unto them ; or , that the examples of the true prophets were any lawful warrant , either for any false prophets , or for any other person or persons whatsoever , to have railed , libelled , threatned , or denounc'd the iudgments of god against any of the said priests , according to their own malicious humours ( god himself having never given them any such warrant or foreknowledge to pronounce of such particular iudgments to come : ) or , that because the high-priest , and the rest of the priests did amiss in the malicious prosecution of god's true prophets , they might not therefore lawfully take order for the punishment of false prophets , he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxv . it is apparent likewise in the scriptures , that as the godly prophets in the old testament dealt with the priests ; so did they in like manner deal with their kings ; although otherwise they were their subjects , and owed them as much duty as any other . nathan the prophet , by god's particular direction , spared not king david to tell him of his offences . no more did abijah , jeroboam ; nor elias , king ahab : they denounced god's judgments boldly against them , and accordingly they came to pass . also the lord , being not bound to those laws which he prescribeth others to observe , commanded jehu , a subject , to be anointed king over israel ; of purpose to punish the sins of ahab and jezabel : and accordingly elizeus the prophet caused jehu to be anointed , and god's message to be delivered unto him ; who presently upon the knowledge of god's will , and the submission of the princes and captains of israel unto him , as to their lawful king , did put in execution the said message by killing joram ( before that time his soveraign , but then his subject ) and by destroying and rooting out the whole posterity , sons , familiars , and priests of ahab . in like manner , samuel ( a prophet , but the subject of king saul ) did not refuse , when god directly , and in express terms , bad him , both to tell his master the king , that the lord had rent the kingdom of israel from him , and to anoint king david to succeed him . we say , to succeed him , because we think , that god's purpose only was to cut off saul's posterity from reigning after him ; and not actually , while he lived , to deprive him of his kingdom ; but principally to provide that david might succeed him . certain it is , that david lied not , when , notwithstanding that he himself was anointed to succeed king saul ; yet he call'd him his master , and the lord 's anointed : also he prayed , that god would keep him from laying his hands upon king saul ; for that he was the lords anointed . likewise , when one of the captains would have slain king saul , he said , destroy him not , for who can lay his hands upon the lord 's anointed , and be guiltless ? furthermore , when the messenger brought him news of saul's death , was 't thou not afraid ( quoth he ) to put forth thy hand to destroy the anointed of the lord ? and commanding the said messenger to be kill'd for his offence therein , thy blood ( saith david ) be upon thine own head , for thine own mouth hath witnessed against thee , saying , i have slain the lord's anointed . besides , it is manifest , that the tribes of israel accounted saul to be their lawful king , during his life . and also that they construed samuel's words to be meant only of david's interest to succeed him after his death : and samuel himself ( notwithstanding all that he had done was by god's commandment ) left the success thereof to the disposition of his heavenly providence ; and afterward , both honoured saul before the people , as his king ; and likewise continued , whilst he lived , a dutiful subject unto him . can. xxv . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the prophets were to blame for dealing so sharply with kings and princes , being their soveraigns ; as though god's express commandments had not been sufficient to have authorized them so to have dealt ; or , that the example of god's prophets in this behalf were a sufficient warrant for any false prophets , or other lewd persons , to have railed and libelled against their kings , or to have denounced such judgments against them , as they in malice either desired , or vainly imagined ; or , that any prophets , priests , or other persons , having no direct and express command from god , might lawfully imitate the said facts , either of samuel or of elizeus , in anointing and designing successors to kings , which otherwise had no just interest , title and claim to their kingdoms ; or that it is lawful for any captain or subject , high or low whosoever , to bear arms against their sovereign , or to lay violent hands upon his sacred person , by the example of jehu , ( notwithstanding that any prophet , or priest should incite them thereunto , by vnction , or any other means whatsoever ; except first , that it might plainly appear , that there are now any such prophets sent extraordinarily from god himself , with sufficient and special authority in that behalf ; and that every such captain and subject , so incited , might be assured , that god himself had , in express words , and by name , required and commanded him so to do ; ) he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxvi . furthermore , that nothing may be omitted , concerning the authority and dignity of god's prophets , in the old testament ; the words of the lord to jeremy , in that behalf , are , with due care and diligence , to be observed . behold ( saith the lord ) i have set thee over the nations , and over the kingdoms , that thou mayst pluck up , and root out , and destroy , and throw down , and build , and plant . now for as much as it doth not appear in the scriptures , that the prophet jeremy did , at any time , as a warriour and great emperour , dispose of nations and kingdoms , or plucked up , rooted out , destroyed , or threw down kings ; or that he built , or chose , or set up kings , in the places of those that he had deposed or thrown down ; the ancient writers , do deliver the true sense and meaning of the said words , when they expound them in sort and effect , as followeth : i have set thee over nations and kingdoms , that is , i have imposed upon thee the office of prophesying , not only against the people and kingdom of judah , but likewise against the nations and empires , viz. the ammonites , the moabites , the egyptians , and the babylonians , &c. that thou mayst pluck up , root out , destroy , and throw down ; that is , that thou mayst pronounce that wicked nations shall be pulled , or carried away out of their own provinces ; and that thou mayst prophesie , that they shall be destroyed , or killed and dispersed in divers places , or consumed . that thou mayst build and plant ; that is , that thou mayst declare , that both the jews , and other nations , shall , after a just and due castigation , be repaired and restored to their own proper countries . so that the prophet jeremy , and the rest of the prophets , in like manner , although they were chosen of god , to denounce to wicked persons , countries , kingdoms and nations , his deserved judgments for their sins ; yet were they neither the workers , nor the authors of those judgments . noah denounced the flood , but it cannot therefore be truly affirmed that noah drowned the world. daniel denounced nebuchadnezzar's fall , but it was not daniel that took his heart and understanding from him , nor that made him to eat grass like an ox. samuel denounced the judgments of god against king saul ; but samuel did not thrust him out of his kingdom . and even so , although the prophet jeremy denounced the bondage of babylon , and many other judgments of god , against the said nations ; yet it cannot be either truly said , that jeremy delivered the whole kingdom of judah into captivity , or that he overthrew , or destroyed any of the rest : only he prophesied , as god did command him , and left the executions of such judgments to the times and persons , which the lord had designed and appointed for that purpose . can. xxvi . if any man therefore shall affirm , that the prophet jeremy had any authority to depose kings from their kingdoms , for any cause whatsoever , and to bestow them upon others , as he thought fit ; or that , albeit the said words were spoken by the lord to jeremy , and that he , being otherwise an inferiour priest , had no authority , literally , so to cast down and set up kings , yet the high-priests , men of greater power and dignity , might then have used kings in that manner and sort , according to their deserts ( the benefit and preservation of the church so requiring ) : or that any of the high priests ( as deriving their authority , either from the said words , spoken to jeremy , or from any thing else , that is written in the scriptures ) either might , or ever did take upon them , to give this neighbour kingdom to one man , and that remoter kingdom to another man ; or to depose any of their own kings , either of judah , or of israel , from their kingdoms , though many of them ( as elsewhere we have said ) were exceeding great idolaters , and sundry ways stained with lamentable blots ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxvii . the history of jehu before-mention'd , doth put us in mind , what is written of ahud , one of the judges of israel . we have elsewhere shew'd , that from joshua's death to the time of saul , god himself , when his people were opprest by their bordering neighbours , did still raise up unto them , governours and leaders , called judges , without respect either of any tribe , more one than another , or of the dignity of any person , or of the peoples pleasure , choice and consent first required ; but simply , according to his own choice and wisdom : in which number the said ahud was one ; the manner of whose entrance into that charge , we could not ( our course consider'd ) pretermit with silence . the israelites had been eighteen years in subjection to the moabites ; as they had been a little before , eight years to the aramites . they knew that it was not lawful for them of themselves , and by their own authority , to take arms against the kings , whose subjects they were , though indeed they were tyrants : and therefore they cried unto the lord for succour . who , in compassion of their servitude and miseries , appointed othoniel to deliver them from the aramites ; and afterward ahud from the moabites . in the choice of which two judges it is to be observ'd , that the scriptures do tell us , that god raised them up ( and therefore 't is most certain he did so ) and also , that in such raising of them to their places he made them saviours to his people ( as the scriptures speak ) giving them thereby authority to save and redeem the israelites from the tyrants that oppressed them : without both which prerogatives it had been altogether unlawful for them to have done as they did . besides , it appeareth in the scriptures , that when the lord did thus chuse out , and authorize the said deliverers and rulers , he did not only give them , by his holy spirit , full assurance of their lawful callings , but likewise did furnish them with such wisdom and courage , as was necessary for them in those kinds of services . so as ahud ( at whom we principally aim ) being thus both called and instructed from god , how he should begin his peoples deliverance from the moabites , by killing of eglon their king , he framed his course accordingly ; and preparing for himself a meet weapon , took a fit opportunity , and thereupon ( as god had directed him ) he , wholly resting upon the lord's assistance , executed that judgment upon the said king ; and afterward so vanquished the moabites , and subdued them under the hand of israel , as the whole land was at rest from the oppression of their enemies eighty years . besides , it is to be observ'd , that as god's appointing by name and election of moses , joshua and saul , and after that the kingdom was held by succession ; the very being of the king's son , and the true heir apparent after his father's death , gave unto them all the actual interest , right and possession ( as possession in those cases is to be expounded ) of their several governments , to do any act or acts , as well before as after any subsequent formalities and ceremonies : even so the said form of calling the judges by god himself immediately , made them also judges actually , and did give unto them a full and absolute authority ( independent upon any but upon him that gave it them ) to undertake any thing , that by god's direction appertain'd to their places . again , there is one other example of jehu amongst the kings of israel , which we have before touched , like unto this of ahud : wherein it appeareth , that he the said jehu was of a subject first made the king of israel , before it was lawful for him to have killed joram ; as ahud , a subject , was first made the judge , prince and ruler of the people , before he might have lawfully killed king eglon. both which examples ( being but in number two throughout the histories of all the princes , judges , and kings , either of judah , or israel ) do make it known unto us , that although the lord both may , and is able to overthrow any kings or emperours , notwithstanding any claim , right , title , or interest , which they can challenge to their countries , kingdoms or empires ; yet foreseeing in his heavenly wisdom , and divine providence , what mischief private men , under colour of these examples , might otherwise have pretended , or attempted against their soveraigns ( as being either discontented of themselves , or set into some fury by other malitious persons ) he did so order and dispose of all things in the execution of these such his extraordinary judgments , as that thereby it might plainly appear to any ( that should not willfully hoodwink himself ) never to be lawful for any person whatsoever , upon pretence of any revelation , inspiration , or commandment from his divine majesty , either to touch the person of his soveraign , or to bear arms against him ; except god should first advance the said person from his private estate , and make him a king , or an absolute prince , to succeed his late master in his kingdom , or principality . can. xxvii . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that any godly , or dutiful subject in the old testament , did ever ( by the direction of god's spirit ) account this fact of ahud to be a lawful warrant for him to have murder'd the kings , under whose subjection he lived , for any cause whatsoever ; though he should have had never so many motions in his heart thereunto ; or , that the high-priest himself , or all the rest of the priests ( who then lived ) join'd together with him , could have given authority to any person , born a subject , to have so dealt with his soveraign , though he had been never so wicked , and that such his death , might have availed the church ( in their opinions ) never so greatly ; or , that either the said high-priest , and all his consistory of priests , might lawfully have encouraged any , who being born subjects , should have pretended in their zeal toward religion , never so many illuminations , directions , or commandments from god , to have laid violent hands upon their king the lord 's anointed , for their proceeding in that course ; or , that any person , born a subject , and affirming by all the arguments , which wit or learning could devise , that god had called him to murther the king , de facto , under whom he lived ; yea though he should have first procured himself to be proclaimed , and anointed king , as adonijah did , and should afterward have laid violent hands upon his master ; ought therefore to have been believed of any that feared god ; except ( which is impossible ) he should first prove his credit , in so affirming , to be equal with the scriptures , and that men were bound as strictly to believe him , in saying , that god called and stirred him up to the perpetrating of that fact , as we are bound to believe the holy ghost , ( by whose instinct the scriptures were written ) when he telleth us , that god raised up ahud for a saviour to his people ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxviii . hitherto in the whole course of that mild and temperate monarchical government , which it pleased god to establish among his own people ; the duty of inferiour persons and subjects , of all sorts , was ever obedience . they neither took upon them to chuse their governours , nor to bear arms against them . howbeit it happened otherwise amongst some other nations . nimrod , not contenting himself with the portion , which , by noah's general direction , appertained unto him , could never have erected his tyrannical government , if a number of rebellious and discontented persons had not cleaved unto him ( as the factious sichemites did to abimelech ) and made him their king. the romans , having kings , rebelled against them , and took the government into their own hands ; the execution whereof did trouble them exceedingly . sometimes they committed it to many , and sometimes to fewer : their two annual consuls pleased them long , but at the last they thought it fit to have a dictator ; till , in the end , julius caesar and augustus reduced their government again into a monarchy . and as the romans dealt with their kings , so did the people , in some other countries , with their governours . whereupon divers other kinds of governments , termed according to their temper , aristocratical , political , tyrannical , oligarchical or democratical , &c. were afterwards setled in many places . the inconveniencies of which forms of government being found ( upon many occasions oftentimes ) to be very great ; the people have been driven , of necessity , in sundry countries , to frame them again , as near as they could , to the monarchical government , either by electing to themselves , kings , upon certain conditions , to reign over them ; or by appointment of dukes or princes to be the managers of their chief affairs , according as they themselves should direct them . besides , as the said rebellious humours of the people , declining from their obedience , did , in many countries , alter that temperate and fatherly government , which noah had prescribed unto his off-spring , and which god himself established afterward amongst his own people : so did the ambitious and insatiable dispositions of sundry , no less elsewhere impeach the same ; as by the beginning and progress of the four monarchies , it is most apparent . in all which abberrations from the said mild and temperate government , before specified , almighty god ( who , for the sins of any nation or country , altereth their governments and governors ; transferreth , setteth up and bestoweth kingdoms , as it seemeth best to his heavenly wisdom ) did ever , by his foresight and providence , so dispose both the rebellion of subjects , and the malice and greediness of encroaching kings upon their neighbours , as albeit such their attempts of all sorts , were , in themselves , very wicked and detestable in his sight ; yet he ( having the skill to bring light out of darkness , and to use wicked instruments and actions for a good purpose ) did always frame and apply them to execute his own just judgments . when the sins of a nation ( but principally of his own people ) were of that nature , height and ripeness , as his justice could not fitly be put in execution by any other , but by the wicked : for example , in the overthrowing of hierusalem ( god's own city ) in burning of the temple ( that was the place of his glory ) and carrying his own people into captivity , ( though never so much by them deserved ) no godly king could well have been employed ; but such a one only as the king of babylon was . in respect of which their imployment , such wicked instruments to execute god's just judgments , are called sometimes his servants , and the rods of his wrath ; or , as attila termed himself , the scourge of god. and when , having attained their ungodly desires ( whether ambitious kings , by bringing any countrey into their subjection ; or disloyal subjects , by their rebellious rising against their natural sovereigns ) they have established any of the said degenerate forms of government amongst their people ; the authority either so unjustly gotten , or wrung , by force , from the true , and lawful possessor , being always god's authority ( and therefore receiving no impeachment by the wickedness of those that have it ) is ever ( when any such alterations are throughly setled ) to be reverenced and obeyed , and the people of all sorts ( as well of the clergy , as of the laity ) are to be subject unto it , not only for fear , but also for conscience sake : the israelites in egypt , after joseph's death , being oppressed very tyrannically , many ways , did never rebel against any of those kings , but submitted themselves to their authority , though their burthens were very intolerable , both in respect of the impossible works imposed upon them , and because also they might not offer sacrifices to the lord ( a special part of god's worship ) without apparent danger of stoning to death . besides , it may not be omitted , when god himself sent moses to deliver them from that servitude , he would not suffer him to carry them thence , till pharaoh , their king , gave them licence to depart . afterward also , when the jews , being brought into subjection to the kings of babylon , did , by the instigation of false prophets , rebel against them , they were , in that respect , greatly condemned by the prophet jeremy : and in their captivity ( which shortly after followed ) they lived by the direction of the said prophet , in great subjection and obedience ; they prayed not only for their kings and for their children , that they might live long , and prosper , but likewise for the state of their government ; the good success whereof they were bound to seek and regard , as well as any other of the king 's dutiful subjects . and thus they lived in babylon , and other places of that dominion , till the king gave them leave to depart ; notwithstanding , in the mean time , they endured many calamities , and were destitute , for many years , of the publick service and worship of god , which was tyed to the temple , and might not elsewhere be practised or attempted . can. xxviii . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the subjects , when they shake off the yoke of their obedience to their sovereigns , and set up a form of government among themselves , after their own humours , do not therein very wickedly : or that it is lawful , for any bordering kings , through ambition and malice , to invade their neighbours : or that the providence and goodness of god , in using of rebellions and oppressions to execute his iustice against any king or countrey , doth mitigate or qualifie the offences of any such rebels or oppressing kings : or that , when any such new forms of government , begun by rebellion , are after throughly settled , the authority in them , is not of god : or that any , who live within the territories of such new governments , are not bound to be subject to god's authority , which is there executed , but may rebel against the same : or that the jews , either in egypt or babylon , might lawfully , for any cause , have taken arms against any of those kings , or have offered any violence to their persons ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxix . although the jews upon their deliverance out of captivity , and restitution to their own country , received many favours from the persian kings , and had liberty given them to live in a sort according to their own laws ; yet they never recover'd their former estate , but liv'd in great subjection and servitude under them , whilst that monarchy endured . the temple and city of hierusalem were again built , but not with the magnificence which they had before . zorobabel first , and then nehemiah , were made successively by the said kings , the rulers and governours of the jews so restored , but with divers restraints . it was not forgotten , what mighty kings had ruled in hierusalem , and therefore the said rulers were not permitted to govern any more in that regal sort . they were still subject to the direction of those kings , and paid unto them very large tribute and customs ; insomuch , as when the priests gave publick thanks unto god , for his restoring unto them the state which they had , they said thus withal unto him , as bewailing their condition , behold we are servants this day in the land which thou gavest our fathers ; it yieldeth much fruit unto the kings , whom thou hast set over us , because of our sins ; and they have dominion over our bodies , and over our cattel at our pleasure , and we are in great affliction . the extraordinary favour which was shewed to any , was principally extended toward the priests , over whom the said kings had not so jealous an eye , as they had over the princes , and the rest of the people . howbeit ( the same notwithstanding ) they the said priests were subject to their own immediate princes , both in temporal and ecclesiastical causes ; as formerly the priests had been to the kings of judah before the captivity . " their governours forbad certain , who said they were priests , from eating of the most holy things . nehemiah ministred an oath unto the priests : he reform'd the abuses of the sabbath , and prescrib'd orders for the better observing thereof . he appointed certain of the priests to oversee the tithes in the treasury . he commanded the levites to cleanse themselves , and to keep the gates , and to sanctifie the sabbath . eliasib , the high-priest , having defiled the temple , by letting tobias , a stranger , a chamber in the court of the house of god ( where in afore times the offerings , the incense , the vessels , and such other things , used in god's service , had been kept , ) nehemiah , the governour , was greatly offended with it ; and displacing the said tobias , cast forth all his stuff out of his said chamber , and brought thither again the vessels of the house of god , with the meat-offerings and incense . " can. xxix . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that almighty god kept not his promise to the iews made in his name by the prophet jeremy , as touching their deliverance by cyrus out of their captivity ; because they were not restor'd to any such perfect liberty and government , as they had before : or , that the said kings of persia , continuing still by god's appointment a supream authority over the jews so restor'd , might by them for any cause , or under any colour , have been defrauded of their tributes , or resisted by force of arms , or otherwise impeach'd , either in their states or persons : or , that zorobabel and nehemiah were not lawful princes over the jews , because they were placed in that government without the peoples election : or , that they the said princes , by dealing in cases ecclesiastical ( as is aforesaid ) did take more upon them , than by god's appointment appertain'd to their charge : or , that the priests , both high and low , had not grievously sinned , if they had not submitted themselves in the said ecclesiastical causes , to the direction of those their civil governours ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxx . the high-priest ( as before we have said ) in that mild and temperate government , which god himself had ordained , was the second person in the kingdom . whereupon the same ( after the captivity ) being turn'd , as it were , into a dukedom , and ( for ought that appeareth ) the princes after nehemiah's time growing poor , by reason of their payments to those kings to whom they were tributary ; and receiving small assistance or countenance from them , because they were still jealous of them , whereas the priests ( it seemeth ) being freed from all-tributes and impositions , grew rich , and were no way suspected : it came to pass ( the sins of the people so requiring ) that the high-priest did easily oversway both their princes and their people , and thereby attained very great authority in that principality . only they stood in awe for the time of the kings of persia , to whose obedience they were bound by an oath , when they were made high-priests : but otherwise , for ought we find , they had no great regard of any other authority : which so advanced the dignity of the priesthood , as afterward the practices of the high-priest's children , to succeed their father in that high dignity , grew as troublesome to the people , as was their servitude to the persians . for jesus , the younger brother of john , the second high-priest after eliasib ( mentioned by nehemiah ) procured by corruption the favour of the chief governour of the persians in those countries adjoining for his assistance , to deprive his brother , that he himself might enjoy the high-priesthood ; whereof his elder brother having some notice , did kill him in the temple : which the said governour took in so evil part , as he spoiled the said temple , being ( as he said ) profaned with blood ; and laid an exceeding great tribute in that respect upon the people , to indure for seven years . but john the high-priest continued in his place . after whose death , his two sons , jaddus and manasses , fell at great variance : the younger ( to make himself strong against his elder brother ) married contrary to the law of god , with a daughter of sanballat , another chief ruler in samaria , under the king of persia . for which offence jaddus ( notwithstanding the authority of sanballat ) remov'd him from the dignity of priesthood : and thereupon , he the said manasses , procured by sanballat's means , a temple to be built in mount garizin , near samaria , in form and magnificence like to that in hierusalem , where he flourished ; and whither all the lewd persons of judah had daily recourse . upon which occasion much trouble arose afterwards betwixt the samaritans , and the jews . the said jaddus lived till the monarchy of the grecians began ; who , when alexander ( having overthrown darius the king of the persians ) sent unto him , that he should assist him in his wars , and become tributary to the macedonians , as he had been to the persians ; return'd for his answer , that he might not yield thereunto , because he had taken an oath for his true allegiance to darius , which he might not lawfully violate whilst darius lived , being by flight escaped , when his army was discomfited . we have here cited , and shall hereafter cite some things out of the books of the maccabees , and other ancient historiographers , of purpose to continue the manner of the government of the jews , in what case they stood from time to time , after the days of nehemiah : not meaning thereby to attribute any canonical authority unto them , nor to establish any point of doctrine out of them , but only to proportion and measure the regiment and actions of that people , by the rules and analogy of the holy scriptures . can. xxx . if any man therefore shall affirm , contrary to the grounds and truths of the said holy scriptures , either that , albeit kings of persia had authorized some succeeding princes , as they did zorobabel and nehemiah ( and whether they did so or no , is not certain ; ) yet the high priests might afterward have lawfully born the sway , that they did , and not been subject unto them , as their predecessors had been to zorobabel and nehemiah ; or , that if nehemiah continued alive in that government , till jaddus's time ( as it is probable he did ) he might not lawfully , being authorized as before , ( though he were old ) have reform'd any abuse in the priests , both high and low : or , that they were not bound in conscience to have obey'd him therein : or , that the jews might lawfully have rebelled for any cause against the persians , during their government over them : or , that jaddus , the high-priest did amiss in binding his allegiance to king darius by an oath : or , that he had not sinned , if he had refused ( being thereunto required ) so to have sworn : or , that having so sworn , he might lawfully have born arms himself against darius , or have sollicited others , whether aliens or jews , thereunto ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxxi . alexander , by god's providence , having vanquished the persians , the jews ( amongst many other nations ) became his subjects . he dealt favourably with them , released them of some payments , granted them liberty , to live according to their own laws , and left their government , in every point , as he found it : their duties , ordinary tributes , and some of their royal prerogatives , always reserved to the macedonians , as they had been before to the persians ; but this their tolerable estate endured not long . for , upon alexander's death , his chief captains conspiring together , made such a scambling division of the empire , amongst themselves , as they could ; every one almost , notwithstanding , seeking how he might suppress the rest , and attain the whole alone to himself . so as , thereupon , the jews were as free from the macedonians , as any other of their bordering neighbours ; none of the said captains having any lawful interest , or title , to judah . but that which turned to the benefit of some others , brought a great detriment ( for want of ability ) unto them : for one of the said captains having gotten to himself a very strong kingdom , in syria , and another of them in egypt , the jews dweling betwixt them both , were miserably , on every side , vexed by them . sometimes the egyptians , by oppression and force , brought them under their subjection , and imposed great tributes upon them : and sometimes the syrians , growing mightier than the egyptians , did likewise very greatly afflict them ; especially in the reign of antiochus epiphanes , whose invasion and government was most unjust and tyrannical . " he shed innocent blood on every side of the sanctuary , spoiled the temple , erecting in it the abomination of the gentiles , and caused it to be named the temple of jupiter olympius . the books of the law , by his commandment , were cut in pieces and burnt ; and they , with whom they were found , were put to death . a general commandment was , by him , published , that they should offer no more sacrifices , nor circumcise their children , nor execute any other parts of their own law in the service of god ; but wholly to conform themselves therein to the manner of the gentiles . " whereupon the people , by heaps , forsook the lord , and offered sacrifices to idols ; and such as refused so to do ( chusing rather to obey god than man ) were most cruelly slain and murthered , by thousands ; until mattathias , moved with the monstrous cruelty and tyranny of the said antiochus , made open resistance ; the government of that tyrant being not then , either generally received by submission , or setled by continuance . it is not pertinent to our purpose , to intermeddle with sundry questions , which might here arise . only we observe , that mattathias undertook that charge ; that he commended the same afterwards to his sons , and that it continued in them and their posterity , until both they and their whole countrey were vanquished by the romans . can. xxxi . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the jews , generally , both priests and people , were not the subjects of alexander , after his authority was setled amongst them , as they had been before the subjects of the kings of babylon and persia : or that they might lawfully have born arms against him ; or that they were not all bound to pray for the long life and prosperity , both of alexander and his empire , as they had been bound before , to pray for the life and prosperity of the other said kings and their kingdoms , whilst they lived under their subjection : or consequently that they might lawfully , upon any occasion whatsoever , have offered violence and destruction , either to their persons or to their kingdoms , for the long continuance and prosperity whereof , they were bound to pray : or that , after the jews were delivered from their servitude under the kings of syria , and the government over them was settled in mattathias's posterity , it was lawful for the people , upon any occasion , to have rebelled against them , or to have offered violence to their persons ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxxii . the afflictions , which the jews endured , whilst the government of the grecians lasted , were much the more grievous unto them , by reason of the great disorders which were then amongst their priests . for whereas they should have been a stay and a comfort unto them in their greater miseries ; their negligence one way , and their ambition another way ( in striving about the high priesthood ) did so distract them into parts taking , as that thereby great effusion of blood did oftentimes ensue : shortly after jaddus's time , this was the general report , which , for their wickedness , was given out of them , the priests were now no more diligent about the altar , but despised the temple , and regarded not the sacrifices . they did not set by the honour of their fathers , but liked of the glory of the gentiles most of all . the temple was full of dissoluteness and gluttony of the gentiles ; which dallied with harlots , and had to do with women within the circuit of holy places ; and brought in such things as were not lawful . the altar also was full of such things , as were abominable , and forbidden by the law ; and two or three of the high priests applauded thereunto . simon , the high-priest , leaving three sons behind him , onias , jason , and menelaus , was not long dead , but jason for three hundred and sixty talents of silver , procured such assistance of antiochus king of syria , as he thrust his elder brother onias out of the high-priesthood ; and not long after had the same measure repay'd unto him again , by his younger brother menelaus ; who upon some cunning information , and for six hundred and sixty talents , got the place himself . whereupon jason assembled forces , drove menelaus into a castle , slew the citizens without mercy , and in the end being repulsed , died abroad as an exile . menelaus afterward caused his eldest brother , onias , to be murder'd ; because he blamed him for stealing certain vessels of gold out of the temple . next menelaus succeeded alcimus , whereas onias , the son of onias before-mentioned , should in right have had that dignity . of all which , four persons , eminent in their time , these things are left for records unto posterity . jason to get antiochus's good will for the high-priesthood , promised him , besides his great bribe , to set up a school of gentilism ; likewise to build a brothel-house by the temple ; and that the people of hierusalem should be named antiochians , after the kings name . he drew his kinsmen to the custom of the gentiles , and sent to tyrus three hundred drachms of silver for a sacrifice to hercules . menelaus also took the like course or rather a worse ; for besides , that he conform'd himself wholly in effect to the manners of the grecians ; it is further thus written of him ; antiochus went into the most holy temple , having menelaus , that traytor to the laws , and to his own country , to be his guide . he thrust himself into the kings army against judas maccabaeus , and the city of hierusalem ; hoping thereupon to have attain'd that government . but lysias the king's lieutenant , crossed his purpose therein , and inform'd the king , that he the said menelaus had been the cause of all the mischiefs which had ensued the wars with the jews ; as being the man who perswaded his father antiochus epiphanes , to compel them to forsake the laws of their fathers ; adding thereunto , that whilst menelaus lived , the jews would never be quiet . whereupon the king commanding him to be put to death , he was smother'd in ashes ; because he had committed many sins by the altar , whose fire and ashes were holy . alcimus , the high-priest , next succeeding , was no sooner in his place , but he took upon him to be the captain of all the ungodly men of israel , and solicited king demetrius to make war against judas maccabaeus ; complaining , that he had killed all the king's friends . the king thus instigated sent an army against hierusalem , with one bacchides and alcimus ; who , pretending that they came in peace , and being thereupon trusted by the maccabees themselves ( because he was a priest of the seed of aaron ) did traiterously notwithstanding , and treacherously , murder sundry of the jews , and held the government of that country , till judas maccabaeus put him to flight . howbeit , accusing the maccabees again of wicked things , he urged afterward the said king to send a new army against them , and was himself , as it seemeth , in the host , when judas maccabaeus was slain . besides , it is also reported of him , how he commanded that the walls of the inner-court of the sanctuary should be destroy'd , and how he pulled down the monuments of the prophets , and how in that his so wicked and profane an attempt , he was stricken with the palsey , and died with great torment . now concerning onias , ( who if he had been of lawful age , and might have had his right , ought to have been high-priest before both his uncles , jason and menelaus ) when he perceiv'd that alcimus had gotten that place , and saw no probability how he might get it from him , he fled into egypt , and there procured a temple to be built , like unto that in hierusalem ; whereof he was made the principal ruler . so greedy was he of the high-priesthood , that seeing he might not be high-priest in hierusalem , he would needs be a high-priest in egypt against god's command . but perhaps the high-priesthood amongst the jews was better bestow'd afterwards . indeed now it came into the hands of the maccabees : but how they used it there is little mention . it is probable , that being so distracted as they were , and so continually in a manner vexed with wars , they had no time to execute that office in such sort , as otherwise divers of them no doubt would have done . but it cannot be denied , that some of that rank were greatly puffed up with that authority , and did thereby much forget themselves , and the holy duties appertaining to the high-priesthood . else would not aristobulus have so unnaturally famished his own mother , nor have suffer'd the cruel murther of his innocent brother antigonus ; nor would alexander , succeeding aristobulus , have committed the like murther upon his younger brother ; nor would afterward , the two sons of the said alexander ( viz. hircanus and aristobulus ) have grown through their ambitious desires to such mortal hatred . for aristobulus thrusting his eldest brother hircanus from the high priesthood , and he the said hircanus continuing still his claim , they never ceased their hostility , till pompey having subdued them both , brought both them and the whole country under the subjection of the romans . we omit what great sums of money they bestowed on either side , to procure pompey's favour ; to whom they had committed the deciding of their causes ; and also how hircanus assisted pompey in his attempt against hierusalem , partly in hope thereby to get the high priesthood , and partly in malice against his brother ; who , as long as he could , defended that city ; the issue of all which strife was this , pompey subdued the city ; slew twelve thousand men ; aristobulus is put from the high priesthood ; the civil government is separated again from the high-priesthood ; the high priesthood is bestowed upon hircanus for his service , and the civil government thenceforth translated to strangers ; the temple was spoiled , and hierusalem was made tributary to the people of rome . of all which calamities falling in this sort upon the jews , the dissention betwixt hircanus and aristobulus , was held in those days to have been the cause ; to the great blemish of their credits , professing themselves to be god's high-priests . besides , while jason , menelaus , alcimus , and the maccabees were busied in their said un-priestly contentions , and greekish profanations , divers sects of religion arose , and encreased among the jews ; especially , that of the pharisees , a crafty and an arrogant kind of men , seditiously bent against their kings , and impugners without fear of their authority . in which course they were the rather animated , because they found through their hypocrisy , that women were generally addicted to them , and that the people did so admire them , as they believed in effect whatsoever they told them against any , although it were never so false , or maliciously devised by them . and thus religion went in those days , when the priests had gotten the reins into their own hands , although we doubt not but that there were some few , notwithstanding , both of the priests , and of the people , who disliking of all their said hypocritical , ambitious , profane , and wicked practices ( cover'd sometimes with a pretence of zeal , and sometimes with the glorious name of the high priesthood ) did truly from their hearts , both fear and serve the lord. can. xxxii . if any man therefore ( because in the law of god there was great obedience to the high-priest , prescribed and required ; or , that it is said by the prophet , that the priests lips should preserve knowledge , and that the people should seek the law of his mouth : whereas the meaning of the holy ghost in those and such like places , only is , that the high-priests were to be obeyed , when they commanded that which was not repugnant to the law of god ; and that the lips of the priests ought to preserve knowledge ) shall affirm , either that it was not wickedly done by their priests , to thrust the people into many imminent dangers , for the maintenance of their lewd quarrels and factions : or , that they did not grievously offend god , when they forsook his true worship , and brought heathenish and profane sacrifices into his temple : or , that the people were bound to obey , when they requir'd them to conform themselves to the idolatrous worship of the heathen : or , that it was lawful for any of the said high-priests , by injury , bribery , or cruelty , to seek the high priesthood ? or , that the priests and people , that joined with them , did not wickedly , who assisted pompey to invade hierusalem , and to bring their own countrey in bondage to the romans : or that any such pharisaical sects , ( never ordained by god ) were lawfully then permitted , to seduce the simpler sort of the people , leading them into factions and dislike of their superiours ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxxiii . the jews being subdued by the romans , and brought under their subjection , about sixty years before the coming of christ , were used by them very kindly , and with great respect . they had liberty granted them , to live according to their own laws ; so as they paid their tributes , and framed their behaviour to quietness and obedience . hircanus , the high-priest , placed by pompey , lived long after , in great authority . but nothing would satisfie them ; till , in the end , it came to pass , that as the ambition and strife , betwixt hircanus and aristobulus , brought pompey upon them ; so now their own wickedness , and rebellious hearts , were the cause of their greater servitude , afflictions and miseries . the remnant of the maccabees ( aristobulus and his two sons , alexander and antigonus ) would never desist from their rebellious attempts , until they were all cut off . antipater , the first governour , or procurator , appointed by the romans , was poysoned by one maticus , hoping thereby , that hircanus , the high-priest , might have got a more absolute authority , and have been the chief governour . alexander , the son of aristobulus , had been before very troublsome , and carried many after him to their destruction ; but antigonus , his brother , did far exceed him ; who , by the help of the parthians , rose up against herod , the successour of antipater , and taking that government upon him , cut off hircanus , his uncle's ears , that thereby he might be unable afterward to bear any more , to his prejudice , the office of the high-priest . but shortly after he was subdued , and put to death ; and his father , before him , was poisoned by pompey's followers . howbeit , no sooner were these maccabees thus suppressed , but divers other rebellious persons , thrust forward the people into arms , under pretence of their love they bare to their countrey , and to the ancient liberties thereof . in which their wicked fury , sometimes they were content to follow this man , as their king , and sometimes that man ; such as were , one simon , one athrogus , and manahemus ; all of them very lewd and base companions : and at some other time every rebellious rout or company would needs have a king of their own ; whereby , in every corner of that commonwealth , there was a petty king , who still led the people , by heaps , to the slaughter , and perished themselves with them . also there were some amongst them , who finding no good success , by having of such kings , did run into a contrary course , affirming it to be unlawful for the jews to acknowledge any man , but god himself , to be their king ; and that they ought rather to suffer death , than to call any man lord. the sum is , that , notwithstanding any great distractions , dissention , or bloody combats amongst themselves , ( which were very many and strange ) their hearts were so hardened in rebellion against the romans and their governours , as they refused , either to pay them any more tribute , or to pray for them ; but standing upon their walls , when they were besieged , caesari , & patri ejus maledicebant . there was never ( we think ) so obstinate and desperate a people ; for , in their greatest extremities , and when they saw nothing but imminent death , destruction of the temple , and the extirpation of their whole nation , no reasonable conditions or perswasions could move them . titus himself made a notable oration unto them , and commanded josephus to deliver his mind at another time more amply , if it had been possible to have reclaimed them : which duty , so imposed upon him , josephus performed very eloquently . he told them , " that tho' the romans had dealt sometimes very hardly with them , yet their rebellion was ever the cause of it ; that albeit men might lawfully fight in defence of their countrey , when it was invaded by any ; yet being subdued , and a new government settled amongst them , it was not lawful , by rebellion , under pretence of liberty , to cast off that yoke ; that their fore-fathers being in bondage , under the kings of aegypt and babylon , and divers times in many other distresses , did never , of themselves , by force of arms , seek their liberty , or deliverance ; but ever expected the lord's leisure , who always , in due time , had compassion upon them ; and that although they were then in the greatest distress , that ever people were , and could expect nothing but utter ruine and desolation ; yet if then they would submit themselves , they might be received to mercy . for ( saith he ) the romans ask but their ordinary tribute , which your fore-fathers paid unto their predecessours : and if yet they may obtain the same , they will neither destroy your city , nor touch your sanctuary ; but grant unto you freely , your families , your possessions , and the practice of your sacred laws . " but all these offers they refused . howbeit the compassion of titus towards them still continuing , he again ( when they saw their destruction more apparently ) required the said josephus to deliver his mind , to the same effect , to their chief captain , that he had done before to the people : which he accomplished ( but in the hearing again of the people ) very throughly ; and in the end ( finding them obstinate ) i my self deserve blame , saith he , qui●● haec , adversus fata , suadeo ; deique sententiâ condemnatos servare contendo . whereupon , shortly after , titus ( protesting how loth he was thereunto ) assailed them with all his forces , which slew an infinite number of them , burnt the temple , and destroyed the city . since which time , they that then escaped , and the rest of all the race of the jews , have been dispersed far and near , and lived like a cursed generation , in all slavery and servitude . so that , although we doubt not , but that this heavy judgment of god fell upon them , principally for the hardness of their hearts , in that they did not only refuse to hear the voice of our saviour christ , but likewise most malitiously , unjustly , and shamefully put him to death : yet the immediate , and apparent cause of it , was their never-before-heard-of-like obstinate rebellion . can. xxxiii . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that aristobulus , the father , or either of his two sons ( alexander or antigonus ) having all of them submitted themselves to the government of the romans , did not sin , when afterward they rebelled against them : or that maticus did not very wickedly in poisoning of antipater , because he thought thereby the better to strengthen hircanus in his high-priesthood : or that the people ought not to detest all such seditious persons , as under pretence of liberty and religion , shall sollicite them to rebellion : or , that the jews were not bound , both to have paid their tribute , and to have prayed for caesar without dissimulation , sincerely and truly , notwithstanding any pretence of tyranny , which they had willfully drawn upon their own heads , or of any cause whatsoever : or , that such as cursed caesar ( their chief governour ) did not thereby deserve any corporal punishment , which is due to be inflicted upon such traytors : or , that the rebellion against any king , absolute prince , or civil magistrate , for any cause whatsoever , is not a sin very detestable in the sight of god , and therefore by all that fear the lord to be eschewed , because it ever tendeth to mischief , and sometimes to the overthrow of the kingdom , principality , and country , where it is raised ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxxiv . we have spoken in the former chapter of the rebellion of the jews , against their civil governours , and the success thereof . we made no mention , either of the priests , or of any of those sects of religion , which then bare sway amongst them . indeed it is likely , that if they had done their duties , the people upon their repentance , might have regained god's favour , and prevented that utter desolation : but it happen'd otherwise , two factious persons ( judas and matthias ) the best learned men of the jews , and the most skilful interpreters of the laws of their country , growing into great favour with the people , because of their said skill , and for that they took great pains in teaching of their children , professing that they would refuse none that had any desire to be virtuously brought up ; and did thereupon draw unto them many disciples ; and the rather , for that they pretended themselves to be propugnatores pietatis . the issue of which godly pretence was , that having thereby got a number to follow them , they stirred them up to sedition against the civil magistrate , under colour , that in contempt of their laws he had made some innovation . but they were presently vanquished ; matthias and divers others were put to death ; and the high-priest himself ( as having his part in that sedition ) was deprived from that dignity . when herod upon occasion caused his subjects to bind themselves by an oath , quòd non decessuri essent à fide , & officio ; the pharisees refused to take that oath : whom he forbare at that time , because he favour'd greatly one pollio , a chief man of that sect. but about fifteen years after , when it was again thought fit to have the like oath ministred , and that all the whole nation of the jews did accordingly take the same , and thereby bound their faith and allegiance , both to herod and unto caesar , saving the pharisees ( being then in number six thousand ) who would not yet be induced to take it ; they were censured and fined for their offence ; and divers of them thereupon entring into some traiterous courses and conspiracies , with sundry courtiers , against their prince , they were ( as they deserv'd ) put in like manner to death . not long after another sect sprung up , whereof the chief heads were judas gaulonites , sadoc a pharisee , judas galilaeus , and one simon of galilee , who profest themselves to be propugnatores libertatis publicae . these men were so far from moving the people to obedience , as they stirred them up ( as much as they could possibly ) to rebellion , telling them , that to undergo any impositions or taxes , was manifest acknowledgment of their servitude ; and that it was a shame for them to pay tribute to the romans , or dominos post deum ferre mortales : by which means they perturbed the whole nation , and filled every place with their robberies and slaughters ; under pretence indeed of defending their countries , sed reverâ privatorum lucrorum studio . also it was eleazarus , the son of ananias , the high-priest , who would not suffer the inferiour priests to offer sacrifices and prayers , ( as formerly had been accustomed ) for the long life and prosperity of the emperour ; nor could be drawn by any perswasion from his obstinacy therein , but proceeded from evil to worse ; and so excited the people to arms , as his rebellious course therein was held to be the seminary , and matter of those roman wars , which overthrew that nation . it is true , that the high-priests were not themselves so busie as the inferiour priests that lived under them . for the romans suspecting ( of likelihood ) that if the priesthood should have been held by succession , and for term of life , by the chief persons of aaron's posterity , the same might have grown dangerous unto their government ; did thereupon take order , that the princes and presidents which ruled in that country , should have the appointing of such , as should be high priests , to be chosen by them out of aaron's kindred ; and that they should also have authority to alter , and change them from time to time , as they found occasion . whereby the high priesthood came to be but an annual dignity ; and sometimes it was not held so long : which caused them for the most part to keep themselves from entring into any actual rebellion against their governours ; though otherwise they were in effect as hollow-hearted unto them as any other of the priests . for albeit in their hatred and malice against christ , they could say , we have no king but caesar ; and tell pilate flatly , that if he delivered christ , he was not caesar's friend : yet what their private opinions were , doth plainly appear , by their sending of the pharisees unto christ with their entangling questions ; to know of him , whether it were lawful to give tribute unto caesar or not : supposing if he were not a dissembler , ( as they themselves were ) that he would deny it to be lawful , and so should incur the danger thereunto appertaining ; or if he answer'd that it was lawful , he might thereby bring upon him the hatred of the people ; whom they suffer'd ( for ought that we find to the contrary ) to be brought up in the rebellious doctrine of some of the pharisees , and to hold it unlawful to pay tribute unto caesar . besides , what a false , ignorant , and wicked generation they were , is manifest by the whole course which they held with our saviour christ . it being agreeable to the just judgment of god , that the most impious hypocrites , who then lived , should be the chief actors in the crucifying of christ ; which was the most horrible fact that ever was committed . can. xxxiv . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that because the civil magistrate had made some innovation , which they liked not , or for any other respect , the said judas and matthias , might lawfully move the people to rebellion , though otherwise they taught mens children never so diligently : or , that the pharisees in refusing to bind their allegiance and faith to caesar , by an oath , did not thereby shew themselves to be traiterously affected toward him : or , that it was not a seditious doctrine to be detested of all good subjects , which judas gaulonites , and his fellows , delivered to the people , in teaching them to refuse all taxations imposed by the romans , their lawful magistrates ; and rather to rebel than to pay any tribute unto them : or , that they did not very grievously sin ( both the high-priest's son and the rest ) who either refused to offer sacrifice , or to pray for caesar : or , that the high-priests then were not a wicked brood , degenerated far from their first institution ; or , that they did not greatly offend god , in permitting the people to be infected by their inferiour priests , and other religious persons , with any of the said false positions , and traiterous conceits : or , that they ( the said high-priests ) did not most grosly erre in all those points , and particulars , wherein they opposed themselves against the person and doctrine of our saviour christ ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxxv . we have followed thus far that mild and moderate form of civil government , which god himself established , and preserved in the lines of seth and sem , until through the obstinate rebellion , from time to time , of the jews , the fame and the authority thereof were first greatly diminished , and afterward taken wholly away from them . but it is further to be considered , that as , in the first chapter , we have shewed the creation of all the world , to be ascribed to the son of god , the second person in the trinity : so is the government of it , in the same sense , attributed to him . the earth is the lord's , and all that therein is ; the round world , and all that dwell therein . whereupon he was called ordinarily , in the old testament , dominator , dominus , the lord of hosts , the god and possessour of heaven and earth . so as he being the universal lord , and ruler over all the world , the whole world was his universal kingdom : in the government whereof he ever used the ministry of civil magistrates , as well in other countries , as amongst his own peculiar people of israel , without any desert of theirs , but as in his heavenly providente he thought it most convenient . i have made ( saith he ) the earth , the man , and the beasts that are upon the ground , and have given it to whom it pleaseth me : and again , the prophet daniel telleth us , that god changeth the times and seasons , that he hath power , and beareth rule over the kingdoms of men ; that he taketh away kings , and setteth up kings : and that it was the god of heaven , who gave unto nebuchadnezzar so great a kingdom , power , strength and glory , as then he had , to rule , with majesty and honour , a very great empire . in respect whereof , although kings and princes might have been satisfied with the titles of lieutenants or vicegerents in earth , to the son of god ; yet he did communicate and impart so much of his power , authority , and dignity unto them , as he was content to stile them with his own name : i have said , you are gods , and the children of the most high. howbeit , for all their said dignity and greatness , he did not leave them at liberty to do what they list , but held himself the helm of every kingdom , and used their services in such sort , as were they good or bad , and their designments holy or wicked , he ever made them the executioners of his own just judgments , will and good pleasure ; according as he was minded , either to bless or to punish any kingdom , people or countrey . in regard of which his might , providence , and wisdom , whereby he ruleth them after that sort , he is called the lord of lords , the king of glory , and the god of gods ; that is , of kings , princes , judges and rulers of the earth . and it may not here be omitted ( which indeed ariseth of the premisses ) that the son of god , in disposing of the government , under him , of the earth , did not appoint any one man to be the sole monarch of the world ; as from whom all other kingdoms , governments , kings and princes should receive their directions , and unto whom they should be subject . it is true , that adam , whilst he lived , was the chief governour under the son of god , over all his own off-spring ; and that noah likewise , during his life , had the like authority . but when , after the flood , the issue of sem , cham , and japhet grew to a great people , their father , noah , did not commit , to any one of them , the government of the rest , and of all of their posterity ; but divided the whole world amongst them three : and from them , no one sole monarch or monarchy , but many kings . principalities , kingdoms and governments , by god's providence , have descended . it is more than probable , that if the son of god had been pleased to have committed to any one man , a government of so large an extent , he would have trusted his servant , king david , with it , being a man according to his own heart . but the kingdom of israel , wherein david reigned , was bounded within the strait limits assigned to the twelve tribes . and such other kings , as swerved , after that time , from david's mild and temperate government , and took upon them the titles of monarchies , having enlarged their kingdoms by injury and oppression of their neighbours ; where , in their pride and greediness , but the scourges and rods of god's indignation , and had their fatal ends accordingly . so as where the prophet daniel , speaking of the kingdom of nebuchadnezzar , calleth him king of kings , and saith , that he was the ruler over all places , wherein the children of men dwelt ; and cyrus , the king of persia , affirmeth , that the lord god of heaven had given him all the kingdoms of the earth : for as much as it is apparent , both by the scriptures , and other histories , that neither of them both had the tenth part of the world under their jurisdiction ; and that there were very many kings , who had absolute government in their kingdoms , and were no ways subject unto them ; the said places , of necessity , must receive this exposition , that either they are to be understood hyperbolically , whereby , to express the greatness of a thing , it is said to be bigger than it was ; or by a synecdoche , which useth the whole sometimes for a part ; or according to the usual phrase of the scriptures , where all are often taken for many : or else both daniel and cyrus spake after the manner of the chaldaeans and persians , who , to extoll the greatness of their kings , and the better to please them , did , peradventure , so enlarge and amplifie the style . can. xxxv . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that the son of god ( according to the doctrine of the old testament ) was not the governour of all the world : or that he did not appoint under him divers kings , princes and civil magistrates , to rule and govern in the kingdomes , and places assigned unto them : or that having so appointed them , he did not himself direct , uphold , and rule them by his omnipotence , according to his divine wisdom ; and might not , in that respect , be truly called the lord of lords , and the god of gods : or that all the world , and the particular kingdoms , and civil kinds of government in the world were not in respect of the son of god , as he is the governour of the world , and the lord of lords , and god of gods , one kingdom , principality or government ( thereby to impeach the mild and temperate government , which he had established amongst the jews : ) or that he ever committed the government of all the world , after adam and noah's times , to any one man , to be the sole and visible monarch of it : or that the said kingdom of christ , as he was the lord of lords , and god of gods , and so govern'd the whole world , was otherwise visible upon the earth , than per partes , viz. by the particular kingdoms , and kinds of civil government , or perhaps by some representation ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . cap. xxxvi . as there hath been from the beginning one universal kingdom throughout all the world , whereof the son of god was ever the sole ( though invisible ) monarch , as we have shewed in the former chapter : so it is generally agreed upon among all christians , that from the creation of mankind , during the times aforesaid , there hath always been one universal or catholick church : which began in adam , and afterward ( as his posterity multiplied , both before and after the flood ) was dispersed over the face of the whole earth ; and whereof the son of god likewise was always the head and sole ( though invisible ) monarch . the foundation of which church was ever one and the same rock , to wit christ jesus , the promised seed of the woman , that should break the serpents head : and as many persons , families , societies , and companies , as truly believed in that blessed seed , without exception of any sort , or distinction of people , were the true members and parts of the catholick church . for the death of our saviour christ , which long after did actually ensue ; was virtually , through faith , as effectual to all believers before his passion , as it hath been since . in respect whereof the holy ghost did not only affirm , that jesus christ was the same , ( that is , the wisdom , righteousness , sanctification , and redemption of those that believ'd in him ) yesterday , ( that is , before and after the law ) as to day ( that is , now in the time of the new testament : ) but likewise , that he was the lamb slain from the beginning of the world : because his death and passion , being ever as present in the view and sight of god the father ( before whom a thousand years are but as one day ; ) the same was typically represented by sacrifices and effectual sacraments ; and the merits thereof have from the beginning been communicated to all believers . so that although in imitation of the scriptures , we have spoken hitherto but of one particular church , and of the succession of it in the lines of seth and sem : yet there have been other particular churches in all ages , which were built upon the said rock and promised seed . cain offer'd his sacrifice to god as well as abel ; though it was not for his sins accepted : and it is not to be doubted , but that every chief family of his posterity had their priests and publick worship of god ; albeit mingled with some such superstition and idolatry , as offended god , and made them less acceptable in his sight . for as of the posterity of seth many perished ; so we are to judge on the other side , that many of cain's line died in god's favour : except we should think , against the rules of charity , that the curse which fell upon cain , killing his brother abel , did cause his off-spring to become as brute beasts : whereas having adam their grandfather , it is more than probable he did better instruct them , and prevail'd at least with some of them . likewise after the flood , all noah's off-spring , being one church under him , and grounded upon christ the true foundation of it , although afterward , when they were setled in their several countries , allotted unto them , they swerved greatly from that purity in religion which noah had taught them ; yet they had still their priests , their sacrifices , and some outward worship of god amongst them . besides , hitherto all the world being as one people , if there were then any visible churches at all upon the earth ; it cannot be truly said , that the calling of abraham out of chaldaea , and the erecting of the true worship of god in his family , did make them to be in worse case than they were before . if churches before , they so continued after , though superstitious and idolatrous churches . again , it is generally held , that god did not therefore distinguish the jews from other nations and people , and settle his publick worship amongst them ; as purposing thereby , that his catholick church , in their times , should only consist of them and of their nations ; and such other proselytes as would be circumcised , and join themselves unto them : but much more , because by that means the truth and certainty of all the promises and prophecies concerning the coming of the messias , might be faithfully and diligently observ'd , and kept in one nation , and visible known place and people . for it is plain in the scriptures , that after the said distinction , many of the gentiles served god , and believed in christ , and were thereby made the true members of the catholick church ; though they were not circumcis'd , nor had any medling with , or dependency upon the jews . some are particularly named ; as job , jethro , rahab , the ninevites , the widow of sarepta , naaman , cornelius , and some others : by whom we are not only to judge of their families and governments , that they were so many particular churches : but likewise , that in every country , and people , many such godly men from time to time might have been found ; who with their families , and peradventure subjects , were so to be held and esteemed of . we will not enter into the discussing of these places , how far they may be extended . without faith it is impossible to please god. for he that cometh to god , must believe that god is , and that he is a rewarder of them that seek him . in the word was life , and the life was the light of men . is god , the god only of the jews , and not of the gentiles also ? yes , of the gentiles also : for it is one god , who doth justify circumcision by faith , and the uncircumcised through faith. i have other sheep , which are not of this fold . only we do further observe , that it was lawful for any of the gentiles to come into the outward court of the temple , to bring their sacrifices unto the lord , and there to offer up their prayers likewise unto him : that accordingly they did often resort to the temple for devotion sake , there to worship god : as by the examples of the eunuch of ethiopia , and of certain grecians , that are mentioned in the scriptures : and that many of them were so addicted to the true service of god , as the prophet haggai calleth our saviour christ , desiderium gentium . so that the catholick church , consisting from the beginning till abraham's time , of such only as were afterward for distinction sake called gentiles ; although god was then pleased to bestow his mercies more plentifully upon that one particular church of the jews , deduced from abraham , than upon any other , or indeed upon all the rest , for the principal causes before-specified ; yet they were not utterly so rejected , or cast out of god's favour , but that many of them did continue as dutiful children in the lap and bosom of the said catholick church . of which catholick church , it is true , that adam and noah , for their times , were ( under christ ) the chief governours . howbeit afterward the posterity of noah being mightily encreased , when thereupon he distributed the whole world among his three sons , and their issue ; he did not appoint any one of them to be the ruler of the said catholick church ; but left the government of every particular family or church unto their chief heads , princes and priests ; and of the whole to the son of god , and sole monarch of it ; who only was able to undertake such a charge neither do we read , that aaron , or any of the high-priests , took upon them at any time to extend their jurisdiction beyond the bounds and limits of the twelve tribes ; or so much as once dream'd , that the whole world was their diocess : that which they had being indeed more than they well ordered . can. xxxvi . if any man therefore shall affirm , either that during the continuance of the old testament , the merits of christ's death actually to come , were not sufficient to save all true believers : or , that there was then no catholick church : or , that at any time there was any other rock but jesus christ , the blessed seed upon whom the catholick church was then built : or , that many of the gentiles were not always ( for ought that is known to the contrary ) true members of the catholick church : or that christ himself was not the sole head or monarch all that while of the whole catholick church : or , that the said catholick church , after the members of it were dispersed into all the places of the world , was otherwise visible than per partes : or , that noah did appoint any man to be the visible head of the said catholick church : or , that the high-priest among the jews , had any more authority over the catholick church of god , than king david had over the vniversal kingdom of god : or , that the said high-priest had not greatly sinn'd , if he had taken upon him , or usurped any such infinite authority ; he doth greatly erre . placet eis . the said xxxvi . chapters , with the constitutions made upon them , have passed with one consent , both the convocation-houses , and so are approved . * r. cant. the said xxxvi . chapters , with the constitutions made upon them , have been diligently read , and deliberately examin'd ; and thereupon have likewise passed , with one consent , in the convocation-house of the province of york . † jo. bristol praeses convocat . eborac . lib . ii. cap. i. in pursuing our intended course , through the old testament , and until the destruction of jerusalem , we over-slipped and passed by the fulness of that time , wherein the son of god , ( the maker and governour of all the world ) our lord and saviour , jesus christ , was conceived by the holy ghost , and born of the virgin mary . so as now we are to return back , and prosecute our said course , as we find the true grounds thereof are laid down , confirmed and practised in the new testament . at our entrance into which course , we confess our selves to be indeed greatly astonished , considering the strange impediments , and mighty stumbling-blocks , which , through long practice , and incredible ambition , are cast in our way [ in that we find the estate of that church ( which would rule over all ) to be degenerated , in our days , as far , in effect , from her primary and apostolical institution and rules ; as we have shewed before , the estate of the jewish church to have swerved , through the like pride and ambition , from that excellent condition , wherein she was first established , and afterward preserved and beautified by moses , and king david , with the rest of his most worthy and godly successours . ] for except we should condemn the old testament ( as many ancient hereticks have done ) and thereupon overthrow all , which hitherto we have built ; and not that only , but should furthermore , either approve of their gross impiety , who read the scriptures of the new testament , as if they were falsified and corrupted , and by receiving and rejecting as much of them as they list , do prefer before them ( as not containing in them all necessary truth for man's salvation ) certain obscure , and apocryphal writings ; or , should our selves impiously imagine , that the new testament ( as now we have it ) was but a rough draught , and a fit project compiled , for the time , by the apostles , to be afterward better ordered , polished , and supplied with certain humane traditions and doctrines , by some of their successours : we can see no authentical ground , nor sufficient warrant , in those writings , which ought to be the true rule of every christian man's conscience ( as not being there to be found ) for any apostolical priest or bishop either to pretend , that all the particular churches , in the world , are under his government ; or to tell the subjects of any christian king , opposite in some points , unto him , that they are no longer bound to obey him their said king , but until they shall be able , by force of arms , or by some secret practice , to subdue him ; or to challenge to himself an absolute and universal authority and power over all kings and kingdoms in the world , to bestow them , in some cases , ( under pretence of religion ) when he shall think the same to be most available , for the strengthning and upholding of such his pretended universal power and dominion . to the proof whereof , before we address our selves ; because the same doth much depend upon the admirable humiliation of the son of god , in taking our nature upon him , and performing the work of our salvation , in such a manner , as he did : we have thought it our duties ( lest otherwise we might be mistaken , either through weakness , simplicity or malice ) first , briefly to observe ( notwithstanding our saviour's said humiliation ) the most wonderful dignity , preheminency and royalty of his person . it is many ways apparent , that the mean estate and condition of our saviour christ , here upon earth , was one especial motive , both to the jews and gentiles , why , in their carnal judgments , he was , to the one sort a scandal , and to the other a scorn ; as if he had been a man out of his wits , and preached he knew not what . in which respect , partly not only the people of the jews , the priests of all sorts , the scribes and pharisees , with the rest of their hypocritical orders ; but likewise the civil governours , as well romans as jews , did utterly despise him , hate him , deride him , beat him , and put him to death . since which time sundry sorts of hereticks have stumbled at the same stone , labouring , by all the means they could , to impeach and dishonour the person of christ , in regard of the mean shew of his humane nature , notwithstanding the many arguments which they might have found in the scriptures , ( had not their hearts been hardned ) of his divinity . on the other side , we are not ignorant , how the bishop of rome , and his adherents , supposing it would too much impeach their credits , and worldly reputations ; if they should be too much pressed to deduce the principal strength of their estates and callings , from the said mean condition of our saviour christ , whilst he lived in this world ; do thereupon attribute sundry virtues , powers , and branches of authority unto his humane nature , which do not , in truth , belong properly unto it , but are rather appertaining to his person , being both god and man ; as hoping thereby to get some fair pretences and colours for the upholding of their usurped greatness , and pretended uncontroulable sovereignty . for the avoiding therefore of these extremities , and because such as deny the pope's supremacy , are most falsly charged , by sundry passionate , and inconsiderate persons , to be men , that believe no one article of the christian faith : we have thought it meet , to make it known , to all the christian world , how detestable , to the church of england , all such false doctrine is , as doth any way , not only impeach the sacred person of our saviour christ , but likewise the other two persons of the blessed trinity , god the father , and god the holy ghost ; in that the dishonouring of one of them , is the dishonouring of them all three . we do therefore , for our selves , and in the name of all the rest of the church of england , acknowledge and profess , from the bottom of our hearts , the truth of all that is written in the sacred scriptures ; and consequently , and in more particular manner , whatsoever is written in the same , that doth appertain to the most holy and blessed trinity . out of the doctrine of which sacred writings , because the apostles and churches of god , ( moved thereunto , by sundry sorts of hereticks ) have , long since , most faithfully and learnedly deduced , into certain summaries , rightly termed creeds , all those points of true doctrine , which do concern god the father , god the son , and god the holy ghost , and are necessarily to be believed , under pain of condemnation : we do resolutely embrace , and stedfastly believe , all and every one the articles of the apostles creed ; and all and every one the articles of the other creeds , made , by sundry councils , for the further declaration of the christian faith , and apostolick creed , as of the nicene creed , made , by the council of nice , against arius , who denied the divinity of the son of god ; and of the next creed , made in the first council of constantinople , ratifying , and further declaring the nicene creed against eudoxius the arian , and macedonius , who denied the holy ghost to be god ; and of the creed , made in the first council of ephesus , against nestorius , who taught that the two natures in christ , were not united together personally , but that the word , which did take our nature upon him , for our redemption , did only assist christ , our saviour , as one friend may assist another ; and of the creed made in the council of chalcedon against eutyches , who did confound the two natures of christ . against any of which articles whosoever doth oppose himself , and doth willfully continue in such his opposition ; we hold and judge them to be worthily subject to all those censures , and anathematisms , which the several constitutions and canons of the said councils have justly laid upon them . also with the same resolution and faith before-mentioned , we receive and believe all and every one the several points and articles of the athanasian creed , made a little after the council of nice , against such blasphemous opinions , as in those times were either directly or indirectly , published in corners , and spread here and there to the seducing of many . according to some articles of the which creed , that do more nearly concern our course ; we stedfastly believe and confess , " that our lord , jesus christ , the son of god , is both god and man : god of the substance of the father , begotten before all worlds ; and man , of the substance of his mother , born in the world : perfect god , and perfect man , of a reasonable soul , and humane flesh subsisting : equal to the father , as touching his godhead ; and inferiour to the father , as touching his manhood : who although he be both god and man ; yet he is not two , but one christ : one , not by conversion of the godhead into flesh ; but by taking of the manhood into god : one altogether , not by confusion of substance , but by unity of person . " in respect of which personal union of the two natures of our saviour christ , without confusion or mixture of either of them , thus described in the said creed ; whatsoever is affirmed in the scriptures , as well of the one nature as of the other , the same is also truly to be affirmed de toto composito , that is , of his most sacred person being both god and man ; the essential properties of them both remaining notwithstanding distinguished . for as the said personal or hypostatical union of the said two natures , doth not make the one nature to be the other ; the divine nature to be the humane nature , or the humane nature to be the divine nature : so doth it not make the essential proprieties of the one nature to be the essential proprieties of the other nature ; but as well the proprieties and actions as the natures themselves do remain distinguished , though united in one person ; both of them concurring together , the deity in working that which appertaineth to the deity , and the humanity executing those essential proprieties and actions which do belong unto the humanity . for example , the divine nature appear'd in christ by miracles , when his humane nature was subject to many opprobries and injuries . in that our saviour christ did satisfie . persons with . loaves , did give water of life to the woman of samaria , did walk upon the sea dry-foot , did by his commandment calm the winds ; he shewed thereby some effects and works of his divine nature : because they were ( as one well saith ) verbi propria , non carnis , the proprieties of the word , and not of the flesh . again , in that christ brake bread , this was an office of his humane nature , but in that he multiplied it , the same did appertain to his divine nature . in that he cried out , lazarus come forth , that was the office of his humane nature ; but in that he quickned him , and raised him from death , that did belong unto his divine nature . in that he said , thy sins are forgiven thee , that was an office of his humane nature ; but in that such sins were indeed remitted , the same did appertain to his divine nature . in that our saviour christ died , the same did proceed from the flesh ; but in that by his death he did expiate our sins , that did proceed from the spirit . in that he was buried , did proceed from the flesh ; but in that he did raise himself from the dead , that was he office of his divinity . in that he gave bread to his apostles in his last supper , he did it as man ; but in that he made them partakers of his blessed body , he did the same as he was god. in that now being in heaven , he doth possess that kingdom in the name and behalf of his elect , that doth appertain to his humane nature ; but that he doth now remain with us , and dwell in our hearts , that is an office of his divine nature . in that he maketh intercession for us , that doth belong to his humane nature ; but in that he doth justifie us , regenerate us , work in us both to will and to perform , in that he ruleth us and leadeth us in the way of his commandments ; all these offices do appertain unto his divinity . lastly , in that he shall come in the clouds , and say unto one sort of persons , come ye blessed , and unto the other sort , depart ye cursed ; he shall do the same according to his humane nature : but in that he shall judge every man according to his knowledge of all mens hearts , their cogitations , desires and works , that he shall do as god. nevertheless any thing by us thus affirmed notwithstanding , christ himself is not divided , though the proprieties and actions of his two natures , are in this sort to be distinguished : as god himself is not divided , although the three persons in trinity are rightly held to be indeed distinguished : and yet all the said actions and proprieties of the two natures of christ , distinguished , as we have expressed they are , are notwithstanding very truly to be affirm'd of his sacred person . the reason whereof , hath been before touched , and it is this ; because seeing that both the natures are joined together in the person of the son , by an hypostatical , and consequently a true and essential union ; so as christ is thereby both true god , in regard of his divine nature , and true man , in respect of his humane nature : whatsoever is the propriety of the divine nature , and of the humane nature , the same is wholly , and altogether in christ , and is necessarily therefore to be affirmed of him , both essentially and properly . in respect whereof , we say , that christ was dead , and that he could not die ; that he is both finite and infinite ; eternal and temporal ; in every place , and yet circumscribed in one place . for , of necessity , whatsoever are the properties of the humane nature , the same are truly and properly to be affirmed de vero homine : and whatsoever are the proprieties of the divine nature , the same are likewise to be affirmed de vero deo ; christ being ( out of all controversie amongst the children of god ) & verus homo , & verus deus . and thus we have , after a sort , both briefly and truly set down the force and efficacy of the hypostatical union of the two natures of christ , being distinguished , but no ways confounded ; as the same , together with the true doctrine of all other necessary articles , concerning the blessed trinity , doth , by the scriptures , most truly expounded in the creeds above-mentioned , many ways very notably appear . to this purpose much more might have here been added by us ; if ( our course considered ) we had thought it necessary . only we have thought it fit , furthermore to profess , and make it thereby known to all men ; that there are some other creeds , made by other councils and particular bishops , like to athanasius , and other worthy persons : as irenaeus's creed , tertullian's creed ( as we may so term it ) damasus's creed , the creed ascribed to st. ambrose , and to st. augustine , te deum laudamus , &c. the creed of the first council of toledo , st. jerome's creed , the creed ascribed to leo , which was approved by the council of chalcedon , and the creed of the sixth council of constantinople , against the monothelites , holding that in christ , both god and man , there was but one will : all of them tending to the setting forth the orthodoxal and true doctrine of one god in trinity , and trinity in vnity , not confounding the persons , nor dividing the substance ; and of one christ , true god and true man , not confounding his natures , nor dividing his person . which creeds we do receive , embrace , and reverence in such sorts , as they have been received , embraced and reverenced hitherto , by all the particular churches of the christian world ; in as much , as they agree both with the scriptures , with the apostles creed , with the four creeds mentioned of the four first general councils , and with the athanasian creed ; which contain in them that faith , which was then , and so still ought to be accounted the true , catholick faith : nothing , in effect , being contained in all the creeds before , by us specified , which may not be deduced , by necessary consequence , out of the said athanasian creed ; and the conclusion of which creed is , in these words , expressed ; this is the catholick faith , which except a man believe faithfully , he cannot be saved . to which conclusion , that , in sense , is very consonant , wherewith damasus doth end his creed , in these words ; read these things , believe them , retain them : to this faith submit thy soul , and thou shalt obtain life and reward from christ . in which creeds , containing the catholick faith , in those days , or in any of the rest , we have thought it good , here to remember , that there is not any one article , to warrant or prove those new articles , which were coined long after the making of any of the said creeds , by the bishops of rome , and are added to the nicene creed , by pius iv. in the professing of the roman faith : especially that new article of the pope's supremacy , which is still so stifly maintained and urged upon many , under pain of the loss of their souls , viz. that it is altogether necessary for them , if they will be saved , to be obedient to the bishop of rome . which new article , being but an extravagant conclusion ; made by a very strange man , and built upon as strange collections out of the scriptures ; we leave it for a novelty unto all the articles of the ancient catholick faith : and will now address our selves to prosecute the same course and points in the new testament , which we held in the old. cap. ii. it is a certain rule in divinity , that grace doth not destroy nature . the doctrine of the seed of the woman , that was foretold should break the serpents head , did not abolish the moral law. the ceremonies in the old testament , which shadowed and signified the mercies of god in christ , had no power to extinguish the laws , first imprinted in mens hearts ; and afterward ingraven in tables of stone by the finger of god. the prophets foretelling the coming of christ , and the merits of his passion , did likewise reprove all sins and offences committed against the ten commandments . christ testifieth of himself , that he came not to destroy the law and the prophets , but to fullfil them . by his death he hath delivered us from the curse of the law ; but not from the obedience of it . and st. paul saith , that the apostles did not make the law of none effect through faith ; but they did thereby establish the law. for that faith doth only apprehend christ truly to salvation , which worketh by charity ; that is , which purgeth the conscience from dead works , to serve the living god ; and bringeth forth by the spirit , obedience to the precepts and laws of god. it hath been shewed by us at large in the former book , that although the son of god having made the world , did by his mighty power and divine providence , retain , as it were , in his own hands , the general rule and government of it : yet for a more visible benefit and comfort to mankind , he did divide and distribute the same into divers countries , principalities , and kingdoms : and ordaining civil magistracy , did not only appoint soveraign princes and kings as his deputies and lieutenants upon earth , to rule and govern under him , such countries and kingdoms as he had allotted unto them ; but did likewise tie mankind by one of the moral laws ingraven in their hearts , that they should honour them , serve them , and be obedient unto them . which particular commandment was no more abolished by the incarnation of our saviour christ , than were all the rest . nay it was in truth of such force and publick note , as that our saviour having most willingly subjected himself to the obedience of the whole law , did very carefully , upon every occasion , shew himself most observant of this one law amongst the rest . for in the whole course of his life here upon earth , we find not any alteration that he made in the civil state where he was conversant : which he must of necessity have done , if his coming into the world had any way impeached the authority of the civil magistrates . it is expresly recorded of him , that he lived in subjection to his parents ; herein fullfilling the said fifth commandment , which containeth as well the subjection due to authority civil as paternal . he was made of the seed of david according to the flesh , as the apostle speaketh ; and so had ( no doubt ) according to his manhood , great natural compassion of those miseries and afflictions , which the jews at that very time endur'd under the romans . howbeit as knowing the duties of their allegiance , he neither moved , nor any way encouraged them to take arms against the emperour ; nor filled their heads with shifts and distinctions , how subjects in this case and that case , were superiour to their soveraigns ; nor did any way approve of those rebellious courses in them , whereunto they were of their own dispositions very greatly addicted . he was so far from these exorbitant and bad humours ; as still he shewed , when there was cause , his great detestation of them . he did himself very willingly pay tribute when it was demanded ; and upon fit occasion , gave all the jews this following rule , that they , living under caesar , were bound to pay unto him those things that were his ; meaning such obedience , custom , tributes , tolls , taxation and payments , as , by the laws , both divine and imperial , were due unto caesar . and certainly if ever it had , and might have been lawful for private men , in respect of their own zeal , to have used force against authority ; it seemeth to us , that it might have been born with in the apostles , upon some such accidents , as then fell out . judas had betrayed their master , and thereupon a multitude was sent , with a publick officer , to apprehend him . which the apostles perceiving , conferred together , as it seemeth , how to make resistance , and said , in their zeal , master , shall we smite them with the sword ? but peter seeing ( of likelyhood ) the haste , violence , and fury that was used , by the said multitude , did , upon the sudden , pluck out his sword , and without any expectation , what christ would answer to the said question , smiting one of the company , did cut off his ear. now if we shall consult , with flesh and blood , who would not approve this fact of st. peter ? but our saviour christ , being void of any heat or passion , and only respecting the will of god , and the due observation of the said particular law ; did utterly condemn , in st. peter , that violent and unlawful attempt : because he , being but a private man , had nothing to do with the temporal sword , which belonged to the civil magistrate ; and much less should have used it against authority . and therefore , as well to let st. peter see his offence , as also to leave a caution , for the bridling , from thence forwards , of all future rash zeal , in such a case , he justified the law of god , and did leave the same , for a rule , to all posterity , saying , all that take the sword , shall perish with the sword : meaning all private persons , that shall , at any time , abuse , after that sort , the civil sword , which doth in no wise appertain unto them . besides , it is manifest , that our saviour christ , if , as he was god , he had been disposed , was able to have defended himself against all the world. nay , as he was man , he might , by prayer to his father , have procured sufficient assistance against the force of all his enemies ; had he not well known that course to have been repugnant to the obedience , which he had undertaken , of the said commandment , and no way agreeable to the vocation and work which he had in hand : and therefore persisting in his reproof of st. peter , thinkest thou ( saith he unto him ) that i cannot now pray to my father , and he will give me more than twelve legions of angels ? but it is ever apparent , in all the proceedings of our saviour christ , whilst he lived in this world , that he never liked , in any , the resistance of civil authority by force ; or approved of any inconsiderate and rash zeal , bent against magistrates , or any other persons ; but was always ready to blame and check the same , as he did , when he found it in two other of his apostles , who , to revenge an injury offered to their master , sought to have had it punished from heaven . for when the samaritans refused ( upon conference and direction , we doubt not , of those that were in authority over them ) to give christ entertainment , and lodging in one of their cities ; james and john were so moved therewith , as they would needs have licence of him , to command that fire should come down from heaven , as elias did ; shewing thereby , that in their heat ( if they had been able ) they would have had them all destroyed . but our saviour christ , disliking such fiery and rash zeal , rebuked them , and said , you know not of what spirit you are : that is , in effect , as if he should have said , you may pretend elias's fact , but you are far from elias's spirit . he only executed the judgment of god , as , by the spirit , he was extraordinarily directed ; whereas ye have received no such direction , but are only in your passion and heat stirred up to revenge . the conclusion hereof is , that christ , our lord , all the time he remained here upon earth , did not only , in his own person , shew himself obedient to civil authority , according to the said fifth commandment ; but did likewise utterly condemn , in others , ( upon every occasion offered to him , throughout the four evangelists ) all inconsiderate zeal , and opposition , against temporal magistracy . insomuch as concerning his own said obedience , when he was apprehended ( notwithstanding peter's sword ) he submitted himself to the publick officer , that was then sent for him : and likewise being afterward carried to pilate , ( the civil magistrate , at that time , under the emperour ) and before him falsly charged , by his malicious adversaries , with treason ; he behaved himself in such dutiful manner , as was fit and convenient for him , that truly had professed subjection , and did in no sort seek to decline his power and authority ; either by alledging that he was not the emperour 's subject , or that pilate was not his competent judge , or by using any other tergiversation or evasion : but acknowledged , very freely , his said authority to be lawful , and yielding himself thereunto , did confess that it was given him from above . can. i. and therefore if any man shall affirm , under colour of any thing that is in the scriptures , either that the doctrine of grace in the new testament doth more abolish the rules of nature , or moral law of god , than it did in the old ; or that through faith the said law was not rather establisht than in any sort impeached ; or , that because as many as believe are redeemed , and made free from the curse of the law , they are therefore exempted , and free from the obedience of the law ; or , that by the incarnation of our saviour christ , obedience to the fifth commandment , touching honour due to parents and princes , was in any sort impeached , the rest of the law being established ; or , that our saviour christ having undertaken the fullfilling of the whole law ( as far forth , at the least , as ever mankind was bound to have fullfilled it ) came short in this one law , by exempting himself from any obedience due to the civil magistrate ; or , that he , having tied himself according to the said commandment , as well to the obedience of the civil magistrate , as the obedience which was due to his parents , did not , whilst he lived in the world , fullfil the law wholly concerning them both ; or , that he did any way , or at any time encourage the jews , or any other , directly or indirectly , to rebel , for any cause whatsoever , against the roman emperour , or any of his subordinate magistrates ; or , that he did not very willingly , both himself pay tribute to caesar , and also advise the jews so to do ; or , that when he willed the jews to pay tribute to caesar , including therein their duty of obedience unto him , he did not therein deal plainly and sincerely , but meant secretly that they should be bound no longer to be obedient unto him , but until by force they should be able to resist him ; or , that he did not utterly and truly condemn all devices , conferences and resolutions whatsoever , either in his own apostles , or in any other persons , for the using of force against civil authority ; or , that it is , or can be more lawful for any private persons , either of st. peter's calling , or of any other profession , to draw their swords against authority , though in their rash zeal they should hold it lawful so to do , for the preservation of religion , than it was for st. peter for the preservation of his masters life ; or , that by christs's words above-mentioned , all subjects of what sort soever , without exception , ought not by the law of god , to perish with the sword , that take , and use the sword for any cause against kings and soveraign princes , under whom they were born , or under whose iurisdiction they do inhabit ; or , that seeing our saviour christ would not have the samaritans to be destroyed with fire from heaven , although they were at that time divided in religion from the jews , and refused to receive him in person , it is not to be ascribed to the spirit of satan for any private men to attempt by gunpowder , and fire from hell , to blow up and destroy their soveraigns , and the whole state of the country where they were born and bred , because in their conceits they refused some part of christ's doctrine and government ; or , that christ did not well , and as the said fifth commandment did require , in submitting himself as he did to authority , although he was first sent for with swords and staves , as if he had been a thief , and then afterward carried to pilate , and by him ( albeit he found no evil in him ) condemned to death ; or , that by any doctrine or example , which christ ever taught , or hath left upon good record , it can be proved lawful to any subjects , for any cause of what nature soever , to decline either the authority and iurisdiction of their soveraign princes , or of any their lawful deputies and inferiour magistrates ruling under them ; he doth greatly erre . cap. iii. 't is many ways very plain and evident , that the jews did expound all those places of the prophets , which do notably set forth the spiritual kingdom of our saviour christ , to be meant of a temporal kingdom , which he should erect upon the earth . and upon that false ground they did imagine , that when their expected messiah should come into the world , he was to advance them unto a glorious estate here upon earth , and to reign in the midst of them as a most mighty and temporal monarch . which erroneous conceit , when herod heard of the birth of christ , made him to fear lest the new-born babe should deprive him , of his kingdom , and induced him thereupon to seek his destruction . thence also did proceed , that when the people were so much moved with admiration of one of christs miracles , as that they used these words , this is of a truth the prophet which should come into the world ; they presently devised how they should make him their king. but christ perceiving their drift , prevented their purpose by departing from them ; as well observing and knowing , that their erroneous imagination of him . nay the better sort of those that followed christ , were not free from this erroneous cogitation ; as it appeareth by the petition , that the mother of zebedee's children , made unto christ , saying , grant that these my two sons may sit , the one at thy right hand , and the other at thy left hand , in thy kingdom . it seemeth , by st. mark , that her said two sons , james and john , did join with their mother , and made likewise the same petition themselves , unto christ , in their own names . and it is plain , that the rest of the apostles , having aspiring minds to have been great men in the world , ( as dreaming of a temporal kingdom , that christ was in time , to establish amongst them ) when they heard this suit , did begin , as the evangelists testifie , to disdain at james and john , for seeking , in that sort , to prefer themselves before them ; some of them perhaps thinking themselves more worthy of those two great dignities , than either of them were . but our saviour christ , finding these carnal imaginations amongst them , did throughly reprove them , for those their vain conceits ; and did make it well known unto them , how far they over-shot themselves , when they supposed that he should become a temporal king ; or that they themselves should be honoured by him with temporal principalities . which course also our saviour christ held , when ( as st. luke saith ) there arose a strife amongst the apostles , which of them should be the greatest . for then , they persisting in their former errour , he did again renew his reproof ( if this were a several contention from the former ) saying unto them , the kings of the gentiles reign over them , and they that bear rule over them , are called benefactors , ( as using to reward their servants with great and extraordinary worldly preferments ; ) or as st. matthew recordeth christ's words , ( whether upon this , or the former occasion mentioned , it is not greatly material , because they are all one in sense ) ye know that the lords of the gentiles have dominion over them , and they that are great , exercise authority over them : but ( saith christ ) it shall not be so among you . but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your servant ; even as the son of man came not to be served , but to serve : or as st. luke hath christ's words , ye shall not be so : that is , ye shall not live as kings upon the earth , nor have such worldly estates , as that thereby ye might have occasion to vaunt in the world , what great benefactors you have been , in advancing your followers , to this or that dukedom , according as great kings and monarchs are accustomed to deal with their servants , and principal subjects ▪ but let the greatest amongst you be as the least , and the chiefest as he that serveth . for who is greater ? he that sitteth at the table , or he that serveth ? is not he that sitteth at the table ? and i am among you as he that serveth . by which words of our saviour , it is very manifest , how far he was from challenging to himself any worldly kingdom ; and how much his apostles were deceived , in apprehending what great men they should become , by being his followers and disciples . to this purpose much more might be here alledged by us : as also , it would not be forgotten , what we have before observed in the former chapter , tending to the same effect ; in as much as christ having made himself subject to the obedience of the fifth commandment , which tied him as well to be a subject unto the emperour , under whom he was born , as to the obedience of his parents ; did thereby shew himself to be no temporal monarch . howbeit , all this notwithstanding , there are some so much addicted in these days unto the said erroneous opinion of the jews ; as for the advancement of the glory of the bishop of rome , they will needs have christ to have been here upon the earth a temporal king ; affirming , " that upon his nativity all the kings in the world lost their regal power and authority , all their kingdoms being devolved unto him ; and that they could no longer possess them by any right , interest , or title , until they had again resum'd them from him , as he was man , and forsaken their ancient tenures , whereby they had held them of him , as he was god. " insomuch as some of them say in effect , that neither augustus caesar , nor tiberius , his successor , were lawful emperours , from the time of christ's birth for above the space of thirty years , until our saviour had required the jews to pay tribute to caesar : as if in so doing tiberius had again received thereby his former right to the empire ; and that thereupon he was from that time forward to hold it of christ , as he was man. in which erroneous conceits these men proceed further than ever the jews , or the apostles in their weakness did . for the jews never imagin'd of their messiah , that when he came into the world he should abolish all civil government amongst the gentiles , and be a temporal king to rule all nations ; or that as many soveraign kings and princes , as should from that time forward desire to rule their subjects by any lawful power and authority , must receive and hold the same from ( the said jews ) their temporal kings : but did restrain their conceits within more narrow bounds , thinking , that their messiah should not have such intermedling with the gentiles , but only restore the kingdom of israel , which had for a long time been miserably shaken , and rent in pieces , and live in that country amongst them in a much more glorious form and state , than any of their kings before him had done . and yet notwithstanding , these the said persons , having inconsiderately so far overrun the jews in their follies ; are possessed nevertheless with some imaginations ( no doubt ) that because the pope doth either applaud , or wink at their proceedings , they may in time make it probable to the simpler sort ( who when force is to be used , do bear the greatest sway ) that as all emperours and kings , forsooth , held their kingdoms from christ , as he then was , and still is man ; so ought they now in these days to hold them of the pope , in that ( if men might safely believe them ) our saviour christ did ( as they say ) after his ascension , bestow all such worldly dominions upon st. peter , and consequently upon his successors , the bishops of rome ; and that now all worldly principalities are theirs , and must be held of them , as they were before of christ after his incarnation , by as many kings and princes as desire to hold their kingdoms by any right title . but these are men not to be feared ; for to say the truth of them , they are all of them in effect , either but gross and unlearned canonists , or else but new upstart and sottish nerians , and of great affinity with the canonists ; who meaning ( as it seemeth ) to outstrip the jesuits , do labour as much to make the pope a temporal monarch , as the jesuits have done for his pretended spiritual soveraignty : whose endeavours are altogether ( as we suppose ) to be contemned ; in that both the sorts of them , as well canonists as nerians , are more voluminous in their writings than substantial ; filling them principally with very idle and ridiculous canons and decrees of the pope's own making ; and having no true feeling , or sense of divinity , do handle the scriptures , when they have leisure to come unto them , with so foul and unwashed hands , as that their master either is , or ought to be ashamed of them , in that he permitteth their so absurd books to come abroad into the world. besides , it will not a little hinder their credit ( if it make them not a scorn to all posterity ) even amongst such men as have otherwise made themselves vassals to the see of rome ; because the said jesuits , and some others , not to have been despis'd for their learning , whilst they had strived to advance the pope's supremacy in causes ecclesiastical , have themselves ( in a manner ) broken the neck of his fondly-conceited temporal monarchy . " some of the chiefest among them affirming very peremptorily , that our saviour christ , as man , was never a temporal king upon earth ; nor ever had any such temporal authority , or government , as doth appertain unto kings and soveraign princes . " we will set down some words of one that is of especial authority amongst them ; not because we intend to ground any thing upon them , but for that they are true , and may perhaps be of more force than ours are like to be with some kind of people ; the rectifying of whose hearts in the truth we tender as much as we do our own . " christ ( saith he ) did not take kingdoms from them whose they were ; for christ came not to destroy those things that were well setled , but to make them better . therefore when a king is become a christian , he doth not lose his earthly kingdom , but procureth a new interest to a kingdom that is eternal . otherwise the benefit of christ should be hurtful to kings , and grace should destroy nature . and again ; christ , as he was man , whilst he lived upon the earth , neither did , nor would receive any temporal dominion . and again , i say , that christ was always , as the son of god , a king and lord of all creatures , in such sort as his father is : but this eternal and divine kingdom doth not abollish the dominions of men. again ; i affirm not ( saith he ) that christ , as he was man , could not , though he would , and had thought it expedient for him , have received regal authority : but yet i say , that he would not , and therefore that he did not receive , nor had , not only the execution of any lordship or regality , but neither the authority or power of any temporal kingdom . again , christ , as he was man , had no temporal kingdom , neither by inheritance nor by election , nor by conquest , nor by any special gift of god : and therefore he concludeth , that christ had no temporal kingdom at all ; because every such kingdom is gotten by one of the said four means . again , saith he , christ never used , in this world , any regal power : he came to minister , and not to be ministred unto ; to be judged , and not to judge . and again ; regal authority was neither necessary nor profitable to christ ; but plainly idle and unprofitable . for the end of his coming into the world , was the redemption of mankind : but to this end temporal power was not necessary , but only spiritual . lastly , all the places of scripture almost , ( saith he ) where is a treaty of the kingdom of christ , ought necessarily to be understood of his spiritual and eternal kingdom : and therefore it cannot be deduced out of the scriptures , that christ had any temporal kingdom . " so as , in this man's judgment , neither st. peter , for his time , nor since , any of his successours , did ever receive any temporal kingdoms from christ , ( he himself being never possest of any , as he was man ) either to retain , in their own hands , or to commit the execution of them , as in their right , to other kings and temporal monarchs . but to omit the further prosecution of this loyolist's said positions , delivered truly in this point , more at large , and proved by sundry arguments in his book , quoted by us : because he is a man ( though he be a cardinal , and of great estimation with his own society ) whose credit seemeth to decay , especially with the said canonists , and others of that like crew . for if the rest shall hereafter proceed with him , as one of them hath already done ( by perverting the whole drift of his disputation , in that behalf , very childishly and grosly ) he will be driven , e'er it be long , to range himself in the troops of some , who are falsly supposed hereticks ; in that the said grave canonist is so couragious , as he dareth to adventure the pronouncing of a curse , of the greatest nature , against him , by name , even anathema sit , and therefore we will clear our hands of him , and drawing to an end , in this matter , leave the conclusion of it unto christ himself ; who knew his own estate , when he lived here in the world , as well as any canonist , either by birth of padua , naples , or rome , or of any other city or countrey whatsoever . it is true that our saviour christ , as soon as he was born , was a spiritual king , not only over the jews , but also over all nations . and therefore , when at the time of his arraignment , before pilate , though in scorn the jews termed him king , and that indeed he could not truly have denied it ; yet he did not equivocate therein , but confessed unto them , what manner of king he was . for pilate saying unto him , art thou the king of the jews ? and telling him that the jews and high-priests had delivered him into his hands ; jesus answered thus , my kingdom is not of this world : if my kingdom were of this world , my servants would surely fight , that i should not be delivered to the jews : but now is my kingdom not from hence . as if he should have said , i am no temporal king , nor have any temporal kingdom , in this world : for if i had , my subjects ( no doubt ) would never have suffered me to come to this distress : or if it had been my hap , so to have been dishonoured , as now i am ; they would ( out of all doubt ) have fought on my behalf , as all dutiful subjects are bound to do , when the persons of their sovereigns shall be in any danger . but my kingdom is of another nature : it is no temporal kingdom ; either of this world , ( that is , such a kingdom , as those who are temporal kings do possess ) or from hence , that is , my kingdom requireth no worldly assistance ; the world hath given me no subjects , neither have i any worldly estate or possessions ; so as it might be affirmed truly , either of me or of my kingdom , that either for the dignity of my person , or the strengthning of my government , i have any thing hence , that is , from the world. can. ii. and therefore if any man shall affirm , under colour of any thing , that is in the scriptures , either that the jews did not erre , in conceiving that their messiah , when he came into the world , should as a temporal monarch , reign amongst them ; or that the apostles themselves were not somewhat tainted with such like imaginations ; or , that christ's answers to his said apostles , did not sufficiently shew unto them , that he came not into the world , to erect for himself a temporal kingdom , and that therefore they were not to expect from him such worldly preferments , as they had dreamed of ; or that the son of god , in that he was made man , did by his blessed nativity deprive all the civil magistrates , in the world , of that power and authority , which he had formerly given unto them , as he was god ; or that christ , as he was man , was , by his birth , made a temporal king over all the world ; or that all temporal princes , and sovereign kings , were thenceforth bound to hold their several countries , aud kingdoms no more under christ , as he was god ; but as being man , he was become a temporal monarch over all nations ; or that the emperour tiberius , who then reigned , did govern the empire for the space of above fifteen years , without any lawful authority , until our saviour christ willed the jews to give unto caesar those things that are caesar's ; or that christ having willingly undertaken , for our sakes , the fulfilling of all the law , ( and consequently of the fifth commandment ) did not hold it to be a part of his office to obey the emperour , upon whom he had , as he was god , bestowed such lawful authority , as did appertain unto his government ; or that either christ's fact , in paying of tribute , or his words , in willing the jews to give unto caesar those things that were caesar's , did then import that neither obedience , tribute , custom , nor any other duty of subjection , did , until that time , belong to the emperour , as being thitherto , by christ's birth , deprived of all his regal authority ; or that it is not a great impiety , in any political respect whatsoever , for any man , to maintain , when christ saith , his kingdom is not of this world , that it was a worldly and temporal kingdom ; or when christ saith , his kingdom was not from hence , that it was , notwithstanding , as a worldly kingdom , from hence , as having all other kings and princes here in the world , as vassals , in that respect , and subject unto it ; he doth greatly erre . cap. iv. the sum of the chapter following . that our saviour christ in working our salvation , whilst he lived upon the earth , conformed himself wholly , and his obedience unto the ecclesiastical government , and laws of the church then in force ; inveighed not with any bitterness against the high-priests , though they were his enemies , and in many points faulty ; but had ever a great respect of them , in regard of their authority ; made no new laws when he expounded the old ; erected no particular congregations , or churches apart from the congregations and particular churches of the jews ; but did together with his apostles and disciples , join with the church of the jews in their publick worship and service of god ; omitting no one circumstance , ceremony , or duty , undertaken voluntarily by him , which he did not very throughly perform , even with the loss of his life . as our saviour christ , whilst he lived in the world , did no way disturb the civil state , but upon every fit occasion did submit himself unto it : so may it be truly said of him concerning the state ecclesiastical , formerly by god himself established , and remaining still among the jews ( though in a very corrupt manner ) that he did in every thing , thereunto by the law of god appertaining , conform himself unto it , while it lasted : i say , while it lasted ; because upon his death there was a great alteration . according to the ecclesiastical laws , then ( whilst he lived ) in force , he was first circumcised , and so made himself subject to the fullfilling of the whole law. then ( as the law did likewise require ) he was brought by his mother to jerusalem , to be presented to the lord , and to have an oblation ( suitable to their poor estate ) of a pair of turtle-doves , or two pigeons , offered to god with the price of redemption for him , in that he was a manchild , and the first-born . there were no kind of solemn feasts appointed by the law , which he honoured not with his presence according to the law : nay he was pleased to be present at the feast of the dedication of the temple , which was instituted by judas maccabaeus , and his brethren : as well to teach all posterity , by his example , what godly magistrates may ordain in such kind of causes ; as also how things so ordain'd , ought to be observed . and as he was circumcised , so did he celebrate and observe the chief feasts of the passover : omitting nothing , which either on the behalf of the jews , or for our sakes , he had undertaken to perform . and although the priests in those days were very far out of square , and that our saviour christ had very just cause in that respect to have reprov'd them sharply , as other prophets had often dealt with their predecessors : yet he did so much regard them , by reason of their authority , unless he should otherwise have seem'd to have contemned both them and it ; as he did rather choose to let them understand their offences by parables , than by any rough reprehension : still upholding them in their credits and authority , as by the law of god in that behalf it was provided . when amongst many other his wonderful great miracles , he had healed certain lepers , he bad them go show themselves to their priests ; because they were appointed judges by the law to discern the curing of that disease , before the parties ( though indeed healed of it ) might intermingle themselves with the rest of the people ; and did further require them to offer for their cleansing those things , which moses had commanded in testimonium illis ; that is , that so the said priests might plainly see , both that he was a keeper of the law , and also , that he had healed them , and so be driven to repent them of their incredulity , or at the least prevented thereby from slandering either him , as a breaker of the law , or that which he had done for them , as if he had not throughly healed them . neither is it any way repugnant hereunto , that when our saviour christ found chopping and changing , by buying and selling in the temple , he made a scourge of small cords , and drave them thence with the sheep , oxen , doves , and money-bags ; forbidding them to make his fathers house an house of merchandise . for he did not thereby , in any sort , prejudice the authority of the priests ( who should chiefly have prevented such gross abuses , and traffick in the temple ) as if he had done the same , either as a chief priest , or a temporal king ( according to some mens fond imaginations ) by any pontifical , or regal authority : but his fact therein ( howsoever it might shew the negligence of the said priests ) did only proceed from his divine zeal , as he was a prophet , and could not endure such an abominable profanation of god's house : many prophets before him having done matters very lawfully of greater moment , through the like divine and extraordinary zeal in them , without any impeachment of any power , either regal or pontifical . howbeit , that our saviour christ was oftentimes very vehement against the scribes and pharisees , it is plain and manifest , when joining them both together , he termed them serpents ; the generation of vipers , and denounceth against them in one chapter eight woes , concluding thus , how should you escape the damnation of hell ? the reason , that these curses and hard censures were jointly laid upon them , was because they themselves were joined together in all kinds of impiety and malice against christ ; and were neither of them , especially the pharisees , any plants of god's plantation . for whilst not only the high-priests were still in faction and fury one against another , as well for the getting , as the keeping that high preferment ; and that many of the inferiour priests were either siding amongst themselves for one party or other , or else more idle and negligent in discharging of their duties than they ought to have been ; these two sects thrust themselves into the church , and through their hypocrisy so prevail'd with the people in short time , as the priests afterward either could not , or would not be rid of them : because on the one side they thought it in vain to strive with them , they were so backed ; and on the other side they found them so diligent in discharging of those duties , which did appertain to themselves , and withal so careful to uphold the state and authority of the priesthood . " by means whereof they grew very shortly into so great estimation , that ( as one writeth of the pharisees ) whatsoever did appertain to publick and solemn prayers , and to the worship of god , it was done according to their interpretations , and as they prescribed . " and the scribes being likewise doctors , and expounders of the law , and concurring still with the interpretations , and prescriptions of the pharisees , came not by that policy in their credits and reputation had of them , far short behind them . the distinction between them may well be exprest by comparing the pharisees unto the divines amongst our adversaries , who take upon them to search out more throughly the mysteries of the scriptures ; and the scribes to their canonists , who in respect of their said divines , are but novices in god's word , and applauders to the pope's decrees , as the scribes were , being compar'd to the pharisees , in that they held it for a principal part of their office , to uphold and maintain , as much as they could , the traditions of the pharisees , and did only take upon them to deal with the bark and literal sense of moses's law , leaving the more profound knowledge and mystical interpretation of them unto the said pharisees . but the issue of the labours of both these hypocritical sects was such , as being blinded with their own devices , they became to be the speciallest enemies that christ found upon the earth , and opposed themselves most against him . and yet notwithstanding , because he found them in so great authority , and perceived how the knowledge of the law , which ought to have been received from the lips of the priests , did then depend upon the lips of the scribes and pharisees , he did neither blame them for it , nor impugn the said authority . insomuch as the multitude being many ways factious , and ( though very ignorant ) were become great questionists , touching the points of the law ; he referred them , with a very good caution , to the scribes and pharisees , to be instructed by them , saying , the scribes and pharisees sit in moses's seat : all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe and do , that observe and do ; but after their works do not , for they say , and do not . whereby it appeareth , how respectful our saviour christ was for the free passage and observation of moses's law ; in that he was content that the scribes and pharisees ( notwithstanding he knew their hypocrisie and corruption , and how they had come by that authority , which they then enjoyed ) should yet instruct the people under them ; so as the people did beware of their wicked conversation , and approved no resolutions , that they might receive from them , which were not first proved unto them out of the laws of moses , and were fit to proceed from his seat. touching which last point of moses's law , and how nothing ought to have been taught out of moses's seat , but that , which moses , by the direction of the holy ghost , had prescribed ; for as much as our saviour christ did well see , and understand how the scribes and pharisees , had , by their false interpretations and glosses , perverted and corrupted the true sense and meaning of divers of moses's laws , he was greatly moved therewith , and did take great pains to refute the said false glosses and interpretations , and to restore to the laws mention'd their true sense and original meaning . wherein , although by his strict exposition of those laws he might seem ( to some not well advis'd ) to have so extended and enlarged the meaning of them , as if he had thereby prescribed some new points or laws of greater perfection than were originally contain'd in the true meaning of the old ; yet we cannot find , how either the said points may otherwise be termed new , than as gold first purified and fined , after it hath either in time grown rusty , or been by false mixtures cunningly corrupted , may be called new gold , when it is again purged from the said false mixtures and refin'd ; or how the observation of them can bring with it to men any greater perfection in the new testament , than god himself did expect of his servants in the old testament , by their observing of the said laws ( so expounded by christ ) in their ancient sense and meaning , which they first had , when by his appointment moses did give them unto them . for if in proper speech he had made any new laws , coming only to fullfil the old , as himself in a true sense affirmed , the jews might have had some good colour to have blamed him ; in that , during the continuance of their ecclesiastical government , if any new laws had been then to have been made touching the worship of god , the authority in that behalf was limited by god himself unto their own church-governours . again , considering that the son of god in taking our nature upon him , did so make himself of no reputation , as being ( of his own goodness towards mankind ) a servant to his father , he became ( to do his will ) obedient unto the death , even the death of the cross ; it cannot well be imagined by any , that have any true understanding of the scriptures , that the son of god , having so debased himself ( as is aforesaid ) did ever think in that his so admirable humiliation , of any rules , or new laws of greater perfection than he had before required and prescribed unto his true servants and children , as he was god in majesty and glory , without any such exinanition , as the apostle speaketh of . the obedience and duty which almighty god ever did , or ever will require of his servants , was , and is always to proceed , as well from their hearts , as from any other external actions . insomuch , as if it fell out ( as it may at sometimes ) that they cannot perform their said duties , in respect of some impediments that will hold them from christ : in that case , be it riches , they are to leave them ; their eyes , their hands , or their feet , they are to cut them off ; nay be it their blood , their hearts , and lives , they are rather , than to forsake their god , and his christ , to yield them all in this world , with what ignominy soever , to the end they may receive them again with glory in the kingdom of heaven : than which great obedience and perfection , what can be imagin'd greater ? or who is there in the world , that truly professeth religion , who in that case is exempted from it ? certainly , we think , none , of what estate and condition soever they be ; but do rather hold , that as they , who shall yield up their lives under pretence of any extraordinary perfection ( saving in the case above-expressed ) are far from that which they make shew of , but are rather to be accounted desperate ; so are they , in our judgments , to be reckoned men of very extraordinary humours , and most ignorant persons , if not such counterfeit hypocrites , as were the scribes and pharisees in professing extraordinary austerity of life , that they might be the better esteem'd amongst men , who shall without any necessity , either pull out their eyes , or cut off their feet and hands , or forsake their riches and worldly estates , as blessings of god not compatible , but repugnant to that perfection which god doth require at any man's hands . it is not our purpose to prosecute all those particulars mention'd in the evangelists , wherein our saviour christ shew'd his obedience : there being in effect nothing that he did , which was not either figur'd in the law , or foretold by the prophets , that he should perform . the time of his incarnation , with the manner of it ; his entertainment in the world ; his diligence in preaching ; his whipping , blows , and scorns offer'd unto him ; the wounds of his hands , feet and side ; the beginning and progress of his spiritual kingdom ; the seveal duties appertaining to him , as he was a prophet , and likewise as he was our high-priest , the institution of baptism , and of christ's last supper ; his righteousness and mercy ; his death , with the manner of it ; his resurrection and ascension , with a number of other points ; they were all foreseen , figur'd , and described by the holy ghost in the scriptures ; and were accordingly , with admirable patience , humility , obedience , courage , zeal and alacrity executed , undergone , and accomplished by him in such manner and sort , with the observation of all necessary circumstances , and by such degrees , as from the beginning were limited and thought fit for so great a work . for all things could not be done together by him , and at once . although after his baptism he preached most diligently , wrought strange wonders , and did chuse , to assist him , his twelve apostles , and seventy disciples , who did likewise preach , baptize , and wrought miracles in his name : yet neither he , nor they did collect any particular church or churches , apart from the synagogues of the jews ; but held society and communion with them , in all things , that did belong to the outward service and worship of god : because , until his passion , as well the ceremonies of the law , as the aaronical priesthood , together with the authority , thereunto appertaining , were all of them in force ; and therefore it was not lawful , whilst the old church did stand , to have erected a new. moreover it is not to be doubted , but that as before christ's incarnation there were many faithful and godly persons , that believed in christ , to come , and by that their faith were saved : so there were many such believers , after his incarnation , who were likewise the children of god , though they were ignorant ( for a time ) that christ , when he was come , was the messiah , whom they expected : none of the jews so believing , being in state of damnation , until after they had seen christ , heard him preach , been present at his miracles , or at the least had received full instruction of them all from his apostles and disciples , they did notwithstanding reject him . in which respect , the true believers amongst the jews , in those days , might not well have been distinguished into several , and different congregations or particular churches , without many great and apparent inconveniencies , but this point is yet plainer , in that the jews , who believed , at that time , that christ , whom they saw , and heard , was the true messiah ; were , notwithstanding , subject to the obedience of those ceremonial and levitical laws , which did concern them every one in his calling , which doth appear by the examples of christ himself and his apostles : who , although they were baptized , did not sever themselves from the manner of worshipping of god in those times . insomuch as first they did celebrate together the feast of the passover , before our saviour christ made them partakers of his last supper . neither is it to be questioned , but that many , who did believe in christ , ( their and our saviour ) then amongst them , had new born children , before his passion , which were as well circumcised as baptized . for then , as circumcision was not repugnant to baptism , no more was baptism any impediment to circumcision , being both of them so united together , and qualified , as they could not well be sever'd , during the continuance of the levitical law , and priesthood . we grant , that upon our saviour christ's birth , and further proceedings in the execution of his office , not only the jewish ceremonies , but in like sort their priesthood began both of them to shake , and did , after a sort , draw near to their end : but until our saviour christ said upon the cross , it is finished , and that the vail was rent in twain , from the top to the bottom , they neither of them had utterly lost their levitical natures , power and authority , and therefore it must be held , that although , by the preaching of our saviour and of his apostles , many mens hearts were drawn to believe that christ was the messiah , whom they expected , and that they were thereby made actually partakers of many of those mercies , which , by figures , and sacrifices had been formerly set out unto them ; as also , that in regard thereof , they might be termed , in a right , good sense , the beginning of a new church : yet did they , neither in respect of their faith and baptism , make any separation , but were only the better part of the old church : nor might they , in regard of either of them , have lawfully exempted themselves from the government of it . which is further manifest by the words of our saviour christ himself , when he saith thus ; if thy brother trespass against thee , go , and tell him his fault between thee and him alone . if he hear thee , thou hast won thy brother . but if he hear thee not , take yet with thee one or two , that , by the mouth of two or three witnesses , every word may be confirmed . but if he will not vouchsafe to hear them , tell it unto the church . for by the church , in this place , the ecclesiastical courts establish'd amongst the jews , at that time , must ( as we think ) be understood , there being then no other courts , of that nature , amongst them , which had any authority to punish any such obstinate persons , as christ there speaketh of . so as our saviour christ did here refer the parties , offended by some of their brethren , to the said ecclesiastical courts ; in the same respect and sense , and no otherwise , then he sent the lepers ( whom he had healed ) to the priests , according to the law ; or when he referred the multitude to the seribes and pharisees , to be instructed by them , because they sate in moses's chair . besides whatsoever is spoken by the evangelists , of the church that should he built upon a rock so strongly , as that the gates of hell should not be able to prevail against it ; or of the power and authority to bind and loose , by censures , or otherwise : that is no way to be applied to the said church or sanhedrim , mentioned by st. matthew , or to any particular assembly of christians , either before the passion of christ , or afterwards ; but was only spoken and delivered , by way of prophecy , of the catholick church , which , after the resurrection and ascension of our saviour christ , should be established in the world , in a more conspicuous and universal sort , than formerly it had been . and yet we do not deny , but that christ , in the said words , tell the church , meaning the jews courts , or sanhedrims , might very well insinuate , in that he called not those courts by their own names , but termed them the church , that , in such cases as there are by him mentioned , the christians , in time to come , should accordingly repair unto their ecclesiastical courts , to be established among them throughout the christian world , for reformation of offenders , and satisfaction in points of religion ; as the jews of all sorts ( whether believers or not ) were bound , until the death of christ , to repair to their priests and sanhedrims , if either they meant to be truly instructed in the laws , or to have such manner of offences lawfully punished by those kind of censures , that christ , in the said place , speaketh of . but what should we insist so much upon this point , to prove that all the jews , that either believed in christ , or did reject him , were bound ( before the passion of our saviour christ ) to be obedient to the ecclesiastical governours , established , by god himself , in that visible church : considering how careful our saviour christ was , upon every occasion offered , for the preservation of their authority , whilst it was to endure , and with what humility he did submit himself unto it ? for being sent for by them , he was content , at that time , to go unto them , and to be examined by them ; when he had found them many ways before to be his mortal enemies : and knew how at that present , they were plotting to take away his life , by corrupting of judas to betray him into their hands , and by suborning of false witnesses to accuse him : as also , how , after they had examined him , they would use him most despitefully and scornfully , spit in his face , and buffet him , beat him with rods , carry him bound as a malefactour , and deliver him to pilate the civil magistrate ; likewise how they themselves would be his accusers ; how they would practise with the people to prefer barabbas's liberty ( being a murtherer ) before his , and to cry out with them , to pilate , let him be crucified , let him be crucified ; crucify him , crucify him ; their outrage and fury being so bent against him , as that they themselves would have put him to death , if by the laws of the romans ( whereunto they were then subject ) they might have been permitted so to have done . can. iii. and therefore if any man shall affirm , under colour of any thing that is in the scriptures ; either that our saviour christ whilst he lived upon the earth , was not obedient to the state ecclesiastical , as he was to the temporal : or , that all christians by his example , are not bound to be as well obedient to their church-governours , as they are to their civil magistrates : or , that christian kings have not now as full authority to appoint some festival days of publick thanksgiving to god , in remembrance of some great and extraordinary mercies of his , shew'd unto them upon those days , as judas maccabaeus had to ordain the feast of the dedication of the temple to be yearly celebrated : or that , where any such festival days are appointed , the subjects of every such king , ought not by christ's example , in celebrating the said feast , to observe and keep them : or , that all the true members of the church are not taught by christ's example , in his observing of the ceremonial law , being then in force , that they likewise are bound to observe all such constitutions and ceremonies , as for order and decency , are with all due cautions established in any particular church , by the chief governours of it , until it shall please them the said governours , to abrogate them : or , that all christians are not bound by christ's example , to refrain all bitterness of calumniation and detraction , and to deal temperately and mildly with their ecclesiastical governours , in respect of their authority , that it be not brought into contempt , though they find some imperfections , either in their persons , or in their proceedings ; as he our said blessed saviour , in the same respect , dealt with the priests of the jews , though they had many ways transgressed , and were his mortal enemies : or , that christ , by whipping buyers and sellers out of the temple , did either impeach the authority of the priests , or practise therein any pontifical or temporal power , as if he had been a temporal king , or did the same by any other authority , than as he was a prophet : or , that christians are not now as strongly bound in doubts of religion , to repair unto the chief ministers and ecclesiastical governours , although they are not always tied to do as they do ; as were the jews in such like cases bound to repair to them , that sate in moses's seat : or , that every true christian , when for the said cause he repaireth to the chief ministers , and governours of the church , to be resolv'd by them , is any further now bound to depend upon such their resolutions , than they are able to shew them unto him out of the word of god ; or than the jews were bound to believe the scribes and pharisees , though they sat in moses's chair when they taught them any thing which was not agreeable to that which moses had commanded : or , that christ's example in condemning the false interpretations and glosses of the scribes and pharisees , and in restoring to the law the true sense and original meaning of it , hath not ever since warranted learned and godly men , when they found the scriptures perverted by those that govern the church , of purpose to make their own gain thereof , and to maintain their great vsurpations , to free the same by searching the said scriptures from all such false interpretations and glosses , and to make plain ( as much as in them did lie ) the true sense and meaning of them : or , that our saviour christ , when he purged divers parts of the law from the gross and erroneous expositions of the scribes and pharisees , did give any other sense and meaning of them ; or infer upon it any new rules of greater perfection , either as he was man , or as he was a prophet , than they had , and contained originally , when he first gave them to the israelites , as he was god : or , that it is not an erroneous and fond conceit , like unto that of the sectaries among the jews ( especially of the pharisees ) for any sort of persons , ( no way able to perform their duties to god , in such manner and sort as they ought ) once so much as to imagine , that by the observation of their own rules , they are able to attain to greater perfection , than by the observation of god's rules : or , that it is not as vain and fond an imagination as the former , for any christian man to think , that the enjoying of such possessions and riches as god hath blessed him with , is repugnant to that perfection which god hath required at his hands ; or that the same are otherwise incompatible with the said perfection , than in such cases only , when either they must leave their worldly estates , or christ their saviour : or , that our saviour christ , by laying of some grounds for the future estate of the church after his passion , did thereby erect any new churches apart from that church which was to continue until his death : or , that the example of christ and his apostles , in holding society and communion with the jews , in the outward worship and service of god , doth not condemn all such sectaries as do separate themselves from the churches of christ , whereof they were once members ; the same being true churches by lawful authority established , under pretence of they know not what new christianity : or , that there ought not to be now amongst christians , ecclesiastical courts for ecclesiastical causes , as well as there were such courts amongst the jews for such kind of causes : or , that all christians are not now bound to repair , as well to ecclesiastical courts and governours , for reformation of such offences , as are of ecclesiastical counusance , as the jews were bound to repair to their sanhedrims , to have those evils redressed that were to be reform'd by those courts : or , that as many as do profess themselves to be true imitators of christ in their lives and conversation , are not bound to such obedience unto their princes and rulers , how evil-disposed soever they be , yea though they seek their lives ) as christ shewed and performed , both to the ecclesiastical and temporal state of the iews , at what time he knew they were plotting his death ; he doth greatly erre . cap. v. the sum of the chapter following . that our saviour christ , after his resurrection and ascension , did not alter the form of temporal government , establisht by himself long before his incarnation : and that therefore emperours , kings , and soveraign princes , though they were then infidels , were nevertheless to be obey'd by the subjects , as formerly from the beginning they had been . it hath been before observ'd by us , that our saviour christ , whilst he lived in the world , was no temporal king , nor had any temporal dominion , court , possessions , regal state , dukes , earls , lords , or any other subjects , as other temporal kings had , to obey and serve him . but perhaps after his resurrection , it was for otherwise with him . indeed so it was ; for whereas the son of god , god himself , equal to the father , by being made man , did cease to put in practice the glory and majesty of his deity in his humane nature , otherwise than by doing such miracles as he thought necessary for the conversion of those who were to believe in him : now after his resurrection and ascension , the state of his humane nature was become ( as it may well be said ) much more glorious ; because his divine nature did communicate unto his humane nature . so many divine dignities and operations of his deity ( in respect of the hypostatical union betwixt them ) as the same was capable of , without turning of his divine nature into his humane nature : it being always to be understood , that the said hypostatical and real union , notwithstanding there was never any confusion betwixt the two natures of christ ; both of them always retaining their distinct and essential proprieties . which ground observ'd , we may truly say , that the attributes are admirable , which in regard of the said union are and may be ascribed unto our saviour christ , as he is man ; especially after his resurrection and ascension . for some short proof hereof these following places may suffice . before our saviour christ commanded his apostles to go and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost ; he told them , ( lest they should have doubted whether he had any authority to make them so large a commission ) that all power was given him in heaven , and in earth . he also was before ( as the holy ghost testifieth of him ) made heir of all things , and so had a true interest in them ; and after his resurrection , had the full possession of them . we see jesus ( saith the apostle ) crown'd with glory and honour . and again , when god raised up jesus from the dead , he set him at his right hand , in heavenly places , far above all principality and power , and might and domination , and every name that is named not in this world only , but in that also which is to come ; and hath made all things subject under his feet . and again , the kingdoms of this world are our lord's and his christ's . and again , the lamb is lord of lords , and king of kings . and to conclude , he hath upon his garment , and upon his thigh , a name written , the king of kings , and lord of lords . howbeit , all that we have hitherto said notwithstanding , though all the world doth actually appertain to our saviour christ ( now in glory ) as he is man , in respect of the said unition , or hypostatical union : yet did he not alter , after his resurrection and ascension , the manner of temporal government , which he had ordained throughout the world before his incarnation , as he was god ( his humane nature being invested by the power of his divinity in manner before exprest with all his said glory , and authority : ) but doth still continue the sole monarch over all ; distributing that his universal kingdom , as formerly he had done , into divers principalities and kingdoms , and appointing temporal kings and soveraign princes , as his substitutes and vicegerents to rule them all by the rules and laws of nature , if they be ethnicks , or if christians , then not only by those rules , but also as well by the equity of the judicial laws , which he gave to the jews , as by the doctrine of the gospel , more throughly opened and delivered with all the parts of it , by himself and his apostles , than in former times it had been . of christian kings , we shall have fitter place to speak hereafter . now we will prosecute this point , concerning the regal authority of princes that are infidels , and consider more particularly , whether they did not , and so consequently do not still , as lawfully enjoy their kingdoms and legal soveraignties under our saviour christ , after his resurrection and ascension , as they did before , either of them ; and likewise as they did before his incarnation ; according to that which we have delivered in the former chapter . and the especial reason that moveth us so to do , is the audacious temerity of the before-named ignorant canonists , and of their adherents , the new sectaries of the oratory congregation : who , with the like ignorance and folly that they told us , how all kings lost their interest and authority over their kingdoms , by the birth of our saviour christ , do furthermore endeavour very wickedly and sottishly to pervert such especial places in the apostles writings , as are , most aparently , repugnant to their said fancy , or rather phrenzy . to make their dealing with one place apparent , is sufficient for our purpose . whereas st. paul , writing to the romans , willeth them to be subject to the higher powers , or teacheth them ( as a late absurd canonist abridgeth the place ) obediendum esse principibus , that princes are to be obey●d : he speaketh not ( saith he ) de ethnicis , as that place is corruptly alledged , sed quatenus de illis intellexit , that is , in such a sense as he meant it . and what the apostle meant , he is not ashamed to tell us in this sort , saying , ( . ) the apostle speaketh of the roman empire , which christ had approved , when he bad the jews pay tribute to caesar , ( . ) the text doth expound it self , for he writeth to christians ; whom he counselleth to be obedient to princes , lest they should sin ; for princes are not to be feared for good works , but for evil : therefore he doth not simply command obedience to ethnick princes , &c. ( . ) the like manner of writing , st. paul used in exhorting servants to honour their lords , etiam infideles , though they were infidels , for the reasons by him there mentioned . ( . ) by those monitions ( meaning the said commandments of the apostle , concerning obedience of subjects to their princes , and of servants to their masters ) just dominion is not founded in the persons of ethnicks , ( nam paulus , qui hec dicit , non erat summus pontifex ; for paul , who said so , was not the chief bishop , &c. ) ( . ) furthermore , in that time of the primitive church , the church could not , de facto , punish infidels , and transfer their kingdoms , &c. thus far this audacious and unlearned canonist : the very citation of whose words , we hold sufficient to refute them ; although he alledgeth for himself to support them very grave authors ; the distinctions ( forsooth ) the gloss , hostiensis , & praepositus : adding that some other canonists do concur with him . only we will oppose against him and all his fellows ( to shew their follies by a proof of this nature ) the testimony of the pope's chief champion , the only jesuit without comparison ( now a principal cardinal ) who maintaineth in express terms , " that infidel princes are true and supream princes of their kingdoms : and writeth thus against the said assertion of the canonist directly : saying , god doth approve the kingdoms of the gentiles in both the testaments . " thou art king of kings , and the god of heaven hath given thee thy kingdom and empire , &c. restore those things unto caesar that are caesar's . note , that he saith not give , but restore those things that are caesar's ; that is , those things which in right are owing unto him . and give unto all men that which is due unto them ; tribute to whom you owe tribute ; and custom to whom you owe custom . et jubet ibidem etiam propter conscientiam obedire principibus ethnicis : at certè non tenemur in conscientiâ obedire illi , qui non est verus princeps : " that is , and we are commanded in the same place , even for conscience , to obey princes that are ethnicks : but assuredly we are not bound in conscience to obey him who is no true , lawful , or right prince . " hitherto the cardinal . we would not have cited this man's testimony thus at large , were not all , that he hath said therein , throughly supported by all the learned men ( as we suppose ) of his society ; and sufficient to refel the vanity of the canonists , and their fellows in that folly . for if we should insist herein upon the authority of men , all the ancient fathers do fully concur with us : that through the whole course of the scriptures , obedience was , and is as well prescribed in the old testament to ethnick princes , as unto the kings of judah : and so likewise in the new testament , as well to infidel princes as christian : the precepts of the apostles in that behalf being general , and so to be applied , as well to the one sort as to the other ; in that they hold their kingdoms of christ equally ( as is aforesaid ) and therefore ought to be equally obeyed by their subjects , with that general caution which was ever understood , viz. in those things which they commanded them , and were not repugnant to the commandments of god. and therefore the judgments of the ancient fathers , being in this sort only remember'd by us , we will not much insist upon them ; but give that honour which is due ( especially in a matter so apparent ) unto the sole authority of the holy apostles ; who writing by the direction of the holy ghost , those things which christ himself before had taught them , do give unto all christians and subjects , to what manner of kings soever , these precepts following . " let every soul be subject to the higher powers ; for there is no power but of god : for the powers that be , are ordained of god. whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god ; and they that resist , shall receive to themselves judgment . for princes are not to be feared for good works , but for evil . wilt thou then be without fear ? do well : so shalt thou have praise of the same : for he is the minister of god for thy wealth . but if thou do evil , fear ; for he beareth not the sword for nought : for he is the minister of god to take vengeance of him that doth evil . wherefore ye must be subject , not because of wrath only , but also for conscience sake . for this cause ye pay also tribute : for they are god's ministers , applying themselves for the same thing . " in which words of the apostle , in saying , that princes have their power from god , and that he is god's minister ; there is no repugnancy to that which we have abovesaid , concerning the great honour and dignity of the humanity of our saviour christ , after his resurrection and ascension ; to prove that kings do hold their kingdoms under christ , as he is man , the lamb of god , and heir of all the world. for we were very careful to have it still remembred , that all the said power and dignity which he hath , as he is man , doth proceed from his divinity : and likewise , that by reason of the real union of the two natures in our saviour christ , that which doth properly belong to the one nature , may very truly be affirmed of the other . so as it may , in that respect , be very well said , and truly ; that all kings and princes receive their authority from christ , as he is man ; and likewise , that they receive their authority from christ , as he is god : and that they are the ministers of christ , being man ; and the ministers of god , without any limitation . but it is plain , that the said words of the apostle do very throughly refute the vanity mentioned of the canonists , and their new companions : in that by the said words it appeareth very manifestly , that kings do not otherwise hold their kingdoms of the humanity of christ , than they did before of his divine nature . they have their authority ( saith the apostle ) from god ; and they are god's ministers . and there is nothing written , either by st. paul , or by any other of the apostles , which swerveth in any point from this doctrine , where they write of the obedience due unto all kings and soveraign princes : whose testimonies in that behalf , we are , as we promised , a little further to pursue . " i exhort , saith st. paul , that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks , be made for all men ; for kings , and for all that are in authority : that we may lead a quiet and a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . and again . put them ( that is both old and young , and all sorts of persons that are purged to be a peculiar people unto christ ) in remembrance , that they be subject to the principalities and powers ; and that they be obedient and ready to every good work . also st. peter saith to the same effect ▪ submit your selves unto all manner of ordinance of man for the lord's sake ; whether it be unto the king , as unto the superiour ; or unto governours , as unto them that are sent of him for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well . for so is the will of god ; that by well doing , ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men as free , and not as having the liberty for a cloak of maliciousness ; but as the servants of god. " honour all men ; love brotherly fellowship ; fear god ; honour the king. and the same apostle , describing the nature of false teachers , which in times to come would thrust themselves into the church , and by feigned words , make a merchandise of their followers ; amongst other impieties , he noteth them with these , " that commonly they are despisers of government , presumptuous persons , and such as stand in their own conceits ; men , that fear not to speak evil of them that are in dignity : but as brute beasts , led with sensuality , and made to be taken and destroyed , speak evil of those things which they know not . " and with st. peter in this point , the apostle st. jude doth concur : where speaking of those who in future times should be makers of sects , " he termeth them mockers , and men that had not the spirit of god. and speaking also of such like wicked persons as were crept into the church in the apostles days ; he saith , they did despise government , and speak evil of them that were in authority . " in all which places thus by us noted , concerning as well the dignity and authority of sovereign kings and princes , as the fear , duty and obedience , which all their subjects were truly and sincerely , without murmuring or repining , to yield and perform unto them , though they were then ethnicks : when we consider the manner of their delivery of that evangelical doctrine , and their grounds thereof ; as also how vehemently they have written against all such persons , as either did then , or should afterward , oppose themselves unto it , by despising of civil magistrates , speaking evil of them , or in any other sort whatsoever ; we are fully perswaded , that they neither commanded , taught , or writ any thing therein , but what they knew to be the will of god , and did accordingly believe to be true ; for we hold it resolutely , that whatsoever the apostles did either write , teach , or command , they writ , taught , and commanded it , as they were inspired and directed by the holy ghost : because when our saviour christ was to leave the world , he promised to send unto them the holy ghost , the comforter and spirit of truth ; which should lead them , not into any by-ways , or shifting conceits , but into the direct and plain paths of all truths : and did very shortly after perform that his promise , when upon the day of pentecost they were all filled with the holy ghost , as st. luke witnesseth . besides , the apostle st. paul himself doth profess , both in his own name , and in the behalf of the rest of the apostles , his fellows , that their master being the truth it self , after he had so mercifully and liberally perform'd his said promise unto them , they did not deal with the word of god , as vintners , regraters or merchants do with their mixed wines and adulterated wares ; that is , mingle it with any untruths or superstitious conceits , or vent it out otherwise than the truth did therein warrant them ; or did apply it with fraud , either to serve their own , or any other mens designments ; or deliver'd it with any such inward reservations , and mental evasions , as when they did most seem to their hearers to speak one thing directly , they had such another meaning , as when time should serve they might make use of . but whatsoever they said , they spake it sincerely , sicut ex deo , as god did guide them by the holy ghost ; coram deo , as in the sight of god ; unto whom one day they were to give an account of their said sincerity ; & in christo , as their blessed saviour himself had preached , taught them , and had commanded them . can. iv. therefore if any man shall affirm , under colour of any thing that is in the scriptures , either that the deity of our saviour christ , doth not since his resurrection and ascension , otherwise execute the majesty and glory thereof in his humanity , than it did before his passion : or , that christ now in glory , is not actually the heir of all things , as he is man so highly exalted , and both king of kings , and lord of lords : or , that he now sitting at the right hand of god , in glory and majesty , as he is man , hath made an alteration in the manner of temporal government , ordain'd by himself long before , as he is god : or , that now all the kingdoms in the world , being but one kingdom in respect of himself , he doth not allow the distributing of that his one vniversal kingdom , into divers principalities and kingdoms , to be ruled by so many kings , and absolute princes under him : or , that such kings and sovereign governours , as were ethnicks , were deprived by christ's ascension into heaven , and most glorious estate there ; from the true interest and lawful possession of the kingdoms , which before they enjoyed : or , that the ancient fathers were deceived , in holding and maintaining , that all christians in the primitive church were bound to obey such kings and princes as were then pagans : or , that the subjects of all the temporal princes in the world , were not as much bound in st. paul's time to be subject unto them , as the romans were to be subject to the empire , not only for fear , but even for conscience sake : or , that st. paul's commandment ( by virtue of his apostleship , and assistance of the holy ghost ) of obedience to princes , then ethnicks , is not of as great force to bind the conscience of all true christians , as if he had been then summus pontifex : or , that any pope now hath power to dispense with the said doctrine of st. paul , as the said canonist , by us quoted , doth seem to affirm ; where after he hath said , that the apostle st. paul , commanding all men to be obedient to superiour powers , was not the highest bishop , he addeth these words , papa major est administratione paulo ; & papa dispensat contra apostolum in his , quae non concernunt articulos fidei : the pope is greater in authority than paul ; the pope doth dispense against the apostle in those things that do not concern the articles of faith : or , that the primitive church was not as well restrain'd de jure by the doctrine of christ's apostles , as de facto , from bearing arms against such princes as were then ethnicks , and transferring of their kingdoms from them unto any others : or , that st. peter himself ( who our adversaries would make the world believe , was then the highest bishop ) concurring with the apostle st. paul , when he commanded the christians in those days to submit themselves unto the king , as unto the superiour , ( they both of them were assured , commanding therein , as they were inspired by the holy ghost ) did leave this doctrine , so jointly taught , to be dispensed with afterward by any pope , his vicar ; led by what spirit is easy to be discern'd , being so far different from the holy ghost , which spake ( as is aforesaid ) by the said apostles : or , that it is not a most wicked and detestable assertion for any man to affirm , that the apostles in commanding such obedience to the ethnick princes then , did not truly mean as their plain words do import , but had some mental reservations , whereby the same might be alter'd , as occasion should serve : or , that the apostles at that time , if they had found the christians of sufficient force , for number , provision , and furniture of warlike engines , to have deposed those pagan princes , that were then both enemies and persecutors of all that believed in christ ▪ would ( no doubt ) have moved and authorized them to have made war against such their princes , and absolved them from performing any longer that obedience , which they ( as men temporizing ) had in their writings prescribed unto them : or , that when afterward christians were grown able for number and strength , to have opposed themselves by force against their emperours , being wicked , and persecutors ; they might lawfully so have done , for any thing that is in the new testament to the contrary : or , that these , and such like expositions of the meaning of the holy apostles , when they writ so plainly and directly , are not very impious and blasphemous ; as tending not only to the utter discredit of them and their writings , but likewise to the indelible stain and dishonour of the whole scriptures , in that they were written by no other persons of any greater authority than were the apostles , nor by the inspiration and direction of any other spirit ; he doth greatly erre . cap. vi. the sum of the chapter following . that our saviour christ after his resurrection and ascension did not in effect alter the form of ecclesiastical government amongst the jews ; the essential parts of the priesthood under the law ( otherwise than as the said priesthood was typical , and had the execution of levitical ceremonies annexed unto it ) being instituted and appointed by god to continue , not for a time , but until the end of the world. we have deduced , in our former book , the joint descent of the state , as well ecclesiastical as temporal , from the beginning of the world unto the incarnation of our saviour christ . since whose birth , seeing we have found no alteration in the temporal government of the world , either while christ lived here upon the earth , or during the time of his apostles ; assuredly we shall not find that the alteration , which , upon christ's death , fell out in the church , was so great , as some have imagined . for as our saviour christ according unto his divine nature having created all the world , was the sole monarch of it , and did govern the same visibly by kings , and soveraign princes , his vicegerents upon earth ; so he in the same divine nature being the son of god , and foreseeing the fall of man , and how thereby all his posterity should become the children of wrath , did of his infinite mercy , undertake to be their redeemer ; and presently after the transgression of adam & eve , put that his office in practice : whereby , as he was agnus occisus ab origine mundi , he not only began the erection of that one church , selected people , and society of believers , which eversince hath been , and so shall continue his blessed spouse for ever ; but also took upon him thenceforward and for ever to be the sole head and monarch of it , ruling and governing the same visibly by such priests and ministers under him , as in his heavenly wisdom he thought fit to appoint , and as we have more at large expressed in our said former book : especially , when he settled amongst the jews a more exact and eminent form of ecclesiastical government , than before that time he had done . in the which his so exact a form , he first did separate the civil government from the ecclesiastical , as they were both jointly exercised by one person , restraining the priesthood , for a time , unto the tribe of levi , and the civil government unto temporal princes , and shortly after , more particularly , unto the tribe of judah . concerning the priesthood thus limited , we need to say little ; because the order and subordination of it is so plainly set down in the scriptures . aaron and his sons after him , by succession , had the first place , and were appointed to exercise the office of highpriests ; and under their soveraign princes and temporal governours , ( as we have shewed in our said first book , cap. . ) did bear the chief sway in matters appertaining to god. next unto aaron there were . priests of an inferiour degree , that were termed principes sacerdotum , that governed the third sort of priests , allotted unto their several charges : and this third sort also had the rest of the levites at their direction . in like manner these levites neither wanted their chief rulers to order them , according as the said third sort of priests did command ( which rulers were termed principes levitarum , in number . ) nor their assistants the gabionites , otherwise called nethinaei , to help them in the execution of their baser offices . of this notable form of ecclesiastical government , it may be truly said in our judgments , that the same being of god's own framing , it is to be esteem'd the best and most perfect form of church-government , that ever was , or can be devised : and that form also is best to be approved and upheld , which doth most resemble it , and cometh nearest unto it . we said upon a fit occasion , that by the death of our saviour christ , the church-government then amongst the jews , was greatly altered : and therefore do think it very convenient in this place more fully therein to set down our meaning . it is very true , that before the death of christ , the outward service of god did much consist in figures , shadows , and sacrifices ; the levitical priesthood itself ( as it was to aaron and his stock , and in some other respects ) being only a type of our high priest , jesus christ . but afterward , when by his passion upon the cross he had fulfilled all , that was signified by the said figures , shadows , and sacrifices ; and had likewise not only abolished them , but freed the tribe of levi , of the charge of the priesthood , and removed the high priesthood ( as it was typical ) from the said priestly tribe , unto the regal tribe of judah ; the same being now setled in himself , our only high priest , according to the order , not of aaron , but of melchizedech : he hath by that his translation of the priesthood , freed his church from the ceremonial law , which contained in it little but patterns , shadows , and figures of that one sacrifice offer'd by him upon the cross , which doth sanctifie all the faithful , and purge their consciences from dead works to serve the living god. nevertheless in this so great an alteration , although all the said figures , shadows , sacrifices , and whatsoever else was typical in the true worship of god , and priesthood of aaron , were truly fulfilled , and had their several accomplishments according to the natures of them . yet we are further to understand , that as from the beginning there was a church , so there was ever a ministry ; the essential parts of whose office ( howsoever otherwise it was burdened with ceremonies ) did consist in these three duties ; viz. ( . ) preaching of the word . ( . ) administration of sacraments : and ( . ) authority of ecclesiastical government : and that none of all the said figures , shadows , and sacrifices , or any other ceremony of the levitical law had any such relation to any of the said three essential parts of the ministry , as if either they the said three essential parts of the ministry had only been ordain'd for their continuance until the coming of christ ; or that the accomplishment or fulfilling of the said ceremonies had in any sort prejudiced or impeached the continuance of them , or any of them . so as the said three essential parts of the ministry were in no sort abolished by the death of christ ; but only translated from the priesthood under the law to the ministry of the new testament : where , in the judgment of all learned men , opposite in divers points one to another , they do or ought for ever to remain to the same end and purpose for the which they were first ordain'd . now concerning the two first essential parts of this our ministry , or priesthood of the new testament , there are no difficulties worthy the insisting upon , how they are to be used . only the third essential part of it , as touching the power of ecclesiastical regiment , is very much controverted , and diversly expounded , extended , and applied . for some men , relying upon one extremity , do affirm , that it was in the apostles time radically inherent only in st. peter ; and so , by a certain consequence , afterwards in his supposed vicar the bishop of rome , to be derived from st. peter first to the rest of the apostles and other ministers , while he lived , and then after his death , in a fit proportion to all bishops , pastors , and ministers to the end of the world from the bishops of rome : and that st. peter during his time , and every one of his vicars , the bishops of rome successively , then did , and still do occupy and enjoy the like power and authority over all the churches in the world , that aaron had in the church established amongst the jews . there are also another sort of persons , that run as far to another extremity , and do challenge the said power and authority of ecclesiastical regiment to appertain to a new form of church-government by presbyteries , to be placed in every particular parish : which presbyteries ( as divers of them say ) are so many compleat and perfect churches ; no one of them having any dependency upon any other church : so as the pastor in every such presbytery , representing after a sort aaron the high priest ; there would be by this project ( if it were admitted ) as many aarons in every christian kingdom , as there are particular parishes . and the authors of both these so different , and extream conceits , are all of them most resolute and peremptory , that they are able to deduce and prove them out of the form of church-government , which was established by god himself in the old testament . howbeit , notwithstanding all their vaunts and shews of learning , by perverting the scriptures , councils , and ancient fathers ; the mean betwixt both the said extreams is the truth , and to be embraced : viz. that the administration of the said power of ecclesiastical regiment under christian kings and supream magistrates , doth especially belong , by the institution of christ and of his apostles , unto arch-bishops and bishops : this mean bearing the true pourtraicture , and infallible lineaments of god's own ordinance above-mentioned ; and containing in it divers degrees of priests , agreeable to the very order and light of nature ; some superiour to rule , and some inferiour to be ruled , as in all other societies and civil states it hath been ever accustomed . so as we are bold to say , and are able to justify it , that as our saviour christ , as he is god , had formerly ordain'd in his national church amongst the jews , priests and levites of an inferiour order , to teach them in every city and synagogue ; and over them priests of a superiour degree , termed principes sacerdotum ; and lastly , above them all , one aaron with moses , to rule and direct them : so he , no ways purposing by his passion more to abrogate or prejudice this form of church-government ordain'd by himself , than he did thereby the temporal government of kings and sovereign princes ; did by the direction of the holy ghost , and ministry of his apostles , ordain in the new testament , that there should be in every national church , some ministers of an inferiour degree , to instruct his people in every particular parochial church or congregation ; and over them bishops of a superiour degree , to have a care and inspection over many such parochial churches or congregations ; for the better ordering , as well of the ministers as of the people within the limits of their jurisdiction : and lastly , above them all archbishops , and in some especial places patriarchs ; who were first themselves , with the advice of some other bishops , and when kings and sovereign princes became christians , then with their especial aid and assistance , to oversee and direct , for the better peace and government of every such national church , all the bishops , and the rest of the particular churches therein established . and for some proof hereof , we will conclude this chapter with the testimony of one of no mean account and desert : who ( when archbishops and bishops did most obstinately oppose themselves , as being the pope's vassals , to the reformation of the church ) was the principal deviser of the said presbyteries ( though not in such a manner as some have since with too much bitterness urged ) whereof , out of all question , he would never have dream'd , if the said bishops had not been so obstinate , as they were , for the maintenance of such idolatry and superstition , as were no longer to be tolerated . " that every province had amongst their bishops one archbishop ; that also in the nicene council , patriarchs were appointed , who were in order and degree above archbishops ; that did appertain to the preservation of discipline . " and a little after , speaking of the said form of government so framed , although he shewed some dislike of the word hierarchia ; yet , saith he , si , omisso vocabulo , rem intueamur , reperiemus veteres episcopos non aliam regendae ecclesiae formam voluisse fingere , ab eâ , quam dominus verbo suo praescripsit . can. v. and therefore if any man shall affirm , under colour of any thing that is in the scriptures , either that our saviour christ was not the head of the church from the beginning of it : or , that all the particular churches in the world are otherwise to be termed one church , than as he himself is the head of it ; and as all the particular kingdoms in the world are called but one kingdom , as he is the only king and monarch of it : or , that our saviour christ hath not appointed under him several ecclesiastical governours , to rule and direct the said particular churches ; as he hath appointed several kings and sovereign princes , to rule and govern their several kingdoms : or , that by his death he did not abolish the ceremonial law , and the levitical priesthood , so far forth as it was typical , and had the execution of the said ceremonial law annexed unto it : or , that he did any more abrogate by his death , passion , resurrection and ascension , the power and authority of church-government ; than either he did the other two essential parts of the said priesthood or ministry , or the power and authority of kings and sovereign princes : or , that he did more appoint any one chief bishop to rule all the particular churches , which should be planted throughout all kingdoms , than he did appoint any one king to rule and govern all the particular kingdoms in the world : or , that it was more reasonable or necessary ( as hereafter it shall be further shewed ) to have one bishop to govern all the churches in the world , than it was to have one king to govern all the kingdoms in the world : or , that it was more necessary or convenient , to have every parish , with their presbyteries , absolute churches , independent upon any but christ himself ; than that every such parish should be an absolute temporal kingdom , independent of any earthly king , or sovereign magistrate : or , that the government of every national church under christian kings , and sovereign princes , by archbishops and bishops , is not more suitable and correspondent to the government of the national church of the jews , under their soveraign princes and kings , than is either the government of one over all the churches of the world , or the setling of the form of that national church-government in every particular church ; he doth greatly erre . cap. vii . the sum of the chapter following . that the form of church-government , which was ordained by christ in the new testament , did consist upon divers degrees of ministers , one above another ; apostles in preeminence and authority superiour to the evangelists ; and the evangelists superiour to pastors and doctours : and that the apostles knowing themselves to be mortal , did , in their own days ( by the direction of the holy ghost ) as the numbers of christians grew , establish the said form of government in other persons ; appointing several ministers in sundry cities , and over them bishops ; as also over such bishops certain worthy persons such as titus was , who were afterward termed arch-bishops ; to whom they did commit so much of their apostolical authority , as they held then necessary , and was to be continued for the government of the church . we had in our former book the scriptures at large , containing the histories and doctrine both of the law and the gospel , after the manner that was then prescribed , from the time of the creation until the days of the prophet malachy ; that is , for above . years : whereupon we did ground the particular points by us therein handled , concerning the government as well ecclesiastical as temporal . and for the supply of the other years following till the incarnation of our saviour christ , we observed some things to the same purpose out of the apocryphal books , second to the scriptures , and to be preferr'd before all other writers of those times . but now forasmuch as the new testament is but , in effect , a more ample declaration the old ; shewing withal , how the same was most throughly fulfilled by our saviour christ ( without the impeachment of any kind of government , by himself ordain'd , as before we have exprest ) and because the books of the evangelists and apostles do only contain the acts and doctrine of our saviour christ and his apostles , with the form and use both of the temporal and ecclesiastical government , during the time whilst they lived here upon the earth ; ( st. john , who lived the longest of them all , dying about sixty six years after christ's passion : ) although the holy ghost did judge the said books and writings sufficient for the church and all that profess christianity , to teach and direct them in those things which should appertain either to their temporal or ecclesiastical government , or should be necessary unto their salvation : yet for the said reasons , we were induced , for the upholding of the temporal and ecclesiastical government in the new testament , to insist so much as we have done upon the precedents and platforms of both those kinds of governments established in the old testament ; albeit we want no sufficient testimonies in the new to ratify and confirm as well the one as the other . first , therefore we do verily think , that if our saviour christ or his apostles had meant to have erected in the churches amongst the gentiles any other form of ecclesiastical government than god himself had set up amongst the jew : they would have done it assuredly in very solemn manner , that all the world might have taken publick notice of it : considering with what majesty and authority the said form was erected at god's commandment by his servant moses . but in that they well knew how the form of the old ecclesiastical government , in substance , was still to continue and to be , in time , establish'd in every national kingdom and soveraign principality amongst christians , as soon as they should become for number sufficient bodies and ample churches to receive the same ; as before the like opportunity it was not established amongst the israelites : they did in the mean while , and as the time did serve them , attempt the erecting of it in such sort , and by such fit and convenient degrees , as by the direction of the holy ghost , they held it most expedient , without intermission , till such time as the work was ( in effect ) accomplished . it hath been before touched , how our saviour christ here upon earth , did not only chuse to himself , for the business he had in hand , twelve apostles , who were then design'd , in time to come , to be the patriarchs and chief fathers of all christians , with some resemblance ( as it hath been ever held ) of the twelve sons of jacob , who had been in their days the patriarchs and chief fathers of all the israelites : but likewise he took unto him ( over and besides his said apostles , , or as some read disciples , to be in the same manner his assistants , in imitation of moses , when he chose . elders to be helpers unto him , for the better government of the people committed to his charge . none of these , either apostles or disciples , had then any other duties committed to them , but only of preaching and baptizing : for the power of ecclesiastical regiment they might not then intermeddle with , because it did appertain to the priests , and courts of the jews . but afterward that want , and some other defects in them , were throughly supplied , when our saviour christ upon his resurrection , and a little before his ascension , enlarging their commission , did commit unto his apostles the administration of the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; and shortly after furnished , not only them , but the said disciples also ( according to their several functions ) most abundantly with all such gifts , and heavenly graces , as were necessary for them in those great affairs which were imposed upon them . whereby we find already two compleat degrees of ecclesiastical ministers , ordained by christ himself immediately ; viz. his . apostles , and his . disciples ; the one in dignity and authority above the other , the disciples in that respect being termed secondary apostles ; and were the same ( as 't is most probably held ) who were afterward called evangelists . we will not intermeddle with the prophets in those times , of whom the scriptures make mention ; because divers of them were no ministers of the word and sacraments , of whom only we have here taken upon us to intreat ; leaving in like manner the said . disciples , or evangelists , as before they had been assistants unto christ , so now to be directed by his apostles . touching whose blessed calling it is to be observed , that the end of it was not , that they should only for their own times , by preaching the word , administring the sacraments , and likewise by their authority of ecclesiastical regiment , draw many to the embracing of the gospel , and afterward to rule and order them , as that they might not easily be drawn again from it : but were in like sort to provide for a succession in their ministry , of fit persons , sufficiently authorized by them , to undertake that charge , and as well to yield some further assistance unto them , whilst they themselves lived , as afterward ; also , both to continue the same , in their own persons , unto their lives end ; and in like manner to ordain , by the authority of the apostles , given unto them , other ministers to succeed themselves : that so the said apostolical authority , being derived in that sort from one to another , there might never be any want of pastors and teachers , for the work of the ministry , and for the edification of the body of christ , unto the end of the world. this being the duty of the said apostles , and that it may be evident what it was , which they did communicate unto the ministry ; it is to be observed , that some things in the apostles were essential and perpetual , and was the substance of their ministry , containing the three essential parts before mentioned , of preaching , administring the sacraments , and of ecclesiastical government ; and that some were but personal and temporary , granted unto them for the better strengthning and approving of the said ministry with all the parts of it ; there being then many difficulties and impediments , which did many ways hinder the first preaching and plantation of the gospel . in the number of the said personal or temporary gifts or prerogatives , these may be accounted the chief . ( . ) that they were called immediately by chirst himself , to lay the foundation of christian faith among the gentiles . ( . ) that their commission to that purpose was not limited to any place or country . ( . ) that they had power , through imposition of their hands , to give the holy ghost by visible signs . ( . ) that they were directed in the performance of their office by the especial inspiration of the holy ghost : and lastly , that their doctrine which they deliver'd in writing , was to be a canon and rule to all churches for ever . all which personal prerogatives , although they did then appertain , and were then adherent to the essence of the apostolick function , and were necessary , at the first , for the establishing of the gospel ; yet it is plain , that they did not contain in them any of the said essential parts of the ministry , and likewise that they could not be communicated by the apostles unto any others . so as either the apostles , for the propagation and continuance of the eccelesiastical ministry , did communicate to others the said three essential parts of it , viz. power to preach , to administer the sacraments , and authority of government : wherein must be degrees , some to direct , and some to be directed , or else they died all with them , which were a very wicked and an idle conceit ; the apostles having power to communicate them all alike , as by their proceedings it will appear . at the first , they themselves with the evangelists , and so many of the prophets as were ministers of the word and sacraments , after they had converted many to the faith ; did execute in their own persons , agreeably to their several callings , all those ecclesiastical functions , as were afterward of necessity , and in due time to be distinguished , and setled in some others . whereby it came to pass , that the church in jerusalem , during that time , had no other deacons , priests , nor bishops , but the apostles , the evangelists , and the said prophets . but afterwards the harvest growing great , as to disburthen themselves of some charge , they ordained deacons ; so their own company , apostles , disciples , or evangelists , and prophets , coming short of that number of labourers which the said harvest required ; they did for their future aid , chuse unto themselves , by the inspiration of the holy ghost , certain other new disciples and scholars , such as they found meet for that work ; and after some good experience had of them , made them by the imposition of their hands , priests and ministers of the gospel ; but did not for a time tie them to any particular places , as having design'd them to be their fellow-labourers , and coadjutors . these men the apostles had commonly in their company , and did not employ their pains and diligent preaching for the speedier propagation of the gospel , ( which was their first and most principal care ) but likewise did use to send them hither and thither ( their occasions so requiring ) to the churches already planted , as their messengers and legates , sufficiently authorized for the dispatching of such affairs as were committed unto them . of this number were timothy , titus , marcus , epaphroditus , sylvanus , andronicus , and divers others ; who in respect of such their apostolical employments , and because also the apostles did oftentimes commend them greatly , and join'd their names with their own in the beginnings of sundry their epistles to divers churches , were men of great reputation and authority amongst all christians in those days , and had the name it self of apostles given unto them , as formerly it hath been observ'd of the . disciples . and these were the persons , who were afterward , when they were tied to the oversight of divers particular churches or congregations , termed bishops , as it will afterward appear . now because these apostolical persons were still to attend upon the apostles , and their designments , as is above mentioned ; and for that the number of christians every where did still encrease , the apostles held it necessary to ordain , by imposition of their hands , a second degree of ministers , who were thereupon still to remain in the particular churches or congregations , that were already planted in divers cities ( for in those populous places churches were first setled ) whilst the apostles , evangelists , and prophets , that were ministers , with their coadjutors , were travelling from place to place , as the holy ghost did direct them , to plant and order other churches in other cities elsewhere , as god should bless their labours . the office of this second degree of ministers was by preaching and administring the sacraments , to confirm and encrease , to their utmost ability , the number of christians in those cities , where they kept their residence ; and likewise in the absence of the apostles , by their common and joint counsel , to advise and direct every particular congregation , and member of it , as well as they could , when any difficulties did occur . besides , it appertained unto them by preaching of the gospel , and of the law , and upon conference with such as were penitent , to bind and loose mens sins , and to keep back from receiving the holy communion , such as were notorious and obstinate offenders , until either willingly by their perswasion , or afterwards by the apostles further chastisements , they were brought to repentance . only they wanted power and authority of ordination to make ministers , and of the apostolical keys to excommunicate . for the apostles had reserv'd in their own hands those two prerogatives , and were themselves ( during those first times , now spoken of by us ) not so far from the said cities , churches , and ministers , but that they well might , and did throughly supply all their wants whatsoever , and also set an order in all matters of difficulty , when they fell out amongst them , concerning either doctrine or discipline , sometimes themselves in their own persons , and sometimes by their letters , or messengers , as the importance of those causes did require . in these times it may well be granted , that there was no need of any other bishops but the apostles , and likewise , that then their churches , or particular congregations in every city , were advised and directed touching points of religion , in manner and form aforesaid , by the common and joint advice of their priests or ministers . in which respect , the same persons who then were named priests or ministers , were also in a general sense called bishops . howbeit this course dured not long , either concerning their said common direction , or their names of bishops so attributed unto them ; but was shortly after order'd far otherwise , by a common decree of the apostles , to be observ'd in all such cities where particular churches were planted , or ( as one speaketh ) in toto orbe , throughout the world. for the number of christians growing daily in every city throughout those provinces and countries , where the apostles , evangelists , prophets , with their coadjutors , first travelled to plant the christian faith ; it was still more and more necessary , that they should be distinguished into more congregations than they were before , and that also the number of their said ministers that were to be resident amongst them , should be accordingly encreased . by reason of which encrease , as well of christians and particular congregations , as of their said ministers ; as also for that now it began to come to pass , that neither the apostles , nor the evangelists , nor their coadjutors and messengers could be always so ready , and at hand , or present with them , as before they had been ; many questions , dissentions , and quarrels , fell out amongst them ( both ministers and particular congregations mentioned ) as by the places quoted in the margent it is evident ; the people being as apt , through affection and private respects , to adhere to one man more than to another , as sundry of their ministers then were prompt for their own glory to entertain all comers , and to embrace every occasion that might procure them many followers ; not sparing to oppose themselves in their pride against the very apostles , and to charge them with ambitious seeking of preheminence above their brethren ministers ; as if they had meant to tyrannize and domineer over all churches . insomuch as st. john complain'd in his time of such insolencies : and st. paul was driven to purge himself ; but yet in such sort , as he stood upon the justification of his apostolical authority ; i grant , saith he , that they are ministers of christ ; but withal he addeth these words , i am more ; protesting , that although he was more than they were , yet he sought to have no dominion over the faith of any . the places quoted in the margent deserve due consideration , and many other to the same purpose might be added unto them . now forasmuch as the apostles did well understand the said oppositions , dissentions , and emulations ; and that the people had as well experience , what equality wrought amongst their ministers in every place , whilst each man would be a director as he list himself , and accordingly broach his own fancies without controulment , or sparing of any that stood in his way ; as also how themselves ( the people ) were distracted and led to the embracing of divers sects and schisms : they ( the said apostles ) having now no such leisure and opportunity , as that they could themselves every where appease these quarrels , did find it necessary to settle another course for the redress of them by others . for whereas before , the apostles held it convenient , when they first planted ministers in every city , to detain still in their own hand the power of ordination , and the authority of the keys of ecclesiastical government ( because they themselves , for that time , with the evangelists and others their coadjutors , were sufficient to oversee and rule them : ) now for the reasons above-mentioned they did commit those their said two prerogatives , containing in them all episcopal power and authority , unto such of their said coadjutors , as upon sufficient tryal of their abilities and diligence , they knew to be meet men ; both , whilst they themselves lived , to be their substitutes , and after their deaths to be their succcessors , both for the continuance of the work of christ , for the further building of his church , and likewise for the perpetual government of it . and in this manner , the ministers of the word and sacraments , who had the charge but of one particular church or congregation , and were of an inferiour degree , were distinguished from the first and superiour sort of ministers , termed ( most of them ) before , the apostles coadjutors ; and now and from thenceforth called bishops . unto which sort of worthy and selected coadjutors , and unto some others also of especial desert so advanced to the titles and offices of bishops , the apostles did commit the charge and oversight of all the particular congregations , ministers and christian people that dwelt in one city , and in the towns and villages thereunto appertaining . and such were the angels of the seven churches in asia , who were then the bishops of those cities , with their several territories ; and so in all times and ages that since have succeeded , have ever been reputed . and unto some others the most principal and chief men of the said number , the apostles did likewise give authority , not only over the particular congregations , ministers and people in one city , and in the towns that did belong unto it ; but likewise over all the churches in certain whole provinces and countries , as unto timothy all that were in asia the less , and unto titus all that were planted throughout the island of crete . and this sort of bishops who had so large jurisdictions over the bishops themselves in particular cities , were afterward called archbishops : over whom , in like manner , as likewise over all the rest , bishops and ministers , and particular churches , the apostles themselves as the chief fathers and patriarchs of all churches , had whilst they lived , the chief preheminence and oversight to direct and over-rule all , as they knew it to be most convenient and behoofull for the church : communicating notwithstanding unto the said bishops and archbishops ( now their substitutes , but in time to be their successors ) as full authority in their absence ( with the limitations mention'd ) for the ordering of ministers , for the use of the keys , and for the further government of all the churches committed to their charges , by the good advice and counsel of the inferiour sort of priests , or ministers under them , when causes so required ; as if they ( the apostles themselves ) had been present , or could have always lived to have performed those duties in their own persons ; their patriarchal authority for government not ceasing , or dying with them . of this authority of ordination and government , given to bishops by the holy apostle st. paul , he himself hath left to all posterity most clear and evident testimonies ; where writing to two of his said bishops , timothy and titus , he describeth very particularly the essential parts of their duties , and episcopal office , in manner and sort following . " for this cause i left thee at crete , that thou shouldst continue to redress the things that remain ; and shouldst ordain priests or elders in every city , as i appointed thee . lay hands hastily on no man ; neither be partaker of other mens sins . let them first be proved , then let them minister , if they be found blameless . against a presbyter or priest , receive no accusation but under two or three witnesses . them that sin rebuke openly , that the rest may fear . i pray thee to abide at ephesus , to command some , that they teach no strange doctrine , neither that they give heed to fables and genealogies which are endless , and do breed questions rather than godly edification , which is by faith. they would be doctors of the law ; and yet understand not what they speak , neither whereof they affirm . there are many disobedient and vain talkers and deceivers of minds ; whose mouths must be stopped ; which subvert whole houses , teaching things which they ought not , for filthy lucre's sake . stay foolish questions and contentions ; reject him that is an heretick after one or two warnings . these things speak and exhort , and rebuke with all authority : see that no man despise thee . what things thou hast heard of me , the same deliver to faithful men , which shall be able to teach others also . put them in remembrance , and protest before the lord , that they strive not about words , which is to no profit , but to the perverting of the hearers . stay profane and vain bablings ; for they shall encrease unto more ungodliness . put away all foolish and unlearned questions ; knowing that they engender strife . i charge thee before god , and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels , that thou observe these things , without preferring one to another ; and do nothing partially . " divers other particulars might be hereunto added , were it not that these are sufficient for our purpose , to show as well what power was given to the said timothy and titus ( two apostolical bishops newly designed unto their episcopal functions ) as also what authority the apostle himself had , whilst he lived , both of prescribing rules unto them , and also of exacting the due observation of them : he retaining still in his own hands , as full power and ample jurisdiction over them , as they the said bishops had received from him over the rest of the ministry , within their several charges . and thus we see , how by degrees the apostles did settle the government of the church amongst the gentiles converted to christ , most suitable and agreeing with the platform ordain'd by god himself amongst the jews . ministers are placed in particular congregations , as priests or levites were in their synagogues . four and twenty priests termed principes sacerdotum , had in that kingdom the charge over the rest of the priests : and amongst christians , one sort of priests named bishops or arch-bishops ( as their jurisdictions were extended ) had the oversight of the rest of the ministry or priesthood . lastly , as over all the priests , of what sort soever , and over the rest of all the jews , aaron had the chief preeminence ; so had the apostles over all the bishops and priests , and over the rest of all christians . there was only this want to the full accomplishment of such a church-government , as was settled amongst the jews , that during the apostles times , and for a long season afterward , it wanted christian magistrates to supply the rooms of moses , king david , king solomon , and of the rest of their worthy successors . there is no mention in the scriptures of the particular success that the rest of the apostles had in planting of churches throughout all africa and asia the great , and a great part of europe : but we doubt not , but that they followed that same course in those parts nearer , or better known to us ; they proceeding within their limits , as st. paul did within his . and moreover , we have sufficient warrant by the said practice of our apostles to judge , that if all the kings , and soveraign princes of the world would have received the gospel whilst the apostles lived , they would have setled this platform of church-government under them in every such kingdom , and sovereign principality : that as the three essential parts of the priesthood under the law , were translated to the ministry or priesthood in the new testament ; so the external shew or practice of them , might have been in effect the same under christian princes that it was under the godly kings and princes of judah : christians of particular congregations to be directed by their immediate pastors ; pastors to be ruled by their bishops ; bishops to be advised by their archbishops ; and the archbishops , with all the rest , both of the clergy and laity , to be ruled and governed by their godly kings and sovereign princes . can. vi. and therefore if any man shall affirm , under colour of any thing that is in the scriptures , either that the platform of church-government in the new testament , may not lawfully be deduced from that form of church-government , which was in the old : or , that because the apostles did not once for all , and at one time , but by degrees , erect such a like form of ecclesiastical government , as was amongst the jews , therefore it is not to be supposed , that they meant at all to erect it : or , that their expectation of fit opportunity to establish that kind of government in the churches of the gentiles , being converted to christ , hath any more force to discredit it , than had the want of it for many years amongst the jews to blemish the dignity of it , when it was there established : or , that the apostles had no further authority of church-government committed unto them , after the resurrection and ascension of christ , than they had before his passion : or , that there was not as great necessity of sundry degrees in the ministry , whilst the apostles lived , one to rule , another to be ruled , for the establishing and government of the church , as there was whilst the priesthood of aaron endured : or , that christ himself did not , after a sort , approve of divers degrees of ministers , some to have preheminence over others , in that having chosen to himself twelve apostles , he did also elect . disciples , who were neither superiour nor equal to the apostles , and were therefore their inferiours : or , that he did not very expresly , after his ascension appoint divers orders and degrees of ministers , who had power and preheminence one over another ; apostles over the prophets and evangelists , and the evangelists over pastors and doctors : or , that the authority of preaching , of administration of the sacraments , and of ecclesiastical government , given to the apostles , was not to be communicated by the apostles unto others , as there should be good opportunity in that behalf : or , that because there were some personal prerogatives belonging to the apostles , which they could not communicate unto others , therefore they had not power to communicate to some ministers , as well their authority of government over other ministers , as their authority to preach and administer the sacraments : or , that in the authority of government so to be communicated unto others by the apostles , there are not included certain degrees to be in the ministry , some to rule , and some to be ruled : or , that it was not lawful for the apostles to choose unto themselves coadjutors , and to make them ministers of the word and sacraments , though they tied them for a space to no certain place , more than they themselves , and the evangelists , were limited or tied ; but kept them in their own company , as if they had been ( in a manner ) their fellows , and employ'd them in apostolical embassages , as there were occasions : or , that the apostles might not lawfully ordain a second order of ministers , by imposition of their hands , to preach and administer the sacraments , and to tie them to particular churches and congregations , there to execute those their duties : or , that the ministers of that second degree and order , so tied unto their particular charges , had any power committed unto them , either at all to make ministers , or to pronounce the sentence of excommunication against any of their congregation , but by the direction of the apostles , when they had given the sentence , during all the time that the apostles kept in their own hands the said two points of ecclesiastical authority : or , that it was not expedient for the apostles to retain in their own hands , the power and authority of ecclesiastical government for a time , and whilst they were able to execute the same in their own persons , or by their coadjutors , as they should direct them ; and not to communicate the same , either to any their said coadjutors , or other persons of the ministry , until they themselves had good experience and tryal of them ; and that the particular churches also in every city , found the want of such men , so authorized , to reside amongst them : or , that when the said ministers , placed in divers particular churches in sundry cities , fell at variance amongst themselves ; which of them should be most prevalent amongst the people , and drew their followers into divers sects and schisms ; it was not high time for the apostles ( seeing by reason of their great affairs and business otherwise , they could not attend those particular brawls and inconveniencies ) to appoint some worthy persons in every city , to have the rule , government , and direction of them : or , that when such men were to be placed in such cities , the apostles did not make especial choice of them , out of the number of their said coadjutors , and likewise out of the rest of the ministry , to execute those episcopal duties , which did appertain to their callings : or , that when they had so design'd and chosen them to be bishops , they did not communicate unto them , as well their apostolical authority of ordaining of ministers , and power of the keys , as of preaching and administring the sacraments : or , that it was not the meaning of the apostle st. paul , that such persons , as timothy and titus were , ought to be made bishops in such cities and countries as were that province of ephesus , and kingdom of crete , to have the like authority and power given them in their several cities , with their suburbs , diocess , or province , that was committed to timothy and titus , for the ruling of those ministers and churches under them : or , that the authority given by the apostle st. paul , or by any other of the apostles to timothy and titus , and such like other bishops or archbishops , did any more diminish the power and authority which the apostles had in their own hands , before they appointed any such bishops and archbishops , to rule and govern them all ; than their giving power and authority of preaching and administring the sacraments , did impeach their own authority so to do ; he doth greatly erre . cap. viii . the sum of the chapter following . that the churches and godly fathers , that were immediately after the apostles times , and all the ancient fathers since , did account the form of church-government , established by the apostles ( of priests and ministers for more particular charges ; of bishops superiour to the said priests ; and of arch-bishops to have the care and oversight of the said bishops and churches committed unto them ) not to have been ordain'd for their times only , but to be continued to the end of the world ; the same reasons exacting the continuance of it , which moved the apostles ( by the direction of the holy ghost ) first to erect it . we have pursued the form of ecclesiastical government , so far forth as it is expressed in the scriptures , and as it was put in practice during the apostles times . for the further proof whereof , we have thought it expedient briefly to observe , what the primitive church , ancient fathers , and the ecclesiastical histories , have in their writings testified , and said of this matter : as whether they held , that timothy and titus were bishops in the apostles times , and had authority over the churches and ministry committed to their charge : and whether that form of church-government in the apostles times , wherein were divers degrees of ministers , one sort to direct and rule , viz. bishops , and the other to be directed and ruled , was only necessary for the first plantation of the churches , but not so afterward , when the churches were planted ; as if it had been a lawful form of government , whilst the apostles lived , but upon their deaths , it became presently to be unlawful . it is very apparent and cannot be denied , that in many greek copies of the new testament , timothy and titus are termed bishops in the directions or subscriptions of two epistles , which st. paul did write unto them . these are the words of the said directions : the second epistle written from rome unto timotheus , the first bishop elected of the church of ephesus , and again , to titus elect the first bishop of the cretians , written from nicopolis in macedonia . moreover , agreeable to the said subscriptions , the ancient fathers generally , having ( no doubt ) upon their due searching the scriptures fully considered of the form of ecclesiastical government , whilst the apostles lived , do with one consent , whensoever they expound the epistles of st. paul to timothy and titus , or have occasion to speak of the authority of those two persons , very resolutely affirm , that they were by the apostles made bishops . and the same also , they do testifie of st. james the apostle himself , called the lord's brother ; that he was made by the rest of the apostles , his colleagues , bishop of hierusalem : and so also of the seven angels of the churches in asia , that they were so many bishops of the apostles ordination . besides , the said ancient fathers did very well know that when st. paul said to timothy , i charge thee in the sight of god , and before jesus christ , that thou keep this commandment without spot , and unrebukable , until the appearing of our lord jesus christ ; that it was impossible for timothy to observe those things till the coming of christ , he being to die long before : and that therefore the precepts and rules which st. paul had given unto him , to observe in his episcopal government , did equally appertain as well to bishops , his successors , as to himself , and were to be executed by them successively after his death unto the worlds end , as carefully and diligently as he himself , whilst he lived , had put them in practice . one of the said fathers doth write as followeth : " with great vigilancy and providence , doth the apostle give precepts to the ruler of the church : for in his person doth the safety of the people consist . he is not so circumspect , as fearing timothy's care , but for his successors ; that after timothy's example they should observe the ordination of the church , and begin themselves to keep that form which they were to deliver to those that came after them . " again , it is evident by the ecclesiastical histories , that not only st. james , timothy , and titus , were made bishops by the apostles ; but that likewise peter himself was bishop of antioch ; so termed , because of his long stay there : and that the apostles likewise made evodius bishop of antioch after st. peter , and st. mark bishop of alexandria , and polycarpus bishop of smyrna ; and that st. john , returning from patmos to ephesus , went to the churches round about , and made bishops in those places where they were wanting : and also , that divers others of the apostles coadjutors , besides timothy and titus , were made by them bishops , and did govern the cities and provinces where they were placed , according to the same rules , that were prescribed to timothy and titus : as dionysius the areopagite was the first bishop of athens ; caius the first bishop of thessalonica , archippus the first bishop of the colossians ; and we doubt not , but many more by diligent reading may be found , that were in the apostles times made bishops . furthermore it is apparent by the testimonies of all antiquity , fathers , and ecclesiastical histories , that all the churches in christendom , that were planted and govern'd by the apostles , and by such their coadjutors , apostolical persons , as unto whom the apostles had to that end fully communicated their apostolical authority ; did think , that after the death , either of any of the apostles , which ruled amongst them , or of any other the said bishops ordained by them , it was the meaning of the holy ghost , testified sufficiently by the practice of the apostles , that the same order and form of ecclesiastical government should continue in the church for ever . and therefore upon the death of any of them , either apostles or bishops , they ( the said churches ) did always supply their places with others the most worthy and eminent persons amongst them : who with the like power and authority , that their predecessors had , did ever succeed them . insomuch as in every city and episcopal see , where there were divers priests and ministers of the word and sacraments , and but one bishop only ; the catalogues of the names , not of their priests but of their bishops , were very carefully kept from time to time , together with the names of the apostles , or apostolical persons , the bishops their predecessors , from whom they derived their succession . of which succession of bishops , whilst the succession of truth continued with it , the ancient fathers made great account and use , when any false teachers did broach new doctrine , as if they had received the same from the apostles ; choaking them with this , that they were not able to shew any apostolical church that ever taught as they did . upon such an occasion , irenaeus bishop of lyons , within . years ( or thereabout ) after st. john's death , doth write in this sort : habemus annumerare eos , qui ab apostolis instituti sunt episcopi in ecclesiis , & successores eorum usque ad nos , qui nihil tale docuerunt , neque cognoverunt , quale ab his deliratur . and so likewise , not long after him , tertullian , to oppress some , who ( as it seemeth ) drew companies after them , saith thus : edant origines ecclesiarum suarum ; evolvant ordinem episcoporum suorum ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem ; ut primus ille episcopus aliquem ex apostolis , aut apostolicis viris , qui tamen cum apostolis perseveraverit , habuerit autorem , & antecessorem : hoc enim modo ecclesiae catholicae sensus suos deferunt . and st. augustin , radix christianae societatis per sedes apostolorum , & successores episcoporum certâ per orbem propagatione diffunditur . again , forasmuch as it was thought by our saviour christ , the best means for the building and continuing of his church in the apostles times , to ordain sundry degrees of ministers in dignity and authority one over another , when such a kind of preheminence might have been thought not so necessary , because the apostles by working of miracles , might otherwise ( as it is probable ) have procured to themselves sufficient authority : how can it with any reason be imagined , but that christ much more did mean to have the same still to be continued after the apostles days , when the gifts of doing miracles were to cease , and when mens zeal was like to grow more cold , than it was at the first . it savoureth assuredly , we know of what faction , indiscretion , or affection for any man , either to think that form of church-government to be unfit for our times , that was held necessary for the apostles times ; or that order , so much commended amongst all men , and is most properly termed parium , dispariumque rerum sua cuique loca tribuens dispositio , should be necessary to build the church , but unfit to preserve it ; or , that the same artisans , that are most meet to build this or that house , are not the fittest both to keep the same in good reparations , and likewise to build other houses when there is cause . no man can doubt ( who is of any reading ) but that , when the apostles died , there were many defects in many churches : and that likewise there were a number of places in the world , where the apostles had never been , and where there were no churches planted , or established . whereupon it followeth of necessity , that if the said form of government in the apostles days was then necessary for the planting and ordering of churches ; that the same did continue to be as necessary afterward , for the supplying of such defects , as were left in some churches , and for the planting and ordering of other churches in those places , that had not received the gospel , whilst the apostles lived . and to this purpose it doth much avail , that for ought we can find , there can no one nation or country be named since the apostles days , neither in times of persecution nor since ; but when it first received the faith of christ , it had thereupon both bishops and archbishops placed in it for the government of the churches , that were there planted ; imitating therein for their more certain direction the government of the churches , that were erected by the apostles , and had been deduced from them , agreeable ( in substance ) with the form of ecclesiastical government , that was once amongst god's own people the jews . which was no new conceit amongst the ancient fathers ; as it may appear by the words of one of them ; " who saith ( in effect ) that bishops , priests and deacons , may challenge now that authority in the church , which aaron and his sons , and the levites , had in times past ; and that the apostles in establishing of their government in the new testament , had respect to that which was in the old ; for as much as concern'd the essential parts of that priesthood . " moreover the primitive churches , presently after the apostles times , finding in the new testament no one person to have been ordain'd a priest , or minister of the gospel , mediately by men , but either by imposition of the apostles hands , or of their hands to whom they gave authority in that behalf , as unto timothy and titus , and such other bishops as they were ; and knowing that the church of christ should never be left destitute of priests and bishops for the work of the ministry : they durst not presume upon their own heads to devise a new form of making of ministers , nor to commit that authority unto any other , after their own fancies ; but held it their bounden duty to leave the same where they found it , viz. in the hands of timothy and titus , and consequently of other bishops their successors . whereupon it followeth very necessarily , that none of the primitive churches , or ancient fathers , did ever so much as once dream , that the authority given by st. paul to timothy , and to titus , and to the rest , who were then made bishops , as well for the ordering of priests , as for the further order and government of the church , did determine by the death of the apostles : considering , that presently after , as long as they were in being , and lived , and ever since till very lately , it was held by them altogether unlawful , for any to ordain a priest or minister of the word , except he were himself a bishop : and no one approved example for the space of above . years , can be shewed ( for ought we find ) to the contrary . it is true , that one coluthus , being himself but a priest , would needs take upon him to make priests , in spleen against his own bishop ( the bishop of alexandria ) with whom he was then fallen at variance : and that the like attempt was made by one maximus , supposing himself to have been a bishop , where he was indeed but a priest , as it was decided by the first council of constantinople . howbeit such their ordinations were accounted void , and utterly condemn'd as unlawful ; they themselves not escaping such just reproof , as so great a novelty and presumption did deserve . we acknowledge , that for the great dignity of the action of ordination , it was decreed by another council , that priests should lay their hands , with the bishop , upon him that was to be made priest : but they had not thereby any power of ordination ; but only did it to testifie their consent thereunto , and likewise to concur in the blessing of him : neither might they ever in that sort impose their hands upon any without their bishops . again , the said primitive churches and ancient fathers , finding how the apostles , by the inspiration of the holy ghost , had ordained bishops , timothy , titus , and such like , for the ordering and appeasing of such quarrels and contentions as arise amongst the ministers and people , for want of some amongst them of authority to govern them ; they might thereby have been confirmed more and more in their judgments ( if at any time they had doubted of it ) concerning the necessity of that apostolical form of government , that it was for ever to continue , to the end the schisms and contentious persons might be still , by the same means , suppressed , that they were whilst the apostles lived . for they ever observed what the want of bishops would work in the church ; and how the contempt of them , and disobedience to their directions , was always a chief cause of sects and schisms . which made them easily to discern , that if the apostles had not provided for the continuance of their apostolical authority in bishops , who were to succeed them in the government of the church ; but had left an equality in the clergy , that every one might have proceeded in his own particular church after his own fashion ; there would have been nothing in the church but disorder , scandals , sects , schisms , and all manner of confusion . one of the ancient fathers perceiving in his time , what pride and contempt certain unstaid and contentious persons shewed toward their archbishops , did lay it upon them as a property of hereticks , and feared not to compare them to the devils . these are his words , quilibet haereticus , &c. loquens cum pontifice , nec eum vocat pontificem , nec archiepiscopum , nec religiosissimum , nec sanctum ; sed quid ? reverentia tua ; & nomina illi adducit communia , ejus negans autoritatem . diabolus hoc tum fecit in deo : ero similis altissimo . non deo , sed altissimo . and another father , long before the days of the former , did accordingly observe , that hereticks and schismaticks did usually spring from no other fountain , but his , quod sacerdoti dei non obtemperatur ; nec unus in ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos ; & ad tempus judex vice christi cogitatur : that the priest of god ( meaning every such bishop as he himself was in his own diocess ) was not obey'd ; nor one priest in the church acknowledg'd for the time to be judge in christ's stead . and again , vnde schismata & haereses abortae sunt , & oriuntur ; nisi dum episcopus qui unus est , & ecclesiae praeest , superbâ quorundam praesumptione contemnitur ? whence have schisms and heresies sprung up , and do spring : but whilst the bishop , which is one and ruleth the church , is by the proud presumption of certain men despis'd ? a third father also , though at some times he had a sharp tooth against bishops , as they carried themselves in his time , doth confess nevertheless , that when schisms first began , bishops were ordain'd , vt schismatum semina tollerentur ; and in another place , in remedium schismatis , ne unusquisque ad se trahens christi ecclesiam rumperet . also where the same father doth write against the luciferians , and undertaketh the defence of bishops in a right point , untruly by them impugn'd , he speaketh of their authority within their several diocesses after this sort , ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet : cui si non exors quaedam , & ab hominibus eminens detur potestas , tot in ecclesiis efficientur schismata , quot sacerdotes : that is , the safety of the church doth consist in the dignity of the chief priest : unto whom , if an extraordinary and eminent power from other men be not yielded , there will be as many schisms in churches , as there are priests . lastly it is to be observed , that in the apostles times the roman empire had wrought a great confusion in all the kingdoms and countries about it ; whilst in the greediness of honour in that state they had subdued their neighbour kings and princes , and turn'd their kingdoms and principalities into provinces and consulships and divers other such like forms of regiment ; leaving the same to the government of their own substitutes , to whom they gave sundry and different titles . which course , held by that state , caused the apostles , in their planting of churches , when they could not perform that which otherwise they would have done , to frame their proceeding as near unto it , as they could . in the chief cities , which had been heads of so many kingdoms , and were still the seat then of the principal roman officers , principal persons were placed , who were bishops , and more than bishops : as st. james at jerusalem , ( although jerusalem , notwithstanding it was honoured with the name and title of the see of st. james , was not the metropolitan seat , or archbishoprick of that province , but caesarea ; whose right is saved in the giving that honour to jerusalem in the first nicene council ; ) st. peter first in antioch , and then in rome ; and st. mark in alexandria : who remain'd in those places , as was then most behooveful for those churches , as so many principal archbishops , patriarchs , to rule and direct all the bishops , priests , and christians , in palestine , syria , italy , and egypt . and in other cities also and countries , not so famous then as the said four , there were appointed , according to the largeness of their extents , in some , bishops , to govern the ministers which were in such cities ; and in some others , such as timothy and titus were , who ( as we have shewed in the former chapter ) had the oversight committed unto them , as well of bishops , as of the rest of the churches within their limits . all which particulars , so put in practice by the apostles , were very well know to the primitive churches , and ancient godly fathers , that lived the first . years after christ ; and gave them full assurance , that they might lawfully pursue in those days that form of church-government which the apostles themselves had erected : the state and condition of the times remaining still one and the same , that it was , when the apostles lived . whereupon , by their example , they did not only continue the succession of bishops and archbishops , in those places where the apostles had setled them : supplying other churches , either not throughly setled , or not at all planted , when the apostles died ( as before hath been mention'd ) with the like church-governours : but did likewise preserve , and uphold in those parts of the world , where christianity did then chiefly flourish , the succession of patriarchal archbishops in the above-mention'd four most principal cities , jerusalem , antioch , rome , and alexandria . insomuch as it is commonly held , that this apostolical order was thus distributed , and setled by the fathers of the primitive church long before the council of nice ; and that then in that holy assembly , it was only but so acknowledged and continued , idque ad disciplinae conservationem , as a very worthy man hath observed . the consideration of all which particular points , concerning the placing of archbishops and bishops in the territories of the romans , according to the dignities and chief honours of the cities and countries where they were placed ; doth very throughly perswade us , that ( as we observed in the former chapter ) if all the said kingdoms , and sovereign principalities , then in subjection to the roman empire , had been freed of that servitude , and governed by their own kings and princes , as they had been before : the apostles ( though the said kings and princes had refused to receive the gospel ) would notwithstanding as much as in them lay , have setled in every one of them , for the government of the church there , the like form that god himself did erect amongst the jews , and that they themselves did establish in their time in the like heathenish places , as is aforesaid ; that is , in every such kingdom ministers in particular churches , or congregations ; bishops over ministers , and archbishops to oversee and direct them all . and assuredly , if when christian kings and sovereign princes did free themselves from the yoke of the empire , they had either known or regarded the ordinance of the holy ghost , for the government of the churches within their kingdoms and principalities ; they would have been as careful to have deliver'd their churches from the bondage of the bishop of rome , as they were their kingdoms from subjection to the empire . for all , that is commonly alledged to the contrary , is but the fume of presumptuous brains . the chief archbishops , either in france or spain , have as full power and authority under their sovereigns , as the bishops of rome had in times past over italy , under their emperour : and by the institution of christ , they ought to depend no more upon the see of rome , than they do now one upon the other : or than the archbishops of england , under their most worthy sovereign , do depend upon any of them : as it will hereafter more plainly ( we hope ) appear by that which we have to say of that infinite authority which the pope doth vainly challenge to himself . can. vii . and therefore if any man shall affirm , under colour of any thing that is in the scriptures , either that the subscriptions , or directions of the second epistle of st. paul to timothy , of of his epistle to titus , though they are found in the ancient copies of the greek testament , are of no credit or authority : or , that such an impeachment and discredit laid upon them , is not very prejudicial to the books and writings of the holy ghost : or , that it is not great presumption for men in these days , to take upon them to know better , whether timothy and titus were bishops , than the churches and godly fathers did , which were planted and lived either in the apostle's times , or presently after them ; except they have some especial revelations from god : or , that whilst men do labour to bring into discredit the ancient fathers and primitive churches , they do not derogate from themselves such credit as they hunt after , and as much as in them lieth , bring many parts of religion into a wonderful uncertainty : or , that it is probable , or was possible for timothy to have observ'd those rules that st. paul gave him unto the coming of christ ; except ( as the fathers expound some of them ) he meant to have them first observed by himself and other bishops in that age , and that afterward they should so likewise be observed by all bishops for ever : or , that the ancient fathers , and ecclesiastical histories , when they record it to all posterity , that these men , and those men , were made by the apostles , bishops of such and such places , are not to be held to be of more credit than any other historiographers , or writers : or , that when the ancient fathers did collect out of the scriptures and practice of the apostles , the continuance for ever of that form of church-government which was then in use , they were not so throughly illuminated with the holy ghost , as divers men of late have been : or , that it was an idle course held by the primitive churches , and ancient fathers , to keep the catalogues of their bishops , or to ground arguments in some cases upon their succession , in that they were able to deduce their beginnings , either from the apostles , or from some apostolical persons : or , that the form of government , used in the apostle's times , for the planting and ordering of churches , was not , in many respects , as necessary to be continued in the church afterward ; especially considering , that many churches were not left fully ordered , nor in some places were at all planted , when the apostles died : or , that true and perfect order , grounded upon the very laws of nature and reason , and established by the holy ghost in the apostles times , was not fit for the churches of god afterward to embrace and observe : or , that any church , since the apostles time , till of late years , when it received the gospel , had not likewise archbishops and bishops for the government of it : or , that divers of the ancient fathers did not hold , and that very truly ( for ought that appeareth to the contrary ) that our saviour christ and his apostles , in establishing the form of church-government amongst the gentiles , had an especial respect to that form which god had setled amongst the jews , and did no way purpose to abrogate or abolish it : or , that any since the apostles times , till of late days , was ever held to be a lawful minister of the word and sacraments , who was not ordain'd priest or minister , by the imposition of the hands of some bishop : or , that it is with any probability to be imagin'd , that all the churches of christ , and ancient fathers from the beginning , would ever have held it for an apostolical rule , that none but bishops had any authority to make priests , had they not thought and judged , that the same authority had been derived unto them the said bishops from the same apostolical ordination , that was committed unto timothy and titus , their predecessors : or , that the apostles , and all the ancient fathers , were deceived , when they judged the authority of bishops necessary at all times for the suppressing of schisms ; and that without bishops , there would be in the churches as many sects as ministers : or , that when men find themselves , in regard of their disobedience to their bishops , so fully and notably described and censured by all the ancient fathers for schismaticks and contentious persons , they have not just cause to fear their own estates , if they continue in such their willfulness and obstinacy : or , that the church-government , by us above treated of , is truly to be said to savour of judaism , more than the observation by godly kings and princes , of the equity of the iudicial law , given to the jews , may truly be said to savour thereof : or , that it doth proceed from any other than the wicked spirit , for any sort of men , what godly shew soever they can pretend to seek to discredit ( as much as in them lieth ) that form of church-government , which was established by the apostles , and left by them to continue in the church to the end of the world , under archbishops and bishops , such as were timothy and titus , and some others , then called to those offices by the said apostles , and ever since held by the primitive churches , and all the ancient fathers to be apostolical functions ; or to term the same , or any part of it to be anti-christian ; he doth greatly erre . cap. ix . the sum of the chapter following . that our saviour christ , upon his ascension into heaven , did not commit the temporal government of the whole world unto st. peter . that the apostles and whole ministry did succeed christ , not as he was a person immortal and glorious after his resurrection ; but as he was a mortal man here upon the earth before his passion . that christ left neither to st. peter , nor to the bishops of rome , nor to any other archbishops or bishops any temporal possessions ; all , that since any of them have gotten , being bestowed upon them by emperours , kings and princes , and other their good benefactors . and that the imagination of st. peter's temporal sovereignty , is very idle ; the same being never known unto himself , ( for ought that appeareth ) and argueth great ignorance of the true nature of the spiritual kingdom of christ : for the erecting whereof the spiritual working of the holy ghost with the apostles , and the rest of the ministry of the gospel , was , and is only necessary . it hath been shewed by us before that our saviour christ , after his resurrection and ascension , became actually in the state of the heir of all things , governour of all the world , and king of kings , even as he was man : his divine nature working more gloriously in his humanity , than formerly it had done . howbeit although we also made it plain , that notwithstanding the said glory , power , rule , dominion and majesty , wherewith christ is really possest , sitting in heaven at the right hand of his father ; he made no alteration in the form , and manner of temporal government ; but left the whole world to be ruled by kings and soveraign princes under him , as it had been before ; himself retaining still in his own hands , the scepter and chiefest ensigns of royal and highest majesty , to direct and dispose them all according to his divine pleasure : yet the parasitical , and sottish crew of romish canonists , with the new sectaries , their companions , will assuredly moil and repine thereat : telling us by the pen of one of their fellows ( the veriest idiot we think amongst them , ) " that all power , dominion , and worldly principality , was left by christ , after his ascension , unto st. peter : that two times are to be considered in christ ; the one before his passion , when propter humilitatem , he refused to judge , that is , to shew himself a temporal magistrate , the other after his resurrection , and then he said , all power is given unto me , in heaven and in earth : " that christ , after his resurrection , gave his power to st. peter , and made him his vicar , and that ex potestate domini , the power of his vicar is to be measured . and to advance that power , as highly as he can , supposing , that what he can say thereof doth belong to st. peter , he quoteth a number of places out of the scriptures , concerning the dignity , honour , royalty and majesty , attributed to our saviour christ after his resurrection and ascension , by reason of the unition so oft before by us mentioned : and doth conclude , " that cessantibus rationibus humilitatis , necessitatis , atque paupertatis , that the reasons of his former humility , necessity , and poverty ceasing , christ did shew himself to be the lord of all ; ut ascensurus ad patrem eandem potestatem petro relinqueret . and moreover he is peremptory , that peter did exercise this temporal power in suâ propriâ naturâ temporaliter , in the proper nature of it temporally : for it is said in the acts , c. . that he condemn'd ananias and sapphira , pro crimine facti ad panam civiliter , for the crime of a fact to a punishment civilly . now if peter were so great a temporal monarch , whilst he lived , what must we think of his vicar , the pope ; and how royal is the estate of all archbishops and bishops , that have any dependency upon him ? for as the especial jesuit and cardinal ( an enemy to the canonists in this point ) doth infer , si papa est dominus totius orbis christiani supremus , ergo singuli episcopi sunt principes temporales in oppidis suo episcopatui subjectis : if the pope be lord of all the christian world , then it followeth , that all particular bishops are temporal princes in the cities and towns subject to their bishopricks . " to the manifestation of all which the said canonist his so absurd and gross assertions , before we proceed any further ; we hold it not unfit , for the reasons elsewhere specified by us ( when we shewed , that christ was no temporal lord , nor had any temporal dominion after the manner of other kings ) first to hear the cardinal , how he shaketh the very ground-work and foundation of all these vanities . for whereas his opposites would make st. peter , and consequently the pope , his successor , to derive such their infinite power , and temporal authority from christ , after his resurrection , as he was then a man , immortal and glorious , having cast off his former infirmities and mortality . the cardinal is resolute to the contrary , and doth reason in this sort . " christus , ut homo , dum in terris vixit , non accepit , nec voluit ullum temporale dominium . summus autem pontifex christi vicarius est , & christum nobis repraesentat , qualis erat , dum hic inter homines viveret : igitur summus pontifex , ut christi vicarius , atque adeo ut summus pontifex est , nullum habet temporale dominium . " christ , as he was man , and lived upon the earth , neither did , nor would receive any temporal dominion : but the pope is christ's vicar , and doth represent christ unto us , in that estate and condition that he lived in here amongst men : therefore the pope , as christ's vicar , and so as he is the highest bishop , hath no temporal dominion . and again , " dicimus , papam , habere illud officium , quod habuit christus , dum in terris inter homines humano more viveret . neque enim pontifici possumus tribuere officia , quae habuit christus , ut deus , vel ut homo immortalis , & gloriosus ; sed solum ea , quae habuit , ut homo mortalis . " we say , that the pope hath that office that christ had , when he lived in the earth amongst men , after the manner of men : for we cannot ascribe unto him those offices which christ hath , as he is god , or as he is man , immortal and glorious ; but only those which he had as a mortal man. neither doth he stay here , but goeth on forward , saying ; add , that the pope hath not all that power which christ had as a mortal man. for he , because he was god and man , had a certain power , which is called a power of excellency ; by the which he govern'd both faithful men and insidels : but the pope hath only committed unto him his sheep ; that is , such persons as are faithful . again , christ had power to institute sacraments , and to work miracles by his own authority ; which things the pope cannot do . also christ might absolve men from their sins , without the sacraments , which the pope cannot . nay the cardinal was so far from believing , that all power and worldly principality was left by christ unto st. peter , and so unto his successors ; as he confesseth in effect , that neither st. peter as he was bishop of rome , nor any of his successors can challenge so much as a rural farm , or any other kind of temporal possessions , which have not been given unto them by the emperours , and other temporal princes . and lest such gifts might be held by any to be unlawful ; he , to prove the contrary , alledgeth , that they were godly princes who so endowed the church of rome . these are his words : " qui donaverunt episcopo romano , aliisque episcopis principatus temporales , pii homines fuerunt , & eâ de causâ praecipuè à totâ ecclesiâ commendati sunt : ut patet de constantino , carolo magno , & ludovico ejus silio , qui inde pius appellatus est . " they who gave to the bishop of rome , and other bishops , temporal principalities , were godly men , and for that cause especially were commended by the whole church ; as appeareth ofconstantine , charles the great , and lewis his son , who in that respect was called lewis the godly . again , that the pope holdeth in right that principality which he hath , may easily be perceived , quia dono principum habuit , because he had it by the gift of princes . of which gifts , he saith , the authentical instruments remain still in rome : adding nevertheless , that if they had been lost , " abunde sufficeret praescriptio octingentorum annorum ; " that a prescription of . years , were abundantly sufficient to prove the pope's right . and unto these words of bernard , " forma apostolica haec est ; interdicitur dominatio ; indicitur ministratio ; he answereth , that bernard doth speak of the bishop of rome , secundum id , quod habet ex christi institutione . also gregory the first , denouncing a curse against that bishop , qui jubet alicui agro more fiscali titulum imprimi , who doth challenge to hold any possessions , as an absolute temporal prince , in right of his church , " the cardinal doth answer , that it is not to be marvelled , that gregory would not have bishops , nor the prefects of the patrimony of the church of rome to use , more fiscali , in recovering the possessions of the church ; for , saith he , " nondum habuerat ecclesia politicum principatum ; sed possidebat bona temporalia ad eum modum , quo privati homines possident . itaque aequum erat , ut agros , quos suos esse censebat ecclesia ; si forte ab aliis occuparentur , in judicio legitimo eos repeteret ; non autem more fiscali propriâ sibi autoritate vendicaret : " that is , for as yet ( meaning when gregorylived , which was . years after christ ) the church had no political principality , but did possess her temporal goods in the same manner , whereby other private citizens possessed theirs . and therefore it was agreeable to equity , that if perhaps the possessions which the church supposed to be hers , were occupied by other men ; she was to require them , judicio legitimo , in a temporal court of the prince , of whom the same were held ; and might not challenge them to her self , by her own proper authority , more fiscali , as sovereign princes do , when their right is detained from them . lastly , the cardinal is so far driven by a worthy man , and some others of our side , who held it unlawful for the bishops of rome , or any other bishops , to be absolute worldly princes ( whosoever do bestow that soveraignty upon them ) the same being directly against christ's words , vos autem non sic , and for many other reasons ; as he flieth to the times of the maccabees , when the ordinances of god , as touching the high-priesthood , were utterly neglected , and nothing ( in effect ) left in the church , but pride , presumption , blood and confusion ( as we have declar'd in our first book , cap. . ) and would gladly thereby uphold the pope's regalities . these are his words , although perhaps it were absolutely better , that bishops should deal with spiritual matters , and kings with temporal : yet in respect of the malice of times , experience doth cry , that some temporal principalities were not only profitable , but also of necessity ; and by the singular providence of god , given to the bishop ofrome , and to other bishops . for if in germany the bishops had not been princes , none had continued to this day in their seats . as therefore in the old testament , the high-priests were for a long time without temporal authority , or empire ; yet in the latter times religion could not have continued , and been defended , except the high-priest had been king , ( that is , in the time of the maccabees : ) so we see it hath faln out to the church ; that she , which in her first times had no need of temporal principality to defend her majesty , doth now seem necessarily to have need of it . as though he should have said ; now , that the church of rome hath in her pride and presumption , determined still to tyrannize over all kings , priests , kingdoms and churches , contrary to the rules and prescription of our saviour christ , and of his blessed apostles ; the popes must needs be temporal kings . thus far we have followed the cardinal ; who is bold to affirm , that neither st. peter , nor the popes , his pretended successors , nor any other of the apostles , nor of their successors , archbishops , or bishops , nor any other minister , nor all the ministers in the world , ( if they were together ) do succeed christ , as he was after his resurrection or ascension , a man immortal and glorious ; but only as he was a mortal man , and lived here in that estate upon the earth , without the enjoying of any temporal kingdom , or regal possessions ; contenting himself to be only a spiritual king , and to have in this world a spiritual kingdom , that is , his church ; so termed , because he ruleth only in those mens hearts which are true members of it ; the gospel also being named evangelium regni , because it containeth the doctrine of our messiah , and spiritual king , and how he doth establish his spiritual kingdom , in and amongst men. of which spiritual kingdom some little further consideration , and how our saviour christ obtained it , and then did , and still doth govern it , will make the folly of those men more apparent , which cannot apprehend the excellency of it , except it have joined with it all worldly principalities , and authority . none is ignorant , that hath any sense of christianity , how all men by nature were the children of wrath ; and how before they embraced christ by faith , they walked according to the course of this world , and after the prince that ruleth in the air , even the spirit that still worketh in the children of disobedience . which wicked spirit being termed the spirit of darkness , all his subjects and servants , and whatsoever they take in , hand , are called the children and works of darkness . from whose service , had not our saviour christ delivered us , and by subduing , and vanquishing this wicked prince , taken actually the possession of our hearts , where the devil before raigned ; we had been still in the state of wrath and damnation . whereas now through grace , and by faith christ dwelling in our hearts , we are no more darkness , but light in the lord : nor are to hold any longer fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness , or of the flesh ; but are bound , being replenished with god's holy spirit , to bring forth the fruits and operations of the same . to this vanquishment of satan , by our saviour christ , these scriptures following have relation . if i , by the finger of god , do cast out devils , doubtless the kingdom of god is come unto you : when a strong man armed keepeth his palace , the things which he possesseth are in peace : but when a stronger than he cometh upon him , and overcometh him , he taketh from him all his armour , wherein he trusted , and divideth the spoils . again , now is the judgment of this world ; now shall the prince of this world be cast out . and again ; we cease not to pray for you , &c. that you might walk worthy of the lord , &c. giving thanks to god the father , &c. who hath deliver'd us from the power of darkness , and hath translated us into the kingdom of his dear son , in whom we have redemption through his blood. again , christ putting out the hand-writing of ordinances , that was against us , &c. he took it out of the way , and fastned it upon the cross , and hath spoiled the principalities and powers , and hath made a shew of them openly , and hath triumphed over them in himself . and lastly , he that committeth sin is of the devil ; for the devil sinneth from the beginning . for this purpose appeared the son of god , that he might loose the works of the devil . now our saviour christ did , by fullfilling the law for us , and the sacrifice of himself once offered upon the cross , vanquish both the devil , death , and hell ; to the end , that as many as believed in him , might not perish , but have life everlasting . and therefore knowing faith to be the means of so unspeakable a benefit , he vouchsafed not only to be our priest , but our heavenly prophet ; labouring , by preaching and miracles , to beget faith in the hearts of his hearers , that , satan being expel'd thence , he himself with his father might abide and make their mansion in them . to the performance of which most admirable work , how our saviour christ , being equal with his father , became a servant for our sakes ( as it was the will of god , whereunto , of his own accord , he conform'd himself ) and what a poor estate he held , whilst he was upon the earth ; how he was born in poverty , lived in poverty , and died in poverty ; how maliciously and scornfully he was oftentimes entreated ; how as , when he spake the truth , his enemies said he blasphemed ; so , when he cast out devils , they told him , that he cast them out by beelzebub the prince of the devils ; how in the whole course of his life , he was so far from being a temporal king , or having possession of any regal state , as he had not so much as an house of his own to rest his head in , but was glad to lodge now with one man , and then with another , as the occasions and times served ; and how in the end , he was content to satisfie the malice of his enemies , by submitting himself for our sakes , unto the death of the cross , it were a needless labour for us to pursue ; the evangelists have so plainly set down all these particulars and many more besides to that purpose . likewise it shall be sufficient for us sparingly to recount how our saviour christ was not only content to preach and work miracles himself for the conversion o● those that heard him : but did to the same end , as well before his passion as after , authorize likewise his twelve apostles and seventy disciples to preach and work strange miracles ; and furthermore ordain a succession of the ministry , for the encreasing of this his kingdom unto the end of the world ; himself never forsaking his church and ministers , but still assisting them in that their spiritual charge , which he had committed unto them . for although that he himself by his death and passion hath vanquished satan , and ruleth in the hearts of the faithful ; yet by reason of our infirmities and weakness of faith , and through the malice of the devil , who never ceaseth , like a roaring lyon , to seek whom he may devour ; this spiritual kingdom of christ is but now begun in us , and upheld in us by the most merciful hand of our saviour christ , through the operation of the holy ghost , and by the labour of the ministry . but in the end , through the virtue of christ's passion , shall be brought to pass , that which is written , death is swallowed up in victory . o death , where is thy sting ? o hell , where is thy victory ? the sting of death is sin ; the strength of sin is the law : but thanks be unto god , who hath given us victory thrô our lord jesus christ . and again , death , hell and the devil shall be cast into the lake of fire and brimstone . in the mean while , and during the time of this our pilgrimage , we are for the continuance of christ's dwelling in our hearts , to follow the counsel and direction of the holy ghost , that in no sort we give any place to the devil : but that we resist him with all the force we are able , for in so doing he will fly from us . and for our better resistance , that we might be able to stand against the assaults of satan , we have a notable and compleat armour appointed us by the said holy spirit which is agreeable to the nature of the enemies we have to fight with . for ( saith the holy apostle ) we wrestle not against flesh and blood ; but against principalities , against powers , and against worldly governors , the princes of darkness of this world ; against spiritual wickednesses which are in the high places . and thus we have a brief and short idea of the spiritual kingdom of christ : whereof when the apostles , after they were replenished with the holy ghost , upon the day of pentecost , had full understanding and notice : they never dreamed ( for ought that appeareth to the contrary in the scriptures ) of any worldly preheminence or principalities ; who should sit here , and who should sit there ; but contented themselves with the same estate and condition of life that their master had led before them ; remembring how he had described the same unto them , when he first sent them to preach amongst the jews . behold ( saith he unto them ) i send you as sheep in the midst of wolves . beware of men ; for they will deliver you up to the councils , and will scourge you in the synagogues . and ye shall be brought to the governours and kings , for my sake , in witness to them and the gentiles . and ye shall be hated of all men for my sake . when they persecute you in this city , flee into another : the disciple is not above his master , nor the servant above his lord : if they have called the master of the house beelzebub ; how much more them of his houshold ? whosoever will be a perfect disciple , shall be as his master . verily , verily , i say unto you , that ye shall weep and lament , and the world shall rejoice . the time shall come , that whosoever killeth you , will think that he doth god service . and as christ did thus foretel them , so it came to pass . for no sooner did they begin to preach the gospel , after the ascension of christ ; but they were whipped , scourged , cast into prison , bound with chains , and most cruelly entreated . st. paul doth testify somewhat hereof ; when writing in the name , both of himself and of the rest of the apostles and ministers , he saith thus ; in all things we approve our selves as the ministers of god ; in much patience , in afflictions , in necessities , in distresses , in stripes , in prisons , in tumults , in labours , by watchings , by fastings , by long sufferings , by dishonour , by evil report ; as deceivers , and yet true ; as unknown , and yet known ; as dying , and behold we live . besides , that which he speaketh of his own particular condition , doth argue the estate and condition of his fellows ; though one would have thought , that little more could have been added to the barbarous cruelty last mentioned to have been executed upon them . for comparing himself , and his pains , with certain false brethren , that were crept into the church amongst the apostles , and sought for their own commendation to impair the credit of this our apostle ; he writeth in this manner . they are ministers of christ ; i am more : in labours more abundant , in stripes above measure , in prison more plenteously . of the jews five times received i forty stripes , save one . i was thrice beaten with rods. i was once stoned . i suffered thrice shipwrack . night and day have i been in the deep sea. in journying i was often , in perils of water , in perils of robbers , in perils of mine own nation , in perils amongst the gentiles , in perils in the wilderness , in perils in the sea , in perils amongst false brethren ; in weariness and painfulness , in watching often , in hunger and thirst , in fastings often , in cold and nakedness . besides these things which are outward , i am cumber'd daily , and have the care of all the churches . much is not written of st. peter , by the evangelist st. luke : but it is not to be doubted , that his case was as bad as any of his fellows . when he began to preach , he was call'd in question with great eagerness ; and vehemently threatned . also with some other of the apostles , he was cast into prison , and beaten . likewise when james was killed by herod's commandment , peter was again imprisoned , and loaden with irons ; and had assuredly , in all likelyhood , escaped hardly with his life ; but that the angel of the lord delivered him . in a word , after many afflictions , injuries , calamities and miseries , endured by the apostles , whilst they lived in this world ; they were in the end ( as well st. peter as almost all the rest ) most spitefully and cruelly , by the enemies of christ , and of their own salvation , put to death . during the course of whose lives , in so great dangers and manifold distresses ; out of question , they would greatly have marvelled , their hard estates consider'd , but especially st. peter , if he had known himself to be the sole monarch , under christ , over all the world ; and that the emperour , and all other kings , had been at that time his vassals ; and that likewise they ( the rest of the apostles ) had been under st. peter , so many soveraign and temporal princes , to have commanded and ruled amongst them throughout the whole world. neither do we see any true cause , that might have moved st. peter to have concealed that his so eminent temporal power and authority ; if he had thought it to have been the ordinance of god : or , at least , if he for modesty would have been silent , why the rest of the apostles should not have published it ; that the civil and temporal states in those times , who knew no such ordination made by christ , might have been left inexcusable . besides , the concealing of a truth of so great importance , was an injury offered to all the faithful in those days ; who had they been truly taught in these mens conceits , ought to have left their obedience to the emperour in all temporal causes ; and for the dignity of the gospel , to have adher'd unto st. peter , to have been directed in them , by him their temporal monarch . the consideration of all which inconveniences and consequents , doth perswade us to think , that none of the apostles ever dreamed of any such temporal soveraignty ; notwithstanding , that they knew well the scriptures ; how christ told them , that all power in heaven and earth , was given unto him ; how st. peter had two swords ; and how ananias and sapphira , for lying to the holy ghost , were stricken suddenly from heaven with death . touching the two first of which places , the same being notoriously abused , and wrested by the canonists and their adherents , to prove the popes temporal monarchy ; the said cardinal doth very resolutely reject the arguments which are thence by them deduced . and to the first he answereth ; " potestatem , de quâ hic loquitur dominus , non esse potestatem temporalem , ut regnum terrenorum ; sed vel tantùm spiritualem , ut b. hieronymus , & b. anselmus exponunt ; qui hunc esse volunt sensum eorum verborum ; data est mihi omnis potestas in coelo , & in terrâ , i.e. ut sicut in coelo rex sum angelorum , ità per fidem regnem in cordibus hominum : vel , ut addit theophylactus , esse potestatem quandam summam in omnes creaturas , non temporalem , sed divinam , vel divinae simillimam , quae non potest communicari homini mortali : " that the power , whereof the lord here speaketh , is not a temporal power , like the power of terrene kings ; but it is either a spiritual power , as st. hierom , and st. anselm do expound the said place ; who will have this to be the sense of those words ; all power is given me in heaven and earth ; which is to say , that as in heaven i am king of angels , so by faith i do reign in the hearts of men : or , as theophylact addeth , it is a certain supream power , not temporal , but divine , or most like to the divine power , which cannot be communicated to any mortal man. and for the second argument , drawn from st. peter 's two swords , the same is set down by our said cardinal in these words . " secundò objiciunt scripturam , luc. . vbi dominus duos gladios petro concedit . cùm enim discipuli dicerent , ecce , duo gladii hic : dominus non ait , nimis est ; sed satis est . quare b. bernardus . . de consid . & bonifacius octavus in extravag . vnam sanctam , de majoritate , & obedientiâ , ex hoc loco deducunt , pontisicem duos gladios ex christi institutione habere : " that is , secondly , they object the scriptures , luc. . where the lord doth grant two swords to peter . for when the disciples said , behold , here are two swords ; the lord answered not they are too many , but they are sufficient . therefore st. bernard , and boniface the eighth , do hence deduce , that the bishop of rome , by christ's institution , hath two swords . unto which objection our cardinal saith thus . " respondeo , ad literam , nullam fieri mentionem in eo loco evangelii de gladio spirituali , vel temporali pontificis ; sed solum dominum illis verbis monere voluisse discipulos tempore passionis suae in iis angustiis , & metu ipsos futuros fuisse , in quibus esse solent , qui tunicam vendunt , ut emant gladium ; ut ex theophylacto , aliisque patribus colligitur . " i answer , that according to the letter , there is no mention made in that place of the gospel , either of the spiritual , or temporal sword of the bishop of rome : but that christ meant only in those words , to admonish his disciples , how they should be in the time of his passion in those straights and fear wherein men are accustomed to be , who sell their coat to buy them a sword ; as it is to be collected out of theophylact , and other fathers . and for bernard and boniface he saith , they did expound the said place mystically , and meant not to have their words so far extended , as the objector would have them . which answer , it is likely bernard , if he were now alive ; would take in good part : but assuredly , if any cardinal in bonifacius 's days had made it , he would have smarted for it ; and might perhaps have tried the depth of tiber. neither do we suppose , that the now pope will give him any great thanks for it : nor that in all likelyhood he hath received any greater commendation for his plain dealing , in answer to another objection , which is grounded upon the authority of pope nicholas . who in an epistle of his to michael , the emperour of constantinople , doth write thus : " christus b. petro , vitae aeternae clavigero , terreni simul & coelestis imperii jura commisti . " christ did commit to st. peter , the key bearer of everlasting lise the right and interest , both of the earthly , and of the heavenly empire . to which saying of pope nicholas , the cardinal maketh two answers . " ad testimonium nicolai dico ; imprimis , illud citari à gratiano d. . can. omnes ; sed non inveniri inter epistolas nicolai papae . " to the testimony of pope nicholas , i answer ; first , that the said is cited by gratian , but it is not to be found amongst the epistles of pope nicholas : as if he should have said , that testimony is forged . and the effect of his second answer is , that if any man shall urge , that testimony of pope nicholas , in the sense objected , they make him directly repugnant to himself , in the rest of the said epistle . and concerning the other argument , by our said canonist alledged , of the death of ananias and sapphira ; the ancient fathers , in the primitive church , would certainly have scorn'd it , if ever they had heard of it . peter , knowing by the instinct of the holy ghost , that satan had possessed both their hearts , and how they lied not to men , but to god ; did only pronounce that sentence of death upon them , which the holy spirit did suggest unto him . wherein although there may appear , what force the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god , had , when it was brandished by st. peter , through the operation of the holy ghost ; there was assuredly no use of any material and civil sword : for if there had , another manner of form of outward justice would first have been held , before they had been executed . and to conclude this point , we do freely profess , that the nature of christ , his spiritual kingdom being throughly weighed , we cannot find to what purpose , either st. peter , or any of his successors , should have been made temporal monarchs over all the civil magistrates in the world : because all their temporal forces , and swords joined together , had not been able to have vanquished one wicked spirit of the air , or have open'd the door of any one man's heart for christ , or the holy ghost to have entered and have made their habitation in it . can. viii . if therefore any man shall affirm , under colour of any thing that is in the scriptures , either that our saviour christ hath otherwise committed the world to be governed under him by kings , and soveraign princes , but so , as he himself , with his regal scepter , doth rule and govern them all , according to his divine pleasure : or , that it is not a sound argument , that the bishops of rome , in taking upon them to be temporal kings , have wholly perverted the institution of christ in that behalf ; in that they are driven to justify their facts therein , by the examples of the maccabees , and those times of so great confusion : or , that our saviour christ , whilst he was here upon the earth , did not fully content himself to be only a spiritual king , to rule in mens hearts : or , that to the end he might erect such a spiritual kingdom , he did not conquer the devil , sin , death , and hell , and thereby took possession in the hearts of all true believers : or , that before our saviour christ doth begin to reign in man's heart , he doth not first , by the ministry of his word , beget a lively faith in it : or , that whilst he lived here in the world , he did not satisfy himself , for our sakes , with a very mean and poor estate , being in himself most rich ▪ because he was god , and in his humanity , the heir of all things : or , that he did not institute and ordain a priesthood , or ministry , to continue to the end of the world , for the continuance and augmenting of his spiritual kingdom : or , that the children of god , notwithstanding that they are redeemed , through faith by christ , and delivered out of the iaws of hell , and satan , are not still to take heed , and beware of him , and to arm themselves accordingly against his forces : or , that our saviour christ , when he told his apostles and disciples , that the servant is not above his lord , but that whosoever would be a perfect disciple , should be as his master , did not mean , that his apostles , and after them their successors , archbishops , bishops , and the rest of the ministry , should hold their services and offices under him , to do as he did , when he was a mortal man of poor estate , and subject to many bad vsages , and injuries : or , that because our saviour christ , after his resurrection and ascension , when he was become a man immortal and glorious , did then enlarge the commission of his apostles , and ordain'd by them a succession of the ministry for the government of the church he did thereby make them any more partakers of his regal authority , whereof his humane nature was then actually possessed , for the state and exercise thereof , by reason of the free and unrestrained operation of his deity , than he made their natural and corruptible bodies , incorrupt and spiritual bodies , or endowed them in this life , with any of that glory , power , and heavenly estate , which they were to enjoy after their deaths , and blessed resurrection : or , that the apostles after christ's death ( not exempting st. peter ) did not find their estates in this world very suitable to their master's , whilst he lived with them , all things happening unto them , as he had foretold them : or , that either st. peter , or any of the apostles , or of their successors , either then , or since that time , could challenge so much as this , or that one temporal farm , by virtue of their ecclesiastical functions , more than their master had , or that either they were themselves possessed with , as their own , before they were called to that ministration , or than was afterward given unto them by godly emperors , kings and princes , and other devout and religious persons : or , that if st. peter had known himself to have been under christ the sole temporal monarch of the world , it had not been his duty to have made the same known ; at least , to the apostles , and such as were converted to christ , to the end they might have honour'd him accordingly , as his dutiful and loyal subjects : or , that it had not in all probability , if st. peter meant to shew himself to be a temporal king , by the deaths of ananias and sapphira , been much more expedient for the success of the gospel in those days , if he had used such his regal authority against those civil magistrates , which were enemies to christ , and to all that preached in his name : or , that it may be rightly imagin'd , with our dutiful regard of st. peter's sincerity , that ever he would have been so earnest with the dispersed jews , to have submitted themselves for the lord's sake unto kings , and other governours , to have obey'd them and honour'd them , if he had known them to have had temporal authority , because they did not acknowledge themselves to be his vassals : or , that it did not proceed from the great wisdom of god , to abridge in the apostles of christ ( even in st. peter himself ) that great power and authority which christ had ; as appeareth by his words , when he said , that if he had thought it fit , he could have twelve legions of angels at his commandment , to have defended him from all his enemies ( the scribes and pharisees , with all their partakers ; ) in that perhaps the apostles , even st. peter himself , might have abused it : or , that it is not more than probable , that howsoever st. peter would have used the said power and authority , if he had had it , if the bishops of rome had received it from him , they would certainly have made great havock and confusion in the world with it : or , that if all the kings and sovereign princes in the world had been subject to st. peter , and were thereupon in the like subjection to the bishops of rome , they ( both st. peter , and his successors ) might not have had ready at their commandment ( if kings and princes had done their duties ) more than twelve legions , to have confounded all men , that should have disobey'd them : or , that therefore it is not as absurd an imagination and conceit for any man to think , that christ did give so great temporal authority , either to st. peter , or any of his successors , over temporal kings and princes , that they might have so great armies , when they list , at their directions ; as if any man should hold , that because they are christ's vicars , they may have twelve legions from heaven to do them service , if perhaps temporal kings and princes should be negligent , or refuse to be at such charges at their commandment : or , that it is not a kind of madness ( the true nature of christ's spiritual kingdom and church , here upon earth consider'd ) for any man to conceive , and thereupon maintain , that any such omnipotency of temporal power in st. peter , ever was , or ever shall be , available to vanquish the devil , or remove him out of his palace , or to spoil him of all his principalities , or to beget faith in the children of god , or to erect in their hearts a tabernacle for christ , and the holy ghost ; which are only the peculiar and proper actions of our saviour christ , as he is our spiritual king , and of st. peter , and the rest of the apostles , with all their successors in their degrees , and as they are his spiritual ministers ; he doth greatly erre . cap. x. the sum of the chapter following . that the bishops of rome have no temporal authority indirectly , over kings and princes , throughout the christian world , to depose them from their kingdoms , for any cause whatsoever . because we have been bold to use the authority of the cardinaliz'd jesuit against the ridiculous canonists , and their companions , the new sectaries of the oratory-congregation , concerning the pope's temporal authority over all kings and princes in the world directly : we may not do him so much injury , as once to pretend , that he favoureth either us , or any point of truth ( for our sakes ) that we defend . it may rather be ascribed unto him for a singular virtue ( his bringing up , and course of life consider'd ) if he study not to impugn it with all the strength that he hath , either of his wit or learning . nevertheless , albeit he hath travelled exceedingly in his books de romano pontifice , to advance the papacy to his uttermost ability ; and had no purpose therein ( we are well assured ) to give us any advantage ( who do oppose our selves against the whole drift of those his books : ) yet he hath so muster'd and marshall'd his matters and forces together , as whilst he endeavours to fortifie the pope's authority , and to encounter the assaults that have been made against it , he hath done more for us , against his will , to the prejudice of his master , whom he laboureth to uphold , than we could ever have expected at his hands . insomuch , as we are verily perswaded , the time will come before it be long , that his works will be thrust into the catalogue librorum prohibitorum ; because dealing with our arguments , as he did in the said books de romano pontifice , and thinking that he would no further yield to the truth , by way of objection , than as he should be able sufficiently to refel it ; it hath often fall'n out with him , as it will ever do with all impostors , that the very meaning of the truth , according to the nature of it , hath ( notwithstanding all his cunning ) very much prevail'd against him , to the everlasting glory of her own name , and forcible strength to discover errors , like to the sun 's to expel darkness . we will not here otherwise make proof hereof , than , as by the matter we have in hand , and are purposed to prosecute , we are after a sort urged and compelled . for albeit hitherto he hath seemed to have joined with us ( as he hath indeed , more than now , we are perswaded , he doth well vouchsafe ) yet foreseeing what tempests he was otherwise like to have endured , in affirming so peremptorily ( as he did ) that the pope had no temporal authority at all , as he was either christ's , or st peter's vicar : he minced his matter in the titles of his chapters to that purpose with the word directè ( whereof in his reasons he never made mention ; ) and then falleth upon this issue , that indirectè , the pope hath authority over all emperours , kings , and soveraign princes , to hurry them hither and thither ; to depose and remove them from their regal estates and dignities ; to dispose of their kingdoms according to his own pleasure ; to release their subjects of their oaths and obedience , and to thrust them into all rebellions , treasons , furies , and what not against them . in the which his course this is our comfort , that by direct dealing , the cardinal did find no ways or means how to withstand the truth ; but is driven by indirect shifts and by-paths , to oppose his labours ( we fear , reclamante conscientiâ ) how to save his own worldly credit , he might cast a mist upon the truth ; if not to depress it ( which was not in his power ) yet at the least to obscure it , to darken it , and perplex it . some of the principal reasons , which he hath used to this purpose mentioned , are of this kind and consequence . " bona corporis , the good things that do appertain to the body , as health especially , are to be preferr'd before bona fortunae , as the philosophers call them ; that is , riches and all other worldly dignities and preferments whatsoever : therefore the calling of physicians , the end whereof is the health of mens bodies , is to be preferr'd before all other temporal callings that are in the world. or thus ; natural parents , be they emperours , kings , or sovereign princes , do give unto their children their natural being only : but schoolmasters do adorn by instruction , and beautify their minds : therefore school-masters are more to be honour'd by young lords and princes , than are their lords and kings , their natural parents . or thus ; one end why men were first created , and afterward born , be they kings or princes , priests or private persons , was to live in the world : but for the supporting of mens lives , husbandry , and many other occupations , are of greater importance and necessity , than are either kings , princes , lords , or civil magistracy : therefore those mens base callings are to be preferr'd before the callings of the other . or , as if a man should reason thus ; they , that have the chiefest charge of souls committed unto them , are to be esteem'd , as men in this world , of the highest calling : but all christians generally , have every one of them a greater charge committed unto them of their own souls , than any sort of priests or ministers have : therefore every christian is in that respect , in calling and dignity , to be preferred before the calling of any one pastor , priest , prelate , or pope . " now after he hath dallied with such sophistications and comparisons betwixt the body and the soul , the flesh and the spirit , he falleth upon some particulars ; the more fully ( as he saith ) to express what he had formerly delivered . the sum of which particulars is , that although the pope , as he is pope , cannot ordinariè , ordinarily depose temporal princes , or make civil laws , or judge de rebus temporalibus ; yet in ordine ad spiritualia , he may do them all . and this he taketh upon him to prove by five main reasons , grounded ( god knoweth ) upon very weak foundations . of which his odd number , for the glory of them , this which followeth is the first . " civil power is subject to spiritual power , when they are both part of a christian commonwealth : therefore the spiritual princes may command temporal princes , and dispose of their temporal affairs in ordine ad bonum spirituale , n order to a spiritual good . " the antecedent of which argument may briefly be refuted , for ought that he hath said to justify it , in manner as followeth . for in saying , that this subjection of the temporal power to the spiritual , is , but where both these powers are part of one and the same christian commonwealth , he maketh the estate of christian kings and princes , inferiour and worse than the estate of those that be infidels : whose political power being no part of any christian commonwealth , is not subject to the ecclesiastical . again , to prefer the ecclesiastical authority of the church , for honour and dignity in this world , before the temporal authority of kings and princes , is in effect , to prefer the poor and base estate of our saviour christ , as he was a mortal man here upon earth , subject to many wants , oppressions , and injuries , before the glory and majesty of his divine nature : in that kings have their authority and calling from christ , as he is god : whereas all ministers , even st. peter himself , and consequently the pope , are but christ's vicars and substitutes , as he was man , subject to the said wants , miseries , and oppressions . moreover , in that every soul , by the testimony of st. paul , is subject to the power and authority of temporal princes ; and that they must be so , not because of wrath only , but also for conscience sake : forasmuch , as the points of subjection there specified , are commanded to all men to be observed , & sacerdotibus , & monachis , non solùm saecularibus , to bishops and monks , and not to secular priests only ( as chrysostom , saith by our interpretation , adding to these words of the apostle . let every soul be subject to the higher powers , etiamsi apostolus sis , si evangelista , si propheta , sive quisque tandem fueris , although thou art an apostle , or an evangelist , or a prophet , or whosoever thou art : ) and because , for ought we have read , none of the ancient fathers do herein dissent from chrysostom ; we hold it to be very plain , and evident to our understandings , that the ecclesiastical authority , to be exercis'd in this world , by any manner of ecclesiastical persons whosoever , is inferiour , and of a lower degree , than is the authority and power of temporal kings and princes . for if the authority of such ecclesiastical persons , whether apostles , evangelists , prophets , bishops or priests , either regular or secular , cannot exempt them from the authority of kings , it must follow of necessity , that it is subject and inferiour to their temporal power and authority . another of the cardinal's reasons , whereby he would gladly prove the pope's indirect temporal power ( to omit the rest of his absurd trifling about the first ) is built upon a very traiterous position , never heard of in the church in the times of the principal ancient fathers . for how earnest soever he seem'd before in refuting their opinions , who hold , that no princes are to be obey'd , if they be infidels ; he thinketh he is able to shift off that in effect with his jugling and indirect fetches . these are his traiterous words . " it is not lawful for christians to tolerate a king , being an infidel , or an heretick , if he endeavour to draw his subjects unto his heresy or infidelity : but to judge , whether a king doth draw his subjects to heresy or no , doth belong to the pope , unto whom is committed the charge of religion , and therefore it belongeth to the pope to judge , whether a king is to be deposed or not . " concerning the assumption of this argument , touching the presupposed charge of the pope , in matters of religion , over all the churches in the world , we shall have a fitter occasion to touch it , after a sort , in the next chapter : now we will only briefly handle the falshood of his proposition , of the power of subjects over their soveraigns . where , after he hath abused a place in deuteronomy , and spent some idle conceits of his own , he writeth in this sort . " although christians in times past did not depose nero and dioclesian , and julian the apostate , and valens the arrian , and such like ; id fuit , quia deerant vires temporales christianis ; it came to pass , because christians did then want temporal forces . for that otherwise they might lawfully so have done , appeareth by the apostle , cor. . where he commandeth new judges of temporal causes to be appointed by christians , that christians might not be compelled to plead their cause before a judge , that was a persecutor of christ . upon which text the cardinal maketh this gloss . sicut novi judices constitui potuerunt ; ita & novi principes , & reges propter eandem causam , si vires adfuissent : as new judges might have been appointed ; so might new princes and kings for the same cause , if the christians then had been able , by reason of their forces , to have created , to themselves , such new kings and princes . " thus the cardinal : who undoubtedly was brought into some hard streight , or else he would never have written in this sort . st. peter and st. paul lived and dyed under nero , who was a persecutor : and shall we think , that st. peter and st. paul had taught the christians in those days , to have thrust nero from his imperial seat , by force of arms , if they had been able ? certainly it is a blasphemous assertion , and worthy of as great a censure , as if he had termed those holy men , in plain terms , dissembling traytors , or denied the scriptures to have been written by the inspiration of the holy ghost . again , he himself is not ignorant , how grosly he lieth , even against his own conscience , in saying , that it was for want of strength , that the christians in the days of the other persecuting emperours , did not rebel against them ; tertullian in express terms affirming the contrary : " first , that they , the christians in his times , wanted no forces to have born arms , and endanger'd the whole empire ; and secondly , that it was far from their hearts so to do , because they had been taught otherwise by the doctrine of christ in his holy gospel . besides , it is apparent , that in and about tertullian's time , these four were bishops of rome , victor , zephyrinus , calixtus , and vrbanus : so as the cardinal doth in effect cast a great imputation upon them of negligence , or insincerity ; that the christians in their days , wanting neither number nor strength to have bridled their bad emperours , they by their papal authority did not depose them . dioclesian began his empire about the year . during the time of whose government , gaius , marcellinus , and marcellus , were popes , when the number of christians was greatly encreased throughout all the world : and yet , for ought that appeareth to the contrary , no man living , either pope , priest , or prelate , did so much as then dream of this damnable doctrine . julian the apostate began his reign about the year of christ . and valens . years after him ; in whose times liberius and damasus , were bishops of rome ; which damasus was a man that wanted no courage : nevertheless we do not read , that either he , or liberius , ever attempted to excommunicate , or depose , either of those emperours , or that they held it lawful for them so to have done . in the space of time betwixt nero , and damasus , the most principal men of all the ancient fathers lived , as justinus martyr , irenaeus , clemens alexandrinus , tertullian , origen , cyprian , athanasius , jerom , and augustin : who never had learned , nor did in their times teach it for sound doctrine , either that the christians had authority to bear arms against their soveraigns ; or that the bishops of rome might lawfully depose kings and princes , either for heresy , or for cruelty , and thrust their subjects ( to serve their turns ) into such furious and rebellious courses . so as it was great boldness , for the cardinal of his own head , to broach so palpable an untruth ; especially seeing it carrieth with it so many arguments to convince his want herein of all honesty , sincerity , and conscience . but why should we be so earnest with the man ? considering , that although it be certain , that neither st. peter not st. paul , nor any of the said ancient fathers or popes ever thought it lawful to depose such emperours and kings as before we have spoken of , when they should be able through the numbers and forces of christians so to do ; yet the same did proceed in the most of them from their ignorance and want of learning . " for ( saith he ) that christians , if they had been able , might so have done , is apparent by the apostle's words : where it is plain , that they had authority to make judges ; and consequently , that if they had been able , they might have thrust the said wicked emperours from their thrones , and have made to themselves new kings of their own . " assuredly the devil himself did never abuse any place of scripture ( for ought that we remember ) so palpably and grosly , as the cardinal doth this : and therefore we will bestow no great pains to refute him . it shall be sufficient briefly to observe , that in the judgments of jerom , austin , ambrose , and chrysostome , the judges which here the apostle speaketh of , were only such , as might by way of arbitrement , end such suits , as arose amongst christians in those days ; and not such judges , as by law and authority might have compelled them to have stood to their sentences : for that had been indeed to have encroached upon the authority of the civil magistrate ; which was far from the apostle's intent and meaning . " and therefore , saith theodoret , sciendum est , &c. it is to be observed , that these words ( of chusing arbiters ) do not repugn to those things which are written to the romans . for here the apostle doth not command christians to resist the magistrates , but willeth them that are injured , not to use the magistrates : " meaning , that it was fitter for christians to compound their causes and quarrels amongst themselves , rather than to the dishonour of their profession , contend before such magistrates as were infidels , and were like enough to despise and contemn them , because they could not better agree amongst themselves . and the cardinal 's own doctor , commenting likewise upon this place doth write in this sort , " sed videtur , &c. but that which is here said by the apostle doth seem to be contrary to that which st. peter saith , be subject to every humane creature for god , whether to king as excelling , or to rulers as sent by him . for it doth appertain to the authority of a prince to judge of his subjects , and therefore it is against the law of god , to prohibit , that a subject should submit himself to the judgment-seat of his prince , if he be an infidel . sed dicendum , &c. but it is to be answered , that the apostle doth not here forbid , but that faithful men , living under princes that are infidels , may appear in their judicial seats if they be called ; for this were against the subjection which is due unto princes : but he forbiddeth , that faithful men do not of their own accord , voluntarily choose the judgment-seat of infidels . " but if these authorities will not serve , we will be bold to present against him the judgment of a whole college , first published in rhemes , and then set out again the second time , by the same college at doway , approved in both places ; at rhemes by petrus remigius , hubertus morus , johannes lebesque , guil. balbus ; and at doway by will. estius , barth . petrus , judocus heylens , all of them great doctors of divinity in those places , and one a doctor of the canon law , vicar general of the archbishoprick of rhemes . the said college writing upon these words [ but brother with brother contendeth in judgment , and that before infidels ] saith thus ; " to be given much to brabling and litigiousness for every trifle , to spend a pound rather than lose a penny , the apostle much reprehendeth in christian men. for a christian man to draw another to the judgment-seats and courts of heathen princes ( which then only raigned ) and not to suffer their controversies and quarrels to be taken up among themselves , brotherly and peaceably , was a great fault . " what the cardinal's friends will say , of his perverting the apostle's meaning with so desperate an exposition , we are uncertain : but of this , we are sure , that the estate of that church must needs be very miserable , that cannot be upheld without so apparent injury done to the holy ghost . which observation we thought fit to make in this place ; because he once having past the bounds of all modesty , or rather piety , is grown to that presumption and hardness of heart , against the truth , as that he dareth to ground another of his reasons , to prove , that the pope hath authority indirectly , to depose kings and princes , upon these words spoken to st. peter , pasce oves meas , feed my sheep . touching which words , because we have a fitter place to entreat , we will here be silent , and address our selves to his fourth reason , as idle , and as false , as any of the rest . these are his words . " when kings and princes come to the church , that they may be made christians , they are received cum pacto expresso , vel tacito , with a condition expressed or implied , without any mention made of it , that they do submit their scepters unto christ ; and do promise , that they will keep and defend the faith of christ , etiam sub poenâ regni perdendi , even under pain of losing their kingdoms : therefore , when they become hereticks , or do hinder religion , they may be judged by the church , and also deposed from their principality , and there shall be no injury done unto them , if they be deposed . " for answer whereof ; first , we say , that in all the forms of baptisms which hitherto have been published , we cannot learn , that there was ever any such express covenant , as the cardinal here mentioneth , required of any king , when he came to be christned . baptism is the entrance , ordain'd by christ , into the church , which is his spiritual kingdom ; and agreeably to the nature of that kingdom , all who are thereby to enter into it , of what calling or condition sover they are , as well poor as rich ; private persons as princes , are ( according to the rules of baptism practised in all the particular churches in the world , for ought that is known to the contrary ) either themselves in their own persons , or if they be infants , by their sureties to profess their belief in christ , and to promise , that they will forsake the devil , and all his works , the vain pomp and glory of the world , with all covetous desires of the same , and carnal desires of the flesh ; and that they do constantly believe god's holy word , and that they will keep his commandments . the willful breach of any of which points , and perseverance in it without repentance , doth indeed deprive every christian man , of what calling soever he be , from the interest he had ( by his said profession and promise , when he was baptized ) to the spiritual kingdom of christ in this life , ( that is , from being a true and lively member of the church and mystical body of christ ) and from the kingdom of glory in the life to come . but that any man , by the breach of any promise made when he was baptized , should lose that which he gain'd not by his baptism ; or that the church did never receive any king or prince to baptism , but either upon condition in express terms , or by implication made either by himself , or by his godfathers , that he would submit his scepter unto christ , that is , unto the bishop of rome ( as the cardinal's drift sheweth his meaning to be ) and promise to keep and defend the faith of christ under pain of the loss of his kingdom , is certainly a doctrine of devils , and was never heard of in the church of christ for many hundred years ; but is utterly repugnant to the analogy of scripture , and to the true nature of christian baptism . these secret intentions ( for , as we have said , there was never any form of baptism , that contain'd any such express contract , as the cardinal speaketh of ) mental reservations , and hidden compacts , such as men were never taught in the primitive church , nor ever dream'd of , or suspected to be thrust into one of the holy sacraments , may well become the impostors of rome , but are altogether contrary to the meaning of christ , and of his holy apostles : in whose days , he that believed was baptized in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost , without any such jugling , or snares laid to hazard and entangle mens temporal estates . there is nothing in the gospel , whereof men ought to be ashamed , or which will not abide the touchstone of truth , if it be compared with the rest of the scriptures ; or , that doth not promote the spiritual kingdom of christ , it being called in that respect , evangelium regni , the gospel of the kingdom . now whether this underhand bargaining be suitable or no , with the sincerity of the holy ghost ; or whether if it had been known in the primitive church , that all men , who would submit themselves to the doctrine of the gospel , and be baptized , did thereby bind themselves to be subject , and at the commandment of the bishop of rome for the time being , under pain to lose all their worldly estates ; the knowledge thereof would not rather have hinder'd , than either promoted or further'd the good success of the gospel ; no man is so simple , but he may easily discern it . assuredly the grecians , who did so long oppose themselves against the authority which the bishops of rome did challenge over all churches , were ignorant of this mystical point of baptism : and so were all the churches in the world for many ages , or else there would not have been so great stirs in the world about the continual usurpations and encroachments of the bishops of rome , as are many ways testified by sundry ecclesiastical histories . but we insist too long upon this so ridiculous and impudent a fiction , and therefore will come to the cardinal 's principal reason of the pope's said indirect temporal authority , to toss kings and kingdoms up and down as he list . " the ecclesiastical commonwealth ( saith he ) must be perfect and sufficient of her self , in order to her own end ; ( for such are all commonwealths that are well instituted ) and therefore she ought to have all necessary power to the obtaining of her own end . but the power of using and disposing of temporal things , is necessary to the spiritual end ; because otherwise evil princes might , without punishment , nourish hereticks , and overthrow religion : and therefore the ecclesiastical commonwealth hath this power . " hitherto the cardinal . the substance of whose argument is , that the church of christ cannot attain to her spiritual end , except the bishop of rome have authority to dispose of temporal kingdoms , and to punish kings by deposing them from their crowns , if he hold it expedient : for the refutation of which vain and false assertion , there are very many most direct and apparent arguments : we will only touch some few of them . our saviour christ in his days , and the apostles in their times , and the primitive churches for the space of . years , brought the ecclesiastical commonwealth ( as here it is termed ) unto her spiritual end , as directly and fully , as either the bishops of rome , or any other bishops have at any time done since : and yet they took no power and authority upon them , nor did challenge the same , of disposing of temporal kingdoms , or deposing of princes . besides , if such an indirect temporal power be so necessary in these days , for the upholding the ecclesiastical commonwealth , as that without the same she cannot attain the spiritual end , or be a perfect ecclesiastical commonwealth , when there are so many christian kings and princes ; then was the same much more necessary for the attainment of the same end , in the said times of christ , of his apostles , and of the churches in the ages following for . years , when the civil magistrates were pagans and infidels , and for the most part , persecutors of the truth . but we hope , we may be bold without offence to say , that there appeared then no such necessity of this pretended temporal power and authority , in any ecclesiastical persons , over kings and kingdoms , for the disposing of them ; and that nevertheless , the ecclesiastical commonwealth , in those times , did attain her spiritual end , and was as perfect an ecclesiastical common-wealth , as it is now under the pope's government , notwithstanding all his temporal sovereignty , wherein he so ruffleth . again , we are perswaded , that it cannot be shewed out of any of the ancient fathers , or by any general council , for the space of above . years after christ , that the bishops of rome were ever imagin'd to have such temporal authority to depose kings , as now is maintained ; much less was it ever dream'd of , during that time , that such authority was necessary for the attaining the spiritual end , whereunto the true church of christ ought to aim ; or , that the ecclesiastical commonwealth , ordain'd by christ and his apostles , could not be perfect without it . it were a miserable shift , if any should either say , that during all the times above-mention'd , first the apostles , and then the holy bishops , martyrs , and fathers after them , were ignorant of this new temporal power , or at least did not so throughly consider of the necessity of it , as they might have done ; or that whilst they lived , there could indeed no such matter be collected out of the scriptures , for that in those days the scriptures had not received such a sense and meaning as might support the same : but that afterward , when the bishops of rome did think it necessary to challenge to themselves such temporal authority , over both kings and kingdoms , the sense and meaning of the scripture was alter'd . but be this shift never so wretched or miserable , yet ( for ought we perceive ) they are in effect , and still will be , both in this cause and many others , driven unto it : the scriptures being in their hands a very rule of lead , and nose of wax , as in another more fit place we shall have occasion to shew : moreover , if the bishops of rome have this great temporal authority over kings and soveraign princes , to preserve the state of the church here upon earth , that she may attain her spiritual end ; assuredly he hath made little use of it to that purpose . for it is well known , and cannot be denied , that for the first . years of christ , the doctrine of the gospel did flourish far and near , in greece , thracia , sclavonia , hungary , asia minor , syria , assyria , egypt , and throughout the most part of africk , where there were many very worthy apostolical , and notable churches ; in the most of which places , there are scarce in these days any footsteps or visible monuments of them . and although afterward during the space of above . years , much mischief was wrought in these parts of the world , better known unto us than the rest , by sundry sorts of scythians , and northern people : yet after the days of gregory the seventh , when the bishops of rome did most vaunt of this their soveraign power over kings and princes , the turks gained and encroached more upon christendom , still retaining that which they then had so gotten , than at any time before . whereby it is to us very evident , that neither christ , nor his apostles , ever ordained , that the means of building of the church of christ , and the conservation of it , should consist in the temporal power or authority of any of their successors , to deprive emperours or kings from their imperial or regal estates : and that the bishops of rome may be ashamed , that having had so great authority in their own hands , extorted from the emperours , and other kings , per fas & nefas , since gregory the seventh's time , they have made no better use of it ; but suffer'd so many famous countries and kingdoms to be utterly over-run and wasted by pagans and infidels ; considering that they pretend themselves to have so great an authority for no other purpose , but only the preservation of the church , that she might not be prevented of her spiritual end. but what should we speak of the shame of rome , whose forehead hath been so long since hardned ? or ever imagine , that almighty god either did , or will bless her usurpations and insolencies against emperours , kings and princes , for any good to his church , other than must accrue unto her through her persecutions and afflictions ? for it were no great labour to make it most apparent by very many histories , if we would insist upon it , that the bishops of rome , in striving first to get , and then to uphold ( after their scrambling manner ) this their wicked and usurped authority of troubling and vexing christian kingdoms and states with their manifold oppressions and quarrels , have been some special means , whereupon the saracens , turks and pagans have wrought , and by degrees brought so great a part of christendom under their slavery , as now they are possessed of . for it is but an idle and a vain pretence , that the preservation of as much of christendom , as is yet free from the turk and paganism , is to be ascribed to the bishop of rome , and his authority , that so the catholick church might attain her spiritual end , which ought to be the planting of churches and conservation of 'em : it being most manifest , to as many as have any wit , experience , and sound judgment , that as the very situation of the said countries , which now pagans enjoy , made them very subject unto the incursion and invasions of saracens and turks , god himself , for his own glory , having his finger and just operation therein ; so through his most merciful goodness , and care of his church , he blessed the situation of the rest of christendom , being now free in that respect from those kind of violences , and endowed the hearts of christian kings and princes with such courage and constancy , in defence of christianity , and of their kingdoms , as notwithstanding that the popes did greatly vex them in the mean while , they did mightily repel the forces of their enemies , and most religiously uphold and maintain the profession of christ : so , as the preservation of the gospel in these parts of the world , may more truly be attributed to the working of the spirit of god in them , than to the bishops of rome ; who have been the chief authors and occasions of many incredible mischiefs . now lastly , and for conclusion of this point ; had not satan with all power and signs , and lying wonders , so inveigled and seduced the hearts and minds of the adherents to the see of rome , as that by degrees , they leaving the love of the truth , are therefore given over by god unto such strong delusions , that they should believe lyes ( as the apostle speaketh ; ) amongst many other of the gross errours maintained by them , we might marvel at this , that ever they durst take upon them , in these times of so great light , to write and defend it with such resolution and confidence , that the ecclesiastical commonwealth ( as they term it ) cannot be perfect , nor attain her spiritual end , except the pope may have the said temporal power and authority to depose kings : considering how far the true nature of the church , which is the spiritual kingdom of christ ; and the true means and armour , that christ , our spiritual king , hath indeed ordained and appointed , for the edification and defence of this his spiritual kingdom , and for the attainment of the supernatural , and right end and beauty of it , are repugnant to these their carnal , and worldly conceits . touching the true nature of the church , and spiritual kingdom of christ , we have before spoken : and the true spiritual end of the church , being by teaching the ways of truth , to bring as many as possibly they can , to the knowledge of their salvation , through christ , so as by faith they may become true members of his spiritual kingdom in the life to come ; the means ordain'd for that purpose , do contain the full duty and office of all bishops and ecclesiastical ministers ; who are furnished by christ , neither with temporal swords , nor imperial authority to depose kings and soveraign princes , but ought to carry themselves toward all men , especially towards kings and princes , if they be either pagans , or enemies to religion , as christ himself , and his apostles did ; by preaching and praying for them , by humility and patience , to endure whatsoever punishment shall be thought fit to be imposed upon them for doing of their duties ; and never to intermit such their pains and diligence , to the end , that if it please god to bless those their ministerial so great labours , their auditors of all sorts , private persons , kings and prince , may be brought to the knowledge of the truth ; that so satan being expelled out of their hearts , christ by faith may raign in them . to the effecting of which so great and so divine an alteration , and change in mens souls , there is no worldly force , nor temporal sword , which will serve the turn . and therefore the apostle , speaking of this matter , doth write in this sort ; the weapons of our warfare are not carnal : as if he should have said ; we do not come with troops of men to promote the spiritual kingdom of christ ; but with weapons of another nature , with the glad ridings of the gospel , with the doctrine of salvation to all believers , and with the furniture of the holy ghost : which weapons are not weak , but mighty through god , and able to cast down holds , that is , all the carnal forces of men , all principalities and powers , that shall presume to rise up against christ . and through the assurance and experience , which both st. paul , and the rest of the apostles , had in the force of these weapons , he saith further , that with them they overthrew councils , and every high thing , that did exalt it self against the knowledge of god ; and that they brought into captivity , all imagination or understanding to the obedience of christ : away then with the pope's carnal weapons , and with all their illusions , and juglings , that seek to uphold them : for such weapons were never ordain'd by christ for his apostolical warfare . can. ix . and therefore if any man shall affirm , under colour of any thing that is in the scriptures , either , that the external callings in this world of those men ( as ministers and schoolmasters ) that have to deal with the information of mens minds and souls , are superiour , and to be preferr'd in honour and wordly dignities , before the callings of kings and soveraign princes : or , that because health is better , and more to be desired in this life , than any worldly preferments , therefore the calling of physicians , who are ordain'd for the health of mens bodies , ought to be superiour to all other worldly callings : or , that the regal , and political power of the king , when it is part of a christian commonwealth , is thereby brought into greater servitude and thraldom , than is the regal and political state of ethnick princes , when the same are no parts of a christian kingdom : or ; that to prefer the ecclesiastical state for worldly authority , before the state of kings and soveraign princes , is not ( in effect ) to prefer the humbled estate of christ , as he was man , living here upon the earth , before his glorious estate , after his ascension , and before the glory and majesty of the divine nature : or , that any ecclesiastical authority , which the apostles ordained , did either free them , or any of their successors , from subjection to kings and princes , and to their temporal authority : or , that st. peter , being an apostle , and so subject to the civil sword of temporal authority , could lawfully , by any indirect device , challenge any temporal power and dominion over kings and princes ; for that had been to have extorted the temporal sword out of their hands to whom it appertain'd , and to have incurr'd again the commination of his master , when he told him , how all that take the sword shall perish with the sword : or , that it is not a most profane impiety , tending altogether to the discredit of the scriptures , for any man to hold , that st. peter and st. paul had so instructed the christians in their times , as that they knew , if they had been able , they might without offence to god , have deposed nero from his empire : or , that the christians in tertullian's time , when they professed , that notwithstanding their numbers and forces were so great , as they had been able to have distressed very greatly the estate of the emperours ( being then persecutors ) they might not so do , because christ their master had taught them otherwise ; ought not to be a sufficient warrant for all true christians to detest those men in these days , and for ever hereafter , who contrary to the example of the said christians in the primitive church , and the doctrine of christ , which was then taught them , do endeavour to perswade them , when they shall have sufficient forces , to rebel against such kings and emperours at the pope's commandment , and to thrust them from their kingdoms and empires : or , that this devilish doctrine of animating subjects to rebellion ( when they are able ) against their soveraigns , either for their cruelty , heresy , or apostasie , was ever taught in the church of christ by any of the ancient fathers abovementioned , during the reigns of dioclesian , or julian the apostate , or valens the arrian , or of any other the wicked emperours before them : or , that it is not a wicked perverting of the apostles words to the corinthians ( touching their choice of arbitrators , to end dissentions amongst themselves , rather than draw their brethren before iudges that were infidels ) to infer thereof , either that st. paul intended thereby to impeach , in any sort , the authority of the civil magistrates as if he had meant they should have chosen such iudges , as by civil authority might otherwise have bound them , than by their own consents to have stood to their award ; or to authorize christian subjects , when they are able , to thrust their lawful soveraigns from their regal seats , and to choose unto themselves new kings into their places : or , that any of the said ancient fathers , or godly learned men , for many hundred years after christ , did ever so grosly and irreligiously expound the said place of the apostle , as our cardinaliz'd jesuit hath done : or , that it can be collected out of the scriptures , that either christ , or any of his apostles , did at any time teach or preach , that they , who meant to be baptized , must receive that sacrament upon condition , that if at any time afterward , they should not be obedient to st. peter , for his time , and to his successors , they were to lose and be deprived of all their temporal estates and possessions : or , that it can be proved , either out of the scriptures , or by any of the said ancient fathers , or shewed in any ancient form of administration of baptism , that ever there was any such covenant made , by any such faithful persons , when they were baptized , or required of them , to be made by any that baptized them : or , that if such a covenant were by christ's ordinance to be made in baptism , it ought not as well to be made by farmers , by gentlemen possessed of mannours , and by lords of greater revenues and possessions , as by kings and soveraign princes : or , that it were not an absurd imagination to think , that christ and his apostles did only mean , that emperours , kings and soveraign princes , should be received to baptism upon the said condition : or , that all christian men ought not to judge , that the eleven apostles , if they had known of any such bargain , or condition in baptism , would have dealt as faithfully with the church , and in the behalf of st. peter , in preaching and teaching the same , as now our cardinal , and other such like persons of the roman strain , do by their writing , publishing , and maintaining of it in the behalf of the bishops of rome : or , that either christ , or his apostles , knowing that baptism ought to be received with such a condition , did think it convenient , that the same should be concealed , not only whilst they lived , but for many hundred years afterward , until the bishops of rome should be grown to such a head and strength , as that they might without fear of any inconveniencies , make the whole christian world acquainted with it : or , that it is not an idle conceit for any man to maintain , that the renunciation of the effects of baptism , doth deprive men of their temporal lands and possessions , which they did not hold by any force of baptism ; or make them subject in that behalf to the deprivation of the bishops of rome : or , that apostasy from christ , put on in baptism , doth any further extend it self , than to the souls of such apostates in this life , in that the devil hath got again the possession of them , and so depriveth them in this world of all the comfort and hope they had in christ , leading them on to the bane , both of their bodies and souls in the life to come : or , that any ecclesiastical person , hath any other lawful means , to reclaim wicked , heretical , or apostated kings , from their impiety , heresy and apostasy , than christ and his apostles did ordain to be used , for winning men at the first to embrace the gospel : or , that christ himself , while he lived , did attempt , either directly or indirectly , to depose the emperour , by whose authority he was himself put to death , as holding , that the church could not attain to her spiritual end , except he had so done : or , that by the death of christ , the church did not attain to her spiritual end , without the deposition of any emperours or kings from their regal estates : or , that ever the apostles in their days , either preached or writ , that the ecclesiastical commonwealth could not be perfect , except st. peter for his time , and after him the bishops of rome , should have temporal power and authority to depose emperours and kings , that the church might attain her spiritual end : or , that the church in their days did not attain to her spiritual end , although no such authority was then , either challenged , or put in practice : or , that the church could have attain'd to that her spiritual end in the apostle's times , if the said temporal power and authority had been then necessary for the attaining of it : or , that our saviour christ and his apostles , did propound a spiritual end unto his church , and left no other necessary means for the obtaining of it , than such as could not be put in practice , either in their days , or for many hundred years after : or , that the churches of christ , after the apostle's times , for the space of . years , being wonderfully oppressed with sundry persecutions , did not attain to their spiritual end , without this dream'd off temporal authority of deposing kings and emperours , then their mortal enemies , not in respect of themselves , but of the doctrine of salvation , which they taught to their subjects : or , that this new doctrine of the necessity , that the bishops of rome should have temporal authority , either directly or indirectly , to depose emperours and kings , for any cause whatsoever , ( or that else the church of christ should not be able to attain to her spiritual end ) was ever heard of , for ought that appeareth for many hundreds of years after the apostles times , either in any ecclesiastical history , or in any of the ancient fathers , by us abovementioned : or , that the bishops of rome , with all their adherents , whilst they would make the world believe , that the church of christ cannot attain her spiritual end , except they have temporal authority , indirectly to depose for some causes , emperours , kings , and soveraign princes , are more learned now , than either the ancient fathers , or the apostles themselves were ; and that they know the sense of the scriptures , better , than either they the said ancient fathers did , or the apostles that writ them ; who ( for ought that was known for many hundred years ) never preached , taught , or intended to have any such doctrine collected out of their writings and works : or , that it may , without great impiety , be once imagined , that if such a necessary point of doctrine , concerning the said great temporal power in the pope over princes , as without the which , the church of christ could not attain her spiritual end , had been known to the apostles and ancient fathers , they would not have been as careful and zealous to have preached and divulged the same unto all posterity , as now the bishops of rome , and their adherents are : or , that we ought not rather to believe , that the bishops of rome , and their adherents , through their forsaking the love of the truth , are given over by god unto those strong illusions , that they should believe lies , and maintain them as stifly as though they were true , than once to conceive , that the holy apostles and ancient fathers , were either ignorant of this supposed temporal authority to depose kings and princes , for the end so often mentioned , or thought it fit to dissemble it , or to write of it so darkly , as for many hundred years it could not be understood : or , that god hath not wonderfully blinded the hearts and understandings , both of the popes , and all their adherents in this particular matter ( amongst many others ) in that the nature of the church , and spiritual kingdom of christ considered , they dare presume to maintain it so confidently , that the said spiritual kingdom of christ , cannot attain to her spiritual end , without the bishop of rome , his temporal authority , indirectly in some cases , to depose kings and soveraign princes : or , that the true spiritual end of the church consisting in this , that the devil being banished out of the hearts of all her true members , christ may retain his possession of them , through their faith and diligence , to repel satan , who daily laboureth to regain to himself his own possession ; it is not more than a kind of phrensy , to hold and maintain , that any temporal authority , managed by the pope , or by his commandment , against kings and princes , hath any force or power , to work or procure this spiritual end , either by expelling or repelling of satan , or to nourish faith , or to continue the reigning of christ in any mens hearts : or , that it is not an impious and a profane assertion for any man to defend , that the weapons and armour of this spiritual warfare , undertaken by christ , and his apostles , and by all godly bishops , and true priests and ministers of the gospel , are not sufficient of themselves to procure to the church her spiritual end , without the pope's carnal weapons , or temporal authority to depose kings , when to him , with the assistance of his cardinals , it shall seem expedient ; he doth greatly erre . cap. xi . the sum of the chapter following . that there is no more necessity of one visible head of the catholick church , than of one visible monarch over all the world. in the th and th chapters of our first book , we have shewed at large , that our saviour christ , the son of god , having created the world , and taken upon him to be the redeemer of mankind , after their transgression through adam's fall , did not only , as he was the son of god , govern all the world ( the same being in that respect but one universal kingdom ) and appoint several kings and sovereign princes , as his substitutes , to rule the same under him in their several countries and kingdoms , leaving no one emperour , or temporal monarch to govern them all ; but likewise , as he was the blessed lamb , slain from the beginning of the world , he did ( for his own glory , and our endless comfort ) erect for himself , in this world , a spiritual kingdom , called his church , consisting of such men , dispersed throughout the world , as did profess his name ; and being himself the only head and governour of it ( in which respect it is rightly to be termed , but one catholick church ) did appoint no one priest over the whole catholick church , but several priests , and ecclesiastical ministers , to rule and govern the particular churches in every province , country , and nation . and in such manner and form , as our saviour christ did rule and govern his universal kingdom , and catholick church , before his incarnation ; so doth he still rule and govern the same : notwithstanding any of those vain pretences , and ridiculous usurpations , which the bishops of rome , or any of their adherents , are able to alledge and maintain to the contrary . in the gloss of one of the books of the canon-law , not long since printed , and approved by gregory the thirteenth , a glossographer , and now an authentical canonist , doth write in this sort . " dicò , quod potestas spiritualis debet dominari omni creaturae humanae . " i say , that the spiritual power ought to domineer over every humane creature . and why saith he so ? forsooth , " per rationes , quas hostiensis inducit in summa : " for certain causes and reasons , which hostiensis ( another canonist ) doth alledge in his sum . but he stayeth not there : he hath another motive , which he setteth down thus : " item , quia christus , &c. " also , because jesus christ , the son of god , when he was in the world , and also from everlasting was the natural lord ; and by the natural law he might have given sentences against the emperour , and any other whatsoever , of deposition and damnation , and any other sentences ; " vtpote in personas , quas creaverat , & donis naturalibus , & gratuitis dotaverat , & etiam conservabat : " as against persons , whom he had created and endowed with natural and free gifts ; and also whom he did preserve : & " eadem ratione vicarius ejus potest : " and by one and the same reason ( saith he ) his vicar may so do . what ? would pope gregory , by his canonists , make men to believe , that all emperours , kings , and soveraign princes , are persons of the pope's creation ? or , that he doth bestow on them freely , any gifts or benefits of nature ? or , that their preservation doth depend upon his good favour and providence ? but the idle canonist , his wit doth serve him no better , than to make ( in effect ) this fond collection : christ , the creator of all things , doth govern , rule , dispose , and preserve all his own creatures : therefore the pope must likewise govern , rule , dispose and preserve them all , though he created none of them . and why must he so do ? he wanteth not a very substantial reason that moved him so to collect ; which followeth in his own words : " nam non videretur dominus discretus fuisse ( ut cum reverentià ejus loquar ) nisi unicum post se talem vicarium reliquisset , qui haec omnia posset . fuit autem iste vicarius ejus petrus . et idem dicendum est de successoribus petri ; cùm eadem absurditas sequeretur , si post mortem petri humanam naturam à se creatam sine regimine unius personae reliquisset . " for christ should not have been thought a person of sufficient discretion ( that with his reverence , i may so speak ) except he had left behind him one such vicar , who might do all these things . and this his vicar was peter . and the same is to be said of the successors of peter : seeing the same absurdity must follow , if after peter's death he had left mankind created by himself , without the regiment of one person . and mr. harding , one of our own countrymen , doth wholly concur with this profound canonist ; saving that he dealeth more civilly with christ , in using the word providence instead of the canonist's discretion . thus he writeth . except we should wickedly grant , that god's providence doth lack to his church ; reason may soon induce us to believe , that to one man , the chief and highest of all bishops , the successor of peter , the rule and government of the church , by god , hath been deferred . and he further doth express his opinion to this effect ; that if god had not ordain'd such a monarchical church-government ; he should have brought in amongst his faithful people , that unruly confusion and destruction of all commonwealths , so much abhorred of princes , which the grecians call an anarchy ; which is a state , for lack of order in governours , without any government at all . that our saviour christ is the sole governour , head , and archbishop of his catholick church , as he is the only governour , ruler , and monarch , over all the world : and that his discretion , and divine providence , is no more to be blemished , or impeached , by the cavils of any impostors , in that he hath appointed no one priest , archbishop , or pope , to be his vicar-general , over the whole catholick church , than for that he hath not assigned any one king , emperour , or monarch , to rule the whole world under him ; this is the point , that here we purpose to make good : taking it in this place for granted , that there was never any one man in the world , to whom our saviour christ did commit the government of it , after the time that it was peopled , and throughly inhabited ; that is , from noah's flood at the least hitherto . they , that labour to prove , that the bishop of rome is head of the universal church , and that christ should have shewed little discretion , or providence , if he had not so ordain'd it , do insist very much upon the grounds of natural reason and philosophy ; telling us out of plato , aristotle , plutarch , isocrates , stobaeus , hesiodus , euripides , homer , herodotus , and divers others , that of all the kinds of government that are , the monarchical government is the best ; " that in a great host , consisting of souldiers of divers nations and countries , and perhaps of many soveraign princes , and kings , there must be one general to govern them all ; that all things naturally have a propension and aptness to monarchical government ; that bees of every hive have their king ; that in every flock of sheep there is a principal ram ; that in every herd of cattel hath a leader ; that cranes do not fly promiscuously , and in heaps , but have one whom they do all very orderly follow ; that amongst coelestial spheres , there is but one primum mobile ; that in the number of the lights of the world , one is greater than the rest ; that there is a certain principality in the elements ; that the fountain is but one , from whence divers times there flow sundry streams ; that into one sea all rivers do run and return ; that the thing which is most one , is less easily divided ; that it is rather one , which is simply one , than a multitude conspiring in one ; " and that for these , and many other like reasons , seeing the monarchical government is best , and that we may be sure , that christ would have his church governed by the best manner of government , ( except we should think him to have dealt absurdly , as a person void , both of good discretion and providence ) ; it followeth therefore , that christ committed the government of it unto one ; first to st. peter , and then to his successor , the bishop of rome for the time being . if this one jesuit and his fellows , would upon the said philosophical premises , have concluded thus , that it therefore had followed , that christ himself doth not only retain in his own hands , the sole government of his catholick church , as he is the only redeemer of it , but likewise the sole government of the whole world , as he is the creator of it ; the conclusion had been true , although the premises had not enforced it . but how stifly soever they meant to insist upon the said conclusion , without any regard of truth , so they may blear the eyes of the simpler sort with such their vain illusions ; we may be bold ( as we hope ) resolutely to defend and maintain it , that the said natural reasons are of as great strength to prove , that there ought of necessity to be one temporal monarch over all the world , as one ecclesiastical monarch over the whole catholick church : although in very deed they are far too feeble and weak , to prove either the one or the other . for who knoweth not , that when the philosophers did write in commendation of the monarchical government , they only had relation to particular nations and countries ; endeavouring to prove , that it was better for them severally to be ruled by that form of government , which is called monarchical , than by any of the rest , aristocratical , democratical , or any other ? and it was so far from their meaning , to have their said reasons wrested to prove , that one mortal man ought to have the government of the catholick church , the spiritual kingdom of christ ; as they never dreamed ( for ought that appeareth ) that one man , in their judgment , was fit or able to take upon him the temporal government of the whole world : to which purpose , a principal lawyer amongst our adversaries , doth write in this sort . naturâ ipsâ institutum non est , quòd universus orbis uni principi subditus sit . it is not ordain'd by nature , that the whole world should be subject to one prince . if then it be an idle vanity for any man to go about by natural reason to prove , that one man ought to be the temporal monarch of all the world , which nature her self did never intend : it is then certainly a kind of madness or phrenzy , to rely upon such proofs for the popes spiritual authority over the whole catholick church ; neither of them both being comprehensible , or subject to the apprehensions of nature . again , these patrons for the pope , and his primacy , over the whole catholick church , have not only such arguments , as we have heard , drawn from natural reason , but some likewise deduced from sundry similitudes , and those out of the scriptures ; upon which they rely with some more confidence , as reason is they should : saying , that god made all mankind , ex uno adamo , of one adam ; to signify thereby , that he would have all men to depend , ab uno , of one : but the old testament was a figure of the new ; and that therefore , as there was but one high-priest amongst the jews to govern that one church ; so now there must be but one pope to govern all the churches in the world : that aaron was not only a figure of christ , but likewise of st. peter : that the church is compared to an host well order'd ; to a humane body ; to a kingdom ; to a fold ; to an house ; to a ship ; and that therefore she must have but one captain ; one humane head ; one king ; one pastor ; one housholder ; and one pilot : that although there be but one , and proper head of the church , which is christ , that governeth the same spiritually , yet she hath need of one visible head , or otherwise the bishop of rome , and all other bishops , pastors , doctors , and ministers , were needless : that although christ be the head of the church , yet he ought to have one underneath him , by whom she may be governed ; as a king , when he is present , may govern his kingdom himself ; but being absent , doth usually appoint another under him , who is called his vice-roy : that every diocess and province hath her bishops and archbishops , to govern the particular churches under them , within their several charges ; and that therefore there must be one bishop of the whole catholick church , to rule and govern them all : lastly , that as there is but one god , one faith , and one baptism ; so there must be in the catholick church , but one chief bishop and judge , upon whom all men ought to depend . many more are the reasons , grounded upon divers other similitudes , which our adversaries have heaped up together , to uphold the pope's authority : all of them being as vain and frivolous as the former . for it is certain and manifest , that as the catholick church is resembled in the scriptures , to an host well ordered , to a humane body , to a kingdom , to a flock of sheep , to an house , and to a ship : so christ only is intended thereby to be her only general , her only head , her only king , her only shepherd , her only housholder , and her only pilot. neither can any other thing be inforced from the words mentioned of one faith , and one baptism , but that as we are only justified through a lively faith in christ , so there is but one baptism ordain'd , whereby we have our first entrance into his spiritual kingdom , and are made particular members of his catholick church . besides , in the like sense , that the catholick church is resembled to an host well order'd , to a humane body , to a kingdom , to a flock , to an house , to a ship ; so may the universal kingdom of christ over the whole world , as he is the creator of it , be resembled to them all , and the aforesaid titles respectively attributed unto him . the whole world is an host , under him , well order'd , and he is the general of it . the whole world is but as one body , whereof he is the head ; being the life of all men , from whom , as from their head , they have their sense , understanding , and motion . the whole universal world is but his kingdom , and he is the king of it , ruling and disposing it , as seemeth best to his divine wisdom . the whole world is with him but one flock , and he is the shepherd of it , all men in it being the sheep of his pasture , to whom he giveth food and sustentation in due season . also he ordereth all the affairs in the world , as a good housholder doth order and direct all the businesses and troubles appertaining to his family . likewife the whole world may aptly be compared to a ship , in that the state of all mankind , living in it , is subject , as a ship on the sea , unto all manner of contrary winds , tempests , and storms ; of which ship were not christ , as he is the creator of the world , the only pilot , the world could not subsist . and as the catholick church is resembled to a fold , which containeth in it all that believe in christ ; so may the universal kingdom of christ , over all the world , be compared unto a fold , in that it containeth in it all mankind generally , his heavenly care and providence evermore protecting them . moreover , as there is but one catholick church , one head , or spiritual ruler of it , ( christ our redeemer ) one christian faith , one baptism , one gospel , one truth , one and the self-same form or nature of all the several theological virtues , and one inheritance ; which are all of them to be taught , embraced , and expected by all that are true members of the catholick church : so there is but one universal kingdom in all the world ( the creator of it being the sole emperour and governour of it ) one moral faith , one nature of truth to be observed amongst all , one rule and nature of justice , one moral law , one nature of equity , one kind , form , or nature of all the several virtues , both moral and intellectual , which are to be put in practice , as occasion requireth , in this one empire , by as many , as expect from christ , their emperour , any happy success in their worldly affairs . but as all these unities in the temporal monarchy of christ , are no sufficient grounds to warrant this assertion , that there ought to be one temporal king or emperour under christ to govern the whole world ; so the aforesaid spiritual and ecclesiastical unities , are not able to establish , or uphold this inference ; that one pope must of necessity have the government under christ of the whole catholick church . also from the authority of scripture , that god made all mankind of one adam , to signify , that he would have all men to depend upon one ; why may it not as well be collected , that he meant , that all the men in the world should depend upon one emperour for causes temporal , as upon one pope in causes ecclesiastical ? likewise it is a very absurd conceit , that our jesuit maintaineth , when he saith , that although christ be the head of the church , yet he ought to have one underneath him , by whom she may be governed ; as a king , when he is present , may govern his kingdom himself , and when he is absent , appoint his vice-roy . of likelyhood this fellow would perswade us , that christ is sometimes absent from his church ; to the end , that the pope may be his grand deputy : for otherwise , by his own example , christ may govern the catholick church without the pope ; as the king , ruling himself in his own kingdom , needeth no vice-roy . that christ is never absent from his church ; but doth by his power , grace and virtue of the holy ghost , still defend and protect it . it is plain by his own words , where he saith , lo , i am with you always unto the end of the world. it is true , that he told his apostles , that he was to depart from them ; meaning , that they must be deprived of his corporal presence : but did he signify unto them , that for their comfort he would leave st. peter in his place , and after him the bishops of rome , st. peter's successors , to govern his church to the end of the world ? no such matter . these are our saviour christ's words . it is expedient for you , that i go away : for if i go not away , the comforter will not come unto you ; but if i depart , i will send him unto you . again , when he is come , which is the spirit of truth , he will lead you into all truth . again , i will pray to my father , and he shall give you another comforter , that he may abide with you for ever ; even the spirit of truth . again , the comforter , which is the holy ghost , whom the father will send in my name , he shall teach you all things . and again , i will not leave you comfortless ; but i will come unto you . which he doth continually , when he upholdeth his church daily against satan , and all that do malign it . so , as we may far more rightly and safely , term the holy ghost to be christ's vicar-general over all the catholick church , than we may ascribe that title to the pope : the holy ghost being ever present and ready , not only to defend the church generally , but to aid and comfort every particular member of it , wheresoever they are dispersed upon the face of the earth ; which we suppose the pope is not able to perform . we have before laboured to make it manifest , that our saviour christ is the creator of the world , and the governour of it ; that he hath redeemed and sanctified unto himself his church , whereof he is the sole monarch ; that he hath neither appointed any one emperour under him to govern the whole world , nor any one priest or archbishop , to rule the whole catholick church ; that , as in respect of christ , the creator , all the world is but one kingdom , whereof he is the only king ; so , in respect of christ our redeemer , all that believe in his name , wheresoever they are dispersed , are but one catholick church ; and that the said one catholick church is not otherwise visible in this world , than is the said one universal kingdom of christ , the creator of it ; viz. by the several and distinct parts of them , as by this , or that national church , by this , or that temporal kingdom . for our saviour christ having made the external government of his catholick church suitable to the government of his universal monarchy over all the world , hath by the institution of the holy ghost order'd to be placed in every kingdom ( as before in another place we have observed ) archbishops , bishops , and inferiour ministers , to govern the particular churches therein planted ; priests , ministers in every particular parish , and over them bishops within their several diocesses ; as likewise archbishops to have the inspection and charge over all the rest , according to the platform ordain'd ( in substance ) by himself in the old testament ; as he hath in like manner appointed kings and sovereign princes , with their inferiour magistrates of divers sorts , to rule and govern his people under him , in every kingdom ; country , and sovereign principality ; some of their said inferiour magistrates having authority from their soveraigns in particular parishes , some in hundreds , some in shires or countries , and some in governments of larger extents ; there being amongst them all divers degrees of persons , one over another , and their kings and soveraign princes , excelling them all in power and authority , as the persons appointed by god , to rule and direct all their subjects , of what calling soever , in the right use of the authority and magistracy ; which they have committed unto them . and we cannot but wonder , as well at our said jesuit , where he saith , that although there be but one , and proper head of the church , which is christ , that governeth the same spiritually ; yet she hath need of one visible head , or otherwise the bishop of rome , and all other bishops , pastors , doctors , and ministers , were needless ; as likewise at our countryman harding , who saith ( as is above-noted ) that if god had not deferred to one man , that is , to peter and his successors , the rule and government of the church , he should have brought , amongst his faithful people , that unruly confusion which is called an anarchy . for , were these their vain conceits and imaginations true , then would it by the same reason follow , that albeit there be but one , and proper monarch over all the world ( which is christ that created it ) yet the same hath need of one visible monarch ; or otherwise emperours , and all other kings , princes , and civil magistrates , were needless ; or otherwise , christ should have left amongst his people throughout the world , that unruly confusion and destruction of all common-wealths , so much abhorred of princes , which the grecians call an anarchy ; which is a state , for lack of order in governours , without any government at all . the fondness of which two consequents , do so plainly argue the folly and falshood of the two former , as we need no other refutation of them . for if all christian kingdoms , and soveraign princes , would banish the pope , with his usurped authority , as the monarchy of britany hath done , and retain under them the apostolical form of church-government , by archbishops and bishops , with other degrees of ministers ( as before we have divers times specified ) they should find the churches , in their several dominions , as well governed by them ( the said archbishops and bishops ) without one pope to rule the whole catholick church ; as they have experience of the sufficiency of their own regal and soveraign form of government in their several kingdoms and countries , notwithstanding there be no one monarch over all the world to command or direct them . and for an example not to be controlled , to make this good that here we affirm ; we leave unto them god 's own form both of temporal and ecclesiastical government , established by himself amongst his own people the jews . nay , why should we doubt , but that kings and soveraign princes , notwithstanding the mists and darkness wherewith the bishops of rome have daily sought to dim their eyes , have had long since a glimpse of this light , and truth ? about . and some odd years since , in the latter end of the reign of henry the second , and in the days of richard the first , both of them kings of england , first baldwin and then hubertus being archbishops of canterbury , there was a mighty controversy betwixt them and the bishops of rome , about the erecting of a new cathedral church in lambeth ; the said kings and archbishops having a resolution utterly to banish out of this kingdom the popes authority , if the monks of canterbury in their allegation to pope celestine , against the said cathedral church , did inform him truly . these are their words , as they are recorded by reginaldus , one of the said monks ( as it seemeth ) then living , who hath written a whole book of that matter . in tantum enim jam opus processit , quod ibi ordinatur decanus , praepositus , & plusquam quadraginta canonici de bonis cantuariensis ecclesiae fundati , genere nobiles , divitiis affluentes , cognati regum & pontificum . quidam ipsi regi adhaerent ; quidam fisci negotia administrantes , familiares episcopis , & iisdem confoederati . adversuss tantos & tales quid poterit ecclesia cantuariensis ? certè timendum est non solùm cantuariensis ecclesiae , sed ( quod deus avertat ) ne hujus rei occasione sedis apostolicae autoritati in partibus anglicanis derogetur . quùm enim fundaretur canonica illa , vox erat omnium , sententia singulorum , ut ibi essent episcopi , quasi cardinales ; archiepiscopus sederet quasi papa ; & ibi omnis appellatio subsisteret & querela . hoc quidem rex henricus machinabatur , approbant quamplures episcopi ; hâc de causâ ( ut dictum est ) ut possent de sub jugo sanctae romanae ecclesiae colla excutere . now the building of the said church is so forward , that there is ordain'd there a dean , a provost , and more than . canons , founded of the goods of the church of canterbury , by birth noblemen , abounding in wealth , allies of the king , and of the bishops . some of them do adhere to the king ; some have offices in the exchequer ; all of them familiar friends to the bishops , and of a confederacy with them . against such and so great persons , what is the church of canterbury able to do ? certainly it is to be feared , not only that the church of canterbury shall hereby be overthrown ; but that upon this occasion , the authority of the apostolical see ( which god forbid ) shall in england be greatly diminish'd und prejudiced . for when this canonry or cathedral church was founded , it was the common fame , and the opinion of every man , that it was founded to this end , that bishops should be there as it were cardinals , and that the archbishop should sit amongst them as pope , and that there all appeals and complaints should be determined . this assuredly was plotted by king henry , and the same very many bishops do allow , for this cause or end , that so they might deliver their necks from under the yoke of the holy church of rome . again after the death of celestin the fourth , the cardinals being at so great a dissention amongst themselves as that they could not agree for the space of a year and nine months , who should succeed him ; both the emperour and the french were greatly moved and offended therewith . the emperour finding his advice unto them to hasten their choice , to be despised and scorned , and how dishonestly some of them had broken their promises and oaths unto him made in that behalf ; he gathered a great host , and dealt sharply with them . and from france they received a message , that if they continued to dally , as they did , in prolonging the choice of a new pope , they would utterly leave rome , and choose to themselves a pope of their own , to govern the churches on this side the alps. hereof matthew paris writeth thus . " per idem tempus miserunt franci solennes nuncios ad curiam romanam ; significantes persuadendo praecisè , & efficaciter , ut ipsi cardinales papam ritè eligentes vniversali ecclesiae solatium pastorale maturiùs providerent : vel ipsi franci propter negligentiam eorum de sibi eligendo , & providendo summo pontifice citra montes , cui obedire tenerentur , quantocyùs contrectarent . " about that time the state of france did send their solemn messengers to the court of rome , signifying unto them , and perswading them , precisely and effectually , that either the cardinals should more speedily provide for the vniversal church , her pastoral comfort , by their due choice of a new pope : or else they themselves ( the french ) because of their negligence , would forthwith fall into deliberation of choosing and providing for themselves a pope on this side the mountains , whom they might be bound to obey . thus the said history . whereby , as also by the former words of the monks of canterbury it is very evident , that both england and france , was long since in deliberation to have abandon'd the authority of the bishops of rome out of both those kingdoms , as finding no necessity of the universal overswaying power of the roman papacy ; and that the churches within their several countries and territories , might receive as great benefit and comfort , by the ecclesiastical government of their own archbishops , in every respect , as ever they had done from the bishops of rome . for as it may truly be said , not of one king to govern all the world , but of every particular king in his own kingdom ; so may it be truly affirmed , not of one pope to govern the whole catholick church , but of every archbishop , in any national church and province , to rule and direct the same ; that under the government of one ( viz. of kings for temporal causes , and of archbishops for ecclesiastical causes ) there is the best order , the greatest strength , the most stability for continuance , and the easiest manner and form of ruling . we have spoken hitherto of the government of the church , especially as it was in the apostles times and afterward , for the space of . years , when the civil magistrates were enemies unto it . whereby we do infer , that if the particular churches , setled then almost in every country and nation throughout the world , had so good success , when there were no christian magistrates , nor had any assistance of the temporal sword , for the strengthning of their ecclesiastical government , but only ministers , to teach and direct their parishioners in the ways of godliness ; and bishops over them in every diocess , to oversee and rule , as well the ministers , as the several people committed to their charge , that they taught no new doctrine , or ran into schisms ; and archbishops over them all , in every national church and province , for the moderating and appeasing of such oppositions and dissentions , as might otherwise have risen amongst the bishops , and so consequently have wrought great distraction betwixt their diocesan churches : how much more then are the said particular churches like to flourish and prosper , under such a form of ecclesiastical government , wherein the christian magistrate is become to be , as the chief member of the church , so the chief governour of it ; to keep as well the said archbishops within their bounds and limits , as all the rest of the clergy , and christians , bishops , ministers , and parishioners , that every one , in their several places , may execute and discharge their distinct offices and duties which are committed unto them . we shall have fit occasion hereafter to speak of the authority of christian princes in causes ecclesiastical : here we do only still prosecute the government of the church ( when temporal kings and princes were her great and mortal enemies ) and the folly , ( if not the obstinacy ) of our adversaries , who either see it not , or will not acknowledge it , that peace and quietness may as well be preserved , in all the churches in the world , by archbishops and bishops , without one pope to govern them all ; as by kings and sovereign princes in all the kingdoms and temporal governments in the world , without one temporal monarch to rule and oversway them . for our adversaries shall never be able to prove , that it may be ascribed ( as we have before said ) more to any want of discretion and due providence in our saviour christ , that he hath not appointed the pope to govern the catholick church , than that he hath not assigned the government of the whole world to one king or emperour . rather it is to be attributed to their audacious temerity and presumption , that will either enforce our saviour christ to be contented with that form of government in his church , which they think good to assign unto him , and so make him to divide stakes ( as the phrase is ) with the bishops of rome ; or else to be reputed amongst them for a person of little discretion and providence , and to have dealt absurdly , in ordering and setling the external government of his church , as he had ordered and setled the external government of his universal kingdom , over all the kings and princes in the world. which profane , wicked , and blasphemous proceedings with christ , will ( no doubt ) in short time , receive a heavy judgment ; in that , although the man of sin hath long wrought in a mystery , and taken upon him , for his time , and so every one of his successors , during their lives , to sit in the temple of god , vaunting , that the said temple , or spiritual kingdom of christ , is wholly at his command ; yet now he beginneth to be revealed and disclosed to be that impostor , that by the assistance of satan , hath with power , and signs , and lying wonders , in all deceiveableness and unrighteousness , long abused the christian world , and is consequently to be consumed by our saviour christ , with the spirit of his mouth . in the mean while , and till this work be throughly effected , we are not to censure christ , either for his discretion , or divine providence , but indeed to admire and magnify them both ; considering , that by his government , both of the universal world , as he is the son of god , and of his catholick church , as he is the redeemer of it ( in such manner and form as we have before expressed , by several kings and priests , within their kingdoms , provinces , and diocesses ) he hath left unto them certain general rules and motives , which being diligently observed , do tend to the universal good and preservation , both of the one and the other ; though they have no assistance therein from the bishops of rome . for as it is an apt and good reason to perswade all kings and kingdoms , to live quietly with their neighbour princes , and nations , and to be at a firm league and friendship with them , because they have all but one heavenly king , are members and subjects of one universal kingdom ; have , or ought to have , but one moral faith , one rule of justice , one square for equity , one nature of truth , one moral law , one kind , form , and nature , of all the several virtues , both moral and intellectual ; one natural instinct , to know god , and to worship him , and one form and rule of mutual love and affection : so the particular churches , dispersed over the world , when they had small comfort from the civil magistrate , held themselves bound to have a special care one over another , that matters of religion might proceed by one rule , with mutual agreement and uniformity , for avoiding of schisms ; in that they well knew , they had all but one redeemer and saviour , one heavenly spiritual king , or archbishop , were all of them members of one mystical body , whereof christ was the head , had all of them but one faith , one baptism , one spiritual food , one hope , one bond of charity , one redemption , and one everlasting inheritance in the life to come . which were such arguments of mutual consociation in those days , as when any great matters of importance did fall out in any one country , through the willfulness and obstinacy of hereticks and crafty seducers of the people , which perhaps were countenanced with some of strength and greater power than could easily be withstood ; their neighbour churches adjoining , did sometimes assist them , by their letters , with the best counsel they could give them ; and sometimes did send some especial learned men unto them , for the better suppressing of those evils ; and sometimes ( when occasions fell out thereunto moving ) sundry archbishops and bishops of several countries , with other learned priests , and persons of principal note , did as they might , for fear of danger , meet together , and upon due and mature deliberation , did so order and determine of matters , as thereby heresies and contentions were still suppressed , and the churches in those countries received great comfort and quietness . and if in those troublesome times the peace of the church were thus preserved ; how much more , now under christian magistrates , may it be strengthned , upheld , and maintain'd without the pope ▪ not only within their several kingdoms , but likewise throughout ( in effect ) all these western parts of the world , if christian kings and soveraign princes would agree together for a general council ; to the end , that all those heresies , errours , impostures and presumptions , wherewith the church of christ hath been long , and is now miserably shaken , and disturbed , might be at the last utterly suppressed and extinguished ? many other means might here be alledged , to shew how the state of christian religion is to be upheld and maintained , without any assistance from the bishop of rome . but our purpose being in this place to resemble and compare the government of the catholick church , with the universal government of the son of god , over the whole world ; we hold it sufficient to observe , that every national church , may as well subsist of her self , without one universal bishop , as every kingdom may do without one general monarch . nevertheless we acknowledge , that in this particular tractate we have been very tedious ; and it may be thought perhaps by some , that our pains therein is altogether superfluous ; because many of our adversaries do ( in effect ) acknowledge , that there is the like necessity of one emperour to govern all the world , as there is of one pope to have the oversight and ordering of the whole catholick church . indeed , upon the sifting of the usurped authority of the bishops of rome , our adversaries finding , that by their arguments to bolster up his said authority , the erection of one man to govern the world in temporal causes , is as necessarily to be inforced , as of one pope to govern the whole church in ecclesiastical causes ; they are grown to this most admirable insolency , and most high presumption , as that they dare affirm , and do take upon them , without all modesty , to maintain it , that the pope is both the monarch of the catholick church , and the emperour of all the world. which mystery of theirs is thus managed , and by piece-meal unfolded after this sort : viz. that to ease the pope , lest he might be oppressed with multitude of affairs , if he should take upon him , in his own person , to govern the whole world , as he doth direct the especial affairs of the catholick church ; they do assign unto him power and authority to create and delegate under him , as his feudatary , or vassal , this one supposed emperour , to whom ( they say ) he may commit the special execution of his temporal sword , to be drawn and put up , at his direction and commandment . and for this one base emperour over all the world , many are now as busy , as others are , to maintain the pope's supremacy over the whole catholick church . now to prove , that the pope hath universal dominion over all the world temporaelitèr , temporally , and likewise sufficient power to institute and appoint one emperour under him , as his substitute , to rule the whole world , they use this argument . " summus pontifex instituit , ac confirmat imperatorem : sed imperator habet dominium universale temporaliter in toto mundo : ergo & papa habet hoc idem dominium temporaliter . the bishop of rome . doth ordain , and confirm the emperour : but the emperour hath universal dominion temporally in the whole world : therefore the pope hath the very same temporal dominion . " and about ten years since , one andrew hoy , the greek professor at doway , made an oration , de novae apud europeos monarchiae pro tempore utilitate ; taking upon him to prove , that the king of spain was the fittest person of all the kings and princes in europe , to be advanced unto this great monarchy . but what should we trouble our selves with this point ? the king of spain ( we suppose ) will greatly scorn to be the pope's vassal , and the emperour that now is , or that shall succeed him hereafter , as likewise all the kings and princes in the world , may see most evidently , how grosly and shamefully they are abused , and how notably they neglect the greatness of their own callings ; especially they , who have been heretofore , or shall be hereafter emperours , in that they do intermeddle any thing at all with the pope , or receive from him , either their confirmation or coronation ; in that thereby he presumeth most ridiculously , and without any shew of truth , to challenge them for his servants and vassals . it hath been before shewed , by the judgment of the cardinalized jesuit , that the bishops of rome have no temporal possessions at all ; but such as they have received from the emperour , and other kings and soveraign princes . in consideration whereof , seeing , that now they insult so notably over them all , both princes , kings , and emperours , being so far from acknowledging themselves to be the emperour's subjects , or to hold their said possessions , either of him , or of any king , that bestowed them upon them : we do verily think , that the said princes , kings , and emperours , who have been so beneficial to the said bishops , shall never shew themselves to be of that princely magnanimity , and prowess , which their high places do require , nor free their sceptres from the thraldom and base subjection to their usurped authority ; until either they take from them , what before they gave them , or bring them to a more dutiful acknowledgment of their duties unto them . and what we say of the popes , we likewise do hold concerning all the clergy besides , in europe , or elsewhere , that , if they shall either withdraw themselves from their subjection unto their temporal soveraigns , under whom they live , or deny to hold the possessions of their several churches of their said soveraigns , or to do them homage for the same ; they may lawfully , in our judgments , not only resume the said possessions into their own hands , but likewise proceed against them as rebels and traytors , according to the form of their several laws . but this is a digression . for in the beginning of this chapter , we undertook to deal with those only , who , though they maintain the popes general supremacy over the catholick church ; yet they deny upon many weighty reasons , that god did ever ordain any one emperour to govern all the world. but how long they will deny it , we know not ; in that the principal jesuit himself writeth thus : " vtrum expediret omnes provincias mundi , &c. " whether it were expedient that all the provinces in the world should be govern'd by one chief king in things politick , although the same be not necessary , it may be a question : mihi tamen omnino expedire videtur , si possit eò perveniri sine injustitiâ , & bellicis cladibus : yet it seemeth to me expedient , if such a monarchical government over all the world , might be gotten without injustice , and such calamities and miseries as usually follow war. what this jesuit doth encline unto , it is hereby evident : but in that he confesseth , that such a monarchical civil government is not necessary , that is enough for our purpose , because hereby it likewise followeth , ( as before we have shewed ) that the government of the pope over the whole church is , in every respect , as little necessary . can. x. and therefore if any man shall affirm , under colour of any thing that is in the scriptures , or that can be truly grounded upon natural reason , or philosophy , that our saviour christ should have shewed himself to have had no discretion , except he had left one chief bishop to have govern'd all the churches in the world : or , that except he appointed one to the said end , he should , as a person void of providence , have left his faithful people in a miserable confusion , and without any government at all : or , that any of all the arguments , that may be deduced from philosophy , and natural reason , to prove , that one man ought to have the government of the whole catholick church in spiritual causes , are not as forcible to prove , that one king or emperour ought to have the rule and government over the whole world in causes temporal : or , that any of the philosophers ever meant to have their reasons ( alledged by them to prove , that in every particular country , the monarchical form of temporal government was the best ) to be extended to prove , that there ought to be either one bishop over all the catholick church ( whereof they had no knowledge ) or one emperour over all the world : or , that , because all men have their beginning from adam , it doth not as well follow , that there ought to be one emperour to govern all the world , as one bishop over the whole catholick church : or , that aaron was any more a figure of st. peter , and his successors , that they severally , in their times , should govern the whole church , than king david was of augustus the emperour , and his successors , that they severally , in their times , should have committed unto them the government of the whole world : or , that the resemblances in the scriptures of the church unto an host well order'd , to a humane body , to a kingdom , to a fold , to an house , to a ship , may not fitly be applied as well to the vniversal kingdom of christ over all the world , as unto the church ; and so consequently as well to our saviour christ , as he is the governour of the whole world , that he is the general of that host , the head of that body , the king of that kingdom , the shepherd of that flock , the housholder of that family , and the pilot of that ship ; as may these titles be ascribed unto him , as he is the only archbishop of the whole church , viz. that he is the only general of this host , the only head of this body , the only king of this kingdom , the only shepherd of this flock , the only housholder of this family , and the only pilot of this ship : or , that the said vnities , concerning the vniversal kingdom of christ , are not of as great validity to prove , that there ought to be one temporal king under him , to govern his vniversal kingdom over all the world ; as are the other vnities , touching the church , to prove , that there must be one bishop under him , to govern all the particular churches in the world : or that , because kings , when they have occasion to be absent from their kingdoms , do commonly appoint some vice-roy , to rule their people until their return ; it thereupon followeth , that christ , supplying his corporal absence from his spiritual kingdom the church , by the comfortable presence of the holy ghost , was of necessity to leave one carnal man to be his vicar-general over his said spiritual kingdom : or , that seeing our saviour christ held it expedient for his catholick church , that he should deprive her of his corporal presence , that she might be ruled by the holy ghost ; it is not to be thought great presumption for any man to tell us , that his corporal presence is necessary for the government of the said catholick church , as if he meant to put the holy ghost out of possession : or , that either the said one vniversal kingdom of christ ( the king , and creator of it ) is otherwise visible upon the earth , than by the particular kingdoms , and several kinds of governments in it ( and perhaps in a sort , and by representation , when some neighbour kings , either in person , or by their ambassadours , may be met together for the good of their several kingdoms : ) or , that the said one catholick church of christ ( as he is the chief bishop over all ) is otherwise visible on the earth , than by the several , and particular churches in it , and sometimes by general and free councils lawfully assembled : or , that it is a better consequent , that if the catholick church have no visible head , all other bishops , doctors , pastors , and ministers , are needless ; than if one should say , because there is no one king to govern all the world , therefore there is no use of emperours , kings , and soveraign princes , or civil magistrates : or , that it doth more follow , that christ should have left his faithful people in a confused anarchy , except he had left st. peter , and his successors to govern the whole church ; than it doth , that the whole world hath been left by him in a confusion , without any government in it , in that he hath not left one vniversal emperour : or , that the intolerable pride of the bishop of rome , for the time still being , through the advancement of himself , by many sleights , stratagems , and false miracles , over the catholick church , ( the temple of god ) as if he were god himself , doth not argue him plainly to be the man of sin , mentioned by the apostle : or , that every national church , planted according to the apostle's platform , may not by the means , which christ hath ordained , as well subsist of it self , without one vniversal bishop , as every kingdom may do under the government of their several kings , without one general monarch ; he doth greatly erre . the end of the second book . lib . iii. cap. i. in pursuing our intended course through the old testament , and until the destruction of jerusalem , we overslipt , and passed by the fulness of that time , wherein the son of god ( the maker and governour of all the world ) our lord , and saviour jesus christ , was conceived by the holy ghost , and born of the virgin mary . so as now we are to return back , and prosecute our said course , as we find the true grounds thereof are laid down , confirmed , and practised in the new testament . at our entrance into which course , we confess our selves to be indeed greatly astonished , considering the strange impediments , and mighty stumbling blocks , which through long practice , and incredible ambition , are cast in our way [ in that we find the estate of that church ( which would rule over all ) to be degenerated in our days , as far in effect from her primary , and apostolical institution and rules ; as we have shewed before , the estate of the jewish church , to have swerved through the like pride and ambition , from that excellent condition , wherein she was first established , and afterward preserved , and beautified , by moses , and king david , with the rest of his most worthy and godly successors . ] for except we should condemn the old testament ( as many ancient hereticks have done ) and thereupon overthrow all which hitherto we have built ; and not that only , but should furthermore , either approve of their gross impiety , who read the scriptures of the new testament , as if they were falsified and corrupted , and by receiving and rejecting as much of them as they list , do prefer before them ( as not containing in them all necessary truth for man's salvation ) certain obscure and apocryphal writings : or should our selves impiously imagine , that the new testament ( as now we have it ) was but a rough draught , and a fit project compiled for the time by the apostles , to be afterward better order'd , polished , and supplied with certain humane traditions and doctrines , by some of their successors : we can see no sufficient warrant , or probable reason , why the bishop of rome , should take upon him ( as he doth ) so eminent and supream authority , over all the kingdoms and churches in the world , to rule them , direct them , bestow them , and chop and change them , under pretence of religion , as he from time to time shall think fit : sure we are , if the scriptures may retain their ancient authority , and continue to be true rulers , and principal directors to all apostolical bishops ; that in them there will not be found any shadows , or steps , of those so high and lofty conceits . to the proof whereof , before we address our selves ; we have thought it very expedient , for the carriage of our course more perspicuously and clearly ; to make it apparent , by what degrees and practices the bishops of rome have proceeded in aspiring to that soveraignty and greatness which now they have attained . placet eis . john overall , prolocutor . cap. ii. as it was said long since ; religion brought forth riches , and the daughter devoured the mother : so may it very truly be said in these days , the empire begat the papacy , and the son hath devoured his father . for ( as we suppose , by the effects ) no sooner did the bishops of rome , even in the first times of persecution , get any rest and courage ; but they began to think with themselves , that they were as able to govern all the churches in the empire , as the emperours themselves were to govern all the kingdoms and nations , then subject unto them : and that rome was as fit a seat for such a bishop , as it was for so great an emperour . some seeds of this ambition began to sprout there , when victor presumed to threaten the greek churches , concerning the feast of easter : although irenaeus , then living , did greatly dislike it ; and the bishops of asia , little regarding him in that behalf , said , they nothing cared for such his threats . and it was not , we suppose , an idle conceit of one , who writing an abstract of the bishops of rome , and comparing those that were before victor , with those that followed , saith thus , in his papis abundat spiritus ; in posterioribus malesuaeda caro : the spirit abounded in the former popes ; but in those that succeeded him , the seducing flesh . some more light whereof , as also of the said undermining ambition , brake out ( little above . years after victor ) in cornelius , the th bishop of rome . who notwithstanding the great trouble he had at home with his fellow-counter-pope novatianus , could find such leisure ( under pretence of importunity and threatnings ) as to entertain a complaint against st. cyprian , which was preferr'd unto him by one felicissimus , a priest , sent to rome from fortunatus , an usurping and schismatical bishop ; whom together with felicissimus , st. cyprian , with other african bishops , had lawfully excommunicated , for sundry their lewd and ungodly actions . with which injurious course , st. cyprian being made acquainted , and somewhat moved , he writ to cornelius an epistle , wherein he justifieth his proceedings , and disliketh those of his adversaries . first , because there was a decree amongst them , and that also equal and just , that every man's cause should be there heard where the fault was committed . secondly , for that a portion of the flock was committed to several bishops , which every one of them was to rule and govern , being to yield an account of his actions to god. whereupon he inferreth thus ; saying , " it doth not become those , over whom we bear rule , to run gadding about , nor by their crafty and deceitful rashness , to break the united concord of bishops ; but there to plead their cause , where they may have both accusers and witness of their crime : unless ( saith he ) the authority of the bishops of africk , doth seem unto a few desperate and outcast persons , to be less than the authority of other bishops . " it appeareth furthermore , that for the better government of the churches in those times of persecution , it was thought fit , that there should be . patriarchs , who were to take upon them the inspection , and especial charge of all the bishops , priests , and churches , that were severally assigned unto them . in which distribution the bishops of rome got the first place ; it being then thought convenient to seat their chief bishops in the principal cities of the romans , and to grant unto them authority in causes ecclesiastical , much resembling the prerogatives , which those cities had in causes temporal . of all the eastern lieutenantships , that of syria was the chief : and therefore antioch , being the principal city of that province , was made also the seat of one of the said patriarchs . afterward likewise alexandria , exceeding much in honour the city of antioch , another patriarch was there placed ; who , according to the dignity of that city , had the precedency of the patriarch of antioch . whereby we judge , that the patriarch , or bishop of rome , had the first place amongst the rest of the patriarchs ; because rome was then the chiefest city in the world , and the seat of the empire . which point is yet more manifest , by these words of the council of chalcedon : sedi veteris romae patres meritò dedêrunt primatum , quòd illa civitas aliis imperaret . howbeit ( this primacy , or precedency notwithstanding ) the bishop of that see , before the council of nice , confirm'd by constantine the emperour , was little more respected , than any other of the patriarchs : as a principal person ( afterward of that rank ) testifieth , saying , ante concilium nicaenum ad romanam ecclesiam parvus habebatur respectus : before the council of nice there was little respect born to the church of rome : although , we doubt not by the premises , but that the bishops thereof endeavour'd what they could to equal the primacy of that patriarchship , to the honour and dignity of that imperial city ; as by their subsequent practices it will more plainly appear . placet eis . john overall . cap. iii. constantine the emperour having received the gospel , did in his zeal greatly advance the dignity of the bishops of rome , by endowing of that bishoprick with great honour and temporal possessions . besides , ( whether it grew from the cunning of those bishops , and their especial instruments , or through the zeal of the people , or by both those means ) it is apparent , that within some . years after constantine's death , that bishoprick was grown to so great wealth , as when it was void , many troubles , garboiles , and contentions arose for the obtaining of it . after the death of liberius , the second bishop after constantine , such were the tumults in rome betwixt damasus and vrsinus in striving for that place , as there were found in the church of sicininus , slain on both sides in one day . persons , and great labour was taken before the people could be appeas'd . " whereat ( saith the writer of that history ) i do not marvel , and that men should be desirous of that preferment : considering , that when they have got it , they may ever afterward be secure ; they are so enriched with the oblations of matrons ; they ride abroad in their coaches so curiously attir'd , and in their diet are so delicate and profuse ; vt eorum convivia regales superent mensas , as their feasts exceed the fare of kings . " insomuch as a desperate heathen man was accustomed , in scorn to damasus , after he had gotten the victory against his adversary , to cast out these words facite me romanae vrbis episcopum , & ero protinus christianus , make me bishop of rome , and i will presently become a christian . which alluring plenty and delicacy being added to the primacy of that place , and to the aspiring humours of those bishops ; their ambition began to shew it self daily more and more . insomuch as they hardly endured that any of the other patriarchs should have any extraordinary reputation , being ever most jealous of their own . the fathers of the greek church , met together in the general council at constantinople about . years after the death of constantine , finding themselves grieved ( of likelyhood ) with the proceedings of the bishops of rome ; and that the bishops of constantinople , were not so much regarded in rome , as they ought to have been , ( constantinople being then the chief seat of the empire ) did define with one consent , " that as causes did arise in any province , the same should be determined in the council of the same province . " and furthermore , they made this canon ; constantinopolitanae civitatis episcopum habere oportet primatûs honorem post romanum pontificem ; proptereà quòd sit nova roma . with these proceedings , the bishops of rome were afterwards ( as one noteth ) much discontented ; as fearing ( we suppose ) lest by these beginnings new rome might in time more prejudice old rome , than they could well brook or endure . but that all causes should be tried in the provinces , where they did arise , it was no marvel , though they disliked it . therefore to meet with that inconvenience ( as they might ) after some distance of time , one apiarius being excommunicated in africk , and thereupon appealing to rome , zosimus the bishop there , did very readily embrace his cause , and without hearing of the other side , pronounced him innocent , and so absolved him . which fact of his was afterward approved by boniface the first , and caelestinus the first ; pretending , as it seemeth , that as in all civil causes for these western parts , there lay appeals to the city of rome ; so in all ecclesiastical causes , when men received ( as they thought ) injury under any of the patriarchs or other bishops , they might , if they would , appeal to the bishop of that see. and to justifie that their ambitious challenge , they forged a canon of the council of nice , as it was directly proved in the african council , holden at hippo , about the year . whereupon the bishops of the said council ( in which number st. augustin was one ) perceiving what the bishops of rome meant by that sleight , viz. that if once they might obtain a power to receive appeals from all the churches within the empire , they would shortly after grow to challenge some universal authority over all the said churches : did , to prevent the same , make two decrees ; " that if any clergyman would appeal from their bishops , they should not appeal but to the african councils , or to the primates of their province : adding this penalty , that if any did appeal to the transmarine parts , " à nullo intra africam in communionem suscipiatur . and their second decree is thus set down by gratian , primae sedis episcopus non appelletur princeps sacerdotum , vel summus sacerdos , aut aliquid hujusmodi ; sed tantù primae sedis episcopus : vniversalis autem , nec etiam romanus pontifex appelletur . it is strange to consider , how the bishops of rome were vexed with this council ; and how from time to time they sought to discredit it : as also what shifts and devices their late proctors have found out to the same purpose ; but all in vain : for the truth of that whole action is so manifest , as it cannot be suppressed by any such shifts or practices whatsoever . placet eis . john overall . cap. iv. although the said council of africk troubled the bishops of rome , as is abovementioned : yet , shortly after , some other new occasions happen'd , which stung them more sharply . for about the year . when the city of constantinople was grown to be in very great honour ; it seem'd good to the fathers of the greek church , and others assembled in the general council , holden at chalcedon , to make this canon following , " the ancient fathers did justly grant priviledges to the throne of old rome , because that city bare then the chief sway : and with the same reason . godly bishops being moved , did grant equal priviledges to the throne of new rome , rightly judging , that the city of constantinople , which was then honoured with the empire and senate , should enjoy equal priviledges with old rome ; and , that in matters ecclesiastical , she ought to be extolled and magnified as well as rome , being the next after her . " against this canon pope leo stormed exceedingly ; and the whole council it self , in respect of the said canon , is of later years sought to be discredited . but the great and main quarrel betwixt new rome and old rome , began about the year . when john the patriarch of constantinople , not contenting himself to have equal priviledges with the bishops of rome , would needs be accounted the vniversal bishop . which challenge did the rather move the bishops of rome , because they found , that mauricius the emperour inclined greatly to his desire . whereupon pelagius the second , and after him gregorius the first , as fearing the issue that might ensue of that contention , to the great prejudice of the church of rome ; they blew successively both of them a hasty retreat , and pretended very earnestly , that it was utterly unlawful for any bishop to seek so great an authority over all other bishops and churches . and first pelagius , opposing himself against the said john , patriarch of constantinople , wrote thus to certain bishops : let none of the patriarchs ever use this so prophane a word : for if the chief patriarch be called vniversal , the name of the other patriarchs is derogated from them : but far be it from the mind of every faithful man , so much as to have a will to challenge that to himself , whereby he may seem , in any respect , how little soever , to diminish the honour of the rest of his brethren . but gregory in this point exceedeth . he telleth mauricius the emperour , and others , in sundry of his epistles , that it is against the statutes of the gospel , for any man to take upon him to be called vniversal bishop : that no bishop of rome did ever admit of that name of singularity , and profane title . that john , his endeavour therein , was an argument , that the times of antichrist drew near : that the king of pride was at hand , and that an army of priests was prepared for him : and thus he concludeth , i considently affirm , that whosoever calleth himself vniversal bishop , or desireth so to be called , he doth in his pride make way for antichrist . after gregory succeeded sabinianus : who had so hard a conceit of gregory , his predecessor , that he was purposed to have burnt his books , rather ( as we suppose ) because he had written so much against the title of universal bishop , than for either of the conjectures , which platina mentioneth . but the issue of the said contention was this : mauricius the emperour being slain by phocas , his servant , and phocas himself having gotten the empire ; boniface the third prevail'd so far with him , after much and great opposition , as the emperour gave order , that the church of rome should be called , and accounted , caput omnium ecclesiarum . which another man of great account amongst them in these days , reporteth after this sort . the contention betwixt the patriarch of constantinople , and the bishop of rome ; for the primacy was again determined by phocas the emperour , pronouncing out of the old councils and fathers , that the church of rome should be the head of all churches . for his [ again ] he might well have left it out ; as also his phrases of councils and fathers ; and therefore we prefer in this point platina before him ; who making neither mention of councils , nor fathers , dealeth more truly , and saith , that the church of constantinople sibi vendicare conabatur , that place , which boniface obtained from the emperour phocas : and that the same was obtained upon these grounds , viz. that whereas the bishop of constantinople insisted , eò loci primam sedem esse debere , ubi imperii caput esset ; it is answered by the bishop of rome , and his agents , that constantinople was but a colony , deduced out of the city of rome ; and therefore , that the city of rome ought still to be accounted caput imperii : that the grecians themselves , in their letters , termed their prince the emperour of the romans ; and that the citizens of constantinople , were called not grecians , but romans . indeed platina further saith ( being peradventure of our mind ) that he will omit , how the keys of the kingdom of heaven were given to st. peter , and so to the roman bishops , his successors , and not to the bishops of constantinople : and we likewise , following his example , as a thing impertinent to our purpose , will here omit the same . only we do observe , that the contention betwixt the bishop of rome , and the bishop of constantinople , was de primatu ; and that the bishop of rome obtain'd that place by phocas his means , which the bishop of constantinople did challenge to himself . whereupon we offer to mens considerations , these two arguments . whosoever taketh upon him that primacy , or place in the church , which john , bishop of constantinople , did challenge to himself , is the forerunner of antichrist : but the bishops of rome do take upon them that primacy and place : ergo. again ; those priests , which do adhere unto him , that taketh upon him that place and primacy , which john , the bishop of constantinople did challenge to himself , are an host prepared for the king of pride : but all the priests , that do adhere to the bishop of rome , do adhere unto him , that taketh upon him that primacy and place , which john , the bishop of constantinople , did challenge to himself : ergo. but our purpose is not to dispute : only this we add , that till this time , that the bishop of rome had prevailed so far with phocas , as is aforementioned , his predecessors , notwithstanding their great authority , after constantine's reign and favour with the emperours succeeding , they behaved themselves dutifully toward them , and acknowledged them to be their lords and masters . but afterward , in short time , they left those phrases , and began to call the emperours their sons . to which alteration , a very worthy man taking exception ; he is answered by another of many good parts ( it must be confessed ) after this sort . st. gregory might call mauricius his lord , either of courtesie , or of custom ; and yet our holy father , pius the fourth , shall not be bound to do the like ; in consideration , that the custom hath long since been discontinued . placet eis . jo. overall . cap. v. although when the bishops of rome , after much opposition , had obtain'd their desires for their primacy beforementioned , they might well enough ( as we suppose ) have been contented : yet forasmuch as still they remain'd in greater subjection to the emperours , than they thought was agreeable with their greatness , their aspiring mind rested not there ; but began shortly after to cast about , how they might in their places be independent and absolute . for the compassing whereof they took hold of every occasion , that might serve , or be wrested , and drawn to that purpose . at the first receiving of the gospel , men are ever , for the most part , very zealous , and great favourers of the ministry . in the apostles times they sold their lands and possessions , and laid the price of them at the apostles feet . st. paul was received by the galatians , as an angel of god ; yea , as jesus christ : and such was their love toward him , that to have done him good they would have plucked out their eyes , and given them unto him . when the emperours of rome became christians , they did exceed in this behalf ; especially towards the bishops of that see : bestowing upon them very great riches and ample possessions . of all which zealous dispositions , benefits and favours they ever made , above all other bishops , their greatest advantage , by imploying the same to the advancement of their greatness . wherein they were furthermore very much helped , and further'd by the authority which the emperours gave unto them in temporal causes : holding them for their gravity , learning and discretion very meet , and sit persons in their own absence from rome , to do them that way very great service . besides , if we shall deal sincerely and truly ( as we hold our selves always bound , and more strictly in a cause of this importance ; ) we must needs confess , that it hath been the manner of divines , from the apostles times almost , to magnify and extol the worthiness and excellency of their own calling : which was a very commendable and necessary course in many ( the ordinary contempt of the ministry consider'd ) and had been so in all of them , if they had not therewith depressed too much the dignity and preheminence of kings and princes . comparisons in such cases were ever worthily held to be odious . bishops and priests , might without any just reprehension , have been resembled to gold , to the sun , and to what else is excellent ; without comparing the highest magistrates , under god , in respect of themselves , to the moon , to lead , and to some other things of such like base estimation . and we doubt not , but that they would have refrain'd from such comparisons , if they could have foreseen , how the bishops of rome would to the disgrace and dishonour of civil authority , have wrested and perverted them : notwithstanding , that their inferences thereupon have ever had more shew and probability , than substance and truth ; except we shall say , that the callings of schoolmasters and physicians , are in dignity to be preferr'd before all other temporal callings , because the end of the one is the instructing of mens understandings , and of the other , health ; which either are , or ought to be , both of them in their kinds , of greater estimation , than any other things whatsoever . we shall not need to trouble our selves with the citing of any authorities , to prove how eagerly the bishops of rome ( especially after boniface the third had obtained of phocas the said supremacy ) have pressed the same comparisons ; it is so evident , both in their own writings , and likewise generally in all their treatises , who from time to time , have laboured with all their force and might , to advance , above all other authority upon earth , the soveraignty of that see. placet eis . john overall . cap. vi. albeit the former occasions ( as they were handled ) and particularly the device last before specified , wrought very much in the hearts of the simpler sort , to the debasing of the imperial and regal authority , in respect of the spiritual ; and that it was therefore prosecuted and amplified , with all the skill and rhetorick that could be : yet there was another matter , which troubled the bishops of rome exceedingly , and never gave them rest until they had prevailed in it ; as if without it they had gained little by their primacy . it seemeth , that constantine the great , when he left rome , notwithstanding his especial benefits and favours to the bishops of that see , did in his wisdom think it fit , that none should be advanced to that bishoprick without the emperour's consent . for the better manifestation whereof , it is to be observed , that whilst the bishops of rome were labouring so earnestly for their supremacy , till phocas's time , the city of rome had been four times surprised by divers barbarous nations , an. . by alaricus , the second king of the goths , innocentius the first being then bishop , an. . by gensericus , the leader of the vandalls , leo the first being then bishop , an. . or thereabouts , by odoacer , simplicius being then bishop , an. . or thereabouts , by theodoricus , and the east goths , gelasius the first being then bishop ; and was again , by belisarius , the captain of justinian the emperour , recover'd out of their hands , about the year . sylverius being then bishop . by all which attempts of the said barbarous nations , although the empire received great detriment ; yet the bishops of rome had leisure to contend for superiority ; because the said barbarous nations , being christians , and very superstitious , did sometimes greatly honour them , and rather admired their pomp and state , than sought any ways to impeach it . which caused , as it seemeth , that the bishops of rome , at the last , began to favour them more than they did their emperours . insomuch , as an. . the said sylverius obtained that bishoprick ( as one noteth ) theodohato gothorum rege jubente ; cùm anteà non regum , sed imperatorum autoritas soleret intervenire : by the commandment of theodohatus , whereas before , in the choice of the bishops of rome , the authority of the emperours , and not of those kings , had been usually obtained . whereupon when belisarius had recovered the city from the goths , and was inform'd by certain sworn witnesses , that the said sylverius was plotting , how he might render it again unto the goths ; he the said belisarius removed him from the see , and placed vigilius in his room . whereof the emperour being advertised , did approve greatly that which belisarius had done ; and took a strict order with vigilius , that no bishop of rome should thenceforward be consecrated , until the emperour had approved of him , and confirmed his election : so as thereby the emperours , ( having then their residence at constantinople ) might be always assured of the qualities and dispositions of the new bishops , whose authority then began to be great : lest otherwise some factious person , or enemy of the emperours , being advanced to that see , the city of rome , and italy it self , might perhaps by his means , revolt from the east empire ; as a great friend to rome hath very well observed : who furthermore addeth thereunto , unto , that this custom did afterward continue , until the time of benedict the second , that is , for . years : in which space gregory the great , and boniface the third ( who had prevail'd with phocas for the supremacy of rome ) and bishops more successively enjoyed that bishoprick . it was but touched before , how in the time of sylverius the authority of the bishops of rome was grown great ; whilst by the incursions of the said barbarous nations into italy , the power of the emperours in this west part of the world was greatly decayed . and although justinian the emperour recovered in some good sort the former estate of the empire , in these parts : yet not many years after the lombards setting foot into italy did greatly impair the same . but the utter ruin of it did principally proceed ( for ought we find to the contrary ) from the bishops of rome . for when about the year . the emperour constantine the fourth , greatly favouring benedict the second , gave the clergy and people of rome licence to choose and admit from that time forward their bishops , without any further expectation of the emperour's authority to approve and confirm the same ( little remembring the wisdom and providence of justinian ) they , the said bishops , grew to great presumption and boldness against their succeeding emperours ; until by their means , rome , italy , and the western parts of the empire were utterly cut off from the east empire : which justinian , and his successors by keeping the bishops of rome in some due subjection , through their authority in their preferments to that see , did seek to have prevented . no sooner had the same emperour given the bishops of rome this immunity , and freedom ; but , to omit what dangerous quarrels arose amongst the citizens of rome in the choice of their bishops , scarce . years were passed , before they began to insult greatly over the emperours . it is noted for a great commendation in pope constantine the first , because he was the first that durst take upon him , openly to resist philippicus , the next emperour after the said justinian , in os , to his face . but the opposition which gregory the second made against leo the third ( the next but one to the said philippicus ) is indeed very memorable . he proceeded so far against him , for giving commandment throughout all his empire , that , for the avoiding of idolatry , images should be removed out of all churches ; as by his letters sent abroad , far and near , he procured such passing hatred against leo , especially amongst the italians , as they brake out in divers places into open rebellion . wherein they went so far , that every city and town rejected the magistrates appointed by the emperour's authority , and created magistrates of their own , whom they called dukes ; entring into a course to have abrogated the empire of constantinople , and to have set a new emperour in italy . from which course , although the pope disswaded them , as disliking ( we suppose ) to have an emperour so near him : yet he took such order , as both rome , and the rest of the italîans withdrew , from that time forward , their customs , and tributes , which had , beforetimes , been paid to the emperour : and their rebellion so increased every day against him , that the romans forsook him , and submitted themselves , by an oath , to the said gregory the second , to be order'd and govern'd by him in all things . whereby , rome , and the dukedom thereof , was violently taken from the emperour of constantinople , and bestow'd upon the bishop of rome . in respect of which most irreligious and un-bishop-like proceedings , the patrons of that see do greatly commend him . one of them saith , " that the bishops of rome are either beholding to him , or to none , for their principality . for ( as he in the same place further affirmeth ) he made his successours great princes : the beginning whereof was hard , the progress more easy , and the event prosperous and happy : tantae molis erat romanam condere gentem ; it was a matter of so great difficulty to erect the papacy . " indeed it is behoveful for them to measure the pope's dealings , by their success and events ; for otherwise , they were in themselves very abominable : every pope growing still one more insolent than another , as appeared by the practices of gregory the third , persisting in his predecessors steps , against the said emperour ; and of stephen the second , against constantine the son of leo. now whilst these famous popes were playing their parts on the one side ( as we have shewed ) against the emperour , to withdraw the hearts of the italians from him : the saracens were as busy against him on the other side . which might have moved their holiness ( if they had had the fear of god before their eyes ) rather to have procured some assistance from the italians to the emperour , in a case of that nature , than to have drawn his own subjects from him . but their course was bent another way . for the lombards beginning to trouble rome , and they being asham'd to crave aid from the said emperour , whom they had so abused : they left their own soveraigns , under pretence , that in regard of their wars with the saracens , they were not able to assist them ; and procured assistance from france : first by carolus martellus , and then by pepin his son : the said stephen the second , having bound the said pepin ( as it seemeth ) by an oath , that if he overcame the lombards , all that appertained to the exarchate of ravenna , which had lately been the emperours , might be annexed to the bishoprick of rome : which was afterward , by him , performed accordingly . suitable hereunto were the proceedings of pope adrian the first . who being again troubled with the lombards , obtain'd help from carolus magnus ; by whose coming into italy , the lombards were shortly subdued , and the pope's estate greatly advanced ; but the emperour 's was in effect utterly overthrown , concerning his interest and authority , which he had before in those parts . for the said carolus having vanquished the lombards , and none else there being able to resist him , he caused the said pope to anoint his son pepin king of italy , and so returned into france . but abo●● four years after , leo the third being pope , and afterward faln into so great hatred amongst the romans , as he hardly escaped them with his life : he the said leo used such means , as that he brought the said charles again to rome ; before whom leo purged himself by his oath from those accusations , wherewith the romans charged him . in requital whereof , and the rather , because at that time irene the empress , and wife of leo the fourth , raign'd at constantinople after her husband's death , ( which the romans disliked ; ) the said charles was in rome created emperour over the western parts , which belonged before to the ancient empire . touching which point , an ancient historiographer writeth in this sort : the romans , who were in heart long before faln from the emperour of constantinople , taking this occasion and opportunity , that a woman had gotten the dominion over them , did with one general consent proclaim king charles for their emperour , and crowning him by the hands of leo the third , saluted him as caesar and emperour of rome . and this was the fruit of the exemption which was granted to the bishops of rome , by the emperour constantine the fourth , for their preferment to that see , without the emperour's approbation ; rome and italy are cut off from the ancient empire , a new empire is erected by the practices and treacheries principally of the bishops of rome , it being in a sort necessary , that so notable a treason against the said ancient empire , should be especially effected by such notorious instruments . placet eis . jo. overal . cap. vii . charles the great having possessed himself jure belli of the greatest part of italy , and made his son king thereof , although he bestowed much upon the church of rome , and used pope vrban very honourably ; yet , he being a wise and a very provident prince , could not be ignorant how insolently the bishops of rome had behaved themselves toward their former emperours ; and how traiterously they had long sought to make them odious in italy , after they had gotten themselves to be released from the emperour's authority in their advancement to that see. that he might therefore prevent the like dangers for the time to come , and secure both himself and his posterity , in that behalf ; he so used the matter with the said vrban , as he brought the popes to their former subjection . the relation whereof is thus recorded by a principal upholder of that see. carolus being returned to rome ( saith he ) appointed a synod there with pope adrian in the patriarchal palace of lateran : which synod was celebrated by one hundred and fifty three religious bishops and abbots . at what time adrian the pope , with the whole synod , deliver'd or yielded to charles 's interest and power of choosing the bishop of rome , and of ordering the apostolical see. moreover , he the said adrian defined , that all the archbishops and bishops through all particular provinces should receive from the said charles their investiture ; and that none should be consecrated by any , except he were first commended , and invested bishop by the king , under pain of excommunication . howbeit , when charles being dead , his son ludovicus was ( as it seemeth ) so wrought upon through the softness of his nature , as he was contented , that the romans according to their own judgment , should create and consecrate their new bishop , so it were done without tumult , or bribery ; always provided , that the new bishop should advertise him by his legats , as touching his consecration , and conclude a peace with him ; or , as another saith , that legats should be directed unto the emperour , and to his successors kings of france , to make a league of friendship , love and peace betwixt them , and the bishops of that see. with this order , though it tended much to the prejudice of the empire , the bishops of rome were not long satisfied , as brooking no shew of any superiority over them , but were still shifting , as they might , to cast off likewise that yoak : which otho the first well perceiving , when he came to the empire , sought to reform ( as knowing how dangerous their ambitious humours were to his estate ) by causing leo the eighth , with all the clergy and people of rome , to decree in a synod about the year . " that he ( the emperour ) and his successors , should have the power of ordaining the bishops of rome ; that if any should attempt any thing against this rule , he should be subject to excommunication ; and that if he repented not , then he should be punished with irrevocable banishment , or be put to death . " afterward , also about the year . henry the third , finding those bishops still to persist in their said aspiring course of ●●empting themselves from the emperour's authority , and that thereby there grew divers schisms and quarrels in their elections ; he held a council at sutrium , not far from rome , wherein it was determined , that the romans should no more intermeddle with the choice of their bishops ; but that the same should always be referred to the emperour . at what time also , the emperour made the romans to swear , that from thence-forward they would neither choose , nor consecrate any pope , but such a one as he should tender unto them . by these and such like other means , from the time of charles the great hitherto , for about the space of years , the emperours kept the bishops of rome in some reasonable good obedience towards them ; but not without their own great trouble , and much kicking and repining by those bishops at it , as growing daily worse and worse : insomuch , as there being sixty of them , if not more , who succeeded in that see , within the compass of the years before-mention'd ; about fifty of them did so degenerate from the vertues of their predecessors ( as a great friend in his time to the papacy , reporteth ; ) that they rather deserv'd to be termed apotactaci , apostaticive potiùs quàm apostolici ; vnruly , or runnegates , than apostolical bishops . the last of which number was leo the ninth , who within five or six years after the said council of sutrium , renounced the emperour's favour , whereby he was prefer'd to the papacy , being perswaded by one hildebrand , that it was unlawful per manum laicam , to take upon him that government , and was thereupon again chosen and admitted pope by the romans , contrary to their former oath , and to the decree of the said council . this hildebrand being a man both of a great wit and courage , and having an eye himself unto the papacy , made his way in that behalf , by thrusting five or six bishops successively into opposition against the emperour ; of purpose , that if it were his fortune to come to that place , he might find the ice broken by them to his own rebellion , and most traiterous designments . the said leo became a warriour and general of the field against some troublesom persons in italy , called normans , by hildebrand's means ( as it seemeth ) cujus consiliis , & nutu pontificatûs munus perpetuò administravit . the like sway he also bare with pope nicholas the second , who made him archdeacon of rome , in requital for his helping of him to the popedom ; and by whose advice the said nicholas held a council in the church of lateran , wherein it was ordain'd , that from thenceforth the bishops of rome should be chosen by the cardinals , with approbation of the clergy and people of rome . also the said hildebrand opposed himself against the emperour , and prevail'd therein for alexander the second ; the emperour having appointed honorius the second to that place : which alexander so advanced , made a decree , that no man should in time to come receive any ecclesiastical living or benefice from a layman , because it was then called symony so to do . and thus these popes by hildebrand's instigation decreed , and did what they list , to the great prejudice of the emperour , and of his authority ; the same being now , in respect of former times , almost at the last cast . placet eis . john overall . cap. viii . it was great policy in the emperours ( as we have shewed ) to do what they could for the maintenance of their authority in placing of the bishops of rome , and in bestowing of other bishopricks and abbacies within their dominions : but such was the ignorance , hypocrisie and superstition of those times , so far spread by the inferiour bishops and priests , and so rooted every where in men's hearts by the bishops of that see , under colour of religion , and of their pretended supremacy , derived by them from st. peter , as they feared not to attempt any thing against any whosoever , so the same might tend to the advancement of their own authority . again , it was a great oversight in charles the great , considering his wisdom , and that he well knew the proud and aspring minds of those bishops , that after his own coronation at rome by leo the third , he did not provide for the benefit of his successors , that none of them after that time should ever be crowned there , or by the bishop of that place . for that slip and omission , being not well look'd to , and reform'd by any that did succeed him , became at the last the great bane of the empire . besides , the state of the emperours shortly after the days of the said charles , did very greatly decay ; insomuch , as within about sixty years , ludovicus the second had but the ninth part of the empire , the rest being diversly and by sundry distractions and divisions , rent and drawn from it . which weakness of the empire being throughly known to the bishops of rome , and it discern'd by them to decrease more and more ; they grew more insolent than ever they were , and began to insist upon their preheminence and great superiority over the emperours ; because forsooth they received at their hands the diadem and crown imperial . these things will appear manifestly by the proceedings of those succeeding bishops , if we shall begin with hildebrand before mention'd ; who after he had procured six bishops of rome to be poyson'd by one brazutus ( as many thought ) was upon the death of alexander ii. ann. , or thereabout , made pope himself , and termed gregory the seventh , with the consent of henry the fourth then emperour , as some say ; without it , say others : but whether with it , or without it , when he had gotten that place , so long by him expected , he ruffl'd and bestir'd himself very notably in it . about that time there was a great rebellion against the emperour in germany by the saxons ; who very well knowing the pride and violent disposition of the pope against the emperour , and how apt he would be to take any occasion that might tend to his own glory , and to the honour of his place , desired his assistance , deprived the emperour very shamefully ; and the rather to allure the pope unto them , told him by their agents , that the empire was but beneficium vrbis ; and thereupon moved him , that he and the people of rome would together with them administer the empire , and take order by a decree of council , and agreement of princes , who should be emperour : grata admodùm gregorio ist haec fuere ; these things pleased gregory exceedingly , as a friend to rome affirmeth . he thought , that in such a whirling of things he was not to sit idle ; as being perswaded , that a fit time was come when he might free the bishops of rome from servitude , shake off the yoak of the emperour ( his abilities being diminished ) abrogate his authority , lawfully translate the whole powerto himself , and so establish the pontifical principality . and nothing seemed more glorious for him , than ( fear being taken away ) to stand in dread of no mortal man , and to enjoy the liberty of the church as he list himself ; there being an emperour whose arms and force were not to be feared , as who did reign but at the pleasure of the bishop of rome . which points thus debated with himself , and probably resolved , he joyned friendship with the said rebels and traytors , promising them his best assistance , agreeably to their own desires ; and thereupon being furthermore strengthned by the amity , which he likewise had entertained with certain other rebels in italy , and by the purse of a great lady in that country , one machtilda , his concubine , as it was supposed ; he following the traiterous humours stirred up by himself , and maintain'd a long time in sundry of his predecessors , did prosecute the emperour with admirable malice , pride and contempt , because he opposed himself in his own right , and for his own defence against him . which the pope took in such scorn , as he cursed him by his excommunication , releas'd his subjects from their oaths of allegiance , and stir'd them up by all the means he could to take arms , and to enter into any wicked practices that might tend to the emperour's overthrow . noluit enim , &c. for he would not endure it , ( as one saith ) that his consent should be required in the election of the bishop of rome ; nor that the emperour according to his will should have the bestowing of the bishopricks , that were included within the limits of the empire . surely , it might have pleased him to have endur'd both the one and the other , as sundry popes , his equals , had done before him . and howsoever , this attempt of gregory , is eagerly maintain'd in these days , and held to be apostolical ; yet then it seem'd very strange to many . therefore an ancient historiographer writeth in this sort . lego & relego romanorum regum , & imperatorum gesta , &c. i read over and over again , the acts of the roman kings and emperours ; but can find in no place , that any of them before henry the fourth , was excommunicated by the bishop of rome , or deprived of his kingdom . and again , the empire was the more vehemently moved with indignation , through the novelty of this attempt ; because such a sentence against the emperour of rome , was never heard of before those times . and another more ancient than the former , and almost of . years standing , doth not only term the said fact of the pope , a novelty ; but saith in effect , that it was an heresy . these are his words : surely this . novelty ( i will not call it heresy ) was never before heard of in the world , viz. that priests should teach the people , that they owe no subjection unto evil kings ; and that notwithstanding they have taken an oath of fidelity unto them , yet they owe them no fidelity , nor are to be acounted perjur'd , that violate the said oath : nay , that if any obey their king in that case , he shall be held for an excommunicate person : and he that attempteth any thing against such a king , shall be absolved both from the offence of injustice , and of perjury . to this heretical novelty , and most insolent attempt ( which since hath had many false colours cast over it , to cover the lewdness and deformity of it ) we might add the said pope's very admirable pride , in permitting the said emperour , when he came unto him , to be absolved from the said excommunication , to stand bare-footed , in the frost and snow , three days at his gates . but that which ensued this novelty , or heresie , this unpriestly and inhumane dealing , with so great a person , is most remarkable above all the rest : viz. how he wound himself , like a cunning serpent , into the interest of the empire , and upon a sleight occasion . the said rebels of germany , in their fury against the emperour , having suggested unto him , that the empire was a benefit belonging to the city of rome , to be bestowed where she thought fit ; although they added therewith , that the same was to be done by the bishop , and by the people of rome , with the consent of other princes : yet he , finding what would serve his turn , and was most available to his own designment , did afterward , of himself , and by his own authority , take upon him to dispose of the empire ( as being void by virtue of a second excommunication ) and did accordingly send a crown of gold to rodulphus duke of suevia ( now also grown a traytour ) with this inscription ; petra dedit petro ; petrus diadema rodulpho : christ gave st. peter authority to make emperours ; and i , his successor , do thereupon send you this crown , and by my authority , from st. peter , do give you the empire . it is plain and evident , that many emperours , in former ages , bestowed the papacy ; and sometimes took it from one , and gave it to another : but that ever pope there , before this man , did so dispose of the empire , we do not find it in any approved author . neither can we conceive , or easily believe , that christ ever gave st. peter any such authority , as is here dreamed of . only we observe , by the report of one ( no protestant ) " that gregory , to justifie and colour his said presumption , bragged above measure , that the west empire was his ; that he was both bishop and emperour , christ having imposed upon him those two persons ; that he had no equal , and much less any superiour ; that he might take all right and honour , from other men , and transfer the same unto himself ; " and do much more than here we will mention : but touching any proof for all these great prerogatives , we find none ; except this will serve his turn , that st. peter received power to bind and loose ; which we hold insufficient , notwithstanding that the papists now-a-days do allow them all , and admire him for it . it hath been a usual custom , for the pope's friends , to extol those bishops of rome most , who shewed themselves , whilst they lived , the greatest practitioners , and traytors against the emperours . agreeably whereunto one saith of him , " that he was a man worthy of the pontificalship , because he depressed the insolency of politicks , terrified monarchs with the glory of his name and zeal , and delivered the church from the captivity and servitude , which it endured under princes ; and that , of all the bishops of rome , he was one of chief zeal and authority , and a man verè apostolicus , truly apostolical , and most to be praised . proceres & populum sacramento praestito sanctè solvit , & ut rodolpho adhaereant , sanctius imperat : he did godly absolve the noblemen , and people from their oath of allegiance to the emperour , and did more holily command them not to obey him . " what was thought long since of these so godly and holy practices , we have above touched : and we must also of necessity confess that to be true , which this authour , and his fellows do write , of gregory's greatness . for it is further recorded of him , that he did first erect imperium pontificium , the papal empire . but touching his vertues ( if an ancient cardinal , that wrote his life , did know him ) there is no cause why any man should be in love with them . and as concerning this new , and before unheard of pontifical empire , ( if we may believe another of their own authors ) it brought with it , into the west empire , wars , bloodshed , homicide , parricide , hatred , whoredome , theft , sacriledge , dissention and sedition , both civil and domestical , corruption of the scriptures , false and sycophantical interpretations , with many more mischiefs , there by him mentioned : and yet ( saith he ) gregory's successours did uphold it by the space of . years , invito mundo , invitis imperatoribus , in spite of the world , and of the emperours , and thereby drew both heaven and hell into their subjecti on , and servitude : again , " in former times , god , as a most indulgent father , did often chastise the western christians , by saxons , hunns , normans , venetians , lombards and hungarians , men differing from us in religion : but now ( as if god were become an angry father towards us , and we were neglected , and dis-inherited by him ) we have , for above . years , tyranniz'd amongst our selves , worse than turks : we deceive , we circumvent , we kill , we turn our weapons into our own bowels ; we are left to our own lust , we live as we list , we behave our selves proudly , covetously , without punishment , and we are not ashamed to give god the lie . " placet eis . john overall . cap. ix . it were impertinent , to our purpose , to enter into any particular relation of the great stirrs , and troubles , which , through the pride of the bishops of rome , after gregory the seventh's time , were moved throughout all christendom , during the said term above mentioned , of . years ; whilst the emperors , with their adherents , endeavoured still to have retained their ancient authority , both in the choice of the said bishops , and of bestowing of other ecclesiastical peferments in the empire : which the popes , with their friends , did withstand with all their mights , and possible means and practices , that they could devise , and put in execution by their excommunications , and stirring up the emperours subjects to rebel against them . in which garboils and bloody oppositions , when the emperours prevailed , the popes were deposed , and others set up in their rooms : betwixt whom ( the parties displaced ) to recover their dignity , and the others , possessed of it , to retain it , no cruelty or cunning stratagems were omitted . and , on the other side , when the popes got the upper hand of the emperours ( for the most part by treason and rebellion , and always by constraint and violent usurpation ) they did not spare to use them most dishonourably , and with all the reproach and contempt , that might be well devised . some examples whereof may be these . whereas before pope paschal the second's time , the former bishops of rome were accustom'd to add the years of the emperours to their bulls , epistles , and libels ; he the said paschal , a little after gregory the seventh's days , alter'd that course , and withdrawing the years of the emperour henry the fifth , whom he had otherwise greatly vexed , added the number of his own papacy : which was a very insolent and proud attempt , and yet ever since ( for ought we remember ) the same hath still been continued by all his successours . innocentius the second having brought lotharius the emperour to some dishonourable compacts and conditions , before he would crown him , caused the story thereof , not without a great blemish to the imperial majesty , to be painted on the wall of his palace , with these two reproachful verses under it ; rex venit ante fores , jurans priùs vrbis honores : post homo fit papae ; sumit , quo dante , coronam . alexander the third , when frederick the emperour was driven , through rebellion of his subjects , to come unto him for his absolution , set his foot upon his neck , and applied these words of the psalm unto himself : super aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis ; & conculcabis leonem , & draconem . it is reported of caelestinus the third , that with his feet he set the crown upon the head of henry the sixth , and with one of them struck it off again ; shewing thereby , that he could make and unmake emperours at his pleasure . but we will omit these insolent facts ; as also the great and dishonourable servitude , whereunto by extremity they brought the emperours , " and whereof the pope's records and books do make mention ; as of carrying up their first dish , giving of them water , bearing up their trains , leading their horses , holding their stirrup , and kissing their feet : " and will apply our selves to the consideration of their divinity , how they have dealt with the scriptures to uphold these presumptions , and apostatical , and no way apostolical , seditions , rebellions , murders , and treasons , one of their own friends observing , how shortly after gregory the seventh's time , his successours , by his example , behaved themselves , in this behalf , writeth thus : the most holy philosophy , delivered from heaven by the holy ghost , they make apt or fit to their own conditions , by their interpretations , they compel it to serve their ambition : the determinations and decrees of christ they will not keep , but make them to serve their own humours . we have shewed before , how by sundry councils it was decreed , that the emperours should have the investing of bishops within their own dominions : and paschal the second himself yielded as much to henry the fifth , being then present ; but after his departure from rome , the case was alter'd : for then he could affirm with shew of great devotion , that such a priviledge was against the holy ghost . and another bishop ( as it were , to uphold him therein ) affirmed , that it contained wickedness and heresy . to which purpose , we suppose , some places of the scriptures were notably perverted . in which course , hadrian the fourth presumed very far , when he durst write thus ; whence hath the emperour his empire , but from vs ? by the election of princes he hath the name of king ; by our consecration he hath the name of emperour , augustus , and caesar . ergo per nos imperat ; therefore he raigneth by vs , and that which he hath , he hath from vs . behold , it is in our power to bestow the empire on whom we list . and how doth he prove all this ? by the words of the lord , to the prophet jeremy : proptereà constituti à deo , &c. we are , to that end , ( saith he ) placed by god over nations and kingdoms , that we may destroy , and pull up , and build , and plant . herein innocentius the third , likewise , had an especial gift : for , speaking of sylvester , he saith , he was both a bishop and king ; relying not only upon the scriptures , where christ is called king of kings , and lord of lords ; but upon another place of st. peter , you are a chosen generation , and royal priesthood ; which words , he affirmeth , may be spiritually understood of sylvester's successours ; because , saith he , the lord hath chosen them to be both priests and kings . and to prevent an objection , lest any man should ask , where it might be found that the lord had so chosen them to both those great dignities ; he telleth us , that constantine , by a divine revelation , gave unto sylvester , with a crown of gold , the whole kingdom of the west . but yet he hath some better proofs to this purpose . for whereas christ said unto s. peter , duc in altum , launch out into the deep ; this deep , saith innocentius , is rome ; which had then the primacy and principality over all the world ; and therefore , where the lord saith , launch out into the deep , it is as though he should have said , vade romam , go to rome , the seat both of the priesthood and the empire . again , expounding these words , who is a faithful servant and wise , whom his master hath made ruler over his house ? he applieth them to st. peter ; and therefore thus testifieth of himself , of truth , i am appointed over this family ; but who am i , to sit higher than kings , and to hold the throne of glory ? mihi namque dicitur in prophetâ , &c. for to me it is said in the prophet , i have appointed thee over nations and kingdoms , that thou mayst pluck up , and root out , and destroy , and throw down , and build , and plant . and a little after ; you see , who is this servant , even the vicar of christ ; the successour of peter ; the christ of the lord ; the god of pharaoh ; one plac'd in the midst betwixt god and man ; short of god , but beyond man ; less than god , but greater than man. likewise from st. peter's walking on the water , he maketh this inference . forasmuch ( saith he ) as many waters are many people , and the congregations of waters are the sea ; in that st. peter did walk upon the waters of the sea , he did demonstrate his power over all the world. further this innocentius having written a malapert letter to the emperour of constantinople , his majesty , in answer of it , putteth him in mind , how st. peter commandeth all men to be subject to kings : whereunto the pope replyed , saying , that st. peter wrote so to his own subjects , and did not therein include himself : and that moreover he might not only have remember'd , that it was not said to any king , but to a priest , behold i have placed thee over nations and kingdoms , ( and so followeth the words of the text : ) but likewise , that as god made two lights in the firmament of heaven , a greater and a less , the one for the day , the other for the night ; so for the firmament of the universal church he made two dignities , the pontifical and the regal ; the pontifical resembling the sun , which is the great light , and the regal the moon , which is the less light : to the end , that thereby it might be known , that there is a great difference betwixt pontifical bishops and kings , as there is betwixt the sun and the moon . but here we must a little digress , to observe , that this pope , being swoln as big as the sun , cast his beams , not only into england , and scorched king john exceedingly about the year . by thundering against him , and interdicting the kingdom , and by exciting his subjects to rebellion and treason ( the weapons of those bishops ) but likewise fired otho the emperour out of the empire , by raising up against him frederick the second . and when he had played these two feats , amongst many other , he held a council at lateran , anno . wherein , to strengthen such traiterous proceedings , he caused it to be ordained , ( as it is pretended ) " that if any temporal lord , being admonished by the church , should not purge his countrey from heresie , the metropolitan , and other comprovincial bishops should excommunicate him ; and if within a year he did not give satisfaction in that behalf , the same should be signified to the bishop of rome ; that so he , from thence forward , might denounce his vassals absolved from their fidelity to him , and expose his land to catholicks to be , without contradiction , by them possessed . upon this canon , many , in these days , do much rely : although indeed it was but a project , amongst many other , to have been concluded in that assembly ; wherein nothing could be clearly determined ( saith one of their writers ) because by wars it was broken off ; which the pope labouring to suppress , died in that journey . and now we return from whence we digressed ; and leaving innocentius , do address our selves to boniface the eighth , who had as great dexterity , as his said predecessour , in expounding of the scriptures . for whereas the apostles , upon a mistaking of christ's meaning , where he bad them to provide bags , and scrips for themselves , and that he who wanted a sword , should sell his coat , and buy one ; they answered , saying , lord , we have two swords : this pope inferreth , there is , in the church , a spiritual sword , and a temporal ; and that consequently they are both at the commandment of the bishops of rome . also to make the matter more clear , touching the temporal sword , which should rule the world in all temporal causes ; he ( saith boniface ) that shall deny , that st. peter had this temporal sword , doth not well understand christ's words , when he bad st. peter ( after he had cut off malchus's ear ) that he should put up his sword. again ; whereas the apostle doth teach us , that the spiritual man judgeth all things , but is judged by none ; this good bishop doth ingross these words to the only use of the popes ; and thereupon concludeth , that they have power to judge and censure all earthly powers and authorities ; but are themselves exempted from the checks and censures of any , as being only subject to god , and to his judgment . and again , that the spiritual authority may institute and judge the terrestrial , it is verified by the prophecy of jeremy , behold , i have placed thee this day over nations and kingdoms : for the perverting of which portion of scripture , both this pope , and innocentius the third , with all the popes that since have followed , were , and are much beholding to adrian the fourth ; he being the first , for ought we find , that so did overstrain it . lastly , that he might imitate ( as he seemeth ) the governour of the feast in the gospel , that brought forth his best wine in the end of the feast ; and likewise such skilful rhetoricians , as commonly build their principal conclusions upon their most pinching arguments : his holiness relying upon the scriptures , because it is not said , in the beginnings ; but , in the beginning god made heaven and earth : therefore except we will say with the manichces , that god did not himself make all things , but that there was also another creator as well as he : it must needs be confessed , that there is but one , viz. st. peter's successor , that is the chief and principal ruler of all the world ; and so he cometh to his irrefragable conclusion ; we declare , we define , and we pronounce , that it is of the necessity of salvation for all humane creatures to be subject to the bishop of rome . we may not therefore marvel , that having thus notably made perfect the rough platform ( drawn out by gregory the viith . rubbed over by hadrian the ivth . and amended by innocentius the iiid . ) of so infinite a soveraignty ; if he the said boniface , to make the honour and glory more conspicuous and memorable to all posterity , ( after he had thrice refused to yield the crown of the empire to albertus austriacus ) came forth one day amongst the people to be admired of them with a sword by his side , and a crown upon his head ; saying , that he , and none but he was caesar , augustus , emperour , and lord of the world. it had been plain dealing , if for the better strengthning of this his greatness , he had alledged the words in the gospel , for the honour of his lord paramount ; all these will i give thee , because he did so worthily by his said proceedings magnifie his name and authority . placet eis . john overall . cap. x. we have hitherto followed the bishops of rome through many windings , from their mean and militant condition , like to their brethren , unto their glorious estate , and ( as we may say ) triumphant : we found them at the first little better than their master , who had not a place where to lay his head . but now they are ( as we see ) become caesars , emperours , and lords of all the world : it was long since said by a good friend of that see , excellentia romani imperii extulit papatum romani pontisicis supra alias ecclesias ; the excellency of the roman empire did lift up the papacy above other churches . which exaltation and advancement of those bishops ( he might well have added ) hath been ( as elsewhere we have said ) the very bane and cankerworm of the empire it self , by their sucking out of it for the strengthning of themselves , the juice , and those vital spirits , whereby formerly the vigour and glory of it did subsist , and all by rebellion and treason , under the pretence of religion ; and through their false glosses , applications , and violent inforcements to a wrong sense of the sacred scriptures : wherein altho' they had an especial faculty ; yet they could never have so greatly prevail'd as they did , against such an estate as the empire was , nor against so many great kings , and other princes that were not subject unto it , if they had not been upheld in all their said wicked courses by sundry their flatterers and parasites , who imitating their examples in perverting and wresting the scriptures , did take upon them to make good , and to justifie whatsoever the said popes had either done , or said , were it never so impious , treacherous , or traiterous ; as by that which followeth , it will plainly appear . about the year , which was upon the point of fifty eight years after gregory the seventh's death , theologia scholastica , sive disputatrix , the scholastical , or brabling divinity ( as one calleth it ) began to peep into the world , when peter lombard writ his books of distinctions ; and did not only himself thereby trouble the truth ( as another saith ) with the mudd of questions , and streams of opinions ; but also set many men after him on work in writing long commentaries upon his said distinctions , to the hatching of infinite oppositions and difficult perplexities . in which number thomas of aquine bare the greatest sway ; who entring into this course about forty years after innocentius the third's days , and finding how gregory the seventh , paschal the second , innocentius the second , adrian the fourth , alexander the third , and the said innocentius the third , with divers other popes had ruffled with the emperours , and what a hand they had gotten over the scriptures , became the chiefest champion of a schoolman that rome ever had . out of these words , of his fulness we have all received , he was able to collect , that there is in the bishop of rome the fulness of all graces . again , because christ ( whom he maketh bishop of rome ) may be called ( as he saith ) a king , and a priest ; he therefore inferreth it , not to be inconvenient , that his successors should be so styled . also we know not how , but he hath found it out , that when god said to jeremy , i have set thee over nations and kingdoms ; he spoke so unto him , in personâ vicarii christi , in the person of christ's vicar . furthermore , in that aristotle saith , that the body hath his vertue and operation by the soul ; he supposeth it must needs follow , that the jurisdiction of princes hath her being , vertue and operation from st. peter and his successors . for further proof whereof , ( as fearing it would be thought insufficient , that he had said before ) he buckleth himself to certain facts of the popes and emperours ; saying , that constantine did give the empire to sylvester ; that pope adrian made charles the great emperour ; and that likewise otho the first was created emperour by pope leo : but at the last , he striketh this point dead ; because ( saith he ) it is manifest that pope zachary deposed the king of france , and absolved all his barons from their oath of fidelity ; that innocentius the third took the empire from otho the iv th , and that honorius ( his next successor ) dealt in like sort with frederick the second : and as it were to make up all , speaking of the emperour's crowns , and the custom ( as it seemeth ) then in use ; he saith , that the emperour did receive a crown of gold from the bishop of rome , and that the pope deliver'd it to him with his foot , in signum subjectionis suae , & fidelitatis ad romanam ecclesiam ; thereby to teach him his subjection and loyalty to the church of rome . but hitherto we have heard this great schoolman by way of discourse , wherein peradventure he is more remiss and dissolute , than when he presseth his points logically , as the manner is in the schools : we will therefore trace him a little in that path ; if first we shall observe , that it is his custom , when he handleth a question that doth concern the church of rome , as soon as he hath propounded it , he first proceedeth with his videtur quòd non , and bringeth sometimes both scriptures and fathers for the negative part ; his purpose still being to encounter them with his , sed contrà est ; but , such or such a pope holdeth the contrary : and then he cometh in first with his conclusion , and secondly with his dicendum est ; wherein he so laboureth and bestirreth himself , as that always the said scriptures and fathers are wrung and enforced to yield to the pope : as for example , having propounded this question , whether for apostasie from the faith a prince doth lose his dominion over his subjects ; and so consequently , if he be excommunicated , ( there being the same reason for the one , as there is for the other , as two great cardinals do affirm ) he falleth upon his videtur , saying , it seemeth that a prince for apostasie from the faith doth not lose his dominion over his subjects , but that they are still bound to obey him : for st. ambrose saith , that julian the emperour though he were an apostata , yet had under him christian soldiers ; to whom when he said , bring forth your army for defence of the commonwealth , they obeyed him . therefore for the apostasie of the prince , their subjects are not absolved from his dominion . moreover , an apostata from the faith is an infidel : but some holy men are found faithfully to have served infidel-masters , as joseph did pharaoh , daniel nebuchadnezzar , and mardochee assuerus ; therefore for apostasie from the faith , it is not to be yielded , but that such a prince must be obeyed by his subjects . sed contra est , quod gregorius septimus dicit ; but gregory the seventh is of a contrary opinion , where he saith , we keeping the statutes of our holy predecessors , do by our apostolick authority absolve from their oath those who are bound to excommunicate persons by fealty , or the sacrament of an oath ; and do by all means prohibit them , that they keep not their fidelity unto them , until they come to satisfaction . whereupon thomas concludeth , that all apostata's are excommunicated , sicut & haeretici , as all hereticks are ; and that therefore their subjects are delivered from their obedience and oaths of fidelity unto such lords and princes ; and so addeth his dicendum est : " where dallying and shifting with his distinctions , the answer which he maketh to the words of st. ambrose , is this ; at that time the church being in her minority , had not the power to bridle princes ; and that therefore she suffered the faithful to obey julian the apostata in those things , quae nondum erant contra fidem , which were not then against faith ; vt majus periculum fidei vitaretur , that the greater danger of faith might be eschewed . and the second objection he more slightly passeth over , saying , that there is not the like reason of infidels and apostata's . " and thus this great schoolman relying upon the authority of gregory the seventh , had adventur'd to oppose himself against the examples alledged out of the old testament , against the practice of the primitive church , and against the judgment of st. ambrose , not caring how many thousands by this rebellious doctrine might come to destruction , so as the bishops of rome might have the world at their commandment . we here omit , how as thomas , and divers others writ many large volumes upon peter lombard the master of the sentences , his distinctions ; so afterward , and especially of later times , books upon books have been published upon his ( the said thomas's ) works ; all of them pursuing , as they come unto it , this seditious and trayterous doctrine so clerk-like handled by their master : only we observe this great schoolman's conscience , how in labouring to shift off the truth maintain'd by st. ambrose , he could pass over a lye in gregory the seventh , where he saith , that in absolving of subjects from their oath of obedience , and in prohibiting them from performing their duties and fidelity towards their soveraigns ; he followed the statutes of his holy predecessors : being himself the first that ever durst be so desperate : as also that he confesseth , it was not in st. ambrose his time , contra fidem for subjects to obey their soveraigns , though they were either infidels , or excommunicate ; and likewise how thankfully the bishops of rome accepted and approved this man's travels , so resolutely undertaken on their behalf . vrbanus the fourth did so admire him , as he reputed his doctrine veluti coelitus delapsam , as to have fallen from heaven . innocentius so admired both him and his great learning , vt ei primum post canonicam scripturam locum tribuere non dubitaverat ; as he doubteth not to give unto him and to his works the next place after the canonical scriptures : and john th . made him a saint in the year , about forty nine years after his death : he was born during the reign of henry the third , king of england ; died about the second year of king edward the first , and was canonized a saint in the time of king edward the second : so ancient is this chief pillar of popery . placet eis . john overall . cap. xi . jvstinian the emperour , about the year . did so contract the civil law , as he brought it from almost books into ; besides some others , which he added of his own . howbeit shortly after it grew out of use , in italy , by reason of the incursions of sundry barbarous nations , who , neglecting the imperial laws , did practise their own : till after almost years , that lotharius saxo , the emperour , about the year did revive again in that countrey , and in other places also , the ancient use and authority of it . which course of the emperour did not much content ( as it seemeth ) the bishops of rome ; because it revived the memory of the ancient honour and dignity of the empire . whereupon , very shortly after , eugenius the third set gratian in hand to compile a body of canon-law , by contracting , into one book , the ancient constitutions ecclesiastical , and canons of councils ; that the state of the papacy might not , in that behalf , be inferiour to the empire . which work the said gratian performed , and published in the days of stephen , king of england , about the year . terming the same concordia discordantium canonum , a concord of disagreeing canons . of whose great pains therein , so by him taken , a learned man saith thus ; gratianus ille jus pontificale dilaniavit , atque confudit ; that fellow , gratian , did tear in pieces the pontifical law ; and confound it ; the same being , in our libraries , sincere and perfect . but ( this testimony , or any thing else to the contrary , that might truly be objected against that book notwithstanding ) the author's chief purpose being to magnifie and extol the court of rome ; his said book got ( we know not how ) this glorious title ) decretum aureum divi gratiani , the golden decree of s. gratian ; and he himself ( as it appeareth ) became , for the time , a saint for his pains . indeed he brake the ice to those that came after him , by devising the method , which since hath been pursued , for the enlarging , and growth of the said body , by some of the popes themselves . gregory the ninth , about the year . and in the time of king henry the third , after sundry draughts made by innocentius the third , and others , of a second volume of the canon-law , caused the same to be perused , enlarged , and by his authority to be published ; and being divided into books , it is entituled , the decretals of gregory the ninth . boniface the eighth , the great augustus ( as before we have shewed ) commanded likewise another collection to be made of such constitutions and decrees , as had either been omitted by gregory , or were made afterward , by other succeeding bishops and councils ; and this collection is called , sextus liber decretalium , the sixth book of the decretals ; and was set out to the world in the year . in the reign of k. edward the first . clement the fifth , in like manner , having bestowed great travel upon a fourth work , comprehending books , died before he could finish it : but his successour , john the th . did , in the year . and in the time of king edward the second , make perfect , and publish the same work of clement , and gave it the name of the clementines . afterward also came out another volume , termed the extravagants ; because it did not only comprehend certain decrees of the said john the th . but likewise sundry other constitutions , made by other popes , both before and after him ; which flew abroad uncertainly in many mens hands , and were therefore swept up , and put together after the year . into one bundle , called extravagant decretals , which came to light post sextum , after the sixth . by which title the compiler of this work , would gladly ( as it seemeth ) have had it accounted the seventh book of the decretals : but it never attaining that credit , the same by sixtus quintus's assent is attributed to a collection of certain other constitutions , made by peter matthew , of divers popes , from the time of sixtus the fourth , who died in the year . to all these books mentioned , there have been lately added three great volumes of decretal epistles , from st. clement to gregory the seventh's days ; also a huge heap of the pope's bulls , from the said gregory's time to pius quintus ; and lastly no short summ of papal constitutions , set forth a little before the said th . book of the decretals . so as all these volumes being put together , they exceed as far the body of the civil law , as the usurped dignity of the papacy exceedeth the mean estate of the empire . placet eis . john overall . cap. xii . we have in the former chapter made mention of the new and later sort of decretals , bulls , and constitutions , not knowing what credit the popes will bestow upon them hereafter ; and therefore leaving them to their chance , we have thought it expedient to return to the ancient canon-law , revived and approved not long since by gregory the thirteenth , where we find a new ocean of questions , disputations , quarrels , and brabblements : for as it happen'd with the civil-law , that it no sooner was again renew'd and restor'd by lotharius , but sundry great doctors began to write many books and commentaries upon it , to explain it , and to discuss the difficulties which did arise in it : so fell it out with the canon-law , the number being almost infinite of glossographers , that made short notes upon it , and of canonists , who set forth large discourses for the salving of contradictions , and many other absurdities . amongst all which lawyers , doctors , glossographers , and canonists , assisted ( as every man's fancy led him ) with many schoolmen and sundry divines , such as they were , there did shortly after grow many great controversies and endless oppositions . the civilians of italy perceiving by the body of the civil law , how far the empire was dejected from that royal estate and majesty which once it enjoyed ; and finding also that many of the best reasons in their judgments , which the popes , the canon-law , the glossographers , the canonists , the schoolmen and many more , had brought to prove that the pope ought to have jurisdiction over all the churches in the world ; ( as , that bees had a captain ; that beasts a leader ; that one is fit to end controversies ; that a monarchy is the best form of government , and that one must he over all to receive appeals , to give direction unto all , to punish all rebellious persons , and many such like ) were fully as forcible , and strong to prove , that there ought to be one emperour over all the world ; they did very stifly and resolutely insist upon that point , and went so roundly to work in it , by force of the said reasons , and with many other arguments , that some of them would needs have it heresie for any man to hold the contrary ; alledging a text for their purpose , where it is said , that in those days there came a commandment from augustus caesar , that all the world should be taxed . against those italian civilians vltramontane , the civilians on this side the alpes , frenchmen , spaniards , and of other countries , opposed themselves with all their force ; not in any dislike of the honour due to the emperours , but because otherwise their masters , the kings of france , of spain , and of divers other kingdoms , who had freed themselves long before from the empire , should be brought again de jure at the least , by the foresaid reasons to be subject unto it : whereupon in confutation of them , and to strengthen their own assertion , they alledged , that one bee was never the captain over all bees , nor one crane the general of all cranes , nor one beast the leader of all beasts ; that it was against the law of god , the law of nature , and the law of nations ; that there was never any monarchs so great , but there were in the world many kings who were never subject unto them ; that the place of scripture is to be understood of all places in the world that were then under the romans , and ought to be extended no further ; that a monarchy is then best , when it is contain'd within such limits , as it may well be govern'd ; that all monarchies hitherto had ever their bounds , which were well known : that it is impossible for all men to fetch justice from one place , or to receive thence any benefit by their appeals ; and so after many other such arguments , they do conclude , that to think that the emperour ought to have the government of all the world , is a vain , an absurd , and an untrue conceit . now we are to consider , how in all these troubled disputations and oppositions , the glossographers , canonists , school-men and parasitical divines , that were sworn to the pope , behaved themselves . as soon as the civil law began to flourish , as being read by the emperour's commandment , in sundry universities ; gregory the ninth , began to smell what was like to come of it , and therefore did afterward forbid it to be read in paris , being the especial place then ( as it seemeth ) where it was most esteemed . but as touching the point so controverted , when these champions of the popes saw how the matter went , that either they must hold , that there ought to be but one emperour over all the kingdoms in the world , or else be forced to confess , that there ought not to be one pope over all the churches in the world ( the same reason being as pregnant for the one , as for the other ) they joyned with the italian civilians , that there ought to be but one emperour . marry how ? forsooth remembring gregory the seventh , adrian the fourth , innocentius the third , and that great augustus caesar , boniface the eighth , and divers other popes , how emperour-like they had demeaned themselves , and what great authority they challenged ; the said pontifical champions fell to this issue , that the pope being christ's vicar , who was lord of lords , and king of kings , it must needs follow , that the pope was likewise that one emperour , who was to govern all the world , in temporal causes , as he did all the churches in the world in ecclesiastical causes . and thereupon they reasoned in this sort : " christ is lord of all the world : but the pope is christ's vicar on earth : therefore the pope is lord of all the world. again ; the emperour is the pope's vicar , and his successour , in all temporal causes : therefore the emperour is lord of all the world ; all temporal jurisdiction being habitually in the pope ; and from him derived to the emperour . " and many of the italian lawyers , especially such as mixed their studies with the canon-law , were well enough content , that so as the emperour might be lord of all , how , and whence he had it , whether from god , or from the pope , they stood indifferent . but for all this , the french and spanish lawyers stuck to their tackling , and were peremptory , that neither the pope , nor the emperour had any such universal dominion over all the world. and divers likewise of the said italian doctours , that were not too much addicted to the canon-law , were not afraid to hold , and maintain , that the emperour held as well from god the authority , which he had , as the pope did his papacy . howbeit such was the clamour of the canonists , of the glossographers , and of the schoolmen , and divines , that took their part in the pope's behalf ( upon whom all their preferment , credit , and countenance did depend ) as they would needs , by force , carry the bell away ; though their opposites , each of them , were very confident , that the common opinion sway'd with their side ; more standing for them , than were against them . we have before briefly touched the chief grounds and reasons , whereupon the civil lawyers ( divided amongst themselves ) did insist : and therefore , that we may not seem partial , we thought it fit to hear the canonists with their adherents , whilst they tell us , that all the world is the pope's , at his disposition ; as well the emperour , as any other the meanest person whosoever : " because ( . ) that christ had all power given him . ( . ) that the pope blesseth the emperour . ( . ) that the bishops of rome do anoint them . ( . ) that the church triumphant hath but one prince . ( . ) that innocentius told the king of france , that he did not intend to abate his jurisdiction ; whereby it is collected , that , if he had pleased , he might have so done . ( . ) that in the vacancy of the empire the pope hath the government of it . ( . ) that the pope translated the empire from the grecians to the germans . ( . ) that the papacy exceedeth the empire , as far as gold doth lead , or as men do beasts . ( . ) that pope nicholas saith , christ gave to st. peter , the key-carrier of eternal life , jura terreni simul & coelestis imperii ; the authority both of the earthly , and of the heavenly empire . ( . ) that optimum optima decent : but the monarchical government is best , and so fittest for the pope . ( . ) that no man giveth that to another which he hath not himself : but the pope giveth licence to chuse the emperour , and to govern in temporal causes . ( . ) that as the body is for the soul , so temporal government is for the spiritual . ( . ) that reason teacheth us , when an office is committed to any , that also is thought to be committed , without the which it cannot be executed : but except the bishop of rome may rule all the world , he cannot discharge the office , that is committed unto him . and ( . ) lastly , ( to omit infinite such like collections ) this argument is reserved after many other , by a great clerk , that it might strike home , viz. because it is defined , by boniface the eighth , that no man can be saved , except he be subject to the bishop of rome . which argument is held so strong , as it carries with it divers other of little less force than it self ; as that st. peter had a sword , because christ bad him put up his sword . ( . ) ecce duo gladii , behold here are two swords : one sword must be under another : the temporal under the spiritual . ( . ) it is not agreeable to the general course of things , that they should have all equally their immediate being . ( . ) the spiritual power ought to institute the temporal . ( . ) the spiritual man judgeth all things : and therefore what catholick can deny , that the bishop of rome hath both swords , the one actually , the other habitually , to be drawn at his commandment . " we have not quoted the several authors , that are parties unto the particulars , which we have touched in this chapter : because twenty such margents would not contain them . only we refer our selves , in that behalf , to these few , which we have noted and selected from the rest : unto which number if we shall add john of paris , bellarmin , and covarruvias , they altogether will furnish a man with divers sorts of other authors , such as they are , who have disputed these points at large , and in that manner , as we are driven into a great admiration , that any men of understanding could be so sottish , either to write , as they have done , or to give any credit to such ridiculous janglings : or rather indeed , that ever christian kings and princes should have endured such impostors , so long to seduce their subjects , and presumptuously to shake and dishonour the royal authority , given them from god to have bridled such insolency . placet eis . jo. overall . cap. xiii . notwithstanding that the bishops of rome , especially since gregory the seventh's time , have ruffled , and tyrannized , as before we have shewed ; and that still they have been supported in all their wicked attempts , partly by stirring up subjects to rebel against their soveraigns , and partly by the canonists , school-men , monks , friers , hirelings and flatterers : yet their hypocrisy , pride , covetousness , and ambition , were never so closely cover'd , and cloaked with st. peter's name , and sundry other flashoods , wringings , and wrestings , but that their nakedness in that behalf , with all their deformities , were clearly discover'd by the wiser sort ; and there were always some , that spared not , as there was occasion , for the discharging of their consciences , to speak the truth . when the said gregory did so proudly encounter with the emperour henry the fourth , he was condemn'd for a perjur'd person , and depos'd from his place , by a council held at worms , in the year . by all the bishops of germany almost , saving those of saxony , who in his quarrel were become traytors to the empire . and afterward also , in the year . the said gregory was more roughly handled in another council of thirty bishops at brixia ; wherein he was declared to be a perturber of the christian empire , a sower of discord , a protector of perjury , a murtherer , a necromancer , one possess'd with a wicked spirit , a man altogether unworthy of the papacy ; and therefore to be deprived , and expelled . henry the fifth , with his council , did easily discern the packings both of paschal the second , and of his predecessors ; " when he complain'd of their thrusting him into arms against his father ; and how , genitore oppresso , his father being overborn , they sought likewise his suppression and overthrow . he charged them with great unthankfulness , in that , being made rich by the emperours , they were never satisfied ; but under a religious pretence of ecclesiastical liberty , desired still more and more ; and that by shaking off from their shoulders all duties and subjection , they did affect the empire it self , and would not cease until they had it ended . " with this the emperour's plainness , the said paschal being incens'd , made certain unlawful decrees against the said emperour : which decrees the divines of fraxinum ( who were accounted the most learned men in all germany ) did condemn and reverse , as being contrary to the word of god. upon the insolent speeches of adrian the fourth's messenger , one , that was present , had slain the said messenger , if the emperour had not staid him . and two archbishops thereupon did write to rome , accusing the priests there of pertinacy , pride , covetousness , and faction against the emperour ; requiring them to give adrian their pope some better counsel . frederick the second , in one of his letters to the princes of christendom , in defence of himself against gregory the ninth , does likewise most notably describe the ambitious aspiring hearts of the bishops of that see ; affirming , " that they sought the overthrow of the empire , and to bring all men in servitude under them , to the end , that they themselves might thereby be the more feared , and reverenced , than almighty god , " but the archbishop of juvavia , now called saltzburg , in an oration , which he made in a council of state , during the said emperour's reign , 〈◊〉 this argument ; where he affirmeth , that 〈…〉 , libidine dominandi , did trouble the whole world , audendo , fallendo , & bella ex bellis serendo . also otho regulus boiorum , the prince of bavaria , in the days of innocentius the fourth , told the bishops , that joined with the pope , that as they grew to their greatness by discord , so being overcome with desire of honour , in stirring up wars , they were worse than turks , or saracens . moreover in the days of honorius the fourth , the bishop of tulle , when the pope would have set the emperour in war against the french , and under that pretence , required by his legate , of all the clergy in germany , non decimas , sed quartas , not the tenth , but the fourth part of their livings , moved the said clergy , and many of the state , then present , that they should no longer submit themselves unto the romish vultures , who had very long tyrannized , and labour'd nothing more , than to thrust princes into war , one against another : adding thereunto , that the pope had arm'd the scythians , arabians , and turks , against them ; and that he verily thought , that the pope loved them better than he did the germans . and what men thought , when they durst speak of the bishops of rome , and his priests , in the days of nicholas the fourth , it may appear , by the words of a nobleman , one menardus , earl of tyrol ( as we conceive ) when he said , that he would never make himself a scorn to such effeminate antichrists , and prodigious eunuchs ; who being indeed ( saith he ) our servants , do sight for superiority , and would domineer over us , that are their lords . they are worse than turks , saracens , tartars , and jews ; and do more injury to christian simplicity . dominationem arripiunt , they will by force over-rule all . in the time of ludovicus bavarus the emperour , although three popes successively opposed themselves against him , with all the mischievous practices that they could devise ; yet many learned men , both divines and civil lawyers , did justify the emperour's proceedings , and condemn the popes . and some wrote books to that effect , saying to the emperour , tu nos pugnis , ense , ferro , &c. do thou deliver us from the pope's servitude by force , &c. nos te lingua , &c. and we will revenge our quarrel , with our tongues , our pens , our letters , our stile , our books , and words . and thereupon accordingly ( as their own author saith ) they proved by the testimony , both of divine and humane laws , joannem libidine dominandi insanire , that john the pope was grown mad through his desire of principality and soveraignty . also the emperour himself , about the year . speaking in scorn of the said john the th saith , that the pope , in taking upon him to be both augustus and pontifex , shew'd himself therein to be monstrum biceps , a monster with two heads ; and that it was apparent , by divinity , and all laws , that the bishop of rome had no interest to both these dignities . many notable things are contain'd in divers of this emperour's letters and decrees , as also in the said orations and writings , above here mention'd , which are very worthy to be perused , and made more known than they are : all of them labouring to suppress that insolency of the bishops of rome , in challenging to themselves the right of the empire , and the authority to confirm the same , as they thought good ; making the emperours thereby their vicars , or substitutes . but it is most of all worthy the diligent observation , that in these later times , when the grossness of popery hath been more throughly looked into and scann'd ; the jesuits themselves are grown to be asham'd of the said most absurd , and ridiculous challenge . and therefore cardinal bellarmin hath written five chapters against it , wherein he first distinguisheth them from catholick divines , who maintain'd that opinion : and then setting down these three propositions , as sure grounds of truth , viz. papam non esse dominum totius mundi ; that the pope is not lord of all the world : papam non esse dominum totius mundi christiani ; that the pope is not lord of all the christian world : papam non habere ullam temporalem jurisdictionem directè ; that the pope hath no temporal jurisdiction directly ; he confuteth their arguments , who are of another judgment . where he shaketh off , very lightly , the chief places of scripture , and some other testimonies , whereupon the said arguments are principally grounded ; as that of two swords ; and where christ saith , all power is given unto me , in heaven and earth : and the testimony likewise of pope nicholas , affirming that christ committed to peter , the key-carrier of eternal life , terreni simul & coelestis imperii jura , the interest both of the earthly and heavenly empire ; which he casteth away , either as an assertion , forged by gratian , ( the same being not found in the said pope's writings ) or else to have another sense , this ( as it is urged ) being against the said pope's direct words , in one of his epistles . his first proposition , " that the pope is not lord of all the world , he justifieth , in respect , ( . ) that infidels are not his sheep . ( . ) that he cannot judge infidels . ( . ) that princes , infidels , are true , and supreme princes of their kingdoms ; because dominion is neither founded in grace , nor faith ; as it appeareth , because god approved the kingdoms of the gentiles , both in the old and new testament . and upon these said reasons , he inferreth it to be a ridiculous conceit , for any man to think , that god gave to the pope any right over the kingdoms of the whole world ; considering , that he never gave unto him ability to use any such right . " and for the confirmation of his second proposition , " that the pope is not lord of all the christian world ; " he proveth the same , by these reasons . ( . ) " because if he had any such dominion , by the law of god , the same ought to appear , either in the scriptures , or by some apostolical traditions : but it appeareth by neither : ergo. and his second reason is this ; christ neither did , nor doth take kingdoms from any , to whom they do appertain ; but doth rather establish them : therefore when the king becometh a christian , he doth not lose his terrene kingdoms , which lawfully before he enjoyed ; but he obtaineth new right to the everlasting kingdom : otherwise ( saith he ) the benefit received by christ should be hurtful to kings , and grace should destroy nature . also he confuteth the ordinary distinction amongst the schoolmen , and canonists , who affirm , that the pope hath both powers in himself , but doth commit the execution of the civil power unto others , and writeth thus : whatsoever emperours have , they have it from christ : and therefore ( saith he ) the bishop of rome may either take from kings and emperours the execution of their authority , ( as being himself the highest king and emperour ) or he may not : if he may , then is he greater than christ : if he may not ; ergo , he hath not in truth any regal power . " and he concludeth this point , with this observation ; " as the sun did not make , or institute the moon , but god himself : so likewise the empire , and the pontifical dignity are not one , neither doth the one absolutely depend upon the other . " lastly , to prove his third proposition , " that the pope hath no temporal jurisdiction directly , " he reasoneth in this sort . " christ , as he was man , whilst he lived here upon earth , neither took , nor would take any temporal dominion : but the bishop of rome is christ's vicar , and doth represent christ unto us , qualis erat , dùm hîc inter homines viveret , as he was , whilst he lived here amongst men : therefore the bishop of rome hath no temporal dominion . " now before he comes to the proof of the the first proposition of this argument , and that he might make the ground thereof more plain ; he saith , ( . ) " that christ was always , as he is the son of god , the king and lord of all creatures , in the same sort that the father is . ( . ) that his kingdom is eternal and divine , and neither taketh away the kingdoms of men , nor can agree to the bishops of rome . ( . ) that christ , as he was man , was the spiritual king of all men , and had most ample spiritual power over all men , as well faithful as infidels . ( . ) that this spiritual power of christ , shall , after the day of judgment , be sensible and manifest . ( . ) that the glory of this kingdom , did begin in our head , christ , when he arose from the dead . " upon which grounds he maketh these inferences . ( . ) " that the said spiritual kingdom of christ , ( the glory whereof began after his resurrection ) is not a temporal kingdom ; such as are the kingdoms of our kings . ( . ) that the said spiritual kingdom of christ over all men , cannot be communicated to the bishop of rome , because it pre-supposeth the resurrection . ( . ) that christ , as he was man , if he had list , and had thought it expedient for him , could have taken upon him a kingly authority , but would not : and therefore neither did receive any such authority , neither had not only the execution of any dominion , or kingdom , but not the authority , or power of any kingdom temporal . " and so he cometh to the proof of his said proposition ; saying , " that if christ had any such temporal kingdom , he had it , either by hereditary succession , or by election , or by the law of war , or by the especial gift of god : but he had it by none of these four ways ; " ergo , he had no such dominion . for the proof of all which particulars , he taketh good pains , and then cometh to the explication of these words in his second proposition of the first argument , concerning this point , viz. that the pope doth represent christ unto us as he was , when he lived here amongst men ; and saith , ( . ) " we cannot attribute unto the pope those offices which christ hath , either as he is god , or as he is an immortal and glorified man ; but those which he had , as he was a mortal man. ( . ) neither hath the pope all the power which christ had , as he was a mortal man. for he , because he was both god and man , had a certain power , which men call the power of excellency , whereby he ruled both faithful , and infidels : but the faithful only are committed to the pope . ( . ) christ had authority to institute sacraments , and to work miracles by his own authority ; which the pope hath not . ( . ) christ had power to absolve men from their sins without the sacrament , which the pope cannot do . " with bellarmin ( that he may not bear this great burthen upon his own shoulders , and undergo alone the envy thereof ensuing ) an army of writers , both old and new , do concur . he hath himself set down the names of some : and for his better supportation , we have thought it fit to assist him with two more ; viz. the archbishop of compsa , one ambrosius catharinus , and boëtius epon , a count palatin ; whose book of heroical , and ecclesiastical questions , printed at doway . a place wholly jesuited , is greatly approved by tho. stapleton , our countryman , and balthazar seulin , the dean of amate , a licentiate of the pope's law , and the ordinary visiter , or allower of such books as are thought meet to be published . " non desunt plerique &c. there are many ( saith catharinus ) who are not content with that , that is sufficient , ne dicam nimiùm , that i may not say , it is too much ; who either to flatter , or of too gross simplicity do affirm , that the temporal dominion of the whole world , doth belong of right to the bishop of rome , as being christ's chief vicar in earth , in that christ said , all things are given to me of my father . verùm ridicula haec profectò , quae neque ipsimet pontifices auderent asserere . but assuredly these are ridiculous joys : the popes themselves dare not for shame so affirm . quòd autèm papa sit vicarius christi , &c. for that the pope is called christ's vicar , what force hath it to perswade us , that all the kingdoms in the world are committed to be govern'd by him in temporal causes ? nay , saith he , it rather induceth us to believe , that they are not committed unto him ; quoniam christus abjecit ea , & ut homo erat , in mundo non habuit : because he cast them from him ; and as he was man , had them not himself . " and the said boëtius epon , having set down the reasons , why some have maintain'd the pope's said universal dominion in temporal causes , and given a touch of the jews errour , and of the apostles oversight in that behalf ; he saith thus , neque nos forsitan judaeis multò vel meliores , vel minùs inepti sumus , dum , &c. and we perhaps are not either much better , or less foolish than the jews , whilst we do ridiculously mingle the temporal and earthly kingdom or empire , with the kingdom ecclesiastical or spiritual , by wresting to that purpose the testimonies of the sacred scriptures , which do nothing less , than make either christ , or peter , or the pope , the temporal monarch , either of the whole world , or of the christian world. digni profectò , &c. we are certainly worthy of this answer of christ ; nescitis , quid petatis , quidve disputetis ; you know not what you ask , nor what you dispute of . and thus it appeareth , what opposition there hath been , ever since the days of gregory the seventh , against the insolency of the bishops of rome , in challenging to themselves such eminent and soveraign authority temporal over all kings and emperours ; and how in these later times , through the light of the gospel , men of any good parts or modesty ( though otherwise our adversaries ) are driven for shame to acknowledge the truth ; notwithstanding all the vain , and ridiculous conceits , and janglings , either of the said glossographers , canonists , or schoolmen ; or the false , proud , and insolent vauntings of the popes themselves , from the said gregory the seventh , pretending themselves to be caesars , and emperours . it is true , that bellarmin laboureth afterward to advance the pope's authority in temporal causes indirectly ; thereby to bring them so far within the compass of the pope's reach , as that he may depose them , if they hinder the good of the church . but his dealing herein is very indirect ( that we use his own word ) and cannot salve his former conclusions and inferences : whereby he , and the rest , have so wounded the bishops of that see , and disclosed their nakedness , as all their adherents will never be able to cure them . placet eis . haec omnia suprascripta ter lecta sunt in domo inferiori convocationis in frequenti synodo cleri , & unanimi consensu comprobata . ità testor , apr. . . johannes overall , prolocutor . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e tim. . . apocal. . . joh. . , . hebr. . , . coloss . . . prov. . placet eis . ii . p. in ms. placet . iii. p. in ms. lv . p. in ms. v. p. in ms. gen. . pet. . . placet eis . vi . in ms. gen. . gen. . . gen. . . vii . in ms. gen. . . rom. . . epiph. in anchor . luther . in gen. perer. in gen. func . chron. sulpit. sever. selnec . georg. fabric & nic. gibbons in gen. placet . viii . in ms. placet . ix . in ms. gen. . . gen. . . gen . . gen. . . placet . x. in ms. gen. . gen. ● . placet . xi . in ms. gen. . . placet . xii . p. in ms. placet . xiij . in ms. placet . xiv . josh . . . ezek. . . placet . xv . deut. . . placet . xvj . exod. . levit. . num. , & . placet . xvij . num. . . judg. . & ch. . & . placet . viij . judg. . chap. . , . & . . & . . deut. . , . placet . xix . gen. . . judg. . . sam. . . sam. . . placet . xx . placet . xxi . placet . xxij . deut. . . num. . . chap. . . josh . . , , . sam. . . exod. . . placet . xxiij . kings . . sam. . . exod. . . eccles . . . placet . xxiv . exod. . . num. . . deut. . . sam. . . sam. . . placet . xxv . sam. . . sam. . , &c. reg. . . chron. . . reg. . . reg. . . xxvi . placet . xxvii . num. . . reg. . . . reg. . . xxviii . reg. . , &c. reg. . . placet eis . xxix . placet . xxx . placet . xxix . placet . xxxij . xxxiij . exod. . . v. . lev. . , . judg. . . & . . placet . xxxiv . judg. . . cap. . , &c. chro. . , . reg. . . v. . chap. . . placet . xxxv . chr. . . chron. . chron. . placet . xxxvj . reg. . . chr. . . placet . xxxvij . chr. . . placet . xxxviij . reg. . . placet . xxxix . placet . xl . placet . xli . jer. . . jer. . . jer. . . placet . xlii . sam. . reg. . reg. . reg. . . reg. . . v. . placet . xliii . sam. . . sam. . . sam. . . sam. . . placet . xliv . sam. . , . placet . xlv . jer. . . placet . xlvi . gen. . , &c. pet. . . dan. . . placet . xlvii . placet . xlviii . judg. . , . placet . xlix . placet . l. placet . li. placet . iii. placet . liij . placet . liv . dan. . ecclus. . . placet . lv . jerem. . . isaiah . . placet . lvi . placet . lvii . placet . lviij . nehem. . . ezra . . nehem. . placet . lix . ezra . . nehem. . . . . . . placet . lx . placet . lxi . placet . lxii . nehem. . . jos . antiq. l. . c. . placet . lxiii . jos . ibid. placet . lxiv. placet . lxv . placet . lxvi . macc. . . macc. . , . placet . lxvii . lxviij . mac. . . chap. . . placet . lxix . jos . ant. l. . c. . macc. . . macc. . . placet . lxx . macc. . . macc. . . jos . an t . l. . c. . placet . lxxi . jos . an t . ibid. macc. . . macc. . v. . placet . lxxii . placet . lxxiii . placet . lxxiv. jos . an t . l. . c. . placet . lxxv . jos . an t . l. . c. . placet . lxxxvi . lxxvii . jos . de bel . jud. lib. . c. . jos . ant. l. . c. , . placet . lxxviij . jos . ib. c. . jos . ib. c. . jos . ib. l. . c. . id. de bel . l. . c. . placet . lxxix . jos . ant. l. . c. , . id. de bel . l. . c. . & l. . c. . placet . lxxx . placet . lxxxi . placet . lxxxii . placet . lxxxiii . jos . an t . l. . c. . placet . lxxxiv . jos . ib. l. . c. . jos . ib. l. . c. . placet . lxxxv . ibid. l. . c. , . id. de bell . jud. l. . c. . id. antiq . jud. l. . c. . id. de bell . jud. l . c. . id. antiq . l. . c. . id de bell . l. . c. . placet . lxxxvi . id. antiq . l. . c. . & l. . c. . joh. . , . placet . lxxxvil . matth. . . mark . . luk. . . placet . lxxxvili . placet . lxxxix . psal . . . isaiah . . ezra . . jerem. . . placet . xc . jer. . . dan. . . . , . dan. . . . . placet . xci . psal . . . . . placet . xcij. placet . xciij . dan. . , . ezra . . placet . xclv . placet . xcv . placet . xcvi . placet . xcvii . placet . xcviij . placet . xcix . heb. . . john . . rom. . , . john . . placet . c. acts . . john . . placet . ci . placet . cii . * sc. dr. richard bancroft archbishop of canterbury . † sc. dr. thornborough bishop of bristol , and dean of york ; which archbishoprick was then vacant . he was afterwards , bishop of worcester . aug. de haeres . cap. . matth. . . rom. . . luc. . . rom. . . luc. . . luc. . , . john . . matt. . . john . , . matth. . . mar. . , . luc. . . mat. . , . bellarm. de sum . pontif. l. . john . . levit. . . exod. . . num. . . deut. . joh. . , . matth. . . — . . matth. . . mark . . luke . . . — . . john . . matth. . jos . antiq. l. . c. . john . . matth. . . matth. . . matth. . . hebr. . . hebr. . . eph. . , , . apoc. . . — . . — . . rom. . dr. mart. tract . de jurisd . par . . c. . n . dan. . matth. . rom. . rom. . tim. . . &c. tit. . . pet. . . &c. pet. . . &c. jud. , v. . tim. . . pet. . . joh. . . . act. . . cor. . . l. . c. . hebr. . . — . . — . . calvin . instit . l. . c. . § . tim. . . rom. . . phil. . . philem. . . rom. . . cor. . . phil . . act. . . tim . . thess . . . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . , jerom. in ep. ad tit. c. . rom. . . cor. . . & . . gal. . . & . . phil. . , . col . , , thess . . . thess . . , . act. . , . pet. . . &c. joh. . . & . . cor. . . . . . , . . , . . . joh. . apoc. . . tim. . . tit. . . tit. . . tim. . . — . . — . . — . , , . tit. . , . — . . — . — . . tim. . . — . . — . — . tim. . . tertull. contra marcion . l. . chrysost . hom. . in tim. ambr. in tim. c. . occum . in tim. c . ambr. ibid. euseb . l. . c. . iren. l. . c. . euseb . l. . c. . origen . in rom. c. . ambr. in coloss . c. . iren. adv . haeres . l. . c. . tertull. de praescrip . adv . haeres . aug. epist . . jeron . ep. ad evagr. cypr. l. . ep. . id. l. . ep. . hieron . adv . luciferianos . calvin . dr. mart. de jurisd . part. . c. . §. . id. ib. c. . §. , . id. append. ad c. . id. ib. c. . §. . bellarmin . de rom. pont. l. . c. . bellarm. de rom. pont. l ● . c. . idem ibid. bell. de rom. pont. l. . c. . §. quartóque id. ibid. § jam vero . id. ibid. § le id. ibid. c. . § tertio objicit . calvin . instit . l. . c. . bell de rom. pont. l. . c. . § denique probatur . ephes . . rom. . . ephes . . . ephes . . . gal. . , . luc. . . &c. joh. . . col. . . &c. col. . , . joh. . . matth. . . cor. . . &c. apoc. . . . ephes . . . jam. . . ephes . . , . matth. . , &c. joh. . . — . cor. . . cor. . , &c. act . . — . , . act. . bell. de rom. pont. l. . c. . §. sed occurrunt . ibidem §. secundò objiciunt . bell. ibidem §. ad testimonium . bell. de rom. pont. l. . c. . bell. de rom. pont. l. . c. . ibidem , c. . hom. in rom. . bell. de rom. pont. l. . c. . theodoret. in cor. . aqu. in cor. . pet. . rhem. test . in cor. . . thess . . , . cor. . , &c. extravag . l. . c. . de major . & obed. unam sanctam . harding's confut . of juel's apol. § . bell. de rom. pont. l. . c. . sand. de visib . monarch . l. . bell. de rom. pont. l. . c. . covatruv . . part . relect. § . tom . . num . . bell. de rom. pont. l. . c. . matth. . . joh. . . — v. . joh. . , . — v. . — v. . reginaldi ep. de temp . baldwini . p. . col . . matt. paris ad annum . dr. marta de jurisd . par . . c. . carerius . marta ibid. bell. de rom. pont. l. . c. . §. utrum . aug. de haeres . c. . euseb . l. . c. . id. ib. c. . geo. vicelius epit. rom. pontif. wolfgang . lazius comment . reip. rom. l. . baron . t. . ann. . aeneas sylv. ep. . ammian . marcellinus l. . alphons . chi●ccon . in vit . damas . hieron . ad pammach . tripart . hist . l. . c. . conc. constant . . can. . annot. in cap . concil . c. p. edit . venetiis , . surius in concil . chalced. can. . concil . afric . per surium . cap. . conc. afric . can. . distinct . . primae . praefat. in con. afric . vel carthag . . in con. editis venetiis . . sander . de visib . monarch . l. . turrian . l. . pro epistolis pontif . concil . chalced . per surium can. . surius in can. . concil . chalced. epist . pelag. . tom. . concil . greg. l . epist . . ibid. ep. . . ibid. ep. . ibid. ep. . id. l. . ep. . ad mauricium . plat. in vit . sabia . . plat de bonifac . . genebr . chronol . de bonifac . . plat. in bonifac . . innocent . . episc . atinacensi in l. . decret . constitut . bishop jewel's defence of his apol. part . dr. harding ibid. act. . . gal. . , . genebr . chronol . alphons . ciacc . de vit . & gest . roman . in vit . sylverii . id. ibid. ex anastas . procop . de bell . goth. l. . evagr. l. . c. . onuphr . in vit . pelagii . onuph . ubi supra . platin. in vitâ benedict . . onuphr . in vità constantin . . sabellicus ennead . . l. . blondus decad . . l. . papir . masson . l. . in vit . greg. . blondus ibid. alphons . ciaccon . in vit . gregor . . papir . masson . in vit . gregor . ii. platin. in vit . steph. . alphons . ciaccon . in vit . steph. . marianus scotus . hermanus contractus . plat. in adrian . . sigibert . ann. . otho frising . lib. . cap. . sigibert . ann. . otho frising . lib. . cap. . platin. in leon . . sigibert . ann. . distinct . . adrianus . platin. in vit . paschal . . alphons . ciaccon . in vit . paschal . . distinct . . ego ludovicus . distinct . . in synodo . sigebert . genebr . chronol . genebr . chronol . saeculo . otho frising . lib. . cap. . plat. in leon. . alphons . ciaccon . in vit . leon. . alphons . ciaccon . in vit . nicol. . genebr . chronol . alphons . ciaccon . in vit . alexand. . genebr . chronol . otho frising . l. . c. . gote . frid . viterbiens . chron. part . . benno cardin. in vit . hildebr . balaeus in greg. . functius in comment . chronolog . l. platin . in greg. . lamb schafnaburg . de reb. german . aventin . annal . l. . lamb. schafnaburg . an. . platin. in greg. . abbas uripergens . genebr . chronol . otho frising . l. . c. . id. de gestis fred. l. . c. . sigibert . ann. . vincent . in spec . hist . l. . c. . abbas uspergens . lamb. schafnaburg . an. . platin. in greg. . aventin . annal . l. . aventin . l. . matth. paris in gulielmo . paul langius , an. . aventin . annal. l. . genebr . chronol . aventin . annal . l. . benno cardinalis . aventin . ubi suprà . id. ubi suprà . aventin . l. . radevicus de gestis feder . l. . c. . alphons . ciaccon . in vit . innocent . . carion chron. l. . alphons . ciaccon . in vit . alexand . . genebr . chronol . ranulphus in polychron . l. . pontif. roman . greg. . par . . ceremoniale rom. l. . aventin . l. . abbas urspergens . aventin . l. . aventin . l. . jer. . . apoc. . . pet. . . innocent . . in festo . d. sylvestri papae serm. . luc. . . in fest . s. petri & pauli , serm . . matth. . . in consecrat . rom. pontif. serm . . jer. . . innocent . patriarch . c. p. epist . decret . l. . innocent . imperator . c. p. matt. paris in johan . abbas uspergensi . genebr . chronol . plat. in innoc. . concil . lateran . c. . oper. innoc. tom. . platin. in innoc . . extrav . de major . & obed. unam sanctam . luc. . , . cor. . . aventin . l. . john . gen. . . joan. marius de schism . part . . cap. . matth. . . gabr. biel. expos . can. miss . lect. . ex eusebio . genebr . chronol . aventin . l. . john . . tho. aquin. de regin . princ. l. . c. . id. ib. c. . ibidem c. ▪ a . ae . quaest . . art . . card. toledo . card. alanus . aug. hunn . epist . ad pium . in sum. aqu. surius de sanctorum histor . tom . . martii . genebr . chronol . abbas ursperg . carion . chron. petr. greg. partition . juris canon . l. . c. . aventin . l. . decret . grat. impress . paris . . petr. greg. ib. genebr . chronol . pr●●em . ciementin . in fine clem. extrav . de poenit . & remiss . etsi . intit . extravag . petrus matthaeus in sum . constitut . praefat . ad sixtum quintum . genebr . chron. dominic . soto de jure , & justit . lib. . quaest . . artic. . barth . cassanaeus in cat. glor. mundi , part . . consid . . navarr . in cap. novit . luc. . . barth . cassan . ibid. ferd. vasquez . controv. ● . . c. , . carion . chron. genebr . chronol . ferdin . vasquez . ut suprà . barth . cassan . ut suprà . navarr . relect. c. novit . in . notabil . stanisl . orishovius in chimaerâ . johan . de paris . tract . de pot . begiâ , & papali . bell. de sum . pont. l. . c. . didac . covarsuv . . part . relect. §. . abbas uspergens an. . aventin . l. . urspergens . an. . aventin . l. . aventin . l. . ibidem . ibidem . matth paris . in hen. . aventin . l. . munster cosmogr . l. . aventin . l. . ibidem . ibidem . aventin . ut suprà . marsil . patavin . jo. gandaven . luit . de berbenburg . andr. bishop of fraxin . ulric . hangenor . dante aligerius . will. ockam . bona gratiae . mich. caesenas . anton. patavin . aventin . l. . ibidem . bell. de rom. pont. l. . c. . — c. . — c. . c. . c. . c. . c. . ibid. cap. . catharin . in ep. ad roman . c. . heroic . qu. . henr. quodl . . qu. . jo. driedo l. . de lib. christ . c. . jo. de turrecremata sum . l. . . & seq . alb. pighius hierarch . eccles . l. . tho. vvaldens . l. . dr. fido art . . cap. , , . petrus de palude de potest . ecclesiastica . cajetan . in apol . c. . ad . fr. victoria de pot . eccles . q. . dominic . a soto in . distinct . . q. . art. . a defence and continuation of the ecclesiastical politie by way of letter to a friend in london : together with a letter from the author of the friendly debate. parker, samuel, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a defence and continuation of the ecclesiastical politie by way of letter to a friend in london : together with a letter from the author of the friendly debate. parker, samuel, - . patrick, simon, - . friendly debate. [ ], p. printed by a. clark for j. martyn ..., london : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. attributed to samuel parker. cf. nuc pre- . written in answer to john owen's truth and innocence vindicated. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng owen, john, - . -- truth and innocence vindicated. church and state -- great britain. church polity. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a defence and continuation of the ecclesiastical politie : by way of letter to a friend in london . together with a letter from the author of the friendly debate . london : printed by a. clark for i. martyn , at the bell in st. pauls church-yard , and without temple-bar , mdclxxi . the preface to the reader . reader , to be ingenuous , i can give thee no encouragement to spend either thy time or thy money upon this ensuing treatise . though could i devise any account of its vsefulness to the publick , i am not guilty of so much counterfeit and hypocritical humility , as seemingly to disparage what i really value . but the truth is , i know no other use of these controversial rencounters and rejoinders , than to raise his majesties customs and imposts upon paper , or ( what is somewhat less important : to gratifie the humour of talking people . neither can i satisfie to whom i write ; if to sober and peaceable men , they neither need nor desire farther satisfaction ; if to the dissenting herd , that were to spend ammunition upon mud-walls : they either want ears to hear , or brains to understand . beside , if the original discourse be rational , it needs no defence ; if not , it deserves none . reason will defend it self against all the clamours and disputings of talkative men ; it easily surmounts the weak attempts of prejudice and ignorance , and scatters all their little mists by its own native light and energy . if men will out-face the sun , the sun it self must convince them . and 't is to as much purpose to suppress every mote that flies in the air , as to attend to the cavils and impertinencies of every wrangling pretender to disputation . 't is hugely worth the while to let the world know , that there is a certain confident man in it , that has neither so much wit as himself presumes , nor so much sincerity as his friends imagine . so strange and so important a discovery must no doubt lay an unrequitable obligation upon the publick ; and my friends can never thank me enough for putting them to the penance of reading five or six hundred pages , to no other purpose then to inform themselves that one j. o. is none of the greatest clerks , or the wisest men . had it been my fate to have faln into the hands of an adversary , that had either ability or patience to write reason , it might have afforded good occasions for useful and material remarks , and i should not have blusht either at his or my own victory . but this man is not at leisure to write sense , nor takes time to weigh whether what he dictates be pertinent either to his own or to my purpose . his whole book is nothing but cavil and vulgar talk. and therefore if this reply be not altogether so useful and full of edification as i could wish , and the reader may expect , let him only consider , that i am not altogether at liberty to pursue and improve the results of my own thoughts , but am confined to trace my adversaries wandrings , and break his bubbles , and 't is none of my fault if they are so silly and senseless , that they are not capable of a more significant and substantial confutation . for seriously , he has managed the whole dispute with so much weakness and so much perversness , that 't is hard to determine whether he has betrayed more of his insufficiency or insincerity : if he be in good earnest , he has a strange vnderstanding ; if he be not , he has a much stranger conscience : though he has contrived the whole performance so ill , that 't is neither suited to perswade the wise , nor to deceive the simple ; 't is so far from reasoning , that 't is not sophistry ; and i can find in it neither snares nor colours , nothing but wrath and darkness . his falsifications are so open and bare-faced , that had an enemy design'd to expose the folly of their pretences , and the feebleness of their disputings , he could not have father'd upon them more unlucky instances of boldness and disingenuity . never did i dream , that any man could be so extravagant , as to bear me down , that the only scope and design of my whole discourse is to assert , ( as he speaks ) that the law of the magistrate is the sole rule of obedience in religious worship . it is impossible any man should venture upon such enormous and palpable calumnies , that were not utterly forsaken of all sense both of modesty and integrity , and given up to the dishonour of a shameless brow and steel'd conscience . my hum●ur is neither fierce nor abusive ; i love not to treat an adversary with rough language and unkind words , and know how to discover his ignorance without upbraiding it : but no expressions can be too sharp to reprove inveterate malice and insolence . and when men are grown old in this implacable spirit , when they study all the black arts of calumny , and persist in hardness and impenitence after so many severe and shameful rebukes , and encounter all the authors , they are pleased to assault with dirt and slander ; what milder correction can you suppose them to deserve , than that scorn and dishonour that is due to bold and shameless scriblers ? what reward shall be given or done unto thee , thou false tongue ? even mighty and sharp arrows with hot burning coals . it is an hard case to deal with men that afford neither materials for charity , nor opportunities for civility ; and such has been the provocation , the malice , the rashness , and the disingenuity of this man , that barely to represent him in his own colours is enough to hazard the reputation of a mans good humour and good nature ; and so unhappily has he mixt his vices with his follies , that it is impossible to discover one without exposing both . we have indeed to do with other adversaries unreasonable enough , but yet however among them we sometimes meet with parts and learning , though nothing else : whereas this cause is upheld by nothing but boldness and ignorance , and driven on by no other interest , and defended with no other weapons then popular zeal in the body , and something worse in the heads of the party . this may suffice to prevent or mitigate the readers censure , but that will not satisfie my bookseller , unless i bribe and bespeak his favour too . and therefore not to injure him by discouraging his customers , though i cannot commend my book , yet this i can say in its behalf without blushing , that i have all along endeavoured so to contrive my answer , that it might be as useful to the reader , as if i had not been confined to the pursuit of another mans impertinencies . and therefore i have for his sake as well as my own , neglected innumerable instances of his more silly mistakes and less important infirmities , because they were of no other concernment to our present controversie , then barely to discover his own personal follies . and had i displayed and prosecuted all the little enormities , of which this man of confidence stands guilty in this bold adventure , this volume would have swoln to that monstrous bulk , as must for ever have scared and discouraged all readers from venturing upon its perusal : for this man never stands guilty of single errors , every period he dictates is pregnant with absurdities , he defiles every truth he handles , and though it be not in his power to make it false , yet he will be sure to manage it in such an awkerd and uncouth way , as shall make it appear absurd and ridiculous ; but i have studiously over-lookt his little indecencies , and have been careful not to nauseate the reader with too tedious a pursuit of his meer impertinencies ; and though i have not altogether spared to expose the triflingness of his cavils , yet i have not so severely tied my self to their examination , as not to take frequent occasion to cast in some more useful discourses , then the matter of such starved pretences would afford . i understand by the information of my friends and acquaintance , that this rejoinder was sooner expected ; but to spare excuses , the plain and undisguised truth is , it is finisht , ( excepting only some little disappointment of the press ) as soon as it was design'd , and design'd , i think , as soon as it was seasonable . and methinks once a year , supposing a man has leisure , is often enough , if people will be reasonable , to find publick talk ; but if be has not , it is too often for one that is willing to enjoy the innocent comforts as well as to endure the common drudgeries of humane life . however i am not able ( as my adversary is ) to write books at idle hours and spare minutes , and though i were , i have them not . and had i as many talents of dispatch , as he thinks himself master of , i should think it my wisdom , if not my duty ( that i may borrow a phrase of j. o. ) to napkin them for some season . for i have not observed any thing that has so much spoil'd and debauch't the stile of our english writers , as this hasty and preposterous way of writing , and had i not exceeded the number of my pages , and should i not involve some authors , that deserve as much admiration for writing well on the sudden , as most do correction for writing ill , i should be tempted to digress into satyrical remarks upon this vanity ; because from that alone have issued those prodigious swarms of dull books of fanatick and bombast divinity . beside all which , i might represent under what mighty disadvantages and distractions this discourse was written ; but that smells somewhat of my adversaries bragging humour , and therefore i had rather confess the down-right troth , that though i believe i could have dispatched it somewhat sooner , yet i was easily inclined to allow my self as large a compass of time for its publication , as i thought i could reasonably excuse ; partly because i was not much enamour'd either of the glory or the pleasure of my undertaking , and took all occasions to truant from such an irksom task ; partly because i stand in no little awe of my adversary ; for though i have given him rebuke enough , to satisfie any modest man , yet one may as soon put a statue of brass out of countenance as convince or silence people of some complexions : and some men have the face to bragg and insult most where they are most foil'd , and to erect their trophies where their misadventures are most remarkable ; so that nothing more inclines me to suspect this mans readiness to reply , then the notorious badness of his cause and shamefulness of his baffle . but if he should be so ill-advised , what will become of me ? for he is gifted with such a fluent impertinency , that nothing can ever stop the career of his pen , but the want of ink and paper , and confidence in the world : and i doubt not but he is able to pour forth more pages of empty words in six days , than i can hope to compose of coherent sense in so many weeks . beside , that he has the advantage both of practice and inclination : wrangling is the humour and genius of the man , and he has been all his days up to the elbows in controversial adventures : and as much reluctancy as he counterfeits to this heroick trade , it had be●n as easie to cure the knight of the m●ncha of his errantry , as 't is him of his scribling folly ; and he cannot encounter counter 〈◊〉 honest man upon the high way , but his 〈…〉 transforms him into a 〈…〉 ; though for no other reason than that he may have some shew of pretence to excuse or justifie the rudeness and incivility of his pragmatical assaults ; and therefore se●ing he is so incurably quarrelsom , no man can justly blame me , if i am so very desirous to rid my hands of him . but to conclude , if this be the penance i must undergo for the wantonness of my pen , to answer the impertinent and slender exceptions of every peevish , and disingenuous caviller ; reader , i am reformed from my incontinency of scribling , and do here heartily bid thee an eternal farewell . chap. i. the contents . an account of the fanatique stubbornness . spiritual pride an impregnable humour . a description of its nature and properties . 't is the refuge of dull people . no vice so incident to humane nature as pride ; nor any pride as that of religion . men discern not its most obvious symptoms in themselves , and why . 't is the greatest hindrance of reformation . till 't is mortified all reproofs do but exasperate mens passions . a character of the fanatique deportment towards all adversaries . their first reply to all books is , to slander and revile their authors . a description of their way of breeding and propagating stories . an account of the baseness of this humour . 't is the most spiteful sort of persecution . the malignity of the fanatique spirit . it drives away all good humour and good manners . a character of the fanatique behaviour towards clergy-men , particularly of the pride and insolence of professing gossips . a difference made between modest dissenters and pragmatical zealots . 't is this proud and petulant humour that is the only cause of all our divisions , and humility that must be the only cure. this would make them ashamed of their brawling and contentious humour . their second reply to all books is , to pervert and falsifie their meaning . the horrid rudeness and disingenuity of their wilful falsifications . a notorious instance of it from that advantage they have taken to abuse my discourse of trade . by which no trade is endangered but that of conventicles . an account of the design of my discourse upon that subject . it s true intent vindicated against the bold and shameless cavils of our author . the factious partiality of the n. c. in behalf of their own writers . our authors careless way of writing . at his very entrance , he defeats the design of his whole performance . he confesseth that all who plead for liberty of conscience dissemble . the most effectual argument in the world against toleration , is the fundamental principle of the non-conformists . how their language alters when they speak out . the mystery of the independents being for indulgence . a further account of our authors rude and hasty way of scribling . he every where leaves the main drift of my discourse to pursue occasional remarks . the impertinency and tediousness of his complaints against the tartness of my expressions . hypocrisie is to be treated more roughly then naked vice. the non-conformists have two names for all things , a black one for us , and a white one for themselves . they are not to be suffered to debauch christianity with their own follys . their way of loading adversaries with odious consequences . an instance of this in the writings of j. o. our authors shreds of latin and superannuated pedantry . another little stratagem he makes use of to abuse the common people . sir , § . what you foretold , and i expected , is come to pass ; our zealous brethren are angry at me . a sad disappointment this ! when 't is so obvious , i design'd to court and flatter their holiness . but it seems 't is no less difficult to oblige than to convince them : they are proof against soft and friendly counsels , as well as rough and impartial satyrs . they are ( like the great fabricius ) neither to be caress't , nor to be vanquish't : their resolutions are invincible . nor force nor flattery can make impression upon such constant and unyielding tempers . they are all anvil and adamant . their minds are not so sheepish as to be wheedled , or so fickle as to be argued out of their eternal principles . attempt fugitive and unsetled spirits ; but their constancy is impregnable . 't is not an humane enterprise to shake the vigour of their minds . their hearts are of a true roman composition , neither to be broke , nor to be softned . so stubborn a thing is holy zeal when blended with spiritual pride , it quickly eats out all sense of common modesty and ingenuity , it hardens every prejudice into flat presumption , and steels the understanding against all the force and power of conviction ; so that you can neither soften it into any pliable temper by gentle reproofs , or hammer it to an ingenuous attention by hard arguments . 't is shameless and impudent , and can outface all the confidence of truth , and all the evidence of demonstration . it was this that sear'd the consciences of the scribes and pharisees of old , against the force of miracles , and the feats of omnipotence , and made their errors incurable , and their reformation desperate ; they would rather choose to defie and blaspheme the most undeniable effects of almighty power , than be prevailed upon so much as to suspect their own hypocrisie . and this is the bloated complexion of our modern pharisees , they are puft up with windy conceits of their own dear sanctity , their fancies are enamour'd of themselves , and ravisht with gay reflections upon their own beauty and bravery , and saintship ; and are satisfied with a fair opinion of their own way and party , and admire them as the most splendid and gorgeous sect of professors , and appropriate to them all the titles of a more choice and illustrious godliness . and whilst they stroak and applaud themselves as the peculiar darlings of heaven , and keep their habitation in the clouds ; with what contempt do they look down upon the residue of mankind , and disdain all out of their own herd as carnal gospellers , and formal professors ? and if they will allow us the titles of civil and moral men , they will not endure that any but themselves should pretend acquaintance with the great and spiritual mysteries of the gospel . this affords them that pleasing satisfaction of sawcy and ill-natured comparisons ; this raises them to some advantage and preheminence above their betters ; every mean fellow may be enabled , through mercy , to fancy himself a better man than his governors ; and a begger that has grace , may think within , that he ought to take the wall of a gentleman that is unregenerate ; and how luscious is it to clowns and rude mechanicks to look upon their superiours with pity and disdain ? for no passion is either so natural or so pleasing to mankind , as pride and self-conceitedness ; and every man would have something to swell himself up in his own opinion , and to enable him to scorn and trample upon his neighbours . and therefore those people that can never pretend to any other abilities to ●eed this humour , can easily support it by singularities and affectations in religion : and he that neither is nor can be honourable , nor beautiful , nor witty , nor learned , can easily be religious ; and when he pretends to be so , with what confidence may he despise all those other accomplishments that he can never have ? with what a scornful state shall some supercilious saints trample upon all the great and all the learned men in the world ? and with what disdain shall they look down from aloft ( as they conceit , like lazarus from abraham's bosom ) upon these reprobate and unregenerate wretches ? § . . and now when haughty men are thus bravely perch't and plumed in their own conceits , is it ( think you ) an easie task to strip them of so fair a disguise , and to take them down to the pitch of ordinary mortals ? for suppose it your own case , that you sate at ease in a fair opinion of your own high attainments in the ways of godliness , and had long lull'd your self up in a pleasant security of your special interest in the love and favour of god : would you take it well to be rudely awakened out of this transporting dream ? would it much edifie with you to be roundly told , that you befool your self ? how would you stomach a smart reproof ? how would it sting and inrage , and grate upon your soul ? and with what impatience would you swagger at the man that should dare to impeach you of hypocrisie ? you would infinitely disdain his presumption , and hardly ever after vouchsafe him good look or kind thought . what greater displeasure can you possibly do a man , then to rob him of his self-complacency ? or what complacency so delightful as that which springs from spiritual pride ? no sensual delight so charming as its gratifications , 't is the strongest and the most impetuous appetite of humane nature : so that to be defeated of such an infinite satisfaction , is a disappointment neither to be pardoned nor to be endured . and therefore wonder not to see some men so tender and impatient of reproof , because there is no reproach so upbraiding to pride as correction , nor any pride so incorrigible as that of religion . this vice has been the bane and dishonour of all institutions in the world , and is the only essential ingredient of the hypocrisie of all ages . and the truth is , if we consider how incident and delightful this vanity is to humane nature , how difficult for a wise man to escape its smooth and pleasant temptations , how secret and undiscernable its workings , how incurious most men are of the inward thoughts of their minds , and how unacquainted with the first springs and motives of their actions : if , i say , we consider all this , 't is no wonder they should be so easily intoxicated with this sweet and luscious poison ; and when it has conveyed it self into all the recesses of their souls , seised on all their powers , infected their best and purest thoughts , and swoln up even their zeal into vanity and ostentation , 't is a less wonder they should be so insensible of their distemper ; when this vice works like other poisons , it stupifies whilst it infects ; and what in nature so difficult , as to convince a man of this inward leprosie ? 't is not like common diseases that discover themselves by outward spots and blemishes , but 't is a plague that lodges in the heart and vital powers , and sooner destroys than it appears . the proudest man on earth is insensible of this illusion , and though he is ready to burst with his own inward swellings , yet he defies and disclaims this hated vice with as much confidence as the meekest saint in heaven ; and all the world knows his folly , except himself . but above all pride , spiritual pride is the most dangerous and incurable , 't is an apoplexy that dazzles the judgment , infatuates the mind , and intercepts all the passages of light and conviction , and confounds all pure and impartial reasonings , and disables men from making any ingenuous reflections upon their own actions ; it makes them confident in their own impostures and self-illusions , and bears them up against all reproofs by zeal , and conscience , and religion . their faith , their zeal , their prayers , their fastings , their constant communion with god , their diligent attendance upon ordinances , their love of the lord jesus , their hatred of antichrist , or their spleen against the pope , are impregnable fences against all assaults , and answers to all arguments . they are so dotingly enamoured of themselves for these signs of grace , and characters of god's people , that you may more easily induce them to suspect the truth of all things , than their own godliness . and nothing in nature so impossible , as that such strict and serious professors , such humble melting and broken-hearted christians should in the issue prove no better than proud and pharisaick hypocrites . and though their pride discover it self in their opinionative confidence , in their bitter censoriousness , in their impatience of affronts and reproofs , in their rage and revenge against all that undervalue them , in their haughty and disdainful comparisons , and in their inflexible waywardness , especially to the will of superiours , and commands of authority . and though these are the most natural results , and most obvious symptoms of this inward plague ; yet are they not able to discern such certain appearances of them in themselves , because they are aforehand from other accounts so abundantly satisfied in their own humility and broken-heartedness ; and the strength of this conceit so blinds their minds , that they cannot see the clearest and most palpable indications of this vice. but they are all adorn'd with soft and gentle titles ; and those excesses and irregularities that in an unregenerate man must have been accounted eruptions of pride and passion , are now to be ascribed to the warmness and vehemence of holy zeal . § . in brief , sad is the condition of those men that abuse themselves with this naughty godliness ; 't is this , and not moral goodness , that is the greatest lett to conversion ; not only because it seals men up in impenitence by false prejudices , and bars up their minds against all thoughts of reformation , by perswading them they are good enough already : but besides that it prevents the efficacy of the means of grace , it does withal ( what is more mischievous ) directly oppose and contradict them . it rots and putrifies the soul in its whole constitution , it gangrenes all its faculties , it breeds a base and caitive temper of mind , it introduces a direct contrariety to all worthy and ingenuous inclinations , and delivers the man over to the power and possession of the blackest and most accursed sins ; 't is detraction , 't is spite , 't is rancour , 't is a malicious contempt to all wise and honest counsels , 't is a wilful frowardness to all sober and rational convictions , and in a word , 't is all spiritual wickedness . and for this reason it was that i profess't to despair of any success upon this sort of men ; i was assured that as long as pride over-ruled their consciences , all reproofs would certainly exasperate , but could never correct the fanatique humour ; and therefore what hopes could i conceive to make any breach upon their prejudices , whilst they were guarded by such a sturdy and unyielding principle ? for if it be so difficult either to convince men of this vice , or whilst this remains , of any other ; it were a vain thing to expect that all the reasonings and attempts of conviction in the world should ever make any impressions upon such unapproachable minds . and as long as professors will continue regardless and insensible of this leading sin , i shall never hope to see them reformed to a more calm and more governable temper . but if instead of amusing themselves with experiences and phantastick observations about the unaccountable workings of the spirit of grace ; about the difference between the convictions of the spirit , and those of natural conscience ; about the degrees and due measures of humiliation , with innumerable other wise conceits of their modern theology ; if , i say , instead of attending to these dreams and crazy fancies , they would be at leisure to observe the risings and workings of this deceitful vice , to study its symptoms and indications , and to keep a constant and habitual restraint upon its motions and attempts ; we should quickly see the lovely fruits and effects of true religion in the world , instead of the unruly blusters and juglings of enthusiasm . but till men will be induced in good earnest to set themselves with a parcicular concern against the inclinations of this lust , and till they will be careful to lay humility at the bottom of all their goodness ; instead of their yielding to the power of truth , conviction shall only enrage their malice ; and all the requital they shall give you for disabusing them , shall be to abuse you with incivility and foul language . and here , sir , give me leave to present you with a short account of their deportment towards my self and all that ever yet opposed or endeavoured to undeceive them , which you may peruse , as a further character of their modesty and good humour . § . ( i. ) reproach and contumely is their first reply to all arguments ; and to revile the author , the first confutation of his book ; whoever dares to despise or discover their wretched delusions , is immediately answer'd with volleys of slanders and calumnies , and utterly oppressed with multitude of lyes and detracting stories . their dissolute and unruly tongues are let loose to tear in pieces his good name ; what abusive tales , and legends do they invent ? with what bold and audacious slanders do they assail his innocence , and with what crafty and oblique ways of detraction do they undermine his reputation ? with what eagerness do they listen to any spiteful and mischievous report ? with what zeal do they spread and propagate and improve it ? with what partiality will they add or detract circumstances , as shall be most conducive to enhanse the ugliness of the slander ? they attend to nothing with a more transporting satisfaction then to defaming stories ; 't is their choicest luxury , and what so luscious in their esteem as a smooth and specious lye ? ah! 't is marrow and fatness . there is not any affair so trifling upon which these people cannot erect a stately lye ; nor any authority so slight , by which they cannot warrant its truth and credibility ; 't is but foisting in two or three ugly circumstances , and they can improve a facetious story to a private friend into a publique calumny , and aggravate a pleasant passage in familiar conversation into a blasting and dishonourable scandal : every report they touch , they immediately turn into slander , they make but an easie havock of the good name of us philistins , heaps upon heaps with the iaw-bone of every ass. they have their spys and emissarys in all corners to fetch in informations ; they have their agents in all parts to communicate reports ; they have their factors in all places to traffick for news , and to carry on the important trade of tales between city and country ; and they have amongst them a pedling sort of idle people that are always ranging up and down streets in quest of fresh intelligence , and , as beggars do , importune every man they meet to contribute something to their stock , and compose their countenance into serious posture to beg news : if you are empty of intelligence , they shake hands , and will not wast time in such barren and unprofitable company , but hasten to ply the next comer . every man makes good his post , and every man picks up something to contribute to the common stock . and if they chance to meet any of their associates upon the frontiers of their respective walks , they frankly impart what they have gain'd to each other , as beggars do their fragments . however , they have some common place of rendezvous , where every particular member partakes of the joint collections of the whole society ; and that is the staple of news ▪ and then 't is no wonder if all reports flie abroad with such winged speed , when it is every mans business to blazon them into all quarters . and if they get a story by the end , that is not in it self full enough of remark and wonder , they will vamp it with new circumstances of their own , alter , improve , and refine it till they have made it plausible and big enough for the publick view : they will vouch it with grave nod , and solemn face ; they will look earnestly , talk shrewdly , and descant upon it with a thousand pretty conjectures : they will whisper in your ear some subtile and notable observation of circumstances ; and with wise and politick forehead , will suspect impossible plots , foresee unthought-of designs , and foretel strange and prodigious events ; and by these and the like arts , they will spread and divulge any tale , till it grows up into a vulgar report , ( and it is but whispering it in an authentick coffee-house , or at a meeting of the gossips , and that makes it so ) and then it shall maintain it self upon its own credit and reputation , and the publick voice shall justifie the story . how can you doubt or suspect its truth , when 't is the talk of all the town ? every one knows it , and every one believes it ; all parties agree in the report , and none so strangely diffident as to dispute , much less to deny its certainty : no , no , assure your self , sir , 't is too true , and out of all possibility of falshood ; you must not , nay for shame you cannot be so uncivil to the judgement and discretion of mankind , as to demur upon the credibility of such an universal and acknowledged report . and thus do lyes first beget publick reports , and then do publick reports maintain lyes . and from hence issue all those numberless swarms of tales , that are perpetually flying and buzzing about this city : their beginning is unknown and unobserved ; they breed in corners and obscure places , but if they once get wing , all places are immediately filled with their noise and murmur , and all men annoyed with their importunate buzze and tumult . § . . in brief , 't is not unpleasant to observe the spring and the progress of these vulgar tales : for as you have seen small streams raised into large and beautiful rivers , by the accession of brooks , and showers , and land-floods ; so does it happen in these reports , which , though they arise from weak and inconsiderable beginnings , yet quickly swell into mighty torrents , from those additional descants they receive as they roll along through the mouths of the holy brotherhood , ( for they are the common-sewer of all unclean reports ) and by this means they in a little time grow so formidable , and rise into such an irresistible confidence , as to bear down all before them . and yet would you trace this stream to its fountain , you do but seek the head of the river nile ; which though it falls into aegypt with such a vehement and impetuous flood , and over-runs the country with its swelling streams ; yet if you would seek for the rise of all these mighty waters , after you had tired your self in the discovery of infinite brooks and rivulets , and little additions , at last you would be forced to derive the main stream ( as some of the ancients did ) from the mountains in the moon . and thus ( as the bishop of derry speaks concerning the fable of the nags-head ordination ) if a man should search for the author of these fabulous relations , he shall be sure to have them fathered upon some very credible persons without names , who had them from iohn-an-oaks , who had them from iohn-a-stiles , who had them from no-body . and if you will but observe and examine all reports that bear the fanatique stamp , ( as chrysippus did the oracular lyes of apollo ) you will find , as chrysippus did , not one in five hundred that is not apparently forged and counterfeit ; and yet to search out their first spreaders , is the same difficulty as to discover the coiners of false money . in the mean time you may observe what tender and upright consciences those men have , that mint such bold and shameless lyes ; and what honest and good natur'd people those are , that are willing to take them for current coin , and to pass them to others for authentick truths , onely because they gratifie their own malice , and blast their neighbours innocence . this is the spite of witches , who , so they may vent their revenge , care not though they do it upon harmless infants . this is the character of the worst of reprobates , without are dogs , and sorcerers , and whoremongers , and murderers , and idolaters , and whosoever loveth and maketh a lye. and lastly , this is the trade and employment of fiends , that are always busied in spiteful offices , and in making or spreading lyes and false accusations . and now ( sir ) must not these meek-natured men , that are so thoroughly possest by the spirit of slander , needs be out of all danger of the spirit of persecution ? they that are so impatient of an adversary , and pursue him with all the rage and malice of a revengeful tongue , would no doubt , were their power proportion'd to their fury , indulge this dissenting person in his endeavours to obstruct the glorious attempts and purposes of a more thorough reformation . they that rail and persecute with foul slanders , and false aspersions , when they can no more , would not persecute with fire , and sword , and sequestration when they can . is there not as much malice in the false accusations of a virulent tongue , as in the proscriptions of an outragious tyrant ? they arise from the same temper of mind , agree in the same purposes , and differ onely in their abilities . when malice wants strength and interest , and is not able to oppress innocence with real injuries , then its onely refuge is to load it with false and infamous aspersions . calumny is the sanctuary and support of weak revenge . and when this cannot wreak its fury in rude and churlish actions , it is forced to vent it self in spiteful and malicious reports ; and never spits its poison , but when it wants teeth to bite . men slander onely for want of opportunity of doing worse ; and if ever they gain the advantage , they will strike to more effectual purposes . they will change their weapons with the change of affairs , and their adversaries shall quickly feel sharper strokes then those of a malicious tongue . § . . and here ( that i may dispatch this unpleasant theme at once ) we may observe the venom of pharisaick principles , and what a mighty force and efficacy they have to embitter and enrage the minds of men. so fatal and irresistible is their poison , that there is nothing in nature of force enough to damp or defeat their malignity . it strikes them with pride , malice and envy , and all manner of dark and corroding passions : it eats out all sense of honour and civility , and lays waste all principles of good nature and good manners . and for this , what more convictive evidence can i give you , then the experience of our own conversation ? there is no city in europe can boast such a number of worthy and generous inhabitants , as that you live in : you may know a citizen of london , if he have had the good fortune to escape the fanatique infection , by the obligingness and decency of his deportment , by the sobriety and discretion of his behaviour , by the calmness and modesty of his discourse , and by the ingenuity and pleasantness of his humour . all his conversation bears the characters of honour and integrity . his conscience is tender of a rude and uncivil action ; he avoids all appearances of an ungentile humour , and dreads an affront as bad as scandal . this is the humour and genius of your city ; 't is the seat of gallantry , and place of education : there may we learn philosophy , and the science of conversation , as well as merchandize , and the arts of traffick . your shops and your ware-houses are schools of wit and good manners . you are not a race of raw citizens , and illiterate mechanicks ; your designs are not confined to your profit and your trade ; your humour is pleasant , and your conversation graceful ; and you may vie with athens and old rome for ingenuity and politeness of manners . these are your vertues , and this your character . but though the air you breathe be so sweet and wholsom , yet 't is not able either to vanquish or correct the influences of the fanatique spirit : 't is too powerful for the genius of the place , its poison is too strong for the soundest complexions ; and into whomsoever it enters , it is portentous if it drive not away his good humour , and distemper his mind with a salvage and phrenetick zeal . the man immediately loses all sense of the gracefulness of courtesie and good manners , withdraws himself from his neighbourly conversation , affects a stern passionate and untutor'd humour , becomes churlish to his own domesticks , and pragmatical to his neighbours . he vents his sullen fits in malapert censures of the innocent mirth and cheerfulness of his former acquaintance , and in unneighbourly inquisitions ( according to the geneva discipline ) into the disorders of private families . 't is strange how he delights in spiteful and malicious stories , and what secret pleasure he takes in the mischiefs of the world. he feeds upon other mens mis-fortunes , and is inwardly satisfied with their disgraces and disasters . he is ever sighing and complaining for the badness and degeneracy of the present age ; and perhaps believes himself a person of extraordinary good-will and tenderness to mankind , because he is so very apt to be concern'd in their evils and calamities : though his querulous humour arise from nothing else but an odde baseness and churlishness of spirit , that naturally delights in malicious censures and reports ; and takes a supreme content in displaying other mens deformities , and making ill-natured and unhandsome reflections . and hence their breath , like infection , never spares to taint and traduce the soundest reputations : they live , and are supported by slanders and ill accidents ; and with them the badness of a report is the strongest evidence of its truth ; and a sad story , especially if it reflect upon the wisdom and sufficiency of their superiours , needs no proof , for 't is its own ; and every seditious report is as heartily embraced , as if it were a first principle of reason , or a fundamental article of faith. § . . but the greatest vent of their spite and rancour , is to belch out filthy slanders and reproaches against the conforming clergy ; they are set up by them as the common mark for the hatred and malice of all parties to shoot at . to censure and reform them , is the most plausible vent of peevishness and ill-nature ; and to abuse them , is the onely evidence of some mens godliness , as it is of other mens wit. with what transport of attention will these godly people listen to a foul story of an ungodly parson ? and with what indefatigable industry will they spread and improve the tale ? you cannot endear them more then by supplying them with scandalous reports ; and a zealous brother will even abate you something of the price of his commodities for your good news . it puts him into a pleasant and jolly humour , and the demure man grows witty and satyrical , and glosses upon the story with notable essays of sanctified wit and raillery . though if you take these meek christians in their more serious moods , and preciser humours , then their mirth degenerates into railing , and downright contumely ; baals priests , and the locusts of the bottomless pit , are the civillest titles of honour they can bestow upon clergy-men , and nothing more vulgar then to affront and revile them as they walk the streets ; a rudeness never yet known in any civilized , no nor barbarous nation in the world : and some of their children are not so soon instructed in their catechism , as they are taught to revile a cassock . but the tongues of these dove-like innocents are never so virulent as when they are inveighing against the church-revenues ; they are strangely fluent upon this theme , and 't is their everlasting argument . for here their envy settles upon its proper object ; nothing dazzles them more then riches , because they value nothing more : and they can endure any thing in a clergy-man with some patience , rather then a fair revenue ; and they scarce account any true ministers of the gospel but lecturers , and such other mercenary preachers , as subsist entirely upon the benevolence and arbitrary pensions of the good people . with them 't is the most glorious piece of reformation to make the priesthood vile and sordid ; and to disrobe them of all secular priviledges and dignities , is to bring them to the pattern of christ and his apostles . and 't is the duty of christian princes to keep the clergy in as mean and despised a condition , as they were reduced to by the persecution of heathen emperours ; and to suffer themselves to be abused , is the indispensable duty of the ministers of the gospel ; and contempt and poverty are the peculiar ornaments of a ministerial spirit . all ecclesiastical grandeur is popish and antichristian ; but in all protestant churches their godly ministers are content with a poor and beggarly competence . in brief , they deem contempt and penury as good qualifications for the priestly office , as some not long since thought ignorance and ill-manners ; and to allow them a just and honourable maintenance , is to make them hirelings and loyterers . but though this be their hard reckoning with the whole profession , yet their own minister ( poor man ! ) is sure to pay the shot , and they seldom fail to wreak their zeal and indignation upon him : 't is a shame to observe how industrious some of them are to thwart and affront him upon all occasions , and how studious of all opportunities to provoke him with open insolencies and indignities . with what malapertness will they censure his sermons , carp at his expressions , and condemn his doctrines ? with what insolence will they pity his ignorance and insufficiency ? and when they vouchsafe him their company , 't is not so much to be instructed in their duty , as to pick quarrels , and make exceptions to his discourses . though , the truth is , in this piece of modesty they are out-stript by the she-professours . every conceited dame that drives a trade of gossipping from house to house , to tattle of religion , though for no other design then to gratifie her itch of talking ; and to this purpose has always at her tongues end ( and her religion seldom lies deeper ) melancholy complaints of the hypocrisie of her heart , her deadness in duties , her wandrings in prayer , and her unprofitableness under the means of grace , and other sad stories that she has learn't by roat : yet after all this puling and seeming humility , 't is neither unusual nor altogether unpleasant to observe with what arrogance this supercilious gossip shall shake her head at the ignorance of her spiritual guide , and pity his unacquaintedness with the workings of the spirit of god in the hearts of believers ; and caution her family , and her unbelieving husband , ( for so he must be , if not listed into her own gang ) against his dangerous errours , and lamentable mistakes ; which , poor man ! he often preaches , though not out of any bad design , but out of meer ignorance . the poor wretch ( she tells them ) i think is an honest man , and i believe means well ; but it is a weak and a shallow divine , and an utter stranger to the more inward mysteries of the covenant of grace . and now under the appearance of this christian tenderness and compassion to the poor soul , how insolently will she despise his person ? how magisterially will she censure his sermons ? how confidently will she cavil at his doctrines ? and how indecently will she laugh at his uncouth and ridiculous mistakes ? § . . do not think ( sir ) i fancy things imaginary , and meerly possible , and create to my self artificial men to suit them to my own extravagant characters . i speak mine and your own familiar experience , and you meet with these things and these persons in every days conversation . neither mistake me , as if i charged this churlish humour upon every individual professour ; 't is enough if it be the character of the generality , and 't is all i intend . for i know there are some that dissent from us , of a more modest and submissive temper ; that are not so restive and inflexible to authority , so head-strong and confident in their own folly , nor so abusive and pragmatical in their demands . but then the dissent of these men is silent and peaceable , they make no noise and tumult in the church ; they are not hasty to censure , slander and backbite their neighbours , but study to win their love by courtesie and fair deportment . these good men are as sensible of the zealous insolencies of their brethren as i can be : but then they neither lead the faction , nor contribute much to support it , and follow purely the blind guidance of prejudice and education : and as for such , i pity their weakness , and love and honour their integrity . and others there are , whose veins are fill'd with such brisk and generous blood , that there is no leaven sowre enough utterly to pervert the natural sweetness of their humours , but they will in the entercourses of humane life , keep up in spite of the most malignant principles , the urbanity of common conversation ; and yet in the affairs and discourses of religion , you cannot dissent from their opinions without inflaming their passions ; and if you persist to contradict them , you blow up their heat and anger to an open impatience ; their zeal cannot be civil to a friend of a different perswasion : they will silence all your arguments with rude and reviling language ; oppress you with noise and clamour , and impertinent talk , and force you to yield to their intolerable folly. and you know ( sir ) some of our acquaintance , that ( and 't is a sober truth ) have no fault but their religion ; and who , were it not for that , might have proved good men and good christians : but so powerful is this sowre humour , as to vanquish that candour and ingenuity that is natural to the people of the english nation ; and so contagious , as to poison the purest and most untainted constitutions , and to pervert the soundest minds , and the sweetest dispositions . it is leaven in both its properties , as well in that it sowres , as in that it swells the minds of men. in brief , setting aside those three excellent graces , of spiritual pride , ill-nature and ill-manners , i can perceive no great matter these saints and gracious people have to brag of , above us moral men , and graceless professours . § . . and 't is this sullen humour lies at the bottom of all our disturbances : they quarrel the constitutions of our church , not so much because they cannot be satisfied , as because they affect dissatisfaction . the common people have no understanding of the grounds of their exceptions , and they talk their scruples by roat . the most zealous and the most clamorous of the herd , are not able to give the least tolerable account of their zeal and displeasure , but run away with any pitiful and unintelligible pretences , and resolve to make good the cause at all adventure by heat , and noise , and passion . how do they dread the superstition of a symbolical ceremony ? though they as little understand the true signification of that word , as they do the orthodox notion of a procatarctick cause . and therefore 't is not this hard word that scares them from the churches communion , but 't is their own conceited and pragmatical humour , that affects and triumphs in contradiction . they think it a gallant thing to make a noise in the world , and to correct the wisdom and discretion of publick authority ; and that is a fine thing indeed ! this extravagant pride is strangely agreeable to the original itch and vanity of humane nature , and is more natural to mankind then the follies of lust and wantonness ; and there is no inclination that is so difficult either to govern or to vanquish , as this petulancy of spirit . and men had need to be very watchful and very serious to get the mastery of so fierce and impetuous an instinct . and therefore if we consider how insensible the people are of the enticements of this spiritual lewdness , and how unconcern'd to resist the importunity of its desires , or to subdue the force and vigour of its inclinations ; 't is no wonder if so vehement a passion gain without their own express allowance , so entire and absolute a power over all their thoughts and actions : so easie ( you see ) it is for well-meaning men to mistake humour for conscience , though not out of deliberate malice , yet through ignorance and inadvertency . and therefore think not ( sir ) that 't is the scope of my design to scoff at their faults , and upbraid their follies ; 't is nothing but a cordial love to vertue and themselves that put me upon these free , open and ingenuous reprehensions . for could we but affect the minds of men with a serious sense of their spiritual wickednesses , and prevail with them to make use of all the ordinary methods of reason and christian prudence for the mortification of their original pride and sullenness ; and could we but reduce them to the softness and gentleness of a christian temper , how ashamed would they be of this brawling and contentious humour ? and they would then scarce think it decent to be bold and malapert to their superiours for any cause of religion : nor would they think it worth the while to sacrifice the indispensable duties of the gospel for every scruple and weak proposition , nor disturb the publick peace , nor affront the publick laws for impertinencies and trifling opinions . they would then live quietly in their own families and neighbourhoods , and pursue the interest and employment of their callings , instead of carrying tales , and sowing dissentions . and the precious time they now wast in quarrelling for opinions , and in arguings and disputings for trifles and impotent fancies , they would then improve in offices of love and charity among their neighbours , in relieving the necessitous , in reconciling differences , in stifling slanders , and in clearing injured reputations . to conclude , so far would tenderness of conscience be from pleading scruple and nicety in opposition to the commands of publick authority , that it would not be more tender and curious of any duty then obedience and humility . the serious sense of its own weakness , its reverence to the persons and authority of superiours , its love of modesty , meekness , humility , peace and ingenuity , would easily prevail with it to offer up all its private conceits and uncertain opinions , to so many advantages of peace , and so many vertues of obedience . § . . ( ii. ) they are not content to run down the author with lyes and calumnies , but to make sure work , they will slander his reasonings , and raise false witness against his arguments . they will alter and pervert his smartest and most convictive proofs , till they have made them as weak and trifling as their own pretences . with whatsoever plainness and perspicuity he express his thoughts , 't is all one for that , they are a people of an undaunted and shameless brow , they will look truth and reason out of countenance , they will insult over his modesty , will triumph in their own insolence , and silence all the reason in the world with affronts and rude behaviour . they are resolved to joyn throats to vote him down ; and if they do , to what purpose is it to complain or remonstrate ? all he shall gain by it , is to be laugh't at for the vanity of his attempt . they blush not to commit a publick rape upon the understandings of mankind ; and will impose upon us with that boisterous rudeness , as if they conspired to force all the world out of their common senses . no author must challenge the liberty of being his own interpreter ; the power of expounding assertions , is the priviledge of the subject , and the prerogative of the multitude ; and if they please , they can enforce any writer to accept a sense that contradicts his words . and if they do , there is neither remedy nor appeal ; their judgement is final and arbitrary , and what they will have , they will have . no caution is sufficient to prevent their clamours ; their leaders can easily descry a foul design under the fairest disguise ; and 't is but setting themselves to contrive some dull and malicious mistakes , and obtruding them upon their blind and sturdy proselytes , and then they are confident and impatient against his whole discourse , and the poor man without any more ado is knockt down with grievous and dead-doing objections . if mas iohn do but whisper some ugly and ill-contrived suggestion , away 't is carried with clamour and tragical declamation , the noise propagates like thunder , and spreads like lightning , and the whole city is filled with tumult and uproar . and now after all this , 't is no less impossible to perswade them not to rail at my book , then it is to read it : no! 't is prophane , 't is stuft with wicked and ungodly opinions , it strikes at the whole power of godliness , and the very foundations of religion ; and then let me affirm and deny , say and prove what i can , the people must and will persist in their anger and their clamour ; they will refuse to be satisfied , affront their own consciences , and turn recusants to their own convictions , onely that they may not want pretences and opportunities to rail at me . now what shall a man do in this case ? you will say there is no remedy but patience ; that is the onely antidote against the venome of malicious tongues , and let your own innocence be your defence and apology . but , alas ! this morality is too high a cordial for my present exigence ; my spirits are not so fainting as to stand in need of philosophy to relieve and support them . i am too proud ( you know ) to be affected with all the assaults of noise and clamour ; nothing but reason can ever move or humble me ; and what am i concern'd if impertinent people fret and rail ? or why should it offend me if clowns want breeding and good manners ? would you not think it a fine piece of pedantry , should you see a philosopher comfort himself with grave maximes , and stoical paradoxes , against the affronts of those creatures , whose nature it is to grin and snarl . however , it is in vain to reason with boisterous and ill-bred people , and to discourse the multitude to patience and calm enquiry ; and when they are resolved to be rude and uncivil , better give way to their folly , then contend with their madness : and as they snuff in their prejudices like wild asses , so 't is but natural they should bray and be impatient at all opposition . § . . but yet one pleasant scene of their ingenuity in this kind , i cannot forbear to represent , and that is the advantage they have taken from my discourse of trade , to expose me to popular hatred , and to raise an uproar among the people : for though the plain meaning and design of that discourse is neither more nor less , then to intimate that the improvement of trade is not of equal importance to the commonwealth , with the security of publick peace and setlement . and yet upon this innocent suggestion , how have they bestirred themselves to inflame and enrage the multitude , by representing to them , as if under pretence of writing against liberty of conscience , my main design had been to write against liberty of trade : how ( say they ) does this young rabshakeh blaspheme , beyond the precedent and example of all former ages ? he pours forth his blasphemies both against your gain and your godliness too ; he would raise a persecution upon your purses as well as your consciences , and bring trade and grace to the stake together . what can the prelatists design by such discourses as these , but to perswade his majesty to reduce you to beggery , that he may the better reduce you to obedience ? to sack the city , to burn your houses , nay to blow up the thames , would not bring upon you such a fatal and irreparable desolation , as that which the pursuit of this counsel must inevitably produce . such is the talk of these crafts-men , to expose me to the rage and violence of the rascality , that are always most forward in zeal , and mutiny , and reformation , as if i had preached expresly against their great goddess diana . and they have so bestirred themselves to keep up this out-cry , as if they had seriously design'd to draw down their myrmidons to the palace-gates , ( according to the pattern of modern reformers ) to make uproars , and tear their throats in crying , great is diana of the ephesians . and yet after all this noise , there is no t●●de endanger'd but that of conventicles , by which craft , demetrius and his accomplices get their wealth . i have indeed told the people , that the image they worship never fell down from iupiter , but that the shrine-men abuse them with a puppet of their own framing , and then call it the image of diana . that 't is not the cause of god , ( as is pretended ) but the interest of a few seditious men that first raised , and still keeps up the tumults in the church ; and that the doctrines , on whose behalf they have made so many uproars , are no gospel-truths , but their own fond and novel inventions ; by all which , there is no trade or occupation jeoparded , but theirs who live by making schisms and factions . but where their interest lies at stake , all asia shall be concern'd , and their cause shall be made the quarrel of mankind . otherwise , how could every young prentice be taught to rail at me , as an enemy to his preferment ? for what can be more apparent then that i have affirmed nothing positively , either for or against it , but have flatly waved it as an impertinent enquiry to my present design ? let them discover one syllable that may tend to perswade its discouragement , and i will be content ( and i think it is but a just penance ) to pay a double price for all the commodities i buy . but though malice and popular rage will not be tied to the strictness of reason and logical discourse , and may be allowed its priviledge to find any conclusions in any premises ; yet methinks writers of books should be more severe and cautious , because their integrity may be exposed , if they prevaricate , though the multitude cannot . and in this instance of ingenuity , i find my great surveyor as faulty as the rudest he of them all ; and he rails as lavishly at me , as if i had fired the city , or the ships at chatham . but what is it that has moved so much zeal and choler ? nothing but that i have been so presumptuous as to affirm in print , that the setlement of publick peace in the nation , is a more comfortable thing then the improvement of trade . prophane counsel this ! and if pursued , must prove more fatal to the city of london , then the late horrid conflagration . but to be brief and serious , the scope and plain design of all that discourse , was to represent , that liberty of conscience could not be supposed to be conducive to the improvement of trade , because it was destructive of peace and publick security ; it being a certain and a granted truth , that peaceable times are doubtless the best seasons of traffick ; and that it cannot be expected honest and peaceable industry should thrive so well in the dangers and confusions of a civil war , when no trade goes forward but that of the saints , plunder and sacriledge ; and therefore men that design to enrich themselves onely by employments of peace , will not seek their gain in any ways that tend to its dissolution : so that if this supposition be true , that liberty of conscience is one of the most fatal hindrances of the security of government , and setlement of society , the consequence is infallible , that for that reason onely it was not to be endured in the commonwealth , though it were supposed otherwise never so much serviceable to the advancement of trade . and therefore had our author design'd to reply at all to the purpose , he must have made out either the vanity of my supposal , viz. that liberty of conscience naturally tends to the subversion of the publick peace ; or the absurdity of my inference , that though it were really serviceable to the interest of trade , yet it was not to be endured , if it were as really destructive of the interests of government . but this logical severity concerns not him , 't is his custom to balk premises , and fall foul upon conclusions ; and therefore without regard either to the truth of my supposition , or my inference , he in his crude way of declaming , inveighs against me as an enemy to trade and industry , though the next time he writes he may with as great a shew of reason impeach me of sorcery and witchcraft . § . . for is this to discountenance trade , to say , that liberty of conscience is but an ill way to improve it ? is this to perswade the king to draw out the vital spirits and blood of his kingdom , to say , 't is but an impolitick trick to sacrifice the security of his crown to the wealth of a few fanatick and ungovernable subjects ? is this to suspend all thoughts of the encouragement of trade , till all men are brought to an uniformity of religion , to say , it more imports governours to stifle fanatick factions and animosities , then to enrich trades-men ? and may they not at the same time project the improvement of trade , and the establishment of uniformity , and enact laws to suppress schisms , whilst they establish priviledges to encourage manufactures ? is this to discourage industrious men in a peaceful way of improving their own interests , to prevent and restrain them from doing it in unpeaceable ways ? the persons i discours't of , were not trades-men , but fanaticks , that are greater enemies to peace , then friends to industry ; people of such peevish and restless dispositions , that no government can satisfie them ; of such furious and ungovernable spirits , that no indulgence can appease them ; of such proud and arrogant tempers , that no courtesie can oblige them : 't is these phantastick and supercilious mushromes to whom i would not have liberty granted , because as it is pregnant with many other mischiefs , so if it improve their interest , it does but pamper their insolence , embolden their presumption , and tempt them to raise rebellions out of pride and wantonness . and the time is well known when this capricious humour involved a flourishing kingdom in woful wars and desolations , for no other reason , then because it was blessed with more peace and plenty then it ever before or since enjoyed . but as for men of peaceable spirits , and sober principles , they neither need nor desire liberty of conscience for the advancement of trade ; nay , nothing can more discourage their industry then factions of zeal , and animosities of religion , that keep the minds of men in a perpetual posture of war and mutual hatred , and that break out upon every occasion into open ruptures and embroilments ; and if a few factious priests will but sound an alarm to reformation , the multitude are immediately all in arms ; and when-ever the rabble take a toy against antichrist and superstition , ( i. e. any thing against which their preachers are wont to inveigh ) the whole kingdom must be embroil'd for an idle word , and an extravagant humour . now what wise man will care to appear abroad in such broken and uncertain times ? or to lanch forth among such fanatick herricano's ? no , he will rather chuse not to improve , then to endanger his fortune ; and thinks it better husbandry to bury , then to drown his wealth . and therefore you may observe , that none are more zealous then the more gentile and intelligent sort of merchants for the setlement of uniformity in order to the security of trade ; for their experience of the horrid mischiefs and desolations brought to pass in other parts and other religions of the world , by the follies and frenzies of fanatick spirits , makes them sadly apprehensive of the danger of this hot and giddy humour , and fearful of venturing too far among such wild and unconstant cannibals . and as for wise and peaceable persons , that sit warm in their own fortunes , they are as little enamour'd of factions in the church , as of disturbances in the state ; and therefore if our author speak onely concerning such issachars as these , he speaks neither to my purpose , nor to their approbation . but to dispatch this head , to what purpose does he catechise me , whether i have really considered what the meaning of that word [ trade ] is , unless he could prove it signifies more then that word [ peace ? ] to what purpose does he represent , that if trade decay , noblemen and gentlemen must be content to eat their own beef and mutton at home , unless he could prove it more comfortable to be forced to beg their beef and mutton abroad , as they were not long since by the scrupulous and holy brethren , whilst themselves kept house for them at home , and made merry with songs upon * sigionoth ? with what honesty does he upbraid me for professing to smile at those who labour with mighty projects for the improvement of trade , when 't is so notorious i onely smil'd at the pedantry of those men , that are so wonderfully eager upon petty designs , without any regard to the great concerns of a nation ? such as is the erecting little manufactures in villages and burroughs , when compared with the advantages of publick peace and setlement ; and at such half-witted people all the world will laugh as well as i. with what ingenuity does he represent , as if i had scoff't at his majesties council appointed for the improvement of trade , unless it must be taken for granted , that the commissioners have no more wit then to oppose or neglect the publick peace and setlement , for the interest of that project ? and if he will be so rude as to suppose it , i will be so bold as to make a wry mouth at such preposterous follies . with what conscience does he tell the people , that i have represented all trades-men as seditious , when 't is so notorious i onely suppose that some of them may be tainted with seditious principles ? and upon that supposition i have concluded seditious trades-men to be more dangerous then seditious farmers . and is it the same thing to affirm all trades-men to be seditious , as to say , that when they are so , they have more advantage of doing mischief then countrey-folk ? if i should affirm , that when the nobility or clergy are possest with principles that incline to rebellion , and disloyal practices , they are of all rebels the most dangerous , should i be thought to impeach them of treason and disloyalty ? in brief , it is not the rich citizen , but the wealthy fanatick that i have branded for an ungovernable beast ; and that not as wealthy , but as fanatick : remove the fanatick , and neither the man nor his wealth will do any harm . and now if after all this , men will still be clamorous , and say i have perswaded the discouragement of trade , there is no remedy for me , and no cure for them ; i cannot vanquish their rudeness , and by strength of reason force them to be ingenuous ; and if they are resolved to abuse their own understandings , that they may abuse me , let them take their course , and enjoy their humour . but yet let them not please themselves with the conceit of their having spited and disappointed my design , by their being boisterous and uncivil , when it was no more then what i expected , and what ( as they know ) i foretold : i was not unacquainted with those base and mean artifices , wherewith the ring-leaders are wont to inveigle their credulous and besotted drove . i knew before-hand with whatsoever clearness and caution i exprest my thoughts , they could fasten what sense they pleased upon my words ; and that all their followers would passionately embrace their violent and distorted interpretations ; and when they have imposed upon themselves , they grow zealous and impatient , they are deaf to all remonstrances , incurious of all rational pleas and defences , and you cannot prevail with them , no not to attend to the perswasions of their own understandings ; and in defiance to all syntax and propriety of speech , this shall be your meaning , and be it enacted and decreed , that all the godly party embrace this and no other : and then 't is a law of the medes and persians , and your sentence is as irreversible , as the decree of absolute and irrespective reprobation . but to conclude , you already see what work i am like to have with this man , not so much to vindicate the honest truth , as the sense and grammar of my assertions . they have sufficiently upbraided my presumption for the boldness of my conclusion , viz. what i have written , i have written ; and now i am convinced i was too confident , for i see that is the onely thing in all my book i shall be put to prove . but my resentments of his shameless rudeness and dis-ingenuity , have carried me beyond my design , and beside my method , into this particular skirmish , to let you see his weapons , his wiles , and his way of fighting , before i closed and engaged with the main battel : to which i now proceed , as it follows under the next head. § . . ( iii. ) the multitude having by the fore-mentioned ways of incivility and foul language performed their part , and discharged their duty , their last method of defence is to engage particular champions , that are known to be mighty in dispute , to enter the lists against all adversaries : and then they are secure of triumph , though not of victory . every reply shall be voted unanswerable , obscure words shall pass for depth of reason , and huge confidence for strength of demonstration ; popular noise shall make good the performance , and the vogue of the party shall justifie all their arguments , and baffle all our answers . the cattel they stear are hood-winkt , and as long as they drive , will never boggle at any thing . and therefore they never stand upon regular proofs and reasonings , but their weapon is their confidence , and bold affirmations are self-evident , because their boldness is their onely proof . they presume upon the understandings , and are secure of the suffrages of their own herd : to them all their empty talk is infallible as oracle and inspiration ; every slight presumption is a mighty proof , and every shadow of proof bright and forcible as demonstration . and to this purpose have i been assaulted by three puissant aggressours ; the first whereof i conjecture by his latine , his wit and his manners , to have been either pupil or apprentice to the renowned cobler of glocester . and the truth is , from the days of newman down to our own , the men of that trade and profession have been the greatest instruments and the best work-men at a thorough godly reformation . my second adversary seems more modest , and better bred ; and is , i am confident , an upright and well-meaning man : but how desirous soever he has been of a reply , i shall not vouchsafe to do him so much right , or rather so much wrong , not onely because he has scarce ventured to attaque any thing in my book beside the contents , but chiefly because i shall have occasion to examine all his more material impertinencies in my third assailant . and therefore i shall dismiss these two yelping pamphleters , as hurried on to this enterprise by nothing but their own hot heads and busie humours ; and address my self entirely to my sage surveyor , as being not onely a man of known puissance and experience in dispute , and of mighty bruit and renown in controversial encounters ; but also as a champion sent forth , if not by the choice , yet at least by the approbation of the whole party , that have testified their esteem of his courage , and their assurance of his success , by a general shout and applause : and nothing less is expected from this man of gath , then that he should give the flesh of his adversary unto the fowls of the air , and to the beasts of the field . but as he stalks about to view his helpless prey , his bowels begin to melt into tenderness and compassion , and he looks down upon the unfortunate youth with equal pity and disdain . it is a pretty and an hopeful stripling , and 't is pity to nip him in his youthful bloom ; and therefore in stead of crushing him to death and nothing , as men kill snails , he will onely chastize the rash and forward boy , and by the smartness of his correction , make him repent the folly and unadvisedness of his undertaking . and i doubt not but the people insult over the severity of my rebuke , and think i have done sufficient penance for my presumption . they turn over the leaves , and tell the number of his pages , and that is enough to justifie their flattest and most peremptory censures ; 't is no matter for an attentive and deliberate perusal , they always pass their definitive sentence , not according to the evidence of reason , but according to the inclinations of prejudice , an● the interests of a party : so that the book , be it what it will , is secure of their applauses and acclamations . never did man write a more coherent and unanswerable piece of reason ; never were arguments more smartly urged , nor objections more dexterously assoil'd : verily it is a wonderful precious man ! and yet bating a few cavils foreign to the main matters in debate , they understand not either what he drives at , or what he opposes , and are not able to give the least tolerable account by what engines and particular reasonings he has undermined ( as he words it ) the principal parts and seeming pillars of my whole fabrick : and excepting that 't is known by vulgar hear-say , that he writes for liberty of conscience , and i against it , they know nothing of the grounds and principles of our difference . but he braves it confidently in general terms , insults over this argument , despises that ; tells of lamentable misadventures in one place , and palpable inconsistencies in another ; accuses this proposition as a new and unheard-of heresie , slights that as an old and cashir'd errour : vaunts every where of his own feats and performances , and upon every occasion drops censures and challenges , and bears up through the whole against all that either has been , or ever shall be objected with gallantry of mind , and assurance of success : and this is at once both triumph and victory . their confidence is the most effectual and perswasive argument with their followers , that have no ground for their dislike but the warrant and prescription of their example ; they have boar'd their ears to their dictates , and subjected their reasons and consciences to their authority ; and therefore the assent of the one is ever proportion'd to the confidence of the other ; and if these will be peremptory in their assertions , they will be inflexible in their belief ; 't is in vain to attempt their constancy , they are ( as a poet speaks of the old romans ) immoveable as the capitol ; and you may sooner remove mountains , then shake their confidence . but is it not prodigious to see people so jocundly satisfied with a book , written with so much looseness , as if its author had either utterly forgot what i had utter'd , or cared not what himself was to prove : a book wherein 't is hard to find a passage that is not coarsly false or impertinent , and very few that are not apparently both : a book in which you shall meet with nothing singular and remarkable , but horrid untruths and falsifications . § . . but however , a book he resolved to write , without regard to truth or falshood ; and though he were not so lamentably costive as a late brother of the scribling humour , that was so far to seek for an exordium , that he was forced to take his rise at the day of the moneth , and the year of our lord ; yet he was much more unhappy to make his entrance with such an awkerd acknowledgement , as must for ever defeat and discredit the design of his whole performance , by confessing , that all his pleas , how solemn and serious soever he may appear , are but dissembled and hypocritical pretences : when he tells us , that 't is none of the least disadvantages of his cause , that he is enforced to admit a supposition , that those whom he pleads for are indeed really mistaken in their apprehensions . but though this may seem a rash and unadvised concession , yet if you examine it , you will find it a notable wily and cunning device . for unless he will give place to such a supposition , or if he will rigidly contend , that what he pleads in the behalf of , is absolutely the truth , and that obedience thereunto is the direct will and command of god , there remains no proper field for the debate about indulgence to be managed in : for things acknowledged to be such , are not capable of an indulgence properly so called , because the utmost liberty that is necessary unto them , is their right and due in strict iustice and law. and yet the whole scope of his apology , and the onely fundamental principle upon which he builds , is that they are obliged to do what they do out of obedience to the will and command of god ; and by consequence the things they contend for , are not capable of any indulgence , but are matters of indispensable duty and divine right : so that were the government of church-affairs at their disposal , they must establish the things that they desire to be indulged in , as duties of strict iustice and law , and restrain all other different forms and practices out of regard to the divine command ; and then to tolerate ours , or any other way of worship distinct from their own , would be to permit men to live in open defiance to the direct will and command of god , that has precisely injoyned a different form of worship . so that it seems all pretences for liberty of conscience , are but artificial disguises for the advantage of farther designs ; and when they gain it , then the mask falls off , and the scene is shifted , and petitions for indulgence immediately swell up into demands of reformation . so unfortunate is this man in his whole performance , that by all the principles he has made use of to plead for indulgence , he is obliged to plead against it . and there is not a more effectual argument against toleration of different forms of worship , then their fundamental conceit , that nothing ought to be practised or establish't in the worship of god , but what is precisely warranted and authorized in the word of god : for this restrains and disavows all forms but one , and ties all the christian world to a nice and exact conformity to that compleat and adequate rule of worship . but suppose he were to speak to the nature of the things themselves , and not to the apprehensions of them with whom he has to do : then farewel all soft and gentle language , and you shall hear nothing but thundrings against superstition , will-worship , episcopal tyranny , popish corruptions , rags of the whore , and the dregs of the romish beast . then what is prelacy but a meer antichristian encroachment upon the inheritance of christ ? and he that thinks babylon is confined to rome , and its open idolatry , knows nothing of babylon , nor of the new jerusalem : the depth of a subtle mystery does not lie in gross visible folly ; it has been insinuating it self into all the nations for years , and to most of them is now become as the marrow in their bones ; before it be wholly shaken out , these heavens must be dissolved , and the earth shaken , ( i. e. as he expounds both himself and the text , the setled and establish't government of the west must be subverted : ) their tall trees ( i. e. kings and princes ) hewed down and set a howling , and the residue of them transplanted from one end of the earth to the other . or as the same author expresses himself upon another occasion , the heavens and the earth of the nations must be shaken , because in their present constitution they are directly framed to the interest of antichrist , which by notable advantages at their first moulding , and continued insinuations ever since , hath so rivetted it self into the very fundamentals of them , that no digging or mining with an earthquake will cast up the foundation-stones thereof . and therefore the lord iesus having promised the service of the nations to his church , will so far open their whole frame to the roots , as to pluck out all the cursed seeds of the mystery of iniquity , which by the craft of satan , and exigences of state , or methods of advancing the pride and power of some sons of blood , have been sown amongst them . and then abundance of scripture and dark prophesie is pour'd forth , to make good these mild and peaceable doctrines : it is the great day of the wrath of the lamb. the land shall be soked with blood , and the dust made fat with fatness ; for it is the day of the lords vengeance , and the year of recompence for the controversie of zion . all the kings of the earth have given their power to antichrist , endeavouring to the utmost to keep the kingdom of christ out of the world. what i pray has been their main business for years and upward , even almost ever since the man of sin was enthroned ? how have they earned the titles , eldest son of the church , the catholick and most christian king , defender of the faith ? hath it not been by the blood of the saints ? and now will not the lord avenge his elect that cry unto him day and night ? will he not do it speedily ? will he not call the fowls of heaven to eat the flesh of kings , and captains , and great men of the earth ? rev. . . all this must be done , to cast down all opposition to the kingdom of the lord christ , and to advance it to its glory and power . that consists mainly of these three things , that he there reckons . . purity and beauty of ordinances and gospel-worship . . the full casting out and rejecting of all will-worship , and their attendant abominations . . a most glorious and dreadful breaking of all that rise in opposition unto him : never such desolations . so that we see nothing will ever satisfie their desires and demands , unless all gospel-ordinances be reformed to their primitive power and purity , according to the appointment , and unto the acceptation of the lord iesus . or as the same author expresses himself more fully in his sermon of april . . p. . the darling errours of late years ( of the bishops ) were all of them stones of the old babel , closing and coupling with that tremendous fabrick , which the man of sin had erected to dethrone jesus christ ; came out of the belly of that trojan horse , that fatal engine , which was framed to betray the city of god. they were popish errours , such as whereof that apostacy did consist , which onely is to be looked upon as the great adverse state to the kingdom of the lord christ. heedless and headless errours may breed disturbance enough unto the people of god ; but such as tend to a peace and association ●um ecclesiâ malignantium , tending to a total subversion of the sacred state , are far more dangerous . now such were the innovations of the late hierarchists ; in worship , their paintings , crossings , crucifixes , bowings , cringings , altars , tapers , wafers , organs , anthems , litany , rails , images , copes , vestments ; what were they but roman varnish , an italian dress for our devotion , to draw on conformity with that enemy of the lord jesus ? in doctrine , the divinity of episcopacy , ( a notable piece of popery that ) auricular confession , free-will , predestination on faith , yea works foreseen , ( what antichristian doctrine is that too ? ) limbus patrum , justification by works , falling from grace , authority of a church , which none knew what it was , canonical obedience , holiness of churches , and the like innumerable , what were they but helps to sancta clara , to make all our articles of religion speak good roman-catholique ? how did their old father of rome refresh his spirit , to see such chariots as those provided to bring england again unto him ? this closing with popery was the sting in the errours of those days , which caused pining , if not death in the episcopal pot. § . . here is no shuffling , nor any shifting pretences , 't is plain dealing , and plain english. antichrist and all its adherents must be destroyed by wars and horrid desolations : this is the way that the lord christ has chalkt out to his people , both by his promises and his providences , to introduce the purity and beauty of his ordinances . the prelatists are members of the whore and the beast , and imitate the antichristian apostacy both from the worship and the doctrine of the gospel ; nay , the vial of popery is poured out upon the very throne it self , as it was when charles the first sate in it . and now what is the result of all this gibberish , but that the saints , when-ever providence alarms , or ( as he manageth the business ) opportunity invites them to the great and glorious work of a more thorough godly reformation , may and ought to shake and subvert the establish't government of the nation , that is combined with the interest of antichrist , to set up their way of gospel-worship , or the purity and beauty of christs ordinances ? which is the onely thing urged and pleaded for by our author . you see , sir , ( to bate him some worse inferences ) what stout patrons these men are of the indulgence they plead for , when every opinion that they judge erroneous , must be branded for a popish and antichristian errour ; when every slight difference shall be resolved into atheism and blasphemy ; when a scholastick nicety about the unaccountable workings of eternal providence , shall be made an eminent instance of antichristian apostacy ; and when to dissent from him in a thing of no greater importance then a metaphysical speculation , shall amount to no less charge then of betraying the gospel of christ , and hewing at the very root of christianity , as he speaks of some systematick niceties , that he is pleased to call arminian heterodoxes , and whose abettors he denounces with the confidence of an apostolical authority , uncapable of our church-communion . nay , his zeal against them did not confine it self to his own native country , but extended its fervours ( as himself informs us ) to a foreign commonwealth , and vented its heats against their indulgence , and plea for toleration , and a liberty of prophesying beyond the seas . to what party of dissenters is it that this tender-hearted man would extend the favour of his indulgence , that resolves every petty dissent into an inexpiable apostacy from the gospel ; and has branded all parties with such foul names as render them unworthy the compassion of the state , and uncapable of the communion of the church ? 't is true , many pamphlets he has publish't in behalf of toleration and liberty of conscience ; but yet he still so orders the matter , as to exclude all men whatsoever from claiming any benefit or advantage from that pretence , excepting onely the salvage and the frantick sectaries of the army : and that is the whole mystery of his good-nature . the independents had vanquish't the royalists , and supplanted the presbyterians , and were perkt up into a supremacy of power and interest : but being unable either to secure or to support their tyranny , unless by the assistance of those religious miscreants , who were the onely faithful adherents to their godly interest , they must sooth and treat them with all brotherly love and tenderness ; and all their fanatick frekes and horrid blasphemies must be winkt at as pitiable mistakes and miscarriages of weak brethren . for if we exasperate them by giving check to their exorbitances , we lose our friends and confederates , abate our power , and endanger our interest ; and 't is more eligible for humble and self-denying men to bear with all the wild and fanatick enormities in the world , rather then part with the delicious sweets of government and sovereign authority . what other imaginable account can be given of this mans zeal for toleration , when he has so peremptorily stript all parties of their right to it , excepting onely those sons of anarchy and confusion ? for not onely the papists , the prelatists , and the arminians , but even their dear brethren of the presbytery were transformed into limbs of the antichristian l●viathan : so that ( not to pursue this advantage too far ) you see the naked and undisguised truth of these mens perswasions , maugre all their demure concessions and jugling pretensions . all the world are fallen short of the truth of god but themselves ; and out of the churches of their pale , there is none orthodox , no not one . we have all revolted from the kingdom of the lord christ , to the corruptions and superstitious idolatries of antichrist ; and therefore we are all to be accounted and treated as members of that whore , whom the saints hate , and shall make desolate and naked , and shall eat her flesh , and suck her blood. this is the true state of the controversie between us . but affairs , it seems , are not yet ripe enough for the discovery of such bold and dangerous truths ; and therefore our author , as the present posture of things stands , thinks it more prudence to stifle and dissemble such thoughts . the new lights and doctrines of . are not seasonable in . then i. o. in a sermon preach't before his masters of the rump , ( the scope whereof is to prove that the lord jesus christ is resolved to embroil all the ancient kingdoms , and subvert all the setled governments of the west , to restore the purity of his gospel-worship : i.e. in plainer and less canting english , to carry on the great work of a thorough reformation by civil wars and rebellions ) among many other rare notions , wonderfully tending to the peace of christendom , he informs the world , every age has its peculiar work , has its peculiar light ; now what is the light which god manifestly gives in in our days ? plainly , the peculiar light of this generation , is that discovery which the lord has made to his people of the mystery of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny . this light was fit to be hanged out to the people , when they had murther'd their sovereign prince , banish't the undoubted heir to the crown , and proclaimed him a traytor to his own subjects . but , alas ! those happy days are gone , and those attempts of liberty defeated , and the nation is once more relaps't into its civil and ecclesiastical slavery ; and that is no proper season for the revelation of his mysteries . and therefore he is not unwilling to forego the mighty advantages of these new lights , and is content his party should pretend to grant this false supposition , that by so much seeming modesty they might win upon their superiours to requite them with a real indulgence : though methinks 't is neither wisely nor kindly done of him , in this publick manner to betray their secret thoughts and purposes to their most implacable adversaries . however , i am sure 't is far from being artificially contrived , that when he design'd to act in a disguise , he should at the first entrance upon the stage unmask himself to all the spectators , onely that they might know him not to be in good earnest , nor the person he appears to be . § . . but however , from these thoughts he starts his discourse ; and though he stumble into his career , that is no hindrance to the swiftness of his course , but away he flies like lightning , and is not able to curb his pen , till it comes to the end of pages . for by heating his brains with this introduction , he quickly fills his fancy with an innumerable swarm of vagrant fortuitous and heedless imaginations , that come fluttering forth in such a preposterous and impetuous stream of words , that he could scarce gain leisure to range them into grammatical syntax . every conceit that thrusts its self into his thoughts , he pours out into his book : his work must be finish't in a few hasty minutes , and at idle hours , how then can you reasonably expect he should have time to weigh the strength and pertinency of his arguments , or digest his notions into method or propriety of speech ? and had i either so much patience , or so little employment as to represent to your view the short contents of his whole book , how would you bless your self at such an undigested heap of rubbish , and such an immethodical rhapsody of words ? take a short taste , and supply the rest with your own observation . pag. . those who plead for liberty of conscience , are forced to dissemble in their pretences . pag. . the design of the ecclesiastical polity is to prove that the law of the civil magistrate , is the sole rule of religious worship . pag. . the principles of that book are new and uncouth . pag. , . neither church nor state is concern'd in them . pag. . there is no love lost between us , as being no acquaintance . pag. , . young men are confident , old men cautious . pag. . i am more a philosopher then a christian . pag. . rails at me for railing at them . pag. . engages to be civil ; and for a taste of his civility , pag. . charges me with the height of pride and boasting . pag. . many are displeased with my scoffings and revilings . pag. . the nonconformists will not be jear'd out of the profession of the gospel . pag. . challenges all our learned men to a disputation . pag. . demands a personal conference between w. b. and the author of the friendly debate . pag. . cites my description of the nonconformists preaching . pag. , . what if i am deceived . pag. . another challenge to all men of learning . pag. . there are fools of all parties . should i proceed after this manner to shew you by what tautologies , from what topicks , and with what materials he has made up his full tale of pages , you would ( so endless , and yet withal so trifling are its follies ) pity that man that is condemn'd to squander away his time and parts in winnowing such an heap of chaff , and such a mass of impertinencies . in short , in stead of spending a few hours to examine the principal parts and seeming pillars of my whole fabrick , he has onely hid and buried them under loads of rubbish ; and to clear that , will be the work and drudgery of my reply , rather then to strengthen my own foundations . and to that purpose i will give you a general account of the way of his writing , and main heads of his arguing : which being dispatch't , there will remain but a very small pittance of pertinent matter for my review . § . . . in stead of following the plain and evident drift of my discourses , he starts some collateral reflection , that was occasionally intimated upon supposition of the truth and evidence of my main principles and direct assertions ; and this chase he pursues with noise and deep-mouthed crys through two or three pages , till he chance to stumble upon some fresh proposition of the same nature , and then that is his game , and that he follows with the same empty noise and clamour , till some new theme divert him to a new pursuit ; and if he can run it down with a few idle descants , impertinent queries , insipid exclamations , abused texts , and thread-bare apophthegms , the day is his own ; if not , it escapes his fury ; he must not lose his variety of sport , by wasting too much of his time and spirits in the over-eager pursuit of a single prey . and when he flies out into these unruly digressions , his fancy is pregnant , his pen is brisk and spritely , and he is lavish of his ink and paper : but when he returns towards the track of my discourse , his career checks , his confidence abates , it is not altogether so pert and dogmatical ; its censures are not so full of scorn and neglect , nor his determinations so magisterial and presumptuous , but the man condescends sometimes to the modesty of a perhaps , and a may-be , i fear , and it seems . and he usually stops his course before he comes to the main issue of the business ; and like a discreet and reserved man , seems to keep back the main thing that he could say ; the whole secret is not to be unriddled at once . no! the reader must content himself with a transient tast at first , and then feed his expectation with the gracious promise of future discoveries and revelations never to be revealed . but he has his magazine of unanswerable arguments and objections , that i am confident we shall never answer , though for no other reason then because we shall never hear them . you have read the memoirs of tom coriat , whose custom it is to enlarge upon toys and trifles ; he is circumstantial in his remarks upon his hosts beard , and in his description of his sign-post , but scarce takes notice of any thing great and glorious , and passes by princes palaces , forts and citadels , and all the greatest strengths and ornaments of kingdoms . and to the same purpose has this man spent his travels through my book ; where he lights upon any passage that is less important in it self , and more remote from my main design , he dwells and expatiates upon it with double diligence . and so industrious is he to collect the smallest and least considerable passages , as if he were resolved nothing in my book should escape his correction . and how bravely does he amplifie upon words and little trifles ! as if he had determined not to spare the nicest errour to expose my ignorance , but had engaged to sift me with such an exact and merciless disquisition , that rather then any thing should escape him , he would measure atoms , and weigh grains . but when he approaches my main design , how slightly does he balk the weightiest reasonings ? how nimbly does he frisk over the greatest difficulties ? and how dexterously does he beat beside the main questions ? and if he now and then stay to glance at any more enforcing proof , 't is extraordinary : but some arguments he winks at , and some he out-faces ; those he confutes with a pish , and these with a vapour , and heaps up every where i know not what general censures and exceptions , but nothing is either proved or specified ; and he is so admirably accomplish't in all the arts of tediousness and impertinency , that he can waste a whole page of words to no other purpose , and with no more sense then to deny a proposition , or slight an argument , and yet not allow a line to confute it . he is fluent , and runs over in expressions where there is no need ; but where there is , he immediately becomes dry in his discourse , and thrifty of his words ; and has consumed more pages in loose and precarious censures , then he has in making premises and conclusions : and if such talk may pass for pertinent replys , he may undertake the defence of any cause , and 't is indifferent which side he abets ; his answers will serve equally at all turns , and to all purposes ; he may turn the same declamations upon his own castles in the air , and then they are all beaten down about his ears : but if he would have allotted all that time , and all those pages to confute my arguments , that he has spent to rail and declaim against them , his book would not have been so much less , as it must have been better . instances of this sort are innumerable , and therefore i shall not here be so tedious as to accumulate particulars , because it would be endless ; onely let me request you to reflect upon this suggestion as you travel through his dry and barren pages , and then your own observation will too pregnantly confirm and justifie mine : and therefore quitting this more general consideration , that is onely forcible upon impartial and ingenuous minds , i shall address my self to some more particular and convictive remarks . § . . . one of his choicest helps to swell up the bulk of his answer , is to break out at every turn into tragical complaints against the tartness of my invectives and satyrical expressions : and this topick he seems to keep for a reserve upon all occasions ; and whenever he runs himself out of breath , and out of argument , here he recovers his wind , and recruits his forces ; at this post his pen always both starts and stops his career . and he sallies forth so often into this complaint , that by computation i judge it fills up above the fifth part of his reply . but all this is no more then rubbish , and serves to no nobler use then to fill up void spaces , and amounts to no higher purpose then impertinent talk. for whether i have incurred this censure , is not to be determined by any smartness of expressions , but by the truth and evidence of things : for some tempers and principles there are , that can never be exposed with too much sharpness and severity of stile ; and therefore if the tender man , in stead of declaiming against the unmerciful carriage of my pen , had been at leisure to write pertinently , he should have proved it was undeserved : but if evidence of proof , and notoriety of fact , do justifie my utmost charge , my expression must have come short of my theme , had i arraign'd such hateful crimes in softer language . a man may without offence represent vice in its blackest colours , and expose the ugliness of pride and insolence with the roughest and most satyrical characters ; and for this no stile can be too churlish and vehement ; and 't is no cruelty to lash a naked crime with scorpions and whips of steel : yet when it puts on the mask of religion , and gains its opportunities under the protection of a tender conscience , then we must court it with gentle and respectful language ; to discover the imposture , is to expose religion ; to inveigh against the foulness of the abuse , is to rail at the power of godliness ; to uncase the hypocrite , and to wash off his varnish and false colours , is to lay open the nakedness of piety to the scorn of atheists and worldlings : and therefore we must be tame and patient , and suffer them to debauch religion and disturb government , to affront authority and trample upon laws , to spread their infection , and broach their seditious doctrines , to raise violent schisms and factions in the church , and mislead the people into a rebellious reformation : and lastly , toss us up and down in eternal dissetlements , because they pray and fast often , and enjoy communion with god , and attend upon his ordinances , and love the lord jesus , and hate antichrist . so that though a man may declaim against naked villany with the severest invectives , yet it seems we must flatter hypocrisie , though it enhanse the foulness of the crime , by the falshood of its pretences . and because 't is bold and shameless , we must suffer it to look truth out of countenance . 't is an holy and a precise man , and it looks demurely , and then what if he be sawcy to his superiours ? what if he scorn and trample upon his betters ? what if he be peevish and impatient of contradiction ? what if every affront transport him into all the disorders of passion and revenge ? and what if he shrowd pride and insolence under the covering of a sheepish humility ? we must not presume to discern the clearest symptoms and most palpable indications of these vices in such an eminent professour , but must wipe off all his blemishes with a few soft and gentle words : alas , good man ! they are but the infirmities and indiscretions of his zeal , and the spots of the best of gods people . nay , what if we should observe melting , humble , broken-hearted christians to affect a demure and sanctimonious niceness , thereby to gain advantage and reputation to their black designs ? what if they have abused the most sacred oaths and protestations , to cheat the simple , and betray the innocent ? what if they pretend the instigation of the spirit of god , to authorize the foulness of their enterprizes ? what if they make shew of higher attainments of mortification , to gain the handsomer opportunities of wallowing in the most beastly and dishonourable impurities ? what if in their practices they bid open defiance to all the principles of justice and conscience ; and under pretences of holy zeal , dare to act those villanies at which a wicked man would startle and recoil ? we must needs suppose these infirmities to be easily incident to good men ; and when they break oaths , rob temples , and murther kings , 't is but an oversight of zeal ; and what sweet and precious communion may they enjoy with god in the midst of murthers , treasons and massacres ? and to describe their wickedness , and to call them villanies , is reviling and intemperate language . and thus can they do their business , as they please , by an ugly word . their followers understand nothing of the truth and nature of things , but are acted purely by the power of words ; and judge of the good or evil of actions by the titles that their masters give them . and if they will but call a true accusation a foul slander , 't is no matter for clearing their own innocence , that is enough to wash off any aspersions whatsoever ; and all the evidence and demonstration of proof , is too little to bear out the truth of the indictment against the authority of their not guilty . § . . the truth is , all things have two names as well as two handles , a black one that they always fasten upon us , and a white one that they ever appropriate to themselves ; and thus what in them is godly zeal , is in us malice and persecution ; what in them is sanctified wit , is in us prophaneness and scurrility ; and what in them is tenderness of conscience , is in us superstition . when they are peevish and censorious , they are onely offended and scandalized ; and when they are cruel and unmerciful to dissenting brethren , they are then zealous for god and his truth . but do we expose the follies of their divinity with any briskness of reason ? that is arrogance . do we upbraid the impostures of their superstition with any sharpness of wit ? that is prophaneness . do we demonstrate any of their notions of practical godliness to be giddy and unwarrantable conceits ? that is to blaspheme the influences of the divine spirit . do we but press people to an imitation of the life of christ ? that is enough to brand us for socinians . do we urge the absolute necessity of good works , or an holy life , ( for that is the same thing ) as an indispensable condition of our acceptance with god ? what can we be but papists ? and do we assert the practice of morality to be the great and most essential design of religion ? we are heathen philosophers , and preach plato and seneca , and our selves , but not iesus christ. and thus can they with ease countermine all our endeavours , to disabuse the people by a few odious names , and blast and deform the most rational discourses , onely by crying out railings , revilings , scoffings , despightful reproaches , sarcasms , scornful contemptuous expressions , false criminations . but if to rail be to assault with foul language and reproachful nick-names , in stead of true wit and reason , what think they of themselves , who when they are demanded to give a rational account of their outrage against the government , and discipline of our church , onely inveigh against it in rude and unmannerly phrases , and manage the quarrel by calling names ? and in stead of propounding modest exceptions , stuff their pamphlets with boisterous words and unclean invectives , and familiarly salute us with the cleanly titles of locusts of the bottomless pit , the limbs of antichrist , baal's priests , romish wolves and foxes , belzebub of canterbury , antichristian beasts , bishops of the devil ; with innumerable others of the same generous strain . in this sort of eloquence our adversaries have ever been the most able and most accomplish't oratours in the world. how infinitely have they excelled all the wits of former ages in this noble , but neglected art ? and with what success have they improved and cultivated this field from the good days of queen elizabeth down to our own ? no age nor nation in the world can vie with ours for these beauties of stile and embellishments of speech . and i could name a friend of his and mine that abounds as much with these flowers as the bravest oratour of the party : but i suppose i need not recal to his memory some sermons as plentifully adorn'd with these foul-mouthed flourishes , as any pamphlets of the rudest zealot in the pack . let them discover any such uncleannesses in my book , and then let them impose any penance , and i will promise to undergo it , though it were to write a panegyrick in praise of the good nature of the presbyterians , and the sincerity of the independents . but , alas ! they will never descry any thing there like foul language , unless cleanly words may be defiled by expressing foul things . 't is not any bitterness of expression that afflicts them , but the sharpness of truth , and that is a biting thing indeed . they are gaul'd with the evidence of conviction , and whilst i rub their sore ( and therefore tender ) consciences , that and onely that makes them fret with such impatience at the liberty of my reproof . but to dispatch : you ( sir ) are privy to the secrets of my soul , and can bear testimony to the integrity of my intentions : how oft have i discoursed to you , that as deeply as i adore our blessed saviour upon the score both of his being the son of god , and the redeemer of the world , yet methinks my devotion is never more passionate and transporting , then when it muses upon the goodness of his laws : laws so excellent , that their own goodness might be their own eternal obligation : laws becoming the wisdom of god , and agreeable to the reason of man : that purifie our minds , refine our natures , and perfect our understandings : laws that bind us to the heavenly pleasures of love , innocence and charity ; that restrain every thing that disturbs the quiet of the world , and the peace of society , and that command nothing but what is useful and rational , and conducive to the happiness of mankind : laws of meekness and justice , mercy and patience , contentedness and pity , kindness , obedience and humility . and now if the gospel be an institution so pregnant with vertue , and wisdom and holiness , how can any man that is tender of his saviours reputation , tamely suffer these brain-sick people to debauch the divine wisdom of his religion with childish and trifling follies ? and to represent the design of christianity in so odde a guise , as to suit it chiefly to the conceptions of children , and inclinations of old women , and make it most agreeable to weak reasons , soft spirits , and little understandings ? and how can any man that is enamour'd of the beauty of real goodness , think any satyrs too rough for such bold impostors , as make it a mask for pharisaick hypocrisie , and stave off their proselytes from the practice of real righteousness , by amusing their little understandings with trifling and unprofitable gayeties ? that employ a seeming godliness to supplant all that is real , and oppose all the great ends and designs of religion , under more gorgeous pretences to advance them ; and are not onely content to exchange the reality and substance of true goodness for its varnish and colours , but have been so untoward as to contrive a seeming and hypocritical sanctity , that does not more counterfeit then oppose true holiness : in brief , choaking all the most beautiful graces of christianity , by over-running them with rank and noisom impostures . now if these things are so , who can charge the utmost severity of expression with intemperance of speech ? and that they are so , if i have not sufficiently proved it already , i shall have occasion to enforce its evidence by some too clear and convictive proofs in the sequel of this discourse . and therefore 't is but a vain thing to make loud and tragical complaints of railing and intemperate speeches , unless they had first discover'd that there is not truth enough in my accusations to warrant the sharpest and most vehement expressions . i have not thrown out hard words at all adventure , nor confuted the cause by giving bad language , ( as 't is some mens custom to stick an odious name upon an adversary , and then he is baffled : ) no , i first endeavoured to convict them by evidence of reason , and after that to reprove their errour ; and if they resolved to continue obstinate , to upbraid their peevishness with some sharpness of expression . and if men will not distinguish between railing and sharp reproofs , there is no remedy but the best and wisest persons of all ages must pass for the greatest railers . and so far am i from recanting my severity towards them , that i am rather tempted to applaud it by the glorious examples of the greatest wits of our nation , king iames , archbishop whitgift , archbishop bancroft , bishop andrews , bishop bilson , bishop mountagne , bishop bramhall , sir walter rawleigh , lord bacon , &c. and what can you imagine more hateful to such wise men as these , then to see mean people borrow the face of religion to make them bold and impudent against government ? in short , i could name some persons so vile and abominable , that 't is not in the power of slander to abuse them ; and there is a faction of saints in the world , whose villanies and falshoods and perjuries are so utterly destitute of excuse or palliation , that no history of any age or nation can afford us the like impudent and execrable examples of baseness and hypocrisie . and therefore let not the living man complain , &c. § . . . another pregnant and serviceable topick of argumentation , is to load his adversary with consequences of atheism , popery , and mahumetanism ; though , for any reason i have given him , he might as plausibly have charged me of magick or necromancy , or ( what perhaps may seem more monstrous ) of fanaticism . but this is one of the most elegant idiotisms of their language , and most powerful figures of their logick ; whatsoever they touch is immediately turn'd into atheism ; they can wring this conclusion out of all premises , as they can draw some doctrines out of all texts . 't is an odious inference , and then 't is no matter for its truth and coherence ; a wide mouth and a bold face shall make good the charge ; and what they want of rational deduction , is easily supplyed by noise and confidence . their followers ( they know ) never examine things by the rules of reason and discourse ; put but an ugly consequence into their mouths , and they swallow it with a glibber satisfaction then the purest and most refined reasonings , and peremptorily conclude you guilty of all the horrid tenets and assertions that their leaders will throw upon you . and there lies all their strength , in the ignorance and credulity of the multitude : instances of this nature are innumerable , their great anak of disputation i. o. ( to mention no more ) never commenced a dispute against any perswasion , but he immediately brought the controversie to this issue . he cannot arraign the lords prayer it self , but atheism and blasphemy must into the indictment , the asserting that form of words ( says he ) confirms many in their atheistical blaspheming of the holy spirit of god , and his grace , in the prayers of his people . and when some learned men of the church of england publish't the biblia polyglotta , the chief contriver of that noble work writes some prolegomena suitable to the nature and design of the undertaking ; especially to defend and assert the certainty , integrity and divine authority of the original texts : but among other discourses , ( he happens to assert the novelty of the hebrew punctation , ( an opinion own'd by the concurrent suffrage of almost all the best skill'd in the hebrew and oriental learning ) and to acknowledge various readings in the original text ; and lastly , to prove that to be no way prejudicial to their purity and integrity . now with what outragious declamations does i. o. set upon these harmless assertions ? and with what foul-mouthed crys and consequences does he pursue them ? and what an horrid noise do we hear of atheism , atheism , atheism ? we are told of a new plot or design amongst protestants after they are come out of rome , a design which they dare not publickly own , p. . the leprosie of papists crying down the original texts , is broken forth among protestants , with what design , to what end or purpose , he knows not , god knows , and the day will manifest , epist. p. . that this design is own'd in the prolegomena to the bible , and in the appendix ; that they print the original and defame it , gathering up translations of all sorts , and setting them up in competition with it , epist. p. . that they take away all certainty in and about sacred truth , epist . p. . that there is nothing left unto men , but to chuse whether they will turn papists or atheists , epist. p. . that there are gross corruptions befaln the originals , which by the help of old translations , and by conjectures , may be found out and corrected , p. . as pernicious a principle as ever was fixed upon since the foundation of the church of christ , epist . p. . that it is the foundation of mahumetanism , the chiefest and principal prop of popery , the onely pretence of fanatical antiscripturists , and the root of much hidden atheism in the world , p. . that he fears , the pretended infallible iudge , or the depth of atheism lies at the door of these considerations , p. . that they are enough to frighten unstable souls into the arms of an infallible guide , p. . that ( setting aside two theses ) there is no opinion ventilated among christians , tending to the depression of the worth , and impairing the esteem of the hebrew copies , which is not directly , or by just consequence own'd in these prolegomena , p. . all these black charges must be set off with shrieks and tragical exclamations of dreadful distemper which may well prove mortal to the truth of the scripture , p. . of horrible and outragious violence offer'd to the sacred verity , p. . that men take upon them to correct the scripture , p. . to correct the word of god , p. . and all these prodigious and unparallel'd reproaches he is not ashamed to pour forth with a profession of all christian candour and moderation of spirit , p. . 't is a wide and frightful gulf that lies between his adversaries premises and his own conclusions ; but yet , so well is his confidence mounted , that cannot scare him from often leaping it : 't is the way and spirit of the man , and he does it by custom and by instinct : nothing more frequent and more familiar in all his writings , then these horrid consequences in behalf of papists , atheists , antiscripturists and mahumetans . and i could produce out of a certain author , ( that may be guessed at ) a large catalogue of the same odious inferences charged upon any man that can be so blind or so prophane as but to doubt whether the success of the rump parliament , the murther of the late king , the defeat of his present majesty at worcester , were not special and extraordinary projects of divine providence for carrying on the kingdom of the lord christ. but i will not be too unmerciful , though such dirty and dishonest arts can never be exposed with too much severity . however , provided for the future they will take warning to forbear such black practices , from me they shall hear no more of them : but if they will not , let them thank themselves for what may follow ; for we must not suffer them to abuse the people with such coarse and wretched juglings . § . . . another way of trifling , is upon every occasion to drop in some learned shreds of latin , and scholar-like sayings of ancient poets and philosophers . and had they been collected out of their original authors , what a notable proof had he given the world of his encyclopediacal reading ? however , methinks 't is pretty to observe with what neatness of fancy he sets off his own confused and indigested rubbish , by besprinkling it with these little fragments of wit and poetry , as in some places you have seen them adorn their mud-walls with bits of any thing that shines and glisters . but though this trifling artifice might have passed for wit and learning in the days of queen elizabeth , and may now perhaps dazzle and amuse unlearned people ; yet to men of learning , reading and ingenuity , ( to whom our author writes ) their vulgar use has sullied their lustre , and abated their value : so common are they in modern controversies to the same or the like purposes of wit ; and so few do i meet with in our author , that are not scatter'd up and down in the polemick rancounters of i. o. ( and indeed he seems wonderfully conversant in the writings of that learned man , not onely by his see-saws , but his stile , his phrases , and his arguments : ) so that whatsoever shew of learning these pedantick impertinences may make among the dames and the prentices , yet ( i say ) to his men of reading that can trace him , they will bring him under suspicion of filching other mens wit ; so little will they add to the reputation of his own . nay , such a magazine is there of these weapons in the polyanthea , that they will not so much as tempt the wonder of school-boys , that are familiarly furnish't with choice and variety of them out of the original and classical books themselves ; and therefore to them and to our author i shall leave these learned trifles , and yield the victory at these childish follies . and whereas pag. , . he bobs my confidence with a trite and reverend apophthegm out of old aristotle , that bearded men are cautious , but beardless boys are confident , should i nick him with a repartee of as grave a saying out of as grave an author , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignorance is bold and peremptory , whilst knowledge is modest and distrustful ; and then gloss and expatiate upon my theme as solemnly as he has done upon his , would not this ( think you ) wonderfully edifie the reader , and determine the controversie ? and to conclude , can you forbear to smile when you hear a grave divine , and one that writes himself d. d. defie all men of learning , reading and ingenuity , to cap verses ? for in truth this pelting sentences is scarce a more manly or a more scholastick exercise , then that olympick sport of country-schools . § . . another little stratagem he often suggests to defeat arguments and delude the people , is to ascribe all the appearances of reason that seem to sparkle in my discourse , to the elegance of its stile and its composure : for he is willing to allow it all the perfections of beauty , so it may but want strength and sinews , and let it be any thing , if it be not rational ; and then how smoothly does this censure pass among the people , who make the same judgment of reason as they do of gospel-preaching , and value it by its dullness and want of fancy ? so that if we set off the severest reasonings with any gloss and ornament of speech , they are taught to call it juvenile rhetorick and declamation ; and we can never make them understand or ( what is more difficult ) acknowledge the reasonableness of any discourse , if we set down our thoughts in any other scheme of expression beside syllogisms in barbara ; otherwise if we write with all the power and demonstration of reason , 't is but calling it a rhetorical declamation , and then 't is cashier'd and slighted . but as for my own way of writing , i confess men of greater fancies would have discoursed of my subject with more quickness of wit , and men of better judgments with more closeness of reason : but i have followed the humour of my own genius ; and have so endeavour'd to be rational , as not to be flat ; and so to be fanciful , as not to be impertinent ; not leaving the coherence of my matter to run after a witty conceit , nor so stubbornly avoiding all ornament of speech , as not to cloath my matter in some elegancy of expression : and as i have not used resemblances in stead of arguments , ( though i know who has ) so neither have i refused to set off arguments with allusions ; but have ventur'd sometimes to express them by borrowed and allusive terms , where it might be done without hazarding the strength or the perspicuity of the discourse . i have no where played with phrases , nor argued from metaphors and similitudes ; and if any of my words may happen to be fine , they are none of them empty ; and the most pompous and lofty expressions contain under them notion , and thing enough to fill out their sense , and warrant their truth . a multitude of evil touches , and less important intimations , i must both forgive and omit , as well to avoid the suspicion of being too unmerciful , as the inconvenience of being too tedious : nay , to what a voluminous bulk must i swell , should i specifie all the more weighty and unexcusable miscarriages , and reckon up all his palpable untruths , affected calumnies , labour'd falsifications , studied mis-understandings , shameless impertinencies , ridiculous evasions , numberless tautologies , and infinite repetitions ? together with his frequent challenges , appeals to heaven and the day of judgment , denouncing woes , and letting flie threatnings of the divine wrath and vengeance , with innumerable other tricks of shuffling and bold impertinency . in short , when i first perused this reply , ( if i may give it so fair a name ) i ran it over with equal wonder and satisfaction ; with wonder at the boldness of the man , that blush't not to impose upon the publick , as well as upon my self , with such an heap of foul and notorious falsifications : with satisfaction , when i consider'd whoever undertakes to contradict the evidence of that truth i had pleaded for , must first do violence both to his reason and to his conscience , ( for you will meet with some forgeries so palpable , that inadvertency can never excuse them : ) and it confirm'd me in the reasonableness of my opinion , when i saw men were forced to pervert and falsifie its plain meaning , before they could pretend its confutation . prodigious instances of this kind you will meet with in the sequel of this discourse , when i proceed to more particular remarks ; to which work 't is high time to address my self . and i shall first begin with his review of my preface . chap. ii. the contents . the vanity of our authors pretence of the reluctancy of his writing . the arrogance of his boast of making books at idle hours . the vanity of their way of preaching . our author challenged to justifie the sermons of j. o. his seditious way of preaching . a character of the pedling theologues and preachers among the nonconformists . their main artifice lies in tampering with the female sex. the learning of the episcopal clergy vindicated from the insolent censure of j. o. the silliness of his own solid and profound divinity . the divines of the church of england vindicated from our authors malicious suggestions . the unjust grounds of his and his brethrens slanders and calumnies discovered . their way of blasting their adversaries with oblique and ugly insinuations . our authors disingenuity in attempting to defame me upon occasion of my satyr against atheism . my remark upon our saviours behaviour in the temple , vindicated against his charge of irreverence . and proved , that it was out of the court of the gentiles , not of the jews , that he whipt the buyers and sellers . our authors shift to discharge themselves of the friendly debate . his confident way of trifling in answering arguments with may-be's . what mischief those men do to religion , by feeding people with their nonsense and empty phrases . the cowardise of their demands of personal conferences . the insolence and impertinency of our authors suggestion against the immorality of our clergy . the onely crimes we charge them with , are such as they esteem gospel-mysteries . the vanity of our authors comparison between the friendly debate , and the comedies of aristophanes . socrates no independent . the pride and hypocrisie of the nonconformists confessions in their prayers . this discovered by their appropriating to themselves all the titles of godliness , upon the score of this counterfeit humility . their arrogance particularly proved out of the writings of j. o. i reproach them not with the deep sense of their sins , but with their irksom dissimulation . our authors excuse , that their confessions have chiefly a respect to the pravity of their natures , exploded . the precedents of st. paul , ezra , daniel and david , unduly alledged by our author . the utter unacquaintance with the deceitfulness of my own heart , confessed . 't is presumption for an habitual sinner to expect the pardon of his sins . the pretence of ministers being the mouths of the congregation , cashier'd . the sad influence that their prodigal confessions have upon the lives of their followers . § . . the first considerable passage we meet with , after his first unfortunate sally , ( of which you have heard already ) is the account he gives us of his humour and his undertaking , how he prevail'd with himself , much against his inclinations , to spend a few hours in the examination of the principal parts and seeming pillars of my whole fabrick . i shall not mind him of the uncouthness of his language , ( though if it were consider'd , it will be found that to examine a pillar , is scarce more proper english then to explicate a post ) but shall onely observe , that some men are so accustomed to hypocrisie , that they dissemble when they least design it ; and this trifling pretence is now grown so familiar with this trifling man , that it thrusts its self in of course , and challenges a place in all his writings by the right and title of prescription ; and though he has served himself so often of it in all his former squabbles , yet he can no more forbear to mention this apology , then he can to need it . but methinks 't is strange this cold and watry elf should survive thus long out of its proper element ; and had it been a salamander born , it could not have better endured the heats of contention : and yet methinks 't is more prodigious still , that a man should do perpetual violence to the most puissant bent of his own inclinations , and for ever doom himself to irksom and unpleasant employments . had he been possest by the spirit of scribbling and contention , he could not have been more pragmatical in his medlings with other mens writings , then he has ever been , without any other provocation then that of his own petulant humour . and is it not pleasant to see him excuse himself of unkindness to his own temper , by forcing it to such unagreeable undertakings , when he is the known and common barreter of the age he lives in ? he falls foul upon every book he meets with ; and there is scarce an author that can escape the disgrace of his publick censure and correction ; and what motto could have better suited him , then that wherewith he has flourish't and adorned his title page , sed sumpsimus arma ? 't is pity he should have borrowed a bush so proper to his purpose from another mans door . but had this mighty hero sought opportunities of chivalry abroad , and ranged the world in quest of adventures , ( though all places were still as full of giants and enchantments as they were in the age of barbarism and romances ) he could not have encounter'd more difficulties and exploits then he has engaged upon at home . and if he have forced himself upon this trouble with reluctancy and violence to his humour , what havock had he made , had his stars destined him to this heroick employment ? how might he have scowr'd the world , as once theseus did ? how might his immortal pen have clear'd the age of the pest of writers , as herc ' les club did greece of thieves and robbers ? he might ere this time have ransackt and confuted all the libraries in europe , and out-done the goths and vandals in the destruction of books . but length of time and continual use have worn this counterfeit pretence so lamentably thin , that in stead of shrowding his vanity , it onely serves to betray and discover it ; and therefore hereafter i would advise him , either to write less , or to write with less regret , and not to imagine the world so silly , as to be perswaded that a man , that has such an antipathy to writing as he pretends , should be so prodigal of his ink as he is . but the truth is , men that have the itch , as they are ashamed to own it , so they cannot forbear upon all occasions to discover it . but however , this book , as he informs us , was finished and dictated at a few idle hours . i beseech you , good sir , will this mans bashfulness never leave him ? will he suffer his youthful shamefacedness to overwhelm him in his old age ? did you ever read a greater strain of modesty and humility ? what a mean opinion has this weak nothing of his parts and learning , that can think the rash and immature products of his idle hours , fit to present , if not to oblige the publick ? with what want of confidence does he presume upon the world , to expect its acceptance of all his crude and undigested thoughts ? and 't is no boldness in him to thrust upon the publick view every rash and precipitate conceit that thrusts it self upon his wandring fancy . but this man does not always consider what he says ; he has contracted acquaintance with certain schemes of speech , that stand always ready at his service , and he brags and dissembles by rote ; and this vaunt of the vigour and pregnancy of his wit , is as familiar with him in all his writings , as the excuse of his reluctancy ; and he scarce ever pen'd or publish't any thing , but with mighty speed and mighty remorse . but this information he might well enough have spared ; his imperfect and unlick't notions are themselves evidence enough of their own over-hasty birth and conception ; and all he gains by this pedantick boast , is to give in clear proof of his pride , but none at all of his sufficiency : for no man that is not fool'd with a darling opinion of his own abilities , could ever have abused himself with so dear and fond a conceit of his own hasty and fortuitous thoughts . and perhaps his bold attempt upon the biblia polyglottae , was scarce a stronger essay of confidence , when he takes upon him to chastise persons that had given such a publick and unparallel'd proof of a thorough insight into that kind of learning , with a brisk confession of his own superficial skill and knowledge . tell me a more becoming instance of modesty , then for a smattering sciolist to censure and provoke even rabbies of the greatest fame and deepest skill . and therefore you have no reason hereafter to wonder at such fulsom intimations of self-conceitedness ; especially if you consider , that when confidence grows old , it is changed into something more monstrous , and the serpent becomes a dragon . § . . but to leave him to his own darling self , and proceed to his book , where you shall find my account of their way of preaching to be the first object of his indignation . upon this they principally value themselves , and for this he is desirous they should be principally maligned by others ; though it must needs be a pitiful low and creeping envy that fastens upon an object so mean and despicable : and for my own part , i could name some popular oratours , that are as often as the most eloquent clack of the party , surrounded with crowding and numerous congregations , the dexterity of whose talk would sooner tempt my envy , then their loose and ranging preachments ; the main knackishness whereof , as far as i could ever observe in their printed sermons , consists in their surprising extravagance and impertinency : a thousand instances of this nature might be produced out of a treatise publish't by i. o. concerning the saints distinct communion with the father , and the son , and the holy ghost : i. e. as he accurately explains himself , distinctly with the father , distinctly with the son , and distinctly with the holy ghost : though by the way , this doubty explication can do no great service towards the unfolding of this great mystery : for to enjoy communion distinctly with each person of the blessed trinity , is not much more intelligible then to enjoy distinct communion with them ; and ( by reason of its resemblance to it ) calls to my mind a direction prescribed elsewhere by the same author for carrying on the work of watching , viz. to be always awake ; it being a certain and undoubted truth , that no man can watch whilst he is asleep : but little absurdities start up so thick in my way , that they divert me from my main quest ; and therefore let me onely desire you to consult the forementioned treatise , and then tell me whether some of them have not acquired a notable knack at spoiling the scriptures , and fooling with the divine oracles . and what else can be expected from the design and nature of the discourse it self , that endeavours to make out such a nice and metaphysical devotion ? but here his zeal burns and kindles , and vents its self in an unusual heat and vehemence of declamation , though all the noise of three or four pages amounts to no more , then barely to tell the reader that i am not able to prove the charge , and to challenge me and all my associates to make it good before any equal , competent , and impartial tribunal under heaven . but the passage he inveighs against , is transposed out of the second chapter of my book , and therefore shall in its proper place be justified to purpose : for there you shall meet with all the same stuff again , according to his method , though ( as himself professes ) contrary to his design , in haste oftentimes speaking the same things over and over . but in the mean while to give some check to this boldness , i accept his challenge , and defie him to a defence of the printed sermons of i. o. which if he dares undertake , i will engage to give in such an evidence against them , as shall infinitely make out and exceed the particulars of my charge . and though he think not himself obliged to justifie every individual person , yet perhaps by reason of his relation to , and concernment for that author , this challenge may bring him under an absolute engagement to that performance . is it not strange to see men that are so obnoxious , to be so confident ? but if by their importunity they will force and provoke us to expose their shame and folly , they have reason to charge the blame upon nothing but their own rashness and presumption . and yet so far is this or any of his other brags from being any real transports of courage and resolution , that nothing could more palpably have betrayed his vanity and his cowardize . 't is , you know , the humour and the true character of a coward , when there is no danger or enemy near , then he insults , he threatens , he defies , he triumphs , he is all rage and fierceness , he breathes nothing but slaughter and destruction , and talks not under the rate of his thousands and his ten thousands : but if an enemy approach , and an engagement be offered , 't is not then so utterly impossible to perswade the man , you need not use violence to make him attend to calm and sober counsel , he is not deaf to all advice , but can hear reason and his friends ; and then if you press upon him , and upbraid him with his own vaunts , his rage immediately begins to cool and vanish , his heart melts and dissolves , his spirits retire , his colour alters , and all the coward can do , is to look pale and tremble . and such is the defiance of our author ; he looks big , & he threatens high ; he will not endure our affronts and insolences , but is resolved to redress those wrongs , and avenge those indignities we have offer'd to the nonconformists , and nothing will appease his rage , but blood and destruction : come forth you and all your associates , and if you dare be so hardy , prove your force against me before any tribunal under heaven ; for i am resolved to chastise your insolences , and make you see the folly and the danger of your undertakings . now who ( think you ) can withstand all this rage and fury ? we must flie and disperse as the defenceless flock of sheep did before the zeal and the sword of the phrenetick knight : for who dares to resist so steel'd a courage ? and that so whet with provocation , and so eager upon revenge ? and yet if you will bear up a little bravely to him , and with a brisk and undaunted look accept his challenge , and dare him to stand to his own defiance , the man will quickly begin to treat and consider , he will bridle his rage , and appease his fierceness ; for his part he means no harm , he is a good-natur'd man , and is willing to live peaceably ; he neither desires nor designs serram reciprocare , ( as our author classically expresses himself ) or to engage in any controversial discourse with you : and do but press and pursue him to stand to his own challenge , he slinks out of the field , and is vanquish't without danger and expence of blood. this , assure your self , will be the undoubted event of my closing in with his own motion ; and though i once more upbraid him with his own summons , and dare him to his own defence , be confident you shall never hear more of him : for as stout as he is , he will never be so rash as to expose himself at so great a disadvantage . i say no more , he knows my meaning . § . . and whereas , that he may for ever dash this reproach of mine out of countenance , he gives in a large catalogue of harmless and useful arguments , upon which they are wont to treat in their sermons , that concerns not our charge ; though as they order their theology , we tax them for defeating the efficacy of their own doctrines , by their own unwarrantable additions , and mixing such propositions with the precepts of the gospel , as sadly enervate , or utterly evacuate all their obligation to a holy and a vertuous life . but this controversie is not to be managed in prefaces , and as well requires as it deserves a volume : and therefore in answer to all that lurry of words , i shall at present onely mind him , that his systeme of preaching divinity , is vastly more lame and imperfect then my scheme of religion , and that he has supprest at least one entire table of their decalogue : for easie it were to recount as long a roll of matters , that they insist on with as much zeal and lowdness , as upon any theme that he has reckoned in his catalogue , that are as little countenanced in holy writ , as they are by supreme authority . let our author onely reflect upon some discourses ( that he knows of ) concerning divine providence , and that will satisfie his curiosity . what thinks he of songs upon sigionoth ? what thinks he of a vision ( seen by himself ) of gods unchangeable free mercy , and uncontroulable eternal purpose in sending and continuing the gospel unto this nation , maugre all the opposition of king and bishops ? what thinks he of accounting for the equity of gods judgments , in recompencing the sins of the king upon the people , because they that set him up may justly be called to answer for his miscarriages , if by vertue of their retained soveraignty , they do not restrain him in his provoking ways ? what thinks he of the lord christs shaking and translating the political heights and governments of the western nations , in order to the bringing in of his own peaceable kingdom ? what thinks he of ensuring success to cromwel's army against their soveraign , by dark passages out of the old prophets ? what thinks he of good principles becoming wicked and abominable , when taken up against the providence of god ? what thinks he of monarchic governments being a jewish ceremony , a part of their pedagogy and bondage , and abolish't by the coming of the messiah ? what thinks he of the kings being a son of tabeal , i. e. one that would have usurpt the crown without right or title ? what thinks he of gods hardning the late kings heart , to carry on the mighty work of a thorough reformation ; and of laying stubbornness and obdurateness upon his spirit , to preserve us from ruine and final destruction ? in brief , what thinks he of the advantage of the kingdom of christ , in the shaking of the kingdoms of the world ? or providential alterations in their subserviency to christ's exaltation , applyed to his majesties defeat at worcester ? if such harmless propositions as these were searched into , and displayed to the view of the world , it would soon be satisfied whether we have not just reason to complain of their doctrine . and yet so civil was i as to wink at such black discourses ; and it was upon the account of less odious miscarriages that i taxt their sermons , for corrupting and embasing divinity , not for infecting his majesties subjects with doctrines of treason , and principles of rebellion : but if they will grow sullen under mild and more gentle chastisements , they do but force us to take down their stomachs and their stubbornness by severer and more smarting corrections . § . . but as deeply as he resents my contemptuous account of their preachings , yet he stomachs nothing more then that scorn i have reflected upon their preachers . and this is a warm provocation indeed , touch the mountains and they will smoke . thus whereas pag. . i charged the guilt of all our schismatical ruptures upon the perverseness of about an hundred proud , ignorant , and seditious preachers : he snaps me up with an hasty inference , as if i had affirmed there were not above an hundred preaching ministers among the nonconformists . but by his leave , are there not in this , as in all other factions , some busie and pragmatical incendiaries , that animate their companions to seditious attempts and practices , that widen our differences by their frantick and outragious zeal , that make separation an indispensable duty , and lead the people into an open defection from the church , and make all our distractions incurable , by their sturdy and insolent humour ? the number of these hot spirits is not great , and 't is these onely to whom i ascribe the continuance of our schisms and subdivisions , and 't is these onely against whom i would have the laws particularly levelled ; severity upon them would quickly make the rest more cool and tractable ; and 't is well known how by the punishment of a few ringleaders under the reign of queen elizabeth , the whole faction was awed into a milder and more peaceable deportment . the very face of discipline is enough to dash those that are not so utterly frantick , out of their confidence ; and but to shake the publick rods over them , will quickly scare them into better obedience . and what i have spoken contemptuously of their preachers , as to their ignorance and their duncery , is applicable onely to these pert and busie promoters of the schism : men of more learning are more modest and peaceable ; and though their consciences and mis-apprehensions of things devest them of their publick employment , they do not immediately run themselves into open separation , but submit to that conformity that is requisite in private christians ; there being nothing required by our church of such persons , that can drive people of any wit and sobriety from our publick congregations ; and therefore these men quietly submit to their own fate and the laws , and are not such wretches as to fire an house to roast their own eggs , and embroil a kingdom for their own petty ends and envies ; and as for these , i love and honour their integrity , and pity their unhappy fate , in that they have brought themselves into such a straight , as makes their private interest inconsistent with publick peace . but besides these , there is a sort of pedling theologues , whose ignorance onely makes them able divines , who might have wanted grace as well as their contemporaries , had they not wanted parts and learning . it was duncery and defect of wit that qualified them with ministerial abilities ; the pulpit was their refuge from the university , and they flee to the altar onely to take sanctuary against scorn and contempt . and 't is pleasant to observe upon what shifts and artifices these empty puffs are put to uphold the credit of their sufficiency ; and they never discover any thing of wit and ingenuity , but in their slights and stratagems to cover their ignorance . none better skill'd in the management of looks , or more dexterous in the command of solemn face and judicious forehead : they can so improve their defect of knowledge , as to make it pass for depth of judgment ; and whatsoever part of learning they understand not , they either despise as notional and unprofitable , or seem grave and reserved ; and with learned shrug intimate something they can , but will not communicate ; or give a sturdy and peremptory determination of the matter in debate , and then the decree is past , 't is not to be disputed ; they will carry the ball away by clamour and confidence , and stand amazed if you will not admit what they know not how to prove . but if neither these , nor any of their other tricks will relieve them , but that they are pursued so close , that they cannot escape your discovery , the last refuge of their folly is scripture and religion ; they put on serious brow , and fall into a fit of preaching ; and what text so suitable to be abused to their purpose , as st. pauls , i desire to know nothing but iesus christ , and him crucified ? like the fox in the fable , who having no tail of his own , preach't against all tails as deformed and burthensom excrescencies . and thus do these men become acquainted with the workings of the spirit , because they are not capable of understanding the methods of reason , and laws of argumentation ; and they scorn to defend their doctrine by humane learning ; and but to oppose their fables and ridiculous falsities about the mechanical process of regeneration , is to blaspheme the spirit of grace . and they will rebuke all your rational arguments and demonstrations with sawcy and pragmatical reproofs ; and in stead of replying to your objections , will shake their heads , and pity your ignorance in the mysteries of the gospel ; and then malapertly exhort you to beware of pride and carnal reason , and preach the great danger of leaning too much on your own understanding . and thus these bold fellows , when they cannot out-argue , will out-face you : a thwacking contradiction shall neither stagger nor astonish them ; they will firmly stand their ground against all the dint of argument ; and by the assistance of the spirit of god , maintain conclusions in defiance to their premises : say what you will , prove what you can , demonstrate the incoherence of their notions , and the wildness of their conceits , they will foil all your wit and carnal reason with a caution against vain philosophy and humane learning , and a disdainful reflection upon the natural mans ignorance in the things of the spirit . and thus shall the spirit of god be forced to vouch and patronize their folly , the divine oracles shall be heapt together to cover their ignorance , and they will guard their phantastick impertinencies with abundance of chapter and verse ; and if you offer to assault their truth , they will beat you off with volleys of texts , and pour them so thick upon you , that you shall never be able to storm their ignorance . but if you will not be out-pelted at scripture , the next specimen of their learning is to refer you to some of their own authors , ( that have written to as wise purpose as themselves talk ) and if at that weapon you prove too hard for them , their last refuge is still reverend dullness , they look demurely , turn up the white , and shake the head at your prophaneness and blasphemy . and then if you have any grace or modesty , you are obliged to blush and be silent . and if there be any female proselyte in company , ( for such are the usual associates of their zeal and conversation ) she must outwardly pity , and inwardly scorn you : alas , poor man ! this 't is to be a stranger to the workings of the spirit of god , and to be ignorant of the mysteries of the covenant of grace . what a vain thing is this humane learning without grace , and the teachings of the spirit ? how is this man puft up with a conceit of his own knowledge ? and yet what a silly wretch is it in the mysteries of religion ? what strange conceptions has the poor soul of regeneration , of the spirit of bondage , and the method of conversion ? alas , poor thing ! he understands it no more then i do his arabick or algebra . what a comfortable light have i , that am but an unlearned idiot , in the most inward and experimental parts of the mysteries of godliness , by the teachings of the spirit , and precious mr. — whilst a vail of darkness hides these gracious comforts and priviledges from the eyes of this natural man. and thus they prostitute the dignity of religion to the impertinencies of every gossip , and uphold the noise and seeming interest of the party , by the zeal and clamour of that sex. nothing so resolute as they at holding fast conclusions ; they will die martyrs to their truth , before they know their premises ; and if they once chance to fasten upon a proposition , they will never quit their hold while they have either teeth or tongue . § . . and therefore it has in all ages been the peculiar artifice of such creeping impostors , to tamper with the warmth and the weakness of that sex. wo unto you , ye scribes and pharisees , hypocrites ; for ye devour widows houses , and for a pretence make long prayers . why widows houses more then any others ? why ! because they had the management of their estates at their own disposal , and so were more liable and likely to be cheated : but chiefly , because their sorrowful spirits were more prone to superstition and melancholy devotions , and so more apt to give good entertainment to these demure and white-eyed comforters . and st. paul giving a personal character of some religious juglers in his days , describes them to be such as creep into houses , and lead captive silly women , i. e. such as under great shews and pretences of holiness , insinuate themselves into wealthy families ; and by their plausible arts and demure pretensions , seduce the weaker sex , that by reason of the feebleness of their minds , and timorousness of their consciences , are most apt to credit their sad and sorrowful stories , and suffer themselves to be abused and led any way by these precise and saint-like pretenders , and ( which is the main ) to reward their pains with good fees and good meals . neither are the foolish women so easily taken by these holy cheats , modest , sober and vertuous , but they are wicked as well as silly , laden with many lusts and vices , such as are willing to reconcile their passions and lustful desires with a state of religion , and under its vizor to maintain their pride , their peevishness and their wantonness . and the more handsomly to delude such silly wretches , these gospel-pharisees are ever canting to them in empty and senseless forms of speech , and stuff their memories with a set of insignificant and unintelligible phrases , that they may know how to prate perpetually of religion , without knowing any thing of its true nature and efficacy ; and all the fruit of their much hearing , is much talking ; and ( as i once heard it observed in the pulpit ) 't is their highest emprovement to be able to gossip in the language of st. paul. by these and such like little arts , they decoy in female proselytes to their party ; and 't is their onely master-piece to inveigle their hot and eager spirits : an artifice that any sot may manage , that can but whine and flatter . 't is such mountebanks as these , that are the great apostles of the cause , and whom i branded with the marks of pride , ignorance and sedition . how my character suits with their humour , i must leave to your own experience and observation ; though i could give you in a sufficient catalogue of some of their most famous preachers , and choicest wits , that you would deem better qualified to plant tobacco , then to propagate the gospel . the greatest idols of the people would have a mighty resemblance to that hated one of bell , that as the story tells us , was brass without , and lead within , were it not that they want no assistance to devour their own sacrifices . and now who can endure not onely to hear such idiots to talk , as if they were infallible , but to set up their standard , and display their colours in defiance to all the wisdom of government , and the authority of laws ? you see i never upbraided them with their meer ignorance , it was their pride and their insolence that i laid open to publick severity ; would they learn to be humble and submissive , and be sensible of their own folly and ignorance , and would not every mas iohn set up for a patriarch , we would never expose them for their weakness and simplicity : but when they will combat government , affront the decrees of princes , trample upon all publick constitutions , and oppose their own singular conceits to the prescription of ages , and the consent of people ; when they will not yield up so much as a metaphysical speculation to the will of their prince , and peace of their country ; and when all the laws and fundamental rules of government must be subverted , rather then the least of their sentiments shall be reversed : in brief , when their folly must prescribe to the wisdom of mankind , is it not time , think you , to take down their stomachs , and to expose their ignorance to the publick scorn , and their insolence to the publick rods ? § . . but suppose my censure of their ignorance and defect of learning , had aimed at their chiefest rabbies , and their deepest clerks , i could have justified my self by some great examples of his own fraternity , ( where a man can scarce ever want authentick presidents for any sort of rudeness and ill-manners . ) particularly what thinks he of his friend i. o. who giving a character of the episcopal clergy , beside tyranny , persecution , and a rank hatred of all godliness , adds , a false repute of learning , i say , a false repute for the greater part , especially of the greatest ; and yet taking advantages of vulgar esteem , they bear out as though they had engrossed a monopoly of it ; though i presume the world was never deceived by more empty pretenders , especially in respect of any solid knowledge in divinity or antiquity ? goodly ! how does this modest censure of the greatest prelates that ever flourish't in the church of england , become the state and grandeur of the vicar of coggeshal ? what empty and shallow pretenders to knowledge were archbishop laud , and all his favourites , if compared to this unfledged curate ? and to what an heighth of confidence was the young sizer perk't with the success of his rumford-performances ? but who so presumptuous as those smatterers , that have onely learning enough to prefer them to the pillory ? and what less disgrace can that caitiff deserve , that shall dare to arraign the ghosts , and invade the reputations of the greatest worthies and ornaments of the english nation ? whitgift , and bancroft , and laud , empty pretenders ! know , wretch , their works shall live to remote and distant ages , monuments of their own glories and the churches triumphs : when thy spiritual bombast shall never survive to be devoured by famine , or the teeth of time , but shall in a few days be reduced to the shameful and dishonourable condition of waste-paper ; and when thy wretched pamphlets shall be expell'd libraries , and banish't the company of learned authors , and be entertain'd no where but in the corners of old womens closets , and cooks shops . but the rashness of this bold and busie man has since been justly , and ( i think ) sufficiently chastised by some of these empty pretenders ; whom he would continue to affront and challenge , till he forced them to expose him to the scorn and pity of all learned men : for certainly there is not a more bafled person upon record then the considerator upon the biblia polyglotta . sir , you may think this blunt work ; but what other way have we to check and take down the confidence of such bold and abusive scriblers , then to discover them to themselves and to the world ? however , such insolencies against the most reverend fathers of the church , are not to be endured from every pert and conceited fellow ; and proud men must not be suffer'd to raise their own petty names upon the ruines of the greatest reputations . indeed , as for the ignorance of the bishops , and the episcopal clergy in ecclesiastical antiquities , 't is so notorious to all the christian world , that i confess i should think him a very strange man that should undertake their defence . and how piteously have they in their treatises against the church of rome , exposed both their cause and themselves to the scorn of papists , and ( what is more shameful ) to the grief of puritans ? 't is evident , no doubt , by archbishop laud's book against fisher , he had never so much as look't into any of the fathers , or primitive writers ; yet however , methinks it is not manners for every vicar in his province to upbraid his grace with ignorance and want of letters . but suppose this dishonourable brand should have been clapt upon the memory of that great and immortal prelate , by one that was then so far from having any thorough insight into church-antiquities , that after that he was forced to put himself upon no small pains in the first rudiments of literature , to enable him to deal with the boys at westminster-school ; would you not have set up this man for a pillar of modesty and bashfulness to all future ages ? but whatever sort of learning we may pretend to , yet as for skill in solid divinity , they are the onely able men. and in this lies the difference between your empty pretender , and your true substantial divine . but what is this dainty thing they value at so dear a rate ? why ! 't is a sort of opinionative knowledge , or rather learned ignorance that makes men confident and talkative ; 't is a skill in schemes and systemes of new opinions , and a power in talk and disputation . and to wrangle for a scholastick hypothesis , is to contend for the faith once deliver'd to the saints ; and to rend their throats in scolding for the calvinian rigours , is to spend themselves for the lord jesus christ. they are a sort of men , that first submit their understandings to the opinions of some haughty and imperious dictator , and stuff themselves with uncertain and vulgar prejudices , before they attain the very first rudiments of knowledge , and so never arrive at freedom of judgment enough to examine the folly of their proleptick absurdities ; and but to question their undoubted truth , is an injection of satan , and a temptation to infidelity . and therefore ever after this , they expound all articles of faith by analogy to their own prejudices and fond perswasions ; and they either wrack or suborn the holy scriptures , till they force them , in spight of their plainest and most unquestionable intendment , to give in their suffrage to their own wild and unwarrantable tenets ; and here they set bounds to their zeal and to their knowledge , and all their after-industry is swallowed up in vain endeavours to make out the reasonableness and divine authority of their own dreams and subtilties . and what indefatigable pains will they take to distinguish rank blasphemy into orthodox divinity ? with what zeal will they justifie the equity and good-nature of a fatal and irrespective decree of reprobation ? with what assurance will they excuse its seeming horrour and cruelty , with a more horrid injustice , when they plead in behalf of the almighty , that at the same time he devoted so many myriads of his creatures to eternal anguish , he also resolved to take care they should commit those sins that might deserve it , that so he might not want a fair and plausible pretence to wreak his indignation upon them ? with what evidence of demonstration will they make out from the tenour of the covenant of grace , the believers title to heaven and everlasting happiness , by a naked faith in gods absolute promises , without any conditional obligations to an holy life ? this is the imployment of their wit , and these the objects of their studies : and now when such gross errours lie at the bottom of all their endeavours , i leave it to you to judge , whether all that knowledge that is built upon such principles , be not a more laborious and improved duncery , i. e. a greater confidence and ability to talk nonsense . this is that profound theology , in which these gospellers so much excel the regular clergy ; and they never make their people more gaze and admire , then when they discourse to them of the order of gods eternal decrees , of the conditional obligation of absolute promises , and of the fatal determination of free-will . these are their abilities in the schools ; but in the pulpit their subtilty improves into down-right impertinency . and it were not unpleasant ( did not the cause of religion suffer by their folly ) to observe in their practical discourses what mysteries they will descry , and what oracles they will extract out of every obscure text. with what curiosity will they strain for knackish and extravagant applications of holy writ ? with what labour will they beat about into the most secret corners of the old prophets , for articles of faith , and find them out among their rods , and pots , and trees , and wheels , and lamps , and axes , and vessels , and rams , and goats ? and with what dexterity will they fetch about a prophetick parable , and draw the fundamentals of christianity out of ezekiel's wheels ? so that if the sense of scripture were as clancular and mystical , as 't is made by their uncouth way of applying it , the spirit of god has left us rather hieroglyphicks then articles of religion , and our faith is lockt up in cabalistick schemes , and no man is able to unriddle the secret , but by the helps and rules of mythology ; and the scripture is written with the same design , as ( they say ) aristotle writ some of his books , onely to be understood by the sons of art and mystery . however , by this artifice they inveigle the silly and unwary people both to follow and admire them ; for when they are perswaded the outward element of the text is but the cabinet to the jewel , and the precious mystery , they so manage the business , as to possess them with an apprehension , that no key can open it , but what is made at their own forges . and if any of us attempt to explain a text by the coherence of the discourse , by the propriety of the phrase , and by the idiom of the language , we are moral men , and dull literalists , and utter strangers to the inwardness of the spirit : but 't is they that are the practical & experimental preachers , and that see into the depths of the mystery of the covenant of grace . and by this means do they gain the advantage to obtrude upon the people , whatever can neither be proved nor understood , as profound divinity . § . . but whatsoever truth , candor and ingenuity , there is in my character of these men of the flock , he knows how to revenge their wrongs by bold and confident recriminations : if reproaches be the weapon , he understands his advantage ; and when controversies come to be managed by mutual accusations , there they never want for ammunition , their magazine is inexhaustible . thus our author stands amazed that heresie should complain of schism , quis tulerit gracchos , &c. shall the pot call the pan burnt — ? and is it not strange , that whilst one writes against original sin , another preaches up iustification by works , and scoffs at the imputation of the righteousness of christ to them that believe ? yea , whilst some can openly dispute against the doctrine of the trinity , the deity of christ , and the holy ghost ? whilst instances may be collected of some mens impeaching all the articles almost throughout , there should be no reflection in the least on these things ? some mens guilt in this nature might rather mind them of pulling out the beam out of their own eyes , then to act with such fury to pull out the eyes of others , for the motes which they think they espy in them , &c. what a strain of flattery is here ? there is questionless no poison nor calumny in these leering suggestions ; it is an harmless character , and strikes at no mans reputation : no doubt he nev'r intended to relieve himself and his party from my foul reproaches , by false or fierce recriminations , nor to write any thing that might disadvantage me in my reputation or esteem . but some mens tongues traduce by instinct , and are so venomous , that they cannot touch but they will poison your reputation : their throats are open sepulchres , and the poison of asps is under their lips , and they cannot open their mouths but out flie stings and blasting vapours . so that i am now forced to confess my self a dull and trifling satyrist , that have charged them with nothing but their own avowed principles and notorious practices , and never use tart language but to express vile things ; and go far about to convict them of their guilt , before i dare venture to lash and chastise them for their folly ; and all my satyrical reflections are the natural results and inferences of some foregoing reasonings . but this man strikes with more sure and deadly blows , he can stab with a doubtful intimation , and dispatch with an oblique look : 't is no matter for evidence of argument , and certainty of fact ; this fending and proving is a tedious course ; 't is but dropping a train of sly and malicious suspicions , and that is enough to blow up your reputation . he knows all men have a touch of ill-nature , and are apt enough to make the hardest surmises upon these ugly suggestions . nothing sets an handsomer gloss upon a lye , then to shew it by these dark lights ; and indirect insinuations , are the most artificial schemes of slandering ; they heighten and enrage mens curiosity , and then leave it to their ill humour to finish the story , and then it shall never be spoil'd for want of spiteful and ill contrived suspicions . and every man has wit enough to pick out the categorical meaning of these oblique reproaches ; and had he in direct terms charged me for impeaching the most fundamental articles of christianity , it had not been more familiar and intelligible english. but as for my own part , i am no more moved with the charge , then i am concern'd in the crime : i know none in the church of england that publish any such false and heretical doctrines ; or if there be any that vent them in corners and conventicles , i can onely say , as one did that was treated as i am , let him be anathema . but the ingenuity of these men can dispose of other mens faith and religion at their pleasure , and they can with as much ease make heretiques , as they once could witches and malignants : if a neighbour incur their displeasure , that is enough to make the indictment ; and to be charged , is enough to make it good . thus , you know , they dealt with the ghost of the great hugo grotius , one would needs have him a rank socinian , and another a thorough papist ; though how he could be both , can never be unriddled , unless hugo were one , and grotius the other ; though the evident reason why he might be either , is no other then that he was no calvinian , and then he might be any thing what they pleased . this way of aspersing has ever been the offensive weapon of peevish and angry disputers , though never did any man weild it with more dexterity then our author : he never encountred adversary , that he did not transform either into atheist , or papist , or socinian . but it seems the charge of socinianism is become the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our age , and many men suffer under its imputation , though ( as it always happens in cases of slander ) i know none more clear from the infection then those that have been most suspected and avoided for it . of which injustice i can conceive no other imaginable account then some mens proud & imperious confidence , that have adopted their own unlearned wranglings into the articles of religion , and put as great a weight upon their own novel doctrines , as upon the plain and easie propositions of scripture . now if a sober man discard their wild and unwarrantable additions , 't is all one as if he renounced the article it self . they will not endure a contradiction , nor suffer you to suspect the infallible certainty of their resolutions ; and if you doubt or dispute the ius divinum of a systematick subtilty , you make them impatient , and they make you an heretick . if we are not confident that our blessed saviour suffered the extremity of hell-torments at the hour of his passion , even to the horrours of despair , 't is with some positive people the same thing as if we called in question the merits of his death and sufferings . if we smile at the vanity of his attempt , who would demonstrate out of the canticles , that the saints enjoy distinct communion with the three persons of the trinity ; it exasperates some bold and confident men , that are fond of their own thin and crazy conceits , as much as if we should pervert the first chapter of st. iohn's gospel . and we scoff at justification by faith , if we despise a thousand vain and empty speculations wherewith they have involved that article . as whether faith justifies from any peculiar excellency of its own nature , or barely from the divine appointment ; whether it be an instrumental cause of justification , or onely a procatarctick cause ; if instrumental , whether an active or a passive instrument ; if procatarctick , whether procatarctick formal , or procatarctick objective ; with a multitude more of the like wise and important enquiries , that could never have enter'd into the most curious and whimsical understanding , had not some idle people loved to amuse themselves with inventing profound and curious nothings ; and had not one keckerman , and some other dull fellows , been at leisure to write foolish books of logick and metaphysicks ; whose theorems must be blended with the doctrines and propositions of st. paul , and then mens little quarrels about this motley-divinity , must make new sects and opinions in religion , and they must measure the orthodoxy of their faith by their subtilty in wrangling , and their power in disputing , by their skill and dexterity in terms of art , and by their being able to understand the precise and orthodox notion of a procatarctick cause . these are the useful and wonderful profundities to which the disputing men of this age are such zealous votaries : they value their learning by their skill in these dry and sapless enquiries , and their agility in the combats of disputation ; and a disputant with them signifies the same thing as a great scholar . to this purpose they furnish their memories with abundance of notional querks and subtilties , to keep up their pert and talkative humour , and spend all their time in learning distinctions that may maintain and reconcile palpable contradictions . with what fetches of wit will they distinguish themselves round about , till they come at last to affirm what at first they denied ? and with what severity of judgment will they spin out a long train of wary aphorisms , and subtile propositions , to prove that 't is faith alone that justifies ? and yet so explain the notion of justifying faith , as to make it imply and include in it all other parts of the condition of the new covenant , i. e. good works ; and those that are able divines , can write whole volumes of problems and disputations to make out this important mystery , that faith alone justifies , i. e. as 't is not alone . and now if you compare the vanity of the opinions with the talkative humour of the opiniators , you will cease to wonder at their rude carriage toward persons that profess to pursue more useful and less difficult studies : they are brim-full of talk ; and no man that pretends to learning can come in their way , but they immediately engage him in disputation ; and if he with some railery expose their learned and studied ignorance , and confute the silliness of their systematick notions , 't is a bold affront to the orthodox faith , and he drolls upon the most fundamental articles of divinity : for they lay no less weight upon their own subtilties and singular conceits , then on the plain and practical precepts of the gospel ; so that you cannot sweep away their cobwebs , but down drops the whole fabrick of religion . neither does this pragmatical humour run onely among the pretenders to learning , but the infection spreads among the people ; every sage trades-man sets up for a deep and an able divine , and talks as confidently of predestination , as if he had served his apprenticeship to a dutch professour : every zealous shop-keeper understands the management of ecclesiastical discipline as well as the nicene fathers ; and a jury of button-sellers shall determine a controversie of faith with more assurance then a general council . these of all others are the fiercest and most implacable assertors , because their zeal is proportion'd to their ignorance ; and therefore you cannot make your self pleasant with their pert and conceited pedantry , ( and 't is a piece of railery that is hardly to be forborn ) but you draw upon your self whole volleys of anathema's and hard names , they can endure any indignity rather then an affront to their clerkship ; and you may with more safety play with a spaniard's beard , then sport with their grave ignorance . that is an insolence that can never pass unrevenged , but your reputation is immediately stabbed with some ugly word , or poisoned with some malicious report ; and it becomes the great business of their zeal , to brand you with foul imputations ; and in all places , and upon all occasions to blazon abroad your gross errours , and your horrid blasphemies . this short character of their humour , may serve for a satisfactory account of their dirty and disingenuous demeanour towards such persons as pretend to so much knowledge as to despise the ignorance of their learning . i design it not for an apology , either for my self or any of my friends : i know none so poor-spirited as to stand in awe of such petty arts : the most pertinent reply to such a poor and beggarly malice , is neglect and disdain ; though in truth such wretches as stick not upon every slight occasion to sacrifice not onely our good-names , but our livelyhoods ( for that is our case ) to their own childish picks , deserve to be answered by the pillory and the whipping-post . § . . many other ugly insinuations he has , as if i were prompted to this undertaking by lewd and naughty intentions ; or as if he knew some stories that he can , but out of tenderness and civility to my reputation , will not vent . i will not so much assist his malice , as to transcribe all his white-liver'd suggestions to this purpose ; but whether in this way of proceeding he has discover'd more boldness , or more imprudence , is hard to determine , when he knows himself to lie under such vast disadvantages at this weapon , by lying open to so many stabbing and inevitable hits : but this is one of their topicks , and comes in by the rules of their method and ingenuity ; and all the defenders and champions of the church of england , have ever been thus accosted by their civil and unpassionate adversaries . and never did any man give them a smart and severe blow , but immediately they threatned to tell tales . and where men have not the advantage of truth , calumny is their best and surest weapon : for though its wounds do not always fester , yet they usually leave a scar behind them : at least he gains the advantage of his enemy , that gives him the diversion to wipe off reproaches ; and all apologies in defence of a man 's own innocence , leave behind them ( through the common ill-nature of mankind ) some ill-contrived suspicion of guilt in the minds of men. and therefore i will not so far submit my self to the power of his malice , as to make protestations to the world , or appeals to heaven , as some tender constitutions would have done . but i defie all the weak attempts of malevolent tongues : false slanders as they spread , so they vanish like lightning ; and to men wise and honest , the flash appears and dis-appears at once ; and he that is concerned for the good opinion of such as are neither , puts himself upon an harder game then i am willing to play , or able to manage . and though in three lines i could not onely answer , but shame his base and proofless surmises of the unworthiness of my aims , by making it appear that so far i was from having any ill design , that i was not in a capacity of having any at all : yet i will rather chuse utterly to neglect this , and all his other mean and unworthy arts of malice , as being satisfied , that when men would discredit their adversaries by such unhandsom reflections upon their persons and private affairs , as are altogether impertinent to the matters in debate , they prove nothing but the strength of their malice , and weakness of their cause . nay , so outragious is our author , that when he comes to reflect upon my satyr against atheism , he blows upon it with as much scorn and rancour , as upon the sharpest and most pointed invectives against themselves . as if no man could write against their party , but he must immediately be stricken with a spirit of infatuation , and forfeit all use of his reason and his understanding , and were not able to discourse pertinently upon the most pregnant and most noble argument in the world. but so it is , though you speak with the tongues of men and angels , and though you understand all mysteries , and all knowledge ; yet if you have not charity for them , you are no better then sounding brass , and a tinkling cymbal . and yet had he onely slighted and scorn'd my weak essay upon this theme , it would have been none of the most remarkable instances of his incivility ; but to spit his rankest venom at it , is unexemplified candour and ingenuity . and among all the ugly suggestions he has darted at me , he has not aimed any with more malice and bitterness of spirit , then those he has bolted upon this occasion : but whatsoever foul language i may deserve upon other accounts , i appeal to the hottest zealot of his own dispensation , whether it were discreetly or civilly done to cast reproaches at me , whilst i was exposing prophaneness and irreligion to publick shame . a man that had not been utterly transported with rage and envy , would have had the discretion to have vented his choler upon more seasonable opportunities : for now , alas , he effectually defeats his own malice , by treating me with the same rudeness when i deserve well , as when i deserve ill : from which way of procedure , what else can the world conclude , but that the man raves , and cares not what he says , so he may abuse and defame me ? but upon this occasion he has intimated a considerable truth , viz. that there is less danger in this kind of atheism that vents its self in little efforts of wit and drollery , then in those attempts , that under pretences of sober reason , propagate such opinions and principles as have a direct tendency to the subversion of the grounds of religion . it is well advised , and they would do well to consider it , that invalidate the rational accounts of the christian faith , and destroy all sober grounds of the divine authority of the holy scriptures , that undermine the evidence of miracles , and universal tradition , and resolve the motives of its credibility into vain and frivolous pretences . what greater advantage can any man give to the enemies of religion , then to inform them , that the alcoran may vie miracles and traditions with the scripture ? and then in their stead produce no other proof of its divine authority , then what the alcoran may as well plead , without their concurrence ; and such is the testimony of the spirit , if it convince not in a rational way , and by the use of motives and arguments : for remove their evidence , and then all pretences to inspiration become uncertain and unaccountable , and there remains no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to distinguish between a true and a false testimony . and what greater disservice can any man do to the interest of religion , then to draw bold and horrid consequences in behalf of atheists , papists , and antiscripturists , from every petty controversie ? does not he effectually invite men to a neglect of the holy scriptures , that tells them , they can have neither truth nor certainty , if there be various readings in the original texts ? and yet confesseth , that ocular inspection makes it manifest , that there are various readings both in the old testament and the new ; and it 's confessed there have been failings in the transcribers , who have often mistaken ; and that it is impossible it should be otherwise . i must acknowledge my self a little surprised to hear our author question whether there be such a thing as speculative atheism in the world , and yet himself can discover a wide door to it in every proposition , even in the lords prayer it self : it is somewhat prodigious , that when so many men in all ages have made so many attempts to enter at this door , they should never be able to light upon such an easie and such an open passage . § . . another passage that he chides and cavils at , is the account i gave , why i instill'd so much tartness and severity into some expressions , from the example of our saviours behaviour in the temple ; where i observed , that there was but one single instance , in which zeal or an high indignation might be just and warrantable ; and that is , when it vents its self against the arrogance of haughty , peevish , and sullen religionists . the rashness of this assertion he checks and controuls with authentick precedents and examples out of the old testament , though every illiterate peasant could have inform'd him of the vast difference between the jewish and the christian oeconomy : theirs was a more harsh and severe institution , the temper of their zeal was more fierce and warlike ; and in some cases to kill a brother out of hatred to idolatry , was a commendable action ; and at some times swords and daggers were the means of grace , as they lately were of reformation . their zealots were priviledged to execute any more notorious offender without the forms and solemnities of legal process . but their examples are no warrantable precedents for our practice ; and our author might as pertinently have prescribed to my imitation the act of elias for a blameless and a justifiable instance of zeal , as that of phinehas . and as for the example of our blessed saviour , he pretends grievous resentments for the irreverence of my expressions towards him , such as hot fit of zeal , seeming fury , and transport of passion : though i know not how i could have expressed my self in more abating words : for if it were but a seeming transport , that directly implies it was no real or criminal excess ; and this word seeming has such a soft and qualified signification , that it evacuates the malignity of the hardest expressions : for it is properly of a negative import , and serves onely to supplant and remove the affirmation to which it is prefixt ; so that a seeming fury is in propriety of speech no fury at all : and therefore i cannot see how i could have described this action in more tender and cautious words , for i think a kind of fury ( as doctor hammond phraseth it , that is not wont to speak irreverently of his saviour ) is not near so soft language as seeming fury . but the true reason why i used these expressions , was , because our blessed saviour did in that action take upon him the person and the priviledge of the jewish zealots ; a sort of men that profest to be transported by some extraordinary impulse , beyond the ordinary rules of law and decency , and by consequence must be acted with a greater heat and vehemence of spirit ; and therefore when our saviour imitated their way of proceeding , it must needs carry in it a great appearance of their passionate and extatick zeal . and i think the reflection of the disciples themselves upon this fact , has more seeming harshness in it then my remark ; for upon this occasion they call to mind that passage in the psalms , the zeal of thy house hath eaten me up , or has fed and gnaw'd upon me , and that is an angry and fretting thing . but ( says our author ) this attempt could not be performed with a seeming transport of passion , because it was a miracle , and done with the evidence of the divine presence upon him ; as if he could not exert an act of omnipotence with an appearance of passion , when 't is inseparable from all actions of justice and severity . you see how upon all turns i am forced to invalidate weak and slender cavils , because they are urged for mighty and vehement informations : 't is their method to astonish the people with frightful words , and every objection must be pursued as high as atheism and blasphemy . their wide mouths scorn to indict for petty crimes , and therefore they are resolved to charge every misprision and little miscarriage of high treason . but the main design of his assault upon this passage , is not so much to beat down my fences , as to let us see his deep stores of ammunition in jewish learning : for some men are mighty rabbies at the second hand , and can furnish great volumes with a power of hebrew , as brokers do their shops with old cloaths . and i have read a famous writer ( though he shall be nameless ) that abounds with rabbinical quotations , all which if you would trace them , are trivial in modern authors . but though men by such borrowed gays may make the vulgar gaze and admire them , yet they do but expose their ignorance and vain-glory to the learned world. and what a flourish does our author make here with his description of the temple , and its several courts and apartments , though 't is known to every school-boy that has read godwin's antiquities ? and therefore he might have supposed ( as i did ) the known difference between the inward court of the jews , and the outward court of the gentiles , as distinct from the court of the priests and levites ; and not have lavish't away two whole pages to describe them , before he made his approach towards the purpose , viz. to prove that it was not the gentiles court out of which our saviour whipt the buyers and sellers , ( as i affirm'd ) but the other that is proper and peculiar to the jews . and here what a gaudy shew of learning might i make ? what sholes of hebrew , greek , and latin quotations might i heap up , in my own defence ? there being so great a multitude of late writers , that have collected variety of proofs out of the ancients in defence of my opinion . but i shall rather chuse to leave this superannuated pedantry to those who more affect it , and perhaps more need it ; and shall content my self with the reasons of one plain english author , more then in the bare authority of twenty latin ones ; and that is mr. mede , in his first book and second discourse , where the reader may peruse an excellent account of the truth and reasonableness of my opinion . i shall only transcribe two passages that are most material to my purpose ; the first to prove it could not be the court of the jews ; and the second , that it must of necessity be that of the gentiles . . those who were so chary that no uncircumcised or unclean person should come into their place of worship , who trod the pavement thereof with so much religious observance and curiosity , who would not suffer ( as iosephus relates ) any other building , no not the palace of agrippa their king , to have any prospect into it , lest it should be polluted by a prophane look ; how unlikely is it they would endure it to be made a place of buying , selling , and bartering , yea , a market for sheep and oxen , as iohn . . it is expresly said to have been ? neither will it serve the turn to excuse it , by saying , it was to furnish such as came thither with offerings ; for the sheep and oxen whilst they were yet to be bought to that purpose , were not sacred , but prophane , and so not to come within the sacred limits . . the place alledged to avow the fact , speaks expresly of gentile-worshippers ; not in the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 onely , but in the whole body of the context . hear the prophet speak , esay chap. . vers. , . and then judge : the sons of the stranger , that joyn themselves to the lord to serve him , and to love the name of the lord , to be his servants , every one that keepeth the sabboth from polluting it , and taketh hold of my covenant , ( namely , that i alone shall be his god ) even them will i bring to my holy mountain , and make them joyful in my house of prayer ; their burnt offerings and sacrifices accepted upon mine altar . then follow the words of my text , for my house shall be called ( i. e. shall be ; it is an hebraism ) a house of prayer for all people . what is this but a description of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or gentile-worshippers ? and this place alone makes good all that i have said before , viz. that this vindication was of the gentiles court : otherwise the allegation of this scripture had been impertinent ; for the gentiles ( of whom the prophet speaks ) worshipped in no place but this . you see the prodigious trifling of this man , that runs after such wild and stragling impertinencies to so little purpose . one would have thought that when he insisted so severely on a matter so remote from my main design , he would have been secure of mighty advantages on his own side , and not have blunder'd so horribly in such far-fetcht digressions . § . . his next great assault ( and 't is a furious one too ) is upon the author of the friendly debate . and here he flings down his glove , bids defiance to the stoutest he of us all , and sends a bold challenge to all men of learning , reading , and ingenuity . to what purpose does this author press his wit and parts to write dialogues , and endeavour to make the nonconformists ridiculous by his comical representations ? let him come forth , if he be a man of skill and confidence : leave off his dramatick railery , and encounter me in scholastick and logical disputation . what a flower of chivalry is this ? is there nothing to take down his stomach , and asswage his courage ? still courting dangers , and still swaggering after so many foils and disgraces ? will not age slake the heats of his flaming blood ? 't is time to enjoy his glories and his laurels , and not to hazard his renown with future adventures . this fortune is a fickle thing , and the world full of tartars . and yet methinks after all this bravery , this challenge savours not a little of cowardize , and betrays some qualms and frosty apprehensions . 't is a meer shift to discharge themselves of their engagements , to do reason to the friendly debate , by beginning his controve●sie afresh upon other grounds and in other methods ; and 't is a certain sign of a baffled person , when he challenges at a new weapon , that is sufficient confession of his being master'd at the old . and thus because they are not able to stand against the wit and reason of that author , they except against his way of procedure , and refuse to hear any thing we can urge against them , unless we will fling up all we have gain'd by his smart discourses , and yield to treat and dispute with them in the language of the budge doctors of the schools . as if we could not discourse as coherently in dialogues , as in syllogisms : reason is equally certain , with what dress soever it be cloathed , and in what method soever it is deduced : if the train of consequences be aptly connected to premises , 't is pertinent , and according to the arts of logick , and the laws of reasoning : but if there be any flaw or incoherence between principles and conclusions , the chain of the discourse ceases , and 't is easie to discover where the break begins . and therefore if there be any non-consequences and impertinences in the friendly debate , let them specifie the particulars ; but till then , 't is ridiculous to tell the people 't is no rational discourse , because composed in a dramatick , not a logical method : for if it is true and pertinent , 't is logical ; if not , it is not dramatick ; the rules of reasoning are the same in both : so much do they shuffle by these general exceptions , till they can discover particular defects and impertinences ; and to so little purpose does our author challenge that gentleman to argue according to rules of method and art : for if that be to state the matters in difference between them , to confirm his own judgement , and to confute theirs with substantial reasons and arguments , that is it he has undertaken ; and if he have not performed , they are able to shew it ; if he has , there wants nothing of the exactness of logical and scholastick procedure , but the dull formality of ob. and sol. and videtur quod non . but 't is unmanly to carp at phrases , expressions , manners of the declaration of mens conceptions collected from , or falsely father'd upon particular persons , the greatest guilt of some whereof it may be , is onely their too near approach to the expressions used in the scripture to the same purpose . behold the confident arts of these men ! when an author has collected so many pregnant instances of their folly , and has warranted the truth of his testimonies by particular references to the original authors , they can defeat a thousand authorities with a may-be , and a perhaps : 't is but saying those absurd passages he produceth out of the writings of the nonconformists , may be falsely father'd upon them , and then all is well . what a strange man is this author of the friendly debate , to amass together so many quotations out of w. b ? may they not be falsely father'd upon him ? and what though he has justified the faithfulness of his collections , by the most exact and scrupulous references ? let him not think i am bound to examine the sincerity of his relations . if a man of my confidence tell him at all adventure that perhaps he has abused them and the world too by his own forgeries , that is enough for ever to abate their certainty , and evacuate their authority . nay farther , the greatest guilt of some of the phrases carpt at , it may be , is onely their too near approach to the expressions used in scripture to the same purpose . and it may be their guilt is , that they abuse the words of scripture to set off their own wild and unwarrantable fancies ; and it may be the sky will fall to morrow ; and it may be saint paul's steeple , as soon as it is re-built , will remove it self to the east-indies . to what purpose is it for us to write books , if they can invalidate all our evidences , and arrest all our demonstrations with these pitiful may-be's ? or rather , what a confident man is this , to expect his groundless supposals should have credit enough in the world to put a baffle upon clear and undeniable proofs ? but 't is time , for shame , to leave off this intolerable trifling ; they have been sufficiently teased for it already by the author of the friendly debate , and yet they cannot support their desperate cause but by words that may salve any thing . but is it not a mean design for a man to press his wits and parts to carp at other mens expressions ? no : for if men place mystery and spirituality in uncouth and affected phrases ; if they trifle away the most weighty arguments in religion with childish fancies , and feed the people with nothing but empty words , and insignificant phrases ; they may deserve to be exposed , though not to be confuted , because they have not sense enough to be capable either of truth or falshood ; and therefore though they can never be proved false , yet they may and ought to bemade ridiculous . and what other course can be taken with such triflers as t. w. and r. v. that have labour'd to burlesque the gospel , and to turn the holy scriptures into clinch and quibble ? would it become a serious man to confute jingles with grave and scholastick arguments ? to encounter a wretched fancy with a rational discourse ? and baffle a school-boys phrase out of the word of god ? and when the poor people are ravish't with the chiming of empty words , and hug such phantastick triflings for gospel-mysteries , what other way is there to undeceive them , then by letting them see , that they are not suited to the spiritual condition of any professours , that are not still under the dispensation of rattles . but though to expose the silliness of their expressions , be a part of his design , and that an useful one too , yet so far is it from being the main drift ( much less the onely one , as our author intimates ) of those composures , that 't is least of any thing pursued : and the bulk of those treatises is taken up with discovering ( as i before observed ) the feebleness of their beloved notions , the wildness of their practices , the unwarrantableness of their schism , the prevarication of their pretences , and the inconsistency of their principles . this was his theme ; and had it been his title , his performance would not onely have justified , but exceeded his undertaking . but all this is obstinately overlook't , and the whole business is every where represented by our author , as if all that ink and paper had been wasted onely to carp at uncouth phrases and expressions . with such confidence and dexterity can these men slight what they cannot answer . but upon this occasion you may observe the reasonableness of a motion i made , that preachers might be obliged to speak sense as well as truth : because these men cajole and amaze the simple multitude with palpable non-sense ; and when they pour forth a senseless jargon of kitchen-metaphors , and rascal similitudes , the people admire the preciousness of the mystery , and they talk like men encircled with glories , and dictate their cant with the raptures of an angel , and the authority of an apostle ; and 't is they onely that understand the secrets of the gospel , and the spirituality of the covenant of grace ; and this betrays them unavoidably into a fanatick enthusiasm , fills their little heads with wild frenzies , and infatuating conceits , and the whole business of religion is transacted in their imaginations . and they take it for a special work of conversion to be affected with precious mr. such-an-one's doctrine , and to profit under his ministry , i. e. to sigh at his sermons , and look demurely half an hour after . and what can be more obvious to any mans observation , then that all the change that appears in most of their converts , is , that their tongues-ends are tipt with a new set of phrases , that they talk by roat and by chance ; and under this demureness of language they shelter their old vices of envy , peevishness , arrogance , spight , hatred , malice and covetousness ? these infirmities are not any where so gross and visible as among professors , they are the surest marks , and most distinctive characters of the godly party ; and 't is hugely rare to meet with any of these new-fangled saints that does not discover the clearest and most irksom appearances of some or all these vices . their natural sense of religion is not onely appeased , but abundantly satisfied with this phantastick godliness ; and this staves them off from all farther thoughts of a thorough and effectual reformation . and now upon this account it is that i proposed to have preachers obliged to speak sense as well as truth : but is not this an uncouth motion ? ( says our author ) seeing hitherto it has been supposed that every proposition that is either true or false , has a proper determinate sense ; and if sense it have not , it can be neither . and is not this eristically spoken , and as becomes a man puissant in polemick squabble ? who could have nickt me with such a subtilty , but one that knows all his advantages , and is thoroughly experienced in all the shifts of cavil ? but yet by his leave , because every proposition , that is either true or false , must have a determinate sense , is it therefore necessary , that what has no determinate sense , must be either true or false ? if it be not , then men may speak non-sense , and yet speak neither , and then what becomes of this pert and doubty exception ? and when these men do as much dis-service to religion by non-sense as by false doctrine , what can be more seasonably proposed , then that they should be as well obliged to speak sense , as they are to speak truth ; and as well punish't for canting , as for heresie ? seeing ( as they manage it ) 't is as pernicious to the peace of the church , and the interest of religion . § . . but our author proceeds : some of the things reflected on , and carped at , are such as those , who have used or asserted them , dare modestly challenge him in their defence , to make good his charge in a personal conference . this is somewhat pitiful , and methinks his high spirit stoops below it self : for there is no such submissive confession of a publick overthrow , as to demand private conferences ; 't is the refuge of all baffled people , and all the triflers in the world may shelter themselves in this sanctuary , though they can never recover it unless by flight . and i doubt not but philagathus himself can brag among his neighbours and acquaintance , that the author of the friendly debate dares not accept this challenge ; and that if he could but talk with him , he could easily revenge himself to purpose , aye that he could . and though never was poor man more piteously bruised and havock't , yet by this lamentable cordial he makes shift to asswage the pain of his disaster , and to support the spruntness of his humour . but , alas ! this is plain crossing the cudgels , when they perceive themselves overmatch't : they are ashamed to confess a baffle , and yet not able to bear up against the briskness of their assailant ; and therefore to abate the publickness of the disgrace , they desire to finish the combat in a private corner ; and then though they are beaten , they can boast the victory , and can crow and strut and triumph when they flie the pit. but men that can speak reason , can certainly pen what they speak ; and therefore if they cannot defend themselves by writing , they can never be able to do it by talking . and if w. b. can prove by word of mouth his hoops , and his wall●ps , and his vermin , to be gospel-mysteries , 't is no great pains to dictate the same words to a brachygrapher . but our author tells us , that the wisest man living , when he is gagg'd with a quill is not able to speak ; and yet he may write for all that , for gaggs tie not mens hands ; and therefore i see not how 't is possible w. b. should better clear himself by word of mouth , then by ink and paper . there is no way imaginable , but by eating his gagg , and recanting what he has written . however , the author of the debate is not at leisure to attend to the impertinencies of every talking man. his design was to discover their lamentable follies and impostures to the world ; let them clear themselves to the publick , and he is satisfied : but upon his own account he neither needs nor desires satisfaction . so that in short , these demands of personal conferences , are but a more cleanly way of yielding the cause : for no men will ever sit down under a publick baffle , that know how to help themselves . but if nothing will stop our mouths , our author thinks he can easily threaten us into better manners . for if they would retort upon us , and give in a charge against the cursed oaths , debaucheries , prophaneness , various immoralities , and sottish ignorance , that are openly and notoriously among those whom we countenance and secure , what havock might an ordinary ingenuity make among the conforming clergy ? but he is merciful . how does this man both vanquish and oblige us by his civility ? and though he proclaim us to the world a pack of sots , dunces , drunkards , atheists , yet he is resolved to spare our reputation : if this be his kindness when he forgives , what would it be when he retaliates ? what enraged malice could have struck with a more angry sting ? white 's centuries , and the cobler of glocester's tales , are civil and cleanly stories , if compared to the baseness and insolence of this suggestion . but suppose it carried with it as much truth as it does rancour , yet it would be but an impertinent calumny , and no material recrimination to our charge . we pry not into their conversations , nor set spies upon their secret practices ; nor do we upbraid them with any wickedness , from which they may be recovered by their own convictions . but the follies we endeavour to expose , are such as they esteem gospel-mysteries ; and the vices we correct , are such as they adopt among their choicest vertues , and by which they rate and value themselves . if they can discover any such pestilent and destructive impostures among us , let them reprove them with the roughness of satyrs , and the severity of zealots . but as for these miscarriages he pretends to load us withal , they are such as no man will justifie ; and if any be obnoxious to his charge , who will plead their innocence ? and they stand condemned not onely in the opinion of the world , but their own judgments too . whereas the onely things we lay to their charge , are such pretences whereby they not onely elude , but satisfie their consciences . and we discover the sottishness of such delusions , not out of any design to expose their persons to contempt , but barely to disabuse the deluded multitude . 't is not the personal faults of w. b. the friendly debate aims at , but those of his schismatical way and spirit . he has by his ridiculous abuse of the holy scriptures , perverted the whole design of the gospel , and adulterated almost all the articles of the christian religion . and if so , 't is great charity in us to deliver the people from the danger of such pernicious impostures ; whereas it can be nothing but malice in them , should they attempt to revenge themselves by personal disgraces and reflections . § . . but our authors apology is not yet at an end , he proceeds : though learned men , such as plato and cicero , may argue candidly and perspicuously in dialogues ; yet it cannot be denied that advantages may be taken from this way of writing , to represent both persons , opinions and practices , invidiously and contemptuously , above any other way : so that by this means brave and worthy personages may be rendred ridiculous , as socrates was by aristophanes . by which his enemies gain'd the advantage of exposing him to publick contempt , and thereby prepared a way for the management of an open accusation against him , and his charge was nonconformity to the establish't superstition of the church of athens . did ever any man make such wretched apologies ? 't is a sad symptom when such positive people are driven to such sceptical and doubtful pretences , and are still forced to take sanctuary in a naked may-be . socrates was abused , and so may any good man ; what then ? what is this to the friendly debate , and the nonconformists ? must they be acquitted , because socrates was not guilty ? because some honest men are maliciously traduced , shall that discharge all others of just accusations ? they may be justly charged by the friendly debate , though the honest philosopher was foully and durtily slander'd by aristophanes . verily , sir , this is no better ( to say no worse ) then popular stuff , and shop-logick . but 't is his great weapon of defence , and thus he tells us elsewhere , st. paul was accused of canting as well as w. b. and the nonconformists : he was so , and that very unjustly ; but what necessity is there that they should be as wise or as honest as that great apostle ? there is no imaginable connexion that i know of between his and their actions ; to what purpose then is it to defend themselves with his innocence ? st. paul was able to account for the truth and reasonableness of that doctrine , which they call'd canting : if they are able to do as much for their phrases , let them do it , and that will silence all our clamours and cavils , and we will no more endeavour to shame them out of the profession of the gospel , by crying out canting , phrases , silly , non-sense , metaphors . but otherwise we will pursue the cry till we shame them out of their folly and confidence ; and assure your self , we will not suffer them to obtrude their own affected non-sense upon the people , as the choicest and most important mysteries of religion . but to return to the case of socrates ; his vertue is abundantly clear'd to all posterity by his apology ; and when they have given as satisfactory an answer to the friendly debate , as socrates did to his accusers , they shall not be treated as socrates was ; but till then , they are nev'r the wiser for his philosophy , nor the better for his innocence . but however , no man will affirm that aristophanes dialogues were absurd and inartificial , and yet they are sufficiently abusive ; and therefore in that way of writing , a witty man may , if he have no regard to truth or falshood , make any thing look uncouth , and any person appear ridiculous . if our author had instanced in ben iohnson's alchymist , or his bartholomew-fair , in stead of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of aristophanes , the people would have been able to discover the wide impertinency of this exception , ( though it is in my opinion one of the most plausible hits in his whole book : ) for they might then have known , there is no analogy between the friendly debate , and those waggish comedies : he does not represent w. b. as the poet did ananias ; nor confute him in a disputation with a silly puppet , as he did brother buisy . he does not personate him with antick postures and actions , nor fasten upon him roguish and unlucky stories , nor put into his mouth ridiculous words of his own unhappy invention . that way indeed a witty man may expose the best and the wisest to publick scorn ; but then the artificial contrivance of such dialogues consists not in any regard to truth and reason , but in the unhappiness of the abuse . whereas the genius of the friendly debate is as remote from this comical waggery , as the dialogues of plato and cicero , that are sometimes facetious , but never abusive and disingenuous . the body of his discourse is rational and argumentative ; and though it may be sometimes set off with pleasantness of humour , and picquancy of wit , yet he never seeks advantage by counterfeit follies , and comical abuses : and if they can charge him with any thing of this nature , i will undertake in his behalf he shall make them publick satisfaction . but when aristophanes is exemplified to make good the surmise , that is plausible and taking with the common people ; for they imagine all who write greek and latin to be grave and serious men ; and therefore if aristophanes could by the smartness of his drolling and satyrical wit , cast contempt upon the brightest example of vertue , that ever appear'd in the heathen world ; why may not the author of the friendly debate by the same arts and advantages expose nonconformists and the profession of the gospel , ( for they are always ventured in the same bottom ) to the same popular scorn and abuse ? but any one that is acquainted with the genius of the grecian comedy in general , and with the humour of aristophanes in particular , will be ashamed to compare such wild satyrs and extravagant farces with the friendly debate . that poet never defign'd any appearance of truth ; he represents not socrates his opinions , nor confutes them by sober and philosophick reasonings ; he intended nothing but onely to abuse him by buffoonry and apish tricks ; and the most taking piece of wit in the whole farce , was to bring the grave philosopher upon the stage , dancing in a sieve . but as for the friendly debate , if it has represented any of them ridiculous , it has onely painted them in their own real colours : there is no poetick invention , nor comical extravagance ; and it takes no advantage but from truth and reason : so that if he make any of their opinions appear ridiculous , he does it not by the unluckiness of his wit , as aristophanes did , but by the strength of his arguments . our author adds indeed , to strengthen this faint exception , that 't is a facile thing to take the wisest man living , after he is lime-twigged with ink and paper , and gagg'd with a quill , so that he can neither move nor speak , to clap a fools coat on his back , and turn him out to be laughed at in the streets . this is lofty and comical , but yet neither true nor witty . for the wisest men will never be lime-twigged with ink and paper , nor gagg themselves with quills ; or if they should be so rash and unadvised , yet i see not how the strong metaphor can restrain them either from opening their mouths , or moving their hands . for the plain english of all this lofty rumbling of lime-twigs and gaggs , is no more then to be in print ; and how can that hinder any man from justifying his own writings ? for if men publish sense , all the world can never make them ridiculous ; if non-sense , they make themselves so . and no gaggs nor lime-twigs can disable them from defending their books against any adversary , but either a bad cause , or an ill management , or ( what is their case ) both : so that if they are lime-twigged with ink and paper , 't is with rods of their own laying ; and if they are exposed in a fools coat , 't is with one of their own making . § . . his last remark upon the case of socrates is extraordinary ; when he insinuates as if the crime for which he suffered was nonconformity to , and separation from the national church of athens ; as if he were the proto-martyr of independency . and the people are wonderfully taken with these sly and oblique strokes ; and as wofully impertinent as this is , they admire it for a notable essay of wit. and yet if this trifling were of any importance , the advantage would run vastly on our side : so easie is it to make it appear , that socrates suffered not so much as a nonconformist , as an enemy to fanaticks ; and that his offence was no other then an endeavour to perswade the men of athens that grace and vertue were the same thing . the story is briefly this : all the former ages of greece were led rather by a giddy and ignorant enthusiasm , then the sober dictates of a wary and well-advised reason . and though some of the more ancient vertuosi , seem'd to have made some handsome use of their intellectual faculties in physiological enquiries , yet as for matters of religion , they either altogether neglected their speculations , or treated of them with as much wildness and vanity as their poets , who pretended to derive their theological theories from enthusiasm and prophetick frenzies ; imagining reason and devotion to be things incompetent , and that religion consisted barely in enthusiastick raptures , and prophetick heats ; and therefore they depended more upon the information of their dreams and fancies , then their consistent and waking faculties ; and the best visionist was the ablest divine . their most celebrated professors of divinity , who pretended to the more inward , practical and experimental mysteries of religion , were a sort of silly fanatick and illiterate poets , who being men of giddy and over-heated imaginations , pretended to derive all their knowledge ( as others do their ignorance ) from inspirations and divine illapses ; and thereby so entirely engross't the profession of divinity , that they gain'd an absolute soveraignty over the faith , not onely of the rude and vulgar sort of mankind , but also of the sages and professors of wisdom ; the philosophers themselves , howsoever otherwise men of eminent parts and ingenuity , resigning up their own reasons to the authority of these fellows whimsies and inspirations . then comes socrates and preaches down all their pretended mysteries , for raw and lamentable impostures , and endeavours to draw them off from the pageantry of their superstition , to the habitual practice of vertuous actions : and to this purpose he teaches his fellow-citizens , that they must gain an interest in the favour of the gods , not by their diligent attendance upon the eleusinian ordinances , but by a life of vertue and goodness ; and that love , humility , meekness , obedience , chastity and temperance , are more acceptable to the eternal deity , then all their mysterious solemnities in honour of the mother of the gods. this alarms the zealots and hot spirits of the city , and the good man is immediately cited before the consistory of the areopagitical elders , and is by them condemn'd as an heretick to their orthodox faith , for setting up carnal reason against the spirit of god , and for presuming to fathom the sacred depths of their eleusinian mysteries , with the line of his short and shallow understanding : for how exorbitant soever they might appear to his fleshly reasonings , they were derived from the off-spring of the gods , and own'd by the most practical and spiritual preachers of their religion . and though his private and depraved reason might judge them the brutishest and most licentious practices in the world , ( for so they really were ) yet in spight of all their seeming beastliness , they were the highest strains of godliness and spiritual devotion . this was represented to the zealous and giddy multitude , and then the cry is , crucifie him , crucifie him . and thus fell this great man a sacrifice to the zeal and fury of a fanatick rabble . you see with what vain and succesless attempts they fasten upon those discourses ; and the truth is , in so foul and thick a cause , the more they struggle , the faster they stick ; and therefore they would be well advised not to dally too much with that author : for though i know him to be far from an angry or a cynical humour , yet i am able to discern such an hatred and antipathy to hypocrisie from the genius of his writings , that if they will tempt him to unrip all their folly and knavery , he is apt enough to discover such thick blasphemies against divine providence , and such unparallel'd abuses of religion in their most sumptuous pretences , and most plausible practices , as shall represent the men of greatest reputation amongst them for wisdom and learning , in as ridiculous a guise as t. w. and the men of greatest vogue for conscience and integrity , under as seditious a character as w. b. and no man more obnoxious upon both accounts , then i. o. and who can endure to see men , that are so horribly bemired , bear up with so much state and confidence ? § . . but the great nuissance of my preface , is some unkind and unhappy reflections , that i chanced , i know not by what mis-fortune , to cast out upon their gift of prayer : this is the dear palladium of their pulpits , and they will as soon fling up the whole cause , as forego this priviledge of talking : 't is the ephod and the teraphim of the house of micah , and nothing shall ever wrest it from them but fine , force , and invincible resolution ; and therefore where this is endanger'd or invaded , our author ( you may be sure ) will lay about him with all the power of words and vehemence of zeal ; so that here i must struggle to purpose to carry off this darling of the cause . in the first place then the man is wonder-strucken , that i should design all along to charge my adversaries with pharisaism , and yet should instance in their confession of sin , when it is the characteristical note of the pharisees , that they made no confession of sin at all . but to awaken him out of his amazement , he may know that the pharisaick hypocrisie consists neither in long prayers , nor short confessions , no more then it does in long robes , or short cloaks : spiritual pride is its onely essential character , and it is of no concernment which way , and in what expressions it vents and discovers its self . there is a creeping as well as a vaunting arrogance , and this vice is never so confident as when it appears in the garbs and postures of humility . and thus when men dissemble with the almighty , when they know that they belye themselves with false accusations ; when they mourn for sins , of which they think they stand clear and innocent ; and pretend to be humbled for those offences , of which they are not seriously convinced ; tell me a greater instance of pride and insolence in the world , then this jugling and counterfeit humility : for what else can these men think within , but that they oblige and complement the almighty , by being content to be thought viler wretches then they think themselves , onely to advance the interest of gods glory , and set off the greatness of his free grace ? and what an obliging favour is this , when they will sacrifice their own reputation to the glory and renown of his attributes ? so that 't is apparently a coarser piece of vanity to confess those sins of which we are not guilty , then not to acknowledge those of which we are . and that there is something of this leven lurking at the bottom of all this humiliation , is notoriously evident ; for as much as howsoever humble and complemental they are in their talk to god , yet in their conversation with men , the scene immediately alters ; then they return to the old pharisaick vomit ; and then , publicans , keep your distance ; and then they censure and despise their neighbours as carnal gospellers , and applaud themselves that they are not as the men of the world. then we bless the lord for humbling our proud hearts , and for emptying us of all our self-righteousness ; thereby to bring us effectually to an experimental sense of the deep and more spiritual mysteries of the gospel ; to an heavenly taste and relish of the sweetness and preciousness of the lord jesus , and of that soul-ravishing delight wherewith his people are affected in their spiritual closings with him ; and lastly , to an inward feeling of the glorious discoveries , manifestations and comings in of his spirit upon the hearts of believers in all his ordinances . this is the inward , practical and experimental part of the mystery of godliness ; whereas your formalists and meer moral professors make a great noise about their dry devotions , and self-wrought-out-mortifications . but , alas , poor deluded wretches ! they never viewed the ugliness of their nature in the glass of the law ; they never lay under the horrours of the spirit of bondage ; they never had a humbling sight and thorough sense of their sins , and were never perfectly emptied of their own self-righteousness ; and though they can do good actions , yet they cannot deny them , and make woful complaints to almighty god , that all the duties they perform , though they know them to be agreeable to his laws , are wicked and abominable . ah! this corrupt nature is a proud thing , and hardly driven out of its trust and confidence in its own righteousness ; nothing but an absolute and thorough conviction of its own self-emptiness , self-abhorrency , and self-despair , can ever bring it to a full and absolute close with the lord christ. this is the block at which millions of poor souls stumble everlastingly ; and 't is the lords distinguishing mercy that has taken the veil from off our eyes , and enabled us to see the danger of a self-righteousness . so that this pageantry is the main ground of all their spiritual pride and arrogance ; upon this they build the lofty conceits of their own peculiar godliness , and their insolent contempt of all others , that have more wit or less vanity then to be as fond and phantastick as themselves ; and in the result of all , this formal and counterfeit humility , is made the specifick difference between the people of god , and the men of the world. but here his pen takes occasion to flie out ( for 't is very unruly ) upon a censure of mine , against an insolence of theirs ; for confining the elect and the godly to their own party , and esteeming of us as no better then the wicked and the reprobate of the earth . wherein ( says he ) i am satisfied , that he unduly chargeth those , whom he intends to reflect upon : however , i am none of them ; i confine not holiness to a party , not to the church of england , or to those that dissent from it . this his confidence dares affirm , though 't is so notorious that never any party of men in the world ( no not the jews ) did with greater assurance appropriate to themselves all the titles and characters of the people of god : for what else mean their accounts and descriptions of the power of godliness , by the singularities of their own superstition ? what mean those flatteries and congratulations wherewith they besprinkle their followers , as if they were the onely people that are acquainted with the mysteries and spiritualities of the gospel ? what means their confinement of the preaching of the covenant of grace to their own doctrines , and their own congregations ? what means their boasting of themselves as the onely powerful , soul-searching , experimental and spiritual preachers ? in brief , what means their bestowing nothing but fair words upon themselves , and nothing but foul language upon us ? sure he cannot forget the words of their own party , and who they were , that were the godly , professors , sion , god's jacobs , the israel of god , god's inheritance ; when we were aegypt and babylon , enemies of the power of godliness , scoffing edomites , men of the world , antichristian apostates , idolaters , and followers of the whore. he certainly must needs be a very young professor that is unacquainted with this language . but however , what is all this to our author ? he ( you may take his word ) is none of them . but what is that to me ? did i ever accuse him ? my design was to describe the genius of the party , and not the humour of every individual professor . but 't is the mis-fortune of indiscreet people to betray themselves by their own unnecessary apologies , and to cry not guilty , before they are indicted , when their own consciences arraign and convict them . for our author ( i perceive by sundry passages and notions in his book ) is a brother of the independent communion ; and therefore let him ( seeing he has put himself upon it ) produce me but one writer of that fraternity , that is not notoriously guilty of this piece of pride and partiality . i confess i am not very conversant in their writings , yet i have by chance read one ( of whom i am confident he has no very small opinion ) that exceeds all the scriblers i ever had the fortune to meet with , or the leisure to peruse , in these foul and malapert censures ; and that is i. o. one of the great patriarchs of the congregational churches : all whose pamphlets are little better then so many libels against the church of england ; and had we been down-right miscreants , or the most wretched ap●states in the world , he could scarce have given us more unfriendly language : 't is hard to dip into a page of his writings , that is not embellish't with some or other of these decent and beautiful expressions . it was the peculiar way of his sermons and discourses to magnifie the parliament-reformation for a wonderful and providential recovery of the departed gospel to these nations ; and to represent the design of that holy war as begun and carried on by the power and procurement of the lord christ , in order to the final overthrow of the episcopal antichrist , and the restauration and establishment of his own kingdom . he has publish't many excellent sermons to this purpose ; such is that entituled , a vision of unchangeable free mercy , in sending the means of grace to undeserving sinners : wherein gods uncontroulable eternal purpose , in sending and continuing the gospel ( by which they all along intend nothing else but their sweaty way of preaching ) unto this nation , in the midst of oppositions and contingencies , is discovered , &c. preached before the honourable house of commons , april . . where , beside the apparent scope of the sermon it self , he reckons up three departures of the gospel from england : that by the saxon conquest , that by the roman harlot , and that in our days by an almost universal treacherous apostacy from the purity of worship , from which the free grace and good pleasure of god has made a great progress again towards a recovery . so that the episcopal way of worship is a perfect apostacy from the purity of the gospel ; and had it been universal , it had been total . and again , such is his sermon of the branch of the lord , or the beauty of sion , preached at edinburgh . where compiling a catalogue of the enemies of the house of god in all ages , he reckons up pharaoh , nebuchadnezzar , dioclesian , iulian , and the late prelates , whose rochets ( he adds ) were for that reason , together with other garments of their adherents , and the imperial robes of the forementioned emperours , roll'd up in blood by the divine vengeance , and hung up in gods house , as the spoils of gods enemies ; and 't is , no doubt , no unpleasant reflection to his people , to consider how willing and prodigal their gracious father is to sacrifice crowns and mitres , kingdoms and churches to the interest and plunder of his secret ones : for so our author stiles them ; i suppose because no body knows or suspects them to be gods people beside themselves . and in his dedication to the supreme authority of the nation , the commons assembled in parliament , prefixed to his sermon preached octob. . . being a solemn day of thanksgiving for the destruction of the scots army at worcester , with sundry other mercies , he tells his patrons , that as whatever there has been of beauty , glory , or advantage unto the people of god in the late transactions , ( at worcester ) hath been eminently of undeserved grace ; so the dreadful vengeance , which the lord hath executed against the men of his enmity and warfare , hath been most righteously procured by their clothing cursed designs of revenge , persecution , bondage in soul and body , spoil and rapine , with the most glorious pretences of zeal , covenant and reformation , and such like things , which never came into their hearts . here the dear brethren of the presbytery , as well as the reprobate cavaliers , were listed among the enemies of the cause , and of the church of god ; and now all people and all parties in the three kingdoms , except onely the army-saints and their adherents , were become perfect aegyptians : and so they were upon this account , that the people of god had gain'd a certain right to rob and plunder them by divine commission . and here also you may observe , that i.o. ( bold man ! ) and god almighty were always of the same side and the same communion ; and whatever he was for , was doubtless the cause of god. they were for presbytery , and independency , and democracy together , and never parted counsels and designs , till the lord grew weary of these right godly men , and so was at length pleased to turn cavalier . and that upon good grounds , for by this time his old friends were become as bad or worse then his old enemies . for so the same author informs us , ( to mention but one place more , though i omit as many as would make a volume ) in a little treatise of temptation , pag. , . where , giving an account of the temptations , which in those days had even cast down the people of god from their excellency , and had cut their locks , and made them become like other men , he reckons in the first place the specious pretence of christian liberty and freedom from a bondage-frame , at which door sundry had gone out into sensuality and apostacy , into a neglect of sabbaths , publick and private duties , dissoluteness and prophaneness . in the next place he adds , the pretence of leaving publick things to providence , under which professors had disputed themselves into wretched carnal complyances , and the utter ruine of all zeal for god , the interest of christ , or his people in the world. he subjoins in the last place , these and the like considerations , joined with the ease and plenty , the greatness and promotion of professors , have so brought things about , that whereas we have by providence shifted places with the men of the world , we have by sin shifted spirits with them also . we are like a plantation of men carried into a forreign country ; in a short space they degenerate from the manners of the people from whence they came , and fall into that of the country , whereinto they are brought ; as if there were something in the soyl and air that transformed them . give me leave a little to follow my similitude ; he that should see the prevailing party of these nations , many of those in rule , power , favour , with all their adherents , and remember that they were a colony of puritans , whose habitation was in a low place , as the prophet speaks of the city of god , translated by an high hand to the mountains they now possess , cannot but wonder how soon they have forgot the customs , manners , ways of their own old people , and are cast into the m●uld of them that went before them , in the places whereunto they are translated — what were those before us that we are not ? what did they we do not ? here is pregnant doctrine for many excellent inferences , but time will not permit ; and therefore from hence i shall only observe , that though they were grown as lewd and wicked to all intents and purposes , as in their great charity they could ever suppose us to have been , yet notwithstanding that they still were the people of god , and we the men of the world , which you remember is somewhat more than i undertook to prove against them . you may from hence see how this mans rashness provokes us even in our own defence to lay open his friends follies , and perhaps you ( that are a suspicious man ) will be apt to make this farther conclusion , that lying as well as some other little sins may put in for a place among the infirmities of gods people . so little conscience do some men make of what they say , that they will not stick to say contradictions for their present turn ; & yet so obnoxious are they , that contradictions cannot relieve them : however 't is hugely unadvised for men notoriously guilty to boast their own innocence , before they are challenged , for that is to upbraid us to an impeachment . and whatever shame and disgrace may follow , 't is purely extorted by their own confidence . but i must return . § . . and therefore in the next place , our author might have spared his flat and tedious invective against me for reproaching of poor sinners with the deepest acknowledgment of their sin before the holy god. for there is not any virtue that i value at an higher rate than true humility , 't is the beauty and the ornament of all goodness and all religion : but i hate these sneaking and beggarly tricks of hypocrisie , and nothing irks me more than to see such a bloated pride creep up and down in the garbs and postures of humility . i cannot endure to hear men pretend so loudly to loath themselves in the presence of almighty god , and yet to favour nothing but themselves ; to make such vehement invectives against their own baseness , and yet at the same time to brave and plume it with inward conceits of their own singular godliness ; and under the deepest shews of self-abhorrency , commit wantonness with their own thoughts , by the most arrogant and vain-glorious reflections . there is not in the world a more shameless and a more irksome instance of hypocrisie , than for men under the demurest looks , and most prostrate behaviour , to shrowd and cherish the rankest and most hateful insolence , soothing themselves with proud and flattering comparisons , entertaining their thoughts with admiration of their own worth , and contempt of other mens , and making their own fancies the stages where they display their own virtues and perfections . and to prove that this is the mythology of all their deep and prostrate humblings , what more pregnant evidence can we have , than that they will not endure to be charged and upbraided with their own confessions ? in other mens mouths they immediately turn into slanders and impious reproaches ; and whoever should dare to represent them half so vile to their own faces , as they represent themselves to the almighty , would be thought to have a mouth as black as rabshakeh or lucian ; and but to suggest a suspicion of their pride and vanity , is an unpardonable affront , and raises all their zeal and choler : though there is not a more infallible symptom of a mans being proud , than to be angry for being rounded in the ear that he is so . now how is it possible men should be serious in these black indictments of themselves , when they think them no better then foul aspersions , and unjust reproaches to their innocence ; and shall be so highly displeased with any man , that shall be so credulous as to take them at their word ? and you need not question but they would take it with wonderful kindness and patience if we should turn their own familiar confessions into serious accusations . if they would accept the charge , they are lewd people still ; if they would not , they are proud hypocrites , and there is my old dilemma , and it will return upon them , though they drive it away with a fork : so transparent is this vanity through all its demure and grave disguises ! many other evident proofs there are of this folly , as that they are most sparing in the confession of those sins , of which they stand most guilty ; and that the crimes they bemoan most largely , are such as they suppose peculiar to gods people : but what i have already remarked , is more than enough to lay open the palpable coarseness of this delusion . but in these confessions , ( he tells us ) they have more respect to the pravity of their natures , then the outward perpetrations of sin. but this is an idle pretence , and is so far from justifying , that it will not blanch the matter . for in the method of their prayers , original and actual sin are enumerated as distinct heads of confession . they first expatiate at large upon all the parts and branches of original corruption , as it diffuses and spreads it self over all the faculties both of the inward and the outward man ; and after that , they proceed to the distinct enumeration and aggravation of their actual sins , where they reproach themselves with a long catalogue of the blackest impieties , and then exaggerate their impieties with the lewdest and most emphatical circumstances ; so that all that baseness they stand indicted of by their own confessions , cannot relate to the pravity of their natures , but onely to the wickedness of their lives . beside , 't is a lowd mistake to fasten any guilt at all upon the depraved tendency of nature , for there are but two parts of original sin , viz. either the imputation of adam's particular offence , of which we stand guilty as parties of the covenant ; and this is all the guilt we are chargeable with upon the account of the first transgression : for 't is certain , adam could derive no more guilt to his posterity , than what himself contracted ; and therefore no other instance of disobedience can be imputed to us , than that in which he prevaricated : or real communication of a decayed and ill-addicted nature ; and this is not a crime , but an infelicity that was inflicted by god himself upon mankind , as a punishment of adam's sin ; and what is an act of his will , can be no fault of ours . we may indeed thank our first father's apostacy for this disaster , because it was justly inflicted upon himself and his posterity for that offence : but what was intended meerly as a punishment , to impute to our selves as a crime , is , i think , new , i am sure crude divinity . but however , suppose all the unhappy inclinations of our natures may be charged with actual guilt ; yet what is that to outward transgressions ? can any man be so oddly absurd , as to affirm that the bare tendency of his nature to sin , has prevaricated such and such particular commandments in thought , word and deed ? and yet it was onely these , and the like circumstantiated confessions , that are not capable of being applyed to any thing but actual sin , that were the matters of my reproof . § . . but this curst dilemma has not such short horns , but that it will gore st. paul as well as the nonconformists , that acknowledges the former sins of his life , when he was injurious , a blasphemer and a persecutor , ( which sins i pray god deliver others from . ) as for the uncivil censure suggested in this parenthesis , i accept it as an eminent issue of his charity and good nature . but as for st. paul's acknowledgment , that stands far enough out of harms way from the reach of my dilemma ; for there is no possible way to acquit that blessed apostle of the guilt of those enormous impieties , unless he would be so bold as to give the lye to st. luke as well as to himself . but ( he adds ) when an apostle , he professes himself the chiefest of sinners . but 't is apparent that this confession refers not to his present condition , but to the time of his being injurious , a blasphemer and a persecutor ; when no man reviled the son of god with fiercer zeal and confidence , or persecuted the church of christ with more barbarous outrage and inhumanity : which being so great a crime in its own nature , and so bold an affront to the divine will , had he not reason ( think you ) to mark himself for one of the greatest sinners that ever obtained pardon ? for as for such as had affronted the holy ghost , and blasphemed the name of christ against the convictions of their own conscience , they came not into this account of pardonable offenders , as being fatally consign'd up to a state of impenitence and unbelief : but among all sinners that were within a capacity of mercy , he knew not a greater wretch than himself . though this confession relates to the malignity of the crime , not to the malice of the criminal : for he is so far from affecting to make a sad story worse , that he abates the guilt of his sin by the most excusing and allaying circumstances , in that he did it in ignorance and vnbelief ; and it was this that so greatly asswaged the horrour of the crime , and ( as himself reports ) so greatly disposed him for pardon and repentance . but how will this plain dealing justifie such professors , as pour forth daily confessions of the blackest and most presumptuous sins ? of despising the riches of gods goodness , and forbearance , and long-suffering ; of treasuring up wrath against the day of wrath , and revelation of the righteous judgment of god ; of treading under foot the son of god , and counting the blood of the covenant wherewith they are sanctified , an unholy thing , and doing despight unto the spirit of grace . all this and much more , set off with all the circumstances of aggravation ; not onely in the days of darkness and unregeneracy , but since the glorious gospel has shined into their hearts ; since they have rested in it , and made their boast of christ , and known his will , and approved the things that are more excellent . is not this wild work for choice believers to talk such extravagant contradictions , when the former passages , and innumerable others common in their mouths , do apparently signifie nothing less than either an incorrigible infidelity , or a total apostacy from the gospel ? but what do i think of the confessions of ezra , of daniel , and others , in the name of the whole people of god ? i think they were as full of truth as horrour ; and the people of god he here speaks of , were such goodly saints as had revolted from the worship of the true god , to all manner of idolatry and moral wickedness . if the congregations of the nonconformists are such redoubted people of god as these , i have nothing to oppose to the largest and blackest confessions of their sins . if they worship idols , as they did , let them with their wonted familiarity make bold with the expression of the prophet ieremy to that purpose : we have committed two evils , we have forsaken thee the fountain of living waters , and hewn out cisterns , broken cisterns that can hold no water . and if they can vie lewdness and hypocrisie with that holy nation , let them continue to foist into their prayers those dark characters wherewith the prophets described the unparallel'd wickedness of that people : nay , far be it from me to abridge them the liberty of helping out their stiff fancies , by purloining lofty expressions out of the prophetick writings . if the israel of god be not endued with more grace at present than it was twenty years since , as i. o. describes them before the supreme authority of the nation , the commons assembled in parliament , april . . pag. . we have called world christ , and lust christ , and self christ , working indeed for them , when we pretended all for christ. now this doctrine was either true or false ; if false , what a bold and ungodly slander was this to brand these darlings of providence , these precious servants of the lord christ , these patriots of their country , these fathers of the publick liberty , ( our author may remember who flatter'd them with these special titles ) with such a a monstrous and profligate hypocrisie ? if true , then what anointed saints were those , who under colour of setting up the kingdom of the lord jesus , and rescuing the people of england from the dismal oppressions both of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny , ( he may understand this language too ) had imbroil'd the nation in a bloody war , had sacrificed so many thousand lives , and had butcher'd the best of kings , onely to carry on the puny concernments of their own narrow and accursed interest ? but we must proceed , and in the last place i am catechised to give an account of my thoughts of david's self-abasements , that far exceed any thing that nonconformists are able to express . truly i think the passionateness of his repentance was but proportion'd to the horrour of his sin ; he lay under the fresh convictions of the most horrid villanies of murder , adultery and drunkenness , and his guilt was enhansed with the most shameful and dishonourable circumstances ; and whilst he continued in this dismal condition , what cries and accents could be too doleful to express the bitterness of his grief and horrour ? if they are in the same plight and condemnation , i will not then upbraid them for cloathing their acknowledgments with the blackest of his expressions ; for they will then have sad occasion to sing their penitential psalm elsewhere : if they are not , then to use such mournful ditties in their familiar addresses to heaven , falls under my former censure of trifling and fooling with the almighty . but to despise men for the deepest humblings of their souls before god , can arise from no other principle but an utter unacquaintance with the holiness of god , the accuracy of the law , and the deceitfulness of my own heart . as for the deceitfulness of my own heart , i confess my self a stranger to it , and am not at all desirous of its acquaintance , for i hate nothing more then a false bosom-friend : but however , my heart and my self are of the same church , and the same religion ; there is no schism between us , that i know of , nor do i remember when we parted communion : and i think we ever had the same thoughts , designs and resolutions ; and therefore as long as i am careful to preserve my own integrity , let my heart prove false and treacherous if it can : the hearts indeed of all hypocrites and wicked men are deceitful , because they themselves are so ; but we shall never understand how an upright man should keep an hypocritical heart , unless we can divide himself from himself . so that when the people of god make frequent and piteous moans of the hypocrisie of their own hearts , unless still they fool and trifle , there is no remedy but the people of god must pass by their own confessions for rank and self-convicted hypocrites : for it was never known that any man was better than his own heart , or that a perfidious heart was found in the breast of an honest man. as for the purity and holiness of god , i am affected with such reverential apprehensions of it , that i would have men approach his presence with an awful and religious distance , and not always present themselves before him in such a foul and unclean pickle , and so full of vermin ; i know not a bolder affront to his purity , than to presume he will vouchsafe communion with such polluted souls . 't is high presumption for an habitual sinner , continuing such , to expect the forgiveness of his sins ; nothing can reconcile us to the favor of god , but an effectual and a persevering repentance ; this is an absolute and indispensable condition of every acceptable prayer : and therefore men that acknowledge any habitual disobedience to the laws of christ , put in a bar against their own petitions ; and do not onely stave off the divine pity by being unfit objects for it , but provoke the divine displeasure by presuming of his favour to such unworthy wretches . and when men tell the almighty in good earnest , ( for otherwise they do but trifle with him still ) lord , we offend daily against all thy commandments in thought , word and deed , sinning against thee with an high hand , and a bold forehead , against knowledge , and against conviction ; all the thoughts of our hearts are evil , onely evil , and that continually ; working all uncleanness with greediness ; drawing iniquity with cords of vanity , and sin as it were with cart-ropes , &c. what other answer to their prayers can such debauch't wretches expect , but the utmost severity of wrath and indignation , and the doom of the worst of hypocrites and unbelievers ? § . . but ministers , who are the mouths of the congregation to god , may and ought to acknowledge not onely the sins whereof themselves are personally guilty , but those also which they judge may be upon any of the congregation . i shall not urge him with the rash examples of some of their godly ministers of greatest fame and reputation for piety , that have proclaimed themselves not only to the present age , but to all posterity , proud , and selfish , and hypocritical , and desperately and mortally wicked . certainly these must of necessity be either very naughty saints , or most horrible dissemblers : however , i am sure such ratling confessions cannot but have a sad and woful influence upon the lives of their popular admirers . for what can they more naturally conclude from thence , that if precious mr. — that eminent servant of jesus christ in the work of the gospel , be so full of sin and wickedness ; in how many more and greater infirmities may i be indulged , that am but a private and an ordinary professor ? but to let this pass . what unclean congregations are those that have such foul mouths ? methinks it becomes not such pure people to have their mouths always full of such uncleanly confessions . and whether it be true or false what i. o. informs us , that 't is the duty and priviledge of sincere believers to unlade their vnbelief in the bosom of their god , i know not ; but this i know , that 't is an unmannerly and horrid prophaneness , whenever they make their addresses to the almighty , to disgorge themselves of the most filthy and abominable loads of sin in his presence . the prayers of wicked men , or habitual sinners , ( as i told you before ) are an abomination to the lord , and he loaths nothing more then the boldness and presumption of their addresses : and therefore if they can suppose any in their congregations guilty of those heinous enormities , they are wont so familiarly to confess , yet they ought not to suppose them to have any share in the publick worship : for when men meet together to join in the duties of devotion , none ought to be supposed members of the society , but what are qualified for the performance of the duty ; because all that others can contribute , is not to be reckoned a part of divine worship ; and therefore ministers ought onely to represent such persons as are supposed capable of the duty ; and all that are not so , to disclaim their company , and refuse their assistance , as much as if they stood excommunicate from the congregation ; for so they are as to all the real designs and purposes of religious worship . however , publick offices ought to be so contrived as to suit publick ends , and to serve the needs of the whole body ; and therefore is the confession of our publick liturgy expressed in such general terms , as may comprehend the concerns and consent of all members of the assembly : for the peculiar end and usefulness of this part of religion , is no other than that men should agree and join together in the worship of god ; so that it is not so properly the office of particular persons , as of the whole communion ; and therefore ought so to be managed , as to take in the joint devotion of the whole society . and when it descends to the particular regards of private persons , it is then no office of publick worship , but private prayer ; a duty that is not proper for open congregations , but for closets , and private retirements ; where , if any person have any blacker and more enormous crimes in his calendar , he may be more particular in his confessions without shame and scandal . but it is an odd and preposterous course , when men associate themselves together to join in an office of devotion , that they should divide into so many separate and distinct parties or congregations , and every individual member should pick and cull his share of the duty , and lie at catch for some particular passage to which he may be able to bob in his amen . but without this sleight , they could never be able to keep up their affected singularity of pharisaick length and lowdness . to conclude : this is a new light newly discovered by this man of revelations : for i am confident it was never before heard of in the christian world , that when men assemble together for the joint performance of publick worship , every individual person has his oratory apart , and joins not with the community , but casts in a distinct symbol of his own , in which the residue are not more concern'd then in the private devotions of his own closet . however , this faint evasion ( were it to any purpose , as i have shewn it is to none ) is a secret to the common people ; they are not wont to weigh and examine every confession before they assent and seal to its truth , but swallow all that the minister pours out with an implicite confidence : they will confess any thing that he puts into their mouths ; and those that are serious and most in good earnest , make the rufullest faces at the ugliest crimes , and groan most powerfully at the lowdest and most thwacking confessions . now when the people are accustomed to such large and foul catalogues of sin , and when they hear such sad stories from their own mouths , and when it is confessed in their name , that they have broken every commandment of both tables , to which are reduced all the kinds and instances of wickedness ; and when this vast heap of vile things is exaggerated with the heinousest and most emphatical circumstances of baseness ; in brief , when they are grown familiar with the confessions of such lewd offences , as are not fit to be named any where but in an indictment ; what will they more probably conclude with themselves , but that 't is common for gods people to fall into these foul miscarriages , and yet never fall from grace ? especially when these confessions are generally clogged with some unlucky words that appropriate their guilt to the best and most holy professors ; and when it is the most vulgar scheme of their eloquence to enhanse the heinousness of the offences , in that they were committed in the days of regeneracy and profession . and if the lives of the regenerate be stained with so many faults , and such foul blemishes , what is the conclusion , but that the difference is not so wide between them and the wicked as is imagined ? alas ! the righteousness of the holiest men is as filthy rags ; 't is not for the sons of adam to think of performing a good action , and we deserve eternal wrath for the most vertuous work we were ever guilty of attempting . what is man , that he should be clean ? or he that is born of a woman , that he should be righteous ? and now what remarkable difference remains there between the infirmities of the children of god , and the impieties of the wicked and unregenerate ? when it is the unavoidable fate of humane nature , to be enslaved to a necessity as well as to a body of sin : and after we are brought into a state of grace , there remains a law in our members rebelling against the law of our minds , bringing us into captivity to the law of sin : so that even the children of god are slaves to their lusts and passions ; and by reason of the invincible power of indwelling sin , are as vehemently inclined , and as frequently betrayed into actual and outward transgressions , as lewd and graceless persons , onely with this difference , that they enter upon the commission of their sins with more regret and reluctancy , in that they do what they would not : i. e. they act more boisterously against the light of reason , and do greater violence to the convictions of their own conscience . and now upon this principle , what plausible reason and title have men to pretend to grace and saintship , though they sin habitually , frequently , and easily , upon every opportunity , and every temptation ? 't is but crying out against the weakness of nature , the body of death , and the invincibleness of indwelling sin , and to be sensible of that , is the character of saints and true believers . chap. iii. the contents . various instances of our authors pitiful and disingenuous way of cavilling . his arts of darkning and perplexing the plain design of my discourse , in sundry notorious particulars . a brief and plain account of the parts , coherence and design of the former treatise , to prevent all future mistakes and pervertings . my state of the controversie provides against the inconveniences of both extreams , an unlimited power on one hand , and an unbounded licence on the other . the bounds it sets to the power of the civil magistrate , are easie to be observed , and unnecessary to be transgrest , viz. that governours take care not to impose things apparently evil , and that subjects be not allowed to plead conscience for disobedience in any other case . the duty of obedience surmounts the obligation of doubts and scruples , and in doubtful cases obliges to action . 't is impossible to prevent all manner of inconveniences that may follow upon any hypothesis of government . my middle way lyable to the fewest , and therefore most eligible . the bare pretence of a tender conscience against the commands of authority , is an impregnable principle of sedition . a cluster of our author 's shameless falsifications . his forgery of my ascribing to the civil magistrate an universal and immediate power over conscience . his impudent shuffling in applying what was affirm'd of a doubtful conscience in particular , to conscience in general . another instance of this in applying what was affirm'd of the rituals and external circumstances of worship , to the principles of faith , and fundamentals of religion . his change of the state of the question , viz. not whether magistrates have any power over conscience , but whether i have asserted it to be absolute and immediate . some short glances upon some lesser impertinencies . § . . here his first attempt is , to spit his gloom , and cast darkness and ambiguity over the design of my discourse : how has he bestirred himself to raise mists upon my clearest and most perspicuous expressions ? and what clouds of words has he pour'd forth to involve the evidence of my arguments , and the plainness of my method ? how dexterously does he cull out a single proposition to oppose to the scope and plain meaning of the coherent discourse ? and when he has got the poor , naked and defenceless thing alone , how unmercifully does he turn and tease it into a thousand postures ? and how wantonly does he tire himself with insulting over the feebleness of its supposed escapes and subterfuges ? but to give you some particular instances of this woful way of trifling . in the first place , he quarrels my first paragraph as obscure and ambiguous . why ! because it gives not any definition of the nature of conscience , nor any account of the bounds of its liberty , nor determines divers other great and weighty difficulties relating to the present enquiry . what a monstrous fault is this ! not to couch the sense of three hundred pages in one single section ; and what a fatal misadventure , not to decide a perplexed controversie before 't is fairly proposed ? pray , sir , by what rules of art am i bound to determine the right of the cause , when i onely undertake to represent the pleas and pretences of the different parties ? if i have not accurately enough described the competition between the liberties of conscience , and the prerogatives of princes , ( which is the onely thing i pretended to attempt in that paragraph ) let him cavil at that : but if i have , it seems but an untoward humour to quarrel me for not crowding the discourse of my whole book into the compass of the contents of one chapter . but men , resolved to be peevish , are never to seek for grounds of contention . of the same nature , and to as wise purpose is his cavil at my first proposition , viz. that 't is absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the world , that the supreme magistrate of every commonwealth should be vested with a power to govern and conduct the consciences of subjects in affairs of religion . and though i have at large proved this assertion from that powerful influence that religion has upon the peace of kingdoms , and the interests of government ; yet as for proofs , he always scorns them , as neither pertinent to his purpose , nor worthy his cognizance : 't is below his state to answer arguments , he can bear them down with scorn and confidence ; 't is the work of his generation to establish final determinations of controversies , and he was born to put an everlasting period to all disputes and scholastick brawls . and therefore having first pour'd forth above two pages full of positive and rambling talk upon this occasion , with what severity does he afterward school me for so crude and unlearned an assertion ? for who ( says he ) understands what are the affairs of religion here intended , all or some ? what are the consciences of men ? what it is to govern and conduct them ? &c. what a strangely nice and delicate confessor have i , that will not allow me the liberty to use any known and vulgar word , till i have first defined it with solid and scholastick exactness ? methinks 't is somewhat too severe this , a man had better hold his peace than be put to this penance for every word he speaks . but the plain truth is , i thought ( simple as i am ) every swain that understands but country english , could not be ignorant of the literal meaning of those terms , affairs of religion , conscience , government , &c. and therefore i did not dream it was necessary for avoiding ambiguity , to guard every common expression with rigorous and logical definitions . but yet what if after all this , i have distinctly accounted for these things , and set restraints upon their signification , as far as it might concern the matters of my enquiry ? what if i have expresly declared what affairs of religion they are that are subject to the government of the supreme magistrate , viz. not all , but some , i. e. matters of outward worship , and that are not in themselves apparently or essentially evil ? what then can be the importance of this mighty cavil ? nothing but this , that i am a crude and unskilful writer , because i have not been so happy as to couch the whole state of an intricate controversie , nor to clear off all difficulties and objections relating to it , in the compass of five lines . and if this be a miscarrriage , yet my adversary has not stuff't his words so full with sense and notion , that he should object it as a defect to any man for not being able to reduce the sense of an ordinary volume into one single proposition : other men have more cry then wool , as well as my self . and yet he is so unmerciful and unreasonable as to expose my title page for not expressing my particular determinations of the whole matter in debate ; and often produces that as a shameful instance of my loose way of stating controversies . but this man would snarl at the title of the new testament , because it contains not every particular story recorded in the four gospels ; i am sure he might do it with as just reason , as urge the title of my book for proof that i have not distinctly enough represented my particular thoughts and conceptions of the whole matter under debate . did ever man burthen the press with such slender stuff , or present the world with such pitiful entertainment ? and yet he has vast stores of this ammunition ; and he never charges upon me with more fierceness then when he shoots these paper-pellets . § . . thus you find him in the same page ratling my carelesness for calling conscience sometimes every mans opinion , sometimes an imperious faculty , which surely are not the same . though i might with warrant from good authorities have stiled it a domestick god , a guardian angel , the mirrour of the divinity , the law of the mind , the practical understanding , the repository of moral principles , a book and a table , with innumerable other appellations , given to it as it bears analogy and resemblance to other beings ; all which names may agree to conscience as vastly as they disagree among themselves ; and it is a very little proportion of likeness that you will find between a god and a book , and yet conscience is both . but however , i discoursed not of this important matter in such fanciful and allusive expressions , and kept my self close to the rigour and propriety of scholastick terms ; and so i might warrantably call it both an opinion and a faculty , upon the account of its several acceptations : for every novice ( that has seen but a dutch systeme of divinity ) knows , that 't is sometime taken for the faculty of the practical understanding , sometime for an habitual recourse to its practical principles , and sometime for a single action and exercise of conscience ; from which variety of apprehension , it is not onely capable , but necessary to be cloathed with as great variety of expression ; and though a faculty and an opinion are not the same thing , yet conscience is both : and therefore i doubt not but i may often have promiscuously sign'd it with these and other different titles , without any uncertainty of signification , according as the design of my discourse might demand , and its coherence may justifie ; though where i have , as i am not able to remember , so neither is our author pleased to direct us . but his custom is to except against any thing , upon what account soever it is spoken , as if it were intended for a scrupulous and exact definition . whereas there are innumerable other reasons and occasions of speech , that must be expressed in as different schemes and contextures of language ; though had i undertaken to define the signification of conscience , i might safely have called it either an act or an habit , or a faculty ; and yet he will never discover any such uncertain expressions in any thing that pretends to the office of a definition . and i remember when i call conscience an imperious faculty , 't is by way of irony , when subjects make bold to infringe the rights of sovereign princes under its pretence and protection . the next following words are not so near in their neighbourhood to these , as in their kindred ; 't is a cavil of the same breed and family , viz. that i sometimes plead for the uncontroulable power of magistrates over religion and the consciences of men , sometimes assert their ecclesiastical iurisdiction as the same thing ; whereas ( he supposes ) no man ever yet defined ecclesiastical iurisdiction to be an uncontroulable power over religion and the consciences of men. neither yet do i : what! can i not use the terms of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and uncontroulable power , but one must immediately be thought a definition of the other ? though ecclesiastical jurisdiction may be an uncontroulable power , yet it may not so properly be defined by it , because it may have more necessary and more material attributes , whereby its nature may be more distinctly understood . our author often tells us , that my way of discourse agrees not with that way of logick in which he has been instructed : i would advise him therefore to acquaint himself with the philosophy of the five predicables , that will quickly inform him , that all the ways of predication are not primary and essential , and consequently that 't is not impossible but that one thing may ( as they word it ) be affirmed of another , without being an inseparable ingredient of its specifick constitution . did i ever dream ( dull beast as i am ) that when i asserted and proved the power of the supreme magistrate over affairs of religion to be uncontroulable , as exclusive of an ecclesiastical jurisdiction , distinct from the civil , ( for those words were spoken particularly upon that occasion , and to that purpose ) that i should be called to so hard an account for crude and ill-contrived definitions ? i presumed a man might assert an orthodox proposition without being thought to define the precise notion of the thing asserted . alas ! i did but vindicate his majesties supremacy against the encroachments of the pope and the presbytery , that would usurp a dominion over princes , by instating themselves in an ecclesiastical soveraignty . if i have not made good my argument , let him not spare it ; if i have , i hope it is no disparagement to a good argument that 't is no good definition . i have sometimes at idle hours ( the time when this man writes books ) recreated my self with observing the impertinencies of trifling scriblers , but cannot remember that ever i met with such slight and horrid stuff as this . and seriously these exceptions are so frivolous and unconceiveably thin , that i cannot fancy any thing either in art or nature that more approaches the notion of superficies disjoin'd from body . and yet we are not arrived at the end of these poor and beggarly stratagems , we have divers others as miserable & slender shifts to impose upon the ignorance and credulity of the multitude . and to this purpose are distant and remote propositions hudled together , and represented as if they related to the same matter , and had been spoken upon the same occasion . nay , he spares not to accuse me of contradictory assertions , because some of my answers deny what was affirmed in some of my objections . thus out of my first section he picks this sentence , conscience is subject and accountable to god alone , and it owns no superiour but the lord of consciences . and then this he matches with another , cull'd out of my second section , that those who make it accountable to none but god alone , do in effect usurp their princes crown , defie his authority , and acknowledge no governour but themselves . this last assertion i there made good by clear and undeniable evidence : but arguments are too hot for our authors fingers , and therefore in stead of handling them , he onely blows upon assertions ; and in lieu of discrediting the truth of this proposition , by defeating the evidence of its proof , he onely attempts to expose its silliness , by representing its gross inconsistency with the words immediately foregoing . and is it not a shameful incongruity , that my reply should contradict my objection ? and yet that is the plain state of the case : for if you look no farther than the bare contents of the chapter , you will find that the scope of the first paragraph is to represent the competition between the power of princes , and the consciences of subjects ; where i more particularly aimed to set off its pleas and pretences for its exemption from soveraign authority ; and then in the next paragraph , i endeavoured in answer to the former plea , to display the horrid mischiefs that must unavoidably follow upon the admittance of these pretences for the absolute exemption of conscience from the jurisdiction of the supreme power . and now what a prodigious inconsistency is this , that my answers should grapple with my objections , and that ob. and sol. should run a tilt at one another ? and when i had shewn the danger of what had been urged in the exception , by its direct tendency to the dissolution of government , what a strange affront must it be to my own teeth , to retort upon my supposed adversary with an inference contradictory to his objection ? certainly never was any man before me upbraided with this sort of contradictions . and if this be to speak daggers , how heavy will the charge fall upon all the professors of controversial skill ? § . . another impeachment near akin to this , you may meet with pag. . where 't is charged upon me as a notorious barbarism , that i should affirm the supreme magistrate may oblige his subjects consciences under penalties , and yet punisheth none for their crime , but for the example of others . a grave and profound nothing this ! for where lies the inconsistency between these two propositions ? are not all penalties both threatned and inflicted purely as inducements to obedience ? and are they not indifferently serviceable to that end , whether they are design'd to deter the person himself by his own experience , or any other by his example from the like practices ? temporal inflictions are but accessional strengths to the obligations of conscience , that men may be concern'd to avoid the punishment as well as the crime ; and therefore though it be punishable to affright others from the same enormities , what hinders but that men may be obliged in conscience to forbear them under the sanction of an higher penalty ? the pure reason of all humane punishments , is nothing but the publick interest ; and therefore their measure is ever proportion'd to the influence that the crimes have upon the concerns of the community : and malefactors are executed , not to revenge their injuries , but to prevent those mischiefs the publick would sustain by their impunity . and if this be any reason why humane laws should not pass any obligation upon the conscience , because their penalties are inflicted for ▪ the sake of others , then no capital laws can ever bind the conscience , because all capital inflictions neither have nor can have any other end but what relates to others . what else can this man design by such crude and blundring cavils , but meerly to amuse , or ( what is the same with them ) satisfie the people ? they run over these lines ; and because they cannot find where the crisis of the exception lies , they pass it by for a deep and scholastick subtilty : though all the mystery lies in the palpable folly ; and the onely difficulty that amazes the common reader , is its having none at all . this was an essay of his skill , but his next attempt is a proof of his courage : for it is no doubt an heroick act of boldness , to dare to impose upon the publick with meer and ungrounded forgeries ; and such is that assertion he would fasten upon me , as a further proof of the inconsistency of my thoughts , viz. that i confine the whole work and duty of conscience to the inward thoughts and perswasions of the mind . this in down-right english is a shameless lye. sir , you must pardon my rudeness ; for i will assure you , after long meditation , i could not devise a more pertinent answer to so bold an one as this : i confess 't is no extraordinary conceit , but 't is the best repartee my barren fancy was able to suggest to me upon so rude an occasion . suppose it were your own case , that you could be so ill-advised as to print books , should any person be so bold and disingenuous as not onely to pervert your meaning , and disturb your method , but ( what is base without allay ) fasten upon you assertions equally false and wicked , without any reference to page or section , and without any imaginable foundation of his mistake ; what other return would you vouchsafe to make to such an unmannerly attempt , than what i have made ? meer calumny as it deserves no more serious resentment than utter neglect , so it is capable of no more civil confutation than flat denial . i could take occasion from this falshood to add some reflections of another nature ; but it is so utterly groundless that it needs , and so grosly disingenuous that it deserves , no other baffle but pure disdain . perhaps a scotch-man would only have told him , ( as the bishop of derry tells a man of as lavish a pen as my author ) that he is very good company ; but i am a blunt english-man , and hate a lye as i do idolatry or witchcraft ; and therefore you must pardon my plainness if i call a fable a fable . now beside this argument drawn from a topick so vile , that you see i am almost ashamed to name it , the sum of all the other exceptions amounts to this ; that i do not define when i argue , nor distinctly state my own determinations when i remonstrate to other mens : that i do not propound and solve difficulties in the same words , and that my answers contradict my objections : that every paragraph does not discharge the undertaking of my whole book : that the reasonings of each chapter are not fully and distinctly express't in its short and general contents ; and that all the particular notions and determinations of the discourse , are not comprized in the title-page : in brief , that i have fail'd of the glory to dispatch all difficulties and decide all controversies in one breath . woful misadventures these ! it were easie to present you with vast heaps of instances to the same purpose ; but i have neither leisure nor patience to reckon up more particularities ( to spare harder expressions ) of his folly . 't is enough that his whole book is nothing but a treasury of cavils ; and that he draws his arguments not from any principles of sincere reason , but from the topicks of prating and vulgar talk. you cannot dip into a page , but you will light upon some such lank and windy exceptions , as i have above recited ; and yet i must not stay to glance at them , they are so innumerable : these that i have already represented , lay first in my way , and in the very entrance , and upon the very threshold of his book , and they may suffice for a short specimen of that singular logick he pretends to . and if the reader will be at the pains ( as i fear he will not ) to compare his cavils with my replys , that will infinitely satisfie him of the impertinency of this mans way of scribling : but if he will not , i shall be ashamed of entertaining him so long with such poor and unedifying remarks . and therefore i shall not waste more time in pursuing such slender trifles , but shall rather , to prevent him hereafter from abusing the people with these and the like mean artifices , set down a short model of the parts , the coherence & the design of my former treatise : for few vulgar readers ( i perceive ) have either patience or ability to carry along with them the method and connexion of a large discourse . § . . in the first place then , i begun with a more general account of the absolute necessity of investing soveraign princes with an ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction over the consciences of men in matters of religion ; and this i proved at large , by representing what mighty and powerful influence it casts upon all the most important ends and interests of government ; so that to exempt its due conduct and management from the authority of the supreme civil power , is apparently to strip it of its greatest security , to disable it from a right discharge of its office and jurisdiction , and to expose the publick setlement to the whimsies and exorbitances of every crazy zealot . and having laid this large foundation upon the firmest principles of reason , and the most undeniable experience of mankind ; i proceeded in the next place to erect a more particular hypothesis of the nature and extent of ecclesiastical jurisdiction : where i run a parallel between the affairs immediately relating to religious worship , and the duties and offices of morality ; proving moral vertues to be more material parts of religion than any outward expressions of worship whatsoever . and from hence i thought it but a very modest and reasonable demand , that men would but yield to allow to supreme power the same authority and dominion over the means and subordinate instruments of religion , as they are ready enough to ascribe to it over its more important ends and designs ; and so agree to set the same bounds and measures to both jurisdictions . and now having reduced them to this equality of power , i advanced to a more particular state of the whole controversie , by shewing to what affairs in both kinds the exercise of all humane authority is extended , where it is limited , and in what cases it is restrained . and here i first exempted all the inward actions of the mind , from the cognizance and jurisdiction of all humane authority ; and withal , shewed how the substantial part of religious worship is performed within , and so is in its own nature beyond the reach of the civil magistrate ; and how all expressions of external worship , as such , are no essential parts of religion , and therefore that he is not in any capacity of doing direct and immediate violence to religion it self . the controversie being thus stated , as to the inward actions of the mind , the next enquiry is concerning outward practices ; and they are of two sorts , either such as are apparently and antecedently evil , and these are above the reach , and beyond the obligation of all humane laws ; their morality is already so determined , that no humane power can alter their nature , or rescind their obligation ; but every thing forbidden becomes an intrinsecal and unalterable sin , and every thing commanded an eternal and unchangeable duty . or else they are such as still remain in the state of indifferency , and are left undetermined as to their morality , either by any certain law of nature , or any clear positive law of god ; and these are liable to the commands and determinations of supreme authority , and are the proper objects of humane laws , in that there is no other restraint set to the extent of their jurisdiction , but the countermand of a superiour power ; and therefore whatsoever matters are left at liberty by the divine law , must be supposed determinable either way by the commands of soveraign authority . these are the most distinct rules of conscience in this enquiry , in reference to the nature of the actions themselves : but besides these , there are other accessional reasons of good and evil , that arise from the apprehensions of the minds of men concerning them ; and they also are of two sorts ; either such as relate to the conceptions of other men , which may in some cases lay a restraint upon our practices , as in cases of meer scandal , and this by some is pretended to excuse their disobedience to the churches constitutions ; and therefore i have distinctly examined the nature and the reasonableness of this pretence , and shewn how the commands of authority abolish all the pretences , and supersede all the obligations of scandal . or else they are such as relate to a man 's own apprehensions , and this takes in the pretence of a doubtful and unsatisfied conscience , which is so zealously pleaded by most of our separatists in justification of their schism ; and therefore because i deem'd it was of more close and immediate concernment to our present affairs , i have with greater exactness examined and stated the obligatory power of a weak and a tender conscience , and have largely proved the manifest absurdity of pleading doubts and scruples in opposition to the commands of authority ; and shewn that nothing can or ought to check with our obligations to obedience , unless it cross with matters of certain and apparent duty ; and that all cases capable of doubt and uncertainty , cannot be supposed of importance enough to weigh against the great sin and mischief of disobedience : so that the result of my whole discourse will at last run it self into this plain and easie proposition , that obedience is indispensably due to all the commands of supreme authority that are not certainly and apparently sinful . and now tell me how i could have drawn up the state of this controversie in a plainer or more familiar method ? for the propositions , you see , are distinct and comprehensive , they take in all the particular actions and affairs of humane life ; and i cannot think of any imaginable difficulty or objection relating to the present matter in debate , that does not apparently fall in under one of the forementioned heads of action . or how i could better have avoided the inconveniences of both extreams , and which way else i might have determined the matter by such easie and moderate principles , as may fairly satisfie all mens consciences that are ingenuous , and condemn all that are not . § . . for ( . ) to vest the supreme magistrate in an unlimited and unaccountable power , is clearly to defeat the efficacy and obligatory force of all his laws , that cannot possibly have any binding vertue upon the minds of men , when they have no other inducement to obedience than barely to avoid the penalty . but if the supreme power be absolute and unlimited , it does for that very reason remove and evacuate all other obligations ; for otherwise it is restrained and conditional ; and if men lie under no other impulsive than that of the law it self , they lie under no obligation than that of prudence and self-interest ; and it remains entirely at the choice of their own discretion , whether they shall or shall not obey , and then there is neither government nor obligation to obedience ; and the principle of mens complyance with the mind of superiours , is not the declaration of their will and pleasure , but purely the determination of their own judgments . and therefore 't is necessary for the security of government , ( though for nothing else ) to set bounds to its jurisdiction ; otherwise like the roman empire it sinks and dissolves by its own weight , no humane power is able to support it self , and the thrones of princes are establish't upon the dominion of god ; remove his authority , and the force derived upon their laws by vertue of his commands , and you untie all the bands of government , and set men at liberty from all obligations to the duty of obedience . or else ( . ) to grant subjects a lawless and uncontroulable liberty in all matters and pretences of religion , is to dissolve one half of the government into to perfect anarchy , and yield up the constitution of all publick affairs to the humour and the insolence of every wild enthusiast ; and every pert fellow that can abuse either himself or others with fanatick whimsies , has it always in his own power to expose the setled frame of government to the zealous folly of the multitude . if he have but a warm brain and a bold face , with what ease may he fire the rabble into tumults and godly seditions ? 't is but pouring forth dark prophesies , and scripture-allegories , and declaiming against the oppression of earthly powers , and then with what eagerness will the capricious people flow into cabals of zeal , and musters of reformation ? what maxime in policy is so fully ratified by the histories of all nations , as that there is nothing equally dangerous to the publick tranquillity with the zeal of the multitude ? and 't is not easie to determine , whether mankind have smarted more deeply by the ambition of tyrants , or the impostures of religion . however , 't is sufficiently verified by the experience of ages , that there is not any passion so incident to humane nature as popular zeal , nor any madness so ungovernable as that of religion ; and therefore what can more become or import the wisdom of governours , than to keep a watchful eye upon all its designs and pretences . but these things i have already represented in smarter and more elaborate periods , and therefore i will forbear to abate their evidence by these crude and hasty suggestions . but onely supposing it is not impossible ( what our author has not gain-said , nor indeed can , without out-facing the experience of mankind ) but that the factions and hypocrisies of religion may create publick disturbances , the deduction is easie and natural , that to grant it a total exemption from the soveraign authority , is at all times to expose the commonwealth to great disorders , and oftentimes to unavoidable dissolution . and therefore seeing an unbounded licence on one hand , and an unlimited power on the other , are so pregnant with mischiefs and intolerable inconveniences , the onely proper determination that this enquiry is capable of , is to assign the just extent of a limited jurisdiction , and to state as distinctly as the nature of the thing debated will admit , how far , in what cases , and over what matters it may be safely exercised , and within what limits it ought to be restrained ; and he that prescribes the most useful and practicable measures , makes the fairest essay at the decision and atonement of this controversie . this was the attempt , whatever was the success of my discourse : and to say nothing of some more particular rules and directions , the two great lines wherein i have enclosed all matters of humane laws , are of such a wide and comprehensive extent , that in the midst of all the variety and intricacy of humane affairs , 't is both easie to discern their lawful bounds , and unnecessary to transgress them . for ( . ) let authority beware of imposing things certainly and apparently evil , and then there is no danger of their doing any violence to the consciences of peaceable and sober men , or of their suffering any disturbance from them : for the proper office of humane power , is to consult the peace and interest of humane society ; and the only immediate use of publick laws , is to secure and provide for the publick good. 't is no part of their concernment to institute rules of moral good and evil ; that is the care and the prerogative of a superiour lawgiver ; and therefore provided they do not cross with the express declaration of his indispensable will and pleasure , all other matters fall within the verge of their legislative power : for as nothing that carries with it an antecedent irregularity , can ever be supposed either necessary or advantageous to the publick good , and therefore may without any danger of impairing the strength of its power be lopt off from the rights of soveraign jurisdiction ; so also many things left altogether indifferent and uncommanded by the law of god , may in all the various postures and turns and circumstances of humane affairs , prove sometimes beneficial , and sometimes pernicious to the commonwealth ; and therefore the supreme magistrate being appointed the supreme judge of the publick good , there is no remedy but they must fall under the guidance of his laws , and conduct of his government . now 't is very easie for christian princes to move within so fair a compass ; and if any go beyond it , as it is not for their advantage , so it is not of our concernment : for that man must talk after a wild rate , that should pretend to discover an evident opposition in any of the laws of our kingdom , to the plain and indispensable duties of the gospel : or if they will be so precipitate as to pretend this , we are very well content to devolve the issue of the controversie upon that undertaking ; and then are they brought under an engagement to prove a certain and undeniable repugnancy between the laws of our church , and the laws of god ; and to suspend their disobedience to them , till they can warrant its necessity by some plain and express text of scripture : and if they will but persevere in conformity , till they are indeed able thoroughly and satisfactorily to convince themselves of its evident unlawfulness , that would for ever prevent all thoughts and attempts of separation . and this crosses me over to the opposite bound of this enquiry , from the power of the magistrate to the duty of the subject , viz. that they would not scruple or deny obedience to the commands of lawful superiours , till they are sincerely ( not in pretence onely ) convinced of the certain and apparent unlawfulness of the command . § . . and if we stop not the subjects liberty to remonstrate to the commands of authority at this principle , we shall be for ever at an utter loss to set any certain bounds to the just and allowable pretensions of conscience : for if they will not consent to have their pleas of exemption confined within the certain and evident measures of good and evil , but desire to be excused as to all other pretexts and perswasions of conscience , howsoever doubtful and uncertain ; then must every conceit that may either be mistaken or pretended for a conviction of conscience , be permitted to over-rule all the power , and baffle all the wisdom of government : for be it never so wild or so extravagant , if they are strongly or seriously possest with the phantasm , that and onely that shall ever exercise any authority over their thoughts and actions ; and if magistrates shall in any case think good to curb its heats and exorbitances , they offer violence to the sacred and indispensable obligations of conscience ; and this unavoidably exposes the peace of kingdoms to all the follies of zeal , and impostures of enthusiasm , and prostitutes the power of princes to the stubbornness and insolence of popular folly. every one that is timorous or melancholy , that has an indisposed body , or a troubled mind ; that wants sleep , or wants company ; that has an hard spleen , or a soft head ; that has a strong fancy , or a weak judgment ; a bold ignorance , or a conceited knowledge ; an impertinent opinion , or a restless humour ; a whimsie in the crown , or a vapour in the hypocondria , may upon that account exempt himself from all the authority of the laws , and all the obligations of obedience : for you know what a vulgar phaenomenon it is for these and the like effects of folly and weakness , to abuse the consciences of well-meaning men into scruple and irresolution ; and therefore if every man that has or ( what is the same thing in reference to government ) can pretend to tenderness and want of satisfaction , shall be allowed to plead exemption from the duty of obedience to the will of his lawful superiours , there will be no avoiding the co●sequence , at least as to the practice of the world , but that all the power and wisdom of authority must submit to the follies , passions and extravagances of the multitude ; and howsoever men may wind themselves up and down in mazes of endless niceties and distinctions , they will never clear themselves from the unavoidable event of anarchy and confusion , as long as they promiscuously admit the pretensions of an unsatisfied conscience ; and yet that they will be forced to do , if they stop not at the plain , the easie and the discernable measures of duty ; and therefore men must not be allowed to excuse themselves from the authority of humane laws upon slender grounds and weak surmises , nor conclude the matter of the law to be antecedently unlawful , unless it be certainly and apparently so . and this will farther appear highly reasonable from the nature of gods laws , that are always plain and easie ; and the nature of the matters about which they are employed , that are always of a great and evident necessity : so that things really liable to doubt and disputation , are not of importance enough to be reckoned in the number of indispensable duties ; and unless they are clearly and apparently evil , that is an unquestionable evidence that they are not intrinsecally so : the perspicuity of the law , and the importance of the duty , are to an ingenuous mind uncapable of doubt and uncertainty ; and therefore where there appears no certain and express repugnancy to the law of god , that is presumption enough to satisfie any sober and peaceable man in their lawfulness . § . . but that which is most material to the determination of conscience in this enquiry , is this , that there is no rule of life and manners more express and unavoidable , nor any duty in the gospel enjoined in more positive terms , and under more severe penalties , than this of obedience to the commands of supreme authority ; and god has tied all their just laws upon our consciences , by vertue of his own authority , and under pain of his own displeasure ; and as men would acquit themselves in their obedience to his laws , they are bound under the same sanctions to acquit themselves in their obedience to theirs . and now upon this principle no truly upright and conscientious man will ever go about to riggle himself out of his duty to his lawful superiours , out of any regard to any law of god , when he is not as clearly and abundantly satisfied of the certainty and necessity of its obligation : nay , he cannot with safety and without violence to his own conscience remonstrate to the commands of lawful authority , unless upon reasons more bright and forcible than the express words of st. paul , it is necessary that ye be subject , not onely for wrath , but also for conscience sake . and if men would ( as they ought ) suspend their scruples and exceptions till they can make it out to themselves that they are as certain , as necessary , and as universal duties of religion as obedience to the commands of lawful superiours , we could not desire a more effectual bar to all our schisms and distractions : for none of the matters of our difference can either pretend to , or are indeed capable of equal evidence with this express proposition of the blessed apostle ; and therefore if they would stand firm and loyal to this doctrine , till they can produce more clear and convincing scriptures to vouch their own singular conceits , that must for ever stifle all former quarrels , and prevent all farther dissentions . v.g. whereas our author is required by his lawful superiours to use the sign of the cross in the sacrament of baptism , he puts in his exception against the lawfulness of the command , in that it enjoins a symbolical ceremony ; and every symbolical ceremony is of the nature of a sacrament ; and no sacrament can or ought to be instituted but by divine authority ; and therefore for any humane power to establish new symbolical ceremonies , is to invade gods own peculiar royalty and jurisdiction . in which cavil are involved a great number of dark , uncertain , and perhaps indeterminable enquiries : yet however , to keep to the main pretence , let him but conform to this injunction , till he can alledge any text of scripture that affirms in as clear and dogmatical words , that every symbolical ceremony is of the nature of a sacrament , as are those of st. peter , be ye subject to every ordinance of man for the lords sake . and then we shall neither need nor desire any farther security to prevent his defection from the establish't discipline of the church in that affair : so that if men would learn to be peaceable and ingenuous , this plain and obvious principle would either forestal or supersede all their scruples . and in truth the commands of authority so much surmount their obligation , and anticipate their pretence , that the very plea of a tender and unsatisfied conscience in opposition to publick laws , is in it self a direct principle of sedition , and an open affront to government ; and therefore whoever they are that vouch and pretend its prohibition to the proceedings of lawful authority , deserve for that reason alone the shame and correction of sturdy and irreclaimable schismaticks . and here 't is a woful impertinence for men to oppose ( as our author has done ) the authority of god and of conscience to that of men , for that is to plead god and conscience against themselves , in that humane laws are as much tied upon us by his own immediate command as his own immediate institutions ; and whatsoever lawful superiours impose upon our practice , that he binds upon our conscience ; and though their decrees pass no direct obligation upon the consciences of men , yet the laws of god directly and immediately bind their consciences to obedience ; and he has threatned the same eternal penalties to our contempt of , and disobedience to their laws , as he has annext to his own commands : 't is enough therefore that the conscience is bound by the laws of men , though that obligation be tied upon it by the laws of god. so that it is not the different obligations of humane and divine laws , that are to be considered in this enquiry ; for the authority of god is equally concerned in both , and all the contest lies entirely between the matters of the command , viz. whether god have by as certain , as absolute and as indispensable a law restrained us from the practice of what our superiours enjoin , as he has enjoined us to yield all ready and cheerful obedience to their commands . and when the state of the controversie is shifted to this enquiry , 't is another woful impertinence to plead the rule of st. paul , [ he that doubteth is damned if he eat , ] to countenance and warrant their suspension of obedience : for where the doubt has but one handle , there it concerns us to hold that fast ; but where it has more , 't is the safest way to hold by the strongest : my meaning is , where the danger of sin lies but upon one side of the action , 't is no doubt a mans wisdom to determine his choice on the other that is undoubtedly safe and innocent : but when there lies danger on both sides of the enquiry , then the doubt ceases to bind from action , and onely binds to enquiry , and 't is his duty to resolve with the weightiest and most important reasons ; and the strongest obligation always cancels the doubt , and determines the judgment . and this is the palpable difference of our case from that of st. paul. there all the jealousie lay on the side of the action , and there was no ground or pretence for any suspicion of sin in the forbearance ; and therefore it was a safe and easie determination of the scruple , to resolve that way where there is neither doubt nor danger ; and in that case a total suspension of action is our proper duty . but this is widely remote from the posture of our present affairs , where there lies some hazard of miscarriage on all sides ; and therefore the doubt is no warranty for the suspension of obedience , because if the matter of the command be not certainly unlawful , 't is certain that is so ; and therefore it can have no more power to suspend , than it has to bind to action ; and there remains no other way to appease and satisfie the conscience , but to apply it self to depose the doubt , and resolve to discard its unreasonable and trifling suspicions , and confidently follow the guidance of its most probable judgment and determination . and here the safest course as to the case under our present enquiry , is to follow my former advice of joining in with the commands of authority , that are not certainly and apparently sinful ; for nothing can out-balance their obligation , unless evident and unquestionable disobedience to god himself : so that where this is not either plainly apparent , or very forcibly proved , there 't is but reasonable to sink the scale , and determine the balance on the side of authority ; and 't is a safe and an useful rule of life , that in all disputable cases the commands of authority abrogate the irresolution , and oblige to action : but if after they have determined the case , the conscience will still remain stubborn or timorous , so that it will not , or dare not venture upon a determination , 't is either such a troublesome infirmity as must be corrected , or such an head-strong humour as must be broken , otherwise there is no conceivable way of governing men that are either proud , or peevish , or ignorant . this is plain and down-right sense , and ( if i mistake not ) reason too . and i know but one exception that seems to carry in it any colour or appearance of difficulty against this way of stating the government of humane affairs , and 't is this . § . . when we come to apply particular actions to these general rules of life and government , who shall judge of their agreement with the limits and measures assign'd , if this must be left to the different judgments of the prince and the subject , this fabrick falls to pieces again , and men are still left at liberty to judge of the lawfulness of their superiours command , by the best light god has given them , and they may be absolved from their obligation by the countermand of their private judgment , and so we are just as before , and this great engine for publick tranquillity vanisheth into air and smoak . but this cavil ( if it be of any strength or value ) concerns not in particular my state of the controversie , and lies indifferently against all setlement of humane affairs , and strikes equally at all hypotheses of government : for upon what principles soever men shall setle and determine this enquiry , it will return upon them with as much , if not more force than upon my determinations : for whatever bounds and limits they assign to the extent of humane power , all its commands must still be liable to the different judgments of the person that enjoins , and the person that obeys : about which 't is as possible and as likely they may disagree , as about those that i have prescribed ; and therefore i never design'd to prevent such inconveniences as are unavoidable to humane affairs , but onely to setle their management upon the best and safest principles that the nature of things is capable of . for either religion is entirely exempted from the cognizance of humane powers , and the obligation of humane laws , or else 't is in some cases obnoxious to their jurisdiction . the former is an opinion so wild and intolerable , as that it was never heretofore own'd by any but such perverse people as renounced all subjection to earthly princes , nor indeed can it be admitted without dissolving the whole fabrick of humane government : for that prince must needs be vested with an absolute and uncontroulable power , whose subjects can challenge an exemption from his authority as to all matters and pretences of religion , i. e. as to all things , in that it extends its influence to all the affairs of humane life ; and therefore its exemption is no less than flat anarchy , a dissolution of all laws , and subversion of all societies . the truth whereof is so infinitely certain from the reason of things , and so universally confessed by the experience of mankind , that it could never enter the minds of any men , unless a few savage and inhumane wretches , that would have voted to break up humane society , that they might betake themselves to the woods and desarts , and there live after the manners and customs of unsociable creatures , and wild vermin . but of this i have treated largely enough , and it is not contradicted by our author : he grants , as all men do that are not utterly revolted from the first principles and fundamental laws of humane nature , that in some cases and upon some occasions 't is necessary for the supreme magistrate to interpose his power to setle and govern the things of religion . thus far we are agreed , and only differ in marking out the distinct bounds , and stating the particular cases of his jurisdiction : and here , whatsoever determinations he may propose , they must fall under the different opinions of the prince and the subject . v. g. whereas he conceits he has sufficiently stated the controversie in the general words of our blessed saviour , spoken to another purpose , and upon a different occasion , give unto caesar the things that are caesars , and to god the things that are gods : i demand who shall determine the particular rights of god and of caesar ? who shall assign the just limits of their respective dominions ? and who shall judge when caesar passes beyond the bounds of his imperial jurisdiction , and when he intrenches upon gods authority , by taking upon him a dominion in such matters as god has reserved for his own proper cognizance , and immediate royalty ? so that in this , and all other determinations , there is no possible way to avoid making the last appeal to different judgments , because that is absolutely unavoidable in the natural constitution of humane affairs . and therefore i never attempted ( as some men have done ) to devolve the entire power of judging upon the judgment of one party ; but onely supposing our different respects and obligations to these different judgments , to propound the safest and most moderate principles upon which to setle and accommodate the government of humane affairs ; and to adjust all matters capable of debate between them , by such fair proposals , and upon such reasonable principles , that , if the parties concern'd will be ingenuous in their respective capacities , will effectually enough secure the common peace and happiness of mankind : if they will not , the publick miseries and calamities that ensue upon the default of either party , will be proportion'd to the degrees of their respective transgressions ; and against them 't is not in my power to provide , unless i could devest the minds of men of all liberty of judgment , and freedom of will : for whilst they remain , 't is at their own choice whether they will follow the best and wisest advice in the world. § . . thus if magistrates fail on their part , and enact any laws in defiance of the certain and apparent laws of god , from thence arise the calamities of tyranny and persecution , and against this evil there is no remedy but patience and prayers : divine providence is superiour to the power of soveraign princes , and superintends their government of the world ; and therefore to god alone must we address our complaints for relief against cruelty and oppression ; and if he judge it convenient for the interests of his church , and the purposes of religion , he will so order the circumstances of things , and the management of affairs , as to rescue them out of their streights and exigences . the hearts and the scepters of kings are subject to his almighty wisdom ; and he so disposes them , as to make them comply with the decrees of his uncontroulable will ; and therefore whatever inconveniences may befal good men through the folly or the wickedness of governours , they must be patiently endured , as certain issues , and unsearchable designs of divine providence ; and we have no recourse for succour or deliverance , but to his infinite mercy and goodness : this is our only support and sanctuary , and who can desire greater safety than to be under his immediate care and protection ? and therefore there is nothing more unbecoming the faith and the profession of a christian , than to betake himself to violent and irregular courses against the inconveniences of government : 't is a direct and open affront to the superintendency of providence , that has reserved this prerogative to it self : 't is our duty to obey cheerfully , or to suffer patiently ; and to leave all other events of things to his all-comprehensive wisdom . mankind must be subject to government ; no government can be effectual unless it be supreme and absolute ; and therefore god has been pleased to enjoin us a full and entire subjection to our lawful superiours ; and as for what may ensue thereon , we must leave to his wise and unerring disposal , and then certainly we may rest secure of a good issue of things . so that if the magistrate erre in his judgment of the extent of his authority , and act beyond the bounds of his lawful jurisdiction , 't is not in the power of subjects to redress or to remove the mischiefs that must ensue upon his government : they must discharge their duty , and submit to their fate ; and as for the reformation of any publick miscarriages , they must leave it entirely to the will and the wisdom of the soveraign power . so that the material thing of which princes ought to be careful , is that their laws cross not with the express laws of god ; and this they may easily avoid , if they will be upright and ingenuous ; and this if they will do , they may as easily avoid all the mischiefs and inconveniences that may befal men of peaceable spirits through their default . but as 't is their duty not to transgress their own bounds ; so on the other side , 't is as much their interest to restrain their subjects from transgressing theirs ; and not suffer them to remonstrate to the equity of their laws , unless when they can plead a clear & undoubted pre-engagement to an higher authority ; and they must not prostitute the interests of the republique , and the reverence of government , to the niceties of every curious imagination , or the cavils of every peevish humour . there is no end of trifling and unreasonable pretences , if once the common people are permitted to put in their exceptions against the publick laws ; and what a weak and impertinent thing were the power of princes , if it might be over-ruled by the folly of the multitude ? and how bravely would the world be govern'd , if the authority and obligation of laws must be left arbitrary to the opinion of every vain and foolish fellow ? and therefore in such cases the allegation of a tender conscience confutes it self , and 't is but a soft and plausible word to qualifie a stubborn and contentious humour ; and did not something else bear men up against the force of authority , a weak conscience has not boldness enough to oppose its own power and judgment against the will of superiours , and the wisdom of publick laws : 't is not so imperious and impatient in its pretensions , but 't is ( if it really is what it pretends to be ) of a yielding , a modest and a governable temper , apt and easie to receive any competent satisfaction , willing to comply with the necessities of government , and the interests of publick order ; and therefore when men are zealous and confident in their disobedience to authority , and are forward upon all occasions to take offence at the publick laws , whatever they fancy to themselves , or pretend to others , 't is a proud , a malapert , and an insolent humour , that affects to affront authority , and to raise trophees to its zeal and courage , by controuling the decrees of princes , and trampling upon the laws of discipline . and therefore nothing more imports the publick peace , than to take down such bold and daring spirits ; and their high stomachs must be broken , before they can be made fit subjects of civil societies , and fit members of bodies politick . disorder and disturbance is the natural result of their complexion , and they cannot forbear to fret and annoy authority with every peevish and unreasonable conceit . so that the bare pretence of tenderness of conscience in defiance to the commands of authority , is at once a bold attempt , and an impregnable principle of sedition : for unless men have lost their due sense of reverence and submission to government , they will not pretend it ; and when they do , if their pretence be admitted , they are but encouraged to continue refractory in their disobedience , and to make all the laws of discipline and publick order yield up their authority to a proud and an insolent humour . this is the plain and real account of my state of the controversie ; and if any man can determine it upon more reasonable , more moderate , and more discernable principles , i am not so fond of my own conceptions , as to be unwilling to subscribe to wiser proposals . but these things i have accounted for more at large , in the last chapter of my former treatise ; where i have in many particulars shewn the horrible vanity of pretending dissatisfaction of conscience against the commands of lawful authority . and had not our author rather design'd to prolong , than to determine this dispute , in stead of his wild rambling up and down without drift or method , he would with a more particular regard have faln upon that part of my discourse ; but its examination would have been of immediate concern to his own pretences , and would have brought the controversie to too speedy an issue , and perhaps too satisfactory a decision ; and therefore he baulks that as too hazardous an enterprize , and is unwilling to venture the whole cause upon one engagement , but keeps this back as a reserve for a second onset , and for matter of new cavil : at present it suffices for his purpose ( which is not to satisfie , but to shuffle with his readers ) to load my more general assertions with such loose and uncertain cavils , as are already prevented in my more particular determinations of the enquiry . § . . but though this way of abuse be ( one would think ) bold enough , yet in the next attempt his confidence improves , ( and it were hard fortune if he should prove bankrupt upon so fair a stock : ) before he did but overlook my plain meaning , but now he proceeds to pervert and slander it , and his peevishness becomes malice . he is not content to abuse the people with dull mistakes , and to defeat the efficacy of my discourse upon the minds of men , by disturbing its method , and representing its whole design in such an awkard and disorderly manner , as may utterly confound and perplex their thoughts as to my drift and meaning . this , alas ! is mean revenge , and is not full enough of mischief to appease his wrath ; it onely calls my understanding into question , and exposes my wit to the cavils and impertinencies of talking people ; and therefore he roundly charges me with the blackest and most horrid tenets ; he aggravates and sets off their horrour with infinite repetitions , ( for that is the most lofty strain of their eloquence , and the figure that moves the passions of their multitude ) and employs all the forces of slander and peevishness to raise popular rage and indignation . the result of his indictment is , that i assert such opinions , from whence it follows , that whatever the magistrate commands in religion , his authority does so immediately affect the consciences of men , that they are bound to observe it on pain of the greatest sin and punishment ; or , as he expresses the same thing elsewhere , that no man must do or practise any thing in the worship of god , but what is prescribed , appointed and commanded by the magistrate , upon pain of sin , schism , rebellion , and all that follows thereon . these are big words indeed : but if it shall appear that this charge is not so loud and black , as 't is false and disingenuous , i will give him the liberty of an appeal to all mankind for the clearing of his integrity : and when i have represented upon what slight grounds he raises this great and heinous accusation , i doubt not but his disingenuity will appear so palpable and notorious , that it will expose him at least to the pity of the most zealous she of his own congregation . and therefore let us see by what mighty topicks and testimonies he makes good so high a charge . in the first place my title page rises up in judgment against me , ( and never was poor man so all-be-confuted with a title page as i have been ) viz. that the magistrate has power over the consciences of his subjects in religion : and to strengthen this testimony , two other propositions are join'd with it , viz. that the magistrate has power to govern and conduct their consciences in religious affairs ; and that , religion is subject to his dominion , as well as all other affairs of state. and now , though these are none of my primary and fundamental assertions , ( which an ingenuous adversary would chiefly have pursued ) but honest and well-meaning sayings , that the context would abundantly warrant and justifie ; yet will i for ever yield my self a baffled fellow , if from thence any female or independent logick can infer either that the magistrate has an unlimited power over , or passes an immediate obligation upon the consciences of men ; or , in our authors own words , that whatever the magistrate commands in religion , his authority does so immediately affect the consciences of men , that they are bound to observe it on the pain of the greatest sin and punishment . this trash neither needs nor deserves any further severity ; and therefore i will onely leave it to the readers thoughts to consider by what art , and in what method of reasoning this conclusion may be created out of these premises : an allmighty confidence may attempt much , and perhaps do it too ; but yet some things there are beyond the reach and power of omnipotence it self , and i know nothing more absolutely impossible than to produce sense out of non-sense , or ( what is the same thing ) to make good the reasonableness of false and unreasonable inferences . but from this great head of impertinency , he proceeds to his more serviceable topick of forgery ; and if he cannot bring the mountain to mahomet , 't is no great difficulty to carry mahomet to the mountain ; and if his conclusions will not suit with my assertions , he knows how to make my assertions suit with his conclusions ; and when he has charged me with a false inference , 't is an admirable way to justifie the logick of his calumny by forged premises . and thus to make good his former inference of my ascribing to the civil magistrate an immediate and universal power over the consciences of men , he tells his believing reader i have affirmed , pag. . that 't is a soveraignty over mens consciences in matters of religion , and this universal , absolute , and uncontroulable . though this calumny were true , yet ( so injudicious is our authors invention ) 't is monstrously impertinent ; for there is no imaginable ground to conclude from hence , that the supreme authority immediately affects the consciences of men : for suppose the civil magistrate instated in an absolute and uncontroulable power , what necessity is there that their commands should tie themselves upon our consciences by vertue of their own immediate authority ? nay , 't is impossible any thing should immediately affect the conscience but the authority of god ; and 't is by vertue of his command that any other commands can pass an obligation upon it ; and therefore though the commands of the civil magistrate should pass an universal obligation upon the consciences of men , yet 't is an inference like the rest of our authors , from thence to conclude that they therefore affect them by their own direct and immediate sanction . but this is not all , 't is as false as foolish : i have indeed asserted the absolute power of the civil magistrate over affairs of religion , in opposition to the pretences of a distinct ecclesiastical jurisdiction : for having first asserted the necessity of a soveraign power over these matters , from their concernment in the peace and government of the world , i thence proceeded to enquire where and in whom it ought to reside ; and having shewn the inconsistency of erecting two supreme powers , one over civil , the other over ecclesiastical affairs , i concluded that the supreme government of every commonwealth must of necessity be universal , absolute and uncontroulable , in that it extends its jurisdiction as well to affairs of religion , as to affairs of state , because they are so strongly influential upon the interests of mankind , & the ends of government . and now is this to make the ecclesiastical authority of the civil magistrate absolutely paramount , without regard to any other jurisdiction of what nature soever , when i onely maintain it in defiance to the claims of any other humane power ? this was the subject of that enquiry . and when i asserted the soveraign power to be absolute and uncontroulable , 't is apparent nothing else could be intended than that it ought not to be controul'd by any distinct power , whether of the pope or the presbytery ; and when i asserted it to be universal and unlimited , it could be understood in no other sense than that it was not confined to matters purely civil , but extended its jurisdiction to matters of an ecclesiastical importance ; upon which account alone i determined it to be absolute , universal and uncontroulable . this is the main and the fundamental article of the reformation , and that which distinguishes the truly orthodox and catholick protestant both from popish and presbyterian recusants ; and is the onely fence to secure the thrones of princes against the dangerous encroachments of those bold and daring sects ; and therefore from so avowed a truth , to charge me for ascribing in general terms an absolute , universal & uncontroulable power to the civil magistrate over the consciences of men in matters of religion , argues more boldness than wit and discretion , and gives us ground to suspect that these men are not less forsaken of shame and modesty , than they are of providence : for it must needs be a very bold face , and a very hard forehead , that could ever venture to obtrude such palpable and disingenuous abuses upon the world. § . . but our author proceeds in his method , and his charge and his confidence advance together ; and before you fin● him at the end of this paragraph , you will find him bravely attempting the highest degree of boldness . the next proof he singles out for his purpose , is a passage of the twelfth section of my first chapter : he [ the magistrate ] may if he please reserve the exercise of the priesthood to himself : from whence it clearly follows ( as he dreams ) that queen elizabeth might , if she pleased , have exercised the priestly function in her own person . and he takes frequent occasion to insult over the weakness of this assertion , and triumph in the wit of this inference . but i shall not insist upon its woful impertinency to the conclusion , wherewith he confidently winds up this heap of calumnies , viz. that from hence it follows , that whatever the magistrate commands in religion , his authority does so immediately affect the consciences of men , that they are bound to observe it on the pain of the greatest sin and punishment . for how is it possible for any man to infer from his right to the priestly office , an unlimited and immediate power over religion , unless it could be proved that this absolute soveraignty is unalienable from the priesthood ? and when that is pretended or performed , we will farther consider the validity of this inference . nor shall i mind him what an ill piece of policy it is for him to disavow the authority of the female sex in the conduct of religion ; when the chief and most important affairs of the separate churches are transacted and govern'd by their zeal ; and when the apron-strings are the strongest bond of the congregational union ; and when ( as they manage the business ) st. peter's keys are hang'd at their girdles , and every conceited sister assumes to her self , if not the infallibility of pope ioan , yet at least the power and authority of donna olympia . nor lastly , shall i present the salique law of the christian church , that devests that sex of all right and pretence of succession to the priesthood ; by which they are restrain'd from intermedling with any offices of the sacred function , though it should descend by right of inheritance to the heirs male of the blood royal. such a trifling objection is not worth so much pains ; 't is sufficient to inform you , that in the paragraph aforesaid i undertook to give an account of the true original of all civil and ecclesiastical government : where i shewed how in the first ages of the world they were vested in the same person , and founded upon the same right of paternal authority : and in this state of things antecedent to all superinduced restraints , and positive institutions , i asserted the supreme magistrate might , if he pleased , reserve the exercise of the priesthood to himself , though afterwards the priestly office was in the jewish commonwealth expresly derogated from the kingly power , by being setled upon the tribe of levi , and the line of aaron ; and so likewise in the christian church , by being appropriated to the apostles and their successours , that derive their ministerial office ( for that of priesthood our author will not admit of under the gospel ) from our blessed saviours express and immediate commission . now what i affirm'd of things in the bare state of nature , without the guidance of revelation , for our author to represent it , as if i had applied it indifferently to all ages and periods of the church , by whatsoever positive laws and different institutions they may be govern'd , is wonderfully suitable to the genius of his own wit and ingenuity , and sufficiently discovers who he is , though we had no other evidence of the man and his humour , 't is his way and method , and betrays him as much as the word entanglement , that is the shibboleth of all his writings . but i must not think to escape thus , he is resolved to bear me down for an illiterate dunce with face and downright confidence ; and to this purpose he tells the reader , that the young man , as pert and peremptory as he is , seems not much acquainted with the rise of the office of the priesthood amongst men , as shall be demonstrated if farther occasion be given thereunto . this he affirms boldly , and when it is proved , it shall be granted : but till then , let me beg the reader to suspend his censure of my ignorance ; and i hope by this time he is satisfied 't is not absolutely impossible but that our author may boldly affirm what he knows not how to prove , and confidently undertake what he is not able to perform . however , a modest man would either not have mentioned this exception , or would have made it good , and not have presumed that the world should take his brags for arguments ; and take it for a reasonable confutation of my assertion , because he says he can confute it , aye that he can . this is the most it amounts to ; and whether it be his intention or no , he might have said nothing to as much purpose as to say so much and no more . but other men would stand still as fast as this man gallops ; and when he comes to the end of his career , he is just where he was at the beginning . § . . and yet the next proof is just as wise and as wonderful as this , viz. that this power i have ascribed to the civil magistrate , is not derived from christ , or any grant of his , but is antecedent to his coming , or any power given unto him , or granted by him . but what is all this to his inference of the magistrates absolute and immediate power over conscience ? that power in which god vested princes , must be such as is compatible with his own supremacy , and that consists in his absolute and immediate soveraignty over the minds of his reasonable creatures ; and therefore was in its own nature uncapable of being granted away to any subordinate authority . but however , you will conclude with him from this principle , that magistrates owe no allegiance and subjection to the scepter of christ , seeing they derive not their authority from his commission , but were instated in its actual possession before ever he was advanced to the government of the universe . i say , no : for though they were vested in an ancient and original right , yet its continuance , ever since he commenced his empire , depends meerly upon his confirmation , in that whoever does not reverse a former grant , confirms it . and therefore though they were impowered to govern the church of god antecedent to our saviours supremacy , yet that they are still intrusted with the same authority they owe entirely to his soveraign will and pleasure , because 't is now in his power to devest them of this , or any other of their ancient prerogatives : so that seeing he has thought good to continue the government of the world in the same state and posture he found it in , princes are not now less indebted to him for the grant of their imperial power , than if they had been at first instated in it by his immediate and and positive commission . and to this purpose did i discourse in that paragraph out of which he has singled this proposition , viz. to shew how unreasonable it is for men to demand an express grant from our saviour to civil magistrates for the government of his church , when they were already establish't in the full exercise of this jurisdiction by the right of nature , and the consent of nations : so that in stead of requiring this of us , they are rather obliged to shew where he has expresly disrobed and aliened the ecclesiastical jurisdiction from the royal prerogative : for if he have not , there is no pretence or exception but that it still continues as inseparable a right of the supreme magistrate in every nation , as if he had setled it upon him by his own positive and immediate institution . his next exception is down-right jugling , viz. that i assert , that magistrates have a power to make that a particular of the divine law , which god had not made so , and to introduce new duties in the most important parts of religion . he knows these words have no relation in the place where they stand to matters of meer religion and immediate worship , but are spoken onely of the duties and offices of morality , which i had before proved to be the main designs and most essential parts of religion , and likewise shewn that the civil magistrate was impower'd to introduce upon the divine law new duties and instances of moral vertue , from whence i thought it but reasonable to conclude his power over the outward expressions of religious worship , that are but circumstances , or at highest but subordinate and less material duties , if compared to the great and important vertues of morality . whether my proposition or my inference be reasonable or no , concerns not our present enquiry ; our author in this place puts in no exception against them : but whether this quotation be either honestly or pertinently alledged against me , do you judge ; when he could not but know that these words , whether true or false , could have no imaginable reference to matters of religious worship properly so called , but were expresly limited to the instances of moral goodness , that yet he should produce them in this feat shuffling and uncertain manner of expression , onely that the common people might not understand them , as they relate to my account and notion of religion , i. e. as it takes in duties of morality ; but in the vulgar sense of the word , as it signifies religious worship . this you see is wretched troth ; but that which follows is glorious and undaunted slander ; when he immediately subjoins to the former words , so that there is a publick conscience , which men are in things of a publick concern ( relating to the worship of god ) to attend unto , and not to their own . and if there be any sin in the command , he that imposed it , shall answer for it , and not i , whose whole duty it is to obey . this inference being so immediately tack't to the former proposition , its unavoidable result must be this at least , that as to the most important parts of religion , there is a publick conscience , to which men are to attend , and not to their own . this is somewhat rank doctrine , and favours not a little of the leviathan . but yet how can i avoid it ? are not these my own words ? though that i might deny , yet am i content to confess that i have said something not much unlike them , in the sixth section of my last chapter ; where , in answer to the pretence of a tender , a scrupulous , and an unsatisfied conscience , among many other things , i have shewn that in doubtful and disputable cases of a publick concernment , private men are not properly sui iuris , and are not to be directed by their own judgments , nor determined by their own wills , but by the commands and determinations of the publick conscience . now does it not admirably become our authors modesty to take this assertion concerning such nice and petty things as are liable to doubt , scruple , and disputation , and couple it with another sentence above two hundred pages distance , that speaks of the most important parts of religion ? as if they had been spoken upon the same occasion , and related to the same matter ; thereby to abuse his vulgar and unwary reader into a round belief , as if what i had asserted concerning the subjection of a doubtful conscience in less important matters to the commands of publick authority , were to be understood of all the obligations of conscience in the most important duties of religion . did i not forewarn you of what heights and depths of ingenuity we should meet with , before we arrived at the conclusion of this paragraph ? and now do you tell me whether you ever observed in any writer more generous strains of candour and civility ? did ever man treat adversary with fairer and more ingenuous usage than i have met with from this candid author ? disputants of a more sullen humour would have thrown more knotty objections in my way , that would have cost some pains and sweat to assoil their difficulty : but he deals tenderly with me as a young beginner , and will not dishearten my industry by setting too hard a task to my raw and unimproved abilities ; that by my conquest and triumph over such weak opposition , i might be encouraged to greater undertakings . § . . and therefore he proceeds to tempt my weak and juvenile essays upon so great a master of skill , by seeming serious and eager in the farther pursuit of these vain and trifling advantages , and raising more vehement slanders upon more unreasonable grounds ; and the next article of his charge to this purpose is , that i maintain that the supreme magistrate in every nation hath power to order and appoint what religion his subjects shall profess and observe , provided he enjoineth nothing that countenanceth vice , or disgraceth the deity , &c. our author is old excellent at cavil and calumny , but here he excels himself : he gives in a brisk and ratling indictment , without any shadow of proof to justifie the allegation : 't is drawn up in his own terms and forms of expression , and onely one poor line of mine bobb'd in to give countenance to such an horrid and shameless falsification , viz. provided that he injoineth nothing that either countenanceth vice , or disgraceth the deity . this i have , and still do affirm concerning rituals , ceremonies and postures of outward worship , that they ought not to be censured as unlawful , unless they tend to debauch men either in their practices or their conceptions of the deity : and therefore if they are not chargeable with one or both of these , nothing can hinder their being capable of being adopted into the ministries of divine service , or exempt them from being subject to the determinations of humane power . this is , i think , a chaste and a modest truth : but for our author to apply this power that i have ascribed to the supreme magistrate , onely over the outward forms and ceremonial expressions of religious worship , to the appointment and institution of religion it self , so as to leave it entirely at his disposal to order and appoint what religion his subjects shall profess and observe , is ( and i can say no worse ) but like himself , and agreeable to that character i have often suggested to you of his way of writing and ingenuity : and 't is a falshood so coarsly lewd and barbarous , that nothing but an incorrigible brow could have ventured to obtrude it upon the world , much less to persist in it so long , and repeat it so often as he has done , as if he were resolved to bear down the common sense and reason of mankind , by the unyielding gallantry and vigour of his confidence . but there is not any one passage in my whole discourse , that has been so serviceable to his purpose as this lame and imperfect allegation ; it vouches every clamour , and every impertinency , and every slander and false report shrowds it self under its protection ; and if he have a mind to forge and fasten any extravagant conceit upon me , 't is but devising some wild proposition , and twisting it with these words , and then he may expatiate against the wickedness of so dangerous an errour with a grave and solemn invective ; and i am as confidently concluded guilty , as if it had been my own express and positive assertion . thus this passage is produced against me ; that whilst men reserve to themselves the freedom and liberty of judging what they please , or what seems good unto them in matters of religion , and the worship of god , they ought to esteem it their duty to practise in all things according to the prescription of their rulers , though every way contrary unto , and inconsistent with their own iudgments and perswasions , unless it be in things that countenance vice , and disgrace the deity . these words are set down in a distinct character , and the reader ( if he be courteous ) is not to doubt but they were faithfully transcribed out of my book , though you cannot find a syllable of it there , except onely the last words of restriction . but however , 't is a lewd and ungodly assertion , and therefore away he flies with it ; what ? it defeats all effectual obligations of conscience , it enervates all real sense of religion , and it casts off all serious regard to the divine authority ; and upon this principle men may profess what religion they please , and turn mahumetans , papists , and apostates , for their own convenience . these indeed are sad and woful inferences ; but let him look to that ; for the premises are his as well as the conclusions ; though in my opinion it is a prodigious piece of boldness that he should so rashly , so confidently and so groundlesly charge me with such knavish and dishonest principles , as are not fit for any men to pretend to , unless such crafty artists as know how to sing their songs upon sigionoth , and believe that god abets and owns every interest that thrives and prospers in the world : and when they dance to the tune of the times , have the face to look demurely , and to profess they onely follow the pipe of providential dispensations . but now if we take this mangled and dismembred sentence , and restore it to its proper place , there is neither harm nor heresie : i. e. if we affirm that no rites and ceremonies are in themselves unlawful ( for i here speak onely of things as considered in their own nature ) in the worship of god , unless they tend to countenance vice , or disgrace the deity : here is no danger of encouraging or making apostates ; for the material and dividing differences of the establish't religions in the world , consist not in rituals and ceremonials , but in articles of belief , and objects of worship . we condemn neither turks nor papists for their forms and postures of adoration , ( unless they fall under one or both of the obliquities aforesaid ) but for giving divine worship to a lewd impostor , and to a sensless piece of matter : let them but address the same worship to its due and proper object , and we will never stand stiffly with them about the outward rites and ceremonies of its expression ; but will freely allow them to conform to the significant customs of their own country , as we do to those of ours . now 't is these things that are , or at least are pretended to be , the onely matters of our present schisms and differences ; and 't is these things onely that i assert to be determinable by supreme authority , provided they neither encourage vice , nor dishonour god : under which restrictions whatsoever rites and usages they may enjoyn , can never be concluded unlawful in themselves ; and if they are so upon any other account , that is to be discoursed elsewhere , but it concerns not our present enquiry , that onely undertook to account for the comparison between the matters of religious worship , and the duties of morality , in reference to the power of the civil magistrate , as consider'd in their own respective natures . i might give you in many more proofs and instances of his abuse of these words : but what i have already represented , is , i hope , a sufficient taste of his ingenuity . and yet as gross and shameless as this slander is , 't is infinitely out-done by the next , viz. that i have given as absolute a soveraignty to the civil magistrate over the church of god , as to the lord christ himself . and this he endeavours to prove after his way , by amassing together all the former calumnies that i have already washt off : but to complete and accomplish the whole design , he adds one of his own pure wit and contrivance : is the authority of christ the formal reason , making obedience necessary to his commands and precepts ? so is the authority of the magistrate in reference to what he requires . do men therefore sin , if they neglect the observance of the commands of christ in the worship of god , because of his immediate authority so to command them binding their consciences ? so do men sin if they omit or neglect to do what the magistrate requires in the worship of god because of his authority , without any farther respect . in the former passages there are at least some sprinklings of my own words , but this is meer and abstracted slander , and has nor colour nor foundation in my discourse ; and therefore i can give it no other reply , than sincerely to profess , that were there any thing in my book that should but seem to ascribe to the civil magistrate as immediate a soveraignty over the consciences of men , as our blessed saviour both claims and exercises , i my self would be the first man that should cast a stone at such bold and ridiculous assertions . and here one would think is enough of slander and calumny , and yet he has not done with so pleasant an argument , but gives it you all over again in a proclamation framed out of the supposed principles and directions of my book ; which being nothing but a meer repetition of the same trash , that i have already cashier'd , i deem it neither needful nor pertinent to return him any other answer , than that as 't is not the first proclamation that this author has drawn up , so i pray god it may be the last . § . . and now , sir , tell me what i shall conclude of this mans conscience ? must i impute such labour'd and affected mistakes to an excuseable ignorance , and set the most shameless falsifications upon the score of inadvertency ? i know the power of prejudice and passion to seal up the minds of men against the evidence of truth ; yet such is the evidence of truth in our present case , that no prejudice can be thick enough to withstand , or passion blind enough to defeat its efficacy . nothing but an hard forehead and a lewd conscience could ever embolden him so rudely to spoil and discompose the apparent aim & method of my discourse , and so impudently to abuse and impose upon the world by such groundless and enormous pervertings . a multitude of his weaker cavils and less miscarriages i am inclined to ascribe to his rash and precipitate humour : for i know he is wont to write or dictate books as fast as other men can read them ; and a wise man would take more time to weigh the matter of a discourse , than he does to confute it ; and so may possibly pour out gross and palpable mistakes through haste and inadvertency . but those instances i have represented to you of his way of shuffling and falsifying , are so many , so labour'd , and so unreasonable , that they could proceed from no other fountain but wilful and affected malice : for 't is absolutely impossible that meer chance and heedlesness should blunder upon so many impostures so full of design and contrivance . but however , you see how by this means not onely the state of the question , but the whole matter of the enquiry is quite alter'd : 't is not now contended whether the supreme magistrate of every commonwealth be vested with an ecclesiastical power and soveraignty over matters of religion . tush , that is granted without demur or dispute , and our author ( though his acquaintance are none of the most loyal and peaceable ) knows no man that pretends exemption from the obligation of humane laws , but onely on this plea , that god by his law requires them to do otherwise . so that in what matters soever the law of god does not require them to do otherwise , there humane laws must pass a certain obligation upon conscience : for if they do not oblige that , they oblige nothing . now this is an ample grant of all that i design'd and pretended to prove in my first chapter , viz. that magistrates are vested with some authority over conscience in matters of religion : so that in this it seems we are fully agreed , and our author after all his heat and talk freely confesses 't is indispensably necessary to the publick peace and tranquillity , which you know is the main consideration that i urged and pursued in behalf of my opinion . but , says our author , this is not all , for i have so described and discoursed of the power of the civil magistrate over conscience and religion , as to make it of an absolute jurisdiction , an unlimited extent , and an immediate obligation : 't is this he all along represents , and upon this that he mainly insists . if i am guilty of this charge , i must shift as i can : but if i am not , what hinders but we may shake hands and be friends ? and therefore having so fully discover'd the horrid and unconceiveable vanity of the proofs alledged against me to this purpose , and so fairly clear'd the innocence and honesty of my intentions , i may , i hope , hereafter reasonably expect , and justly challenge a compleat discharge from all such sinister and idle suspicions . is not this blessed work , that i should be forced to write so much to so little purpose ; not at all to prove the truth of what i have written , but to disprove the falshood of what i have not written ? § . . and now though i am provided with remarks upon the remaining passages of this chapter , yet i know not to what purpose i should trouble my self or the reader with them , after the considerations that i have already represented , that are ( i presume ) competent enough to justifie the innocence of my design , and to shame the disingenuity of his cavils ; and that is all that is needful in answer to his way of proceeding , which , you see , was not to confute , but to pervert my discourse . and if i should pursue all advantages , examine all miscarriages , and lay open all follies and impertinencies , i should presume too much upon the publick patience , and swell my reply to too unreasonable a bulk ; so many , so vain , and so impertinent are his topicks of cavil . however , the remainder of his talk is built upon the supposition of the truth and reality of these falsifications ; and therefore by what i have already discoursed in answer to their forgery , i have made it altogether needless to take any farther notice of his wild and rambling harangues : for if they are pertinent to their premises , they are impertinent to my discourse ; if they are not , they are impertinent to his own . though the truth is , should i grant him the priviledge he is resolved to take , of falsifying , yet he deduce● things so loosly and incoherently , that i might easily make good my cause against him , if i should undertake the defence of those untruths and monstrous absurdities he fastens on me . i might demand of him to what purpose he here acquaints us with that solemn and systematick distinction of the declaration of gods will , either by the light of nature , or by the light of revelation , unless it be to inform the world of this new and important mystery , that a positive command of god may , as to any particular instance , suspend the obligation of the greatest command of the law of nature ; and so it actually did in the precept given to abraham for sacrificing his son. for whatever any school-men may determine in this case , 't is apparent here neither was nor could be any suspension of the law of nature , ( whose obligation is so eternal and unchangeable , that nothing can suspend it for one moment without doing violence to the antecedent reasons of good and evil ) but onely a positive command to execute a divine decree by vertue of a divine commission , i. e. to put his son to death by his authority that is absolute lord of life ; a matter against which the law of nature never had or could have any prohibition : for though possibly it restrained abraham from attempting his sons life by vertue of his own dominion , yet when he was warranted to it by a special command of god himself , to have refused its execution , had been to remonstrate to the justice of one of the most fundamental laws of nature : so that there was no suspension of the law , but an alteration of the case , and a command to do something , which that neither did nor could forbid . to what purpose does he twit me for asserting magistratical omnipotency , rather than the divine right of episcopacy ? i am at age and liberty ( as young as he would make me ) to chuse my own theme ; and perhaps the next book i publish , that shall be the argument of my discourse ; and then i doubt not but he will as much correct me for leaving the pursuit of my former subject , as he does now for pursuing it . to what purpose does he preach to soveraign princes not to take upon themselves that absolute power , i have for my own advantage ascribed to them , unless he had also proved it is not for theirs ? 't is a strong motive , no doubt , to encourage his majesty to listen to his advice , by informing him , it was not the acclamation of the multitude unto herod , the voice of god and not of man ; but his own arrogant satisfaction in that blasphemous assignation of divine glory to him , that exposed him to the iudgments and vengeance of god. for certainly princes will require more forcible reasons to part with the absoluteness of their soveraign power , than such preaching impertinencies . to what purpose does he add , that never any magistrate , unless nebuchadnezzar , caligula , domitian , and persons like to them , ever pretended to exercise the power here assign'd unto them ? i will not be so froward as to tell him , that now he is as much too free in his concessions , as he is at other times too stingy : for should i put him upon the proof , he would want records to make it good , that all these princes ever claimed such a bold and unlimited jurisdiction ; though perhaps others have : for what thinks he of artaxerxes's commission to ezra ? whosoever will not do the law of thy god , and the law of the king , let iudgment be executed speedily upon him , whether it be unto death , or to banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment . i know not how any prince can challenge or assume a more severe , absolute , and uncontroulable power , than this granted in this commission ; and yet ezra reflects upon it as a special and immediate issue of divine providence . to what purpose does he tell us , the power i ascribe to magistrates is none other but that which is claimed by the pope of rome ? that may be his usurpation upon the rights of princes , but 't is no proof that they may not challenge the supremacy over the consciences of their own subjects , because he usurps it . to what purpose does he tell us , that the mormo here made use of , is the same in substance that has been set up by the papists ever since the reformation ? when nothing can be justly pleaded in behalf of lawful government , but what may be unjustly pretended to by tyrants and usurpers : and in the happy days of oliver cromwel , the same arguments and texts of scripture were prest for obedience and subjection to the rebel , as were onely design'd to secure loyalty to rightful soveraigns . let the romanists make out the justice of their title of supremacy over the kingdom of england , and the equity of their cause in the due management of their power , and then we will listen to their pretences : but in the mean while , from the necessity of an ecclesiastical jurisdiction , to plead the right of a papal soveraignty , is an impertinency onely wild enough to serve our authors turn , and signifies no more than because there is tyranny practised in the world under fair and plausible pretences , that therefore there must be no just grounds and principles for lawful government . to what purpose does he waste so many pages , to enquire wherefore the power of the magistrate should not be extended to the inward thoughts and apprehensions of men about the worship of god , as well as to expressions of them in pure spiritual acts of that worship ? for not to catch at the ridiculous , canting and mysterious non-sense of the expression of our inward thoughts in pure spiritual acts , when all expression of them is outward and corporal : 't is sufficient that god has not been pleased to vest them with any power over our thoughts ; but for what cause , himself best knows ; and therefore though i could give no account for his so doing , that would not cast the least shadow of an objection upon the truth and reality of my perswasion . to what purpose does he tell us in the close of this enquiry , that we can give no other imaginable answer to it , than that men who plead for indulgence and liberty of conscience in the worship of god , according to his word , and the light which he has given them therein , have indeed no conscience at all ? when this answer is so infinitely silly , that we can scarce suppose any man in his wits so extravagant as to pretend it , and when there are other very pertinent replys , so easie and so obvious , viz. that they may possibly have no conscience at all , whatever they pretend , or at least such an one as is abused with foolish , or debauch't with wicked principles , and so may plot or practise sedition against the state under pretence or mistake of conscience , and for that reason ought not to be allowed to plead its authority against the commands of lawful superiours . in fine , to what purpose does he so briskly taunt me for thwarting my own principles , because i have censured the impertinency of a needless provision in an act of parliament ? i may obey the law , though i may be of a different perswasion from the lawgivers in an opinion remote and impertinent to the matter of the law it self : nay , i may condemn the wisdom of enacting it , and yet at the same time think my self to lie under an indispensable obligation to obey it : for the formal reason of its obligatory power ( as any casuist will inform him ) is not the judgment and opinion of the lawgiver , but the declaration of his will and pleasure . there is abundance more of this slender stuff , wherewith ( as himself brags ) he has loaded this principle ; though , alas ! were its foundations never so weak and trembling , it might securely enough support so light a burthen ; and though it were really bottom'd upon the sands , there is but little danger that such a shallow stream of talk should overturn it : so that though i stand upon such advantageous ground , if i should descend to a strict and particular examination of all the flaws and follies of his tattle , yet they are so apparently false or impertinent , or both , and afford so little occasion for useful and material discourse , that i had rather chuse to forego my own advantage , than spoil my book , and tire my reader by insisting too tediously upon such empty trifles and dreams of shadows . to conclude , this author is so accustomed to popular impertinency , that he seems to hate severe discourse as much as carnal reason , and both as much as idolatry : so that he onely prates when he should argue , and inveighs when he should confute : give him what advantage you will , he regards it not , but jogs on in his road of talking , and 't is no matter whether you take the right or wrong handle of the question , it may be either for any thing material that he has to except against it . nay , you may suffer him to limetwig you with ink and paper , and gagg you with a quill , and put what words he pleases into your mouth , and yet easily defend your self against all his faint assaults , and impertinent objections . in so much that i durst undertake the defence of the thickest and most defenceless impostures in the world , against his weak and miserable way of confutation . and i doubt not but i could produce as strong and enforcing evidence for the divine original and authority of the alcoran , as some body has for the self-evidencing light and power of the holy scriptures . chap. iv. the contents . no difference among the ancients between moral vertue and evangelical grace . the vanity and novelty of our late spiritual divinity . our authors fond tittle-tattle against my scheme of religion . religion is now the same for design and substance as it was in the state of innocence . the gospel is chiefly design'd as a restitution of the law of nature . our duty to god best described by gratitude . repentance , conversion , humiliation , self-denial , mortification , faith , and other duties of the gospel , proved to be moral vertues . our author after his rate of cavilling , would have quarrell'd our saviour for his short account of the duty of man. his intolerable slander in charging me of confining the influence of the spirit of god to the first ages of the church . his prodigious impudence in ascribing all his own follies to the spirit of god. the extraordinary concurrence of the spirit , proved it self by some evident miracle , the ordinary works in the same manner , as if it were performed purely by the strength of our own reason . our author himself is not able to assign any real difference between grace and vertue . their meer distinguishing between them , is destructive of the practice of all real goodness . an account of the mechanical enthusiasm of their spiritual divinity . our authors own account of their spiritual godliness , is a clear instance of its folly. moral vertue is so far from being any hindrance , that 't is the best preparative to conversion . it was not moral goodness , but immoral godliness that kept off the pharisees from closing with the terms of the gospel . the argument from the magistrates power over moral duties , to his power over religious worship , clear'd and vindicated . the difference assign'd for this purpose between the laws of nature and revelation , false and impertinent . their vain resolution to find out particular rules of instituted worship in the word of god , is the original of all their folly . religious worship is subject to the authority of earthly powers , for the same reason as moral vertue is . a short account of some of our authors fainter essays . § . . having in the former chapter given an account large enough of our authors way of confutation , by shuffling cavils and bold calumnies , i shall hereafter forbear to cloy the reader , or tire my self with any farther regard to such trifling exceptions , as are not capable of more useful and edifying discourse ; and shall onely insist upon such particulars as may be considerable enough to recompence the pains of our enquiry . my design then in the next chapter , which our wise objector excepts against , was to draw a parallel between matters of religious worship and duties of morality , and to remonstrate to the world how they were equally subject to the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate . and for a more ample confirmation of this argument , i gave such an intelligible account of the nature and design of religion , as reduced all its parts and branches either to the vertues or the instruments of moral goodness . from whence i concluded , as i thought , fairly enough , that seeing princes are allowed by the avowed principles of all mankind , a soveraign power in reference to moral vertues , that are the most material duties of religion , 't is but reasonable they should be allowed at least the same authority over the outward matters of religious worship , that are but circumstances of religion , or instruments of morality . but our author startles at the strangeness and novelty of this doctrine , that grants no essential difference between grace and vertue , and boldly charges me with falling rudely upon christianity it self , seeing the professors of it have in all ages , according to its avowed principles never before contradicted , made a distinction between moral vertues and evangelical graces . this affirmation he supposeth bold and sturdy enough to maintain its own ground ; and if it cannot defend it self by its own confidence , it may perish for any proof or relief that he will afford it . and therefore i will not be so unmerciful as to fall foul or fiercely upon a naked and deserted assertion , but shall onely challenge him to produce one ancient author that makes any difference between the nature of moral vertue and evangelical grace ; evangelical grace being nothing else in their account but moral vertue , heightned by the motives of the gospel , and the assistances of the spirit ; both which are external considerations to the essence of the thing it self : so that the christian institution does not introduce any new duties distinct from the eternal rules of morality , but strengthens them by new obligations , and improves them upon new principles : for though the promises of the gospel encourage us , and the aids of the spirit enable us to discharge our respective duties ; yet that does not at all change their nature , because it eases their performance : so that evangelical graces are the same thing for substance with evangelical vertues , and evangelical vertues the same with moral ones ; that are stiled evangelical , for no other regard than because of that peculiar influence the gospel has upon the minds of men , to procure their effectual practice in their lives and conversations . and this is the peculiar end and usefulness of the christian religion , to establish real righteousness in the world ; and in the primitive ages of christianity , the vertues of charity , meekness , patience and humility , were esteemed the distinguishing graces of the gospel ; and then professors measured their godliness by the purity of their lives , and not of their ordinances : in those days they made no difference between the morality and the spirituality of the gospel ; nor did they despise the plain , the humble , and the down-right christian as a meer moralist , and a carnal gospeller . the fathers and first preachers of the christian faith , did not teach their proselytes the trick how to spirit themselves into heaven , and presume themselves into salvation by a stout belief ; but to purchase their future hopes by living up to the severest and most exalted doctrines of the gospel : then the righteousness of faith was not opposed to real and inherent righteousness , but only implied a higher pitch and improvement of moral goodness : then they gave a plain and intelligible account of the mystery of godliness , and only thought it a discovery of such principles as would more effectually oblige & inable mankind to an holy life , than any other institution could effect , or philosophy pretend . nor did they prescribe long and tedious trains of conversion , nor set down nice and subtle processes of regeneration , nor fill peoples heads with innumerable swarms of superstitious fears and scruples about the due degrees of godly sorrow , and the certain symptoms of a thorough humiliation ; but in their days , and in their divinity to be reformed , was without any more ado to be regenerate . nor did they amuse silly and well-meaning people with fond stories of unaccountable horrours and desertions of soul , but turn'd them over to the testimony of their own consciences , and suspended the quietness of their minds upon the sense of their own integrity , and always confined the ordinary workings of the spirit of god , to the methods of reason and discourse : they never dream't there could be any disagreement between its impressions and the results of our own thoughts , or that it would ever bereave an upright soul of that unspeakable joy and cheerfulness that springs from the reflections of an exact conscience . these and infinite more are the tricks and frenzies of a new-fangled divinity , that i may confidently aver was scarcely heard of fifty years ago , and may as confidently presume will be forgot fifty years hence . for so it hapned that some preaching men among us , whose superficial fancies were more tickled with metaphors and gay resemblances , than with sober and substantial sense , began according to the genius of their own little wit , to cloath and express the most weighty arguments in divinity with little allusions . and this taking with the rude and undiscerning multitude , others that wanted better accomplishments to recommend themselves to wiser men , studied this way of trifling , labour'd to imitate their pretty phrases , and to improve their wit by more childish fancies , beating about upon all occasions for metaphors and allegories , using them to all purposes , wrapping up the clearest notions in cloudy words , casting darkness and mystery about the plainest truths , and confounding mens apprehensions of things by the wildness and uncertainty of their expressions . and then the ignorant people fancy there is mystery and secret sense in every phrase they understand not , and frame some confused and enthusiastick conceit of religion in their own fancies , to which they suit and accommodate all their after-conceptions . and by this means they have at length made such an uncouth representation of the doctrine of the gospel , as would , not many years ago , have been thought a new and distinct religion from that established by the blessed iesus . it being scarce an age since this inward , and practical , and experimental part of the mystery of godliness ( as they call it ) was first heard of in the christian world . and it would puzzle any man that compares the accounts given by the ancients of christianity with some of our modern descriptions of it , how it was ever possible to derive such unrelated notions and principles from the same original . and if their new account of divinity were true and orthodox , the mystery of godliness first began to be preached somewhere else , and not at ierusalem ; and it has been so far from being propagated ( according to our saviours promise ) over all the nations of the world , that it was scarce ever heard of out of our own . these men are the first that ever attempted to divorce grace from vertue , and to distinguish the spiritual christian from the moral man. they examine the truth and reality of mens conversion , not by the outward and visible reformation of their lives , for so far ( say they ) formal professours and common grace may go , but by their orderly passage through all the stages of conviction . and unless a man be able to give an account of having observed and experienced in himself all their imaginary rules and methods of regeneration , they immediately call into question his being a child of god , and affright him with sad stories of having miscarried of grace and the new-creature ; & he is lost & undone for ever unless he begin all the work of conversion anew , and he must as it were re-enter into the womb , and again pass through all the scenes and workings of conviction ; in which state of formation all new converts must continue their appointed time , and when the days are accomplish'd , they may then proceed to the next operation of the spirit , i. e. to get a longing , panting , and breathing frame of soul , upon which follows the proper season of delivery , and they may then break loose from the enclosures of the spirit of bondage , and creep out from those dark retirements , wherein the law detein'd them , into the light of the gospel , and the liberty of the spirit of adoption . but of this perhaps our author may understand more , before he and i part , in the mean time let us follow our present chase , and we shall have pleasant sport enough ; for never did wily reynard shew greater variety of shifts , windings , and doublings than this subtle disputant . § . . the antichristian errors of this chapter he has reduced to four general heads , the first whereof he confesseth to be a great and important truth , viz. that moral vertue consists in the observance of the laws of nature , and the dictates of right reason ; and therefore he only transcribes my proof and account of the reasonableness of the assertion , and repeats it again in his own obscure words and flat expressions , and so immediately proceeds to the second , viz that the substance , yea , the whole of religion consists in moral vertues , and to prove it , he repeats that short scheme , that i have drawn up of the most material parts and branches of religion ; and in answer to it , he first talks , and then objects . he wishes i would give him a summary of the credenda of my religion , as i have done of its agenda . and so i will , when i shall think my self obliged to write impertinently for his humour ; but should i be so civil as to gratifie him in this request , though perhaps the positive articles of my belief are not altogether so numerous as his systematick orthodoxes , nor my creed so bulky as his gross bodies of dutch-divinity : yet i could give him in such a large negative confession of faith as would both satisfie , and make him repent his curiosity . in the next place he tells us , the ten commandments would have done twice as well on this occasion . but 't is no disparagement to my account of religion , if it be but half as good as the ten commandments ; though i am apt to believe the decalogue was never intended for a perfect systeme of the moral law : i cannot imagine , that by thou shalt not make to thy self any graven image , is meant , thou shalt not institute symbolical ceremonies ; or that by thou shalt not murther , alms and fraternal correption are enjoyned ; nor can i fancy , that when only one particular is express'd , twenty more are intended that may any way be reduced to it by strein'd and far-fetch'd analogies . but if we add the explication of the church-catechism ( for which our author has , no doubt , a mighty fondness ) it would make up a much more perfect scheme of religion , than what i have represented ; i confess 't is contrived with a great deal of wisdom and judgment ; and its exposition is easie , natural , and useful , and not made out by forced and uncertain deductions ; and therefore has admirably attain'd the end it aimed at , which is chiefly a plain and intelligible account of the main scope and intent of the decalogue , and not an intire institution of christian theology . but upon this he takes a civil and seasonable occasion to remark that he fears the very catechism it self may ere long be esteemed phanatical , though if it should meet with such ill usage , it would not be much worse treated than it was ere long when it was esteemed popish . however his fears are of no more force than his arguments , they are equally wise and reasonable , and prove nothing but his ill-nature , or something worse . and now to all this he subjoyns a tedious story of a foolish and half-witted fellow , that from this opinion , that all religion consists in morality , proceeded to a full renunciation of the gospel . if either the man himself had made good this consequence , or our author for him , this tale might have been of more use than all his arguments , that is , it might have been to the purpose , but otherwise 't is as meer tittle-tattle as when he tells us the papists make use of our pleas for government in behalf of their tyranny and usurpation , i can no more prevent some men from streining absurd conclusions from the wisest and most reasonable premisses , than i can hinder others from preaching treason or blasphemy from the divine oracles . but all this is no more than skirmish , the main battel follows , and he draws up all his forces in three objections , i. e. in repeating the same objection three times : ( . ) my representation of religion is suited to the state of innocence . ( . ) it carries in it neither supposition nor assertion of sin . ( . ) it omits some of the most important duties of the christian religion , repentance , humiliation , godly sorrow , &c. whereas its being suited to the state of innocence , it s not implying a supposition of sin , and its omitting the duty of repentance is apparently one and the same thing . for 't is nothing but meerly a supposition of sin that makes our present condition differ from the state of innocence , and that infers the necessity of repentance ; and therefore in answer to this great objection in its united strength , i humbly crave leave to remonstrate , that religion for the substance and main design of it ( which is the only thing i designed to represent ) is the same now as it was in the state of innocence . for as then the whole duty of man consisted in the practice of all those moral vertues that arose from his natural relation to god and man , so all that is super-induced upon us since the fall , is nothing but helps and contrivances to supply our natural defects , and recover our decayed powers , and restore us to a better ability to discharge those duties we stand engaged to by the law of our nature , and the design of our creation . so that the christian institution is not for the substance of it any new religion , but only a more perfect digest of the eternal rules of nature and right reason . for it commands nothing but what is some way suitable to and perfective of rational beings , and all its duties are either instances or instruments of moral goodness ; it prescribes no new rules and proportions of morality , and all its additions to the eternal and unchangeable laws of nature are but only means and instruments to discover their obligation , and improve their practice in the world. all men ( i think ) are agreed that the real end of religion is the happiness and perfection of mankind ; and this end is obtain'd by living up to the dictates of reason , and according to the laws of nature , which the gospel has framed into positive precepts , because they are in themselves so essentially serviceable to the design of our creation . and therefore our saviour came not into the world to give any new precepts of moral goodness , but only to retrive the old rules of nature from the evil customs of the world , and to reinforce their obligation by endearing our duty with better promises , and urging our obedience upon severer penalties . and as the gospel is nothing but a restitution of the religion of nature , so are all its positive commands and instituted duties either mediately or immediately subservient to that end . thus the sacraments , though they are matters of pure institution , yet are they of a subordinate usefulness , and design'd only for the greater advantage and improvement of moral righteousness : for as the gospel is the restitution of the law of nature , so are these outward rites and solemnities a great security of the gospel ; they are solemn engagements and stipulations of obedience to all its commands , and are appointed to express and signifie our grateful sense of gods goodness in the redemption of the world ; and our serious resolutions of performing the conditions of this new contract and entercourse with mankind . so that though they are duties of a prime importance in the christian religion , 't is not because they are in themselves matters of any essential goodness , but because of that peculiar relation they have to the very being , and the whole design of its institution . forasmuch as he that establish'd this covenant , requires of all , that are willing to own and submit to its conditions , to profess and avow their assent to it by these rites and instruments of stipulation ; so that to refuse their use is interpreted the same thing as to reject the whole religion . but if the entire usefulness of these and any other instituted mysteries consists in their great subserviency to the designs of the gospel ; and if the great design of the gospel consists in the restitution of the law of nature , and the advancement of all kinds of moral goodness ; then does it naturally resolve it self into that short analysis i have given of religion ; and whether we suppose the apostasie of mankind , or suppose it not , every thing that appertains to it will in the last issue of things prove either a part or an instrument of moral vertue . § . . but we must proceed to particulars . in the first place , gratitude is a very imperfect description of natural religion , for ( says he ) it has respect onely to gods benefits , and not to his nature , and therefore omits all those duties that are eternally necessary upon the consideration of himself , such as fear , love , trust , affiance . perhaps this word may not in its rigorous acceptation express all the distinct parts and duties of religion ; yet the definition , that i immediately subjoin'd to explain its meaning , might abundantly have prevented this cavil , were not our author resolved to draw his saw upon words , viz. a thankful and humble temper of mind , arising from a sense of gods greatness in himself , and his goodness to us . and the truth is , i know not any one term that so fully expresses that duty and homage we owe to god , as this of gratitude : for by what other name soever we may call it , this will be its main and most fundamental ingredient ; and therefore 't is more pertinent to describe its nature by that , than by any other property that is more remote , and less material . because the divine bounty is the first reason of our obligation to divine worship , in that natural justice obliges every man to a grateful and ingenuous sense of favours and benefits ; and therefore god being the sole author of our beings and our happiness , that ought without any farther regard to affect our minds with worthy resentments of his love and kindness ; and this is all that which is properly exprest by the word piety , which in its genuine acceptation denotes a grateful and observant temper and behaviour towards benefactors ; and for that cause it was made use of as the most proper expression of that duty that is owing from children to parents : but because god by reason of the eminency of his bounty , more peculiarly deserves our respect and observation , 't is in a more signal and remarkable sense appropriated to him : so that gratitude is the first property and radical ingredient of religion , and all its other acts and offices are but secondary and consequential ; and that veneration we give the divine majesty for the excellency of his nature and attributes , follows that gratitude we owe him for the communication of his bounty and goodness . 't is this that brings us to a knowledge of all his other endowments ; 't is this that endears his nature to us ; and from this result all those duties we owe him upon the account of his own perfections ; and by that experience we have of his bounty , and by that knowledge we have of his other attributes , into which we are led by this experience , come we to be obliged to trust and affiance in him : so that gratitude expresly implies all the acts and offices of religion ; and though it chiefly denotes its prime and most essential duty , yet in that it fully expresses the reason and original obligation of all other parts of religious worship . but in the next place he reckons up repentance , conversion , conviction of sin , humiliation , godly sorrow , as deficient graces in my scheme , and duties peculiar to the gospel . though as for repentance , what is it but an exchange of vicious customs of life , for an habitual course of vertue ? i will allow it to be a new species of duty in the christian religion , when he can inform me what men repent of beside their vices , and what they reform in their repentance beside their moral iniquities : it has neither end nor object but moral vertue , and is onely another word peculiarly appropriated to signifie its first beginnings . and as for conversion , ( the next deficient ) 't is co-incident with repentance , and he will find it no less difficult to discover any difference between them , than between grace and vertue . and as for the other remaining graces of the gospel , conviction , humiliation , godly sorrow , ( and he might as well have added compunction , self-abhorrency , self-despair , and threescore words more that are frequent in their mouths ) they are all but different expressions of the same thing , and are either parts or concomitant circumstances of repentance . after so crude and careless a rate does this man of words pour forth his talk . in the next rank comes in self-denial , a readiness to bear the cross , and mortification , as new laws of religion . but as for self-denial , 't is nothing else than to restrain our appetites within the limits of nature , and to sacrifice our brutish pleasures to the interests of vertue . as for a readiness to bear the cross , 't is nothing but a constant and generous loyalty to the doctrine of the gospel , and a resolution to suffer any thing rather than betray or forsake so excellent an institution ; and therefore its peculiar excellency consisting in the goodness of its moral precepts , to continue faithful to that , is the same thing as to be constant and upright to the best principles of vertue . and lastly , as for mortification , 't is an exercise of moral philosophy , and the very formality of moral vertue ; and 't is nothing else but to subdue our sensual appetites and affections to our superiour faculties in the methods of reason and prudent discipline . but the main instance of defect is that dear and darling article of the religion of sinners , ( as our author words it ) faith in our lord jesus christ. and here i must confess , as they have mistaken the nature and notion of this grace , 't is neither vertue nor vertues friend , though in its plain and primitive account , 't is evidently both . for i know but two acceptations of it in the scripture : ( . ) either as it signifies a serious and an hearty assent to the divine authority of the doctrine of the gospel , and so it has a mighty force to engage as serious and hearty obedience to all its precepts . for what more effectual and irresistible inducements can men have to an holy life , than a firm belief of the promises and threatnings of the gospel ? this then is the peculiar excellency of the christian faith , viz. it s mighty influence upon a christian life . ( . ) or else as it signifies a trust and reliance upon the goodness of god , and the merits of christ for the expiation of our sins , and the acceptance of our persons upon the performance of the conditions of the new covenant . and thus it is an act of that moral worship of god , of which we have already discoursed . for though the object of it be particular , and relates to our saviours death and passion ; yet the reason of it is natural , and relates to the essential truth and goodness of god : upon his declaration and engagement , to accept the sufferings of his son as an atonement and satisfaction for the sins of the world. and therefore into this we must resolve the vertue and morality of the grace of faith , viz. it s worthy opinion of , and strong confidence in gods essential truth and goodness . and our author himself ( though upon what grounds i know not ) esteems it a part of the natural and moral worship of god ; and so ( i remember ) does i. o. in that notable treatise of distinct communion with each person of the trinity distinctly . and now , i hope , from all these premises you are sufficiently satisfied that the supposition of sin does not bring in any new religion , but onely makes new circumstances and names of old things , and requires new helps and advantages to improve our powers , and to encourage our endeavours : and thus is the law of grace nothing but the restitution of the law of nature ; all the prime duties it prescribes , are but results and pursuances of our natural obligations ; and all its additional institutions , are but helps and assistances to encourage and secure their performance . to conclude , had this man been a pharisee in our saviours time , how pertly would he have taunted him for reducing the whole duty of man to two heads , love the lord with all thy heart , and love thy neighbour as thy self ? what , sir ! have we not six hundred and thirteen precepts in our law ? are there not twelve houses of affirmative , and as many of negative commandments ? and are there not large catalogues of particular laws ranged under each of these general heads ? and must all , saving onely two , be revers't for your pleasure ? if this be all , to what purpose are our phylacteries ? once ( i remember ) you reproved us for making them so large , now you had best quarrel us for making them at all . is this to fill up the law of moses , ( as you pretend ) to abridge his whole volume into a single text ? i must needs say , that i look upon this as the rudest , most imperfect , and weakest scheme of the iewish religion that ever yet i saw ; so far from comprising an induction of all particulars belonging to it , that there is nothing in it that is constitutive of the iewish religion as such at all , &c. now if we could suppose our saviour would have vouchsafed to reply to such a prating and impertinent rabbi , what other answer can we suppose he would have return'd , than that all the other commandments , how numerous soever , are but so many instances of these under various denominations , arising from emergent respects and circumstances of things ? and how infinite soever the particular laws of life may be , they are but prosecutions of these general laws of nature , and result from those obligations we lie under from our natural relation to god and to man ; and 't is for this reason that i define love to be the fulfilling of the whole law , because all other commands are but several instruments or expressions of this duty ; and love to your neighbour signifies every thing whereby you may be useful and beneficial to mankind . but having in his own fancy ( for there he does wondrous feats ) demolish't my frame of religion , he proceeds to erect a new model of his own ; but whether coherent or not , concerns not my enquiry ; my business is to defend my own discourse , and not to run after every bubble of his blowing . onely you may observe , that whereas i design'd to represent the shortest and most comprehensive scheme of the practical duties of religion that i could contrive , the greatest part of his hypothesis is made up of articles of meer belief , which i purposely omitted , as wholly impertinent to the matter and design of my enquiry ; and the other materials that he has cast in , relating to practice , are so crudely and confusedly hudled together , that they rather make a heap of rubbish than any consistent fabrick of things ; insomuch that one single branch of his analysis comprehends all the rest , viz. an universal observance of the whole will , and all the commands of god. it would be an admirable way , no doubt , to represent an exact anatomy of all the parts of an humane body ; to lay the body it self before you , and onely tell you that is it . no man doubts whether religion consists in an universal obedience to all the commands of god ( and yet should i assert it , i know who would contradict it , and object its being impossible ) but what these particular commands are , and what the manner of their dependence upon , and connexion to each other . some men you see cannot avoid running into absurdities , when it does them no service . § . . my third heresie is no less than that there is no actual concurrence of present grace enabling men to perform the duties , or to exercise the vertues of moral goodness . and now he returns to his old vomit of calumny and falsification ; here he is upon his own dunghil , and therefore here he crows and insults , and i am catechised like any school-boy . what , are these things so indeed ? come , come , young man these are not things to be trifled with ; you may vent your wit upon other occasions , and not make sport with sacred and serious truths , tell me then , are you in good earnest ? do you think or believe that there are not now any real gracious operations of the spirit of god upon the hearts and minds of men in the world , or do you not ? if you do , sirrah , 't is the most pernicious heresie that ever infested the church of god. if you do not , speak plainly , and clear your self of those tales that are told abroad of you , and some of your truantly companions , that you may not have occasion to complain that you are mis-represented . indeed , sir , i have nothing to plead in my own defence , but openly to declare , that as i never believed , so did i never affirm , that the assistance of the spirit was confined to the first ages of the church . i have expresly taught the contrary , and our author is able , and ( i thank him for it ) not unwilling to bear witness that 't is a flat contradiction to some of my other assertions . and the only ground of so big an information is his impertinent way of forcing deductions ; for thus he infers : if this be the only reason , why any thing in believers is called grace , why vertues are graces , namely , because god was pleased in the first ages of christianity miraculously to inspire its converts with all sorts of vertue , then there is no communication of grace unto any , no work of grace in and upon any in an ordinary way , through the ministry of the gospel in these latter ages . if this man can argue thus and not blush , he is a match for the boldest man living , his confidence is impregnable , and though 't is possible he may want a good conscience , yet he can never want a brazen-wall . you know ( sir ) my plain design was to represent that grace and vertue were the same thing ; in order to which i gave a short account how vertues came to be stiled graces , viz. because in the first ages of christianity they were in a visible and miraculous manner derived purely from gods free grace and goodness ; and now is it not brave concluding from hence , that because the original reason of the peculiarity of the name is not now in being , that therefore the thing it self is perish't out of the world too ; and because the remarkableness of those miraculous influences of heaven upon the first believers , that was the only ground that gave occasion to this new stile is ceased , that therefore the ordinary influences of the spirit are not continued to believers in all ages and periods of the church . they were then called graces or free-gifts , because they were the effects of meer favour , whereas now they are the joynt issues of our own industry , and the spirit of god co-operating with our honest endeavours ; and therefore they cannot now with so much propriety of speech be stiled graces , because they are not matters of pure infusion , though they may be allowed the title still in some proportion , because they are still in some proportion produced by the special energy and co-operation of the holy ghost . in the same manner as those abilities bestowed upon the apostles without the concurrence of their own industry were called gifts , though now they might be more properly express'd by other names , notwithstanding that we owe them to the blessing of god upon our studies and endeavours . and what was then the gift of tongues , is now vulgarly called skill in languages ; and what was then the gift of vtterance , is now the art of eloquence and rhetorique . for in our days men preach not from pure infusion , but either from study , or from boldness . and i. o. overlashes according to his custom , when he tells the parliament of the common-wealth of england , &c. that when he came to print his sermon , sundry passages in it were gone beyond his recovery , having had their rise from the present assistance , which god was pleased to afford in the management of the work it self . this is to fasten his own raw effusions upon the wisdom of the spirit of god , and to stamp a divine authority upon the extravagances of his own roving fancy . 't is another horrible effect of their spiritual pride , and arises from a vain opinion of their great intimacy and familiarity with god himself . but if you look into the sermon , you will scarce find any thing of immediate and infallible inspiration , but some things false , and many ridiculous . and i dare say god never put it into his mind to tell the parliament that it was a great hindrance to the advancement and progress of the gospel in wales , because they were still zealous of the traditions of their fathers . by which he means their kind entertainment to the episcopal clergy , whom he immediately adorns with the honourable title of beggarly readers . but such was the prodigious impudence of these men , that when they vented any thing of a more bold and daring nature , they always vouched a strong and unaccountable impulse of the spirit of god upon their minds ; and when ever they attempted any blacker and more enormous villany , it was god that put it into their hearts , all their greater wickednesses were the peculiar issues of his spirit ; when ever they had a mind to any new villanous undertaking , it was but seeking the lord in prayer , and then if they found themselves somewhat strongly inclined to pursue their own designs , that was a sufficient discovery of his will and pleasure to his secret ones . never was the spirit of god more boldly or more familiarly blasphemed than by these precious wretches , and though they have at present no such lewd practices to fasten on it , yet nothing more vulgar with them at this time than to ascribe their follies to its special direction ; give them the best advice in any affair that your prudence can suggest , and they will do as the lord shall direct them . nay , this is their reply to the commands and the counsels of their superiours , and they will give obedience to their laws as shall seem good to themselves and to the holy ghost . nothing more concerns magistrates than to chastise such shameless and incorrigible enthusiasts , as the boldest and most dangerous enemies to the publick peace ; they cancel all the laws of government , and there is no disturbance or rebellion that they may not justifie by the warrant , and pursue under the protection of the spirit of god. whether this be intemperate language i know not , but if it be , 't is excess of truth that makes it so . but to return , though the names of things , that were proper in the apostolical age are not so proper now , that is not so much as the ghost of an argument for the cessation of the things themselves ; because the reason of the name was not taken from the nature of the things , but was appropriate to some extraordinary circumstances , wherewith they were attended . so that in answer to his severe interrogatory , seeing my reputation , and something else lies at stake , i must profess , that though i believe the visible and miraculous immissions of the holy ghost to have been peculiar to the first ages of christianity , yet am i as far , and perhaps farther than himself from denying that its ordinary assistances are equally bestowed upon , and continued to all successive periods of the church . for not to mention that the conditions upon which the promise of the spirit is entail'd agree equally to christians of all times and places ; i know not to what purpose men should address their devotions to heaven either for grace or vertue ( i care not which ) when there is no possible way of effecting them but by the impressions of the spirit of god upon the spirits of men . and did i not believe its influence upon the minds of men , i would list my self among the followers of i. o. and explode the lords prayer it self as a foolish and insignificant form ; seeing the greatest part of its petitions are things of that nature , as that they cannot be accomplish'd any other way than by the efficacy of the divine spirit upon ours . in short , the whole state of this question is plainly this : that in the days of the apostles , the divine spirit proved it self by some clear and unquestionable miracle , and that was the rational evidence of its truth and divine authority ; but in our days it proceeds in an humane and a rational way , and does neither drive nor second us with unaccountable raptures and inspirations ; but joyns in with our understandings , and leads us forward by the rules of reason and sobriety , by threatnings and by promises , by instructing our faculties in the right perception of things , and by discovering a fuller evidence and stronger connexion of truths . so that whatever assistances the spirit of god may now afford us , they work in the same way , and after the same manner , as if all were perform'd by the strength of our own reason ; and therefore men are not to be allowed to pretend to its guidance , unless they can prove it by some evident miracle , or at least justifie it either by some clear text of scripture , or some rational argument , and then it is that which warrants the action , and not the pretence of the spirit . but as for those that talk of its immediate and unaccountable workings , and confine them not to the ordinary rules of reason , and methods of prudence , they unavoidably fall into all the mischiefs and frenzies of enthusiasm ; and there is nothing so absurd , that they may not believe ; or so wicked , that they may not practise by the instigation of the spirit of god. and now after all this noise and cavil , i and my adversary are fully agreed in the main matter of the quarrel , viz. that grace and vertue are the same thing : for all the difference he assigns between them , relates not to the nature of the things themselves , but to the principles from whence they issue , viz. that the same instances and duties of moral goodness , that are called vertues when they proceed from the strength and improvement of our own natural abilities , are called graces when they proceed from the assistances and impressions of the spirit of god : so that even in his account grace is nothing but infused vertue , and infused vertue is vertue still ; and this is the only difference that i assign'd between them ; and thus my challenge , that is the cause and object of all this zeal and indignation , stands firm and unattempted , viz. that when they have set aside all manner of vertue , they would tell me what remains to be called grace , and give me any notion of it distinct from all morality . he that can do this , shall be greater than apollo and all his muses . and whereas for a farther proof that the graces or the fruits of the spirit were nothing but moral or ( to speak in the home-spun language of our fore-fathers ) ghostly vertues , i alledged two evident texts of scripture to that purpose : with the first , he quarrels in the first place , that i have not ( either through my own or the printers neglect ) expressed the words in a different character , though i have quoted both chapter and verse ; and if this be a fault , i must beg his pardon ; and seeing it is the first he has been able to discover , i hope i may easily obtain it . in the next place , he excepts that in rendring the words , i use peaceableness in stead of peace , and cheerfulness as equivalent with ioy. the cavil is but a little one , and the fortunes of caesar and the roman empire depend not upon it ; and therefore i will not trouble the reader with a critical account of the reason of my translation , 't is enough that these words may , and often are used promiscuously , and differ no more than reason and reasoning . the other text was tit. . . in which i affirm that the apostle makes the grace of god to consist in gratitude towards god , temperance towards our selves , and justice towards our neighbours . no , says he , the apostle says not that grace consists in these things , but that it teaches these things . i must confess , i was not so subtle and scholastical as to distinguish between subjective grace ( as he there speaks ) and effective grace , because they are but different terms of logick for the same thing , and that grace that teacheth us these things consists in doing them ; they differ only as the principle and effect of the same vertue , and whatever the apostle might there intend by grace , nothing can be more pat to my purpose , than that he places its whole design in teaching and promoting the practice of those moral vertues . this is obvious to every vulgar eye , but our author is forced , for want of better employment , to saw the air. § . . my last crime is , that i slander them with the truth , and charge them of making vertue and grace inconsistent , whilst they teach , that though a man may be exact in the duties of moral goodness , yet if he be a graceless person ( i. e. void of i know not what imaginary godliness ) he is but in a cleaner way to hell , and the morally righteous man is at a greater distance from grace than the prophane . though were i destitute of all other proof , their very distinguishing between grace and vertue , or the spiritual and the moral duties of the gospel , is in it self directly destructive of all true and real goodness ; for if they are the same thing under different appellations , then whilst this doctrine presses men to a pursuit and acquisition of excellencies of grace and spiritual holiness over and above the common vertues of morality , it engages their main industry and their biggest endeavours in the pursuit of dreams and shadows , because there is nothing beyond the bounds of moral vertue but chimera's and flying dragons , illusions of fancy , and impostures of enthusiasm : and by this means are men at length betrayed to neglect the plain and practical principles of reason and moral honesty , whilst they befool and entertain themselves with the wild frekes of humour and melancholy ; and instead of guiding their actions by the common laws of nature and right reason , they are meerly acted by giddy and enthusiastick whimsies , and derive all their religious motions and phantasms from the present state and constitution of their bodies , and move only upon the stage of fancy , and according as sanguine or melancholy are predominant , so the scene alters . sometimes their bloud runs low , their spirits are weak and languid , melancholy reeks and vapours cloud and overwhelm their fancies , and then the scene is all tragedy , and they are immediately under spiritual desertions and troubles of conscience , their fancies are full of fears , and their mouths of moan , they spend their time with puling and whining in corners , and annoy their friends with the eternal complaints of their deadness in duties , and unprofitableness under the means of grace . but when the tide returns , and the spirits rise , and the natural heat breaks out from under the oppression of melancholy humours , boyls up into the brain , and refreshes the drooping fancy with brisk and active spirits , and fills it with warm and spritely imaginations : this they presently conceit to be the spirit of god spreading its wings over the poor disconsolate soul , and darting in its rays of spiritual peace and comfort upon the child of light sitting in darkness : and this inflames them with raptures and extasies of joy ; their hearts overflow with content , and their mouths with exultation ; they feel themselves strangely enlarged in duty , their affections warm , and expressions fluent ; they admire their own freedom and eloquence of speech , and delight to be streaming forth in torrents of prayer and devotion . and withal they usually grow amorous , and vent their swelling spirits in affections of love and fondness , are passionately enamour'd of the person of the lord jesus ; oh ! what so dear to them as their sweet redeemer ? his very name melts them down into love and fondness ; and they bedeck him with all the glittering gems in the revelations , and caress him with all the gilded expressions in the canticles , & embrace him with unspeakable transport and rapture . now they cannot imagine but that such great and unexpected showers of delight must be poured down from heaven , and by reason of that forlorn condition in which they stuck , till this sudden floud of joy buoyed them up out of the dregs of melancholy , their joy seems almost too big for mortality to bear , much more to give . and so looking upon them as streaming from an heavenly and divine original , they labour to swell and heighten the torrent to the utmost brink of their capacities ; insomuch that they are sometimes stifled and overwhelmed with a deluge of delight and satisfaction : and 't is usual for them , especially after high fevers , the main seasons of their spiritual refreshments ( as you may observe by perusing any of their famous histories ) to heat and tickle their imaginations into real trances and deliriums . 't is sad to consider how they have abused simple and well-meaning people with these and a thousand other wild and crazy imaginations , especially those of the weaker sex , who being of strong and vehement affections , of quick and operative imaginations , and having withal some odd diseases peculiar to the structure of their bodies , have often by poring upon the mysterious , the spiritual , and the superstitious writings of these illiterate men , moped their tender fancies into perfect madness and alienation of mind . in brief , all this sort of religion floats in the bloud , and rises and falls with the ebbs and tides of their humours : and all the mysteries of this new and spiritual divinity are the meer results of a natural and mechanical enthusiasm . and it were an easie task for any man , that understands the anatomy of the brain , the structure of the spleen and hypocondria , the divarications of the nerves , their twistings about the veins and arteries , and the sympathy of parts , to give as certain and mechanical an account of all its phanatick frekes and frenzies , as of any vital or animal function in the body . the philosophy of a phanatick being as intelligible by the laws of mechanism , as the motion of the heart , and the circulation of the bloud : and there are some treatises that give a more exact and consistent hypothesis of enthusiasm than any des cartes has given of the natural results of matter and motion . and this , i say , is that imaginary godliness , of which they suppose graceless and meer moral men to be destitute : but our author says , no , no , it is to be void of the spirit of god , of the grace of christ , not to be born again , not to have a new spiritual life in christ , not to be united to him , not to be ingrafted in him , not to be accepted and made an heir of god , and enabled to a due spiritual evangelical performance of all duties of obedience according to the tenour of the covenant , these are the things intended . i , i , so they are ; he has nick'd my full meaning , had he demanded a definition of their imaginary godliness , i could not have described it more luckily than by their rowling up and down in such ambiguous phrases , as implying something distinct from moral vertue ; 't is this phantastick jargon , i mean , this canting in general expressions of scripture without any concern for their true sense and meaning . thus the spirit of god , and the grace of christ , which he reckons up as distinct parts of godliness , signifie one & the same thing , and when used as distinct from moral abilities & performances , they signifie nothing . and what is it to be born again , and to have a new spiritual life in christ , but to become sincere proselytes to the gospel , to renounce all vicious customs and practices , and to give an upright and uniform obedience to all the laws of christ ; and therefore if they are all but precepts of moral vertue , to be born again , and to have a new spiritual life in christ , is only to become a new moral man. but their account of this article is so wild and phantastick , that had i nothing else to make good my charge against them , that alone would be more than enough to expose the prodigious folly of their spiritual divinity . again , to be united to christ , and to be grafted in him , are still more tautologies for the same thing , though they indeed use them to express some secret and mysterious entercourse between the lord christ and a believing soul ; and from hence spring the doctrines of withdrawings and desertions , of discoveries and manifestations , of spiritual closings and refreshments , and all the other innumerable tricks of melancholy and enthusiasm . to be accepted and made an heir of god , is neither grace nor vertue ; but , if we must distinguish them , a reward of both ; and therefore to mention this as a distinct branch of godliness , and duty of religion , signifies as much as all the rest , that is , nothing at all . as for spiritual evangelical obedience , 't is but a canting phrase , if by it he intend any thing more than a sincere and habitual conformity to the moral precepts of the gospel : moral obedience to the gospel , and spiritual evangelical obedience , are but coincident expressions of the same thing . and lastly , as for the tenour of the covenant , as they are wont to discourse of it , it requires nothing but a bold confidence setting up with gods irrespective decrees , and trading in his absolute promises . for i. o. as well as w. b. informs us , that the promises comprehensive of the covenant of grace , are absolute , which as to all those that belong to that covenant , do hold out thus much of the mind of god , that they shall be certainly accomplished in and towards them all . but who are they that belong to this covenant ? he answers , every poor soul that will venture to trust it self on these absosolute promises . faith in the promises , and the accomplishment of the promises , are inseparable : he that believeth shall enjoy , and this wholly shuts up the spirit from any occasion of staggering . o ye of little faith ! wherefore do ye doubt ? ah! lest our share be not in this promise . poor creatures , there is but one way of keeping you off from it , i. e. disputing it in your selves by unbelief . so that the onely condition he requires to vest men in a right to these absolute promises , is nothing but meer confidence . though there cannot be more horrid non-sense in the world , than that faith or boldness should be required as the condition of absolute promises ; yet it were as well if they were altogether absolute , as demand no better qualification for their accomplishment than a bold face . and suitable to this , it follows some pages after , that there neither is nor can be any other ground or reason of doubtings but unbelief . it is not the greatness of sin , nor continuance in sin , nor backsliding into sin , that is the true cause of thy staggering , whatever thou pretendest , but solely from thy vnbelief . so that though a man persevere in an habitual course of the greatest wickednesses ; yet for all that , he has an undeniable claim to all the promises of the gospel , if he will at all-adventure resolve to be stomachful in his conceit , that they were particularly made and designed to himself . now if this be one ( as 't is the choicest one ) of the mysteries of their new godliness , i leave it to you to judge whether it be possible to invent any doctrine more apparently destructive of an holy life , or repugnant to the tenour of the new covenant , which is plainly nor more nor less than gods stipulation of eternal life upon no other condition than of an habitual and uniform obedience to the gospel . so that all these spiritual graces , resolving themselves so easily either into duties , or helps , or hindrances of morality , he has given us an abundant proof of their canting and imaginary godliness , when he produces these instances as things of a more precious and spiritual nature than moral vertues ; and yet unless they signifie them , they signifie nothing . § . . but this is not all , the main ground of my charge against them , for making an inconsistency between grace and vertue , is , that they make moral goodness the greatest let to conversion : insomuch that in their case-divinity the conversion of a morally righteous man is judged more hopeless than that of the vilest and most notorious sinners . than which ( our author affirms ) there is nothing more openly taught in the gospel . than which i affirm , there is no blasphemy more grosly false and wicked . for what viler and more dishonourable representation can men make of the doctrine of the gospel , than to make vertue the greatest prejudice to its entertainment ? is that institution worthy the divine contrivance , that is more befriended by debauchery and prophaneness , than by sincere obedience to the best and most essential laws of goodness ? nothing can be more suitable to the design and the doctrine of the gospel , than the practice of moral vertues ; and is it not strange that it should be destructive of its own ends and purposes ? and that men should indispose themselves for the discipline of christianity , by being adorn'd with its best and choicest qualifications ? we never read of any man that was hindred from embracing the christian faith by any of his good qualities . cornelius's integrity in fearing god and working righteousness , was the onely thing that prepared and disposed him to conversion ; and the young gentleman in the gospel wanted but one moral vertue to make him an entire christian ; he was upon the borders of the kingdom of heaven , one step more would have placed him in it . the onely thing that kept him out , was covetousness ; which though it may in some persons escape for an infirmity , was never yet rank't in the catalogue of moral vertues . the usefulness , the purity , the excellency of the doctrine of the gospel , cannot but endear it to a mind that is inclined to goodness ; and to a vertuous soul , the beauty and perfection of its laws , is its strongest and most effectual obligation . it was this that ravish't some of the first fathers out of their state of heathenism , into the bosom of the church : their minds were prepared to embrace true goodness by the study of wisdom and philosophy ; they were onely at a loss where to find it ; and therefore when they met with such a divine religion , and that establish't upon such firm and undeniable principles , 't is scarce to be conceived with what transports of joy and zeal they run into its profession . in brief , the gospel is all that tends to the glory of god , to the perfection of humane nature , to the relief of my neighbor , and to the security and happiness of societies ; and all this it enforces under the severest penalties , and endears by the noblest promises : and now let any man tell me which way 't is possible for vertue to tempt aside from such an admirable and godlike institution . how ? ( says our author ) were not the pharisees a people morally righteous ? and yet were they not at a farther distance from the kingdom of god , than publicans and harlots , the vilest and most notorious sinners , because they trusted in their own righteousness ? yes , yes , they were right-worthy moral men ; bright and shining examples of the great vertues of pride , peevishness , malice , revenge , injustice , covetousness , rapine , cruelty and unmercifulness . these were the graces and the ornaments of those precious and holy ones . go thy way for a woful guesser ; no man living beside thy self could ever have had the ill fortune to pitch upon the scribes and pharisees for moral philosophers . and , sir , were any of them now alive , they would tell him to his teeth they are no more moralists than himself . their parts and vertues lay another way . they were a fasting and a praying people , zealous for the lord and his sabboths : they were for the power of godliness , and spent the greatest part of their time in communion with god , and in attendance upon his ordinances : but as for the heathen vertues of morality , they scorn'd to trouble themselves about such low and beggarly duties , but left their practice to the common and prophane herd of mankind . this was the way and spirit of the men ; and the ingredients of the pharisaick leven , were false godliness , and spiritual pride . they were highly conceited of their own extraordinary attainments , and this made them turn so deaf an ear to all our saviours doctrines and reproofs ; and this was their selfrighteousness as opposed to the righteousness of the gospel . they had spun to themselves a motley-religion , partly out of the corruptions of the law of moses , and partly out of their own phantastick traditions : and upon its observance , they valued themselves above other men , and challenged their acceptance with god ; so that it consisted not at all in trusting in their own real , but in their own imaginary righteousness : neither is the righteousness of faith , that was set up by our saviour and his apostles in its defiance , opposed to true and inherent goodness , but to a false and imaginary godliness . and 't is so far from being any criminal arrogance either in them , or in us to trust in our own righteousness , that ( if men would suffer themselves to understand common sense ) in the last issue of things we have nothing else to trust to : for we have no other ground to expect the divine acceptance , but by performing the conditions of the evangelical covenant , i. e. a sincere and hearty obedience to all the laws of the gospel ; and without this to rely upon our saviours merits , is intolerable folly and presumption . a good conscience is the only ground of a fiducial recumbency , ( for that is the word ) upon the merits and mercies of christ for salvation . for though our saviour died to expiate our sins , yet ( god knows ) he never intended to supply our duties ; and 't is certain as the gospel is true , that all the priviledges of his death and sufferings are conditional , and entail'd upon some peculiar qualifications in the persons to whom they belong ; otherwise wicked men and infidels might lay as fair a claim to the benefit , as the holiest man living ; and therefore 't is in vain for the boldest faith to offer to lay hold upon them , unless its confidence be built upon a sincere obedience : so that our right to gods promise , and christs satisfaction for the pardon and forgiveness of our sins , is the purchase of an holy life , and imputative righteousness is part of the reward promised to inherent righteousness . and therefore 't is not moral goodness , and a well-grounded trust in it ; but immoral godliness , and a proud presumption upon it , that keeps men off from closing with the terms and doctrines of the gospel . 't is the conceited and mistaken professor , or the vicious and immoral saint , that is of all men the most desperate and incurable sinner . spiritual pride is the carnal confidence that hardens him into a final impenitency . he thinks himself so full of grace and godliness that he needs no vertue ; he is already a child of god , and in a state of grace , and then what need of any other conversion ? and this was the case of the scribes and pharisees ; and for this reason were those supercilious and self-confident professors at a farther distance from the kingdom of heaven , than the publicans and harlots . these our saviour could convince of their lewdness and debauchery , from the notorious wickedness of their lives and conversations ; and could by his civil and gentle reproofs soften them into a relenting and pliable temper : but as for those , their false and mistaken piety only made them more obdurate and obstinate in sin , fear'd their consciences against the force of his sharpest reproofs and convictions , and consign'd them up to an unyielding and inflexible peevishness . § . . as for his animadversions upon the following pages of this chapter , they are so lamentably feeble and impertinent , that as there is not any necessity to encounter , so there is no glory to vanquish them ; and withal , the reason of that part of my discourse is in it self so clearly firm and impregnable , that methinks it seems to disdain any other fence and protection against his weak and womanish talkings . and therefore i had once determined to think of no other reply than barely to request of the reader , what i may justly challenge , viz. that he would compare and consider us together ; and if upon an attentive perusal my arguments do not discover themselves to be vastly above the reach and the danger of his vain attempts , i will for ever scorn and renounce such faint and defenceless reasonings . for , alas ! there is nothing of any consequence objected , that was not clearly foreseen , and abundantly prevented ; insomuch that the discourse it self is its own best guard , and strongest defence . and 't is not a little difficult to contrive arguments more apposite to baffle his answers , than those very reasonings against which they are levell'd . 't is not in my power to keep off the attempts of noise and clamour ; 't is enough if i can fend and secure my self against reasonable exceptions ; as for impertinencies , they do but discover their own folly and weakness ; and the more bold and boisterous their assault , the greater is the repulse they put upon themselves : not unlike to a rock which you have seen unconcern'd in the midst of storms and tempests , it slights and regards not the fury of the waves , and onely suffers them to dash in pieces their rage and themselves together . and thus has this man no where more shamefully exposed the wretchedness of his folly and presumption , than by the pertness and french-confidence of this attaque : for as i know not where his censures are more peremptory , so neither do i remember where their vanity is more transparent . but this is a vulgar stratagem of some men , to make the greatest shew where they have the least strength , and to set off what they want of reason with big looks and emphatical confidence . but to be short , the strength of my present argument was couched in this method . having first shewn moral duties to be the choicest & most important matters of religion , so as to reduce all its branches either to the vertues or to the instruments of morality : i proceeded in the next place , that seeing the civil magistrate was by the unanimous suffrage and a vowed principles of mankind , vested in a soveraign power over the main ends and designs of religion , to demand what imaginable reason the wit of man could assign , why matters of external worship , that cannot challenge any other use , or any higher office in the scale of religion , than of ministeries or circumstances , should be exempt from the conduct and government of the same authority . and this i farther both improved and exemplified by a particular comparison of the conveniences and inconveniences that would probably ensue upon the exercise of these respective jurisdictions ; shewing how in every instance the advantage was still on the side of morality , as to the plea of exemption ; and that there was vastly less danger in yielding to its pretences for liberty , from the determinations of humane laws , than in granting the same measure of indulgence as to the concerns of outward religion , ( most of which our author has gently slipt over , according to his prudent and laudable custom of overlooking what he cannot answer . ) and then , lastly , to improve the evidence of this discourse beyond the attempts of cavil and exception , i explain'd as well as argued its reasonableness , by running a general parallel between the nature of divine worship , and of moral vertue : where i have more at large represented their agreement in reference to the power of the civil magistrate , and shewn how the exercise of his dominion over both is extended to , and restrain'd within the same bounds and limits , viz. that in both there are some instances of goodness of an universal necessity , and unchangeable usefulness ; and these god himself has bound upon our consciences by his own immediate laws of nature and revelation : and that there are others , whose goodness is or may be alterable according to the various accidents , changes and emergencies of humane life ; and therefore the government of these he has entrusted with his deputies and lieutenants here on earth , to setle and determine as the circumstances of affairs shall require , and the dictates of their own discretion shall direct ; by which means he has admirably provided both for the peaceable government of mankind , and for the inviolable security of vertue and religion in the world. this is the scope and contexture of my argument ; to all which , what is replyed by our author ? why ! in the first place he represents its sum and substance in his own words , and then complains of the ambiguity of the terms ; and this fills above half a page full of triumph to insult over the absurdity of his own expressions . in the next place he excepts against the validity of the consequence ; that because the magistrate has power over the consciences of his subjects in morals , that therefore he has so also in matters of instituted worship : though this objection was so pregnantly answer'd to his hand : for did i not in that very paragraph demand of him or any man else to assign any tolerable reason , that should restrain the authority of the civil magistrate from medling with one , that should not much more restrain it from medling with both ? did i not enquire , whether the right practice of moral duties were as necessary a piece of religion , as any part of outward or instituted worship in the world ? whether wrong notions of the divine worship are not as destructive of the peace and setlement of commonwealths , as the most vicious and licentious debaucheries ? whether the rude multitude are not more inclined to disturb government by superstition , than by licentiousness ? and whether there is not vastly greater danger of the magistrates erring in matters of morality , than in forms and ceremonies of worship , in that those are the main , essential , and ultimate duties of religion ; whereas these are at highest but their means and instruments , and can challenge no other place in religion than as they are subservient to the purposes of morality ? what then should the reason be , that god should be so much more tender of things of meer positive institution , than of the matters of natural and essential goodness ? that whilst he trusts these great and indispensable duties to the disposal and discretion of the civil power , in order to the peace and security of the common-wealth ; why should he not for the same regard commit the management of the less weighty affairs of external worship to the wisdom and jurisdiction of the same authority ? to all which , is it not , think you , a wise and satisfactory answer to tell us , there is , or at least there may be a difference between matters of moral and positive obligation , without attempting to assign any particular reason of it in reference to the power of the civil magistrate ? for suppose it granted , that there is some difference between the nature of the things themselves , yet what is that to our purpose , unless it carries in it a special relation to the matters in controversie between us , which is not of the natures of the things themselves , but of their subjection to the royal supremacy ? so that supposing the difference of their natures , the demand of the argument is , what 't is in the nature of instituted worship that should exempt it from the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate , that is not as much or more discernable in the nature of moral vertue ? and till this be assign'd , the argument stands firm as the foundations of the earth , whatever other difference metaphysick wit may be able to descry between them . but our author adds in answer to one of the forementioned enquiries , viz. whether there is not more danger of the magistrates erring or mistakes about moral vertue than about rites of worship , that there is an especial and formal difference between them , in that one depends as to their being and discovery on the light of nature , which is certain and common to all ; the other on pure revelation , which may be and is variously apprehended . but , § . . . 't is certain that by what way soever god has reveal'd his will to mankind , the revelation is sufficiently clear and evident , so that the rules of instituted worship are after their institution no less certain than the laws of nature . 't is the wisdom and the glory of a law-giver to express his laws with as much fulness and as little ambiguity as is possible , and therefore 't is but an unmannerly reflection upon the divine wisdom to conceive he has not declared any of his commands with all the plainness imaginable ; so that all the laws of god , by what way soever discovered , are after their discovery equally bright and evident as to the purposes of life and practice , and the precepts of the gospel are as fully declared to the consciences of men as the laws of nature . and therefore the force and sense of this answer ( if it have any at all ) resolves it self into that popish tenet of the darkness and obscurity of the holy scriptures : for this forsooth is the only reason why duties instituted in the gospel should be exempt from the power of the civil magistrate rather than those of a moral and natural obligation , because one is perspicuous , and the other is not : and if this be not his intention , he talks he knows not what , and that is not impossible . but grant all this , that the laws of revelation are not so discernable as the laws of nature , i understand not where the force of the reason lies , that therefore mens perswasions about them should not be equally subject to the decisions and determinations of the civil power . i should rather have concluded , and so i am sure any wise governour , that seeing the laws of nature are so bravely vouch'd by the common consent and suffrage of mankind ; and seeing 't is impossible men should mistake in them , unless they will do it wilfully , let them ( in gods name ) please their fancies and themselves in a liberty of practice and perswasion concerning them , because here there is little or no hazard of any dangerous mistake : but seeing , as to what concerns the worship of god , they are all at variance , and seeing there is no such evidence in these things , no such common suffrage about them , as to free any absolutely from failings and mistakes , so that in respect of them , and not of the other , lies the principal danger of miscarrying . i will be sure to have a more watchful and vigilant eye to their due order and setlement ; here is danger of schisms and dissentions , and men will run into parties and differences about uncertain and ambiguous things , and above all things i must be careful to prevent religious factions ; these , of all others , are incomparably the most dangerous , and therefore here i will not fail to interpose the utmost of my care and power , where-ever i neglect it , and if any man will be so bold and fool-hardy as to affront my judgment and determination of things so uncertain with his own private and doubtful perswasions , let him take what follows . and so i have brought our disputer to my old advantage , with which he dares no more venture to close than with a cornish hug , viz. that 't is but reasonable , and necessary too , for modest and peaceable subjects to submit in all matters , capable of doubt and uncertainty , to the determinations of their lawful superiours : and therefore if this be the case of the rules of instituted worship , as is pretended , this is so far from abridging the jurisdiction of the civil power over their disposal , that 't is the very reason why they should be entirely subject to , and determinable by , the judgment and discretion of supreme authority . . there is as great a variety and uncertainty of opinion concerning the laws of nature , as there is concerning those of institution ; and about them the errors of publick government have always been as many , and much more pernicious ; and there is scarce one instance of natures laws that has not been some where or other revers'd by national constitutions . has not our author read of laws ( for he is sans doubt a man of reading , though i dare not vouch for his learning and ingenuity ) that reward thieves and pyrates ; that prostitute virgin brides to the publick lust ; that bind children to murder their decrepit parents ; that permit sons to commit incest with , nay that enjoyn them to marry , their own mothers ? numberless are the stories of the debauch'd and accursed laws , of the horrible and unnatural customs of the barbarous nations in the world. so that however moral vertues may be establish'd among mankind by the light of nature : yet , alas ! that is infinitely too weak and dim to preserve men from the numberless mistakes of error and ignorance . and 't is not a little strange to me that our author , when he has so strong an opinion of the woful decay and utter dissolution of all that was good in humane nature by the fall of adam , should yet apprehend the dictates of so debauch'd and corrupted a principle to make a clearer discovery of the duty of mankind than the express revelation of god himself ; especially when this was chiefly intended to supply and repair the defects of the light of nature . for in the last and real issue of things , the best discovery and the strongest obligation of all natures laws will be found to depend on their positive institution : the gospel is the only perfect and accurate systeme of the laws of nature , it has not omitted any the least part of our duty , and what it has not enjoyn'd , is no part either of the law of revelation , or of the law of nature . and in truth were it not for the collected body of the laws of christianity , at what a woful loss should we be for an exact catalogue of the laws of nature ? and it would be an infinitely vain attempt to find out their set and certain number ; for alas that must vary , according to the unconceivable difference of mens capacities and apprehensions : persons of greater sagacity and more improved reasons would be able to perceive many moral notices of things , that would never have occurr'd to the thoughts of ruder and more illiterate people ; and therefore our safest as well as our shortest way to discover their nature and obligation , is without any more ado to search the records of all gods revelations to mankind , upon which their greatest certainty , and by consequence their chiefest obligation depends . so little does this this man consider what he talks , when he ascribes so much evidence to the rules of moral goodness beyond the duty of institution , when institution is incomparably their greatest and most pregnant evidence . nay , what is worse than all the rest , after all this noise of instituted worship , nothing will ever be found concerned in it save only the two sacraments ; they are the only matters of outward worship prescribed in the gospel ; and thus has he run himself into his old premunire , and so is brought under an obligation to assign any other particular rituals and ceremonies of external religion injoin'd and determined in the word of god : a thing of which they much and often talk , but never offer to prove or specifie . and the truth is , here lies the main mystery of all their impertinencies in disputes of this nature , that they are resolved to find some things in the holy scriptures , which 't is impossible for the wit of man to discover there ; and hence all this clamour concerning the particular rules of instituted worship in the word of god : though when they come to consult it , there is nothing more determined than barely the two sacraments . but this will not serve their turn , they must and will have a ius divinum for their own singular fancies and fashions ; and therefore away they fling , and about they beat , and no passage of holy writ shall be left unransackt for proofs and texts to their purpose . and to this end they find out some words and expressions that may possibly seem to carry some resemblance to their prejudices and ungrounded conceits ; and then by what violent and strein'd analogies will they force them to countenance their dreams ? and by what odd and impertinent methods will they pack and huddle scriptures together , till they seem to chime to the tune of their own foolish imaginations ? and you would bless your self to consider what spiritual ways of arguing they have of late invented in opposition to common sense and natural reason , to justifie their own phantastick and unwarrantable hypotheses of things ; but more especially to abet this wild and unaccountable principle , that the word of god is the onely adequate rule of instituted worship , which they lay down in their positive divinity , ( at which they are incomparably the greatest doctors in the world ) as the onely unquestionable postulatum of all their discourses ; yet when they are urged to make it out by rational arguments , and particular instances , they talk it , and talk it , but as for proof and evidence , they never could , nor ever will be brought to produce any other beside the proleptick certainty of the maxim it self : and therefore i will for ever bar their general pleas and pretences drawn from this principle , that the new testament is the adequate rule of instituted worship to the church of christ , unless in case of the two sacraments ( though , as to them too , all the outward circumstances and postures of celebration are wholly undetermined in the scripture ) till they shall specifie some particular instances there directed and prescribed under a standing obligation ; however it is not to be attended to in our present controversie , when it is ( as i have proved ) as certain and complete a rule of moral vertue , as they can suppose it to be of instituted worship : and therefore that cannot be any ground of exception , that whilst the former is subject to , the latter should be exempt from , the disposal of the civil jurisdiction . so lamentably absurd are the main and darling principles of these men , that 't is not in the power of logick or sophistry to do them any kindness ; and the more they stir in their defence , the more they expose their folly. § . . and now having so wofully hurt and prejudiced his own cause by this rash and indiscreet attempt upon my inference , in the next place he rushes with a fierce and angry dilemma upon my assertion , viz. that the magistrate has power over the consciences of men in reference to moral duties , which are the principal parts of religion . this power ( says he ) is either over moral vertue as vertue , and as a part of religion , or on some other account , as it relates to humane society . the former he gores through and through , and that horn of the dilemma is above two pages long , and here he has exactly observed the rules and customs of scholastick dispute , that is always prodigal of confutation where there is no need , and niggardly where there is . for when he proceeds to the latter ( which he knows is the only thing i all along asserted ) he freely grants all i can desire or demand ; for moral vertues , notwithstanding their peculiar tendency unto god and religion , are appointed to be instruments and ligaments of humane society also ; now the power of the magistrate , in respect of moral vertues , is in their latter use . very good ! and the case is absolutely the same as to all reasons and circumstances of things in matters of religion ; for though they , as well as moral vertue , chiefly relate to our future concerns , yet have they also a powerful influence upon our present welfare , and if rightly managed , are the best and most effectual instruments of publick happiness ; and there lies the very strength and sinew of my argument , that if magistrates are vested with so much power over moral vertues ; that are the most weighty and essential parts of religion , as they shall judge it needful to the peace of societies , and the security of government , how much more reasonable is it , that they should be entrusted with the same power over matters of external worship , that are but its subordinate instruments , and outward circumstances , whenever they are serviceable to the same ends and purposes ? and if there be any advantage and disparity of reason , 't is apparently on this side ; for it were an easie task to prove , that moral vertue is much more necessary to procure the divine acceptance , and religion much more likely to create publick disturbance ; but that is not the subject matter of our present enquiry ; 't is enough that both have in some measure a relation to these different ends , and therefore that both must , in some measure , be subject to these different powers . you see how shamefully this man is repuls'd by his own attempts , and that there is nothing needful to beat back his answers , but the arguments themselves against which they are directed . and now having spent his main strength in this succesless shock , 't is piteous to observe how he faints in his following assays . he inquires whether this power of the civil magistrate over moral vertue be such as to make that vertue which was not vertue before , or which was vice. 't is of the same extent with his authority over affairs of religion , as i have already stated it . but however to this impertinent enquiry he need not have sought far for a pertinent answer , it lay before his eyes when he objected it ( if he did not write blindfold ) viz. that in matters both of moral vertue and divine worship , there are some rules of good and evil , that are of an eternal and unchangeable obligation , and these can be never prejudiced or altered by any humane power : but then there are other rules that are alterable according to the various accidents , changes , and conditions of humane life ; and in things of this nature i asserted that the magistrate has power to make that a particular of the divine law , which god has not made so . in answer to which , he wishes i had declared my self how and wherein . so i have , viz. in all the peculiar and positive laws of nations , and gave him instances , in no less matters than of murther , theft , and incest , and produced several particular cases , in which the civil power superinduced new obligations upon the divine law. which 't is in vain to repeat to one that winks against the light , you know where to find them if you think it needful : but is not this a bold man to challenge me with such a scornful assurance to do , what he could not but see i had already performed ? some men are confident enough to put out the day in spite of the sun. he adds ; the divine law is divine , and so is every particular of it , and therefore 't is impossible for a man to make new particulars , and yet in the same breath grants my assertion as an ordinary and familiar truth , if i only intend by making a thing a particular of the divine law no more than to make the divine law require that in particular of a man , which it did not require of him before . though that man must have a wild understanding , that can mean any thing more or less . there is a vast difference ( is there not ? ) between making a new particular of the divine law ; and making the divine law require that in particular which it did not require before . but ( says he ) these new particulars refer only to the acting and occasion of these things in particular . 't is no matter for that ; whatever they refer to , they are new acts , and distinct duties or crimes of their respective species of vertue or vice . thus though to slay a deprehended adulteress ( which is murther in england , though it be justice in spain ) relates to the manner of execution , yet 't is a new and distinct instance of that sin , made by a civil constitution , and not determined by the divine law. but then here is no more ascribed to the magistrate than is common with him to every man in the world. so much the firmer my argument ; for 't is not reasonable to deny so much power to publick authority , as every private man may claim and exercise ; nor just to forbid magistrates to command that to their subjects , which their subjects may lawfully command to themselves . but after all this trifling , he leaps to a fresh enquiry ( for he is old excellent at asking questions , when he should be making answers ) viz. if magistrates are impower'd to declare new instances of vertue and vice , he demands , whether they are new as vertues and vices , or as instances . this is a captious question , and though i suspect some subtle plot , yet i have not sagacity enough to find out either its design , or its sophistry , and therefore i shall only answer like a plain and cautious man , that they are new neither as instances , nor as vertues and vices , but as instances of vertue and vice ; and then what becomes of this metaphysical dilemma ? but however it follows , if they are new as vertues , would he could see a new practice of old vertues ; but alas ! this neither proves , nor confutes , and yet because 't is said it must be answered , therefore i will only demand of him , what are the old vertues he intends , whether those that were in fashion in the days of king arthur , or those that were so in the days of king oliver ? but to tell you the truth , he cares not for any of the new vertues that he has lately observed in the world , likely enough , for loyalty is one of the chiefest , but they were fine days when rebellion and sacriledge were signs of grace , and men could keep up a dear and intimate communion with god in ways of plunder and perjury ; ah ! those were precious and gospel-times . you see i must either trifle with this man , or altogether hold my peace , his objections are not capable of solid answers . but he concludes , if it be the instances that are new , they are but actual and occasional exercises of old duties . this is trifling too , and neither objects nor proves , however 't is already answered , and though i have been so idly employed , as to follow him in his trifles , yet i will not in his tautologies . chap. v. the contents . ovr authors wretched perverting and falsifying even the contents of the chapter . another notorious forgery , that i have confined the power of conscience purely to inward thoughts . christian liberty proved to be a branch of the natural freedom of our minds . the discourses of the apostles concerning christian liberty , are onely disputes against the eternal obligation of the law of moses . so that nothing can restrain it but gods own immediate and explicite commands . this proved from the practice and precepts of st. paul. our adversaries are the most guilty of any men in the world of intrenching upon our christian liberty . it is as much infringed by the common law , as by ecclesiastical canons . their notion of christian liberty cannot but be a perpetual nursery of schisms and divisions . this mystery of libertinism began first to work among the gnosticks , and was checkt by the apostles . a ridiculous calumny , that from my notion of christian liberty , charges me of asserting the indifferency of all religions . a farther account of the original of sacrifices : they that derive them from the law of nature , relie purely upon the testimony of some ancient grecians . the ground of their mistake , who refer them to divine institution , is their not attending to the difference between eucharistical oblations , and expiatory sacrifices . an account how the religion of sacrifices might acquire a catholique practice , without any obligation of nature , or warranty of divine institution . how abel's sacrifice might be offered in faith , without any revealed command to require it . a shameful instance of our authors way of begging the question . and another of his tergiversation . a farther account of the prodigious impertinency of their clamours against significant ceremonies . the blockishness of their excepting against them upon the score of their being sacraments . the impossibility of making this good out of scripture , and the folly of attempting its proof any other way . the vanity of distinguishing between customary and instituted symbols . our authors ridiculous state and determination of this debate . the impertinency of that difference he endeavours to assign between the signification of words and ceremonies . § . . now our authors invention begins to grow dry , and his fancy to run low , he is forced to flie to his old magazines for arms and ammunition , and to muster up his former cavils for fresh arguments , and his former calumnies for fresh objections , and to stuff up his following pages with meer tautologies and repetitions of his former shifts and juglings : he cannot forbear to argue from his own topicks , and in his own method , but still he pretends , first , to be at a loss for my meaning , and then he perverts it , and then he confutes it . and 't is observable how careful he is always to usher in his falsifications with complaints of my obscurity ; that so if he should fail to justifie them , he may at least be able to excuse them ; and when he is beaten out of his cause , he may under this reserve secure his honour , and discharge the perverseness and disingenuity of his own labour'd mistakes , upon the perplexity of my stile , and the looseness of my expressions . the first thing he takes to task and to correction , is the contents of the chapter , ( for he has now done with confuting my title-page ) where i represented the scope and short design of my first paragraph in these words : mankind have a liberty of conscience over all their actions , whether moral or strictly religious , as far as it concerns their iudgments , but not their practices . and here i could have been content , had he dealt no worse with me than they are wont to deal with the holy scriptures ; when they interpret the chapter by the english contents , and so expound the sense of the word of god , as if that were onely the gloss , but these the canon . otherwise i am sure i. o. could never have made good his deep conceit of the saints distinct communion with each person of the blessed trinity , out of the parable of the canticles . but this author has ( as well he may ) made more bold with me , and has mangled my single assertion into two distinct propositions , viz. that mankind has a liberty of conscience over all their actions , whether moral or strictly religious . and this he closes up with a full period , as if it were an entire problem of it self : and when he has thus ridiculously distorted the sense of the words , by separating them from the other half of the proposition , he gravely scorns and confutes them ; and certainly 't is no difficult task to baffle so wild an assertion . and then he adds ( and does not blush neither ) the remaining words , [ as far as it concerns their iudgments , but not their practices , ] as a distinct caution to set bounds and limits to the former concession , though they are part of the same proposition , setting restraints and confinements upon it self ; and then after all these little slights of perverting , he laughs ( as becomes him ) at the absurdity of the limitation : that is ( says he ) they have liberty of conscience over their actions , but not their practices ; or over their practices , but not over their practices : for upon trial their actions and practices will prove to be the same . profoundly intricate ! and yet had these things been expressed as he absurdly represents them , they might for all that have been honest and grammatical sense : for action , you know , is a general word , and comprehensive of all our inward and our outward acts ; whereas practice is a term of a more limited signification , and peculiar onely to external actions ; and therefore may very well restrain the more universal import of the former word . but take the words as they lie couch't together within the same period , and then the cavil is so strangely nice and subtle , that 't is unintelligible to metaphysick wit ; for so to oppose practices to the actions of the mind or judgment , is no more than to oppose them to our thoughts and opinions ; which , you know , is infinitely warranted both by the propriety and the vulgar use of the word . but this man is so unreasonably curious , that though i should write indentures , and heap together an hundred different words to express the same thing , i see it would be impossible to escape his cavils , and little exceptions . sir , i am afraid you will scarce believe ( to spare more intemperate language ) that any man should be so wretchedly foolish and disingenuous to so little purpose ; and some stories are so prodigious , that a modest man has not confidence enough to vouch their truth , though he is able to swear it ; and therefore i beseech you not to trust the credibility of this report upon my bare information , but be pleased to consult pag. , . of his book , and there you may satisfie your self of this mans wit and integrity by ocular inspection ; and it is an equal argument of both , when a man shall confute books by such trifling and manifest abuses . having thus routed my contents , in the next place he rallies up an old cavil against the paragraph it self , and complains that i sometimes call conscience the mind , sometimes the vnderstanding , sometimes opinion , sometimes liberty of thinking , and sometimes an imperious faculty . but this i have already answer'd , and so faint an objection is not worth a double confutation . from hence he drops into a ridiculous dispute about free-will , and this you cannot but imagine to be of a close concernment to that liberty of which we discourse , viz. an exemption from the commands and determinations of the civil power ; so that this thick impertinency is as bad as his abuse of my contents ; and yet the next passage is worse than both , viz. that the thing by me here asserted , is , that a man may think , judge , or conceive such or such a thing to be his duty , and yet have thereby no obligation put upon him to perform it : for conscience we are informed has nothing to do beyond the inward thoughts of mens minds . but who gives in this information ? the informer ( whoever he is ) would in some courts of justice have jeoparded something that he would be loth to lose , for so lewd and bold a forgery . phy ! phy ! for shame give over this pitiful legerdemain ; such open and visible falsifications serve onely to expose the lewdness of his cause and his conscience ; and if he delight in such wretched practices , they will in process of time betray him to more pernicious courses : for what should hinder a man that can pervert and falsifie at this rate , from forging wills , and setting counterfeit hands to deeds ? neither fear nor modesty can ever restrain him , that dares venture upon abuses so palpable , that it was absolutely impossible he should hope to escape the shame and rebuke of discovery . the assertion it self is one of the chiefest and most fundamental maxims of knavery ; and yet 't is boldly charged upon me without the least shadow or syllable of pretence , either to justifie his accusation , or to excuse his mistake . all that i attempted in that paragraph , was to exempt all the inward acts of the minds of men from the jurisdiction of humane power , and so to confine their government to the empire of meer conscience : now from this assertion that our secret thoughts are subject to conscience only , to infer that conscience has no power but only over our secret thoughts , is a conclusion too ridiculous for our author to make either in good earnest , or through meer mistake . in the mean time , what an unhappy man am i , that when i would study to entertain my reader with useful and edifying discourse , i can meet with nothing to encounter in this author but falshood and forgery . but having set up this calumny as the mark of his displeasure , he confutes it thorough and thorough with big words and ugly inferences : but whether he takes his aim aright or no , it concerns not me to enquire ; when the premises are proved to be mine , then , and not till then , i will take care to avoid the conclusions . so that in the mean time we may proceed . having therefore confined the entire government and jurisdiction of our thoughts to the territory of conscience , i added that yet notwithstanding , as for all matters that come forth into outward actions , and appear in the societies of men , there is no remedy but they must be subject to the cognizance of humane laws , and come within the verge of humane power ; because by these , societies subsist , and humane affairs are transacted . to this he replies with his wonted modesty , that i ought to have proved , that notwithstanding the iudgment of conscience concerning any duty , by the interposition of the authority of the magistrate to the contrary , there is no obligation ensues for the performance of that duty . but , good sir , have you any patent for the monopoly of making conclusions , that you can force your neighbours to accept what ware you please ? if you have not , i know no other obligation i lie under to assert so wild and so wicked a paradox , unless perhaps meer civility may engage me to say something , that you may be able to confute . otherwise i know nothing that i stand bound to prove in this place , but what the man himself is zealous enough to acknowledge , viz. that all outward actions are obnoxious to the civil power , as far as they concern the ends and interests of publick tranquillity : though how far that may reach , as it was here asserted , so it was in the following chapters more largely proved and stated . however , 't is apparent from the manifest scope , and the last issue of my whole discourse , that i stand not obliged to ascribe any more absolute power to the civil magistrate , than what is necessary to warrant that authority they exercise in prescribing those rites and ceremonies of worship , that are injoin'd and practised in the church of england ; that is all i contend for at present , and will , as for what concerns this dispute , be content to lop off any other branches of their jurisdiction , that relate not to this enquiry . and if this cannot be justified , unless it be granted that the commands of soveraign power must always over-rule all obligations of conscience ; then , i confess , i must submit to this disadvantage that this man would impose upon me : but if it can , 't is no part either of my duty or my interest to assert any thing that is neither true in it self , or pertinent to my purpose . but whether it can or cannot , i have already sufficiently accounted for both in that treatise , and in this rejoinder . for what our author would here charge upon me as my duty , is no more than what he has heretofore charged upon me as my doctrine , viz. that the magistrate has power to bind the consciences of his subjects to observe what is by him appointed to be professed and observed in religion , ( and nothing else are they to observe ) making it their duty in conscience so to do ; and the highest crime or sin to do any thing to the contrary ; and whatever the precise truth in these matters be , or whatever be the apprehensions of their own consciences concerning them . the falshood of which horrid calumny i have there baffled with so much evidence , and reproved with so much severity , that after that , it were an affront to the readers understanding to warn him against every repetition of so foul and groundless a slander , though it is the burthen of every page . § . . in the next paragraph i proceeded to account for the nature and extent of christian liberty ; where i both founded our right to it upon this natural and inward freedom of our minds , and also proved it to be sometimes coincident with it . but says our nicodemus , ( for he is very thick of understanding when he pleases ) how can these things be ? when christian liberty , as i have stated it , is a priviledge , whereas liberty of conscience is common unto all mankind . this liberty is necessary unto humane nature , and cannot be divested of it , and so it is not a priviledge that includes a specialty in it . to this i answer , that natural liberty is a freedom of the mind and judgment from all humane laws in general , and christian liberty is the same freedom from the mosaick law in particular ; which because it was bound upon the jews by virtue of a divine authority , it was a restraint not onely upon their practices , but upon their minds and consciences ; and prescribed to their inward thoughts and opinions , as well as their outward actions : they had no liberty to judge of their goodness , but were bound to submit their understandings to the wisdom of god. and this is the main difference between the obligation of divine and humane laws , that these reach onely to our wills , and those affect our judgments , and determine our apprehensions to whatsoever they command our obedience ; and we are bound to acquiesce in the counsels of god , though we understand not their reasons ; and therefore whatever law comes with the impress of divine authority , it bears down all before it , and supersedes all the weak disputes and reasonings of our little understandings ; and as long as we are assured it proceeds from god , that alone , without any farther enquiry , gives our minds infinite satisfaction of its wisdom and goodness . so that during the whole period of the mosaick institution , all freedom of judgment in reference to the particular commands of his law , was retrenched by the authority of god ; but when their obligation was repeal'd , and the impress of his authority was taken off , then did the things themselves return of their own accord to the indifferency of their own natures , and so were restored to the judgment of the minds of men ; and therefore though christian liberty be a priviledge with a specialty , yet 't is a branch of that liberty that is natural to mankind , in that 't is nothing but a restauration of the mind of man from the restraints of the law of moses , to its native freedom ; which though it cannot be devested by any humane power , yet it may , then was , and always is abridged by divine commands , in that they pass an equal obligation upon the judgments and the practices of men : upon which account alone all matters of the law of god are absolutely exempt both from our natural and our christian liberty ; but when he is pleased to reverse his own obligation , and to leave things to their original indifferency , that is a restitution to our natural liberty , and that is our christian liberty . but for a more full and exact account of the nature and true signification of this pretence , 't is necessary to examine how 't is stated in the word of god ; and as it is there discoursed of , it is certain it relates meerly to those priviledges that are granted or restored to the minds of men by the repeal and abrogation of the law of moses : the whole case whereof is plainly this . this law was establish'd in the jewish common-wealth by divine authority ; and was the only covenant and revelation of god to mankind , that was at first consign'd with mighty miracles , and ratified to after-ages with their great sacrament of circumcision , upon which accounts the jews concluded it to be of an eternal and immutable obligation . but god sends his son into the world to take down this whole frame and fabrick of the mosaick religion , and in its stead to set up a better and more manly institution of things , to repeal the laws and obligations of the old covenant , and to govern his church by new measures of duty and new conditions of obedience . and this is properly the priviledge of christian liberty , and it comprehends all the peculiar advantages and exemptions granted to mankind by vertue of the christian institution . it is a deliverance from the dominion of sin , from the curse of the law , from the severity of a covenant of works , and from the yoke of ceremonial observances . these are the matters of our christian liberty , and those doctrines that tend to bring us under any of these old fetters and hard services are attempts of jewish bondage . and this was the plain state of the question in the apostolical age , and the whole dispute of christian liberty was only a controversie between the jews and the christians concerning the repeal or the perpetuity of moses law. and all the discourses we meet with in the writings of the apostles upon this subject relate purely to the abrogation of the mosaick institution . and all their exhortations to the primitive christians to stand stifly upon their priviledges , were to perswade them not to suffer themselves to be abused into a slavish opinion of the eternity and unalterable obligation of the law of moses , but to rest assured that the gospel had rescinded all the positive and ceremonial commands of the jews , that the things themselves were returned to their native indifferency , and by consequence that they were at liberty from their observance , any former law or precept to the contrary notwithstanding . well then , the precise notion of christian liberty consists in the rescue of the consciences of men from the divine imposition of the yoke of moses , and therefore 't is not to be pretended against any restraints whatsoever , that do not challenge an absolute and indispensable obligation over the consciences of men by vertue of a divine authority . so that subjects are not to be permitted to put in this pretence in bar of any impositions of our lawful superiours , because it relates purely to our immediate duty and entercourse with god , and is not in the least concern'd in our engagements and relations to men . and upon this account is it that st. paul so smartly encourageth the galatians to stand fast in the liberty , wherewith christ hath made them free , and not to be entangled again with the yoke of bondage , because if they are circumcised christ shall profit them nothing , in that they are debtors to keep the whole law. for if the seal of circumcision be still in force , then is not the law disannull'd , of which this is the sacrament and the sanction , but if the law be not disannull'd , then are you still under an obligation to the same obedience as was required by the conditions of the old covenant , and so by consequence forfeit all the favours and benefits of the new . but setting aside the necessity of circumcision by vertue of a divine command , then its use was no intrenchment upon christian liberty ; and therefore though this blessed apostle declaimed with so much zeal and vehemence against its use and continuance out of respect to the obligatory power of the law of moses , yet upon other grounds , and for different purposes , he was content to condescend to its practice and observation , as is notorious in the circumcision of timothy . so that ( you see ) 't is apparent his christian liberty consisted not in an indispensable forbearance of circumcision ( for so to have used it in any case had been a manifest forfeiture of his priviledge and violation of his duty ) but only in not doing it with an opinion of its necessity by reason of the perpetual obligation of the law of moses . this is the plain and the only account of christian liberty in the holy scriptures , and therefore these men do but prate their own obstinate presumptions , whilst they persist in this vulgar clamour , till they can either prove that we pretend to any divine authority for our ecclesiastical institutions , or that christian liberty is of any concernment in any cases that pretend not to divine authority . these things if they will undertake to make good , they may talk to our purpose , but otherwise they will but talk to their own , and that is to none at all . § . . and this discovers the impertinency of our authors next demand , what i mean by the restauration of the mind to its natural priviledge : if the priviledge of the mind in its condition of natural purity , it is false : if any priviledge of the mind in its corrupt condition , it is no less untrue . why so ? because in things of this nature the mind is in bondage , and not capable of liberty . i cannot divine what things he here intends , nor of what concernment the purity and corruption of humane nature is to this enquiry , the only liberty i treated of was an exemption from the obligatory power of the ceremonial institutions of moses , so that the restauration of the mind to its natural priviledge can signifie nothing else than its being rescued from the yoke & bondage of positive & arbitrary laws , to be govern'd by the laws and dictates of its own nature . and what relation this has to our natural purity or corruption is past my skill to understand . and so is the reason he subjoyns to confirm his assertion no better than a grave and profound piece of non-sense . for it is a thing ridiculous to confound the meer natural liberty of our wills , which is an affection inseparable from that faculty with a moral or spiritual liberty of mind relating unto god and his worship . it is so , but what in the name of sphinx is this to our enquiry , what has liberty from the law of moses to do with liberty of will ? 't is perfect riddle to me where either the force or the sense of the argument lies : but free-will is an old word of contention , and the bare mention of it is enough to amuse his unlearned readers , and to make them suspect some depth of learning or reason , that their shallow capacities are not able to fathom . and if the argument have any subtilty , there it lies . but his bravest and most serviceable artifice is still behind , when an argument is neither to be withstood nor avoided , he can slur its force and evidence by perverting it , and entertain his reader by imposing a false sense upon it , when he is not able to confute the true one . thus he tells us , that this whole paragraph runs upon no small mistake , namely , that the yoke of mosaical institutions consisted in their imposition on the minds and judgments of men , with an opinion of the antecedent necessity of them . this indeed is somewhat strange divinity , and not altogether uncapable of confutation , especially as to my particular case , it being such a square contradiction to that account i have given of the matters of the ceremonial law , viz. that they were things indifferent in their own natures ; that the necessity of their use and exercise was superinduced upon them purely by vertue of a divine positive command ; that this being rescinded , their necessity immediately ceased , and they return to the state of their original indifferency , to be governed as circumstances should require and prudence direct ; so that it is evident i have denied the matters of the ceremonial law to have been at all necessary to be observed from their own intrinsick nature antecedent to their positive institution , and therefore if any where else i have affirmed it , i have no way to avoid the charge of speaking daggers and contradictions . but ( says he ) that this is my sense intended is evident from the conclusion of this paragraph , viz. that whatever , and in what matters soever our superiours impose upon us , it is no intrenchment upon our christian liberty , provided it be not imposed with an opinion of the antecedent necessity of the thing it self . now from hence how natural is it to conclude , that the yoke of the mosaical institutions consisted in their imposition on the minds of men , with an opinion of their necessity antecedent to that imposition ! when heaven and earth stand not at a wider distance than these propositions : no train of consequences , nothing but iacobs ladder ( unless our author be able to fly ) can ever convey him from one to the other . and if he shall undertake to make good the logick of his conclusion , i will cross my self at his confidence ; but if he shall perform it , i will fall down and worship : for to me it would be prodigie and miracle , and that man need not , in my opinion , despair of removing mountains , who thinks he can prove that , because humane authority cannot impair the liberty of our minds , but by pretence of an antecedent obligation to its commands ; that therefore when god himself abridges it , he must do it by vertue of some authoritative obligation antecedent to his own impositions , when his authority is the first fountain and original reason of all obligations , and therefore 't is an infinite contradiction to the nature of things to talk of any authority antecedent or superiour to the divine law. and this is the evident reason of my conclusion , that the nature of our internal liberty relates to the power of god over the minds of men , and so is in its self uncapable of being restrain'd or imposed upon by any other jurisdiction ; and therefore whatever restraints our superiours may lay upon our practices , provided they do not bind us with an opinion of some necessity stamp't upon the things themselves antecedent to their commands , that is no abatement to the inward liberty of our minds , which nothing can abridge but the authority of god himself ; and therefore unless they pretend an antecedent and authoritative obligation tied upon the consciences of men by his own immediate and explicite command , whatever they may bind upon them by virtue of their own authority , though it may be blameable upon other accounts , yet it cannot be charged of offering violence to the rights of christian liberty . so that though their laws cannot of themselves restrain it , unless by pretence of an antecedent necessity imprinted upon the things themselves by virtue of a divine command ; yet the laws of god may , because they are the formal reason of their restraint , and the ground of their necessity . but he adds , that when st. peter disputes against the mosaick rites , and calls them a yoke which neither they nor their fathers-were able to bear ; and st. paul chargeth believers to stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made them free ; they respect onely mens practice , with regard unto an authoritative obligation thereunto , which they pleaded to be now expired and removed . whereby however he intends to shuffle with his vulgar reader , he apparently grants all that is desired or demanded , viz. that all the apostolical discourses upon this subject , respect not the bare practice of these things , but their practice upon the account of the authoritative obligation of the law of moses , ( for nothing less was pretended by the jews ) so that the onely thing that made them prejudicial to the claims of christian liberty , was an opinion of their necessity by virtue of that antecedent obligation ; which being repeal'd , their practice , upon other grounds and reasons , was not thought to infringe or check with the rights and priviledges of the gospel . and for this we have the unquestionable warrant of their own examples , when they not onely submitted to restraints in the exercise of their own liberty , but prescribed it in some cases and circumstances as a duty to other christians , that they would take heed lest their liberty should become a stumbling - block to them that are weak . though they were intirely free from any obligation tied upon them by virtue of the law of moses , yet did st. paul se● fresh restraints upon them by virtue of his apostolical authority . and now were it not strange that men should be bound to yield more to the humour of a peevish jew , than to the commands of a christian magistrate ? for the first ground and reason of his imposing their obligation , was then nothing but meer prudence and condescension to their folly : but in our case , 't is matter of duty and obedience . for in the days of the apostles , nothing less was pleaded by the jewish christians for the necessity of their ceremonies , than the unchangeable obligation of the law of moses ; and yet for the sake of peace , they would submit so far to their strong prejudices , as outwardly to comply with their weak demands , though it were with some hazard of forfeiting their christian liberty : for it was not impossible but that their complyance might have confirmed the jews in their obstinacy , and have drawn in the gentiles to an imitation of their example , and so have begun a prescription for the necessary observance of the law of moses to all ages of the church of christ. whereas in our case the danger of that pretence is as much abolish't as circumcision it self ; it being a granted and establish't truth among all the dissenting parties of christendom , ( unless we may except the judaising sabbatarians , who do somewhat more than squint toward moses ) that the ceremonial law is for ever rescinded to all intents and purposes ; and no magistrate pretends a power of imposing things indifferent by virtue of a divine and perpetual obligation , but onely by force of a transient and temporary institution of humane authority for the ends of discipline , the uniformity of worship , and the security of government . § . . and therefore our authors next inference is either a woful impertinence to our present enquiry , or a bold affront and calumny to the publick declarations of our church , when he concludes , that if christian liberty be of force enough to free us from the necessary practice of indifferent things instituted by god , it is at least of equal efficacy to exempt us from the necessary practice of things imposed on us in the worship of god by men. this implies as if the church of england imposed the same necessity upon its own determinations , as upon the positive laws of god , notwithstanding it so industriously disclaims all divine impositions , either for legal or evangelical ceremonies ; and so expresly declares all its own institutions to bind onely with an humane , temporary , and changeable obligation . whereas they ( for so it still happens , that their dearest pretences are always the strongest and most unhappy objections against themselves ) would needs obtrude upon us their own fancies and singular conceits , as our saviours own commands and institutions ; and call their separation from the church of england , their departure from antichristian idolatries and whoredoms , to the chastity of worship , and the purity of gospel-ordinances . and ( as we are informed by i. o. ) they who hold communion with christ , are careful to admit and practise nothing in the worship of god , unless it comes in his name , and with thus saith the lord iesus — you know how many in this nation in the days not long since passed , yea , how many thousands left their native soils , and went into a vast and howling wilderness , ( because they made it so ) in the utmost parts of the world , to keep their souls undefiled and chaste to their dear lord iesus , as to this of his worship and institutions . so that they scorn to pretend any less authority than our saviours own express warrant for any thing wherein they differ and divide from the church of england . and this is a ruder and more insolent affront to our christian liberty , than the most confident jew could ever have been guilty of : for though he might endeavour to enslave us to his own customs and prejudices , yet they are such as once bore the impression of divine authority ; whereas these men would stamp the authority of god upon their own dreams and phantastick conceits , and vouch their humour and their ignorance with a thus saith the lord iesus ; and so would bore the ears and enslave the understandings of all christendom to their own folly and confidence . and certainly there never were greater tyrants and usurpers in the church of christ than these exact and curious judges of divine rights : with what confidence will they prescribe truth to mankind , and adopt their own uncertain problems and scholastick fooleries into the fundamentals of religion ? with what assurance of authority will they restrain all mens faith to the standard of their own apprehensions ? how briskly will they warrant this opinion , and explode that ? and how dogmatically will they assign the precise bounds of orthodoxy ? all their sentiments are the decrees of the medes and persians ; all their rules of worship are obligatory as apostolical canons ; all their opinions are oracles ; and had they sate in the infallible chairs of rome or geneva , they could not have been more confident and peremptory in their determinations . but thus is the church of england requited for her modesty ; and because she does not abuse the consciences of men to a rigid observance of her institutions , under a false pretence of divine authority , the gentle and moderate exercise of her own lawful jurisdiction , is by these men branded with tyranny and usurpation , whilst themselves in the mean while are not ashamed to obtrude their own fancies and little conceits upon their credulous proselytes with the counterfeit seal of heaven ; and inslave their consciences to their own imperious dictates , by exhibiting forged commissions from god himself ; and then the people dare not murmur against their unreasonable impositions , for that reverence they bear to that authority , which ( as they are told ) is imprinted on them . but this has ever been the subtilty of these men , as it is of all malefactors , to rail most at their own crimes , and to avoid the suspicion of their own guilt , by deriving its imputation upon some of their innocent neighbours . but once more to return to our authors inference . if then he means that the church of england imposes her ceremonial institutions with an opinion of their antecedent necessity , ( and so it is apparent he is willing enough to be understood ) 't is a bold calumny : if he means that they become consequentially necessary onely by virtue of their institution , 't is a woful impertinence , and is no other infringment of our liberty than what is inseparable from the nature of humane laws . and so all the civil laws of commonwealths are apparently as chargeable with this sort of usurpation , as any of our ecclesiastical constitutions . and therefore , by the way , i would willingly be satisfied , that seeing the judicial as well as the ceremonial law of moses was annull'd and abrogated by the establishment of the christian faith ; and seeing by consequence it was part of their christian liberty to be freed from its obligatory power ; what imaginable reason can be assign'd , why authority should more invade the rights of our christian liberty by establishing new ecclesiastical canons , than by enacting new civil constitutions ? or why the common law of england should not as much infringe that part of our gospel-priviledges , whereby we are exempt from the judicial law , as the canons and determinations of the church do that other part , whereby we are rescued from the ceremonial ? to this enquiry they will never be able to return any tolerable answer , but by shifting the matter of their plea , and then they forsake their hold of christian liberty , and shelter themselves in a new pretence . perhaps they may plead that god has reserved the appointment of the way , manner , and circumstances of his own worship to his own immediate jurisdiction , but has vested civil magistrates with a power to govern the secular affairs of common-wealths . but then this is an open flight from our present engagement , and now the thing pleaded in behalf of their disobedience , is not their christian liberty or their exemption from the law of moses , but their christian duty , or their subjection to the law of christ. though when this refuge comes to be attaqued , it will be found more weak and defenceless than this that is already demolish'd ; and you may well expect wise work , when they are urged to produce testimonies of scripture that restrain the civil magistrate from enacting ecclesiastical laws and constitutions for the due government and performance of external worship . here their pleas are so horridly vain and ridiculous , that in comparison of them , the celebrated text of the romanists super hanc petram , in behalf of the infallibility of the papal chair , is ( as impertinent as it is ) reason and demonstration . but after this i suppose we may have occasion to enquire elsewhere : in the mean time 't is enough that we have beaten down this paper fort of christian liberty ; in which if men may be allowed to take sanctuary for their disobedience to the churches constitutions , it will not only be a plausible refuge for all schismaticks and male-contents , but an eternal annoyance to the churches peace , and a perpetual nursery of incurable schisms and divisions . for all parts of outward worship , save only the two sacraments , being left undetermined in the word of god ; and some particular determinations being absolutely necessary to prevent disorder and confusion ; and these being not capable of any force or obligatory power , and by consequence , of any usefulness to their proper end , but by vertue of the authority of the civil magistrate : it follows unavoidably , that if laying restraints and injunctions upon men in the outward exercise of publick worship be a violation of their christian liberty , that 't is absolutely impossible to make any effectual provisions for the orderly and regular performance of the worship of god , or to provide any security against eternal tumults and seditions in the church of god : and whenever phanatick spirits have a mind to be peevish and humoursom , they have here a sacred and inviolable refuge to protect themselves and their rebellions . and therefore 't is observable , that in the late ruptures of christendom , this pretence was not pleaded by any sects of men to this purpose , but the english puritans , and the german anabaptists , two sorts of people that never knew what they would have beyond the subversion of the present setlement of things . in which as they have been opposed by all other parties , so by none with greater vehemence and warmer zeal than the school of calvin ; who quickly perceived by clear and sad experience , that there was no possibility of setling churches in the world , but by setting bounds and restraints by particular laws and determinations to giddy and enthusiastick tempers . insomuch that the church of rome it self has scarce been more severe in making or executing penal laws against seditious libertines than the church of geneva . § . . neither is it altogether unworthy remarque , that this mystery of libertinism began to work in the days of the apostles among the gnostick phanaticks . who forsooth , under colour of their christian liberty , must needs be free from all laws and government ; they knew no superiour but the lord christ , to him they owed allegiance and subjection , and to him , and to him alone they would pay it . but as for the secular powers of the world , they were ( as they behaved themselves ) meer encroachments upon the liberties of his church . this pretence they made their warrant for disobedience , and their cover for sedition , and whenever the freak possess'd them to revile or resist the present government , still the word was christian liberty . what , shall we suffer these heathen princes to usurp upon our spiritual priviledges ? shall we tamely part with that that was purchased by our saviours bloud ? we have not so mean an opinion of his favours , as to throw them up at so cheap a rate ; no , we will maintain the price and purchase of his bloud with the last drop of our own : we will sacrifice our lives and fortunes to the cause of god , and the service of his church , and not betray its dearest priviledges to the tyranny of infidels and painims by our own dull and sheepish cowardize . now was not this peaceable doctrine ( think you ) likely enough to make wild work in the roman empire , and had it prevailed in the world , what an inundation of mischiefs and confusions would it have let in upon mankind ? it must have born down all setled governments , and buried all states and common-wealths in anarchy and eternal war. and therefore 't is observable with what caution and industry the apostles bestirred themselves to make up this dangerous breach , by setting bounds and measures to this wild pretence ; and whenever they had occasion to discourse more largely concerning the doctrine of christian liberty , they never forget ( as may be observed in all their writings ) to state and confine it within its proper limits ; but as they exhorted them to maintain it in opposition to the peevishness of the jews , so they always charged them not to abuse it in defiance to the rules of government , and the power of lawful superiours . no , this whole affair is transacted between god and your own consciences ; he has been pleased to take off those fetters and obligations that were tied upon you by the law of moses , that is your liberty , and be content with that . extend it not to the prejudice of your governours , 't is purely spiritual , and has no relation to your secular regards , or to the power of princes : and how ill soever they may behave themselves in the management of their authority , it may be an encroachment upon your civil , but not upon your christian liberty . if indeed the proconsul of iudea should publish an edict that all christians shall submit to circumcision out of regard to the eternal obligation of the law of moses , that were a manifest violence to the freedom of the gospel , but whatever else he may command you , so he pretend not any warrant of immediate divine authority , whatever abuse it may be of his own power , it is no abuse of your liberty . and therefore be advised to submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , for so is the will of god , that with well-doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men . that you may not give occasion to authority to look upon your religion as troublesome to government , and that you may clear its reputation from those unjust aspersions that have been cast upon it by the folly and hypocrisie of some pretenders : so that your governours observing your peaceable deportment , they may be disabused of their vulgar mistakes , and hereafter learn to distinguish true christians from iews and hereticks . you are free indeed , but use not your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness : do not shelter your peevishness and disobedience to lawful superiours , under colour of your christian liberty ; that is but a knavish trick , and a palpable piece of craft , because this thing neither has nor can have any relation to matters of that nature . 't is a liberty of spirit between god and your own souls ; and you may secure this benefit of his favour by the testimony of your own consciences : but turn not his indulgence into wantonness , by being peevish and froward to the will of your superiours under its pretence and protection . and yet so strangely wayward and humorous are some men , that nothing can appease their consciences in this demand , but a full liberty of contradiction ; and they scarce think it worth the having or the contending for , unless it may warrant and abet their opposition to authority ; and therefore whatever that imposes upon their practice , though but an harmless and indifferent ceremony , 't is intolerable as the yoke of moses , and grievous as an egyptian bondage : they groan and die under the burthen of a straw ; and a feather laid cross their wills , breaks their bones and their hearts , and lies like a mountain of lead upon their consciences ; and what horrible skreams and out-cries do we hear of antichristian tyranny and persecution ? like some creatures ( you may wot of ) that if they may not have their will in every trifle , will roar and bellow like a stuck ox. men must be broke of this stomachful spirit , as children are of their sullenness , by fasting and correction ; and if this truantly humour be not lash't and kept under with a severe hand , there will be no keeping the multitude in order and under discipline : for what pride so delicious to ill-natured and ill-bred people , as to thwart and affront the will of superiours ? or what insolence so intolerable , as that that bears up upon mistakes of conscience and religion ? and therefore nothing more imports government , than to rid it self of the annoyance of this precise and sanctified peevishness ; especially when 't is so notorious from the experience of all ages , that those enthusiasts that are so squeamish as to keck at indifferent things , have always had estrich consciences for the boldest treasons and villanies . and now our author , for want of new invention , falls to chewing the cud upon an old slander : for from my account of christian liberty , i concluded that all internal acts of the mind of man , are exempt from the empire of humane laws , that the substance of religious worship is transacted by them , and that its exteriour significations are not absolutely necessary to its performance ; and therefore whatever restraints the civil magistrate might lay upon their outward actions in reference to divine worship , yet notwithstanding that , they might perform all that is necessary to the discharge and the acceptance of the duty . how ! ( says our author ) this is an open door to atheism : ( for he is still knocking at that upon every slight occasion : ) for who would not think this to be his intention , let men keep their minds and inward thoughts and apprehensions right for god , and then they may practise outwardly in religion what they please ; one thing one day , another another ; be papists and protestants , arians and homousians , yea , mahometans and christians ? i see this man is resolved never to lose any advantage for want of confidence ; and if ill-natur'd inferences can do his business , who can withstand the power of his logick ? who would not think this to be my intention ? say you . i say , who would , unless one that thinks himself able to face me out of my plain meaning , and bear me down out of countenance and common sense ? does the difference between papists and protestants , arians and homousians , mahometans and christians , consist in rites and ceremonies of external worship ? who then , beside your confidence , from the indifferency of the outward forms and fashions of worship , would conclude the indifferency of all religions ? their real differences arise from something else , and lie not in rites and ceremonies , but in principles of faith , and rules of life . bate these , and we will never quarrel turks or papists for any of their outward signs and expressions of divine worship , according to the laws and customs of their own country ; provided they are not faulty upon one or both of the forementioned accounts , that they tend to debauch men either in their practices or their conceptions of the deity ; and therefore to apply what was affirm'd onely of ceremonies of worship , to articles of belief , is such a way of dealing with arguments as only becomes our authors logick and ingenuity . but upon this occasion let me mind him , that publick and visible worship is no such necessary and indispensable duty , but that it may in some circumstances be lawfully omitted : for suppose this man were in the dominions of the grand signior , he would not , i presume , think himself absolutely obliged in conscience to set up open meetings and conventicles , without leave of the government ; but would for the security of his life be content to enjoy his religion to himself , without climbing up to the top of a mosque to proclaim their prophet a lewd jugler , unless he were actually required to renounce the christian faith , and turn apostate to the mahumetan imposture : and therefore i would willingly know why the same liberty will not satisfie them here , as to the obligations of conscience , that they would be content with there : there is no other reason assignable than that they will do more for fear than for obedience ; and this is undeniable evidence , that 't is something else , and not conscience , ( as is pretended ) that lies at the bottom of all their present schisms and disturbances . § . . but now having given this brief account of the use of external worship , from the nature and properties of the thing it self ; i proceeded , for a farther confirmation of my former assertions , to an historical report , to shew that god had in all ages of the world left its management to the discretion of men , unless when to determine some particular forms hapned to be useful to some other purposes . where , in the first place , i instanced in the religion of the old world , and attempted to prove that sacrifices , which were the most ancient , if not the onely expressions of divine worship , were purely of humane institution . now the first murmur our author raises against this , is , that i should for the most part set off my assertions at so high a rate , and yet found them not onely upon uncertain principles , but upon such paradoxes as are generally decried by learned men ; such is this of the original of sacrifices here insisted on . certainly it would be present death for this man to speak to the purpose ; he avoids and dreads all pertinency , as he would poison or rats-bane : for where do i lay any such mighty stress upon this assertion ? in what great strains do i urge the necessity of its admittance ? to what purpose then does he upon this occasion upbraid me with the briskness and vehemence of any expressions , that were spoken upon other subjects , and to other purposes ? i have indeed loaded some other principles with their proper mischiefs and inconveniences : i have shewn that the pleas of the nonconformists from the natural right of mankind , from the obligations of scandal , and from the pretences of a tender and unsatisfied conscience , for exemption from the commands of lawful authority , tend to a direct and inevitable dissolution of all governments , and all societies . there the weightiness of the matter and the argument required some suitable eagerness of expression ; but why should i be minded of those warm passages in this place ? the matter of this enquiry is neither of that evidence nor that importance as to need or deserve any grandeur and vehemence of stile . 't is indeed pertinent , but not at all necessary to the drift of my discourse : for without its assistance i am able to prove the power of christian magistrates over the outward concerns of religious worship in christian commonwealths . neither do i at all bottom my discourse upon its admission ; but onely use it as an accessional reflection to my main argument , and cast it in as a particular instance to give check to the adversaries confidence ; thereby to shew 't is not absolutely necessary ( as is pretended ) to the acceptableness of religious worship , that it should be warranted by divine institution ; when 't is so contrary to experience , ( for any thing that appears upon record ) as to the religion of the old world. but seeing 't is a pretty subject , let us a little farther examine , whether the assertion be not evident enough to bear all the weight i have laid upon it . many learned men have indeed stretch't their parts to make out wise accounts of the nature and original of sacrifices ; and because they were in the first ages of the world the most remarkable , perhaps the onely visible signs and expressions of religious worship , nothing will satisfie their curiosity , unless they may derive them either from the obligation of the law of nature , or some express institution of god himself . but when we come to weigh the grounds and principles of their discourse , we find so little proof , and so much confusion , as will at least tempt any impartial enquirer to suspect the probable truth and reasonableness of both their different accounts . those who would fetch their obligation from natural light , seem at last to resolve the reason of their assertion into the naked testimonies and opinions of some of the ancient greeks , who were willing enough to deduce the authority of their practice from so creditable a fountain , in favour of the rites and customs of their own country , they being almost the onely symbols of divine worship among the grecians : and all the outward appearances of religion among them , consisting in the solemnities of their publick and private sacrifices , their writers ( as all learned men are partial enough for the honour of their native soil ) thought themselves concern'd to perswade the world that their national usages were tied upon mankind upon the same natural reason , and with the same natural necessity as religion it self . and therefore as they were wont to derive the municipal ceremonies of their own city from some divine institution ; for so plato in his timaeus pleads in the person of an orthodox athenian , that the particular rites and customs of athens were first delivered by the off-spring of the gods , and from them conveyed down to that present age by an uninterrupted and unquestionable tradition : so for the same reason did they refer the more catholick customs of the whole nation , to the obligations of nature ; especially if confirmed by the concurrent suffrage of their asiatick neighbors ; for that to them was of the same import with the consent of mankind . now some critical men that rather read than use authors , if they hapned to meet with any passage in any of the grecian writers to this purpose , because it served for an ostentation of their reading , they immediately subscribed to their opinion out of respect to their bare authority ; and if they could alledge an assertion for it out of strabo , plutarch , and aristotle , ( whom it was once a brave thing to quote ) they passed it without any more ado for sufficient proof and demonstration ; though in matters of such remote antiquity , their naked testimonies ( unless they had withal given us some higher proofs and rational motives to engage our assent ) are of little more validity than the conjectures and opinions of modern writers . and therefore when our author alledges the school-doctors for this perswasion , he falls as much short of its first original as t.w. did when he quoted peter martyr for the story of the judges in hell. § . . but now they on the other side , who deduce the religion of sacrifices from divine institution , prove it thus : because that the light of nature ( . ) could not dictate that god would accept the destruction of other creatures as the sign and token of mans obedience , nor ( . ) that the bloud of beasts should expiate the sins of men , or appease the wrath of god ; for the pardon and remission of sin being matter of meer grace and arbitrary favour , it must of necessity depend upon divine appointment to determine by what means we may procure it , and upon what conditions he will grant it . but the first of these reasons proceeds upon a supposition that all outward significations of religious worship must needs be warranted either by the law of nature , or some positive law of god , which being a direct contradiction to my principle , i shall desire to see it better proved before i shall be willing to yield it for a granted truth : especially when in my conception of things , the formal nature of divine worship consists not so properly in acts of obedience , as in offices of love and gratitude . the former indeed suppose an express and positive institution , and 't is their conformity to the command that gives them the formality of their goodness ; but i cannot understand why the latter may not be warrantable in themselves , and acceptable to god without the express authority of his own appointment , provided they are sutable to the nature of the thing which they signifie , and worthy of the person to whom they are address'd . and it cannot be supposed , either from the reason of the thing it self , or the nature of the divine goodness , that god should be offended with his creatures for making him any decent returns of the grateful resentments of their minds for the obligations of his infinite love and bounty . and therefore 't is not necessary , from the nature of religious worship it self , that it should be demanded as matter of positive duty and obligation , and if it be required for any other regard , then have i gain'd a fresh advantage of my adversary , and it is incumbent upon him , not only to produce a positive command for the institution of eucharistical sacrifices , but an express prohibition to the patriarchs to perform divine worship by any other outward expressions of honour , than what god himself had particularly determined and appointed . this perhaps our author may out of the abundance of his reading attempt to prove from the fond traditions of the jews and easterlings , ( by which he may prove all the fables in the world ) but i am secure he shall never be able to discover the least shadow of an argument in the sacred records to countenance so vain a fancy . nay , so far is the duty of obedience from being the original reason , and taking in the adequate notion of natural religion , that 't is only consequential upon , and deducible from the obligations of gratitude : for from hence result our engagements of subjection to gods will , and submission to his government . and as from his bounty and goodness arises the duty of gratitude , so from gratitude follows the necessity of obedience ; chearful compliance with the will of a benefactor being one of its most eminent instances and indispensable duties . as for the second reason in behalf of this opinion , it proceeds upon no less mistake than the first , for want of attending to the obvious difference between eucharistical oblations and expiatory sacrifices ; the latter whereof must indeed of necessity owe their original to divine institution , because it was an act of gods free-goodness , that he would accept the substitution of a sacrifice in place of the offender by way of expiation for the offence ; and therefore the use and nature of expiatory oblations having their absolute dependence on the voluntary acceptance of gods it was necessary he should signifie this result and resolution of his good pleasure to mankind , before they had any reasonable ground to suppose he would accept the substituted expiation in lieu of the real forfeiture . now as for this sort of sacrifices , i had already acknowledged , and proved , that they must depend upon divine institution ; for all that religion that resolves it self into the will of god , must suppose revelation , in that nothing else can discover its obligation to mankind : but as for all that flows from the nature and the attributes of god , it requires no other discovery than the light , and no other determination than the choice of natural reason : so that though it be necessary to instituted worship that it should be appointed , yet 't is not necessary to divine worship that it should be instituted . and now though attendance to this distinction would have avoided all ambiguity and confusion in this enquiry , yet our author stifly over-looks it , and solemnly confutes my assertion concerning eucharistical offerings by instances of expiatory sacrifices , which i had before proved to his hand , must rely upon positive appointment , from their peculiar use and nature , and not because this was necessary to the being and design of religion it self . but if we will confine our talk to the subject matter of my assertion , viz. eucharistical oblations , or any other outward significations of the natural worship of god in the first ages of the world , i before affirmed and do still maintain , that they who say they were enjoyn'd and warranted by divine command , take the liberty of saying any thing without proof or evidence . § . . but if they are arbitrary inventions of men , our author desires to have a rational account of their catholicism in the world , and one instance more of any thing not natural or divine , that ever prevail'd to such an absolute universal acceptance amongst mankind . as for the latter part of his demand , i think festival solemnities may challenge as great antiquity and universality as sacrifices : there being no nation in the world that ever was known to be altogether destitute of set and publick festivals in honour of their gods ; and ( as i before observed ) the anniversary sacrifices of their first-fruits was the most ancient and most universal solemnity of worship in the world. and some learned men conjecture , with as much probability , as the nature of the thing will bear , that such were the sacrifices of cain and abel , and that from the propriety of the words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the end of days , which , say they , implies some set and solemn season of the year ; and there is no idiom more frequent in the holy scriptures than to express set and anniversary seasons by days : to omit innumerable other texts , sam. . . the yearly sacrifice is called sacrificium dierum ; so that the end of days implies the revolution of the year , when abel offer'd the first-born of his flocks , and cain the first-fruits of his fields . but however this may be , 't is attested by all the best records of ancient times , that harvest sacrifices and festivals of first-fruits were the most ancient , most catholick , and perhaps only publick solemnities of religion . and yet it will be as impossible to discover any obligation from nature , or any warranty from divine institution for their practice , as for the original of idolatry , which yet had universally prevail'd over the religion of mankind , and for ought i know might have done so still , had not divine providence been pleased to disabuse the wretched world by so many revelations and miraculous discoveries of himself ; so that it is possible some things may acquire to themselves a catholick credit and reputation , that never had it bestowed upon them by god or by nature , especially if they chance to have any near relation or connexion with universal and unabolishable truths . but seeing our author desires a particular account of the catholicism of sacrifices , thus it hapned . the first ages of mankind having a full and certain knowledge of the being of god , and a strong sense of the necessity of his worship , in that they had the same assurance then of the first cause of their beings , as we have now of our fore-fathers and progenitors . from hence they became obliged from the instinct of nature , and the dictates of right reason , to acknowledge and celebrate their creators bounty , and to return some expressions of gratitude to him for his favours and benefits . divine worship then being so clear a dictate of humane nature , it was but agreeable to the reason of mankind to express their sense of this duty by outward rites and significations . now what symbol could be more natural and obvious to the minds of men , whereby to signifie their homage and thankfulness to the author of all their happiness , than by presenting him with some of the choicest portions of his own gifts , ( for they had nothing else to present ) in acknowledgment of that bounty and providence that had bestowed them ? and this was so far from arguing any pregnancy of invention , that to have missed it , would , in my conceit , have been flat stupidity . for though all sensible signs derive their significancy from positive institution , yet the ground and reason of their institution is usually ( unless they are inept and irregular ) some natural suitableness they have in them to denote the thing signified . now i will challenge our authors wit to pitch upon any thing in nature , that could be so easie and proper to express by way of outward action their thankfulness to god , as these eucharistical oblations ; so easie a thing is it to fetch their beginning from humane agreement , without recourse to the authority of nature , or divine prescription . the religion of sacrifices then being the most conspicuous symbol and signification of the worship of god among the first fathers of mankind , it descended to their posterity , together with their natural sense of religion , of which these were the onely visible signs and indications ; and therefore without them , it could have had no outward and sensible appearance in the world , because these were its onely practical way of conveyance ; and by continuing to observe the rites and customs of their ancestors , they kept up their dictates of religion . and thus the idea of god , and the use of sacrifices , were propagated together into all societies of mankind , by their observance of the customs and traditions of their progenitors . now so easie and unforced is the probability of this account of their catholicism , though they owe their original purely to the choice and institution of men , that as long as their off-spring kept up any belief of the notion of a deity , or any reverence for the wisdom of their fore-fathers , it was morally impossible in the ordinary course of humane affairs , the tradition of sacrifices should ever be lost in the world. and this may suffice to shew how it came to pass , that they found such a catholick entertainment in all societies of mankind ; and it was all one as to that , whether they had their first beginning from humane invention , or divine institution ; for when once they had acquired the esteem and reverence of religion , use and custom would ever after keep up their practice and reputation in the world : so that though it was impossible they should ever obtain such an universal use and credit by their own strength , and upon their own account , yet when they had once obtain'd such an inseparable connexion with mens natural & indelible sense of religion , it was then as impossible without such an extraordinary change of things as was brought upon the world by the institution of christianity , that they should ever lose it . § . . the last thing pleaded by our author for the divine institution of sacrifices is the words of st. paul , by faith abel offered sacrifice . and faith hath respect unto the testimony of god ; revealing , commanding , and promising to accept our duty . and therefore this was not done by his own choice , but by warrant of a divine command . this argument indeed is often insisted upon by some sort of writers , out of whom our author ( whose custom it is to pour forth his crude dictate rather from his memory than his reason ) transcribes it in haste without weighing its force and validity ; but it bottoms upon such a short and narrow account of the nature of faith , as would make wild work with the phaenomena of providence in the world. and therefore to be brief , the proper and last resolution of this vertue ( as i have already intimated ) is into the goodness , and not the bare testimony of god , and we therefore trust the truth of divine revelation , because we believe him so essentially good , that he nor can nor will deceive his creatures : so that our belief of the testimony of god is not the full and adequate notion of faith , but 't is one particular instance of our confidence in his essential goodness , and therefore there may be acts of this duty without any supposal of divine revelation , and such was the faith of abel , as the apostle there describes it : for he that cometh to god must believe that he is , and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him . this upright man therefore being so amply satisfied of the existence and goodness of his heavenly father , and conscious of his own integrity in the offering of his sacrifice , rested secure from the testimony of his own conscience , of gods gracious acceptance . however , might not the faith ascribed to abel relate to the discharge of his duty , and not to the manner of its performance ? and though he worshipped god in obedience to his command , which was an act of faith , yet that is no more proof that he had any more divine warrant for the manner of his worship than for the kind of his sacrifice ; & yet it was indifferent as to divine acceptance , whether he had offered the fruits of his tillage , or the products of his flock ; for the sacrifice of cain was not rejected because not of the same kind with that of abel , but had it been presented with the same qualifications , it had been rewarded with the same acceptance . and thus does our authors way of arguing multiply difficulties upon himself ; for if it be of any force , it will infer a necessity of a divine command to determine the kind of sacrifice as well as the manner of worship , and then is he obliged not only to produce a law for sacrifices , but one to cain to offer the fruits of the field , and another to abel to offer living creatures ; and this is competent evidence that god never prescribed their patticular mode of worship , but left it to the choice of their own convenience and discretion , and therefore they both chose that which was most proper & sutable to their respective conditions of life ; & god entail'd his acceptance , not upon the outward expressions of their worship , but the inward qualifications of their minds . to conclude , this argument is utterly impertinent , unless upon supposition of this principle , that men have not any rational ground to expect that god should accept the faithful discharge of their duty , unless himself have prescribed all particular ways and circumstances of the manner of its performance ; but this is to betake themselves to the lazy trade of begging , and this man is bold enough for this shameless employment . and though he is not so confident as to take up his bush so near home , yet when he gets aloof off into my sixth chapter , he grows as bold and sturdy as the gentlemen cripples of southwark are in lincolns-inn fields . for there to secure the fundamental mystery of puritanism against all opposition , viz. that nothing ought to be practised in the worship of god , but what is warranted in the word of god , he lays down certain proleptick and self-evident principles , the first whereof is , that wherever in the scripture we meet with any religious duty , that had a preceding institution , although we find not expresly a consequent approbation , we take it for granted , that it was approved ; and so on the contrary , where an approbation appears , and institution is conceal'd . and in another theorem in the same chapter to the same purpose ( for people of that trade and way of life are much given to repetitions ) he gives in this very instance of sacrifices for proof , viz. whatever they ( the patriarchs ) did , they had especial warranty from god for ; which is the case of the great institution of sacrifices it self . it is a sufficient argument that they were divinely instituted , because they were graciously accepted . what figure this is called in his pedling logick , i know not ; but in ours 't is y●lep'd begging the question . a singular way of dispute this , is it not ? first , to take the conclusion for granted , and then challenge it for a principle to prove it self ; and to lay down the main matter in debate for a truth so certain , that a man is obliged by the laws of reasoning to grant it , before he is capable of any right to dispute it . who would ever contradict this author in these enquiries , that would admit those postulata for self-evident propositions ? but this man is so bold and obnoxious a beggar , that if he will continue to follow this trade , 't is impossible he should long escape the beadles watchful eye , but more cruel hand . i know no refuge he has to protect his back against this severe executioner , unless by listing himself into some society of gypsies , for whom he is admirably qualified as to the two great offices of canting and begging ; and wants not above one accomplishment more to compleat him at all points for that imployment ; and 't is more noble and generous than to beg after this stragling rate . after this discourse of the original of sacrifices , and after another to give an account of the reason of gods prescribing every particular rite and ceremony of his worship under the mosaick pedagogy ; i proceeded to shew , that the main design of the christian institution was to establish the great duties of vertue and real righteousness , and not to determine rites and ceremonies of external worship ; in so much that we find none prescribed in the new testament , save only the two sacraments : and upon this i challenged the unpeaceableness of these men , that upon their principle must be rebels and schismaticks to all churches in christendom as well as the church of england . but to this , hush , not one syllable of reply ; 't is close and immediate to my purpose , and therefore of no concern to his ; he cares not for coming so near home , and loves to keep aloof off from present transactions . a man may talk confident conjectures of things that hapned so many thousand years ago , and tell fine stories of men that begot sons and daughters before the flood : but 't is dangerous to talk of the history and constitution of affairs in the present world ; a man may possibly contradict known and undeniable experience ; and every novice that is never so little acquainted with the present state of forreign churches , will be able to check and shame our confidence . and there are two unhappy books of mr. durel , that plainly demonstrate that we are a new race of men in the world , that are not yet sufficiently polish't and civilized for humane society ; and such as , whilst we continue fond of our wild and barbarous principles , must be banish't all establish't churches and commonwealths in europe . § . . in the close of this chapter i gave an account of the nature and use of significant ceremonies , that are the same thing with external worship under a different name ; outward worship consisting in nothing else but signifying our inward thoughts and sentiments of religion , either by words or actions : where i shewed , that it might be indifferently exprest and performed by either ; and that gestures of reverence were of the same use in the worship of god , as solemn praises and acknowledgements ; and that to bow the body at the mentioning the name of jesus , was the same kind of honour to his person , as to celebrate his name with hymns and thanksgivings ; and therefore that the magistrates prerogative of instituting significant ceremonies , amounted to nothing more than a power of defining the import of words ; and by consequence that 't is no other usurpation upon his subjects consciences , than if he should take upon him to refine their language , and determine the proper signification of all phrases imployed in divine worship , as well as in trades , arts and sciences : and therefore i could not but profess my admiration at the prodigious confidence and impertinence of those men , that could raise such hideous noises and out-cries against the laws of a setled church and state upon such slender grounds and pretences . but here our author quickly requites me with a counter-wonder , that i cannot express my dissent from others in controverted points of the meanest and lowest concernment , but with crying out , prodigies , clamours , impertinencies , and the like expressions of astonishment in my self , and contempt of others . i might reserve some of these great words for more important occasions . and the truth is , these are not any matters of the greatest importance ; and were our dispute meerly concern'd in their speculation , i could discourse as coolly and carelesly about them , as about a mechanical hypothesis , or a metaphysical notion ; and should not be more eagerly concern'd to resolve the truth of the question , than i am to determine the principle of individuation . but when the establish't government of a nation shall be subverted by such nice and new-invented subtilties ; when never any church in the world was more rudely treated by her own children , than the church of england by the puritan schismaticks ; when men shall cry out , antichrist , popery and superstition , and all for the idolatry of a significant ceremony ; and when this clamorous exception is so vain , so groundless and impertinent ; is it not infinitely prodigious to see men so confident and troublesom upon such slight and vanishing appearances ? what scurrilous language do they continually pour forth against the church of england ? what ignominious titles do they fasten upon her friends and followers ? and with what disdain and insolence do they spit at her way of worship and devotion ? into what woful and endless schisms do they drive their proselytes from her communion ? what disturbances do they create in the state ? and what ruptures in the church ? and how do they imbroil and discompose the peaceable setlement of a flourishing kingdom ? and all this meerly out of hatred to the popery and paganism of a symbolical rite . for ever since the scepter of jesus christ ( as they stiled their presbyterial consistory ) has been wrested from them by force of argument ; and ever since the divine right of the holy discipline has been so shamefully exploded , and that time and experience have put a baffle upon the confidence of their old pleas and pretences , all the out-cry has been against the unwarrantableness of instituted ceremonies ; which after innumerable trains of distinctions and limitations about natural , and customary , and topical signs , still spends it self against the superstition of mystical and significant rites : so that the substance of this whole contest is now at length resolved into this single enquiry ; and upon this , all their deeper and more subtle men of controversie spend all their choler and metaphysicks . 't is true , they defend themselves with the pleas of scandal , tenderness of conscience , &c. but when they use their offensive weapons , they scarce annoy us with any other objections , than what are levell'd against the churches usurpation , in taking upon her to appoint new ceremonies and institutions of worship . and therefore if ever i had reason to cry out , prodigies , clamours and impertinencies , it was upon this subject and this occasion , when my thoughts were warm with reflecting upon those mighty troubles and inconveniences , under which these men have brought the best establish't church in the world by their unreasonable folly and curiosity . for tell me , sir , is it nothing to shake the foundations , and hazard the overthrow of a setled church ? is it nothing to discompose the publick peace and tranquillity of a setled state ? is it nothing for subjects to withdraw their assistance from their prince and their country ? is it nothing to violate the fundamental laws of love , and peace , and charity ? is it nothing to rend the body of a church into numberless schisms and contentions ? is it nothing to keep up implacable feuds and animosities among members of the same commonwealths ? is it nothing to harden debauch't and ungodly men against religion it self , by giving them too much reason to suspect it , as a thing that is troublesom and mischievous to government ? is it nothing to encourage the designs of sacrilegious wretches , by giving them advantage under the disguise of zeal and purity , to prey upon the churches antichristian patrimony ? in a word , is it nothing to gore the bowels of a kingdom with everlasting changes and reformations ; and all this upon pretences as thin as sope-bubbles , and as brittle as glass-drops ? § . . but let us take a brief surveigh of their particular reasonings and exceptions ; and then our wonder at these mens confidence will be so far from abating , that it will swell into ecstasie and downright astonishment . for first , ( says our author ) to say that the magistrate has power to institute visible signs of gods honour , to be observed in the outward worship of god , is upon the matter to say that he has power to institute new sacraments ; for so such things would be . but , i say , so such things would not be ; and so there is an end of our dispute : and at this lock have we stood gazing at one another at least this hundred years : here cartwright begun the objection , and here he was immediately check't in his career by whitgift , who told him plainly , he could not be ignorant , that to the making of a sacrament , besides the external element , there is required a commandment of god in his word that it should be done , and a promise annexed unto it , whereof the sacrament is a seal . here they stopt , and his adversary never proceeded in his argument ; but some that came after him , resolved not to part so easily with so big an exception , though perhaps for no other reason than because cartwright had started it : and the truth is , all his followers have done little more than lickt up the vomit and choler of that proud schismatick ; and therefore they never pursued this new-fangled cavil beyond his first syllogism , where himself was repuls't and rebuked ; and ever since this has been their post , and they are resolved to keep it with unyielding and invincible confidence ; and their foreheads are so hardned , that you may sooner beat out their brains than shame or convince them out of their folly ; and though they have been so frequently and vehemently urged to a proof and prosecution of their argument , they could never be made to stir one foot backward or forward , but here they stand like men enchanted , and whatever demands or questions you propose to them , they return you not one syllable of reply , but sacraments , sacraments . and in this posture do they continue to this day , to haunt us with the stubbornness of unlaid ghosts ; and 't is the only voice this head of modesty is able to utter upon this subject . he is resolved upon it , that all significant rites , instituted in the worship of god , are real sacraments , and that so they shall be . and that is stubborn and indisputable proof , and 't is not modest to bear up against so much brass and boldness ; and yet i am resolved for once to rub my forehead , and not to be brow-beaten , but to look him in the face with the confidence of a basilisk , and upbraid him either to make good , or to renounce his argument ; and if he will neither yield , nor proceed , to scorn , and affront , and point him out of his intolerable confidence . here then i fix my foot , and dare him to his teeth to prove that any thing can be capable of the nature or office of sacraments , that is not establish'd by divine institution , and upon promise of divine acceptance . these are inseparable conditions of all sacramental mysteries , and whatsoever other properties and qualifications they may have beside , these are always necessary and indispensable ingredients of their office , so that without them nothing can lay claim to their name or dignity , however any thing may happen to symbolize with them upon other accounts , and by other circumstances . for the christian sacraments are the inseparable pledges and symbols of the christian faith , and are establish'd to that intent by the author of the christian institution , and they are such outward rites and ceremonies whereby we openly own the covenant , and pass mutual engagements to stand to its terms and conditions ; and therefore he alone that appointed the religion , is able to appoint by what outward signs or acts of stipulation we shall signifie and express our acknowledgment of , and submission to his institutions . so that the meaning and intention of it , is to assign some particular act of worship , whereby we may express our engagements and resolutions of obedience to the whole religion ; and who then can declare and specifie what rite he will accept as a full acknowledgment of our duty of universal obedience , but he alone that requires it ? and therefore unless it pretend to his institution , there is no imaginable ground why it should be thought to pretend to the office and dignity of a sacrament . and certainly they have a very mean opinion of these sacred mysteries , that require nothing more to their nature and function but bare significancy , and make every external sign capable of that holy and mysterious office ; and what can more derogate from the credit of those great pledges of our faith and instruments of our salvation ? as if they carried in them nothing of a more useful or spiritual efficacy , than what every common rite and ceremony may acquire or pretend to by custom and humane institution . § . . but 't is still more pleasant and more prodigious to see men , that are so stiff and dogmatical in their talk , have so little regard to their own pretences ; thus whereas they will admit no other umpirage of our present disputes about divine worship , but what may be fetch'd from immediate divine authority , yet in this grand exception , they take no notice of its decrees and determinations ; and though our author will have every significant circumstance of devotion to partake of the nature and mystery of a divine sacrament , yet he makes no attempt to prove it out of the word of god. no : there is not a text in the four gospels that may be abused to that purpose . and paul ( for to allow him the title of saint is popish and idolatrous , and our author is as shy in all his writings of bestowing it upon an apostle as upon cain or iudas , though he will vouchsafe the title of holy , that is coincident with it , to every zealot of his own brotherhood ) but by what name or title soever dignified or distinguish'd , the apostle paul is utterly silent in the case , and now we have no higher authority to vouch our cause but the schoolmen and austin . as for the former ( not to dispute the impertinency of the quotation ) whenever they speak sense , we are ready to subscribe to their reason ; but their bare authority is of no more force in the church of england than the decrees and oracles of mr. calvin ; their writings are no part of the canon of scripture , or the four first general councils ; and 't is well known what wise accounts they are forced to give of the nature of sacraments , to justifie the unwarrantable determinations of their own church , that had rashly and needlesly enough defined some things to be so , that are in themselves infinitely uncapable of that sacred name and office. and i know nothing for which any part of their coarse and frieze discourses is more ridiculous in it self , or more unanimously condemned by protestant writers of all communions , than their loose and groundless descriptions of the nature and office of sacramental pledges . but this is one of their old ways of trifling , when the pursuit of their principles forces them upon an absurdity , to father it upon the schoolmen , as if because these men sometimes talk absurdly , that shall justifie their impertinencies . and as for his citation out of st. austin , viz. signa cum ad res divinas pertinent sunt sacramenta ; unless he would have vouchsafed a particular reference , that might direct us to the sense of the father , and the integrity of his own quotation , we have no engagement to examine its truth , or regard its authority : for our author has given me as little reason to trust his word , as he has the publick to trust his oath . however 't is neither civil , nor ingenuous to trouble me with such objections , that i cannot answer without reading over eight or ten large volumes in folio . though i am prettily well satisfied aforehand from that good fathers sense of things , that were we in a capacity to consult him about this passage , we should find he as little favours this notion of sacraments , as i do the magistrates unlimited and immediate power over conscience and religion . nay , i should have odds and advantage on my side , should i lay a wager with him ( though that is no creditable way of arguing , and if it were , i should quickly grow rich by disputing with this man ) that there is no such passage in all the volumes of st. austin . for alas he never read it in the father himself , and if it was not the product of his own pregnant invention , it was transcribed out of ames , or bradshaw , or some other of the puritan fathers . he is an admirable second-hand man , and seems somewhat akin to a certain late author , that by the help and perusal of a few of our modern spicilegious men , could compose a book of pages in quarto to prove independency to have always been the only orthodox religion of mankind , and then ( after the dutch fashion of bragging and ostentation ) add a swelling catalogue of old authors , that were pressed for journey-men to bring in materials to his work , though there is scarce a quotation in the whole book that five new ones would not have furnished him with , nay , that has not been lately transcribed five times over . so unhappy a thing it is when confident men are vain-glorious , they openly betray their ambition by too bold and foolish attempts , and melt their wings by venturing at too high a flight . but i begin to preach apophthegms , and therefore to conclude , we will not be concerned to enquire st. austins opinion in this case , till we are better satisfied of the truth and pertinency of this citation ; and thus have i shifted off the task , he would have imposed on me , upon his own shoulders , for i believe he is as much to seek for this passage in st. austin , as my self . in the mean time you may observe this mans wretched way of talk and shuffle , when he makes such continual and importunate demands of appeal to the law , and to the gospel , and yet in this present argument , that is now almost their only surviving pretence , have no respect to neither . and therefore i shall for ever hereafter put in a demur to this plea , till they shall attempt to prove out of the word of god all significant ceremonies to be of the same use and nature with divine sacraments ; and if we can but prevail with them to undertake this argument , it will give us no less pleasant divertisement , than that learned dispute managed so hotly between two of their leading rabbies , ainsworth and broughton , whether the colour of aarons linen ephod were of blue , or a sea-water-green : a controversie of that mighty importance to the salvation of souls , that ( beside that it occasioned some bloudy noses ) it created new schisms , and founded new churches ; and what became of the blue separation , i cannot at present call to mind , but as for the brethren of the sea-water-green communion , they crumbled into as many schisms and churches as there are colours in the rainbow . and there is not any speculation in nature so frivolous or metaphysical , for which these people will not bandy into parties , yes , and raise armies too ; as they once sacrificed to the great moloch of publick faith their wedding-rings , the symbols and pledges of their matrimonial engagements , to abolish their expensive use and custom ; and tied themselves by solemn oath , and three new significant ceremonies ; to venture lives and fortunes to cashier three old ones : and the angels that ( they say ) can wage war , and fight pitch't battels upon the point of a needle , are not at a less distance from each other in their engagements , than these men are in their disputes and controversial dissentions . and into this in the last issue of things , does all their tenderness of conscience resolve it self : a boldness and confidence in their own little conceits , in opposition to the commands of authority , and the great duties of obedience . § . . in the next place our author distinguishes between customary signs that have prevailed by custom and vsage , to signifie such things as they have no absolute natural coherence with , or relation unto ; such are putting off the hat in sign of reverence , with others innumerable . and these sorts of signs may have some use about the service and worship of god , as might be manifested in instances . but the signs we enquire after are voluntary , arbitrary , and instituted ; such as neither naturally nor meerly by custom and usage come to be significant , but onely by virtue of their institution . and 't is these that are dreaded by the nonconformists for such illegal and unwarrantable additions to the worship of god. and why ! what is the matter ? where has the word of god prescribed this distinction ? and where has it allowed the use of the former , and disavowed the lawfulness of the latter sort of ceremonies ? or can they assign any natural immorality in instituted , more than in customary significations ? or is the authority of chance and custom ( for all prescriptions that are not instituted , are purely casual ) more sacred and obligatory than the commands of princes , and councils of senates ? or why should the appointment of the publick laws make unallowable sacraments , rather than the prevalency of custom , or ( what is the same ) the institution of usage ? i cannot fathom the depth of this mystery , unless it lies in this , that the consciences of the people of god need not be so very tender and curious in any case , but onely in matters of duty and obedience to lawful authority . 't is strange that things that are so harmless upon all other accounts , should become so horridly criminal for no other reason than because they please our governours . for example , let us take our authors instance of uncovering the head in sign of reverence in these european parts of the world , whereas the eastern nations express the same thing by the contrary custom , and yet both in our authors opinion are lawful in the worship of god , because warranted by topical usages . now suppose his majesty should injoin their custom upon us ; and on the contrary , a christian prince in asia should impose ours upon his subjects , would that alter their nature and morality ? and make those things that were antecedently to the command decent and innocent expressions of reverence in divine service , immediately become sinful and offensive to the almighty ? but if that would not alter their nature , then the case of symbols that depend upon institution , is as to their lawfulness and divine acceptance the same with those that are founded upon prescription . and now , what think you ? are not churches likely to be bravely govern'd , and order and decency in the worship of god admirably provided for , when all their solemn laws and injunctions shall be controul'd by such precarious fancies and fooleries ? can you imagine any thing judged more scandalous in these mens case-divinity , than the horrid crimes of peace and obedience ? and so i leave it to you to judge , whether the farther these men proceed in the pursuance of their principles and pretences , they do not all the way increase our amazement at the prodigiousness of their impertinency . but having assign'd this vast distance between customary and instituted symbols of reverence , he adds this final determination of the whole case : now concerning these last , one rule may be observed , namely , that they cannot be of one kind , and signifie things of another , by virtue of any command and consent of men , unless they have an absolute authority both over the sign and thing signified , and can change their natures , or create a new relation between them . now , sir , our author grows wanton , and resolves in a jolly humour to maintain against my self and all my associates , that averia capta in withernamio non sunt replegibilia . for 't is all perfect waggery and gibberish , and a meer design to puzzle and confound us with unintelligible subtilties ; and these are the eisotericks of the sect , that ought not to be understood by any but the sons of mystery ; and i doubt not but you understand the sense and reason of this rule , as much as you do those prescribed by the rosie-crucian professors , in order to the discovery of the great secret. but whatever the meaning of the oracle may be , why must it be limited to instituted rather than customary symbols ? for what cause should usage , where there is no natural relation between the sign and the thing signified , be allowed to create one , rather than the commands of lawful authority ? for my part i am not able to imagine any reason , unless it be his great democratical principles , that ascribes less power to the soveraign prince , than to the common people , that are always the chief authors and abettors of custom ? or why may we suppose that may apply things of one kind , to signifie things of another , by virtue of popular consent , without having an absolute authority over the sign and thing signified , and yet not suppose the same thing of the edicts of princes , and the votes of convocations ; especially when in this weighty rule , he has been pleased ( for there is no other ground for it but his own good pleasure ) to exclude the consent of men as well as the commands of governours ? nay , why may not they , or any thing else have power to appropriate new names and signs to things , without having any absolute authority over the things themselves ? and lastly , why must a power of creating new relations between them , infer a power to change their natures ? for so are they here represented by our author as things coincident . but such manifest and palpable trifles are not worth so many objections . and therefore ( to conclude ) whereas i declared the signification of ceremonies to be of the same nature and original with that of words , equally arbitrary , and equally depending either upon custom or institution ; this ( says he ) will not relieve me in this matter , for words are signs of things , and those of a mixed nature ; partly natural , partly by consent : but they are not of one kind , and signifie things of another ; for say the schoolmen , where words are signs of sacred things , they are signs of them as things , but not as sacred . but do you , or any of his own lay-proselytes understand this scholastick subtilty ? does he not leave you ( as himself speaks ) in the briers of unscriptural distinctions ? however , why may we not affirm the same thing of ceremonies , that he is here pleased to appropriate to words ? and then , i hope , there is no harm done ; and once , for peace and quiet sake , we will so far gratifie the tenderness of their consciences , and curiosity of their fancies , as to promise never to ascribe any other significancy to things , than what himself is here content to bestow upon words ; and then , i hope , that will appease all their doubts , and satisfie all their scruples . and yet after all , these metaphysical abstractions will not relieve us in this affair . for i know no words , whose signification can be pretended to be natural , ( as he talks ) unless tintinnabulum , and some few others that happen to strike our organs with the same kind of noise , as the things themselves do of which they are significative . and none of these that i know of are concern'd in the worship of god , unless the clinking of the saints bell ; so that by this casual concession we have regain'd back the grant of its lawful use and custom . though in their strict reformation it was abolish't for the more orthodox way of chiming : which yet carried in it as much symbolical-resemblance to the ensuing sermon , as any of our ceremonies do to the matters of their signification . but to be ingenuous , and confess the plain and undisguised truth to a friend : i am at an utter loss for a reply to this profound subtilty of the schoolmen , because i understand neither its sense nor its pertinency : unless you will accept of this , that sacred things have words to signifie them not onely as things , but as sacred , otherwise there are no words to express divine worship as such , for that as such is sacred : and therefore in spight of scotus and all his myrmidons , i dare positively aver , that words used in religious worship , do not only signifie things as things , but things as sacred ; because if they should not , they were no signs of religious worship . so that you see notwithstanding this unscriptural distinction , ( which yet you know by our authors principles is not to be attended to in our present enquiry ) my comparison between the signification of words and ceremonies stands firm as the pillars of the earth , and the foundations of our faith. but are not tender consciences come to a fine pass , when they shall remonstrate to the decrees of princes , and the laws of commonwealths , upon such shadows of scruple , and shall run people into such woful divisions and disorders for a senseless word ? they cannot but have a mighty reverence for government , and a deep sense of duty to superiours , that can wriggle themselves out of their obedience by such little shifts , and satisfie their consciences with such lamentable excuses . in a word , is it not a sad reflection to consider how many of the people of this nation have been scared out of their natural candour and civility , and wits too , by a few idle words , and a few idle men ? chap. vi. the contents . ovr authors perseverance in cavil and calumny . his disingenuous way of shifting the proof and pursuit of their own arguments . all their writers have ever begun and ended with cartwright , and either wrangle themselves into conformity , as he did , or run themselves into perfect enthusiasm and phanatick madness . their impertinent way of defending their own objections , when they should prove them . nothing can be charged of being a part of divine worship , unless it pretends to divine institution . this mans stubbornness and invincible resolution in schism . a speech to the non-conformists to encourage them in their separation , in the language , and out of the writings of j. o. their bold way of abusing the people , and the word of god , by laying the same stress upon their own fancies as upon the fundamentals of the gospel . our authors plea in their own behalf from the prescription of one way of worship in the word of god , the most effectual argument against toleration . this plea , as managed by this author , is as directly levelled against all other parties , excepting only the independents , as against the church of england . 't is the only pretence of all impostures , and 't is serviceable to no other end . the silliness and palpable disingenuity of our authors quotations out of the fathers . their fundamental principle equally overthrows all manner of church-setlement . by his principles and good-will nothing is to be tolerated but independency . the precedents alledged , both out of the old and new testament , in the former treatise for the warrantableness of uncommanded ceremonies , cleared and vindicated . our adversaries way of affrighting the rabble with hard and sensless words . the vanity of attending to these mens proposals of mutual condescension . a farther prosecution of my challenge to the whole party of non-conformists to answer mr. hooker . a notorious and intolerable instance of our authors disingenuity in falsifying the design of my discourse . § . . thus far have i made good my ground against all this mans talk and confidence ( for there , and there alone , lies all his strength ) and should now proceed to an examination of his censures against the fifth chapter of my former discourse ; for against the fourth he only drops his old calumny , viz. that what i have there discoursed against the absolute and uncontroulable power of the civil magistrate , as 't is stated in mr. hobs's hypothesis of government , is destructive of my own pretensions in the foregoing part of my discourse , where , as he is resolved to bear me down , i have made humane laws the sole and supreme rule of religious worship , insomuch that the magistrate of every nation hath power to order and appoint what religion his subjects shall profess and observe , and thereby binds their consciences to profess and observe that which is by him so appointed ( and nothing else are they to observe ) making it their duty in conscience so to do ; and the highest crime or sin to do any thing to the contrary ; and that whatever the precise truth in these matters be , &c. the horrour of which bold calumny i have already , i hope , competently enough discover'd and detested . but 't is the choicest topick of this mans logick to falsifie arguments , and represent his own inferences as his adversaries opinions , and then load them with loud and lusty conclusions : and then they are oracles and demonstrations to the people that understand neither the truth nor consequences of things ; and therefore does he repeat this fundamental forgery in all places , and upon all occasions , and 't is the only thing that gives strength and colour to all his other trifles and impertinencies , upon this he at first founds all his reasonings , and into this he at last resolves them , insomuch that his whole book is but one huge lye pages long . and this confidence takes so successfully with the believing disciples , that they will at all adventure lay wagers , that all those prodigious untruths he has obtruded on me are my own positive and direct assertions . but having manfully quit himself in this performance , he baulks the whole discourse of this chapter , as being of no concern to himself and his dear brotherhood ; and so advances to the next , where we might trace him through all his former methods of truth and ingenuity ; but at present we will wave that province , and rather chuse first to discharge our selves of those froward exceptions , wherewith he labours to entangle and perplex the design of my sixth chapter , because the matters there debated are of a more close and immediate affinity to the nature of those things , that fell under our last consideration ; and therefore ( seeing he has been pleased to break the coherence of my method ) i conceive it will be a more perspicuous and useful way of proceeding to dispatch them both together ; especially when what remains to be there examined , is either meer impertinence to the drift of my discourse , or relies meerly upon the principles here already confuted . for what he dictates in defence of their darling principle , that nothing ought to be practised in the worship of god , but what is prescribed in the word of god , is either such loose and general tattle , as whether it be true or false , it does neither service nor disservice to our present enquiry : or if there be any thing more close and direct to the purpose , it resolves it self entirely into the dispute of the last chapter ; in that he restrains the universality of this maxim to instituted and significant ceremonies , which being exempted upon this score , he seems not unwilling to allow the governours of the church a power of determining natural circumstances for the ends of order and decency ; so that in the last result of things all this cluster of trifles and impertinencies grows upon the stock of the former principle , and therefore that being cut down root and branch , this that depends so entirely upon it , must by consequence fall and perish with it . for which reason i had once resolved with my self wholly to omit its distinct examination , and only to put them upon the proof of this principle , as 't is here stated by our author , out of the written word of god. but because he here counterfeits more assurance , and pretends more accuracy ; and ( to speak in his own stile ) by the longsomness of his discourse , and the number of his propositions , seems more elaborate than in all the former parts of his survey ; and withal to avoid their clamour , and other mens suspicion of dealing with him as he has dealt with me , in wholly baulking the last chapter of my discourse , that was most pertinent and material to his pretences ; i have at last resolved to undergo the penance of a reply : and thus it follows . § . . in the first place then he flings down the ball , viz. that nothing ought to be establish'd in the worship of god , but what is authorized by some precept or example in the word of god ; and then tells us , if men would lay aside their prejudices , corrupt interests , and passions , they would see at first view that this principle is not foreign unto what is in an hundred places declared and taught in the scripture . but , sir , big words break no shins , nor will brags and threatnings pass for current demonstrations : this is the only thing to be proved , and the principle it self refuses to accept of any other evidence , but what is expresly approved and warranted by holy writ ; yet when he comes to vouch its sacred authority , he only gives in his own affidavit . and if you will take his word , you may rest assured there are hundred of texts in the sacred volume that have adopted the patronage of his cause ; though at present he is not at leisure to check and rebuke our confidence with one single testimony . and therefore is it not strange , that when the issue of the whole controversie depends so absolutely upon this performance , yet whenever they are forced upon its attempt , they still adjourn the dispute , and respite the only proof that we demand , and they ought to produce , to a fairer and more seasonable opportunity . and this has ever been one of their most serviceable arts of trifling ; in matters of a more remote concernment , and secondary evidence , they are confident , and abound with noise and reasoning , but when they come to approach the vitals of the question , their fury immediately abates , and they are struck with a sudden speechlessness , and you must wait for the farther prosecution of their argument , till they are restored to the power of speech and use of tongue , and then do they entertain you with all the old tale over again , till they come just to the former difficulty , and then are they seized upon by the former astonishment . and by this artifice have they so long kept up this controversie in spite of so many publick and dishonourable baffles . they have always been brisk and talkative in the beginning of the dispute till they are run up into the main difficulty , and driven into the streights of the enquiry , and there they fling down their arms , sometimes cry quater , and sometimes escape by flight , and so at present the war ends , and peace ensues ; till some other pert fellow chance to take up the cudgels , and he uses the same play till he is brought to the same foil , and there is an end of him , and so on from generation to generation . and hence it is not unobservable , that all their writers have ever begun and ended with cartwright , and as he wrangled himself into obedience and conformity , so have they all at length either disputed themselves out of their former folly , or into a farther madness : and the zeal of their warmest bigots has ever ended either in a peaceable reduction to the church , or in some wilder and more extravagant separation . by continual wrangling they contract a sowr and froward humour . every thing annoys their fretful and exulcerated minds : they are peevish and displeased with their own friends , and their own fraternity ; and this transports them into some new-fangled pranks and projects . hence coppingers raptures , and visions , and familiar conferences with almighty god ; hence hackets ecstasies , and revelations , and blasphemous prophesies ; and hence the mad frekes and treasons of penry , that precious martyr of jesus christ. an habitual discontent and restlesness of mind heated their choler and melancholy bloud into perfect frenzy and outrage . but the most remarkable instance of this capricious humour is the story of robert brown , who ( you know ) left cartwright and the disciplinarians in babylon as well as the church of england , and could find no church in the world pure enough for his own communion , till he had establish'd one of his own draught and projectment , and then nothing was or could be agreeable to the word of god but what was contained in his pamphlets of reformation . but having run his followers into such an obstinate and unfortunate schism , the man himself becomes unsetled in his own mind , and unconstant to his own principles , and consumes the remainder of his days in discontent and restlesness of thoughts . sometimes in his lucid intervals he would suffer himself to be reclaimed to some sobriety of behaviour ; by and by in a sullen and peevish humour he falls into his old fits of raving , and then every thing dislikes him , and he falls out with his own draughts of reformation : anon in a pensive and melancholy mood he breaks all into tears and invectives against cartwright and the disciplinarian brethren ; the natural pursuance of whose principles had run him into all those miseries and calamities of life ; and thus by reason of his frequent relentings and perpetual relapses , the miserable wretch was continually tossed from gaol to gaol , till having tried his fortune in two and thirty prisons , and being tired with grief and poverty , he at last setles in conformity for a good benefice , where he lived to a great age without making any more disturbances and defections in the church , till he died frekish in northampton gaol , whither he had been committed for breach of peace , and disorderly behaviour , and so ( as it was meet ) perish'd this great prophet in that little ierusalem . and 't is nothing but this mixture of pride and peevishness that bewitches men into a love of schisms and divisions ; they are so highly conceited of themselves , and so willing to censure and despise others , that nothing shall either suit or satisfie their humour , unless it be of their own ordering and contrivance . and then must these phantastick sots attempt to reform the world ; they must be sure to condemn and vilifie the wisdom of superiours , and fancy themselves as men appointed by special providence to give check to the errours and follies of mankind . and what so delicious to people of this complexion , as to be the first founders of changes and innovations ? and the most famous impostors and enthusiasts of all ages have ever bewrayed rank symptoms of this spightful humour both in their principles and practices . and i know some men , in whose haughty and contracted looks schism and singularity are as legible as if they carried the mark of a thorough godly reformation in their foreheads : and what will not such persons attempt or endure for the glory and satisfaction of leading a party ? § . . in the next place ( to skip over his old complaint of the vehemence of my stile ) he adds a caution of his own to limit and explain this general position , viz. that nothing ought to be established in the worship of god as a part of that worship , or made constantly necessary in its observance , without the warranty before mentioned ; for this is expresly contended for by them who maintain it , and who reject nothing upon the authority of it , but what they can prove to be a pretended part of religious worship as such . this is another eminent instance of their shuffling way of talk : for whereas this principle was first framed and managed by themselves as the most forcible objection to beat down the establish't institutions of the church ; it was immediately replyed , that 't is neither true nor certain ; and they have always been prest and demanded from its first starting , to prove its evidence , and make good its certainty out of the word of god : but in stead of hearkning to so hard a task , they have only studied to defend and guard it with a multitude of precarious distinctions , and unwarrantable limitations ; all which amounts to nothing higher than a proofless and impertinent circle of talk . for 't is nothing to us whether they are able to defend it from being apparently false , unless they are able to prove it apparently true ; because there are swarms of opinions in the world that are certainly neither ; and therefore unless they will undertake to make good its undoubted truth , 't is of no force to condemn and confute the lawfulness of any establish't practice and prescription in the church of god , which nothing can make criminal but some inconsistency with some certain duty : so that till it is competently demonstrated that this aphorism is prescribed as a rule to all christians , they shoot shamefully both short and beside the mark , whilst they onely endeavour to guard and secure its probability with their own arbitrary limitations . thus whereas it was first urged by the authors of the admonition , it was immediately answered , it is most true , that nothing ought to be tolerated in the church , as necessary unto salvation , or as an article of faith , except it be expresly contain'd in the word of god. — but that no ceremony , order , discipline , or kind of polity , may be in the church , except the same be expressed in the word of god , is a great and intolerable absurdity . the church being trusted with an authority to make orders and ceremonies , as shall from time to time be thought most expedient and profitable for the same , so that nothing be done contrary to the word , or repugnant to the same . to which t. c. replies , it is true indeed , if they be not against the word of god , and profitable for the church , they are to be received as those things , which god by his church does command ; but there is the question . but there is not the question ; and it is so far from attempting to prove or justifie the argument , that it utterly relinquisheth it to the mercy of the adversary . for the question is , whether the institutions of the church ought to be repeal'd by virtue of this principle , that they are not expresly prescribed and authorized in the word of god ? but this he forsakes by this answer , and flies to a new argument , that they ought to be removed , not because they are uncommanded in the word of god , but purely because they are unprofitable to the church of god. so that the old untenable pretence was immediately yielded up at the first summons ; and a new one taken up that was never before pretended , nor ever after proved . and in this shifting way of arguing , is that man exactly followed by this author , ( who is admirably accomplish't in his choicest abilities , viz. a bold face , and a loose tongue : ) for by the limitation here by him assign'd , he shifts the old enquiry , whether any thing may be practised in the worship of god , that is not authorized in the word of god ? no , he is willing to allow it , provided it be not extended to such things as are parts of divine worship ; and he will reject nothing upon its authority , but what he is able ( but never willing ) to prove to be a pretended part of religious worship as such : so that the state of the controversie is now shifted to this dispute , whether the ceremonies injoin'd and establish't in the church of england , are pretended parts of religious worship ? and if they are not , he , good man ! for his part has nothing to except against them upon the score of this proposition ; and yet that they are so , it therefore concerns not him to prove , because 't is the onely thing pleaded . and barely to affirm it is ( it seems ) enough to his purpose , onely to tempt us to a new trouble of proving that the ceremonies prescribed in the church of england do not pretend to the dignity of being parts of divine worship : and when that is done , these squirrels can as easily frisk to a fresh pretence and a new limitation ; and thus by this dancing and capering humour , 't is an easie matter to perpetuate all the controversies in the world , how plainly soever determinable , to the coming of elias : and after this rate shall the barbers bason remain mambrino's helmet , and the asses pannel a furniture for the great horse till the day of judgment . however , this advantage i have gain'd , that this principle is yielded up as to the general and unlimited import of the words ; and therefore i hope hereafter i may justly challenge them not to impose it upon the credulity of the people without the allay of the former caution : for at present i am sure that their followers understand it in the broad and literal sense of the words , and that themselves are wont to discourse of it without any regard to these new restraints and limitations . and if hereafter they will forbear these loose and general expressions , they will lay upon us some obligation to acknowledge their ingenuity , and may possibly contribute somewhat towards disabusing the people ; who though they have so easily swallowed this proposition in its unlimited meaning , are yet unacquainted with the antidote of this restriction ; and therefore when they have cast up their old prejudice , perhaps they will not so easily take in this new notion . in the mean time , i have nothing more to press upon our author , than that he would be perswaded to slake his zeal in this controversie , till he has at least attempted to prove the institutions of the church of england to be pretended parts of divine worship ; though this he can never hope to perform , but either by out-facing her publick declarations , she having so expresly protested against it in the account of her ceremonies , that she has for that purpose prefix't to the book of common prayer : or else by proving that how innocently soever she may intend , they of their own accord commence parts of religious worship by virtue of their institution . and if this he will undertake , 't is easie to foretel ( without being prophet or prophets son ) that his whole attempt will spend it self meerly upon significant ceremonies ; and there , i hope , i have already prevented all their weak and little arts. however , to make all secure , let me onely add , that no power whatsoever can adopt any thing into the worship of god under any less pretence than of divine authority : so that whatsoever ceremonies the church may deem expedient to prescribe for order and comeliness , unless she go about to warrant her injunctions by pretending divine institution , circumstances of worship they may be , but parts they never can . and of this i thought i had already given a passable proof , and so satisfactory , that our author has nothing to except against it , but by pretending its inconsistency with some other parts of my discourse : but for the present , that is no objection against the positive truth and direct reason of the argument it self ; and , in short , 't is this : all rituals , and ceremonies , and postures , and manners of performing the outward expressions of devotion , are not from their own nature capable of being parts of religion ; and therefore unless we used and imposed them as such , 't is lamentably precarious to charge their determination with will-worship , because that consists in making those things parts of religion , that god has not made so : so that when the church expresly declares against this use of them , and professeth to injoin them only as meer circumstances of religious vvorship , 't is apparent that it cannot by imposing them make any additions to the vvorship of god ; but only provides , that what god has required be performed in a decent and orderly manner . and this is the real difference between the christian and mosaick ceremonies , in that theirs were made lasting and necessary parts of their religion , by being establish't with the same impress of divine authority as the duties of the moral law ; whereas ours are not any integral parts of divine vvorship , but purely accidental and alterable circumstances of religious services ; and so are not of the same standing necessity and obligation as were the mosaick rites , but as they were first established by our superiours according to the common rules of decency and discretion , so may they be reversed by the same authority . in a word , they are of the same nature and obligation with all other matters of humane laws , that are only disposed of by the publick wisdom , as it shall by the common notices of things judge them most convenient to publick ends. § . . and now upon this bottom we might fairly wind up this controversie , for i am secure this ever has been , and ever will be its real issue : but our author cries no , no. for if this principle should fail us , there are yet other general maxims , which non-conformists adhere unto , and suppose not justly questionable , which they can firmly stand and build upon in the management of their plea , as to all differences between me and them , i. e. he is a resolved and incorrigible schismatick , and the plain design of these words is only to encourage the people to stand firm to their principles ; what though we may be stormed out of our old elsibeth-pretensions , let us not immediately resign up our colours , and march out of our cause , we have , when all is lost , unknown retreats and fastnesses ( as all banditi and moss-troopers have ) to secure our selves from perfect discovery and destruction . this man is a demetrius , a ring-leader in sedition , and therefore it more peculiarly concerns him to bestir himself , and keep the mutineers together , and raise and animate their fainting spirits against discouragements and despondencies . the people may murmur among themselves , is this poor pretence the only ground of all our schisms and disturbances ? have our leaders no greater grievance against the publick laws than this lank and pitiful story , which themselves ( it seems ) dare not own without mincing and disguising it with their own shuffling , and ( to us ) unintelligible reservations ? is this all the popery and idolatry of the church of england , against which they are still inveighing with so much zeal and bitterness at the meetings ? must all this noise and stir be made , and the king and parliament thus disturbed for this ? neighbours , let us be advised , and not create all this needless trouble to our selves and others , only to countenance their pride and peevishness . the plain troth is , their zeal was so flush'd with success in the late tumults , as transported them to too much outrage and cruelty against the church ; and now because ( forsooth ) they are ashamed to acknowledge their fault and folly ( for what disgrace so grievous to proud and self-opinionated men , as to confess an error ) we ( fools as we are ) must be inveigled and drawn in to bear out their extravagances . come , come , this is the true mystery of separation : for you may see they themselves ( whatever they pretend ) are not so fond as seriously to believe the publick worship popish and idolatrous . do we not know that the chiefs of the presbyterians came constantly to church , and to common prayer till of late , and those that are more modest and peaceable do so still , which 't is apparent they could never have done , had they really deem'd it idolatry . how then shall we justifie our selves in running thus giddily into these wild and unwarrantable schisms ? does not common sense tell us ( though perhaps we understand nor their school subtilties ) that 't is a base and unworthy thing thus insolently to affront the kings laws , when we may avoid it without breaking gods ? and therefore seeing , whatever reasons they may have for their own non-conformity , we are satisfied , by their own example , they have none big enough to warrant our separation . let us then resolve with one consent to be peaceable and ingenuous , and return every man to his own home , and his own parish-church . but bear back , this great chieftain appears , for he is still upon all occasions the most bold and forward oratour to hearten his back-sliding brethren against doubts and despondencies , witness ianuary . in the year . when those wretched miscreants wanted some spiritual comfort and cordial against the horrour of their yesterdays villany . and thus he appears in this present streight , and thus you may suppose him , after preface of solemn wink , to bespeak the mutinous churches . * my friends , do you consider what you attempt ? do you know what dreadful and horrible things are still behind ? alas ! false worship , superstition , tyranny , and cruelty lye at the bottom , and when these have possessed the governours of a nation , and wrapt in the consent of the greatest part of the people , who have been acquainted with the mind of god , that people and nation ( assure your selves ) without unpresidented mercy is obnoxious to remediless ruine . if you think babylon is confined to rome and its open idolatry ; you know nothing of babylon or the new ierusalem : no , no , their darling errors are stones of the old babel , closing and coupling with that tremendous fabrick : which the man of sin has erected to dethrone jesus christ. you may venture to taste if you please , but remember who forewarned you , there is death in the episcopal pot. but as for your own parts , let all the world know , and let the house of england know this day , that you lie unthankfully under as full a dispensation of mercy and grace , as ever nation in the world enjoyed ; well , you will one day know what it is to undervalue the glorious gospel of the lord jesus christ ( i. e. the seditious preachings of i.o. ) good lord ! what would helpless macedonians give for one of your enjoyments ? o that wales , o that ireland , o that france , where shall i stop ? i would offend none , but give me leave to say , o that every , i had almost said , o that any part of the world had such unparallel'd helps & means of grace as you , who yet are so unworthy as scarce to acknowledg the mercy : the lord break the pride of your hearts , before it break the staff of your bread , and the help of your salvation . but as for us poor nothings , the ministers of the lord christ in the work of the gospel , we can spend our sweat and our lungs upon the barren and the parched corners of the land , upon those poor gospelless creatures , that as yet sit in darkness and the shadow of death , and have none to hold out the bread of life to their fainting souls . does not wales cry , and the north cry , yea , and the west cry , come and help us ? but this it is ; though the sound of the gospel pass through all your streets , though your villages enjoy them , who preach peace , and bring glad tidings of good things , so that neither you , nor your fathers , nor your fathers fathers , ( and this god knows is a serious truth ) ever saw the like before us : though manna fall round about your tents every day , yet manna is loathed as light bread ; no , the presence of christ it seems is not recompence for the loss of your swine ; yes , you had rather be again in aegypt , than hazard a pilgrimage in the wilderness . you forsooth boggle at tumults and disorders , poor ignorant souls , how unacquainted are you with the methods and workings of providence ? for why ! these are the only signs and symptoms of reformation , great works for god will cause great troubles among men : and for the carrying on of the interest of christ and the gospel , god is resolved to work wonderful providential alterations in the governments of the earth ; what replied brave martin luther , when it was objected to him , that that could not be the cause of god , that was the cause of so much desolation , ego nisi tumultus istos viderem , christum in mundo esse non crederem . i tell you , he who is the only potentate , will sooner or later shake all the monarchies of the western world : all the kings of the earth have suck'd in invented ( and what it seems with him is coincident ) idolatrous worship from the cup of fornication , held out to them by the roman whore : shew me seven of them that ever yet laboured sincerely to advance the kingdom of the lord jesus , and i dare boldly say , octavus quis fuerit nondum constat . the whole constitution of the governments of the nations is cemented from top to bottom with the interest of antichrist , and nothing but a thorough shaking can ever cleanse them . and to this end has the lord been pleased in his good providence to hold forth a new light to his people of this generation , whereby they might discover the mystery of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny . and you are called forth to punish tyrants , break the jaws of oppressours , and disappoint the designs of bloudy and revengeful persecutours , and to roll up the heavens of the nations like a scroll , and to serve him in your several capacities in the high places of armageddon . does not the lord , think you , require that in the great things which he has to accomplish in this generation , all his should close with him ? and what that is i have often and long since informed you out of his own word , and would you have greater assurance ? read the prophet isaiah . . verily the lord of hosts hath purposed to pollute the pride of all glory , and to bring into contempt all the honourable of the earth . now does god call forth his saints to execute vengeance upon the heathen , and punishments upon the people , to bind their kings with chains , and their nobles with fetters of iron ? does he bring you forth to burn the whore , to fight with the beast , and overcome him , with his followers ? and will he not give glorious assistances to your undertakings ? i tell you , you shall be assisted , protected , carried on , though it cost him the making his bow quite naked . what though some prove false and treacherous , some base and cowardly ? what though men every where combine and associate themselves against you ? what though whole kingdoms and mighty armies appear for your ruine , help you need , and help you shall have , ( or i tell you once again ) god will make his bow quite naked . he will put on the garments of vengeance for cloathing , and cover himself with zeal as a cloak : and according to their deeds , accordingly he will repay them , fury to his adversaries , recompence to his enemies , to the island he will repay recompence , isa. . . and though all other means should fail of success , 't is in your power to pray and believe the beast into destruction , antichrist into the pit , and magog to ruine . do but believe that the enemies of jesus christ shall be made his footstool , that the nations shall be his inheritance , that he shall reign gloriously in beauty , that he shall smite in pieces the heads over divers nations , and live in the faith of these things , and as it will give you the sweetness of them , before they come , so it will hasten their coming beyond the endeavours of thousands , yea , millions of armed men . but , my brethren , if there be any of you here , that do not only refuse to come forth to help the lord against the mighty , but that entertain thoughts to give up the worship of god to superstition , his churches to tyranny , and the doctrine of the gospel to episcopal corruptions : let him give glory to god , and repent speedily , and passionately , otherwise it will be bitterness in the end ; it will ; it will. and therefore as you tender the salvation of your poor souls , and the continuance of the gospel to your families and posterity , not one syllable more of this tumultuatingness of spirit against the prophets of the lord , and so every man to his tents , o israel . § . . sir , have you not read how that when discontent had shatter'd the roman legions into mutiny and sedition , and that the excesses of outrage and insolence , like the violence of a resistless torrent , had broken down all the banks of government and discipline amongst them ; yet at the presence of a scipio or fabricius they did immediately retire into place and order ? his look charm'd them into obedience , and with a nod he awed away confusion ; they that never dreaded kings , trembled at his voice : that was more affrightful than assured death . his authority with three syllables stifled sedition , disarm'd and confounded the guilty , and they could endure any thing rather than his frown and his displeasure . and thus is all the noise and tumult of the discontented churches hush'd into peace and order ; this great commander looks the murmur of the people into silence and obedience , and the winds and seas obey his voice . he can raise or allay storms and seditions with the breath of his mouth ; 't is but crying out , the cause of god , and popular zeal is immediately in arms , and mutiny ; do but tell them , the gospel lies at stake , and the rabble will die martyrs to their own credulity . this sacred imposture will as much secure their obedience as the roman discipline , and the roman legions could never be more forward for the glory of the common-wealth , then the congregational churches will be for the beauty and purity of christs ordinances . and such has ever been the boldness of this man , he scorns to vouch any less warrantable commission for his own dreams and fancies than the express and immediate commands of divine authority ; all his singularities must be gospellized , and all his seditious doctrines broach'd out of st. paul. the wisdom of god must be prostituted to his folly and boldness , the word of god prophaned to authorize his pride and zealous madness ; all his phanatick pranks must be charged upon the scriptures , and he has a text for every extravagant attempt ; and whatever the principles of reason and common honesty cannot account for , the old prophets shall not only foretel , but sanctifie . and perhaps never did all the prophane wits in the world make more bold with the word of god than this daring man , there is scarce any more remarkable text in the whole bible , that he has not turn'd into ridicule ; he can guard every thing he says and does with files of chapter and verse , as it were with pikes and protestations , and can draw up remonstrances and declarations , as well as primers out of the word of god ; in brief , with him every thing is scripture , & scripture is every thing . and this is the true mystery of all our schisms and divisions ; it is not their contest about ceremonies and things indifferent , but it is their pulpit-talk about the cause of god and the gospel that transports the peoples zeal , and there still things are so represented as if they alone were the people of god , and we the professed enemies of the lord christ ; and the least thing they will say , when they are most cool and moderate , is , that we are revolted from the purity of the gospel to superstition and will-worship , and that there is no beauty and purity of ordinances but in their meetings and conventicles . the fox in the fable ( says i. o. ) had a thousand wiles to save himself from the hunters : but the cat knew unum magnum , one great thing that would surely do it . earthly supports and contentments are but a thousand failing wiles , which will all vanish in the time of need : the gospel , and christ in the gospel , is that unum magnum , that unum necessarium , which alone will stand us in any stea● . our adversaries may discourse like politicians , and make a thousand pretences for the necessity of uniformity , in order to the peace and security of government : but we will trust to one great pretence , the command of god , and the cause of the gospel ; and that with the people will do our business more effectually than all their stratagems of policy . § . . and thus is it our authors present design to enlarge and prolong the controversie , and to set up new mormo's in our churches , to fray away the people from our communion , though they all run themselves into the same principle , that the vvord of god is the adequate rule of the vvorship of god ; yet the very appearance of number is no little security to the cause , and satisfaction to the proselytes ; and though they are but so many several repetitions of the same thing , yet that makes a shew that they have a great deal to say for themselves , and that is enough . and thus were our author put upon the proof of these general maxims here by him laid down , he would and must wholly setle himself upon this bottom . let us briefly examine them : the two first are , ( . ) whatever the scripture has indeed prescribed and appointed to be done and observed in the worship of god , and the government of the church , that is indeed to be done and observed . ( . ) that nothing in conjunction with , or addition unto what is so appointed , ought to be admitted , if it be contrary to the general rules , or particular preceptive instructions of the scripture . vvhere you may observe , that these maxims are such as they will adhere unto , and stand upon , in the management of the plea as to the differences between us . so that their plain meaning , as applied to their present contest with the church of england , is , that the nonconformists way of vvorship is prescribed and appointed in the vvord of god ; whereas our additions to it are contrary either to the general rules ; or particular instructions of scripture : and if this be not the design of these propositions , they are no other way pertinent to the management of this plea. and now are not these admirable principles to be pleaded in an apology for liberty of conscience ? the governours of the nation are bound to indulge us in our different practices and perswasions about the vvorship of god , because there is but one particular form allowable , only that which is prescribed and injoin'd in the vvord of god , and that is ours ; and therefore are they , and all the princes of christendom , tied up to an exact conformity to that rule , and not to endure any other forms that deviate from its prescription , unless they will tolerate men in an open and avowed violation of the law of god. so unhappy is this man , as still to turn his own vveapons upon himself ; and stab his cause in its own defence , as desperate men chuse to die by their own hands , that they may escape their enemies swords . he could not have invented a principle more expresly destructive of his own pretences ; for if nothing be lawful in the worship of god , but what is prescribed in the word of god ; and if nothing that is unlawful may be tolerated by the civil magistrate ; and if there be but one particular form appointed in the word of god , it cannot avoid to be concluded that all others are unlawful , and by consequence intolerable . and thus are the tables turned , and now the state of the controversie is not , whether both parties may be safely and innocently tolerated : no , but whether they or we : onely they , ( says he ) because their way of worship is indispensably prescribed and appointed by god himself : not we , because ours is contrary to his own rules and prescriptions ; and therefore the case is plain , it ought to be abolish't without mercy or delay , unless men may be permitted by connivence of publick authority , to contradict the express will of god under pretence of his own worship . but if this be our case , there is no remedy but we must hereafter play a new game in our own defence . they that declare they will give no quarter , have no reason to expect any . and this is a mighty aggravation of these mens former miscarriages and present impenitence , that they can be so bold and confident in their demands from those , that they have so lately treated so barbarously ; and yet are so far from giving any tokens of their repentance , that they publickly suggest , that if ever it comes to their turn in the course of providential alterations , they shall again expect the same usage . but is it not a pleasant topick of perswasion , to move us to treat them with all tenderness and civility , because they never did shew us any mercy , and if it lie in their power , never will ? ( a thing in which we have reason enough to be satisfied , without any of these publick declarations . ) like the country swain that resolved upon his death-bed , if he died , to forgive his enemy ; but swore the utmost revenge if he ever recovered . thus will these men , when their reformation is in danger of breathing its last , pretend to tolerate us only because they cannot help it ; but when they can , any thing is tolerate but popery and episcopacy . and this man , this tender man , that will not endure any of his disciples to be so much as present at our antichristian way of worship , is , no doubt , a fit agent ( not to mention some other excellent qualifications ) to treat with us for indulgence and mutual forbearance ; and he that declares by his most avowed principles , he will not allow us permission when he is out of power ; would , no doubt , be so generous as to grant us all civil liberty , were he in it . go thy way , for a wretched apologist ! thy perswasions are just as wise as thy arguments . § . . but farther , is this the plea of all nonconformists , or but of one party ? if of all , then have we them at old burleigh's lock , that engaged to grant their demands , when they had agreed among themselves what to demand : 't is well known into how many different rendezvouses the whole body of the nonconformists are subdivided , and withal that their pretences and perswasions stand at as wide a distance and open defiance to each other , as to the church of england ; and therefore the whole body can neither reasonably pretend this plea , nor possibly be allowed it : for howsoever the different factions may at present seem to piece together for the common interest ; yet when this comes to be put in practice , they immediately fall all in pieces again , every party has its different meaning , and appropriates the claim of divine right to its own way , and every faction bandies against every faction for its own ius divinum . they are all zealous for erecting the throne of jesus christ , but the onely contention is , which of them shall sit at his right and his left hand , or rather in it . and whenever they are mounted , they lord it with the insolence of young usurpers . and certainly the scepter of jesus christ was never such an iron rod ( no not in the kirk it self ) as when it was in the hands of the triers , the tender-hearted triers . and this is our authors particular design and intention , that the independent way of worship is the onely way that is prescribed and appointed in the word of god ; and therefore that that , and none other , is lawful and warrantable : so that ( 't is plain ) this pretence , as he manages it , is not the plea of the nonconformists in their combined strength , but purely of the independents in their separated interest ; and that as much in opposition to the presbyterians on one hand , and the lower swarms of sectaries on the other , as to the doctrine and discipline of the church of england : so that here every clan of the fanaticks is engaged as much as we to stand upon their guard , and 't is made our common interest to join forces against his usurping pretensions . but this has ever been the crafty method of the independents , first to preach general doctrines , but still to make the particular applications to themselves , i. e. to decoy men into their snares by their text and hidden meaning , and then devour them in the opening of the plot , that was always reserved for use and application . thus , are the people of england enraged against them for murthering their soveraign ? the doctrine is , instruments of gods greatest works and glory , are oftentimes the chiefest objects of a professing peoples curses and revenges . and , men that under god deliver a kingdom , may have the kingdoms curses for their pains . are the people transported into rage against them , for running our confusions beyond all visible hopes of setlement and recovery , by that horrid act upon the person of their prince ? the doctrine is , men every way blameless , and to be imbraced in their own ways , are oftentimes abhorred and laden with curses for following the lord in his ways . what precious men should many be , would they let go the work of god in this generation ? do any of those wretched miscreants begin to think of hell , and halters , and , with iudas , stand agast at the horrour of their crime ? the doctrine is , in dark and difficult dispensations of providence , gods choicest servants are oftentimes ready to faint under the burthen of them . do some of the old souldiers and officers begin to whisper cavalierism and loyalty ? the doctrine is , plausible compliances of men in authority with those , against whom they are imployed , are treacherous contrivances against the god of heaven , by whom they are imployed . do the presbyterians and royalists begin to make head against those bold and bloody usurpers ? the doctrine is , god oftentimes gives up a sinful people to a fruitless contention and fighting with their onely supporters and means of deliverance . and thus the doctrine of this book is , 't is the duty of king and parliament to tolerate tender consciences , i. e. says this application , independents . and the text wherewith he vouches this doctrine , is matth. . . where our saviour binds his disciples to observe his commands and institutions to the end of the world ; but onely the independents observe that form of worship and discipline that he has prescribed and appointed to the practice of his church in all ages . ergo. so that the most moderate inference that can be extracted from these premises , is , that no form of publick worship or ecclesiastical government ought to be establish't in this nation , till his majesty is in good earnest convinced that i. o.'s independent catechism ( as shamefully as 't is baffled ) is faithfully collected out of the word of god. these are hard sayings , and yet methinks the two following propositions seem to be somewhat more unreasonable , viz. ( . ) that nothing ought to be added to what is injoined in scripture , without some cogent reason . or , ( . ) if any things be found necessary , onely those must be prescribed that are most consonant to its general rules and institutions . now the only pertinent result of these pleas as to the difference between us , is , that they apprehend not any such cogent reason for our prescriptions , nor any such exact suitableness in them to the rules of scripture , as in their own models of worship and discipline : and this difference of judgment about the expediency of things , shall abundantly warrant their disobedience to the king , and their separation from the church : and every man that has folly or confidence enough to insist upon this pretence , may claim the priviledge of his conscience to make new schisms and divisions in pursuance of the best light god has given him . is not this an admirable contrivance to keep us for ever wandring in the endless mazes and labyrinths of reformation , when every pert and hot-headed preacher that dreams the laws of the church are not altogether so agreeable in every point and nicety to the word of god , as his own phantasms and singular hypothesis , shall be permitted the liberty to withdraw his obedience and conformity to the church , to set up new schisms of his own projectment , and to demand of publick authority a more thorough godly reformation . it is not possible for any church in the world , upon the allowance of such delicate principles , to avoid the mischief of everlasting schisms and confusions . but these pretences are so infinitely pettish and unreasonable , that i will not insist any farther upon their confutation ; especially because what i have already discoursed both of our obligations to obedience in all things that are not certainly and apparently evil ; and also of the deep silence of scripture as to forms and institutions of outward worship , does so visibly both anticipate and surmount all appearance of difficulty in such slender exceptions . § . . but our author having , it seems , provided himself of these retreats , ( that will give as fair shelter and protection to all the peevish and troublesom men in the world , as to himself ) he thinks he may now proceed with more safety and confidence to a particular state and defence of the present controversie , whether nothing may be warrantably establish't in the worship of god , but what is expresly authorized in the word of god ? but here ( for what reason himself best knows , and you may shrewdly conjecture ) he chuses to engage in a wood , rather than in open champaign ; and in stead of a frank and pertinent account of his own thoughts , ( if he have any ) he bewilders himself and his readers in a wilderness of propositions , and at last leaves them ( as himself speaks ) in the briers of his own unscriptural distinctions . he lays down a confused heap of positive and uncertain assertions , without any concern in , or reduction to the particular matter in debate : to which they have so little relation , that whether true or false , the cause is not likely to gain any mighty advantage , or suffer any considerable damage by them . in the first place , he repeats his old trite story , and systematick distinction of innate and revealed light ; where , after some positions , partly true , partly false , but all impertinent , he tells us , ( and 't is great news ) that the enquiry in our present contest is onely about the latter ; and then here he distinguisheth between occasional and stated revelation ; under the former , he reduces the institution of sacrifices before the law , according to the liberty he takes of founding principles , which is to suppose any thing that he ought to prove : and thus because there remains no publick record for the stated institution of sacrifices , it ought to be presumed they were warranted by private commission ; though for that presumption there is as little ground as for their publick appointment . but of this we have discoursed already , and 't is the latter that he contends to be the sole rule of religious worship . and this principle he tells you has ever been so universally own'd in the world , that the postmisnical jews were forced to refer their oral traditions to a divine original , and that the papists dare not resolve their present church-determinations into a less authority . though in those very pretences lies the very imposture of those men , in that they ascribe their own inventions to the wisdom of god , and impose upon the consciences of mankind by virtue of a divine command , and with a false pretence of divine authority ; and in the very same abuses lies the presumption of these men , in that nothing will satisfie them but they must have a divine right for all their own fancies and practices . so that , as far as i am able to discern , the only use this principle serves to , is to justifie mens tyranny and usurpation ; and under its protection to obtrude their own conceits and unreasonable fancies upon the minds of men. and 't is seldom pretended but where mens impositions are so wild and exorbitant , that nothing less can bear them out than the authority of god himself . all cheats in all ages have ever shrowded themselves under this pretence ; and the truth is , it does not only encourage , but makes them too : for when the word of god has really prescribed no particular forms of outward worship ; and when all churches have and must have their own peculiar customs and usages ; then , if men are resolved to own and stand to this principle , they bring themselves under an inextricable necessity , of ascribing something to the command of god , which god never commanded . but would other churches lay on their impositions ( as the church of england does hers ) with the obligations of humane power , that which now may be a bold imposture , would then ( unless it were faulty upon some other score ) have been an exercise of lawful jurisdiction . but thus is our church requited for her frankness and ingenuity . the succeslesness of such an honest and well-ordered discipline upon these men , would almost incline one to suspect that the generality of mankind will not be govern'd but by imposture and superstition . after this follows another train of propositions , to except natural circumstances , and limit the sense of the proposition to significant and instituted ceremonies : all which we have already routed in our former engagement , and he does not rally up with that metal and briskness as to put us upon the necessity of a second conquest . here are no fresh forces and succours , nothing but some straggling repetitions out of the former chapter ; and 't is not worth while to pursue them , after i have defeated the whole body . but he having thus scholastically finish't the state of the question , because he fears all these forces will not stand the shock of an assault , he doubles his files , backs them with new subtilties and scholastick pikes , and states all over again in ten additional propositions ; though they are all apparently either coincident with the former , or new impertinencies , or old beggaries , such as that of which i gave you an account in the former chapter , viz. wherever we find in the scripture any religious duty approved , though we find no preceding institution , we must take it for granted that it was instituted . i have already begged his pardon to excuse me this civility of granting up a principle so contradictory to my pretences , as an avowed and common notion between us : and if he will but give me leave to except this single one , i will in requital freely grant him all his other nine , if that will do him any service ; though for what use he intends them in our present enquiry , i confess i am not able to divine : however , i am not at all concern'd in them ; and therefore if he can make any advantage of their service , much good may they do him . and now having driven the nail thus home with hard notions out of the school-men , he clincheth it with testimonies out of the fathers ; and if i will not be born down by strength of reason , no nor confidence , he resolves to sweep me away with the torrent of authority . but though he argues very ill , yet he quotes much worse . for you know it has been an old and beaten controversie between us and the church of rome ; whether the written word of god be the adequate rule of faith ; and in this both sides have hotly engaged with all sorts of weapons , viz. reason , scripture , and the opinion of the ancients : to which last purpose many protestant writers have collected a vast variety of express assertions out of their vvritings in behalf of the protestant opinion : now some of these our author gravely transcribes for my confutation ; and what they plainly affirm'd of necessary articles of faith , he confidently applies to ceremonies of outward vvorship . out of what particular author he made bold to borrow them , they are so common and trivial , it is impossible to determine ; you may meet them all together with some other company , ( out of which he has cunningly drawn these to escape discovery ) in chamier , tom . . lib. . where he maintains the perfection and sufficiency of the canon of scripture for a rule of faith. and the passages themselves do so plainly limit their own sense to this subject , that they are utterly uncapable of any other application ; and if you can prevail with your self barely to run them over , that without any farther trouble will satisfie you of their wretched and palpable impertinency ; for my own part i have neither leisure nor patience to waste precious time and good paper upon such woful trash . let him take his liberty in his own wild rangings , whilst he roves aloof off from my concerns ; and therefore i am resolved , without regard to his unnecessary digressions , to confine my discourse only to those things that pretend a direct and immediate attempt upon my former treatise . § . . in the prosecution of this argument , i shewed this principle to be so perpetually pregnant with mischiefs and disturbances , that 't is impossible any church should establish any rules of decency , or laws of discipline , or any setled frame of things appertaining to the offices of external religion , that it will not of necessity contradict and abrogate ; in that there never was , nor ever can be any form of worship , as to all circumstances prescribed in the word of god , because that has actually determined no exteriour parts of religion beyond the two sacraments ; and therefore as long as men lie under the power of a principle so equally false and troublesom , they can never want what themselves may apprehend a just pretence to warrant disturbance and disobedience . so that we found by experience , that when once it was let loose upon the institutions of the church of england , it worried every thing that stood in its way , and turn'd its fury alike upon every party , that pretended to peace and setlement ; it was merciless , as some bodies rage and lust , and spared nothing that sacriledge could devour . and as by this the puritans assaulted and ruin'd the church of england ; so when they subdivided among themselves , and mouldred into new churches and factions , it was still the offensive weapon of every aspiring party ; with it the independents vanquish'd the presbyterians ; with it the anabaptists attempted the independents ; and with it all the little under-sects set up against the anabaptists ; and with it , as soon as they were born , like the dragons teeth , they fell foul upon each other , and had they crumbled into a thousand farther divisions and subdivisions ( for nothing so endless as phanatick innovations ) it would equally have served both for and against all , because whatever particular customs and rules of decency they should have agreed upon in the worship of god , it was apparently enough impossible they should ever vouch and warrant their prescription out of the word of god ; the reason is evident , because that has prescribed and determined none at all . and therefore after the liturgy it sent the directory , with church musick it silenced sternholds rhimes , with the cross it cashier'd sprinkling in baptism , and when it had ( at least in design ) pluckt down cathedral churches , it fell upon steeple-houses . and what could ever stop the fury of so endless and so unreasonable a principle ? for when it had wandred as far as tom of odcomb through a numberless variety of changes and reformations , it would ever have been at as great a distance from its intended end , as the foolish traveller , when he had compassed the top of olympus , was from touching the sun. for how should men with all their search and travel be ever able to discover that in the word of god , which the word of god has no where discover'd in it self . but 't is no matter for that , our author appeals to all mankind , whether an issue and setled stability be not likelier to be effected by all mens consenting unto one common rule , whereby these differences may be tried and examined , than that every party should be left at liberty to indulge to their own affections and imaginations about them . in plain troth , sir , i must take some severer course with this man , if nothing else will reclaim him from this lazy trade of begging . i had taken pains to prove , both from the nature of the thing , and the experience of the world , that this principle carries disquiet and disturbance in its bare supposition , because it stands upon demands impossible to be satisfied . but this man , without taking any notice of my arguments , replies like himself , i. e. boldly and impertinently , to my assertion , and gravely supposes there is , or ought to be , a common rule established in the world , whereby differences concerning outward worship may be tried and examined , which is the very thing in question between us , and all my proofs , to which this is intended for a satisfactory answer , are directly levell'd against the very supposition it self ; in that it invites and engages men to remonstrate to any setled form of worship upon such unreasonable grounds of exception , as it is impossible for any church in the world either to avoid , or to redress . if indeed there were any such common rule prescribed in the gospel , it would no doubt be a certain and admirable way to determine controversies ; but in the mean while to suppose it against flat experience , because we apprehend it convenient for our own ends and interests , is just such another way of arguing as the romanists insist upon to prove the infallibility of the papal chair , because to appeal thither , would quickly reconcile all the squabbles and contentions of christendom ; and so it would , were there any competent evidence that his holiness is really vested in any such absolute and uncontroulable sovereignty over christian princes : but the mischief is , there no where appears any warrant or commission to authorize any such mighty judicature ; so that by agreeing to devolve the determination of all our disputes upon their final decrees , we should only bring our selves under this desperate inconvenience , to embrace and submit to any thing that is , or may be , for the advantage of the see or the court of rome ; and be bound in conscience to believe all the absurdities in the world by vertue of a counterfeit infallibility , and so be unavoidably obliged to swallow the grossest errors and impostures as articles of faith and rules of religion . and this is the natural and necessary result of this pretence ; if indeed it were true , it would do wonderful feats towards appeasing all our quarrels and divisions ; but if it be false , it will only serve to create and propagate them for ever , and as long as men persist in its demand , there can be no end of eternal changes and dissetlements . and it does not only leave men to the liberty of their own fancies and imaginations ( though 't is chiefly intended by our author for the prevention of that inconvenience ) but withal brings us under an unhappy necessity of yielding to them as impositions of the divine law , and with respect to a divine authority . for if the scripture have left us no such determinations , then all those , that they pretend to discover there , are meerly creatures of their own brain , before which we must fall down and worship with as much devotion as before the divine oracles . and now what else can be the issue of these conceits , but that the establish'd laws and discipline of every church must be unravel'd to gratifie every faction , and advance every fancy . and therefore unless these men are resolved we shall accept their confidence for reason , they should first make good this principle by undeniable proofs of scripture , before they venture to lay so much weight upon its admission , and not tell us ( as our author has done ) that he is able to prove it by an hundred texts ( and yet never alledge one ; ) for till he has performed this , he only demonstrates his assertion by often repeating it : but beggars are a bold sort of people , and will extort what they cannot challenge by clamour and importunity . and thus whereas i added , that all the pious villanies that ever disturbed the christian world have ever sheltred themselves in this grand maxim , he solemnly replies , the maxim it self here traduced is as true as any part of the gospel . this is down-right hardiness , and ( i confess ) resistless demonstration : it must be a desperate wight that dares cope with such a giantlike confidence , that when it is not able to answer , is able to brow-beat arguments . to what purpose does this young man here tell us stories of the gnosticks of old , and the anabaptists of late , how they either have , or would have embroiled kingdoms in pursuance of this principle ? to what purpose does he tell us 't is an impregnable sanctuary of disturbance and sedition ? to what purpose does he admonish us , that if this pretence be allowed as sufficient to warrant remonstrances to the publick laws , 't is such an unhappy ground of quarrel and exception , that it is not in the power of government to provide against its disorders and enormities , because the matter of its demands is a thing utterly impossible ? i say pish ! to what purpose all this , when i tell him that this maxim , whatever he may pretend or prove , is as certainly true as any part of the gospel . and thus do i argue against a wool-sack , no reasonings can make impression upon his mind , but fall and perish unregarded , and when you have spent so much ammunition to beat down this principle , it is all defeated with this goodly answer , 't is true as the gospel . when against this very answer lies the very emphasis of all my objections , that they require such an impracticable condition to the setlement of the church , under such a peremptory and indispensable obligation . and the greater their confidence , the more it aggravates the mischief and strengthens the argument : in that they make this impossible fancy as necessary to church-communion as the apostles creed ; so that if this pretence shall pass for a warrantable ground of separation , schism will become the greatest duty , and confusion the most certain character of a true church , because it will indifferently rise up against all setlements , and implead all forms of discipline . what think you , would not this mans resolute blockishness even tempt a stoick to beat syllogisms into his head , for you see nothing else will ever make him attend to the hardest arguments ? but as for our authors own private and reserved meaning , as to the sense of this principle , 't is plainly this ; there cannot possibly be any true church without the beauty and purity of christian ordinances ; this consists purely in the congregational way of worship and discipline , so that wherever that is not legally established , there can be no true church ; for all others have deviated from the platform of the gospel , and therefore there can be no right setlement and due reformation of things , till that is once more re-enthroned in the christian world. and 't is this our author means when he instructs us that , the worship of god is or ought to be the same at all times , in all places , and amongst all people , in all nations ; and the order of it is fixt and determin'd in all particulars that belong unto it . so that by his principles and good-will , no other form of worship ought to be allowed in the church of god , but what himself apprehends particularly prescribed to all ages and nations of the world in the word of god. and this is excellent doctrine for one that is pleading for toleration , and sutable to that of i. o. who tells us in his romance of the distinct communion , i shall take leave to say what is upon my heart , and what ( the lord assisting ) i shall willingly endeavour to make good against all the world ; namely , that that principle that the church hath power to institute and appoint any thing or ceremony belonging to the worship of god , either as to matter or to manner , beyond the orderly observance of such circumstances , as necessarily attend such ordinances as christ himself has instituted , ( which condition none but the independents observe ) lies at the bottom of all the horrible superstition and idolatry , of all the confusion , bloud , persecution , and wars , that have for so long a season spread themselves over the face of the christian world ; and that it is the design of a great part of the revelation to make a discovery of this truth . so that , to be brief , all the dreadful prophesies of st. iohn are not to be appeased till the princes of christendom shall be pleased to agree in the ius divinum of independency . in the next following section i demand , why , forsooth , this proposition must be limited to matters of religion only ? and why the scripture ought not to be esteemed as perfect a rule of civil as of ecclesiastical polity , and why not as complete a system of ethicks as a canon of worship ? so that if i should require any other reason of this limitation , beside their own humour , it is not in its own nature capable of any other account but what is given by the scriptures themselves ; and therefore unless they can shew us where they expresly limit this doctrine to matters of worship , the very pretence disproves and condemns it self . but our author instead of standing to this appeal , and satisfying my demands by determinations out of the word of god , endeavours to account for this difference by the meer reason of things themselves , which though it were true , is yet coarsly impertinent ; seeing the principle it self disclaims any other proof or confirmation but what relies upon express testimony of scripture . and yet 't is as false as 't is impertinent , for 't is in many words to this purpose : that matters of civil government relate to the conveniences of this life , and so are capable of being varied according to the circumstances of things and rules of prudence ; whereas the things that appertain to the worship of god , have another reference to the pleasing of god , and the purchase of eternity , and therefore are stated by him in all particulars , and not at all left to prudential accommodations . this little subterfuge , you know , i have already stopt ; and though i had not , it is obvious at the first glance of a reflecting thought , that all matters civil , moral , and religious , have a common relation to the concerns both of our present and future state . the affairs of religion may ( as they are managed ) be either useful or hurtful to the conveniences of this life ; and on the contrary , our civil and political interests have an unavoidable reference to the accounts of the life to come , and therefore ( to spare more words ) this can make no difference between them as to the jurisdiction of earthly powers . § . . in the next paragraph i endeavoured to represent how this delicacy and coyness of conscience must engage men to remonstrate to the institutions of all churches that either were , are , or shall be in the world. and here i instanced in some customs both of the jewish and the primitive christian churches of old , and of late in those of the lutheran and calvinian communion , and more particularly in some of the rites and usages of the long-parliament reformation . but here he wisely winks at all the instances i produced of things now in being ; for their notoreity of fact is so certain and unquestionable , that 't is impossible any face should be varnish'd with confidence enough to deny it with eyes open . and then as for the precedents i alledged out of the records of ancient times , he turns them all off with one short and scornful glance . what tell you me ( says he ) of the feast of purim , was it not a civil observance ? though 't is so infinitely certain it was a solemn day of thanksgiving instituted by mordecai for so eminent and unexpected a deliverance of the jewish nation from that general massacre that was so bloudily plotted , and so fiercely prosecuted by haman and his accomplices : and for this reason was it attended , as all their other festivals of joy ever were , ( and ours ought to be ) with bounty and charity to the poor . but if he will not allow the fourteenth and fifteenth days of the month adar to have been religious feasts , 't is to be feared he will in time proceed to deny that the twenty fourth of october , in the year . was observed with holy-day respect and religion , though it be marked out in some bodies calendar , as a solemn day of thanksgiving for the destruction of the scots army at worcester , and the providential deliverance of these nations from their civil and ecclesiastical bondage , and from a tyrant full of revenge , and a discipline full of persecution , with sundry other mercies . in the next place , what do i twit him with the feasts of the dedication , and the fasts of the captivity , when i have no proof of their being approved ? but , gentle sir , had they been such bold and unwarrantable encroachments upon the divine prerogative , as you pretend , it can scarce be imagined but that god would sometime or other have protested against them , as he often did against all their other obliquities and misdemeanours ; so that their not being expresly scorn'd and rejected , is of it self a just and safe presumption of their acceptance . and yet however , as for the first feast of the dedication of the altar , instituted and observed by solomon , there is the same evidence of its being accepted , as there is of the whole solemnity of consecrating the temple ; for immediately after the end of this ceremony , which was the last part of this princely and magnificent performance , god himself is pleased to declare to solomon his full and entire approbation of the whole duty . and then as for the latter feast of dedication for rebuilding the altar by iudas and the maccabees , it was performed with extraordinary gravity and devotion , and is represented by the author of that history as a remarkable instance of their zeal and piety . and that is sufficient proof that the jews themselves ( as strictly as they were tied up by the mosaick canon to prescript forms ) had no such terrible conceptions of the sacrilegious boldness of new occasional solemnities and ceremonial additions . but those were apocryphal times , and therefore not capable of the evidence of divine testimony , unless it were that our saviour afterward sufficiently intimated he did not dislike the institution , by vouchsafing his presence at the solemnity , which had it been such an unlawful observance , he would never have done , unless that he might take occasion to reprove it , as he did all their other unwarrantable traditions . and as for the other parallel instance of the fasts of the captivity , i see not how we can expect or desire a more express allowance and approbation , than what the almighty himself has been pleased to give us by his own immediate inspiration . thus saith the lord of hosts ; the fast of the fourth month , and the fast of the fifth , and the fast of the seventh , and the fast of the tenth shall be to the house of iudah ioy , and gladness , and chearful feasts , therefore love the truth and peace . where are reckoned up , without any mark of difference , three fasts instituted upon emergent and occasional reasons , together with * one ordained and appointed by god himself ; and where also 't is promised , if they would reform their immoralities according to the doctrines and sermons of his prophets , he would so alter their condition , as to give them reason to institute even upon those days of deepest sadness , the most memorable festivals and solemnities of rejoycing . and then as for the last instance alledged out of the old testament , viz. wearing sackcloth in token of humiliation , that ( says he ) was only a customary sign suited to the nature of the thing : i. e. it had a natural aptness to represent the thing it signified ; and therefore might perchance have been made use of to that purpose in ancient time . but how came it first to gain the authority of prescription ? if by chance and accidental usage , why may not the civil magistrate be allowed as much power to warrant their lawful significancy , as popular custom ? for if it be antecedently unlawful to create this relation between them , nothing can do it ; if it be not , where lies the ground of exception , rather against the commands of governours , than the casual consent of the people ? but if on the contrary , sackcloth was made choice of to this purpose by design and institution , then its case is the same to all intents and purposes with our symbolical rites and usages , against which yet they except for that only reason : however , it would be a notable subtlety to discover any such remarkable difference as to the concerns of morality , between the institutions of law and of custom , so as to make one ( though for no other reason ) apparently unlawful , and the other just and warrantable . these mens consciences are so strangely nice and subtle , that nothing will satisfie the exactness of their curiosity , unless they may divide an hair into all points of the compass . but besides , as for what is here pretended as to the natural suitableness of sackcloth , to the nature of grief and sorrow ; if the symbolical use of a surplice be not so curiously adapted to express what it is design'd to signifie , as is that emblem of humiliation ; that at worst is no defect of morality , but meerly of fancy and dexterous invention , in fixing upon less proper resemblances , than possibly a more curious wit might have pitched upon : so that though perhaps the representation be not altogether so neat and pretty , as some fanciful men might have contrived ; yet to make that any ground of exception , is but a contest of wit , and not of conscience . and yet after all this , i know not any symbol in the nature of things more obvious or more catholick , than the significancy of a white vestment ; in so much that it has in all nations ever been accepted and used as a proper sign of purity and innocence ; unless among the blacks , where they paint the devil white . and therefore ( if that be their grievance ) its signification was not first stampt upon it by the meer arbitrary institution of authority , but was first ratified by custom and prescription ; and for that reason was it afterward appointed to be used as a customary sign suited to the nature of the thing , in the same manner as was wearing sackcloth among the jews in token of humiliation . § . . these , among many others , were the precedents i pitch't upon in the jewish church ; and then , as for those of the primitive christians , the first instance i specified , was the lords-day sabboth . to this our author is so confident as to tell us , it had a perpetual binding institution from the authority of christ himself ; though he is so wise too as not to tell us where . perhaps 't is possible he may discover some such thing described in the canticles , or foretold by the old prophets : but if he will appeal to the four evangelists , they are as silent as to any record or account of our saviours translating the sabboth from the last to the first day of the week , as they are of the anniversary observation of the fifth of november ; and it was as much unknown , and as little observed during his conversation in the world. but this man is bold enough to bear down the truth of story , and the evidence of fact , and by down-right affirmation to vouch his own dreams and fancies into certain and undoubted realities . but perhaps by this gay and careless way of talking , our author may affect the humour and conversation of gentlemen , when they are disposed to be pleasant , and satisfie themselves with any repartee that strikes the present fancy , without regard to its truth , or concern for its proof . and he may be waggish and complaisant if he please ; but as for my part , i am now resolved to be serious , sullen , and scholastick ; and therefore tell him plainly to his beard , that there is not one tittle or iota concerning saint sabboth among all the twelve apostles : and if he think himself able to discover the new institution of this festival among our saviours precepts , he may hope after the same rate to find out a particular appointment of all the margaret fasts and thanksgivings in the revelations . my two next instances were the love-feasts , and the kiss of charity : but in these , ( he replies ) there was only a direction to use civil customs and observances in an holy and sanctified manner . dictum factum , they were purely civil customs , and had no relation to religious worship ; and therefore ( sir ) this is an impertinent allegation . this is short ; but yet however , i have learn't by long conversation with this man , at length to look confidence in the face , and not to be put off with slight and positive assertions . and therefore in the first place , what if i should gall him with the precariousness of this distinction , and still challenge him to shew where the word of god impowers or permits the church or the civil magistrate to institute new civil rites , and where it retrenches the exercise of the same jurisdiction as to ecclesiastical customs ? this single querie is such a choak-pear as he will never be able either to chew or to swallow . beside , there is no such mighty difference between civil and religious ceremonies , but that they may be frequently coincident : outward solemnities of religion may be sometime used for ornament of state ; and some of the more grave and serious ornaments of state , may be sometime borrowed to set off the more pompous solemnities of religion . and to what purpose soever they may be intended , they are still no more than ceremonies of grandeur or decency ; and their nature ( unless perchance it be appropriated by some particular limitation ) always is of such a common and indifferent use , that they are of themselves equally capable of being applied either to the services of religion , or to the actions of civil life , and are denominated either this or that , according to their present office and imployment . but yet farther , to direct civil usages to be observed in an holy and sanctified manner , is to adopt them into acts and exercises of religion : for so they are , as far as they are observed in an holy and sanctified manner ; for so far they have an holy and sanctified use ; and all things whose use is holy and sanctified , are ( i think ) of a religious importance : and therefore if humane power may warrantably institute such civil observances as these , that alone is sufficient to my purpose , for they , as such , are religious rites and customs . however , by this mans principles , what authority has any person to direct civil observances to religious ends and uses , unless ( as he argues against the institution of symbolical ceremonies ) he could change their natures , or create a new relation between them ? if he can , his grand scruple ( for all his atoms are as big as mountains ) of applying things of one kind to signifie things of another , is of no force against instituted symbols : for the only thing that seems to grieve and offend him , is the arrogance of attempting to create new relations . 't is presumption for any finite being to assume to it self such an infinite power ; works of creation are proper to omnipotence ; so that it can be no less than blasphemy , and presuming our selves equal to the almighty , to pretend to his power of creating relations . thus 't is read in his philosophy ; and yet according to the more modern and reformed metaphysicks , this is judged so common and feasible an exploit , that some doctors are of opinion that any child is able , with the allowance of a truss of straw , to create him fifty thousand in a day . what then think you of the force and truth of that argument , that supposes this so great and so known an absurdity , that to reduce you to it , is to drive you into contradictions , and run you up against first principles ? well! were duns alive , he would break a lance , or pluck a crow with our author about this subtlety ; and would maintain to his teeth , that the power of creating relations is competent to finite beings . but to be short and serious , were you ever in all your life entertain'd with such fairy tales and meer romances in matters of this importance ? consider with your self after what rate this man has behaved himself towards the church of england ; and then consider how all his implacable zeal and indignation against her laws and customs , resolves it self entirely into an antipathy against significant ceremonies ; and then consider how the only ground of his hatred and aversation to them , is the giant-like impiety of assaying to create relations between signs and things signified ; and then in the last place consider the infinite vanity and triflingness of this pretence ; and when you have considered all these things , i leave it to your own natural logick to draw out one farther conclusion . but i have entertain'd you too long with the musick of this mans rattles , and therefore to be short after all this sport and dalliance with these childish notions and gay nothings , 't is beyond all peradventure certain that the love-feasts and kiss of charity were meer religious rites and customs , and pecuculiar appendages to some publick offices and solemnities of religion : and this is so vulgarly known , that no man living but our author , could ever with such a slight and easie confidence have turn'd them over for civil observances , when they were never used upon any occasion but in their religious assemblies . and what stronger evidence can we desire to prove them religious rites , than their being appropriate to religious duties ? who almost is ignorant , that in the primitive church they always concluded their publick prayers in form of benediction , wishing peace and unity ? and this being finish't , they always seal'd their mutual affections with the holy kiss ; for so it is called by st. paul , rom. . . and what quotation out of the fathers more trite and vulgar than that of iustin martyr , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; when prayers are ended , we salute each other with a kiss ? and therefore 't is by tertullian stiled signaculum orationis ; their publick prayers being ever concluded with this friendly ceremony . and then as for the agapae and feasts of charity , they were certain sacred meetings , where christians of all conditions were wont to eat promiscuously together , without making any difference between the rich and poor , the mean and honourable , in token both of their friendship and equality . and they were so meerly intended for the ends of piety and devotion , that they were inseparable from the holy communion , and indeed made up part of the solemnity . § . . and now upon the review of these things , such shadows and vanishing appearances are these mens excuses and exceptions , that i cannot imagine they are serious and in good earnest in their pretences , but they are fitted to puzzle and amuse the common people , and that is sufficient to their purpose to keep up the party , and perpetuate the faction . and if they do but bolt out upon them with an hard or ( what to them is the same ) an insignificant word , a child is not more afraid of a church-porch at midnight , than they of our churches at noon-day ; and they dread the appearance of a surplice , as they would a ghost or a spectre . though they as little understand the principles and pretensions of their ringleaders , as they do aristotle's metaphysicks ; and are not so subtle as to discern the iniquity of a symbolical rite ; and if any of them have by converse with their deeper rabbies pickt up a pittance of this learned gibberish , ( as peasants and country swains do shreds of latin , as well as our author ) they talk it by rote with impertinent zeal , and clamour , and passion . but if you demand of them , where lies the real exception against symbolical wickednesses ? they can give you as wise an account as if their preachers had rail'd at them under the horrid names of tohu and bohu . so that the tenderness of vulgar conscience , is nothing else but the stubbornness of popular folly. they have been abused into absurd principles , and seditious practices , and then to be at all adventure tenacious of their casual prejudices , against the convictions of reason , and the commands of authority , shall be gloried in as the pure result of a nicer integrity , and more precise godliness . and this reminds me of a suggestion that i before intimated upon this occasion , what a vain thing it is to have any regard to these mens proposals of condescensions and accommodations , when nothing but schism lies at the bottom of all their designs and principles , and when their demands and their resolutions are so unreasonable , that 't is as impossible to satisfie as convince them ; and they scarce agree in any one common principle , unless this , by all ways to keep up the faction : and therefore though they are resolved never to be quiet , till they have brought authority to bend to their will and humour ; yet whenever the notorious folly of their principles is unravell'd , and the palpable unreasonableness of their schism exposed , and by consequence the cause endangered , then all their out-cry is mutual forbearance and condescension . though we can never learn either the nature of their grievances , or the end of their demands , how far and to what we must yield . for must we discard any or all of our ceremonial constitutions ? to what purpose ? if out of compliance with their scruples , they are eternally destructive of peace and setlement : for whether it be because they are not expresly prescribed in the word of god , or because they are offensive to weak and tender brethren , or because their own consciences remain doubtful , and not fully satisfied of their lawfulness , or for any the like regards ; if these are granted , there can never be any end of unreasonable demands ; and there is no rule of decency that can ever be injoin'd , that is not as obnoxious to the same trifling exceptions . and if we shall submit the laws of the church to such slender pretences , we do but betray it and our selves into a fatal necessity of endless schisms and distractions : for no man , that has a mind to be peevish , can want plausible pretensions to put a baffle upon publick authority , if these principles are sufficient to warrant remonstrances , and protect dissenters . and therefore in stead of indulging men their liberty upon the account of such perswasions , as we ever hope to see peace and setlement in the church , we must root them up as seeds of eternal sedition , and brand and punish all persons that publickly profess them , as men resolved to be turbulent and unpeaceable in the commonwealth . but if they shall be content publickly to disclaim these and the like pretensions , and after that continue their cry for condescension , then all the sense of their proposal is , that we , forsooth , must cancel the establish't laws of the church , only to gratifie their wayward and capricious humour : for when the aforesaid principles are discharged , there remains no other ground of scruple or separation , but their own unyielding wilfulness . and the interpretation is , that they are resolved to persist in their demands , because they are resolved not to confess their errour ; and will rather ruine the peace of the church , than hazard the reputation of their own understandings ; and having once engaged themselves in an unjust and defenceless cause , will rather embroil the church for ever , than retire with a little dishonour . and now , are not these brave , humble , melting , and broken-hearted christians , that dare under pretence of scruple and tenderness , thus resolutely affront the convictions of their own conscience : they are satisfied both that peace and unity ought not to be violated , where it may be innocently preserved ; and that so it may be in the communion of the church of england ; and yet in spight of these premises , the conclusion of their practice is , that they are resolved to keep up this schism that they confess to be unnecessary , and by consequence unlawful . and now as for the remaining part of this chapter , our author runs perfect dregs ; his fancy tires , and his pen faulters ; and nothing holds out but brave confidence , and that trusty vertue will never fail him : however , methinks 't is time for me to take up , and not waste my own pains and your patience in resisting old repetitions : for 't is a small pittance of matter behind that is worth our search and enquiry ; and i am not so greedy of confutation , as to improve every grain of advantage . thus what he replies to what i have discoursed concerning popery , will-worship , superstition , adding to the law of god , &c. resolves it self entirely into the unwarrantableness of mystical rites : so that the force of this faint exception being already so thoroughly broken , the reasonableness of those discourses must be supposed to stand firm and unattempted ; and the arguments i retorted upon them from these vulgar topicks of their own , unanswered . and therefore seeing all his answers ( whatever they are ) relie upon the supposition of the truth of that principle , and seeing i have so sufficiently demonstrated their vanity and falshood , 't is to no purpose to continue our contention about those other matters , till we have brought the former controversie to some issue , because whatever i can urge from their consideration , shall be shuffled off by him upon the meer determination of that debate ; and therefore as many and as great advantages as i have against this part of his surveigh , i shall rather chuse to wave them all , ( for i must not expose all forgeries , and pursue all impertinencies ) and devolve the whole dispute upon the argument of significant ceremonies : seeing in that ( as they manage it ) lies the only strength and all the sinews of their objections . and i confess i am not at all averse from reducing the whole contest to that single head , not only because it would shorten it , in that 't is the bottom of all their other pretences , but because i am so fully assured what woful work they must make , if we could once bring them to alledge prohibitions out of the word of god against the institution of mystical and symbolical rites . by which means , though i am forced with some regret to pass by a vast heap of rebukes that i had remarked , ( and after the rate and genius of this mans writing , whatever his cause is , it is impossible to want matter of confutation ) only that my reply might not swell beyond the bulk of a just volume , yet that may in some measure be recompensed by the fairer advantage the reader may have to see more particularly , and search more narrowly into their dearest and most fundamental trifles ; and i had much rather confute the cause than the man. but beside these heads , there are two or three passages altogether foreign to the enquiry of significant ceremonies , them i shall briefly consider , and so put an end to this chapter . § . . first then , whereas i had upbraided them with a challenge to vouchsafe so much honour to mr. hooker in particular , among many other learned and worthy men , as but to take notice of his book of ecclesiastical polity , in that as long as that remained unanswered it would stand for a lasting and eternal trophee over their baffled cause , and therefore i advised them ( and i thought it was a friendly office ) instead of continually pelting us with their three-half-peny pamphlets , if they would consult their own and their causes reputation , to bend their forces upon his single performance , seeing upon that we were content to cast the issue of the whole controversie : so that how ably and successfully soever they might discourse and argue about these things , it was all in vain , whilst this great champion stood unattempted ; in that when they had done their poor utmost ( as it is apparent they have ) this cross objection would still remain in every adversaries mouth , why do you not answer mr. hooker ? and therefore whatever they shall do , 't is all but labour lost till that is done ; and his books being unanswered amounts to a stronger proof against them , than all their pamphlets against my self and all other adversaries are able to assoil ; seeing then they want not for zeal or good-will for the credit of their cause , he should never have escaped thus long unattempted , had they not wanted courage and ability to undertake him . but to all this our author returns me a counter-challenge , to mind them of any one argument in mr. hookers longsom discourse , not already frequently answered , and that in print , long ago , and it shall have its due consideration . but thou trifler , what is this to my defiance ? my challenge was to answer mr. hooker intirely , and not his arguments by retail , for whether they are so easily answerable , will , i hope , competently enough appear by the last issue and result of our present controversie ; in that our author has the advantage to use and improve what has been so frequently , and so long ago publish'd . and therefore it was no part of my demand that they would produce their answers to mr. hookers arguments , as they lie scattered amongst other godly discourse ( for that would be an endless and indeterminable controversie ) but that they would of purpose undertake to confute his book in gross ; for though his whole discourse were replied to by piece-meal , yet that can be no satisfaction to people so zealous in the cause , unless the glory and reputation of the discourse it self were particularly defeated , in that as long as that shall stand unassaulted , that alone will be sufficient to discredit and prevent the success of all other endeavours . so that the plain meaning of my challenge was only , that if the substance of his discourse be so clearly answered , as they pretend , that they would but convince the world of it by a particular and methodical confutation of the discourse it self ; for till that be performed , or at least attempted , they cannot expect but that all adversaries as well as i should upbraid them with its unanswerableness . but alas ! what do we talk of that , that is a burthen too heavy for their weak shoulders ? they answer mr. hooker ! fond men ! they will as soon undermine the pillars of the earth as shake one paragraph of his writings . remove mountains , repent of your sins , and then answer mr. hooker . 't is not for men of your pigmy strength and skill to attaque such a giant of sense and reason ; you do but run a tilt upon a rock with straws and bull-rushes . 't is infinite rashness and presumption for the stoutest he of you all to venture upon a man of his invincible abilities ; in a word , 't is not for whifflers and pamphleteers to cope with mr. hooker . our author might better have told us as i. o. once told the world , that this great man was unhappily engaged in the defence of such errors , as he could not but see , and did often confess . this is another peerless wight too ; for where did that good man ever confess he did violence to the convictions of his conscience in his publick discourses , for so he must have done , had he engaged in the defence of known errors ? was there ever such a brazen head of slander as this , that dares thus groundlesly , and thus foully asperse such a spotless integrity ? i confess , i could not but resent our authors disingenuity , when he frequently intimates , i have written for my private interest against my secret perswasions ; but what is that to this mans candour and civility , who dares proclaim to the world , that that upright soul prevaricated with god and his own conscience in the main work and design of his whole life ? well! hereafter i will set my heart at ease , for what adversary can ever hope to escape these mens slanders , that dare attempt to blast hookers reputation ? but however , is it not a pleasant humour for this man seririously to appeal from a single author , to all the puritan scriblers since the reign of queen elizabeth ? i am content to devolve the issue of the controversie upon mr. hookers performance ; no , says he , all that longsom discourse has been shamefully baffled over and over . but how shall we satisfie and inform our selves of that ? why , no other way but by perusing all the pamphlets that they have ever publish'd since the ecclesiastical polity . but this is as safe a demur as his appeals to the day of judgment , for who ( think you ) will ever have so much time , or so little employment as to examine all their flat and empty pamphlets . and when that is done , it will be worth the while to raise a new controversie , whether they amount to a just reply to mr. hooker . but be that as it will , the plain consequence of my challenge is , that seeing so many men have laboured with so much zeal in this contest , 't is strange that no man , either for the publick interest of his cause , or his own private renown , ever ventured to turn his forces particularly upon that discourse ; and therefore seeing 't is not done , that alone is sufficient presumption ( considering their zeal and behaviour ) to conclude that 't is too much for their courage to attempt , and much more for their ability to perform : and withal , that all their faint endeavours since are nothing more than an obstinate persisting in the repetition of old and baffled clamours . and the truth is , i know not one masculine writer that has appeared in defence of the cause since the conversion of cartwright ; and i must ingenuously confess , i have not had the good fortune to meet with any thing like a new argument in their later authors , nothing but his old trash voucht with effeminate and uncleanly railings . and therefore instead of standing to the confidence of my former challenge , i will now only request them not to annoy us with any of their little exceptions , till they have first examined whether and how they are answered in whitgifts reply to that troublesom man ; for it was his pen that first laid the cause a gasping , and the puritan reformation breathed its last in that engagement , and never spoke word since , but as a poor eccho does , by a faint repetition of cartwrights paultry cavils , who , poor man was beaten by down-right blows out of his zeal & peevishness , and driven by meer force of arms and arguments into order and conformity . § . . the next cavil ( and so i have done ) is so miserably impertinent , that i am loth to mention it , and yet so dismally disingenuous , that i am as loth to omit it . and therefore to be brief , in the close of this chapter i undertook to answer the biggest and most plausible exception , i could think of , against the ecclesiastical sovereignty of the civil magistrate , viz. what if he should impose things sinful and superstitious , what inconveniences would this bring upon the government of the world ? the consequence of such an awkard state of things would be , that men must either suffer for the sedition of their disobedience from their prince , or for the sinfulness of their obedience from god. this i had always observed to be the gloss of all their arguments , and the retreat of all their discourses ; when all their other little pretences are defeated , 't is still the refuge of all their talk , to represent what mischiefs and inconveniences may possibly ensue upon the exercise of this jurisdiction . in answer to which objection , omitting what i had before discoursed , that the matters of our present debate were only external forms and expressions of religious worship , where it was not easie for the magistrate to err , or if he should , errors in these things are seldom dangerous ; which though it is a full and competent reply , yet i waved it , and only shewed how the objection dasht as impetuously against all manner of government ; where i weighed its conveniences against its inconveniences , and represented that how enormous soever the mischiefs and calamities of an abused power might chance to be , they were still out-ballanced by the comforts and advantages of government ; and therefore that this was no reasonable exception , seeing our enquiry is not after such a perfect way of setling things , as is altogether free from all abuses , but after such an one as is liable to the fewest : so that seeing an ecclesiastical jurisdiction is absolutely necessary to prevent all those confusions , that would unavoidably spring from an unrestrained liberty , though it may , and often is ill managed , yet 't is better mankind should be sometimes exposed to the miseries of tyranny and persecution , than always groan under the intolerable disorders of anarchy . and to this end did our blessed saviour arm his followers against the storms of persecution , because he saw the power of the world in such mens hands , whose principles would oblige them to oppose , and ( if they were able ) to destroy that oeconomy of things that he came to establish in it . and therefore that they might not create disturbances in the state by affronting and controuling the edicts of princes against their religion , he teaches them to guard themselves with patience and contentedness , that if it hapned that the secular powers should raise persecutions against them for propagating that religion , that was so necessary to the eternal interests of mankind , they should not oppose them in any tumultuary and unhandsom ways , but patiently submit to their unhappy fate , and be content to lay down their lives , rather than forgo their consciences , or disturb common-wealths ; and by this way of meekness and humility he assured them divine providence would make their cause triumph over all the established and superstitious worships in the world , and so make christianity prevail in all kingdoms without disturbing them . and therefore 't is a vain suggestion , when they tell us this doctrine would have fallen heavy upon the primitive christians ; it might , and by ill mistake it did so ; but our saviour had rather his church should be persecuted , than that the world should not be govern'd ; and as the circumstances of affairs stood at that juncture of time , one of them was unavoidable , and therefore of these two evils he chose the more eligible , and went not about to abrogate or abate any part of the imperial power , to keep his church out of harms-way from their persecution , but rather chose to expose it to all the tortures and reproaches of martyrdom , than to weaken the power and interest of government , of which he was so careful , that he has made new provisions against resistance , and made it highly criminal to all the proselytes of his religion upon whatsoever pretences or provocations ; and therefore our duty is so setled , that when the matter of their commands is lawful , we must obey chearfully ; when unlawful , we must suffer chearfully ; this is the fortune of mankind , and the best state of affairs humane life is capable of . but these things i have proved more at large elsewhere , and they are in themselves so plain and reasonable , that they could not fail of convincing any man , that is not resolved to be peevish and inflexible , but if he be , 't is no bending mens humours , or breaking their wills by force of argument . and of this methinks our authors perverting this part of my discourse is a pleasant and competent instance . for he gravely represents the forementioned objection , as if i had been such a sot as to propose it for a case of conscience , whether when the worship establish'd be sinful or superstitious , it be lawful to obey , or not . this difficulty ( says he ) every child of ten years old is able to resolve , and away he runs with it , and falls unmercifully upon all the considerations that i have return'd in answer to the objection , as if they were determinations of the case , and then proceeds to state it himself with the authority of a pope in cathedrâ , that 't is not lawful to obey . most profound and judicious casuist ! had he been confessour to st. anthony , he is subtle enough to have cleared up all his scruples . who beside a man of new lights and notions could ever have hit upon such a notable decision of this enquiry , that 't is not lawful to obey the civil magistrate in case of idolatry . go thy way for the flower of school-divinity , thou hast subtlety enough to put scotus his nose out of joynt for ever ; 't is impossible but that such an extraordinary wit should prove master of a new sect of school-men . but to be serious , pride and passion are blind things , how else could this man have run so boldly upon such a blunt and silly mistake , when 't is so apparent , that the enquiry was not at all concern'd whether obedience in such cases be lawful , but whether those inconveniences , that follow upon their supposal , be a competent ground to abrogate all ecclesiastical jurisdictions . or whether this be a reasonable exception against the usefulness of putting it in practice , that it may be managed to evil purposes , and when it is so , honest men must suffer for their integrity . i say no , and he that says i , must for the same reason abolish all civil government , because all civil government is as likely to be abused . but having amused his vulgar reader with this strange case of conscience ; and having intimated , that i sometimes speak as though it were the duty of subjects to comply with the establishment of idolatry supposed ; only because i have determined it better to submit to tyrants than to hazard the dissolution of the state by civil wars and rebellions ; having , i say , once made his way into these prodigious mistakes , he is resolved to swell their horror with a strong infusion of slander and infamy . and to this purpose he transcribes a passage out of my last chapter , concerning the obligations of a scrupulous and tender conscience , viz. that in cases doubtful and disputable , of a publick concern , men were to resign up their own judgments to the determinations of authority . and this he brings in here as my real solution of the present difficulty , viz. that they ought to comply with the publick establishment of idolatry , because by vertue of this principle they are always to give obedience to all the commands of lawful superiours . and now having improved his falsifications to this monstrous bulk , and withal swoln his fancy with admiring at the boldness of such lewd assertions ; he at last bursts forth into an impetuous fit of preaching against them . but seeing he has so lamentably mistaken his text , he may talk his lungs and his heart out , and never talk to the purpose , and therefore let him take his full career of impertinency , it concerns not me either to stop or follow him , only this let me tell him for his comfort , that i have there proved , and here defie him and all the world to disprove it , that whoever shall contradict that proposition as i have laid it down , viz. that in all doubtful and disputable cases of a publick concernment , subjects are not to attend to the results of their own private judgment , but to acquiesce entirely in the determinations of publick authority ; whoever , i say , shall contradict this , is an enemy to the peace of mankind , and a traitor to all societies in the world. for government is a word that signifies nothing , if it be not a power to determine and appoint what it judges most useful and expedient for the concerns and interests of the common-wealth ; and if you will cancel this authority of the publick judgment , whatever you may call it , 't is really nothing but anarchy . and this is the last and unavoidable issue of all their pretences . for as to their general pleas for indulgence , they still press for an entire and absolute exemption of conscience from all the commands of authority , and in effect vest it in a power paramount to the supremacy of princes ; so that in case of competition , its dictates must over-rule all their laws , and therefore no government shall ever be able to pass an obligation upon it but by its own consent , and this ( if any thing ) is perfect anarchy ; every man is entirely left to the guidance of his own discretion , and is as much at liberty , whether he will or will not obey , as if he were absolutely free from all superiority and jurisdiction . and then , as to their particular exceptions , their scruples are so nice and delicate , so peevish and splenetick , so giddy and phantastick , so impossible to be prevented of redressed , that no form of setlement can ever be contrived , upon which they will not beat with equal fury ; for they are indifferently applicable to all cases , and their strength depends not at all upon the reasons of things , but the humours of men . and if the offence of a weak brother , or the scruple of a tender conscience are sufficient exceptions against the power and efficacy of laws , then farewell all the reverence and authority of government ; for setle things with never so much exactness , it will be impossible upon these principles to avoid these cavils as long as there are either fools or knaves in the world. and do but observe the untenable weakness of all their pretences apart , and how they shuffle from their general demands to their particular exceptions , and then when they are pursued to their defence , how they rowl back to their general demands , and so dance perpetually in a manifest circle of shifting and disingenuous cavil , and you need no farther proof to satisfie you of the intolerable impertinency of their clamours , and unexemplified peevishness of the men. chap. vii . the contents . that some men from a belief of the imposture of all religions , argue for the liberty of all , farther clear'd and justified . that some sects of men are strongly inclined to sedition , proved by their practices and principles . our authors intolerable confidence in denying his own principles ; especially that , that to pursue success though in villany and rebellion , is to follow providence . this proved by various instances out of the writings of j. o. the arguments whereby they drew in providence and the rabble , were , ( . ) by applying old prophesies to present transactions . ( . ) by believing god is obliged to do the same things for his people now , that he ever did for his people in all former ages . ( . ) by believing providence is in good earnest for them , though it is in all appearance against them . ( . ) by flat presumption , and down-right enthusiasm . that the interest of religion was pretended as a cause of our late civil wars , proved at large against our author from the declarations of lords and commons , and the sermons of j. o. the nonconformists are bound to give us assurance of their repentance , before they may presume to offer us any security of their allegiance . their plea for toleration , because protestants , invalid . an account of the reformation of the church of england , both as to doctrine and discipline . the manifest apostacy of the nonconformists from both . the reformation in most places over-run and destroyed by calvinism . our adversaries notion of protestancy is nothing else than a zeal for the calvinian rigours . religion is not onely the best , but a necessary disguise for rebellion . men cannot gain an opportunity of committing any more enormous wickednesses , but under shews and pretences of piety . the danger and vanity of balancing different parties of religion . the civil wars of france an eminent instance of this . an account of the original of all peevish and ill-natured religion . the nonconformists loose way of discoursing of conscience , as if it were a principle of action distinct from the man himself . conscience is nothing but the soul or mind of man. nothing in humane nature beside conscience is capable of subjection to humane laws . conscience is not its own rule , nor of it self any plea of exemption from obedience . if it be abused by evil principles , nothing more mischievous . vulgar conscience the most mistaken guid in the world. in the common people 't is for the most part either ignorance , or pride , or superstition , or peevishness , or enthusiasm . the conclusion . § . . our authors adventures in this chapter are such ordinary and possible things , that now to reherse enterprizes so lank of prodigy after all these wonders , were to darken the lustre , and abate the admiration of his former performances . many faint essays we may observe of his ancient courage and confidence : but , alas ! deeds of a greater strain , and more stupendious prowess , are kept for holy-day atchievments . now and then we may meet with a lowd and rapping falsification ; but every page does not entertain our wonder with forgeries of a garagantuan bulk and boldness . once indeed we are inform'd how i discourse , that the use and exercise of conscience will certainly overthrow all government , and fill the world with confusion : yet however , the old calumnies are not continually ratling in our ears ; as , that the civil magistrate is vested in an absolute and immediate soveraignty over conscience in all affairs of religion ; in so much that whatever the precise truth of the thing may be , he has power to order and appoint what religion his subjects shall profess and observe : that conscience has nothing to do beyond the inward thoughts of mens minds : and , that as to all their outward actions , the commands of authority over-rule all its obligations , &c. these slanders that he has so often and so familiarly hurl'd at me upon all occasions , are as big as steeples ; and had they faln where they were aim'd , had for ever quash't me to death and nothing . but the censures he now spits , are not discharged with that impetuous fury , but that they may be received without danger of being kill'd and buried at once . and the mistakes he invents are so vulgar and ordinary , that they might have been contrived by sancho his scribe . but thus it happens , that the greatest flowers of chivalry have in their declining age flag'd and wither'd ; and their last performances have faln so much short of the miracles of their first atchievments , that their new conquests have not so much increas't the number , as eclips't the glory of the old . and that matchless wight , that in his youthful days scorn'd to accept of any adventures unless upon wind-mills , painim giants , and infernal necromancers ; yet when age had slaked the rage of his blood and folly , was content to spend his last exploits upon goat-herds , lackeys , and plow-men of his own parish . and such pitiful attempts are our authors remarks upon the passages of this chapter ; so pitiful , that they would sooner raise an adversaries compassion than choler ; and are so far from the appearance of a just reply , that they will not amount to a competent denial . the whole drift of my discourse is neglected ; my four fundamental assertions , of which , and their proofs , the main body of the chapter consists , are slipped over ; only a few subordinate and dependant propositions glanced at , with slight mistakes and positive censures , without so much as attempting to defeat any of my arguments , or , in their stead , to suggest any of his own . 't is such lank and slender talk , and so apparently unequal to the small reason of the discourse it would oppose , that i should never have deign'd it a rejoinder in my own defence , but that it gives occasion to gratifie the reader with some farther proofs of our authors candour and ingenuity , and some more not unuseful considerations upon the matters of our present debate : though what i have already remarked , has evidence more than enough without the help of new lights , to scatter all his thin and vanishing exceptions . and should i represent to the reader what material things he has gently passed over , i must transcribe almost the whole chapter . and our author himself seems so conscious of the meanness of his exploits in this part of his adventures , that he concludes the whole performance with a new challenge , and turns me over ( coward as he is ) to a new champion , that has already ( poor man ! ) been rebuked to purpose : but let him take his fortune , i am resolved to keep my man. in the first place then he informs us , this chapter is inconsistent with it self , and other parts of the treatise , but that is none of his concernment . no doubt of it , he is only concern'd to defame and disparage other mens writings , and not at all to make good his slanders and incivilities . no man that had not laid waste all sense of modesty and ingenuity , would so easily sputter abroad his rude and abusive censures , without thinking himself somewhat concern'd to justifie the matters of his charge , though it were only to clear the reputation of his good manners . for all men are apt enough to suspect ill-nature in detracting suggestions ; and therefore no discreet or civil man would venture to dart them without apparent proof , and would not accept the favour of being credited , till he has produced evidence at least equal to the indictment . so that our author would more consult the credit of his discretion , if he would not be so free of his censures , but when he is at leisure to warrant their truth . there are vast multitudes of them scatter'd up and down in all parts of his surveigh , that i have purposely waved because they are so wretchedly insignificant . this one friendly check upon this particular occasion , may serve for a sufficient correction to all the rest . that is the first impertinence , the second ( for here they are very thick sown ) is this . in the beginning of this chapter i represented how a belief of the indifferency , or rather imposture of all religion , is of late become among some persons the most effectual and most fashionable argument for liberty of conscience . away , says our author , it is impossible this pretence could ever be made use of to that purpose . it is suited directly to oppose and overthrow it : for if there be no such thing as religion in the world , it is certainly a very foolish thing to have differences perpetuated amongst men upon account of conscience . this he says , because he is resolved to say something , no matter whether to or beside the purpose : for what is this to a man that defies and laughs at the silliness of an upright conscience , and looks upon all stories of religion as the tales and tricks of covetous priests , contrived to awe the people , and to inrich themselves ? he will say that 't is indeed a very foolish thing to perpetuate differences in the world about conscience and religion ; but seeing it is so full of softly and conscientious fops , that will be impatient for their own follies and impostures , what in this case is the best method to govern such zealous sots ? not by severity ; for 't is pity to punish silly people for their ignorance and credulity , and 't is more generous to humour them in their several frenzies and fairy-imaginations ; and as long as they are willing to be abused with the belief of invisible powers , and the dread of infernal goblins , that shall after death torment wicked and disloyal subjects in burning vaults below ; 't is unbecoming the wisdom of a prince , that understands the juggle , to vex or punish such weak and deluded people for any of their other fond and little conceits ; but rather to allow them the liberty of gratifying their childish fancies with what phantasms shall most please & affect their folly . now what discourse can be more suited to the principles of these young cubs of the leviathan , than not to punish credulous and unreflecting people for being cheated and abused ? and therefore though they believe all the different religions in the world to be in reality but so many different impostures ; yet they may judge it the wisest course for government to permit such differences as fools are resolved to perpetuate , rather than to exasperate their zealous madness , by attempting to restrain their phantastick mistakes with violence and force of penalties ▪ so that supposing these mens perswasions , nothing could be more agreeable to their small politicks than this principle of the indifferency of all religions in behalf of liberty of conscience . and of this our author could not be ignorant , both by what i had discoursed in that paragraph , and in several others : but he was resolved to cavil , and 't is his way ( as i have often told you ) to overlook arguments , and then he never wants for confidence to deny or slight assertions ; and when their guard is removed , 't is an easie matter to fall foul upon naked truths . § . . as for what i have asserted and proved in the next paragraph , he readily subscribes it , viz. that conscience and religion are the strongest bands of laws , and the best security of government ; and therefore that they are its greatest enemies , that endeavour to weaken or evacuate their obligations ; a wise attempt of some little and pedantick pretenders to policy ! but this little ingenuity in granting 'tis once possible that i can speak truth , is forced , and against the grain of nature ; and therefore it immediately returns with the greater violence , and the words next ensuing are as lewd and shameless a calumny as any in the whole cluster of his falsified stories , viz. that what i have here discoursed in one section , ( though which , he is so wise as to leave his reader to conjecture ) is , to prove that the use and exercise of conscience will certainly overthrow all government , and fill the world with confusion . but here , methinks , i smell brimstone ; and had i the father of untruths for my adversary , i could not have engaged at greater disadvantage : for what reply should a man make to such a rank and essential falshood ? after this rate there is no commencing a dispute with this man but in courts of justice , and no confuting his arguments but by actions of slander . i confess this is the only rapper i have observed in this chapter ; but 't is like the last clap of thunder , that breaks with a more hideous thump , and strikes with down-right astonishment . however , innocence ( they say ) is as safe a protection against its blasting stroaks , as an old oak ; and therefore i can defie his bolts with as much assurance as cyniscus in lucian did iupiter , when he was secure his hands were tied by fate : so that our author has my free consent to use these wretched weapons as long as he pleases , for there is no danger such bold falsifications should ever hurt any thing but himself and his cause . in the two following paragraphs ( to omit some slight and stragling cavils ) i shewed that the dread of invisible powers is not of it self sufficient to awe the common people into subjection , but tends more probably to work tumults and seditions ; and this was largely and ( i presume ) competently proved by the ungovernableness of the principles and tempers of some sects of religion . but he knows whom i reflect upon . like enough , for guilt and a gall'd horse are very quick of apprehension : though here methinks he is too skittish , and starts too soon under the lash of my general reproof by his own particular applications . i confess i afterwards proceeded to the known concernments of some parties of men among us ; but in this section 't is apparent i aimed only at the mischiefs of superstition and enthusiasm from the tendency of their own nature ; in that as they were more incident to the common people , than any other vice or folly : so when they had once seized their passions , they were so far from laying restraints upon their exorbitant heats , that they were the strongest and most irresistible obligations to tumult and sedition . but seeing our author through the quickness of his sense , flinches at the smart of my reproof before the blow is given , let him satisfie me in this inquiry , if there be no particular inclinations in some sects of men to insolence and presumption against princes ; whence it comes to pass , that where-ever they have been entertained , subjects have been immediately inflamed and exasperated against their princes , and princes have been forced upon stern and ungentle courses against their subjects ; that the times have been broken with rebellious defections , subversions of churches , and combustions of religion ; that the history of the age has been made up of nothing but wars , conspiracies , insurrections , spoils , ravages , desolations of states , confusions of governments , and all the other mischiefs and miseries of humane life ? whence it comes to pass , that no sects of men have been more prodigal of ugly language , irreverent expressions , and lewd titles to the princes of christendom ? who was it that honour'd the royal family of france with the title of a bitch-wolf and her whelps ? eusebius philadelphus . who was it that stiled mary queen of england proserpine ? no body but mr. calvin . who gave mary queen of scots , the title of iezabel ? honest iohn knox. who that of medea ? orthodox mr. beza . to pass by innumerable other titles of honour and civility , bestowed by these meek and humble men upon sovereign princes , 't is enough that our author may remember who it was that branded his present majesty as a tyrant full of revenge , a man of blood , a son of tabeal , absalom , and sheba the son of bichri . and lastly , whence it comes to pass , that this party of men have been the authors of more mischievous and seditious libels against princes , than all parties in europe beside , such as buchanans book de iure regni apud scotos , vindiciae contra tyrannos , de iure magistratus in subditos , eusebius philadelphus ; not to mention that numberless swarm of shameless pamphlets , that were produced in our late debauch't and corrupted times . 't is enough that they have broach't more seditious aphorisms in an hundred years , than had been before discover'd from the beginning of days . and there is a larger collection of treason in archbishop bancroft's dangerous positions , the evangelium armatum , and the late discourse of toleration discussed , than can be gather'd out of the histories and records of all former ages . but from practices we proceeded to such principles as are not by any means to be endured in any commonwealth , because they carry in them an apparent tendency to the destruction of all government , and the dissolution of all society . the first is the fundamental pretence of all godly sedition , and is a direct and immediate affront to the power of princes , viz. that if they refuse to reform religion themselves , 't is lawful for their godly subjects to do it , and that by violence and force of arms. this has been the great nuissance of reformed christendom , it over-run the foreign reformation with popular tumults and outrages , and put the boors and rascal multitude every where in arms against the edicts of state. all preachers and leaders of sedition have combined their faction by virtue of this principle ; and all the sub-divided sects , that at present annoy the publick peace , have unanimously agreed both in its belief and practice . and all the other aphorisms of disturbance that have been peculiar to each party , are but so many ways of reducing and applying this general maxim to particular interests . but though our author has with great care and curiosity transcribed all the other assertions , that i impleaded of sedition ; yet this ( though it was the first and the greatest principle in the catalogue ) he industriously stifles , and lops it off from the following articles of my charge . he cares not to have it observed , because he neither dares justifie it , nor will renounce it . it has , and may again by providential alterations , do brave service for the separate churches ; but 't is so apparently inconsistent with the establish't setlement of things , that it can never safely be owned but when it may safely be used ; and therefore 't is more politick to let it lie dormant and unregarded , till opportunity shall call it forth to action . and let us upbraid them never so much with its mischievous and noisom consequences , 't is their wisest course still to counterfeit an artificial deafness , and not to understand its meaning till they may own it to some more effectual purpose . what other probable reason can you imagine , why he should so carefully pass it over in silence , whilst he so faithfully relates all the other particulars of my impeachments ? he cannot have forgotten how oft some body has proclaimed it from the pulpit in a thousand dresses and varieties of canting ; 't is the result of all his preachments in behalf of the proceedings in the late rebellion ; and ( what is more unhappy ) it has been all along publickly owned and pleaded by the chiefs both of the presbyterian and independent factions , and never yet ( that i could hear or read of ) once disavowed by any ; and therefore though i charged it not upon any party , but only branded the principle it self , this advantage this man has gain'd to his brethren by his rashness and presumption , that it shall lie at their doors , till they shall remonstrate to it by some publick protestation . § . . the other articles that i chose to specifie , among many other , were these three , that princes , in case of disobedience to the presbytery , may be excommunicated , and by consequence deposed : that dominion is founded in grace ; and that to pursue success , though in villany and rebellion , is to follow providence . but all the world ( says modesty ) knows what it is , that hath given him the advantage of providing a covering for these monstrous fictions ; and an account thereof hath been given elsewhere . and what now if those intended do not believe these things , nor any one of them ? what if they do openly disavow every one of them , as for ought i ever heard or know they do , and as i do my self ? these monstrous fictions ! so are all the histories and records in the world. were there never any sects of men that placed a power in the presbytery to excommunicate princes ; or that challenged an exemption from the commands of authority upon the score of their saintship ; or that taught success to be a certain argument of divine approbation ? did you never hear of such creatures as presbyterians , anabaptists , and independents ? were there never any such men in the world as iohn knox , iohn of leyden , and i. o? or are all the stories that are recorded of them fairy-tales and romances ? if they are not , these things are as far from being monstrous fictions , as any thing upon record in the four gospels . but an account of these things has been given elsewhere . perhaps so , among the antiquities of china , or in lucians true history . and a wise and true account it is no doubt , that shall undertake to prove there never were any people in the world that have abetted these principles . and 't is hugely sutable to his following apology , that if any may heretofore have owned them , yet for ought he knows they have openly disavowed them . but this is pure and burnish'd confidence to bear down certain and undeniable matters of fact , with a flat denial , & a peremptory perhaps . did i ever imagine i should be put to prove there have been men in the world , that have own'd and acted these principles , or to disprove the reality of a publick repentance never heard of ? this mans insufferable perverseness would vanquish the patience of an arch-angel ; he cares not what he says , so the cause go forward , and he would deny that abraham begot isaac if it stood in his way . and if he should , it would not be a greater violence to truth , or affront to modesty , than this attempt to clear some men from the guilt of these perswasions . but still , what if those intended do not believe these things ? then ( good sir pertinent ) they are not intended . i named no body , but only enquired , upon this supposition , that if heretofore there has been , or hereafter there should arise , such a race of men in the world , whether the belief of a deity , and the dread of invisible powers , blended with such innocent propositions , were likely to secure their due obedience and respect to authority , or rather to drive them to attempts of disturbance and sedition , when they thought themselves obliged under the most dreadful penalties to act sutably to their principles . and therefore i intended none but those that either actually have been , or possibly may be guilty , without naming or specifying any particular criminals : though indeed the matters of fact are so notorious , that upon bare intimation every man has knowledge and sagacity enough to discover the offenders ; and they themselves are so conscious of the notoreity of the crime , that ( as it happens in the excuses of all enormous malefactors ) they cannot avoid to bewray their own guilt by their own apologies : unless this be sufficient to clear their innocence , and their reputation , that for ought any body knows they have publickly repented , which if they had , every body must certainly have known it . whatsoever disorders they have run into in pursuit of these principles , yet if the boldest and most scandalous offender in the whole mutiny shall come forth , and with a bare-faced confidence tell his governours , that perhaps , and for ought he knows , they have forsaken them , they immediately become loyal and peaceable subjects , and must be supposed as white as snow , and as harmless as doves . but to particulars . the first article then falls directly upon the men of the holy discipline , who challenge to themselves an original and independent jurisdiction over all persons , and in all matters of ecclesiastical concernment ; so that though they acknowledge themselves subject to the power of kings in civil and secular affairs , yet in the government of the church and conduct of religion , the temporal power is subject to the spiritual , and princes must submit to the sovereign decrees of the presbytery : and therefore in case of disobedience to their authority , they are as obnoxious as any of their subjects to the censure of the church , and the sentence of excommunication . this in brief is the true platform of the discipline , publickly owned by all its patrons and assertors ; and whoever does not vest the classical meetings with a supremacy over kings in ecclesiastical government , is no true disciplinarian , when 't is the only design of the discipline to put the scepter of jesus christ into the hands of the presbytery , i , e. to strip the secular authority of all spiritual jurisdiction , and to settle it entirely upon spiritual persons . and all this was accordingly put in practice by the kirk , and all the world knows how bold they made both with the persons and prerogatives of princes , upon all occasions studying to cross with royal authority , daring to repeal and annul acts of parliament , protesting against edicts and proclamations , summoning the lords of his majesties privy council before their assemblies for giving the king evil counsel , and vexing and affronting the king himself upon every trifle , even to the indicting of strict and solemn fasts upon those days in particular , upon which the king had appointed any greater and extraordinary feast . but the characters of these mens principles and practices are sufficiently upon record ; and there is not an aphorism of treason or disloyalty , that they have not justified in their writings , and owned in their actions ; all which are so well known that i will not insist any farther upon their proof , especially seeing our author himself has ( when time was ) branded them for a pack of perfidious knaves and hypocrites ; though it was then , when they hapned to fall into the scandalous crime of loyalty . calling their ambition to rule and have all under their own power , their zeal to the church of christ ; and their endeavours to re-enthrone tyranny , loyalty ; and all according to the covenant . this miscarriage it seems is so unpardonable , that they must for ever become traitors to the cause of god , because they were but once guilty of being loyal to their prince . time was when they were better friends , i. e. when the presbyterian was the only visible head of the rebellion ; then who more forward for that church-government , which is commonly called presbyterial or synodical , in opposition to prelatical or diocesan on the one side ; and that which is commonly called independent or congregational on the other . but farewel presbytery , if it can be so false to its own principles as to revolt to its duty and its allegiance . then with what deceivableness of unrighteousness , and lies in hypocrisie , the late grand attempt of those in scotland , with their adherents , was carried on , is in some measure made naked to the loathing of its abominations . in digging deep to lay a foundation for bloud and revenge , in covering private and sordid ends with a pretence of things publick and glorious ; in limning a face of religion upon a worldly stock ; in concealing distant aims and bloudy animosities to compass one common end ; that a theater might be provided to act several parts upon , in pleading a necessity from an oath of god , unto most desperate undertakings against god , and such like things as these , perhaps it gives not place to any , which former ages have been acquainted withal . as he speaks of the covenanting brethren of the kirk , when they joyn'd in with the royal interest in opposition to the designs of the republican and independent party . this man was never constant to any principles but those of disloyalty , and it was his perpetual custom to preach up that most for gods cause , that was most contrary to the kings . and the work of the lord , in which he spent so much pulpit-sweat , was nothing but the subversion of monarchy in the death of one king , and the banishment of another . and now is not this a modest man , to boast of the faithful adherence of himself and his confidents to the present government ? but so much , and ( i hope ) enough , if not too much , of the first principle . and as for the second , that of the anabaptists , that claim'd an exemption from the power of the civil magistrate upon the score of their saintship , 't is so notorious beyond all contradiction , and the blessed pranks that iohn of leyden , muncer , knipperdolling , and the boors of germany plaid under its protection , are so vulgarly known , that i need not stand upon its proof ; any man may soon satisfie himself out of bullinger , sleidan , osiander , gualter , alsted , and divers others , out of whom i am not now at liberty to transcribe collections , having already well-nigh exceeded the number of pages allowed me by the master of the press : and those that remain i must reserve for matter more pertinent to our present debate and present affairs . § . . and therefore as for the third and last principle , that of the independents , that to pursue success in villany and rebellion , is to follow providence : let us a little consider and examine their serious thoughts concerning it , seeing to deny it is such a frontless contradiction , not only to their former practices , but to their present behaviour , in ascribing every common accident of humane life , to some extraordinary design of providence , and interpreting all mischances that befal their neighbours , as visible judgments upon them for particular actions ; insomuch that if ever i die before the day of judgment ( and by constitution i am like to be none of the longest livers ) i here foretell that it shall be voted the hand of god , and the stroke of divine vengeance upon me for my severity and unkindness to his secret ones . but 't is in vain to convince them by experience and notoreity of fact ; and 't is no forcing them to stand to any thing , unless when they are lime-twigg'd with ink and paper , and gagg'd with quills , and therefore that is my comfort , that most of them are choak'd with their own gaggs , and for ever entangled with their own lime-twigs : for 't is notorious to all the world how the parliament sermons ( those edifying homilies ) were continually beating upon this string ; and crying up all transactions of the war ( and false reports too ) as tokens of gods favour to the cause ; and making the diurnal a comment upon the revelations , and the secrets of providence . what our authors private practice has been , it were ( would he be modest ) neither pertinent nor civil to pry into . 't is enough that those of his communion have not been behind any party of saints in this kind of presumption . but 't is not possible when there is such plenty of game , i should be able to set every covy , and therefore ( to keep to my man , and my resolution ) i shall confine my self to the writings of i. o. ( the cock of the congregation . ) i am sure it was his custom to account for all the various contingencies of the war by the secret counsels of providence , only known to himself , and some other secret ones , and to discover its particular design in every particular event . and should i insist upon all proofs and instances to this purpose , i should exceed the eleventh chapter of the epistle to the hebrews in the number of examples and precedents . to be short then . by providence was general fairfax personally call'd forth to the siege of colchester . by providence was i. o. pitch't upon to attend his excellency in that fortunate expedition . by providence were sir henry mildmay and the committee deliver'd from their imprisonment by the enemy . by providence were they reserved from a sinful complyance with the royal party , and from a treacherous spirit , or the malignant sin of loyalty . by providence were gods people call'd to sing their songs upon sigionoth for the interchangeable dispensations of the imprisonment and delivery of the committee . by providence were the hands of the cavaliers , that had itching fingers and an hankering mind after the inheritance of gods people , knockt off an hundred times , and sent away with bloody fingers . by providence did the parliament-army trace out their way from kent to essex , and from wales to the north. by providence were the zealous parishioners of coggeshal stirred up to make an opposition to the enemy gathering at chelmsford . by providence was there a perverse spirit of folly and errour mixed in all their counsels . by providence were they drawn into a party , to force the people of god ( that were before faln together by the ears ) to piece together against the common enemy . by providence was peter deliver'd out of prison , the three children out of the fiery furnace , daniel out of the lyons den , and the essex-committee from the jaws of the starv'd cavaliers . by providence was the great dispensation of the . of ian. . carried on in order to the unravelling of the whole web of iniquity , interwoven of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny , in opposition to the kingdom of the lord jesus . by providence did moses deliver israel from their egyptian bondage ; and by providence did the rump deliver england from tyrannous pride and oppression . by providence were the people of this nation given up to fight against their deliverers , by that opposition to make its workings more clear and conspicuous . by providence was it , that in the year . there was not a potentate upon the earth that had a peaceable mole-hill to build himself an habitation upon ; and that there were so many controversies disputing in letters of blood among the nations , and that for the interest of the many . by providence were the church-stars ( the bishops ) that were meerly fixed to all mens view , and by their own confession , in the political heavens , utterly shaken to the ground . by providence was cromwel forced to make such havock in ireland , because the lord had sworn to have war with such amalekites , and to avenge his people from generation to generation . by providence ( and cromwels choice ) was i. o. call'd forth to attend his excellency in his scottish expedition , that he might be instructed by him in the art of discovering gods deep and hidden dispensations toward his secret ones . by providence ( the mercy whereof was composed of as many branches of wisdom , power , goodness , and faithfulness , as any outward dispensation has brought forth since the name of christian was known ) did the rump by the defeat of his majesty at worcester continue to sit in council , and the residue of the nation in peace . by providence a mighty monarchy , a triumphing prelacy , a thriving conformity were all brought down to recover the people of the lord christ from antichristian idolatry and oppression . by providence was ireton , ( that rare example of righteousness , faith , holiness , zeal , courage , and self-denial ) disposed to close with the mind of god , with full purpose of heart to serve the will of the lord in his generation , so that he staggered not at the greatest difficulties through unbelief , but being stedfast in faith , he gave glory to god , and davidically prepared the way of the lord in paths of bloud . the time would fail me to speak of isaac , and ioseph , gideon , noah , daniel , and iob ; do but consider the providential circumstances of all transactions in our late rebellion , and that will discover where dwells that spirit , which actuated all the great alterations , that hapned in these nations . for ( believe him ) such things have been brought to pass as have filled the world with amazement , ( and well they might . ) a monarchy of some hundred years continuance , always affecting , and at length wholly degenerated into tyranny , destroyed , pulled down , swallowed up , a great and mighty potentate , that had caused terrour in the land of the living , and laid his sword under his head , brought to punishment for bloud ; hypocrites and selfish men abundantly discover'd , wise men made fools , and the strong as water ; a nation ( that of scotland ) engaging for and against the same cause , backward and forward , twice or thrice , always seeking where to find their own gain and interest in it , at length totally broken in opposition to that cause wherewith at first they closed : multitudes of professours one year praying , fasting , mightily rejoycing upon the least success , bearing it out as a sign of the presence of god ; another year whilst the same work is carried on , cursing , repining , slighting the marvelous appearance of god in answer unto prayers and most solemn appeals , being very angry at the deliverances of sion . on the other side , all the mighty successes that god hath followed poor despised ones withal , being with them as with those in days of old ; who through faith subdued kingdoms , wrought righteousness , obtained promises , stopped the mouths of lions , quenched the violence of fire , escaped the edge of the sword , out of weakness were made strong , waxed valiant in fight , turnned to flight the armies of the aliens . he , i say , that shall consider all this , may well enquire after that principle which being regularly carried on , yet meeting with the corruption and lusts of men , should so wheel them about , and work so many mighty alterations : now what is this , but the most effectual design of the lord to carry on the interest of christ and the gospel , whatever stands in the way ? this bears down all before it , wraps up some in bloud , some in hardness , and is most eminently straight and holy in all these transactions , isa. . . what shall one then answer the messengers of the nation ? that the lord hath founded sion , and the poor● of his people shall trust in it . § . . thus you see how providence and o. cromwel still headed the independent faction , though perhaps you may wonder how it could continue faithful so long to such a bloudy and accursed interest . but alas ! for that you must know , it neither had power at first to refuse the cause , nor being once engaged to retreat , for by the power of faith they can at their pleasure press it to the service ; and by the strength of imagination they can bind the thoughts of the almighty , and engage all his attributes to joyn in with their designs , and in their way of arguing they never want for inducements to draw in providence and the rabble to their assistance , and that chiefly among many other by these four topicks . . by applying old prophesies to present transactions ; it concerns not to what particular affair they might relate ; if they can be streined by faith or fancy to suit any present exigence , the honour of providence lies at stake not to suffer such choice believers to stick in the mire ; and therefore god is bound to protect and deliver them , though it cost him the making his bow quite naked . thus were all the promises in the bible engaged in the parliament service ; and not a text left to attend his majesty beside threatnings and judgments : and there is not a remarkable prophesie relating to the jewish nation , or the adjacent kingdoms , that they have not accommodated by faith and boldness ( for both together can do much ) to the posture of affairs in our late troubles . thus were the essex committee delivered from the cavaliers at colchester ? it was foretold ( i. e. after their deliverance ) hab. . , . god came from teman , and the holy one from mount paran , selah : i. e. from naseby and marston-moor . i saw the tents of cushan in affliction , and the curtains of the land of midian did tremble , i. e. the enemy gathered at chelmsford , upon the coming of fairfax his army , abated their confidence . were the parishioners of coggeshal once in great danger of the enemy ? the snares of death compassed us , and the flouds of ungodly men made us afraid : but the lord thundred from heaven , the highest gave his voice , hailstones , and coles of fire : yea , he sent out his arrows and scattered them , and he shot out lightning and discomfited them : he sent from above , he took us , he drew us out of many waters ; he delivered us from our strong enemy , and from them which hated us , for they were too strong for us . do any professours doubt the event of the war ? fear not thou worm iacob , and ye few men of israel , behold i will make thee a new sharp instrument having teeth , thou shalt thresh the mountains , and beat them small , and shalt make the hills as chaff , thou shalt fan them , &c. isa. . , . are the officers of the kings forces divided , or irresolved in their counsels ? the princes of zoan are become fools , the princes of noph are deceived , they have seduced the people , even they that are the stay of their tribes , the lord hath mingled a perverse spirit in the midst of them , they have caused the people to err in every work as a drunken man staggereth in his vomit , isa. . , . were the rump to be encouraged in their design of altering the government after the murther of the late king , against the apostacy of the presbyterians , and the attempts of the royalists ; the text was pat to the purpose . let them return to thee , but return not thou to them . and i will make thee unto this people a fenced brazen wall , and they shall fight against thee , but they shall not prevail against thee : for i am with thee to save thee and deliver thee , saith the lord , jer. . , . is monarchy to be for ever abolish'd , and the new common-wealth establish'd ? behold i create new heavens and a new earth : and the former shall not be remembred , nor come into my mind , isa. . . but the kingdom , and dominion , and greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven shall be given to the people of the saints of the most high : whose kingdom is an everlasting kingdom , and all dominions shall serve and obey him . hitherto is the end of the matter , dan. . . do the protestants , covenanted protestants , that had sworn in the presence of the great god to extirpate popery and prelacy ? do others , that counted themselves under no less sacred bond , for the maintenance of prelates , service-book , and the like , as the whole party of ormonds adherents ( it is a favour , or rather a chance , it was not plain butler ) joyn with a mighty number , that had for eight years together sealed their vows to the romish religion with our bloud and their own ? if all these combine together against sion , shall they prosper ? no , saith the lord iehovah , and i. o. if rezin and the son of remalia , syria and ephraim , old adversaries , combine together for a new enmity against iudah ; if covenant and prelacy , popery and treachery , bloud and ( as to that ) innocency joyn hand in hand to stand in the way of the promise , yet i will not in this joyn with them , says the lord. is the royal family , together with the ancient nobility , to be for ever cashier'd upon his majesties defeat at worcester , and are the brewers and coblers of the army to commence new lords ? all the trees of the field shall know , that i the lord have brought down the high tree , and have exalted the low tree , have dried up the green tree ( drawn out its sap by sequestrations ) and have made the dry tree to flourish : ( by plunder and sacriledge ) i the lord have spoken it , and have done it , ezek. . . this was the text to the thanksgiving sermon before the parliament for their victory at worcester . and now is it possible for these men to be at a loss for scripture to countenance their proceedings , after this rate of imposing upon the word of god ? if such loose and prophane accommodations of prophetick passages to present affairs be sufficient to support faith in its expectations of success , i leave it to you to judge whether it can ever want grounds and encouragements for rebellion ; as long as the prophesies against gog and magog , the whore and the beast , the pope and the man of sin are not blotted out of the bible . but this is not all , faith has other topicks to bottom its confidence upon . and therefore , . it has right to all gods mercies , and deliverances of his people in all past and present ages . it makes all joshuahs victories present to every true believer : so that if o. cromwel had but boldness , or enthusiasm enough to presume that the almighty had as great favour for his highness , as he had for ioshuah ; he was bound to enable him and his army to dispatch kings and canaanites with as great expedition as ioshuah and the children of israel did . for the good-will , free grace , and loving kindness of god is the same towards all his people . and the infinite fountains of the deity can never be sunk one hairs bredth by everlastingly flowing blessings . so that past blessings and deliverances of gods people are store mercies laid up for believers against a rainy day ; and when we want present refreshments , what a comfort is it to chew the cud upon the blessings of former ages ? and thus they use the records of sacred story , just as don quixot used his books of chivalry , in accommodating the exploits of the knights of yore to his own ridiculous adventures : and here lay the folly of his errantry , in chewing the cud upon the prodigies of old romances . and i am sure he had as wise and reasonable a ground for his folly , when he besotted himself with a conceit of vying adventures with the famous knight valdovinos , as they had for their faith when they expected to equal the successes of ioshuah . but however by this means it was easie to befool and inveigle the common-people : and if they represented to them any act of bloud and cruelty with allusion to scripture language and story , that alone was enough to pass it for the work of the lord , and the rabble imagined they were acting over again all the wars and battels of the old testament , and pouring out all the vials , and fulfilling all the prophesies of the new. beside , faith supports it self , and engages providence by chewing the cud upon its own blessings as well as those of former ages . david esteemed it very good logick to argue from the victory god gave him over the lion , and bear , to a confidence of victory over goliah . make use then of your past mercies , deliverances , blessings , with promised incomings ; carry them about you by faith ; use them or they 'l grow rusty ; where is the god of elijah ? awake , awake , oh arm of the lord. let former mercies be an anchor of hope in time of present distresses . where is the god of marstone-moor , and the god of naseby , is an acceptable expostulation in a gloomy day . o , what a catalogue of mercies has this nation to plead by in time of trouble ? god came from naseby , and the holy one from the west , selah : his glory covered the heavens , and the earth was full of his praise . he went forth in the north , and in the east he did not with-hold his hand . so that in this gloomy day of their persecution they are forced to support themselves and their hopes by chewing the cud upon their naseby-mercies , and their marston-moore mercies ; till god shall be pleased to give them in some stores of fresh providences . for however he may at present counterfeit a total departure to punish their apostasie , and their want of zeal in his work , yet he will not , he cannot utterly forsake them . because he is engaged in point of honour , what shall he do for his great name ? yea so tender is the lord herein of his glory , that when he hath been exceedingly provoked to remove men out of his presence , yet because they have been called by his name , and have visibly held forth a following after him , he would not suffer them to be trodden down , lest the enemy should exalt themselves , and say , where is now their god ? they shall not take from him the honour of former deliverance● and protections : in such a nation as this , if the lord now upon manifold provocations should give up parliament , people , army to calamity and ruine , would not the glory of former counsels , successes , deliverances be utterly lost ? would not men say it was not the lord , but chance that hapned to them ? and thus when providence was once drawn in , it was bound to go through , unless it would either lose the glory of all its former exploits , or ( what was more dishonourable ) confess it was over-reach'd ( as the presbyterians were ) by the independent hypocrisie . by this artifice they drew on each other to the height and perfection of villany , because they were so far engaged , that they could not possibly retreat either with honour or safety ; and therefore resolved to secure themselves in the death of the king , suspecting , lest if he should ever be restored to his crown and royal authority , they might be called to an after-reckoning : according to that maxim so much taught and practised in the school of rebellion , that when men have run themselves into unpardonable disorders , there remains no way of doing better but by doing worse . and in this lesson they must needs instruct providence , now you are engaged , there is no way for you to retire with honour , and if you do not justifie your own actings in our former wickednesses by proceeding with us to greater impieties , you do not only condemn them and your self , but lose the honour of all the margarets fasts and thanksgivings . what a mean opinion must these prophane enthusiasts have of the divine understanding , that imagined they could impose upon the almighty by such thin and shallow fetches ! § . . . the third maxime of faith is to believe that providence is really and in good earnest for them , though it is seemingly and in outward appearance against them . thus whilst themselves sate at the helm , it befriended them from all points of the compass ; and into whatsoever corner it shifted it self , it still favoured their designs , and fill'd their sails with success and victory . when affairs succ●eded to their wishes , then providence drove them on with a full gale ; but when there hapned any cross or changeable dispensation , so far was it from hindring their progress , that it gave them the greater advantage of a side wind . for ( as the same author informs us ) i have heard that a full wind behind the ship drives her not so fast forward as a side wind , that seems almost as much against her as with her : and the reason , they say , is , because a full wind fills but some of her sails , which keep it from the rest that they are empty , when a side wind fills all her sails , and sets her speedily forward . so if the lord should give us a full wind and continual gale of mercies , it would fill but some of our sails , but when he comes with a side wind , a dispensation that seems almost as much against us as for us , then he fills all our sails , takes up all our affections , making his works wide and broad enough to entertain them every one , then are we carried freely and fully towards the haven where we would be . and thus ( for that is the application ) the imprisonment of the committee of essex was but a side wind of providence , that drove them on with the greater speed to the taking of colchester . so that while their faith was resolute in the belief of this principle , it was not possible for providence to shake them off by any affronts or indignities , but they served it just as horace was served by the importunate fellow , he describes serm. lib. . sat. . from whose irksom impertinency he could neither by art nor violence redeem himself . did he divert to salute a friend ? it was his acquaintance . did he pretend a visit ? he was at leisure to wait upon him . did he counterfeit any business ? he had interest to assist him . and thus did they tease and persecute providence ; which way soever it turn'd , they still would follow , no rebukes could dash their bold-faced faith out of countenance ; though it beat them off with open affronts , they would still insinuate and fawn upon it ; and though it knock'd off their hands an hundred times , and sent them away with bloudy fingers , they would not let go their hold , but they would cling about him by faith , do what he can , they will not be shifted off . and let him vary his dispensations as oft as he will , they are resolved to follow him with their songs upon sigionoth . songs upon sigionoth ! what are they ? i remember , i am under the obligation of a promise to unriddle their meaning ; and therefore to be short , they are a sort of pindarick psalms , not tied to the same rhime or measure , but to be sung with variety of notes , and interchangeable tunes . now i. o. once meeting with this word in his text , hab. . . he thus reasons upon it , ( and he is able to raise edification out of a pair of bagpipes ) are not gods variable dispensations towards his held out under these variable tunes , not all fitted to one string : not all alike pleasant and easie ? are not the several tunes of mercy and judgment in these songs ? is not here affliction and deliverance , desertion and recovery , darkness and light in this variously ? * doubtless it is so . god often calls his people to songs upon sigionoth . this is the doctrine on which he descants , and so applies it to the present case : we may rejoyce at the conquest of our enemies , and mourn at the loss of our harvest ; that was their song upon sigionoth , that though they had miss'd their harvest , they had mowed down the cavaliers ; from whom gods people were sure to reap a plentiful crop of plunder and sequestration . and that is as delicious musick to the saints below , as the harmony of the spheres , or a consort of angels to the saints above ; and 't is wonderful how exactly the hearts ( yea , and fingers too ) of gods people were set to such a sweet and comfortable tune . . but if believers should ever fail of all these supports , they are able to build their confidence upon flat presumption , and downright enthusiasm ; and when they trample upon all the obligations of oaths , and all the laws of nature , government and religion , they can easily justifie the wickedness of their proceedings by bold pretences of immediate impulse and revelation from heaven . for when god is doing great things , he gives glorious manifestations of his excellencies to his secret ones . so that he that is called to serve providence in high things , without some especial discovery of god , works in the dark , and knows not whither he goes , and what he does , such an one travels in the wilderness without a directing cloud . clear shining from god must be at the bottom of deep labouring with god. what is the reason that so many in our days set their hands to the plow , and look back again ? begin to serve providence in great things , but cannot finish ? give over in the heat of the day ! they never had any such revelation of the mind of god upon their spirits , such a discovery of his excellencies as might serve for a bottom of such undertakings . men must know , that if god hath not appeared to them in brightness , and shewn them the horns in his hand , hid from others , though they think highly of themselves , they 'l deny god twice and thrice before the close of the work of this age. hence is the suiting of great light , and great work in our days . let new light be derided whilst men please , he will ( and 't is too true ) never serve the will of god in this generation , who sees not beyond the line of foregoing ages . now what was this new and this great light , that god held forth as the horns in his hand to the believers of that generation ? to this enquiry we have a plain and positive answer : plainly the peculiar light of this generation , is that discovery which the lord hath made to his people , of the mystery of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny . now this new light , joyn'd with this new doctrine , that good principles become abominable when taken up or pursued against the providence of god , is such a rank and desperate piece of enthusiasm , as must of necessity cancel all the laws of society , and overthrow all the governments in the world ; but i must not stay to descant upon its intolerable mischiefs , neither indeed need i , seeing it is apparently the utmost emprovement of all phanatick folly and madness . and now the people of god being arm'd with such principles , and inflamed by such preachers , with what briskness did they march under the conduct of providence , till at length it led the warmest and most forward heads of them to the top of westminster hall , london bridge , and the city gates , or ( in the language of i. o. ) to the high places of armageddon : and there fix'd them for monuments of their own hypocrisie , and sad examples of rebellion . but thence astrea took her flight to heaven , and now publick affairs are transacted by a providential permissive commission ( as our author i remember somewhere words it , and 't is but what they allow to all the wickednesses in the world. ) so that whilst the eye of providence shined upon them , they were flowers of the sun , and which way soever they address'd themselves , it was to court providence . when they complied with every rising interest , it was to close with the mind of the lord in the work of this generation . when they plaid fast and loose with all parties , as the complexion of affairs suggested to them , that was the lords glorious discoveries and manifestations of his mind to his secret ones . and then to boggle at the wickedness of any design that prosper'd , was to flinch from the work of the lord. as i. o. encourages the rumpers the day immediately after the kings death . iacta est alea , the providence of god must be served , according to the discovery made of his own unchangeable will , and not the mutable interests and passions of the sons of men ( i. e. the presbyterians , whose apostasie he is there upbraiding . ) for verily the lord of hosts hath purposed to pollute the pride of all glory , and to bring into contempt all the honourable of the earth , isa. . . and then to renounce their old principles , and falsifie their old engagements , was to knock off with providence ; for be your principles never so good in themselves , they become wicked and abominable , when taken up against the providence of god. and this was the sad apostasie of the presbyterians from the work of the lord ; they , fools as they were , fix on principles , ( though they were tied to them by oaths and covenants ) old bounds must not be broken up , order must not be disturbed ; let god appear never so eminently , so mightily , they will keep to their principle , ( and their oaths and covenants too ) what is this but judicial hardness ? what think you sir , is it not a mighty security , that these men are able to give of their faith and allegiance , when providence or the turn of affairs shall untie all the bands of oaths , and success over-rule all the obligations of conscience . so that as long as loyalty is forced to be in fashion , they are peaceable and obedient subjects ; but if rebellion prosper , it is not for them to oppose providence . when god has a controversie with the royal family he absolves subjects of all their oaths and obligations to allegiance , and though the presbyterians had loaded themselves with chains , and multiplied engagements to his late majesty , and his lawful successours , yet not to joyn with the independents in the subversion of the government by the murther of one prince , and the banishment of another , was iudicial hardness . did you ever read of such a mixture of blasphemy and rebellion ; when men shall commit such horrid and emphatical villanies , and then shall with so steel'd a confidence warrant not only their lawfulness , but their necessity by vertue of a divine commission ; and shall break all the laws of nature , society , and religion , by the counsel , under the conduct , and with the approbation of the almighty ? in short , there is scarce a principle of blasphemy or rebellion in the alcoran that this wretch has not vouched upon divine authority . he is a person of such a rank complexion , that he would have vyed with mahomet himself both for boldness and imposture . the divine majesty never had a dearer and more familiar achitophel than he , they were always through the whole course of the war privy to each others counsels , were always of the same side , and drove on always the same designs ; and had this man been of the cabinet council of heaven he could not have pretended a greater and more intimate acquaintance with the intrigues of providence . and now i leave it to the world to judge whether it be not becoming our authors modesty to charge it upon me as a monstrous fiction , for saying , there have been men , who have taught , that to pursue success in rebellion is to follow the guidance of providential dispensations . § . . our authors imprudence and unadvisedness in forcing me upon the proof of my last charge in defence of my own integrity , recals to my mind another resembling instance of his discretion , in provoking me to an unnecessary dispute , where 't is impossible for him to escape a manifest and dishonourable baffle , viz. that the pretence of religion had no concernment in our late rebellion or civil war. and though i do not remember where i ever affirmed it was , yet is he upon every occasion upbraiding and challenging me to prove it ; and whereas in my first chapter i chanced to observe that it has frequently been made use of as a covering for unruly and seditious practices , without descending to particular instances ( for they are too many to be specified in a small volume ) he will needs have me to aim in particular at our late wars and tumults , and appeals to the publick writings , declarations , and treaties , whereby those tumults and wars were begun and carried on : and then we shall find that authority , laws , and priviledges , and i know not what things , wherein private men have no pretence of interest , were pleaded in those affairs . and upon this string he is again rubbing to as little purpose in this chapter . neither is he singular in this conceit and confidence ; there are others , that have as well as himself sounded their alarms from the pulpit against antichristian idolatry and oppression ; and have chafed popular zeal and rage to fight for the purity and beauty of gospel ordinances , who yet blush not to declare in publick ( with such a competent measure of confidence are they gifted ) that the cause of religion was not pretended or engaged in the quarrel , but that it was a meer contest about civil rights and priviledges . now though this concerns not me in my own defence , yet will i a little concern my self in the enquiry , to discover the honesty and ingenuity of these men , that will blow hot and cold out of the same mouth , affirm and deny the same thing , as it suits with their present occasion , and present interest . and are they not arrived to an heroick pitch of confidence , that dare protest so boldly and so publickly in defiance of so many publick acts , ordinances , protestations , covenants , engagements , declarations , remonstrances , treaties of peace , and overtures of accommodation , in all which preservation of religion , and demands of reformation still lead the van ; and the sense and substance of all the numberless papers of lords and commons amounts to no more than this , that they were resolved to expose their lives and fortunes for the defence and maintenance of the true religion , his majesties person and honour , the power and priviledges of parliament , and the just rights and liberties of the subject . all these pretences came in of course , but still religion was the first and dearest grievance , and its preservation more tender to them than their lives and liberties . as in the observation upon the lord digbys letters , the lords and commons declare , that they had never done any thing against the personal honour of the queen , only we have desired to be secured from such plots and mischievous designs , that they might not have the favour of the court , and such a powerful influence upon his majesties counsels , as they have had to the extream hazard not only of civil liberty and peace of the kingdom , but of that we hold much dearer than these , yea , than the very being of this nation , that is , our religion , whereupon depends the honour of almighty god , and the salvation of our souls . and this was their perpetual answer to all his majesties propositions , that his counsels were over-ruled by a malignant party of papists , and other ill-affected persons , that carried on their own wicked designs of rooting up the protestant religion , to plant popery and superstition . innumerable are the proofs to this purpose , but we will content our selves ( because it will be sufficient ) with these few particulars . first then , 't is notorious the scottish broils and tumults were raised purely upon a pretence of religion , being begun about the reading the common-prayer , and not a little promoted by that senseless pamphlet , a dispute against the english popish ceremonies obtruded upon the church of scotland . and the only conditions of quieting these troubles , were , ( . ) that the provost and city-council should join in opposition to the service-book . ( . ) that ramsey and rollock , two silenced ministers , and henderson a silenced reader , should be restored to their places . and not long after there came a petition of noblemen , barons , ministers , burgesses and commons , and about what , do we think , but against the liturgy and canons ? and the next news we hear from thence , was , that the king having adjourned the term to sterling by proclamation , the earl of hume and lord lindsey protest against it , and erect four tables of the nobility , gentry , burroughs , and ministers ; the first act of which , is to enter a general covenant in defence of religion , ( and for fashions sake , the kings person . ) this business of scotland is an affair not unworthy the mentioning , not only because it was well known what invitation they had from their party to enter england , but also because the parliament here owned their cause , took it unkindly of the king for calling them rebels , voted them a great supply under the name of a friendly assistance , and called them their dear brethren of scotland . and withal , did particularly own the scotch tumults as raised upon a religious account : this we have themselves confessing in a declaration to satisfie the world of the justice of raising arms ; wherein they declare religion the principal thing , and all others subservient to it : and as to this particular business of the scots , they speak thus : when they ( i. e. papists , clergy , and other enemies of religion ) conceived the way sufficiently prepared , they at last resolved to put on their master-piece in scotland , ( where the same method had been followed ) and more boldly unmask themselves in imposing upon them a popish service-book : for well they knew the same fate attended both kingdoms , and religion could not be altered in one without the other : god raised the spirits in that nation to oppose it with so much zeal and indignation , that it kindled such a flame as no expedient could be found but a parliament here to quench it . i. e. by hiring and tempting them to a new rebellion at the price of one hundred thousand pound , beside the reward of pay and plunder for the common souldiers , the promise of church-revenues for the chief promoters of the service , the sacrifice of the archbishop of canterbury to their malice and revenge , and ( what was most likely to endear the cause ) the reformation of the discipline and worship of the church of england by the model of the kirk of scotland , that absolute pattern of a thorough godly rebellion . again , the declaration of lords and commons , march . orders this kingdom to be put in a posture of defence by sea and land , because there was a design by those in greatest authority about the king for the altering of religion : that the scottish war was fomented , and the irish rebellion framed for that purpose : that they had advertisements from venice , and paris , and rome , that the king was to have four thousand men out of france and spain , which could be to no other end than to change his own profession , and the publick religion of the kingdom . in the propositions sent iune . . the eighth is this , that your majesty will be pleased to consent that such a reformation be made of the church-government and liturgy , as both houses of parliament shall advise , &c. and the th , that the king should enter into a more strict alliance with the protestant princes and states , for the defence of the protestant religion , against the attempts of the pope and his adherents . and the propositions made by lords and commons , iune . . for bringing in money and plate to maintain horse and arms , runs upon this ground , first , that religion else will be destroyed ; and this is particularly recommended to all those that tender their religion . and when the king countermanded the propositions , they re-inforce them by the endearments of religion . and tuesday iuly , . resolve it upon the question , that an army be forthwith raised for its defence and preservation . their declaration of aug. . . grounds its self upon this , that the kings army was raised for the oppression of the true religion . and therefore they give this account to the world , for a satisfaction to all men of the justice of their proceedings , and a warning to those who are involved in the same danger with them , to let them see the necessity and duty which lies upon them to save themselves , their religion and country . where they tell us at large , and in great passion , that papists , ambitious and discontented clergy-men , delinquents , and ill-affected persons of the nobility and gentry , have conspired together , and often attempted the alteration of religion , &c. that all was subject to will and power , that so mens minds being made poor and base , and their liberties lost and gone , they might be ready to let go their religion whensoever it should be resolved to alter it ; which was , and still is the great design , and all else made use of but as instrumentary and subservient to it . and then after an horrible harangue about the king and queens going away , the lord digby's letter , the members going to york , &c. they ( the papists , prelates , &c. ) come to crown their work , and put that in execution , which was first in their intention , that is , the changing of religion into popery and superstition . the scots in answer to a declaration sent them by their commissioners at london from the two houses , did aug. . . return another , wherein they give god thanks for their former and present desires of a reformation especially of religion , which is the glory and strength of a kingdom , &c. protest that their hearts were heavy and made sad , that what is more dear and precious to them than what is dearest to them in the whole world , the reformation of religion has moved so slowly . to which they add , that 't is indeed a work full of difficulties , but god is greater than the world , and when the supreme providence giveth opportunity of the accepted time , and the day of salvation , no other work can prosper in the hands of his servants , if it be not apprehended , and with all faithfulness improved : this kirk and nation , when the lord gave them the calling , considered not their own deadness , nor staggered at the promise ( of an hundred thousand pound ) through unbelief , but gave glory to god ; and who knoweth but the lord hath now some controversie with england , which will not be removed , till first and before all the worship of his name , and the government of his house be setled according to his own will ? when this desire shall come , it shall be to england , after so long desired hopes , a tree of life . and therefore they proceed to press earnestly for an uniformity in both kingdoms , but it must be after their own model . what hopes ( say they ) can there be of unity in religion , in one confession of faith , one form of worship , one catechism , till there be first one form of ecclesiastical government ; yea , what hope can the kingdom and kirk of scotland have of a durable peace , till prelacy be pluckt up root and branch , as a plant which god hath not planted , and from which no better fruits can be expected than such sowre grapes , as this day set on edge the kingdom of england ? in answer to this goodly declaration the lords and commons desire it may be considered , that that party which has now incensed and armed his majesty against us is the very same , which not long since upon the very same design of rooting out the reformed religion did endeavour to begin the tragedy in scotland , &c. and having thanked the assembly of the church of scotland for proposing those things which may unite the two churches and nations against popery and all superstitious sects and innovations whatsoever , do assure that they have thereupon resumed into their consideration the matters concerning the reformation of church-government and discipline , which ( say they ) we have often had in consultation and debate since the beginning of this parliament , and ever made it our chiefest aim , though we have been powerfully opposed in the prosecution and accomplishment of it . and in another declaration to the convention of estates , they remonstrate that the honourable houses have fully declared by what they have done , and what they are desirous to do , that the true state of the cause and quarrel , is religion : in reformation whereof , they are so forward and zealous , that there is nothing expressed in the scots declarations former or later , which they have not seriously taken to heart , and endeavoured to effect , &c. and in a letter from the assembly of divines to them , by order of the house of commons , they call it twice the cause of religion . and the assembly in answer to the parliament , desire it may be more and more cleared , religion to be the true state of the differences in england ; and to be uncessantly prosecuted first above all things , giving no sleep to their eyes , or slumber to their eye-lids , until it be setled . in their declaration and protestation to the whole world , octob. . . they are fully convinced that the kings resolutions are so engaged to the popish party , for the suppression and extirpation of the true religion , that all hopes of peace and protection are excluded , that it is fully intended to give satisfaction to the papists by alteration of religion , &c. that great means are made to take up the differences betwixt some princes of the roman religion , that so they might unite their strength to the extirpation of the protestant cause , wherein principally this kingdom and the kingdom of scotland are concerned , as making the greatest body of the reformed religion in christendom , &c. for all which reasons we are resolved to enter into a solemn oath and covenant with god , to give up our selves , our lives and fortunes into his hands ; and that we will to the utmost of our power and judgment maintain his truth , and conform our selves to his will. and in the declaration upon the votes of no further address to be made to the king by themselves or any one else , feb. . . the lords and commons make religion one of the great motives upon which they proceeded : for ( say they ) the torture of our bodies by most cruel whippings , slitting of noses , &c. might be the sooner forgotten , had not our souls been lorded over , led captive into superstition and idolatry , triumphed over by oaths ex officio , excommunications , ceremonious articles , new canons , canon-oaths , &c. p. . and in the last paper to the scotch commissioners , feb. . . they declare , that the army of the houses of parliament were raised for maintenance of the true religion , and that they invited them to come to their assistance , and declared the true state of the quarrel to be religion ; and they earnestly desire the general assembly to further and expedite the assistance desired from the kingdom of scotland upon this ground and motive , that thereby they shall do great service to god , and great honour may redound to themselves , by becoming instruments of a glorious reformation , &c. this was the stile of all their papers , from to , till some of the grandees of the independent faction had by their hypocritical prayers , malicious preachings , counterfeit tears , unmanly whinings , false protestations , and execrable perjuries , scrued themselves up into a supremacy of power and interest , and then they alter'd the stile of their pretences with the change of their affairs , and suited their remonstrances to their fortunes , and so stopt not at their old demands of reformation and purity of ordinances ; these pretexts were too low for the greatness of their attempts and resolutions , and were not sufficient to warrant the murther of their lawful sovereign ; and therefore it was necessary for them to take up with new pleas suitable to the wickedness of their new purposes ; and then nothing was big enough to arreign or condemn their prince , but the charge of treason and tyranny , and the sentence of death was passed and executed upon him as a publick enemy to the commonwealth : so that though pretences of secular and political interest were necessary to cut off his head , yet it was purely zeal and reformation that brought him to the block . to these declarations from the press , i might add their declarations from the pulpit , their preachers incessantly encouraging the people to fight against the king , as the most acceptable service to god ; and the people accordingly fought against him , because they were perswaded that he was a papist , and would bring in popery ; that the common-prayer was the mass in english , organs were idolatry , and episcopacy antichristian . it was nothing but the purity of the gospel , to which they so cheerfully sacrificed their thimbles and bodkins . and though here it were easie to collect vast volumes , there being scarce a parliament-exercise , for which the preacher had the thanks of the house , in which some sands and sweat were not wasted in crying up the piety of their intentions for the reformation of gospel-ordinances . but because this would prove a work too voluminous , i will therefore put off my reader , ( and satisfie my adversary too ) with two or three passages out of the inspired homilies of i. o. in his several dispensations . in his sermon preached before the parliament , april . . he thus bespeaks them : from the beginning of these troubles , right honourable , you have held forth religion and the gospel , as whose preservation and restauration was principally in your aims ; and i presume malice it self is not able to discover any insincerity in this ; the fruits we behold , proclaim to all the conformity of your words and hearts . now the god of heaven grant that the same mind be in you still , in every particular member of this honourable assembly , in the whole nation , especially in the magistracy and ministry of it , that we be not like the boat-men , look one way , and row another ; cry , gospel , and mean the other thing ; lord , lord , and advance our own ends , that the lord may not stir up the staff of his anger , and the rod of his indignation against us , as an hypocritical people . and feb. . . he tells them again , gods work whereunto ye are ingaged , is the propagating of the kingdom of christ , and the setting up of the standard of the gospel . and octob. . . from the beginning of the contests in this nation , when god had caused your spirits to resolve , that the liberties , priviledges , and rights of this nation wherewith you were intrusted , should not ( by his assistance ) be wrested out of your hands by violence , oppression and injustice ; this he also put upon your hearts , to vindicate and assert the gospel of jesus christ , his ways , and his ordinances , against all opposition , though you were but inquiring the way to sion , ( for then they were little better than presbyterians ) with your faces thitherward● god secretly entwining the interest of christ with yours , wrapt up with you the whole generation of them that seek his face , and prosper'd your affairs on that account . and lastly , feb. . . give me leave to remember you , as one that had opportunity to make observations of the passages of providence in those days , in all the three nations , in the times of our greatest hazards ; give me leave , i say , to remember you , that the publick declarations of those imployed in the affairs of this nation , in the face of the enemies , their addresses unto god among themselves , their prayers night and day , their private discourses one with another , were , that the preservation of the interest of christ in and with his people , was the great thing that lay in their eyes , &c. i must not detain you with observations upon these passages ; and they are so plain , i need not : this is enough to send him to school to his own dumb-speaking egyptian hieroglyphick , with which he once thought he could stop the mouths of the malignant infidels , that would not be brought to believe the success at celchester , an ample testimony of the continuance of gods presence with the army . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , men of all sorts know that god hateth impudence . § . . but how ill soever the people of god may have behaved themselves in time of yore , they are now resolved to learn better manners : for , says our author , ( and who will not take his word ? ) do they profess 't is their duty , their principle , their faith and doctrine , to be obedient to their rulers and governours ? do they offer all the security of their adherence to such declared principles , as mankind is necessitated to be satisfied with in things of their highest concernment ? &c. all is one , every different opinion is press-money , and every sect is an army , although they be all and every one of them protestants , of whom alone we do discourse . you offer security for your allegiance ! you that have violated all the obligations of oaths , covenants , and protestations ! shall bankrupts of all faith and honesty expect to be trusted upon their bare words , that have so often proved perfidious to their oaths ? men , whose coy and crazy consciences have sworn and swallowed naked and undisguised contradictions , are capable no doubt of giving wonderful assurance and satisfaction for their future fidelity . first give us some competent tokens of your repentance , before you presume to tender us any security of your allegiance . men that own the peculiar and distinguishing principle of your party , are not fit to be trusted or endured in any commonwealth , viz. that sovereign princes may forfeit their title to their crowns , and that 't is in the power of subjects to depose them for the ill administration of government . by this pretence you justified all your late disloyal practices ; by it you adjudged his late majesty to death ; by it you banish't the undoubted heir of the crown ; by it you proceeded to subvert the old , and erect a new form of government ; and by it you all along confirm'd your selves in your zeal and opposition to the royal interest . now what signs have you given us of your having renounced this principle of rebellion ? and till you have , what assurance can you give us of your return to loyalty ; seeing 't is not possible for any oaths to bind you to your duty , whenever you have a mind to pick quarrels against the management of publick affairs ? come , come , ( sir ) shuffle no longer with us , nor with your own consciences : either your proceedings in the late confusions were great and enormous crimes , or they were not ; if they were not , nothing can restrain you , whenever you gain the advantage of power and opportunity , from acting such things over again , as you seriously believe to be just and innocent : if they were , why have you not all this while given us some competent and reasonable assurance of your conversion ? your crimes ( if crimes at all ) were heinous and publick , and enhansed with all the aggravations of guilt and wickedness ; a flourishing kingdom was embroil'd in wars and desolations ; a pious and vertuous prince was villanously murther'd ; his children banish't to preserve their lives ; his friends undone with rapine and sequestration , and adjudged to death for their zeal and fidelity to his service ; thousands of his subjects lost and sacrificed in the quarrel , with innumerable other mischiefs and enormities ; and all this carried on with mighty shews , and confident brags of zeal and piety . these are sins with a witness , and so full of horrour and amazement , that they are not to be repented of with an ordinary contrition ; and 't is not possible that any man should be seriously convinced of his own guilt in such prodigious crimes , without the deepest accents and agonies of remorse ; or that he should appease his conscience with any less satisfaction than publick acknowledgment ; much less that he should expect other men should trust the sincerity of his repentance , without some visible indications of his amendment . but , alas ! so far are you from affording us any tolerable grounds to expect your change , that you give us nothing but symptoms of reprobate hardness ; and instead of open and ingenuous confessions , either wholly blaunch the matter , or extenuate the crime , or ( which is unpardonable insolence ) discharge the guilt of all your practices upon our heads : hereafter therefore forbear to think us such sots , ( unless you imagine our skulls are stuft with wet straw ) as to accept of any security you can offer , till you have first satisfied us of your hearty and unfeigned return to principles of loyalty and allegiance : and till then , it were a shameful forfeiture of common discretion , if we do not still suppose you the same men we have ever found you . wolves ( they say ) may change their hairs , but not their hearts ; and 't is an easie matter for men so exercised in the arts of hypocrisie , to cast their outward pretences , without ever altering their thoughts and inward designs . and yet they avoid the very appearances of alteration , insomuch that nothing is more cried up among themselves than an undaunted adherence to their old principles and their old cause ; and if any of the party chance to be so ingenuous , as to confess the errour and crime of his rebellion , he is sure to be loaded with all the reproaches of apostasie , and branded with all the dishonour of a renegado . and 't is well known into what deep arrears of their anger and displeasure one has lately run himself by a few gentle and friendly reproofs of their schismatical behaviour . what if he had exhorted them to repent of the sins of disloyalty and rebellion , and had charged it upon their ingenuity to give some remarkable evidences and engagements of their better resolutions , as a worthy requital of his majesties favour and indempnifying the outrage of all their former proceedings ? if he had , he would have been pelted with more dirty language than the pope of rome , or the apocalyptick beast . they are stubborn and implacable in their old principles , their minds are still possessed with the same accursed rage and bitterness of spirit , as ran them upon their late rebellions ; and they are so little affected with any sense or sorrow for their disloyalty , that like men given up to a reprobate sense , they are enraged by the convictions of their own guilt , and labour to stifle the over-ruling reflections of their own consciences . rub up their memories with their former crimes , and you do but inflame their choler ; invite them to repentance , and that they call ( with our author ) an impertinent calling over of things past and bygone . nay , their faces and their consciences are so hardned , that they will threaten every little reflection upon their late enormities with the act of oblivion . and when any of them are so shameless as publickly to appeal to the innocence of their own practices ; if you shall rebuke their confidence by representing the base and perfidious arts of their hypocrisie and ambition , they ( forsooth ) will stop your mouth with a suit at law. indempnity will not satisfie their proud stomachs , unless they may pass for pure and unspotted innocents . we are bound to erase out of our memories all records of their frauds , their perjuries , their pride , and their cruelty ; and in spite of our dear-bought experience ever suppose them as harmless in their designs as they are demure in their pretences . and ( what is more and more intolerable ) they are so little toucht with any serious regret for their former actings , that they still proceed as far as they dare venture in the same blessed paths of reformation . for though as yet they dare not set forth publick declarations of designs to introduce popery ; of his majesties being seduced by evil counsellors ; of the corruptions of ministers of state ; and of the ill management of all publick affairs , and such other old stories as served for prologues to the old tumults : yet 't is become a customary and familiar thing with them to make leering and unmannerly reflections upon the wisdom of the present government , to dispute and condemn the equity of publick proceedings , to possess one another upon every slight occasion with jealousies of plots upon their liberties and priviledges , to upbraid publick misfortunes with the successes of the reign of oliver cromwel ; and in brief , to alienate the affections , and impair the good opinions of the people as to the present setlement of things , by any arts and devices that may not bring them under the lash of justice , and within the cognizance of the laws . 't is notorious how they work their followers to a dislike of monarchy , and a dis-respect to sovereign princes ; though it is no wonder , if we consider that the present chiefs and ring-leaders of the party are such as were the most vehement patriots and assertors of the republican faction . § . . for a farther proof of their impenitence , i cannot but observe that these men , that are as free as publicans in their other confessions , yet in these matters become like the man without the wedding garment , dumb and speechless ; not for any deep sense of their guilt , but because they disdain to own it . here they cover their transgressions as adam , and stand upon the protestation of their integrity as iob. bring them to the enumeration of sins against the fifth commandment , and they are immediately taken with a pharisaick costiveness , and after all their straining and winking , nothing comes but a few general and careless confessions . the good old cause sticks as close to them as original sin , no sope or nitre can purge away their principles ; their complexions are unchangeable as the skin of an aethiopian , and their tempers incurable as the fretting leprosie . and therefore to return to our author , before you presume to offer us any more security of your good behaviour : first , learn the ingenuity of men , shew your selves humble , melting , and broken-hearted christians ; give us some symptoms of your repentance and contrition : rely not upon the justification of your own works ; cast off the rags of your own self-righteousness , and self-loyalty , and confess but once to his majesty , as you often do to god almighty , our throats have been as open sepulchres , with our tongues we have used deceit , the poison of asps has been under our lips ; our mouths have been full of cursing and bitterness , our feet have been swift to shed blood ; destruction and misery have been in all our ways , and the way of peace have we not known . we are seriously convinced of the errour and wickedness of our doings : it was the great men of our party ( we cannot deny it ) that were the fiercest and most implacable enemies against your majesties crown and person , that by their perfidious oaths and protestations enticed your royal father into their nets , and then murther'd him with equal modesty and conscience . it was we ( with shame and horrour we confess it ) that pursu'd your own life with the thirst and industry of blood-hounds ; and had your majesty been the most hated wretch , traytor , and rebel in the world , we could not have hunted you with a keener rage . and it was our preachers that cried up all this as the cause of god , and the work of providence , in order to the recovery and preservation of the gospel . but now ( sir ) we are from the bottom of our hearts convinced of the unparallel'd wickedness of all these our practices and opinions ; and we desire with shame and confusion of face to acknowledge and disclaim them in the presence of god , and before all the world ; we now see , and cannot but declare we have grievously rebell'd against him , in fighting for him against his vice-gerent ; as we did against you when we fought for your authority against your person . sir , our behaviour has been so unworthy , and our hypocrisie so notorious , that we have not confidence to desire your majesty should ever trust us , till we have made some reasonable atonement for all our miscarriages , by some publick and ingenuous satisfaction , and given some unquestionable proofs of our repentance by some signal and extraordinary acts of loyalty . and though our brethren of the kirk were once so tender-hearted as to excuse a sister that had fall'n ( as they phrased it ) in holy fornication , from the shame of her publick penance , lest the gospel should be scandalized : yet if there be any among us that bewray any signs and symptoms of the old spirit of rebellion , we will be so far from sheltring or conniving at such unpardonable offenders , that we will with all possible care drive them from our communion , and deliver them up to the justice of the laws . if they would offer us such security as this for their peaceableness and obedience , they might make some impression upon our good natures , and gain some ground upon our good opinions . but if they will not , all their other promises and engagements are but so many assurances that they are not in good earnest . for if they were , that alone would indispensably oblige them to frank and open retractions . nothing can expiate a publick crime but a publick repentance . but alas ! these conditions are too rough for humble and self-denying men to swallow , their stomachs cannot down with such sharp and unpleasant physick ; and they will rather continue for ever in a state of impenitence , then repent at the rate of a publick satisfaction . and hence it is that though i. o. has made the door to atheism so wide , yet that to loyalty is ( as to them ) like that to the kingdom of heaven , straight is the gate , and narrow is the way , and few ( if any ) there be that find it . so that for them to pretend to loyalty is a ruder and more unhandsom insolence , then all their open crimes and execrable practices ; t is an affront to our understandings , when persons so stain'd with perfidious and disloyal actions , shall go about to perswade us of their innocence and integrity , and cry up themselves for brave subjects , though they have nothing to shew for it but their zeal in treason and rebellion . this is bold-fac'd wickedness , when men that have done such base and dishonourable things , shall look confidently , and scorn to accept all your acts of indempnity , unless they may challenge one of justification . to conclude , plutarch , i remember , somewhere commends the wisdom of those birds that conspired to beat the cuckow , lest in process of time it should grow up to an hawk : but what if the cuckow had been an hawk already , and they or any of their flock had been grip'd in its talons , what sort of birds would you have judged them , had they been so silly as to suffer it to become an hawk again ; only because it sung the old cuckow tune ? the mythology is plain ; that prince that has felt the pounces of these ravening vultures , if after that he shall be perswaded to regard their fair speeches , at such times as they want power , without other evident and unquestionable tokens of their conversion , deserves to be king of the night . § . . but here our author adds , and 't is suggested a thousand times over ; are not we both protestants , and shall we persecute our brethren of the same church and communion with our selves ? no , no , we are papists and idolaters ; have you so often branded us with the charge of popery , and so confidently involved us in the grand antichristian apostasie ; and can you now think it a seasonable argument to work upon our compassion and good nature by declaring your selves protestants ? this is an admirable motive to prevail upon the affections of rank papists ; 't is just as if our author should hope to win us to the grant of an indulgence , by pleading ( as he often does ) that they are right godly men , when he has made an implacable hatred of all godliness , the characteristick note of the episcopal clergy . but he does , ever did , and ever will pour out his words at random ; and they are any thing , and we are any thing , and every thing is any thing , truth to day , and heresie to morrow , as it shall happen to conduce to their present interest . and therefore to be short and plain with them , and to abate the confidence of this popular pretence ; the name of protestant ( as they use it ) is but a term of faction , and the word of a party , a title to which every man may pretend , that is no friend to the pope of rome ; and if he be fall'n out with the papacy upon what account soever , that is enough to list him a member of the protestant communion . and if any man through the licentiousness of his life or principles be forced even for his own security to turn renegado to the church of rome , he shall be immediately admitted into the fellowship of the reformed churches : and thus shall the reformation be made the sanctuary of romulus , a refuge for enthusiasts and hereticks , a device to draw together all the lewd and wicked people in the world , to unite themselves into one body in defiance to the roman interest . this is a wild and boundless thing , and signifies nothing but popular tumults and confusions , and shelters all the sacriledges and enormities in the world , provided they that commit them rail at his holiness . and thus i confess was the reformation of some places the meer effect of the tumults and outrages of boors , the factions and seditions of mechanicks , the crafts and artifices of statesmen , and the ambitions of peevish and pragmatical priests . and all that some men ( who think themselves some of the most refined protestants ) contributed to the carrying on of this great work , was by breaking church-windows , demolishing altars , defacing shrines , beating down images , doing despite to pictures , burning libraries , stealing consecrated plate , plundering churches of their sacred ornaments , and adorning their own houses with the spoils and reliques of popish trumpery . and therefore we must distinguish ( and 't is mr. chillingworths distinction ) between protestants and protestants ; those that protest against imperial edicts , and those that protest against the corruptions of the church of rome . between those who only remonstrate to the papal apostasie , and endeavour to retrieve the true ancient and catholick christianity ; and those who under this pretence shelter state factions , and paint reformation upon their banners , and purge the church of idolatry by civil wars , and desolations of states , and cast off allegiance to their prince , together with their subjection to the pope : enter into leagues and associations , raise armies , and run into all the disorders of treason and disloyalty against their lawful sovereign , to extort by force of arms the free exercise of their religion . and it would grieve a man to observe how the sober and moderate reformers were in many places run down by seditious and hot-headed preachers : and ( to mention no more ) how melancthon with his disciples were supplanted by flaccus illyricus and his confidents : the flaccinians , ( because he would allow of no seditious counsels to carry on the work ) immediately impeach him of apostasie to the papal cause , and send their complaints abroad to calvin , and other patriarchs of the reformed churches , and the good man was put to the expence of much time and paper to prove himself no jesuite . now the church of england disclaims the communion as well as the principles of these blustering religionists ; she abhors rebellion as much as idolatry , and looks upon defection from loyalty and allegiance as an apostasie from the christian faith ; and therefore men of disloyal principles or practices do but abuse her and themselves too , when they pretend to her communion ; because forsooth they have a mighty spleen against the pope and cardinals ; whereas the rankest and most jesuitical piece of popery is the doctrine of treason and rebellion . and what agreement there is between the jesuite and the puritan concerning the civil magistrate , you may see parallel'd in divers material points of doctrine and practice , to take down the too absolute and unrestrained power of the monarchs of christendom , by lysimachus nicanor of the society of jesus , in his epistle to the covenanters of scotland . and therefore what perswasions soever they may have in other matters contrary to the church of rome , unless they are orthodox in this fundamental article of the royal supremacy , if they are not guelphs , they are ( and that is as bad ) gibellines , another party of professed enemies to the church of england . but to take down the confidence of these forward pretenders , and to give a more distinct and satisfactory account of this affair , you may know that our reformation consists of two parts , doctrine and discipline ; the design of the former was to abolish the corruptions and innovations of the church of rome , and to retrieve the pure and primitive christianity ; and the design of the latter was to abrogate the jurisdiction of the bishop of rome , and to annex all superiority and preheminence over the ecclesiastical state to the imperial crown : in both which attempts , the non-conformists or puritan-recusants have absolutely forsaken our communion . . as to discipline , the design of those great men that first arose to that great work was to redeem the christian world from the shameless and exorbitant usurpations of the bishop of rome , that had invaded the thrones of princes , and made their scepters do homage to st. peters keys , and enslav'd the royal dignity to the interests and insolences of a proud vicar . and this was the schism of the church of england , its defection to its lawful prince ; and its first departure from the church of rome was nothing but its revolt to its due allegiance , and at this day its greatest heresie is the uncatholick doctrine of obedience to sovereign authority . whereas the great project of the men of the separation was never to abrogate , but only to exchange the papal usurpation , and to setle that power and supremacy of which they stript his holiness of rome upon the presbyterial consistory . the holy discipline is but another name for the papal power , it equally disrobes princes of their ecclesiastical supremacy , and entirely setles its jurisdiction upon the presbytery , and vests them with an authority to controul their commands , restrain their civil power , and punish their persons : in that by the principles of the * holy discipline kings must be subject to the decrees of the presbytery in all matters of religion ; neither small nor great may be exempted from subjection to the scepter of iesus christ ; by which they mean the same thing that the papists do by the keys of st. peter , viz. an original power in themselves of exercising a temporal jurisdiction over the kings of the earth under pretence of their spiritual sovereignty : so that in this part of the work we have not been encountred with more disturbance and opposition from the jesuites than from the presbyterians , that are as to the doctrine of regal supremacy as arrant recusants ; and therefore it as much imports princes for security of their own rights and prerogatives to have an eye to the factors of geneva , as to the emissaries of rome . they are both men of bold and fiery spirits ; and all the late combustions of europe have either been procured or occasion'd by the seditious and aspiring attempts of these two daring sects . but the tumults and disorders of the jesuites concern not our present enquiry ; nor may i enter upon the history of all the leagues , conspiracies , seditions , spoils , ravages , and insurrections , of the puritan brethren . it has been lately performed by an elegant pen to purpose , that has thereby done that right to the cause of reformation , as to absolve the true protestant from the charge of seditious doctrines and practices , and to score all the embroilments of the kingdoms and estates of christendom , on the account of the calvinists , who thrust themselves into all places and designs ; and if any where they were suffer'd to grow into any considerable strength and interest , were upon all occasions drawing in the zealous rabble into holy leagues and confederacies against their governours . and if you will but compare the first practices and proceedings of the hugonots in the kingdom of france , of the gheuses in the belgick provinces , of the kirk-faction in the realm of scotland , with the actings , treasons and disloyalties of the english puritans , as you will discover a strange agreement in the issues of their principles and proceedings , so you will find their disorders to exceed the common mischiefs and exorbitancies of mankind . but i must not pursue particular stories , the history of their tumults , outrages , and desolations , would require a larger volume than the book of martyrs . it was these hot and fiery spirits , that in most places spoil'd this gallant enterprize ; and by their seditious zeal and madness , drove up the reformation into down-right rebellion ; and were so outragious against the church of rome , that they had not patience to wait the lazy temper of authority for the reformation of abuses . it s wisdom and moderation was carnal policy ; and if governours would not set upon it in regular and peaceable ways at their first alarm , then the only doctrine they thunder'd from the pulpit , was , that if princes refuse to reform religion themselves , 't is lawful for their godly subjects to do it , though by violence and force of arms. these are the men that are so forward to thrust themselves into the reformed communion , and whom we are so resolved to disclaim as shameful apostates from the reformed cause , and judge just such protestants as the gnosticks were christians , the scandal and dishonour of their profession ; and whom the true sons of the church were forced to avoid as much , if not more , than heathens and infidels , though it were only to secure their own reputation , that their tumults and disorders might not be scored upon their reckoning . this is plain matter of fact , though how it will relish with our author , 't is easie to foretel ; and it is not to be doubted but he may have the confidence to remonstrate to the most credible evidence of history , that has the boldness in defiance to so many publick ordinances and declarations , to deny that the pretences of reformation had any concern in our late confusions . but however , he would be well-advised not to dare to apologize for other men , unless he could first clear his own innocence : for if a man shall undertake to plead the cause of a notorious offender , that stands himself chargeable of the deeper guilt , he does not defend , but betray and upbraid his client ; his very apology becomes a strong accusation , and all the world will suspect that mans innocence , when they shall see a person so scandalous , so forward in his defence . he is but an ill apologist for the peaceableness or loyalty of any party , that has himself been a famous trumpeter ( not to say , a great commander ) in rebellion ; and when our late thirsty tyrants had gorged themselves with royal blood , was the first chaplain that proffer'd his service to say a long margarets grace to the entertainment . § . . this short account may suffice to let you see that the nonconformists , as to this particular , ( however they may glory in the name of protestant ) are but another sort of papists , that pluckt down one popery to set up another ; and justled his holiness out of the chair , only to seat themselves in it . and as for the under-sects , and farther improved schismaticks , that have since sprung out of the corruptions of presbytery , our controversie with them is not between protestants and protestants , but between protestants and anabaptists ; a sort of people ( as to this particular worse than papists ) whom nothing will satisfie but absolute anarchy and confusion in the church , and by consequence in the state : for in a christian commonwealth they are but one and the same society , which , as i have proved over and over , and our author sometimes confesses , nothing can avoid but an ecclesiastical supremacy , or coercive jurisdiction in matters of religion . the hearty and serious acknowledgment whereof , is the true shibboleth , and distinguishing mark of the right english protestant . this is the pride and the glory of the church of england , that she was never tainted with sedition and disloyalty ; and in the management of her reformation , never out run the laws , but always moved under the conduct of sovereign authority . it grieved our prelates to behold the dignity of the throne prostituted to a foreign tyranny ; and when , chiefly by their counsel and assistance , our princes had disingaged themselves of their ancient fetters , they proceeded to engage and encourage them in the reformation of the christian faith to its ancient purity ; and with the advice of their ecclesiastical senate , to establish rites and ceremonies of worship by their own authority . so that there is not a monarchy in the world that might be so well guarded as the crown of england , by its orthodox clergy , were they allowed that power and reputation that is due to the interest and dignity of their function ; not only because they hold so entirely from his majesty , and are so immediately dependant upon his favour for their preferment ; but chiefly because there is not any sort of men in the world possessed with so deep a sense of loyalty : 't is become their nature and their genius ; 't is the only thing that creates them so many enemies , exposes them to so much opposition , and divides them from all other parties and professions . what is it that so much enrages the roman clergy , but that we will not suffer his holiness to usurp upon the rights of princes ? and when these janizaries invade and assault their thrones , and attempt to seat their great master in the imperial primacy , 't is we , and only we that have ever stept in and beat back all their approaches with shame and dishonour . and whatever provisions might have been made against the encroachments of rome upon the crown of england , they would have been lamentably weak without the aids and assistances of religion , because 't is that alone that is pretended in their opposition ; and its very pretences , where they prevail , are so strong and powerful , that they easily bear down all the arts of civil policy and government . nothing but religion can encounter religion . and how easie had it been for rome , considering its power , interest , cunning and activity , to have either inslaved our princes to their tyranny , or annoyed them with eternal broils and seditions , had not the english clergy bestirred themselves to counterwork all their mines , and to possess the peoples minds with an impregnable sense of loyalty ? and this , whatever is pretended , is the real ground of the breach between us , viz. the interest and grandeur of the court of rome . and would we but grant them back that sovereignty they once exercised over the kings and kingdom of england , they would never stand so much upon any controversies about doctrinal articles , and would willingly permit us to enjoy all our other fancies and perswasions ; knowing , that if they can but regain their absolute dominion over us , they shall soon be able to model our opinions to their interest . and what was it that so exasperated the disciplinarians , but when these pert gentlemen would have been perking up into their spiritual throne , and ( in imitation of their kirk-brethren ) nosing the power of kings both in and out of the pulpit , they pluckt down such pitiful pretenders with scorn and dishonour , exposed their folly and ignorance to the publick correction , and let the world see they were more worthy of a pillory than a throne ? but these bold youths have at length in pursuance of their designs , run themselves beyond their pretensions , and lost their cause among the disorders and confusions of their own procuring ; out of which have sprung new swarms of sects and schisms , that were born and bred in rebellion , and were never known to the world by any other visible marks than their opposition to the royal interest . yet have these men the face to challenge their right of liberty and indulgence , and to rail at us for not granting it , though the things , for which they demand it , are nothing but principles of sedition and disloyalty . the world knows what pranks and practices they have committed with the confidence , and under the protection of religion ; and they have never given us the least signs and tokens of repentance , and that alone is an infallible symptom of their impenitence : for were they sincere converts , the world should be sure to know their resentments ; so that we have all the reason in the world to believe them no changelings ; and then would it not be admirable policy to trust men of such implacable spirits and principles to the present setlement of things ? for if we have no ground but to suppose them enemies to the publick peace , we certainly have no motive or obligation to treat them as friends , but rather to use them as people that thirst after a change , and aim at nothing more than our ruine . tenderness and indulgence to such men , were to nourish vipers in our own bowels , and the most sottish neglect of our own quiet and security , and we should deserve to perish with the dishonour of sardanapalus . and howsoever their ring-leaders may whine and cant to the people grievous complaints of our present oppressions and persecutions , yet would they inwardly scorn us as weak and silly men , that understand not the height of our interest , if we should be prevail'd with to bestow any milder usage upon such irreconcileable enemies . and 't is not impossible but that the mercy of the government may have been a great temptation to their insolence ; and perhaps had some of them been more roughly handled , they had been less disobliged . they think lenity and compassion to an implacable enemy , an effect of weakness ; and would never forgive themselves , should they not use all means to suppress all known and resolved opposition to their own interest . and therefore as many of these men as have been objects of royal mercy , if they expect to obtain any farther favour to their party , they would do well to give us some publick and competent assurance of their renouncing their former principles of sedition , as to civil government . though not a man , continuing in their communion , has ever as yet given the world any satisfaction of this kind ; and certainly they can never take it ill in good earnest , if we only deny them the liberty and free exercise of their religion , till they are willing to give us some security of their being governable . § . . the second part of protestancy , is the reformation of doctrine ; and here the design was to abolish the corruptions and unwarrantable innovations of the church of rome , and to retrieve the pure and primitive christianity . it was not their aim to exchange thomas aquinas his sums for calvin's institutions , or bodies of school-divinity for dutch systems ; but to reduce christianity to the prescript of the word of god , and the practice of the first and uncorrupted ages of the church , to clear the foundations of our faith from all false and groundless superstructures , and once more recover into the christian world a pure and apostolical religion . and therefore the only rule of our churches reformation were the scriptures , and four first general councils : she admits not of any upstart doctrines , and new models of orthodoxy ; but all the articles of her belief are ancient and apostolical ; and if she her self should teach any other propositions , she protests against their being matters of faith , and of necessity to salvation . and for this reason she imposes not her own articles as articles of faith , but of peace and communion : nor does she censure other churches for their different confessions , but allows them the liberty she takes , to establish more or less conditions of communion , as the governours of the church shall deem most expedient for peace and unity . and she only requires of such as are admitted to any office & imployment in the church , subscription to them as certain theological verities , not repugnant to the word of god , which she has particularly selected from among many other to be publickly taught and maintain'd within her communion , as necessary or highly conducive to the preservation of truth , and prevention of schism : and for this reason she passes no other censure upon the impugners of her articles , than what she has provided against the impugners of the publick liturgy , episcopal government , and the rites & ceremonies of worship , because they are all intended to the same end , the avoiding disorders and confusions . these then are the conditional articles of the communion of the church of england , and they are necessary and excellent provisions for peace and unity . for among all the disputes and divisions of christendom , it is but reasonable she should take security of those mens doctrines and opinions whom she intrusts in publick imployments , to prevent her being embroil'd in perpetual quarrels and controversies . so that subscriptions to the articles is required chiefly upon the same account as the oath of supremacy , whose penalty is , that such who refuse it , shall be excluded such places of honour and profit as they hold in the church or commonwealth . and 't is very reasonable that princes should be particularly secured of the fidelity of those subjects that they entrust with their publick offices . and thus all the punishment that the church of england is willing to have inflicted upon dissenters from her articles , is to deprive them of their ecclesiastical preferments , as being unfit for ecclesiastical imployments : for though she is not so careless of her own peace , as to impower men in the exercise of her publick offices at all adventure ; so neither is she so rigorous as to make inquisition into their private thoughts . and therefore we are not so harsh and unmerciful as somebody , ( you wot of ) who would be thought a warm bigot for toleration ; and yet has sometime profest he would give his vote to banish any man the kingdom that should refuse their subscription . but as for the absolute articles of the faith of the church of england , they are of a more ancient date ; they were not of her own contriving , but such as she found establish't in the purest and most uncorrupted ages of the church , and in the times nearest to the primitive and apostolical simplicity . that is the measure of her faith , and the standard of her reformation : here she fixes the bounds of her belief , and seals up the symbol of her creed , to prevent the danger of endless additions and innovations . but as for all other matters , i say , ( with the late learned archbishop , as he discourses against fisher ) if any errour , which might fall into this ( as any other reformation ) can be found , then , i say , and 't is most true , reformation , especially in cases of religion , is so difficult a work , and subject to so many pretensions , that 't is almost impossible but the reformers should step too far , or fall too short in some smaller things or other , which in regard of the far greater benefit coming by the reformation it self , may well be passed over and born withal . and withal by virtue of this fundamental maxim , may in due time and manner be redrest . by the wisdom and moderation of this principle , the church secures her self against the prescription of errour : so that if she should at any time hereafter discover any defect in any particular instance of her laws and constitutions , ( and in a work so great , so various , and so difficult , 't is not impossible , as the archbishop observes , for the greatest caution and prudence to be overseen in some smaller things ) she has reserved a just power in her self to reform and amend it . this , in brief , is a true and honest account of the protestancy of the church of england . but so it hapned , that beyond the seas there arose another generation of pert and forward men , the vehemence of whose zeal and passion transported them from extream to extream ; so that they immediately began to measure truth , not by its agreement with the scriptures , and the purest ages of the church ; but by its distance from the see of rome , and the apostacy of latter times ; whereby it so came to pass , that they did but barter errours in stead of reforming corruptions ; and in lieu of the old popish tenets , only set up some of their own new-fangled conceits . but above all the rest , there sprung up a mighty bramble on the south-bank of the lake lemane , that ( such is the rankness of the soil ) spred and flourish't with such a sudden growth , that in a few days , partly by the industry of its agents abroad , and partly by its own indefatigable pains and pragmaticalness , it quite over run the whole reformation , and in a short time the right protestant cause was almost irrecoverably lost , under the more prevailing power and interest of calvinism . that proud and busie man had erected a new chair of infallibility , and enthroned himself in it ; and had he been acknowledged their supreme pastour , he could not have obtruded his decrees in a more peremptory and definitive way upon the reformed churches . nothing can be rightly done in any foreign church or state , but by his counsels and directions : he must thrust himself in for the master-workman , where-ever they were hammering reformation : he must be privy to all the counsels , and govern all the designs of the princes of christendom : and his mandates and decretal epistles must ever be flying about into all parts and provinces ; and when any doubt or difficulty arose , away to geneva to consult the oracle , that always return'd his answers with the confidence and authority of an apostle . and thus did this hot and eager man bear down all before him by the boldness of his nature to attempt , and indefatigable vehemence of his spirit to prosecute what he had once attempted , till he made himself at once both pope and emperour of the greatest part of the reformed world. all his dictates were articles of faith , and all his censures anathema's ; and every dissent from his least important and most unwarrantable principles , was heresie ; and every heresie , capital and damnable . all schemes and models of truth were coin'd in his name , and warranted by his authority ; it was his decree that stampt them orthodox , and no opinion that did not bear his image and superscription , might pass for current divinity . and whoever was so hardy or so unhappy as to oppose himself to this bold and insolent usurpation , or but to demur upon the infallibility of his determinations , he was immediately assaulted with volleys of anathema's , and they pour'd upon him showres of invectives , and hated names ; and he was shunn'd like infection , and dreaded as the pest and plague of the reformed communion ; and if they wanted power to persecute him with fire and faggot , they would kill him with noises and anathema's . and thus has this man and his followers intricated the way to heaven with their own new labyrinths , and wild turnings , trifling questions , and uncertain talkings : they have smother'd and buried the truths of god under the superstructures of their own foolish inventions ; they have blended their own dreams and visions with the divine oracles , and then require the same assent to their ill-spun systems and hypotheses as to the inspired writings of st. paul , and obtrude pure non-sense and contradictious blasphemies upon our belief with as much rigour and boisterous zeal as the most indispensable truths of the gospel : requiring as confident an assent to the black doctrine of irrespective reprobation , as to our saviours death and resurrection ; and making it as necessary a point of faith to believe that the almighty thrust innumerable myriads of souls into being , only to sport himself in their endless and unspeakable tortures , as that he sent his own son into the world to dye for the redemption of mankind : nay , this they stick not to discard and disavow for its inconsistency with the hypothesis of absolute decrees : this is the fundamental article of their creed , and all other points of divinity must be so modell'd , as to suit and accommodate themselves to this foundation of their faith. and thus in most places did the design of reformation degenerate into a furious zeal for the calvinian rigours ; the seeds of which doctrine have produced nothing but thorns and briars of contention , that have eaten out the life and power of true religion , and make men barren in every thing but discords and disputations . the woful effects whereof are visible in most foreign churches , where piety is exchanged for orthodoxy , and devotion for speculation , where their religion is a zeal for a scheme of opinions , and their learning an ability to maintain them . § . . but in the setling or modelling of our reformation , by the providence of god and our governours , this mans assistance was refused , and his advice rejected : they understood him too well to admit him into their counsels , and resolved to keep up close to their first design of reforming the church to the apostolical simplicity : though afterward this doctrine took root here by the industry of some zealous youths , that had been train'd up at the feet of that great gamaliel , and return'd home seminary priests of the calvinian theology . this was the only errand and design of whittingham , travers , cartwright , and others ; and the only original of all the schisms and disturbances that have ever since infested the church of england , was the unseasonable zeal of these men to reduce its doctrine and discipline to the platform of geneva . and though they were immediately check't in their attempt upon the discipline , that they thought good to assault with fierce and open violence ; yet as for the leaven of their doctrine , they insensibly spred and conveyed it into the minds of their disciples ; and it grew and prosper'd mightily in all places ; because as it was cultivated with much zeal , and water'd with much preaching , so was it not encountred with any publick opposition : the church not having declared it self positively in any thing but against the errors and corruptions of the church of rome : and as for all the other disputes of christendom , she contrived the articles of her communion with that prudence and moderation , as to take in all men of whatsoever different perswasions in other matters into her bosom and protection . she embraced trojans and tyrians with equal favour , and would not wed her self to the narrow interests of a party , nor determine all the quarrels and differences of disputing men : no , she left them to the liberty of their own opinions , only reserving to her self a power to quash and silence their disputes for the ends of peace and government . but this moderation was too cool for these warm and hot-headed men ; they thought it not enough for the honour of mr. calvin , and therefore resolved to declare themselves expresly for him in defiance to all other doctors and heads of parties . but the pulpits must make good this , and they are resolved to make good the pulpits ; and therefore they make them and the people to groan with nothing but the continual noise of decrees ; and the depths of election and reprobation were always ratling and thundering in their ears . the whole circle of their preaching and practical divinity was reduced to calvin's interpretation of the ninth chapter of the epistle to the romans . and when they had scared and astonish'd the people into an admiration of these gloomy mysteries , nothing will satisfie their restless heads , unless they may be voted the doctrine of the church , and the cause of the reformation . and all the men of the first moderation must be branded for apostates , and the people let loose to rail at them as papists , or under some other hated name , that they abhorr'd , but did not understand . and this is the interpretation of our authors malicious suggestion of his being aggrieved to observe such evident declerisions from the first establish't reformation , towards the old , or a new , and it may be worse apostasie ; such an apparent weariness of the principal doctrines and practices , which enlivened the reformation , i. e. a wicked schismatical relapse to popish arminian errors , an apostasie from the doctrine of the reformed churches to worship the old pelagian idol free-will with the new goddess contingency , or an halting between iehovah and baal , christ and antichrist , admitting the belgick semipelagians into the communion of our church , and joyning with a spanish plot , by opposing the calvinists to reduce the people again to popery ; all which are the methods of satan , and the designs of some who sit aloft in the temple of god , to hew at the very roots of christianity . as i. o. expresses himself in the preface to his display of arminianism . yes , no doubt , it was the great design of our first reformers to state ( as he has done ) the order and succession of eternal decrees ; to reconcile a fatal and irresistible determination of our actions with the liberty of our wills , to account for the consistency of the decree of irrespective reprobation of the greatest part of mankind with the truth and the goodness of god , when he so plainly protests he would not any should perish , but that all should come to repentance ; and to set up a secret and reserved will in god in defiance to his revealed will , and then make it consistent with the honour of his attributes to profess one thing , and at the same time resolve another . it was no doubt their zeal for these weighty and fundamental truths that was the avowed cause of their protestations against the church of rome ; and those great prelates that first arose to that great attempt , chose to fall martyrs to the cause , only to justifie their own absolute election , and to prove the impossibility of their relapse from grace . and among mr. foxes wooden cuts we find many pictures of martyrs for the supralapsarian way , and the chain that tied them to the stake was no doubt the noose of election , and the label that hangs out at their mouths , the decretal sentence . so that they that will not burn and broil for these fundamental articles of the geneva zeal , are the iulians and apostates from the protestant faith , the popes or the devils instruments ( as our author speaks ) to betray us , to the old , or a new , and it may be a worse apostasie . men may mince the matter , and pretend only a dislike of the doctrine of reprobation ; but alas ! who knows not this to be the serpents subtilty , wherever she gets in her head , she will wriggle in her whole body , sting and all : give but the least admission to these heterodoxies , and the whole poison must be swallowed . this apostasie from the single article of reprobation unavoidably brings in the whole body of popish-arminian errors . and therefore whoever offends but in this particular , is absolutely fall'n from the catholick faith , and the orthodox doctrine of the church of england ; and then he has pronounced his doom , and pronounced him uncapable of our church-communion . admirable doctrine this for a patron of indulgence , not to endure a poor man that dares not dogmatize in the mysteries of reprobation , but to deliver him up without mercy , or any sense of compassion , to the exterminating censures and anathema's of the church , and ( what was then more dreadful ) the parliament too . thus you see what are the articles of these mens zeal and orthodoxy , and by what doctrines and principles they take their measure of reformation , making a rigour in the calvinian tenets , the only estimate of the purity of churches . so that because we are willing to clear our church from the incumbrance and incroachment of these innovations , and are resolved not to trouble our selves with abetting the modern controversies , and mushrome sects of christendom , but to stick fast to the wisdom and moderation of the first design of returning to the antient and unblended doctrines of christianity : and are therefore careful in our discourses and representations of religion to avoid all new and unwarrantable mixtures , and to represent the truths of the gospel with the same simplicity , as we should have done before these novelties were started in the world. for this are we taxed by these imperious dogmatists of perfidious designs to betray the protestant cause , and to return back to the errors and corruptions of the church of rome ; and the people must be alarm'd and confounded with hideous outcries against popery and babylon , spanish plots and jesuitical designs ; and then must they stand upon their guard , and nothing must asswage their choler but an humble submission to their sturdy humour . they must not attend to any articles of agreement , or overtures of pacification and mutual forbearance ; and unless we will declare our assent and consent to all the curious and perplex'd opinions of their sect , they will hear of no other conditions of peace , and there is no remedy but we must part communion . they must ( as i. o. speaks ) proclaim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an holy war to such enemies of gods providence . this is hard measure , but yet such as was strictly meted out without a grain of allowance , not only by the rigid presbyterians , but the indulgent tryers , those patriots of our christian liberty , those renowned subverters of ecclesiastical tyranny . now there can be nothing more mischievous , or intolerable in any church or common-wealth then these peremptory dictators of truth , and profest masters of polemick skill ; they are so exact and curious in their own speculations , and impose them with that severity upon the consent of mankind , and by consequence require such hard and impracticable conditions of agreement and church-communion , as must unavoidably break any society of men into factions and parties : for what so vain as to expect an unity of judgment in such a multitude of uncertain and undeterminable opinions ? and therefore those men that stand with such an unyielding and inflexible stiffness upon the admittance of their own conceits , make all reconcilements impossible , and all ruptures incurable . every little opinion must make a great schism , and the bounds of churches must be as nicely determined as the points of a dutch-compass . their bodies of orthodoxy are as vast and voluminous as aquinas sums , and they have drawn infinite numbers of wanton and peevish questions into the articles of their belief ; and now when they have swoln up their faith to such a mighty bulk , and refined it to such a delicate subtlety , 't is unavoidable but that this must perpetuate disputes and divisions to all eternity . and for this reason it is , that these perverse and imperious asserters are the most insufferable sort of men in any christian commonwealth , in that they are such incorrigible enemies to peace , and are so good for nothing else but to raise disturbances and contentions in the church . so that though we should suppose liberty of religion to be the common and natural right of mankind , yet these persons apparently forfeit all their claims and pretences to it , not only because their principles are directly repugnant to the quiet of states and kingdoms , but because they invade other mens rights , and offer violence to their neighbours just liberties . and so cast themselves into the condition of out-laws and banditi ; that once indeed had a natural right of protection from the government , under which they were born ; but if they will not submit to the conditions of society , and will be preying upon the lives and liberties of their fellow subjects , they become publick enemies to the common good , forfeit all right of protection , and put themselves out of the benefit of the laws ▪ such is the outrage of these haughty men , they are not content with their own just priviledges , but assault those of their neighbours , and will not endure others to live in society with them , unless they will yield up the liberty of their understandings to their imperious folly , and no man shall be suffer'd to live in peace and quiet , unless they may be allowed to usurp and exercise a supremacy of power over the whole communion , and this is a direct subversion of the authority of government , and a manifest violence to the fundamental laws and conditions of society , and by consequence a forfeiture of all claims to its rights and priviledges . and yet notwithstanding this savage and insociable humour , they suffer not for that , but only for their incorrigible stubbornness against the laws of government and rules of discipline . and if they would learn to be modest , and yield to be govern'd by any thing but their own intolerable peevishness , they would seldom feel the severity of the churches discipline for the unmannerly rigour of their own doctrines : these are matters of our mutual forbearance , and whatever may be the opinions of private men , our church does not dogmatize in scholastick speculations : and we must never expect to see peace re-enthroned in the christian world , till other churches shall suffer themselves to be brought to the moderation of the church of england , to have as little faith , and as much charity as the primitive christians . but to contend for the same ease and indulgence ( as these men do ) in the laws of discipline , as in the broils of disputation , is to cut the nerves of all ecclesiastical government , and remonstrate to all the conditions of church-communion . for it leaves every man at liberty to except himself from the laws of the society : and therefore ( to conclude ) hereafter let them not tell us of their being protestants , unless they will satisfie us of their being governable . and when that is done , they may be secure to find from us more tenderness and moderation in case of their dissent as to matters of controversie and opinion , than we ever have found , or ever expect to find from their waspish and cholerick humour . as for what remains of my discourse , it is ( says the bold objecter ) all resolved into a supposition , that they who in any place or part of the world , desire liberty of conscience for the worship of god , have indeed no conscience at all . for it is thereon supposed without further evidence , that they will thence fall into all wicked and unconscientious practices . this is down-right forgery too , but yet 't is weak and modest if compared to the boldness of his former calumnies : for 't is a small thing for him to pervert my sense by an ill-collected supposition , that has wittingly falsified my express words , and laid to my charge lewd assertions of his own pure contrivance . however 't is a popular surmise , and suited to the folly of the common people , and that is enough to his purpose ; though the wise surveyor himself can never be so short-sighted as not to see that the only supposition , upon which i all along proceed , was founded upon the clearest and most unquestionable experience of mankind , viz. that all men are either not so wise as they would seem , or not so honest as they would pretend ; that 't is a familiar thing even for well-meaning persons to mistake humour and passion for conscience ; that fanaticism is as incident to the common people as folly and ignorance , and yet more mischievous to government then vice and debauchery , with divers other common and easie observations of humane life , from whence it is an obvious and natural deduction to conclude , that men may easily run into tumults and seditions under mistakes of conscience , though they do not wittingly , and out of design abuse its pretences to wicked and mischievous practices , but purely for want of knowledge and understanding in the nature of good and evil , and the moral reasons of things ; whence it comes to pass that there are so few , who do not , or at least may not mistake their vices for their religion , and mix their passions with their zeal . but because this suggestion is one of the great burthens of our authors complaint , and is so pertly glanced at almost in every paragraph , and so industriously pursued upon every occasion , i think my self obliged , before i conclude , to entertain the reader with some farther account , how conscience and religion are the aptest and most suitable instruments to be employed for creating publick disturbances . . first then , they are the most usual mask , and most plausible pretence to cover the basest and most unworthy ends ; sacriledge and rebellion ever shrowd themselves under the hatred of superstition and idolatry , bare-faced villany has but an ugly look , and has not confidence to shew it self to the world , but in the disguise of reformation . the blackest enterprizes could never have been attempted , had they not put on the fairest pretences ; for men cannot ( as the world now goes ) gain the opportunity of attempting any more enormous wickedness , but under popular shews and affectations of sanctity ; and all the more exorbitant crimes of disloyalty that were ever committed in the world have shelter'd themselves under glorious appearances of godly zeal . the cause of god is the best spur and stirrup too to the advancement of ambitious men ; and there is no such easie way for them to exalt themselves above their superiours , and to trample upon their equals , as when they do it for the glory of god. nothing else could have so long supported the credit of his late highness through so many murthers , perjuries , and manifest villanies , but his great dexterity in praying and preaching , his counterfeit way of whining , his dreadful appeals and protestations to heaven , and his great and extraordinary communion with god. and therefore this specious piece of hypocrisie being so absolutely necessary to give reputation to the basest and most disloyal actions , princes are thereby sufficiently warned to be jealous of those designs that are usher'd in under this popular and plausible pretence of reformation , and to be more watchful to suppress their attempts than open outrages ; because it does not only disguise , but gives countenance to any mischief , and makes the ugliest projects appear fair and plausible to vulgar eyes . it naturally dazzles and lures in the wild multitude to any design , and there is no way so easie to infuse into their heads an ill opinion of the present state , as to inveigle them with conceits and jealousies of miscarriages in , or designs upon their religion . no , however they may out of a sense of the great duty of obedience suffer princes to waste and subvert their civil liberties , yet they must not endure them to encroach upon the rights of religion : so that there is no other effectual artifice to decoy christian subjects into mutiny and rebellion , but the taking pretences of godliness and reformation . they are all agreed in the belief of the necessity of subjection to their lawful superiours in all things that concern their civil rights ; but where the glory of god and purity of his worship lie at stake , there they must whet and sharpen their zeal in his cause , and not betray the true religion by their neglect and stupidity . and let but a few crafty men whisper abroad their suspicions of popery or any other hated name , and the rabble are immediately alarm'd , and they will raise a war and embroil the nation against an heretical word . and to this purpose their leaders are ever provided with such jugling and seditious maxims , as effectually over-rule all oaths of allegiance , and all obligations to obedience , as that all good subjects may with just arms at least defend themselves if question'd or assaulted for the cause of religion , though when they send their armies into the field , they are as well arm'd with offensive weapons as their enemies , and are furnish'd with swords and musquets to annoy them , as well as shields and bucklers to defend themselves . that the maintenance of pure religion passes an obligation upon their consciences , of force enough to evacuate all oaths and contracts whatsoever , that may stand in the way of its advancement ; and then how naturally does this not only warrant , but enforce their resistance to their lawful prince in defence of the cause of god , and to extort the free exercise of religion by force of arms ? which if they should lay down at his command , that were to betray the gospel to the power of its profess'd and implacable enemies by their own neglect and cowardize . not that they fight against the king himself , god forbid , their intention is nothing else then to rescue him out of the power and possession of evil counsellors : you must not believe them such disloyal wretches as to rebel against his sacred majesty , alas , they design nothing but the discharge of their duty and allegiance ; and though they take up arms against his person , yet 't is in defence of his crown , and they fight against him in his personal capacity only to serve him in his political . that in the management and reformation of religion , there is no respect to be had to carnal and worldly wisdom ; and therefore when the propagation of the gospel lies at stake , 't is but a vain thing for men to tie themselves to the laws of policy and discretion . civil affairs are to be conducted by secular artifices , but matters of the church are to be directed purely by the will of god , the warrant of scripture , and the guidance of providence . now what exorbitances will not this wild principle excuse and qualifie ? in all their disorderly and irregular proceedings , they do but neglect the rules of carnal policy for the better carrying on of the work of the lord , where there is no place for moderation and complyance ; and nothing must satisfie or appease their zeal , but a full ratification of all their demands . though these and infinite other as vulgar artifices are as old as rebellion it self ; and though wise men can easily wash off their false colours , yet the common people will suffer themselves to be abused by them to the end of the world ; partly because they are rash and heady , and apt to favour all changes and innovations ; partly because they are foolish and credulous , and apt to believe all fair and plausible stories ; but mainly because they are proud and envious , and apt to suspect the actions of their superiours . so easie a thing is it for your crafty achitophels to arm faction with zeal , and to draw the multitude into tumults and seditions under colour of religion , whilst themselves have their designs and projects apart , and influence the great turns of affairs for their own private ends , and so manage the zealous fools , as to make them work journey-work to their ambition , and imploy seditious preachers to gospellize their conspiracies , and sanctifie their rapines and sacriledges to display the piety of their intentions , and cry up the interest of a state-faction for the cause of god , and sound an alarm to rebellion with the trumpet of the sanctuary . § . . thus ( to omit the known arts of the grandees and junto-men in our late confusions ) were the confederate lords of france , that involved their native country in such a long and bloody war , during the reign of four or five kings , at first to seek for a plausible pretence to secure and justifie their resolution of taking up arms against their lawful sovereign , till the admiral coligny hit upon that unhappy counsel , to make themselves heads of the hugonot faction ; and then they had not only a strong party to assert , but a fair pretence to warrant the rebellion : and the war that was first set on foot by the envy and ambition of some male-contents in the state , was prosecuted with greater rage and fury by zeal for the true religion . in all their manifests and declarations , they protested for nothing with so much seeming resolution , as their demands of liberty and indulgence for tender consciences . and when either party fortun'd to be worsted , they re-inforced themselves and their cause by religious leagues and covenants , and then the heady multitude flowed into the assistance of the different factions , according to their different inclinations . so that by degrees , ( to use the words of the historian ) the discords of great men were confounded with the dissentions of religion ; and the factions were no more called the discontented princes and the guisarts , but more truly , and by more significant names , one the catholique , and the other the hugonot party . factions , which under colour of piety , administred such pernicious matter to all the following mischiefs and distractions . which how sad and how tedious they were , i need not inform you ; only this , both parties being balanced , and successively encouraged by the inconstancy of government , the change of interests of state , and the windings of an ambitious woman , the publick broils and disorders were kept up through so many kings reigns , and might have been perpetuated till this day , had not the equality quality of the factions been broken , and the power and interest of the hugonot party absolutely vanquish't . so that though these two opposite parties might , if let alone to themselves , have lived peaceably together in the same commonwealth ; yet when headed and encouraged by great men in the state , they immediately became two fighting armies : and when they were once enraged against each other by zeal and religion , it was not possible for all the arts of policy to allay the storm , but by the utter ruine and overthrow of one of the contending factions . dissembled pacifications and plaister'd reconcilements , proved more bloody and mischievous in the event , than the prosecution of an open war. this would have put a certain period to the publick miseries by the conquest of a party ; but in the other , the times were broken by various changes and turns of fortune , the state miserably involved and entangled in perpetual revolutions , and the short intervals of peace , were but preparations to war. accommodations were only offer'd and procured by the weaker faction , thereby to gain advantages of mustering stronger forces ; and when they had power enough to look the enemy in the face , the counterfeit peace dissolved of its own accord , and upon the first occasion they brake out into wider and more obstinate ruptures . so natural is it for dissentions of religion to heighten themselves into implacable hatreds and animosities ; and 't is as natural for them , when drawn to an head by any unlucky conjuncture of affairs , to break out into open wars and rebellions . popular zeal is always heady and presumptuous ; and when let loose from the restraints of government , and the dread of punishment , it knows not how to contain it self within the limits of reason and modesty . connivence does but encourage its peevishness and presumption , and it strengthens and supports it self upon the slightest and most ungrounded encouragements . not to check the tumultuous proceedings of the multitude by laws and penalties , is to make them insolent ; and if the state be not concern'd to suppress them with rigour and severity , they immediately conclude themselves its greatest friends and favourites ; and the inconsiderate rabble are easily perswaded , that they are secretly countenanced by authority ; and that as soon as the circumstances of affairs will permit , that will openly declare for the interest of their faction . and then they cannot rest satisfied in the enjoyment of their own liberty , but grow insolent toward the predominant party ; and by all the acts of a sawcy and unpleasing deportment , exasperate their rage and indignation . who on the other side looking on them as a mean and despicable people , are apt to trample upon them , especially when provoked by their insolence , with the greater scorn and disdain ; whereas nothing so inflames and so embitters proud minds , as to be despised : and therefore this again puts them upon all endeavours to rescue themselves from so unpleasing a condition ; and whenever they grow to any confidence of their strength and their numbers , they are presently grappling with the power that oppresses them : and thus by counterpoising of parties , their differences swell and increase ( like angry biles ) till they break out into open dissentions . so easily are publick tumults and factions kindled , and kingdoms set all on fire with fanatick wars and combustions . 't is but for one of the parties to enter into covenants and combinations under pretence of publick good , and this without any more ado alarms the other to provide for its own security , and then do all things immediately dissolve into confusion and disorder : for confederacies are but the openings and declarations of wars , and entring into leagues is no less in effect than listing of armies , all the confederates being under a sacred obligation to assert the cause against all opposition by force of arms. and this shews the vain policy of the counter-balance , a project too nice and subtle for the vehement and boisterous passions of humane nature : and however it might strike the fancy of a capricious woman , no trick of policy has ever proved it self more unsuccessful than this , whilst practised in the same kingdom ; and the issue has ever been , that the common-wealth has struggled with mutual opposition , and totter'd with civil wars , till it has either recover'd it self by an absolute suppression of one of the factions , or sunk into utter ruine and confusion . as indeed the popes of rome have managed this artifice to balance the princes of christendom , it was neither unuseful nor unpracticable , because the equality was kept up between two different and independent states , that could not suddenly work each others destruction ; or if they should attempt it , he could easily over-rule the contest by the intervention of a third power . but when mutual dissentions are kept up under the same government , it is always in hazard of being torn in pieces by its own intestine quarrels . and whenever there happens an open eruption , the prince is not provided with a third power to give check to the growth and exorbitances of the predominant faction , and can now no longer juggle and dissemble between both , but must of necessity declare for one party , and cast himself and his crown upon their fortune ; and if he chance to hit upon the wrong faction , he is lost , and remains a prey to the conqueror . whether this speculation of the balancing project be profound and political , ( as our author reflects upon it ) 't is no great matter ; i am sure 't is founded upon the plainest and most obvious experience of humane nature and humane affairs . and when he can make differences in religion , without making distinct parties and interests in the commonwealth ; then , and not till then , may he be able to prove toleration consistent with publick peace and tranquillity ; i. e. when he is able to abolish all the follies and passions of mankind . but for that , we must stay to the coming of the fifth-monarchy ; though when those golden days shall come , it will then be our turn , as some of our adversaries have cast up our reckoning , to beg and to be denied indulgence : for that , as they cast up their own accounts too , shall be the time of their revenge ; and then , you may be sure , they will not fail to be even with us for all our hard measure ; and king iesus shall make us feel what it is to persecute his favourites , and will not neglect his friends to reward his enemies . but then the saints ( as i. o. speaks ) shall take vengeance of the whore for all her former rage and cruelty ; and the rochets of the prelates , together with the robes of persecuting kings and princes , shall be rolled up in blood. § . . this may suffice to discover the danger of knavish and political hypocrisie , but this is founded upon atheism and irreligion ; and 't is such a lewd affront to the almighty , and such a desperate attempt of impiety , that 't is not every one can arrive to boldness or wickedness enough to put it in practice . and therefore the more dangerous , because more frequent sort of hypocrisie , is that which is more serious , more confident , and more incurable . when men put a cheat upon themselves as well as upon the world , in that having no right understanding of the nature and properties of true religion , they embrace something else , that looks like it , for its substance and reality ; and by this fond mistake , flatter and abuse themselves into a strong and serious conceit of their own saintship . this is the pharisaick leven , that ( as i have often suggested to you ) has in all ages of the world been the most fatal and epidemical miscarriage of religion . because when well-meaning men have once satisfied their consciences in a false and mistaken godliness , this becomes not only a strong prejudice upon their minds , against the admission of all true and real goodness , but a fatal snare to betray them into all those vices that are most destructive of the peace and government of the world. in that notwithstanding this , they may continue proud , peevish , insolent , passionate , self-will'd , and malicious ; and yet be highly satisfied and conceited of their own integrity : so that these vices ( that are the strongest and most ungovernable passions of humane nature ) escaping unregarded and unmortified under the protection of this self-chosen godliness , 't is unavoidable but that they will mix with their religious zeal , as well as any other concernments whatsoever . for there being nothing to discover or restrain their irregularities , what should hinder but that they will as much vent themselves in the cause of religion , as in any other affair of humane life ? and because they are there more passionately concerned , their excesses cannot but be proportionably more vehement ; insomuch that he that is spightful , will be more so for the glory of god ; he that is factious , will be more so for the godly party ; he that is peevish , will be more so for his orthodox , or ( what is the same to him ) his own opinion ; and he that is malicious , will be more so against the enemies of the power of godliness . so that when mens passions are ( as you easily see they may be ) infused into their religion , that does but make them more eager and turbulent ; and 't is so far from abating their rage , that it heightens and imbitters their malice . and therefore to me 't is no wonder to observe how some men will pray with the ardours of an angel , love god with raptures of joy and delight , be transported with deep and pathetick devotions , talk of nothing but the unspeakable pleasures of communion with the lord jesus , be ravish't with devout and seraphick meditations of heaven ; and , like the blest spirits there , seem to relish nothing but spiritual delights and entertainments : who yet when they return from their transfiguration , to their ordinary converse with men , are churlish as a cynick , passionate as an angry wasp , envious as a studious dunce , and insolent as a female tyrant ; proud and haughty in their deportment ; peevish , petulant , and self-will'd ; impatient of contradiction , implacable in their anger , rude and imperious in all their conversation , and made up of nothing but pride , malice and peevishness . the reason is obvious , because whilst they are so mighty warm and zealous in the duties of godliness , and so exceedingly busie in the instruments and ministeries of religion , and their consciences so fairly satisfied by this wonderful strictness in the performances of devotion , they hug themselves in a dear opinion of their own saintship ; and resting content in the formalities of religion , they are never concern'd to proceed to the habitual mortification of their passions and depraved dispositions ; which being neglected , will of their own accord grow upon them , and over-run the whole habit of their minds ; and if men are not careful to correct and subdue the petulancy of their natures , it thrives and increases under their neglect , because 't is natural : so that where it is not opposed with a constant and resolute industry , men will by instinct and natural tendency be untoward and intractable ; but much more in concerns of religion , because this superinduces an obligation of conscience upon the malignity of nature , and consecrates all their scurvy and unkind offices into duties of zeal . and this is the true original of all that peevish and ill-natured religion that is so common in the world. and now are not kingdoms likely to be bravely govern'd , if authority must indulge men such exorbitant and pernicious vices , as directly tend to the disturbance of all society , because their well-meaning ignorance may imagine them to be symptoms and results of godly zeal ? and therefore supposing all that pretend to conscience to be serious and upright in their pretensions ; yet that is so far from being any argument for indulgence , that 't is the most powerful disswasive against it , it being such great odds that it engages them to be troublesom to government . and this is the plain reason of my assertion , ( over which our author has so frequently and so ridiculously insulted ) viz. that princes may with less hazard to their government , give liberty to mens vices and debaucheries , than to fanatick consciences ; because though they are both justly punishable , yet they are not equally mischievous , in that the sins of debauchery make men useless in a commonwealth , but those of religion make them dangerous ; because when their passions are warranted by their religion , that obliges them by their greatest hopes and fears to act them to the highest ; and then it is easie to imagine what calm and peaceable things those men must be , who think it their duty to enforce and enrage their passions with the obligations of conscience . § . . but for a more accurate and satisfactory proof of this sober truth , we will a little consider and explain what is the true and real meaning of conscience ; and that will abundantly evince , that there is nothing in nature more uncertain or ungovernable than vulgar conscience . first then , these men are wont to discourse of it , as if it were a principle of action distinct from the man himself , according to their loose way of talking , to discharge the guilt and imputation of their crimes upon any thing but themselves . thus , does a child of god fall into any scandalous miscarriage ? the mortified man is only foil'd by the strength and subtlety of indwelling sin . is he perfidious to his engagements ? and does he violate all the obligations of his faith and honesty ? the vpright man is imposed upon by the deceitfulness of his heart . and after the same rate do they discourse of conscience , as if it were some infallible thing within , that presides over all a mans thoughts , and directs all his actions : so that whatever they attempt to do , if they shall pretend the warranty of conscience , that shall excuse and justifie their action ; and how unaccountable soever it may prove , let conscience look to that , they are innocent . and though they themselves ( good men ) do not desire to be excused their obedience from the commands of lawful authority , yet 't is neither he nor they that can force conscience to subjection . and when the magistrate drives , if they grow resty and skittish , 't is because conscience stands in their way , ( like the angel before balaams ass ) and then 't is nor in their power to move one step forward . but this is downright juggling ; for in plain english , a man and his conscience are but one and the same thing ; and such as the man is , such is his conscience . so subtle are these men , when they declare themselves his majesties most humble servants , and only beg he would spare their consciences ; and if he will grant them but that one reasonable demand , ah! how will that endear them to his government , and oblige them to their duty ? i. e. if he will set them at perfect liberty from all subjection , and absolve them from all obligations to allegiance , they will promise to be his most loyal subjects . for , if you consider it , you will find nothing in humane nature capable of the obligation of laws beside conscience . for obligation is but a tie to duty , and all duty is tied upon the conscience , i. e. the mind of man , as 't is capable of moral actions , or of being govern'd by the rules of good and evil. conscience then ( to omit the equally nice and useless definitions of the schools ) is nothing but the soul or mind of man , that undergoes various denominations from its various powers and abilities ; as when it conceives of things , 't is called understanding ; when it discourses , reason ; when it determines , judgment ; when it chuses , will ; and when it reflects upon it self and its own actions , conscience . every mans mind is his judgment ; his reason , his will and his conscience ; that are but several names of the same being , according to its several functions and ways of acting . now though conscience in the grammatical sense of the word may indifferently signifie all reflex knowledge ; yet 't is by common use appropriated to the mind , as it is imployed about good or evil , and capable of being guided and governed in reference to its moral actions . i say , of being guided and governed ; because though it is its own judge , yet it is not its own rule ; but all the laws , whereby it is conducted , are derived from other principles . first , there are the natural reasons and proportions of good and evil , that arise from the unalterable respects and relations of things to things , in acting suitably to which , consists the natural morality of all prime and essential goodness . thus from the relation between god and his creatures , springs the natural duty of divine worship and religion , i. e. of making grateful returns and acknowledgments to him for all the communications of his bounty and goodness to us ; in which there is a natural decency and agreeableness that obliges every rational creature to its performance , antecedently to all superinduced obligations of laws : it being therefore commanded , because 't is good ; and not therefore good , because 't is commanded . and from the like reasons and correspondencies of nature , arise all the duties in reference to our neighbours and our selves , whereby we are to conduct all our moral actions , and are obliged to every thing that is either perfective of our own natures , or conducive to the happiness of others . now these essential reasons of good and evil , are either the subject matter , or the end of all laws , that are enacted only to prescribe and enforce either the practice of these natural duties themselves , or of something else subservient to them . but as these are the only rule of laws , so are laws the only rule of conscience ; 't is not left at liberty to follow its own inclinations , but 't is bound to guide it self and all its actions by the rules prescribed to it by its superiours , i. e. by divine and humane laws . though indeed , without these , an upright conscience left to it self , would be an excellent guide of all our actions ; and if rightly observed and attended to , sufficient to secure the peace and welfare of mankind . for an honest mind that prudently and impartially attends to the natural reasons of good and evil , and endeavours to make them the rules and measures of its actions , can never fail of some competent performance of its main duties in all its relations . and if all mens consciences might have been trusted with their own wisdom and integrity , all other government would have been useless and superfluous , in that every man would have govern'd himself by the laws of essential justice and equity , i. e. if all men might be supposed wise and good , they would stand in need of no governours but themselves ; and what they now do in obedience to the laws of the common-wealth , they would then do out of choice , and in obedience to the obligations of conscience . but because this supposition is become impossible ( and proved so by experience ) through the universal depravation of humane nature ; and because few persons have either leisure or ability to search out the original reasons of good and evil , that are discoverable no other way then mathematical problems and propositions are , by serious and attentive meditation , and laborious trains and deductions of reason ; mankind are not left to the workings and discoveries of their own minds for the rule of their actions . but our whole duty is digested to our hands in bodies and digests of laws , and nothing is required of us but what is prescribed by express and particular constitutions . and therefore men consider not what they would have in their general demands of liberty and exemption of conscience , because conscience it self is an indefinite principle , and undetermined to good or evil , and becomes so respectively according to its agreement or disagreement with its rule : if it act conformably to that , its action is good ; if it do not , its evil , how bold and confident soever it may be in its perswasions : so that 't is no competent justification of any action to plead that it agrees with the perswasions of my conscience , unless i can first prove that the perswasions of my conscience agree with the rules of my duty ; and therefore conscience alone is no sufficient warrant of its lawfulness ; because a man may act according to his conscience , and yet do very ill by acting contrary to his rule . but conscience when it is rightly instructed , and well acquainted with the rule of its duty , then 't is a true guide of mens actions ; but this takes in all the dictates of right reason , as they lie couched under divine and humane laws : both which in their several proportions make up the adequate rule of conscience , that without them signifies nothing else then an unaccountable will , humour , or inclination : and therefore 't is ridiculous to oppose the pretences of conscience to the prescriptions of lawful superiours , unless by virtue of some express command of an higher and over-ruling authority : because 't is the law it self that directs and warrants our actions . and therefore in any case to plead restraints of conscience , without producing some particular law , is in effect to plead nothing at all , or at best nothing but humour and peevishness ; for by what name soever men may call it , 't is nothing else when it lies not under the direction of law : and therefore their claim of liberty from the nature of conscience ( which they lay down in all their discourses , as the fundamental principle , and first postulatum of this controversie ) is too exorbitant for their purpose , and abates the whole plea by the intolerable unreasonableness of the pretence . for they challenge this prerogative upon this account , that 't is such a judgment of a mans actions , as carries in it a relation to the future judgment of god : and therefore seeing it is so immediately subject to his authority , it must of necessity be priviledg'd from all the power of all other laws and jurisdictions . but if this be a fair and logical deduction , there is no avoiding to conclude , that every mans conscience is in all its actions exempt from all humane authority , and ought not to be subject or accountable to any other power , but the divine majesty ; seeing in all the other affairs of humane life , 't is as much obliged to regard the future judgment of god , as in matters of divine worship : and therefore if its reference to its future accounts be sufficient in any one case to give it protection against the power of princes , 't is so in all . § . . but further , what if it so happen that conscience is abused by false and evil perswasions , then it unavoidably leads into all manner of lewd and vicious practices ; and there is nothing so mischievous or so exorbitant to which an erroneous conscience will not betray us : for when it has once entertain'd wicked and seditious principles , there mischief becomes irresistible . rogues and outlaws are under some possibility of reformation , because they never think themselves obliged in duty to their villanies , and are convinced in their own thoughts of the baseness of their practices , and stand in some awe of the penalties of the laws . whereas debauch'd consciences are bold and confident in their wickedness ; and their guilt is ( in their own opinion ) their innocence , and their crime their duty . and if authority ever punish their disobedience and rebellion , they suffer with the confidence of martyrs , and they dye for preserving a good conscience , and following the best light god has given them . if they rebel , 't is their zeal for the lord of hosts : god and religion are ever concern'd in their quarrels ; and when they fight against their lawful superiours , they only oppose the enemies of the gospel ; and when they embroil kingdoms in wars and confusions , they only wage war against babylon and antichrist ; and whatever they attempt , be it never so vile and wicked , 't is still in the cause of god. and now considering how few they are , that pursue the right methods of knowledge , and upon what innumerable accounts the minds of men may be abused and misguided , vulgar conscience will be found the most mistaken , most mischievous , and most unreasonable guide in the world . for as a right conscience is acquired only by a sincere , regular , and impartial use of our faculties , so is a wrong one by all the possible ways and causes of errour , viz. ignorance , fancy , prejudice , partiality , self-love , envy , ambition , pride , passion , and superstition : any of which ( though they are the greatest principles of disturbance in the world ) may corrupt and debauch the minds of men , and then challenge to themselves the sacredness and authority of conscience . for every mans errour in matters of religion becomes his duty ; and pride , and folly , and ignorance , and malice , and any thing else , if it were a religious dress , immediately becomes sacred and inviolable . and now when the principles of natural reason are debauch'd with absurd and seditious prejudices , the contradictories of moral truth and goodness , become the only rule of conscience ; and men think themselves directly obliged to what directly opposes the highest interests of mankind , and the main obligations of religion . and from hence it is so vulgar a phaenomenon in the world , that sacriledge is transformed into reformation , inhumanity into zeal , perjury into religion , faction into humility , and rebellion it self into loyalty . so that 't is no unusual thing for the perswasions of conscience to cancel the very laws of nature , and pervert all the differences of good and evil ; and then are men brought under all the obligations , that conscience can lay upon them , to the practice of wickedness and villany . and then to leave them to their own liberty , is not only to allow them to be wicked , but in effect to oblige them to be so ; because this delivers them up to the guidance and authority of a profligate conscience , that effectually binds them to follow its own wretched and unreasonable dictates . so that the result of all is , that there is no folly or wickedness , how lewd or extravagant soever , that may not patronize it self under mistakes of conscience . sometimes ( and always , unless by a mighty chance ) 't is ignorance and popular folly ; for 't is natural to the multitude to be ignorant and foolish , or to use false and incompetent methods of knowledge , and to determine their notions of things upon unreasonable grounds and motives . their judgments are disposed of by chance and accidental principles , and their fancies and fond perswasions are the measures of their consciences ; and they pursue things for their agreeableness with weak and vulgar prejudices , without ever proceeding to an impartial deliberation of their truth and goodness . opinion ( they say ) is the guide of fools , and such is the vulgar and ignorant sort of mankind , that generally judge of things by trifling and impertinent conceits , and then force their reasons to follow , as chance and folly shall command them . and then all this is their conscience , that must in spight of all its exorbitances be suffer'd to do as it please . folly ( especially in divine matters ) is always in conjunction with confidence , and there is nothing in the world more obstinate and inflexible then religious ignorance . and men never play the fool with greater assurance and satisfaction then in sacred matters ; insomuch that some who are always telling tragical stories of the ruines and desperate corruptions of humane nature , as if it had irrecoverably lost all power of discerning between truth and falshood ; and are so far from having any pretence to infallibility , that , if they would understand the necessary and unavoidable consequences of their own principles , they cannot pretend to any such thing as certainty , yet are as confident in all their perswasions , as if all their thoughts were oracles ; and a person , that knows himself to be acted by an unerring spirit , could not be more peremptory in his sentiments of things , than they are in their rash and ungrounded prejudices . now 't is the consciences of the vulgar rout , or the drove of ignorance and prejudice , that are wont to be so troublesom and wayward to government ; they are zealous and confident because they are ignorant , and they are therefore impatient of all contradiction in their mistakes , because they have fastned upon them at all adventure . are not commonwealths then likely to be admirably govern'd , when their peace and setlement must lie at the mercy of every cross-grain'd and insolent fool ? sometimes 't is superstition , and nothing more vulgar than for men to abuse their consciences with this unquiet and impotent passion . for when their minds are possessed ( and 't is an epidemical malady ) with wrong notions of god , and hard jealousies and suspicions of his government of the world , this cannot but make them apprehend hir laws over-severe and rigorous ; and this cannot but make them fearful and irresolved in all their thoughts , and this cannot but fill their heads with foolish and silly scruples , and this cannot but make them afraid of every action , lest whatever they do should offend their stern and angry deity . so that whilst this restless passion reigns in their minds , it cannot but make them as troublesom to the commonwealth as to themselves : and their governours can command them nothing so innocent and harmless , against which their nice and troubled fancies cannot raise multitudes of scruples and little exceptions . so that every trifling imagination of their own shall be able to countermand the wisest and most useful laws ; and the publick order and setlement of the society , in which they live , shall be eternally disturbed by their stubbornness and invincible folly. for though superstition springs from pusillanimity and irresolution of soul , yet if it fixes and setles , it soon hardens it self into down-right confidence ; and there is nothing so impudent and inflexible as a mind confirmed in superstition . no laws or penalties can work it off from its resolutions ; but it grows resty , peevish , and impatient ; and whatever troubles or contradicts it , stirs up its fury : and hence it is that princes have always found religious cowardize the boldest and most warlike temper in the world , because 't is arm'd and ensured by conscience . according to that vulgar and obvious saying of cicero's , superstitione qui imbutus est , quietus esse non potest . the leaven of superstition is a restless thing , and minds tinctured with it , naturally work and ferment themselves into an unquiet and seditious temper . sometimes 't is pride and insolence ; and 't is a mighty gratification of this vice in some men to controul their governours : for when they swell with conceits of their own extraordinary godliness , and dote upon themselves as the special darlings and favourites of heaven , 't is natural for them to grow sawcy and presumptuous , and to think themselves too precious to be govern'd after the rate of ordinary men . the priviledge ( forsooth ) of being the children of god , tempts them to conceit themselves better and wiser than their governours , who alas ! unless they are ( which rarely happens but in usurpers ) of their own faction , are natural and unregenerate men , that understand not the things that appertain to the kingdom of heaven , and can promote nothing but their own carnal ends and interests . and this cannot but possess them with wild and ungovernable conceits , and make them turbulent and seditious , and willing to pick quarrels with the wisdom and discretion of their superiours . with what other spirit can those men be acted , who plead niceness and tenderness of conscience to exempt themselves from the force of laws , and the duty of obedience ; and yet are of all men the most positive and confident in their own perswasions , think themselves the only sons of knowledge , and fit to instruct and reform the world ; and wherever they have any power , injoyn their own fond conceits with the fiercest and most decretory severity . and if any man be so sturdy , or so unfortunate as but to question their imperious and peremptory decrees , he is sure to be censured and treated as an heretick or worse , and he cannot possibly erre out of weakness , but obstinacy . what else i say can be the humour of these mens consciences , but a proud impatience of all controul , and a restlesness against all authority , till themselves may have it at their own disposal . sometimes 't is clownishness , and ill-manners : there is a passionate , untutor'd , and impetuous conscience , that becomes rude and insolent from the sense of its own integrity , and because 't is confident in the goodness of its intentions , it is furious and ungovernable in the prosecution of its ends . the very honesty of such men is in effect nothing but rashness and violence , they are transported by the outrage of zeal , and regard not the peace of government , but pursue their own perswasions , to which they are determined by chance , or folly , or passion , without reason or abatement , they must not give up a metaphysical notion for the removal of a civil war , or the preservation of the state ; and in stead of submitting to the common and necessary methods of government , they will force crowns and scepters to yield to their imperious folly , or involve a kingdom in all the miseries and desolations of war. their particular opinions are of more force than the edicts and declarations of kings ; and who but themselves are fit judges of their duty and obedience ? the bare authority of their own perswasions , is supreme and uncontroulable ; and they will prove themselves his majesties best subjects , by disobeying his commands , and fighting against his person . now though these boisterous men may have no form'd and malicious designs against the state , yet this savage and extravagant probity is more troublesom and mischievous in a commonwealth , than open and premeditated villany ; it will ruine a kingdom for the publick good. and men of this humour are bound to that rigour and niceness of conscience , as makes them uncapable of peaceable obedience and subjection : for unless the publick laws suit exactly with their own private sentiments , that unavoidably exasperates them against the government , and they must be making remonstrances , and entring into confederacies for redress of publick grievances ; and yet so nice and narrow are those rules they prescribe to themselves and their governours , that 't is impossible to fit laws that are made for the community , to their pettish curiosity . 't is natural for these men to be displeased with the grandeur and prosperity of the court. the height of a princes felicity frets their proud and envious minds ; and they are never so apt to complain of the badness of the times , as when the government is most flourishing . they are incurable male-contents ; and to prevent arbitrary power , are upon all occasions making encroachments upon the royal authority , and lying at catch for all advantages , and husbanding all opportunities to abate the sovereign prerogative , and the monarchy must be kept low , to secure the liberty of the subject . it was such hot spirits as these that were the late patriots of their country , and fathers of the publick liberty , that involved the nation in a bloody war upon no other motive than of the goodness of their prince , and the happiness of his reign . and when they were once engaged , they resolved to have their wills , or the kingdom should be ruined . nothing but the utmost rigour to be found in all their treaties and transactions ; and not an iota to be abated in any of their edicts of pacification ; but they were all along craving and importunate in their demands , imperious and inexorable in their impositions : when it was their turn to make petitions , they would extort their desires by clamour and importunity ; but when to grant , all their favours were clogg'd with such stern and rigid conditions , that an open affront would scarce have been more grievous . they never return'd an answer to any of his majesties proposals , that was not more rude and uncivil than flat denial . nothing to be done for him out of respect to his person or his interest , till all their demands , how horrid and unreasonable soever , shall first be fully satisfied : not an article of peace and accommodation to be attended to , unless he would give up his crown , his friends and his conscience to the mercy of their insolence . insomuch that i remember when the king was in the hands of the independent army , and in such apparent danger of speedy ruine , the general assembly of the kirk ( those savage clowns ) even then , though it was so utterly needless and unseasonable , resolve it upon the question , that it is not lawful for the scots to assist the king for the recovery of his government , till he has first granted all the propositions made to him by both kingdoms . sometimes 't is enthusiasm and fanatick madness , when men are carried out of all use of their rational faculties by the strength and vigour of their imaginations ; and are possest with a strong conceit that all the wild and extravagant phantasms , that arise from the steams of their own melancholy , are the immediate impressions of the spirit of god. nothing more dangerous than this imposture ; 't is confident in its folly , and eager in the pursuit of its extravagances . it is a direct subversion of all government , because 't is constant to no certain principles and rules of action ; its very oaths are vain as the faith of pyrates ; the spirit of god shall cancel and dispense with all its obligations ; and there is no attempt so wicked or so exorbitant , in which these men may not warrant their proceedings by an unaccountable impulse . and whatever they do , or whatever they have a mind to do , is prosecuted with the utmost violence , because they act with a full and unabated assurance of the goodness of their cause , and they shall contradict their own pretensions by virttue of a divine commission . as the anabaptists were commanded by the holy ghost to take up arms to beat the princes of christendom into the belief of this article , that it is not lawful for them so much as to make use of defensive arms. this sort of fanaticism is an incurable and a dog-day madness ; and those that are tainted with it , are not only bereaved of all use of reason themselves , but convey and propagate the phrenzy to others : for 't is a disease strangely incident to the common people ; and wherever it breaks forth , the rage spreads and prevails like infection ; it is enough to scare or juggle whole nations out of their wits ; and is , like the possession of wicked spirits , raving and ungovernable . and where it enters , if the men possest are not kept bound in chains and fetters , they will not only fall foul upon each other , but worry their keepers , and foam out their rage against their governours ; nothing can appease or satisfie their fury , but , like the legion in the gospel , they will rail against the son of the most high god ; and it would make one tremble to consider what horrid blasphemies some of these rampant and begodded wretches have belcht forth against their redeemer . this in short discovers the mystery of that grand imposture , when the same men cry down the use of reason , and cry up the liberty of conscience , and so leave people under a necessity of being govern'd by nothing but their own unreasonable and enthusiastick follies : for when conscience is opposed to reason , it can be nothing else . whereas they are all along the same thing : natural reason is the same with natural conscience , i. e. the mind of man acting and guiding it self by those principles , that it is able to discover by its own experience and reflection ; and illuminated reason is the same with illuminated conscience , i. e. the mind of man acting and guiding it self by those principles that are discover'd to it by divine revelation : so that still whatsoever illumination men pretend to , it must be in a rational method ▪ and if it be not managed in a way of reason , it is but fancy and enthusiasm , or an imaginary conceit of being directed by a divine inspiration , when they are really befool'd by humour and melancholy . and now ( sir ) let me only desire you to consider , first , the natural and probable effects of pride , superstition , ignorant zeal , peevishness and enthusiasm ; and then how sturdy and exorbitant they will grow , when authorized by conscience and religion ; and lastly , how incident and almost unavoidable they are to the common people ; and then i will leave it to you and all wise men to judge , whether liberty of conscience will prove any better than a license for anarchy and confusion . though i might proceed to exemplifie out of the histories and records of all ages what mischiefs these errours ( and i might add all the other passions of the minds of men ) have created to mankind , under disguises and mistakes of religion : but i have proceeded too far already , and am quite ashamed of the length of my reply : but if i have been too tedious , i may for once demand your pardon , because i resolved to answer and confute this scribling man once for all . i might indeed have shaken off the viper with less pains , but i was willing to dissect the beast , and discover the seat and symptoms of its poison . perhaps some may apprehend , i have taken too much personal advantage of my adversary , and i doubt not but this will be pleaded in his behalf by his own party . but beside that they were most of them extorted by his own unprovoked and impertinent challenges , you and all impartial men will easily discern , that setting aside all collateral reflections , i have abundantly baffled all his little pretences , and satisfied all his poor objections ; and what i have added over and above , is by way of accessional proof to my main argument , to let the world see what sort of men they are , that are the great zealots of the party ; and withal to discover them to their followers , that if they are of the same kidney and perswasion with their leaders , they may be convinced what little reason they have to murmur at their governours for their severest proceedings against them : if they are not , to discover to them into what inconveniences some men have drawn them for the ends of their own pride and ambition . however , 't is fit to let them see how dangerous it is for men so obnoxious to be medling ; and then that is enough to gag and lime-twig the chiefs of the faction . i will not detain you with reflections upon the malice and prophaneness of his conclusion , though it is no better ( and it can scarce be worse ) than a bold abuse of our saviours words , to suggest a spightful and uncivil slander : but 't is the way and spirit of his ingenuity , and much good may it do him ; and therefore for my own part , i am resolved to keep to my own conclusion : for having once dropt a rash challenge , i am now in honour bound to keep up the humor ; and to let them know that i am so far from abating of my courage , that i fear not to heighten the defiance : so that you have my free leave to publish this discourse ( if you will ) in latin , greek , and hebrew ; and to proclaim to all nations , kindreds and languages , that what i have written , i have written , and justified , the end . sir , you have been pleased to interess your self so obligingly in my concerns , that though i have been thinking of it near half a year , i could never tell in what terms to give you thanks for the excess of your civility to me . i was forced to be silent , because i knew not what to say : and i think you had not now heard of me , were it not for the vexation , i have conceived , at the trouble you have drawn upon your self , by your kindness to him , that cannot yet deserve the title of your friend . not that i think it will cost you much pains to blow away the trivial exceptions which a rash head hath taken at what you said about the friendly debate ; but you are like to consume so many pretious hours in raking into that indigested heap of stuff which he hath hudled together against your own book , that i ought not to presume you have any spare moments to throw away in the vindication of mine . your good nature indeed , i know , will be apt to prompt you not to leave it without some defence ; and in your hands it will be safer then in my own : yet pardon me , i beseech you , if i be not wholly an idle spectator in the contest ; and let not your zeal to serve me so exceed all bounds , as not to leave room for me to appear with an offer of that help , of which you have no need . the most of his declamation every body sees is spent against the manner and way of my writing ; which he would have his easie disciples believe ( notwithstanding all that hath been said ) is peculiarly accommodated to render the sentiments and expressions of our adversaries ridiculous , and expose their persons to contempt and scorn (a) . insomuch that in points of faith , opinion and iudgment , this way of dealing hath been hitherto esteemed fitter for the stage , then a serious disquisition after truth , or confutation of errour (b) . thus this high and mighty dictator is pleased to pass his censure ; and he seems to pronounce it standing on his tiptoes , imagining he hath spoken bravely , and blasted the credit of all dialogues for ever . but when his head is a little cooler , so that he can distinguish between the results of a sound judgment , and the flashes of a distempered fancy , i perswade my self he will be ready to eat his words , and wish they had never been spoken : especially if he consider these things following . first , from whence it is that he dates the time , in which to the day of his writing this way hath been in so low esteem . i doubt he will find it is but a little while ago , no longer then since the printing of the friendly debate . before that , the most excellent persons have chosen this way as exceeding fit and accommodate ( if not the aptest of all other ) both to teach the weightiest truths , and to baffle popular errors . minutius felix , for instance , a famous advocate , thought good to plead the most sacred cause on earth in a dialogue between two disputants , a christian and an heathen (c) . which that great lawyer and antiquary , franciscus baldvinus , calls antiquum cruditumque scribendi morem , an ancient and learned manner of writing . for in this , i observe , tully himself handled a great and grave argument , [ rem ma●nam complexus sum & gravem , as he speaks ] viz. that concerning a common-wealth : and tells us withal , that a great many of the books were joculatoria disputa●io , a pleasant and jesting disputation , as his words are in one of his letters to atticus (d) . and so were erasmus his colloquies in the beginning of the reformation : which were received notwithstanding by the wisest and best men with great applause , read in the schools with much greediness , and commended for this among other things , that by an admirable dexterity and most sweet manner of speaking they delivered to youth the precepts of piety and good manners (e) . since which time several matters of no small moment have been handled in this way by the approbation of the highest persons . mr. alexander cook i remember wrote a dialogue between a protestant and a papist , to prove there was a woman pope ; which was entertained even by strangers with so much respect , that it was translated into the french language by i. de la montagne (f) . and he hath heard i suppose of one before that , called deus & rex , god and the king (g) between philalethes and theodidactus ; wherein is proved that the king justly challenges whatsoever is required by the oath of allegiance . is this , must we think , no point of faith , opinion , or iudgment ? or , was his majesty mistaken in recommending to all his subjects the perusal of this book , which handled the matter in such sort ( according to this rabbi ) as made it fit only for the theatre ? so the oracle hath in effect pronounced ; and we must all lay aside our doubts and acquiesce in its word . kings themselves must not scruple submission to so inspired a supremacy . now they hear the voice of this more sovereign judge , they ought to revoke their own decrees , and teach their people obedience according to his sentence . the only comfort is that he may contradict himself , and so give us leave to decline his authority . and truly i have some hope to convince him of his errour , though he should loftily overlook all this as unworthy his notice , if he will but vouchsafe to stoop so low as to cast his eye upon what he hath writ himself . for i find , that he who taxes others so boldly for not clearly stating the question in hand , is doubtful and staggering in this easie business . after he hath told us that dialogues are peculiarly accommodated to the ends mentioned , p. . and that they are absolutely most accommodated of all sorts of writing to such a design , p. . he sinks extreamly in his confidence , and only tells us , the advantages mentioned are somewhat peculiar unto dialogues , p. . his heart at last began to fail him , when he had a little evapourated his ungovernable heat ; and i have great cause to think it check'd him often in the very midst of it , and bad him not be so presumptuous . for ( good man ) he dare not stand to this neither , but acknowledges unawares before he hath done , that there is no peculiarity at all , in this way of writing , to make things or persons ridiculous . for first he is forced to acknowledge that it may be used to very serious purposes ; as it was by tully and plato who imployed this method ( as he confesses , p. . ) to make their designs of instruction more easie and perspicuous . and whatsoever he is pleased to say falsly and scornfully concerning my boasting of the skilful contrivance of my dialogues ( ib. ) this is all that i alledged as my reason for that way of writing (h) . which he is so far from disapproving when he is in a good humour , that he cites bishop bilsons dialogue in answer to the jesuites apology and defence , with due respect , p. . but when he hath done this , then ( secondly ) he cannot deny that orations and declamations , that is , his own way of writing , are capable to be imployed to the contrary purposes ( which he makes peculiar to dialogues ) as well as any other way of speaking or writing whatsoever . cato , for instance , was made the peoples sport , no less by cicero's oration , than socrates by aristophane's dialogue ( so he calls his comedy . ) for he represented , he acknowledges , the opinions of that sect to which cato was addicted , in such a fashion , that he put the whole assembly into a fit of laughter , p. . and he might have known and remembred ( if he be such a scholar as he makes a show of , by pouring out so much greek and latin ) that the best masters of rhetorick have given precepts about ways of facetious speaking and moving laughter , in the making of orations . cicero himself hath treated at large of this argument in his second book , de oratore : and touches it again in his orator ad brutum . and whosoever he was that wrote the books ad herennium , he shows ( lib. . ) how to refresh the judge when he is weary of hearing a long speech , by jests and pleasant reflections . so doth quintilian likewise ; who treating of the way to move affections , spends a whole chapter ( and one of the longest in all the twelve books ) in a discourse concerning laughter (i) , the exciting of which he acknowledges may be useful and to good purpose . now what plainer instance can we have than this , of the childish forwardness , negligence , or ill nature of this haughty writer , that after so peremptory a censure as that before-mentioned , he should himself grant , that serious things may be advantageously delilivered in my way of writing , and ridiculous things in his own ? he seems to me to have a tang of the spirit of those divines whom martin dorpius described ( above years ago ) (k) and forbad to meddle with that dialogue , which hath furnished this writer with some swaggering language ( p. . . ) who in this angry , envious , and impatient humour carp and bawl at every thing indifferently , which is not in their way of learning . siquidem stomachabundi , oblatratores , facere pergant etiamdum , qd . nunquam non factitant ; clamoribus ampullosis infremere , & venena livoris effunditare sui , et obloqui , & ogganire , & dentibus omnia arrodere carnivoracibus ; & sicut canes solent , quibuslibet allatrare sibi obviis . which a friend of yours and mine hath thus englished . and let the cholerick testy sirs bawl on , peevish and moody , fret & chafe their fill ; they act in all this but their nature still . the secret poison in their entrails pent , by full-mouth'd clamours seeks it self a vent : nothing from their envenom'd tooth is free , but like to village-currs they snarl at all they see . if he would have done like a man , he should not have stood quarrelling with the way , but plainly shewn that their opinions or sayings were falsly represented by me . and if he had withal done this in the same form of writing that i used , it had , in my poor judgment , been more for his reputation : and he might have found a great example for it . gregory nazianzen , i mean , who observing the books of apollinarius ( a person of great wit and learning ) his new psalters ( though jarring with that of david ) his elegant poems on divers subjects , take so much with the people , that they were esteem'd as if they had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a third testament ; thought of a way how he might disenchant those poor souls , and instil some better principles into their minds . and what course did he pitch upon ? to declaim , as our new doctor doth against this way of dealing ? to say that poetry was always imployed to cheat and gull the easie multitude ? peculiarly fitted to charm and bewitch their affection without , nay , against all reason ? no such matter . he knew very well that this was an ancient way of instructing the world ; that laws were sometime writ , though not in ryme , yet in measure ; and as st. hierome (l) his scholar observes , the most ancient book ( as it is esteemed ) of all the scripture , is for the greatest part composed in the same manner . that great divine therefore resolved to encounter him with his own weapon , and tells cledonius , (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. we will compose psalms too , we will write many books , and make verses as well as apollinarius . and so he did : some in his old age , when he might seem to be most unfit for such inventions . but this was the occasion ( as elias cretensis notes ) of his writing such a volume of poems , which still remain , and were then in so great esteem , that they made those of apollinarius be quite forgotten . now what if apollinarius had decried the verses of this father because they were not all heroicks , or all iambicks , or such as he most fancied ? nay , what if he had taken occasion to reproach those composures , because he used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the stile both of tragedies and comedies ? ( as gregorius the presbyter tells he did , that he might represent divine things in all shapes and fashions to the church of christ ) would he not have been thought a ridiculous caviller ? and justly passed for a pitiful coward , who when he durst not assail the body of his adversary , fell a fighting with his shadow ? it is no less ridiculous in this innovator , to reproach this ancient and profitable way of writing which i have used , as if it were fit only or principally for abuse , sport or laughter . let me tell him , he that asserts this , forgets that he condemns in effect the holy scripture it self : for the song of songs , as a learned person of our own long ago expressed it , (n) is a kind of divine pastoral , or marriage-play , consisting of divers acts and scenes ; or a sacred dialogue with many interlocutory passages : first , the bride comes in , and saith , let him kiss me with the kisses of his mouth : then the bridegroom , i have compared thee , o my love , to a troop of horses , &c. after which , he withdraws himself , and sits at his repast , v. . leaving the bride with her companions as it were alone upon the stage , who thus speak to her , we will make thee borders of gold , and studs of silver , v. . nor is this any novel conceit of his , but i can justifie it out of the father before named : who perswading virgins of both sexes to be carried with the whole force of their affections unto god , and to think that only fair and amiable which is eternal ; so , saith he , mayst thou be wounded in such sort by the chosen dart , (o) and learn the beauty of the bridegroom , that thou mayst be able to say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . out of the nuptial play and song , sweet art thou , and altogether desirable . i could produce more to the same purpose , but that i begin to be a little ashamed that i am fallen into this strain of quoting greek and latin. all that i have to say for my self , is , that our antagonist makes such a noise with them , that i was willing to make a small show of learning , meerly to be even with him : especially when it would serve not for flourish or vapour , but offered it self for a substantial proof . it is likely indeed that he will smile among his clients , and say i have proved nothing ; nay , crow over me , like a cock of the game , when his head bleeds , as if he had got the victory . but whatsoever he may say in private , he will be better advised , i believe , than hastily to renew the quarrel in publick again : and not be tempted by their importunities to make such another vain babble as this book , for them to sport themselves a while withal . if he be wise , he will take more time , and consider what he saith , before he make his second survey . and if he think he is able solidly to answer what i have now writ , i hope he will take this one thing more into his thoughts . that let this way be as peculiar as it is possible to the ends he mentions , yet it is not peculiar to us ; but ( as hath been shewn already in the second part of the friendly debate ) hath been often imployed by themselves . he ought therefore in justice either to have acquitted me , or condemned us altogether . for even aristophanes his way of dialogue by comedy , hath not been balked by these solemn men , and that in serious , if not holy arguments , when it would serve their turn ; witness a book called tyrannical government anatomized : licensed by a committee , and subscribed by mr. iohn white in this manner : die martis jan. . it is ordered by a committee of the house of commons concerning printing , that this book be forthwith printed and published . in which the coll●cutors and complainants ( as the author speaks ) are malchus , gamaliel , iohn the baptist , chorus , or company of iews , king herod , the queen herodias , her daughter and messengers . what should be the reason that these men are so coy and nice now , that they cannot away with a simple dialogue , who could digest a comedy , and that a sacred one , heretofore ? is not their stomach to it , think you , as good as ever ? i can make no question of it : but the matter is not now for their tooth , and that makes them spit it out of their mouth . they would dissemble the distaste they have taken at just reproofs , by making faces at the manner in which they are delivered . and like the cuttle-fish , which hides it self in its own ink , they shuffle up and down , and endeavour to blot my dialogues , that none may read their faults which are there discovered . were it not for this , dialogues should have their good word as well as any other form of writing . they are inwardly convinced there is no harm in them ; nor is a pleasant way of conveying our thoughts into other mens minds , condemned by unbiassed and impartial judges . only , as erasmus speaks in his preface to tully's offices , aliter scurrajocatur , aliter vir probus & integer : a scurrilous companion jests after one fashion , an honest man after another . the distinction between them is so easie , (p) that i shall not mention it : but only remember , that an honest man may write after such a fashion as i have done , beza thought was without all dispute ; what , saith he , if i have answered one that deserved no better , quasi per ludum , &c. in a spo●ting manner , as the times would then bear ? solomon sure doth not simply forbid us to answer a fool ; and what hinders but that a man may laugh and speak the truth ? the spirit of the lord sometimes doth not abstain from holy ironies : and nazianzens orations against julian , even after he was dead , are in every bodies hands ; which though they be biting enough , thou hast not the face to blame . they are his words in his defence of himself against the accusations of genebrard (q) , who dealt with him just as this gentleman hath done with me . he found fault with him not only for writing a wanton paraphrase , ( as he would have had it believed ) upon the canticles , but for writin it in trochaick verses , whereas ia●●ick best pleased his bitter humour . b●t what was this to the business , as beza truly answered , ( and i may reply to this accuser ) for one may flatter in iambicks , and be angry in trochaicks ? and who gave him this authority , to impose silence on us , or else to prescribe a certain sort of verse to which we must be confined (r) ? if such reasoning be sufficient to blast a work , s●●rates and his friends were very weak people to suffer aristophanes his comedy to go away with applause . they might have only said , good mr. poet , you are exceeding witty , but it is only by a knack you have at one kind of verse , which ought not to be used ; and then his clouds had vanished with a breath . for this you know was the thing that gave him so much reputation , not his meer dialogue-way , ( as this author would have it believed , else the story is nothing to his purpose ) but his smooth and pleasant verses , as aelian , whom this writer follows , expresly tells us . and indeed he had a singular faculty in such composures , there being one sort of measure which bore his name , and was called the anapaestus of aristophanes (s) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because he used it so frequently , as the (t) scholiast tells us upon that very comedy called the clouds : which play he needed not be hired to make , having conceived a displeasure at socrates because he despised the comedians , though he would come to see euripides his tragedies . this aelian himself confesses was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and not meerly the instigation of anytus and melitus ; and it appears from the comedy , that this stuck in his stomach , for in the latter end of it (r) he jeers at euripides his poetry . nor is it supposed by any ancient writer that i can meet withal , that aristophanes was hired to abuse the philosopher , as he stands accused by our author ; who justifies the old saying , that it is easie to make the tale run which way it pleaseth the teller . aelian himself doth not suppose it , but only saith , perhaps he was ; and that it would be no wonder if he did take money ; concluding at last ( as men do now that have little ground for their suspicions ) but aristophanes himself knows whether it were so or no. it seems none of his acquaintance did ; and since the poet was not alive to tell the very truth , both he and this gentleman ought to have left out that . nor is there any cause that he should make this comedy strike such a stroke to the taking away of socrates life . alas ! it abated so little of his reputation , that by his brave contempt and scorn of those abuses which he expressed even in the open theatre , as aelian confesses (x) , in the midst of the action , he did himself a world of credit , which he preserved and maintained a long time after . it is confessed by learned men , that he lived sixteen years after the acting of this play : but palmerius hath demonstrated that he lived no less than four if not five and twenty years after . for it is plain from several places in the play , that it was acted before cleon's death , which hapned the tenth year of the peloponesian war ; at which time aminias was the chief magistrate at athens , an . . olymp. . but socrates was accused when lachetes govern'd , an . . olymp. . three and twenty years after the death of cleon . which is sufficient to shew that the comedy did him little hurt , and that our author was rash , ignorant , or ill advised to say (y) , that when his adversaries had got this advantage of exposing him to publick contempt , they began openly to manage their accusation against him . this is to invent , not to write a story : a pure fiction of his own or some other confident brain : like that of the late commentator upon a. gellius (z) , who saith that aristophanes having lacerated socrates in his comedy called the frogs ( so he mistakes ) the very next day he was accused and condemned to death . for it is neither so , nor so : he neither became hereby the publick scorn ; nor did they now begin to manage their accusation . he flourished a long time after in no small esteem both for his wisdom , and for his wit. which was so excellent and smart , that i do not see but socrates was as great a wit in his way , as aristophanes in his . and that was the dialogue-way , in which no man could do better . nor was any man more skill'd in ironies , or could manage that which is now wont to be called , ingenious raillery , with greater dexterity (a) . cicero in the first book of his offices , saith , that he was wondrously facetious and pleasant in his discourse , atque in omni ratione dissimulator . plato himself could not otherwise represent him , then as one that was perfect in the art of jesting : which he used so much , even in his most serious discourses , that such morose men ( as i fancy him we have to deal withal ) commonly called him the scoffer (b) . their sullen gravities did not , or would not understand that this was a very subtle and antient way of teaching morality : and that the shortest way to perswade , is to please those whom we treat withal . he was persecuted i imagine , as much by their sowre wisdoms , as by aristophanes . they were afraid he should grow too popular , and therefore call'd him the mocker , that they might ingross the name of philosophers . this i am told by a good author ( diog. laertius ) was the reason that anytus , one of his accusers , took such a pique at him . socrates made little account of his worship , and had given him a nip , for which he resolved to be revenged . and the envy of others ( as the same author tells us ) began upon this occasion . the oracle told chaerephon ( one whom aristophanes also abuses ) that socrates was the wisest man living : and he was wont to represent the self-conceited wise men , as very fools and idiots . they resolved therefore to have him out of the way , if it were possible : but did not lay to his charge his non-conformity in religion ( as this writer is pleased to tell the tale ) . (c) a● the principal crime he was guilty of . there was not one word of that matter in the first libel exhibited against him , as any one may see in plato's apology (d) , where it is recorded . xenophon indeed , laertius and others tell us , he was accused of bringing in new daemons , &c. but this , learned men agree , was the crime which his latter accusers objected to him ( with far less probability than the other ) to make him the more odious . no man was more conformable in his practice to the laws about religion than himself , if we may believe some of those very authors which this person quotes . xenophon for instance , assures us , that as he allowed divinations , so he sacrificed openly , oft-times in his own house , and often upon the common altars of the city (e) . and moreover , that he regulated himself both in sacrifices , and in the service of their ancestors , and in all other things , according to the direction of the oracle ; which said , that those did godlily who performed them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the law of the city . so socrates himself did ; so he exhorted others to do : and those that did otherwise , he held to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) , impertinent and vain persons . all which considered , i hope this worthy author ( to return him that epithete which he bestows on one of my books ) (g) will be perswaded that he had better have let this story alone ; though it make the most plausible show of any thing he hath writ . and since socrates was no non-conformist , methinks hereafter he should be none of his followers : nor study that knack , which aristophanes so often twits him withal , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to make a bad cause appear as if it were good . i confess he hath a pretty gift this way , and hath learn'd one lesson very well which the great orator teaches his scholar , viz. to slide over those arguments which are hard , and take no notice of them . nay , he goes beyond the ablest masters in this point . he contemns the difficulties that are objected to them , and pretends they are so slight and frivolous , that they merit not an answer . but methinks , there is some conscience to be made , when a man uses this trick ; and i expected a little more honesty in him , then that he should say ; there is but one thing in all my discourse that seems to him of any consideration , p. . he cannot be so blind , i perswade my self , if ever he cast his eyes on them , as not to see a multitude of things there , that deserve not only their serious thoughts , but call for their ingenuous confession , and hearty repentance . he knows those books are not mostly filled ( as he calumniates , p. . ) with exceptions against expressions , sayings , occasional reflections on texts of scripture . these make the least part of them , and are not their main design , but alledg'd to show either that they who despise our ministers , are not such powerful men as they perswade the people , nor so full of the spirit as they pretend , or that they can bear with worse things in them of their own party , then those they accuse us of , or for some such like considerable purpose . but as for invectives there are none , unless they be such as those of nazianzen against the apostate emperour , which ( as his scholiast (h) interprets the word ) were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a reprehension of those things which had been done by iulian. for this , though it was very smart , beza thought genebrard himself durst not accuse the holy father : but behold a man here , that hath the face to talk of impertinent calling over of things past and by-gone : which is such a piece of confidence , that it deserves the name of impudence ; for nothing can be more pertinent , than to remember how they have deceived the poor people , and how they contradict themselves . and if they were such friends to morality ( as he would have us believe ) they would save us the labour of remembring these things , by doing it themselves : nay , they would call to mind , bewail , and openly renounce all and every those disloyal , unmerciful , and irreligious actions , which they have been either guilty of themselves , or countenanced and connived at in others . but we must not hope i see for such ingenuity and condescension , from men of this lofty spirit ; who are not so much for the good old way , which calls men to repentance , as for the good old cause , which could justifie all things , and hallow the blackest crimes . these they must by no means hear of , because they will not condemn , and dare not defend them . it is an unpardonable fault , if we do but make mention of their evil deeds . they will never have a good opinion of us more , if we do but tell them how bad they are . this i know hath stirr'd up such anger at me ; that i have put them in mind of but a little of their folly ; and told them of some sins , which i cannot learn they rebuke as they ought , and some duties which they do not press , and that if they be pressed by our ministers , they run away , and say they will hear them no more . from this we may conclude ( notwithstanding his fine talk of their principles concerning sin , duty , and holiness , &c. p. . ) that they are very sore , who cry out if we do but touch them , and cannot indure to be medled withal . his advice to me , to surcease my proceeding , ( p. . ) sounds no otherwise in my ears , than the words of that ulcerous fellow in sophocles , mentioned by tully (i) : who not being able to abide so much as the chirurgeon's hand , cry'd out , — abscedite , dimittite ; nam attractatu & quassu saevum amplificatis dolorem . be gone , let me alone , for by this handling and shaking , you increase the cruel pain . he would fain affright me indeed with the danger of retaliation ; but alas ! that is a meer bugbear , and will not hurt my cause at all . nothing that they can do in that kind , will be to the purpose , or give any answer to my writings , as i have told them often enough . and therefore notwithstanding that , i shall not fear to go on , if there shall be any need . and let him threaten what other danger he pleases , i hold the resolution of the great captain in homer most noble , which the same roman (k) elsewhere mentions : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . englished thus by one of our own writers : whatsoever the chanting of the birds foretell , it is best to defend a mans country valiantly . in that employment , i believe , this letter will find you , and therefore it shall not trouble you further . but i shall beseech god to prosper your labours , and to give us all grace to submit to truth wheresoever we meet it , and in whatsoever shape it appears to us : and likewise shall watch all opportunities to serve you , and approve my self your affectionate friend . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e pag. . notes for div a -e rev. . . surveigh . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . * this hard word will be explained in the sequel of this discourse . v. pag , ● . pag. . sermon before parl. octob . . pag. . by j. o. sermon before parl. april . . pag. . ibid. pag. . sermon of octob. . . pag. . sermon april . . p. ● . ibid. pag. ● ▪ display of armin. ep. dedic . the duties of pastours and people distinguished , pag. . pag. . vide pag. , , , , , , , . v. doctor walton 's considerator con●id . pag. . thucydid . notes for div a -e pag. . pag. . pag. , , , , . chap. . sect. . of tempt . p. . pag. . pag. . pag. , , , , , . sermon to the parl. april . . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , , , , , . o●ig of the script . pag. . ● . consid. consid . p. . pag. , , , , , , , , . pag. . pag. . antiq. l. . c. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . preface to cromwel . pag. . pag. . pag . ibid. ibid. ibid. pag. . pag. . sermon at margarets westm. feb. . . pag. . notes for div a -e pag. . pag. , pag ● . pag. . pag. . vid. c. . s●ct . . pag. . pag. pag , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ibid. pag . vide pag. , , , pag. . pag. . pag . ibid. pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . ibid. pag. . pag. . pag. . from pag. , to p. . pag. , , . notes for div a -e pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ibid. ibid. ibid. pag. , , . pag. , . pag. . pag. , pag. . pag. ● . pag. . pag. . pag. , , , , . pag . pag. . pag. . pag . pag . pag. . pag. . pag. intituted gods presence with a people , preach'd octob. . . pag. . pag. . pag. ; pag. . sermon to the parl. at margarets , feb. . . pag. . ibid. pag. . pag . pag. . pag. ● . pag. . pag. , , . pag . ibid. pag. . , , , . pag. . pag. . eccles. pol. pag. . ibid. ibid. ibid. pag. . ibid. ibid. notes for div a -e pag. . ibid. pag. . pag. . pag . pag. . pag. . pag. . ibid. pag. . ibid. pag. . cor. . ● ▪ pag ▪ book of communion , p. . pet. . , ● . pag. . pag . pag. . pag. . pag. ● . heb. . . pag . pag. . pag. . pag. . defence of the answer , p. . pag. . pag. , . pag. ● . pag. . pag. . notes for div a -e pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . defence of the admonit . p. ● . sect. . pag. , pag. , * the reader may conj●cture with who●● 〈◊〉 i plow f●r ●his ●l●quence . m●●t of th●se pasages b●●ng coll●cted ou● of two sermons o● j.o. one preached on jan . . and the other on a day of thanksgiving for the kings defeat at worcester . sermon to parliam . april . . pag. . pag. . ibid. v. sermon before the parliam . jan. . . pag. . pag. . pag. , , . pag. . pag. . pag. , , . pag . pag. . pag . pag. . pag. . treatise of communion . pag. . pag. . pag. . est●r . ibid. chron. . . mac. . . jo● . . . zach. . . * lev. . . ibid. ibid. ibid. pag. . pag. . the duty of pastors and people distinguisht p. . pag. . pag. pag. ● . notes for div a -e pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ibid. pag. . pag. . thanksgiving serm. for the success at worcest . p. . duty of pastors and people distinguisht p. . thanksgiving serm. for success at worc. ep. ded. pag. , ● . eben ezec ep. ded . ep. ded . to the committee . ibid. pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . sermon before the parliam . jan. . . ep. ded . pag. . pag. . sermon to the parl. april . . pag. . pag . serm. before the parl. feb. . . serm. of the branch of the lo●d a● berwick , ep. ded. serm. before the parl. oct. . . ep. ded. pag. . the labouring saints dismiss . p. . eben-ezer . pag. . thanksgiving serm. for the victory at worcest . p. . eben ezer , p. . pag . pag . pag , , this was the text before the part. jan , . , stedfast . of the promise . feb. . . p. . eben . ●zer , p. . ibid. pag. . pag. ● . pag. , . pag. . pag. . sermo● of jan. . . p . eben-ezer , p. . eben ezer , p. , . * a form of speech familiar with that author , when he has n●●ther proof for what he says beside pure confidence . eben-ezer . p. . pag. . pag. . serm. to the parl. april . . p. . worcester thanksgiving , p. . pag. . pag. . 〈◊〉 . p●g . 〈◊〉 pag . exact coll. pag. . pag. . ex. coll. p. , . pag. . ex coll. p. . pag. . pag . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . of this the commissioners of scotland in th●ir third paper remember the two houses , p. , . ex col. p. . pag. , . pag ● pag. . pag. ● . eben●ezer , epist. ded pag , . page . * huic disciplinae omn●s orbis princip●s & monarchas ●●sces 〈◊〉 sabmi te●● & 〈◊〉 necesse est . ●●ave●s de disc. eccl. p. . pag. . ibid. ibid. pag . d'avila , lib. . eccl. pol. p. . notes for div a -e (a) p. . . (b) p. . (c) dialogu● scripsit christiani & etha●●i dispu●an●●um , hi●ro . in ca●al . scrip . eccl (d) l. . epist. and in another place tells us , atticus himself composed mirisicos cum publi● dia●ogos , l. . ep . . (e) melch. adam , in vita jac. heerbrand p. . (f) printed at sedan , . (g) printed , . (h) contrived the discourse into the form of a dial●gue to make it more easily apprehended , p●ef . to the first part . (i) l. . iust. orat. c. . de risu . (k) prolog . in mil. gloriosum . (l) praef. in lib. job . (m) greg. n●z . ep. . ad cied . seu crat . . (n) dr. featly rehersal sermon at pauls cross , . (o) greg. nazian . orat. . p. . edit . paris (p) as tully observes , l. . offic. facilis est distinctio , &c. (q) an. . pag. , (r) i● . pag. ● . (s) mentioned by tully , in his ora● . ad bru● . (t) in act. . sc. . & schol. in plu● . act. . sc. . (r) nub. act. . sc. (x) and diog. laert. observes that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (y) p. ● (z) ant. th●sius in l. . c. . ● . who borrowd it i have cause to think from oliverius in ● . . val. maxim. (a) vid. cicero , l. . de oratore . (b) cicero mentions one this called him atticum sc●rr●● , l. . de natura a●orum ; see seneca , . . de benef. c. . (c) pag (d) pag. edit . ser●an . (e) l. . memorabil . pag. . (f) ibid. pag. ●● (g) p. . (h) in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (i) . tusc. q. (k) l. . epist. ad attic . . ex iliad . ● . of the power of the keyes, or, of binding and loosing hammond, henry, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) of the power of the keyes, or, of binding and loosing hammond, henry, - . [ ], p. printed for richard royston ..., london : . includes bibliographical references. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of the povver of the keyes : or , of binding and loosing . cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . london , printed for richard royston , at the angel in ivie-lane , . the preface . that the prime act of power enstated by christ on his apostles , as for the governing of the church , ( and exorcising or banishing all devils out of it ) so for the effectual performing that great act of charity to mens souls , reducing pertinacious sinners to repentance , should be so either wholly dilapidated , or piteously deformed , as to continue in the church only under one of these two notions , either of an empty piece of formality , or of an engine of state , and secular contrivance , ( the true christian use of shaming sinners into reformation , being well-nigh vanished out of christendome ) might by an alien , or an heathens , much more by the pondering christian , be conceived very strange and unreasonable , were it not a title clear , that we are faln into those times of which it was foretold by two apostles , that in these last dayes , there should come scoffers , walking after their own lusts : the pride and contumacy ( which have almost become the genius ) of this prophane polluted age , heightning men to an atheistical fearlesse scoffing and scorning of all that pretends to work any cures , to lay any restraint on them , to rob them of any degree of that licentiousnesse , which is become the very religion , and doctrine of some ( under the disguise of christian liberty ) and ( the lord be merciful unto us ) the practise of most rankes of christian professors . this is the more sad & wounding a consideration , because it was antiently resolved , that christianity where-ever it entered in its purity , did plant all manner of exact and strict conscientious walking , all humility , meeknes , purity , peaceablenesse , justice , charity , sobriety , imaginable ; that wickednes and dissolution of manners was to be lookt on as the only heresie , ( and therefore simon magus , the nicolaitans , and gnosticks , with other their neerest followers , that led the van of hereticks in epiphanius , are notoriously known to have been persons of the most vitious , debauched , libidinous lives ) and good life revered as the only orthodox professor ▪ from whence ( as nothing can be more consequent , so ) i shall designe to inferre no farther conclusion , then onely this , that they which live ill in the profession of a most holy faith , ( or farther then so , embrace and disseminate doctrines which tend to the dissolution of mens lives , making the good spirit of god the author or cherisher of any of their unchristian enterprizes ) but especially they that discharge and banish out of the church those means which might help to make the generality of christians better , have the spirit of antichrist working in them , even when they think themselves most zealously busied in the beating down his kingdom . what those means are which might most effectually tend to the amending the lives of christians , i shal need no farther to interpose my judgement , then . by submitting it to christs , who put the keyes into the apostles hands , on purpose as a means to exemplifie the end of his coming , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mat. . . to save that which was lost , not to usurpe authority over the temporal power or sword , and like an apoplectick palsie-●it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to invade , or smite , or dissolve the sinews of civil government or peace , ( t is a most sacred truth , that the spiritual hand hath no manner of jurisdiction , nor was ever believed to have for the first years , over princes in their temporals ; and the composition of the anglican church most perfectly , i had almost said , peculiarly acknowledges it ) nor again to give an office of splendor or grandeur to the clergie , an authority valuable onely from the ability of hurting others , or magnifying our selves over them , ( which where it is pretended to , is indeed somewhat of the making of the heathen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that lorded it over gods heritage , served themselves , either their purses , or their ambitions , or their passions out of the subjects under them ) but as christ saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to administer charitably to them in the matters of the highest alloy , the divinest , valuablest charity of not suffering sin upon the brother , levit. . and . by minding my self and others , what the apostles say of this power , that it was given them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to build up the church of christ by it in general , and in particular 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to discipline them , whom no fairer means would work on , and teach them not to blaspheme in words or actions , to work them off from all lees of speculative , but especially of practical atheisme . that these are the [ not weak or carnal weapons of the churches warfare , but mighty to bring down every strong hold ] i. e. the most contumacious , stout , importunate sinner , that doth but acknowledge the truth of the gospel , i shall anon have leisure to shew you . in the mean , the only design of this praeloquium is , to awaken ( if it be possible ) the drousie world , and quicken them so far from the mortified , putrified state of sinne and stupidity , as to be willing but to hearken to christ himself when he comes but on a message of mercy to them , to redeem them from iniquity , and purifie to himself a possessed purchased people ( or the people which he had purchased for that one end , that they might be ) zealous of good works . if this general proposal , ( so pertinaciously decried by our actions ) might once be thought worth the hearing , then sure christs peculiar way and method of working this cure , would be thought of some use and advantage also ; not lookt on as a meer engine , or artifice of ambitious men , as they cannot be blamed to conceive it , who think it doth any way entrench on those regalities which are placed by god , i most willingly professe to believe , far above the reach of any humane authority , solo deo minores ; or else suppose it a tyrannizing , or triumphing over the most inferiour offender , ( he that can take any carnal or sensual pleasure in the exercise of those keyes , in the using that sharp engine of surgery , or ever draw it but in meer necessary charity , ( to edification , and not to destruction ) is one of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sonnes of blood , not fit to be admitted on a common iury , much lesse advanced to be a spiritual iudge ) but as a most soveraigne medicinal recipe , that which hath the inscription of christ on it ; not as of a lord , but as a iesus ; not as a law-giver , but as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a saviour and a physitian of souls . and this peculiar way is the power of binding and loosing , ( the subject of this ensuing discourse ) which that it may be restored to its full vigor in this church again , and ( where ever sobriety shall advise ) by addition of penitential canons be reformed or regulated , and being put into the primative channel , may there be permi●ted to shew forth it self in the native purity and brightnesse , and so being ordered according to gods designation , obtain gods blessing to make it effectual to its end , ( the almost only piece of reformation which this church of england , as it hath been long , and as yet stands established by law , may justly be thought to stand in need of ) shall be the prayer of him , who professes to love and admire the beauty of this fabrick , even when it lyes polluted in its blood , and to wish no greater blessing to its dearest friends , or , for whom he daily prayes , most implacable enemies , then ( that of old ba●timaeus for himself , lord that they may receive their sight ) that the scales may fall off from all our eyes , that we may see and value what is so illustriously conspicuous , and ●stimable in it self , and not so blear our sight with the observation of the miscarriages in this kind as not to discern or value the designation ; which , if the abuses , and excesses , and mistakes ( that have crept in in that matter ) were timely discerned , and removed , and that which is christian and apostolical revived , and restored in prudence and sobriety , might yet again shew the world the use of that prelacy , which is now so zealously contemned , and recover at once the order and the estimation of it , set more saints on their knees in petitions for reducing and restoring , then ever imployed their hands toward the suppressing of it . i shall no longer need to detain the reader in his entrance , having no use of any popular topick to court , or get advantage on his affections , but desiring only to treat with his reason ( as that is elevated by christ ) his more noble masculine faculty , and . from the institution of christ , to shew him the benefit that will accrew to that better part of him , by continuing within subjection to this government : and . by the peculiarity of the fabrick of this excellent ( yet establisht ) church of england , to challenge the most sharp-sighted opposition to shew where the due execution of this power according to law can provoke him to any thing , but charity and gratitude , both to the saviour that designed , and to the prelate that is his angel in conveying this seasonable mercy to him ; and more generally , where , or in what point of conjunction , or motion , it can any way enterfere , or disturbe the civil interest . which it would be hard to affirm of any other national church in europe , which hath any power either of repressing hereticks , or of reforming , or but of shaming notorious offenders , left in it . the lord grant us unprejudicate honest hearts to judge uprightly of it , and every one of us , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pretious ornament , pet. . . ( in stead of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that bravery of hell in macarius , that the proud is so well pleased with ) i mean that meeknesse and quietnesse of spirit , to think some others may possibly discern betwixt good and evil , as well as our selves ; and when that prayer is once heard , i shal then suppose that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that hath given themistocles the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or preheminence over his fellows in the judgement of all posterity , ( viz. that every man named him next after himself ) will certainly end the present church-controversie of these sad times . a moderate episcopacy , with a standing assistant presbytery , and * every of those assigned his ful task and province of employment also ) being the onely fourth , which as it will certainly satisfie the desires of those whose pretensions are regular and moderate , ( having by their study of learning & christianity attained to some measure of that grace which aristonymus of old recites among the benefits of philosophy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) craving nothing more , and in many things lesse then the standing laws of the land allow them , so will it appear to be that which all other parties can best tolerate , and which next himself , both presbyterian , and independent , and erastian will make no question to chuse and prefer before any of the other pretenders . this , i conceive , is not by me magisterially dictated , but already demonstrated à posteriori , by the experience which the few last moneths have yeelded us , since the pretensions of the prelacy grew weaker , and of the other three more flattering and hopeful one against the other . where in every turn of the trembling motion , that which hath feared most to be supplanted by either of the other pretenders , hath been content to acknowledge , that their cost and industry in the eradication of prelacy , is not likely to be rewarded in this life , but with sorer pressures , or more dangerous loosnesse , then that which formerly they had mourned under . and for a demonstration à priori . i suppose it sufficient , if it be but calmely considered , that the several excellencies of the other three , by which they set themselves out amiable and desirable to admirer● or followers , ( the presbyterians sharpnesse and severity against all ignorance and sin , the independent zeale against mixt congregations , and the erastians care that the civil power may not be entrencht on , and that they that might receive benefit by the word and sacrament , should by no means be interdicted the use of them ) may all and each of them be found ( at least , as in mixture , refracted & ) compounded in this fourth : which to shew particularly , would require a length beyond the bounds of this preface , and on that civility to the reader , it is now omitted , as also that i may not seem to have mistaken the point of the present controversie ; which certainly among the quickest sharpest designers or managers of it , is not , what are the uses and excellencies of this power , but what the properest seat , who the fittest to be intrusted with it . one thing yet more there is , which in this matter will deserve to be considered , viz. the conscience of our sovereigne , in order both to our common duty to him , and to an honourable and durable peace , toward which how neer soever we conceive our selves advanced by providence , we cannot reasonably expect the sure blessing of god , to consummate and crown our hopes , if we doe not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the apostles phrase , i. e. use all the expedients , that any ambitious man would employ to the attaining his worldly designe , i mean , all that prudence will suggest , and sober christian conscience not reject , to the making up a happy compliance with him ; in a word , if we do not by all moderate lawfull means love and follow peace , and consider them who have the legal power over us . o that wee would know , at least in this our day , the things belonging to our peace , before that fatal voice go out , but now are they hid from your eyes . of the power of the keyes : or , of binding and loosing . for the clear stating of this point , there is but one method seasonable , ( because but one asterisme that hath any powerful influence upon it ) the conjunction of the severall passages in the new testament about the donation and exercise of this power . for in matters of christs institution , which have no foundation in the law of nature , it must needs be improper for reason to interpose and assert , or define what that accounts most agreeable , ( for that is to subject to our tribunal , not the acts of his justice , which god hath been willing to yeild us , isa . . . and ezek. . . and in them to appeal to our own reason , but the acts of his wisdome , ( for such are all his institutions ) which god will not allow us to judge , or dispute , rom. . . ) any farther then by discourse to conclude from the context , and words of that institution , what is most agreeable to the importance of those words , and by way of advice to direct us to compare our conceipts with the doctrines of those , who were nearest to the times of that institution , and might probably know more of it ( and be more instrumental to us for the deciding any difficulty ) then those that being farther removed , look on at that greater distance . and therefore , as in the businesse of the sacrament of the lords supper , the surest course to compose the controversies , and satisfie the scruples of men in that point , were to reduce it to its principles , and to resolve by consent to assert no more in that point ( as matter of faith at least ) then might be naturally and infallibly concluded from the places of scripture concerning the institution , use , and nature of that sacrament , or the antient primitive understanding of those places , and naturall deductions from them ( for the reducing of which operation to practice , an attempt hath been made in another place ) so will it be the most probable towardly course , i conceive , least subject to any dangerous mistake , to resolve and observe in this businesse . cap. i. sect. and then the first thing observeable will be , that the three onely places to be met with in the gospel concerning this institution ( matth. . . matth. . . joh. . . ) are no two of them fully parallel to one another , or coincident ; i meane , no two of them narrations of the same one speech of christ , but ( as by the occasion and circumstances of time and place it will appear ) each delivered by christ at a severall time ; the first matth. . . was ( upon occasion of peters confession ) a promise of what should be conferred afterwards upon him by way of reward and encouragement [ i will ( not yet de presenti , i do ; but de futuro , i will ) give thee the keyes , &c. and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whatsoever thou shalt &c. ] the second matth. . . was an exemplifying of that glorious truth ver . . that christ came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to save that that was lost : upon the heeles of which bare assertion , followes first a parable , ver . . . . ( a speciall piece of christs logick and rhetorick to prove popularly , and so to perswade ) and then v. . the institution of a piece of discipline perpetually to continue in the church of his plantation , as most eminently instrumentall to that designe , the reducing obstinate sinners to repentance . the consideration of which one thing , that these keyes , when christ was gone , were to continue imployed on that same great work , or designe , which brought christ into the world , the saving of such as were lost , will be able to set a competent value on this institution , and rescue it from the contempts and scornes , which the impious world is pleased to make its portion ; very agreeable to that greater stratagem of satan , who by complying with our wishes and our interests , easily prevailes with vitious men , to believe neither resurrection , nor judgement to come ; and this , as it is noted by the fathers , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the only beloved doctrine of the effeminate and voluptuous . the third place joh. . . is apparently part of christs speech to all his disciples ( after his resurrection , and his having confirm'd them all but thomas , in the truth of it , v. . ) and was a kind of farewell to his church , and an actuall inauguration , or consecration of them from disciples into apostles , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 disciples , v. . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sent , v. . put together do import , ( and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they that were with them , luke . . doth not contradict , for there is no mention of these words , of binding and loosing in that gospel , and if there were , it would not follow that the power of binding was delivered to that mixt company , any more then the power from on high was promised to them v. . which surely belonged onely to the apostles , as will appear by the words immediately precedent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being rightly interpreted , [ and be ye witnesses of these things ] i. e. of his death and resurrection , which we know was peculiarly the office of the apostles ; ) which being a solemne donation was set out by a speciall ceremony , viz. that of christs breathing upon them , a significant one to expresse the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the eternall breath or spirit of god , which he would suddenly poure on them , and for it * prepares them by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , receive the holy ghost ( which were the words annext to that ceremony , the words of consecration , the same that we now retain in the ordination of a priest ) whose sins you do remit , ( or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if you doe remit any mens sins ) they are remitted to them , and if you do retain any , they are retained . from all which three places thus compared , the first generall sect. result is this , that the power of binding and loosing is a solemn priviledge or a prerogative of the church of christ , thrice insisted on by our saviour . . by way of prediction , that he would conferre it , matth. . then secondly , by way of a more particular description of the manner , and direction for the end and use of it , matth. . and thirdly , by a preparatory ●ind of instating them in this power , an initial investing them with this sacred ghostly authority , joh. . ( immediately before his final departure from the world ) which seemeth to have been b throughly perfected and compleated , when after his ascension the holy ghost did visibly descend upon those to whom these words were by christ then delivered , [ receive the holy ghost , &c. ] this formal compleat instating of this power ( of binding and loosing ) upon them , and not only the giving of those gifts of tongues , &c. being a main branch and effect of this descending , and their receiving of the holy ghost , according to that of isa . . if you compare ver . . of the [ king and princes ruling in judgment , prophetically intimating christ and his apostles ] with ver . . & . where the descent of the spirit is mentioned as a preparative to the exercise of that judicative power . and so ephes . . he gave gifts unto men , v. . and gave some apostles , &c. v. . and this i conceive will direct us to the importance of those words , luke . . [ i send the promise of my father upon you ] so as they may be parallel with this place , joh. . . receive the holy ghost . no doubt that promise of the father was the holy ghost , joh. . . and the [ i send upon you ] ( both as a verbum ●olenne , i send , i. e. i instate on you ; and that in the present , i send , not in the future , i will send ) all one with the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , receive him ] and so the power from on high , in the end of the verse , clearly signifies that visible mission of the holy ghost , which they were to expect , as the means of compleating this donation : and so 't is clear by comparing it with act. . . & . where the same phrase are used . and therefore joh. . . immediately before the [ receive the holy ghost ] he saith , as my father sent me , so send i you ; intimating that as at his mission to his office he was anointed with the holy ghost , act. . . viz. upon his baptisme , luk. . . ( whereupon 't is said , that he by the spirit cast out devils , mat. . . which is clearly symbolical , and parallel to his loosing , or remission of sinnes ) so the apostles at their mission , or entrance on their power , should be anointed also . cap. ii. having proceeded thus far by way of generall precognition , sect. that which is behind , will , i conceive , be most intelligible , if it be reduced to these few heads . . on whom this power was bestowed . . in what it consists . . to what use 't is designed , and to what sort of men it belongs objectivè , or who are to be bound and loosed . . what is the reall effect of it , or what conjunction it hath with binding and loosing in heaven . for the first , though to him that considereth the place of sect. matth. . alone by it selfe ( which is an obscure place ) the matter be not so cleare to whom this power was given by christ , and though thereupon some mistakes have arisen , and occasion of conceiting this power of binding , &c. to be instated by christ on the whole aggregate of any particular church , yet surely the matter will be sufficiently clear , if ( as it is most reasonable ) we first allow that obscure place leave to borrow light from the two other most evident ones ( and not obscure the more evident by that : ) and secondly ( after we have brought that light to it ) observe , what glimmerings of light we shall be able to discern ( by that help ) even in that obscure place it selfe , which will ( as the weak light of the moon , with that treasure of light , borrowed from the sun , added to it ) become by this meanes exceeding lightsome . for although these three places are not parallel one to the other , in respect of the times and occasions of delivering them , and other circumstances , yet there is no doubt , but they belong all to the same generall matter , the power of binding , &c. and that being ( as it is apparent even by that of matth. . . ) instated not on the whole world , or community of men , but determinated to some peculiar subject , there is all reason to resolve that that subject , though diversly exprest , is yet the same in all those places , unlesse some evidence of scripture or authentick testimony of antient church , or practise shall demonstrate the contrary ; which that it doth not , will ( as far as concerns the scripture , which deserves our first search ) be thus cleared by considering the severall places . and first matth. . . which was occasioned thus ; christ sect. examining his disciples what opinion they had of him , is answered by simon , that he was the christ , the messias , the sonne of the living god , vers . . upon which christ pronounceth him a blessed person , as having received the supernatural gift of faith from god himselfe , which no humane means could have helpt him to , and upon this , changes his name from simon bar-jona ( the only name he had , vers . . ) to cephas in syriack , that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek , or as homer and other good authors , and ( which beares most affinitie with the dialect of this book ) the author of the second book of mac. cap. . . used it in the masculine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying a rock or stone , to intimate that he should be ( as a foundation or strong rocky stone in a building is a principall ingredient in the building , and a meanes of the future stability of it , matth. . . the storme and flouds and winds came upon it , and it fell not , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it was founded on such a firme rocky stone ) a principal part , call it foundation , or rocke , or pillar of that church of christians , which partly by this confession of his , here recorded to all posterity , and partly by his future teaching , he should be a meanes to erect for christs service : and then being so glorious an instument of converting so many , christ is pleased to give him the keyes of this kingdome ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophyl . in mat. . authoritatively he gave him the keyes , as his father had done the revelation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as he goes on , a power of binding and loosing , &c. so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the pardoning and punishing of sinnes , in a word , is spirituall grace or power , or jurisdiction over these future converts of his ( as generally in the apostles times , and after , he that converted any country or chiefe city in his apostleship , was setled as their bishop or governour in spirituall matters , and so continued all his life , unlesse having setled them , he thought good to commit that office , and power to some body else , that so he might be the more free to go and preach and convert more ) though not as yet , because they were not by him as yet converted , yet by way of promise in diem to be performed , when time should serve ; i will give thee the keyes , and whatsoever thou shalt bind , &c. the summe is , peter was to be an apostle , and to do wonders in converting whole nations to christ , and among those whom he thus converted , christ promises that he should have a jurisdiction , a power to govern , and discipline , and censure , as there should be occasion in those churches . this being thus promised to peter , as a chiefe apostle , and sect. confessour of christs , not exclusivè by way of exclusion , that none should have this power but he , but honorificè by way of honour mentioned first to him by the priviledge of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of being ( as i conceive he was ) the first that was call'd , but more peculiarly as a reward of his notable confession , v. . is by christ a little before his parting from the world , after his resurrection joh. . . actually instated both on him , and c the rest of the apostles , who were to ioyne in the same office with him of begetting unto christ , and educating those which were so begotten , of converting and preserving , or governing , and in order to that end were to have their severall provinces assigned them ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith chrys . every of them his distinct part ) for preaching first , as afterward for jurisdiction , which i shall adventure to affirme not improbable to be the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to go to his own place act. . . applying it not to judas , but to matthias , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , him that should be chosen , and so againe most probably of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the part , or lot , or portion of ministery and apostleship , in the beginning of the verse , ( the former of them belonging to the office of preaching peculiarly , the latter to that of governing also ) distributed to each , either by lot , or by joynt consent , and designement of that great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the colledge of the apostles ; it being most proper and according to analogy , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those which had laboured and toyl'd in the word and doctrine , for the converting and begetting men to christ , should be also thought worthy of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elder brothers priviledge and prerogative , to be rulers or masters of the family after the fathers departure , and so be endued with a paternal power of chastisements ( i. e. discipline ) and government for the keeping of them in some compasse , within the terms of a peaceable , holy , d truly-christian congregation ; and therefore after the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joh. . . i send you ) ( the forme of words that made th●m apostles answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nuntio's , messengers among the jewes , and not farre unlike to the proconsuls sent out , though on a quite distant arrant of secular power , among the romans ) immediately follows the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he breathed on them ( proportionable to god's course of making a living soul , gen. . v. . by breathing on him the breath of life ) and said , receive the holy ghost , if you remit any mens sinnes , they are remitted ; if you retain , they are retained ; which words were apparently delivered , ( and in them this power ) to as many as were breathed on , i. e. to as many as were e sent by christ , and indeed to no more , unlesse either first by way of communication from them to their successours , or secondly by speciall immediate vocation from heaven , by the bath col , as the hebrewes phrase is , the daughter of thunder , i. e. voice from heaven sent to consecrate them . thus st paul who was none of the twelve , yet speaking of the power of excommunicating , saith , it was given to him ( to him not as a successour of the apostles , but to him as one called immediately from heaven ) by the lord , or by christ , cor. . . in a word , it was by christ immediately then given to the apostles all and each of them , and to none else , till matthias was received into the place of judas , and st paul was afterward extraordinarily designed , and called unto the same office , together with barnabas , act. . . proportionably it may seem to what befell the twelve patriarchs , ephraim and manasses being taken in● , in josephs stead that died , as these two in the place of james the brother of john , who was cut off , before he came to do that work to which he was sent , the preaching to all nations . sect. those two places thus agreeing on the subjects of this power , or objects of this donation , 't is already more then probable , that the third witnesse producible will agree with those two , or if it seem otherwise , sure 't will not be thought reasonable , that these two shall be forced and violenced to consent to that , which is but an alien sense , by some interpreters imposed upon that third . sect. this third place i shall set down at large , because i acknowledge there is some difficulty in it , matt. . . if thy brother shall offend against thee , it seems the place belongs not ( primarily , but onely paritate rationis , by analogie of reason ) ●o all sins in the latitude , but peculiarly , to trespasses or personal injuries done by one brother , one christian to another ; as besides the expresse words v. . ( if thy brother trespasse against thee ) is more clear by s. peters question to the same purpose , v. . ( how oft shall my brother trespasse against me , and i forgive him ? ) go and reprove him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. either reprehend him for it , ( as the word is used sometimes when 't is joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chasten or discipline , heb. . . apoc. . . or again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , f make him sensible of the wrong he hath done thee , or as it may be rendred , g make him ashamed of his fact ) betwixt thee and him alone , ( i. e. do thy best by private admonitions to bring him to a sense ) if he heare thee ( be thus wrought on ) thou hast gain'd thy brother , gain'd him , first to thy self ( gotten a friend in stead of an enemy : ) and secondly to christ , gained a convert , a proselyte to him , and this also a great acquisition to thee , to have had the honour of doing that glorious thing , and of being capable of the reward of them , that convert any to righteousnesse . but if he heare thee not , if this first method of thy charity , and sect. discipline of this calmer making succeed not , another assay must be made , another artifice used , take with thee ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 farther , or over and above ) one , or two , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established , i. e. that the thing which thou lai●st to his charge , be so confirmed ; according to that , joh. . . the testimony of two men is true , i. e. of sufficient authority in law ( according to an hebraisme , whereby 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 true , among the greek translators signifieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fit to be credited ) that so either by the testimony of these as witnesses , he may no longer be able to deny the fact ( as heb. . . an oath is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ for establishing , or confirmation , in that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an end of affirming & denying . the thing so establisht ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by oath , cannot be denyed , or the parties denial will longer stand him in stead ) or by authority of these he may be induced ( as the judge is on the accused , deut. . . heb. . . ) to give sentence on , to condemne himself ; which if it may be obtained , is the prime end of all these charitable artifices , to bring the injurious to a sight and shame , the best preparatives to reformation ; to which purpose is that of tertullian , apol. c. . disciplinam praeceptorum inculcationibus densamus , we thicken the doctrine of precepts with waies of inculcating , i. e. presse them to reformation , whom our doctrine will not prevail on ; where he mentions these three degrees , exhortationes , castigationes , censura ; exhortations , and chastisements , and then censure . sect. by what hath been said of this place , and in it by observing the method of the first and second admonition , you will by the way understand the meaning of that obscure verse in st paul , cor. . . this third time i come unto you , in the mouth of two or three witnesses shall every word be established , &c. it refers clearly to this usage of the second admonition . st paul had written before , which was as it were the first single admonition , which v. . he cals ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i told you formerly ; ) but that prevailing not , at his third coming ( which it seems was his second medling with this matter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i foretell you the second time , ver . . he doth that which is answerable to the taking with him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one or two more , as appears by the addition of these very words which are in matth. [ in the mouth of two or three witnesses , &c. ] which is , you see , the stile and character of the second admonition . this by the way . sect. but if he hear not them ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if he be still refractary , either through non-conviction of the fact , or non-contrition for it ) if this second admonition be not in event 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . to edification , or instruction , if it work not on him , then tell it to the church , ( i shall tell you what that is presently ) and if he hear not the church ( continue his refractarinesse still ) let him be unto thee as a heathen or a publican ] which may possibly signifie , that in that case thou hast liberty to implead him , as thou wouldst do any heathen , in any foreign heathen court , for that injury , that trespasse done to thee , which was at the first mentioned . for certainly though it were unlawful for a christian , both here , and cor. . . to implead a christian for a personall trespasse before a heathen tribunal , yet to deal thus with a heathen ( or publican which was in account the same ) was not either by christ , or the apostle counted unlawful ( but only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. christian with christian , v. . ) and consequently with a perverse refractary brother , whom you see christ gives leave to account and deal with , as with a heathen or publican , it would not be unlawful also . but another interpretation i shall not doubt to propose to you , that by heathen and publican may be meant a desperate deplored sinner , such as the rabbins call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sinner , as in the gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a deplored sinner ; thus in musar , if he will not then , ( i. e. when two or three friends have been taken to be present at his admonition ) be reconciled , go and leave him to himself ; for such an one is implacable , and is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of whom again 't is there said , si nec hoc modo quicquam profecerit , i. e. adhibitis amicis , if this second admonition doe no good , debet eum pudefacere coram multis , he must be ashamed before many , ( which may be the meaning of dic ecclesiae , tell it to the church , as will anon appear by tim. . . ) and this interpretation of that phrase will seem most probable , if you mark . that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publicans and sinners are frequently joyned together in the gospel , as once publicans and harlots , those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sinner-women . . that the heathen are call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sinners , as when 't is said that christ was by the jews delivered into the hands of sinners , i. e. romans heathen , and in st paul [ not sinners of the gentiles : ] and then those words , [ let him be to thee a heathen and a publican ] will sound no more , but [ give him over as a desperate deplored sinner , ] to whom those priviledges of a christian ( viz. of not being impleaded before an heathen tribunal ) &c. do not belong , i. e. leave him to himself . this sure is the simplest rendring of the place ; and then he that is such , that is capable of that denomination , is certainly fit , and ripe for the censures of the church , which follow in the next verse , ●nd are appointed to go out against this refractory incorrigible . for so immediately it follows , verily i say unto you : who are sect. those you ? why . in the plurall number [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] secondly ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to you disciples ( for so in the first verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the disciples came to him with a question , and v. . he said , verily i say to you , i. e. to you disciples , and v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what do you think ? asking the disciples , or appealing to their own judgement , and so still the same auditors continued , and his speech addrest to them , i say unto you disciples ) whatsoever you shall bind on earth , &c. sect. after this , it follows v. . again i say unto you , that if two of you shall agree upon earth , &c. ] many false illations are by men of different perswasions made from these words , which will all vanish , i conceive , and the truth be dis-involved , if the reader will not despise this one observation which i shall offer to him ; and it is this , that the method oft-times used in scripture is , ( when it hath proposed one or two severals to speak of ) to resume the last first , and so orderly to go back , till it come to the first , to which you may accommodate that expression , and description of gods method in other things . many that are last , are first ( the last in proposing , first in handling or resuming , ) and the first last . if there be two things mentioned one after another , and any occasion to adde any thing on each of them , then i say the observation is , that the scripture sometimes uses to resume the second first , and the first after that . and so if there be more then two . i said this was oft-times the manner and stile of scripture , and to make good my observation , i am a little obliged to go out of my way , and present you with some examples . three visible ones i shall offer you out of one book , the epistle to the hebrews . first , chap. . where in the foure first verses there are three things propounded of an high priest , . that he offer for sinne , and negotiate the cause of men with god. . that he be compassionate toward sinners , and to that end he himself infirme , and offer for himselfe as well as the people . . that he be called to this office by god himself . to these three the author speaks particularly ( and applies them to christ ) in the remainder of the chapter , by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the last , first , v. , . so likewise christ glorified not himself to be made an high priest , &c. to the second next , v. . & . who in the dayes of his flesh offered up prayers , and supplications , prayers , and the ceremonies of petitioners ( for so h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies , olive branches , the embleme that petitioners used to have in their hands ) with strong crying and teares to him that was able to deliver him out of death , ( as when he commended his spirit into gods hands , and cryed with a loud voice , matth. . . mark . . luke . . at the delivering these words ) and i was heard , for , or by his piety , through the great ardency of that his prayer ( exprest both by the loud voice in three evangelists , and by the bodily worship , bowing of his head , in the fourth , joh. . . ) or as it may possibly signifie , he was delivered from his fear , i. e. from that which he feared and prayed against . and though he were a son , yet from the things he suffered , he learnt obedience , ( whether to god thus designing him to those sufferings , and to that office of hearing prayers , or to men , by giving them audience in their prayers , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , so to heare , as to answer a request . ) and then the author returns to the first , last , v. . being made perfect he became the author of eternall salvation , &c. thus secondly , heb. . . the author having named two things , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ordinances of worship , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he dilates first of the latter of them , v. , , , . for there was a tabernacle made , the first , &c. and after the second vaile , the tabernacle , &c. and over it the cherubims of glory shadowing the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ( not mercy-seat , but ) k covering of the arke , &c. all these belonging to the second particular , and then afterwards he comes back to the former , the ordinances of worship , v. . now ●hen these things were thus ordain'd , the priest went alwaies , &c. so thirdly , chap. . . the author having mentioned two acts of suffering in them , the first personall in themselves , by reproaches , and afflictions , the second by way of sympathy with their apostle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , partakers with , or relievers of others that were so tossed ; in the next verse he resumes both again , but first the latter , for ye had compassion of me in my bands , ver . . and then secondly the former , took joyfully the spoyling of your goods . this is farther evidenced by an example in this gospel , matth. . . give not that which is holy unto dogs , neither cast your pearls before swine , lest they tread them under their feet , and turning again , tear and rend thee . where there is no doubt , but the former of these latter speeches belongs to the latter of the former , and the latter of the latter to the former of the former ; per modum regressus , by way of going backward thus , lest the swine tread the pearls under their feet , and lest the dogs rend and tear thee . for it is not the manner of swine to fall upon men , and tear them , but of dogs it is ; and it is not the manner of dogs to tread a thing under their feet , but of swine it is ; so the cor. . . st paul having mentioned the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first , and then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , them that are saved , and them that perish ; he goes back , ver . . first to the latter of them , to those a savour of death unto death , but to these a savour of life unto life ; so in the epistle to philemon v. . hearing of thy love , and faith which thou hast towards the lord jesus , and towards all the saints ; 't is apparent that the lord jesus is the object of the faith , and the [ all saints ] the object of the love . so again rom. . having set down two heads of discourse , that the strong should not set at nought the weake ; nor secondly the weake judge or condemne the strong , v. . he resumes the latter first , v. . who art thou that judgest ? and then v , . returns to the former , and thou why dost thou set at nought thy brother ? so matth. . . christ having mention'd first the outside of the cup or platter , then the inside , v. . he returns first to the cleansing of the inside , then the outside of it . so cor. . . after the generall of washing , which contains the two subsequent , sanctifying and justifying ; the mention of our lord jesus christ , which is first named , must belong to the latter of the two , that of justification ; and the spirit of our god to the former , that of sanctifying . other examples of this observation i shall leave the reader sect. to observe , when he reads the scripture more ponderingly , and only proceed to help him to take notice of it in the point in hand . three cases , it is apparent , are here mention'd orderly by our saviour in the matter of trespasse , . telling the trespasser of his fault between him and thee alone . secondly , taking one or two with thee , to do it more convincingly , and with greater authority . thirdly , telling the church of it . having said somewhat to each of these , as he delivered them in the three first verses , , , . he resumes the matter again , and speakes first to the last of them , v. . telling them , what , after the not succeeding of the third admonition , the apostles and their successors are to doe , when the cognizance of this injury and contumacy comes before them ( which , that in every case of trespasse , it alwayes should , i conceive , doth not hence appear to be necessary , save only in case that the magistrate or secular tribunal be heathen , because that supposition may perhaps be the ground of the sit tibi ethnicus , on which the other is superstructed ) viz. excommunicate such a refractary till reformation , and then upon that , absolve him again , and [ verily i say unto you , whatsoever you shall bind on earth , &c. ] from this view it is not irrational to conclude , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church and the disciples ( considered prophetically under the notion of apostles , i. e. founders first , then governours of churches ) may in that place signifie the same thing . so saith st chrysost . in mat. hom. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tell it to the church , i. e. to the presidents and rulers of it ; and theophyl . in mat. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the church for the rulers of the church ; to which purpose it is observable , what kimchi a jewish learned rabbi hath affirmed , that the governours , and rulers are oft meant by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or congregation ; and so philo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the congregation is the priests . agreeable to which is the inscription of the ancient apostolical epistle of clemens romanus to the corinthians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of god that dwels at rome , meaning , i conceive by the title [ the church ] himself ( who wrote the epistle , and was chief there , or bishop at that time ) and the other clergy with him ; for so the other part of the inscription [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the church of god at corinth ] is after explained by him , in the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the bishops , and deacons ; but if this will not be acknowledged , then by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i shal give you leave to understand any meeting or congregation of pious men , either a consessus presbyterorum , a colledge of presbyters , which were ordinarily assistant to the bishop in the antient church , or possibly the whole or any part of the people convened , whose authority or consent may work somewhat upon the offender , as st paul conceives it were apt to doe , when he commands timothy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to rebuke the offenders before all men , i. e. in the presence of the community of the people , tim. . . and perhaps when he speaks of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . the rebuke that was by or under the many , though it be not certain whether that signifie the chastisement , ( as our english reads ) punishment and censure inflicted by the presbyterie , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under them , those assisting or joyning in the censure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts of canonical severity , ( which in case of sorrow and relenting of the offender upon rebuke , or admonition before ejection out of the church , were wont to be thought sufficient without excommunication , and after excommunication , as in this place to the corinthians , if they were submitted to , were sufficient , though not presently to restore him to the communion , yet to make him capable of being prayed for by the church , joh. . . and to be delivered from the stripes of satan , the diseases that the delivering to satan in the apostles times brought upon them ; ) or whether , as the words may be rendred , it import the rebuke , or reproof , viz. the third admonition , ( or the second given by the bishop , which was equivalent to that ) which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under , or in the presence of many , viz. of the people or congregation . the former of these senses seems more agreeable to the place to the cor. the latter rather to belong to that in the tim. and so that which even now in musar was coram multis , before many , and in s. paul ( if not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under many , yet ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the presence of all men , christ may here expresse by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the church . this interpretation being admitted , or not rejected , it then follows commodiously , and reasonably in the text of the evangelist , that after the matter is brought to them ( i. e. to those many ) or after this act of reproofe , or rebuke before them , & upon continued refractarinesse to these last admonitions , then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that sure is ) the apostles or governors of the church , the pastors , ( which cannot be in any reason excluded from under the former word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 church , whatsoever it signifies ) and those already promised this power , chap. . may , or shall bind , or excommunicate them . and that is the summe of the . v. in reference to the . and then v. . again i say unto you , ( or as a very l antient manuscript , and some printed copies read it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , again verily i say unto you , that second verily noting the speech to be of a new matter ) that if two of you shall agree upon the earth , or here below , ( in reference to the second thing mention'd , v. . take with you one or two ) concerning any thing , which they shall aske , it shall be done unto them of my father , &c. for where two or three are gathered together in my name , there am i in the midst of them , which words are brought to give authority to the solemn admonitions of the second order ( addrest by the injur'd man , accompanied with one or two assistants or witnesses to inforce them ) by telling them , that as the consessus trium virorum , the assize of three men among the jewes had some power ; so shall any two or three christians be considerable in this matter , having the priviledge of gods presence , as in their prayers thus united , so also in this act of united admonition ; for , first , god is to be thought to be in the midst of them , ( as that fourth person added to the three children in the furnace , and the face of that fourth like the son of god ) to be present with them ( as it is cor. . . ) in this his ordinance , in this piece of discipline apointed by him ; whereupon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the refractarinesse of the transgressor is become so much the greater in this case ; and besides , secondly , if upon admonition , they shall be hearkned to , it will be in their power to pray for the penitent trespasser , ( as james . . ) and that prayer of theirs joyned with the injured person is likely to be more effectuall then a single prayer , and so in both these respects a greater weight is set on the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the taking of one , or two with him . thus having returned to the second of the three , in the second place , and dispatched that , the method would direct to go on to the first again in the third place ; but in stead of that , st peter it seems asks again about it , how long a man is to forgive private injuries ; and the answer in the following words supplieth the place of having proceeded to that , and serves for the conclusion of the whole matter . the result then of this whole chapter is this , that of the sect. three places of the gospel , concerning the donation of the power of binding , and loosing , two of them at the first sight most clearly convince , this power to be given to the apostles , as governors of the church , ( which will not be communicable to any , but either to others that are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also , set apart to the office , immediately by christ , or to their successours , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. in mat. . ) and the third upon a thorough consideration doth the same also . for this we have the plain testimony of theophylact on that place mat. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the power of binding and loosing was given to all the apostles ; when ? why , when he said , whose sins ye remit , they are remitted , &c. i. e. in this place of st john : and again , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . [ and i will give ] it signifies the future , i. e. the time after the resurrection , which is that in s. john also ; and again on mat. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where the binding in s. mat. and the remitting in s. john are put together , as belonging to the same matter : and it is confirm'd by no mean authority , that of s. paul himself , of himself , cor. . . where speaking of these censures , ( noted there by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 using excision , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is all one , and which , it seems , he as an apostle was to use among them , he , not the congregation ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i will not spare ) he addeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the power that christ hath given me , ( which sure was not peculiar to him , but common to the rest of the apostles , which had it before him , and in a more ordinary way ) and ver . . he distinctly calls it , christ speaking in him , a high expression , making every such act of judicature in him , an act of christ . cap. iii. sect. the only difficulty remaining in the point , will be , who are the apostles successors in that power ; and when the question is asked of that power , i must be understood of the power of governing the church peculiarly ( of which the power of the keyes was , and is a principal branch ) for it must again be remembred , that the apostles are to be considered under a double notion : . as planters , then as governors of the church . the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in its literall notation of missus , sent , ( embassadour or messenger ) belongs peculiarly to the former of these , and so though it have some extraordinary privileges annext to it , necessary to the work of planting , ( as the gift of tongues , the power of working miracles ) which ennobles it beyond the order of governours in the churches since their plantation , yet in the persons of the apostles , it was but a precedaneous power , preparatory to that other of ruling , or governing , which no doubt is the reason that chrysost . calls ignatius the martyr , both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an apostle and bishop , and perhaps is the meaning of that saying of an anonymus writer , in m photius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the apostle timothy was by st paul ordained , and enthronized , or seated bishop of the metropolis of the ephesians , i. e. that he that had helped to plant churches , and so was an apostle sent out to that purpose , was at length ordained bishop to govern that of ephesus being planted . which distinction being premised ' , the question will now more easily be satisfied , being proposed in these terms , [ who were the apostles successors in that power , which concerned the governing these churches which they had planted ] and . i answer , that it being a matter of fact , or story , later then that the scripture can universally reach to it , cannot be fully satisfied , or answered from thence , any further then the persons of timothy or titus , &c. and the severall angels of the churches in the apocalypse ( who are acknowledged by all the antients to be single persons , that had power over all others in those churches , ) but will in the full latitude through the universal church in those times , be made clear from the next evidences , that we have , viz. from the consent of the greek and latine fathers , who generally resolve , that bishops are those successors . this i shall not be so unreasonable as to attempt to prove at large through the writings of those fathers , but content my self with one or two of the first of them . of this number i conceive the testimony of clemens romanus sect. in his epistle to the corinth . ( which hath been so often of late produced ) might to any disinteressed person be allowed to have some force in it ; where speaking of the apostles , he saith , that they foreseeing that there would be contention and emulation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the name , or ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may denote , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) dignity of bishops or episcopacy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( for i doubt not but that is the reading , and the sense there ) they set down a list , or continuation of successors , ( as when hesychius , ( and out of him varinus ) renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perhaps it may be a false print , as there be many in the edition of that book , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but howsoever the analogy from thence will extend to this also , that as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inheritance , or succession ) that when any dyed such a certain person should succeed him . to which affirmation of clemens , when i have added ( that which all ecclesiasticall stories have made familiar to us ) that there were preserved in several churches such n rols and catalogues of bishops beginning from the apostles in each see , i shall conceive that that of clemens was a pertinent testimony to this purpose ; especially when the voice of antiquity is so clear , that o clemens himself was one of those bishops ( an adjutor of the apostles in their life time , and after the departure of linus , and cletus , the onely one that retained the name of bishop in rome , all others being stiled presbyters only ) that p vedelius at geneva hath at large acknowledged it , exercit. in ignat. ignat. epist . ad mar. cassabol . c. . sect. after clemens ( an assertor at once , and example of this truth ) i must next appeal to the martyr ignatius himself also bishop of antioch , that lived in the apostles age , and is by the enemies of episcopacy discerned to be so full a treasure of this truth ( and of others in this kind ) in so many notable passages , that there hath been no way ( imaginable by those who resolve to have it otherwise ) to resist the plainnesse of his authorities ; but first by q scoffes and defamations ; secondly , by r confident rejecting of our whole volume of his epistles , as spurious , and of a latter birth ; and thirdly , by some very slender shewes of proof , that they are so . one special of this sort ( which i see lately made use of by salmasius , and for which it ſ now appears he was beholding to a sight of blundels book , not then printed ) i shall mention to remove prejudices , and it is this ; that in the epistle to the magnesians , he distinctly calls episcopacy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which , saith that learned grammarian , signifies it to be a new order , and he attempts to prove it , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , cannot be referred to the age ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , agreeable whereunto he interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tim. . . to be novae , or novarum rerum cupiditates , new desires , or of new things . the dealing of this learned grammarian in this businesse will sect. be sufficiently strange to him , that considers the whole matter . i shall only ( in passing ) give some few hints of judging it , by telling you first , that the generality of copies read not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the youth of the bishop ( and no one of the greek editions hath so much as mention'd any various lection in that place , till now the florentine or laurentian copy hath given us that variety . ) secondly , that the whole context of the epistle drives to this of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as even this author confesses , by saying , that he perswades them to receive their bishop , and give him honour , quamvis aetate juniori , though he were younger then they , and again that he goes on to tell them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it becomes them not to be too familiar with the age of their bishop . but then besides this , thirdly , the vulgar , and even geneva edition reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , back it with citation of places of scripture pertinent only to that sense , as that wisdome is not alwayes with the hoary hair , &c. fourthly , that other reading is not avowed by , or cited from any greek manuscript , but onely that in the laurentiana bibliotheca , and the old latine , made use of by the most reverend primate of armach , which is directly translated out of it , and so doth not at all adde to the authority . but then fifthly , if that reading of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be acknowledged , yet would it conclude nothing against the order of bishops in those first times . for . what if it were a new order in ignatius his time ? that were pretty antient , ignatius living with the apostles ; for that it was written by some body else above . years after christ , wil want some other probation . secondly , there is no necessity that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must signifie a new order , for although , as he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not signifie age , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 young , but may be interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new , &c. yet we are not bound to accept that interpretation of it , when the context of the epistle belongs to another matter , and when another interpretation of this phrase may be given , which ( if that reading were acknowledged ) wil reconcile all difficulties ; for why may not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie ordination ? and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that , that belongs to a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a young man , and so it shall be the ordination of a young man , or a young mans being bishop , which might have been apt to provoke contempt in inferiors , if that good martyr had not fortified them against that temptation . and lastly for the interpretation of that place of s. paul to timothy , it is so new , and so irrationally preferred before the ordinary one , that one may justly conclude , 't was prejudice , and willingnesse to find an example for his novelty , that made him think of this ; for why should not the lusts ( there appointed to be avoided ) be youthfull lusts , or such as young men are subject to ? why new lusts ; or desires of new things ? were not the old ordinary lusts ( so frequent among young men ) fit enough to be avoided ? might any other be enjoyed , so they were not new ? i am sorry i have insisted so long on so weak an objection , and yet it is the best that that learned man ( so much looked on , and believed in this matter by those who desire change ) hath produced , on which to build a●l his confidence , that those epistles are not ignatius's : and 't is a little strange that another learned man t and. rivet should speak of episcopacy as of a novell order , and adde [ sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut loquitur ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] making ignatius to say this , which if he doth , then is not only his illustriss . salmatius deceived , but also episcopacy must be acknowledged in ignatius's time , in which if it were acknowledged to be novel , it will still be antient enough ; and so 't is indeed by that author confest ( perhaps by incogitancy ) in the next page , when he acknowledges , that the custome of presbyters joyning with the bishop in imposition of hands on a presbyter ( which sure is to suppose , not to deny the office of bishops ) ex veteris aevi reliquiis mansit , and specifies what age he means , by [ juxta illud apostoli per impositionem manuum presbyterii ] wherein yet it had been more ingenuous to have rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum , and not have chang'd it into per , quite contrary to the text ; but this by the way . as for that other argument added by salmasius , that in that epistle to the magnesians there is mention of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as when he saith that christ was not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by which he concludes that epistle writen after valentinus , whose idiom that was ; if the argumemt were concluding , ( as v is . vossius in his late edition hath sufficently proved it is not ) it cannot sure be in force against us , who find no such thing in our former greek copies ; or , if we did , could readily acknowledge any such passage to be supposititious , and those few words taken into the text out of the margent , without casting away the whole volume of epistles in that fit of jealousie , or rage ; if i could discerne in that writer any other sh●w of argument against that general opinion , which the christian world hath had of these epistles , i should proceed to the weighing of it . but now upon the edition of blondels book ( out of which salmasius only brought us some gleanings ) we find a great deale of paines taken to cast off those epistles ; and it is very observable first , that he that hath taken in all the antient church-writers into his catalogue ( even hermas himselfe , without any note or character of apocryphal set upon him ) and out of each of them laboured ( though very improsperously ) to gather some honey to his hive , some word or other , that might look like an accordance with that opinion which he asserts out of st hierome , and , it seemes , had skill enough to make even tertullian , irenaeus , and cyprian , ( and many others that have innumerable manifest places against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equality of bishops and presbyters ) instrumental to his designe , was not able to find one sentence in ignatius , which might be perswaded to be usefull to him , and therefore hath exprest that severity on him , that he hath not thought reasonable on any other , even those which all antiquity hath rejected ; so partial and unequal is the mind of man , when that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that i say no worse ) hath the ruling of our counsels . the exceptions which this learned man hath made against ignatius being the author of those epistles , are . scriptionis genus affectatum , an affected kind of writing , pompous epithets ( which saith he , could not agree with an apostle , panting in the chaines of martyrs ) such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and among them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the very naming of which , i suppose , doth shew the frivolousnesse of the charge , and weaknesse of the inference from it ; for sure an authour may use compounded words , ( yea and words of his own making , as , i suppose , st paul's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is acknowledged to be , and yet many of these recited from those epistles are not ) without the crime of affectation , as well as st paul might his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like : and though a holy martyr in his chains may not be allowed the vanity of affectation as that hunts for glory from men , yet sure he may be allowed to have elevated affections , and by the command of them , to use expressions which are not vulgar & ordinary . the second is his barbarous words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which indeed are latine words made greek , but so there are many more in the new testament , in stead of those four charged on ignatius as barbarismes , these fifteen which are ready at hand to me , ( i will not take the pains to seek for others ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and many as latinizing ( i. e. barbarous ) phrases , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like . and 't is a little strange how this learned man hath minced this matter , confessing indeed that there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the gospel ( naming only one of so great a number ) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in hegesippus : and for the excuse of that one word in hegesippus , adding that he was at rome from the year to . whereas this liberty might be allowed either ignatius , or hegesippus , without having been so long at rome , as wel as the writers of the new testament , which have three times more of such words then he cites out of both of them . the third is , severall passages , quae incommodè dicta videri possunt , which may seem incommodiously spoken , ( and if it be but [ seem , ] and that but [ may seem , ] and at last but [ incommodiously spoken , ] sure this charge will not wound deep ) & comparationes non exactae ad amussim , comparisons not drawn by the rule exactly , ( and truly the martyr that was not to be permitted to have the vanity to affect , might as well be thought not to have the leasure to take the line and the plummet , and delineate every expression so exactly ; but what are the miscarriages , and defects in this kinde ? why , that he calls the spirit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a cord , and faith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the leader , whence , saith he , in ignatius's esteem , fidei potior quàm spiritus functio , faith hath a nobler office then the spirit . but why may not i more truly say , that the advantage in that comparison is given to the spirit , because that is said to draw , when faith doth lead only ? 't is certainly clear that his anger was very causlesse , who could quarrell at that doctrine , which is in effect no more then this , that the word of god apprehended by faith doth lead us our way to heaven , and the spirit of god is the cord to draw us thither . . that he calls his bands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spirituall jewels , in which he wishes he might rise , whereas , saith blondel , there is nothing properly spirituall in the bands which wicked men put on the body of a martyr , and no hope that he should rise in those bands . but sure his sufferings may be called his bands , and those be matter of joy , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to his spirit , more then all the gemmes to the most vain glorious worldling , and this be very commodiously exprest by those words , and then sure he might wish , ( though not hope ) ( and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no more ) to have this matter of joy continued to him , and so that he might rise with them . . that he uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so oft ; what a cruelty upon a patient martyr is this , not to give him leave to use such frequent innocent words as these frequently , as well as st paul is allowed the very same , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. these are certainly streined exceptions , the learned man was at great leasure to quarel , when this provocation was accepted . . that when baptisme is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 weapons , he calls faith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as an hlmet ; love , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a spear ; patience , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a compleat armour . for x what , saith he , doth faith and love , &c. confer to him that is already armed by baptisme ? and if patience be the christians compleat armour , what new advantage hath he by having a helmet from faith ? but why may not baptisme be called weapons in the plurall , and every of those graces profest and vowed in baptisme , have their severall uses in the after life ? and sure the armour of baptisme is not so perfectly of proof , but that there is need of the exercise of every one of those christian virtues to hold out against the impressions of satan , which are like to be so oft repeated ; and if faith do not defend the head , and charity the heart , and patience and perseverance every part of the body , i. e. every action of the future life , that subtle enemy may chance to wound us mortally . as for the new advantage of faith to him that hath the compleat armour of patience , the author of that epistle saith no such thing , but on the other side first requires the helmet of faith , and then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of patience , that sure is the arming of all parts , which were not before armed , and that may go for an addition , as perseverance is to sanctity , and as our saviour saith of his believers , that he that endureth to the end shall be saved . . that 't is not likely that presently after ignatius comming into asia , bishops , presbyters , and deacons should be ordained ejus rogatu , at his intreaty , qui ad antiochinos asinorum gratulatorias epistòlas deferrent , who should carry the gratulatory epistles of the asians to the christians of antioch . i shall only say to this , . that they were ordained to some other end beside this , yet might perform that task also , and that very solemnly . . that a probable argument , or a conceived improbability against a narration of a matter of fact ( which relies not upon a confluence of all probabilities , but only on the authority of the relatour ) is of all other the most unconvincing ; there was nothing ever done years ago , but a good phansie will observe some improbability in it , and the matter of fact being still but one , when the possibilities which never did come to passe , are infinite , some one of those possibilities may perhaps become at a distance , to him that knows nothing of the fact ( but would perswade others that 't was never done ) tolerably probable also . . that he bids follow the bishop as christ did his father ; and the presbytery , ut apostolos , as the apostles , and saith that he that doth any thing clancularly without the bishops knowledge , is to be thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to serve the devil : whereupon , saith he , an episcopos ullos prerbyterorum comparatione dominos , imo deos à christi martyre habitos credere par est ? is it fit to believe that any bishops in comparison to presbyters should be counted lords , yea gods by that martyr of christ ? but sure this is to pervert and torment the sense of that martyr ; for to bid follow bishops as christ did his father , is far enough from making lords or gods of them : nay if the comparison were bound to hold that way , it were more proper to prove the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or equality of bishops and presbyters , for sure christ was equall with his father : and 't is observable that in the place of polycarp set down by this learned man , p. . when obedience is required to presbyters and deacons as to god and christ , he finds no fault with it , though that be the very thing actually said by polycarp of presbyters and deacons , that here he unjustly first imposes on , then accuses in ignatius's words of bishops , which yet are , onely for the manner of performing the obedience due to bishops , as christ obeyed his father , and cannot be extended to any equalizing the bishop to god , or the least appearance of doing so . 't were too long to go thorow , and render formal answers to the rest of the heap of exceptions , which are every one single so slight , and of no value ( and consequently the totall of them will not amount any higher , it being not in the power of probables to become one demonstration , or to be equipollent to one , much lesse of a few slight improbables ) that 't is clear the number of the exceptions was the thing depended on , and not the weight of them : witnesse these four more , that shut up the rear ; . that he saith that all pious men are changed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into a new leaven , which he thinks inconvenient , when st paul calls the godly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unleavened , whereas christ being by ignatius in the next words expressed to be that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new leaven ; there is then nothing fit to be quarrel'd in it , unlesse to grow in grace , and the practise of all christian duties ( which is the meaning of that expression ) being an inconvenient advise . . that he bids fly to the apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as to the presbytery of the church , whereon having resolved that by the apostles he must mean the apostles writings , ( because in the ninth of trajan then past all the apostles were dead ) he concludes that the author of that saying makes no more of the apostles writings , then of the congregations of men subject to error . where in all sober reason and equality , if the apostles signifie the apostles writings , then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 need not signifie any other latter presbytery , but those apostles themselve , who when they wrote those writings , were the christian sanhed●in , or presbytery of the church , which was to decide all their controversies in religion . . that writing to polycarp , tanquam ad plebe●um nescio quem , as unto an ordinary person , he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , observe your bishop : as if forsooth the epistle written to polycarp might not be written to the church under him also , to whom 't is clear that plural precept [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] must belong , and not to any one man , though he were never such a plebeian . . that he saith he will flatter , nay , if they will not , force the wild beasts to kill him , which saith he is like the desperabunda saeculi mancipia , the most desperate slaves among the heathen . as if these fervent expressions of desire to suffer for christ were thus to be deformed , and charged against a pious man. after all this unprovoked severity , one act of grace and mercy these epistles are vouchsafed from this authour , viz. that he contains himself from making use of one passage which suppositionis earum argumentum videri possit , might seem an argument of the supposititiousnesse of them ; ( and yet no greater an argument then that [ multa quae incommodè dicta vider possunt ] made up a great number of arguments even now ) the passage is , that he disputed profestly against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those that affirm'd christs , humanity to have been but an appearance , no reality ; for saith he , whether you make cass●an with baronius , or saturninus , basilides , and valentinus the antesignanos docetarum , the principal authors of that heresie , these being under adrian and antoninus pius , will appear to be after ignatius : having gone thus far , he comes off again , with a volens hoc argumento abstineo , he willingly abstains from using this argument ; because saith he , simon magus was before ignatius , and he , saith irenaeus , taught this doctrine of christs appearing only , not being a true man ; and that cassan , &c. were call'd the chief of them , must signifie , not that they were the first broachers , but in their times the chief maintainers and abetters of that heresie . this mercy , i confesse , was but seasonable , and had much of justice in it , and shews that that author was able to have answered his other arguments , if he had so pleased , particularly that which is made use of so confidently both by him and salmasius of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the valentian dialect , which is by isaacus vossius satisfied with this very answer which here blondel gives to the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz. that valentinus was not the first that said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ortion , but that 't is agreed on by the antients , that he was not the founder of a new , but reviver of an old opini●n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith irenaeus , and other fathers to the same purpose as isaacus vossius hath collected their affirmation sin his annot. on the place . having gone thus far in rejecting these epistles , he is at last at leasure to remember and acknowledge , plenom illis ipsis , quas confictas putamus epistolis , fidem habere patres , that the fathers ( indefinitely , if not universally , and it seems he had no one to produce to the contrary , if he had , he would certainly have produced it , and with reason have depended on it more , then all these other topicks ) afforded a full plenary belief to these very epistles , which the two champions of the age salmasius and he think to be supposititious , [ putamus ] is but a poor word , salmasius could speak bigger on weaker or fewer arguments , [ tam certò scio , quam me haec scribere . ] to this authority of the fathers against his opinion , his answer is short , but hath much weight and asperity in it ( which they that have as strong an appetite to lay the presbyterians flat , as the presbyterians have exprest to destroy the bishops , they that have the same exceptions against all distinction , or discrimination of lay and clergy , as blondel and salmasius have against the impariety and inequality of bishops and presbyters , will , when they can hope to be heard , be ready enough to make use of , and must not be denied to have urged an argument ad homines unaswerable , whensoever they shall please to make use of it ) and 't is but this , quid tum ? what then ? the authority of the fathers in a matter of fact ( as that ignatius wrote these epistles ) cast off without any ceremony , or difficulty in two syllables . and the reason for so doing , which is added will help the matter but little ; quàm multa minimè suspicaces ac imparatos & fefellerunt semper , & quotidie fallunt ? how many things have alwayes deceived , and daily do deceive men that are not suspicious , nor upon their guard ? and if all the fathers of the church , beginning from those that were nearest ignatius's time , must be involved in the number of these incautious , cheatable men , i shall be afraid to mention the consequences , that will too readily be deducible from hence . i shal only say ; may not this liberty , or licence rather , be soon extended very inordinately to the invasion of the sacred canon of scripture ? nay , when the same current , and consent of fathers , which delivers down all the books which make up our canon of scripture , for canonicall , and theopneust , shall be found at the same time to deliver down , and make use of these epistles of ignatius , onely with the distinction of apocryphal , ( and mean by that , not supposititious books , or books which are under suspition that they are not their off-spring , whom they call father , but only books of inferior authority , as apocryphal is opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the books of divine scripture , & legi domini , to the law or word of god , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to those that are put in the canon , and in a word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as you may see in the end of nicephorus's chronography , and in others ; inter scripta novi testamenti novi apocrypha , numbred among the apocryphal books , not of ignatius , but of the new testament , and appointed to be read by pious men , though not allowed that same authority and dignity , in which the books of sacred scripture have been justly estated ) when , i say , the same hands of the antient church shall deliver both the epistles of st peter for divine scripture , and these epistles of ignatius for the epistles of ignatius , though not for divine scripture , who can say that y salmasius when he had thus confidently thrown off these epistles from being written by ignatius , did not consequently , and agreeably to his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in throwing off one of st peters epistles also ? and who can think it reasonable that our warinesse and censoriousnes shall enable us at years distance to judge more truly of a matter of fact , ( which none but they that are near , be they never so wary , and suspicious , can discern any thing of ) then they that lived in those times which were nearest to the scene of action ? nay , how much more rational is that of the same salmasius ? who in the controversie about the parts of the crosse , i. e. when he conceiv'd antiquity to be favourable to that opinion which he defended , hath made this argumentative against his adversaries , an credibile est gregorium qui vixit tanto tempore postquam crucis supplicio nemo amplius afficebatur , certiorem esse testem de habitu crucis totius , &c. quàm eos authores qui scripsere cùm adhuc passim in usu esset communissimo nocentum crucifixio ? is it credible , that he that lived so long after the use of that kind of death was left off , should be a surer witnesse of any thing that belongs to it , then those authors that wrote when it was in use ? de cruce , p. . and again , if blondel may say without proof , that the fathers were incautious in general , and thence conclude , that they were actually deceived in this particular ; why may not i as reasonably affirm ( having given my reasons , when he hath not ) that blondel is too censorious , and partial , and willing to bring all to the cause he hath espoused , and thence conclude ( knowing how contrary these epistles are to his interests ) that he hath actually exprest his passion , and injustice in this causlesse censure of these epistles ? i have done with this learned mans observations in this matter , and when i shall hear of any other argument which can seem of force against these epistles , i shall be glad to consider it , professing my self to conceive , that as long as that one author stands in the church in his just value , the cause of prelacy and hierarchy cannot want supports , every page almost of those epistles being sufficient ( which the adversaries acknowledge in saying he doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in season and out of season , at all turns assert episcopacy ) to interpret the obscurer vestigia in the new testament , and to assure us what was the practise and doctrine of the apostles and primitive churches in that point ; and that is the reason i have insisted so long on a thing which may seem so extrinsecall to my first undertaking , and shall not think my self out of my way , if i be content to return to this controversie again ( as having such an immediate influence on the cause in hand ) whensoever i shall be call'd to it ; in the mean , i shall content my self with this view of that matter ; and for the present , as i cannot but conceive it rashnesse to cast an epistle of st peter upon a bare affirmation in a parenthesis ( quae sola planè genuina est ) so will it be in a lower degree , but in like manner , to deal with a most antient apostolical-spirited volume , upon such unproved censures as these ; and it is observable , that the first writer that ever undertook to be thus severe against that whole volume of epistles , did with as much confidence , and as little pretention to argument , cast off one of the books of canonical scripture . this i thought not amisse here to insert , to vindicate the writings of that antient martyr , though it may be taken for a parergon in this place . supposing then this writer to stand in the same repute in sect. the church of god , in which he did , before he was observed to be unreconcileable with the designs of the new reformers , i shall proceed to make use of his testimony . he commands obedience to be paid to bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as to the apostles ; to the presbyters as to the seventy , to the deacons , as to the deacons in the acts. the passage is known , and although in another place , he makes the presbyters parallel to the apostles , and the bishops to christ , yet these places are easily reconciled , it being clear , that that latter place considers the apostles at the time , when christ was here on earth , at which time they were indeed but a second rank ( and in that respect it is that origen saith , tr. in mat. . propriè episcopus dominus jesus est , presbyteri apostoli , christ is properly the bishop , and the apostles presbyters ) but the former place considering that after christs departure , is that which more properly belongs to this matter ; this power ( though promised before ) being not yet instated on them , till after his resurrection , immediately before his leaving of this world ( or indeed till the coming of the holy ghost ) at which time they were left the governors of the church , as christ had been before , and the bishops , their successors ever since . to which purpose st cyprian , ep. . apostolos , i. e. episcopos & praepositos dominus elegit , the lord chose apostles , i. e. bishops and governors . so judas's apostolical function is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishoprick act. . so theodoret thinks epaphroditus was bishop of the philipians , because he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apostle , and on tim. . saith thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that are now call'd bishops , they then call'd apostles , so titus , saith he , and so apollos , and so ( saith remig. on cor. . ) sosthenes also . thus st hilary frequently calls st paul episcopum , bishop . and hilarius sardus in eph. apostoli episcopi sunt , the apostles are bishops . so the scriptor qu. in vet . & nov . test . qu. . nemo ignorat episcopos servatorem eccles●is instituisse , ipse enim priusquàm in coelos ascenderet , imponens manum apostolis , ordinavit eos episcopos . no man is ignorant that our saviour instituted bishops over the churches . for he himself before he ascended to heaven , laying his hand on the apostles ordained them bishops . so saith rabanus maur. in tim. . . of the apostles times , episcopi provincias integras regebant , apostolorum nomine nun cupati . the bishops were call'd apostles . so doth blondel himself confesse not only out of gildas , that st matthew episcopatum sortitus est , was bishop , but acknowledges it of st james the brother of the lord , as the voice of all antiquity , that he was bishop of jerusalem . jacobum hierosol . ecclesiae episcopatum constanter asserunt veteres omnes . apol. pro sent. hieron . p. . and if it be said , that he meant by the word episcopus bishop , no more then a presbyter , one of many ; i shall only then put him or the reader in minde , what the same blondel in his censure of the pontif. epistles ( when they say he was not so severe against bishops ) hath put together of st james . hierosol . ecclesiam rexisse statuunt veteres , & à christo episcopale munus accepisse , ait hegesippus apud hieron . in cat. epiphan . haer . . hieron . in gal. c. . greg. turon . l. . c. . nic. methon . de pane consecr . à christo & apostolis . eus . l. f. . c. . constit . l. . c. . ab apostolis , constit . l. . c. . l. . c. ult . clem. alexand. apud z euseb . l. . c. . athanas . in synop. euseb . l. . c. . hieronymus de script . eccl. beda de . aetat . & martyrl . ad cal. maii. & chron. gr. anon . scriptor . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acknowledging all , that as bishop he governed that church , as a single person , sa●e in the see or throne ; all the difference between the antients being , whether by christ or the apostles , or both , or by st peter only , he was ordained bishop . thus , saith s. a chrys . did christ invest the apostles with this sect. power of retaining and remitting sins , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as when a king sends governors over provinces , he gives them power of imprisoning and releasing , intimating the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rulers of the church to be the men that are here represented by the apostles , and so in l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ speaking of the weighty office of bishops ( to excuse himself who had fled from it ) he principally insists on the power which is intrusted to them , and in that respect applies to them the style of the faithfull and wise servant , whom god makes ruler over his household . so theophylact on matth. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they that after the manner of st peter , are vouchsafed the honor of being bishops , have the power of binding and loosing . so again appears by the forecited testimonies of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 presidents in st chrys . and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praefects of the church , in theophylact. and so in the name and sense of the greek church , gabriel of philadelphia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his second difference betwixt the greek and the roman church ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief priests , i. e. bishops , are the successors of the apostles , and in plain words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so that 't is manifest , that the apostles were bishops , and applies to them that of the psalmist , psal . . . of gods constituting them rulers over all the earth , and names the severall churches wherein the several apostles ordain'd bishops , st john in asia , st andrew in achaia , st thomas in india , &c. thus also among the latines st jerome who was not very sect. favourable to bishops , saith expresly that they were the apostles successors , episcopi omnes apostolorum successores sunt . ep. . ad evagrium . so st ambrose , claves illas regni coelorum in beato petro apostolo cuncti suscepimus sacerdotes . all we , that are stiled sacerdotes , in the blessed apostle st peter received the keyes of the kingdome of heaven . and what sacerdos signifies among the writers of that time , and particularly in st ambrose , the observation of any diligent reader will instruct him ; viz. that which the [ suscepimus ] applyed to st ambrose's person , will inforce , he being bishop of millain at that time , ( and this is agreeable even to the heathens acception of the phrase , who use sacerdos and pontifex promiscuously ; witnesse servius in aen. . ) so de dignitate sacerd. c. . he shews out of scripture , that the sheep are delivered sacerdotibus , i shall render it to bishops , because it follows , and so must be subject to those rulers . so in st chrys . in the fore-cited 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which together with pastor in latine , is ordinarily the bishops title , in order to the shepherds office of ruling , and governing , as well as feeding the flock ) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacerdos , are promiscuously taken , and the latter by the interpreter there rendred episcopus , bishop . and to the same purpose most clearly st cyprian , ep. . sect. speaking of the lapsi , those who having fallen were under the censures of the church , and how the presbyters had presumed to reconcile , or absolve them , he concludes that they did not ( reservare episcopo honorem sacerdotii sui , & cathedrae ( reserve to the bishop the honour of his priesthood , and chaire , shewing the indifferent use of those words episcopus and sacerdos , at that time and that in opposition to presbytery , appropriating to the one the power of the keyes , exclusively to the other . this he had set down more plainly before epist . . shewing and aggravating the greatnesse of the fault of those presbyters that had taken upon them to use the keyes ▪ in that case , praepositum sibi episcopum non cogitantes , not thinking that there was a bishop set over them ; quod nunquam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est , resolving that it was a fact without any precedent in the church ; and again , l. . epist . . having proved the episcopal power to be immediately from god , he expresseth it in these words , sacerdotalis authoritas & potestas divinâ dignatione firmatur , the sacerdotall power is setled by divine dignation , and addes the occasion of all schismes in the church to be , quod sacerdoti dei non obtemperatur , that the bishop is not obeyed : nec unus in ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos , & ad tempus judex , vice christi cogitatur ; and that 't is not considered , that the one priest , i. e. bishop , and judge , is for the time in the church in christs stead ; which is yet more clear by his making sacerdotum collegium , the colledge of priests , all one with coepiscoporum consensus , the consent of fellow-bishops , and presently adding , that he that sets himselfe above this unus sacerdos , one priest , se non episcopi , sed dei judicem faceret , makes himself judge not of the bishop , but of god. and therefore 't is a strange proofe of blondels , that episcopacy and presbytery is all one , from that speech of pontius diaconus concerning this cyprian , quod ad officium sacerdotii & episcopatus gradum novellus electus est , having before said , presbyterium & sacerdotium statim accepisse . whereas the equipollence of the word sacerdos and episcopus being observed , and the difference of presbyter from them , doth clearly infer the contrary ; and that is apparent by the very place , multa sunt quae jam presbyter fecit ; ad probationem bonorum operum satis est , quod ad officium sacerdotii & episcopatus gradum adhuc novellus electus est . he was it seems a presbyter first , and did many things in that state , and a proof that he did so , was his election to the office of sacerdos or bishop , when he was a novice , then presently or soon after his conversion , where the difference of his being a presbyter and a bishop is most manifest . so when st b hilarius pictav . saith , aarone sacerdotes significari non ambiguum , in levi , ministros ostendi ; the same blondel concludes , sacerdotes sive praepositos , & seniores to be all one , not knowing or observing again that that sacerdos signifies bishop , who is there set parallel to aaron , in lege primus sacerdos , the first priest in the law . sect. many other evidences might be produced out of those and after times , as in the councel of taurinum speaking of palladius ; a triferio sacerdote fuerat mulctatus , he was punished by triferius , who , that he was a bishop , ( if it were doubted ) would appear by the acts of that councel , and particularly by his excommunicating exuperantius , a presbyter , can. . which sure none but a summus sacerdos , a high priest , or bishop could doe . sect. but there can be no need of more proofs in this matter , and if there were now any more doubt , that the bishops were the confest successors of the apostles in this priviledge or prerogative , that one canon of the apostles might satisfie it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. let not the presbyters , or deacons do any thing without the consent of the bishop , for he hath the people of the lord intrusted to him , and shall one day be required an account of their souls : which besides that it is evidenced to belong to this power of the keyes , by the usefulnesse of that to the discharging the trust about souls , appears further by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the prohibiting of presbyters to do any thing without him . sect. a saying , which whatsoever is thought of it , is the voice of the first antiquity . ignatius must begin the number in epist . ad trall . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is necessary that whatever ye do , ye do nothing without the bishop . and if , because it follows immediately , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , obey the presbyters , as the apostles . it be conceived , that that precept belongs to the people onely , and not to the presbyters , it will then be easily replyed , that to the whole matter the same ignatius in epist . ad magn. hath given it in a latitude , which had prevented this scruple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as the lord christ doth nothing without the father , so you also without the bishop ; you , whether presbyter , or deacon , or laick . once more in epist . ad smyrn . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let no man without the bishop do any of those things which belong unto the church . and the councel of laodicea hath ( almost in ignatius's words ) commanded the same . can. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the presbyters must do nothing without the consent of the bishop ; and many more acts and canons might be produced to the same purpose . and if against all these , this exception be made , that by the sect. force of such rules not only the power of the keyes , but also all other power belonging to the church is appropriated to bishops : to this the answer ( as it will be easie , so it ) will tend much to the clearing , and serve for the shutting up of this whole matter ; that indeed there is great truth in the objection , that all power in all matters ecclesiastical did primarily belong to the bishop , and no others , even presbyters themselves ; but as it was by the bishop communicated to them , not only by that first act of ordination , in giving them the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or first power , but also by a second act necessary to give them that other power to use or exercise that power , when they have it . this is the plain sense of the canon of the councel of arles , sect. can. . nec presbyteris civitatis sine episcopi praecepto amplius aliquid imperare , vel sine authoritate literarum ejus in unaquaque parochia aliquid agere . the presbyters of any city must not command any thing without the precept of the bishop , nor do any thing in any parish , without authority of the bishops letters licensing them to do it . thus , i say , it is not only for the power of the keyes , but even for the ignatius's saying last produced in epist . ad smyrn is by him thus in larged , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let that eucharist be reputed firm ( or rightly celebrated ) which is done by the bishop , or by him to whom he shall give leave ; and for baptisme , and that together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is not lawfull without the bishop , i. e. without his leave , either to baptize , or administer the sacrament , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but when he shall think fit according to gods pleasure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that all that you do , may be safe and firme . it seems the consent of the bishop was thought necessary to make it safe for any presbyter to doe any ecclesiastical act , or to give validity to it , when 't was done by him . so tertull. de cor . mil. non de aliorum quàm de praesidentium manu eucharistiam sumimus , we receive the eucharist from none but the presidents or governors . they are all one with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in just . mart. apol. . to whom that whole businesse is there remitted . so again tertul. de bapt . dandi baptismum jus habet summus sacerdos qui est episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi authoritate , propter ecclesiae honorem , quo salvo salva pax est . the chief priest who is the bishop , hath the power of giving baptisme , after him the presbyters and deacons , yet not without the authority of the bishop , for the honor of the church , which as long as it is preserved , the peace of the church will be preserved also . so when the scriptor . anon . quaest . in v. & nov. test . which is thought to be hilary , saith , in alexandriâ & per totum aegyptum , si desit episcopus , consecrat presbyter ; that in alexandria and aegypt , if there be no bishop , the presbyter consecrates , 't is clear by the mention of that liberty in the presbyter , as of a thing peculiar to aegypt , and that too , only when there is no bishop present , that regularly this power belong'd to none but the bishops , and to those presbyters to whom he gave it . where by the way will appear a great mistake of blondel and ( i suppose out of him , as his many other notes in his apparatus against bishops ) of salmasius , who in another place of hilary in eph. . cited by both of them , [ apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit episcopus , in aegypt the presbyters consigne , if the bishop be not present ] interpret consigning , either to be c confirmation or blessing ( i suppose absolving ) of penitents , or ordination . it being clear by the other place , just now cited , that consignatio signifies there consecrating of the sacrament , which is peculiarly call'd consecration , that of giving orders being ordination , not as he calls it ordinandorum consecratio ( which what it would grammatically signifie i know not , unlesse some benediction of them that are after to be ordain'd ) and it seems d blondel himself , p. . thinks it possible that consignatio may signifie the consecrating the elements , and by what follows , i conceive him to use it in that sense , saying , quod antiquis per solam episcoporum absentiam licuit , omnibus nunc absolutè licet , that which antiently was made lawful to all ( i. e. to presbyters ) onely by the bishops absence , is now absolutely lawfull to all : which i suppose he must mean of consecrating the sacrament , and i am sure could not reasonably believe of ordination . but this by the way , in passage , to confirm that assertion of ignatius sufficiently , that the church was by the apostles put into the hands of bishops , that ordinarily the consent of the bishop was required to enable a presbyter for any ecclesiastical act , the plenitude of power being by christ delivered down to the apostles , and through them to their successor-bishops , and by them dispenst out to others in that measure , and those portions , which they should think fit . and if it be demanded here , what it is which in our church sect. is given to presbyters in their ordination , as the full importance of the form then used [ receive the holy ghost : ] i answer , not all that is at any time contained under that phrase , when it is used in the consecration , but only the particulars which are after mentioned ; and so distinctly not the power of ordaining , which is not mentioned , and which is a particular , that never was regular for any presbyter in the antient church to assume to himself , or to any number of that order without a bishop over them ( and it would not be hard to give an account of all that hath been produced of late by salmasius , or any other from the origines alexandrini , or any other record of antiquity to the contrary , but that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and would be too large a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place : ) and if the practice of some few protestant churches in this last century be opposed against it ; then . i shal conceive those very unfit to be confronted against the vniversal for years ; and therefore secondly , i shall not doubt to affirm , that want is not only a defect , but a corruption among them . thirdly , it will be observable , that even those that want it among them , have formerly thought fit to excuse it by the case of necessity , and to acknowledge it their infelicity , but not their fault , ( their superiors in the state not permitting them to have bishops to ordain them ; ) and to give their judgements freely , that where episcopacy is , it is to be preserv'd ; and where it is not , it is to be wisht for ; which is a sufficient expression of their sense of it . and if the improsperousnesse of the cause of late in this kingdome hath moved some of them to change their style , i suppose there is no greater reason to depend on their judgements who are mov'd or wrought on by such extrinsecal arguments , then on his , who lately made no scruple to confesse , in giving his opinion of h. grotius , ego non probo prudentiam minùs felicem . he lik'd not the choice of that side which was not prosperous . and then fourthly , that this cannot be applicable by way of excuse to those who desire to cast out bishops where they are , on purpose that presbyters may usurp the power which belongs to them . secondly , not al power of binding and loosing , retaining or remitting , though those words are there added ( whose sins you do remit , &c. ) but so much as the bishops or governours are presumed to have thought fit to impart to them , and what that is , will appear by other acts of our church , especially by the liturgy : as . the declaring of absolution in the church after the confession of sins ; . the absolving them by way of prayer before the sacrament ( in case the bishop be not present ) and . in baptismal washing , and . upon speciall confession on the sick-bed ; or any time else which may by analogy or reduction come under these same heads , as in the case of private conference , and confession at other times : in all these the remitting of sins is allowed among us to a bare presbyter , not only by way of pronouncing , or declaring of absolution , but ( as a ministerial act ) actually absolving him , ( by christs authority committed to the presbyters ) from all his sins . sect. all which yet will not extend to the absolving from the band of excommunication , or proportionably to such power of binding , any further ( at most ) then to confer the first power of it , which if it be then given , doth yet remain ( as the other power of preaching , and administring the sacraments ) bound and restrained from being exercised , till they be further loosed by the donation of a second power , as luke . . when christ sent them the promise of his father , which was at the time of his breathing on them , joh. . . and gave them a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a grace , or first power of it , he yet restrains the exercise of it , till the actuall descent of the holy ghost , ( but tarry you in jerusalem till you be indued with power from above ) and that is not done in this church as it stands established by law , ( in this particular of the keys ) till he become a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a ruling elder , whether by being made bishop , or otherwise by having jurisdiction vested on him : and thus much will serve turn for the first enquiry , on whom the power of the keyes was bestowed . cap. iv. i come now to the second general enquiry , in what this power sect. consists , and shews it self : which i shall make no stay , or scruple to define in this proposition , that the power of binding and loosing in these places of the gospels , is e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a spiritual gift , or grace , and belongs to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in theoph. in mat. . the pardoning or punishing of faults , the former to the censures of the church , the ecclesiastical punishments of excommunication , and the later , the power of loosing , to that of absolving from them . this position i must vindicate from the contrary interpretations , or objections which are thought to keep these texts from concluding or countenaning any such censures . and of these , though they are not all to one sense , yet one interpretation i have chosen rather to insist on , because it hath not yet been considered by others , and because it seems to pretend to more antient grounds , then the rest formerly have done , i mean that , which proceeds by interpreting the phrases out of the writings of the talmudists , and from them concludes ( i shall sect. give it you in the learned writers own words ) that the power of binding and loosing is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facultas decernendi , explicandi , interpretandi , declarandi de ligato & soluto , quod planè millies in talmudicis ex vetustissimae ecclesiae illius usu denotat , quid vetitum ex lege sacrâ , quid permissum ( quemadmodum & graecis * scimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod ligare est , etiam interdicere sonare , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod est solvere , etiam permittere , seu obligationem sive auferre , sive nondum inductam monstrare , aut asserere ) adeóque ad docendi , seu interpretandi , seu theologiae praeceptivae munus solum ibi attinuit , &c. making it no more then the faculty of explicating , or interpreting what is lawful , what not , &c. in a word , no more then the power of deciding cases of conscience , seu sic de jure publicè respondendi illúdque dicendi , &c. the truth of which , i shall , with all due respect , for a while take boldnesse to examine . first , by yeelding , or for the present not denying , that there was or might be an office or power among the jews intrusted to some select elders of the people , of teaching and giving publique responses ( by way of deciding cases of conscience , though not by way of judicature ) what was to be accounted lawful , what not , both by the law of god , and the tradition of the antients ; which yet being supposed and granted , i must secondly interpose , that it is not thereby proved that this is called in the talmud , or by any of those writers , the power of binding and loosing , ( or that the power of binding and loosing , is by them so described ) but ( which is quite another thing ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a power of teaching or instructing , &c. what is lawful , what forbidden . nor will it be a proof of any force to conclude ( that which we have no reason to believe without a proof , or some kinde of affinity in the phrases , viz. ) that this power of binding is that power of teaching , and no more , only because there was such a power of teaching among the jews . for if we will judge à pari , experience proves the contrary , in this church of ours ; where though there be a power of binding , and a munus docendi , an office of teaching , &c. yet no man is bound from thence to acknowledge these two to be all one , but we have long believed them to be two faculties , or offices , the one given the apostles in the donation of the keys , the other in the mission to preach ; ( and though it were granted that we were mistaken in affirming them to be two such distinct faculties , yet would not that hinder the truth of this assertion , that in our books they are so distinguished , the question being now of the fact , & not of the right , and it being clear that in our practice our preaching is one thing , and our excommunicating is another ) and secondly , because 't is clear , there were two distinct powers among the jews , one of declaring in foro , as well as the other extra forum , one judicial , as well as the other doctrinal ; and sure it would be but a poore supersedeas , or prohibition to keep the sanhedrin among them from judging and punishing any offender brought before them , by telling them that there was among the jews a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a licence or faculty of declaring what was lawful , without any power of punishing ; for they would be soon able to say , that 't was by some other power ( and not by that of declaring ) that they undertook thus to judge and punish : and let me add that although the power among the jews were acknowledged only to be a civil power , yet might christ in his church set up an ecclesiastical power proportionable to that , and imitate that in the sacred , which they used onely in civil judicatures , as anon we shall have occasion to demonstrate . and thirdly , the phrase of the gospel , from whence we pretend , is not the facultas , faculty , or power of binding , but the donation of keyes , and with that , christs promise , that whatsoever they shall bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven : and therefore i conceive this will not be a convincing way of inferring this conclusion . we must therefore in the next place proceed to examine the sect. reasons , or arguments produced to perswade us , that the power of binding and loosing is no more then the power of declaring , &c. what is prohibited , what is permitted , the office of the casuist only . and these reasons i can finde to be but two . . that ligatum & solutum planè millies in talmudicis ex vetustissimo sect. ecclesiae illius usu denotat quid vetitum , quid permissum . . that in some places of greek authors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind and loose are used also . for the first of these , i shall first say , that if it were true , that sect. the idiom of the talmudists were ex vetustissimo ecclesiae illius usu , out of the most antient use of that church the law of moses , and the scriptures of the old testament , being the records of the most antient church , some footsteps of it might be expected there ; but i shall suppose there are no such to be found , not onely because i have there sought them in vain , but because i presume the author would have conceived any testimony from thence to be more authentick then the talmud , and so would certainly have produced them , if there had been any . secondly , for the talmudists acception of the phrases ; first i might say , that we are no way obliged to interpret greek words in the new testament by the use of the talmudists , because though the traditions concerning hebrew customes mentioned in the talmud may reasonably be thought antienter then christs time ( and so the testimonies brought thence be worth the heeding for such , and fit sometimes to be used for the explaining the like customs mentioned in the new testament ) yet the booke it self , and consequently the word in it ( which only we have now to consider ) was written , and set out long after the new testament , the misnaioth , or first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which contain the text of the talmud , being set forth by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tannaim , or doctores mischinici , about the year after christ , who as they professe to have had their beginning per continuam successionem acceptionis legis oralis à mose , saith buxtorf , by a continual succession of tradition of the oral law from the times of moses , so they acknowledge to end in r. jehudah hakkàdosch , ( stiled hannasi , the chief or prince , and by way of eminence rabbi , when he is cited in the gemara ) who lived under antoninus in the midst of the second century . after these tannaim , are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amoriam whom scaliger cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the authours of the gemara , and of that gemara , i. e. those disputations , and decisions of those learned men at jerusalem together with the mischna forementioned , doth the jerusalem-talmud consist , and was set forth f an . . as the collection of the like disputations and decisions on the mischna , which were had in academiis pombedithana , soriah , and nahardeah , make up the talmud babylonicum , which was compleated an . . this will be sufficient to shew that the words of christ , either as they were spoken by him , or repeated by the evangelists , ought not to be conceived to have imitated the phrases of the talmudists so long after them ; and there will be as little reason to believe ( what is left the only possible ) that the writers of the talmuds have imitated the phrases in the gospel , being themselves both jews and enemies to the christian religion ; and besides , if the idiom of the talmudists were of any weight in this matter , yet sure it is not sufficient to weigh down the contrary interpretation of the christian fathers , ( who are to us in all reason to be heeded , as the veryer talmudists of the two , the traditors and deliverers of our gospel , and creed unto us ) or the use of it among the jews that have written in greek , particularly of the author of ecclesiasticus , who is conceived to be the famous ben-sira , and with him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is punctually to forgive sins , c. . . however no way able to extend it self to that other place in st john , where the phrase is varyed , and the [ power of remitting and retaining of sins ] is given to the disciples , which will have no analogy with that which is here pretended ; for whatever should be granted of the words ligatum & solutum , b●ing all one with prohibited , &c. the retaining or remitting of sins , will be distant from it , for sure that will not be , to declare one mans sins unlawfull , anothers lawful , which it must do , if this interpretation be applyed to that place also . this being premised as an answer sufficient to take away sect. the force , or convincingnesse of this interpretation , i shall ex abundanti superadd , that i have used som care to examine those words , and to observe their importance in those , and other jewish writings : i shall give you an account of it . the hebrew word for binding is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i shall make no scruple to acknowledge , doth in the talmud many times signifie to forbid and prohibit ; and from thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a thing forbidden , prohibited , unlawful ; onely by the way i shal crave leave to shew you by what degrees it comes to signifie thus . the word in the old testament signifies to bind , ( and sure that is the best interpreter of idioms in the new ) and accordingly is rendred by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and is used commonly for binding with cords , and sometimes for that band , or obligation , that proceeds from having made a vow as numb . . . and is then rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 definition or decree , because by that vow i bind , or define , or determine my self to such a performance ; farther then this , 't is true this word is rendred by our translators , num. . . to [ forbid ] lord moses forbid them , where yet 't is observable that the forbiding there , which joshua desires , is applied to the persons , and and not to the thing , and signifies a checking , repressing , [ lord moses suffered them not , cohibeto eos ] as when by chiding , or disciplining , a superior restrains another ; according to which use of the word it is , that philip de aquin. makes it agree in sense with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prohibuit and cohibuit , forbidding , and repressing : and thus it will be very agreeable with our sense of binding , as that signifies church-censure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disciplining , repressing offenders by that means . in the whole scripture i believe there will not one place be found where that word is rendred by the . by any word signifying barely to prohibit , or the like , unlesse you will say it doth dan. . , , . where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a decree , and yet if you examine that place , and the nature of the decree , you shall finde , that it was not a bare prohibition , but a binding to punishment upon non-performance ( for the decree was there , v. . that whosoever shall ask any petition from either god or man , but of thee , o king , shall be cast into the den of lions ) and so the decree is that designation to the punishment of casting into the den , which is there call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 binding , as when the jugde decrees the offender to be excommunicated , that act of judicature is a decree , yet neverthelesse a binding , ( this binding being a judicial act , and from thence receiving its force of obligation ) and è converso in that a binding , or obligation to punishment ; that it is such a decree , to wit , a decree sub poenâ , that such a thing shall be done , so saith schindler , that the chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is obligavit ad obedientiam , aut poenam , binding to obedience , or penalty , and elias levita , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. every thing from which either sinne or punishment commeth unto him that doth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is said to be bound , or is call'd assur ; and therefore munster giving an account of the use of the word in the commentaries of the rabbins , saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies edictum aut sententiam , quâ quis tenetur , &c. by which any man is bound to punishment , if he obey it not . in like manner as he that vows , binds , ( and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 num. . . &c. belongs peculiarly to that ) because in vowing he doth either by words of execration explicitly , or else by intimation implicitly , call punishment upon himself , if he perform not his vow , and so binds himself to that punishment . and so still the word [ binding ] by denoting a decree in this kinde , doth not at all vary from our present sense of binding by way of censure , which now we contend for , but rather confirm and concurre with it ; and so i conceive ( in those excerpta about excommunication , which j. coch hath set down in latine out of maimonides ) those words of maimonides do import , quod totus israel decrevit , non observat princeps , &c. what all israel decreed , the prince observes not : he speaks of inflicting anathema's , and i shall grant that the word rendred decrevit , is in the original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word for binding ( in reference to which it follows in the next words , by him set down , remittitur à laeso , si ei satisfecerit , &c. the injur'd person remits , if satisfaction be made him ) and from thence shall conclude , that even when it is to be rendred decrevit , it may yet note punishment , particularly that of excommunication , or decree ad excommunicandum , sentence to punishment being a kinde of legislation , and all binding to that , an act of command or power . having thus considered the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i shall as freely grant sect. that the participles , or nounes deduced from thence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the rabbins or talmudists , signifie very often a thing forbidden , prohibited , unlawfull ( though in the old testament again the nouns there used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie not so , but are taken in a regular sense , and so rendred by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a band , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an ordinance or decree , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bound or imprison'd , and the like , and not the thing unlawfull or prohibited ) which yet being granted and added to what was before granted of the talmudical use of the verb , comes not home to prove the objecters conclusion , which is this , that the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies among the talmudists , decernere , explicare , interpretari , declarare , de ligato , vel quid ligatum sit , i. e. quid vetitum : to decern , explicat , interpret , declare concerning a thing bound , or what is bound , i. e. what is forbidden : for to prove this sense of the verb , that other supposed use of the participle is not sufficient , any more then my confessing amatum to signifie a thing loved , will conclude me to affirm , that amo signifies to declare a thing to be loved , which we know signifies formally to love , and nothing else . that the verb signifies to forbid , or decree , per modum legislationis sect. ( which is all that could be deduced from these premises , ( though supposed true ) of ligatum in the talmud signifying nothing but illicitum ) 't is acknowledged , but that will not serve the turn , thereby wholly to evacuate & nullifie the power of the keyes , which is pretended to belong to the church from these texts ; if the apostles had this power to forbid or decree , this were . more then to interpret or declare a thing to be unlawful , the office of making laws is more then that of the casuist , or counsellour , or preacher : and beside , secondly , it would be but reason to suppose those decrees backt with some power of censures against resisters , and so indeed the word imports , to decree sub poenâ under penalty , and not simply to decree . but the thing for which this talmudical interpretation contends , and which we oppose , is that this power of binding is onely a power of declaring , and explaining a thing to be unlawful ; and for this from all that is pretended , or offer'd to our view , i have after all my search no temptation to suspect , that even the talmudists themselves do use the word . the verb with them may signifie [ to prohibit ] and the nouns , and participle , a thing prohibited , or unlawful , and that is the utmost that buxtorf could observe of the words among the talmudists , or that the author of the interpretation offers any proof for [ ligatum & solutum , i. e. millies in talmudicis vetitum lege sa●râ aut permissum ; ] and if these notions will be taken , then the meaning of [ whatsoever yee shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven ] will be , that whatsoever they shall by decree prohibit on earth , shall be prohibited , or unlawfull in heaven ; which were onely to exchange the power of censures , for the power of giving laws , which , as it is more then that of the casuist , so , i conceive , is never to be found any where without power of punishing also . sect. this i conceive to be answer sufficient to all that is produced , or pretended , even upon supposition that the talmud were the umpire , or the use of words there the best nomenclature for the new testament . but then over and above , we must again remember , that this talmudical observation will be but little conviction to us , who finde that the writers of the new testament have no sympathy with the talmud in this matter , but use variety of other words to expresse [ commanding , or decreeing , or forbidding ; ] such are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like , but never 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or any of that making ; and in like manner have other phrases to expresse a thing unlawful , or forbidden ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like , but never 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or any thing like it : neither is it , i conceive , pretended , that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have any such sense in any other place of the new testament ; but onely in these two , which are ( parallel one to another , and so ) in effect but one , and that the matter of the present controversie , and so a petitio principii , when 't is made use of to confute him that concludes the censures from thence . adde unto these yet farther , that even in the talmud it self sect. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( of which this observation is made ) signifies binding too , and that not only in the obvious vulgar senses , but in that also which we here contend for , of binding by censures , or binding over to punishment , ( obstrinxit ad poenam , as schindler renders the chaldee , and as elias levita the rabbinical word , be bound over to punishment ) and so with great reason may be resolved ( even when it signifies to prohibite ) to belong only to such penal prohibitions , or at least , ( belonging at first to such only ) to have fallen after in common use ( which sure hath been observ'd to bend words from their primitive sense ) to signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all kind of decrees or prohibitions : which surely will not exclude , but contain under it that which we now contend for . i shall shew the strength of this argument by a parallel , as i conceive , exactly proportion'd to it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in arabick signifies millies , very ordinarily [ to g forbid , or resolve any thing to be unlawful , from thence the noun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is vetitum , any thing prohibited or forbidden , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prohibition ; suppose now in some discourses concerning the kinds or degrees of excommunication among the iews , or of the power of the sanhedrin , or indifferently in any jewish writing , i should meet with the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and render it in latine prohibuit , interdixit , and a friend ingenuously admonish me that it ought to be rendred anathematizavit , devovit ; would it be thought reason or ingenuity in me to reply to my admonisher , no , but i have rendred it aright , for in arabick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies prohibuit , and therefore 't is but an ignorance in the arabick dialect , to render the hebrew anathematizavit , and but a popular error ( to be reform'd from hence ) in them , that conceive there was any kind of excommunication among the iewes , meant by that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas 't is clear , that word signifies onely prohibition , and therefore belongs among the jews only ad theologiae praeceptivae munus , or to the office of teaching and interpreting , what is [ vetitum , vel interdictum lege sacrâ . ] if , i say , i should deal thus with any peece of plain hebrew , my first question would be , whether this account of my rendring that word would be accepted ; and if not , my second now is , whether the processe of the present arguing hath not done the like , or somewhat more . sect. this wil be yet clearer , by proceeding to consider the words which are opposite to it , ( and to which this author refers when he saith , solutum millies in talmudicis licitum aut permissum ; a thing loosed is taken a thousand times in the talmud for lawful or permitted ) such are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which i also acknowledge to be taken amongst the talmudists for licitum & permissum , lawful and unforbidden . sect. of which yet somewhat must be further observed , . that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from whence they come , in hiphil signifies solvere , to loose ; ( as indeed that which hath no obligation laid on it , which is loose from all band to obedience , or obligation to punishment , is properly resolv'd to be lawful ) but then this hinders not , but that the verb in hiphil may still signifie , ( and indeed even among the rabbins ordinarily doth ) to loose , both properly & metaphorically ; properly , as to loose or unty those that are bound with cords , or such like bands , properly so called , as ps . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solvite vinctos , loose those that are bound , & ps . . . the king sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and loosed them , where the chaldee paraphrase reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & solvit eum , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and psal . . . dominus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui solvit vinctos , loosing men out of prison : or metaphorically , and that in a double sense , either as it is applied to doubts , or difficulties , and then 't is to dissolve them ; or to persons , and then 't is to let loose or unoblige , and in this latter sense j. coch cites it ex cap. . nedarim , that on whom the anathema or cherem is inflicted coram , or in his presence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it shall not be remitted to him , but before his face also : where this word signifies clearly remission or absolution , and that from a sentence of excommunication ; so again in that constitution of the law cited by buxtorf , the word is twice used most clearly in our sense , he that continues in niddui dayes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and desires not to have it loosed , they separate him , or put him under niddui again , & if he continue so dayes more , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and desires not to have it loosed , ( or as he renders it , relaxate ) they excommunicate , or put him under cherem ; & therefore schindler mentioning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the rabbins use of it , renders it simply solutio , loosing ; and there is a saying in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which it bears this sense . if any man swear in this form , [ if this be true , let me be excommunicate in this world , and in the other ] and be perjured , he cannot be absolved by any . another word synonymous to this , and ordinarily used by sect. the talmudists is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that primarily signifying ( as the other did ) to loose or dissolve , as to loose cords which tye , or camels which are tyed with them , is by the talmudists taken for h absolving , remitting , forgiving , pardoning ; so saith elias levita in thisby , it is used by the rabbins for pardoning and remitting , as , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the merciful god pardon hillel ! and in the prayer that begins , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all shall be remitted , or pardon'd . so in a place cited by coch out of gem. moed . caton . c. . quid remedii ? age cum ipso 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut remittat tibi , that he may loose you from the excommunication : and again , adi principem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he may remit it to you . so c. . nedarim , steti coram r. huna , cum audiens quandam nomen dei in vanum proferre , eam excommunicaret , & statim eâ praesente anathema relaxaret ; there the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used again , for loosing in our sense , relaxating of , or freeing from a censure of excommunication , directly all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 remittatur ipsi , following in the same place , which even now we produced . a third word there is ordinarily used to this purpose , of sect. the same importance , and that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so in i moed katon , sapiens potest seipsum excommunicare , a wiseman may excommunicate himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and free or loose himself again : and so in that out of . nedarim , in j. coch , excommunicationem posse è vestigio rescindi , there the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in both , contrary to excommunication . by the little that hath been said , it may sufficiently appear , sect. that to bind and to loose may be found even among the talmudists to signifie somewhat beside interpreting or declaring , quid vetitum , quid permissum sacrâ lege , what is forbidden , what permitted by the law of god , as that referres simply ad solum docendi , & interpretandi , vel theologiae praeceptivae munus , onely to the office of teaching , and interpreting , and of preceptive divinity , &c. and that 't is no way contrary to the stile or idiom of those writers to affirm , that binding and loosing belongs to censures , ( and not only to stating of cases of conscience ) even if the talmud were our judge : for sure there is nothing more ordinary in that , then to heare of loosing them who are excommunicate ; which must needs imply , that they which were so excommunicate , till they were loosed , were supposed bound also . sect. and therefore it may be observed ( in passing ) that the learned h. grotius having in his notes on matth. . . made this talmudical observation , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bind , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to loose , are by the hebrewes attributed to the interpreters of the law , ( which seems something agreeable to this observation ) conceiving the keyes there spoken of , to be the keyes of knowledge , luk. . . doth yet on matth. . . interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 binding and loosing there , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 retaining and remitting , joh. . . and in his notes on that third place acknowledges , that thus the apostles did remit , either when by baptisme they received into the church those that professed the faith , or when after the testimony of serious repentance they received into their communion those that had been lapst or fallen , and applies to it that of the cor. . . to whom ye forgive any thing , i forgive also , ( which belongs clearly to the excommunicate , incestuous person , in the former epistle , who was it seems by this ecclesiastical course brought to a capacity of remission , and absolution by that time , and now absolved by st. p●ul ) and for the conjunction of both these senses in the interpretation of that place , he produces s. cyprians authority , ep. . to which i shall only adde , that in another part of his notes upon the gospels , luk. . . this very judicious man ( whose education might have given him as great prejudices against the prelacie , as any other ) hath given us a very excellent tract concerning this subject of excommunication , or censures ; and at last resolves out of st. cyprians epistles , totum ferme christianae disciplinae vigorem in istis judiciis constitisse , &c. that well nigh all the vigor of christian discipline consisted in those judgments of the church . quem morem qui ex ecclesiâ sublatum volunt , gravissimum infligunt vulnus disciplinae , quam corruptis adeò christianorum moribus ad veterem severitatem reduci maximum sit operae pretium , tantùm abest , ut ulla ejus pars reliqua laxari debeat , &c. which custome they which would remove out of the church , inflict a most grievous wound on discipline , which ( now in this notable corruption of the manners of christians ) it were most excellently worth any mans pains to have reduced to its antient severity , so far is it from being fit , that any remaining member or part of it should be loosed , or put out of joynt ; and in another place , disciplinam morum ego non refugio , ut modò pax coeat , nulla futura sit tam severa , cui non libenter me meosque sim subjecturus . for the discipline in order to manners , i would willingly subject my self , and all that belong to me , to the severest that could be brought into the church . but this by the way . for the perfecting of this answer , and satisfying all the contrary sect. appearances fully , it must yet farther be observed , that there is one thing presumed , and not undertaken to be proved in this objection , without which all the observations from the talmud are utterly invalid and unconcluding , and that one thing not at all to be granted by us , being indeed , as i conceive , very far from truth . it is this ; that by the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ whatsoever ye shall bind , &c. ] is noted the thing , and not the person , for so that interpretation requires [ what thing soever ye shall declare to be unlawful , &c. ] whereas it 's no new thing in all languages and dialects to put the neuter for the masculine gender , things for persons , and that in the new testament , is not without example ; as joh. . . 't is our saviours dialect ( and it is the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we have now in hand ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ &c. whatsoever , i. e. all those men , v. . and so joh. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expounded by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. v. . every thing , i. e. every one , that is born of god. thus when s. john , apoc. . . speaketh of man , and other the like inhabitants of the new jerusalem , he saith , there shall not enter in there any thing that defileth , or that worketh abomination , or a lye ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the neuter , which is , no doubt , no unclean abominable person , &c. so thess . . . the apostle speaking of antichrist , saith , that he exalteth himself above all that is called god ; where the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all ] in the neuter , sure signifies in the masc●line , every person that partakes of that name , the king and potentates of the earth ; so heb. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the neuter , for the lesser or inferior person , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for no man ; and ch. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for him that is lame : with which examples the phrase in this text bea●●s such proportion , that it cannot be unjust to resolve , that it is at least possible , that the neuters here may in sense be masculine also ; which very possibility were enough to evacuate the talmudical observation , the accommodation of which to this place supposes the neutral sense of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be certainly there meant , and is not reconcilable with the masculine . for to say [ whomsoever you shall declare to be unlawful or prohibited , &c were not sense ; whereas on the other side , the granting the neutral sense , would not so necessarily destroy our pretensions , this rendring of the words being proper enough , and home to our turn , [ whatsoever yee shall bind on earth , i. e. whatever sins of any trespasser ye shall conclude under the censures ] or again , whatsoever punishment you shall bind on mens shoulders ( the speech being still limited to this one sort of punishments ) it shall be bound or ratified in heaven : though the truth is , the personal notion of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being so agreeable to other phrases of the scripture , i have no temptation to doubt but that it is the importance of the place [ whatsoever , i. e. whomsoever you shall bind on earth , by the power of the keyes , shut out of this lower kingdom of heaven , conclude under the ecclesiastical bands , or censures , &c. shall be bound in heaven , &c. ] i. e. by god ratified there , ( supposing that what they do , they do according to the rule , ) this is most commodious & agreeable to the mention of the keyes ( to which 't is annext , matt. . ) which certainly denote power of receiving , or excluding not some thing , but some person , & to the trespassing brother supposed to become refractary ( to which 't is annext , matth. . ) who is still a person also ; to which i will onely add that in the beginning of that discourse , matth. . . there is another manifest example of a neuter word in a masculine sense , the sonne of man came to save , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which was lost , i. e. those little ones , v. . of whom god would not that one should perish , v. . sect. to this account of that first argument ( sufficient i conceive to prove that this interpretation hanging thus loose from the talmudical use of the word , is not in the rendring this text of the new testament , necessary to be received ) i shal yet farther add these two observations more , . that the talmudical sense cannot have place in the latter part of christs speech [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall be bound in heaven ] and therefore will be improbable in the former . for sure the binding in heaven ] is somewhat more then gods interpretation or declaration of the lawfulnesse of any thing ; and if the church should be thought unfit to have any kind of power , yet heaven is acknowledged capable of it ; besides , the form and composure of the words will enforce , that if that pretended talmudical sense were admitted in both places , gods declaring any thing to be lawful , or unlawful , must be consequent to the ministers declaration here , which will be very unreasonable ; for though gods censures may by vertue of his promise follow the censures of the church , yet gods laws ( for such are his declarations of what is law ) sure cannot , or if they do , this will be a great assurance that there is some power in the church , when it is so backt by god. a second argument to this purpose may be taken from the sect. analogy of scripture , or comparing the two places in matth. of binding and loosing , with that third in john of remitting and retaining ; which i conceive is proved to belong to the same matter , whatsoever that should prove to be , but then will not be so capable of the talmudical interpretation , for sure that will not be so clear from those writers also , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to retain , hath that sense among the talmudists , which was imposed upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind , which for the present i shall take for granted , till some proof be offer'd to the contrary , and in that found the power of the church , ( supposing it were not deducible from s. matthew ) and then by analogie of those places in s. matthew , with this in s. john , apply it to those places also . now for the second proof which is offer'd by the same hand sect. against the received interpretation , the places in greek authors where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or binding is vouched to signifie forbidding onely , though i might justly say , that forbidding is much more then declaring , or interpreting a thing to be forbidden , that an act of power , and not onely of doctrine , of a magistrate , and not onely of a casuist ; and secondly , that we are not wont to require the dictions of the new testament , which have so much of the old testament hebrew idiom in them , to be tryed by attical heathen greek writers , y●t shall i not now need to refuse that trial which is here offer'd . two onely places there are produced ( or in the margent appointed to be consulted with ) to purpose , eustathius and didymus in hom. ii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and inscription . isidis ap . diod. sic. l. . these two places i have with all attention considered , and shall truly report what i have found in them . sect. eustathius brings several interpretations of these words in hom. the first of which is , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which that you may understand , you must know the occasion of homers speech , it was this ; patroclus was slain , and achilles knew not how to help him , or avenge his death , for which he hath very passionate sorrow , even to wish he were dead himself , because he could not avenge that death of his , this he thus expresses in homers language : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i would , or , o that i might presently dye , in that i was not able to avenge the death of my companion ! he dyed far from his countrey , and mars , or the fate of war hath bound , or hindred , or restrained me from being avenger of his blood : where it must be observed , that mars did not give any precept or interdict to achilles not to avenge patroclus , or declare that it was unlawful , but only that the fate of the war had not so far favour'd him , as that he could find any means to do it , which he calls binding or hindring him ; and therefore didymus , to whom we are referred , renders it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hindred , and explains the whole matter by this paraphrase : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the fight having deprived me of my arms , would not suffer me to go out and help patroclus ; and so it seems the forbidding , by which they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is only that of hindring or stopping ( which is a natural effect of the vulgar notion of the word , as it signifies hinding , he that is bound being hindred or stopt from his course or action ) not of prohibiting or interdicting . but then moreover you must consider , that the same eustathius and didymus observe in that last verse many different lections , as for example , one especially , in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mars in the nominative case , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hurt , or mischief in the genitive , which reading they reject not , but accordingly explain the place , and render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , damni averruncatorem ▪ and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , patroclus had need of me , to avert that mischief from him ; and this , saith eustathius , the antients thus paraphrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mars wanted my action , or the help which might have come by me ; and aristarchus somewhat to the same purpose , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he wanted me to avert the danger of the warre ; and agreeably didymus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which different lection thus explained by them , takes off all colour , or pretence of affirming that binding signifies prohibiting , or interdicting in that place , but onely standing in need of , which is another sense of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so still 't is apparent , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may signifie somewhat else in that place , and if it doe signifie binding , and that be rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to forbid , that yet it must not be taken in that sense , that forbidding signifies preceptive interdiction , especially not the bare pronouncing a thing unlawfull , ( the sense which 't is brought to prove , and which alone is against our pretensions ) but only forbidding , as when the matter forbids , hindring , or restraining , or binding from a possibility of doing it , and just so the hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which philip de aquin. renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 binding , ordinarily signifies to hinder . as for the other place referr'd to , the inscription of isis , thus sect. it lies in diodorus siculus , l. . p. . of stephanus's edition . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am isis the queen of the whole region , educated by , or under mercury , and whatsoever i shall bind , no body can loose . what advantage can be taken at these words thus lying ( & not restrained , by either antecedents , or consequents ) toward the justifying or approving of the foremention'd interpretation , or acception of the phrase , for declaring , or pronouncing of the unlawfulnesse of a thing , i do not fully discern ; for why may not the later words passe for an interpretation of the former , and so the sense be , that she being queen of the whole region had all power in her hands , to do , or constitute ( not onely what lawes , but ) what punishments she would , and then , that no body had power to undo whatsoever she thus did , to rescind , or loose , or absolve what she so bound ? in as wide a sense as this , i could produce many places in greek authors , particularly a passage of proclus out of plato in his sixth discourse about the eternity of the world ; where to prove the world cannot be dissolv'd by the creator of it , and yet by none but the creator , he expresses it often in these two words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] meaning by binding , the composing the whole compages of the world , and by loosing the destroying , or , as we say , the dissolution of it : this , i confesse , is nothing to our sense of the words , ( and as little to that other ) and yet very neer as much as the place now cited . being left to guesse what was the occasion of producing this place to that other purpose , i shall think it possible that it was occasion'd by this , that in the margent stephanus hath set 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which if it were conceived to be a scholion , might be taken to be a testimony , that binding signifies making of lawes , as far as that scholiasts authority would reach . for the present , i shall suppose that this is it , because i cannot think of any other way to help this medium to inferre the desired conclusion in any degree , and yet make no question but there was some : but then , if that be it , i must interpose , . that that in the margent is not a scholion , but an emendation , or various lection , as the mark prefixed signifies ; and then seeing 't is assured , that diod. sic. or the inscription it self which he sets down , had not both these readings , it will thence follow , that either it was truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( and then there is no authority from thence for any signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or else that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and then there is no appearance of proof , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and this is sufficient to the matter in hand , which part soever of the dilemma be accepted . sect. but having said this , i shall superadde ex abundanti my opinion of the importance of that inscription , viz. that isis the queen of that region , was taught or instructed by mercury in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hidden philosophy ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dark representations of truth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the enigmatical wisdome which their theologie was full of , mention'd by k plut. de is . & osir . and that no body was able to reveale , or expound her riddles or mysteries . the ground of this my interpretation is , an inscription of isis's temple mention'd by plutarch , immediately upon his discourse of that enigmaticall theology in the place foremention'd . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the temple of minerva ( which they take for isis ) in saos had such an inscription ( not literally this , but such an one , or to this purpose ) i am every thing that hath been , and that is , and that shall be , and my vaile ( or what i shall think fit to conceale ) no mortall hath ever been able to discover . this seems to be a paraphrase of that other inscription in diodorus , and then though the words differ ( which the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ not the very same , but such an one ] intimates ) yet the sense of the one seems to be fully exprest by the other , & then the conclusion will be this , that as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in diodorus , signifying no more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to reveale in plutarch ( as to loose a riddle , a secret , is to reveal it , to which the key of knowledge in the scripture may also referre , ) belongs not at all to the matter in hand , or declaring a thing to be lawfull , so the contrary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not applyable to that purpose of forbidding , or declaring a thing to be forbidden ▪ and so much for that testimony also . to all this which hath been said the reader may farther add , sect. that suidas , hesychius , and phavorinus have no other notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ then that of binding in bands , and therefore render it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●nd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 onely in hesychius in one place i find these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which words stand in need of some emendation ( as a very great part of that book doth ) & may be thus set right , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man bound by law , i. e. a prisoner ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bound , i. e. a prisoner of the law ; or else this seems to be the designe of them , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in a sense proportionable to that wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 law , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a band , as indeed every law is a band to all those that are under it : but then you may observe , that this is a very distant sense of the word from that which was cited from the talmudists , ( where the thing bound is said to be forbidden , ) for here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies bound , or commanded , and so this ( beside that it gives the church a power from christ , of commanding and making laws , to which in any probability the power of punishing would be consequent ) is little to our present disquisition . sect. i cannot satisfie my self , that i have vindicated my position sufficiently , unlesse unto the consideration of the former objections , i add also some few words in taking notice of what the socinians have resolved to this matter ; which i shall transcribe out of volkelius , de ver . cel . l. . c. . where having exprest the power of binding and loosing , to be the power , alios quidem reatu peccatorum quodammodo constringendi , alios verò ab illo absolvendi ; of binding some in some manner under the guilt of sins , but of absolving others , he resolves this to consist in this onely , ut pro authoritate muneris , quod tanquam christi ligatus sustinebat , aliis quidem nempe omnibus in christum credentibus , atque ex animo ei obtemperantibus , remissionem peccatorum , ipsius nomine offerret , aliis verò poenas sempiternas denunciaret . that by authority of that office which he sustains as an embassador of christ , he should offer in his name remission of sins to some , to wit , to all that believe in christ , and cordially obey him , but denounce unto others eternall punishments . so that in effect the power of binding and loosing should be onely the power of offering remission of sins to penitents , that is , preaching the gospel , and no more . sect. this magisterial affirmation having no tender or offer of proof annext to it , will need no long stay to consider it ; what ever is in it of poyson , or danger , will easily be dispell'd by an antidote , which the very same shop in another box will yield us , and that is another very distant interpretation of that power of binding and loosing , c. . of that book ( how faln from the same pen of him that had before said in eo tantum fuisse constitutam , ut remissionem offerret , &c. that it consisted onely in the offering of remission , &c. or , by what means reconcilable with that sense , i will not go about to conjecture ) where affirming the power of exterminating impious christians , to be intrusted to the church , he proves it , . from the words of st. paul about the excommunicating the incestuous corinthian ; then from this , that christ speaking of the contumacious trespasser refusing to obey the church , and thereupon commanding him to be accounted as a heathen , and a publican , in coelo ratum esse dicit , quicquid ecclesia in terris ligat , aut solvit , affirms that to be ratified in heaven , whatsoever it is the church on earth bindes or looses , i. e. quoscunque vel à fidelium commercio segregat , vel in eorum numerum reponit , whomsever the church separates from the commerce of the faithfull , or restores to the number of them : where i conceive it apparent , ( unlesse some very close sophisme lye hid under plain words ) that binding signifies disterminating , excommunicating , segregating from the commerce of the faithfull , which i willingly embrace , as the concession of that man , and the sense of his fellows , very fit to be confronted to his former negation , especially being backt , as it is , with a conjecture of his ( which i have long thought to be most probable ) that st. paul forbidding timothy , to lay hands suddenly on any man , tim. . . lest he partake of other mens sins , refers to the reception of penitents that had been formerly excommunicate . for such , he truly saith , were wont to be received into the church again by imposition of hands . evidences of that custome he brings from the narrations of sect. victor , about the vandalick persecution , l. . qui nobis poenitentiae manus collaturi sunt , & reconciliationis indulgentiam , obstrictos peccato peccatorum vinculis soluturi : who confer on us the hands of penitence , and favour of reconciliation , loosing from the bands of sinnes , those which are bound by sin . where the poenitentiae manus , the hands of penitence , and loosing from bands of sin , belong to those which were bound , but now are reconciled : and the like from the th canon of the councell of carthage , dist . . presbyteris ac diaconis , si quando de gravi aliquâ culpâ convicti à ministerio remoti fuissent manus non imponerentur , ut poenitentibus , vel aliis ex fidelium laicis . that presbyters and deacons , when upon conviction of any grievous fault they are removed from the ministry , should not have imposition of hands , as penitents , &c. and out of fulgentius , ep. . de conjug . illâ aegrotâ acceptâ manus impositione poenitentiam secundum morem , quem habet christiana religio , peregit ; she performed her penance by receiving imposition of hands according to the manner observed in the christian religion . to these you may add that of alcimus ep. . manus impositionem adhibete converso ab haeresi ; they that were recover'd from heresie , were to have imposition of hands , a signe of absolution . interdictâ nominis ejus in posterum , si ex corde convertitur , mentione ; and his name no longer to be mention'd in the bedrole of the hereticks . and the author contra praedestin . l. . non ausi sunt ecclesiarum pontifices manum imponere poenitenti , nisi confessionem voluntariam ostendenti . the bishops durst not impose hands on the penitent , unlesse he exprest a voluntary confession ; and many the like . and in the chron. of jo. gerundens . speaking of the arrians synod of toledo , congregated by leovigildus , one of the canons is , de romanâ religione ad nostram catholicam fidem venientes non debere baptizari , sed tantummodo per manus impositionem & communionis perceptionem ablui . they which came over to them from that which they counted heresie , should only have imposition of hands , &c. and not baptism anew , and many other passages there are of that kind . this is a very probable interpretation , as antient as s. cyprian , and may , by the way , farther be attested not only by the analogy between absolution , and healing diseases , of which imposition was the ceremony , but also by the context it self , where v. . is set down the proceeding , by way of censure , against a presbyter , and the publike checking of sinners , v. . a charge to do all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. . without prejudging , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing by favour or inclination ; and then immediately follows , lay hands on no man suddenly ; absolution very properly annext to censures , ( and i conceive a caution , that by knowing mens sinnes , he be not brought to partake with them , but that he keep himself unpolluted , in the remainder of that verse , upon which the . verse may follow pertinently , though as in a parenthesis , that timothy may drink a little wine for his health , and not incurre that danger of partaking of other mens sinnes ) and then v. . a rule of direction for that whole matter , that as some mens sins are conspicuous before-hand , and so bring them per modum meriti praecedentis , by way of precedent merit , to censure ; and in some other men the sins follow after censure also , as when there is no reformation upon censures , ( in which case there must be no absolution ) so in like manner also mens good works ( in case they do reform upon censure ) are , or must be manifest before absolution , ( and therefore the antient canons require the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 good works or almes-deeds in the penitent to prepare for absolution ) and those that are not so , ( i. e. their not bringing forth such worthy fruits of repentance ) cannot be concealed , and so by that means timothy may discern who are fit to be absolved , who not , and so all the context clearly belongs to this matter . but this by the way . onely having so pregnant an opportunity , i shall add what sect. i conceive concerning the imposition of hands , heb. . . joyned there with the doctrine of baptismes . the apostle there had mention'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the discourse of the beginning of christ , i. e. the first things that we read of in the gospel ; and he refers them , as i conceive , to four heads , . repentance , or change from dead works ; . faith on god : these two he calls the doctrine of baptismes , & of the imposition of hands , either by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( of which i gave you l examples in the sacred stile ) and then the doctrine of baptismes will be appropriated to faith on god , unto which men are baptiz'd , and the doctrine of imposition of hands to repentance , which is the preparatory to absolution ; or else both of these together , faith and repentance , must be affirmed to be the doctrine both of baptismes in the plural , and of imposition of hands too , and that both as it denotes confirmation , act. . . parallel to christs blessing ( of those which had been baptized before ) with laying his hands on them , and absolution too , parallel to his laying hands on the sick , luke . when he healed them , which is called loosing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from a band , luk. . . and all this will be proper : for both the baptisme of john , and of christ , required of them that came to it , repentance and faith ; and confirmation being but a kind of sealing , and repetition of the covenant , and the promises made in baptisme , ( without water , onely by laying on of hands ) was so too ; and absolution , though it peculiarly required repentance , yet it included also faith on god , and peculiarly that branch of it , the believing remission of sins upon repentance . besides these , there follow two doctrines more , the resurrection , and eternal judgment , which may be also reduced to these two heads , the resurrection to that of faith in baptisme , of which it was a peculiar part , ( the trina immersio , the three dippings , so antient in the church , referring distinctly to his rising the third day , and so perhaps the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . i. e. in s. chrysostomes opinion , being baptized into the faith , or belief of that article , intimated , or briefly exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the dead ) and everlasting judgment to that of repentance from dead works , which if not repented from , i. e. forsaken , would bring that judgement upon men . but this by the way , and a● a conjecture incident , and agreeable to the former . sect. i have thus far proceeded in this matter for the removing of prejudices , & vindicating our position from two sorts of objecters , & might now think it reasonable to proceed to a third view , viz. of erastus's structure , and all that he hath said of this matter ; but this would require so intolerable a length , that if i should apply my self to it , i should both tire the most patient reader , and leave the rest which i have to say on the other points at first proposed , to be overwhelmed or lost under the shade of so vast a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . some prudence therefore there will be need of for the compounding of this businesse , that i may neither too much despise , nor too largely prosecute this objecter : and the most convenient middle betwixt these two extremities , i suppose , will be , . to bring you acquainted with the person , . to give you an account how he fell out , or on what occasion his quarrell to excommunication began . . to view the place , and the weapons , at which we are likely to meet , i. e. to follow him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · so far , till we see directly what the state of the question is , wherein the point of the difference between us consists ; and then to put off the combat , till the spectators are ready to call for it , and shall professe themselves armed with patience to fit it out . sect. for the first of these , the view of the person , i shall say no more , then that he was a dr. of physick in geneva , who having fallen on an age when novelties were in fashion , ( the bishop turn'd out , and a government brought in , which within few years before was acknowledg'd so new , that calvin was fain to write to the protestants in helvetia , that they would but signifie their approbation of it , and could not obtain that neither , though soon after , it undertook to be the only divine modell in the world since christs time ) thought it not unreasonable to step out of his profession , and offer to the world his novelty too ; and having in his own profession exprest in some particulars , a zeale , which others of his faculty will affirm to have been without knowledge , ( as when he speaks of the preparation of stibium , or crocus metallorum , and the antinomian receits , he resolves that no man can salvâ conscientiâ , with a safe conscience administer them , which yet every physitian knows now by daily experience to be very useful and safe ) it will not be matter of wonder , if he committed the like mistake in the businesse of excommunication ( a medicine more out of the proper rode of his studies ) and conceived that poysonous noxious recipe in the church , ( judging , it seems , at a first view , that they which were most wicked needed rather to be invited to the church , then driven from it ) which the experience of all christian churches , and the advice of christ himselfe , as a physitian of souls , have concluded to be very harmlesse and medicinal . i shall say no more of his person , but that he doth not seem by his book to have considered much of divinity , save only of this one head , and in order to that present controversie . and then though i should not make an objection against an author , that his book and he were of divers professions , and faculties , because he that is not a divine by profession , may yet , if he have no calling , have spent his whole time on divinity , and if he have undertaken another profession , may yet neglect that , that he may spend his time in this nobler faculty , or may have those excellent abilities , that he may attain to as great an height in two faculties , as others of meaner parts may do in one , yet , if it appear by any sure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that that physitian which writes in divinity , hath studied little more divinity then at that time a few moneths could help him to , and thinks this provision sufficient to furnish him , to write contrary to the whole judgement of the church before him , i may as safely commend a divine , that when he is sick first of a disease , then , through impatience of his physitian , shall by looking over some physick-hooks take confidence to control his physitian , and that he may do so the more authoritatively , cast off all the antient masters of that faculty before him , or affirm that in them he finds nothing contrary to his opinion , when they that have read them all , know there is nothing more contrary . this i have said , because this doctor makes his complaint of the opposition , and contempt , and affronts put upon him by those friends , to whom before the setting out he had communicated his book , objecting , saith he , nothing against him , but that he was besides his calling , which therefore with him , i confesse , to be an unsufficient argument against his book , if it have no other to joyn with it ; and i rather conceive , that it was a civility in his friends which used it , then an entire and sole objection , designed by them as a means to take him off from a confidence that he had done well ( by telling him , he was no competent judge whether he had or no , and advising him , that being a stanger in that faculty , he should not depend too much upon his own judgement ) rather then an acknowledgement , that they had nothing else to object to him . and if civilities be apt to be thus mistaken , the truth is , a little plain dealing were a more friendly office . i shall therefore have no necessity of replying to his answers to those friends : that [ scrutamini scripturas ] and [ probate spiritualia ] [ search the scriptures ] and [ try the things that are spiritual ] were a sufficient comminssion to him for that attempt , especially if 't were true which he addes , m that if he had had a stipend to read divinity , this fact of his would then have nothing in it , in their opinion aliene from his office or duty . where yet , i suppose , the office might be distinguisht from the stipend ; and though the money be not apt to inspire , as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or grace , yet sure the mun●s , or calling to the office may go for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to which we may hope for the annexion of gods blessing , more then to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( the meddling in faculties , or studies that belong not to us , ) we have any promise to authorize us to expect . sect. . for the occasion of his quarrel against excommunication , i shall give you no other account , then what from himself i have received ( who , i suppose , was able to speak the bottom of the truth , and nothing else ) and while i do so , shall desire the reader to observe , how certain it is , that the fabrick of the church of england , i mean the antient structure , as it stands by law , and the doctrines thereof , would never have provoked him to this enmity , if he had lived here under the best , or perhaps worst daies of our episcopacy ; and then as his hippocrates in his excellent tract 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will tell us of a mighty influence , that the place , the air , or some such accidentall circumstance may have upon the bodies first , and through them , the minds of men , so will the read●r find , that his having chang'd the air , had been excellent effectuall physick for him , and in all probability , might have made a shift to have changed his opions also . the first thing , which , saith he , cast him on those considerations sect. against excommunication , was the unseasonablenesse of the time for the administring of such purging physick . there was then saith he , a great paucity of protestant professors , and the number of papists extremely overtopt them in those parts ; and of the protestants scarce the thirtieth part understood , and approved the doctrine ; and therefore it must be , in his opinion , a strange improper season for the setting up this course of severe ruggid discipline , which would exclude from the sacrament so many of the few protestants , that it would both unpeople their assemblies , and necessarily cause a dangerous scissure in the multitude . the second thing was his having observ'd the unfitnesse of the sect. persons , that were imploy'd and presided in this matter ( their ministers and lay-elders ) fit , saith he , neither for age , nor experience , nor wit , nor judgement , nor manners , nor authority , to be esteem'd able to sustain so great an office with dignity . the third thing ( and that which advanced him in his conceit sect. that he had faln upon the right sense of the scriptures produced and pleaded for this discipline ) was , the consideration of the state of the commonwealth and church among the jews , god having said , deut. . that that people had laws and statutes so just and wise , that the institutions of no nations , the sanctions of no commonwealth , no ordinances , though never so wisely thought on , could compare with them , and therefore that that church must needs be best , and most wisely disposed , which came nearest to the jewish form . a consideration indeed , that it seems , was of great weight with him , not observing that that comparison in deut. was made only betwixt the jewish , and other heathen nations of the world at that time , and only in relation to their present state , and not to the prejudice of christs institutions after , when that nation and religion was destroyed ; and that if that argument were of weight , ( besides that he must be bound to prove his modell out of the mosaicall law ) he must be obliged also to bring back all the sacrifices , passeover , circumcision , ceremonies of the jews into the christian church , and turn both the lords day , the sacraments , and the very religion of christ the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the law of faith , out of it . the fourth thing , saith he , and that which set him on writing was , an accident that he then observed , an english man which at that time had quitted this kingdome on the dislike of ceremonies , and came to geneva , and proposed his thesis there de adiaphoris & vestibus , of things indifferent , and of vestments ; particularly , the surplice , &c. he was , saith he , not permitted to maintain them publickly , ne anglos offenderent , that they might not offend the english ; this man therefore changing his purpose , chose a new thesis , in quavis rectè institutâ ecclesiâ hanc servari procurationem , in quâ ministri c●m suo delecto ad eam rem presbyterio jus teneant quosvis peccantes etiam principes excommunicandi : that in every well o der'd church this government was to be observed , in which the ministers with their elderships chosen to that purpose should have power of excommunicating all offenders , even princes themselves : and this thesis , saith he , he was permitted to maintain . i hope , he did not beleeve , that the english would be better pleased , or lesse offended with it , then with that other about surplices , but only that ' twat a doctrine , wherein that common-wealth of geneva was more concern'd , and so did not so much consider how the english might take it from them , as in the other , where they were lesse interessed , they had leasure to do . that the doctrine of the anglican church , and constant practise of it , is utterly abhorrent from this dangerous sacrilegious excesse , i shall not be so wary or humble , as to think it necessary to demonstrate , but confesse that he which saw that doctrine so confidently , and so early avow'd by the disciplinarians , had a great temptation to write against their excommunication , though no ground of assurance , that all which he should say against that subject , would therefore prove true , because that one doctrine of those which asserted it was so far from being such . mr hooker hath given a very good judgement of his enterprise ; that beza and he divided the truth betwixt them , neither of them saying all truth , nor all falshood , each of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disguising , and allaying , and drowning a little of wholesome doctrine , with a great deal of the contrary . and let me say , to conclude this point , that both in the taking up his opinion , and in maintaining it , erastus hath more to impute to beza's and the genevan's errors , and innovations , and excesses and extravagances ( which upon inquiry into the antient church records , he truly saith , he could not find avowed , or authorized ) then to his own grounds , or arguments against excommunication . the last motive , which , he confesses , perfected the work , and sect. put him upon the presse , was the contempts and affronts of his friends , i. e. in effect , the opinions and good advises of all men that saw his theses , and could by no means like them : but this hath been occasionally mentioned already , and only gives the reader occasion to admire , and bewail the infelicity of passionate men , who cannot receive any benefit by their friends , are in the unluckiest condition of all men living , ( beyond which no enemy can wish them a greater curse ) sure to be the worse for that , which god meant us for the most inestimable blessing , i mean th● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their telling us truth , and ( out of desire of doing us good ) admonishing us of our miscarriages ; which he that cannot make any other use of , then to interpret those hugest obligations for affronts , those friendships for rudenesses , and therefore resolves to publish his conceits , because all his friends to whom he communicates them , advise him by all means to suppresse them , may well be allowed to write a volume against all kind of excommunication , being already , it appears , so far from being able to bear such strong physick , that the most private prudent , first , or second admonition of single persons , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the joynt act of a college of friends and physitians do but make him more incurable . i come now to my third undertaking , i. e. to view his theses sect. of excommunication , and follow him step by step , till we have sprang the point of the difficulty between us ; and , i think , that part of the progresse will sufficiently discover the weaknesse of his fabrick ; at least how little appearance of advantage he hath against us , that are not for the geneva-presbytery , how well soever ad homines he may be thought to have disputed . his n first thesis layes the ground of his discourse , and of his sect. mistake . the word [ excommunication ] he will have taken from cor. . which is false , and not endeavored to be proved , and upon the back of that errour , another falsity , viz. that communion is there call'd corpus christi , the body of christ ; all that is there said toward that matter , is , that the wine is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the communication ( not communion ) of the bloud of christ , the bestowing his bloud upon us , a means or a pledge of making us partakers of that rich mercy , that bloud that was shed for us . that that is the right rendring of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is undertaken in another discourse upon the sacrament , and needs no further to be repeated here , the notion of the word excommunication being most clear and uncontroverted , that it is the sequestring of an offender from the o communion , i. e. the visible society of christians , without ever thinking to cut him off , but on the contrary desiring to engraffe him the more firmly into the invisible , and then also again into the church , the visible ( but mystical ) body of christ . and therefore , sect. for the distinction of that communion in the p second thesis , into internall and externall , visible and invisible , we say that one onely member of the distinction belongs to the point in hand according to our stating of it . ( and if the adversary of geneva did presse the other , we do not defend him in it ) viz. the externall and visible society of beleevers or christian professors , from which onely we affirm any man to be cut off by the act of excommunication ; and if he that is so cut off from that , be also finally cut off from the other , this is but accidentall , and very extrinsecall to that act , and distant from the design and end of it , being the effect onely of his sin , which , before he was excommunicated for it , is supposed to have concluded him under the wrath of god and of his contumacy , which will not permit this most fatherly punishment of the church to work any good upon him ; to which though it be consequent indeed , that this censure obtaining not the desired effect , shall tend to his greater condemnation , yet will this consequent no more be chargeable on that censure , then on any other the methods of mercy or chastisement , by god used on purpose for his reformation . in q the third thesis it is by us acknowledged true , that internall sect. and externall society go not alwayes together ; and the consequents which erastus builds on that , are true , and acknowledged in an unjust excommunication , but these belong nothing at all to a just , nor consequently infer any thing against the institution , which giving rules that it may , and commands that it should be alwaies exercised justly , may be permitted to suppose it is so ; or if by error or miscarriage it be not , it doth not exclude him from that inward communion , that was not before excluded , ( supposing that he behave himself meekly and christianly under that unjust censure ) and if there be ( as indeed there is ) great difficulty to judge , whether the person thus to be excommunicated , be first excluded from the inward communion or no , yet will not this conclude the censures unlawfull , because if he be not quite out before , this puts him not out ( nor is occasion of doing so , any more then chastisement from god , which may possibly work impatience and blasphemy in the person , but is not of necessity , or in any propriety of causation to do so ) but rather is a means of keeping him in , of setting him upon his guard , of awaking or rescuing him from the danger of falling out of it , ( and then abundans cautela non nocet , he that is awake already will be never the worse for calling ) and withall of exercising some christian virtues in him , which might possibly lye uselesse by him , if they were not thus imploy'd , and call'd out to practise . to the r fourth thesis we say , that no man thinks , or according sect. to our principles , hath any need to think , that any but god can joyn any to that internal communion of christ and the faithful , i. e. beget faith in any ( nor consequently cut off any from it ) unlesse ministerially , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , workers under , and with christ , and so only by power d●rived from him , we pretend to do what in the censures is done toward it . sect. to ſ the fifth thesis , we answer that there is a mistake , for we are made consortes externae & visibilis ecclesiae , partakers of the external and visible church , not onely by those three as they are the acts of the man who is so partaker , but to those three must be added a second notion of the third of these , which seems not here to be taken notice of , ( though also the words are so set , that 't is not excluded ) and that is the act of the church , first according to christ's commission to the apostles , in receiving them into the church by baptisme , and when for lapses and returns into sin they are excommunicate , restoring them by absolution , and at all fit times allowing them the sacrament of the lords supper , in charity supposing them ( as long as they are in the church ) such members as ought not to be denied that priviledge , and if they be not unworthy , effectually sealing to them the benefits of christianity . from whence 't is clear that such the usurpatio sacramentorum may be , ( viz. if he receive the sacrament of the lords supper that is v not baptized , or that is justly excommunicate ) that 't will be perfectly an usurpation , and not sufficient to give him right to be reckon'd inter membra externi fidelium coetus , among the members of a visible church . sect. th. . u in the first part there is need of a distinction : for the confession of faith , and approbation of christian doctrine may be . either cordial , or hypocritical . . either private or publike . if it be cordial , then . it makes me partaker of the inward communion with christ and his members , and supposes a man to be in that state , in which he that is , ought not to be excommunicate , and so 't is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it belongs not to this matter . if it be hypocritical ( as it will appear , if he that acknowledges christ , & approves his doctrine with his mouth , denies it with his actions ) then is it fit to bring the censure upon him , which he most hates and fears , to cast him out of the church , which is onely his disguise and vizard , or turn him out of that hypocriticall confession of christ , to display and lay open his hypocrisie , that he may be asham'd , and think good to reform , and to that end , to deny him the publick hearing of the word , which it seems hath wrought so little good upon him , and to assure him that he shall not be accounted a christian , unlesse his actions accord with his profession ; all which you may mark is so far from deterring him from the cordiall profession , that 't is the most probable means to invite him to it . so again for private confession and approbation , ( which belongs more to the internall communion again , then to the externall ) we drive no man from that by excommunicatio● ▪ but onely from publick performance of it in the congregation ( under which , and which only , the publick hearing of the word read or preach'd is contained . ) and by so doing we separate him from that visible church on that charitable one purpose , that he may see how he hath abused that benefit , and timely learn to make better use of it , though again we do not invite him to that bare empty oral publick or private confession , or that oral approbation , which his hands , i. e. his actions confute , or that unprofitable hearing , which will onely heap judgement on him ; yet on the other side are f●r from deterring him from the real publick confession , &c. but by thus dealing with him we shew him the necessity of it , and so by beating him out of his false holds , which will do him no good , drive ( which is more then inviting ) him to the true refuge or sanctuary , the reall confession , the effectuall approbation , & profitable hearing . to which head i must add , that i much wonder why all this while in the number of the constitutives of external communion , publick prayer is not mentioned ( not so much as reductively , as here hearing of the word is : ) this ought to have been added , and then i shall add of it , that though that be a duty that men would be invited to , as vehemently as to any , yet 't is lawfull to exclude any from this benefit in publick , when that exclusion may be a means most probable to awake a lethargick sinner . by this it appears how groundlesse the last part of the sixt sect. th. is , that excommunication is only excluding from the sacrament ; for 't is also from prayer , and hearing , ( viz. in publike ) as well as from the sacrament : when that is thought expedient to reform any . thus tertul. mentions exclusion à communicatione orationis , & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii , apol. c. . from partaking of prayer and all sacred commerce : and generally the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 antiently was from all : ( though the manner of receiving in penitents being first by admitting them to hearing , and then to partaking in the prayers , which were before those that are joyn'd with the communion ; and after , to those prayers also , and in time to the communion it self ) it was after thought fit that some of the censures should not be totall to the excluding from all , but only setting them inter audientes , or catechumenos , which were not yet admitted to the sacrament , of which only the practise which he sets himself against seems to be an imitation . what follows therefore in the conclusion of that thesis , that , [ quod aliae poenae non pertinent ad substantiam excommunicationis certum est . 't is certain that other penalties belong not to the substance of excommunication ] is very false , and proceeds from an ignorance , or willingnesse to deceive , as if the word excommunication denoted only the keeping from the sacrament of the lords supper ( to which end , it now seems , it was , that the first thesis was designed , and against whatsoever it is argumentative 't will not be against us ) whereas it denotes the excision from all , or any degree of communion in sacris , and is a generical word , of which there be different species according to the several kinds of holy things ( the word , the prayers , the sacraments ) from which one may be excommunicate ; and that of exclusion from the sacrament is one degree of exclusion , and the exclusion from either or both of the other also is an addition to that , never inflicted upon any but those to whom the sacrament was denied . so far from truth is that which is added , that those other punishments possunt non excommunicatis infligi , may be inflicted upon those that are not excommunicate in his sense of excommunicatus , for one excluded from the sacrament : for no man was denyed prayers and hearing , that was admitted to the sacrament , ( nor is it rationall that one should , for sure he that is thought worthy of the highest dignity and benefit in a church , must be wronged i● he be denied and thought uncapable of the lowest ) though the other part upon this reason be confest to be true , that these punishments of exclusion from prayers & hearing , may sometimes excommunicatis non infligi , be not inflicted upon them that are excommunicate ; as he that is thought unworthy the priests office , may yet be allowed to be one of the nethinim or door-keepers , as in the antient church , he that was suspended from the sacerdotal function was yet suffer'd to communicate , ut laicus , as a laick . by which the answer is clear to the x next thesis as far as sect. concerns the interdictio templorum , exclusion out of the church ( and for the other two , that of the private commerce , & actus cujusvis liciti , of doing any lawful act , we interpose not ) i. e. from all the parts of the publick service , which that it was brought into the church by the pontificians , or that it is contra apertam scripturam , against manifest scripture , is certainly so very far from truth , that no man that hath read any part of antiquity , can doubt of this practise and usage , before the tyranny of popery is affirm'd by any to have come into the world ; and for the second , what that aperta scriptura is , i shall not divine , but resolve that if it be that which is named in the end of the thesis , cor. . there is nothing at all conc●uding from thence . the verse that seems to be referred to ( for we are left to divine ) is v. . or . where the speaking in the church , praying or prophecying , &c. in an unknown tongue , is by st paul proved to be improper , and not to tend to edification , because prophesying , i. e. explaining of scripture , praying , singing of psalmes , &c. being designed for the use of the beleevers , and no others , are in any reason to be in a known tongue , that they may understand . and joyn in them , v. . the unknown tongues being designed , either only as a sign , v. . i. e. a miracle to convert unbeleevers to the faith , when they s●e illiterate men all jews speak all kinds of languages , or as a means of preaching to men of every country in their own language , from whence , saith the apostle , 't is consequent that if unknown tongues were used in a congregation of beleevers , unlearned men that understand not those tongues , or unbelievers that have no reverence to the congregation , & do not at all discern any miracle in their speaking with divers tongues , but look only upon the ridiculousnesse of the action , as of a gabbling of that which no man understands , wil resolve that this is a direct madnesse thus to do . whereas on the other side that of prophesying , interpreting of the doctrine of christ intelligibly , and the other parts of the church-service in a known language , will be apt to convince , or instruct those unbeleevers or ignorants ; this , and no more but this , is the direct rationall importance of those verses ; wherein though there be mention of unbeleevers coming in , yet that being only by way of supposition [ if they come in , &c. ] i might justly say , that that is no plain affirmation of scripture , that heathens , & alii quilibet , any others that will , are not prohibited the hearing of gods word , &c. for , . 't is an old rule , that suppositio non ponit , the supposing ( if they do ) doth not suppose they do , much lesse that lawfully they may : and . that text names only ethnicks and ignorants , and belongs not at all to the alii quivis , any other that will , as that contains the impenitent christians , which are the only persons , to which our excommunication belongs ; and of them the apostle is far from affirming or supposing , that they might not be so excluded , and if they should by way of reduction be forced into that verse , the apostles reasons would be spoiled , for they being supposeable to understand that unknown tongue ( as they may do for all their impenitence ) at least to know what belongs to the gift of tongues , and to what use they were designed , would not think them mad presently that used it ; which being said , i may further add , that those heathens coming into the church , or the not prohibiting them to enter , is a very distinct thing from the admission of the impenitent christians , when they are by church censures prohibited , because the apostle himself which prohibits communion with the brother ( that is , the christian ) which is a fornicator , doth yet not prohibit it with an heathen or fornicator of this world ; and the end of excommunication being only on design of charity , to make the christian offender by that means ashamed , and reformable , would be utterly cast away upon an heathen , who would rather be made obdurate by that means ; and indeed 't were ridiculous to turn out them who are not so forward to come in , and are not by st paul here supposed so , unlesse tanquam exploratores , to see how christians behave themselves there , and if they can finde any such madnesse amongst them , as he there mentions , would be likely to charge it home upon them ; though on the other side if they finde such a regular frame , and beauty of all things there , they may possibly be convinced , and wrought on by that admirable order , & doctrine , as st austin was by st ambroses sermon , though he came thither on a quite d●stant arrant . and so sure all this while this is a feeble text to be relyed on , as the only argument to conclude apostolicall practise to be contrary to the excluding of any à verbi divini auditione , &c. from prayer , or from hearing the word in publick , the place being quite extrinsecal to this matter , and saying nothing at all to it . that which hath been said , sufficiently arms us against the sect. concludency of that which y th. . is inferr'd from the premises , and therefore there is no need of saying more to it ; save onely this , that in this thesis there are some little mistakes committed , which i shall only name , . ( that which is to the matter in hand , and on which his conclusion stands , or falls , and had been mentioned and is by us answered before in the . th. ) that ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) cor. . signifies communion , whereas , i say , it signifies indeed ( from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 communico ) communicatio , and so belongs there ( quite to another matter then that , to which it is here applyed ) only to the affirming the wine , &c. in the sacrament to be the communication , or the making us partakers of the bloud of christ , not to our communion one with another in sacris , which is the thing from which excommunication cuts us off , as is noted by that definition of it , which thes . . is by the author produced , that 't is exclusio à societate & communione fidelium , an exclusion from the society of beleevers . a second mistake ( besides that which is consequent to the former , a new definition of it by only sacramentorum interdictio , interdiction of , or exclusion from the sacraments , which should more unlimitedly have been sacrorum , from holy things ) that sacramentorum is put in the plurall number , which must needs be either not like a divine , or not like a protestant ; for if it note baptisme as well as the lords supper , then 't is not like a divine , for no divine would say that excommunication is an interdiction of baptisme ; for till they are once baptized , they are out of the church , are not capable of excommunication ; and when they are once baptized , though they were not excommunicate , they should be baptized no more . but if by that plurall , he mean any other sacraments besides these two , that is not like a protestant , for such acknowledge no more . having mention'd these two mistakes , i shall not add a third , that in this interdiction , the persons to whom this cognizance belongs , are not rightly named , because though it be true , that they are not , yet the men against whom he wrote were of that opinion ; and i am a little perswaded , that if it had been an episcopall audience , that should have had this cognizance , he had never written this book , nor been put upon those arts to evacuate the church-censures . one thing only i may have leasure to commend in that thesis , that he defines excommunication by publica & solennis interdictio , a publick solemne interdiction , & praeeunte cognitione ( i suppose he means legitimâ ) with a legall cognizance preceding it , and shall add , that they quite deform the primitive institution , who deny the sacrament to whole congregations at once without any charge laid to all or any part of them , ( save only that they are a mixt congregation , wherein there are some evil men , which yet is not legally proved neither ) and they also who deny it to particular men sufficiently catechised , without any publick cognizance of their crime , or processe of admonition first , and second , or that design that exclusion to any other end , then ut peccantes resipiscant , the reducing sinners to repentance : and therefore no small petty trifle is a sufficient matter for this , but contumacious continuing in some scandalous sin after admonitions , from which when they return again by a sincere a●proved repentance , they are to be absolved . sect. z th. . is the proposing of the question in the termes , wherein it is to be handled , wherein i shal only interpose for perspicuity sake , that the phrase [ an removendus sit ? ] may have a little ambiguity in it , for perhaps it may ( though lesse properly ) be set to signifie this , whether it be lawfull to remove such an one ? ( for if it be but so , then he that pretends to write against excommunication , and to pretend it unlawfull , will be sufficiently concluded ) and then i answer , that for any but for the governor of the church , to whom the cognizance of his ill life belongs , and who hath had a legal cognizance of it , and proceeded legally by the severall degrees of ecclesiastical processe against him , it is not lawfull : but for the bishop , or praefect , or lawfull governour succeeding to that power which christ gave his apostles with the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , it is lawfull , and by the commission of [ ego dabo ] and afterwards [ ego mitto ] they are sufficiently authorized to do this : and upon this issue , if this be it , we will joyn most willingly . but then secondly , the ( an sit removendus ) may perhaps ( and to that the words more incline ) denote a necessity of doing it , and then the question will be , whether he must be removed ? to which i then answer , that there lies not any such necessity on this , as arises from any pollution that will accrue to others that communicate with him , if he be not prohibited , any further then the example of his sin , and the impunity may extend , and this the fathers maintained against the nova●ians . nor thirdly , any necessity lying on the minister that administers , for he having admonished ( according to our church orders in our liturgy ) every such sinner to go home , and repent , and not to approach to that table , is in charity to believe ( being not able to search the heart ) that he , that after that so comes , is a true penitent . only if in prudence he think it unlikely , and therefore out of care to a poor mans soul , and for the preventing of the sin of unworthy receiving , he think fit to admonish him more privately , or particularly to that end , or to do any thing else , which in prudence may contribute to it , this is but his duty to an erring brother , and when that is done , any farther emergent guilt lies upon the receiver , and he is not ( in case of the mans unworthy receiving ) partaker of that sin . all the necessity then that is in this matter , lies first upon the sect. receiver himself , that he be wary , that he come not till he be prepared ( and that belongs not to our present consideraton ) and upon the bishops , or governours of the church , that when charity to souls requires it of them , they fail not thus to proceed , that when mercy and friendly admonitions prevail not , they then take in severity , the apostles rod in the season for a rod , in stead of his spirit of mercy , and meeknesse , and to that end be watchfull over the flock , that they fall not into such dangers , and infections , by their neglect or mercifulnesse . sect. as for the qualifying of the persons , of whom this question is ask'd , i shall not differ with the proposer , but resolve , as anon we shall shew , that he that is thus , may ( and ought in the sense that i mention ) be thus dealt with , and we shall joyn issue with him for the precept and examples of scripture commanding and teaching us to do so . sect. and having now , as i conceive , so easie a task before me , and such an army of seconds on my side ( the consent and practise of the whole christian world for years ) against one single combetant , walking in a melancholy posture by himself ( till after so many years , the concurrence of some accidentall conceived conveniences have at last helpt him to some company ) and him again not very much used to the weapon ( i mean divinity ) which he hath undertaken to trust to , and beside having an advantage against him , which he did not foresee , we of this church being not the men against whom his reasons were framed , and so not so like to be prest by them , ( the arguments designed against beza and his presbyterians being utterly unconcludent against us ) i must confesse my self to be under a temptation to make use of the present advantage , and to prosecute this triall to the uttermost ; but i must in justice consider , what a chasme and rent it would make in this discourse , what an unweildy bulk it would swell it to , and therefore must recover so much constancy of minde , as not to be thus passionately hurried out of my resolution , but leave it , till i have a louder call to it , being ready to give any man an account of what i now say in this matter . sect. it will be a more moderate excursion , and more reconcileable with my designed brevity , to mention one opinion or pretension more in this matter , that of another gentleman , who though he strive not to take excommunication out of the church any more then baptisme , but moreover acknowledges also , that it belongs to the future pastors as well as to the then present apostles ; yet having first resolved , that ecclesia & civitas christianorum are all one , he then concludes that the cognizance , and judgment of any fault , whether it be such or no , belongs to the church in that notion of his , i. e. to the city or common-wealth , ( which with him also signifies the civil magistrate , or , as he saith , judicem summum , the supreme judge ; ) and that the power of binding and loosing ( as that also of baptizing , which saith he , is all one with it ) is no farther in the pastor , then that he eject those out of the church , whom the church in his notion hath condemned ; and receive into it , whom the church judges worthy of absolution . i shall not labour to multiply differences , but at this time make my exceptions onely to one part of this scheme , viz. that the church in his notion , i. e. the judex summus , the civil magistrate , hath the power of judging who are to be excommunicated , who absolved . the proofs that i can collect from him of that assertion , are only two ; first , that mat. . christ bids , in case the trespasser hear not the two or three , ( i. e. saith he , either deny the fact , or confessing it deny it to be a trespasse ) then dic ecclesiae , that it should be told the church ; [ quare autem ecclesiae , nisi ut ipsa judicet an peccatum sit , necne ? why should the church be told it , but that that may judge whether that be a sin or no ? ] and if he obeyed not , then let him be to thee a publican , &c. non dicit , dic apostolis , it is not , saith he , tell the apostles , to note that the sentence or judgement , whether it be a sinne or no , belongs not to them , but to the church ; and consequently that this power was no more , then to bind those whom the church had before judged impenitent . his second argument is from the practise and words of st paul , who asks the corinthians [ do you not judge them that are within ? ] yet himself pronounces the fornicator excommunicate . to the former of these , i shall answer only this one thing , that there are other reasons very prompt , & pertinent , why the matter should be told the church , though the church be taken in a notion wherein it is not supposed to judge of it : as either , . the [ densare inculcationibus ] in tertullians phrase , the fortifying the former successlesse reprehensions with this addition of authority from the number , that as the two or three might be more likely to work upon the offender , then the injur'd person alone , so now the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the many , or the church in the loosest notion of it , for any assembly or meeting of many christians together , ( supposing that it do not signifie the governors of the church , as the antients yet say it doth , and is far more probable , and asserted on stronger grounds , then that it should signifie the civitas or summus judex ) might probably be more effectuall ; or . the [ pudefacere coram multis ] formerly cited out of the rabbins , the making the offender ashamed when his fact is thus publisht , and to do that is by us acknowledged the end of the admonitions , and censures ; or . if there be need , the using the multitude as a cloud of witnesses to convince him of the fact , or sinfulnesse of it , which the text refers to before , ( that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established ) and in all reason may be a commodious sense here also , this third being but the ascending to an higher , and more probable convincing course , when the former had miscarried . either of these three , much more altogether , will be a sufficient ground of telling it to the church , and so from thence there is no necessity to conclude that the judgement is the act of the church , or civil magistrate in that place . and indeed it will be hard to suppose that possible at that time , when 't is clear the civil magistrate was not christian , and therefore unfit not only for the title of the church , but much more to be appealed to as the judge by christians , who , 't is certain , are bound by christ to use all other means possible ( and telling it to the church in our notion is one of those possibles ) to get satisfaction for trespasses , before they proceed to any heathen tribunal , to implead their fellow-christian there . nor will it , i conceive , be reasonable to reply , that christs speech belongs to aftertimes , when the magistrate should be christian ; for then , . he must acknowledge that till then , it was to be in the church in our notion , and consequently that the ecclesiastical governors were the judge at that time , and then by his own doctrine ( that data est potestas ligandi , &c. futuris pastoribus eodem modo quo praesentibus apostolis ) it will still belong to the ecclesiastical superior . and . though it may very justly be extended to that future state , ( as what was said to the apostles was not personal , but belonged to their successors also ) yet there will be no probable argument that the apostles then present should be themselves excluded . for , besides that this must lie on him to prove , if he wil assert it against all antiquity , it will also be a little unreasonable to affirm ; for that were for our saviour to give all the power , and direct all the speech to the successors , not to the apostles , as a prophesie only , or a prediction , no evangelical instating on these to whom he spake . this i suppose a sufficient answer to this proof , without proceeding to any deeper search or examination of that which in the argument is taken for granted , viz. that the church signifies the summus judex , which yet is as far from being formerly convincingly inferred , as it is from the sound of the words , or the notion , wherein all the antient church have uniformly taken it , ( which will , i hope , be considerable in this matter ) for that christ did not take upon him to be a judge , or introduce any change in civil government , as it is by us acknowledged most true , so will it not belong to this of binding , &c. which is but a spiritual , not civil punishment , only a denying them that , which christ brought into the world , and gave those messengers of his the sole power of disposing it , and indow'd them with power from on high , particularly for the exercise of it . as for the second argument , 't is certainly a mistake , if it be thought to conclude that the apostle did but pronounce the judgement of the church in that matter of the incestuous , or that the judgement of the civil state was preparative to his . for sure the apostle had , ( before the using of those words of [ do not you judge them that are within ? ] in the end of that chapt. ) past his sentence definitive on that incestuous in the beginning of it , ver . . for i have already ( not ego autem , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as absent in body , but present in spirit , judg'd him that hath thus done this thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have judg'd this evil doer : judg'd , i say , and what is the sentence ? why , in the name of our lord jesus christ , you and my spirit being met together ( the apostle and his presbytery , or he in the face of the church ) with the power of our lord jesus christ , to deliver such an one to satan , &c. and this at a time when 't is clear , the church had not pass'd sentence on him , for v. . they were puft up , as he complains , and through an opinion of their own deeper wisdome ( a leaven , v. . i. e. a doctrine either of the heathen philosophers , or of the gnosticks among them ) took it for an indifferent thing , and did not mourn for him that had done it , the ceremony used by the church , when any was to be excommunicate , and notes that they should have so joyn'd together in mourning , in complaining to the apostle , and prayer to christ , that this censure might passe on such an one , but that they did not do it , nay , it seems proceeded not so far as to fraternal correption which was infallibly their duty toward him . as for the words cited , [ nonne vos judicatis ? ] they come in no another incidental occasion ( not directly to this first matter ) to make the distinction betwixt the dealing with the christian and heathen fornicators ; the apostle restraining his prescription of not conversing with fornicators , v. . to the christian fornicator , whom , saith he being within the church , 't is reasonable to conclude within the churches censures , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ do you not judge them that are within ? not you emphatically or in opposition to the apostle , but you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a general title of christians , who use not to judge any but christians , all other being left to gods judgement , the church having nothing to do with them . it is clear enough , that the context looketh wholly that w●y , and consequently there will be little reason to extend these words any farther then this , that the church judgeth , christian not heathens ; and the church in the notion only wherein 't is opposed to god , not in which 't is opposed to st paul , but in which in any reason it includes the apostle or governor of it ; for sure he may judge them that are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , within the church , ( for so he doth , v. . and no part of the context of that ch. seems to say any thing to the contrary ) though them that are without he cannot ; which is the only thing the apostle had in hand to say at that time . having briefly answered the reasons , i shall by way of compounding the controversie with this gentleman , most willingly acknowledge , that somewhat the church in his notion , or more clearly the supreme magistrate , being supposed christian , may have to do in this businesse of censures , praecedaneous to the judgement of the apostle , or before the pastor or ecclesiastical governor proceed to them , as . in the choosing or nominating him to that office ; . in the setting of rules , or laws by which he ought to proceed in hearing or judging : no question , this may and in christian common-wealths very reasonably ought to belong to the civil magistrate ; and truly this discouse doth not pretend to , or desire any unlimited , or arbitrary power in the bishop , but only that , the rules being prudently set by those to whom the power of making laws belongs in every common-wealth , he should have the cognizance in such causes , as regularly belong to his audience , and according to that rule , & not otherwise , give sentence on the offender ▪ and that only thus far , that he shall be turn'd out of christian society , or received into it again : ( which , beside that this is , and hath alwayes been taken for an institution of christs , which 't is reasonable we should obey , and not dispute , is also in it self simply considered , far from any degree of unreasonable , no man in ordinary reason being more fit to judge who is fit to enjoy the privileges of the church , who likely to be reformed by being deprived of them , then he that hath studied that great skill of winning souls , and is intrusted by christ with the charge of them . ) again . it will be granted that the church in the ordinary notion , as it signifies the whole diffusive christian society in any place , may so far be interessed in this matter , as that these only shall be liable to these censures , who have offended others by their notorious sins , and are by the proxyes , as it were of those others , i mean , by their chosen officers , or by the publick fame , the voyce again and interpreter of their sense , delated , or complain'd of to the governours of the church , as those that have wrong'd the church , and defamed that christian profession , to which they had given up their names ; and this is a kind of judging ( in large or loose speaking , as to be infamous offenders signifies to be conceiv'd and judg'd such by the community among whom they live , for otherwise they are not infamous ) but yet in strict propriety , is only a preparative to the sentence of the judge , and an accusing or impleading rather , and is not , i suppose , the thing for which this author doth pretend , or if it were , would not to us be matter of contention with him . the truth is , the power of binding , &c. which we contend for , as the office more then privilege of bishops , ( in the careful exercise of which they minister most charitably to the good of the souls intrusted to them ) is another manner of thing , then what this gentleman seems to have conceived it ( both here , and especially when of it he concludes , vnusquisque si mentis compos sit obediat in omnibus simpliciter ei , cujus arbitrio credit se salvandum aut damnandum esse . ) god knows they pretend to no such arbitrium in the saving or damning of any man ; it is only an engine of christs invention to make a battery and an impression on the obdurate sinner to win him to himself to a blesse , not to triumph over him , ( which very thing he hath in one place excellently exprest , b the end of this discipline , saith he , is by depriving men for a time of the favour and spiritual privileges of the church , to humble them to salvation , ) much lesse to invade any part of civil judicature , or loosen the bands thereof by these spiritual pretences , but to leave the government of the world just in the posture that it was before christs coming , or as it would be supposed to be , if he had never left any keyes in his church . and therefore , when in an annotation affixt to his last edition he was pleased to extend his observation of the c doctrines that might disturb government , not only to that power which many attribute to the pope of rome in other mens dominions , and to the liberty usurpt by the cives infimi , under pretence of religion , but also to that which alicubi extra ecclesiam romanam episcopi in civitate suâ sibi postulant , i must hope that it was a mistake , or which i rather think ( being perswaded of the uprightness of his affections to our establisht government ) that his [ alicubi ] did not in any wise refer ( as i was apt to fear it did ) to the constitution of episcopacy in this native kingdome of his and mine . for that this , since it departed from the roman church , hath been perfectly free from any degree of that guilt , is that of which we are so far perswaded , that we neither fear , nor deprecate any historians instance , nor can imagine what one particle of the doctrine , or constitution of our church there is , on which a rational man can by any consequence build such a d charge ; of which nothing can make vs capable , but leaving the [ non ] out of it ; and that makes me a little confident , that either [ episcopi ] in that place signifies not in the known vulgar christian sense , or that the [ alicubi ] lookt not on this kingdome or church of ours ( as it hath long stood establisht by law ) which most cheerfully acknowledges the truth of his many other observations , ( particularly that of moses's , not aarons chair , of abi●thar the high-priest being no way exempt from the command of solomon , of his three axioms also concerning excommunication , that neither the common-wealth , nor the supreme magistrate , nor all the persons in any common-wealth can be excommunicate ) and resolves that no man shall ever deprive her of this glorying , that she is pure from the bloud of all men , hath entertain'd no one principle , or doctrine in any degree incompetible with the civil power , or peace in the utmost extent , in which the most loyal author ha●h design'd to establish it . and if it must be arminianism ( as one hath lately confuted it under that title ) to teach e that the ecclesiastical power is subjected to the civil magistrate , who in all causes over all persons is acknowledged by us supreme under christ , we must be content to lye down under that envie , and not excuse or renounce that piece of loyal arminianism . i have thus far proceeded in this matter for the removing of sect. prejudices , and vindicating our proposition from three sorts of objecters : 't is now time to advance a little toward the positive assertive part , and to that end ( the knowledge of loosing depending wholly from the consideration of binding ) i shall in the first place examine what images of binding we have in the scripture , and those we shall refer to two heads : first , those that belong to the power , and practise apostolical , ( in the time and persons of the apostles ; ) secondly , those that after the apostles persons , ( and ever since ) were to continue in the church , which we shall call ecclesiastical discipline ( as distant from apostolical ) exercised ( the one , as the other ) upon offenders either publick and scandalous , or whose crimes otherwise came unto their cognizance , and consisting either in separating and removing to some distance , or in casting them totally out of the church , or congregation of visible professors here on earth ; answerable unto which , [ loosing ] must consequently be a delivering from those censures , the absolving of him , who was formerly separated , or excommunicated , restoring him to the visible church ; or any part thereof ( to the privileges of a christian , and the comforts of the word , and services , and sacraments ) who was before legally cast ou● of it , and deprived of them . for the understanding of which , and specially of the former , the apostolical power and practise ( or as it was discernable among the apostles ) it will not be amisse to do these three things : . to give you a view of the several sorts of excommunication among the jews , to which some phrases in the new testament refer : ( because i see there is some controversie raised concerning them . ) . to mention some of those places in the new testament , which seem to refer to these ; and then . to observe the phrases in the new testament , which are more purely christian , i. e. which more distinctly and peculiarly respect the use of these censures among christians . sect. for the first , i am sure , 't will be no news to say that there were three degrees of excommunication among the jews ; the first called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 remotion or separation ; the second , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 execration , a more solemn excommunication ( with curses out of moses law and execrations added to it , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which we have act. . . ) inflicted on him who after the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first for dayes , and then being allowed dayes more ( which is doubling of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) still continued in that contumacy , for then , say the jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they anathematize him without defining any limited ●ime , as before in niddui they did . the third is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a kind of proscription and delivering to desolation and destruction ; or to the coming of the lord in judgement against him , noted by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( added to the anathema ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the oriental tongues signifying dominus ; whence in etruria the kings are called murani , saith servius in aen. . and the syrians now maranitae , because they call christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our lord agreeable to which it is , that in epiphanius , god is by the gazari call'd marnas , and by the cretians their virgins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ladies , as among the spaniards the form hath been used , sit anathema marano , & excommunicatus , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let him be excommunicate from the hope of the lord : ( and though he that loves not the lord jesus christ be not cor. . . appointed to be excommunicated by that phrase , yet doth it referre to the use of the phrase among the jews , though there it be by way of accommodation set to signifie another matter , that higher more direful sentence of ( go you cursed , &c. ) of these three species thus set down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i should not add much more , but that again i see two things resolved on by a fore-mentioned learned author , contrary to what hath been generally received in this matter , and the latter of them apt , if believed , to divest the church of all kinde of discipline , even of such as was instituted on no other design but to bring sinners to heaven , and which we desire should be used onely to that end . they are these , . that there are but two species of excommunication among the jews , niddui and cherem , and that schammatha is all one with niddui . . that these punishments among the jews belonged not to exclusion from sacred , but only from civil society . for the first of these , that which i find produced to disprove sect. those three species , is , . the promiscuous use of niddui and schammatha among the talmudical writings . secondly , the derivation of schammatha from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which among them signifies no more then to separate and to abdicate : and thirdly , that elias levita , and david de pomis , which are for these three species , were not lawyers , but grammarians , and so did oscitanter negligently and drowsily make three species of excommunication , when they should have made but two . to all which i answer , that those learned men which maintain the three species may very well do it for ought these objections enforce to the contrary . for it will not be necessary for us to affirm that the talmudists should use these several words constantly according to their distinct , proper , peculiar , critical importance ; there is nothing more ordinary then for words that are used in foro to lose their native proper significations , and to be used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for somewhat else of affinity , and near signification with them ; and therefore it will be worth observing , that as schammatha in the talmud is sometimes taken only for separation ( which is the reason that they which are against the three species make schammatha to be all one with niddui , and to set down niddui and cherem for the two : ) so in other places niddui is set to denote schammatha as a higher degree then cherem , as will appear ( to any that cannot otherwise passe judgement on it ) by the places which buxtorf hath produced in his rabbinical lexicon , which shew clearly that schammatha is a heavier degree of excommunication , and yet that niddui is by them put for schammatha , which indeed will be a proof that niddui and schammatha are used promiscuously , & sine discrimine among those writers , but not at all , that there are but two degrees or species , niddui and cherem , but clearly the contrary , that cherem is a middle species , beyond which there is schamatha , ( which they sometimes improperly cal niddui ) as wel as below it niddui , which they sometimes call schammatha ; and therefore jo. coch which is cited to prove that niddui & schammatha are all one , saith withall , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non tantum de leviori , sed & de graviori indifferenter usurpantur , ex● . gem. san. p. . both used for the greater , as well as both for the lighter excommunication . to which i shall add , that the hebr. writers are so far from speaking constantly , and exactly , & critically in this matter , that they sometimes put cherem , or anathema lowest , and ad schammatha to that , and then set niddui as the last of the three , as in jelammedenu sect . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speaking of the samaritans ▪ the species of excommunication are thus enumerated , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and they anathematized , and schammatized and excommunicated him , by which it will appear , how promiscuously those words have been used among hebr. writers , ( to which purpose may be again remembred , what was even now produced of the phrase in spain , sit anathema marano , & excommunicatus , excommunicatus after the highest anathema ) but it will not be a proof of any validity , against the three species of excommunication , or the order or difference of them , when they do speak exactly . sect. for the second proof taken from the derivation of schammatha from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which , saith he , signifies no more then to separate or abdicate , i desire this may be noted , that there is no such ancient hebrew word as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but only of later use among the rabbins , and talmudists , which to me is an argument convincing that that verb may come from schammatha , and not schammatha from the verb ; and therefore buxtorf , when he meets with it , renders it schammatizare , as a verbal from that noun , not willing to affix any other interpretation to it , but this , that so he might leave it to signifie in the same latitude ( as a verb ) that belongs to schammatha , as a substan●ive , i. e somtimes to be taken properly and strictly to denote the third species , sometimes improperly , to be all one with niddui , or the first species . sect. for the confirming of what i now say , i shal premise what suppose will be easily granted me , that every compound or derivative hebrew word , is to be reduced to some original hebrew root or roots , from which it is derived , or of which compounded consequently that the same must be resolved of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which that it is not a derivative from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i conceive is sufficiently evinc'd , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no primitive hebrew word to be found in the bible , or other authentick hebrew writing ( which he that will not trust his own observation , but survey schindler and buxtorf , will acknowledge with me ) but only among the rabbins and talmudists , and may rather be thought to come from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then schammatha from that ; this is not my conjecture , but the direct words of the learned buxtorf , in his institution of hebrew epistles p. . in these words , talmudiei ex nomine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verbum faciunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pros●ribere , proscriptionis poenam in aliquem fer●e the talmudists from the noun schammatha make the verb schammeth , to proscribe , &c. and though buxtorf in his rabbinical lexicon place the verb before the noun , yet is that no argument of disagreement between these two writings , but is only caused by a care of observing his wonted litteral method of setting the verb of the three letters before the noun of one letter more . if it be demanded of me from whence then the noun comes , sect. ( seeing i make the verb come from that ) i answer that learned jews have given it several originations , some bringing it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dominus venit , the lord comes , making it all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . ( but the dagesh in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 makes me that i cannot consent to that etymology ) others from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibi mors , there is death ; others from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 desolatio erit , there shall be desolation . of these two latter i know not which to choose , . having little objection aginst either of them , and . finding them both avowed in the gemara moed katon , in these words , what is schammatha ? rab answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is death , and samuel said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there shall be desolation , &c. and . finding the sense of both those originations to come to the same purpose of death , or desolation , or destruction , noting that kinde of offender to be by that censure given up to divine vengeance , which is generally the notion of that degree of excommunication , which makes it to be taken for the same with ma●anatha in the apostle , that god comes as a judge or avenger to such an one . for let me add to this matter this one thing , that this third degree of censure among the jews at christs time , was proper to him , that under moses law had deserved death , but by reason that the power of capital punishments was taken from the jews , could not by them be so punished , and therefore was by this way thus delivered up to gods hands , to inflict vengeance upon him , which they say did very frequently befall them in a remarkable manner ; and s. austins observation is to this purpose , quaest . super deu. l. . c. . hoc nunc agit in ecclesiâ excommunicatio , quod agebat tunc interfectio . excommunication doth the same among christians , that killing did among the jews . as for the third proof of the objection , taken from the lessening of the authority of elias levita , and david de pomis , it will be sufficient to say , . that to make that argumentative , it ought to have been ( but is not ) proved , that others which have call'd the three species in question , are of greater authority then these . . that grammarians ( if they be such indeed , as those have been allowed that reputation ) are f criticks also , and so as fit to be hearkned unto in such a matter of ancient custome among the jews , as if they had been lawyers , they would have been ; more , i am sure , then any other lawyers , which had not been so good grammarians ; and yet that any jewish lawyer hath avowed the contrary opinion , is not , that i know of , as yet pretended : and . for the negligence or oscitance of these grammarians , that hath not with any proof or confirmation been laid to their charge , and if it were , 't is as possible that jewish lawyers might have been guilty of it as they , nay it were more reasonable to accuse them of oscitancy , that make but two , and them of double diligence that have discerned one species more then they . to this topick ab authoritate i shall add only , that aloysius ( whom the reader is by this gentleman advised to turn to sched . sacro prof . l. . c. . ) doth affirm in these direct words , sunt apud hebraeos plures excommunicationis gradus , niddui , cherem , schamatha ; there are several degrees of excommmunication among the hebrews , those three by name , though he inlarge not to explain the third , as he doth these two former : and so much for the first particular . now for the second thing , that these species of excommunication sect. among the jews were only to exclude from civil society , and had nothing to do with sacred , i shal venture it to the judgment of intelligent indifferent men , who shall but examine what they meet with on this subject , if it be but at second hand in g buxtorf , &c. out of the hebrew writers . it is his observation of niddui the lowest species , that it is remotio ab aliorum congressu quàm sacro , quàm politico , & domestico , ad passus ; separation not onely from civil commerce , but from sacred also . now that which i conceive hath caused this mistake in this first kind ( & from thence perhaps without any new cause extended it to the rest ) is that such an one that was separated by niddui , was allowed to come to the sacred meetings , to be present at common-prayers , to teach others ▪ and to be taught with others , as the same author affirms ; but then this concludeth not against us , for the same buxtorf still adds , sed semper sub dictâ lege remotionis , alwayes under the forementioned law of remotion , and distance . and so these two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it seems are reconcileable thus : niddui is not a totall remotion or separation neither from sacred , nor from civil society , ( being you know but the first degree or species ) but onely ad passus , that none can come within the distance of foure paces of him that is under the censure ; and this degree of separation being extended to sacred as well as civil assemblies , yet excluded him not either from praying with the congregation , or learning , or ( if he were a doctor ) teaching in it ; onely a mark was set upon him , to discriminate him from others , which were under no censure ; this is described in r. eliezer , c. . king solomon , saith he , when he built the house of the sanctuary , made two gates , one for bridegrooms , another for mourners and excommunicate persons , by which they went into the temple . and to these two gates and sorts of men the apostle may seem sect. to allude rom. . . & cor. . . when he speaks of weeping with them that weep , & rejoycing with them that rejoyce ; and no question the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we render bewayling , cor. . . refers to that stile of mourners , and denotes the solemnity usual among the jews of putting on mourning habit , and wailing over them that were excommunicate , according to that of the author of the constitutions under clements name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l. . let the incurable be put out of the church with sorrow and wailing . these mourners , or excommunicate in that rabbi were those under niddui , who it seems were admitted to the temple , but appointed to come in at a doore peculiar to them , and with some such mark of discrimination , that they that saw them might pray for them in this form , qui inhabitat domum hanc , consoletur te , indátque animo tuo ut obtemperes , &c. he that dwels in this house , comfort thee , and give thee a heart to obey ; by which i am forced to confesse , that niddui did not separate from all society in sacris , but only remove to such a distance ; and yet the reader will be forced to confesse also , that this separation or rather remotion belonged ad sacra , as well as ad politica , and in the same degree that it restrain'd the one kind of society , it restrain'd the other also ; and so saith jo. mich. dilherr . elector . l. . c. . having premised that niddui est hominis ab aliorum conventu tam sacro , quam politico , & domestico , ad usque cubitus sive passus per dies remotio , &c. a remotion from sacred , civil , domestick commerce , to the distance of foure paces for dayes , a deprivation of the marriage bed , of shaving , and washing , and such other commodities , he adds that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that is under this censure , may be present at sacred meetings , but so many paces off from the rest of the company . sect. and therefore whereas this author affirmeth that by niddui is not meant an ejection out of the church , but only a deprivation of that liberty of civil society within four paces , & applies to it that sense , wherein the poet cals the britains , toto divisos orbe , divided from the whol world , not that they are totally divided from the rest of the world , but to denote a peculiar situation of those islands in the ocean , i shal acknowledge the observation so far as it denies a totall separation , but not as it intimates a greater separation in civilibus , then in sacris , as the words [ peculiari illâ civilis inter suos consortii libertatis deprivation ? ] would seem to import , and as the intention of the writer is by himself demonstrated to be . the matter is sufficiently clear that niddui is but a lighter censure , remotion or restraint for such a degree , but not a total separation either from sacred , or civil society , yet stil as much from sacred as from civil , in both limitedly dayes , and for the distance of four cubits . sect. but then for cherem the second degree , that is defin'd by h buxtorf , exclusion from the sacred assemblies , casting out of the synagogue with all the curses of deut. . ( to which , say i others , was added the ceremony of putting out the candles , to signifie him deprived of the light of heaven ) and he hath proof for it out of maimonides in madda , c. . muchram non docet néque discit cum aliis . he that is under the second censure , is excluded from hearing the law in publick ; and , as k buxtorf elswhere adds , ò synagogâ , conventibus , negotiis , publicis , sacris , & politicis omnibus exclusus , donec resipiscat ; which may further appear by the form of this anathema , which he brings out of an antient hebr. manuscript . sit in anathemate sanctorum excelsorum , in anathemate , seraphim , & ophunnim , in anathemate totius ecclesiae , &c. now from this , the third species differs onely in this , that as that was a total separation , donec resipiscat , til he repent , but reversible upon repentance , total for the present , but not irremissible , so this was both total and final too , & so undoubtedly ( not remitting of the severity of the second but adding to it ) extended to the separation in sacris also ; and therefore whatsoever may be said of schammatha in the wide rabbinical acception of it , as it goes indifferently for niddui , there wil be little doubt , but the schammatha peculiarly so called , or that which is call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the schammatha of the lord , or of the god of israel , is , as the learned define it , ea quâ quis totaliter & finaliter ab ecclesiâ ( as that notes coetum sacrum , as well as civilem ) segregatus , divino judicio sit devotus , & cum eâ mors & exitium ; so dilherr . l. . of maranatha ( which he supposes to be al one with it ) est proscriptio extrema , & absque spe veniae irrogata , quâ reus omnibus humanae societatis juribus , legibus , & officiis exclusus , judicio divino committitur , & ad extremam desolationem condemnatur . a perfect proscription , without hope of pardon , by which the offender is excluded from all privileges , and offices of humane society , and committed to the judgement of god , and condemned to extream desolation . i shal abstain from adding more to the proof of this truth in the several species , conceiving that i have sufficiently proved or vindicated in the lowest , & shewed the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the cause or the occasion of their mistake , who deny it ; and then there will be little need to confirm it any further in the other two degrees , which do adde to that lowest , but cannot be thought to come short of it . and having thus clear'd the first thing which we proposed , sect. view'd the several sorts of excommunication among the jews , i proceed now to the second , to those places of the new testament which seem to refer to them : in which matter i shall not be confident or dogmatical , but deliver my thoughts as for the present it seems to me , & shew you the grounds of my so seeming . and . that place luk. . . doth appear to belong to excommunication among the jews , but whether to one only or more species of it , i am uncertain ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 surely belongs to the first kind , that of niddui , which cannot be more literally rendred in greek then by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , separation , or remotion , paces off , and perhaps that with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 added to it , signifies to do it contumeliously ; but yet because 't is possible , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may have a greater force in it , and be a notation of cursing and execration , not only in this but in other places of the gospel , therefore i conceive that word ( set immediately after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) may denote the second degree , that of cherem , & then to the same wil belong that third phrase also of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to cast out your name as evil , for an hebraism there is in these words , which though a very learned man conceive to consist in this ; . that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall be all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as indeed sometimes it is ) . that as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to bring up an evil report , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shal signifie the same thing ; yet i shal take leave to interpose , . that the phrase used for bringing up an evil report , num. . . is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in brief , that i canot find any where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the translators of the old , or writers of the new testament , for bringing up an evil report . . that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cast out your name as evil ; . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yours ] then [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as ] added , wil be somewhat another kind of phrase then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as [ to bring up an evil name or report ] is in our language a very intelligible phrase for defaming , but [ to bring up your name or report as evil ] is not so ; and therefore i shall venture to propose my conjecture , that the hebraism is not in the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but in the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] & [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ] so that . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall signifie no more then your persons , or you ( as mat. . . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is no more then he ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. . . signifies persons of men ) shall be ( not he shall be named by that name ) a god with us , or god incarnate ) and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall signifie [ as scandalous ] or offensive , or abominable , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by the . sometimes rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being ashamed ( whence perhaps our english bashful and abash ) sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to abominate , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be evil or wicked , gen. . . esd . . . and so [ to cast out your names as evil ] will clearly signifie to cast you out as wicked , shameful , abominable persons , a denotation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was not onely separating or removing to a distance , but total casting out , and that with reproaches , curses , and execrations , such as in moses are denounced against greater malefactors ; whether these circumstances of this text do thus denote , i am not confident , and therefore have onely proposed a conjecture , but that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do referre to the niddui and cherem i doubt not , nor if you marke it , doth h. grotius who hath enlarged on that subject of excommunication , in his annotations on that verse . no more do i find my self moved by the arguments of that sect. learned gentleman to doubt , but that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be turned out of the synagogue , joh. . . . . . . refers to the second of these species among the jewes , for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do sometime signifie a civil congregation or assembly , and not alwayes a sacred ( as when the hypocrite is said to pray standing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in places of publike concourse and corners of the streets , as the most visible places , matth. . ) i shall easily grant , & yet not think my self thereby concluded , or obliged to yeeld , but that it may also , at other times , note the holy assembly , or meeting for the performance of sacred duties , out of which it was sure no news for the jews ( after that capital judgements were taken away from them ) to eject notorious malefactors , particularly hereticks , false prophets , or their sectators , and disciples , as these here for preaching of christ , whom the jews acknowledged not ; in like manner as in the time of the captivity , esd . . . the order is given , that whoso●ver appears not upon summons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all his estate shall be ( forfeited we render , the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 noting the cherem which we now speak of ) devoted , anathematized , as an evidence of that kinde of excommunication which followes in the next words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shall be separated from the church or congregation of the captivity , not only from civil , but ecclesiastical society with them , for so cherem was formerly demonstrated to signifie ; nay , it may with some reason be conceived in that place from ecclesiastical only , in case of cherem or total ejection ; for 't is more probable , that the king under whom they were captive , allowing them some liberty for the exercise of their religion , but in civil matters keeping them as captives and servants , should permit them to punish one another by that way of casting out of their ecclesiastical assemblies , then by that other of civil interdict , especially if it be conceiv'd to extend to banishment , &c. which would intrench upon his prerogative , and be a kind of turning the captive out of his captivity . sect. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belongs to this second species , and so to casting out of the society in sacris , is the distinct affirmation of the learned l buxtorf in these words , haec est illa excommunicatio ( speaking of cherem ) de qua in evangelio iohannis , cap. . . . . etsi ab eo tempore rabbini quaedam ipsi adjecerint : and the intimation of m john coch also in these words , qui simpliciter excommunicatus est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est ille quidem separatus à coetu , ita ut pro vero membro ecclesiae non habeatur , non tamen videtur esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quia doctrinae particeps est . from which words of that very learned man , i observe these two things contrary to what i see lately affirm'd . . that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not belong to niddui , but to cherem . . that it is an ejection not only ab ecclesiâ , synagogâ , as that notes rempublicam judaicam , but from sacred assemblies , noted by doctrinae particeps , according to that rule in maimonides . devotus nec docet nee docetur , such an one is excluded from both , it seems , and so from those holy assemblies , where that was wont to be done . sect. to this phrase of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is subjoyned jo. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but ( or yea ) the hour cometh that every man that killeth you shall seem , or be thought to do god service , or to offer a sacrifice to him ; whereon i shall interpose a conjecture , that those words may possibly denote the third degree , that of schammatha , at least a consequent of it , for so saith n buxtorf of that species , mortem dicit , quia cujusvis manibus ejus vita exposita est , & euilibet eum interficiendi libera potestas : it is so call'd , because such a mans life is exposed to any ones hands , every one having a free power of killing him : & so to that he applies the maranatha which is added to anathema , cor. . . a forme of extreme proscription , delivering up the sinner to divine revenge , in which case whosoever kill'd him , conceived himself to perform an act of execution of justice , and service to god. some other places there are in the new testament belonging sect. to these judaical censures , fit to be explained ; but i have chosen to insist onely on those because , i lately find them otherwise rendred , but yet discern no reason to recede from what i have now delivered , that they do belong to those species of excommunication not only from civil but from sacred assemblies , though one in an higher degree then another . to which i shall onely adde , that they which have applied these places to christian excommunication , any otherwise then only by way of accommodation , shall not be pleaded for by me , who acknowledge that they belong to the jews , and to their usage of christians , and not to some christians dealing with others ; but then sure there is as little reason on their side who will not allow that way of accommodation , which would not be at all unreasonable , though those phrases among the jewes were supposed to belong only to civil commerce ; it being ordinary for christ to ordain some things in his church , which were answerable to civil not sacred customes among the jews ( as the lords supper , sure an ecclesiastical rite among us , was to their post-coenium , which was not so , and many the like , ) to transplant from their forum to our church , and therefore no way unfit for the apostles and following church to appropriate those words to ecclesiastical senses , though they were supposed to be among the jewes of a greater latitude : of which sort , because i formerly promised it , i shall now specifie in some instances . this may be discern'd in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which if sect. any man should prove to have no other sense among christians , then that of a meeting together in a town hall , upon no other way of probation , but that the hebrew words answerable to that , are by the talmudists , yea even in the scripture of the old testament taken in this sense , this would be a little strange ; the matter of fact being most evident to the contrary , and it being most prompt and proper , that words used either among the greeks or hebrewes in forinsecal senses , may be bent by christian writers to a sacred . sect. so in like manner , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is acknowledged , is answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the jewes , and that word denoted among them some offices , which if they may in any respect be counted ecclesiastical , are yet very distant from the christian use of it : such was that of the messengers sent out to demand and bring in the dues to the temple , which cannot without the helpe of accommodation be applyed to the christian acception of the word ; and such againe was the proxy in contracting or marrying two persons , for he was call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. apostolus also , an intercessor or internunce betwixt them , which as a sponsor , undertook for one to the other , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as samson had judg. . . i. e. in varinus his definition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of whom he saith that when the bridegroome himselfe must not goe into the fathers house , ( viz. in a o second marriage , such as that was of god with the gentiles , who had before espoused the jewes ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee sends one of his friends : to which m●tion of the word ( according to one punctation of the place ) the apostle may seem to referre , cor. . . when he expresses his apostleship by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have espoused you to one husband , according to that sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acknowledged by p julius pollux , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or sponsor all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie the interceding or mediating a marriage , all one with that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there used by st. paul , agreeable to which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by pollux further extended to the mediators of any kinde of league , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and then according to that notion also , is the apostles pacifick office , praying and beseeching us in christs stead to be reconciled to god , all which are very convenient accommodations , but farre from requiring the christian word to the very kinde of sense that the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did import . so againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishops in the christian church , doe in sect. respect of their office , particularly that of imposition of hands , ( peculiar to them above the presbyters even in st. jeromes confession ) referre to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the princeps synedrii , who imposed hands upon those that were elected into the sanhedrim , but in respect of the name they referre to the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the jewes , and accordingly the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is both mac. . . and in josephus , set to signifie them that are set over any publike businesse , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that set men a worke , and require an account of the performance , and yet are by way of accommodation brought both in the new testament , and in all sacred writers since , to signifie an office parallel to this , but purely ecclesiastick . so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though in the old testament sect. it belong properly to the elders of the people either in a common notion , or as members of their sanhedrim , not any body , or single persons peculiarly ecclesiasticke , ( though by the way 't is most cleare , that the high priests were not onely of that number , part of their sanhedrim , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but also the chiefe of them , and therefore in the new testament the mention of the high priests and elders comes oft together in point of judicature ; and the businesse of that court , being all kinde of affaires , civil as well as ecclesiasticke , it was most reasonable that some persons of both conditions should be intrusted with them , and there being so , no wonder that there was no other court , or tribunal meerly ecclesiastical ) yet doth it unquestionably belong , both in many places of the new testament , and in the constant acception of primitive and after-writers , to an order of ecclesiasticks , as is most apparent both by clemens , and ignatius , and is confest by them , which assert the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of bishops , and presbyters : which makes it not very reasonable to consent to the way of arguing , twice used by that learned writer , who from the talmudical writings of the creation of the jewish elders , would conclude how little , or how nothing there is in the creation of a presbyter among christians , more then of a doctor of law , &c. but this by the way . sect. lastly , so the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deacons in the christian church are directly parallel to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under the synagogue , called by epiphanius ( by a light inflexion or change of the hebrew ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or treasurers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in philo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in josephus ) which i wonder a * learned man should carpe at , onely upon this exception , because it was not proved they were in synagogis praefecti , ut ministrarent mensis , when 't is cleare that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the acts , noting first the ministring to them in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that common table for the poore and rich , doth in universum signifie [ providing for the poore ] and that is as clearly parallel to the office of those treasurers among the jewes , as if they had literally in the synagogue served tables . sect. i should now proceed to my third proposal , the phrases which are purely christian , but that i conceive it not unfit to take notice of one difficulty ( which wee have not yet mentioned , nor shall have occasion to mention among the phrases purely christian ) and to give some account of that in this place . and it is , to examine what was the condition , . of heathens . . of samaritans . . of those that are called sinners . . of publicans among the jewes ; being tempted to that ( if it be an extravagance ) by another parenthesis in a learned authour before mentioned . for gentiles , they were of three sorts ; either . proselytes sect. of justice , who were circumcised , and undertook their whole law , and these were allowed to live among them , to enjoy all liberty and priviledges , that any jew did , differing from them in nothing but their gentile-birth . secondly , proselytes of the gates , which were converted so far by them , as to receive the precepts of the sonnes of adam and noah , but not to be circumcised , &c. and these were also permitted to live freely among them in civii society , and to come to the temple ( gods house being a house of prayer to all people , i. e. to all such gentle worshippers , or godly men of the nation ) but that with a marke of difference from the jewes , and perfect proselytes , there being a court provided on purpose for them , called the court of the gentiles , divided from the court of the jewes by a little partition called by the apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on which was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that no such gentile proselyte might goe in i. e. beyond their owne , into the jewes court ; and so these though admitted to society in sacris , yet were so removed or separated by law , the whole body of them , that they were in a manner under the censure of niddui , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , separated from them for some small space , proportionable to that of foure paces , but this not by any act of excommvnication , but by a general law or tradition , thus discriminating them from jewes in this particular . thirdly , there were the gentiles continuing still utterly sect. unconverted in their gentilisme , and with those they were not to have society at all ( not onely in sacris , for there was no need of interdicting that , they would not joyne with them and for them to joyne in the gentile sacrifices were down-right idolatry ) but to separate from them , for feare their company and conversation should infuse their gentiles sinnes into them , wherein they were so strict , that they would not goe into the praetorium , where the band of roman ( i. e. such gentile ) souldiers were , joh. . ver . . counting it a pollution , if they had so done . so you see what was the condition of the gentiles among the jewes , and all this by law or standing custome among them , without any interposition of any degree of excommunication , as having nothing to do to judge them which are without , i. e. the last kind of gentiles , and having set rules for the other two . sect. then for the samaritans , they are almost , if not quite , in the same case with the last sort of gentiles , no conversation allowed between the jewes and them , as you see joh. . ver . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the jewes have not common commerce with the samaritans , no not so farre , as that one should give the other meat or drinke in his want , or helpe him to it , as appeares by the former part of that verse , doest thou being a jew aske to drinke of me being a samaritan ? they might not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eat together , which was proportionable to the niddui , ( that being a separation , to the distance of foure paces , à congressu domestico , as well as sacro & civili , and a prohibition of eating and drinking together promiseuously ) and not onely so , but an interdicting of acts of common humanity , as helping to necessaries of life , like the proscription among the romans ; but this is not by way of excommunication againe , ( but by standing law or custome ) for the samaritans used not the same place of worship with the jewes , came not to jerusalem , joh. . ver . . and so could not be excommunicated by them . nay , matth. . ver . . you shall see the samaritans and the gentiles joyned together in opposition to the jews , when the apostles are commanded to go neither to the way of the gentiles , nor to the city of samaria , but onely to the lost sheep of the house of israel ; that is , first to them , before either samaritans or gentiles were preacht to , which were all one in effect , the samaritan being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an aliene , luke . . in the next place , the word sinners is in the new testament an equivocal word ; for it may signifie either gentiles , as gal. . . sinners of the gentlles ; or else scandalous offenders , infamous persons , harlots , &c. these ( it seems ) it was unlawful to eat with , mat. . . if taken under the first notion , the case will be clear upon the same account , as before we gave you of the heathens : but under the second notion , if sinners signifie notorious offenders , then are they considered either as men under the punishment of excommunication , or at least worthy to be under it , and that either under niddui or cherem , the lowest of which would make them uncapable of familiar conversation , and eating together with other jews ; and upon that ground , the jewes might quarrel with christ for eating with them , and s. paul speaking of the incestuous person might refer to the jewish custome , and thereupon command 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to eat with him , ( that remotion in niddui for the distance of four cubits , being unreconcileable with familiar eating together ) and so the pharisee , when the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , luk. . . came with her cruse of ointment , and anointed and kist christs feet , resolves that if christ knew what she were , he would not admit of so neer a commerce with her , and concludes him no prophet , that he did not know it . lastly , for the publicans , who were also thought unfit for sect. men to eat and drink with , i conceive that is not again from any of the jewish censures past upon them , but only because either they were gentiles , and so uncapable of that commerce , or else being jews , yet being officers of the romans , they were supposed to commerce ordinarily with gentiles , and so to be polluted by that means , and by the law of legal pollution interdicted that familiar reception among the jewes ; notwithstanding which , it appeares , the publican , luk. , . went up to the temple to pray , as well as the pharisee ; and if the parable be argumentative , it seems the pharisee and the publican were in the same court of the temple , ( as maybe guest by the pharisees pointing him out , this publican ) and so that the publican enjoyed all the same priviledges of accesse that the other did , ( though still he continued afar off , & that in a most humble posture , as if he he were ander niddui , that lowest degree of excommunication ) but because it may be subject to mistake , to argue from parables , i shall not do so , but leave the publican joyned with the sinner , as one heathen with another , both by the jewish laws , forbidden to converse with , and not expelled by any censure of excommunication . these conjectures being thus obiter and in passage premised , only on purpose to discard some lesse pertinent places , which some others perhaps have taken liberty to make use of , and not out of design to make any special advantage of this explication of them , in order to my present purpose , or in opposition to any ; i come now to the last thing proposed even now , to shew you the phrases more purely christian : such are , . to deliver unto satan , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . tim. . . answerable to cherem among the jews , so far as belonged to the society in sacris , a turning the blasphemer out of the church of christ . this was the frequent stile of excommunication , because it was the depriving the man of those every-day means which are in christianity afforded , as ordinarily usefull to eject satan and the power of his kingdom out of the heart : such are , . the prayers of the church . . the publick use of the word or doctrine of christianity : ( for so he that is under gherem , nec docet nec docetur , neither teacheth nor are taught , and in the ancient christian church it appears they were excluded from that , & upon repentance received for the first three years among the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or hearers in the porch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith zonaras , which being the first degree of their return to communion , argues that before they were excluded from it ) and thirdly , the sacrament of the lords supper , in which respect scandalous sinners are by s. jude call'd spots in their feasts , or agapae ( which being annext to the lords supper denoted the whole action ) i. e. unfit , as blemished sacrifices to be received there . the use of which means being in the oeconomy of the gospel designed to so much advantage to the soule , for the casting satan out of it , consequently the banishing from , or depriving of the use of those means is properly stiled the delivering to satan , though in gods gracious disposal of all things , that be d●signed by him also to the same gracious end , to cast satan out of him , on whom nothing else can be able to work . sect. but then secondly , it was so call'd , because in the apostles times a sad consequent there was of this tradition or excommunication , proportionable to the dirae or execrations in the jewish cherem , which , say they , rarò effectu carebant , seldome wanted the effect , to wit , corporal power and possession , and inflictions of satan on those , who were delivered up to him , as to a lictor or carnifex ( in like manner as we read befell saul after his defection from god , when the evill spirit came upon him , sam. . vers . . ) for it must be remembred , that about christs time , and a little sect. after , the devil was permitted to have such a ranging unlimited power , that he did ordinarily obtain leave to tyrannize over the bodies of mortal men , laying all kinds of diseases upon them , ( as indeed there is scarce any kind of disease , but some resemblance of it you may finde in some or other of those described in the gospel ) which is somtimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , satans buffeting , cor. . . sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , racking or tormenting , as of the paralytick , mat. . . grievously tormented , and so mat. . v. . that condition of men is described by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : we render it , taken with divers diseases and torments , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is used ordinarily for those , that are possest with devils , and so here of those consequents of such possessions , and therefore follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and possest with devils . and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind , as luk. . . in the story of the woman which had the spirit of infirmity , vers . . ( i. e. a devil or evil spirit that inflicted a strange infirmity or disease upon her ) . years , bowing her together , that she was not able to look up ; 't is said of her , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that satan had bound her , ver . . and the curing her is called loosing her from her infirmity , ver . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from her bond , ver . . agreeable to the phrase of binding and loosing in this businesse , mat. . . & . . hence it is that the apostles delivering to satan , is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . to the destruction of the flesh , i. e. by way of pain or disease , a speciall part of apostolical discipline . thus in ignatius epistle to the romans , we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the punishment of the devil , which i conceive in that place must belong onely to temporal inflictions , because he wishes it were upon himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he may by that means obtain or come to christ , of which eternal would deprive him ; and , perhaps s. pauls wish extended no farther , rom. . then to be thus excommunicate from the church of christ , and to be under those temporal evils that attended it , which was an exuberance of love also to his brethren . sect. the summe of what hath been spoken on this point , is , that as amongst the ancient heathen romans there was banishment , and interdictio ignis & aquae , offenders were interdicted the necessaries of life : and as in iosephus , the esseni [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. cast out from their congregation such as are taken in notorious offences , and they that are thus cast out , come many times to miserable deaths , consumed with hunger , &c. or as heliodorus , mac. . in his sacrilegious enterprise was scourged by two angels in the shape of young men , v. . and hardly came off with life . so the apostolical excommunication , or anathema , was attended with these adversaries of life , diseases , pains , & grievous torments , to lay a necessity on them of returning , or being reformed by that means . and this i conceive is the rod which the apostle mentions , cor. . . the power of inflicting death , as on ananias ; or diseases , blindnesse on elymas , and the like ; the heb : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rod , being isa . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a plague , all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mar. . . and so very capable in that place of this interpretation , & by the matter of the choice there proposed to the corinthians most fitly applied to it . sect. this have i said ▪ ( and might adde a great deal more ) to illustrate this one phrase of delivering to satan , and in it that apostolical censure of excommunication , and its attendant , corporal inflictions of diseases and pains . sect. to all which , methinks cains condition described , gen. . is very applyable , ( by way of accommodation at least ) ver . . behold , thou hast driven me out from the face of the earth ; answerable to v. . thou art cursed from the earth , theor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anathema to which the cursing there is answerable , being a species of excommunication higher then niddui or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , even a driving or casting out , the english of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before mentioned , luk. . . i. e. either from the church ( as anon you shall see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie ) or which is all one , from that part of the earth , where adam and his other children dwelt , as the sole church then existent , and thereupon immediatly it follows , and from thy face shal i be hid : gods face typically noting the church , where god had alwayes a peculiar presence , to which refers the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bread of faces ; or shewbread in the temple , shewing or signifying the presence of god there , and i shal be a fugitive and vagabond ; and then finally it shal come to passe , saith he , that every one that findeth me , shall stay me ; there is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 death , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; excision , from which though god freed him , v. . yet the other he lay under , as appears by v. . cain went out from the presence of the lord , went out , i. e. was turned out ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mat. . . is all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chap. . . ) of the presence of the lord , i. e. out of the church , or visible congregation of gods servants , the place where god is pleased peculiarly to exhibite himself , i. e. out of adams family or the place where he dwelt , for it follows , cain dwelt in the land of nod on the east of eden , but this onely as an image or accommodation . one thing i desire here to interpose as in a parenthesis , sect. which hath been touched on in other * papers , but wil be here seasonably set down more at large , as peculiarly pertinent to the matter now in hand of delivering to satan , and 't is this , that this act of the church in delivering up to satan , is but an image of gods real dealing , who is wont upon occasion tradere satanae , to deliver men unto satan . the ground of this affirmation you may discern by compounding these scripture truths together . . that satan is our adversary before god , and therefore call'd satan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies so , and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enemy , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 set against us , &c. secondly , that one main act of his satanship is exprest in accusing us before god , rev. . . and thence he is call'd peculiarly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. an opposite , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in court of judicature , pet. . . and that either . upon some false suggestion , no real crime , as particularly that of unsincerity ( or serving god only as long as god used him wel , allowed him the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in the case of job , chap. . vers . . . in which respect he is peculiarly call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a calumniator ; and 't is observable that the . doe most what render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by that word , noting this act of calumnia●ing gods servants to their master , to be a special piece of his being our adversary ; or else , secondly , upon the real commission of some sin , which advantage he will be sure not to omit , when he can take it , for sure he that will accuse falsly , will not spare to accuse when he hath true matter of accusation allowed him . to which purpose he is stiled observator calcanei , an observer of the heel , in the vulgar latine , gen. . . ( agreeable to the septuagints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unless ( which i easily believe ) that be a fals print for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) an observer of the heel of christ , i. e. of christians , or one that goeth up and down , to and fro in the earth , job . . to finde out matter of accusation , and in this sense he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. an accuser ( as that differs critically from a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or calumniator ) of the brethren , i. e. christians , or believers , when they fal into a fault . an example of this , i conceive , we have in the case of s. peter , luk. . . where satans desiring to have peter , seems to be founded upon some previous or precedent accusation of him for some criminal commission , perhaps that of striving with the other disciples for superiority , immediately preceding . v. . ( as his successor at rome hath done ever since ) or for some other sin , which satan saw , though we do not at this distance . sect. and upon this putting in of accusations against any , follows in the third place , his expetivit ut cribraret , luk. . . his desiring to winnow , his solemne petition to god that he that hath so offended , may be delivered unto him ; parallel to which our english bibles make that other place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seeking whom he may devour , pet. . . which is there plainly attributed to him , as he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a plaintiff or adversary in a court , impleading , or accusing , or delivering to the judge , matt. . . that so he may deliver him back , again as to a tormentor ; and then if this satanical course or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prevaile , if this accusation be received , this petition be granted , as it was ( though with limitation ) job . . the result is , a man delivered up to satan , to have as job had , so many assayes of his malice practised upon him . to which purpose you may please to observe what psellus hath given us in his scholia on the chaldean oracles on that text [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the devils have the power of binding men ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these punitive envious devils do bind , and even strangle the soules of good and ( as we say ) regenerate men : and from thence it follows , saith he , that we oft see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , many of pure and holy conversations falling into unexpected calamities : according to that of the apostle , for this cause are many sick and weak among you , &c. and perhaps it may on this ground be farther observable , that when men are thus by god delivered up into satans hand ; and he by that permission designs them any mischief , he is able to foretell it to his instruments , and so somtimes doth foretell such future events , to get a reputation in the world of fore-knowing all things . now this being the condition of the apostolical censure or delivering sect. to satan , that who were thus delivered , satan corporally tormented them , brought them to deaths doore , and sometimes killed them , it must follow on the other side . . that the apostles by the power of the keys , must be enabled together , both to cast out devils , and to heal diseases , and so they were , mat. . . in my name they shall cast out devils , and . they shal lay their hands upon the sick , and they shall recover . . that whom the apostles absolve from the censure of excommunication , they might and should also cure of diseases , the consequents of that censure then ( though not alwayes now , and therefore perhaps only the first power belongs to the governours of the church now , to wit , that of absolving , not of curing ) and so every where in the gospel we read forgivenesse of sins , and healing of diseases , or casting out devils , joyned together , as mat. . . christ saith to the sick of the palsie , son be of good cheer , thy sins are forgiven thee , and then v. . arise , take up thy bed and walk , ( the stile and ceremony of christs cure ) and the curing of that disease , an argument in christs own logick convincing and demonstrative , that he had power to forgive sins on earth , for though in mat. and luke it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on earth either applyable to son of man , or to the power of the son of man on earth , as probably , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to forgive sins , yet in the parallel place in mar. . . 't is distinctly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to forgive sins on earth , which is not subject to that ambiguity , i. e. to absolve in the church , because those diseases being consequent to gods delivering up to satan , which is the idea of the churches binding , the sinner must be first loosed ( i. e. his sin forgiven ) before he could be cured , and therefore the phrase was critically exact and proper of the woman with the spirit of infirmity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be loosed from her bond , to expresse the cure of that disease . so jam. . . ( which if it strictly belong not , may yet commodiously be applied to this matter ) you find together the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) saving or recovering the sick , & [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] remission of his sins also : yea and it is observable what s. cyprian saith so many yeares after , that baptisme the seale of pardon of sin , freed those from evil spirits , that were before troubled with them ; ( whence sure it was , that the catechists that prepared converts for baptisme , are in the canons of the councils called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exorcists ) and if after baptisme they relapsed to sinning , the evil spirit returned again ; by which 't is manifest , saith he , that the devil in baptisme is turn'd out by the faith of the believer , and his faith failing , returns again . sect. i shall only adde two things to this matter , . that this may possibly be the original and occasion , if not the p●ime importance of that phrase , joh. . . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] a sin unto death , ( in which the faithful are not bound to pray for him that is guilty of it , or in which case there is no promise that their prayers shall be heard ) i. e. a sin of such a nature , as to which the delivering up to satan the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belongs , the committer of which ( though he might in general be pray'd for , yet ) as long as he continued impenitent & obdurate he was deprived of the prayers of the church , at least was fit to be excluded out of the church , where men prayed in common one for another , as many as were present ; nay perhaps the apostles , having the power of discerning of spirits , might possibly discern some man impenetrably obstinate , and so irrecoverably gone , and so give over all praying or interceding for him , ( as on the other side [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] if any man without that spirit of discerning , see his brother sin a sin which is not unto death , he shall ask or pray , &c. nay on the contrary pray for his excision in some cases , as the after-church judging , though with an humane ( and so possibly fallible ) judgment , of julian the apostate , banisht him out of their prayers , ( and rather prayed for his cutting off ) to which yet i make no doubt they would have given him a return , if they should have discerned any probability of his return unto the faith . the second thing which i shal add hereby way of appendage , sect. is , that from hence will appear , the meaning of anathema maranatha , cor. . . which is as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the second , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the lord comes ) the third sort of the jewish censures ) compacted or put together into one , perhaps not to signifie in that place any peculiar kinde of censure among christians instituted ( as some would think ) in these words against those that have committed the sin against the holy ghost . for the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , loveth not ] there , will not properly signifie that sin , nor indeed any other , of which the church can have cognizance , ( loving , or not loving being a secret of the heart , til it break out into some actual virtue or sin , & then it puts off that title of the affection , and is call'd by the name of the action ) but by way of accommodation , to apply to the state of such a man the two last degrees of excommunication among the jews , the one noting total , the other final , irreversible excision ; and by that terrible representation , as by a clap and a flash of thunder and lightning together , to give a through sense of the danger of that state to set an amazing formidable mark or character upon those that love not the lord jesus : whether they be hypocrites , who whatsoever els they are , are certainly no lovers of christ , at least not lovers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in sincerity , ep. . . or whether haters of him , as al vicious persons are , and then the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let him be ] is not alwayes a legal form of censure , but either a prophetick or apostolical denunciation , importing but this , that the hypocrite or hater of jesus christ shall undoubtedly be damned . by that which hath been said on occasion of this first phrase sect. ( of delivering to satan ) wil appear distinctly , wherein this power of binding in the first branch of it , as peculiar to the apostles from after ages , consists , peculiarly in the power of delivering up to corporal inflictions , diseases , &c. the other phrases will express the matter as it is common to the apostles times with all after ages , the ecclesiasticall discipline , not as it differs from , but as 't is al one with the apostolical , devested only of that one consequent among them , the corporal inflictions . in this rank is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i will not spare , cor. . . explained , sect. v. . by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , abscision , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sublition , taking away , or turning out of the church ; for i conceive the ver . is thus to be paraphrased . these things i , now being absent , write to you , that when i come , i may not be forc'd to use acts of severity , according to the power which is given to me for edification ( which i rather desire to make use of ) and not according to the power which was given to me for destruction or excision . ) so again , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cor. . . the apostles command of not communicating or associating with such . it hath much troubled some scrupulous enquirers , where or when it was that s. paul had thus written unto them , phansying it necessary to resolve that he had written some other epistle to the corinthians before this first . but sure the beginning of the chapter will lay this scruple , for to that ( and not to any other farther off ) the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have written in this epistle that you should not company , &c. ] doth belong , and that the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i have now written , vers . . will enforce , for so in , and . verses we read , i verily , as absent in body , but present in spirit , have judged already as though i were present , concerning him that hath done this deed ; in the name of our lord jesus christ , when you and my spirit are gathered together with the power of the lord jesus christ , to deliver such an one unto satan , &c. the apostle though absent , yet having an apostolick ruling power or jurisdiction over them , passeth censure ( as formally , as if he had been amongst them ) upon that fornicator or incestuous person : and by that spirit or power of his , whereby he was present in their assemblies , doth therein pronounce this censure of excommunication or delivering up to satan against him , that by this means he may reduce that notorious offender ( that is the importance of those . verses ) and that others be not tainted by his example , verse . &c. and then verse . ( having a little digrest , v. , . ) he resumes his matter again , and saith it over briefly in another phrase , with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. this then was it i wrote to you in , or , by epistle , ( because i was not present ) that you should not company with such . by which it appears that the delivering a man to satan , and the commanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all one ( or one but a light addition to , or variation from the other ) all other men being so far concern'd in such a ones being so delivered , as not to company with him ; yet that not so much ( as men now a daies think ) lest they should be polluted by him , ( i. e. by that act of communion with him , as under the law by touching an unclean thing ) as to help discipline him , that the insensate sinner may see himself left alone to no society but satans ( avoided , abandoned by all ) and so be brought to a sense of his detestable dangerous condition , ( and others kept from thinking his actions exemplary or fit to be imitated by them ) and therefore though this discipline be not used upon sinners cut of the church , ver . . for they will not be wrought on by the christians abandoning their company , yet saith st. paul vers . . with a professor of christianity , one that lives in the church , and yet is guilty of this sin , or the like , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( for so i conceive the words must be joyned , all betwixt being in a parenthesis ) neither to company nor eat with him , in stead of which , thes . . . 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simply , onely with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which it seems is a preparative to it ) set a mark , or brand upon him , and doe not company with him ) which in either place whether it belong onely to exclusion from communion in sacris , or be to be extended to interdiction of ordinary civil society , i professe my self not over-confident ; for the former onely this may be said . that although the sound of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( especially as we render it , no not to eat ) seem to contain the latter also , yet perhaps the aequipollence of that other phrase [ delivering to satan ] may restrain it to the former . . because the interdiction of conversing or eating with christian offenders might ( now at least ) make it necessary for a man to go out of the world , as w●ll as the interdict of heathen-fornicators company would have done then . . because the phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which in the close of the chapter is set to expresse the former censure , is by the canons of the councels solemnly applyed to these ecclesiasticall censures , suspension either from the church or from office in it . and yet on the other side the jews were so severe to some , sect. as to deem it unlawfull either to eat or familiarly to converse with them , as samaritans , publicans , heathens and sinners ( so call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. notorious sinners ) and a notable evidence and example of that practice of theirs we have in the . book of maccabees , where speaking of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , deserters , or those that fell off to any notorious breach of their law , the author saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they did expresse a detestation of them , judging them as enemies of the nation , and denyed them the civility of common converse or good usage , al friendly entertainments , &c. and the same is called after in that place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a separating from them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( though it be read corruptly , and without sense , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) aversation , and exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they appeared enemies to them : and even the jewish nidui or first degree of excommunication , being a remotion ad . passus , not suffering any man to come within four paces of him that was so censured , was an interdiction of familiar conversation or eating with him . and therfore perhaps some of that their discipline may be here imitated , and retained ; but then again for the former opinion , christ by his contrary practice seemed to dislike that custome of theirs , and though he brought excommunication into the church or in sacris , 't is not necessary he should continue that other that extended to civil commerce , and therefore still perhaps may not . sect. the best decision perhaps wil be , that this censure ordinarily belongs only to society in sacris ; but yet sometimes the state of affairs so requiring , and when some other defect may be so supplyed , the governours may proceed to the second interdict , that no man shal talk familiarly , or entertain , or eat with them , that all men shall avoid their company , discountenance them , and not so much as say god speed , allow them ordinary christian civility , by this means to besiege , and starve them up , and so , if possible , humble and reduce them . to which purpose it is observable what the learned and judicious hugo grotius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath noted concerning this matter , that in a christian church where either through the recentnesse of their plantation communes conventus non sunt , there are no constant common assemblies of the christians in it , or wherupon the same occasion there is no settled government in the hands of a bishop and assistent presbyters , or where the church is torn asunder by schismes , ( as in corinth , when this first epistle was written , chap. . . whence it follows , v. . that judgments or censures were neglected , and upon that neglect , diseases and deaths among them , ( i would , i could not say among us also ) whereas at the writing of the second epistle , the discipline together with a quiet judicature was restored , cor. . . ) there in stead of exclusion from communion in sacris , that other interdict of private commerce , or avoyding of private familiarity hath been thought useful by the apostle ; to this you may apply , rom. . . where the apostle beseeches them , to mark and avoid such as cause divisions and offences among them , and so thessal . . . just now mentioned , if any man obey not our word by this epistle , note that man , and have no company with him , &c. and if in this respect , mat. . . may be extended to this sense also , 't will no way contradict or prejudice our present pretensions , it being very reasonable for private christians to constrain themselves toward those who have exprest such a contradiction to all fraternal methods of charity , and by outward behaviour to shew a dislike of their contumacie and obduration , especially when an apostle at a distance shal pass that judgment on any particular man , & the present state of the church leaves no place for expectation of formal censures , the law of the heathen charondas being not unreasonable in this case ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that no man converse with a wicked man or woman , or bring a reproach on himself , as if he were like him . another phrase to expresse this censure is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sect. tit. . . after a first and second admonition , avoid him ; which that it belongs to the method directed to by christ , mat. . , , . 't is clear at the first sight : but seeing there be three admonitions before censure , mat. . the first of the injured person alone , the second of the two or three , the third of the church the difficulty will be , which . of those . are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first & second here ? my opinion of it , with submission , is , that the first & second here are the very same with the first & second in s. mat. . that of one alone , and then of that one , with one or two more with him . and if it be objected , that then the excommunication must not follow immediatly upon that second , i answer that those words , being spoken to titus bish . of creet by s. paul , telling him what he should do , must needs make a difference frō what it would be , if 't were a private man ; it appeared probable before that the admonition of the church signified that of the rulers of the church & therfore when they have admonished , there is no place for appeal to the church , nor consequently for that third admonition , and therefore in this case , where the governour ( who is representatively the church it self , a publique , no private person ) after a first and second admonition ( and the second with one or two , perhaps with some or all of the college of presbyters joyned with him ) comes to be despised , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 follows , or proceeding to censure without any third admonition interposing . which will appear to be the practice , if you look cor. . . where immediately after the second admonition , in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , characterized v. . by [ in the mouth of two or three , &c. ] he tels the offenders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i will not spare , i. e. i will proceed to censure : and ver . . he tels them , that this admonition is ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that i may not proceed to excision , or cutting off , ( for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render sharpnesse , signifies ) which is there called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taking away , in the end of the verse ; the very word which is so ordinary in the ancient canons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tollatur , for the censure of excommunication . sect. and the reason is there rendred , because you may know that such an one , that holds out against those admonitions of the church or rulers thereof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a perverse wilful sinner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being self-condemned , i. e. i conceive by that non-submission to the churches admonitions , he withdraweth and divideth himself from that comm●nion , and so inflicteth that punishment upon himself , which the censures of the church are wont to do on malefactors , for that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cut●ing off from the church , which he being an heretick doth voluntarily without the judges sentence , his verv 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heresie being a willing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or excision . so saith s. jerome , whereas fornicators , &c. are turn'd out of the church , the hereti●k inflicts this on himself , suo arbitrio ab ecclesiâ recedens , going of his own choice from the church ; which departing , propriae conscientiae videtur esse damnatio , seems to be the censure of ones own conscience : so in the council of laodicea , can. . after an order that no bishop shal disobey a citation , when he is called to a co●n●el , 't is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if he contemn , he shal be conceived to acc●se himself , which is the next degree to self-condemnation . so in the . can. of the african codex , ( or in justellus his account , the . ) the words are clear of a bishop that being accused before a council appears not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shall be judged to have pronounced sentence of condemnation against himself , and so even in philostratus . l. . c. . it is a saying of apollonius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that shall decline a judicature , how shall he avoid the being thought to have condemned himself ? so in the . tables , praesenti litem addicito , i. e. that he that absents himself , be alwayes cast ; and so the franks have alwayes observed it , ut absens causâ caderet , ni sonnia nuntiasset , that the absent should be alwayes condemned , unlesse he gave a just excuse of his absence . and the regulae ab abbate floriacensi constitutae adde , qui non comparuerit , tanquam convictus judicabitur , he that appeareth not , shall be judged as convict , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : if you would see this interpretation more fully confirmed , i must refer you to marculsi formul . l. . c. . and bignonius on them , to stephan . fornerius rerum quotid . l. . c. . and out of him , justellus in the notes on cod. ecclesiae universae , p. . but enough of this . i shall take in no more places to examine for this point sect. of the nature of this power , save only those in the gospel ( with which this discourse began ) which , as we have once gone over in relation to the first enquiry , so we shall now again in order to the second . first , then , mat. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sect. [ i will give you the keys of the kingdome of heaven ] where 't wil be no news to him that is vers'd in the new testament , if i tell him that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the kingdome of heaven , signifies the church of christ here below militant , being not a disparate body but a fellow-member of christ , with the other triumphant in heaven . i could weary my reader with places to this purpose , ready at every turn to justifie this interpretation , as when 't is said of st. john the baptist , matt. . . that though from the beginning there had not risen a greater then he , ( a more then prophet in pointing out rather then prophesying of christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , behold the lamb of god ) yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he least in this new church , ( this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the age to come , as the septuagint , es . . . cal it , & so heb. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the world to come , and perhaps heb. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the powers of the age to come , i. e. of christianity , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the comming kingdom , as the phrase in s. mark. . . may i conceive , be rendred absolutly thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blessed in the name of ehe lord of our father david , be the comming kingdome ; or blessed in the name of the lord be the comming kingdome of our father david ; this church or kingdome of christ here on earth , not hereafter in heaven ) the least believer , at least teacher of the gospel here ( not saint there ) is greater then he . so mat. . . upon the centurions comming to christ , and expressing so great measure of faith , that he professes not to have found the like in any jew , he adds that many shall come from the east and west , all parts of the heathen world , and sit down with abraham , isaac , and jacob , in the kingdom of heaven , i. e. as that centurion did , believe in christ ( and become one church with the jews , of whom abraham the father of the faithful was the first ) and the children of the kingdome ( they that were till then the only church , to wit , the rebellious unbelieving jews ) should be cast out . so clearly ch. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the kingdome of heaven , the church here below , not the kingdome above , is likened , &c. for sure there are no enemies to sow , nor tares to be sown in heaven , which in this kingdom are there said to be , ver . . ( as rev. . . the war that is mentioned in heaven may be an argument that heaven in that place signifies the church here below , which onely being militant can be said to have war in it ) and so in the other parables in that chapter . i have named enough for an hint to any to observe many more in this gospel , chap. . , , . chap. . , . chap. . . chap. . . and ( which is a little nearer to the phrase in this place ) chap. . . the pharisees shutting up the kingdome of heaven before men , i. e. keeping men from entring the church , from becomming christians , and the like also in the other gospels . if this notion of the kingdome of heaven do yet seem alien , or forced , or lesse proper for this place , then you may but please to observe , that a key refers to a lock , a lock to a door , or entrance to any place , and then the church being supposed the door or gate , the only way of passage to heaven , these keys of heaven it self must be the keys of the church below , as of the door that leads thither , and then that will return to the same issue still . so then , peter , and in him the rest of the apostles and successor-governors of the church had the keyes of the church given them , i. e. clearly a power of shutting out , or receiving in to the visible militant church , of removing the contumacious by censure of excommunication , and receiving in the humble penitents by absolution , and so of binding and loosing , ( as it follows ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here below , upon the earth , answerable to that exception of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( for the church ) premised , and just agreeable to the phrase , mark. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to forgive sins on earth , which ( it appears by the mentioning of the keyes as the foundation of this power ) signifies receiving men into the church , disexcommunicating , and therefore the binding is there peculiarly the censure of excommunication , and nothing else ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the thing we undertook to shew from hence . from whence by the way may be understood the meaning of sect. that place , mat. . . it shall not be forgiven him , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impersonally ) he shall not receive absolution , either in this world , i. e. in the church from the ecclesiastick censure , nor at the day of judgement , i. e. in the world to come , the phrase seeming to me to refer to that rule among the jews mention'd before out of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●r . de excom . si quis juret in hunc modum , &c. if any man swear after this manner , [ if this be not true , let me be excommunicated in this world , and in the other ] and be perjur'd , he cannot be absolv'd by any : and then how ridiculous are they that ground a purgatory on this place ? we shall not need to make any distinct survey of the second sect. place , chap. . . because ( as to the matter of this power , our present enquiry ) it is verbatim ( only the number and some little unimportant circumstances changed ) the same with this former place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , binding and loosing in the earthly part of the kingdome of heaven , the church below . one thing only it will not be amisse again to add as an appendage common to these two places ( though we mentioned it before ) and it is this , that [ the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the mention of absolution is ( in both ) an attendant of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or binding precedent , as indeed loosing generally presupposes a band , and therefore act. . . where we read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and render it , ( loosed the pains of death ) 't is sufficiently clear , and confest that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are there taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( by the equivocalnesse of the hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies both , & is rendred by the . sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a band , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a pang of travail ) and so should be rendred in that place , bands of death , in relation to which it follows , he could not be holden , &c. which intimates absolution to be in universum , or absolutely necessary onely to those that have been bound , and so only after excommunication , the absolution proportion'd to the precedaneous censure , and that the onely thing that lyes upon any , necessitate praecepti here , or medii in any other respect , all other absolution without this precedent binding censure , being ( though it may be allowed very useful & profitable for the comfort and satisfaction of the penitent , yet ) neither commanded , prescribed the priest to give , nor the penitent to receive ( at least by either of these two places . ) sect. as for the third place , joh. . . ( which by some is thought to belong to somewhat else , rather then those censures of the church , . because the phrases are other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remitting and retaining , in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , binding and loosing . . because the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ remit ] is before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ retain . ] and . because this is deliver'd to all the apostles together , whereas the two other were spoken , one personally to peter , the other of the church ) i in humility conceive , that as before we shewed that this place in s. john belonged to the same persons to which the other two belonged , to wit , the apostles and their succeeding rulers of the church , so it is perfectly parallel to them also in respect of the matter of the commission ; and my reasons are these : . because the phrases , though ( as the first reason pretends ) other in sound , are yet directly synonyma's with the former in scripture-stile . i say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to remit , is al one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to loose , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to retain , with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind . and therefore theophylact uses together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , power of remitting and binding , confounding the two places in s. john and s. mat. together , and rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to retain , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to loose , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to remit , in mat. . . and so promiscuously in other writers . if there be the least difference it is onely this , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to bind , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind , and also to keep bound ; in which respect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is more proper here in s. john , because the order is inverted , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , retaining , put after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remitting , and so the word which signifies also [ to keep bound ] or to not-remit , is more perfectly & critically agreeable , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bind would have been ; and yet when binding is mentioned first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as exact as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in the other places : but yet for all this light accidental difference , i shall not retract saying , the words are in use perfectly synonymous ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remit , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , loose ; especially as applyed to sin ; both signifie forgiving of it ; the first as sin is taken under the notion either of a debt , or a thraldom , ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the n. test . applyed to both , to the one in the lords prayer , to the other luk. . . and both directly opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the second , as of a band ; so in the septuagints translation of the old testament , gen. . . ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perhaps false copied for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , my sin is greater then can be forgiven ) or more clear●y , exod. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if thou wilt , ( or , o that thou wouldst ) forgive them that sin ; and in divers other places ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remit ) taken for forgive , and so in like manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to loose , job . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( a translation of the words which are in hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 god accepted the person of job praying for them ) he forgave them that sin by job , i. e. by his mediation . there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ to loose ] is taken for [ to forgive . ] so also for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind , and to hold or retain , the sect. same hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred by the septuagint , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) jer. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dan. . . & . . and so act. . . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] being holden , is set opposite to ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) loosing of bands , and so must signifie keeping bound , ( and in almost all other places it signifies to hold fast , or take hold of , mat. . . . . . , &c. and is sometimes joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as holding fast is precedaneous , and preparative to binding , mat. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , laying hold on him , bound him , and apoc. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , held and bound ) and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though rendred to retain , is taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bind also , ( or if there be any difference , t is this , that it signifies lesse then binding , rather then more , and so will not conclude any thing which the former places were not able to conclude . ) and so you may observe in the fathers , viz. s. basil , speaking of the freedome of christians in their bands , he saith they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bound , but not capable of binding ; and many the like . secondly , because the inverting of the order of words is too light and casual a thing to be argumentative , and therefore the second reason is of little force , being taken onely from that change , for which yet some reasonable account also may be given from the variety of the words , which caused this inversion , and consequently no more argument will be deducible from this change of order , then from the change of words would be just to deduce : if the change of the words would argue ought , then i confess the inverting of the order , caused by that , would per modū accumulatiònis do so too ; but that being once cleared to import no new thing , this which is onely attendant on that , cānot be thought to do so , & so there will be no need of farther answer to that , when the former hath bin sufficiently answer'd . sect. thirdly , because the third ground of scruple is as unconvincing also , the other two being delivered to all the apostles also , as well as this : the first to all in s. peters person , ( as 't is ordinary for donations made to communities to be delivered to one of that number for the use of all ) as is acknowledg'd by all but those , whose pretended interest in s. peter hath bribed them to inflame his , and lessen the other disciples prerogative , asmuch as they can . and the second in plain words with a preface of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , verily i say to you , i. e. to the disciples with whom the discourse had continued by way of mutual colloquie from the beginning of the chap. this i am sure is the affirmation of the greek fathers , particularly theophylact on mat. . where he affirms that promise of the power of binding and loosing to be fulfilled in those words of christ in s. john , whose sins you do remit , &c. the place was formerly set down at large , and need not be repeated ; and if you examine the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 throughout the n.t. you will have no temptation to doubt it . sect. having now declared out of the scripture the foundation & progresse of this power , these censures , and occasionally interweaved the interpretation of some places which i conceive to depend on this matter , it were now a fit season to proceed to the writings of the ancient church , and draw down the history of this practice through the first & purer times : but that hath been so faithfully performed by many others , particularly by spalatensis , that it would be a great insolence to attempt to do it better . only it will be worth our rehearsing , ( though we only refer you to that magazin for all farther explication of it ) that there were some nice differences observed in this matter between the binding which was a censure , and the other which was onely a punishment , the one conceived to bind in heaven , the other not . . betwixt the binding of the refractory impenitent , and the humble confitent penitent : the first for the cure and removing the scandal of some notorious crime ; the second on his voluntary confessing his crime , and submitting himself to be bound by way of penance , that so by being loosed again , he might be the more sure of that pardon in heaven , which is promised to those which are absolved on earth , & so propter majorem cautelam , to satisfie the trembling conscience , and assure it that god hath forgiven him . these are excellent profitable subjects , in which i desire the reader will satisfie himself out of those judicious collections of that very learned unhappy man. and if it be now demanded of me , whether private absolution be not contained under the importance of these places ? i answer , that this last distinction hath in effect answered this question , and defined , that in case of private binding it doth come under it , and that that , though in some sense it be left ad libitum , or voluntary to the penitents will or choice , is yet necessary to every one whose conscience either is not able to perform & go through the work of inward repentance with god alone , or is not able to satisfie it self with such performance without the ministers assistance called in . to which purpose i shall desire that that may be considered sect. which is delivered by our church in the second exhortation before the communion , in these words : because it is requisite that no man should come to the holy communion but with a full trust in gods mercy , and with a quiet conscience ; therefore if there be any among you , which by the means aforesaid ( which were to examine their lives by the rule of gods commandments , and wherein they shall perceive themselves to have offended , either by will , word , or deed , there to bewaile their own sinful lives , and confesse themselves to almighty god with full purpose of amendment ; and if their offences be also against their neighbours , then to reconcile themselves to those , with readinesse to make restitution and satisfaction for wrong done , and to forgive others that have offended them ) cannot quiet his own conscience , but requireth farther comfort or counsel , then let him come to me , ( i. e. his lawful pastor ) or some other discreet and learned minister of gods word , and open his grief , that he may receive such ghostly counsel , advice , and comfort , as his conscience may be relieved , and that by the ministery of gods word he may receive comfort , and the benefit of absolution , to the quieting of his conscience , and avoiding all scruple and doubtfulnesse . all which being an exhortation of the church belonging to a particular case , [ when a man by the use of all helps which are within his own reach , cannot attain to quiet of conscience , or be satisfied that he is fit to receive the holy communion ; ] as they do imply that those foresaid meanes may happily serve the turn , without opening his case to the minister , and consequently without receiving absolution ; so are they a fervent exhortation to all , in case those means prove not successfull , to seek out , & make use of those auxiliaries , which whosoever in that case shall neglect , will be guilty of great unkindness to his own soul , and may well be thought to have betray'd it to great and needlesse danger . and it is worthy our noting from hence , that receiving of comfort , & the benefit of absolution are by our church here conjoyned , to signifie this absolution to be beneficial to him that once wanted comfort , as a meanes of confirming that comfort which the minister had now given him . to which end certainly 't is very proper & seasonable : for when a discreet & learned minister , having had the survey of my soul , ( the cognizance of my offence first , & then of my repentance ) shall from the word of god give me assurance , that ( if i am what to him i appear to be ) my estate is good , & thereupon pronounce me absolved , as a true penitent , from all my sins ; this will , . seal me a right of gods promise of forgivenesse in heaven , as it were solemnly and in the court ; and . extremely quiet me , and confirm to me that comfort , i. e. that comfortable opinion of my good estate , and hope of my future happiness , which he had given me , when i see him who hath no reason to be partial to me , and whom i cannot suspect of ignorance , or passion in this particular , ( both which perhaps i may upon enquiry discern in my self ) and beside , who is set over me by christ to this purpose , pronounce so clear a sentence of me , and that ( as the precedent words are ) by the ministery of gods word , i. by applying peculiar parts of that infallible truth to the present condition of my soul , and from thence pronouncing my absolution . and that this is the meaning of the absolution there , it is evident by that which is the second thing , which i thought worthy our observing from hence , viz. what is added in conclusion , as the ultimate end of that comfort and absolution , the quieting of conscience , and avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulnesse ; which whether they be distinct , so that the quieting of conscience may be the completion of the comfort , and the avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulnesse , the end intended in , and obtained by absolution , or whether both together indiscretè belong to both together , the product will be still the same , that in case a man be not able to satisfie his own scruples and doubts concerning himself , the presbyter wil be able to stand him in good stead , by the word of god applied to his case to give comfort , and by pronouncing absolution to him to seal that comfort , and perswade him to a greater confirmation of mind , that that comfort is not groundlesse , and so take away doubts and scruples concerning that matter which before molested him , and made him unfit for the communion , which was the only occasion of the exhortation . beside this , it is also true , that in case of sicknesse s. jame's sect. advice ( if not command ) is punctual , that the presbyters of the church be call'd for , and that they shall anoint the sick ( a ceremony used in those dayes by christ and his apostles in the curing of diseases , and casting out devils , not so much as a viand toward our last great journey , as among the romanists 't is continued , but either as a sign of our spiritual cure , or as a means sanctified by prayer to cure the sick , to deliver from the disease in the beginning of the verse ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and if he be that have committed sins , absolution shall be given him ; for so that phrase will be most grammatically rendred , not [ they shall be forgiven him ] for then it would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor that [ god shall forgive him ] for then it would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to agree with , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 immediately precedent , the lord shall raise him , but impersonally remittetur ei , he shall have absolution . of which absolution . there is little question , but that it is a very proper preparative to curing of his disease which is oft sent to awake some drowsie sinner , and is not removed til it have done the work in some measure , ecclus. . , . & therefore the ordinary preface to christs cures , is [ son thy sins are forgiven thee ] as . mac. . when heliodorus had been so scourged for his sacrilegious enterprize , and the high priest offered sacrifice for his recovery , verse . the priest is said to have made an attonement , and thereupon god granted him his life , verse . and so ecclus . . before gods delivering in time of tribulation , there is first his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remitting of sins , before releasing from the pressure ; and secondly , that absolution , as it is the ministers act peculiarly , and an act of benediction in him , contrary to the execration in the cherem , or anathema , may well be thought in common reason to have benign influence on the patient , as the curses of parents are generally believed to be fattal curses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in orpheus , the curses of parents are shrewd furies that haunt a man where ever he goes on the earth , have an inauspitious influence on all his earthly prosperities , devour and eat out his patrimony ; and so also by the rule of contraries , the blessings of parents , eccl. . . may availe toward the removing of temporal calamities , and so consequently , the prayers and blessings , and absolution of the presbyter the spiritual father . thirdly , there will be as little question who shal be the minister of it , when 't is considered that there is no supposition or presumption in that place of the presence of any , but onely of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the presbyters of the church , and as little will there be of the fitnesse , and exceeding expedience , that the sins of which he is so peculiarly to receive absolution should be confessed , and bewailed before him , from whom the absolution is expected . one thing only the context may perhaps farther import , that this presbyterial absolution may not be ( by force of that place ) so absolutely necessary to all sick persons , but onely to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to him that hath ( formerly , & so as upon examination of himself , he may reasonably impute his sicknesse to it ) committed sins , either as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes greater sins , or as sins contrary to our duty towards god , whose minister the presbyter is , or as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to live indulgently in sin , and so as it is not reconcilable with a * regenerate estate , as long as it continues . for 't is worth observing what follows in that place , james . . confesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 your transgressions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to one another , one brother , i. e. christian to another , the sick to them in health , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be ye all subject to one another , pet. . . i. e. all that are inferiours , to all superiours . where , whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie a trespasse peculiarly against our brethren , or whether ( as 't is resolved by grammarians ) lapses , or lighter sins , it seems to be here set in a distance from ( if not opposite to ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the greater sins , or those against god ; and then as the confession of them to the presbyter , gods officer , will in any reason be most proper , to obtain comfort on safe grounds , and the benefit of absolution upon sincere repentance ; so in those sins of an inferiour rank confession to the wronged brother , or to whatever fellow-christian , may possibly be sufficient ; and assuredly not unuseful or unnecessary , if it be but for the obtaining of the brothers united prayers , to help to remove the sicknesse , if that be inflicted ( as oft sicknesses are ) as a punishment for any such trespasses . in which case as the promise is there given of recovery to the sick upon those other mens prayers , and not otherwise , so there is little hope that god will accept thy private prayers for removing that punishment , till thou go and reconcile thy selfe unto thy brother , and desire and obtain his prayers for thee , ( as job's for his friends ) when thy injuring of him had cryed to haven , and fetch 't down that infliction on thee . nay thirdly , there will be little matter of doubt , or controversie , sect. but that private , frequent , spiritual conference betwixt fellow-christians , but especially ( and in matters of high concernment and difficulty ) between the presbyter and those of his charge , even in the time of health ; and peculiarly , that part of it which is spent in the discussion of every mans special sins & infirmities , & inclinations , may prove very useful and advantageous ( in order to spiritual directions , reproof and comfort ) to the making the man of god perfect . and to tel truth , if the pride and self-conceit of some , the wretchlesnes of others , the bashfulnes of a third sort , the nauseating , and instant satiety of any good in a fourth , the follies of men , and artifices of satan had not put this practice quite out of fashion among us , there is no doubt , but more good might be done by ministers this way , then is now done by any other means separated from the use of this , particularly then by that of publick preaching , ( which yet need not be neglected the more when this is used ) which hath now the fate to be cryed up , and almost solely depended on , it being the likelier way , as quintilian saith ( comparing publick and private teaching of youth ) to fill narrow-mouth'd bottles , ( and such are the most of us ) by taking them single in the hand , and pouring in water into each , then by setting them altogether , and throwing never so many buckets of water on them . sect. i conceive , i have now distinctly set down the ful importance of this power of binding & loosing , and how it belongs peculiarly to the publick censures of the church , the binding by way of excommunication , or depriving of the common benefits of christians , ( together with that branch of corporal discipline , or inflictions on mens bodies , peculiar to the apostles times and power ) and the loosing , in restoring the excommunicate person upon repentance to the assembly of the saints . and by this perhaps may be received some satisfaction to that question agitated sometimes , whether absolution in the church be onely declarative , or moreover ministerially authoritative ? which question wil not now have so much place , the matter being thus stated . for the churches absolution being not the actual eternal pardon of sins in heaven , ( which is left to be gods work , none but he justifyng sinners , except by way of consequent upon this promise of gods ) but peculiarly the freeing the penitent from ecclesiastical censures here below , & from that other farther obligation that arose from the churches binding , there will be no matter of doubt , but as the governour of the church authoritatively by commission from christ , preacheth the word , administreth sacraments , and inflicts censures , so he may authoritatively too , absolve on earth , free from punishments in the church inflicted on sinners , without any necessity of interposing or medling ( save only indirectly , or as i said by way of consequence ) with that which is due from god to them in another world ; to which purpose 't is ordinarily observable in the canons of the councels , that à pace ecclesiae arceri , being driven from the peace of the church , is the expression of being excommunicated , and pacem dari , is to be received into communion again . in other places we find both together , communio pacis , communion of peace , all noting that , which excommunication deprived them of , to be the peace or favour , or pardon of the church peculiarly , and not gods peace , or pardon , or favour directly , but either by supposing the person fit to be so dealt with , to be formerly deprived by god of that , or by way of consequence accidentally , more surely fastning him under gods disfavour , if this wrought not on him the good desired effect of reformation . to all which , by way of corollary i shall adde , that the bare sect. binding of the church ( abstracted from our contempt of , and perverse standing out against it ) cannot damn any which is not otherwise ( and if he were not thus bound ) in a damnable estate that is , hath not any real influence on his damnation ( save only to bind him farther to it , in case he doth not submit to it ) distinct from that which proceeds from his sin , upon which he is bound , and from his refractarinesse continued in , in despight of this censure , ( which no doubt may make his case more highly dangerous , as the word is the savour of death to them that beleeve not ) but is rather a means tending , as it is designed , to the saving of him , as in the next chapter shall appear . on the other side loosing on earth , or the absolution of the sect. church shall not free any impenitent unreformed sinner , in foro coeli , i. e. obtain pardon for any that is not contrite , ( much lesse turn attrition into contrition , as the romanists , or a votum poenitentiae , a wishing we were penitent into penitence , as others dream ) but will rather be a means of damning him the deeper , of betraying him to , and hardning him in an impenitent estate , who is absolved , or freed from under that discipline before he be reform'd ; which therefore the church in pure charity to the man is bound not to do , but to continue him under the punishment till it produce the reformation . cap. v. sect. for the third enquiry , the end or use to which this binding is designed , &c. there will not be so much occasion to enlarge ; 't is speedily stated by answering , that the whole end , aim , design in inflicting of publique church-censures , may be reduced to these three heads ; . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for reformation of the offender : . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the repairing , or making up the honour of the church , which suffered by him : and . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that others may be warned by the example of his punishment , and not corrupted by example of his sin , but especially to reform those by these sharper methods , which no other calmer means of admonitions will work on , to cut off that member that balsams will not cure , or keep from gangrening , according to that of the writer of the answers ad orthodox : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when by long-suffering offenders are not reformed , then excision to them which are not corrigible , is more useful then clemencie . for both those distant wayes , . of application of plaisters ; and . of excision , are the same physitians methods of preserving the whole , and proportionably to them the ministration of the word and sacraments are the churches first method , and when that fails to produce its effect , this other of censure is the second , ( and upon the good working of that , absolution ) wherein the governours of the church are truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or co-workers with christ , to bring back sons unto god , as they are to beget them in the preaching of the word . sect. to which purpose you may see and observe what the apostle constantly adds to his sentences of binding , or excommunication , or delivering up to satan , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved , &c. so of hymenaeus and alexander , tim. . . i have delivered them up to satan , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they may be disciplined , instructed , taught not to blaspheme , or resist contumaciously ; whence the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which we render taught ) in a common notion , may perhaps be more critically taken in a notion peculiar to this purpose , by way of reference to the punishments amongst the jews . for of the four punishments put into esdra's hand by artaxerxes , esd . . . the second ( rendred by us banishment , but in heb. eradication , i. e. saith schindler , casting out of his inheritance ) is in the septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so vulgarly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for discipline or punishment , but there peculiarly for distermination , and so the fitter to expresse this turning out of the church , this church-banishment , or distermination , so thes . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the end of excommunication is again , that he may be ashamed , that he may see himself alone , no company but the devil thought bad enough for him , and so be brought to sense and shame of his own vilenesse , which is the most necessary preparative to reformation ; and therefore to signifie it an act of mercy and charity , of all other the greatest , ( though under the shew of severity and wrath ) it follows in that place , v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , count him not an enemy , but admonish him as a brother ; and therefore mat. . . the doctrine of binding , &c. is used as a means of exemplifying that great evangelical truth , vers . . that christ came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to save , rescue , deliver , reduce that which was lost , i. e. impenitent sinners , or those , that the soft ministery of the word would do no good on . for there being ( among others ) two principal meanes of sect. continuing men in sin . . in some an opinion ; that christian profession , or the bare being christians ( however qualified , or demeaning themselves ) will stand them in stead , and prove sufficient ; or if not so , yet the creditablenesse of an unchristian impious life , so long as they may be allowed but the christian name ( mens generall design being to get the praise of men , not of god. ) . in others a mistaking sorrow or attrition , or any the most slight wish that they were penitent , for that repentance which christ cals for , and accepts and crowns : it follows hence , that unlesse men may be driven out of these falseholds , they will never set themselves aright in the way to that great work : and therefore proportionable to these two heads , are the two exercises of the power of the keyes designed ; the first to turn the christian professor , that will go on in sin , quite out of all society of christianity , not allowing him the priviledges of his christianity , the word , the sacraments , &c. unlesse he will walk worthy of so honourable a vocation , the second to set him his task of repentance , to prescribe him some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & probations , by which he shall be discerned whether he be in earnest contrite and willing to make his peace with heaven , to take any the most laborious course to approve himself to christ . the former of these in the act of excommunication , the latter in imposing the penance , upon which he shall be received again , & both together to bring sinners to repentance . sect. when sinners by obstinacy provoke god , 't is his manner to withdraw his grace , to deliver them up to themselves , ( a worse kind of devil or satan ) that by this means they may see their former forlorne condition , their vilenesse first , and then their danger ; & so he uses to bring the secure , proud sinner to humility , to the use of prayer , & wrestling with god , to caise him out of this sad estate . and so the church in like manner by christs direction withdraws the benefits and priviledges of christians , from those whom it judges contumacious , delivers them up to plain barbarousnesse and heathenisme , deals with them as god did with nebuchad-nezzar , driving him from the court into the wildernesse , transforming him into the shape of a very beast ; & all to this end , that his understanding might by that means return to him , the field teach him lessons of piety , whom the palace could not . agreeable to which is that of pletho upon zoroaster , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the revengefull devils or furies do gripe men to bring them off from sin , and set them on vertue . sect. and then as afflictions are one of gods engines and stratagems to besiege , enter , and take the soul , ( when he flew them , they sought him , saith the psalmist ) so among the apostles were those corporal inflictions , diseases , &c. superadded on purpose to make the impression more violent , and to work more effectually on their hearts . sect. the effectualnesse of which we may discern in one of the degrees of penitents in the ancient church , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom we find weeping and howling in the church-porch , not permitted to come in , lying without , for them that enter'd to tread on in their passage , which was certainly a means to make them prize those benefits more dearly , which they saw themselves interdicted , and others partakers of , and withal to read them a lecture of their own unworthinesse , seeing themselves of the number of those dogs , and evil workers that are without . the second end which i named , was the repairing the honour sect. and dignity of the church , which consisting in the purity of the lives of christian professors , is necessarily lost both in the opinion of god , and men ( especially those which are without ) by the impieties and unchristian actions of any which are called by christs name , which is therefore by the apostle said to be blasphemed or evil spoken of , when christians fall into any notorious sins , and then there is no way to recover the reputation of the church , and even of the christian religion , and in a kinde , of christ himself , but by expressing the wrath and displeasure of the church against those who walk th●s inordinately , and so proclaiming unto all , that christianity is not a doctrine ( as zozimus , and celsus , and julian mistook it ) of security or impunity to any sort of impenitents , but of strict , precise , exact purity , though some ungracious persons walk contrary to those prescriptions : this is the only tabula post naufragium , plank or means of relief , when the same and good name of the church is thus ship-wrackt , and so fit to be designed in the second place . a third gain and profit designed by these censures is the warning sect. and admonishing of others ; not lest they should be polluted by presence among the profane , as they that toucht the unclean thing were polluted under the law , ( any farther then by the spreading , leprous quality of their example ) which is the comon errour of the proud fastidious pharisees of all ages , and is clearly confuted by st. paul , cor. . . where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not extended to heathen fornicators , which sure would be able to pollute by society , as much as christian sinners ) and by clemens or that ancient author under his name , constit . ap. l. . c. . who hath a notable place to fortifie against this mistake , speaking of those which ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) unmercifully affirm that men ought not to pollute themselves by accompanying with sinners , nor converse with them , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) for such reasonings savour of men that know not god and his providence , of unreasonable judges , and untamed beasts . for they observe not that the communion with sinners that must be avoided , is not that of conversing with , but imitating of them , not speaking , but doing with them . sect. but the design is to set a brand upon such sins , which otherwise might haply be thought imitable , and insensibly grow into fashion , and so infect , and pollute , were not men thus told of their uglinesse , shew'd their deformity , and fore-warn'd of their danger , which is sure another act of mercy to all easie , seducible spectators , to the church it selfe , and to him whose scandalous sins are by this means hindred from being damners of other men . sect. and as the censures themselves , so the inexorablenesse , or at least , difficulty of some ages , ( of canons , of councils , and practice of churches ) in granting of absolution to penitents , that also hath been designed out of pure charity to help multiply their fruits of repentance , to set a value on gods ordinances , to quicken their zeal , to demonstrate their sincerity both to others , and to their own souls , each of which might perhaps be missing , if absolution were over-easily obtainable . sect. all which the more it is weighed , ( how this institution of christs , ( besides that , as 't is so , it ought not to be neglected ) is an act of special christian charity in not suffering sin upon thy neighbour , but in any wise rebuking him , lev. . . ) the more reproachful wil it be to this age of ours , the more bitter pasquin , and lasting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when it shall be told in gath and askalon , that for some years the arts of some uncharitable men have so prevailed , that all exercise of this institution of christ hath been cast and kept out of this church of ours ; the first , i think , that is recorded since christs time to have continued any considerable space without liberty of using that power of the keyes in excommunication , left unto the church by christ . the lord be merciful to us in this matter . sect. as for them who either look upon this in others ( or use it themselves ) as a matter of secular advantage , or accruement either of power or gain to the rulers of the church , and so as a carnal design or engine disguised in the shape of a spiritual institution , and on that ground either are willing by their calumnies to help rend it out of the hands of the church , or being themselves in place , either by passion , or mistake , or sloth betray it to the odium & censure of other men ( whose shortnes of discourse cannot separate the order from the person , or the abuse from the institution ) i shall suppose they will change their minds , & their practices , when i shal have given them one advertisment , which i may hope to do more effectually , not onely by putting them in mind of s. chrysostoms judgment , who in this very matter having resolv'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that the sacerdotal dignity in pardoning and retaining of sins is very great , expresses that presently by this only way of probation , that a priest if he live never so well himself , if he be not accurately careful of other mens lives , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he bears those wicked men ( which he reform'd not ) company to hell ; and often when he is not betrayed by his own , he perishes by others mens sins , if he have not done all things rightly , which may tend to their recovery , and in that , founds all the respect and obedience that st. paul requires to be paid to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but also , and especially if i present it to them in a breif paraphrase of one place of scripture , which by mistake and rash judgement , is wont to be produced against all exercise of power in church-men , but being rightly weighed , as it doth not take away the power which we onely plead for , that of exercising charity , of disciplining , reforming , i. e. doing the greatest good to those that are placed under us so will it teach every man ( to whom that power is entrusted to learn nothing but meeknesse and diligence , and all kinde of christian temper from the condition and peculiarity of this honour , and authority of his . the place is that known text mat. . i shal deduce it from sect. the beginning of the sense , & lay it plain before you . v. . the mother of zebedees children ( having heard by her sons of the promise made to the disciples by christ , mat. . . that they should have the dignity of so many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which among the jews , was a dignity next unto the regal ) petitions christ in the behalf of her two sons , whom she conceived favoured by him above all the rest , judging it by the expressions to them two , & s. peter ; and her petition was this ; that ( seeing in the equality of that dignity promised to all , there might be yet , nay if ( it were according to the old jewish pattern , where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belonged to judah and joseph ) must be some kinde of inequality , at least a precedence of some before others ) her sons that he had shewed such a speciall kindnesse to , might have that favour by him confer'd on them . jesus represses her demand by telling her , she is mistaken in the kinde of dignity , that should be instated upon his disciples , 't was not such a one as in any worldly respects would prove very desirable , but as a place of great burthen , so subject to great persecutions , and even death it self , of which indeed her sons should undoubtedly taste , as histories testifie they did . if this would not satisfie her , then let her know her importunity should gain nothing ; for * the disposing of any such honours , was to be according as god the father had determined it , and although all power were conferred upon the son by the father , yet there was smal hope that the son should thwart god●he ●he fathers destination in any such act of dignifying any . this was fully satisfactory to the woman , and therefore she ( nor her sons ) reply not ; but the rest of the disciples upon advertisement what had past , begin to mock the two brethren , and so there is another tempest raised which christ must also calm ; and therefore to this indignation of the disciples ( not now to the ambitious request of the mother , or brethren ) he accommodates an answer ; that they need not be offended at the ambition of those brethren , for if they had had their desires , they had been but smal gainers by i● ; for in christs kingdome preeminence signified ( or brought along with it ) no great secular felicity , ( such as was to be among heathen emperours ( the great ones ) and princes , that being under them , and over others , were served and benefited by their subjects , which is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. . used their power in order to their own profits and pleasures , and pride , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , behaving themselves as lords and masters over so many servants , like those nehem. . . where the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used ) but quite contrary , an office of burthen , and pains , and humility , and doing of service , ( as s. mark reads it more clearly , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chap. . . shall be your minister ) and he that will have that preeminence , must provide himself for that task , by the qualifications which are most agreeable to that , and count of that way both of acquiring and enjoying it , for otherwise it will not be had ; ( and upon these terms you need not envy them it ) as you may guesse by christ himself , whose kingdome in this world was of this nature , not administred in that way as might bring in splendour or profit to himself , but in acts of charity , ministring of all kinds of grace , enduring , and serving , and dying for his people , and not requiring that service , those offices from them , as other kings have done . this excludes not disciples of christ from power , ( for he sect. regulates them by his own example , and no farther , and he , we know , was not onely as god , king of kings and lord of lords , but as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had all power given unto him in heaven and in earth , and in this his state of condescension here , he was a master over his disciples ; and when he was called good master , although he asked , why he called him good ? yet the title of master he disclaims not , nay tels them clearly that they did well , who called him master , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lord , joh. . . ) but shews the lot that was like to befal them , the same it did him , whose greatnes was exprest in humility , and charity , and patience , and offices of servitude ; and so the greater any of them should be , the greater portion of these should be expected from them , as the appendage of their greatnesse ; which consideration fully makes up the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or rational importance of the place , which was to be answer satisfactory , . to the ambition of the two brethren , by disabusing them ; . to the envy or indignation of the rest , by shewing , that preeminence was no fit object for any ones envy , but pity rather . as for the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't wil be best rendred to lord it , sect. to play the lord , and the importance of that , discerned by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that follows v. . or if you wil by comparing it with pet. . v. . where 't is explained by that which precedes in the same sense , ver . . by feeding , or governing , ( for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by force or violence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to make gain , filthy , unlawful gain , of the flock , which is all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as in the gospel , heathen kings did over their people ) and contrary to that , is ruling them by perswasion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making them willing and ready to do , what they ought , and that by his own exemplary obedience , setting them patterns to transcribe , which certainly is the clergy mans duty , ( and best way of ruling , if it may possible prevaile ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who must be no striker , no covetous person , titus . . and to the same purpose , tim. . , , . and so sure cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies imperious behaviour in any kinde , as there over mens faith , very contrary to meek , gentle perswasion , the method that s. paul and all followers of him ought to use , and i shall never excuse them if they doe not . sect. all which i suppose not impertinent ( as to justifie the authority so ) to limit and regulate the use of that , and determine it to that one christian spiritual end , the reforming and winning , and saving of soules ; a thing of all other , the most contrary to oppressing or violating , invading or tyrannizing over them , in brief ( to them which have need of it ) the onely seasonable mercy and charity in the world , thus in any wise to reprove , and not hate or suffer sin upon my brother . sect. for the other part of the . enquiry , who are the objects of these censures , subjected to the power of the keyes by christ , i answer , . negatively , that the supream magistrate in every kingdome is exempted from it , and not onely à posteriori , because the offering him up to shame and contumely ( which is the work of excommunication ) would be a certain means to expose him to the contempt of his subjects , and so be in danger to dissolve & shake the peace and setled government of a kingdom , ( which i suppose to have been the design of that pestilent romish heildebrandine or gregorian doctrine , that the subjects of an excommunicate prince were discharged from their allegiance , which was but a smal encreas of the former doctrin ( if that were supposed true ) of christs placing a power in the hands of the church to excommunicate princes ; for from the concession of that , the other would generally follow of its own accord , and need no new doctrin to help it forward , the universal distemper of mens passions being a sufficient encouragement to the many , to cast off allegiance to those persons which they conceive themselves taught by christ , and so by christianity appointed to despise ; ) but also à priori , because christ found the world disposed by his father , in a regular subjection of all men to the powers placed over them ( and those higher powers at the time of christs birth , as far as stories will help us to discern , were all regal or monarchical through the whole world ) and was so far from changing that course by any new law of his , that he laboured by all means possible , to settle and confirm it on that basis , and not so much as to accept , when it was offered him , the exercise of any sec●lar or civil power , but to submit himself , and consequently all his , and so all that can plead or pretend any title from him , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. say the fathers ) to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supream power in any kingdom . for the practice & opinion of the church to this matter , through all times , infinite testimonies might be alleadged . i shall refer the reader to david blondel in this book , de formulâ regnante christo , and not endeavour a further dis●roving of that doctrine which he thought more worthy of an exclamation in the language of saint athanasius , ad epist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; who ever in the church or among christians , heard or taught , or learnt that gregorian doctrine ? what an hell was it which vomited it out ? i shall adde no more to the negative part , which being supposed , and to be remembred in that which follows . i answer , in the second place , positively , that the objects of this sect. church-charity or church-censures are , every open , notorious offender , ( whose crimes come to our cognizance , whether by complaint of others , by notoriety of the action , or by his own confession ) that lives , and indulges himself in any grievous crime , any wilfull sin ; every such i say is to be bound by the church , when after admonition first lesse , then more publique , he continues refractory , unreformed , and not till then . the more shame for the easie denouncers of that censure , that either inflict it on every trivial commission , without consideration whether repented of or no ; or that use this soveraign recipe , this generos●m medicamentum , ( that , say artists , must not be cast away , either on the wanton or the desperate patient , but onely on those whom we see to want it , and hope it may doe some good on ) this strong physick , this last and most generous medicament so * unadvisedly and uncharitably , so for any other end , rather then reforming of prophane men . sect. then for loosing , who is capable of that , is agreed in general , the greatest sinners , upon approbation of their repentance : as for novatus who denyed absolution to the lapsi , he himself was censur'd and punished for that severity , as you may see in the . can. of the nic. council , on which saith zonaras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he was cast out and anathematiz'd in a council at rome , cornelius being pope , and decius emperour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though he offended not in matter of faith , yet for his want of compassion and kindnesse to the brethren . but then , what degree of approbation will serve turn , what time of humiliation , what fruits and evidences of repentance may be thought sufficient to give capacity of this loosing ; the judgement of councils and churches have much varied in that particular , the * roman being anciently milder then any other churches ; and how much these latter ages have been more favourable to the guiltiest sons of the church , then the most mercifull of the first ages had learned to be , even those very councils that condemn'd the severity of novatus and the cathari , are able to testifie ; i will give you but an hint or two out of the canons of the council of nice , ( before quoted against novatus ) can. . the council speaking of them that fell in the time of licinius his tyranny , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without any violence , or plundring , or danger of either , the censure is upon true and unfained repentance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , three years shall they continue among the audients ( i. e. saith zonaras , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) stand without the church in the porch so long , and onely partake in hearing the holy scriptures . then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. saith zonaras , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ) for the space of seven years more they have leave to be admitted within the church , but to be behind a pillar , near the doore , and go out with the catechumeni . ten years already , you see , and yet farther , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , two years shall they joyn in prayer with the people , but without the oblation : i. e. saith zonaras , they shall not yet be vouchsafed the participation of the holy things , till these two years be over . this approbation of their repentance cost them , it seems , no lesse then . years . but then the same council speaking of others , that having sect. made some profession of christian valour , like dogs returned to their vomit again , can . resolves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , af●er the three years in the porch among the audients , they must be ten years at the pillar ; the seven years it seems are improved into ten , and t is probable the two years of communicating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 still behinde , and so the probation fifteen years long . one●y the bishop had power left him of the remitting of this sect. severity , if he saw them ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by humility and tears , and patience , and almsdee●s , demonstrate their conversion to be sincere , not fained . and so alcimus to victorius the bishop , authoritatis vestrae est , errantium compunctione perspectâ severitatis ordinem temporare ; 't is the part of your authority , when you perceive the compunction of those that have sinned , to temper the order of severity , i. e. to receive him earlier into the church , epist . . that which might be added in this point out of the ancient sect. canons , would be endlesse to relate , he that would see a particular description of the several degrees of these penitents , may have it very clearly set down in zozomens history , l. . c. . and i shall not so much as enquire what grounds our latter ages have had to remit so much of the ancient discipline , till at length it be crumbled and moultred away into a nothing , or a meer formality : what is amisse in it , i beseech god may be reform'd . i shall only add to this chapter , that there have beeen in the sect. practice of the church , ( i say not grounded in those texts of the gospel ) two sorts of binding ; one temporary or penitential when the person confesses himself penitent , and desires the absolution of the church , at least when there is hope of repentance , in which case the custome hath been to impose for some set time the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such works as are agreeable to that repentance , and proportioned to the former sin , & not to absolve til what is imposed be performed . this the nicene fathers expresse by this style , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] for whose penance the time is defined , and the season set , zonaras by ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the space determined for the penance of those that had faln : and alcimus by propositis observationibus interim ab ecclesiâ sequestrari , to be appointed some observances , and in the mean time to be sequestred from the church : & notae excommunicationis indictio donec publicâ poenitentiae professione desuescant , setting a mark ( answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in saint paul ) of excommunication upon him , till by publique profession of repentance he disuse his former course , a kinde of niddui , or temporary remotion ; the second absolute , & sine praefinito tempore , without any certain definition of time . when men are refractory , and give no hope of amendment , and that is a kind of alcimus's irrevocable anathema , the binding over for ever , perennis excommunicatio , turon . concil . . c. . paris . conc. . can . . or usque ad reformationem , for ever if they reform not . the former of these is sometimes , but not alwayes , an exclusion , or abscission from the church , ( but somtimes on the other side a command to frequent the prayers of the church , or the sacrament , every lords day for such a space , hath been the penance or discipline ) nor consequently is it a binding that man so , that his sin is not yet pardoned on earth , but t is designed for other uses , for satisfaction to the churches edification , &c. but they of the second sort are truly under that band , and cut off from the communion of the church and by no means admitted to the services of it . cap. vi. there is but one enquiry now behind , i. e. what is the real sect. effect of binding and loosing , or what conjunction it hath with binding and loosing in heaven . which though it be the weightiest consideration of all the four , yet shall i have occasion to say least to it , and indeed only this , that a censure of the church is a venerable thing , not only casting a christian out of the church , wherein he is appointed to seek salvation , and of which as long as he is thought unworthy , he is uncapable of heaven ; but withall a superaddition to the band in heaven , by which that sin is made indissoluble before god , til● it be absolved on earth , or that absolution duly sought from the church ; christ having affirmed of him , that in this case his sins shall not be pardoned there ; as on the other side , that being by repentance return'd to that capacity , heaven shall return again to be his portion , and that pardon by the promise of christ become due to him . the plain reason of it is , the denunciation is irreversible , and sect. indispensably universal , [ except you repent you shall all perish ] and the promise as infallible and immutable [ he that confesseth and forsaketh , shall have mercy . ] now the binding , if it be as it should be ( clave non errante ) supposeth the man impenitent and refractory , and so to continue till he use means to return to the peace of the church again ; and then without controversie , whosoever is so bound on earth , ( cast out of the church for an impenitent and refractorie , and continuing so ) is bound in heaven , cast out from all title to that by god also . to which purpose is that known ancient passage in tertullians apol. speaking of these censures . judicatur cum magno pondere ut apud certos de dei conspectu . summumque futuri judicii praejudicium est , si quis ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione orationis & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . c. . the judgements of the church are exercised with great weight , as being among them that are certainly resolved that they are in the sight of god. and it is but a preparative pronouncing or passing of the future judgement , if any man offend so highly , that he be banish't from communication or partaking of prayer , of church-meetings , and all holy commerce . sect. but on the other side , he that upon his repentance , and approbation of that to be sincere , is ( clave non errante , still ) let into the church again , is ipso facto supposed to have right , ( and by his absolution that right sealed to him visibly , and christs promise particular for it ) to heaven . sect. now if it be demanded , whether a true repentant sinner once bound by the church be not presently loosed in heaven , i. e. pardoned and forgiven at the first minute of his repentance , without ( or before he receive ) absolution from the church ? i answer , that in case of publique or scandalous crimes , the reformation must be publique and notorious also . and to that purpose confession and satisfaction before the congregation , and him that bound , i. e. the governour of the church ( to repair the injury done to the former by the ill example , and to testifie the sincerity of the repentance to the latter ) is necessarily requir'd to the approving of this repentance even to god , without which non remittetur peccatum , there is no more possibility of loosing in heaven , then hope of absolution on earth . but on the sincere performance of this , as there is no doubt but god will have mercy , will loose in heaven , will justifie and pardon that ( such a ) penitent sinner ; so is the church-ruler on earth bound to loose him here below , to restore him to the church also , as soon as by his submission to his penance he approves himselfe to him to be such ; and though 't is possible he may be sincerely penitent in gods sight , before he appear so to the church , yet is he obliged to seek thus to approve himself to the church , if his case have come under her cognizance , or in case he desire to have any of that assurance which is to be had from the church , or by title to the promise in those texts . sect. and yet this exercise of the keyes is not to be conceived so absolutely necessary , that none can be damned without that seal of damnation , or binding , or non-forgivenesse , nor again that none can be saved , or forgiven without the seal of remission ; for sure the neglect of the bishop in the first case , his not-performing his office of excision , is no way able to rescue the impenitent from the eternal guilt and punishment of his sins , but rather a means to leave him remedilesse unto it ( his binding being indeed such a remedy , if it be made use of ) and the bare want of the remission or absolution , so it be joyned with readiness to perform all that is preparative to it , and an hearty desire to be partaker of it , is in the merciful , gracious court of gods audience sure to be accepted , when there is no space or room for more . for the words of christ ( whatsoever you shall bind , &c. ) though they be universal , binding all in heaven that are bound on earth , yet are they not exclusive , so as none shall be bound in heaven , but such as are bound on earth , or in the church below . nor on the other side , [ whatsoever you shall loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . ] 't is [ whatsoever ye , that i ] but not [ whatsoever not ye , that i ] and consequently , this double affirmation of christ may be perfectly true ; whosoever stands bound here , stands bound there , and whosoever are absolved here , are absolved there ; and yet for all that , are many bound in heaven which are not bound in the church , & loosed in heaven which are not absolved by the church . and if the phrase used in saint john , [ whatsoever ye retained , it is retained ] seem to any to have an exclusive sense , thus , that what we absolve not here , we do retain ; and consequently , that whom we absolve not , god will not absolve . i answer , that this is a mistake , arising from the equivocalnesse of the word [ retain ] which in the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as we shewed ) signifies no more in this place then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or binding in the other gospels ; in which , because that intimates not any exclusive power , neither will it be reasonable that this shall . and so much for the fourth particular also . to which , before we part from it , it will not perhaps be unseasonable ( though i hope i shall not be obliged to justifie the truth of the relations ) to annex a passage or two out of the latter stories of the greek church , ( believed generally by them , & mentioned on affirmation of particular knowledge by some which have come from them to this place , & lived amongst us ) which will acquaint us with the awe , and signifie the opinion which it seems they have of the real efficacie of these censures of the church . it is related ( saith crucius in turco-graecia ) in the constantinopolitan histories , that the sultan mahomet among other things concerning the christian religion , asked the patriarch maxims , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning excommunication of which he had heard 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that if the high priests , and priests of the christians should excommunicate any person upon just cause , the body of that man dissolves not into the earth , but remains entire and whole ; and when the sepulchre of any such is opened , they appear like drums or timbrels , and black , i. e. the body swell'd , but whole , and withal much discoloured : and that upon absolution the body is dissolved to dust . in the truth of which tradition the sultan desired to be confirmed by the patriarch , who upon search made , found ( saith he ) that a certain loose woman having defamed a former patriarch , genadius scholarius , was by him excommunicate , and so dyed . her sepulchre maximus caused to be opened , and ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , o the wonders of god , saith he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , she was found as she was at the time of her buriall , only swell●a and black . this ( saith he ) was certified to the sultan , who sent some of his nobles to view it , which they did with admiration , and caused the corps to be sealed up in a coffin with the imperial seal , and returned at a set day then the patriarch opened it , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , officiated and read the prayer of absolution : whereupon the joynts of her hands and feet were immediately loosed . they sealed it up again , and returning after three dayes found all turn'd to dust . this they reported to the sultan , who wondred , and was astonished , and said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that this religion and faith of the christians was wonderful and true . this same story is related again at large , l. . turco gr. § . . in the patriarchial history of emanuel malaxus in vulgar greek . a like example there is also of one arsenius , who dyed excommunicate , l. . § . . p. . and also of johannicius , a pseudo-patriarch , l. . p. . of whom , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the excommunicate was found hard and swelled as a drum or timbrel . the truth of the passages , i hope it will not be expected of me to assert or confirm ( nor can i any further then the fore-mentioned authority will bear ) i shal rather give the reader ●y conjecture how this perswasion became so general , & these stories so confid●ntly reported among them . it was , i suppose , from the observing , but not understanding in the gospel the phrases of binding and loosing , which not knowing to what they belong'd ( for the modern graecians are far from being very learned ) they may have applied them to the dissolving , or not dissolving of mens bodies in the earth , which they there expresse by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word of the evangelist . if this be not it , i have no more to say of it , but that it was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and now having taken this licence a little to expatiate , i shal sect. enlarge ●y teather a little wider ; and having said thus much of this custome of excommunication among jews and christians , proceed yet farther , ex abundanti , and by way of appendix , shew the consent of others , even of heathen people in this matter , by that means ( if not to confirm , as by an instance , that ancient truth of clemens so oft repeated by him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the grecians knowledge and solemn practices are generally stoln from the jews , yet ) to shew the opinion of other men , imbued with other principles of theologie , by which the design of this former treatise may with a rational man , who is not a divine , be somewhat established , i shall instance but in two particulars ( because it is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or as ex abundanti , that i say any thing of it . ) the first , of the ancient grecians , as i find it mentioned by diod. si●ulus . bibl. . in the discourse of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sacred war betwixt the phocenses and lacedaemonians on one side , and the thebans , &c. on the other ; of which there is mention in thucydides , but a full narration in diodorus siculus in the place fore-cited . from that one author in one page these few things may be learnt by way of story . . that on occasion of sacriledge or invasion of the rights of their gods , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as the plowing up a peice of sacred ground call'd cirrhaea ( which was the crime of the phocenses ) or the taking in war , and seizing on the like place call'd cadmea ( which was the lacedemonians fault ) the senate of the amphictyones upon complaint of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or recorders of holy things , did devote or anathematize even a whole country or region at once , as that of the lacedemonians , and that other of the phocenses . . that what was thus done , was confirm'd by the grecians generally , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. . that though sacriledge was the occasion of this devoting , yet was it not the immediate cause or crime wherein it was founded , but their not submitting to some former punishments , not paying the mulcts which had been inflicted on them by the same judges for that crime . the punishments of those first crimes are there mentioned to have been great summes of money laid on the offenders , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and upon the not paying of that , this devoting follows . . the nature of this punishment consisted , . in the shame that it brought upon the offenders , such as philomelus tels his phocenses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is the part of unmanly persons not to lay it to heart , or consider it . . in the consequents of it , in that it would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bring danger and subversion to all their lives , & that in two respects . . in respect of god , to whose vengeance they were thus devoted , ( answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 forementioned , added to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in which respect it is , in order to the phocenses , called there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being consecrated or devoted . . in respect of men , to whose mischief also they were exposed , ( parallel to what we read of cain when he was cast out of gods presence ; any man , saith he , that meets me , will kill me ) and therefore in order to the spartans , it is call'd there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an exposing them to the common hatred of all men . . that for them that were under any such sentence , there was no way , but to obey the mulct that was formerly inflicted on them , i. e. to reform their contumacie , which they that were not able to do , or not willing , and therefore pretend they were not able ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) have no way left , but endeavour to nul the sentence , by proving it unjust , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by shewing that it was no fault , on which the former punishment , ( to which their contumacie had been exprest ) was inflicted . and to make good this plea , their best & indeed only way was that of force , viz. to make philomelus their general , & to provide him an army , which was accordingly done , and after some three or four prosperous sights on that side , the conclusion was , that at last agreeably to the cause , in the sight of his prosperous impiety he was routed and slain . and so you have a brief of the first passage . the other is that known one of the druids among the ancient galls , mentioned by caesar de bell. gal. l. . the summe of it is this . among the galls two onely sorts of men there are , saith he , qui in aliquo sunt numero & honore , which are of account and honour among them , the druids , and the equites , or noblemen , all the rest being pezants and slaves . the former of these are thus described , by their offices or imployments , illi rebus divinis intersunt , sacrificia publica & privata procurant , religiones interpretantur , ad hos magnus adolescentium numerus disciplinae causâ concurrit , magnóque ii sunt apud eos honore ; nam ferè de omnibus controversiis publicis privatisque constituunt , & si quid est admissum facinus , si caedes facta , de haereditate , de finibus controversia est , iidem decernunt , praemia poenasque constituunt : si quis aut privatus , aut populus , eorum decreto non steterit , sacrificiis interdicunt . haec poena apud eos est gravissima ; quibus ita est interdictum , ii numero impiorum ac sceleratorum habentur , ab iis omnes decedunt , aditum eorum sermonemque defugiunt , ne quid ex contagione incommodi accipiant , neque iis petentibus jus redditur , neque ullus honos communicatur . his omnibus druidibus praeest unus , &c. they are the men employed in all the service of god , perform the publike and private sacrifices , instruct the youth , and are honoured by them , are the judges in wel-nigh all both publique and private controversies ; if any outrage or murder be committed , any difficulty about bounds or inheritance , they decree and determine both rewards and punishments ; if any private person or people stand not to their decrees , they forbid him their sacrifices . this is of all other the most grievous punishment , they that are under this interdict , are accounted as impious and enormous persons , all men refuse their company , come not neer them , nor discourse with them , lest the contagion hurt them ; they receive no advantage by the lawes of the kingdom , nor are capable of any honour in it . of all these druids there is one prefect or president , &c. and it seems this custome and institution among them was conceived to have had its original from britain . disciplina in britanniâ reperta , atque inde in galliam translata esse existimatur , & nunc qui diligentiùs eam rem cognoscere volunt , plerunque illò discendi causâ proficiscuntur . this discipline was found in britain , and thence brought unto the galls , and they that are willing to have any exact knowledge of it , do now ordinarily go thither to learn it . the story being in it self thus clear and full , will have little need of my comment or observation on it ; all that i meant to do was to shew you the consent of other religions , & nations , and by that to conclude , that the heathens thought not that unreasonable , which now christ hath by standing law establisht in his church , and many that are called christians , are so willing to cast out of it . and so much so this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also . cap. vii . sect. and now by way of conclusion of this whole discourse , i shall add somewhat of the utility of this peice of discipline , if with another preparatory to it , it might by the governours of every church be carefully exercised : that other preparative which i mean , is that , if not apostolical , yet ecclesiastical institution of confirmation . the intention of which , and design of our church in it , every man sufficiently knows ( although it have been much and with very ill consequence of late neglected ) and therefore i shall not here insist on it ; and besides it hath been set down at large in * another discourse . this whole office of confirmation , and the necessary preparatives of it , that of the ministers catechising ( and throughly instructing all the youth of both sexes , and of all sorts within his cure , and explaining to the understanding of each , and laying home to his heart all the duties undertaken in his baptisme ) being solemnly premised , according to the rules and intention of our church , and all duties perform'd and observed by the curate , the child , and the bishop ( and none permitted to come to the lords table that hath not laudably past through this course ) would ( in the opinion of a goldy and learned man , who did much study the wayes of advancing piety and learning ) tend most probably to the keeping men at least within bounds of christian civility , from falling into enormous sins , which they had in their own persons so solemnly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against . and therefore the use of that discipline , were extreamly to be wish't for , that it were revived in each christian common-wealth : and if it should be objected , that having been so long neglected in this , it cannot now possibly be recovered again , because of the vast number of those that have been either not at all , or else but formally , and perfunctorily , or without precedent preparation confirm'd : i answer , that that argument proves not the impossibility , but only difficulty of doing it , or if the difficulty be so great , as to advance into a kinde of moral impossibility , yet ought it not therefore to be left unattempted , ( we are required to endeavour the doing of things which appear morally impossible to be done ; because god may enable us to do that , which , till we try , we conceive impossible ; and though the not performing may not be damning , yet the not endeavouring may ) or if still the difficulty of an universal reformation in this kind , discourage even from attempting it , yet may it be reasonable and feacible for every pastour , now to begin with all the youth of his parish , which have not yet come to the lords supper , and keep them to this probation ; and so for ever hereafter constantly to continue ; and then , though the elder sort of this present age come not under this method , nor consequently this means of reformation ; yet perhaps the example of , and instructions bestowed on those under them , may work somewhat on them : and howsoever the stock of the succeeding age will now be wrought on , and so posterity be mended , though the present age cannot , which to every good christian will be worth considering . this course being thus taken for the planting , and rooting all good resolutions , and obtaining the blessing of god , upon the young and tender , ( by the prayers of the church , and the purport of christs promise of habenti dabitur ) together with the use of the sacrament of the lords supper , and attention to reading , and preaching of the word , might very probably hope to be successefull ; but then because possibly it may not , ( some christians will be perjur'd and impudent , rather then be chaste and conscientious , after all this ) therefore comes in the use and utility of the censures of the church , as a tabula post naufragium , a means of bringing him to repentance , that by the former means could not be kept innocent ; of reducing him by the rod , that the crook could not keep from straying . and if 't were thus used , if every one that fel after confirmation , were first admonisht by one , then if it served not , by two or three , and then upon refractarinesse , or indulgence in sin , delivered up to sathan , turn'd out of all christian communion without any partiality , or respect of persons , this would be as propable a means as the wit of man could invent , either by the fear and expectation of this censure to deter them , and prevent those enormities that are now so ordinary among christians , or else by shame , and other consequent inconveniences , as by causticks to work the cure . for it cannot but be observed , what force shame , and credit have on the minds of men . a sin that is gotten into some countenance or reputation , though it be destitute of all other lovelinesse or ability to tempt any , doth yet carry all before it without resistance ; the fear of shame makes men vicious , that otherwise are not inclined to it , and certainly the same means would be able to commend virtue to us : there is not that infinite natural aversation against all goodnes in the minds of men ( unlesse as that word signifies the passions , or carnal affections ) as that men would be very wicked to lose by it ; afflictio dabit intellectum , and such afflictions as these that fall upon the fame , are not the most easily supportable , and therefore may possibly help even a sensual man to some understanding ; and though the certain truth of this observation cannot otherwise be proved , but by our resolution to make experience of it ; yet seems it to me to have the authority and testimony of saint paul himself in these words , ( though usually , by those that are led by the sound of them , otherwise applyed ) cor. . . the weapons of our warfare are not carnal , but mighty through god , ( or to god , or ( by an hebraisme very ordinary ) very or exceeding mighty ) to the pulling down of strong holds , &c. which words that they belong to the point in hand , will . be probable by the context , where the apostle speaks of proceeding against offenders , which he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being bold towards them , v. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to revenge or punish disobedience , v. . and this according to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or authority which the lord had given him for edification or instruction , and not for destruction ( which before i shewed you belong'd unto the power of censure ) & then he adds a caution to remove a prejudice , that unreformed sinners had against him , his letters were severe , and so he , when he was absent ; but far from all such severity , when he came amongst them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; vile or tame , or unconsiderable , when he was among them , i. e. that he threatned to excommunicate , but when he came would not do it , which he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , terrifying by letters , v. . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , weighty or powerful letters , v. . i. e. severe and terrifying , which yet he threatens shall be equalled by his actions , when he comes among them , ver . . and so all along you see the businesse is about censures . and then . this sense of the words will be more then probable , by weighing the words themselves , wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies confestly the apostles ministery , as it doth so in the onely other place , where 't is used in the new testament , tim. . . that thou mightest war a good warfare , i. e. discharge the duty of thy ministery , as thou oughtest , according to the importance of the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is sometimes rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , warfare , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ministery [ then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the weapons of that warfare ] are the means to discharge that duty in the ministery , of which nature though there be many more , preaching , catechizing , administration of sacraments confirmation , &c. yet the context , or antecedents , and consequents of this place belonging , as was shew'd to the businesse of censures , will restrain it in this place peculiarly to those . then , that these are not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , carnal ] signifies that they are not weak , for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at every turn in these epistles signifies weaknesse , ( and from thence oftentimes the law , because it was so weak , so unable to give strength to any disciple of moses to perform it , as in the epistles to the romans and galatians 't is insisted on ) and so to omit more places of testimony , in the next precedent verse , though we walk in the flesh , i. e. though we are weak , as men , and have no power over you , yet as ministers , we are not , our ministery is with power , and therefore it follows , as a explication of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not carnal ] but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mighty , or powerful , through , or to god , or exceeding powerful . and wherein doth this mightinesse or power expresse it self ? why , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we render it , pulling down of strong holds , & so it may literally be rendred , as the end of excommunication , pulling down of all fortresses , that maintain or secure a man in sin ; but more critically , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies excommunication it self , both ver . . and chap. . . and generally in the canons of the councils , and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , strong holds , may signifie all impenitent obdurate sinners , that will not otherwise be wrought upon , and are called , ver . . every high thing , that exalteth it self against the knowledge of god , i. e. against piety or christianity ; and so the words being thus interpreted in the retaile , and then put together again in the grosse , will run thus : [ the weapons of our warfare are not carnal , but mighty through god , to the pulling down of strong holds : ] i. e. the censures of the church are exceeding powerful , and that power consists in excommunicating pertinacious offenders . the truth of which observation , if not interpretation , will be undoubted to him that doth but remember , what this discourse hath so oft inculcated , that excommunication was delivering a man to satan , and a consequent of that in those first times , corporal inflictions , diseases , ( and sometime death it self ) which , if any humane thing , would most probably work upon one . onely it may be objected , that that consequent was peculiar to the apostles times , and is not now in use , and consequently that a great part of the power of ecclesiastical censures is now lost , and so now the weapons of our warfare may be carnal , our censures unsufficient to perform their task , to reduce impenitents , though theirs were not . to which i answer , by confessing the objection , that indeed it is so ; and very reasonable it should , christian princes having now taken the tuition of the church into their hands , and so those keen weapons in the spiritual hand not so necessary ; as you know the manna ceased to be rain'd from heaven , when the people were come into the promised land , flowing with milk and honey . onely i shall then reply , that therefore it is more then fit , that some means should be used , in case of any discernable defect , to interpose by way of supply , and adde the more then moral perswasive power of some other fit engine beside that of the censures of the church , especially in cases of enormous , infamous crimes , which may be done by the secular arm , in such cases ( when the ecclesiastical censures perswade not ) the impression of inflicting penalties , severe enough , as may be found expedient , usque ad reformationem , untill they make themselves capable ( by testimonies of amendment ) to receive release both from god and man ; that so by that means , as god supplyed the want of humane aid , by his extraordinary from heaven ; and when the secular magistrates discharged not their duty , exercised not the power given them to the purging of the church from rotten , vicious , prophane , incorrigible members , god gave this power to the apostles of inflicting diseases on malefactors ; so now that extraordinary power being withdrawn from the church , the magistrate should think himself most strictly obliged to perform his duty , for which if it should be required , that we produce the expresse commands or directions of christ and his apostles , or primitive presidents ; i answer , that will be unjust to require of us , . because in scripture times , there were other means to supply that want , the devils corporal inflictions on them that were delivered to him , and so any other might be spared : . because this duty naturally belongs to the magistrate , who alone hath ordinarily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , compulsive jurisdiction , which as it was practised by the kings in the old testament , so was it not interdicted by christ in the new , but all left in that matter by him as he found it ; which being granted , it may be said , that as christ or the apostles give no directions for this , so they needed not to give any . . because both then , and in the primitive church , the secular power was not christian , and therefore the assistance could not be expected from them , which now most reasonably may , to awake , and hazen , and drive those that will not be allured and drawn , that so even in this world , there may be no peace , quiet rest , tranquility ; or security to the wicked . isa . . , , , . wash yee , make you clean , &c. the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e tim. . . * vid. con. of present use concern . change of church-gover pag. . notes for div a -e pract. cat. l. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. in joh. . the words [ receive the holy ghost ▪ ] signifie , be you ready to receive him . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. in mat. . in the sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joh. . . for priv●lege , or right , or power . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theo. in joh. . the perfect gift of the holy ghost was distributed to them in the pentecost , a preparative only administred to them in that breathing . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. theoph. in matt. . p. . though 't were said only to peter [ i will give thee ] yet 't was given to all the apostles : when ? when he said , if you remit any mans sins , joh. . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ chrys . in joh. . as a king that sends out rulers over provinces , gives them power to cast in person , and to let out ; so sending the apostles he endues them with this power . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophyl . to all the apostles f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phavor . & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. & so joh. . . he that doth evil cometh not to the light , lest his deeds should be reproved , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ discovered ] in our margent : and therefore cor. . . when 't is said of the unbeliever , that he is convinced of all , &c. 't is added , v. . thus are the secrets of his heart made manifest . so ephes . . . all things that are reproved , or discovered , are made manifest by the light ; for whatsoever doth make manifest , is light . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ph. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . phavor . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which signifies both to propitiate and to cover ) is here to be rendred covering , and though the greek be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the former sense of the word , yet being to denote a part of the ark in this place , it must be taken in the other sense of the hebrew , and rendred , as if it had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is exod. . . and . . or as the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if it had been retained , would have imported . l in coll. magd. oxon. m bibl. num . . p. . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iren. lib. . cap. . & successiones episcoporum quibus apostolicam quae in unoquoque loco est , ecclesiam tradiderunt , ib. lib. . cap. . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iren. lib. . cap. . p solus clemens superstes , solus episcopi nomen retinuit , tum quia inter adjutores apostolorum solus ipse restabat , ●um quia jam invaluerat distinctio episcopi , & presbyteri , it a ut caeteris ecclesiae romanae presbyteris qui cum solo clemente essent , nomen illud non fuerit tributum . q ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubique inculcat episcoporum supra presbyteros gradum eminentem . salmas . apar . ad l. de prim . pap. p. . r non esse ignatium tam certò scio quàm me haec scribere . ib. p. . non esse ignatium luce clarius est , &c. nemo mihi unquam persuadebit , &c. p. . ſ haec argumenta praestantissimo salmasio nuper probata gaudeo . blondel . apol. t grot. discuss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . v annot. p. . euseb . l. . cap. . x quid enim fides , &c. con●erunt jam per baptismum armato ? si christiani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patientia est , quid novi jam accedit ex fide galealo ? y wal. messalin . z the same author in his chron. p. . affirms that he was by the apostles ordain'd bishop of jerusalem , the nineteenth year of tiberius , i. e. the very next year in his account after the death of christ . a hom. . in joh. apol. pro sent. hieron . b in psal . c sive baptizatorum confirmatio , sive poenitentium benedictio , sive ordinandorum consecratio . blond . apol. p. . & salmas . in appar . ad l. de prim. papae . d sive de eucharistiae confectione , sive de chrismatione , sive de ordinationibus sacris interpretari placeat . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. chrys . in jo. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. in joh. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. ib * vide eustath . & did. in illud iliad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & inscrip . isid . apud diodor. sic. l. f vid. buxtorf . lex . rabb . p. . exc. gem. sanhedr . p. . g vetare , prohibere , illici●um statuere . ep. h●b . insti● . p. . h vid. buxtorf . rabb . 〈◊〉 . i vid. buxtorf . lex . rabb . p. . p. . k edit . paris . p. . b. p. . l cap. . sec . . i● praef. m si stipendio conductus theologica docerem , nihil sec . ipsos ab officio , & muncre in hac parte alieni facerem . p●aes . n th. . excommunicationis nomen videtur ex cor. . desumptum esse , atque amotionem significare à communione illâ , quae ibidem corpus christi nominatur . o sané nunc excommunicatio ab omnibus definitur exclusione è societate & communione fidelium . ib. p th. . est autem duplex fidelium societas , interna , sc . ●c spiritualis , externa seu visibilis ac politica . q th. . tantum verò inter utramque discrimen est , ut qui in alterutrâ continetur , non etiam comprehendatur in alterâ necessariò . nam ut membrum christi esse potest qui injuste ex visibili aliquâ ecclesiá ejectus est , aut inter infideles latere habitar●ve cogitur , ita qui in visibili c●tu num●rantur non omnes etiam membra viva sunt christi , ex quo sequitur discrepare res illas posse , quae uni nos conjungunt non alteri , & ab unâ nos abjungunt & non ab alterâ . r th. . membra quidem christi efficimu● , i. e. internae spiritual●que christi societati conjungimu ▪ per solam fidem , quae per charitatem est efficax , & ●âdem hâc per solam infidelitatem excidimus , pro●nde non potest nos huic insercre , aut câdem excludere , nisi qui fidem donare , eandemque nobis iterum au●erre potest . ſ th. . externae verò visibilisque ecclesiae conso●tes reddimur ejusdem fidei professione ejusdemque doctrinae approbatione , denique corundam sacramento●um usurpatione ; in quo tria haec insunt , in tantisper dum ei insunt , inter membra externi fidelium coelus computatur , etiamsi ad eternam spiritus & mentis communionem non pertingat . v though sacramentorum usurpatio , in proper speaking , suppose baptisme , which is one of those sacraments ; yet sacramentorum participatio , thes . . signifying only receiving the lords supper , i have reason to suppose it may do so here too , and therefore i put in this . u th. . ergo qui ex ecclesiae communione extern● ejicitur ( i. e. qui excommunicatur ) vel ab omnibus his●e tribus , vel à duobus , vel ab uno tantùm removetur , sed à duobus primis , nempe à confessione fidei , & à christianae doctrinae app●obatione ( sub qua volo verbi & doctrinae auditionem comprehendi ) repelli nullus debet , quin potiùs hùc invitandi & quavis ratione adducendi sunt omnes . quocirca relinquitur , ut qui excommunicatur , à solâ ( ex tribus commemoratis ) sacramento●um participatione prohibeatur . huic , utrùm inseparab●l●ter cohaereat privati commercii negatio , an separari possit , postea considerabitur . alias poenas non pertinere ad substantiam excommunicationis hujus certum est ▪ etenim possit eadem etiam non excommunicat●● infligi , & excommunicatis non infligi . x th. . malè pontificii propter hanc excommunicationem ( quam ipsi minore appellârunt , ac solâ sacramentorum negatione rectè definierunt ) aliam insuper addiderunt , quam majorem & anathema vocârunt : atque contra apertam scripturam interdictione templorum , privati , comercii , & actus cujusvis lici . i definierunt , quoniam apostolus cor. . palàm ostendit neque ethnicos , neque alios quoslibet , à divini verbi auditione , lectione , gratiarū actionibus , ac precibus christianorū prohibites fuisse . y th. . ex dictis liquet excommunicationem nihil aliud esse , quàm publicam & solennem sacramentorum , p●aesertim coenae dominicae ( quam privatim apostolus communionem ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) appellat , ut de principio dictum fuit ) interdictionem , praeeunte seniorem cognitione : quo peccantes resipiscant , rursusque ad sacramentorum perceptionem admittantur . z th. . hìcjam o●itus quaestio , u●rum aliquis propter commissum peccatum aut vitam impurè actam , siquidem usurpare sacramenta cum cae●eris christianis cupiat , ab eorundem usu & perceptione sit r●●●vendus ? quaestio de ●o p●oponitur , qui candem fidem nobiscum profitetur , ecclesiae per baptismum insertus est , atque doctrinà ab ead●m non dissentit ( ut in th. . posuimus ) sed in solâ ●itâ & moribus errat . hoc ergo quaeritur , utrum in s. literis vel mandatum vel exemplū aliquod extet , quo tales jubeantur aut doceantur à sacramentis submoveri ? p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . cor. . . p. . a act. . . b finis hujusmodi disciplinae erat ut destituti ad tempus gratiá & privilegiis ecclesiae spiritualibus , humiliarentur ad salutem . p. . c doctrinae quaedam quibus imbuti cives obedientiam civitati negari , & contra principes summos , summasque potestates pugnare , idque jure posse , imo oporte●e arbitrantur . p. . d nam quod bellum civ●le in o●be christiano unquam extuit , quod ab 〈…〉 ortum atque alitum non fuerit ? p. . p. . p. . p. . e errant primò arminian . qui magistratus politico ecclesiasticum regimen subjectum esse docebant . p. . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mosc . g instit . ep . he● . p. . h lexicon rab. p. . i dilherr . elect· l. . k ep. hebr. instit . p. . l instit . ep. he. p. . m exc. gem. sanhedr . c. . p. . n ep. heb. insti . p. . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , phavor . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * rivet . grot. disc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. . buxt . ep. heb. instit . p. . * of consc . . . pag. . de rep . eccl. l. . c. . & . * he that is born of god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth not commit sin , joh. . . concil . eliber . can. . can. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is not mine to give , save to whom it is prepared , &c. p. , , , &c. * hence avitus alcimus , ep. . to constantius the bishop , illud monere praesumo ne propter leves causas , & non ad deum , sed saeculum pertinentes , ne laici quidem , non dicam clerici , sanctâ communione priventur , quia nescit cujus dignitatis sit ipsa communio , qui non eam omni animositate sepositâ & cum magno dolore suspendit , & cum maximâ festinatione restituit . vid. can. . concil . aurel. . & leon. magn . ep. . taxing hilary for that fault . * vid. gro. in heb. p. . edit . rhodoman p. . l. . p. . p. . pag. . * vindic. of lit. the sentence from scripture and reason against arch-bishops and bishops with their curats. i. that they are in their doctrine and practice abominable. ii. that their governement is an abomination. iii. that their service is a profanation, so provoking in gods eyes, that he will have all removed out of his sight. iv. that newtrality is most detestable, and commands a curse from god and good men. v. that the two waies of governement, the presabiteriall and independent, are but in shew two; they go crosse a little, but they will bend each to other till they shall both meete in one church-way. ... presented to the assembly of divines. dialogue, arguing that arch-bishops, bishops, curates, neuters, are to be cut-off by the law of god woodward, ezekias, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing w thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the sentence from scripture and reason against arch-bishops and bishops with their curats. i. that they are in their doctrine and practice abominable. ii. that their governement is an abomination. iii. that their service is a profanation, so provoking in gods eyes, that he will have all removed out of his sight. iv. that newtrality is most detestable, and commands a curse from god and good men. v. that the two waies of governement, the presabiteriall and independent, are but in shew two; they go crosse a little, but they will bend each to other till they shall both meete in one church-way. ... presented to the assembly of divines. dialogue, arguing that arch-bishops, bishops, curates, neuters, are to be cut-off by the law of god woodward, ezekias, - . [ +] p. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeare, anno dom. . attributed to ezekias woodward. also published in with title: a dialogue, arguing that arch-bishops, bishops, curates, neuters, are to be cut-off by the law of god (wing ). annotation on thomason copy: "this is a new title to a booke formerly called a dialogue arguing that", with a caret indicating that annotation is to be inserted before the word arch-bishops in title; "by eze: woodward"; "may. th.". fragment: title page only. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -- government -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no the sentence from scripture and reason against arch-bishops and bishops with their curats.: i. that they are in their doctrine and practice woodward, ezekias a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the sentence from scriptvre and reason , against arch-bishops and bishops with their curats . i. that they are , in their doctrine and practises , abominable . ii. that their governement is an abomination . iii. that their service is a profanation , so provoking in gods eyes , that he will have all removed out of his sight . iv. that newtrality is most detestable , and commands a curse from god and good men . v. that the two waies of governement , the presabiteriall and independent , are but in shew two ; they go crosse a little , but they will bend each to other till they shall both meete in one church-way . wherein , they , who walke with a right foot , stand charged to watch-over each other in their way ; to give an account of their way ; to beare each others burthen ; to supply each others wants , to pertake of each others graces , to doe all things as becommeth a communion of saints , alwaies doing or receiving good . this is the excellent way , as disagreeing with our times , and waies , as new wine and old bottles . therefore the reader will see his engagement here , to walke after inward gratious principles , rather then to swerve after outward priviledges . he may consider also whether the enquiry be , what way of governement is fittest for select and choice congregations , culled out two or three from amidst thousands : or what way of governement is meet for those thousands in israell . presented to the , assembly of divines . an high way there and away , it shall be called the way of holinesse , the uncleane shall be not passe over it . isa. . . printed in the yeare , anno dom. . new-englands salamander, discovered by an irreligious and scornefull pamphlet, called new-englands jonas cast up at london, &c. owned by major iohn childe, but not probable to be written by him. or, a satisfactory answer to many aspersions cast upon new-england therein. wherein our government there is shewed to bee legall and not arbitrary, being as neere the law of england as our condition will permit. together with a briefe reply to what is written in answer to certaine passages in a late booke called hypocrisie unmasked. / by edw. winslow. winslow, edward, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing w thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) new-englands salamander, discovered by an irreligious and scornefull pamphlet, called new-englands jonas cast up at london, &c. owned by major iohn childe, but not probable to be written by him. or, a satisfactory answer to many aspersions cast upon new-england therein. wherein our government there is shewed to bee legall and not arbitrary, being as neere the law of england as our condition will permit. together with a briefe reply to what is written in answer to certaine passages in a late booke called hypocrisie unmasked. / by edw. winslow. winslow, edward, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by ric. cotes, for john bellamy, and are to bee sold at his shop at the signe of the three golden lions in cornehill neare the royall exchange, london, : . a reply to: child, major john. new-englands jonas cast up at london (wing c ). annotation on thomason copy: "may ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng child, john, -- major. -- new-englands jonas cast up at london -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . massachusetts -- church history -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no new-englands salamander, discovered by an irreligious and scornefull pamphlet, called new-englands jonas cast up at london, &c. owned by maj winslow, edward d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion new-englands salamander , discovered by an irreligious and scornefull pamphlet , called new englands jonas cast up at london , &c. owned by major iohn childe , but not probable to be written by him . or , a satisfactory answer to many aspersions cast upon new-england therein . wherein our government there is shewed to bee legall and not arbitrary , being as neere the law of england as our condition will permit . together with a briefe reply to what is written in answer to certaine passages in a late booke called hypocrisie unmasked . by edw. winslow . london , printed by ric. cotes , for john bellamy , and are to bee sold at his shop at the signe of the three golden lions in cornehill neare the royall exchange , . to major john childe in answer to his preface . sir , i am sorry for your owne sake , being a gentleman reported to bee peaceable in your conversation , that you should bee thus engaged in other mens quarrells ; especially to father other mens falshoods and irreligious jeeres and scoffes , whose spirits if you were so well acquainted with as my selfe and some others that came lately from new-england , as well as thousands in the countrey , you would bee more wary then to engage as you doe . but first for answer to your preface , and then i conceive i have answered every word of yours in your seeming treatise : and yet i would not bee mistaken that any should thinke i judge you unable to write such a peece , for there is no solidity in it : but i am so well acquainted with this language and such proceedings before ever i saw your face , as no man is or ever was better acquainted with the phrase or writings of another , then i am with your chief animator to this undertaking , whom i call new-englands salamander , because of his constant and many yeeres exercise , and delight in opposition to whatsoever hath been judged most wholesome and safe for the weale-publick of the country ( from whence hee last came ) either in politicks or ecclesiasticks , being ever willing to enjoy the common benefits of peace by government ( which maintaines every man in his proper right ) but never willing to beare any part of the charge in supporting the same , as appeared by his constant cavilling thereat when ever any rates came upon the country though never so easie and just . but to come to the occasion of your printing the following relation , which you say are the sufferings that not onely my brother robert child doctor of physick , with some gentlemen and others have suffered in their persons and estates by fines and imprisonment in new-england , and false reports and feigned miracles bere , &c. for answer , that your brother was in prison , and for what i certified you at my first comming over ; though to you grievous in regard of naturall affection , ( which i honour where i finde in any ; ) then also being occasioned thereunto i freely imparted to you the countries colorable grounds of suspecting his agency for the great incendiaries of europe , besides the matter of fact for which hee was committed , yea that the very yeare hee came over , a gentleman in the country ( mr. peters by name ) was advised by letters from a forraign part that the jesuits had an agent that sommer in new-england . and that the countrey comparing his practise with the intelligence were more jealous of him then any ; ( though to mee he was a meere stranger ) and therefore i marvell that major childe should give me occasion , and force mee to publish these things which i neither affect nor intended : but i shall forbeare in that kind because i would not provoke . as for their estates being weakned by fines , that is yet to prove : for though they were fined , yet the fines were not levied , nay so gentle was the censure of the court , that upon the publike acknowledgement of the offence the fine was to bee remitted to all or any one of them so doing . and for false reports and feigned miracles fomented here to colour their unjust proceedings , as you terme it ; i answer , your book is the first reporter of many things i here meet with , especially as you lay them downe , as shall appeare more particularly . in the next place you say , they give out that my brother and others desire a toleration of all religions : this is the first time that ever i heard it so reported of them . secondly , whereas you say they are accused to bee against all government both in church and common weak : this i know to bee false : for i heard them demand in court the presbyterian government , and it was granted them . besides , before this demand in court , at a private conference with an eminent person ( who well hoped to have satisfied them ) hee demanded of the petitioners what church government it was they would have ? one of them answered , he desired that particular government which mr. john goodwin in colemanstreet was exercised in . another of them said , hee knew not what that was : but hee for his part desired the presbyterian government . a third of them said hee desired the episcopall government if it might bee , if not , the presbyterian : and a fourth told mee himselfe that hee disclaimed any thing in the petition that was against the government of the churches in new-england , &c. resting and liking what was there done in that kind . now the former three passages ( and not without the latter ) were all told mee by grave persons in new-england , such as i beleeve . and therefore if any so accuse them i must needs cleare them : but withall testifie i never met with this accusation against them before i read it in your booke . thirdly , for their petitioning the parliament ; take notice wee hold that no subject ought to bee restrained this libertie , and therefore count it no offence nor ever did , and therefore they were not committed for that . a fourth false report you terme , is , their petition brought from thence to bee presented to the parliament ( which they had named jones ) in a ship called the supply ; being in a storme neere silly , out of horrour of conscience the petition was torne and throwne over board : and that then the storme immediatly ceased , and they ●ir●●●lously saved . to this i answer , i was not in the ship ( i praise god ) and therefore what i say in it must bee from others whom i judge truely godly , and of the most grave and solid persons amongst them ; and sir , let mee tell you , and the world in answer to you , i have heard the passage from divers , but never as you print it ; and doe thinke verily your informers belie themselves that they may have somewhat to cavill at . but though i had not thought to have entred upon a large answer to any particular : yet it being one of the heads of your treatise , i shall bee larger in answering that then another thing ; partly to vindicate mr. c●●on who is much abused in your booke , and partly from their owne pen to shew the prophane carriage of the partie in the ship by their fearefull provoking the almightie to follow them with his terrours throughout the voyage from new-england to silley , where they had a great deliverance , and yet neverthelesse to shew how they goe on still to abuse gods mercy , patience and long suffering by this prophane title and story colored by your selfe . and thus much for answer to your preface . as for the foure heads of your book and the postscript , i shall answer them as they arise . an answer to the imperfect relation of the hingam case . were i not so well acquainted with our new-england-salamanders wayes , and what a puther hee made in the countrey about this businesse , i should stand amazed at the malice of men to see this brought against the government . to answer either this case or the next at length would ask so much paines , and bee so great a bulke , as their booke being but a two penny jeering gigge , penned rather to please the fancy of common understandings , then to satisfie any solid judgements ; would goe much further then ever the answer would bee like to follow , that so he might bemire us with a witnesse . and if he can cause any reproach to lie upon us ( whether just or unjust , that matters not ) then hath hee hit the marke hee shoots at . and therefore to avoyd the many particulars would fall in a distinct answer by giving an account of the whole businesse , i shall desire the reader to accept this generall . the inhabitants of hingam were knowne to bee a peaceable and industrious people , and so continued for many yeers ; the lord supporting them in the midst of many straights in their first beginnings , crowning their indeavours with his blessing , and raising them up to a comfortable and prosperous outward condition of life , and such is their state through gods mercy and goodnesse this day , living very plentifully . but satan envying their happinesse ( the lord permitting as it seemes ) on a suddaine cast a bone of division amongst them , which tooke mightily , to the great griefe and admiration of their neighbours on every side ; which controversie indeed arose about the choyce of their captaine as is related . but our salamander living too neere them , and being too well acquainted with them , blew up this to such an height by his continuall counsell and advise which the major part of the towne followed to their owne smart , and the great griefe and trouble of church and common-weale , as they not onely filled their court with complaints against each other , and wearied out the chiefe magistrates in place , but complained openly against one of them , viz. the deputie governour , who upon hearing the case thought good to bind some of them over to the court ; some submitted and gave bond , others refused , and were sent to prison , &c. this gentleman , as on all other occasions so in this particular much honored himselfe , by leaving his place upon the bench and going to the bar , and would not bee perswaded to cover his head or take his place till the case was heard and ended , which continued many dayes , partly by reason of the great liberty the court gave the plaintiffes in regard it reflected upon one of themselves , ( and i thinke the first case that ever befell in that kind ; ) but more especially because our salamander was got to boston , where though hee would not openly shew himselfe , yet kept close in a private roome where they had recourse unto him many dayes , yea many times a day for advice , and followed it to the utmost , to the great charge of the countrey ( which came to much more , as i have heard , then the hundred pounds fine which was laid upon them ) in providing the diet of their court . but the court finding for the defendant after much trouble in many dayes agitation fined the plaintiffes in an hundred pound , and laid it upon sundry of them in particular amercements according to their severall demeanours in the action , and left the deputie governour to take his course with them , who onely rested in the vindication of his name ; which the countrey so farre cleared , as not long after , their election day falling by course , they chose him their governour , a place not strange to him , in which wee left him , having more often borne it then all others in that government . and for the differences which befell them in their church ; whether the court or the churches i know not , but the one entreated divers of the elders to goe unto them , who through gods mercy and blessing upon their endeavours prevented a division amongst them , though they could not at first settle things so well as they desired . and thus much for answer to the hi●gam case which may bee sufficient to satisfie any judicious reader : and foe those whose hearts are fraught with malice , the lord onely can convict such , to whom i leave them . an answer to the second head , namely the petition of doctor robert childe , &c. this remonstance and petition of theirs which hath made so great a sound in other places as well as here , notwithstanding their golden pretences of respect and reformation , was no sooner delivered , but before they could possibly exspect an answer from the court ( notwithstanding the largenesse of it ) copies were dispersed into the hands of some knowne ill affected people in the severall governments adjoyning , as plym●th , con●●tac●t , new haven , &c. who gloried not a little in it ; nay the petitioners spared no paines , for before our comming away wee heard from the dutch plantation , virginia and bermudas , that they had them here also , with such expressions in their letters as the present governour of barmudas was bold to affirme to a gentleman from whom i had it , who was then bound for new-england to get passage for england , that hee was confident hee should finde new-england altogether by the eares as well as england ; which hee well knew by a petition and remonstrance which hee had received from thence , &c. now had a peaceable reformation beene the marke they aymed at , they would not have gone about thus to make the government so much despised farre and neare , by casting such contempt upon them as they have endeavoured before ever they knew what acceptation their remonstrance and petition would finde ; which was taken into consideration till the next generall court , where they were answered at large , charged with manifold falsehoods and contempts and fined for the same , after a solemne hearing of the cause . but however i shall forbeare to give a particular answer in print to the said remonstrance , not because i cannot , for i have the whole case , the courts defence against it , &c. which would bee larger then both these bookes , being as i said before too large in regard of the price of the buyer ; and therefore shall give such a generall answer as may satisfie the indifferent and equall minded reader , and thereby deceive also our salamanders expectation to draw out from mee the whole which befell since his comming away , that so hee might finde more fewell to baske himselfe in , and satiate his contention humors to the full . but for answer , good reader , take notice as well of the quality of these petitioners as of their demeanour before expressed , and then thou shalt finde divers of them to bee inconsiderable in regard of proprietie with us ; who might bee justly suspected to draw in the rest who are much bewailed by many of us : and in so doing it 's possible thou mayst as well bee jealous of their good intents as those in the countrey : for three of them , namely doctor childe , john smith and john dand , they are persons that have no proprietie or knowne proper estate in the government where they are so busie to disturbe and distract : and for mr. thomas fowle ( who whether drawne in or no i know not ) hee joyned with them in this petition and remonstrance at such a time when hee was resolved to leave the countrey , and since hath done , and sent for his wife and family , as i heare . as for doctor childe hee is a gentleman that hath travelled other parts before h●e came to us , namely italy ; confesseth hee was twice at rome , speaketh sometimes highly as i have heard reported in favour of the jesuites , and however he tooke the degree of doctor in physick at padua , yet doth not at all practise , though hee hath beene twice in the countrey where many times is need enough . at his first comming to new-england he brought letters commendatory , found good acceptation by reason thereof with the best ; fals upon a dilligent survey of the whole countrey , and painefully travells on foot from plantation to plantation ; takes notice of the havens , situation , strength , churches , townes , number of inhabitants , and when he had finished this toylesome taske , returnes againe fo●england , being able to give a better account then any of the countrey in that respect . hee comes a second time , and not onely bestoweth some bookes on the colledge , as sir k●… digby and many others commendably did , but brings second letters commendatory , having put in some stock among some merchants of london , and for the advancement of iron workes in the countrey , which through gods goodnesse are like to become very profitable to them ; but hath no more to doe in the managing of them then any here who have other their agents being expert in the worke . this gentlemans carriage is now changed , and is not onely ready to close with such as are discontented , but to bee a leader of such against the government , affront the authoritie god hath hitherto honored with his blessing , appeale from their justice , and thereby seeke to evade any censure ; and if he might be thus suffered , why not others ? and then wee must all give over ; for if we have not the power of government , and cannot administer justice seasonably on all occasions , well we may come back againe and take some other course , but wee cannot there subsist . a second of these is mr. john smith , who formerly lived about two or three yeeres in boston , but before this remonstrance , himselfe and wife were removed to road iland , but never had any personall inheritance in the countrey , and was now at the massachusets but as a stranger . a third is one mr. john dand , who hath lived in boston as a so●ourner since these warres in another mans house at board hire , whose businesse and occasions there are unknowne unto us ; and whose carriage till this present was seemingly faire , but all on a suddaine though no further interessed in the countrey he thus engageth himselfe against the authority of the place . thus taking mr. fowl● with them who was upon departure from the countrey as afore , you may see the persons to bee such as have no considerable interest amongst us , at least foure in seaven : and all this being true i have related , i suppose by this time the reader may conceive , or at least suspect their faire pretences and great glisterings are not pure gold . but besides all this take notice good reader , that our salamander wintred many moneths amongst them , very gracious and frequent in their companies , and no doubt a great helpe in furthering their designe in their remonstrance , which brake forth not long after his returne home the spring following : and indeed his company had beene enough alone to have produced such an effect ; and therefore for my part so well knowing the man i cannot wonder at it as many doe , assuring my selfe bee better knowes how to ripen such fruit then all the costermongers in london . and now let mee goe to the title of the booke which hath its relation to the petition aforesaid ; and after their gigge called new-englands jones cast up at london , they would make the world beleeve that divers honest and godly persons are imprisoned in new-england for petitioning for government in the common-weale , according to the lawes of england , and either for desiring admittance of themselves and children to the sacraments in our churches , or else for leave to have ministers and church government according to the best reformation of england and scotland . now these charges are most notorious false , and so knowne , for i came not alone from new-england , but accompanied with an hundred persons at least , which i beleeve can testifie in the case . and therefore major childe take notice how you are abused by them to father such devilish and slanderous reports as these . for the first , there were none committed for petitioning , but for their remonstrance and the many false charges and seditious insinuations tending to faction and insurrections sleighting the government , &c. and lest any should thinke ( as i heare some doe ) that the court of the massachusets hath dealt rigorously with them , and that the petition is very faire and orderly , &c. let the reader know that such thoughts must either proceed from great weaknesse in not understanding or discerning the many grosse charges in it , or else from partialitie or evill affection to the government which they neither love nor know ; for in their remonstrance they not onely defame the government , but controule the wisedome of the state of england in the frame of their charter which is under the broad seale of the kingdome by charging the government to bee an ill compacted vessell . secondly , they charge all the afflictions that have befallen the personall inhabitants either by sicknesses on the land , or losses at sea upon the evill of the government . thirdly , they goe about to perswade the people , that all the priviledges granted and confirmed under the broad seale to the governour and company of the massachusets belong to all freeborne english men ; which contrariwise belong onely to the said governour and company , and such as they shall thinke meet to receive . fourthly , they closely insinuate into the mindes of the people ( as the jealousies of others ) that these now in authoritie doe intend to exercise unwarranted dominion , and an arbitrary government abominable to parliament , &c. foretelling them of intolerable bondage , which is enough alone to stirre up a people to commotion . fiftly , how doe they goe about to weaken the authoritie of the lawes of the place , the peoples reverence of and obedience to them in this their remonstrance , by perswading the people that partly through want of the body of the english lawes , and partly that through the insufficiency and ill frame of those they have , they can expect no sure injoyment of their lives and liberties under them : when as the state well knew the english body of lawes was too heavy for us , and therefore as libertie is granted in our patents to make our owne lawes , so it is with this proviso , that they bee as neere the lawes of england as may bee , which wee understand as neer as our condition will permit , which i shall speake more of elsewhere . sixtly , they falsly charge the government with denying libertie of votes where they allow them , as in choyce of military officers , which is common to the non-freemen with such as are free . seventhly , their speeches in their remonstrance are charged to tend to sedition by insinuating into the peoples minds , that there are many thousands secretly discontented at the government , &c. whereby those that are so may bee emboldned to discover themselves , and know to whom to repaire ; and what greater meanes can bee used to unsetle a setled people , and to kindle a flame in a peaceable common-weale , if the lord prevent not , and authoritie should suffer such things to passe uncensured ? eighthly , they slander the discipline of the churches in the countrey , and the civill government also , by inferring that the frame and dispensations thereof are such , as godly , sober , peaceable men cannot there live like christians ; which they seeme to conclude from hence , that they desire libertie to remove from thence where they may live like christians : when as indeed our armes are open to receive such both into church and common-weal , blessing god for their societie . ninthly , they doe in effect charge the government with tyranny in impressing their persons to the warres , committing them to prison , fining , rating them , &c. and all unjustly and illegally , whereas no warre is undertaken , nor any presse goes forth , but according to law established ; but the thing they would have is that any english man may volens nolens , take his habitation in any government , bee as free as the best , &c. thus breaking all order , charters , and peace of societies : for if he be english borne ( by their principles ) no government may refuse him be he never so pestilent , whether jesuite or worse . tenthly , they ●ay a false charge upon the churches in affirming , t●●● christian vigilancy is no way exercised towards such ●● are not in church fellowship : whereas they cannot but know the contrary . for however wee have nothing to doe to bring them to the church , and cannot cast out those that were never within , yet privately wee performe the dutie of christians towards them , either in holding private communion with such as are godly , or reproving and exhorting the rest also as occasion and opportunity offereth . eleventhly , that this dirt might stick fast , and men might more easily receive these injurious charges against the government ; in the conclusion they proclaime , that our brethren in england ( meaning the independents ) dee flee from us at from a pest . when as for my part i beleeve that if our brethren were with us they would close with our practise , or at least wee should bee dealt more brotherly withall , and then wee should not only hearken to what counsel should be of god , from them or any other in gods way but bee willing to reforme any thing that is amisse either in church or common-weale . twelfthly , that it may appeare these injurious charges are their owne apprehensions , and pretenses rather then jealousies of any others , they have publiquely declared their disaffection to the government , in that being called to the court to render account of their mis-apprehensions , and evill expressions in the premises , they refused to answer : but by appealing from the government they disclaimed the jurisdiction thereof , ( what in them lay ) before they knew whether the court would give any sentence against them or not : when as indeed their charter injoyneth nor requireth any appeale , but have the power of absolute government by vertue thereof : but these seven petitioners , whereof three are meere strangers and have no proprietie within the government ( and a fourth then to depart and now departed from it ) will not beare it as the rest . and for my part if these foure that were inhabitants were not drawne in by the three strangers to make up the number of seven to trouble the commonweale , i should wonder ( well knowing their abilities otherwayes , especially of some of them ) there being no want of fit persons if many thousands discontented as they say about them upon such a straight ; but i looke upon this speech of theirs as tending rather to incite discontented persons to repaire unto them , then having any realitie in it . and for the matter of appeale from new-england hither , which is three thousand miles distant , it will bee found to bee destructive to them that there live : for no countrey can subsist without government , or repaire so farre to it ; nor will any wise man accept a place in government where hee shall bee exposed to goe so farre to give account of his actions , though they bee never so just : but the best is , the parliament is knowne ( and it is their duty ) to seeke the good of the subjects by all due meanes : and i doubt not ( if ever tendred to them ) but they will soone discover the mischiefe intended by our adversaries , or at least like to ensue ( if they prevaile ) by overthrowing those hopefull beginnings of new-england in straightning our priviledges at such a time , when englands are restored ; but wee hope to share with them rather by enlargement , being wee went out in those evill times when the bishops were so potent being persecuted by them , and in that wee suffered since with the parliament in adhering to them to the losse of ships , and goods , &c. but i shall rest on god in what is said , hoping the reader will bee satisfied in point of our innocency in regard of the evills charged on us ; and therefore to proceed . in the next place whereas they complaine of imprisonment , one of them being to goe to sea just when things were to bee heard , was required to give bond to stand to the award of the court , leaving six partners behind him to pleade his cause ; also mr. smith being a dweller in another government and not there , being present at that same time was required to doe the like ; which order they withstood for an houre or thereabouts , and were that time under the marshalls custody , but no sooner advised they with our salamander their counsell , but hee advised them to give security , which they accordingly did , and so were dismissed ; now this i suppose was because hee was to goe to sea with them immediatly , which they accordingly did . secondly , take notice that before doctor childe , &c. were committed , the businesse of the remonstrance was ended , and they censured by fine , every one according to his particular offence , and carriage in managing the whole , and it is not our manner to punish twice for one offence . thirdly , take notice that the government they charge was proved in open court to bee according to the law of england , and therefore not committed for petitioning for that they had . fourthly , let the reader know that the presbyterian government was as freely tendered them by the governour in the open court without any contradiction of any the assistants or other , ●s ever i heard any thing in my life , though it appeareth that our salamander is not a little troubled at it , as i shall have occasion to touch in my answer to the postscript , which i verily beleeve hee penned every word . lastly , let the reader take notice that doctor robert childe , mr. john smith , and mr. john dand , were committed for certaine papers upon close search of dands closet , there found the night before the ship came away , which were far more factious & seditious then the former . doctor childe being committed because one of the coppies was under his knowne hand , another coppy under mr. dands hand , and both in his custody ; mr. smith in that hee not onely offered to rescue the papers from the officers that were sent to make search : but when hee saw that hee could not rescue them , brake out into high speeches against the government : and amongst other things said , hee hoped ere long to doe as much to the governors closet , and doe as much to him as hee did for them , &c. or to the like purpose . and now major childe , let the world and you take notice together wherefore your brother & those honest & godly persons you pretend to speak of were committed . nor doe i beleeve that any people under the heavens that know what belongs to government and have the power of it , would doe lesse then the magistrates there did . but what the event will bee god onely knowes ; but this i know , they are in the hands of mercifull men , however they have beene abused , or may by our salamander ( whose reports i often meet with ) or by any other whatsoever . and for answer to their relation of the effects this petition produced , much of it is false and answered before , the rest not worthy the answering ; as concerning the elders , their long sermons to provoke the magistrates against them , &c. no wise man will beleeve as they relate . and thus much for answer to the second part of their booke concerning the petition and remonstrance . a briefe answer to the third head of their booke , concerning the capitall lawes of the massachusets &c. here i finde the capitall lawes of the massachusets reprinted , & the oath they administer to their freemen , which i suppose they are sorry they can finde no more fault with : and all these capitalls rehearsed to shew the danger doctor childe is under by vertue of the last , which followeth in these words . if any man shall conspire or attempt any invasion , insurrection or publique rebellion against our common-wealth , or shall indeavour to surprise any towne or townes , fort or forts therein , or shall treacherously and perfidiously attempt the alteration and subversion of our frame of policy or government fundamentally , hee shall bee put to death , numb. sam. . and . and . now if together with this they had manifestd a liberty the court gives to any notwithstanding this law , fairely and freely to shew their grievance at any thing they conceive amisse , and needeth either alteration or repeale , then they had dealt fairly indeed : but because they leave it out , i take it my dutie to put it in . i know our salamander is not without some exception at any thing wee can doe : but because i finde none more then as before , i shall passe to the next head of their booke . an answer to their relation concerning the throwing the petition overboard as a jonas as they terme it . i acknowledge that mr. cotton taught from that text they mention in cant. . take us the foxes the little foxes which destroy the vines , &c. and let the reader understand that this text tell in his ordinary course of lecture in going through that book , and not taken on purpose on that particular occasion . the points hee delivered from hence as i remember were these two . the first , was when god had delivered his church from the danger of the beare , and the lyon , then the foxes the little foxes sought by craft & policy to undermine the same . the second was this , that all th●se that goe about by fox-like craft and policy to undermine the state of the churches of jesus christ , they shall all bee taken every one of them . the text as i take it hee shewed belonged to that time of the church when they returned from babylon , and were building the temple ; and proved the first point of doctrine from that of tobias and sanballat that would have built with the jewes ; the second was amplified by the history of haman in the booke of hester : and so brought many other examples , and amongst others the story of the bishops in the dayes of hen. the eighth , edward the sixt , queen elizabeth , and to the beginning of these warres , who under a colour of building and being master builders in the lords house laid heavie burthens upon the saints , corrupted the worship of god and lorded it over his heritage , & when they were come to the top of their pride the lord jesus could endure them no longer , but they were taken even every one of them in the same snare they had set for others . but i forbeare the amplifying of it , and hasten to the application so farre as it concerneth this scornefull story by them penned of their feigned miracle , as they call it . his use of exhortation was twofold . first , to such as lived in the countrey , to take heed how they went about any indirect way or course which might tend to the prejudice of the churches of jesus christ in the same , or the governments of the land , which through gods mercy was not onely in the hands of such as truely feared the lord , but according to his revealed will so far as we can judge . and therefore if any ( though never so secretly or subtilly ) should goe about any such thing , the watchman of israel that slumbreth not nor sleepeth will not take it well at their hands : for he that hath brought his people hither , and preserved them from the rage of persecution , made it a hiding place for them whilst hee was chastising our owne nation amongst other the nations round about it , manifested his gratious presence , so apparently walking amongst his churches , and preserving and prospering our civill state from forraigne plots of the late archbishop and his confederates , and the domestick of the heathen where wee live ; there was no question to bee made but hee would preserve it from the underminings of false brethren , and such as joyned with them : and therefore , saith hee , let such know in the foregoing respect● it is the land of 〈◊〉 , a land that is pretious in the eyes of the lord , they shall not prosper that rise against it , but shall bee taken every one of them in the snares they lay for it . and this , said hee , i speake as a poore prophet of the lord according to the word of his grace in my text , which however in the proper sense of the holy ghost , belonged to that age of the church mentioned in the booke of nehemiah , yet it is written for our example and instruction : for god is the same yesterday , to day , and for ever ; no lesse carefull , no lesse able , and no lesse willing to save and deliver his people by ingaging himselfe in their case ; and who can stand before him ? in the second place , saith he , whereas divers our brethren are to goe for england , and many others to follow after in another vessell , let mee direct a word of exhortation to them also ; i desire the gratious presence of our god may goe with them , and his good angels guard them not onely from the dangers of the seas this winter season , but keepe them from the errours of the times when they shall arrive , and prosper them in their lawfull designes , &c. but if there bee any amongst you my brethren , as 't is reported there are , that have a petition to prefer to the high court of parliament ( which the lord in mercy goe on blessing to blesse as hee hath begun ) that may conduce to the distraction , annoyance and disturbance of the peace of our churches and weakning the government of the land where wee live , let such know , the lord will never suffer them to prosper in their subtill , malicious and desperate undertakings against his people , who are as tender unto him as the apple of his eye . but if there bee any such amongst you that are to goe , i doe exhort and would advise such in the feare of god when the terrors of the almightie shall beset the vessell wherein they are , the heavens shall frowne upon them , the billowes of the sea shall swell above them , and dangers shall threaten them , ( as i perswade my selfe they will ) i would have them then to consider these things : for the time of adversitie is a time for gods people to consider their wayes . i will not give the counsell was taken concerning jonah , to take such a person and cast him into the sea ; god forbid : but i would advise such to come to a resolution in themselves to desist from such enterprises , never further to ingage in them , and to cast such a petition into the sea that may occasion so much trouble and disturbance . but it may be hardnesse of heart & stoutnesse of spirit may cause such a person or persons with stiffe necks to persist , and yet in mercy with respect to some pretious ones amongst you , ( as i perswade my selfe there are many such goe in each vessell ) the lord may deliver the vessell from many apparent troubles and dangers for their sakes : but let such know , the lord hath land judgements in store for such , for they are not now free ( hee being the god of the land as well as of the sea : ) and if you turne to numb. . , . you shall there see how hee threatned to destroy such as brought a false report upon his land with the plague : and truely god hath still plagues in store for such as bring a false report upon his church and people ; nay said hee , i heare the lord hath a destroying angell with the sword of pestilence in that kingdome , striking here and there , as seemeth good unto him , ( though not vehemently , blessed bee his name ) and who knowes what the lord will doe ? and therefore i advise such in the feare of god , and i speak it as an unworthy prophet of his according to that portion of his word i now speake from , to lay these things to heart , for it is the lord jesus hath said , take us the foxes , the little foxes , &c. or let them bee taken . and beleeve it for a truth , all those that goe about by fox-like craft and subtiltie to undermine the churches of christ jesus , they shall all bee taken , even in the very snare and ginne they set for others . and thus much for what mr. cotton delivered on this thursdayes lecture in beston , novemb. . . which i have shewed to many eminent persons now in england who were present at this lecture , and judge it not onely to bee the summe of his exhortation but his very expressions , and are ready to testifie it on all occasions against all opposers , as mr. thomas peters and mr. william golding ministers ; h●rbert p●lb●● esquire , captaine william sayles , captaine leveret , captaine harding , mr. richard sadl●● , &c. and take notice withall good reader , that i never heard the good man deliver any thing with more earnestnesse and strength of affection then these things thus sleighted by our adversaries as thou seest . and for the second part of their story , viz ▪ their passage , and the passages of gods providence befell them in it ; take notice good reader , that however our salamander turned things into a jest as soone as they were delivered , asking whether hee were a great fox or a little one ; yet many others that were ingaged to goe but in the ship , their hearts trembled that they were to goe in such company . and mr. thomas peeters a minister that was driven out of cornewall by sir ralph hopton in these late warres , and fled to new-england for shelter , being called back by his people , and now in london , upon sight of what i have written gave mee leave before many , to adde this ; that upon mr. cottons exhortation , having shipped his goods and bedding to have gone in the ship with them , amongst other arguments this was the maine , that hee feared to goe in their company that had such designes , and therefore tooke passage to goe rather by way of spaine , &c. and to speake the truth , as the ship rode out many fearefull stresses in the harbour after they were ready , before they could goe to saile , the wind being faire but overblowing : so after they came to sea had the terriblest passage that ever i heard on for extremitie of weather , the mariners not able to take an observation of sunne or star in seven hundred leagues sayling or thereabouts . and when they were all wearied out and tired in their spirits , certaine well-disposed christians called to mind the things delivered by mr. cotton before mentioned , and seeing the tempest still to continue , thought meet to acquaint such as were conceived to be meant by mr. cotton , and that had a purpose to persist in such courses , that they thought god called them now to consider of the things delivered by him ; & hereupon a godly & discreet woman after midnight went to the great cabbin and addressed her speech in sobrietie and much modesty to them , whereupon one of the two answered in these words , or to this purpose ; sister i shall bee loath to grieve you or any other of gods people with any thing i shall doe , and immediatly went to his chest or trunke , and tooke out a paper and gave it her , and referred it to the discretion of others to doe withall as they should see good : which the woman not in a distracted passion ( as they reported ) shewed to mr. richard sadler and others , who although they knew it was not the right petition but that they were deluded , yet because they judged it also to bee very bad , having often seene it in new-england , but never liked the same , cut it in peeces as they thought it deserved , and gave the said peeces to a seaman who cast them into the sea . the storme for the present continued that night , say some , others say , some abatement of winde befell presently after , but all conclude it abated the next day ; but that they had divers stormes afterward being then . leagues short of the lands end , is most certaine : and in one of these hideous stormes , having no saile abroad , the ship lying adrist with the helme bound up , the master conceiving hee was to the southward of silley layed the ship to the norward the night being very darke . in the last watch of the night one of the quarter masters going to the pumpe discerned rocks ahead within a cables length , and made such an outery as the whole ship was awakened , and nothing but death presented them : there was much hast made to let loose the helme , and to come to saile ; but before it could bee done the ship was engaged amongst the rocks of silley , and nothing could bee discerned under water , but by the breaking of the waves , which was their best direction to cunne the ship : in this laby●inth the ship travelled for a quarter of an hower or more , in which time it was generally observed the ship readily obeyed her helme , ( or rather the great pilate of the seas ) upon the word given , which at other times shee was slow in . at length the ship drove in and came a ground between two ilands , and could not bee got off being ●bbing water ; and it was the speciall providence of god to place her there in much mercy and compassion on his poore afflicted ones , the vessell being full of passengers ; for on both sides and on head were desperate rocks , which were not discovered till the morning light , the ship all this while lying fast upon a bed of sand or owse ; when it was day the dangers which they had escaped in the night to our admiration presented themselves , nor durst the master worke the ship till hee had gotten a pilate from the shore , who undertooke to bring her to an anchor ne●re crowes sound . the deliverance was so strange as the inhabitants of silly were amased at it , some saying it was a miracle , another that god was a good man that should thus deliver us ; indeed all the iland wondred , and the passengers themselves most of all when they saw the breaches at low water so farre off at sea neere which they passed before they knew the danger , and the rocks they sailed by after they found themselves involved as it were between s●pll● and c●rybdis . much more might bee added to account the mercy , but this may suffice to let the world see 't is no such trifle as is pretended in their prophane relation , who had then other thoughts , being passengers also in the ship , and seemed willing to joyn● with the godly party in the ship in testimony of their thankfulnesse , to celebrate a speciall day of thanksgiving unto the lord for so great salvation , where mr. golding preached , being a passenger with them , and teacher to a church of christ in berm●d● . and now good reader what wilt thou judge of such as can turne such deliverances into a scoffe , witnesse their prophane title , new-englands jonas cast up at london ; the naked truth whereof thou hast heard related ; in all which jonas was but once accidentally named , and that by way of direct opposition to any such counsell . the master of the ship never spoke to , no speech between the woman and mr. vassall that i can learne , but betweene mr. fowle and her , shee under no distemper of passion , but modest discreet and sober in her carriage thorow out the whole . in briefe , all that i can meet with that were in the ship , especially the most eminent persons , affirme this relation of theirs to bee false , yea mr. fowle himselfe acknowledged it before captaine sailes late governour of bermudas , captaine leveret , and captaine harding all passengers in the ship , who all concu●●ed in the falshood of the same , and the three captaines not a little offended thereat , and mr. richard sadler and divers others are ready to testifie the same . but put the case they had deluded a poore weake passionate woman by a shadow instead of a substance : mee thinkes if any feare of god had been before their eyes , they might have trembled at so many and so great threatnings of the almightie , who followed them from one land to another over the vast ocean with his terrours , and have shewed greater thankfulnesse for such a deliverance as before recited , then to carry themselves as they doe ; labouring to delude the reader as well as themselves , and to ascribe all to the winter season ▪ as if all our passages were ordinarily such ( as appeareth by their note in the ma●gent , page . ) when as that is false also , witnesse some that came with them , who affirme they have bin in winter passages , but never in the like ; ( the master & his company all concurring therein ) being confident also they fared the worse for their company . and thus much ●●●n affirme , and at least an hundred more that came with me , who came away about the middest of december ( five weeks deeper in winter then they ) and yet through gods undeserved favour had a comfortable passage and landfall , which i thought good to adde to the rest that persons may not bee discouraged from the passage , though i must confesse the spring and fall are the best seasons . but let them go on , if nothing will reclaime them ; and i will waite and attend the word of the lord in the mouth of his servant , and observe the dispensation of his providence towards his churches , and the enemies of the same . and thus much for answer to the fourth head of their book published by major child● . an answer to the postscript . in this postscript which containeth more matter then the whole ● booke , i can trace our salamander line by line , and phrase after phrase , in his accustomed manner to del●de many simple ones , and weaken their respect to the government of new-england ; where hee did a great deale more hurt by his personall presence , than hee can doe here by such slanderous invectives as he either pin●●th upon others ( witnesse this silly peece called new-england● j●n●● ) o● any hee shall publish hereafter . to answer every particular at length , would bee too tedious . but because hee pretendeth an answer to some passages in a booke written lately by my selfe , called hypocrisie vnmasked , concerning the independent churches holding communion with the reformed churches ; at the request of many i came to a resolution as to answer the former passages ▪ so to reply to his malicious cavils in this ; who indeed hath not answered any one thing , but rather raised some scruples that may cloud what i did , and cause such as are ignorant to doubt where things are most cleare : but however i am 〈…〉 with in this case not onely by some of the independent 〈…〉 to answer ▪ yet withall am come to a resolution not to write any more in this kinde ; partly because the world are wearied with too m●n● controverfies of this nature : but more especially because our salamander so much delighteth in them as a●… by many year●●●●● experience , being restlesse and 〈…〉 therein , 〈…〉 answer . hee beginneth with the discovery of a 〈…〉 plot against the lawes of england , and the liberties of the english subjects ▪ &c ▪ and then secondly , hee would render mee odious to the world , as being a principall ●ppos●● of the l●●●● of england in new-england . thirdly hee would make our government of new-england to bee arbitrary . and fourthlyly , his malicious cavils and bitter indignation at any thing may tend to union betweene brethren , i meane the presbyterians and independents , but of these in order . and first , for the subtile plot , &c. which is contrived , saith hee , by writing against gorton , a man whom they know is notorious for heresie , that so behinde him they may get a shot at a bigger game , &c. answ . it is well knowne , and our salamander is not ignorant , that however gorton notoriously abused himself and every government of new-england where hee lived ; yet when that country was grown too hot for him , hee came over here and complained against us , to that honourable committee of parliament ; to whose care the well ordering the affaires of forraigne plantations is referred . the right honourable the earle of warwick , being governour in chiefe , and chairman of the same ; who , upon gorton and his companions complaints , sent over to the government of the massac●●sets , whom it most of all concerned to give answer to the same , &c. whereupon they to shew their respect to the parliament , sent mee to render a reason thereof , which i still attend till their more weighty occasions will permit them to heare . but when i came over , i found that gorton had enlarged his complaints by publishing a booke called simplicities defence against seven-headed policy , &c. which being full of manifold slaunders , and abominable falsehoods ; i tooke my selfe bound in duty to answer it , as i did by that treatise he mentioneth , called hypocrisie vnmasked , which was but an answer to gorton as this is to him , being necessitated thereunto in vindication of the country , whose agent i am , though unworthy . and yet our salamander would blinde the ignoram ▪ and make them beleeve wee tooke occasion to write such a thing to make the parliament have a good opinion of us , as it none of all this had preceded . next that hee might still turne our innocent simplicity into policy , hee takes advantage where none is , and layes hold on a request of mine , which i must still prosecute ( maugre his malice ) and i trust in god the parliament will bee sensible of it viz. that the committee would take into consideration how destructive it will bee to the wel-being of our plantations and proceedings there ( which are growing up into a nation ) here to answer the complaints of such malignant spirits as shall there bee c●●●●red by authority , it being three thousand miles distant , so far as will undoe any to come hither for justice , utterly disabling them to prove the equity of their cause , &c. now if hee had set downe this request as it is , i would never have answered word to it , nor need at present to any , but such as are ready to burst with malice , and the more satisfaction i shall give , the worse they will bee . and for the danger of the state of england is in by this plot , he could not more clearely have expressed the unevennesse of his spirit to any indifferent reader , then by such expressions , and therefore need no farther answer thereunto . secondly , whereas hee chargeth mee to be a principall opposer of the lawes of england in new england , &c. hee dealeth with mee here in this particular just as he did there . for our salamander having labored two years together to draw me to his party , and finding hee could no way prevaile , he then casts off all his pretended love , and made it a part of his worke to make mee of all men most odious , that so what ever i did or said might bee the lesse effectuall . as for the law of england i honour it and ever did , and yet know well that it was never intended for new-england , neither by the parliament , nor yet in the letters patents , we have for the exercise of government under the protection of this state : but all that is required of us in the making of our lawes and ordinances , offices and officers , is to goe as neare the lawes of england as may bee : which wee punctually follow so neare as wee can . for our letters patents , being granted to such , and their associates ▪ these associates are the freemen , whereof there are many in every town : now take notice good reader that as every corporation here send their burgesses to the parliament upon summons : so divers times a yeere the governour sending out his warrants , the towns choose their deputies , viz. two of a towne out of these freemen , which meeting together with the governour and his assistants , compose and make or repeale such lawes and ordinances as they conceive our 〈…〉 require : and however wee follow the custome and practise of england so neere as our condition will give way : yet as the 〈…〉 of a growne man would rather oppresse and 〈…〉 if put upon him , then any way comfort or refresh him , being too heavy for him : so have i often said the lawes of england , to take the body of them , are too ●●w●ldy for our weake condition : besides , there were some things supported by them which wee came from thence to avoid ▪ as the hi●rar●●y , the crosse in ●●ptisme , the holy dayes , the booke of common prayer , &c. all which i doubt not but this renowned parliament will utterly abolish as they have done in part to gods glory and their everlasting fame , ( i meane whi●●t time shall bee . ) but i have been so farre from sleighting the law of england as i have brought my owne booke of the statutes of england into our court , that so when wee have wanted a law or ordinance wee might see what the statutes provided in that kind , and found a great readinesse in our generall court to take all helpe and benefit thereby . and never did i otherwise oppose the law of england : nor ever stand against the liberties of the subject , but am ready to sacrifice my life for the same , when ever i shall bee called thereunto . indeed this i have said in answer to his cavils , that if the parliaments of england should impose lawe● upon us having no burgesses in their house of commons , not capable of a summons by reason of the vast distance of the ocean being three thousand miles from london , then wee should lose the libertie and freedome i conceived of english indeed , where every shire and corporation by their knights and burgesses make and consent to their laws , and so oppose whatsoever they conceive may bee hurtfull to them : but this liberty wee are not capable of by reason of distance , and therefore ▪ &c. and thus much for answer to that point , which will satisfie any equall minded man , but is nothing to him . thirdly , he chargeth our government to bee arbitrary . answ . i shewed before after what manner wee made our lawes ; and for the choyce of our officers once every yeere they are either chosen or renewed by election , and this is done by the freemen who are the associates to the governour , to whom all the power is granted . and these are to governe according to their lawes made and established , and not according to their wills . and however there are many that are not free amongst us , yet if understanding men and able to bee helpefull , it 's more their owne faults then otherwise oft-times , who will not take up their freedome lest they should bee sent on these service● ( as our salamander and most of his disciples who are too many i must confesse ) and yet it is the same with many thousands in this kingdome who have not libertie to choose : nor yet may the freeholders and freemen choose , any that are not freeholders , freemen , and gentlemen of such a rank or quality that are chosen . so that for my own part i see not but that as we go by the expresse of our letters patents , so we goe according to the practise of england ; the law made binding the maker as wel as any other , having o●●rule for all . as for our trialls between man and man , hee knowes wee goe by jury there as well as here : and in criminalls and capitalls wee goe by grand jury and petty jury . and where the death of any is suddaine , violent or uncertaine , the ●rowner sits upon it by a quest , and returneth a verdict , &c. and all according to the commendable custome of england , whom ▪ wee desire to follow . but their maine objection is ; that wee have not p●nall lawes exactly set downe in all cases ? 't is true i confesse , neither can they finde any common we●●●● under heaven , or ever was , but some things were reserved to the discretion of the judges , and so it is with us and no otherwise , our generall courts meeting together twice a yeere at least hitherto for that very end , and so continuing so long as their occasions and the season will permit ; and in case any ●●sdemeaner befall where no penaltie is set down , it is by solemne order left to the discretion of the b●nch , who next to the word of god take the law of england for their president before all other whatsoever . and as i said before , if i would enter into particulars i could here setdowne in a line parallel as i received it in answer to the petition of doctor robert childe , &c. mentioned in their booke , the fundamentalls of the massachusets concurring with the priviledges of magn● c●●●●● and the common law of england at large . but as i said before , it would bee too tedious for answer to this worthlesse and malicious charge . and yet i dare affirme that virgini● , barbadoes , christoph●rs , mevis and a●●i●g● have not all of them so many lawes as new-england , nor so many expresse penalties annexed . as for the ●●●ting of the foure colonies , i briefly shewed the reason of it in my former treatise , being necessitated thereunto ●●y a secret combination of the indians to ●●● in all off , as our salamander well knowes and approved ; and if in ▪ america we should forbeare to unite for offence and defence against a ●…on enemy ( keeping our governments still dist●●ct as wee d●● ) till wee have leave from england , our throats might bee allout before the messenger would bee halfe seas thorough ▪ but hee that will c●rpe at this , what will hee not doe ? and for not making of our warrants in the kings name which is another thing hee comp●●neth of : hee well knowes the practise of the countrey is various in that respect , some constantly observing it , others omitting to expresse it , but all deriving our authority from hence . but if any wonder why i say so much in answer to it as i doe , it is because i never purpose for reply to any thing he or any other shall write in this kinde to him , for 't is to no end to write many bookes , especially when wee have to deale with such an one as delights in contention and nothing else . in the last place take notice good reader how hee cavills , and is vexed at , rather then answers any thing i say tending to preserve peace and unitie betweene the presbyterian and independent brethren . and whereas hee saith there is fallacy in what i have written , how can that bee ? when i shew the very particular instances and persons that did and still do hold communion with us , and our salamander knoweth most of these persons , and i beleeve the very things also , and hath nothing to say against any one of the instances brought , onely hee asketh whether any of us the many thousands ( a great word ) that came from new-england , doe communicate here with the presbyterians . to which i answer by way of question to any rationall and indifferent man , whether a church or churches of ours , allowing and admitting any of the presbyterians or their members into full communion with them , doth not more fully answer the question or his cavill , and prove communion of churches on our part , then for a particular member of ours to joyne in communion with some of the presbyterian churches which it may bee that independent church whereof hee is may never heare of ? and sure enough if i should draw an argument from his proposition to prove it ; hee would bee sure to say your churches allow it not , &c. and therefore it proves no communion of churches at all . secondly , were i where i could not communicate with an independent congregation , and might with a presbyterian , and they walked orderly , i know nothing but i might comfortably partake in that ordinance of the lords supper with them : but i should not forsake that communion i more affected for that i lesse affected where i might enjoy either , nor i beleeve will any understanding presbyterian brother on the other side . and so much for answer to that cavill , and the many branches of it . in the second place , hee cavills at this , that i say in page . of my book called , hypocrisie 〈…〉 , that the french and d●tch churches are a people distinct from the world , and gathered into ●● holy communion : and then hee addeth , ( ●ee should ●●●● said c●●●n●●t , which is his sense ) and that the sixth person is not of the church , meaning , amongst them , and this , saith hee , wee have but his word for , and makes is a falshood in me : but i returne it upon himselfe , whose bold spirit dare affirme any thing against the apparent light of the sunne ; for however the dutch baptize the children of all nations that are presented to them , as well as their owne , as i shewed in my former treatise ; yet this their practise stands not upon the presbyterian bottome , nor doe i know , i confesse , what they take for their warrant in it ; yet i affirme , and that of my owne knowledge , having lived divers yeares amongst them , that their church is a select people , gathered together into an holy communion , which holinesse hee scoffes at , and which they call the ●●ement ; and that many thousands of those whose children they baptize , never are admitted to the lords supper , which they account church communion ; nor are ever brought before their classis , and there examined , admitted , occasionally admonished , yea , excommunicated if they submit not to the rule : and that all those that are admitted are such as tender themselves , and thereupon are examined , &c. in the classis ; as before . and for an instance of the truth of it , a godly english minister that had sometimes lived in rotterdam , told me ( upon this very occasion ) that the deacons of the dutch church at rotterdam , told him , that although there were almost . houses in their city , and in many of them divers families , yet they had but persons in church-fellowship . and for the french churches , who know● not that the nation , i meane , the body of them are still papists , and yet ( as blinde as bayard ) our malicious salamander , whose tongue is known to be no slander from whence he came , doth charge me with falshood herein . 't is true , through gods mercy there are many thousand protestants amongst them , and i wonder that any man should bee so audacious , as to affirm these are not a distinct people from the rest that have undergone so many massacres and persecuti●●● for the testimony of their faith , and witnesse they have borne against the abo●inations of rom● , and the papacy , still so much admired in that nation by the body of it . and as i ●●●d of holland , the sixth person is hardly of the church ; so in france , the tenth man for ought i heare , is not a protestant . and how then they should be a nationall protestant church , i know not . as for his jeere about the covenant , let him goe on in his way of scorn and contempt of the covenant between god and his people ; and yet hee shall finde the church in the old testament established by a covenant ; and after their greatest desertions and declinings , upon solemne dayes of humiliation , their covenants againe renewed throughout the same . and the churches under the new testament are still the same , though the ceremonies and ordinances bee altered by the lord thereof ; yea , the scottish churches , ( which hee saith are nationall , and so would make a breach in that respect between them and us ) are solemne and serious in their covenant ; and the english in the late reformation no lesse serious , to gods glory bee it spoken ; when as there are many hundred thousands in both nations that will not take these their covenants , but remain in popish superstition , and wilfull ignorance . and for our tenders to the scots to live amongst us , and enjoy their liberty in the exercise of the presbyterian government formerly , and the late tender of the court of the massachusets to their petitioners for the enjoyment of it at present , themselves providing for it , 't is not so strange as true : but whereas they say , they hear not of the latter ( being since they came away : ) 't is false ; i have told them , and they may heare it by many others : but they have not the spirit of peace in them , nor will they take notice of any thing that tends thereunto ; but seeke , as appeareth by this postscript , to blow up the coal●s of contention and division , so much as possible may bee , hindering peace and good agreement between brethren , by all the meanes and courses they can use . and for what h●saith concerning mr. h●bbards censure ; daring mee to say , whether mr. hubbard were not punished directly or indirectly for baptizing some children whose parents were not members of the churches in new-england . for answer , i doe and dare affirme in my conscience , that i am firmly perswaded hee was not ; and however i doe not desire to meddle in the case , nor to engage in other mens controversies , but rather seeke to heale them by all due meanes , yet i thought good to answer his challenge in this particular , that so that cloud of jealousie might also be dispelled , so far as concerneth my own thoughts in the case ; and had hee but so much charitie in himselfe as becomes a christian man , i am confident hee would bee of the same mind with mee . and so much for answer to that particular , and the whole book , wherein the reader may see more malice in our accusers , then policy in us , whose simplicity is branded with subtilty , fallacy , and what not ? but blessed bee god , it is by such whose tongues are their owne , and will not bee controuled by any , and from whom i expect all that malice can invent ; but am come to a resolution , that whatever our salamander shal vent either in his own name , or by others ( as at this time ) i wil leave him to god , and referre our vindication to the lord jesus christ , who hath all power in heaven and earth committed to him , in whose eyes , i trust , we are precious , who undoubtedly will clear up our innocency , when these our proud enemies shall bee scattered before him . and to whom with the father and the spirit , god over all , blessed for ever , be glory and praise to all eternity . amen . finis . errata . page . l. . for another , r. any other ; p. . l. . for the , r. their ; p. . l. . for about , r. to put ; p. . l. . for our , r. their ; ibid. l. . for us , r. them ; p. . l. . for are , r. is . episcopal and presbyterial government conjoyned proposed as an expedient for the compremising of the differences, and preventing of those troubles about the matter of church-government / written in the late times by ... ja. usher ... ussher, james, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing u estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) episcopal and presbyterial government conjoyned proposed as an expedient for the compremising of the differences, and preventing of those troubles about the matter of church-government / written in the late times by ... ja. usher ... ussher, james, - . [i.e. ] p. [s.n.], london : . reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion episcopal and presbyterial government conjoyned : proposed as an expedient for the compremising of the differences , and preventing of those troubles about the matter of church-government . written in the late times by the late learned and famous ja. usher , arch-bishop of armagh and primate of ireland . and now published , seriously to be considered by all sober conscientious persons , and tendred to all the sons of peace and truth in the three nations , for recovering the peace of the church , and setling its government . tolle jano nominis crimen , & nihil restat nisi criminis nomen , tert. apol. contra rationem nemo sobritis ; contra scripturam nemo christianus ; contra ecclesiam nemo pacificus senserit . aug. de trin. london , printed in the year . the preface . if any one ask , who is he presumes to publish the papers of that learned , pious , and peacable prelate ( worthy of eternal memory , ) without approbation first had , of such as hold the chair in the several parts of controverted discipline ? i answer , the learned men of each party are not yet agreed , nor do i know when they will be : and the times require that some means be used to advance the peace of the church , and preserve the nation . that peace i mean , whereby the minds of men may be disposed to lay aside all old animosities , and upon a common principle of union , become charitable , and so perpetual friends . the faithfull and true ministers of the gospel of peace , will ( i hope , ) give their allowance to this attempt , pious and charitable in its intention . for the contrary minded who would have fire come from heaven to consume all those , who receive not their dictates , i shall only rebuke them with that of our saviour to his disciples , ye know not of what manner of spirit ye are ? peace therefore and christian concord , is not the matter these men seek , but perpetual parties and sidings , wherein perhaps they hope to appear somebody ; which temper ( even in the minds where it ought least to be , ) hath embroyl'd the world in miserable feuds . and this being perceiv'd by men experienced in publick business , hath produced variety of complaints . sir edwyn sandys discoursing of the division of protestants abroad into lutherans and calvinists , complains . that the ministers of each side have so far bestirr'd themselves , that the coal which a wise man , with a little moisture of his mouth would soon have quenched , they with the wind of their breath have contrariwise so enflamed , that it threatneth a great ruine and calamity on both sides . and a little after , reprehending the heat and extremity of contention . they make more account ( says he ) of some empty syllogism than of the peace of the church , and happiness of the world. the most learned and pious hugo grotius , bemoaning the discords of christian leaders , says , si in eorum bellorum quibus tam diu vastatur europa causas inquirimus , inveniemus hoc incendium , maximè ab ijs quos pacis praecones esse debuerunt excitatum . and mr. dury , after all his travells in the matter of ecclesiastical peace , found at last the difficulty to lie at home , among those of his own profession : which caused him to lay down this maxim. that neither can a civil confederation be truly framed among protestants , nor when it is framed can it be faithfully maintained , except the foundation thereof be laid in the minds of the clergy . the expedient here proposed by this learned and pious prelate , for composing the controversies and contentions about ecclesiastical government , will not make the wounds wider i hope , i do not see how it can . and if it bring with it a healing virtue to unite and consolidate parties discontinued , in any measure , i shall not repent me of acting the empyrick in applying this sovereign receipt , ( which came fortunately to my hands ) to the curing all those fretting ailments have so long troubled the church . nor will this attempt of mine be insecure , if the learned and pious guides of either party be consulted . it is dr. hammond's judgment , that a moderate episcopacy , with a standing assistant presbytery , as it will certainly satisfie the desires of those whose pretensions are regular and moderate , ( craving nothing more , and in some things less than the laws of the land , ) so it will appear to be that , which all parties can best tolerate : and which next himself , both presbyterian , independant and erastian , will make no question to choose and prefer , before any of the other pretenders . and mr. baxter , ( no friend to modern episcopacy ) earnestly incultating the pastoral care and oversight of souls : i speak not this , says he , against any bishops , that acknowledge the presbyters to be true pastors to rule and teach the flock , and take themselves only to be the chief , and presidents among presbyters , yea , or the rulers of presbyters that are rulers of the flock . but of them that null the presbyters office , and the churches government and discipline , by undertaking it alone as their sole prerogative . me thinks , ( as agrippa said to paul , almost thou persuadest me to be a christian , ) i might here step in , and tell these learned and pious controvertists , that , almost they may be persuaded to be friends . but the principal defence i intend my self against the censures of my publishing those papers , is , the sense of the late king himself , in his posthumous admired book . not ( says he ) that i am against the managing of this presidency and authority in one man by the joynt counsel and consent of many presbyters ; i have offered to restore that . and again , i was willing to grant or restore to presbytery , what with reason or discretion it can pretend to ; in a conjuncture with episcopacy . so that , the purpose the late king had , of uniting his divided people , ( if god had so permitted , whose judgments are wonderfull , and his ways past finding out , ) was upon grounds agreeable to the design of this paper . and therefore what was by him so piously and prudently intended , for restoring peace and unity to the church , is so much the more necessary now , by how much we understand that intention of the said king : and that the same parties remain still estranged in conuntenance and conversation . and yet it would not be so , if some instrument or medium could be used to bring them to debate ( with an humble christian spirit , ) on terms of reconcilement and unīty . which , whensoever it shall , by gods gracious dispensation and providence over us be granted : so much of our passions and interest must be laid aside , as not to think it imaginable , in the traverse of such long and sharp disputes and diffirences , that one party should be totally guilty , and the other altogether innocent . when i consider a presbyterian , will it be well to fetch a character , from all the frailties and failings of men of that persuasion ? if one preached , it would never be well till twice . prelates be hanged up , as the . sons of saul were hanged up in gibeon . and another , that the bloodiest and sharpest war was to be endured , rather than the least error in doctrine and discipline . and another , wishing that all the prelates in the kingdom and himself were together in a bottomless boat at sea , for he would be content to loose his life , so the bishops might loose theirs . will not all these seem strong and tearing winds , rending the rocks of all order and good government , in which god was not . rather than the small and still voice , which walked in the garden in the cool of the day , when god came to enquire calmly after adams sin ? or will they not seem rather so many predictions , which we have seen fulfilled sadly upon that place , and those persons , whoyet were as ignorant of the prophetick import of their own expressions , as caiphas was of christs offering himself for the world , when he counselled the jews , that it was expedient that one man should die for the people , and yet knew not the import of christ dying for the people . when men pass sentence upon themselves , god often sees it executed : the israelites no sooner wish they had died in the land of egypt , or in the wilderness : but the answer is returned , as i live saith the lord , as you have spoken in mine ears , so will i do to you . and the heathen poet could teach us the same lesson . evertere domos totas optantibus ipsis , dii faciles . i do not like raking fire out of embers , by searching for the faults of men , who perished in their own flames , and are objects of our pitty more than passion . otherwise no nation under heaven could afford examples equal to that of scotland , for the proof of rigid presbyterian discipline . of which how much is settled after more then years are run out since the nobles , gentry and people , have been vehemently . sollicited to kill and slay each other , or any body else rather than be , without it , the present state of affairs there may bear us witness . would it be a good course of judging of episcopal government , to rake into the records and histories of . years , for the errors of all bishops , whòm worldly interest , or passion , or other human frailties have carried beyond the gravity , austerity , humility and apostolical piety of their primitive institution . and will this serve to level imparity , the principle of all order and government ? and secure the modern presbytery from the like irregularities or excesses ? certainly those accusations and calumnies , which politicians say secure other states , subvert the foundations of the churches peace : which are laid in charity , the characteristick note of a christian. by this ye know if ye be my disciples , ( says christ ) if ye love one another . and in ancient times the common saying was , ecce quam diligunt christiani ? that execrable delight and joy , which any one takes to accuse , or to find faults in others , he hath from the devil , who is the great accuser of the brethren . it is evident to what a miserable extremity the divisions about church-government , had brought a great nation . from disputing and fighting for this and that form , we at last knew no form at all : every one doing what seemed good in his own eyes . god having justly taken away from both , what was so intemperately desired , and contended for on either side . both episcopacy and presbytery that strive for it , do it surely for this common end , that the people , being taught to know god aright , might glorifie him in their lives and conversations . the people , i say , who are more easily disposed to innovations and disobedience many times , by the artifice and insinuations of a few ; than can be reclaimed again by the authority , eloquence and wisdom of many . they are therefore a commiserable body , and being commonly the masters of error ( the weakest part of whom being their mind and meer servants to the ambition of others ) how much doth it most truly import the sacred function , to be wholly employ'd in saving the souls of these men , from perishing in a famine of spiritual food and nourishment . but while both strive for the rule and form of doing this ( without imputation of ambition or usurpation ) is it not pitty to think the matter should ever come to that pass that one half of the nation must be first destroyed . and instead of settling christs discipline , that no body at this rate , should be left to become christs disciples , whom error or the sword had not devoured . that both may rule and yet not strive , is proposed here by our pious and learned prelate . by which charity and brotherly love may be restored , ( almost wholly extingushed out of the hearts of men , ) and the grain of evil seed sown in place thereof destroy'd ; which hath brought forth ungodliness to this very time . in the mean time it is a work worth propounding , and worthy of the office and industry of all men , in whom is the true fear of god , ( the principle of honour as well as wisdom ) who are followers of either party : that they soften the minds of the tenacious and refractory , and sweeten the spirits of the sowre and morose , that they may say one to another as abraham did to lot , let there be no strife , i pray thee between me and thee , and between my herdmen and thy herdmen , for we be brethren . and let every pious , humble and peaceable overseer and bishop , presbyter and ruler of christs flock , and watchman over the pretious souls of men , so labour at the throne of grace for this weatherbeaten ship of gods church , ( hardly escaping yet the waves of confusion and disorder , ) that she may at last hear an angell from god speaking to her as once to st. paul. fear not beloved , thou must be brought before caesar , and god hath given thee all those that sail with thee . episcopal and presbyterial government conjoyned . by order of the church of england all presbyters are charged a to minister the doctrine and sacraments , and the discipline of christ , as the lord hath commanded , and as this realm hath received the same ; and that they might the better understand what the lord hath commanded therein b , the exhortation of st. paul to the elders of the church of ephesus is appointed to be read unto them at the time of their ordination ; take heed uunto your selves , and to all the flock , among whom the holy ghost hath made you overseers ; to * rule the congregation of god , which he hath purchased with his blood. of the many elders , who in common thus ruled the church of ephesus , there was one president ; whom our saviour in his epistle to that church in a peculiar manner stileth c the angel of the church of ephesus ; and ignatius , in another epistle written about twelve years after unto the same church , calleth the bishop thereof , betwixt which bishop and the presbytery of that church , what an harmonious consent there was in the ordering of the church-goverment , the same ignatius doth fully there declare , by presbytery with d st. paul understanding the company of the rest of the presbyters or elders , who then had a hand not onely in the delivery of the doctrine and sacraments , but also in the administration of the discipline of christ ; for further proof whereof , we have that known testimony of tertullian in his apology for christians e . in the church are used exhortations , chastisements , and divine censure . for judgment is given with great advice as among those who are certain they are in the sight of god ; and it is the chiefest foreshewing of the judgment which is to come , if any man have so offended that he be banished from the communion of prayer , and of the assembly , and of all holy fellowship . the presidents that bear rule therein , are certain approved elders , who have obtained this honour , not by reward , but by a good report ; who were no other ( as he himself elsewhere intimateth ) but those f from whose hands they used to receive the sacrament of the eucharist . for with the bishop who was the chief president ( and therefore stiled by the same tertullian in another place g summus sacerdos for distinction sake ) the rest of the dispensers of the word and sacraments joyned in the common government of the church ; and therefore , where in matters of ecclesiastical judicature , cornelius bishop of rome used the received form of h gathering together the presbyters , of what persons that did consist , cyprian sufficiently declareth , when he wisheth him to read his letters i to the flourishing clergy which there did preside or rule with him , the presence of the clergy being thought to be so requisite in matters of episcopal audience , that in the fourth councel of carthage , it was concluded , k that the bishop might hear no mans cause without the presence of his clergy , and that otherwise the bishops sentence should be void , unless it were confirmed by the presence of the clergy , which we find also to be inserted into the cannons of l egbert , who was arch-bishop of tork in the saxons times , and afterwards into the body of the m canon law it self . true it is , that in our church this kind of presbyterial government hath been long disused , yet seeing it still professeth , that every pastor hath a right to rule the church from whence the name of rector also was given at first unto him ) and to administer the discipline of christ , as well as to dispence the doctrine and sacraments , and the restraint of the exercise of that right proceedeth only from the custom now received in this realm , no man can doubt but by another law of the land this hindrance may be well removed : and how easily this ancient form of government by the united suffrages of the clergy might be revived again , and with what little shew of alteration , the synodical conventions of the pastors of every parish might be accorded with the presidency of the bishops of each diocess and province ; the indifferent reader may quickly perceive by the perusal of the ensuing propositions . i. in every parish the rector or incumbent pastor , together with the churchwardens and sidesmen may every week take notice of such as live scandalously in that congregation , who are to receive such several admonitions and reproofs , as the quality of their offence shall deserve ; and if by this means they cannot be reclaimed , they may be presented unto the next monthly synod ; and in the mean time debarred by the pastor from access to the lords table . ii. whereas by a statute in the th year of king henry the eight ( revived in the first of queen elizabeth ) suffiagans are appointed to be erected in twenty six several places of this kingdom , the number of them might very well be conformed unto the number of the several rural deanries into which every diocess is subdivided ; which being done , the suffragan ( supplying the place of those who in the ancient church were called chorepiscopi ) might every month assemble a synod of all the rectors , or incumbent pastors within the precinct , and according to the major part of their voices conclude all matters that should be brought into debate before them . to this synod the rector and church-wardens might present such impenitent persons , as by admonition and suspension from the sacrament , would not be reformed ; who if they should still remain contumacious and incorrigible , the sentence of excommunication might be decreed against them by the synod , and accordingly be executed in the parish where they lived . hitherto also all things that concerned the parochial ministers might be referred , whether they did touch their doctrine or their conversation ; as also the censure of all new opinions , heresies , or schisms , which did arise within that circuit ; with liberty of appeal , if need so require , unto the diocesan synod . iii. the diocesan synod might be held once or twice in the year , as it should be thought most convenient : therein all the suffragans and the rest of the rectors or incumbent pastors ( or a certain select number ) of every deanry within that diocess might meet , with whose consent , or the major part of them , all things might be concluded by the bishop or superintendent ( call him whither you will ) or in his absence by one of the suffragans whom he shall depute in his stead to be moderator of that assembly . here all matters of greater moment might be taken into consideration , and the orders of the monthly synods revised , and ( if need be ) reformed : and if here also any matters of difficulty could not receive a full determination ; it might be referred to the next provincial or national synod . iv. the provincial synod might consist of all the bishops and suffragans , and such other of the clergy as should be elected out of every diocess within the province ; the primate of either province might be moderator of this meeting ( or in his room some one of the bishops appointed by him ) and all matters be ordered therein by common consent as in the former assembly . this synod might be held every third year , and if the parliament do then sit ( according to the act for a triennial parliament ) both the primates and provincial synods of the land might joyn together , and make up a national counsel : wherein all appeals from inferior synods might be received , all their acts examined , and all ecclesiastical constitutions which concern the state of the church of the whole nation established . finis the form of government here proposed , is not in any point repugnant to the scripture , and that the suffragans mentioned in the second proposition , may lawfully use the power both of jurisdiction and ordination , according to the word of god , and the practise of the ancient church . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e luke . . europae speculum . votum pro pace . disc. tending to eccles. peace pag. . . pref. to the power of the keyes . gildas salv. . act. . . pag. . pag. . rom. . . char. . large declar . . king. . . . gen. . . joh. . . num. . . v. . juven . sat. . joh. . . rev. . . esdr. . . eccles. . . prov. . . gen. . . act. . . notes for div a -e a the form of ordaining of ministers . b ibid. ex act. . , . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so taken in mat. . . and apoc. . . & . . c rev. . . d tim. . . e ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes & censura divina ; nam & judicatur magno cum pondere ut apud certos de dei conspectu , summumque futuri judicii praeindicium est , si quis ita deliquirit , ut à communicatione orationis & conventus & omnis sancti commercii relege●ur : praesident probars quique seniores , honorem istum non pretiosed . testimonio adepti . tertul. apologet. cap. . f nec de aliorum manibus quampraesidentium sumimus , id. de corona militis , cap. . g dandiquidem baptismi habet jus summus sacerdos , qui est episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi . id. de bapt. cap. . h omni actu ad me perlato placuit contrahi presbyterium , cornel apud cypr. ep , . i florentissimo illic clero te cum praesidenti . cyp. ep . . ad cornel. k ut episcopus nullus causam audiat absque praesentia clericorum suorum alioquin irrita erit sententia episcopi nisi clericorum praesenti â confirmetur , conc. car. thag . cap. . l excirption . egberti cap . m q. . cap. nullus . the parochial government answerable to the church session in scotland . the presbyterial monthly synods , answer to the scottish presbyteries or ecclesiastical meetings . diocesan synods answerable to the provincial synods in scotland . the provincial and national synodanswerable to the general assembly in scotland . the divine right of church-government and excommunication: or a peacable dispute for the perfection of the holy scripture in point of ceremonies and church government; in which the removal of the service-book is justifi'd, the six books of tho: erastus against excommunication are briefly examin'd; with a vindication of that eminent divine theod: beza against the aspersions of erastus, the arguments of mr. william pryn, rich: hooker, dr. morton, dr. jackson, dr. john forbes, and the doctors of aberdeen; touching will-worship, ceremonies, imagery, idolatry, things indifferent, an ambulatory government; the due and just powers of the magistrate in matters of religion, and the arguments of mr. pryn, in so far as they side with erastus, are modestly discussed. to which is added, a brief tractate of scandal ... / by samuel rutherfurd, professor of divinity in the university of st. andrews in scotland. published by authority. rutherford, samuel, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing r thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the divine right of church-government and excommunication: or a peacable dispute for the perfection of the holy scripture in point of ceremonies and church government; in which the removal of the service-book is justifi'd, the six books of tho: erastus against excommunication are briefly examin'd; with a vindication of that eminent divine theod: beza against the aspersions of erastus, the arguments of mr. william pryn, rich: hooker, dr. morton, dr. jackson, dr. john forbes, and the doctors of aberdeen; touching will-worship, ceremonies, imagery, idolatry, things indifferent, an ambulatory government; the due and just powers of the magistrate in matters of religion, and the arguments of mr. pryn, in so far as they side with erastus, are modestly discussed. to which is added, a brief tractate of scandal ... / by samuel rutherfurd, professor of divinity in the university of st. andrews in scotland. published by authority. rutherford, samuel, ?- . [ ], , , [ ] p. printed by john field for christopher meredith at the crane in pauls church-yard., london: : mdcxlvi. [ ] annotation on thomason copy: "march: "; the i in imprint date crossed out. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- customs and practices -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . presbyterianism -- early works to . excommunication -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the divine right of church-government and excommunication : or a peaceable dispute for the perfection of the holy scripture in point of ceremonies and church-government ; in which the removal of the service-book is justifi'd , the six books of tho : erastus against excommunication are briefly examin'd ; with a vindication of that eminent divine theod : beza against the aspersions of erastus , the arguments of mr. william pryn , rich : hooker , dr. morton , dr. jackson , dr. john forbes , and the doctors of aberdeen ; touching will-worship , ceremonies , imagery , idolatry , things indifferent , an ambulatory government ; the due and just power of the magistrate in matters of religion , and the arguments of mr. pryn , in so far as they side with erastus , are modestly discussed . to which is added , a brief tractate of scandal ; with an answer to the new doctrine of the doctors of aberdeen , touching scandal . by samuel rutherfurd , professor of divinity in the university of st. andrews in scotland . not by might , nor by power , but by my spirit , saith the lord of hosts , zach. . . veritas claudi & ligari potest , vinci non potest . hieronymus comment . ad ierem. in prefati . ad eusebium . occultari ad tempus potest veritas , vinci non potest , florere potest ad tempus iniquitas , per manere non potest . augustinus ad psal . . published by authority london ▪ printed by john field for christopher meredith at the crane in pauls church yard . mdcxlvi . to the right honorable and noble lord , the earl of lovden , chancellor of scotland ; and chancellor of the university of st. andrews , grace , mercy and peace . right honorable , as jesus christ the wonderful , the counsellor , the mighty god driveth on his great state-design in the whole earth , and now in these kingdoms , to to save an afflicted people , to dye his garments in the blood of his enemies , and to build the tabernacle of god amongst men , and cause the wildernes blossome as a rose , that the glory of lebanon , and the excellency of carmel and sharon may in a spiritual manner be given to zion ; so he still acteth in his own sphere of righteousnes , and all inferior wheels in their revolutions move toward his most eminent end ; for the courtiers and royal attendants of his throne are righteousnes and judgement . and he desireth that the motions and wayes of his people may be concentrick to his own heart , and move in the same orb with himself ; we must either walk , or be drawn to the end of jesus christ , his end cannot come down and comply with our policy . when men go with one head , and two faces , and two hearts , providence can beguil them : we are then safe , and do sail at the haven of the sea when we walk with god , and our way draweth a straight line to the heart of jesus christ . these two kingdoms have before them an end ▪ the covenant to be a people to god ; this we did swear with our hands lifted up to the most high ; the stones of the field shall witnes against us , and the sword of the lord avenge the quarrel of his covenant , if we dally with the lord , as if the vow of god , that the lord may be one , and his name one in both kingdoms had been on us , when we were low only , and our oath had a date only till the year . and then our vow must exspire , as did the law of shaddows , when the body jesus christ came . as successe is a poor and waxy kalender for religion , so the low condition of our kingdom , i hope , shall not move us to forsake the lords cause , or to blame god , because good causes have sometimes sad events ; for beside that heathens said , that god cannot erre , because marius ex culpâ gloriam reportavit , marius was made glorious by ill-doing , and one hath a crosse , another a kings crown for a reward of wickednesse , we know that god , however it be , is good to israel . if that which was intended for vnion , shall by mens wickednesse , turn to a sad division between the kingdoms , i shall believe , that the truly godly of either kingdoms , can scarce be capable of such bloody intentions , as shall leave a legacy of perpetuated blood to the posterity ; and sure , though for the present guiltinesse , strength prevail , yet habent deum ultorem , men on earth cannot long be strong against vengeance from heaven . as successe doth inebriate , so extremity of a low condition is a wicked counsellor ; and evil iealousie , as hell , thinketh alwayes evil . all whose bowels are moved for the desolation , graves , multiplied widows and orphans of both kingdoms will not dare ( judgement from the almighty being a terrour to them ) to adde affliction to the people of god already afflicted . blessed shall they be of the lord , who mediate for preventing of national ruptures , and for the continuance of the brotherly covenant . christ jesus is a uniting saviour , one god , one faith , one lord jesus , one religion should be , and i beseech the god of peace , they may be chains of gold to tie these tipo nations and churches together in uno tertio , that they may be concentered and united in one lord jesus . o that that precious dew of hermon , that showers of love and peace may lie all the night upon the branches of the two olive trees , that the warmnesse , heat , and influence of one sun of righteousnesse with healing in his wings , may make the lilly amongst the thorns , the rose of sharon , that is planted by the lord , the spouse of jesus christ in both kingdoms to spred its root , and cast its smell , as green and flourishing to all the nations round about . the kingdom of god is peace . the lord is about a great work in britain , why should divisions that proceed from the lusts of men ▪ and the enemies of the lord retard the wheels of the chariot of christ ? let us not water the lilly with blood again . the sons of babel have shed our blood in great abundance , for the which doth the church of god in the three kingdoms stand , and pray and prophecy in sackcloth . the violence done to me and to my flesh be upon babylon , shall the inhabitants of zion say : and my blood upon the woman arrayed in purple and scarlet , the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth , shall ierusalem say . happy we , if we could for the second temple builded , and the lord repairing the old waste places , and the gentiles beholding the righteousnesse of the elder sister the church of the jews , and both as a crown of glory in the hand of the lord , and as a royal diadem in the hand of our god. i shall not need , i hope , either of an apology for intituling this piece , such as it is , ( others can , and i hope will adde riper animadversions to erastus ) to your honours name , or of a word of incitement , that your lordship co-operate with your serious endeavours , for a right understanding between both kingdoms , and for the carrying on the work of the right arm of the lord , the lords creating of glory on every assembly on mount zion , ( for we are witnesses of your honours travels for both ) that glory may dwell in our land. your honours at all respective observance in the lord , s. r. to the ingenuous and equitable reader . it lieth obvious to any ordinary underderstanding ( worthy reader ) that as alwayes we see a little portion of god ; so now , the lord our god in his acting on kingdoms and churches , maketh darknesse his pavilion , to finde out the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the demonstrative causes and true principles of such bloody conclusions and horrible vastations , as the soveraign majesty of heaven and earth hath made in germany , bohemiah , and the palatinate , as if they were greater sinners then we are ; and why the windows of divine justice have been opened to send down such a deluge of blood on ireland ; and why in scotland the pestilence hath destroyed in the city , and the sword of the lord , not a few in the fields , ( their lovers and friends standing aloof from their calamities ) is from the lord who is wonderful in counsel ; but to finde reasons to quiet the understanding , is not an easie scrutiny : matters are rolled on invisible wheels . it is enough to us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no men , no angels can hunt out the tracings of divine providence ; nor can we set a day of law , nor erect a court to implead this lord , who is not holden in law , to answer for any of his matters : it were our wisdom to acknowledge that the actions of our lord , ad extrà , are so twisted and interwoven thred over thred , that we can see but little of the walls and out-works of his unsearchable counsels ; sure , divine providence hath now many irons in one fire , and with one touch of his finger he stirt●●h all the wheels in heaven and earth . i speak this , if happily this little piece may cast it self in the eye of the noble and celebrious judges and senators who now sit at the ●e●m ▪ for i hope they consider , it is but a short and sorry line , or rather a poor circle , job . . gen. . . between the womb and the grave , between dust and dust ▪ and that they then act most like themselves ( psal . . . i have said ye are gods ) when they remember they are sinful men , and when they reckon it for gain , that the king of ages gives them a diurnal of hours to build the house of the lord , to cause the heart of a widow church ( though her husband live for evermore ) to sing for joy , and are eyes to the blinde , and legs to the lame ; and withall do minde , that when the spirit is within half a cubit , or the sixth part of a span to eternity , and death cannot adjou●n for six hours ▪ to repent ▪ or do any more service to christ in the body , the welcom and testimony of god , shall be incomparably above the hosanna's of men . undeniable it is , that we destroy again what we have builded , if we behead the pope , and divest him of his vicarious supremacy , and soader the man of sins head , in the ecclesiastical government , to the shoulders of any man , or society of men on earth . it is not an enriching spoyl to pluck a rose or flower from the crown of the prince of the kings of the earth . diamonds and rubi●s picked out of the royal diadem of jesus christ , addeth but a poor and sorry lustre to earthly supremacy ; it is baldnesse in stea● of beauty . an arbitrary power in any , whether in prince or ● relats , is intolerable . now to cast ou● domination in one , and to take it in in another , is not to put away the evil of our doings , but to barter and exchange one sin with another , and mockingly to expiate the obligation of one arrear to god , by contracting new debt . again , how glorious is it , that shields of the earth lay all their royalty and power level with the dust before him that sitteth on the throne , and to make their highnesse but a scaffold to heighten the throne of the son of god ? yea , if domination by the sword be the magistrates birth-right , as the word of truth teacheth us , luke . , . psal . . , . rom. . . and the sword can never draw blood of the conscience ; it is evident that the lord jesus alloweth not carnal weapons to be used within the walls of his spiritual kingdom ; and if power be an enchanting witch , and like strong drink , which is dolosus luctator , a cosening wrestler , we are to be the more cautelous and circumspect , that it incroach not upon jesus christ , for fear that we provoke the eyes of his glory , and cause jerusalem to be plowed , and zion become heaps , and many houses great and fair , desolate . let the appeal be to the spirit that speaketh to the churches in the word : the golden reed can measure every cubit of the temple ; as well the outer porch , as the holy of holiest , and all the dimensions , the length and bredth of the city which is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ the lord is there . if the scripture be no rule of church government , but the magistrates sword be upon the shoulders of christ , as the prime magistrate ; we come too near to the jewish , earthly , and temporary mes●iah . and if excommunication and censures , and that ministerial governing which was undeniably in the apostolick church , be fictions , we are in the dark . i confesse , we know not whether the vessels of the house should be of gold and silver , or if they should be but earthen pitchers . it is said , that all this is but a plea for a dominion of an higher nature , even over the consciences of men by censures . but why a dominion ? because a power of censures ? surely , if they were not spiritual censures , and such as hath influence on the conscience , we should yield a domination were the businesse . but this power of censuring spiritually , is as strong as authoritative in dispensing rebukes , threats , gospel-charges and commands in the word preached , as in censures ; the power is ministerial only in the word , not lordly ; and why should it be deemed a dominion , and an arbitrary power in the one , and not in the other ? if the will of the magistrate may carve out any government that seems good to him , and the word of god in this plea be laid aside , as perfect in doctrine , but imperfect and uselesse in government , we fall from the cause . but if the word of god stand as a rule in matters of church-government ; then the question is only , on whose shoulders the ark should be carried ; and by whose ministery doth jesus the lord and king of the house punish ( if i may use this word ) scandalous men ? and whether doth the head of the church christ , in laying judgement to the line , and righteousnesse to the plummet , use the magistrates sword for a spiritual and supernatural end of the service and ministery of his church ; or doth he send pastors and teachers as his ambassadors for this end ? but if you were not disputing your self , and not christ ( say some ) to make preachers the alpha and omega of mens consciences , and the circle which beginneth and endeth at it self , you would be satisfied , if scandals be punished by the magistrate : is not the magistrate a christian as you are ? paul was glad that the gospel was preached , he made no account by whom . but i should be grieved that such a hard conclusion should be drawn out of such innocent principles : this were to extract blood out of milk , a domination out of a meer ministery ; and i confesse , self is a great sophist in debates , and that any man is inclinable to miscount himself , and to think he may stand for an hundred , when the product is scarce one , if not a cypher . i conceive nothing is here taught , that may reach a blow to the honour and majesty of the godly magistrate . the magistrate is a christian as well as the preacher ; and in some sense , so all the people were holy , as were moses , aaron and the levites . uzziah who burned incense was a member of the church of the jews , and circumcised no lesse then the sons of aaron : yet i hope these stretched themselves beyond their line , when they usurped what was due to the priests and levites . it s another thing to punish evil doing with the sword , the magistrate is to do this . but there is a spiritual removing of scandals , by the saving of the spirit in the day of the lord , cor. . . matth. . . cor. . . and a gaining of the soul of an offender . this spiritual removing of scandals , doth only bring christ and the gospel in request , in the hearts of both such as are within and without the church ; as scandals raiseth up an evil report of christ and the truth . now the sword can never this way remove scandals ; and because christ hath appointed spiritual means , and spiritual censures , to restore the lord jesus to his honour , cor. . it is presumption ( with all submission i speak it ) for men to horse out , and decourt such censures spiritual as the apostles in the spirit and wisdom of christ used as most sutable to that end , and which the lord commandeth in the second command , and to substitute in their room , nothing but a sword void of all activity on the conscience . i do also here plead for the perfection of the word of god against humane ceremonies , which are deservedly by the honorable houses of parliament , and reverend assembly laid aside ; religion needeth not any such ornaments , except men would make the worship of god , when naked , under shame , and so under sin ( for justice married shame and sin once . ) but as roses , lillies , the sun , and other glorious creatures , are most beautiful without garments , and not capable of shame ; so is the worship of god. i confesse , ceremonies were the seas and rivers that prelats delighted to swim in ; and if their element be dried up , they have the lesse pleasure to live : but if they would repent of their bloody persecution , that their souls might be saved , no matter . ceremonies , as they have nothing of christ in them , so have they been injurious to magistrates . it is but a ceremony that the emperour kisse the sole of the popes foot , because there is indented on it a curious crucifix . and when prelacy was yong , and its beard not grown , a deacon was sent to theodosius the emperor by the prelats to chide him , because he presumed to sit in the chancel , a place too holy for lay-men . what i have here said against erastus , a friend too dear to worthy bullinger and rodolp . gualther , ( often we love both the friend and his error ) i humbly submit to the judgement of the godly and learned : but i conceive , i am unwilling that error should lodge with me willingly ; and i professe i am afraid , that wrath is gone out from the lord against the rulers , if they shall after a reformation obtained with the lives , blood , tears and prayers of so many of the saints , whereof a great number are asleep in the lord , rear up a building to the lord so maimed and lame , as jesus christ shall say , offer it now to your governour , will he be pleased with you , or accept your persons ? but it is a controversie ( say some ) whether the government of the church of the new-testament belong to the magistrate or to the church ? to which i say ; . it was a controversie created by men willing to please princes , with more power in the courts of christ , then ever the law-giver and apostles gave them , and that against the minde of glorious lights , the first reformers , and the whole troops of protestant divines , who studied the controversie against the usurped monarchy of the man of sin , more exactly then one physitian , who in a cursory way , diverted off his road of medicine of which he wrote learnedly , and broke in on the by upon the deepest polemicks of divinity , and reached a riders blow unawares to his friends . . in things doubtful , conscience hath refuge to the surest side : now it s granted by all , and not controverted by any , that in the apostolick church , the government of the church of the new testament was in the hands of apostles , pastors , teachers ; and therefore conscience would sway to that in which there can be no error , except on supposal of abuse ; and christian rulers would not do well to venture upon eternity , wrath , the judgement to come , confiding on the poor plea of an erastian distinction , to incroach upon the prerogative royal of jesus christ . this very god of peace build zion , and make her an habitation of peace ▪ yours in jesus christ , s. r. a table of the contents of the book . introduction , sect . . christ hath not instituted a mutable church-government , page , some things moral , some things natural in gods worship , ibid. physical circumstances are all easily known and numbred , p. circumstances , and such and such circumstances , p. time and place of ceremonies need not be proved by scripture , as being supposed , p. , . argument to prove , that the platform of ch. governm●is not mutable at mens wil , p. the script . way of teaching that indifferent things are alterable , is it self unalterable , p. . argument , p. the scripture shall not teach when we sin , in church-policy , when not , if the platform be alterable at mens will , ibid. there is no reason why some things positive are alterable in ch. -policy , some not , p. . argument , ibid. the place tim. . . touching the unviolable cōmand given to timothy discussed , p. , , pauls cloak of lesse consequence then positions of policy , p. widows , p. sect . . . argument , p. christ is the head of the church , even in the external policy thereof , p. , a promise of pardon of sin made to the right : use of the keys , proveth discipline to be a part of the gospel , p. , the will of christ as king , is the rule of the government of his house , p. , things of policy , because lesse weighty then the greater things of the law , are not therefore alterable at the will of men , p. , order requireth not a monarchical p●elate , p. , how the care & wisdom of christ hath left an immutable platform of discipline , p. , christ the onely immediate king , head , and law-giver of his church , without any deputy heads or vicars , p. , sect . . . argument , p. , moses and david might not alter or devise any thing in worship or government , nor may the church now , p. , two notes of divinity ought to be in the new testament . ceremonials , as were in the old , p. , how moses his doing all according to the patern , proveth an immutable platform . the objections of mr. hooker and mr. pryn answered at length , p. , , , , , &c. gods care to us leadeth us to think he hath given us a better guide thē natural reason in all morals of church-discipline , p. , the occasional writing of things in scripture , no reason why they are alterable , p. , papists pretend , as formalists do , that things are not written in the word , because of the various occurrences of providence , p. , that there was no uniform platform of government written in the time of moses and the apostles , is no argument that there is none now , p. , fundamentals , because successively delivered , are not alterable , p , the church of ierusalem , as perfect in doctrine and discipline , is our patern , p. , the indifferency of some things in the apostolick church , cannot infer that the government is alterable , p. , the argument of moses his doing all in the tabernacle , to the least pin , according to special direction , further considered , p. . the ark of noah proveth the same , ib. formalists acknowledge additions to the scripture , contrary to deut. . . & . . the same way that papists do , p. , - , &c. moses and canonick writers are not law-givers under god , but organs of god , in writing , and meer reporters of the law of god , p. , papists say that the church is limited in the making of ceremonies , both in the matter and the number , and so do formalists , p , , four wayes positives are alterable , but by god onely , p. all things , never so small , are alike unalterable , if they be stamped with gods authority , speaking in the scripture , p. , by what authority canonical additions of the prophets and apostles were added to the books of moses , p. canonick writers how immediately led by god , p the characters of formalists ceremonies & papists traditions one and the same , p. what is it to be contained in scripture , and how far it maketh any thing lawful , according to hooker , p. the fathers teach , that all things are to be rejected that are not in scripture , p. , ●t derogateth nothing f●om the honour of god , in scripture , that hee be consulted in the meanest things , p. how things are in scripture , p. some actions are supernaturally moral , some naturally or civilly moral , some mixt . p. some habitual reference to scripture is required in all our moral actions . p works of supererogation holden by hooker , p. whether our obedience be resolved , in all church policy , in this saith the lord in his word , or in this saith the church . p. two thing● in the external worship , . substantials . . accidentals or circumstantials , p. sect . . the question who should be judge of things necessary or indifferent , in church-policy , not to purpose , in this question . p. , , &c. sect . . what are honour , praise , glory , reverence , veneration , devotion , religion , service , worship , love , adoration . p. , , , two acts of religion imperated and elicite . p. honouring of holy men is not worship , p the religions object with the act of reverencing , maketh adoration to be religious ; but a civil object , except the intention concu●s , maketh not religious adoration of a civil object . p. , what worship is . p. , worship is an immediate honouring of god , but some worship honoureth him more immediately , some lesse . p. , a twofold intention in worship . p. , vncovering the head is veneration , not adoration , p. consecration of churches taken two wayes condemned . p. master hookers moral grounds of the holinesse of temples , under the n. t. answered . p. the place cor. . have ye not houses to eat and drink in , &c. maketh nothing for hallowing of churches . p. nor the place psa . . p. the synagogue not gods house , as the temple was . ib. question . the negative argument from scripture valid . p not to command is to forbid . p. how far davids purpose to build the temple was lawful . p. of additions to the word . p. even perfecting additions of men are unlawful . p. every moral action is to be warranted by the word . p. what is man's , in worship , is not lawful p. not all actions in man , as actions of meer nature , of arts or trades of sciences , but only moral actions are regulated by scripture . p helps of faith , and the formal object of faith are different . p what certitude of saith is required in all our actions of our daily conversation . p. the scripture a warrant for the morality of our acts , of the second table . p. many actions of the second table are purely moral , all actions of the first table are purely moral . p. , what ever is beside the word of god , in morals , is contrary to it . p. the vanity of the perfection of scriptures in essentials , not in accidentals . p. whatsoever is not of faith , how true , p. , doubting condemneth . p papists say ▪ the scripture in general is perfect , but not in particulars , and so form lists . p what is onely negative in gods worship , cannot be commanded . ibid. opinion of sanctity and divine necessity , not essential to false-worship . ibid. the distinction of worship , essential , and accidental , of gods general and particular will , is to be rejected . p. , the distinction of divine and apostolike traditions rejected . p. , circumstances not positive , religious observances , as ceremonies are . p. ceremonies usurpe essential properties of divine ordinances . p. , , we owe subjection of conscience collateral onely to gods ordinances . p. the spirit worketh not with ceremonies . p. the place matth. . concerning the traditions of the elders , discussed . p , ceremonies magical . p. if the third command shall enjoyn decency in general , then must it enjoyn this special decency , crosse and surplice . p. , iewish and popish ceremonies , are fruitlesse professions of unlawful worship . p. , whether the ceremonies be idolatry . p of religious kneeling . ibid. four things in adoration . ibid. intention of worship , not essential to worship . p. religious bowing , of its nature , and not by mans arbitrary and free intention , signifieth divine adoration . p. , objections of swarez contending , that intention of adoration is essential to adoration , removed . p. , of the idolatrous worship of the iews and papists . p. the relative expressiō of god in the creature , is no ground of adoring the creature , p. the iews beleeved not the golden ca lt to be really god. p. , the adoring of images not forbidden by the ceremonial law , but by the moral law . p the evasions of bellarmine and swarez answered . p. papists did of old adore before , or at the presence of the image , as a memorative signe and yet were idolators . p. two sort of signes . ibid. divers evasions of papists touching the adoring of images . p. , , scq . swarez is not content at the hungry expressions of durandus , mirandula , hulcot , in the worshipping of images . p. , the place ( worship at his footstool ) discussed , psal . , ibid. prayer may as lawfully be given to the creature , as adoration . p. , divers fables touching images . p. , the original of images , p. images not in the ancient church , neither worshippe● therein , p. , ● , , &c. vasquez will have all things to be adored . p. joan. d● lugo proveth the same by four reasons . p. whether sitting or kneeling , be the most convenient and lawful gesture , in the act of receiving the sacrament of christs body and blood. p. sitting the onely convenient and lawful gesture . p. what is occasional in the first supper . ibid. christ sate at the first supper . p. , sitting a sign of our coheirship . p. , , a signe of our coheirship may well consist with our inferiority in worshipping christ , p. ceremonies fail against the authority of rulers . p. whether humane laws binde the conscience , or not . p. , , seq . how civil positive laws binde not the conscience : p. , a twofold goodnesse . p. the will of created authority cannot create goodnesse in things . p. , humane laws obli●ge onely in so far , as they agree with the law of god. p. a twofold consideration of humane laws . p. how rulers are subordinate to god in commanding . p. humane authority is not the nearest , nor the instrumental cause of laws . p. , a double obedience due to rulers , objective , and subjective . p. objective obedience no more due to rulers , then to equals . p , false rules of obedience to rulers , proposed by d. jackson , refuted . p. . the goodnesse of supposed obedience to rulers , cannot countervalue the evil in the sinful manner of doing , with a doubting conscience . p. other arguments for the obligation of humane laws answered . p. what it is to resist to ruler . p. why men cannot make laws that layeth a tie on the conscience . p. that christ hath a spiritual kingdom , not onely in the power of preaching , but also in the power of the keys , by censures . p. that there is such a divine ordinance as excommunication . p. objections against excommunication removed . p. how we are to rebuke our brother . p. the church , matth. . is not the civil sanedrim . p. , , how heathen and publicans were excluded from the church . p. binding and loosing acts judicial , p. , excommunication is a divine ordinance , proved by cor. . p. , , & seq . fuse . to deliver to satan , is not miraculous killing , p. , the essentials of excommunication , cor. . p. , , &c. whether the word doth warrant censures , and exclusion from the seals ? ibid. cutting off , not alwayes killing . p. moral scandals excluded men from holy things , amongst the iews . p. the prophecy , ezek . , , &c. to be fulfilled under the new testament . p. , ceremonial exclusion from holy things under the old , did typi●ie exclusion for moral uncleannesse under the n. test . p. , the churches exclusion from the seals declarative , non coactive by violence . ibid. censures applyed to some by name . ibid. eschuing the society of scandalous church-members , must be a church-censure , p. the hindering of jezabel by preaching , not sufficient . p. debarring of the scandalous from the seals , proved . p. . seq . it belongeth not to the magistrate to debar from the seals . p. erastus against exclusion from the sacraments refuted . p. ▪ seq . fuse . by erastus his way , we cannot deny the seals to a turk . p. , to exclude from the kingdom of heaven not one with excommunication . p. excommunication is no real separation of one from christs invisible body . p. , , though excommunication be onely declarative , yet it s not empty . p. putting out cor. . p. whether erastus doth prove , that none were excluded amongst the iews , for moral uncleannesse , from the holy things of god. p. a twofold forgivenesse . p. all are invited to come to the sacraments , but not that they come any way . p. the question whether all should be admitted to the lords supper , perverted by erastus . p. two sort of signes amongst the iews , some purely holy , some partly holy , partly necessary for the bodily life ; the latter clean and unclean might eat , but not the former . p. all are commanded to hear , but not to ●ome to the supper . p. whether erastus doth justly deny excommucation to be typified of old. p. ceremonial uncleannesse typified exclusion out of the visible church for scandals , not out of the kingdom of heaven ▪ p , legal uncleannesse was sin , p. the scope and sense of matth. . perverted by erastus , p. our saviour speaketh of all , not of private or lesser scandals onely , p. by the word ( brother ) is not meaned a iew onely , ib. christs speaking in the second person , argueth not the privacy of the scandal , p. a twofold forgiving , p. christ speaketh not of such sins as private men may forgive , as erastus dreameth , p. christs scope spiritual , erastus his way carnal , p. a publican most odious to the iews , p. it s not private forgivenesse which is holden forth , matth. . . p. binding and loosing proper to stewarts , p. to excommunicate is not formally to debar from the seals , p. christ might well give directions touching a church not yet erected , p. , &c. the place cor. . vindicated from erastus his glosse , p. , , &c. the prayers of the church intervene not for this particular miracle , p. , faith of miracles not in all the faithful at corinth , p. delivering to satan not miraculous , p. the church , not paul alone , had hand in delivering the man to satan , p. what delivering to satan is , p. the destruction of the flesh , what it is , p. hymeneus and alexander not killed by satan , p. delivering to satan not miraclous , p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to put away , not alwayes to kill , p. to eschew the scandalous , a mean to save them , p. the similitude of a cut off member to hold forth excommunication vindicated , p. no warrant that the apostles killed any , by the ministery of satan , p. no miraculous faith required in the corinthians , to pray for the killing of the man , p. , &c. of the leaven , cor. . p. what it is to purge out the leaven , none killed for eating leavened bread , p. to eat the passeover with leavened bread , a violation of that sacrament , p. , &c. putting away of leaven , p. what is meaned by the whole lump , and what by leaven . p. , hymeneus and alexander , not miraculously killed by satan . p. , erastus his expositions , all without ground in scripture . p. withdrawing from scandalous brethren , argueth excommunication . p. how eschewing intimate fellowship with a scandalous brother is a church-censure , p. , , sacraments , though helps of piety , yet not to be given to all . p. , erastus his contradiction in excluding both some , and none at all from the sacraments , p. how withdrawing from scandalous brethren , may infer excommunication . p. the scandalous are forbidden to come to the sacraments , p. an evident contradiction in erastus thorow his whole book . p. whom erastus excludeth from the sacraments , p. some on earth must try who are to be admitted to the sacrament , who not , p. other arguments for excommunication vindicated , p. ● the place gal. . . vindicated . p. paul did not judicially condemn the incestuous man , cor. . p to eschew the scandalous is materially to excommunicate them ▪ p. what presbyteries erastus yeeldeth . p. a presbytery at corinth . p. erastus granteth an examination of such as are admitted to the sacraments , and yet denieth that any should be debar'd , p. , the places deut. . and chro. . do prove two different iudicatures , p. , how the kingly and priestly office are different . p. , erastus denyeth the ministery to be peculiar to some , but proper to all under the new testament . p. , two distinct iudicatures , chron. . page , the magistrates are not to dispence the word and sacraments , as erastus saith . p. , the magistrate is not to judge who is to be admitted to the sacrament , who not ; nor hath he power of church discipline , page , how erastus confuteth a presbytery . p. a church iudicature in the iewish church , deut. . ibid. the ●●iest put no man to death . p. teaching and judging not one . p. the civil iudge as a iudge , cannot teach , p. , erastus maketh the magistrate or priest , and pastor , formally one , p. what are the matters of the lord , and of the king , chro. . p. , levites sometimes imployed in civil businesses , p. the power of the civil magistrate , p. men haue need of two sort of governors , ib. magistracy and ministery both supreme in their own kinde , p. , erastus alloweth no government , but popedom and monarchy , p , christs kingdom , how not of this world , p. moses , david , salomon , appointed to the priests nothing as kings , p. the priests onely judged de questione juris , of the questiō of law in matters of death , p. the priests and levites had no law-power , by gods law , or from caesar , to put christ to death , p. , the sanedrim had no law-power against stev●● to stone him , p ▪ the like of their dealing with paul , true , ib. how the christian magistrat is to be acquainted with excommunication , p. , a colledge of church rulers in the new testament , p. the place , cor. . again vindicated , no miraculous killing , cor. . p , cap. . quest . of the use of excommunication , p. erastus yeeldeth there is a presbytery , p. ● the magistrate under church-discipline , ib. the magistrate not a church-officer , p ▪ a iudicature proper to the priest as priest , ib. the magistrate under ch. -discipline , p. how the magistrates consent is requisite in excommunication , ib. the magistrates sword no kindly mean of gaining souls , p. the scandalous are forbidden to partake of holy things , p. the morally unclean debarred out of the temple , , no price of a whore to be offered to god , and what is meant , p. , our chief argument for excommunication not answered , p. the place , mat. . when thou bringest thy gift , &c. discussed , p. how men do judge of inward actions , p. a frequent contradiction in erastus , p. what it is to be cast out of the synagogue , p. christ and the apostles not cast out of the synagogue that we read , as erastus dreams , ministers subject to the magistrate , , morally unclean debarred from the holy things , ibid. tell the church discussed , p ▪ , seque though there was no christian church , yet christ might say , tell the church , p. there was no more a right consti●uted sanedrim in christs time then a christian church , ibid. external government of the church not in the hands of the magistrate , , rebuking of princes argue no lesse ●u●isdiction then all that the presbytery doth , p. whō erastus e●cludeth from the sacrament , ib magistrates , if scandalous , are to be debarred from the sacrament , p. every profession maketh not men capable of the holy things of god , p. all sins punished with death in the old testament ▪ are not therefore so punished under the new testament , p. how great sins debar men from the sacrament , p the scandalous among the iews , debarred from the holy things , p. the magistrate cannot admit to , or debar from the sacraments , the sword no intrinsecal and kindly mean of gaining souls , p. of the power of the christian magistrate in ecclesiastical discipline , p. , &c. idolaters and apostates are to be excommunicated , as erastus saith , ibid. the church as the church , not subordinate to the magistrate , ibid. government peculiar to church-officers , as to priests and levites , p. the epistles to timothy & titus must chiefly be written to the emperor and magistrate , if pastors be but servants of the magistrate , p. , civil and ecclesiastical powers immediatly from god , p , the magistrate not subordinate to christ as mediator , ibid. the patern-church of the apostles , not ruled by the magistrate , p. erastus and mr. pryn grant there is such an ordinance as excommunication , ibid. suspension , ex naturá rei , may be where there is no excommunication , ibid. christs admitting judas to the supper no rule to us , p. , the gospel preached to those to whom the sacraments cannot be dispensed , ibid. the sacrament a confirming ordinance , p , we partake of the sins of many , in dispensing to the unworthy the sacraments , and not in preaching the word to them , p. we know no extraordinary ▪ conversion by miracles , without the word , p. the sacrament not a first converting ordinance , yet a confirming one , ibid. the lords supper presupposeth faith and conversion in the vvorthy receiver in a church-profession , p. , &c. the magistrate subject to the church , p. the church a perfit society without the magistrate , p. , god efficacious by preachers , not by magistrates . p. differences between the preachers , and the magistrate , p. , &c. the magistrate cannot limit the pastors in the exercise of their calling , p ▪ that magistrates are more hot against the churches punishing of sin , then against sinful omissions , argueth that they are unpatient of christs yoke , rather then that they desire to vindicate the liberty of the subject , p. , &c. of the reciprocation of the subordinations of magistrates and church-officers to each other , ibid. not any power or office subject to any , but to god immediately subjection is properly of persons , p. a magistrate and a christian magistrate , different . p. two things in a christian magistrate , jus , authority , aptitudo , hability , p. , &c. christianity maketh no new power of magistracy . p. a fourfold consideration of the exercise of ministerial power most necessary , upon which , and the former distinction followeth ten very considerable assertions , page , &c. the magistrate as the magistrate , commandeth the exercise of the ministerial power , but not the spiritual and sincere manner of the exercise ▪ p. magistrates as godly men , not as magistrates command sincerity and zeal in the manner of the exercise of ministerial power , p. , &c. a twofold goodnesse in a christian magistrate , essential , accidential , p. the magistrate as such , commandeth onely in order to temporary rewards and punishments , nor holdeth he forth commands to the conscience . p. , &c. magistrates as magistrates , forbid not sin as sin , under the pain of eternal wrath , p. two sorts of subordinations , civil , ecclesiastick , p subordination of magistrate and church , to each others , p. , &c. church offices as such , not subordinate to the magistrate , ibid. what power erastians give to magistrates in church matters . p. the minde of arminians touching the power of the magistrate in church matters , ibid. a threefold consideration of the magistrate in relation to the church . p. reciprocation of subordinations between church and magistrate . p. the ministers as ministers , neither magistrates nor subjects . p. , &c. the magistrate as such , neither manageth his office under christ as mediator , nor under satan , but under god as creator . ibid. the prince as a gifted christian may preach , and spred the gospel to a land where the gospel hath not been heard before , page , &c. the king and the priest kept the law , but in a far different way , p. , &c. the pastors and the iudges do reciprocally judge and censure one another . p. , &c. god hath not given power to the magistrate and church , to iudge contrary wayes justly and unjustly in one and the same cause , p. whether appeals may ly from church-assembles to the civil magistrate , p. of pauls appeal to caesar . ibid. divers opinions of the magistrates power in causes ecclesiastical . p. , &c. it is one thing to complain , another thing to appeal , p. what an appeal is , ibid. refuge to the magistrate is not an appeal , p. a twofold appeal , p. the magistrates power of punishing or his , interest of faith proveth him not to be a iudge in synods . p. , &c. pauls appeal proveth nothing against appeals , for appeals from the church to the christian magistrate . p. paul appealed from an inferiour civil iudge , to a superior civil heathen iudge in a matter of his head and life , not in a controversie of religion , p. what power a conqueror hath to set up a religion in a conquered nation . p there were no appeals made to the godly emperours of old . p. to lay bands on the conscience of the magistrate , to ty him to blinde obedience , the papists , not our doctrine . p subjection of magistrates to the church , no papal tyranny , p. , &c. the magistrate as a magistrate , cannot forbid sin as sin , ibid. the magistrate pomoteth christs mediatory kingdom . ibid. the magistrate as such , not the vicar of the mediator christ , p. the adversaries in the doctrine of the magistrate popish , not we at all , ibid. pastors are made inferiour magistrates in their whole ministery , by the adversaries , p. , &c. christian magistracy no ecclesiastical administration , p. the magistrate as such , not the vicar of the mediatory kingdom , ibid. heathen magistrates as such , are not oblieged to promote christs mediatory kingdom , p. magistracy from the law of nations , p. the adversaries must teach universal redemption , p magistrates as such , not members of the church , p. christ mediator not a temporary king , p the magistrat not the servant of the church , p. the adequate and complete cause why the magistrate is subject to the church , p. that the magistrate is subject to the rebukes and censures of the church , is proved from the word , p. , &c. the supreme and principal power of church-affairs not in either magistrate or church , p though the magistrate punish ecclesiastical scandals , yet his power to iudge and punish is not ecclesiastical and spiritual , as the church censureth breaches of the second table , and yet the churches power , is not civil for that , p. people as people may give power to a magistrate to adde his auxiliary power to defend the church , to judge and punish offenders therein , p. a governour of , or over the church ; a governour in the church , a governour for the church , different , p. the distinction of a doctrinal or declarative , and of a punitive part of church-government , of which , the former is given to pastors , the latter to the magistrate , a heedless● and senselesse notion , p. , &c. that the magistrates punishing with the sword scandalous persons , should be a part of church-government , a reasonlesse conceit , p. there is neither coaction nor punishment properly so called in the church , p. bullinger not of the minde of erastus , p. the iudgement of wolf●ag , musculus , aretius , and gualther , p. , &c. the errour of gualther to please the usurping magistrate , p. their minde different from erastus , p. the christian magistrates sword cannot supply the place of excommunication in the church , p. the confessions of the protestant church for this way , p. , &c. the testimony of salmasius , p. of simlerus , p. lavater , ioan. wolphius , ibid. of r●b . burhillus . the contents of the tractate or dispute touching scandal . whether things indifferent , can be commanded . introduction , p. indifferent things as such , not the matter of a church-constitution . introd . actions are not indifferent because their circumstances are indifferent . introd . marrying not indifferent , introd . indifferency metaphysical and theological , introd . necessity of obeying the church in things onely necessary for the churches commandment , is neither a lawful nor obliging necessity . introd . actions meerly indifferent , cannot be done in faith . introd . the unlawfulnesse unseparably adhering to actions indifferent , maketh them unlawful , introd . how exsuperancy of goodnesse is to sway the will of rulers and people . introd . the will of rulers not a law to us , in things indifferent , introd . the definition of a scandal , p. ● propositions touching scandal from rom. . p , , , propositions and rules touching scandal , from cor. . and , and . p. , , an object scandalous two wayes , p. four things may be scandalous objects . ibid. what is malum aparens , appearance of evil , p. rules touching scandal , p. , , whether or no we may deny obedience to the laws of superiors for fear of scandal causelesly taken , p. , , whether information can remove scandal from things not necessary , but only through the necessity of mans commandment , p. , whether the precept of obedience to superiors , or the precept of eschewing scandal be more obligatory , p. , , &c. the essence of an active scandal , p. , how the fifth commandment is more obligatory then following precepts , and how no● , p. , , &c. whether or not in every indifferent things we are to eschew the scandal of all , even of the malicious ? affirmatur , p. , &c. occasions of sins as occasions , are forbidden , p. what is christian liberty in things indifferent , p. , a further consideration of things not necessary , how they he scandalous , p. of the necessity of things which remove scandal , p. , some things necessary from the onely p●●i●ive will of god , some thing necessary from something in the things themselves , p. two sorts of monuments of idolatry , p. we cannot devise the use of any thing in worship , when we cannot devise the thing it self , p the place deut. . . the graven image of their gods , shall ye burn with fire cleared , p. how house● and temples builded to saints , are not to be demolished , p. temples and houses have a like physical use in gods worship ; as out of gods worship , p. , no houses , no temple , no creatures , are now unclean under the new testament , p. how things not necessary are to be abstained from , or used , in the case of scandal , p , &c things scandalous under the new testament are forbidden in a far other sense ; then meats , dayes , and other things in the ceremonial law , p. how far a moral , and perpetual reason maketh a law perpetual , p , difusing of houses because abused to idolatry a iudaising , p. , , bells for convening of the people to publike worship , not to be abolished , though they haye been abused to superstition , p. , &c. a most necessary rule to be observed in the doctrine of scandal , that emergent providences of natural necessity , are to us in place of divine commands in some cases . p. eight considerable rules touching the kindes and degrees of necessity in eschewing scandal , p. , , the , , , , rule , p. , , the . rule , ib. a scandal may flow from ignorance and corruption , and so be taken , when it also kindly issueth from the sinful or unseasonable fact of another , and so is also kindly given , p. , . the . rule a false rule of papists that men may co operate in a sinful act , and be free of scandal , because of some necessity , p. no relation of servant or c●ptive can render it lawfu● : to cooperate with sin , p. what things not necessary are to be removed from the worship of god as scandalous , p. , the . rule , ibid. ceremonies not so much as necessary by way of disjunction , which necessity agreeth to many circumstances of worship in the directory , p. ● religious monuments of idolatry are to be removed , p. , , &c. what conformity with idolaters is unlawful , p conformity with idolaters in things , in gods worship not necessary , unlawful , p. , the same ceremonies in idolaters , and in the true church , may be judged the same three wayes , p. formalists grant conformity with heathen and idolaters in ceremonies , cloathed with a scriptural signification , p. , , how the scripture is a rule , p. church-government properly an institution , ibid. the worship of god needeth no religious ceremonies , but what god hath himself prescribed , p. , we need not say , that conformity with idolaters , was the onely cause why god forbad his people heathenish rites , p. , ❧ places of scripture cleared in both these ●reatises . gensis . ch. ver. page . . . . . ibid. exodus . ch. ver. page . . . . , , . , , . . , , leviticus . ch. ver. page . . , , . , , , . , , , ,   , &c.   . , . ,     , . , . , , , , &c.     . , , ● . ibid. . , . . , , ,   ,   . , , . , . . number ch. ver. page . . , , . , , , ● . , ● . , , , , ● . , ● , . , . , ● . what ● , , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●   , ● , deuter. ch. ver. page . . , ● ● , , , , , , &c. , , . , , . , , , &c. . , , , t● . of scan. , , . , , . , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . , , , , , .   . , . ibid. . , . jeshua . ch. ver. page . . , ibid. judges . ch. ver. page . . sam. ch. ver. page . . , , . , . , , , . kings . ch. ver. page . . , , . , . . , kings . ch. ver. page . . ● , chron. ch. ver. page . ● , &c. , . , . , , . , chron ch. ver. page . . , . , , . . , . , , , , , , , , , &c. , , , , , , , . , , . , ezra . ch. ver. page . . , , . . , ibid. psalmes . ch. ver. page . . , , , ▪ , . ● , . , . , . , , , . proverbs . ch. ver. page . . , . ibid. ▪ , ibid. isaiah ch. ver. page . . ● , , ● . , ●● ▪ , , , , , , , ● ▪ . ●● , ● . , , . jeremiah . ch. ver. page . . , , . . , , . , , . , , , , . , , ▪ ezekiel . ch. ver. page . . , . ● . , , , ● . , , . . , . , &c. , , daniel . ch. ver. page . . , , ● hosea . . , , . , . ibid. habbakuk . ch. ver. page . . , , haggai . . , , , , zechariah ch. ver. page . . ● malachi . ch. ver. page . ● . , , matthew . ch. ver. page . . , , , ● . , , , , , . , , , , , . , , ●● , , . , , , , , , . , , , . , . , , , , , , , , , , &c , , , , , , , , , , ▪ , , , , , , , , , , , , ▪ . . , , , mark. ch. ver. page . . , , , , , luke . ch. ver. page . ● . , , . , , , , , . , , , . , ib. , , ib. john. ch. ver. page . . , , , . , . , ● , , , , , , . , , ●●●s . ch. ver. page . . , . . . , , , , . , . , , , , . , , , , , , , ● , , , , ● . , , , , , , , . , , . , . , , , , , , . , ro●ans . ch. ver. page . . . ● , b. , , ● , , , , , , . , , b. , , , , , , introduction to scandal . . , , , , ● corinth . ch. ver. page . . , , , ● , , , , ● , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , &c. , , , , , ● , , . , , , &c. , , , , , , , , , , , , ● , , , , . , , , ● ▪ , . , , , , ●r●●●ise of 〈…〉 , , , 〈…〉 . . , of scand . . . , , . , , , , , , . , , , , , . , . , corinth . ch. ver. page . . . , . , , , , . , , galath . ch. ver. page . . , . . , . , , , , ephesians ch. ver. page . . , , , , , , , , , , . , philip. ch. ver. page . . , &c. , . , col●ssians . ch. ver. page . . , ●b . , , thessal . ch. ver. page . . , , , , , , ● , ● ▪ tim. ch. ver. page . . , , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , , tim. ch. ver. page . . , . titus . ch. ver. page . . . , hebrews . ch. ver. page . ▪ , , . , , ● ▪ ● ▪ . , , . , . . , ib. . , , , , ● pet. ch. ver. page . . ▪ &c , ib. ● . , , . john● . ch. ver. page . . john. ch. ver. page . ioh. revelat. ch. ver. page . . , &c. ib. , , ib. , . , errata . page ●● ▪ l●●●● . for puring , read ●●rim , p. . read ●ullis in marg. p. . l. ● . for nor ● . but , p. l. . ● . patrons , p. . l. ● . . answered , p. . r ▪ a d●o in marg . p. ● . l. . for rellgiously r. religious , p. . l. . for antecedent r. assumption , p. . l. ● . delenor , p. ●● . l for . r. ●● , p. l. ● . dele then they are bou●● to beleeve and obey me , p. ● . l . for ar● r. ●● , p . l . for o●● . are , p. . l. for ● . ● . . p . l. ●● . dele is , p. . l. . for ▪ r. , ● , p. ● . l. . adde be , p . l. . r. , p. . l. . for . r. , p. ● . l. . for ● , ●● . r. . ● , p. . l. . for ha●● dominion r. hath no dominion , p. . l. . ● . reciprocation , p. . l. . dele not , l. ● . dele ● tim. . matth. . . p. . l. . for walens , p. . l. . for of life and death r. in a matter of religion , p ● ▪ l. ● . r. rebuke . in treatist of scandal , p. . l. ● for ●●andalously r. causelesly ▪ p. ● . l . ● ▪ also ▪ p. . l. . for to eat ▪ r. not to eat . the introduction . section i. certain introductory conclusions , tending to clear the perfection of the scriptures in all things , as well ceremoniall , as non-ceremoniall . . conclusion . christ jesus hath so far forth set down , and stablished a perfect plat-forme of church-government in all morals , not only both for the inward , but also for the outward , and externall government of his house , that he hath left no liberty or latitude to magistrates , or churches whatsoever to choose and settle such an orderly forme of church-government or discipline , as is most suitable to their particular civill-government , laws , manners , and customes , so this forme be not repugnant to the word of god. i shall first explaine the tearmes of the conclusion : . confirme it : . vindicate it from the objections of adversaries . . the church-government of which i here speak , is a church-government in its morals : to exclude those things that are meerly physicall and humane in this government , as a pulpit of this or that matter , stone or timber , or of this timber , or of any other kinde ; a communion-table of this , or that forme ; a cup of wood , or of metall , as silver , tin , &c. it is a morall thing , either morally good or evil , that there be an officer in the church that christ hath not appointed , or that there be none but such as christ hath appointed : yet is it not morall that a pastor be such or such a country man , so he be apt to teach , and holy ; crossing , signifying the dedication of the baptized childe to the service of christ must be morall , but what sort of river the ●●ter of baptisme be , is meerly physicall , not morall . so there be two sort of things in gods worship , things either meerly morall , or meerly naturall . and here also we consider things circumstantiall , as time , place , &c. and circumstances are either meerly physicall , or . meerly morall , or . mixt , partly morall , partly physicall ; circumstances meerly physicall are such adjuncts of divine worship , as are common and unseparable concomitants of both civil , naturall , and religious or sacred actions performed by men , and as they are such , contribute no morall goodnesse , or badnesse to the action or agent in the performance thereof , such as i take to be the seven individuall proprieties of every man ; forma , figura , locus , tempus strips , patria , nomen , under forme and figure : the first two , i comprehend , such a proportion of body , a man of a high stature , or low ; a man beautifull , or not beautifull , to which i crave leave to reduce all externall formes of habites , as cloathes , the head covered , or not covered , the situation of the body , as as they are in themselves , meer physicall acts ; kneeling , sitting , standing ; the eyes cast down to the earth , or lifted up ; the hands lifted up , or not lifted up , the knocking on the breast , or not knocking , motions of the soul , that are naturall time , place , family , country , name , as such a person , thomas , not iohn : the son of such a man , not of such a man ; . all these are common concomitants of civill , naturall , and religious actions , for all actions performed by man of what kinde soever , as naturall , to eat , sleep ; or civill , to declaime an oration before the people ; or religious , to preach or pray , must be done by some persons , iohn or thomas , men of some family , in some time , in some place , for they are not actions eternall , and so must be done in time and place so ▪ the agents must , have some habite , some gesture in the doing of all these actions , and they are unseparable adjuncts of all these actions because neither actions naturall , civill , nor religious , can be performed , but by some persons , in some habite and gesture , in some time , in some place : and lastly , they are meere circumstantials , and contribute no morall goodnesse or badnesse to the actions , as they are but common and unseparable circumstances ; for because he preacheth in time , or in place simply , the preaching is neither morally good , nor ill , better or worse , because thomas prayeth in gown or cloak in this place , rather then that place ( so it be not , locus ut sic , of intention , such a religious place , before the image of christ , or the father , or the virgin mary ) the praying is neither the more , or the lesse acceptable to god because of these common and unseparable adjuncts : hence there can be no such force in these circumstances , as to make the actions indifferent : such as contend for the lawfulnesse of ceremonies , say our circumstances of time , place and the like , is nothing but a meerblinde ; for we cannot ( say they ) enumerate all these circumstances , for habite , gesture , person , are not meer circumstances and they mustcome in under the lap of this general , &c. or the like : to which i answer , that to my knowledge all these that are meer physical circumstances , are particularly enumerated , such as are , . time : . place , . person , or agent : ▪ name . . family : . condition , as country , family , house : . habits or garments : . gestures , as sitting , standing , lifting of the eyes or hands , knocking on the breast , kneeling , and there is no blinde in this enumeration , for there be no other particulars that can be enumerated , except this time of the day , eight or ten of clock , this place , not any other , this person not another , and these are only considered here as circumstances , not as such and such circumstances , but the truth is , the enumeration of symbolicall rites , as crosse , surplice , and the like , is really a blinde , and is an enumeration with a wide belly , and includeth species , and not individuals only , as symbolicall ceremonies , such as are crossing , bells , oyle , salt , spettle , milk , turning to the east , toward the people , from the people , toward the altar , with a high voice , with a low voice , and a thousand the like ; yea , all the old ceremonies of moses with a new face , all the toyes of the masse , of the dedication of churches , which would fill a volumne like the rationale of durandus : . some circumstances are meerely morall , for as divines distinguish time and place ; in time as time , and as such a religious time , the lords sabbath , tempus , & tempus ut sic , and place as place , or such a religious place , locus , & locus ut sic ▪ so we may distinguish here , between circumstances in common or in grosse , and such and such circumstances ; as time is a common adjunct of divine worship : but such a time , to wit , the lords-day , is both the time of worship , and worship it self . so there is place of worship , and there is such a religious place , the holy of holiest , the temple . a habit is a meer accident of worship , the person , john or thomas , is also an accident ; but if god command such an ephod as aaron and the priests were to wear , this is not a meer circumstance ; that the person who administreth the lords-supper , be john or thomas , is a meer circumstance ; but that this person be a called pastor , not a private man , is more then a circumstance . and therefore these circumstances , taken in common and their universall nature , are meerly physicall circumstances ; but taken in their particular and determinate restrictions , as such circumstances , they may be meerly morall circumstances , such as are the common adjunct of the time of worship , the place , and the sabbath time and the temple for iewish worship . the former are circumstances meerly physicall , the latter meerly morall ; i mean , as they are restricted other wayes : the temple of jerusalem served as our meeting places do , to sence off the injuries of heaven and sun ; but that is as a place , not as such a place . . there be some mixt circumstances , as these same physicall circumstances , clothed with their own seasonable conveniences ; so time for worship , and due and convenient time is required , there may be some scandalous and superstitious time for worship . a habit in the preacher is required , and that a grave one ; a place is required for private worship , and a fit place , such as is not the market-street for private praying ; the inconveniency of the circumstance may vitiate the worship . i did say that christ iesus hath set down in the word , a perfect plat-form of church-government , in all morals ; i say in all morals , because the word doth not teach us any thing of circumstances , physicall as physicall . scriptura talia non ponit , sed supponit : the scripture saith not , that the worship of god must have a time , a place , when , and where it s to be performed , a person , who is to perform it , a habit , or garments on the person that worshippeth ; the scripture teacheth none of these , but supposeth that they are and must be ; because nature teacheth , that without time , place , person , habit , gesture , its unpossible that these or any humane actions can be ; and therefore prelaticall formalists , do without all sense or reason , require that we should prove by scripture , the lawfulnesse of time , place , person , habit , gesture in gods worship ; for these are presupposed in all actions , naturall , civill , religious , private , publike , lawfull , unlawfull , in acts of arts , sciences , of morall conversing and all ; yea , there is as good reason , that they demand scripture to prove he must be a living man , who hath a reasonable soul , and senses , and is born of a woman , who preacheth and administrateth sacraments , which is presupposed by nature . when the heretick willeth me to prove from scripture that christ is very man ; it is a vain thing he should demand of me beside to prove by scripture , that christ is such a one also as can laugh , weep , admire , sing , sigh , &c. for these are presupposed to follow mans nature ; and if scripture prove christ to be a true man , it presupposeth by natures light , that he can laugh , he can weep , and that in some time , some place , in some habit , in some gesture , so he be a man ; for that is presupposed by the light of nature , and known by the most barbarous who never heard of scripture ; and therefore there is no greater reason to put us to prove all the naturall and unseparable circumstances of worship , such as time and place , without which it is impossible any action at all can be performed ; then that we should presse prelats to prove by scripture , that iames vsher is born of english or irish parents , for sense and nature can prove all these without scripture : but because their ceremonies of crossing , bowing to altars , festivall dayes , oyl , salt , spittle , masse ▪ clothes , are nothing warrantable by natures light , and must have morall and symbolicall influence in worship , as positive religious observances , having some spirituall signification and use , ( except they be reasonlesse fancies ) we have just reason to demand a warrant and speciall charter for all morals , and so for their ceremonies in the scripture , and to call their &c. humane ceremonies and the like , a blind : for if prelats can prove these ceremonies to be from christ , and warranted by his testament , we shal yield that their natural circumstances of time , when you should bow to altars , and crosse a baptized infant , and where , or in what place you should wear surplice ; and that the person that useth oyl , spittle , salt , in baptisme , must do it in some habit , and with some gesture , either sitting , standing , lying , or kneeling , are all warrantable and lawfull from the light of nature ; for if gods light of scripture , warrant wearing of a surplice , as it doth warrant sacramentall eating and drinking , the light of nature must warrant these concreated , naturall , and unseparable circumstances of time , place , person , habit , gesture used in both the former and the latter . but because i said that circumstances of time and place have a threefold consideration , physicall , morall , and mixt : and i have spoken onely of these circumstances in a physicall or naturall consideration ; therefore in the other two considerations there being involved some morall goodnesse , and because there is no morall goodnesse imaginable , but it must have its essentiall form and being from a law or word of god ; therefore all the former circumstances , as they are clothed with either morall conveniency and expediency , or with some religious positive goodnesse , must be warranted by the word of god , or the rules of sinlesse and spirituall prudence , which cannot deviate from the word of god : for circumstances clothed with religious positive goodnesse , such as are the sabbath day , the holy of holiest , the temple ; these are not meer circumstances , but worship it self : so a religious habit , as an ephod or a surplice , is not a meer circumstance , or a meer habit , but a worship , or such a part or limb of worship as must be warranted by the word of truth , else it is nothing but a will-device , and a forgery , and so to be rejected . and as touching things of prudence , they are things properly mixt , as at what hour sermon shall begin in such a church , at eight , or nine , or ten of the clock ; how the worship shall be ordered , whether you should begin the worship with a word of prayer , or a word of praising , or a word of exhorting to stir up for the duty of the day , is a matter of prudence ; and because god hath not laid the band of a precept on us , to begin with either of the three ; therefore it would seem , that though the things themselves be morall , and must be warranted by a word of god ; yet the order is not morall , but prudentiall , and so cannot fall under a command of the church ; for to me it is hard , that men and the church should lay on a tie or bond of a precept where god hath laid on no such bond ; the church , in these mixt things , where the morality is not clear , at farthest , can but go on to directive advises , as paul doth , cor. . . . not to imposing of laws , nor to injunctions or commandments under the pain of church-censures ; for christ must bind and ratifie in heaven , all church-censures on earth , and so the church cannot command nor censure , but as christ himself would command or censure . now because the rest of the conclusion shall be farther cleared ; i prove that christ hath so far forth set down a perfect plat-form of church-government in the scripture , as he hath not given a liberty to rulers , prelats , or to the church her self , to set up a variable plat-form sutable to their particular civill government , laws , manners and customes . arg. what ever maketh the man of god perfect , thorowly furnished unto all good workes , and is written for this end , that any timothy or faithfull pastor , might know how he ought to behave himself in the house of god. that must make the man of god perfect in this good work , of holy walking , as a perfect governour , or a perfect church-member , to be governed in all morall acts of discipline and godly behaviour , according to the spirituall policie of the lords house , and so must hold forth a perfect plat-form of discipline , which doth not varie , ebbe and flow , and alter according to the civill government , laws , manners and customs of men : but the scriptures of god doth so instruct all members of the visible church , both governours and governed , tim. . , . tim. . , . ergo , the scripture must hold forth a perfect form of discipline which doth not varie , ebbe , flow , and alter according to the civill governments , laws , manners and customes of men . the proposition is made good : because , . to walk according to the spirituall policie of the lords house , must be a good work , and so a morall and lawfull work , and a due conversing in the spirituall society of the church , according to the rule of the word . . if this morall walking be according to a rule that may crook , bow and varie according as civill customes of men and cities alter and varie at mens pleasure , it is a morall walking , no more according to the rule of scripture , then the contradic●nt thereof is according to this rule , but falleth and riseth , hath its ups and downs at the meer nod and pleasure of men , who may change customes and manners every year twice , if so it please them . for what scripture teacheth me a civill custome of a city , as not to carry armour in the night , to take up the names of all between sixteen years of age and sixty ? or what scripture teacheth me , a bishop may be above the pastors of the church , or a bishop may not be ? surplice , crossing , bowing and cringing to wooden altars , may be or may not be ? deacons may be , or may not be ? even as customes and guises of the civill state , appear as meteors in the aire , and in the fourth part of a night , disappear and vanish to nothing ; to say , that the word teacheth the church to abstain from blood , is a part of the perfection of the scripture , and yet the scripture teaches that abstinence from blood , not as an eternall , and unalterable law , for we are not now tied to abstain from blood , therefore the scripture may make the man of god perfect in some works that are alterable and changeable : this ( i say ) is no answer , for saying that god should now make abstinence from blood , and things strangled , indifferent , as he made them in that intervall of time , acts . when the ceremonies were mortall , but not deadly and unlawfull , as is clear in that paul , act. . , , . circumcised timothy , that rite being then indifferent ; and yet he writeth in another case , when the gospel is now fully promulgated , that to be circumcised maketh a man a debtor in conscience , to keep the whole law of moses , and so to abstaine from eating of blood , and things strangled , must be a falling from the grace of christ , and an apostacy from the gospel , gal. ▪ , , . , , ▪ . the like i say of observing of dayes , which , rom. . , . were indifferent , and in another case , gal. . , . col. . , . deadly , unlawfull , and not necessary , so the matter , acts . which in the case of scandilizing the weak , is abstinence from things indifferent , say that they are indifferent , bindeth as a perpetuall law to the end of the world , and bindeth us this same very day , rom. . . in the morality of it , as abstinence from murthering , one for whom christ died , rom. . . cor. . , . cor. . , , . and upon the ground laid by prelates , which is most false and untrue , to wit , that many positive things in church-government , such as are prelats deemed to be warranted by apostolick , though not by divine right : ceremonies , and crossing , kneeling to bread , altars , surplice , rochet , corner-cap , yea , and circumcision , a passeover-lambe , and all the jewish ceremonies , though with another spirit and intention , then to shadow forth christ to come in the flesh , imagined to be indifferent , and alterable things , we hold that all these are to be abstained from , as eating of blood , and things strangled of old were , if you say they are as indifferent , as blood , and some meats were in the case , act. . rom. . cor. . cor. . it s a most false principle as we shall hear , and therefore the scripture , if it make the man of god perfect to every good work , as the apostle saith , it must teach us to abstain from all these as scandalous , and must set down as perfect and particular directions for church-government , as paul doth , rom. . set down a particular platform , how we shall eschew murther ; for scandalizing our brethren in the use of things indifferent , is spirituall murther , rom. . . . . arg. that which is a lamp to the feet , and a light to the path , psal . . . and causeth us understand equity , iudgement , righteousnesse , and every good way , prov. . . and to walk safely , so that our feet stumble not , prov. . . prov. , , . prov. . . that must be a lamp and light to our feet , and walking in a platform of church-discipline , so as we shall not erre , sin or stumble therein : but if the light be so various , doubtfull , alterable , as we may walk this way , or the contrary way , according to the civill laws , alterable customes and manners of the people , we shall not so be guided in our path , as our feet shall not stumble ; the church might then suffer jezabell to prophecie , and these that hath the doctrine of balaam , or not suffer them , as the civill laws , and alterable customes of the people should require : now the scriptures doth clearly insinuate , that the law and will of god revealed in the word , is a rule of walking straightly and of declining sin , and any stumbling in our way , which deserveth a rebuke and a threatning , such as christ uttereth against the church of pergamos , rev. . , , . and of thyatira , v. , . now if these churches had no certain rule or word of god , from which they should deviate and erre in their path of discipline , but the customes and alterable civill laws and manners of men , they were unjustly rebuked by christ , which to aver were blasphemy . prelats say , some things in church-policie , are fundamentals , not to be altered ; but there be other things alterable . and of things of policie of the former notion , we have a certain platform in scripture ; but of the latter , not any at all is necessary ; and the not suffering of false teachers in the church , is of the former sort . but i answer , some scripture or reason ought to be given of this distinction : if all be morall and unalterable that are necessary to salvation , its good ▪ but to suppresse jezabell and false teachers , is not necessary , necessitate medii ; for then the salvation of that church were desperate , and past remedy , which should suffer false teachers ; surely then pergamos and thyatira , were in a certain irremed●l●sse way of eternall damnation , as are these who are void of all faith and knowledge of fundamentall articles ; i conceive prelats will hold their hand , and not be so rash as to say this ; if these other things of policie be necessary , necessitate precepti , in regard that iesus christ hath commanded them to be observed , why then are some things alterable which christ hath commanded to be observed some things unalterable ? crosse & surplice , which prelats say have been in the church these twelve hundred yeers , are in themselves as positive , & have as small affinity with the civil laws , customes & manners of nations ( except they mean sinfull customes ) as sacramentall eating and drinking . and the like may be said of all the alterable ceremonies sometimes in use , in england , and now in force amongst papists . . arg. that commandement which timothy is ●o keep without spot unrebukeable , untill the appearing of our lord iesus christ tim. . . is no alterable command that falleth and riseth with the customes , civill laws and manners of men . but paul commandeth under that , every positive law of church-discipline to be thus kept , of which he speaketh in these epistles to timothy . mr. hooker denyeth the assumption ; for paul ( saith he ) restraineth the words to one speciall commandment amongst many ; and therefore it is not said , keep the ordinances , laws , constitutions , which thou hast received ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that great commandment , which doth principally concern thee and thy calling , that commandment that christ did so often inculcate unto peter ( feed my sheep ) and that act. . attend to your selves and all the flock , &c. and that , tim. . . i charge thee in the sight of god , &c. preach the word , and teach the gospel without mixture , &c. and these words ( till the appearance of christ ) doth not import the time wherein it should be kept ; but rather the time whereunto the finall reward for keeping it was reserved according to that , henceforth is laid up for me a crown of righteousnesse . it doth not import perpetuall observation of the apostles commandment , for it bindeth not to the precept of choosing of widows , as the adversaries grant . we do not deny , but certain things were commanded to be , though positive , yet perpetuall in the church . ans . . if paul restrain this to one speciall commandment , sure it is so generall and comprehensive a commandment of feeding the flock , as taketh in all the speciall positive commandments belonging to feeding , by both word and discipline , which is enough for the perpetuity of all positive precepts of discipline and policie , even till christs appearance to judge the world ; and i wonder that hooker expoundeth this by . tim. . . as if paul did mean the precept of preaching only , and that soundly and without mixture ; and yet passe by the parallel place , tim. . a●lmostin the same stile of language , in which place he speaketh of many speciall positive precepts and rules of policie , as of poor widows , the almes to be given to them ; the not rebuking of an elder , the office of elders governing , and of elders labouring in the word and doctrine , the not receiving an accusation against an elder , but under two or three witnesses , the publike rebuking of those who offend publikely , the not admitting to the ministry raw and green souldiers not tryed , and many other particulars of policie , of all which he saith gravely , v. . i charge thee before god and the lord iesus christ , and the elect angels , that thou observe these things &c. certainly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these things was not one commandment , but all the precepts of faith , and of church-government spoken of in this epistle ; and truly ● shall think that paul who particular●z●th that timothy should not drink water , but a little wine because of his infirmity , and of bringing with him the cloak that he left at troas , and the parchments , tim. doth far more spec●fi● all the positives of policie , and writ , how all the timothies and pastors are to behave themselves in the church of god : if ceremonies and all these alterable trifles had not been excluded out of the platforme ; for a religious masse-surplice , is of far more consequence then pauls old cloak , and yet paul spake of the one in canonick-scripture , never of the other ; and oyle , spittle , salt , crosse in baptisme being positive significant rites , and having continued in the church so many hundred years , should far rather have been specified in scripture then timothies drinking of water : yea , and if all the alterable positive things of policy , as crosse , surplice , be commanded as necessary in the generall , though not in this or that particular , as hooker and other formalists do teach , then sure the meaning must be : i give to thee , o timothy , charge in the sight of god who quickeneth all things , and before christ jesus , &c. that thou ▪ keep this commandment of crossing , surplice , bowing to altars , of corner-cap , or of the equivalent of these , without spot irrebukeable to the appearance of jesus christ ; for the precept of feeding the flock , must include all these ; and though ceremonies in particular be alterable , and not commanded in hythothesie ; yet that in generall there should be such positive ceremonies is necessary , and the apostle ( say they ) commandeth them , cor. . . yea , ( as dunam saith ) humane holy-dayes , are commanded in the fourth commandment , and burges saith , all the ceremonies are commanded in the third commandment , and formalists ; who denyed the prelate to be of divine institution , made a ceremony of him , and made him a decent and orderly thing ; which as the poet said , to me is like the act of death , that brought great alexander , to whom the whole world was not sufficient , in small bounds , in the grave under two foot of earth , and this maketh the great pope , the catholick bishop of the earth a little ceremony : but this little ceremony hath these many hundred years infested the whole earth . . if this precept be not a perpetuall binding precept till christs second appearance , but only rewarded with life eternall at christs appearance , yet shall it follow that all things included in the precept of feeding the flock , and so all the surplice , crossing , will-worship or their equivalent , without which , feeding cannot be in a decent and orderly way ( as they say from , cor. . . ) must be rewarded with life eternall : let formalists wait at the day of judgement for a reward , of a garment of glory for wearing a linning surplice , my faith cannot reach it . . for the choosing of widovves that are poor to take care of the poor and sicke in hospitals ; we think it just as necessary now as then , though no wayes , if there be none sick , and poor in the church : but that widows were church-officers ordained , as were deacons , act. . . we never thought , and therefore we do not see that the wanting of such widows , is the want of a positive institution of church-policy ; for other positive things of policy that should be of perpetuall use , and not all of the same kinde , and of equall necessity : i see no reason ( which i speak for apostles ) which were necessary then , and not now ; but if from thence formalists infer , that many positive things of policy are alterable , i can infer with equall strength of reason , that then pastors , and teachers are alterable by the church , for if the one have a divine institution to warrant it , eph. . , , . so hath the other ; and if prelates may come themselves into the church without any warrant but this , that apostles are alterable , and may put out pastors and teachers , because god hath put out apostles ; we have a new world of alterable church-policy . . reverent beza referreth the commandment to the platforme of discipline : so ambrose in loc. and chrysostome homil. . so diodat . this commandment which is , ver . , . or generally all other commandments , which are contained in this epistle ; popish writers confesse the same , though to the disadvantage of their cause , who maintain unwritten church-policy and ceremonies : so lyra and nicol. gorran . mandatum quod deus , & ego mandavimus , the commandment of the lord , and of me his apostle , corne●a lapide : quicquid tibi , o episcope , hac epistolâ prescripsi , & demandavi , hoc serva : salmeron , alii per mandatum intelligunt , quecunque mandavi spectantia ad munus boni episcopi . sect . ii. the adversaries amongst these things of church-policy , do reckon such things as concerne the outward man , and externals only ; and therefore bilson , hooker and the rest , as cameron and others , will have christs kingdom altogether spirituall , mysticall , and invisible , and christ to them is not a king to binde the externall man , nor doth he as king take care of the externall government of his own house , that belongeth ( say they ) as other externall things to the civill magistrate , who with advise and counsell of the church , bishops and their unhallowed members , may make lawes in all externals , for the government of the church , and all these externals though positive , are alterable ; yea , and added to the word , though not as additions corrupting , but as perfecting and adorning the word of god and his worship . in opposition to this , our fourth argument shall be , he who is the only head , lord , and king of his church , must governe the politick , externall body his church , perfectly by laws of his own spirituall policy , and that more perfectly then any earthly monarch , or state doth their subjects , or any commanders , or any lord or master of family , doth their army , souldiers , and members of their family . but christ is the head and only head of the church , for by what title christ is before all things , he in whom all things consist , and is the beginning , the first borne fram the dead , and hath the preheminence in all things ; and he is onely , so●ely and absolutely all these , by the same title he is the head , and so the onely head of the body the church , col. . , . and he is the head of his politick body , and so a head in all externals , as well as of mysticall and inv●sible body , for if his church be an externall politicall body , and ruled by organs , eyes , watchmen , rulers , feeders , and such as externally guideth the flock , as it is , eph. ▪ , , , , , . cor. . . matth. ▪ , . a society to which christ hath given the keys of his house , and so externall power in a visible politick court on earth to binde and loose , to take in and put out , to open and shut the doors of his visible politick house ; then this politick body must have a head in externall policy , and this head in externals must as a head governe by laws all the members in their externall society ; for a body without a head is a monster , and a politick body , without a head politick , and one that ruleth politically , is a monster . and christ is the king , yea the only king of his own kingdom , either as this kingdom is mysticall and invisible , or as it is politick , externall , and visible on earth , as these scriptures proveth , . mat. . . iesus ●aith unto me , is all power given in heaven and in earth : i hope this power is only given to christ , not to pope or earthly prince : it is the name above all names , phil. . . king of kings ▪ rev. . . and upon this kingly power , christ doth an ex●ernall act of royall power , and giveth not only an inward but also a politicall , externall power to his disciples , ver . ● . go teach , and baptize all nations : is this only inward and heart-●eaching , and inward baptizing by the spirit ? i think not , god hath reserved that to himself only , isa . . . ioh. . . joh. . . and ioh. , . . upon this that the father sent christ , and so set him his king upon his holy hill of zion , psa . . . christ performeth an externall politick mission , and sendeth his disciples with power in a politick externall way to remit and retain sins , in an externall way , for there is clearly two remittings and retainings of sins in the text : none can say of the church , it s my church , but he who is king of the church ; and christ saith , matth , . . that it is his church , and upon this it is his kingdom , and the keyes are his keys , and they are keys of a kingdom visible and politick on earth , as is evident , ver . . i will give unto thee , the keys of the kingdom of heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt binde on earth , ( in an externall politicall court of church rulers , as it is differenced from an internal , and mysticall binding in heaven ) shall be bound in heaven , &c. for it is clear that there is an internall binding in heaven , and a politicall and externall binding on earth , and both are done by the keys of the kingdom of heaven : but christ can have or give no politicall or ex●ernall keys of an externall and politicall king , but as he is a king : yea , and excommunication doth not only binde the inward man in heaven , but also the externall man on earth , excluding him from the society of the church as a heathen , and a publican , and purging him out from the externall communion of the church , as if he were now no brother , matth. . ● ▪ . cor. . . , , . now this externall separating and judging of an offender by the church is done by the keys of the kingdom ; ergo , by christ as a king , ruling the externall man politically , and so by the key of the house of david , which is laid upon christs shoulder , isa . . . and by a royall act of him , upon whose shoulder is the government , is ▪ . who sitteth upon the throne of david to order the kingdom , & to establish it with judgement & justice . for the church doth bind and loose in the externall court , either by a commission from him who as head of the church , and who as king gave to her the keys of the kingdom ; or by a generall arbitrary power given to the magistrate and church , to do in these things as they please ; so they do nothing contrary to the word , though not according to the word , as they are to do in doctrinals ; if the former be said , then must the externall government be upon the shoulder of christ as king , which is that which we teach : if the latter be said , then might the magistrate & church appoint such an ordinance as excommunication , and so they may by their artitrary power , make a gospel promise of ratifying an ordinance in heaven , and of pardoning sins in heaven ; for he that can make the ordinance , can make also the gospel-promise , and he that can by an arbitrary power make one promise or part of the gospel , may make all . and if either magistrate or church can appoint such an ordinance as hath a promise of b●nding & loosing made good in heaven , they may also take away such ordinances and gospel promises ; for it is the same power to make and adde , to unmake and destroy ordinances . hence also i argue for the immutabili●y of a scripturall platform , that the church cannot alter at her will : thus , that must be of divine institution which is an essentiall part of the gospel ; but the platform of church-government in the word is such , and so must be no lesse immutable then the gospel . i make good the major proposition thus : that which essentially includeth a promise of the new testament , that must be a part of the gospel which consisteth especially of promises , heb. . . cor. . . gal. . . gal. . , . but there 's a promise of forgiving sins in heaven made to the church , using the keys aright , and of christs presence in the excercise of the keys , as walking amongst the golden candlesticks , matth. . , . . math. . , . iob. . . rev. . . now if any shall object , this argument proveth only that which is not denyed , to wit , that some part of discipline only , is of divine institution which is not denyed , for a power of binding and loosing , of remitting and retaining sins , is of divine institution : but hence it is not concluded that the whole platform , and all the limbs , joynts , bones , and toes are of divine institution , they being matters of smaller concernment . i answer , as from a part of the doctrine of the law and gospel that is of divine institution ; for example , that i keep , observe and do the law , that i believe and repent , which are things of divine institution : i infer that the whole platform of law and gospel , is of divine institution , and the particulars of obedience and faith , are not arbitrary to the church ; just so in discipline , i say the like , there is no more reason for one part written by god , then for another . farther , if the church be a visible politick kingdom , as it is , mat. . v. , , , . matth. . . matth. . . and if the word be the word , scepter and law of the kingdom , as it is , matth. . . matth. . . luk. . . matth. . . mark . . luk. . . . luk. . . yea , the sword and royall power of the king , rev. . . rev. . . by which he ruleth and raigneth in his church , isa . . v. . psal . . . heb. . , . psal . . , . , , . isa . . , . cor. . , , . pet. . , , , . and if by this word the king raigneth , bindeth , looseth , and conquereth souls and subdueth his enemies , matth. . , , . matth. . . rev. . . then certainly christ must raign politically , and externally in his church , and walk in the midst of the golden candlesticks , rev. . . and if christ ascending to heaven as a victorious king , leading captivity captive , gave gifts to men , and appointed an externall policie , for the gathering of his saints by the ministery of certain officers of his kingdom , as it is , psal . . . even that the lord god might dwell amongst them , eph. . , , , , , . then he must raign in the externall policie of pastors , teachers , elders , by word , sacraments , and discipline . now the king himself , the lord who raigneth in this externall policie , must be the only law-giver , iam. . . isa . . v. . there can be no rabbies or doctors on earth , who as little kings can make laws under him , mat. . v. , , . yea , not apostles who can teach how the worship should externally be ordered , but what they receive of the king of the church , cor. . . act. . v. , , , , , . how the house should be governed , heb. . , . , . yea , nothing more reasonable , then that whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven , should be done in , and for the house of the god of heaven , under the pain of his wrath , ezr. . . . that there should be officers in a kingdom , and laws to govern the subjects , beside the will of the prince or judges of the land , or that the members of a family , or souldiers in an army should be governed by any rule , custome , or law , beside or without the will of the master of the house , and of the generall & commanders , is all one , as if subjects , families and souldiers , should be ruled and governed by their own will and wisdome , and not by their king , iudges , masters and commanders ; for the question is upon this undeniable supposition , that christ is the only head and king of his church , and so the head and king of prelats ( if they be of the body ) and of the rulers , guides , and pastors of the church , which are to be governed and ruled by certain laws , no lesse then the people , whither or no this representative church of rulers , being subjects and members of the head and king of the church , are to be ruled by the wisdome , laws , and commandments of this king the lord jesus ; or if they have granted to them a vast arbitrary power to govern both themselves and the people , by adding positive mandats of arbitrary commanders , such as prelats are ( in the minde of those who think they have no patent of any divine right ) and of surplice , crossing , kneeling for reverence to wood , to bread and wine . the matter cannot be helped , by saying that christ is the mysticall , invisible king , ( some doubt if he be the only king of the church , which is too grosse to be resuted ) of the church in things spirituall , and in regard of the inward operation of the spirit ; but he is not a politicall and visible head in regard of externall policie ; this distinction must hold also in regard of the people , who as christians and believers are rather under christ as a mysticall and invisible head , then the rulers who are not as rulers , but only in so far as they are believers , mysticall members of the head christ ; for christ exerciseth no mysticall and internall operations of saving grace upon rulers as rulers ; but upon rulers as believers , then he cannot be the mysticall and invisible king of rulers as rulers , to give them as a king , an arbitrary power to be little kings under him , to govern as they please ; and the truth is , christ is a politicall head and king of his church , not properly a visible head , cor. . . except that he is a visible head in this sense , in that he raigneth and ruleth , even in the externall visible policie of his church , through all the catholick visible church , in his officers , lawfull synods , ordinances , giving them laws in all positive externals , which place the beast , the king of the bottomlesse pit , the pope usurpeth : but i would gladly be informed of formalists , how the king is the head and vicegerent of christ over the church ; if christs kingdom be only spirituall , mysticall internall , not politicall , not externall ; for sure the king as king , exerciseth no internall and mysticall operations upon the consciences of men under jesus christ , his power is only politicall and civilly politicall , about , or without the church , not properly within the church : surely if rulers be subjects and members under christ the head and king : i shall believe that christ must in all positive things of externall policie , give to them particular laws in the scripture , and rule them ; and that they being members , not the head , must as particularly be ruled in all externals positive , by the will and law of the head christ , and that they are not kings , heads and law givers , and rulers to themselves : and especially upon these considerations . this king and head must be particular in an immutable , perpetuall , and unalterable platform of church-government . . salomon for wisdome in the order , degrees , number , attire of his servants and policie of his house to the admiration of the queen of sheba , in this we conceive was a type of a greater then salomon . . the positives of the policie of christs house , must be congruous to a supernaturall end , the edification of souls , and that symbolicall rites of mens devising , speak supernaturall duties , that christ hath already spoken in the scripture , as that crossing spell out dedication to christs service , surplice , pastorall holinesse , which both are gospel truths , . pet. . . pet. . . isa . . . is as supernaturall a mean for edification , as that bread and wine signifie christs body and blood ; & therefore the one more then the other ought not to be left to humane reason , but must be expresly set down in scripture . . all these must lay a tie upon the conscience ; but if they have their rise from the vain will of prelats and men , they can never bind my conscience ; for how can they bind my conscience as the scripture bindeth them on me , and yet rulers as rulers in the name of christ the king , cannot presse them upon me ? formalists give divers replies to this : as , . hooker : you are constrained to say that of many things of church-policie , some are of great weight , some of lesse , that what hath been urged of immutability of laws , it extendeth in truth no farther then only to laws , wherein things of greater moment are prescribed ; as pastors , lay-elders , deacons , synods , widows ; else come to particulars , and shew if all yours be perpetuall , and our particulars unlawfull . ans . . things of greater and lesse weight , we acknowledge in church-policie , and in doctrinals too ; but in this sense only : . that they be things positive . . they be both things that are unchangeable by any , except by god himself , and oblige us necessitate precepti , by the necessity of a divine commandment , as matth. . . to pay tythe of mint , annise , and cummin , is a lesse matter then the weightier duties of the law , iudgement , mercy , and faith : but there is nothing so small in either doctrinals or policie , so as men may alter , omit , and leave off these smallest positive things that god hath commanded ; for christ saith , paying of tythe of mint , ought not to be omitted , though the church of pharisees should neglect it , and command some other petty small things in place thereof : if therefore prelats should obliterate the office of ruling elders which christ the lord instituted in his church , and put themselves in as governours in their room , they may put out pastors and sacraments , and take in for them , turkish priests , and circumcision , with a signification that christ is already come in the flesh : we urge the immutability of christs laws , as well in the smallest as greatest things , though the commandments of christ be greater or lesse in regard of the intrinsecall matter , as to use water in baptisme , or to baptise is lesse then to preach christ , and believe in him , cor. . . yet they are both alike great , in regard of the authority of christ the commander , matth. . , . and it s too great boldnesse to alter any commandment of christ , for the smallnesse of the matter , for it lieth upon our conscience , not because it is a greater or a lesser thing , and hath degrees of obligatory necessity , lying in it for the matter ; but it tyeth us for the authority of the law-giver : now gods authority is the same when he saith , ( you shall not worship false gods , but me the only true god ) and when he saith , ( you shall not adde of your own one ring or pin to the ark , tabernacle temple ) yea , either to break or teach others , to break one of the least of the commandments of god , maketh men the least in the kingdom of god , matth. . . and to offend in one is to offend in all , iam. . . . that our things of church-policie are perpetuall , we prove , and that what we hold of this kinde , we make good to be contained in the scripture , either expresly , or by due consequence ; and , so the church and their rulers , act nothing in our way , but as subordinate to christ as king and head of the church , and surplice , humane prelats , crossing , we hold unlawfull in the house of god , because they are not warranted by the king and head christs word ; and because the devisers and practisers of these do neither devise nor act , in these , as subordinate to jesus christ as king , priest , or prophet , by the grant of our adversaries . hooker , l. . eccles . pol. pag. . the matters wherein church-policy are conversant , are the publick religious duties of the church , as administration of the word , sacraments , prayers , spirituall censures of the church and the like , to these the church stand alwayes bound ; and where policy is , it cannot but appoint , some to be leaders of others , and some to be led ; if the blinde lead the blinde , they both perish : and where the clergy is any great multitude , order requireth that they be distinguished by degrees , as apostles and pastors were in the apostolick church : and number of specialities there are which ▪ make for the more convenient being of these principall parts of policy . ans . . if christ as king have appointed word and sacraments in generall , and censures ; he hath appointed the word , sacraments and censure in speciall ; to wit , such a word , such sacraments , baptisme , the lords-supper , such censures , excommunication , admonition , or then he hath left the specialities of written and unwritten word , to the arbitriment of men , and that there be excommunication , or no excommunication ; and this doctrinall and the like he hath left to mens devising ; to wit , ( crossing is a dedication of the childe to christ ) now jerome advers . helvid . saith vt hec que scripta sunt non negamus , ita ea quae non sunt scripta re●nuimus , and august . lib. de pasto . c. . quicquid inde ( è scriptura ) andieritis , hoc nobis bene sapiat , quicquid extraest , respuite , n● erretis in nebulâ . now to say , we may receive some truths of things arbitrary or mutable , crosseth cyrill . allexand . glaphyre in gen. l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that which the holy scripture hath not said , by what means should we receive , and account it amongst these things that be true ? cyrill would deny all your ceremonies to speak any thing , but lies ; and so would i : yea , to bring in any thing that is not written , basilius saith , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a demonstration of pride , and origen in levit. hom. . si quid autem , superfuerit , quod non divina scriptura decernat , nullam aliam debere tertiam scripturam ad autoritatem scientiae suscipi ( licet ) i think some third scripture which is neither the old or the new-testament must be sought to make good the doctrines , that dumbe humane ceremonies teach us : . that the blind lead the blinde is not safe ; but it is no argument to prove that this is an immutable thing in policy , that there should be leaders , and some that are led , except you suppose the prelates to be the seeing men , and the pastors and people to be blinde . . i utterly deny this consequence : the clergy is a great multitude ; ergo , order necessarily requireth , that by degrees they be distinguished in prelates and pastors ; for the prelats are a multitude ; ergo , order requireth that one be pope to command all the rest : the apostles were a multitude ; ergo , there was a necessi●y of a monarch-apostle , the prelaticall government is monarchicall ; doth order require in all multitude no government but a monarchy ? nor do we finde any warrant that apostles had jurisdiction over pastors in the scripture , nor in any ecclesiasticall records ; but where papacy was working ; paul , as if he had been to go out of this life , and never to see the faces of the elders of ephesus , act. . . left unto them as elders all of equall degrees of power of jurisdiction , the feeding and governing of the church of god , act. . , , . . the particulars of policy , as surplice , crossing are no more circumstances of worship then aarons ephod , a vesture is a circumstance , but a religious vesture teaching us of pastorall holinesse , is worship , not a circumstance : men can place no religion in circumstances . hooker , eccle. poli. l. . p. . it is in vain to argue from christs office , if there be an immutable platforme in scripture , it is as if one should demand a legacy by vertue of some written testament , wherein there being no such thing specified ; he pleadeth that there it must needs be , and bringeth arguments from love and good will , which awayes the testator bore him , imagining that these or the like proofes will convict a testament to have that in it , which other men can no where by reading finde , it s our part to admire what he hath done , rather then to dispute what he in congruity of reason , ought to do : how unsearchable are his judgements ? ans . . it is very true , a platforme of discipline is questio facti , a question of fact , rather then law ; we hear nothing in this comparison , but what papists with equall strength of reason do bring for their unwritten traditions ; for they say protestants are to prove a fact and deed of jesus christ , that he hath left in his written testament a perfect and immutable platforme of doctrine and manners , to which nothing can be added ; and this they prove from the care , wisdom and love of christ to his church , for he ought to reveale his will perfectly , and compleatly in his scripture , otherwise he hath not the love , care , and wisdom of a law-giver to his own people , if he leave them in the mist , and in the dark , and write not down all things touching faith and manners : now we can no where finde by reading scripture , any thing for the baptizing of infants , or a remedy for women to be cured of originall sin in the old-testament in lieu of circumcision ; we finde no warrant for the feast of dedication , in the law of moses , nor for the dayes of puring , observed by the iewes , nor for images , invocation of saints , prayer for the dead , the perpetuall virginity of the virgin mary , and many such doctrines which the church believeth . but we answer , because these vain doctrines ( we except the baptizing of infants , warranted by scripture ) are not in scripture , they are the vaine and saplesse doctrines of men , and will-worship : but to presse the comparison , if any should demand a legacy by vertue of a testament , in which the testator hath testified his good will , wisdom , care to his brethren in such a manner , that he had said ; i have left in my testament to my brethren , my mind to instruct them , for every good worke , to lead them in all truth , to teach them every good way , to understand equity , judgement and righteousnesse , to cause them walke safely , so that their feet shall not stumble , and i have left them my word to be a lamp , and light to their feet in walking : then i would inferre from this testament two things : . that the love and care of our testator christ , so revealed , warranteth us to plead for light in christs testament , how to walk in every good way , and so how to walk in all the wayes of the orderly worship of god , and of governing of gods house , by pastors , teachers , elders , deacons , by their lawfull calling , qualifications , duties ; by the churches courts in admonition , excommunication , by the use of the keys : . because the testament is perfect to instruct in every good way , particularly , and in all duties of worship , and this testament forbiddeth all adding and diminishing , and speaketh not one word of crossing , cringing , and bowing to altars , of wearing of surplice : therefore these are not gods lawfull wayes , and if i walk in them , i can do nothing but fall and stumble : . we do not here argue simply from the wise , and congruous dealing of god , what he ought to do , nor from the love of christ , as a king and he●d simply , but from the love , care and wisdom of christ , as he is such a king and head , upon whose shoulder is the whole government , and upon whom are all the vessels of the house , great and small : . it is no lesse then blasphemy to ascribe the not particularizing of ceremonies , such as crossing , surplice , humane feasts to the unsearchable wisdom , and wayes of god , to which paul , romanes . referreth the great deeps of supernaturall providence in gods election and reprobation , his calling of the gentiles and rejecting of the iewes ; and observe ( i pray ) this consequence ; the wayes of the lord past finding out ; ergo , the lord hath set down no platforme of church-policy in his sons testament ; but hath left it to the wisdom of the church to devise , crossing , kneeling to creatures , surplice , or some such like : but since we have a pattern of perfectly formed churches in the apostles times , who had power even , in actu excercit● , of discipline and church-worship , and the apostles mention things of an inferiour nature : how is it that we have no hint of crossing , kneeling , surplice , corner . cap , nor any such , like unto these ? and yet they were as necessary for decency then , cor. . col. . . cor. . . &c. rev. . . , , , , . cor. . . as now , others of great learning reply , that christ is not the only immediate head , king , law-giver , and governour of the church , for that is quite contrary to gods ordinance in establishing kings , magistrates , higher powers , nurse-fathers , pastors , doctors , elders ; for by this , there should be no kings , parliaments , synods , no power of jurisdiction in them to make lawes , to suppresse and punish all manner of idolatry , superstition , heresies . but i answer , that christ is the only immediate head , king , law-giver , and governour of his church , as upon his shoulder only is the government , isa . . . and the key of the house of david , isa . . . and by what right he is the head of all things ; and set above all ▪ principalities and power , and might , and dominion , and every name that is named , not only in this vvorld , but also in that vvhich is t● come ; he is the head of the catholick church which is his body , eph. . , , . and he is such a head even in externals , in giving apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors , and teachers , who for the vvork of the ministery , perfecteth the saints , in vvhom the vvhole body ( of the church ) is fitly joyned together and compacted by that which every joynt supplieth , according to the effectuall vvorking , in the measure of every part , maketh increase of the body , to the edifying of it self in love , ephes . . , ▪ , , , . now these places maketh christ the only immediate head in externals , and internall operation of that body which is the fulnesse of christ : let any of the formalists , if christ be not the only immediate head , shew us of king or bishop who is the mediate , ministeriall , inferior head of the catholick church , even in externall government : for iohn hart in his conference with d. roinald , saith , christ is the only principall , imperiall , and invisible head ; but the pope ( saith he ) is the visible and ministeriall head ; so do all papists say ; but our protestant divines answer , that it is a repugnancy that a subject or a member of the king and head , should be in any sense both a subject and a king , a part or member and a head ; and roynald saith , this name to be head of the church is the royall prerogative of jesus christ ; yea , the head , in externals , must be with the catholick body , as christ hath promised to be with his church to the end of the world ; neither king nor pope can in the externall government be with the particular churches to the end : it is true , the king may be with his church by his laws and power ; yea , but so may the pope be , if all pastors on earth be but his deputies , and if pastors be but the kings deputies , and sent by the king , so is the king the head of the church ; but then the catholick church hath as many heads , as there be lawfull kings on earth ; but we desire to know , what mediate acts of law-giving which is essentiall to kings and parliaments in civill things , doth agree to kings , parliaments , and synods ; christ hath not made pastors under-kings to create any laws morally obliging the conscience to obedience in the court of god , which god hath not made to their hand ; if the king and synods only declare and propound , by a power of jurisdiction , that which god in the law of nature or the written word hath commanded ; they are not the law-makers , nor creators of that morality in the law , which layeth bonds on the conscience ; yea , they have no organicall , nor inferiour influence in creating that morality , god only by an immediate act as the only immediate king , made the morality , and if king , parliaments , and synods , be under kings and under law-givers , they must have an under-action , and a ministeriall subservient active influence under christ in creating as second causes , that which is the formall reason , and essence of all lawes binding the conscience , and that is the morality that obligeth the soul to eternal wrath , though king , parliament , pastors or synods , should never command such a morall thing : now to propound , or declare , that gods will is to be done in such an act , or synodicall directory or canon , and to command it to be observed under civill and ecclesiasticall paine , is not to make a law , it is indeed to act authoritatively under christ as king : but it maketh them neither kings , nor law-givers , no more then heralds are little kings , or inferiour law-givers , and parliaments , because in the name and authority of king and parliament they promulgate the lawes of king and parliament : the heralds are meer servants , and do indeed represent king and parliament , and therefore to wrong them , in the promulgation of lawes , is to wrong king and parliament ; but the heralds had no action , no hand at all in making the laws , they may be made when all the heralds are sleeping , and so by no propriety of speech can heralds be called mediat kings , under-law-givers , just so here , as touching the morality of all humane laws , whether civill or ecclesiasticall , god himself immediatly ; yea , from eternity by an act of his free-pleasure made that without advice of men or angels , for who instructed him ? neither moses , nor prophet , nor apostle ; yea , all here are meri precones , only heralds ; yet are not all these heralds who declare the morality of lawes , equals may declare them charitative , by way of charity to equals , but these only are to be obeyed as heralds of laws , whom god hath placed in authority , as kings , parliaments , synods , the church , masters , fathers , captains ; and it followeth no wayes that we disclaime the authority of all these , because we will not inthrone them in the chaire of the supreame and only lawgiver , and head of the church , they are not under-law-givers and little kings to create laws , the morality of which bindeth the conscience ( for this god only can do ) ergo , there be no parliaments , no kings , no rulers , that have authority over men , it is a most unjust consequence ; for all our divines against papists , deny that humane laws as humane , do binde the conscience ▪ but they deny not , but assert the power of jurisdiction in kings , parliaments , synods , pastors . sect . iii. if iesus christ be as faithfull as moses and above him , as the lord of the house above the servant , heb. . , , , . then as moses was admonished of god , when he was about to make the tabernacle , for ( saith he ) see thou make all things according to the pattern● shewed unto thee in the mount , heb. . . and was not to follow his own spirit , but was to follow the patterne that god shewed him in the mount , then far lesse hath christ the apostle and high priest of our profession giving us a platforme of the church and government of the new-testament variable , & shaped according to the alterable laws , customes & manners of divers nations , for as moses though a prophet was not to make one pin of the tabernacle , but according to the samplar & patern that god did shew him , so christ manifested to his disciples , all that he had heard , and seen of the father , ioh. . but it is not to be supposed , that the father shew to christ an alterable tabernacle in the new testament , that men might alter , chop and change at their pleasure , as the customes of nations are changed : if god thought religion should run a hazard , if the greatest of prophets ( except christ ) might have leave to mold and shape all the leviticall service , and ceremonies , ( for as the judicious and learned interpreter mr. david dickson saith , all the leviticall service is comprehended under the name of the tabernacle , exod. . . ) according as he pleased , far more should all be corrupted , if erring men , far inferior to moses , prelats and pastors , should have leave to draw the lineaments of the new testament , tabernacle , church , service , officers , censures , and all the positives of policie according to no patern shown by christ ; but only the fashions , alterable laws , customes , & forms of nations : now all the pins of the tabernacle were but shadows , and types of morall and heavenly things , heb. . . heb. . . heb. . . and they were to be changed and done away by christ , col. . . heb. . . cor. . . yet could neither be devised by moses , nor altered by any mortall man , church or priests ; how can we imagine that men may now devise and set up an alterable and changeable new testament-frame , of prelats , altars , religious dayes , surplice , crossing , or any the like toyes ? and though david was a prophet , and a man according to gods heart ; yet in the externals of the temple , nothing was left to his spirit ; he might neither in the least jot adde or omit , chron. . . then david gave to solomon his son , the patern of the porch , and of the houses thereof , and of the treasuries thereof , and of the upper chambers thereof , and of the inner parlors thereof , & of the place of the mercy-seat . here be many particulars ; but whence had david all these ? from the patern according to which , crosse , surplice , altars , and humane prelats are shapen ? alas , no ; therefore it is added , v. . and ( he shewed ) the patern of all that he had by the spirit , of the courts of the house of the lord , and of all the chambers round about v. . all this ( said david ) the lord made me understand in writing by his hand upon me , even all the works of this patern . i see no reason to deny , that the form of the temple was written by the hand of god ; as the ten commandments were written in two tables of stone by him ; the text seemeth to say no lesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pagni , and ar. mont. render it , omnia in scriptura , de manu domini , super me intellegere fecit . so jerome , omnia venerunt , scripta manu domini ad me . vatablus in notis , omnia ista dominus scripsit manu , su● et digito , ●u● ut me familiarius do●eret : we shall not contend with tostatus , who saith , it might have been written by angels ; though we go not from the letter of the text , we have from this papist tostatus , all we desire ; for he saith : we must say that it was not by davids own thought , that he builded all ; for david durst not build a temple to the lord of his own heart ; because he knew not if that would please god , but by divine revelation : and therefore the old translation is corrupt in this , as in many things , which rendreth , v. . thus : dedit david , salamoni descriptionem p●rti●us , &c. nec non et omnium que cogitaverat : as if davids thought had been his guide ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the spirit , by tostatus , corneli . a lapide , lyra , is meant , not davids spirit , but the spirit of revelation from the lord ; and lyra saith , on v. . per hoc designatur ; quod deus pater dedit homini christo notitiam omnium agendorum in ecclesiâ . and pet. martyr , our own doctor saith , on king. . it cannot be told how unpleasant the institution of new worship is to god : and , there should be nothing in baptisme but the word and the elements ; any thing added ( as crossing , oyl , salt , ) came from the prelats : lavater , in . par. c. . ver . . condemneth all additions , even though solomon should have added them , ezech. . . thou son of man , shew the house to the house of israel , — . and if they be ashamed of all that they have done , shew them the form of the house , and the fashion thereof , and goings out thereof , and the comings in thereof , and all the forms thereof , and all the ordinances thereof , and all the forms thereof , & all the laws thereof ; and write it in their sight , that they may keep the whole form thereof , & all the ordinances thereof , and do them . now it is most considerable , that the form , fabrick , and structure of the temple , ezech. c. . in the visions of god , is shewn to the prophet by a man , by christ the great angel of the covenant ; who with a measuring reed of six cubits , measured the temple ; and in these chapters , c. , , . christ sheweth to ezekiel all the patern and form which evidently typifieth the church of the new testament , the bride the lambs wife in the kingdom of grace , and glorified in heaven , revealed by the angel to john , rev. . , , . it may be thought that the porches , chambers , length and bredth of them east , west , south , and north , the laws about the priests , their linnen garments , sacrifices , washing and the like , are of lesse concernment then the doctrine of christs nature , person , offices of faith , repentance , iudgement , heaven &c. and therefore being not so necessary , nor so weighty ; there was no necessity that all the like positive externals of church-policie , written to a rude and carnall people , should be written to us , who are now more spirituall , and upon whom the day-spring from above doth shine , the shadows now being past ; and who have greater liberty then they had , who were as children under tutors . ans . . i do not deny , but all ceremonials are of lesse weight then the morals ; but the question is , if they be of lesse divine authority , so as we may devise of our own spirit such ceremonials , and may alter , omit , or remove these , or any new ceremonials in the sacraments under the new testament ; for new testament ceremonials , as to take bread , eat and drink , are not so necessary , nor so weighty to us under the new-testament , as the precept of believing in christ , and of repentance from dead works , yet i hope it shall be a weak inference , from thence to inser , we may therefore alter and change any thing of the sacrament , for the same christ who commanded us to believe in him , said also , drink ye all of this ; and if we may not remove drinking from the last supper , because injoyned by christ upon the authority of the law-giver , as signifying the spirituall drinking of christs blood , how can any dare to adde crossing to baptisme , which signifieth the dedication of the baptized to christs service ? but . divine ceremonials , and positives which were to be changed , have these notes and impressions of god , which surplice , crosse in baptisme , corner-cap , ( which by analogie answereth to moses his ceremonies ) hath not ; and yet if they be of the new testament , and so of a more excellent spirits devising then the people of the iews were capable of , in regard of their bondage under carnall precepts , they ought to have them in a more excellent manner : as . in regard of the manner of revelation ; all the laws and ceremoniall ordinances were revealed to moses when he was forty dayes in the mount with god , and was in heaven and above men , exod. . . heb. . . the length measure and patern of the temple was revealed to ezechiel when he was in the spirit , and saw the visions of god , ezech. . , . and a writing of the form of the temple by gods hand , was delivered to david , chro. . . now if a more free and glorious spirit teach the positives of policy , under the new-testament , such as surplice , crossing , then prelates must be in a higher mount with god , then moses was , and in a deeper extasie of the visions of god , then ezechiel was in , ezec. . , , . when they are in the childe-birth pain of devising , and bring forth such defaced and dirty whelpes , as surplice , crossing , altars , &c. . i should think it blasphemy so to think : . in regard of the doctrine revealed : when i read the , , . chapters of ezekiel touching the forme of the temple , and the antitipe , chapters the revelation , c. . c. . yea , and the very ceremoniall laws of moses , as the scape-goats going to the wildernesse with the sins of the people of god , and all the rest of the lawes that pointeth at christ to be slain for us , and the heavenly mysteries of the gospel explained especially in the epistle to the hebrews : when i read these , i finde a strong smell of the ointments of a precious redeemer , the extream love of god to man : the majesty , the divinity and efficacy of divine power in these , as in other scriptures : but should our prelats , put in print by the spirit of the new testament , some epistles touching ceremonies in generall , or of surplice , corner-cap , crossing , and their heavenly relation to the mysteries of the gospel in particular , i should not think men would dare to say a nobler spirit speaketh like god and heaven in these then in the other . it is without all warrant to expound christian liberty of a power of devising a mutable church-policy , and lawes not warranted in gods word , seeing christian liberty expresly exempteth us altogether from obedience to mens laws not warranted by christs word , gal. . . col. . , &c. let us hear what hooker saith , for his mutable policie under the new testament : christ is not lesse faithfull then moses , because moses delivered to the iewes some lawes that were durable , and christ some laws that are changeable , otherwayes by this reason christ shall be lesse faithfull then moses ; for moses erected in the wildernesse a tabernacle , which was moveable from place to place ; solomon a stately temple , which was not moveabl● : therefore solomon was faithfuller then moses , which no man indued with reason will think : christ was faithfull , and saith , i have given to them the words that thou gavest me : he concealed not any part of his fathers will : but did any part of that will require the immutability of laws concerning church-policy ? ans . i answer , as christ did to the jews in another case , ioh. . . moses gave you not that bread from heaven , but my father giveth you that true bread : so in this , neither moses nor solomon erected either that tabernacle or temple , as law-givers , but the father of our lord iesus , as the true law-giver : now both were but meer servants and heralds in all that they did , for god shewed to moses the pattern of the tabernacle , and to david and solomon the forme of the temple , in all the pins , rings , chambers , cubits , length and breadth , exod. . chron. . , . and the question is not if ever the lord himself delivered mutable or immutable laws , either in doctrine or policy : we grant he did , and may deliver laws changeable and to indure for a time only in both the old and new testament , heb. . . col. . . act. . , . but the question is , if moses as a man , if christ as a man only , if the church of prelates , yea , or of lawfull officers can be faithfull , if they deliver lawes to the church , which may be altered , without the expresse will of god , speaking in his word at the pleasure of men , and which are positives of worship and policy , such as humane prelates , surplice , crosse , &c. which varieth , dieth and liveth , falleth and riseth with the climate , nation , civill-government , lawes , manners , and customes of people ; and this is all one , as to move the question , whither the ambassadour as a man , may alter the articles of his commission , according to his own private lust , without an expresse and evident warrant of the prince and state , whose servant and messenger he is in all that he doth , and if he be a faithfull ambassadour , who doth his own will , and not the will of those that sent him , and if christ be as faithfull as moses , if he had given laws of policy under the new-testament to be altered without an expresse and evident warrant from the will of the father , at the pleasure and will of men ? this we deny ; and certainly , say that moses had erected a changeable tabernacle at the will of man , and solomon a temple unchangeable at the will , and expresse commandment of god , then had solomon been faithfuller then moses ; our arguments nerves do not consist in the immutability , or the mutability of things themselves , or of the laws , but on the immutability or mutability of things positive , or laws positive , under this reduplication , so as they be immutable or mutable at the pleasure and will of men , without and beside the word of god , such as crosse and surplice , and such like romish stuffe are pretended to be . . certain it is , that christ concealed not any part of his fathers will , ioh. . . but delivered all , and this place , with the place , ioh. . . we urge against the traditions of papists , and say , because christ spake nothing from his father either in his own person , or his apostles in the new-testament , or in the old by moses and the prophets , of invocation of saints , purgatory , worshipping of images , and reliques and the rest of their unwritten traditions , these being positives of worship , and more then unseparable , and connaturall attendants , such as are common , time , place , person , name , country , habite , gesture , are therefore unlawfull , because christ neither heard them of the father , nor spake them to the apostles , and just the like say we of surplice , crosse , &c. that they are no part of the will of god , which the father revealed to christ , and these same texts papists use , to prove that the scriptures are not perfect , because they speak nothing of the traditions of the church ; so bellarmine , because the counsell of trent , andradius , stapleton , and all the rest , and they prove as well , if crosse and surplice , and humane offices , as prelates , stand good and lawfull , that yet the scriptures are unperfect : . we say that the whole will of god revealed by the father to christ , and by christ to the prophets and apostles , requireth the immutability of all laws of church-policy in this sence , that men should not dare to make and unmake , erect , command , alter , and injoyne positive laws , of doctrine or policy at their pleasure . hooker , ibid. p. . there is more reason to say that god hath a lesse care of the church under the new-testament , then under the old ; then a philosopher had to say , because god hath provided better for beasts that are born with hornes , skins , hair and garments by nature , then man who is born without these , that therefore nature is a carefull mother to beasts , and a hard-hearted step-dame to man : for gods affection consisteth not in these , for even herein shineth his wisdom , that though the wayes of his providence be many , yet the end which he bringeth all at the length unto , is one and the self same : yea , it should follow that because god hath not prescribed rites , and laws of civill policy to us , as to the iews , that he hath lesse love to us , and lesse care of our temporall estate in the world then of theirs . ans . . it s true indeed , god should have lesse care of man , who is born naked , then of beasts born with hair in lieu of garments , if god had not given reason to man according to which by nature , he may provide garments for himself , and the comparison should go aptly on four feet , god should have lesse love , and should declare lesse love to some of mankinde , if he gave some naturall reason to devise a bible and a religion of their own that they might walk to heaven in the light of a fire of their own kindling , without the scriptures of god ( which is a false supposition ) and if he had denied reason to another part of mankinde , surely all would say , god had so far forth been more carefull of the salvation of the former , as he should have willed their salvation , and loved those in a higher measure to whom he gave reason on these termes , and should have been lesse carefull of the salvation of those to whom he denied reason , as he he had no more created such capable of salvation and of his love for the saving of them , then brute beasts are : and this answer layeth down a ground that naturall reason is sufficient without the light of scripture to guide us in all these things of policy that are alterable , then ( say i ) god did take a great deal of needlesse and superfluous pains in setting down so many particular laws of ceremonies and civill policy , for the iews , if with the help of reason , they might have steerd their course to christ and salvation , by the help of the star light of reason , as a man though born naked may by help of reason , make shift for garments to infants , which beasts void of reason cannot do : for thus the comparison must run , and it shall be indeed a cavilling at gods wisdom , as papists do calling the scriptures inky divinity : . the word of god maketh it a great love of god , and a work of free grace , that the great things of gods law are written to ephraim , hos . . . and their sin the greater , that they should dare to multiply altars , v. . without warrant of gods word , as formalists multiplied , altars , saints-dayes , surplices , &c. and it is an act of singular love , that god gave his judgements , word , and statutes , even of ceremonies , and policy to israel and iacob , and did not so to every nation , psal . . , . ezek. . , , . this was israels excellency above all nations on earth , deut. . . deut. . . rom. . , . rom. . . that god gave them particular lawes , iudgements , statutes , not only in morals , but also in ceremonials , and policy : yet hooker dare say , we may not measure the affection of god towards us , by such differences . . it shall not hence follow god hath a greater love to the iews then to us , because he gave them laws , concerning civill policy , which he gave not to us . except the lord had given us power to make civill laws , which laid morall obligation on our consciences , even in civill things , which morality he expressed in particular laws written to them , and not to us , as formalists teach , for then he hath left us in moralls , to the darknesse of naturall reason , in which condition we could not but erre and sin , and make that morally good and obligatory of conscience , which is morally evil , for reason knoweth not what is positive morally good , except the light of gods word teach us ; and in morals , such as judiciall laws were to the jews , the lord should have been more carefull in his particular directing of them , then of us , and more tender to have them preserved from the sin of will-worship , then us , which cannot consist with the dispensation of lesse light ; greater obscurity in regard of types and shadows toward them , and of the day-light of the gospel , and the arising of the day-star , and the filling of the earth with knowledge of the lord toward us , under the new testament : but the comparison must go upon this supposition , that the lord purposed to make politick laws in their positives , morall and obligatory of the conscience of the jews , and the civill laws of the gentiles under the new testament in their positives ( such as is not to carry armour in the night , and the like ) not to be morall nor obligatory of the conscience . but as touching that which is morall in all civill laws , the lord is as carefull of our temporall state , as of theirs , in condescending to particularize all morals to us , as well as to them . hooker , that christ did not mean to set down particular positive laws for all things , in such sort as moses did ; the very different manner of delivering the laws of moses and the laws of christ , doth plainly shew , moses had commandement to gather the ordinances of god together distinctly , and orderly to set them down according to their kindes , for each publique duty and law : but the laws of christ we rather finde mentioned by occasion in the writings of the apostles , then any solemn thing directly written to comprehend them in a legall sort . . the law moral and ceremonial were not delivered one & the same way ; the former was uttered by the voice of god , in the hearing of six hundred thousand . . written with gods finger . . termed●a covenant . . given to be kept without time , how long , or place where . the latter not so , and restricted to the land of jury , deut. . . . deut. . . and if god had respect in positive laws , to time and place , and the manners of that nation , seeing nations are not all alike , then the giving of one kinde of positive laws unto one only people , without any liberty to alter them , is but a slender proof , that therefore one kinde should be given to serve everlastingly for all . ans . this argument reduced to form , shall want both matter , and form , and reason . if the laws of moses be distinctly and orderly set down , and gathered together according to their severall kindes for each duty ; and the laws of christ be occasionally only written ; then christ did not mean to set down particular positive laws , for all things in such sort as moses did . but this difference is true , ergo , &c. both the major proposition and the assumption are false , and neither of them can be proved : for the occasionall writing of some articles of faith , and of dogmaticall points , should then prove that christ meant not to set down all articles of faith particularly ; for christ , matth. . upon occasion of the saduces tempting ; paul , upon occasion of some at corinth who denied the resurrection , cor. . and of some that mourned for the dead , thess . . set down and proved an article of faith , to wit , the resurrection of the dead : by this argument the scripture is not full and perfect , in fundamentals , as moses is in ceremonials , but hath left such and such fundamentals to be altered , added or omitted by the church , in that way , that surplice , crosse , and altars , are alterable things . most of dogmatick points concerning christs sufferings , are occasionall , as his taking , his betraying by judas , who knew the place he was in , the valuing of him at thirty pieces , the giving him gall and vinegar , a punishment not intended by the iudge , but occasionall , in that christ said he thirsted ; yea , the crucifying of him rather then barrabas , upon occasion of the malice of the people , when pilate had scourged him upon a policie , to see if the people would demand he might be released , the casting lots for his garment , the crucifying of him between two theeves , the not breaking of his bones upon occasion he was dead , the piercing of his side ; all which in regard of second causes , were occasionall , and so though dogmaticall and doctrinall , these must be all such alterable and ambulatory points of doctrine , as the church and prelats may change at their godly discretion , and christ meant not in these , to set down particular positive laws in such sort as moses did . yea , the evangel according to luke , is set forth occasionally ; because many have taken in hand to set forth in order a declaration of these things which are most firmly believed ; therefore is seemed good to luke also to write , luk. . , , , . upon occasion of onesimus his fleeing from his master ; the epistle to philemon was written upon occasion of the unconstancy of the galathians , whose faith was perverted by false teachers , that of iustification by faith , without the works of the law : and the epistle to the galathians was written , most , if not all the canonic● epistles were written either upon occasion of false teachers , or for fear they should be scandalized at pauls bonds . by this vain argument , the most part of canonick scripture should be alterable , imperfect , not particular in most doctrinals , no lesse then in ceremonials ; and so the major proposition is most false , for its a vain thing to collect christs meaning , to set down particulars of either doctrine or ceremonies , from occasions of providence ; for most of the scripture is penned upon occasions from men , and from second causes , shall these things leave off to be of divine institution , that hath their rise from occasions , even sinfull occasions ? yea , the death of christ is occasioned from mans fall in sin . what then ? is it an alterable doctrine left to the determination of the church that christ died ? but this is no other then the shift of papists for their unwritten tradition . sanderus de visib . monarch . lib. . c. . pag. . si ergo per solas conscriptas leges dei civitas gubernaretur in valdè magnâ parte corum que passim contingunt , quid faceret , nesciret , quia legem de his loquent●m non haberet ; imo si tantum una lex toti reipub : necessaria esse posset , eaque ipsa scriberetur a prudentissimis viris , ac singulis annis ab orbe condito novae interpretationes eidem adderentur : tamen nunquam eveniret , ut ea lex tam plenè interpretata foret , quin causae novae possent intervenire ▪ ob quas lex et legis interpretatio novam iterim postularet interpretationem , adeo et foecunda est natura in suis eventis , et angustum ingenium humanum , et varia surisperitorum sententia , et verba tum pauca , tum ambigua . all cometh to this , that this papist saith , that there cannot be one written unchangeable law that is necessary for the whole church , for new events , occasions and occurences of providence , should so change the case , that there should be a necessity of a new interpretation , and of a new law. . nor can we say that laws made upon occasion , as that law of transferring the inheritance to the daughter , made upon occasion of the daughters of zelophehad , are in this sense occasionall , that the iews might at their pleasure alter , or change a law made by god , and substitute one of their own in place thereof ; for then might the iews change all the ceremonies and iudgements that god gave them for a time and occasionally : now then they might have abolished circumcision , the passeover , and substitute other sacraments in their place , for these sacraments were not given by gods own voice . . nor written by gods own finger . nor , . are they termed a covenant , in that sense that the morall law is termed a covenant . . nor are they given without limitting of time and place , expresly when and where : now if the church of the iews could change sacraments at their pleasure , because their sacraments were no part of the eternall law morall , they might alter all gods law , as the church may alter surplice , crossing ; and i see not , but the church of the new testament upon the same ground , may alter the sacraments of the new testament . papists , as vasquez becanus , and others say , that neither the pope nor the church can adde or devise a new article of faith : yet doth horantius loco catholice . l. . c. . fol. . teach , that christ hath not taught us all fully in the new testament , but that the holy spirit , shall to the end of the world , teach other new things as occasion shall require . and this he bringeth as an argument to prove , that there must be unwritten traditions , not contained in scripture ; even as the formalists contend for unwritten positives of church-policie . . morals of the law of nature and the morall law , do more respect occasions of providence , customes , laws , and the manners of people ( they doing so nearly concerne our morall practise ) then any ceremonies of moses his law which did shadow out christ to us , and therefore this reason shall prove the just contrary of that for which its alledged ; for the morall law should be rather alterable at the churches lust , then ceremonials , for there be far more occurrences of providence in regard of which the laws morall touching , what is sabbath breaking , whether is leading an ox to the water on the sabbath a breach of the sabbath ? ( the jews held the affirmative , christ the negative ) touching obedience to superiors , homicide , polygamie , incest , fornication , oppression , lying , equivocating : then there can be occasions to change the law of sacrificing , which clearly did adumbrat christ , who was to be offered as a sacrifice for the sins of the world ; yea , all significant symbolicall ceremonies have their spirituall signification independent from all occasions of providence , and depending on the meer will of the instituter ; surplice , or white linnen , signifieth the priests holinesse , without any regard to time , place , or nationall customes ; for christ might have made an immutable law , touching the symbolicall , and religious signification , and use of saints-dayes , white linnen , crossing , and all the rest of humane ceremonies , which should stand to christs second coming , notwithstanding of any occurrences of providence , no lesse then he made an immutable law , touching the sacramentall obsignation of water in baptisme , and of bread and wine in the lords supper , if it had not been his will never to burden his churches with such dumb and tooth-lesse mysteries as humane positives : . the assumption is false , for divers ceremoniall laws now altered were made without any regard to occasions of providence , and many doctrinals that are unalterable were made with speciall regard to such occurrences : . if positives of policy be alterable , because the occasions of such are alterable by god ; it shall follow that god who hath all revolutions of providence in his hand , must change these positives , and not the authority of the church : and thus doctrinals are alterable by god , not by men , which is now our question ; for christ hath given a commandment ; take ye , eat ye , drink ye all of this : yet hath he not tyed us in the time of persecution to conveen in publick , and celebrate the lords supper ; but the church doth not then change the law , nor liberate us from obedience to a command given by god , but god liberateth us himself . hooker . but that which most of all maketh to the clearing of this point , is , that the iews who had laws so particularly determining , and so fully instructing them in all affairs what to do , were not withstanding continually inured with causes exorbitant , and such as their laws had not provided for , and so for one thing , which we have left to the order of the church ; they had twenty which were undecided by the expresse word of god ; so that by this reason , if we may devise one law , they may devise twenty : before the fact of the sons of shelomith , there was no law that did appoint any punishment for blasphemers , nor what should be done to the man that gathered sticks on the sabbath . and by this means god instructed them in all things from heaven , what to do : shall we against experience think that god must keep the same , or a course by analogy answering thereunto with us as with them ? or should we not rather admire the various and harmonious dissimilitude of gods wayes in guiding his church from age to age ; others would not only have the church of the iews a pattern to us , but they would ( as learned master prynne with them saith ) take out of our hand the apostolick church , that it should be no rule to us ; for saith he , there was no vniforme church-government in the apostles times , at the first they had only apostles and brethren , acts . . no elders , or deacons : their churches increasing , they ordained d●acons , act. . and long after the apostles ordained elders in every church , after that widowes in some churches , not at all . in the primitive times some congregations had apostles , acts . , . cor. . . to . evangelists , prophets , workers of miracles , healers , &c. other churches at that time had none of these officers or members , and all churches have been deprived of them since those dayes . ans . . what hooker saith , is that which bellarmine , sanderus , horantius , and all popists say , for their traditions against the perfection of the word , to wit , that the word of god , for . years between adam and moses ( saith horantius ) was not written , so turrianus , bellarmine , and the reason is just nothing , to say the jews might devise twenty laws , where we may devise one , because the jews were continually inured with causes exorbitant , such as their written laws had not provided for . this must be said which is in question , and so is a begging of the controversie , that the iews of their own head , and moses without any speciall word from god , or without any pattern shown in the mount , might devise what laws they pleased , and might punish the blasphemer , and the man that gathered st●cks on the sabbath , and determine , without god , the matter of the daughters o● zelophehad , as the formalists teach , that the church without any word of god or pattern from the word , may devise humane ceremonial prelats , officers of gods house shapen in a shop on earth , in the antichrists head , and the kings court , the surplice , the crosse in baptisme , and the like . now we answer both them and papists with one answer , that it is true , there was no written scripture between adam and moses which was some thousands of years : yea , nor a long time after till god wrote the law on mount sinai : but withall , what god spake in visions , dreams , and apparitions to the patriarchs , was as binding and obliging a pattern interditing men then to adde the visions of their own brain to what he spake from heaven , as the written word is to us , so that the iews might neither devise twenty laws nor any one of their own head , without expresse warrant of gods immediate tradition , which was the same very will and truth of god , which moses committed to writing ; if then formalists will assure us of that which papists could never assure us , we shall receive both the unwritten traditions of the one , and the unwritten positive inventions of crosse and surplice , devised by the other : as . make us sure , as god himself immediatly spake to the patriarchs , and to moses , nothing but what after was committed to writing by moses and the prophets at gods speciall commandment , as papists say , their unwritten traditions are agreeable to the word , and though beside scripture , yet not against it : and the very will of god no lesse then the written word ; and let formalists assure us , that their positive additaments of surplice and crosse are the same which god commandeth in the scriptures , by the prophets and apostles , and though beside , yet not contrary to the vvord : but i pray you what better is the distinction of beside the vvord , not contrary to the vvord of god , out of the mouth of papists , to maintain unvvritten traditions , which to them is the expresse word of god , then out of the mouth of formalists , for their unwritten positives , which are worse then popish traditions in that they are not the expresse word of god , by their own grant ? . let the formalist assure us , that after this , some moses and elias shall arise and write scripture touching the surplice and crosse , that they are the very minde of god , as the lord could assure the church between adam and moses , that all divine truths which he had delivered by tradition , should in gods due time be written in scripture , by moses , the prophets and apostles : i think they shall here fail in their undertakings . hence the argument standeth strong , the jevvs might devise nothing in doctrine , worship , or government ; nay , neither the patriarchs nor moses , nor the prophets of their own head , without gods immediate tradition , or the written scripture ( which are all one ) ergo , neither can the church , except she would be wiser then god in the scriptures . . hookers various and harmonious dissimilicude of gods g●iding his ch●rch , is his fancy : this variety we admire , as it is expressed , he● . . . but hooker would say ( for he hath reference to that place ) god at sundry times , and in divers manners , spake in time past unto the fathers by the prophets , and now to us by hi● son : but test of all , he hath revealed his will , by the pope of rome , and his cursed clergy , that we should worship images , pray to saints , and for the dead , beleeve purgatory , &c. and now by humane prelates , he hath shown his will to us , touching crossing , surplice : now papists , as horantius , sanderus , malderus , bellarmine , and others say , most of the points that are in question between them and protestants , and particularly church-ceremonies , are unwritten traditions delivered by the church ; beside the warrant of scripture ▪ . we grant that there was no uniform church-government in the apostles time , deacons were not at the first , elders were not ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in every church : but this is nothing against a platform of vniform government ▪ which cannot be altered in gods word . for by this reason the learned and reverend mr. prynne , because points of government did grow by succession of time ; cannot infer therefore that government which the immediately inspired apostles did ordain in scripture , is alterable by men ; then because , . fundamentals of faith and salvation , were not all delivered at first by god ; there is no uniform , no unalterable platform of doctrinals and fundamentals set down in scripture . for first , the article of christs death and incarnation , was obscurely delivered to the church in paradise : sure the article of christs making his grave with the wicked , of his being put to death for out transgressions , though he himself was innocent ; his justifying of many by faith , were after delivered by isaiah , chap. . and by succession ●f time , many other fundamentals , as the doctrine of the written moral law , in the moral positives thereof , were delivered to the church : but i hope from this successive addition of fundamentals , no man can infer ▪ . there is no uniform platform of the doctrine of faith , set down in the old testament . . none can hence infer , because all points ▪ fundamental were not delivered to the church at first ; the refore the church ▪ without any expresse warrant from god , may alter the platform of fundamentals of faith , as they take on them to adde surplice , crossing , &c. and many other positives to the government of christ without any expresse warrant of the word . . our argument is close mistaken , we argue not from the patern of government , which was in the apostles times , at the laying of the first stone in that church ; then the apostolike church had indeed no officers ; but the apostles and the seventy disciples we reason not from one peece , but from the whole frame , as perfected by the ministery of the lords apostles . . we argue not from the apostolike church , as it is such a church ; for apostles were necessary then , as was community of goods , miracles , speaking with tongues , &c. but we draw an argument from the apostolike church ; as the first christian church , and since the law was to come from zion , and the word of the lord from jerusalem , isai . . . and the lord was to reign in mount zion , and in jerusalem before his ancients gloriously , isai . . . and the lord was to reign over his people in mount zion , from henceforth and for ever , micah . , . and christ for that gave a special command to his disciples , not to depart from jerusalem , but wait for the promise of the father , which they had heard from christ ; therefore this church of jerusalem was to be a rule , a patern and copy for the government of the visible kingdom and church of christ , in which christ was to reign by his own word ▪ and law , mi● . . , . and so the spirit descended upon the apostles in the framing and governing of the first church , in so far , as it was a christian church , and they were to act all , not of their own heads , but as the holy ghost led them in all truth , in these things that are of perpetual necessity ; and in such as these , the first church is propounded as imitable : now we do not say in apostles , which had infallibility of writing canonick scripture , in miracles , speaking with tongues , and such like , that agreed to the apostolike church , not as a church , but as such a determinate church in relation to these times , when the gospel and mystery of god , now manifested in the flesh , was new taught , and never heard of before , did require miracles , gift of tongues , that the gospel might openly be preached to the gentiles , we do not ( i say ) urge the apost●like church and all the particulars for government in it , for a rule and patern to be imitated . and if master prynne deny , that there is an uniform government in the apostles times , because god himself added to them deacons & elders , which at first they had not , & removed apostles , miracles , gifts of healing , and tongues : then say i ; first , the canonick scripture is not uniform and perpetual : why , for certainly once there was no canonick scripture but the books of moses , and after the holy ghost added the book of the psalmes , and the prophets ; and after the nativity and ascension of our lord to heaven , the apostles did write canonick scripture : i hope , this is but a poor argument to infer , that there is no vniform and unalterable platform of divinity in the old and new testament , and yet the argument is as concludent the one way , as it is the other : . we do not so contend for an vniform and unalterable platform of church-government in the word ; as it was not free to the lord and law-giver to adde , and alter at his pleasure , only we hold it so vniform and unalterable , that this platform is not shaped like a coat to the moon , or alterable at the will of men , without expresse warrant of the lords word , and to rise and fall with the climate , and the elevation of nationall customes ; and therefore the argument is nothing concludent , and judge what can be made of these words of the learned mr. prynne : the government and officers of all churches , not being de facto , one and the same in all particulars in the very primitive times , as well as since , it can never be proved to be of divine right , and the self same in all succeeding ages , without the least variation , ●inee it was not so in the apostles dayes : for this is all one as to say , the canonick scripture was not one and the same , in the apostles and prophets times , but admitted of divers additions ; ergo , now in our daies canonick scripture is not one and the same , but may also suffer the like additions : . because god himself added to canonick scripture , and to the government of the church in the apostles dayes ; ergo , men may without warrant from god , adde in our dayes to canonick scripture , and to the government and officers of the church : . the government and officers in the apostles time were not of divine right , but alterable by god ; ergo , apostles , evangelists , pastors , teachers , workers of miracles were not of divine right in the apostles times , but might have been altered by men , without the expresse warrant of god : but will any wise man believe that pauls apostleship was alterable , and might be changed by the church ? since he saith , gal. ● . . paul an apostle , not of men , neither by men , but by iesus christ , and cor. . . when paul saith , and god hath set 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or instituted some in the church ; first , apostles , secondly , prophets , thirdly , teachers , after that miracles , then gifts of healing , &c. and eph. . . when christ ascended on high , he gave some apostles , some prophets , and some evangelists , and some to be pastors and teachers , . for the perfecting of the saints , &c. can it enter into the head of any man to say , some churches had apostles and evangelists , and pastors , and miracles , and some not ; ergo , apostles , and pastors , are not by divine right ; ergo , because they were not in all churches , therefore they were alterable at the will of men ? and a surplice , and crosse in baptisme hath as much of divine institution , as the calling of the apostle , or of a pastor , and truly to me , it is bold divinity to say , that pastors set over the flock by the holy ghost , act. . . and whos 's due qualifications are so specified , tim. . and elders , tim. . . and teachers placed by god in the church , cor. . may be all turned out of the church , by men , as having no divine right to be there , and that men may set up other alterable officers in their place ; for by this reason the apostles , by that ordinary spirit , that is now in church-rulers , might without their apostolick spirit , or any immediate warrant from christ , have altered the whole frame of apostolick-government , and church-officers , as the church may upon motives from themselves not warranted from the word , turne out surplice , crosse , and all such stuffe out of the church . master prynne . the apostles speech , cor ▪ . , , . there are diversity of gifts , but the same spirit , there are diversity of operations , but the same god , compared with chap. . to . and c. . v. . to . i made my self a servant to all , that i might gain all , &c. parallel'd with act. . , , , , . to . and chap. . . to . the churches of judea did retain the use of circumcision , purification , and other iewish rites , which the gentiles by the apostles resolution were not to observe , and act. . . the apostles frequented the iewish temple , and synagogues ( conforming themselves to the order and discipline thereof ) and their own private christian assemblies ; all this will clear , that all churches had not one and the self same church-government . ans . if diversity of gifts , as to be a speaker with tongues , a prophet , a pastor , will prove the discipline to be alterable at the churches will , as are surplice , crosse , &c. i shall think men may infer any thing they please out of the scripture ; and that to be apostles , past●rs , are as indifferent and variable as eating of meats , cor. . and pauls taking of wages at corinth , cor. . which none can say ; for if the church should now command us to abstain from such and such meats , as the apostle doth , cor. . we should call that , and do call it , in the romish church , a doctrine of devils , tim. ▪ , , . all brought for this , from act. . act. . tendeth to this , the lord himself for the then weaknesse of the jews , of meer indulgence appointed some things to be indifferent , and abstained from , in the case of scandall : therefore circumcision , purification , sacrifices of bullocks , and sheep ; and all the ceremonies of moses his law , may be commanded by the church , so they have another signification then they had before , and shadow out christ who is already come : but because god hath made some things indifferent , shall it follow that the pope , yea , or any church on earth can create an indifferency in things ? they must then take from things their morall goodnesse or conveniency with gods law , and take from them their moral badnes , & disconveniency to gods law , which to me is to change the nature of things , and to abrogate and change gods laws : it is true , p. martyr , cor. . . saith , paul was made all things to all men , quoad ceremonias , & res medias , in that he circumcised timotheus : the law ( saith he ) was abrogated , v●rum id non adhuc judaeis liquebat ; the jews were to be spared for a time , but only for a time , and therefore when the gospel was sufficiently promulgated ; paul said , gal. . to be circumcised was to lose christ , and he refused to be a servant to peter in his sinful iudaizing , gal. . and withstood him in the face : now , certain it is , peter knew christ was come in the flesh , and that his iudaizing did not lay bands on his conscience , he preached the contrary , act. . and if peter did iudaize , as formalists observe ceremonies , and the galathians were circumcised the same way ( for they knew circumcision had no typicall relation to christ to come , they believed he was already come ) then without cause , paul , gal. . and . did rebuke , and argue either peter or the galathians of sinfull iudaizing ; which to say , were to speak against the gospel . but certainly the vniformity , and immutability of all these ceremonies was , that then when the gospel was sufficiently proclaimed to all , to be under the law of ceremonies in any sort was damnable , and so is it now : and as the apostles and church then set up no ceremonies , no surplice , no crossing , because they had no word of christ to warrant them , neither can we do the like now ; and they complyed for a time with the iewish ceremonies , being yet indifferent , but not but by warrant of the commandment and resolution of the apostles , and the like are we obliged unto now , had we a warrant of the like indifferency of prelates , surplice , crosse , and that we were obliged to use them to gain the weak , in regard : . they were once obligatory ordinances of god : . and if the day light of the gospel were not yet sufficiently risen to shine upon those who are not wilfully ignorant , and had not yet acknowledged the gospel to be gods word , we should also be obliged to ceremonies ; yea , we durst not yield to any law to lay them aside , as many formalists , who hold them lawfull , have done . mr. prynne . from the creation till moses , there was no one vniversall set form of church-government , to be observed in all the world : nor one form of discipline under the tabernacle , another under the temple . ans . all this concludeth not what is in question ; it s but the popish argument : this is to be concluded , that enoch , seth , noah , abraham , the patriarchs and moses did set up a church-government of such timber as humane prelates , crosse , surplice , without any expresse warrant from gods mouth , and which they might alter by their own spirit ; for this argument is , god might alter ; ergo , the church now may alter without a warrant from god. and shall we believe that the patriarchs and moses by their own spirit without any commandment of god , might at their pleasure set up , and put down prophets , circumcision , tabernacle , temple , laws for sacrifices , priests , levites , arke , putting the leaper in , or putting him out of the campe , cutting any soul off from the congregation of the lord , as our men will cry up , and down ceremonies , and put on them the weight of a talent , or a feather , without any word of god ? the scripture cryeth the contrary so often , saying , and the lord spake unto moses , saying , speak thou unto the children of israel : could formalists say that , and christ spake unto the prelats , and the church , and said , command the pastor to crosse the infant , and appoint unto your selves a prelate over the pastors : i should gladly agree to the mutable frame of humane government . mr. prynne . there are but for the most part , generall rules prescribed to us for the very ordering and regulating of our thoughts , words , actions , lives , apparell , children , servants , families , calling , &c. in the word ; ergo , there be but generall rules for discipline and church-government , which admit variety ; the former do more immediately concern every man , the other more remotely . ans . if the word of god do not more particularly regulate our thoughts , as , psal . . . psal . . . isa . . . ier. . . act. . . and our words and actions by which we must be judged , isa . . . ier. . . mal. . . ier. . . matth. . , . rev. . . rev. . . cor. . . prov. . . sam. , . psal . . . prov. . , . then the scripture doth warrant surplice , and crossing , and kneeling to creatures , and humane prelats , which are changeable , and alterable circumstances and adjuncts of worship , that may be , and may not be , and things indifferent ; it shall follow , that for the most part , it is indifferent to do evil or well , sin or not sin , in thought , word and actions ; and we have no warrant in scripture for eschewing sin , or not eschewing it in the most of our actions . i confesse there is little need to walk , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accurately , eph. . . and to cleanse our wayes , psal . . . according to the word ; if words , thoughts and actions , may go at random , as if they were variable and indifferent ceremonies , god throweth not men in hells torments , to be eternally miserable , for circumstances ▪ . for the acts of our calling , if they be morall , they are regulated as particularly by the word , as to believe , love and fear god , or the creature ; if artificiall , they are not of our consideration . . that morall acts of decent usage of the ordinances , do not immediately concern men , is admirable to me . mr. prynne : to the argument of moses his doing all according to the patern shown in the mount , it is answered : . the tabernacle wa● no part of the church of the israelites ; but only the place of meeting for worship , answerable to our churches and chappels , and so was the temple ; but i pray you , god prescribed the height , length , bredth , form of tabernacles , ark , altar , of every pin , ergo , hath christ as punctually prescribed to all christians , and nations , in expresse words , the form , matter , dimensions of all christian churches , temples , chappels , tables , challices , pulpits , pews , not varying in one pin . . god named the men , bezaliel , and aholiah , who should make the tabernacle and all the implements thereof . . god expressed the frame , fashion , colours , of the holy garments of aaron and his sons : shall it follow , ergo , only the artificers whom god nameth , immediately , and none but embroyderers , goldsmiths , carpenters , &c. not pastors and elders are to build up the spirituall churches of christ , ergo , the form , matter and colour of ministers , and elders garments are particularly set down in the new testament . . the tabernacle and temple were corporall things made by mens hands , not spirituall buildings of mens spirits . . all these of the patern were delivered to moses the temporall magistrate , not to aaron the priest ; ergo , the church under the gospel is not a spirituall building , whose maker and builder is god ; and all is to be ordered by the civill magistrate , and lay-artificers , not by pastors : i wonder also you alledge not noahs ark : and all in the new testament , are not so particularly set down , as in the old. ans . the tabernacle was no part of the church ; but being a type and the implements of it , to the least pin , particularly expressed by god to moses ; far more must we have from god an expresse for every ceremony , not to retort this also , that a corner-cap , or a surplice , is no part of the church , and is indeed a teaching sign , and so should not be counted a positive of church-policy . . most false it is that the tabernacle and temple were nothing but a meeting place of the people for worship , as our churches or chappels , are , . because it is to argue the holy ghost of want of wisdom , to spend so much canonick scripture in setting down things idely , not tending , at all to edification , and teaching us nothing of god , and in specifying the form , height , length , bredth , curtains , candlesticks , sockets , rings , of naturall places that contained their bodies ; for what should it edifie us , if god should describe so particularly all the churches and meeting places of the people under the new testament ? now certain it is , whatsoever things were written afore time , were written for our learning , rom. . . . many things in the tabernacle , as candles in day light , rings , sockets , shew-bread , belonged nothing to a naturall place , as our chappels , or meeting houses do . . expresly the scripture maketh them more then places ; to wit , holy , religious , and typicall signes of divine institution ; as the tahernacle was a type , heb. . . . heb. . , . &c. heb. . , , . and the temple a type of christs body , ioh. . . ioh. . , . and all these were types and shadows of heavenly things , heb. chap. , , . gal. . . . &c. col. . . . which our churches and chappels are not , being only places common to sacred and civill actions . . god therefore can no more in expresse words set down , the form , matter , dimensions of christian churches and chappels , then of the synagogues of the iews which had no morall use for edification and instruction . . yea , because the tabernacle and temple and their implements , were teaching shadows of good things to come , and our churches and chappels are not so , nor have they any morall or religious use or influence on our spirits as the tabernacle and temple had ; therefore the lord , who is expresse in all morals , which of their own nature do teach and edifie ; he behoved to name bezaliel , and aholiah , and the form and colour of the priests garments , which also are typicall , and could not name our elders , or the colour or form of their garments . . all these weak retortions , suppose that the tabernacle and temple were types of our meeting houses for worship , which is a meer conjecture ; they were no more types of our chappels , then of the iewish synagogues ; we may not expound types at will , but as the holy ghost expoundeth them to us in the new testament : and this is a conjecturall exposition , and a dream to make bezaliel and aholiah , types of embroyderers and tradesmen . . we know the tabernacle and temple were corporall things made with hands , and that they are things different from the spirituall things that they signifie ; as the sign and the thing signified ; as therefore the lord is expresse in the elements and rites of the supper of the lord , because all of them , bread , wine , taking , eating , breaking , pouring out the wine , drinking , are teaching and edifying signes ; and our lord never left it to the wisdom of men , to devise signes to teach themselves : so in like manner , should the lord expresly specifie all the teaching and signifying signes in the old testament ; and as moses might devise none of his own , but was tyed to follow the patern , which the lord himself shewed to him in the mount : so are we now under the new testament , tyed to the patern of that same will revealed in the word ; and it is laid on us , not to be wise above that which was written ; and it is of perpetuall equity : the supream law-giver , never left it to the wisdom of angels , or men , or prophet , apostle or church , to serve and worship god as they thought good : but he himself particularly prescribed the way , signes , and means : and because god hath not been pleased in the new testament to specifie types of christ incarnate , and come in the flesh already ; therefore are we obliged in conscience to believe , and practise no more , either in doctrinals , or teaching types , or positives of church-policy , then our patern in the mount , the scripture hath warranted to us , to be the will of god , and in this and this only , standeth the force of the present argument unanswered by paterns of unwritten traditions , and not in these loose consequences , that we under the new testament should have these types and policy that the church of the iews had , which is the doctrine of papists and formalists following them , not ours ; for they prove their pope and prelat from the iewish high priest , their surplice , from the linnen ephod of jewish priests ; their humane holidayes , from the iewish dayes ; their kneeling to bread , from their bowing toward the ark. . it is not true , that the tabernacle and temple were meer corporall things , no more then bread and wine in their spirituall relation , are meer corporall things : the lords end , use and intent , in the tabernacle and temple , was , that they should be to the people images , and shadows of heavenly and spirituall things , heb. . . heb. . . . that all the things of the tabernacle , were delivered to moses as a king , and not as a prophet and writer of canonick scripture , heb. . . heb. . luk. . . . luk. . . is an untruth , except formalists make the king so the head of the church , in prescribing laws for the policy thereof , as they make him a canonick writer , as were david , moses , solomon , from whose example they would prove the king to be the head of the church : but i judge moses saw the patern in the mount , and god face to face , as a prophet whose words are scripture to us , deut. . . and there arose not a prophet since in israel like unto moses , whom the lord knevv face to face ; and as a prophet , not as a king , his face did shine , exod. ▪ , , . and he was commanded as a prophet , to write the law not as a king , numb . . . . moses is made the most eminent prophet that was in the old testament . and why ? because god spake to other prophets by dreams and visions ▪ but he spake the law and written scripture to moses , mouth to mouth : this should not be a comparison between prophet and prophet , but between prophet and king , by this learning . . we judge noahs ark doth prove the same , it being a speciall type of the church , pet. . , . and he built it by faith , heb. . . and so by a word of god , and at gods speciall direction , in all the length , bredth , formes of it , and not of his own head , gen. . , , &c. and is commended by the spirit of god for so doing , gen. . . thus did noah according to all that god commanded him , so did he . and formalists should deserve the like testimony , if it could be said of them , and as the lord commanded the church , in creating prelats , surplice , and all the positives of church-policy ; so did she . and so saith calvin , on genesis . . . and p. martyr , and musculus piously on this place : and with them , vatablus . hence i judge all other things in this , and the following arguments answer . sect . iv. any positives not warranted by some speciall word of god shall be additions to the word of god : but these are expresly forbidden , deut. . . deut. . . prov. . . rev. . , . to this formalists answer : . they have a generall commandment of god , though not a speciall . ans . so have all the unwritten traditions of papists ; hear the church , she is magistra fidei ; so doth the papist horantius answer calvin , that the spirit of god hath given a generall and universall knowledge of mysteries of faith and ceremonies belonging to religion , but many particulars are to be received by tradition from the church : but of this hereafter . . master prynne answereth that is a wresting , these texts ( saith he ) speak only of additions to books or doctrines of canonical scriptures then written , not of church-government or ceremonies ; yea , god himself after the writing of deutronomy caused many canonicall books of the old and new testament to be written : many additions were made to the service of god in the temple not mentioned by moses . another answer r. hooker giveth , teaching with papists , bellarmine ( as in another place after i cite ) with cajetane , tannerus and others ; that additions that corrupt the word are here forbidden , not additions that expound and perfect the word : true it is , concerning the word of god , whither it be by misconstruction of the sense , or by falcification of the words , wittingly to endeavor that any thing may seem divine , which is not , or any thing not seem , which is , were plainly to abuse even to falcifie divine evidence : to quote by-speeches in some historicall narration , as if they were written in some exact form of law , is to adde to the law of god. we must condemn ( if we condemn all adding ) the jevvs dividing the supper in tvvo courses : their lifting up of hands unvvashed to god in prayer , as aristaeus saith , their fasting every festivall day till the sixth hour . though there be no expresse word for every thing in speciality , yet there are general commandments for all things ; say the puritans , observing general rules , of . not scandalizing : . of decency : . of edification : . of doing all for gods glory . the prelate vsher , in the question touching traditions ; we speak not of rites & ceremonies , vvhich are left to the disposition of the church , and be not of divine , but of positive and humane right : but that traditions should be obtruded for articles of religion , parts of worship , or parcels of gods vvord beside the scriptures , and such doctrines as are either in scriptures expresly , or by good inference we have reason to gainsay . here is a good will , to make all popish traditions that are only beside , not contrary to scripture ( and in the popish way all are only beside scripture ) as lawfull , as our ceremoniall additions , so they be not urged as parts of canonicall scripture : well , the places deut. . & . prov. . rev. . ( say our masters of mutable policy ) forbid only scripturall , or canonicall additions , not ceremonial additions : but i wonder who took on them to adde additionals scripturall : if baals priests should adde a worship of iehovah , and not equall it with scripture , nor obtrude it as a part of moses's books , by this means they should not violate this precept : thou shalt not adde to the word , &c. . additions explaining the word , or beside the word , as crossing the bread in the lords-supper are lawfull , only additions corrupting , or detracting from the word , and everting the sense of it , are here forbidden , and in effect these are detractions from the word , and so no additions at all by this distinction are forbidden , but only detractions : the word for all this wil not be mocked , it saith , thou shalt not add , thou shalt not diminish . but the truth is , a nation of papists answer this very thing for their traditions . . bishop ans . to the . part of refor . catho . of trad. § . . pag. . the words signifie no more , but that we must not either by addition , or substraction , change or pervert gods commandments , be they written , or unwritten : else why were the books of the old testament written aftervvard ; if god had forbidden any more to be written or taught , beside ▪ that one book of deutronomy ? shall we think that none of the prophets that lived and wrote many volumns after this , had read these vvords , or understood them not , or did vvilfully transgresse them ? d. abbot answereth , what the prophets vvrote , serve to explain the law , they added no point of doctrine to moses lavv , for exod. , . moses vvrote all the vvords of god , deut. . , . moses wrote this lavv , then he vvrote not a part of the law , and left another part unvvritten . the iesuit tannerus answereth the same in terminis with the formalists : colloquio ratisbonensi foll . . & . d. gretserus , ad dicta , resp . prohiberi additionem quae repugnet verbo scripto , non autem illam , quae verbo scripto est consentanea cujusmodi sunt traditiones — post pentateuchum accesserunt libri josue , prophetarum , &c. tamen nemo reprehendit , quia illi libri fuerunt consentanei sacrae scripturae : additions contrary ( say they ) to the vvord are forbidden , not such as agree vvith the vvord , such as are all the traditions of the church ; for after deutronomy vvere vvritten the books of ioshua and the prophets ; so cajetan . coment in loc. prohibemur ne ●ingamus contineri in lege , quod in ea non continetur , nec subtrahamus , quod in ea continetur , gloss . interline : non prohibet veritatem veritati addere , sed falsitatem omnino removet . lira . hic prohibetur additio depr●vans intellectum legis , non autem additio declarns aut clucidans , tostatus in loc. q. . ille ( pecat ) qui addit , addit tanquam aliquid de textu , vel necessarium , sicut alia qu● sunt in textu velut dictum a spiritu sancto , & hoc vocatur propriè addere . formalists ( as dr. morton say ) it is sin to adde to the vvord any thing , as a part of the written vvord , as if ceremonies were a part of the vvritten scripture , and spoken by the immediate inspiring spirit that dyteth canonick scripture , they come only a● arbitrary and ambulatory adjuncts of worship from the ordinary spirit of the church , and are not added as necessary parts of scripture , or as doctrinals ; so papists say , their traditions are not additions to the written vvord , nor necessary parts of the vvritten scripture , but inferiour to the scripture . . they say their traditions are no part of the written word or scripture ; for they divide the word of god in two parts , as bellarmine , turrian , tannerus , stapleton , becanus , all of them say , aliud est verbum dei scriptum & dicitur scriptura sacra , aliud est verbum dei non scriptum , & dicitur ecclesiae traditio ; there is one vvord of god vvritten , called the holy scripture ; and there is another vvord of god not vvritten , and it is called the tradition of the church . now their tradition is no more a part of the scripture ( but another part of the word of god contradistinguished from scripture ) then the body is a part of the soul , or scotland a part of england , for both england and scotland are collaterall parts of great brittain ; the scripture ( say they ) is the unperfect rule of faith , and not the compleat will of god , as touching faith or manners , but scripture and tradition together , are the perfect and totall rule : so say formalists , that scripture is the compleat and perfect rule of faith and manners to regulate all our morall acts ; but the other part of the distinction is , that scripture is not a compleat and full rule to regulate all our morall acts whatsoever , whither of faith or manners or church-policy , as it is no rule to my conscience and practise to believe , for orders , cause and obedience to my superiours , and for decency that i am to wear a religious significant linnen creature called a surplice , or not to wear it , or that i am to excercise , or not exercise that grave action of drawing my thumb crosse the air above the face of a baptized childe vvhile i baptize , to betoken his dedication to christs service : and hitherto neither traditions , nor positives of church-policy are added , as necessary parts of written scripture : . traditions are not added to the scripture , by papists , as coming from the immediatly inspiring spirit that dyted and wrote scripture , more then our ceremoniall positives of policy : it s true , papists say they come from an infallible spirit : but formalists ( i hope ) refer not their unwritten positives to so noble blood ; yet in this , they agree that traditions are not added by them , as descending from the immediate inspiring spirit of written scripture : therefore cornelius a lapide saith , non addetis ad verbum quod vobis loquor , aliquid , scilicet tanquam meum , vel a me dictum aut jussum , nulli enim homini licet prescripta aut precepta sua pro preceptis a deo ( a spiritu sancto immediatè inspirante ) dictatis , aut pro scripturis sacris addere ; it is not lavvfull for any man to adde to the vvord any thing of his ovvn , as his ovvn , or as spoken and commanded by himself : for no man may broach his own injunctions and precepts , as if they were the precepts taught by the immediate inspiring spirit , speaking in the scriptures . hence papists teach that their traditions flow from a little lower spring , then from the immediately inspiring scripturall spirit ; so i make this good from famous iesuites ; cornelius a lapide , in deut. . , . saith , sed et ipsi judaei multa addiderunt legi , ut coelaturas , omnemque ornatum templi ; ut festum sortium sub eester , festum dati ignis , festum encaeniorum &c. hec enim non a de● , sed a judaeis sancita et instituta sunt , denique hec non sunt addita , sed potius inclusa legi dei : quia lex jubet obedire parentibus , magistratibu● , pontificibus eorumque legibus . the jevvs ( saith he , objecting the instances of formalists ) added many things to the lavv , as the ingraving and adorning of the temple , the feast of purim , of dedication &c. and these traditions vvere not ordained and instituted by god ( ergo , not by the immediate inspiring spirit , as is the holy scripture ) but by the iews , and they were not added to the law , but included in the law , because the law biddeth obey superiors and their laws ; whence it is evident , that these very ceremoniall traditions of papists , for which formalists contend , are not added to the word as coming from god , or the immediatly inspiring spirit that diteth scripture ; but from the church , without warrant of scripture , just as popish traditions , which we count unlawfull additions to the word . and tannerus the iesuit saith , tom. . in . de fide , spe et cha . dis . . de fide q. . dub. . that the assistance of the spirit that the church hath in proposing unwritten traditions , requireth no positive inspiration or speech made by god to the church ; but it is enough that the church have a very negativehelp of god only , by which she is permitted not to erre : his words are these : nam assistentia illa dei , quà ecclesiae adest , ne ejusmodo rebus fidei ( in traditionibus non scriptis ) proponendis erret , por se non dicit , nec requirit positivam inspirationem , se● , locu●●on●m divinam ipsi ecclesiae factam , sed contenta est quovis auxilio dei etiam mere negativo , quo fit ut ecclesia ijs in rebuus non sinatur errare : cum tamen nova revelatio utique novam inspirrtionem seu locutionem dei aliquid positivè notificantem significet . and the like saith malderus , in . de virtu . theolog. that , though traditions come from an infallible spirit , no lesse then scripture ; yet traditions are the word of god , because they are heard and constantly believed : but the holy scripture is the word of god , because written by the inspiration of the holy spirit . q. . art. . dub. . pag. . and therefore he maketh two sorts of traditions , some meerly divine , vvhich the apostles received either immediately from the holy ghost , or from the mouth of christ , as those touching the matter and form of the sacraments : others ( saith he ) are properly apostolick , as those touching the lent fast , instituted by the apostles . ib. tract . de trad . q. vnic . dub. . traditiones ( inquit ) per apostolos traditae , aliae sunt divin● , quas immediatè ipsi a spiritu sancto dictante , v●l ex ore christi acceperunt ; ut de materia et potissimum de formis sacramentorum ; aliae autem propri● dicuntur apostolica , ut de iejunijo quadragesimali , quod apostoli i●stituerunt . hence it is evident , if papists cannot but be condemned of impious additions to the scriptures , by these places , deut. . deut. . formalists are equally deep in the same crime : and the same is the answer of malderus , ibid. dub. . vetat . apoc. . ne quis audeat divinam prophetiam depravare , assuendo aliquid aut abradendo . turrianus , tom . de fide . spe . et cha . de traditio . disp . . dub. . pag. . respondetur joannem planè probibere corruptionem libri illius , non tamen prohibet ne alij libri scribantur , vel alia dogmata tradantur . stapletonus , relect. prin. fidei doct. contaver . . q. ▪ art. . sed non prohibet vel legis interpretationem per sacerdotes faciendam ( imò hoc disertè prescribit , deut. . ) vel aliquid aliud in fidem admittendum qúod lege scriptâ non contineatur . alioqui quicquid postea prophet● predicaverunt , et divinis scripturis adjectum est , contra hoc dei mandatum factum censeri debet . learned d. roynald answereth , apolog. thes . de sac . script . pag. , . and saith : this very law of moses promiseth life eternall to those that love the lord vvith all their heart , and , that the prophets added to the writings of moses , no article of faith necessary to be believed ▪ but did expound and apply to the use of the church , in all the parts of piety and religion , that vvhich moses had taught . lorinus , followeth them in deut. . . christus ( inquit ) et apostoli pentateucho , plura adjecerunt , immò in vetere testamento , iosue , prophetae , reges , christ ( saith he ) and the apostles added many things to the five books of moses ; yea , in the old testament , ioshua , the prophets and the kings , david and solomon , did also adde to moses . but the truth is , suppose any should arise after moses , not called of god to be a canonick writer , prophet , or apostle , and should take on him to write canonick scripture , though his additions for matter were the same orthodox and sound doctrine of faith and manners , which are contained in the law of moses and the prophets ; he should violate this commandment of god : thou shalt not adde . for scripture containeth more then the sound matter of faith ; it containeth a formall , a heavenly form , stile , majesty and expression of language , which for the form , is sharper then a two edged sword , piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit , and of the joynts and marrow , and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart , heb. . . if therefore , the prophets and apostles had not had a commandment of god to write canonick scripture , which may be proved from many places of the word , they could not have added canonick scripture to the writings of moses . but the answer of d. roynald , is sufficient and valid against papists , who hold that their traditions are beside , not contrary to the scripture ; just as formalists do , who say the same for their unwritten positives of church-policy : but our divines answer , that traditions beside the scripture , are also traditions against the scripture , according to that , gal. . . but if we or an angel from heaven preach any other gospel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beside that which we have preached unto you , let him be accursed : and papists more ingenious then formalists in this , confesse , that , if that of the apostles , gal. . . be not restricted to the written word , but applyed to the word of god in its latitude , as it comprehendeth both the written word or scripture , and the unwritten word or traditions ; then beside the word is all one with this , contrary to the word , which formalists constantly deny . for lorinus the jesuit saith , comment . in deut. . . quo pacto paulus anathèma dicit , gal. . . iis , qui aliud evangelizant preter id quod ipsi evangelizaverit , id est , adversum et contrarium . so doth cornelius a lapide , and estius expound the place , gal. . . and they say , that paul doth denounce a curse against those that would bring in a new religion and judaism beside the gospel : but withall , they teach , that the traditions of the church are not contrary to scripture , but beside scripture ; and that the church which cannot e●re , and is led in all truth , can no more be accused of adding to the scripture , then the prophets , apostles and evangelists who wrote after moses , can be accused of adding to moses his writings ; because the prophets , apostles and evangelists , had the same very warrant to write canonick scripture , that moses had ; and so the church hath the same warrant to adde traditions to that which the prophets , evangelists and apostles did write ; which they had to adde to moses ; and therefore the councel of trent saith , s. . c. . that , unwritten traditions coming either from the mouth of christ , or the ditement of the holy spirit , are to be recieved and religiously reverenced with the like pious affection and reverence that the holy scriptures are received , pari pietatis affectu ac reverentiâ ; and the truth is , laying down this ground , that the scripture is unperfect , and not an adequat rule of faith and manners , as papists do ; then it must be inconsequent , that because traditions are beside the scripture , which is to to them but the half of the word of god ; yea , it followeth not , this popish ground supposed , that traditions are therefore contrary to the scripture , because beside the scripture , no more then it followeth that the sacraments of the new testament , baptisme , and the supper of the lord , in all their positive rites and elements are not ordained and instituted in the old testament ; and in that sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beside the old testament ; that therefore they are against the old testament ; though we should imagine they had been added in the new testament , without all warrant of speciall direction from god , by the sole will of men ; or because some ceremonials commanded of god , are not commanded in the morall law or decalogue , either expresly or by consequence ; and so these ceremonials , though instituted by the lord , be beside the morall law ; that therefore they are contrary to the morall law : yea , to come nearer , because the third chapter of the book of genesis , containing the doctrine of mans fall and misery , and redemption by the promised seed , is beside the first and second chapters of the same book , it doth not follow that it is contrary , or that moses adding the third chapter , and all the rest of the five books , did therefore ●ail against this precept , thou shalt not adde to that which i command thee : for certain it is , that there are new articles of faith in the third chapter of genesis , which are neither in the first two chapters expresly , nor by just consequence ; but if the church or any other of jews or gentiles should take upon them to adde the third chapter of genesis to the first and second , except they had the same warrant of divine inspiration that moses had to adde it , that addition had been contrary to the first two chapters , and beside also , and a violation of the commandment of not adding to the word ; so do formalists and the prelate vsher in the place cited presuppose that the scripture excludeth all traditions of papists , because the scripture is perfect in all things belonging to faith and manners , but it excludeth not all ceremonies , which are left to the disposition of the church , and be not of divine , but of positive and humane right : hence it must infer the principle of papists , that the scripture is not perfect in all morals , for it is a morall of decency and religious signification , that a childe be dedicated to the service of christ , by the sign of the crosse . now what can be said to thi● , i know not , but that the sufficiency , and perfection of scripture doth no whit consist in holding forth ceremonials ; but only in setting down doctrinals . why ? and papists say the same , that the scripture is perfect , though it teach us not any thing of tradionals in speciall , yet in generall it doth hold forth the traditions of the church . so tostat . abulens . in deut. . v. . ad lit . saith , hic commendatur lex ex perfectione , quia perfecto , nec addi potest , nec auferri debet : here the law of god is commended ( saith he ) from its perfection , and that is perfect , to which nothing can be added , and from which nothing should be taken : yea , so far forth is the scripture perfect , in the articles of faith , that castro in summa . c. . canus locor . theolog. l. . c. . and l. . c. . and tannerus tom . . in . disp . . de fide . q. . dub . . saith , we are not now to wait for any new revelation of any verity unknown to the apostles , et nihil novi definiri ab ecclesia apostolis incognitum , and all verities now revealed were implicitely believed by the apostles , and contained in vniversall generall precepts , as that the saints are to be worshipped , that canonicall books containeth the word of god : the bishops of rome are the true successors of peter , and catholick pastors , &c. and he saith , quod ecclesia non posset novum fidei articulum condere , communiter etiam docent scholastici in . dis . . & he subscribeth to that truth of vincentius lyrinensis , c. . in ecclesia nulla nova dogmata procudi , sed pretiosam divini dogmatis gemmam exsculpi , fideliter cooptari , adornari sapienter , ut intelligatur illustrius , quod antea obscurius credebatur : no new points of saith , or manners are forged in the church , but the precious pearl of divine truth is in it polished , faithfully applied and wisely illustrated , that they may be more clearly understood , which before was more obscurely beleeved ; so that to say , the perfection of scripture consisteth not in particularizing all the small positives of policy , is no more then papists say of the perfection of the scripture in their traditions . . moses speaketh both of the morall and ceremoniall law , called by the names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 statutes rights , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 judgements and laws whatsoever extolled by david , psal . . as his delight , his joy , his heritage , his songs in the house of his pilgrimages , and of both he saith , that there is life in keeping them : now the ceremonies of moses had an exceeding great excellency in looking to christ , and being shadows of good things to come , heb. . . and our ceremonies have the same aspect upon christ : why ? but the day of the commemoration of christs death , nativity , ascension ; dedication to christ , by a crosse in the aire , should have the same influence and impression on our hearts ( if they be lawfull ) that the like ceremonies and laws had upon davids spirit , christ being the object and soul of both ? . of these ceremonies and laws , moses faith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. . for this is your wisdom , and your understanding in the sight of the nations : why ? but these same ceremonies looking with a broader and fuller face on christ already come ( if christ have put any life of lawfulnesse in them ) then their dim shadows of old , should also be our : wisdom in the hearing of pagans , who know not god ? . it is a wonder to me that the learned master prynne should say that the place , deut. . speaketh nothing of church-government and ceremonies , but only of doctrines of canonicall books : for that is as much as to say the place speaketh nothing of divine ceremonies , but only of divine ceremonies , for what a number of divine ceremonies and laws are in the law of moses , which were given by the lord himself ? as is clear by the words , ver . . now therefore hearken , o israel , unto the statutes and judgements that i teach you , that ye may live , and v. . behold i have taught you statutes and judgments , which the lord my god commanded me , v. . and what nation is there so great , that hath statutes and judgements so righteous , as all this law which i set before you this day ? now of all this law the lord saith , v. . ye shall not adde unto the word which i commanded you , neither shall ey diminish . the learned and reverend mr prynne , must restrict this word of the law , which can admit of no addition , to some speciall law , either the morall only , or the judiciall and ceremoniall only , not to the former ; for then additions to the decalogue only , should be forbidden ; this never man taught : stapleton , indeed , relect. prin. fid . doctrin , cont . . q. . art. . restricteth it to the ceremoniall law only ; but moses maketh it a law as large , v. . as the word which god commandeth : and , as ( saith he ) v. . the statutes and the judgements which the lord commanded me , v. . all this law , deut. . . this written law delivered to the priests and kept in the ark , the law that all israel heard read , v. . of which it is said , v. . when moses had made an end of writing of the words of this law in a book , untill they were finished . now this was the whole five books of moses : and were there nothing of church-government in moses law ? what shall we then say of the high priest , his calling , office , habit , of the priests , levites , their charge , calling , attire , of the law of the leaper , his healing , his extrusion out of the camp , of the law of those that were defiled with the dead , of their qualification who were to be circumcised , who were to eat the passeover , or who not , who were to enter into the house of god , and congregation , who not ; not a few of these , touching church-government , are included in the law that god commanded israel , as their wisdom . . that there were many additions made to the service of god in the temple , not mentioned by moses , is nothing to purpose , except it be proved that these additions were made by the church , without any word of god , the con●rary whereof is evident , for the temple and whole patern thereof , was delivered in writing by the lord to david , chron. . . . if formalists will have no laws made but by moses , as the only law-giver , they have as good reason to say , that moses was the only canonick writer , and none but he , which is absurd . or , . that moses by his own spirit was a law-giver , and had active influence in excogitating the law ; we conceive that protestants are to own this doctrine , which tostatus imputes to us as hereticks , com. in loc. q. . quasi moses nudus minister & relator verborum ( dti ) esset , & non legem conderet : as if moses were a meer servant , and a naked reporter of the lords law and words , and not a law-maker . for in the making of laws and divine institutions , we judge that all the canonick writers were meer patients , as the people are ; for god is the commander , and moses the person commanded , and a meer servant , deut. . . mal. . . heb. . , , . and moses and all canonick writers were only to receive the word at gods mouth , and to hear it , ezek. . . as meer servants ; and in this the church of prophets and of apostles , and the church that now is , were alike : i know no authority of the one above the other . indeed , in writing and relating to the church , the will of god , and the scriptures ; canonick writers are agents inspired with the holy spirit , immediately breathing on them in prophecying and in writing scripture . but the proclaimer of a law , as such hath no influence in making the law : let it be also remembred , that as papists say two things to the place , so do formalists . . that it is not against ceremonies . . that the church is limited in making ceremonies beside the word , that they may not make them too numerous and burdensome : this i make good in the words of a famous iesuit , who citeth the words of a learned papist , approving them . lorinus , coment . in loc. refellit idem oleaster hereticos hinc inserentes institui , non , posse ceremonias ac ritus novos circa cultum dei : quam vis ipse optat moderationem in preceptis ac censuris , ut facilius & suavius possint servari : to whom i oppose that golden sentence of a man , endued with the spirit of god above any papist . calvin . com. in deut. . v. . insignis locus , quo apertè damnatur quicquid hominum ingenio excogitari potest . ibid. quoniam preposter â lasciviâ rapitur totus ferè mundus ad cultus fictitios , qui tamen precise une verbo damnantur , ubi deus ita jubet suos acquiescere positae legi , ne justiores esse appetant , quam illic docentur . all worship is precisely condemned here , or any thing devised about the worship by the wit of men . i would here meet with a grand exception of mr. hooker , eccles . polic. . book , pag. . their distinction of matters of substance , and of circumstance , though true , will not serve ; for be they great things , or be they small , if god have commanded them in the gospel , and ( if ) his commanding them in the gospel do make them unchangeable , there is no reason that we should change the one more then the other ; if the authority of the maker do prove their unchangeablenesse which god hath made , then must all laws which he hath made , be necessarily for ever permanent , though they be but of circumstances only , and not of substance . ans . . our distinction of matters of substance and circumstance rightly taken , will serve the turn : but the mistake is , in that . many things are but circumstances of worship , such as are positives and religious significant ceremonies to formalists , that are not so to us , for to wear a surplice in sacrificing to jupiter , were to make the act of wearing that religious habit , an act of religious honouring of jupiter , but to wear surplice and to sacrifice in that habit to iupiter at eight of clock in the morning , rather then at ten , in this place physicall , rather then this , is no worshipping of iupiter , but a meer physicall circumstance , neither up , nor down to the worship , and time and place physicall , are neither worship , nor religious means of worship : . time , and place , name , country , form , figure , habit or garments , to hold off injuries of sun and heaven as such ●re never commanded , never forbidden of god , and therefore the change of these circumstances can be no change of a commandment of god : we never advanced circumstances , as such to the orbe and spheare of morals ; formalists do so advance their ceremonies , and therefore if god command surplice , though by the intervening authority of his church , such cannot be altered , except god command to alter the religious signification of white linnen , but we know not where god hath commanded the alteration of any ceremonies , except that , the lords coming in the flesh , as a thing to come , must alter all ceremonies which shadow forth christ to come , when the body christ is come already : let us know such a ground for alteration of corner cap , altar , surplice , except to drive such oxen out of the temple . . we hold that the lords commanding such a thing in the gospel , is a reason why it should be necessarily permanent for ever , except the lord hath commanded it should be for a time only , as he commanded moses's ceremonies , and so gods authority of commanding a thing to be unchangeably in his worship , is a reason why it should be unchangeably in his worship ; and his commanding any thing to be for a time only , and alterably in his worship , is a reason why it should be for a time only , & alterably in his worship ; so to us gods commandment is a reason , why his own ceremonies and sacraments of the new testament should be in the church , because the law-giver hath in scripture commanded them to be : and the reason why hookers surplice and crossing should not be , is because he hath commanded no such thing : now the reasons of alteration of any laws in the gospel , is from god , never from the church : as . if god immediately inspire moses to make a tabernacle , and thereafter inspire david and solomon to make the temple in the place of the tabernacle , and give them no commandment for a tabernacle , its evident that god hath altered and removed the tabernacle , and that the alteration is not from david nor solomon : . if god command types and ceremonies to be in his church , till the body christ come , col. . . then when christ is come , and his coming sufficiently published to the world , then are his own ceremonies altered , and removed ; but not by the discretion of peter and paul , or the church , but by god himself . . when god commandeth such offices to be in his house , which dependeth immediately upon his own immediate will of giving gifts essentially required to these offices , then these offices are so long in his church , as god is pleased by his immediate will to give these gifts ; and when god denyeth these gifts essentially requisite , sure it is , his immediate wil hath altered and removed the office , not the will of the church , so the lord hath alterd and removed these offices and gifts of apostles , who could speak with tongues , and seal their doctrine with miracles , evangelists , prophets extraordinarily inspired , gifts of healing , &c. . some things are not matters of worship at all , but of goods , as the community of goods , love-feasts , matters of civill conversation , these are only in their morality , as touching distribution to the necessities of the saints , and brotherly kindenesse , unalterable , and no otherwise . now for these things that are smaller or weightier , we hold they are not in their weightinesse or smallnesse of importance to be considered , but as the authority of god hath imprinted a necessity on them , so are they obligatory to us : i am obliged to receive this as scripture , that paul left his cloak at troas ; no lesse then this , christ came into the world to save sinners , in regard of canonicall authority stamped upon both : r. hooker with other formalists , will have the lightnesse of matter to make the law alterable : truly to eat of the tree of knowledge of good and ill , being put in the ballance with the love of god in it self , is but a light thing ; yet the breach of that law involved all the world in condemnation . and what else is this , but that which papists say , that there be two sort of things in scripture ? so saith cornelius a lapide comem . on tim. . . . the law and the prophets , these god revealed and dyted to moses and the prophets ; but there are other things in scripture , as histories and morall exhortations , which canonick writers learned either by hearing , seeing , reading or meditation , there was no need these should be dyted , by the inspiration of the holy spirit , for they know them themselves , though they were assisted : . excited by the holy spirit to write ; conceptum , & memoriam eorum quae sciebant , non iis suggessit spiritus sanctus , sed inspiravit ut hunc potius conceptum , quam illum scriberent , & omnes eorum sententias & conceptus ordinavit , digessit , & direxit spiritus sanctus , v. g. vt hanc sententiam primò , illam secundò , aliam tertiò collocarent : yet estius saith on the place , the scriptures are given by divine inspiration , ita ut non solum sententiae , sed & verba singula & verborum ordo , ac tota dispositio fit a deo , tanquam per seipsum loquente ac ▪ scribente : so as not only the sentences , but every word , and the order and disposition of words is of , or from god , as if he were speaking and writing himself . now for the additions canonicall , that the prophets and apostles made to the writing of moses : i hope papists and formalists cannot with any forehead alledge them , to prove that the church may adde traditions , and alterable positives of church-policy to the written word of god , except upon the same ground , they conclude , that the church now hath the same immediatly inspired spirit , that the prophets and apostles had , and that our prelats saw the visions of god , when they saw but the visiones aulae ; the visions of court , and that their calling was , as pauls was , gal. . . not of men , neither by men , but by iesus christ : when as it is not by divine right , and was both of the king , and by court : . except they infer that the church that now is , may adde canonicall and scripturall additions to the scripture ; for such additions the prophets and apostles added to the writings of moses : and . that that precept , thou shalt not adde , &c. was given to the lord himself to binde up his hands , that no canonick scripture should ever be , but the only writings of moses , which is ( as some write ) the dream of saduces , whereas inhibition is given to the church of god , not to god himself , for what the prophets and apostles added , god himself added ; yea , to me it is a doubt ( while i be better informed ) if the lord did ever give any power of adding to his scripture at all , without his own immediate inspiration , to either prophet or apostle ; or that god did never command moses , or prophet or apostle to write canonick scripture of their own head , or that his commandment to write scripture , was any other then an immediate inspiration , which essentially did include every syllable and word that the apostles and prophets were to write : for i do not coaceive , that . god gave to apostles and prophets power to devise a gospel and write it : i suppose angels or men could not have devised it ; yea , that they could no more have devised the very law of nature , then they could create such a piece , as a reasonable soul , which to me is a rare and curious book , on which essentially is written by the immediate finger of god , that naturall theology , that we had in our first creation . . i do not conceive , that as princes and nobles do give the contents , or rude thoughts of a curious epistle to a forraign prince , to their secretary , and go to bed and sleep , and leaves it to the wit and eloquence of the secretary , to put it in forme and stile , and then signes it , and seals it without any more ado ; so the lord gave the rude draughts of law and gospel , and all the pins of tabernacle and temple , church-officers , and government , and left it to the wit and eloquence of shepherds , heardsmen , fishers , such as were the prophets , moses , david , amos ; and peter and divers of the apostles , who were unlettered men , to write words and stile as they pleased , but that in writing every jot , tittle , or word of scripture , they were immediatly inspired , as touching the matter , words , phrases , expression , order , method , majesty , stile and all : so i think they were but organs , the mouth , pen and amanuenses ; god as it were , immediately dyting , and leading their hand at the pen , deut . . deut. . , , . mal. . . pet. . . , . tim. . . gal. . , . cor. . . so luk. . . god borrowed the mouth of the prophets ; as he spake by the mouth of his holy prophets , which hath been since the world began : now when we ask from prelates what sort of additionall , or accidentall worship , touching surplice , crosse , and other religious positives of church ▪ policy , it is , that they are warranted to adde to the word , and how they are distinguished from scriptures , doctrinals : they give us these characters of it , . god is the author of doctrinals , and hath expressed them fully in scripture : but the church is the author of their accidentals , and this is essentiall to it , that it is not specified particularly in scripture , as bread and wine , taking and eating in the lords supper is ; for then it should be a doctrinall point , and not accidentall . . it is not in the particular a point of faith and manners , as doctrinals are : but hear the very language of papists ; for papists putteth this essentiall character on their tradition , that it is not written , but by word of mouth derived from the apostles , and so distinguished from the written word ; for if it were written in scripture , it should not be a tradition . so the jesuit malderus , in . tom . de virtut . de obj . fidei q. . dub. . pro apostolica traditione habendum est , quod eum non inveneatur in divinis literis , tamen vniversa tenet ecclesia , nec consiliis institutum , sed semper retentum . that the traditions are necessary , and how far papists do clear , as i have before said ; for the church may coin no articles of faith , these are all in scripture . for the iews two suppers , and their additions to the passeover , as hooker saith , and their fasting till the sixth hour every feast day , we reject as dreams , because they are not warranted by any word of institution ; not to adde , that the church of the jews never took on them to command the observation of these forgeries , under the pain of church-censures , as papists and prelats did their crossing and their surplice . hooker saith , a question it is , whither containing in scripture , do import expresse setting down in plain terms , or else comprehending in such sort , that by reason , we may thence conclude all things which are necessary to salvation . the faith of the trinity , the co-eternity of the son with the father , are not the former way in scripture ; for the other , let us not think , that as long as the world doth indure , the wit of man shall be able to sound to the bottom of that which may be concluded out of scripture . — traditions we do not reject , because they are not in scripture ; but because they are neither in scripture , nor can otherwise sufficiently , by any reason , be proved to be of god. that which is of god , and may be evidently proved to be so , we deny not ; but it hath in its kinde , although unwritten , yet the self same force and authority with the written laws of god. — such as are alterable rites and cystomes , for being apostolicall , it is not the manner of delivering them to the church ; but the author from whom they proceed , which gave them their force and credit . ans . . the consequences of scriptures are doublesse many , and more then are known to us , and the particulars of that government that we contend for , are in scripture , that is , there should be no government , but what is either expresly in scripture , or may be made our , by just consequence , we believe , if they cannot be proved from scripture , let them fall as mens hay and stubble . but in the mean time , these are two different questions : whither there be an immutable platform of discipline in the word ? or whither ours be the only platform and no other ? if we carry the first , ceremonies must fall . and certainly , in all reason , we are on the surest side : if we cannot observe all that is written , it is not like that god hath laid upon us unwritten burdens . . hooker doth not reject all the popish traditions , as our divines reformed do ; because they are not warranted by the word ; so , that if the images of god and christ , and the worshipping of them , and purgatory , and the supremacy of the pope , can be proved to be of god , though they be no more in scripture , then crossing and surplice ; then would he receive all these , as having the self same force and authority with the written laws . now we know no other weightier argument to prove there 's no purgatory , but because the scripture speaketh of heaven and hell , and is silent of purgatory . . that naturall reason can warrant a positive instituted worship , such as surplice , betokening pastorall holinesse , without any scripture , is a great untruth ▪ for naturall reason may warrant new sacraments , as well as new sacramentals . . if traditions have their force and credit from god , not from the manner of delivering them , that is , from being contained in scripture , or not contained in it ; then certainly they must be of the same divine necessity with scripture : for whither christ command that the baereans believe in the messiah , by the vocall preaching of paul , or by the written scriptures of the prophets and apostles , it is all one , it is the same word , and coming from christ , must be of the same divine authority : but this is to beg the question , for that we are to believe no unwritten tradition ; because it is unwritten , to have the self same force and authority with the written laws of god. for lorinus , cornelius a lapide , com. in . deuter. estius , com. in . . thes . . bellarmine , tannerus , malderus , becanus , say , whither the lord deliver his minde to us in his written scripture , or by tradition , it is still the word of god , and hath authority from god. but the truth is , to us it is not the word of god , if it be not a part of the counsel of god written in moses , or the prophets and apostles ; for though the word have authority only from god , not from the church , nor from men , or the manner of delivering of it , by word or writ ; yet we with the fathers and protestant divines , and evidence of scripture , stand to that of basilius , homil. . advers . c●l●mnian●es . s. trinit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; believe what are written , vvhat are not vvritten ●eek not after : and so , seek not after sur●lice , crossi●g , and the like : and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; every word ( and so this , that crossing surplice , are religious signes of spirituall duties ) and every thing or action , must be made good by the testimony of the heavenly inspired scripture ; these things that are good ( and so religiously decent and significant ) may be fully confirmed , and these that are evil , corfounded : and to us , for our faith and practise , if it be not law and testimony , it is darknesse , and not light . and as gregor . nyssen . the brother of basyl saith , dialog . de anim . et resurrect . tom . . ed. grecola● . pag. . edit . gre● . pag. . that only must be acknowledged for truth , in which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the seal of the scriptures testimony , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and how shall it be true to us i● scripture say it not ? or how shall it appear to us to be from god ? for cyril alexandrin . saith , what the holy scripture saith not ( such as are your positives of mens devising ) how shall we receive it , and account it , amongst things that are true ? and it is not that which hereticks of old said , for their heresies to say ( ●s hooker doth ) that any thing may be proved to be of god , which is not written in scripture : for saith hieronimus , in hag. c. . sed & alia quae absque authoritate & testimoniis scripturarum , quasi traditione apostolica sponte reperiunt atque confingunt , percutit gladius dei . the scripture doth bar the door upon hereticks , saith chrysostome , — and he is a theef that taketh another unlawfull way then the scripture . and by what argument can reason without scripture prove that crosse and suplice are of god : but by that same reason , papists without scripture , can , and may prove their traditions to be of god ? and if we admit reason , and exclude scripture , it is as easie to prove their traditions , as our positive additions to worship : and what answers papists give for their traditions , to ●lude the power of scripture , and evidence of testimonies of fathers , all these same are given by prelats for their additions ; to say nothing that hooker asserteth unwritten traditions to be gods word ; and in the very stile of the councel of trent , we are to acknowledge traditions , though unwritten , yet to have the self same authority and force with the written laws of god. and shal the surplice and crosse and such stuffe , be of the self same force and authority with the evangel according to luke and john : but what wonder ? for hooker holdeth , that we have no other way to know the scripture to be the word of god , but by tradition , which popish assertion holden by him and chillingworth , to me , is to make the traditions of men the object of our faith. hooker : about things easie and manifest to all men by common sense , there needeth no higher consultation , because a man whose wisdom is for weighty affairs admired , would take it in some disdain to have his counsel solemnly asked about a toy ; so the meannesse of some things is such , that to search the scriptures of god for the ordering of them , were to derogate from the reverend authority of the scripture , no lesse then they do , by whom scriptures are in ordinary talking very idely applied unto vain and childish trifles . ans . . it is a vain comparison to resemble god to an earthly wise man in this ; for a king of kings , such as artaxerxes , if he were building a stately palace for his honour and magnificence , would commit the drawing of it , the frame , the small pins , rings , bowles , to the wisdom of a master of work , skilled in the mathematicks , and not trouble his own princely head with every small pin ; but this is because he is a man , and cometh short of the wisdom , skill , and learning of his servants . . because , how his honour and magnificence be declared in every small pin of that palace , is a businesse that taketh not much up the thoughts of a stately prince . the contrary of both these are true in the lord our god , his wisdom is above the wisdom of moses , and moses cannot frame a tabernacle or a temple for gods honour in the least pin or s●uffer , with such wisdom as the only wise god can do . . the lord is more jealous and tender of his own honour , in the meanes and smallest way of illustrating of it : yea , in the smallest pin , then earthly princes are , for earthly princes may communicate with their inferiours the glory of curious works set forth , as speaking monuments of their honour ; the lord who will not give his glory to another ; never did communicate the glory of devising worship , or the religious means of worshipping and honouring his glorious majesty to men . . god hath thus ●ar condiscended in his wisdom , to speak particularly in written oracles of every pin , ring , tittle , officer of his house , of every signe , sacrament , sacramentall never so mean and small ; ergo , it is no derogation from the dignity of scripture , to have a mouth to aske counsell , where god hath opened his mouth to give counsell in written oracles : . there is nothing positive in gods worship so small , as that we may dare to take on us to devise it of our own head . . hooker contradicteth himself ; he said the ceremonies have their authority from god , and though unwritten have the self same force and authority with the written laws of god , pag. . here he will have the unwritten positives so small and far inferiour to written scripture , that to aske for scripture to warrant such small toys , is to derogate from the reverend authority and dignity of the scripture : so ceremonies pag. . are but toyes , unworthy to be written with scripture , but p. . they have the self same force and authority with written scripture . hooker . it is unpossible to be proved , that only the schoole of christ in his word is able to resolve us , what is good and evil : for what if it were true concerning things indifferent , that unlesse the word of the lord had determined of the free use of them , there could have been no lawfull use of them at all , which notwithstanding is untrue ; because it is not the scriptures setting down things indifferent , but their not setting them down as necessary , that doth make them to be indifferent . ans . then because the scrip●ure hath not forbidden the killing of our children to god , as a ●alse worship against the second commandment , but only as an act of homicide against the sixth commandment , and hath not forbidden all the jewish ceremonies , so they have a new signification to point forth christ already come in the flesh , these must all be indifferent : for let formalists give me a scripture to prove , that circumcision , killing of children , sacrificing of beasts , are any wayes forbidden in this notion , but in that they are not commanded , or set down in the word as not necessary ? . such divinity i have not read ; that only the schoole of christ is not able to resolve us what is good and evil : i mean morally good and evil . for hooker pag. . book . saith , the controversie would end , in which we contend , that all our actions are ruled by the word : if . we would keep our selves vvithin the compasse of morall actions , actions which have in them vice or vertue : . if we vvould not exact at their hands for every action , the knowledge of some place of scripture , out of vvhich vve must stand bound to deduce it . then it is like the school of christ , the word can and doth teach us , what is a morall action good or ill , an action in vvhich there is vertue or vice ; and to me it is a wonder , that the old and new testament , which containeth an exact systeme and body of all morals , whither naturall or civill , or supernaturall , should not be the only rule of all morals . now i finde that mr. hooker saith two things to this ; . that scripture doth regulate all our morall actions but not scripture only , for the lavv of nature , and the most concealed instincts of nature , and other principles may vvarrant our actions : we move , ( saith he ) we sleep , vve take the cup at the hand of our friend ; a number of things vve often do , only to satisfie some naturall desire , vvithout present expresse and actuall reference to any commandment of god ; unto his glory , even these things are done vvhich vve naturally perform , and not only that vvhich naturally and spiritually vve do , for by every effect proceeding from the most concealed instincts of nature , his povver is made manifest . but it doth not therefore follovv , that of necessity we shall sin , unlesse vve expresly intend the glory of god , in every such particular . ans . i speak of these more distinctly hereafter , here i answer , that as there be some actions in man purely and spiritually , but supernaturally morall , as to believe in christ for remission of sins , to love god in christ : these the gospel doth regulate . . there be some actions naturally morall in the substance of the act , as many things commanded , and forbidden in the morall law ; and these are to be regulated by the law of nature and the morall law : . there be some actions mixed , as such actions in which nature , or concealed instincts of nature are the chief principles , yet in , and about these actions , as in their modification of time , place , and manner , and measure , there is a speciall morality , in regard of which they are to be ruled by the word , such mixed actions as these , that are mentioned by hooker , as to move , sleep , take the cup at the hand of a friend , cannot be called simply morall , for to move may be purely naturall , as if a man against his will fall off a high place , or off a horse , to start in the sleep are so naturall , that i know not any morality in them ; but sure i am , for nathaniel to come to christ , which was also done by a naturall motion , is not a meer naturall action , proceeding from the most concealed instincts of nature ; so to sleep hath somewhat naturall in it , for beasts do sleep , beasts do move ; i grant they cannot take a cup at the hand of a friend , they cannot salute one another : ( it is hookers instance ) but fancy sometimes in men do these , whereas conscience should do them : what is naturall in moving and sleeping , and what is common to men with beasts , i grant , scripture doth not direct or regulate these acts of moving and sleeping ; we grant actions naturall and common to us , with beasts , need not the rule of the word to regulate them : but this i must say ( i speak it , my record is in heaven , not to offend any ) formalists , as such , and as prelaticall , are irreligious and profane : one of them asked a godly man , will you have scripture for giving your horse a peck of oats , and for breaking winde , and easing or obeying nature ? and therefore they bring in these instances to make sport : but i conceive , sleeping moderately , to inable you to the service of god , as eating , drinking , that god may be glorified , cor. . . are also in the measure , & manner of doing , morall , & so ruled by scripture , and scripture only , and not regulated by naturall instincts : but what is all this to the purpose ? are surplice , crossing , saints-dayes , such actions as are common to us with beasts , as moving and sleeping are ? or is there no more need that the prelate be regulated in wearing his corner-cap , his surplice in crossing , then a beast is to be ruled by scripture in moving , in sleeping , in eating grasse ? . expresse and actuall reference and intention to every commandment of god , or to gods glory in every particular action ; i do not urge , a habituall reference and intention i conceive is holden forth to us in scripture : cor. . . . god by every effect , proceeding from the most concealed instinct of nature is made manifest in his power . what then ? the power of god is manifest in the swallows building her nest ; ergo , neither the swallow in building her nest , nor the prelate in crossing an infant in baptisme to dedicate him to christ , have need of any expresse or actuall reference to any commandment of god or gods glory : truly , it is a vain consequence in the latter part , except hooker make surplice , crossing , and all the mutable frame of church-government to proceed from the most concealed instincts of nature , which shall be n●w divinity to both protestants and papists : and i pray you , what power of god is manifest in a surplice ? i conceive it is a strong argument against this mutable frame of government , that it is not in the power of men to devise , what positive signes they please , without the word to manifest the power , wisdom and other attributes of god : for what other thing doth the two books opened to us , psal . . the book of creation and providence ; and the book of the scripture , but manifest god in his nature and works , and mans misery and redemption in christ ? now the prelats and papists devise a third blanke book of unwritten traditions and mutable ceremonials ▪ we see no warrant for this book : . hooker maketh a man in many morall actions , as in wearing a surplice , in many actions flowing from concealed instincts of nature , as in moving , sleeping , like either the philosophers , civilian or morall athiest , or like a beast to act things , or to do by the meer instinct of nature . whereas being created according to gods image , especially , he living in the visible church , he is to do all his actions deliberate , even naturall and morall in faith , and with a warrant from scripture , to make good their morality , psa . . . prov. . , . cor. . . and truly formalists give men in their morals to live at random , and to walk , without taking heed to their wayes , according to gods word . hooker . it sufficeth that our morall actions be framed , according to the law of reason ; the generall axiomes , rules , and principles of which being so frequent in holy scripture , there is no let , but in that regard , oven out of scripture , such duties may be deduced by some kinde of consequence ( as by long circuit of deduction it may be , that even all truth out of any truth may be concluded ) howbeit no man be bound in such sort to deduce all his actions out of scripture , as if either the place be to him unknown , whereon they may be concluded , or the reference to that place , not presently considered of , the action shall in that be condemned as unlawfull . ans . . the law of reason in morals ( for of such we now speak ) is nothing but the morall law and will of god , contained fully in the scriptures of the old and new testament ; and therefore is not to be divided from the scriptures ; if a man be ruled in that , he is ruled by scripture : for a great part of the bible , of the decalogue , is printed in the reasonable soul ▪ of man : as when he loveth his parents , obeyeth his superiors , saveth his neighbour in extream danger of death , because he doth these according to the law of reason , shall it follow that these actions which are expresly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rom. . . the things or duties of the law , are not warranted by expresse scripture , because they are done according to the law of naturall reason ? i should think the contrary most true . . such duties ( saith he ) morall duties ( i hope he must mean ) to god and our neighbour , may be deduced by some kinde of consequence out of scripture : but by what consequence ? such as to argue , quidlibet ex quolibet . the catechisme taught me long ago of duties to god and my neighbour , that they are taught in the ten commandments . now if some morall duties to god and man be taught in the ten commandments , and some not taught there : . who made this distinction of duties ? none surely but the prelats and the papists ; if the scripture warrant some duties to god and our neighbour , and do not warrant some , the scripture must be unperfect . . the warranting of actions that may be service to god , or will-worship , or homicide by no better ground then surplice and crosse , can be warranted , or by such a consequence , as you may deduce all truth out of any truth , is no warrant at all ; the traditions of papists may thus be warranted . . nor is the action to be condemned , as unlawfull in it self , because the agent cannot see by what consequence it is warranted by scripture , it followeth only to him that so doth , it is unlawfull , rom. . . in that he doth bonum , non benè , a thing lawfull , not lawfully . . it is unpossible to deduce all truth out of any truth : for then because the sun riseth to day , it should follow , ergo , crosse and surplice are lawfull : i might as well deduce the contrary , ergo , they are unlawfull . hooker : some things are good in so mean a degree of goodnesse , that men are only not disproved , nor disallowed of god for them , as , eph. . . no man hateth his own flesh , matth. . . if ye do good unto them that do so to you , the very publicans themselves do as much : they are worse then infidels that provide not for their own , . tim. . . the light of nature alone , maketh these actions in the sight of god allowable . . some things are required to salvation by way of direct , immediate and proper necessity finall , so that without performance of them , we cannot in ordinary course be saved . — in these , our chiefest direction is from scipture , for nature is no sufficient director what we should do to attain life eternall . . some things although not so required of necessity , that to leave them undone excludeth from salvation , are yet of so great dignity and acceptation with god , that most ample reward is laid up in heaven for them , as matth. . a cup of cold water shall not go unrewarded : and the first christians sold their possessions , and thess . . . . paul would not be burdensome to the thessalonians : hence nothing can be evil that god approveth , and he approveth much more then he doth command , and the precepts of the law of nature may be otherwise known then by the scripture , then the bare mandat of scripture is not the only rule of all good and evil , in the actions of morall men . ans . . the popery in this author ( in disputing for a platform of government ) that is up and down , and changeable at the will of men , made me first out of love with their way : for his first classe of things allowable by the light of nature without scripture , is far wide ; for eph. . . that a man love his own flesh , is commanded in the sixth commandment , and the contrary forbidden : otherwise for a man to kill himself , which is self-hatred , should not be forbidden in scripture , the very light of nature alone will forbid ungratitude in publicans , and condemn a man that provideth not for his own : but that this light of nature excludeth scripture and the doctrine of faith , is an untruth : for hooker leaveth out the words that are in the text , and most against his cause : he that provideth not for his own , is worse then an infidel , and hath denied the faith : ergo , the doctrine of faith commandeth a man to provide for his own . what morall goodnesse nature teacheth , that same doth the morall law teach , so the one excludeth not the other . . it is false , that scripture only as con●adistinguished from the law of nature , doth direct us to heaven : for both concurreth in a speciall manner , nor is the one exclusive of the other . . for his third classe it s expresly the popish works of supererogation , of which hooker and papists both give two characters . . that they are not commanded . that they merit a greater degree of glory : both are false : to give a cup of cold water to a needy disciple , is commanded in scripture , isa . . , . matth. . , . and the contrary punished with everlasting fire in hell : for paul not to be burdensome to the thessalonians , and not to take stipend or wages for preaching , is commanded , for considering the condition that paul was in , was , thess . . . to seek glory of men , was a thing forbidden in scripture , and so the contrary cannot be a thing not commanded ; and not to be gentle , v. . as the servant of god ought to be , even to the enemies of the truth , tim. . . not to be affectionately desirous to impart soul & gospel and all , to those to whom he preached , as it is v. . is a sin forbidden , and for the merit of increase of glory , it is a dream . hence i draw an argument against this mutable form of government : the changeable positives of this government , such as crossing , surplice and the like , are none of these three enumerated by hooker . . they are not warranted by the law of nature , for then all nations should know by the light of nature , that god is decently worshipped in crosse and linnen surplice , which is against experience . . that these positives are not necessary to salvation , with a proper finall necessity , as i take , is granted by all . . i think crosse and surplice , cannot deserve a greater measure of glory : for formalists deny either merit or efficacy to their positives . the jesuit tannerus , confirmeth all which is said by hooker , as did aquinas before him : and e●ki●s in his conference with luther , and oecolampadius , who say , for imagery and their traditions ; that it is sufficient that the church say such a thing is truth and to be done , and the scripture doth not gain-say it . sect . v. morall obedience resolved ultimately in scripture . for farther light in this point , it is a question : what is the formall object of our obedience in all our our morall actions ? that is , whether is the faith practicall of our obedience , & the obedience itself , in all the externals of church government resolved in this ultimately and finally . this and this we do , and this point of government we believe and practise : because the lord hath so appointed it , in an immutable platform of government in scripture : or because the church hath so appointed , or because there is an intrinsecall conveniency in the thing it self , which is discernable by the light of nature ? ans . this question is near of blood to the controversie between papists and us , concerning the formall object of our faith ▪ that is , whither are we to believe the scripture to be the word of god , because so saith the church : or upon this objective ground , because the lord so speaketh in his own word : now we hold , that scripture it self furnisheth light and faith of it self , from it self ; and that the church doth but hold forth the light : as i see the light of the candle , because of the light itself , not because of the candlestick . hence in this same very question , the iews were not to believe , that the smallest pin of the tabernacle , or that any officer , high-priest , priest or levite , were necessary , nor were they to obey in the smallest ceremoniall observance ; because moses and the priests or church , at their godly discretion , without gods own speciall warrant said so : but , because so the lord spake to moses , so the lord gave in writing to david and solomon , chron. . . . and so must it be in the church of the new testament , in all the positives of government ; otherwise , if we observe saints-dayes , and believe crossing and surplice , hath this religious signification , because the church saith so ; then is our obedience of conscience finally resolved in the testimony of men so speaking , at their own discretion without any warrant of scripture . . to believe and obey in any religious positives , because it is the pleasure of men so to command , is to be servants of men , and to make their will the formall reason of our obedience , which is unlawfull . if it be said , that we are to believe and practise many things in naturall necessity , as to eat , move , sleep , and many circumstantials of church-policy , because the law of naturall reason saith so ; and because there is an intrinsecall conveniency , and an aptitude to edifie , & to decore and beautifie in an orderly and a decent way the service of god , and not simply , because the church saith so , nor yet because the lord speaketh so in the scripture , and therefore all our obedience is not ultimately and finally resolved into the testimony of the scripture . i answer , that there be some things that the law of nature commandeth , as to move , eat , sleepe ; and here with leave i distinguish factum , the common practise of men from the jus , what men in conscience ought to do , as concerning the former , morall and naturall mens practise is all resolved in their own carnall will , and lusts , and so they eat , move and sleep , because nature , and carnall will , leadeth them thereinto , not because god in the law of nature ( which i humbly conceive to be a part of the first elements and principles of the morall law , or decalogue , and so a part of scripture ) doth so warrant us to do ; and therefore the moving , eating , drinking of naturall moralists , are materially lawfull and conforme to scripture , for god by the law of nature commandeth both heathen men , and pure moralists within the visible church , to do naturall acts of this kinde ; because the lord hath revealed that to be his will in the book of nature : but these heathen do these acts , because they are suitable to their lusts and carnall will , and not because god hath commanded them so to do in the book of nature ; and this is their sin in the manner of doing though materially , et quod substantiam actus , the action be good ; and the same is the sin of naturall men within the visible church , and a greater sin ; for god not only commandeth them in the law of nature , but also in scripture to do all these naturall acts , because god hath revealed his will in these naturall actions , as they are morall to naturall men within the visible church , both in the law of nature , and in the scripture , and de jure they ought to obey , because god so commandeth in both , and in regard all within the visible church , are obliged to all naturall actions in a spirituall way , though their eating , moving , sleeping be lawfull materially , et quod substantiam actus , yet because they do them without any the least habituall reference to god , so commanding in natures law and scripture , they are in the manner of doing , sinfull ; otherwise formalists go on with papists and arminians to justifie the actions of the unregenerated , as simply lawfull and good , though performed by them with no respect to god or his commandment : . as concerning actions of church-policy , that cannot be warranted by the light of nature , and yet have intrinsecall conveniency and aptitude to edifie and decently to accomodate the worship of god. i conceive these may be done , but not because the church so commandeth , as if their commandment were the formall reason of our obedience , but because partly the light of the law of reason , partly scripture doth warrant them ; but that crosse and surplice can be thus warranted is utterly denied : again i conceive that there be two sort of positives in the externals of government or worship : . some divine , as that there be in the publique worship , prayers , praising , preaching , sacraments , and these are substantials ; that there be such officers , pastors , teachers , elders and deacons ; that there be such censures , as rebuking , excommunication and the like , are morally divine , or divinely morall : and when the church formeth a directory for worship and government , the directory it self is in the form not simply divine . and if it be said that neither the church of the jews , nor the church apostolique had more a written directory , nor they had a written leiturgy or book of common prayers or publick church-service : i answer , nor had either the iewish or apostolick church any written creed or systeme , written of fundamentall articles , such as is that , which is commonly called the apostolick creed ; but they had materially in the scripture the apostolick creed ; and the directory they had also the same way , for they practised all the ordinances directed , though they had no written directory in a formall contexture or frame : for prayers , preaching , praising , sacraments and censures never church wanted in some one order or other ▪ though we cannot say that the apostolick church had this same very order and forme : but a leiturgy which is a commanded , imposed , stinted form , in such words and no other , is another thing then a directory as an unlawfull thing is different from a lawfull : . there be some things positive humane , as the ordering of some parts , or worship , or prayer , the forme of words or phrases , and some things of the circumstantials of the sacrament , as what cups , wood or mettall , in these the directory layeth a tie upon no man , nor can the church in this make a directory to be a church compulsory to strain men : and this way the directory is not ordered and commanded in the frame and contexture , as was the service-book ; and the pastor or people in these , are not properly morall agents , nor do we presse that scripture should regulate men in these . but sure in crossing , in surplice men must be morall agents , no lesse then in eating and drinking at the lords-supper , and therefore they ought to be as particularly regulated by scripture in the one , as in the other . quest . but who shall be judge of these things which you say are circumstantials only , as time , place , &c. and of these that formalists say are adjuncts and circumstances of worship , though also they have a symbolicall and religious signification : must not the church judge , what things are indifferent , what necessary , what are expedient , what lawfull ? answer , there is no such question imaginable , but in the synagogue of antichrist ; for as concerning norma judi●andi , the rule of judging , without all exception , the scripture ought to be the only rule and measure of all practicall truths , how formalists can make the scripture the rule of judging of unwritten ceremonies which have no warrant in scripture , more then papists can admit scripture to regulate and warrant their unwritten traditions , i see not , we yield that the church is the politick , ministeriall , and visible judge of things necessary and expedient , or of things not necessary and expedient : but we know no such question in this controversie , as who shall be judge : but supposing the church to be a ministeriall judge , and the scripture the infallible rule , the question is , whether this judge have any such power , as to prescribe laws touching things indifferent , and to injoyne these , though they have no warrant from scripture , as things necessary , and to binde where god hath not bound . quest . but doth not the church determine things , that of themselves are indifferent ; as whether sermon should begin at nine of clock , or ten in the morning , and after the church hath past a determination for the dyet of ten a clock , the indifferency of either nine or ten is removed , and the practise without any warrant of scripture restricted to one , for order and peace sake ; and why may not the like be done in positives of church-government ? ans . the truth is , the church by her will putteth no determination on the time , but only ministerially declareth that which gods providence accomodating it self to the season , climate , the conveniency of the congregation as they lie in distance from the place of meeting , hath determined already : but neither providence , scripture , nor naturall reason hath determined , that there should be in every diocesan church a monarch-prelate , pastor of pastors , with majority of power of jurisdiction and ordination over pastors , more then there should be one pope , catholick pastor of the catholick visible church , or that crossing should betoken dedication to christs service , only will as will must determine positive religious observances , such as these are . sect . vi. what honour , praise , glory , reverence , veneration , devotion , service , worship , &c. are . for the more clear opening of the ensuing treatise , it is necessary to speak somewhat of worship and adoration , and especially of these , . honour . . praise . . glory , . reverence . . veneration . . devotion . . religion . . service . . worship . . love. . obedience . . adoration . . honour , is a testification of the excellency of any , arist . ethic. l. . c. . aquinas . honos est signum quoddam excellentiae . honour is a signe or expression of excellency in any , it doth not import any superiority in the party whom we honor , as adoration doth . praise , is a speciall honouring of any , consisting in words . glory , is formally the effect of honour , though it be taken , pro claritatè , for the celebrity or renownednesse of any ; yet glory seemeth to be founded upon celebrity , as its foundation . reverence is a sort of veneration of a person for excellency connotating a sort of fear . veneration is a sort of fear , and reverencing of a person : i see not well any difference between reverence and veneration , except that veneration seemeth to be some more , and cometh nearer to adoration : devotion is the promptitude , cheerfulnesse , or spirituall propension of the will to serve god ; religion is formally in this , when a man subjecteth himself to god , as to his supreame lord , and thence ariseth to give him honour , as his god , and absolute lord. the two integral parts of religion , are the subjection of the reasonable creature to god. . an exhibition of honour ; if any object that the subjection of the creature to god is humility , not religion , raphael de la torres in . tom . . de obj . adorat . q. . art . . disp . unic . n. . answereth that subjection to god , as it issueth from a principle of tendering due honour to god for his excellency , its religion ; but as it abandoneth the passion of hope in the way of attaining honour , it is an act of humility to god , as the giving of money for the paying of debt , is an act of justice ; but as it is given to moderate the desire of money , it is an act of liberality . the acts of riligion are of two sorts , some internall and elicite , as to adore , sacrifice , pray , by these a man is rightly ordered toward the honouring of god only : but there be other acts imperated and commanded by religion , which flow immediately from other vertues , as it may be from mercy and compassion to our brother , but are commanded by religion , as jam. . . pure religion and undefiled before god and the father , is this , to visit the father lesse and the widows , &c. service is from the bond of subjection , to reverence god as an inferior or servant doth his lord and master : a servant doth properly do the will of his master , for the gain or profit that redoundeth to his master ; but , because we cannot be profitable to the almighty by way of gain ; therefore we are to serve him in relation to an higher end , then accession of gain ( of which the lord is not capable , psal . . . iob . . ) for the declaration of his glory : for worship formally is to give reverence to god for his excellency ; in one and the same act we may both worship god and serve him . only service doth include the obligation of a servant to a lord. as concerning love , faith and hope , they are internall worship , not properly adoration : love as love doth rather import an equality with the thing loved , and a desire of an union , rather then a submission . it is true , there is a perfection in that which we love , but not essentially to perfect the lover , that possibly may agree to the love between man and man , but not to love as love : for the father loves christ his son , and did delight in him from eternity , prov. . . a superior angel may love an inferior ; yet the father cannot be perfected by loving christ , nor a superior ang●l , by loving any inferior ; faith and hope may suppose a resting on a helper as a helper , and so are internall worship ; if they be adoration formally may be a question . it is an untruth which raphael de la torres , with other schoolmen say , that with the same religion by which we honour holy men , we honour god ; upon this reason , because holinesse in them is a participation of the divine nature , therefore god must be the intrinsecall end , and formall reason , for which we honour the saints . for holinesse in saints , is a participation of the divine nature ; but it is a temporary and a created participation , it is not the same very holinesse that is in god ; but the created effect thereof : and so the love i bear to any creature , because there is somewhat of god in every creature ; and the love to our neighbour , commanded in the second table of the law , should be the love of god , commanded in the first table of the law. . when i bow to the gray-haired , and to the king ; i then do an act of obedience to the fifth commandment : no man can say , that when i bow to the king , or to an holy man , that i am then bowing to the god of heaven , and worshipping god : no acts terminated upon saints living or dead , are acts of worshipping god ; yea , reverencing of the ordinances of god , as the delighting in , or trembling at the word , are not properly acts of adoring god. obedience is founded , not formally upon gods excellency , properly so called ; but upon his jurisdiction and authority to command . adoration is the subjection or prostration of soul or body to god in the due recognition and acknowledgement of his absolute supremacy . there is no need , that vasquez should deny , that there is any internall adoration , for that adoration is only an externall and bodily worship of god , can hardly be defended ; for there may be , and is adoration in the blessed angels , as may be gathered from isa . . , , . h●b . . . and it is hard to say , that the glorified spirits loosed out of the body , and received by christ , act. . . psal . . . into paradice , luk. . . and so with him , philip. . . and praying under the altar , rev. . , . and falling down before the lamb , and acknowledging that he hath redeemed them , rev. . , , . do not adore god and his son christ ; because they have nor bodies and knees to bow to him , and yet they adore him , phil. . , . in a way suitable to their spirituall estate . it is an untruth that rapha . de la torres , in . q. . art. . disp . . n. . saith , that protestants detest all externall worship now under the new testament , as contrary to grace , and adoration of god in spirit and truth . for things subordinate are not contrary ; we should deny the necessity of baptisme , and the lords supper , and of vocall praying and praising under the new testament , which are in their externals , externall worship . i grant internall adoration , is more hardly known : but 't is enough for us to say , as externall adoration is an act by which we offer our bodies to god , and subject the utter man to him , in sign of service and reverence to so supream a lord ; so there is a heart-prostration , and inward bowing of the soul , answerable thereunto . as the profession , whither actuall or habituall , in a locall and bodily approach , or in verball titles of honour , in which we honour great personages , by bowing to them , in prostration and kneeling , is an act in its state civill , not religious , we intending ( i presse not the necessity of a ●ormall or actuall intention ) only to conciliate honour to them , suitable to their place and dignity : so a profession , whither actuall or habituall , in a religious bodily approach to god , either by prayer or prostration , or in●lination of the body tending to the honour of god is a religious act . now bodily prostration of it self , is a thing in its nature indifferent , and according as is the object , so is it either artificiall : as if one should stoop down to drive a wedge in an image ; or civill , if one bow to honour the king ; or religious , when god and divine things are the object thereof : but with this difference , the intention of the minde , added to externall prostration to a creature reasonable , may make that prostration idolatrous , and more then civill honour . thus bowing to haman , honoured by ahasuerus , who hath power to confer honours , if people bow to him as to god , is more then civill honour : and cornelius his bowing to peter , act. . as to more then a man , is idolatrous , and not civill honour ; and the carpenters bowing to an image , as to a piece of timber formed by art , is only artificiall bowing ; and if any stumble at a stone before an image , and so fall before it , it is a casuall and naturall fall ; whereas a falling down with intention to adore , had been religious adoring : but when the object of bodily prostration or kneeling , is god , or any religious representation of god , whither it be the elements of bread and wine , which are lawfull images of christ , or devised pictures or portraicts of god or christ ; because these objects are not capable of artificiall , naturall , or civill prostration , if therefore they be terminating objects of bodily kneeling or prostration ; these religious objects , to wit , god , and religious things , must so specifie these bodily acts , as that they must make them religious , not civill acts , though there be no intention to bow to god ; for bowing to god hath from the object , that it is a religious bowing , though you intend not to direct that bowing to god , as bowing to jupiters portraict , is a religious worshipping of that portraict , though you intend not to worship the portraict : for the act and religious object together , maketh the act of prostration or kneeling , to be essentially religious , though there be no intention to bow to these ; indeed the intention to bow to god , maketh kneeling to god to be more morally good , laudable and acceptable before god , then if therewere no such intention , but the want of the intention , maketh it not to be no religious worship , nor can it make it to be civill worship . hence let this be observed , that intention of bowing can , or may change that bowing which otherwayes were but civill ( if there were no such intention of over-esteeming the creature ) into a religious bowing , but neither our over or under-intention can change a religious kneeling to god , or to an image into a civill kneeling , because civill or naturall bowing to creatures , is more under the power of an humane and voluntary institution of men , then religious bowing , which hath from god without any act of mans free will , its compleat nature . when we kneel to kings , we signifie by that gesture , that we submit our selves to higher powers , not simply ( saith p. martyr . ) but in so far as they command not things against the word of the lord. when we adore god , we adore him as the supream majesty , being ready to obey him in what he shall command , without any exception ; the adoration of men , signifieth a submission limited , if it go above bounds , it is the sinfull intention of the adorer , who may change the civil adoration into religious , and may ascend : but the aderation of god cannot so descend , as it can turn into civill adoration , only keeping the same object it had before . worship is an action , or performance , or thing , by which we tender our immediate honour to god , from the nature of the thing it self : . i call it an action , because the passion of dying or suffering , is not formally worship ; but only dying comparatively , rather then denying of christ , or dying so , and so qualified , dying with patience and faith , may be called a worship . . i call it not an action only , but a performance or thing ; because an office , as the priesthood , the ministery is a worship , and yet not an action ; sometime , time it self , as the sabbath day is a worship ; yet it is not an action : so the lord calleth it his holy day : and undenyably the lewish dayes , the high priests garment , and many things of that kinde , were divine or religious performances , things , or adjuncts of divine worship , but so , as they are not meerly adjuncts of worship , but also worship ; for the high priests ephod was not only a civil ornament , nor was it a meer physicall or naturall means to ●ence off the injuries of sun , and heaven , we do not think that the lord in all , or any place of the old or new testament setteth down any laws concerning garments simply , as they do fence off cold or heat , that belongeth to art , only he speaketh of garments as contrary to gravity , as signes of vanity and lightnesse , isa . . , &c. zepha . . . pet. . , . and of garments as religious observances , of which sort was the attire and garments of the priests and high-priests in their service , in which consideration the religious times , holy places , and mosaicall garments were divine worship , by which god was immediatly honored , but not adjuncts only , or actions ; but religious things or performances . . it is such a performance , as from thence honour doth immediatly redound to god , but that this may be the clearer ; i conceive that there is a twofold immediate honouring of god , in the worship of god : . an honouring of god lesse immediate , as hearing of the word , is an immediate honouring of god , because honour floweth immediatly from god , both ex conditione operis , and ex conditione operantis ; from the nature of the work , and intention of the worker : yet it is a lesse immediate honouring of god , in regard , that i may also hear the word even from the condition of the work , and so from the intrinsecall end of the worker , that i may learn to know god , and believe , for thus far i am led to honour god immediatly in hearing the word ; that action of its own nature conveying honour to god ; there interveeneth also a medium amidst between me and honouring of god , to wit , the preacher , or the bible ; to which no externall adoration is due : there is another more immediate worship , to wit , praising of god , from which by an immediate result , god is honoured , and in worship especially strictly immediate , god is immediatly honoured both in the intention of the work , and the intrinsecall end of it , and the intention of the worker ; though no other thing be done , and others be not edified either in knowledge , increase of faith , or any other wayes : and in this , duties of the second table , of mercy and justice , differ from worship , in that such acts of love and mercy , as to give almes to save the life of my brother , or of his beast , are not acts of worshipping god ; their intrinsecall end , and the nature of the work being to do good to the creature , principally , ex naturâ , & conditione operis , though god also thereby be honoured ; yet in a more secundary consideration : for i praying to god , do immediately from the nature of the action honour god , though no good should either redound to my self , or to the creature ; thereby , it is true , god , by acts of love and mercy to our neighbour , is honoured two wayes : . in that men seeing our good works do thence take occasion to glorifie our heavenly ●ather , whose truth teacheth us by the grace of god to do these works , but the intrinsecall and proper use of these , is to do good to our selves as in works of sobriety , and to our neighbour , as in works of righteous dealing , but not immediatly , and i● the first and primary consideration to honour god , as in works of piety , holinesse and worship , the honouring of god by secondary resultance , doth issue also from these duties of righteousnesse , but not as from the acts of praying , praising , sacramentall eating , drinking . . the doer of these acts of mercy , may , and is to intend the honouring of god. there is a twofold intention in worship , one formall and properly religious , and is expounded morall , ex naturâ rei , to be religious , it being such an intention , as can have no other state in worship , but a religious state , as if the three children should bow at the commmandment of the king of babylon , though intending to worship the true god. here should be an intrinsecall intention , ex naturâ & conditione operis , to worship , and that from two grounds conjoyned together : . here is bowing down : . bowing down to a religious object , commanded by a prince , and so cometh under the morall notion of the command of a judge . when the object of bowing down is religious , the signication that we give divine honour to god by kneeling is as inseparable ( saith raphael de la torres ) from kneeling or bowing down , as a bearing testimony by word , that god is true , and knoweth all secrets , and will be avenged on perjury , is inseparable from vocall swearing by the name of god , or as any man should be an idolater , who in expresse words should say to an idol , o my god jupiter help me , though that adoration were fained , and he who so prayeth , should in his heart abhor and detest jupiter and all false gods : but there is another intention not religious ; if a childe reade a chapter of the bible , that he may learn to read and spell , that is an action of art , not of worship ; because the object of the childes reading , is not scripture as scripture , but only the printed characters as they are , signa rerum ut rerum , non ut rerum sacrarum , signes of things , not of holy things , and here the object not being religious , the intrinsecall operation cannot raise up any religious intention of the childe . upon this ground , it is easie to determine whether or no an intention of worship be essentiall to worship or not , the former intention which is intrinsecall , and intentio operis , may be essentiall , it resulting from the object ; but the latter intention of the worker , is so far extraneous to worship , as whether it be , or be not , the nature of worship is not impaired nor violated . hence , adoration is worship ; but every worship is not adoration . uncovering the head , seemeth to be little older then pauls epistles to the corinthians . the learned salmasius , thinketh it but a nationall sign of honour , no wayes universally received : but certainly it is not adoration : though therefore we receive the supper of the lord uncovered , no man can conclude from thence adoration of the elements , as we do from kneeling conclude the same , as we shall here for all bodily worship or expression of our affection to the means of graces ( though these means be but creatures ) is not adoration properly either of god , or of these means , it is lawfull to tremble at the word , and for josiah to weep before the book of the law read , and for the martyrs to kisse the stake , as the instrument by which they glorified god , in dying for the truth ; all these being objectam quo , and means by the which they conveyed their worship to the true god , and naturall and lawfull expressions of their affection to god : for uncovering the head , it is a sort of veneration or reverence , not adoration ; and paul insinuateth so much when he saith , cor. . . every man praying and prophecying , having his head covered , dishonoureth his head : but it is not his meaning , that he dishonoreth god. . the jewes to this day , as of old , used not uncovering the head as a sign of honour : but by the contrary , covering was a sign of honour : if therefore the jews , being made a visible church , shall receive the lords supper , and pray and prophecy with covered heads , men would judge it no dishonouring of their head , or not of dis-respect of the ordinances of god : though paul having regard to a nationall custome in corinth , did so esteem of it . antonius corduba a franciscan , enumerateth nine externall acts of adoration , but speaketh nothing of uncovering the head ; as . sacrificing . . martyrdome . . giving and receiving the sacraments . . suiting of pardon . . suiting of grace . . smiting the breast . . building of churches . . institution of feasts . . vows and oaths . prelaticall formalists side with them , in building and consecrating of churches , and holy-dayes , which are but will ▪ worship , as used by them : and for martyrdome , it is formally an act of christian fortitude , not worship , the confession of gods truth a conc●mitant of martyrdome , is indeed worship . how suiting of pardon , and suiting of grace are two externall acts of adoration , i see not : for by this way , if we regard the multitude of things that we suit , there should be moe then two : consecrating of churches is taken two wayes : . for a meer dedication or civill destination of any thing to its end and use : as when a house is builded , a garment is first put on , when we refresh our selves with a draught of water , we may pray for a blessing on these , and on all the creatures for our use , and the very habituall intention of the builder of an house to dwell in , is a civill dedication of it to that use for which it is ordained . prayer added to it for a blessing of it in the use , maketh not a consecrated thing ; for then my clothes every day put on , my sleep , my dayly walking in and out , my physick , my meals , my horse , my ship i sail in , should all be holy , consecrated , and religious things , which i were to reverence as religious things ; for all these may be blessed in their use : but here is that we condemn in religious dedication of churches : . that the end being sacred , to wit , the habituall worshipping of god in that place . . the praying for the church or house of worship , to say nothing of the vain ceremonies used in the dedication of churches : these two are applyed to make the church holy , and to denominate it the house of god , and capable of religious veneration , and salutation : then certainly , all the synagogues of judea , should be religiously holy , as was the temple . . and prayers should be more acceptable to god in the synagogue for the houses sake , then prayers in any other place . . god shall binde himself by promise to hear prayers in the synagogue , or made with the face toward the synagogue , as he did toward the temple : we were obliged in the new testament to pray with our faces toward the churches or meeting places in the new testament , and we should have one famous and celebrious church for all iews and gentiles , more holy then all the little holy temples now consecrated as holy places , and where shall this be ? and what typicall signification shall it have ? it must signifie christ to come , or already come , both is unlawfull . . again , if habituall dedication by vertue of prayer make a place holy , by the same reason actuall dedication should make a place holy ; and the belly of the whale should have been holy because there jonah prayed , and every place a believer prayeth shall be holy , his closet , a private corner of his orchard or garden where he prayeth shall be holy , for these may be habitually destined and appointed ( if you call this dedication ) for prayer only , and it shall be unlawfull to do any civill businesse there , more then it is unlawfull ( as formalists teach ) to do any other civil businesse in the churches , or places of meeting in the new-testament : . god himself appointed the place , the time when it should be built , the person , by whom , by solomon , not david ; the length , the breadth , the chambers , porches , ornaments of the only holy place at jerusalem ; he hath no where appointed and prescribed these for the meeting places of the new testament , but hath said that all places are alike , as touching any religious holinesse , ioh. . . tim. . . . shall we think god is not acceptably served , and that the synagogues of the iews , of which we read not any patern or rule for dedication , are prophane , because they are not dedicated by the bishops laying the first foundation stone of the house ? or because they want the ornaments of whorish ceremonies , that durandus enumerateth ? or because they have not the surpassing beauty of admirable temples , that christians now a little overswelling with the zeal of prosperity builded for the worship of god , out of superlative detestation of dioclesian , and maximinus , who had demolished all the churches which christians had leave to build under tollerable emperors , such as severus , gordianus , philip , and galienus , as eusebius teacheth ? or that we are to give a testimony of as cheerfull affection for the beautifying of temples , void of all typicall relation to the glory of iesus christ , as david did show , chron. . chron. . . and that it is morall and perpetually obligatory under the new testament ; that we bestow charges upon sumptuous temples , upon these fancied grounds of master hooker ? for his first morall ground is , nothing is too dear to be bestowed about the furniture of gods service : . because sumptuous temples serve to the world for a witnesse of his almightinesse , whom we outwardly serve , and honour with the chiefest of outward things , as being of all things himself incomparably the greatest : . it were strange , that god should have made such store of glorious creatures on earth , & leave them all to be consumed on secular vanity , allowing none but the baser sort to be imployed in his own service : . rarest and most gorgeous treasures are too little for earthly kings . . if the corruptible temples of the holy spirit are to be served with rich almes , what should be done for houses to edifie the living temples redeemed by iesus christ : to all which i say : . the temple of ierusalem in its glory , proportion and beauty , was a positive worship , and so must be warranted by the positive warrant of the word , and the like warrant must all our churches in the new-testament have : . if we must extend our liberality and bounty towards god to the highest , and to testifie the greatnesse and almightinesse of him whom we serve : then did david and solomon in both fail , there were more glorious and rich houses on earth , and divers times have been builded to the honour of false gods , and to declare the royall magnificence of mortall kings : god never for his own honour appointed such a banquet as ahasureosh did , to continue for an hundred and fourscore dayes , esther . . more might , and ought to have been done by david and solomon , if it had been a morall ground to build a house , to be a witnesse of almightinesse : . and god appointed sacrifices , and sacraments in both testaments , as testimonies of the great lord iesus ; yet in base and obvious creatures ; we may not devise symbols or witnessing images of the almightinesse of that god whom we serve , at our pleasure : . if our lord love mercy better then sacrifice , especially under the new testament , when his worship must be more spirituall : then the argument may be strongly retorted , we are to bestow more on feeding the living members of christs body ( which yet is not secular vanity ) then on dead stones ; except master hooker can warrant us to serve god under the new testament in precious stones and gold , for which we can see no warrant : . all these arguments are broadly used by papists , for images and rich churches : nor doth hooker give us any argument for this , but what papists gave before him : have ye not houses ( saith he ) to eat and drink in ; ergo , he teacheth a difference between house and house , and what is fit for the dwelling place of god , and what for mans habitation , the one for common food , the other for none but for heavenly food . ans . that there was publick meeting places and churches in corinth , now under heathen rulers , cor. . is denyed , by all both protestant and popish writers , far lesse had they then any consecrated churches , and from the inconveniency of taking their supper while some were full and drunk in the place where the lords supper was celebrated , whereas they ought to have supped in their own houses : to infer that the church is a holier place , then their own house , i professe is logick , i do not understand , it only concludes these two sort of houses are destinated from two sort of different uses , sacred and prophane and no more . neither am i much moved at that , psal . . which is said , ver . . they have burnt all the convening places , or all the congregations of god in the land : vatablus , expoundeth it of the temple : exusserunt totum templum dei terrenum : or all the question will be , why the synagogues are called gods synagogues , as they called the temple , ier. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the temple of the lord , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the house of the lord : whither because every synagogue was no lesse in its own kinde a house holy to the lord then the temple : certainly there is no rationall ground to say , that synagogues were typicall , that the people were to pray with their faces toward the synagogue , and to offer sacrifices in the synagogue : but that a synagogue is called the house of god , from the use and end , because it was ordained for the worship of god , as that which god hath appointed for a speciall end and work , in that the lord assumeth the propriety thereof to himself , so saith the lord of cyrus , isa . . . thus saith the lord to his anointed , to cyrus whose right hand i have holden ; yet was not cyrus typically , or religiously holy , as the temple of ierusalem , and c. . v. . he saith of cyrus , he is my shepherd : and why ? he shall perform all my pleasure , so hos . . . therefore will i returne ( saith god ) and take away my corne in the time thereof , and my wine in the season thereof , and will recover my wool and my flax ( given ) to cover her nakednesse , to say nothing that all the holy land was gods land , hos . . . they shall not dwell in the lords land ; and consequently all the synagogues were gods houses ; and the enemy of whom the church complaineth to god in that psalme , was thus bold , as notwithstanding canaan was gods heritage and proper land in a speciall manner , yet it was destroyed and burnt by the enemies , even these houses that god was worshipped in , not being spared ; but how god was so present in every synagogue , and that even when there were no actuall worship of god in it , as he was in the temple , and that it was so holy a place , as they were to put off there shooes who came into the synagogue , god shewing his own immediate presence in every synagogue , as he did , exod. . . to moses in the burning bush , exod. . . v. . is a thing that hath no warrant in the word of god ; for if every synagogue had been thus holy : . it should have been a house dedicated to god in a religious way , as was the temple : . god should dwell in every synagogue then , & in every church under the new testament now , as he said he would dwell in the temple . . then must heathens and the uncircumcised be forbidden to come into any synagogue , or any church under the new testament , the contrary whereof was evident in scripture ; none were forbidden to enter in the synagogues , paul , cor. . , . alloweth that heathens come into the churches or meetings where christians are worshipping god. . if either the temple of ierusulem was holy for the worship in it , or for that it was a type of our materiall temples under the new testament , then our churches under the new testament shall be more holy , yea , our private houses in which we may worship god shal be more holy , as our worship is more spirituall then carnall commandments of the leviticall law were , and the body must be more holy then the shadow ; yea , all the earth now from the rising of the sun , to the going down of the same , in regard of more spirituall worship , even the stables and alehouses , where we may offer the incense of prayer to god , and offer the sacrifices of praises , mal. . . shall be alike holy , as either our churches or the temple was of old . cap. i. q. . whether or not humane ceremonies in gods worship , can consist with the perfection of gods word ? these humane ceremonies we cannot but reject upon these grounds ; our first argument is : every positive and religious observance , and rite in gods worship , not warranted by gods word , is unlawfull : but humane ceremonies are such : ergo , the proposition is sure , the holy spirit useth a negative argument , act. . . we gave no such commandment , levit. . . jer. . . and . , . and . . sam. . . chron. . . the lord commanded not this , ergo , it is not lawfull . formalists , answer : every worship holden to be of divine necessity and yet not commanded by god , is unlawfull ; but not every worship holden as free , and not binding the conscience , requireth that god command it . ans . . gods consequence is from the want of a lawfull efficient and author ; you make him to reason from an adjunct of the worship : but all worship hath necessity , and divinity , and a binding power only from the author god. for why is it lawfull to abraham to kill or intend to kill his son ? why is not eating the forbidden fruit lawfull ? only because god commandeth ; and if god forbid abraham to kill his son , and command adam to eat , it is lawfull . . if this be good , observe all the ceremoniall law , so you lay not divine necessity upon the observance thereof ; offer sacrifices to god under the new testament , and you cannot fail in the worship against the institutor ▪ so slaying of the children to molech , so you count it free and changeable , shall not fail against gods commandments of the first table ( i command it not . ) they answer , to kill children , is man slaughter ; but i reply : god doth no● , ier. . reason against offering the seed to molech , as it was murther and forbidden in the sixth commandment : but as false worship , and forbidden in the second commandment : else he proveth not , that it was unlawfull worship against piety , but that it was an act of cruelty : yea , so it be thought free and bind not the conscience , it may be lawfull worship , and is not condemned by this ( god commanded it not ) ergo , it is not lawfull . i commanded not , ( saith a morton , and b d. burges . ) that is , i discommanded , or forbade . ans . so c saith the iesuit valentia ; but so , circumcising of women , boyling of the paschall lambe , another ark then moses made , should not be unlawfull , for these are not expresly discommanded . but gods commanding to circumcise the male-childe , to roast the paschall lambe , to make this ark : and his silence of circumcision of women , and boyling the passeover , and silence of another ark , is a command . . the text , jer. . is wronged , i commanded not , neither came it in my heart to command this abomination : that is , i never purposed it as worship : else they knew , to kill their children , except to god , as abraham was commanded , was unlawfull , as isa . . . the day of vengeance is in mine heart , king. . . king. . . gen ▪ . . to be in ones heart , is to purpose a thing . . valentia saith , exod. . . i commanded not the false prophet to speak ; but how ? by not sending or calling him : else god did not say by a positive commandment to every false prophet , prophecy not ; but because god b●de him not prophecy , he was to know god forbade him : else to speak arbitrary doctrines and prophesies , not tying the conscience , were no false prophecying . they object , king. . . it was well that it was in davids heart to build a house to god , and yet david had no warrant in gods word , for to build an house to god. so morton d burges e ans . david had a twofold will and purpose to build gods house : . conditionall : it was revealed to david , that god would have an house built , therefore david might conditionally purpose to build it ; so it was gods will he should be the man. this wanteth not gods word : we may desire what ever may promove gods glory conditionally . as that petition teacheth ( thy kingdom come . ) this was recommended of god and approved ▪ kin. . . . a resolute will upon nathans mistake , the blinde leading the blinde , this was not commanded , though the desire of the end was good , that is , that a house should be built . morton , . it was lawfull upon common equity , considering gods mercy to him , in subduing his enemies , and that he dwelt in cedars , whereas god wanted an house , but he could not actually perform it , without gods word : so burges . ans . . the consequence without gods word , is as good to conclude , that david might actually build gods house , as to will and purpose to build it : because the word is a perfect rule to our thoughts and purposes , no lesse then to our actions ; if to build without gods word was unlawfull : ergo , to purpose this without gods word was unlawfull . a purpose of sin , as of adultery , is sin , a purpose of will worship , is will-worship and sin . . a man of blood is as unfit to purpose to be a type of a peaceable saviour , as to be a type of a saviour , . if god reprove samuels light for judging according to the eye , sam. . . far more he rebuketh his purpose to anoint a man without his word , who giveth kingdoms to whom he pleaseth : yet samuel had a good intention , and gods word in generall , that one of iesse's sons should be king. . i● that good purpose had remained with david deliberately to build the lords house , after the lord had said , solomon , not david , must build the house , it would have been sinfull ; yet the reasons upon common equity , and a generall warrant that god would have an house , had been as good as before : if mortons consequence be once good , it s ever good . . by this , without the warrant of the word , we may purpose to glorifie god : the baptist without gods warrant , may purpose a new sacrament , cajaphas may purpose that he shall be the man who shall dye for the people : i may purpose to glorifie god , by a thousand new means of worshipping : papists have good intentions in all they do . . a purpose of heart is an inward substantiall worship warranted by gods word , psal . . . psal . . . psal . . . ier. . . gen. . . eccles . , . isa . . . ergo , the word is not a rule in substantiall and morall duties ; heart-purposes cannot be indifferent heart-ceremonies . . david needed not aske counsell at gods mouth and word , for an indifferent heart-purpose , grounded upon sufficient warrant of common equity , whether he should act it or no● ; that which warranteth the good purpose , warranteth the enacting of the good purpose . . who knoweth if god rewardeth additions to the word , with a sure house , and all indifferent ceremonies ? all additions to gods word are unlawfull ▪ deut. ▪ ● . deut. . . prov. . . rev. . . ioh. . . luk. . , . tim ▪ . psalme . , . so , a basilius , b hieron , d cyprian , e chrysostome , f procopius , g turtullian , all the fathers , all protestant divines opposing traditions ▪ put their seal and pen to the plenitude of scripture : but humane rites are additions to gods word . h morton and burges say , god forbiddeth in the foresaid places , additions of any thing , as divine and a part of gods word , or additions contrary to gods word , and corrupting the sense thereof , but not additions perfecting and ●●●plaining his word ▪ a● commentaries and annotations of the text . so do papists answer , duvallius , i a sorbonist ▪ he forbiddeth other new sacrifices , as of the gentiles , who offered their sons and daughters : so k valentia , l vasquez , m bellarmine , n suarez , o cajetan , they are not added which the church addeth ▪ they are from the spirit of god : so p bannes ; but all these do elude , not expound the texts : . because ▪ if the iewish princes had commanded arbitrary and conditionall ar●s , sacrifices , places of worship , so they add● not heathenish and wicked , as the gentiles sacrificing their children , they had no● failed by this answer ; yet moses the prince , is commanded to make all according to the patern in the mount. . god speaketh to all israel , and not to the princes only , deut. . . hearken o israel , he speaketh to these who are bidden to keep their soul diligently , v. . . it is bellarmines groundlesse charity , to think private heads who were not princes and law-givers , did not take on an h●iry mantle to deceive , zach. . . and say , thus saith the lord ▪ when god had not spoken to them , ier. . . . yea , and private women added their own dreams to the word of god , ezech. . , . . they say traditions are from gods spirit : but hath gods spirit lost all majesty , divinity and power in speaking ? if the popes decretals , the councels , the dirty traditions , wanting life , language , and power , be from gods spirit : formalists admit traditions from an humane spirit , and in this are shamed even by papists , who say , god only ●an adde to his own word , whereas they say , men , and the worst of men , prelates may adde to gods vvord : . but that additions perfecting are forbidden is clear : . additions perfecting , as didoclavius p saith , argueth the word of imperfection , and that baptisme is not perfect without crossing . . it is gods prerogative to adde canonick scripture to the five books of moses , and the nevv-testament , and the doctrine of the sacraments which cannot be syllogistically deduced out of the old testament , matth. . , . ioh. . . heb. . . rev. . . and these are perfecting and explaining additions , therefore men may by as good reason adde canonick scripture to the revelation , as adde new positive doctrines like this ( the holy surplice is a sacred signe of pastorall holinesse ) ( crossing is a signe of dedicating the childe to christs service ) for papists ●ay , even vasquez q that the pope neither in a generall councell , nor out of it , can ordain any nevv points of faith , vvhich are not contained in the principles or articles revealed , and may not be evidently concluded out of them . formalists answer , it is not lavvfull to adde any thing as a part of divine worship , but it is lawfull to add● something as an indifferent rite , coming from authority grounded upon common equity ▪ and this is the ansvver of the jesuite vasquez r the pope and church cannot make an article of faith , for that is believed by divine faith , to come from god only , but as law-givers they may give laws that bindeth the conscience , and yet are not altogether essentiall in worship . if additions , as divine parts of gods worship ( say we ) be forbidden ; god then forbidding to adde such traditions , forbiddeth his own spirit to adde to gods word , for no man but god can adde additions divine , that is , coming from god , but god himself , & by good consequence the forbidding men to add additions , as really coming from god , should forbid men to be gods , for divine additions are essentially additions coming from god ; but if he forbid additions only of mens divising , but obtruded to have the like efficacy and power over the conscience , that canonick scripture hath , then were it lawfull to adde killing of our children to molech , so it were counted not really to come from god , with opinion of divine necessity ; and by this , god should not forbid things to be added to his word , by either private or publick men , but only he should forbid things to be added with such a quality , as that they should by divine faith be received as coming from god , and having the heavenly stamp of canonick scripture , when as they are come only from the pope and his bastard bishops ; so all the fables of the evangell of nicodemus ; the materials of the iewish and turkish religion might be received as lawfull additions , so they do not contradict the scripture , as contrary to what is written , but only beside what is written , and with all , so they be received as from the church : also . additions contrary to the word , are diminutions ; to adde to the eight command this addition ( the church saith it is lawfull to steal ) were no addition to the ten commandments , but should destroy the eight commandment , and make nine commandments only , and the meaning of gods precept , deut. . thou shalt neither adde , nor diminish ; should be , thou shalt neither diminish , neither shalt thou diminish : and so our masters make moses to forbid no additions at all : . commentaries and expositions of the word , if sound , shall be the word of god it self ; the true sense of a speech , is the form and essence of a speech , and so no additions thereunto but explanations , except you make all sound sermons , arbitrary ceremonies and traditions , whereas articles of faith expounded are sermons , and so the scripture it self materially taken , is but a tradition . quest . ii. whether scripture be such a perfect rule of all our morall actions ; a● that the distinction of essentiall and necessary , and of accidentall and arbitrary worship cannot stand ? and if it forbid all worship not only contrary , but also beside the word of god as false , though it be not reputed as divine and necessary . formalists do acknowledge , as morton , burges , hooker , and others teach us , that ceremonies which are meer ceremonies , indifferent in nature and opinion , are not forbidden : yea , that in the generall they are commanded upon common equity , and in particular according to their specification , surplice , crossing , kn●eling before consecrated images , and representations of christ are not forbidden , and negatively lawfull , having gods allowing if not his commanding will ; but only god forbiddeth such ceremonies , wherein men place opinion of divine necessity , holinesse and efficacy , in which case they become doctrinall , and essentiall , and so mens inventions are not arbitrary and accidentall worship : but let these considerations be weighed . . distinct . the word of go ▪ being given to man , as a morall agent , is a rule of all his morall actions , but not of actions of art , sciences , disciplines ; yea , on of meer nature . . distinct . ( beside the word ) in actions morall , and in gods worship , is all one with that ( which is contrary to the word ) and what is not commanded is forbidden , as not seeing in a creature capable of all the five senses is down right blindenesse . . lawfulnesse is essentiall to worship instituted of god , but it is not essentiall to worship i● generall : neither is opinion of sanctity , efficacy , or divine necessity essentiall to worship , but only to divine worship , and its opinion not actuall nor formall , but fundamentall and materiall . . seeing the apostles were no lesse immediatly inspired of god , then the prophets , it is a vain thing to seek a knot in a rush , and put a difference betwixt apostolick commandments or traditions and divine commandments , as it is a vain and scripturelesse curiosity to difference betwixt the propheticall truths of moses , samuel , isaiah , ieremiah , ezekiel , &c. and divine prophecies , which is , as if you would difference betwixt the fair writing of titus the writer , and the writing made by the pen of titus , or betwixt peters words , and the words spoken by pete●● tongue , mouth and lips , for prophets and apostles were both gods mouth . . worship essentiall , and worship arbitrary , vvhich formalists inculcate ; or worship positively lavvfull , or negatively lavvfull , are to be acknowledged as worship lawfull , and will-worship , and vvorship lawfull and unlawfull . . what is vvarranted by naturall reason , is vvarranted by scripture , for the law of nature is but a part of scripture . . actions are either purely morall , or purely not morall , or mixed of both : the first hath vvarrant in scripture , the second none at all , the third requireth not a vvarrant of scripture every vvay concludent , but only in so far as they be morall . . matters of meer fact , knovvn by sence and humane testimonie , are to be considered according to their physicall existence if they be done or not done ; if titus did such a thing or not , such are not in that notion to be proved by scripture : . they may be considered according to their essence and morall quality of good and lawfull , ●ad or unlawfull , and so they are to be warranted by scripture . . there is a generall vvarrant in scripture for worship and morall actions , tvvofold : either vvhen the major proposition is only in scripture , and the assumption is the vvill of men , or vvhen both the proposition and assumption are warranted by scripture : the former vvarrant i think not sufficient , and therefore the latter is necessary to prove the thing lavvfull . hence our . conclusion . every worship , and positive observance of religion , and all morall actions are to be made good , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( according as it is vvritten ) though their individuall circumstances be not in the word . . the offering , for the babe iesus , tvvo turtle doves , and ●vvo pigeons , are according as it is vvritten in the lavv , and yet ioseph and mary , the priest the offerer , the day and hour when the male childe iesus for whom are not in the law , exod. . . numbers . . in the second table amaziah his fact of mercy in not killing the children for the fathers sin is said to be , kin. . . performed by the king ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is vvritten in the book of the law of moses : yet in that law , deut , . . there is not a word of amaziah , or the children whom he spared : because these be physicall , and not morall circumstances , as concerning the essence of the law of god. hence in the categorie of all lawfull worship and morall actions : both proposition and assumption is made good by this , as it is vvritten , even to the lowest specifice degree of morality as all these . . the worship of god. . sacramentall worship under that . . under that , participation of the lords supper . . under all , the most speciall participation of the lords supper by iohn , anna , in such a congregation , such a day ; all these i say , both in proposition and assumption are proved by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and can bid this ( according as it is written ) the like i may instance in all other worship , in all acts of discipline , in all morall acts of justice and mercy , in the second table : but come to the prelats kalendar , they cry ( order and decency is commanded in gods worship . ) and we hear pauls cry , not theirs ; but under this is , . ( orderly and decent ceremonies of humane institution ; ) and here they have lost pauls cry , and the scriptures ( as it is written ) . under this ( be symbolicall signes of religious worship instituted by men ) ( according as it is written ) is to seek . and . under all , ( thomas his crossing of such an infant ) is written on the back of the prelats bible , or service book , but no where else : so do papists say , what ever the church teach , that is divine truth . under this cometh in , invocations of saints , purgatory , and all other fatherlesse traditions , which though papists should teach to be arbitrary and indifferent ; yet would we never allow them room in gods house , seeing they cannot abide this touchstone ▪ ( according as it is written . ) . because scripture condemneth in gods worship , what ever is ours , as will-worship , hence , . all worship and new positive means of worship , devised by men , are unlawfull ; but humane ceremonies , are such , ergo , the proposition is proved many wayes : as , . what is mans in gods worship , and came from lord-man , is challenged as false , vain , and unlawfull , because not from god , as idols , according to their own understanding , hos . . . so , from israel it was , the workman made it , hos . . . hence , a zanchius , and b pareus infer , all invented by men , are false and vain , and so are condemned , ier. . . the imaginations of their ●vil heart , and , psal . . . their own devises , their ovvn vvorks , their ovvn inventions , as , act. . . figures vvhich y● made , act. . . had they been figures of gods making , as the cherubins and oxen in the temple , as king. . they had been lawfull ▪ dayes devised by i●rob●ams heart , king. . , . the light of your ovv●●●ir● , isa . . . a plant that the heavenly father planted not ; ergo , by man , math. . . . the proposition is proved from the wisdom of christ , who is no lesse faithfull then moses , who followed his copy that he saw in the mount , exod. . . . . exod. . . heb. . . heb. . , . ioh. . . or solomon , chron. . . . chron. . , . gal. . . also , i prove our conclusion . . thus : if the word be a rule to direct a young mans vvay , psal . . . a light to the paths of men , v. . if the wisdom of god cause us to understand equity , iudgement , righteousnesse , and every good vvay , prov. . . and cause us vvalk safely , so that our feet stumble not , prov. . . so that vvhen vve go , our steps shall not be straightned , and vvhen vve run , our feet shall not stumble , prov. . , . if wisdom lead us as a lamp , and and a light , prov. . . then all our actions morall ▪ of first or second table , all the worship , and right means of the worship , must be ruled by this , ( according as it is written ) else in our actions we walk in darknesse , we fall , stumble , go aside , and are taught some good way , and instructed about the use of some holy crossing , some doctrine of purgatory , and saint-worship , without the light of the word : but this latter is absurd : ergo , so is the former . it is poor what c hooker saith against us : if wisdom of scripture teach us every good path , prov. . . by sccripture onely , and by no other mean , then there is no art and trade , but sripture should teach : but wisdom teacheth something by scripture , something by spirituall influence , something by worldy experience , thomas believed christ vvas risen by sence , because he savv him , not by scripture , the ievvs believed by christs miracles . ans . . some actions in man are meerly naturall , as to grow ; these are not regulated by the word . . some agree to man , as he liveth , as to sleep , eat , drink , and these are considered as animall actions , actiones animales , and do not belong to our question : but as they are in man , they be two wayes regulated by the word . . according to the substance of the act , the law of nature , and consequently , the word of god commandeth them : if one should kill himself through totall abstinence from meat and sleep , he should sin against the law of nature . . these actions according as they are to be moderated by reason , are to be performed soberly , and are in gods word commanded . d . some actions agree to man , as he is an artificiall , or scientifick agent , as to speak right latine , to make accurate demonstrations in geometry , and these are ruled by art , man in these , as they be such , is not a morall agent , but an artificiall agent , i say as they are such , because while one speaketh latine according to the art of disputer or linacer , he should not lie , and all morality in these actions are to be ruled by gods vvord , and as actions of art , they are not every good path , or every good morall vvay that solomon speaketh of , prov. . . and therefore it is a vain argument against the perfection of gods word . . hooker saith , god teacheth us something by spirituall influence ans . if without the word , by only influence , spirituall , as he taught the prophets ; it was a vain instance , for influence , visions , inspirations were of old in place of scripture . if ceremonies , as crossing & surplice come this way from god , they be as nobly born , as the old and new-testament : if god teach any thing now by influence spirituall without scripture . hooker is an enthusiast , and an anabaptist : if experience and sense teach many things now , which scripture doth not teach , and yet is worship , or a morall action , we desire to know these : . the instance of thomas , learning that christ is risen from the dead , by sence and not by scripture , and of the iews believing by miracles , and not by scripture , might make a iesuit blush , for christs resurrection , and the doctrine of the gospel confirmed by miracles , are not arbitrary rites beside gods word , but fundamentals of salvation : hence the man will have us believe god revealeth articles of faith to us , by other means then by his word : thomas was helped by his sense , and some iews to believe christs death and resurrection by miracles : but the formall object of their faith , was the lord speaking in his scriptures . . hooker objecteth ; when many meats are set before me in the table , all are indifferent , none unlawfull , if i must be ruled by scripture , and eat in faith , and not by natures light , and common discretion : i shall sin in eating one meat before another . how many things ( saith e sanderson ) do parents and masters command their servants and sons ? shall they disobey , while they finde a warrant from scripture ? ans . for eating in measure , the scripture doth regulate us , for eating for gods glory , the scripture also doth regulate us , and the action of eating according to the substance of the action , is warranted by the law of nature , which is a part of the word ; the meer order in eating is not a morall action , and so without the lists of the question . if the question be of the order of eating , i think not that a morall action : . eating of divers meats is a mixt action , and so requireth not a warrant in the morality every way ; if you eat such meats ( where there be variety to choose ) as you know doth ingender a stone , or a cholick , you sin against the sixth commandment : . masters , parents , commanders of armies may command apprentices , servants , sons , souldiers , many artificiall actions , in trades , in war , where both commanders and obeyers are artificiall , not morall agents , and so they touch not the question , but what is morall in all actions of art , oeconomy , sciences , is ruled by the word , except our masters offend that paul said , children should obey their parents in the lord : that men are not both in commanding inferiours , and obeying superiours vexed with scruples , cometh not from the insufficiency of gods word , but from this , that mens consciences are all made of stoutnesse . but if this be true , seth , enoch , noah , shem , could not eat nor sleep ( saith f hooker ) but by revelation which was scripture to them . answer , supernaturall revelation was to these fathers the rule of gods worship , and all their actions supernaturall , and of all their actions morall , in relation to the last end ; but for eating and drinking , they being actions naturall , they were to be regulated in these ; by naturall reason , and the law of nature , which was apart then of the divine tradition that then ruled the church , while as yet the word was not written . hooker urgeth thus ; it will follow that moses , the prophets and apostles should not have used naturall arguments , to move people to do their dutie ; they should only have used this argument ( as it is written ) else they taught them other grounds and warrants for their actions then scripture . ans . none can deny naturall arguments to be a part of the word of god , as is clear , rom. . . cor. . , . cor. . . yea , christ , mat. . . teacheth , that this principle of nature ( whatsoever ye would men should do to you , do ye so to them ) is the law and the prophets , because it is a great part of the law and the prophets , and therefore they say in effect ( as it vvritten in the scripture ) when they say ( as it is written in mans heart by nature . ) . principles ▪ of nature , are made scripture by the pen-men of the holy ghost , and do binde as the scripture . . it will be long ere the law of nature teach crossing , and kneeling to bread , to be good ceremonie . they object . i could not then ride ten miles to solace my self with my friends , except i had warrant from scripture , and seeing the scripture is as perfect in acts of the second table , as in acts of the first ; i must have a reason of all the businesse betwixt man and man , of all humane and municipall laws , but it is certain ( saith sanderson ) faith as certain as logick can make it , is not required in these , but onely ethicall and conjecturall faith , whereby we know things to be lawfull negatively : it s not required that we know them to be positively conform to gods word . ans . if you ride ten miles with your friend and do not advise with his word , who sayes ( redeem the time ) you must give account for idle actions , if christ say , you must give an account for idle words . . though there seem to be more liberty in actions of the second table , then of the first ; because there be far moe positive actions , not meerly morall , which concerneth the second table , because of oeconomy , policy , municipall and civill laws , arts , sciences , contracts amongst men , that are not in the first table ; yet the morallity of the second table , is as expresly in gods word , as the worship of the first table . . because what is justice and mercy , and love toward man in the second table , doth no more depend upon mans sole will , but upon gods morall law & the law of nature , then it dependeth upon mans will or human wisdom , how god should be worshipped according to the first table . for gods will in his word , is called by our divines , a perfect canon and rule of faith , and also of manners : and as the grace of god , t it . teacheth us what is piety , so also what is righteousnesse and sobriety . . because as gods word condemneth will-worship , which is come of no nobler blood , then mans will , so condemneth it idle words , and idle actions , which are but will-works , and will-words , and deeds of will-justice , and will-mercy : and a will-conscience in the second table , putteth no lesse a rub upon the wisdom of the lord , the law ▪ giver , then a will conscience in the first table . but formalists say , if mans will and authority cannot appoint crossing , holy humane-dayes , surplice , and such , the decent expressions and incitements of devotion , in the kinde of arbitrary , mutable , and ambulatory worship ; but they must be therein guilty of adding to the doctrine of piety and religion in the first table : by that same reason they cannot make humane civill and positive laws in war and peace , to be means of conserving justice and mercy tovvard humane societies in the kinde of duties of righteousnesse and sobriety tovvards our selves and neighbours ; but they must be guilty of adding to the doctrine of the second table . i answer : . the case is not alike , we cannot be agents in the performing of any worship to god ; nor can we use any religious means for honouring god , which belong to the first table : but in these we are morall agents , doing with speciall reference to conscience , and to true happinesse and the glory of god , as the ends both of the work and workers : and therefore in these we are precisely ruled by the wisdom of god , who hath in his word set down what worship , and what means of exciting devotion , and decoring of his worship pleaseth him , and hath not left men to lord-will , or lord-wit ; but in many actions that belong to humane societies , we are not morall agents , but often agents by art , as in military discipline , trades usefull for mans life , oeconomy and policy in kingdoms and cities , in sciences , as logick , physick , mathematicks , in these finis operis , the end of the work is operation , according to the principles of arts and policy , and we are not in them morall agents , and so not to be regulated by gods word . for the scripture giveth not to us , precepts of grammar , of war , of trades , and arts , teaching us to speak right latine , to make accurat demonstrations : nor is the end of the work here a thing that pitcheth upon that tender and excellentest peece in us , our conscience , and our morall duties to god and men , but to make such humane laws , just and suitable with sobriety and justice , is not left to lord-will , but right reason , the principles of a naturall conscience ( which are parts to us of scripture ) and the word of god it self hath determined ; whether , to carry armour in the night , in such a case ? whether to eat flesh in such a season of the year ▪ when the eating thereof hurteth the common-wealth , and the like belong to works of justice and mercy , or no ? now it is no marvel that in things belonging to our naturall life , peace , societies , policy , where the end of the work is naturall or civill , and belongeth not , as such , to the conscience , and salvation of the soul , that there men be artificers or agents according to art , oeconomy , policy , whereas the end of the work , finis operis , in the worship of god , is morall , and a matter of an higher nature ; and so the means and manner of worship here , are determined by gods word . but when actions of arts , sciences , trades , oeconomy , policy , and laws positive , are elevated above themselves , ad finem operantium , to the end that agents are to look unto , as they be morall agents ; gods word is as perfect a rule for acts of good manners in the second table , as in the first : for example , that i speak good latine , i am to see to disputers precepts ; but that i lie not , and speak not scandals or blasphemies , while i speak latine , there i am to look to gods law given by moses . that a tradesman make works according to art , he is to advise with art , but that he sell not his work at too dear a price , he is to advise with the eight commandment ; and when all these acts of art are referred to conscience ▪ salvation , and the glory of god , as they ought to be respectus finis operantis ▪ in respect of the morall intention of the doer , all their morallity is squared by gods-word . hence there be no actions of worshipping god , but they be purely morall , et respectu finis operis , et respectu finis operantiis ; but many actions belonging to the second table , are either purely not morall , as actions of meer art , or they be mixed , and respectu finis operis , in respect of the end of the work , they are not morall , nor to be squared by the word at all ; and in respect of the morall intention of the doer , they be morall , and so mixed actions , and partly ruled by the word , and partly ruled by art or policy , according to our seventh distinction . ii. conclusion : in actions or religious means of worship , and actions morall , whatever is beside the word of god , is against the word of god ; i say in religious means , for there be means of worship , or circumstances physicall , not morall , not religious , as whether the pulpit be of stone or of timber , the bell of this or this mettall , the house of worship stand thus or thus in situation . our formalists will have it in the power of rulers to command in the matter of worship , that which is beside the word of god , and so is negatively lawfull , though it be not positively conform to gods word , nor commanded or warranted by practice ; which i grant is a witty way of romes devising , to make entry for religious humane ceremonies . but . whatever is not of faith , and a sure perswasion , that what i do pleaseth god , is sin , rom. . . . and therefore neither can be commanded by rulers , nor practiced by inferiours : but things besides scripture , and negatively lawfull , are things not of faith ; ergo , the assumption i prove : . i doubt if lord-will , be the lord-carver , of what pleaseth god. . if it may stand with the wisdom of christ the law-giver ; for no ceremonies maketh christ a perfect law-giver : . in things doubtsome , abstinence is the surest side ; ergo ; rulers ought not to command them : . samuel , david , even wicked saul abstained in things doubtsome , while the oracle of god removed the doubts , and answered him . . paul in eating or not eating , which are things most indifferent , requireth a certain perswasion of positive assurance , rom. . . i know , and am perswaded by the lord iesus , that there is nothing unclean of it self , but to him that esteemeth any thing to be unclean , it is unclean . a master sanderson saith , in things substantiall of gods worship , and in things to be done upon necessity of salvation , what is not of faith ; certainly assuring us it is conforme positively to gods word , it is sin , so we abhor popish additions : but in the actions of our life , as the lifting of a straw , and in ceremoniall worship , or accidentals , it holdeth not ( saith b morton , and doctor burges ) not in all particulars ( saith c paybodie ) for there should be no end ( saith d doct. iackson ) of doubting , for papists might doubt to assist our king against roman catholicks . ans . . let formalists explain themselves ; doctrinals , substantials , and essentiall worship , is such as god hath commanded in the proposition , and in the assumption , and particularly in gods word ; accidentals are such , as he hath commanded in generall , but left particulars to mens will , so they define , like m●sters of arts. but this our masters say , in all that christ hath particularly commanded , his testament is perfect , and so i believe , what god hath set down , he hath set down , and so we have scripture right down as perfect as the fables of esop , & nasoes metamorphosis : what is in esopes and nasoes books , is in their books , and what they command you , are with certainty of faith to believe they command , and what the prophets and apostles writ , that they writ , and that is essentiall worship ; what they writ not , they writ not . . mr. sandersons lifting up a straw , is a straw for an instance ; actions of imagination are not morall , we give him leave to ruh his beard without faith , as he weareth white sheets above his garments in divine service against faith. . to do in faith , is to know , that , in that i serve christ , and am accepted of god , rom. . . to do that which condemneth me not , and maketh me happy in the doing thereof , v. . . it is a faith that i have before god in my conscience , v. ● . . it is a perswasion by the lord iesus , that it is clean . . it is such , as i know is positively lawfull by scriptures expresse warrant , ▪ cor. . . the earth is the lords and the fulnesse thereof ; ergo , i have certainty of faith , that it is positively conform to scripture what i do : but in things negatively lawfull , as lifting a straw , wearing a surplice , i have no perswasion by the lord iesus , that i serve christ , and am accepted of god in so doing , and know not from psa . . . or from any other scripture , that it is lawfull what i do . . a generall warrant is either when the major proposition only is sure by scripture , but you must take the assumption upon the formalists merchant-word , or where both proposition and assumption can indure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according as it is written ; this latter wee imbrace with both our hands , but formalists deny it to us : the first is their meaning . this , what is decent and not contrary to gods word , that the rulers may command : but surplice , crossing , &c. are decent and not contrary to gods word ; ergo. so one giles widdows e saith ▪ man and wife are one flesh : ergo , the ring in marriage is good . and , fine linnen is the righteousnesse of the saints , rev. . ergo , a surplice is good . and , matth. . take up your crosse : ergo , the crossing in baptisme is lawfull . enough of this ▪ but so the worship of the devil is lawfull ▪ and , aarons golden calf is lawfull ; for i can finde a major proposition for them in scripture , of which you have a faith both negative and positive ; as this , whatever god commandeth in his word , that is lawfull : but god commandeth the indians devil vvorship in his word : ergo , &c. i am not holden to give my faith for the assumption : yet it is as good as our masters reasoning . . jackson is wide in his lawfull negatives , for to fight against roman catholicks , at our kings command , upon good grounds , is not an indifferent thing , except to kill men , and shed blood , be indifferent and lawfull negatively : i thought , to make war , had been amongst the substantials , and positively conform to gods word . . the fathers , as origen , ambrose , chrysostom , theophylact , oecumenius , theodoret , anselm and ierome , upon the place rom. . . as vasquez saith f from this place , rom : ▪ . that what any doth , must be warranted by the light of the conscience as lawfull . if formalist ; stand to this , they must give us some things against conscience , and something beside conscience , that is morally lawfull , and therefore if conscience see not such a thing against scripture , though it have no warrant in scripture , yet it is lawfull , and done in a certain perswasion of a well informed conscience ; but these who eat things thought to be unclean by gods law , to the scandall of others , who knew these meats were not against piety and gods lavv , nor yet that the eating of them was against charity , while paul delivered the doctrine of scandall , yet their eating was unlawfull . . formalists say nothing here , but what papists said before them , they say , men may go to war , doubting of the lawfulnesse thereof ; and therefore h vasquez , i angelus , k corduba , and l navarr . will us , while the doubt remaineth , to choose the surest side , as conscience ought to do : and m vasquez saith , manente dubio , &c. to do so long as the doubt remaineth , is to do against the judgement of conscience : and n adrianus saith , while they doubt , and yet go to war , they expose themselves to the danger of man-slaughter , and by not going to war , they should onely sin by not obeying . o suarez saith , it is a speculative doubt , vvhen superiors commandeth it : and p sylvester saith , such a doubt should be expelled at the commandment of superiors . and no marvell the command of superiors to papists is an oracle , and blinde obedience is good meriting ; therefore q gratian and the iesuit r sanches saith , inferiors are not holden to examine the commandments of superiors . . iackson saith , this ( whatsoever is not of faith is sin ) holdeth in omission of good , as in commission of evil : ergo , your not practising indifferent ceremonies , is not of faith , and so sin. ans . he that obeyeth doubtingly , is condemned , and he that obeyeth not doubtingly , is condemned ; but , master doctor , your enumeration is not sufficient , and may strike against doubting to worship a romish idol , at the command of superiors ; for i shew you a third , and its pauls way , eat not , obey not , and abstain with perswasion of faith , that what you do is agreeable positively to gods word . jackson saith , they sin , not by doubting , if the fear of evil after mature deliberation , be not extraordinary , and such as cannot be recompenced by the goodnes which appeareth in the act of obedience . doubting is no internall part or essentiall cause of sin , vve sin not because vve doubt , but because vvhile vve doubt , vve prefer an evil , or a lesse good , before a good , or a greater good . so their sin vvas not doubting , but they preferred not eating , vvhich vvas a bodily losse onely , to the evil feared , vvhich vvas to be partakers of the table of devils , and being apostates from the israel of god. ans . paul expresly saith , doubting is sin , and condemneth it ver . . and requireth , ver . . let every man be perswaded in his conscience , v. . happy is he that condemneth not himself in that which he alloweth , v. . whatsoever ( more or lesse in morall actions ) is not of faith , is sin : . internall perswasion , rom. . . is an internall cause of obedience , as v. . and therefore doubting being a sin that condemneth , rom. . . must be such a sinfull ingredient , as maketh the action sinfull . . we both sin , because we doubt , and also because we prefer a lesse good , or an evil to a greater good . . no feared evil , though never so evil , whether of sin or punishment if it follow not kindly , but only by accident , and through the corruption of our nature , should or can make us do any thing doubtingly or sinfully , for then we might do evil , that good might come of it : no good of obedience can warrant me to sin , and disobey god , nor should that be called obedience , nor is it obedience to men , which is disobedience to god. . it is an untruth that non-eating was only a bodily losse , for non-eating physicall , is a bodily losse , but paul urgeth non-eating morall , to eschew the fall of one for whom christ died . . the doctor saith ibidem . no power under the heaven could make a law over the romans , injoyning such meats , because gods law ( as they conceive ) condemned them . now how pleasant are right words ? i assume , we conceive god hath denounced all the plagues written in his book , upon practisers of humane ceremonies , as upon adders to the word of god , rev. . . yea heresies , to with , that christ is not the consubstantiall son of god , may seem probable to us ; shall the good of obedience in believing my pastor , whom god hath set over me , hinder me to obey ? . papists say also , that scripture is perfect in generall , allowing that ceremonies should be , when paul saith , let all things be done in order and decency , cor. . but the scripture giveth no particular warrant for these , but onely the churches determination . so w scotus , x suarez , y bellarmine z vasquez a bannes , b and duvallius . the scripture implicitely , and generally containeth all the substantials necessary for salvation , but not traditions in particular , that is the churches part , just as formalists say , order and decency is commanded in the word , but crossing , surplice , humane dayes and such are left to the prelates kalender , to fill up what his lordship thinketh good . so hooker ( c ) speech is necessary , but it is not necessary that all speak one kinde of language , government is necessary , but the particulars , surplice , crossing , &c. are left to the church . . what is negatively lawfull here , cannot be admitted ; if rulers may command one thing that is negatively lawfull , they may command all things ; because what they command under this formall reason , as not against scripture , they should not adde nor devise new worship , though they command all of that kinde : but the latter is absurd , for so they might command in gods worship . . the actions of sole imagination , the lifting of a straw , and all idle actions that cannot edifie . . they might command a new ark to represent christ incarnat , as the jews ark did represent him to be incarnat , a new passeover , to represent the lambe already slain , and all the materials of the ceremoniall law with reference to christ already incarnat , dead , and risen again : for all these are by formalists learning negatively lawfull ; shew us a scripture where they are forbidden , more then surplice , crossing , except because they be not commanded . if it be said , they do not command things negatively lawfull , as such , but as they edifie and teach : well then , . as they edifie and teach , they are positively good , and apt to edifie , and so must be proved by the word as commanded , and so not negatively lawfull , and not as beside , but as commanded in the word . . yet it will follow , that all these may be used in faith , that is , out of a sure perswasion that they are not contrary to gods word , and so lawfull . i might dance in a new linnen ephod , before a new iewish ark , representing christ already incarnat , and that in the negative faith of mr. sanderson , hooker , and jackson , for this ark is not against scripture , yet this ark is not commanded , and so not forbidden . . idle actions that have no use or end , might be lawfully commanded by this , because they are not forbidden , yet are such unlawfull , quia carent justâ necessitate et utilitate , as gregorius saith : i prove the connexion , because an action morall , such as ( to sign with the crosse ) performed by a subject of christs visible kingdom , for gods glory and edification of the church , which yet is neither commanded nor forbidden by god , nor commanded by natures light ( for none but those that are beside reason will say this ) nor light of gods word , or the habit of religion , hath no more reason , then the making or forming a syllogisme in barbara , which of it self cometh only from art ; and as such hath no morall use , and by as good reason may the church command dancing before a new devised ark ; yea , such an action involveth a contradiction , and is morall , and not morall : for of its own nature it tendeth to no edification , for then it might be proved by good reason to be edificative , and an action cannot be edificative from the will of men , for gods will , not mens will ▪ giveth being to things . . what is beside scripture , as a thing not repugnant thereunto , wanteth that by which every thing is essentially lawfull : ergo , it is not lawfull . the consequence is sure , i prove the antecedent : gods commanding will , doth essentially constitute a thing lawfull , gods commanding will only maketh eating and drinking bread and wine in the lords supper lawfull , and the lords forbidding will should make it unlawfull ; and gods forbidding to eat of the fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil , maketh the non-eating obedience , and the eating disobedience . as the killing of isaac by abraham , is lawfull , and that because god commandeth it ; and the not killing of him , again is lawfull , when god forbiddeth it . but things negatively lawfull and beside the word of god , wanteth gods commanding will ; for god commandeth not the materials of jewish ceremonies to represent christ already come , and such like : for if he should command them , they should be according to the word of god , and not beside the word of god : if it be said they have gods commanding will , in so far that he doth not forbid any thing not contrary to his own word ; but hath given the church authority to adde to his worship , things not contrary to his word , as they shall see they do promove godlinesse , or may edifie the church : but then if the church must see by the light of reason , and naturall judgement , aptitude in these to promove godlinesse , they are commanded by god , who hath even stamped in them that aptitude to edifie , and so are not beside gods word . . our divines condemne all the traditions of the church of rome ; as purgatory , prayer for the dead , imagery , adoring of reliques , all the crossing , holy water , chrisme , oyl , babies , bells , beads , &c. because god hath no where commanded them , and sins veniall and beside the law , and sins mortall and contrary to the law , we condemne ; because , as what is capable of seeing , and life , and hearing , and yet doth not see , live , nor hear , that in good reason we call blinde , dead , and deaf ; all beside the word are capable of morall goodnesse , and yet not morally good , because not warranted by gods word , therefore they must be morally evil . iii. conclus . opinion of sanctity , holinesse and divine necessity , is not essentiall to false worship . formalists will have their ceremonies innocent and lawfull , so they be not contrary to the word of god. . so they be not instamped with an opinion that they binde the conscience , and are of divine necessity , holinesse and efficacy ; so a morton their prelat , for opinion of justice , necessity , efficacy and merit , ( saith he ) make them doctrinals and so unlawfull : but this is but that which papists say : so suarez b saith , that their unwritten traditions are not added to the word of god , as parts of the word of god ; but as things to be believed and observed by the churches commandment ; and these who did swear by jehovah and malcom , zeph. . esteemed malcom , and an oath by malcom , not so religiously and so holy , as an oath by jehovah and malcom ; and yet no doubt , they ascribed some necessity to oaths by malcom and jehoram saying , ( am i jehovah to kill and make alive ) who yet worshipped ieroboams calves , esteemed the worshipping of these calves lesse necessary , and lesse holy and meritorious , then the worshipping of the true yehovah ; yet the calves called their gods , which brought them out of the land of aegypt , had some necessity and opinion of holinesse . for . aaron in making a calf , and proclaiming a feast to the calf , committed false worship ; but aaron placed not holinesse , justice , or merit in that worship : because , exod. . . for fear of the people who in a tumult gathered themselves together against him , he committed that idolatry ; ergo , necessity of sanctity , merit , and divine obligation , is not essentiall to false worship : ieroboam committed idolatry in saying , these are thy gods o israel ; but he placed no efficacy or merit therein , because , king. . . he did it , least the people going to ierusalem , should return to rehoboam , and kill him ; and the philistims dis-worship in handling the ark unreverently , had no such opinion , they doubting whither god or fortune ruled the ark , sam. . . it were strange if these who say in their heart , there is no god , ezech. . . psal . . . and so fail against inward worship due to god , should think that the denying of god were service and meritorious service to god ; and that peter denying christ , and iudaizing , gal. . . for fear , thought and believed he did meritorious service to christ therein : pilate in condemning christ ; iudas in selling him ; the souldiers in scourging him , did dis-worship to their creator , the lord of glory : shall we think that pilate , who for fear of the people did this ▪ believed he was performing necessary , divine and meritorious worship to god ? . if opinion of necessity divine , of merit and sanctity , as touching the conscience , were essentiall to false worship ; it were impossible for gain and glory , to commit idolatry , to preach lies in the name of the lord for a handfull of barley , as ezek. . . mic. . . kin. . . tim. ▪ , . tit. . . for its a contradiction to preach arrianisme , turcisme , popery , against the light of the minde only for gain ; and yet to think that in so doing , they be performing meritorious service to god : yea , they who devise will-worship , know their own will to be the lord-carver of that worship , at least they may know it ; yet shall we think they hold themselves necessitated , by a religious obligation so to do ? else it were impossible , that men could believe the burning their children were will-worship , indifferent and arbitrary to the worshippers , which is open war against reason : now a worship cannot be false , wanting that which is essentaill to false worship . . false worship is false worship by order of nature , before we have any opinion , either that there is religious necessity in it , or meer indifferency : ergo , such an opinion is not of the essence of false worship . . by that same reason , opinion of unjustice , or opinion of doing justice , should be of the essence of unjustice ; cains killing of his brother , should not be man-slaughter , except cain placed some divine sanctity in that wicked fact , which is against all reason ; and the reason is alike in both gods commanding will and his forbidding will. they answer , gods will constituteth lawfulnesse in essentiall worship , and mans will in things arbitrary ; but this is to beg the question , for when we ask what is essentiall worship , they say , it is that which god commandeth , and what is accidental or arbitrary , it is that which human authority commandeth , & this is just , gods wil is the essentiall cause of that worship whereof it is the essentiall cause , & mans will is the essentiall cause of that , whereof it is the essentiall cause . . all the materials of jewish and turkish worship , might be appointed for right worship , so we held them to be arbitrary . . god cannot forbid false worship , but in that tenure , that he commandeth true worship ; but whether we esteem it true , or not , holy , or not ; he cōmandeth true worship , erg. &c. iv. conclusion , it is a vain and unwarrantable distinction to divide worship in essentiall , which hath gods ; . particular approving will to be the warrant thereof , and worship accidentall or arbitrary , which hath only gods generall and permissive will , and hath mans will for its father ; so ceremonies ( say they ) in these , hath gods generall will , according to their specification , whether a surplice be decent , or not , is from mans will , therefore they are called worship reductively , because in their particulars , they have no divine institution , and they tend to the honouring of god , not as worship , but as adjuncts of worship ; so a morton ; so b burges . ans . as sacramentall worship is lawfull essentiall worship , so that this element , bread and wine , and this water is not arbitrary ; ergo , if decency be of divine institution , and gods approving will , then that surplice or crossing , or not surplice and crossing be decent , is not arbitrary , and only from gods permitting will : if the generall must be warranted by the word , so also specials under the generall , else mens will may make a horned bullock a decent sacrifice to represent christ already come in the f●●sh ; for if the written word warrant not the specials of religious observances , a door is open for all humane inventions : the uniting of these two ( the crossing of the finger in the air above a childes face ) and ( the dedication of the childe to christs service ) are every way like to the uniting , of bread and wine eaten and drunken , and the souls nourishing by christ crucified and apprehended by faith : if there be oddes , it is in the authority of the institutors : our formalists say , the one is essentiall , because ordained by christ , and so bindeth the conscience , and the other arbitrary , accidentall and of lesse authority : we owe them thanks indeed , the sin is the greater that the authority is the lesse , but the externall worship is alike . there be oddes betwixt the kissing of a wife by a stranger , and the kissing by her own husband , and oddes betwixt an act of royall majesty performed by the king , and that same act performed by a traitor faining the same act , as there be oddes betwixt money stroken by a tinker , and by the kings master of coyne ; will this distinction serve the whorish woman , the kisses of a strange man be arbitrary , indifferent and accidentall : but the kisses of my own husband be essentiall and kindely . and the tinker might save his head for his false coyne , the kings money is essentially legall and currant , but money stroken by me , is arbitrary and of lesse authority , then the kings lawfull coyn. . if it be necessary and good to honour god by decency and order , the particular goodnesse and holynesse of surplice and crossing is also good and holy . but god hath particularly , micah . . shewed thee what is good o man ; ergo , he hath also shewed what is particularly holy . but god hath not shewed us in his word any goodnesse in crossing , surplice , because they are of mans devising : if it be said , the particular goodnesse of surplice and crossing is good and shewed to us in the generall . i answer , goodnesse of indifferent rites , is , repugnantia in adjecto , and a flat contradiction , as who would say , cold fire , indifferent is neither good nor evil , neither lawfull , nor unlawfull : . then god hath not shewed us all morall goodnesse in his word , because he hath not shewed to us the goodnesse of ceremonies . . lawfulnesse is an essentiall property of divine worship resulting from gods particular approving will in his word , as is clear , hosea . . chro. . . lev. . . sam. . . ier. . . act. . . ergo , arbitrary worship must have gods approving will , commanding it , else it is not lawfull : i prove the antecedent from the causes of worship : . the end of worship , which is the honouring of god maketh not worship lawfull ; idolaters may intend to honour god in their idolatry , as well as true worshippers . . the matter of worship is not essentiall to lawfull worship , for lawfull and unlawfull worship may have the same common matter , as solomons calves in the temple were lawfull , because ordained of god , and samaria's calves were unlawfull , because they were from men , the matter of both might be one and the same mettall , hosea . . the form of worship in generall , is not the essentiall and specifice form of lawfull worship , as the specifice form of a living creature is not the specifice form of a man , the specifice form of a man is not the specifice form of a just man , as just . also i may conceive sacramentall eating in generall , and not conceive whether it be lawfull or unlawfull : for if lawfulnesse were the specifice form of worship , i could not conceive worship , but i behooved to conceive lawfulnesse in it . now then gods commanding will , being wanting to arbitrary worship , it cannot be lawfull ; ergo , unlawfull . if it be answered , ceremonies are negatively lawfull , not positively lawfull , and the argument proceedeth of lawfulnesse positive , which is commanded in the word . but this is , . a begging of the question . . negative lawfulnesse , is from mans will , which should not be a creatrix of the goodnesse of things or of lawfulnesse , nor can it create goodnesse , except you make man to be god : . arbitrary goodnesse and lawfulnesse hath either a particular warrant and cause of its goodnesse , and lawfulnesse from gods expresse commandment , or . from the light of nature , or . from the sole will of men , or . partly from natures light , partly from mans will , but any of these wayes it cannot be lawfull , i prove the antecedent : for it cannot have its warrant from gods generall will whereby the proposition of a syllogisme is warranted , but not the assumption ▪ for thu● the golden calse of ieroboam ; the worshipping of satan should be lawfull : for i can forme a syllogisme to it from scripture ( all worship commanded in the word is lawfull ▪ but ieroboams golden calf is commanded in the word ; ergo , it is lawfull . and if both major ▪ proposition and assumption be warranted by the word , then are ceremonies essentiall and not arbitrary worship . if ceremonies be warranted by the light of nature , this is a part of gods word , and rom. . , . god hath shewed it to us , as , rom. . , . we would see natures light to prove that whitenesse of linnen signifieth pastorall holinesse , rather then whitenesse in the wall , and that the crosse signifieth dedication of a childe to christs service , rather then lifting up of the childe toward heaven signifieth the same ; and yet ceremonie● must be by this reason essentiall worship ; yea , to sacrifice a sheep to represent christ already crucified ▪ is as lawfull this way as all our ceremonies . if the third be said , that ceremonies have their goodnesse and lawfulnesse from the sole will of men ; then ceremonies are will-worship : for worship instituted by the sole will of men , without light of scripture , or nature , is will-worship . . the devisers of them are either brutish , or void of reason , and the practicers are servants of men , because they serve will , or rather lust of men , without any reason commanding . . if ceremonies come partly from mens will , partly from the light of reason ▪ then do they conclude the lawfulnesse of ceremonies either ●allibly or necessarily : if the former be said , we have little warrant of conscience to practice them ; nor can god be honoured , nor these things lawfull , good , and edificative , more then unlawfull , evil and unapt to edifie , seeing there be no light of scripture , or nature to make them good to us ▪ and because a fallible and unnecessary consequence , is over fallible and unnecessary , and standeth ( as aristotle faith well ) in an indivisible point . it is a non-consequence , and so mens will is the best house that ceremonies are descended of . if they can be proved by a necessary and infallible consequence , we desire to hear it , for it must be thus or the like : things not contrary to the word , and commanded as apt to edifie , may be lawfull arbitrary worship : but ceremonies are such ; ergo , the proposition is not true ▪ because rulers judge either such things apt to edifie , because they see them to be so in themselves , or because they judge them to be so in themselves , therefore they are so in themselves : the former cannot be said , because this light whereby rulers see ceremonies to be apt to edifie , is either light of scripture , or nature , or both : if this be said , they can make others see this light . also , if there be goodnesse and aptitude to edifie souls in ceremonies by natures light , sound reason , or the word of god , they cannot be arbitrary or indifferent worship : but must be essentiall worship , having warrant and commandment from god ▪ for what natures light , or scripture commandeth , that god himself commandeth , and what god commandeth is essentiall , not arbitrary worship . . and secondly , they are not arbitrary things , but necessary and lawfull by natures light , by scripture , or both , which they deny ; if the latter be true , then is the will of rulers , that which maketh ceremonies good and lawfull ▪ a●●in and blasphemous assertion , for pope or prince , or mens pleasure finde pre-existent goodnesse and lawfulnesse in things , and they do not make them good : it is proper to god alone , who calleth things that are not , to create both beings and goodnesse of beings . . if arbitrary goodnesse and lawfulnesse of ceremonies be thus warrantable , because nor contrary to the word , and esteemed arbitrary ; i might fail against the first four commandments , by superstition and idolary : so i esteem these , to wit , idolatry and superstition arbitrary , and not of divine necessity , and yet in so doing , i should neither sin , nor commit acts of false worship ; because superstition and idolatry are indeed forbidden , but superstition and idolatry , with the opinion , that they have neither holinesse , merit , nor divine necessity , but are meerly arbitrary , are no where forbidden in the word . let formalists by their grounds , shew us a scripture for it ; for they cannot by their doctrine be forbidden as false worship , seeing they want that which essentially constituteth false worship ( as they teach ) for they ( as the argument supposeth ) want opinion of necessity , divine merit and holinesse . . if the churches will , commanding crossing , and surplice , make them lawfull ; then their forbidding them shall make them unlawfull , and mans will shall be a pope and god. . if rulers conclude them lawfull , then either upon nationall reasons concerning britain rather then other nations , or upon reasons immutable & eternal ▪ if the latter be said , they be essential worship , not arbitrary ▪ if the former be said , they be more apt to stir up the dull senses of brittish men , then othe●s , which is a dream . dull senses are alike every where , sin originall alike in all places , and god in his perfect word hath provided alike remedies against naturall dulnesse to all mankinde , else we in britaine do supererogate , and the word ▪ must be perfect to some nations , in that which is common to all , and not to others . . by as good reason , arbitrary mercy , and arbittary justice is holden as arbitrary worship ; for the lords word is as perfect in works of charity for the second table , as in works of religion for the first , and if so be , then it were in mens will to do things conducing for the murthering , or not murthering of our brethren , of their own wit and will , without the word of god , and there should be some lawfull acts of will-love , or will-murther . . laws oblige ( as papists grant ) as a driedo , and b vasquez say , after gerson , occam , almain , and other papists , from the goodnesse of the matter commanded in the law , not from the will of the law-giver : if then the generall will and command of god constitute arbitrary worship , this worship from gods will layeth a band on the conscience , no lesse then essentiall worship : for hezechiah is no lesse obliged in conscience to apply figs to his boyle , and moses to make every little ring in the tabernacle : when god commandeth these , then the prophets are to write canonick scripture : for gods authority in commanding , is equall in all , though in respect of the matter , there be great things , and lesse things of the law : therefore gods generall permissive-will , doth no lesse oblige the conscience , then his approving will. . to this arbitrary worship agreeth all the properties of will-worship ; as colos . . . it beguileth us of our reward ; for no promise of god is made of a bishoprick for conformity ▪ . it is will-humility , to be devouter then god willeth us . . it intrudeth in things not known in the word . . it holdeth not the head christ , for it maketh him not a perfect law-giver , if prelares under him give laws added to his word , and that after the traditions of men . . it inthralleth men dead with christ , to a yoak . they object , but not to yoak upon the conscience . answer ; yea , but we are in christ freed also from the externall yoak , as from shedding of blood in circumcision , removall out of the campe seven dayes , many ceremoniall sabbaths , presenting of the male-children , and going up to sacrifica at jerusalem ; yea , expensive offerings , all called burdens , act. . . col. . . gal ▪ . , , . col. . . . and multiplied holy dayes , surplice , crossing , keeping us in that same bondage ; though lesse ( they may say ) magis , & minus non variant speciem . . this worship perisheth vvith the use : . subjecteth us to the ordinances of men . . hath a shew of wisdom , mr. burges a saith , some will-worship i● not unlavvfull , a● three sermons in one day . the free-vvill offerings and vows vvere in some sort vvill-worship . the church at her godly discretion , and will , may appoint some formalities to attend the worship . answer , gregor ▪ de valent saith , that some idolatry is lawfull , some unlawfull : this man saith , some will-worship is lawfull , some unlawfull , that is , some sin is lawfull , some unlawfull : . three preachings come from zeal , not from will , and is no new worship different from preaching , and there may be reason therefore , where all cannot be present in one day at all the three , there is reason for three preachings , none for crossing : . will as will , is carver of will-worship : will createth not the worship , but determineth the circumstances according to the light of reason , in lawfull worship . but where will , as will , void of reason hath influence in the worship , it is wills brood : ▪ the freewill offerings were determined by god , the poor should offer a pair of doves , in the free-will offering : but the rich a lamb , and it was sin for the rich to offer a pair of doves , and therefore will was not determinatrix in this . . the man jumbleth together godly discretion and will : they be much different ; but for godlinesse in short sleeves , and crossing a finger in the aire , i understand it not , nor can reason dream of any warrant for it , but will , as will , that is , mans lust made it . neither do formalists go from a suarez , and b bellarmine , who call that will-worship , which is devised only by a man● wit , and is not conforme to the principles of faith , and wanteth all reason , and the received use of the church . but we are disputing here against the churches use , as if it were not yet a received use . but upon these grounds i go : . reason not binding and strongly concluding , is no reason , but meer will. so ceremonies have no reason : if the reason binde , they are essentiall worship : . authority is only ministeriall in ordering gods worship , and hath no place to invent new worship . . authority as authority especially humane , giveth no light , nor no warrant of conscience to obey , and therefore authority naked and void of scriptures-light is here bastard authority . . in all this formalists but give the papists distinction of divine and apostolick traditions : for power of inventing ceremonies to them is apostolick , but not infallible and divine : c suarez giveth the difference : god saith he , is the immediate author of divine traditions , and the apostles only publishers : but the apostles are immediate authors of apostolick traditions , god in speciall manner guiding their will. so d cajetan e sotus f bellar. so our formalists g duname h hooker i sutluvius ; but i like better what k cyprian saith , that no tradition , but what is in the word of god , is to be received : but this distinction is blasphemous , and contrary to scripture , cor ▪ ▪ . the things ▪ that i write unto you : ( even of decency and order , as v. . . ) are the commandment of the lord , . pet. . . peter willeth them to be mindefull of the vvords which were spoken before , by the holy prophets , and of the commandments of us the apostles of the lord and s●vio●● : then the apostles commandments are equall with the commandments of the prophets . but in the old testament , there were not some traditions divine , and some not every way divine , but propheticall , for the prophets were the mouth of god , as is clear , pet. ● . , , . luk. . . rom. . . so tim. . . i give thee charge in the sight of god — . that thou keep this commandment without spot , unrebukable , untill the appearing of the lord iesus . now the commandment ( as beza l noteth ) are all that he writ of discipline , which formalists say , are for the most apostolicke , but not divine traditions . . if ceremonies seem good to the holy ghost ▪ as they say they do from act. . then they must seeme good to the father and the son , as the canon is act. . but that canon was proved from expresse scripture ; as peter proveth , v. , , . and james v. , , , . if they come from the spirit , inspiring the apostles , they cannot erre in such traditions ; if from the spirit guided by the holy ghost , they come from scripture . . if these traditions come from no spirit led by light of scripture , we shall not know , whether they be lawfull , or not , for the scripture is a canonick rule of lawfull and unlawfull . . if any apostolick spirit be given to authors of ceremonies , why not also in preaching and praying ? how then do many of them turn arminians , papists , socinians ? . the apostolick spirit leading institutors of ceremonies , doth either infuse light naturall , supernaturall , or scripturall in devising ceremonies , and so eatenus , in so far they were essential worship ▪ or the apostolick spirit doth lead them , with no light at all , which is brutish enthusiasme : or . gods apostolick spirit infuseth the generall equity , and negative lawfulnesse of these truths ( surplice is an apostolicall signe of pastorall holinesse ) and ( crossing a signe of dedication of a childe to christs service ) now light , for this we would exceedingly have . if this light be immediatly infused , then surplice , crossing are as divine , as if god spake them ; for truths immediatly inspired lost no divinity , because they come through sinfull men ; for balaam his prophesie of the star of jacob , was as divine , in regard of authority , as if god had spoken it , but if these trash come from an inferiour spirit , we desire to know what spirit speaketh without the word . but some may object ; the preaching of the word is somewhat humane , because it s not from the infallible spirit that dited the word ; ergo , ceremonies may come from the holy spirit , though they be not as lawfull as scripture . ans . let them be proved to be from the warrant , that the word is preached , and we yeeld to all ▪ . apostolick ceremonies , but not divine have gods generall allowing will for the accepting of them . now sampsons mother , judg. . . proveth well , the lord hath accepted our offering ; ergo , it is lawfull , and he will not kill us . so god atcepted abel , and noah their sacrifices ; ergo , they were lawfull , and divine worship . so hosea . . they sacrifice flesh for the sacrifices of my offerings , and they eat it , but the lord accepteth them not . ergo , offerings of flesh without offering of themselves as living sacrifices to god are now unlawfull : if god accept of ceremonies , they must be divine service , if he accept them not , they must be unlawfull . they answer , he accepteth them as arbitrary worship , not as essentiall : i answer , god might have accepted so sampsons sacrifice , and noahs , as arbitrary worship , and yet not be gracious to them , nor reward their sacrificing , as good service , contrary to the texts alledged ; but i doubt much , if the lord be gracious to men , and accept in christ corner caps , surplice , crossing , humane holy dayes . they object , our circumstances of time , place , persons , &c. are no more warranted by the scripture , then ceremonies are . and god might in his wisdom ( ●aith a burges ) have calculated the order of times and places , such climats and seasons ; but he hath left these , as he hath left our ceremonies to the churches liberty . ans . time and place ( as i observed already ) being circumstances physicall , not morall , nor having any religious influence to make the worship new and different in nature , from that which is commanded in the law , though they be not expresly in the word , do not hinder , but you may say , such an act of worship is according as it is written : for as praying , preaching , hearing , is according as it is written : so is praying and preaching in this convenient place , proved by that same scripture ( as it is written ) but one and the same scripture doth not warrant order and surplice . . the question is not , what gods wisdom can do , for he could setdown all the names of preaching pastors , doctors , deacons , elders in the word ; but his wisdom thus should have made ten bibles more then there be : but all our ceremonies might have been comprehended in one chapter of the revelation , if god had thought good to honour them with inserting them in the canon . . he hath determined these by natures light , and prudence , which dwelleth with that light , revealed in the word ; that a bishop be thus qualified , as tim. . is morall and determined ; but that they call him john , thomas , and be of such parents , country , stature of body , is physicall and in christs wisdom , is not determined , nor could it be conveninetly . lastly , that generall permissive will of god , is good , for all the ceremonies of rome , taught by papists ; as for ours , as suarez de trip lic . virt . tract . . disp . . sect. . n. . dicendum fidem quoad substantiam credibilium semper fuisse eandem a principio generis humani . and so faith alensis , . p. q. . lombard . . dist . . and durandus , . dist . . bonaventura , . art. . q. . hugo de sancto victore de sacram , ● . . part . . cap. . this they have from the fathers , vincentius lyrinensis , co●t ▪ prop. voc . nov . cap. . jreneus , contr . hereticos , lib. . cap. . hyerom in psal . . aug. de civitate , dei lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . chrysost . de lazero homil . . cyprianus sermone de baptismo . optatus milevitanus , contr . parmeni . de caelo , l. . and i might cite many others , who all affirm , all truth divine is in scripture , all not in scripture is to be rejected : so suarez , de leg . tom . . cap. . haec enim praecepta ecclesiastica pro universali . ecclesia tantum sunt quatuor , qut quinque , quae solum sunt determinationes quaedam juris divini moraliter necessaria homini . — reliqua omnia vel pertinent ad particulares status qui voluntarie suscipiuntur , vel ad ordinem judicial●m . et id●m contra seotae anglica . erro . lib. . cap. . dicimus authoritatem dei ( in benedictione campanarum ) non de esse , saltem in radice & origine , quia ipse dedit authoritatem pastoribus ecclesiae ad regendam ecclesiam , & disponenda , eaequae ad accidentarios ritus ecclesiae pertinent . bannes , tom . . in . q. . dub . . notandum quod neque pontifex , neque tota ecclesia possunt novum articulum , novum dogma quoad substantiam , aut novum sacramentum instituere . andr. duvallius , in . de legib . q. . art. . ceremoniae & judicialia in vetere lege erant juris divini , in nova lege sunt juris tantum ecclesiastici : and valdensis de doctrina fidei , l. . cap. . ecclesia non potest novum articulum proponere : so alphas . a castro in summa , lib. . cap. . and canus , loc . lib. . cap. . cameracensis , . sentent . q. . art. . principia theologia sunt ipsae s●cri canonis veritates , quoniam adipsa fit ultima resoluti● theologici discursus , & ex iis primo singulae propositiones theologiae deducuntur . v. conclus . matters of fact are not , and need not be proved by scripture : . because sense maketh them known to us . . their morality is sufficiently known from gods word . . in matters offact there may be invincible ignorance : christs resurrection is not a matter of fact , as a hugo grotius saith , but also a matter of law , as all the miracles and histories in the word , and to be believed , because god hath so spoken in the word . quest . iii. whether ceremonies have any divinity in them ? all means of worship devised by men pretending holinesse , by teaching , exciting our dull affections to devotion , as if they were powerfull means of grace , and did lay a band on the conscience , when as yet they be no such thing , and want all warrant from god , and are contrary to devotion , are unlawfull . but humane ceremonies be such : ergo , the proposition is certain : i prove the assumption by parts : . whatever holinesse be pretended to be in ceremonies ; yet god onely sanctifieth people , offices in his house , as the sons of aaron , altars , temples , vestures , sacrifices by his expresse institution , as we are taught , b yet are ceremonies holy ; their author be the apostles successours . . their end to honour god. . their matter is not civill or naturall . . their signification mysticall , is religious . . they be means of teaching and stirring up the dull affections to the remembrance of duties , by some notable and speciall signification , whereby the beholders may be edified ; and since to stir up the minde , as a memorative object be the word of gods due property , or the works of providence and creation ; would not a prelat in his epistle to his under-pastors , speak peter-like , as , pet. . . i think it meet , so long as i am in this tabernacle , to stir up your dull mindes , by way of remembrance to your christian duty , by crossing , kneeling to gods board and altar , and surplice ; to be memorials were due to phylacteries commanded in the law , to minde heavenly duties , numb . . , . deut. . . and the twelve stones set up by gods speciall commandment , ioshu . . , . to be a memoriall of their miraculous entry into the holy land , and manna commanded to be kept in the ark , as a sign of gods feeding his people with christ the bread of life , joh. . , . . are ordinances of god , to call to remembrance duties and speciall mercies : and sacraments do signifie as tokens ordained of god , gen. . . gen. . . heb. . . the holy ghost thus signifying , that the way to the holiest , was not yet made manifest : so heb. . . heb. . . and so must it be here said . the holy prelats thus signifying , that crossing should betoken the childes dedication to christs service : so a hooker : actions leave a more deep and strong impression then the word . what blasphemy ? that crossing and surplice leave a deeper impression in the soul , then gods word , the power of god to salvation , rom. . . and mighty through god to cast down strong holds in the soul , cor. . ? i wonder if crossing capping ; kneeling to stocks , can bring every thought captive to the obedience of christ . . it is essentiall to the word to teach , and make wise the simple , psal . . . psal . . . prov. . . and ceremonies are made symbolicall and religious teaching signes , yet is the stock called a doctrine of lies , jer. . . habac. . . though it teach and represent the same iehovah that the word teacheth , isa . . . so it is not a living teacher , because it representeth a false god , or not the true god : for the true iehovah saith , to whom will ye liken me ? but now the stock by mans institution took on it , without a warrant from god , to represent god. now if god had warranted the stock to be an image representing god , as he warranteth the temple , the ark , bread and wine , to be images and representations of the true god iesus christ , the stock should be a doctrine of truth , and not of lies ; so surplice is a doctrine of lies , not because what it teacheth is a lie , for what it teacheth is scripture , isa . . . that these who beareth the vessels of the lord , ( that is pastors ) should be holy : but it is a doctrine of lies , because it representeth pastorall holinesse by humane institution , without all warrant of the word of god. and when paul calleth holidayes elements , gal. . . he meaneth that they spell to us , and teach us some truth , as a estius saith , that holidayes do teach us articles of faith : to which meaning , b paludanus , c cajetan , d vasquez say , god may well be painted in such expressions , as scripture putteth on god , as in the likenesse of a dove , as a man with hands , eyes , ears , feet , all which are given to god in scripture . . it is essentiall to the word to set down the means of gods worship , which is the very scope of the second commandment ; and therefore the iews washings and traditions are condemned , because they be doctrines of men , appointed by men to be means of the fear or worship of god , as math. . . mar. . . isa . . . hence we owe subjection of conscience to ceremonies , as to lawfull means of worship . . stirring up our dull senses : and . as lawfull signes representing in a sacramentall signification , holy things : . as teaching signes : . as means of gods fear and worship : whereas god ( as e ainsworth observeth well ) in the second commandment forbiddeth all images and representations : . all shapes , exod. . . temniah . . forms of figures , tabuith , deut. . . . any type of shadow , tselem , ezek. . . , . . any pictured shape , maskith , levit. . . any statue , monument , pillar , mattesebah , any graven , or molten portraict , hos . . . . we are obliged to obey the word , exod. . . prov. . , . prov. . . ier. . . ier. . . . we owe to the word belief , luk. . . love , psal . . . . hope : . and are to expect a reward therefore , psal . . . rev. . . . , . gal. . . rom. . . coloss . . . hebrew . . . psal . . . psalme . . then if decency be commanded , and order , in the third commandment , ergo , this , and that orderly mean of worship , as surplice ; but can we say , i hope in the surplice ? o how love i crossing and capping ? can we believe in ceremonies , as means of gods worship ? . the word is gods mean to work supernaturall effects , to convert the soul , psal . . . to work faith , john . . to edifie , act. . . to save , rom. . . the obedience to gods word , bringeth peace , psal . . . comfort , v. . gen. . . isa . . . but ceremonies , being apt to stir up the dull minde , must be apt to remove naturall dulnesse , which is a supernaturall effect , and so to bring , peace , joy , comfort : organs are now holden by the same right , that they were in moses-law , then they must stir up supernaturall joy : there must be peace and comfort in practising them : hear how this soundeth , this is my comfort , o lord , in my affliction , that thy surplice , organs , and holy-dayes have quickened my dull heart . now what comfort , except comfort in the scriptures ? rom. . . ceremonies be innocent of all scriptures . what joy ( a proper fruit of the kingdom of heaven , rom. . . ) can be in saplesse ceremonies ? yea , observe , . who truly converred from popery , who inwardly humbled in soul , doth not abhor ceremonies , by the instinct of the new birth ? . what slave of hell and prophane person call not for ceremonies ? . who hath peace in dying , that ceremonies were their joy ? . all lawfull ordinances may by prayer be recommended to god for a blessed successe as all the means of salvation , psal . . . matth. . . act. . , . . we may thank god for a blessed successe , which they have by the working of the spirit of grace , cor. . . cor. . , . thes . . , . ephes . . . . we are to have heat of zeal against prophaning of word , sacraments , prayer , or other ordinances of god : but what faith in praying , lord work with crossing , capping , surplice ? for where the word is not , nor any promise , there be no faith , rom. . . what praising can there be for ceremonies working upon the soul ? what zeal ( except void of knowledge and light of the word , and so but wilde-fire ? gal. . , . phil. . . sam. . . ) can there be , though the surplice be imployed to cleanse cups , and crossing be scorned ? if the subject be nothing , the accidents be lesse ; if surplice be not commanded , nor forbidden , the reverent or irreverent usage thereof , cannot be forbidden , nor commanded , true zeal is incensed only at sin , and kindled toward gods warranted service . . i take it to be gods appointment , that the spirit worketh by a supernaturall operation , with his own ordinances , in the regenerated , but we desire to know how the spirit worketh with ceremonies : formalists are forced by these grounds to maintain the lawfulnesse of images : so . they be not adored : . if they be reputed as indifferent memorative objects , and books to help the memory . but . it shall be proved that at first , papists did give no adoration to images , nor doth durandus , hulcot , pic. mirandula acknowledge any adoration due to them , but proper to god ▪ before the images as objects . . we may liken god and christ to a stock , so we count it indifferent , to make , or not to make such an image , yet likening him to any thing is forbidden , isa . . also we esteem it idolatry interpretative , to take gods place in his word , and to make any thing to be a mean of grace , except gods own ordinances : against all these formalists have diverse exceptions . as . our ceremonies ( say they ) do not respect the honour of god immediatly , and in themselves , but by accident , and as parts of divine worship by reduction , as it containeth all the adjuncts of worship . ans . such logick was never heard of : . if he mean a surplice in the materials , to wit , linnen and crossing physically considered , as separated from their signification , do not tend immediatly to the honour of god , but as an adjunct , he speaketh non-sense , for so bread , wine , eating , drinking , water in baptisme do not immediatly respect the honour of god , but only as they have a morall consideration and stand under divine institution . but yet so the materiall of worship is not the adjunct thereof , but the matter , as the body of a living man is not one adjunct of a man. if he mean , that ceremonies in a morall ( not in a physicall ) consideration do not immediatly respect the honour of god , but reductively , and by accident . let him show us , if the surplice doth not as immediatly , and without the intervening mediation of any other thing , signifie and stir up our mindes to the remembrance of pastorall holinesse , as eating all of one bread , doth immediatly stir up our mindes to the remembrance of our communion of love , that we be all one body in christ , cor. . . . if he mean ceremonies as such speciall materialls , to wit , surplice , &c. as ordained of man , who may ordain another ceremony , doth not immediatly respect the honour of god. . this is to beg the question : . a white garment upon a priest of jupiter sacrificing to that idoll should immediatly respect the honour of iupiter , though the priest might honour iupiter with garments of white roses , or some other like device , while he officiateth . so bowing of the knee in prayer doth immediatly honour god , though i may pray sitting or standing . . it is a dream that the honour of the subject is given to the adjunct , yea , and properly is the adjunct , and agreeth to the adjunct , as surplice hath the very office and place of gods word and sacrament● , to teach and signifie , and yet they are but adjuncts , if a mans coat , or his hat , or shooes could discourse and reason , as only the man can do , in reason we should say the coat is the man. . they say , god forbiddeth efficient and operative means of worship , and grace in the second commandment , or means immediate which worketh by vertue in themselves , or wrapped in them , for so the word and sacraments are means of grace and worship ; yea , the sacraments be exhibitive seals , and therefore we owe to such means subjection of conscience immediatly , both to the things instituted , and particular means of admonition , and to the duties admonished or called to our remembrance by them , for they have vertue residing , and inherent in them , by divine institution to work upon us . but god forbiddeth not , in the second commandment , means that teach occasionally , as objectum a quo , therefore we owe subjection of conscience to the things admonished , but not to the particular means of admonition , therefore we are tied in conscience to ceremonies only collaterally and propter aliud , they be only externall objects or occasions . for whoever ( saith he ) expected that men should be stirred up by ceremonies , as by causes , or any otherwayes , but as by sensible objects , as we are by the sight of the creatures , or other memorials ? therefore ( saith he ) they are not means , by the which grace is wrought by the power of god wrapped in them , but resident in god himself , that freely giveth the grace , by the right use of them : so d. burges . b ans . all cometh to this , ceremonies taketh the place of word and sacraments , but cannot fill the chaire , and discharge the office so well as gods ordinances doth : a clown taketh on the crown , and usurpeth the throne , and cannot do regall acts , with such grace of royall majesty , as the lawfull king , what , is he for that no usurping traitor ? . he will not have ceremonies to be causes of worship , but occasions so do papists say : images ( saith c vasquez ) do only set before us the history and effects of god. bellarmine , suarez ( as all know ) do say , that images cannot so represent iehovah ; as he is in himself , or described in his word , nor can the idoll or image of ▪ god represent god , as a cause , but onely as an object externall and occasion , and yet god forbiddeth it , isa . . . hab. . . . . gods word to the reprobate is a sealed book , and is , as if you would teach letters , to a new weaned childe , isa . . . c. . . it worketh by no inherent vertue wrapped in it self , but though it be mighty , yet is it mighty through god , cor. . . ioshuahs twelve stones , the phylacteries , the manna , the rainbow , did only , ( as d aquinas saith well ) worke upon the senses and memory . the word it self doth but work morally or objectively , and is not a cause having the power of god wrapped in it . if surplice work only as an occasion , the preachers , napkin , the bands of women doth so excite the memory and the affection : . all our divines teach , that the sacraments are exhibitive seals , but not of themselves , or by any vertue inherent in them ( as papists say ) but by the power of god , which worketh by the right receiving of the sacraments , and the sacraments actu primo and essentially are only signes , which worketh objectively and occasionally , as you say your unhallowed ceremonies do : . because they are sacraments essentially , whether they be received by faith , or not , and they are exhibitive seals only to believers . . vnbelievers should not prophane the sacraments by their unworthy receiving of them , if they were not sacraments to them only signifying , and if they were exhibiting seals to them , then should they receive them worthily , which is against what we suppose : . the fathers , as a justine martyr b ireneus c epiphanius d chrysostom e ambrose prove , that circumcision , in its nature , except to believers , did only signifie grace . . here be a most vilde distinction , that we owe subjection of conscience to the thing admonished , but not to surplice , or to such means and particular admonishers , but only collaterally : but ● . is the church ordaining ceremonies a collaterall mistresse over the conscience , & who is the other collaterall judge here ? who but christ ? . we owe this collaterall subjection of conscience to the image of the trinity : for though we owe not subjection of conscience to the image , as such an admonisher , or such an exhorting object ; seeing the word of god may also admonish us of god , yet we owe subjection of conscience to the thing admonished , to wit , to the blessed trinity . . neither owe we subjection of conscience to the word , as written with ink on paper , nor to the sound of the word preached ; yea , nor do we owe subjection of faith to the word as the word ; but only collaterall : when we say , ( i hope in the word , ( i believe the word , ) i rejoyce in the word of god ) we take the word , for objetum quo , and god for objectum quod , for the word is not the formall object of any subjection of conscience ; i owe to the word , not a subjection of conscience collaterall or coequall with the subjection that i owe to ▪ god , but only subordinate as to a mean , and to the word for god , and because it is instituted by god ; but i owe subjection of conscience to god solely , independently , and onely ; yea , subjection of conscience is not due to the word for its manner of working , and not due to the ceremonies ; because they work not as the word of god doth ( as no wonder , they being but hay and stubble ) but subjection of conscience is due to the word , because god is the author of it , and speaketh in it himself , as is clear , ier. . . amos . . heb. . . hear , for the lord hath spoken , and it is to be received only , and in conscience yielded unto , as it is the word of god , isa . . . thess . . . now because we cannot receive the surplice , crossing , capping , as the surplice of god , and as the crossing of christ ; therefore are we not to submit at all to the doctrines which these unlawfull teaching means doth bring to our memory , because they have no warrant of christ , to speak or spell us the very language and minde of god , which god hath spoken in his word by his holy prophets and apostles : yea , though crosses and afflictions work only upon us , as occasions , and externall objects ; yet are we to submit our conscience to them , as to warnings , because they be sent as gods messengers appointed by him , as mic. . . hear the rod , and who hath appointed it . . ceremonies work ( saith burges ) as sensible objects , and as other creatures ; yea , but he is far wide , the creature doth book ( as the word is , psal . . v. . ) the glory of god , and that which may be known of god , is made manifest in them : and god hath manifested ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) these things by the creatures , rom. . . but ceremonies are not books of gods writing , god hath not written nor booked this upon a surplice ( be holy , ye who bear the vessels of the lord ) he hath written it in isaiahs book , c. . . and we submit to the teaching of the creatures , though they work not upon the soul , as the word and sacraments do , because god hath appointed such books to teach us ; erg● , we are in no sort to submit to the devils books , printed by prelats , or to their ceremoniall volumnes , because god hath written nothing upon them ; and here by the way , i say it is unlawfull , yea ▪ and hypocrisie to be devouter then god will have us , as to enlarge the phylacteries , and make them above gods measure , numb . . . to be humble by a mean not appointed of god , ioh. . or to do what god only should do , as to make annointing oyl besides gods oyl , exod. . , , . or to set a threshold and a post , beside gods own threshold , ezek. . . is presumption . lastly , gods spirit worketh not with ceremonies , and so they are as the offering of swines blood , and the slaying of a man ; and so abomination to god , isa . . , . the holy spirit is merited to us by christ , ioh. . . he shall receive of mine , and shew unto you : but who can say that the grace of joy in the holy ghost , wrought by the droning of organs , and the holinesse taught by surplice , is a work of the spirit merited by christ as our high priest ? . god hath made no promise that he will work by ceremonies , for the spirit worketh not without the word ; so then i might resist the working of the spirit , and not sin against the word ; and this is anabaptists enthusiasme : if god work not by them , they be vain and fruitlesse ; and the idol is unlawfull for this , that it profiteth not . also , the spirits action is either naturall or supernaturall here : if naturall , it is a naturall work , and a naturall spirit , and to be rejected : if supernaturall , we may devise means to produce supernaturall effects , mens ceremonies can produce supernaturall joy , comfort , peace , and acts of grace purchased to us by christs merit ; this is a miracle . . they say , all this may be said against your circumstances of time and place , for they are appropriated to religious uses , and not for that made holy parts of divine worship . . time and place , are new things as our ceremonies are . . spirituall signification maketh ceremonies so much the better , but hindreth them not , but that they may be rites of meer order : burges . ans . time , place , pulpit , table-cloath , are new , physically , often , not new morally , or religiously , they have no spirituall influence in worship . a civill declamation hath the same time , place , pulpit with a preaching ; for then , if for application , you call them religious , as d. ammes saith well , an hill whereon a preacher preacheth , a iudge perswadeth a law , a captain speaketh to his souldiers , is both a sacred , a judiciall , a military hill , . signification spirituall , maketh ceremonies capable of being ordered : for surplice wearing , and crossing , being doctrinall , as teaching signifying , stirring up the dull affections , as doth the word and sacrament , they require order and decency : now things of meer order , requireth no ordering , as time & place require not other time & place to circumstance them right . . this is that which papists say ( as c suarez ) that by consequent only , they have signification putupon them . now fourthly , the place , matth. . where christ reproveth the traditions of pharisees , as doctrines of men . the jesuit vasquez his answer is their answer : vasquez , tom. . in . disp . . cap. . that christ reproveth them not because they kept the traditions of the elders ; sed quod in falsis praeceptis divinae legi contrari isputarent esse summam religionis : because they believed all religion to stand in their traditions , which were contrary to gods law , and for their own , omitted gods commandments . and suarez , tom. de legib . lib . cap. . he reproveth what they added , tanquam nova , as new things : corduba , ad. victor . rel . . de potestate ecclesiae , q. . prop. . but chrysostom , hom. . in matth. thinketh better that they had no power to make laws ; yea , d he condemneth the laws written in their forehead . but this exposition is false : . they brought in traditions at first for vain glory , to be called rabbi , matth. . , . ergo , they thought them not at first of religious necessity : . mark saith , cap. . . why walk not thy disciples according to the traditions of the elders ? therefore the externall practice , and not the internall opinion of necessity and holinesse is condemned , as is clear . and when the pharisees saw some of the disciples eat bread with unwashen hands , they found fault . the challenge was for an external omission of an outward observance , which may be seen with the eyes ; ergo , these traditions are not condemned by christ , because they were contrary to gods word , or impious ; but in this , that they were contrary , because not commanded ; for in the externall religious act of washing hands , there was no other impiety of a wicked opinion objected to christs disciples : for if the pharisees eye had been satisfied in that the disciples should wash before they eat , they would not have contended with christs disciples , about the piety of these traditions , nor about any inward opinion , that they added under this reduplication as new , as suarez saith : but the church which cannot erre , including the jewish pope , the high priest , can adde nothing as new contrary to gods law ; nor is there any question betwixt the pharisees and the lords disciples : whether the traditions of the elders , should be esteemed the marrow and sum of all religion , as vasquez saith ; but only anent externall conformity with walking in the traditions of the elders , or not walking , as is most clear in the text : it is true , christ objected they accounted more of mens traditions , nor of gods commandments , as papists and formalists do : but that was not the state of the question betwixt the disciples of christ and the pharisees . . christ rejecteth these traditions , by an argument taken from the want of a lawfull author , while he calleth them precepts of men , opposed to the commandments of god , and while he saith v. . that every plant not rooted by his heavenly father , shall be rooted out ; yea , and christ expresly proveth their worship vain , because they taught the fear and worship of god , by the precepts of men , and not by the word of god ; and ceremonies are the precepts of men . . mar. . , , . he alledgeth their corrupt and false exposition of the fifth commandment , in saying , it is a gift whereby parents may benefit , which children offer to god , though they help not their parents in their poverty ; & necessity , & so you free them from obedience to the fifth commandment of god , by setting up your false glosse ( saith christ ) which is a human tradition . then to christ this is a good argument , your corrupting of the fift cōmandment with your false glosses is a rejecting of gods . commandment ; why ? because it is a doctrine of men , and one of the pharisees traditions : for whether they placed operative sanctity in preferring mens commandment to gods or not ; none can deny but christ reasoneth against these evils , because they were mens traditions , otherway formalists shall be forced to say , that if the pharisees have esteemed them arbitrary , and of no operative sanctity , mens commandments had not been vain worship ; christs argument from isa . . should prove nothing , for false glosses and corrupting the fifth commandment is not vain worship , because it is a doctrine of men ; for doctrines of men as only coming from men , and esteemed arbitrary , are not vain , saith formalists ; yea , except they be contrary in the matter to gods law , and proffered or equalized in the opinion of sanctity to gods law , they are not a whit vain , because they come from men , or are doctrines of men . . christ defendeth his disciples practice in abstaining from externall not-washing ; ergo , he esteemed the externall washing unlawfull : but if the disciples abstinence was because of the impiety of washing , and the opinion of sanctity put upon washing , otherwayes lawfull ; he should have defended his disciples in a thing unlawfull ; for to disobey the elders and church-guides , who sate in moses's chair , and were to he obeyed , matth. . , . in an externall indifferent act of washing not contrary to the washings commanded in moses law , and so negatively conforme to gods law , is lawfull , as formalists and papists both teach ; but christ defended his disciples in their non-obedience externall , for they were not challenged , for denying the opinion of operative holinesse to these ceremonies : christ who commanded obedience to sitters in moses his chair in all things lawfull , would have obeyed himself , and cleared his disciples in so far , as they ought to obey , or not to obey . . vasquez sayes , these traditions were unlawfull , because they were invented , sola voluntate hominum absque ratione , by the sole will of men without reason . but so are popish ceremonies , for if they can be proved by the word of god , and the light of nature , they are essentiall parts of gods word , and not accidentall , nor left to the churches will. . it is good then the iesuit confesseth the church from sole will , and so the pope and prelat can make no laws , but either scripture or natures light must warrant them , and sole will cannot rule them : . they had as good reason in generall from moses his writings , and the law-washings , as pope and prelats have for their traditions . but saith vasquez , christ complaineth of these traditions , because they held them to be , summam religionis , the marrow of religion , and took no care of gods law. ans . that will no more prove them to be vain worship , and that the disciples were to be justified in their non-conformity to these church washings , then that gods disciples , and sound believers under the old testament should abstain from keeping gods sabbaths , his new-moons , and from offering sacrifices , because the people placed all holinesse in these of old , and neglected works of mercy and justice , isa . . , &c. jer. . , , . but ( say formalists ) christ condemneth them because the pharisees thought , eating with unwashen hands defiled the conscience , and meat defiled the soul , when the eaters did not wash as the elders commanded : whereas christ saith , it is not that which goeth in at the mouth , which defileth the man , but the wickednesse that cometh out at the heart . ans . it is true , and i think pharisees believed meat eaten contrary to the elders traditions , defiled the conscience , as is clear , mat. . , , . and that also christ condemneth , as a doctrine of men , and of ignorant men , and so doth non-conformity to your ceremonies pollute the conscience as a breach of the fifth , and second command as you say . quest . iv. whether humane ceremonies can consist with order , decency , and the sincerity of our profession of true religion ? ceremonies fight with order and decency . . these rites pretended by gods command , to adde order and decency to gods worship , and yet deface his worship , and addeth none thereunto be unlawfull : but humane ceremonies be such ; ergo , that they pretend order is proved . d. burges saith , they have no place in all the new-testament , save only , cor. . . let all things be done in order , and decency , a place as ( a ) estius citeth , magnified by papists , for all their ceremonies : the major is undeniable , i prove the assumption : . because magick-like rites honoured with gods name as christian-masse , christs-masse , an adored tree called gods board , when there is no use for a table , a crossing honoured with dedication to christs service , is like gods name used by sorcerers in charming , spelling , divining , where vertue is ascribed to signes , characters and words , which have no such vertue from god or nature , and this valentia justly calleth superstition . b so the iews called the calfe jehovah , papists call a creature of their making , agnus dei , a stile due to christ only , joh. . . . all creatures are means of glorifying god , rev. . . prov. . . rom. . . and may be invited to praise god , as psal . . now it were strange bleating , to say , o crossing , surplice , praise ye the lord , when things ordained by mans sole will , and so idle and sinfull , are made means to glorifie god ; with as good reason dancing in the church , and blowing feathers in the aire , which have by nature or reason , no aptitude for these ends , may be decent means of glorifying god. . order and decency supernaturall in the church is in the word , cant. . . clear as the sun , terrible as an army with banners : nothing wanting gods institution can reach a supernaturall end , as our ceremonies are : . but also ceremonies relatively sacred in religious state must be more then civilly decent , as also right order produceth supernaturall joy , gal. . . civill order cannot do this : or . ceremonies adde naturall order , but this is not in colour , religions colour is supernaturally white , ingenuous , not whorish : . or then it addeth order of parts , and this is by right , grave , and convenient circumstantiating of things in gods worship , and paul dreamed never of crossing to grace baptizing : . or it addeth due quantity , religious worship hath no quantity but time . . it is against sense , that order is commanded in the third commandment , but not surplice , crossing , because they are by accident orderly ; what agreeth essentially to the generall , agreeth not essentially and necessarily to the speces and particulars which are by accident under that generall , as what agreeth to a man , agreeth not to white and black men . decency is commanded , but by accident , and by mans will surplice is decent . but then god commanding sacraments , should not command bread and wine , sor they are by accident , and by gods will sacraments , he might have chosen other elements , yet the will of god commanding sacraments , commandeth this and this sacrament also : what agreeth essentially to man , agreeth essentially to all men black and white . if gods will essentially concur to constitute decency in his own worship , then must that same will essentially concur to constitute this decency , in surplice , crossing . . it supposeth a great untruth , that crossing is not worship , because not ordained of god , but that proveth it is not lawfull worship , but not , that it is non-worship , for crossing used to the honour of baal , and to edifie souls in performing their duty to baal , is essentially a worshipping of baal , otherwayes worshipping of idols is not worship , and yet it is an act of religious honouring of the idol . . the command that commandeth , or forbiddeth the end , commandeth and forbiddeth the means ( thou shalt not murther ) forbiddeth the master , not to command his servant to ride an extreamly deep and impetuous river , though the not riding of such a river be not set down in the word , and it is not forbidden as an arbitrary action : if therefore decency binde the conscience , then the decency of this rite , to wit , crossing bindeth the conscience ; our ceremonies are not nationall ; for crossing being a religious rite , in all the world it s alike decent ; ergo , non ▪ crossing in some country cannot be undecent ; things meerly religious , as all significant ceremonies are of alike nature every where , and admit not of heat and cold with divers climates , are of good or evil manners , with divers nations , therefore they must be determined in the word ; the man who pre●aced on our service book said , without some ceremonies it is impossible to keep any order , or quiet discipline in the church . i am sure he must think that paul preached in some surplice that he might teach holinesse with his garments one way or other , he hath a stronger faith then i can reach ; without circumstances worship cannot be , but without romish dirt , the worship and discipline are better kept ▪ then with such whorish busking . also whatever is a profession in fact , of a false religion by ceremonies indifferent , and yet proper to a false religion , is a denying of the true religion , but the using of these ceremonies , used by papists and iews is such ; ergo , the proposition is scripture , gal. . . peter lived after the manner of the iews , in using the religious materials of the jews , though he had no iewish intention or opinion ; yea , acts . he disputeth against that : so circumcision , galathians . , ▪ is put for the jewish church . now altars , organs , iewish ephods , or surplice , masse ▪ cloaths , and romish crossing , bowing to altars , images , are badges of iewish and popish religion : we know the dispute betwixt augustine and ierome , who defended peters d●ssimulation , gal. . to gain the iews : but augustine saith , epist . . si propterea illa sacramenta celebravit ( paulus ) quia simularet se judaeum , ut illos lucrifaceret , cur non etiam sacrificavit cum gentibus , quia & iis , qui sine lege erant , tanquam sine lege factus est , ut eos quoque lucrifaceret ▪ yea , then ( as augustine saith to ierome , epist ▪ ad hyeronym , . ) we might use all the iewish ceremonies to gain the ievvs , and so fall in the herersie of ebion and the nazarites . duvallius , . thom tract . de legib . q. . art. . would defend peter in that ; but he saith , magis placet barronii responsio . tom. . annal. an . . petrum venialiter peccasse : as for pauls circumcising of timothy , papists clear him . vasquez , tom. . in . disp . . cap. . lo●o & tempore accomodato , he did it when he could not offend the gentiles : aquinas , . q. . art. . yea , so the fathers , as augustine , epist . . chrysostom , cyrill , hyeronym . also papists , bensonius , tractat ▪ de fuga , lib. . disp . . q. . ad articul . . vasquez , tom ▪ . . disp . . cap. . brove to use iewish ceremonies , though with no iewish minde is unlawfull : suarez tom. de legib . lib. . de leg . divin . pos . cap. . vsus circumcisionis ex prohibitione est factus malus , & actus malus non honestatur propter intentionem bonam . aquinas . q. . c● . q. . art. . as one should mortally sin , who should say , christum nunc nas●iturum , christ is yet to be incarnat , so the using of the iewish ceremonies were a lie in fact . cajetan , and toletus , acknowledge a lie in fact . salmeron , in gal. . q. . saith , it is unlawfull to use the iewish ceremonies . aegidius comick ▪ de actib . supernatural . lib. . disp . . dub . . ● . . nullo modo licet obullum ▪ finem , uti ceremoniis propriis falsae religionis . vasquez , . disp . . ● . . patres & doctores communiter tenent non licere : lodo. meratius iesuita , to . . in thom. tract . de legib . disp . . sect. . n. . mentiti fuissent apostoli usurpantes exteriores legis mosaicae ceremonias si non ex anim● usurpabant , tanquam sibi vere licitas , ex animo vere colendi deum per illas , sicut ab aliis per easdem colebatur . so grego . valent. tom. . disp . . punct . . q. . soto de justif . l. . q. . it is a religious scandall to the users of these ceremonies : for ceremonies devised by men , of no necessary use in gods worship , are monuments of idolatry , snares drawing the practisers to idolatry , and so unlawfull , as the high places , groves , images , though not adored of the canaanites . this argument is so learnedly prosecuted by d. ammes , that i adde nothing to it . quest . v. whether the ceremonies , especially kneeling in the act of receiving the sacrament , be guilty of idolatry ? vvhoever presumeth to invent a worship of his own , committeth idolatry interpretatively , because he worshippeth a god whom he conceiveth is pleased with false worship : but that is not the true god , for he is pleased with no worship , but what he hath prescribed himself ; but all inventers and practisers of humane ceremonies , worship such a god : also , all who usurpeth the room and place of god , give the glory of god to creatures ; but all authors and practisers of humane ceremonies , take the room and place of god , from god , and give it to creatures , because to ordain worship ; and all religious means of worship , is proper to the only wise law-giver : but for the clearing of this question , i divide it in some subordinate questions . sect . i. whether religious kneeling , laying aside our intention and will to adore that before which we kneel , of its own nature be adoration ? this question is most necessary , both against papists and formalists : but first remember , that a raphael de la torres , a late schoolman , maketh seaven adorations : . bowing of the knee . . prostration . . the lifting up of the eyes . . of the hands to heaven . . kissing . . knocking on the breast . . uncovering of the head : though this last be not adoration , but a nationall sign of reverence , and is not every where adoration ; yet b abulensis saith , the iews did pray and sacrifice with covered heads : so saith c virgill , and d lod. vives : therefore the corinthians had this from the grecians as a civil sign of gravity , which should not be banished from gods worship ; and if it be appropriate to an idol , it should in that case be made veneration : but no reverence at all is due to an idol . jesuits , as e suarez ▪ and others , and formalists , morton , burges , hooker teach us , that religious bowing before a creature , if there be no intention of adoring , is not adoration : but it is to be considered ; . bowing of the knee physically or civilly ▪ is indifferent and is not adoration : for we bow to kings , and artificers may bow the knee to drive a nail in a bed , and yet are not adoring ; but religious adoration , whither ye will or not by natures impression is a religious note of religious submission . . i consider four acts of the soul that may convoy externall adoration . . one of the minde , a consideration of the excellency of what we adore : . a will to submit to this excellency : . the judgements diting this to be honest to submit : . a purpose or intention habituall or actuall of adoring ; many of these may be where there is no adoring : and the religious externall bowing of the body is essentially adoring , when that bowing is in a state of worship : kneeling before consecrated elements for reverence of either god or the elements , must be adoration , though we should wash it with foul water , and say , that there is no intention to tender gods glory to these elements . . let it be considered what is said by the f jesuit joannes de lugo , the popes professor at rome , which i propound with some change : . there is a purpose of externall adoring , with an inward submission of the heart ; whether this be an habituall or actuall intention , it ▪ is sure it is an adoration , when it cometh forth in a gesture of adoring . . a will to bow the body in scorn and derision , as the souldiers bowed the knee before iesus ; and this being not in a state of worshipping , but in a state and ●ase of disgracing , is not religious bowing or adoration : this is not a naturall expression of inward submission , but rather of disgrace . . there is a willed or voluntary religious bowing for fear , for gain , or for glory ; yet without any internall estimation of the excellency of the thing adored . this suarez denyeth to be worshipping , it being only a faining of worship , not a worshipping . but i prove the contrary : . because then no enacted worshipping of idols , were indeed a worshipping of an idol , and yet all the time that the adorer boweth his knee to the idol , though he have no inward purpose of heart to adore the externall bowing , must be a naturall expression of actuall submission to the thing before which we bow , and a conciliating of an opinion with others , of religious eminency and subjection of divine dignity , to that thing before which we kneel . . religious kissing of the calves of samaria , hos . . is a naturall expression of religious love to these calves , though the kisser have no intention of worshipping ▪ . act. . , , . the men of lystra are reproved for sacrificing , and so for adoring-men ; . sirs , why do ye these things for we also , are men of like passions as you , and preach to you that ye should turn from these vanities to the living god ? barnabas and paul rebuketh the men of lystra , because they worshipped men with humane passions ; yet did they not intend to worship men , for they were to them in that act of worshipping , gods in mens shape , as they say , v. . gods are come down to us in the likenesse of men ; if they conceived them not to be men indeed , but gods come down from heaven ; then could they not intend to worship men , but gods : so iohn would not , nor had any purpose to worship a created angel ; but taking him to be god , he fell down and worshipped , as is clear by the angels reproofe , rev. . . he said unto me , see thou do it not , i am thy fellow servant : likewise , act. . the athenians set up an altar not to the pourtraict of gold , which yet they worshipped , v. . , . but intended not to worship it ; but the god which made heaven and earth , whom paul preached : so are the gentiles said to offer to devils , not to god ▪ what they offer , cor. . . deut. . . psal . . . and chron. . . peroboams calves are devils ; and yet they intended not to worship devils , but god , that brought them out of the land of aegypt , king. . . . if religious kneeling require that we intend to worship every thing , before which ; as an object , we do religiously kneel ; then religious kneeling should not signifie in ernall submission of the heart by natures impression or divine institution ; but by the voluntary and the free institution of him that kneeleth : but this ●a●ter is absurd , for if kneeling should signifie , what it doth signifie by our free and voluntary appointment : then we might . put upon naturall gestures what sig●ific●tion we pleased , and were not to stand to the signification which god and nature have put upon kneeling . . so it were in mans power to impose upon religious kneeling to god , civill curtesie , such as a subject expresseth to his prince , or a son to his father , and it were free to us to kneel to a stock , and that religiously , and yet put upon kneeling the negative reverence , that we give to the bible ; and it were in the three childrens will to kneel to n●buchadnezzars image , and impose this signification on the g●sture , that they were kneeling to god only , all which are manifestly false : so g field saith , kneeling hath institution from the instinct of nature . they object , . the externall act of kneeling signifyeth the inward submission of heart , but there is no inward submission of the heart to a thing to which we kneel , when we are compelled to kneel only for fear of men , or induced to kneel for hope of glory , or some by-respect without any intention or purpose to adore , therefore this externall adoration is a false signe , and signifieth not a thing as it is , and so is no worship . ans . that externall bowing is not true , but false : i distinguish , it is not true morally , because it is a false signe , and a sinfull abusing of worship , for there ought to be a bow●d heart , when there is a bowed knee , but if the meaning be , this externall bowing is not true metaphysically , and partaketh not of the nature of religious worshipping , it is false , for it is truly worship , and the essence and definition of worship agreeth to it : for from religious bowing there resulteth by the nature of the externall act , which is of divine institution , an honouring of that before which we do bow , as before a proposed object , what ever be the present purpose or intention of the bower : else if i bow to an idol intending , and conveying in my heart-purpose all honour to god only , i should not worship an idol : the three children cast into the fiery furnace did but refuse externall bowing to nebuchadnezzar , and would hazard upon burning quick , before they should give that to the image ; for the kings commandment was not , that all should give and convey in purpose of heart to that image all divine glory , but only religious prostration before it ; yet the three children say , dan. . well , be it known to thee , o king , that we will not serve thy gods , nor worship thy golden image , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they expresly refuse knee-bowing , & the reason is , because if ye bow your knee religiously to a stock , it is not in your power or free choice , to stay the flux and motion of religious honour off , or from the stock ; but because religious bowing doth not convey honour to the thing before which ye bow by your free will , but by god and natures institution , even as weeping naturally expresseth sorrow , laughing , gladnesse , so doth religious bowing signifie religious honouring , without any act of the free choice of the worshipped intervening . it is impossible to adore god , in and through an image , and give no religious reverence to the image at all ; as it is impossible to hear the word and tremble at it ; and yet none of that religious trembling be bounded and terminated upon the word ; as it is impossible to kneel to the kings ambassador conveying all and whole that civill honour to the king , but some honour must redound to the ambassador ; a father cannot love the doctor for his sons cause , but some love he must confer really upon the doctor , if not absolute , yet relative , for his sons cause . jacob could not kisse joseph his sons coat , and yet refer that whole expressed affection to ioseph and nothing at all to the coat , for then should there be no reason , why he should kisse the coat , rather then the skin of the beast supposed to be the devourer of his son ; if therefore the communicant should kisse the sacramentall bread , as he boweth religiously before it , as the object of his sacramentall worship , which he receiveth , i hope it would be thought very like the kissing of the calves of samaria , and a religious expression of love to the bread , and by the same case , religious bowing to god , by the interveening of bread a representative object , must be an expression of religious honouring of bread , but no religious honouring by religious bowing can be expressed , but adoration of bread ; for as i have proved , it is not in our free election that religious kneeling signifie what honour we please , as if it were in our power , that religious kneeling signifie religious , or civill honour , or more , or lesse religious honour , but our will or thoughts cannot change the nature of things ; kneeling is essentially religious , as a iohannes delugo defineth it , nota submission is internae . . b suarez objecteth , adoration is a voluntary action proceeding from the will of the adorer ; and therefore excluding this will , it is not adorations , but only the materiall action of adoring ; also adoration is honouring , but none can honour without an intention of honoring , and therefore he who externally giveth signes of honour to an idol without an intention to honour the idol , doth not truly honour and adore the idol , but only dissembleth . ans . qui bené distinguit benè solvit : our third distinction doth well answer this : the naked materiall action of bowing physically considered , wanting all religious will of adoring is not an honouring ; if a carpenter bow before an image to drive a naile in it , he doth not worship the image , because that is an action , in statu artis , non in statu religionis ; in a state of art , not in 〈◊〉 religious state : but the voluntary bowing before any thing in a state of worship , or religion , as it s here , is adoration ; for there is voluntary bowing in a religious way of a state , but there is not required a particular intention to adore the signe , that is accidentall to the nature of worship . suarez objecteth , the e●●●nce of adoration requireth the intention of the adorer , therefore the adoring of this , or that thing , requireth a proportionable intention of adoring the thing . ans . . the antecedent is not universally true , and is a begging of the question , because externall adoring of an idol may be without intention to adore an idol . . though the antecedent were true ; that an absolute adoration of god requireth the intention of the doer , as it is not true ; lawfull and sincere adoration indeed requireth the intention , but not absolute adoration : though ( i say ) it were true , yet it followeth not that a relative adoration requireth an intention of giving co-adoration or relative worship to the signe . suarez . . objecteth : the honouring of one thing cannot properly be called the honouring of another thing different therefrom , except that honouring be some way referred by the minde , to that other thing , or except they be partakers one of another ; but the image , and first samplar , or prototype are different things , therefore the honouring of the first samplar cannot be called the honouring of the image , except the honouring by the intention be referred to the image . i answer , the image and samplar are one in a sinfull imagination , as jehovah and the golden calf are one , but it followeth not , that there must be two distinct intentions , one in adoring the prototype , and in coadoring the image another : but he who intendeth to honour the king in his ambassadors person , needeth not two intentions , one by which he intendeth to honour the king , another whereby he intendeth to honour his ambassador . sect . ii. whether the idolatrous jevvs were charged with the crime of idolatry , because they adored the creature as such , or because they adored the godhead in , with , or under the creatures shape ? and whether or no , do papists commit idolatry with them in this point : let these considerations go before . . that the jews believed the image to be god by vvay of representation , not essentially or really ; they believed the image to be god objective , commemorative , representative , relative , declarative , significative ; non essentialiter , non per se , non realiter . . there is an honour or negative r●verence due to any image of god , ordained by himself , or to any mean of honouring god , because it is such , though it cannot be expressed in the act of adoration ; but the question is , if the honour of adoration , either relative or absolute be due to the image ? . the jews intended to honour jehovah in their images , what inferiour intention they had to honour the image , we are now to inquire . . we bow our knee two wayes before a creature , either before a creature as an object by accident , as while we pray , there of necessity must be before us some creature , a wall , a table , a pulpit , none of these are adored , because they are before us by accident , as having no religious state . the image before the iew , and the sacramentall elements before the kneeler , cannot be thus present : . the creature is before the kneeler , of religious purpose , as a religious object . . the creature is religiously present before the kneeler two wayes , . active . . passive . . in the meer and naked act of teaching and exciting the memory , so that when that act is past , i turne from the creature , and adore the creator ; so at the sight of the sun or moon being taught and instructed of the wisdom and power of god , in creating such excellent creatures , i am to turn from them , and adore the lord of these creatures . thus the creatures are kindely and per se objects in the act of teaching , but not objects at all in the act of adoration : . the creatures are objects passive , when bodily bowing in a religious state is directed toward the creatures really and bodily present by a commandment of the church , or of purpose , and so they are made objects of adoration . i. conclusion . the relative expression of god which is in the works of god , is no formall ground of any adoration of the creatures . . because adoration upon this ground , though the creatures , the hoast of heaven be excellent , is forbidden , deut. . . . not only images ( which cannot represent god ) and the sacraments , but all the creatures , even , rats , mice , flyes , frogs , worms , iudas and wicked men , yea , and devils are to be worshipped , because all things having being , are shadows and footsteps of god , their cause , first author , and last end , psal . . . psal . . . rom. . , . act. . , , prov. . . rev. . . rom. . , ▪ . because god is really , and by the diffusion of his blessed essenc● , present in all creatures , it followeth not that we should adore them : the formalists upon this ground , that christ is really present in the sacrament , though the manner we know not , think that christ should be adored in the sacrament , according to that , verbum audimus , motum sentimus , modum nescimus . but if this be good logick , because we know not the way of the spirit , and how the bones grow in a woman with childe , eccles . . v. . and god , where he worketh , is present by the immediation of essence and power , though we know not the way of his presence , we are to adore the soul of man , and the bones of a young childe in a womans belly ; & though they should say that god-man christ is in a more powerfull and efficacious manner present in the sacrament , then in the works of nature ; yet should it follow , that god is to be worshipped in the works of nature also ▪ for magis & minus non variant speciem , for then we could not conclude any thing but this : though there be not so reall a ground of adoring lice and frogs , as adoring of the sacrament : yet there is a ground , seeing god is , in the realli●y of his blessed essence , present in all creature● . ii. con●lusion . the idolatrous jews did not . adore the golden calf , as a crea●ure , but as god by representation , exod. . . and when aaron had made thereof a golden calf , they said , these be thy gods o israel , which brought thee up out of the land of aegypt . . and when aaron saw it , he built an altar before it , and aaron made proclamation , and said ▪ to morrow is a feast to iehovah . now that they believed not the golden calf to be really and essentially iehovah , is more then evident : . because they believed not moses to be essentially god , but their guide and leader under god ; but this calf they made to supply the want of moses , v. . the people gathered themselves together against aaron , and said unto him , vp ▪ make us gods which shall go before us : for as for this moses the man that brought us up out of the land of aegypt , we know not what is become of him . they made then the calf only a visible god under iehovah , to lead them in moses his place . . there is no reason why they should have made aaron rather the maker of the calf then another ; but because he being the lords priest , they thought by his holinesse , the god head of jehovah did slide into this calf ; and so they held the calf to be a thing different from iehovah . . they say to aaron , make us gods : ergo , they believed iehovah to be before this made calf . . they saw the calf melted before their eyes , & knew it was made of their ear-rings . . they call it iehovah , & yet they made it iehovah , and therefore they differenced betwixt the calf & iehovah : for they knew that iehovah brought them out of aegypt before the calf was framed , but the calf was an image of that iehovah . a bellar. and b gregor . de valent. say , they worshipped not iehovah , but a vain idol : else how is it said , psa . . when they made this calf , that they forgot the lord , if they worshipped god in the calf , they were mindefull of god. it is vain reasoning this , the wife that taketh another husband to bed with her , morally forgetteth her husband ; and to worship god in a memorative signe forbidden of god , is a forgetting of god , and a false god indeed . . those who acknowledge that the heathen believe that some godhead dwelt in images , and gave responses and answers out of them ; do thereby acknowledge , that the image it self had not the honour of giving responses , as god hath , but that the inclosed godhead gave these responses , and therefore the inclosed godhead was that which they worshipped . so c aquinas , and d vasquez saith , the heathen acknowledged a godhead to dwell in the images : and e bellarmine saith , it is not improbable that the iews believed that they worshipped the true god in an idol : papists then may take to them heathens idolatry , for heathens worshipped god in images , and not images as they are such : and f abulensis , and g cajetan in the commentaries of the first edition , on exodus , said this same . . though the iews believed the calf to be essentially god , yet it was god as god ▪ that they intended to worship , not the work of mens hands as such : papists believe that the image is not god , and yet give the highest worship that is to them . . bellarmine saith with us , when he saith , they saw a calf in aegypt and adored it , they believed jehovah himself to be a calf , therefore they made the image of a calf , and dedicated it to jehovah . but ( i answer ) that image so dedicated , they worshipped as iehovah , and called the very materiall calf iehovah , and dedicated it to the honour of iehovah ; therefore they believed the lord iehovah , and the calf dedicated to his honour , ( which calf also they worshipped ) to be two divers things , as the image and the thing signified are relata and opposite : ergo , they believed not that that image which aaron had made , was iehovah essentially ; therefore in setting up that image , they worshipped it not as a creature . all the prophets ( saith he ) proveth that the idols are not gods , because they speak not , they neither see , nor hear , isa . . psal . . but ( say some papists ) there was no question if they did see and hear by way of naked representation , because they represented gods and men in shape , who see and hear . ans . first , if all granted they were living things , which did hear and see by representation ; the prophets did well to prove , they should not be trusted in , nor feared as images , nor should that godhead within them inclosed , be feared , because it cannot speak with the mouth , nor see , nor hear , nor walk , with their eyes , eares , and feet : and so it was a vain thing to make it a representation of god , who by serving these dead things did help them . but the prophets strongly prove these images , and the supposed godheads in them , were dumbe , deafe , blinde , and dead ; and therefore neither sign , nor supposed deity represented by the sign , was to be adored . also , isa . . . to whom then will ye liken god ? or what likenesse will ye compare unto him ? . the workman melteth a graven image , and the goldsmith spreadeth it over with gold , &c. isa . . , . to whom will ye liken me ? and make me equall , and compare me , that we may be alike ? . i am god , and there is none else ; i am god , and there is none like me . then it is more then clear that they made a likenesse , a comparison , and a similitude betwixt the golden image and iehovah : ergo , they believed not that the image was essentially god ; for every thing like to another , must be divers from that to which it is like ( they being relatives and opposites ) the one cannot be essentially the other ; and he proveth they are not god by representation , isa . . they cannot move out of their places , except they be born upon asses or mens shoulders : and this is the holy ghosts argument , i am god , ergo , there is none like me by representation to be worshipped : all assimilation or comparative likenesse made by man , betwixt iehovah and god , is an idolatrous assimilation ; yea the lords argument , isa . . is this , every thing made like unto me , before which ye fall down to worship , as a memorative image of me , must be a living thing at least , that can move out of his place , and answer your cry when ye pray , and save you out of trouble , ver . . isa . . and yet it is but a likenesse of god , ver . . now i assume , but the papists image , and the formalists sacramentall elements before which they religiously kneel , cannot move out of their place , nor answer the prayers of those who bow to them , nor save them out of trouble : ergo , they cannot be adored as images , with religious bowing ▪ nor can they say , the images or sacramentall elements can teach and represent god. i answer , so did the iewish images represent god , and yet god convinceth them of idolatry , isa . . . isa . . , . ier. . they were but doctrines of vanity and lyes , and hab. . woe be to him who saith to the wood , awake , and to the dumbe stone , arise , it shall teach . and though the sacramentall elements be lawfull teaching and representing signes , as being the ordinances of christ jesus ; yet the office of teaching cannot elevate and extoll them to the state of religious worship , because though the elements be lawfull images , and in this they differ from iewish and popish images ; yet that which is adored must be such as can hear prayers , isa . . . though it be the image of god. but the sacramentall elements are not such as can hear prayer , &c. also , that the adoring of images is not forbidden by a ceremoniall law only , is clear : . by gods argument , ( isa . . . ) to whom will ye liken me ? that is , no created thing can represent god , which is of mans devising ( for the elements of gods institution do represent christ ) and isa . . . i am god , and there is none beside me : ergo , no invention of man can represent me . this argument is taken from gods nature , and therefore is of perpetuall verity . . the apostle paul in the new-testament repeateth this same argument , act. . to the heathen athenians who were tyed by no ceremoniall law of god , ver . . we ought not to think that the god-head is like unto gold ; you see these people are challenged of idolatry , who did but erect an altar to the golden likenesse and image of god , and yet they did not worship that golden image , as such ; but they worshipped in , and by the image , v. , . the god preached by paul who made the world . hear what a suarez b bellarmine and papists say , it is not lawfull to represent god by a proper and formall similitude , which representeth his essence ; but it is lawfull to represent him by images analogically , signifying such a forme or shape in the which he appeared in scripture , according to these metaphors , and mysticall significations , that are given to him in gods word . ans . . why should not unwritten traditions ( which to papists are gods word ) expresse to us gods nature in images , no lesse then the written word ? . the heathen did represent god by the image of a man , with eyes , nose , tongue , ears , head , hands , feet , heart , understanding , all which are given to god in scripture , yet were they idolaters in so doing , because god saith , isa . . . i am god , and there is none like to me . . if we may portraict ▪ god according to all metaphors given unto him in scripture , then ye may portraict him , in the shape of a lyon , a leopard , a bear , a man full of wine , a theef stealing in the night , an unjust iudge , a gyant , a man of war on horse-back , &c. all which were folly ; and we might worship a lyon , a bear , an unjust iudge , a theef stealing in the night , a man mad with the spirit of jealousie . . the essence and specifick nature of nothing in heaven and earth , can be portraicted or painted , no more then gods essence ; all painted things are but such and such things by externall proportion and shape ; and it is unreasonable to say that portraicts and pictures of god , physically impossible to the art of craftsmen , are forbidden only ( whereas the lords word setteth down to us no precepts for art , as for painting , musick , speaking right latine ) whereas the lord forbiddeth universally gods pictures in any thing in heaven , on earth , or under the earth , deut. . . take ye therefore good heed to your selves , for ye saw no manner of image on the day that the lord spake to you in horeb out of the midst of the fire . gregor de valent. saith , we give not divine honour to the creature as to god , or to christ , for that honour pertaineth to god or christ , which conciliateth to him reverence due to god only , and that opinion of divine honour is conciliated to god , or christ , coram , & in imaginibus , before , and in , or through the image . ans . the people of god had not that opinion every way of egypt , and their horses , that they had of god ; and yet when they , isa . . give that to egypt and horses , which is due to god , to wit , their faith and confidence , that they could save in the time of trouble , therefore interpretatively they made gods of them ; otherwayes they knew literally , that pharaohs horses were flesh and not spirit : but morally and spiritually they knew them not to be no gods to save them : it is no more absurd that the prophets say , the idol hath eyes and see not , and that it is not god , though by sense they knew it not to be god , but by representation they trusting in the idol as in god , then it was for isaiah to say , the horses of egypt are flesh and not spirit : a wife , if she give her body to a stranger , though not with that opinion of love and respect which is only due to her husband , is yet an harlot , and the people who sware by iehovah , and by malcome , who worship iehovah , and ieroboams calves , and those who worship the image of an ash-tree , representing iehovah , isa . . . isa . . , . did not give honour to malcom , to the calves , to the images , sicut iehovae , as to god. see roinalds answer . but ( saith he ) we cannot worship god , but we must conceive some image of god in our minde , are we therefore idolaters , because in these images we worship god ? and valent. saith , and so doth the formalist lindsey say , that god may be adored before the sacramentall elements as images . ans . we are not forbidden to adore god in the inward conception of minde , deut. . ye saw no manner of similitude , but not , yea thought no manner of thoughts of god. . the internall image of god in the minde is the objective conception of god as conceived in the minde there is no hazard of idolatry there , for that image is not adorable at all , because then it must be conceived by a new different image , and that new different image must be cognoscible by another new image , and so in infinitum . the externall image is both made an active object to represent god , and when we religiously bow to it , it is made an object passive , that is adored with god. lastly , if the iews and heathen had adored their images , as they were such creatures consecrated , and as essentially gods , the lord would not have rebuked them for making an ash tree the similitude of a god , as he doth , isa . . . isa . . , &c. and all that i said in the former question proveth the same . so that though divine honour in the act of kneeling before the elements be intended to christ , yet because the elements are there as actuall signes , and vicegerent images of christ , if we kneel to christ religiously through them , we give them divine honour , though we should intend to honour christ iesus only . sect . iii. whether papists and formalists give that divine honour that is proper only to god and his son iesus christ to images , and the elements of bread and wine ? i. con. to adore images is to give worship to god before images , or , in , or through the images without any faith of a godhead , or divine power in the image according to the doctrine of the church of rome . i prove this out of their councels . a the councell of trent saith , due honour and veneration is due to the images , not because it is believed , that there is any divinity and vertue in them , for the which they should be worshipped ; but because the honour given to them is referred to the samplar , which they represent ; that by these images vvhich vve kisse , and before vvhich vve uncover our head and bow dovvn ; vve may adore christ , and the saints which these images resembleth : hence . the image doth but , as a memorative object , excite the affection to give honour to god , in , and through the images ; but . let these words be examined , the councell denyeth any divinity to be in images , but if they mean no divinity really to be in images , so they say nothing against us ; for we do not ascribe to papists that they teach there is a reall god-head in the image , but that all that is really in it , is wood , gold , or mettall , and so did the gentiles believe their images to be teaching books , hab. . ier. , . deut. . . isa . . . & . , . act. . . and gold and silver ; but say they , what needed the prophets to prove that gold and silver could not see , nor hear , nor deliver in time of trouble , reason would here convince them to be ten times blinde , who believed any such thing . ans . the prophets do well to do so : nor that the heathen believed there was any godhead in them formally , but because they ascribed actions to these images , that were due to living creatures , and made them to be such as did see , hear , move , deliver ; so isaiah proveth egypts horses not to be god , but flesh , yet they did not believe there was a godhead in the horses , but consequenter , by good consequence , when they laid that hope on the horse , that they were to lay upon god , he had need to say the horse vvas flesh and not god : so when men give to these things , bowing of the body , and say unto a stock , thou art my father : god may prove the stock is not a living man , and hath no sences , to convince them the more , that they can far lesse be gods vicar ; for a vicar or deputy creature representing the living god , should be such as can do what god doth ; else we should put on it the honour due to god : but if the councell mean , they have no divinity in them , but by way of representation , because they be vicaria dei signa , signes resembling the creator god ; now if this be denyed , the images must be naked memorials before which people do adore god , as mirandula , durandus and others said , and yet latter papists say more of their own images : but i would have it remembred , that there be two sorts of deputed or vicar-images ; some that do only signifie , as the darknesse of the skie going before the morning light in the east , that doth nothing at all which the morning light doth , but nakedly signifieth that the sun is rising : there be other depute signes that can exercise acts , which the samplar would do , if it were present , as the deputy is not a naked vicar or depute signe of the king , for he doth not only signifie the kings minde , but can do royall acts in the kings name : images are depute signes of god , of the first sort , that do only rub the memory and understanding , and therefore deserve no honour except the honour due to the means of worship , as the bible , sacraments , which deserve not adoration , but onely a negative reverence , or a not dispising or contemptuous handling of them , images being unlawfull meanes , and not commanded of god , deserve no veneration at all ; and though it be true , that the ambassadour deserve princely honour , for the princes place , whom he representeth ; yet he can act the person of the prince , and is not a naked deputed sign , but images are therefore convinced to be unlawfull deputies representing ( as idolaters made them to be , isa . . . isa . . , . ) because they can do no acts at all , nor exercise any actions proper to the samplar , for psal . . v. . they have mouths , but they speak not , eyes they have , but they see not , . they have eares , but they hear not ; and therefore should not be trusted in , as in means and deputed representations of god , for which cause the prophet inferreth ver . . they that made them , are like unto them , so are every one that trusteth in them . ver . . o israel trust thou in the lord. therefore religious trusting in them is idolatry : but the canon of trent saith this same of their images , to wit , that there be no godhead or vertue in them . . if the worship of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the higher service due to god , be given to images , as i prove hereafter , then also some deity or divine vertue ; for gods highest honour can no more be communicated to any , save to god , then the godhead it self ; for a relative godhead is as due to stocks , as a relative worship . . if the tridentine canonists will have divine adoration given to god coram imaginibus , before images , or at their presence , as only memorative signes , & active objects exciting us to worship god , then is our thesis proved : but if they mean that god is adored , coram imaginibus , before images , as not only memorative and active objects , but also before them as passive objects , that are compartners under god of some divine adoration ; then i say . they contradicted themselves , for gods highest honour called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can not be given to them but by a figure , because they are gods , & have divinity in them only by a figure , and not really : for suarez & vasquez denieth that we can fix our hope and faith in images , or make prayers to them , nisi modo figurativo & tropo duriore , by a figure , and a hard troop , and most improperly and by that same reason must be given to stocks and stones most improperly , and that is , men do religiously bow before them , as before memorative objects . . gabriel b vasquez saith well , there can be no footstep of holinesse in the image , beside the excellency of the samplar , nor any divine vertue wherefore it should be worshipped ; for there is nothing in the image of it self , but that which is senslesse , and lifelesse , and spiritlesse and no man can in a religious way submit himself to such a creature ? hence it must be a naked memorative sign , and therefore the kissing of the image , though physically it be reall , and not metaphysicall , yet moral it is not propper , seeing all religious affection in that kissing is transferred to god. and we know vasquez alloweth , that every thing , as it is a being , and resembleth god the first being , is to be adored , and so stones , — frogs , the devil , judas lips that kissed christ , are to be adored . so their seventh pretended synod c faith , that the honour due to god is not to be given to images , according to our faith , only at the beholding of pictures we are put in minde of the samplar : and the same saith mr. lindesey , is the way of adoring god in the sacrament . but so the gentiles , as saith d arnobius , and e lactantius , yea , and the apostle f paul ●aith adored images ; yea , and god would g not forbid similitudes of god to be adored , except he did teach that the heathen idolaters worshipped similitudes , and so the papists in that vulgar verse said , they adored not the images , but the thing signified by the images . effigiem christi dum transis , semper adora : non tamen effigiem , sed quod designat , honora . let me adde these reasons to prove they cannot adore the image , but as a memorative sign : . the image and the elements in any consideration , either as creatures , or as the honourable act of representation is put upon them , are but creatures ; for the act of representation is a temporary godhead , and maketh them but time-gods ; ergo , they cannot be adored . . if there be two adorations here , one given to god , and another to the image , and if both be divine honour , there must be two collaterall gods ; if adoration prove christ to be god , two divine honours put upon things , one upon god , and another upon the creature ; there must be two gods , or then the creature remaining a creature , must have communion with gods high honour , which is idolatry . . images and elements are either worshipped for themselves ▪ or for some other thing ; if for themselves , they are god , for only god for himself is worshipped with divine honour ; if for god they be worshipped , then it is an inferiotr , and improper worship , and therefore they must be worshipped as memorative objects . . images and elements , if they partake of externall worship proper to god : why may not sacrifices and incense be offered unto them , and faith and hope fixed on images ? they do not partake of internall worship : for as vasquez saith well , inward worship consisteth in apprehensione primi principii , & in motu ad illud ; in apprehension of the first author and creator of all things , and in the wills motion toward it . but this apprehension cannot be put upon images or elements , therefore they be here significant objects only . so their second councell h of nice , as epiphanius a deacon , in name of the synod saith , images were present before the kneelers , as our elements are , only as memorative objects . . that the singular affection of adoring , was bounded only upon god : and i concilium senonense saith , images are to be adored , not because there is any godhead in them , but for the memory of the samplar : and k concilium moguntinum , images are not propounded that we should worship them , but that we may call to minde the things which we are to worship . if therefore we adore god at the presence of the elements , as memorative signes we do adore the elements ; but if the kneeler direct all his worship before the elements , to christ up at the right hand of the father : why then ( as lactantius said well to the gentiles ) do they not turn away their senses and eyes off the elements ? for christ is not substantially inclosed in them , and lift them up toward heaven , where they believe christ to be ? but in so doing the elements should not be received as sacraments , for in the act of receiving we are to fixe our souls upon the visible elements : if the athenians did believe the golden image , act. . . was essentially god , and kneeled to it as to god ; paul did in vain rebuke them for believing that the godhead was like silver or gold ; and if the men of lystra believed the shapes of men , and the likenesse of men to be essentially god , and in that respect gave the honour of sacrificing due to god , to these shapes ; then the scripture in vain should bring these men of lystra in , as putting a difference betwixt the shapes of men , and the godhead of jupiter and mercurius , to which they were about to give divine sacrifice . and if formalists kneel before the elements , and give a transitive glory to christ through them , they are in the same sense idolaters that the gentiles were . so the councel of moguntine , l and alphonsus de castro m deny that they adore the letters of the name ( jesus ) drawn with base ink ▪ or the tree of the crosse ; but they adore the signified thing : yea , saith n waldensis , he that beholdeth the image , almost forgetteth the image , while as he is ravished with the thing signified : as many see a man clothed , and yet being asked , they cannot declare the colour of his clothes , the minde is so much set upon the man : yea , the adorer may hate the painted image of christ , because the rude ignorance of the painter , when he adoreth christ in the same image , though he may love some morall representation in it . this doctrine is taught by o gregorius , and by p adrianus , and q approved by a councel at rome under stephanus the third . ii. conclusion . grosser papists go a subtiler way to work , and do avouch that the very latreia and supream worship that is proper to god , is given to the image . though the creature saith r suarez cannot , primo , & per se , principally , kindly , and of it self be worshipped or adored with latreia , the supream worship due to god , yet it may be co-adored , with the same honour that is given to christ , as is the kings purple robe : so the first distinction is of adoration and co-adoration , or adoration kindely , and by it self , and adoration with another . henriquez ſ saith , it is a fault that it is not preached to the people , that the image of christ is to be adored with supream worship called latreia t . crabrera saith , many schoolmen are of this mind ; and so doth w azorius x archangelus rubeo y iacobus de graphiis , let us worship ( saith he ) every image with that same worship , with which we worship the samplar : that is , let us bestow the worship highest of latreia , upon the image of god and christ , and the signe of the crosse , as it bringeth us in minde of christs suffering : the second distinction is , that the image is truly properly adored , as the materiall object no lesse then the samplar : hence they reprove durandus , picus mirandula , hulcot , and others , who say that images are improperly adored , & a raphael de la torres answering to that of durandus and mirandula , that images are adored by accident , in respect that before them , and at their naked presence , as before memorative objects , we adore god and christ ( saith he ) ( are adored by accident ) is thus to be understood , images are adored , ratione alterius , by reason of another , vel per aliud , by another thing , but this argueth not that images are improperly adored , hereby onely is denyed that there is any adoration of the proper excellency of the thing adored . hence he would say that the borrowed honour of adoration given to the image is truly and properly the adoration that is due to god , but it is given to the image in reference to god , and not for any inherent excellency that is in the image : for ( saith he ) if we do not properly adore the image , we do but exercise the materiall action of kissing and kneeling to the image , without any internall affection of submission to the samplar : he addeth that it is enough that the intention of submission is referred to the samplar , and the external adoration to the image , for if any shall ( saith he ) kisse the earth ( as the rude multitude in some place doth ) upon an intention of inward submission of heart to god , nequaquam vere & proprie adorat terram , he doth not truly and properly adore the earth , but only he exerciseth a materiall action of kissing toward the earth : but i answer , all this is vanity , for such a one worshippeth the earth , but referreth the internall submission to god , and all this , is to say the image doth truly partake of the religious honour ( latreia ) due to god only . a third distinction is here , of b gabriel biel on the canon of the masse , in the adoring of images ( saith he ) and of other things which are adored by accident , though there be an externall act of bowing both to the images and the samplar , yet there be two internall acts which are different , vvhereof one is terminated and bounded upon the image , not absolutely as it is such a materiall thing of stone , or mettall , but as it is an image : this is an acknowledgement whereby i esteem the image a thing ordained to represent christ , or a complacency whereby i rest on such a thing , as to be honoured for christ , and the other i● a recognition , and acknowledgement immediatly terminated and bounded upon the samplar , whereby it is acknowledged to be the chiefest good . but the truth is , religious geniculation before the image , or at the presence of the image ( saith c durandus ) as if the samplar were there present , is one and the same adoration given to the image and the samplar ; and all that d gregorius de valentia saith against this , is , that durandus minus circumspect● locutus , he spake not so warily , as need were : and so did their e seventh pretended synod speak , as f leontius expoundeth them , non liguorum aut colorum naturam adoro , absit , and g vasquez saith , they displease some in so speaking , but they mean well : they meant all that which our formalists do ▪ and there is no discord ( saith h gabriel biel ) in re , in the matter it self ; for both say ; . that the creature should not be adored with the highest honour ( lateria ) of it self , as if it were the object of adoration : . both teach that the minde and affection is carried toward the samplar , which is adored : . both mean that the adorer exerciseth some act upon the image , as it representeth the samplar , only the diversity is , if this act terminated on the image , should be called an adoring of the image ; and all these three formalists do to the elements in the supper : hence i require of the formalists , one difference betwixt the objective presence of the elements before the kneeler , in the act of receiving , and the objective presence of the heathens image of god , isa . . . & . , , . and the papists image of dumb wood , and blinde stone : mr. lindsey answered me once in a conference , that the elements were present as the ordinances of god , but the popish and heathen images as the inventions of men . i replied to him , that is no answer : for images and elements ( i know ) do differ , physicâ specie ; the sun adored by persians , and satan by indians differ . satan and the sun , are not ejusdem speciei , of that same nature , but it is idolatry to worship either ; images and bread in the kind of means of worship differ , but , as touching the objective presence before the kneeler kneeling to these , there is no difference : as . to memorative objects : . as to objects vicarious and standing in the room of christ : . at their presence and through them god is adored . i suarez , is not content with the doctrine of durandus here , by this , images are ( saith he ) but occasions , vel signa excitantia hominem ad prototypum adorandum , non vero ●es quae adorantur , or signes moving the m●n to adore the samplar , but they are not things adored : for ( saith he ) the man , vvho seeing a beautifull creature , ariseth in ●is minde to the consideration of the creator , and therefore praiseth and loveth th● creator , cannot be truly said to praise and love that fair creature , thoug● the presence of that creature have stirred up the love of the creator , and by this means images are reserved only for memory . thus he will have images adored with the same worship that is given to god : but i answer : . if he shall kisse that creature and direct religious bowing toward it , and and through that external religious act , convey his worship to god , and give no other externall adoration and signe of heart submission to god , then that which is tyed and alligated of purpose to that fair creature , as papists and jews did of old , who kissed the calves , and fell down before the images , as isa . . . which yet were but memorials of iehovah teaching them of iehovah , esa . . . esa . . , . hab. . , . such a one should also worship that fair creature : our formalists do not make the elements memorative signes representing christ , for that they have by divine institution , but upon that ground they kneel before them , and tie , by the churches commandment , the externall religious bowing toward them , and that ( saith the act of our new assembly at perth ) in reverence of god , and in due regard ( religious regard they must mean ) of so divine a mystery , and in remembrance of so mysticall a union : . god hath no other externall bowing made to him in the act of receiving , then is made before these elements , in due regard of so divine a mystery , and because of so mysticall union ; the union is reall , whether it be by consubstantiation , or transubstantiation , they wil not define , the lord iesus is present in the elements , in a more reall and spirituall manner , then he is in any groundlesse image of mettall or wood ; and therefore the image and elements do most really partake even by durandus and hulcot , and mirandula their minde of that worship of ( latreia ) due to god ; only durandus ( as vasquez , and gregor . valent. say ) spake not so warily , but not so grossely , as to say , what ever is given to god , is given to the image : . it is not in the adorers power that kneeling should be a signe of lesse worship , as referred to the image , and of greater , as referred to god ; for the same materiall kissing , and religious prostration , which would immediatly be conveyed to christ , if he were in person present in the image and elements , is done to the image and elements , and religious kissing , and religious kneeling signifieth internall divine submission of heart to god , as the first author of all , and the last end , not by mans will , but by divine institution . . kneeling to god is a protestation ( saith k gregor , de valent. ) that we are willing to raise an opinion of excellency in god , as this excellency is in some manner , and relatively in the image . if therefore kneeling of its own nature , without any act of mans will , or the churches institution , wanting gods word , do conciliate an opinion of excellency ; to whomsoever kneeling is directed , in this it must conciliate the same opinion : if then it it be given to images and elements , it must be a protestation that we are willing to conciliate an opinion of divine excellency in these lifelesse creatures , which is all we give to god by kneeling . . it is not enough that valentia saith , this honour belongeth to christ , in so far as it conciliateth to christ the honour due only to god , and is expressed by kneeling , & it belongeth to the images so , as coram , & in illis , before , and in them this opinion is conciliated to christ : but if the image be god only representatively , and by way of signification , then is it not god of it self and really , quod est tale tantum significativé , non est tale per se , & realiter , as a painted man is not of it self , and really a man ; the word ( iesus ) as written with base ink , is not infinite iesus , the mighty god , the prince of peace , really , but only in meer signification : therefore to give gods honour and externall religious bowing ( which essentially doth note the highest excellency of god ) to them , is idolatry : it is a vain thing to say , the ambassadour is not really the king ; yet the reall honour due to the king , is done to him . i answer , where the king declareth that it is his will , that his ambassadour be really honoured as himself ; this is not the giving of the kings glory to another against his will : but here expresly contrary to that ( thou shalt not bow down to them ) expounded especially of similitudes , deut. . . ye saw no manner of similitude . the glory of religious bowing contrary to gods will , ( who will not give his glory to another ) is given to images , and to bread. . it redoundeth kindely to the king , who is absent , and to be obeyed in his absence , that his vicegerent and deputy be honoured as himself , and presupposeth an infirmity in the king that he cannot be in many places to receive immediately the honour due to him , and therefore will have that due paid to himself , mediately , by the honoured person of a deputy . god infinite is in all places , to receive immediately the pay of religious knee-honour , and it dishonoureth god to have his glory laid down in the hand of any creature ; as it dishonoureth the husband that his wife give her body to another , representing his person : for this cause l bernardus puiol faith , images are properly to be adored , contrary to that which durandus saith : and m azorius saith , it is the common opinion that images are to be worshipped with ( latreia ) the highest honour due to god : so ( saith he ) thomas , alexander , bonaventura , richardus , albertus , paludanus , alman , marsilius , capreolus , cajetanus , & caeteri juniores sic sentiunt . the fourth expression of wit , is this distinction of n vasquez , that that internall submission to god , as to the creator and chief god , is due to god only ; and that the image , seeing it is a creature , is not capable of that high honour . but the externall act of kissing and kneeling , he will have due to the image , for the excellency of the samplar . and so he denyeth contrary to suarez , that the image separated from the samplar , or the humanity of christ separated from divinity , can be adored : but if externall adoration may be given to images ; so also internall submission : ( thou shalt not bow down to them ) religiously it is expounded in the second commandment , ( thou shalt not worship them . ) it is grossenesse in vasquez to say , the worshipping of images was forbidden the iews in the second commandment , as a ceremoniall inhibition , because of the iews propension to idolatry : but act. . . paul expoundeth the second commandment , forbidding the similitude of god : and the athenians were not under the law of ceremonies . ioannes o de lugo saith , this is a probable opinion : but it is clear , cornelius a devout man , one who feared and worshipped god , whose prayers were heard in heaven for christs sake , knew that peter was a man which lodged in the house of simon a tanner ; yet his religious externall bowing ( though he knew peter was not god , but a divine man resembling god ) by peter is rebuked as idolatry , act. . v. , . i cannot help ioan. p de lugo , to say , that peter forbade cornelius to worship him , not because it was a sin , but for modesties cause . but . peters argument striketh against idolatry , ver . . ( stand up , ( he forbiddeth religious kneeling ) for i my self also a man ) the very argument that paul and barnabas useth , act. . ●er . . we also are men &c. and used against the idolatry of lystra , expresly condemned in that place : and the angels argument against the idolatry of iohn , rev. . . i am thy fellow servant , worship god ; ergo , externall religious bowing should not be given to any , save to god. . peter and the angel should have opened the jesuits and formalists distinction , if worshipping of saints and dumbe images be worshipping of god , and the honour principally of inward acknowledgment of the supremacy and soveraignty of god , be intended , in bowing to images , and modesty should not forbid honouring of god : and whereas ioannes de lugo saith , iohn was forbidden to worship the angel , to signifie that our nature in christ was advanced to a dignity above the angels . but . then it is unlawfull to any to worship angels . . nor is it lawfull to give the virgine mary divine worship , as suarez saith : . for her excellency in touching christ . . for her grace and sanctity . . for her mothers place in bearing christ ; because her nature in christ is not exalted above the nature of other believers , for the nature common to all believers , and eadem specie , was assumed by christ . . the angel saith , ( worship god ) he therefore believed the worshipping of angels was not the worshipping of god. all these fight against religious bowing before the elements , in due regard of so divine mysteries : the bread would say ( if it could speak ) see thou do it not , for i also am a creature . the fifth trick of wit , is a distinction of q suarez , that one and the same act of adoration may be given , and is given in externall worship to the image and to god , but in reference to god , it is latreia , the high honouring of god , and in reference to the image , it is an inferior veneration : so do our formalists say , as r burges saith ▪ adoration and veneration differ not but by mens will ; and if it be lawfull to adore god before the ark , s why not at the sacrament ? the bread and the wine are christ significative , ( as the ark had the title of iehovah ) by occasion of the elements , not as they are , but as they signify ; we may tender a knee-worship , not at all to them , but only to god or christ . and again , t he holdeth it lawfull to adore the elements , but then adoration as given to the elements , is veneration , and adoration in a large sence , chron. . . the people worshipped god and the king : the outward adoration was one , as the word by which it is expressed was one ; but the religious and civill worship were distinct in the minde and intention of the worshippers . edward , the . book w saith , kneeling is to eschew prophaning of the sacrament . opposit to prophaning is externall religious honouring , expressed by kneeling , and that is adoring . hence one and that same adoration and externall bowing , is given to bread and to christ ; but the minde and will of the adorer maketh the same act in reference to christ , adoration , or latreia , of the highest degree of honour ; but in reference to the bread , lawfull veneration of an inferior nature . answer . if it were possible that the wise could transmit her body in the act of harlotry , by , or through a strange lover to her husband , her will and minde might change adultery ; if she saith , she giveth her body to a stranger , but in her minde and will intendeth to bring forth children to her own husband : so if divers acts of the minde , make religious kneeling to a stock or bread lawfull , if one should adore the man iudas as a memoriall of christ , his intention of will might save his soul ; if he say , i give one and the same externall worship to iudas and to christ : or if cornelius should say , i give one and the same knee ▪ worship , to peter and to christ ; but in my intention they be far different : for i worship iudas and peter in that act with civill homage commanded in the fifth commandment , as they be christs apostles , and represent him ; but in that same i worship christ with the highest honour , called latreia : vasquez and burges make them one externall worship . the three children might have kneeled to the image of nebuchadnezzer , for their minde and will ( as formalists say ) might have put another signification of honouring the lord iehovah , upon their knee-worship ; and externall kneeling could not have been denyed to the lord iehovah ; and so the three children should not have given divine honour and knee-glory to the image , and they were fooles who did hazard their bodies to the fire : but wisemen think , if they had given knee-worship ( what ever their heart thought ) they should have obeyed the king , yet they professe disobedience , dan. . . we will not worship thy graven image . . neither think we the athenians gave that same honour to the similitude act. . . of god , that they gave to the god that paul preached , who made heaven and earth , v. , . yet in giving worship externall to both , they were idolaters , ver . . nor did the men of lystra give the same heart-honour to the deities of iupiter and mercury , which they gave to the shapes of men ; yet are they idolaters in that . . mr. burges saith , israel chron. . . in one and the same act ( externall ) worshipped god and the king , because one and the same word expresseth honour both to god and the king. but how shall we call that act ? civill , or religious , or mixt ? and did they transmit latreia , divine honour through the king to god ? he hath a metaphysicall faith who beleeveth such dreames , because one word is used to expresse both the worshipping of god and the king , therefore it was one externall act of worshipping , and differenced in the minde and intention of the worshippers ; the consequence is most weake , sam. . . all the people greatly feared the lord and samuel , prov. . . my son , feare the lord and the king , is it one manner of feare really , that is both religious to god , and to samuel , and to the lord , and the king ▪ because one word expresseth both ? i see not but one & the same action of bowing may be made to god , to christ , to the water in baptisme , to the bible , to the sun and moon , and we might kneel and adore a toad , a straw , and satan , as they represent gods wisdom and power , and through that same externall knee-worship also adore god : what , may we not then religiously adore all things and creatures , as they represent god the first being . presentemque refert quaelibet herba deum . a man may adore himself , his own hands , his legs , his mothers wombe that bare him , &c. as for adoring of the ark and foot-stool of god : . ioan. x gisenius , a lutheran saith , the iews had precept and promise to worship god before the ark , we have no command to tye externall adoration to any place or creature . . y didoclavius saith , it is lawfull to adore god before the ark , and the symboles of his immediate presence , because god is there to receive his own worship himself , by an immediate indwelling presence : for saith z mr. weames , he appeared in glory above the ark , betwixt the cherubims , and it was a type of christ who dvvelt in our flesh ; but it is not lavvfull to worship him , before the symboles of his grace . . the ark was a type in the act of teaching , we grant ; but that it was in the act of adoring , god who was immediately present , and a symboll vicegerent of god , we reade not . there is no need of mediate signes , where god is immediately present , and adored as he was in the ark ; they were to fixe both senses and thoughts immediately upon god. . they were to worship , not the ark , but the precept is , & incurvate vos scabello , worship tovvard the ark. a arias mont. turneth it , worship to the ark : the greek fathers of the second nicen. councel , ignorant of the hebrew tongue , would have the lord commanding to adore his foot-stool ; whereas the particle ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is a note of the dative case , and often it signifieth motion to a thing , or at a place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad dextram , and doth not absolutely signifie the accusative case . b musculus ad scabellum , he maketh it the ark of the testament . calvine , c the temple . iunius , d maketh it well to signifie the measure of bowing , bow to the foot-stool , or ground , or pavement of the temple where the lords feet are , as he sate on the cherubims , chron. . . for there is no ground for adoring the ark ; but the words are to be read , exalt the lord our god , and bow your selves , ( to wit , to iehovah , who sheweth himself , or dwelleth at his foot-stool ) that is , betwixt the cherubims , sam. . . for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at his foot-stool , is not constructed with the verb , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incurvate vos : jesuits and formalists , devised that construction , but it is to be constructed with the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is to be repeated from the former part of the verse , bow your selves to jehovah who dwelleth in the ark , or in the temple : a familiar eleipsis to the hebrews , psal . . . i will bow my self ( to the iehovah dwelling ) in the temple of thy holinesse , as we are taught , our father which art in heaven : so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it is a description of god from the place where he dwelt , and exhibited his presence to his rude people . . it is ignorance in burges to prove god may be adored in the elements , because they are as excellent symbols of gods presence as the ark : for created excellency is no ground of adoring the elements , except it be a godhead , and uncreated excellency : we condemne pope e anastasius , who directeth reverend bowing at the hearing of the gospel , and not of the epistles , as if the gospel were holier then the epistles . but if adoration may be given to the elements , because knee-worship signifieth according to humane institution , and mans will , and are taken from customes of men , and so doth signifie lesse honour then is due to god : let me be resolved of this doubt , words of prayer signifie according to mens institution and their will , no lesse then religious gestures do , and we may say to a stock , ( thou art my father ) and it is in our will that ( father ) signifie a representative father , not an infinite and independent father , such as god only is . and if the image in externall kneeling , be adored per aliud , or co-adored with the samplar , because it is one with the samplar ; why may we not pray to the image , and fixe our faith and hope on the image and elements by co-adoration , or in relative praying and trusting in them ? yet f the fathers of trent for shame deny that we should pray to images , and put our trust in them : yet do formalists turn the enunciative words of christ ( this is my body ) in an optative mood , and a prayer , the body and blood of christ ( they mean the elements in their hands ) preserve thee to eternall life : and we are not ignorant , that faith and hope are ascribed to the crosse , and this sung in the church of rome : o crux ave spes unica , hoc passion is tempore , auge pi●● justitiam , reisque dona veniam . a learned papist , g raphael de la torres saith plainly , it is lawfull to pray to images , so the inward devotion be directed to god : but if the iews in their idolatrous worship acknoweledged the image to be but a representation of god , and a book , jer. . . they did no wrong who said ier. . ver . . to a stock , thou art my father , and to a stone , thou hast brought me forth : for condition maketh all , if they speak by a figure ; for the papists when they speak to the crosse , and call the crosse their only hope , the crosse is not better born nor a stock , it is but timber or dumbe wood : now how doth not the dumbe wood to which prayers are made , as if christ himself were present , partake of prayers and gods honour , in an inferior and relative way ? for the wood standeth before him who prayeth to it , as god by representation , and as an actuall vicegerent , and tree-deputy of god and christ ; it is no lesse worshipfull by mouth-worship , by praying to it , as to the passive object of adoration , as capable of knee-worship by bowing down to it ; and a distinction may save idolatry in the one , as well as in the other : and our formalists bowing religiously to bread , do not adore bread , ( as our half papists say ) and so may they pray to bread , and not adore bread , for they are as well masters of grammar , to impose significations at their will upon words , as they be lords of gestures and ceremonies , to cause kneeling expresse veneration to the images , and to elements , and not divine adoration . here two great iesuites , suarez and vasquez helpe the matter for h suarez saith , there be some acts of worship as faith and prayer , which precisely respect a reasonable and intelligent person , therefore this prayer ( haile * crosse ) it is a figurative speech , and a metonymie , continens pro re contenta ; and the speech is directed to him who was crucified , and therefore a prayer ( saith this idolater ) is considered ut petitio , vel ut honor quidam , either as a petition , and so it is not directed but to god , but as prayer is an honour expressed in such words and signes , the image also is thought to be honoured by praying to it , as the samplar to wit christ , is honoured ; soft words . answ . . if praying and beleeving doe properly respect a reasonable creature , so doth positive honouring which is esteemed , by the law of nature , praemium virtutis , a reward of vertue ; now vertue morall to be a foundation of honour , is as vainly given to a tree , or a stocke , as faith and prayer , but to speak to any in prayer , and make our requests known to them may be thought proper onely to a reasonable person , who onely can understand our prayer , and in reason answer our necessities , which a stock cannot doe : but secondly , i answer a stock is by analogie , and as it is god representatively , as capable of reason to answer , and helpe us , and pitty us , in respect it can notably well represent the majestie of god , who can answer , helpe , and pitty , as our idolaters teach , as it is capable of knee-worship , and that honour which is given to god , though in an higher degree ; for the formall reason why images and elements are capable of knee-glory , due to him who sweareth that all knees shall how to him , is , because they represent god , and not because of themselves they have any divinity or godhead in them . now the same formall reason holdeth here , for the crosse , stone , tree , or elements that are prayed unto in that religious state , as they are the object of praying , doe represent god , therefore they are also capable of faith and prayer , glory , as of knee-worship , or knee-glory . . faith , hope , and charity ( as i suarez saith ) in so farre as they are given to god , for giving of honour to him as to the supream lord , they put on the nature of adoration , and in that same place he defineth adoration to be the exhibition of honour due to any in the acknowlegement of excellency and submission and service due to him : now suarez reprooveth durandus and pic. mirandula , because they denied that the image was adored , but would onely have honour given to god , at the naked presence of the image , as a memorable signe , but it is certaine , as to trust in god , and to pray to him is incommunicable to the creature , so to adore any in acknowledgement of supreame excellencie is incommunicable to the creature , therefore either the image is adored with the same knee-worship that is given to god , and that improperly and by a figure , as durandus and mirandula taught contrary to the mind of suarez , and idolatrous iesuites and f●rmalists , or else prayers may be made to wood and stone , as to god , and that properly and without a figure ; as knee-worship is tendered to wood and stone by iesuits doctrine , prope●●y and without a figure . . papists deny that sacrifices may be offered to images , yet they burne incense to images ; but that is not , saith k a fransciscan antonius capellus , a sacrifice , for it is tendred to men , to dead carions , and to things that are blessed , and requireth neither altar , nor priest : it is true , they say so , but burning incense to the brazen serpent is condemned as idolatry , and altar and priest is not of the essence of a sacrifice ; but however as sacrificing is a recognition that we hold all we have of god , and therefore we sacrifice creatures to him , so any adoring of stocks is an acknowledgement that these stocks or stones are by way of representation , that god of whom we hold all the creatures : and doe not papists for the honour of god , make oblations to ministers , and burn incense to saints ? and why may not prayers be offered to them also ? . it is a wild distinction where he faith that prayers as honour may be tendered to images , but not prayers as petitions , whereas the very act of calling upon god in the day of trouble , psal . . . is an honouring and glorifying god , and praying to god is due to god , as he is to be beleeved in , and to be preached amongst men , rom. . . . and so is he worthy to be glorified as the subject of preaching ; then it is a vaine thing to difference betwixt peti●ioning to god , and honouring god , because in that i petition god , in my necessities , i submit to him as to god , who can answer and heare prayers : if therefore the image and the wood be capable of the honour of praying , it is also capable of the honour of petitioning , so as we may as properly petition and supplicate the stocke , as give to it the glory of prayers . . if formalists say in the third person , ( the body sacramentall of the lord save thee , ) they may upon the same ground say , ( o thou sacramentall body of the lord save me ) for this is a prayer to god , ( o that god would save his people , ) no lesse then this , ( o god save thy people , ) the variation of persons in the grammar , maketh not the one to be a prayer , and not the other . vasquez l saith , there is not alike reason , why praises , prayers , and sacrifices should be tendred to idols , & knee-worship & adoration , because from the affection of adoring the samplar , there is derived an externall note of submission to the image , which by a common name is called the honour , worship and adoration tendred to the image in a bodily manner , and being done before the image , tendeth to the honouring of the samplar ; but the outward action of praising , praying , sacrificing , is commonly called praising , praying , sacrificing , in relation to the samplar , to wit , god , and no way in relation to the image , or to things without life ; neither are they by accident referred to the images , only they be tendred to god before images , coram illis . but i answer , this is but to beg the question , for we deny , that from adoring the image , there resulteth any adoring of god , but a great dishonouring of his name . . durandus , mirandula , hulcot , deny that adoring of god , coram imaginibus tanquam signis memorativis , before the images as memorials of god , should be an adoring of the images : and suarez saith , if images be only remembrances and memorials in the act of adoration , this taketh much honour from the images , and is , saith m he , an adoring of the samplar , but not an adoring of the image : though n vasquez ; expounding gregories minde , ( which superstitious man calleth them , o good books ) contradict suarez in this , yea , and himself also ; for he saith , the enemies of images ( he meaneth the reformed churches ) who use them only for memorials and books , ( it is a lye that we use them as books , ) will not bow their knee to them , for then ( saith he ) they should adore them ; and therefore ( saith vasquez , ) if christ be not in very deed , in his presence in the sacrament present , the knee-worship is tendred to bread and wine , which is ( saith he ) idolatry ; therefore either our formalists are transubstantiators , or idolaters , or both ; by this learned iesuites judgement , and why by this same reason may we not say against p vasquez , that the bodily offerings of prayers , prayses , and sacrifices to god , before the image as the image , is an honouring of the image by prayer , they say to the tree of the crosse . auge piis justitiam , reisque dona veniam . increase righteousnesse in us , and give remission of sinnes , o tree crosse to guilty sinners . names at rome goe as men will , but the honour it selfe is put upon the dumbe wood , which is due to christ . o it is but a figure ( say they ) yea but ( say we ) prayers and praises in a bodily manner , and vocally are tendred to the wood , yet if the wife commit adultery with her husbands brother , because he representeth her husband , i thinke the matter should be washen with inke , and badly excused to say , o the loving wife for strong love to her husband committeth figurative adultery , and that bodily harlotry is referred to the brother of her husband by accident , and to her husband kindly , and per se , for himselfe . the same way , if formalists bow their knee to bread , that such a holy mystery be not prophaned . we know they cannot understand civill or countrey non-prophanation , that they intend ; for kneeling and evill maners at the lords table doe well consist together . now religious non-prophanation by knee-worship , is adoring of these mysterious elements . ergo they make prayers and sing praises , and offer sacrifices to the bread , let them see to this and answer to it if they can . the sixt evasion of wit , i find in q johannes de lugo , who saith , . that the image and samplar making one and the same object , by aggregation , the inward affection besides externall knee-worship is given to both , but to the image relatively , and for god or the samplar , and not for proper divine excellencie in it , and therefore the councels ( saith he ) call it not adoration in spiritu , but it is tendered to god absolutely . . we give adoration of internall submission to god , or the samplar as the debt of potestative justice , but we doe not so worship the image , we have no civill or politick communication with the image , because it is not a reasonable creature , and therefore the worship of the image is as it were a materiall and livelesse action ; when we uncover our head to the image , by that action we would say or signifie nothing to the image , but to the samplar , or to god onely . . the inward submission that we tender to the image , is not that we submit to it , as to a thing more excellent then we , for that were a foolish lye ; yet ( saith he ) ( that the man might fulfill the cup of the iniquity of his fathers ) we kisse not the image in recto directly tendring honour to it , but to god and the samplar before it . . because then i should adore my owne breast when i knocke upon it adoring the eucharist . . because so i bow to the wall before me . . if i have no honourable opinion of the image , i doe not adore it at all . . by kneeling to the image , i have a will of submitting externally my affection to the image , i yeeld to it ▪ as a thing above me , giving to it the higher place . the act of adoration is simply terminated upon the image , as a thing contra distinguished from the samplar , though it be adored with the same action with which the samplar is adored . thus the ●e●uite . answ . but here all men may see many contradictions , and that he casteth downe all that formerly he hath said , ●● . images even as they represent god are dead things , and lesse then a redeemed saint , ergo , i can give them no submission of externall honour . . i signifie and say nothing of honour to the image , even as it respecteth god , and representeth him , because the dignity of representing god doth not elevate it to be a reasonable creature , therefore i cannot honour it , and it were a foolish lye to say that the image as representing god , were a reasonable creature . . as it representeth god , it cannot heare payers , nor deliver in trouble , as the holy one of israel can doe ; ergo by the holy ghosts argument , i cannot bow to a lye , esa . . . and . . hab. . . . it made not the heaven and the earth , but by a figure , because it representeth the maker of heaven and earth , wherefore it should have but figurative honour at the best , and that is no reall honour , jer. . , , , . there is no debt of justice due to the dumb wood , or element , honour of externall submission is a debt of potestative justice due to a superiour , the images and elements are not my superiour . . they be meanes , i the end . . they bee void of life and reason which i have . . they are not redeemed , sanctified , and to be glorified as i am . ioan. de lugo answereth , as i may love peter for the goodnesse that is not in peter but in another , as i may love and desire good to peter , for the goodnesse that is in his father , and not in himself , and so pay the debt of affection to him for another , so i may honour an image for the debt of honour that i owe to the samplar represented by the image , therefore it is not required to the essence of adoration , that we acknowledge debt due to every thing adored for another ; it is sufficient a debt be acknowledged , either to the image , or the samplar . answ . the debt of love and the debt of honour are not alike . i owe honour to superiours onely as superiours , i owe love to superiours , equals , inferiours . if i truly adore an image , i truly acknowledge excellency in the image , i truly yeeld to it , a worthier place then i deserve to have my selfe , ( saith r de lugo ) ergo , by the fifth commandement according to the debt of justice , i owe feare , honour , and reverence to it , else i adore it by a figure , which the iesuite doth deny . i am not afraid that they say , damascen , s a superstitious monke alloweth images to be adored . so doeth t that pretended seventh synod , or ( u ) the second nicene synod , and x stephanus and adrianus , as we may read in juo . y nicephorus speaketh many fables for images , he sheweth us that luke the evangelist should have painted the images of christ and the virgin mary . z and that a holy silvester had the images of peter and paul , and shewed them to the emperour constantine , and b canisius a fabulous man saith , there appeared to silvester at the dedication feast of saint salvators church the picture of christ in the wall , but the originall of images seemeth to be the vanity of man , saith c the wiseman . . the keeping of the dead in memory , saith d cyprian , ad defunctorum vultus per imaginem detinendos expressa sunt simulachra , inde posteris facta sunt sacra quae primitus assumpta fuerunt solatia , in aliis codicibus ad solatia . . the blinde heathen wanting the light of scripture , began to worship images . e eusebius saith it began first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the heathenish custome it came that peter and pauls images were first made . men did it saith f augustine , ut paganorum concilient benevolentiam , to conciliate the favour of pagans , it may bee seene out of gregorius g magnus , saith h voetius , that the worshiping of images crept in but the sixt age . in the first three hundred yeeres , images were not admitted ( saith our country-man i patrick sympson ) into the place of worship , in the fourth , fifth and sixt centurie , they were admitted into temples , but for the most part without opinion of adoration . in the second nicene councell , an obscure age , ( saith k petrus molinaeus ) when the scriptures were taken away , it is ordained that images should be adored , but not the images of the father . quoniamquis sit non novimus , deique natura spectanda proponi non potest ac pingi . but onely the image of the son. this councell was anno . as saith l bellarmine . but this wicked fathers argument proves also that the image of god the father may be painted , while they prove worshipping of images , because the psalmist saith , the lord arose as a mighty man after wine . but m genebrard saith this councell of nice , was controuled by a councell in the west . n barronius mentioneth two epistles written by gregorious . a defender of images , wherein he saith , the sonne may be painted , not the father . this councell was approved by constantine , ireneus , and a greeke copie of the synod sent to o adrian the pope . but . this wicked synod did not maintaine adoration of images , such as suarez , bellarmine , vasquez , peri●rius , &c. now hold , but onely veneration . . images were placed in the churches , saith p paul. diaconus , multis contra dicentibus , many speaking against i● . and q bergomens . saith , the emperour constantine himselfe not long after did abrogate the acts of this synod , and r the synod of franckford condemned this synod . see s aventinus ; t hincmarus saith it is true they of franckford allowed images to be in churches , but not to be adored . w vrspergensis saith that this synod did write a book against the second councell of nice , called otherwise the seventh generall councell . a booke came out ▪ in france , and after in germany under the name of charles the great , condemning by strong reasons the adoration of images , and answereth all the arguments of the nicene fathers on the contrary , tannerus the iesuite saith this was a forged booke . but against famous and learned authors saying the contrary , and so x hincmarius and y ectius make mention of this book , and pope adrianus ( as z hospinianus doth well observe ) doth approve of this synod of francford by his letters written to the emperour of constantinople , and the patriarch tharasius . the first five hundred years ( saith a calvin ) images were not worshipped . caj●s caligula a proud tyrant , commanded the iews to set up his image in the temple : the iews answered they should rather die then pollute the temple of god with images , as ●aith b iosephus and c eusebius , and this fell out while the apostles lived . ann. . plunius . writeth to trajanus under the third persecution , that christians were men of good conversation , and detested vices , worshipped christ , and would not worship images d , as that letter beareth : and e eusebius , reporteth adrian had a purpose , ( as saith f bucol . ) to build a church for the honour of christ void of images . see g symson that ancient writer : h justine martyr in this age ; omnes imagines ad cultum proposit as simpliciter damnant christiani . i tertullian , a most ancient writer , who lived under severus in time of the fifth persecution , as k the magdeburgenses testifie ; saith , nos adoramus oculis ad caelum sublatis , non adimagines seu picturas , and , indignum ut imago dei vivi imagini idoli , & mortu : fiat similis , ( saith l he also ) and not only thinketh it unlawfull to represent god by an image , but also saith , that craftsmen , who professe themselves christians , ought no● to make images of god. an ancient writer m clemens alexandrinus , non est nobis imago sensibilis de materiâ sensibili , nisi quae precipitur intelligentiâ . deus enim qui solus est verè deas , intelligentiâ precipitur , non sensu : we have no sensible image of sensible matter , because god is taken up by the understanding , not by the sense : and n nihil in rebus genitis potest referre dei imaginem . this ancient writer flourished , saith o catolog . testium veritat . anno . or as p hospinian saith ann , . and q ireneus , the disciple of polycarpus , an hearer of john the apostle maketh it the heresie of the gnosticks , that they held that pilate made the image of iesus : et quod imagines baberent christi , apostolorum atque philosophorum ▪ easque coronarent , ac colendas propo●erent . a cyprian saith , idols , or images , be not only against the law of god , but against the nature of man ; b origen said , the images of christians are christians indeed , with gods image : and , nos veno ideo non honor amus simulachrá , quia quantū possumus , cavemnus , ne in●idamus in eam crudelitatem , ut et iis tribuamus divinitatis aliquid . c grave athanasius saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the invention of images is from an evil fountain , and not from good , and whatsoever hath a bad beginning , cannot be deemed in any thing good , being altogether bad : the papist harding bringeth in a counterfeit dialogue of athanasius , betwixt christ and his church ; and christ comforting his church , because she was persecuted for worshipping christs image ; but when and where this persecution was , none knoweth , for many times hath the church been persecured for not worshipping images ; but see the answer of the learned d jewell thereunto ; e epiphanius , who lived , anno . proveth against the collyridiams , that mary nor no creature should be adored . vnde est simulachrificum hoc studium et diabolious conantus ? praetext● enim justitiae sempersubiens hominum , mentem drabolus , mortalem naturam in hominum oculis deificans , statuas humanas , imagines pre se ferentes per artum , veritatem expressit , et mortui quidem sunt qui adorantur : item , revera sanctum erat corpus mariae , non tamen deus , honorata , non in adorationem data . mary was not god , and therefore is not to be adored : he professeth that he did rive a vail , that had painted in it the image of christ , or of some man ▪ cum ego videssem in ecclesia christi ▪ contra authoritatem scripturarum , hominis pendere imaginem , scidi illud , &c. lactantius formianus , images are to represent these who are absent . god is every where present , it is vanity therefore to forme an image of god. also h there is no religion , where there is an image : also i your gods be either in heaven , or not ; if they be not in heaven , why do ye worship them ? if they be in heaven , why do ye not lift your eyes to heaven while you adore them ? why do you convert your eyes toward walls , stocks and stones , rather then toward that place where you imagine your gods to be ? k his arguments against images be these : l . they forget reason , when they fear the work of their own hands : . m god is not absent , but present every where : . n the image is a dead thing void of sense , god is the eternall and everliving god : . o nothing mortall should be worshipped . . p what vanity to hope for protection from these things , which cannot defend themselves ● . q the image is lesse and viler then the worshipper : . r man according to gods image , is the image of god. . ( s ) god needeth nothing , neither torches because he made the light , nor images . this man lived , anno . before which time the church of christ being persecuted , they had no churches , nor images to be ornaments in their churches , as saith ( t ) ambrosius , and also u chrysostom , who was displeased with the fooleries in temples in his time , and saith , they were not like the templ●s of the apostolick churches : and x tertullian , and y eusebius saith , they had then , simplices domos , simple houses , void of paintries and pictures : and the want of temples was objected against christian religion , as z origen cleareth in the time of constantine , the son of chlorus , as saith , a sozomen , and b eusebius , temples were builded , but as c joan. quintinus expoundeth tertullian , without the ornaments of images , and d tertullian himself maketh building of altars , and portracts , idol●tricos cultus , idolatrous worship . in the fourty years space , betwixt the reign of valerian , and the . year of dicclesian , there were oratories and temples builded , but neither painted pictures , nor images in them , as saith [ e ] eusebius : yea , of thirty bishops of rome , even from peter and paul to sylvester , and constantine the emperour ; to wit , three hundred years , there were none , who were not persecuted to blood , or to death , or some other way . it is a vain thing to say , they had breathing time to build temples , and erect altars , and golden images of christ , and the virgin mary , and the saints . it is true , in the two hundreth year after christ , under alexander severus , gordianus , philippus , gallienus ; churches were builded , as f nicephorus saith , but again under dioclesian they were demolished to the ground , but observe well there were no images of christ broken , which that tyrant in despite of christ , would not have omitted ; see g eusebius , they were builded again under great constantine , so h sozomen , i otho phrisingensis k and nicephorus . the dream of platina , for the building of a church , by the donation of constantine , with twelve portions of earth , equall to the number of the twelve apostles , and of another church , with the title of the holy crosse at ierusalem , which helena found in that place , and constantine placed in this church at rome , is refuted by l hospinian : yet is there no word of any images in these churches . m arnobius an. . maintaineth against the heathen , that the christians ought to have no images : . because the device of images is a novelty , and was not before two thousand years , but god and religion are no new things . . n because either the gods dwelleth in their images , against their will , or of their own accord ; if the former be said , they are compelled , which is absurd . if the latter , then they do either bide alwayes in their images , and so are miserable , or they go out of the images when they please , and then the images are empty things . a eusebius caesariensis who lived , an. . when constantia augusta wrote to him for the image of christ , answered . that could not be : . because his manhood was joyned with his godhead , and could not be separated therefrom . . because his godhead cannot be represented , mortuis , & inanimatis coloribus , with dead and livelesse colours . b hieronimus , who lived , an. . under constantine , denyeth that any creature , angel , or virgin mary should be worshipped . c ruffinus faith , helena the mother of constantine adored crucified christ , but antiquity saith not , that she adored the nails that fixed him to the crosse , because they were but creatures . d ambrosius , who lived , anno . condemneth images . . because they change the images of the dead , in the glory of god , who worshippeth images : . the living serve the dead . . they take from stocks and stones what they are , and give to them , what they are not . . e idols are unclean . . it is undecent f , to worship what men maketh with their hands . . because g images are but shadows . h augustine condemneth images . . because they infect the vveak mindes of rude people , to worship them . . they have eyes and see not . . the creatures are images of god , not stocks . . idols i are huskes and empty . . these k who brought in images , tooke away the feare of god , and increased error . . martyrs l are not gods . . confounded m be they who worship stones , our living stone christ is in heaven . . a though worshippers of images say , they worship god in images , yet they worship devills ; for good men , as paul and barnabas , angels , and cornelius forbade men to worship them . . it is a shame to adore a beast endowed with sense and life , farre more to adore a dumbe and livelesse creature , august , ps . . b chrysostome is against images . . because the law of god forbiddeth them . . c god must be honoured , as he willeth himselfe . . it is d a depressing of soules to worship images . e it commeth from satan to take gods glory from him , f it is mockerie that man should be the creator of god , the creator of all things . g cyrillus alexandrin . who lived an. . saith , we neither beleeve the martyrs to be gods , nor doe we adore them . h damascen a superstitious man much for images acknowledgeth two things . . that images are but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unwritten traditions . . he ackowledgeth that the brazen serpent , the cherubims were made for signification , not for imitation or adoration . ( i ) gregorius magnus , though he be alledged by papists for adoration of images . yet in his epistle to serenus bishop of massilia , an. . he forbiddeth the adoration of images , and alloweth onely the historicall use of them , as is observed by k fran. white , l by hospinian and m catol . testum veritatis , and n this man being the first who brought images into the church hath this caveat , atque indica ( saith he to sirenus ) quod non tibi , ipsa visio historiae quae , pictura teste , pandebatur , displicueri● : sed illa adoratio quae picturis fuerit in competenter exhibita , & si quis imagines facere voluerit , minimè prohibe , adorare vero imagines omnibus modis divita , sed hoc solicitè admoneas , ut ex visione rei gestae , ardorem conjunctionis percipiant , & in adoratione solius trinitatis prosternantur . it is cleare that this man teacheth an adoration of images , though he make them onely bookes to the rude . this same o gregorius will have the signe of the crosse adored , because when the devill came to a iew sleeping in the night in the temple of an idoll , the iew being afraid , signed himselfe with the crosse , and the divell fled ; but when doth iewes come in any christian churches , or idoll-temples , who abhorre the name of christ , and so hate both the crosse and christ , and what can be proved from a fact of sathan ? in the eighth age , p beda imaginum cultus & adoratio , the worshipping and adoring of images is unlawfull . . because they have no office in the doctrine of the gospell . . q we are forbidden to adore , salute , or worship them . . the ( d ) r church is not taught to seeke the lord by images , but by faith and good workes . . the ſ apostolique church did not worship god in images . . images t want , documento antiquitatis , antiquity , example , and the scripture . . we w frustrate god of worship due to him . . peter u paul , angels forbad to worship them , but god only . we forbid the church ( saith the civill law ) to be obscured with images . have the image of god , ( saith x ephrem ) in thy heart , non colorum varietate in ligno , not in images and colours . who can make ( saith y damascen ) a representation of the invisible god. z gretserus saith , the iewes would not admit of ensignes and trophies of the romans for fear images should be hidden under them . so said josephus a before him . their own men say with us , b hulcot who lived an . . saith latreia , divine worship belongeth to god onely , the image is not god , neither the crosse ; ( saith ioan. pic. mirandula , concl. . ) nor the image of christ is to be adored ( adoratione latreia eo modo quo ponit thomas ) with divine worship , the guise of thomas aquinas c peresius ajala a popish bishop , for adoration of images , saith he , there is neither scripture , nor church tradition , nor consent of fathers , nor good reason to make it good . for saith d gabriel biel , the image either considered in it self as it is mettall or stone , or as it is a holy signe , is a sensible creature , to which latreia , divine honour should not be given : and the romish c decrees saith , we commend you that you forbid images of saints to be worshipped : the d doway doctors say , idols have eyes and cannot see , &c. now if they have images of god and christ which can see , and hear , and speak , we exceedingly desire to know : e alexander allensis , f durandus say , that images in themselves , and properly , are not to be worshipped . g geo : cassander wisheth , that they had continued ( in majorum suorum sententia ) in the minde of their forefathers , and that the superstition of people in , worshipping images had been suppressed . the councell convened by h constantius capronimus condemneth worshipping of images , or placing them in churches . . because it is forbidden in the second commandment . . the picturing of christ is a dividing of the two natures . . it is against the ancients , epiphanius , nazianzen , chrysostome , athanasius , amphylocius , theodorus , eusebius pamphili . the councell of nice is builded upon lies . adrian bishiop of rome , writeth to the councell of nice , that the emperour constantine being a leaper , and labouring to cure his leprosie by shedding of innocent babes blood ; peter and paul appeared to him by night , in a vision , and bade him go to be baptized by sylvester , and that he , to be cured by sylvesters baptizing , builded a temple with the images of peter and paul. this is as true as the image of christ spake to tho : aquinas at naples , bene scripsistti de me , thoma , why is not all evangell that aquinas hath written then ? for their own platina a saith , the story of constantines leprosie is a fable ; and socrates saith , that constantine was sick when he was . years , and he maketh no mention of his leprosie ; so b hospinianus saith , and our own c simson saith , that sylvester and marcus his successor were both dead before constantine was baptized : d genebradus a papist saith , down right , that the councell of frankford condemned the second nicene councell ; but e bellarmine , f suarez , g sanderus ' h alanus , deny that the doctrine of the second nicene councell for adoring images , is condemned by the councell of frankford ; they say it is onely expounded , and that the right way of adoring images is made manifest : yea , saith i nauclerus , k sabellicus , and l blandus : the councell of frankford reserveth due honour to images , and saith nothing against the councell of nice . but this is to deny daylight at noon-day : for m annonius is most clear in it , and n abbot vspergens . o the book of charles the great saith the same . the synod of frankford was convened an. . of purpose to condemne the second synod of nice , called the seventh pretended and false synod : p aventinus saith expresly , scita grecorum ( in synodo nicena decreta ) de imaginibus adorandis in concili● francofurtensi rescissa & abolita sunt : and a vspergensis saith , in this synod it was decreed , vt septima & universalis synodus , nec septima nec aliquid diceretur , quasi supervacua ab omnibus abdica tu est ; and the same saith b eginradus , c geo● cassander : but the very arguments in the nicene councell are set down , and dissolved in the frankford councell , as our own master d simson observeth : as the nicene councell reasoneth from the cherubims , and the brazen serpent . frankfoord answereth , these were made at gods commandment , images not so . . yea , say they , and with them e lorinus , the cherubims and brazen serpent were not made to be worshipped ; see these and many other arguments , set down and answered by the councell of frankfoord : as also saith f the learned author of catol . test . verit. the arguments used by this councell , proveth that no adoration is due to images , as may be hence collected : as also out of the book of g charles against the dreames of tarasius , whose entry to the priesthood was unlawfull , and was a grosse idolater , and against the idolater pope adrian ; because . there is no holinesse in images , either as they are figures or colours , or as they are consecrated . . because to adore is to glorifie , h but only god is to be glorified . . god commandedus not to love images , but men , and sent his son in the flesh for men , and not for images ; and if i they be not to be believed on , neither are they to be adored . . it cannot be proved that the honour of the image , is the honour of the samplar : christ said not , what ye do to images , ye do to me , nor he that receiveth images , receiveth me . this argument proveth , that veneration is not due to the images , as to books of the trinity ; because that the veneration of the image , is an honouring of god , there must be an union betwixt the images and god or christ , betwixt the tree and christ . . there is no union lawfull , that can be a warrant of honouring any thing ; but an union warranted of god , betwixt crossing in the air , and dedication to christs service , betwixt surplice and pastorall sanctity ; there is no union , nor is there a personall union betwixt christ and the image : nor . an union of parts , as betwixt the shoulders and the head . nor . is there a divine relative union , as betwixt the mean or the end , the servant or the lord : for as a john white saith well ; and b the scripture proveth , all union betwixt god and the meanes of worship , which are to be reverenced as meanes of worship in relation to god , is by divine institution ; now certainly if by divine ordination there had been an union betwixt the image and god , then had it been lawfull to lay the image in the heart , to say : how love i thy image ? ( the painted pictures and wooden portracts of christ , the wood of the crosse are my delight ) ( i hope in the wood ) ( i have taken images for my heritage , they are sweeter to me , nor the honey or the honey combe ) ( hovv pleasant are the wooden feet of these dead and senslesse ambassadors of christ , who bring to my soul news of god , or of my redeemer iesus . ) c ambrose , d gregorius , e augustine f chrysostom saith , the honour of the servant redoundeth to the master , when he is a servant by appointment of the master , and he that heareth faithfull pastors , heareth christ who sent them : and a athanasius , and b basill , to prove the honouring and adoring of christ , the substantiall image of god , to be the honouring of god the father , say ; the hearing of the image , or of the servant of the king , is the hearing of the king. but the image is formally made an image of god , and the saints by mens imagination ▪ not by gods word or his ordination : their own c peresius saith , if the imagination were carried upon the image or samplar with one motion , yet it cannot be concluded , that the same is to be done in adoration : and d we are not to worship god by our fantasies , saith augustine , nor by our e carnall thoughts . suarez , bellarmine , vasquez , gretserus , buildeth all their adoration of images , upon the saying of aristotle ; de memor & remiscen , cap. . hence the f fathers of trent , g dreaming damascene , h doting nicephorus ; if we believe i suarez , make this a principle of their bible of idoll worship ; that god and the image are one , but we see not how they be one , nor can we say that god is present in the image as in a place : for if he be present in the image , in loco ut sic , as in such a place , then he is there as in a consecrated place , and by promise , and so they must give us the word of god , for gods presence in images ; but if god be present in images , as in loco simpliciter , non ut in loco ut sic : as he is in all places , then is he not present in images , as in images , but as in all creatures , and then let us say amen , to k vasquez , who saith , all things which have a being , a mouse and frog are to be adored , as having resemblance with god the first being : and he saith , this is the opinion of a cajetanus , and citeth b leontius the dreamer , who was at the councell of nice the seventh false synod ; who saith , all creatures visible and invisible are to be adored . and the popes professor c joannes de lugo proveth by four great reasons , that all creatures should be adored . . because all creatures are the effects , and as it were the hand writing of god. . because we use to kisse and adore materiall places , and the stone , or field where an angel , or saint hath been , for the touching and propinquity of the place and that holy thing , but gods omnipresence sanctifieth all creatures . be doing then , masters , kisse , and adore the sanctified devil and hell fire , but take heed you scald not your lips . . we kisse and worship a gift of a prince , but all creatures , even the most abject and contemptible , are the gifts of god the creator . . man in a speciall manner is the living image of god. but true it is , god is to be praised for all his creatures ; but externall adoration before them , and laying a part of gods glory upon them , for that is forbidden by your own , for d leo the first saith the contrary , and e salmeron saith ; the body of f moses was hidden of old for fear of idolatry , and the use of images and pictures were by god forbidden to the iews in the second command , saith [ f ] alexander alens . g albertus , h bonaventura , i martinus de ajala , k abulensis , who i am sure have with them in this , albertus and bonaventura , that the images of god , because ( say they ) he is an invisible spirit , are forbidden by the law of nature . but i return to the synod of franckeford : . l because images are void of senses and reason . . it cannot be proved by the example of the apostles , m ergo , ( say i ) images are neither to be teaching books , nor adored creatures : . the ancient fathers n were ignorant of this worship . ▪ only the rich a who are able to sustain images , should be saved , and not the poor . . there b is no profit , but great vanity in adoring images . to the arguments from miracles it is answered , c that these miracles are lying signes : for , ea miracula , nulla evangelii lectio tradit . . they deny that all things are to be adored , in the which , or by the which d god wrought miracles . gregorius nyssenus bowed his knee to the image of abraham : what then ? the councell saith , these books of nyssenus are perished . the fable of agbarus , to whom the image of christs face painted in a cloath was sent , was not in the world till the year of god , . it is a counterfeit work ascribed to athanasius , in stile and phrase of writing not like to him , where it is said , that it was the image of christ crucified by the iews in berythus a town in syria , out of whose side flowed blood and water , which being mixed with water , could cure all diseases ; e so symson . the testimony f of the councell of eliberia is clear , that images should not be in churches g canus , h surjus and your own men say , this councell condemneth images . for . years there were no images in churches ; in this age martyrs were admired , and the grecians first , especially gregorius nyssenus the brother of basilus had images in churches ; i sozomen saith , christians took into churches pieces of christs image , broken by iulian the apostat , in the first age , when religion was born down and holy pastors killed . gregorius magnus first defended that images should be in churches . it s like the apostate iulian would hate any thing , bearing the name of christ most falsly , yea , and antiquity beareth contradictions most aparent touching images . but b nicephorus saith , the creatures of god are the lawfull images of god. but it is more then evident , by what i have said , that ancient papists and synods used images to be memorials of god , and not to be adored . cap. ii. quest . . whither kneeling or sitting be the most convenient and lawfull gesture in the act of receiving the sacrament of christs body and blood ? . conclus . sitting is the most and only lawfull gesture , that gesture , that christ and his disciples used upon morall and unalterable grounds , which doth not concern the first supper as first , but as a supper , and that not upon no occasionall and temporary reasons , belonging to that supper , more then to all the suppers of that kinde , that we are to follow as a pattern , and must be most lawfull . but the gesture of sitting is such , ergo : the proposition is evident in scripture , c . i prove the assumption . . sitting was either : . miraculous . . customable . . occasionall ; or . morall . none in reason can say the first ; that sitting was a miracle : . nor is it customable . for . customes laudable are grounded upon decency and reason , and so morall , or grounded upon no reason at all . but christ did nothing in gods worship , nor did he any humane morall actions for the meer fact and will of others going before , for these were not reasonable humane actions , and if it be customable only , it is not lawfull to put away a customable action out of worship , and to put a morall action of kneeling and divine signification in the place thereof , for so we might change places , times , persons and all physicall circumstances , and make them supernaturall . . the action could not be occasionall : for then the occasion of the supper as first , and because of such persons , such time at night , such place , an upper chamber , should have moved christ to sitting , rather then to kneeling , or to any other gesture ; but kneeling or any other gesture might have consisted well with that first supper , with the upper chamber , with the time and persons , as well as sitting , except the law givers will had been a reason of the contrary . some object . christ choosed an upper chamber , not the temple , twelve persons , not ten , not twenty , at night , for he might have celebrated it at dinner , but we are not holden to imitate christ in these ; ergo , neither in sitting . ans . occasionall , properly is that which hath a reason , not from the nature of the thing it self , but from such occasionall occurrences of providence , as god will not alter , and its that which hath no morall nor sacred conveniency with the nature of worship , but hath only a conveniency for such a time and place , as christs preaching in a ship , when he is at the sea side , and a multitude are to hear him , the ship hath no agreement with the nature of preaching , more then an house hath , time , place , and persons are clearly such as agreed with that supper , as first , not as a sacred worship , and therefore were meerly occasionall , and so not imitable , and though christ might have altered them , yet had they been occasionall , and they have no sacred conveniency with this supper , as this supper ; and if christ had altered these for meer will , upon no reasons that concerneth all suppers , they had not been occasionall , but positive points of worship , and so had obliged us ; yea , the upper chamber , and these twelve persons by no possibility , can concern all suppers , to the end of the world , but sitting agreeth kindly and natively to all suppers in generall , as kneeling to all praying indefinitely . christ might have changed bread and wine , in flesh , and milk , or water , will it hence follow , we are not to imitate christ in bread and wine ? and that bread and wine are occasionall ? lastly , pauls practise in passing from an upper chamber , and from twelve men , to a church full of men and women , cor. . , , , . warranteth us to passe from these , we have not the like reason to warrant us to passe from sitting . . that gesture which christ choosed , and that refusing all other , even kneeling , having the same religious reasons , at the first supper as now , that must be most convenient and lawfull . but sitting is such ; ergo , the proposition is clear : the assumption is proved from matth. . while they did eat ( the passeover ) he took bread , mar. ▪ . as they did eat , jesus took bread . but while they did eat the passeover , they sate . ergo , while they took the supper they sate : i prove the assumption , matth. . . and , when the evening was come , he sate down with the twelve , mark . . and as they sate , and did eat , jesus said , &c. v. . and as they did eat , iesus took bread ▪ eating the passeover , and sitting were co-existent , and taking the sacramentall bread of the supper , and eating the passeover were co-existent ; ergo , taking the bread of the supper , and sitting were co-existent . paybodie saith , paul expoundeth , ( as they did eat ) after they had ended eating , and so after they had ended sitting , and possibly passed to another gesture , cor. . after supper he took the cup. ans . if you wholly remove the passeover , you remove the table also . . though the suppers were not mingled , yet the holy ghost expresseth the co-existence of sitting , and taking the sacramentall bread , as ezech. . . as i sate in mine house , the hand of iehovah fell upon me , sam. . ioab thrust three darts in him , while he vvas yet alive , sam. . . the men vvere a vvall to us , all the time that vve vvere vvith them , dan. . . and matth. . . and vvhile he yet spake , lo , iudas came , act. . . while peter thought on the vision , the spirit said to him , act. . . rom. . . if praying interveened betwixt eating and taking the supper , and the passeover sitting , to put them to kneeling , this must be true , vvhile they vvere not eating , christ took bread , a plain contradicting of christ. . after supper he took the cup , but they say not after supper he took the bread , for praying , blessing , breaking , distributing , eating , interveened betwixt the passeover and taking the communion cup , and therefore he had reason to say , after supper he took the cup , but not that reason , to say , after supper he took the bread. it is violent to describe christs taking the bread from the adjunct of time , while as they sate and did eate , if sitting and eating were not at this time , but were gone and past by many interveening actions of kneeling , praying , preaching , this were to describe supper from dinner . . by this , the gesture of no table action can be cleared from scripture , for when it is said , luke . iohn . he made the multitude sit downe and ●a●● , a cavillator might say , praying and blessing the meat went before , and possibly they sate on their knees , and christ sate downe and taught the people ; it may bee he rose and kneeled before sermon was ended . the scripture saith , while christ and his disciples did ●●● , and so while they did sit , he tooke bread . this taking of bread , whether it be an hysterosis as many think , in respect the evangelists mention but once taking of bread , or if it was preparatorie , and before the act of blessing , it was a sacramentall act performed by christ , while they were sitting , which is much for sitting . that christ passed not from passeover sitting , to supper kneeling , i thinke these considerations move me . . because the changes of all in the passeover , to that in the lords supper , as of flesh in bread and wine , is positively set down . . no question the change unto an adoring gesture , had been upon the grounds of conciliating more reverence to that sacrament , then to the passeover , which must be morall , and tye to the end of the world . . nor would the holy ghost have removed an ordinary table gesture into so insolent , and supernaturally significant gesture , as kneeling , without a grave reason expressed , or his owne will onely , which is onely the essentiall reason , why bread is a sacrament rather then any other element , and so would stand of necessary and essentiall use . . sitting at the idols table cor. . . declareth that in religious feasts , sitting was ordinary , and a signe indicant of honouring the spirituall lord of the banquet , and a religious communion with the lord of the feast was hence signified . but saith paybodie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mat. . . mark. . . luke . . iohn ● . . signifieth lying , and m. li●ds●y ●aith , it signifieth prostration on the earth rather then sitting ▪ por levit. . . standing and lying are confounded , and calvin expoundeth it so . ans . . christ ▪ his reasoning to prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to sit at meat is a greater honour , then to stand : luke . . were null , if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie prostration , for religious bowing is alwaies an act of inferioritie . the same i say if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie falling downe to the ground . . sitting or pitching about a place , and sitting and lying in sackcloath , may well signifie simply to be in a place , but table-sitting and table-inclining on christs bosome must be more then simply being at the table . nor doth calvin in that place expound sitting at table , for nothing but simply being at table , though elsewhere he doth . . arg. that which representeth the honour of table-fellowship of fellow-banquetters with christ , that is of necessary use ; but sitting at the lords table representeth this ; ergo , luke . . the minor is made good , to teach the disciples humility , he would stand and have them to sit . whether is greater he that sitteth , or he that standeth ? it is a greater honour to sit at table , then to stand ; ergo it is an honour to sit , for we may well infer the positive from the comparative , luk. . . upon the occasion of their striving who should be greatest , and lord bishop , he promiseth a sort of fellowship in a kingdome . . in sitting on thrones with him , and the meaning that that fellowship should quench the fire of their appetite for prelacy . . this sitting in scripture , as table-sitting , is used to expresse our fellowship with christ in the gospell , mat. . . . luke . . mat. . , . luke . , , . cant. . . cant. . . rev. . . rev. . . and our communion with christs body and his blood is sealed up in this sacrament , cor. . . . this is confirmed , in that the sacramentall food is not simply given as food , ( though that be a speciall fruit thereof ) for then there should be no more required to the essence and integrity of the supper , but eating and drinking , and on his alone , eating and drinking and using the words of christ , should receive a sacrament , and the manner of eating should be accidentall , and in the churches power ; but this food is given as food table-wise , with the solemnities of a banquet , and of spirituall fellowship , which must be represented of purpose here , and that sitting wayes , so to eat and drink with publicans is a signe of fellowship , as christs eating and sitting with publicans and sinners made him be construed to be a friend to them , cor. . . to refuse to eat with a fornicator , is to refuse fellowship with him , cor. . . cor. . , . to sit at the idols and divels table , is to partake of the idoll and satans worship , as having fellowship with them ; ergo , to sit at the lord ▪ table is to have fellowship with him . . the holy ghost speaketh this fellowship , luke . . he sate down and the twelve apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with him , see a fellowship , math. . . he sate downe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the twelve . . and as they did eate ( together at table ) marke . . luke . . with desire have i desired to eat with you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , table-wise , as ver . . mat. . . i will not drinke , — untill i drinke it new 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the words carry a resemblance of drinking with them the well of life , so augustine , hilary , musculus , amesius expoundneth them , so ( as i take ) he draweth them from . this materiall wine . . from sacramentall tabling . . from this old fruit of the wine . . from fellowship here in the kingdome of grace , to . new wine in heaven . . to heavenly tabling . . to new and everlasting wine . . in the fathers kingdome . neither am i much moved with what paybodie saith , that our saviour led the woman of samaria , from iacobs well to thirst for the water of life , yet is not , for that , iacobs well made a type by divine institution . i answer , this would have some colour , if christ did speake of common wine , as he did speake of iacobs well , as of common water . but all the three evangelists speake of sacramentall wine consecrated by word and prayer , else christs calling bread his body should not prove that bread were a signe of his body by divine institution , but onely we were to make that spirituall use of bread and wine , that we make of ordinary bread and wine at our houses . formalists then must say that christ speaketh of wine here as common , not as sacramentall , which is absurd when christ is expounding the elements , in their spirituall signification , luke . , . but behold the hand of him that betrayeth me is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with me , on the table . mat. . . marke . . if he had been kneeling or standing , ( gestures unpossible for them then ) he could not have his hand leaning on the table , and if he had not beene sitting ▪ table-wise , in a table-fellowship with christ , then could not our saviour have conveniently convinced the ingratitude of iudas , as he doth . now if christ aime not to make iudas his fault the greater , because iudas and he sate at one table together , and that as an holy and sacramentall table , he had in this no more argued iudas of ingratitude , then any of the rest of the house who communicated not with christ , because christ and they did eate one materiall and ordinary bread together ▪ and in this achitophel was a type of iudas , as david of christ , and that not onely in this , that achitophel did eate bread with david , and so had a civill fellowship , but that they went together to gods house , in company together , psal . . . so had christ and iudas fellowship together , at that same sacramentall table : and as tabling together signifieth civil fellowship , so must fellow-tabling at one sacred feast signifie spirituall fellowship together . . giving and not granting that fellow-sitting together were onely a common honour , not a misticall honour by divine institution , yet since to sit at a table with a ruler , is an honour , sam. . . sam. . . esther . . prov. . . mat. . . luk● . . luke . . and the lords disciples are admitted to sit with him , as is cleare in that he sate down with the twelv● , and he sate ( luke . . ) at meat with them , and tooke bread and blessed it . no power on earth should dare to deprive the people of god of this honour , for this honour was bestowed on the lords apostles , as communicants , not as apostles , and the want of christs bodily presence , diminisheth nothing of the honour , seeing he is really , but in a spirituall manner present , as the lord of the feast , with us , as he was with them . paybodie saith , when christ sate at table in the passeover , even then he schooled them from looking at honour in materiall or outvvard sitting , vvhile as luke . . he would stand himselfe as a servant , and vvash his disciples feet . ansvv . his non-sitting and washing their feet , being a morall , not a sacramentall teaching them humility , doth no more schoole them from not looking to sit , then his non-eating , and non-drinking while he stood servant-like , doth schoole them from not looking to the honour of eating and drinking sacramentally . christ teacheth lessons of humility , not to learne us not to seek the spirituall honour of communion with christ , that were to teach us to be proud , and this man is that bold to insinuate that it was a spece of pride , for the disciples to sit at table with christ , and for iohn to leane on his bosome . mr. paybodie thinketh to crush this argument ; because the serving of god the father and giving him glory , must be incompatible with a table-fellowship with his sonne . the disputer ( saith he ) reasoneth thus ; kneeling importeth an inferiority , therefore it is contrary to the person of co-heirs , which person we act by table-sitting , but do you ( saith he ) dream of a co-heirship , whereby you stand not in an inferiority to christ , then when you take on you the person of co-heirs by sitting at table , it were not lawfull either to esteem , or in a short ejaculation to call christ your lord and superiour ; yea so faith must have no working at the sacrament : for faith importeth an inferiority and dependance : we respect christ in his banquet , as a king inviting us to eat with him ; yea , i may kneel and call god my father , and in so doing , i actuate the person of a co-heire . ans . but in this the disputer and we mean no other thing , then that kneeling which is a note of submission , and never used in banquets , cannot formally expresse , as an apt signe , the dignity of fellow-table-ship with christ : . poor logitian , it followeth not in sitting at table , which is the expressing signe of the honour of table-fellowship , we may not call christ , lord. david sitting at table with his prince saul , might well term him ( my lord the king ) but if ▪ david should be put to his knees at table , and inhibited to eat at the table , at which his prince did eat ; no wise man will say , that saul had honoured david with fellow-tabling with him . for the act of kneeling , and non-eating were no expressing signes of fellow-tabling , but by the contrary of no fellow-tabling ; the disputer hath no minde to make us every way equall with christ , so as there can be a case , wherein it is not lawfull to esteem or call christ our lord ; king and superiour , this is paybodies consequence ; but take away table-sitting , an honour put upon us by christ in this sacrament , luk. . . and substitute kneeling for it , then you take away gods expressing signe of table-fellowship in that gesture : for while the world standeth , kneeling shall never be a signe of table-fellowship : sitting at table is a signe , as the scriptures clear , but sitting taketh never away our inferiority to christ ; you may worship and actuate the person of a co-heir , but not worship in an expressing visible signe of co-heirship , and then kneel . farther he reasoneth with us , as if table-sitting inferred an equality betwixt us , and that lord who is the head of men and angels ; we reason for an honour of fellowship , not equality . david set at king saul's table , is not made equall with saul , but in table-sitting , he doth partake of table-honour to feast with his prince . if christ should have sitten and caused his disciples rise and wash his feet ▪ in that he could not have said , ( i have put the honour of table-fellowship on you , for you stand and wash my feet , and i sit ) this ( i say ) had been no table-honour , but most contrary to it : it had been indeed servant-honour , luk . . and more then sinfull men are worthy of . to kneel to christ is an honour , but to kneel at tabling with him , as kneeling , is no more an expressing signe of table-honour , nor standing and serving christ , while he did eat is an honour of table-fellowship . now if any shall take away eating with christ , at that table , he taketh away table-honour , as papists do in taking away drinking with christ from the people , yet eating with christ maketh us not equall to christ , but take away eating , and you take away table-honour , so take away sitting at table , and you take away ( eatenus ) in so far the table-honour . but by this mean ( say they ) you make it necessary to sit , and of divine necessity . i answer , table sitting is not so necessary , as that the want thereof doth annihilate the sacrament , and make it to be no sacrament at all , but it is ( as i think ) many wayes necessary , as first it is morally or theologically necessary , as being gesture sanctified by the practice of christ and his apostles , upon morall grounds , and so to be imitated by us : . it is necessary , by necessity of expediency , as free from hazard of idolatry , of which crime kneeling in this act , is guilty . . it is necessary , sacramentally , for the integrity of the sacrament , as signifying our honour of table-fellowship . . it is by natures grounds necessary , that as this banquet is materiall , having bread , wine , taking , breaking , distribution , eating , drinking , so the externall solemnity of a banquet , such as is table-sitting , requireth the same . and . which is our . argument , it is necessary by necessity of divine precept ( do this in remembrance of me ) that this is included in the precept we certainly believe : . because nothing in reason can be excluded , from the precept of the first pattern , but what is meerly occasionall , such as sitting is not . . the practise of christ and the apostles cannot be a will-action , and therefore must fall under a precept : sitting cannot be occasionall , upon the reason that it was continued through occasion of the passeover ; for if this be good , then eating and drinking , and the analogy betwixt the signe and christ , shall be occasionall , and the singing of a psalm , as was at the passeover , shall be occasionall : for christ retained what did equally belong to the supper of the iews , and this christian supper , as concerning the common nature of sacred feasts . . what is proper to a table of solemn feasting , should not be denyed to this , but sitting was such ; ergo , more of this may be seen in the nullity of pearth examination , and the re-examination of the five articles of pearth . quest . ii. whether humane laws binde the consciences are not ? our argument against ceremonies is ▪ that they fail against the fifth commandment , and the authority of rulers . what the civill , or church-ruler can command must be good , necessary , apt to edifie , and not indifferent , or neither good nor evil ; ceremonies are acknowledged by their fathers to be indifferent , and neither good nor evil ; ergo , they are such as cannot be lawfully commanded . the proposition is clear ; the ruler must command for good , rom. . . he is the minister of god for thy good , and all for edification , cor. , . cor. . . v. , , . and therefore all means injoyned for this end , good , and edification must conduce thereunto of their own nature , and not by the will of men , else they edifie not . but that this may be further cleared , it is questioned , if humane lawes binde the conscience : for which consider , . dist . an humane law is taken in concreto , when judges command what god commandeth , as when they make a law against murther . . in abstracto , when the judge forbiddeth what may tend to murther , as carrying armour in a city in the night . . dist . there is some morall equity in right humane laws . . something positive . . dist . there be four things to be regarded in humane laws : . publick peace of the society . . the credit , honour and majesty of the ruler , even when the law is unjust . . obedience passive , and subjection , by patient suffering . . obedience active by doing , which is now to be considered . dist . . an humane law civill may oblige , ratione generalis praecepti , in regard of the generall command to obey our superiors , as the fifth command saith ▪ but the question is , if a humane law , as meerly positive oblige in conscience , as if this which the captain forbiddeth , as , ( not to speak the vvatch-word ) be in it self against the sixth commandment ( thou shalt not murther ) if no murther follow upon the not speaking of the watch-word , though it be against the fifth in the generall . dist . . the question is not , whether we be obliged in conscience to obey superiors in things lawfull , or whether we be obliged in conscience to obey superiors , when they are sole authoritative relaters and carriers of gods expresse law to us , for then they bring nothing of their own , to lay upon us , and in these cases their laws are rather gods laws delivered by superiors to us , and binde the conscience . but the question is , if positive laws , in particular matters , negatively only , conform to the word , as in matters of oeconomy , and policy , as not to eat flesh in lent , for the growth of cattell ; in matters of art , and in ordering of war and military acts , commanded by captains , if these commandments as such oblige the conscience . now to oblige the conscience , is , when the not doing of such a thing bringeth an evil conscience ; now an evil conscience , as pareus a saith , is the sense of sin committed against god , and the fear of gods judgement . distinct . . the conscience i● obliged by doing , or not doing , two wayes : . per se , kindly , when the fact of it self obligeth , and for no respect without , as to give almes to the poor at the commandment of the superior : . when the fact obligeth for a reason from publick peace , good example , and order . . conclusion . when rulers command , what god expresly commandeth , their laws obligeth the conscience , psal . . . come ye children hearken unto me , and i will teach you the fear of the lord , prov. ▪ . hear ye children the instruction of a father . . conclus . publick peace in all the commandments of superiors , in so far , as can be without sin , obligeth the conscience , as heb. . . follow peace with all men , and godlinesse , psal . . . seek peace , and follow after it , rom. . . . conclus . subjection to the censures of rulers by suffering patiently , is an obligation lying upon all private persons , pet. . . but if , vvhen ye do vvell , and suffer for it , ye take it patiently , this is acceptable to god , rom. . . whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god. . conclus . nothing in non-obeying unwarrantable commandments must be done that redoundeth to the discredit of the ruler or the hurting of his majesty and honour , pet. . . honour the king , eccles . . . curse not the king : for even when we deny subjection or obedience objective , to that which they command , yet owe we obedience officiall , and all due respect and reverence to the person and eminent place of the ruler , as act. . . steven calleth them , men , brethren , and fathers , act. . . and yet stiffe-necked resisters of the holy ghost . . conclus . humane laws , whither civill or ecclesiastick , in that particular positive matter , which they have of art , oeconomy , policy , and in gods matters of meer humane coyne and stamp , do not bindes the conscience at all , per se , kindely and of themselves . . nothing , but what is either gods expresse word , or his word by consequence doth lay a band on the conscience of it self : but not to eat flesh in l●nt , upon civill reasons , not to carry armour in the night , to wear surplice , and to crosse infants in baptisme , are neither gods word expresly , nor by consequence . the major is sure ; because the word is the perfect and adequate object of matters of faith , and morall practice , which concerneth the conscience , psal . . . . psal . . . iohn . . prov. . . . because whatever thing layeth a band on the conscience , the not doing of that would be a sin before god , if the ruler should never command it ( but the carrying armour in the night ( the not wearing surplice in divine service ) should be no sin before god , if the ruler should never command them , as reason , scriptures , and adversaries teach . the proposition i instruct from the diffinition of an obligation of conscience , for to lay a band on the conscience is defined , to lay a command on the soul , which ye are obliged before god to do , as you would eschew sin , and obtain eternall salvation : so the learned pareus b so c dr. field ; so d gerson , and so teach e gregorius de valentia , and f suarez . . none can lay on a band of not doing , under the hazard of sin , but they that can remit sins , for the power that looseth , the same bindeth : but mortall men cannot binde to sin , nor loose men from sin , but where god goeth before them in binding and loosing , for they cannot bestow the grace of pardoning sin : but he onely who hath the keys of david , who openeth , and no man shutteth , and shutteth , and no man openeth . . whoever can lay on bands of laws , to bring any under the debt of sin , must lay on bands of obligation to eternall punishment , but god only can do this , mat. . . the proposition is clear , because sin against god , essentially includeth a relative obligation to eternall punishment . . in matters of gods worship this is clear . the school-men , as h aquina● , i suarez , k ferrariensis , l conradus teach us , that there is a twofold good . the first is , an objective and primordiall goodnesse , whereby things are agreeable to gods law , if rulers finde not this in that good which they command , they are not just , and so not to be obeyed . there is another goodnesse that cometh from the will of authority , & so only divine authority must make things good ; the will and authority of rulers findeth objective goodnes in them , and therefore enacteth laws of things , but because they enact laws of things , they do not therefore become good and lawfull , it is the will of the creator of all beings which is the measure , rule , and cause of the goodnesse of things , as adams not eating of the tree of knowledge is good and gratefull obedience , from gods forbidding will , and it should have been as gratefull obedience to eat of that tree , if god had commanded so . men cannot make worlds ; nor can their will create goodnesse in acts indifferent , nor can their forbidding will illegittimate or make evil any actions indifferent , and therefore things must be morally good , and so intrinsecally good without the creative influence of humane authority , and from god only are they apt to edifie , and to oblige the conscience in the termes of goodnesse morall . and this is strengthened , by that which in reason cannot be denied , to wit , that it is essentiall to every human law that layeth any obligation on the conscience , that it be just , nor is it to be called a law , except it be just , and justice and equity humane laws have from god , the law of nature , and his word , not from the authority and will of men ; therefore iurists expound that m what pleaseth the prince , hath the vigour of a law , of just things . also the school-men , as n carduba , o thomas ▪ p soto , q medina , r adrianus ſ navar t driedo u castro , as i gather out of their writings , give strong reasons , why rulers cannot lay an obligation on the conscience , when the matter of the law is light and naughty , for this were to make a man a trangressor before god , for a word , a straw , a toy , which is unjust : because the just weight of the matter is the only just ground of the laws obligation : ergo , the will of the lawgiver , except he make a moat a mountaine , cannot lay an obligation of necessity on man. . it were a foolish law , and so no law to oblige to eternall punishment , and the offending of . god for a light thing , for this were to place the way of salvation in that wherein the way consisteth not . . such a law were not for edification , but for destruction of soules . . this was the pharises fault , mat. . to lay on intollerable burthens on mens soules . . the law of god and nature freeth us in positive lawes from guilt , in case of necessity , as david did lawfully eat shew-bread . . a civill law may not take away a mans life for a straw , farre lesse can it bind to gods wrath . . x augustine saith , they be unjust ballances to esteeme things great or small , for our sole will. out of all which i conclude , that no law as a law , doth oblige the conscience , but that which hath from the matter morall equity , and not from the intention of the law-giver , as y cajetan , z silvester , a angelus , and b corduba teach , which intention must take a rule from the matter of the law , and not give a rule . c gerson , no law ( saith he ) is a law to be called as necessary to salvation , ( as all good lavves should be ) but that vvhich de jure divino , is according to gods lavv , yea , vve are not ( saith d durandus ) to obey the pope if he command a monke to doe somthing , vvhen he is not moved to command by the necessity , the profit of the church , but by his ovvne free vvill , and if this be knovven . if the pope ( faith he ) for his ovvne vvill , and vvithout necessity and utility should seclude vvorkes of supererogation , that command should tend to destruction , and vve are to obey christ , vvho is above the pope . and therefore his mind is , that all obligation of conscience , in humane commandments commeth from gods will and law , that is , from the just and necessary matter of the law , not from the will of men . . conclus . all humane or ecclesiastick lawes binding the conscience , have necessarie , and not probable deduction onely , by the warrant of both the m●jor proposition and assumption from the word of god , and law of nature . this conclusion is against e suarez , he seeketh onely a probable connexion betwixt obliging lawes and the divine law . and f gregorius de valent . is in very deed against gerson , who teacheth three things of all humane lawes . . that they are in so farre just . . that they in so farre oblige the conscience , as they have necessary dependance upon natures law , or gods word , and therefore compareth them to these precepts that physitians give to sicke persons , they oblige the conscience of the sicke , ( as i thinke ) from the sixt commandement , ( thou shalt doe no murther , ) for if the patient sleepe at such a time , or drinke wine in such a case , he killeth himselfe , but they have not obliging power from the fift commandement , not as if the king being sicke were obliged by the fift commandement to obey the physitian , as his superiour . . he will have all humane laws that properly obligeth , to be onely declaratory , and to manifest onely the divine law , and to apply it to such and such a matter . the conclusion is clear from what is said before , because all civil laws as meerly positive , in the cafe of non-contempt doe not oblige , and in the case of non-scandall , as g medin . h almaine , i gerson teach . and it followeth from a sure ground , that k vasquez layeth downe , and he hath it from l driedo , to wit , that the efficacy of obligation in humane lawes , cometh not from the will of lawgivers , or their intention , but from the dignity or waightines of the matter . if then the matter be not from gods law , just , the obligation is none at all ; for if the law from mans will , shall lay on an obligation of three degrees , whereas gods law from gods vvill , before men inacted this in a law , laid on an obligation of two degrees onely , tying the conscience , then the will of man createth obligation , or the obligative power of conscience in the matter of the law ▪ and by that same reason he createth goodnes , which is absurd , for that is proper to god onely . i grant it is hard , because of the variety of singular actions in mans life , to see the connexion , betwixt particulars of humane lawes and gods lawes ; yet a connexion there is , and for this cause the learned worthy divine , m pareus will have humane lawes in particulari , & per se , in the particular and of themselves to binde the conscience . whereas n calvin , and o beza , iunius , tilenus , sibrandus , whittakerus and others deny this : but the truth is , humane civill lawes are two waies considered . . as they are meerly positive & according to the letter of the law. . as they have a connexion with . the principles of nature , of right and wrong . . with the end of the law , which is the supream law , the safety of the people , as the civill law saith , he who entreth to an inheritance and maketh no inventory of all his goods , shall pay debts above the-whole heritage , this law according to the letter in the court of conscience is unjust , and so cannot oblige in conscience ; so as he is guilty before god , and deserveth the vengeance of everlasting wrath , who doth not make an inventory of all his goods , and produce it to the iudge ; so he that goeth up to the walls of a city , may by the law be commanded to be put to death , yet is he not guiltie of eternall death before god , and therefore if the presumption which is the ground of the law cease , as this ; he that maketh not an inventory with a purpose to enjoy the whole inheritance and pay no debts , sinneth before god against conscience , as famous jurists , to wit p jason , q bartolus and others teach : for this law considered as having connexion with a principle of nature , that every man should pay his debts , is a law binding the conscience , and the truth is , the end of these lawes oblige the conscience , they being divine expressions of justice and righteousnesse , but not the lawes themselves ; for whatever obligeth the conscience as a divine truth , the ignorance thereof is a sinfull ignorance , and maketh a man guilty of eternall wrath , but men are not guilty & lyable to the eternal wrath of god , because they are ignorant of all the civill lawes in iustinians book ; then were we obliged to be no lesse versed in all the civill lawes , that bindeth in foro humano , then of the bible , and law of god. the adversaries strive to prove that these lawes oblige the conscience , we may heare r bellarmine s vasquez , t valentinian , and the formalist and arminian , v doctor jackson say , to resist the rulers in giving , and making lawes , is to resist god , as sam. . they have not refused thee , but they have refused me , that i should not raigne over them . suarez ●aith , an humane law is the neerest cause of obligation of conscience , as the eternall law is the remote cause . and ●ackson as the immediate interposition of divine authority made the killing of abrahams sonne , holy , which otherwise would have been cruelty ; so the interposition of authority derived from god , make some actions that barely considered would be apparently evill , and desperate , to be honest and lawfull ; to strike a prophet would seem sin , but when a prophet cōmandeth to strike , not to strike is disobedience , ▪ kin. . , . to rob a spaniard is piracie , but to do it upon the kings letter of mart for wrongs done to the state , is obedience to the king. answ . to resist the servant in that wherein he is a servant , and as a servant , is to resist god , as sam. . proveth well . but the assumption then is most false , for rulers in making lawes , and creating by their sole pleasure , goodnes morall , in particular matters without the word of god , are not gods servants , nor is humane authoritie as humane , the nearest cause of obligation of conscience , instamped in these lawes , nor is it the cause at all , and therefore to resist them , is not to resist god. they be gods instruments and ministers in . propounding and expounding gods laws . . in executing them , and defending them from the violence of men . . in making positive and directory civil lawes , for civill government , that are lawes improperly so called , which bind the conscience as above is said , in so far , as they have dependance upon gods law : for iames saith , there is but one law-giver . as for church-canons , all , except physicall circumstances in them , are to be warranted by the word . therefore it is a vaine consequence of valentia , humane lawes oblige , dependenter a lege aeternâ , as they depend on the eternall law ▪ ergo , they oblige in conscience , it followeth not . they oblige in conscience as their major and minor proposition , in that which is morall , can be proved out of gods word , but so , in their morallity they are meerely divine , and not humane and positive , and so the argument concludeth not against us . they oblige in conscience as they depend upon the eternall law , that is , as they are deduced from the eternall law of god , in a major proposition , without probation of the assumption , that we deny , and it is in question now . the people sam. . in rejecting samuel from being their judge , rejected god , not because samuel had a power of making lawes , without the warrant of gods word . neither moses , nor jeremiah , nor ezekiel ▪ nor any prophet were in that servants subordinate to god , for they vvere onely to heare the vvord at gods mouth . . we could have no more at bellarmines x hand , then jackson saith . for bellarmine saith , in a good sense christ gave to peter a power , to make that which is sinne , to be no sin , and that which is no sinne , to be sinne . so iackson , the interposition of derived authority , maketh that which would be murther other wayes , to bee a good worke ; that is , men may doe what god onely can doe . if isaac then at the commandement of abraham his father , offer his sonne iacob to god in a bloody sacrifice , then abrahams derived authority maketh that a lawfull sacrifice , as to strike a prophet of it selfe , is a degree of murther , but when a prophet commandeth another to strike a prophet , it is lawfull . but can any blasphemer say , that this was humane derived authority without warrant of the word of the lord , such as are humane positive lawes , and our humane ceremonies , see the text , king. . . and a certaine man of the sonnes of the prophets , said unto his neighbour in the word of the lord ▪ smite me . this was immediate , divine and propheticall authoritie , and not humane . doth the kings letter of mart make robbing a spaniard lawfull ? court parasites speake so , he refuteth himselfe . the kings letter of mart , for wrongs done to the state , maketh that which is piracy lawfull , then the kings authority doth not here by a nomothetick power , and a law laid upon the conscience , but the wrongs of piracy by spaine , done to the state of england , may make the robbing of spaniards an act of lawfull warre , and an act of justice flowing from the king as a lawfull magistrate . now iackson is speaking of mandates of rulers in that place , which have no warrant of the word of god. yea , even stapleton y a papist saith , as doctor field also z observeth , that humane laws binde for the utility and neoessity of the matter , and not from the will of the lawgiver . and so saith a gerson , b almain , c decius , d mencha , and our owne e iunius saith , the plenitude of power of lawes is onely in the princpall agent , not in the instrument . f doctor iackson saith , unlimited and absolute faith or submission of conscience we owe not to rulers , that is due to god , but we owe to them conditionall assent and cautionary obedience , if they speake from god ▪ suppose they fetch not an expresse commission from scripture , for if pastors be then onely to be obeyed when they bring evident commission out of scripture , i were no more bound to beleeve & obey my governours , then they are bound to beleeve and obey in bellarm. contr . . lih . . cap. . not . . my governours , then ther are bound to believe and obey me , for equals are oblieged to obey equalls , when they bring a warrant from gods word ▪ and so the povver of rulers vvere not reall , but titular , and the same do th g sutluvius and h bellarmine say . answ . we owe to equalls , to mahomet , conditionall and cautionary faith and obedience ; thus , i beleeve what mahomet saith , so he speake gods word , yea so samaritans who worshipped they knew not what , john . . gave saith to their teachers in a blinde way , so they speake according to gods word . . it followeth in no sort , if rulers are onely to be obeyed when they bring gods word , that then they are no more to be obeyed then equalls & infetiours , because there is a double obedience , one of conscience , and objective coming from the thing commanded ; and in respect of this , the word hath no lesse authority , and doth no lesse challenge obedience of confcience , and objective , when my equall speaketh it in a private way , yea , when i writ it in my muse , then when a pastor speaketh it by publike authority ; for we teach against papists , that the word borroweth ●o authority from men , nor is it with certainty of faith to be received as the word of man , but as indeed the word of god , as the scripture saith : . there is another obedience officiall , which is also obedience of conscience , because the fifth commandement injoyneth it . yet not obedience of conscience coming from the particular , commanded in humane lawes , as humane , so i owe obedience of subjection , and submission of affection , of feare , love , honour , respect , by vertue of the fift commandement to rulers , when they command according to gods word , and this i owe not to equals or inferiours ; and so it followeth not that the power of rulers and synods is titular , because they must warrant their mandates from the word . but it s alwayes this mans hap to be against sound truth . but . that i owe no more objective subjection of conscience to this , ( thou shalt not murther ) ( beleeve in iesus christ ) when rulers and pastors command them , then when i read them in gods word . i prove . if this from a ruler ( thou shalt not murther , ) challenge faith and subjection of conscience of six degrees , but as i read it my selfe , or as my equall in a private way saith , ( thou shalt not murther ) it challenge saith and subjection of foure degrees onely , then is it more obligatory of conscience , and so of more intrinsecall authority , and so more the word of god when the ruler commandeth it , then when i read it , or my equall speaketh it to me . this were absurd for the speaker , whether publike or private person , addeth not any intrinsecall authority to the word , for then the word should be more or lesse gods word , as the bearers were publike , or private , more or lesse worthy . as gods word spoken by amos a prophet , should not be a word of such intrinfecall authority , as spoken by moses both a prince and a prophet . . my faith of subjection of conscience , should be resolved , as concerning the two degrees of obedience of faith to the word spoken by the ruler on the sole authority of the ruler , and not on the authority of god , the author of his own word . . i answer to sutluvius , that christ in the externall policy of his owne house is a lawgiver , ordaining such and such officers himselfe , ezek. . . commanding order and decency , and setting downe a perfect discipline in the new testament , in all particulars that have influence , religious , morall , mystically significant in gods worship , and there is reason that synods and pastors , should rather promulgate gods lawes , then the people . . because god hath given to them by office , the key of knowledge . . because by office they are watch-men , and so have authority of office to heare the law at gods mouth , and in synods to give directories or canons according to that word , which people have not , and that their canons must be according to gods word , is said in the word , nehemiah . . also we ●●ade ordinances for us , . as it is written in the law of the lord. iackson saith , of things good in themselves and apprehended so by us , without any scruple of evil , every mans conselence htah sufficient authority to inioyn it , only the alacrity of doing in what time or measure it is to be done , or such circumstances , cometh within the subiect of obedience to governours . answ . then because faith in christ is evidently good by the doctors learning , the pastor hath no more authority to command the people to beleeve in christ , then the people hath to command the same to him . so in preaching all the necessary fundamentals of salvation , the authority of pastors is meerely titular . there be then little necessitie of a publike ministery , as socinians teach us . . the ala●rity and manner and measure of beleeving , and doing things evidently good is as particularly set downe in gods word , as obliging the conscience , as the mandates themselves , god who commandeth us to love him , and to beleeve in his sonne , hath not left that power to prelates , that createth wretched ceremonies , to command us to love god with all our heart , or not , and to serve god with alacrity or not , or to beleeve in christ with all the heart or with halfe a heart ; the sincerity , measure and manner of the loving of god , is no more the subject of obedience to rulers then the loving of god. rulers doe command both alike , pari authoritate , except the man say that we obey gods law perfectly , when we give obedience to it , according to the substance of the acts , though we obey not sincerely . the doctor giveth us rules in obeying rulers . we are not to adventure on the action , whereof we are perswaded there be much evil , and no good in it . ans . then we cannot venture upon ceremonies , that bringeth adders to gods word , under all the plagues written in gods word . . gods word , not mens perswasions of conscience ( except in this also he be an arminian ) is the rule of mens actions . the servants of caiaphas may be perswaded there is no good , but much evil in confessing , christ ▪ we are to lay aside the erroneous perswasion , and obey , if the action be good in itself . iackson . some actions apprehended as meerly evil , may be undertaken with lesse danger , then others which are apprehended , partly as evil , partly as good ; the action is evil as long as we fear the evil in it , to be greater then the good we can hope for . ans . to do any thing as apprehended evil , of which sort are humane ceremonies to us , for any respect , is to do with a doubting conscience , and to sin , rom. . . ▪ god 's word , not probabilities should lead us in adventuring upon actions . iackson . . if the measure of the good apprehended , be as great as the evil feared ; in private choice , we may adventure upon the action , leaving the event to gods providence , which favoureth actions , more then privations , works rather then idlenesse , and following of that which is good , rather then abstinence from evil : for vvhere this indifference of perswasion is ▪ authority may cast the ballance , and sway the private choice ? so also a hooker . ans . this is the iesuit b suarez his doctrine , and so saith the iesuit of corduba c sanches , when the subject is in a doubt , whether the thing commanded by the superiour be lawfull or not , he is obliged to obey , and he is to be excused because of the command of the superiour : . because ( say they ) the commanders condition is better , and for a speculative doubt , he is not to be spoiled of his power of commanding , where reason , saith he , commandeth nothing against reason : . because the inferiour hath resigned his will to the superiour , deut. . . paral. . ergo , in things doubtsome , god commanded to stand to the determination of the priest , and it is a truth that the will of the superiour doth not vary and change the nature of a thing in it self ; yet it varieth to the inferiours conscience . now indifference of perswasion is all one to doctor iackson with indifferency of the thing , for so he dictates . if one have indifferency of reasons of twelve degrees on both sides , that arianisme , or arminianisme , is truth , if authority determine both to be truth , the weight of authority in indifferency of perswasion should cast the ballance , and to believe this , or not to believe it : where arguments are of twelve grains of light of truth on both sides , it is to the doubting man , as if the thing were indifferent , so is the doubter to give up his soul , conscience , and faith to believe arianisme to be truth , not from light of conscience , ( for equally as much light of conscience are in either side , as is supposed ) but for the meer will of humane authority , without gods word . now though the matter here be indifferent in it self , yet not so to the doubter ; for ceremonies in our perswasion are not indifferent . see here ignatius loyola d say , give over your self to your ruler . give the prelate your faith to keep , while ye be in eternity , and at the last judgement he will restore the pawn ; and this is ( ●aith gregory de valent. e to give your two eyes to your guide : i had rather they stick in my own head . to these iesuits i oppose the minde of f vasquez , and g salas , who say in that case the subject should first lay aside his errour , and then obey . god requireth a full perswasion by the lord iesus , even in things indifferent , rom. . , , . but poor naked humane authority cannot ingender perswasion of faith ; and here is doubting ▪ . it is false , that providence favoureth positive actions , more then privations , for rom. . god loveth better abstinence from meats in themselves lawfull and clean , as the apostle proveth , ver . . because nothing is unclean of it self , then that the eater doubt , if he be not transgressing the law of god in eating , though a great apostle say , there is no danger in eating . and jackson addeth of the same nature these ; the good of obedience is not a consequent only of the action , but either an essentiall part , or such a circumstance and motive precedent , as bringeth a new essence for its concomitant , whereby the evil , which we out of private perswasions fear , may be countervaled by the goodnesse that is in the purpose of sincere obedience to lawfull authority , as well as we conceited good probably included in the very obiect of the action , he that doth that which in his private opinion he suspecteth to be evil , because injoyned by lawfull authority , doth not evil that good may come of it , seeing the goodnesse of obedience is no consequent of the action , but a motive precedent — authority maketh actions indifferent to be good and necessary . ans . he beggeth the question : the goodnesse of sincere obedience to authority ( saith he ) may countervail the evil , that we in our private choice fear to be in the action . but first , obedience to authority in things wanting gods word ( whereof he speaketh now ) is not obedience , but sinning , because doing without faith . . i take the doctor at his word , refusing obedience to mens will-worship , or to practise even to the ruin of the weak , things indifferent , for fear of the greatest evil , the offending of god , by adding to his worship , rev. . , . is obedience to god , and not a privation ; the purpose ( i say ) of this obedience to god , may countervail all evil that can be imagined in non-obedience to men , and sure obedience to god , though probably obedience is as good and better , then obedience to men , though probably obedience . jesuites and formalists say , rulers are in possession to command ; ergo , we cannot thrust them out of possession , where we are not perswaded that they command against reason , saith sanches : so i say , god is in just possession commanding us to venture upon no indifferent action , where the conscience doubteth , and shall we not no lesse contend for gods just possession , as time-servers do for mortall rulers unjust possession in this ? . i prove that it were lawfull then to sin against god : a iew is alike perswaded , that maries son i● the true messiah , and that he is a deceiver : opinions about a man , might seem indifferent to the iews , and it is all one ( saith jackson ) as if the thing be indifferent . now the pharisees in a councell , determine , that maries son is a deceiver ; then it is lawfull for the jew , upon purpose of sincere obedience to pharisees , who sit in moses chair , to believe , that maries son is a deceiver ; because the conceit of sincere obedience is an essentiall motive to transubstantiate unbelief into sincere obedience , and the iew may venture upon the faith , that maries son is a deceiver , and crucifie the lord of glory : being commanded thereunto by his commanders , because gods providence favoureth more positive actions , then privations . . he saith , he that obeyeth for the sole authority of rulers , doth not evil that good may come of it : . because the goodnesse of obedience countervaileth the evil of the actions : but ▪ the question is , if it be obedience ; ergo , if it be no obedience , it cannot countervail the evil . . if it be the evil of sin , with a doubting conscience to do what judges commandeth , having no warrant of faith , but the will and lust of men , no purpose of good , though it were to save all the world , can counter-redeem the evil of sin against god. . because ( saith he ) such a one doth not evil , that good may come of it . then he that stealeth moneys to give to the poor doth not evil , that good may come of it , by dr. jacksons reason , because the goodnesse of purposing to help the poor is not a consequent , but a precedent motive of the action , and so maketh it good : we all know , the intention of the end goeth in the intention before the action , but not as an essentiall cause to make an evil action good , or make an indifferent action necessary and honest : a good intention doth make a good action good and better , but that a good intention ( as idolators are full of good intentions ) can never so season the means , as ( this doctor saith ) that it can make evil to be good , i vasquez condemneth the fathers of ignorance , because they said , propositum bonum excusat malum opus : so cassianus k said , it was lawfull to lie for a good end , and l chrysosto● , and m ambrose said the same , as vasquez saith : see n aquinas for this . . it is the doctrine of the man of sin , that pope or rulers , sole and bare authority can make an action indifferent , and so neither good nor evil , to be indifferent and good , as o bellarmine saith ; for god only by his institution createth morall goodnesse in actions ; mans will is no creatrix of goodnesse . . neither resolutions nor skill are to be credited or followed , because private or publick , because authority of man as such , is no light nor warrant to the conscience to adventure upon moral actions ; and the lord giveth light to private men to obey , psal . . , . cor. . , . ioh. . , ● ioh. . . cor ; . . cor. . . as he doth to rulers to command . so p sylvester , q tartaretus , so r rivetus , ſ doctot field . i proceed to answer other arguments : as . we must not obey , not only for wrath , but for conscience , the violation of a speciall law , necessarily draweth with it the violation of the generall law of the fift commandment ; but the violation of the generall , ( saith learned t pareus ) hurteth the conscience ; and the magistrate punisheth not for generall violation , but for the violation of this speciall law ; ergo , this speciall law obligeth in conscience . and it seemeth to carry reason . every just punishment presupposeth essentially a sin , else it is not a just punishment ; but the ruler doth justly punish the particular transgression of an humane law ; ergo , the transgression of a particular law of rulers is sin . the proposition is confirmed by grave school-men , u soto , x sylvester , y and ioan , eselius , who thinke that there cannot be a law obliging to a punishment , and not to a fault ; because punishment hath an intrinsecall relation to a sin , nor can it be a just punishment that is not proportioned to a sin ; for the law z saith , that cometh not under damage , which cometh not under fault . ans . though the violation of the generall law hurteth the conscience , it being against the fifth commandment ; it followeth not that the violation of every particular law , even that that is meerly positive , hurteth the conscience before god : for then the carrying of armour in the night , suppose no ruler on earth make a law there anent , should be a sin before god , which no wise man can say . . the other reason is more important , and draweth with it that school-question agitated by iurists also and ganonists , an ulla detur lox pure paenalis ; if there be a law purely penall , without sin in it : and if the law of rulers in things meerly positive , be meerly penall and co-active , and not formally obliging to sin . but i answer , rulers do justly punish the transgression of a positive law , not as particularly humane and positive : but as . it hath connexion with the morall reason of the law. . as the particular transgression is scandalous and against order , in which case the formall object of the just punishment inflicted by the ruler , is in very deed not the simple omission of the positive act of a particular humane law , but the violation of the morall goodnesse annexed to it , and of the scandall given . now in this meaning , the transgression of the positive humane law is not kindely , per se , of it self punishable , but by accident , and so it bindeth the conscience by accident ; and in this sense , great doctors , as a ambrose , b anselme , c theodoret , d chrysostom , e navarra , f felinus , g taraquel say , that humane laws oblige the conscience . but the most learned of the canonists aver , that not to obey civill laws , laying aside the evil of scandall , is no mortall sin , and so doth not involve the conscience in guiltinesse before god. . they object . to resist the laws of the magistrate , is to resist himself ; and to resist himself , is to resist the ordinance of god. ans . to resist the laws positive and particular in connexion with the morall reason of the law , is to resist the ruler , true . but so the question is not concluded against us : for by accident in that sense , humane laws binde the conscience ; but to resist the particular laws , as particular laws , as particular positive laws , is not to resist the ruler : a ruler as a ruler , doth never command a thing meerly indifferent as such , but as good , edificative , profitable , and except you resist the morality of the positive humane law , you resist not the ruler ; yea , nor yet is the law resisted . . the iesuit lod. meratius h objecteth : every true law obligeth , either to guiltinesse , or to punishment , but the civill and canonick laws are laws properly so called . but they do not ever oblige to punishment only . ergo , they oblige to sin . ans . it is denied that laws civill or canonicall , as meerly particularly positive , do oblige as laws , or that they are laws , they be only laws according to the morality in them , that can promove us to our last end , eternall felicity . it is also false that the iesuit saith , if thou wilt be saved , keep the commandments , doth command the keeping of all civill and canonick laws , or that hence is concluded a law obliging the conscience , that is , humane and positive , as if a lent fast , a pilgrimage , and not carrying armour in the night were commanded by christ , as necessary to life eternall . the same i meratius striveth to answer the argument of almain and gerson , which is this ; who ever can oblige to sin mortall before god , he can inflict eternall punishment , but no mortall man can inflict eternall punishment . . saith he , this argument would prove sins against the law of nature , as homicide , and adultery , not to be deadly sins , for by the law of nature , eternall punishment is not inflicted for sins against the law of nature , but by the positive will of god. if any say , god is the author of the law of nature , because he is the creator of that humane nature , in the which this law is written : so , if that be sufficient that the law of nature oblige under eternall punishment , so also the civill and ecclesiasticall lavv shall binde the conscience , because he is the author of that power which maketh civill and ecclesiastick laws , for there is no power , but it is of god. ans . . by the law of nature , sins against the law of nature deserve eternall punishment , and that essentially , laying aside the positive will of god , to whom i grant it is free to inflict punishment , or not to inflict , and this agreeth to all sin . but to carry armour in the night , laying aside the case of scandall , and the morality thereof , that no murther follow thereupon , deserveth neither temporall nor eternall punishment . and if this argument of the iesuits hold good , no mortall sin shall oblige to eternall punishment , because gods positive will is the nearest cause of actuall punishment eternall in all sins . . god is not the author of a propper no●othetick power in man , for that is the question . . he answereth , distinguishing the proposition . none can oblige to a mortall sin , but he who can inflict the eternall punishment of a mortall sin . it is true ( saith he ) of the punishment which wholly dependeth upon the will of the judge who made the law : but it is not true of that punishment , which no way dependeth upon the will of the iudge , such as is eternall punishment , excommunication dependeth upon the vvill of man , and it obligeth to eternall punishment , yet man cannot inflict that eternall punishment : for a man may command an act , the omission whereof , or the commission whereof , is of such moment , that it serveth much for the good of a community , and therefore he vvho of knowledge and vvillingly doth such an act , doth sin against right reason , and so against the eternall lavv of god. ans . . the distinction of the jesuit is but a begging of the question . he vvho can oblige to mortall sin by his lavv , can also oblige to eternall punishment , if eternall punishment depend vvholly on his free vvill , as the lavv doth ; what is that , but the inflicting of eternal punishment belongeth to him who maketh a law obliging to sin mortal , so being the inflicting of eternall punishment belong to him ; but our argument is , he who hath dominion and authority to make a law , hath dominion and authority to inflict a punishment answerable to the transgression of that law : for it is one dominion and power to make the law , and to inflict the penalty of the law : man cannot make the penalty of eternall wrath : ergo , he cannot make a law obliging to eternall wrath . . excommunication is not done by mans will , but by the power of the keys for a mortall sin deserving excommunication , and so eternall wrath . if any excommunicate upon his sole will , as wicked popes have done ; in that case the will of a man obligeth neither to punishment , nor to eternall punishment , it is but brutum fulmen , and not to be feared . . if any commit an act that hurteth a whole community , and is forbidden by men in authority , he sinneth against the law of god , though men had never forbidden that act : and we deny not but humane laws agreeing with the law of nature , doth oblige the conscience both to sin and eternall punishment , but then they are not humane laws , but divine laws , and in that case two guiltinesses , duo reatus , are committed , one against the fifth commandment , in doing what superiors according to gods word forbiddeth , and there is another guiltinesse against the matter it self , and a divine law , which also should stand as a sin before god , thought the ruler had never forbidden it : but if any carry armour in the night , being forbidden by the iudge , for eschewing of night homicide , if no homicide follow at all , and the matter be not known , and so not scandalous , the carrier of armour is involved in no guiltinesse before god. cap. iii. of the power of the magistrate in matters ecclesiasticall . quest . . that christ hath a spirituall kingdom , not only in the power of preaching the word , but also in the power of the keys by discipline . concerning the christian magistrate we are to consider two heads , the one negative , what he cannot do in the matters of christs kingdom : . positive , what he ought to do , for the opening of the former : we are to cleare whether or no all externall scandalls ecclesiasticall , as well as civill , are to be punished by the civill magistrate ; and that as in civill scandals , that disturbeth the peace of the common-wealth , the magistrate hath a twofold power , one to command what is good and just , another to reward and punish ; so the lord jesus in his kingdom , hath not onely a directive power to teach and forbid , but also a power , by way of discipline , upon the external man ecclesiastically to reward and punish , to binde and loose , in an externall court on earth . it is granted by the adversaries , that christ as king hath a power of binding and loosing , but meerly internall , purely spirituall , in regard of the conscience , by the preaching of the word ; but for any externall power to take in and cast out of the visible kingdom of iesus christ his visible church , this they deny , and so refuse all externall ecclesiasticall censures of receiving into the bosome of the church , and casting out by rebukes , or excommunication ; and therefore that there is no externall court in the church to punish ecclesiasticall scandals , all scandals and externall offences of the church , are to be punished by the christian magistrate onely : in opposition to which error , i say , . conclusion . there is not only a rebuking of an offender in the church , by private admonition , as between brother and brother , common to all christians , col. . . levit. . . and of the pastor only , he applying the word by way of preaching to such and such offenders , and closing the gates of the kingdom of heaven upon impenitent sinners , which is acknowledged by the adversaries : but there is also a church-rebuking by way of censure , which must presuppose an ecclesiasticall court , and a rebuking of a publique sin , put forth by many ; whereas one only , not a church or multitude may preach the word , and so rebuke by way of preaching , which i make out from the word of god , cor. . . sufficient to such a man is this punishment which was inflicted of many : the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a rebuke or punishment , in the old translation , it is objurgatio , in the newer , increpatio ; piscator muleta , is a chastisement , whether this punishment was actuall excommunication , as many learned interpreters do not improbably gather out of the text ; or if it was a rebuke of the church in order thereunto : certain it included , a rebuking not of one man , but a church-rebuking inflicted by many , cor. . . and by the representative church of corinth , gathered together with pauls spirit and the power of the the lord jesus , cor. . , . and so presupposeth a court or convention of many inflicting this punishment . . the adversaries who deny that there is such a thing as excommunication , say it was onely a rebuke ; but if it was excommunication , it must include a rebuke coming from the many who do excommunicate . . it is such a rebuke as must be taken off and pardoned by many , as ver . . so that contrariwise , ye ought rather to forgive him , and comfort him , ver . . to whom ye forgive any thing , i also forgive . so here is a rebuking put upon an offender by many convened in a court , who did rebuke by way of judiciall authority , and the power of the lord iesus ; ergo , it was some higher censure which was inflicted by many , and taken off by many ; then that which was inflicted by one by way of preaching , where there is no necessity that many either rebuke , or comfort the rebuked : for one pastor is to give out the sentence of death or life , rebuking and comforting , toward any one offender , or a person repenting , whether many be convened to consent and joyn or not . yea , i may , being a pastor of iesus christ , dispense rebukes and comforts by way of preaching , against the will and minde of the whole flock : but a rebuke , and a forgiving by many , cannot be dispensed , except these many convene together in the name of the lord iesus in a church way and consent . . if the convened church must be heard and obeyed when she rebuketh a brother , for a fault done between brother and brother , and that upon the testimony of two or three witnesses , then is the church a court that is to rebuke an offender , and so to convene him before her : and that is some other censure then by way of preaching ; but the former is true , matth. . , . . if the churches of ierusalem and antioch , convened in a synod , do give forth an ecclesiasticall rebuke on false teachers , as those that troubled the churches , and perverted their souls with false doctrine ; then is there rebuking of offenders by a church or churches , beside a pastorall rebuking by one single brother or pastor : but the former is true , act. . ver . , . the proposition is clear , in that a select company of apostles , elders and brethren , doth not only doctrinally conclude against their errour who did hold the necessity of circumcision , but also against the persons , and their schismaticall way , of troubling the church by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in making a side and faction in the church , ver . . . and this not any one single man could do in an ordinary way , except we say that it was an idle and unnecessary remedy which the apostles used to quench the sire , as if any one man might have done all this , or as if they had rebuked these men publikely , not having heard and convinced them by the word of god ; or as if an offence touching conversation and against the second table , had risen betweene church and church , no lesse then in the present case of an offence in matter of doctrine , that the apostles would not have taken the same course , all which are not to be imagined . and in very deed this was not a point of meer doctrine , but also of peace and charity , violated by a faction , ver . . and a scandall in eating things strangled , was raised in the churches , acts . . cor. . , . rom. . , , , . . if timothy be to rebuke publikely , those that sin publikely , and that judicially upon the testimony of witnesses . then is there a publike church-rebuking by way of censure , beside the pastorall rebuking . but the former is expresly said , tim. . , . this must be a rebuking in a church-court , except we say timothy his alone was the church , and a monarch of the church , who hath power to lead witnesses against elders . . conclusion . there is such a censure as excommunication in the hands of the church , by which scandalous offendors are to be debarred from the society of the church , and other holy ordinances , that they do not prophane them , which is proved from mat. . , , , . thus , he who is to be of a brother esteemed as no brother , but as a heathen and a publican , and whose offence is bound in heaven , as the church bindeth on earth , and that upon the testimony of witnesses , he incurreth some other censure of reall ejection out of the society of brethren in a church state , then pastorall rebuking . but he who trespasseth against his brother , and will neither be gained by private admonition , nor by the church rebuking him , is in such a case ; ergo , such a one is to be excommunicated , and so christ must have instituted such a censure . divers reasons are alledged against this sense , as not favouring excommunication . object . . if thy brother trespasse against thee , is , if thy brother trespasse against god , thou knowing him to be guilty , art to deal with him , and to bring his fault to publike hearing that he may be punished . answ . . the same phrase in the same doctrine of scandals is , luke . . take heed to your selves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : if thy brother trespasse against thee , rebuke him , and if he repent forgive him . but it cannot be said that if our brother transgress against god , we knowing of that , we are not to forgive him a sin committed against god , though he should come to us , and say that he repenteth , for then might any private brother pardon murthers and sorceries , and if this private brother were a magistrate , by this he is to forgive bloods , and not use the sword against the evill doer , and is to dispence with it seventy seven times , if the offender say , he repenteth . . the text saith expresly , if thy brother trespasse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against thee , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against god. it is true , sinnes against a brother , are sins against god , but it is evident from the text , that christ speakes of such sinnes in a speciall manner , committed against me , or a particular brother , which are within the verge of my power or his to pardon , as no● being yet publikely scandalous . . camero saith , to sinne against any here , is not to sinne against god with the knowledge of a brother , but it is to sinne in private against a brother , so as the offended brother is in meeknes to labour to gaine him , and not bring his fault to publike , if he can be cured in private , and therefore with much lenity we are to proceed , whereas before christ had exhorted not to contemne our brother , here he teacheth with what loving patience and longanimity we are to labour to gaine him when he is fallen , else christ should say but the same thing over againe , that he said once . object . . but by this place of scripture , i should rebuke any brother whom i know to sinne against god , to the end i may gaine him to repentance , and that before two witnesses ? now this is absurd : my father , my king and prince before two witnesses ; and therfore by the church is meant a number of private christians before whom i am to convince my brother , and that i am not to rebuke any offender whatsoever , is cleare in that solomon saith , it is a mans glory to passe by an offence , and we are not to over-heare our servant cursing us , ergo , we are not to rebuke every one , nor to bring them before any church court. answ . . this argument is against christ , as well as against us , for it tendeth to conclude that it is not universally true , that i am to rebuke every offending brother , which i will grant in some sense . for . if the fault be small , and possibly a matter of goods , with which i may dispence , without lesse hurt to my brothers soule , then the evill of scandall may be , if i complaine to either the church or magistrate , i am rather to suffer wrong , cor. . . but because i am not to rebuke my brother imprudently , may i not conclude from christs words , i may rebuke him ? or because a meane person may not rebuke a ruler , or a prince , or king ? will it follow that a nathan may not rebuke king david , and because ionathan may not rebuke king saul his father , shall it follow that no other may rebuke king saul ? or because i may not rebuke a scorner , though a professing brother , or because i may not rebuke my brother before two or three witnesses , who to my knowledge bear the offender ill will , and so i see my rebuking shall be so far from gaining him to repentance , that it shall provoke him to a greater offence , shall it therfore follow i am to suffer sin in my brother and not to rebuke him at all , which the spirit of god calleth a hating of my brother in my heart , lev. . v. . this argument concludeth not that i may not rebuke my brother , but onely that i may not rebuke my brother imprudently , or that any brother may not rebuke any brother , whoever he be , king or ruler , negatis modi non negat rem ipsam , so we are to passe by offences and to be willing to forgive them . ergo , we are not to rebuke an offending brother , it doth not follow , i must be willing to forgive all , friend , or enemy , ergo , by this reason i am not to rebuke any at all , and solomon willeth us onely not to be swift , too glad and willing , or too quicke and sharpe eared to heare every ill word , eccles . . . also heb. give not thy heart to all words that are spoken , least thou hear thy servant curse thee . so is the same phrase , eccles . . . prov. . . eccles . . . not unlike this is the phrase dan. . . the king set his heart to deliver daniel , but this will not prove we are not to rebuke an offending brother . . that by the church here , is meant a number of private christians , is against the text , for then three witnesses should be a church , being three private christians , but sure it is christ ascendeth in his speech to an higher degree , to the church who is to heare the witnesses , the plaintiffe and the offender , who hath power to binde , and loose , which is nothing but a church-court . . thou hast gained thy brother , must be a spirituall gaining of him to repentance , as pet. . . that they may be gained by the conversation of the wives , cor. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that i may gain those that are under the law. ver. . that i may gain those that are without law. ver . . that i might gaine the more . ver. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that i might gain the iewes , so is the word used for spirituall gaining , mat. . , , . and christ in his sermons never speaketh of civill gaining of brethren : and . because he speaketh of the brother , as he is a member of a society , where there be three or more brethren , and a church of brethren whose helpe he may seeke to gaine a brother ; it is cleare he must speake of a church-gaining , or of a gaining in order to a church , and not with reference to any civill sanedrim or court of magistrates . object . . the place ( saith erastus ) is to be understood of lighter faults , for which one brother may pardon another , and which a private brother hath power to conceale , it cannot therefore in good sense be extended to weighty scandals that are to be punished with excommunication . ans . . a fault may be light and small in its rise , so long as it is private , which deserveth not excommunication , but if contumacie shall come to the fault , as it is here in its growth and tendencie to scandalize many , it is not small . . a private fault is not hence concluded to be small ; because a brother may pardon it , and conconceale it . for christ saith to scandalize on of the least of these that beleeveth in him , is so great an offence , that it were good for the man so offending , to be cast in the sea , having a milstone hanged about his necke , ver . . and yet a brother is to forgive such an offence , luke . , , . . in that a brother is obliged to gaine his brother , from this fault , it is cleare ; it is not so small a fault , and . because it is a fault to be brought to the church ; and . if the offender remaine obstinate , he is therefore to be esteemed as an heathen and a publican , or as no brother , nor any member of the church ; and . this sinne is bound in earth and heaven . . the text will not bear that all weigh y faults , such as mu●ther , that defileth the land , or solicitation to follow strange gods may be transacted betweene brother and brother and concealed . deut. . . though ioseph be in this called a just man , ( as beza observeth ) in that he would not make mary his wife a publike example , nor reveale her adultery , which was by the law to be punished by death , for so ioseph conceived of her . tell the church , that is , ( saith erastus ) tell the civill synedry of the iewes , and therefore this place is nothing for excommunication , or any spirituall church discipline , and if the offendor refuse to heare the orthodoxe magistrate , then may the offended brother plead his right before the heathen magistrate , and deale with the offendor , as with a heathen , and a publican . answ . in the word of god , the word ecclesia , church , applyed to matters of religion , ( as it is evidently here , where it is said that the offended brother , is to labour to gaine the soule of his offending brother ) doth never signifie a civill judicature and therefore the exposition is insolent , and the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can never beare such a sense , we desire one paralell place in the old or new testament for it . . the scope of the place is the removall of scandals in christs meek , brotherly and christian way , ver . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. who ever shall scandalize , &c. and ver . . wo to the world because of offences — ver . . wherefore if thy hand or foot 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cause thee to offend , cut them off , ver . . take heed that ye despise not one of these little ones , &c. and then he cometh from active scandals , whereby we offend others , and the way of removall of them , to passive scandals , whereby others offendeth us , and the way of removall of them , ver . . moreover if thy brother shall trespasse against thee , go tell him the fault betvveen thee and him . now these sins that are to be punished by the sword of the civill magistrate , or not such sins as may be transacted between brother and brother , for homicide , blasphemy , sorcery , extortion are to be taken away by the publick sword , and this must have place , thou shalt not conceal it , thy eye shall not spare him , and the magistrate is the minister of god , a revenger , to execute wrath on him that doth evil , rom. . . . christ hinteth not , in any sort , at any word of blood , wrath , vengeance , the sword , evil doing , fear and terrour for the sword , such as are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the office of the civil magistrate is holden forth to us in other places , as rom. . pet. . no man , except he intended violence to the text , can dream of such a latent , forrain and co-acted sense in the words , and if such a sense had been intended by our saviour , he behoved in this place to erect a throne from a divine institution , for the magistrate , which no impartiall interpreter , can with any half side of a shadow perceive in the words . . the end of this processe is spirituall : if he hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother to repentance , as is confirmed already from scripture . but whether the offender be gained to repentance or not , the magistrate is to use the sword , that others may fear ; as a magistrate , he is to regard the peace of the common-wealth , not the salvation of the offender directly . . christs way of proceeding to take away scandals between brother and brother , is spirituall , tell him , admonish the offender , tell the church , that they may rebuke and admonish , and this is a morall way all along : but the magistrates proceeding is not morall , by requests , orations , admonitions , but by the reall use of the sword to compell : for he beareth not the sword in vain , rom. . . . the proceeding here is with much lenity , patience , and long suffering to gain an offender , but having recourse to the magistrate to use his club and sword , is rather a way of irritation , to make the gap the wider , and therefore paul , cor. . condemnes this as repugnant to love , that they should go to law one with another , before the heathen magistrate . . such an expression as this , ( let him to thee as an heathen man and a publican ) is never taken for the civill complaining of him before an heathen judge , nor doth it expresse the use of the sword by the magistrate ; it s so insolent a phrase , that all the greek authors that ever wrote , cannot parallel it ; for this is a spirituall and morall reproach put on the offender , the magistrates way is a reall inflicting of punishment . . this remedy is contrary to pauls , cor. . for there the offended brother , though the offending party be never so contumacious , hath not this remedy of christs to implead his brother before an heathen magistrate , that the apostle taketh for a sinfull scandall , and sin cannot be christs remedy : pauls remedy is , suffer rather wrong and defraudation ; paul by this interpretation should have commanded them the contrary . . where is ever the supreame magistrate ( who cannot be excluded , if this exposition stand ) called by the name of the church . . how incongruous is it , that christ should direct the jews , who were to be dispersed through all the earth ; to go up to jerusalem for judgement , seeing ierusalem was to be laid equall with the ground ; and the iews , their state , church ▪ policy , and the scepter now removed from iudah , let wise men judge . . the complaining to an heathen magistrate , or the punishing of an offender by the sword , by no scripture , is such a binding on earth , by the power of the keys of the kingdom of heaven , as this is expounded , matth. . . and such a binding as is ratified in heaven , and that by the joynt prayers of two or three on earth , as is here spoken , ver . , , . a heathen magistrates sentence , though never so just , should not be valued , except it were confirmed by the prayers of the church , as the sentence of excommunication must be . . the iewish saenedrim was now to take an end , and expire with all the iewish policy ; it is not to be imagined that iesus christ would appoint a perishing remedy for a per●etuall and ever-enduring disease ; now offences and scandals between brother and brother were to be in the world to the end , ver . . if thy brother offend , &c. and christ saith , offences must be , and the remedy here is morall and perpetuall : as . that christ shall have a church visible on earth , against which the gates of hell shall not prevail : . that we first deal to gain our brother in private , ere to his greater shame , he be brought in publick , before the church . . the lords ratifying in heaven , what his servants shall binde and loose on earth . . the agreeing of two to pray together , the conv●ening of two or three in the name of christ , with a promise of the presence of christ , all these are morall and perpetuall : the lord never did the like of this , before or after . . in all the new-testament we do not read , that christ , who was the end of the law , and the body now come in the flesh to abolish all ceremonials and temporary laws of the iewish church and policy , as iewish , did institute any old-testament law , such as the sanedrim was for offending brethren : if it be said that this was but the right expounding of an old divine law , now almost buried through the corruption of men ; then must erastus shew that this was an old law of divine institution ▪ that the iews were to keep this threefold order in gaining an offending brother , and that this is now abolished , and that the power of the magistrate in church-businesse , by this place is not established to the end of the world ; both which are contrary to the principles of erastus , not to say that there is not in this whole chapter , or luk. . where the same purpose is handled , any shadow of reason to assert that christ is restoring any ceremoniall or iudiciall law to its genuine and sound meaning and sense , but by the contrary christ speaketh of the morall and perpetuall doctrine of scandall , and how we are to deal with an offending brother to gain him to repentance , either by our selves or the church , and to forgive private injuries , even to seventy seven times : lastly , since publicans and romans converted to the christian saith from paganisme , even at this time were brethren , who might both give and take scandals , it shall follow that christ commandeth gentiles to submit to the jewish magistrates , this was against christian liberty , and to take from cesar those things that are cesars , which is unjust . but , saith erastus , publicans were not in iuda excluded from sacrifices , lu● . . a pharisee and a publican went up to the temple to pray , christ himself did eat with publicans and sinners : therefore this phrase ( let him be unto thee as an heathen and a publican ) cannot expresse this ( let him be excommunicated ) except you say , that all heathen and publicans were so served by christ , and the iews , as if they had been excommunicated . ans . . publicans , that were by nation heathens , were excluded from sacrifices and the temple , jure , by a gods law ; but not de facto , because the iews being under bondage to the romane emperour , and spoiled of their liberties and laws , might not put their laws in execution against heathen and publicans ; it is sufficient to us , saith beza , that publicans were execrable and hatefull to the iews , and ( say i ) that heathen and publicans remaining such , are without the church , b and not to be reputed as brethren , but enemies to the true church of god , and this is that which to us is excommunication . i do not doubt but publicans went to the temple to pray , but that is but to argue , a facto ad jus , not the right way , a jure ad factum : publicans ought not to have done so . . christ the supream lawgiver , who is above the law , did often dispense with sacrifice and positive laws , for a work of mercy , and if he touched the dead , and touched the skin of the leaper , and suffered his disciples to pluck the ears of corne on the sabbath day , what marvell then he did eat with publicans and sinners , contrary to the letter of a positive law , knowing his own , whom the father had given to him from eternity were to be brought in to himself , by his familiar conversing with them ; why should not the physitian converse with the sick ; the shepheard with the lost sheep ; the redeemer with his ransomed ones ? but this is no warrant , that therefore the cleansed leaper should not shevv himself to the priest , or that an obstinate offender should not be reputed as a heathen , and not admitted into the sanctuary . . that simple publicans , or heathen remaining such , should sacrifice . i never read , sacrifices were offered for iobs friends , who were not within the visible church : but . by gods own speciall and immediate command : as we read , iob . , . a positive law for it ( which yet was requisite for ordinary worship of that kinde ) we read not . . i think iobs friends cannot in knowledge , religion , profession , be esteemed meer heathens , and therefore as god tied not himself to a positive and standing law here , so neither was christ , being the same god equall with the father , so restrained from not familiar conversing with heathen , and publicans , but he might leap over a ceremony to save a lost soul . object . . but ( the adversaries say ) christ here useth words proper to the iewish synedry and the old-testament , as witnesses , ecclesia , or congregation , heathen , publican , and these are not new testament words , nor was there such a thing as a new testament church on earth at this time , and christ having not yet ascended to heaven , nor sent down the holy spirit , cannot be thought to hold forth the power and jurisdiction of a thing yet destitute of all being , such as was the christian church , nor can he here speak of christs spirituall kingdom . ans . . christ did well to use these words , witnesses , church , congregation , heathen , publican , as well known to his hearers , and these same words in use amongst the iews are used in the new testament , as cor. . . tim. . . act. . , . revel . . , . pet. . . pet. . , . anathema maeranatha , witnesses , gentiles , sinners of the gentiles , imposition of hands , &c. indeed in ordinary , the pastor under the new testament is not called priest , nor high priest , nor the communion table an altar : but the words here used are obvious and very significant ; and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or church is a most obvious word in both the old and new testament , and doth signifie any assembly , religious , civill or prophane , according as the nature , person and use or end of the meeting or assembly was religious and prophane , as is evident by many places of the old and new testament ; where the seventy interpreters use the word for a church-assembly ; for which see the due right of presbyters , page , . and page , . and since the word church here is cleerely , a company convened to gaine an offending brothers soule , by rebukes and censures , and which hath power to binde and loose on earth , so as their fact is ratified in heaven , it cannot be any other , then a new testament church-meeting , seeing we find the church of corinth commanded to conveene and exercise such a power , cor. . , , , . and therfore it cannot be expounded of the ●ivill judge ; not to adde , that erastus , who objecteth this , saith the syn●dre had both civill and spirituall or eccl●siasticall power , and therefore he hath no ground to expound the place of the civill magistrate . . because he was not yet ascended to heaven , and had not sent downe the holy spirit , it is no consequence to say he speaketh nothing of the christian church of the nevv testament , for before his ascension he appointed the ministery , the sacraments , the power of censures , and the keyes given to the church of the new testament , math. . , . joh. . v. ● , . math. . , , , , &c. now it is as inconvenient , that precepts , such as ( do this in remembrance of me , ) ( take yee , eate yee , ) and ( he that heareth you , heareth me , ) should be given to the christian church , which yet had no being , as for christ to hold forth the power of jurisdiction of a christian church destitute of all being . yea , this recurreth upon erastus , who will have christ here to hold forth the power of the christian magistrate , as yet remoter from being , all magistrates being professed enemies to iesus christ , whereas there was at this time a seed , a bottome of a christian visible church : there being eleven apostles , seventy disciples , and many others who professed faith in christ already come . yea though there be no formed instituted visible church of the new testament , yet it became our great prophet , who taught that gospell , yea , all that he heard of the father , ioh. . . to his disciples , which was to be a rule of the faith of the christian visible church not yet instituted , and who erected a ministery to teach them before his ascension , also to furnish that ministery with the powerof the keyes & censures , as he expresly doth before his death , mat. . , , . not to adde what camero saith , that he spake these words when he was now to offer himselfe on the crosse , and math. . . he mentioneth the edifying of the church of the new testament , and the disciples aske vvho is to be greatest in the kingdome of god , ver . . object . . let him be unto thee as an heathen and publican , can not meane as much as , let him bee excommunicated , but onely , let him plead vvith his obstinate brother vvho contemneth the christian magistrate , before the heathen magistrate , and in preserving the offendor , vvho is novv obstinate , let him deale vvith him as with a heathen and a publican , onely in this matter of pursuit , but otherwise the publican was not excommunicate . . because the publicans place and office was good and lawfull and from god , then to repute him as a publican is not to repute him as a prophane man. . when iohn baptist is demanded by the publicans what they shall doe , he doth not bid them lay downe the office of a publican , but onely not abuse it to rapine and extortion , nor is zacheus compelled by christ to lay downe his office , but onely to make restitution . answ . . there is no necessity to condemne the office of the publican , or the birth and condition of the heathen as unlawfull . but a publican went for a prophane man , and for a man who is a stranger to the true church of god , as mat. . . if you love them that love you , what reward have you ? doe not even the publicans the same ? ergo , it is christs mind to exclude the publicans from any spirituall or eternall reward , promised to these within the visible church ; and when christ was slandered by the jewes , because he went in to be a guest with a publican , luke . . and because hee did eate vvith publicans , mat. . , . christ taketh it as granted that publicans were prophane men and sinners . but he saith they were sicke sinners and lost , that is , such as were sensible of their by-past prophanity , and desired the physitian christ to cure them ; and gentiles or heathen is taken for these who are without the church , and are void of religion , cor. . . such fornication as is not so much as named amongst the gentiles , pet. . . let it suffice you , that ye have vvrought the vvill of the gentiles , eph. . . ye vvere in times past gentiles , what is that , but ver. . ye vvalked according to the course of the world ; according to the prince of the povver of the aire ? so a samaritan , is taken for one that hath a devill , yet to be a samaritan by birth and nation is not unlawfull , it is then a distinctive terme spoken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be an heathen , or counted an heathen and a publican , that is , counted a prophane wicked person , not a brother , not a member of the church . theophylact expoundeth this with us , if he heare not the church , let him be an out-cast , least he rub any of his vvickednes upon others vvithin the church . and these words let him be to thee , is a word of command , as mat. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let your speech be yea , yea , mat. . he that vvould be greatest , let him be your servant ; and , let him be to thee , is not to exclude the church , but it is set downe in a law-manner in the second person , for farre more must the obstinate offender be as an heathen and a publican to the church . ver. . verily i say unto you , what yee bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven , and what yee loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . these words contain a reason why he who contemneth the church , is to be holden as a heathen and a publican . why ? is it such an offence before god to despise the church ? yea , saith our saviour , with a grave asseveration , verily i say unto you , they that despise the sentence of you the ministers of the gospel , being according to truth given out , they and their sinnes shall be bound in heaven . erastus saith , he is said to bind , who doth retaine the sinne , when he maketh the obstinate brother unexcusable ; and he looseth , who remitteth or pardoneth the injury , and gaineth to repentance his brother by a brotherly admonition , for except he speake of a brotherly composing of private injuries , to what end should christ subjoyne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 again i say to you if two agree , &c. answ . . christ doth argue from the lesse to the more , he proveth what the church bindeth on earth , shall be bound in heaven , because if the prayers of two or three gathered together in the name of god , and agreeing together on earth , are not rejected in heaven , farre more shall that be ratified in heaven , which the whole church of christ decreeth on earth in the name of the head of the church , iesus christ . . when in the chapter going before , christ had ascribed to the apostles and pastors , which are the eyes of the church , a power of the keyes , and here he ascribeth to them the power of binding and loosing , there was no cause to dreame that he speaketh here of a private forgiving of private finnes betweene brother and brother , for then he might have said at the first step , thou hast gained thy brother , that gaining or convincing of thy brother shall be bound or loosed in heaven , no lesse then the churches judiciall binding and loosing in heaven , which yet is set downe as an higher degree of power . but i may here say with beza in the whole scripture , the word of binding and loosing is never spoken of any other but of these who are in publike places , and by a borrowed speech , here it is spoken in regard of spirituall power . to bind and to loose , is by a judiciall power in subordination to christ the king , to remit and retaine sinnes . so iosephus saith , the pharisees ruled all , so that they would banish or recall from banishment , loose and binde whom they pleased , and upon the authority according to the which christ sent his disciples as the father sent him , so he instructed his ministers with power to remit and retaine sinnes , ioh. . . and mat. . . what thou bindest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on earth , shall be bound in heaven , what thou loosest on earth , shall be loosed in heaven , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so doth lucian bring in that prisoner speaking to iupiter , loose me , o iupiter , for i have suffered grievous things , mat. . . then the king said to his servants , take him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , binde him hand and foot ; binding here ( you see ) is done by the command of the great king , acts . . so shall the iewes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 binde paul , they bound paul with law and authority , such as it was , iohn . . the captaine and officers tooke iesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and bound him , they bound him not by private authority , mat. . . and act. . . felix left paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bound ; if lictors binde any malefactors , they doe it by authoritie and law. so do the hebrews speake , psal . . . the ruler of the people loosed him , psal . . . the lord looketh downe from heaven , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to open or loose the children of death . psal , . . the lord looseth the prisoners , iob . . . it cannot be denyed , but when one private brother pardons another repenting brother , god ratifieth that in heaven . but it is cleare the pardon here holden forth by our saviour , is such a loosing , as hath witnesses going before . . such an one as cometh higher to the knowledge of the chuuch . nor doth the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 again , signifie any thing but pretereà , moreover . . and who can say that binding and loosing here , is some other thing then binding and loosing in the chap. . ver . . where the same very phrase in the greeke is one and the same , except that the lord speaketh , mat. . . in the singular number to peter , as representing the teachers and governours of the church , and here mat. . he speaketh in the plurall number , relating to the church . now mat. i . i , . binding on earth , and loosing , which is ratified in heaven , is evidently the exercise of the power of the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , i will give to thee the keyes of the kingdom of heaven . what be these keyes , he expoundeth in the same very verse , and whatsoever thou shalt binde on earth , shall be bound in heaven , whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven ; then binding and loosing on earth , must be in these to whom christ hath committed the power of the keyes : but . christ hath not committed the keyes to all , but to church-rulers , that are the stewards of the house , and the dispensers of heavenly mysteries . hence the keyes in scripture signifie authority and officiall dignity that is in rulers , not in private men , as esa . . . and the key of the house of david will i lay upon his shoulder . so christ is said to have the key of david , to open and no man shutteth , to shut and no man openeth . by which out of doubt ( saith a camero , ) is pointed forth the kingly authority and power of christ , so saith b vatablus . and our owne c calvin , d musculus , e gualther , f piscator , g beza , h pareus agree , that the keyes are insigne potestatis , an ensigne of power given to the steward or master of a noblemans house , who is a person in office ; the giving of the keyes ( sai●h worthy mr. cotton , ) is a giving power for the preaching of the word , the administring of the seales and censures , by which these invested with power doe open and shut the gates . now we desire any word of god , by which it can be made good , that the keyes and power to binde and loose is given to all that are in the house , even private christians . but we can shew the keyes , and binding and loosing , and opening and shutting to be given to the officers and rulers of the house . hence i argue that interpretation that confoundeth the key-bearers , and the children , with the servants of the house ; and the governours that are over the people in the lord , with the governed , and putteth the characters proper to the officers and stewards , con●usedly upon all that are in the house , is not to be holden ; but this interpretation is such ; ergo , &c. also to binde and to loose is expounded by christ , ioh. . . to be a power to retain and remit sins on earth , which are accordingly retained and remitted in heaven , and that by vertue of a calling , and ministeriall mission , according to which the father sent christ jesus ; and iesus christ sendeth his apostles and pastors to the end of the world , as is clear , if we compare matth. . . and matth. . . with ioh. . , , . . mar. . ver . , . matth. . , , . luk. . , , , . . it is against the course of the text , that we should restrain this to private pardoning of light injuries between brother and brother : . becase christ labours to decline this , that one shall be both his brothers judge to put him in the condition of an heathen and publican , and binde his brothers sins in heaven and earth , and also , that he should be his party and accuser : now christ will have the private brother do no more personally , but admonish his brother and gain him . . if that prevail not , then he is to admonish him before two or three witnesses : see here , the brother is not both party and judge ; but witnesses have place . . if that prevail not , the businesse is to ascend higher , even to the church , which undoubtedly is an organicall body , cor. . . rom. . , , &c. act. . , , . whereas two or three private christians are not a church , but an homogeneal body : now who would believe that christ is to bring down the businesse which is so high , as before the church , to the lowest step again , to a private binding and loosing to one brother , who both as judge and party judgeth his brother ; yea , and may do this , though there were no chu●ch on earth ? what power hath the church above the offended brother , or the offender , if the one may binde the other under guiltinesse in earth and heaven ? . erastus will have light and private offences only spoken of here : now christ speaketh of offences that god taketh notice of in heaven and earth . . christs way is a wise and meek way , that that which one cannot do , and the offence that two , three , four cannot remove , the church shall remove , but erastus maketh one private man to remove it , and to excommunicate and binde in heaven and earth . i might cite , tertullian , cyprian , augustine , chrysostom , the ophylact , hyeronimus , and all modern interpreters both popish and orthodox for this interpretation , not any of them dreaming of the insolent opinion of erastus , who misapplieth augustine and theophylact for his own way , as beza cleareth . cap. iv. quest . . that the place , corinthians . doth evince that excommunication is an ordinance of god. the argument for excommunication may be thus framed , from cor. . if paul command that the incestuous man should be delivered to satan ver . . purged out of the church , least as leaven he should corrupt the church , ver . , . that they should iudge him , ver . . and put him avvay from amongst them , ver . . so as they vvere not to eat vvith him , ver . . . then is there a divine command for excommunication ; for the commandments of the apostles are the commandments of the lord , cor. . . pet. . . but the former is true : ergo , so is the latter . there is no ground or shadow of reason to expound this expelling of the incestuous man by the preaching of the word without any church-censures , for all that is required in excommunication is here ; . this putting out was not done by one single pastor , as putting out by the preaching of the word is done , but by a company and church , ver . . in the name of the lord iesus , vvhen ye are gathered together , and my spirit . . paul should have written to any one pastor to cast him out by preaching ; but here he writeth to a church : . he forbiddeth company , or eating with such like men , v. . now this is more then rebuking by preaching . . this is a judging of the incestuous man , and a casting of him out of their society , which is another thing then preaching the word . erastus and others expound the giving to satan , of a delivering of the man to satan , to be miraculously killed , as were ananias and saphira , act. . . and because at this time there was no christian magistrate to use the sword against the man , therefore he writeth to the church , that they by their prayers would obtain of god , that satan might take him out of the midst of them . ans . this insolent interpretation wanteth all warrant of the word : for . to deliver to satan , hath no scripture to make this sense of it , to pray that satan would destroy the man. . it wanteth an example in the old or new testament , that the whole church are fellow-agents and joynt causes in the bodily destruction of any , or in working of miracles , such as was the killing of ananias and saphira : the apostles wrought miracles , and that by their faith and prayers , and christ and the prophets ; but that the believers , who should have mourned for this scandall , . who were puffed up : . who were in danger to be leavened with the mans sin , and had their consent in excommunication , should joyn in a miraculous delivering to satan , is an unparalleld practise in the word . . to deliver to satan , cannot be expounded here : but as tim. . . where paul saith he had delivered hymenaeus and alexander to satan , now that was not to kill them , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they might receive instruction and be disciplined , by this medicinall church-revenge , not to blaspheme : i know of no instructing of these who are dead ; if there be two deliverings to satan , let erastus and his expound it to us . . the apostle expresly saith , he wrote to them , not to keep company with such men , nor with fornicators , covetous men , drunkards , extortioners , idolators : now erastus his minde must be , that the apostles and churches of corinth , philippi , thessalonica , grievou●ly sinned against god , in that they did not miraculously kill all the drunkards , the covetous persons , the fornicators , whereas they are commauded to admonish them as brethren , thess . , . and to pray for them , if they sin not against the holy ghost , ioh. . . . tim. ▪ . . . paul rebuketh this as a morall fault amongst the corinthians , such as is not to mourn for this mans fault , and to keep him as leaven in the midst of them , and not to cast him out : whereas in all the scripture you finde none ever rebuked , because they put not forth in acts an extraordinary and miraculous power to work miracles ; working of miracles came upon persons called thereunto , by extraordinary rapts , and were in men not as habits under the power of free-will , but as immediate acts of god , even as fire-flaughts are in the aire : so i conceive , while i be better informed . . and shall it not follow , that now when the churches have christian magistrates , it is the will of our meek saviour , that they kill with the sword all the drunkards , fornicators , and all that walketh unorderly ; which should make the church of christ a butcher-house , whereas we are to admonish all such as brethren , thess . . . and to wait on them with all patience , if god peradventure may give them repentance . . the destruction of the flesh must be the destruction of the body . but the bodies of the godly are saved no lesse then their spirits in the day of the lord. . and for many of the former reasons , by delivering to satan , cannot be meant a miraculous tormenting of the body by sathan , with the saving of the life ; such as we read was the case of iob ; for the delivering to sathan , is to cast out of the church , and declare such an offendor to be of the number of the wicked world , of which sathan is prince , ioh. . . ioh. . . and god , cor. . . and that which we assert as the essentials of excommunication , are , . here is a member of the church , one vvho is within , cor. . . one who hath fallen in a foul scandall , and had his fathers wife , ver . . who by the church conveened in the name of our lord iesus , with that spirit of the apostle given to them by christ , v. . was delivered to sathan , that his soule may be saved , ( for that is the genuine and intrinsecall end of excommunication , ) and to be purged out of the church , lest he should infect the sheepe , ver . . and christians were not to bear company with him , nor to eate with him , ver . . ▪ and he was judged to be cast out as a heathen and publican , ver . . . and that by a convened court , having the name and authority of him who is king of the church , ver . . and more wee doe not crave . obj. to deliver any to the power of sathan , is no mean of salvation . answ . a morall delivering to the efficacy of error , and a reprobate minde , is not a mean of salvation , nor is excommunication such a mean , nor in the power of the church , but a medicinall depriving of an offender of the comfortable communion of the saints , and of the prayers of the church , and meanes of grace , such is a means , and mighty through god to humble . cap. v. quest . . whether the word doth warrant discipline and censures , even to the excluding of the scandalous from the sacraments , beside the pastorall rebukes inflicted by one . vve are not to conceive that there was nothing morall in the lawes that god made to his people of israel , to debar the unclean , from the society of gods people , and from communion with them in the holy things of god , numb . . . and the lord spake unto moses , saying : . command the children of israel that they put out of the campe every leaper , and every one that hath an issue , and whosoever is defiled by the dead , lev. . . if a soul touch any unclean thing , whither it be a carcase of an unclean beast , or the carcase of unclean cattell , or the carcase of unclean creeping things , and if it be hidden from him , he also shall be unclean and guilty — . and he shall bring his trespasse-offering unto the lord for his sin , which he hath sinned , lev. . . but the soul that eateth of the sacrifice of the peace offerings that pertaineth to the lord , having his uncleannesse upon him , even that soul shall be cut off from the people : . moreover the soul that shall touch any unclean thing , as the uncleannesse of man , or any unclean beast , or any abominable unclean thing , and eat of the flesh of the sacrifice of peace-offerings , which pertain unto the lord , even that soul shall be cut off from his people . in the which observe , that here the soul that shall touch any unclean thing is to be cut off ; but num. . . he is only to be put out of the campe ; now these were not killed that were put out of the campe , and therefore to be cut off from the people must be a morall cutting off by excommunication , not by death ; also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to make a covenant , to cut off , either by death or any other way ▪ as by banishment , by which a thing leaveth off to be in use , though it be not destroyed , as when a branch is cut off a tree , sam. . . yea , we have isa . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where is that bill of cutting off or divorce : now this was not a bill of killing the wife that was divorced , but putting her from her husband , as our saviour saith , it is not lawfull to marry her that is divorced , matth. . . a killed and dead woman is not capable of marriage ; yet the word is , deut. . ier. . . from that same theame , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the hebrews have another more ordinary word to signifie death , as exod. . . he that doth any work on the sabbath , in dying he shall die : and it is expounded , he shall be cut off from the midst of the people : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but lev. . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is four times used without any such expression , ver . , , , . to which may be added , that when zealous hezechiah did finde that the people were not prepared , according to the purification of the sanctuary , though they had celebrated the passeover , the king did not only not kil them , but prayed , god might be mercifull to them , and the lord killed them not ( saith the spirit of god ) but healed them , exod. . . he that eateth unleavened bread , that soul shall be cut off from israel : but it is expounded , ver . . that soul shall be cut off 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the church of israel : certainly , he that is killed is cut off from both state and church , and from the company of all mortall men on earth , isa . . . then to be cut off from israel is onely to be deprived of the comfortable society of the church of israel , as the holy ghost expoundeth it : also lev. . if any commit any sin but of ignorance , and so if he touch any unclean thing , or eat unleavened bread , forbidden of god , he is excluded from the holy things of god , while the priest offer for him , according to the law : now if he was presently to be killed , either by the magistrate , or in that act killed by gods own immediate hand , as aarons sons were , there was not a journey to be made to the place , the lord had chosen to sacrifice there , which might have been three dayes journey from his house , who was unclean ; yea , when the man that gathered sticks was stoned , and the false prophet stoned , deut. . there was no sacrifices offered for any of them before they were killed ; and i hope , there were no sacrifices in moses his law offered for the dead . hence learn we : . that to cut off from the congregation , was not to kill , but it was the iewish excommunication greater or lesse : . that moral sins , under the old testament debarred men from the holy things of god , while the priests sacrificed for them ▪ and brought them in a capacity to receive the holy things of god. leviticus . . the priests were not to drink wine , when they went into the tabernacle : that ye may ( saith the lord ) put difference between holy and unholy , and between unclean and clean : now haggai expresly saith , cap. . , . that it was the priests part to put this difference , and so to admit to , or exclude from the holy things of god. hence for this cause it is said , as chron. . . iehoiada appointed the officers of the lords house , so he set porters at the gates of the house of the lord , that none which are unclean in any thing , might enter in ; so ezra . , . none did eat the passeover , but such as were pure , and had separated themselves from the filthinesse of the heathen of the land ; for this cause doth the lord complain of the priests , ezech. . . her priests have violated my law , and have polluted my holy things , they have put no difference between the holy and the prophane ; neither have they shewed the difference between the unclean and the clean , ezech. . . and thou shalt say to the rebellious , even to the house of israel , thus saith the lord god ; o ye house of israel , let it suffice you of all your abominations : . that ye have brought into my sanctuary , strangers uncircumcised in heart , and uncircumcised in flesh , to be in my sanctuary to pollute it , even my house , when ye offered my bread , the fat and the blood , and they have broken my covenant , because of all your abominations : . and ye have not kept the charge of my holy things : but ye have set keepers of my charge in my sanctuary for your selves . . thus saith the lord god , no stranger uncircumcised in heart , nor uncircumcised in flesh shall enter into my sanctuary , of any stranger that is among the children of israel : here is a complaint , that those that have the charge of the holy things , should suffer the holy things to be polluted : i grant it cannot bear this sense , that none should be admitted to be members of the visible church under the new testament , but such as are conceived to be regenerate ; except it can be proved that the sanctuary was a type of the visible church : . that the apostles constituted their churches thus ; but we read not in all the new testament of any admission of church members at all : but only of baptizing of those who were willing to be baptized , and from this resulted the capacity of a church relation in all churches visible : nor , . do we finde any shadow in all the word of god , of tryall of church members , by way of electing and choosing of such and such , as qualified by reason of a conceived regeneration in the persons chosen , or of rejecting and refusing others as conceived to have no inward work of grace in them ; this i believe can never be made good out of the word of god. . they must prove the apostles admitted into the sanctuary of the visible church ananias , saphira , simon magus , and others uncircumcised in heart , to pollute the holy things of god , and that the apostles erred , and were deceived in the moulding of the first apostolick church in the world , which was to be a rule and pattern to all churches in the new testament , to all ages : i deny not , but they might have erred according to the grounds of these , who urge the comparison for a church of visible saints , but that the apostles de facto did erre in their election and judgement , in that wherein the holy ghost holdeth them forth and their acts to be our rule and pattern , i utterly deny : i grant act. . in that synod they did act as men and elders , not as apostles , but that it could fall out , that they should uctually erre , and obtrude false doctrine instead of truth to the churches in that synod which is the first rule and pattern of synods , i shall not believe . but there is this morall and perpetuall truth in these scriptures ▪ . that there are under the new testament , some over the people of god in the lord , some that watch for their souls , and govern them ; as here there were priests , levites that taught and governed the people : . that the rulers of the churches , alwayes are to have the charge of the holy things ; and to see that these holy things , the seals and sacraments and word of promise be not polluted , and that therefore they have power given them to debar such and such profane from the seals , and so are to discern between the clean and the unclean , and this which the prophet speaketh , ver . . is a prophecie never fulfilled after this in the persons of the people of god ; therefore it must have its spirituall truth fulfilled under the new testament , as is clear , ver . . yet the levites that are gone away far from me , shall be ministers in my sanctuarie , having charge at the gates of the house , and ministering to the house — . and i will make them keepers of the charge of the house , for all the service thereof , and for all that shall be done therein , ver. . and the priests and the levites the sons of zadok , that kept the charge of my sanctuary , when the children of israel went astray from me — they shall enter into my sanctuary , and they shall come neer to my table to minister unto me , and to keep my charge — . and they shall teach my people the difference betweene the holy and prophane , and cause men to discerne between the uncleane and the cleane . . and in controversie they shall stand in judgement , and they shall judge it according to my judgement , and they shall keepe my lawes and my statutes , in all mine assemblies , and they shall hallow my sabbaths . now this temple was another house , then solomons temple , as is evident out of the text , it having roomes , dimensions , structures , so different that none can imagine them one house , and these chapters containe the division of the holy land , which after the captivity was never done , for the ten tribes never returned , and this temple is clearely a type of the new ierusalem , and agreeth to that city spoken of , revelation , chapters . and . as may appeare especially by the foure last chapters of ezekiel , and in the last words of the last chapter , and the name of the city from that day shall be , the lord is there . and the priests after the captivity as well as before brake the covenant of levi , mal. . and therefore i see it not fulfilled , except in the visible church of the new testament , and in the assemblies of christian churches , mat. . act. . and the rest of the church-assemblies under the new testament : as for the lords personall raigne on earth , it is acknowledged there shall be no church policy in it , no word , sacraments , ordinances , no temple , as they say from rev. . . and with correction and submission , the priests and levites , that ezek. . . are said to keep the charge of the lords house , when others went astray , i take to be a prophecie of these pastors under the new testament , to wit , the apostles of iesus christ , and pastors , and teachers that christ left in his church ; for the edifying of his body , ephes . . . . when these scribes and pharises did sit in moses his chaire for a while , mat. . but onely as porters and inferiour officers in gods house , yet they were to be heard , while god should cut them off , as he prophecied , zach. . . we cannot say as some doe , that persons were deprived amongst the iewes , of church communion in the holy things of god , because of ceremoniall , not of morall uncleannes , but now under the new testament only morall uncleannes can exclude persons from the holy things of god ; and therefore to argue from ceremoniall uncleannes in the old , to morall uncleannesse in the new , is no good consequence . i answer , the ceremoniall uncleannesse in the old , which did exclude from the holy things of god , doth strongly conclude that morall uncleannesse under the new testament doth exclude from the holy things of god , if that exclusion of the leaper out of the campe seven dayes , and the touching of the dead , though imprudently , did typifie some other exclusion from the holy things of god , as no question it did , then the consequence must be strong . . it is also false that morall uncleannesse did not exclude from the holy things of god under the old testament , for . what was more ordinary , then that sacrifices should be offered for sins of ignorance , for trespas●es , and while this was done , the person was not admitted to partake of the holy things of god. . whence was the lords frequent complaints of wearying his soule with sacrifices , solemne assemblies , feast dayes , and new moones , when they were morally uncleane , and their hands were full of blood , and they had not put away the evill of their doings , did not love judgement and justice , isaiah . , , , , , , . and when god complaineth so of them , ier. . . will ye steale , murther and commit adultery , and sweare falsely , and burne incense unto baal , and walke after other gods whom ye know not ? . and come and stand before me in this house , which is called by my name ? ergo , murtherers and adulterers were debarred from entring into the congregation of the lord , and partaking of the holy things of god , while they repented . let none say by prophecying , or the keyes of knowledge in preaching the word , they were declared unworthy to enter into the temple ; but that will not conclude that it was the priests office by power of discipline to exclude them from coming unto the sanctuary of god. ans . but if the porters were set at doores of the lords house , to hold out the uncleane , and if the lord charge the priests with this crime , that they ezek. . . set keepers of the charge of the lords house for themselves , that is , for their owne carnall ends , and not for the honour of the lord : and that ver . . they brought into the sanctuary of the lords house uncircumcised in heart , that is , such as were morally uncleane , then had the priests a power to debarre from the sanctuary such as were morally uncleane , and if the priests are said to beare rule by their meanes , ier. . . then the priests did beare rule and governe , though they abused their power , and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to have dominion over any , psal . . . psal . . . kin. . . levit. . . and the scripture gives a power of judging and governing to the priests . and chron. . , . the posts that hezekiah and the congregation of israel sent through the land , commandeth a morall preparation to those that were to keepe the lords passeover , to wit , that they should turne againe unto the lord god of abraham , and should not be like their fathers , nor like their brethren , that trespassed against the lord god of their fathers . and ver . . divers of ashur , and manasseh , and zebulun humblid themselvs , and came to ierusalem to keepe the feast of the passeover . this proveth clearly that people under the old testament were no lesse to try and examine themselves , by the king and priests commandment , carried to them by postes before they should eate the passeover ; then they are to try themselves before they eate and drinke at the lords supper : onely the adversaries say , the priests by preaching were to debarre from the passeover those who were morally unclean , but not to debarre those who were morally uncleane , so they were not typically and ceremonially unclean , by any power of discipline , or by porters set at the gates to keepe them out of the sanctuary . but i answer , . how are the priests ezek. . . reproved for violating the law of god , and prophaning his holy things , in that they put no difference between the holy and prophane , the clean and the unclean ? surely the priests prophaned in the highest way , the holy things of god , in admitting into the sanctuary , those who were not onely ceremonially , but morally uncleane , as murtherers , adulterers , who cryed the temple of the lord , ier. . and they put no difference betweene the holy and prophane , when they admitted to the holy things of god , and into the sanctuary the uncircumcised in heart , for they doe more pollute the holy things of god , who partake of them being morally uncleane , and uncircumcised in heart , then those who are onely uncircumcised in flesh . object . but the church under the new testament can no other way but morally , and by preaching ( as it would seeme ) onely debarre scandalous persons from the seales and prayers of the church ; for should a scandalous person , or an excommunicate person obtrude himselfe on the lords supper , against the will and sentence of the church , the church cannot use any bodily violence to hinder such prophane intrusion upon the holy things of god , because the churches weapons are not carnall but spirituall ; bodily violence can be no spirituall weapon , that the church as the church can use , so do the remonstrant arminians argue , and some other for the congregationall way . ans . this argument is against all church-censures , but though the church as the church cannot hinder scandalous intruders upon the holy things of god , by bodily violence , it doth not follow ; ergo , the church can keep the holy things pure no way , but morally , that is , by preaching only , for we can give a third way : the rebukes , admonitions and excommunication , or delivering to satan are all transacted without any bodily and externnll violence , christs kingdom resigneth all such carnall weapons to the magistrate , who is the only governour of the church of christ , as the opponents say , all church censures are by way of declaration , applied to such men by name ; and there co-action , though penall , is not by bodily violence , but by acting upon the conscience of men and putting them to shame . hence . we argue , if beside the preaching of the word , in which commandments , promises and threatnings are proposed to all in generall ; there be rebukes of the church , the sentencing of such and such persons by name , as hymeneus and philetus , and other blasphemers ; the authoritative declaration , that such a brother is to be esteemed as a heathen and a publican , and brotherly fellowship of eating and drinking with such an one denied , that he may be ashamed , if these be , then are some debarred from the holy things of god , by church-censures , beside the preaching of the word of god. but the former is true ; ergo , so is the latter . the proposition is proved , because all wicked persons and heart-hypocrites are excluded from the holy things of god , by the preaching of the word : but only these that are notoriously , and by testimony of witnesses , convinced to be scandalous or contumacious in atrocious sins , after they are by name rebuked , and are declared to be esteemed as heathen and publicans ; and from whom we are to withdraw brotherly fellowship , are excluded from the holy things of god , by discipline and church censures . the assumption i prove : because the word is preached to all by one in office , and that a steward and dispenser of the mysteries of god , and he excludeth all unworthy ones known to be such , or invisible only , from the kingdom of god. but the censure , . is inflicted by many , cor. . by the church , matth. . . conveened together , cor. . ( . ) it is applied to such persons by name , cor. . . he that hath done such a deed , ver . . hymeneus , alexander , tim. . . jezabel , rev. . . ( ) the whole congregation is not to eat or table with such an one , cor. . . we are to note and observe him , and to have no company with him , that he may b ashamed thes . . . to esteeme him as an heathen and a publican , and exclude him from the seals of the covenant , so long as he remaineth in that state . . arg. if a person may for not hearing the church , be judged as an heathen and a publican , and his sinnes bound in heaven by the church ; then by discipline he is excluded from the holy things of god in a peculiar way , in the which contumacious persons , uncircumcised in heart are excluded , in foro interno dei , in gods secret court ; but the former is true , matt. . . , , . ergo &c. now if there be two courts , one before god , rom. . . rom. . . cor. . . ioh. . . another of the church , mat. . . , &c. cor. . , , , , . and two sorts of bindings , two sorts of witnesses , two sorts of sentences , then can it not be dedenyed but the church hath a spirituall court for censures , as well as for preaching the word . . arg. exclusion of an offender from the societie of the saints , and not to eate or drinke with him , is some other reall visible censure accompanied with shame , then any censure by the preaching of the word ; but there is such a censure inflicted by the church , ergo , the proposition is cleare from rom. . . now i beseech you brethren , marke them that cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which yee learned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and avoid them . here is a reall , visible , and personall note of shame put on schismaticks , a bodily declining and avoiding of their company , which could not possibly be done by preaching of the word . but ( some may say ) this was not done by the church court , but every one as private christians were to eschew the society of schismaticks , and by this you cannot conclude any church censure . answ . not to say that it were unjustice to decline any , and renounce society with him , before he were convinced to be factious according to christs order , mat. . which to erastus is a way of common and naturall equity . and so in order to some publique censure before the church . paul w●i●eth to a constitute church at rome , in which he prescribeth rom. . the officers duty , as what pastor , doctor , elder , deacon , ought to doe in a church body ; we cannot imagine he could command every private christian to inflict the censure and punishment , ( for a punishment it is in order to a publike sin ) of avoiding any in church communion , professing they serve the lord iesus christ , as these doe , verse . upon their owne private opinion : iesus christ and his apostles must have left men loose in all order and discipline by this way , howbeit the adversary would deny a church punishment , here is a punishment inflicted by many , cor. . . and it is not inflicted by way of preaching , so thes . . . if any man obey not our word by this epistle , note that man , have no company with him , that he may be ashamed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the learned is to put a publike church note on him that he may be confounded , make him a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a publike wonder , that he may be ashamed , as piscator and p. baynes observe on the place expounding it of excommunication , and the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is here , is used toward the incestuous man , who was to be excommunicated , cor. . . i wrote unto you in an epistle , not to keepe company with fornicators , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ver . . is ascribed to the incestuous man , and here they are not to be mixed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with fornicators , vers . . but now i have written unto you not to keepe company , if any man that is called a brother , be a fornicator , or covetous , or an idolater , or a railer , or an extortioner , with such a one , no not to eate . and that we may know that this is a church censure , he addeth ver . . for what have i to doe to judge them also that are without ? ergo , this no keeping company with such , is a church judging . . arg. the church of pergamus is rebuked for having amongst them , such as hold the doctrine of balaam , and revel . . . and thyatira , that they suffered iezabel to preach and seduce the servants of god , ver . . as the church of ephesus is praised v. . that they cannot beare with them that are evill , but had tryed such that said they were ▪ apostles , and were not , and had found them liars , rev. . . here is it clearely supposed that these churches were to censure false teachers , if any shall say they were to censure them no other waies , but by preaching against their errors ; . this would establish a prelate above the church contrary to that of mat. . tell the church , and cor. . where the church gathered together was to excommunicate . . the angel of the church is taken collectively , for all the rulers and the whole church to whom christ writeth , as is cleare , in that he saith so often ; he that hath an eare let him heare what the spirit saith to the churches , not to the pastors only . . the removing of the candlestick , is not from the angel but from the church ; and repentance , and the fighting and overcomming , a reward of the crown of life , and many other things are evidently spoken to the churches , not to the angels of the churches . and therefore the tryall of false apostles must be by a church , a court , a colledge of church rulers , as paul speaketh unto , act. . . where it is said , paul called the elders of the church of ephesus , and exhorted them to beware of false teachers , that should not spare the flocke , and should teach perverse things , v. . . . and of this sort were these lying and seducing apostles , now how can one angell or many pastors by preaching onely try false apostles , and finde them lyars ? this trying and sentencing of lying seducers , rev. . . must be by a court , such as we find to be the practise of the apostles and elders at ierusalem , who in a synod act. . did finde these who taught a necessitie of circumcision , to be perverters of soules and liars , saying , they had the apostles authority for what they taught , whereas they had no such thing , and schismatick troublers of the people , acts . see what further i have said for excommunication before , cap. . and sect . . which proveth also the same thing . the church of thyatira would not be rebuked for suffering jezabel to teach , if they had no power of church censures to hinder her ; it is not enough to say that the angel of that church did sufficiently hinder jezabell to teach , when in publike he declared and preached against her false doctrine , and by the same reason pastors exoner their conscience , if they preach that such and such scandalous persons are not to eate and drinke their owne damnation , though they debarre them not in a visible court by name from the lords table , and though they never excommunicate them , and therefore there is not any censure but pastorall rebukes by way of preaching , not any other by way of discipline . ans . the angel of thyatira had not sufficiently hindered jezabel to seduce the servants of god , by only preaching against her false doctrine , in regard that paul and barnabas not only hindred those that teached , that the gentiles ought to be circumcised , act. . cap. . by preaching ; but also had recourse to the power and authority of a synod , that in a synod which is a court essentially consisting of many pastors and elders , they might be declared to be perverters of souls , and liars , as indeed they were judicially declared to be such , act. . . hence i argue ; if the apostles could not be said sufficiently to hinder jezabels and seducers , by only preaching , and disputing against their errors , except in case of their persisting in their errors , they should tell the church convened in a synod , as christs order is , mat. . then the angel of thyatira , or any one pastor do not sufficiently hinder scandals , but may be well said to suffer them by only private rebuking and publick preaching , except they use all these means to hinder iezabels , false teachers , and all scandalous persons , that the apostles used , and therefore the angel of the church of thyatira must be rebuked for not using the authority and power of the church against iezabel . and here by the way , when these false teachers had sinned against their brethren in perverting their souls , they take not the course that erastus dreameth to be taken according to matth. . they complain not to the synedrim , or civill magistrate , who should use the sword against them , but to the church synodically convened at ierusalem , who used against them the spirituall power that christ the head of the church had given them . . arg. if there be an ecclesiasticall debarring of scandalous persons from the holy things of god , especially from the supper of the lord by censures , and not by the preaching of the word only , then there be censures and power of jurisdiction in the word beside preaching of the word . but the former i make good by these following arguments . . arg. if the stewards and dispensers of the mysteries of god , are to cut the word aright as approved workmen , tim. . . and are to give every one their portion of bread according to their need , and measure , matth. . , , . cor. . . . . and must not s●ay the souls which should not die , by denouncing wrath against the righteous , nor save the souls alive that should not live , by lying words , ezec. . . by offering mercy to the wicked and impenitent , then as they should not deny the seals of salvation to believers , hungring and thirsting for christ ; neither should they give the seals of life to those that are walking openly in the way of destruction . but the former is true ; ergo ; so is the latter . the proposition is clear : as the word should not be divided aright , if wrath should be preached to believing saints , and life and salvation offered to the obdurate and wicked , so neither should the stewards cut the seals of the word aright , if the supper were given to wicked men : if they should say , this is the blood of the covenant , shed for the remission of your sins , drink ye all of it : they should save alive those that should die , with lying words ; for the seals speak to the communicant , and apply to him in particular , the very promise that in generall is made to him ; and this will prove as the magistrate being no steward of the word , and not called of god thereunto , as aaron was heb. . . can no more distribute the word and seals to whom he pleaseth , ex officio , then he can preach and administer the sacraments , nor should another man , who is no steward , but a porter or cook , teach , and that by his office how , and to whom the steward should distribute bread : nor is it sufficient , to say , by this one man , not the church , is to debar from the sacraments , for the seals being proper to the church , as the church , he must act here , in , and with the power of the church . . it is another question , whether by the minister , or by the church any ought to be debarred , and whether there be any such censure as debarring from the seals ; and it s another question , by what power , whether by the power of order , or by the power of jurisdiction , ministers may debar the scandalous from the seals ; i conceive by both powers , they may keep the ordinances pure ; and if it belong to the magistrate to debar any more then to preach the word , and by the way of erastus : the magistrate by his office , as he is a magistrate only is deputed of iesus christ to steward the seals to whom he pleaseth : ergo , ( say i ) to cut the word aright to whom he pleaseth , must be his due . . arg. as the dispensers of the word must not partake of other mens sins , tim. . . so neither should they distribute to wicked and scandalous men , such ordinances , as they see shall certainly be judgement and damnation to them , and as maketh the communicants guilty of the body and blood of our lord : now that the stewards communicate with the sins of these manifestly scandalous , to whom they administrate the supper : i prove : . because they that sow pillows under the head of the openly wicked , preaching peace to these who should die , do hunt souls , ezech. . . and partake of their presumption , and they that heal the wound of the people with smooth words , are false dealers , and concurreth to the wound of the people , ier. . , . as the prophet that preacheth lies partaketh of the peoples presumption ; which believe those lies , ier. . , , . . if eve should but reach the fruit of the forbidden tree to adam , and say take and eat , she partakes of adams sin , if the mother give poyson willingly and wittingly to a childe , she killeth her childe , though it be told the childe that it is poyson : the supper to those who knowingly to us , eat unworthily , is forbidden meat , and poyson . . a third argument is , from the nature of holy things . it is not lawfull to give that which is holy to dogs , nor to cast pearles before swine , least they trample them under their feet , matth. . . but the sacraments are holy things , saith erastus , and no man can deny it ; ergo , we are not to give the sacraments to the scandalous and openly prophane . but erastus answereth , that the lord preached the word to pharisees , and the word is a holy thing , and a pearl , and by dogs , and swine , he meaneth open persecutors . they that will seem members of the church , and confesse their fault , and promise amendment , are not such as will trample on the sacraments , and will turn again to tear you : et si quis talis reperiatur hunc ego admittendum minime censeo , for such ( saith he ) are not to be admitted to the sacrament . ans . these holy things , which prophane men and openly scandalous can make no use of , but pollute them to their own destruction , and the abusing of the ordinances , no more then dogs and swine can make use of pearls to feed them , but onely trample on them , are not to be given to the prophane and openly scandalous : but the lords supper is such a thing , being ordained only for those that have saving grace , not for dogs . now the assumption applied to the word , is most false , ( as it is applied to the lords supper , it is most true ) for the word is ordained by speciall command to be preached to dogs and lions , that thereby they may be made isa . . , , , . isa . . . . lambs and converts ; the supper is not a mean of conversion ; and since dogs can make no use of it , but trample it under foot , we are forbidden to give such holy things to them . it is true , they 'll trample the pearl of the word ; but we are commanded to offer the word to all , even while they turn apostates . . if christ commanded the word to be preached to pharisees and saduces ; these were such persecuters as sinned against the holy ghost , dogs in the superlative degree , matth. . , . joh. . , , . joh. . . joh. . . ergo , christ commanded some holy things , the word to be given to dogs ; and yet his precept cannot be obeyed , if we give them the sacrament . . by what doctrine of scripture will erastus have these that trampleth on ordinances , and turn again to tear us , debarred from the supper ? for in his thes . . , , . he holdeth it unlawfull to debar any judas from the supper ; doth he think there be no dogs in the visible church ? peter saith , there be such dogs as have known the way of truth , and turn to their vomit ; and such may promise amendment , confesse their sin , and desire the sacrament . . arg. those who will not hear the church , but doth scandalize , not only their brethren , but also a whole church , and are to be esteemed as heathen and publicans , are not to be admitted to the highest priviledge , and to feast with christ , when the church knoweth they want their wedding garment : but there may be , and are many in the church of this sort ; ergo , such should not be admitted : for the major , i set down the words of erastus granting it . the assumption , both scripture and experience proveth ; for there be in the visible church , dogs , persecuters , jezabels , as there be many called , and few chosen . . arg. if the incestuous man must be cast out , lest he leaven the church , then can he not be admitted to communicate with the church , in that which is the highest seal of christs love ; but the incestuous man must be cast out , lest he leaven the whole church , cor. . , , &c. ergo , the proposition is clear , because none can be put out of the church , but they must be separated from the table of the children of the church ; the assumption is cor. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put him out , ver . . purge him out . now the church hath no power by bodily violence to attempt a locall separating of him in person from them , as they are men , though they may separate themselves from him ; then it must be a declarative casting of him out , as unworthy to communicate with the church in such holy ordinances , as distinguisheth the church from other societies , and these be the seals of the covenant . . we are not to suffer sin in any , levit. . . rev. . . but to hinder it so far as we can according to our vocation , sam. . . as the priests hindred vzziah to sacrafice , chron. . , , . and must pull them out of the fire , jude ver . . as the law of nature would teach the mother , not only , not to co-operate with her sonne attempting to kill himself ; but to hinder and stop him by pulling a knife or sword out of his hand , when he is about to destroy himself ; if so , then ought not the church and her officers to co-operate so far with those who do eat and drink their own damnation , as to exhibite and give to such the seals of the covenant , to pray that these seals may be blessed to scandalons ones , which is to pray directly contrary to the revealed will of god in his word , and against that which the faithfull pastors and paul preacheth , that every one should try and examine themselves , and so eat and drink : now a reall and physicall co-operating of the church , with such manifest impiety , must then be the churches suffering of sin in a brother , or not hindring him ●o eat his own damnation ; if the lord have committed a power of dispensing the seals to christians , not to pagans and turks : let erastus show any precept or practise , why we might not admit jews , turks , indians , though never baptized , to eat and drink the lords body and blood , ( we are to preach the gospel to them , if they were amongst us ) except that such as are to communicate according to the will of christ , are christians , members of the church , who doth try and examine themselves ; and jews and turks though dwelling and born amongst us are not such , yet erastus would that such should never be admitted to the lords supper , though they should desire it : officers also have a command not to dispense some parts of the word to all , as we are not to rebuke open scorners : should any of our church turn iew and blaspheme christ , and pertinaciously after conviction persist in his apostacy ; might not erastus aske by what command of christ will ye not preach the gospel to such an one ? christ made no exception , but said , preach to all nations , why do you make exceptions ? might we not answer , christ hath given a power of dispensing the gospel to all ; yet hath he excepted some , because it s against the will of christ that such can obey the gospel : we are bidden pray for all , yet are there some that we are not to pray for , because they sin unto death : so is the case here in some kinde . . it is for our instruction that the priests were rebuked , for that they admitted into the sanctuary the uncircumcised in flesh and heart , that they put no difference betweene the cleane and the uncleane , and prophaned the holy things of god , ezek. . . ezek. . . hag. . , , . and this was a shadow of things to come , as was observed before , teaching us , that farre lesse should the pastors of the new testament suffer the holy things of god to be prophaned . . we read that iohn baptist and the apostles baptized none but such as confessed their sinnes , and professed ●aith in iesus christ , it would then appeare to be the will of christ , that every one should not be admitted to the lords supper , though some say , the apostles baptized single persons not in church communion , so that pastors administer the sacraments by reason of the power of order , as they are pastors , not by power of jurisdiction , as having warrant from any church , in regard churches at the beginning had the word and sacraments before they had any church government , yet i conceive the lords supper is a seale of a church-communion , cor. . . . and the like i say of baptisme typed by noahs arke , pet. . , , &c. and though the apostles , partly by priviledge , partly through necessitie , the parts existing before the whole , were necessitated first to baptize , and then to plant churches , yet the churches being once constitute , these are ▪ church priviledges to be dispensed both by the power of order , and the power of jurisdiction . chap. vi. quest . . some speciall reasons of thomas erastus against excommunication , examined . thomas erastus a physitian , who medled not much with divinity , save in this , in which he was unsound , in his reply to beza laboureth to make excommunication a dreame , and nothing but a device of pastors affecting domination . . object . onely pet●r killed ananias ; onely paul excommunicated alexander and hymeneus , onely paul said he would come to the corinthians with the rod , and for a long time onely bishops excommunicated , presbyters gave advise onely . ergo ▪ this power is not in the church . ans . ▪ the consequence is naught , christ said only to his disciples in person , go teach and baptize , is it a good consequence therefore , that none hath power to teach and baptize , but only the apostles ? only paul exhorted the corinthians , to mourn for the incestuou● mans fall , therefore no pastors have power to exhort in the like kinde . . we grant the apostles did many things out of their apostolick power , which in a constitute church , the church onely may doe , as paul his alone disputed against circumcision of the gentiles , act. . . what ? ergo , paul in a synod , and a synod hath not power to dispute and determine the same , the contrary is evident , act. . , , . . it is false that the authority and rod , with which paul said he would come to the coriuthians , cor. . . was proper only to paul an apostle , the same he giveth to timothy , and to all the elders . . if bishops exercised the same power for many ages , erastus must shew us bishops who could kill miraculously , such as ananias and elimas , and work miracles ; now beside that , erastus must with his new opinion , hold up a new creature called a prelate , unknown to the apostles or ierome and the fathers , he must parallel bishops for working of miracles to paul and the apostles . obj. . the apostles declared many to be excluded out of the kingdom of heaven , and so bound in heaven whom they did not excommunicate from the sacraments , so also do the ministers daily , and yet christ in his word commanded not those to be debarred from the lords supper . ans . it is very true , the apostles and pastors of christ that now are , denounce eternall wrath , and that authoritatively against those that are invisibly to men heart-hypocrites , who yet before the church ( who know not the heart ) go for saints , and are neither excluded from sacraments , nor so much as rebuked . but it is a vain collection , that therefore externally scandalous are not to be debarred from the supper , and excommunicated : the prophets , cor. . did preach that heathens remaining heathens were excluded out of the kingdom of god ; yet heathens cannot be excommunicated ; and yet ( i hope ) erastus dare not deny , but christ hath forbidden , that heathen remaining heathen be admitted to the sacraments : though i dare provoke any erastian , and attest them by their new doctrine , to shew me a warrant from christs testament , why the church should refuse the seals to a turke ; they will say , a turk is not willing to receive , and therefore the seals may be denied to him , and yet cannot be denied to a member of the church though scandalous , if he desire it , and professe repentance . but i answer , though a turk be unwilling to receive the seals ; what if he should be willing , and require to be baptized , yet remaining ignorant of christ and the gospel we should not baptize him : now by the doctrine of erastus , we have no more re warrant to deny the seals to him , then to deny them to judas ; we desire a scripture from the adversary , which will not conclude with equall strength of reason against the giving of the seals to any scandalous member of the church ; it is true , a turk ignorant of christ , though he should desire the seals is uncapable , and he is unwilling vertually , in regard he as yet refuseth the knowledge of the gospel , and so is the scandalous professor no lesse uncapable ( though we may grant degrees of incapacity ) for he is vertually unwilling to receive christ in regard he is unwilling to part with his idol-sins : . though a turk should be unwilling ( as its like enough he will be ) yet we desire a scripture , why we cannot make offer of the sacraments to a turk , and yet we may preach the gospel and make offer of christ in the word to him , cor. . . and this scripture shall also conclude , we are not to admit scandalous persons to the sacraments , being both uncapable of them , as also because they can but trample on these pearls , , no lesse then the turk should do ; the argument then is just nothing : we exclude many from the kingdom of heaven , whom we do not excommunicate on earth ; but he should say , we excommunicate many , whom we do not exclude out of heaven . erastus . these two are not one , to declare a person hatefull in heaven to god , and to be cast out of the visible church ; for if they be both one , then one private pastor may excommunicate , for he may declare from gods word , that an offender is excluded out of heaven : hath not the word of god in the mouth of one as much authority and power as out of the mouth of many ? the authority of the word dependeth not on a multitude , also why should this be as good a consequence ( god judgeth not this man worthy of the kingdom of god ; ergo , he is to be cast out of the visible church ) as this ( god judgeth not this man worthy of life eternall : ergo , god will not have him to live in this temporall life ) are we ignorant that god esteemeth many not worthy of life eternall , to whom he hath given power to cast out devils in his name ? matth. . ans . all this is but with carnall reason to speak against the wayes of god ; for . not every denouncing of a sinner unworthy of heaven is excommunication : so iudas might have excommunicated himself , and when one pastor declareth an offender unworthy of heaven ; he is not formally excommunicated out of the visible church ; he is cast out of the invisible church : but that is not excommunication , except it be done for a publick scandall that offendeth the church : . except it be done by the visible church . . according to the rule of christ , matth. . . that he may be ashamed , and repent and be saved : gods binding of the offender in heaven , is a part of excommunication , but not all , nor the very same with excommunication . . the churches casting out for christs institutions cause , is of more authority then the conscionall casting out performed by one pastor , and yet the conscional casting out by one , insuo genere is as valid as the other , subordinata non pugnant . . we are not to take our compasse and rule of gods waies by his outward dispensation , but the revealed will of christ is our rule , god thinketh those who walketh inordinately , and causeth divisions , not worthie of the christian society of the saints ; and must binde them in heaven to that censure , in regard he expresly so commandeth in his word , rom. , . . thes . . , . cor. . . yet he thinketh them worthy of salvation , and may give repentance and iesus christ to many of these ; he may deny salvation to the wicked , and upon that feed them to the day of slaughter , dare flesh and blood quarrell this consequence ? god hath appointed the wicked for the day of wrath . ergo , he giveth them more of this life then heart can wish . this consequence dependeth on the meer dispensation of god , nor is this our consequence . god judgeth such unworthy of heaven ; ergo , they must be cast out of the visible church , we never made excōmunication a necessary consequent of the lords judging men unworthy of heaven , for then all these that god judgeth unworthy of life eternall should be excommunicated , and only these , which is false ; for god may judge some worthy of life eternall in christ , and yet they are to be excommunicated , if they refuse to hear the church , as many regenerate may go that sar in scandalous obstinacy , and many whom god judges unworthy of life eternall , may so belie a profession , as they deserve not to be excommunicated , and both these may fall out , and do fall out according to the revealed will of christ . erastus . objecteth . excommunication must exclude men from only the externall society of the church , for he only can joyne us to christ , or separate us from internall and spirituall society of christ , who can beget lively faith in us , and extinguish lively faith when it is begotten , for by faith only we are made living members of christs body , and by only infidelity we leave off to be members of his bodie : but no church , no creatures can either beget lively faith in us , or extinguish it in us : or thus , men can neither give to us , nor take from us salvation , therefore excommunication should not be defined by cutting men off from salvation . ans . this is the only argument of erastus , that seemeth to bear weight ; but it is false and groundlesse , it supposeth the false principle that erastus goeth on , that excommunication is a reall separation of a member from christs invisible and mysticall body , and that the excommunicated person who may be an invisible member of christ , and regenerated , may be an apostate , and fall from christ , and leave off to be a member . the contrary of which all our protestant divines teach against papists ; whereas , excommunication is only a declarative ; but withall , an authoritative act or sentence of the church , and no reall cutting off of a believer from christ : but you will say , it presupposeth a cutting off in heaven from christ ; and therefore the excommunicated person is declared to be cut off . let me answer , i conceive excommunication hath neither election nor reprobation , regeneration or non-regeneration , for its object , or terminus , but only it cutteth a contumacious person off from the visible church on earth , and from the head christ in heaven , not in regard of his state of regeneration , as if christ ratifying the sentence in heaven , did cut him off so much as conditionally from being a member of his body : no , but in regard of the second acts of the life of god , and the sweet efficacy and operation of the spirit , by which the ordinances are lesse lively , lesse operative , and lesse vigorous , the man being as the learned and reverend mr. cotton saith , as a palsie member , in which life remaineth , but a little withered and blunted , and he in satans power to ve● his spirit , and therefore i grant all , to wit , that excommunication is not a reall separating of a member from christs body , only unbelief doth that ; but it followeth not , ergo , it is a separation only from the externall society of the church : for . this externall cutting off , is ratified in heaven : and . christ hath ratified it by a real internal suspension of the influence of his spirit in heaven : but i deny that this universall doth follow from christs binding in heaven , that whomever god judgeth unworthy of heaven , all these are to be cast out of the church ; he cannot prove this consequence from our grounds . erastus argueth thus : if god dam any as a sinner in heaven , he will have the elders to cast him out of the church visible in earth , so they know him to be such ; yet this is not sure . ans . it is most sure , so all the church know him ( elders only iudicially excommunicate , the people also by consent , and by execution of the sentence , and avoiding the offender ) and if it be iudicially proved , the church is to excommunicate . but . he must not be without the church , cor. . . though the church know turks and pagans , and those who live without christ , to be damned in heaven ; yet they excommunicate them not , for they are without the church , cor. . . and yet damned , act. . . . they may know many unregenerated , ioh. . . yet they cannot excommunicate them for non-regeneration , or non ▪ election to glory , which they cannot know judicially , except they be externally scandalous , matth. . . cor. . . . erastus , by preaching , drunkards are excluded out of heaven , and god declareth by the preaching of the word , that they are not of the faithfull on earth ; but you cannot prove these four from scripture . . that god hath commanded to cast them out of the church , whom he hath judged unworthy of life eternall . . that they should not be admitted to the sacrament , who have polluted themselves with some sin , though they say they repent , except it please the elders . . that it is gods will that they ●e debarred from the sacrament , by the voyces of a court of elders . . that god hath commanded such a court of elders under a christian magistrate , who should have a power of jurisdiction , different from the power of the magistrate . ans . . declaring by preaching , that a drunkard is not of the number of the faithfull in the visible church , is materially excommunication : this erastus saith , we want only a court of elders : but how proveth he that one pastor should cast out of the church by preaching , all those that god judgeth unworthy of life eternall . erastus saith , a presbytery cannot do this : . because the heart is known to god only , pag. . and doth one single pastor know the heart , and a senate of pastors knoweth it not ? . must pastors know the heart , which god only knoweth , chron. , . ier. . . otherwise they cannot judicially excommunicate , and one pastor may by way of preaching , excommunicate , and yet he knoweth not the heart . . for the first of his four , we need not prove it , we assert it not . . though a turk or an apostate should say that he repents , yet he lyes ; and erastus saith , l. . cap. . pag. . hunc ego minime admittendum censeo . i think such a one is not to be admitted to the sacrament . . what christ saith , matth. . we take to be gods will. . if there were no christian magistrate , belike a church-court might excommunicate ; and shall the magistrate , because christian , spoil the church of the power she had while she wanted a magistrate ? . the power of excommunicating , and binding and loosing in earth and heaven , must then be principally in the magistrate : and who gave the keys of the kingdom of heaven to the magistrate ? erastus . if excommunication be a cutting off from salvation : then all who are excommunicated must perish ; but many excommunicated persons are saved , many relaxed are condemned . ans . we define not so excommunication : nor did beza put mens salvation in hazard , because they are excommunicated so they repent , if their sins be retained in heaven , and they never repent . let erastus see how they shall be saved . . those against whom one pastor denounceth the just deserved wrath of god , are conscionally cut off from salvation : but many of those are saved . let erastus answer this himself . erastus . he only can cast out of the church who seeth the heart ; but men , or the church , seeth not the heart ; ergo , men can do no more but debar from the sacraments : it is not enough to say , that whom they cast out , as the ambassadors of god in the name of christ , declaring those to be bound on earth , whom christ hath bound in heaven are excommunicated : for the argument is not , whether pastors may pro●ounce on earth , that which god hath ratified in heav●n ; but whether they may so cast out of the church , as they may cut men off from salvation ; and whether one pastor may not do this , no lesse then a presbytery . an● . so i may argue a prophet cannot warn a wicked man , that he shall dye eternally ▪ because a prophet in ordinary , knoweth not the heart more then a senate of prophets , yet are all prophets to exclude from salvation , wicked and impenitent men , but conditionally , so they repent not , in which god goeth before them , ezech. . , , . cap. . , . act. . . nor are we to doubt , but all prophets to the end of the world must do the same . . if men debar from the sacraments , as having warrant from christ , they do also exclude men from christ and salvation offered in the word ; and is there not need that pastors see the heart , if they exclude men from christ and salvation in the word and seals , as from salvation simply ? and how can men know binding in heaven , more then the hearts of men on earth ? the one is as far from our intuitive knowledge , as the other , except that we know both by fruits and effects ; otherwise , this is but a popish argument , if the church do binde on earth , as god bindeth in heaven , say stapleton , becanus , suarez , and other papists ; then must the church be infallible in judgement : but we deny the consequence in the one , as in the other . . it is that which offendeth erastus , . that a senate , not one man doth this . . that the christian magistrate doth it not : but i pray you , doth one pastor , or the christian magistrate know the heart ; but a presbytery cannot do it , because a presbytery knoweth not the heart : is not this too partiall logick ? erastus . many excommunicated persons have repented in the end of their life , and dyed devoutly ; then he who is cast out of the visible society of the church , is not cast out of the internall and spirituall society of christ . ans . this is as much against christs words , as against us ; may not many whose sins are bound in heaven , and against whom the pastors denounce exclusion out of heaven , repent in the end of their life , and die devoutly ? ergo , the very threatnings of the gospel must be wind ▪ and by these , none are excluded from heaven . . excommunication is but a conditionall excluding out of heaven ▪ if men repent , the condition not being placed , nihil ponitur in esse , they are saved ; though it may fall out that they want the externall relaxation of the church , not through their own fault , but by some externall providence insuperable to them . but it is to beg the question , to say , those that are justly excommuniated , and seek not to be reconciled to the church , do repent and die devoutly . beza saith , pastors should give food to the hungry sheep , though they know not the moment when they do repent . erastus replyeth , then give word and sacraments to those who seek them . ans . this is more charity then the scripture knoweth , belike erastus will have all those that seek god daily , and delight to know his wayes , and ask for the ordinances of iustice , and take delight in approaching to god , to be all hungry souls , hungring for righteousnesse , and so blessed , matth. . . luk. . . isa . . . whereas isaiah saith , they may do all that , and be but plaistred hypocrites , isa . . , , , , , . erastus . but if the excommunicated man repent , whether soon or late , he was never cut off from inward communion with christ , for then the elect might perish ; if david and manasseh had been excommunicate , and died , they had been saved , except we deny the perseverance of the saints . ans . erastus evidenceth , he hath little skill in divinity , he thinks a regenerate man not capable of excommunication , why ? and the sad falls of david , peter and others prove , they may fall in as great sins , as not hearing of the church . if one repent in his death , as the repenting theef , will that infer he was never all his life separated from christ ? the contrary is true and cleare in the ephes . . ● , , . tit. . . ● tim. . , , . . this is as strong ( as it is weake as water ) against all the threatnings denounced against such sinners as the lord gisteth with repentance , for excommunication to the regenerated is a sort of evangelick conditionall threatning . erastus . to give internall communion with christ is a spirituall thing , ergo , the church cannot take it from any , and that same power that giveth , taketh away , then the presbytery cannot by loosing , give salvation , nor by binding , take it away . excommunication on earth is nothing , except god binde first in heaven , then it is but a declaration of what god doth , to shew the sentence that another judge hath given out , is not to judge ; there is a difference between those that by authority give out a sentence , and those who as servants doth promulgate the sentence . so luther tom . german . . fol. . excommunicare non est , ut quidam opinantur , animam satanae tradere , & precum fructu à piis factarum spoliare . nam ubi vera fides & charîtas in corde remanent , etiam vera communio dei , & precum christianitatis fructus permanent , postquam aliud est excommunicatio , nec fieri aliud potest , quam privatio externi sacramenti , ac commercii cum hominibus ac si in custodiam traditus externâ amicorum consuetudine priver , amore & favore eorum interea non spolier . ans . this is but the old argument of erastus , repeated almost a hundred times to please the people . we never taught that either presbytery or minister can give , or take away inward communion with god. but hence it will not follow , that excommunication is an empty thing , for all we doe is but , a ministery , christ doth make the whole gospel , promises , threatning , sacraments , effectuall , else , what is paul ? what is apollo ? but the ministers by whom ye beleeve ? and what is the planting of paul , or the watering of apollo , except god give the increase ? if this anull excommunication , because excommunicators are not properly judges , but onely servants and heralds to declare what christ doth in heaven , then may erastus prove that the word , promises , threatnings of the gospel ; the apostles , evangelists , pastors , teachers are nothing , for all of themselves are meere declarations of gods will. . those who excommunicate because they judge not , but declare the will of christ , they are not for that void of all authority , for their declaration is authoritative . what did ieremiah but declare gods will , yet it is such a propheticall and authoritative declaration , as i conceive baruch or any other not sent as a prophet of god , could not beare that which god putteth on ieremiah , c. . . see , i have this day set thee over the nations , and over the kingdomes to root out , and to pull downe , to destroy , and to pull downe , to build and to plant : hath ieremiah no propheticall authority over the nations and kingdomes to whom he prophesieth in the name of the lord , to build and destroy , to root out , and to plant , because he declareth and prophesieth , that such nations shall be destroyed and rooted out for their wickednes , and such shall be builded and planted ? then meer declaration saith nothing against excommunication ; paul , saith he , and the rest of the apostles were nothing but ministers , cor. . . and yet authoritie they had , else he could not say , cor. ● . . we have in readinesse vengeance against all disobedience , verse . for though i should boast somewhat more of our authority , &c. i should not be ashamed , and cor. . . now then we are ambassadors for christ , but i pray you cor. . . are all apostles ? are all prophets ? are all teachers ? . what luther saith is true , excommunication can put none out of the state of saving faith and inward communion with god , nor doth deprive men of the fruit of the prayers of the godly , for the godly pray that excommunication may be medicine effectually blessed of god , for the saving of the mans soul , yea , gods not hearing of the prayers of the godly , praying in a church way , that he may be humbled , is a mean to humble the cast out man , nor is the man delivered to satan morally to be hardned ; but judicially and withall medicinally to be softned , that his spirit may be saved . nor is the church to hate him , but to admonish him as a brother , thes . . . and he is so deprived of the externall society and meanes , as the operation of the ordinances is suspended . erastus . if any should die in their typicall uncleannesse , were they so excommunicated , that their salvation was in hazard ? ans . not , so they repented : what then ? ergo , excommunication was not ratified in heaven , it followeth not . erastus . beza saith , those that were morally polluted with hainous sins , were more unclean then those who were typically only unclean : ergo , they should be far rather excluded from the holy things of god. erastus answers , if god had commanded them to be punished with the same punishment , and not with diverse ; it would follow , that those that are morally impure , should rather be debarred then the other . ans . but the ceremoniall uncleannesse was punished so to signifie gods detestation of morall uncleannesse , and how hatefull they were , who would multiply sacrifices , and yet had hands full of blood , esa . . and who would steal , murther , whore , and yet come and stand before god in his house , and cry , the temple of the lord are these , ier. . . and that god punished the one with heavier plagues then the other , is much for us , that adulterers far more and the uncircumcised in heart were to be holden out of the sanctuary , as the lord saith , ezech. . , , . then those who were only uncircumcised in flesh . erastus . those that morally sinned , were not debarred from the holie things , because they were invited to come and offer sacrifice for their sins . ans . and because they might not enter into the temple , while the priests offered a sacrifice for them , they were no lesse excluded from the holy things of god , then an excommunicated person is , while the church see him swallowed up of grief , and do relaxe and forgive , cor. . , , , . is this a good argument ? the excommunicate person is invited to come again , that the church may pardon , then it will follow he was cast out . erastus . paul forbiddeth to eat with fornicators , cor. . it shall never follow that they are worthie of holy convention that are worthy of a common table , and that they are unvvorthy of the supper , who are unworthie of a common table , they vvere debarred from a familiar communion with the godlie : . that they might be ashamed : . least they should infect them ; paul saith , be not mixed vvith them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but he saith not , exclude them from the lords table , and other holy things : in the sacrament i must try my self , not others ; in my familiar tabling with others , i am to try them , that i may gain them ; yea , thes . . though we are to eschew familiar conversing with those that walk unorderly , yet are we to keep communion in holy things with them , and to admonish them as brethren . ans . erastus propounds an argument of his own , cor. . in place of ours ; we said never that they that are unworthy of the holy supper , are unworthy to be tabled with in common familiarity , as brethren , though that be most true : but we reason thus , those that are to be delivered to satan , and cast out , as , cor. . , . of the church , and judged , ver . . and with whom we may not eat , ver . . these are not to be admitted to the lords supper , which is the proper feast of the church : but such are all incestuous and scandalous persons , and therefore paul doth indeed command them to be excluded from the holy feast . . to say the church and her officers must try themselves , not others , ere they come to the lords supper , is to beg the question , for ere they be admitted into the sanctuary , they are to be tried , whither they be uncircumcised in heart and flesh , or not , ezek. . , , . ezek. . . as we have proved . . paul not only useth a passive verb , be not mixed with them , but cor. . . he useth four active words , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 purge him out . . v. . he willeth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to judge him ▪ . he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , put away that evil one . hence i argue , the men whom they convened together were to judge , to deliver to satan , to purge out , to put away 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the midst of them , ver . . or from amongst them , v. . this man they did authoritatively either put from amongst them , as they were christians , from their common table , or out of their fellowship , as they were men , to kill him , or . out of their church-communion , that they should not keep the feast of the lords supper with them : let erastus give a fourth : now we cannot dream of the first two : for . would the apostle command a church-meeting , to interdict a man of tabling with them in common eating and drinking ? what needeth a church-court , for they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they did this ? and what needed a judging court for this ? for , not to eat with him , was no censure of the church , as erastus saith . . it is no grammar , nor can it bear sense , that the corinthians could say , we corinthians gathered together in the name and power of the lord iesus , do cast out such a one out of the midst of us , that is , from our common-table , this would say , they had all one common table ; and that all the church of corinth met at this time to some feast , to cast him out of their love-feasts ; a dream no man ever conceived . . the text speaketh of eating in their houses : could they cast the man out of his own house , and from his own table ? they had no power so to do . but ye will say , they might forbid any brother to go into this mans house to his table : true , but this was not to put the man out of the midst of them , as paul saith . nor fourthly , was pauls spirit , and the name and power of the lord iesus required for eschewing of a common table with this man. erastus saith , paul commanded this , rom. . . thes . . , . to all and every beleever at rome , and thessalonica by themselves . nor . were they to kill him : never did a church conveen to kill a man. this is so insolent that erastus must give precept for it , or a practise beside the present case : therefore here must be some church out-casting . . though paul will have us admonish a cast out man as a brother , thes . . it s private admonition that i owe to all men , lev. . . and that one woman is to performe to another , col. . . but not any of the holy things of the sanctuary . erastus . the iews accused paul of nothing , but that they lied that he brought greeks into the temple . the law bad all the clean eat the passeover , and excepteth none for their wickednesse , christ admitted iudas to the passeover , and said , drink ye all of this . paul reciteth a catologue of wicked men in corinth , cor. . with whom we are not to have private dealing , but he commandeth never to exclude any who are willing to come , from the lords supper : we are to trie our selves , not one another , nor is it a sin to eat at the lords table with wicked men . ans . belike it was a crime then to bring the greeks into the temple : . it is a begging of the question to say , all were admitted to the passeover : see how this is before answered . . christ admitted iudas into the passeover ; what then ? may timothie lay hands suddenly on all he knows to be iudases , that they come in and lap the blood of souls ? contrary to tim. . christ is above the law , and if his practise in this were the rule , because christ admitted iudas whom he knew to be a traitor , and did eat ordinarily at table with him , and committed the flock to such a known wolfe . we are also to eat with covetous extortioners , which paul forbiddeth , cor. . . and we are to commit the flock of god to known wolves , where we have a precept on the contrary , tim. . . christ would rather teach that we are to admit to the seals all not ignorant and scandalous , and not be too curious in striking up a window in the conscience of others : . pauls practise at corinth is but a negative ex particulari , and not concludent : the heathen came to hear the word at corinth , cor. . . and paul doth no where command the heathen should be excluded from the sacraments : will erastus then have them admitted ? . when paul saith , that unworthy communicants were guilty of the lords body and blood , and required fidelity in the stewards , cor. . he taketh for confessed , scandalous persons should not be admitted by the church ; its true , the sin of others who communicate unworthily , is not the sin of another fellow-communicant , who hath not authority to debar his fellow-communicant . erastus . the scripture debarred no iews of old , neither from sacrifices , nor other sacraments , but commandeth that all the male children , iews or strangers , that were not legally unclean , nor from their homes , should thrice a year appear before the lord in ierusalem , for to partake of the holy things of god ; ergo , none were excommunicated from the holy things of god , for morall wickednesse . ans . erastus counteth this an argument that cannot be answered ; but it answers it self to me : and erastus proposeth a law that is catholick to all the males ; yet he maketh it not catholick himself , but propoundeth a number of males that are excepted , as he excepteth those that were legally unclean , those that are from home : and yet , deut. . . exod. . . exod. . . in the letter of the law , there is no such exception as erastus maketh : i hope if he make an exception , so may we , according to the word of god. though we should give , but not grant , that there was no excommunica●ion amongst the iews , but only for ceremoniall uncleannesse ; yet it proveth not , there is no excommunication in the christian church , but the contrary ; for if for touching the dead by gods law , men were separated from the holy things ; in that church , far more , for morall uncleannesse , are men to be separated from the holy things of god under the new testament , for undeniably ceremoniall separation signified and typed out morall separation , col. . . . what ground erastus hath to except those that were ceremonially unclean , and so as uncircumcised in flesh , that they were not to appeare before the lord , ( let him shew the letter of scripture for it , ) the same ground have we to shew that the uncircumcised in heart are not to appeare before the lord , ezek. . , , . ezek. . . nor shall i thinke god would both command all the male without exception , to compeare before him thrice a yeare , whether they were adulterers , theeves , murtherers , idolaters , or not such : but truly sanctified and holy ; and that he would expresly rebuke the males that were adulterers , theeves , murtherers , idolaters , because they compeared for him in his house , ier. . , , . so then as he commandeth the the males to compeare , except they be legally uncleane , or lepers , and would rebuke them , if they should appeare before him being ceremonially unclean ; and therefore in that case god would have them not to come . so also , if they should be morally unclean , he would have them not to come , that is , it is not their sin , that they appeare before the lord , quoad substantiam actus , but their obedience , but it is their sinne that they appeare ●ali m●do , in their unrepented guiltinesse , yet is it the sinne of the priests in not differencing betweene the cleane and the uncleane , that they suffer them to come tali modo , that as swine they pollute the holy things of god , to the male it is their sinne , that they come so , and so guilty ; and that they come not , it is their sinne , but to the priests it is their sinne , that they admit the uncleane , and cast pearles to dogs . but as god would not rebuke unworthy eaters at the lords table , cor. . if they might eate unworthily by gods law , so neither would he rebuke theeves and murtherers for appearing before him in his temple , if they ought not , by law , not to appeare in that state . no doubt ( saith erastus ) pag. . there were many wicked persons in the time of ioshua , iudges , and the kings , in such a multitude , yet they were bidden all to compeare before the lord , and none are excepted for their wickednesse , and it is certaine god would not both bid them compeare and not compeare . ans . all that sinned in israel were bidden offer sacrifice , yet those who are wicked , as sodom , are expresly debarred from sacrifices , except they were morally clean , esai . . . bring me no more vaine oblation , incense is an abomination unto me , — wash you , make you cleane . so say i here , god said expresly , ier. . , . except you be washed from your lying , stealing , come not before me to stand in my house , to prophane my holy name . ergo , the morally unclean are excommunicated from those holy things , so all the wicked by the same reason were forbidden , they remaining in their wickednes , without repentance , to eate the passeover , yea , to take the name of god in their mouth , psal . . , . to sacrifice , esai . . . to touch the altar of god , except their hands were washed in innocency , psal . . . and the priests had the charge of the house of god , to put difference betweene the cleane , and the uncleane , and the priests are said to violate the holy things of god , if the wicked as well as the ceremonially unclean were not debarred , hag. . , . ezek. . , . ezek. . , , . and certainly , the males that were leapers were expresly excepted , and forbidden to come in the congregation of gods people , as is before proved . erastus . the pharisees and sadduces debarred none from the sacraments for their wicked life . ans . what ? will erastus make the pharisees practise our rule , they killed the lord of glory , and then eat the passeover with bloody hearts and hands : is such a practise our rule ? erastus . iohn baptist refused baptisme to none willing to bee baptized , and referred the inward baptisme , by the spirit and fire to iesus christ . ans . iohn baptized those who confessed their sinnes , and professed their repentance ; and the like we crave of those that are admitted to the other sacrament . and the instance of iohn or an apostles baptizing , cannot warrant the baptizing of all murtherers , idolatrous persons , or the wickedst living , as erastus saith , and the vildest on earth , if they should but desire baptisme , and give no confession of their faith , nor profession of their repentance . erastus . christ who rebuked many abuses , and cast the buyers and sellers out of the temple , would have rebuked the pollution of the sacraments also ; but that he never did : and christ said that peter should forgive his offending brother often in one day , if he but say , it repenteth me : and he saith , this transaction shall be ratified in heaven . will you be more cruell then god ? do not we often lie to god in our confession to god ? he meaneth well , who desires to come to the supper : be not iudges of mens conscience . ans . christ commanding not to cast pearls to swine , and scourging out those that polluted that temple that was a type of his body , doth argue clearly , that the holy things of god should not be prophaned : but that christ rebuked all abuses in the worship of god , in particular , erastus cannot say . . it is one thing to forgive our brother , by putting away private grudge , and a church-pardoning in the name of christ is another ; in the former sense we are to forgive our enemy , though he repent not , mat. . . , . rom. . , . luk. . . but this forgivenesse , luk. . is not said to be ratified in heaven ; for god doth not alway forgive when we forgive , god doth forgive when the sinner repenteth . erastus will have a lying confession ratified in heaven . . when the church in christs name forgiveth not upon words and lies ; but upon visible testimonies of repentance , they are no more iudges of the heart , then isaiah when he said , except ye believe , ye shall not be established : and paul when he said to the jaylor ▪ believe and thou shalt be saved : for without more then lying words of mouth , yea , without true lively faith ; neither could the one be established , nor the other saved . erastus . when paul dehorteth the corinthians to eat things sacrificed to idols , in the idols temple , because they could not be partakers of the table of the lord , and of the table of devils ; he bids them not forsake the supper of the lord , but only not to go to the feast of idols ; because the supper , and these tables of devils are inconsistant ; therefore he saith , i will not have you to have fellowship with devils ; but he saith not , i will not have you to come to the supper of the lord ; nor deth he bid them approve their repentance ●re they come to some ( i know not what ) presbyters . and in this place he speaketh of an externall communion , as the purpose and words prove ; because he speaketh of israel according to the flesh . . because those that eat things sacrificed to idols , were perswaded there was no difference between those meats , and other meats . ans . erastus his argument is this , being reduced to form ; is , if paul say not , cor. . i will not have you come to the lords supper ; but only , i will not have you to have fellowship with the devil in his table ; then he will have none debarred by the elders from the lords supper : but the latter is true . i deny the proposition , it is a connexion , that one who taketh on him to refute such a precious and eminent divine as theod. beza , may be ashamed of ; and yet his book from head to foot standeth most upon a negative argument from some particular place of scripture ; for he speaketh nothing of the power of elders , to keep the holy things of god pure . what if he should say , moses in the first of genesis saith not , i will not have you not to come to the lords supper ; ergo , there is no authoritative debarring of men from the lords supper : such sandy consequences no learned divines would ever dream of : . beza , nor any of our divines never dreamed that god in the old or new testament said , nolo vos ad mensam domini ( ad sacramenta ) venire , which are the words of erastus ; so his conclusion cometh not near the controversie ▪ iews and gentiles are invited , and commanded to come to christ , and so to all the ordinances and sacraments , but i hope this will not infer that all should come to the sacraments hand over head , and whether they be clean or unclean , circumcised or baptized , or not circumcised , not baptized . god commanded aarons sons to serve in the sanctuary , and appear before him in their charge : what , ergo , it is not gods will , that they come not to the sanctuary , and before him unwashed ; and with strange fire , and without their holy garments ▪ this is the very consequence of erastus : our question i conceive is , whither all must be admitted promiscuously , and whether even those that come immediatly from the devils table , without any preparation known to the church , should be set at christs elbow to eat the lords body and blood ? erastus saith , paul never said , nolo vos ad mensam domini venire ; then because two negatives make one affirmative , paul must say , i will that all that are partakers of the table of the devil , come and be partakers of the lords body : but the conclusion is contradicent to erastus himself , who faith right down : i judge , that he , vvho vvill but trample the sacraments , should not be admitted unto them , and to paul , cor. . , &c. . erastus confoundeth two questions ; one is , whither all should be admitted to the lords supper : ( erastus saith , every where in his book none are to be debarred ; ) & another by whom are they to be admitted or debarred ? by the civill magistrates , saith erastus ; by the stew●rds and officers of the house of god , the rest of the church consenting , say we . . the argument will conclude , that not onely the church or magistrate ought to admit those that have fellowship with the devil to the table of christ , but they ought to command them to come , it being christs will they should be admitted , and that they themselves who are communicants are obliged , though keeping fellowship with the devil , to come , and eat their own damnation : for paul saith , by this reason in the place , cor. . no more ( i will not have the partakers of the devils table , to come to the lords table ) nor he saith , ( i will not have the elders to debar them ) if erastus say , they should try and examine themselves and come : he flees from the controversie , which is not , whether the worthy , but whether the scandalous and unworthy should come ; erastus saith , all should come . . whereas erastus will have the apostle to speak of the externall communion of the elements onely : . it is false . . nothing to the purpose , it is false , . ver . . it is called the communion of the body and blood of christ , and that must be more then externall communion . . ver . . we many are one body ; this is not an externall body only , for it is the unity of the body of christ signified by one bread . . it is not externall only , but internall and spiritual fellowship with devils that is condemned , ver . . . ergo , it must be internall communion with christ in his death that is sealed and commanded . . this is meer socinianisme , to have the sacraments only memorative signes , as is clear . . it is not to a purpose , for if the church debar only from externall society , from the church and externall seals ; this debarring being ratified in heaven , matth. . it is sufficient for our conclusion . . paul his condemning of eating at the idols table , as inconsistent with eating and drinking of the lords body , he must expresly forbid those who eateth in the idoll-temple , to come to the lords table , except they repent , and try themselves : hence it must follow , that if christ have commanded his stewards , to dispense the word of promise and threatnings , and comforts , according to the temper of the flock , so must they dispense the seals , and so by good consequence paul said ( i will not have the lord and satan mingled , nor a partaker of satans table admitted to the lords table ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; erastus his arg. . cor. . god spared not idolaters and murmurers ; yet they eat , we , and they of the same spirituall meat , and drinke the same spirituall drinke , and so had the same sacraments ( otherwise the argument of the apostle were nothing ; if ours and their sacraments were not all one ) if then , those that were idolators , fornicators , were admitted to their sacraments ; then also to ou●● under the new testament . ans . beza answereth well to that . manna and the water ouf of the rock , as they had a spirituall relation to christ , were holy things and types of christ , just as our sacraments are signes of christ already come in the flesh , and so agreed in the kinde of holy signes with our sacraments : yet manna , and the water out of the rock , were also ordained to be bodily food , for the famishing and thirsty people , good or bad , holy or unholy , these two , manna and water out of the rock were given by the commandment of god and the priests , to the people , both as gods people in covenant with god , and to them , as men starving in the wildernesse , and dying for thirst ; for they had not plowing , earing , harvest , bread , vineyards , wine , fountains in the wildernesse , and therefore no marvell then such holy things being ; also beside that they were holy things , such as were necessary to keep them from starving and bodily death , as the shewbread , which was also a type of the word of life ▪ revealed to the ministers of god , was given to keep david and his men from starving : no marvell ( i say ) then these bodily helps ( though in another higher signification they were sacramentalls ) were by gods command bestowed on many wicked men , who often partake both of outward ordinances and temporall deliverance from death and famishing , because they are mixt with the people of god. but erastus , if he would prove any thing against us , should have proved that circumcision , the passeover , and other holy things of god , ordained for the visible saints to shew forth our spirituall communion with christ , and which were never ordained for necessiry helps to sustain the naturall life , were to be administred to those that were openly prophane and wicked ; and therefore we deny this connexion : manna signified the very same thing ; to wit , christ our food of life , which bread and wine signifies ; ergo , as manna was given both as a holy signe to figure out christ our life , and to feed the bodies of openly holy , or openly prophane , to sustain their bodily life , so also baptisme and the lords supper , which serve for no bodily use , should be administred to those that are openly prophane . erastus is put to a poor shift with this solid answer of that reverend , learned , and holy divine , theod. bez● , he saith , vis dicam quod sentio ? tui ubique similises : the sea and the cloud , saith he , were not necessary to feed the body . it is true , erastus the physician would think the cloud and pillar of fire can neither be physick for the sick , nor food for the whole , yet physitians say , manna is apt for both ; not is the dvided red-sea , food or physick : but good man , he knowes the cloud was their guide and convey by night and day through the wildernesse , and appointed by god to convey the leapers , the unclean , and all those who were excommunicated from the holy things , and the idolators and openly wicked , as well as the clean and the holy , and he knew the s●me that the people had no food but manna a holy signe , that those who were unclean seven dayes , and often many times longer , were not to starve for hunger , but must eat manna though a holy , yet their only necessary food then , without which they could not live . but i hope erastus cannot prove , while they were unclean , or put out of the camp , or yet extreamly wicked , that they might eat the passeover which was a meer holy sacrament , not ordained for the feeding of the body , as manna and water out of the rock were . erastus may know the dividing of the sea , was necessary to preserve the life of the most wicked and unclean ( god being pleased for his churches cause , to bestow temporall deliverances on wicked men , mingled with the godly ) from being drowned with the egyptians , and that god , who will have mercy , and not sacrifice , may well by a positive law appoint that holy and unholy , clean and unclean , shall have the use of such holy things , as are not meerly holy , but mixt , being both means of divine institution , and also necessary subsidies for mans life , but it followeth not therefore holy things , that are purely holy , should be prostitute to holy and unholy , the clean and unclean . erastus . god in the church of the jews punished wicked men with bodily punishments , not with exclusion from the sacraments , and paul threatneth death and sicknesse , not excommunication to those that did eat and drink unworthily . ans . then putting out of the campe was no exclusion from the holy things of god , all the world not onely will cry shame on this divinity : but they will say , erastus , his logick is bad . god punisheth some wicked men with death , and the sword of the magistrate , and stoning ; ergo , he appointed no ecclesiasticall debarring of the unclean from circumcision : . it is false that paul threatneth death to unworthy communicants ; only he saith , god ●lew many of them for that sin ; and hence it follows well , the officers should ▪ hinder the scandalous to rush into such a sin , as is the not discerning the lords body , which bringeth death and diseases on the actors : what consequence is this ? god punisheth wicked men ; ergo , the officers should not rebuke them for those sins , nor the magistrate or church punish wicked men : god punisheth ●●ubborn rebels to parents ; ergo , the judge should not stone them , the contrary logick is the arguing of the spirit of god. erastus . every one is to try himself , therefore there is no need of any other to try him , for paul speaketh of that which is proper to every mans conscience . ans . it is an unlearned and vain consequence : it is commanded , that every one try if he be in the faith or no ; for the peace of his conscience , and this is so proper to a man himself , and so personall ▪ that no man can try , or know certainly , whether be in the state of grace , but he himself , cor. . . rev. . . none can joyn with him in this , as none can joyn with a man to try if he have faith to discern the lords body , and eat worthily , but will it follow therefore the pastor should not watch over him to try in another way in a pastorall way , by his walking , profession , and practicall knowledge , whether he be in christ or no. the contrary is heb. . . they watch for the souls of the people , as they that must give an accompt . and they are so far to try that are shepherds , that they are obliged in a pastorall way , to know those of the flock that are diseased , ezech. . . sick , broken , driven away , and lost . and to what end should they try themselves , least they eat damnation to themselves ? ergo , the stewards should try the stomacks , that they eat not poyson : if then , the lords law bid men beware they be not tempted to sorcery , sodomy , murthers ; and if every man ought to have personall watchfulnesse over his own conscience , that he be not insnared to those sins ; and achan was to try if his heart was ingaged to the wedge of gold , and to be wary to meddle with it , but it doth not follow that magistrates , as joshua should not try out sorcerers , sodomites , and other achans to punish them . erastus , cor. . is against this ; a person is to try himselfe : will it follow when he hath tryed himselfe , that he cannot come to the lords supper , except he seem meet to the elders . and this not our consequence , let erastus owne it , we care not ▪ in a constitute church he should , else erastus provides no way against a pagan , who hath heard the word , as he may doe , cor. . . may without the elders and church sit downe at the lords supper , for erastus provides no stop for him , but only his own pagan conscience , and so may one by that rule but trample on the sacrament , his owne conscience is all his rule , contrary to what he saith himselfe , lib. . c. ● . p. . erastus cor. . paul forbiddeth none to come to the supper , but upon supposition that they come as the manner is , he biddeth them come worthily , as all are bidden hear the word , though they ●e forbidden to he are it , as if it were some prophane history ; nor doth the lord command sinfull coming , for no act commanded of god is evill . ans . . paul then forbiddeth not pagans , more to come to the supper , and children , then he forbiddeth them to heare the word , which is absurd ; he commandeth all to heare , but he commandeth not all to come to the supper , but those onely that can discerne the lords body , for to heare the word , though i be not prepared , is simply necessary , if i would be saved ; and to sacrifice , if i would be reconciled ; and to pray , if i would obtaine any blessing : though the manner of doing all these be commanded , that i heare , sacrifice , and pray in faith . but to come to the supper is not commanded to all , not to pagans , not to children , not to the unregenerated ; but onely to the regenerated , and to those who discerne the lords body : and for a child to come to the lords supper , or an unrenewed man , is forbidden , not commanded , and no ill act is commanded , and it is a sinne that they come at all : but erastus will have it lawfull as it is to heare the word , then doth christ command turks and children to come to the supper , for he commandeth them to heare the word , and peter bade simon magus pray , act. . . but he neither bids give the supper to him , nor bids he him receive it , but by the contrary , forbids pearles to be cast unto swine . erastus arg. . god will not have fewer christians to be members of the church now , then of iewes to be members of the iewish church . but god would have all circumcised , even the most flagitious , that were punished by the magistrate , to be members of the iewes church , ergo , god will have all the baptized to be members of the church . ans . this will prove , that all baptized , even children , should come to the supper . . i deny the minor , to wit , that all the most wicked remained members of the visible iewish church , jure before god , the wicked iewes to god , were as sodom and gomorrah , esa . . . yea he saith , amos . . are ye not unto me as children of ethiopians , o children of israel , saith the lord ? what they were de facto , and not cast out , was the fault of the priests , and that the church does tollerate iezabels , wolves , lions in the flock , and admitteth them to holy things , is their sin . erastus . but repentance was not alwaies commanded to those iewes especially who were unclean , by touching an unclean thing against their will and ignorantly , and the purging of them depended on their owne will , so they observed the ceremonies of moses . ans . that is much for us , if those who were uncleane , against their will , and cast out of the campe , it being a trying type , that far more those that are wickedly scandalous are to be cast out of the church . erastus . the church is a draw-●et , a field , a marriage supper , there be good and ill in it , and it was not the sinne of the inviters , who are bidden invite all good and bad , mat. . but the man that came himselfe , without the wedding garment , he is cast into utter darkenesse : ergo , the officers are to invite all , and forbid none . ans . they are to invite all , to all ordinances , and seals , even dogs and swine , that is false : they are to invite all to some ordinances ; to heare the law and gospel preached , but not the seales , that were to cast pearles to swine . . the way of erastus is , that none are to be debarred , nor to debarre themselves from the seales , more then from the word . the lords forbidding adam to touch the tree of life , and his casting of him out of paradise , and cains being cast out from the presence of the lord , to me are rather types presignifying excommunication , and that god will have wicked men debarred from holy things , then patternes of excommunications , and so are they alledged by beza and our divines . chap. vii . quest . . whether erastus doth justly deny that excommunication was typified in the old testament ? vvee take types of uncleannesse in the old testament , to be rightly expounded , when the holy ghost in the new-testament doth expound them . now that ceremoniall uncleannes did typifie morall uncleannesse is cleare , cor. . . touch no uncleane thing , and i will receive you , . and i will be a father unto you , and yee shall be my sonnes and daughters , saith the lord almighty . this is a manifest exposition of the ceremoniall holinesse and cleannesse , commanded in the booke of leviticus , for after the lord hath given them a number of lawes , about eschewing of uncleane things , he saith in generall , lev. . . if ye walke in my statutes , and keepe my commandements , and doe them . . i will set my tabernacle amongst you , and i will be your god , and ye shall be my people . and it is a cleare allusion to numb . . . he that toucheth the dead body of any man , shall be unclean seven dayes . . he that toucheth one that is slaine with the sword , in the open field , is uncleane . . whatsoever the uncleane person toucheth shall be uncleane : so paul , tit. . . to them that are defiled and unbeleeving , nothing is pure , but even their minde and conscience is defiled . . the prophets expound it so , ezek. . . then will i sprinkle clean water upon you , and yee shall be clean . from all your filthinesse , and all your idols will i cleanse you . hath he not a cleare reference to the water of separation , num. . ? with this water the unclean person , and his clothes were washed , yea , the tents and the vessels , ver . , . according to which , saith paul , cor. . . having therefore these promises ( dearly beloved , ) let us cleanse our selves , from all filthinesse of the flesh and spirit : here a cleare allusion to ceremoniall filthines bodily , and of the flesh ▪ and of tents and vessels , heb. . . to both these washings there is a reference . let us draw neere , having our hearts sprinkled from an evill conscience , and our bodies washed with pure water . and heb. . . if the blood of buls and goates , and the ashes of an heifer ( mingled with running water , num. . . which purged vessels that were but capable of ceremoniall uncleannesse ) sprinkling the unclean , sanctifieth to the purifying of the flesh . . how much more shall the bloud of christ , — purge your conscience from dead works ? it is cleare also , that the unclean were separated and the leper put out of the campe , so as the children of israel might not touch any thing ceremonially unclean , and all uncleane persons were put out of the congregation . hence the hypocrites word alluding to that separation , esa . . . stand by thy selfe , come not neere to me ; for i am holier then thou . so was miriam removed , and leprous king vzziah out of the congregation of the lord. erastus . we deny that the ceremoniall uncleannes , signified the wickednes of conversation , so that it can be proved that both these uncleannesses were punished with the same punishment . . because many against their will were polluted legally , as the night pollutions , the diseases monethly of women , when they were necessitated to be with children , parents , wife , brethren when they died ; sometimes they touched unclean things ignorantly , but no man lives wickedly against his will. . god could not forbid in every time and place the touching of the dead , onely god commanded the polluted to be purified according to the law : god vvould have his people neere their dying friends , but god never gave leave to any to live vvickedly . . a holy man not sinning in his thought , remaining holy , might be legally unclean , vvithout either his vvill or knovvledge , by touching some uncleane thing , that he knevv not to be unclean . but a vvicked man doth not at one time both doe vvickedly , and remaine pure and holy . ans . all this is a meere cavilling at the wisedome of god , in making such ceremoniall lawes , and such punishments against the transgressors of them , as the wise law-giver of his free-will thought fit , because these lawes seeme ridiculous . but the foolishnes of god is wiser then men . . we say not , that the punishment of legall and morall uncleannesse is all one every way , and alwayes ; it is enough for our purpose that god will have those who are legally uncleane separated from holy things , while they bee purified , and little sinne and guiltinesse seeme to bee in legall uncleannesse , as when bodily leprosie came on persons against their will , yet when god will have them punished with being removed from the people of god , from the sanctuary and the holy things , this could not be for it selfe ; for as paul saith , doth god take care of oxen ? so we , doth god hate bodily diseases , which are his owne just actions , not our sinfull doings ? since i say god hateth them not , and putteth not punishment on them for themselves ; therefore it must be to signifie what detestation and punishment the lord our god , would have his church to put upon morall wickednesse : so we thinke erastus might have spared paper and paines , in proving a difference ( which no divine denieth , ) between ceremoniall and morall uncleannesse , and the punishment of the one and of the other , for it can never prove his conclusion . ergo , separation for legall uncleannesse , cannot typifie separation for morall uncleannesse . i could give eight and twenty differences between isaac and christ , as erastus giveth seventeen or eighteen between legall and morall uncleannesse , and the punishment of both : but i hope that should never conclude against the holy ghost , heb. . , , . gal. . , , . rom. . . that isaac was not a type of iesus christ . . night pollutions are not altogether against our will , they are sinfull pollutions , except concupiscence , and lustfull habituall day lusts , the cause of them , be not sinfull pollutions ; yea , and forbidden in the seventh commandement . . these pollutions legall caused by invincible ignorance , were types or symbolicall signes of our originall iniquity , and give me leave to doubt , if all actuall touching of things unclean , was no morall sinfulnesse . i conceive the iewes , as the christians also were obliged to walk 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ephes . . . and were to take heed to the outer-man , that they should come neere no uncleane thing , in some cases leprosie and other legall uncleannes came on them without either will or knowledge . . if the standing beside the dying friends be all one with touching the dead , i remit to the principles of physicke , and if the touching of any dead be excepted in the law ceremoniall , let the learned judge . all the other differences assigned by erastus i leave , as not concludent against us , they tend all either to blame god , who should punish some legall uncleannes , that is , altogether against the will of man , with any punishment at all , as the three first differences insinuate . or , . that god punished some legall uncleannes more severely then homicide and morall uncleannes , as the . difference doth insinuate , and the . difference . and this is to challenge god , to whom i desire to ascribe a soveraignty , both in punishing , or pardoning as he thinketh good : or in punishing more severely , or more mildely these same sinnes , or in punishing greater sins with lighter punishment , and with a heavier rod lighter sinnes . erastus . any legally unclean was debarred from the temple , the difference was onely in the time , but you debarre not all wicked men from the supper . ans . the most that were legally unclean , were also morally unclean , in that they willingly transgressed a known law ; ergo , legall uncleannes , was also morall uncleannes . . though we debar not all wicked men , but onely the scandalous , yet we have in readinesse vengeance against all , and so against latent disobedience , which is a high censure , in debarring hypocrites from heaven ; and we conceive legall uncleannes as the monthly diseases of women , night pollutions , want of circumcision did typifie much naturall and originall heart corruption , which cannot be punished by men or the church ; but it followes not , because legall uncleannesse signifieth some other uncleannesse then that which is scandalous and censurable by the church ; ergo , it signifieth not sinnes scandalous and censurable by the church . erastus . he that was legally unclean a long time , or all his life , as a leper ; was not esteemed as no iew , or uncircumcised , or a damned man , he was to keepe the sabbath ; yea , none unclean were excluded from the sacrament of the generall expiation in the . moneth , lev. . and . yea , every soul under the pain of cutting off , was to afflict his soule that day : then the lepers were not as heathen and publicans and condemned men , yea the magistrate could not punish a man for leprosie . ans . this is a poor argument , because ceremoniall excommunication differeth from christian excommunication ; ergo , the former is not a type of the latter , it followeth not . isaacs blood was never really shed , christ was really crucified , isaac was not mocked , spitted on , did not wear a crown of thornes , iews and gentiles crucified him not , between two theevs . ergo , isaac was no figure of christ offered for our sins , it followeth not . . nor are lepers no iews , but in some respect , they might no more come to the temple . . nor amongst the people of god , nor . eate the passeover , then heathens might doe ; and so are the excommunicated with u● , they are not exempted from faith , repenting , afflicting their soule for the sinnes of the land , nor are they eternally damned , so they repent . but erastus hath no ground to say , because the unclean were to afflict their soules , and abstaine from servile worke in the day of atonement , ( as our excommunicants are not loosed from the duties of the ten commandements wholly , but from some publike church duties ) but i see not how it followes ; ergo , the uncleane were to come to the holy convocation in the day of expiation , and to observe the publike solemnities with gods people ; one law of god is not contradicent to another , and the leper and unclean were separated , ergo , god could not tie them to be mingled with his people . . the leper was not punished by the magistrate , for he suffered onely for his leprosie . but it followeth not that the magistrate should not punish a person obstinate to the church . erastus . when some uncleane persons were debarred from the tabernacle and sacrifices , many wickedmen were admitted : ergo. moses both commanded men , at the same time , to come to the holy things , and not to come . answ . moses bade the unclean come , he bade all clean , so they were not scandalously and openly wicked , come ; and some came that were not bidden , but rebuked for their coming , as ier. . . . psal . . . here is no contradiction . erastus . there be no figures of things present , but of things to come ; morall uncleannesse was present , at least there be no figures of things that incurre in the senses , as theft and homicide . ans . circumcision , the lords supper , are signes and symbols of things present , as of originall sinne , our present union with christ , and communion of love amongst our selves , col. . . cor. . , , . . scandals , as they are spirituall wickednes , incurre not in our senses , yet other wayes they are visible . . christs dying was both tyipfied to iohn the apostle , and mary , and his death incurred in their senses , they saw him die . so was christ raised from the dead , typified by ionas in the belly of the whale , and with their eyes they saw him , after he rose againe . erastus . houses , cloaths , trees , stones , were capable of legall uncleannes , men onely of morall ; legall uncleannes is a qualitie , wickednes morall is in actions . ans . i am ashamed and wearied to put in paper such childish things , all this will not prove that legall uncleannes is no type of morall uncleannes ; isaac was but a man , moses a man onely ; ergo , they cannot be types of christ who is more then a man ; bread and wine are some other thing then christ , then cannot these be symbols of christ , and our spirituall communion with him . i see nothing here , but a challenging of gods wisedome , who hath chosen leprosie bodily , to figure out sinnes spirituall leprosie . erastus will say not so , leprosie is in the category of quality , and sinfull actions in the category of actions . erastus . legall uncleannes , signifieth naturall corruption , not scandals . ans . yea but leprosie and other uncleannes legall , was contagious and infectious , and did relate to wicked actions that infect as a canker ; sin originall being common to all ▪ is not that contagious from one to many ; nor did the lord ever command separation for sinne originall , but for transgression of ceremoniall lawes he did . erastus . the ceremoniall uncleannes does typifie the justification , and washing of a sinner in christs blood , because no unclean thing can enter in the new ierusalem , and so the scripture , rev. . esa . ● . ioel . acts . and it shadowes out no such thing as excommunication out of the church . ans . all the arguments that erastusmade to prove that legall separation and uncleannes , proveth not excommunication and morall uncleannes , will with the same force conclude , that legall uncleannes is not that which excludes men out of heaven , as for instance ; to begin with the last , legall uncleannesse signifieth sinne originall , not wicked actions , therefore it signifieth not scandals , then by this legall uncleannes that caused legall separation , is signified mens exclusion out of the high jerusalem , for onely sinne originall , not for actuall sins . this type must be a lying type , for actuall sins especially deba●res us out of the new jerusalem , rev. . . c. . . cor. . . . legall uncleannes and corruption of nature , differ as much as legall uncleannes and actuall wickednesse . but erastus said the former cannot typifie the latter . . because legall uncleannes is often involuntary , . it is not universally forbidden . . many godly men may be legally unclean , but actuall morall wickednesse is not so , even so say i. . all naturall or originall uncleannes is voluntary in adam . . is universally forbidden . . it cannot consist with that holines which we must have , or we cannot see god. . by erastus his fourth difference , legall uncleannes was otherwise punished then naturall corruption , for naturall corruption is punished with the first and second death , ephes . . . rom. . , . the like may be said of all the rest . . numb . . . shame was unseparably annexed to leprosie with contagion , so leavening of others , and shame is annexed to ●oul scandals , and annexed to casting out of the church , cor. , , . thes . . . gal. . , . but though a necessity of washing may be holden forth to us in legall uncleannes , ere we enter into heaven ; yet not so directly as in legall separation , for in it men scandalous are excluded out of the church , least the uncleane should infect the clean , as is cleare as the light , num. . . hag. . . gal. . . . cor. . , . but wicked men are not excluded out of the new ierusalem in heaven , for fear they should infect and defile any person in heaven . . separation from the church is medicinall , num. . . that the party may be humbled and pardoned , cor. , , . that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord , cor. . . and the man shamed for his further good , thes . . . but exclusion of men out of the new jerusalem for their uncleannes , rev. . is not medicinall , that they may be humbled , but for their everlasting shame and destruction ; and therfore a separation from the church by way of discipline is here intended , not any exclusion out of heaven . erastus . all legall uncleannes is punished with exclusion , but no man for corruption of nature is excluded out of the church . ans . we grant all , and therefore legall uncleannes did hold forth actuall scandalousnesse , not naturall corruption . erastus . the actions of unclean men were punished by death , ergo , not by exclusion out of the church . ans . the antecedent is not universally true : capitall faults , as i said before , were onely thus punished ; the consequence is null . erastus . he that was legally unclean did defile all beside him , even vessels , places , garments ; but theeves , adulterers doe not defile , but these that consent to their wickednes ; nor did they defile the places ; the adulterous women brought to the priest and temple , did not defile the priest or temple , ioh. . nor did moses and others abstain from the worship , the manna , &c. because many wicked men did partake thereof , nor were the vessels purified after wicked men touched them ; therefore it followeth not , because god is more offended with the sacrifices of the wicked , then of those that are onely legally uncleane , that therefore wicked men are no lesse to be debarred from the holy things , then those that are legally unclean . ans . this is to dispute with god ; god made a law , that he who being legally unclean , should touch men or things legally unclean , should pollute ; this law , god freely made as a positive statute ; who can tye god to make the like law touching those that are morally uncleane ? no man : now because god made no such law , it leaveth not off to be the sinne of the priests , that they brought the uncircumcised in heart to the sanctuary , as god complaineth , ezek. . , . c. , . and that the church should hinder the wicked to pollute the holy things of god. . the adulterous woman was brought to the priest and temple to be judged , god had so commanded , and therefore no wonder she polluted neither priest nor temple , but had shee not polluted the passeover morally , though i say not ceremonially , if she had eaten without repentance and offering for her sinne ? i thinke she would . erastus . though god punish not pollution of holy things , by debarring men from them , it followeth not that he winketh at them , for he punisheth them with death , and more grievously . ans . but by this that god punisheth the pollution of non-converting ordinances with death , we gather that the church should also hinder the pollutions of them , and punish swine that trample on pearles , and not prostitute holy things to their lust . beza said , those that were unclean , had need of sacrifices , ergo , they were guilty of sinne . erastus saith , that externall uncleannes was not sinne , but because it put us in mind of our naturall corruption , that had need to be purged in christs blood . ans . the breach of a law is sin , a ceremoniall law is a law. . it was punished often with cutting off from the congregation , but god did not cut off men from the congregation for naturall corruption , as erastus granteth . erastus . if legall uncleannes were sinne , god would not have commanded it : but god commanded , or at least permitted the priests and others to pollute themselves with the dead , levit. . ezek. . ans . it is weakly argued , for the father to kill the sonne , then should be no sinne ; god commanded abraham to offer up his son isaac ; it is not properly a defiling , nor a sinne , when god levit. . willeth the priest to be neer those of his kin when they die , it is gods owne exception from the law , though to come neere to others when they are dead be sin . gods commanding and forbidding will is the formall cause and rule of obedience and sinne . erastus . where finde you that the priests were to judge whether any had repented , that so he might be admitted to the temple ? ans . it is written , ezek. . . c. . . the priests should not have admitted the uncircumcised in heart to the sanctuary ; ergo , they should have tryed if they were such ere they admitted them . yea , if in the very day of his oblation ere he offer , the sinner must first restore what he hath unjustly taken away , lev. . , , . ergo , the priest except he rule unjustly , should judge whether he have first restored it in the principall , and added the fift part more into it , levit . . . as ezra the priest stood up , and said unto them , yee have transgressed , and have taken strange wives , — now therefore make confession , and separate your selfe from the people of the land , and from the strange wives , ezra , c. . v. , . and this they did ere they sacrificed ; ergo , the priests judged of their repentance , before they were admitted to sacrifice : and the washing of the hands in innocency before the person compassed the altar , psal . . . must be tryed by the priest , if not , the priest offered to god the sacrifice of fooles , and did eate the sinnes of the people , in offering for contumacious impenitents . erastus saith , the putting away of their wives was a civill busines , and belonged to the magistrate . ans . ezra was a priest , and shechaniah saith , ver . . arise , this matter belongs to thee , and he is ordinarily called ezra the priest . chap. . quest . . how erastus acquitteth himselfe , in proving that the place mat. . maketh nothing for excommunication . erastus . the scope of the lord is to teach how great an evill scandall is , and how without offence scandals of vveake may be removed , because vvhen vve referre an injury to the judge , the vveak may be scandalized : he speaketh not here of great injuries to be removed by excommunication , but of lesser , and private ones betvveen brother and brother , before we bring them before heathen judicatures proper to heathens and publicans . ans . there is no scope of our saviour to prevent heathen judicatures dreamed of in the text , nor a shadow thereof , vel per decimam tertiam consequentiam . . he speakes not of small injuries onely . . christ must not be straitned in his words ; he speaks of scandals in generall , ver . . woe to the vvorld , because of offences , they be not light that bringeth a woe upon the world . . he saith indefinitè , if thy brother shall trespasse against thee , this is comprehensive of all offences . . hee speakes of such offences , from which i am to gaine my brother . verse . but i am to gaine him from all , great or small . . he speaketh of such as i must bring before the church , in case of my brothers obstinacy ; but that is comprehensive of all , verse . . he speaketh of such as are bound in heaven , these be great and small , verse . . he speakes of such as i must forgive , v. . but i must forgive all to seventy seven times as luke . . he speaketh of such as being persisted in , maketh a brother no brother , but as a heathen and a publican , but great and publike scandals rather doe this , then small and private ones . erastus . the sense is when thy brother , that is , any iew , doth thee an injurie , study to reconcile him to thee thy self alone ; if thou speed not so , assay the same before two or three witnesses : but if neither so thou can free thy self of injurie , tell the synedrie , that is , tell the magistrate of thy people , or thy own religion ; but if he will not heare the magistrate , then thou mayest without the offence of any , deale against him , as a publican , and aninjurious heathen , who will acknowledge onely the roman judicature , and pursue him there . ans . if this be the sense , it is farther from the understanding many miles then the words ; a common reader may come after , and finde a more native sense . . if thy brother offend thee , &c. should not be restricted to the iews onely , nor the gentiles onely , the disciples , for the most were gentiles and neerer christians then iewes . . brother is as large as the offender , as those of the church . . as large as the offender , to be gained , paul was to doe what he could to gaine iewes and gentiles , and both may offend . . christs scope is not so much to free the plaintiffe from injuries , ( it is a carnall like glosse ) as to remove scandals and stumbling blocks out of the way of both ; and gaine the offenders soule . observe that the exposition of erastus is so wilde , that sense , scriptures , or greeke authors cannot dream that ( let him be as a heathen ) can be in sense all one with this , pursue him for his injury before the roman judicatures . but the exposition we give according to the word in its first notion , doth offer it selfe to the understanding : for , let him be to thee , as an heathen , is , let him be counted as one that is without the church , and not of the people of god , as the word heathen is t●●en , levit. . . king. . . psal . . . psal . . . psal . . . jer. . . lam. . . ezek. . . lam. . . act. . . cor. . . eph. . . thes . . . pet. . . rev. . . . it will be long , ere scripture make a parallell to this ; tell the church , that is , tell the king , tell the civill judge , that is , tell not the church ; for the church dealeth with spirituall armour ( and the king is not the church ) . with no force or violence , but the word and discipline ; . with the mans conscience , to gain the man to repentance , for so all christs three steps is to save the soul and to gain him to repentance . erastus layes a good iron club over the offenders shoulders , and brings the offender to a civilian , to whom christ never committed the gospel : what ? shall the justice of peace , preach christ to the offender , and wield the rod of christs power out of zion to him ? is there no way but that to gain a soul ? . he brings him to one who hath no weapon , to a magistrate , but a weapon of steel , the sharp sword ; or . will this magistrate not labour to gain him , which clearly is christs intent ( o he is greedy in his stairs to have the lost gained , as is ver . . . ) then christ misseth his end . but whether the man repent or no ( saith erastus ) the magistrate as such , must cudgell the offender . . it is admirable that ( let him be to thee as a publican and a heathen ) must be a new judicature , and this is to drive him to cesars tribunall ; a strange glosse : but . this will loose him out of hand ; will nero and the heathen judge , preach him back a submissive lamb to the iews ? but. . how do you this citrà offensionem , without scandalizing ? paul cannot advise what erastus doth ; he thinks christians should rather suffer injuries , then to implead a brother before a heathen judge , cor. . yea , but ere you suffer so ( saith erastus ) cause him to compear , and answer the highest heathen judge on earth , to teach him better manners : this is a vindictive-like way : . scandalous heathens will say , see how these disciples of jesus agree : . it s the highest rupture of love , cor. . erastus . by my exposition , i do not , as beza saith , take away a brotherly pardoning of all injuries , for though christ teach us how to compose and remove only private iniuries piously , and without the scandalizing of the vveak , it followeth not therefore christ teacheth that only private injuries are to be pardoned , doth christ teach no other thing ? i never thought that only light injuries are to 〈◊〉 pardoned : when either we chide him , or he vvillingly acknovvledge his fault , vve are to pardon him , for if vve must bring a small injury to the church , far more must vve bring a greater injury . ans . . christ would so many injuries to be pardoned , as is comprehended in this generall ( if thy brother trespasse against thee , rebuke him ) but this comprehendeth great injuries , and all injurie● : it being as erastus saith , parallel to lev. . . thou shalt not suffer sin in thy brother . what ? must we not suffer a small sin in our brother , because that were to hate him in our heart ? but we may suffer great sins in him , and not rebuke him ; yet that should not be hatred of our brother . . christ is not only teaching how to remove scandals ; but how to remove them by gaining our brother , even by telling the church ; if need be , that they may labour to gain him also , if one brother , and if one with two or three witnesses cannot gain him to repentance ; and so he would have all injuries pardoned , out of which we are to gain our brother . . it is too narrow a compasse , to which erastus draweth christ in his words , only to remove the scandall without offending the weak , to labour to remove only petty scandals and not great ; yea , and publick to our whole church : . erastus seemeth to imagine , if we draw our brother before the church , that is , the civill magistrate , we do not then forgive him , it being now a great injury , but he is deceived , we are to forgive our brother , and to pray for his forgivenesse ; even when we make the offence publick , and when he repenteth not , as christ did forgive as man , those that crucified him , though they did not repent , pet. . , , . luk. . , , . erastus cannot deny but great injuries should be brought before the magistrate , and a little injury , when an offender refuseth to obey the christian magistrate , must be a great injury , which maketh the man , as a heathen and a publican ; what is before answered , i shall not need to trouble the reader withall to repeat . erastus . the reason , vvhy christ speaketh here of the transaction of private iniuries , is because he speaketh alvvaies in the singular numher , if thy brother offend thee , rebuke him betvveen him and thee alone , take tvvo other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tell thou the church , let him be to thee , as a publican ; he that is excommunicated , is not excommunicated to one only , but to all the church . ans . this shall make the whole ten commandments , exod. and the whole gospel and the profession of it , rom. . . which are all spoken to one in the singular number , often in the second person to command private vertues , and forbid private sins only , and not to be laws obliging the church in publick duties , and to eschew publick sins . erastus answereth , let him be to thee vvho art injured , and to all that are injured , as a publican , not to the vvhole church , for there be some lawes that agree privatly to the magistrate , and to none other , some to parents , not to children , to masters , not servants , so neither is this precept to all christians as the decalogue is , and such like , but only to those that are privately hurt ; he saith not , rebuke every brother thou meetest with , but the brother that sins against thee . christ speaketh not in the third person , nor to the church , for the disciples were not the synedrie , or that church . ans . . it s most false , that all the precepts of the decalogue are all of them spoken to all and every man : honour thy father and mother that begat thee , is one of the commandments ; and it is not spoken to those that are onely parents themselves , and have their naturall parents dead : but doth it follow that that command doth injoyne private obedience , and forbid onely private , not publick disobedience to naturall parents : so the sixth command saith , if thy brother fall in a lyons den to the hazard of his life , pull him out ; if thou cannot rescue him thy self alone , take three with thee and assay it ; if thou cannot so rescue him , tell it to twenty : the man is not to rescue every brother here , but onely the brother that is in danger to be devoured with the lyon : will any say the law of the sixth commandment is given here , to one private man to help another in a private danger ? this ( rebuke thy brother ) is the law of nature , and it is under this , levit. . . thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart : and if i rebuke him not for sinne , any sinne , and the most publick , and so most offensive and scandalous to many ; i hate him ; nay , i am not so much to rebuke him and gain his soul , because the sin is an injury done to me , as because it is done against the majesty of god , and destructive to the offenders soule , and i must labour to gaine his soule . . erastus dreames that that is a private sin , which is done to one man , or one ranke of men ; to a magistrate , not a subject ; he is beguiled , an offence and publick stumbling-block may be laid before one man , and it is often a publick sin . . the speaking of it in the second person is nothing , for , if thou beleeve thou art saved , rom. . . is as publike and universall , as iohn . . whosoever beleeveth he is saved . the second person in all precepts of law and gospel ( and this , rebuke an offending brother , is both , ) is as broad as the third person , and as large in extent , except you say the verse iohn . . comprehendeth some more beleevers that are saved , then rom. . . which is against sense . . christ ought not to have spoken to his disciples as a church , because he is directing them as members and parts of a church , how to deale with an offender : but if he heare not the church , that is , the christian magistrate , he should die , saith beza . erastus answereth , but the church or iewish synedrie had not power of life and death now they were under the roman empire . ans . christ here then sheweth not a way to remove scandals , because the roman emperors sword is not christs spirituall way , cor. . the weapons of our warfare are not carnall , but mighty through god. erastus . by this same place , i cannot prove there is such a thing as excommunication , what is said to one is said to the whole church ; but it is said to one , that he should forgive an offending brother , seventy seven times in one day , if he acknowledge his fault ; ergo , there can be no just cause vvhy the vvhole church should not doe ▪ that vvhich every member is obliged to doe , but your presbyters vvill punish though any one should confesse his fault . ans . there is a twofold forgiving , one private , in passing the private revenge of the fault and grudge against the person of the offender : thus the whole argument is granted , for members and church both are to pray , forgive us our sinnes , as vve forgive them that sin against us : i hope the synedrie , the roman president , the magistrate , thus are obliged to forgive those whose heads they justly take from them , so luke . we are to forgive our brother seventy seven times a day , though he neither repent nor crave pardon , but far more , if he crave pardon . but by this argument the christian magistrate should use the sword against no bloody parracide , for he is thus to forgive him , and much more , if he say he repenteth . . to forgive , is to remit all punishment , and so what is said to one member of the church , is not said to the whole church . private men have not power of church-punishment to forgive it . the church hath a power limited by christ , that is to forgive and open heaven , in so farre as they see christ goe before , and see the man penitent , and therefore erastus his consequence is short , it followes not , that the church should no more excommunicate then one member . erastus looks farre beside the booke , in that he thinkes it is all one to forgive an injury , and to remove a scandall in the way of christ in labouring to gaine a brother . i may forgive one that offendeth me , and not labour at all to gaine his soul . erastus . we cannot expound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against thee , against the church , because he saith after , tell the church , then the sense should be , o church tell the church . ans . it is not denyed by us , but that the scandall in the rise may be private , but erastus will have our saviour to speake onely of private scandals . . if one church shall offend another , the offended may admonish , and if the church be not gained , the offended church is to tell more churches synodically conveened , as may be gathered from christs scope , to remove all scandals between brother and brother , church and church . erastus . tell him between thee and him , if it be told me conscio , i onely knowing , then he hath sinned against me privately ; should i not reprove him before others , if he have sinned against others ? but christ will not have me to take any witnesses at the first . ans . . i may tell him between me and him , a publike fault : this proveth onely my admonition to be private , when the fault is known to twenty and scandalizeth them , and it proveth not the fault to to be private . but you will say , then i must take these twenty who are offended , no lesse then i am to goe my selfe . i answer , not so ; for . i may be ignorant that any knowes it , and i am not to uncover what god hath covered , except it were a sin that bringeth wrath on the whole land , as blood , and the canaanites sinnes . . though i should know twenty were offended , charity will bid me try , if i onely can gaine him , and then love maketh the worke easier to twenty . erastus . but matthew and luke compared together , doe teach that christ speaketh of such sinnes , as one brother may pardon another seventy seven times ; and the question of peter to christ , how oft shall my brother offend , and i forgive him ? saith that christ speaketh not of the sinnes , that the church onely can forgive , for peter knew well , that he his alone could not forgive these sins , which onely the church and a multitude can pardon . ans . though it be true , matthew and luke c. . speake both of scandals and scandalous sins in generall , yet it is evident they speak of two sorts of scandalls ; luke speaketh v. . of scandals between brother and brother , which may at first be taken away by rebukes ; but he hath nothing of the churches part touching these . but matthew hath it at length , chap. . ver . , . , . . . the luke . . and matthew more distinctly , chap. . ver . . upon the occasion of peters question , resolveth a case of conscience ; how christians are to passe by in love the faults one of another , even to seventy times seven ; they are not scandals of one and the same nature , as erastus conceiveth : the former is , how we may gain an offending brother from the guilt of active scandall in giving offence to us , and that is by free rebuking ; and if that gain him not , then by taking witnesses and rebuking him ; and if neither that can do it , by telling the church , to which christ hath given a more powerfull way , to binde and loose in earth and heaven , saith matthew : luke speaketh onely of simple rebuking , which tendeth to the other two . the latter way , is how we our selves may be freed from passive scandall , if our brother provoke us seven times , or seventy seven times a day : this must be by a private pardoning , and laying aside all grudge , or hints of revenge toward our brother , and this is a great mistake in erastus , that he confoundeth those two scandals , which by two evangelists are distinguished , for peter upon occasion of the former church-scandals , proposeth the second , mat. . then came peter to him , and said , lord , how often shall my brother sin against me , and i forgive him ? peter asketh nothing of gaining the offender , and christ answereth nothing of gaining him , having satisfied them fully in that before : but peter came in with a new question , concerning private forgiving . . it is evident in the former , that christ speaks not of sins , that one brother may forgive another ; for then it were free to the offended , after two admonitions ineffectuall to gain the offender , to forgive and desist , as he doth in the matter of forgiving : but it is not free to him to desist ; if the offender refuse to be gained , and adde contumacy ; the offended cannot pardon the punishment ( he ought to remit the private grudge ) he is under a command of christ to tell the church , that is one punishment , and if he yet be obstinate , he is to be reputed as a heathen and a publican , that is another punishment , which a private man cannot dispense with : . he cannot dispense with christs command . . he cannot omit all lawfull means of gaining the soul of his brother ; for the law of nature tyeth him to it . erastus will have it a matter of holding off of an injury , only by complaining to the roman emperour , a carnall way . christ is on a higher and more spirituall strain to gain a soul , as is clear , if he hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother , rest there : but if he hear thee not , go yet on to gain him : take with thee two or three , then if he had been gained at first , a second admonition before two or three were needlesse . but if yet he be not gained , then go yet on , to seek the gaining of his soul ; and tell the church , and if the church cannot gain him : then let him be as a publican , and cast out : this is also a way of gaining , that his spirit may be saved , cor. . therefore this is most false , that christ speaketh of those sins which we may forgive : who can believe that it is credible that our saviour hath a more noble end , and more excellent then to gain a brothers soule ? or that he doth teach us in these words to discend from such a spirituall end , as the repentance of an offender , to a far baser end , to hold off injuries by fleeing to a heathen iudicature ? erastus . christ speaks of such sins , as the offender cannot deny before witnesses . but sins to be punished by excommunication , so hainous , as deserveth to be delivered to satan , he would deny ; ergo , he must speak of smaller sins . ans . this is for us , he speaketh of such sins that the offender will persist in , against the authority of witnesses , synedrie , or church and magistrates , as erastus thinketh while he be as a profane heathen ; ergo , he may deny them : . if we suppose three faithfull witnesses , who have seen and heard , such as will testifie the sin before the church , it is like to be a grievous and publick trespasse . nor would christ have the magistrate troubled , and the church offended for such sins as may fall out , in a brother , seven times ; yea , seventy seven times in one day , and may be , by private transactions pardoned , as erastus saith : how should erastus his civill throne , sink under threescore and ten scandalls in one day ? erastus . the church punisheth not the man for such sins , but dismisseth him as an injurious person . ans . true , if we believe erastus begging the question . . to declare a brother , no brother , but a prophane heathen , without christ in the world , nad out of the covenant of grace , must be the highest church-censure , & must be more highly punished then so . erastus . i call them light faults only compared with crimes punished by the law. ans . such as contumaciously defended , makes a man none of christs , but the prophanest living ; yea , of a believing jew , an apostate , and a heathen , deserveth to be punished by the judge . erastus . if the offended be willinger to suffer the injury then to compeer before a heathen judge , he may . ans . there be no smell of an heathen , or roman judge in the text , id erastus adjecit de suo . . it is not free to gain , or not gain , my brothers soul , or obey christs command , or not obey it . paul , cor. . forbiddeth us to implead our brethren before heathen judges ; erastus saith , christ commandeth the contrary : erastus answers , paul saith in these that are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in smaller matters , as of goods we should not . ans . it s true , paul giveth instance , in those that he calleth things of this life , but in opposition to the great matter of judging the world and angels : . paul saith generally ; ye go to law one vvith another , cor. . , , , . and he esteemeth it such a fault , that he saith of it , v. . knovv ye not that the unrighteous shall not inherit the kingdom of god. erastus . paul himself appealed to a heathen judge cesar . ans . true , but not for small offences falling out seventy seven times a day , for which the magistrate will not punish , such as these offences be , saith erastus , pag. . pag. . thes . . but being accused of a high crime of life and death . . he appealed not from a godly magistracy , such as the syned●y holdeth forth , but from bloody judges : . in matters not with saints , as cor. . and brethren to whom you are to grant pardons , seven , and seventy seven times a day , but with blasphemers , and murtherers of christ , act. . . thes . . . erastus . christ teacheth how private iniuries may be removed , vvithout offence by the magistrate , but not hovv vve may reduce to repentance a brother that giveth scandall . ans . there 's not a footstep of injuries , or magistrate , or sword in the text : . ver . . and all along he speaketh of scandalls that may hinder our entring to heaven , and these words ; rebuke him , thou hast gained thy brother , are clear as the sun , that he intendeth the offended , in all these steps , is to gain the soul of the offender . erastus . this is no argument at all , he speaketh of gaining an offending brother : ergo , his scope is not to repair any civill losse : but i pray you , a brother argueth an iniurious man , and convinceth him of his error ; hath he not first gained him to god , and then to himself , vvhile he maketh him of his enemy his friend ? can there be a better way of compounding private iniuries ? if his conscience be healed , will he not leave off to be iniurious ? ans . i may say , as he saith to that apostolick servant of god , holy beza , egregia vero ratiocinatio : the question is now touching the scope of christ , matth. . erastus proveth repairing of civill injuries to be christs scope , and how proveth he it ? because he that is gained to god by repentance , is a made friend , and vvill leave off to do civill vvrongs : iust as if one should say , the scope of the holy ghost , in the history of the creation , in the two first chapters of genesis , is to make the reader a good philosopher : why ? because he that understandeth the works of creation , the heaven , stars , sun , moon , seas , dry land , trees , herbs , &c. must not this man be an excellent astronomer , geographer , physiloge , & c ? so may he say , the scope of the holy ghost , in the ten commandments , is to make a man an excellent citizen of london , or paris , why ? how is that the scope of the ten commandments ? by erastus his argument , what better way can there be to make a good sociall civilian , then if he be well versed in the doctrine of the ten commandments ? so may i say , the scope of paul in the first eleven chapters of the epistle to the romanes , is to make a man love his brother , why ? because if he know god , and free justification by faith in christ , and our freedom from the law , and the doctrine of election by free-grace , and the like , he cannot but love his brother ▪ now how can that be christs scope , which is neither spoken in terminis ? nor so much as insinuated ? now to gain an offending brother is in terminis spoken , ver . . thou hast gained thy brother : so erastus granteth this is christs scope , but not his last scope ; and gaining of his soul he will have , but a scope for a civil end to hold off injuries : how carnall is the glos●e of erastus ? now the scope of erastus is never spoken , never hinted at : erastus cannot deny our scope , onely he will not have it the chief scope of the words ; the best ground he hath for his scope is that , tell the church , is , tell the civill magistrate . erastus to put a good face on the businesse , saith , scanning on the sense of the words , christ therefore saith rebuke him , matth. . that we may understand , that he is to be convinced of his error , and iniquity , that he may acknowledge it not onely to us , and before men , but far more to god , and so thou hast gained thy brother , and lost him , if he refuse to hear thee , that is , if he suffer not himself to be convinced , and do not acknowledge his fault , he is bound in heaven , and this is that which i would say , this gaining of him is the pardoning ( of a civill wrong ) that he may be received in friendship . ans . if christs inten●ion be , that he may rather acknowledge his fault to god then to the offender , as erastus granteth , then christs scope in these words , must be his spirituall gaining to god , not a civil depulsion of a civill wrong , but the former ▪ erastus granteth : . if spirituall gaining be intended in all the steps of our saviours progresse , and when this is obtained , the progresse doth cease ; then means rather crossing and thwarting that scope , then suitable spiritually thereunto , are not to be attempted : then is not civill depulsion of injuries our saviours scope in the words , but the former is true ; ergo , so is the latter ; the proposition is evident , from the nature of a scope , and end in any speech . i prove the assumption by parts . . if rebuking of an offending brother , gain him to repentance , then it is clear the offended man is to rest there , and not to tell the church or magistrate , for he hath obtained even the end , for which erastus contendeth , and who goeth about new means to compasse an end already obtained ? christ would never command that ; yea , when christ saith , ver . . if he hear not thee , then take with thee one or two more ; ergo , if he had heard him , he was not to take one or two more , and ver . . if he should neglect to hear them , he ▪ was to tell the church : ergo , if he should hear them , he was gained , and was not to tell the church ; ergo , spirituall gaining must be christs scope . . if to tell the church , be as erastus dreameth , to tell the civill magistrate , and then the roman emperour ; this was no suitable mean to gain the mans soul ; a club was never dreamed of by our saviour to compasse the spirituall end , or neerest scope of gaining any to repentance ; for the end of the magistrate , as a magistrate , is to bring no man to repentance , but to take avvay evil out of the land , to cause israel fear , and do so no more , to be an avenger of evil doing , far lesse is there any shadow of reason to dream that christ intended by cesars , or any heathen magistrates sword , to gain an offending brother to repentance , and that he commandeth the offended brother to use such a carnal mean so unsuitable to such a spirituall end . lastly , how a private brother cannot be said to binde and loose , i have cleared already . erastus . least these words ( let him be to thee as an heathen ) should seem to make the offender every way as an heathen ; therefore he addeth a restrictive word , ( and a publican ) and he addeth the article ● common to them both , so as he speaketh not of every heathen and publican , but of those who were conversant amongst the jews , and none of those would answer to any judge , but the roman emperour or his deputies , being the servants of the romans , to vex the people of the jews . ans . here is a groundlesse conjecture , for a publican was large as odious as a heathen , being a companion to sinners , and the worst of the heathen . . how proveth he that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that heathen is meant of those heathen only , that were servants to the romans , and would acknowledge no iudge but cesar . . the iews themselves said , we have no king but cesar : . the holy ghost doth not restrict the heathen so ; what warrant hath erastus to be narrower in his glosse then the holy ghost is in the text. if in these , ( let him be as an heathen ) the threatning be perpetuall , to remove all scandals , to the end of the world ; when most of the heathen shall not acknowledge the iudicatures of heathen rome , then the word heathen must be as large as all heathen , all wicked and all scandalous men , such as publicans , and so there is no hint at the heathen romish iudge here , which is the way of erastus . but the former is true ; or this law of christ is to remove scandals amongst the disciples when the roman empire shall fall as the lord in his word hath prophecied . the scripture speaks not so , mat. . . vse no vain repitition in prayer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here is the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : can erastus say none use babling prayers but such heathen as were subject to the roman empire ? gal. . . that we should goe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the heathen , here is an article also ; belike paul should preach to no gentiles but those under the roman empire : a frothie dream , gal. . . the scripture foreseeing god would justifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the gentiles . here also an article ; belike then no gentiles are justified by faith , but these that are officers to the romans , and vexed the iewes , act. . . henceforth i will goe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the gentiles , act. . . paul told what things the lord had done by his ministery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , amongst the heathen , act. . . that christ should shew light to the people , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to the heathen , not the romish heathen onely , except christ be a saviour to no other heathen in the world : i need not weary the reader to resute these unsolid conjectures of erastus . erastus . converted publicans were not scandalous , as touching their office ; ergo , a publican signifieth not one that is none of the church ; zachens after his conversion remained a publican . ans . converted publicans left not off to be publicans , but they left off to be such as went under the name of publicans ; that is , abominable extortioners and grinders of the poore : and therefore it followes well , that to be as a publican in the common speech of the iewes familiar to our saviour , was to be a wretched godlesse prophane man , without the church , and without god and christ in the world , as also the heathen were , eph. . , . cor. . . pet. . , . acts . . rom. . blasphemers of the name of god , and cor. . . yee know that yee were gentiles carried away with dumbe idols , eph. . . that ye walke not as other gentiles , in the vanity of their minde . . having the understanding darkned , being strangers from the life of god : these and many other scriptures confirmeth me much , that in christs time to be as a heathen and a publican , was to be cast out , whereas the man was once a brother , a beleever , and a member of the church , and in profession in the covenant of god , and a brother to peter , iohn and the lords disciples , and a christian and professing saint , as the disciples of christ were ; but now one who is turned out of that society , and as a gentile serving satan , walking in the vanity of the minde , as an uncircumcised man , &c. this is as like excommunication , as one egge is like another , we have cleare scripture for this exposition , but it is good erastus never gave us one syllable of scripture for his exposition ▪ nor can it be shewen that to be as a heathen and a publican by scripture , or any that ever spoke greeke , is to be in subjection to the roman empire , or lyable to their lawes , onely we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of erastus for it . erastus . who ever by no law of god or command was execrable , and could for no just cause be hated , by no law of god could bee debarred from the temple and holy things of god. but such were the publicans ; ergo , ans . . the major is false . the leper because a leper was by no law of god cursed , and execrable , nor was he worthy of hatred , but of pitty ; yet was he by an expresse law debarred from the temple and holy things of god. . the minor is false in the sense we contend for , the office of a publican in abstracto was not execrable , nor worthy of hatred : but the thing signified , and that which proverbially went under the name of a publican amongst the iewes , to wit , a professed extortioner , a robber , a grinder of the face of the poore , is both execrable and hatefull : the conclusion in the former sense is granted , and it is nothing against us : but in the latter sense , the assumption being false , the conclusion followeth not ; not to say that in ordinary , none was a publican , but he that was either an heathen , and so execrable , or then an apostate wretched leud iew. erastus . but i have demonstrated that no man was debarred from holy things for morall uncleannesse , then neither should a publican be counted a separated man , will christ command him to be cast out whom the iewes could by no law cast out ? ans . if we give the matter to erastus his word , all he sayes are demonstrations : let the reader read and judge . . all his argument here proceedeth on a false ground , while he contendeth so much to justifie publicans he presumeth ( to be as a publican ) to ●e in our sense all one with this , ( to be excommunicated . ) but . we lay the least weight on the word ( publican ) and more on this , ( to be as an heathen . ) . we take them not divisively , but as christ speaketh them , copulatively . we say , not to be excommunicated , is all one , as , let him be as a publican , but that to be excommunicated , is to be as an heathen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and as a publican . erastus . the article ● is set before both the word ( heathen ) and the word ( publican ) by the holy spirit , which signifies either the very nature of the predicate ( heathen and publican ) or must put a great emphasis , and a great edge of difference between the heathen and publican here , and in other places , as these be not one , petrus est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , et petrus est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( peter is a man , ) and peter is the man , or that man. ) so when we say , pleasure is that good thing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that chiefe happinesse ; we say more then when we say pleasure is good , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that publican must signifie a publican , as a publican , if there be an emphasis here common to both the heathen and the publican , now there can be no other thing in the matter of eschewing scandals common to both , but that both acknowledged no other but the roman magistrate , and therefore , except you make ( to be a publican , ) & ( to be debarred from the sacraments ) all one ; you have not another place in all the new testament for your excommunication , for no publican because a publican , was debarred by gods law , jure divino , from the sacraments . ans . . all the wits on earth cannot make us see another place for erastus his explication of this place matth. . and of cor. . but we hope it shall appeare we have more from scripture , to say for excommunication then this one place , or then erastus and all his party can say against it ; here is all that erastus can say against this strong place , builded upon one article ● ; a poore and ignorant grammattication . . he culleth out the word ( publican ) of lesse weight with us , from the word ( heathen ) and would prove that no publican because a publican , and for the office , was debarred from the iewish sacraments , which we grant ; for no office or place lawfull in it selfe , debarred any from ▪ christ ; centurions were hatefull to the iewes , and put over them by the romans , yet i should conceive the centurion , whose servant christ cured , luke . was a proselite , and a member of the iewish church , a lover of the nation , else i see not how the iewes would have accepted that he should build them a synagogue , as he did v . and publicans might have bin proseli●es also , but that which was signified by a publican to the iews , was no lesse odious then the name of a hangman or a most wicked and flagitio●s man , as matth. . , , . and by christ decourted from the number of the children of our heavenly father : amongst the iews it was counted abomination to eat with publicans , matth. . . matth. . . luk. . . and when christ saith , matth. . . of the rebellious iews ; verely , i say unto you , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the publicans and harlots shall enter into the kingdom of god before you : he clearly maketh publicans the wickedst of men ▪ shall these two , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 make us think erastus were not dreaming , if he should from these words gather that christ , meaneth only of such publicans and harlots as acknowledged no other magistrate , but the roman magistrate ? and the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is doubled in the following verse also . . let us retort this argument , he that heareth not the admonitions of brethren in secret , and of the church in publick , is to be reputed , not as a iew , or a brother and member of the church having right to the holy things of god , but as a heathen . now a heathen to the iews was no brother , and had no right to the sacraments , either of the iewish , or christian church , as is clear by the word of god , therfore he that heareth not a brother in secret , or the church in publick , is to be reputed as no brother ( i mean in that publick visible way he once was ) but as a heathen , who hath no right , iure divino , by gods law to the sacraments . . what means all this trifling about the article : ? say that the article ; should restrict heathens and publicans , to such and such heathens and publicans : i shall deny , in eternum , this consequence , ergo , he means no other but only such heathens and publicans , as did acknowledge no other magistrate , but a roman magistrate . there is no shadow in the scripture , or any greek author for the word , but rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth the qualitie and spirituall condition of any , especially when christ speaketh of gaining of souls , as here , mat. . . so i am sure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth ioh. . . ma● . ● . pet. . . so doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie mat. . . and elsewhere , enough i deny not but it may signifie a civill or naturall si●●●●tude , but christ doth here speake of neither , as is cleare . . if here a publican as a publican be meant , as erastus saith ; ergo , all heathens and all publicans are here to be understood ; ergo , not these only that had this common to them both , to wit , that they both acknowledged no civill magistrate but the romans , the contrary of which erastus asserteth . . yea , this is not emphatick and discretive of heathen and publican , christ acknowledged no civill iudge as king over the iewes at this time but onely cesar , when he said mat. . give unto cesar , the things that are cesars , and to god the things that are gods. and the iewes themselves did so when they said , we have no king but cesar ; if then to be as an heathen and a publican , bee all one as to acknowledge no king , nor judge but cesar , then to be as a heathen and publican , must be all one with this , to be as christ and the iewes , for this was common to heathens , publicans , iewes and christ , to acknowledge cesar was their onely king and civill judge . . they were the worst of the heathens and publicans , who in a peculiar manner acknowledged no lawfull iudge but cesar , and hated the iewes , the onely church of god most at this time ; ergo , if the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inferre that a disobedient brother is most like these heathen , they must be greatest enemies to the iewes , and so remotest from circumcision , and all right to the holy things of god , being the worst of the heathen , and so erastus hath gained nothing , but lost much by his poore grammattication . yea , if the offended brother should repute the offender as the worst of the heathen , he is to esteeme him who was once a member of the church , in that he was obliged to heare the church , now as a heathen , and so no brother , no member of the church , and here erastus must grant that one brother may un-church and excommunicate any other for disobedience to the church , but the church may not . erastus . they are as absurd who say , by publicans here are understood wicked men , for then by heathen must be understood also the wickedest of the heathen , and not all the heathen dwelling in judea . ans . i deny the consequence , for by publicans are meant men wicked and unpure by conversation , and by heathen men unclean by condition , because without the church , and strangers to the israel of god , and without christ and god in the world . . we have proved what is meant by a publican , by evident scriptures , but that by a publican is understood one who acknowledged no magistrate , but a roman , no scripture ; no greeke author warranteth us to thinke it , never man dreamed it , but erastus . erastus . the pharises hindred not christ and his apostles to come to the temple . ans . christ was a born jew and circumcised ; yea , and what can the practise of the murtherers of christ prove ? it is no law. but the romans never sacrificed in the temple , but gave liberty to the iews to serve god , according to his word , and to hear christ preach , and that christ kept the ceremoniall law , and taught others , even the cleansed leapers so to do , matth. . is clear . erastus . private men do forgive , sins . matth. . luk. . ergo , to binde and loose is not a proper judiciall act of a court , matth. . christ speaketh not to peter only , but to all the faithfull , who by teaching one another , may bring one another to acknowledge their sin , and if they do it they are pardoned , if not , their sins are bound in heaven . ans . to these the keys are given , who retain and remit sins , as erastus saith : but these be such as are sent of christ , as the father sent his son , ioh. . . either in this place there is given power to binde and loose by publick preaching the word , or by some other place ; but this power to binde and loose by publick preaching , is only given to pastors and teachers , cor. . . eph. . . . and erastus granteth elsewhere , that every private man by his office cannot preach , nor administer the sacraments , and by no other place is this given to pastors , for i could elude all places , with the like answer , and say there is a publick baptizing and administration of the supper , by ministers and sent pastors only , and a private also performed by private christians ; yea , by a woman , and both are valid in heaven , and the binding and loosing of both ratified in heaven . . christ spake this to the disciples , who before were sent to preach , and cast out devils , matth. . and saith not , whom thou bindes on earth , but in the plurall number , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what things you binde on earth , shall be bound in heaven . erastus saith all this upon the fancy , that binding and loosing of the church , and peters private forgiving of his brother seven times a day must be all one , which i do prove in another place to be different , and amongst other reasons this is one , because the church pardoning hath a threefold order : . between brother and brother : . before two or three : . before the church , and the end of all is the gaining of the offending brother , matth. , , , , , , . but the private forgiving of a brother , of which peter speaketh , mat. . , , . and luke , . is of an inferiour nature ; for i know not , if you can gain a brothers soule seven times a day , if he but say , it repenteth me , luke . . or seventy seven times , mat. . . these words , it repenteth me , said seventy times a day to the church cannot satisfie to the gaining of a soule , whereas to the private remitting of revenge , it were enough . we have the text to warrant us , that christ spa●e to stewards to whom the keyes are committed . erastus doth but wickedly assert , he spoke to those who were as christians in that act , but the text is cleare he speaketh of binding and loosing spiri●ually , which is nothing to the holding off of a civill injurie , which erastus saith is the scope of our saviour here , and how hungry must that sense be : that you deal with him as with an heathen , who acknowledgeth no iudge , but a roman judge , is a matter ratified in heaven ? . a private man is to forgive an injury even though the offender repent not , mat. . . rom. . , . col. . . but that pardon cannot be ratified in heaven . . see what we have said of binding and loosing before . erastus . though christ should speake this onely to ministers , yet it followeth not that he speaketh this to other presbyters . ans . that dependeth on the proving that there be ruling elders in the church , which i conceived have proved else where , from rom. . . cor. . . tim. . . i conceive when christ spake this , there was neither a formed presbytery , nor a formed church . erastus . christ saith not , if two or three presbyters , or two or three ministers agree in one , i will heare them , but where two or three christians agree . ans . nor doe we say , that two or three can make an excommunicating church , but christ argueth a minore , if the lord heare two or three on earth , farre more will he heare a church , and ratifie in heaven what they doe in binding and loosing offenders in earth ; but how shall these words agree to the interpretation of erastus ? for he expoundeth two or three and the whole church , to be but one christian magistrate ; can he be said to agree to himselfe ? or can one or two or three meet together in christs name ? and what coherence is here ? two or three conveeneth to pray that he that will not hear the christian magistrate may be dealt with as a heathen man before the roman judge , how violent and farre off is this glosse , and how unsuitable to the text ? erastus . what other thing is it to a private brother , to gain another to himselfe , and to god , then binding and loosing in heaven ? ans . to bring him before the civill magistrate either christian or heathen , whose intrinsecall end by vertue of their office , is not to gaine , soules , but to draw the blood of ill doers , is farre from gaining of souls . erastus . though binding and loosing be judiciall and forinsecall words , they agree not to the ministery onely , but rather to the magistrate , except you say that in the time of christ amongst the iewes , there was a church court beside the magistrates court . ans . that they argue authority judiciall , is proved already by many scriptures , and judiciall authority ecclesiasticall it must be , which agreeth to the church , and it was never heard that the church especially in the new testament , doth signifie the magistrate . . there is no necessity to say there was a christian church court in christs time , because there was not a christian magistrate at this time , but the iewes had then a church-court , before which christ was conveened . caiphas being president , and the blinde man , iohn . who was cast out of the synagogue , for that he confessed christ . . christ speaketh of that which was to be , though in its frame not yet erected . erastus . christ hath the like words of binding and loosing , mat. . which signifieth also to preach the gospell , that he who beleeveth may be loosed , and he who beleeveth not may be made inexcusable , and therefore it is no other , but to pray a brother to desist from his injury , shewing him that that is acceptable to god : for to binde and loose in all the scripture , is never to debarre any from the sacraments ; if you divert your brother from doing an injurie , by declaring the will and wrath of god , out of his word , thou hast gained him , and loosed him , if he will not be perswaded , the wrath of god abides on him , and thou hast bound him . ans . if loosing and binding matth. . be preaching of the word of god , and loosing be christian forgiving of an injury , then are women who are taught in the prayer of christ , mat. . to forgive one another , invested with the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , to preach the gospell ; and why not also to administer the seals ? and so are all private men clothed with the keyes to take in and cast out at their pleasure , and what are ministers that are over the people in the lord , and watch for their soules ? . we never said , to binde was to debarre from the sacraments , except consequently onely , to binde , is to declare an obstinate man as a heathen , and so no member of the house of christ , and consequently to have no right to the bread of the children of the house , nor say we , that to excommunicate is formally to debarre men from the sacraments , it is to cast them out of the house : hence it must follow that the priviledges of the house belongeth not to them . . you may disswade a man from doing a civill injurie , and never gaine his soule , but the magistrates club , for which erastus contendeth in these words , cannot reach the soule . erastus . none can remit a debt but the creditor , nor pardon an injury but he who suffereth the injurie . ans . then none can binde and loose but private men , and the keyes of heaven are given to all private persons , nor can private persons by forgiving , so remit the person as he is loosed in heaven . . the church is offended at scandals , and are sufferers ; ergo , the church must binde and loose : let erastus teach us the way except by church-censures . erastus . casting out of the unclean is not to binde , because to purifie is not to absolve , the unclean might be purified by any cleane , and not by the priests onely . ans . the legall purging of the leper , was onely by pronouncing him ▪ cleane , and could not be done but by the priest , and it was a loosing of him . erastus . where christ instituteth any new ordinance , he omitteth nothing that is substantiall , but here he speaketh nothing of publike sins , for which you doe especially excommunicate . ans . christ according to the minde of erastus does here institute a throne for the christian magistrate , how doth he then institute a way how the christian magistrate may remove private scandals and not publike ? for publike scandals hurt the church ten to one more then private doe . christ speaks of sins in their rise private , betweene brother and brother , but he speaketh of publike scandals , of such as will not heare the church , and for these onely we excommunicate . . tha● is not true , that any one place of scripture , where an institution is that all the substantials of that institution , should be expresly set down in that place , it is enough that all be held forth in either one scripture , or other , as in christs sufferings , baptisme , pastors , &c. erastus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 again i say unto you , if two of you shall agree on earth , these words must referre to private men , not to the church , it is cleare that christ speaketh nothing of two , as hee doth in this verse , but when he saith that one private man is to rebuke and gain another private man ; nor is it enough to say its an argument à comparatis , for if the same thing be not kept in both extreames , it is a vaine comparison if you say a childe understandeth this ; ergo , an aged man understandeth it , it followeth well . but if you say a child understandeth this ; ergo , an aged man is rich and good ; who would not laugh ? but if god heare the prayer of two ; ergo , farre more will he heare the prayers of the church , it followeth not , except you say , if those things that two or three bindes on earth be ratified , how shall we thinke , that that is ratified which the church bindes and looses ? ans . here is nothing but grammatications that cannot convince : it is true , that christ speaking of two , he speaketh of private men , but many will not grant so much , for they say , that by two the smallest number is meant , a church of the fewest , by a synecdoche , and two may be taken for a small convention and number which doe literally exceed two , jer. . . rev. . . i will give power to my two witnesses ; they be more martyrs who witnessed against babylon then two literally , and this exposition seemeth to me as good as the other , and then if the smallest church doe binde and loose in heaven and earth , so much more the church ; and so all shadow of this unsolid grammattication is removed . . the proportion is well kept , if two praying on earth be so heard in heaven , as by their prayers , they may obtaine that these be ratified in heaven which they aske on earth ; farre more is that ratified in heaven , which the church in a judiciall and authoritative way , doth on earth , in the name of christ : for praying of private christians , and publike and authoritative binding of the church doe both agree in this , that the father of christ ratifieth both in heaven , which is a due keeping of proportion , and not such a crooked comparison as erastus would make between an aged man , & a rich & good man . though two private men have the same analogicall binding in heaven and earth with the church , it followeth not that the binding of the church is not a church-binding , as the binding of the two private men is also a binding , but no publick , no church-binding . . how shall christs words keep either sense or logick with the exposition of erastus ? if he will not hear the christian magistrate , complain to the heathen magistrate ; and again i say , if the lord hear two praying on earth , far more will he ratifie in heaven , what a prophane heathen magistrate doth on earth against a christian offender ; judge what sense is in this glosse . erastus hath no reason to divide these words , ver . . again i say , if two agree , &c. from ver . . . because they are meant of the magistrate ( saith erastus ) against all sense , and joyne them to the words of the. . and . verses : for there is no mention of binding and loosing by prayer , ver . , . but only of rebuking , and here erastus shall be as far from keeping his proportion , of rebuking and praying , as he saith , we do keep proportion between church-sentencing and praying . to theophylact chrisostom and augustine , beza answered well , and erastus cannot reply : . if there be binding and loosing between brother and brother in the first and second admonition , before the cause be brought to the church , what need is there of binding the man as a heathen before the heathen magistrate ? and what need of the heathen magistrates prayer to binde in heaven ? was there ever such divinity dreamed of in the world ? erastus . these words , tell the church prove only that the church hath the same povver to rebuke the injurious man , that a private man hath , this then is poor reason : the church hath power to rebuke an offender ; ergo , it hath power to excommunicate him . ans . all know that christ ascendeth in these three steps : . erastus granteth the cause is not brought to the church , but by two or three witnesses which is a judiciall power , as in the law of moses and in all laws is evident : if he hear not a brother , he is not to be esteemed , as a heathen and a publican , but if he hear not the church , he is to be reputed so . . we reason never from power of rebuking to the power of excommunication ; but thus , the church hath power to rebuke an offender , and if he will not hear the church , then is the man to thee , that is , to all men , as a heathen and a publican ; ergo , the church hath power to excommunicate . erastus . christ speaketh of the church that then was : how could he bid them go to a church that was not in the world ; they having heard nothing of the constitution of i● ? did he bid them erect a new frame of government , not in the world ? ans . he could as well direct them to remove scandals for time to come , as he could after his resurrection say , mat. . , . go teach and baptize all nations , which commandment they were not presently to follow , but act. . . to stay at jerusalem , and not to teach all nations , while the holy ghost should come : i ask of erastus , how christ could lay a ministery on his disciples , which was not in the world ? what directions doth christ , mat. . and luk. . give to his church and disciples that they had not occasion to obey many years after ? is how they should behave themselves , when they should be called , before kings and rulers : . nor were the apostles who were already in the room of priests and prophets to teach and baptize ( he after being to institute the other sacrament ) to wonder at a new forme already half instituted , and which differed not in nature from the former government , save that the ceremonies were to be abol●shed . erastus . only matthew mentioneth this pretended new institution , not luke , not mark , the disciples understood him well , they aske no questions of him , as of a thing unknown , only peter asked how often he should forgive his brother . ans . this wil prove nothing , iohn hath much which we believe with equall certainty of faith , as we do any divine institutions ; shall therefore erastus call the turning of water into wine , the raising of lazarus : the healing of the man , born blinde , and of him that lay at the pool of bethesda , christs heavenly sermons , io● . cap. . , . his prayer ▪ cap. ▪ which the other evangelists mention not , fi●men●a hominum , mens fancies , as he calleth excommunication ? . did the disciples understand well the dream that erastus hath on the place , and took they it as granted , that to tell the church is to tell the civill magistrate ? and that not to hear the church is civill rebellion , and to be as a heathen is to be impleaded before cesar or his deputies only ? this is a wonder to me ; matthew setteth up this way , an institution of all church-government , which no evangelist , no word in the old , or new testament establisheth . erastus . christ would not draw his disciples , who were otherwise most observant of the law , from the synedry then in use , to a new court , where witnesses are led before a multitude and sentences judicially set up , it had been much against the authority of the civil magistrate , and a scandall to the pharisees , and the people had no power in christs time to choose their own magistrate , therefore he must mean the jewish synedry : if by the church we understand the multitude , we must understand such a multitude as hath power to choose such a senate , but there was no such church in the jews at this time . ans . that the church here is the multitude of believers , men , women , and children , is not easily believed by us . . and we are as far from the dream of a meer civill synedry , which to me is no suitable mean of gaining a soul to christ , which is our saviours intention in the text. . erastus setteth up a christian magistrate to intercept causes and persons , to examine , rebuke , lead witnesses against a iew before ever cesar their only king of the iews , or his deputies hear any such thing , this is as far against the only supream magistrate , and as scandalous to the pharisees , as any thing else could be : . had not iohn baptist , and christs disciples drawn many of the iews and profylites to a new sacrament of baptisme , and to the lamb of god , now in his flesh , present amongst them ? this was a more new law , then any ordinance of excommunication was , especially since this church was not to be in its full constitution , till after the lords ascension . erastus . it is known this anedrim delivered christ bound unto pilate , condemned steven , commanded the apostles to be scour●e● and put in prison . tertullins saith of paul before felix , we would have judged him according to our law ; paul said , act. . to anani●s , thou sittest to judge me according to the law , act. . p●ul confesseth before agrippa and festus , that he obtained power from the high priests , to hale to prison and beat the christians , and paul for fear of the iniquity of this church or sanedrim , dealt with them as heathen , and appealed to cesar . ans . but by what law of god did they this ? it is not denyed but the iews synedrim being two courts did inflict punishment ; but that christ establisheth a civill sanedrim as a mean , matth. . to gain the soul of a brother is now the question ; we utterly deny this , and gave reasons before thereof , to which i adde , if any obeyed not the church , that is , the sanedrim , as erastus saith , they might be stoned to death as steven was : was this christs milde way , to cite them onely before the romane senate ? were dead men capable of answering to any further iudicatures ? . the last step of conveening heathens and publicans before the romane senate , according to christs order is not to be observed with them , for even heathens and publicans , are so far forth our brethren : that . we are not , when they offend us , to suffer sin in them , but to rebuke them as christians , lev. . . for this is the law of nature : the law of nature will teach us not to hate an heathen in our heart . . we are to labour to gain all , even those that are without the church , cor. . , , , . pet. . . and this is christs way of gaining all , to rebuke and admonish them : ergo , it was never christs meaning to deal with heathens and publicans so , as at the first we are to drag them before the heathen magistrate , that by his sword he may gain them , or take away their life ; yea , and erastus granteth in ecclesiasticall crimes , that the iews had power of life and death , in the matter of steven and of paul , if he had not appealed to cesar to save his head : josephus de bel . judaic . lib. . cap. . antiquit. lib. . cap. . but in things politick , cesar took all power of life and death from them : hence only is christs time the footsteps of the two distinct courts remained , and the priests , not the civill magistrate had the power of church-discipline . but all was now corrupt . chap. ix . quest . . the place cor. . for excommunication , vindicated from the objections of erastus . erastus . paul did nothing contrary to the command of christ : but christ excluded no man from the passeover , not iudas ; ergo , neither minded ●e to exclude the incestuous man ; he saith not , cor. . why debarred you him not from the sacrament ? but why did you not obtain by your tears and prayers , as augustine expoundeth it , that the man might be cut off by death ? ans . christ would not take the part of a visible church on him , to teachus that none should be cast out of the church for secret and latent crimes : . paul did nothing without the command of christ : but christ neither in the old , or new testament , commanded his church to pray for the miraculous cutting off of a scandalous person ; give an instance in all scripture , except you make this one which is contraverted , your instance . erastus . paul cor. . absolveth the man from all punishment , and nameth onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rebuking ; ergo , he was not excluded from the sacrament . ans . exclusion from the sacrament , is but one of the fruits of excommunication ; not formally excommunication ; yet he harpeth on this alway , that to be excommunicated , or to be delivered to satan , is but to be debarred from the sacrament . . the answer presupposeth he was excommunicated , we urge the place for a precept only of excommunication , if he repented to the satisfying of the church , there was no need of excommunication . . if the man cor. . was delivered from rebuke onely , and if that was all his punishment ; ergo , he was not miraculously cut off , for then he must have been miraculously cut off , and raised from death to life againe , unlesse miraculous cutting off had been no punishment : but if he was not miraculously cut off , because he prevented it , then with what faith could the whole church pray for the miraculous killing of a brother , and not rather that he might repent and live ? . in all the word of god , the intrinsecall end of putting to death a malefactor , is to avenge gods quarrell , rom. . . that all israel may hear and feare , and doe no more any such wickednes , deut. . . to put away the guilt of sinne off the land , numb . . , . that the lords anger may be turned away , and a common plague on the church stayed , when justice is executed on the ill doer , psal . . , , , . and it concerneth the church and common-wealth , more then the soule of the malefactor , and there is nothing of such an end here . but the intrinsecall end here , is , that the mans spirit may be saved in the day of the lord jesus , and this delivering to satan is in the name and authority , and by the power of the lord iesus , cor. . . . now the sonne of man came to save soules , not to destroy bodies , and burne cities ; and though by the power of christ , peter miraculously killed ananias and saphira , and paul stroke elimas the socererer blinde , yet these being miracles , we heare not that this was done by any interveening act of the church conveened , or by their prayers to bring vengeance , by a miracle , on the ill do●r . peter and paul doe both these not asking any consent , or intervention of the peoples prayers , but by immediate power in themselves from the lord jesus . . if any such power were given to the church , by their prayers to obtain from god a miraculous killing of all scandalous persons , who infecteth the church , in case the civill magistrate were an heathen , and an enemy to christian religion and refused to purge the church ; christ , who provideth standing remedies for standing diseases must have left this miraculous power to all the christian churches in the earth that are under heathen magistrates , or some power by way of analogie like to this , to remove the scandalous person , but we finde not any such power in the churches under heathen magistrates , except power of refusing to the offender the communion , and rejecting him as an heathen and publican that he may be ashamed and repent . . the whole faithfull at corinth , men , women and children and all the saints ( for to those all , i● this power given , as erastus saith ) must have had a word of promise ( if they ought to have prayed in faith as the prophets and apostles prayed in faith , that they might work miracles ) that paul was miraculously to kill the incestuous man ▪ but that all and every one who were puffed up , and mourned not at this mans fall , had any such word of promise i conceive not imaginable by the scriptures , for the proposition i take it as undeniable ; if paul rebuked the corinthians all and every one , because they prayed not , and mourned not to god , that paul wrought not this miracle in killing the incestuous man , they behoved to have a word of god , for their warrant , commanding them to pray : o lord give power to paul , to kill such ▪ an incestuous man miraculously : for such faith of miracles had christ , and all the prophets and apostles , joh. . . so did sampson pray in faith , judg. . . and elias kings . , , . and so did the apostles pray , act. . , , . and with them the church of believers , for working of miracles in generall ; for the apostles had a word of promise in the generall for working of miracles , mar. . , . but that the apostles had before hand revealed to them all the miracles they were to work : i cannot believe by any scripture , but that it was revealed to them upon occasion only , by an occasionall immediate revelation , do this particular miracle , hic & nunc : and this i am confirmed to believe : because elisha , kin. . was mistaken in sending his servant with his staffe to raise the dead son of the shunamite ( a pastor with nothing but a club and naked words cannot give life to the dead ) ver . . and therefore the working of a miracle in particular hic & nunc was not alwayes revealed to the most eminent prophets , such as elisha was ; and so i beleeve , as working of miracles on this ; and this man , came not from an habit in the prophets and apostles , far lesse from a habit subject to their free will , but god reserved that liberty to himself , to act his servants immediatly , both to pray by the faith of this miracle , hic & nunc , and to work this miracle , hic & nunc . now to the assumption : how can erastus or any of his followers assure our conscience that god had given the faith of miracles to all the sanctified in christ jesus at corinth , whom paul so sharply rebuketh , cor. . , , , , . that this being revealed to them by god , and they having the faith , that it was the will of iesus christ , that paul should kill , or ( as some say ) deliver to satan this incestuous man to be miracuously tormented in the body or flesh , as iob was , that he might repent ; is it like christ would reveal more of his will , touching every particular miracle to be done by paul , to all and every secure one in the church of corinth that were puffed up , and mourned not for this mans fall , then he revealed to the apostles themselves ? but i have proved that the apostles and prophets knew not , nor had they the particular faith of this , and this miracle , how then had all and every one of the church of corinth this faith ? now they behoved to have this light of faith of this miracle revealed to them , that this was christs will , that paul should work a miracle for the destruction of the man ; else the corinthians could no more be justly rebuked , because they prayed not to god , that paul might work this miraculous destruction of the man ( which yet he never wrought , as its clear , . cor. . he was not killed , but repented , and was pardoned ) then because they prayed not , that he miraculously might cure the criple man at lystra , act. . or that he might work any other miracle . now how was this revealed to all of the church of corinth that this was christs will ? if it be said , they were to pray conditionally that god would either by a miracle take him away , or then in mercy give him repentance to prevent destruction : . we have no surer ground for a conditionall and dis-junctive faith of miracles in the corinthians , then for an absolute faith : . if it was the will of christ , that the man should by himself be miraculously killed , why did not the apostle immediatly by himself kill him ? why ? it was the apostles fault as well as the sin of the corinthians , that the man remained as a leaven to sowre and infect the church ; yea , it was more the apostles fault then theirs , for he had only the immediate power miraculously to purge the church ; some may say , as the lord iesus was hindred some time to work miracles , because of the peoples unbelief , matth. . . so here paul was hindred to work this miracle on the scandalous man , because of their unbeliefe . ans . paul could not professe this ; for he had not assayed to work any miracle of this kinde , as christ had done , matth. . but only sheweth them of a report came to him of the fact , and of their security , and not mourning : . paul should then rather have rebuked their unbelief , and not praying that god would miraculously destroy the man ; but this paul doth not . . paul rebuketh them , for not judging him , not putting him out of the midst of them : must that be pauls meaning ; pray to god that i may have grace and strength immediatly from god , to kill him miraculously , and to judge him . now they knew the apostle miraculously thus judged those that are without , as he stroke with blindnesse ; elymas who was without the visible church : i conceive the whole churches were to pray , as the apostles do with the saints , act. . . . that miracles may be wrought both on those that are without and within : but of this judging he saith , ver . . what have i to do to judge them also that are without ? do not ye judge them that are within ? . it is directly contrary to christs direction , matth. . which is , that by rebukes we gaine the offending brothers soul : now erastus will have him gained to christ , by removing his soule from his body , and by killing him . yea , the apostle writing of the censuring of those in thessalonica , who walked unorderly , and obeyed not the apostles word , which doth include such as breake out in incest , adulteries , murthers , is so farre from giving direction to kill them miraculously , that he biddeth onely keep no church company , nor christian fellowship with them , but yet they are to be admonished as brethren ; ergo , they were not to be miraculously killed , for then they should be capable of no admonition at all being killed ; and could there be worse men then was amongst the phillipians , enemies of the crosse of christ , whose end is destruction , whose god was their belly ? yet there was no blood in the apostles pen , he chides not the phillipians , nor the galathians who had amongst them men of the same mettall , gal. . , , , . ver. . , . nor the timothies who would have to doe with farre worse men , tim , . , , , , . nor titus who had to doe with wicked cretians , tit. . because they cryed not to god , for pauls bloodie sword of vengeance , that these wicked men might be cut off by satan , nor doth the apostle to the hebrewes draw this sword against those who sinned against the holy ghost , c. . c. . nor iames against bloody warriours , murtherers , adulterers , oppressors , c. . c. . nor doth peter and iude use this sword , or command the churches to use such carnall weapons against the wickedest of men , but recommended long-suffering , rebuking , the rod of church-discipline , to reject hereticks after admonitions . hence i argue negatively ; in all the scripture , never did the lord command that they should pray to god and mourne , that he would inflict bodily vengeance and death , or yet sicknesse on any scandalous professor , nor is there promise , precept , or practise in any scripture of this church censure . . erastus doth thinke a court of the church , that hath power to lead witnesses , judge and censure offenders an extream wronging of the magistrate , and an incroaching on his liberties , but here is a more bloody court , for if the whole faithfull are to pray for bodily death by the ministery of the devill , upon one of their own brethren , because he hath lyen with his fathers wife , or fallen in adultery , or murther , as david did : surely they must pray in faith , and upon certaine knowledge that he is guilty ; the law of god and nature must then have warranted the whole saints , women and children , to meet in a grand jurie and inquest , either to have the fact proved by witnesses , or to heare his owne confession ; else how could they pray in faith , if it was not sure to their conscience that the man had done this deed ? here is a jury of men and women , i am sure unknowne to the apostolique church . . a greater abridging of the magistrates power then we teach : the church shall take away the life of a subject & never aske the magistrates leave . . it is against christs minde , mat. . ●s erastus expoundeth it , that christians should go any further against an offending brother , then implead him before an heathen , though he adde injurie to injurie : but this wa● maketh the holy ghost sharply to rebuke all the saints when they are off●●ded , before the barre of heaven , by crying miraculous blood●e vengeance upon the offender . . it is evident this man repen●ed , and that the corinthians confirmed their love to him , and did forgive him , cor. . . . ergo , he was not miraculously killed . but we never read , where it was gods will and law that an ●ll doers life should be spared , though he should repent , because his taking away is for example that others may feare . . that evill , and as it is here , leaven may be taken away ; if then it had been bodily death , i see not how paul and the corinthians could have dispensed with it . . erastus doth not , nor can he confirme his unknown exposition by any parallel scripture of the old and new testament , which i objected to him in his exposition of matth. . let the reader therefore observe how weak erastus is , in arguing against pregnant scriptures , for excommunication . erastus . you must prove , that to mourn , because the man is not taken away , is all one , as to mourn that he is not debarred from the sacraments by the ministers and elders . ans . that is denyed ; to be debarred from the sacraments , is but a consequent of excommunication : . it is a putting of the man from amongst them , not by death , that we have refuted ; not from eating and drinking with him onely , that i improved before : ergo , it must be a church ou●-casting . erastus . paul might deliver the man to satan , though he did repent ; as the magistrate did punish malefactors , whether they repented or no● . an. ergo , he repen : ed , and was pardoned by the corinthians , cor. . . after he had been killed , which is absurd . erastus . if to deliver to satan , were nothing but to debar the man from the sacraments , ever while he should repent ; why should paul with a great deal of pains and many words , have excused himself to the corinthians , cor. . and cap. . and as it were deprecate the offending of them ; for they should know , that this manner of coercing and punishing , was , and ought to be exercised in the church ; if it was but a saving remedy and invitation to repentance , why were they sad ? they should rather have rejoyced , as the angels of heaven doth at the conversion of a sinner , then paul must have intended another thing . ans . this is a meer conjecture as erastus granteth most he saith against the place is ; for he saith , aliam conjecturam etiam addidi , such a violent remedy of repentance , as is the cutting off of a member from christs body , being the most dreadfull sentence of the king of the church , nearest to the last sentence , was to paul , and ought to be a matter of sorrow to all the servants of god , as the foretelling of sad iudgements , moved christ to tears , matth. . ▪ luke . , . and moved ieremiah to sorrow , cap. . . and yet christ was glad at the home-coming of sinners , luke . , , &c. these two are not contrary as erastus dreameth , but subordinate ; to wit , ( that christ should inflict the extreamest vengeance of excommunication , which also being blessed of god , is a saving , though a violent remedy of repentance , ) and ( to rejoyce at the blessed fruit of excommunication , which is the mans repentance : ) and the apostle cor. . professeth his sorrow , that he made them sad , ver . . and also rejoyceth at their gracious disposition who were made sorry : he is far from excusing himself , as if he had done any thing in weaknesse ; this were enough , and it is an argument of our protestant divines , to prove that the books of the macabees , are not dited by the holy ghost , as canonick scripture is ; because the author macab . . . excuseth himself in that history , as if he might have erred , which no pen-man of holy scripture can do : and erastus layeth the like blame on paul , as if he had repented that he made them sorry , by chiding them , for not praying for a miraculous killing of a brother : this is enough to make the epistles of paul to be suspected as not canonick scripture ; yea , paul saith the contrary , cor. . . now i reioyce , not that yee were made sorry , but that yee sorrowed to repentance , for yee were made sorry after a godly manner , that ye might receive dammage by us in nothing , and cor. . , . he exhorteth them to rejoycing , at the mans repentance , and to confirme their love to him , ( which demonstrates that he was now a living man , and not miraculously killed , ) and commendeth their obedience , v. . in sorrowing , as he did chide them that they sorrowed not , cor. . . so that paul is so farre from accusing himselfe for making them sad , that by the contrary , he commends himselfe for that , and rejoyceth thereat . and if the matter had been excommunication , while the man should repent , ( saith erastus ) they knowing this ought to be in the church , they should rather have reioyced , then bin sorry . and i answer , if the matter had been a miraculous killing of him , that his spirit might be saved in the day of the lord : should they not reioyce at his saving in the day of the lord , whether this saving be wrought by bodily killing , or by excommunication ? and so this conjecture may well be retorted . . they were not to bee sorry at the mans repentance , but to rejoyce ; yet were they to be sorry at the violent mean of cutting him off from christs body , as a father may be glad at the life and health of his childe , and and yet be sorry that by no other mean his health can be procured , but by cutting off a finger , or a hand of his childe . . they knew that miraculous killing ( as erastus dreameth ) was also a saving ordinance ( the remaining in the church , or not remaining is all one ) because paul chideth them , ( as he dreameth , ) that the man might be miraculously killed . erastus . what need was there that the corinthians with such diligence should intercede for the man , if they knew when he repented , he was to be received againe into the church ? now that they interceded for him is clear , for paul saith , cor. . . to whom yee forgive any thing , i forgive also . ans . because there is a great hazard in excommunication , of an higher degree of obduration and condemnation ; if the party be not gained . . i see no ground for this conjecture , that the corinthians interceded for him at pauls hand , for if he ought to have been miraculously killed , then whether he repented or repented not , both paul and the interceders sinned ; paul in being broken , they in requesting for a dispensation of a law , in which god would not dispense , as he that would request to spare the life of a repenting murtherer against gods expresse law , should sinne ; and paul should sinne in pardoning upon request , where god would not pardon . erastus . how excuseth paul himselfe that he would try their obedience , that c. . he would have their care for him made manifest , if he had not commanded a greater thing , then to debarre a wicked man from the sacraments ? ans . this is but a shadow of a reason against the word of god , for to be cast out of christs body , and not acknowledged for an israelite of god , and that in heaven and earth : and so to be debarred from the seals , is a higher thing then bodily killing , as to be received as a member againe , and to be written amongst the living in ierusalem , is like the rising from the dead , as may be gathered from rom. . . and is farre more then deliverance from miraculous killing . erastus . these words , ye was made sorry according to god , that ye might receive dammage of us in nothing , cannot agree with the purpose , they should have suffered no losse by obtaining pardon to a miserable man excluded from the sacraments , while he should repent ; but if he was to be killed , they should have lost a brother , and so suffered dammage . ans . the hazard of losing his soule , repentance not being so easie , as erastus imagineth , had been a greater losse , then the losse of a temporall life , the soule being to be saved in the day of the lord. erastus . paul requireth his spirit , and the power of the lord iesus to this worke ; ergo , it was more then to debarre from the sacraments . ans . erastus should prove ; ergo , it was more then to excommunicate . . ergo , it was rather more then bodily death . his seventh reason i hope after to examine . erastus . paul saith , he decreed to doe this , and does not command the church to doe it , or that the church alone should doe it : we never read that paul , whether alive or dead , did write to one , or many , to deliver any to satan , for the destruction of the flesh , that was proper to the apostles onely , as the gift of healing was , act. . and c. . and he writeth , he will come himselfe with the rod , and he himself tim. . delivered hymeneus and alexander to satan . ans . this is much for us , you never read that paul did write to one or many , and did chide them , because they prayed not that he might worke this and this particular miracle ; or that without error he might write this or that canonick scripture , and therefore because this delivering to satan , was commanded to the conveened together church , with his apostolique spirit , and warrant to deliver such a one to satan , and to judge him . v. . and to purge him out , and cast him out , therefore am i perswaded it was no miracle proper to paul onely . . how prove you that paul , his alone without the church excommunicated hymeneus ? paul saith that timothy received the gift of god , by his laying on him hands , tim. . . ergo , by the laying on of his hands onely , and not of the whole presbytery ? it followeth not , the contrary is , tim. . . . delivering to satan , v. . is all one with purging out , v. . as is cleare by the illation . i have decreed , though absent , to deliver such a one to satan . hence his consequence , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , purge out therefore . . to deliver to satan , is either all one with judgeing those that are within , v. . and so with judging this man , and with putting of him out , v. . or it is not all one ; if these be all one , then hath the church a hand in this delivering to satan , and so it is not a miraculous killing . erastus granteth the consequence , if these be not all one , this is two judgings of the man , one of pauls v. . by miraculous killing , and another of pauls and the church , v. . this latter must be some church judgeing of those that are within the church , common to paul and the corinthians , as the words cleare , and which is opposed to gods judging of those that are without ; and this is so like excommunication , that erastus must make some other thing of it . now we cannot say that there was any miraculous judging of this man , common to paul as an apostle , and to the corinthians , the ordinary beleevers and saints , as erastus yeeldeth . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to put away the man , which is expresly commanded to the church of corinth , v. . must be the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and putting away , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , v. . but that taking out of the midst of them is a miraculous killing of the man , as erastus saith , now this cannot be , for then the people must be joyned in the same work of miraculous killing with the apostle paul ; now both we and erastus must disclaim this ; ergo , there must be some common church casting out , common to both . erastus . to put away out of the midst of them , is not to debar from the sacraments , but to kill ; if it were but to extrude the man out of the society of the faithfull , what need was there of publick mourning ? and if he had been to be cast out amongst the heathen , how could the spirit be saved ? as is said , for without the church there is no salvation . ans . to put away out of the midst of them , is to put the man out of the congregation , as the word careh is expounded before , and is not to kill : were hymeneus and alexander delivered to satan , that they might learn not to blaspheme ? what learning or discipline can dead men be capable of ? . there 's need of mourning when any is cut off from christs body , it being the highest judgement of god on earth . . without the visible church altogether as heathens are , there is no salvation ; but to be so without the church , as the casting out is a medicinall punishment , that the soul may be saved in the day of the lord , is a mean to bring the soul in , to both the invisible and visible church , and putteth none in that state , that they cannot be saved , but by the contrary in a way to be saved ; so the man periret , nisi periret . erastus . it would seem , it may be proved from the text , that the man persevered not in that wickednesse , for the text saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : he that hath done , and that hath wrought this deed , not he that doth this deed ; and therefore it seems paul would inflict punishment as a good magistrate useth to do ( even though the man repent ) and he saith , that his spirit may be saved , then the man repented . ans . . reconcile these two ( paul was as a good magistrate to kill the man , though he should repent ) and ( yet at their intercession ( saith erastus ) he did forgive him ; ) durst paul at the request of men , pardon a malefactor contrary to the duty of a good magistrate ? . can paul intend , in miraculous killing , only the saving of the mans soul , and knowing that he was saved , and having obtained his end , yet he will use the mean , that is , he will kill him ? or if he intended another end also , that others might fear , how could he not kill for this end ? a good magistrates zeal should not be softned and blunted , for the request of men . erastus he saith , he decreed to deliver the man to satan , for the destruction of the flesh , that the soul may be saved ; now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to give over , to permit ; here a person given , a person to whom , a person giving , to wit , paul , and the end ; wherefore , that the spirit may be saved ; it is , as if i would give my son to a master , either to be instructed , or chastised , so tim. . act. . . matth. . . matth. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mar. . the brother shall deliver the brother to death , and the lord saith to satan , behold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i give him to thee , this is to deliver one afflicted , killed , condemned . ans . all this is needlesse ; to be delivered over , is to be recommended and taken in a good sense also , act. . . commended to the grace of god , act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and we deny not but to be delivered to satan , is to be delivered to be afflicted , but the question is , what affliction is meant here ; the affliction of the flesh say we , or of the unrenewed part , opposed to a saved spirit . erastus . it is unpossible that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 destruction , can be shown to signifie the destruction of the desires of sinfull flesh in all the new-testament , it alwayes signifieth killing , death , destruction ; nor doth the thing it self compell us to take it other wayes here , nor for killing and death , as thes . . it is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rom. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to kill , destroy , crucifie , are so taken , but never 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in either sacred or prophane authors . ans . i conceive chrysostom knew greek better then erastus , the man was delivered to satan , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that he might scourge him ( as he did job ) with a hurtfull boyle or some other sicknesse . hence as that learned and judicious divine , who hath deserved excellently of the protestant churches , petrus molineus saith on the place , chrysostom , homo grece eloquentiae r●rum exemplum , a rare example of grecian eloquence , doth think per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the word destruction , not death , but some heavy torment to be meant ; and i am sure hieronymus , a man in the tongues incomparably skilled said , by destruction here , was meant jejunia & egrotationes , fasting and diseases : . nor need we contend for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in all authors of the world , signifieth destruction , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to destroy ; the question will rather be , what is meant by the flesh , but certainly it is in prophane greek authors as unusuall ( i except sacred greek authors , such as basil , chrysostom , who knew what mortification meant ) to speak as paul doth , rom. . . if ye mortifie the deeds of the flesh , ye shall live : let erastus finde me a parallel to that in the new testament , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i think erastus may not deny that this is to mortifie the sinfull works of the body of sin , yet aristotle , plato , lucian , plutarch , h●siod , homer , nor any prophane greek author ever spake so : we shall therefore deny that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth never to greek authors any thing but bodily death : for thess . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 everlasting destruction , is some more then bodily destruction . . we say it is unpossible that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can be showen to signifie in either old or new testament , a miraculous destroying of the body by satan , we retort this reason back upon erastus , his exposition is not tollerable , because it wanteth a parallel place , it is his own reason . erastus . the destruction of the flesh must be the destruction of the body , not of concupiscence , because he addeth that the spirit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be saved , here the soul is opposed to the body . ans . though we should grant , that by the flesh is meant the body , yet it followeth not , it is the miraculous killing of the man , as i observed before . . it maketh nothing against excommunication ; for many learned protestants teach , that though to deliver to satan were a bodily punishment or conjoyned therewith , as the learned anto. waleus doth observe ; yet the apostle is clear for excommunication in this chapter ; & the learned molineus denyeth delivering to satan to be expounded of excommunication , and will have the destruction of the flesh to be some bodily tormenting of his body by satan , & so doth sundry of the fathers , especially ambrose , hyeronimus , augustinus , and chrysostom ; though augustine be doubtful : yet molineus saith , certum est paulum velle hunc incestum moveri communione ecclesia : sed id vult fieri ab ipsa ecclesia cor●nthiacâ , dicens , ver . . tollite istum sceleratum è medio vèstrúm : and that grave and judicious divine piscator saith , on the place ; that the forme of excommunication is this delivering to satan : but the destruction of the flesh , he thinketh to be the exhausting of the naturall strength of the body with sorrow for his sin , according to that prov. . . a broken heart dryeth the bones : and therefore it is to be observed that ●rastily , erastus insisteth most on those points and syllables of a text , whereon all divines , ancient and modern do place least strength for excommunication ; i might therefore passe all erastus his force against excommunication in these , and he shall be not a whit nearer his point . . but i shall follow him ; when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the flesh , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the spirit are put together , i see no reason that the one should signifie the body , the other the soul : i know the contrary to be , rom. . . those that walketh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the inordinate affections , and lusts of the flesh , are opposed to those that walk , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the spirit , and gal. . . the flesh , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) lusteth against the spirit , and the spirit ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) against the flesh , joh. . . that which is born of the flesh , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is flesh , it is not that which is born of the body as body , and that which is born 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the spirit is spirit , so rom. . . , . erastus should have shewed us such places wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the flesh and the spirit signifieth the body and the soul , when the matter of salvation is spoken of as here , that the spirit may be saved , ver . . then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the flesh is for the most part , if not alwayes , taken in an evil part , for the corruption of mans nature . erastus . how could they desire the apostle not to deliver him to satan , that he might ( as beza expoundeth it ) destroy his flesh , that is , bring him to repentance ? how could paul assent to such a petition ? how could the apostle write that he did forgive him ? did paul by forgiving him , permit him not to mortifie and destroy his flesh , and sinfull lusts ? ans . let erastus answer , how could the corinthians beseech paul not to kill him , that his soul may be saved in the day of the lord ? how could paul grant such a petition , as that the man should not be saved in the day of the lord ? how could paul by pardoning the man , permit , that he should not be saved in the day of the lord ? for the saving of the mans soul , is no lesse a fruit of this delivering to satan , then is the destroying of the lusts of the flesh . . they might well desire that upon the mans repentance paul would take a milder way and course to effectuate these two desirable ends , the mortification of his lust , and the saving of his soul , then the last and most dreadfull remedy , which is the censure of excommunication . . the destruction of the lusts of the flesh is a scripturall remedy for saving of the soul in the day of christ , at is clear , rom. . , , , . gal. . , . but whether miraculous killing be such a mean ordained of god is the question , and ought to be proved by some word of god , beside this place in controversie . erastus . these words , that the soul may be saved in the day of the lord , do hold forth , that the miserable man was presently to die . ans . that they hold forth no such thing , is evidently proved , for how were they to cast him out and judge him ? and how was paul to pardon him , and they and paul to confirme their love ? . when peter saith , pet. . . that your faith may be found unto praise , honour and glory at the appearing of jesus christ ? were all these presently ? because paul and the faithfull philippians were waiting for their saviours second coming , who should change their vilde bodies , were they to die presently ? when paul prayeth , that onesiphorus may finde mercy in that day , tim. . . i pray you , will it follow that onesiphorus was presently to die ? erastus . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rebuke , doth not signifie rejecting from the sacraments , . rejecting from the sacraments is never put for punishment in scripture . . it is but a rebuke inflicted by many ; and paul , cor. . absolveth him from this as a sufficient punishment , a rebuke is no punishment . ans . . to be debarred from the society of the faithfull , as hagar was , as cain was ; as david was , cast out of the lords inheritance by saul ; yea , to be rebuked , ezech. . , . are evils , but they are not evils of sin ; ergo , he speaks not like a divine , who will not have them punishments ; if to injoy the sanctuary , church , holy things of god , and the society of the saints be a rich , blessing of god , as the scripture saith it is , psal . . . psal . . . psal . . . psal , . . psal . . , , . cant. . . . cant. . . . cant. . . cant. . , , . rev. , . and to deny this be a symtome of prophanity , then to be separated from these as a heathen , must be to the children of god , the greatest evil of punishment and matter of sorrow on earth , it smelleth not of piety to deny this . erastus . if the man was only rebuked ; how was he to be delivered to satan to be tormented and killed ? some ancients answer , he was but delivered to satan to be afflicted in his body with sicknesse , and at length delivered by paul , others say more congruously to the minde of paul ; that paul purposed not by himself to deliver the man to satan , but to do it , with the church congregated together , and when the church saw him swallowed up with griefe , they deferred while they tryed pauls minde , and obtained pardon to him , and in the means time threatned him , if he should not repent ; and obtained at length , that paul should pardon him . ans . many learned divines hold the former , yet so as they conclude excommunication out of this chapter ; of this i say no more . but erastus hath a way of his own . to which i say , . there is no scripture , but this controverted one to warrant that the apostles who had the gift of miracles , . suspended the working of miracles , either on the prayers , or free consent of the whole multitude of beleevers . . that the execution of a miraculous work , was committed to deputies and substitutes under paul , who had it in their power miraculously to kill him , or in their free will and christian compassion , to suspend the miracle , and not kill . . that the apostles in acts of miraculous justice , sought advise of any , or might be broken by requests , to desist from miracles as they saw the party repent , or not repent , or friends intercede , or not intercede . . so many circumstances of the text , laying a command on the church of corinth , to put him out and judge him , and yet the matter remaine a miracle . these to me are riddles , if god had told us such a history , i could have beleeved it ; but to gather these by uncertaine conjectures . without any ground of other scriptures , is a thing i can hardly beleeve . but since excommunication is an ordinary censure , the church might well , as they see the man penitent , or contumacious , cast him out , or not , pardon , or not pardon . erastus . paul delivered to satan hymeneus and alexander , that they might learne not to blaspheme , not that the dead are capable to learne , or to be blasphemed ; but this be saith as a magistrate , when he saith he will give an ill doer to the hangman , that he may learn to steale no more , and to rob no more . ans . tim. . . i delivered them to satan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is like to edifying discipline , and agreeable to pauls use of the rod of discipline , cor. . . though i should boast somewhat more of our authoritie , which the lord hath given us for edification , and not for destruction . now it were safer to give a sense congruous to the intrinsecall end of discipline , which was not for destruction of the body , but for the edifying of souls . . yea , so paul had no lesse the sword , then the rod of the word , nero had not so heavy a sword , as miraculous killing : should not paul speake rather as a pastor of christ , then as a bloody magistrate ? erastus . if to deliver to satan , be all one with debarring from the supper onely , yet it is not all one , with being cast out of the church , without which there is no salvation , but the supper is not absolutely necessary to salvation . ans . nor doe we put that necessity on the sacraments , but where the man is excluded from the sacraments , for such a sinne as if he repent not , he is excluded from salvation ; it concerneth him much to thinke it a weighty judgement to be excluded from the seales . erastus . these two are inconsistent which you teach , to wit , that he is not debarred from the sacraments , who desireth them , and that his desire whether it be a right , or a wrong and unlawfull desire , shall depend on the judgement of others , to wit , the presbytery . ans . erastus should have made others see how these two fights together , i see no inconsistencie , no more then to say a childe that desireth food is not debarred from food , and yet his desire of food may be subject to wise stewards , whether every desire of food be right or no , as whether he should be answered by the stewards , when he desireth poyson or bread , not to ea●e , but to cast to dogs ; and this will fight against preaching of the word , the professor that longeth for the comforts of the promises of the gospel is not debarred from them , yet are preachers to try whether threatnings be not fitter for him in his security , then the comforts of the promises . erastus . paul , cor. . and . threatneth not exclusion from the lords supper , to those who had not repented of their schisme , drunkennesse , denying of the resurrection , but he saith he would severely punish them according to the authority and power given him of god , and he did this frequently , but we read not exclusion from the sacraments . answ . . it is true , he threatneth those who had not repented of their uncleannesse , and fornication , and lascivionsnesse , . cor. . , . and c. . v. . threatneth that he will not spare , but use his authority , but doth erastus read that he either threatneth , or doth actually , miraculously kill any of the beleevers at corinth ? and let him answer why the apostle did not write to the church ▪ that they would conveene , and take course with them , as he did with the incestuous man , cor. . . when he saith , he will not spare when he comes , he must be expounded according to erastus , to come as a miraculous magistrate to kill them . . he saith not they were impenitent , but he feareth it should be so . . we hold if any should be contumacious , he would not onely deny pearls to such swine , as his master commanded , mat. . but also follow that rule , mat. . . erastus himselfe granteth , if there shall be found a man that tramples upon the pearles and holy things of god , as there must be some one or other , which is such as deserveth to be miraculously killed : by this argument he granteth ( i say ) that such a one should not be admitted . hunc ego minimè admittendum censeo , but how shall he be not admitted by this argument ? erastus . there were many amongst the ancients who deferred their baptisme to the end of their life , when therefore it is not written , that these are damned , who are excluded from the supper , against their will , and not those who willingly exclude themselves from baptisme , why should the one more then the other be delivered to satan ? for he is in a better condition , who is excluded by the presbyters against his will from the supper , then he who doth of his owne free will exclude him selfe from baptisme . ans . that the ancients in the apostolique church , which is our rule , did deferre baptisme till they died , erastus cannot prove , the ancients after them is not our rule . . that these were admitted to the supper , a sacrament of the nourishment of these in whom christ liveth , before they were baptized , which is the sacrament of regeneration , and our first birth , cannot be defended by erastus , and so he argues from an unlawfull practise . . we reach not that any is damned , because he is excluded from the supper , that exclusion is a punishment ; men are damned for sins , not for meer punishments , but his sin is bound in heaven , because of a great scandall ; such as incest , and that , if he repent not , is the cause of damnation : and therefore erastus should have compared sinne with sinne , the scandall with sinfull refusing of baptisme , and not have made a halting and lame comparilon , an argument that concludeth nothing . . though those who deferred baptisme till death , should not have been delivered to satan , yet will erastus say , they should not have been otherwise censured ? for these behooved with socinians to hold baptisme but an indifferent rite , and by this many lived in the contempt of a necessary ordinance , ( though not simply necessary ) and so died with the sinfull want of baptisme many times . erastus . the exclusion of men from the sacraments did creep into the church when men did ascribe salvation to the sacraments , therefore the supper was given to dying men , though excommunicate ; as the deniall of the supper damneth , ergo , the receiving of it saveth . and so of baptisme they reasoned . answ . erastus nameth this his own probable conjecture . but it is to beg the question , he may know how singular augustine was for the necessity of baptisme , and how many of the ancients were against him in it . . he may know this consequence to be a conjecture , and that it is not stronger , because it is his owne . . he granteth that exclusion of the unworthy from the sacraments is ancient , so much gain we by his conjectures . erastus . when the church wanted a magistrate and the sword ▪ paul commanded that the corinthians might obtain by their prayers , that the incestuous man might be put from amongst them , that is , that he might be killed ; if he command not that the man be killed , but cast out of the church only , he should say as much as if one should bid preserve the chastity of a virgin by casting her out of the society of chaste matrons , into a bordell-house ; and paul biddeth not the corinthians deliver the man to sathan ; but only that they would convene , that he might , as present ▪ in spirit , deliver him to sathan ; and that they would deliver him to sathan , and put him out of the midst of them , by prayers and mourning : for in my corrected thesis , i said , that this , put away evill out of the midst of you , deut. . was in sillabs deut. . & & . . ●er . &c. . once , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in them all . answ . . that the church wanted the sword is no wonder ; the church as the church , hath no such carnall weapons as the sword , and that peter in killing ananias and saphira , and paul in striking elymas with blindnesse , did supply the place of a christian magistrate which the church then wanted , so as it was the christian magistrate his place , if there had been any to strike ananias and saphyra with sudden death ▪ i doe not beleeve upon erastus his word , because i finde nadab and abihu killed immediately by the lord from heaven with fire , lev. . . and at that time when there was moses and ordinary magistrates to have killed them , and god immediately caused the earth to open her mouth and swallow up quick cor●h and his company , and yet there was a magistrate to doe justice on them , for their ●reasonable conspiracie ; and i see not how this may not warrant ministers , when either heathen or tyrannous magistrates refuse to use the sword , to fall to as pastors , and in an extraordinary manner use the sword against murtherers in the visible church . it is true , peters miraculous killing of ananias , may possibly hold forth the duty analogically of punishing ill doers in a magistrate , where he is a christian member of the church . but it is a conjecture without scripture , that here paul doth call the corinthians in to come and be co-actors with him by their prayers in a particular miracle which was never wrought , for erastus granteth he was never killed . . paul reprehendeth their not mourning , v. . and you are puffed up , and have not rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mourned . this was an ordinary , christian , not a miraculous duty , which they should have performed as a church , though he should not have written to them . let erastus cleare how paul chideth them , for want of an habituall faith of miracles , and of a sorrow proportioned thereunto . . that gal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would god they were cut off that trouble you ; if this was in pauls power , by a miracle to cut off the false apostles , how could paul wish to doe a miracle and did it not ? . if he wished these should be cut off by the galathians , then as beza de presbyt . page . saith , it was in the galathians power so to doe ; and why should not they have prayed miraculously for the destruction of such ? . in all the word , to deliver to satan , is never to kill by satan ; as beza saith , and erastus can answer nothing to it . . that paul here tooke the magistrates sword , because the magistrate was a heathen . . that the church , when a magistrate doth not his duty , is to pray , that god would by some miraculous and immediate providence , supply the magistrates place . . that paul doth rebuke the corinthians , not for the omission of an ordinary duty , and the want of an ordinary faith , but because of the want of extraordinary sorrow , and of the faith of miracles , in old and young , and women who could pray for the miraculous killing of this man , all these look beside the text , for ver . . he saith such a hainous sin is committed , and ye are puffed up , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 blowen up , and have not rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mourned : this is the defect of an ordinary grace , and hardnesse and security that paul rebuketh in them , as the first word signifieth , cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 knowledge puffeth up , cor. . . love 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not blown up , cor. . . cor. . . col. . . and the other word signifieth ordinary sorrow , mat. . blessed are they that mourn , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , luk. . . cor. . . iam. . . mat. . . there is not one word of praying by the faith of miracles in the text ( for such a faith is required to such a prayer ) that god would miraculously destroy the man , or that paul rebuked them for not praying in this miraculous faith : it is the way of erastus to obtrude expositions on the scripture , so unknown and violent , as they are darker and harder to be beleeved then the text. . the apostle commandeth them to put out the man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , to kill him : what killing is this ? to pray to god that paul miraculously may put him out , and kill him , give us any word of god , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the old or new testament signifieth any such thing , there is not one word of prayer in the text : . they were to conveen , not simply , as christians , to pray , but with the vertue of his spirit , as present in minde , but absent in body ; this must put some more in them then a mourning spirit , for the want of which he rebuked them ; it is as much as he and they together were to joyn in putting out the man and judging him , as he speaketh , ver . . . nor is this all one , as to put a woman out of the company of chaste matrons to the bordel house to keep her chastity , no more then the wisdom of god in paul doth , rom. . . thess . . . . put unordinate walkers out of the society of those who walk according to the truth of the gospel , that they may preserve their sound walking , especially when exclusion from the godly causeth shame , and so humiliation , and this reason is against gods wisdom , as much as against us : . that to put away evil , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , deut. . and . and . and . is to kill , is not denied , and that in divers places , but not to pray that evil may be miraculously put away , as erastus saith : but we are to see , whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the hebrew ( of which language erastus professeth his ignorance ) signifie that alwayes : the contrary i have already shown , the learned pagnine and mercer say the contrary , that it signifieth , to cur , devide , or strike a covenant , gen. . . deut. . . jer. . . esa . . . and master leigh in his late critica sacra on the old testament , saith , it signifieth to stay , to cut off by death , by banishment , or any other way , whereby a thing in use before , afterward ceaseth , joel . . . amos . . yea , to cut off by divorce , as i noted before , and exod. . . to cut off from israel , is expounded , ver . . to cut off from the church of israel : yea , the law forbiddeth that not only in the time of the passeover , they should not eat leaven , but it should not be in their houses ; now must they be killed , if it was found in their houses , beside their knowledge ? see deut. . . exod. . . what erastus saith to the end of the chapter ; is but repeated reasons before answered . chap. x. quest . . arguments for excommunication , from corinthians . vindicated . reverend beza said , the world is the kingdom of satan , and he that is delivered to satan , is cast out of christs kingdom to satans kingdom . erastus saith , is it not easier to heal them by remaining in the church , having the magistrate to compell them to their duty , then to cast them out of the church ? the world is a kingdom of wickednesse and impiety , may you not more easily reforme a wanton and lascivious virgin within the house , then by casting her out of the house into a bordel ? will not slaves of satan be more easily healed amongst the children of god , then amongst wicked men ? ans . whether , to be delivered to satan , be to be put formally in his power , that he may vex the spirit , that the man may be humbled for sin , or if it be to be given to satan only , consequenter , and cast out of the church , that is , christs office-house of grace , to live as the world , of which satan is god and prince , cor. . . joh. . . ioh. . . it is not much to be disputed : but this reason is against the wisdom of god , who hath appointed that the shame , grief and sorrow of being put out of christs family , should exceedingly humble the spirit of any in whom there is any thing of god. and erastus might as well say to paul , why dost thou command the saints not to eat and drink with those that are called brethren , and yet are fornicators , covetous , extortioners , cor. . . and such as cause divisions and walk inordinately , as rom. . . thes . . , . and to withdraw from their company ? they must then converse only with the slaves of satan , and the wicked of the world , when they are deprived of the society of the godly , and that is the way to loose them ; were it not better to command the just contrary , that the godly should eat , drink and converse with inordinate walkers ? for they may turn them from their evil way ; for will an unchaste virgin be made chaste by being cast out of her fathers house into a bordel-house ? will not slaves of satan rather be healed amongst the children of god , then amongst the wicked ? but erastus seeth not , that gods aime in this separation , is not only , that the cast out man may be ashamed , thes . . , . and so humbled and brought to repentance , when he findeth he is deprived of the blessings of the saints , of their society , ordinances : but also god hath a higher aime , to the end , the whole lump of christs body , be not leavened and infected with the contagion of one man , cor. . , . gal. . . . erastus . the similitude of a rotten member , proveth nothing : for . there be no such sinners desperately uncurable , of whom there is no hope so long as they live , except pertinacious hereticks erring in the foundation of salvation , and such as sin against the holy ghost : . it is not necessary that men using reason and free will , be defiled and corrupted by other sinners , as the whole member is by the rotten member ; for as a tree cannot but be burnt by the fire that seaseth on it , so neither can the members continuated by touching , escape corruption . . none can be cast out of the church into the world , as it is the kingdom of satan , for if they keep the faith , though they were amongst turks , they are not in the world , that is , in the kingdom of satan , nor in the world : . paul would not have him cast out into the world , that his soul may be saved , for this were to make the weak dispair , and make them hypocrites . ans . this similitude is the holy ghosts in the very sense we use it , tim. . . their word shall eat as a canker , a metaphor ( as calvin , piscator , marlorate observe ) from a rotten member that corrupteth the whole body , and to say , because a man hath reason and so free-will , that he will not be corrupted ; whereas the whole member by necessity of nature cannot but be corrupted by a rotten member , is to speak not like a divine , but as pelagius speaketh ; for except we use the remedy appointed of god , to eschew the contagion of the wicked , and eschew their company , as we are commanded , and as the godly have done , and the wicked have not done , and therefore have been infected with the way of other evil men , prov. . . prov. ▪ , . psa . . , . esa . . , . psa . . . psa . . , . rev. . . chro. . . ( though we should not actually be corrupted ) yet we sin and tempt the lord , in that we seek a temptation to our selves ; yea , as all the reasons of erastus are naturall and against the wisdom of god in his ordinances , so expresly this ; god forbiddeth his people to marry with the canaanites , or to make covenants with them , exod. . , &c. because ( saith the lord ) they will insnare thee , and draw away thy heart after their gods : may not erastus say , but men have reason and free-will not to consent to the inticing counsels of the canaanites , though they be joyned in covenant , and marriage with them : preterea non est necesse sic alios a malis contaminari . . it is good , that erastus granteth , that pertinacious hereticks , because uncurable , may infect others , for so the word expresly saith , what shall be done with them ? erastus granteth they be rotten members : ergo , either they must , by excommunication be separated from the body , as we teach , or the body must seperate from them ; if this latter be said , all that erastus inferreth against us , shall fall against himself : . we shall not need to be infected with the heresie of such : vtimur ratione , we have the armour of reason and freewill , against this rotten and rotting member , saith erastus : . we shall expose hereticks to the kingdom of satan , and the world , by which they shall be hardned in their pernicious heresies : beside . we make them hypocrites : . i see no warrant erastus hath to say , that hereticks erring in fundamentals are more contagious and rotten members then slaves of satan , failing against the second table : . he that is cast out of the church , though amongst the turkes , is in the world , but not of the world : if he keep the faith , and if he do so , he shall repent and come home to christs visible kingdom , but because he keepeth the faith , yet he is not a member of a visible church , except he professe it , and repent ; for even the sound in faith , if obstinate in scandals , may deserve excommunication . . there is nothing said against excommunication in the two last reasons , but what striketh against timothy his publike rebuking , and threatning wrath against those that sin openly , for they may through their owne corruption , so farre abuse publike threatnings , as they may be led on despaire and hypocrisie . now erastus as we shall hear , granteth those are to be rebuked openly , who sin openly . . we say not to deliver to satan any man , is to deliver him to the world , but to cast him out of the church , that consequenter he may be left to the world ; but that he should sinne , and be led away with the world , is neither the intrinsecall end of excommunication , or of the church , but an event or end by accident ▪ the intrinsecall end is the salvation of the man. beza saith , that paul speaketh of a spirituall punishment , and not of a corporall . erastus saith . when peter killed ananias corporally , was not this corporall punishment ? when paul gave some to satan for the destruction of the flesh , and god punisheth our sinnes with temporall death , how shall you prove that god , and the apostles punisheth not sinnes with corporall , or politicke punishment ? ans . the instance of peters killing ananias is in vain brought in ▪ it s but a begging os the question , for it is not said peter delivered ananias to satan , that his spirit might be saved . who revealed this secret to erastus , that peter used the ministery of satan in killing ananias ? we have as good reason to say , peter delivered ananias to a good angell to be killed , as erastus hath for his dreame . . we deny not , but god and the apostles did punish sinne with corporall punishment , but let him show without the bounds of the place in controversie ; ( for we must expound scripture by scripture ) where ever the church conveened together in the name of the lord jesus , did judge and miraculously kill any member of the church , that the spirit may be saved in the day of god. beza said , this killing by the people , would be ground of a great calumnie , to make many say , christians did usurpe the sword of the magistrate , and that they were not subject to the magistrate . erastus . we give this power of miraculous killing onely to the apostles . ans . yea , but the calumny standeth so long as erastus giveth to all the people the faith of miracles to conveene and pray that paul might miraculously kill those that offended the church , and its probable when the enemies objected to christians , all they could falsely , they would not have omitted this , that the very people by their prayers meet in one church-jury , to kill cesars subjects . beza said , the christian magistrate should by this kill all the drunkards , fornicators , and the like with the sword. erastus answereth , . all faults deserve not killing , but some other punishment of a lower degree . . the lord himselfe appointed that the magistrate should compell men to doe their duty , why then should beza speake against god , and call this a compelling of men to be hipocrites ? ans . if other sins , as drunkennesse , fornication , extortion , doe infect the church , and be scandalous to the very gentiles , as the apostle saith of incest , cor. . . , . upon the same reason paul should have rebuked them , because they did not from the faith of miracles pray that paul might inflict some miraculous judgement by the ministery of satan , though lesse then death for other sinnes . but i pray you , paul had either a warrant from god to kill this man , or he had none at all : if he had a warrant , why did he not that which is the part of a miraculous magistrate without the prayers of the corinthians ? did paul chide them , because they prayed not to god that he might doe his duty ? if he had no warrant at all , why should he chide the corinthians , for that they prayed not that he might doe a duty , which was not his duty ? for that is not pauls duty , for the doing whereof he hath no warrant from god ; if it was his duty onely conditionally ; . what warrant is there in scripture , to say , paul should have miraculously killed the incestuous person , upon condition that the corinthians had by the faith of miracles , prayed that he might worke that miraculous slaughter , which because they did not , paul was either exonered of that as no duty , or then paul chided them , because they prayed not to prevene pauls sinfull neglect ? . how was this revealed to the corinthians , that they should pray that god by paul , as by his magistrate might revenge this incest , and not revenge their fronication , coveteousnes , extortion , idolatry , especially seeing he saith that , v. . he had written to them in another epistle , not to ke●p company with such ? whence i thinke it evident , that paul in another epistle , had ordained separation of fornicators , coveteous persons , and the like , from amongst them , and so censures for all scandalous persons : and how shal we believe he would not teach them to cast out incestuous persons , that are far more scandalous ? and if so , he must have written in another epistle of this miracle , that they were to pray he might work : is it not evident by this , that erastus his way , is full of conjectures and groundlesse uncertainties . . we deny not that the magistrate may compell men to do their duty ; nor doth beza deny that : but that the church hath or had any influence in the blood of an incestuous person , and in working of miracles for the bodily destruction of any , is most false , and cannot be proved by this text : nor do we think that the church ( the weapons of whose warfare are carnall ) can compell any man by corporall punishment , to duties by the sword ; for so their spirituall way , which is terminated on the conscience , should lead men to hypocrisie in profession of the truth , for so reasoneth erastus ; the magistrate with the sword rather punisheth sins committed in gods service , then forceth to duties : the fifth argument of beza is vindicated already . erastus . we say not that paul was to deliver the man to satan , that he may be saved , but that paul was to punish this high transgression with the sword , to the terror of others ; but only he set bounds to satan , that he should only kill his body , but not meddle with his soul ; but because the man repented , paul hoped well of his soul , that his soul should be saved in the day of christ . ans . . here erastus doth more fully reveal the vilenesse of his opinion , for he granteth the intrinsecall end of this miraculous killing , is not the salvation of the mans soul , but the revenging of the wickednesse of the sin , for the terror of others : which is . contrary to the text , which saith , he was to be delivered to satan ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the spirit may be saved . this noteth that the intrinsecall end of this delivering to satan , was the salvation of the mans soul : but the text saith nothing of erastus his end , that others may be terrified , though that may be an end . it is a wonder to me , that since erastus granteth the man repented , even when paul did in this chapter chide with the corinthians , that they delivered him not to satan : for erastus saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that hath done this deed , not he that continueth pertinaciously in it ( saith he : ) hence it is clear , that he repented at this time : how doth paul chide them for not delivering a repenting man to the devil ? that his spirit may be saved ; if he repented , his spirit was saved ; ergo , paul was in the fault , and chid them without reason ; if they say , though he did repent , yet for example to terrifie others he should have been killed , cor. . saith , he was not killed ; and erastus saith it ; ergo , yet paul failed , and they also . . it is against the intrinsecall end of that power which erastus saith is miraculous : for paul saith the end of that power is for edification , not for destruction , cor. . . now the intrinsecall end of bodily killing , is peace , and terror to others , that they may be afraid to do so any more ▪ but the intrinsecall end , and finis operis , is not edification , but finis operantis onely , for acts of magistrates are not acts of the first table which kindly , and per se , regardeth edification , but acts of the second table , if their soules be saved who die , for their enormous crimes by the hand of the magistrate : it is not from the violent death , as if it were an intrinsecall mean and ordinance appointed of god for conversion : but because god giveth to those who die that way , repentance . yea , it is no more a mean of saving of the soule , then if they should die in their beds by some disease . to the examples of hymeneus and alexander , that they were not killed miraculously , i answered before . erastus addeth no new reply to beza . chap. xi . quest . . of the leaven , cor. . erastus his sentence in his l. . c. . and ● . c. . examined . erastus . i shall grant ( since beza will have it so ) that paul expoundeth the ceremony of leaven , in the celebration of the passeover , and that he doth not only allude to it : paul compareth the feast of unleavened bread to the pilgrimage of our life in this world , and leaven signifieth wickednesse : hence as the iews all the time of the feast might eat no leavened bread , so all our life are vve to leave and forsake the vvorld and journey toward our promised canaan , we are never to live wickedly , what can hence be collected ? but as he that eat unleavened bread , was to be killed , so should every wicked man be killed ? he that eat leavened bread in these seven dayes , was not commanded to be debarred from the passeover : and the passeover was the beginning of this feast , as faith in christ was the beginning of our spirituall eating of christ crucified for us , and of our new christian life . ans . i hold that learned beza hath well expounded the leaven here ; he compareth the scandals of wicked men to leaven , the holinesse of the saints to unleavened bread , and the publick congregation to the feast of the passeover , and excommunication or putting away to the removing of the leaven ; for a scandalous man corrupteth the whole church : so the jewes and rabbines , as buxtorfius saith , that the rabbins call naturall concupiscence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . rabbi alexander said after his prayer : lord , it is known to thee that it is my will to do thy will : but what retardeth me ? the leaven in the masse or lump , and buxtorfius citeth the same place , cor. . . and gal. . . and least we should think that he meant nothing but naturall concupiscense ; he saith in the targum , they take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for wickednesse and folly ; he citeth medraseh koheleth , cap. . ver . . except r. samuel , had been long suffering , the persian that he taught , had returned to folly , or his old wickednesse . paul saith the same , purge out therefore the old leaven , that ye may be a new lump : he speaketh to the church conveened . . the comparison runneth so , that the corinthians were to purge out the old leaven of wickednesse , and cast out the incestuous man , that they might be a new lump ; and this if it must alwayes be done , far more when they are to celebrate that feast that came in place of the passeover : nor is the apostle only teaching what they could not lawfully do , all their life , as they were single christians , but what was their duty as christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conveened together in a church way , for paul doth not command one single christian to cast him out , but he commandeth the church , gathered together in the name of the lord iesus , with pauls spirit , and the power of our lord iesus christ , ver . . . to purge out , not the leaven of sin in themselves , but the man , ver . . that he that hath done this deed may be put out , and ver . . purge out the old leaven , and that the apostles precept is to cast out the man , he saith it in expresse termes , ver . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cast out that wicked man from amongst you , and ver . . they were to judge him , as one that is within : . because without conveening together in their daily conversation , they were to purge the leaven of m●lice out of their heart , it were a ridiculous thing for paul to command them to convene altogether , to lead a godly life : . there was no need that they should convene with pauls spirit , and in the name and power of our lord iesus christ to lead a godly life , and for a personall purging of every man his own soul from this leaven . . they were to judge this man , ver . . therefore this cannot be meant of a personall judging every one of themselves , but of a church-judging of an offender . . if erastus grant that paul expoundeth the ceremony of leaven , and putting away leaven in the passeover : let him see how he can apply this to killing of every single man that liveth wickedly : we apply it to the casting out of the scandalous out of the church , as leaven was to be put out of the houses of all who were to eat the passeover . erastus . i care not much whither the lord himself immediatly , or the magistrate was to kill him , who eat leavened bread at that time : but i rather think that god killed him ; for we finde none killed for this cause : . because paul writ of those who did unworthily eat , cor. . ans . there is no ground that god any way would have them to be killed , that did eat unleavened bread , and that we finde none for that cause ever killed , is much for us : for then god did not execute any such law , which ( as erastus saith ) was broken by many : it is like god never made any such law : . because it is said , he shall be cut off , who eateth leavened bread , it followeth not that therefore this was done immediately by god ; for it is said , lev. . . whosoever doth any of these abominations , even the soul that committeth them , shall be cut off from amongst the people ; if that be killing ; it is known , the magistrate was to kill such as committed incest , & did lie with beasts : but vatablus expoundeth it of excommunication , thus , id est , deus non agnoscet illum tanquam israelitam & circumcisum : and vatablus understood the hebrew tongue better , then erastus who professeth he understandeth nothing of it . . that which erastus saith of paul , that god himself killed these at corinth , who did eat and drink unvvorthily ; may as well insinuate the magistrate should kill with the sword , all that communicateth unworthily ( which is absurd ) as it can prove , that those that eat leavened bread were immediatly killed of god. erastus . those that eat leavened bread vvere debarred from the passeover : but leavened bread signified , scelera , vvickednesse ; ergo , vvicked men should by us be debarred from the sacraments . . it is false that those that eat leavened bread vvere debarred from the passeover by gods command : these tvvo differ much ; he that eateth leavened bread shall be cut off , and he that eateth leaven shall be debarred from the feast of the passeover , even as these two ; the childe that clattereth in time of sermon , shall be whipt with rods , and the childe that clattereth in time of sermon shall be excluded from hearing sermon ; when the master forbiddeth to clatter in time of sermon , under a punishment , he biddeth them not be absent from the sermon : so when god forbiddeth to eat leaven , under a punishment , be forbiddeth not to exclude the man from the passeover , the lord commandeth both to be done . ans . . this is erastus his argument , not the argument of beza , for eating of leaven signifieth a scandalous and openly wicked man ; and if this be the assumption , it is true , but the syllogisme so formed , shall conclude against erastus : . it is certain that god commandeth the priests not to violate his holy things , ezech. . , hag. . . . ezech. . , , , . else how failed they in keeping the charge of the lord , in not differencing between the clean and the vnclean ? now to eat the passeover with leavened bread is an expresse violation of the holy things of god , exod. . ver . . you shall eat the flesh in that night , rost with fire and vnleavened bread , ver . . and thus shall ye eat it — ver . . seven dayes shall ye eat unleavened bread , even the first day , ye shall put away leaven out of your houses : . he that is unclean is forbidden to eat the passeover , lev. . . the clean only is to keep it : and he that is clean , and not on a journey , and keepeth it not , that man shall bear his sin ; ergo , the unclean are excepted ; and he who is sanctified according to the purification of the sanctuary only by the law , is to eat , chro. ● . . therefore hezechiah prayed that god would pardon them that were not so cleansed , ver . . to crave pardon presupposeth a sinne , num. . , , , . but so it is , that he that eateth unleavened bread in any of these seven dayes , was unclean , and to be cut off for his uncleannesse , and transgressed this ceremoniall law , exod. . . . levit. ▪ . ergo , he was not to be admitted to the holy things of god , except the priests and those who had the charge of the passeover ▪ should know him to be purified , ezech. . . hag. . , . and we know it was the priests part to pronounce any clean or unclean , & that the passeover was one of the chief of the holy things of god. . erastus his conjecture , that he that did eat leavened bread , was not to absent himself from the passeover ; but to come tali modo , according to the law : as the childe that clattereth in time of sermon , is not bidden be absent from the sermon , may prove as well that no unclean , no heathen , or uncircumcised , are forbidden to eat the passeover ; for no law of god forbiddeth either to eat the passeover , except this , that only the circumcised and the unclean were forbidden ; when the lord in his law putteth an expresse and a differencing , or discriminative character on those that eat , to wit , that they be circumcised and clean who shall eat ; ergo , god , in that putteth an evident inhibition on those that are uncircumcised heathen and unclean , that they are not to eat , as when god commandeth every male to be circumcised ; we infer then no female were to be circumcised . and by this means the uncircumcised moabite , the philistine , were not by the priests and porters debarred out of the temple , or from the passeover , so they would be circumcised and turn jews : even as the childe is not excluded by a command of the master from hearing sermon , only he is forbidden to clatter in time of sermon : but a iew was both forbidden uncleannesse ceremoniall by an expresse law , and by another law he was forbidden to come to the passeover ; and a heathen , as heathen , was both forbidden to eat , and the priests forbidden to admit him . erastus . though we should grant , that those that eat leaven were debarred from the passeover ; yet it shall not follow , that those that live wickedly , shall be debarred from the lords supper , for the feast of unleavened bread , typified not the supper of the lord , but the whole time of our life : otherwise , saith he , ( in his thesis ) we may live wickedly all our dayes , except when we come to the holy supper ; as the jews might eat unleavened bread at any time , except on those dayes when the lord forbade them . ans . . we contend not , that debarring of men from any one ordinance , was signified by putting away of the leaven : but that by putting of leaven from their houses and table , was typified ( as paul here expoundeth it ) the putting of a wicked person out the midst of the church , cor. . . compared with ver . , , . . if the feast of unleavened bread , typified all our life that we should be holy ; yet it had a speciall relation to our purification , when we did partake of the most holy ordinances of god , such as was the passeover then , and to us the lords supper : else , erastus might say , god hath forbidden single christians to live at all , except they lived holily , which is a vain conceit . it is not lawfull to erastus to put significations on types , it his will ; and therefore that that feast pointed out holinesse all our life , is utterly denyed ; for eating of leavened bread , except in these dayes forbidden , was not a sin , nor any ceremoniall type at all , no more then our common bread and wine are signes of christs body and blood . . paul compareth the feast to the lump of the visible church ; so as the leaven was to be removed out of all houses of israel ; because it did ceremonially infect , corrupt , and leaven them , and so was to be purged ; so did the in●●stuons man , leaven the visible church of corinth , and was to be purged out : nor do i contend , that the lords supper here is meant , though i know no solemn spirituall feast that the visible church now hath , but the supper of the lord : but rather i understand , church-communion in the dain●ies of the gospel , which are set forth to us under the similitude of a feast , matth. . luke . , , , &c. prov. . , , , . cant. . . erastus . the leaven of the passeover does not so signifie impurity of life , that excommunication can be hence gathered : therefore the apostle alludeth to that place , that or the like way , as the jews did celebrate their passeover without leaven ; so it becometh us to celebrate our passeover without the leaven of malice and wickednesse : leaven simply , may either signifie good or evil , as matth. . and . and potuit , it might signifie our naturall corruption . for god not only forbiddeth to eat leaven , but to have it in the house ; and leaven signifieth 〈…〉 sse so to be punished , as ye● say , even by death . ans . the leaven of the passeover , signified so impurity , as we are to put out the person that leaveneth the church , out of the church , as they were to put leaven out of the house ; and not only simply , not to eat it ; so are we not only , not to eat and drink with a scandalous man , but he is to be reputed no member of the church , but a leavening and contagious man ; and therefore paul doth not here , as erastus dreameth , show what way every one in his own personall practise and duty , as a single christian is to do , that he may save his own soul ; and therefore every one was to celebrate a christian passeover in his own soul , laying aside the leaven of malice : though i grant , that paul , ver . . doth infer and draw a conclusion of a personall purging out of the leaven of malice and hypocrisie out of every mans heart : but paul doth expresly command the corinthians as a convened church , to put out from amongst them another man , for the saving of that other mans soul : and what they should do in a church society toward the man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who hath done this , to wit , down right they should iudge him , cast him out , purge him out as a leavening peece . and the world cannot give any other meaning of the words , then that , as the iews were to put all leaven from amongst them , when they were to celebrate their passeover : so the corinthians were to exercise the like work , upon this incestuous man , and to put him out from amongst them , as one delivered to satan , as a lump of sowre leaven ; and we seek no more for excommunication . . leaven signifieth matth. . good , the kingdom of god is compared to leaven : but here it is corruption of contagious scandall in this incestuous man ; and such leaven as is to be cast out , and purged away . now , i hope , we must not purge out , and cast away the kingdom of heaven : and matth. . . the leaven of the corrupt and false doctrine of pharisees and sadduces , that corrupteth the hearts of men , is meant , and of this leaven we are to beware : but why doth erastus strive to bring the reader in a good opinion of leaven , which paul would have us to detest ? i know not a reason , but because the place is so evident for the casting out of an incestuous man from amongst the corinthians , lest he should infect the flock , and that by the church convened together in the name and power of christ , that his soul may be saved ; and this is the very excommunication that we assert . . this leaven , ( saith he ) may signifie naturall corruption : now erastus putteth us to ( a may be , ) but ( a may be ) will not do it : for the text saith not , i hope , by erastus his confession , that the poor man must be delivered to satan , that is , miraculously killed , for naturall concupiscence . all the world thus are delivered to satan , as being heirs of wrath for sin originall , at least in demerit . . the man was not judged , purged out , and cast out , as leaven that sowred the church , for naturall corruption . . paul offendeth not with them , that they were puffed and mourned not for the mans originall sin , but for his actuall wickednesse , because he had gone in to his fathers wife , an abomination that the gentiles are ashamed to name . erastus . then the man must be killed , as he that eat leavened bread was killed : and though the punishments of moses law as such , must not be brought in the christian church , yet if god subject men to the magistrates sword , men cannot free them from it , though there may be degrees of punishment . ans . we denyed that those that eat leavened bread with the passeover were killed , but onely excommunicated and cut off from the congregation : god never subjected any to the sword , for that cause . . we deny that therefore by proportion the incestuous man should be killed ; by what consequence will erastus prove that those that gathered sticks on the lords day , those that are stubborn to father or mother , those who commit fornication now in the israel of god under the new testament , must be stened to death by the magistrate , or miraculously killed by the apostles ? it must be by the same consequence , that erastus reasoneth here . but did god kill immediatly any offenders at all for originall sin , some one more nor other ? as erastus dreameth this man was killed . . what warrant hath erastus that the devill killeth any one of the visible church now under the new testament , and any of the children of god , whose spirit are saved in the day of the lord ? proferat tabulas . erastus saith it , neither prophet nor apostle in the old or new testament ever said it . erastus said , an anagogicall sense is not concludent . ans . where the holy ghost giveth the sense , it is false , saith beza . . why doth then erastus conclude miraculous killing from the types of the old testament ? erastus . where i pray you doth paul say that the punishment of eating leavened bread did typifie your excommunication ? ans . the word excommunication may be by the church used as the word , sacrament , trinity . but the thing is not ours , but an ordinance of iesus christ . . paul saith in this very place , as israel were to put away leaven in their passeover , so is the convened church of corinth in the name and power of christ to put out , judge and purge out a corrupting and leavening incestuous man , and this is all we seeke for excommunication . erastus . i never finde the name of the passeover in the new testament put for the supper of the lord. ans . we are not in such need of that interpretation , as to put the name of the one for the other . but let erastus shew where he readeth that the thing , to wit , that the one sacrament succeeded to the other ; and beza may thence inferre his point , if god would have no man to eat the passeover with leavened bread , and if eating of leavened bread , and bread it selfe was to be put out of all the houses of israel , thereby signifying that incestuous and scandalous persons are to be cast out of the church , and so from the sacraments ; let erastus see what beza hath said amisse here . erastus . god would have the iewes to eate the passeover without leavened bread , that they might remember of their wonderfull deliverance out of the hard bondage of egypt , and of the deliverance of their first borne . ans . reverend beza saith thesetwo were by-past benefits remembred in that sacrament : but we have the holy ghost expounding that ●he putting away of leavened bread , did typifie the purging out of the incestuous men , and other scandalous persons out of the church , which is our point , otherwise let erastus shew us what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole masse and lumpe , for it signifieth either one single man ; or . the masse and body of the visible church , of which the incestuous man was a member ; or some third thing , which erastus and his followers must teach us . now the whole lumpe can neither signifie the incestuous man , nor any other single member of the church . not the incestuous man , . he was not the whole lumpe in danger to be leavened , for he was the leven , then he was not the lump in danger to be leavened ; for the one is the agent infecting , the other the patient infected . the whole lumpe was the thing out of which the leaven was to be removed , the terminus à quo , the incestuous man was to be purged out , therefore the leaven cannot signifie wickednesse in abstracto , as erastus saith , but the wicked man in concreto ; for the leaven must signifie that which is cast out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of the midst of them , v. . now this was not incest , but the man that had his fathers wife , and had done that deed . . again , the leaven was the person to be delivered to satan , that had a soul to be saved in the day of the lord iesus . but wickednesse in abstracto is not delivered to satan , nor hath it a spirit to be saved in the day of the lord. . the leaven is such a one as is to be judged , as is within the church , v. . and is called a brother , with whom we are not to eat , v. . now this cannot be said of wickednesse in abstracto . but neither can the whole lumpe be one single man ; . one single man needed not the solemn conveening of the church in the name and power of the lord jesus , for his personall purging , for his personall purging is not a church-act , but an act of a mans daily conversation and christian walking . . the purging out , and the casting out is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. out of the midst of them , then there was a society to be purged ; ergo , not a single man onely . much more i said before , which cannot but mist erastus , or any his followers , except they expound this whole lump to be the body of the visible church of corinth . . so gal. . . he addeth v. . he that troubleth you , ( the lump in danger to be leavened , ) shall bear his judgement , v. . i would they were cut off that trouble you . then the whole churches of galatia were the troubled lumpe , & so it must be here , if this truth be so convincing out of the text , let any erastian extricate himself , if he can deny , but here is a church-lump , a church of rulers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gathered together in the name and power of the lord iesus , that purgeth out of it selfe leaven , not wickednesse , in abstracto , as i have demonstrated , but a wicked man named a brother , lest he leaven the whole church , to the end his spirit may be saved ; iudge reader , if this be not name , nature and thing , of that which erastians deny , to wit , of excommunication . i humbly provoke them to make good sense of the cor. . and shew me what is the wicked man. . the casting out of the midst of you . . the saving of his spirit . . the convened together court , instructed with the name , and authority , and power of christ , and if this be not a church power , efficacion , and authoritative , being steeled with the power of the head of the church . . what is the leaven ? . what is the act of leavening ? . what is the whole lumpe ? . what is the purging out , putting out , and judging of the man ? . we know erastus denieth any church government at all , but some acts of punitive justice in the magistrate . but the churches praying , consenting that a scandalous person shall be delivered to satan , or some other waies punished by the christian magistrate , are acts of church government , so proper to the church , as the magistrate as the magistrate , cannot exercise such acts. erastus . paul-delivered hymeneus and alexander the same way to satan , by miraculous killing of him ; and whereas it is said , that they may learne not to blaspheme : judges speake so when they kill murtherers and theeves that he shall teach them to doe so no more by taking the head from them . ans . that word of a judge killing a man for murther , sirra , i le teach you other manners then to kill , can no waies be ascribed to paul , who doth not scoffe so at taking away mens lives . paul who wished to be separated from christ , for the contumacious iewes , and would not kill any by satan , since his rod and power was for edification , cor. . . and that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord , cor. . . he speaketh more gravely and lesse imperiously , and without boasting and jeering in a matter of salvation . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they may be instructed or disciplined not to blaspheme ; cannot be simply that they may blaspheme no more , because killed by the devill . for . let erastus in the old or new testament produce a parallel place for that exposition , where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be instructed is ascribed to the dead ; but this is a common fault in all erastus his expositions of scripture , that they want all ground in scripture , as let me put upon all the followers of erastus to give a parallel to this exposition of mat. . let him bee to thee , that is , to thee onely , when christ speaketh of a generall rule of all that scandalizeth . . let him be as a heathen . give a place of scripture for this . . let him be as such heathen onely as acknowledge cesar , and his deputies for lawfull iudges . . a parallel for this we seek , let him be as a heathen , that is , convene him before an heathen iudge . . what scripture expoundeth delivering to satan for edification , and not destruction , cor. . to be a magistraticall killing by the power of the devill , that others may feare . . put out , purge out , judge those only that are within , are expounded by erastus , pray for a miraculous destruction by the devill , as the lictor and hangman of the apostle , that none may be killed miraculously for enormous scandals , no not such as elimas the sorcerer , who was never within the church ; but those that are within : and did the company of the saints , pray with the saints , that signes and wonders , and so miraculous killing might be wrought , not on any but on those that are within the visible church , not on the enemies , and iews haters of christ , and without the christian churches , when the apostles miraculously escaped out of their prisons ? act. . , . act. . , , , . act. . , , . act. . , . , ? i might alledge many other such like interpretations of erastus . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the new testament , signifieth to instruct and chastise the living , never any such thing is ascribed to the dead . gal. . , . tit. . . rev. . . heb. . . luk. . , . . cor , ▪ . act. . . act. . . as they that are taught to sinne no more by being killed . . robert stephan . citeth in the margent , cor. . . to expound it of excommunicating of hymeneus and alexander , so doth piscator , so calvin , beza , marlorat , so vatablus saith , quos eje●i ex ecclesia et censui magis dignos esse ecclesia satane quam christi , si non resipiscant . . beza de presbyt . p. . learnedly observeth that it is no grammer ; for if the effect of learning not to blaspheme be suspended upon the miraculous killing of alexander , then he was first killed , & then learned not to blaspheme . but so paul could have said he was killed , ut non blasphameret , that he might not blaspheme , not that he might learn not to blaspheme . chap. xii . quest . . the eschewing of company with the scandalous , vindicated from erastus his exceptions . besides other arguments from mat. . and cor. . for excommunication , we argue thus : those upon whom the church is to put such a publike note of shame or a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as they are to withdraw from their company , and not to eat and drink with them , those are cast out of the church , and so cut off from the body of christ , and excommunicated . but the church is to put such a note of shame , as to withdraw from the company of , and not to eat with those that are named brethren , and yet are fornicators , covetous , idolators , extortioners , railers , cor. . . and cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine of the gospel , who serve not the lord jesus , but their owne belly , rom. . , ▪ who walk disorderly , are busie-bodies , idle , and obey not the doctrine of the apostles . thes . . , , , , , ergo. the proposition i prove , cor. . . he saith , v. . i wrote to you in an epistle , not to keep company with fornicators , the same word that in the abstract is spoken of the incestuous man , v. . by which it is clear paul had forbidden any company with such incestuous men . now he had not forbidden them to keep company with dead men , if the man was to be miraculously killed , ergo , it was his will before , that such a one should be judged , and put out , else he could not so sharply rebuke them , for not casting him out , and if now only he had first taught , and written to them to cast him out : as if excommunication had been in this same very chapter instituted by paul , and v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 now i have written unto you , not to keep company with one named a brother , who is a fornicator ; this must be in the same chapter , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 now i have written , must be in relation to this v. . i wrote unto you in a epistle before : now if here at this present he wrote to them , not to keep company with him , it must be when he commandeth to cast him out v. . and to judge him v. . so that not to keep company with such fornicators , must necessarily presuppose a casting out , and that the fornicator , with whom we are not to keep company in a familiar manner , is a man cast out of the church , and so excommunicated . . paul would never forbid brotherly familiarity with any remaining a brother , a member of the church , and of a body with us in visible profession of the truth , as partakers of one body and blood of christ , as all the members of the church eating at one lords table are , . cor. . , . . the apostle saith such a fornicator is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 named ▪ a brother , and so in the esteem of the church no brother , and so not of the visible body of christ . . paul bringeth in this as a reason why they should cast out the incestucus man , v. . did not ( saith he ) i write to you before , and do i not now write , v. . even now that you are not to k●ep intimate familiarity with such titular brethren , who are brethren in name only ? therefore put out from amongst you this man , v. . the apostles argument to infer they ought to judge , and put such a man out of the church ; because they are not to eat with him , were of no weight , if this ●schewing of familiarity with one who is a brother only in name , did not infer the churches casting of him ou● . erastus . it is false that paul forbiddeth to eat with him who is cast out , for he forbiddeth not eating with a dead man. ans . this is to beg the question , erastus should teach us how pauls argument cohereth ; for the text saith , he must be cast out ; why ? you must not eat with him ; then he supposeth he must be a living man , for paul needed not fear they would eat with dead men , nor can this be pauls consequence ; you are not to eat with the incestuous , ergo , he must be delivered to sathan , that he may be miraculously killed ; for that is a false consequence , for then all covetous persons , all drunkards ▪ all idolators , all extortioners , should have been killed by paul , because with none of these we are to eat . erastus . it is false that paul forbiddeth as to eat meat with such ; yea in no place he forbiddeth to eat with heathen , but elsewhere granteth it to be lawfull , and in this chapter he permitteth private commerce with them . ans . . let the reader judge whether erastus resuteth paul , or beza , paul forbiddeth to eat with a brother ; that is a fornicator : erastus saith , he forbiddeth no such thing . . though i think christians may eat with heathens , . cor. . . and that paul did eat with heathen ; yet it is no argument to say , it is therefore lawfull to eat with one cast out of the church , because we may eat with heathens to gain them , and we are not bidden abstain from heathens company , that they may be ashamed of their religion , ( though christians are to use no heathens with intimate familiarity as we do our brethren in christ ; ) but we are to eschew intire fellowship with a scandalous and cast out brother , to gain him , that he may be ashamed , thes . . . and in this a scandalous brother is in worse case then a heathen : but in other respects he is in better condition , as being under the medicine of the church . . though we may have commerce , and buy and ●ell with heathens , and neglect no dutie● of humanity to them , as to receive them into our house , and to be hospitall to them , heb. . . iob . . yet this will conclude intire fellowship with neither heathen , or scandalous brethren ; yea , we are not to receive a false teacher into our house , . ioh. ver . . yet are we not forbidden to neglect duties of common humanity to false teachers , though we be forbidden intirenesse of brotherly fellowship with them . erastus . there is not the same reason of holy things , and of private civill things ; for this , not eating , belongeth to private conversing with men , not to publike communion with them in the holy things of god : one saith , it is in our liberty , whether we converse familiarly with wicked men , or not , but it is not in our power , whether we come to the lords supper , or not ; and paul will not have us to deny any thing that belongeth to salvation ; and therefore he saith , thess . . admonish him as a brother ; and none , i hope , can deny , but the sacraments are helps of godlinesse and salvation . ans . . it is true , that avoiding of the company of scandalous brethren , hath in it something civill ; but it is a censure-spirituall , and a church-censure , two wayes : . objectively , in its tendency , respectu termini ad quem . . effectively , in its rise and cause , respectu termini à quo , it is a spirituall censure objectively , because it tendeth to make the party ashamed , that he may repent , and become a brother with whom we are to converse ; and therefore is destinated for no civill use , but for the good of his soul , that is a member of a church , that he may return to what he was . . this censure , though one private brother may exercise it upon another , yea , a woman on a man , who yet hath no authority over the man , is notwithstanding in its rise and efficient cause , a church-censure . . if christ will not have one brother to condemne another , while first he rebuke him ; and if he be not convinced , while he do the same before two or three witnesses ; and if he yet be not gained , one private brother may not after conviction , before two or three witnesses repute him as a heathen , or complain of him before an heathen iudge , as erastus saith ; how shall we imagine any one single brother may withdraw brotherly fellowship from another brother , by his own private authority , while he first be sentenced before the church ? and the church shall convince him to walk disorderly , to cause divisions and offences , to be a fornicator , a covetous person , and so to be unworthy of the intire brotherly fellowship of another ? for if this order were not in the church , every brother might take up a prejudice at his brother , and so break all bands of religious communion , and brotherly fellowship , and dissolve and make ruptures in the churches : now certain it is , these texts , rom. . , . thes . . , , &c ▪ in the letter , intimate no such order as is matth. . but it is presupposed , as clear by other scriptures , we are not to withdraw from an offending brother , but after such an order : now the places in the letter , except we expound them by other scriptures , do not bear that we are to rebuke our brother , before we withdraw from him , contrary to levit. . . . if i am to withdraw from a brother , all brotherly fellowship by these places ; then i am to esteem him as a heathen , and as a brother in name , not in reality , cor. . . whereas once i esteemed him a brother , and did keep brotherly fellowship with him ; now this is materially excommunication ▪ i do no more in this kinde to one who is formally excommunicated ; yea , i am not so strange to a heathen ; ergo , this i must have done upon some foregoing sentence of the church , otherwise , i might un-church and un-brother the man whom the church neither hath , nor can , un-church and un-brother . . eschewing of brotherly fellowship to any , is an act of government distinct from the preaching of the word , tending to make a brother that walketh disorderly ashamed , that he may repent , and of a brother in name only , may become a brother in reallity , thes . . . but this act of government belongeth not to the christian magistrate ; for every brother ( saith erastus ) may exercise it toward his brother ; ergo , here is church-government that the magistrate hath no hand in , contrary to the way of erastus , and not in the hands of pastors , for it is distinct from preaching ; nor is it in a colledge of pastors , doctors , and elders , for erastus denyeth any such colledge ; ergo , here every one must govern another , the man the woman , and the woman the man ; the son the father , if he walk unorderly , and the father the son ; this can be nothing , but the greatest confusion on earth . . to put any to shame , especially publikely , by way of punishment for publike sins , must come from some iudges , or others armed with authority , iudg. . . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . then the apostles sense cannot be , that every one hath power of himselfe without the church , or any authority there from to put his brother to shame ; for when a brother is not to eat with a scandalous brother , he must be convinced by the church to be scandalous , and so cast our , cor. . , , . as we have proved before , and every man here should be his owne judge , and party in his owne cause , except he put his brother to some shame by an higher authority then his owne . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to put a publike note or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the offender . so stephanus . so piscator , nota ignominiosâ excommunicationis . pomponius laetus de magistr . rom. ● . . censores quinto● quoque anno creari solebant , hic prorsus cives sic notabantur , ut qui senator esset ejece●etur senatu , qui eques romanus equum publicum perderet , &c. mathaeus harnish & gec . gabellus , who adde to zanchius his commentary in thes . say , est not ● quâdam insignire , et in aliquem animadvertere ; ut censores apud romanos notare aliquem solebant , they expound it the publike note of excommunication . beza saith it is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie and declare , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notate , & veluti inustâ not â compungite . so calvin , marlorat . and i wonder that erastus can say with any , that it is in our power to converse , or not to converse with wicked men ; are we not discharged by gods spirit to converse with them ? as we are commanded to eat and drinke at the lords table , and is it in our power morally to obey , or disobey any commandement of god ? except erastus will say with papists , that god doth here give counsels , not commands , rom. . . thes . . . cor. . , . and whereas erastus saith , paul will have us thes . . . to admonish this man as a brother ; ergo , in holy things , and in the sacraments ▪ that are helpes of piety and salvation , we are not to ●ast him off : it is true , the cast out man is not to be reputed as an enemy , but a brother . yet a sicke and diseased brother , under the roughest medicine of the church , to wit , the rod of excommunication , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord. but withdrawing of brotherly fellowship , is not a meere civill unbrothering of him , for if the brotherly fellowship of christians must be spirituall , religious , and for the edifying of one anothers soules , for exhorting one another , to prevent hardning of heart , for provoking one another to love , and to good works , to teach one another , to comfort and support one another , as we are expresly commanded by the holy ghost , heb. . . heb. . . col. . . thess . . , . mal. . . jer. . . zach. . . psal . . . i wonder where erastus learned this divinity , to say , the denying of this edifying communion to a scandalous brother , while he be ashamed and repent , is to deny nothing that belongeth to his salvation : admonition is but one of twenty comfortable acts of communion , which we deny not to him , least the man should despaire , and we should cast off all care , hope , or intention to save his soul , whereas the genuine and intrinsecall intention of avoiding him , and casting him out of the church , is , that he may be saved : lastly , we deny not admonition , and preaching of the word to the man , thus cast out , because they be converting ordinances , simply necessary to work the mans humiliation and repentance ; but the lords supper is a confirming ordinance , and denied to the excommunicated while he is in that condition upon that very reason , that it is denied to pagans and heathens ; and though it be an help of piety , it is no help either to a pagan , or an excommunicate man , but damnation : but it may be , the excommunicate man hath faith . i answer , to us in the court of the church , in which the seals are dispensed , he hath no more then a heathen hath ; and therefore , in confirming ordinances , he is looked on by the church as an heathen ; and if the reason of erastus be good , the church is to deny no helps of godlinesse and salvation to him , though we deny private food to his body , because the sacraments are necessary helps . then . i much doubt , if the church be to deny the necessary helps of godlinesse and salvation to a pagan living amongst us ; ergo , shall we not deny the sacraments to a pagan ? . we are not to avoid his company , and deny the edifying acts of communion , which i named before , for these are necessary helps of salvation . . it is not the mans sin by this reason , that he eateth and drinketh unworthily ; for if it be not the churches sin to give him the seals , because the seals are adminiclees and helps of piety , and saving of the soul ; by the same reason , it is not the mans sin to receive the lords supper , for it must be equally an help of godlinesse and salvation to the communicant receiving , as to the church giving : now paul saith , cor. . he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh to himself judgement . so erastus teacheth us , that it may be a sin to swine publikely known to be such , to receive pearles , when it is no sin , but the churches duty to give these pearls to such known swine , which is most absurd and impious . erastus . i said before , that god doth not exclude sinners from the sacraments , but gather them in to them , that they may be more and more invited to repentance , and more easily raised up again ; for sacraments , and so many ceremonies also , were for this end ordained , that they might draw men to the love and care of true piety and holynesse , as moses saith , deut. . ans . erastus acknowledgeth this to be no new argument ; therefore we may passe it , it is the chief pillar of his opinion : but i put it in forme thus , to erastus . those whom god inviteth to repentance , those he will not exclude from the sacraments : but now under the gospel , he inviteth all , even many pagans and heathen to repentance , tim. . . god will have all , even heathen magistrates , to be saved , and to come to the knowledge of the truth , so act. . . god now commandeth all men , every where , even the idolators , and blinde philosophers at athens , who erected an altar to the unknown god , ver . . and who jeered at the doctrine of the resurrection , ver . . even those god inviteth to repentance ; ergo , god excludeth not pagans from the sacraments ; but the conclusion is absurd and blasphemous ; therefore so must one of the premises be , but the assumption is scripture ; ergo , the major proposition of erastus must be blasphemous . god inviteth scorners to repentance , and rebukes are means of repentance ; ergo , we may rebuke scorners ; gods spirit saith , rebuke not a scorner , prov. . , . his proposition then must be , those whom god inviteth to repentance , those god excludeth not from any mean of piety and sanctity : it is most false , god inviteth dogs and swine to repentance , and commandeth them to be holy , and the pearls of the gospel are means of repentance , and holinesse : must we therefore , cast pearls to dogs and swine ? the contrary our saviour injoyneth , matth. . . . moses , deut. . . forbiddeth diverse ceremonies and sacraments of the heathen by this argument : ye are the children of the lord your god ; and he saith expresly , that the stranger may eat some unclean thing , but the lord saith to them , you shall not do so , for thou art an holy people to the lord thy god : whence it is evident moses saith poynt blank contrary to erastus ; for moses saith , that ceremonies and sacraments are for this end , to draw only the holy and sanctified people of god , to a further love and study of true piety and sanctity ; was not the eating of the passeover a mean of repentance , as well as the eating of the lords supper ? no question , but god invited the uncircumcised to repentance , but forbiddeth them to eat the passeover . beza said , sinners vvere indeed called to the sacrifices , but such as professed repentance . erastus saith , then ●●e agree , for vve dispute only of those vvho acknovvledgeth their sins , and promise amendment . ans . we are not willing to hold up a needlesse controversie with erastus ; but erastus saith , and his arguments conclude in the old testament , none for morall uncleannesse , and impenitency vvere debarred from the holy things of god ; ergo , we are to debarre none in the nevv testament ; yea , . paul did never command to debar any , nor did christ debar judas , nor the pharisees debar the ●ewdest publicans , nor the apostles simon magus from the sacraments ; ergo , saith he , we are to debar none at all : now here erastus clearly contradicteth himself , and saith , we dispute only of such as acknowledge their ●ins and promise amendment : but let erastus say , did iudas acknowledge his ●in and promise amendment : did all the morally unclean in corinth , such as repented not of their uncleannesse , and fornication , and lasciviousnesse which they committed , cor. . . acknowledge their sin , and promise amendment ? and did those that were partakers of the table of devils acknowledge their sin and promise amendment ? and yet i brought the very words of erastus , in which he saith right down in a catholick assertion , without exception , not any of those are to be debarred from the sacraments : why ? the sacraments ( saith he ) are adminicula pi●tatis , et resipiscentiae , are helps to godlinesse and repentance : and i aske of erastus , doth the lord invite none to repentance , but those that do acknowledge their sin and promise amendment ? and will erastus have helps of repentance denied to all those who acknowledge not their sins ? then let him give us arguments in the old or new testament , by which he can demonstrate , that those who acknowledge not their sins , and promise not amendment , are debarred in the old testament , from all the holy things of god , and in the new , from the sacraments : let erastus extricate himself if he can . it is worthy consideration , whether erastus will have all those only that acknowledged their sins and repent , admitted to the holy things of god in the old testament ; if not , he must shew a difference , why pearls might be cast to swine , and scorners rebuked , and holy things prophaned by the uncircumcised & prophane in the old testament , not in the new : this he shall not shew , if they were debarred who repented not , how saith he in all his book , that none were debarred from the holy things of god in the old testament for morall uncleannesse ? erastus . but we impugne this which you say , that god hath ordained presbyters or elders to be judges and examinators of that businesse : but we say , that god neither commanded in the old , or new testament , that priests or any other , should examine those who brought oblations for sin , whether they did truly repent , or dissemble only ; and ye say there be chosen elders who should try this in the new testament . ans . . elsewhere i have proved from scripture , that the priests did try judicially , those for whom they offered sacrifice : if the leaper had not bidden so many dayes as the law required , if the priests should offer for him , he should be partiall in the law , and if the disease be not removed , he cannot offer for him , matth. . . lev. . , ▪ , , ▪ . observe good reader , how craftily erastus passeth from one question to another : all his arguments hitherto , both in his thesis and in his book , conclude that no man , in either old , or new testament , ever was , or ought to be debarred from the holy things of god : because there is neither precept , nor promise , nor practise in moses , in the prophets , or apostles for it : . because , the sacraments are helps of repentance . . because all are invited and commanded to come . now here erastus flyeth to another question : whether the unworthy should be debarred by priests in the old , and by certain select and chosen elders in the new testament ? this is a far other question : for let him answer our arguments , by which we prove that pearls and the holy things of god , ought to be denied to all dogs , swine , and prophane men , whereas erastus saith , all those are invited to come ; and then we shall yoak with erastus , or any other , by whom , or by whose authority these pearls ought to be denied : whether by the church , that is , by the elders of the church , and people consenting , or by the civill magistrate . now this latter question to erastus , is no question at all ▪ for if none ought to be debarred from the sacraments at all ; but all must come promiscuously , as their owne good or evill spirit inclineth them , it is a vaine thing for erastus to make any question at all , by whom they ought to be debarred ; for it is all one , as to aske the question , by whom should those who are to be gradued doctors of physick , be tryed and examined , whether by the faculty , and colledge of of physitians of the place , or by none at all : if you lay downe this ground , that there neither is , nor ought to be any graduated doctors at all in the world , the other of those , who are to try those who are graduated is vaine , if all be invited to a free banquet , poor , and rich , leaper , and clean : it is a vain question , whether be there some masters of the house who should try who are worthy , and to be admitted to the feast , and who unworthy , and to be debarred . erastus . it is madnesse to say , that paul by forbidding private ●ating , doth understand nothing but a debarring from the sacraments , for ▪ cor. . he debarreth none from the sacrament . ans . neither beza , nor any of ours say , that they are both one punishment ; but that where we are forbidden to eat with a scandalous brother , it is presumed the church doth cast him out of her society : nor doth paul cor. . invite all to come to the supper . beza said , he to whom lesse is denied , as that we eat not with him , in our private houses , to him more is denied , to wit , that he should not be admitted to the lords supper . erastus saith , that to whom lesse is denied , to him more is denied , is true in gifts , but not in punishments , and in things of the same kind , but not in things divers , and in things free , not in things of which one is commanded by god , and another thing not commanded ; it holdeth not in punishments , he to whom the city is denied , and who is banished , his life is not denied to him , he who is punished in his purse , is not killed ; for that a father denieth to his son an unworthy thing , yet he denieth not rayment to him . ans . erastus in this granteth he wrongeth beza , as if he had said , to deny a private table , and the lords table , were one and the same punishment . beza saith , the one is a lesse , the other a greater punishment . . if it be true in gifts , that he to whom lesse is given , more is given , then it holdeth here in our case ; because private fellowship with the saints is a gift of god , and if the lords body given for us , and to us in the lords supper , be not a greater gift , it is nothing : so then if a lesse gift be denied , the lords supper a greater gift is denied . . it must hold in the private punishments , inflicted for an higher punishments cause , private communion with the saints is denied , because the man is cast out of the church ; ergo , farre more are the highest priviledges of the church denied : as liberty is denied to a man , because he is condemned to dye ; ergo , farre more is life denied to him ; a mans house is denied to him , because he is banished ; ergo , farre more is his city and countrey denied to him : but a man is not punished in his purse , because he is condemned to dye , it followeth no● ; ergo , he should rather dye , because the one punishment is not relative to the other . because not eating with a scandalous man is a spirituall punishment , as i have proved : therefore it is of that same kind with excommunication , and therefore it holdeth here . . abstinence from the private fellowship of a scandalous brother is not free , but commanded of god , and so is debarring from the lords supper , not free , but commanded . erastus . when he forbiddeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no not to eat , he forbiddeth , . neer communion of familiarity . . not to eat with them , which is to forbid all signes of neer communion . ans . it is clear he proveth they should cast him out , because i wrote to you that you should not keep company with such , v. . no more to eat with such ; ergo , farre lesse ( would he say ) should he be a leavening member in the lumpe and masse of christs body . erastus . i wrote unto you , that ye should not keep company with such ; then paul speaketh here of a thing , concerning which he had spoken before , though they understood him not : it is like they sought pauls judgement of their conversing with men : but of delivering the man to satan , he had not spoken before , as is clear in the text. ans . this is a strong argument for us , if paul had never spoken , nor written to them of the delivering of the man to satan , that is , of the miraculous killing of him , how could he in reason and conscience chide them , because they prayed not that he might be miraculo●sly killed ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? it is not possible they could mourn for not joyning in a businesse , that paul had never revealed to them to be gods will. yea it is a strong argument to me , that delivering to satan was excommunication , of which he had taught them before , ( else their mourning had been unreasonble ) and which he pointed at to them as a limbe of excommunication , to wit , their not familier conversing with the scandalous . erastus . and when he has show●n how they ought to flee the company of the scandalous , he returneth to his former purpose , commanding the wicked man to be killed : this then he saith , i commanded you to eschew the company of wicked brethren , not of the heathen , whom the lord shall judge . ans . . the text can bear no such exposition , for the reasons i have given before . . the coherence is clear ; i wrote before that you should not keep company with wicked brethren : therefore put out that wicked man from amongst you . but by erastus his glosse , there is neither sense , nor coherence in the words . erastus . the end of refusing familiar conversing with the scandalous , is , that he may be ashamed ; and you say , that same is the end of debarring from the supper ; then it must follow , as private conversing can do the contrary , to wit , it can soment and nourish sinnes , both in the brother we converse with , and in us , so the frequent use of the lords supper should nourish vices in us , vvhich vvere vvickednesse to think . ans . this presumeth , that to avoyd a scandalous brother , and to debarre him from the sacraments , must be formally one , which we teach not . . hence it followeth , since they be divers formally , they cannot have the same formall and intrinsecall ends . . the frequent eating at the lords table , in a scandalous man , doth dispose him more and more to sinne , as frequently sinning inclineth more to sinne ; but this is by the frequent abusing of gods ordinance , and not from the nature of the sacrament . erastus . paul forbiddeth not ill men of the company of good men , but he admonisheth good men , to flee ill men , that they may be ashamed . but vvhen you deuy the sacraments to any , you command not the godly not to come to the supper with the wicked , but you forbid the scandalous to come to the supper . ans . there is no solidity in this conjecture , it leaneth upon the perpetuall m●stake of erastus in all this dispute , as if we held , that to be debabred from familiar fellowship with the saints , and from the sacrament , were one and the same thing : else , i see no conclusion that erastus doth , or can infer against us . . it is false , that wicked men are not discharged the company of saints ; for in so far as fellowship with the saints , is a spirituall mean of the gaining of their souls by teaching , exhorting , edifying , comforting the wicked and scandalous , being dogs and swine are forbidden to touch such a pearl ; yea , god layeth a charge on wicked men , while they remain in that case , not to meddle with confirming ordinances ( with some converting ordinances they may , ) as psal . . . but to the wicked god said , what hast thou to do to declare my statutes : or that thou takest my convenant in thy mouth ? . seeing thou hatest instruction , and castest my word behinde thee . here the wicked are forbidden to teach or speak , to the instructing of others , which is a speciall act of christian fellowship between brother and brother , col. . . heb. . . heb. . . thes . . . . because they hate to be instructed of others : and you know how christ speaketh to the unworthy intruder of himself on the secrets and spirituall marrow and comforts of the gospel , matth. . ver , . friend , how camest thou here , not having thy wedding garment ? ezra . . but zerubbabel and joshua , and the rest of the chief of the fathers came and said unto the adversaries of iudah and benjamin , you have nothing to do with us , to build an house unto our god ; but we our selves together will build unto the lord god of israel : doth not god expresly forbid david to build an house to his name ? chron. . . chron. . . and we know it is a typicall discharge layed upon men of blood , not to touch the holiest things of god ; but that men of peace must meddle with them , isa . . . bring no more vain oblations , &c. all which holdeth forth , that not only those who have the charge of the house of the lord , to see that no swine and dogs prophane the holy things of god ; but they are forbidden all private ordinances and publike , in so far as they can make no other use of them , but to defile them . erastus saith , they be wickedly forbidden to come to the lords supper , who desire to celebrate the memoriall of his death . beza replieth well , . what if he know not what he desireth who cometh ? . what if there be just suspition or clear evidence that he playeth the hypocrite ? . what if it concern the whole church that his desire be suspended ? erastus . the first cause is not to purpose , because we speak of those that are well instructed . . the second is bred in the brain of beza ; i am compelled to think that he that publikely professeth he is grieved for his sins , and that he purposeth to live a holy life in time to come , that he thinketh as he speaketh , if he remain not in that purpose : i also remain not alwayes in my good purpose ; his desire is an argument of piety , which should not be smothered and oppressed , but excited and nourished : and this opinion of beza dependeth on the iudgement of men ; neither hath the lord committed the examination of some to elders : and it is folly to say , it concerns the church to delay , to do that which the lord hath commanded me to do . ans . . erastus professeth he standeth for their admission to the lords supper , who are recte instituti , & profitentur dolere se propter peccata sua , who are instructed in the grounds of christian religion , and repenteth of their sins , or professeth it : and he said before , as i observed it , if any shall be found who shall trample on the sacraments , ego hunc minime admittendum censeo : i judge such a man should not be admitted to the sacraments : whence it is clear , that erastus professeth that the ignorant and the scandalous should be debarred from the lords supper : but , good reader , observe that erastus contradicteth himself in all his arguments ; for he proveth , that not any one christian in the visible church , ignorant , or not ignorant ; who professe their repentance , or not professe it , can be excluded from the sacraments ; but that all are commanded by christ to come . but erastus saith , scriptura illos , de quibus nos loquimur , nec à sacrificiis arcet , nec à sacramentis aliis ullis : imò sub penâ capitis mandat , ut universi mares , &c. the scripture excludeth none from sacrifices , or any other sacraments : but commandeth that all the male children , jews and strangers , who are not legally unclean , and from home , should compear at ierusalem thrice a year before the lord : and pag. . in sacris literis non tantum non inveniri aliquos à sacramentis propter solam vitae turpitudinem , ab actos esse , sed contrarium potius probari : and iohn baptist ( saith he ) baptized all that came to him , pharisees and sadduces , whom he affirmeth to be a generation of vipers , ex quo intelligimus : whence we understand , that ministers are not to deny the sacraments to those who seek them , and the iudgement is to be left to god , whether he who professeth repentance , dissemble , or deal truly and sincerely : yea , when erastus saith , that it is not in all the scripture to be found , aliquos a sacramentis propter solam vitae turpitudinem abactos esse : that any were debarred from the sacraments for only wickednesse of life ; but rather the contrary may be proved , either ignorance of god , opposed to due instruction , and professed impenitency , is no wickednesse of life , which is most absurd ; or then in scripture , some must be debarred from the sacraments for wickednesse of life only : but erastus saith plainly , none in scripture are debarred from the sacraments , for only wickednesse of life : and so they are not debarred , because they professe not repentance . and erastus saith , christ said , drink ye all of this and iudas was not excepted : christ went into the temple with most wicked men : the pharisees and sadduces were baptized with the same baptisme of iohn vvith them : then erastus will exclude none at all , no not those whom christ pronounced to sin against the holy ghost , and the convincing light of their own minde , matth. . , . ioh. . , , . and . . and . . yea , pag. . he will have none excluded in corinth , not those that are impenitent , and those that vvere partakers of the table of devils . pag. . when christ commandeth all to eat and all to drink , he excludeth none that professeth themselves to be disciples : but many professe no repentance , who professe themselves disciples : see pag. , . and the following pages . . erastus saith , he is compelled to think , that he that publikely professeth sorrovv for sin , doth think as he speaketh : but to whom shall he professe it ? to the church ? then hath the church power to accept the confession of scandalous men , ere they be admitted to the lords supper : erastus will stand at this , for it is government in the hands of the church ; if he must confesse to the civill magistrate , who made him a steward of the seals , and mysteries of the gospel ? nor is the church to think , as erastus is compelled to think , manifest hypocrites , and those that trample the sacraments under their feet , will make profession of sorrow for sin : and erastus thinketh such are not to be admitted : erastus saith , they may change their purpose of repentance , and so may he doe himselfe . valeat totum , granting all , that is , nothing to us , for any divinity we have proofe of in erastus his booke ▪ i should humbly conceive when he speaketh so ignorantly of the worke of repentance , and preparations for the lords supper : he hath been a man non rectè institutus , not well instructed , and so without the lists of the disputation by his owne word , and so not to have beene himselfe to be admitted to the sacraments . . nor is it in beza his head onely , that those who desire the sacrament have true piety , for christ saith , wicked men are known by their works ; otherwise if tramplers of the sacrament , and the ignorant desire the sacrament , as ignorance is neighbour to arrogance and presumption : let erastus give us a rule in the word by which they are to be debarred , all his arguments will prove that they are to be admitted : and if erastus deny that the judgement of men either of church or magistrate is to be interposed in the excluding of those who are , non rectè instituti , not rightly instructed , and doe not professe sorrovv for their sin , he must speake against sense , if he grant some must judge , who are ignorant , and openly impenitent ; then i say to erastus what hee saith to beza , your opinion dependeth on the opinion and judgement of men . . if god have not commanded either elders , or any other ( as erastus saith , ) to examine and judge , who are fit for the lords supper , who not : then seeing erastus saith the prophane , the ignorant , the impenitently scandalous , knowne to be such , are to be debarred . i aske of erastus , to whom christ hath commanded the tryall of this , who are ignorant , and non rectè instituti ? men cannot debarre themselves from the sacraments in a judiciall way , most of men conceiting well of themselves , rush upon the ordinances of god , not knowing that they doe evill : workers of iniquity , who cry , lord , lord , adulterers , theeves , idolaters , who dare come to the temple of the lord and cry , the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord are these , ier. . , , . will also fast and professe repentance , esa . . , , . even when their wickednes testifieth to their face against them in the eies of all , ier. . , &c. ier. . . esa . . . and they will desire ●o partake of the lords supper , as is evident , esa . . . now there are none on earth , neither elders , or any any others to debarre them ; erastus saith , taceo jam , quod deus non praecepit vel presbyteris , vel aliis tale examen . let erastus answer us in this , and by what charity is erastus obliged to beleeve , all that seeketh the lords supper , do it in truth ? god has given to us mens works , not their words , of which hypocrites are liberall , and shall we foment hypocrisie , and mens eating their owne damnation , under erastus his pretence of incouraging , and not suffocating seeming godly desires ? lastly , erastus saith , it doth not concern the church , that the man deferre to do that which christ commands him to do , this is to beg the question . doth christ command a man to eat his owne damnation ? chap. xiii . quest . . other arguments for excommunication vindicated . erastus . the apostle writeth , if any man love not the lord jesus , let him be accursed : ergo , paul will have the elders to sit and judge who truely repent , who not , that they may admit the one to the supper , not the other ; if this be excommunication , excommunication is grounded on a thousand places : to love christ is to k●ep his commandements , ioh. . and . then who ever saith those that keep not the commandements of christ , are cursed of god , he shall this way excommunicate : then moses did often excommunicate . but because the false apostles did strive to make paul contemptible , therefore paul saith , god be judge which of us loveth christ , and let god destroy him who loves him not , this is the true meaning . ans . erastus perverteth the sense of beza his words , for beza has no such conclusion as to prove a formall excommunication by the elders , or church judicature ; this is erastus sained conclusion . beza inferreth from these words , that there is here gravissimae excommunicationis species , a kind of heavy excommunication , materially , to be eternally separated from christ , called the great excommunication . and it was to be accursed while the lord come , and therefore this may prove there is a kind of lesser excommunication , in the church , and moses his cursing by way of preaching , may well inserre , that because there be church censures , therefore there is a church cursing heavy , and lesse heavy . but beza intendeth not to prove excommunication by the church from this , but only that christs enemies are cursed , though they be other wayes in the church ; and this kinde of excommunication , of shutting impenitent sinners out of heaven , is in a thousand places of scripture , and nothing can hence be concluded against beza ; and the like excommunication is gal. . and when ioh. . ep. forbiddeth to receive a fa●●e teacher into your house , if he be a member of the church , he is to be farre lesse kept in christs greater house the church ; but is to be cast out . erastus . when paul saith , gal. . i would they were cut off who trouble you ; he saith not , conveene the elders , and cast such men out of the church , or deliver them to satan , but he wisheth that they were cut off by god. ans . . the place , gal. . . i wish they were cut off that trouble you , is expounded by piscator of cutting off from the visible church ; yea he saith , conveene the church , when he saith , v. . a little leaven leaveneth the whole lumpe , that is , a little false doctrine infecteth the whole church , and v. . i am confident of you , that ye will be no otherwise minded ; but he that troubleth you shall bear his judgement , who ever he be : then he hopeth well of the galathians that they will be of one mind to judge , and cast out the false teacher , this is parallel to cor. . though paul do not so right downe chide them for neglect of church censures , as he doth cor. . but saith erastus , if paul wished them to be cut off that troubled them , why did he not cut off those false teachers , and deliver them to satan ? erastus answereth , it was not gods will so to do , and the apostles could not in every place , and at every time kill miraculously ; but when it was profitable , and necessary . ans . then paul , cor. . farre lesse could rebuke the corinthians ; because they prayed not that the incestuous corinthian might be miraculously killed by paul : for paul had not power to kill him ; because it was not necessary , nor profitable : the man repented , and was never killed . . iudge if it be probable that paul would wish to work a miracle in killing false teachers , when it was neither profitable , necessary , nor sa●e for the church to have them killed . . paul was confident the man who troubled them should beare his judgement . erastus saith , it was not gods will he should be miraculously killed ; ergo , it was not miraculous killing , but some church censure ; or then erastus must find out another kind of judgement . and why ( may some say ) doth not paul write to excommunicate him , as he did the incestuous corinthian ? beza answereth , paul would not cor. . take that authority to himself , but would do it by the suffrages of the church : so here he sheweth what he desireth , but happily it was not expedient that they should be presently cut off : so beza : yea , the words do well bear , that paul thought fit , that they should bear their iudgement who had troubled them , and that that leaven should be purged out . . yea , if this cutting off be miraculous , it is clear , paul could not communicate it to others , for it was pauls will that the incestuous corinthian should be delivered to satan by the suffrages of the corinthians : nor do we read that the apostles wished to cut off men miraculously , but were not able to do it . erastus . it is false , that paul willed the man to be delivered to satan by the suffrages of the corinthians : for he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have already concluded , ordained , decreed , to deliver him to satan , though i be absent in body : what then would he have done ? he would all the church being gathered together ( not some presbyters only ) by his own spirit , and the power of the lord iesus granted to him , deliver the man to satan , that he might strike fear and terror on others , and that the man might bear the just punishment of his wickednesse . ans . paul chideth them , that they were puffed up , and mourned not , that the man might be put out of the midst of them : then , whereas it might be said , we want the presence of the apostle paul , and his privity to the businesse : to this paul saith , ver . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for me ( saith he ) i have , as if i were present in body when you are convened together , &c. iudged to deliver such a one to satan : now that this decree was the judiciall decree and sentence of paul as a miraculous magistrate giving sentence judicially , when paul himself was absent , and had not convinced the man , nor spoken with him , i do not believe ; . because , though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may signifie such a sentence of a man when the guilty is before him , yet the word doth not necessitate us to this exposition , luk. . . out of thy own mouth will i judge thee ; for it doth as often signifie a simple act of the minde , and the opinion of any not sitting in judgement , as act. . . ye judge your selves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unworthy of life eternall , cor. . . i determined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to know nothing but christ , luk. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith christ to simon the pharisee who was not on the bench , thou hast judged rightly , tit. . . i have determined there to winter , cor. . . iudge ye what i say , act. . . when it was determined to sail into italy . . we do not read that apostle , prophet or iudge , gave out a sentence of death against any , the person condemned not being present nor heard : the lord himself did it not to adam , nor to sodom ; he came down to see , he examined adam : moses did not so condemn the man that gathered sticks on the sabbath day : joshua convinced achan , the prophet convinced gehazi , ere he smote him with leprosie , peter convinced a●anias and saphira to their faces , ere he killed them , so did paul convince elimas the sorcerer in his face , so did christ in his miraculous purging of the temple , convince them that his fathers house should be a house of prayer . now paul here giveth a judiciall sentence of death on a man , he never spake of being at philippi whence he wrote , and the delinquent at corinth , if we beleeve erastus . . erastus judgeth that paul knew this man to be penitent , and how knew paul this ? it must be a miraculous knowledge , by which paul at philippi looked upon the mans heart at corinth , one of the greatest miracles that ever paul wrought for paul had the knowledge of the mans sinne only by report , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is reported ; between pauls writing the first verse of that chapter , and his writing the third verse there must interveene a miraculous discovery of the incestuous mans heart , paul being at philippi , and the man at corinth ; and paul knowing the man to be penitent , and because of his penitency ( as erastus saith ) paul did not kill him : yet paul so farre absent , must have given out a miraculous sentence , as a miraculous magistrate . i ( saith he ) by revelation as having the sword of god now in my hand , have judged , and given out sentence , that this man shall be miraculously killed by satan , before your eyes , that all may feare , and do so no more , and yet i know him to be penitent , and that he shall not be killed by satan ; a monstrous and irrationall sentence , if it be said , that by report paul had knowledge of his sinne , and by report also he had knowledge of his repentence , and that his spirit would be saved in the day of the lord , and that this knowledge came not to paul by any immediate revelation . i answer , yet the sentence must stand by erastus his mind touching 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have judged and condemned him as a miraculous magistrate to dye upon a report , though i never heard him , and i know he shall not dye for this sault : for can it be said , that paul retracted a sentence which he gave out as the deputy of god , and he even then , when he wrote the sentence , kn●w there was so much repentance in the man , as he would for it be moved not to kill him . . there is no ground in the text , why paul should be said to seek the naked presence of the whole people , to do such a miracle before them , he being himselfe absent ; for there is more then a naked presence of the corinthians , as only witnesses that they might be affraid & do so no more : for they were present as instructed with the spirit of paul , and the power of the lord jesus christ ▪ to deliver such a one to satan : as the words bear , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for to be conveened in the name of christ , being spoken , mat. . v. . of a church meeting , or in reference thereunto in the same phrase , and to be conveened with the power and spirit of paul , and of the lord iesus , cannot agree to paul ; nor can it be said , i paul absent in body , and present in spirit , in the name of the lord jesus , and with my spirit , and the power of the lord jesus , have decreed to deliver such a one to satan . for , . the grammer of the words cannot beare that , for ( being conveened in the name of the lord , with my spirit ) are constructed together in the text. . it is no sence , nor any scripture phrase . i present in spirit , and with my spirit have decreed to deliver such a one to satan . . it is evident that paul would , as it were absent , recompence his bodily absence , with the presence of the spirit , and road of church censure , which the lord had communicated to them . . erastus needeth not object , that there was a conveening of the church , not of some elders , for as there is no word of the word elders in the text , so is there no word of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the text , and so the debate will be , what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whether elders , or people , or both ; but though every one in their owne place were understood , yet the words beare a juridicall convention , being conveened in the name of the lord jesus , and with my spirit , and the power of the lord jesus . erastus ▪ the questions why paul did not command to excommunicate the false apostles in galathia ? or why he did not miraculousty kill them ? are both urgent ; but the latter is most urgent , for the power of miraculous afflicting men , was given to few men , and to apostles : but it is a wonder , if excommunication was ever , and every where to be observed in all churches . yet paul neither practiseth it here , nor else where , nor commandeth others to practise it ; now here he desireth they may be cut off , but not excommunicated . ans . we say the last is no question , you never read in the new-testament , or in the old , that prophets or apostles consulted , or advised with the people , whether they should work miracles or not : . though excommunication was an ordinary power , as the power of binding and loosing given to the church , matth. . . and . . ioh. . , . yet the actuall exercise of excommunication , being the highest and weightiest censure , and the most severe of any other on earth , it is no wonder that paul be as sparing and rare in the exercise of it , as the apostles were in killing mens bodies . . it is a begging of the question , to say , paul neither practised himself , nor commanded others to excommunicate , for he did both . erastus . that which is , rom. . spoken for eschewing of those who cause offences , is that every one single person beware of false teachers ; it is not spoken to the church to excommunicate those false teachers , and therefore there is no such need of such a presbytery as you dream of , but only of good and diligent ministers , who may rightly instruct , and prudently teach their hearers , what teachers they ought to eschew . ans . . the eschewing of false teachers is a generall , and a duty no question given to all and every one of the church : but the place doth no more say in expresse terms that a single pastor should give warning particularly by name , that this man , iohn , hymeneus , alexander , are those false teachers to be eschewed , then it saith , that the presbytery , which we assert , doth in expresse termes , shew what false teachers they be , who by name are to be excommunicated and eschewed ; but you see , that erastus is overcome by truth , so far , as he must say one single minister may declare that such a false teacher , by name , is to be eschewed as a heathen and a publican , and so in effect excommunicated , and put out of the church ; but he denieth that the church may declare him a heathen , as matth. . and that many elders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gathered together in the name of christ , as it is , cor. . may put out a false teacher , or a wolf out of the flock . . we grant that it is spoken to every one , that he should eschew false teachers , yea , and thes . . all that walketh unordinately , all fornicators , extortioners , drunkards , co● . . but that every man should eschew those , whom he in his private judgement conceiveth to be such , before he rebuke them , and labour to gain them , and in case of obst●n●cy , tell the church , as christ commande●h , matth. . is not commanded , bu● forbidden , matth. . lev. . col. . . for if this should be , that i might immediatly , upon my own private grudge , unbrother and cast out of my heart and intire fellowship , every one whom i conceive offendeth me , and walketh unordinately , without observing christs order , or previous rebuking of him , i make a pathway to perpetuall schismes : . a violation of all laws of fraternity , and christian communion . . a diss●lving and breaking of all church communion , and i● were strange , if erastus will have christs order kept , matth. . in private offences done by one brother to another , and not in publick offences , when a brother offendeth twenty , and a whole church , as if i were obliged to seek to gain my brothers soul in private and l●sse injuries , and not in publick , and more hainous offences . hence it is clear to me , if we are to reject an heretick , after once , or twice admonition , and not to receive in our houses false teachers , and tim. . . if any teach otherwise , and consent not unto the wholesome word , even the words of our lord iesus christ , being given to perverse disputing , as men of corrupt minds , and destitute of the truth , tim. . , , . we are to withdraw our selves from such , and to save , with severity and plucking out of the fi●e , those that cannot be cured ; then certainly the church of christ must also turn away from such men , and acknowledge them as no members of the body , whereof christ is the head ; if we say not this , if one hath leave in a constituted church , to j●dge and condemne his brother , and then we shall not take the course of the apostles in the like case , as act. . which is not apostolick , for when false teachers troubled the brethren , they would not peremptorily , though great apostles , as paul and barnabas , determine against either the false doctrine , or the persons of the teachers , while the apostles , elders , and brethren did meet in a synod , and determine against the error , and against the men , as such as troubled the brethren with words , and perverted their souls , act. . now erastus is willing to acknowledge a sort of divine excommunication , not a humane , as he is pleased to call that ordinance of separating of wicked men from the church and holy things of god , which yet was in the church of the jews , instituted by christ and his apostles , and which no church wanted , as learned beza saith , even in the time of persecution : had erastus explained to us his divine excommunication , as he calleth it , it were easie to bring most of his owne arguments with greater strength of reason against it then against ours , which is the truely divine excommunication . chap. xiv . quest . . whether erastus doth strongly prove that there is no presbytery , nor two distinct judicatures , one of the church , another of the state ? erastus . i deny not , first , such a presbytery , as the evangelists mention , which is called a presbytery , a synedry , a synagogue ; this was the civill magistrate who had amongst the jews the power of the sword . . i deny not a presbytery , cor. . when the church wanteth a civill magistrate . . i deny not a presbytery of learned men , who being asked , may give their judgement of doubts : of which ambrose , there was nothing of old done sine seniorum consilio , without the counsels of the elders . but i deny a senate , collected out of the body of the church , to judge who repenteth , and are to be excommunicated , and debarred from the sacraments , and who not ; or i deny any ecclesiasticall judicature , touching the manners and conversation of men , different from the judgement or court of the civill magistrate , or that there be two supream courts touching manners in one common wealth . ans . one simple head in a moment , may deny more then many wise men can prove in a whole day , it proveth they are more cumbersome in their disputes , then strong ; that there was a iewish presbytery , ●hat is , a civill judicature , is con●uted by lev. . . where there is a court of aarons sonnes , whose it was to judge of church matters only , and to put difference betweene holy , and unholy , betweene cleane , and uncleane . . a presbytery of arbitrators in matters civill , to keep christians from going to law one with another , before heathen judges : is not a presbytery , cor. . one wise man might do that , and he is no presbytery . . there is no judicatures of officers there ; they were but gifted men arbitrarily chosen for a certaine businesse , and were not judges , habitu . . a presbytery for doctrine only is further to seek in the word , i hope , then our presbytery ; erastus should teach us where it is . . he denieth a presbytery for manners , then all scandals must come before the civill magistrate . who made him a church officer to judge of the affairs of the church ? who is to be admitted to the seals , who not ? for two supream courts , i shall speak god-willing . erastus . there is no colledge of presbyters at corinth , but every man was to judge himselfe . ans . there is a company gathered together in the name of our lord jesus with the spirit of paul , and the power of our lord iesus , cor. . . . who did judge those that are within , and put out from amongst them an incestuous man , v. , . least he should leaven the whole church , v. . this is a colledge of judges . . there is a number of builders and labourers with god , cor. . , , , . ministers of god , dispensers of the misteries of word and sacraments of god , cor. . . such as paul , apollos , cephas , and others , cor. . , . cor. . . a number that had power to punish , to forgive , cor. . , , , , , . . a number of prophets who judged of the doctrine of the prophets , cor. . , , . these be very like a colledge of presbyters . o but paul writeth not to those , but to those who were puffed up , and mourned not , cor. . . these were the people and church . ans . yea these were the eyes , eares , and principall parts of the church , cor. . , , , , . now he writeth to the church , cor. . ▪ . erastus . before this time , paul must have instituted this presbytery , who seeth not that this is false ? for so he would have accused the presbytery , not the whole church ; but he accuseth not the elders , because they admitted the man to the lords supper , and there is no word of excommunication here . there is no mention of one judgement , of one election , of one office , but he chideth the whole church ; because they mourned not : it was not the elders office to remove this ; they dream , who say there is a presbytery instituted here , and there was none instituted before this epistle was written ; he biddeth them not ask suffrages , whether he should be excommunicated or no. ans . all that erastus saith against a presbytery , is to improve excommunication : but there may be excommunication by the people , as many hold , where there be no elders at all . . let erastus point out the time , when a number of preaching prophets were instituted at corinth , whether in this chapter ( which to me is a dream ) or before . . he had cause to rebuke all ; all were secure , the elders who cast him not out , the people who said not to their elders , as the colossians are bidden say , col. . . to archippus ; and will erastus say that preaching elders , who by office , are the eyes of the church , cor. . , . were not to be chiefe in mourning to god , and praying that the man might be miraculously killed ? and yet he reproveth all equally . . he reproveth them all that the man was not cast out of the church , and this includeth a reproofe , that he injoyed all the church priviledges , especially the sacraments . . it is false that there is no mention of judgement , v. . do not ye judge those that are within ? for election , there is none in the chapter , nor any presbytery instituted in this chapter ; it was before : erastus hath the like reason to say , that there was no instituted church at corinth , because in the . or . epistle to the corinthians : we reade not where he instituted any such church ; if we finde the thing instituted , we know it had an institution , and let erastus shew us when paul received the institution of the lords supper , from the lord : shall we deny he received any such thing contrary to cor. . . because we finde not where and how he received from the lord ? . there is no asking of suffrages mentioned act. . at the choosing of mathias , nor act. . at the choosing of the deacons that we reade of ; ergo , there were no suffrages there ; it followeth not . . and ought not farre rather suffrages to have been asked before the people should take on their heads the mans blood , by consenting thereunto , and praying for it , as erastus saith ? erastus . if these words , v. . i verily as absent in body , but present in spirit , have decreed , &c. signifie , choose out of your company , presbyters , who are to censure the manners of the people , who shall debarre the unworthy from the sacraments , i am willing to suffer any thing . ans . i know no man but erastus that dreameth of any such sense , there is no institution of a presbytery in this chapter , no calling of ministers ; but it presupposeth a ministery before s●●led . but if th●se words . i have decreed , &c. have the erastian sense , i have given s●●●e●c● as a magistrate , that the man be killed by the ministery of the devill ; and that you shall be my heralds to proclaime this sentence : it is a wonder the text give not any hint of such a sense . erastus . v. . he speaketh not of the judgement of presbyters , but of all the people . ans . . this erastus on his word asserteth , without probation : we deny it , it is but par●llel with gods judging . . it is an act of the keys . . it is relative to casting out by those that are conveened in the name of the lord iesus , with the spirit of paul , and the power of our lord iesus : was every girle , and beleeving servant capable of this spirit ▪ and power ? erastus . i grant before any come to age , be baptized , he is to be examined , whether he understand the doctrine of saith , and assent to it with his heart : i grant it is profitable that young ones be examined , before they be admitted to the supper , but i deny god hath for either of those instituted a presbytery . but there is no ground that a presbytery must try wicked men , ere they be admitted to the lords supper . ans . . we owe erastus thanks for granting this ; but what if the aged be sound grosly ignorant , and uncapable of the seals ? and some wicked men will trample the seals as swine , and yet they desire the seals . erastus said before , such should not be admitted ; who should debarre them ; either the church of beleevers , or those that are over them in the lord , or the magistrate must debarre them : if the first and second be said , erastus cometh to finde some use for a presbytery ; if the magistrate be an heathen , he cannot examine or debarre any from the seals . let erastus answer , if he be a christian , how can it be denied ; but if the magistrate by his office is to steward the bread to one of the children , not to another , but he is a steward to cut and divide the word , and seals both aright ; and how could paul make it one of the properties of the pastor , . tim. . to cut the word , and by the same reason to distribute the seals aright , if it depend upon another officer by his office to command him to divide it to this man , whom he hath examined , and findeth in his mind qualified , and not to this man ? we judge the elders of the new testament do agree in this common and perpetuall morality , that both are to put difference between clean , and unclean , holy , and unholy , though many things were unclean to the iews , that are not unclean to us , and that the church hath yet a power to bind and loose , mat. . . erastus . there was never a wiser common wealth in the world , then that of the iews , deut. but in the common vvealth of the ievves , there vvere never tvvo distinct judicatures concerning manners : ergo , there should not be these tvvo different jurisdictions in the christian common vvealth . but all should be given to the civill magistrate . ans . erastus is seldome happy in his logick , his sy●logismes are thin sowne , all gods laws are most wise , but if this be a good argument , was not their church , their religion , their ceremonies , their judiciall laws , all wise and righteous ? then the christian church should be conform yet to the iewish , we should have those same bloody sacrifices , judiciall lawes , ceremonies that they had . the iudicatures and officers are positive things , flowing from the positive will of god , who doth appoint one jurisdiction for them , most wise , and another to christians different from them , and in its kinde , most wise . . we give two judicatures in the church of the iews , concerning manners , one civil , acknowledged by erastus ; another spirituall & ecclesiastick , ordaining ecclesiastick and spirituall punishments upon the unclean , lev. . . as to be removed out of the campe , and such like , and deut. . thou shalt come to the priests , the levites , and the iudge , that shall be in those daies , according to the sentence vvhich they of that place ( vvhich the lord shall chuse ) shall shevv thee , and thou shalt observe to doe according to all that they informe thee , ver . . and the man that vvill do● presumptuously , and vvill not hearken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the priest , ( that standeth there to minister before the lord thy god ) or unto the judge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even that man shall die , and thou shalt put avvdy evill from israel . there is here an evident disjunction that clearly holdeth forth , that both the priests and the civill judge judged in matters of manners , and that he that presumptuously despised the sentence of either was to die : a judicature of the priests is evidently here , and a judicature of the civill judge , erastus cannot deny , and that the priest judged in subordination to the civill judge , is refuted by the words , which saith the priest was immediatly subordinate to god , not to the magstistrate : he that will not heare the priest ( that standeth to minister before the lord thy god ) shall die : ergo , he is the minister of the lord ; and god called and separated aaron and his sonnes , to stand before the lord , and to minister , and he did call the levites , the magistrate called them not to office . erastus . beza saith , that moses , ioshua , david , salomon , did not execute the office of the priests , and therefore the charge of the priests , and of the civill magistrates were different offices , and charges ; but i said , before the lord chose aaron and his sonnes to be priests , they were not so distinct charges , but they did agree to one and the same person ; for , moses to omit the rest , did execute the office of aaron , levit. . but after that it was not lawfull for any to doe the office both of king and priest ; and therefore saul and vzziah were justly corrected of god for it . but what is this ? it proveth not that the priests had publike judicatures to punish wickednes of manners . ans . certainly , if erastus deny the charge of the priest and the king to be different offices , because once moses did offer sacrifice , ( and so was melchisedeck both a king and a priest , heb. . ) he must say that moses offered sacrifices , levit. . not as a priest . ( sure i am , moses was a prophet , and a prince and ruler , but no priest . ) but moses by erastus his way , must as a civill magistrate have offered sacrifices , and not as a priest or priviledged person by a speciall and an extraordinary commandement of god ; for to deny the two offices of priest and king to be different offices , because one man discharged some acts proper to both offices , as moses both did beare the sword of god , as a prince , and did also discharge some acts proper to the priest , as erastus saith he did , leviticus . is a poore and naughty argument : undeniable it is that melchisedeck was both king and priest , but even then to be a king and to be a priest , were two distinct offices , in nature and essence , because melchisedech did not take away the life of a murtherer , as a priest , but as king of salem , heb. . . nor did abraham pay tithes to melchisedech as to a king , but as to a priest . tithes in moses law as tithes , were never due to any but to the priests : and therefore even in melchisedeck , the kingly and priestly office , were formally distinct ordinances of god , just as david as a king and judge took away the head of the man who brought sauls head to him , and not as a prophet he did this ; so as a prophet he penned the psalmes , not as a king : if one and the same man be both a musitian and a painter , he doth paint excellently as a painter , not at a musitian , and he singeth excellently not as a painter , but as a musitian ; and though one and the same man doe acts proper to both , that may prove that musick and the art of painting are one subjectively onely , that they may both agree to one and the same man , but not that they are not two faculties and gifts of god different in spece and nature . . though erastus confesse that it was unlawfull that vzzias and saul should sacrifice , yet he will have the kings office , and the ministers office under the new testament not so different ; for he said expresly , who knoweth not now when aarons priesthood is removed , but we are all equally priests ? saul and vzziah sinned when they were bold to sacrifice and burne incense , but the magistrate doth not therefore sin , who exerciseth the charge of the ministery , if he might for his businesse performe both , doth paul make exceptions of magistrates and potentates , when he saith , cor. . you may all prophecie ? hence he must grant that the civill magistrate now may both preach , baptize , and administer the supper of the lord , and therfore not only hath the church no senate , nor ecclesiasticall court to punish faults , and scandals with ecclesiastick censures ; but there is no presbytery of elders to give their judgement in matters of doctrine , for the magistrates and all christians may as well prophecy by ● cor. . as ministers , saith he , yea the faculty of preaching is no more proper to the ministers of the church , then to the magistrates of the city . now by this nothing is proper to the magistrate , as the magistrate , but to the magistrate as a christian , and to all christians . but erastus contendeth that the government of the church , and punishing of scandals , which we say belongeth to those that are over the people of god in the lord , and to church rulers , doth belong to the magistrate as the magistrate , and virtute officii , by vertue of his office : so that if any iew or turke , or any ignorant or extreamely scandalous should attempt to intrude himselfe upon the seals , the magistrate as the magistrate and virtute officii , is to examine and judge if he be unworthy , & to debar him , or as he findeth him worthy , admit him to the seals . now any seeth that it is but a deceiving of the reader , to say that one man may discharge both the place of the magistrate , and the minister of god , as moses did , and ioshua , & david : for let erastus and his followers shew us roundly and down-right , whether or no prophecying , debarring the unworthy from the seals , and all acts of church government , not proper to the magistrate as the magistrate , and virtute officii ; and if so , ( as indeed erastus teacheth ) it is bu● a poore shift to say , that one and the same man may both exercise the part of a magistrate , and of a minister . erastus . beza for ever shall not prove that there was a church judicature , that had power to punish scandalous men . iehoshaphat chron. . ordained judges in all the fenced cities , and admonished them of their duty . . and did the same at ierusalem . . and ordained judges of levites and priests , and heads of families , for the judgement of the lord , and for every cause ; and amaziah the high priest was chiefe in the causes of the lord , and zebadiah in the kings causes . this synedrie at ierusalem was the politick magistrate , they judged of stroaks , servitude , deaths . but your synedrie judgeth not between blood and blood , it judgeth not of every cause , as deut. . those that are not well versed in scripture , are to note two things : . that the cause of the lord , where mention is made of judicatures , is not onely a cause of religion , but any cause proposed in judgement , especially the causes of the widdow , the orphan , & oppressed , which the lord saith he will avenge . . the levites & priests were no lesse civil judges then others it is known that onely the levits were magistrats in the cities of refuge , there was need of men exercised in the law of god , that the judges might judge righteously . ans . if you take punishing for inflicting church-censure , ( as we here take it ) then all the places that sayes the priests pronounced the leper clean or unclean , to put out of the campe , or take in , to judge of the adulterous woman , of the restitution made by those for whom they offered sacrifices , to judge between the clean and unclean ; to hold out of the sanctuary the unclean , the uncircumcised in heart and flesh , levit. . , , &c. and , . and . , and . . and . . ezek. . . and . , , . num. . , and . , . deut , . . say the priests had power to punish for transgressing of gods lawes , and where the prophets complaine of the priests mis-government and unjustice , it is presupposed they were to govern justly according to the law , ier. . . king. . . ier. . , , . hag. . , . ezek. . , , . . for the place chron. . it is evident that iehoshaphat doth reforme both church and state , and brought the corrupted iudicatures to that which they should be by law ; and v. , , . he set judges in the fenced cities of iudah : here is the civill judicature . and v. . moreover in ierusalem did iehoshaphat set of the levits , and of the priests , and of the chiefo of the fathers of israel , for the judgement of the lord , and for controversies , when they returned to ierusalem . now that this second is a church judicature , i am confirmed , . because iehoshaphat appointed civill judges in all the fenced cities of iudah ; ergo , also in ierusalem the prime fenced city : now this civill judicature was not tyed to a place , but was in every city , even all the fenced cities ; but the synedrie of priests , levites and elders was onely at ierusalem , in the place that the lord should chuse , deut. . . hence a judicature tyed to no city , but which is in every fenced city , chron. . . deut. . . and a judicature tyed to ierusalem , the place that the lord did choose , deut. . . chron. . . must be two distinct judicatures , but such were these . . there is a ( moreover ) put to the iudicature at ierusalem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and also in ierusalem did iehoshaphat set of the levites , &c. this could not have been said , if this had not been a judicature different from the former , for if iehoshaphat appointed iudges in all the fenced cities ; ergo , he appointed them first at ierusalem , the mother city and fountaine of justice ; now then he should say the same thing needlesly , and with a moreover , if this judicature at ierusalem were not a judicature ecclesiasticke and different from the judicature civill , that he appointed at ierusalem as one of the prime fenced cities , which was common with the civill judicatures in other fenced cities . . the persons in the judicatures are different , for v. . the members of the court , chro. . , , ▪ are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 judges ; these could not be churchmen , for of these he speaketh v. . & they are expresly distinguished from the levites , priests and elders , v. . who are all church-men , for the fathers of the people were no other thing then our governing elders , and these were members of the other court , v. . . the objects of these judicatures are very different . the spirit of god saith of the one ver . . that they judge for the lord , ver . . for ▪ all the kings matters , this must be all civill causes , in which the king , and inferiour judges under the king doe judge ; but the object of the other is higher . the priests and levites are appointed by iehoshaphat for the judgement of the lord , ver . . and in every matter of the lord , v. . now whereas erastus putteth a note of ignorance on all that hath been versed in the old testament before him , whereas he confesseth he understandeth not the originall language , let the reader judge what arrogance is here , where ever there is mention ( saith he ) of judgement , there is signified not religious causes , but also other causes , especially the cause of the widow and orphane : it bewrayeth great ignorance . for , . the matters of the lord , and the matters of the king , are so evidently distinguished , and opposed the one to the other , by two divers presidents in the different judicatures , the one ecclesiasticall , amaziah the chiefe priest , in every word or matter of the lord ▪ and the other zebadiah , the sonne of ishmael the ruler of the house of iudah , for all the kings matters , that the very words of the text , say that of erastus which he saith of others , that he is not versed in the scripture : for then the causes of the lord , and the causes of the king in the text , by erastus should be the same causes , whereas the spirit of god doth distinguish them most evidently . . if the cause of the king , were all one with the judgement of the lord , and the cause of the lord , yea , if it were all one with all causes whatsoever either civill or ecclesiasticall , what reason was there they should be distinguished in the text ? and that amaziah should not be over the people in the kings matters , though he were the chiefe priest , and zebadiah though a civill iudge over all the matters of the lord , and causes ecclesiasticall ? . the kings matters are the causes of the widow , and orphan , and oppressed , as is evident , ier. . . o king of iudah , v. . execute yee judgement and righteousnesse , and deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor , and doe no wrong , doe no violence to the stranger , the fatherlesse , nor the widdow , so esa . . . . prov. . , . iob . , , &c. then the ▪ text must beare that every matter of the king is the iudgement of the lord , and the matter of the lord ; and every matter and judgement of the lord , is also the matter of the king , and to be judged by the king , then must the king as well as the priest , judge between the clean and the unclean , and give sentence who shall be put out of the campe , and not enter into the congregation of the lord , no lesse then the priests . let erastus and all his see to this , and then must the priests also releeve the fatherlesse and widdow , and put to death the oppressour . . the different presidents in the judicatures maketh them different judicatures . . it is denied , that all causes whatsoever came before the ecclesiasticall synedry at jerusalem , erastus doth say this , but not prove it ; for the place chron. . doth clearly expound the place , deut. . for the causes of the brethren that dwell in the cities , between blood and blood , between law and commandement , statutes and judgements are judged in the ecclesiasticall synedrim at ierusalem not in a civill coactive way by the power of the sword . . because all causes are by a coactive power judged , as the matters of the king , the supream sword bearer , chron. . . v. . rom. ▪ . to eschew oppression , and maintain justice , ier. . , . but the causes here judged in this synedrim , are judged in another reduplication , as the matters of the lord differenced from the matters of the king , chron. . . now if the priests and levites judged in the same judicature , these same civill causes , and the same way by the power of the sword , as magistrates , ( as erastus saith ) why is there in the text , . two judicatures ; one , v. . in all the fenced cities ; another at ierusalem , v. ? . what meaneth this , that the kings matters are judged in the civill judicature , not by the priests and levites ? ( as erastus saith ) for the ruler of the house of iudah was president in these , and the matters of the lord were judged by the priests and levites ? and amariah the chiefe priest was over them ? for then amariah was as well over the kings matters , as the ruler of the house of iudah , and the ruler of the house of iudah over the lords matters , as over the kings ; for if priests and levites judged as the deputies subordinate to the king , and by the power of the sword , the kings matters are the lords matters , and the lords matters the kings matters , and amariah judgeth not as chiefe priests , as he doth burne incense , but as an other judge , this truly is to turne the text upside downe . . the causes judged in the synedrim at ierusalem , are said to be judged as controversies , when they returned to ierusalem , chr. . . and matters too hard , between plea and plea , between blood , and blood , between stroke and stroke , deut. . . and so doubts of law , and cases of conscience . now mal. . . the priests lips should preserve knowledge , and they should seek the law at his mouth ; for he is the messenger of the lord of hostes , and this way only the priests and levites judged , not that they inflicted death on any ; but they resolved in an ecclesiasticall way , the consciences of the judges of the fenced cities , what was a breach of the law of god morall or judiciall , what not ; what deserved church censures , what not , who were clean , who unclean ; and all these are called the judgement of the lord , the matters of the lord ; because they had so near relation to the soul and conscience , as the conscience is under a divine law. . erastus saith , it is knowen that the levites only were magistrates in the cities of refuge , but i deny it ; erastus should have made it knowen to us from some scripture : i finde no ground for it in scripture . erastus . it is true , that beza saith , that the magistrate hath a supream power to cause every man do his duty . but how hath he that supream power , if he be also subject to the presbyters ? for your presbyters do subject the magistrate to them , and compell him to obey them and punish them , if they disobey . ans . the magistrate even king david leaveth not off to be supream , because nathan commandeth him in the lord ; nor the king of niniveh and his nobles leave not off to command as magistrates , though jonah by the word of the lord bring them to lie in sackcloth , and to fast ; all the kings are subject to the rebukes and threatnings of the prophets , isa . . . jer. . , . ier. . . kin. . , . , , . kin. . , , . isa . . . hos . . , . and to their commandments in the lord : if presbyters do command as ministers of christ , the highest powers on earth if they have souls , must submit their consciences to the lords rebukings , threatnings and commandment in their mouth : court sycophants say the contrary , but we care not . . but they punish the christian magistrate ( saith he ) if there be any church censure , as we suppose there is , this objection should not have been made against us ; because of the magistrates supremacy ; it doth conclude with equall strength , that pastors should use it against no man : now there be some swine that trample the sacraments , some not well instructed in the grounds of christian religion ▪ and erastus said , pag. . such should not be admitted to the lords supper ▪ now the magistrate the king is such ; let erastians say , the pearles of the seals of the covenant are to be given to no swine , except the swine be magistrates , and that which the church bindeth on earth is bound in heaven , except it be the magistrate ; erastus saith , he may go to hell by priviledge of his place ; and that whose sins the elders of the church retaineth are retained , except it be the kings sins , and that we are to put shame upon scandalous persons , and to refuse to eat with them , romanes . . ▪ thess . . , . cor. . . ioh. . except they be magistrates ; sure god is no accepter of persons . erastus . whereas you say , it is not lawfull for the magistrate to preach and administer the sacraments ▪ ( if he might because of his businesse be able to discharge both offices ) it is not true : god hath not forbidden it ; it was lawfull in the old testament , for one man to discharge both , why is it not lawfull now also ? the history of eli and samuel is known ; it is nothing that you say , that the tribunall of moses , was distinguished from the tribunall of aaron : for god gave to aaron no tribunall at all , different from the tribunall of moses , he never did forbid the priests to sit in the civill judicature after the captivity , the priests judged the people ezech. . ans . that it is lawfull for the magistrate to preach and administer the sacraments , . destroyeth the ordinance of pastors , and a sent and called ministry under the new testament , against the scriptures , heb ▪ . ▪ no man taketh on him this honour to himself ▪ except he that is called of god , as was aaron : so also christ glorified not himself , to be made an high priest , &c. ● . god often maketh an honour of a calling to the ministery , that he hath separated them to it , numb . ▪ . moses saith to korah ; hear now ●e sons of levi , seemeth it a small thing unto you , that the god of israel hath separated you from the congregation of israel to bring you neer to himself to do the service of the tabernacle of the lord , deut. . . at that time the lord separated the tribe of levi to bear the ark of the covenant of the lord , to stand before the lord to minister unto him , numb . ▪ . . . . but that same honour is put upon the preachers of the gospel , rom ▪ ● . . paul the servant of iesus christ , called to be an apostle , separated unto the gospell of god , act. . . the holy ghost said , separate me barnabas and saul for the work whereunto i have called them : if it be an honour , and no man , though gifted as christ was , can take honour to himself : no magistrate can take on him to discharge the office of a minister . object . but when he is called to be a magistrate , he is called to be a minister , and so being called to the one , he is called by the same calling to the other . ans . if being called to be magistrate , he be also called to be a minister , then being called to be a minister , he is called to be a magistrate , and hoc ipso that he is a minister , be may usurpe the sword , and usurpe the throne and the bench ▪ but christ being sent to be a prophet , and to preach the gospel , esa . . . luk. . . . ve● . . refused to divide the inheritance , and to be a a iudge , luk. . , . he would not take on him to be a judge , except god had made him , and called him to be a judge ; if any say the magistrate , being the supream place , containeth eminently all inferior offices ▪ as to be a minister , a lawyer , a physitian , &c. but the inferior does not containe the superior , i ans . then the magistrate being called to be a magistrate and king , he is called to be a priest to burn incense , which the lord condemned in his word ▪ in vzzah ; then when saul is called to be a king , he is called to be an astronomer , lawyer , physitian , sayler , tayler : now god giveth a spirit to be a king , but no gifts to those offices ; ergo , no calling thereunto , for no gifts argue no calling of god. . if a man called to be a judge , be also by that same calling , by which he is made a judge , made a minister , then it is all one to be called to be a judge , and to be a minister ; and so a magistrate as a magistrate doth preach and administrate the sacraments , then . all magistrates should preach and administrate the sacraments , and nero , and heathen magistrates are gifts , actu primo , given by christ ascending on high , for the edifying the body of the church , ephe. . , . obj. it is not sinne to him to preach and administrate the sacraments ; but then he cannot have time for both . ans . if god lawfully call the magistrate to preach the gospel , woe be to him , if he preach not , he should lay aside all other imployments and preach , god never gave a talent and calling to any to preach , but he ought to lay aside other things , and imploy that talent to the honour of god , otherwise he sinneth in digging his lords talent in the earth , whereas he is obliged to make five talent ten . . if he preach as a pastor not as a magistrate , then he hath another calling of god to be a pastor , and another to be a magistrate , and ●●rtaine it is , as a magistrate he doth not preach ; because there be farre other qualifications required in a magistrate , as deut. . . that he be wise , and understanding , and knowen , and a man of truth , hating coveteousnesse , exo. . . but there is farre other qualities required in a bishop , tim. . , , . ergo , it is one thing to be called to be a minister , and another to be called to be a magistrate . . in all the word , christ never commanded the magistrate to preach and baptise ▪ this negative argument erastus useth often against us , to prove that none ought to be excluded from the sacraments , because priests , prophets , christ , apostles never excluded any : but christ commanded the ministers to preach and baptise , and gave them the holy ghost for that effect , and sent them as the father sent him , as having received all power from the father , math. . , , . mark. . , . ioh. . , , . and least we should think this charge was given to apostles as apostles , he teacheth that it is given to all faithfull pastors to the end of the world , math. . v. . lo i am with you , even unto the end of the world , amen . not to say , that if it be peculiar to apostles to preach and baptise , neither pastors , farre lesse magistrates can do it , or then pastors and magistrates are apostles sent to preach to all the world , and can work miracles , which is absurd . . christ ascending to heaven , left apostles , evangelists , pastors and teachers , for the perfecting of the saints , and work of the ministery ; not kings and magistrates . . how shall they preach , except they be sent ? magistrates as magistrates bear the sword , and have carnall weapons , and are not sent ; the weapons of ministers are not carnall , cor. . , . for erastus his argument , god has not forbidden magistrates to preach ; ergo , it is lawfull for them to preach , it followeth not ▪ for such positive ordinances as preaching ministers , must be appointed by a positive command , for where hath god forbidden women to baptise ? ergo , they may baptise ; is not the lords commanding the apostles to go teach and baptise all nations , and his not giving any such commandement to others , as good as a forbidding of them ? but i hope this is examined already suffi●ientl● . . for samuel his being both iudge and prophet , i grant it ; but as an extraordinary dispensation of god , which christ would not take on him to do , luk. . nor is it left to us as a rule . . that aarons sons had no tribunall of their owne different from the tribunall of moses , is proved to be false from chr. , . . that the priests were magistrates having the power of the sword , cannot be proved by any word of god , the pl●●e ez● . . is every way for us , all the power given in that cha ▪ is ecclesiasticall , none civill , as to k●ep the charge of the lords holy things , to exclude the uncircumcised in heart and flesh , out of the sanctuary , to come near to the table of the lord and minister , v. , to enter into the gates of the inner courts , clothed in linnen , &c. and many the like , did no more agree to a magistrate then to burn incense , which to do , erastus granteth was unlawfull in king vzziah ; yet he would prove that it is lawfull under the new testament to exercise both , so the magistrate were able to do both ; because samuel exercised both . but might not king vzziah exercise both without impeachment of his businesse ? and where was he forbidden ? but in this god made choise of the tribe of levi , and of no others , which also he has done under the new testament ▪ as is proved . erastus . nor is that true , that whose part it is to preach and dispense the sacraments , it is his part to judge of those that prophaneth the word , and seals , so as he has power to punish any that desires the sacraments , with the want of the sacraments ; and though it were true , it should prove that pastors , not a presbytery of pastors and ruling elders have any power to debarre from the seals . ans . . well , then erastus granteth that the ministers are to preach the word and dispense the sacraments : but not to judge of those that prophane the holy things of god , nor to debarre from the sacraments any who desire them ; if erastus did mean a bodily debarring by the power of the sword , if any openly prophane shall violently intrude himself , we should yeeld that to the magistrate as the keeper of both tables . but erastus is of that minde , that as the magistrate may preach and dispense the sacraments , he may by that power also ecclesiastically cognosce , and judge of the scandals , for which the openly prophane are to be debarred , and accordingly debarre . now erastus saith he may preach as a christian , because that all christians now under the new testament may preach and prophecy , all are priests and prophets , so saith he , page . so the magistrate by this as a christian , and so all christians women and children , may try and examine all that are openly prophane , and unworthy of the seals : this can be nothing but popular anarchy ; yet that the magistrate , as a magistrate , and not as a christian , is to examine and try who are unworthy communicants , i conceive is the minde of erastus , as i have proved before : which though it be a plaine contradiction , yet it is the pillar of all the erastian doctrine , that the magistrate as the magistrate hath the supream power of all church governement . therefore ( saith he , page . ) they doe wickedly who take from the magistrate that part of the visible jurisdiction in governement of the church which god hath given to him , and subject the magistrate to some other jurisdiction , — magistrates are gods. ans . if to preach , dispense the sacraments , and to judge who are unworthy of the seals , and debarre them , be taken from the magistrate as he is a christian , this power of visible jurisdiction over the church is no more taken by us from the magistrate , then it is taken from all christians as christians , and in regard of any such power magistrates are no more gods and nursefathers in the church , then all christians are gods and nursefathers of the church : for by the reason of erastus , p. . that all christians now are priests and prophets , and so may examine who are worthy of the seals , who not , then the civill magistrate can be , by us , spoyled of nothing that god has given him , as a magistrate , except erastus say that he doth all these as a magistrate & virtute officij ; which when he or any of his disciples shall assert , beside that it is contradictorious to his way , we are ready to demonstrate that it is blasphemous & contrary to the word of god. but that erastus does take from the elders of the church , and give to the magistrate a power to judge in an ecclesiasticall way , who are to be debarred from the seals , i argue on the contrary thus ; those who are to cut the word , and distribute it aright , are also to distribute the seals a right , to the worthy , not to dogs and swine , not to heathens and publicans , for it is evident that the right stewarding and distributing of ordinances doth essentially include the stewarding of them , with judgement and discerning , to those that are worthy , not to those that are unworthy . but elders , not civill magistrates are to do the former , ergo the latter also . . those to whom christ committed the power of the keys to open and shut , to bind and loose , to those he hath given the use and exercise of the keys . but christ gave the power of the keys to the apostle peter , as representing the rulers of the church , mat. . . & to the church , mat. . . and not to the magistrate as to the magistrate ; ergo , the proposi●ion i prove from the texts , mat. . . what ye sh●ll bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven , &c. and cha. . . the same is repeated : now actuall binding is the use and exercise of the keys given to peter and the church . but it is presumed the power is given , when christ saith , v. . i will give unto thee , the keys of the kingdome of heaven . . we read not that god giveth a power , a gift , a talent , or an office , but he judgeth it a sinne in those to whom he giveth it , not to put forth in acts and in exercise that gift , talent , and office , either by themselves , or his deputies ; which latter i speak for the king , who in his own person , and in the person of inferiour judges sent by him , do put forth in acts of justice , the royall power that god has given him . the assumption is scripture . erastus has no answer to this , but the keys were given to peter as representing all the faithfull , not the elders , and that all private christians do bind and loose . ans . besides , this is answered fully above , and is a meer anarchicall democracy ; it , . concludeth well that christ gave not to the magistrate as the magistrate , the keys , but to the magistrate as he is a christian , making that same christian confession of faith with peter , mat. . and as he is an offended brother , who may bind and loose in earth and heaven , so erastus thes . . p. . and so by this the magistrate hath no more power to debarre from the seals , then all other christians have . . if christ give the key of knowledge to the elders , then he cannot give the power of studying sermons , and preaching the word to another ; so if christ give the power of breaking the bread of life to the children of the house , then he cannot give the power of judging , who are the children of the house , who not , to another . ob. but the magistrate is only to examine the fact , & to punish adultery , incest and the like , that deserve to be punished by the sword , but not whether it be a scandall that deserve exclusion from the sacrament , or not ; ministers are to take the probation of the scandalous fact by witnes from the magistrate , & so to exclude from the lords supper , and to deal with the mans conscience to bring him to repentance , so do some argue . ans . if the church be to try the penitency , or impenitency of the fact , and not to cognosce and try whether he hath done the fact , upon the same ground the magistrate is to try and punish the disturbance of the peace of the common-wealth , that adhereth to the fact , and not to try the fact . . it is not possible that the church can know whether the man be penitent , or no , except by witnesses they know the fact , for they shall run a preposterous way , to work the man to a godly sorrow , for that sinne which possibly he never committed ; now that of which the church is to convince the man , and from which they are to gain his soul , that they are to find out . . this is against the way of erastus , who will have the magistrate to exclude from the sacraments , and none other . . the word knowes no such thing , as that ministers should be led in the acts of their ministeriall duties , to whom they should dispense the mysteries of the gospel , and to whom they should deny them ; by the magistrate ? by a good warrant the magistrate is to lay a tye on the consciences of elders , what they should dispence , as to whom they should dispense ; sure if the magistrate as the magistrate must prescribe to ministers , to what sort of persons they must dispence word and sacraments , he must upon the same ground as a magistrate prescribe what doctrine they should preach to this man , not to this , whether law or gospel ; and so the magistrate as the magistrate must be a pastor to cut the word aright , tim. . . eze. . , , . eze. . . to command to preach life to this man , death to this man. . if the church must cast him out , and judge him who has done this wickednesse , cor. . , . and . , . . then must they judge of his scandall ; that according to the quality of the scandall , they may proportion the measure of the punishment ; ergo , a pari they must judge whom they debarre from the seals . . the debarring any from the seals , must be proportioned to the end of all spirituall censures , that the man be gained , and his sinne loosed in heaven , mat. . . . that his soul may be saved in the day of the lord , cor. . . that he may be ashamed , and so humbled , thes . . , . cor. . , . that he may learn not to blaspheme , tim. . . but the magistrates excluding of any from the sacraments is no mean congruous to such an end , for he can command nothing , but the disobedience of which he can and ought to punish with the sword ; now a carnall weapon cannot be congruous and proportionable to a spirituall end . . if the magistrate as a magistrate must so farre have the keys of discipline , then as a magistrate he must catechise , examine , and try the knowledge of the communicants , and so watch for their souls , as those that must give an accompt to god. . the magistrate must have a negative voyce in all the acts of the church , and the man must be bound in heaven , but not except the magistrate will , and loosed in heaven , but not except the magistrate will , for all must depend upon the consent of him to whom iesus christ has committed the supream ▪ and highest and only power of governing the church ; now this is the magistrate as the magistrate to erastus . . the magistrate as the magistrate must forgive sinners and relaxe them from excommunication , cor. . . and restore those that are overtaken in offences , with the spirit of meeknesse , gal. . . and rebuke publikely those that sin publikely , tim. . . and so be a spirituall man , and a pastor . neither doth it follow that the pastors as pastors only , should debarre from the communion , though virtute potestatis ordinis as pastors , they are to keep themselves pure , and not to give pearls to swine , nor to communicate with other mens sins ; yet because the sacraments are church ordinances , they are to be dispensed by the church , that is , by the elders with consent of the people : it is one thing to dispense ordinances to those that receive them , and another thing to dispense them ce●●o ordine after a church way , the former is from power of order , the latter from power of jurisdiction , and from the church only . chap. xv. quest . . whether erastus do validly confute a presbytery . erastus . what consequence is this ? lev. . god commandeth aaron and his sonnes to put a difference between the holy and prophane , the cleane and the unclean , this difference they were to teach the people out of the law ; ergo , god hath ordained a colledge of ecclesiasticall senators to exercise the power of the civill magistrate ? it is like this ; god commanded the pastors to teach the people , and dispense the sacraments ; ergo , he instituted a presbytery in place of the magistrate . ans . this consequence is so strong ( though the consequent be not ours ) to prove a synedrie , that erastus shall never be able to refute it ; for that the priests might teach the people , they were to judge and governe the people , and w●re to judge between the holy and prophane , not onely that the priests might informe the p●oples minds , but that the priests and levites might , chron. . ▪ . deut. . , give judgement between blood and blood , between plea and plea , between stroake and stroake , being matters of controversie , and hard to be judged by the inferiour judges ; these concerned not the instruction of the people as matters of opinion , as erastus imagineth ; but they concerned the governing of the people in justice , that v. . the man that will doe presumptuously , or will not hearken unto the priest or the judge , shall die the death ? was not this to governe the people and to judge them ? certainly erastus in the same chapter saith so , to wit , that there was one common synedrim of civill judges , priests and levites at jerusalem , that the priests and levites were iudges in capitall matters , and gave out the sentence of death , de capite & sanguine , and he proveth page . . that the priests were civill judges , and did give s●●tences of blood , of life and d●ath : ergo , the priests did not discerne between the clean and the unclean , between blood and blood onely , that they might teach the people , but that they might regulate their owne practise in judgement , and govern the people ; yea that the priests might pronounce some unclean , and to be put out of the campe so many dayes , that they might debar out of the sanctuary the uncl●an , the uncircumcised , the strangers , and lev. . the end of judging and governing is expresly set down , v. . and so a judicature , and the other end , v. . that they may teach the children of israel all the statutes which the lord hath spoken by the hand of moses . . from the elders preaching the word and dispensing the sacraments , simply we inferre no judicature at all , farre lesse a politick judicature , which we doe not ascribe to the priests , for iohn baptist both preached the word and baptized , and yet was no judge , nor did he erect any church judicature , but from the power of the keyes given to the church , and exercised by the church , mat. . . mat. . , , &c. cor. . , , . &c. revel . . , , , &c. we inferre a church judicature , we never placed a presbytery in place of the magistrate ; for it is no more the magistrates place , then to sacrifice is the place of the magistrate . erastus . j wonder that you seeke your presbytery in moses law , all yours , say the synedrie , christ speaketh of did rise after the captivity , at least when the sword was taken from the iewes . they say david and solomon did punish vices , they approve august . . quest . in deut. that excommunication doth now what putting to death did of old , and deny any excommunication to have beene in the church of the new testament . ans . erastus declares himselfe to be a childe , not versed in protestant divines , for we except musculus , gualther , bullinger , some except aretius , all our protestant divines goe the way beza goeth . . let him produce any of ours , who say that the synedry that christ speaketh of , was iewish , and ours say that christ alludeth to the iewish synedrie : but all ( few excepted ) that christ mat. . speaketh of the christian church to be erected . . the kings of israel punished scandals , but that is not enough , did they governe the church , pronounce who were clean or unclean ? or middle with the charge of ecclesiastick government committed to aaron and his sonnes ? . we say with augustine , that some that were killed of old , are to be excommunicated now , augustine speaketh not of all , and what is that against us ? erastus . not any but your self ( beza ) say that moses speaketh of th●se same persons , things , and office , levit. . and deut. . in levit. . he speaketh onely of the priesthood , and deut. . of the iudges or magistrats . ans . beza expoundeth the one place by the other , but he saith not these persons , things and office are in both places . . erastus onely contradicteth beza , and saith moses speaketh of the magistrates , deut. . but he is refuted by the spirit of god , chron. . , . who repeating the very words of deut. . saith the iudges here were priests , levites , and heads of families , whom all men deny to be magistrates . erastus . you say deut. . mention is made of blood , of the cause of pleas , not because the synedrie judged of the fact , but because they answered the true sense of the law ; i say , whether they answered of the fact , or of the law , they sentenced judicially of life and death , so that there was no provocation from them to the civill judicature , for he was put to death , who would not stand to their sentence , but you deny that any politick causes or matters of blood or death , belongs to your presbytery . ans . . beza said well the fact , and the putting of the man to death , which is the assumption and conclusion belonged to the civill judge , not to the priests ; but the questio juris , the question of law belonged to the ecclesiasticall judicature of priests , levites and elders ; and it is evident , that it was a case of conscience , concerning a matter , or an admirable cause that cannot be determined by the judges in the city , they not being so well versed in the law as the priests , whose lips should preserve knowledge , mal. . . therefore it is not a fact , that may be cleared by witnesses , there is not such difficulty in facts , except in adultery , or secret murthers , the word commeth from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to admire , or to be separated from sense and reason , lament . . . gen. . . is there any thing hard to , or ●id from jehovah ? . they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 causes or matters of contention , vatablus causa insolita & difficilior : our translation hath it , matters of controversie . . it is said , thou shalt come and inquire or diligently search out . . the priests and levites shall shew thee the sentence of judgement , so it is evident that the priests and levites did not so much judge , as declare and resolve the law-part of which the inferiour judges did doubt , for the difficulty of the question , as saul came to samuel the seer , to aske concerning his fathers asses , and it is true bloods and stroakes came under the cognizance of the priests , but as bloods comes before lawyers , and those that are expert in the civill law , in the parliament of england and scotland , the lawyers as iudges put no man to death , the king could say , fall upon such an evill doer , and kill him , and the judges and princes might put to death . but you never read that the priests , yea or the high priest said , fall upon such an ill doer and kill him , nor was this any law of god , that the ecclesiastick sanedrim , should put to death and politically condemne any man to die , or command any mans blood to be shed , they but declared and resolved a case of conscience to the judges , and a plea , and said , this is a matter of blood , and deserveth death by the law of god , and he that hath done such a fact in point of law , ought to die . but there were two things left to the civil● iudges . . whether this man hath done such a fact . . a sitting in the tribunall , and saying , i or we command and decree such a man who hath shed such blood , hath inflicted such a stroake on this woman who is with childe of living birth , to be stoned to death , to be hanged . erastus hath not proved , nor never shall prove that the high priests , priests or levites , by gods law did thus judge any : that ananias commanded paul to be beaten , and the lictors of the high priest smote christ on the face at the command of the priests , was against law , they had no power so to doe by law , yea , and our presbyteries that judge of sorceries , witchcrafts , incests , adulteries , and other capitall crimes , and of bloods in point of gods law , what is witchcraft , what is incest , that the husband that striketh his wife being with quick ▪ child , and killeth the birth is a murtherer ; but that they judicially say , such a woman is a witch , and so ordain her to be hanged and burnt , and such a husband is a murtherer , and decerne him to die , is utterly unlawfull , therefore this is an ignorant speech of erastus : this synedrie of priests and levites , whether in point of law , or in point of ●act , did give out sentences of death , therefore they were politick judges , it followeth not ; and that the priests said , this man deserveth to die , and therefore they gave out , as civill judges , sentences of death , ( for the civill judge draweth not the sword with his owne hand , ) is a foul consequence ; for lawyers do say such a man is worthy to die , but it followeth not that lawyers are civill judges to condemne a man to die ; for the priests said , this man deserveth to die in point of law , not absolutely , as this man , but upon supposition that he hath committed the fact , deserveth to die , and their meaning is , any man whosoever he be , though they never hear , nor see the man who hath committed such a fact , ought to die . now gods law never appointed any judge to condemn a man to die , whom the judge never did accuse , heare , or see , this were extreame unjustice : now this supposition is , and was to be proved and judged by the civill iudge ; and whereas erastus saith , the judge draweth the sword with his owne hand against no man ; . it is not to purpose , for the hangman is in law the hand and instrument of the judge , but he is neither hand nor instrument of the lawyer , of the priests and levites , who in matters criminall of life and death , judge of the maior proposition , and of the law , except erastus would have a major proposition to prove an assumption , which were to shame all logick : for the priest never commanded this or this man , because he had done this fault , to be stoned by such & such executioners . . it is doubtful whether the judge did never with his owne hand , cast a stone at any stoned to death . lastly , there was no provocation from the great sanedrim at ierusalem , true , in matter of law , what then ? ergo , they were politick judges ? it followeth as the like consequences of erastus doth follow . yea , for the fact and the judiciall condemning of the man , they were neither the highest judicature , nor any judicature at all , the civill iudges of the high sanedrim did that onely . it is true , he was to die who would not stand to the sentence of the judge or priest in the matter of law , the man being judged to be guilty of the fact by the civill judge , but this shall never prove that the priests were civill judges . erastus . the late iewes referre to this sanedrim at ierusalem questions of making warre , or consecrating the priest , of tributes , of charges of the temple , of judging of tribes , of the censuring of false prophets , and of soothsayers , &c. how then is it not a politick judicature in which all causes belonging to worship , ceremonies , civill policy , bloods , and capitall punishments were handled ? for when moses had spoken of the punishing of idolaters , he presently addeth deut. . if any thing be hard for thee , &c ans . it is like enough , the iewes referred such as these to the sanedrim , but we contend for two sanedrims , one civill , and another of priests , levites and elders , who judged of matters onely of ecclesiasticall cognizance , and of bloods , and punishing idolaters and false prophets with death , onely in a spirituall way , in point of law ; and i judge the holy ghost deut. . hath so framed the words that it is evident , as i have proved that capitall crimes belonged to them in point of law ; for he saith not , he that refuseth to die when the priests and levites condemne him to die , hee shall surely die , and have the benefit of appeal to no higher judicature , now this he should have said by erastus his way ; but he that will not stand to the sentence of the priest or judge shall die . hence it is clear , he speaketh of things in matters of law , in which the guilty might dis-assent , and alledge the priests had not judged according to law. but how was it the minde of the holy ghost that any could refuse the sentence of death given out by the priests ? for the meaning must be by erastus his way , he that refuseth to die , when the priest condemneth him to die , he shall surely die . . he saith not that the priests and levites shall give out sentences of death and blood against any man , but they shall shew and teach thee when thou shalt inquire , the sentences of judgement , even of idolaters , blasphemers , of murthers , and blood , according to the law of god , the knowledge of which the priests lips should preserve . erastus . moses instituted no other publike judicatures for punishing of wickednes , but those he maketh mention of exod. . numb . . deut. . , . but all th●se were onely civill , not ecclesiasticall iudges . the seventy that were indued with the spirit of prophecy were given to helpe moses and ●ase him , not to be assistants to helpe aaron , and it cannot be doubted but moses his government was civill . ans . both the major & the minor is false , the major is from some particular places , negativè , he should argue from all the old testament , and he argueth from some places onely , he leaveth out levit. . and all the places where the priests were onely to judge the leper , the uncleane , which are spirituall judicatures , not civill . . the assumption is false ; deut. , saith the contrary . . though we could not shew a place for the formall institution of an ordinance , yet if we show the thing instituted , it is sufficient . . erastus much doubteth himselfe , if moses his government was altogether civill , especially before the lord separated aaron his sons and the tribe of levi to teach and governe the people in an ecclesiasticall way , for erastus said before that moses prescribed lawes to aaron , sacrificed and did that which was proper to the priests , though after that god forbad the kings to usurpe the priests office , and punished saul and vzziah for so doing , ( though i never read that saul usurped the priests office , you may take it upon the word of erastus ) and we all know that moses was a prophet of god , deut. . . i will raise them up a prophet from amongst their brethren like unto thee , deut. . . and there arose not a prophet in israel since , like unto moses , whom the lord knew face to face , heb. . . moses verily was faithfull in all his house as a servant : now those that will say moses his government of the church was all civill and politicall , as a civill judge and king , and that he acted not in the governement of the church , as in writing and delivering laws , and in doing many things , yea in commanding the will of god , as a prophet to aaron , to his sons , and the whole tribe of levi , to me speakes non-sense . erastus . that judicature to the which the inferiours appealed , as to the supreame , is politick . ans . it is denied , they appealed to it , as the supreme ecclesiastick in point of law and conscience : ergo , it was not politique , all the rest are answered before , yea , iehoshaphat chron. . putteth this as a thing peculiar to the priests , v. . what cause soever shall come before you of your brethren , — between blood and blood , between law and commandement , statutes and judgements , ye shall even warne them that they trespasse not against the lord ; that is , as erastus yeeldeth , ye shall teach them what is just and agreeable to , and what is unjust and repugnant to the law of god. civill judges lips were not to preserve knowledge , as the lips of the priests , mal. . . and deut. . . according to the sentence of the law that they shall teach thee , and according to the judgement that they shall tell , thou shalt doe . hence it is clear that this judicature in civill things was a teaching , a telling , a declaring and resolving judicature , and that in blood they resolved of causes of blood , of stroakes , but judged not persons , nor bloody men , nor violent persons . erastus . moses and iehoshaphat speake of one and the same judicature . moses doth not give teaching and commanding divisibly to some , but joyntly to all the synedrie . though the priests were more skilled in the law , for moses commandeth to teach the sense of the law by judgeing , as he saith himselfe , exod. . . i judge between one and another , and i doe make them know the statutes of god and his lawes ; moses putteth them all joyntly together , they shall tell thee , thou shalt doe what they shevv thee , according to the lavv that they shall teach thee shalt thou doe , not declining to the right-hand , or to the left-hand . ans . . that iehoshaphat speaketh of the same judicature that moses speaketh of , is clear , chron. . , . . the very words of moses deut. . . are the same , both the same judges , and the same causes , compared with v. , , . but iehoshaphat maketh two judicatures , as i have proved , and iehoshaphat reformed according to moses his lavv , as erastus granteth . . i cannot be induced to beleeve that the judges here teached by judging , it is spoken contrary to theology : the end of teaching is to informe the conscience , and teachers as teachers watch for the soule ; and the end of civill and politick judging , is a quiet and peaceable life , tim. . . the vveapons of teachers are not carnall , but spirituall , cor. . , . the weapons of civill iudges are carnall , for the civill iudge beareth not the svvord in vaine , rom. . . then these same civill judges did not both teach and judge at once , they taught not as civill judges , but as priests ; they judged not as priests , but as civill iudges ; and therefore there is no ground to say that moses ascribeth these same acts to civill judges , and priests and levites , as if they made one synedry ; for in both texts not one word of teaching , which is proper to the priests , mal. . . ier. . . hos . . . is ascribed to the civill iudge ; and not one word of judging and condemning to death , which is proper to the civill iudge , num. . . deut. . , , deut. . . , , &c. and . , . king. . . sam. . . kings . , &c. rom. . . luke . . . &c. is ascribed to the priests and levites ; but the priest or the judge are set downe by way of disjunction , deut. . . which could not be if they made one and the same judicature , and therefore iehoshaphat chron. . clearely distinguisheth them in two judicatures , one v. , , . another v. , , . having two sundry presidents , and two sundry objects to treat about , to wit , the matters of iehovah , and the matters of the king. . the place cited exod. . . confirmeth much our opinion , for moses as a iudge saith , vvhen they have a matter , they come unto me , and i judge between one & another . this he spake as a civill iudge ; and when he saith , and i make them knovv the statutes of god and his lavves : this he spake as a prophet , for moses was both a iudge and a prophet . now if all civill iudges be such mixt persons , as to teach the stautes and laws of god , they doe this either as civill judges , or as prophets , then there was reason why malachie should have said , the civill judges lips should preserve knowledge , and they should seeke the law at his mouth ; for if a civill judge , as a iudge teach the people , and watch for their souls , what marvell then he beare the sword to preserve their bodies , as a prophet , and not as a iudge ; and if he beare the sword as a prophet and teacher , all teachers must beare the sword : which is against reason and scripture , and what reason is there , if moses teach as a civill judge , but he may as properly be obliged in conscience to teach , and so he should sin if he imploy not his talent that way , as he is obliged to exercise the sword as a judge ? and by the contrary , a prophet as a prophet should be obliged in conscience , as kindly and per se , to exercise the sword as to preach the gospel , for nothing agreeth more kindly to the subiect , then that which agreeth to it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under that reduplication , as it is such ; now this is against sense and reason , and confoundeth all callings on earth : but if erastus grant that moses judgeth as a civill judge , and teacheth the people the law of god as a prophet , then to make this sanedrim a mixt company both to judge civilly , and to teach as spirituall men by office , must all the priests and levites in this sanedrim be both priests and levites , and also civill iudges ? and all the civill iudges must be both civill judges , and also priests and levites , which is expresly against the text , that speakes deut. . of the priest , or the iudge , as two distinct offices , and so god must have chosen the iudge no lesse , then the priest to minister before him . so , it is false , that teaching and judging are copulatively ascribed to these same persons , and to the same judicature , as erastus saith . erastus . he saith deut. . he shall die who standeth not to the sentence of the priest or judge , by way of disjunction , in regard of divers times , for the princes or iudges were not alwayes the same , for often onely the priests governed , and for the same reason he saith not , deut. . ascend to ierusalem , but to the place which the lord thy god shall chuse , for the arke was not alwayes in one place , or city ; so deut. . when he speaketh of the false witnesse , he saith , and they shall stand before the lord , that is , before the priests and iudges that shall be at that time . who vvould thinke that there are here distinct and divers iudicatures ? ans . it is a conjecture of erastus , that moses speaketh deut. . of the priest or the iudge by way of disjunction , because of divers times , not of divers and distinct tribunals , for all moses his time , and ioshua's time , and for the most part , there were both iudges and priests , and we had rather beleeve the spirit of god then erastus , for chron. . under iehoshaphat at one and the same time , there were both civill iudges , and priests and levites , and these two judicatures had two different sorts of causes , and two different presidents ; if then at one and the same time the man was to be put to death , who did not stand to the sentence of the priest , though he should stand to the sentence of the civill judge ; and so if hee was to be put to death , who should stand to the sentence of the priests , and give an outside of obedience to the ceremoniall law , if he should not stand to the sentence of the civill judge , then were there at the same time these two sentences in these two judicatures : but the former is true by the expresse law of god ; ergo , so is the latter : when god saith , goe up to the place that the lord shall chuse , he meaneth ierusalem , and one determinate place at once , and if moses had said , goe up to the place that the lord shall chuse ; or to some other place that the lord shall not chuse , then could i inferre well , that at one and the same time , they might have gone to either places , or to both places , having two sorts of causes , as there be ever two sorts of causes in the church , some civill , some ecclesiasticall . . erastus should have shewen a time when onely the priest as the priest did governe , and there neither was a civill iudge , nor was that priest who governed the civill judge : if erastus shew not this , he sheweth nothing for his owne cause , which is to make one confused judicature of civill and ecclesiasticall iudges and causes , which the scripture doth carefully distinguish . . in the place deut. . nothing is said against us , but that onely the civill iudge put to death the false witnesse ; which is much for us , that though the false witnesse was to stand before the priests , and incurre an ecclesiastick censure , yet the priest as priest had no hand in putting him to death . erastus . sometime the priest vvas president in this sanedrim , as eli and samuel , vvithout a judge ; therefore vvhen it is said , the chiefe priest vvas ●ver them in all the matters of the lord , and zebadiah in the kings matters , they made not tvvo different iudicatures ; and the high priest and zebadiah vvere both over the same iudicature . iosephus excellently versed in the ievvish lavvs , saith , antiq . lib. . c. . they vvere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fellovves or companions ; then they vvere not in divers senats . the levites vvere equally servants to both , though it may be the priests were more diligently to goe about the canses of god , and the iudges the causes of the king. ans . were eli and samuel presidents in the sanedrim without a iudge ? that is as much as to say , eli and samuel , who undoubtedly by the testimony of the spirit of god were civill iudges of israel , sam. . and . . and . . . were judges without iudges : i conceive eli was both a priest and a judge ; and samuel both a prophet and a iudge ; whether samuel was a priest or not , let erastus determine . samuel was of the tribe of ephraim , not a priest , though he sacrificed by an extraordinary priviledge ; nor was moses a priest . . i see no reason to say , eli was a priest without a iudge , more then to say he was a iudge without a priest , for he was both . but this may shew the reader , that erastus alwayes confoundeth the office of the priest , and the civill judge , so as he maketh them not only subjectively one , which god himself did in the person of eli , but also one formally ; for as i shew before erastus must say , eli sacrificed as a iudge , and he condemned ill doers to die & exercised the sword as a priest ; & samuel prophesied as a magistrate , & samuel did judge israel as a prophet ; for the magistrate as the magistrate to erastus , doth both the part of a iudge , of a priest and prophet of old , and now of a pastor and teacher . . it is enough to us that amariah and zebadiah were over diverse causes , in divers courts , and differenced , chro. . in that the one was , for the kings matters , the other for gods matters . erast . saith right down , they were both for these same matters . but the one was to care more for the kings matters , the other more for gods matters : so erastus is forced to make a difference : but he maketh it in the comparative degree , and the spirit of god maketh the difference in the positive degree : but . erastus saith without the text , amariah was to care for the matters of the king , but more for the matters of god : the text saith no such thing , but the contrary : he saith , zebadiah the civill magistrate was to care for the matters of god , but more for the matters of the king : . this is against erastus his his way ; which is that the magistrate hath a supreame principall and only care of church-government , and the priests and levites , and pastors and teachers only , as the servants of the magistrates , a & sub magistratibus , as vtenbogard speaketh , from and under the magistrate , as the vicars , deputies , and ambassadors of the magistrate ; yea , that magistrates teach the people by the pastors , as by their vicars , then zebadiah should more diligently care for the matters of god , then amariah as the lord and master should more care his own businesse , then his servant should do : . more or lesse doth not vary the nature of things ; then must the magistrate sacrifice , teach , judge between the clean and the unclean , minister before the lord as the sons of aaron , and the sons of levi , but lesse diligently . but what calling hath he to any of these acts at all ? hath the lord chosen the tribe of iudah , or the tribe of levi to minister before him ? and by the same reason , the priests , levites should do these same things , but more diligently . and again amariah is to use the sword , and to condemne ill doers to death : but lesse diligently , these be pleasant dreams . . the priest and judges are companions , as moses and aaron : ergo , the one is not master and the other servant and deputy , ●● erastus dreameth , and they are the rather of that in divers senats . . but how proveth erastus , that the levites were common servants both to priests and judges ? for though it were so , this will never subject the priests to the civill iudge , nor confound these two iudicatures : david chron. . divided the levites , and set them in their courses for service ; ergo , they were king davids servants as king , it followeth not , except erastus prove david did not this as a prophet , and that the lord did not choose the tribe of levi. but david did it as a king , and so all magistrates may appoint offices in the house of god , and call men to the ministry , by vertue of the magistrates place : but david , chro. . distributed the priests as well as the levites ; ergo , the priests are servants to the king , as well as the levites . but the levites are expresly , . chron. . given by office , to wait on the sons of aaron , for the service of the house of the lord , for the purifying the holy things , for the shew bread , for the fine flour for meat offerings , and for the unleavened cakes , and that which is baked in the pan , and for that which is fryed , and for all manner of measures and size , to praise the lord at morning and night ; to offer all burnt sacrifices to the lord , &c. in all which no man can say , they were servants to the king : for then the king sacrificed by them , as by his servants ; no divinity is more contrary to scripture . it is true , chron. . . some of the hebronites were officers in all the businesse of the lord , and the service of the king. but that is because , ver . . they had the oversight of the spoile , that the king dedicated to the house of the lord , for the building of the temple , and that is called the kings businesse . erastus . jehoshaphat , chron. . did not depart from moses his law : but we read not , that there were two distinct iurisdictions commanded and instituted by god. ans . if this be a good argument ; all that david and solomon did for , and in the building of the temple in the structure , forme , length , breadth , cedars , gold , altars , &c. of the temple shall be without warrant ; solomon and david departed not from moses : but moses spake nothing of the temple , and a thousand things of divine institution in the temple . but this is our argument , jehoshaphat did erect no new iudicatures , but restore those that had their warrant from moses his law. but so it is that iehoshaphat reinstituteth two distinct iudicatures ; ergo , the lord by moses at the beginning did institute these two distinct iudicatures . erastus . we are not anxiously to inquire what be the matters of god ; it is all one with what he said before ; ye judge not for men , but for the lord. the rabbines , the judgement of capitall causes is the judgement of souls , the scripture nameth all judgements most frequently , the judgements of the lord , deut. . ye shall not fear men ; for the judgement is the lords , exod. . the people come to me to inquire of god , that is , to seek judgement : therefore are the judges , exod. . psal . . called gods , the matter of god , is any cause expressed in the law of god , and proposed to the judges to be judged ; and the kings matter , is that which properly belongeth to the king. ans . erastus his anxiety to inquire is little , because he cannot answer : . the matter of the lord cannot be all one with this , ye judge not for men , but for the lord : for the matter of the king , or a point of treason to be judged , is to be judged not for men , but for the lord. but the text differenceth between the matters of lord , and the matters of the king. . in the former , chron. . . he speaketh of civill businesse ; but the matters of the lord are such as concern the law of god , and the true sense and meaning thereof to be proposed to the conscience ; and . that is a common thing to all causes , that in the manner of iudging , iudges are to look that they do as men in the place of god , so then as god , if he were judging , would do no iniquity , nor respect persons , nor take gifts , as he saith , ver . . so neither should men do iniquity , or respect persons in judgement ; and so is it taken , deut. . . now this clearly is the manner of righteous judgement , and modus judicandi , but the matter of iehovah is res judicata ; the thing to be judged , which may be unjustly iudged : and this matter of iehovah is not common to all causes , but is contradistinguished in the text , from the matters of the king , which in the manner of judging is no lesse to be judged according to the judgement of the lord , then the matters of jehovah . . the chalde paraphrast , vt inquir at instructionem , vatab. vt consulat deum . this is a false interpretation , that to inquire of god , is to seek judgement from god : for it is to ask the lords minde in doubtsome cases ; and this they asked from moses , as he was a prophet , not as he was a civill iudge : except erastus will have the magistrate of old to give responses , and to have been oracles by vertue of their office : which is a clear untruth , saul , david , solomon , joshua , though kings , did not give responsals , and answers when they did go to war , or were in doubtsome perplexities . but did ask counsell at the priest and oracle of god and the ark , sam. . . iosh . . . iudg. . . sam. . . and . . . and by this the magistrate as the magistrate should resolve all doubts of conscience now to perplexed consciences , under the new-testament . . the iudges are called gods , because they are under-deputies in the room and place of the great god , not because every judgement of theirs is the judgement , and very sentence of god , and according to that the cause they judge is nothing but the cause of god , for they are to judge the kings matters , no lesse then gods matters . . for what end erastus speaketh of the rabbines here i know not , i think he knoweth not himself ; the man was ignorant of them , and innocent of their language . erastus . i am not against , that the things of god be things belonging to the worship of god , and the matters of the kings civill businesse . the priest must especially take care , that there be no error in faith and ceremonies : and this belongeth also to the king , as is clear , deut. . so zebadiah is not excluded from gods matters : nor amariah from the kings businesse . ans . this interpretation is fully refuted : zebadiah is in the text , excluded from judging ecclesiastically , in the matters of god , as a priest , levite or elder . for if he must judge so , he must either judge as a priest or levite , which he was not , or as a civill iudge ; if as a civill iudge , then is he no lesse over the people in the matters of god , then in the kings matters : now the text could not exclude him from these things which belongeth to his office , and put him in another sphere , in the businesse of the king , and put such a wide difference between the object of the two men , as the kings matters , and the matters of the king of kings . the like i say of amariah . . the king deut. . as king , is to iudge according to the book of the law , that he may be a godly king , and fear god , and keep the words of the law ; ergo , he is to teach the people no lesse then the priest , and to judge between the clean and unclean , and that as king : this no way followeth . erastus . if you please by the matters of god , to understand the causes of appeals , and by the kings matters , other judgements , i contend not : and because the priest was better accustomed with the law of god , then others , therefore the high priest was set over these , yet so , as zebadiah was over the kings businesse : but i think the two first , especially the first , the best exposition : but chron. . these same persons are set over both the kings and the lords matters . ans . consider how dubious erastus is in his three expositions to elude the force of the place . if it was the magistrates place , virtute officii , by vertue of his office to command the priests , and to direct them ( as erastus and vtenbogard say ) in the internall and specifick acts of sacrificing , iudging between the clean and the unclean , teaching the people : then the king and the civill iudge were by office , to be more skilled in the causes of god , then the priests , because the commander and the directer , who may by his office exercise those same acts that he commandeth his servants ; yea , and is by office , to command him to do thus , in these internall acts , and not thus , he ought , by his office , to be more skilled in these then the servant . i grant , the king commandeth the painter , all the morall equity requisite in painting , that he endamage not the common-wealth by prosuse lavishing of gold ; and in this , it is presumed , there is more iustice and morall equity by office in the king commanding , then in the painter commanded : but if the king should take on him to command , virtute officii , that the painter regulateth his actions of art , thus and thus , and direct and command by his royall office , as king , that the painter draw the face of the image with more pale and white , and lesse red and incarnate colour ; in such a proportion according to art , and not in such a proportion : then by office the king as king , might paint pourtraict● himself ; and behoved by office to be more skilled in painting then the painter . now erastus presupposeth , whatever the priests do as priests , in an ecclesiasticall way , ( he excepteth sacrificing and burning incense , but for a time ) that the king as king may do the same also ; so the king as king may teach , give responses in matters of god , and now under the new testament , preach and dispense the sacraments , and judge as king , whether priests and pastors do right or no ; and that not only in order to civill , but also to ecclesiasticall punishments , as deprivation from their offices , and debarring from the sacraments ; hence it must follow , that zebediah should , by office , be better skilled in the matters of god then amariah , or any priest ; and by office he should rather be over the matters of god , then any priest in the world . . now its clear that these same things , to be over men in the matter of god , and in the matters of the king , chron. . proveth nothing , except they be over these same matters , by one and the same power of the sword , as erastus saith ; amariah the high priest , and zebediah the civill iudge , promiscuously were both of them , without exclusion of either , over the people in the matters of the lord , and in the matters of the king ; and in the same judicature , & by the same coactive power of the sword , as erastus saith , priests and civill iudges were in the same judicature , by the same civill power , iudges to give out joyntly , in a judiciall way , the sentence of a bloody death , and to inflict a bloody death by the same power . . it is erastus his ignorance of the originall text , to say these same words that are chron. . . are also , chron , . ver . , . for chron. . . it is said , amariah is over you in all the matters of the lord : hence the matters of the lord , were the formall object of his judging : but chron. . . the hebronites were officers in the businesse of the lord , or , to the businesse of the lord , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the service of the king. levites might have been imployed in both ecclesiasticall and civill businesse in the temple , and in the overseeing of those spoiles , that david in wars had taken from the enemies , and dedicated for building the house of the lord , which are called the kings businesse ; and the construction , ver . . is varied , where it is said , the hebronites mighty men of valour , and so fit for war , were made by king david , rulers over the reu●eni●es , gadites , and the half tribe of manasseh for every matter ; not in every matter pertaining to god : the affixum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here , and the affaires of the king. these levites seem to be imployed in the war , and are called valiant men , which must be some extraordinary case : but otherwise , when god commanded to number the children of israel for war , numb . . . . the levites were not numbred , god did forbid moses to number them , because they were appointed for another service , ver . , , . yet it seemeth in davids time , when there were ex●raordinary warres , that they were not exempted from the warres , for chron. . david commanded to number all israel from dan to beersheb● , and v. . levi and benjamin ioab counted not , for the kings word was abominable to ioab ; whence to me it would seem , that in some cases they were counted for warre , so chron , . . the levites shall compasse the king , every man with his weapons in his hands , and iehoiada the high priest was their leader , to establish ioash in his throne ; but the case was not ordinary . otherwise the levites were separated from warre and civill judicatures to the service of the sanctuary , numb . . , . and . . and . . . and . , . and . . and . , , , , , . and . . deut. . . iosh . ▪ . . and . . chron. . . chron. . . and . and . , , , . ezra . , . c. . . c. . . ne● . . , . and . . ezek. . . all which places must be answered by erastus . chap. xvi . quest . . whether erastus proveth validly the power of the civill magistrate in matters ecclesiastick ? before i proceed further , it is needfull to examine erastus his doctrine of the civill magistrate . erastus . as there is a twofold governing , so of necessity there must be two supreame governours . god is the governour of the inward man , the magistrate of the outward man , it is absurd there should be two supream governours of the same government , so as the one neither be a part of the other , nor administer all in the name of the other . ans . . because a man consisteth of a spirituall part , a conscience and soul , and of an externall visible part ; in which he exerciseth visible and externall acts of worship ; yet spirituall , another , as he is a civill agent , therefore there is a necessity there be no supream externall governours under the one supream lord of heaven and earth ; one that teacheth and informeth the minde , and ruleth by the sword whole man , as he is a part of a civill society , in all his civil actions , and this is the magistrate ; another that governeth him , as he is a member of a spirituall and supernaturall society , and exerciseth externall spirituall actions , in reference to god & in the subjection of his conscience to him , and this is either a priest , levite or prophet in the old testament , or pastor , teacher or elder in the new testament : and it is absurd , that there should not be two governors ; one over man in relation to his conscience and walking with god , and his brethren as members of a spirituall society , called a pastor or teacher ; another in relation to his civill actions of peace and justice to his brother , as he is a member of a civill society , called a magistrate . . it is an absurd thing , for erastus to fancie god , and the magistrate , two supream governors , when the magistrate is not supream , but a meer minister and vassall subordinate to god , the only most high . . it is as absurd to imagine god hath given no rulers , teachers , and guides to govern a man as he is a spirituall agent obliged to worship god , and to be edified in the faith , but only the civill magistrate ; then hath christ left no shepherd to his redeemed flock but the civill magistrate , and ascending on high he hath left no gifts , no pastors and teachers , for the gathering of the saints to the end of the world , when we shall meet all in the unity of the faith ; but only the magistrate contrary to christs end , in ascending to heaven , eph. . . act. . . pet. . , . and contrary to christs compassion to souls , who is moved , that his sheep want shepherds ; for there souls , rather then magistrates , matth. . , , . therefore the opinion of erastus is like the divinity of epicures or unchristian moralists , who appoint magistrates to governe the externall man , but no teachers to take care of their souls , or to lead them to heaven . erastus . as there is one measure by which we measure things of divers natures , as cloath of linnen , of silke , of silver , of gold , and there is one weight by which we measure things weighable , though of most divers natures ; so is there one visible dispensation and governing of all visible things , though there be some lawes for the city , some for the countrey , some for the schooles , as there be no necessity of divers rulers , and law-givers , to the city , to the countrey , to the schooles ; so is there no necessity that there should be any other then the magistrate , who should guide things civill and prophane , things of schooles , and things sacred . ans . this man speaketh rather like a morall , or a naturall physitian , then a divine ; the argument were good , if men had no souls , for then they should not need any to watch for their souls , as the spirit of god saith they do , heb. . . and he with one stroak , taketh away pastors and teachers , and maketh the king the onely pastor and teacher in all his kingdomes . . we know similitudes , especially not warranted with scripture , proveth nothing , and this may well conclude there should be no ruler at all , nor any lawgiver on earth , but god only , and let every man do what seemes good in his owne eyes , for gods will is the only measure and rule of all things . and . if all men were to be ruled the same way , it might have colour . but it is knowen , that all churches , as members of a common-wealth , are ruled one way , in giving to every man his own , & in not doing violence one to another ; but in keeping peace and policy , as all men do in all societies on earth , and so they have need of magistrates . . another way they are considered as members of a society , called from the state of sinne , to grace and glory , and so they have no lesse need of teachers for the guiding of their souls , mat. . , , . eph. . , , , , , . act. . . heb. . . thes . . , . tim. . . act. . , . math. . , . phil. . . and by name of the elders of the church , act. . . . and . . and . . and . , , , , . and . . and . . and . . and . . tit. . . and that the magistrate should rule the house of god , is against the word . erastus . one common-wealth can have but one supream magistrate , a body with two heads is monstrous , therefore papists almost by this argument , doe appoint one pope head of the church . there cannot be two powers of two swords , both supream and of equall power : but the church power must be subject to the more excellent , the power of the magistrate . but because he cannot do all by himselfe , he governeth the schooles by doctors , the cities by inferiour judges , the church by pastors , and all according to right and justice , and the word of god , and that where the magistrate and subjects are christians ; but where the magistrate is of a false religion , two different governments are tollerable . ans . . this argument destro●eth all aristocracy , parliaments , and senates , where many good men have equall power , and so the common-wealth may not have . heads and rulers of equall power , which is against the scripture , which commandeth subjection to every civill ordinance of man , as lawfull , rom. . , , . tit. . , , . pet. . , . deut. . . it maketh no government lawfull , but popedome and monarchy in both church and state . . it is to beg the question , that there cannot be two supream powers , both supream in their owne kinde , for they are both supream in their owne sphere : as pastors dispense sacraments and word , without subjection to the magistrate as they are pastors , and magistrates use the sword without dependence on pastors , and yet is there mutuall and reciprocall subjection of each to other in divers considerations : pastors as subjects in a civill relation , are subject to the magistrate , as every soul on earth is , and magistrates as they have souls and stand in need to be led to heaven , are under pastors and elders . for if they hear not the church , and if they commit incest , they are to be cast out of the church , mat. . cor. . rom. . . thes . . . . if they walk inordinately , we are to eschew their company , if they despise the ministers of christ , they despise him who sent them , math. . . luk. . . god respecteth not the persons of kings , and we finding them not excepted , if the preachers of the gospel be to all beleevers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over them in the lord , thess . . . tim. . . call it authority , or no authority , they have some oversight over the christian magistrate ; and here be two supreams , two highest powers , one ecclesiasticall , another civill ; nor should any deny moses to be above aaron , as the supream judge ; aaron not having the power of the sword , as moses had , and aaron must be above moses , in sacrificing , in burning incens● ▪ , in judging between the clean and the unclean , which moses could not do . . the excellency of the civill power in regard of earthly honour and eminency in the fifth commandment , above the servants of god in the ministry of christs spirituall kingdom , which is not of this world , we heartily acknowledge . . that the king preacheth and dispenseth the sacraments by pastors , as by his servants , is wilde divinty : pastors then must have magistraticall authority and power of the sword committed to them , as the deputies and inferior judges of the lords of the gentiles , which christ forbade his disciples , luk. . , , . for the servant must have some power committed to him from the principall cause in that wherein he is a servant . . what reason is there , that where the magistrate is a heathen , two governments , and so two heads in one body should be ? for then there is and must be a church-government , where the magistrate is a heathen , and that in the hands of the church : if then the magistrate turn christian , must he spoile the church of what was her due before ? erastus . the lord jesus changed nothing in the new testament of that most wise government in the iewish church , now there all government was in the hands of moses : i say not , that the magistrate might sacrifice , or do what was proper to the priests , but he did dispose and order what was to be done by the priests . ans . yea , but erastus saith , the magistrate may dispense word and sacraments in the new testament , if he had leisure : why might he not sacrifice in the old testament also ? . pastors do by their doctrine and discipline , order and regulate all callings in their moralls of right and wrong , of just and unjust ; yet is not the pastor the only governour in all externals . . if christ changed nothing of the iewish government , we have all their exclusion of men out of the campe , their separating of the unclean , and their politick and ceremoniall lawes , which is unsound divinity . erastus . moses ruled all before there was a priesthood instituted . god , exod. . numb . . calleth aaron to his office and maugurateth him by moses ; nor doth he command him to exercise a peculiar judgement , when he declareth his office to him , and when aaron dieth , moses substituteth eleazar in his place . ioshua c. , teacheth the priests what they should doe , and commanded them to circumcise israel : so did samuel , david , solomon , and in the time of the maccabees it was so . ans . moses was once a prophet and iudge both ; ergo , so it may be now , it followeth not , except moses as a magistrate did reveale what was the priesthood : what aaron and eleazer his sonnes might doe , by as good reason moses , david , solomon , ioshua , as magistrates wrote canonick scripture and prophecied . then may magistrates as magistrates build new temples typicall to god , give new laws , write canonick scripture , as these men did by the spirit of prophecy no doubt , not as magistrates ; for why , but they might sacrifice as magistrates , and why should moses rather have committed the priesthood , and the service of the tabernacle due to him as a magistrate , so to aaron and his sonnes , as it should be unlawfull to him as a king , and unlawfull to vzziah to burn incense , and to sacrifice , and to doe the office of the priest ? if the magistrate as the magistrate doe all that the priests are to doe as priests , and that by a supream principle , and radicall power in him , he ought not to cast off that which is proper to him as a magistrate , to take that which is lesse proper , he casteth the care and ruling of souls on the priests , and reserveth the lesser part to himself , to rule the bodies of men with the sword , all these are sufficiently answered before . erastus . the king of persia , ezra . appointed iudges to judge the people and teach them , but there is no word of excommunication , or any ecclesiastick punishment , but of death , imprisonment , fines ; nor did nehemiah punish the false prophets with any other punishment . iosephus speaketh nothing of it , nor antiochus . ans . i shew before that there is for●eiting , and separation from the congregation , ezra . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he shall be separated from the church . . if the king of persia appointed men to judge and teach the people , why should he deny any judicature at all ? . where ever iosephus speaketh of the judging of the priests , as he doth antiq . l. . c. . ant . l. . c. . l. . c. . he hinteth at this . erastus . christ dischargeth his disciples to exercise dominion . christ would not condemne the adulterous woman , nor judge between the brethren , luke . paul calleth ministers dispensators , stewards , peter forbiddeth a dominion . ans . let erastus be mindfull of this himselfe , who yet saith , that the magistrate may both judge , also ( if he have time ) dispence the word and sacraments ; if then the magistrate by his office may preach and dispense the sacraments , who made him a judge and a ruler ? will this sati●fie mens conscience ; the magistrate as the magistrate may play the minister ; but the minister may not play the magistrate : now as erastus saith , the minister in holy things , is his servant called by him ; may not the minister be called by him to the bench also ? erastus ; eli and samuel , were both priests and iudges , and so to erastus they are not inconsistent . . ministers ought not to usurpe the civill sword ; ergo , they have no power of governing by the sword of the spirit , it followeth not , the contrary is evident , thes . . . . tim. . . cor. . . rom. . , . erastus . peter martyr saith , com. sam. . those that live wickedly , may be corrected by the magistrate . but papists give one civill ecclesiastick power to the pope , and another to the magistrate , whereas the civill magistrate is sufficient enough . ans . pet. martyr cor. . expresly asserteth excommunication , and acknowledgeth a presbyterie of pastors and seniors , or elders , peter martyr condemneth the use of both swords in the pope , and saith it is sufficient that the magistrate have the sword. erastus . christ saith , my kingdom is not of this world , that is , it is not pollitick , externall , visible , for christ reigneth in the world , but his government is invisible , and spirituall in the word , and the spirit . ans . christ denieth only that his kingdome is of this world , in regard it is not holden up by the civill sword of men , or magistrates , as erastus doth dreame , who maketh the magistrate with his club to be the onely catholick and principall ruler in all christs courts ; which christ refuteth , when he saith , if my kingdome were of this world , mine owne would fight for me . now erastus will have no weapon , but the magistrates sword to hold out , and cast out all offenders out of christs kingdom ; but it is false , that christs kingdom is not politicall , externall and visible ; this is to deny that christ hath a visible church : sure exhorting , rebuking , censuring , withdrawing from the scandalous , excommunication , are visible externally , and in a politick spirituall way exercised by christ in his ambassadors : for externall and spirituall are not opposed , nor are politicall and spirituall opposed , as erastus dreameth , and therefore this is a non sequitur of erastus : his kingdom is not of this world ; ergo , it is not externall . erastus . when pompeius invaded and possessed iudea , and gabinius having overcome alexander , had changed the state of iudea , the pharisees did reigne wholly at ierusalem . the kingly power was removed and aristocracy set up , ioseph . bel . iud. l. . c. . ioseph . antiq . l. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the synedrie for the most part , had its owne authority vnder hyrcanus , and under archilaus it was more fully restored , as is cleer by the evangelists and iosephus . claudius in the tenth year after christs death , setteth forth an edict , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ioseph . ant. lib. . titus vespasianus promised the same thing to them . ans . will then erastus have christ , mat. . to restore the power of the sanedrim , in gaining a lost brother ; that is to cite him before the roman iudges : but . the romans made high priests from yeere to yeere , did christ acknowledge the sanedrim to be a restored iudicature in this ? . say that the sanedrim in sacris , in in the holy things of god , had its full power , the romans not impeding them ; hath any man a face to deny , but pharisees corrupted both law , gospell , sanedrim and all , and doth christ establish their most corrupt government ; especially when they set themselves against the messiah ? cesar or pompeius could give the sanedrim no more then it had before they were subdued ; but before they were subdued , the sanedrim was changed and corrupted . . this is to beg the question , to say they kept the power of the sword : for . we utterly deny that by gods law they ever had any such power , and forsooth , because the high-priests servant smote our saviour on the face , and they scourged and imprisoned the apostles ; what then ? therefore the sanedrim had the law of god for it , and aaron and his sonnes might beat , scourge , imprison , and kill , as they killed steven , without law or warrant , ( except the law that they had from the roman emperours , for which cause i judge their sanedrim was then a mixed judicature , ) surely this is a vaine consequence . . it is like enough claudius and tiberius both , gave them liberty of their own religion , ceremonies and customes at their pleasure , and that is much for us , the adversary so do reason from a corrupt , unjust and wicked practice to infer a law. erastus . i have solidly proved , there were not two distinct jurisdictions ; but that the magistrate governed all . i deny not that the magistrate took counsell at those that were skilled in the law. and i have proved that the sanedrim in christs time , when he spake these words , had the power of the sword , in things pertaining to religion . ans . let another man praise thee , solidity of the probation to most of protestant divines , is plain emptinesse . . that the magistrate took advice of divines and learned men skilled in the law , is not like the first pattern of moses , david , solomon , who as magistrates ( saith erastus ) did rule all in the church , gave the law to aaron his sons , directed and commanded the prophets from the lord , as nearest to him , what they should do , what laws they should teach the people : shew us one precept , practise , or promise in the word , where moses , david , solomon asked counsell at aaron , the priests , gad , nathan , or the prophets ; saying , o sons of aaron , o prophets advise us magistrates , what laws we should command you , touching your office , your holy garments , your washing , your beasts clean and unclean , your l●per , your putting men out of the camp , touching the forme , dimensions , structure , materials of the arke , tabernacle , temple , &c. that we may know what to command you from the lord ; for we are nearer to the lord , and have a more eminent place , as church-officers , then you who are but our vicars , deputies , and servants to be directed by us . now . moses received all laws immediatly from god , and never consulted with any man , either aaron , priest , or prophet ; david and solomon had the forme of the temple , given to them by the lord in writing , and advised with none at all ; & therefore received from god , and delivered to the church , what they received of the lord. . what warrant the magistrates should advise with ministers ; what they should command-ministers , to preach and do in their ministery , if by vertue of their office they command ministers . . so like as christ referreth men to the civill sword on their bodies to gain their souls , which is the scope of christ , matth. . chap. xvii . quest . . whether erastus can make good that the synedry was the civill magistrate ? erastus . when the priest accused jeremiah , chap. . of blasphemy , he sate not amongst the judges , but stood as an accuser before the magistrate : so beza . erastus replieth , your synedry had no civill jurisdiction , because it is a dream : . should pashut the priest be both accuser and judge ? . in ieremiahs time , there was a monarch , in whose hand was all power ; in christs time there was an aristocracy , the government being in the hands of some chosen men . ans . certainly , ier. . . the princes sate down in judgement , but that the priests sate with them , we have not one word , only the priests accused him as worthy to die in the question of law , and so the people , ver . . now the people undeniably cannot have been iudges . . nor do we say , the priests were both judges civill to condemn ieremiah to die , and accusers : that doth not hinder , but they in an ecclesiasticall way were iudges , touching the question of law , whether he had spoken blasphemy or not , and also accusers before the civill iudges . . it is to beg the question to say , that all power even of church-censuring was in the hand of the king. . the king might exclude none of the lepers out of the camp , the priests only could by the law of god do this , and excluded vzziah the king , as a leper out of the congregation : the king could not judge who were clean , who unclean . . that all power was in the hand of the kings , as if the kings of i●dah were by gods law absolute , can never be proved , but the contrary is evident , deut. . and that inferiour iudges were essentially iudges , and the lords immediate deputies , is clear by scripture , deut. . . chron. . , , . exod. . , &c. numb . . ● , , . psal . . , . rom. . , . erastus . you ask how caiaphas , and the pri●sts had power against iesus : i ansvver : . from god : . from the kings of persia . . from the permission of the romans : they apprehended him , and bound him , which was a part of civill power , nor was this some of the confusion under the maccabees : hovv can this be proved ? christ never rebuked it , nor his apostles ; the contrary is clear in iosephus . ans . a permissive power from god , can prove no law-power . . persians and romans could not give to priests and levites the power of the sword , to do what the law of god had exempted them from doing , they were not so much as numbred for the war , but set apart for the service of gods house , num. . . , &c. they might in some extraordinary cases judge in civill businesse with the civill iudges in the same iudicature , but this was no standing law , . erastus seeketh we would prove that the practise of bloody pharisees was not against law : he knoweth , it is his own argument , affirmanti incumbit probatio . . christ and the apostles rebuked not particularly many other sins . pilate might have accused them for binding one of cesars subjects , of whom he had said , he found no fault in him . . that ioseph was a priest , or a levite , i reade not , he was an honourable councellor , some think of pilates councell . . that they had any law of god to apprehend iesus , or that ioseph had any hand in either condemning , or doing any thing in the sanedrim , but shewing his judgement , as a iudge in the question of law , what was blasphemy , we must deny , let erastus prove it , if so be erastus make him either priest or levite ? ioh. . . the iews expresly deny the power that erastus giveth them : pilate therefore said unto them , take him and judge him according to your law , which was a salt mocking of them . i knovv , if you had povver , you should not have brought him to me ; therefore if ye have povver , use it : the ievvs therefore said unto him , it is not lavvfull for us to put any man to death , and the evangelist addeth , ver . . that the saying of iesus might be fulfilled , which he spake , signifying what death he should die , that is , god had taken power of life and death from the iews , in his admirable providence , that iesus might die a roman death , due for treason , that is , that he might be crucified ; ergo , the iews had no power to put him to death . it is weak and empty that erastus saith , they had not povver to put him to death , for saying he vvas king , because that was a civill crime : but they had power to put him to death , and to stone him for blasphemy ; for the iews say universally without distinction of causes , with two negations , which in the greek language is a strong and universall negation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we have not power to kill any man , ergo , the place will never prove that the church men might not kill him , because the iews might kill no man : you will say , hovv had they povver vvith svvords and staves to take the kings free subject and binde him , which yet they did ? i answer , it was an usurped power , for by erastus his doctrine , they had no more power to take him and binde him for treason , which was a civill crime , then they had to kill him for treason , both was alike unlawfull by the roman lavv , and pilate being a man willing to please the people , as the event of the businesse sheweth , did not in a legall way challenge them for binding him ; but he durst not be answerable to his prince cesar , if he had past by such a high point , as their putting christ to death : but we desire any law of god ( for practises especially of wicked men are no binding rule ) that priests or levites , in the old-testament , might either binde a iew or put him to death , and when pilate did stand so much to put christ to death , they would have used their own power , malice so necessitating them , if they had had any , and might well have said to pilate , it is lavvfull for us to put him to death for blasphemy , but vve vvill not use our povver , vve so love to be loyall to caesar ; but they say the contrary , we have no povver to put any man to death . they say indeed , that by their law he ought to die . but that they had no power to put him to death , for the common people said , that , as may appear , if we compare , ioh. . ver . . with ver . . with matth. . . and with act. . . act. . . &c. and yet erastus will not say that the common people were members of the sanedrim , or had power of life and death , as the civill magistrate had . erastus . steven was stoned by the sanedrim , not by tumult , for there vvere vvitnesses , as the lavv required , act. . the vvitnesses ( vvho by the lavv vvere to cast the first stone at the man condemned ) vvere here , therefore there vvas lavv-povver to stone him , though they did it unjustly . ans . beza meant , that steven was stoned by tumult , that is , without any law-power , except usurped , when the iews were now riper for destruction , and had taken on them the blood of the lord of glory , and so growing more daring and insolent against the roman povver , to their own just desolation , that came on them under vespasian . that they used witnesses , will not prove they had law to stone steven , for timothy had no power of life and death over elders , one brother hath no power of life and death over another , as erastus will grant , yet with both there is use of witnesses , tim. . . matth. . . this i hope concludeth but weakly , any lawfull civill power , so all this is from a naked practise of those that alvvayes resisted the holy ghost : and the like i say of paul , who saith act. . . of himself , many of the saints did i shut up in prison , having received authority from the high priests , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; suppose it were true that saul had law and authority from the high priests to imprison the saints , and to murther the saints , no high priest can make over a law-power to another , which he hath not himself ; now certain this law-power of the pharisees and high priests by gods law , is the question . let us see law or institution , where the high priests ( for of these only the text speaketh ) did imprison and put to death , either blasphemer or false prophet , or , if by moses his law , which must be a rule to all the high priests in the time of persecuting saul , it was either law or practise , that the high priest had power to imprison , or scourge , or put to death any man , and this was most proper to the king , and the civill judge , and the elders and iudges in every city , sam. . . , . kin. . . & . , . isa . . . ier. . , &c. ier. . . numb . . . . deut. . . & . . & . . . ver . , , , . & . . kin. . . hos . . . zeph. . , , . rom. . . we know undoubtedly the king , the civill iudge , had power of all bodily punishments , as of scourging , death , stoning , strangling , crucifying , hanging ; but shew meany vestigium , or the least consequence where the priests or high priests had such power , or did execute such power in any one man : it is true , deut. . the priests might determine in law what was blasphemy , and so what deserved the punishment of blasphemy , which is death : but so the written law of god , the very letter of it could in many cases clearly resolve the civill judge , even though there had been no controversie about the fact , whether it was condemned in the law of god , or not : we know samuel not being judge , but saul being king & supream magistrate , & not executing judgement on the amalekites , he killed agag , certainly , all divines , even popish not excepted , say , saul the civil magistrate ought to have killed agag , & that samuel not by vertue of his place , as a prophet , or as a priest or a member of the sanedrim ( as erastus would say ) but excited by an extraordinary motion of gods spirit , killed him , as phineas the son of aaron slew , num. . zimri and cosbi , , . and elijah slew baals priests , kin. . . kin. . . if phineas by office , and elias by office killed those ill doers , as erastus would dream , the prophets and priests by their office were civill iudges , and had power to put to death evil doers . now erastus denyeth , and with good reason , that the lords disciples should bear civill dominion over men , as the lords of the gentiles , luk. . , , . and that christ though both a prophet and a priest could not take on him , to be a iudge and a ruler , luk. . yet here erastus will have the high priest , by a law-power , to imprison and put to death . . erastus may with as good reason say , that the high priests had a law-power by gods institution to punish and to compell christians to blaspheme god , and to persecute them to strange cities , and to murther the saints that believed in the lord iesus ; for he went to damascus for this effect , act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with povver and commission from the chief priests , this was not a law-power in generall , to punish such as the law of moses discerned to be blasphemers , but a limited particular commission to murther the saints , who should hear and obey the prophet , like unto moses , whom the lord should raise up , deut. . what law had the high priests for this ? had they not a law on the contrary ? deut. . erastus . paul confesseth ingenuously , before the roman judges , that he persecuted the saints , and that he had authority and power from the priests and elders so to do , act. . & . and we read not that the priests or paul were censured for these things , as having done any thing against the laws or will of the romans , act. . they send their officer , the captain of the temple , they imprison the apostles , they convene a councell , give out a sentence , and agitate the killing of the apostles amongst them , while gamaliel impede them . ans . it is true , the romans heard that the sanedrim exercised civill jurisdiction , and inflicted bodily punishment . but for false doctrine , the romans i conceive took as little care as gallio did of any of gods matters , and whether the sanedrim kept the rule of the lords first institution , deut. . yea , they looked not much whether the priests might put to death false prophets , or if the civill judges only might do it ; and erastus said before , that the romans gave the iews liberty of all their own laws and customes in matters of religion . . what care would the romans take , whether the iews killed and oppressed iews , for questions of their owne religion , so they remained loyall and true to cesar ? . we know herod , felix , festus , agrippa , being willing to pleasure the iews , did oversee many breaches of law in them , especially in matters of the gospel , act. . . and . . and . , , , . ioh. . , . . how doth he prove that the romans did not take this for a breach of their lawes ? because they accuse not the sanedrim for this ? surely it followeth not : we read not that the romans challenged them for a manifest breach of law , when they scourged and cast in prison paul and silas , who were romans and had not condemned them , act. . , . . we deny not a lawfull judicature of the sanedrim , act. . but that they had any law of god , to scourge , and imprison , and put to death the apostles , is the question ; we say , they neither had gods law , nor durst be answerable to the romans laws , for that fact , and so this is a fact brought to prove a law. erastus . if this was insolencie in the jevvs which rose from the confusion of the two jurisdictions ; hovv say some of yours , none can be excommunicated without the consent of the magistrate ? where did christ divide the externall government of the church in civill government and ecclesiasticall , as you distinguish them ? ans . . that it is expedient , that the christian magistrate should be acquainted with the excommunication of any under his jurisdiction , that he may satisfie his own conscience in punishing him civilly , it is like some of our divines do teach : but that the magistrate have a negative voice in excommunication , none of ours teach . . we make no such division as that of the civill and the ecclesiasticall government of the church . erastus may dream of such a distinction : we know , all government of the church , as the church , to us is ecclesiasticall : there is a government of men of the church that is civill ; but we dreamed never of a civill government of the church : all the government of the church , as the church , though externall , is spirituall , heavenly , and subordinate to jesus christ as lord and king of his own house , as the government of a house , a kingdom , an army , a city is subordinate to the lord of the house , to the king , generall commander , and lord mayor , and it is no more a civill government subordinate to the magistrate and his sword , then christs kingdom visible and externall , or invisible and internall is of this world . when therefore erastus denyeth that there is any church-government , he meaneth there is no spirituall church government in the hands of presbyters ; but because we know no government of the church as the church , but it is spirituall , and the government of the church by the christian magistrate , is a civill government of men as men , and that by the power of the sword , and so it is no church-government at all ; and therefore we justly say , that erastus denyeth all church-government . erastus . when paul saith , act. . thou sittest to judge me according to the law , doth he not acknowledge the high priest to be his judge ? paul denieth that he had done any thing contrary to the law : and tertullus saith , we would have judged him according to our law , if lysias had not without law violently taken him from us . ans . ananias was to judge him only in an ecclesiasticall way ; and when paul saw that they went beyond their line , to take his life , he appealed from their inferior judicature to caesar , who only had power of his life . . lysias had law to vindicate an innocent man accused on his life , before a most uncompetent judicature . tertullus knew the iews had favour and connivence in many lawlesse facts . chap. xviii . quest . . whether erastus do strongly confute the presbytery of the new testament . beza saith , there vvas need of same select men in the apostles time to lay hands on ministers , to appoint deacons , for there vvas no jevvish synedrie , no magistrate to do it ; and vvhen paul forbiddeth christians for things of this life to implead other before the heathen magistrate , would he send them in spirituall businesse to such ? or must that , tell the church , have no use for a hundreth years after christ ? so beza ; yea if the lord ascending to heaven left officers for the building and governing his church , eph. . . and some to be over the people in the lord , thes . . . . some to watch for their souls , whom they were to obey , some to feed the flock , and to drive away the wolves , act. . , , . some to govern the house of god , no lesse then their owne house , tim. . . a presbytery in generall erastus cannot deny , only he denieth such a presbytery , and saith , that it is like this , such a one is a living creature ; ergo , such an one is a dog . but if i can demonstrate , there is a presbytery and they were not all bishops , as is clear , rom. . . cor. . , . tim. . . and if , tell the church , by no grammer , can be , tell the bishop , except you make the queen the bride , and the servant or friend of the bridegroome all one ; it must follow there is both a presbytery , and such a presbytery in the church , nor do we argue from a generall to specials . erastus . the church may not kill men , but she may pray that god would destroy them , or convert her enemies . ans . to pray that god would destroy him , whom we are to admonish as a brother , is a strange discipline ; erastus will never make good from scripture , that god hath appointed praying for the destruction of men to be a saving ordinance , appointed of christ for gaining of souls , ( such as we take rebuking , admonishing , excommunication , eschewing the company of scandalous brethren , which have for their intrinsecall end , the repentance of a brother under these censures ) and therefore this of erastus his killing of men , is a new forged censure . erastus . whereever the scripture speaketh in the new testament of a presbytery , there is no other understood , but that of preachers ; therefore it is false , that the apostles have commanded any other elders beside those that labour in the word . ans . the antecedent is false ; tim. . . as i have demonstrate in another place , i repeat it not here , let any disciple of erastus answer if he can . . the consequence is vaine , for if in every place of the new testament , where mention is made of an elder , the holy ghost mean only a preaching elder , it followeth only that any other officers , as deacons , and those that labour not in the word , & yet govern well , are not called with the name of presbyters : and so the argument is against the name , not against the office and thing . what if the presbytery be named from the most principall part , as is ordinary in scripture , doth it follow that there be none members of the presbytery , but only preachers of the word ? in no sort . paul saith of the visible church of corinth , ye are bought with a price , ye are justified , ye are sanctified ; ergo , none were members of the visible church , but those that are redeemed , justified , and sanctified , it is like the consequence of erastus . . i retort this vaine argument thus ; none in scripture have the name of apostles , but the eleven , and mathias , none are called the witnesses of the lord but they , ioh. . , . ergo , there be no preaching ministers , neither timothy , titus , epaphroditus that are to be called witnesses of the lord , but the twelve apostles ; so where doth erastus finde that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a deaconrie or office of labour in the ministery is given to any , but to those that labour in the word ? rom. . . ergo , must there be no deaconry , but labouring in the word , the plaine contrary is act. . erastus . beside levites and priests , there belonged to the synedry of the iews other heads of families ; ergo , beside ministers there must be prophets and doctors in the presbytery , it followeth not . ans . erastus fancies a conclusion of an argument that beza saith not ; for he saith ; ergo , beside ministers there must be some chiefe men , which we call ruling elders , to represent the people , that there may be ( as all our divines and scripture teach ) a threefold government in the church : a monarchy , in regard of iesus christ the onely head and king of the church , as the iewish church had their high priest a type of him ; and aristocracy , in pastors and teachers , as the iewes had their priests and levites ; and a democracy in the ruling elders , as the iewes had their zekenim , and their heads of families and elders in the ecclesiasticall sanedrim , and we in the presbytery to represent the people : and of these three the iewish ecclesiastick sanedrim is made up chron. . . of the levites and the priests 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the heads of fathers , or masters of families . now erastus yeeldeth that good iehoshaphat departed not from gods institution in his reformation , all this erastus passeth over in silence , being ignorant of the iewish church government , and not able to answer , and he addeth something of doctors not to a purpose , and saith there be no doctors but pastors onely in the word ; contrary to rom. , , . ephes . . . where they are clearly distinguished . erastus . some chosen men must be in the presbytery to represent the people ; ergo , these must be doctors and prophets , but there is no need of that , for bishops of old represented the whole church . ans . beza hath not any such argument , he contendeth for ruling elders , not for prophets and doctors to represent the people . . where doth the scripture speake of such an office as a bishop having majority of power above presbyters ? ( for since erastus denieth all ecclesiasticall government in teachers , he must deny all majority of ecclesiasticall governement also , he that denieth the positive , denieth also the comparative degree ) now this is a bishop that neither scripture , nay nor popish antiquity dreamed of . . in what is a bishop the representative church ? the like is erastus his third argument . erastus . cor. . how is government a presbytery ? how are overseers & governments , doctors & prophets ? there be many kinds of governours . i wonder that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 miracles , you understand not the power of excommunication , that hath terrified all the world ; how are doctors & prophets added to pastors , are they not teachers as well as pastors , but that they administer not the sacraments ? & how doe you prove that ? how prove you overseers to be ●ther then ministers ? ans . governements to us are but a part of the presbyterie . . there be many kinds of governours , but he durst not venture to shew what is signified by governments , lest he should say , his magistrate must be the onely church governour , but he knoweth that a magistrate as a magistrate is no member nor part of the church , but as he is a christian ; for then cesar , herod , pontius pilate , as magistrates must be set in the body of christ , as apostles , and teachers and prophets , which all the world will cry shame on . . beza said never that teachers and prophets are cast to ministers to make a presbyterie , for by teachers he meaneth pastors . . because paul setteth downe governments different from apostles , prophets , and teachers , they must be some officers different from them , we can finde none else , but such as rule well , and yet labour not in the word , tim. . . let erastus shew us what they are , he dares not open his minde : for he meaneth a justice of peace , or a king , or a heathen judge must be in the wombe of this , cor. . . let himselfe be mid-wife . erastus answering to tim. . . saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to labour is to labour diligently , the meaning is like this ; i wish well to all pastors , but especially to those who with great industrie , fidelity and paines feed the flocke committed to them , as i love all inclined to studie , but especially such as watch night and day upon studies , for some are more diligent in teaching then others , here 's no tautologie to say , i love all that sincerely and soundly teach the word , especially those that diligently teach it . ans . i cannot particularly discusse this place , i have done it else where fully 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with two articles noteth two species of elders , as tit. . . tim. . . gal. . . phil. . . . this is a tautologie , i love all well governing and faithfull elders , especially those that labour in the word ; they may be well and painful feeding pastors , who are not painfull in preaching the word , and this is tautologie ; i love all that are studious , and studie excellently , and especially those that studie night and day , as erastus must say if he make the phrase agree to the purpose , to feed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 well in a feeding pastor includeth labouring in the word , since erastus expoundeth the place , tim. . . of church officers , he cannot deny but the place holdeth forth a government , and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of church officers , for beside labouring in the word and doctrine , which is preaching , here is well governing , it is a shame then to erastus to expound this place so , and yet deny all church government , except in the hands of the magistrate . erastus . ancient and moderne doctors deny two sorts of elders . ans . i have made the contrary appear in the place cited ; i will not weary the reader with reasons set downe at full in another place . erastus . shew where the church hath a judicature , to punish sins different from the magistrates judicature , as the lord made a power of burning incense to the lord , to be different from the kings royall power . ans . mat. . mat. . ioh. . mat. . , . eph. . . cor. . , ▪ &c. rev. . , . and . . ministers are no lesse separated under the new testament to all ministeriall acts of feeding , by the word and rod of discipline , then priests were of old. erastus . nathan did not excommunicate david . ans . nathan had assurance from god that his sin was pardoned ; . that the sanedrim did not cast david out is a fact , and proveth not they had no power ; for . priests cast vzziah out of the house of god for a lesse fault , that carried in its face lesse scandall . erastus . the prophets never accuse the priests , that they admitted the unclean to the sacrifices and holy things of god. ans . the contrary is evident , ier. . . ezek. . , . and . , , . contrary to their office , deut. . , . levit. . . erastus . david psal . . sheweth he would have given sacrifices , but god craved a broken heart ; ergo , he had power to sacrifice . ans . not except withall he had offered a contrite heart to god. paul ( saith erastus ) speaketh of coming to them with the rod , of delivering to satan , of his comming with the authority god had given him , of his coming to them mourning . ans . where saith paul that he his alone did use the rod ? doth he not ascribe judging and casting out to the corinthians ? cor. . . &c , and forgiving of the incestuous man cor. . to them beza saith , this power is necessary to purge the church , lest it be infected ; even to the end of the world , and therefore must be left with the church . erastus . to be gathered in the name of the lord is not referred to the congregations meeting together , but to pauls act of delivering to satan , the corinthians and pauls spirit instructed thus with the power of christ , might have delivered others to satan as they did this man , if the apostle had not pardoned them , but they had not pauls spirit with them in their convention afterward , because in no place he biddeth them be gathered together with his spirit , as he doth here . ans . paul doth construe the words v. . in the name of christ with the participle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ye being conveened , and the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are separated from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i have judged ) by the interposition of these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so erastus his grammar will be a little confused . . what needed the corinthians be gathered together with the spirit of paul , and the power of the lord jesus to pray that the man might be miraculously killed ? for when they were not gathered together in a church meeting , but were all separatim in their own houses and closets , they had power to judge the man , that is , to pray that he might be miraculously killed , else erastus cannot make paul , in any reasonable manner to rebuke them because they prayed not that he might be killed , for erastus must suppose the power of praying ; for this , in faith , was tyed to this publike convention of the church , and erastus saith , in no place he biddeth them be gathered together as here . this spirit of paul and power of the lord jesus that was in them , was not given to elevate them to any higher or more supernaturall acts of miraculous co-operating with paul , then their naked act of consenting that the man should be cut off , and this act of consenting , they could not want , in their private praying at home , that the man be miraculously killed , and so this spirit of paul , and the power of the lord iesus shall be brought so low , as i know not what to make of it . erastus . if they had prayed that god would punish this enormous sinne , whether god had heard them or not , they had discharged their dutie . ans . but it is evident he rebuketh them not onely , for not mourning for the mans fall , and not praying that he might be punished ; but for that they conveened not , and did not judge , and put away the man ; ergo , they had alwayes an ordinary power to judge and cast out scandalous persons , and paul rebuketh them for not improving this power ; then it was not any miraculous power not ordinarily in their hand , as powers of that kinde are supposed to be . erastus saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be construed with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as the meaning may be ; note such a one in an epistle , and write to me , that i may censure him . ans . this is throwne grammar , which the greek doth not bear without violence , for paul saith , if he obey not our doctrine , written by epistle , marke such a one , and he commandeth them to inflict a censure on him , by eschewing his company . chap. xix . quest . . of the use of excommunication toward the magistrate especially . erastus . how many thousands of men have been killed by occasion of excommunication in germany ? it hath subjected kings and scriptures , and all to the pope . ans . all this may be said of the gospell and of christ , that hee is appointed for the fall and ruine of many , and that he came not to give peace , but the sword , pet. . . luke . . mat. . , . but the cause is not in the gospell , or in christ , but in mens corrupt nature : excommunication is the rod of the king out of zion , and we know how impatient men are of the yoke of christ ; excommunication abused by the pope doth all this . erastus . excommunication cureth not wounded consciences , but begetteth hypocrites . ans . so publike rebuking of those that sin publikely , tim. . . being abused doth beget hypocrites , esa . . , , . ezek. , , . king. . . , . so doth the rod , the word , the giving of almes , praying , being abused to wicked ends , make hypocrites , mat. . , . mat. . , , , . psal . . v. , , . hos . . . excommunication is innocent of all these . erastus . i thinke it not amisse that the magistrate chuse godly and prudent men , and joyne to them godly ministers , who in place of the magistrate may inquire in the life and manners of men , and convene before them loose livers , and rebuke them , and if need be , deferre them to the magistrate ; but this is unjust , that such a senate be chosen by the church , which hath no power to chuse them . . that they are not chosen in the name of the magistrate , but against his will. . that they subject the magistrate to them . ans . erastus is willing there be a presbytery : . of mixed men , prudent men , and godly pastors . . chosen by the magistrate . . that they judge and rebuke murtherers , extortioners , oppressors , thieves , &c. but . he should give us scripture for this his new presbytery . he condemneth ours , because it wanteth ( as he saith ) the authority ; and the like of his presbytery in the old or new testament you finde not . . that ministers should judge of bloods , thefts , treasons , paricides ( for all these are loose livers ) and of goods and inheritances , and give an account to the civill magistrate , is all one as if the ministers of the gospel should be iudges as the lords of the gentiles , such as pilate , foelix and the rest , so they do it at the command of the supream magistrate ; then the king may warrant ministers to go against the command and practise of christ , luk. . , , . and , , &c. tim. . . for this is a civill judicature . . then the ministers rebuking in the name of the civill magistrate , may make him to preach & exhort in the name of the civil magistrate . so ministers , are they to hear the word at the magistrates mouth ? i thought ministers had been the ambassadors of an higher king , ezech. . , . and . . speak with my words to them , rom. . . cor. . . . if the ministers rebuke as ambassadors of christ : those to whom they preach the word of reconciliation , those they are to rebuke with authority , and all hearers are subject to them : magistrates or others , high or low : this is clear by cor. . . , &c. tim. . , . for rebuking in way of preaching , or in way of censure , is a part of the gospel . but pastors are to preach the gospel to all , to great and small who stand in need of reconciliation , cor. . , act. . . he is a chosen vessel to me , to bear my name before gentiles and kings , and the children of israel . erastus . it is false that the sword of the magistrate is not sufficient to coerce sins , psal . . kings have put to death those that seek not god : it is nothing that you say , the priest judged those same sins in a spirituall manner , that the magistrate judged politically ; for it is false , that the priests judged in a judicature separated from the civill judges , as your presbytery sitteth . see levit. cap. . . . god seemeth to have given no laws of punishing offenders by themselves , as with us , least we should imagine two distinct judicatures . ans . we deny not , but the sword is sufficient to punish offenders , in its own kinde , in order to the peace of the common-wealth . to remove evil ; to cause others fear , to pacifie gods wrath , as the scriptures speak : so david and good kings purged the city of god , but erastus cannot deny but god ordained spirituall means of rebukings , putting out of the camp , eschewing the company of offenders , that they may be ashamed , and those spirituall means have a spirituall influence on the soul to remove offences , to gain the offenders , matth. . . psal . ▪ . isa , . . psal . . . thess . . , . . the word maketh the priests separated from civill iudges , zach. . . the angel of the lord protested unto ioshua the high priest , if thou wilt walk in my wayes , and keep my charge , then thou shalt also judge my house , and thou shalt keep my courts . the civill magistrate judged not the house of god , the way that the high priest did . the divines that noteth on the place , say , the chief part in ecclesiasticall affairs was upon the high priest , deu● . . . chron. . . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is given to the priest is to judge , to give out sentence in judgement , the very word that is given to king iosiah ; he judged the cause of the poor and needy , and ier. . . they judge not the cause , the cause of the fatherlesse , and ier. . . o house of david execute judgement in the morning , and the sons of aaron the priests , chron. . . are made some of them governors of the sanctuary , and governors of the house of god : it is the word that signifies princes , kin. . . a word to thee o prince 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sam. . . chro. . . ier. . , num. . . . all the princes of moab , isa . . . isa . . . are not my princes kings ? and lev. . , . chapters , judiciall acts are given to the priest that are proper to him as priest , which none do but he , nor have the civill ludges any part in it , more then they can offer sacrifices which none do but the priests , for he was to judge of the quality of the sins , and might not offer any sacrifice for every sin , nor dip his finger in the blood of the bullock seven times , for every sin , this spirituall judicature was the priests . and neither moses the prince nor any civill iudge on earth could share with the priests in judging this : all the world will say the judge may use the sword against the murtherer , and elders or pastors have not to do with the sword at all : and the pastors are to convince , rebuke and work upon the conscience of the murtherer to gain him to repentance , and no civill judge as a civill judge hath to share with him in this : here be distinct punishments , one corporall and civill , another spirituall , why then must they not flow from two distinct iurisdictions ? or if it displease any man , that we call church-censures with the name of punishment , we can forbear the name , for rebukes , suspension from the sacraments , excommunication , because they are intrinsecally , and of their own nature such as tend not to the hurt , but to the gaining and saving of the souls of the persons censured ; they are unproperly punishments , as the power and court they come from is unproperly a rod a iudicature , a court , and those that inflict the censures improperly iudges , yet can it not be denied to be spirituall government , and that there is a spirituall sword , the word of god , and a spirituall coaction , flowing from heralds , or servants in the name of the king of kings and head of the church , who reigneth in his own ordinances , and ministers . erastus . the priests bade uzziah not burn incense , because it was their part only to sacrifice : but vvhere is it vvritten that the king vvas condemned by the sentence of the priests ? ans . the priests were a colledge of elders , who not only judicially condemned the kings fact as against the lavv of god , but chron. . azariah and eighty priests vvith him vvithstood him , and resisted him , yea , they gave out sentence against him , ver . . it pertaineth not unto thee , vzziah , to burn incense to the lord , but to the priests the sons of aaron , that are consecrated to burn incense ; go out of the sanctuary , for thou hast trespassed , they give out the sentence of the law of god , numb . . , nor might any come in to the holy place , but the priests and levites , num. . , . here is a sentence judiciall by the voyces of . priests in an externall court , given out against the supream magistrate : for they gave not out this sentence as private men , but as priests , judging according to the law , and in this the king was subject to ecclesiasticall jurisdiction . erastus . it is a vaine thing to say , they excommunicate not the magistrate as the magistrate , none but kata-baptists and such as deny magistracy to be an ordinance of god , can say that : every man might excuse rebellion so , and say , i persecute not the magistrate as he is a magistrate , but as he is a tyrant : but i say you may not reproach the magistrate , exod. . farre lesse may you punish him . how can i obey him , whose whole life and actions , i may by power , and coaction limit ? the magistrate so is but a servant to the presbytery . ans . erastus scorneth this distinction , to say , the magistrate not as a magistrate , but as a scandalous man is excommunicated : yet we can make him receive the distinction whether he will or not : for erastus saith , that pastors may rebuke , convince , and threaten the magistrate ? good man , may pastors threaten and rebuke the magistrate as the magistrate ? or may they only threaten , and rebuke him as an offending man ? erastus dare not say the first , for so he were a grosse kata-baptist , for then pastors were to rebuke the very office , and to condemne it ; if he say the latter , as he doth in expresse words , then he acknowledgeth that pastors may bind the sinnes of wicked magistrates in heaven , is this , good thoma , no ecclesiasticall coaction , no jurisdiction ? and this is to receive the distinction whether you will or not . . the rejecting of this distinction is a tenet of royalists , for certainly we use no defensive armes against the king as king , but as he is a misled man ; and i think the king will say , he useth not offensive armes against the parliament as the parliament , but under another very undeserved notion , as rebels . . it is lesse that we may not rail on rulers , which is a sinne , ( for to rail upon any cursing-wise is unlawfull ) then that we cannot punish the ruler , which is more ? to punish the ruler as a sinfull and wicked man , is a work of justice , and so lesse unlawfull then sin . erastus taketh for confessed ( as his custome is ) that which we deny , that to punish rulers with an ecclesiastick censure is a sin , as to rail on them , and curse them is a greater sin . but to binde the rulers sinnes in heaven , is a punishment , and this the elders may lawfully do , and to eschew the company of a ruler , if he be a fornicator , an extortioner , and idolater , is either to punish him , or put shame upon him , thes . . . but one private christian , farre more a church may do that , rom. . . cor. . , . thes . . . except erastus except the magistrate from being under a divine and apostolick command ; this he must say , and so we have the apostles meaning ; withdraw from those that cause divisions , and walk unordinately , and are fornicators , coveteous , extortioners , least they infect you , and that they may be ashamed , and repent , except they be magistrates , though in the lowest rank ; if they be magistrates , they are gods , and you their subjects , and you may in no sort shame them . i should think god both accepted persons , and would not have us to indeavour the repentance and gaining of the souls of magistrates , because they are above gospel-rules by this way of erastus ; and because the presbytery may not rail on magistrates , for that is sinne , it followeth not , the presbytery may inflict no ecclesiasticall censure on them ; yea , let me retort this , the magistrate may not rail on , or curse and revile the priests ; so paul expoundeth it , act. . . against reviling of priests , nor may the magistrate revile or curse any subject , for i conceive reviling to be sinne , mat. . . and . . joh. . . cor. . . pet. . . cor. . . isai . . . zepha . . . pet. . . jude . and the magistrate is under the moral law. hence i inferre by erastus his reasoning , that the magistrate may not punish , priests , prophets , pastors , or any subject , though they most hainously trespasse against all lawes , which is absurd . . that the magistrate is made a servant , not a magistrate , if the elders may use the rod of christ against him is a vaine consequence ; paul preached himself a servant , in a spirituall ministery , to all the christians in corinth , cor. . . and all elders are thus servants to magistrates and flock ; yet erastus knoweth that paul had a rod of miraculous killing the disobedient , as erastus expoundeth , cor. . & cor. . . what will ye ? shall i come unto you with a rod , or in love ? suppose there had been a christian magistrate at corinth that should fall in incest , as one did , cor. . . paul could not come to him with the rod ; or suppose the roman emperour had been a christian and within the church , and should have his fathers wife ; paul could use no rod against him , and should he not have in readinesse revenge against all disobedience ? cor. ▪ . and authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , given him by the lord for edification , v. . against all offenders within the christian church ? in regard that christ is head and king of the church ; but he should have neither rod nor revenge in readinesse against the disobedience of the emperour ? why , is not the rod of paul the rod of christ ? cor. . . yea certainly , is not then the christian emperour the subject of christs kingdome ? and subject to the king christ , and his rod ? no but ( saith erastus ) paul , is the emperour subject to thee ? and if paul should have a rod to punish the emperour , then the apostle could not be the emperours subject , nor obey him as a god on earth : for ( saith erastus , ) no subject may punish the magistrate . this is downe right to make god an accepter of persons , nor can erastus deny but sharp rebuking was a punishment , tit. . rebuke them sharply that they may be sound in the ●aith ; and this the apostle urgeth all ministers and watchmen to do , not being afraid of the faces of kings , iere. . , . joh. . , , ▪ . tim. . , , . erastus teacheth magistrates to break christs bounds , and to say , we will not have this man to reigne over us , he needed not employ a wicked pen for this , they need no teacher , vitia discuntur sine magistro . erastus . some of yours say , there is need of the magistrates consent to excommunication , but certainly he will never consent to be excommunicated himself , theodosius was not willing , nor will good magistrates consent , when they see the danger on themselves , you would not bring in again the church-penances of the ancients . ans . . we all think the cumulative consent of the godly magistrate , is necessary to excommunication : because he is obliged to joyne his sanction and authority to all christs ordinances , but we think not the privative , or negative consent is required ; so as no mans sinnes should be bound in heaven , except the magistrate say amen . . put erastus his arguments in forme , and you shall see their weaknesse as thus : he whose consent is required to excommunication , cannot be punished with excommunication himselfe , because no man will consent , not theodosius , nor the godliest man , that he be punished himselfe : but the magistrates consent ( say the presbyterians ) is to be had to excommunication ; ergo , the magistrate cannot be punished with excommunication himselfe . ans . i retort it , he whose consent is required for threatning wrath ●o , and rebuking of offenders and scandalous men , he is not to be threatned with wrath , and rebuked for his own offences and scandals ; because no man , no theodosius , no godly magistrate , when he seeth the present danger , will consent , that he be threatned with the wrath of god and rebuked himselfe ; we know nathan was afraid to rebuke a magistrate according to gods heart , but in the third person . but erastians teach that the magistrate , when he scandalously offends , should be threatned and rebuked ; ergo , the magistrates consent is not requisite to threatnings and rebukings of pastors . but the conclusion is against erastus , for the pastors preach , and rebuke , and threaten as the deputies and servants of the magistrate , and as sent by him ; and the magistrate preacheth , rebuketh , threatneth all offenders , and himselfe also in and through pastors as his servants , as erastus teacheth ; then he must consent , that they threaten and rebuke himselfe . . the proposition is false , it is presumed , all the subjects do consent to lawfull penall lawes against sorcery , murther , incest in the generall , and virtually , that they shall be put in execution against themselves : yet the sorcerer will never formally consent , that he himselfe be put to death , though he once , as a subject , consented to the law , that all sorcerers be put to death : for when the penall law against sorcery was enacted , he consented to this . . he whose consent accumulative is requisite , that scandalous offenders in generall be excommunicated , but not that this or this man , possibly the magistrate himselfe , he is not to be excommunicated , is most false ; he whose consent negative , is requisite for excommunication , he is not to be excommunicated himself , the proposition is true ; but i assume , the magistrates consent negative , is requisite to excommunication , there is nothing more false : for shall that which the church bindeth on earth , not be bound in heaven , except the king , the iustice , or master constable say amen to it on earth ? we say not that the magistrates consent as a magistrate , is requisite , for the excommunicating of himselfe . for though as a magistrate he ought to give his consent to excommucate all offenders , and adde his civill sanction , as one of the seven wise men of greece said , patere legem , quam ipse tuleris . yet he is not excommunicated as a magistrate ( except with kata-baptists , you condemne the office of magistracie as an unlawfull ordinance ) but as a scandalous man. . the old penances , as they do us that service to make good that excommunication was in the ancient church , and that erastus wanteth the authority of the fathers , and upon his ingenuity should have been ashamed to cite them for his way , so we condemne them as introductory to popery ; but let erastus forme an argument from this , and logick shall his●e at it . that which bringeth in old satisfactions and penance , is not to be holden . but excommunication , or the excommunicating of magistrates doth this ; ergo , the assumption must be proved . erastus . it hath no more truth which you say , that the magistrate , while he punisheth , cureth not the conscience , for god calleth many by tribulations to himselfe , and farre more then by your excommunication . ans . i would erastus had drawen up an argument , which seldome he doth , for this it must be : that which is a saving mean to gaine scandalous offenders to iesus christ , and better then excommunication , is an ordinance of god , and the other no ordinance ; but the magistrates punishing with the sword the scandalous offenders , is a saving meane to gaine scandalous offenders , and better then excommunication ; ergo , ans . neither major nor minor proposition hath any truth at all . . though the magistrates sword were a better meane to gain souls , it followeth not that excommunication is no mean. the law is lesse powerfull for gaining souls , the gospel more powerfull . but the law is not for that no ordinance of god. . erastus his reason to prove , that the magistrates punishing cureth the conscience , as a saving ordinance , no lesse then excommunication , must be this ; that , by which god calleth , and draweth many to himselfe , is a saving mean , to cure the conscience ; but by the magistrates punishing of scandalous men , god doth this as by other tribulations . the proposition must be , a propositio per se ; that by the magistrates heading , and hanging , scourging , and imprisoning of themselves , as kindly and intrinsecally saving means , such as rebukes , promises , commands , excommunication are , the lord calleth men , and converteth them , that is false , god no more useth the sword of the magistrate , as a kindly mean of gaining souls , then the sword of an oppressing tyrant ; so nebuchadnezzars oppressing of the church of god , and the assyrians unjust wasting of the people of israel , shall be kindly means of gaining of souls ; because god blessed the rod to many to humble their uncircumcised heart ; but this is accidentall to , and beside the nature of the rod : but it is not accidentall to rebuking , threatning , promises to the preaching of the gospel , nor to excommunication to save souls and gaine them to christ . the gospel , and all the parts of it , are kindly , and of themselves the power of god to salvation : the magistrates sword to erastus must be the power of god to salvation , and christ , matth. . in his order of gaining an offending brothers soul , by this reason must descend , not ascend , contrary to the order of christ , for christ maketh the rebuking between brother and brother , to be the first step of gaining an offender to christ . . the rebuking before two or three . . before the church . . excommunication : now all these are spirituall means and more efficacious , the second then the first , the third then the second , the fourth then any of them . but erastus maketh christ in the fourth step , to descend from three spirituall steps of gaining the mans soul , to a fourth , which is carnall , to wit , let him be as a heathen , &c. this is caesars sword , which certainly is a carnall weapon , proper to the kingdomes of this world , ioh. . . whereas rebuking , exhorting , promises , and excommunication , are the spirituall weapons of the warfare of the ministers of christ , cor. . , , . rev. . . esai . . psal . . . rom. . . the exercise of the sword is a mean of edifying consequenter by removing false teachers , that hindreth edification ; but no man can say it is a mean of it self , and kindly in regard of the man against whom the sword is used ; farther , that which is a common mean of conserving peace in all societies and corporations , even without the church , where the gospel was never heard , cannot be a kindly mean of gaining mens souls that are within the visible church . erastus . ambrose following the example of azariah , cannot be defended in debarring theodosius from the sacraments ; yea , it was tyranicall and damnable to debarre a man desirous to hear the word , who otherwayes repented and acknowledged his fault , from the means of salvation . it was like the popes proud fact in trampling ●on the emperours neck ▪ he had no cause of wrath against theodosius , but as nicephorus saith , the emperour hated ambrose . ans . . if erastus had come to logick , he refuteth here but a law by a fact of ambrose . . what if ambrose debarred theodosius from hearing the word ; ergo , there is no excommunication , it followeth not . . that he debarred theodosius from the sacrament , after he gave evidences of his repentance to the church , is an untruth . . that after such a cruell fact of murthering so many innocent persons of thessalonica , theodosius should have been admitted to the sacrament , or remained a member of the church , to eat and drink his owne damnation , and not be cast out , as cor. . no man but erastus could say : so it is cleare , that ambrose did no more then a faithfull pastor , and amariah and the . valiant priests did , in not suffering the holy things of god to be polluted ; lipsius , no religious man , saith , l. . c. . de constantia , quo facto nihil magis impium omnis ve●us impietas habuit . beza , bucer , p. martyr , melancton , calvin , anto. waleus , gomaras , commend ambrose . and truly to kill seven thousand citizens of thessalonica , of which the most part were innocent , deserved more then excommunication , if more could be inflicted by the church . see ambrose , epist . . , . erastus had no reason to compare so laudable a fact to the proud fact of an abominable pope trampling on the emperours neck , and abusing the word of god , psal . . to defend his devilish pride . chap. xx. quest . . a vindication of other arguments for excommunication , as from sacrificing , offering of gifts , &c. with bloody hands . erastus . esay . c. . c. . ier. . . ezech. . and . psa . . are alledged for excommunication , to which i answer , . the lord doth not condemne sacrificing , for he commanded it , but the abuse thereof , as he that commendeth modesty to one that eateth undecently , doeth condemne unmannerly eating ; but commandeth not abstinence from eating ; so christ mat. . removeth not fasting and praying , but the abuse of them . when the hebrews propound two just and right things , of which they approve the one , and deny the other , there is only a comparison understood , as hos . . i will have mercy , and not sacrifice , that is , rather mercy then sacrifice , prov. . receive my instruction , and not silver , that is ▪ receive rather my instruction then silver : so this is no good consequence . god hateth the sacrifice of the wicked ; ergo , presbyters are to be chosen , who should hinder wicked men to sacrifice : it followeth not , for then this should be as good a consequence ; god hateth the prayers of the wicked ; ergo , presbyters are to be chosen , who should hinder men to call upon god , to praise god , to rest on the sabbath , to give almes , except these presbyters judge them worthy . ans . in the following books , erastus refuteth some treatises of authors without names , the books i cannot have , and if he doe them right in repeating their minde faithfully , i know not ; but i know in many things , and in this very argument erastus fancied arguments on beza , which he would reject as none of his . . sacrificing seemeth to be a confirming ordinance , as eating the passeover , and the communion of the lords bodie and blood ; and as there was some examination of the persons for whom sacrifices were offered required in the priests , as i said before , from mat. . . levit. . , . , , , . so there is morall cleannesse required in all that are to partake of the sacraments , that presupposeth conversion ; and i grant the first and native consequence of these is , that it was the sin and hypocrisie of the persons themselves who sacrificed first and principally . but that it was not the sins of the priests who admitted those that were no better then sodom and gomorrah esa . . . and had hands full of blood , ver . . is now the question ; i conceive that it is a taxing of the priests and church rulers , that is , esa . . . no lesse then of civill judges and the people , yea , that he rather taxeth the priests called rulers , v. . and that that is not as socinians say , a new commandement of christ , but an old , mat. . . therefore if thou bring thy gift unto the altar , and there remembrest that thy brother hath ought against thee ? what if the priest should know that he had killed an innocent man , and beside the guilt of innocent blood , that the sad hearted widow , and the weeping orphanes had any blood to charge him withall , was the priest either to offer or sacrifice for him , while he were reconciled to the widdow and fatherlesse ? christ addeth v. . leave there thy gift before the altar , and goe thy way , first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be reconciled to thy brother , and then come and offer thy gift : i offer it to the consideration of the reader , if as the offerer of the gift was to leave his offering , knowing himself to be under blood , and to have offended his brother , he was to leave his offering at the altar , so if the priest who offered the same should also know that the same day he had offered his childe to molech or the devill ; if the priest in this case should offer for him , and if the priest should not eat this mans sin , and communicate with the bloody impenitent man in offering with him , and for him the sacrifice of fools ; if he should not leave offering for him till he went and was reconciled with his brother , for the priest by office was to forbid such a bloodie man to offer ; ergo , he could not by office , also offer for him . here an order prescribed that is morall , perpetuall , and common both to the ordinances of the old and new testament , for christ doth here expound the law , which was corrupted by the pharisees . . he doth not set down a rule concerning the ceremoniall law , which was shortly to be abrogated , but sure he hath an eye to the worship of the new testament . what if he that is come to the table to eat and drinke with christ , and both his owne conscience and the elders remember the widdow & orphane have a just accusation against this man of late , yesterday , he killed their husband and father , should either this man eat and drinke at this time with iesus christ ? or should the elders give these holy things to him ? i thinke no● . and to come to the argument , it is true , isa . . sacrificing is not condemned , but sacrificing by such princes of sodom and tali modo , by men of bloodie hands ; ergo , they were not to abstaine from sacrificing , but at that time and in that condition ; nor doe we forbid either coming to , or debarring from the lords table by the elders , but onely haec vice , and onely while 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first he be reconciled to his brethren , and testifie that he repenteth , we never heighten excommunication to such an extremity , as it doth totally unchurch the man , and exclude him from the seals simpliciter and absolutely , but according to christs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and his order , and therefore the elders are to exclude for a time just as this , god will have mercy and not sacrifice , that is , rather mercy , first mercy , and first faith and repentance ; then sacrifice , that is , then afterward externall worship , afterward receiving of the passeover , the lords supper , and offering of gifts at the altar : and secondarily even in the second place , in regard of time , he will have all these externalls , whence the man is to debarre himselfe , and by the same reason the elders as the . priests did to a king , chron. . are to debarre the man while he repent : and . this also ; i will have mercy , and not sacrifice , or , i will have mercy rather then sacrifice , doth imply that both mercy and sacrifice are lawfull , and acceptable to god in their owne order and way . but where saith god , i will have sacrificing rather then sacrificing with bloody hands , so as both sacrificing , and sacrificing with bloody hands , shall be lawfull and acceptable to god in their owne order ? for sacrificing with bloodie hands was never lawfull , never acceptable to god in any order . nor said god ever he would chuse the coming of those to his sanctuary , who the same day they came in had slaughtered their sonnes to molech : god alwaies hated it , and never chose it , if at the same time both mercy and sacrifice cannot be , as david starving cannot both abstaine from eating shew-bread , as the law in its letter required , and shew mercie to his life ; and the life of his followers , and eate , yea , he is to eate , and the priests knowing his case , doe give him the shewbread to eat , & forbid abstinence , as they would forbid selfe-murthering , and selfstarving , so here , where at one time eating at the lords table , and reconciliation with the widow and fatherlesse , cannot be co-existent together at one time and place , an exigence of divine providence forbidding both , the bloodie man is to debarre himselfe from the lords supper , it being as sacrificing and lesse necessary if we speake comparatively ; and the elders are not to give those holy things to the bloodie man , while 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , first he be reconciled to the widow and orphane , which now comparing the one with the other is mercy , whereas eating and drinking at the lords supper is but sacrifice , but it should be as sacrificing with bloodie hands , which god condemneth and forbiddeth , and the priests and elders knowing it to be such a sinne , ought to forbid and to hinder it : hence as this , i will have mercy and not sacrifice , hath this sense , i will have you to omit sacrifice , when it cannot be done without neglect of mercie , vvhich is more acceptable to me then all sacrifices ; so i vvill have reconciliation to the offended widdow and orphanes , and not coming to the lords supper vvithout the former ; for the former is more acceptable to me , and should be to you and the elders in your practice , then the latter ; and therefore the comparison of eating , and eating undecently halteth ; for eating undecently before another , which would procure deadly sicknesse to your brother , ought to be forbidden by the ruler , it being known to be so , and ought to be abstained from hic & nunc , as a sinne , and a hurting of your brothers health , and yet the ruler cannot forbid totall abstinence from meat to him that eateth undecently , as the elders cannot command totall abstinence from the sacraments 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alwayes and in all cases . . we draw no conclusion of erecting a presbytery from those places , but those two we draw ; ergo , . it is a sin to the people themselves to sacrifice with bloodie hands , because god condemneth such a manner of sacrificing . . ergo , they are to be debarred by some who hath the charge of the holy things of god , but from the antecedent , we neither inferre ; ergo , presbyters , nor , ergo , the people , nor , ergo , the prince should debarre them . . calling on god is not to be forbidden , nor giving of almes , because they are abused , but the manner of the abusing those ordinances are forbidden by god , and may be hindred by the church , and forbidden under the pain of excommunication . the church cannot forbid men of totall abstinence from the lords supper , but they can command him that is not reconciled to his brother , and visibly under the guilt of blood , to leave the table , as christ mat. . . commandeth the unreconciled man to leave his gift at the altar , and goe first be reconciled with his brother , and then at the next occasion , come to the lords supper ; so the church of the iewes could not forbid the pharisees to pray , but they could passe such an act , as is , act. . . we forbid pharisees or any other to bring their private prayers to the markets and streets , and when they are to give almes , we forbid them with sound of trumpet to make proclamation to all men that they are the onely holy and charitable men in the earth . nor doe we thinke that the church can debarre men from the sacraments for inward and and invisible unworthinesse ; but onely for visible and professed uncleannesse ; and levit. . . it is clear , the man that is uncleane is forbidden to keepe the passeover . will erastus say , o he is not forbidden to eate the passeover , but onely he is forbidden to eat it tali modo being unclean ? and therefore it is not the priests sinne if he should give the passeover to the uncleane man , and forbid him to eate tali modo , in his uncleannesse ? see erastus himselfe against this , lib. . c. . page . . where he confesseth that the unclean are debarred , and yet uncleannes in the eaters of the passeover , was an abuse onely , and made not eating of the passeover unlawfull in it self . so the lord complaineth , ezek. . . moreover this they have done unto me , they have defiled my sanctuary in the same day , and have prophaned my sabbaths . . for when they had slaine their children to their idols , then they came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same very day into my sanctuary to prophane it ; and loe this they have done in the midst of my house . will erastus now say , it was ceremoniall uncleannes , not morall , to kill their seed to molech ; and that morall uncleannesse and bloodie murthering of their seed in the same day when a person is to come to the lords supper , known to be such a murtherer to the elders who have power to judge the scandalous and to cast him out , cor. . did not sinne , if they should be instrumentall to lead murtherers into the temple ? and say to them , take yee , eate yee , this is the body of the lord that is broken for you ? erastus answereth , the prophet ezek. . accuseth not the priests or elders , that they debarred not those murtherers from the temple and sacraments , if there had been any precept for this , some footstep should have appeared in gods rebuking of them . ans . the lord doth not particularly reprove the priests by name in every place , in which he reproveth the people : but expresly for this same very sinne , the lord reproveth the priests , ezek. . . let it suffice you , that ye have brought into my sanctuary strangers uncircumcised in heart , and uncircumcised in flesh , to be in my sanctuary to pollute it - ▪ and ye have not kept the charge of my holy things ; but ye have set keepers of my charge , in my sanctuary , for your selves . . and in controversie they shall stand in judgement ( he had spoken of their teaching the people to discerne between the clean and the unclean , v. . ) and they shall judge it according to my judgements , and they shall keep my laws and my statutes in all mine assemblies , and hallow my sabbaths , so chron. . . and iehojada set the porters at the gates of the house of the lord , that none which was uncleane in any thing should enter in . and shall we concelve that porters , that is , levites , would hold out those that were only ceremonially unclean , and receive in murtherers who had killed there children to molech that same day ? there was not to enter in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the unclean in any matter ; the text is generall , excludes idolaters and murthers , and such as should refuse to enter in covenant with the lord , of which the text speaketh . as for erastus his consequence , which he unjustly imputeth to us , to wit , israel sinned in coming to the lords temple to prophane it , in the very day that they slew their children to molech ; ergo , there ought to have been priests , and now there must be presbyters and selected overseers in a church judicature to debarre murtherers , and the like scandalous persons from the sacraments . . this is not our consequence . but this we say , if the priests knew that same day , that they came to the temple , they slew their children to molech , the priests should have debarred them from coming to the temple , and from eating the passeover , as their office and duty was by the law of god , num. . v. , . num. . , . lev. . . the soul that hath touched any such ( unclean ) shal be unclean till even , and shall not eat of the holy things , unlesse he wash his flesh with water , . and when the sun is downe , he shal be clean , and shall afterward eat of the holy things , because it is his food : now it was the priests office , lev. . . that he put a difference between holy and unholy , and between clean and unclean ; so if eli knew that his sonnes made themselves vile before the people , and committed furnication with the women at the doore of the tabernacle of the congregation ; ergo , eli should as a judge have restrained them , sam. . . but from this antecedent , we draw not this consequence , elies sonnes do publikely make themselves vile ; ergo , there ought to be such an ordinance as a judge , with civill power to punish them , and ergo , there ought to have been no king to punish them , but a judge like unto eli and samuel ; this consequence followeth not from this antecedent , but only hoc posito , that eli hath the sword , and be the civill judge ; ergo , he ought to punish , from scandals in the church , and prophaning the holy things of god , we inferre not ; ergo , there must be such a judicature erected , as if the antecedent were the cause of the consequent . but this only followeth ; ergo , supposing there be a church and presbytery invested with this power , they ought not to admit murtherers , or any unclean persons to come and partake of the sacraments , and so defile the holy things of god : as for the place ezek. . i undertake not from thence to conclude debarring of any from the holy things of god by the priests , what may follow by consequent is another thing . erastus . whereas it is said , deut. . the lord would not have the price of a whore offered to him ; ergo , far lesse would he have a whore admitted to the sacrifice : it followeth not , but a penitent , or a whore , professing repentance , may be admitted to the sacrifices . . he forbiddeth only the price of a whore to be offered to him as a vow , or a thing vowed , it may be that agree not to all sacrifices : for god forbiddeth a living creature , that is unperfect , in a vow ; but lev. . he forbiddeth not such imperfect living creatures to be offered to him , in a free will sacrifice , so god forbiddeth honey to be offered in an offering by fire , but not in all other oblations . but will not the lord have a whore to offer to god that which is lawfully purchased , or which is her patrimony ? or may not a whore offer her first borne to the lord , or circumcise him ? we find not that forbidden . from things to persons we cannot argue ; we may not offer a lame beast to god ; ergo , doth the lord so abhor a lame man , that he may not come to the temple ? god alloweth not tares amongst the wheat , yet he will not have the externall ministers to pluck up the tares while harvest . ans . if the hire received for a whores selling of her body to uncleannesse , must not be applyed to the service of god , farre more cannot a whore as a whore be admitted to partake of the holy things of god , for the price or money is called abomination to god , deut. . for the whore , not the whore for the money ; and so we may well argue from the things to the persons . . it is false that god forbiddeth the price of a whore onely in vows , and not in sacrifices ; he forbiddeth it because as moses saith , deut. . . it is an abomination to the lord , and as erastus saith , it is money unjustly purchased ; yea , davids practise teacheth , that what we bestow on sacrifices , as well as in vows , it must be our own proper goods , and not so much as gifted to us , sam. . . neither will i offer burnt offerings unto the lord my god of that which cost me nothing ; farre lesse would he offer the price of a whore in sacrifices ; and the divines of england say on the place , hereby is forbidden that any gaine of evill things should be applied to the service of god , mich. . . vatablus saith the like . . for the lords forbidding to offer in a vow , bullock or lambe , or any thing that is superfluous , or lacking in his parts , and permitting it in a free-will offering , by a free will offering , is meant that which is given to the priest for food , of a free gift ; but otherwise , what is offered to the lord in a vow , or a free will offering must be perfect : for the blind , broken , maimed , having a wenne , scurvy , or scab , can in no sort be offered to the lord , lev. . , , , . there is no word of the lord in the free will gift that erastus speaketh of , but only the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is liberall , free , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to give freely to god or man. . a whore repenting or professing repentance , was not debarred from sacrifices ; but that is without the bounds of the question , an heathen could say , quem penitet facti is pene innocens est . senec. in traged , we debarre none that professe repentance from the seals of the covenant . . when a whore as a whore did offer her first borne being a bastard in the temple , i conceive neither she nor her childe were accepted , deut. . . abastard shall not enter into the congregation of the lord : if the childe was born of married parents , the woman repenting , the question now must be far altered . . for a lame man to be a priest , we can say something , but that all the lame in israel were debarred from the temple , and the holy things of god , we dare not say ; and a difference of things and men we acknowledge , but that is nothing to weaken the argument . . how proveth erastus the tares are not to be plucked up by men ? mat. . will bear no such thing : ill men are to be cast out of the church before the day of judgement , both by the magistrate and miraculously by the apostles , and by excommunication say we , mat. . cor. . erastus . he that possesseth the price of the whore , is not to be debarred out of the temple , though the money could not be offered to god. the pharisees would not have the price of blood cast in the treasure of the temple ; yet they cast not judas out of the temple , which these patrons of ceremonies would have done , if there had been any law for it . ans . this is to beg the question , the whore who sold her body for a price was unclean , and more unclean then the innocent money , and so in that case excluded from the holy things of god. . they admitted doves , oxen , and money changers into the temple and prophaned it , and why should they cast judas out of the temple ? will their practises prove any thing , they used all divine ceremonies and lawes of god to their owne carnall ends . erastus . heathens vvere not admitted into the temple , but a scandalous man is a heathen , ezech. . your father was an ammorite ; also , if thou be a transgressour of the law , thy circumcision is become uncircumcision , rom. . he is vvorse then an infidell , tim. . erastus ansvvereth , but if vve look to gods estimation , vvicked brethren are vvorse then pagans . but if vve consider the externall face of the church , there be many things in vvicked men that agreeth not to heathen , vvicked circumcised men might go in to the temple . gentiles might not ; so the assumption is most false . . a circumcised man and a baptisedman , can never turn non-circumcised , or non baptised . ans . i say nothing to the cursing and blessing deut. . nor do i owne that argument ; it is not ours . . those which are ( so our argument runneth ) as heathens and publicans , as pagans , ammorites , whereas they were sometimes brethren and members of the church , are not to be admitted to the sacraments , nor to be acknowledged as members of the church more then heathen , ammorites , pagans are to be be admitted to the sacraments and members of the church . but wicked men amongst the iewes , and amongst us christians , who will not hear the church and are fornicators , idolaters , railers , drunkards , and extortioners , and walke inordinately , and cause divisions contrary to the gospell of our lord iesus , are to be esteemed as heathens , pagans , amorites , and worse then infidels ; therefore such amongst the iewes were not admitted to the temple and holy things of god , and amongst us not to be admitted to the sacraments , nor to be acknowledged as members of the church . erastus answereth not to this argument , either major or assumption , but propoundeth an argument of a namelesse author , as he knoweth best to answer and remove himself . . many things ( saith he ) agree to pagans and turks which agree not to scandalous christians . true , scandalous christians are not amorites and pagans simpliciter , they differ in profession , the one being baptized , not the other ; and once being baptized , they can never be unbaptized ; but that is not our argument , but they agree in this , that they are no more really christians , being fornicators , railers , drunkards , extortioners , &c. then pagans , but have the onely name and title of such , and are to be esteemed so by us , and are to us quoad hoc , in regard of church priviledges , as heathens and publicans , and so the lord of old termed his apostate people sodom and gomorrah , esa . . . and as the children of the ethiopians and philistines , amos . . and as uncleane and uncapable in a church way of the passeover , and now of the lords supper to us , as ethiopians , sodomites of old , and this day turks and pagans are to us . . that the wicked that were circumcised might go into the temple amongst the iews , de facto , they might , but de jure , by law , they might not , ier. . . ezek. . . esa . . . no more then by law they might prophane the holy name of god , or kill a man , or sacrifice a dog to god , or offer swines blood , or blesse an idoll , the argument from sanctifying the sabbath i passe , it hath no sense nor reason as erastus propoundeth it . erastus . christ mat. . commandeth him who is to offer a gift , to leave his gift at the altar , and first to be reconciled to his brother ; ergo , he will have us not to use the sacraments while we be first reconciled to our brother . but so ( saith erastus ) we should not pray to god , nor seeke forgivenesse of sinnes , while we first forgive those that have wronged us ; christ doth not here speake of the externall governing of his church , but of the perfection of a christian man , else wee could doe nothing that is good and just , and we were all to be excommunicated , he saith not , if the presbyters shall command ; leave thy gift , but if thou shalt call to minde thy selfe ; he speaketh not of a prohibition of others discharging an instituted vvorship , but of that which a mans owne minde doth enjoyne him , you may as easily prove the papists masse from this , as excommunication . ans . surely this is to me convincing , if i be discharged by the holy ghost to meddle with the holy things of god , or offering a gift , to god at his altar , while i first be reconciled to my brother ; then those who have by office power to steward those holy things , in wisedome , and fidelity , putting a difference betweene the precious and the vile , knowing that i am at wrath wi●h my brother , and having convinced me before two or three witnesses that i have highly trespassed against my brother , are to deny to steward or dispense any such holy thing to me , while i be first reconciled to my brother ; and the like i say of the sacrament of the lords supper . . to erastus his argument , i answer , it is not alike here as in praying , for praying is so absolutely necessary , that it obligeth by a command of god , even a simon magus to pray , while he is in the gall of bitternesse , that the thoughts of his heart may be forgive● , act. . . but erastus , as if he had set himselfe to contradict christ , would insinuate as much , as christ were not to be obeyed , for his exposition holdeth forth this sense , when thou bringest thy gift unto the altar , and remembrest that thy brother hath ought against thee , leave not thy gift , depart not , goe not about to be reconciled to thy brother , but first offer thy gift ; but simon magus , though he should remember that he was in the gall of bitternesse , should not delay to pray till he were first delivered from the gall of bitternesse , and then pray : sure if peter had said to simon magus , first labour to be freed of the gall of bitternesse , and to have thy thoughts pardoned , and then pray that the thoughts of thy heart may be pardoned , as christ saith , first bee reconciled to thy brother , and then offer ; and ( as paul saith ) first , let a man try and examine himselfe , and so let him eate and drinke , the reply of erastus should have nerves . . it is true , christ speaketh not of the externall government of the church ; but it is as false that he speaketh of the internall acts of the minde ; but he speaketh of the right ordering of the externall acts of divine worship , which are regulable , though not quatenus , as regulable by the church , and draweth an argument from the words by necessary consequence , which consequence erastus cannot elude . . but how doth erastus prove this consequence , if our exposition stand , and if we were to doe nothing in offering gifts at the altar , except we bee first reconciled to our brother , and if god approve nothing which we doe , which deviates from this perfection , we should doe nothing that is good and right , and so all must be excommunicated . . is christ here injoyning a work of perfection , and of supererogation ? is erastus popish in this ? . as it is impossible not to offer gifts aright , so is it not to eate and drinke worthily , while first we be reconciled to our brother : erastus was so surfetred with charity , as we heard before , that if any but desire the sacrament and professe repentance , he thinketh he is obliged to beleeve he is fit for the lords supper ; and here , if christ require , but that the partie be reconciled to his brother , ere he offer his gift and come to the sacrament , this is too great strictnesse , it should excommunicate us all , and we shall so never doe any thing that is right and good . . it is false that christ speaketh here of internall acts onely , and of that which our minde injoyneth , for the lord speaketh of three externall visible acts ; . of offering a gift at the altar . . of delaying and suspending of the offering . . of a previous visible reconciliation to an offended brother . . he saith not , if the presbyters bid you , ( saith he ) leave your offering ; true , he saith not that in words ; but supposing this , that the presbyters know that the same very day that he bringeth his offering , he had beene killing his owne sonne to molech , as ezek. . . . whether were the presbyters to forbid him to come and offer , while he should testifie his repentance ; and finding him impenitent ; whether should they not judge him both to be debarred from the holy things of god , and to be cast out of the church , as cor. . certaine this is christs order , be first reconciled to thy brother , and then offer ; try thy selfe first , and then eate ; and if the church see this order neglected , whether are they to suffer clean and unclean to come and eat , and holy things to be prophaned ? erastus . he shall expede himselfe out of this doubt easily , who can distinguish the internall governing of the church , which is proper to god onely who knoweth the thoughts and can judge them without error , from the externall governing of the church , in qua falli infinitè omnes possumus in the which we may all infinitely erre , and in which we can doe nothing , nisi quod mandatum expessè nobis legimus , except what vve read to be expresly commanded , for here he vvho is not against us is vvith us , marke . and no man ought to forbid those which god hath commanded , so they bee externally done , all externall actions quoad nos , to us are good vvhich are done according to the prescript of gods word , though to god vvho judgeth the heart they be not good every vvay ; many to day , the pharisees of old ; many in pauls time preach for gaine , many are ambitious , and some out of envy preach ; christ never for bad them to teach , nor paul but rejoyced , phil. . that christ was preached ; hovvever since no man can understand the internall actions or thoughts , and without error judge them ▪ there is no punishment by mans law for them ; onely god , vvithout error , judgeth and punisheth them . ans . there be many untruths here , . if this distinction of internall and externall governing of the church , remove most of the doubts here , he that eates and drinkes unworthily , which is an act of externall worship , which may be regulated and ordered by the church , ( for the church may not administer the sacraments to pagans without the church ) is no sinne to the unworthy eater , because god commanded that externall act expresly , as erastus saith , and so it is a good action , quoad nos , even to the unworthy eater , for he knoweth not his owne thoughts , nor can he judge them without error , especially being unregenerated . . if erastus himselfe acknowledge this his owne dis●inction , he must acknowledge an externall church-government , and who then are the governours , especially in the apostolick-church , where heathen magistrates are ? pastors and teachers no doubt , what meaneth this then ? my brother trespasseth against me and will not be gained ? i tell the church ; ( erastus saith ) i tell the christian magistrate , but there is no christian magistrate , then there was no externall government in the church the first hundreth , nay , nor three hundred yeers in the church , or then it must follow , that the apostles and pastors were the deputies of heathen magistrates : ergo , the heathen magistrates should with imposition of hands have been ordained the officers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in every church . and that they were not ; it was their owne fault ; for the principall officer must be more principally called to office by christ , and given by him as a gift , when he ascended on high , to edifie the body of the church , eph. . . . erastus will have men debarred from judging the inward actions , because god only can judge them , sine errore , without error : but so god only should judge all things internall and externall , and there should be no magistrates , because men may erre in judging the externall actions of men , and will not this gratifie the papists , who say in this ; tell the church , that is , the pope who cannot erre . then the synod cannot erre , protestants deny the consequence ; synods may judge , as act. . and yet synods may erre . . erastus will have us lyable to infinite errors in externall actions : therefore ( saith he ) we should do nothing in externalls , but what is expresly commanded ; but first may we not infinite falli , infinitely erre in internall actions and thought , and acts of beleeving ? are we more infallible in internall , then in externall actions ? new theologie : and are we not as well tyed to what is expresly commanded in internall , as in externall actions ? i think the word is as strict a rule , and the law of the lord as perfect in the one as in the other . . the great error is here , that erastus being sleeping when he wrote , thinketh that to eat and drinke unworthily , to offer a gift at the altar , the offerer being unreconciled to his brother , is an action internall and known to god ; and that can no more be known to man , then the thoughts of the heart : a palpable untruth ! is not worshipping of baalim , murthering , stealing , whoring , killing the children to mol●ch , and coming to stand in the temple of the lord , which are called a prophaning of gods holy name , ier. . , , . ezek. . , . are not these actions visible , externall , and as feazable to be judged by man , as murther may be judged by a magistrate ? yea , by this , let a pagan come to the table of the lord , we are not to hinder him , why ? it is an internall action knowne , citra errorem , to god only , and we cannot then judge whither he have examined himself or not ; if he be not against us here , he is with us saith erastus , quod deus facere jussit , ab eo revocari aut retrahi nullus ab hominibus debet : si modo externe sic fiat , ut precepit deus ; yea , so the magistrate cannot hinder either pagan or the open enemy , and persecutor , who will trample upon the sacrament , from the sacraments ; the contrary whereof erastus said , pag. . hunc ego minime admittendum censeo , and let erastus give us scripture , either expresse , or by consequence , where a pagan or a persecutor may be impeded by church or magistrate from externall receiving of the seals , except that we are not to give pearls to swine ? but was it not as hard to judge whether saul persecuting the church out of blind zeal , was a swine , or a dogge , as to judge whether he that killeth his sonne to molech out of blind devotion , and cometh the same day to the temple of the lord , doth prophane the name of the lord ? . if we must do nothing in externalls without the expresse commandement of god , nor may we without gods command , either expresse , or a necessary consequence , admit dogs and swine to the lords table . . paul indeed rejoyced that christ was preached , though out of envy , phil. . but by men called and gifted of god to preach , and therefore ought not to be forbidden to preach , while the church , for their scandalous life do cast them out ; say they are called ministers once , the church is not to cast them out , for this or that particular sinne , if they be not contumatious , and paul , saith he , rejoyceth that christ was preached ; but he saith not , he rejoyced that they preached christ , tali modo , out of contention , thinking to add affliction to his bonds . yet god forbiddeth the externall act of preaching in those that hateth to be reformed , psal . . , . and forbiddeth the church to lay hands on , or to call to the ministery , wicked men that hateth to be reformed , or to keep them in the ministery ; and this hindreth not , but paul might rejoyce at the consequent of their ministery , to wit , at the preaching of the gospel , so long as they remained in the ministery : as we may rejoyce in that christ was crucified for sinners , and not allow that herod and pilate did with wicked hands crucifie the lord of glory , nor yet are we to rejoyce in their sinne . but all this hindreth not , but he that is at wrath with his brother , and knowne to be so by the priests , should be hindred to offer his gift while he be reconciled to him . . we are not to hinder acts of externall worship , as praying , praising , preaching ; nor can the church forbid them , except where god by his commandement require that we do them wi●h a speciall visible qualification and order : as first , be reconciled to your brother , first examine your selfe , and then of●er your gift , and come and eat and drinke at the lords table : and in negatives , come to my temple , but come not that very day you killed your sonnes to molech , while ye repent and be humbled for that sinne . erastus . the godly kings compelled the people to observe the rites ordained of god , at least externally , and chron. . killed those that sought not the lord , then they sinne who punish sinnes by debarring men from the sacrament : for beside that , they forbid a thing commanded of god , and as it falleth under mens judgement , that is , as it is externall and good , so they cast their sickle in another mans field , because the correcting of sinnes in so farre as they are externall belongeth to the magistrate , and in so farre as they come from a depraved will , they belong to god onely . ans . here is one palpable error , that all externall scandals are punished , either by the magistrate as the magistrate , so he must be understood , else he saith nothing , or by god onely , contrary to cor. . . rom. . . thes . . , . for we give a third , they are punished by the church , but only in a ministeriall way . it is false that the godly kings could compell the unclean jewes , though circumcised to come to the temple , or the murtherers of their children that same day , to come with bloody hands to the temple : yet the very locall and personall presence of a iew in the temple , and the very posture of his body in looking with his face toward the temple while he prayed , was an externall lawfull ordinance of god : they could not then lawfully compell the iews to these rites , except with such and such previous qualifications ; they could not compell the priests unwashed , and having drunk wine to go to the sanctuary , chro. . it is not said , they were to be put to death that should omit any ceremony , ( though every religious observance be a seeking of god ) but they that would not seek god by entring in covenant to renounce idols , and serve the lord , or should prove apostates from the sworne covenant , were to be put to death . . if that be a punishment ( we contend for things , not for names ) which is a privation of good inflicted for a sinne : then let erastus s●e , if the priests punish not , who debarred men from the holy things of god ( by erastus his grant ) for ceremoniall omissions against a law of god , and if the priests should not suffer an unreconciled man to offer gifts , and if the church should deny pearls to apostates , if this be not punishment ? and if the magistrate be to cast out , or inflict ecclesiasticall censures , shall he not punish in so doing ? erastus . to be cast out of the synogogue is not to be excommunicated : for the synagogue signified sometime all iudea , sometime a particular congregation , or the place of meeting , or the sermon . by no law could a circumcised iew be cast out of all iudea , and sent to the gentitles , or be compelled to say they were not iews ; yea , they were killed who denyed iudaisme . maccabees so the cast out of the synagogue , were not debarred from the temple . the church of the iews was tyed to one certaine place , but every particular church hath alike power : to be cast out of the synagogue then with the iews , must be another thing , then to be excommunicated now , for he that is cast out of one particular church , is cast out of the whole catholick church . but it was not so in iudea , for sacrifices and sacraments ( except circumcision and expiation ) were only at ierusalem , not in synagogues : how then could they deny sacraments , which they wanted themselves ? they could not deny what was not in their power to give : moses was read in their synagogues every sabbath , no man could be forbidden to heare the word read , this had been against a manifest precept : it is like they admitted heathens to the synagogue , act. . . c. . c. . but it was not lawfull for heathen to enter into the temple : and when moses commanded all the clean to go to ierusalem , no synagogue could forbid them to go . ans . that the synod might have divers significations , i deny not , but that to be cast out of the synagogue had divers significations , we deny ; yea , it signified no other thing but to be cast out of the church , and the lord iesus speaketh of it , and the evangelists as of a standing censure in the jewish church , which the spirit of god condemneth no where , except when it was abused , ioh. . . ioh. . . ioh. . . luk. . . ioh. . . so is the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nadah , to excommunicate as an unclean thing , esay . . your brethren that cast you out . pagnin and mercer expound it of casting out of the synagogue , and they cite ioh. . and . and . to make it signifie excommunication . . that a circumcised iew could by no law be cast out of iudea , seemeth to say , that banishment was not a lawfull punishment : surely david against all law then did banish absolon , sam. . . and when the king of persia , ezra . . , . commandeth ezra to restore judicatures , as at the beginning ; it would seem that banishment was an ancient punishment amongst the iews : therefore erastus craftily saith , that no born iews were so cast out of iudea , that they were compelled to say they were not iews . surely we never dreamed of such an excommunication , that the excommunicated should be compelled to lie , and say that though they were iews and christians , yet they should say they were not iews or christians . . when the people was in egypt , mac. they were killed who denyed themselves to be iews , and deservedly , for they denied their religion and their god. what is this against excommunication ? we plead not for such an excommunication , as was a locall extrusion of a person out of the land of iudea , nor for such a one wherey they denyed their nation , that was a sinfull lying . but such , whereby church priviledges were denyed to some for scandals . . nor do we expound casting out of the synagogue literally , as erastus doth , to be a casting out of the synagogue or from the ordinances there , and from hearing the word or the law of moses : for the synagogue is the church , and it was to be debarred from the temple , passeover , and other holy things , though these should be tyed to one certaine place , to wit , to the temple ; and i doubt , if the excommunicated be to be debarred from hearing the word ; . because the excommunicated is to be admonished as a brother , thes . . . and the word preached is a mean simply necessary for the mans gaining . . because heathens were not excluded from hearing the word , chron. . act. . . , , , . &c. act. . v. , , . but from the temple and sacraments they were excluded : we have often answered , that all the morally unclean , though they were ceremonially clean , are not only not commanded to go up to ierusalem , that is , to the temple and holy things , that they are rebuked , and accused , because they stood in the lords temple with their bloods and idolatries , and other abominations in their skirts , ieremiah . verse . . ezekiel . , . esay . verse , , , , , , . erastus . they call christ a samaritan , ioh. . those of nazareth not onely cast him out of the synagogue , but out of the town , and strove to throw him over the brow of a mountain : who d●ubts then but they cast christ out of the synagogue , when they made a law , that if any should confesse him , he should be cast out of the synagogue : yet never man objected to christ , ( it is not lawfull to thee to go into the temple , for thou art cast out of the synagogue . ) ergo , to be cast out of the synagogue was not to be excommunicated . ans . all these are poor conjectures , for erastus granteth there was such a censure as casting out of the synagogue , but he sheweth not what it is . but i retort this argument ; if christ had been cast out of the synagogue , those that called him a samaritane , and cast out of their synagogues , such as confessed him , would have sometime said , ( it is not lawfull to thee to go into the synagogues and teach , for thou art cast out of the synagogue . ) but by the contrary , christ till the day of his death , openly taught in the synagogues , ioh. . . i spake openly to the world , i ever taught in the synagogue and in the temple , whither the iews alwayes resort , luke . . he taught in their synagogues , luke . . as his custome was , he went into the synagogues ▪ mat. . . mark . . mark . . luk. . . mat. . . luke . . and therefore it is a demonstration to me , that they never cast christ out of the synagogue ; what hindred them , saith erastus ? i answer . let him shew me what hindred them to stone him , ioh. . and not to put him to death till his houre came . erastus speaketh not like a divine , who scoffeth at the secret counsell of god : for god had the sufferings of his owne sonne christ , in a speciall manner , determined and weighed , in number , weight , and measure . and therefore though they made a law , that all that confesseth christ should be cast out of the synagogue , and though those that sinned against the holy ghost , matt. . called him a samaritane , and out of a sudden passion , those that wondred at the gracious words that proceeded out of his mouth , would cast him over the brow of a mountaine ; yet i hold , they never made any law , no● did execute any law , nor did cast out of their sgnagogue , or excommunicate the lord iesus . i leave erastus to his conjectures . erastus . act. . and . the apostles were scourged and cast out by the high synagogue summa synagoga , yet presently they teach in the temple , and use the sacramen●s , act. . when paul act. . was to go to the temple to sacrifice , the apostles who counselled him so to do , do not object , that he was excommunicated , and so could not by law do so ; his adversaries accuse him that he taught against the law , and that he profaned the temple , by bringing in the gentiles , he openly saith , he had done nothing against the law. then to be cast out of the synagogue is not to be excommunicated , for one cast out of the synagogue , could not but do against the law , if he should go to the temple and sacrifice . ans . if erastus would argue logically ( as to me in my humble apprehension , he is still weak in all his book in this ) we should find frothy grounds : as thus , if those who were scourged and cast out of the synagogue ( to wit , unjustly and against all law of god for preaching christ iesus ) were never accused for going into the temple and using the sacraments , and say , truly they did nothing against the law , then the cast out of the synagogue might lawfully go to the temple and partake of the sacraments ; the proposition is the greatest untruth that can be . . erastus must prove that the iews accused the apostles of all and every thing , which they conceived to be against the law. i conceive this is a conjecture , and false . . the other part of the proposition is as false as to say , light is darknesse ; if paul cast out of the synagogue , and excommunicated against all law of god and moses , yet go to the temple and sacrifice , and partake of sacraments , say he doth nothing against the law ; then casting out of the synagogue and excommunication doth not exclude any from the temple , sacrifices and sacraments : this is as much as paul should say , unjust excommunication against all law of god and of moses for righteousnesse sake , doth exclude no man from the temple and the sacrifices and sacraments ; ergo , casting out of the synagogue and excommunication rightly administred , doth exclude none from the temple , sacrifices and sacraments : surely 〈◊〉 is abominable to ascribe as much to unjustly administred ordinances , as to the j●st ordinances of christ . erastus must lay downe the popish ground of navar and gregory , that excommunication sive de justa , sive de i●justa causa , either for a just or an unjust cause is to be feared , and hath force . might not paul though he had been unjustly excommunicated , go to the temple and sacraments , and yet say he had done nothing against the law ? might not the man whom iesus found after he was unjustly cast out of temple and synagogue , ioh. . . say , i have done nothing against the law , nor do against it , though i go to the temple ? . how will erastus prove that the apostles , act. . and . or paul were c●st out of the synagogue or excommunicated ? i never could read it : they commanded them neither to preach in temple or synagogue any more in the name of iesus ; but that they cast them out of the synagogue , or cast paul out of the synagogue , where is it to be read ? let erastus teach us . erastus . it is hard to say , what it is to be cast out of the synagogue , it was not excommunication , it seemeth to be some note of infamy , ioh. . or a particular banishing them out of a towne , and iesus seemeth , luk. . to be banished by the nazarites , and it seemeth to be a denying of right of the city ; so as the cast out of the synagogue shal be no more esteemed for a true iew , but as a prosylite ; prosylites dwelt amongst the iews , and had right to those same holy things with them , yet were they distinguished from the iews : so it seemeth to be that which is ezra . to be separated from the crongregation of those that had been carried away captive . it agreeth with that deuteronomy . where the children of edom were admitted ●● enter into the congregation of the lord in their third generation . it s absurd to think● that god who is no accepter of persons , will not have one cut off , a bastard , an ammonite , a moabite received into his kingdome : so the lord refused not that they should be circumcised and admitted to the sacraments ; but he would not have them counted for true iews ; he would have egyptians and edomites received in their third generation : so their father , grand-father , and great grandfather had been circumcised , otherwise to the thousand generation they were ●ot received , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to cast out , or to be cast out of the synagogue are meeker words then to condemne , cast out , excommunicate ; and though the pharisees should debarre from the sacraments those that are cast out of the synagogue , we are not to imitate the examples of ill men . ans . . if it be hard to determine what it is to be cast out of the synagogue , it is hard to deny it to be excommunication ; for to be a member of the synagogue , as an elder or a ruler of the synagogue , was to be a member of the church , and a church priviledge ; ergo , to be cast out of the synagogue must be to be unchurched , and made no member of the church , and this is very like excommunication : however , erastus cannot deny it to bee some church censure like to excommunication as any thing can be . . that it was a civill banishing out of a towne , or that christ was banished by the nazarites out of nazareth leaneth upon erastus his ita videtur , so it seemeth ; to which i crave leave to say , non ita videtur , it appeareth to be no such thing , christ came againe to nazareth , and till his death was never banished from synagogue or temple , iohn . . they should rather have been said to cast christ out of the temple and banish him from ierusalem , for ioh. . , , . they took up stones to stone him , v. . then to banish him out of nazareth , or cast him out of the synagogue . . prosylites had all the right that iews had by gods law , what men denyed them , is not the question . erastus spake nothing from scripture or gods law , that was one and the same to the born iew , and the stranger that came in and was circumcised , and gave his name to the israel of god. . to be deprived of the priviledge of a city is a civill punishment ; ergo , to be cast out of the congregation or synagogue , which was a spirituall and church punishment was no such thing . . the separating from the congregation , ezra . . was excommunication ; the annotation of the english divines say it was excommunication , such as casting out of the synagogue , ioh. . . . if it agree with deut. . . to enter in the congregation of the lord , is to be a member of the church of god , and therefore the hebrew readeth it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the church of god. the chalde paraphrast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 erint mundi ut ingrediantur ecclesiam domini , they shall be cleane that they may enter into the church of god. sure this was not physicall or civill cleannesse , but cleannesse spirituall according to the law of god : so the seventy translate it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hieronym . intrabunt in ecclesiam domini . vatablus in not. erint de consortio populi sancti . the english annotators cite for this nehe. . , . the law is , that the moabite and the ammonite should not enter into the congregation of the lord for ever , it is said v. . they separated from israel all the mixed multitude , so that cleare it is , to enter into the congregation is to become a member of the church ; then to be separated from the congregation , must be to be cast out of the church , and deprived of the holy things of god , as heathens and strangers were , according to that levit. . . there shall no stranger eate of the holy thing : what is this but excommunication ? call it with another name ▪ we care not , it is really to be separated from the church . . it is admirable to me to heare erastus say , it cannot be that god who is no accepter of of persons , will not receive into his kingdome a bastard , an ammonite , a moabite ? is not this to reason against the law of god , and the wisedome of god ? deut. . . , . who saith , that he will not receive such into his church , which is his kingdome , and a company of kings and priests unto god , which he hath freely loved , exod. . , . psal . . . deut. . . deut. . , , . as ●o● the rejecting of men from his heavenly kingdome according to gods decree of eternall reprobation , i deny excommunication to be any such rejection of men ; it being onely a casting them out from the visible church , and the speciall church priviledges , that their spirits may be saved in the day of the lord ; and what can be more contrary to the word , then that erastus should say god declared not , that it was his will that moabites , ammonites should not be circumcised , an● admitted to the sacraments . why then did hee not chuse moabites and ammonites for his people , and make a covenant with them , and give circumcision a seale of the covenant , as he dealt with the iewes ? if he mean god will not exclude moabites and ammonites from the sacraments , so they repent and turne to him : but now erastus fights with his owneshaddow . who denieth but iewes and gentiles , so they call on him , are welcome to all the holy things of god , and not to be cast out of either church or synagogue . . to say , to cast out of the synagogue , is a meeker word then to excommunicate , is but to beg the question . yea , but saith erastus it is lesse and a milder thing then to destroy , and pro deplorato habere , to esteeme a person lost , we say excommunication is not to destroy or to give for lost , but though it be the most violent , yet it is a saving remedy that the man may be ashamed , humbled , and his spirit saved . . we reason not from the fact of pharisees , if they cast any out of the synagogue for a just cause , they ought also by gods law to debarre them from temple and sacraments , and therefore if they did not debarre , it was their sinne , not our rule . chap. xxi . quest . . divers other arguments vindicated , as from communion with the church , subjection of magistrates and ministers : the ceremonially unclean from matth. . tell the church . erastus . christ hath given a power to his church to loose , ergo , also to binde : the church admitteth believers into communion ; ergo , they cast out the impenitent . erastus answereth , such a power as they have to ioose and to admit ; such and no other have they to binde and to cast out ; but it follovveth not , ergo , it is a povver to debar from the sacraments , and to excommunicate : it is à genere , and speciem affirmativè . ans . erastus is mistaken , and formeth the argument as he pleaseth . the church pardoneth as a church , and receiveth into her body believers to participate of church-priviledges and sacraments in a church communion ; ergo , the church hath power to binde and cast out from this same church-communion , those that leaveneth the whole lump ; as a city may admit a stranger to all the city priviledges ; ergo , the same city may for offences against the city , cast out and deprive of city priviledges offenders : is this a genere ad speciem affirmativè ? if the church have a power to cast out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from amongst them a member , we shall not contend for the name of excommunication . erastus . the ministers have none , by whom in their office they can be corrected : but saith erastus , if every soul be subject to the higher powers , how are ministers excepted ? if ministers correct ministers , they play to others hands , spare thou the nails , and i shall spare the teeth . ans . the author doth not except ministers from civill subjection to magistrates : but only he saith , in ecclesiasticall censures , the magistrate is not to judge the ministers ; because a ministery being an ecclesiasticall office , as such , it is not liable to the civill power , only the ministers as they erre and sin in their persons , are liable to civill punishment , but not to ecclesiasticall , to be inflicted by the magistrate . . through the corruption of mens nature , every one may wink at anothers faults : it is true , but consider if this slow from the nature of gods ordinance , to wit , that the citizen obey the laws of the city whereof he is a member . this is an argument against any senate , parliament , counsell of state , or war , or aristocracy on earth : if of an hundreth lords of the states generall , one or ten play the traytor to the state , who shall take order with them ? their collegues and fellow-senators . partiall judging falls out here through mens corruption : spare thou the nails , and i le spare the teeth : and from erastus his way , ( if you argue from mens corruption ) the same will follow : may not the magistrate say to the minister , honour me before the people , and preach not against the sins of king and court , and i will oversee and wink at thy pluralities , non-residencies , soul-murthers ? and may not the minister say to the magistrate , let me be above all civill laws , and be lord prelat , and sit on the necks of my brethren , and defraud , oppresse , and i shall be silent and preach nothing against the idolatry , oppressions , sodomy , uncleannesse of magistrate and court . erastus . the ceremonially unclean were excluded from the sacraments ; ergo , far more the morally unclean ; but how ( saith he ) doth this follow ? you excommunicate none but the obstinate ; for those that were ceremonially unclean against their will , were excluded from the holy things ; ergo , far more he that is morally unclean is to be debarred , though he be not obstinate : how could paul excommunicate the incestuous man , cor. . he was never admonished ; or peter excommunicate annanias , as you say ? ans . all types or comparisons hold only in that for which the spirit of god doth bring them : now the ceremonially unclean were debarred from holy things , to signifie how much god detests filthinesse . . filthinesse , polluting and leavening others : now the lesse will in any sin , the lesse sin , and so the lesse contagion to others , and therefore , where there is much infirmity , lesse will , and no contumacy , it rather followeth , ergo , there should be no casting out , no excommunication . erastus . the ceremonially unclean were not counted as condemned and lost , as your excommunicated persons were ; they were admitted to sacraments and the yearly expiation . ans . this is answered fully : the excommunicated , because excommunicated , are to us in a way to be saved under medicine , and not given for lost , no more then those to whom the pastors do threaten eternall wrath , or those with whom we will not eat , because of their inordinate walking are given for lost , though conditionally they are in danger of damnation if they repent no● . . it is denyed that the ceremonially unclean were admitted to the sacraments . philo judaeus , no lesse well versed in jewish antiquities then josephus , tract . de sacerdotum honoribus , saith , nulli homicidae licebat introire templum : and josephus , l. . c. . saith , herod agrippa who beheaded james the brother of christ ▪ accused one simon , who being a wicked man , went into the temple , q●ia templum non nisi puris & dignis pateret : he witnesseth the same , de bel. jadaic . l. . c. . erastus . the comparison holdeth not between two sins , which have both of them their own appointed punishment , but when both is punished vvith one punishment : for it is like this , he that killed any imprudently , vvas compelled to flee to the city of refuge , vvhich vvas a lesse sin ; ergo , he that vvittingly and vvilfully ▪ killeth , should rather flye to that city ; or ▪ a drunken man is to pay a fine ; ergo , a bloody robber is far rather to pay a fine . ans . when the comparison is made between a ceremoniall breach , which is punished with a punishment ceremonially , or mystically significant ; the comparison to a morall sin punished with punishment reall , signified by that ceremoniall punishment , is inconsequent : but when both sins have the same punishment in the generall , in genere , it followeth not , that both should have the same , in spe●i● , in nature , as a drunkard ought to be punished with stripes ; ergo , parricide ought rather to be punished with death ; but not ergo , a parricide ought rather to be punished with stripes only : and so the consequence is nought , the leper was punished with being put out of the camp seven dayes . it followeth not , ergo , he that is defiled with the soul-leprosie of murther , sorcery , should far rather be punished only with being put out of the camp seven dayes : because there is a higher punishment ordained for morall , then for a ceremoniall transgression , ceteris paribus . erastus . if peter excommunicated ananias , as you say for a private , far more should christ have excommunicated iudas for a more haincus private sin . ans . we say not that peter excommunicated ananias , but that his killing of him pointed at the punishment of wicked men in the bosome of the church . . gods punishing of sinners both in the time when , and in the manner , with what kinde of punishment , is no rule to the churches or magistrates punishing . if god spare joab all davids time , it followeth not , ergo , david the magistrate ought also to spare him . if god command to kill the man that gathereth sticks on the sabbath : it followeth not , ergo , the church or magistrate may do the like now , if any should gather sticks on the sabbath . erastus . let every man try himself , he speaketh of the secrets of conscience . erastus . that is ( saith he ) false , he speaketh of open sins of schismaticks , of those that came drunk to the table , and eat things sacrificed to idols . ans . erastus mistaketh close the authors meaning , which is to speak of the private and personall self-examination that every communicant is to enter in before he eat , not of the publike trying , cor. . men are to make a secret tryall even of publike sins ; so though the sins were publike , yet was the tryall secret and personall , but did not exclude a publike examination by the church , if need were . erastus . though those that come to the supper professe repentance , yet many hypocrites come : so isa . . those hypocrites might have said , we testifie by our sacrificing , that we have hands full of blood ; if we deal hypocritically or sincerely , god who knoweth the hearts only must judge , men must judge the best . erastus saith to the place , isa . . we have answered before : but ( saith he ) if they had said , it is true , our hands are full of blood , but we repent and are sorry , o prophets , pray to god to have mercy on us , and we shall pray ? they could not be debarred . ans . the man that was unreconciled to his brother might say all that at the altar to the priest . yet christ seeketh some more of him , he will not have him admitted to offer his gift , but he must leave it there , and give more then words to both god and the priest ; he must go and humble himself to his offended brother , and be reconciled to him : and so the prophet , isa . . seeketh more of them , ere he will have them to sacrifice : wash you , make you clean , put away the evil of your doings , cease to do evil , learn to do well : all this is not done in a moment at the altar . erastus . tell the church , that is , tell the magistrate , if he be not a defender of a wicked religion : for i suppose , . that christ speaketh of the church in iudea , which the disciples understood where to finde it : now the disciples understood so well the church , that they put no question to christ of the matter . . peter only saith , how oft shall my brother offend and i forgive him ? now peter and the disciples knew nothing of the spirituall fraternity of the gentiles before his resurrection : for they knew only jews were their brethren , and they were forbidden to preach to the gentiles or samaritans now . . let him be to thee as an heathen and a publican ; that is , let him be as a man most opposite to the jews : heathens and publicans did grievously oppresse them , and made the roman yoak very burdensome to them . ans . . erastus doth suppose , ( which is most false , as i have answered before ) that christ speaketh to paul from heaven and ananias also , of bearing the name of christ to the gentiles : and paul neither knew name nor thing , act. . , , &c. and . , , &c. he speaketh to his disciples of the promise of the father , and of the testimony of the gospel they were to preach , luk. . , . &c. which they knew not till afterwards . and what was the use of the holy ghost to be powred on them ? was not this one of the chief ? joh. , . he shall teach you all things , and bring all things to your remembrance , whatsoever i have said unto you : then christ spake many things to them that they bothforgot , & knew not till the holy ghost came upon them . and their not asking question , will not prove they understood all he spake , sometimes they were afraid to ask him . . the jewish and christian church have not such essentiall differences , but they knew by the ordinary notion of the word church , a convention that professed the doctrine of the prophets , and of the law and gospel . and what such great difference is there between a brother , and a brother iew and a brother gentile , as they behoved to understand the one , and be utterly ignorant of the other ? and what necessity to restrict it to iews only ? christ had often spoken to them of the incoming of the gentiles , as matth. . . joh. . . matth. . . did the disciples know the kings , councels , indicatures of the gentiles , that christ said they should be convented before ? matth. . , , and because erastus is so confident that the word church here is the civill magistrate : let any erastian teach me , what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 church , matth. . . is it the civill magistrate ? is the civill magistrate built on a rock ? shall the ports of hell never prevail against the civill magistrate ? can no magistrate make defection from the truth ? and doth erastus or his believe in their conscience , that the disciples understood christ , matth. . ( for he spake of both to the disciples ) to speak of the stability and strength , and perseverance of the christian magistrate : and that the ports of hell should never prevail against the iewish sanedrim and church , which crucified the lord of glory , and persecuted his apostles , and all professing the name of iesus to the death ? . heathen and publican in generall , were names as opposite to christian brethren as to iewish brethren , as i have proved before . erastus . the vvord church to the hebrevvs , signifieth either a multitude , or the senate , or magistrate , as num. . church is four times , josh . . tvv●ce , psal . . once : and it signifies the magistrate . so vve say , the empire hath done vvhat the emperour vvith the states of the empire hath done . so the church or convention think so , because the chief amongst them think so , the common wealth hath done this , because the senate hath done this . ans . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is num. . . but in all that chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : now how this signifieth one magistrate , which ever signifieth a collection or multitude of rulers , i leave to the learned : so erast . faileth yet in his probation . . suppose the word church signifie the heads of the people , how shall erastus prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth the senate of civill magistrates , for in this congregation were the priests and levites , especially , that judge between blood and blood , voluntary or involuntary homicide , deut. . ● , , . chr. . , . it is true also that the man that killed another unwittingly , was to be protected in the city of refuge , while he should stand before the faces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the congregation , but let erastus , and all who will have the bishop or the pope the representative church , know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the congregation , ever , and alwayes be a collective word , as populus the people , signifieth a multitude , & never by grammer , one single man , hoc nomen ( saith pagnine ) certum conventum ▪ sive cetum significat , certum collegium , it alwayes signifieth a soc●e●ie : as the princes of the congregation num. . . all the princes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the congregation , exo. . . here is a number and a societie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith aristotle can be atributed to no fewer then to three at least . speak to all the congregation of israel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exodus . . and the congregations of peoples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall compasse thee about , psal . . . nor shall sinners stand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the congregation of the just , psal . . . thou hast made desolate all my congregation , iob. , . . the word is from a root that signifieth to conveene and gather together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore iud. . . a swarme or a congregation of bees , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a congregation . and that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 church since the world began , never signified one single man , either king , magistrate , pope , or prelate , but alwayes a multitude either of rulers or people , i appeal to demosthenes , homer , pho●illides , hesiod , lucian , pluto , aristotle , to suid●● , stephanus , scapula ; or for the word , cetus , cong●egatio , to all latine authors , to the seventy interpreters in the old testament , to hy●ronimus , all the greek fathers , and to the evangelists and apostles in the new testament , to act. . . eph. . . act. . . rom. . . cor. . . cor. . . gal. . . thes . . . thess . . . act. . , , . act. . . act. . . rev. . . rev. . . and for psal . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is a congregation of gods or magistrates , and v. . all of you are children of the most high , he speaketh evidently of a multitude of iudges . . suppose the empire be said to do what the senate , parliament , or great councell of the empire or kingdome doth : this will not prove that the word church in either of the originall tongues hebrew or greek , doth signifie one man , so as tell the church , must be all one with , tell one single magistrate , or , tell one prelate or one pope , and he that will not hear the magistrate , that is , the king , or one single magistrate alone , without any fellow magistrates , he being a christian , is to be dealt with as an heathen , and a publican , and not as a christian brother : for what the king doth alone without his senate , is never called the deed of the senate , farre lesse the act or deed of the whole ecclesia , of the kingdome , produce any shaddow of grammer for this : now to erastus , tell the church , is all one with , tell the single christian magistrate alone separated from fellow-judges , or councell , senate , parliament , ecclesiasticall assemblies , and if he hear not and obey not this one single christian magistrate , let him be to thee as a heathen and a publican : for erastus will have the civill magistrate , though the whole church and pastors should judge the contrary , to have power by vertue of his office to determine against pastors and elders : yea , by his office he is to command them to preach , and synodically to determine this and this , and what they determine they do , à et sub magistratu , under , and from this one single magistrate as his servants , instruments , vicars and deputies , and therefore the magistrate cannot sentence in the name of pastors , elders , when they are but his servants : and , . when he may by his office , do contrary to what they judge in conscience ought to be done : so tell the church , to erastus is , tell the one individuall single magistrate , who by office may judge without , and contrary to the advice of all the church pastors , doctors , elders , yea , people and all : now though we grant , that what the emperour doth as emperour , and the magistrate as magistrate hath done , that the empire , city , and incorporation doth , ( which yet is never true in the church , which hath no king as a church , save onely the head and king iesus christ ) yet erastus hath not proved , what the emperour doth without , and contrary to the advice of all the empire , that the empire hath done that . erastus . christ either understandeth by the church the whole multitude of ierusalem , or then the magistrates : but he understandeth not the multitude , . because christ would not change the government of heathens , farre lesse of that which his father had appointed in iudea , in which the people did never governe : yea , the apostles to their death did nothing against moses his law , and how they take christ to speak of a church to be founded of new after his resurrection who beleeved not he should die and rise againe ; and after his resurrection knew not what a kingdome , whether worldly , or spirituall , he was to ●ave , cannot be conceived . ans . . many will deny the major , for he understood the rulers of the christian church , not excluding the consent of the christian church of beleevers in the matter of excommunication . . i deny that christ doth here re-establish a synedry , and bid them tell the scribes and pharisees , and those that were to crucifie himselfe , and to persecute the apostles to the death . christ knew those to be miserable healers of scandals betweene brother and brother . . he knew this sanedrim to be the disciples of christs capitall enemies , he warned the disciples to beware of the leaven of their corrupt doctrine , he prophecied this sanedrim should be destroyed as a degenerated plant , that his heavenly father had not planted , and was it like christ would direct them a perishing and degenerate remedie against scandals , that he would have removed by his church , even till the end of the world ? . it is most false , that the apostles did keep to death the institutions and ordinances of moses , act. . they abrogated all the ceremoniall law , except that of blood and things strangled , and paul said , he that would amongst the galathians be circumcised , was fal●e from christ , see col. . gal. . heb. . and elsewhere the contrary . the government was now to expire with christs death and ascension , in so farre as it was pedagogicall . . christ spake often of his kingdome to them , and they understood nothing but an earthly and temporall kingdome ; and that they understood perfectly : all this time the church of pastors , teachers , elders , deacons , beleevers in christ , is denied ; let erastus answer , when christ said mat. . he would build his church on a rock unpregnable and insuperable to hell : if the apostles understood a church to be founded after the resurrection , and when christ said , loe i am with you to the end of the world , if christ meant not he would give his presence to the christian church , not then founded , for even after his resurrection they dreamed of an earthly kingdome , act. . and that our divines do rightly expound that place , i am with you , all the faithfull pastors , doctors , church-officers and beleevers to the lords second appearance , is clear . erastus . christ bade , tell that church which hath power to conveene the offender before it , examine witnesses judicially , cognosce and give sentence , but in christs time the multitude could not doe this . ans . ergo , the church hath a spirituall judicature : this is for u● . . nor had the sanedrim the power in all offences , as erastus would make the world beleeve , for it was but a shadow at this time void of power , and used what power they had against christ and the gospel . nor needeth erastus to prove that by the church the multitude cannot be understood ; though he cannot exclude them from their owne part in church government , both in consenting , and in withdrawing from the excommunicated . erastus . but , tell the church is all one vvith this , appoint some who in the name of the church may mannage the businesse ; but how prove they this ? then christ bade , tell the elders that then were , else he did not accommodate himselfe to their understanding to whom he spake ; when he was to teach hovv our sacrifices pleaseth god , be biddeth us first be reconciled to our brother , and then sacrifice , yet he knevv that sacrifices vvere to be abolished , but by analogie he vvould teach us , vvhat he requireth vvhen he saith , he vvill have mercy , and not sacrifice ; ergo , by your ovvn confession to tell the church is to tell the sanedrim , for there vvas then no church but the multitude . ans . . ( tell the church ) cannot in any sense , have such a meaning , as appoint elders and tell them ; for then ( tell the sanedrim ) must have this meaning , set up a sound sanedrim , according as moses appointed , and tell the sanedrim . the sanedrim in its right constitution and due power as the law of moses required it , was not to be had at this time : herod had killed the sanedrim , the romans made high priests from yeere to yeere against the institution , the power of life and death in the civill sanedrim was now none at all . the scepter was departed from iudah , those that sate in moses chaire corrupted all , so the right sanedrim was no more now to be had , then a christian church not yet erected . again , tell the church , presupposeth a constituted church , and therefore cannot include a command to erect a new mould ▪ . tell the elders of the christian church , may as well be meant in these words , tell the church , as the iewish church can be understood . . the word church , and to conveene offenders , hear witnesses , give out sentence , were all plaine language to the disciples , though they knew not the frame of the gospell church , as yet , christ being now teaching an ordinance of a church , and the censure of excommunication that was not to fall under practise , while christ should ascend to heaven ; and therefore though this church was not , yet it followeth not , that the lord iesus speaketh of the sanedrim . . say that he meane the sanedrim ; ergo , say we , he speaketh nothing of the christian magistrate . . because there was no magistrate now , but iewish magistrates as erastus cannot deny . . because this sanedrim that gained soules of offending brethren , was ecclesiasticall , not civill . . by proportion , and analogie christ must understand the church of christians , though the sanedrim was to be removed shortly . erastus . it is a great controversie , vvho are to be chosen out of the bodie of the church to excommunicate judicially . ans . the controversie was moved partly by erastus , partly by morellius , not in the reformed churches . erastus . some say the magistrate should chuse the elders at least at the first , even though the church doe not consent . but how can they sit in place of the church and judge , who were against the will and minde of the church chosen to be judges ? for though the magistrate be a chiefe member of the church , yet to tell the church , is not to tell the magistrate ( as you say ) but to tell the whole church , and it is no ●xcuse that the magistrate doth but once chuse the elders , for if hee have no right nor law from god to doe it , he can never doe it , and if he have law from god to doe it , he ought alwayes to doe it . ans . here erastus reasoneth against some au●hor that inclineth to the way of morellius . if there bee no formed church endued with knowledge and discretion to chuse their owne elders , if there be godly men fit to be chosen , they are to convene and chuse from amongst them elders , the godly magistrate is to joyne his vote and power , because there is a church not yet constitute , it is now perturbatus aut corruptus ecclesiae status , and i ever judged it a golden saying of that great divine fran. iunius , that when the magistrate will not concurre , the church in that extraordinary case may doe somewhat , which ordinarily they cannot doe ; and againe when the church doth not their duty , the magistrate in that case may doe something more then ordinary , to cause the church doe their dutie ; for its a common la● , to ills out of order , remedies out of the road way may be applyed . so if the priests and levites be corrupt , iehoshapaht and hezekiah and iosiah may reforme : and therefore though the godly magistrate , jure communi , by the common law of nature , imploy his power to appoint elders , all errors and confusions in the church are in some measure out of order ; yet it followeth , that jure proprio , and ordinarily he should alwayes doe this . . elders are not properly representators of the church to me , while i be better informed , for power of feeding and ruling is immediately given by iesus christ to the elders , and not by the interveening mediation of the church , but onely by their designation to the office ; th●s power is given by the people . . the magistrate as the magistrate , and by vertue of his place , is neither a member , farre lesse a chiefe member of the church , for then all magistrates should be members of the church , even heathen kings and rulers , which no man can say . the christian magistrate as a christian is a member of the church . but that is nothing to helpe erastus . erastus . because the multitude can doe nothing in order , therefore ( say they ) they have power to choose elders to whom belongeth the power of excommunication . but how prove they this ? though a company vvanting a magistrate have this power , shall it follovv , that a company to vvhom god hath given a godly magistrate should have this povver ? but because confusion vvould follovv , therefore elders are to be chosen ; ergo , such elders as make up your presbyterie , à genere ad speciem affirmativè nulla est consequutio . ans . . not only from necessity of eschewing confusion , but from the positive ordinance of god , we infer presbyters ; we do not own any such consequence : prela●es and papists argue for a monarchy in the church , from order : we know no creatures of the like frame : erastus is for a bishop , he may so argue , not we : we finde christ hath placed such organs in his body , as eph. . . . cor. . . tim. . . tim. . , , &c act. . , , &c. and . . ergo , they ought to be , for we think the church cannot govern it self . . if the church wanting a magistrate as the apostolick church did , have power to chuse presbyters , and by a divine law : how dare erastus say , that it followeth not , when the church hath a godly magistrate , she should keep the same power ? can the godly magistrate when he cometh into the church , take any divine power from the church ? is the magistrate given to the church as a nurse-father to preserve that power that christ hath given to his spouse ? or is he given as a spoiler at noon ▪ day , to take to himself the power , and make the ambassadors of christ , his ambassadors and servants to preach in his name ; whereas before when they had no magistrate , pastors did preach only in the name of iesus christ ? erastus . sure the lord hath concredited to the magistrate , the command and all power of externall government , so as he hath subjected not only civill , but also sacred things to his power , that he may manage the one according to the word of god , the other according to iustice and equity , which since it is commanded in the old testament , and practised by all holy iudges and kings , and we finde it not changed in the new testament ; we justly say that the church that hath a godly magistrate , cannot by gods will chuse a new senate or presbytery , to exercise publikely iudgement ; for god hath not armed ▪ subjects against their magistrates : nor hath he commanded them to take any part of their power from them and give it to others , and to subject them to externall dominion . ans . sure the lord concredited to the priest , not to king vzziah to burn incense , and to the priests to rebuke vzziah and command him to desist ; and this is no lesse externall governing of the house of god , quoad hoc , in this particular then excommunication : for to excommunication on the churches part , as excommunication , is no more required , but that the scandalous and murthering magistrate should not come to the table of the lord , or remain in the society and church-fellowship of the saints as a member of the church . now if the magistrate obey not , the church as the church can use no bodily coaction or restraint to hinder the magistrate to obtrude himself upon the holy things of god : though other , either fellow-magistrates , or the inferior magistrates , ( if the party ●xcommunicated be the supream magistrate ) or , the parliament may and ought to use their power as magistrates , by the sword to hinder the holy things of god to be prophaned ; for i think it easie to prove , if this were a fit place , that inferior magistrates are essentially mag●strates , and immediatly subject to the king of kings for the due use of the sword , as the supream magistrate or king : and therefore there is no more externall dominion used in excommunicating a bloody and scandalous magistrate , then in rebuking and threatning him : now erastus granteth , that pastors may rebuke and threaten according to the word of the lord , even magistrates and kings . . if because iudges in the old testament , as eli and samuel sacrificed , and we finde this not changed in the new , and nothing extraordinary in this , ministers in the new test●ment may do the same : then the iustice of peace , and mayors of cities , and every constable , may by vertue of their office preach the word and dispense the sacraments , which is against the word , heb. . . mat. . . & . . & . , . joh. . , . rom. . , . . where doth erastus reade in the new testament , that kings may not write canonick scripture , as king david did , and build a typicall temple to the lord as solomon did , and give out laws of divine institution as moses did ? kings in the old testament did these , and he can finde the contrary no where written . . if the church as the church cannot chuse a senate of elders to govern themselves without wronging the magistrate ; how did the apostolick church without so much as asking advice of the civill magistrate , set up a new gospel , new sacraments , new officers , a new government : did the lord iesus and the gospel teach them to spoil cesar ? christ had said the contrary , give unto cesar those things that are cesars . . to subject magistrates to excommunication , is no more to subject them to externall dominion , then to subject them ( as erastus doth ) to rebukes , warnings and threatnings ; for the former hath no more of coaction , of dominion , or of coercive power , then the latter : yea , if to subject kings to the rebukes of the ministers of christ , be nothing but to subject them to internall and spirituall dominion ; no more is suspension from the sacraments and excommunication , any thing but internall and spirituall dominion . in this sense , that neither of these two are bodily dominions , no more then rebuking of kings . . yet both these work upon the conscience in a spirituall way , for the humiliation of the king , and putting him to shame and fear , thes . . , . that his spirit may be saved in the day of the lord , as rebukes do work , tim. . . gal. . . cor. . . iude ver . . yea , to say to a king , he shall be buried with the buriall of an asse , as ieremiah did , cap. . and to call the rulers , princes of sodome , isa . . . and king herod a fox , and rulers and princes dogs , psal . . ver . . and bulls and lyons , ver . . . and wolves ravening for the prey , ezek. . . putteth no lesse shame upon magistrates before men , and so externall dominion on them and over them , then excommunication and debarring from the seals of the covenant doth . now erastus subjecteth magistrates to rebukings , threatnings and reprehensions no lesse then we do . well , erastus will have one single minister to exercise externall dominion over the magistrates , because this is manifest out of the word : but because he would flatter princes as much as he can , he denies that a colledge of elders may rebuke the magistrate , or convene him before them , though he were the most flagitious prince that lived ; and yet one man may summon him before the tribunall of christ , and charge him to come to hear a sermon , and rebuke him in the face of the congregation , and denounce the iudgements of god against him openly . is not this the lord arming one single man against the magistrate , to put shame and confusion on him for his sins ? and if many pastors convened should do this , this were to arm the subjects against the magistrate , and to take the power from him that god hath given to him , as erastus talketh . chap. xxii . quest . . of exclusion from the sacrament , of profession of repententance , the judiciall law bindeth not christians . the sword not a mean , of conversion , of idolaters and apostates in the judgement of erastus . in this chapter erastus disputeth against a treatise written in the german tongue , in which he acknowledgeth , there is more learning and truth then in the other writtings . all the opinions that erastus ascribeth to this author , ( justly or unjustly , i know not , but erastus his faith may be justly suspected ) i cannot defend . erastus . touching those to be admitted to the sacrament , we speak alwayes , de illis solis , &c. of those only who rightly understand the doctrine of the gospel , and do approve and imbrace the same , and who desire with others to use the sacraments aright , in regard of the externals , of which only the church can judge , for the heart is rightly knowne to god only ; so the author and we agree . ans . the agreement is but poore by your owne relation : but . let erastus answer , what if the christian magistrate as achab be a dog , and sell himselfe to do wickedly : what if he understand not the doctrine of the gospel ? magistrates as magistrates by vertue of the throne , or place , are not priviledged to be orthodox and holy . let one iulian once a christian , yet turning a sow , an enemy to the gospel be witnesse , if we descend to the iustices , and to master constables ; it may be we finde even of those dogs and swine in their conversation , though their place be a power , lawfull , and ordained of god ; we thinke ( saith erastus ) the custome of the church should be observed : what ? by the custome of the church onely , by no precept or command of christ should the holy things of god , the pearls of the gospel be denied to dogs and swine contrary to christs command , mat. ? . erastus must exclude the magistrate out of the lists of his disputation in six books , and say , if the christian magistrate be ignorant and scandalous , and yet desire to use the sacraments right , and professe he will learne to know god , and to beleeve soundly , and walke holily , yet the sacraments are not to be denied to him . tell erastus , in sincerity who should debarre the magistrate ? for in all your six books , you by these words , de illis solis , &c. professe that you plead not that he should be admitted to the sacraments ; who shall exclude him ? not he himselfe ; for his credites sake he shall desire to come to the sacraments , as many for gaine and loaves follow christ , ioh. . will they not follow him also to be seen of men , as the pharisees prayed in the streets ? . let erastus say , when our saviour said , give not holy things to dogs ? did he mean to accept the persons of kings and iudges , and professe , though kings and iudges be dogs and swine ▪ yet deny not holy things to them ? . hath christ appointed no way in the new testament , as he did in the old , to debarre unclean men from our passeover ? or shall there be no government , no charge in the ministers of the new testament to keep the holy things of god from pollution ? if master iustice be an incestnous man , a drunkard , a dog , shall he not be cast out of the midst of the church ? vzziah though a king , yet for bodily leprosie was separated from the people of god , and men of high places , though doggs and swine shall be admitted to all the holy things of god under the new testament ? . erastus will have all admitted who desire to use the sacraments right ; as touching all externalls , of which onely the church doth judge : but , . where did we assert that the church judgeth of internalls ? and that they may debarre men from the sacraments , for only heart-unbeleefe knowne to god only ? this must lye on erastus , as a calumnie , while he make it good from our writings and doctrine , that we thus teach , exclude those that are visibly scandalous and prophane , and we are satisfied . . he that brings his offering to the altar , and hath done a knowne offence to his brother , ( for it is a sinfull and visible scandall , which scandalizeth one brother ) he useth not the holy things of god right , even as touching externals ; he that comes to the lords supper desiring , and asking the ordinance of righteousnesse ( as isaiah speaketh ) and promiseth amendment ; and yet is openly ignorant and not sound in the faith , he useth not aright the sacraments even in externals , of which only the church judgeth rightly : as he that in the same day commeth to the temple to worship ( now the very personall presence of a iew in the temple which was a type of iesus christ , was a worship and a holy thing of god , whereas our presence in the place of meeting for worship is no such thing ) when he hath killed his sonne to moloch , prophaned the temple , and the name of god , even in externals ; for the priests of old who were to put differences between the clean and the unclean , no more were to judge the inward thoughts and heart-dispositions of men knowne to god only , then we can now judge them in the new testament , chro. . . king. . . chro. . . prov. . . hence , that is an ignorant speach of erastus , quistatuit malus esse , non prodibit in ecclesiae faciem , ut se poenuere prioris vite testetur , ac meliorem promittat . that man shall never come before the face of the church , to testifie that he repenteth of his former wicked life , and promise amendment , who purposeth to be wicked : will not men purpose not to be reconciled to their brethren , and suffer many suns to go downe in their wrath and malice , who come and bring their offring to the altar ; why did then christ forbid offring at the altar , without being reconciled to an offended brother ? mat. . might not the offending brother offer his gift ? and were not the priests to except his offring ? he could say all that erastus requireth : i acknowledge i have offended my brother , i promise to crave him pardon , and i desire to offer according to the law. then the priest was obliged to beleeve he dealt sincerely , and lay his gift upon the altar , though he should not obey the command of christ , and go and leave his gift at the altar , and not offer while he were first reconciled to his brother ; and the like i say of one that hath killed his brother , and cometh with hot blood to the table of the lord , and goeth not to the widdow and orphanes , whose husband and father he had killed ▪ to be reconciled : surely the man that should thus offer , should not come to offer , nor to eat at the lords table rightly ; even in regard of externals , which the church may judge : for he should omit this externall , be first reconciled to the widdow , and then offer , and eat as christ commanded . . it is against scripture and experience , that a man that hath a purpose to kill his father , and in the highest point of treason to invade king davids throne , as absolon did , to say he will not professe to pay his vows at hebron . and might not judas by his very eating the passeover , professe he beleeved in the lambe of god that taketh away the sins of the world , and that he would serve christ , and yet purpose in his heart to sell his master christ for ▪ peeces of silver ; they seeme to be little acquainted with the mysterie of the hypocrisie naturally in men , who put in print such a position : the author against whom erastus writeth saith , we have reason to rejoyce , if we finde any such , who will not professe faith and repentance , though they be hypocrites ; and therefore there is need of excommunication , and his meaning is , that there is need of excommunication alwayes , and therefore there will be many who professe repentance in words , whose life and conversation belie their repentance ; and erastus cannot deny this , if he know what it is ●o have a forme of godlinesse , and deny the power , which forme many have who are to be debarred from the sacraments , and to be excommunicated , in regard they are lovers of their owne selves , covetous , boasters , proud , blasphemers , disobedient to parents , unthankefull , without naturall affection , truce breakers , false accusers , incontinent , fierce , despisers of those that are good , traitors , headie , high minded , &c. tim. . , , &c. and such they are in the eies of men , otherwise paul would not forbid to withdraw from such . erastus . the author i thinke would yeeld that the sacraments should not be denyed to those who seeke them , and desire to use them aright , and are not excommunicated , for the writeth that the deniall of the sacraments , is onely a testimony of excommunication ; so when we give not a testimony of a thing for example of learning , to any to whom the thing it selfe , to wit , learning doth not agree , we cannot deny the sacraments to those who are not excommunicated , for hee should not be blotted with a testimony of a banished man , who is not declared to be banished . ans . . the author i thinke would never yeeld , but the sacraments ought to be denied to those who aske for them , and desire to use them aright , if they be otherwise truce-breakers , false accusers , incontinent , traitors , for those have , and may have a forme of godlines , and aske the sacraments and desire to use them aright ; i meane they may say they desire to use them aright , for of their inward desire , god onely can judge , who knoweth the heart ; yet the author cannot , he will not say , that such are to be admitted to the lords supper , all tha● erastus goeth on i● , that the church is obliged to beleeve that those doe repent , and use the sacraments aright , who say in word of mouth , they doe so , and therefore are to be admitted to the sacraments , though they come but an houre before out of the bordell house , and have hands and sword hot and smoking with innocent blood . now dogs , and swine , c●in ; iudas , known to be scandalous , may give faire words , and cry , lord , lord , and professe all this , as is cleare , isa . . . mat. . , . rom. . : mat. . ▪ , , &c. . exclusion from the sacraments is a testimony of excommunication , but not testimonium proprium quarto modo , for some that are not excommunicated , are to be debarred from the sacraments as the thing it selfe will force us to acknowledge ; should any come with his sword hot in blood , from killing his father and pastor to the lords table , i hope the church knowing this would not admit him to the sacrament , and yet he is not yet excommunicated , and i hope they would not presently in the same moment that they debarred him from the lords supper , excommunicate him . there must be some time required to pray for him , to rebuke , convince , and lay open his sinne before he be excommunicated , which moved me to thinke that there was necessity of expresse scripture to prove excommunication ; but that abstention ( as divines calleth it ) or suspension from the lords supper , may well be sufficiently proved by analogie , by consequent and by the nature of the holy things of god , and pearles that are not to be given to the prophane . . a visible scandall is a sufficient ground of the lesser excommunication , or debarring from the lords supper , and so we put a testimony of one banished from the holy things of god on him who hath committed a scandalous offence , which is a sufficient ground thereof , though the offender be not formally excommunicated . this author saith , without the consent of the church , no man , though contumacious , should be excommunicated ; what this is against us , or for erastus , i see not , we say the same . he saith , the magistrate may chuse some of the congregation to excommunicate ; which if he say , i consent not to him , and see no warrant for it in scripture : but i rather believe his sense to be , that the godly magistrate may command the church to excommunicate and punish them , if they be negligent in this . but hence it followeth not , that the magistrate may excommunicate them , as erastus inferreth , no more then of old ; it followeth , king vzziah might command the priests to burn incense to the lord , and punish them ; if in this they should neglect their duty : ergo , king vzziah might lawfully in his own person burn incense to the lord : erastus himself will deny this consequence . erastus saith , it is evident this author meaneth , that god commanded not a presbytery to be , but that it is necessary for orders cause . but i had rather that he had proved it from the authors words : and so i deny it , while erastus bring his own words to prove it : i believe he fancies many things of this worthy author , as that he subjects not the magistrate to the presbytery : and why ? because he saith , none ought to be excommunicated without the consent of the magistrate . truly it is a weak reason ; for if the magistrate be a godly man , and a member of the church , it is necessary that his positive consent be had , that he may in light and faith use the sword against him , as against other evil doers . but i give him no negative voyce , nor any authoritative or ecclesiastically judiciall voyce in excommunication , which can be due to him as a magistrate : so the author doth not at all disagree from us ; erastus is mistasten . erastus . god hath excommunicated drunkards , hypocrites from the sacraments except they repent : but where hath god commanded such , being circumcised and baptized to be excluded from the sacraments ? especially if they professe that they repent of their former wayes : for it is one thing to be excluded of god , another thing to be cast out of the visible society of the godly . ans . god hath excommunicated drunkards and hypocrites , who are not known openly to be such to the church , and therefore the church cannot debar such from the sacraments , and so we grant all , that it is one thing to be excommunicated of the church , and another to be excommunicated of god. . he asketh , where hath god commanded to debar such from the sacraments being circumcised and baptized ? i answer then , if they be uncircumcised and unbaptised , god will have the church to debar them . but let erastus shew any scripture for their exclusion , but such as warranteth us to exclude the openly scandalous , though circumcised and baptized . . what warrant hath the church or magistrate , if erastus so will , to debar all the uncircumcised and ●nbaptised from the sacraments ; job , the eunuch , are not excommunicated of god ▪ ergo , if the lords non-excommunication be our rule , we cannot excommunicate all the uncircumcised and baptized as such . . erastus addeth , they cannot be excluded from the sacraments , presertim s● p●nitentiam vitae anteactae prae se ●erant , especially if they professe repentance . but this presertim ▪ especially , seemeth to infer , though they professe no repentance , but be dogs and swine , they ought not to be debarred from the seale ▪ is this piety , or rather prophanity ? but only he would say , they are far lesse to be debarred if they professe repentance . but we know , to professe repentance in erastus his way , is to say by word of mouth , they repent : now this saying so , may consist with being openly dogs and swine . hence we see the contradicent of erastus his saying , to wit , that the most openly scandalous are not to be excluded from the sacraments , especially if they say they repent , that is , especially if they lye and dissemble before the sun , yea , though they mock god and repent no● . i should think their saying they repent , when their flagitious and impure conversation doth belye their profession , maketh them so much rather worthy to be debarred , being both dogs and hypocrites ▪ so far i am from erastus his presertim , especially if they professe that they repent . erastus . i grant it ●ighteth with gods will , that pardon should be denied to any by the word , and yet pardon ▪ sealed to those same men in the sacrament : but when the word denyeth remission of sins absolutely to those , the sacraments are not due to them ; but the word denieth not remission to them upon condition they repent , and so neither should the sacraments be denied to them . ans . but the word denyeth absolutely remission of sins to dogs and swine , so long as they repent not ; and that so much the more , that they say they repent , and their life belies their words , and testifies to their face , and before the sun , that they are pla●stered hypocrites , ergo , the sacraments should be denyed to them . erastus . but it followeth not that the sacraments belongeth not to him who is not a member of the invisible church , so he be a member of the visible church ; but as he partaketh only of the externall communion , so he receiveth but the externall elements , from an externall minister . ans . but if he be visibly no member of the invisible church , but in the eyes of the church visibly a dog or a swine , neither ought the externall symbols , that are even externally the holy things of god to be given to him : for otherwise , this argument shall conclude , if one be baptised , and a member of the church , though a dog , yet the pearls of the gospel are to be cast to such a dog , which erastus himself denieth : and so this argument hurteth erastus as much as us . that this author saith , god commanded those that transgressed his holy law with an high hand , and presumptuously to be killed , lest they should live and prophane his holy things ; i defend not : but sure erastus erreth , who will have all such to be killed by the magistrate under the new testament , because they were killed in the old : then are we to stone the men that gathereth sticks on the lords day ; the childe that is stubborn to his parents , the virgins , daughters of ministers that committeth fornication are to be put to death . why , but then the whole judiciall law of god shall oblige us christians as carolosladius and others teach ? i humbly concieve that the putting of some to death in the old testament , as it was a punishment to them , so was it a mysterious teaching of us , how god hated such and such sins , and mysteries of that kinde are gone with other shadows . but we read not ( saith erastus ) where christ hath changed those laws in the new testament . it is true , christ hath not said in particular , i abolish the debarring of the leper seven dayes , and he that is thus and thus unclean shall be separated till the evening ; nor hath he said particularly of every carnall ordinance and judiciall law , it is abolished . but we conceive , the whole bulk of the judiciall law , as judiciall , and as it concerned the republick of the iews only , is abolished , though the morall equity of all those be not abolished ; also some punishments were meetly symbolicall , to teach the detestation of such a vice , as the boaring with an a●le the ear of him that loved his master , and desired still to serve him , and the making of him his perpetuall servant . i should think the punishing with death the man that gathered sticks on the sabbath was such ; and in all these , the punishing of a sin against the morall law by the magistrate , is morall and perpetuall ; but the punishing of every sin against the morall law , tali modo , so and so , with death , with spitting on the face : i much doubt if these punishments in particular , and in their positive determination to the people of the iews , be morall and perpetuall : as he that would marry a captive woman of another religion , is to cause her first pare her nailes , and wash her self , and give her a moneth , or lesse time to lament the death of her parents , which was a iudiciall , not a ceremoniall law ; that this should be perpetuall , because christ in particular hath not abolished it , to me seems most unjust ; for as paul saith , he that is circumcised becomes debter to the whole law , sure to all the ceremonies of moses his law : so i argue , à pari , from the like , he that will keep one judciciall law , because judiciall and given by moses , becometh debter to keep the whole judiciall law , under pain of gods eternall wrath . we do not teach that men are to be excommunicated , for whatever scandalous sins deserve death at the hand of the magistrate , whether they openly repent or not ; if any give evident signification of their repentance for murther , they are not to be excommunicated , for the end of excommunication , being once obtained , which is the visible and known repentance , and saving of the offenders soul , the mean is not to be used , which is excommunication . but if any commit murther , whether he repent or repent not , the lord hath made no exception of regenerate or not regenerate , of men repenting or not repenting , he should die by the sword of the magistrate , gen. . . it is true , some are to be excommunicated for the very atrocity of the sin , it being parricide ; but that is , because he giveth no positive signes of repentance to the church , which is contumacy added to his parricide . erastus would prove , that god would not have men dedebarred from the sacraments , because they commit haynous sins to be punished with death by the judge : . facinora saepe sunt occulta , such crimes are often unknown to the world . ans . that which is denied , is not concluded a fault in logick ; for only scandals as scandals to the church , and so known to the church are to be censured with excommunication . erastus . he thus would prove the same , often these crimes cannot be punished , as david durst not punish the murther of ioab , sam. . often for other causes they are neglected by the magistrate , as david neglected to punish the incest and murther of absolon , but shall we think such were not to come to the temple and sacraments ? so psal . . david saith , there was not one that doth good , those were not all punished by the magistrate ; yet were they not removed from the sacraments . ans . let erastus argue here , and we shall see his logick ; those that commit parricides , sorceries , and do trample the holy things of god under feet , whom yet the magistrate dare not punish , because of their power and greatnesse ▪ those are not to be debarred from the sacraments . but there be many scandalous persons in the church , such as ioab , whom the magistrate dare not punish , for their greatnesse ; ergo , ans . the major is manifestly false , and a begging of the question : for erastus saith , pag. . he thinketh such ought not to be admitted to the sacraments who will trample on the sacraments and prophane them . for though the magistrate dare not punish them , which is his sinfull neglect , if they be dogs and swine ( as often they are ) and bloody men , such as ioab , they ought not ; yea , they never were by any law of god , admitted to the temple and sacraments , what they did , de facto , or the priests permitted , is not the question . it was davids sinne that he took not away the head of bloody ioab when he killed abner and amasa . . how doth erastus prove that david neglected to punish the incest of absolon ( his sinfull neglect in not punishing his murther i yield ) for absolon was never in davids power to punish after he committed that incest ; possibly he neglected to punish his owne concubines , that is but a conjecture . it is as like absolon forced the concubines to that incest as any other thing . . for that psal . . there is none that doth good ; it is spoken of the naturall corruption of all mankind , who therefore cannot be justified by the works of the law , as paul expoundeth it , rom. . , , , , , . and not of scandals punishable by the magistrates ; and where this corruption did break out , in bloods within the church , it ought to have been punished , both by the magistrate and church : so it is an argument yet , a facto ad jus , and a great inconsequence . . i aske for what cause doth the spirit of god rebuke killing of the children to molech , and coming that same day to the temple ? because it was a sinne and particularly a prophaning of the sanctuary , which was one speciall holy thing to god , ezek. . , . ier. . ▪ , , . it was no sin to come to the temple : sure it was commanded of god in his law , as erastus yieldeth . what was the sin then ? to come with their hands full of blood , and of the unnaturall blood of their owne children was the sinne ; and yet if they had repented , to come after they had killed their children , was no sinne , nor any prophaning of the sanctuary of god. then all their sinne was , that being morally unclean , they came to the sanctuary ; ergo , god forbade such bloody men to come to his sanctuary ; because god forbiddeth all sinne in his perfect law ; ergo , those that deserved to dye by the hand of the magistrate for open murther , deserved for that open murther to be debarred from the holy things of god , what ever erastus say on the contrary . erastus . the adversaries contend , that some are to be excommunicated who deserve not to dye ; as if any to a light injury , adde contumacy ; but they should have a warrant for this , for this is a contradiction . ( every one who is clean according to the law , should keep the passeover ) and this ( some who is clean according to the law , ( to wit , who liveth wickedly and scandalously , and yet is ceremonially clean ) should not keep the passeover . ) ans . we finde no distinction made by christ , matth. ▪ and therefore we make none ; he that offendeth his brother , ( christ maketh no exceptions of light or small offences ) if he cannot be gained by admonitions , and be contumacious against the church , he is reputed as a heathen and a publican ; and this is our warrant . . let erastus answer this contradiction according to his owne way . every one who is ceremonially clean should come to the temple . some who are ceremonially clean , ( to wit , who the same day have slaine their sons to molech ) should not come into the temple . the affirmative is holden as a truth by erastus . the negative is the word of the lord , ezech. . , . . it is no contradiction which erastus proposeth : for every one who is ceremonially clean , should not keep the passeover , except also he be morally clean : for he that discerneth not the lords body , should not eat ; and the lambe was no lesse sacramentally the lords body , then the bread and wine is his body , so the former is false , in rei veritate . the latter , to wit , every one ceremonially cleane should not keepe the passeover , to erastus is false : now of two propositions contradicent , both cannot be false , erastus may know this is bad logick . erastus . the prophets rebuked the abuse and prophaning of the sacraments , but they interdicted none circumcised of the use of the sacraments , they said the sacrifices of the wicked were no more welcome to god , then if they offered things forbidden ( dogs and swines blood ) to god , but they never say the priests are to be accused for admitting such into the sacraments . they accuse and rebuke the priests that they transgressed , and taught not the people aright , but never that they admitted such into the holy things of god : the prophets say alwayes those things are wicked before god , but not in the face of the church . ans . if the prophets rebuked the prophaning of the sacraments , then they also forbade prophane men to use the sacraments , could the prophets rebuke any thing but sin ? ergo , they forbade the sinne which they rebuked : ergo , they forbade the man that had murthered his sonne to molech , to come to the sanctuary while he repented , for they could not rebuke but what they forbad . . if the bloody mans comming to the sanctuary in that case , was nothing more acceptable to god , then the offering of a dog to god ; then as the offering of a dog to god , was both forbidden to the people and to the priest , so was the people and priest both accused for the bloody mans comming into the temple , the one should sin in comming , the other in admitting him to come . . the priests are expresly accused for this , ezek. , , . and . , . hag. . , , . . those were not onely sinnes in foro dei , before god , for so when they were secret , they were sinnes before god , but when openly knowen , as jer. . , , &c. ezek. . , . they were the priests sins : the bloody are forbidden to come to the sanctuary ; what then ? were not the porters whose calling it was to hold out the uncleane , to debar all whom the lord forbade to come ? certainly , they excluded to their knowledge all whom god excluded , else how had they the charge to keepe the doores of the lords house ? and the priests are not onely rebuked for not instructing the people , but for erring in governing , ier. . . they are not prophets , but priests and governours both ecclesiasticall and civill , that the prophet complaineth of , who did rule with rigour & cruelty over the people , beside that they feed not the flocke but themselves , ezek. . , , , &c. ier. . , , , . and . . and . . and . . micah . . hos . . . micah . . erastus . though ill doers be not killed by the magistrate , yet it followeth not that god for any such cause ( deserving death ) would have them debarred à recto usu , from the right use of holy things by some that are not magistrates , nor are manifest idolaters , apostates , and hereticks , though they be not put to death by the magistrate , to be debarred by these fancied or imaginary presbyters . ans . . erastus taketh ever for confessed , without any probation , that it is rectus usus , the right use of the holy things of god , that men with bloodie hands use them , which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : a most false principle , for he that killeth his children to molech , and that same day cometh into the sanctuary of god , is so farre from the right using of the holy things of god , that the lord saith expresly , his comming in in that condition to the sanctuary is , ( saith the lord , ) the prophaning of my sanctuary , ezek. . . is this rectus usus ceremoniarum ? the right use of the holy things of god ? it is not : . it is a forbidden use of holy things , isa . . . mat. . . mat. . . . it is a rebuked use of holy things , ier. . , , . isa . . . . it is a prophaning of holy things , ezek. . , . . it is such a use as bringeth damnation to the party that useth it , cor. . , . and it is all these quoad externa , in externall things . . erastus could yeeld they be debarred , but by the magistrate , not by imaginary presbyters . but all his arguments , ( as i shew before ) doe prove they should be debarred , à recto usu , from the right use of holy things by no man , no more then they should be debarred from giving of almes , or reading the word , this is erastus his owne argument ; i pray you may the magistrate , or any on earth by any authority inhibite a malefactor , or a murtherer , who ought to die by the magistrate , to read the word , to give almes , to pray for mercy to god , because he hath killed a man ? . if hereticks , apostates , open idolaters are to be debarred , by whom shall they be debarred : erastus , pag. . thinketh they ought not to be admitted to the sacraments , who shall debar them ? the magistrate , ( saith he ) but the magistrate himselfe is the apostate , the heretick , the idolater . . he that may debarre from the seals , may admit to the seals ; he that may do both , ex officio , is the formall dispenser of the seals by office , that the magistrate is not : he that may put out , or take in into the house by supream power , is the lord of the house : he who by office may admit some to the table , and debarre other some , is the steward . but the magistrate is neither the lord of the church , nor the steward of the house , by office . we do not hold this consequence ; the lord commanded ill doers to be killed ; ergo , he ordained in that same commandement , that they be excommunicated ? nor do we say all those who were to be excommunicated , were to be killed , as erastus saith : nor that excommunication in the new testament succeedeth in place of killing in the old testament ; we see no light of scripture going before us in these . erastus . it is a wonder that you say , that the godly magistrate doth procure the externall peace of the common-wealth , but not the salvation of the subjects , that the presbyters do only care for . ans . the sword is no intrinsecall mean of the saving of any mans soul : it is true , the godly magistrate may procure a godly life ; but as a cause removens impedimentum , removing idolatry , heresie , wolves and false teachers from the flock , and commanding under the paine of the sword , that pastors do their duty . but christ ascending on high , gave pastors and teachers to gather a church ; but not magistrates armed with the sword. erastus . the magistrates sword is a most efficacious mean to bring men to the knowledge of god , nothing more effectuall then affliction , and the crosse , when right teaching is joyned therewith ; examples teach us that in danger of death , men have seriously turned to god , who before could be moved by no exhortations . but you say all die not in the lord , nor repent ; nor ( say i ) do they all die in the lord , who are taken away by diseases , or are excommunicated ; yea , excommunication maketh many hypocrites . ans . . erastus here extolleth the sword of the magistrate , as a more effectuall mean to salvation , then exhortations or the gospel : but i read that pastors are the ministers by whom we beleeve , and that they are workers with god , and fellow-builders ; and fathers to convert , edifie to salvation , and beget men over again to christ , cor. . , . cor. . , . ambassadors of god , cor. . . friends of the bridgroome , cor. . . ioh. . . angels , rev. . . but i never read any such thing of the magistrate , and that the gospel is the power of god to salvation , rom. . . the arme of the lord , esay . . sharper then a two edged sword , lively and mighty in operation , heb. . . you never read any such thing of the sword of the magistrate , the rest are before answered . erastus . some may be changed in a moment , as the publican , luke . z●cheus , the repenting woman ▪ luke . if therefore they professe repentance , they are not to be debarred from the lords supper . ans . put it in forme thus ; those who may be changed and translated from darknesse to light in a moment , and say , that they repent , are to be admitted to the lords supper : i assume , but doggs and swine , and doggish and furious persecutors ▪ who are to be debarred from the sacraments : as erastus saith , pag. . may be changed in a moment , and say they repent ; ergo , those are to be admitted to the sacraments , who are not to be admitted to the sacraments ▪ let erastus prove the major proposition . . we finde no such sudden change in the publican , zacheus , or the repenting woman , as erastus seemeth to insinuate . . christ who knoweth the heart , and can change men in a moment , can at first welcome persons suddenly converted ; ergo , must the stewards and dispensers of the mysteries upon a ( may be ) or a ( may not be ) reach the pearls of the gospel to doggs and swine , whom they see to be such ? it is a wide consequence , he that bringeth his gift to the alter , may in a moment be changed ; ergo , he should not leave his gift at the altar , and go and first be reconciled to his brother ; he is presently without more adoe to offer his gift , his heart is straighted in a moment , if we beleeve erastus . but the rather of this ; that the man is in a moment changed : he is to be debarred , least his scandalous approaching to use the holy things of god , make the work of conversion suspitious to others . . this argument presupposeth that unvisible conversion , giveth a man right in foro ecclesi● in the churches court , to the seals of the covenant , and so there should be no need of externall profession at all , which is absurd . erastus . shall not then idolaters and apostates be debarred ? as w● ( saith he ) deny an idolater ▪ and an apostate to be a member of th● church of christ ; so we thinke the man that defendeth his wickednesse , is not to be reckoned amongst the members of the church ; an● as we think the former are to be banished out of the society of christians , so we think the latter are not to be suffered in that society . ans . the idolater that maketh defection , and the apostate were once members of the church ; what hath made them now no members ? who should judge them , and cast them out ? the magistrate ? i answer , there is no christian magistrate : if the church must do it , here truly , is all granted by erastus , that he hath disputed against in six books , even this very excommunication . but if there be a christian magistrate ; what scripture is there to warrant that he should cast out a member out of christs body ? here is an excommunication without precept , promise , or practise in the word ; we read that the church of corinth congregated together , hath a command to judge , and cast out a scandalous member , cor. . , , , , . out from amongst the midst of them : let erastus say as much from the new testament , for his magistraticall casting ou● . . what reason is there by erastus his way , for casting out an idolater , and a man that defendeth his owne wickednesse ? . may not god convert those suddenly ; as he did the thiefe on the crosse , and saul ? ergo , they should not be cast out . . the magistrate cannot more cut off those from being members of christs body ; then he can remove their faith and internall communion with christ . now for this cause erastus saith , the church cannot excommunicate , pag. . thess . . and . . christ and the apostles did neither cast out iudas , nor scribes , pharisees , or publicans out of the church , though they were worse then idolaters . . no helps of salvation are to be denied even to idolaters , and to men that defend their owne wickednesse , but their remaining in the church amongst the godly , is a helpe of their salvation ; and god inviteth them to repentance , and the staying in the church ; and the sacraments are to erastus means of repentance , and this casting out must be to save them : for no power is given of god to the magistrate or church for destruction , but for edification ▪ now to put them out of the church , that they may be saved , is as erastus conceiteth , to cast a lascivious virgin out of the company of chaste matr●ns , to the end she may preserve her chastity : i speak here all in the language of erastus , who useth all those against casting any out of the church , by presbyters ; but they stand with equall strength , against his casting out of idolaters and apostates out of the church , and so do the rest of his arguments : therefore this conclusion of erastus is a granting us the whole cause ; after in six books , he hath pleaded none should be excommunicated , he falleth on bellarmines tutissimum igitur , &c. when he had written six books against justification by faith ▪ lastly , why should idolaters , apostates , and obstinately wicked men be excluded from the dispute of excommunication and suspension from the sacraments : for he knoweth that beza , and protestant divines do make these the speciall , though not the whole subject of the dispute : now erastus concluding his six books , doth hereby professe he hath never faithfully stated the question , when he excludes those from the subjectum questionis , who especially heareth not the church , and ought to be excommunicated . thus have i given an account , as i could , of the wit of erastus , against the freedome of the kingdome of the lord iesus . chap. xxiii . of the power of the christian magistrate in ecclesiasticall discipline . quest . xix . whether or no the christian magistrate be so above the church in matters of religion , doctrine and discipline , that the church and her guides , pastors , and teachers , do all they do in these , as subordinate to the magistrate as his servants , and by his authority ? or is the spirituall power of the church , immediately subject to iesus christ only ? vvee know that erastus who is refuted by beza , vtenbogard , whom ant ▪ walens learnedly refuteth , maccovius opposed by the universities and divines of holland , vedelius answered by gu. apolonius and others ; and the belgick arminians in their petition to the states , and hu. grotins against sibrandus lubert . divers episcopall writers in england do hold , that the guides of the church do all in their ministery by the authority of the christian magistrate : i believe the contrary : and . we exclude not the magistrate who is a keeper of both tables of the law , from a care of matters of religion . . we deny not to him a power to examine heresies and false doctrine : . in order to bodily punishment with the sword : . with a judgement not antecedent , but subsequent to the judgement of the church , where the church is constituted . . with such a judgement as concerneth his practise , lest he should in a blinde way , and upon trust , execute his office in punishing hereticks , whether they be sentenced by the church according unto , or contrary to the word of god as papists dream . . we deny not , but the prince may command the pastor to preach , and the synod and presbytery to use the keys of christs kingdom according to the rules of the word : but this is but a civill subjection , though the object be spirituall : but the question is not ▪ . whether the christian magistrate have a care of both tables of the law. . whether he as a blinde servant is to execute the will of the church , in punishing such as they discern to be hereticks ; we pray the lord to give him eyes and wisdom in his administration . . nor thirdly , whether he may use his coercive power against false teachers , that belongs to the controversie concerning liberty of conscience . . the question is not , whether the magistrate have any power of jurisdiction in the court of conscience , they grant that belongeth to the preaching of the word : but the question is , touching the power in the externall court of censures . . the question is not , whether the power of exercising discipline be from the magistrate , i mean in a free and peacable manner , with freedome from violence of men : we grant that power , and by proportion also , that exercise of discipline is from him : but whether the intrinsecall power be not immediately from christ given to the church ; this we teach , as the power of saying peacably from danger of pirats and robbers is from the king ; but the art of navigation is not from the king. but the question is , whether the magistrate by vertue of his office , as a magistrate , hath supream power to govern the church , and immediatly as a little monarch under christ above pastors , teachers , and the church of god , to iudge and determine what is true doctrine , what heresie , to censure and remove from church-communion the seals and church-offices , all scandalous persons , and that if pastors , or doctors , or the church , teach or dispense censures , they do it not with any immediate subjection to christ , but in the name and authority of the magistrate , having power from the magistrate as his servants and delegates ? to this we answer negatively , denying any such power to the magistrate , and doe hold , that the church , and christs courts and assemblies of pastors , doctors , and elders , hath this power onely and immediately from iesus christ , without subordination in their office , to king , parliament , or any magistrate on earth by these arguments . . because in the old testament , the lord distinguished two courts , deut. . . if there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgement , . thou shalt come unto the priests , the levites , and unto the iudge that shall be in those dayes , and inquire , and they shall shew thee the sentence of judgement . and thou shalt doe according to the sentence , which they of that place ( which the lord shall chuse ) shall shew thee , &c. there be here two courts clearly , one court of priests and levites that were iudges ; another of the iudge : now the king by vertue of his kingly office , might not usurpe the priests office . . vzziah was smitten with leprosie for so doing . . it is evident in moses his writing , that aaron and his sonnes the priests and levites were separated for the service of the tabernacle , to teach the people , to carry the arke , to sacrifice , to judge the leper , and to judge between the clean and the unclean , to put out of the campe , out of the congregation the unclean , and to admit the clean , lev. . , , , &c. and . . and . . and . , , &c. . numb . . . &c. and . , . chron. . . you hath the lord chosen to stand before him , sam. . , . lev. . . iosh . . . kin. . . chron. . . chron. . . and . . and . . zeph. . . hag. . , . mal. . , deut. , . and . . num. . . deut. . , . numb . . . and . , , . and . . psal . . . in jerusalem there were set thrones of judgement , the thrones of the house of david , mat. . . christ commanded to give to cesar the things that are cesars : and he in his own person refused to usurpe cesars place , luke . . man , who made me a iudge ? and interdicted his apostles thereof , luke , , , . and yet appointed for them a judicature of another kinde , mat. . . mat. . . ioh. . . tim. . . heb. . . cor. . and if any should deny that the civill magistrate had another court in which he judged , the scriptures will refute him . . it is evident that iehoshaphat did not institute , but restore those two courts , chron. . . and behold amariah the chiefe priest is over you in all matters of the lord , and zebadiah the son of ishmael the ruler of the house of iudah , for all the kings matters ; never any erastian could satisfie either themselves or others , to shew us what were those two courts , so distinguished by their two sundry rulers . amariah and zebadiah , the one a priest , the other a magistrate . . by the different formall objects , the matters of the lord , the matters of the king , and confounded they must be ; if the king and ruler be a judge in the matters of god , except god make him both a civill judge and a prophet , as were moses and samuel , which yet were differenced when the god of order established his church in canaan . the church convenes for a church businesse , iosh . . . to set up the tabernacle , but for a civill businesse , to make war , the state conveneth , iosh . . . . . iudg. . . and ier. . . there is the church judicature discerning that ieremiah was a false teacher , and they first judge the cause , and v. . the civill iudicature discerneth the contrary , and under zorababel , ezra , and nehemiah , they indured different judicatures ; iesus christ was arraigned before caiphas the high priest for pretended blasphemie , before pilate the civill judge for treason , but caiphas was to determine onely by law , in questione juris whether it was blasphemie which christ had spoken , but he had no power by gods law to lead witnesses or condemn christ . nor is it true , that the priests had their government onely about ceremonialls , for they were to judge of morall uncleannes also , which even then debarred men from the holy things of god , as is cleare , hag. . . ezek. . . , , . and if any say that the magistrate amongst the iewes did judge of ecclesiasticall things , and reformed religion : we answer extraordinarily , the magistrate might prophecie , and did prophecy , as did samuel , david , solomon : why do not erastians bring those examples to prove that kings , provasts , iustices , may now preach the word , and administer the sacraments , which yet is unlawfull to them by grant of adversaries , for the examples of the kings amongst the iewes , is as strong for preaching , as for governing ; and because prophets did judge the people of old , yet no protestant divine will say , that now pastors may also usurpe the civill sword. now least any should object the case is not alike in the jewish and christian church , surely the king of the church hath no lesse separated such men as paul and barnabas for the ministery now , then at that time , rom. . , . act. . and sent labourers to his vineyard , luk. . . matth. . . & . , . and ambassadors to preach in his name , cor. . . ministers of christ , and stewarts of the mysteries of god , cor. . . men sent of god , whose feet are pleasant for their good news , as were the prophets of old , who were not only gifted to preach , but instructed with divine authority , as is clear rom. . . . isa . . . & . . nahum . . yea , and men that feeds the flock , not only by preaching , but also govern the church , so that they must take heed , that ravening wolves creep not into the church , who shall not spare the flock , act. . . . men who must be obeyed because they watch for our soules , heb. . . and can govern the church , as well as they are apt to teach , tim. . . . men that labour amongst us , and are over us in the lord , thes . . . and men who are to call to the work other faithfull men that are able to teach others , tim. . . such as are separated from the affairs of this life , such as magistrates are not , cor. . . such as rule well , tim. . . and are not to receive accusations , but under witnesses , and are to lay hands suddenly on no man , not to call them to the holy ministery till they be sufficiently tryed , tim. . , , . all which import teaching and governing . now if all these directions be given to timothy and other pastors till the end of the world ; then must all these directions be principally written to the magistrate as the magistrate ; and these epistles to timothy agree principally to the christian magistrate , and to pastors and doctors at the by , as they be delegates and substitutes of the magistrates ; and that , by office , the emperour of rome was to lay hands suddenly on no man , and commit the gospel to faithfull men who could teach others , and was not to receive an accusation against an elder ; and certainly , if the magistrate call to office those that are over us in the lord , and if those who watch for our soules , especially , be but the curates and delegates of the king and parliament , then the king and parliament behoved in a more eminent manner to watch for our souls ; for directions and commandments of god in this kinde , are more principally given to the master , lord , and chief governour of the house of god , ( if the magistrate be such ) then to the servants & delegates ▪ but where is there any such directions given to the emperour , king , or christian magistrate , by any shadow of ground in the word ? it is not much to say , the magistrate was an heathen & an enemy at this time , and therefore those could not be written to him . for . no force can strain these two epistles to timothy , and the other to titus , which contain a form of church-policy to any christian magistrate ; for then the qualification of the king , if he be the supream governour of the church should far rather have been expressed , then the qualification of a bishop and a deacon , which is no where hinted at . . all these directions , notwithstanding this , do and must actu primo , agree to the mag●strate : for his office who is chief governour , & what he should be is described in the word . . when christ ascended on high , he gave , as a fruit of his ascension , sufficient means for his intended end , the perfecting of the saints , the gathering of his body the church , and the edifying thereof , even till we all meet in the vnity of the spirit , and the knowledge of the son of god unto a perfect man , eph. . now neither in that place , nor in any other place , did christ give a magistrate for the edifying his body the church ; but only those that are but his delegates , apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors , teachers , i● the magistrate be the only governour of the church , and he who sendeth into the vineyard those who edifie the body ; the king should have been first in this role , as the only supream gatherer , edifier and builder of the church : it cannot be said , the ruling elder then , because he is omitted here , should not be the gift of christ , given to edifi● the church ; and by this it must be denied , that the king the nurse father of the church who is to take care that the children be fed with the sincere milk of the word , is given of god to edf●ie the church , because he is not name● here . ans . our divines , as calvin , beza , marlorate , do strongly gather from this place , that because the pope pretended to be the catholick edifier of the church , is not here in this text , nor in any other scripture , that therefore he is not the head of the church ; and the king , being pretended to be the only eminent gatherer of the church , and supream governour in all causes , civill and ecclesiasticall , he should especially have been set down here , he being a mixed person , and more then half a church-officer in the minde of the adversary : and there was no colour of reason , why the supream and only head , and principall governour of the church , should be omitted , at least the magistrate should be in some other scripture as the only church governor ; seeing the adversaries make pastors , doctors , elders , and deacons , only the delegates and servants of the magistrate . . as god calleth the king to governe the people , by the free election of the people ; so if the magistrate be called of god to teach and govern the church , this calling of his should be in the scripture , as his calling to the throne or bench is , deut. . . , &c. & . , . rom. . tit. . , . but in neither the old nor the new testament finde we any prince or ruler separated for the holy things of god , to be ` priest , apostle , pastor , prophet , teacher by vertue of his office , as if he were a mixed person ( as the adversarie say . ) no david is called to sacrifice , no constantine to preach and administrate the sacraments by vertue of the magistrates place . . if any reply , that the christian magistrate is a means ordained for that spirituall end , the gathering and edifying the church , in regard the keepeth not only the second table of the law , and so promoteth not only the temporall good of the state in promoting mercy and justice only , but also in procuring spirituall good to the people in preserving the first table of the law. i answer , that the christian magistrate doth both ; but . not directly by being the intrinsecall means , in actibus elicitis , in elicite and intrinsecall acts , promoting edification in both tables of the law , of which the scripture speaketh , eph. . but a far other way : . in imperated and commanded acts extrinsecally , as he doth command with the sword for peaces cause in all calling● , in sailing , trading , painting , &c. promoting it by carnall means by the sword , which belongeth not to the officers of christs kingdom . . not necessarily , as the pastors and elders , without which christ hath no externall visible kingdom on earth , whereas he hath had , & often hath a compleat flourishing externall visible kingdom without magistrates : yea , where magistrates have been open enemies to the gospel . . not directly the magistrate doth this , but in so far as he admitteth ( as triglandius saith ) the church of christ within his state , which he may , and often doth refuse to do , and yet be a compleat magistrate ; and therefore the magistrate may two wayes procure the spirituall good of the church : . by procuring that the nurses give good and wholesome milk to the church , . permodum removent is prohibens , which is also a cause , for he may save the flock from great temptations , when by his sword he driveth away the wolves from the flock ▪ but not any of these bringeth the magistrate within the lis● of the number of these intrinsecall , . necessary , . spirituall gifts , which christ ascending on high , gave for the edifying of his body the church . two powers so different as spirituall and temporall : . as powers carnall of this world , and spirituall not of this world : and . both immediatly subject , the one to god the creator , the other to christ the redeemer and head of the church , and so co-ordinate , and supream both of them in their own kinde , cannot be so subordinate , as the temporall should be the supream in the same kinde , the spirituall the inferiour and subordinate . but these two powers are so different , as spirituall and temporall , carnall of this world , spirituall not of this world , the one subject as supream immediatly to god creator , the other supream immediately subject to god the redeemer ; ergo , those powers of governing are not so subordinate as the temporall should be supream , the spirituall subordinate to it . the major is undeniable , for it involveth a contradiction that two supreame co-ordinate powers should be two , not supreame , but subornidate powers : the same way i prove the assumption . . the magistrates power is supreame from god , rom. . . the powers that are be of god , prov. . by me kings reigne , for no ecclesiasticall power , nor any power on earth , interveenes between god the creator , and the power of the civill magistrates ; but god who giveth being to a society of men , hoc ipso , because they are a society of reasonable men , hath given to them a power immediately from ▪ himselfe , to designe such and such to be their rulers : shew us any higher power above the magistrates , but god the creator making the civill power . never man dreamt that the spirituall power of the church doth interveen as an instrumentall cause of the politick power . . by order of nature , a politick power is first : men are first men in naturall and politick society , ere they be in a supernaturall pollicy , or a church ; and christ did not make a spirituall power by the intervention of a civill power . . the power of the two kingdoms are distinguished by christ , iohn . . iesus answered , my kingdome is not of this world , ( then the power thereof is not of this world , ) if my kingdome were of this world , then would my servants fight that i should not be delivered to the iewes . the one power is coactive by the sword , the other free , voluntary by the word . erastus had no reason to infer thence that christs kingdome is onely internall and invisible , not externall and visible , because christ opposeth his kingdom to a fighting kingdom , using the sword to defend him from the iewes , that he should not be taken and crucified , as is clear in the words , but he opposeth not his kingdome to an externall visible kingdom , for his church visible consisting of visible officers is his kingdom , eph. . , . cor. . &c. the word of the kingdom is audible , and it is visibly professed , and ministers are visibly and externally called to the holy ministery , by the laying on of the hands of the elders and voices of the people ; but he opposeth his kingdome to a kingdome fighting with the sword , and using the coactive power of the sword to save him from being apprehended and crucified by the iewes : now this is the magistrates kingdome , for he beareth not the sword in vain , rom. . . and so christ evidently proveth in these words , that the power that beareth the sword , which is the very essence of the magistrates office as a magistrate , is not a part of his kingdome , for his kingdome is of another world , and spirituall ; but the magistrates power is of this world , and useth worldly weapons , as the sword . then it is evident that the magistrate as the magistrate , . is not subordinate to christ as mediator and head of the church . . that when it was said , all power in heaven and earth is given to the mediator christ : the sense cannot be , the power of the sword was given to him as mediator , to be a judge and a ruler on earth , which he refused , luke . , . ( though as god he hath the power of the sword . ) . that the supream magistrate as magistrate is not the onely deputie , delegate , and vicar of christ as mediator ; for if christ as mediator have a substitute and deputie , such as the magistrate as the magistrate , who beareth his bloodie sword to cut off the enemies of the church , and to fight for christ : then . christs kingdome surely should be of this world. . by the same reason , since as mediator he is priest , and a high priest to offer a sacrifice to god , as all priests must doe that are proper priests heb. . . c. . . c. . . c. . , , . &c. there must be priests under christ properly so called , to offer some bloodie sacrifice satisfactorie for sinne , which is blasphemie to say , i meane proper priests ; for otherwise in a figurative and borrowed sense , all beleeevers are priests to offer themselves to god , rom. . . revel . . . . pet. . . but not the deputies of the high priest iesus christ , and by the same reason he must have prophets under him that are vicars and deputies , which is unpossible for christ as prophet and great prophet , is essentially lawgiver , and the author of cannonick scripture , and he who really by a supernaturall power teacheth the heart , but so he hath no deputies , nor any ministers or prophets , nor any under law-givers , or under prophets , which by an action or any active power communicated to them , can as under lawgivers devise any part of law or gospell or any other part of cannonick scripture , or have any active influence supernaturall to make a new heart : hence all our divines say , christ as mediator and king of the church hath no deputies , neither king , nor high priest , nor pope , nor saint . . it must follow , that the magistrate who as magistrate beareth the sword , is not the head officer of the church under the mediator ; for as magistrate he must act with the sword , upon the church as the church , and the ministers of the gospell as they are such ; whereas when the magistrate doth act as magistrate on the ministers with the sword , he doth it on them as men erring and sinning : but onely so he procureth as a magistrate the spirituall good of the church as the church , indirectly and by the sword , in driving away hereticks and wolves from the flock . that church which is the pattern and rule to all the churches unto the end of the world , in those things that belongeth to a church , as a christian church , must be our rule and paterne in government : but in the apostolick church of jerusalem , antioch , ephesus , thessalonica , corinth , galatia , philippi , colosse , the seven churches of asia , planted and framed up as perfect christian churches , by the apostles , the magistrate was not the only supream governour of churches ; nor did the apostles , elders and teachers in those churches , nor the church , act , preach , dispence the sacraments , rule , governe as servants , under , and through , and from the authority of the magistrate or king , as his vicars , deputies , and servants ; but by immediate authority from iesus christ placed in them without the interveening mediation of magistrates ; ergo , that church should be the patern of our church , though the adversaries deny the proposition , to wit , that the apostolick churches as apostolick , should be our patern in all things in regard that the magistrates were then heathens & enemies to the church and gospel , and so de facto , actually , and by accident could not be the supream officers and governours of the church ; yet now , when we have christian magistrates , that are nursefathers to the church , and beleevers professing the gospel , such as david , solomon , iosiah , iehoshaphat , and ezekiah , and other godly princes of israel and iudah were , and therefore that the church , as it is a generall , both to the iewish and christian church , should be our paterne in government ; yet we have ( though i say , they deny this major ) a great advantage of the adversaries in these . . we have the first christian church to be our paterne , and the new ierusalem that came downe from heaven , from god , revel . . . the mother of us all , gal. . . which is builded upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets , jesus christ himselfe being the chief corner stone , ephe. . . to be our rule and paterne , and all that was prophecied , though not compleatly in all the degrees of the church of the apostles , was then fulfilled , as touching the essence of a church . . yet here the magistrate was no chief officer . . the adversaries must prove moses , david , solomon , and those godly kings , as kings and magistrates , and virtute officij , were supream rulers and church-officers , and so that constantine , and all the godly princes and emperours , were , by vertue of their office , as magistrates , all such prophets , as were moses , david , solomon : for certainly , they as prophets wrote scripture , had the form and structure of the temple revealed to them of god , received laws from god for the priests : if our kings as magistrates now can do the like , we shall then say something to their headship over the church . . and if they reformed religion in the time of the defection of the priests , when they were holy and zealous , and walked with god , and did right in the sight of the lord like unto david , such as jehoshaphaet , josiah , when the priests were corrupt : we shall grant the like to parliaments made up of josiahs and ezechiahs ; when the assembly of divines are corrupt , heterodox , and all the pastors have corrupted their wayes . . civill punishing of church-men when they are hereticall and scandalous , we heartily yield to magistrates . but that magistrates as such should excommunicate and admit such to the sacrament , and reject other such , and rebuke , or , that the magistrate as the magistrate , did of old judge between the clean and the unclean , cast out from the congregation and camp , and receive in , and so governe the church , is altogether unwarranttable . now the adversaries , as erastus , grant that idolaters , apostates , and extreamly prophane men , are to be cast out of the christian society , and not to be suffered there ; and also that dogs , and swine , and apostates , & persecut●rs , are neither to be admitted to hear the word , nor partake of the sacraments : so also mr. pryn , if magistrates must cast them out of the church by vertue of their office , and judge as magistrates who are prophane , and who truly feare god , and who are dogs and apostates , who not , surely then magistrates as magistrates must discerne between the cleane and the uncleane , as priest ▪ of old , and must separate the precious from the vile , as the prophets did of old , and so were the mouth of god , and must stand before the lord , le● . . . then must magistrates as magistrates be pastors called in the pulpit as well as in the throne , and the bench , and that by vertue of their calling , which neither erastus , nor the reverend mr. pryn will owne . now if the elders of the church with the consent of the people , must cast such out of the church , and from communion in the holy things of god , here is in expresse termes the very ecclesiasticall excommunication which mr. pryn denieth to be an ordinance of god , and yet it must be commanded by iesus christ in these words , mat. . . give not holy things unto dogs , and therefore keep not in church communion the prophane , and ( by the way ) mr. pryn to me yeeldeth the cause , and granteth that excommunication and suspension from the sacraments , doe both fall under this precept of christ , mat. . that which falleth under a command of christ , to me is a divine ordinance . . he saith also , reasoning against are suspension from the sacraments , obstinate scandalous sinners make no conscience at all of receiving the sacrament , and voluntarily suspend themselves there-from , in case they be freely admitted to other ordinances , it being onely the totall exclusion from the church , and all christian society ( not any bare suspension from the sacrament , ) which worketh both shame and remorse in excommunicate persons , as paul resolveth thes . . . cor. . . compared with cor. . to v. . . this is , in terminis , excommunication proved from divers places of scripture , for it is a totall exclusion from the church , and all christian society , working shame and remorse as paul resolveth : we seeke no more , pauls resolution to us is a divine right . those words of that learned and reverend man have ( give me leave by the way to say , for i hope worthier then i am , do answer fully all he hath said in this subject ) all that we crave . for . obstinate men will voluntarily suspend themselves from the sacrament : ergo , the church should not suspend them onely , but also excommunicate them ; i grant all , if they be obstinate , they are to be not only suspended , but also excommunicated ; ergo , they are not solie and onely to be suspended , pro hac vice , for this time ; it followeth no waies , all that this reverend lawyer saith against sole suspension from the sacrament of an obstinate offender , is nothing against us ; if he be obstinate , he is not onely to be suspended from the sacrament , but also if he goe on in refusing to heare the admonitions of brethren , and of the church , he is to be excommunicated ; ergo , he is not first , hac vice , to be suspended from a confirming ordinance given to those onely who are supposed to have the life of faith , and can onely eat and drinke spiritually and by faith the body and blood of christ ; it followeth not . i thinke mr. pryn would not have hereticks and apostates suddenly and at the first totally ( as he saith ) excluded from the church , and all christian society , sure we owe some gentlenes and patience even to them , if god peradventure may give them repentance to scape out of the snare of the devil , tim. . . , . yet if an heretick and apostate that same day that the lords supper were to be celebrated should deny the resurrection , and iesus christ to be god blessed for ever , and not equall with the father , nor consubstantiall with him , and withall should that same day have offered his childe to molech , and yet professe his desire to come to the lords supper , professing he had tryed and examined himselfe , and his desire to come to eate and drinke with iesus christ the great prophet of his church ; would not mr. prynne thinke he should not be admitted to the lords supper , and yet that he should not totally be excluded from the church , and all communion from the church and holy things of god ? i should think if he cannot be presently excommunicated , yet he should not be admitted to the sacrament , for sure he cannot but be in a doggish and swinish disposition in one degree or other : and my reason is , he is as erastus saith , non rectè institutus , not rightly instructed , but heterodoxe , and so cannot try and examine himselfe , while he be better principled in the faith : so a suspension for a time from the lords supper , and ex natura rei , without totall exclusion from the church and all christian society , were as necessary , ( whether the magistrate or church suspend , i dispute not now ) as a degree of punishment , or a preventing of eating of damnation is necessary hi● & nunc : o , but saith master prinne , christ knew that iudas was worse than an heretick , and yet he denied not to admit him to the supper ; ergo , though we knew such a one , the sacrament being a converting ordinance , it followeth not that we should debarre him from the sacrament . ans . whether iudas did eat the supper of the lord , or not , i think nothing of the matter ; only master prinne hath duram provinciam , and a very hard task to prove it from scripture , if i were to examine his book , i should deny his consequences from the evangelists , for not any of them can prove that iudas did communicate at the last supper . but , . christs example in this being an act of christ , as god , permitting the greatest hypocrisie on earth , is no rule to the church to give the lords supper to iuddasses ; first , iudas was visibly and infallibly to christ , a man who deserved to be totally excluded out of the church and all christian societie , and to christ a knowne traitor , a devill , an hypocrite ; ergo , as christ did not exclude him out of the church ; neither should the saints now exclude from their society ; nor should the christian magistrate ( as erastus and master prinne thinketh ) exclude iudasses and knowne traitors , and knowne devills , and knowne children of the devil out of the church ; this is to erastus and master prinne both absurd . . christ did eat and drink with iudas knowing him to be all these ; ergo , we may eat and drink with knowne traitors also , the contrary is a truth , cor. . , . . thess . , , , rom. . . evident enough . . christ preached the gospel to those that he knew sinned against the holy ghost , to the pharisees who persecuted christ to death and others , math. . , , , . ioh. . , , , . ioh. . , . ioh. . , , , . ioh. . , . ioh. . , . and this is by the exposition of erastus l. . c. . pag. . . and master prinne his vindication , pag. , . to give holy things to dogs : so mr. prinne saith , that by doggs and swine , are meant only such infidels and heathen , who refuse to imbrace and beleeve the gospel , or harbour or entertain the preachers of it , ( of which the text is principally intended ) as well as the sacraments , or of such open contemners , persecutors of the gospel and ministers , who runne upon and teare the preachers thereof , trampling the pearls of the gospel , and the tenderers of them under their feet , as the text resolves in terminis , mat. . . mat. , , . luk. ▪ . act. . . or open apostates . . pet. . , , , &c : hence by this we may give the pearls of the gospel to such dogs as the pharisees , for to them christ tendred the pearle of the gospel . . christ might have hindred , being god equall with the father , the pharisees and iews to malice him ; ergo , he being above the laws that he gives to us , doth not in this example warrant us to cast the pearls of the gospel to such as we know to be iudasses , pharisees , and malicious haters and heart-murtherers of christ . . there is not the like reason of preaching the word , and dispensing the seals , . because the word is a converting ordinance out of question , and preached to heathen and to the non-converted , though they refuse to imbrace and beleeve the gospel , and refuse to entertaine the preachers of it : as is clear , act. . , , , . tit. . , , , . tim. . , , . the texts that master prinne alledgeth , that the gospel should not be preached to heathen who refuse to imbrace and beleeve the gospel , to wit , mat. . , . luk. . . act. . . are to no purpose , for mat. . luk. . is but a temporary commandement , given for a time , that the disciples should depart from those houses of iudea ( there is nothing of the heathen ; but by the contrary the apostles are forbidden to go to samaritanes or gentiles at all , mat. . , . ) who would not receive the peace of god in the gospel , which precept the apostles in the story of the acts , did not observe ; but preached the gospel to many heathen who refused to imbrace and beleeve the gospel : as act. . and . and . . the place , act. . . is meant of the blaspheming iews , to whom paul preached long after they persecuted and stoned the prophets , and had killed the lord of life , act ▪ . and . and . and . mat. . , . . those places , are to better colour of purpose brought by arminians , and socinians to prove , that the gospel is preached to people for their good entertainment thereof , and denied to others for their unworthinesse , and because they will not welcome it ; so the arminians in the conference at hague , pag. , , . god sendeth the gospel not according to his absolute will , sed ob alias causas in homine latent●s , for secret causes in man. arminius against perkins . p. . the will of god in sending the gospell , hath causes in the will of man according to that , habenti dabitur : so corvinus ad wallachros , p. . socinus comment . in . epist . ioh. c. . p. . saith the same : and mr. pryn is pleased in the same sense to cite them , i conceive imprudently , for i beleeve that reverend and learned man doth hate those impious sects , the enemies of the grace of god ; but truly if this be a rule to pastors to spread the gospell , that they are to offer and give the pearle of the preached gospell to those that willingly receive it , and harbour the preachers , and presently to depart and preach no more the word of the kingdom to those who refuse it , as the places mat. . . & luke . . carry that sense , because they are heathens who refuse to embrace and beleeve the gospell , and harbour the preachers , as ( the worthy divine saith , ) conceiving that to be a casting of pearles to dogs and swine ; i see not how the preachers & spreaders of the gospel to the heathen , are to beleeve that god out of meer grace , & the good pleasure of his will , without respect to good or bad deserving , sendeth the gospel to some , and denieth it to others . . though the sacrament of the supper be a converting ordinance in this sense , that it corroborateth faith and conversion , where it was once , and so applyeth the promises to one who before beleeved , yet it is not a converting ordinance , that is to be administred to one dead in sins and trespasses , as the word is , for then at the first sermon that ever is preached to a heathen , if he should say , though for base & worldly ends known to the church that he desired to have the sacraments , we are obliged to beleeve that he sincerely desireth these seals , and instantly at the same sermon to baptise him , & administer the other seal of the lords supper to him ; for how can we deny converting ordinances to those who desire them ? say our adversaries . . an ordinance that cannot be dispensed to a heathen , remaining a heathen , and to an unconverted man knowne to be an unconverted man , is not an ordinance that ought to be dispensed , as the ordinance of the word , and as the first converting ordinance , to so many as we may safely dispense the word unto , and if it be first a converting ordinance , as the preaching of the word is ; then it is to be dispensed to all those to whom we are to preach the word . but erastus and mr. pryn grant , we may preach the word to heathen remaining heathen , and if they deny it , ( as they yeeld it ) the apostles did preach the gospel to the heathen remaining heathen , but they never admitted , nor can we admit to the lords supper heathen remaining heathen , nor could the iewes upon the same ground , admit to the passeover the uncircumcised : now then the preaching of the word to some cannot make the church and preachers guilty of casting pearles to swine , and of partaking of their si● , whose hearing is not mixed with faith ; and yet if the church and ministers should admit to the sacraments heathen remaiing heathen , they should prostitute holy things to dogs , and be guilty of an heathen mans eating of his owne damnation ; hence this assertion of mr. prynne must be a great mistake , that ministers may as well refuse to preach the word to such unexcommunicated , grosse , impenitent , scandalous christians , whom they would suspend from the sacrament , for feare of partaking with them in their sinne , as to administer the sacrament to them , because ( saith he , ) unprofitable hearing is as damning a sinne , as unworthie receiving of the sacrament : . because there is and may be discovered to bee in the congregation , persons as unworthy as heathen , such as simon magus , yea , latent iudasses , parricides , who are in the visible church while god discover their hypocrisie ; but we may lawfully preach the word to men as uncapable of the word as heathen , and as unworthie ; as christ and the apostles did , who did not contravene that , cast not pearles to swine , yet we cannot give the sacraments to men knowne to be as scandalous , uncapable , and unworthy as heathen ; but we must prostitute holy things to dogs , and partake of their sinne ; for this is non causa pro causa , that mr. prynne bringeth , to say we may as well refuse to preach the gospell to scandalous impenitents , as to administer the sacrament , without partaking of the sinnes of either , because unprofitable hearing is as damning a sinne , as unworthy receiving the supper ; this because is no cause : it is true , they are both damnable sinnes , but how proveth he that preachers partake equally of both ▪ i can shew him a clear difference which demonstrateth the weaknesse of this connexion . . vnprofitable hearing of the gospell in a heathen is as damning a sin , as hypocriticall receiving of the sacrament is a sinne , they are not equalia peccata , but sure they are ●què peccata ; but i may preach the gospel to a heathen , and not partake of his sinne of unprofitable hearing , for i may be commanded to preach to a heathen remaining a heathen , as paul preached to felix , to the scoffing athenians , to the persecuting iews , and giving obedience to the command of god , freeth me from partaking of his unprofitable hearing ; but i cannot administer the lords supper to an heathen remaining a heathen , without sharing in his sin ; and suppose a heathen remaining a heathen would croud in to the lords table , as of old many heathen fained themselves to be iewes , desiring to serve the time , sam. . . yet i should partake of the heathens unworthy receiving , if knowing him to be a heathen serving the time , and crouding in amongst the people of god , i should administer the lords supper , because i have no command of god to administer the lords supper to a heathen man , nor could paul administer the sacrament to the scoffing athenians , or to felix , without taking part with them in their prophaning of the lords table . . the necessity of preaching the word , it being simply necessary to the first conversion of a sinner , putteth pastors in a case that they may , and ought to preach the gospell to heathen , and to thousands knowne to be unconverted without any participation of their unprofitable hearing , and the non-necessity of the lords supper , or the seale of the covenant , and the nourishing of their souls to life eternall , who visibly and to the knowledge of those who are dispensers of the sacrament , prophane , and abominably wicked , putteth those same dispensers in a condition of being compartners with them in the prophaning of the holy things of god , if they dispence the bread to those that are knowingly dead in sinnes , so the gospell may be taught in catechisme to children , deut. . , . tim. . . exod. . , . gen. . . prov. . . because there is a necessity they be saved by hearing , rom. . . cor. . . but there is no necessity , but a command on the contrary , that the lords supper be dispensed to no children , nor to any that cannot examine themselves , and they may be saved without the sacrament , but not ordinarily without the word ; nor were it enough to forwarne apostates , and persecutors , and hypocriticall heathen , and children , that if they eate unworthily they eate their owne damnation , as mr. pryn saith , and yet reach the sacrament to those , for the dispensers then should ●ast pearls to some dogs and swine contrary to mat. . . and they should be free of the guilt in polluting of holy things , if they should give them a watch-word , say they were about to prophane the holy things of god , before they committed such wickednesse . nor doe we as mr. pryn saith , nor know we , or the scriptures any such distinction , as sealing externally to the senses of any receiving the lords supper , lawfully divided , ( sinfully it may be divided , but there is no law for sinne , no print , no authority of men for it , ) from the internall sealing , nor heard we ever of two sorts of conversion , one externall from paganisme to the externall profession of the faith , wrought extraordinarily by miracles without the word , and ordinarily by baptisme in infants ▪ and another internall from formall profession , to an inward imbracing of christ and his merits . . because the stewards and ambassadors of christ , may notdare to play with the sacraments as children doe with nuts , to seal to mens senses and fancies christ and spirituall nourishment in him , and part in his body broken and blood shed , in those who visibly have nothing of faith to their discerning , and of the life of christ , but onely senses and fancie , such as all visibly and notoriously scandalous walking after the flesh , all herericks , apostates , knowne and unwashen hypocrites have , and no more . . all heathen and unbaptized have senses , and are capable of externall washing , and externall and sacramentall eating , as well as others are , but are they capable of the seals , because they have bodies to be washed , and teeth and stomacke to eat sacramentally ? and have ministers warrant enough to dispense the sacraments to all that have senses ? but they must be within the visible church also , ere they be capable of sacraments , mr. pryn will say ; but i aske by what warrant mr. pryn alledgeth that the supper of the lord is a converting ordinance as well as the word , and that pastors may without sinne dispense the sacraments to those to whom they preach the word , but they may preach the word to heathen remaining heathen ; ergo , may they dispense the lords supper to heathen remaining heathen ? what more absurd ? yet , remaining heathen , they are as capable of mr. pryn his sense-sealing , and sense-converting sacraments , as any sound beleever . . a sealing to the senses cannot be divided from the inward sealing by the spirit ; neither in the intention of god , for the externall sealing without the internall is hypocrisie , and god cannot intend hypocrisie , nor can this division be in regard of the nature of the sacrament , for it doth seal to us our spirituall nourishment in christ , except we sinfully separate the one from the other , and sin is no ordinance of god. . what word of christ hath mr. pryn for extraordinary conversion of men by miracles without the word ? he must conceive with arminians and socinians , that many are converted that never heard of that precious name of iesus , without which there is no salvation , act. . . or of a faith in christ , as moses amyraldus dreameth , without the knowledge of christ , and may write books de salute ethnicorum , for this externall conversion doth lead of its owne nature to internall conversion and salvation : this may make us fancie somewhat of the salvation of aristotle , seneca , cicero , aristides , scipio , regulus , without the law or gospell , this way of extraordinarily saving men by miracles without the gospell , is the doctrine of arminians and socinians ; so say the arminians at the synod of dort ▪ pag. , . those whom god hath deprived of the gospell , he hath not precisely rejected them from a communion of the benefits of the gospell . adolphus venator . adver . dracenos p. . saith , the heathen are saved without the gospell , if they ●●n but pray , ens entium miserere mei , socinus praelec . thelo . c. . telleth us of an inspired word that saveth us , called verbum interius . you may please schoolmen thus , such as granadus contr. . de grat . tract . . disp . . numb . . did . ruiz . de predesti . se . . numb . . alexand. alens . . p. q. . memb . . art . . de bonis philosophis sic credo , &c. roa . lib. . de provident . quest . . n. . vega lib. . in trident. cap. . enriquez tom. . de ultimo fine , c. . num . . quod lib. . quest . . vasquez . par . disp . . and c. . soto lib. . de nat . & grat . c. . ad . . francis . sonnius in demonstrat . tract . . de consiliis c. . camerarius lib. . de grat . c. . & lib. . c. . who doe all of them send all the good philosophers and white morallists to heaven by miracles , inspirations , extraordinary workes of providence , and that without any rumour of christ and the gospell ; famous papists to their owne shame , yeeld that divine faith cannot be produced by miracles . andradius saith often they may be false . maldonatus saith , that no necessary argument of faith can be drawn from miracles . gregorius de valen. saith , miracles give us no infallible certainty of doctrine . bellarmine saith , miracles cannot convince the minde . durandus giveth a sure reason why miracles cannot produce faith ; because ( saith he ) suppose it were known of it self , that this miracle of the raising e. g. of lazarus were true , yet it is not known by it self , that it testifieth that this is a true doctrine which he preacheth who worketh the miracle . mr. prynne then hath put the salvation of those who never heard the gospel upon extraordinary pillars , when he bottometh them on miracles without the word , which are extraordinary rotten pillars . . the lords supper , of which we now dispute , is not the mean of our first conversion , from formall profession , to inward embracing the gospel : for the word must go before , and not simply the externall letter of the word ; but the word first believed and received by the efficacions working of the holy ghost : and so the word is indeed the first converting ordinance ; and so the lords supper is given to one who already believes , and the sacrament concurreth as a mean to make good , corroborate , and increase the conversion which was before . mr. prynne might have spared his pains in proving , that the lords supper is a converting ordinance , because it applieth christ ●o u● : we grant it to be a converting , and quickning , and lively applicatory ordinance : but how ? he may know that what ever ordinance addeth a new degree of faith of conversion , of saving application of christ and the promises , must be a converting ordinance : but it is so converting , that it is a confirming ordinance , and necessarily it presupposeth faith and conversion already wrought by the word ; it is not a first-converting ordinance , such as is the word ; but as nourishing or accretion is a sort of vitall generation in the body of a growing childe , so as physicians make nutrition in children to be aggeneration , or , congeneration , or a vitall generation with , or in the body , and it presupposeth the first generation , by which life is given to the childe ; now nourishing doth not give life , things void of life are not capable of nourishing ; therefore nourishing is the continuing of life , and as it were prorogated and continued generation : so here , sacramentall eating by faith , is a spirituall feeding and nourishing of the soul on the crucified lords body broken , & his blood shed , it is not the act of our first conversion : regeneration is sealed in baptisme , and christ given as sealing and confirming regeneration ; but the lords supper is that which exhibiteth christ to us as food , and sealeth our spirituall growing and coalition in christ : i say not this , as if the church could give the supper of the lord to none but such as are inwardly and really regenerated , but to shew that the church taketh such as are externally called , to be internally called when they dispense this supper to them ; & that they are nearer christ then those that hear the gospel ( which heathen may do ) ere they can be admitted to the supper . and this erast . every where , and mr. pryn , in terminis teach when they say , that those that are recte instituti , rightly instructed , who earnestly desire the lords supper , professe sincere repentance , and promise amendment , are only to be admitted to the sacrament , and those only excluded who are convicted to be grosse and scandalous , and obstinate offenders . whence it is clear they professe repentance , and to the church they are converts , who are to be admitted to the supper before they come to the lords supper : now this must be done by the word preached , and received by faith in profession ; ergo , this supper in the church-way , cannot be dreamt to be a mean of their first conversion , far lesse in foro dei , in gods court , can men first receive the lords supper having never heard the word , and then be converted in foro dei , really and inwardly , by receiving the lords supper ; then might the sacrament , before and without the word , be given , if it be a converting ordinance belonging to all to whom the word belongeth : for mr. prynne saith , it can be denyed to none within the visible church . and what reason , if it be no lesse the first converting ordinance , but that it may be administred to those that never heard the word , and are members of the visible church ? and by this mr. prynne cannot deny , but the lords supper should be dispensed to infants and children , who cannot try themselves , nor yet discern the lords body : yea , those that are convicted of obstinacy in scandalous sins , are members of the church ; for how could they be judged , convicted and sentenced , if they be not within ? cor. . . ergo , their being members of the church , is not enough to admit them to the lords supper , except they be to the church otherwise qualified and fitted for it . and this doth clearly evidence , that the word of the kingdom may , & ought to be preached to many within the church , that they may be converted to whom the supper is not to be dispensed , that they may be cōverted , which is enough for our point to exclude promiscuous admission of all to the supper ; and to prove some other qualification must be requisite , in those that come to the supper before the ministers , ( without violation of the holy things of god , and being guilty of not distributing aright ) can administer the supper to them ▪ and this is another visible qualification then is requisite in those that hear the word : for erastus and mr. prynne require , that all that come to the supper be rightly instructed . . that they promise amendment of life : but they cannot say , none are to be admitted to hear the word , while they be qualified thus ; you exclude the ignorant from the sacrament , do you exclude the ignorant from hearing the word ? farther , i desire to be resolved , why erastus and his require any qualification at all in the one , more then in the other , according to their way : for suppose persons baptized be only negatively blamelesse , and not visibly scandalous ; yet erastus and mr. prynne cannot deny the supper to such . suppose they know not whether they be as ignorant of god as indians , and suppose they promise no amendment , and do positively professe no repentance at all : . ministers can deny no converting ordinances to persons , because ignorant ; for if the supper of the lord be a converting ordinance , it shall convert men from their ignorance ; and an indian ignorant of christ , ought to be baptized , to the end , that baptisme may convert him from his ignorance . now i think our brethren cannot say this , and therefore they must yield , that ministers dare not admit all within the church to the seals , except they would be guilty of their sin , in eating to themselves damnation ; and yet they dare not debar the ignorant within the church from hearing the word , and so are no way compartners with them in the sin of unprofitable hearing . . mr. prynne may here see some ignorants debarred from the lords supper ; yet i hope he would not be so rigid as to excommunicate all ignorants , because ignorant : the most rigid novatians would condemne that : and here is sole suspension without excommunication , which mr. prynne saith is not to be found in all the word of god. i wondred much when i read those words of the learned and reverend master prynne : that god , who bestoweth no ordinances on men in vaine , must intend in instituting the supper , that visible morall unregenerate christians , may be converted thereby , as well as reall saints be confirmed : to which i reply : . neither word nor sacraments , nor any thing on the part of the almighty can be intended in vaine , though the end of the ordinance be not obtained , i should have expected some such divinity from the pen of arminians and socinians , who make god to intend the salvation of all , and every one in both the promises of the gospel , precepts and sacraments , and yet he falleth from this end : so you may read , in arminius anti-perkins , pag. . that god is disappointed in his end , in both law and gospel , and god shooting beside his mark misseth the salvation of many , say the remonstrants at the synod of dort , pag. . and in their confession , c. . sect . . and because socinus thought it hard thus to take from god wise intentions ; he did no lesse then blasphemously deprive him of his omniscience : so socians contra puccium , c. . and in prelectionib . theolog. c. . made all things that are contingently to come , uncertaine to god : but if you speak of intentio operis , non operantis , that the supper , in its nature , is ordained ( this may rather be your meaning ) that morall men like cicero , and seneca , and iudas , and the like , ( for all are alike in regard of the nature of the ordinances , and of that which is the genuine intention not of god , but of this sacrament ) then you speak not of the supper as divided from the word , but as the word going before the sacrament hath converted the man , and the sacrament following doth adde to and confirme in grace . so , sir , you depart from the question , for we grant that the sermon going before in the same day of the celebration of the supper , may , and doth convert ; and thus if an indian heare a sermon , to which the celebration of the supper is annexed , if he be converted by that sermon ( as you teach the heart in those , is only knowne to god , the church is not to judge ) he may forthwith , ere he be baptised , come at the same time to the lords supper , which were much precipitation , little speed , and so the word formally converteth , not the sacrament ; but if you mean that the sacrament formally , as the sacrament is of its nature a mean of converting a morall seneca , you mistake the nature of the seal , very farre , god never intended that food as food should give life to the dead , the supper as the supper is spirituall food , and presupposeth the eater hath life , and how gate he life but by the word of god ? . doth the sacrament as the sacrament humble or speak one word of the law ? doth the sacrament say any thing here , but christ died for thee , o seneca , and there is a pledge of his love in dying for thee ; and the like it speaketh to iudas , as master prinne thinketh , and can this convert a morall man never yet humbled for sinne ? but i have gone thus out of the way in this purpose , i returne and desire pardon for this digression , not ( i hope ) fruitlesse at this time . if the magistrate be the chiefe church-officer , how is it that the church was without christian magistrates in the apostles time ? then is there no exact paterne of a christian church , what it should be , de jure ? hath christ in the new testament not moulded the church , the second temple in all the dimensions of it , as moses , david , solomon , did by immediate inspiration shew us the measure of the first tabernacle , sanctuary , and temple ? finally should cesar , suppose he had been a christian , have received imposition of hands from the elders , a● his deputies the ministers do ? and be over the church in the lord as king ? and receive accusations against elders , ordaine elders in every church , put out and cast out the unworthy ? only for the iniquity of the time , ministers were forced to do these ? erastus and his have not one word of scripture for this , or were the keys of the kingdome of heaven given to cesar ? and because cesar was without the church , therefore peter received them , matth. . while cesar should be converted , what scripture have we for this ? for to rule the church as the magistrate doth , is an act of the magistrate performed by power of the sword : whether the magistrate do rule in his owne person , or by his deputies and servants ; ergo , the apostles governing the church medled with the sword , which christ forbade , luk. . , . rom. . . luk. . , . and all the pastors and teachers now in the exercise of discipline do usurpe the sword ; yea , if they be the deputies of the magistrate in dispensing word and sacraments , they must use the magistrates sword as ministers of the gospel ; for what servants do in the name of the supream swordbearer , that the swordbearer must principally do by the servants , so ministers by this use both swords . . that the magistrate cannot be the chief officer of the church is thus proved , he who is subject himself to heare the church , and to submit to those that watcheth for his soul , and to be put out from amongst the midst of the church ; if he be scandalous , is not the principall governour and head of the church to command all : but all christians , and so the christian magistrate is such , for if god accept not the persons of men , those places , matth. . if he hear not the church , &c. heb. . . and cor. . , , , , . must tye the christian magistrate , except god have excepted him ; but god hath no where excepted the magistrate , but as david had gad , nathan and other see●s ; so the magistrates now have some to watch for their souls . the proposition is proved , because if the magistrate be supream to command elders as elders , both in doctrine and discipline , and in all ecclesiasticall censures , then the magistrate as the magistrate cannot be under the elders and ministers as such , for that involveth a contradiction ; that pastors as pastors should watch over the souls of magistrates that they erre not , and oppresse not in judgement , and that the magistrate as magistrate should be over the souls of pastors to watch for them in the same kind ; if any object that the pastors as pastors have souls , and therefore they must have some to watch for their souls ; and therefore can neither be supream , nor excepted in those places , mat. . heb. . cor. . it is answered by granting all of this or this single pastor , but not of the whole company ; for when they erre , we know not a whole communitie over them , but those of the catholick visible church ; and if they erre , the kings of the earth here may command them to do their duty under paine of bodily censure , and punish them : but none are above them to watch for their souls , that we know ; but they by office , watch both for their owne souls , and for the souls of others , even as the king governeth himselfe and the people both politically . . whatever power in matters of christs kingdome or the government thereof , the magistrate hath , that must be given of christ , who only can appoint elders and officers over his owne house , but no where in scripture find we any such power given to the magistrate ; ergo , we are to beleeve he hath not any such power . the proposition is true , because christ being a perfect lawgiver and king , doth give lawes for his owne house , as particularly as moses did for every severall pinne in the lords tabernacle , and david and solomon for the temple : the assumption i prove ; because the government of christs house is spirituall , as the weapons of their warfare are not carnall , cor. . . and it is in binding and loosing , forgiving and retaining sinnes , by the power of the keys of the kingdome of god given to the church , and to such as are sent , as the father sent his son christ , matth. . . & . . ioh. . , , &c. but magistrates as magistrates do punish sinnes with the sword , rom. . . but not forgive sins , nor binde and loose in earth or heaven , nor exercise any spirituall power , nor deal with the consciences of men , no more then they cure the diseases of the body , though indirectly and externally they take care that there be physicians who can cure diseases . the power of governing the church is the supream power under christ , which can say to the magistrates power , we must obey god , rather then men : but no such supream power agreeth to the magistrate as magistrate : for ministers as ambassadors of christ , can and may preach , binde and loose , rebuke , excommunicate against the will of the magistrate , though he command the contrary , as prophets have rebuked kings , jer. . . & . , . sam. . , , . king. . , . mark . , . the magistrate as the magistrate can do none of these : nor hath he power to command the ministers of christ by way of privation ; but only by way of accumulation he may command them to do their dury , and to preach the gospel soundly , and forbid and punish the preaching of false doctrine the same way . whatever power christ hath given to his church , that the christian magistrate , when he becomes christian , cannot take from the church : but christ gave to the churches of jerusalem , antioch , ephesus , corinth , to the seven churches of asia , &c. a full power to dispense the word and sacraments , to govern the churches , to censure wolves and false teachers , who draw disciples after them , in synods to condemne perverters of soules , and refute their doctrine , to put out incestuous persons , to excommunicate such as will not hear the church , and a power to reject a heretick after twice admonition , and to rule well the church , as they should rule their own house , and to rule well , and to labour in the word and doctrine , &c. when they had no magistrates at all to rule and govern them as a church . now if the church be a perfect visible body , society , house , city , and kingdom of jesus christ , in esse & operari , in being and all church-operations ; then the magistrate , when he cometh to be christian , to help and nourish the church , as a father he cannot take away and pull the keys out of the hands of the stewards , and throw the rod , authority , power to rule , govern , binde , loose , convene in christs courts and assemblies from the church , and inthrall the church : this evidenceth how falsely some say , that the church as the church is without a magistrate , as an army without a commander or leader , a ship without a pilot , a body without a head . when the church in the apostles times wanting a magistrate , was a perfect spirituall body , gathered , edified , attaining to the unity of faith , eph. . , , &c. cor. . . rom. . , , &c. builded upon the foundation of the prophets and apostles , eph. . . feed by their own pastors , act. . . sufficiently secured by jesus christ from wolves , . . golden candlesticks perfect and intire , christ walking in the midst of them and praised and commended of christ , rev. . . & . , , . ver . , , . cap. . , , . coming behinde in no gift , cor. . . in covenant with god , casting out the incestuous , cor. . separated from idols , cor. . , , . espoused to one husband christ , cor. . . established in the faith , and increasing in number daily , act. . . yea , the churches had rest throughout all judea , and galile , and samaria , and were edified , walking in the ●ear of the lord , and in the comforts of the holy ghost , and were multiplied , act. . . now if the christian magistrate be their only head and chief feeder , and all elders but his servants , edifying à & sub magistratu , from and under the magistrate : how were they edified , and the compleat house of god , the house wanting a head , and the church of the living god , without the chief feeder and shepheard the magistrate , when all this time the lord set spirituall pastors and watchmen over them ? it is true , it might be some defect , that they wanted a christian magistrate , who was their nurse-father and keeper , and avenger of both tables of the law : but this defect was . a defect of the church , as men who may be injured , and do violence one to another as men , if they want one who beareth the sword to be avenged on evil doers : but it is no defect of the church as the church . . there might be some defect in the church as a church , in this regard , that without the magistrate his accumulative power , the edification of the church extrinsecally might be slower , church laws lesse vigorous extrinsecally without the sword , and evil doers might infest the church more ; but there should be no privation or intrinsecall defect , or want in the church , either of an officer , or integrall part of the church , because they wanted the magistrate . . when the first three hundreth year , the churches wanted christian magistrates ▪ afterward constantinus convocated the councell of nice against arrius , yet professing that he was episcopus , without . after him the empire being divided into three , constantinus , constantius , and constans , the second adhered to arrius & oppressed the godly . constans and constantinus lived not long : though jovianus , theodosius , elder & yonger , gratianus , martianus , were favourers of the church , yet most of the northern kings were persecuters . in the sixth hundreth year , they began to be obstinate favourers of heresie . in the west antichristianisme , in the east mahumetisme rose ; for the most part the church wanted godly magistrates , and alway hath wanted . whatever power or means of life christ hath given to his church or pastors for the edifying of their soules , either in doctrine or discipline ; by these is the holy ghost efficacious on the hearts and conscience of the people of god , as immediatly given by iesus christ , without the mediation or intervention of any other means . but christ hath given power and means of life to preach the word , to admonish , rebuke , excommunicate to the church and pastors , by which the holy ghost worketh efficaciously on the hearts of the people of god , which god hath given immediatly to the church and pastors , especially in the apostolick church , when there were no magistrates ; and the holy ghost is no wayes efficacious in the hearts of the children of god , by the laws , statutes , and sword of the magistrate ; ergo , god hath given to his church and pastors , & not to the magistrate , power and means of life , in which the holy ghost is effectuall , and that immediatly and not to the magistrate . or thus : whoever is the supream officer and head of the church , having under him all church-officers as his servants , by such god is effectuall in the consciences of men : but pastors , teachers , elders are such , and no wayes the magistrate : ergo , the proposition is thus made good by the word of reconciliation , and the rod of the lords power in the hands of men : the holy ghost worketh efficaciously in men : now the question will only be , to whom this word of reconciliation is committed , and the rod of god ; the scripture saith to the ministers , never to the magistrate , cor. . . and hath committed to us the word of reconciliation ▪ ver . . now then we are ambassadors for christ , cor. . . though i should boast somewhat more of our authority which the lord hath given us for edification , cor. . . if i come again i will not spare , cor. . . what will ye ? shall i come unto you with a rod , or in love ? tim. . . act. . . . . cor. . . do not you judge them that are within ? matth. . , & . . ioh. . , . this word is no where committed to the magistaate , nor is the holy ghost efficacious by the laws and sword of the magistrate to convert souls ; we know not magistrates to be ministers by whom we believe , but ministers only , cor. . ver . . nor is the sword a kindely and intrinsecall mean of conversion . this argument may be further confirmed by all the notable differences that the scripture holdeth forth to be between the magistrate and the ministers and church : as . the church judgeth only those that are within the church , cor. . , . the heathen magistrate may ●udge both those that are within and without the church , and every soul is under his power , rom. . , , . tit. . , . tim. . , , . pet. . , , . matth. . . and by these same scriptures , the christian magistrate being a lawfull magistrate , having under him both believers ▪ and heathen , may and ought to judge both ; ergo , the magistrate as the magistrate cannot judge those that are within , by the word as the church doth , but only in some common coactive way , by the sword , to compell them to do their duty . . the magistrates kingdom is of this world , and he may fight with his sword to defend his own subjects , and his subjects may fight for him : but the church and kingdom of christ , are not of this world , nor can the church as the church , and the ministers thereof fight or use the sword , as is clear , joh. . . rom. . . the magistrate beareth not the sword in vain : but he beareth the sword in vain over the consciences of men , or to judge those that are within ; for the church judgeth those that are within , with no such weapon as the bloody sword ; there is neither sword nor dagger , nor any weapon of war required in the church of ephesus , their censuring of grievous wolves or false teachers , act. . , &c. nor in the apostles and elders determining truth against perverters of souls , act. . , , &c. and . . nor in the church of thyatira , their not suffering jezabell to teach , rev. . . nor in pergamus , their not suffering those that held the doctrine of balaam , rev. . . erastus l. . c. . p. . saith , the church can kill no man with the sword. there was no sword ever dreamt of in rejecting an heretick after the first and second admonition , tit. . . let our adversaries shew what influence the magistrates sword hath here : yea , ( say they ) the magistrate may banish the heretick ou● of the church . true. ans . not out of the church as the church , but out from amongst his subjects as his subjects , whom he is to defend in peace and godlinesse . . it is evident titus had no power of the sword , but was an evangelist : paul wrote not to titus to banish the heretick , the rejecting here is a spirituall censure performed by previous admonitions . . what can the magistrate as the magistrate do to this ? . the magistrate is a lord , and hath by gods appointment a lordly dominion over those that are under him ; the minister is only a minister , a servant , a preco , or herald , and hath dominion in the church , luk. . , &c. now those over whom the magistrate hath a civill dominion as a magistrate , over those he may exercise that lordly dominion of the sword : but the magistrate as the magistrate , may use no lordly dominion of the sword over the church as the church , to preach , exhort , rebuke , admonish , excommunicate , to judge those that are within , as the church may do , cor. . . ergo , the magistrate as the magistrate , cannot be the supream and highest church officer , having under him church officers , as his servants and deputies to preach and censure as , à & sub , under and from him , because as a magistrate he carrieth not that which hath any power over the conscience , that is , he carrieth no● the word of the spirit , as a magistrate , but the sword bodily to punish evil doers . . he who by office is chief overseer and watchman in the church , he must by office keep his own vineyard , and not be put to keep the vineyard of others , cant. . . he must watch for the souls of those , whom by office he keepeth as one that must give an accompt , heb. . . he must as a speciall watchman by his office , take heed to grievous wolves not sparing the flock , speaking perverse things , act. . . and , as a watchman he must blow the trumpet , and give early and seasonable warning to the people of the sword , ezek. . , &c. yea , he must watch for the souls of ministers and teachers , and by office , rebuke , admonish , censure , and punish them , and by office judge of their doctrine and discipline , and is over the people in the lord , and to admonish them , as thes . . and worthy of honour for well ruling , tim. . . but these the magistrate as the magistrate cannot do . . he keepeth another vineyard of the civill state , he is not pastor to the church as the church , over which the holy ghost hath set him , act. . . peter . , , . he is not to give an accompt for the soul● , and for the souls of pastors by his office , he may as a christian be his brothers keeper , to teach , admonish , col. . . and exhort , heb. . . he is not by office to blow the trumpet , as ezekiel was , ezek. . , . ezek. . , , , . he is not over the people in the lord to admonish them as a magistrate , as a magistrate he only is either to praise and reward well doing , or take vengence on evill doing , rom. . . nor doth paul think nero , tim. . . worthy of double honour , all those are proper to church-officers , the proposition is necessary ; because if the magistrate be the eminent and supream watchman over the pastors , as his under deputies and servants , then must the magistrate more eminently keepe the vineyard , and watch for the souls , both of pastors and people , feed the flock over which the holy ghost hath set him , be over the people in the lord , be worthy of double honour , as one that ruleth well , and is worthy of double honour ; and that by office : now . the word never warranted him in the old testament , to sacrifice , to burne incense to minister before the lord , to carry the ark : but god separated the priests and levites for this only ; and was it such a sinne for vzziah to burne incense ; and for vzziah to touch the ark , and for any to bear the ark but the levites ? and are not these things written for our instruction ? are we all now to bear the ark ? and are we all to dispense the word and sacraments ? when paul will not have women to teach in the church , and when god hath no lesse in the new testament separated some by the laying on of hands , and appointed a ministery in the new testament then he did in the old ? . where hath god in old or new testament set downe , that all those qualifications , in an eminent manner , and as principally due to the magistrate , as he hath described the qualification of the officers of the new testament in the epistles to timothy and titus , and the ephesians , ch. . v. , , , , , . tim. . cor. . rom. . . did christ put upon church-officers in the new testament , all the proper titles , priviledges and peculiar characters of their calling , as they are the deputies of claudius , tiberius , and nero ; so they had been christian princes ? this the adversaries must prove , and must all the epistles of paul to the churches of christ , and of iames and peter , iohn and iude , which concern church-officers be written : first and principally to the heathen emperours , as they be church magistrates , and church-officers jure , though they be in very deed enemies of the gospel , de facto ? it must put erastus and all his to paines to prove , that magistrates as magistrates were separated in the old testament to sacrifice , to burne incense , to bear the ark of the lord , and priests and levites , and prophets , were only the under servants and instruments of kings , and the like they must do in the new testament : but this is carefully to be observed ; that the adversaries , though they speake of government , and some yield , as master prynne doth , that there is such a thing as excommunication , especially , cor. . yet the truth is , they deny all church-government : for i desire to know , why they give to ministers of the gospel a power to try who are hereticks , apostates , and unworthy partakers of the holy things of god ; yea , such as may ordaine ministers , and reject hereticks after admonitions ; if iesus christ hath given this power of government beside preaching the word , i aske , quo jure , by what scripture , if by no warrant of christ : then it is unjustly given to them , and the apostles and teachers then had no right to it ; if there be a right , that by office pastors should know what is soundnesse in the faith , and integrity of conversation ; and so who are to be called to the ministery , who not , who are to be excluded totally from the church , as erastus and master prynne say , who not ; then what warrant hath the magistrate to limit the ministers of the gospel in this government , such as it is , more then in dispensing the word and sacraments ? surely except the magistrate put his hand to the arke without warrant in the one , he cannot in the other . they answer , the magistrate may limit the pastors in preaching , no l●sse then governing , because he may command the pastor to preach this and this , and if he preach not sound doctrine , he may punish him ; but i answer , this is no limitting of pastors in preaching ; because this the pastors may in the name and authority of god , exhort the magistrate to execute righteous judgement , ier. . and if he crush the poor and needy , and turne a tyrant , an heretick and an apostate ; the pastors may not only denounce wrath from the lord against them , but also judge them dogs and swine , and not dispense to them the pearls of the gospel , yet this is not the pastor limiting the magistrate as the magistrate doth limit the pastor , as his ambassadour and deputie , though the magistrate take care that physitians , painters , shoomakers , professors in academies and vniversities doe their dutie in their calling , and punish them , if they therein doe amisse , yet he limiteth not the painter to draw this way , not this way , nor hath he a negative voyce in acts of art , as he pretendeth a negative voyce in church-discipline . . nor can the pastor so command the magistrate in the name of god , to execute justice , as if he become a tyrant , an heretick , an apostate , he will not only remove him from the throne , and the bench , but he will set himselfe downe in the place of the erring magistrate , and judge righteous judgement for him , or in his place : for erastus saith that the magistrate may dispence word and sacraments ( if he had time and leasure ) as lawfully as the pastor ; and i have in another place observed , that many so make the king head of the church ( and the like must be said of the little heads of inferior magistrates , as of the great head ) as he is a mixed person , partly civill , partly ecclesiasticall and sacred , that is , by office , ruler and pope . . the magistrate doth limit the pastors only in positives , and in punishing and inflicting church censures , as they command to censure scandalous persons in such and such scandals , but in no other scandals more hainous ; yet in all the challenges moved by magistrates against pastors , the magistrate never made any challenge against pastors or synod , for their sinfull omissions and want of zeal in not censuring drunkards , adulterers , hereticks , court parasites , who injoy many benefices , and leave the flock , and i give instance , in the disputes of the divines of england making the king the head of the church ; court-divines accused never the pastors that they exceeded their limits in not censuring corrupt prelates , non-residents , pluralists , idle and unpreaching pastors , or idol-shepherds . . in the contests of holland , when the synod of frizland gave in a declinature to the senate , justifying the deposition of poppi● an unsound and scandalous minister , in all contests with arminians there , the controversie was ever for positives , that the church condemned and censured hereticks , never that the church had been slack in the matter of discipline . . in scotland in master blackes declinature , and when the ministers condemned to death and then banished , such as the godly and zealous servants of christ , master iohn welch , master iohn forbes , and others appealed to the assemblies of the church , for their standing for the liberties of the church and kingdome of christ . king iames did never quarrell with them , thus you have not done in your ministery , and assemblies , you have not excommunicated the marquesse of huntly a bloody man ; but it was for positives , thus and thus you have done against the mind and majestie of the king and authority . now corrupt pastors need as much to be limited in wicked omissions , as is clear : you are dumbe dogs and barke not , isai . . . and the diseased ye have not strengthened , neither have ye healed that which was sick , &c. ezech. . . as in exorbitances , in their positive zeal ; and this saith , that magistrates intend to intrude upon christs liberties , in this plea , rather then indeed to procure that the house of god may be builded and edified , or the liberty of the subject vindicated . and therefore the godly ought the rather to stand for the freedom of the kingdome of the lord iesus , which owe not this tribute to earthly princes ; since christ only is king , and raigneth in his owne church . chap. xxiv . quest . . of the reprocation of the subordination of the civill and ecclesiasticall powers to each , and their supremacie and independencie each from other . for the clearing of the question , i humbly offer these considerations to the reader . . there is subordination of the power , and a subordination of the person indued with the power , here to be considered . . so is there a supremacy of power , and a supremacy of the person . . there is a foure fold judgement here considerable ; . the first is apprehensive ( apprehensivum ) and common to both magistrate , christian , pastor , and all which must be given to all to whom we can ascribe conscience . . ( discretivum ) the knowledge of discretion , the connaturall guide and principle of every mans beliefe and obedience . . ( definiti●um ) of those that are in authority , and do command in the lord. . peremptorium et infallibile , the supream judgement of the king of the church , who cannot erre . the first is common to all , rom. . the second proper to christians , and is a judgement of faith , thess . . . ioh. . . and it must be builded on the first . the third is the authoritative judgement of the church , act. . . mat. . . and of judges , and it must be swayed by the second , both in the commander and the commanded . the fourth is iesus christs only , rom. . . cor. . . . it is one thing , that the power of the ministers be subject to the magistrate as the magistrate , and another thing that the persons of the ministers should be subject : not any office at all in their power , seems to me to be subordinate to either magistrate or minister ; because all lawfull power , and lawfull and profitable offices , and arts , in abstracto are from god , some of them immediately ; as the the gift of prophesying , healing , speaking with tongues , working of miracles , and the offices of apostle , evangelist , pastor , and teacher , ephe. . . those be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gif●s and graces above nature , that god without the interveening of human reason , hath devised for a supernaturall end , the edifying of his body the church ; mens will and reason may interveen in the designation of persons to some of those offices , as that iohn , thomas , qualified as tim. . be pastors , or teachers . but if we speak of the power of the ministery , in abstracto , without connotation of the persons in concerto , then the power , or the office it selfe is not subordinate to the ministers of the gospel as ministers ; far lesse to the magistrate as the magistrate , because it dependeth upon none on earth , minister or magistrate ; but the only good pleasure of him , who when he ascended to heaven , gave gifts unto men , that there is such an office as minister , pastor or teacher ; and the church cannot create a new office of a prelate ; because of its nature it tendeth to a supernaturall end , the governing of christs body , in a way to life eternall , purchased by christ : now the question in this sense , whether the power of the ministery be subordinate to the magistrate in its constitution , it is alike in its subordination to magistrate and minister ; certain it is subordinate to neither . other lawfull and profitable offices and arts are from god , mediately , possibly by the intervening acts of rationall nature , though magistracy be from god , rom. . . yet it would seeme , god by the naturall reason of men , might devise and constitute the very office of magistracy in abstracto , and the art of sayling , painting , &c. yet is there no subjection of power to power here , by way of dominion : hence the question must be of the subordination of the power , quoad exercitium , whether ministers in the exercising of their ministeriall calling be subordinate to the magistrate as the magistrate ? . dist . a judge is one thing , and a just judge another thing , so here are we to distinguish between a magistrate , and a christian magistrate . as . a husband is one thing , and a christian husband another thing , a captaine is one thing , and a christian , and a beleeving centurion or captain , such as cornelius , acts . is another ; a physitian is one thing , and a gracious physitian is another thing ; sure a heathen husband hath the same jus maritale , the same husband power in regard of marriage union , that a christian and beleeving husband hath . . a magistrate and a christian magistrate may be one and the same magistrate , with one and the same magistraticall power , as being first heathen magistrate , as sergius paulus , act. . , . and there after converted to the faith . paulus was no lesse a civill deputie , when heathen then when christian , and not more a deputy as touching the essence of a magistrate , when a christian beleever , then he was before when a heathen ; yet to be a magistrate , and to be a beleeving magistrate , are two different things , even as christianity is a noble ornament , and a gracious accident , and to be a magistrate , is as it were the subject , even as a man , and the accidents of the man , are two different things . . there be two things here considerable in the magistrates office . . there is his jus and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 magistraticall power , or the authority officiall , the power of office to beare the sword . . there is aptitudo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a speciall heavenly grace of well governing ; this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a gift or grace of god , to use that power for christ . these two make one christian husband , one christian captain , physitian , master , in relation to to the wife , souldiers , sick , servants : now the magistrate heathen as magistrate , even nero , when the church of god is in his court and dominions , hath the same jus , the same authority and officiall power , to be a keeper of both tables of the law , and to defend the gospell , and to command the preachers and synods to fulfill their charge , and to see that the officers doe their dutie , and to punish dumbe dogs , idolaters , excommunicated persons , to drive away with the sword false teachers from the flock , he hath i say the same magistraticall power , while he is a heathe● , and when he is converted to the christian faith , and he is equally head of men that professe christ , when heathenish as when christian ; but in neither states , is he the head of the body the church , and you give not to cesar the things that are cesars , if you make converted nero , because a magistrate , now the head of the church , and deny non-converted and heathenish nero to be the head of the church ; for he is a magistrate with compleat power of the sword , in the one case , as in the other , that he neither doth , nor can use the sword for the church , it is from nero his state of infidelity that he is in as a man , and not the fault of his office , for when paul saith , the husband is the head of the wife ; doth hee meane a christian husband onely , and exclude all heathen husbands ? no , for then the wife were not to be subject to the husband , if a heathen and an unbeleever , which is against pauls mind , cor. . and the law of nature . but the converted magistrate , who was before a heathen magistrate , hath a new aptitude , facul●y and grace to keep both tables of the law , and to govern in a civill way , and indirectly the affaires of christs kingdome : hence the adversaries clearly contradict themselves by confounding those two , a magistrate and a christian magistrate , one while they give supream power over the church to the magistrate as the magistrate , sometime to the magistrate as christian . so vtenbogard in his book de officio , & authoritate supremi magistratus christiani in rebus ecclesiasticis p. . and p. . hoc addo , ut intelligatur magistratum , cum religionē christianam amplectitur , non acquirere novam authoritatem , sed quod eam authoritatem , quam ante etiam in rebus religi●nis & ●ultus divini , habebat authoritatē , — rectè utitur : if the magistrate when he becommeth a christian , acquireth no new authority as a magistrate , but onely useth well his old authority , in matters of religion and of gods worship , which he had before , while he was heathen , as he saith , then the heathen magistrate as a magistrate hath a supreame power in church matters , and yet in the same place he draweth the state of the question to a christian magistrate . de solo christiano magistratu acturus . the arminians in their apologie , fol. . ( as saith their declaration ) speake onely of the christian magistrate , and yet page . potestati enim supremae , sive architectonicae , qua potestas suprema est , jus hoc ut competat , ratio ordinis , sive boni regiminis , natura sua postulat , — si magistratui qua tali jus hoo competit , ●rgo multo magis competit magistratui christiano . sure , if the magistrate , in generall ▪ and as the magistrate , have a supream authority in the government of the church , such as the adversaries contend for , then the christian magistrate farre more must be head of the church , and so the magistrate as the magistrate must be supreame governour , and judge in all ecclesiasticall causes , and in these same causes , he must not be iudge as a magistrate , but as a christian . nor can they make a christian magistrate , à medium per participationem utriusque extremi , a middle betweene a magistrate and a christian . . for where is there such an office in either church or state ? for so a christian magistrate as a christian magistrate should be ens per aggregationem , a thing composed of magistracy and christianity , as a christian physician , a christian painter ; and then the question should be , whether judgeth he as a magistrate , or as a christian ? as we may aske whether a christian painter painteth as a painter or as a christian : not as a christian , for then all christians should be painters ; and a result of both should neither be a magistrate nor a christian , but middle between both , which fighteth with reason and sense . some say , the power of the magistrate in a christian magistrate who knoweth the doctrine of the gospell , and hath help of the counsell and light of godly pastors and teachers , is perfecter then in heathen magistrates , and therefore this power as not christian or heathenish , governs men as men , but as christian , it governeth them as christian m●n . but the learned and worthy professor jac. triglandius saith this is said without probation , for ( saith he ) men as christians are members of the church , and so are not governed but in an ecclesiasticall way ▪ and where hath the lord commanded the christian magistrate to governe the sheep of christ , as the sheep of christ ? then ( say i ) . the magistrate must governe the church as the church , and so rule over the conscience of men in relation to eternall happinesse , by promising to them temporall rewards , and by compelling them by the sword , to be carried toward eternall beatitude ; for to rule the church as the church , is to direct and lead them by spirituall means , word , sacraments and discipline , to heaven , which the magistrate as a magistrate cannot do by the sword ; and what he doth as a christian ▪ that he must do in a spirituall way , not with a secular arm and power as magistrate ; and the two powers of a magistrate and of a christian , cannot coalescere , grow together in one office which is made up of both , as of two parts , being in nature and spece different , no more then of a horse and a lyon you can make a third living creature . it is true , by grace and christianity , the power of the magistrate is perfected , and an excellent lustre added to it , but not one degree of magistraticall power is added to it , by which the magistrate doth rule men as christians , and as a church : for as the office of a magistrate doth not promote the man one step nearer to saving grace ; so christianity maketh not the heathen magistrate more a magistrate , nor giveth him a new sword over the church as the church , which he had not before ; nor doth it take any magistraticall power from him , no more then a heathen husband , master , physician , being converted to christ , is more a husband , more a master or physician , then he was before : the former power is only spiritualized , and graciously facilitated in its acts , but not one whit augmented in its entitative degrees of power over the wife , the souldiers , the servants , the sick . triglandius excellently : the christian magistrate converted , is sanctified , but he acq●ireth no new right over the church : so meat is sanctified by the word and prayer , but it is not more meat , nor doth more nourish , because sanctified . . distinct . the exercise of the ministeriall power in dispensing word , sacraments , discipline , falleth under a fourfold consideration , which , because it cleareth a necessary point , i desire may be carefully observed by the reader : . the simple exercise of that power is considered sine modo , without any qualification , good or evil , orthodox , or heterodox , as the christian magistrate procureth by his care , that there should be a ministery to dispense word , sacraments , and disciplin● ▪ . the second consideration of this exercise , is , the exercise of power soundly and painfully , in the fear of the lord , the magistrate exhorting them thereunto for conscience . . the third consideration is the exercise of the same , in a corrupt and wicked way and manner , either negligently or wickedly , or for evil ends . . the fourth consideration is the free and peaceable exercise of this power without bodily violence . hence i intreat the reader to carry along in his ●ye , . the simple exercise of the ministeriall power . . the just and godly , sound and laudable exercise . . the wicked and corrupt exercise , or the abuse thereof . . the peaceable exercise . hence , our . assertion : the magistrate as the magistrate is to procure that there be preachers and church-officers to dispense word , sacraments , and discipline : for . his end is , that people under him may lead a quiet and a peaceable life in godlinesse and honesty , tim. . . and the magistrate attaineth his end as a magistrate , if there be simple exercise of religion in the quiet and peaceable way , that may consist with the subjects indempnity , and immunity , from rapine , injuries , and violence . . the difference between the magistrates and other callings , is , that the magistrate was to take care of old , that there were levites who bare the ark , and , priests who should burn incense before the lord , and sacrifice ; and yet it was unlawfull for the magistrate to bear the ark on his own shoulders , or in his own person to burn incense or sacrifice ; so the physicians hinder that diseases rage amongst the subjects , and the magistrates do also hinder that they should rage : but the physians hinder them by curing diseases , and the magistrate hinders them not by curing diseases ; for then he should as a magistrate also be a physician , but by procuring that there should be physicians in the common-wealth . the magistrate hindreth ignorance , and losing ships by tempests , not by professing and teaching sciences and arts in academies in his own person , nor by steering ships , and guiding them himself to their ports , for so a magistrate as a magistrate should be a schoolm●ster , a professor of arts and sciences in the universities , and a pilot or shipmaster , which were a confounding of all callings ; but by procuring that there should be universities and professors of arts and sciences , and by providing honorable stipends and wages for them , and procuring that in the common-wealth there should be sailers who are skilled in shipping : and so doth the magistrate by his office take care , that the word , sacraments and discipline , be dispensed . . but the magistrate as the magistrate doth no● command sincere , hearty , zealous , and affectionate dispensing of word , sacraments a●d discipline : but only the dispensing of those without the qualification of the spirituall , or sincere exercise of the power ; because , . the magistrate cannot command that as a magistrate , which he cannot judge of , whether the thing commanded be consonant to his command , or not : but the magistrate as the magistrate cannot judge of the spirituallity , sincerity , zealousnesse , affectionatenesse of that obedience , which the church yieldeth to his command : for if the pastors dispense word and sacraments , and binde and loose by the keys following the rules of the word , the magistrate cannot judge the heart or intention , whether they do those with conscience to god , and reverence and subjection of spirit to his holy law , nor can the manner of doing be proved by witnesses to the magistrate . . the magistrate as magistrate doth not command what he doth not praise or reward , for well doing is the object of the magistrates praising and rewarding power , rom. . . but as a magistrate he doth not praise and reward the qualification , or spirituality , or sincerity of pastors dispensing of word and seals ; if they feed the flock , the magistrate is to take care they be rewarded with wages , no● can the magistrate as the magistrate withhold praise or wages from labourers in the vineyard , because they preach christ out of envy , as some did phil. . . or because they feed not the lambs out of a love to christ , as they ought to do , ioh. . , , . it is true , magistrates as godly men , may love and commend sincerity in faithfull labourers , and hate the contrary ; but this they do as christian men , not as magistrates , not by their office , and authoritatively . . magistrates command that as magistrates , the not doing of which they can a● magistrates punish with the sword , for the object of their vindicative and revenging power is ill doing , rom. . . but if pastors feed the flock and rule them , the magistrate cannot use the sword against the feeders , for that they want sincerity , love , cheerfulnesse in the manner of doing these things , for the sword of the magistrate doth only reach men for their externall facts , not for opinions in the mind , not for crooked intentions , not for hollow-heartednesse , hypocrisie , infidelity in the manner , or inward principles of the actions . ii. asser . when magistrates command churchmen to do their duty , and to feed the flock , sincerely , and in the fear of the lord , they do it not as magistrates ; but as touching the manner , they may exhort them to do their duty sincerely , cordially , and zealously as godly men ; hence that charge that king iehoshaphat gave to the priests and levites , chron. . . this shall ye do in the fear of the lord faithfully , and with a perfect heart , is a mixt command , as touching the judging of the people in all causes and controversies that should come before them ; the king as king commanded them to do this : but for the manner of the doing of it , that they should do it faithfully in the feare of the lord , and with a perfect heart ; this he commanded them not as a king , but exhorted them to it , as a godly & religious man : for . any godly man might have said this , and the king might have punished the levites and priests , if they had not judged the causes according to the law. but though they had not judged in the fear of the lord , and with a perfect heart ; yet could not the king as king have punished them therefore , nor can any say , that the spirituall exhortation of hezekiah , chron. . to the priests and levites , came from him as king , but as from a graced and religious man ; as king he might command them to sanctifie themselves legally , for so they were to do by office ; and he might use the sword against them , if they failed in that ; and as king he may command all externall duties , not only to church-men , but to all others ; only he cannot punish them for failings in the spirituall manner of doing externall duties ▪ ▪ a spirituall and christian exhortation ex conditione operis , and intrinsecally , hath influence on the conscience to turne the soul to god. but nothing that the magistrate can do as a magistrate , hath such an influence on the conscience , all that he doth as a magistrate and directly , is toward the outward man , by rewards and punishments ; if the magistrate remove false teachers and wolves , which would devour the flock , and if that work upon the conscience , it is indirectly and by accident , for , quoad actus imperatos , he can command that the gospel , which hath a kindly and intrinsecall power to work upon the conscience , be preached ; if the magistrate convince the conscience of a murtherer , that he hath failed against the law of god , he doth not that as a magistrate , but as a godly and religious man ▪ he may convince him as a magistrate , that he hath failed against the lawes of the state , and bands of humane society , and externall peace , and scarce that , for ignorantia juris nemime●● excusat . obj. . it may be objected against this : if the elders not only omit to do their duty , but also if they erre in the nature and quality of what they do , the magistrate is to punish ; ergo , the magistrate not only commandeth the church to do the externall facts ▪ but also commands the facts with such and such qualities : the antecedent is proved because the magistrate not only punisheth the omission of a church duty , as if pastors preach not ; but also if they preach not ●al● modo , orthodox and sound doctrine . ans . we never denied but the magistrate commandeth both the exercise of church power simply , and the man●er and such qualifications as are externall and obvious to the knowledge of the magistrate , such as blasphemous and false doctrine is ; but we deny that as a magistrate he doth command those things that ar● internall and invisible , that is , the spirituallity of the actions ; he can exhort and stirre men up to the spirituallity and sincerity of doing as a godly and christian man. obj. . the pastors and guides of the church as such , do only command externall obedience , for they can onely in ●oro ecclesiae , in the court of the church censure externall disobedience before men , the heart and sincerity thereof is no more obvious to the eye of elders , then of magistrates . ans . . i deny the connexion of the antecedent ; for elders may command as elders , more then the not doing of which they can censure , which the magistrate cannot do ; for elders have committed to them the word of reconciliation , as the ambassadors of christ . now the word hath an immediate influence on the conscience , on the thoughts and intents of the heart , cor. . , , . cor. . . cor. . . ps . . . heb. . , . and therefore their ministery hath action on the thoughts ; yet can they not in the externall court of the church , censure the thoughts , as not being able to see them , but the gospel which they preach can arraigne the conscience and thoughts ▪ cor. . , . but the magistrate carrieth not such a message , and therefore his magistraticall command can reach no farther then his temporall praise and reward , and his sword ; and that is commensurable and of equall latitude with those . obj. . the object of the magistrates power , is well doing , and ill doing , both civill , and also supernaturall ; both for the first table , or as well for the spirituall acts of worship and religion in the first table , as for acts of iustice and mercy in the second table , rom. . , . isai . , . and you said elsewhere , that externall peace is too narrow an object for the magistrate , for the intrinsecall end of a magistrate is also a supernaturall good , and not only a peaceable , but also a godly life , tim. . . ans . it is true , the magistrate as the magistrate doth care for the supernaturall good of subjects , and the duties of religion , and the first table , but how ? intrinsecally and as a magistrate , that is , that men worship god according to his word : but , . the magistrate as such hath nothing to do with the spirit , nor can he command the sincerity of the worship ; his care is that there be a divine worship , that is , materially and externally right and consonant , externally to the rules of the word ; and for this cause learned divines make the externall man the object of the magistrates office ; but not the externall man as doing the duties of the second table only , but also as serving god in the duties of the first table : for which cause i said augustine meant the same , when he said , that kings serve god as men and as kings . . magistrates as magistrates are to extend their power for christ ; that is , that not only there be iustice and peace amongst men , but also that there be religion in the land , yea , that the gospel be preached ; so all our divines make the king to be custos ●t vindex utriusque tabule : yea , i think he is a keeper and preserver of the gospel also , and is to command men to serve christ , and professe the gospel , and to punish the blaspheming of iesus christ : and this is royall and magistraticall service that the king as king performeth to god , and to iesus christ the mediator , ex conditione operis , in regard that good which he procureth as king , materially and externally , is consonant to the supernaturall law of the gospel , but it is not magistraticall service to christ ex intentione operantis . obj. . when it s required that the magistrates be men fearing god , hating coveteousnesse , &c. is not this an essentiall ingredient of an king as a king , that he read in the book of the law , that he may feare god , deut. ? ans . there is a twofold goodnesse here to be considered , one of the magistrate as a magistrate , another as a good and christian magistrate . the former is an officiall goodnesse , or a magistraticall prudence , justice , and goodnesse ; this is required of all magistrates as such , to judge the people : so the acts of an heathen magistrate done according to common naturall equity , by nebuchadnezzar , pilate , cesar , felix , festus , are to be acknowledged as acts of a lawfull magistrate , valide and no lesse essentially magistraticall , then if performed by king david ; and of this goodnesse the scriptures speak not as essentiall to a magistrate as a magistrate : but there is another goodnesse required of magistrates as they are members of the iewish church , and as they are christians , and of these the scripture speaketh ; and so magistrates not as magistrates , but as good and christian , are to be such as feare god , hate covetousnesse , respect not the face and favour of men ; so it s denied that the fear of god , hating of covteousnesse , are essentiall ingredients of kings as kings : for kings as kings intend justice , peace , godlinesse , materially considered , both ex conditione operis , and operantium . but for justice and righteous judgement in a spirituall and an evangelick way , that belongeth not to the essence of a magistrate nec ex conditione seu ex intentione operis , nec ex conditione operantis : the holy ghost requireth it of judges , as they would approve themselves as truly holy and religious , and would be accepted of god , and in this sense kings as kings do not serve god , nor the mediator christ , nor yet as men ; only they serve god and the mediator christ as christian kings , or as christian men rather . iii. according to that third member of our seventh distinction ; the unjust and evil exercise of the ministeriall power , is obnoxious to the magistrate as the magistrate , thus , in that he beareth the sword against all evil doers , ro. . . the magistrate as the magistrate doth only command well doing , in order to praise and a good name , or temporall reward amongst men , rom. . . do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the power , tim. . . matth. . . nor can the magistrate as the magistrate promise , or command the elders to feed the flock , with the promise of the reward that peter promiseth , pet. . . to wit , that when the chief shepheard shall appear ; they shall receive a crown of glory that fadeth not away . the magistrate as a preacher ( if he be one , as david and solomon were both ) or as a godly religious christian man , may hold forth such a promise , but not as a magistrate , and upon the same ground the magistrate as the magistrate cannot forbid careles , unsound preaching , and rigorous and tyrannicall ruling or rather domineering over the flock , under the pain of death eternall : for he can but kill the body , and hath but the carnall and temporall sword , rom. . . and so he can inhibite ill doing only in order to temporary punishment , and though the duty of the former be spirituall , and the sinne of the latter also , yet the externall man is capable only of the magistrates promises and threatnings , as they respect evill or good temporary ; so that it is a wonder to me , that m. pryn or any learned man can say that magistrates can make lawes to binde the conscience , sure it is ill divinity . . if there never had been sin , there should have been no government but of fathers and husbands , there should have been no magistraticall dominion , not any magistraticall allurement to weldoing by temporall rewards , not any terrifying from evill doing , from fear of the sword , death , stripes , or bands , and god governed the apostolick church , and they attained the crowne and supernaturall end of life eternall , without the accessory hire of a a temporary reward from the magistrate , and the subsidy of his sword ; ergo , it is evident that the magistrate is neither an essentiall , nor an integrall part of the visible church as the visible church , injoying all the ordinances of god , word , sacraments , discipline , censures , rebukes , admonition , excommunication , prayers , mutuall edification , in as great perfection , as is happily attainable in this life without , yea , against the will of the civill magistrate : though it be a great incouragement to have the king a nurse-father ; yet hath not christ counted it simply necessary to his visible church injoying all the ordinances of god to the full . . if the magistrate do only command the teachers and pastors to preach and determine synodically , in order to a temporall reward , and forbid them to abuse their ministeriall power in order to temporary punishment , by the temporary sword ; then surely the pastors and teachers are not subjected to them in conscience , after any ecclesiasticall way , for the power of commanding in magistrates as magistrates must be commensurable to the power of punishing the transgressors of the command ; if the one be in order to a temporary good , the other cannot but be in order to an eternall ill ; if ministers command in the name of christ , in order to an eternall reward , they cannot threaten the transgressors in order to a temporary punishment , but it must be in order to an eternall punishment : so that it is most clear , that the magistrate though he be in some sense a little god , and invested with the authority and majesty of god , in that he commandeth and threatneth upon proposall of temporary reward , and temporary good , the very same duties that god injoyneth , and forbiddeth the same evills of sinne that god forbiddeth ; yet he holdeth not these out to the soul and conscience of the subjects , as the ambassador of iesus christ , upon condition of eternall life , if they obey , and of eternall death , if they disobey ; but he holdeth out to the external man these that are materially divine commandements & divine inhibitions , but in another consideration ▪ but formally only they are the mandates of the magistrates in order to temporary reward and temporary punishment . then the ministers as ministers in preaching and synods , forbid adultery , incest , murther ; but they propose them to those that are within the visible church ; and that , . to their consciences , . under the paine of eternall wrath . . as the ambassadors of christ craving spirituall subjection of conscience , and divine faith to those charges : but magistrates as magistrates hold forth in their law-abstinence from those same sinnes of adultery , incest , murther ; but , . not to the consciences of their subjects , but to the outer man as members of the common-wealth . . not under the paine of eternall wrath and condemnation , before the judge of quick and dead : magistrates as magistrates have neither calling , office , place nor power to threaten or inflict eternall punishment ; if magistrates do perswade the equity of abstinence from adultery , incest , murther , in their statutes , or acts of parliament , from the word of god , from the sixth and seventh command of the decalogue , from the judgement and eternall punishment that followeth these sinnes , they so perswade not as magistrates , but as divines , and as godly and christian men ; yet my sense is not that the magistrate can lawfully command obedience in matters of religion not understood or knowne by the subjects , that were to exact blind obedience ; but my meaning is , that the magistrate as the magistrate holdeth not forth his commandements to teach and informe the conscience , as pastors do , but he presupposeth that his mandates are knowne to be agreeable to the word of god , and proposeth them to the subjects to be obeyed . . magistrates as magistrates hold forth in their law , abstinence from these sinnes , not as the ambassadors of christ , craving subjection of co●science and divine faith to those charges , but only externall obedience : for though ministers as ministers crave faith and subjection of conscience to all commandements and inhibitions , as in christs stead , co. . . yet the magistrate as the magistrate doth not crave either faith or subjection of conscience , nor is he in christs stead , to lay divine bands on the conscience , to submit the soul and conscience to beleeve and abstaine , he is the dep●●y of god as the god of order , and as the creator , and founder , and another of humane societies , and of peace , to exact externall obedience , and to lay bands on your hands , not to shed innoceat blood , and on your body not to defile it with adultery , or incest , nor to violate the ch●st●●y of your brother ; hence it is evident , that the adversaries are far our ▪ who would have ministers who do hold forth commands , that layeth hold on the conscience and craveth faith and soul-submission under the paine of eternall wrath , to do and act as the deputies and vicars of those who have nothing to do with the conscience , and have neither office nor authority to crave soul submission , or to threaten or inflict any punishment , but such as is circum●cribed within the limits of time , and which the body of clay is capable of ; yea , when the magistrate punisheth spirituall sinnes , heresie , idolatry , he punisheth them only with temporary punishment . obj. . when a minister speaketh that which is treason against the prince in the pulpit , by way of doctrine , the church only doth take on them to judge him , and censure him , and he will not answer the civill judge for his doctrine , but decline him , and appeal to a synod ; and yet if another man in private speak these same words of treason , he is judged by the civill judge , and can give no de●linature against this civill judicature , this must be unequall dealing , except the civill judge may by his office , judge whether the minister spoke treason or not . ans . it cannot be denied , but that which is spoken by way of doctrine by an ambassador , speaking the word in publick , and that which is spoken in private , although the ●ame words , are very different : for a private man in private to slander the prince may be treason , he hath no place , nor calling to speak of the prince , but a pastor hath a calling as the watchman of the lord of hosts to rebuke ▪ herod for incest , and in a constitute church , the church is to try whether iohn baptist preached treason or not . . if it be a slander of the prince and treason indeed , the prophet who preached it , is first subject to the prophets , who are to condemne and censure him , and then the magistrate is to inflict bodily punishment on him for it ; but the church should labour to gaine the slanderers soule , before the civill judge take away his life . iv. assert . the magistrate de jure is obliged not only to permit , but also to procure the free exercise of the ministery in dispensing word , sacraments , and discipline , and owe his accumulative power , to convene synods , to adde his sanction to the lawfull and necessary constitutions and ordination of worthy , and to the deposition of unworthy officers in the church . . because he is a nurse-father in the church , isa . . . and by office , as a publike father , to procure the good of the soules of the subjects in his coactive way , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlines and honesty , tim. . . . he is not onely to permit , but also positively to procure all peace , in the exercise of all lawfull and profitable trades and arts ; ergo , farre more that glory may dwell in the land , and that the peace thereof may be as a river , isa . . . by the presence of christ walking in the midst of the golden candlesticks . v. assertion . when the magistrate commandeth painfull and sound administration in preaching and governing , with provision of the praysing and rewarding of well doing , he doth not subordinate to himselfe the ministery in its exercise . . because this promise is accumulative , and of a temporall reward , for the magistrate as the magistrate cannot promise that which peter promiseth ; that . ▪ pet. . . when the chiefe shepheard shall appeare , they shall receive a crowne of glory that fadeth not away , he may as a christian promise that , but for a temporall reward for men , no man for being faithfull in the house of god , hath that unseparably annexed to his labours , by a literall promise in scripture , and therefore it is onely accumulative . . right and sound preaching and governing in gods house , cannot from this be said to bee subjected to the magistrate as a magistrate , in regard that this is an accidentall hire , and an externall and accessorie good , which the church as the church , and the most faithfull prophets , apostles , and pastors have wanted , and yet have attained the end of a church as a church visible , nor is this a promise made to the church as the church or the ministers thereof as such , for the apostolick church that was most poor , had neither thing , nor name , nor promise , but by the contrary , the kings and rulers did conspire against the kingdome of the son of god. vi. assertion . though the magistrate may both threaten to inflict , and actually inflict the ill of temporall punishment on ministers , if they be either idle or unsound in their administration ; yet thence can onely be concluded that the male administration of the ministerie is subjected to the magistrate as such , but not the ministery it selfe , or the exercise thereof . . the male administration of any office is accidentall to the office . . this subjecteth the erring person , not the teaching minister to the civill magistrate . nor doth this make the ministers in the exercise of their office , properly subordinate to the ministers , but onely so farre as the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets . vii . assertion . there is a twofold subordination of the exercise of male administration of ministers ; one civill , another ecclesiasticall : these two differ , so as the former must be subordinate to the magistrate who is to inflict bodily punishment , but the latter is onely subject to the church . the judiciall determination according to the word of god , for the informing of the conscience and gaining to the truth the erring ministers , is proper to the colledge of ministers ; and in this if the colledge of ministers erre , they are also punishable , and the magistrate is to command them to judge and determine , de novo , over again : the magistrate in a constitute church is to determine civilly , and sentence , and civilly punish the ministers that either are dumbe dogs , and will not barke , or that perverts the souls of people with false doctrine , and where the church is constituted , it is presumed that the priests , whose lips should preserve knowledge , have determined in an ecclesiasticall way , the very same which the iudge civilly is to determine , not because the church hath so determined , but because he judgeth in his conscience it to be according to the word of god. viii . assertion . the ministers are in no sort the ambassadors or servants of the magistrate , but of iesus christ , and immediately in their ministeriall acts subordinate to the king of kings . . they declare the truth in the name of christ , their master and lord , not in the name of the magistrate , as the arminians make the steps of the subordination . . the word of god. . the magistrate carrying gods sword . . the preachers of the gospell ; for then the preachers should hear the word of the magistrate first , and have the minde of christ spoken and revealed to them immediately from the magistrate , but mediately onely by the mediation of the magistrate , the minde of christ . . there should be in every christian kingdome , where there is a king , a civill pope , having directly both the swords , not with the distinction of iesuites , of dixectly and directly , and as they say , the pope hath the temporall sword , indirectly and in ordine ad spiritualia , in order to spirituall things , and and how many inferiour magistrates , so many civill popes , onely they shall not be infallible . arminians say that this collection is from envie , because we ( say they ) deny a headship and supremacy of power of governement , to your pastors and elders in all your parishes , which maketh the church a monster with many heads ; therefore you put this , for envy upon the magistrate , who yet hath the word of god above him , which the pope hath not , who setteth himself above the word of god. ans . . if we give a supremacy royall , and princely to the ministers , which they call archi●ectonica , as the adversaries doe to the magistrate ; multitudes of popes behoved to be in the church ; but we make them meer heralds , trumpeters , and messengers to relate the will of god , void of all royall power , and having neither earthly majesty , power , nor sword. . it is not our argument , that in which they conceive we repose , to wit , that we thinke the adversaries resolve all ultimatè , and last which concerneth the government of the church , in the will of the magistrate , as on an infallible rule , we grant they teach that the word of god is to rule the magistrate in the matters of the first table , and justice and equity in the things of the second table , but they say this in words onely , but the magistrate as magistrate may mould out of his high dominion what church government he will , and this by consequent resolveth all in the magistrates will ; and that they teach , that when the magistrate doth command against the word of god , then it is better to obey god then men . and . this we infer as an absurdity that they cannot shun that there is such a new officer , a new church head , a creature most like a pope in every christian kingdome brought in the church , who is above bishops , pastors , doctors , who by office must carry the minde of god to pastor and people , who hath the keyes of the house to make and unmake , call and send , recall and exantorate ministers as his servants and heralds . . looke what power the magistrate as a magistrate hath in civill affaires , the same hath he in dispensing word , sacraments , admitting to , or rejecting from the sacraments , calling of ministers , excommunicating by this way , and so by office , he is no lesse essentially a pastor to watch for the soule , then he is a civill judge . . how doth this confound the two kingdomes ? the kingdome that is of this world , and fighteth with the sword ; and the kingdome that is not of this world , and fighteth not with the sword ? if the magistrate as the magistrate and armed with the sword , be the supream head over both , and as he beareth the sword have a carnall dominion over the church as the church ? . if god have made the subordination of ministers as ministers , and servants of the magistrate as a magistrate , then the visible church hath no ordinary right , to ordinances , word , sacraments , discipline , but by the magistrate ; and all that the churches did in the apostles times , or the first three hundred yeers after christ , being contrary to the magistrates will , must be either seditious , or then it was by no rule of the gospell , but by an extraordinary dispensation ; and we shall have no warrant for any dispensing of the word , and of seals , or government from the apostolique church , because all that must have beene beside the rule and extraordinary . . from this pretended subordination , as the supream magistrate may doe all that the inferiour magistrate may doe , because the king is eminently all that the inferiour magistrate is , and something more ; so may he dispense the word and sacraments , in regard that the king is by the same officiall power over the church as the church , in sacris , in all matters of religion , as in civill things , and containeth in him , in a high and eminent manner , all that the church and pastors can doe , as they are such , and because the king hath the same power , in all arts and trades , then by his royal power he might ( if he had time and leasure ) build houses , because of his royall eminency over all trades , he might sit at the helme of any ship , and steer and rule it , he might paint images , he might plow the ground , because he hath the like royall power over masons , sailors , painters , husband-men , carpenters , and the like , as he hath over the common-wealth , and the church ; we must then say that god hath called the king to all these to be a minister , a mason , a sailor , a painter , and if he had leasure , he hath gods calling to be a preacher , a sailor , as to be a king , yea , and that as king he is all these : now the apostle clearly distinguisheth between him who exhorteth and teacheth in the church , rom. . and him who is the minister of god , and beareth not the sword in vaine , rom. . and clearly insinuateth a distinction of calling , so that god never called one man to all callings , as it is cor. . . but as god hath distributed to every man , as the lord hath called every one , so let him walke , ver . . let every one abide in the same calling wherein he was called : and it is clear , if the king be a head in the body ▪ cor. . then he is not the feet , though he have need of the feet , for then the eye should be both eye and eare , and hand , and therefore the king cannot be all . pareus in rom. . saith , the king cannot doe some things ob defectum juris ex dei limitatione , he cannot preach . ans . ergo , preaching belongeth by divine right to another , and it s not subordinate to him , jure divino . . saith pareus , he wanteth law to use the wi●● of another man as his owne . ans . then the right of husband and wife is not subordinate to the king , so as he may use the right of a husband , because it is against the seventh commandement , nor can he invade the right of pastors to dispense word and sacraments , it being against the second commandment , he not being called thereunto . . other things ( saith he ) he cannot doe for want of skill , as to teach in a colledge , and others he cannot doe , because they are fordid , as to sew shooes . ans . if god have not called the prince to these , it is not onely sordid , but unlawfull for him to thrust his sickle in another mans field , for god must call to a lawfull calling , else men use a lawful thing unlawfully , so it is sordid and unlawfull for him to judge those , and the like . erastus i know roundly granteth that the king or any magistrate may lawfully dispence the word and sacraments , nothing hindereth him , but want of time , which is a better answer then others give , who hold the same principles with erastus , and that the king hath the same royall power in things civill and ecclesiastick , except the adversary flee to our distinction of power and persons , and of things civill and sacred , they shall never expede themselves . but the king ( say they ) is not capable of . the power of order , he cannot be a pastor , or a doctor . . he cannot as king be capable of internall power of jurisdiction , he cannot preach , he cannot dispense the sacraments , but he is ( say they ) capable of externall power of jurisdiction , to governe the church , excommunicate , to debarre apostates and hereticks from the sacraments , to create prelates , primates , metropolitans , and such cattell , to call and ordaine , make and unmake ministers , to make all canons and ecclesiasticall lawes , and appoint religious ceremonies , as holy surplice , crossing , oyle and spittle in baptisme , to create holy dayes , to command men to kneel to bread , and to order all the externall worship of god , and beside the word , to order many little and smaller things in the borders of worship externall , such as is some little idolatry , and superstition : and ( for ought i know ) by their way , who hold there is no certaine forme of government of gods house in the scripture , some harmelesse and innocent golden calves , as lawfull as religious symbolicall ceremonies . this power is no more due to the magistrate as the magistrate , then to dispense the sacraments , as i have said before : nor doe the arminians much honour the magistrate , who walking in the steps of erastus doe hold , that the magistrate having power of publique places , preachers are obliged not to preach in publike places , if the magistrate forbid them , but they may preach in private places . but . these same arminians hold that pastors are to preach whatever in their conscience seems to be the truth of god ; a principle of those who are for tolleration of all religions ; though iudaisme & turcisme , a way ( i am perswaded ) most abominable , and which the lord of his church will crush , when he shal bring down other antichristiā untruths to the ground ; now it seems to the conscience of papists and many hereticall teachers , that they are obliged to preach turcisme , & iudaisme in the temple , and in publike , & that distinction is false & vain , as it is in very deed contrary to the truth of god , to preach what they think the truth of god , & to preach it in publike or private , or in any place is indifferent as touching the place . . the lord hath no more given to magistrates power of places , or actions religious in places , then he hath given to them power of truths : ergo , they must be obliged in conscience , rejecting a ●●i● and saplesse distinction , to preach in publike places : for as that juditio●s and learned professor iac. triglandius saith , the place is accident all to the worship , and changeth not the nature of it ; and truly as that learned professor saith , it is a poor honour that they put on the magistrate , to limit all his power to places and stipends . . the apostles knew not this distinction , for they not only preached truth , the scribes and pharisees forbidding them ; but in publick places , and at all occasions , and dayly in the temple , and in every house , they c●●sed not to teach and preach iesus christ , act. . , . & . . . & . , . the magistrate being antichristian forbiddeth not preaching of saving truths , because of the place , be it private or publick ▪ but he forbiddeth them , because they are saving , and if iesus christ have called a man to preach in publick , in the house tops , the magistrate hath no power from god to silence him in publick more then in private ; the magistrate forbiddeth that any teach false doctrine , not for the place , but because it is injurious and hurtfull to humane societies that men should be principled in a false religion , and cannot but disturbe the publick peace . ix . asser . the christian magistrate must here come under a threefold consideration . . as the object of that high office is meerly and purely civill , and positive relating only to a civill end of peace : as in importing , or exporting of goods , of wooll , waxe , moneys for the good of the common-wealth , the crying up or crying downe of the value of coyned gold or silver , the making of lawes meerly civill ; as not to carry armor in the night in such a city : so in warre , commanders , captains and colonels are magistrates to order the battle , lay stratagems , the way of besieging townes , of fortifying castles , of issuing out mandates for the navy ; the parliaments power in disposing of fouling , fishing , hunting , eating of flesh , or not eating at such a time : all these ▪ as the word of god doth not particularly warrant the one side more then the other , are meerly civill and positive ▪ it is sure the magistrate hath a supremacy , and an independency above the church or ministers of the gospel in all these ; and as these prescinde from all morality of the first and second table , i hold that neither the power nor person of the magistrate is subordinate to the church and church-assemblies , and ministers of the gospel should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and exceed the limits and bounds of their calling , if they should meddle with these ; as the church should exceed their bounds , if they should make canons touching the way of sayling , painting , tilling the earth according to such and such principles of art , for these are without the sphere of the churches activity ; in this consideration that learned and grave divine doctor andrew rivetus in decalo in c. . saith well , pag. . that as we beleeve a man well skilled in his owne art , so that his judgement is a supream rule ; so the supream authority of the magistrate to us in things positive , is a rule ; for indeed it cannot be denied but there be arcana imperi● secrets of state that are not to be communicated to pastors or to any , in which the rulers have a supremacy . the magistrate falleth under a second consideration , as he giveth out lawes just or unjust , and executeth judgement in the morning , or suffereth the eyes of the poore , the widdow and orphane to faile for went of justice ; and in these he is not subject to the church and pastors so , but only as if he sinne in making lawes , the pastors may humbly supplicate that he would recall those unjust lawes , and judge over againe righteous judgement , and this exhorting of the pastors is a subjecting of the magistrate to the pastors quoad actus imperatos ; so have generall assemblies in the church of scotland humbly supplicated the king and parliament to retreat laws made against the liberties of the church , in savour of antichristian prelates and ceremonies ; but quoad actus elicitos : the church and pastors themselves cannot usurpe the throne , and give out civill lawes that are righteous , and judge righteously : for the poor in the place of king , parliament and iudges ; for in this also the judges are supream and independent , and subject only to god the creator , as his vicars and deputies in gods universall kingdome of power called universale regnum potentiae , by divines ; they are gods , and the shields of the world , and here only as they erre , not as they iudge , are they subject to rebukes and threatnings , and admonitions of the church and ministers of the gospel : even as the magistrate may command the pastors to preach and dispense the sacraments aright , but the magistrate himselfe can neither preach nor dispense the sacraments : so the schoolmen say , that the actions of the understanding depend on the will , quoad excercitium , the will may set the mind to think on this or that truth ; but not quoad specificationem . the will it selfe can neither assent , nor dissent from a truth , nor can the will command the mind to assent to a known untruth , or dissent from a known truth ; the mind or understanding naturally doth both , and this distinction holdeth in acts of the civill power , and in acts meerly ecclesiasticall ▪ the third consideration of the christian magistrate is as he is a man , and a member of a christian church who hath a soul to be saved , and in this , he is to submit to pastors , as those that watch for his soul , heb. . . as others who have souls to be saved . x. ass . hence i am not affraid to assert a reciprocation of subordinations , between the church and the magistrate , and a sort of collaterality and independent supremacy in their own kind common to both , for every soul , pastors and others , are subject to the magistrate as the higher power , in all civill things , rom. . , , , . tit. ▪ . pet. . , . mat. . . and all members of the common-wealth , being members of the church in soul-matters , are subject to the church and pastors in their authoritative dispensing of word , sacraments and church censures : nor are any magistrates or other who have souls excepted , heb. . . mat. . . mat. . ● . joh. . . act. . , , , . mat. . ● , , . so protestant writers who have written on this subject teach : as the learned walens , judicious trig. that most learned divine , and. rivetus ; the grave and learned professors of leyden , zipperus , calv. petr. cabel javi●● , reverend and pious m. iohn cotton , judicious p. mar. d. pareus , all the protestant confessions . the augustine confession distinctly of helvetia . the confession of sweden , the saxon. the english confession and that of scotland , all our divines ; while erastus , vtenbogard , hu. grotius , vedelius , ( bullinger , gualth●rus , going before them ; yet not every way theirs ) did teach the contrary . the arminians in holland did thus flatter the magistrate for their owne politick ends , and some court divines made the king of england head of the church , in the place of the pope , which p. mar. excused and expounded benignly ; some say it is against reason that there should be two supream collaterall powers , and especially in a mutuall subordination . but can we deny this reciprocation of subordinations ? it is evident in many things ; if the king be in an extream feaver , one of his own subjects , a skill'd physitian forbiddeth him to drink wine , the king is to obey him as a physitian , by vertue of the sixth command , as the king would not kill himselfe : and yet by vertue of the fifth command , the physitian being the kings subject , is subject to the laws of the king. the queen of scotland as a wife , was to be subject to her husband in the lord , as the word of god commandeth , ephes . . . and her owne husband not being king , but a subject , was to obey his wife , the princes and supream magistrate according to the word of god , rom. . . pet. . , . tit. . . yea , all arts have a sort of collaterall and co-equall dignity , and we are to believe a skilled artist in his owne art , though this artist be a servant , a vassal , a slave to those who do yeild to him in his owne art. chap. xxv . quest . . objections touching the subordinations of magistrate and church removed . there is nothing more hated by the adversaries then the pretended emulation of those two superlatives and highest powers : some object , . are not all powers on earth subject to the magistrate ? ministers of the gospel not excepted ; doth not the magistrate command the pastors to preach the word ? ans . all power deviating offensively , and to the disturbance of societies in morals , is subject to the civill power and the sword ; and every power failing against the law and gospel within the bosome of the church , is subject to the word of god , in the mouth of the ministers , who are nothing but servants and heralds ; so that the subjection is to god , not to the church , and in a spirituall and ecclesiasticall way : see p. martyr . lo. com. l. . c. . & seq ; it s but a poor evasion of vedelius , to say , that the magistrate is subject to the church catachrestice & abusive , unproperly and abusively . . because the ministers as the ambassadors of christ do properly and not abusively preach the gospel to magistrates . . magistrates are not unproperly the sheepe of christ ; yea , they are to the adversaries chief members of the church ; ergo , they are that way subject as other members , as pareus saith , com. rom. . nor , . will that prove any thing that the pastors are ministers , not lords : for to people and prince as they have souls to be saved , they are ministers , and by this people should abusively be subiect as well as magistrates : but vedelius freeth magistrates from subjection to pastors ; because they are subject to the word of god , not to pastors , but so are the people subject also the same way . obj. . then may the church censure all sinnes , even those that are most proper to the civill judge , such as sorcery , parricide , sodomie , for the which the magistrate is to draw the sword , and for which the lord made the land to cast out seven great nations . ans . the case is one within the church , and another without the church . . it is one in the case of a confused , or backs●●ding church , another in the church rightly constitute and pure ; without the church , god intendeth nothing , either in the intention of the worker or the work ; but the externall peace of humane society : then , i grant the magistrate is at the first without any previous labours of religious men , to save the soul of the offender , to take care of peace and the conservation of humane society ; but within the visible church , where the gospel is preached , it is presumed , that god intendeth salvation in regard of the intention of the work , the gospel being preached to all within the visible church ; if therefore any within the visible church , fall in horrible scandals , and such as are capitall , in the intention of gods dispensation , without the church , god intendeth nothing but peace ; but in regard of the intention of gods dispensation , within the church , where the gospel is preached , he intendeth both peace by the godly magistrates care and eternall life , by the preaching of the gospel ; because therefore life eternall is more necessary then externall peace , it is necessary that the church first labour to try , cognosce of , and cure the mans soul by rebukes , threats , conviction ; and ( if need be ) by excommunication , that the souls of many may be saved from the contagion of scandal , before the magistrate punish either to death , ( if the scandal so deserve ) or by any coactive way by the sword , the genuine fruit whereof is not repentance and gaining of the mans soul , except by accident and through the co-operation of a higher hand , above nature even of free grace ) but the externall peace of the common-wealth ; hence in a constitute church , the magistrate is not to proceed with the sword against the body of any member of the church , while the church first try and attempt how to save his soul ; therefore the magistrate is to sentence none as punishable by the sword , while first he be laboured on by the church , and upon a previous sentence of the church ; then must the magistrates judging of a scandalous church-member be subsequent , and the churches judging antecedent : but , . if the church be remisse , this is a defect ▪ and somewhat extraordinary ; if the magistrate command the church to do their duty , and they neglect to do it , the magistrates cognizance then may be antecedent and not consequent , and the case of a church erring in a fact , is , as if , in that fact , there were no church . obj. . those are subordinate to the church , whose judgement and sentences are subjected to the church , to be tryed or condemned by the church , but the judgement and sentences of the magistrate are subjected to the church ; ergo , and by the like they prove , pastors to be subjected to the civill magistrate , because their preaching , their dispensing of the seals , their sentences in their presbytery are subjected to the magistrate , so as he may absolve , or condemne . ans . vedelius shall never prove the major , as touching the subjection or subordination in question ; he is subject to the magistrate , whose sentence or judgement is subject , in an antecedent cognizance , and in a coactive corporall way , it is true : but now the assumption is false , in a constitute church , the sentence or thing sentenced or judged by the church , is subject to the magistrate in a subsequent cognizance , and in a corporall coactive way only : but not in an antecedent cognizance , and by a way of ecclesiasticall censuring ; we acknowledge a subordination of the churches sentence to the magistrate , in regard of the magistrates externall care to punish iniquity in any ; not in regard of intrinsecall judging and dealing with the conscience , the church is to give a reason of their sentence from the word of god , to the magistrate when he demandeth it . obj. . ministers as ministers are subjects of the king ; ergo , the king judgeth them as ministers . ans . i deny the antecedent : the ministery as such is an ordinance of god , and cannot be judged ; nor are ministers , nor painters as painters , nor musitians as musitians , nor saylors as saylors subjects ; these reduplications be consening and deceiving notions ▪ painters as painters are regulated by art , & subject to be judged by painters ; but as men they are subjects , & so are ministers as men subject to cesar ; as ministers they are the servants of christ , & not subjects . ob. as ministers they are either magistrates or subjects ; but ministers as ministers are not magistrates : he that is not with christ is against him , m. coleman in his brotherly examination , p. . saith , he that doth not manage his office under christ , and for christ , must manage it under the devil , and for the devil ; if therefore the christian magistrate do not manage his office under , and for christ , he must manage it under , or for the devil , which were blasphemous . ans . i deny the major proposition : ministers as ministers are neither magistrates , nor subjects ; but formally the separated servants of christ , set a part for the work of gathering the saints : now to be subjects , is to be judged by the magistrate in those things , in which they are subjects , that is , in all civill businesse they are , and false teaching discerned by the church to be false teaching , or in case the church corrupt themselves , then are ministers obnoxions to bodily punishment to be inflicted by the magistrate ; but this is properly to be a subject of the magistrate , to be lyable to the civill cognizance , trying , and bodily punishment inflicted by the magistrate , and to be a subject ; and a member of the other kingdome , is to be subject to the ecclesiasticall cognizance , tryall , and censure of the church , as a matter that concerneth the soul ; hence the former concerneth the body and outward man , the latter the inner man , and the soul . . the former concerneth peace with men and edification , to be procured by a mean extrinsecall to edification , to wit , by the sword ; the latter concerneth peace with god , by a spirituall sword , the word of god. . the former is carnall , and of the kingdome of this world ; the latter spirituall and of christs other kingdome , that is not of this world , ioh. . . . the former worketh by coaction and bodily violence ; the latter by removing unwillingnesse and making a rebellious soul obedient . . the former is an act of justice not terminated on repentance , or the mans turning to god , as an end ; for whether this end be obtained , or no , the magistrate is to use the sword , the other is terminated on repentance , as its end : he that is not with christ , is against christ , and with the devil ; it s true , in all professors of the gospel ▪ as professors , no man , but he must be either on the one side , or on the other , either for , or with christ , or against him : but it is not true with every reduplication ; thus ministers as ministers are subjects of , or to the king , and to obey him in the lord , and so with christ , hath this sense , ministers essentially and formally are subjects of , or to the king to obey him in the lord ; so as ministers do lose the essence and formality of the office of the ministery ; if they be not the kings subjects , and with christ ; this is most false , for iudas should not be a minister of christ then , in that he was not subject to the law of cesar , that is , that the servant and disciple should be for , and under his master and lord , it only followeth ; ergo , iudas was not a godly minister , but under the devil , not under christ ; magistrates do neither essentially as magistrates cleave to christ , nor ●ight against christ ; but as holy men they cleave to christ , as sinfull men they fight against christ . . master coleman knoweth that we speak of the office of a magistrate as a magistrate , not under the accidents of christian , or heathenish ; there was no reason he should apply his argument to the parliament , except to make us odious , as if we did not as much honour or pray for the parliament and king , as himselfe : but it concludeth equally against all magistrates , and let him see it in a heathen magistrate as a magistrate : for a heathen magistrate as a magistrate , doth either manage his office under christ , and for christ , or under the devil , and for the devil . this i and master coleman also shall deny , for a heathen magistrate as a magistrate , doth not manage his office under , or for christ , as mediator ; because he is utterly ignorant of christ , for he hath no more , but what god as creator and nature gave him , saith master coleman , pag. . and the other horne of the argument , is as weak for this , the heathen magistrate as such manageth his office under , or for the devil , is blasphemous , for so magistracy and the office should be intrinsecally unlawfull , and for the devil : but it is intrinsecally the ordinance of god , rom. . and apply this to god as creator , it shall appear of force . the magistrate as the magistrate , doth either manage his office under , and for god creator , or under , and for the devil . the former part is true , because god creator and nature made the office of magistracy , apply it to a heathenish husband , father , master , musitian , painter , under these reduplications and it shall make the relation of husband devilish , or this proposition , ( a husband , a father as a father , and a husband , manage their office , under , and for christ the mediator , or under , or for the devil ) is most false and blasphemous : the former part is false ; for there should have been , and was father and husband which did manage the duties of these relations , for god creator , not for christ mediator ; though christ had never taken on our nature , never been mediator , never been king and priest of his redeemed church . the latter part is blasphemous , for then adam had managed the part of husband and father under the devil , and for the devil , even before he fell in sinne , and in the state of innocency . . mr. colemans meaning is , that the magistrate as the magistrate , and by office is under christ mediator , as his supream and immediate vicegerent as mediator ; now in this sense , christs saying ( he that is not against us , is with us ) shall not prove the truth of the proposition , which must be this , and is most false , to wit , that ( the magistrate as the magistrate , by office , is either under christ mediator , as the supream and immediate vicegerent of him as mediator , or he is by office under the devil . ) this we deny , for one might argue thus of the apostle paul , who was either as an apostle for christ , or against christ ; paul as an apostle is either under christ the mediator , and his supream and immediate vicegerent , having power of both swords , or he is under the devil : the proposition is most false ; for paul is neither of them , so say we here ; the magistrate doth neither manage his office , as a magistrate under christ mediator , as his vicar , and a little head of the church ; nor yet doth the magistrate manage his office under , or for the devil , god save the magistrate , datur tertium , he is for christ as a christian , and as a christian ; but as a magistrate he is not for christ as mediator , that is , as having his office of christ as mediator , and being from christ a magistrate , that is , as m. coleman expoundeth it an officer , having power of both the swords : for mr. coleman saith , p. . christian magistracy is an ecclesiasticall administration ; ergo , he hath the power of the spirituall sword , and paul , rom. . saith , he hath from god the power of the other sword : yea , we cannot say that a magistrate as a magistrate , or a minister as a minister , are either redeemed and saved in christ , nor no redeemed , or no saved in christ , but in another reduplication : the magistrate as a magistrate , is not redeemed , but as an elected man ; nor is he damned , or not redeemed as a magistrate , but as a reprobate and an unbeleeving man ; and the like ▪ i say of a minister , he that is not with christ , as his immediate and supream swordbearer , is not against christ , for so all the world except the prince , should be against him . obj. . the magistrate as he defendeth the body , and goods , so also the the fame of men ; hence what is a matter of good or ill report is judged by the magistrate , who may put ill doers to shame , iudg. c. . but church scandals , blasphemy , heresie , apostacy , are matters of ill report , and of shame ; ergo , they are to be judged by the magistrate . ans . non concluditur negatum , we deny not but the magistrate may judge and put to shame offenders , but it is civill shame , by which the magistrate judgeth any offender to be an evill citizen and hurtfull member of the common-wealth , iudg. . . the church hath no power thus to judge , or thus to put to shame : but there is an ecclesiasticall shame , in which the church judgeth , whether such a man be a sound and faithfull subject of the kingdome of christ , or a hurtfull member of the church , and of this shame speaketh paul , thess . . keep no company with him , that he may be ashamed ; and the same way we are to distinguish , a good name for it is an honour , that it be said of any man , as psal . . this man was borne in zion . obj. . what the magistrate as a magistrate punisheth , that as a magistrate he judgeth ; but as a magistrate he punisheth idolatry and heresie ; ergo , as a magistrate he judgeth it . ans . what the magistrate punisheth , that he judgeth distinguo : what he punisheth , that he judgeth , the way that he punisheth , for as he punisheth civilly and with the sword ; so he judgeth in a civill way , not as a church scandal , but as a civill disturbance . . in a constitute church , by a subsequent judging after those whose lips should preserve knowledge , have judged it to be idolatry , and heresie ; he is to judge it , and in order to corporall punishment , its true , and thus the major is granted : but the assumption is false , for the magistrate judgeth nothing as scandalous , no idolatry , or heresie , with an antecedent judgement , and with order to ecclesiasticall punishment to gain the soul . obj. but there is no other judging or punishing required , but such as the magistrate inflicteth . ans . this is a false principle , and everteth all church government . obj. . but so you make two supream magistrates , the king and the church , two collaterall supremacies ; yet so as the magistrates conscience lyeth under the feet of the church . ans . the church hath a ministery , no dominion of magistracy . . there is a collaterality without equality . the magistrate is highest and worthiest , the other hath no dignity , no supereminency , but to be authoritative declarers of the mind of christ . . the magistrate is no more tyed to the judgement of a synod , or church , then any private man is tyed in his practice ▪ the tye in discipline and in all synodicall acts and determinations , is here as it is in preaching the word , the tye is secondary , conditionall , with limitation in so farre as it agreeth with the word , not absolutely obliging , not papal , qua or because commanded , or because determined by the church , and such as magistrates , and all christians may reject , when contrary to , or not warranted by the word of god. obj. . but pastors have authority equally immediate and independent under god , as the magistrate hath , and what more can they have except the crowne and scepter ? is not this an emulous and odious equality , beside a collaterality ? hence they cry the liberty , the liberty of the kingdome of christ , the right , the power of the church is taken away , so often as the magistrate punisheth scandals . ans . non-subordination can never inferre equality , who denieth that the magistrate may command the husband and wife to do a duty to each other , the father not to provoke the son , the sonne not to disobey the father , the pastor and people , the master and servant , the captaine and souldier , to do a duty each , one to another . and there is a proper right and liberty , and power immediately given by god , without the king or magistrates interposing of their authority : to all these , the kings authority maketh not the man a father , nor the sonne subject to the father , nor the servant to the master , nor the souldier to the commander . god immediately made those powers , and god in the law of nature hath given a power to the father over the sonne , without the magistrate ; yea , though there had never been a magistrate in the world : so the pastors and elders by divine institution , have a power and liberty to feed and governe the flock , over which the holy ghost hath made them overseers , and set them over as those who must give an account to the great shepherd , acts . , . thes . . , . heb. . . tim. . . now it no more followeth that all fathers are equall to the magistrate , all masters , all captains to the king , then that the church or pastors are equall to the king , for fathers , masters , captaines , husbands have immediately from god in the law of nature , a supream , a high and independent authority as the church hath , without any intervention of the will or authority of king or any earthly magistrate , and without any subordination as they are such to the prince . . the emulation between the magistrate and pastors is no more in point of government , then in point of preaching , exhorting , rebuking even of kings and all that are in authority ; now we have both demonstrated from the word , and have the grant of adversaries , that in point of preaching and rebuking , the pastors have an immediate supremacy and independency under iesus christ ; and all emulation here , is from men who will no● submit to the yoke of christ . . if the magistrate should usurpe over husbands , and masters and fathers , their jus maritale , herile , paterum , and spoil them of husband-power , and masterly and fatherly power , as our adversaries counsell the magistrate to take the spirituall right and power of the keyes of the kingdome of god , from the church and pastors , the former should complaine , as do the latter . object . . but if the kingdome be heathenish , and the heart of the king be first supernaturally affected , then religion beginneth at him as a magistrate , and he may appoint gifted men after they are converted to preach the gospell ; ergo , the first rise of religion is from the magistrate as the magistrate . ans . if the king be converted first as a christian , not as a magistrate , he may spread the gospell to others , and preach himselfe but not as a magistrate , as iehoshaphat commanded the levites to do their dutie , so might he command those of the house of aaron , who had deserted the priests office , to take the office on them , to which god had called them , so here gifts and faithfulnes appearing to the new converted prince , he is to command those so gifted , ( for their gifts and faithfulnes is as evident a call as to be borne the sonnes of aaron , ) to take on them the calling of preaching and of dispensing the seals . but ▪ . he ordaineth them not pastors as a prince , but commandeth them to follow the calling which now the church not constitute , cannot give . . he can preach himselfe as a gifted beleever , in an extraordinary exigence , but he cannot doe this as a magistrate , yea , moses did never prophecy as a magistrate , nor david as a king. . all the rise that religion hath from the prince as the prince in this case is civill , that men gifted may be commanded by civill authority , to dispence word and sacraments , but nothing ecclesiasticall is here done by the prince as the prince . . the highest power in the church as the church , and the highest amongst men , as men , are much different . the magistrates power in commanding that this religion that is true and consonant to the word of god be set up , and others that are false be not set up in his kingdome , is a civill power , and due to him as a magistrate , but a highest church power , to dispense word and sacraments agreeth to no magistrate as a magistrate ; but it followeth not , that when the true religion is erected by his power as a magistrate , that he may as a magistrate dispence word , sacraments , and synodicall acts and censures ; except god have called him to preach the word , and to use the sword of the other kingdome , as a member of the church joyned with the church . object . . but the magistrate is unproperly subject to the pastor , who is but a meer herald , servant , and minister , who hath all his authority from the word of another , and so it is but imperium alienum , a borrowed power , he is subject properly to christ speaking in his word . titius is subject to the king properly , but unproperly to the kings herald . ans . . let the subjection be unproper , there can no conclusion from thence be drawn against us , if . the pastors as pastors have their commissions from christ and be his immediate servants , and have no commission pastorall from the magistrate , as the power of the herald floweth immediately from the royall power of the king , and he is the kings immediate servant ; then to obey him in those acts which he performeth in the kings name , is to obey the king ; and in those acts subjects doe properly obey the herald ; and so here heb. . obey those that are over you in the lord , according to that , he that heareth you , heareth me , he that despiseth you despiseth me . . it is enough for our purpose that magistrates are so to obey pastors in the lord , and pastors are so supreame under christ as the magistrate is not above them , and they have their ambassage , calling , and commission immediately from iesus christ , without the intervention of the magistrates authority . obj. but the obedience of the magistrate to the pastors , is not absolute , but conditionall , if they command in the lord ; ergo , it is no kindly obedience and subjection . ans . it followeth not , for so we should give no kindly obedience to kings , to parents , to masters , for we obey them onely conditionally in the lord , as they warrant their commandement from the word . yet vedelius will not say , it is unproper subjection we owe to the king , nor can he say that the royall power is imperium alienum , a begged power , all obedience to men this way is begged , and if we come to logick , if i should say the nature and definition of obedience agreeth not univocally to obedience to god , and to obedience to the creature , vedelius should hardly refute me . it is enough ministers of the gospell discharge an ambassage in the roome and place of god , cor. . . god commandeth in his ministers , a limited obedience , is kindly obedience . obj. . the keeping of the booke of the law is given to the king , deut. . and kin. . v. . iehoiada the priest gave the booke of the testimony to king iehoash , when they made him king , the priests indeed kept the booke of the law in the side of the arke , but as servants of the king , and custodes templi . ans . you may see solid answers to this , in walens , cabel iavius , and iac. triglandius . . the booke of the law was given to the king for his practise , that he might feare the lord his god , and his heart not be lifted up above his brethren , deut. . , , . and this was common to him , with the priests and all the people of god , but to the king in an exemplary and speciall manner , that . the people might follow his example , and therefore these same words which concerne the practice of the king , deut. . . are also given to the people , deut. . . and . . and , , , . and . , , . and . . and . . and . . with a little change , sure no change that by any consequent will make the book of the law to be delivered to the king to this end , that his lips by his royall office , should preserve knowledge , and that the people should require the law at the kings mouth , which was the speciall office of the priest , mal. . . as proper and peculiar to the priest , as the covenant of levi , ver . . and that they should not be partiall in the law , but should teach the people the difference between the cleane and the unclean , the precious and the vile in iudgement , not accepting the persons of father and mother , ezek. . , . and , . lev. . , , ieremiah ▪ . . deut. . . yea , it was no lesse peculiar to the priests , then to offer sacrifice to the lord , leviticu● . , , , . mal. . , . compared with v. . and with c. . v. , , . now the king as king was not a confederate in the covenant of levi , to burne incense and teach the people , but in a farre other covenant , ● kin. . , . . in which the king was to use the sword in defence of the law and punishing idolaters : for . the king is neither commanded to teach priests and people out of the booke of the law ; nor . rebuked for his neglect in this : both these we may read of the priests every where in the prophets , deut. . . mal. . . lev. . , . ier. . . and . , . hos . . , , . deut. . , . yea the booke of the law is put in the keeping of the priests and levites , deut. . . and moses commanded the levites , which bare the arke of the covenant of the lord , saying , . take this book of the law , and put it in the side of the arke of the covenant of the lord your god. now if the priests had been onely the kings servants immediately subordinate to the king , and mediately onely to iesus christ , the arke , all the holy things , the booke of the covenant , the burning of incense before the lord , had been principally and first injoyned to the king. ezra the priest read the book of the law , not nehemiah ; nor was it ever commanded that the king should read it in the hearing of the people , and give the sense of it , as the priests were to doe by their office ; hilkiah kin. . found the booke of the law that was lost , and shaphan the scribe read it before the king , that they might see their apostacie , and iosiah might accordingly reforme , king. , . object . . isai . . kings shall be thy nurse-fathers : ergo , kings were fathers and heads of the church . ans . this text is brought for the popes supremacy , but it is isai . . . their kings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall serve thee , this is no dominion . and the breasts of kings , which the church is to suck , is not the sincere milk of the word , which the king preacheth by himself or others , but the externall strength , dignity , that the king shall adde by his authority to the church , but the tutor cannot ●ob the pupil of the law and priviledges of the inheritance . . the prince is not a father spirituall of the second birth of the church , as paul was , cor. . . object . . he for whom we are to pray , that under him we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty , and procureth the good of the church as the church ; to him as the supream officer and shepherd , is the church as the church subject ; but the magistrate is such , tim. . , . ergo. ans . the major is false , and the assumption untrue also , and all that the conclusion can bring forth , is , that the prince hath . an externall coactive care by way of dominion to procure the removall of wolves from the fold . . to procure the good of the church , in order to a naturall and civill good . . to procure good to the church as the church in a coactive way , by the sword , in punishing idolators . . the church as the church is not subordinate to the prince , but as subjects of the common wealth , because he by a coactive power may procure the good of the church as the church ; for indirectly and by the sword , the magistrate defending godlines , and procuring the good of souls , doth not prove that his dominion and sword extendeth to their soules , or that he watcheth for their soules , as heb. . . obj. . the kings of israel and iudah have reformed religion . ans . i cannot trouble the reader , to adde here what i have answered elsewhere , but let the reader see triglandius , ant. walens , gabel iavius in the cited places , they have in the defection of the priests , which is extraordinary , reformed religion . . they did many things as prophets , not as magistrates . . they have done much in religion , quoad actus imperatos , non elicitos , by their civill power commanding priests to doe their dutie . object . . it s true in severall respects , he that is a governour , may be a subject , but in one and the same spirituall respect , to judge and to be judged , to sit on the bench , and stand at the barre of christ iesus , is as impossible as to reconcile the east and the vvest together , so the bloodie tenent , i demand if the church be a delinquent , who shall judge ? it is answered the , magistrate . again if the magistrate be a delinquent , i ask who shall judge it ? it is answered , the church . whence i observe ( which is , in most cases of the world monstrous ) that one person , to wit , the church or the magistrate , shall be at one time the delinquent at the barre , and the judge upon the bench : for the church must judge when the magistrate offends ; and yet the magistrate must judge when the church offends , whether she contem●● civill authority , in the second table for thus dealing with him , or whether she hath broken the rules of the first table of which ( say they ) god hath made him a keeper and preserver , what blood , what tumults hath been , and must be spilt upon these grounds ? ib. so the church calleth one of her members to office , and ordaineth him an officer : the magistrate opposeth him as an unworthy officer , and according to his conscience suppresseth him ; upon this the church complaineth of the magistrates violation of her priviledges , and that he is turned persecutor , and not prevailing with admonition , she excommunicateth the magistrate : the magistrate again not induring such violation of ordinances , he cutteth off with the sword , such prophaners of ordinances . ans . all this is but wind , devised against the magistrates punishing of idolaters , and i shew the same followeth upon the magistrates , or church erring , the one in abusing civill authority , or the other in prophaning ordinances , or preaching the word ; for instance , the iudges of a land , or of ierusalem , make grievous and bloody decrees against the poor , the widdows and the orphane : a faithfull isaiah , a zealous preacher by authority from the lord , judgeth and condemneth according to his conscience , these judges , and cryeth out , as isai . . in the name of the lord ▪ before all the congregation : woe be to you who decree unrighteous decrees , and write ( in the bench ) grievousnesse , to turne aside the needy from judgement , and to take away right from the poore : now the magistrate that decreed those decrees , judgeth in his conscience they are righteous decrees , and he according to his conscience no● induring that isaiah or any preacher should thus abuse and prophane so holy an ordinance of prophecying , and preaching : as to preach lies in the name of the lord , he proceedeth in his civill court , and cu●teth off with the sword such false prophets , because they ●lander the lords annoynted , and preach lies of him : is not here a reciprocation of judging in the same cause ? what will the author say to this ? o saith he , the magistrate ought not to use his sword against those prophets , for they preach according to their conscience the truth of god : but say that shimei were a prophet , and he calls david his prince a bloody murtherer ; and saith , this evill is come on him , for rising up against saul his master ; the magistrate may not punish him with the sword , for railing against the lords anoynted . . and if the magistrate ought not to strike with the sword any prophet , for preaching according to his conscience , for that is persecution to this author ; how shall the prophets judge and condemne the magistrate , for those same decrees which he hath given out according to his conscience ? for this is a persecution with the tongue , mat. . . iob . . and it is one and the same spirituall cause , saith this author . . the same very author and the parliament , do reciprocally judge and condemne one another ; for the parliament make warre against papists , for drawing the king on their side , and causing him make warre against the lambe and his followers , that is , against godly protestants : now suppose priests and iesuits , preach this to the queen and other papists , and they according to their conscience make warre against the flock of christ , and the parliament according to their conscience make warre against them : this author sitteth downe , and judgeth and condemneth both sides as bloody persecutors , for point of conscience : now though the author in his bench with his penne condemneth and judgeth both according to his conscience ; yet if the papists or possibly the parliament , had this author in their fingers , might not they reciprocally judge and condemne him ? i think he cannot deny ; how justly they should reciprocally judge the author , i cannot say . . this author would have a contradiction , such as is to make east and west both one , that one and the same man both sit in the bench , and stand at the barre , that the church judge the magistrate , and the magistrate judge the church : but i hope contradictions were no more under the old testament to be admitted , nor under the new. now in the old testament the king might put to death the prophet , who should prophecy blasphemies , and again the prophet might judge the king , by denouncing the judgement of the lord against the king ; let the author say how the king , both did sit in the bench , and stand at the ba●●e in divers respects : i think a●hab might judge and punish micaiah unjustly , for prophecying that he should dye at ramoth gilead , and micaiah might in prophecy give out the sentence of death justly against him ▪ but here be two contrary sentences , the like may fall out in synodicall constitutions . . to answer to his reasons . . it followeth not that in one and the same spirituall respect , one and the same person judgeth on the bench , and is judged at the bar ; for the churches judging is in a spirituall respect , as the officer ordained , may promote the building of gods house , the magistrates suppressing him is no spirituall respect ; but as it disturbeth the peace of the state , that so unworthy a person is an officer in gods house , and is hurtfull to the church of god in their edi●icatio● , which the magistrate is to promote not in spirituall , but in a civill coactive way , by the power of the sword . . that one judge on the bench , and the same stand at the barre and be judged , at divers and sundry times , is not so impossible , by farre , as to reconcile east and west together ; a●●●b may judge naboath to be condemned and stoned for his vineyard to day , and immediately after elias the prophet may arraigne him before the barre and tribunall of god to be condemned , and adjudged to dye in the portion of iezreel , where the dogs may lick his blood : it is true elias is not properly a judge , but a declarer , in a propheticall and authoritative way of the judgement of god ; but this is all the judiciall power which we ascribe to church , or presbytery and pastors ; they are meer ministers or servants to declare the will and sentence of god : when the minister preacheth wrath against the king for his sins , he judgeth the king in a pastorall and ministeriall way , which is all we contend for , in many officers united in a church way , and at that same time , the king hath power after that , to judge him for preaching treason for ●ound doctrine ; if it be found to be treason by the church , and this reciprocation of judging we maintaine as consistent and necessary in ministers of gospel and magistrates : but such a distance betweene them , as between east and west , we see not . the author should have shewne it to us by his owne grounds : the church may excommunicate a magistrate as a persecutor , who cutteth off idolaters for their conscience ; yet the godly magistrate may judge and punish them with the sword , for abusing the ordinance of excommunication , so as to excommunicate the godly magistrate , because he doth punish evill doing with the sword , rom. . . . the author infers that tumults and bloods do arise from these two ▪ but that will not prove these two to be inconsistent and contr●dictorious ; tumults and blood arise from preaching the gospel , what then ? ergo , the gospel is a masse of contradictions , ●● followeth not : the ●umul●s and blood have their rise from mens lusts , who are impatient of the yoak of christ , not from these two powers to judge ecclesiastically in the church , and to be judged civilly by the magistrates : the author draweth his instance to the actuall judging of the same thing contradictory wayes ; for example , the church ordaineth one to be a preacher , and this they do ecclesiastically , and the magistrate actually condemneth the same man civilly as unworthy to be a preacher : it is one thing to say , that the church hath power to judge righteously in an ecclesiasticall way any matter , and another ( that the christian magistrate hath power in a civill way , to judge righteously the same matter ) and a ●ar other thing it is to say , the church hath a power ecclesiastically to judge a matter righteously , according to the word , and the magistrate hath power to judge the same matter civilly in a wrong and unjust way ; the former we say , god hath given a power to the church to ordaine ecclesiastically , epaphroditus to be a preacher of the gospel , because these graces and gifts are in him that are requisite to be in a faithfull preacher ; and god hath also given a power to the christian magistrate to adde his civill sanction to the ordination and calling of the same epaphroditus : but we do not teach that god hath given to the church , a power to call epaphroditus to the ministery in an ecclesiasticall way , and that god hath given a power to the christian magistrate to anull this lawfull ordination of epaphroditus : now the author putteth such a supposition , that church and magistrate have two lawfull powers toward contrary acts ; the one of them a power to give out a just sentence , the other a power to give out an unjust sentence in one ▪ and the same cause , which we teach not : god gave to none either ▪ in church or state a power to unjustice , ad malum n●●la ▪ est potestas . obj. . how can the magistrate determine , what the true church and ordinances are , and then set them up with the power of the sword ? and how can he give judgement of a ●alse church , false ministery , false doctrine , and false ordinances , and so pull them down by the sword ? and yet you say the magistrate is to give no spirituall judgement of these , nor hath he any spirituall power for these ends and purposes . bloody tenent . ans . the magistrate judges of these as a magistrate , not in a pastorall way or ecclesiastically ; for then by office , he should be a preacher of the gospel , but civilly as they are agreeable , or contrary to the laws of the common-wealth made concerning religion , and in order to the civill praise and reward of stipends , wages , or benefices , or to the bodily punishment inflicted by the sword , rom. . , . so , though the object be spirituall , yet the judging is civill , and the magistrates power in setting up true , or pulling downe false ordinances , is objectively spirituall or civilly good , or ill ( to speak so ) against the duty , or agreeable to that which men owe as they are members of a civill incorporation , a city or common-wealth : but the same power of the magistrate is formally , essentially in it selfe , civill , and of this world . chap. xxvi . quest . . whether appeals are to be made from the assemblies of the church , to the civill magistrate , king or parliament ? and of paul his appeal to cesar . for the clearer explanation of the question , its possible these considerations may help to give light , . there be these opinions touching the point : some exclude the magistrate from all care of church-discipline , ● . as iesuits and papists will have princes not to examine what the church , the pope and the cursed clergy of rome decrees in their synods . to these the sorbonists of paris oppose , and the parliament of france cause to be burnt by the hand of the hangman , any writings of iesuits that diminisheth the just right of the magistrate . . those who in the low-countries did remonstrate under the name of arminians , as they are called , hold , that the magistrate ought to tollerate all religions , even turcisme and iudaisme not excepted , because the conscience of man cannot be compelled : some of them were socinians ▪ as henry slatius , who saith right downe , he that useth the sword , or seeketh a magistracy ▪ is not a christian ; yea , war is against the command of iesus christ , or in any tearms to kill any ; saith henry welsingius , episcopius their chief man will have the magistrate , going no further then reall or bodily mulcts or fines , ioan. geisteranus pronounceth it unlawfull to be a magistrate to use the sword : but all say the magistrate ought not to use the sword against hereticks , blasphemers , idolaters , or against any man , for his conscience or religion . . those that think the magistrate bear the sword lawfully , yet do confine him to the defence of the halfe of gods law , the duties of the second table , and not to these all , but to such as border not directly on conscience ; for if some should sacrifice their children to molech and devils , as some do , the magistrate were not to punish them , it being a joynt of their religion and a matter of conscience : and all these will be found to give to the magistrate as the magistrate , just as little as iesuits do in the matters of religion , and that is right downe nothing , except possibly the magistrate be of their religion only , whom he governs only as a christian man ; the magistrate hath more with these , then with papists . . erastus giveth all in doctrine and discipline , both in power and exercise to the magistrate , even to the dispensing of word and sacraments . . others forsaking erastus in a little , but following him in the main , deny power of order . . power of internall jurisdiction granteth to him all the externall government of the church . . we hold that the magistrate keeps both tables of the law , and that he hath an inspection in a civill coactive way , in preserving both tables of the law ; but that he is not as a magistrate a member of the church , but as a christian only . . the exercise of discipline is one thing , and the exercise of it , ( as the modus ) the way of exercising of it , either in relation to ecclesiasticall constitutions , or in relation to the politick and civill laws of a common-wealth , is a far other thing . . as the church is to approve and commend the just sentence of the civill judge in punishing ill doers , but only conditionally in so far as it is just , so is the magistrate obliged to follow , ratifie , and with his civil sanction to confirme the sound constitutions of the church : but conditionally , not absolutely , and blindely , but in so far as they agree with the word of god. . hence there is a wronging of the church as the church , and a civill wronging of the magistrate as the magistrate , or of the members of the church as such , or of the members of the common-wealth as such , the former and the latter both cannot belong to one judicature : no more then the failing of a painter against the precepts of art , because he hath drawn the colours , proportion , and the countenance beside the samplar , and the failing not against art , but against the lawes of the king , in that he hath lavished out too much gold in the drawing of the image , doth belong to one judgement ; for the painter as a painter , according to the law of art , must judge of the former , and the magistrate as a magistrate of the latter . . an appellation is one thing , and the complaint of an oppressed man is another thing ; or a provocation to a competent judge is one thing , and the refugium , the refuge and fleeing of an oppressed man to a higher power , is another thing ; if the church erre and fail against the law of christ in the matter , and decree , the man to be a heretick , who is none , and that to be heresie which is truth ; the oppress●d man in a constituted church may have his refuge to the godly magistrate and complain , but he cannot appeal , for an appellation is from an erring judge to an higher judge , in eadem s●rie , in the same nature and kinde of judicatures , as from a civill court to a higher civill court , and from an ecclesiasticall court to a higher ; as suppose the church of antioch judge that the gentiles must be circumcised , the godly there may appeal to the judgement of apostles and elders , in a councell conveened from antioch and ierusalem both : and therefore because the magistrate can no more judge what is heresie , what truth , as a magistrate , then he can dispense word and sacraments ; an appeal cannot be made to him , who is no more a judge , ex officio , nor he can dispense the sacraments ex officio , but a complaint may be made to the magistrate ; if the church fail in their judging , the magistrate is to command the church to judge it over againe , but the magistrate cannot judge it himself ; as there is a complaint made to the magistrate that the p●inter hath not drawn the image exactly , according to the samplar , the magistrate judgeth not of the art of the painter , nor can the magistrate as the magistrate draw the image himselfe ; but the magistrate may judge of the painters breach of promise , who did ●action to draw it exactly according to the samplar , and hath not kept faith to the man who payeth him wages ; and therefore the magistrate may either punish his ▪ morall error , his breach of promise , not his error of art , ( the faculty or company of painters must judge of of that ) or then command the painter to paint the same image again , according as the painter convenanted : but it may be objected , you then make the magistrate to meddle no more with matters of faith , and preaching truth or falsehood , and giving out ecclesiasticall rules in church government , as act. . then he meddleth with painting according to the principles of art ; now painting according to art belongeth not at all to the conscience of the magistrate , but sound preaching ; right ruling in gods house , belongeth in a far nearer relation to the conscience of the godly magistrate . i answer , as touching the formall judging ecclesiast●cally , and as concerning this , that the magistrate should say , it seemed good to the holy ghost , and to me ▪ or his dispensing of word and sacraments , or his burning incense before the lord , it no more belongeth to him as a magistrate , to do these in his owne person formally ; because god hath not called him to act these , then it belongeth to him to paint an image , to sew shooes , to si● at the helme of a ship , and stir and guide her to such a port , as is clearer , heb. . . cor. . . . rom. . . tim. . . and . , , . act. . . and . , , . heb. . . chro. . , , , . but in another consideration , as sound or unsound dispensing of word and sacraments , as right or unjust ruling in the house of god , may more or lesse hurt , or benefit the souls of men , which he is to care for indirectly , in ordine ad penas vel premia civilia et corporalia ; it belongeth more to the magistrate , to take care of the church , of religion , of preaching and , governing gods house , then any painting or arts in the earth : again , the church proceeding in these things , that are against common iustice in all judicatures , no lesse then in the church , as to condemn the party never heard , or not convinced , either by confession , or under two sufficient witnesses , or to do manifest unjustice in the manner of proceeding , leaveth a clear place to the wronged party , by the law of nature ▪ if not to appeal ▪ yet to flee and have re-course to the christian magistrate , who is par●ns patrie ▪ the father of the common wealth ▪ . the question may ▪ either be of any really ▪ wronged by the church whether he may appeal to the magistrate , or whether he who either beleeveth , or thinketh , or falsly lyeth , and saith that he was wronged , may appeal to the magistrate . . an appeal is different from a declinature , a declinature is properly a refusing to be judged , because the judge is incompetent , and the businesse belongeth not to him ; those who follow erastus , and deny all power of censures to the church , doe decline , but not appeal from the church , thinking the church hath no power at all to judge or censure the scandalous . an appeal is properly from the same inferiour judicature , to a superiour judge , in eadem serie , in the same kind , and it is either proper or unproper : proper it is , when a particular church doth appeal to a synod of many churches in the same place : unproper , when either a wronged person hath recourse to one or many pastors of authority , as chrysostome , flavianus , athanasius appealed to the bishop of rome , that he would request the church to proceed orderly : or , . the godly magistrate would command that the church would unpartially proceed to right an oppressed man , as cabeljavius saith . or , . when there is no synods to be had , then as triglandius saith well from beza , the christian magistrate may provide ●it meanes of releeving the oppressed . . this would ever be remembred , that in case of the churches erring in judgement , which must be thought of as a sort of extraordinary case , the godly magistrate may do more , then what ordinarily he can doe ; and so may the church , when the magistrate oppresseth in judgement , as great iunius saith . . we grant when any complaineth to the magistrate , that they are oppressed in judgement by the church , that the church is obliged to give an account of their doings , but that from common charitie to remove the scandall , and that they owe to all christians , as may be evidently collected from pet. . . but this will not prove a subordination to common christians as to iudges , nor yet to the magistrate . . the magistrate , when his judging is deemed scandalous , is to give an account to the preachers of the gospel , who watch for his soul : as king saul gave an account to samuel , ( with a false apologie , i grant ) that he had obeyed the commandement of the lord ; but if saul had been faultlesse in sparing ●gag and the cattell , yet was he obliged to give an account to samuel . but that will not prove that king saul was subordinate to samuel to be judged of him , because prophets are but servants and ministers to declare gods will , yet is it all the subordination that we require in this , according to that , and the people beleeved the lord and moses . now all the arguments before alledged to prove that pastors as pastors are not subordinate in their pastorall acts to the civill magistrate , do also prove that there is no appeal from the church in an ecclesiasticall businesse to the civill magistrate : for . if two painters contend touching any controversie in the mysterie of their art , they cannot appeal to the king as iudge ; the king then should formally be a painter , and which is absurd , not by accident ; but as a king and so here , if the king were the judge , to whose determination we might appeale from the church in a church controversie , sure the king as king should be a church officer : if the priests in controversie touching burning incense , or offering strange fire to god , should appeal to the decision of the king as the king ; sure the king in that as king should be an eminent high priest , and right of burning incense to the lord , should belong to him , in as farre as the kings lips in that controversie should preserve knowledge , and they should seek the law from his mouth , which is proper to the priests , mal. . . ezek. , . and . , . deut. . . . the church of antioch should have appealed to cesar , if he had been a christian , in the controversie touching circumcision ; he should have determined who were perverters of souls , who not , and should have said by his office , as emperour , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to me . . we have not any practise , or precept or promise in the old or new testament , for any such appeal , except they say , all hard questions belonging to the priests office were to come before moses as a civill magistrate , and not as the great prophet to whom god revealed his minde . . if so , then all church controversies in doctrine and discipline , should be ultimately resolved into the will of the magistrate , speaking according to the word , and faith in most points should come by hearing a magistrate determining against arrius , that christ is god consubstantiall with the father , and all binding and loosing in earth as in heaven , should be from the magistrate as the magistrate , he should forgive and retaine sins , and christ should have given the keyes of the kingdome of heaven to the magistrate as the magistrate , certainly we should have the doctrine of the church of christ , and the building and edifying thereof most obscure in the new testament , in which there is not one word of such a supream and chiefe officer as the magistrate . . the parliament , colledge of civill judges , as they are civill magistrates , should be the church assemblies , and determine all doctrines , debarre the ignorant and hereticks , and apostates from the sacraments , and totally cast them out of the church and excommunicate them ; i see not but then the parliament as the parliament is the church , and the two kingdomes , ioh. . . must be confounded , and no difference at all made between the civill state and the church , because the magistrate as the magistrate is made by the adversaries the chiefe officer over the church , the ecclesiasticall head , the mixt governour , halfe civill , whole ecclesiasticall , in whose power all pastors , elders preach , dispense sacraments , make church-canons , as his ministers and servants ; christ when any brother trespasseth against a christian brother saith , tell the church , never , tell the christian magistrate . but truly it is a great mistake in the learned mr. pryn to call them anti-monarchicall , anti-parliamentary , and novators , who deny that the parliament hath any nomothetick power in church-canons . nor hath hee in any measure answered the arguments of those learned and godly divines , mr. iohn goodwin , and mr. hen : burton ; he is pleased to cite the practise of many parliaments of england , who laudably impatient of the popes yoke , have made church-canons , when the man of sin sate upon the neck of the christian church ; but these numerous citations of parliaments and councels in time of popery conclude nothing against us , who grant when the church is not her selfe , the christian magistrate may extraordinarily reform and take from the man of sin his usurped power , but in a constituted church the case must be otherwise : and . whereas he proveth emperors and kings to have a power to convocate councels ; it hath not strength against us , all our divines teach so . but how , . an accumulative civill power , so iewel , alley , bilson , whitaker , willet , white , roger , he might have cited more ; but no privative , no ecclesiasticall power , so as synods may not lawfully conveen without the command of the civill magistrate ; our divines say many synods and church meetings were in the apostolique church without the consent and against the will of the civill magistrate ; our divines oppose the pope , who claimeth the only accumulative , civill , privative , and ecclesiastick power to convocate synods , and that no synods are lawfull without the consent and mandate of the holinesse of such a beast . . master prinne saith , the magistrate hath power to direct , for time and place , and to limit for matter and manner , the proceedings , liberty and freedome of all church assemblies : but , . he asserteth this in the most , from corrupt practises . . he proveth , laymen should have hand as well in synods , as clergymen , the one having interest in the faith , as well as the other . ans . then must all the people be members of synods , for all have alike interest of faith : but this proveth not interest of defining , which is the question ; in dispensing word and sacraments , they have interest of trying all things , as well as pastors : but it followeth not ; ergo , they may dispense word and sacraments , no lesse ; yea , more principally then pastors , as erastus saith , the magistrate more principally determineth synodicall constitutions : hence this is easily answered , we may appeal in church businesse to him as to the supream judge , who may punish the erring church and pastors ; but the magistrate may in church businesse do this : for answer , . i retort it , the magistrate in making civill lawes , that must in their moralitie be determined by the word of god , may appeal to pastors , whose lips by office should preserve knowledge ; ergo , the magistrate in making civill lawes , may appeal to the pastor , which is absurd . . if men in church-constitutions may appeal to the magistrate , as to one who may in his person determine synodically in assemblies above all the pastors , . because magistrates may punish the pastors erring and oppressing in synods . . because the magistrate and all laymen have interest in the faith , as well as pastors , then may people in hearing the word and receiving the sacraments , and in all pastorall rebukings and threatnings , in believing of all gospel promises and threatnings , and fundamentall truths , appeal from pastors to magistrates as magistrates , and magistrates as such may determine all fundamentall truths , all conscionall promises and rebukes ; and that is , formally they may preach , ( for he that can distinguish these hath a good engine ) because magistrates may punish hereticall preaching , and superstitions , and idolatrous abusing of the sacraments by preachers , and magistrates and all laymen have interest of faith , in word , doctrine , and sacraments , as in discipline ; yea , the magistrate may punish the priest that offered strange fire to the lord , offered bastard incense ; and the people had their interest of saith , in sacrifices offered for their own sins : but can it follow , therefore the magistrate might sacrifice and burne incense in his own person , as mr. pryn will have him to make church-laws in his own person : other arguments of mr. pryns are light ; as , that there were brethren , and lay-men that had hand in the councell at hierusalem , acts . ans . this is nothing for magistrates as magistrates , but all christians as christians so must have hand in synods , which i grant in so far as concerneth their faith and practise , that they try all things , and try the spirits whether they be of god or not ; but will it follow , ergo , magistrates as magistrates are those only who govern the church , and make all ecclesiasticall constitutions , as having in them all power of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , and deriving it to bishops and pastors at the second hand , as mr. pryn saith in the same booke . obj. but the king is head of the church ; ergo , he maketh lawes to regulate the family . ans . the antecedent is false , if not blasphemous ; it is proper to iesus christ only , col. . . eph. . . the king is the head of men , who are the church materialiter , he is not formally as king , head of the church as the church ; and therefore we see not how this statute agreeth with the word of god , henric. . stat. . c. . the archbishops , bishops , arch-deacons , and other ecclesiasticall persons have no manner of iurisdiction ecclesiasticall , but by , under , and from the kings royall majesty , the onely and undoubted supream head of the church of england and ireland , to whom by holy scripture is given all authority and power , to hear and determine all manner of causes ecclesiasticall , and to correct all vice and sin whatsoever ▪ for neither is the subject , the archbishops , bishops , &c. lawfull , nor is the limitation of the subject lawful , for ecclesiasticall officers are the ambassadors of christ , not of the king. obj. all christians are to try the spirits ▪ ergo , much more magistrates . ans . this proveth that christians as christians , and magistrates as christians , may judge & determine of all things that concerneth their practise , and that they are not with blinde obedience to receive things ; mr. pryn cannot say , that iohn . . is meant of a royall , parliamentary , or magistraticall tryall , iohn speaketh to christians as such : but this is nothing to prove the power of the magistrate as the magistrate , for thought the man were neither king nor magistrate , he ought to try the spirits , iohn . . the speciall objection moved for appeals is , that which paul did in a matter of religion , that we may do in the like case , but paul , acts . did appeal from a church iudge to a civill and a heathen iudge , in a matter of religion , when he said before festus acts . i appeal to cesar ; ergo , so may the ministers of christ far more appeal to the christian magistrate , and that paul did this jure , by law , not by priviledge , but by the impulsion of the holy ghost , is clear , in that he saith , he ought to be judged by cesar ; so maccovius , so videlius , so vtenbogardus , so erastus . ans . . this argument , if it have nerves , shall make the great turk , when he subdueth people and churches of the protestant religion , to be the head of the church ; and as erastus saith , by his place and office as he is a magistrate , he may preach and dispense the sacraments , and a heathen nero may make church constitutions , and say , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to me ; and by this , nero by office is to excommunicate , make or unmake pastors and teachers , judge what is orthodoxe doctrine , what not , debarre hereticks , apostates and mockers from the table , and admit the worthie ; and paul the apostle must have been the ambassador and deputie of nero in preaching the gospel , and governing the church , and nero is the mixt person , and invested by iesus christ with spirituall jurisdiction , and the keyes of the kingdom of heaven . this argument to the adversaries cannot quit its cost , ●or by this way paul appealed from the church in a controversie of religion , to a nero , a heathen unbaptized head of the church , and referred his faith over to the will , judgement , and determination of a professed enemy of the christian church ; and paul must both jure by the law of god , and the impulsion of the holy ghost , appeale from the church to a heathen without the church , in a matter of religion and conscience ; then nebuchadnezzar was head of the church of iudah , and supreame judge and governour in all causes and controversies of religion , how can we beleeve the adversarie , who doe not beleeve themselves ? and shall we make domitian , dioclesian , trajan , and such heads of the church of christ ? . it is not said that paul appealed from the church or any ecclesiasticall judicature to the civill judge ; for paul appealed from festus who was neither church nor church officer , and so paul appealeth from an inferiour civill judge , to a superiour or civill judge , as is clear , acts . . and when festus had tarried amongst them more then ten dayes , he went downe to cesarea , and the next day sitting in the judgement seat , commanded paul to be brought , vers . . and paul said , i stand at cesars judgement seat , where i ought to be judged ; he refused , v. , . to be judged by festus at ierusalem , but saith , v. . i appeal to cesar : now he had reason to appeal from festus to cesar , for the iews laid many grievous complaints against paul , which they could not prove , vers . . and it is said vers . . that festus was willing to doe the iewes a pleasure , and so was manifestly a partiall iudge ; and though the sanedrim at ierusalem could have judged in point of law , that paul was a blasphemer , and so by their law he ought to die , for so caiphas and the priests and pharisees dealt with iesus christ , yet his appeal from the sanedrim , . corrupted , and having manifestly declared their bloodie intentions against paul. . from a sanedrim in its constitution false , and degenered far from what it ought to be by gods institution , deut. . , , . it now usurping civill businesse , which belonged not to them ; paul might also lawfully appeal from a bloodie and degenerating church judicature , acting according to the bloodie lusts of men against an innocent man , to a more unpartiall judge , and yet be no contemner of the church ; this is nothing against our thesis , which is , that it is not lawfull to appeal in a constituted church , from a lawfull unmixt church judicature to the civill magistrate in a matter of life and death . . paul appealed from the sanedrim , armed with the unjust and tyrannicall power of festus , a man willing to please the bloodie accusers of paul , as is clear , v. . and festus willing to doe the iewes a pleasure , answered paul and said , wilt thou go up to ierusalem , and there be judged of these things before me ? . the cause was not properly a church businesse but a crime of bodily death and sedition ; i deny not but in pauls accusation , prophaning of the temple , teaching against the law of moses was objected to him . materialiter the enemies made the cause of paul a church businesse , but formally it was sedition . . it was a businesse for which the sanedrim sought pauls life and blood , for which they had neither authority nor law by divine institution , therefore they sought the helpe of felix , festus and the roman deputies ; so lysias vvrote to felix , act. . . i perceived paul to be accused of questions of their law , but to have nothing layd to his charge worthy of death , or of bonds : now it is clear the roman deputies thought not any accusation for the iewish religion a matter of death and bonds , and therefore gallio the deputie of achaia , acts . . saith to the iewes , if it were a matter of wrong and wicked lewdnes , o yee iewes , reason were that i should bear with you . . but if it be a question of words and names , and of your law , looke yee to it , for i will be no judge of such matters ; ergo , to the romans , all the blasphemies of the iewish law was not a matter of wicked lewdnesse , nor of death : now the story is clear , they were seeking pauls life , and for names and words , the iewes should not reach paul , nor move the romans to put to death a roman , except they could prove sedition or treason against him ; and acts . festus saith to agrippa , that the priests and elders desired to have judgement against paul. . but against him they brought no accusation of such things as i supposed . . but had certain questions against him of their owne superstition , and of one iesus , who was dead , whom paul affirmed to be alive : here it is clear , all are but words , nothing worthy of death , which the iewes chiefly intended ; therefore they accuse him of treason , as we may collect from pauls apologie , acts . . neither against the law of the iewes , neither against the temple , nor yet against cesar have i offended any thing at all . therefore act. . tertullus a witty man burdeneth paul with that which might cost him his head , v. . for we have found this man a pestilent fellow , a mover of sedition amongst all the iewes , throughout all the world , see acts . . of all which , though blasphemy according to the iewish law was something , yet sedition to the romans , who only now had power of pauls life , was all and some ; and when the deputies counted so little of religion , the iews knew sedition and treason against cesar behooved to do the turn , and paul , seeing they pursued him for his life , appealed to cesar to be judged in that . now , except the adversaries prove that paul referred the resurrection of iesus , and of the dead , and his preaching christ , and the abolishing of sacrifices , the temple , the ceremoniall law , to be judicially determined by nero as by the head of the church , they prove nothing against us : hence their chiefe argument is soone answered ; in what cause paul was accused of the iews , in that he appealed to cesar : but he was accused not for his sedition , but for his doctrine , act. . . ergo , paul appealed to cesar in the cause of doctrine , not of sedition : for , . the major is dubious , for in what cause he was accused of his head , which was the intent of the iews in that he appealed , true ; but in what cause he was accused , in all and every article of the points of his accusation and challenge , i deny that ; for as touching doctrinals , and his being judged by a lawfull church , and rightly constituted , he appealed neither from the sanedrim , nor from festus , but declined festus , nor in these did he appeal to cesar ; he only appealed in all cases , which might concern his head and blood . . the assumption is false , for he was accused of sedition , as is evident from act. . . and . . . though the priests and elders were most corrupt men ; yet that they believed , that cesar , or bloody nero his lips should preserve knowledge , and that the law should be sought from the mouth of nero , as the head of the church , can never be proved , which must be proved to justifie pauls appeal in the tearms of the adversary . obj. but may not nero accuse paul , that he dare preach his iesus christ in the emperours dominions ? ans . if his dominions be the christian churches conquered by his sword , he may accuse as he conquered , that is he may oppresse the consciences of men in accusing , as he oppressed them in their bodies and liberties in the conquering of them : but he may not as a conquerour accuse them for their conscience , he may if he conquer those that worship sathan , cause instruct them in all meeknesse and lenity : but this he doth by the sword as a christian ruler , to inlarge the dominions of christ ; for when ●● conquereth their bodies , it is not to be thought that he conquereth their souls , or acquireth any new dominion over their cons●i●nces : but though he do as a magistrate command them to be instructed , i doubt if he have a negative voice in imposing any religion that he will , though they be heathens , though some learned divines say be have a definitive voice , in setting up what religion he will or tollerating it ; i conceive , though he have a definitive voyce in erecting the only true religion in his heathenish dominions , when there be no ministers of the gospel there ; yet not for any false religions , that being of perpetuall truth , god never gave authority or power of the sword to do ill , ad malum non est potestas : what other things videlius and vtenbogard have on the contrary , are answered : hence we ask , . if the intrinsecall end of judging and censuring ecclesiastically , be not the inlightning of the mind , the gaining of souls ; and if nero , or christian , or heathen magistrates , be appointed for that spirituall end ? . if paul aymed to refer the judging of the gospel to nero ? . if paul knowing the sanedrim sought his blood , not the gaining of his soul , might not appeal to the magistrate to save his life ? . if it was not the law of natures dictate in paul so to do , and not any positive constitution of the magistrates headship over the church and gospel ? . if the ecclesiasticall judicature will swell without its sphere of activity , to dispose of the life and blood of the saints ; if then the state of the question be not changed ; and if then it be not lawfull to appeal and decline , and provoke to the civill magistrate ? . moreover paul appealed not to cesar , in ordine ad censuram au● pen●m ecclesiasticam ▪ in order to a church censure , as if he thought cesar should principally excommunicate and cast him out of the ●ynagogue , or judge him in an ecclesiasticall way , whether he had done or preached against the temple , and law of moses or not , which must be proved , if the adversaries will prove a proper appeal from the church to the prince , which is now our question . all this which is our mind is well explained by our countryman ioh. camero . prelectio , in mat. . . p. . christiani principes sunt precipui in ecclesia in sensu diviso , sunt precipui et sunt in ecclesia , non in sensu conjuncto , non sunt prec●pui ecclesiastici : non enim obtinent principes directe authoritatem ecclesiasticam , sed indirectè ▪ non quod velimus ulla in causa ullum eximi jurisdictione principis , sed quia ejus jurisdictio non nisi per media ecclesiastica pertinet ad conscientiam , nempe , princeps non predicat evangelium , non ligat et solvit peceatores , at de officio principis est dare operam , ut sint qui predicent evangelium , ut sint qui ligent et solvant peccatores , uno verbo perinde principis est curare salutem animarum , ac eiusdem est saluti corporum prospicere , non est enim principis providere ne morbi grassentur directè , esset enim medicus , at indirectè princeps id studere debet , itaque collegium magistratuum nullo modo ecclesia dici potest , imo quatenus magistratus est de ecclesia , subjicitur hac in parte collegio ecclesiastico neque tamen ista inter se pugnant , idem ut imperet collegio ecclesiastico , et pareat idem , imperat enim quemadmodum medi●o imperat rex , paret ut medicao , nam si medicum facientem officium morte multet , non faciet quod decet sapientem principem , sed quod faciunt furiosi et insani , sin veneficum assiciat extremo supplicio , faciet quod jus et fas , et quod non facere ne●as esset . sic imp●●reges et insani prophet as jusserunt interfici , pius rex et idem sapientissimus david nathanem exosculatus est , ceterum accipiatur caute parendi verbum , rex enim cum senatui ecclesiastico paret , non paret illi obedientia civili quae collegium respiciat , sed obedientia religiosa que deum respiciat . sic qui lictori misso a senatu parebat non parebat lictori , sed senatui . yet it cannot be denied , but the same camero ascribeth more to the magistrate then is due , for there is no reason why he saith the prince obeyeth the church unproperly , more then the people ; for it is the same obedience that prince and people yield , . he denieth that the magistrate and pastors differ in their end and object , but only in the way and means leading to the end ; and in the same doth that learned divine dav. pareus , though both be against the erastian way : for they say the magistrates end and object , is not only peace and the good of the body , and of the externall man , but also of the soul even a supernaturall good , the externall salvation of men , because the kings of israel and iud●ls were to read the book of the law , and they only did reform religion : ans . this doth prove that the church-teachers and magistrate differ not in the materiall object and end , ( of the iewish kings i adde nothing to what i have answered before ) but in the formall end and object they differ : it s true , i have said that the intrinsecall end of the magistrate is a supernaturall good : but , . that i speak in opposition to the author of the bloody tenent , to socinians , and such as exclude the magistrate from all meddling with religion , or using of the sword against hereticks , apostates , and idolaters . . that i understand only of the materiall end , because the prince punishing idolatry , may per accidens , and indirectly promote the salvation of the church , by removing the temptations of hereticks from the church ; but ●e doth that , not in order to the conscience of the idolater , to gain ●is soul , ( for pastors as pastors do that ) but to make the church quiet , and peaceable in her journey to life eternall : but all this is but to act on the externall man by worldly power . but saith camero , it is not true that the church must meddle with every sin that is scandalous ; because for the circumstance it may be so hid , that the church cannot judge it , especially in a matter of fact : a physitian killeth a man either of temerity or negligence , there is no question but it is a great sin ; yet the tryall of this belongeth not to the church : so the pastor may exhort the magistrate to do his duty , but to give judgement what way the king should do this , and when he sinneth in this , belongeth to him who governeth the common-wealth ; for this must be true , eredendum est artifici in sua arte , you must believe every man in his owne art and calling , otherwise great confusion should follow . ans . observe that camero doth liberate the magistrate from being subject to the rebukes of pastors , but by accident ; because the sins of princes are hidden in the dark obscurity of intricate causes which they judge : but so the sins of painters and tradesmen are hid , because judges see not the mysteries of trades . this is no argument , but such as will equally prove , that the poysoning of a kings son , belongeth not to the king and parliament ; for a medicinall and physicall trying , how the physitian killeth a man , doth properly belong to the colledge of physitians ; and if it belong not for this physicall reason to the church court , because it is not their art to judge of medicinall potions , no more shall it belong to the civill judge to try this murther by poyson : for as pastors as pastors are not physitians , and so cannot judge of the fact ; so kings and civill judges , as such , are not physitians , and cannot judge for circumstances of a fact of incest , murther , parricide , and of all sins acknowledged to belong to both church and magistrate , in divers respects , may make the fact equally dark to all . . it is true pastors cannot prescribe what way the magistrate should judge ; but if the pastors cannot determine in hypothesie , that this is a fact of unjustice in a judge , and so rebuke , but credendum artifici in sua arte , we must believe the judge in his owne art , he saith this is an art of justice : then isaiah and ieremiah should not cry out against unjust decrees , against crushing and oppressing the poor in the gate ; because the wickedst judges say , all their decrees are just , they defend the fatherlesse and widow , and do not crush them , and pastors cannot rebuke the sins of unjust judges , but you must believe they do just and right in their owne art ; yea , many villanies and scandals are carried so mysteriously , and in the clouds , that we must believe the sinner in his owne art and trade of sinning , and believe the harlot , who wipeth her mouth and saith , i have not sinned . for the practice of constantine the great , in the cause of donatus and cecilianus i remit to eusebius l. . c. . to optatus melivitanus who wrote the history of the donatists carefully , to augustine epistle . and for the determination of the question , see what the emperour writeth to the councell of nice , zozome l. . c. . ruffin . l. . c. . eusebius in vita constant , deus vos constituit sacerdotes et potestatem vobis dedit de nobis quoque judicandi et ideo nos a vobis recte judicamur , vos autem non potestis ab omnibus judicari , propter quod dei solius inter vos exspectate judicium , &c. that nectarius was chosen and ordained bishop of constantinople by theodosius socrates l. . c. . saith not , but by the contrary a centum et quinquaginta episcopis qui tum aderant ordinatus . theodoretus l. . c. . saith he was designed bishop by the synod of constantinople : antiquity seemeth dubious in it , for nicephorus l. . c. . zozomen . l. . e. . theodoretus . l. . c. . historia tripartit . l. . c. . say that the emperor ordained him , the synod named him ; the truth is , the bishops were devided in judgement ; and its like they referred the matter to the godly emperour : in the mean time athanasius epist . de solit vita , ambros . l. . orat ad auxentium , and l. . epist . . ad valentinianum . zozomen l. . c. . concilium toletanum . iii. concilium milevitanum . and divers others which i have cited elsewhere , make the emperor a son of the church , not a head and lord , intra ecclesiam , filium ecclesiae , non judicem , non dominum supra ecclesiam : i might adde augustin , epist . . . . l. . de doctr . christ . c. . cyril . alexandrinus in an epistle to the synod of antioch , all protestant divines of note and learning . chap. xxvii . quest . . whether the subjecting of the magistrates to the church and pastors , be any papal tyranny ; and whether we differ not more from papists in this , then our adversaries ? the magistrate not the vicar of the mediator christ : the testimonies of some learned divines on the contrary answered . it is most unjustly imputed to us , that we lay a law upon the conscience of the magistrates , that they are bound to assist with their power , the decrees of the church ; taking cognizance only of the fact of the church , not inquiring into the nature of the thing . this doctrine we disclaim , as popish and antichristian : it hath its rise from bonifacius the iii. who obtained from phocas a bloody tyrant , who murthered mauritius and his children , as baronius confesseth : and yet he saith of this murtherer optimortum imperatorum vestigia sequutus , he made an edict that the bishop of constantinople should not be called oecumenick nor universall bishop ; but that this should be given only to the bishop of rome : so baronius yieldeth , this tyranny was inlarged by hildebrande , named gregorius the seventh , a monster of tyrannicall wickednesse , and yet by papists , he is sanctitate et miraculis clarus , baronius extolleth him , these and others invaded both the swords : bishops would be civill judges , and trample first upon the neck , then upon the consciences of emperors , and make kings the hornes of the beast , and seclude them from all church businesses , except that with blind obedience , having given their power to the beast , as slaves they must execute the decrees of the church . paul the iii. the confirmer of the order of iesuits , who indicted the councell of trent , as onuphrius saith , up braideth charles the v. for meddling with church businesse : they write that magistrates do not see in church matters with their owne eyes , but with bishops eyes , and that they must obey without examining the decrees of councels ; and this they write of all subject to the church , toletus in instruct sacerd●t . l. . c. . si rusticus circa articulos fidei credat suo episcopo proponenti-aliquod dogma hereticum , mor●tur in credendo , licet sit error ▪ card. cusanus excit . l. . sermon . obedientia irrationalis est consumata et perfectissima obedientia sicut iumentum obedit domino . ib. sententia pastoris ligat te , pro tua salute , etiam si injusta fuerit : envy cannot ascribe this to us , calvin , beza , yea , all our writers condemne blind obedience as brutish : but our adversaries in this are more popish , for they substitute king and parliament in a headship over the church , giving to the king all the same power in causes ecclesiastick , that the pope usurped . . they make the king a mixed person , to exercise spirituall jurisdiction , to ordaine bishops , and deprive them ; and mr. prinne calleth the opinion of those who deny ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , legislative ( a high word proper to god only ) coercive power of christian emperors , kings , magistrates , parliaments , in all matters of religion , ( what , in fundamentall articles of salvation ? ) church-government , discipline , ceremonies , &c. anti-monarchicall , anti-parliamentarie , anarchicall , as holden by papists , prelates , anabaptists , arminians , socinians , &c. it s that which arminians objects to us , and calleth the soul , heart , and forme of papall tyranny . but that the magistrate is not obliged to execute the decrees of the church , without further examination ; whither they be right or wrong , as papists teach that the magistrate is to execute the decrees of their popish councels with blind obedience , and submit his faith to them ; because he is a layman , and may not dare to examine , whether the church doth erre , or not , is clear ; . because if in hearing the word , all should follow the example of the men of berea , not relying on the testimony of paul or any preacher ; try , whether th●● which concerneth their conscience and faith , be agreeable to the scriptures or no , and accordingly receive or reject ; so in all things of discipline , the magistrate is to try by the word , whether he ought to adde his sanction to these decrees , which the church gives out for edification , and whether he should draw the sword against such a one as a heretick , and a perverter of souls : but the former is true , the magistrates practise in adding his civill sanction , and in punishing herericks concerneth his conscience , knowing that he must do it in faith , as he doth all his moral actions ; ergo , the magistrate must examine what he practiseth in his office , according to the word , and must not take it upon the meer authority of the church ; else his faith in these moral acts of his office should be resolved ultimaté on the authority of the church , not on the word of god , which no doubt is popery ; for so the warrant of the magistrates conscience , should not be , thus saith the lord , but thus saith the church in their decrees . . the magistrate and all men have a command to try all things ; ergo , to try the decrees of the church , and to retain what is good , thes . . . to try the spirits even of the church , in their decrees , joh. . . . we behooved to lay down this popish ground , that . the church cannot erre in their decrees . . it s against scripture and reason , that magistrates , and by the like reason , all others should obey the decrees of the church with a blinde faith , without inquiring in the warrants and grounds of their decrees , which is as good popery , as , magistrates and all men are to beleeve as the church beleeveth with an implicite faith , so ignorance shall be the mother of devotion ; who ever impute this to us who have suffered for non-conformity , and upon this ground that synods can erre , refused the ceremonies , are to consult with their own conscience whether this be not to make us appear disloyall & odious to magistracy in that which we never thought , ●ar lesse to teach and professe it to the world . . their chiefe reason is , the magistrate by our doctrine , by his office , is obliged , . to follow the judgement of the church , and in that he is a servant or inslaved , qui enim judicia aliorum sequi tenetur , is non regit , sed regitur , adeoque servus est , & mancipium brutum eorum , quorum judicium sequi obligatur , and the magistrate ( say they ) as such , is neither to judge nor try what the church decrees , but as a burrio , or hangman to execute that which the church hath decreed . but . i put it in forme , and retort it thus , they are servants and slaves who are obliged not to despise , but to hear and obey , and so to follow the judgement of the prophets , the faithfull pastors of christ , preaching the word of god soundly and orthodoxly . but not onely magistrates , but all within the visible church are obliged , not to despise , but to hear and obey , and so to follow the judgement of the prophets , the faithfull pastors of christ preaching the word of god soundly and orthodoxely ; ergo , magistrates and all within the visible church are slaves and servants . but the conclusion is absurd ; ergo , some of the premises , but the assumption is the word of god , iudah was carried captive , because they would not hear the prophets rising early in the morning and speaking to them : also in the new testament , this is true to the second coming of christ , he that heareth you , heareth me , he that despiseth you , despiseth me . and this , he that will not obey the servant of the supream magistrate , in that wherein he is a servant , and holdeth forth the lawfull commands of the supream magistrate , he will not obey the supream magistrate : the major proposition is the adversaries , the assumption is expresse scripture ; let them see then to the conclusion . . when the adversary shall answer this argument with equal strength made against preaching and hearing the word , they will answer their owne argument made against church-government . . this argument is made against synods popish , that cannot erre ▪ as our protestant divines object ; and therefore the adversarie is popish here , not we : thus they are servants and slaves who are obliged to follow the judgement of councels absolutely , without limitation ; and because they say it , whether they warrant their decrees by the word of god , or not , that is a true major proposition : but now the assumption is most false , for neither magistrates nor any other , are to follow the judgement of the church absolutely without limitation , and because they say it . the other part is , they are servants and slaves , who are to follow the judgement of the church and councels , with a reserve , and a condition , and limitation , in so far as they agree with the word ; now the major is false . . he that is obliged to follow the judgement of another , does not rule , but is ruled , true , in that in which he followeth the judgement of another ; the magistrate in so far as in matters of religion , that concerneth his conscience , faith , and practise , he followeth pastors ; he is not a ruler formally to those whose judgement he is obliged to follow : but in civill matters he may be , and is a ruler to those same ; for we answer to papists who by this same argument would prove , that churchmen are not subject to the magistrate , nor to civill laws : he that is a sheep , is not to rule and command his shepheard ; but the magistrate is a sheep and a member of the church , and pastors and doctors are shepheards : we answer , in divers considerations a magistrate as a magistrate in civill things , is not ruled by pastors and doctors , but he is to rule them : but a magistrate as a member of the church , as a christian in things that concerneth his conscience , is a sheep and to be ruled , not a ruler to pastors and doctors , and so here ; and therefore , non concluditur quod est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . the adversaries are to answer this also ; for if pastors and doctors be as such , but servants under the magistrate ; and if he have that same architectonica potestas , that same supremacy and headship in ecclesiasticall matters , as in civill matters , to command alike in both by the same power : then , . the pastors and doctors are obliged to follow his judgement , without appeal or examination , and they are servants and slaves , and ruled , and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not over the magistrates as christians , neither over the people in the lord. . the elders as elders , are not to examine what the magistrates as magistrates command in ecclesiasticall matters or in religion , they may possibly not as elders but as as christians , judge with the judgement of discretion , as all other christians may do ; for videlius , erastus , and other adversaries say , the magistrate may not command what he pleaseth ; for in church matters he may command but according to the rule of the word , and in civill matters according to equity , justice , and prudence . true : but , . the magistrate as supream head of the church , is by office , to judge what government of the church is most agreeable to the word , what is sinfull , antichristian , and tyrannicall ; and the magistrates lips in thus judging , as he is a magistrate , and not the pastors are to preserve knowledge ; and both pastors as pastors , and the people as members of the church , and as they may worship and serve god in this government , or may sin , are to seek the law at the magistrates mouth , and directions for their conscience from him , as from a magistrate , and not as from a christian , not from pastors as pastors that handle the law. and if the government as a way of serving god , may be prescribed and held forth to the consciences of all by the magistrate as the magistrate ; by the same reason all the wayes of god , in which the church of ephesus , pergamus , thyatira , may so approve themselves to christ , and as he is to walk in the midst of the golden candlesticks , and as a magistrate , he is to forbid such sins in government , as may procure the removing of the candlestick ; and why may he not by the same reason , hold forth to their conscience all the other parts of the gospel ? if any say , who can deny but the magistrate as the magistrate may command that which is obedience to christ , and reward it , and forbid sin and punish it ? ans . but the magistrate as such , forbiddeth not sin as sin , for then as a magistrate he should forbid sin under the punishment of eternall wrath , which he cannot do as a magistrate , he onely can forbid sin under the pain of his temporary punishment , which he can inflict , and as it disturbes societies , and incorporations . obj. the magistrate as the magistrate shall not serve christ as mediator , if he doe not command the dispensing of word and sacraments , as they are spirituall meanes leading us to a supernaturall end , and if he forbid not idolatry and blasphemie against christ as they are sins , and gospel sins done against christ , as mediator . ans . i utterly deny this consequence : for . the magistrate may serve christ as christ , and promote and advance the kingdome of iesus christ as mediator , when he contributes his power to those things that materially conduce to a supernaturall end , though he doe not contribute any thing that formally conduceth to such an end . . so you may say a christian husband as a husband ; a godly physitian , as a physitian , a printer who printeth the bible , do nothing serviceable to christ as christ , and in promoting christs mediatory kingdom , when the one begetteth children , that being borne in the visible church are made heires of the kingdome of christ ; and the other when by his art and skill he preserveth the life of a godly and zealous preacher : the third , when by his art he publisheth in print the testament of christ ; the physitian doth somewhat as a physitian that is serviceable to christ as mediator , yet ( i hope ) it is no ecclesiasticall businesse to restore to health a godly minister ; nor to beget a child who is made an heir of grace , nor to print the bible ; so a philosopher as a philosopher doth convince one that worshippeth bread , that the man leaveth his error , and this is materially service to christ , and a promoting of christs mediatory kingdom ; but neither husband , physitian , printer or philosopher , are in these acts , the vicars and deputies of iesus christ , as the magistrate is holden to be by the adversary : nor . do they as ecclesiasticall persons formally advance the kingdom of christ as do the preachers of the gospel , far lesse more principally do they advance christs kingdom , as the magistrate is supposed to do . nor . hath their thus promoting of christs kingdom any influence upon the conscience as the magistrate must have , if he forbid sin as sin ; now the magistrate as such , doth nothing to promote formally the mediatory kingdome of christ , for he may doe , and doth all hee doth as a magistrate ; yea suppose he were a turk set over ▪ christians as their magistrate granting that christ was a true prophet , yet may he as a magistrate , punish those who shall teach that christ was a false prophet and an impostor , and though his magistraticall acts be serviceable to christ materially , yet not formally . . because this magistrate denieth christ to be the saviour of the world , and yet as a magistrate he justly punisheth the man that blasphemo●sly calleth christ a deceiver , and an impostor . . because as a magistrate he believeth him not to be god , and so ex intentione operantis , he punisheth him not for a wrong done to christ as christ , and as the saviour of mankind , but as a wrong done to the common wealth , and as a disturber of the peace thereof ; hence these propositions touching the magistrates relation to the mediator christ and his church . propos . . the magistrate as a magistrate is not the vicar nor deputie of iesus christ as mediator ; . because this is the heart and soul of popery , that the papists teach that christ as mediator hath left a temporall , an earthly and visible monarch as his vicar on earth . now that learned and singular ornament of the protestant churches , andreas rivetus hath well said , christ hath instituted neither kings nor princes in the church as his successors , nor any vicars with a domination , but onely ministers and servants , who are to discharge their embassage , in the name of the onely prince christ ; for an embassage cannot institute other ambassadors , either kings or princes , but onely ministers , who do serve , not reigne in the kingdom of christ , he himselfe onely reignes ; the servants of this great king promote the kingdom of their prince , nor do they ever usurpe the royall power . yea , all the arguments of protestants that are brought to prove that the pope , a bishop , and a church man ▪ because he is a bishop and a steward in the church , and in christs spirituall kingdom that is not of this world , cannot be an earthly prince and monarch having power either directly or indirectly in ordine ad spiritualia , to dispose of kingdomes and crownes , and enthrone and dethrone kings , doe also prove that the king cannot be head of the church , nor the magistrate an officer of the church . doe not protestant divines condemn that blasphemous speech of cardinall bertrandus , that christ who was a temporall lord on earth , should not seem a discreet and wise prince , if he had not left a temporall vicar behinde him in the church , and that of armacanus to be false ; that christ by birth was the true king of iudea , and so a temporary prince , hence ( say they ) there should be a temporary prince , and an earthly monarch , the successor of christ as king and mediator . this becanus the iesuite maketh a speciall ground of the popes headship of the church , and for this suarez disputeth ; yea , the iesuite aegid . conninck saith , it is the common and received opi●●●n of all the ( romish ) doctors , that christ as man hath a true kingly power , and a direct dominion over all the kingdomes of the world , to give them lawes , and to exercise all kingly power over them , though de facto he abstained from it ; and is not upon this pillar builded the popes supremacy ? and that which augustinus de ancona saith , idem esse dominium dei & pap● , it is the same dominion which god and the pope hath , because it is the same jurisdiction of the ambassador , and of the lord who sent him ? i deny not , but many papists give to christ an indirect kingly power , and to the pope they give the same indirect power in ordine ad spiritualia , as vasquez , and pet. waldingus and others ; but this we say ; if iesus christ forbid a preacher of the gospell remaining a preacher to be a civill magistrate or temporall lord , as he doth both by precept and and practise , luke . , , . and . , . ioh. , . and , . then upon the same ground he must forbid the civill magistrate to be a church governour , as if god should forbid a physitian to be a painter , ( because the two callings cannot lawfully consist in the person of one man ) he should also forbid a painter to be a physitian ; then the arguments against a monarchy and magistraticall power in the bishop of rome , must fight against any ecclesiasticall power in a magistrate , if then the pastors doe as pastors , rebuke , exhort , excommunicate , and censure , as directly subordinate to the magistrate , then pastors as pastors discharge their office as inferiour and under magistrates , and so they partake in so farre of a temporall dominion , being direct instruments under temporall lords ; and if the magistrate as the magistrate doe command them to dispense word , and sacraments and discipline , and make and unmake pastors , and regulate and limit them , and make lawes to them , then the magistrate as the magistrate doth partake of an ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , and both are forbidden by christ in the places cited . . if the magistrate be the onely supream church governour under christ , the government of the church must be a visible monarchy , and the magistrate must have both the swords , temporall and spirituall , and christs kingdom must be of this world , and the weapons thereof carnall to fight for christ , and the supream church-officer as such must bear the sword , be a valiant man of warre by office , and christs kingdome must be not of this world , and the weapons thereof not carnall , but spirituall , joh. . . cor. . , . and the supream church-officer must be no striker , no fighter , no man of war , no sword-bearer by office , which are contradictory . . we prove the pope to be no vicar of christ , because we read not in the word of any such vicar , nor do we read any thing of a supream church-officer , who is the vicar of christ . . no spirituall ambassador as such , can substitute other ambassadors with majority of power , that he hath in his name to dispense word , sacraments ; and discipline ; nor can one great ministeriall church-head create lesser ministeriall church-heads , such as justices , majors , sheriffes , bailiffes , constables , no more then the high priest could substitute in his place other little high priests , if he were sick and absent , to goe into the holy of holiest with blood once a yeere , no more then the apostle paul immediately called of god can substitute other lesser apostles immediately called of god to act as lesser apostles , but limited by the higher , in the exercise of power ; nor can these lesser apostles create other apostles yet lesser , and these in a subalternation yet lesser , while you come as low as a constable , as the king doth send lesser kings indued in part with his royalty or iudges under him , and those iudges may appoint other iudges under them ; and because the whole visible catholick church hath an externall visible policy , if oecumenick councels have any warrant in the word , then ought christ to have instituted one civil emperour over all the churches on earth , to conveen oecumenick synods , to preside in them , to limit and regulate them , to make lawes to all the world ; and that this is not , it falleth out through mans corruption , but it ought to be according to divine institution , no lesse then every single magistrate is by institution the head of every particular church , indued as our adversary say with that supream power under christ the mediator , that they call potestas architectonica , the headship of the church . proposi . . the magistrate as such is not a vicar of christs mediatory kingdom , . because then as the magistrates are called gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in scripture , exod. . . psal . . ioh. . , . so the magistrates should be called little mediators , or submediators , between god and man ; little kings of the church , little priests , little prophets of the church : for god giveth his name to magistrates , because he communicateth also to them some of his majesty and power ; now what mediatory , what princely , priestly , o● propheticall power hath christ communicated to magistrates as magistrates : erastus saith , they may dispense word and sacraments , if they had leasure : but if they be by office , little mediators , and pastors under christ , they should take leasure ; for every magistrate ought to say , woe be unto me if i preach not : and master coleman saith , that christian magistracy is an ecclesiasticall administration ; he must speak of christian magistracy formally , as christian magistracy , otherwayes a christian tentmaker , a believing fisher was an apostle ; if he mean that christian magistracy is a church officer formally , he might say , it is a mediatory office , and a princely and kingly office under christ , to give repentance to israel and forgivenesse of sins instrumentally ; would master coleman teach us how the magistrates sword openeth the eyes of the blind , converteth men from the power of sathan to god , begetteth men through the gospel to christ , as pastors do ; and that formally as magistrates , we should thank him . . christian magistracy , if it be a church or ecclesiasticall administration , then is it formally so either as magistracy , or as christian ; not as magistracy , for then all heathen magistrates must formally , ho● ipso , that they be magistrates , be ecclesiasticall persons : so nero when rome makes him emperour , they make him formally a church-officer , and invest him with power to dispence word and sacraments , and discipline , if he might find leasure for killing of men , and such businesse , so to do ; for quod convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where doth the old or new testament hold forth such an office given by christ , as a fruit of his ascension to heaven ? where do the apostles who shew us the duty of magistrates , fathers , masters , pastors , teachers , rulers , deacons , husbands , insinuate any such office ? if as christian , christian magistracy be an ecclesiasticall office and administration : christianity , . is common to the magistrate with all other professors , painters , merchants , seamen , lawyers , musitians ; and no more can christianity make a heathen formally a church-officer , then it can make a painter formally a church-officer ? can faith in christ , and professing thereof make any to be formally church-officers ? then must all be church-officers that are members of the church , for posita causa formali ponitur effectus formali● : now master coleman saith , the heathen magistrate as a magistrate is an ecclesiasticall administration ; because ( saith he ) he should , and ought to manage his power for christ ; as the heathen and uttermost parts of the earth are given for christs possession and inheritance , and christ hath given no liberty to a great part of the world , to remaine infidels and enemies to him and his government : i suppose christ hath all nations given to him , and all nations ought to receive christ , though as yet actually they do not ; god and nature hath made magistrates , and these magistrates thus made , god hath given to christ : but , . the title of christian added to magistracy , by this is superfluous , and put in only ad faciendum populum , for christianity maketh no man formally a magistrate by m. colemans way ; yet saith he pag. . a christian magistrate as a christian magistrate , is a governour in the church : he should say by his way , a magistrate christian as a magistrate , is a governour not only in the church , but a governour of the church . arg. . if the magistrate as the magistrate be the vicar and deputy of christs mediatory kingdom , then all and every magistrate as magistrate by his office , is obliged under the pain of gods wrath , to command that the gospel be preached , and that men believe and obey christ as mediator , in all his dominions ; that so he may manage his office for christ : but the latter is utterly false , and contrary to the gospel ; ergo , so is the former . the major is undeniable , all service that magistrates by office do , they sin before god , if they do it not ; and so must be obliged under the pain of sin , and gods wrath to do it : and therefore are obliged to command that the gospel be preached , and that men believe and obey christ , if by office they be the vicars and deputies of the mediatory kingdom . i prove the assumption , these magistrates amongst the americans and other heathen , who never by any rumour heard of iesus christ , are essentially and formally magistrates : but neither are they obliged to command that the gospel be preached , nor their people they are over , obliged to believe and obey christ as mediatour ; because only those to whom christ and the gospel commeth , can be guilty of not receiving christ the mediator , and of not promoting the mediatory kingdome : such magistrates are obliged only with their sword to glorifie god the creator , and to punish sins against the law of nature , nor are they guilty for not punishing the not receiving of the gospel , or for sins against the mediator , of whom they never heard ; for this is invincible and insuperable ignorance , and can make no man guilty , who never heard nor could hear of the gospel , according to that , ioh. . . if i had not come and spoken to them , they should not have had sin , but now they have no cloak for their sin , rom. . . for as many as have sinned without law , shall also perish without law , and as many as have sinned in the law , shall be judged by the law ; ergo , they that never heard of the gospel or the mediator , cannot perish , nor be judged for refusing the gospel ; and it were strange , if magistrates were invincibly ignorant of their office , which is to set up the mediator christ and his church and visible kingdom , if yet they never heard , nor ever could hear of the word of the kingdom ; for then to do and performe the duties of their office , should not only morally , but invincibly and physically be impossible , and so they should not be obliged to do the duties of their office . obj. . when the heathen magistrate is converted to the faith , and becometh a christian magistrate , he is obliged by his office as a magistrate , to command his people to honour and receive the lord jesus , and the ministery of reconciliation , and to punish such as blasphemeth the mediator iesus christ , such as arrians , antitrinitarians , and others ; ergo , that officiall obligation lay on him before as a magistrate : for you say that the heathen magistrate turning christian , acquireth no new magistraticall power by turning christian , which he had not before while he was a heathen magistrate ; onely christianity maketh him use the officiall power of a magistrate , which he had before , while he was a heathen ignorant of christ , now for the honour of the mediator christ , and the promoting of his mediatory kingdome . ans . . the antecedent is denied , for when the heathen magistrate is converted to the christian faith , he is not obliged by his office , as a magistrate to command his people ( whom we suppose now to be hearers of the gospel , and possibly converted also ) to believe and prosesse christ , nor is he obliged as a magistrate to promote the mediatory kingdome of christ , as his mediatory and spirituall kingdom ( he or his sword have nothing to do with spirits or consciences as they are such , nor with the subjects of a spirituall kingdom ) nor can he punish blasphemers of christ as such : nay , nor can he punish such as sin against god the creator , as they sin against god the creator , by vertue of his office of a magistrate , for so formally he commandeth obedience to christ mediator , or to god creator , and punisheth sins and blasphemies against the mediator , or against god the creator only as such obedience and such blasphemies , may promote the externall safety , prosperity , and peace of the civill society , whereof he is head , or may dissolve the sinnues and nerves of that society . what he doth to uphold that society which is a part of christs redeemed kingdome , ●e doth it as a magistrate in a far other notion then the pastors and reachers , who by office as spirituall watchmen , are to promote christs mediatory kingdom , as such a spirituall incorporation professing union with christ the head of the body the church . obj. . but yet it will follow that the heathen magistrate remaining heathen , is invincibly ignorant of his office ; for in so far as he remaineth a heathen , he cannot promote the mediatory kingdom of christ in any notion ; nay , not so much as it is a mean conducing to the externall safety and peace of that civill society , whereof he i● head ; ergo , he must , while he remaineth an heathen , and never by rumor heareth of the gospel , be by office a promoter of christs kingdom , and by office a punisher with the sword , of all such as blasphem the mediator christ , though through his owne sinfull ignorance he cannot put forth in acts or exercise the very officiall and magistraticall power , which he hath by office , and actu primo , while he remaineth an heathen magistrate . ans . . it followeth not that the heathen magistrate , being ignorant ( while he remaineth in that state ) of some acts , which would conduce to the peace and externall safety of the state , if the state were christian , that he is invincibly ignorant of his office ; to be unable to exercise some acts of an office not consistent with an heathenish state , can never argue invincible ignorance of the office . . the consequence is nought , that because he is ignorant of some acts , and cannot exercise them ; that therefore the heathen magistrate remaining heathen , is by office , and actu primo , an officer and vicegerent of christs mediatory kingdom : for at no time , and in no state , hath the magistrates sword any influence in the mediatory kingdome at all , but in so far as the sword may procure externall peace to the society of that kingdome as they are a civill body , which peace he might by office procure by other means then by commanding the gospel to be preached , or by punishing such as blaspheme christ : for though the materiall object of the magistrates sword be the spirituall kingdom of christ , yet the formall object is the naturall and civill peace of this kingdome as a civill society , for to promote spirituall means , and to punish spirituall sins , such as heresie and blaspheming of christ , do often conduce very much for civill peace . . it is false that the heathen magistrate is unable to exercise his magistraticall power for the mediator christ through his owne sinfull ignorance , his not knowing christ of whom he never heard , is not any sin at all , nor is he obliged to know or believe in him , of whom he never heard , rom. . . arg. . every magistrate is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an humane ordinance , pet. . . and is appointed by god the creator , and by a rationall nature , yea saith mr. coleman , god and nature made magistrates , he must mean god the creator and nature , but i hope god as creator , and nature made not the magistrate the head of the church , the vicar of the mediator christ , this must have its rise from a higher fountain then nature ; ecclesiasticall offices tend to a supernaturall end , magistracy and humane laws ( saith suarez ) is from nature , and the law saith , de jure gentium est omnis principatus . that excellent and learned lawyer , ferd. vasquius saith , that all princedome hath its rise from the secondary law of nature , to wit , à jure gentium , from the law of nations : hence kings , princes , parliaments , iudges , lord justices , majors , sheriffes , constables , &c. in their root are naturall , but in particulars , rulers are from the prudence of humane societies , there is a higher institution for church ▪ officers , eph. . . they have not their rise from nature , and therefore that celebrious and renowned antiquarie , d. salmasius in that learned work of his , de primatu papae condemneth the dignity and jurisdiction of patriarchs above metropolitans , as flowing from the writs of princes , and synodical constitutions of fathers , not from any divine institution , the highest was as theodoret saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ now god as creator and nature doth not , sure nature cannot appoint a vicar of the mediator christ , for if the magistrate be an ecclesiasticall administration , then it must be an office intrinsecally supernaturall , and intrinsecally and directly tending to a supernaturall end ; now the papists for shame doe build their head of the church upon a divine institution , and on christs words , thou art peter , and on this rock i will build my church , and i will give to thee the keyes of the kingdom of heaven ; christ never said any such thing to a magistrate ; and if the magistrate be an ecclesiasticall administration , and the head of the church , and the vicar of christ as mediator , he must have more then this , and the keyes of the kingdom of god must be given to him above peter and all the apostles , for all church-officers act their part as such , à & sub magistratu , from and under the magistrate , as his vicars , so as the magistrate in america who lived and died never hearing of the gospel , nor of his lord mediator , is yet by office the vicar of the mediator , and obliged as a magistrate though a meer heathen to beleeve in him of whom he never heard , if the adversary say right , which is unpossible , rom. . . but saith mr. coleman , if christ be rightfull king of the whole earth , where did christ grant a liberty to a great part of the world , to remain infidels and enemies to him and his government ? arg. . in answer to which , i draw a fourth argument ; all the heathen magistrates who never heard of the mediator christ and the gospel , cannot by office be the deputies and vicars of the mediatory kingdom , for they are not the professed subjects of christ as mediator , nor given to him as his possession and inheritance , neither actually , nor in gods decree ; for thousands of them lived and died without christ or any obligation to beleeve in , or serve the lord iesus as mediator , for if christ be not their rightfull king as mediator , nor their king at all as mediator , they cannot be his subjects as mediator , far lesse can they be his deputies and vicars by office of his kingdome ; but christ is not king as mediator in any sort or title of such as are heathen magistrates , for as mediator he is neither king , titulo & jure acquisitionis , nor efficaci applicatione , neither merito , nor efficacia , he neither gave a price as mediator to buy them , because the adversaries then must say , that christ is so king of the whole earth , as he hath died for all and every one of mankind : nor are they his subjects so much as in the profession of the word of his kingdom , for they never heard it ; if the adversaries can say that christ died for all and every one of mankinde , and so for these heathen kings , i can refute this article of arminianisme ; and though christ had died for them , yet are they not subjects in so much as in profession , and so in no capacity nor obligation to serve with their sword , christ as mediator , for they are not in that state obliged to beleeve in him , nor to know him as mediator ; how then are they obliged by office to serve him as mediator , except he had revealed himself to them in the gospel ? hence i need not prove that christ is their king by efficacious applying of the merits of his death to them , nor can any say this argument may prove that pastors by office are the ambassadors of christ , because they are not all the subjects of christ given to him as mediator , either in the decree of election , nor actually redeemed ; for many pastors who are by office the ambassadors of christ as mediator , are reprobates , as was iudas and others ; for the argument is not drawn from any saving claime that heathen princes who never heard of christ hath to christ , but it is drawn from no claim at all , no not so much as in profession ; now this claim in profession all pastors have , else they cannot be pastors . it is doubtsome that master coloman saith , and not to a purpose , that christ granteth not a liberty to the greatest part of the world , to remain infidels and enemies to him and his government : for thus he giveth them a liberty negative , so as they are not obliged to believe a gospel that they never heard , nor is their negative infidelity a sin , for which they are condemned : they are condemned , because they glorifie not the creator as god , rom. . . and do not the things of the law , that are written in their hearts , rom. . . . mat. . , , . and in this sense god giveth to them liberty to remain infidels , but he giveth them not liberty positively to remain infidels and enemies to christ , that is , he willeth not voluntate signi ; that they should live in a sinfull course of unrenewed nature ; but they are not positively enemies to christ and to his government , who never by the least rumour heard of christ or his kingdom or government : hence all our divines say , that privative unbeliefe of those that hear the gospel , doth condemn , but not the negative unbeliefe of those who never heard the gospel : thus the adversaries must say , except they with arminians , and especically with moses amyrald teach , that there be two wayes of preaching christ , and two sorts of faiths in christ , one of those that hear the gospel , and another of those who are to believe in christ , though they never hear of , or know any letter of the gospel , who yet by the book of creation and providence are obliged to believe in christ , which were an irrationall obligation , rom. . . arg. . all power mediatory in heaven and in earth , that is given to iesus christ as mediator , is all spirituall , all ecclesiasticall power ; and therefore christ upon this receipt of all power , mat. . . draweth a conclusion , v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. go●ye therefore and teach all nations , &c. but a kingly power of this world by carnall weapons , and by sword to fight , is not given to christ mediator ; for he denieth expresly , ioh. . . that he hath such a kingdom as mediator , or that he was instructed with the sword as mediator , luk. . . now as god and creator of the world , christ could not deny but he had a kingdom worldly , and that he hath a regnum potentiae , an universall kingdom of power , as lord of hoasts ; to dispose of all the kingdoms of the world , and to rule amongst the children of men , and to rule over the children of men , and to give them to whomsoever he will , dan. . . & . . ●er . . v. , , , . psal . . . psal . . v. . nor is this kingdom and power given to christ , nor is he made prince and a king as god ; but as mediator to give repentance to the house of israel , and forgivenesse of sins , act. . . i grant it is said , phil. . . god hath highly exalted christ , and given him a name above every name , that at the name of iesus every knee should bow , of things in heaven , and of things in earth , and things under the earth . what ? doth not this ( say the adversaries ) comprehend a royall power given to christ ? and hath not christ from this power to substitute magistrates in his place , as his vicars under him , and as little mediators ? i answer , it doth in no sort follow : for that is a spirituall power , as is clear , rom. . v. . for to this end christ both died , and rose , and revived , that he might be lord both of dead and living , v. . for it is written , as i live saith the lord , every knee shall bow to me , and every tongue shall confesse god : so it is clearly expounded of christs exalting at the right hand of god , act. . . for spirituall and supernaturall ends , i grant as mediator and king he breaketh his enemies , devils , and men , psal . . . with a rod of yron , and dasheth them in pieces like a potters vessel , and maketh his enemies his footstool , psal . . . but that is no carnall power , such as earthly kings useth , it is a spirituall power , for the reason is given , ver . . the lord shall send the rod of thy strength out of sion : by which v. . as a great anti-royalist , he strikes through kings in the day of his wrath : now christ as mediator sendeth not out kings and princes to conquer souls to him with their sword : renowned salmasius saith , when christ sent his apostles first to preach the gospel , and to lay the foundation of the christian church , did he send out with them lictors , pursevants , men of war with a bundell of rods , and with axes to compell men to come in to his kingdome ? commanded he to smite them with swords and axes , who would not receive the gospel ? no , yea he would not have them to take with them a staffe , a scrip , or shoes : but though christ subdue all his enemies , devils , and wicked men , it shall never follow that christ is for that , king and head of devils , and wicked men : for christ is as mediator king and head , or mediatory king and head of those that are the subjects , and redeemed conquest of this king , and of those who are members of the body of which he is head , now this body is his church only , col. . . he is the head of the body the church , eph. . , . and gave him to be head over all things to the church , which is his body , the fulnesse of him that filleth all : the body of christ to be edified , ephesi . . till we all ( all that body of the saints to be perfected , v. . ) come in the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the son of god , unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of christ , v. . from whom the whole body fitly joyned together , and compacted by that which every joynt supplieth , according to the effectuall working in the measure of every part , maketh increase of the body unto the edifying of it selfe in love : now never divine can say , that devils and wicked men , who shall bow to iesus , are the subjects of this kingdom of christ , who have right to the fruits of the kingdom , righteousnesse and peace , and joy in the holy ghost , rom. . . far lesse that they are of the body ; that is , christs body , christs fulnesse , christs body to be perfected , edified , to come in the unity of faith , and of the knowledge of the son of god , into a perfect man , &c. arg. . these megistrates that are the mediatory vicars , deputies , and heads of the head iesus christ and his kingdom , these are of his body , and subjects under the king and mediator christ , the chiefe head and king : for it is not to be presumed , that christ will appoint these to be heads and vicars of his body , and little kings over his kingdom , as he is mediator , who are not members of his church , nor subjects of his mediatory kingdom : but magistrates as magistrates , are not members of his church , nor subjects of his mediatory kingdom : no more then husbands as husbands , fathers as fathers , are members ; and their should have been husbands and fathers , though the lord iesus never had been mediator , advocate , and priest of a redeemed church . obj. but are pastors and teachers , and elders as such , members of the christian church ? ans . if eyes and ears be members of the body , and watchmen members of the city , then are they , ex officio , by their office members of the church ▪ but if the magistrate as a magistrate be a member of the church , then all magistrates , heathen , and turkish are members of the christian church , ex officio , by vertue of their office . arg. . that opinion is not to be holden which layeth ground , that christ mediator is a temporary king , hath under him magistrates , even heathenish , who have nothing to do with a mediator to bear a temporall sword : for a supernaturall and spirituall end as christ● under heires , he himselfe being the first heir of all such ▪ and so maketh heathens within the verge of the mediatory kingdom ; as if christ were as mediator , a king to heathen , and all and every one of mankind , who must have magistrates , and so maketh the kingdome of men as men , and the kingdom of grace commensurable , and of alike latitude and extension , and maketh nature and grace of equall comprehension : but such is the former opinion , the proposition cannot be denied , except by arminians , socinians , papists , who do maintain an universall redemption , a grace universall , a catholick kingdom of grace comprehensive of all and every man , of pharoah , evil ▪ merodach , belshazer , all the kings of romans , persians , assyrians , chaldeans , and of turk , india , and such as worship the sunne and moon , the devil , and the work of mens hands : the assumption is granted by master coleman who saith , christ is the rightfull king of the whole earth , he meaneth christ as mediator , to whom the father hath given a kingdom . obj. doth not christ as king make all his enemies his footstool , and subdue all things to himselfe ? ergo , his kingdome is as large as all things . ans . the lord iesus christs power kingly , and his power mediatory , which includeth a power as god ( for he is mediator and a mediatory king , according to both natures ) doth no way make him king of devils , of hell , of sin , of the reprobate , and damned , no more then davids power over ammonites , and moabites , makes him king and feeder of the ammonites and moabites : never divine said , that christ was king of devils , and king of hell ; though he subdue devils and hell , and make them his footstool , col. . . but as hability and gifts was not sufficient to make christ a priest , but he behooved to have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 authority and a lawfull calling , heb. . , . so he behooved to be called , set , and established on the holy-hill of zion , as a king of the fathers making , psal . . , . psal . . , , , . luk. . , . ver . , . , . and therefore though as king and an eternall king , he subdue all things , even his enemies ; yet it followeth not , he is king and mediator , and head of his enemies . arg. . all those whom christ maketh officers , legats and ambassadors of his mediatory kingdom , they have either the word of the kingdom committed to them , as pastors and doctors , and of old , apostles , evangelists , prophets , that they may make work on the consciences of men to make them kings and priests unto god , or they are by the word of admonition and rebuke , to deal for the same end , as governours and elders , cor. . . tim. . . for the officers of the kingdome , and sword or scepter of the kingdome , the word of god , psal . . . rev. . . heb. . . rev. . . which are the means , are congruously proportioned , to the end , the gathering of the saints , the perfecting of his body , eph. . , . but never did christ appoint the magistrate with his sword , and his temporary rewards , and praise of well doing , to have any action on the conscience of men , or to co-operate for so high an end directly and kindly ; for sure the sword cannot reach that end , except indirectly and by accident , in some imperated acts : he may procure that there be such means as word and seals , and church-officers , and so be an intrinsecall mean to set up those which are the spirituall and truly intrinsecall means , and this is all . object . . was not this the first step of papal tyranny , that the church-men would be exempted from the power of the magistrate , and s●t themselves up as supream , collaterall , independent powers in all ecclesiasticall affairs , as the magistrate was supream in all politick businesse ? ans . it is a calumnious consequence , pastors and teachers will not be judged by the magistrate in things meerly ecclesisticall , ●o stand to his ecclesiasticall decision , as if his lips , ex officio , should preserve knowledge ; ergo , pastors and doctors do exempt themselves from the lawfull power of the magistrate in his civill judging by the sword ; it is as if they would say , church-men refuse to submit to an usurped and unlawfull power of the magistrate ; ergo , they refuse to submit to their lawfull power . . they bring not one word to prove , that this was the first step of papal tyranny ; now a supremacy ▪ and independency in doctrinals and civill things , the adversaries deny not : if king ahab finde the priests of iehovah turn priests of baal , and the prophets prophesie lies , we and the adversaries agree that king ahab hath a supream independent power , to judge and punish them with the sword , and if king ahab will take on him to burne incense to the lord , the priests and prophets of the lord have an immediate supream independent power , to rebuke king ahab for usurping that which is independently and incommunicably proper to the priests onely , and they may refuse to bee judged by king ahab , when he would judge them for giving out this sentence , it belongeth not to king ahab , or king vzziah to burne incense to the lord , but to the priests , the sons of aaron , chron. . will they say this supremacy of the priests is a step to papall tyranny ? . this is rather papall tyranny it selfe that the magistrate as head of the church , and as an ecclesiasticall person may as a magistrate governe , in all externalls , the church , as he pleaseth , with a royall , supream , independent power ; and because the magistrate may send others to rule for him , chron. . , . pet. . , . ergo , he may commit this royall power to a creature called a prelate as to his deputie , in his name to judge ; as phocas gave first a supremacy to boniface the third , which no bishop of rome had before ; and judge if this be not the first step to papall tyranny ? they possibly may say , the magistrate can commit no magistraticall power to any churchman , for christ for bad them to take on them the civill domination of the lords of gentiles , luke . , . ans . but this is an ecclesiastick , not a civill administration ; and if it be a lawfull ecclesiasticall supremacy , why may not the magistrate who hath power to send deputies to act in his name , depute a lawfull ecclesiasticall power , to ecclesiasticall persons , pastors and doctors , who in the mind of the adversaries are all but the deputies of the magistrate in all that they doe . obj. . but is it not popery that the magistrate shall be obliged as a lictor to execute the decrees of the church ? ans . i know not , if the lictor with blind obedience be to behead iohn baptist , or if doeg should kill the lords priests , because king saul commandeth him . . this argument concludeth that neither magistrate nor people should beleeve articles of faith , because the church and pastors saith so , but because iehovah saith so , nor is the ruler to beleeve or execute what the church decrees , because they decree it , but because he beleeveth it is the will of christ , what they give out in name of christ . . is it not popery that the pastors and teachers should execute the lawes of the magistrate both in dispensing word , sacraments , and discipline ? for they may not as pastors and doctors judge whether the ecclesiasticall decrees of the magistrate be the will and minde of jesus christ or no. the magistrate in doctrine and discipline is the onely supream judge here , as in all causes civill , as he exerciseth a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a dominion in the on luke . . so also in the other , except the adversaries shew us a difference . yea as mr. pryn with the erastians say , because there is no certain form of the government of the church in scripture , he hath an arbitrary power as magistrate to appoint any government in the church not contrary to the word , any officers , prelates , and cardinals , any ceremonies as pleaseth him , and may impose them on the consciences of pastors and people , which is the highest papall tyranny on earth . obj. . if the magistrate be therefore subject to the church not as a magistrate , but as he scandalously transgresseth the law of god , so that the church may not rebuke and censure him , as either a magistrate , or as a magistrate doing his duty , but onely as a transgressor : then neither . one particular pastor as a pastor is subject to the church , yea no man in a lawfull calling or relation as such is subject to the church , for the church cannot rebuke or censure a husband as a husband , a father as a father , a painter as a painter , no more then the church can censure a magistrate as a magistrate ; for then should the church censure and condemn all these relations and callings , as husband , father , painter , magistrate as intrinsecally unlawfull . nor can the church censure and rebuke husband , father , painter , musitian , &c. when they do right , and doe but fulfill their relations and callings , in doing the duties of husband , father , painter , no more then the church can censure and rebuke the magistrate when he doth his dutie . ans . . this is not the totall , compleat , and adequate cause , why the magistrate in spirituall things is subject to the church , but the halfe of the cause onely ; you must take in the other consideration , he is in spiritualibus , subject to the church , not only as he doth sin ; but . as he may sin scandalously . . as he may be directed , informed , and swayed with precepts , promises , counsels , threatnings toward a supernaturall end to eternall life ; take in all these three , and we grant all . the magistrate and all in other relations and professions and callings are equally in spirituall things subject to the church , as the ministers of christ , and in all other relations and callings , as fathers , husbands , painters , musitians , are in civill things equally subject to the magistrate , according to the three former cases in a civill consideration . obj. . but then you must prove solidly from the word , that the magistrate is subject to the church in spirituall things ? ans . it is enough if i prove that the magistrate is subject to the church , to pastors and doctors in things belonging to his soule , and as a man and a christian in civill things are subject to him , which to me is clear in the word of god , as . because timothy and all watchmen in their person are commanded to rebuke them that sin before all , and that in the sight of god , and the lord iesus , and the elect angels , without preferring one before another , or doing any thing by partialitie , tim. . , . tim. . . and if levi must not know his father or his mother , in the lords cause , deut. . . and ieremiah in rebuking not be dismayed of kings , princes , and prophets , ier. . . neither must ministers accept the persons of judges , christ rebuked his mother to whom otherwise he was subject , ioh. . . luke . . . there is the practise of the prophets , christ and the apostles , that they have rebuked kings , rulers , magistrates , priests , prophets , every page almost of the old and new testament saith this . . god hath no whit exempted the rulers from rebukes , as they be men , they can and do sin . . princes are the sheep of christ , and redeemed as a part of the flock for the which christ gave the blood of god ; ergo , they are to be fed and watched over , lest they also as grievous wolves prey upon the flock , acts . , , . then there must be some over them , and those who should speake the word of the lord to them , and so the word of rebuke , and who should watch for the souls of magistrates , as those who must give an account , whom the magistrates must obey as others in the same condition who have souls , heb. . , . pet. . , , . ▪ thes . . , , . . all the censures of the church are for the good of soules , that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord , thes . . , . tim. . , . cor. . , . and for edification , cor. . . iude v. . ergo , the souls of magistrates should not be defrauded of this mean of edification . . pastors as ministers , stewards , ambassadors , watchmen , are intrusted with the word of reconciliation , cor. . , . and cor. . . and . . cor. . , . tim. . . cor. . ergo , they must divide the word aright to all within the family , tim. . . and rebukes and censures are a part of the word of reconciliation , no lesse then promises , and they are to prophecy death and life , as god in his word commandeth , ezek. . , , , . and . . and . , , . . . the power of the lord jesus in censuring , is extended to men as ●ll doers , not as magistrates , or not magistrates , cor. . . gal. . . the power of binding and loosing is extended to a trespassing brother , who will not hear the church , mat. . , . and . , . the magistrate is a brother , deut. . . one of the israel of god , as saul was of of the tribe of benjamin , david of iudah . . the church may judge such as are within the church , cor. . . but such is the christian magistrate . . correction is a priviledge of sons and members of the family , heb. . , . rev. . . ergo , the magistrate should not be deprived of that wherein all christians share , gal. . . . discipline is a part of christs kingly government , if the government be on christs shoulders as king , as it is mat. . , . ephes . . , . esa . . . and if the gospel be the word and scepter of his kingdome , mark. . , . and . . matth. . luke . . and . . acts . . and . . and . . and . . psal . . . rev. . . then if magistrates be the subjects of christ as king of the church , they must be subject to those who preach the kingdome , carry the scepter , and rule under christ as king. . upon the same ground , if they decree grievous decrees , isa . . . micah . . and be wolves ravening the prey , ezek. . . let them have either royall or parliamentary power , they are to be rebuked , debarred from the holy things of god , excommunicated , and their sins bound in earth , as in heaven , mat. , . mat. . . nor should courts or parliaments or thrones , be cities of refuge to unjust and scandalous men . . upon the same ground magistrates are not to be deprived of the good of private rebukes , and admonitions , except we hate the magistrate in our heart , and strive not to gain his soul , levit. . . mat. . , . luk. . , . psal . . . . erastus himself granteth , that magistrates may be rebuked ; and when he granteth that apostates and idolaters are not members of the church , and that they are to be cast out of the church , as he doth also ; he must either grant that christian magistrates cannot turn apostates and idolaters , which is against scripture and experience , or that if they turn apostates and idolaters , they remain no longer members of the church , but are to be excommunicated ; or then christ must have made some speciall exception , that kings though idolaters and apostates , do yet remain members of the church , and are not to be cast out of the church , which ( beside that erastus cannot shew ) is contradictory to his words : hence it is clear , the magistrate if he turn as saul did , a wicked man , he is to be excommunicated : but . by whom ? by the church ? erastus will deny he can be judged by the church , because he is above the church : by himselfe ? that is against reason : by other magistrates ? he is the only supream in that church , and by what reason he is above the church , he is above the other magistrates , and other magistrates are guilty of the same fault . obj. . the supream and principall power ( called architectonica of governing the church in externals , either agree to the magistrate , or to the church ; not to the magistrate ( as they say ) if to the church : then . the universall care and inspection over the church is taken from the magistrate , and given to the church ; ergo , . then the christian magistrate not indirectly only , but directly must be obliged to follow the judgement of the church , in ordaining , depriving , punishing of ministers , or of any excommunicated . . the subjects must be obliged not to obey , yea , to disobey the magistrate , if he decern any thing contrary to the church ; and the magistrate as a lictor and servant must execute all . ans . . there is no reason to say , that the supream and principall power by way of royall dominion ( as the argument supposeth ) in church matters , should agree to either magistrate on earth , or church ; it is a rose of the crown of him who is the only king of kings , and lord of lords , and so the major is false : nor is that care and inspection which is due to the magistrate , taken from him when we ascribe to christ what is his due . . neither doth it follow , that the magistrate is directly obliged to follow the judgement of the church , except we did make the judgement of the church supream and absolute , and armed with such a dominion as the adversaries give to the magistrate ; in which case it followeth , that the church is directly and absolutely obliged to follow the judgement of the magistrate , according to the way of the adversaries ; and that if this argument be good , they must ascribe blind obedience , either to the church or magistrate , not to the magistrate they say ; ergo , to the church : nor can they take it off by saying that the magistrates dominon is limited by the word of god ; for they know that we teach , that all the constitutions and decrees of synods made by the church as the church , is limited by the word of god ; yet they cease not to object to us , that we make the magistrate a servant , and a lictor to the church , and obliged by his place to give blind obedience to the church , and therefore they are obliged to answer the argument , and remove papal dominion from their way , according to their owne argument , if they will be willing to take in to themselves , with the same measure , that they give out to others : but if they give a ministeriall power of judging to the church , ( the argument is easily answered ) which they cannot give to the magistrate , except they make his office to oblige the conscience , and his commands as magistraticall to be given out under the pain of the second death : now his sword is too short to reach to this , i hope , except you make the vengence that he executeth on evil doers rom. . to be eternall fire , and his sword to be no materiall nor visible sword , but such as commandeth devils and hell , which is absurd ; for the magistrates power of judging and commanding , is commensurable to his power of rewarding and punishing , that is , both is temporary , within time , on the body of this world : the pastors have a power of commanding , though only ministeriall , but free of all domination , or externall coaction , which is spirituall , and the punishment is accordingly spirituall , a binding in earth and heaven ; i borrow only the word of punishment , it being no such thing properly . obj. . if the end of the church be a spirituall , and of the magistrate be a temporall good ; and if the magistrate have no spirituall power to attain to his temporall end , no more then the church hath any temporall power to attain to her spirituall end ; is not this a contradiction , that the magistrate should determine what the true church and ordinances are , and then set them up with the power of the sword ? for the magistrates power to judge and punish in spirituall causes , must be either spirituall or civill , or then he hath none , and so acts without commission : now for civill power , the magistrate hath it only over the bodies and goods of men , and hath it not over the soul , nor can he have it ( say ● ) in soul cases : it is confessed that the magistrate hath no spirituall power to attain a temporall end , and therefore those who provoke the magistrate , without either civill or spirituall power to punish , or prosecute , in spirituall causes , are to fear that they come too near to those frogs that proceed out of the mouth of the dragon and beast , and false prophet , who with the same argument stirre up the kings of the earth to make war against the lambe and his followers , rev. . bloody tenent . answ . . all this argument is builded on a great mistake , and a conseqence never proved , except by this one word of the author . ( therefore say i ) and it is this : the magistrate hath no civill power over the soul , therefore ( say i ) he hath no power in soul matters , and cannot judge and punish in spirituall causes . sir , this is a non sequitur , the learned divine rivetus saith well , the magistrates power in spirituall things to judge and punish , is formaliter , and in it self and intrinsecally civill , but objective in regard of the object and extrinsecally , it is spirituall . . i ask when the author and his take a professor into church-communion , they judge whether he be just , mercifull , and peaceable , when they excommunicate any member , for murther , for unjustice in taking away the goods of his brother ? whether the church doth judge and punish in the causes of justice , mercy and peace , which properly belongeth to the civill magistrate , not to the church properly ; but only ratione scandali as they are offensive in the church of god : i ask ( i say ) if the churches power in judging and punishing be civill , or spirituall ; not civill , for this author will say , that the church hath no power over the lives and goods of men , those belong to the magistrate , and to his civill power : yet he cannot deny , but the churches power in judging and punishing here , is formally spirituall , and objectively and unproperly civill ; so say i the mgaistrates power in spirituall causes , is formally civill and objectivel● only spirituall , and he neither hath , nor needeth any spirituall power formally to attain his temporall end , nor needeth the church any power formally civill to attain her spirituall end : the reason is , because powers have their specification and nature from their formall object , not from the materiall ; because the magistrate punisheth here●ies and false doctrine as they disturbe the peace of the civill state ; therefore his power is civill , and because the church censureth unjustice , incest , cor. , , . and sins against the second table , because they are scandalous in the church , and maketh the name of god to be ill spoken of , though materially those sins be punishable by the magistrate , yet is the churches power spirituall , because it judgeth those as scandalous and offensive to god ; and therefore the power is spirituall , because the object , to wit , as scandalous to the church , and as offensive to god is spirituall , even as destructive to civill peace , is formally a civill object . . the magistrate without any spirituall power judges what is the true church and true ordinances , setteth them up by his sword ; he doth set them up only for a civill end , because they conduce most for the peace and flourishing condition of the civill state , whereof he is head , not that the members of his state may attain life eternall ; for the magistrate intendeth life eternall to his subjects in setting up a true church , and true ordinances , not as a magistrate , but as a godly man : as the woman of samaria brought out the samaritanes , that they might receive christ in their heart by saith , as she had done : but as a magistrate he intendeth not life eternall to his subjects ; so a master as a master , hireth a man to serve who is a believer , and as a master he judgeth such a one will be most faithfull , and active in his service ; now the master judgeth him not to be a saint , that he may be a fit member of the church : the church only as the church is to judge so of this servant , nor doth he judge him a believer , that he may obtain life eternall , nor doth he love and chuse him as his servant , that he may obtain life eternall ; christians as christians , judge and love one another that way : so the husband as a husband doth chuse a believing woman for his wife , judging she will perform the duties of a wife , better then an unbelieving wife , he judgeth her to be a believer as a husband , and loveth her with a husband-love as a husband ; but if he love her because the image of god is in her , and as an heir of life eternall , then he loveth her as a christian man , not as a husband , and it is a christian love he hath to her , such as he hath to other godly women that are also co ▪ heirs with himself of life eternall ; and this is a lawfull and a christian love : but if this husband should bear a husband-love , such as he doth to his own wife , to all other godly wives , it should be an adulterous and unlawfull love : so the magistrate as a magistrate , judges , loves , chuses , and setteth up true ordinances , a true church , as means of a flourishing kingdom , and of externall peace , and pulleth down the contrary as means destructive to the peace and safety of his subjects : but he judgeth not in a spirituall manner , and with any spirituall power of the sword , of those as fitting and conducing to life eternall , and inward peace of conscience with god ; but as a justified and believing saint , he judgeth , chuseth , and loveth ordinances , and the true church in this consideration , and no wise as a magistrate : if those relations of magistrate and christian had been considered by the author , he had not compared the magistrate punishing idolatry to the dragon , and the godly pastors who exhort the magistrate to punish false teachers to the beast , and the false prophet , who maketh war with the lambe : for the godly magistrate who advanceth the throne of the lambe , is praise worthy ; he doth cut off all wicked doers from the city of the lord , psal . . . and doth this as a magistrate , that his kingdome might have peace and well grounded prosperity ; but as a man according to gods heart he doth it formally set on high the throne of the lambe , nor would he have compared those worthy and dear brethren of new england the saints of the most high , especially reverend master cotton to the frogs that proceeded out of the mouth of the false prophet , rev. . . nor do the papists use this argument at all , but another argument , and for a contrary conclusion ; for the pope as the pope is an earthly monarch , and as pope hath power to translate crowns and kingdoms , and as pope the holy ghost in him commandeth the kings of the earth , to make war with the lambe and his followers , as papists teach ; do we ascribe any such power be the church or churchmen ? are malignants , prelates , and papists , the followers of the lambe ? obj. . if the people may erect what government they will , and seems most fit for their civill condition ; then governments by them so erected have no more power , nor for no longer time then the civill power or people consenting and agreeing shall betrust them with ; for people are not deprived of their naturall freedom by the power of tyrants : and if so , that magistrates receive their power of governing the church from the people ; then a people as a people naturally considered ( of what nature or nation soever in europe , asia , africa , america ) have fundamentally and originally as men , a power to govern the church , to see her do her duty , to correct her , to redresse , to reform , to establish , &c. and this is to subject god , christ , heaven , the spirit , to naturall , sinfull , and unconstant men : indian and american governments are as true and lawfull governments as in the world ; and therefore their governours are keepers of the church and of both tables ( if any church should arise or be amongst them ) and therefore ( if christ ▪ have betrusted the civill power with his church ) they must judge according to their indian and american consciences , for others they have not . ans . . no doubt the power that makes magistrates , because of vertue and dexterity to govern , may unmake them when they turn tyrants , and abuse their power ; and upon the same ground , as men create magistrates , so christian men as christian men , act to chuse christian and gracious magistrates : as if a husband as a man chuse a wife ( as grace perfumeth and spiritualizeth all the common actions of men ) so christian men are to chuse christian wives , christian masters , christian servants ; so is a church to chuse a christian , not an american magistrate , deu. . they are not to chuse a stranger , but one from amongst their brethren , and men fearing god , and hating coveteousnes , exo. . . deu. . , , , , , . and . . and that a christian magistrate receive power to govern in the church ( i deny him to be a governour of the church ) from christian people , i see no inconvenience : suppose that a christian woman chuse a pagan husband , she sins in her choise ; and as a sinful woman chuseth a pagan who hath no other then a pagan conscience , to be the guide of her youth , and her head , and to love her , as christ loved his church , and to rule her according to his marital and husband-power in some acts of her christian conversation : yea , when christians did fight under heathen emperours , they gave power as all souldiers do to their commanders , to those heathen captains , to command christians according to their pagan consciences , for other consciences it cannot be supposed heathen have as this author speaketh ; nor do i see such an inconvenience , that men as men chuse a magistrate who is a heathen , to see not the church as the church ; but men of the church do their duty , and to punish them civilly when they omit church duties , when providence compelleth iudah : yea , when god commandeth iudah to submit to a babylonish or persian king , who according to his babylonish conscience is to command them to keep the oath of god , to abstain from murther ▪ yea , to build again the house of god , and is to punish the men of iudah , if they do the contrary : here evidently the church is to chuse heathen kings , who according to their heathen consciences , are to judge and punish sins against both tables ; but they chuse them to adde there auxiliary power to help and desend the church , not any privative or absolute power to set up what ordinances they will : nor is it supposed that men as men may give to indian and american magistrates , power to judge , by rule of indian consciences ; what is blasphemy against iesus christ , what is apostacy from the christian saith , to iuda●sme , and to punish it : for in that fare , the indian magistrate is uncapable of magistracy in those acts , though essentially he be a lawfull magistrate in other acts ; just as christian men and saints by calling may make a christian corinthia● amongst themselves , their magistrate ; and yet he cannot judge whether ti●ius the physi●ian in corinth hath poysoned sempronius , as he hath a christian conscience , but not a medicinall conscience ( to speak so ) or the skill and art of a physi●ian to know what is poyson , what not ; yet did men as men create this christian magistrate , to judge & punish murthers , and poysoning of christians . . let us also turn the tables : the author cannot deny , but ten thousand christians and indians , half of each side , may come to be one civil incorporation ; they create with common consent a christian magistrate over themselves , this they do as a society of men . the indians worship their god in that society , by offering their children to the devil , and this is their indian conscience ; for it is not to be supposed that an indian can worship his god with other then an indian conscience : by this authors way , indians and christians gave to this christian magistrate , to judge of this indian and bloody worship , with a christian conscience , for it is supposed he can judge with no other conscience : i demand whether or not this magistrate be obliged to punish such horrid shedding of innocent blood ? if he be , he is set over this incorporation to bear the sword of the lord , and with a christian conscience to judge and punish indian consciences : is not this as great an inconvenience as what he objecteth to us ? besides that , according to this way , he must not punish the killing of the children to the devil ; why ? this is against the will of the meek saviour in whom the christian magistrate believes , to persecute an indian for his conscience , as this author thinketh : now it is no lesse an indian conscience worship , and no murther to offer an innocent child to the indian god , then it was to the jews to offer an innocent bullock or a ram to jehovah . obj. but god hath forbidden in the law of nature to kill infants to god upon any pretence . ans . in the law of nature god hath forbidden all false worship . . the law of nature hath forbidden to offer any blood to god , that is , the law of nature will never warrant us to offer in a whole brunt offering an innocent beast to god , created for the use of man , and it should be against the law of nature , to kill beasts for any religious use , or for any use , except to be food or medicine for man : except god in a positive law , had commanded whole burnt offerings , and offering of beasts to god : so the law of nature forbids indians to kill infants ; but they tell you , there is a positive law of their god , and in conscience they are obliged to kill their children to this god , and you must convince their conscience , that this is murther , not right worship , by reason and light of truth , not with a club and force of sword , which hath no influence upon the conscience . . it followeth not , that god hath subjected god , christ , heaven , the spirit to naturall men ; for an indian magistrate remaining an indian , never received power from mem as men , nor from god , to judge of christian worship : yea , indian magistrates as indians are uncapable of judging or punishing what is against christ , heaven , the spirit , and yet they are lawfull magistrates ; for their ignorance of christ excludeth them from having any such formal power ; what magistraticall power they have which they cannot put forth in acts , is not to a purpose for this power , which they cannot exercise , shall never subject , christ , heaven , the spirit to the consciences of naturall men , or indian magistrates : this consequence therefore should have been proved ▪ not presumed as a truth . . he saith , if any church should arise amongst those who have indian magistrates , christ should betrust the indian civill power with his church . i answer , this is non-consequence also , for the state of heathenship in the indian , should exclude him from any such trust ; if a church arise they are to be under the indian magistrate , while god in his providence free them from under him , that they may chuse a christian magistrate , who may be a nurse-father to them ? . the lord be trusteth his church to the civil power as an auxiliary power , not to exercise any magistraticall power over the church , and over their conscience ; but only for the churches good , and for their conscience . these would be distinguished , a governour of , or over the church . . a governour in the church . . a governour for the church ; neither christian nor heathen magistrate is a governor of the church , or over the church : an heathen magistrate may be a governour in the church , giving to the church in his dominion leave to live under him , as nebuchadnezzar did to the church in captivity . the christian magistrate is a governour for the church ; . men are governed as men politically by magistrates though heathen . . men are governed as christians and citizens of heaven , and members of christs invisible body , by the inward government of the spirit and word . . men are governed as members of christs visible body in church-society ecclesiastically , by church-officers called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. . . . who watcheth for our souls , and are over us in the lord , and must give an account to god , whom we are to obey in a church-society : so pilate is called , mat. . . it is given to kings and rulers , pet. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. . . so it is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to one that serveth , luk. . . no question it is a word borrowed from the seventy interpreters who use it , iosh . . . mich. . . ezech. . . dan. . . the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rom. . . thes . . . are ascribed to church-officers : yea , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a ruler or a commander , act. . . is ascribed to the high-priest , who was but a church-officer , and the stile given to rulers , exod. . . from which these words are taken , is gods : so ioh. . , . compared with psal . . . exod. . . and proveth the same , though church-officers be onely ministers , not lords , not princes , having any dominion over the lords inheritance . obj. . but is not this an easie way to extricate our selves out of all doubts , if we say in church-government , that the doctrinal and declarative part is in the ministers of christ , as mat. . go teach , &c. and the punitive and censuring part in the christian magistrate , rom. . according to that for the punishing of evill doers , as mr. coleman saith . ans . this erastian way will intricate us not a little , and is destructive of the covenant of both kingdoms . . it s a distinction void of scripture and reason , for the apostolick churches by it must have no government as churches at all : for to publish the gospel which is made the one half ; yea , all church-government ( for this punitive part is a dream ) is not church-government , nor any part thereof . . master coleman desires that the parliament would give to preachers doctrine and power of preaching and wages , learning and competency : as for governing of the church , let the magistrate have that , ministers have other work to do , and such as will take up the whole man. sermon , pag. , . then preaching the word to the church , cannot be any part of governing of the church . . because church government is properly acted by the church , with the power of the keyes , to bind and loose in earth , as in heaven by church-censures , and pardoning of an offender , and committed to many , to the church , to a society gathered together , mat. . . cor. . , , , , . but publishing of the gospel is done by one single pastor , even to the end of the world , even where there is no church , even in the hearts of the athenienses , act. . , . of felix , act. . . of the iayler not baptised , act. . , , . of the woman of samaria , ioh. . , , . the gospel exerciseth a doctrinall and externall government on thousands , the like without the church visible : yea , and who never are members of a visible church ; is this any church-government of which we now speak ? and in all the scripture a power of the keyes to govern the visible church , was never committed to any one single man by iesus christ ; if an apostolick-priviledge of pauls excommunicating his alone be objected , i can easily answer , apostles continue not to the end of the world . . this doctrinal publishing of the word , is the plants and flowers of the gardens but church-government is the hedge , and those two are not to be confounded . . paul differenceth them as two distinct qualities of a preacher , tim. . while he will have him apt to teach , ver . . and v. , . one that can rule the church of god well ; and tim. . . ruling well , is distinguished from labouring in the word and doctrine as a charge worthy of lesse honour , from a charge worthy of double honour . . all protestant divines distinguish doctrine and government , the former belonging to the being and essence of a visible church , as an essentiall note thereof , i mean the publike and settled publishing of the gospel ; the other is only a thing belonging to the well being of the visible church , and an accident thereof ; so it is a heedlesse tenent to make the former a part with the latter . . when we swear a conformity of doctrine and worship in one confession , one catechisme , one directory , we do not swear the same over again , when we swear to endeavour the nearest uniformity in church-government , &c. which we cannot but do , if the doctrine and worship be nothing but a part of church-government ; or if it be all church-government : n●w if mr. colemans punitive part be but his own dream , as i hope is easily proved , there is no church government at all . now how mr. coleman did swear to indeavour the nearest uniformity of a chimera , and a thing that is just nothing , let himself consider . as for mr. colemans punitive part of church government by the magistrate , this by his way is done by the power of the sword of the magistrate , saith he , and therefore citeth rom. . he beareth not the sword in vain , &c. hence either the apostolique church had no censures at all , and so no visible government and order , but preaching of the word was all ; and except we would adde to our pattern , and be more wise then the holy ghost and the apostles , we ought to have no church government , but onely preaching the word ; or then the apostles , pastors , and teachers medled with the sword of the emperour nero in discharging the punitive part , for with no other instrument doth the magistrate punish ill-doers , but with the sword , rom. . , . this text mr. coleman citeth to make bloody nero a church-governour : but no ground is for this in the word , that paul , peter , timothy , archippus meddled with the emperours sword , or that the weapons of their warfare were carnal ; or that paul was the minister of god , bearing the sword for the punishment of evil doers : i think paul speaketh of civil bodily punishing , rom. . and no violence greater can be offered to the word of god ; for if that power be an ecclesiastical administration , every soul , and so the christian magistrate , is to be subject to this ecclesiastical and church power ; and if so , then to the church : if mr. coleman deny the consequence , i conceive to be subject to the magistrate , is rom. . to be subject to the power civil , that is , of god : if the magistracy be an ecclesiastical ordinance and a vicegerent power of the mediator , as they say it is ; then to be subject to the magistrate , is to be subject to this church power , and to be subject to the church . . the punishing power of the magistrate as such , doth not bind and loose on earth , and open and shut heaven ; for then hoc ipso , because the magistrate doth judge and punish evil doers , the mans sin should be bound in heaven ; now so the judging and punishing power should take hold of the conscience : but it is certain , the magistrate as judge may take away the life of a capital delinquent , when he knoweth the man repenteth and believeth , and findeth mercy with god ; ergo , this magistratical power is not ecclesiastical ; for if the man to the knowledge of all repent , the church hath no power to bind his sin on earth , nor will god bind his sin in heaven ; but yet the magistrate as a magistrate is to punish ; ergo , this punishing power is no ecelesiastical power , nor any part of church-government . . the punitive power of the magistrate hath influence on men as ill-doers , whether they be within the church or without the church , and worketh on men as members of the common wealth , whether christians , or heathens , indians , or americans : but no punitive power of the church , is or can be extended to those that are without the church , but pastors and the church leaveth them to be judged of god , cor. . . nor can they be cast out of the visible church , who were never within it . . the punitive power of the church as such , floweth from christ as mediator , head and king of the church ; because christ as head and mediator , hath appointed a shepheards staffe , discipline , or rebukes , church-censures , and excommunication for his sheep , his redeemed ones , family , and people , for whom he is mediator , his scepter and rod must be congruously and sutably proportioned to his crown , and spiritual royal power : but the punitive power of magistrates floweth from god the creator , as the whole world is the family of god ; so for the preservation of humane society , the lord hath been pleased to appoint magistrates , and the punitive power of them by the sword , to correct ill-doers for the peace , good , and safety of humane societies . . all punitive church-power is for edification , cor. . . that the mans spirit may be savdd in the day of the lord , cor. . . that the party may be gained by private and publike church rebukes , mat. . . if he hear thee , thou hast gained thy brother , v. . if he neglect to hear the church , let him be to thee as an heathen , &c. ergo , if he hear the church his soul is gained , thess . . , . tim. . . but the intrinsecal end of punishing an evil doer , is not the gaining of his soul , but a political civil satisfaction of justice for a wrong done to humane society , that others may fear , and do so no more ; the magistrate in using his sword as a magistrate , looketh not to this as the intrinsecall end of the sword , to convert a soul , to augment the number of the subjects of christs mediatory kingdom ; nor doth he as a magistrate proportion the measure of the stroke of the sword according to the repentance aud godly sorrow of the man who hath sinned ; but in justice his eye is not to pity or spare the blasphemer , though as dear to him as a father and friend , deut. . , , . . deut. . . whether he repent , or not repent ; but the church censure , respecting intrinsecally the gaining of the soul , is proportioned to the offenders sorrow for his sin , that he be not swallowed with over much sorrow , cor. . , , , . . this punitive part of church government , is neither in name , nor in thing : in scripture triglandius denieth that there is any ecclesiastical , co-active , or compulsive power properly so called in the church ; there is no violence used by christ as king of his church ; this shepheard carrieth the lambs in his bosome ▪ isai . . . hyeronimus said well , the king or magistrate ruleth over men that are unwilling , he meaneth in punishing them ; but the pastor doth it to men that are willing : and renowned salmasius citing this , addeth that of the apostle peter to the elders , feed the flock 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; it is not pena a proper punishment that the church doth inflict , nor doth the scripture speak so , nor is the thing it self punishment , or any punitive power here ; indeed all co-active power of the magistrate as the magistrate , and all punishment issuing from it , is against the will of the punished , and is inflicted with the dominion of the sword ; we know how the adversarie side here with papists who make all church censures to be pennances inflicted upon penitents against their will : therefore saith salmasius , of old , censures were so voluntary , that to deny them was a punishment , and they were desired and sought as a benefit , as the ancient canons of councels , and canonick epistles , and writings of fathers bear witnesse ; and this doth prove , if iesus christ have a willing people , psal . . and if rebukes and censures be to the saints as medicine that will not break the head , psal . . . no medicine is received unwillingly by wise men , and no medicine is a punishment ; then the punitive power of the magistrate hath no place in the church as the church . . the magistrate dispenseth no ecclesiasticall censures as a magistrate : for . he rebuketh not as a magistrate , for rebukes as rebukes intrinsecally tend to the gaining of the soul ; so as to receive rebukes willingly , is a character of a child of god , and to hate it a signe of a wicked man , ecclesi . . . prov. . . and . . and . . c. . . c. . . . . . prov. . . and . . and . . and . . and . . so the sword cannot inflict this censure , nor can the magistrate cast out of the synagogue or church ; he can banish , which is a locall casting out ; but not excommunicate , if he be said to be an ecclesiasticall person exercising punitive power in the church , because he judgeth and punisheth sins against the church , . this is nothing , except he inflict spirituall punishment of rebuking and excommunication , which he cannot do , because he hath not to do with the conscience , or the converting of a sinner . . if he be a church-governour , because he punisheth sins against the church , but in so far as they disturb the peace of the state , then pastors may be civil governours , and use the sword , which christ forbiddeth , luk. . , . and . , . because they inflict spirituall punishment , such as publike rebukes on murtherers , parricides , but in a spirituall way , to gain souls to iesus christ ; and they rebuke murthers , thefts , thought not as committed against the state and peace of humane societies , but as offensive to god , scandalous to the church , and destructive to the souls of those who commit such offences : all the punishment ecclesiasticall which we plead for ( though we borrow only the name , it being unproperly so called ) is spiritual rebukes , debarring of wicked men from the society of the saints , and the holy things of god , that they pollute not such pearls . bullinger is alledged by erastus as a favourer of this way , and some private epistles of bullinger written to erastus cited , but nothing of the publike writings of bullinger : it is true he saith , he is pleased with erastus his theses , but . that he was not of erastus his mind wholly , is evinced from these epistles . . bullinger strove with the anabaptists of his time , who contended for either a church of regenerate persons , or none . bullinger . diu cum anabaptistis nostris contendimus hac de re , et ostendimus veram ecclesiam posse esse , et dici ecclesiam , quae excommunicatione hâc careat . . he saith , he himself , d. wolphius , lavater , hallerus , zwinglius , gualther , never condemned the church of geneva ; ergo , they never condemned presbyterial government . . he saith it will be for the edification of the churches of the palatine , that this excommunication be . now we know divers there ascribed to the magistrate plus aequo , and said that the tythes belonged jure divino to the magistrate : the truth is these divines were too obnoxious to the lust of christian magistrates . calvin , farel , complain much of the magistrates usurpation in this . . they thought hard to exulcerate the minds of princes to excommunicate the magistrate , and longè magis abalienatos reddere , inferiores gradus conscendere , superiores vero intactos reddere : but was it not an abuse to excommunicate the poor people , and spare the magistrate ? . bullinger would not have the question of excommunication to come in publike ; why ? cum hoc tempore aliâs satis afflicta sit ecclesia . . he seems to incline that none should be debarred from the lords table , that acknowledgeth their sins , coena sit libera omnibus peccata sua agnoscentibus et veniam a christo petentibus ; we say amen , so they be truly penitent to the church , and not such as paul speak of , tim. . , , , , . to whom confession of sins before the church is a manifest form of godlinesse . . bullinger and gualther writ to the prince elector to punish scandalous persons : but with all quanquam arbitramur illust . principem admonitionem nostram sibi soli reservaturum , qua duntaxat dissidia manefesta in ecclesia praevenire voluimus : hence this ( tecum sentimus ) of bullinger written to erastus was ; . his private opinion , that he desired not to be known to the churches ; therefore erastus wronged bullinger , who left his secret letters to be printed . . many learned men in these churches beside anabaptists , and the palatinate catechisme were against erastus . . he saith zwinglius was the chief man to have excommunication brought in inductam cuperet . . he desired beza not to answer erastus , for peaces cause , and the same he wrote to erastus . a learned and holy preacher to the prince elector , wrote thus to bullinger . queror ( fr. m. d. dilecte ) quod approbaris theseis d. erasti , contra disciplinam ecclesiasticam scriptas , quae non tantum impiae sunt , sed viam sternunt ad atheismum ; hortor et obsecro ut publicè testeris te novas illas theseis improbare , quod nisi seceris , futurum est ut videaris dissentire non tantum a doctâ illa vetustate , sed etiam a zwinglio , et oecolampadio aliisque , adeoque et cum teips● pugnare . bullinger in cor. . excommunicatio non est exercenda , ut anabaptistae volunt , a toto ecclesiae coetu , sed a dilectis ad hoc hominibus . excommunicatio apud veteres est exclusio a communione sacramentorum . excommunicatio est supplicium temporale , disciplina externa ad medendam instituta . bullinger in mat. . esse ethnicum et publicanum significat esse et haberi inter facinorosos , quibus nihil neque officij neque sinceri committas . idem . hortor ut salutare hoc pharmacum ( excommunicationis ) e caetu sanctorum pontificis avarit●a eliminatum reducatur . idem in mat. . finis consilij domini est , ( in negotio disciplinae ) ut corrigantur scelerati in ecclesia , et auferantur scandala . bullinger in thes . . hic habemus abstensionem sen exclusionem , qua a tribuum societate et publicorum pascisorum usu-fructu excludimus ●on●●maces et omnes admonitiones contemnentes ; aliter etiam locus potest interpretari . these be contradictory to erastus his expositions , and way which maketh excommunication nothing , and putteth all church-discipline on the point of the magistrates sword . i cannot say but that saying did too little prevail with bullinger , amicus socrates , amicus plato , sed magis amica veritas : for erastus was his intimate and too dear friend , etiam er●ores amicorum et n●●i sunt nobis pergrati . bullinger in mat. . in illa : dic ecclesiae . excommunicatio est disciplina ●xterna sanctorum in ecclesia conversantium , quâ ex communione abii●iuntur sanctorum , aut commodè alioqui corriguntur , coercent●●ve qui scandalizant ecclesiam , — hae particulares ecclesiae deligunt sibi quoque veluti senatum collegiumve optimorum virorum qui juxta canonem sacrism disciplinam hanc exerceant : what is this but a presbytery ? ceterum qualis fuerit ethnicorum et publicanorum reputatio facile est colliger● ex evangelio et paulo ad ephe. . certe alieni sunt a gratia , nihil communionis haebentes cum sorte sanctorum . bullinger , ser. . decad . . pag. . sicut autem dominus privatim voluit admoneri et corripi praevaricantes ecclesiae ministres , ita ejusdem admonitions et correctionis bonum extendit ad universam ecclesiam : ergo , h●buit vetus ecclesia sanctum presbyterorum senatum , qui delinquentes in ecclesia diligenter admonebat , corripiebat graviter , adde et consortio excludebat ecclesiastico , si nihil emendationis expectari posse videretur , — cor. . decrevi ut is qui hot seelus patravir , &c. musculus in locis commun . de ministris verbi , pag. . disciplina ecclesiastica includi● morum correctionem , tum privatorum , tum publicorum , deinde et judicia ecclesiastica — hisce quoque de rebus non constituet minister suopte arbitratu , sed erit ad institutionem earum director , et ad●ib●bit suffragia et consensum suae plebis , ne quid invitae ecclesiae imponatur ; denique curabit ut plebs ipsa viros graves , timentes . dei ac boni testiomnij deligat , quorum cur ● et vigilantiâ ecclesiae disciplina administretur , et si quid gravioris momenti accidat ad ecclesiam ipsam referatur . i grant it was the error of that worthy instrument of reformation that he referreth all to the christian magistrate : and so he saith , haec omnia — pertinen● ad illas ecclesias tantum quae christianum magistratum non habent ; non potest hic certi quiequam praescribi , sed fideles et prudentes ministri pro conditione temporum , publici status et necessitatis ecclesiasticae disciplinam hanc sic attemperabunt , ut omnia fiant decenter , honestè et in aedificationem ecclesiae in mat. . habendi sunt pro hominibus prophanis et a rep. christianorum alienis , qui excommunicati sunt . he favours not a little the erastian way ; for he maketh moses the institutor of religion to aaron , and the ministers the servants of the christian magistrate , loc . de magistratu . wolfangus musculus de magist . pag. . penes magistratum est locorum ecclesiasticorum constitutio ; defendere leges possunt inferiores , sed constituere non possunt nisi superiores , pag. , . — respondet ad illud dic ecclesiae . ecclesiae dei magistratui pio ac fideli tunc distribuebantur ut ecclesiis ab apostolis plantatis usu uenit : yet he goeth not with erastus , for he saith , pag. . neque docet magistratus , neque administrat sacramenta , sed haec faciunt ministri , pag. . moses primus catholicus israelis magistratus — omnem in populo dei religionem constituit ipsique aaraoni et levitarum ordini facienda et vitanda praescripsit — adeo ut cura instituendae ac moderandae religionis pertineat ad magistratum , administrandae vero ad sacerdotem ; porro si peccaverit formam praescribit — quomodo procedendum sit cum impaenitentibus . lucratus es fratrem ; fructus est laboris tui . dic ecclesiae . tertius gradus habet provocationem ad totam ecclesiam h. e. ad coetum fidelium cujus vos estis membra ; est autem ecclesiae hic cetus fidelium in quo verbum christi et sacramenta recte administrantur ; hanc formulam post secuti sunt apostoli , ut est cor. . . et cor. . . sit tibi h. e. quo loco aperti hostes christi et aperti peccatores habentur ; sic illum habeto ; nihil sit tibi cum eo negotij , separa te ab illo , satis jam cognovisti hominem , constat eum induratum et reprobum esse ; hic est authoritas finalis sententiae ecclesiae . aretius coment . in cor. . propositio . homines christum professi , quoad fieri potest , flagitiosos vitare debent . corinthiis omni studio laborandum ut incestuosum suo et ecclesiae bono ad tempus excludant . finis excommunieationis alter vt salvus sit totus homo in di● mortis , vel in novissimo judicio — alter finis respicit ecclesiam , sic omnibus vitanda est vobis contagio . in matthew . sanctum canibus non dandum . vult christus ostendere doctrinam evangely et mysteria pietatis non esse communicanda ingratis et contemptoribus — persecutoribus et voluptuarijs hominibus . gualtherus in matthew . homili . . sit tibi volut quispiam ethnicus et quispiam publicanus , id est , hoc judicio agnosce eum non esse civem aut membrum germanum ecclesiae , et quia ipse sese a societate ecclesiae segregat , dum hujus judicio refragatur , sit tibi ethnici et publicani loco , cum quo nihil p●rro consorty habeas , sed dei judicio illum permitte , qui tantam contumaciam inultam minimè sinet ; but he addeth , hunc ordinem observarunt olim christiani homines dum nullos haberent magistratus christian●s . interdum etiam satanae tradebant tales , quod non ex paucorum arbitrio fiebat , sed cum publico ecclesiae consensu , cor. . quod autem hoc omne ad suam excommunicationem anabaptistae detorquent nimium inepte et ridicul● ( ut alia omnia ) faciunt ; nam primo insolenter vendicant quod apostolis datum fuit , et satanae tradere volunt homines excommunicatione suâ , quâ ne culicem quidem possunt occidere ; deinde etiam in coenam invehunt sine christi instituto et exemplo : to which i must say the anabaptists were right , and gualther in an error in this point . gualther . in cor. . accusat eccl●siam propter incestum , quod incestuosum non sine publicâ totius eccl●siae infamiâ nimis diu tolerarint — propter unius hominis scelus totam corinthiorum ecclesiam , et imprimis hujus praefectos et doctores ( quid hoc aliud est quam col. legium pastorum et seniorum ) tam graviter accusat ; sed ita illi merebantur , quod indulgentiores fuissent hactenus erga eum , quem punire poterant , et cujus libidinem coercere jam pridem debuissent . tota ecclesia excommunicat — erant in ecclesia tunc constituti seniores , at horum arbitrio causam non permittit apostolus` — quotquot ergo rem tanti momenti ad paucos referunt , vel etiam sibi soli vindicant excommunicandi potestatem , ij ecclesiam jure suo spoliant , & tyrannidem affectant piis intolerabilem . nec enim mihi necessarium videtur , ut ecclesiae christi●nae ist a ad se trahant , quae principes habent vere christianos , quorum authoritate , morum disciplina constitui & conservari potest , urgent quidem-excommunicationem anabaptistae , & quia hanc improbamus , nos ecclesias impuras habereclamant ; sunt etiam alii qui etsi principes habeant verè christianos , neque leges desint quibus morum licentia coercetur , ad hoc tamen senatu eccl●siastico opus esse aiunt , qui in quorumvis mores animadvertat , et cui in principes quoque jus sit , et eos qui scandalum aliquod publicum dederunt , a caenae dominioae communione arceat , et eosdem non nisi suo judicio probatos , et praestitis prius satisfactionibus publicis ad ecclesiae societatem et caenae usum rursus admittat — quasi vero non alia disciplinae forma institui posset , quam quae ipsis conficta est . distingunt illi inter jurisdictionem ecclesiasticam et politicam quoad meram disciplinam et scelerum poenas , at distinctio ista ex pontificorum officina deprompta est ; in sacris vero scripturis nusquam habetur . in lucam . c. . in illa ( quis me constituit judicem ) docet ut singuli se intra metas suas contineant neque res aggrediantur a sua vocatione alienas : he speaketh against anabaptists of that time who preached without a calling . the reader may perceive that bullinger , gualther , and musculus . do acknowledge , that the place mat. . and cor. . do clearly prove an ecclesiastical excommunication , which erastus denieth . . that erastus expoundeth these two places against the mind of those his friends : and never divine in the world , protestant , papist , lutheran , never councel , father , doctor , ancient , or modern , expounded the place let him be to thee as a heathen , as erastus doth . . these divines difference the magistrate and the church , in censures , power , function . erastus confoundeth them , and saith as the anabaptists of old did ; against whom , luther , bullinger , gualther , lavater , musculus , wolfius , aretius , simlerus , disputed , that the civil magistrate may lawfully dispence the word and sacraments . . they never condemned the discipline of geneva ; erastus doth . . they acknowledge there was in the apostolick church , an ecclesiastical senate or presbytery : erastus saith , this is a devise wanting scripture . . they denied excommunication to be exercised by all the church , as a devise of the anabaptists : bullinger saith , cor. . a dilectis ad hoc hominibus . erastus saith , it must be exercised by the whole church , if there be any such thing . . bullinger and gualther , think that discipline is necessary in the church : erastus refuseth any such thing . . bullinger and gualther do think , that the lords supper , which is an action of publike thanksgiving and communion , should not be turned into a punishment , which is a use that christ and his apostles hath not taught us : but this is easily answered , . the pearls and holy things of the gospel are not turned into another vse then christ hath ordained ; because they are denied to dogs and swine as a punishment of their swinish disposition ; and if these pearls were given to swine , should they not be turned to another use then is ordained by christ ? is not the union of members in a church-body a sweet bound ? is this communion translated to a bastard end , unknown to christ and the apostles ? because the incestuous man is cast out of that communion ? this is as who would say , the table of the house is a symbol of a sweet communion of all the children of the house ; ergo , the table is turned from its native use , and is abused , if a flagitious and wicked son be turned out at the doors and removed from the table . i think the contrary is true ; the lords table ordained for children , is converted into an use not known to christ and his apostles , when the table is prepared for dogs and swine ; and this argument is against christ , mat. . as much as against us . . by this the excommunicated cast out of the house , is not debarred from the table of the house . what sense is here ? the offender is cast out from amongst the children of the lords family , and yet is admitted to the table of the family ? . these great divines teach , that in the dayes of christ and the apostles , there was such an ordinance as excommunication , and that the church who worketh not miracles , for any thing that we read , and received a precept from the holy ghost for excommunication , as a moral and perpetual mean to remove scandals , to humble and shame an obstinate offender , to preserve the church from contagion , and to edifie all , as is clear , mat. . , , , , . cor. . , , , , , . thes . . , . rom. . . cor. . . that the church ( i say ) or men must be wiser then christ , and remove this mean of edification , and substitute the sword of the magistrate that hath no activity or intrinsecal influence for such a supernatural end as edification : this cannot but be a condemning of the lawgiver christs wisdom . whereas mr. prinne and others say , that by the preaching of the word , not by church-discipline , men are converted to christ , as witnesse the many thousands of godly people in england where there have been no government , but prelatical : i answer ▪ . this is to dispute against the wisdom of christ who ascribeth to private rebukes and church censures , the gaining of souls , the saving of the spirit , repentance , and humiliation , mat. . , . cor. . , . cor. . , , , . thes . . , . rom. . . cor. . . because preaching is more effectual ; ergo , is the discipline not effectual ? . consider if thousands more would not have been converted if christs government had been set up for which mr. cartwright , mr. vdal , mr. dearing , and the godliest did supplicate the parliament . . consider if there hath not been in scotland as many thousands , comparing the numbers rightly , when the church was terrible as an army with banners . . consider how the tigurine churches and others , for want of the hedge , have been scandalously wicked . . the magistrate by punishing drunkennesse , or fornication or extortion ( for he cannot take away the life for these ) doth not keep the lump of the whole church from being leavened and infected with the contagion of such : the church by removing and casting out such an one , must do that ; and the personal separating from such as walk inordinately , cannot be an act of the magistrate , and yet cannot but be a perpetual and moral mean or ordinance that the church is to use , not only when they have not a christian magistrate , but perpetually ; for we are to withdraw from those that walk inordinately , and are not to be corrupted with having intire fellowship with wicked men , whether the church have a christian magistrate or no : i am to gain my brother by rebuking , and by telling the church , and to esteem one that heareth not the church , as an heathen , or a publican , that i may gain him : whether there be a christian or an heathen magistrate in the church , except it can be proved , that the magistrate as the magistrate , is to gain souls to god : yea , musculus , bullinger , and gualther , have alike reason to say , there is no need that we rebuke privately a trespasing brother , and that we forgive him seven times a day , when the church hath a christian magistrate , as they can say there is no need of excommunication : for if the sword can supply the room of one spiritual ordinance of god , why not of another also ? and the text will bear us out as well to say , we are not to eschew the company of a scandalous brother , for shaming of him , and for the danger of being leavened by him , because the magistrates sword may supply the want of that mean of edifying , as well as it may supply the want of excommunication : yea , they may say there is no need of publike rebukes by the word , the sword may supply these also . the helvetian con●ession is approved by the tygurine pastors , by the divines of berne , basil , geneva . deus ad colligendam vel constituendam sibi ecclesiam eamque gubernandam et conservandam semper usus est ministris — ministrorum virga , institutio , functio vetustissima ipsius dei est , non nova , non hominum est ordinati● — cumque omninò oporteat esse in ecclesia , disciplinam , et apud veteres quondam usitata fuerit excommunicatio , fuerint que judicia ecclesiastica in populo dei , in quibus per viros prudentes et pios ( ipsisimum presbyterium ) exercebatur disciplina , ministorum quoque fuerit ad edificationem disciplinam moderari , &c. magistratus officium praecipu●m est pacem et tranquillitatem publicam procurare et conservare — gallica confessio . the . credimus veram ecclesiam gubernari debere eâ politiâ , sive disciplinâ quam d. n. i. c. sancivi● , ita ut , viz. in ea s●nt pastores , presbyteri sive seniores et diaconi , &c. anglicana , art. . qui per publicam ecclesiae denunciationem rit● ab unitate ecclesiae praecisus et excommunicatus is ab universa fidelium multitudine — habendus est tanquam ethnicus et publicanus . art. . cum regiae majestati summam gubernationem tribuim●● — non damus regibus nostris aut verbi dei , aut sacramentorum administrationem — sed eam tantum praerogativam quam in sacri● scripturis a deo ipso , omnibus piis princibus semper fuisse attributam , hoc est ut omnes status atque ordines fidei suae commissos , sive illi ecclesiastici sint , sive civiles , in officio contineant , et con●umaces ac delinquentes gladio civili coerceant . scoticana , art. . postremo loco ( nota verae ecclesiae est ) disciplina ecclesistica rectè administrata , sicut dei verbum praescribit , ad reprimendum vitium , et vertatem fovendam . . insuper regum , principum , gubernatorum — esse potissimum et imprimis religionis purgationem et conservationem affirmamus adeo ut non tantum propter civilem politi●●● , sed et propter conservationem verae religionis , ut idololatria et superstitio quaevis supprimatur , a deo sint ordinati . the belgick confession hath the same , art. , , . and . confessio . augustana . nonnulli incommodè commiscue runt potestatem ecclestasticam & potestatem gladii . it distinguisheth well between the power of the keyes in the church , and the power of the sword in the magistrate . ▪ to this agreeth confessio swevica , art. . and confessio bohemica , saxonica , basiliensis , tetrapolitana . amongst our late writers , i should conceive that renowned salmasius , that rich treasure of antiquity , can stand as one for all to speak for us in this point . the emperours ( saith he ) had of old a suffrage in chusing of metropolitans , patriarchs , and popes , and of convocating general councels : so as ierome maketh it a mark of a general councel , that it was indicted by the emperour ; and there was reason , because , it concerned the consciences of the magistrate as the magistrate , what pastors , popes , and doctors there were in their dominions to watch over their souls , and the souls of their subjects . it is true , de facto , honorius the emperour did ordain marcellinus moderator of the conference at carthage between the catholicks and the donatists , the emperours added the force of a civil law to the councels : so iustinian . constitut . . sanxit ut quatuor conciliorum canone● pro legibus haberentur ; ergo , the councels had the force of ecclesiastical lawes , without the emperours ; but they had not the force of civil lawes , having civil penalties annexed to them , without the emperours ; ergo , the confirmation of councels made by the emperours , were politick and civil confirmations : for the decrees of the councel of ierusalem , were ecclesiastical decrees , without the will , law , and authority of any emperour on earth , and laid an ecclesiastical tye on the churches , without the emperour , act. . , . so is that of salmasius to be expounded , as he expoundeth himself . principis est leges de religione condere , de fide catholicâ , de episcopis , de clericis , deque aliis huiusmodi que externam potestatem spectant , five 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 circa res et personas ecclesiasticas , eaque fecere christiani imperatores in ecclesia sui temporis , haeo enim est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potestas qua principles legum sanctionibus non uni generi sibi subditorum consulere debent , sed in universum , omnibus tam laicis , quam ecclesiasticis , quatenus ecclesia est in repub . et reip. pars , non respublica ecclesiae . now that emperours appointed time and place of synods , which were external circumstances , is clear : but that the emperours nominated the persons , who should come , appointed an ecclesiastical president in the synod to moderate , and that they defined the number of bishops , is denied : except . that they did this in a great schisme , and when the church could not agree amongst themselves : or . in such a general defection , as was under arrius , which was an extraordinary case . . that the emperour requested by letters , that such and such godly bishops ●ight come to the synod , not such : but whereas , d● facto , he as a magistrate commanded such to come , and did discharge others under pains to come ( except they were other wayes incarcerated and known parties , and so could not be judges ) is against the liberty of the church and the freedom of synods . so salmasius , non igitur leges tantum facere d● religione ac fide omnibus observandas , dummodo verbo divino rei contraveniant , potest princeps christianus , vel summus magistratus , sed etiam suos subditos ad decreta synodalia observanda quae verbo dei conformia sunt , obligare , et cogere : ubicunque sane imperio opus est per vim agente ac jubente , aut jurisdictione cogent●● , et ●●er●e●te , nihil istic habent qu●d agant verbi ministri , neque jus agendi ullum , etiamsi de re aut persona ecclesiasticâ questi● sit , aut de religione agatur , sed ad principes aut magistratus ea vis coactiva oe illud jus imperativum et co●●●ivum pertinet . there is a law making ( unproper i grant , because declarative in mortal men , constitutive in the head christ only ) touching faith and religion which is politick ; but it is when there is a constitu●e church , subsequent , not antecedent , and in order to bodily coaction by the sword which is due to the magistrate ▪ o● this law-giving doth salmasius speak as his words clear , and because bodily and externall co-action is not the churches , therefore the magistrate as the magistrate according to salmasius , hath no proper ecclesiastick power . the reciprecation of subordination of pastors and magistrates is clearly taught by salmasius minister , ecclesiae principem christianum ligare et solvere id est , suspendere et excommunicare aque potest ut alium quem libet de grege per illam internam potestatem et 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam a deo acc●pit . at princeps rursus potest episcopum per illam suam exteriorem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quae no● animam , sed corpus curat , cogere , coercere , ad officium comp●●●ere , si exorbitet , etiam deponere , et abijcere , et exilio punire , vita quoq●● , si meruerit , s●nt●ntiam , dicere , privare — a principe abjectus episcopus ministerij tantum atque officij functionem amittit , atque exercitium intra limites jurisdictionis duntaxatvel ditionis quae principi subjecta est — at non potestatem , quam in ordinatione accepit , per impositionem manuum , potest eripere princeps , cum nec eam possit dare . cum sit duplex potestas ecclesiastica , altera interna , externa altera , tam peccant qui utramque principi vel magistratui civili tribunt , quam qui utramque denegant ministro ecclesiastico . and he proveth that the pastors have received immediately from christ , and not from the magistaate , their internal and external power of governing the churches . josias . simlerus professor tigurinus comment . in exod. . in mand. . magistratuum officium est tollere idola , vi et armis — conciona●orum vero ut error●m ostendant , idololatriam damnent , verbi gladi● jugulent , et magistratum sui officij admoneant in rebus exteruis tollendis ut can. - concil . carthagi . . lavater in ezech. c. . dominus dicit repellend●s a ministerio incircumcisos carne , hoc est , indulgentes libidinibus et incircumcisos corde , hoc est , imbutos pravis opinionibus ; collige quanta cura et diligentia requiratur a sacerdotibus , conformiter enim custodibus . lavater in ezech. . . reprehendit in sacerdotibus quod sancta sua violarint , non enim tractarint quemadmodum ipse instituerat . nam in templo prostabant idola , sacrificia non legitime offerebantur — an non hodie sacramenta ab adulteris , ebriosis et aleatoribus admistrantur ? idem in ezech. . . et quum immolassent filios idolis . si adultera de adulteri stratis surgens rectâ ad maritum suum veniat , et amorem coniugalem simulet , judicium est magnae impudentiae — redeuntes a valle hinnon et cultu daemonum , tanquam re bene gesta , cruentis manibus templum ingrediebantur citra conscientiam oraturi . ioan. wolphius in nehemiam ait , c. . v. . aedificatores ecclesiae nihil agere debere quam quod in mandatis divinitus datum sit . idem in ezram , c. . hoc enim exemplo v. t. discimus quae facto opus sit in n. t. nempe ut crebris synodis in vitam , in doctrinam et mores , in vocationem ecclesiastorum inspiciatur . hence it is clear that simler , lavater , and wolphius , do clearly . difference between the two powers of the sword and church . . that the priests in the old , and ministers in the new testament are not to prophane holy things . . that by assemblies and synods church-censures are to be dispensed . yea , even robert ▪ burhillus de primatu regio contra becanum iesuitam . c. . sed neque in exteriore jurisdictione , aut excommunicationis aut ordinationis potestatem regi facimus , aut cultus divini novas formulas procudendi , aut dispensandi — adde quod nec ●●s ●itribuimus , leges suâ solius authoritate ferendi quae canonum ecclesiasticorum vim obtin●ant . the mind of d. pareus and p. martyr may be known by what is said , and is cleared in that learned dissertation of iac. trig. nor shall i need to burden the reader with citations of fathers , greek and latine , doctors , councels , with all our protestant divines , luther , calvin , beza , farel , marlorat , piscator , sibrandas , iunius , gomaras , trelcatius , bucanus , &c. which were easie to do if not needlesse , and acknowledged by the adversary . i have also in answering erastus ( i hope ) answered all that mr. prinne hath said , either in his questions , or vindication ; because most of all he hath ( i speak it not to diminish or detract from the learning of that reverend man , ●●r ●●sse to irritate ) is fully to be seen in erastus : so that in answering erastus , i hope , that ingenuous , zealous , and learned divine will acquiesce . the lord establish ierusalem and make her a peaceable habitation . finis . an introdvction to the doctrine of scandal . whether or no things indifferent can be commanded because indifferent ? what ever things are commanded under the tenor of things indifferent , and yet are not indifferent , are not lawful , nor can be in reason commanded : for so should they be of their nature both indifferent , and not indifferent : but humane ceremonies are sush ; ergo , they are not lawful . indifferent things basilius calleth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nazianz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so laertius , and gellius saith the same of them . things indifferent cannot be good , but essentially neither good nor ill , and if they be not good , they cannot be apt to edifie , and so fall not within the compasse of things which can be commanded by rulers . there is a twofold matter of a church constitution , the one remote , the other nearer : the remote matter of church constitutions are things indifferent , to wit , mens actions and the circumstances thereof ; and so they are the matter of gods laws ; for all our actions physically considered to know , believe , will , love , joy , fear , speak , walk , laugh , &c ▪ are indifferent in themselves ▪ but god in the law of natu●● ▪ and his positiv● div●●● law ●●th 〈…〉 d●●●●m ●●●d 〈…〉 i● 〈…〉 put ●is d 〈…〉 ●●gal upon th●● ▪ 〈…〉 a● it is such , can be the nearest matter of any church-constitution : no wise man would say that the church might make a law , that all should cast stones in the water ; yet ▪ god might make a law thereof . for what actions hath no good , nor lawfulnesse , nor aptitude to edisie in themselves , these th● will of man can never make good , lawful , and apt to edifie , because onely god , whose will is the prime rule of all goodnesse , can create moral goodnes in actions : not to eat of the fruit of the tree of knowledge , is only good , because god hath so appointed in his law ▪ and to eat of the fruit of that tree , had been as lawful and just , as not to ●a●● , if god had commanded eating thereof , under ●r●mises and threatnings ▪ . hence ●● followeth that all actions and circumstances of their nature indifferent , must lose that indifferency , and receive from god some goodnesse , and aptnesse to edifie , before they can be the reasonable and nearest matter of any civil or ecclesiastical constitution ; because what rulers can in law and reason command , that they must will as good and apt to edifie ▪ before they can bind others to will it . but neither the will of a ruler ▪ nor the will of any other can lawfully will a thing indifferent , as it is such : for a thing indifferent as it is such , is neither good nor evil , and the object of the will is alwayes good . . rulers commandeth as gods ministers for our good , rom. . . ergo , the means and actions injoyned for the compassing of this end must be good , for if the end be good , the means as the means must be good ; ergo , they cannot be indifferent . things indifferent cannot be enacted as a l●w , except they were indifferent to all , to both weak and wilful ; for remaining evil to some they are scandalous , and cannot be commanded , except rulers would command sinful actions . the apostles would make no laws at all of things indifferent , except in the case of scandal , neither can our ceremonies be indifferent . . because they are sacred mystical signes teaching us some duties to god. . they are worship , and means tending to the honour of god , and being used for the honour of an idol , as they are used by us , they should be the religious honour of an idol . . they are pretended to be means apt to edifie . ergo , they are not in their use indifferent . . the use of ceremonies are moral actions of man , not warranted by gods word . ergo , they are unlawful , and so not indifferent . if then nothing be good , because rulers command it ; but , by the contrary , they do lawfully command it , because it is good . the churches power , is one and the same , in things indifferent , and necessary in matters of doctrine , discipline , and order ; for in both , the church doth not create goodnesse , but doth by the light of the word , or ( which is a part of the word ) by natures light , finde pre-existent goodnesse in doctrine , discipline , and matters of order . therefore will of authority , as will , hath no power to dispose of the least circumstance of time , place or person ; but the churches power is ministerial , and determined to what is good , expedient , and convenient . object . humane actions according to their specifice nature may be indifferent in gods worship : for example , to pray to god in the morning , in your bed , or out of it ; in the house , or in the fields ; to preach the word in thi● , or that habit , in a gown , or in a cloak ; these are actions in their kinde indifferent , because they are neither commanded , nor forbidden ; for that is according to the kinde of action good , which is so commanded of god , that it is unlawful to neglect it , or to do any thing repugnant to it , as to love god and our neighbour ; and that is evil according to its kinde , which is so forbidden by gods law , as it is not lawful to do it , or command it in any sort ; so it is evil to blaspheme god , to commit adultery . so forbs . ans . in the field , or in the bed , cloathed with gown or cloak , when we pray or preach , are meer accidents and circumstances of praying and preaching , and we grant them to be variable and indifferent ; howbeit , they admit of regulation moral , and so are not simply indifferent ; for to pray in the fields and streets , to be seen of men , is vain glory . but i hope they are not indifferent in your meaning , as are surplice , holydays , &c. for you will not say the church may make laws that no prayers be but in the fields , no preaching except the preacher be cloathed with a cloak . . it is not good logick to say , ` to pray in house or field , is an action according to its kinde , neither good nor evil ; when as it is an individual action , contracted to such a place , house or field , because field or house are indifferent in prayer . to pray is not indifferent according to its kinde ; because accidents of actions are indifferent ; it followeth not that the action is indifferent , for then the doctors opinion , maketh an act of loving god , and beleeving in christ , indifferent in its kinde ; for it is as indifferent to love god in the field , as in the house , and to love him while you are cloathed with a gown , as with a cloak : as it is indifferent to pray , in house or field , cloathed with gown , or cloak ; so to love god , and the most necessary actions in the world hic & nunc , in this time or in this place , shall be actions according to their nature , neither good , nor evil , but indifferent , which is against the doctors own distinction . . place or habit doth not constitute praying , and preaching in their specifice nature ; that were a wonder ; for their objects do constitute their nature , and their objects are god and gods word ; and if they be indifferent according to their nature , it shall be indifferent to pray to god , or to some other thing , possibly an idol . nay , if actions good of their own nature , such as to pray , or preach , be made indifferent according to their kinde , because cloathed with indifferent circumstances of time and place , and habit ; then by that same reason , actions of their own nature evil , as to murther , commit adultery , should also become indifferent , from these circumstances ; then should it be indifferent to kill in house , or field , and indifferent according to its kinde , which is most absurd . object . howbeit it be objected , that every voluntary action is either honest , or not honest , yet there are some things honest , that are indifferent and free ▪ for there are two kindes of honest things , . some honest and necessary things , as all the duties commanded in gods law , the contrary of these polluteth a man before god , and they are formally , positively , and inclusively laudable , and commendeth men before god , and are rewarded . this way every voluntary action is not either honest , or unhonest ; for there is a middle betwixt these two , to wit , something honest and lawful , but not necessary , but morally free , as marriage , which commendeth not a man to god , so that he is therefore rewarded ; neither doth the contrary , to wit , non-marriage pollute a man before god , or is blame-worthy , because marriage is onely negatively honest , honestum irreprchensibile , honestum exclusive , & honestum per compossibilitatem cum honesto formali & positivo . so marriage is neither positively honest , nor unhonest , but free morally . neither is marriage necessary by absolute necessity , or necessity that toucheth the action ; for men may marry , and not to marry is no sin , onely marrying is necessary by a conditional necessity , cor. . . a widow is free to marry whom she will , but with this condition , that she marry in the lord ; the necessity toucheth not the action , but the manner of the action . and this necessity of the manner or goodnesse of the action of marriage , doth not make the action necessary , but leaveth it as free to men to marry , or not to marry ; and so there are some actions according to the spece or nature , that are indifferent , and not unhonest , yet lawful . so doctor forbs . answ . . marriage hath something in it natural , even before the fall. it was naturally good , that man should not be alone , and this way , before , and after the fall , marriage in the ground that maketh it necessary , which is an aptitude and inclination to procreation , is most necessary ; and so now , after the fall of man , all that burneth and marr●e●h not , despiseth gods remedy of lust , and sinneth ; and so by necessity of gods command in the law of nature , and repeated by the apostle , cor. . , . it is necessary in individuo : and although , that which is meerly natural in marriage , as the act of marriage according to the substance , be not formally laudable , and rewarded , because of the naturality thereof ; yet it is not for that free or indifferent . . and when the doctor saith , that marriage is indifferent in its nature ▪ and free ; so that there is no necessity of the action , but onely of the goodnesse of the action , he speaketh wonders : for howbeit , marriage be indifferent by a metaphysical indifferency of contrahibility to such and such persons , because marriage may be in some , without sin , and no marriage may also be in other some , without sin ; and so praying is indifferent ; it is in some without sin , and not praying is in some also without sin , when the man is necessitated to some other action , either civil , natural or supernatural ; yet marriage is not morally or theologically indifferent : so as to marry , or not marry , is a matter of a mans free choice , and of his own free ▪ will not obnoxious to any binding law , as is kneeling , not-kneeling , crossing , not-crossing , in the minde of our adversaries . . if it were morally indifferent to marry , or not to marry , rulers might make laws either commanding all to marry , or none to marry , or some to marry ; some not to marry , which were no small tyranny , and the very doctrine of devils . . the gift of continency , is to some a commandment of god , that they marry not , and burning is to some a commandment , obliging them in conscience to marry , else they sin ; therefore to marry , or not to marry , is necessary to all men , or then unlawful , and so not indifferent , as our divines teach against papists , their supererogatorie works . the lords calling of any to suffer for his truth ▪ is instead of a command of god ; though the man might be saved , though he suffer not for the truth . . if there be no necessitie in marrying , but onely conditional in the manner o● marrying , then all mankinde without sin might abstain from marrying , which it most absurd . . the place cor. . . saith not , that a widow is under no necessitie of marrying , but onely under a necessity of well and spiritual marrying . for the libertie that the widow hath there , is not , that it is indifferent to her to marry , or not to marry ; for since our adversaries teach , that rulers may make laws in things indifferent ; they might then make a law that no widows shall marry , which were vile tyrannie . but the libertie that the widow hath to marry whom she will , is opposed onely to a law and obligation matrimonial , that she was under , while her husband did live . and the words clearly speaketh onely of thi● freedom , not of moral freedom of indifference , from all law of god necessitating her to marry : the wise is bound by the law , as long as her husband liveth ; but if her husband be dead , she is at liberty to marry whom she will , onely in the lord. but there are no smal oddes betwixt libertie to marry this or that man , because the husband is dead , of which libertie onely the apostle speaketh ; and liberty , and indifference without all restraint of gods law to marry at all , or not to marry : this latter libertie , the scripture speaketh not of , onely the doctor alleageth it . object . kneeling at the sacrament , howbeit , antecedente and immediately it be necessary by gods law ; yet consequently , and by the mediation of lawful authority , it is now necessary to us , not by necessity of the thing it self , but by necessity of obedience , order , and peace ; and so according to the practice , it is for the time necessary by gods law , and cannot be omitted without sin . so forbes . answ . necessitie of obeying the church can make nothing necessary and good , for the church commandeth it , because it is necessary and good , and it hath not goodnesse , necessitie and aptnesse to edifie from mens will , and the churches commandment . . i ask if no kneeling , now in scotland laying aside the respect of authority and law , be in it self undecent , and unapt to edifie ; if not , then the church hath no more ground and reason for order and decency in our ceremonies ( for what i say of one , holdeth true in all ) then there is for the want of ceremonies ; and if that be true , the sole will and lust of authority maketh our ceremonies lawful : what can romish impudence give more to the man of sin ? but if there be unorderlinesse and indecency in our ceremonies , then kneeling now must be sin , even laying aside the respect of humane laws . . it is strange divinity , that that which is no sin , of it self , cannot be omitted without sin , for the sole will and pleasure of men . humane authority then may make it sin , not to rub our beards , not to claw our heads , when we come to the church to hear gods word . if humane authority can make an indifferent act lawful , and the omission of it , sinful ; they may make all the indifferent acts in the world lawful acts , they might then make piping , leaping , laughing acts o● divine worship , and might make a decalogue of their own : and if they may make an indifferent act to be sin , if it be omitted , they may by as good reason , make sinful acts , as adulterie , incest , murther , robbery , to be lawful acts ; for if mans inhibiting will be the formal reason of sin , then his commanding will must be the formal reason of obedience : and so rulers might command murther , robbery , incest , blasphemy . object . we may perform an individual act coming from deliberate will , and that without sin , and we may omit the same without sin : whether we practise these indifferent actions , or omit them , we should refer both practice and omission to gods glory ; and these actions we call indifferent or free , ( as indifferent and free is opposed to that which is morally necessary ) which are either necessary to be done , or necessary to be omitted , by necessity of a divine law ▪ howbeit , every action that is not of faith be sin , rom. . . yet the faith whereby i beleeve this action is necessary , and must be done , is not necessary to the eschewing of sin . but if i do it , that i do it in faith , and for gods glory , is necessary ; but the necessity of the goodnesse of the action doth not make the action necessary ; for it were to lay a yoak of continual doubting upon mens conscience , if they should beleeve every individual act , that they do , to be necessary ; for whether should they turn them , while they think of doing , or not doing these actions , that they know to be commanded by no word of god ? that a widow marry in the lord , if she marry , is necessary ; but it is not necessary , that she marry , but it is indifferent to her , to marry , or not to marry . doctor forbes . answ . it is a contradiction , that an action individual , should be indifferent , and so neither good , nor evil , and yet done in faith , and referred to gods glory : for the ground of doing , which is faith , and the end , which is gods glory , are individual properties necessarily concurring to the individuation of the action moral . . an action individual , that is meerly indifferent , and so without sin may be performed , without sin , or omitted without sin , cannot be an action of faith referred to gods glory : for what may be done without sin , and may not be done without sin , is a will-action , and wanteth all necessitie of reason , and so is an idle and sinful action ; but a sinful action may be done in fancy , but in faith it cannot be done ; it may , in the vain intention of the doer , be referred to gods glory , in intentione erronea operantis , but ex conditione operis , according to the nature of the work it serveth not for gods glory . this way to cast stones in the water , should be of faith , and referred to gods glory : but shall i beleeve i am doing in faith , and glorifying god , when i am casting stones in the water , and i have as good reason not to cast at all ? if one wilaction that may be done , and may not be done , may be of faith , and referred to gods glory , then may they all be of faith , and referred to gods glory : this is a laughter , rather then divinitie . . i cannot beleeve that an action that hath as good reason to be omitted , as to be done , can be acceptable to god , because i have no ground for my faith ; for my faith here leaneth neither on scripture , nor on reason , but there is no reason why the action should rather be , nor not be , because it is indifferent ; yea , crossing and kneeling of themselves shall be of faith , because i beleeve them to be of faith : but it is a vain thing to say , that faith maketh its object . . there are no actions in the world , but they have all their moral necessitie from their intrinsecal goodnesse : for from whence is it necessary to love god , but from the intrinsecal goodnesse , that the love of god hath from gods command ? for there is no necessitie an action to be at all ; yea , it is idle and superfluous , if there be no goodnesse in it at all . if then crossing and kneeling , ( laying aside the respect of humane laws commanding them ) have no necessitie moral , from any commandment of god , why they should be at all , their necessitie must be all from mans will : this is tyranny in rulers , for their sole pleasure to command , under the heaviest pain , things that have no necessitie at all , but their will. . neither is it any yoak to mens conscience , to square all their moral action by gods word , and so to see ( according as it is written ) before they vanture upon any action moral . it is libertie to keep gods way accuratel . object . in general , no particular action is necessary , the goodnesse whereof that is commended and rewarded of god , may ●s well be had by the omission of that action , or by an other action , as by the doing of it ; but such an action in the individual use is true , and indifferent ; but i● the goodnesse necessary cannot be had at all , without that particular action , then the action in the individual use is necessary , although according to its nature , it be possibly indifferent . so to us now to kneel at the supper , is necessary , that we may obtain the necessary good of due obedience , and decent vniformity , and eschue the contempt of anthority , schism , and confusion . forb● . answ . . by goodnesse here , the doctor meaneth , concomitant and general goodnesse , which maketh not the action necessary to be done , and so it hath no goodnesse intrinsecal , but is an idle action , and yet it may be done , or not done without sin ; and when it is done , it is done upon no other motive , but the meer will and pleasure of the doer : we have hereby the doctors learning , such an idle action done in faith , and done for gods glory . . all our ceremonies in their use , crossing , kneeling , wearing of surplice , have no intrinsecal goodnesse , no internal moral equity of order , decency , and aptnesse to edifie , wherefore it is necessary they should be done ; the doing of them in faith , and for gods glory , may be obtained as well by no●●-kneeling , none-crossing , none-surplice . this is no small dash to the credit of pearth assembly ; for they saw no goodnesse in the articles , but that which as well might have been obtained without them . hence except the goodnesse of pleasing king james , they had no more reason for the ceremonies , then to make an act that all ministers shall go to the foot-ball , the third day of may. . then the meer pleasure of the king hath made kneeling necessary ; and good obedience to the fifth commandment , mens will as will so is the onely formal reason of obedience to the ten commandments , or disobedience . . then we may of faith , and for gods glory , refuse the ceremonies , if it be the kings will ; and in that point , the fifth commandment standeth or falleth at the nod of the kings will. such mercenary divinitie becometh not the lovers of reformation . object . there is a twofold maline in actions , one thar layeth a moral impediment on the act , so that it cannot be performed without sin : so to eschue the malice that is in adultery , we must eschue the act of adultery ; this malice polluteth the act , and should binder the act : there is another malice that polluteth the act , but doth not morally hinder the act , as when one feedeth the poor for vain-glory , vain glory polluteth the act , but hindereth it not : vain-glory should be laid aside , and the poor fed . if one kneel at the supper , thinking it not lawful to kneel before creatures , his kneeling is evil ; but the evil in it doth onely pollute the act , and make it finful , but doth not morally hinder kneeling , because contumacio●s ignorance , pride , and contempt of authority should be laid aside : men should be docil , and see the law fulnesse of it , and obey the church . forbs . answ . in things indifferent , the very malice adhering to the practice of them , howbeit , it adhere not inseparably to them , maketh the practice damnable : for eating rom. . before a weak brother , whose weaknesse might have been removed , if he would be docil , and know that their is no creature now unclean , is murther , rom. . . therefore , suppose all the kings and general assemblies on earth , should command one to eat in that case , before the weak brother , they were to be disobeyed ; and so the doctor freeth us , that we cannot kneel at the lords supper . . rulers may not make laws of things having no necessitie of goodnesse , decency , and aptnesse to edifie , and onely good , because they will , when they see of necessitie , these laws shall inevitably ruine many souls ; for that is to have more regard to their own will , then to the salvation of peoples souls , whereas even christ pleased not himself . . many weak are uncapable of all reasons or arguments that can free our kneeling of idolatry . ergo , they should abstain , and not kneel with a doubting conscience ; better not eat as eat , with a doubting conscience , rom. . . pride and contempt are onely seen to god : prelates have no place to punish heart-acts , they are to prove by two witnesses , the malice , and pride , and contempt of authoritie ; but this is invisible to mens eies , refusal of obedience to canons touching indifferent things , the necessitie whereof ( as the doctor must say ) cometh onely from mans will , cannot be contempt : the neglect of a command of god , is indeed a virtual contempt of the majestie , authoritie , power , and justice of god , because a command of god hath essentially , equitie , and justice in it , from gods commanding will : but a command of a thing indifferent , that may as well , without sin be left undone , as done , ( as our doctor saith of our ceremonies ) can never have equitie or goodnesse from humane authoritie ; and i never contemn humane authoriti● , except i contemn the just laws made by humane authoritie * . object . of things alike lawful and convenient ; for example , sitting at the lords table , or not sitting , we are bound to the one rather then to the other , for lawful authorities command ; for conveniency and goodnesse in external circunistances standeth not in such an indivisible point , but there may be circumstances good , better , and best ; a gesture , a day , a habit , may be so good and convenient , as another gesture , another day , another habit , are as good and convenient ▪ in which case , either no habit , no day , no gesture at all , shall be in gods worship , which were impossible ; else of two circumstances , both of three degrees of goodnesse , one shall be chosen by the sole will of authority ; and so people must follow one order , rather then another as good , for the sole will of authority , without any prevalent reason in the thing commanded . answ . . in such a case as that , where two circumstances , both of three degrees of goodnesse occurreth , rulers can reasonably tie people to neither , but leave it alternatively , to their liberty ; for why should liberty be restrained , where necessity of order , and deceney , doth not necessitate the rulers will ? . in such a case the rulers will , as will , should not be the formal cause , why one is enacted rather then another ; but the rulers will led by a reason from conveniency , and so there were a prevalent reason , for the one rather then the other . . i deny that such a metaphysical case of two things every way of alike conveniency can fall out , as the matter of a grave and weighty church-constitution ; for natures light , rules of prudence , prety , charity , and sobriety shall ever finde out , and discover an exsuperancy of goodnesse and conveniency , of one above another . . granting there be three degrees of ▪ goodnesse and conveniency in fitting , and two degrees of goodnesse and conveniency in kneeling , in this case the object necessitateth the rulers will to command fitting , and refuse kneeling . . because good being the formal object of a reasonable will , in both rulers and people ; that which partaketh more of the nature of good , is first to be chosen . ergo , the rulers will is determinated and morally necessitated to a circumstance of three degrees , before a circumstance of two degrees ; and we obey for the goodnesse of the thing commanded , and not for the will of the rulers . . if people obey , and so embrace a circumstance of two degrees , and refuse a convenient circumstance of three degrees ; they either make this choice for the goodnesse and conveniency of the circumstance , or for the meer will of authority ; the former cannot be said , because of two goods , known to be so , the one of three degrees , and the other of two degrees ; the will cannot reasonably choose the lesse good , because a lesse good known as a lesse good , is evil , and the will cannot reasonably choose known evil : a lesse good is a good with a defect , and so morally evil ; if then rulers cannot choose evil , they cannot reasonably command others to choose it ; if the latter be said , the choice of people is reasonlesse , and their conscience resteth upon the meer will of ▪ authority , which is slavish obedience . how are we then bidden , try all things ? object . in matters plainly determined by scripture , rulers are to follow the word of god ; but in matters circumstantial or indifferent , where scripture saith neither for the one side , nor for the other , what rulers thinketh good , is to be followed , there being no evil nor impiety in that which they command . answ . . this is to make rulers in matters of salvation lyable to the scriptures of god ; but in matters which men call indifferent to make them popes , and to hang our consciences upon their sleeve , which is most absurd . . because paul in matters most indifferent of dayes , and meats , would not have the romans to hang upon his judgement , but will rule both their practice , and his own , by the law of nature . murther not , scandalize not . . what rulers thinketh good is not a rule for constitutions , and for peoples obedience in matters circumstantial ; but the rule of rulers here in making laws , and of people in obeying laws , is goodnesse it self , order , decency , aptitude to edifie , in things that they command ; for it were strange , if in matters , that they call of salvation , not thoughts , but the word of god should rule and square canon-makers , but in matters indifferent , their thoughts should be a law. . scripture and the law of nature , and right reason , which is a deduction from scripture , is able sufficiently in all canous and constitutions to regulate both rulers and people , and to determine what is conventent in circumstances ; and the lord here is an infallible judge , speaking in his word , as he is in all matters , which they call fundamental ; yea , the scripture shall be imperfect in the duties of the second table , if it do not determine what is active scandal , or soul murther , as it doth determine what is idolatry , what is lawful worship . a dispute touching scandall and christian libertie . quest . i. concerning scandall . whether or not ceremonies , and the use of things not necessarie in gods worship , when they scandalize , be unlawfull ? i doe the more willingly enter this dispute , and with reverence to the more learned , shall examine the doctrine of the late doctors of aberdene in their duplyes . because i occasioned their thoughts touching scandall , by a private dispute of the nature of scandall , which i undertooke while i was confined in aberdene , with one of the chief doctors . our argument . ceremonies and things not necessarie in gods worship fail against charitie , by the grievous cryme of scandall . the practice of things indifferent , and not necessarie , is then unlawfull , when from thence ariseth the scandall or occasion of the ruine of ou● brother . but from the practice of ceremonies and things not necessarie ariseth scandall , and occasion of the ruine of our brother . ergo , the practice of such is unlawfull . observe our argument leaneth on a ground given , but not granted that the ceremonies be indifferent , though to us they be evill : i prove the proposition , rom. . . i know and am perswaded by the lord jesus , that nothing is unclean of it selfe ; but to him that esteemeth anything unclean , to him it is unclean . v. . but if thy brother be grieved ( weakened in his christian race ) now walkest thou uncharitably , destory not him with thy meat , for whom christ died . . for meat destroy not the worke of god. then for crossing , kneeling , holy dayes , destroy not him for whom christ died , cor. . . cor. . . so the brazen serpent must be removed , when it is a scandalous object of idolatrie , ezra . . ezra for feare of scandall , will not seeke a band of men of the king , lest the king should believe the hand of god would not bee with his people , as he had said , yet a band of men had been more necessarie then the ceremonies . so king. . josiah is commended for defiling tophet , to prevent occasion of offering children to molech : for this cause god iudgeth an house without battlement , and the sending abroad a goaring oxe to be murther , deut. . . exod. . . . . exod. . ● . deut. . . and levit. . . thou shalt not lay a stumbling block before the blind . marrying with the canaanites was forbidden , for the ruine occasioned by that , to the soules of gods people . i prove the assumption , a gretzer saith , in ceremonies calvinists are the apes of catholicks . . if such a worship had been in the temple or synagogue , so as the jewes in the same act might , have worshipped jehovah and the canaanites baall or dagon , as at one table the papists may kneele and adore bread , with the protestant , receiving the sacrament , it would be a raigning scandall . . atheists have mocked religion , for the surplice , and other masse-toyes . . papists say protestants are returning to their mother church of rome ▪ . wee cannot in zeale preach against popish traditions , and practise popish ceremonies . . lascivious carousings , drunkenness , harlatrie , come from observing of holy dayes . that this may be more cleare . . the nature of a scandall would bee cleared . , the doctrine of the apostle paul about scandall proponed . a scandall is a word or action or the omission of both , inordinately spoken or done , whence we know , or ought to know , the fall of weake , wilfull or both , is occasioned to th●se , who are within or without the church . . it is a word or deed seene to others ▪ sinfull thoughts not being seen , are not publick scandalls , though to the man himselfe they occasion sinne . hence non-conformitie simply to a thing indifferent , must onely be scandalous , as joyned with contempt , formall contempt in things indifferent , is inward and invisible to men . . omission of words and deeds scandalize . silence in preachers , when god ▪ matters go wrong is scandalous : so sanches b . not every word & deed doth scandalize , but such as are done unorderly . c sanches saith these words and deeds , quae carent rectitudine , which want some morall rectitude ; o● as aquinas d saith , of themselves are inductive to sinne , doth scand●lize : or that e m. anton. de dominis archiep. spalatens . saith , which is indictive to sinne , or the cause of great evill , or hindereth good , as our faith , zeale , love , &c. that scundalizeth . for though none of these fall out , if the work or word , or omission of either be such , as of it selfe , is apt to scandalize , it is an active scandall . hence every little scandall is a sinne , either in it selfe , or in the unordinate way of doing ● . but what objects are properly scandalous , shall be discussed . . when we know such words and deeds doe scandalize , and they be not necessarie to be done , yea , and if wee ought to know ; for though the pronness and procliviti● of our brethren , or others to sinne , be in some respect , questio facti , yet is it also questio juris , a question of law , the ignorance whereof condemneth when the things themselves are doubtsomely evill , but not necessary to be done ; hence the practice of a thing indifferent , when there be none that probably can be scandalized , and hath some necessitie , is lawfull : as colos . . . let no man therfore judge you in meat ●r drinke , &c. yet in case of scandall it is unlawfull to cat . see cor. . . eat whatsoever is set before you asking no question for conscience sake . . but if any say , this is offered in sacrifice , to idolls , eat not for his sake who shewedit , for conscience sake — conscience , i say , not thine owne , but of others . therefore practising of things indifferent , or non-practising , are both lawfull , according as persons are present who may be scandalized , or not scandalized ; but this is in things though in nature indifferent , yet in use having some necessitie , as eating of meats , but the case is otherwayes in things altogether indifferent , as our ceremonies are , which are supponed to lay no ty on the conscience , before god , o incline to either side , as they say , to crosse , or not to crosse , laying aside the commandement of men . for if no-crossing be all 's good , as crossing , then though there be non-scandalized , yet because it is such an action in gods worship , as is acknowledged to be indifferent , and hath appearance of adding to gods word and worship , it is inductive to sinne , and scandalous , though none should hence be actu secundo , ruinated , and made to stumble . but if any in pauls time , as the case was , in the church of corinth should eat meates at a table , forbidden in the law , he not knowing that a jew was there , this may seeme invincible ignorance , because ignorance of a meere fact , not of a law , if that jew should be scandalized through his eating , it should seeme to me , to be scandall taken , but not culpably given . . it is said in the definition , that these inordinate words or deeds occasioneth the fall of others . . because the will of the scandalized , or his ignorance is the efficacious and neerest cause , why he is scandalized , that is , why he sinneth ; actions or words are occasions onely , or causes by accident , for none ought to be scandalized , as none ought to sinne , ad peccatum nulla est obligati● . . because , as to be scandalized is sinne , so to scandalize actively is sinne , though actuall scandall follow not , as peter scandalized christ culpably , when he counselled him not to die for sinners , though it was impossible that christ could be scandalized ▪ . it is said , ( whereby weake or wilfull , within , or witho●t the church may be scandalized ) for i hope to prove that it is no lesse sinne actively to scandalize the wilfull , and malicious , then the weak , though there be degrees of sinning here , and we must eschew things scandalous for their sake who are without the church . for the second i set down these propositions . from rom. . . proposit . the weake are not to be thraled in judgement , or practice in thornie and intricate disputes , in matters indifferent . this is cleare rom. . v. . ergo when people know not mistie distinctions of relative and absolute adoration , of worship essentiall or accidentall , they are not to be here thraled by a law to practice ceremonies humane . proposit . if a weake one eat herbs , fearing the practice of things forbidden by gods law , he is commended , and his abstinence praise-worthy , as rom. . v. . . and he ought not to be judged , and so ought not to be a wed by a law. then abstinence and non-conformitie is lawfull in such a case . . proposit . he that eateth , he that eateth not ; he that practiseth , he that practiseth not indifferent things , is not to be judged . . god hath received the eater . . you are not to judge another mans servant . it is against the law of nations . . if the weake fall , god is able to raise them . ergo , if he be not to be judged , as a contemner of gods law in things indifferent , farre lesse should he be judged , by the church law . . proposit . observers of dayes , or non-observers of dayes should have certaintie of faith in these indifferent things ; ergo , the light of the word should lead rulers , and people here , v. . in things indifferent . . proposit . the observer of indifferent things , as dayes in that case at rome , and the non-observers of dayes should not trouble one another ▪ because both are to observe , and not observe indifferent things , for gods glory . . both gives thankes . . both liveth and dieth as christs , for gods glorie . . . . . therefore gods glorie is the end that ruleth the use of ceremonies , as they are indifferent . proposit . . v. . . . a christian should not condemne a jew ▪ no● one brother another , in things indifferent . . because we are brethren . . because it is christs place to judge ; and condemne . . because every man must give an account for himself . ergo. lawes of rulers to condemne or punish , are not to be made in such cases . proposit . . v. . when the use of things indifferent is a stumbling block and scandall to our brethren they are against charitie and unlawfull . proposit . . v. . there is a prolepsis . meats clean , or not clean , may be eaten , but all meats are clean ; and paul is perswaded of that by iesus christ . ergo , the apostle answereth , . by denying the major proposition in two cases , and setteth downe a distinction . all things are clean in themselves , but they become unclean , in two cases . . if one weake in the faith believe ▪ that the meat , that he eateth , is against the word of god , the me at to him is unclean . , if he eat before , one that believeth it is forbidden in gods law , to eat such meats , his eating is a stumbling blocke to the weake . but one might say , it is a taken scandall , and not given : for it is lawfull to eat , thy brother deemeth it unlawfull out of ignorance of christian libertie , so say formalists ceremonies be indifferent ; if any offend at the use of them , it is ascandall taken , not given . o but paul forbiddeth to scandalize , or to eat . hence the . proposit . the use of things indifferent , as ceremonies , before any law ●e made of them ▪ by confession of formalists , is indifferent ▪ and may be done ▪ and not done , but if they scandalize , paul proveth by eight arguments they are unlawfull ▪ . if fighteth with charitie , that for meat , so l●tle a thing , for the knot of a straw , a ceremonie , thou slay thy brother ▪ for whom christ died , v. . where these reasons be . . it is uncharitable walking . . it is murther , slay not him . . it is contrary to christs love , who died for thy brother . . it maketh religion and christian libertie , to be evill spoken of , v. . . from the nature of these things ▪ which are indifferent , these in which the kingdome of god consisteth not , as meats and surplic● crossing kneeling , &c. when they scandalize , ought to be omitted , as being against righteousness , and being sinnes of murther . . against peace , sinnes of contention , . against joy of the holy ghost , making sad , and discouraging thy brother in his christian ●ace , and he that serveth god in peace and righteousnesse , and joy is acceptable v. , . the use of things indifferent in case of scandall conduce not to peace and edification , v. . . it is a destroying of the worke of god ▪ v. . illustrated by a repeated prolepsis , but the meat is clean ; ●ea , but ( saith paul ) it is evill , and so morally unclean to him that eateth with offence , v. . . ab equo & ●ono , we are to doe good , but to eat and drink with the scandalizing of our brother , and to practise ceremonies is not good ▪ proposit . . the practising of things indifferent , or ceremonies for the very ●●●●ing of the ●aith , that we have christian libertie to practise , or no● practise in the case of scandall , is not lawfull , v. . set downe by a pro●epsis , keep the faith of thy christian libertie ( in case of scandall ) to thy selfe , and to god. proposit . in the use of things indifferent , we are to allow our selves , that is to have the approbation of our conscience , that what we doe is lawfully , v . proposit . . he that practiseth indifferent things , with a doubting conscience , and not in faith , sinneth , and is condemned , v. . cor. ▪ v all things ( indifferent ) are lawfull in themselves , but they are not expedient . if we be brought under the power or band of them by law . ergo , in the meanes of worship , not onely must we see what is lawfull , but also what is profitable and conducing to the end . he reasoneth upon a given , but not granted hypothesis , that fornication is indifferent , as the gentiles taught , as we doe in the matter of ceremonies . cor. . v. . but this i speake by permission ▪ not of commandement . ergo in things , in which god hath granted us libertie , to doe , or not to doe , permission hath place , not obliedging necessitie , or penall lawes . proposit . there cannot be commanding lawes in things that are polltickly good , or evill , according to the individuall complexion ▪ temperature , or gifts of singular men , to marry , or not to marry , cannot be commanded , for where god looseth , no power on earth can bind ▪ v. . cor. . v. . paul condemneth them in the use of their libertie christian , howbeit there be not in every man this knowledge , then that rulers may make lawes in things indifferent , without scandall , they must remove ignorance . . if there be but one person weake ( there is not in every man that knowledge ) in knowledge , a law obliedging all , in things indifferent cannot be made . v. . there is a definition of a thing indifferent . it is a thing that commendeth us not to god , which neither helpeth , nor hindereth pietie , nor maketh a man better , or worse before god. then ceremonies pretended to be for order , decencie , edification , to stirre up the dull minde to spirituall duties , cannot be things indifferent . hence observe . the materialls of worship , as linnen , cloathes , habites , gestures may be in their physicall consideration indifferent , but as applyed by formulistes , they cannot be indifferent , for in their use , kneeling appropriated to sacramentall bread , linnen appropriated to the body of a priest , while he officiateth , cannot be but religious or prophane . . if god command gestures he commandeth this gesture , hic & nunc . if in generall , ●●ealing be forbidden , then for achan , to steale this babylonish garment , must be forbidden . . it seemeth to have been after-noon with henry lesly ( a ) of after cuppes , when he saith , if papists and protestants be two divers kindes of worshippers then their actions of worship must be indifferent , as be their agents , for actions are distinguished by their objects and ends , papists in kneeling worship their god of bread , we in kneeling at the sacrament worship the true god. for when a turk and a christian doe both worship dagon , it is the same idolatrie , though ●urcisme and christianisme be different religions . though kneeling to an image , the similitude of god , and that same kneeling to jehovah , represented in that similitude , es ▪ . v. . make one formall object , the image the materiall , jehovah the formall object ▪ yet is it idolatrie . . our circumstances of time and place , cannot properly be called indifferent , for they may be considered two wayes . physically . religiously . physically . the commandement injoyning a thing , injoyneth also time and place convenient , he that saith ( th● shalt not kill ) in that same very commandement said ( cain , thou shalt not kill abel in this place of the field , at this time , ) so to believe , and to believe in this time and place , falleth both under one , and the same commandement ; and it is true , the lawfulness of worship may be marred by bad circumstantiating of the worship , if one shall pray , when the pastor doth preach ; but circumstances must be convenient , and so commanded , and so not indifferent , but circumstances have no religious respect put on them by god , and therefore in that state have no roome in gods worship , v. ● . if any man see thee , who hast knowledge , sit at meat in the idols temple shall not the conscience of him that is weake , ●e emboldened , to eat these things that are offered to idolls . hence a naked sight of that which is ordinarily exponed to be a communion with an idoll , as kneeling religiously to bread is , must be a scandall . . the supposed knowledge of one , who saith , an idoll is nothing , but directeth his worship to god , when externall gestures are used in an idolatrous way , doth not free the practise of such a worship , from scandall . v. . . . scandalizing in eating things , otherwise poore and cleane , is a scandalizing of a weake brother , against the price of christs blood , &c. cor. . v. . . . communion in rites and cerimonies o● a raise worship , is a communion with the idoll , and satan . v. . though you keep your heart to god , ye provoke the lord to jealousie . v. . rulers are not to seeke their owne , in things indifferent . v. . things sacrificed to idol● , yet in no religious state , are clean meates , and may be eaten . surplice on a noblemans porter is no masse habit , and so not scandalous . . . in things indifferent , i must abstaine from ●sing my libertie , where i am in danger to be evill spoken of , and that our liberty be called licentiousnesse . quest . ii. whether or no the ceremonies and things indifferent commanded by humane authority be objects scandalous , and what rules are to be observed in eschewing scandalls . formalists object , that ceremonies be not no●ent agents in giving scandall , but men doe unjustly take scandall , whereas innocent ceremonies give none . but observe that a scandall is given two wayes . physically . . morally . physically , when the object hath an influence meerely physicall in raising scandall , in this meaning , as there be no passion , but it hath an action ; so there is no scandall taken , but it is some way given . the pharisees are scandalized at christs preaching . the preached word had some influence on their corruption to scandalize it , but physicall , not morall : but sinfull and inordinate actions , scandalize morally by contributing , a morall influence culpably to the scandalizing of others . hence the question is , wherein standeth this morall and culpable influence . the objects in generall from whence commeth scandall be foure . . things good . . things sinfull and evill . . things indifferent , inordinatly , or unseasonably done . . things that have appearance of evill . a thing good of it selfe is not scandalous , but there be two goodthing● . . some simply necessary ▪ ●s to love god , not to steale , not to forsweare , these be never scandalous . . some good duties positive of affirmative precepts , as not necessarie , hic & nunc , may be omitted to eschew scandall . school men move a question . if it be lawfull to omit workes commanded of god , or of the law of nature to eschew the scandall of our brethren ? i answer , a naturall commandement to eschew the scandalizing of my brother , obliedgeth in some circumstances , but not simply , for it obliedgeth not when there occurreth a commandement naturall of greater obligation , whether it be naturall or positive , if i cannot decline the transgression of the law of god , in the declining of scandalizing my brother , certainly the commandement of not scandalizing doth not obliedge , for i am more obliedged to have a care of my owne salvation , then of my brothers , and so to prevent my owne sinnes , the●● the sinning of my brother : yet coeteris paribus , if all other things be alike , as a becanus saith . a naturall command , such as is , ( not to scandalize ) that is , ( not to commit soule-murther ) doth oblige more , then a positive commandement , as to heare the word hic & nunc . i am obliedged hic & nunc , to omit hearing of the word to keep my brother from killing himselfe , and to preserve my brothers temporall life . because , the lord will have mercie , and not sacrifice . though i be not obliedged universally to omit the hearing of the word ▪ and receiving of the sacraments , to eschew the scandall of my brother . . sinnes publickly committed , are of their owne nature culpably scandalous . . in things indifferent , from whence ariseth a scandall there be two things . . the use of the thing it selfe . . the use of it , with the non-necessitie of existence in it . as the causey stones are not scandalous , if any fall on them , nor the layer of the causey to be blamed therefore , because causay stones be necessarie , but if any lay an huge block in the way , which hath no necessary use there , he who doth so is the cause of the fall , because he contributeth to the fall , that which is the occasion , and so the cause of the fall , for every occasion is a certaine cause . . because he contributeth such an occasion as hath no morall necessitie of existence , so the brazen serpent having lost its vertue of curing and being adored as god , is formally a scandalous object , and the prince suffering that to remaine , when it is not necessarie , and withall occasioneth the idolatrie of many , doth culpably scandalize , and so these who for sole will commandeth such things as the worship of god may want , doe also scandalize . they object , christ might have healed on another day , then the lords . ergo , the non-morall necessitie maketh not the object formally scandalous , nor doth the contributer thereof culpably scandalize . answ . that christ should cure on the sabbath , was morally necessary . . if it were but from his owne will , but mens will cannot make things necessary . . it was necessarie to shew , that the sonne of man was lord of the sabbath . . that the sabbath was made for man. and not man for the sabbath . . to shew , that workes of mercy are to be preserred to workes of ceremonies , and that god loveth mercie , rather then sacrifice , when the dutie is onely possible , and the good lesse necessary , then the good of non-scandalizing , then we are not , for hope of a possible dutie , and lesse necessarie , to doe that from whence a scandall doth arise . so it was not lawfull for paul to take stipend , which should have hindered the promoving of the gospell , though he might have imployed that stipend upon charitable uses , because that charitie was a dutie onely possible , and incomparably lesse necessarie , then the promoting of the gospell . so cor. . . why suffer ye not rather losse ? yet by that suffering losse , they were lesse able for workes of charitie , and to provide for their familie and children , but the gaine was temporall , and not to be compared with a good fame upon christian religion , which was slandered by heathen , when they went to law , christian against christian , before an heathen judge . the fourth scandalous object , is that which hath appearance of evill . not every thing is such , for good hath the appearance of evill . b paybodie to elude this , sheweth a number of things which have appearance of evill , but ●are good , and he nameth among them , hushaies abiding with absolon in his conspiracie , which was plaine dissimulation , but that properly hath appearance of evill . . quod plaerumque fit malo fine , as the schoolemen define it , that which ordinarily is done for an evill end , as to ly in bed with another mans wife , to sit at the idols table , to bow to an image . . that which being good in it selfe , yet because of the circumstances is exponed vain-glory , as to pray in the streets , it s ordinarily exponed to be for this end , to be seen of men . these who expone that place , thess . . abstaine from all appearance of evill , to be , abstaine from that which seemeth evill to the conscience , and judgement of the doer , or onely of doctrine reach not the apostles minde : for to sit at the idols table , to bow to an image , and keepe the heart to god , are out of doubt appearances of evill forbidden in the text , yet are they not doctrines seeming evill alwayes , to the judgement of the practisers . they object , to looke up to the beavens and sunne may have appearance of praying to the sunne and heavens , for in the externall fact , no more could be done by a person adoring the sun. ergo , such appearances cannot be scandalous objects . answer , lifting up of the eyes in prayer , are naturall adumbrations and expressions of the elevation of the heart , required in prayer , psal . . v. . and so commonly exponed by all nations , and therefore cannot be appearances of evill . hence these rules . i. suppose all be strong , in whose presence i practise , a thing indifferent , yet if it have no necessitie , no aptitude to edifie , and have onely all its goodness from the will of commanders , in practising , i scandalize , . because the strong are apt to sinne , and so apt to be scandalized , and the action is idle , and not reasonable , having no other reason but the meere will of rulers . . if i probably know my practice , shall come to the knowledge of these , who shall be scandalized , i scandalize them in such an action . ii. rule . though the practice of things indifferent , having some necessitie , be lawfull , as cor. . . eat what is set before you ▪ asking no question for conscience sake ▪ yet the ●aith and conscience of things indifferent , is never indifferent , we are never to judge a thing indifferent , necessarie , nor a thing necessarie , indifferent , and practice in that judgement , so erroneous is finfull , and not of faith , rom. ● . . iii rule . an universall omission of good , of obeying affirinative precepts , for the eschewing of scandall , cannot be lawfull for it is . necessarie for my salvation to obey affinnative precepts , though not in all differences of time . in this meaning a augustine said , we are not to abstaine from good workes , ( he meaneth a totall abstainence ) for any scandall . and tertullian b good offendeth non , save a wicked minde , but at sometime an obedience to an affirmative precept , hic & nunc may be omitted , when we see that from the doing thereof , the ignorant and weake will commit great sinnes . so c aquinas , d bannes . e sanches for affirmative precepts of the law of nature ( saith f bannes ) must sometime be omitted , for the eschewing of scandall , for they doe not obliedge , but when , and after such a manner , as is convenient . v. rule . to doe any good action , or lawfull , or indifferent , when i probably foresee a scandall will follow , is an active scandall , for i preferre my owne will , to my brothers salvation ( saith g antoninus , and h navarret , ) and therefore saith ( i ) antoninus ; a virgin going abroad , without just necessitie , where her beautie shall be a snar● to young men , or to goe out upon a necessary cause with a whorish attire , is an active scandall , her feet ▪ abideth not in her house , saith k solomon . and l navarr , saith , it is to sinne mortally and m silvester saith , if the popes commandement doe but smell of veniall sinne , and if by giving audience thereunto , it be presumed that the state of the church shall be troubled , or a scandall shall arise , though the commandement goe out under the paine of excommunication , it is not to bee obeyed . o vasques , and p suarez say , to sell , gift , or dispose of any things indifferent , when we foresee they shall abuse them , is to commit the sinne of active scandalizing . yea , the forme of an idol , though he never adore it , doth highly scandalize , and q antoninus r silvester , ſ corduba , t metina , u the jesuit zanches teach , that to contribute to that which we see , shall induce any to sinne , is to be guilty of scandalizing . and the reasons be these ; . we are not to preferre our will to the salvation of our brother . . things lesse necessarie , then our brothers salvation , in that case become not necessarie , and so fruitlesse and idle . . charitie inferferreth , that we hinder so far , as we can , the ruine of our brothers soul , scandaell is spirituall homicide . . to contribute any morall help , and influence to our brothers fall , and soul-ruine , is to be accessarie to his sinne ▪ hence ceremonies and things not necessarie to salvation , may be omitted altogether in their specialities , when the practising of them doth scandalize , and so though kneeling in gods worship cannot well be universally omitted , yet kneeling appropriate to such an act of worship may be omitted , and ought to be omitted , if it scandalize , and ceremonies which scandalize universally , seeing they are not in their very kinde necessarie to salvation , are to be abolished . yet i may adde one caution here . to contribute helpe for the doing of that , which of it selfe is necessarie , which i know , an other in respect of humane frailtie , will abuse to sinne is no active scandall . so to lay hands on a qualified pastor is not sinne , though i foresee through humane frailtie , he will abuse his power in some things to sinne . so , for an artificer to make swords , though he know some shall abuse them to murthering the innocent , is no scandalous work . i take not on me to prescribe rules for eschewing scandall in all occurrences of providence . the godly learned can see more then i can doe in this matter , where love should be warie to lay a straw in the way of any weake traveller . quest . iii. whether or no we may deny obedience to the lawes of our superiours , for feare of scandall causleslie taken . this is not my question , but a question of the doctors of aberdeen , yet it conduceth for the times , and because one of the learnedest of these doctors did agitate the question of scandall with me in private , before the writing of that book , i desire libertie to vindicate my selfe , by discussing two chapters of this purpose . and first the question seemeth to me many wayes vaine . . they aske about denyall of obedience , which is not proved , but presumed to be obedience . . they presume that the masters , the lord prelates of pearth faction are our superiours , by no law of god , or our church was ever any superioritie conferred upon them . . they say for scandall causlesly taken : if they meane that there be no just reason indeed why any should take scandall , they say nothing against us , for we thinke to take scandall , is to sinne , if they know any just reason or cause of sinne , except satan and mens free-will , we shall be taught of them . if they meane scandalously taken , that is , not culpably given by the practisers of ceremonies , this is a chimera , and to us no question , for we are not to denie obedience to lawfull lawes , for eschewing scandall , when obeyers doe give no cause culpably of scandall , they would have formed the question to our reverend and learned brethren if they had dealt plainly . whether or no , we may desist from practising coremonies , which , setting aside the law of superiours , are indifferent , when from the practising of them ariseth the ruine of many soules , for whom christ died . in things necessarie commanded and forbidden of god , we cannot deny obedience , but the matter of the lawes is silenced in the question to deceive the reader . duplyers . if the scandall arising from the articles of pearth come , ex conditione operis , from the very enormitie in these articles , then are we to forbeare these ●rticles ever , and not onely while they be tryed in a lawfull ▪ assembly for such are either sinne , or have a manifest show of sinne . but if the scandall arise not from the articles themselves , but from malice or weaknesse , we deny that we are totally to abstaine from obedience to lawfull superiours , for eschewing scandall causlesly taken , and we marvell from whence ye have learned this strange and harsh doctrine . answ . . your enumeration is weake , for we know no scandall justly taken , but proceeding from both these , weaknesse or wickedness of nature , is the neerest cause of all scandall taken , because it is the cause of all sinne , and to be scandalized is sinne . also it is here taken from the enormitie of the deed , in that practising of things indifferent , if a scandall taken either weakly or maliciously thence arise , there is enormitie in the deed , yet totall abstinence is not hence concluded , because , cessante ratione scandali , when the ground of the scandall is removed , there is no enormitie in the fact . . you define to us , or rather divine , that then there is an irregularitie in the fact that justly scandaliz●th , when either the fact is a sinne , or then hath a manifest shew of sinne . and we wonder where you learned this strange divinitie , for cor. . . to eat meat at a feast that you are invited unto ▪ is neither sinne , because v. . . it is lawfull : the earth is the lords , nor is it such as hath a manifest shew of sinne , as all having sense knoweth . one of your prime doctors defined to me , these onely have manifest appearance of sinne , quae pl●rumque fiunt malo fine , which for the most part are done for an evill ●nd , such as is to lye in bed with another mans wife , to kneele before an idoll . the form●r , in the exposition of all is done for adulterie , the latter for idolatrie . i am sure to eat meats at an infidels feast , is not of that nature which is done ordinarily for an evill end , it is ordinarily done to refresh nature , and to sol●●e it , which hath no manifest shew of sinne , and yet if there be a weake one beside , who saith , that meat is offered to idols , in that case to eat , is to scandalize . and is against the glory of god , v. . . you aske from whom we learned this strange doctrine to deny obedience to the lawes of superiours for scandall causlesly taken ; and we answer , we learned it from the apostle paul , who saith cor. . . if meat offend my weake brother , i will eat no flesh ( i will abstaine totally and absolutely ) while the world standeth . this abstinence for the date of the worlds standing , god be thanked , is longer then the time to a lawfull generall assembly was at that time : yet the apostle proveth , rom. . that to eat , or not to eat , was at that time as indifferent , as to practise , or not practise ceremonies , also who ever offended at pauls eating of fleshes , were offended out of weakness , v. . and it was in that sense , scandall causlesly taken . duplyers pag. . n. . the author of the popish english ceremonies , saith that both cajetan and bannes affirm , that we should abstain a spiritualibus non necessariis , from spirituall duties not necessarie to salvation , when scandall ariseth from the doing of them , but none of the schoolemen euer taught to abstaine totally , and altogether from any spirituall dutie , for eschewing the scandall of either weake , or wicked . answer . what the author of the english popish ceremonies saith in that subject , all your learning shall never be able to answer , for our brethren , required but abstinece from these ceremonies , till they be tryed in a lawfull generall assemblie , for they never were yet tryed in a lawfull assemblie , till the late assemblie at glasgow , anno . . that author argueth a majore , and we desire an answer , if we may abstaine from spirituall duties commanded by the most high superiour the lord our god. hic & nunc in case of scandall . ergo , farre more are we to abstaine , from practising of dead ceremonies voyd of all spirit of life , in the case of scandall , yea and universally , and totally we are to abstaine , because the superiours have no power to make lawes in materia scandalosa , when that which they command is scandalous ; and in the very matter soule-murther . duplyers . thomas and his followers say , bona spiritualia non necessaria sunt dimittenda propter scandalum , in ijs quae sunt sub consili● , non vero sub praecepto ▪ we may omit spirituall duties for eschewing scandall which fall under counsell , but not under commandement . answer . we conceive you not to be papists , to hold this distinction , then farre more things indifferent for a time , in case of scandall may be forborne , when counsells the performance whereof merit a greater degree of glorie in heaven ▪ may be suspended . . it is false , for a aquinas saith , actiones quantumcunque rectae atque utiles omittendae . so b d. bannes . duplyers . the most accurat casuists and interpreters of thomas , deny , that we can deny obedience to civill and ecclesiasticall lawes ▪ for ●schewing scandall of the weake . so navarrus in man●ali cap . sect . . vasquez to . . tract ▪ de scandalo , dub . . sect . . becanus to . post . part . ▪ tract . cap . q. . ferdin . de castro palao oper . moral . tract . . disp . ▪ p●nct . . duvall . . tract . de charit . q. . art . and they ●ite thomas , duranaus , almain , anton ▪ ●lorent . answer . c aquinas saith , excommunication may be omitted in the case of scandall . now the churches precept of excommunication is no counsell , but a precept . and it is lawfull saith thomas to rebuke our brother , and an act of mercy and charitie commanded ( saith d he ) in the law of nature , and so not a counsell . yet saith thomas , in case of scandall it may be omitted . e navar. doth contradict you , read when you please . and ferdin●●d ▪ de castro palao , you thought we had not these authors to find you out● and give ●o vasquez f right play , wee may omit the ●●aring of a masse which is no counsell , but command to save the temperall life of our brother . g becanus , h duvallius may be seen to crosse you . dupliers . the school-men well us not to forbeare obedience , with a quite disclaiming of the authoritie of the law , as you doe . ans , lawfull authoritie of prelates lawes we know none . . school-men say more , that the obligation of lawes doe cease in case of scandall . duplyers . this kinde of forbearance for eschewing of scandall we improve . . arg. the author of english popish ceremonies , part . . cap. . sect . . not to obey the lawes of the church in things whereof we are certainly perswaded they are not unlawfull and inexpedient , is a contempt and a scandall . but we are perswaded the things here , to wit , articles of pearth be neither unlawfull nor inexpedient . ergo ▪ the major is yours , the assump . we prove by the light of our conscience . answer . the author sayth so indeed , but withall he sayth , that church lawes bind not the conscience , because they are church lawes , sed propter rationem legum , for the reason of the lawes ; and such you cannot show to be in your ceremonies . . the assumption is badly proved , for your consciences are not transparent glasse ; except that light come out in arguments founded upon the law and testimonie , and where this is not , there is no light , es . . . an erring conscience proveth nothing , so you beg the question . duplyers . arg . n. . that which may be removed by information and instruction , cannot be awarrand to us of a totall abstinence , from the obedience of the lawes , or which is all one , of an avowed disclaiming of the authoritie of them . but the scandall of the weake taken by pearth articles , may be removed by information , or instruction . ergo. i must crave here leave for a pause , and aske the question . . if information and light given to beware of the scandall of ceremonies and things indifferent , can make them the lawfull object of church canons , d. forbes and other say so . but . this is that which papists say to our divines , who object that images are pits and snares to idolatrie . this danger ( saith a johannes de lugo ) the popes professor at rome , is easily prevented by the instruction and care of prelates , who are to teach , that images have no dignitie of themselves , but onely from the samplar . and so b bellarm. the jesuit , c vasquez . d estius . e the councell of magountine helpeth the matter . let our pastours ( say they ) carefully teach the people , that images are not set up , that we should adore them , but that they should be helps for our memorie . . paul gave strong reasons for lawfulnesse of dayes , and meats , that weake jewes should not be scandalized at the eating thereof . yet he would neither passe them in a church canon , nor practise them himselfe , while the world standeth , cor. . . yea , he proveth rom. . by eight strong arguments , that it was not lawfull to practise them . ergo , he presuproseth that information of pastours should not take away the scandall of the weake , as rom. . . there is nothing uncleane of it selfe . ergo , it is lawfull to eat all meats , cor. . . the earth is the lords . ergo , eat what is set before you , v. . all things are lawfull , and yet he saith , eat not , give no offence , if meat offend my brother , i will not eat to the worlds end . cor. . . . this vaine argument presupposeth that the want of literall information , is the adequat cause of falling in scandall , a vaine reason . peter actively and culpably scandalized christ in his carnall counsell , master , pitty thy selfe , mat. . . . yet christ was sufficiently inlightened , that he could not be scandalized . but certaine it is , that the will and depraved inclination is the cause why we fall in scandall , even when we know that others who publickly sinneth , doth sinne , and that we should not be scandalized . now no reason in pastors preaching , or in church-canon , can take away the inclination of the heart to evill , and therefore no information of pastors can remove the scandall of the weake ; for then david in committing adulterie , noah in drunkenness , lot in his incestuous folly with his owne daughters , peter in denying his saviour , should not have caused others within , or without the church to stumble , nor have culpably scandalized them ; so david . noah , lot , and peter , had preached to all that heard of their fall , that adulterie , drunkenness , incest , and denyall of christ , were grievous sinnes to be avoyded , and that it was sin for any to be scandalized thereat , for such information should have given sufficient literall information to beware of the like sinnes . yea , a father might inclose in a chamber , his sonne and a beautifull virgin , and if he should sufficiently informe his son of the guiltiness , and punishment of harlotrie , he should not lay a stumbling-block before his sonne . yet we all know , a stumbling-block may be layed before the inclination no lesse , then before the blind minde , yea suppose , to warne a traveller of a pit , in his way , might be sufficient , to make the digger of the pit free of laying a stumbling-block in the way ( as it is not ) seeing to make a pit is not indifferent , yet it shall not free the commanders of ceremonies and the acts of pearth assemblie of active scandall , because men naturally loving life and health , hate to fall into pitts , which may indanger their life , and so have no inward morall inclination to fall into a pitt ; but men though informed of spirituall falls , and warned to beware of them , yet love and incline to idolatrie , and therefore to warne them to beware , and yet set the powder neere the fire , is but to scorne the craft , and to mock men . yea , in that they desire and require , that the people beware of the ceremonies , and require that pastours informe them of the danger ; they grant that ceremonies are powder amongst the pitchers , and yet they be innocent , and indifferent creatures , as if they would call them indifferent pitts , indifferent whoores to allure , beware of them ; indifferent pest-cloathes , see that your inclination touch them not . yea , then ezechiah had given no scandall , if he had commanded the brazen serpent still to stand , and had commanded the priests to preach that the serpent was not god , and therefore warned the people of their idolatrie in burning incence to it , onely let it stand as a memoriall of gods power in curing the people , who were stinged with serpents in the wildernesse . so if the israelites should give their sonnes and daughters to marry strange women of the canaanites , if they should ordaine the priests to teach carefully their married children , to beware , that they were not drawne away , by these idolatrous marriages , to serve the gods of the canaanites , they should not lay a stumbling-block before their sonnes and daughters . yea , these who excell in light , may be weake in grace , and in hazard to be insnared , by the idolatrie and superstition of ceremonies . . the law of nature provideth all possible and lawfull meanes for the removall of every thing , that may rnine his soule , for whom christ died , but not onely information of the danger of ceremonies , but also the removall of the pitts themselves , to wit , the ceremonies are possible and lawfull meanes . . . this were an idle sabbath work to expound such theams as these sacramentall bowing is an humble adoring of god , not of bread , ( and as it pleased god by the foolishness of preaching to save beleevers , so it pleased prelates , by the foolishnes of holy dayes and saints dayes , to teach the people articles of faith , and by the surplice to teach pastorall innocencie , and by confirmation to blesse children ▪ ) c calvin , and d luther teach , that no word should be heard in the church , nisi purum dei verbum , but the pure word of god. surplice humane and saints dayes , crossing , kneeling , cannot be a text that ministers can preach on , and expound , for they are commanded to speak gods word , ezech. . to read gods law , and give the meaning and sense thereof , nehem. . . and to expone the scriptures , luk. . . not to teach the meaning of wretched ceremonies , for in that they should not be the pastours of christ , but speak with the mouth of antichrist , and exod. . . . if the children ask the fathers , what mean yee by this passeover , they were to answer , it is the sacrifice of the lords passeover . so if they ask what meaneth your kneeling to bread , your saints dayes , your surplice and crossing , you must answer , they are the ceremonies of the lords supper , and baptisme ; what uncouth bleating were this ? . shall people ( saith d. ammes e be fedde with this east wind , the vertue of surplice , when there be so little time , to learne the maine things of the gospell ? also some preach none , some studie never ceremonies , some blush to speake of such toyes . yea ▪ and alas often saith , f bannes the weake are not capable of distinctions , it is hard to draw the wits of rude people along the untwisted threed of distinctions , that the elements are objectum adorationis à quo significative and objectum adorationis relativae materiale , non adorationis formale . i conceive the doctors of aberdeen have adoe with their wits to understand them , they must be taught of d. mortounes essentiall and accidentall worship ; of bellarmines additions perfecting , and additions corrupting the word of god. and whereas d. forbes saith ; it is a shame for ministers , and teachers of others to pretend weaknes , though the flock might be ignorant . answer . weakness , is weakness of faith , rom. . . and weaknesse of grace , not weakness in literall light . and i thinke ministers may pretend this upon too good grounds , and weaknes of faith is often a great inclination to superstition . . though the ministers refusing the ceremonies , should understand them as well as these who writ bookes for their defence , yet it will not follow that they should practise them , for their forbearance is for feare of scandalizing the weak . paul had perfect knowledge of his christian libertie , as any man , yet he would not eat meats to the worlds end , which should offend his brother . the stronger should not scandalize the weak , because they are stronger . duplyers pag. . n. . thirdly , if for scandalls taken , especially by the malicious , we may disclaime the authority of a law , then we may ever disclaime the authoritie of all lawes of church and state , for there is nothing commanded by lawes , but some , either through weaknes , or through malice , may take offence at it . answer . . for scandalls taken , and also given , by either weak , or wilfull , when the matter is indifferent , and hath evident conformitie with jewish and popish rites , and is not necessarie , we may disclaim the authoritie of all such lawes , true . ergo , we may for scandall maliciously taken , deny the authority of all lawes , it followeth not . ex affirmatione sp●ciei male colligitur negatio generis . it is not for taken scandall , but for given scandall , that we disclaime the authoritie of these lawes . . the doctors will have us believe , upon the sole light of their conscience , n. . that they thinke the ceremonies lawfull and expedient . but for us , they will not credit us in that , but out of malice we are soandalized , and not out of weaknesse . duplyers n. . . arg . fourthly , we ought not for eschewing scandall causlesly taken , to injure or offend any man , by denying to him , that which is due to him , and therefore we ought not , for eschewing scandall causlesly taken ▪ to offend and injure our superiours . the antecedent is proved ▪ for if a man be excomm●nicated , shall his wife , children , and servants flie his company , and so deny these duties which they owe to him , for feare that others be scandalized ? and if we may not for scandall causlesly taken abstaine from these duties , that we owe to private persons farre lesse may we abstaine from obedience , which we owe to superiours , &c. answer . against the law of disputing , you lay downe a ground , which is a principall part of the question that is practising these ceremonies be obedience due to superiours , and none practising for a time an injuring of superiours in their due , though gods affirmative precepts be omitted for a time , as the not hearing the word , the not receiving the sacraments , in case of scandall , gods due is not taken from him . if you will be more zealous for the honour of prelates and men , then for the honour of god. answer the argument your selfe : i am not to reprove a scorner because of the scandall , he shall but trample , as a sow , upon any word of reproofe , yet the scandall were causle●ly taken if we should doe so , the good word of god should furnish no just cause to him , yet am i not taking from god his due , and your bare word , that this is disobedience to superiours , not to practise pearth ceremonies is not enough to us . . your probation is weak , that children and wife keep company with the excommunicate father , is a commandement of the law of nature , and gods necessary law , and to deny this to an husband and father is such a sinne , as the eschewing of a scandall can never legitimate , but i hope kneeling to bread , and crossing , and surplice ( commanded in our canons and service-book ) are at the best commanded by a positive law , and not commanded in the law of nature , and so very unlike to naturall duties that wife and children owe to father and husband . . i retort this argument . we may not wrong men in that which is their due . ergo , we may not wrong god in his due , but it is his due ; ( murther not him for whom christ died practise not ceremonies before the weake who shall be scandalized thereat . ) duplyers . arg . n. . what if the thing be commanded by the civill magistrate under paine of death , and by ecclesiasticall authoritie under paine of excommunication , shall we for feare of scandall causlesly taken , which may be removed by information , or for the scandall of the malitious , abstaine from a thing lawfull and expedient injoyned by authoritie , and incurre these grievous punishments of death ▪ temporall and spirituall ? we believe your selves , who speake most of scandall , would be loath to take such a yoake upon you . answer . the first part of this argument is logick from a sore ▪ skinne ▪ that which we are bidden doe under paine of death , that we must doe , the just logick of the king of babylon , to prove it is lawfull to worship the kings golden image , dan. . . i have scarce heard papists for shame presse to conclude the equity and lawfulnesse of a law , from the penaltie of a law , suffering ( as your jesuits and arminians teach you ) falleth not under free-will , and is not culpably evill , nor is excommunication except you be papists , death of the soule , when the cause of excommunication is not just , and deserveth no censure , but it may be some of you think ( mr. sibbald i know doth it ) that navarrus , and their gregorie said true , that unjust excommunication is valid , and to be feared : but if this argument ( as i see not head nor feet in it ) be founded upon the lawfulnesse and expediencie of ceremonies commanded , then not to practise them at all . so first they be lawfull . expedient ▪ commanded by lawfull authority , is sinne , and all sinne is a death of the soule , and then you may put your argument from grievous punishments of body and soule in your pocket , for it is of no use here ▪ for whether punishment civill or ecclesiastick follow upon disobedience to superiours , it is sinne . . that none of us would die or be excommunicated for eschewing scandall , is no good argument , though many have suffered as hard as death , banishment , and proscription of all , and excommunication also . but the truth is , you might have said ; shall we incurre for scandall the losse of our st●pends , and ( one faire before the wind , qualification ) for a bishoprick ? duplyers . arg . pag. . n. . sixtly , the denying of obedien●e to the lawfull commandements of our superiours is forbidden in the ●i●● commandement , and consequently it is sinne ▪ shall we then for a scandall causlesly taken , deny obedience to our superiours , and so incurre the guiltiness of sinne ? ye commonly answer to this , that the negative part of the fift commandement , w●●ch forbiddeth the resisting of the power , rom. ▪ . is to be understood with the exception of the case of any scandall taken by others . for ●● we say ( say ●● ) that any may , or will take offence , at the ●●ing of that which is commanded by our superiours , we are not holden to oby them . but first , we a●ke , what ●arr and ye have ●o say , that the negative part of the fift commandement ●● to be understood w●●● the exception of the case of scandall ▪ more then other negative precepts in the second table ? answer ● . to fill the field , an argument already answered , is brought again to make the figure of fi● up ▪ the refusall of the ceremonies till they be tryed in lawfull assembly , is not forbidden in the fift commandement , prove that ▪ and take it with you . . you bring an answer as commonly given ●● us , that is neither ours , commonly , nor rarely ▪ but it is good , build a straw●astle , and you may soone cost a fire-ball at it , and blow it up ▪ we never taught that the negative part of the fif● commandement is to be understood with the exception of the case of any scandall taken by others . for this includeth all scandalls , both passive and active . who of ours ever dreamed such a thing , if superiours command , what god commandeth before them , doe we teach that , because others take scandall at that command , therefore we are not holden to obey ? that is scandall taken , not given . we teach no such thing ▪ rulers command to honour father and mother , if any take offence at this commandement and obedience to either the affirmative or negative part of it , we are not to esteeme that scandall the weight of a feather , the commandement obliedgeth . but this we teach , if when the matter of the commandement of rulers is indifferent , as you plead ceremonies to be , if from obeying of these any weake or wicked be scandalized , then the rulers doe command spirituall murther , and then their commandement is no commandement , no● is it the fift commandement . it is just like this , you shall not refuse obedience to your rulers , commanding you to rubbe your beards when you come to the church , or to draw a crosse line with your thumbe in the aire above a baptized infants forehead , though many soules , by obedience to these commandements ▪ be induced to love poperie ; many be made sad thinking zealous rulers , love popish toyes better then the simplicitie of the gospell . now such is the commandements of pearth-articles , and these suffer no exceptions , for we judge them no commandements at all , and if any such be injoyned upon pretence of any other of the nine commandements , we hold them to be impious commandements , and no obedience to be given to them at all . so if according to the sixt commandement , and the seven and eight , rulers command to run carts amongst a multitude of young children , whence killing of some might fall out ; if they should command a young man , and a faire virgine to chamber together , and command paul in the case he was at corinth to take stipend , though it should hinder the progresse of the gospell , as cor. . . all these were to command culpable scandalls , and were unlawfull , as the canons of pearth faction . . you say , the negative part of the fift commandement forbidding the resisting of the power , rom. . . by us , is to be understood , with exception of the case of scandall taken , whereby you insinuate , that not to obey the acts of pearth assembly , is a resisting of the power of rulers , rom. . . it is ignorantly spoken , to resist every law of the rulers , is not to resist his power , when the lawes are such as commandeth scandall : yea , by your own doctrine it is lawfull to flie when a ruler unjusty , commandeth & persueth his subjects ▪ pag. . n. . and to ●●ie i am sure , is to refuse subjection to the lawes of the ruler , from whose tribunall we ●li● , ye● , and to flie so , is to resist his lawes , but i hope it is not to resist the power , for to resist the power , bringeth damnation , and guiltinesss before god , rom. . . but to flie from his legall citations , is to resist his lawes , but doth not , i hope , bring damnation before god , and sinne upon the conscience , as you grant . duplyers n. . men are ready to stumble , and to be scandalized at our refusing obedience to the lawfull commandements of our superiours : for they will take occasion by our cariage , to doe that , unto which by nature they be most inclined , to wit , to vilipend lawes and authoritie . answer . if any stumble at our non-obedience to pearth articles , and thence be induced to vilipend lawes and authoritie , it is a scandall meerely taken , no wayes given , as is cleare , because they stumble at our obedience to god , in that we refuse to kill one for whom christ died . . it is no wayes true , that men are naturally inclined to vilipend laws in a matter indifferent , ( as you hold ceremonies to be ) from whence ariseth scandall , yea , we are by nature much bent to extoll and love-lawes commanding soul-murther , and all lawes inductive to poperie , which is but a masse of carnall propositions of heterodox divinitie , every way sutable to our flesh . the third exception is answered already , the fourth is to be discussed in the following chapter . quest . iiii. whether the precept of obedience to superiours , or the precept of eschewing scandall be more obligatorie ? dupliers pag. . n. . last of all , when a man is perempt●rily urged by his superiours , to obey their lawfull commandements , and in the meane time feareth ▪ that if he doe the thing commanded by them ▪ some , through weaknesse , shall be scandalized ▪ by his carriage ; in this case he is not onely in difficultie and strait , betwixt the commandement of men , and the commandement of god , who forbiddeth us to doe that whereby our weake brother may be offended . but also he seemeth to be in a strait betwixt two commandements of god , to wit , the precept that forbiddeth us to doe that , whereby our weake brother may be scandalized and the other , which forbiddeth , the resisting of authoritie . answer . . the question of purpose is perversly set do ●ne , for they should say , whether the precept of obedience to superiours , in a straw lifting , in things indifferent , and meerely positive , and not necessarie to salvation , be more obligatorie , then the precept of god , in the law of nature , in a matter necessarie to salvation , as a commandement of god forbidding soul-murther , and scandalizing him for whom christ died ? or thus ; whether am i obliedged rather to obey god , forbidding me to murther my brother , or to obey man , commanding me to kneele towards bread and wine , and to crosse the aire with my thumbe upon the face of a baptized infant . . the question seemeth to make a collision of commandements , as if god could command things contradictorie , and certainly , if the not obeying of pearth articles be a scandall given , as you say , it is ▪ i shall undertake to prove , that the practice of these ceremonies is a scandall given , and so it is not a seeming strait as you say , but a reall strait by your doctrine . there be cases wherein , whether rulers command things , or command the contrary , a passive scandall doth arise , but because a passive scandall , is the sinne of the scandall taker , and not of rulers giving , the church is not to regard it , as matth ▪ . ▪ . the jewes are scandalized , at christs eating and drinking , and are scandalized at john the baptists not eating and drinking . but neither christ , nor john doe culpably give scandall . but there can be no such exigence of providence wherein non-practising of your commanded ceremonies , is a given scandall , and the practising of them is also a given scandall . because ( as a bannes , and our owne b am●sius saith ▪ there is not such a perplexiti● . . god should have brought a man then in some cases under an absolute necessitie , by way of contradiction to sinne , and murther his brother , whether he doe such a thing or not doe it . . twentie jewes are scandalized , rom. . because paul eateth such and such meats , which they conceive are forbidden by gods law . and twentie christians are scandalized , because paul eateth not such and such meats , then we suppose , and it s very casuall , for seeing , to be scandalized ariseth from the knowledge or ignorance of the minde , and divers men may have contrary opinions about one thing . some thinke it unlawfull for paul to eat , some thinke it unlawfull not to eat . hence upon the use of a thing indifferent , twentie are scandalized , and upon the non-using of that same indifferent thing , twentie are also scandalized . what shall paul doe in this strait . i answer , he taketh rom. . cor. . the negative . i will not eat flesh , if meat offend my brother . then the twentie that are scandalized by the non-practice of the thing indifferent , doe take scandall onely , whereas paul giveth no scandall actively . also , the othet twentie who are scandalized by paul his practice of the thing indifferent , are justly scandalized , & it is both a scandall taken , and active , and a scandall given and passive . some object , but if either of the sides be indifferent , to wit , either to use a thing indifferent , or not to use it . if ten take offence at the use of it , and ten take offence at the non-use of it , there is a necessitie of scandalizing either of the sides , for the twentie weake christians are scandalized at pauls abstinence from such meats , conceiving that he judaizeth , whereas the profession of his christian libertie in eating would edifie them , and not scandalize them . answer . the use of a thing indifferent is not gods lawfull mean of edification , god hath appointed his word , workes , the holy and blamelesse profession of his children to edifie , and not the using of actions indifferent , yea , actions indifferent as they are such , and separated from necessitie , and morall reason , are not lawfull , and so the cessation from that action is lawfull and necessarie , and if the use scandalize , non-using of things indifferent , is not indifferent , but necessarie , as non-scandalizing , and negative precepts alwayes binding , abstinence , with paul is necessarie . it is vaine that paybodie saith , that peter was gal. . in danger of a double scandall , for ( saith he ) he was in danger to scandalize the gentiles , in refusing their companie , as if they had been no brethren , which was the greater scandall , and in danger to scandalize the jewes in eating with the gentiles , which was a lesse sinne , and lesse scandall . but i answer , paul did not then justly rebuke his judaizing , galat. . which doth gratifie barronius , bellarmine , and papists , who will have peter , an apostle who could not erre . . it should follow that paul rebuked peter , because that of two evills of sinne , he choosed to commit the lesser sinne . whereas of two evills of sinne , neither is to be chosen . one might then lawfully commit fornication to be free of adulterie . and so fornication should be lawfull , which is absurd . and paul should call gal. . . it upright walking according to the truth of the gospell to choose a lesse sin . . peter by eating with the gentiles , should not have scandalized the jewes , but edified them , in showing the christian libertie they had in christ , as is cleare , v. . to whom we gave no subjection , no not for an houre ( by practising jewish ceremonies ) that the truth of the gospell might continue with you . duplyers pag. . it is certaine we are freed from one of these precepts , for gods precepts are not repugnan● one to another . ye commonly say , the precept of obedience to humane authoritie , must give place to the precept of eschewing scandall , though it be causlesly taken , because the command of a superiour cannot make that fact to be free of scandall , which otherwise would be scandalous . but it is certaine , that ( laying aside the case of scandall ) to denie obedience to the ordinance of our superiours , injoyning and peremptorily requiring of us ▪ things lawfull and expedient , is really the sinne of disobedience . ye will say , that the scandall of weake brethren , may make that fact or omission ▪ not to be disobedience , which otherwise would be disobedience ; because we ought not for the commandement of man. doe that whereby our weake brother may be offended : and so the precept of obedience bindeth not , when offence of a weake brother may be feared . on the contrary we say ▪ that the lawfull commandement of superiours , may make that scandall of our weake brethren , not to be imputed unto us , which otherwise would bee imputed unto us , as a matter of our guiltinesse . no scandall ●f weake brethren causlesly taken , can make that fact , not to be the sinne of disobedience , which otherwayes , that i● extra casum scandali , if it were not in the case of scandall , would bee the sinne of disobedience . answer . . this is right downe worke . but . i answer , both the precepts are not obligatorie , you say true . we commonly say ( saith the doctors ) that the precept of obedience to humane authoritie , must give place to the precept of eschewing scandall , although it be causlesly taken . we say not that commonly , nor at all , if by scandall causlesly taken , you mean scandall passive , onely taken , and not given , for we are not to regard such scandalls . but here the scandall is given in that , we must practise base ceremonies , indifferent knots of straws for mens pleasure , though from thence many soules for whom christ died , be destroyed . . it is good reason that the precept of obedience to humane authoritie in things which you call indifferent , and might well be sent away to rome ( were it not the lord prelates pleasure to command them , for their owne carnall ▪ ends ) should yeild and be gone , and lose all obligatorie power , because it is but a positive precept , and . affirmative , that obliedgeth not ad semper , as cross● , kneele , weare surplice . and . in a thing indifferent , and that this divine commandement of god , ( scandalize not ) ( kill not one redeemed by christ ) should stand in force . . because it is a naturall precept . . it is negative , and obliedgeth eternally . . it is of a necessarie matter , because no man-slayer hath life eternall , jh. . . but our doctors will have the commandements positive of men to stand , and the commandements of god , which are expresly of the law of nature to fall before their dagon , and to lose all obligatorie power , whereas gods owne positive law yeildeth , and loseth obligatorie power , when gods naturall commandement of mercy commeth in competition with it , as is cleare as the noon-day , in david famishing , who eat the shew-bread , which by a positive law , was not lawfull to any save the priests onely , to eat , yet must mans law stand , and gods law of nature fall , at the pleasure of these doctors . . wee say justly , you erre in saying it is reall disobedience to deny obedience to the ordinance of superiours , when the matter of their law is indifferent , and when it is scandalous , and obedience cannot be given to it , but by s●aying him for whom christ died , yea , to give obedience to superiours in that case , is reall murthering of soules , and reall disobedience to god. yea , and if there be murthering of a weake brother in the fact , it cannot come under the compasse of the matter of an humane law , and the scandall maketh it no obedience to men , but disobedience to god. . you retort bravely , but popishly , the argument back upon us ; but we bring our argument from the law of nature ( thou shalt not murther , nor scandalize ) and we bring it not so much against the obedience to the commandement of superiours , as against the law and commandement of superiours , and this argument is against the ceremonies , as if they had not been commanded , and as they were before the assembly of pearth , and therefore the consideration of a lawfull commandement to take away the scandall , is not to any purpose . and so . i may invite papists , jesuites , and all the patrons of the pope , to thanke you , and kisse your pen , for these words we say that the lawfull commandement of superiours ( of prelates commanding things indifferent ) may make that scandall of our weake brethren not to be imputed unto us , which otherwise would be imputed unto us , as a matter of our guiltiness . what ever ( my brethren ) may be imputed to you otherwise , & before the law of pearth assemblie was made , as the matter of your guiltiness , was your sinne , for nothing can be imputed to men or angels , as guiltiness , but fin . but if the commandements of prelates may make that not to be imputed to you , which otherwise and before , or without that law of superiours , would have been imputed as the matter of your guiltinesse , then the law of superiours and prelates may make that , which without that law , would have been sinne , to be no sinne at all . i know no more said by c bellarmine of the universall prelate of the world , but that he can make sin to be no sinne , and no sinne to be sinne . and d that the pope cannot command vertue as vice , and vice as vertue , for if he should doe so , the church should be obliged to believe vertue to be vice , and vice to be vertue . but much good doe it you , masters of arts. yet bellarmine in his recognitions , saith not so much of his great pope-prelate , as you say of your little prelates , for e he will not give the foresaid power to the pope , but in doubtsome acts , and in acts of positive lawes about fasting , you give to prelates more , to wit , that their commanding will , may make sinnes forbidden in the law of nature , to be not imputed , as the matter of our guiltinesse , and to be no sinnes ; we cannot want dispensations and indulgences at home , ere it be long , if happily we pay well for them . yet f bernard will not have the popes commandement to make that which is simply evill to be lawfull . g the popes pleasure make not things good ( saith tolet ) yea , a subject ( saith h alphonsus d●●●astro ) may without sinne contemne the law of his superiour , judging it to be evill , and contrary to reason . but i reason thus ; it is the incommunicable power of the supreame law ▪ giver to make the killing of isaac , which otherwayes would have been imputed to abraham as a matter of guiltinesse , and crueltie , to be no sinne . ergo , prelates have not power to make an act of soul ▪ murther , to be no sinne , to scandalize a weake brother is to destroy him , for whom christ died , rom. . v. . cor. . v. . yea , and by the same law rulers may make an act of adulterie , an act of chastitie , an act of lying , an act of truth speaking . . if rulers , even the apostle paul , be tyed by the law of nature , to charitie to their brethren , as rom. . . not to stay him for whom christ died , not to se●ke their owne things , but the good of their brethren , cor. . . not to eat things sacrificed to idols , before the weake , v. . to doe all for the glory of god , v. . then is it sinne in the ruler himselfe to scandalize the weake . ergo , rulers cannot command to others that as obedience , which they cannot doe themselves without prodigious disobedience to god. what paul forbiddeth in canonical scripture as murther , that he cannot command in church canons as obedience canonicall to superiours . . prelates shall have immediate dominion over our consciences to bind us to obedience by doing acts that otherwise should be imputed to ●s as the matter of our guiltinesse ; and because the same power that bindeth the conscience , may also loose , so they may dispense with all the ten commandements , and coyne to us a new decalogue , and a new gospell . they may legitimate murthers , paricides , and illegitimate godlinesse ▪ and right●●●snesse and sobri●ti● , by this divinitie . . that must be false ( it is better to obey god nor man , act. . ) but to abstaine from scandalizing a weake brother , is an act of obedience to the sixt commandement . ergo , the contrary cannot be done at the command of prelates . . gods positive lawes yeildeth ( thou shalt not kill ) to wit to the law of nature . david may eat shew bread , when he is famishing . ergo , the prelates law farre more must yeild to the sixt commandement ( thou shalt not scandaliz● , nor kill the soule of him for whom christ died . ) . rulers must all be infallible law-makers . . rulers might command bodilie murther , and it should not be murther , they may command to digge pitts in the way of travellers , to marry with infidel● , to send abroad a goaring ox , to give knives to little children . they object . a master a father , may command a servant and a son to do that , which if the servant or son refuse to do , their disobedience scandalizeth . and again , a master , a father , may command the contrary , and if they disobey , they scandaliz● culpably . erg. the commanding will of a master and a father , and farre more of publick rulers , may make that to be active scandall , which is no active scandall . a carpenter may command his servant to remove a tree from the east end of his house , to the west end , and againe , he may for his sole will , to try his servants obedience , command him to remove it againe to the east end of his house . answer . . the master , father , carpenter , command either these things as artificiall agents , from reason of art , and then the question is not touched , for in scandalls men are considered , as morall agents , or they command them as morall agents , and that either for their sole will and pleasure , and so they be idle and unreasonable actions , and cannot be lawfull commandements , and so are they scandalous both to commanders and obeyers , but they may well command upon just reasons , that which if servants and sonnes obey not , they give scandall , and they may command the contrary of that same , at another time , when now contrary reasons maketh it lawfull and expedient , and if servants and sonnes obey not the contrary , they also give scandall , but here the change is not from the will and authoritie of the commanders , but from the things themselves , which are changed , so that which is an active scandall at some time , the contrary of it may be an active scandall at another time , as in the ease , rom. . to eat meats before the weake , which they conceive to be forbidden , by gods law , is to slay him for whom christ died , and an active scandall , because then the ceremonies were mortall and indifferent , nothing essentially constituteth an active and a given scandall , but these two ; . that it may be left undone , as the author of the course of conformitie , a saith well out of hieronimus , without hurting of the truth of a sound life , and a sound faith and righteousnesse . . if upon the practice of a thing indifferent , and not necessarie , any of the foresaid three wayes , we see some shall be scandalized , though they take scandall upon an unjust ground , it is an active scandall , as to eat such meats before the weake , rom. . is in another time and case , as galat. . when the ceremonies are now deadly , and upon just reasons not necessarie , the practising ( i say ) of the same , is an active scandall and so if any be scandalized at the eating , rom. . it is scandall both taken , and also culpably given , and if any be scandalized at the not eating , as the case is , galat. . that is only a passive scandall , and so not given , because the times of the expyring of the dutie of ceremonies , and the full promulgation of the gospell , varieth the case now , and the sole will of rulers maketh not the change ; so if any offer incence to the brazen serpent , so long as it hath vertue , as gods ordinance to cure the stinged persons , he is scandalized by a passive scandall onely , for gods institution maketh it now the necessary ordinance of god , and the magistrates suffering of the brazen serpent to remaine now , is no active scandall , and the passive scandall is onely taken away , by information , and the sound exponing of the right use of a necessary ordinance of god. but after that the brazen serpent loseth its vertue , and is not now an ordinance of god necessarie , if any burne incense to it , these who are by authoritie obliedged to remove it , and doth not remove it , they doe morally and culpably scandalize . hence we see it is foolish and vaine , that some say , such as c hooker . d d. forbes . e d. sanderson , and f lyndesay , pretended bishop of edinburge , and mr. paybodie . that as rome and corinth the church had not past her determination upon eating , and not eating , nor made any church lawes upon these things indifferent , and therefore to eat , or not to eat , were matters of every private mans choise ; but it is not the like case with our ceremonies , for they remaine no longer indifferent , but are necessarie to us , after that the church hath now made a commanding law upon them , and so the scandall that ariseth from our dutie of obedience , to lawfull authoritie , is taken , and not given . i answer , it is most false , that eating and not eating , in case of scandall was under no law in the church of rome and co ▪ rinth . for these most indifferent acts in their use , and cloathed with their circumstances , when , where , and before what persons , were under the unalterable law of nature , as ( destroy not him , with thy meat for whom christ died ) a law which as the g course of conformitie saith well , cannot be dispenced with by no power but gods. and paul proveth by stronger arguments , to eat in the case of scandall , was not indifferent , but simply evill , then all the prelates canons on earth can afford , as rom. . by eight arguments , as we have seen , that it fighteth against charitie , v. . now walkest thou not charitably . . it is a destroying of him for whom christ died , and so murther . . contrary to christs love , who died for that weake brother . . it maketh religion and christian libertie to be evill spoken of . v. . &c. it is a sham then to say , that eating , or not eating , was indifferent , because free from any ty of a church canon , seeing eating before a weake brother is under the ty of unanswerable arguments taken from the law of nature , and gods canons written in the heart , forbidding under the pain of goa's anathema , and curse , ( heavier then the church anathema , ) that we should , for meat , destroy him for whom christ died , and so are the canon-makers , and lords of ceremonies under a curse , if they for crossing , kneeling , surplice , destroy him for whom christ died , or command him to be destroyed , by the practice of ceremonies . . if this be a good reason the church of rome , and corinth might have made such ceremonies as these . notwithstanding the eating of meates , which some suppose to be forbidden by gods law , be a killing of him for whom christ died , and against charity ▪ and a reproaching of our christian liber●ie , yet it seemed good to the holy ghost , and to us , the prelates of rome and corinth , to command eating of such meats , before weake ones , for whom christ died . but certainly paul would never have command●d , in a canon , that which he writeth in canonicall scripture , to be a murthering of him for whom christ died , and that which he would not practise himself , to the worlds end , so long as it standeth in the case of indifferencie , as he saith of eating of fleshes , conceived by some weake ones to be against gods law , cor. . v. last , the pope himselfe would , nor dare in conscience , to practise any of his owne canons , even though they were yet not canonically commanded or forbidden . paul would not dare to put a law upon the romans or corinthians , to eat , or not to eat meats , before the weake , but commandeth not eating in the case of scandall . . idolatrie is ever idolatrie , ( saith a the course of conformitie ) and so scandall being sinne it cannot cease to be sinne , because superiours commandeth it . . though apostolick authoritie being meerly divine , should command that which is in it self murther , and was ●urther , before it be canonically commanded , ( which i think also is a false hypothesis ) yet it shall never follow that humane authoritie , or ecclesiastick authoritie can command scandall , which is spirituall murther ; for if ecclesiastick authoritie may command murther , they may command idolatrie , for active scandalizing is as essentially murthering of one for whom ▪ christ died , as to worship an idoll , is essentially idolatrie . therefore master sydserfe pretended bishop of gall●way being straited with this argument , sayd , though humane authoritie cannot invert the nature of things , or make spirituall murther , to be no murther , yet they can by a church canon put the mindes of people in such a change , as now they are not in the hazard to be justly scandalized ▪ for a scandall ( sayd the prelate ) ▪ is ens rationis , no reall thing but a fiction of reason , the nature of it being in the apprehension of the ignorant and blind , who are scandalized , and a law may remove this ignorance , when it giveth light , and sheweth the expediencie of things indifferent . to which i answered , you may , call idolatrie , if you please , and all sinnes , fictions of reason , but not only doth scandall given proceed from ignorance and blindnesse of the apprehension of the partie scandalized , but also from the unseasonable practising of a thing , which is no wayes necessarie in the worship of god. the course of b confirmitie saith well , he that denieth that there is any scandall , is like one who could not see the wood , for the trees — the walking of diogenes is meetest for a zeno , who against all reason denyeth that there is any motion . we may hence judge what to say of c d. forbes his answer to the place , cor. . who saith that paul was under no ecclesiasticall law , not to take wages , and therefore in not taking wages , he was not a contemner of ecclesiasticall authoritie , but we are under a church law to practise the ceremonies , and yet we refuse them . i answer ; if then the church of corinth had commanded paul in their canons to take stipend , for preaching , he was obliedged to take stipend , yet he proveth that it was not lawfull for him , as the case of scandall then stood , to take wages , v. . he should abuse his power in the gospell , and v. . , . he should not have becommed all things to all men to save some , and these things had been sinfully scandalous , if ( as the case was then ) paul for a penny of wages , which he might have wanted , having no familie to provide for , should have layd a stumling block before many . and the doctor d ●aith no humane power can compell a man , to doe that , which he cannot doe , except inevitably he give scandall . the doctor addeth ; the apostle teacheth not that to take stipend was unlawfull , or of it selfe scandalous , yea he taught it was lawfull , and that they should not be scandalized thereat , because christ hath ordained , that he who serveth at the altar , should live upon the altar , but you teach that the ceremonies are unlawfull . i answer . in this argument of scandall , we give , but doe not grant , that they are not unlawfull , but indifferent . . though to take wages be lawfull , yet it followeth not , that it is not in pauls ca●e at corinth of it selfe scandalous ; for to eat all meates is lawfull , rom. . and cor. . . all things are lawfull , v. . the earth is the lords , yet to eat before the weake , was in it selfe scandalous , rom. . . . . cor. . . . . it is a most weake reason to prove that to take wages was not scandalous , because for●ooth the corinthians should not have been scandalized : for to be scandalized is to sinne , and there is no reason in sinning , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if this be good , adulterie and murther in david , is not of it selfe scandalous , for as no man hath reason to sinne , so no man hath reason to be scandalized , at davids sinne . pauls taking wages at corinth should have been a sinfull hindering of the gospels progresse , and therefore of it self sinfull ; and so of it selfe scandalous . but i return to the doctors . duplyers pag . . n. . as for that which yee say , that when scandall may be taken at the doing of the thing commanded , then the thing commanded becommeth inexpedient , and so ought not to be obeyed ; that yee be not more deceived with this errour , we pray you marke , that a thing commanded , by our superiours , in church or policie , m●y be two wayes inexpedient , to wit , either in respect of some particular persons , who th●ough weaknesse , or mali●e , doe stumble at it , or else in respect of the body in generall , because it is contrary to order , decencie and edification . if the thing commanded be inexpedient , the former way , we may indeed , in such a case , for eschewing the scandall of the weake , forbeare the practice of the thing commanded , hic , & nunc , in some particular places , and times : provyding alwayes we doe this without offence of our superiours , and without the scandall of others , but we cannot totally forbeare practice , for we are to looke more to the utilitie , which the body of the church may receive , by the thing commanded , and by our obedience to our superiours , then to some particular persons . . but if the thing commanded be in our private judgement inexpedient , the other way , we ought not for that , to deny obedience to the lawes of the church ; for when the inexpediencie of a thing is questionable , and probable arguments may be brought , pro and contra , concerning the expediencie of it , wee have sufficient warrant to practise it , if the church inact it as expedient . otherwayes your way is so dangerous , that there shall never be peace , nor unitie in the church , for men ordinarily are divided in judgement , concerneing the expediencie of things . suppose a synode consisting of one hundred pastours , threescore shall think this particular ceremonie expedient , for the good of the church , and in respect of pluralitie of voyces ▪ make an act to be concluded for the establishing of it , shall the remnant fourty , who are of the contrary judgement , deny obedience to the acts of the synode ? answer . . this distinction of inexpedient in the matter of indifferent ceremonies is popish and vaine , for if the ceremonie be indifferent , and may be wanted in the worship of god ( as these ceremonies be ) if one soule , for whom christ died , shall be murthered thereby , it is hoc ipso , to be judged inexpedient and scandalous in it selfe , and so cannot fall under the object of a church canon , as cor. . . if meat make my brother to stumb'le ( he saith not the whole church ) i will not eat . ergo , he cannot command others to eat . cor. . . but if any man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , say to you , this is offered in sacrifice to idols , eat not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for his sake that shewed it . ergo , if it seem expedient , and so be scandalous to one , let alone to a whole church , we are totally to forbeare it , and paul would , while the world standeth , cor. . . forbeare it . . you will not have us to forbeare a thing indifferent , that actively ( for the passive scandall , i hope , you regard not as a scandall ) doth scandalize , but with a provision that we doe it without offence of superiours , and without the scandall of others . but i aske , doctors , what you meane by offence of superiours , if you meane without displeasing and inciting our superiours to anger . . you ignorantly confound displeasing and scandalizing , when a pastor rebuketh superiours , as jeremiah , elias , and john baptist , in the good old world did , they did displease superiours , but not scandalize them ; yea , they did edifie their superiours , while as they did offend them . it is wicked divinitie , to mean , that we are not to eschew the murthering of a weake brother for whom christ died providing we offend not , that is , displease not our superiours . will you to please men displease the god of heaven , and commit spiritual homicide ? this is worse then poperie . but if you meane , that wee are to forbeare the thing commanded for eschewing the scandall of the weake , providing we doe it without the offence of superiours , that is without the active scandalizing of superiours , then . your distinction is vaine , for if we scandalize culpably our superiours by our forbearance , though it be inexpedient to all private persons , we are not to forbeare , because in no case can we breake the sixt commandement , and scandalize our superiours . . you shall be forced to give● case , wherein we are necessitated by gods providence , and that by way of contradiction , whether we forbeare , or forbeare not , to murther either the soules of some weake ones , or the soules of superiours , by our forbearance of the practice of things judged expedient by superiours , you make us to murther the soules of superiours by the non-forbearance , or you will have us to murther the soules of weake breathren , if we practise . this is a wronging of providence , and a ma●ichean tenent , that we can be under such a necessitie of sinning . yea , there must be two centra●y revealed wills in god , commanding , by forbearing the ceremonies , not to murther superiours , and commanding by not forbearing , not to murther weak brethren ; and so god commandeth both to forbeare , and also not to forbeare . if you say , the weake may be informed , and then it is a passive scandall onely , and practising is lawfull at the commandement of superiours . i answer , . then your distinction hath no use here . . i answer . let the superiours , who have more knowledge , be informed , that to abstaine from a practice , that may murther any one redeemed by christ , is christs commandement ( thou shalt doe no murther ) then it is but a passive scandall , and not an active , or culpably given scandall . ergo , we are to forbeare the thing commanded for eschewing of the scandall ▪ ( hic & nunc ) of the weake , even though with the offence , that is the passive scandall of superiours and others , which is contradictorie to the doctours . . if we may forbeare obedience to gods positive commandements , hic & nunc , for esehewing of scandall , farre more may we , hic & nunc , not crosse , not kneele , hic & nunc , when crossing and kneeling murthereth one for whom christ died , even though it offend our superiours . ergo , this provision of the doctors is vaine ; and superiours are unjustly offended , if our non-murthering of weake brethren offend them , nor are we to care for the doctors provision here . . no utilitie can truly redound to the whole church by practising of an indifferent thing which culpably occasioneth the murthering of a weake brother , except our doctors meane , that sinne may edifie the whole church . . they say , if the things in our private judgement be inexpedient the second way , that is to the church , the church cannot command them , except the church command against her conscience . . if matters in their expediencie be questionable and probable on both sides , the churches determination should end the controversie ( saith the doctors ) this is the doctrine of the jesuites , a suarez . b thomas sanches , and c gregor de valent . as i shew before d when a thing is probable , and i be resolved in conscience against neither of the sides , and feare the one side be murthering him , for whom christ died , which is against gods commandement , and know that humane authoritie commandeth the contrary and am perswaded it is indifferent , and a positive commandement of men , if the churches determination be here to sway my conscience ; to practise , is to me blind obedience , for humane authoritie as it is such , giveth no light . ergo , it cannot remove my doubting , and beget faith ; and also the conscience is so much the bolder to venture on a sinne , against god , for feare of eschewing a sinne against men , which is questionable , and in a matter indifferent , this is also the stout conscience of bonaventura sent . dist . . plus est standum praecepto praelati quam conscientiae . . our doctors say , our way is against the peace of the church : but i answer , their way is popish , and against the truth of god , in commanding our consciences to rest upon the wicked will of men . and their instance of a synod of a hundred pastors may be brought aswell to prove the synode of trent is to be obeyed , as for the present purpose , duplyers , pag. . yee will say this argument is popish , and leadeth men to acquiesce . without tryall , upon the determination of the church . but we answer in matters of faith the truth , whereof may be infallibly concluded out of the word of god ▪ we ought not , without tryall to acquiesce unto the doctors of the church , and in this respect we dissent from papists , who ascribe too much to the authoritie of councells , as if their decrees were infallible . but in matters of policie , if we be certaine , that in their owne nature , they are indifferent , and if the expediencie of them onely be called in question , seeing no certaine conclusion , concerning their expediencie , can be infallibly drawn out of gods word — we are to acquiesce to the decrees of the church . . because otherwise it is impossible to agree in one conclusion , in matters of this kind . . disobedience shall prove more hurtfull then obedience . answer . this is a wide step , to make all things in scripture , either matters of faith , or matters indifferent . that there were eight persons in noahs arke , and that sampson s●ew a thousand with the jaw bone of an asse , are not matters of faith , as matters of faith are contradistinguished , from things indifferent , many are saved , who neither know nor believe many things of this historicall veritie in scripture , yet are they not matters indifferent . but the doctors are reconcilers with the belgik arminians , who deny all the things contraverted betwixt papists and us , and betwixt us and arminians , and anabaptists , at least the most part of them to be fundamentall ▪ and that either side may be believed , and holden , without hazard of salvation , and therefore we are to leane to the churches determination in these without farther inquirie . they mean , that in matters contraverted , and in all things indifferent ; as whether in this , or that fact , we doe murther him for whom christ died ; wee are to give our faith and conscience over to the church without further tryall . . what if wee be ▪ not perswaded of the indifferencie of the things commanded but doubt whether they bee commanded or forbidden in the word , as is now the present case of ceremonies to us , for we cannot be perswaded of their indifferencie , and the doctors saith they are not matters of faith . ergo , by their own doctrine their distinction is defective . . scripture is also perfect in resolving us , what is scandall and murthering of our brother , as what is idolatrie and blasphemie , and therefore we are not to hang our faith here upon the churches canons without farther tryall , as you say . . that the scripture is perfect in matters of faith , but imperfect in matters of policie , that is in matters wherein we may kill him for whom christ died , is no better then the papists distinction , who teach us that the scripture is perfect in the articles of faith , not in traditions , so scotus a saith . true theologie according to divine revelation is onely of things in scripture , or which may be deduced out of scripture . and suarez b saith , things that belong to accidentarie rites are left to the churches determination , but the scripture implicitly containeth all articles of feare faith . and so saith c bannes , and d duvallius . . your feare is vain , that we shall have no order nor peace , if scripture be judge , and not the authoritie of the church , in matters which you call indifferent , for the church giveth out canons concerning things strangled , & blood , which were matters indifferent , and that from the word of god , act. . and that in great unitie and peace . gods word maketh unitie , and not mens authoritie . . disobedience to church canons in case of given scandall , is neither disobedience , nor hurteth at all ; it possibly offendeth men who will tyrannize over the conscience , and if any be induced thereby to sin , it is a scandall taken , not given . abstinence from murthering a weak brother , is obedience to god , and so no active scandall . in the section ▪ the duplyers doe but redouble over again the arguments already brought and answered by me divers times to d ▪ robert barron in private , while he was silenced , and ( as i conceived ) satisfied . especially , they say our disobedience to superiours in things lawfull and expedient , is most scandalous to others , and that because we , by nature , are most unwilling to be curbed , and to have our libertie restrained . therefore calvin saith , god , that he may allure us to obedience to ●●●●riours , called , superiours , parents . i answer . . the doctors are too hastie to call that obedience to superiours which is in question , we say it is disobedience to the ●ixt commandement , because it is a scandalizing of our brother . ergo , it is not obedience to the fift commandement to practise indifferent ceremonies , when they doe scandalize . . our argument is made against the practise of ceremonies , before they be enacted in a lawfull assemblie , if they be murthering of the weak , before pearth-assemblie , the will of prelates , yea , and all the authoritie of men or angels , cannot make the practise of them , to be no murther , for mens will cannot make that which is sinne and guiltinesse before god , to be no sinne , but due obedience to the fift commandement , though the doctors expresly say this . duplyers , pag. . sect. . but we with good warrant ●oe averre , that the precept which fobiddeth the resisting of the civill power , and in generall the denying of obedience to the lawfull commandements of our superiors , is of greater obligation then the precept of not scandalizing . their first reason i put in forme to them thus . that is of greater obligation which commandeth acts edificative to all , then that which commandeth acts edificative to some only , for the good of all is to be preferred to the good of some particular persons , and we are to have a greater care of the salvation of all , then of some . but the precept of obedience to superiours is universall , and commandeth the act of edifying all to wit , obedience to superiours , and an act to eschew the scandall of all to wit , disobedience . but the precept of eschewing the scandall of some , doth but edifie some only , and not all ergo &c. ans . . it is soon proved by your learning , for the precept of gods law to eschew scandall , to you is no precept , and so of no obligation , when superiours command to scandalize , so you may prove that snow is whiter then the raven , when as the raven is not white at all . i answer . . that precept is of greater obligation that commandeth acts edificative to all , then that which commandeth acts edificative to some . it is true , . if it be a lawfull command of god , but the ●ssumption applyed to your purpose is most false , the command to obey prelates , when they command things indifferent , the obedience whereof doth culpably occasion the murthering of him , for whom christ died , is not a commandement edificative to all , yea , it is a commandement of acts destructive to the soules of all . this argument would have some colour , if it were not a vaine begging of the question , for they lay downe as , confessed , that the practise of ceremonies , from whence many soules are ruined , is obedience , and obedience to the fift commandement . this is to be proven , and constantly denyed by us , because disobedience to the sixth commandement , and murthering of our brother , cannot be obedience to the fift commandement . duplyers pag. . n. . the fift commandement commeth neerer to the nature of pietie and religion contained in the first table , and the honouring of parents ( as your owne a●●●sius saith ) by prophane authours , is called by the name of religion and pietie . . it is the ground of obedience ( sayeth pareus ) to be given to all the rest of the precepts of the second table . . because all societies oeconomicke , civill , and ecclesiasticke doe consist , and are conserved by the subjection of ●nferiours to superiours . . our superiours are set over us , to the end , we may doe our dutie to all others . hence saith your owne amesius ; crymes which directly procure the perturbation , confusion , and eversion of societies , are more grievous then the violation of the singular precepts : and dyonisius bishop of alexandria , writing to novatus saith , martyrdome suffered for eschewing of schisme , is more glorious , then martyrdome for eschewing idolatrie . ans . you said before matters of policie are not matters of faith . amesius is a protestant writer in matters of faith , by grant of all , it is like then you terme ●mesius our owne , not yours , because he wrote against arminians and papists , and so that arminians and papists are yours , and protestant divines ours . . we grant the precedencie and dignitie to the fift commandement above the rest , but your ceremonies that break the sixth commandement , shall find no roome in the fift commandement . cause the fift commandement speak thus , if you can ; notwithstanding , that crossing , kneeling , surplice , humane holy dayes occasion the soule murther of him for whom christ died , yet we the prelates command the practise of the foresaid ceremonies as good and expedient for edification , for our commandement maketh the murthering of our brethren , to be obedience to the fift commandement . but if prelates may command that which would be otherwise , without , or before the commandement , spirituall murthering and scandalizing of our brother , they may command also , that which would be otherwise without , or before their command , adulterie against the seventh , and theft against the eighth , and perjurie and lying against the ninth commandement , and concupiscence against the tenth ; for the fift commandement hath the precedencie before the seventh , eighth , ninth and tenth commandements , no lesse then before the sixth , which forbiddeth the killing of our brothers soule . . what amesius and parens saith , doe well prove the dignitie of the fift commandement , above all the commandements of the second table ; but this is not to our purpose , but every commandement of the fifth commandement ; yea , every commandement of the first table , is not above every commandement of the second table . the love of god , is more then the love of our neighbour , and the love of god should , and doth , command obedience to all the ten commandements , deut. . . , . & deut. . . yet every duty and commandement that the love of god requireth of us , as to offer sacrifice , is not for that a greater commandement then every commandement of the second table , yea , the taking of a sheepe out of a ditch on the lords day , commanded in the sixth commandement , is more then sacrifices commanded in the second commandement , as our saviour saith , math. . v. , . and though the fift commandement be laid upon us as the fountaine and cause , yea to this end , that we should keepe all the rest , as divines say well . yet it followeth not that every commandement of the fift commandement , as when my father commandeth me to preach in a linnen ephod , and to cast a character with my thumbe in the aire , as crossing is , shall be of more obligation then this commandement of god ( thou shalt not destroy his soule for whom christ died ) . it is false , that denying of obedience to pearth-assemblie , commanding indifferent straws and feathers as ( kneele to consecrated bread , the image of christ crucified ) doth directly procure the perturbation and confusion of humane societies , as the doctors saith . there is great difference betwixt subjection to superiours , and obedience to superiours ; when private men , as the three children will not bow to nebuchadnezzars image , there is no confusion brought in for that , if they had risen against the king in armes , as papists doe in ireland against our king , that is confusion , and subverteth directly humane scocieties , but to suffer punishment by superiours , is subjection to superiours , as is cleare , pet. . . honour the king. . servan●s be subject to your masters with all feare , not only to the good and gentle but also to the froward . . for this is thanke-worthy ( this subjection ) if a man , for conscience reward god ▪ enaure griefe , suffering wrongfully . . what dionysius said of the ill of schisme is for us , for schisme is against love to our brethren , and a renting christs body . cor. . . and a greater evill then non-obedience to prelates , when they command indifferent ceremonies , occasioning the r●●ne of him for whom christ died . to say nothing that the doctors of aberdeen are the schismaticks who have now separated from the church of scotland , and our nationall covenant with god. duplyers pag. . n. . thirdly , these offices or duties , which we owe to others by way of justice , are more strictly obligatorie , then these which we owe to them , only by way of charitie . but we owe the dutie of obedience to our superiours , by way of justice , and therefore it is more obligatorie , then the duty of eschewing scandall causlesly taken , which is a duty only of charity . . the major is a maxime not only of scholasticks ▪ and of popish casuists , but also of our divines . so amesius , the major is cleare for the duty of obedience which wee owe to the publicke lawes of the church and kingdome is ▪ justitia legalis , a generall legall justice , and as it is in subjects , it is a vertue inclining them to the obedience of all lawes made for the benefit of the common-wealth , as aristotle saith . . it is debitum obedientiae , the debt of obedience which we owe to our superiours , grounded upon the proper right which our superiours have to exact this right of us , so that they may accuse us of injurie , and censure us , if we performe it not . debitum justitiae fundatur in proprio jure alterius ; and also it is debitum morale , a debt of dutie unto which we are tyed by morall honestie in gods commandement . there is a great difference betwixt these two debts ; as for example , a man oweth moneys to the poore by a morall debt , but to his creditours he oweth them by a legall debt , or debt of justice : and therefore he is more strictly obleiged to pay his creditour then to give almes . such like by morall honestie , and gods precept also ; a man oweth to his neighbour , a pious carefulnesse , to imped sinne in him , by admonition , instruction , good example , and by omission even of things lawfull , when he seeth that his neighbour in respect of his weaknesse , will be scandalized by them . but his neighbour hath not such a right to exact these duties of him , neither can he have action against him , for not performing of them , as our lawfull superiours have for our due obedience ? ans . . here be the white shifts of mr. sanderson , paybodie , downham , who place loyaltie above charitie . we owe to our brother love , but to the ruler ( say they ) love and justice . . why doe they not extend loyaltie to its utmost , even loyaltie to the king of kings ? whose royall law saith ▪ ( thou shale not scandalize ( thou shalt not murther ) they draw in loyaltie to rulers who shall die as men , and to their commandement of things indifferent , which god hath not commanded . . it is true , these duties which we owe to others by way of justice , are more obligatorie then these which we owe only by way of charitie , caeteris paribus , when duties of the law of nature , and morall law , are compared together , then indeed the duties which we owe , both by the tye of justice and charitie , are more obligatorie , then the duties that we owe only by the tye of charitie . as for example ; my father is in danger , before my eyes , to be drowned , in one deepe water ; and before my eyes also , my neighbour and friend is in danger of the like kind ; the two tyes and bands of justice and charitie , both by the fifth and sixth commandements are more obligatorie , hic & nunc , and doe more strictly obliege , that i run to succour , and preserve the life of my father , then the life of my neighbour , for the obligation to my neighbour , is only charitie , by the obligation of the sixth commandement , which obligation ceaseth , hic & nunc , at this time , when my fathers life is in hazard ; and thus farre the doctors argument goeth for strong , as schoolemen , casuists , and divines teach . but it is not to a purpose for the doctors ; for all offices and duties generally , and universally , of what ever kind , which we owe by way of justice , are not more obligatorie , then duties which we owe , only by way of charitie , as when duties of a positive commandement of god , enjoyned by our superiours , and duties which we owe by charitie only , are compared together , then the doctors major proposition is not cleare of it selfe , as they dreame , nor doe casuists or amesius , or divines say with them , but truth , and all our divines say against them . let us suppose that the king , and convocation , and assembly of priests and prophets of israel make a canon according to gods word . that no manner of man presume to eat shew-bread , save the priests only . all men owe obedience to this , both because it is gods expresse law , and by the band of justice , the elders and assembly of the ancients have forbidden it . but if our doctors argument stand strong , david at the point and hazard of famishing for hunger , sinned in eating shew-bread , yet christ acquiteth him of all sinne , and saith math. . . he and his followers are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blamelesse . now davia was under a dutie by mercy , and love to his owne life , and he lives of his followers , to eat shew-bread , and he was under the band of justice , by the law of the ancients of israel , and gods law , not to eat . therefore in some cases , when our superiours commandements are only positive lawes , they are not more obligatorie , then duties of charitie , only commanded in the law of nature . i cleare it further thus , i see my neighbour in danger before my eyes of drowning , and my father commandeth me to goe and labour , or sowe his farme in that time , while i am to preserve the life of my neighbour in present danger , to lose his life , in a great water . by the doctors maxime i am under the higher obligatorie tye of justice , to obey my father , who commandeth a thing both lawfull and necessarie by vertue of the higher commandement , to wit , the first of the second table , then i am obliged by the sixth commandement , and of charitie only , to give present succour and help to my dying neighbour , so i must let my neighbour die in the waters , to give a dutie of justice to my father , of farre lesse necessitie . i would not commit my conscience to such casuists , as are the doctors of aberdeen . but if the doctors would see with some new light of reason ; it is cleare , that not only the tye of justice maketh the precept more obligatorie , but also the weightinesse of the thing commanded ; yea , and if the positive commandements of the lord our god , who of justice and kingly soveraigntie ▪ hath right to aske obedience of us above all earthly superiours doe yeeld and cede as lesse obligatorie , then commandements of love only , that are commanded in the law of nature . what doe our doctors clatter and fable to us of a right of justice , that mortall rulers have to command in things indifferent , from which the destruction of soules doth arise ? for these commandements of rulers , ( kneele religiously before bread , the vicegerent image of christ crucified ) ( keepe humane holy-dayes ) crosse the aire with your thumb above a baptized infants face ) at best , are but positive commandements , not warranted by gods word . but shall they be more obligatorie by a supposed band of justice that prelates have over us to command , such toy's then this divine law of god and nature , rom. . for indifferent dayes , meats , surplice , destroy not him for whom christ died ? all the casuistes , and schoolemen , navarra , sylvester , sanchez , raphael de la torre , meratius , duvallius , thomas , scotus , bonaventura , suarez . vasquez , grego . de valentia , albertus , richardus , biel , corduba , angelus , adrianus , alphonsus , becanus , yea , and all the hoast of our divines cry with scripture , that mercie and the precepts of love , and of the law of nature , are more obligatorie then sacrifice , burnt offerings , and gods owne positive lawes , yea , and that positive lawes lose their obligatorie power , and cease to be lawes , when the lawes of nature and necessarie duties of mercie and love ( as not to murther our brother ) ( not to scandalize ) standeth in their way . i might wearie the reader here with citations , and bewilder my selfe also , but it is a point of divinitie denyed by none at all . . what we owe of justice to our superiours , is indeed both a morall debt of obedience , and a debt of justice , and law which rulers may seeke by their place , and ex jure , as aristotle saith , but this right is limited , rulers have no right to seeke absolute obedience , but only in the lord , not against charitie . and though the place of rulers be authoritative , yet their commanding power , as touching the matter of what they injoyne is only ministeriall , and they cannot but in gods place exact , that which is gods due , and seeing god himselfe , if he should immediatly in his owne person command , he would not urge a positive commandement , farre lesse the commandement of light and vaine ceremonies , against and beyond the precept of love , not to destroy a soule for whom christ died . ergo , superiours under god , who borrow all their right from god , cannot have a higher right then god hath . . the comparison of a man who oweth moneys to a creditor , and oweth moneys to the poore , is close off the way , for he is obliged to pay the creditour first , but the case here is farre otherwise ; the debt of practising indifferent feathers and straws , such as kneeling , crossing , wearing surplice , is neither like the debt owine to the poore , nor to the creditour ; for natures law , and gods word , cor. . , . maketh the non-practise , non-murthering obedience to god , when the practise of indifferent things , is a soule-stumbling to the weake , and the practising is but at its best obedience to a positive law , and ought to stoope , and goe off the way , and disappeare when natures law ( murther not ) doth come in its way . when the doctors put loyaltie above charitie , they suppose obedience to commandements commanding scandalizing of soules to be loyaltie to superiours , which is questioned , it being treason to the soveraigne of heaven and earth , to destroy his image , it is taken as loyalty by our doctors , but not proven to be loyaltie , and so a vaine question here , whether loyaltie be above charitie or not . but i dismisse the doctors till another occasion . other things as popish tenents , in their booke are a thousand times answered by us . quest . v. whether or not in every indifferent thing are we to eschew the scandall of all , even of the malicious ? it is knowne that many take offence at tolling of bells , at a ministers gowne while hee preacheth , at the naming of the dayes of the weeke , after the heathen style from the seven planets , as sunday , the day of the sunne ; moonday , the day of the moon , &c. it is true , bells are abused by papists , while as they be consecrated , baptized , used to chase away devils . but these be scandals taken , and not given , for we read not of scandals culpable in gods word , but there be some apparent morall reason in them . . the object scandalizing hath no necessitie , why it should be . now there is a necessitte of bells to give warning to convocate the people to gods worship , and they are of meere civill use , and have no morall influence in the worship , for the same tolling of bells is , and may be used to convocate the people to a ba●oncourt , to heare a declamation , to convocate souldiers ; there is no apparent morall reason why the tolling of a bell should scandalize , and the toller of the bell for warning of the bodily and personall convocation of the people , is not a morall agent properly ; the action of tolling remaineth within the sphere of an acti●n physical● ▪ in lineà physicâ , non in lineâ morali aut religi●sâ aut theologi●â , for so here i must contradistinguish a physica●l action from a religious action . . the tolling of bels have a necessitie of expediencie , i mean necessity in specie , in the kind , though not in in lividuo , in the particular , and no particular can be more fit and convenient : people must have some publ que signe for the dyat of meeting ▪ else the worship would be wearisome to those who met long before the time , and it would be scandalous and inconvenient , to others to meet after the publick worship is begun . if any say , tolling of bells is not necessarie , sounding of trumpets , beating of drummes may be civill signes of convocating people ; touling of bells being so fouly abused by papists to superstition , and so being not necessarie ought to be removed . but i answer , beating of drummes wanteth the necessitie of conveniencie , as in raynie weather it could not be , nor can they give warning so conveniently : blowing of trumpets might seeme as jewish , joel cap. . v. . as tolling of bells seemeth popish , and the degrees of necessitie of conveniencie should sway the chu●ches determination in these cases , and this exsuperancie of necessitie of conveniencie is in all things , though we cannot see it alwayes ; . the instamped civill gravitie in a gowne , maketh it necessary with the necessitie of expediencie , being in it selfe a grave habit fit for an oratour who is to perswade . . the names of dayes to signifie civill times and things , out of a religious state is necessary now : and the holy ghost doth use for civill signification such termes , as mars-street to signifie civill and meerely historically such a place . and the ship whose signe is castor & pollux , yet these were heathen names , and most superstitious , and cannot be used in a religious state . i grant , we may not term our jehovah , jupiter or baal ; nor christ , mercurius , though he be the word of gods mind to us , for god teacheth us other words and language in his word . the truth is , that a learned noble lord said well and judiciously , all the indifferencie ( in the world ) lyeth in our understandings , and the darkenesse thereof — but there is none in the things themselves , or actions , which are still either unlawfull or necessarie . and this is most true in actions morall and humane . the church putteth indifferencie on nothing , there a necessitie in respect of our darknesse , many be scandalized at things which seeme not necessarie to them , yet are they in re , in themselves necessarie . but conformists object , that the very will of the church , act. . made things indifferent before the act now to become necessarie , if then the church may take away indifferencie , she may give also . but i answer , the antecedent is most false , junius , calvin , beza , bullinger , brentius , pomeranus , marloret , and the text clearly saith , by the law of nature these were scandalous . so b origen thinketh to eat bl●oà was scandalous . and c strabo saith , the heathen in their sacrifice dranke blood ; yea , d saith tertullian , the heathen dranke mens blood , and e augustine saith , they forbade these for a time in the case of scandall ▪ that the ancient synogogue might be buried with honour ; yea , f ireneus , g tertullian , and h cyprian will have these drawne to a spirituall sense , that they should abstaine from idolatrie , shedding of blood and fornication ; and i the jesuit lorinus saith this was a positive law , which without the case of scandall , doeth not strictly abolish . k cajetanus , fornication by gods law was forbidden , the other things in the canon were forbidden to gratifie the jews . l philippus gamethaeus a sorbenist saith , they were forbidden to nourish concord betwixt jew and gentile , for the infirmitie of the jewes . . that the will of the councell made them not necessarie , whereas before the act they were indifferent , is cleare . . it had then been needlesse to discusse the matter by scripture . . to alledge the holy ghost as author of the synod ; it seemed good to the holy ghost , &c. if the bare will of men had made them necess●rie . but saith m paybodie , any good thing may become an occasion of evill by accident , and through our fault , the word condemneth not occasions of ill by accident , but such only as are occasions of evill , and in themselves evill things , indifferent are not in themselves evill . ans . all occasions whether ill in themselves or indifferent , are occasions of sinne by accident , and through our fault who abuse them , but all occasions because occasions , and not because evill are forbidden , when as they are not necessarie , and this is gods argument to prove that the jewes are not to marry with the canaanites for ( saith the law ) they will turne away your heart , after their gods , to send abroad a goaring oxe , to seeke his food , hath no sinne in it , save only it may occasion the killing of men ; and the building of houses without battlements , and the going by the doore of the whoore , or comming neere her house , are not of themselves ill , but only forbidden under this reduplication , because they are occasions of ill : sinnes , as sinnes are forbidden , and as occasions of sinnes , they are also new sinnes , having a distinct illegalitie and guiltinesse in them , from this that they occasion sinne : and gods law ( as all divines reach ) forbiddeth sinne , and all occasions of sinne . drunkennesse is both forbidden as intemperancie , and also as an occasion of lust , and of speaking perverse things , as is evident , pro. . . for then the spirit of gods argument were null to disswade from drunkennesse , as he doth in these wo●ds , thine eye shall behold strange women , and thine heart shall utter perverse things . now we can shew that many wayes ceremonies occasion sinne , as . they trimme and decore a church for harlot lovers , from rome , forbidden , jer. . . suarez , franciscus de sancta clara , gretserus , and other papists , for these , werein love with the church of england . . they occasion dissention in gods house , and are contrary to peace , ps . . . heb. . . rom. . . and so to be rejected . . they beare false witnesse of poperie , which we disclaime . . they are against the spirituall worshiping of god , and lead us backe to the carnall commandements , and beggerly rudiments of the law , from the gospell , against the word of god , joh . . gal. , . heb. . . heb. . . . gal. . . . gal. . . . coll. . . they are torches in day light , and vaine and uselesse . . they bring us under bondage to men , contrary to the apostle , col. . . and to the ordinances of men , and under the power of things , cor. . . . they are against our christian libertie . they answer , especially a paybodie , and b d. forbes , that christian libertie is not restrained by doing , or not doing a thing indifferent , for so there should be no lawes made at all by the church , concerning things indifferent , but christian libertie not hurt , if . the ceremonies be free to the conscience , and not made necessarie . . if they be not made necessarie to salvation . . if they be holden alterable by mans authoritie . ans . the question is perverted ▪ for we question not if the use of things indifferent lay a bond on christian libertie , but if the will of authoritie can make a law of things indifferent ; when there is no intrinsecall necessitie in the things themselves , when necessitie of edification layeth on a tye , christian libertie is not indeed restrained , for god then layeth on a bond . . externall eating of meats , and observing of dayes , is a part of the libertie , wherewith christ hath made us free , coll. . . eat not , touch not , taste not , men eat not meat with their minde or conscience , but with the teeth of their body , and to such externall eating , men are dead with christ , as touching externall observation thereof , and paul , gal. . . as dead to the law , living to god , and crucified with christ , is freed from such judaizing , as peter fell into , but that judaizing did not bind peters conscience , neither was it repute of him , as necessarie to salvation , as he had taught , act. . and the false apostles pressed circumcision , not , as tying the conscience , or as necessarie for salvation , but gal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. only , that they may not suffer affliction for the crosse of christ , and yet to be circumcised externally without necessitie of conscience before god , crossed directly the libertie wherewith christ had made them free , gal. . . and cor. . have we not power to lead about a wife , and sister aswell as others ? yet if the prelates at corinth should have made an act , forbidding church-men to marry , though they had esteemed not marrying , both free to the conscience , and also not necessarie to salvation , they had laid bands upon pauls libertie . . we see not how the ceremonies are left free to the conscience , because they are alterable by the church , for the reason of kneeling to bread , of humane dayes , of surplice , is morall , not nationall ; there is no reason why prophaning of the lords supper , should not be eschewed , in all the world , and at all times , as in britaine , and at this time ; and crossing and surplice doth signifie dedication to christs service , and pastorall holinesse in all the world , as in britaine , and therefore they cannot be nationall rites and alterable , but must be universall , and at all times , and in all places doctrinall . . the very externall washings , feasts , new-moones , offerings , though they should be thought free toward the conscience , are externall burdens against christian libertie , as our divines , a calvin , b chemnitius , c polanus teacheth , and d bellarmine answereth , the places alledged speaketh of jewish servitude . but our divines especially e junius and f whittakerus answer bellarmine , that paul , coll. . speaketh against all commandements of men , yea , hee speaketh against angel ▪ worship , which is not a jewish shadow , whereof christ is the bodie . but they say it is a wide rule , that all things that may be wanting in gods worship , are to be omitted in the case of scandall . i answer , there be three sort of things here considerable . . things not commanded of god , as all religious observances , these are utterly unlawfull , when the using of them scandalizeth . . things that fall under an affirmative precept , and these cannot be totally omitted , for eschewing scandall : for what ever god hath commanded is some way necessarie . ergo , it some wayes , and in some cases , may be done , though offence be taken at it , but branches , or parts of affirmative precepts may be omitted , for eschewing of scandall , as such a particular kneeling in prayer , in such a place : but gods affirmatiue precepts leave not off to be alwayes scandalous actively though information be given , for where the use hurteth , the abuse and scandall is not taken away by teaching , to teach how images should not be abused , make not images to leave off to be scandalous objects . . there bee some things of meere civill use , as bells , gownes , pulpits , preaching on tuesday or thursday . these be considered two wayes . as necessarie with necessitie of conveniencie simply . . with necessitie of conveniencie . secundum prevalentiam graduum , as convenient in the highest degree of necessitie , or that morall , maximum quod sit , in the first degree , what scandalizeth ▪ is to be rejected ; in the last respect they oblige , and if any be scandalized thereat , it is taken and not given . it may be the church sees not alwayes the highest and superlative conveniencie , in these physicall circumstances , but they oblige not because of the churches authoritie , no more then the word of god borroweth authority from the church , but they have an intrinsecall necessitie in themselves , though right reason in the church see not alwayes this necessitie , therefore that a signe be given for convening the people that the preacher officiate in the most grave and convenient habite is necessarie , jure divino , by gods law , and that tolling of bells , and a gowne , a pulpit bee as particulars most convenient for these ends , the church ministerially doth judge , so as the obligatorie power is from the things themselves , not from the will of humane superiours . no necessitie of peace which is posterior to truth , no necessitie of obedience to authoritie , no necessitie of uniformitie in these externals , simply , and as they are such , are necessities obliging us to obedience : for things must first in themselves be necessarie , before they can oblige to obedience . i must obey superiours in these things of convenient necessitie , because they are convenient , and most convenient in themselves , and so intrinsecally most necessarie , but they are not necessarily to be done in themselves , because i must obey superiours , and because i must keep uniformitie with the church . the will of superiours doe find in things necessitie , and good of uniformitie , but they doe not make necessitie , nor the good of uniformitie : we should be servants of men , if our obedience were ultimatè resolved , in the meere will of superiours , in any the least circumstance of worship : and what i say of actions , holdeth in matters of meere custome also . but master sanderson , d. forbes , m. paybodie , teach that we are not to regard the scandall of the malitious , as of pharisees . to which i answer , we are to have alike regard , in case of scandall , to wicked and malitious , as to weake and infirme . for we are not to regard the passive scandall of the weake more nor of the wicked , for who ever stumble at the necessarie ordinances of god , they take a scandall , which is not culpably given . but that we are to regard the active scandall of all , even the most malitious , i demonstrate thus , rom. . . paul proveth that we are not to scandalize our brother , . because it is against charitie . . because we are not to destroy him , for whom christ died : but we owe love to the malitious , even to our enemies , and must not walke uncharitably toward him , as the law of god requireth . . a malitious man is one for whom christ died , very often , as is cleare in paul before his conversion . . cor. . . wherefore give no scandall , neither to the jewes , nor to the gentiles , nor to the church of god. . even as i please all men in all things , not seeking mine owne profit , but the profit of many , that they may be saved . here be many arguments for our purpose , all men ; whether weake or wilfull , are either jewes or gentiles , and none more malitious against paul , and the gospell , then the jewes , yet must we take heed that we give them no scandall . . if we must please all men , in all things indifferent , ergo , also malitious men . . if we must seeke the profit not of our selves , but of all men , and seeke to save them , and so seeke the salvation even of the malitious , as christ prayed for his malitious enemies , so must we not scandalize them . . i argue from the nature of scandall , scandall is spirituall murther , but the sixt commandement for biddeth murthering of any man , either weake or wilfull , for no murtherer can have life eternall , joh. . . now weaknesse or malice in the scandalized is accidentall to the nature of scandall active , for active scandalizing is to doe inordinately and unseasonably , that which hic & nunc may be omitted , from which any is scandalized , either weake or wilfull , to lay a snare to kill a wicked man ( except it be , by the authoritie of him , who beareth the sword under god ) is murther , no lesse then to kill an innocent man. . to scandalize actively , is to be accessarie to the sinne of the partie scandalized , but we may not be accessarie to the sinne of either wilfull , wicked , or weake , for it is against the petitions , that we are taught to pray , hallowed be thy name , thy kingdome come , thy will be done , in earth , as it is in heaven . they love not the comming and enlargement of christs kingdome , who doe not , what they can to hinder sinne , farre lesse is gods honour their care , who doe that unnecessarily , by which any may fall in sin . . it is against the gentlenesse required in preachers , and by proportion required in all , who are with patience to wait upon these who oppose the truth , if god peradventure will give them repentance , to the acknowledgement of the truth . tim. . . . . it is contrary to the example of christ , and his apostles , who as the learned a parker saith , eschewed the active scandalizing of the malitious , christ payed tribute , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lest we should scandalize the malitious pharisees , for it could not but of malice be taken by pharisees , who sought nothing more then to bring christ within the compasse of disl●yaltie to caesar . quest . vi. a further consideration of things not necessary , and how they be scandalous objects . . dist . some things are necessarie physically , as to eat flesh , and some things are necessarie morally , either because of a law of nature , or a positive or divine command . . dist . the same way , some things are not necessarie physically , and that either simply , as wee may live simply without some rare meats , that our land and soyle doth not afford , or in some respect only , as without such and such flesh forbidden by the law of god. or things are not necessary morally or theologically , as to eat forbidden-meats befor a weake jew . . dist . some things physically necessarie , as to eat fleshes being apt to nourish my body , may be morally or theologically not necessarie , being stambling blocks to my weak brother . . dist . some things may be necessarie , in specie , and that morally , as to heare the word , to pray . but , in individuo , clothed with such and such circumstances may be not necessarie , as to goe to heare the word , when my brothers house is on fire , that hearing is not necessarie , but may be scandalous , and the like we may say of praying in the streets . . dist . some things may be necessarie physically in private ▪ as to eat for health some fleshes , which publickly before weake jews , as the case was rom. . is morally not necessarie , but scandalous . . distinct . some things are not necessarie , because of the mere positive will of god. as the temple of baal , and therefore was to be ●estroyed , not for the abuse of it for a house has alwayes some necessary use to man now in the state of sin . and of this kind were the cattell of the amalakites , which were as necessarie of themselves for food , and sacrifice , as other cattell ▪ and the babylonish garment , and wedge of gold , to which achan's slimie hands did cleave , and therefore ehey were not necessarie , but to be abstained from by saul and the israelites . because of the sole positive command of god , other things are not necessarie , both because god forbiddeth them and because of the scandal and sinfull consequences , that are possible to fall out , as for gods people to marry with ●he idola●rou● canaanites , was not necessarie ▪ both because gods forbidden will made it not necessarie morally , and also because they might draw away gods people to serve their gods , which was a fea●able , and a very possible snare , thought some idolatresses being married to the jews , might have been drawne from their idolatrie , and gained to the faith of the god of israel . . concl. monuments , or instruments of idolatrie , are of two sorts , either such things as have no other use at all , but to contribute sorne subservient influence in , or unto idolatrous worship , and because these have all their warrant from a meere commandement of man , they are simply not necessarie , as the graven image , the idols themselves , all positive observances in gods worship destitute of any command of god , and the use of these in any case must be scandalous , and so unlawfull , because , if the brazen serpent now losing its primitive divine effect , which was to cure the stinged people , if it be but the passive object of robbing god of his glorie , in that incense is burnt to it , have no use at all ▪ but to be , as it were , a robbers den to receive the stolne-away glory of god , it must be abolished . it is true things necessary abused in regard of our corruption , are to be purged , and restored to their own use , but if they be uselesse , and of themselves have no fruite , but only , that they are fit to be abused , as useless pittes by the way side , and the brazen serpent , and a razor put in the hand of a childe , and images , they are to be removed , both subject and accident , for that they be uncapable of purgation , therefore they are capable only of abolition . it is not enough to say that wee may devise a good use for them , as we may use images to put us in remembrance of god , for we may never devise the use of a thing not necessarie in religion , when as we cannot devise the thing it selfe . but here we cannot devise the thing it selfe . yea , if the thing it selfe be good , and lawfully usefull . as the eating of flesh , yet if it be lesse necessary , for the life , then the edification of my brother . the apostles excellent rule , rom. . v. . must stand as a law discharging my eating ▪ no man for this or this m●at , which is lesse necessarie , ought to hinder the salvation of his brother , which is more necessarie , by destroying his brother for meat . for cleare it is , this or that meat , without which i may live , is of fa●re lesse necessitie comparatively , then the salvation of one for whom christ died . true it is also , if my brother be scandalized , and so his soule in hazard , if i eat any at all , in that case , the scandall is meerly passive , for though my brothers salvation be of greater consequent and necessitie then my temporal life , yet my totall abstinence from meat is a killing of my selfe and heynous murther , and so forbidden in the sixt commandement , and so a destroying of my own soule . and eating for conscience sake is necessarie , though eating of this or this meat be not necessary . but there be other things that are instruments of idolatrie and subservient thereunto , in a common and physicall influence , as a temple builded to the honour of a saint , and for the adoring of images , and for the reading and opening the word of god in the new and old testament , though in a corrupt way , these are not properly monuments of idolatrie . now the house or church , as such is no monument , nor uselesse instrument in worship , such as is a surplice , a humane holy day , for it hath , as such , being a thing of walls and timber , no other , then that very same physicall influence in worshipping either the true god , or a saint , that it hath in civill use , in our ordinarie dwelling , to wit , to fence our bodies , in religious , in naturall , in civill actions , from injuries of heaven , clouds , and sin . the adjuncts of the church , as crucifixes , images , altars , ravels , masse-clothes , and the like , are properly monuments , and instruments of idolatrie , because these are not necessary , as is the materiall house , nor have they any common and physicall influence in the worship , as the temple hath , yea all the necessitie or influence that they have in the worship , is only religious and humane flowing from the will of men , without either necessitie from our naturall constitution of body , or any word of scripture , and therefore they are to be removed upon this ground , because they are unnecessarie snares to idolatrie . object . this particular temple or house builded for saint peter , s. paul , s. cutbert is not necessarie for the worship of god , because other houses of as convenient use , and necessitie may be had , for the worship of god , and this particular house ought to be demolished as jehu king. . . destroyed the house of baal , and made it a draught-house , as the law saith expresly , deut. . . the graven images of their gods , shall yee burne with fire , thou shalt not desire the silver or gold that ( is on ) them ▪ nor take it unto thee , lest thou be snared therein : for it is an abomination unto the lord thy god. v. . neither shalt thou bring an abomination unto thy house , lest thou be a cursed thing like it , but thou shalt utterly detest it , and thou shalt utterly abhorre it , for it is a cursed thing . or at least these churches may be imployed for some other use , then for the worship of god , where they may bee snares . ans . we are carefully to distinguish betweene a law of nature , or a perpetuall binding morall law , which standeth for an eternall rule to us , except the law-giver himselfe by a superven●ent positive law , which serveth but for a time , doe loose us from an obligation thereunto , and a positive temporarie law . god saith in an exoresse law , of nature ▪ that obligeth us perpetually ( the sunne shall not be put to death for the sins of the father ) no magistrate on earth can lawfully take away the life of the son , for the sin of the father , for this eternally obligeth . yet saul was to destroy the sucking children of the amalekites for the sinnes of their fathers , but he had a positive temporarie command of god to warrant his fact , sam. . . . none can inferre that we are from this law , which was a particular exception , from a catholick perpetually obliging morall law , that magistrates are now to take away the lives of the sucking infants of papists . so this is perpetuall and morall , and warranteth us for ever to use all the creatures of god for our use . . tim. . . gen. . . . then we may lawfully use gold , silver , houses , all creatures for meats , except some particular positive law , or some providentiall emergent necessitie forbid us , as the ceremoniall lawes of the jewes forbidding the eating of swines flesh , and some other meats , were no other thing , but divine positive exceptions from the law of nature and creation , in the which god had created swines flesh , and all these other forbidden meats for the use of man , and so by the same reason , god hath ordained church and houses to fence off us the injuries of sunne and aire , in all our actions civill and religious , except that by a peculiar precept , he forbid the use of the house of baal , to the jewes , to be a typicall teaching to us of gods hating of idols and idolatrie , but not of our demolishing and making uselesse all houses builded to the honour of idols and saints under the new testament , except wee had the like commandement that the jewes had . these who oppose us , in this , can no more inhibite us by any law of god , of the ●se of a creature granted to us by the law of the creation , then they can interdyte us of the use of another creature , nor are we more warranted to demolish temples and materiall houses which have only a physicall and common use alike in all our actions , naturall , civill , and ecclesiasticall or religious , then of eating swines flesh , or of other meats forbidden in the cerem●nial law , and to answer to the argument , this or that materiall house builded to the honour of paul and peter is every way as necessarie in the worship of god ▪ as a temple builded of purpose for the worship of god , though another house may conduce as much for the worshipping of god ▪ as this , yea it hath the same very necessarie use , and physicall conveniencie , for the serving of god , that any other house hath , which was never builded for the honour of a saint , which i prove , . because no creature of god ▪ that is usefull to us , by the law of creation , is capable of any morall contagion to make● it unlawfull to us , but from the mee● will of god as the gold and silver , and idol houses of the false gods , and images of canaan are in●●●secally , and by the law of creation , as pure , and morally clean , as the gold and silver and synagogues of the jewes , and had their physicall and civill necessitie , the one , as the other had . but from whence was it that the jewes might make use of their owne silver and gold , and houses , and not of the houses , or silver and gold of the heathen gods and idols ? certainly this was from gods meer positive will and command , fobidding the gold and houses of the idols of cannan , and not forbidding the other , the adversaries can give no other reason : therefore they must give us the same positive commandement , for not making use of the gold and silver , and temples of the popish idols , and saints under the new testament , that the iewes had for refusing the gold and silver , and demolishing the temples of the heathenish idols of canaan . and if they say , th●● the very command that warranted the iewes to abstaine , from the use of the heathe●s gold and idol-temples , doth warrant us to abstain● from the use of the gold and idol-temples of papists . it is answered , we have no warrant from the word , but it shall warrant us as well to abstaine from swines flesh ; if it be replyed , every creature of god eatable i● good , and may be received lawfully ▪ tim ▪ rom ▪ ▪ i answer , so all gold , all silver all houses serving to ●●nc● off the injuries of heaven , and aire , are good , and fit for mans use , and now blessed in christ under the new testament , except you say , that it is not lawfull to make use of the gold and silver of a papis●● image , no● of crees of the papists fields that b●aret●●● fruit , for these also were discharged to the iewes , deut . v. ▪ ▪ and the reason why they ●ight not cut downe the t●●●● ▪ th●● be●●●● fruit , because these trees were mans life , deuter. whereas t●●●● that beare no fruit were to be cut down , as not so necessarie for mans life . now this reason is morall and perpetuall , and so are houses to sence off the injuries of the clouds a manslife ; except they bee forbidden by a positive law of god , and so necessarie as without the ●se of houses no worshipping of god can be ordinarily ; and therefore in the second place , as we use gold silver , tamples ▪ and materiall houses ( though abused to idolatrie ) because the lord hath created them for our use , his law of creation warranting us to use them , so can we not refraine from the use of them , though abused by papists , except wee have a speciall positive law to warrant us to refraine from the use of these necessarie creatures of god , so usefull for the life of man ; for according to the grounds of these against whom we now dispute , the garments of silke or cloth of gold , that hath covered popish images , the gold and silver of the popish images , though melted and dissolved into innocent mettall , the materiall temples builded to the honour of saints , are to be cast away and utterly abolished , as unlawfull to be used in any sort , for the jewes according to the law , deut. . . . might make no use of the gold or silver of the heathen-image , and achan brought a curse on himselfe , for the simple taking for his use , the wedge of gold , and the babilon●sh garment . now we have no law in the new testament to abandon the use of the creatures , for as cornelius was not to count that meat uncleane , which god ●ad cl●nsed , act. . . so neither are we to count silver and gold , and houses uselesse , which god in the creation made good , and usefull for our life , and therefore no morall contagion can adhere so to these creatures , as we are utterly to disuse them , as creatures cursed , because they were abused , except it can be proved that the abuse of them hath deprived us of the necessarie use , that they have by the law of creation ; for certaine it is , as the killing of the sucking infants of the amalakites was typicall , and tyeth not us to kill the young children of papists so was the disusing , or not using of gold , silver and houses , abused to idolatrie , typicall . and before i come to the second conclusion , an house for the worship of god is amongst the things that are necessarie , by way of dis-junction in speciè , not in individuo ; that is , a house is necessarie , in its physicall use , to fence off our bodies , the injuries of sunne , aire , and heaven , but not this house , for another house may serve the turne as conveniently . but some object then this , or this house dedicated superstitiously to the religious honour of a saint ought to be removed out of the worship of god , because by your owne confession . th●● individual house so abused is not necessarie . god may will be worshipped , without this house , though it never had been , in rerum naturâ . . from the worshipping of god in so superstitious a place , many truly godly are so scandalized , that for worshipping god in such superstitious and idolatrous places , they have separated from your church , conceiving that in so doing you heale the wounds of the beast ; it is true , it may be their weaknesse , yea but be it so , that it were their wickedness , that they are scandalized , yet by your doctrine , in things not necessarie you are not to doe any thing by which either the weake , or the wicked may be scandalized ; as is cleare in the eating of meats , rom. . ans . this argument may . be retorted against these who hold with us the same doctrine of scandal , for , without eating of swines flesh , my life may be preserved , and a malitious iew may be , and necessarily is highly scandalized , that i , who possibly am a iew converted to the christian faith , doe eat swines flesh before him , for he conceiveth me to be an apostate from moses his law , therefore i should abstaine from eating swines flesh before a iew , who out of malice is scandalized , by my doing a thing not necessarie , hic & nunc . but the conclusion is absurd : nor doe i think that many truly godly of the strictest separation doe stumble at our churches out of wickednesse . many truly godly and sincere refuse to come to our churches , whereas many scandalous , well lustered hypocrites , who knoweth nothing of the power of godlinesse , but are sitten downe in the scorners chaire are admitted to the lords supper , and as the former cannot be excused , so i pray god , that the latter draw not downe the wrath of god upon both kingdomes . . things not necessarie which actively produce scandall must not be only indifferent physically in their naturall use , as this or this house , but they must be indifferent both physically and morally , for the meats spoken of , rom. . at that time , were both wayes indifferent . . they were not necessary but indifferent physically in an ordinarie providence , both then and now , for ordinarily my life may be preserved , and suffer little losse by not eating swines flesh , or such meats , in case of extreame necessitie of sterving , if any could have no other meat , they might eat then , as the case was , rom. . because mercie is better then sacri●●● at alltimes . . these things rom. . were indifferent theologically or morally in their owne nature , . v. . let not him that eateth , despise him that eateth not : and let not him which eateth not , judge him that eateth , for god hath received him . . because v. . the kingdome of god is not meat and drink . sure , in moses his time , to abstaine from such meats , and eat such , as the lambe of the passeover , the manna , to drinke of the water of the rock , was worship , and so some part of the kingdome of heaven , but it is not so now , saith paul. paul clearly maketh them morally indifferent . cor. . but meat commendeth us not to god , for neither if we eat , are wee better ( morally and before god ) neither if we eat not , a e we ( morally ) theworse . now this temple or house physically is indifferent , and not necessarie for the worship of god , for men may be defended from the injuries of sunne and aire , though this house had never been in rerum naturâ . but this temple or house though dedicated to a saint is not morally indifferent , but morally necessarie , so as if you remove it from the worship , because abused to idolatrie , and give it in no use in the defending of our bodies from the injuries of the wind , raine and sunne , you iudaize , and doe actively scandalize the iewes , and harden them in their apostasie , and so this house though abused to idolatrie , is not indifferent morally , as the meats rom. . but the using of it is necessarie and an asserting of our christian libertie , as to eat blood , and things strangled , and swines flesh even before a iew , so to use all houses for a physicall end to defend our bodies from heat and cold , is a part of the libertie wherewith christ hath made us free . but ceremonies have no naturall and physicall use . the crossing of the aire with the thumbe , the keeping of a day religiously without warrant of the word , are not taught in the schoole of nature , and so are naturally not necessarie as this or this house , though abused to superstition is , and the adversaries that say they are morally indifferent , as good , and as spirituall ceremonies in kind and nature , may be devised in their place . but in all this dispute of scandall , we give , but doe never grant that the ceremonies are indifferent , wee dispute here that they are scandalous , and so unlawfull in their use , upon the principles of formalists ; whereas we judge them in their nature , because they have not god , but the will of men to be their father and author , to be unlawfull , and repugnant to scripture , because not warranted by either command , practice , or promise in scripture . conclus . . as some things physically necessarie must be abstained from , when the unseasonable using of them is a stumbling block to our weak brother , in the case of the morall indifferencie of the thing , as it was in the eating , or not eating of meats once forbidden by gods law , but then indifferent . rom. . . cor. . . for then it was true , ( but meat commendeth us not to god ▪ for neither if we eat are we the better , neither if we eat not , are we the worse ▪ ) so in the case of physicall indifferencie , but of moral and theologicall necessitie , when an evangelike law of christian libertie has passed a determination upon eating , or not eating ; then to abstaine from eating upon a pretended feare of not offending a weak iew , is actively to ●ay a sinfull stumbling block before a weak iew , and to harden him in iudaisme , and here using of such meats , and the affirmative , to wit , to eat is lawfull and necessarie , the things being now morally necessarie , not morally indifferent , where as before ▪ the negative , to wit , not to eat was lawfull and necessarie . hence to eat ▪ rom . cor. . before a weak iew , was unlawfull and an active scandall , the eating or not eating then of the owne nature being morally indifferent , and to abstaine from eating before a weak jew , col. . . . gal. . v. . . . gal. . . . . is unlawfull and an active scandall , because now eating is morally necessarie , and a standing in , and an asserting of the libertie wherewith christ has made us free . and upon the same ground , for the iewes , when the ceremoniall law stood in vigor , to make use of baals temple , for a synagogue to the worship of the true god , was unlawfull and against a ceremonial command of god , as was the sacrificing of the amalakites cattell to the lord , and the using of the silver and gold of the ca●●●●ites idols , deut. . , . ● . sam. . , , ▪ but when these things forbidden were in the case of morall indifferenc●● , as were certaine meats , rom. . cor. . and c. . they were not unlawfull ▪ by reason of any ▪ such ceremoniall positive commandement ▪ only by the unseasonable using of them ▪ before weak iewes , they were scandalous ; but these same idols houses , silver and gold now , when we are f●lly possessed in that libertie ▪ wherewith christ has made us free , are so to be used as the good creatures of god given to both iew and gentile now under the gospell , by the ancient law of creation , that now to abstaine from the use of houses , gold and silver abused to idolatrie and worshipping of either popish saints or idols , and the idols of pagans , upon any pretence of a ceremonial command , were to iudaize , and to betray our christian libertie , and the highest scandalizing and hardening of the iewes . for that is a mere ceremonial commandement which depriveth us of the use of things or creatures , that are naturally usefull to us , such as are houses , cattell , silver , and gold , upon the meere will of the supreame law-give● ; and upon this ground to disuse churches builded to saints by papists , is iudaizing , for the thing is not morally indifferent , as meats were in the case rom. . cor. c. . c. . but the use is morally necessarie for the asserting of christian libertie ; christ having made every creature of god good in its native use , for man , both houses , and gold and silver , as all meats are tim. . . . genes . . . . and having made all things new , revel . . . and given us a new spirituall right to them , cor. . v. . . . and therefore to take them from us , by any ceremoniall law , is to put us againe under the old yoake , from which we are freed through iesus christ , acts . v. . . and the houses , and gold and silver , though abused to idolatrie , doe now returne to their physicall uses ▪ of which the iewes , by a temporarie positive law , were interdyted , for the time of their in●an●i● , yea ▪ if we were interdyted of any creature of god , by such a law we might not eat of oxen and sheepe , that had belonged to papists , who are idolaters , for saul was never to use the cattell of the amalakites for common use , nor for food , nor for sacrifices to the lord : and it should bee unlawfull to melt the silver-images of papists , and convert them into money ▪ for the poore , or cups them into silver bowls or cups , for the lawfull use of the lords supper . i grant to sell images of gold or silver to these who use them , as formall idols is unlawfull ; as to sell a whore for money to these that should prosesse the buying of her for 〈…〉 lo●●i● , were to be accessarie to that harlotrie , especially seeing idols formally remaining so are , ex naturâre● , for no other end but for idolatris ; they have no necessarie physicall use for the life of man , sarre more , if they be the portraictures of the father , sonne , or holy spirit ▪ if they be of stone , or of any thing , that cannot be usefull for mans life , then must they be defaced and broken , le●● we lay the stumbling block of our iniquitie before others . now , if from any law of the iewes , or practise of moses , and ezechiah , houses builded to the honour of saints , silver and gold of idols , were to be made uselesse , in their physicall use , in the worship of god , or for our civill use , then were we , upon that ground , to dissolve the stones and timber of such a house , and to bray and stampe the silver and gold into powder , as these holy rulers did . people here fleeing from antichrist fall evidently in iu●ais●e , and make themselves , with the galath●ans , debtors to circumcision , and all the ceremonies of moses , which thing we condemne in the anti-christ . object . if we must abstaine from the use of no creature granted to us , by the law of creation , except we have the warrant of a positive ceremoniall law for it , then the romans were not to for , beare eating of such and such meats , before a weake iew , for feare to scandalize him for whom christ died , but this later is untrue : for by the law of nature , and a perpetuall law , paul would never , for meat , offend his brother : the law of naturall charitie will dictate this to us , without any positive mandate , we are not for a m●●thfull of meat ▪ the losse whereof is so small , to put the soule of our brother to so incomparable a hazard , as to be losed . ans . these meats ▪ rom. . and cor. . . were then indifferent , but they are not so now , when the gospell is fully promulgate , for we may not now to abstaine from meats forbidden in the ceremonial law , for feare to offend a weake iew , for our abstinence should harden them in their ●●beliefe , that christ is not yet come in the flesh . to make temples and houses dedicated to saint● , as indifferent now as meats were then ▪ and the argument were concludent ▪ but to demolish churches and remove their physicall use now were as iudaicall , as to forbeare to eat swines flesh . we are not to deprive our selves of the physicall use of 〈…〉 of this ▪ or this meat as thinking we are bound by any law of god to forbeare the use thereof , and especially we are not to doe it , as conceiving we are under the tye of a law given to the iewes , whereas we are under no such tye , or law , at all . but the disusing of temples dedicated to saints , that the adversaries plead for , deut. . is a totall renouncing of all use of them , & the places they alledge from the ceremoniall law doth conclude it : for the temples , silver and gold of the idols of can●an were altogether uselesse to israel . it was achan's sinne , that he tooke the babilonish garment , and the wedge of gold ; for any use civill or religious , though he should have bestowed these for any religious use , or the reliefe of the poore and indigent : yea , though it was scandalous to none , he having taken these privately and by theft , yet the very taking of them was a curse to him , and the whole camp of israel , for the totall abandoning of all use whatsoever of these houses , gold and silver , which in themselves , and by the law of creation were physicall , and in regard of that naturall use they had from their creator to supply our necessitie , can have its rise from no other totall and compleat cause , but from the sole positive will of god , discharging his people of the whole use of these creatures at all , as if they had never been created for the use of man , whether their use should be scandalous to others , or not scandalous . but by the law of nature , which , i grant , saith ( thou shalt not scandalize nor murther the soule of him , for whom christ hath died . ) the romans , rom. . and the corinthians , cor. were forbidden the eating of fleshes forbidden in moses law ▪ but with these two restrictions . they were forbidden not all eating of these meats in private , but only in the presence of a weak iew , and for the conscience of others , in the case of scandal , cor , . ( ) they were not by the law of nature that inhibites scandall , forbidden the totall use of these meats , in any case , so as they should make these meats utterly uselesse to themselves , or to any others . as the iewes were forbidden to make use of the canaanitish idols , gold and money : and of the cattell of the amalekites , either secretly or openly , either in the case of scandall given to others , or not given . and achan payed deare for his babilonish garment , and his wedge of gold , though he tooke it by theft . ob. . but the reason of the law , is the soule of the law . now the reason of the law , deut. . . why god forbade his people to take the gold or silver of the graven image , is l●st thou be ensnared therein . but this reason holdeth under the now testament , and is moral and perpetuall . the very mat●riall house dedicated to saints and idol● , by papists , is a snare to our soules ; if we shall worship god in them , or if we shall name the church from cutbert , giles , or the like , except we would say , as papists doe , that we are not now , under the new testament , so much ●●clined to idolatrie , as the people of the iewes were of old . ans . the halfe-reason or incompleat morall ground of the law is not the soule of the law : but you must take in all the reasons , the words of the text are these . thou shalt not desire the silver and gold that is on them , nor take it to thee , lest thou be insnared therein : for it is an abomination unto the lord thy god. v. . neither shalt thou bring an abomination into thine house , lest thou be a cursed thing like it . now what made that gold an abomination to the lord , more then all the gold of the earth ? it is of it selfe the good and usefull creature of god , no lesse then all the gold of the earth : nothing made it an abomination to god , but , if we look to the originall cause , there was a positive , free command of god forbidding israel to covet , or use that gold. the canaanites themselves , by the law of nature might lawfully have melted that same very gold , and made use of it , without sinne . . it is not a good reason , such a law had a mor●ll and perpetuall reason . ergo , the law it selfe is perpetuall and morall . it followeth only : ergo , the moralitie of that law is perpetuall . for all the ceremoniall laws had a morall and perpetuall reason : as the shadows had a moral substantiall ground in christ the bodie of all shadowes : but it doth not follow therefore the shadows and ceremoniall law in the letter must bee perpetuall : very often in the booke of leviticus , there is no reason given of the ceremoniall laws . but , be ye holy , i am the lord , that sanctifies you . this is a morall and perpetuall reason , that endureth to the end of the world , yet it is no due consequence : therefore all these shadowes and ceremonies shall indure to the end of the world , the reason is , because it is the sole positive will of god that maketh a temporarie concatenation between not eating blood , and not being cruell , and between sacrificing and being holy , and yet not being cruel is perpetuall , not eating blood temporarie . ( ) if things indifferent , as the eating of flesh , before a weak jew , rom. . be a snare to my owne soule and to the soules of others : i am to abstaine from these and the like . but that i must abstaine from the totall use of any creature that god has made usefull for the life of man , by the law of creation , as israel was to abstaine from the cattell of the amalakites , and to stamp in powder , and make altogether uselesse the gold and silver of the heathen idol-gods , is altogether unlawfull , and a very judaizing , and it s to make , as paul saith , jesus christ of no effect . object . . but at least we are to abstaine , for scandalls sake , from worshipping the true god , in these temples , and houses abused to idolatrie lest we lay a stumbling ▪ block before others , even as the romans and corinthians were to abstaine from meats , before such weake jews , as conceived these meats to be unlawfull ; seeing the losse of such meats and abst●nence , for a time ▪ was nothing comparable to the losse of one soule for whom christ died , so the losing of the use of a materiall house in a religious use ▪ so it be imployed to some civill use , and be not totally lost , is nothing comparable to the scan●alizing and i●sn●ring of the soules ▪ both of jewes and weake christians , which will certainly follow ▪ if we use temples dedicated to saints in gods worship . ans . it is true , the losse of the use of a materiall temple , is nothing comparable to active scandall , which is the destroying of any soule . but the refusing to worship god in these materiall temples because abused to idolatrie , were not only a disusing of the creature , without any warrant from god , but an open judaizing and an active scandall both to jewes and christians , though we should imploy the houses to civill use , for any externall conformitie with the iewes , when the thing is not indifferent , in religious acts , such as is the disusing of the churches , is iudaising : for should we now use circumcision and the passeover ▪ with an open , printed and professed intention to signifie christ already come in the flesh , and should make an open declaration against the iewish intention in these ordinances ; we should no lesse iudaize , then peter , who gal. . did only practise an externall conformitie with the iewes , with no iewish intention , sure he was perswaded that christ was already come in the flesh : yet was he justly rebuked , by paul , for iudaizing . for the losse of an house in a materiall or physicall use of it , i grant it is not comparable to the losse of a son. but the losing of it on a religious ground , is another thing . when the religious losse of the house is not indifferent , as was the abstinence from some meats indifferent then , but sinfully scandalous before a weak brother . ob. . but if the worshipping of the true god in these materiall temples , be no lesse an ensnaring of us in popish idolatrie , then the using of the gold and silver of the canaanites idols , then we are to disuse all worshipping of god in these houses , as well as they were : but the former is true , for we may be no lesse insnared with materiall houses , then they . ans . i deny the major proposition ▪ for the eating of blood , the taking of both the young bird ▪ and the damme in the nest , was an insnaring of the iewes to crueltie , through their abuse of the creatures , the use whereof god ▪ had made both lawfull and necessarie to them in the creation . the blood was the life of the beast , and the lord requireth in us mercie ▪ to our beasts life , whereas the tender mercies of the wicked are cruell ▪ prov. . . yet is it not lawfull for us to devise any way , we please , to keepe us from being snared in crueltie , for then upon the same ground , it were unlawfull for us to eat blood , contrary to the expresse word of god , rom. . cor. . . . tim. ▪ . . god by a positive and ceremoniall command hedged in the people of the iewes , from being insnared in idolatrie , and , by some ceremonies , taught them to detest all idolatrie : but it doth not follow , that we christians are to inure our hearts , from being insnared with idols , and to a detestation of idolatrie , by these same ceremonies that they were commanded , for then we were obliged to stampe the golden and silver idols , to dustand powder : and to cast the powder into the river as moses did the golden calse , deut. . . and behoved to drinke of that water , exod. . . chro. . . king. . . so it followeth no wayes , though the physicall use of a materiall temple , should insnare us to idolatrie , that we are therefore to disuse that house ; except we had the same ceremoniall command to warrant us , that the jewes had , and by this argument , you may bring us backe to observe all the ceremonies of moses his law , because all these ceremonies were appointed in the wisdome of god , either to keepe us from being insnared in some sinne , and to raise , in our heart , a detestation thereof , or to teach us somewhat of christ , of whom we be naturally ignorant and forgetfull . ob. . but at your first reformation of the church of scotland , your reformers , such as m. knox , and others ▪ demolished most of the fairest churches in that land , and for no other reason , but because they had been nests of popish idolatrie . ans . that churches in so farre as their use extendeth , farther then to the commodious propulsation of injuries of sunne and ai●e , be demolished , we can well allow , for these that were demolished by our reformers of blessed memorie ; nor so spacious and inconvenient for hearing the word of god and celebration of the sacraments , being ordained for masses , idols , for blind superstition , that the very length , breadth , height , beauty , and glory of them might redound to the glory of saints and idols , that it was reason they should be demolished in so farre as they conduced nothing for the physicall and necessarie end , for which churches are ordained under the new testament ; and thus farre we allow of the breaking of images , crosses , crucifixes , and all monuments of idolat●ie , so as the matter of all these , whether timber , marble stones , mettall of gold , silver , brasse , or the like to be imployed , for the necessarie use of mans life , but that all their superstitious forme and religious use be utterly abolished . as for the abolishing of bels abused in time of poperie ; because they have a necessarie and physicall use to give warning for the seasonable conveneing of the people of god , to the publick worship , i see no ground , for it , from deut. . or other places , but we must be necessitate to stampe to powder the very mettall of bels , and to render them not only uselesse in churches , but any other way tending to the good of mans l●●e . object . but num. . , . rayment and skins ▪ and vessels of wood taken from midian , though taken as spoyle were purified , and the gold and silver , brasse , yron , &c. were purified by fire , and not made uselesse , so the churches dedicated to mary , peter , and to angels , and sains , are not to be made uselesse , they may be imployed for the poore to dwell in ▪ but they can have no religious use in the worship of god , except we would heale the wounds of the daughter of babel . ans . i deny not but churches dedicated to saints , and in regard of their vaine and ostentive spaciousnesse unprofitable for hearing the word , may be imployed to civill uses for ordinarie dwelling ; but i see no ground how this can be according to the places cited by our godly brethren of the contrary minde except the churches were first purified , in some ceremonial way , as god prescribeth that the spoyle of midian be purified , which our brethren cannot say , except we would make our selves debtors to the whole law , for so the law was , num. . and so paul doth reject circumcision , gal . . and if it be said the necessitie of the poore requireth that these temples be not loosed , but imployed for the poore , as david in point of necessitie eat the shew-bread . i answer . the poore , as the case was , rom. . might eat swines flesh , and so ruine him , for whom christ died , which is absurd for their necessitie might require it . but certaine it is , davids necessitie was layd on him by the sixt commandement as an act of mercie in the point of starving , and if any poore iew were in the like case , i conceive it should have been scandalizing to that jew to eat swines-flesh , before another weake iew. providentiall necessitie may make that which is a sinfull scandalizing to bee obedience to the sixt commandement , but the will of superiours can make no such providentiall change as the d ▪ of aberdeene doe dreame ▪ but if the necessitie bee lesse then the necessitie in point of sterving , it could justifie the poore iewes eating of meats conceived to be against the law of god , as the case was , rom. . but that the church or house dedicated to a saint , should have no physicall use in the worship of god , to defend us from the injuries of sunne and heaven , and yet have the same use ▪ in common , for the poore to dwell in , wanteth all shadow of reason , for how can it be proven that the same physicall use in the worship is unlawfull , and yet out of worship is lawfull ▪ except there intervene some ceremoniall and religious purging of the house , by fire or some other way , which were iudaical under the new testament , for the necessity of the poor , is not like the necessity of davids eating of shew-bread : it s certain , that the necessity of disusing the creature in a physical usage , in the worship , must have a warrant in scripture , as well as the using of the same , in the same usage , must have the like warrant . object . . but bels are more hurtful to the souls of gods people , who are scandalized by them , then they are useful for the tymous and seasonable convening of the people , and therefore they may well be abolished , being lesse necessary , and necessary onely ad melius esse , for the better ordering of the worship of god , and not simply necessary for the being of the worship . now as the lord our god will have a lesser necessity to yeeld to any greater , a bodily necessity to give place to a soul-necessity ( the soul being more excellent then the body ) as is clear in that god would have his people to dispence with the lesser losse of the spoyl of the amalakites of their idols , gold and silver , that the greater necessity may stand , to wit , their not being allured , nor their teeth put a watering , and their heart to a lusting after the idols of canaan ; so would he have us to abolish the saints temples , the gold of popish images , the bels that are lesse necessary ( seeing the sun may teach as well as the bell ) for eschewing soul-dangers in laying stumbling blocks , both before our own souls , and others . answ . . it is denyed , that bells which have a necessary use , though onely for the better ordering of the worship of god , are any active objects of scandal , and the meer passive scandal taken at any thing not indifferent , but physically necessary , and so necessary , that without it sinful inconvenients of either wearying in the service of god , or sinful neglect should follow , is no sinful scandal given , but meerly taken . . there be two necessities of things , one natural , and first in that regard , another religious , and in that regard secondary ; the former necessity doth alwayes stand , except god remove it by some posteriour commandment . it s necessary , that adam and evah eat of all things that god created for eating . god ( i grant ) may remove this necessity in some , and command either adam to fast for a time , or not to eat of the tree of knowledge : so say i , warning by bells hath a physical necessity , the use of the temples in worshipping hath the like necessity , so have gold and silver a necessity . god onely , either by a commandment , or by an exigence of providence that standeth to us ( as in the case of a scandal ) for a command can remove the physical necessity , and inhibite israel to use such and such gold , as have been in use in the heathen idols , and may forbid to perform an act of obedience to an affirmative command in the case of scandal ▪ as he may forbid paul to take wages for preaching the gospel , though paul have some natural necessity of taking wages . but the church without a higher warrant from god , hath no power to restrain us in the necessary use that god hath given us . make bells and temples as indifferent and unnecessary as some meats were , rom. . and i shall yeeld the argument . . that the lord our god will have a bodily necessity as the smaller , to yeeld to a soul-necessity as the greater , is a ground not so sure , but it ought to have been proved , except by a soul-necessity , you mean a necessity of saving the soul , and not sinning against god , and oppose it to a mee● bodily necessity , including no sin in it ▪ then i shall grant the assertion , that the one necessity i● greater then the other . but otherwise , cateris paribus , other things being alike , i conceive it is contradicted by iesus christs saying , matth. . cited out of hosea , chap. . i will have me●●● , and not sacrifice : and here we must determine the case of scandal to the soul from the exsuperance of necessity to the body and life . the case falleth out , david and his followers are at the point of starving for hunger ( it may be a question if the presen● necessity be so great ) there being no bread for them , but the shew-bread , which by a ceremonial law of god , onely the priests should eat : if any of the followers of david out of a groundlesse scrupulosity of conscience should have taken pauls argument , rom. . and said to david ▪ i will starve rather ere i eat this bread ; for a divine law forbid● me ; and if ▪ thou eat of it , it shall be a scandal to ●● , and wilt thou for bread destroy him for whom christ died ? the apostle paul would not , for so smal a thing , as to eat swines flesh before a weak jew , in the case , rom. . destroy the soul of one for whom christ died , by laying before him a stumbling block , by his unseasonable and scandalous eating . i think ( if scripture cannot possibly be contrary to scripture ) this doubt might easily be removed , by answering the case was not alike with david in his hunger , and so in a physicall and naturall necessitie to save his owne temporall life , that by all probabilitie was in great danger , and these who being in no such necessitie , did eat such meats scandalous , and so distructive to the soules of weake ones , and having varietie of other meats to keep them from sterving , and so a meere necessitie of preserving the bodily life , if we compare one affirmative command of god , with another , may remove that which may be supposed a soule necessitie . and the reason is , because in the doctrine of scandall , which is more intricate and obscure then every divine conceives , god placeth acts of providentiall necessitie as emergent significations of his approving will , which are so to us , in place of a divine commandement of gods revealed will , and these providentiall acts of necessitie doe no lesse oblige us to morall obedience , then any of the expresse written commandements of god. i cleare it thus . there is an expresse law . it is s●● and unlawfull for david , or any man , who is not one of the lords priests , to eat shew-bread . but god commeth in , and putteth david in such a posture of divine providence , that if he eat not shew-bread , he shall be sinfully guiltie of violating a higher morall law of god , who saith , i will have mercie and not sacrifice . then david shall be cruell to his owne life , and sinne against the sixt commandement . thou shalt doe no murther . if he eat not , for not to eat , when you are in a providentiall condition of sterving , if you may have it , is to kill your selfe , and this providentiall condition doth no lesse oblige you to the morall obedience of the sixt command , then if god in the letter of the law should command you to eat . this fact of david was not done by any extraordinarie impulsion of the spirit , but by a constant chanell that providence ordinarily runneth in , according to which i , or any professor must be obliged to preferre a worke of mercie to sacrifice , that is , by which we are to give obedience to the sixt command , which is not to kill , even as without extraordinarie impulsion , i may absent my selfe from hearing the word , when i find going to church may indanger my life , for non-obedience to affirmatives , in a greater necessitie ▪ is ordinarie . and therefore christian prudence , with which the wisdome of god keeps house , prov. . . doth determine many things of scandall : and prudence is a vertue commanded in the word of god , for a wise man observes times , and so will he observe all other circumstances , yet there be rules here which standeth alwayes , and they be these . . comparing a physicall and meerely naturall necessitie with a morall necessitie ▪ if we yeeld to the physicall necessitie , and neglect the moral , we sinne against god , and may lay a stumbling blocke before others ; as to eat such meats , where the losse is small , and the necessitie of eating meerely physicall , and the eating be a scandall to the weake , we sinne and give scandall , the case is cleare , rom. . for eating , ( the case being indifferent , as it was , rom. . ) is a meere physicall necessitie , and not scandalizing a weake brother , is a morall necessitie . . rule , if we compare a greater morall necessitie with a lesse morall necessitie , the lesse necessitie must yeeld to the greater , a necessitie of mercie must yeeld to a necessitie of sacrificeing ; if david then should not have eaten the shew-bread , in his providentiall necessitie of samine , he should have been guiltie both of active scandalizing the soules of others in killing himselfe , and should have killed himselfe , and the lesse morall necessitie ceaseth , and is no necessitie , when a greater moral necessitie interveneth . . rule ▪ where there is a physicall necessitie of the thing , yet not extreame , and a morall necessitie of abstinence , we are to abstaine ; the jewes had a physicall necessitie of the babylonish garments , but not so extreame , in point of perishing , through cold , as david had of shew-bread ▪ in point of sterving for famine , therefore achan should have obeyed the morall necessitie of not touching the accursed thing ▪ and neglected the physicall necessitie , which if it had amounted to the degrees of necessitie of mercie , rather then obeying a ceremoniall command , such as was ( touch n●t the accursed spoyle ) ach●● might , without sinne or scandall , to himselfe or others , have medled with the spoyle . . rule . that which is necessarie , in speciè , in the kind , as to goe to church and heare the word , to come to the house of god and worship , may be , in individuo , in a particular exigence of providence , not morally necessarie , but the contradicent thereof morally lawfull . david doth lawfully forbeare to come to the lords house , if he knew saul may kill him , by the way . ● ▪ the things which we are to forbeare only for necessitie of scandall , and upon no other ground , these i may doe in private , if i know they cannot come to the notice of these who shall be scandalized , upon the ground of lesse physicall necessitie ; as rom. . beleevers , for their necessitie ordinarie , and for nourishment , might eat fleshes in private , though before a weak jew they could n●● ▪ because the sinne is not in the act of eating , but wholly in the scandall , and in the manner of the unseasonable doing of it . but these things which are morally not necessarie , because t●●●●bstance of the fact is against a law we are to forbeare , both in private , because they are against a law , and in publick before others , for the scandall . as achan sinned in taking the babilonish garment , though in private , and his sinne should have been more scandalous , if he had done it publickly ; now these we are upon no ordinarie necessitie to doe , but such as may incroach upon the hazard of the losse of life , in which case an exigence of providence , does stand for a command of non-murthering , had saul and his army been reduced to a danger of starving in a wildernesse , and could have no food , except they should kill , and eat the cattell of the am●l●kites , ● conceive , the lords preferring of mercie before sacrifice , should warrant them to eat of the amalakites cattell , yet would this providentiall necessitie be so limited , as it may fall out , that it stand not for a divine command ; for it holdeth in affirmative commands only , and . so positives as there must be , yea there can be no sin eligible by such and such a case , as lot sinned in exposing his daughters to the lust of men , to redeeme abstinence from sodomie . hence it is cleare ; we may not doe a lesse , nor counsell another to commit a lesse sinne , to eschew a greater ; as the jesuites wickedly teach . so tannerus , so turrianus and others who make a scandalum permissum , a scandall that a christian may hinder another to fall in , and yet he permitteth him to fall in it . but god hath a prerogative to permit sinfull scandals , men have no such power , when they are obliged to hinder it . the divinite of others seemeth better to me , who deny that the least veniall should be committed to eschew a greater sinne . . rule . there is a principle obligation , a lesse principle , a least principle . hence these three degrees issue from love , . god ▪ . our selves , . our neighbour : the love of god is most principle , and is the measure of the love of our selves : the love of our selfe is lesse principall , then the love of god , and so the obligation lesse . i am to make away , life and all things , yea eternall glory as devided from holinesse , and as it includeth only happinesse , rather ere i sinne against god ▪ the obligation to care for my owne salvation , is more principall , then my obligation to care for the salvation of my brother : for the love of my selfe is the measure and rule of the love of my neighbour . now because the obligation of caring for the soule of my brother is only secondarie , in compare of the obligation of caring for my owne salvation , i am not to sinne my selfe , or sinfully to omit any thing that is commanded me in a positive precept , to prevent the sinne of my brother ▪ yet hence it doth not follow , that a positive precept is more excellent , then the law of nature , which is ( thou shalt not murther , nor scandalize him for whom christ died . ) because though to care for the soule of my brother be of the law of nature simpliciter , yet is a secondarie obligation ▪ and may cease and yeeld , to a stronger obligation that tyeth me more principally to care , for my owne soule ▪ for though the command be positive , yet knowingly to sinne , by a sinfull omission , is no lesse a destroying of my owne soule , and so of the law of nature , in a higher obligation , then the other is . . the jesuits , and popish doctors , as they are of a large conscience in many things : so in the doctrine of scandall , to extoll obedience to men so high ; as we may doe things in themselves not necessarie , yea that hath no necessitie , but from the will of commanders ; and formalists in this conspire ▪ with them , even though from this doe flow the ruine of many soules : and though the sinfull scandalizing and ruine of these soules , flow from sinfull corruption of either ignorance or frailtie , or wilfulnesse or malice , yet the scandall ceaseth not to flow kindly ▪ from the pretended obedience to an unlawfull command , for the thing commanded having no necessitie ▪ but the will of man is unlawfull , and it is no good reason to say , men are scandalized through their owne ignorance and malice . ergo the scandall is taken , and not given , for these who were enemies to the truth , and were so scandalized at davids murthering of uriah , and adulterie , sam. . . as they were by him occasioned to blaspheme . certaine their actuall scandall was from their owne corruption . but what ? ergo , it was not also from davids murther and adulterie ? and ergo it was a scandall only taken by the enemies , not given by david ? surely it solloweth not . you may hence judge of the rule of lodo caspensis , a capucean . these ( saith he ) that doe a worke of it selfe indifferent , for a weightie cause , and use their owne right , ●tuta●tur suo jure , are excused from mortall sinne , as these who lett a house to whores , and publick usurers , that are not strangers , though they may commodiously lett it to others , they doe not cooperate with sinne , because the house it but a place , and extrinsecall and remote to the sinne . so christians taken by turkes for danger of their life , ( which is a weighty necessitie ) may furnish instruments necessarie for warre against christians because they doe a worke indifferent of it selfe , for a just cause : so may a servant convey his master to a whore , yea and make the bed for a concubine ▪ and open the doore , and if his master be to climbe in at a window to a whore he may lift up his foot , or reach him a ladder . why ? the servant ( saith he ) useth his owne right in doing a worke of it selfe indifferent , u●itur suo jure faciens opus exse indifferens , modo non placeat ei peccatum . a. but sure , all out jus and right that men have over their houses , and that captives and servants have to their masters and lords , is jus limitatum , a right ruled , limited ▪ bounded by the word of god , nor is the worke they performe morally indifferent , ( physically it is ) and captive christians , if for danger of their life , they may prepare necessary instruments of warre against christians , they may kill christians also : for what power the conquering lords have over captives to command them to prepare fire and sword , against the innocent witnesses of jesus christ , because they are such , the same jus right have they to command to kill the innocent . but for no cause the most weighty , can we choose either to shed innocent blood , or to co-operate with the shedding of it , nor to co-operate with the works of darknes , for it is shamefull that a servant may lawfully co-operate with , and thrust his master in at a window , to goe ▪ to a whore , the jus or dominion of masters to command , and the right of servants to obey is only in the lord. yea to kill a man is physically indifferent , for that is physically , yea morally without relation to any law indifferent , which is capable of lawfulnesse , or unlawfulnesse , according as it shall bee commanded of , or forbidden by god. but for a man to kill his son , is of it selfe such , certaine , if god command a judge to kill his son , it is lawfull for the father to kill his son , if the lord forbid abraham to kill his son , it is unlawfull for abraham to kill his son . and therefore caspensis hath no more reason to use the instance of captives preparing warre against innocent christians and of a servant thrusting his master in at doore or window to a whore , then of captives killing the innocent , or of servants breaking a house , and taking away the goods of a man in the night ▪ or of servants committing whoredome at the command of their conquerors or lords , the one kinde of action in it selfe is as indifferent and susceptible of morall lawfulnesse , and unlawfulnesse , as the other . and if the master doe co-operate to commit harlotrie in climbing in at a window to a whore , and to robbing , in digging thorow an innocent mans house in the night , to kill the master of the house , and to steale his goods , then the servant that co-operateth in these same physicall actions , and also diggeth thorow the innocent mans house and kills himselfe , is the harlot , and the robber , by cooperation and participation , no lesse then the master . the naked relation of a captive , and of a servant , cannot make the captive and servant innocent and guiltlesse co-operators , for then to sinne at the command of any conqueror and master , because i am in the condition of a captive and servant , were lawfull , though god forbid and inhibite me to doe , what i doe , by the command of my master and conqueror , for in so doing , utor meo jure , i use my right as a servant . for god forbiddeth me in what relation i be in , servant , or captive , to sinne , at the command of any , or for declining any ill of punishment ▪ though as weightie as the torment of hell separated from sinfull dispairing and blaspheming of god. now to co-operate with that which i know to be a sinne , is to partake in other mens sinnes , which is forbidden , as a sinne , tim. . . eph. . . but to runne with the theefe , and to helpe an arch-robber , prov. . . . is a consenting to his robberie and bloodshed . and to help any to digge thorow a house , or to climbe in at a window to incest , sodomie , buggerie , to fetch a beast to the master who rageth in the sinne of beastialitie , or to setch a young man to the master or conqueror to the sinne of abominable sodomie , knowing the master and conquerors minde is to co-operate to beastialitie and sodomie , is as high a measure of sinfull cooperating in these abominations , as for the servant to helpe up , or life up his master , to goe in , at a window to an harlot , for this is a consent to these sinnes , and a consent in the highest degree ; so to give a knife to a master , who seeketh it from his servant , to kill his father , mother , prince , pastor , is to consent formally to such horrible paricides , and therefore caspensis should have brought instances in bugrie , sodomie , parricide , when as he used softer names of fornication and harlotrie . . the non-necessaries , or such things as need not be in the worship of god , which do bring scandall , must . be such as are neither necessarie in speciè , nor in individuo , in kind , or in spece or nature , or in their individuals and particulars , as the whole categorie of mens devises , as . unwritten traditions — not necessary , not written . . humane mysticall , symbolical signes and ceremonies — not necessarie , not written . . humane holy dayes , crossing , kneeling to elements , altars , crossing , surplice , rochets , &c , — not necessary , not written . . this and this humane holy day , this crossing — not necessarie , not written . . these things are judged not necessarie , that are not necessarie by way of dis-junction , as surplice is not necessarie by way of dis-junction , for neither is surplice necessarie , nor any other white or red habit , that hath some mysticall religious signification , like unto surplice ; so kneeling to the elements is neither necessarie , nor any the like religious honouring of them , by prostration before them , o● kissing them . but , the things of the directorie for the publick worship , as many of them are necessarie , and have expresse warrant in the word , as praying , preaching , sacraments , praising , &c. so . some things that are non-necessaries in the individual or particular words , or things , yet are they not to be removed in their alternative necessitie , either this or the like though some be therby scandalized . because though they be not necessarie simply , yet are they necessarie by way of dis-junction , as that the minister say , either these , or the like words , for words to that sense are necessarie . so the order that the directorie prescribes in citing such and such acts of divine worship is necessarie either this way , or a way as convenient not different from this , for some order of necessity there must be . so the liturgie or service booke , what ever jos . hall say on the contrary ( as it is little that he doth , or can say ) though it should containe many things necessarie in speciè , in the kind , sit for the externall publick worshipping of god , yet because these words in individuo , in their particulars are not necessarie , is to be re●oved , because though all the matter were good ( as much of it is popish ) yet that booke in its structure , frame , style , grammer , methode , and forme is popish , and framed after the model of the roman missale , especially performed with the cursed authoritie of the councell of trent , under pius the fift , in all the masses , rubricks , epistles , gospels , &c. is scandalous , and a directorie in scripture words is better , and is therefore justly layd aside by the revevent assemblie , and honourable court of parliament , because there is scandall in words , in style and language , in divine worship . and these who will abstaine from practising of some things in the directorie , for feare of scandalizing others , must give reasons from the word that these things they forbeare , are neither necessarie simply , nor by way of dis-junction . because as i conceive , things neither necessarie in the same individuals , nor by way of dis-junction , are such non-necessaries as are to be removed out of the worship of god , for feare of scandall . and that any such non-necessaries can be found in the directorie , i doe not see as yet . ob. the people had the more opinion of dietie in the thing they adored the baser it was . none hath any such opinion of the crosse . ergo , it is no scandalous object . ans . all our divines hold , that heathens of old , and papists of late , worship images , as religious memorative signes of god , hooker with one dash of his pen , against the prophets and scriptures , acquiteth them of idolatrie , therefore the crosse may be adored , without any opinion of dietie in it . obj. be it true , that crosses were purposely appointed to ●●● adored , yet not so now . the jewes would not admit of the image of caesar in the church , yet they abolished it not , but admitted it in their coyne . the adored cross differeth as farre from this , as the brazen serpent that salomon made to beare up the cisterne of the temple , and that which israel adored in the wilderness , and the altars that josiah destroyid , as being meere instruments of idolatrie , and that which the tribe of reuben ●rected beyond jordan . salomon distroyed not the temple and idols framed only of purpose for the worship of forrains gods , because they stood now as forlorne , and did no harme . josiah afterward razed them for some inconvenients , yet god saith both these kings , in religion walked straightly . ans . . though the cross were first framed for no adoration ; yet we plead against the images and crosses of lutherans as not necessarie , in divine worship , and therefore to be removed , though never adored . . the people thinke baptisme incompleat without the crosse , ergo , to them it has the like necessitie , as water . . how will hooker prove never any burnt incense to the brazen serpent , but beleeved it really to be god ? that is his dreame , beside the text. . by this luther ●●● have their desire ; for actuall intention that images be lawfull remembrancers of christ , without intention of adoration , shall make images as lawfull teaching ceremonies , as hooker will have the sigue of the crosse . . we remove not crosses from coyne , no more then the jewes did the image of c●s●r . but wee agree with them . hooker being judge , in banishing them from the worship . . ezechiah then might have broken the old , and made a new brazen serpent , for a memoriall of the miraculous cure , so they had not burnt incen●e to it ; the remembrance of the old mercie should have been as good in the new , as in the old . but certainly the brazen serpent was not destroyed as brasse , but in all its religious use . it was not purged , but abolished . . if we may make images and orasses alike in shape , but dislike in use , in gods worship , we may bring in golden calves to the temples , and the image of dagon , and the sidonian gods , and altars such as josiah destroyed , so at their first moulding we imprint on them , chaste and innocent religious intencions and signification , and make them alike in shape , but dislike in use to heathen worship . but sure the calfe of egypt , and the calfe that aaron made , though like in shape , yet were dislike in use . . we read of no new inconvenients that the images and temples that salomon erected to strange gods , did in josiahs time , which they did not in ●●●ekiahs time , but that they were monuments of idolatrie in both ; it seemes that nooker would commend ezechiah , for not demolishing the images of salomons outlandish gods ; but then it was josiahs zeale without knowledge , that he demolished them . . we then might well suffer the images of jupiter , dagon , ashtarosh to stand before the people publickly , so they doe no harm● : and papists and lutherans say the images of christ and the saints do● no harme , when the pastors carefully teach the people , that there is no dietie● nor god-h●ad dwelling in them . . wee say the signe of the crosse is a meere instrument of idolatrie and superstition , and what ever good intention , or pious signification was stamped on it , at the first , by mens carnall wisdome and will zeale , it no more made it good , then if upon the image of dagon , you would found the like good intention and pious signification . . though ezechiah was commended by god , it no more followeth his omission in not demolishing salomons outlandish idols must belawfull , and a part of his upright walking in ●● matters of religion , then because david is commended , as walking uprightly in all things , save in the matter of uriah , that his numbering of the people , his revengefull attempt to destroy nabal and all his , must also be a part of davids walking uprightly before god. . salomon had a warrant for the brazen image in the temple , not to abolish it . but ezechiah had no warrant not to abolish the brazen serpent , after the people burnt incense to it , even suppose the people should , upon the exhortation of the priests , have desisted from burning incense to it . i see not , if images may be lawfull remembrancers to us , so we adore them not ; but the golden calves , the images that salomon made to outlandish gods , the image of diana , and all the heathen images that the word speaketh against should be brought into the christian churches , to teach us to flee , and eschew the adoring of these abominations , for we have as great need of ceremoniall and historicall remembrancers to teach us to eschew evill , as to admonish us to follow good . but the truth is , except we will be wiser then god , we need neither . obj. some things are of their owne nature scandalous , and cannot choose but breed offence as those sinkes of execrable filth which josiah did turne out : some things though not by nature generally , and of themselves , are generally turned to evill through a corrupt habit growne , and uncurably settled in the mindes of men , without the removall of the thing , as was the worshipping of the brazen serpent . but some , as the crosse though subject either almost , or altogether to as much corruption , are yet curable with more facilitie and ease . ans . objects sinfull and so intrinsecally scandalous are to be removed , as the image of jupiter , molech , both because sins , and and so not necessarie . . because scandalous , for the truth is , even sins ( if we speake accurately ) are not scandalous actum secundo , in regard of our corruption , our sinnes may sad the angels , but they are not properly scandalous to angels , and therefore every thing actively scandalous , as scandalous is to be removed . . how doth hooker prove that the vessels made for baal , are in their own nature more incurable then the signe of the crosse ? you may remove the superstitious intention and idolatrous use of any vessell , and turne it to a good use ; yet josiah burnt them to ashes . the like may be said of the groves which he stamped to powder , and cast in the brook kidron , and of the chariots five of the sunne , which he burnt with fire , and of the bones of dead men , not any of these , being of their owne nature more indifferent , and innocent creatures of god , were of their owne nature more scandalous , and more uncurable then the signe of the crosse . the like may be said of altars , and i pray are reasonable men , the priests of the high places of their own nature uncurable ? are they not capable of repentance , and curable by doctrine ? yet king. . . josiah slew all the priests of the high places . . teaching may remove evil customes , otherwise how should the gospell convert sinners , that are accustomed from the wombe to doe evill ? jer. . . jer. . . ephes . . . . . . tit. . . . therefore scandalous objects of the second kinde , are no more to be removed , then the signe of the crosse . . it is false , that scandalous objects of the third sort are more easily cured , except they be removed , for no humane prudence , when the signe of the crosse , and the brasen serpent , are sure , not necessarie in gods worship . and when men have , and so still may abuse them to superstition and idolatrie , can make these being now actively scandalous , to be not actively scandalous , as no ar● can make a pite to be no pite . indeed gods ordinances , because necessarie , may bee cured , from scandall by teaching . but it is gods only prerogative , by his commanding will to make a thing , not necessarie in his worship , to be necessarie , and to alter the nature of things , so as his command could have made the brazen serpent , to remaine a lawfull teaching signe , and no scandalous object , and only he might have forbidden the burning of incense to it . the ancient ignatius , or any had no warrant to make confession of christ before enemies and mockers , by gestures or crossing , paul did it not , peter commandeth confession to be verball , pet. . . , there be many ancient lawes , yea divine and apostolike constitutions acknowledged to be good , that the church hath layd aside . some things cannot be removed without danger of greater evils to succeed in their place . wisedome must give place to necessitie . seneca , necessitas , quicquid coegit , defendit . ans . . we know no necessitie to have , nor any danger to want such wares , as surplice , crossing , bowing to altars , to elements , which sure the apostolike church wanted , both in speciè , and in individuo . the like papists say for adoring of images , that hooker here saith , for surplice , and the like scandals . so doth the jesuit tannerus say , in . . to . , dis . . de religione . q. ● . dub . . quando dicitur adorationem imaginum non esse licitam , qui non est scripta . respo . ( inquit ) apostol● familiari spiritus instinctu quadam ecclesiis tradider●nt servanda que non reliquerunt in scriptis — inter hujusmodi traditiones est imaginum christi adoratio . quest . vii . whether or no to use the indifferent customes of heathen and papists , in the worship of god , be scandalous , we are altogether of this mind , that a materiall similitude between the truee church and the false , is not scandalous . because rome holdeth that there is one god , it followeth not , therefore it is unlawfull for us to hold there is one god. . there is a formall similitude , as because the heathen kill their children to molech , ergo , the children of israel should not doe so to the lord their god. m. hooker granteth there should be a dis-similitude betweene the true church and heathens in this , and the similitude ( say they ) is unlawfull . but . the adversaries draw us to a third dis-similitude betweene the true church , and the popish , and heathenish church , and this is a mixt similitude , that we should use indifferent r●tes and customes in gods worship , as crossing , new devised dayes , surplice &c. which are used by papists , and heathens . this say our adversaries , is not an unlawfull similitude , yea with edification and profit ( say they ) we may thus farre conforme with them . . this conformitie doth gaine them , not scandalize them ▪ say they . but we hold that this conformitie is unlawfull and a dissimilitude commanded . . it is expresly said levit. . . i am the lord your god , after the doings of the land of egypt , wherein ●e● dwelt , shall yee not doe : and after the doings of the land of canaan , whither i bring you , shall ye not doe ; neither shall yee walks in their ordinances . . ye shall doe my judgements , and keep min● ordinances , to walke therein , i am the lord your god. hence if god bee a god , in a peculiar manner , in covenant with his church , then may not his church take a rule of worship , and walking from other prophane churches and people , such as egypt , canaan , and whorish rome . there is an instance given in things of their owne nature indifferent , levit. . with the same argument . . ye shall not round the corners of your heads , ▪ neither shalt tho● marre the corners of thy beard . . yee shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead , i am the lord. certaine a greater scandall cannot be , then that those who are in covenant with god , should borrow significant ceremonies of sorrowing for the dead , levit. . . yee shall keepe my statutes ? thou shalt not let thy cattell gender with divers kinde : thou shalt not sow thy field with mingled seed : neither shall a garment mingled of linnen and wooll come upon thee . hence there is a cleare opposition made betweene gods statutes . yee shall heepe my statutes , and the statutes of canaan . the can●●●●tes might weare garments of linnen and wooll , and and ●owe mingled seed . but deut. ● . . thou ( the israel of god ) shall not sowe thy vineyard with divers seeds : why ? le●t the fruit of the seed which thou hast sowen , and the fruit of thy vi●●yard be defiled . the seed of the nations was not defiled , though they did sowe mingled seed , ergo , the lord putteth some peculiar character on his people , by this , to distinguish them from other nations by giving these lawes to them , which did not oblige other natio●● . . wee make the papists and the heathen that have used white garments , in the worship of god ▪ and crossing in the sacraments , and the like to be our fathers ▪ where as wee are to disclaime them , and not to harden them so , as israel did egypt ▪ who said , yee cannot serve your god , except in our golden calves , by gods argument levit. , israel , and canaan , protestants , and idolatrous papists have one god , they have the same externall statutes , . what ●ve● is a professed way of being infected and sna●ed with the false religion of those who are at our doores , as egypt and canaan was to israel ; and papists to us , must be scandalous conformitie with them , and this argument is cleare , levit. . . yee shall not doe after the doings of the land of egypt ▪ wherein ye● dwell , nor after the doings of the land of canaan , whither i bring you ; ergo , the danger is the greater , that we dwell beside idolaters , and the publick practising of their rites , the more scandalous . . wee sadden the spirits of the godly , and lay a stumbling-block before the blind and weak , in that wee build jeriche again , and with our tongue we lick , and heale the wound of the daughter of babel , where as with our teeth we should byte it . . learned and godly cartwright , the author of the booke of discipline ; amesius and others have cited councels , as concil . braca . . decreed , that christians should not deck their houses with bay leaves , and greene boughs , that they should not keepe the first day of the moneth , because the pagans did so . and another councell , concil . african . c. . forbade christians to celebrate feast● , on the birth day of the martyrs , because pagans did so ▪ tertullian would not have christians to sit after they had prayed ▪ because pagans did so . . the mark and character of the beast is an externall discriminating note , of its owne nature , indifferent . yet to receive it , is a matter of plague● and wrath from god , rev. . ● . to these they reply . . those same ceremon●es ▪ because the sa●●● , which the heathen used , were not forbidden the jewes . but , th●se things ( saith m. hooker ) are not indifferent being used as signes of immederate and hopelesse lamentation , for the dead , and in effect , it is that which paul saith , thess . . ● . sorrow not as they doe , which have no hope . as deut. . . yee are the children of the lord your god , ye● shall not cut your selves , nor make you baldnesse between● your eyes for the dead , nor i●●● hence proven ( saith hooker ) that god did frame his people of set purpose , unto any utter dis-si●●ilitude with either egyptians , or other nations . ans . . ceremonies may be either the same . . in number . or . materially . or . formally and theologically . the first identitie and samenes is most proper . and whereas morton , and m. burges , would insinuate that god forbade these same ceremonies in number , it needeth no refutation . god never forbade things , physically , and by way of contradiction , unpossible . the same murthering of our brother forbidden to cain , the same in number , is forbidden in number , and individually to no mortall man , except the jewes had had the same heads , haire , beards , browes , that the canaanites had , the same ( i meane ) in number , this were to make the lawes of god a matter of laughter to men . . where as hooker would have god to forbid , not the same ceremonies materially , or an utter dis-similitude , but the same ceremonies of the heathen , with the signification which the heathen did put on them , contrary to scripture , as upon the cutting of their flesh , they did impose this signification , that they should sorrow for the dead , as those that have no hope . thess . . we see then . all the ceremonies of the heathen , as the cutting of the flesh , the killing of their children to molech . so they be formallized , and charactered with a signification according to the word of god , shall be lawfull . put then scripturall and lawfull significations , either of faith in christ already incarnate , or of christian conversation , as of moderate mourning for the dead , such as was in abraham , who mourned for sarahs death , and in our lord jesus , who wept for the death of lazarus ; and so the sacrificing of bullocks , sheep , rams , yea , circ●●cising and sacrificing of children to molech , shall not be condemned as a complyance , and symbolizing with the jewes and idolaters . nor can any say that shedding of blood to god , and killing of men must be now forbidden , i answered before shedding of blood , with this scripturall and lawfull signification , and as an indifferent means of the worshiping of god , is no other way forbidden in the first . bl● , then because it is not commanded in scripture . but this is no forbiding at all of worship , or of new positive meanes of worship ; so you . make it not a part of the word of god , and necessarie worship . . so it be materially indifferent , and be instamped with a lawfull and scripturall signification , as we suppose it to be . . nor doth the word any where condemne killing of men as a worship , except that i● commandeth it not as a worship , which we say , as it is a breach of the sixt commandement , it is forbidden as man-flaughter , but not as unlawfull worship . but then how will morton and burges justifie . circumcision which they say is lawfull , yet , so it have not a jewish intention , nor any necessitie or efficacie imposed on it ? it is a degree of murther , and why may not , upon the same ground cutting the flesh for the dead , launcing of the body with knives , the popish selfescourging be lawfull ? now the text signifieth no allowance at all of the rounding of the corners of the head , and the cutting of the body ▪ and how shall hooker prove that only heathenish and pagan-rounding of the haire , and cutting of the flesh , as they betoken mourning in a hopelesse manner for the dead were forbidden , thess . . divers of the pagans , amongst whom is phocillides and many others taught the resurrection of the dead , they might then sow their land with divers seeds , cut their flesh for the dead , yea , and observe times , be dismayed at the signes of the heaven , as the heathen . and what ever the pagans did in their worship , they might doe so to the lord their god , and doe all the judgements , ordinances , and lawes of egypt . canaan , turkie , of rome materially , even to the falling downe before bread , sacrisicing of beasts , cutting of the haire , &c. . what hooker meaneth by a dis-similitude , with the heathen of set purpose , is easily knowne . only in things wicked and unlawfull ( saith he ) or idolatrous , or against the law of god , we are to be dislike to the heathen , because it is said , yee shall doe my judgements , for he expresly denyeth that there was any danger of infection by reason of nearnesse to the egyptians , and canaanites , in these indifferent things , or that they were forbidden , because the pagans used them , they were unlawfull , though the pagans bad ever used them . ans . tannerus the jesuite saith , tom . . in . disp . de fide , spe . q. . dub . . abstinendum est ab omni speciè male pr●pter scandalum , ratio , quia scandalum tali cas● oritur ex vi actionis ipsius , non aliter f●r● quam si mala esset , then though the nations heathenish rites were not ill , yet being not necessarie to the jewes , and having appearance of ill , in that they are characters of the worship of strange gods , scandall must ref●●e from the using heathenish ceremonies , vi actionis , from the nature of the using of them , as if they were intrin●ecally ill . . if it were no more but this , they were so much the worse , and more scandalous ▪ that beside that they are intrins●cally evill , yet they are the statutes of egypt and can●a● , and not the statutes of the lord. so either these words must bee idly set downe , amongst whom yee dwels , and to which the lord bringeth you . or they must adde a degree of wickednesse to the sinnes that they were the sinnes of egypt , and of canaan , and so they are forbidden , both as sinnes , and also for the bare similitude , as the words imply , for god will not only have them to walke in right judgements , but also in his righteous judgements , because ●aith hee , ( i am the lord ) and ye shall not doe after such and such a way , because such are the doings and wayes of egypt , and canaan . ergo , though all were intrinsecally evill , that are forbidden of this kinde , they partake also of a farther degree of morall evill , in that egypt , canaan , and idolatro●s papi●●● doe these same things to their idols . hooker addeth . wee must be unlike to rome , not only in doctrine , but in ceremonies and govern●●●● , and especially government not commanded in the word , for all is papish ▪ though lawfull and agreeable to the word of god , whatsoever rome h●● received without commandement of gods word . ans . the●e is not required properly a conformitie in us with rome in doctrinals , as if rome were our rule , nor is the word of god properly conforme to the protestant religion , but the protestant religion must be conforme to the word . wh●●nesse is not properly like to snow or milke , but milke or snow are like to whitenesse . nor have we properly a 〈…〉 with papists in doctrine , they are not our patterne , nor wee theirs . . we do not plead for a government in all things to be commanded in the word , but to be warranted by the word , either according to command or promise , or morall practise , fo● the scripture is our rule , but . not in miraculous things . . not in things temporarie , as communitie of goods . . not in things literally exponed , as to cut off our hands and feet . . not in things of art and science , as to speake latine , to demonstrate conclusions of astronomie . . it is not properly our rule in circumstances , which are but naturall conveniences of time , place , and person , and such like . but it is our rule . in fundamentalls of salvation . . in all morals of both first and second table . . in all institutions , and wee conceive the government of the church to be a proper institution , to wit , it is a supernaturall ordinance , or helpe above nature to guide the church to a supernaturall happinesse , nor can the church be governed by the light of nature , or by the rules of morall philosophie , or civill prudence or humane lawes , as cities , common-wealths , and kingdomes , are . . it is a rule in circumstantials of worship : because some time some thing , as the lord , day is both worship , and a circumstantiall of worship ; but not properly a circumstance , in all these the church , as the church must ●●ir by the word of god. . what ever is in rome in physicall or natural circumstances is not by us judged popis●● . but what ever religious observance symbolicall signe , new worship , such as ●renging to bread , altars , humane festivals , surplice , and the like , that are neither things of nature , nor . things of prudence and civill policie , nor . miraculous things , nor . things of art and science , nor . meere circumstances , and yet are added to the worship of god ▪ not necessarie in themselves , not warranted by precept , practice , or promise in the word of god , we take to be devised by the wil of men , and if by papists , so much the more unlawfull , and may well be tearmed popish , as popish is contradistinguished from that which is ●ound and warranted by the word , and that which is not thus agreeable to the word , is repugnant thereunto , and either popish , or worse , or heathenish . hooker . the question is , whether wee may follow rome in orders , rites and ceremonies , wherein we doe not thinke them blamable , or else ought to devise others , and to have no conformitie with rome , no not so much as in these . ans . we never dreamed of such a question , it is as if one should have formed such a question to debate with moses , whither may we follow egypt and canaan in rounding the corners of our head , and cutting our flesh for the dea● , in sowing o●r land with mingled seeds , &c. or ought we to devise others the like , and have no conformitie with them , no not so much as in these ? now moses gave never leave to israel to devise either these , or any other the like . the question supposeth two things for granted , which are plainly false . . that if we may refuse popish ceremonies as scandalous , because papists devised them , that therefore the worship of god hath need of other symbolical and religious signes of the like nature , which we ought to devise . but the worship of god neither needeth these nor any phylactaries of that kind . . it supposeth , we doe not thinke the rites of rome blamable , this is a begging of the question , for both we blame them as positive religious rites beside , and so contrary to the word , and because romish , and so in a high degree scandalous . hooker . when reason evicteth that all such ceremonies are not to be abolished they answer , they doe only condemne ceremonies unprofitable , or ceremonies in stead whereof as good , or better may be devised , so they cannot get out of the bryars . ans . . who answereth so ? hooker should have knowne , that if the testament of christ warrant not ceremonies , they and all their kind are unprofitable , and to be abolished , whither they lay in the wombe of the mother of ●ornications , or be bastards of any other mother . . yea , we condemne all such ceremonies , because unnecessarie , as devised by the will or lust of men , for all necessatie and usefulnesse of positive , religious , and teaching observances is from the will of god. and when he saith , we condemne only all unprofitable ceremonies , wee are not in the briars , for he saith , his owne ceremonies are unprofitable briars , for we condemne them as unprofitable . chartwright , that godly and learned witnesse of jesus christ . from whom hooker would bring this answer , saith , popish ceremonies are not to be used to adorne the worship , when as good or better may be established . but he meaned never that as good positive symbolicall rites , without the word of god , can be lawfully devised at all , this should have been proven from cartwrights words . but ( saith he ) we retaine these , because we judge them profitable yea so good , that if we had either simply taken them cleane away or else removed them , so as to place others in their stead , wee had done worse . but who authorized them to sit judges ? the burden of proving them inconvenient lyeth on them . ans . . it is a proud reply . wee retaine popish ceremonies , because we judge them profitable , where as the question is not what the prelates ( who must bee called the church ) judge them to be , but what they are , for it is a farre other question , who should sit judges ( though we can prove christ never made prelates at all , and so he never made them judges ) and whether the ceremonies be profitable or not ? when prelates say , we retaine popish ceremonies , because we judge them profitable , it is to say , we judge popish ceremonies to be profitable , because we judge them profitable . for we say to retaine them , is to passe a law and a judgement that they are profitable . but our ▪ argument is against their judgeing them to be profitable and against their retaining them . might not pharisees say as much ? wee retaine the precepts and traditions of men used by our fathers , because , we judge them profitable : and who authorized christ and his disciples to judge the church ? the burden of proving them inconvenient , lyeth on the disciples . christ said their ceremonies were the doctrines of men , and so unlawfull : and the like argument bring wee against the ceremonies , and so they must be unprofitable . . if the church make , or retaine lawes beside , and without the word , they are under the burden of proving them to be profitable , for they affirme , and ▪ affirmanti incumbit probatio , for they ought to give another reason , of their lawes , then we judge ; we affirme , it is gods prerogative to say that . . if prelates should doe worse to have cleane removed these , or brought others in their place ▪ then must the prelaticall church be better then the apostolike church , for they neither had these , nor any in their stead , except they make us see that peter and paul dispensed the word and sacraments clothed either with lineing rochets , and crossing the aire with the thumbe , or then they adorned word and sacraments , with other the like mysticall rochets , or some merry toyes like crossing the aire with the thumbe , and if not , they did worse then our prelats , who raise bloody warr●s in three kingdomes , for such fooleries , and for an office , which of old , for shame , had no kinred nor house , but mans law , jus humanum , by their owne grant . but that ( saith hooker ) wherein the israelit●● might not be like to the egyptians and canaanites , was such as peradventure as had beene no whitlesse unlawfull , although those nations had never been , i would know what one thing was in these nations , and is here forbidden , being indifferent in it selfe , yet forbidden only because they used it . ans . this is not our argument , i am not to say , the only reason , why the lord forbade these rites , was because the egyptians and canaanites used them . but it is enough for our purpose , that god useth this reason , ye● shall not doe so to the lord your god. yee shall not doe after the doings of the land of egypt , or of the canaanites , deut. . . . see that then inquire not after their gods , saying how did these nations serve their god ? even so will i doe likewise , levit. . . . this is enough to prove that it is a strong argument , and gods argument to prove that a worship , that heathen useth to their gods , though in it owne nature indifferent , can not lawfully be given to the lord , it wanting all warrant in gods word , because heathens doe so to their gods and it is cleare to me , deut. . . yee shall utterly d●stroy all the places wherein the nations , which ye possesse , served their gods , upon the high mountaines , and under every greene tree . . and you shall breake downe their altars , and breake their pillars , and burne their groves with fire , and you shall hew downe the graven images of their gods , and destroy the names of them out of this place . . yee shall not doe so to the lord your god. . but unto the place which the lord your god shall choose out of all your tribes , to put his name there , even unto his habitation shall yee seeke , and thither shall you come . there is nothing more indifferent , then the place of worship ▪ yet doth the lord in these words yee shall not doe so to the lord your god , forbid to worship god in the place , where the canaanites worshipped their idols . and this proveth our point that rites used by heathen indifferent in their owne nature , as , place , stone-altars , hils , are not to be used , as positives with a new signification ( as our ceremonies have ) to the lord our god , because heathens have done so to their idol-gods . wee know the lord may have , and hath other reasons in the depth of his unsearchable wisdome , why he forbiddeth some things of their owne nature indifferent , then because heathen and wicked men doe so , as he forbade the eating of the tree of knowledge , a thing in it selfe indifferent , not for any such conformitie with wicked men . and hooker yeeldeth our argument to be concludent , when he saith , notwithstanding some fault undoubtedly thire is in the very resemblance with idolaters . then notwithstanding all that hooker saith on the contrarie , our argument is good . the rest of this subject is more fully and learnedly discussed by others , and therefore no more of this . peace bee on the israel of god , and to the most high dominion and glorie . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e isa . . . isa . , . psal . . . vel lubentes , vel vi attracti decreta dei se quamur necesse est . ille crucem sceleris pretium tulit , hic diadema . iuven. saty. . ier. . . rev . . . isa . . , ▪ notes for div a -e iob . . iob . . mal. . . notes for div a -e christ hath not instituted a mutable church government . some things morall , some things naturall in gods worship . circumstances either meerly morall , or meerly physicall , or . mixt . our physic ●● circumstances are all easily known and numbred . circumstances , and such and such circumstances the scripture teacheth not meer circumstances , but supposeth them . time and place of ceremonies need not be proved . . argum. to prove that the platform of church-government , is not mutable at mens will. act. . the scriptures way of teaching that indifferent things are alterable , is it self unalterable . , argum. the scripture shall not teach when we sin in church policie , when not , if the platform be alterable at mens wi●● . there is no reason why some things positive of church-policie are alterable , some not . . argum. . book , eccles . polic , pag. , . the place , tim , . . discussed . pauls cloak of lesse consequence , then positives of policie . bilson of perpetuall gover. c. . hooker of eccles . polic . l. . . arg. christ the head of hi● church i● the externall poli●y thereof . a promise of pardoning of sin made to the right use of the keys proveth discipline to be a part of the gospel . the will of christ as king , is the rule of the government of his house . hooker , eccles . policie , l. . , . things of policie , because lesse weighty then the greater things of the law , are not therefore mutable at the pleasure of men . basil . l. de fide. order requireth not a monarchical prelate . how the care and wisdom of christ proveth , that christ hath left an unalterable platforme in his testament , mr. prynne truth triumphing over falsehood , p , . . collat. roinal . cum , io. hartio . sect. . p christ the only immediate king and head , and law-giver of his church without any deputy heads or vicars , d. roinald . . d. . . arg. as moses and david were not to follow their own spirit , far lesse is the will of the church a rule to shape an unalterable government . da. dicksonus , expos . analyti . in epist , a● heb . c. ● . v. . pag●i , ari●●ont . vatablus in notis , tostatus in chron . . . . ista scriptura tam poterat fieri per angelos quam per deum . tostatus , q. . ibid. cornel , a lapide , com . . paralip , . . d●us ergo in tabula descripsittotam ideam , templi alioqui delincatio ● davide vix intelligi potuisset . degrees de templ . ded. p. . lavater , ex ●o quod , ●dificium et vasa secundum formam sibi ostensam facere debuit , significatur in ●ultu dei non secundum hum●nam ratio●●m , sed verbum dei agendum esse , quo patefecit quomodo coliv●lit . si salomon suas imaginationes fuisset sequitus templum aliâ form â construxisset , vasa aliter fecisset et plura quam deus prescripserat . ceremonials of moses his law , are of lesse weight then morals , but not of lesse divine authority . two notes of divinity ought to be in the new testament ceremonials , which were in divine ceremonies . eccles . policy , book . pag. . how moses doing all according to the pattern proveth an immutable platforme . gods care for us leadeth us to think he hath given us a better guide then naturall reason , in all positive morals of church-policie . theologia , atramentaria . book of eccles . polici● , . pag. , . the occasionall writing of things in scripture , no reason why they are alterable . papists pretend that things are not written in the word , because of the various occurrences of providence . horantius loc. com. lib. . c. . fol. . quaecunque audi●t , loqu●tur , & que futura sunt , annunciabit vobis , quasi dicer●● , quoti●s r●i occasio fuerit , revelabit vobis . quae ● re vestra esse viderit , suggerit , ac quoties revelare exped●e●it . l. . c. . fol. . sed quis non vide●● multa verbo esse tradita , quae ecclesiae solum memoriae , & mulius ●●mirum scriptis sunt mandata ? hooker , . book , pag. . . horantius , loc . catho . lib. . c. f●l . . turrian . to . de fide , spe . et charit . disp , . duo . . bell●rm . de verb dei non script . l. . c. . that there was no vnif●rm platform of government in the time of moses and the apostles , is no argument that there is none now . horantius , in loe . catholic ▪ l ▪ . c. . fol. ● . sanderus , de visib . monarch . l. . c. . ● . . malderus ▪ in . de virtu . theolog . q. . de object . fidei tract . de trad . q. unic . dub . . fundamentals were by succession delivered to the church , yet are they not alterable . the church of ierusalem as perfected in doctrine , and discipline , is our patern . acts . . mr. prynne , truth triumphing , &c. p. . mr. prynne , truth triumphing , p. . the indifferency of some things in the apostolick church , cannot infer that the government is alterable . ibid. ib. p. . mr. prynne , truth triuphing , p. , , , . the argument of moses his doing all to the least pin , in the tabernacle by speciall direction , considered . the ark of noah proveth the same . calvin , com. in gen. . . quare discamus per omnegenus impedimenta perrump●re , nec locum dare pravis cogitationibus quae s● dei verbo opponunt , hunc enim honorem haberi sibi , flagitat deus , ut ●um si●am●●s pronobis seper● . p. martyr in loc . nihil negligit fides , omnia pro viribus exoquitur , quaecunque scit deum v●lle : musculus moses fidem & obedientiam noah comprehendit , qua secundum verbum dei arcam construxit , vatablus hebraismus pro , quo fecit noah prorsus , ut ci preceperat deus . horantius in loc . catholic . l. . c. . so . ● constatcom plura dei spiritum post christi ascensionem ecclesiam do euisse , quorum , etsi a christo universal●m quandam , & in genere cognitionem habuissent fideles : non tamen in specie aut certè in numero , & singulariter unde universa fidei nostrae mysteria , & que ad religionem spectarent ( intelligit ceremonias ecclesiae ) omnia literis conscripta esse non sine igno ratione affirmare potest ( calvinus . ) mr. prynne , truth triumphing p. . hooker , . book eccle. pol. p . usher in his answer to the jesuits challenge of traditions pag. ● , . formalists acknowledge additions to the word of god , contra●y to deut . . & . . the same way that papists do . moses and canonick writers , are not law-givers under god , but organs of god in writing , & meer reporters of the law of god. papists say , that the chrch is limited in making ceremonies , both in matter and number , and so do forma lists . four wayes positives are alterable by god only . all things though never so smal , are a like unalterable , if they be stamped with gods authority ▪ speaking in the scripture . by what authority canonicall additions of the prophets and apostles were added to the books of moses . canonick writers how immediatly led by god. the characters of formalists , ceremonies , & papists traditions one and the same . book , eccles . pol. p. . pag. . what is it to be contained in scripture , and how far it maketh any thing unlawfull according to hooker . the fathers teach that all things in worship , are to be rejected that are no● in scripture basil . in ethicis , reg . cyril alex. glaphyro in g●●t . l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrys . hom . . in ioan. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concilen ▪ tridenti . c. . sess . . synodus traditiones ●ine scripto , atque scripturam paripictat is affectu , ac reverentia suscipit ac veneratur . ibib. p. . it derogateth nothing from the honour of god in scripture . that he be consulted in the meanest things . hooker l. . p. . how things are in scripture . pag. . some actions super naturally morall , some morall naturally or civilly , others are mixt . some habituall reference to scripture is required in all our morall actions . book ● . eccl. pol. p. . . book . p. . works of superogation holden by hooker . tanner . in . to . disp . . de relig. q. . dub. . aquinas . q. . art. . quando dicitur adorationem imaginum , non esse scriptam adeoque non esse licitam in cultu dei respondetur . apostoli familiari spiritus instinctu quaedam ecclesiis tradiderunt servanda , quae non reliquerunt in scriptis ; sed in observatione fidelium per successionem : colloquio helv●tiorum ita . eckius , collat. . concl . . audet ▪ hen. linick disserit enim . cont. luther , zwinglium ) dicere deum in nostris imaginibus christianis nullam habere complacentiam : quis ●oe ei retulit , sacrae literae non contradicunt . whither our obedience in church-policy , be ultimately resolved in this saith the lord , or in this saith the church . two things in the externall worship . . substantials . . accidentals . the question who should be judge of things necessary or indifferent is nothing to the present controversie . . honour . . praise . . glory . . reverence . . veneration . . devotion . . religion . service . . worship . love. . adoration , what they are . two acts of religion , imperated , or commanded , and elicite ▪ raphael . to . ● . in . q. . art. . disp . vnica . honoring of holy men is not worship . obedience . adoration . the religious object , with the act of reverencing , maketh adoration to be religious ; but a civill object , except the intention concur maketh not religious adoration of a civill object . martyr , comment . in king. c. . v. . what worship is ? worship is an immediate honoring of god , but some worship hon●reth him more immediately , some lesse . a twofold intention in worship . de la tor. tom . . in . q. . art. . si quis inter●ellarit idolum dicens expressis verbis , jupiter , deus meus adjuva me , quamvis conarctur fingere istam invocationem , de●estans interius jovem , et omnes falsos d●os , vere idolatra esset , quia ab illis verbis in separabilis est significatio ex hibendi cultum divinum idolo . vncovering of the head , is veneration , not adoration . corduba , l. . q. . dub . . consecration of churches taken two wayes . consecration of churches condemned durand ▪ rati . l. . c. . eusebius , l. . c. . , l. . c. , . hooker . ecl . pol. . book p , . mr. hookers fancied morall grounds of the holinesse of churches under the new testament answered . the place cor . have ye not houses , &c. makethnothing for hallowing of churches . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor the place , psal . . . the synague not gods house as the temple was . arg. . the negative argument from scripture valid . a morton defense of cere . gener . q ▪ . sect. . b burges , rejoynder , p. . c gregor . de valent. to . dis . q. . re● . ad . . obj . constat quandoquo dici non preceptum id quod adeo non est preceptum , ut sit etiam contra preceptum . not to command , is to forbid d morton gener . defe , c. . sect. , . e burges , rejoynder , c. . sect. . p. . of davids purpose to build the temple , how far it was lawfull . arg. . of additions . a basil . in morall . b hieron . in matth. . d cyprian epist . . e chrys . in tim. . f procopius , in deut. . g turtullian , de prescript adver . heret . h morton , burges , supra . c. , . p. . i duvallius , . delegibus , q. . art . . res . ad . . hoc tantum facito , id est , non offer as alia victimarum genera filios aut fili●s d●o , ut gentiles . k valent. tom . . disp . . q. . resp . ad . ▪ l vasquez , tom ▪ . in . desp . . c. . qui addit novum , non dicitur declinare . m bellarm. de pont . l. . c. . moses non alloquitur principes , quorum est leges condere ( et sic addere ) sed populum e●ius est obedire . n suarez de trip . virit . disp . . sect. . additiones non ▪ corrumpentes sed perficientes , non sunt additiones , dat● enim sunt a spiritu sancto . o ita cajeta . p bannes , in . q. . art. . non adduntur ▪ verbis dei ipsa dei verba . all additions , even these which perfecteth the word are unlawfull . p didocl . in alt . damasc . p. , . q vasqu . to . . in . disp . . cap. . respondetu● pontificem quidem nec extra generale concilium nec inill● posse statuere aliquid de fide quod non contineatur in principiis & articulis revelatis aut certissime ex iis colligatur . r vasq . ib. every morall act is to be warranted by the word . arg. . what is mans in worship is not lawfull . a zanchius , com. in hos . colligimus bin● omnes cultus qui non sunt ex deo , ex voluntate dei , ex cius verbo legeque desumpti , sed ex nobis aliisqite hominibus exeogitati sine dei verbo damnari . b pareus , humanum inventum . what is ours in gods worship , is unlawfull . scripture teacheth us us every practicall way . c rich. hooker , discip . book . p. , . , . . not all actions in man , but morall actions onely are regulated by the word . d eccles . , . . . luk. . thess . , , . helps of faith , and the formall object of faith are different . e sanderson in his sermon . f hooker book , eccles . pol. p. , . naturall reason is a part of scripture . iackson on the creed , . part. sanderson . what certitude of faith is required in all our actions of our daily conversation . tit. . . . the scripture a warrant for the morality of our acts of the second table , as for the acts of worship . many actions of the . table are mixt , and not purely morall , all the actions of the first table are purely morall . the contr●ry is the clear judgement of papists , as s●●rc● teacheth us , tom . de virt . et statu relig. l. . de superst . cap. . scriptura ipsa praecipit ●bscr●are vot● que qua tamen voluntarie non ex precepto promittuntur , et ratio naturalis dictat , non solum esse facienda bona praecepta , sed etiam esse utile , plura bona et honesta facere , quam prec●pta sunt . — und● etiam h●r●tici ipsi suos pe●uliares modos et ritus introducunt in modo colendi deum , qui non sunt in evangelio vel divina lege praecepti , imo nec ipsi inter se in bujusmodi ritibus comveniunt , &c. the iesuit speaketh of the ceremonies of lutherans ▪ and the prelaticall faction in england . what is beside the word of god in morals , is contrary to the word of god. a sanderson sermo . b morton burges supra . c paybod . par . . s. . p. . d d. iackson on the creed , l. . c ▪ . p. . the vanity of the perfection of scripture in essentials , not in accidentals . e giles widows , in his lawlesse kneelles puritan ( g ) bannes to . . . q. . art . . omne quod non est ex fide , idest , quod fit contra propriam conscienti●● est peccatum . f vasquez to . . . dis . . q. . art . c. . h vasquez to . . disp . . c. . i angelus verbo dubium c. . k corduba l. . q. . l navir . in cap. de penitentia dub . . n. . m vasquez to . . disp . . cap. . nec subditus dubius de justitia belli potest parere , quamdiu dubius manet . n adrianus in quod libet , punct . . ad art . . milites dubii cligerent sic partem dubiam & expo●erent se periculo injuste occidendi et praedandi non eundo tantum pecearent non obediendo . o suarez de tripl . virt . theol. tract . . disp . . sect. . p silvester verbo belli . . q. , c. . q gratian. d. . quest . . quod culpatur . r sanches jesuita cordubensis in decal . tom. . lib. . cap. . num. . whatsoever is not of faith , &c. how true . doubting condemneth . papists say the srcipture in generall is perfect , but not in particulars of worship , and so say formalists . w scotus , prolog . in senten . q. . ad art . . terminus praefixus [ theologiae ] quantum ad revelationem ▪ divinam est ●orum qu●●u●● in●sadra scriptura , sicut habetur ult . apocalyps . si quis ●pposucrit ad ista , apponet ei deus plagas quae contine●●ur in scriptura , & que possunt clici de ipsis x suarez de tripl . virt . theolog. tract . . disp . . sect. . ad perfectionem non est , quod omnia credenda contineat explicite , satis est enim quod contineat mysteria nostrae redemptionis , & substantialia fundamenta ecclesiae , cum mediis necessarijs ad salutem . y bellar. de effec . sacrament . cap ▪ . respons . ad arg. . christus ad plenum nos instruxit ( in scriptura ) de vcro dei cultu . bellar. respondet , id verum est de instructione generali , non autem de particulari . z vasquez tom. . in ▪ . disp . . cap. . nihil novi ( propositi ) statuere possunt , quod non pertineat ad pristi●um statum cujusque conservandum — pro libito ferre legem certe non licet . a bannes to. . in . q. . art. . ad . arg . . scriptura indicat nobis divini ●uminis sensum , non tamen in individuo , & in specie sed in communi & generali quadam ratione . b and duvallius in . thomae . tract . de legib . q. . art. . ad arg. . scriptura est sufficiens , quia ipsa omnia , tam ered●●da quam agenda impli●ite contineat , & propterea expresse ad ecclesiam tanquam ad columnam veritatis , tam in fide , quam in preceptis bene vivendi nos remittit . what is only negative in gods worship , cannot be commanded . opinion of sanctity & divine necessity , not essentiall to false worship . a morton , innocency of ceremonies generall defense c. . s. . b suarcz , to . de trip . vi●t . theol . tract . . dis . . s. . haec vero & similia ( traditionalia non scripta ) non adduntur scripturis ut fiant qua●i partes ●jus ( quod potest etiam censeri prohibitum ) sed adduntur ut cr●denda & servanda . the distinction of worship essentiall and accidentall of gods generall and particular will is to be rejected . a morton gener . def . cap. . s. . b burges treatise of kneeling . cap. . p. . a driedo de libert christ . l. . c. . ad arg . . non est in potestate legislatoris prout voluerit obligare ad mortale & veniale sed hoe provient ex materiaegravitate . b vasquez tom. . in . disput . . c. . neque enim in voluntate legislator is est obligare vel non obligare . a burges rejoynd c. . s. . p. . a suarez de relig . to . . de houest v●ti lib. . c. . n. . . b bellar. de esfic . sacram. l. c. . ad arg . . c suarez de tripl . virtut . tract . . dis . . sect. . d cajetan opusc . to . . tract . . e sotus de justific . l. c. . ar . f bellar. de verbo non scripto . g douna . l. . c. . h book p. . i sutluvius , de presbyt . c. . p. . k cyprian epist . . vnde ista traditio ? &c. si in evangelio praecipitur , aut in apostolorum epistolis , aut actibus continetur , & observetur divina et sanctahaes traditio . the distinction of divine and of apostolick traditions rejected . l beza an in loc . a burges rejoynder , cap. . sect. . p. . circumstances not positive religious observances as ceremonies are . a hogo grotius de jure belli , l. c. . n. . arg. . against humane ceremonies , because they usurp the essential properties of divine ordinances . b levit. . . exod. . . , . exod. . . . , . exod. . . cap. . . cap. . , , . cap. . , . a hooker , book . p. . a estius , , . dist . . s. . b palud . m. . d. . q. . art . . c cajet . in . q. . art . . d vasquez to . . de ado. disp . . c. . e ainsworth , commu . of saints . b burges rejoinder c. . sect. . p. . and in a treatise of kneeling , c. . q. . p. . c vasquez . p. to. . de ador . . c. . cum nos eas form as quibus deus apparuit d●pingimus , nolumus aliud quam bistoriam illam , & effectum ob oculos pon●re . d aquin. . q. . art . . ad . . et idco per aspectum hujus signi induccbantur in memoriam suae legis . a just . martyre dialog . cum tryph. ante medium . b irenaeus l. . c. . c epiphanius heres . d chrys . hom . . in gen. e ambros lib. . de abraham cap. . we owe subjection of conscience , collaterall only to the word . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the spirit worketh not with ceremonies . burges , rejoynder , c. . s. . p. , . ( b ) ammes , his fresh suit against ceremonies , ib. c suarez , tom . de legib . lib. . cap. . n. . praecepta ecclesiastica feruntur quatenus convenienti● sunt ad bonos more 's , ut res sacrae cum debito honore fiant ; consequenter vero interdum habent significationem moralem , quae homines excitat ad virtutem & spem gloriae . the place , matth. . touching traditions of the elders discussed . d janse●ius , concord . evange . p. . becanus the iesuit , in opusc . to . . de . analog . vet . et new test . cap. . q. . n. , , . reckoneth out three causes , why christ reproved all the traditions of the pharisees ▪ . because they sought vain glory in some of them , matth. . v. . . they sought gain of others of their traditions , matth. . . ● . they preferred some of them to weightier matters of gods law. ans . none of these toucheth the point in this text , because the tradition of washing hands , is reproved by christ for want of a lawfull author , and so the matter of it also was unlawfull ; for christ calleth it a doctrine of men . iv. arg. estius l. . ● . . p. b gregor ▪ de valent , to . . dis . q . pun . . s● effectus intentus superet vimmedii , erit superstitio . ceremonies magicall ▪ if the third commādment , command decency in its generality , as they say , then it must command decency in this , or this rite , as in surplice , crossing , &c. v. arg. iewish and popish ceremonies are professions of a false religion . arg. . d. ammes fresh suit . arg. . of religious kneeling . a rathael de la torres , or ▪ din. praedicat . tom . . in . tho. q. . tra . . disp . . b abulensis in levit . cap. . q. . c virgil. an. . et capiteante aras phrygio velatus amictu . d lod. vives com . in august . de civit . dei lib. . c. . e suarez . tom. . in . thom. q. art . . sect. . four things in adoration . f joannes de lugo , de myster . incarna● , dis . . sect. . n. . intention of worship not essentiall to worship . also to intend worship is essentiall to worship , as sincere and hearty ; ergo , ●● is not essentiall to worship in generall , as what is essentiall to the spece as such , is not essentiall to the general that com prehendeth that sp●ce . g field of the church , . book cap. . religious bowing of its nature , not by mans free and arbitrary intention signifieth divine adoration . a ioannes de lugo , de mystei incarnat , disp . . s. . n. . b suarez to . . in . q. . art . . s. . objection of suarez contending that intention of adoring is essentiall to adoration , removed . of the idolatrous worship of the iews and papists . the relative expression of god in the creature , no ground of adoring the creature . the iews believed not the golden calf to be really god. a bellar. contr . tom . . l. c. . b gregor . de valent. to . . dis . . q. . de idolat . punct . . c aquinas , par . . q. . art . . ad . . adorabant gentiles ipsas imagines ut res quasdans , credcutes iis in esse al● ▪ quid numi nis propter responsa quae daemones in ipsis dabant , & alios mirabilcs effectus . d vasquez , in . tom . . q. . disp . . art . . ver●ssimum est quod tradit augustinus gentiles pro dijs habuisse ipsamet simulachra , putantes in ipsis numen aliquod latere , cum illis responsa darent . e bellar. ibid. f abulensis , in exodus . g cajetan , in exodus . the adoring of images not forbidden by the ceremoniall , but by the morall law. a suarez tom . . q. . dis . . in . art . sect. . b bellar. to . . de relig . sanct . lib. . c. . the evasions of bellarmine and suarez answered . ( c ) joannes rotnaldus de idolatri● ecclesiae roman , lib. . cap. . ( d ) valent. ibid. ( c ) lindsey pretended bishop of edinbrough parth . assembly , pag. . a concil . triden . sess . . statuimus imagines in templis habendas & retinendas ijsquedebitum honorem & vencrationem impertiendam ; non quod credatur esse aliqua in his di vinitas , vel virtus propter quam sint colendae : sed quoniam honos qui iis exhibetur , refectur ad prototypa , quae illa repraesentant , ut per imagines quas osculamur , et coram qui bus caput aperimus & procumbimus , christum adorcmus & sanctos , quorum illasimilitudinem gerunt . papists did of old adore before , or at the presence of the image as a memorative signe , and yet were idolaters . two sort of signes . b vasquez tom . . in . art . . dis . . cap. . in imagine praeter ipsius prototypi excellentiam non potest esse aliqua virtus , cui cultus debeaturest enim in imagine solum irrationale & inanimatum excellenciae & sanctitatis exemplar , cui homo nequit digne sese submittere adoratione . c . synodus , quo scilicet per banc imaginum pictarum inspectionem , omnes qui contemplantur , ad prototyporum memoriam & desiderium veniant , illisque adorationem honorariam exhibeant , non secundum fidem nostram , veram latreiam . d arnobius lib. . gentes adorabans statuas , non quod as , aurum , argentum & similes statuarum materi● dij sint , sed quod corum , quae alias invisibiles sunt , praesentia per simulachra exhibeatur . e lactantius , de institut . ad constantium . lib. . cap. . non ipsa ( inquiunt gentes ) simulachra tim●nus , sed ea ad quorum imaginem facta , & quorum nominibus consecrata sunt . resp. lactantius nempe ●deo t●metis quod cos in caelis esse arbitramini , cur igitur o●ul●s in caelum non tollitis ? cur ad parictes lig●a & lapides potius , quam e● spectatis , ubi eos esse creditis . f act , . . g deut. . . isa . . . & . , , , . h concilium nicen . . qu●d si in recordationem atquc memoriam , ita quod salutari quâdam affectione in ipsa prototypa ferebantur ( catholici ) salutaverint & honorificè a●oraverint imaggines , non tamen ob id ill is latreiam exhibuera●t , aut divinam venerationem adscripserunt , absit haec calumnia . i concilium s●●●nense cap. . definit imagines debere adorari non quia in illis aliquid numinis creditur inesse , sed ob recordationem exemplaris . k concilium mogunt . cap. . pastores nostri populum accurate moncant imagnes non ad id proponi , ut adoremus aut colamus cas , sed ut quod adorare & col●re aut quarum rerum utiliter , — meminisse debemus , per imagines recordemur . l concil . mogunt . ib. sect. . codi●●m oculis perlustrans , cum ad venerabile & tremendum nomen , iesu devenerit , caput aperit , inclinatur , & suspirans in caelum oculos attolit , & ob id omni reprehensione & idolatriae suspicione caret ; siquidem non literas qu● vili atramento pinguntur , honorat , sed cogitatione & veneratione mentis suae ad eum honorandum & venerandum rapitur , cujus memoriam hae literae ei suggerunt . m alphons . de castro heraes . . denique adoratio ipsa , et si coram cruce fi● , meus tamen nostra ad id solum refertur quod crux ipsa repr●sentat . n thom. waldens ▪ de sacram . tom . . cap. . nu . . o grego . lib. . epist . ad secund. q. . p adrianus , de imaginibus , cap. . q concilium romanum sub stephano . et nos quidem non quasi ante divinitatem , ante illam ( imaginem aut elementa sacramentalia ) prosternimur , sed illam adoramus , quem per imaginem natum , passum , aut in throno seden●em recordamur . r suarez ; tom . in . disp . . sect. . ſ henriquez sum . theolog. moral . lib. . cap. . male quidam negant praedican ▪ dum populo , quod image christi si● adoranda . latreia . t cabrera , in . pag. thom. q. . art. . disp . . w azorius instit . moral . to . . l. . c. . x archangel . rubeo in . sent . d. . y jacob de graphijs , decisio . aur . p. i. l. . cap. . num . . vnamquanque imaginem , eodem cultu , quo illum cujus est image , verereremur . a raphael de la torres , sum . theolog. de relig . to . . in . q. . art . . disp . . q. . dub . . respondetur modus iste dicendi ( per accidens adorantur ) ●ic debet intelligi , idest per aliud , vel ( quod idem est ) ratione alterius ; hoc autem non arguit improprietatem adorationis , sed nega● adorationem excellentiae proprie & residentis in re adorata ; sic adoratur humanitas christi . see also bellarm. de imag c. . c. . neque dicendum eas impropre venerandas esse , quia quod non dicitur nisi improprie , simpliciter negari potest . diversevasions of papists touching the worshipping of images . b gabriel bi●l in can ▪ missae . lect . . fol. . c duran . lib. . dist . . q. . ● . . sed quia loqendum est ut plures , ideo commune dictum sic exponendum est , quod protanto dicitur imago sub ratione imaginis adorari eadem adoratione cum re , cujus est imago , quia ad praesentiā imaginis seu signifit rem●moratio rei , quam rememoratam adoramus , eadem adoratione ac si presens esset in se ▪ ●t ideo concedi potest quod signa et imagines adorantur . d greg. ● . de val●● . to . . dis . . q. . de idol pun . . e sept. syn. ar . . f l●●n . lib. . apol. syn. . ar . . g vasq . in . q. . ar . . dis . . c. . h g. bi●● in can . mis . lect . . fol. . i suarez tom . . in . quest . art . . disp . . sect. . qui visa pulchrae creaturae specie animo insurgit ad considerationem creatoris , & illum laudat acdiligit , non potest vere dic● landere ac diligore creaturam , etiam si presentia creaturae excitaverit a●●-rem creatoris ; ideoque tantum ( ●ic ) propter memoriam retinendae imagines . suarez is not content at the hungry and unproper expressione of durandus , mir●ndula , h●lcot . k gregor . de valent. to . . disp . . q. . de idolat . punct . . cum autem per idem officium & motum animi veré etiam dicimus honorem exhiberi imagini , verbo , illi exhiberi , hoc sub est , nos prototypon ex imagine cogitantes , coram ipsâ actionem honorificam proinde ac si prototypon similiter esset praesens , exercentes , velle prototypi excellentia protestari , adcoque de ipso excitare opinionem excellentem , ut est quodammodo , nimirum relative in imagine suâ . what need we dispute ? to give that externall knee-worship to bread , which we would give to christ substantially and personally present , is to adore bread . l bernar. puiol . de ador . disp . . sect. . quarto colligitur contra durandum ipsas imagines proprie adorari . m azor. instit . moral . tom . . lib. . c. . . distin . n vasquez ut supr . dis . . per totum . o joannes de lugo , de myst . incar . disp . . sect. . n. . p ibid. disp . . sect. . n. . joannes de lugo , ibid. q suarez , part . . to . . disp . . sect. . actus [ adorandi ] respectu prototypi est proprie latreia &c. respectu vero imaginis est inferior veneratio . . distin . r burges , lawfulnes of kneeling cap. . p. , . s p. , . t p. , . w edward , . book of engl. serv . rubr . . x joan. giseniue in ●uo patisi●o , disp . , n. . y didocl . in altari damasc . hospinianus de originc festorum christian . contra . gretser . profeste corporis christi , fol : . . arca non est bab●●a pro d●● vivente , — nec propterea adorata . so answereth molinaus in his buckler of faith of images , sect. . and fran. whites way to the church , cap. . pag. . z weames . volumn of the ceremon . law , cap. . pag. . the place ( worship at his footstool ) discussed . a arias montanus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b musculus . c calvine comment . in psal . . . d junius , annotation ibid. lyranus a dorandam deum aute arcam , non ipsam arcam . tylenus in syntag nat . de preca . disp . . th . . nu . . particula . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notat idem quod versus . vatablus adorate ad scabellum , i. e. in templo ante arcam . e gratian de conser . dist . . cap. . prayer may as lawfully be given to the creature as adoration . there is a prayer made to the image of the face of jesus written in linnen , salve sancta facies nostri redemptoris salve vultus domini imago beata , — nos deduc ad propria ● felix figura , ad videndum faciem qua est christi pura . f concilium tridentinum sessione , . g raphael de la torres in . q. art . disp . . dub . . eusebius , lib. . de praeparat . evang. teacheth us , that rudiores tantum ad ligna & lapides respiciunt , sapientes autem ( gentiles ) voluerunt deum & dci virtutes sensibus nostris per imagines nobis familiariter deferri . they made images books of god. athanasius in orat . contr . idolat . dieunt philosophi statuas quidem non essedcos , sed simulacbra deorum , ideo baberi ut dys sub istis imaginibus respondeant . h suarez , in . tho. q. . art . . disp . . sect. . * o crux ave . we may pray to images and the elements in the supper , as well as we may kneel to them . i suarez de tripli . virt . & supr . dis ▪ . sect. . pag. . k antonius capellus , adversusprimatum regis , angliae contrav . . cap. . l vasquez to . part . . q . art . . disp . . cap. . m suarez tom . . in . q. . art . . disp . . sect. . si tantum coram imaginibus adoratur deus , hoc multum derogat imaginum venerationi , nam ●x eo non tantum sequitur imagines [ clementa sacramentalia ] minus coli , quam exemplaria , sed etiam sequitur illas non coli omnius , — sed exemplaria tantum . n vasquez , tom . . part . . q. . disp . . cap. . nam iconomachi qui ad solam recordationem imaginibus utuntur , ante illas genu● a non flectunt nec se prostemunt ; sic enim ipsas not● exteriore adorarent , sed erecti absque ullo corporis gestu , qui reverentiam indicet , ●oram imagine exemplaris recordantur , & ipsum spiritu solum adorant . o gregorius mag. l. . epist . . if these be his epistles . p vasquez ibid. hee who adoreth a saint ( saith ioan. d● lugo de myster . inincarnat disp . . sect . . n. . ) for friendship and grace which hee hath arguitivè , by consequence hee worshipeth god of whom the man hath grace , yet it is not needfull that he formally adore god , and in recto in so doing for he may honour the saint and not formally honour god , for the saint and god are two divers objects . answ . this proveth our point , that when i adore an image , intending to adore god , some ●oule-adoration adhereth to the image , and that is a taste of gods proper glory given to a stocke , or a stone . q ioan. de lugo . de myst . incar . disp . . sect . . n. , , . & seq . respectus imaginis est quasi materialis & inanimatus , quia sic ap●rimus caput imagini , ut per illam actionem nihil velimus imagini dicere aut significare , sed soli exemplari , ad quod dirigitur ille actus pro ut significativus & prout civilis communicatio ; & ideo respectu illius solum videtur esse actio animata . de lugo ibid. hoc enim esset stultum mendacium , quia absoluté loquend● meliores sumus nos quam imago sancti petri. and conforme to this the seventh pretended and bastard councell calleth them halfe holy , and halfe true , halfe false worshipers of god , antonius capellus citeth it , advers . prim . regis anglia , c. . who will have images to stand onely for memorialls , but not to be worshipped . concil . seventh art . . p. . qui vero dicunt su●●icere usum imaginum ad memoriam solum , non vero ad salutationem ●as habentes illud quidem recipientes , hoc vero re●icien●es , s●miprobi quadantenus , & falso v●ti [ ut ita dicam ] deprehenduntur . answ . r de lugo ibid. . imagi●s vere cedo exterius , daudo illi meliorē & superiorem lo●um honorifice eam tracta●do . s orat. . d● imagin . t . synod act . . x iuo . part . sui decret . c. . y nicephorus hist . lib. . c. . z nicephorus hist . li. . c. . lib. . c. ● . a lib. . c. . b canisius lib. . de beata virgine , c. . divers fables touching images . c s●p . . d de idolo vanit . e euseb . lib. . c. . f august . contra adamant c. . g gregor . mag . epist , ad serenum massilien sem lib. . ep. . h voetius in desper . caus . papat . lib. . c. . sect . . i sympson . century of the worshipping of images , p. . k pet. molin●us buckler of faith of images , sect. . pag. . l bellarm de scrip . in chron. m genebrard ●hron . an . . p. . n barronius an. . observe that aeneas sylvius epist . . saith , ante ▪ nicenam synodum unusquisque sibi vivebat , quemadmodum sibi visum est , & paro●s respectus ad romanam ecclesiam ●abe●atur , a metropolitan bishop , a step to the popedome , was first created here in romes car●bage , constantin●ple , antiochia . o pontific . p paulus diaconus lib. . q bergomensis lib. . r synod franckford . s aventinus lib. . t hincmarus cap. . contra iandu●●ns●m . w vrspergens . in histor . x hincmarin . archiepiscopus remorum c. . cont . hincmarin . ●andunensem episcop . y eccius in e●chirid . z hospin . d● orig . imag . p . a calvin . justit . lib. . cap. . sect. . b iosephus antiq lib. . cap. . c euse● . bistor . lib. . cap. . d epist . plinii . ad imporat trajan . e euseb . histor . lib. . cap. . f bucol● . in alexand. severo . g symson . century cap. . h justin . martyr . in dialog . cum . trypho . & apolog . . i tertullian . apo . cap. . k magdeburgens . cent . . cap. . l apol. . . . m clemens alexand. in paraenetico . n in s. stromat . o catolog . testium veritat . lib. . pag. . p hospinian . d● origine imag . cap. . pag. ▪ q iren●us , l. . cap. . a cyprian cont . de ▪ metrianum . . b origen . cont . cel . sum . l. . c athanas . advers . gentes . d jewell against harding . art . of adora● . pag. , . e epiphanius lib. . cont . collyridianos . [ f ] idem ibid. ( g ) lactantius , institut . l. . cap. . etenim hominis imago necessaria tum videtur , cum procul abest , supervacua futura cum presto est , dei autem cujus spiritus ac numen ubique diffusum , abesse nunquam potest , semper utique imago supervacua est . the arguments of the ancients against images . h lactantius lib. . cap. . i ib. cur ad parietes & signa , & lapides potissimum quam illo spectatis , ubi cos esse credatis . ib. instit . div . l. . c. . k instit . l. . c. . l ibid. m instit . l . c. . n instit . l. . c. . o instit . l. . c. . p ibid. q instit . l. . c. . r ambros . officior l. . cap. . u chrys . l. . epist . . x tertullian apol et c●nt . valent . y eusebius hist . ec . l. . c . z origen cont . cles . l. . c. . a sozomen l. . c. . b euseb . in vita constan . l. ● . c joan armitants in explan●●io can . concilii gangren d tertull. lib. de idol . plutarch in vitae numae non dum ingenia grecorum atque tuscorum fingendis simulachris urbem inundaverunt , ita tertullian , apol. c. . ( f ) euseb . hist . eccles . l. . c. . f nicephorus l. . c. . g euseb . l. . c. . h sozomen tripart . histor . l. . c. . i otto phrisingensis l. . c. . k nicephorus l. . c. . l hospinian d● orig . templo cap. . pag. . m arnob. cont . gent. lib. . n ib. lib. . & lib. . a euseb . caesariens . epist . ad constantiam augustam . b hycron . cont . vigilantium , ad riparum presbiter . c ruffius hist . eccl . l. . c. . d ambro. in cap. . epist . ad rom. e ambros . offices l. . c. . f ibid. g ibid. h aug. epist . . i aug. de doct . christi . lib. . c. k de civit. dei l. . c. . l de civi● . dei lib. . c. . m august . in ps . . a august . in psal . . b chrysost . hom . . in math. c idem homil . . in math. d idem hom . . in mat. e hom. . ad pop . an . f in . c. is . g damascen de imagin . orat . . h gregor . lin . . ep . . perlatum est ad nos , quod inconsider●to zelo succensus sanctorum magines sub bac , quasi excusatione , ne adorari debuissent , confregeris , & quidem , quia cas adorari , vet●isses omnino laudamus , fregisse vero reprehendimus . k fran. whites way to the church , ch . , sect . . p. . l hospinian de origen imag. p. . m catol . test . veritat l. . p. . n greg. mag . lib. . ep . . o greg mag . lib. . dialo . p beda l. . c. . ad peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium habere n●scuntur . q beda l. . c. . adorare , salutare , colare , inhibemur pene in cunctis scripturae locis . r idem . l. . c. . ſ idem l. . c. . idem l. . c. . t ibid. w cod. l. . tit . . leg . . theodos . valentinian u lib. . cap. ● . x ephrem . secunde . y damascen de fid . orthod . l. . c. . z gretser . lib. . de ●ru● . c. . a ioseph lib. . c. . b hulcot in lib. sup . lect . . ioan. pic. mirandula conclus . . c peresius ajala de trad . pag. . de imagineque scripturam neque traditionem , neque communem sensum sanctorum , neque concilium generalis determinationem , neque etiam rationem adducunt . d gabriel biel in can. lec . . c d●cret . . dist . . c. . grego . d doway men , annot . sam. . . the blinde and the lame shall not enter in the temple . e alexand. alens . . p. q. . art . ult . f durand . l. . dist . . q. . g cassand . in consultatione ad ferdinandum & maximilianum art . an. . h concil . constantin●polit . an. . of . bishops . yea , this same second councel of nice , and the seventh epistle to the synod , condemneth nestorius of idolatry , and condemneth the arians as idolaters , who worshipped christ whom they believed to be a man onely : and athanasius , contr . arian . orati . . and nyssenus in laud. bas . and nazianzen , orati . . say . to adore a creature , though in the name of christ or god , is idolatry . a platina in vita marci . papae . b hospin . de orig . perogimatio . pag. . c symson , treatise of images , p. . d genebrad . in chron. l. . anno . e bellarm. de imag. l. c. . f suarez in . part . thom. q. . art . . dis . . sect. . g sanderus l. . de imag . c. . h alanus dial . c. . i naucl● . in chron. vol. . gener . . k sabellicus l. . enead , ad . . l blandus decad . . l. . m annonius in annalib . francorum . . anno. n abbot vspergens . in chron. anno . o charles the great of images . p aventinus , lib. . annal . a vspergens . in chron. anno . b eginradus in vita caroli magni . c cassander in consul . ad ferdinand . & maxmilian imp . d simson , treatise of images , pag. . e lorinus in art. . ver . . serpentem . conflari●jusfit non quod adorari vellet , nam postea confregit . f catol . test. verit. lib. . pag. , , . g caroli . lib. . cap. . h carlo . lib. . c. . i caro. lib. . cap. . caro. lib. . cap. . a white against fisher , p. . b matth. . , . cor. . . gal. . . act. . . ps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . c ambros . epist . . d gregor . in reg . l. . cap. . e augustine on these words , he that receiveth you receiveth me . f chrysos . on these same words a athanas . cont . arria . orat . . b basilus de spir . sanct . cap. . c peresius aiala in trad. . de imag . d august de ●era relig . cap. . e idem epist . . f conc. trident. sess . . g damasceu . l. . c. . h nicephor . in dial . constant . de imaginibus i suarez in . part thom. to . . q. . art . . disp . . sect. . k vasquez in . part ●om . . disp . ● . cap. . god not in the image as in a place . vasquez will have all things to be adored . joan. de lugo proveth the same by four reasons . a cajetan . . q. ● . art . . ad . . b leontius in dialog . . cont . judaeos . vt r●fertur in . synod . falsa act . . c joan. de lugo de myster . incarnat . disp . . sect. . n. . , . d leo. . serm. . de nativita abstinendum ab ipsa specic offi●ij . e salmeron in tim. . disp . . f alex. al●n . . p. q. . memb . . art . . sect . ● . g albertus dist . . art . . h bonavent . art . . q. . ad . in contrarium . i martuinus de ajala tract . de trad . . par . k abulens . deut. . q. & . l carol. lib. . cap. . m ibid. n carol. l. . cap. . a carol. l. . cap. . b carol. l. . cap. ● . c l. . c. . l. . c. . d l. . c. ● . e symson treats of the worshipping of images , pag. , . f concilium eleherio , cap. . placuit in ecclesiis picturas , non esse debere , ne quod colitur , aut adoratur , in parictibus pingatur . g ca●us line . cap. . h surjus tom. of concell . an in can . . cont . eliber . i sozomen l. . c. . b nicephor hist . l. . cap. . c prov. . ● . eph. . . ● thes . . . thess . . , . ● cor. ●● . phil. . . . tim. . . sitting the only convenient gesture . what is occasionall in the first supper . . arg. christ sate at the first supper . of kneeling , part . . pag. ●● ▪ part. . page . sitting a signe of our co-heireship . part . pag. . paybodie p. . . disputer against kneeling , arg. . c. . a signe of our coheirship may well consist with our inferiority in worshipping christ . arg. arg. . ceremonies fail against the authority of rulers . a pareus com. in rom. . dub . v. . how civill positive laws binde not the conscience . b pareus com. in rom. c. . dub. . c richard field on the church . book c. . d gerson de vita spir . part . . lect . . e greg. de val . to . . disp . . punct . . sect. ● . f suarez tom . de legibus lib. . cap. . h aquin. q. art . . ad . . i suar. deoper . . dierum tract . . disp . . sect. . num . . k ferra. c●●● . gente● cap. . l conrad . . q. . art . a twofold goodnesse in things . the will of authority cannot treate goodnesse in things . m ● . f. de con●●i● . prineip . qu●d principi placuit , legis babet vigorem , est verum de placito justo . n carduba in sum quest . . part . o thom. . q. . art . . p soto de inst . leg . . . . art . . q medin● ▪ c. de paenitentia tract . . de jujun . c. . r adrian quod . . art . . ſ navar. in sum . cap. . num . . t driedo l. . de liber christ . c. . ad . . u castro lib. . de lege pena ▪ c. . x august . de baptis . l. c. . y cajet . verbo pracepti transgressio . z silvest . verbo praecept . q. . a angelus verb. lex . . . b corduba q. . part . . rat . . . c gers . de vit . spir . lect . . c. . nulla lex s●reuda est tanquam necessaria ad salutem , qu● non est de jure divino . d durand . l. . d. . q. . numb . . si papa praeciperet monacho ea quae sum contra suam professionem , non motus aliqua necessitate vel utilitate ecclesiae , sed sola voluntate , & de hoc constaret , & abbas praeciperet , contrarium , obediendum esset abbati , & non papae . e suarez tom. de leg . lib. . c. . f greg. de valent . tom . . disp . . q. . punct . . sect. . humane lawes oblige onely in so farre as they agree with the law of god. g medina tract . de jejunio cap. . h almain . moral . c. . i gers . uti supra . k vasquez . disp . c. . num . . praecipient is intentio non facit praeceptum habere majorem vel minorem obligandi , efficaciam , sed necesfi●as , diguitas , vel utilitas corum quae praecipiuntur . l dried● de lib. christ . l. . c. . ad . m pareus com . in rom. . v. . dub. . conclus . . n calvin inst . l. . c. . sect. . . o beza in notis in rom. . a twofold consideration of humane laws . p iason . q baldus in rubrica ▪ f●de acquirendis b●reditatibus nu . . & seq . r bellarm. tom . . cont . . l. . c. . s vasquez tom . in . disp . . cap. . t valent. tom . . disp . . q. . punct . . v doctor iackson on the creed , lib. . cap. how inferiour rulers are subordinate to god in commanding . x bellar cont . barclai . cap. . bon● sensu christus dedit petro potestatem faciend● de ▪ peccato non peccatum , & de non peccato peccatum . humane authority is not the nearest or instrumentall cause of lawes . y stapleton de statu eccles . cont . . q. art . . z field on the church , booke . . c. . a gerson b almain oper . moral . cap. . c decius namco●●upiscen . lect . . d mencha questionum illustrium l. . c. . num . . e iunius animadv . f doctor iackson . g sutluvius de presbyter c. . . sic non magis ecclesiae & synodo log●s scribere & promulga●e liceres , quam popul● & subditis sibil●ge● co●de●● pr●ter sui principis ▪ & magistratus voluntatem , si nimirum christus esset extern● politiae legislator . h bellar. de interp ▪ verbi lib ▪ . cap. . a double obedience due to rulers , objective and subjective . ( i ) ▪ thes . . . esa . . . ●er . . . ezek. . . objective obedience no more due to rulers then to equalls . ibid. p. ▪ . false rules of obedience to rulers proposed by doctor jackson refuted . . rule . a hooker churchpolicy . book p. . . b suarez de relig. tom . lib. . tract . . cap. . considerare , ●rg● aporte● a● secluso precepto res sit , utraque ex parte probabilis , & tunc universaliter verum erit , adjuncto praecepto , obediendum esse . c thomas sanches jesuita cordubensis in decalog . tom . . l. . c. . n. . quado subditus dubius est an res precepta , sitlicita nec ne tenetur obedire & exeusatur abpreceptun superioris . d ignat. loyola . cat . jesuit lib. . cap. . & . prudentia non obedicntis , sed imperantis est item non est dignus nomine obedientis , qui legittimo superiori , non cum voluntate judicum suum submittit . e greg. d● valentia ▪ to . . dis . . q. . punct . . subditus non suo judicio atque authoritati nititur superioris . f vasquez . q. ▪ disp . . c. . num . ● . g salas . q ▪ . tract . . disp . unic . sect ▪ . num . . the good nesse of obedience to rulers cannot countervalue the evil in the manner of doing with a doubting conscience and so sinfully . i vasquez in . ●om . . disp . . cap. . k c●ssian . collat . . cap. ▪ l chrys●●● ▪ oper . imperf . fi ejus ●it opus , homil . . cap. . m ambr. lib. i●de offic . cap. . n aquin. . q. . art . . o bellar. de pont if . rom l. . cap. . quiounque potest precipere , polest etiam actum indifferentem suo precepto facere necessarium , & per se bonum . p silvest . in voce abrogat . q tartar. in moral . cap. . & . r river . catho . orth . tom . . q. . tract . . q. ſ field l. . cap. . t pareus . u soto l. . de just . q. . art . . x sylvest . verb● in obedientia in ●i●c . y jo : eselius , in ezpos . decall . praecept . . cap. . z cap. . de constit . rem , quae culpa caret , in damnum vocari non convenit . other arguments for the obligation of humane laws answered . a ambros . b anselm . c theodoretus in loc . rom . d chrysos . in rom. . hom . . e navar. in sum . cap. . numb . . f felinus , cap. . de sponsalib . n. . g taraqu . prefat de utroque retractu . n. . what it is to resist the ruler . h lodovi merat . par . . tract . de leg disp . . sect. . i merat . ib. sect. . why men cannot make laws that layeth a tye on the conscience . that christ hath a spirituall kingdom , not only in the power of preaching the word , but also in the power of the keys , by discipline . that there is such a divine ordinance as excommunication . objections against excommunication removed . praelee . in math. . ver . . page . we mayrebuke our brother in a prudent way . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 erastus . mat. . object . . the church mat. . is not the civill sanedrim . how publicans were excluded from the temple . a d●u● . . , , , , . i'sa . . . lam. . . b lev. . lev. . kin. . . kin. . . . ● chro. . . chro. . , . neh. . , psa . . . psal . . . psal . . . psal . . . psa . . . ier. . . ezech. . . eze. . . ioel . . obad. v. mi● . . . hag. . . zach. . . theophylact in math. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . object . . beza de de presbyterio & excom . p. . joseph de bello iudai● l. . c. . pharisaei omnia pro arbitrio administrabant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lucian . dialo . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so doth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 num. . . signifie . binding and loosing acts judiciall . a camero prelect . in mat. . b vatablus on esay . c calvin prelect . in esay , d muscu . com , ibid , e gualther homil. in loc . f piscator shol . in esa . g beza on mat. . h pareus comment . in mat. . ( i ) cotton keyes of the kingdome p. . beza de pres byter , pag. , . that excommunication is a divine ordinance is proved by cor. . to deliver to satan is not miraculous killing . the essentials of excommunication , cor , . cutting off not alwaies killing . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab interi●re popul●rum sacrum ▪ morall guiltinesse excluded men from holy things amongst the iews . the place ezekiel . v. . . . . to be fulfilled under the new testament . object . ceremoniall exclusion from holy things under the old , did tipifie exclusion for morall uncleannesse under the new testament . levit. . ● . the churches exclusion from the seales declarative , not coactive by violence . remonstrant in apollo . censures applied to some by name . arg. . eschewing the society of scandalous church members must be a church censure . the hindering of jezabel by preaching onely not sufficient . debarring of the scandalous from the seals pro●ed . it belongeth not to the magistrate to ● debar from the seals . thomas erastus lib. . confirmat . thesium lib. . ● . . pag. . nam et sacramenta sub sub 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nomine comprehendi concedo . erastus , confi . thes . l. . c. . pag. . qui membra externae volunt ecclesiae videri , illi non calcabunt sacramenta nec offere●tem laniare tentabunt , & fiquis talis reperiatur hune ego minime admittendum cense● . confirmati● thosium erast . cons●● . thes . l. . c. . p. . erast . will have no man excluded from the sacraments pag. . si per subductionem pabuli intelligis verbi aut sacramentorum negationem , de tu● hoc dicis , non l●queris cum scripturis , quae nusquam jubent pabula haec subducere . according to erastus his way we cannot deny the seals to a turk . p. , . toexclude men from the kingdom of heaven not one with excommunication pag. . excommunication is no reall separation of one from christs invisible body . pag. . p. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . ● though excommunication be onely declarative , yet it is not empty . cap. . l. . p. . putting out cor. . excommunicating . lib. ● . c. . pag. . whether erastus doth prove that none were excluded amongst the iewes from the sacraments for morall uncleannesse . a twofold forgivenesse . pag. . all are invited to the sacramēts , but not that they come any way they please . the question whether all should be admitted to the lords supper perverted by erastus . cap. . l. . p. . lib. . c. . pag. . et si quis talis ( qui caleabit sacramenta ) reperiatur hunc ego numinè admittendum censeo . pag. . two sorts of signes , some purely holy some partly holy , partly necessary for the bodily life . pag. . p. , . all are commanded to hear the word , but not to come to the supper . arg. . page . page . confirm . thes . l. . c. . p. . . . . . . ceremoniall uncleannes typified exclusion out of the visible church for scandals , not out of the kingdome of heaven . page . page , , , . page . page . at nemo propter ingenitam naturae corruptionem p●nitur . page . legall uncleannesse was sin . page . lib. ● . c. . p. . . the scope and sense of mat. . perverted by erastus . our saviour speaks of all , not of private and lesser scandals onely . page . in thes . . by the word brother is not meant a iew onely . erast . conf . thes . l. . ● . . p. . sive facinorosos facinoris paeniteret , sive non paeniteret , paena non minuebatur . l. . cap. . page . thes . . p. . pag. . christs speaking in the second person , argueth not the privacy of the scandall . page . page . . a twofold forgiving . thes . . page . page . christ speaketh not of such sins as private men may forgive as erastus dreameth . christs scope spiritual , erast . his way is carnall . thes . . pag. . lib. . c. p. . pag. . . pag. . a publican most odious to the iews . lib. . c. . p. , . page . p. . . pag. . . a publican most odious to the iewes . no private forgivenesse , mat. . pag. . ●ed si docendo ( pri●atus ) aliquem ad duxcrit , ut peccata sua agnoscat , et ex certa side ●● dei be ●●gnitate propter meritum christi acquiescat , an non solutus erit ? si frustrā moneat ac doceat , an non qui●sic perti●aciter salutem re pudiat , ●●gatus . binding and loosing proper to stewards . page . page . to excommunicate is not formally to debarre from the seales . page . page . pag. . . thes . . . thes . . pag. . christ might well give directions for a church not yet erected . lib. . cap. . p. . vestra igitur excommunicatio nihil aliud est , quam inan● sigmentum hominum imperare , aliis cupie●tium . thes . . , . the cor. . vindicated from erastus his glosse . lib. . c. . pag. , . pag. . the prayers of the church interveen not for this particular miracle . faith of miracles to pray for this miracle not in all the faithfull at ▪ corinth . delivering to satan not miraculous . lib. . c. . p. . page . thes . . p. . p. . page . num. . . . cor. . . page . page . . the church , not paul alone had hand in delivering the man to satan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●st intersiccre . p. . in thes . . to be delivered to satan . pag. . the destruction of the flesh . chrysostom . homil. . in cor. pet. molineus in suo vate opuscule eruditissimo . lib. . cap. . pag. . hyeronymus in cap. . ad galat. walens do . discr . magist . pol. to . . arg. . fol. . in vate . l. . cap. . p. , . ambrosius lib. . de penitentia . hyeronymus in c. . ad galar . augusti . l. . de serm . domi in mont. cap. . chrysostom hom . . in cor. molineus loc cit . piscator cor. . zanchius com . in thess . . citeth these words , cor. . . , . for excommunication . thes . . pag. . thes . . . thes . . page . page . hymeneus and alexander not killed by satan . page . page . page . page . page . . page . . . delivering to satan not miraculous . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to put away not always to kill . leigh in critica sacra , pag. . lib. . cap. . p. . to eschew the scandalous a mean to save them . lib. . c. . pag. . the simi litude of a cut off member to hold forth excommucation vindicated . page . no warrant that the apostles killed any by the ministery of satan . pag. . . no miraculous faith required in the corinthians for the killing of the man. page , . page . . of the leaven . cor. . beza contr . erastum de presbyterie , pag. . buxtorfius in lexico , rabinco . pag. in voc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 buxtorfius in lex . rabbi pag. . what it is to purge out the leaven . none killed for eating leavened bread . pag. . to eat the passeover with unleavened bread a violation of that sacrament . putting away of leaven . page . page . de presbyt . page . what is meant by the whole lumpe ; and what by leaven . hymeneus and alexander not miraculously killed by satan . erastus his expositions all without ground of scripture . l. . c ▪ . p. . ▪ pag . how eschewing intimate fellowship with a scandalous brother , is a church-censure . sacraments though helps of piety , yet not to be given to all . erastus p. . ●●●erum sacrament● esse adminicula pi●tatis & salutis , nullus ●●gat , proi●de non sunt h●● , ●●ganda petentibus , &c. pag. . erastus his contradiction , in excluding both some and none at all from the sacraments . pag. . nam de illis solis ( an arcendi sint a sacramentis ) disputamus qui peccatum suum agnoscunt , & ●eliora promittunt . pag. . pag. . . how withdrawing from scandalous brethren , may inferre excommunication . pag. . . page . pag. . pag. . . pag . the scandalous are forbidden to come to the sacraments . de rect● institutis ego me sem per disputa re protestatus fui . an evident contradiction in erastus through his whole book . lib. . c. . p. . . lib. . c. . pag. . whom erastus excludeth from the sacraments pag. . . page . page . page . some on earth must try who are to be admitted to , or debarred from the sacrament , who not . pag. . pendet haec opinia ●ua , ex opinione & judicio hominum . page . erastus li. . ca. . pag. . beza de pre●byt . pag . pag. . the place gal. . . vindicated . pag . . pag. . de presbyterio , paul did not judicially condemne the incestuous man. pag. . . to eschew the scandalous is materially to excommunicatethem . tit. . . ioh . . erastusl . . c. . c. . p. . . what presbyteries erastus yeildeth . pag. . a presbytery at corinth . pag. . erastus granteth an examination of such as are to be admitted to the sacraments , but denieth all exclusion . pag. . pag. . page . lib. . the places deut. . and chron. ● do prove two different judicatures . page . how the kingly and priestly office are different . lib. . c. . page . erastus denieth the ministery to be a peculiar ordinance to some onely , but common to all under the new testament . page . . two distinct iudicatures , chron. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. . pag. . magistrates are not to dispense the word and sacraments as erastus saith . the magistrate is not to judge who are to be admitted to the sacraments , who not . l. . c. . ex equo n●s omnes esse sacerdotes . erastus ib. . answer to the l. . c. . of erastus . p. . how erastus confuteth a presbytery . page ● . page . . a church judicature in the iewish church deut. . page . page . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the priests put no man to death . page . page . page . . page . teaching and judgeing not one . the civill iudge as a iudge cannot teach . page . page . . erastus maketh the magistrate and the priest or pastor formally one . clar. vir. antonius wale●●s , tom. . pag. . wtenbogardus . auraonem subijci mosi . magistratus esse instauratores , & directores cultus dci , secundum verebum dci , sc● doctores esse tantum religion is ministros , & magistratum populum docere per ●●cl●s●● ministrum ; ministros autem hec facere à et sub magistrate . page . pag. . what are the matters of the lord and of the king , chron. . pag. , . page . levites sometime imployed in civill businesse . erastus l. . c. . page . the power of the civill magistrate . men have need of two sorts of governours . magistracie and ministery , both supream in their on we kinde . pag. . . . erastus alloweth no government , but popedome and monarchy . p. . . pag. . . . page . page . christs kingdome how not of this world. cap. . l. . , , . pag. . moses , david , solomon , appointed to the priests nothing in gods worship as kings . erastus l. . cap. . pag. , . de presb. p. . the priests in matters of death , judged only de questione iuris , of the question of law. pag. , . the priests and levites had no law-power by gods law or from cesar , to put christ to death . pag. . the sanedrim had no law-power against steven . the like is true of paul. pag. . pag. . . how the christian magistrate is to be acquainted with excommunication . page . erastus l. . c. . c. . beza de presbyter . p. . a colledge of church-rulers in the n. t. pa. . page . pag. . pa. . beza de presbyt . p. . . page . beza de presbyt . p. . . page . page . . due right of presbyteries , qu. . c. . sect . . page , , . seque page . page . erastus l. . c. . p. . . page . no miraculous killing cor. . or tormenting of the mans body . page . pa. . lib. . c. . erast . . page . page ● . erastus yieldeth there is a presbytery . the magistrate under church discipline . annot. on the bible , an. . in zach. . . a judicature proper to the priests as priests . page . page . page . erastus , quis unquam dubitavit , an ministris liceat improbe age●tes , magistratus , ex verb● dei , objurgare , arguere , reprehendere , increpare , adeoque solvere & ligare ? page . . how the magistrates consent is requisite in excommunication . page . the magistrats sword no kindly mean to gain souls , as erastus dreameth . rom. . . l. . c. . p. . . page . . page . the morally unclean debarred out of the temple . page . no price of a whore to be offered to god ; what it meant . annot. an . . an . ou deut. . . vata . in loc . que injustè parta sunt , nullo modo offerri debent deo. page . our chiefe argument for excommunication not answered . page . . the place matth . when thou bringest thy gift , &c. discussed . page . . how men doe judge of inward actions . page . solus deus ut sine errore cogitationes judicat , ita easdem quoque pu . nit . ib. in rectione e●terna eccles●e infinite falli omnes possumu● , quamobr●n s●ccr● bio nihil debemus , quam mandatum expresse nobi● l●gimus . page . lib. . c. . a contradiction in erastus frequent . page . page . . . what it was to be cast out of the synagogue . page . . page ● . the apostles not cast out of thy synagogue , that we can read . navar. in ench●rid . c. . . n. . greg. q. . c. . page . page . annot. an . . on ezra . . annot. an . . on deut. . . erastus ib. . non igitur noluit deus hosc● circumcidi , & in templum atque ad sacramenta admitti , sed noluit proveris judaeis ●os haberi . erastus . l. c. . p. . page . ministers subject to the magistrate . p. . . page . p. , . page . page . page . page . though there were no framed christian church , yet christ might say , tell the church . p. . pagninu● , merc. in thesaur . p. . page . . page . there was no more a right constituted sanedrim in christs time , then a christian church . page . page . page . iunius ●nim●● . in bellar . d●●o●ci● . l. . c. . not. . de●●●iente conjunctione magistratus , potest a liquid ecclesia extra ordi●em ●ace●e , quod ordinario non potest , & contra deficiente ecclesià à suo officio , potest magistratus extra ordinem procurar● ut ecclesia ad officium r●de●● , id ●nim juris communis est , extraordinariis ma●is remedia etiam extra ordinem adhiberi posse . page , . page . rebuking of princes argue no lesse jurisdiction , then all that the presbytery doth . erastus l. . c. . p. . . magistrates if scandalous are to be debarred from the sacrament . p. . page . page . page . every profession maketh not men capable of the holy things of god. page . . page . page . . ●● . page . erast . l. . c. . p. . page . erastus sequitur ( si faci●orosi sint arcendi ● sacrament is ) eligendos esse qui malis interdieant oratione , lectione , elcemosynarum distributione , &c. the magistrate cannot admit , to , and debar from the sacrament . page . the sword no intrinsecall mean of gaining souls . page . page . . the church as the church not subordinate to the magistrate . arg. . ezek. ▪ . governement peculiar to the officers now , as to the priests and levites of old . the epistles to timothy and titus must chiefly be written to the emperour and magistrate , if pastors be but servants of the magistrate . argum. . trigland . de civi . & eceles . potest . disser . theolo . c. . p. . arg. . civill and ecclesiasticall powers immediatly from god. the magistrate not subordinate to christ as mediator . argum. . the patern church of the apostles not ruled by the magistrate . erast . and mr. pryn grant , that there is such an ordinance as excommunication . confirm . thes . l. . c. . p. . sane ut ●dololatram & apostatam nega●●us membram esse ecclesiae christi sie etiam nequit●am s●am defendentem , inter membra ecclesiae censendum esse . et quemadmodum illes ex christiano caetu judicamus exterminandos , sic hos quoque putamus in eo catu non esse ferendos . erastus confirm . thes . l. . c. . p. . mr. pryn in his vindication of four serious questions , p. . . vindication of four serious questions page . the gospel preached to those to whom the sacraments cannot be dispensed . the sacrament a confirming ordinance . vindication p. . we partake of the sins of many in dispensing to them the sacrament , and not in preaching to them the word ▪ vi●d . p. vindication p. . . we know no extraordinary conversion by miracles without the word . andrad . defens . fidei , trid. l. . p. . falsa sunt haec plerunque , plerunque infirma etiam ec●lcsiae verae judicia . maldonat . in ▪ mat. . v. . greg. de val●n . t●m . . dis . . p. . sect . . bellarm. de lib. arb . lib. . cap. . durandus quest . . in prolegom . sent. sect. . the sacrament of the supper not a first converting ordinance ; ye● a confirming one it is . the lord● supper presupposeth faith and conversion in the worthy receiver in church-profession . vindicat. pag . . vindicat. page . arg. . the magistrate subject to the church . argum. . arg. ● . the church a perfect society without the magistrate . vtenbogard . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; eusebius , de vita constant . l. . c. ▪ hyeronimu● in chron . an . . genebrard . in liberio . niceph. l. . c. . socr ▪ l. . c. . hyeronim . chron . an . . barron . an . . arg. . differences between the magistrate and ministers of the gospel and church . the magistrate cannot limit the pastor in the exercise of his calling . see henr. salcobrig . in becano . bac. p. . ait regem esse primatam ecclesia anglicanae , and rege● s●cro olc● uncti capaces sunt spiritualis jurisdictionis , rex propri● autorite creat . episcopus . see cald. ●u altar . dam. p. , , . seq . that magistrates are more hot against punishing of sin by the church , then against sinfull omissions , which argueth that they are unpatient of christs yoak , rather then that they desire to vindicate the liberty of the subject in this point . not any power or office subject to any , but to god immediately , subjection is properly of persons . a magistrate and a christian different . two things in a christian magistrate , jus authoritie , aptitudo , habilitie . pare●● com. in rom. . dub . iac. triglandius de potest civ . & ecclesiastica c. . , . vbi nam inju●xit christus magistratui christiano ut oves christi quae ●ales regat . christianity maketh no new power of , or to magistrates . jac. trig. land . di●●er . theo. de potest . civ . c. . p. . a fourfold consideration of the exercise of ministerial power most necessary , upon which & the former distinctions , followeth ten very considerable assertions . . assert . the magistrate as the magistrate commandeth the exercise of ministeriall power , but not the spirituall and sincere manner of the exercise . magistrates as godly men , not as magistrates command sincerity and zeal in the manner of the exercise of ministeriall power . augustin . contr . literas petilian . l. . c. . & contr . cresconi . l. . c. . reges serviunt d●o in quantum sunt homines , & in quantum sunt reges . exo. . deu. . . . d●u . . . a two fold good in a christian magistrate , essentiall , accidentall . asser . . the magistrate as such commandeth only in order to temporary reward , and punisheth , and layeth no commands on the constience . nota. nota. magistrates as magistrates forbid not sin as sin under the paine of eternall wrath . two sorts of subordinations civill , ecclesiastick . ministers not the ambassadors of an earthly king , but of the king of kings . church officers as such not subordinate to the magistrate . see the arminian remonstrance in apol. c. . fol. , . what power erastiaus give to magistrates in church matters ▪ the minde of arminians touching the magistrates power in church matters . remonstrant arminian c. . p. ●●c . trig. de potest . 〈…〉 . & eccelesiastica diss●●tatio , th●●l . p. t●m●lorum usus & s●ipe●●iorum publ●●orum ●●● in re nihil potest . ille enimextrins●●us accedit ad res ecclesiasticas , eorumque naturam atque indolem nihil immutat . a threefold consideration of the magistrate in relation to the church course of conformity , part . pag. . reciprocation of subordina●●●ns between church and magistrate . a●t . walens , p. . de quatenus pastor subjiciatur magist . pag. , . iac. trig. disser . thel . de potest . civ . & ecclesi . c. . pag. . profess . leyden in syno . purioris . theol. dis . de disc . ecclesi . & de magistrati . zipperus de p●lit●a ecclesiast . l. . c. . calvinus insti . l. . c. . pet. cabel iavins in apol●g●tico rescript pro libert . ecelesi . c. . p. . m. cot. in a model of church and civill power . p. matyr . loc . communi . l. . c. . d. pareus in prefat . ad h●seam . epist . ad langravi . august . confess . artic. de pot●st . ecclesi . helv. confess . anno . art. . suevica confess . art. . saxonica art. . anglic. fol. . scotic ▪ confess . the ministers as ministers neither magistrates nor subjects . the magistrate as such neither manageth his office under christ as mediator , nor under satan , but under god as creator . a prince as a gifted christian may preach and spread the gospell to a land where the gospell hath not bin heard before , but not as a magistrate . ità videlius ep. const . quest . . vtenbogard cont . pontific . primat . p. , , anto. wal. p. . p. , . cabcl iavius apol . disser . de l. eccles . c. . p. . iac. trig. des . thho . the king and the priest kept the book of the law , but in a farre different way . bloody tenent , cap. . page . c. . ●a . . c. . pa. . the pastors and the iudges do reciprocally judge and censure one another . god hath not given a power to the magistrate and church and to judge contrary wayes , justly and unjustly in one and the same cause . bloody te. c. . p. ● . bellarmine de laicis c. . c. . slatius i● aperta declaratione . p. . magistratus non valet sub pena●terne condemnation is gladio uti , aut dominatum petere , quisquus id facit , christianus non est . welsing . lib. de offici● homi . christiani . p. . sim. epis . dis . . c. . . divers opinions of the magistrates power in causes eccle●iasticall . it is one thing to complain to the magistrate , another thing to appeal . what an appeal is . refuge to the magistrate , is not an appeal . a twofold appeal . de lib. eceles . c. . p. , . iac. trig. de civili & ecclesiastic . potest . ● . . p. . . mr. pryn his truth triumphing sect . . and . p. , , &c. . sect. ▪ , , . prinne . truth triump . p. . the magistrates punishing , or his interest of faith proveth him not be a judge in synods . truth triumphing , sect . . , . page . of pauls appeal to cesar , that it proveth not that in ecclesiasticall controversies we may appeal to heathen or christian magistrates as to iudges of matters ecclesiastick , from the church . paul appealed from an inferiour civill judge to a superiour civill and heathen judge , in a matter of his life , not in a matter of religion . what power a conquerour hath to set up a religion in a conquered nation . videlius de episcopat . constant . p. . vtenbogard . p. . camero . prel●ct . in mat. . v. . . tu es p●trus . p. . due right of presbyteries . p. . . &c. camero , , . . there were no appeals made to the godly emperors of old . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to lay bands on the conscience of the prince to tye him to blind obedience , popish , not our doctrine . platina . in bonifac. . baronius an . . n. . baronius . an . . n. . baroni . an . . onuphorius an , . . mr. prinne truth triumphing . remonstr . in apolog . p. . esse papatus corculum , esse id ipsum in quo ●i●a est f●rma papatus , five papalis hierar ●bi●s . remonstr . in apolog . so stapleton , bellarmine and other papists argue . the magistrate as a magistrate cannot forbid sin as sin . the magistrate as the magistrate promoteth christs mediatory kingdom materially , not directly and formally . the magistrate as such not the vicar of the mediator christ . the adversaries in the doctrine of the magistrate popish , not we at all . andreas rivetus iesuit . vapul . in castigati notarum in epist . ad balsacum edit . . c. ● . page . christus neque reges neque principes instituit in ecclesia , sed neque successores habet , neque vicarios quibus competat jus dominatus , ministros tantum instituit , nomine principis unius legatione , legati● autem neque legatos , neque reges , neque principes , constituit legatos , sed ministros qui serviunt , non regnant . in regno christi solus ille spiritualiter regnat ; servi summi regis , regnum sui principis promovent , nec unquam sibi usurpa●t regalia jura . cardinall bertrandus tract . de orig . jurisd . q. . n. . non videretur diseretus dominus ( ut cum reverentiâ ejus loquar ) nisi unieum post se talem vicarium reliquisset ▪ qui haec omnia posset , armacan , l. . quest . armen . c. . becan . tom . . opuscul . suarez tom . de incarnat . christi diso . . sect . . aegid . conninck . de incarnat . disp . . dub . . ● . p. . communior itaque doctorum sententia , christum etiam q●â hominem habere veram potestatem regiam , ac directum dominium in omnia regna mundi , &c. august . de ancona , de potest papae , q. . art . quia est eadem jurisdictio delegantis & delegati , coninck . tom . de incarn . disp . ▪ dub . . vasquez tom . de incarnat : disp . . c. . &c. . pet. wald. de incar . dis . . de adop . & dominio christi , dub . . n. , . pastors are made inferiour magistrates by the adversaries in their whole ministery . the magistrate as such not the vicar of the mediatory kingdome . brotherly re-examination , pag. . christian magistracy no ecclesiasticall administration . mr. coleman re-examination , pag. ● . heathen magistrates as such are not obliged to promote christs mediatory kingdom . magistracy from the law of nations . suarez to . . de legi l. . c. . qui dat formam , dat consequenti● ad formam . l. . in prinf●de instit . & jure cod . tit . c. jus ●at . . dispitemdominium est jus quoddam l. fin . ad med . c. de long . temp . prestit . l. qui usum fert . f●rd . vasq . illust . quest . l. . c. . ● . , . d. cl . salmasius de primatu papae par . . cap. . page . eam ( jurisdictionem patriarchalem ) omnem haud mi●●● quam ipsi metropolitani , aut rescriptis principium , aut sanctionibus patrum synodalibus , acceptam refer ant oportet , non ulli institutioni divinae . the adversaries must teach universall redemption . cl. salmasius de primatri pape , . part. in apparatu , p. . . nullum jus in corpora ●abuernat ut magistratus civiles , sad animarum curam gerebant ut veri pastores docere , pascere munera fuere spiritualia longè diversa ab imperio , potestate & jurisdictione magistrat●um . magistrates as such not members of the church . christ mediator , not a temporary king. so the belgick arminians , apol . fol. . grotius in picta● ordi . hol. p. . vte●b . p. . the magistrate not the servant of the church . the adequate and compleat cause why the magistrate is subject to the church that the magistrate is subject to the rebukes and censures of the church proved from the word . erast . l. . c. p , . erast . l . c. . p . sanè ut idololatram et apostatatam negamus membrum esse ecclesiae christi sic etiam nequitiem suam defendentem negamus inter membra ecclesiae censendum esse et quem admodum illos ex christiano caetu juaicamus exterminandos , sic hoc putamus in ●o caetu non esse ferendos . arminiani in apolog . the supream and principall power of church affairs not in either magistrate or church . blood ten. c. . p. , ▪ and. riv. in decal . in mand. . pag. . though the magistrate pupunish ecclesiasticall scandals , yet his power to judge and punish is not ecclesiasticall and spirituall ▪ as the church rebuketh and censureth civil breaches of the second table , and yet their power is not civill . blood tenent . c. . pag. , . people as people may give power to a magistrate to adde his auxiliary power to defend the church , judge and punish offenders in the church a governor of , or over the church , a governor in the church , a governor for the church , are differen● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag● dijs non malcdices . mr. colemans reexamination . p. . the distinction of an doctrinal or declarative , and of a punitive part of church-government , of which the former is given to pastors , the latter to the magistrate , a heedlesse and senselesse notion . that the magistrates punishing with the sword , seandalous persons should be a part of church-government , a reasonlesse conceit . there is neither coaction , nor properly so called punishment in the church . trigland . dis . the●lo . de potest . civil et ecclefiast . c. . p. . hyeronymus in epitaphio n●potiani , rex ●olentibus preest , episcopus volentibus . cl. salm. in apparatu ad libr●s de primati . part . . p. . . adeo autem vole●tibus p●nitentia dab●tur ut negata pro paena esset , et pro beneficio peteretur atque acciperetur , a delinquentibus , ut ex multis canonibus concili●rum constat , epistolis canonicis , et scriptis aliis patrum . that bullinger is not of the mind of erastus . bulling . epis . privat . ad erastum . bul. epis . ad erast . epist . ad erastum . petr. dathenus . the error of gualther to please the usurping magistrate . bullinger gualther and others differ much from erastus . gual . in ep. ad theod. bezam an caena á. inservire debeat excommunicationi , atque adeo in alium usum converti , quam qui nobis a christo monstratus , & ab apostolis traditus est . the christian magistrate cannot supply the place of excommunication . c. . c. . cl. salmasi . de primatu papae , part , . in apparatu , pag. . . hyeronicus monstra mihi quisnam imperatorum celebrari id concilium iusserit . salmasius in apparatu , pag. . in ap●●●atu pag. . . in appar . p. . p. . notes for div a -e course of conformity pag. . indifferent things as such not the matter of a churrh constitution . doct. for● . in ireni . l. . c. . num . . actions are not indifferent , because their circumstances are indifferent . d. forbesius in irenic . l. . cap. . . fig. . marrying not indifferent , as the doctor supposeth . indifference metaphysical and theological . doctor forb . . num . . necessity of obeying the church , in things onely necessary for the churches commandment , is neither a lawful , nor an obliging necessity . doctor ferbes . actions individual meerly indifferent , cannot be done in faith. doct. forbes . iren ▪ ● . ● c. . hg . . doct. forbes . forbes . ib. n. . the unlawfulness even inseparably adhering toactions that are indifferent , maketh them unlawful . * suarez , tom . de legib . l. . c. : formaliter autem cōmittitur hoc vitiū ( contemptus ) quando ex ▪ directâ intentione ad hoc aliquidfit , ut alter despiciatur , aut despici ostendatur . vasquez , tom . . disp . . cap. . contemptus est in solà directâ intentione non parendi , in qua est speciale mandatum inobedientiae , qua quis directo animo non obedit superiori , ut ei directe opponatur ex dedignatione quadam , quam habet , quod ei subditus sit . aquinas . q. . art . . . contemnere est nolle subjici legi ex superbia . how exsuperancy of necessity of goodness is to sway the will of rulers and people . thes . . . ioh. . . the will of rulers not a law to us in things indifferent . arg. . a gretser in sum . cos . conscient . q. . pag. calvinistae catholicorum sim●● . b sanches in decal t●m . . lib. . c. . n. . c sanches , ib. d aquinas q art . quod de sui ratione habet , quod sit inductivum ad peccandum , vel habet similitudinem peccati . e spalatens . de rep . ecclesiae , lib. . c. ▪ n. . a pretended hen. lesly , b●sho● o● doun authoritie of the church , pag. . an object scandalous two wayes . something 's may be scandalous objects . a becauus p. . de charit . c. . quaest . . nu . . b paybodie of kneeling , par . pag. . silvius in . g. . . facere coram aliis id quod habet speciem mali , tune solum est peccatum scandali , quando non subest causa legittima presentibus manefestata . - satis notum erat quod namaam non se flecteret pro cultu idoli , sed pro obsequio regis . rules touching scandal . a august . epist ▪ non est cessandum ab operibus bonis , pro quocunque scandalo . b tertul. res bona neminem offendit , nisi malam mentem . c aquinas ▪ in . q. . and d bannes tom . m . q art cap propter scandalum quod vel ex imbecill●tate , vel ex ignorumi ● nascitur , decl●●●dae omnes quan●●mcunque rectae actione atque utles , & que ad animae salutem non su●t necessariae , praeter mittendae & occultandae , out s●l●em in aliud tempus differendae . e sanch●z in decal . l. disp . dub n ▪ con . quando ex aliquo opere quantumvis bono , crederetur magna hominum multitudo , ex infirmitate aut ignorantia inducend● in gravià peccata , illud omittendum etiam cum jact●ra vitae & bonorum spiritualium ad s●●tem non necessariorum . f bannes to . q art . conclu . . praecepta affirmativa juris naturalis aliquando propter scandalum sunt dimittenda — quia praecepta affirmativa obligant , quando , & quomodo opo●tct . g antoninus p. to . cap ▪ sect . ult . tit . cap verereus est pecca●i proximi qui absque ullâ just● causâ non impedit scandalum , quod ex suo opere est f●turum , quia videtur contemnere vitam spiritualem fratris h navarr . in sum . cap . ● . k proverb . l navar● . in sum . cap . n. ▪ mortaliter peccat , qui ita parvi aestimat salutemproximi , ut absque justa necessitate , & utilitate , ex ●ola sua voluntate aliquid facit , unde fra●er est scandalizandus . m silvester in summa in verbo , obedientia , n . si papae mandatum sapiat etiam peccatum veniale item si ex obedientia praesum●retur sta●us ecclesiae perturbandus , vel aliud malum aut scandalum futurum , etiamsi praeciperetur sub soe●â excommunicationis — non est ei obediendum . o vasquez tom . . in . ● . art . dub . p suarez de tripl . v r. theolo . disp . de scandalo . sect . res indifferentes vender● , donare , aut alicui proponere , quando prascitur , alterum ijs male us●rum , est scand ▪ lum committere . q antoninus p. to ▪ . cap. . ● . r silvester verbo scandalum q . ſ corduba sum . q. . fol. . t metina ▪ cap. ●● ▪ . ad ▪ . fol. . u sanch z in decal to . lib . cap . nu . . doctors of aberdeen . if the scandall arising from pearth articles come , ex conditione operis , from the irregularitie of the fact , you say , we should forbeare them forever , yet this you gainsay in the next chap. nu . . pag . we say that the lawfull command of our superiours may make that scandall of our weak brethren , not to beimputed to us , as a matter of our guiltinesse , which otherwayes would be imputed to us as a matter of our guiltinesse . now ( i say ) no scandall but that which is scandall ex conditione operis , from the enormitie o● the p●actice can be imputed to us as guiltiness or sin , for passive scandall is unjustly impu●ed to us as sin . duplyers doct. aberdeen . nu. . a aquinas . q. . b bannes . a● . . ca. . c aquinas . d aquinas . q. . art . . e navar. in sum . cap. . n● . f vasquez . q. art . dub ▪ . n . quoti●scunque scandalum p●ssiv●m futurum e●t ex passione & ignora●tia scandalizatiopus utile temporaliter ●●t spiritualiter , qued n●c est malum , n●c b●b●t spccicm mali , nihil omn us ●st omittendum , aut differendum , d●ncc ●●ssat . scandal●m . g becanus to . post . part . . q. . c. . ad vitandum scandalum alterius passiv●m ex infirmi●ate vel ignorantia tenemur omittere ●us utile . h duvallius to . post . m ▪ ▪ q . tract . de charit . q ▪ a●t . potest aliq●a●do contingere , ut quod exse praeceptum ●st , & cons●quente●●cc●ssarium est ad salutem , des●●at in casum graviss●●●● scandali — tyrannus ●surpat bena ecclesi● , constat praeccptum quantum fieri potest repetere , s●d s● minaretur populum abducere à●ide , non obliga● praeceptum repetitionis . and ●n that same place , opera quae s●nt indiffere●tia , id est ; quae in se , neque bonan●que●●ala sunt , debent omitts quando conciicimus valde probabiliter ea futura ●sse inscand ●lume . ( i ) bann●s . c. . art . ●essandu● à spiritualibus , quande quis ex ignorantia v●l insirmitate scandelizatur . ( k ) sua●●z de tripl . vj●t de charit . disp . . de scand . sect . n . predicatio veritatis per accidens potest interdum habere rationem scandali activi , unde non●unquam vita●da est , ut vitetur scandalum passivum ( pharisaeorum ) seu ruina proximi — item praecepta positiva non obligant cum tanto rigore , at praeceptum de procuranda vita spirituali proximi est naturale & divinum — praecepta affirmativa non obligant and semper . ( l ) gregor ▪ de valent . tom . . disp . . q. . de scandalo hath the same . adde to these augustine lib . contra parmenian . cap . gregor . hom . . in ezechiel . and of school-men , albert distinct . . art . durand . . q. . angel. in sum . verbo scandalum , n . cajetan tract . disp ●e●● . richard d. . adrian . quodlibet . art . . pete de soto lect ▪ . de confess . gabr. . d●st q . art . . alphons de castro lib. . de justa punit . haeret . par . . d. forbes . iren. a ioannes de lugo de myst . ●●arn . ● i p sect . n . hoc periculum facile praecavetur doctrina & cura proelatorum , qui d●cent frequ●n●er imagines non habere in se , nec prop●●r se aliquam dignitatem , nisi quam accipiant ab exemplari . b bellarm. . de rel . sanct . c . ad nec desunt in eccles●● qui doceant literis , & s●rmonibus , quis cultus reliquiss ( formulist● elementis sacramentalibus ) de . beatur . c vasquez in part . . . disp . . n. quare nec aliquid periculi in ipsarum ( imaginum ) adora●ione , si populus tudis , ju●ta sinccram fidem & religionean , mediocriter instituatur . d estius , lib. dist . . sect . ecclesia diligenter & doctrina , & opere distinguit inter honorem deo proprium , & eum qui divinis ac dei amicis hominibus tribuitur . e concil moguntinum , cap. . pastores nostri populum accuratè moneant , imagines non ad id proponi , ut eas adoremus - sed ut per imagines recordemur . c calvin . iusti ▪ l. . c . sect . . d luthercom in gal . neque alia doctrina in ecclesia tradi , aut audiri debet , qu●m purum d●i verbum . e d. ammes fresh fuit . f bannas , tom . . m . q. . art . nota posse contingere ut pusilli non sirt capaces rat●onis redditae , & tunc quamvis sit reddita illis ratio tâmen ab hujusmodi spiritualibus cess●●dum , quia tunc non ex malicia , sed ex ignorantia sco●dolizantur , c sect . . q . tannern ▪ to . in . dis . . q. dub . . concurrentibus d●obus praeceptis quorum utrum . que servari non potest , obligare desinit al●erum quod ●im obligandi minorem habet . ita suarez . to . . di● . . sect . . gregor . de valenti● in . . q. . puncto . a d. bannes ●o . . in . . q. . art . . con . . talis perplexitas est absurdum quid . b amesius de cons . lib. . ●●p . thes nulla datur tali● perplexita● , &c. c bellarm. contra barcla . cap. . in bono sensu christus dedit petro ( papae ) potestatem faciend● de peccato non peccatum , & de non peccato peccatum . d bellar. de romano pontif. l. . cap . e bellarm. in recognit o●ibus . l●quuti sumus de actibus dubiis viriu●um & vitiorum , nam si perciperet manifestum vitium , aut prohiberet manifestum virtutem dicendum esset cum petro , act. . obedire oportet magis deo , quam h●minibus — dicimus posse jubere ut tali die non jejunetur , — non potest autem jubere ut non colatur deu● . f bernardus epist . . quomodo ergo vel abbatis jussio vel papae permissio , licit●●● facere potuit , quod purum malum fuit . g toletus in ●nstruct . secerdo● . lib . cap ▪ . cum causa rationabili aliquid praecipitur — ●os debemus audire , nec pap● pro suo li●ito excusat . h alphonsus de potest legis civil . cap. . conclus . . potest subd●●●● sin● peccato legem aut preceptum superioris ▪ contem●●re , judicando ill●● ma●●● & contra r●●ionem . the essence of an active or given scandall . a course of conformitie , pag . ( b ) dimittendum est , propter scandalum , ●om●e quod potest praetermitti , salvâ triplice veritate vitae doctrinae & justi●iae , hierony . gl●ssord . tom . . c hooker of eccles● policie , l. ▪ pag. . d d. forbes in iren. lib. . c. . n. . e sandersons sermon , rom. pag. . . f lyndesay his defence of pearth assemb . in prafat paybodie . g course of conformitie , pag. . a pag. . b course of conformitie . pag. . c forbes iren. l. . cap. . n. . d forbes , lib. . cap. . n. . non potest humana potestas te cogere ad faciendam illud quod facere non possis absque inevitabilidatione scandali . a suarez de rel. to . . l ▪ tract ▪ . cap . si , sec●us● praecept● , res ex ●tr●que●a●te sit probabilis tunc universaliter verum erit adjuncto praeceptoobedi ●dum esse . b thom. sanchez ●n decalog ▪ to . . lib . cap. . n. . c greg. de val. ●● . disp q punct . d supra q. . of this treatise . a scotus prol . in sent . q. . ad art . . b suarez . ●e leg . cap. . & de trip . vi●● . theologie , tract . . disp . ● . q. ● . c banne● , tom . in q . ●●● . dub . d duvallius , tract . de legib q . art . . ●d ar● . calv. in in●●● . ●u●● . cap. . sect . . ames . m●dull . l. c. . sect . . melul . theol. l. . c . s . . . . . a robert lord brooke , in a discourse of nature of episcopacie , cap. . pag. ● . b origen cont . celsum , l. . c strabo , l. . d tertull. in pol. ca . bibebant sanguinem humanum . e august . epist . vt vetus synagoge hoc pacto cum honore sepaliretur . f ireneus . lib. cap . g tertullian de pudicit , c. . h cyprian ad quirinum , l . i lorinus com . in act . ait esse legem mere positivam , quae r●moto , contemptu scandalo & alio peccato , non videtur arctè obligare . k cajetan , vitare fornicationem est divini juri● , reliqua ● canone erant ut mor●m gererent ●● iudaeis quibus conviverent . l philip. gameth . in . . q. . . c● . ad fovendum inter iude●s & gen●es mutu●m concordiam propter infirmitatem iudaeorum . m paybodie , par . pag. . ● . a paybodie . b d. forbes in irenic● . a calvin inst●t . l . c. . sect . . t●rtia ( pars libertatis ) ut nu●la rerum ext●●n●r●m quae per s●siunt , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●●lig●●ne ▪ cor●m d●o tang●remur quin eas nunc usurpare , nunc ind●ff●renter liceal uti . b ch●mnit . exam. p●rt . . de rit . sacra . p. . c polan . syntag th●ol . lib . ca. . d b●ll , de ●fficac sacram , . ca. e iu●ius in b●ll co . . l . ●a . ● . f whitt●ker de pontif . r●m . q. . c. . ad . fran. silvius duacens profes . in . q. . ●● . . concl . charitas dicat ne absque omni causa ●ff●ramus proximo , eti●m ex ▪ malitia peccaturo , occasionem peccati . ita tannerus , in . to . . ais . . q duc . . asse● . bon● conqued●m ●●bia ●lavandis ad vitandum scandalum malitiosorum . a parker on the crosse , part . sect . math. . ● . of the necessitie of things which remove scandall . some things necessary from the only positive will of god , some things necessarie from some thing in the things themselves . two sorts of monuments of idolatrie . we cannot devise the use of any thing in worship , when we cannot devise the thing it selfe . the place deut. . . the graven image of their god shall ye burne with fire dicleared . how houses and temples builded to saints are no● to be demolished . temples and houses have a like physicall use in gods worship , as out of gods worship . deut. . , . no houses , no temple , no creatures , are now uncleane ●●er the new testament . deut. . , . how things not necessarie are to bee abstained from , or used , in the ●ase of scandall . . conclus . things scandalous under the n ▪ testament are forbidden in a farre : other sense , then m●a● , dayes and other things in the ceremoniall law . how far a morall and perpetuall reas●n maketh a law perpetuall . levit. c● . . disusing of houses because abused to idolatrie , a iudaising . bells for the convening of the people to publick worship not to be abolished , ●●ough they have been abused to superstition . a most necessarie rule to be observed in the doctrine of scandall , that emergent providences of naturall necessitie are to us in place of divine commands , in some cases . considerable rules ●ou hing the kindes and degrees of necessitie in eschewing scandall . . rule . . rule . . rule . . rule . . rule . tannerus , to . . in disp . . de ●ide sp● , &c. q . dub . . in magn● casu necessitatis que valdè praeponderat futuro scandalo , non est illictum facere rem haben●em speciem mali , ●● e●● similatio petri , gal. . tu rian de virt●● & vitiis , par . . c. . dubio . quindo quis para us est magnum ●urtum committere , non so●●●m ●citum est minus futurum consulere , sed etiam co-oper●●● ad illud . . rule . . rule . a scandal may flow from ignorance and corruption , and so be taken , when it also kindly issueth from the sinfull or unseasonable fact of another , and so is also kindly given . caspensis , tom . . curs theolog. trac . . de charit . sect. . disp . . num . . a false rule of papists , that men may cooperate a sinfull act , and be free of scandall because of s●me necessitie . no relation of servant or captive can render it lawfull to co-operate with sin . . rule . what things non-necessarie are to be removed from the worship of god , as scand lous . ceremonies n●t so much as necessarie by way of dis-junction , which necessitie agreeth to many circumstances of worship in the directory . hooker . ibid. religious monuments of idolatrie are to be removed . wolphius , who addeth to p. mar●yr , commen● . in king. . speaking of ios●●●● zeale et h●c illius fides , & industria nos quoque excitabit , ●t in odium & f●stidium earum , quae pugnant , cum d●i verbo , rerum , bomines qu●quo modo inducamus . hooker eccle. policie , ● l. . . king . . hooker , . what conformitie with idolaters is unlawfull . conformitie with idolaters in things , in gods worship , not necessarie , unlawfull . ecclesiast . po●● licie , l. . p. . pag ▪ ● . the s●me ceremonies in idolaters , and in the true church may be judged the some three wayes . formalists grant conformitie with heathen and idolators in ceremonies clothed with a scripturall signification . phocyllide● , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. ● . pag. . l. . how the scripture is a rule . church government properly an institution . . l. . the worship of god ne●oeth no rel●gious ceremonies , ●ut what god hath himselfe prescribed . hooker , pag. ▪ . . . we need not say that conformi●ie with idolaters was the only cause , why god forbade his people , heath●nish rites . pag . a letter sent from the queen of england to the kings majesty at newport; concerning the overtures of the treaty and his proceedings with the commissioners for peace. with her majesties advice and desires touching the said treaty; and her propositions concerning all his majesties subjects within his realmes and dominions. also, his majeseies last concessions for peace, delivered to the commissioners, to be sent to both houses of parliament; shewing how far he hath given his royall assent to the second bill, touching bishops and church-government. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing l thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a letter sent from the queen of england to the kings majesty at newport; concerning the overtures of the treaty and his proceedings with the commissioners for peace. with her majesties advice and desires touching the said treaty; and her propositions concerning all his majesties subjects within his realmes and dominions. also, his majeseies last concessions for peace, delivered to the commissioners, to be sent to both houses of parliament; shewing how far he hath given his royall assent to the second bill, touching bishops and church-government. henrietta maria, queen, consort of charles i, king of england, - . [ ], p. printed for nathaniel williamson, london : . a collection of letters relating to the proposed treaty with the king, and church government. annotation on thomason copy: " ber [i.e. october] th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -- i, -- king of england, - -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . great britain -- history -- civil war, - -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no a letter sent from the queen of england to the kings majesty at newport;: concerning the overtures of the treaty and his proceedings with t henrietta maria, queen, consort of charles i c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - megan marion sampled and proofread - megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter sent from the queen of england to the kings majesty at newport ; concerning the overtures of the treaty and his proceedings with the commissioners for peace . with her majesties advice and desires touching the said treaty ; and her propositions concerning all his majesties subjects within his realmes and dominions . also , his majesties last concessions for peace , delivered to the commissioners , to be sent to both houses of parliament ; shewing how far he hath given his royall assent to the second bill , touching bishops and church-government . london printed for nathaniel williamson , . the queen of englands letter to her soveraign lord , the king of great brittain , directed to his majesty at newport in the isle of wight , from paris in france . endeared sir , after a long time spent in consultation upon the great affairs of these languishing and distressed kingdoms , and having waded through a labyrinth of circumstances and argument for the composing of all differences within the said realms and dominions : his majesty were pleased to declare his sense and resolution to the commissioners , yesterday octob. . in answer to their former proposals , which were as followeth . that his majesty is pleased to condiscend that the church-lands shall be confirmed by ●his royall consent , to an act to confirm the particular grants already made of the bishops lands , for the space of . yeeres , together with the abolishing of bishops for the same terme of time ; provided , that there may be an indifferent choice of clergy men to be supervisors in ecclesiasticall affaires , accordingly as it shall be ordered and agreed on by the assembly of divines , allowed to consult by his majesties former condescentions . these , and the concessions before assented to , his majesty again proposeth to the parliaments commissioners , that he may come up to london , to treat on what else may conduce to the settlement of his three languishing and bleeding kingdoms : but the commissioners are not altogether satisfied with this answer ; neither do they take it as satisfactory . what the issue of this will be , we leave to time and providence . sir peter killegrew is disspatched away from hence , to the parliament , with his majesties last answer touching episcopacy . it is verily believed , that his majesty will give his royall word to passe all the propositions , rather then to have the treaty obstructed ; and the rather , becuse he finds all the designs of the royall party to be frustrated , both in england and scotland ; as also the capitall and , metropolitan designe in the kingdome of france to be blasted in the bud , before it could come to any maturity or ripenesse ; as appeares by an expresse from thence to his majesty , and sent from the queen to her dread soveraign the king ; the heads whereof i have here inserted viz. that the great differences throughout he cities of paris , roan , and other parts adjacent within the limits and bounds of the french territories , hath quite obstructed the design of his majesties friends for england , and that the eglish quarrell is so great in severall parts of that kingdom , that no integrity or loyalty can appeare visible to its soveraign : and therefore seeing no meanes prevalent , to advance his majesties cause , her majesty desireth , that this present treaty , may be the salve and balsome , to cure and heal all diseases , throughout his vast and bleeding nations concluding , that she doth in a deep sense bewaile the sad and intestine miseries of all his liege people whatsoever . further desiring , that his majesty would be pleased to embrace all such counsels and consultations that may tend to the peace and tranquility of his three kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland . during the time of this treaty , sundry expresses have come from severall parts to the king , which represent things to be in a very sad condition touching the advancement of his cause ; who upon consideration thereof , it s conceived will prove the most instrumentall , to bring a period to our distractions , and exclude all thoughts of jealousie from his majesties royal breast , to his two houses of parliament . newport , . october , . by another expresse from the isle of wight it is said , that the great businesse insisted on is , the proposition for setling religion , which is like to take up some time , his majesty gave in a paper to the commissioners of the reasons wherefore the could not condiscend to the taking away bishops , and the government by bishops , the treaty hereupon hath held all the last week , and nothing yet concluded on , yet most are of opinion his maj. will assent , and this proposition being over , there is lesse doubt the other in course will be agreed on . his maj. hath promised to deliver in his positive answer this present munday ; which if it be but satisfactory , no doubt but there will be a good conclusion of all to an happy peace . newport . octob. . new propositions presented to his majesty . that your maj. according to the laudable example of your royall father of happy memory , may be pleased to swear and sign the late solemn league and covenant ; and that an act of parl ▪ be passed , for the injoyning the taking thereof by all the subjects of the kingdom , &c. that a bill be passed for the utter abolishing and taking away of all arch-bishops , bishops , their chancellors , and commissaries , deans and sub-deans , and all other officers whatsoever , out of the church of england and dominion of wales ; and out of the church of ireland . that the ordinances concerning the calling and sitting of the assembly of divines , be confirmed by act of parliament . that reformation of religion according to the covenant be setled by act of parliament , in such manner as both houses have agreed , or shall agree upon after consultation had with the assembly of divines . that for the more effectual disabling jesuits , priests , papists , and popish recusants from disturbing the state , and deluding the laws ; and for the better discovering , and speedy conviction of popish recusants , an oath be established by act of parliament to be administred to them , wherein they abjure and renounce the popes supremacy , the doctrine of transubstantiation , purgatory , worshipping of the consecrated hoast , crucifixes and images , and all popish superstitions and errors ; and refusing the said oath , being tendred in such manner as shall be appointed by the said act , to be a sufficient conviction of popish recusants . an act or acts of parliament for education of the children of papists by protestants , in the protestant religion . an act for the true leavy of the penalties against them , which penalties to be levied and disposed in such manner as both houses shall agree on , wherein to be provided that his majesty shall have no losse . that an act be passed in parliament , whereby the practises of papists may be prevented , and a stricter course taken to prevent tht saying or hearing of mass in the court , or any other part of this kingdom , or the kingdom of ireland . to the four first , its said his maj. makes some scruple at : to the latter , we hear , that he gave his royall assent on munday last . letters further from the isle of wight say , that the kings answer on munday last of the bill of religion , were presented to the parliaments commissioners , by his majesties secretary , and were● subscribed , charles r. wherein is contained , the sense and resolution of his majesty touching bishops , and his concessions to abolish all arch-bishops , bishops , their chancellors and commissaries , deans and sub-deans , canons , prebendaries , and all other their inferiour officers , out of the church of england and dominion of vvales , for the term of years . he hath also promised his royall word to passe an act to confirm the sale of bishops lands for the same time ; and therefore desireth , that he may come to london , to treat upon the rest in course with his two houses of parliament personally . the treaty goes on unanimously , but little concluded on between the king and the commissioners ; but it s conceived before the of this instant october , you will hear of a happy conclusion . newport octob. . finis right reformation: or, the reformation of the church of the new testament, represented in gospell-light. in a sermon preached to the honourable house of commons, on wednesday, november . . together with a reply to the chief contradictions of master love's sermon, preached the same day. all published for the good of the faithfull, at their desire. / by william dell, minister of the gospel, attending on his excellency sir thomas fairfax. dell, william, d. . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing d thomason e _ thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ] or :e [ ]) right reformation: or, the reformation of the church of the new testament, represented in gospell-light. in a sermon preached to the honourable house of commons, on wednesday, november . . together with a reply to the chief contradictions of master love's sermon, preached the same day. all published for the good of the faithfull, at their desire. / by william dell, minister of the gospel, attending on his excellency sir thomas fairfax. dell, william, d. . [ ], p. printed by r. white, for giles calvert, at the black-spred-eagle, near the west end of pauls., london, : . in two parts. part , "a reply to mr. love's contradictions", has a caption title; pagination and register are continuous; love, in his "short and plaine animadversions" (wing l ) calls this part "an unlicensed pamphlet". part = thomason e. [ ]. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng love, christopher, - -- early works to . bible. -- n.t. -- hebrews ix, -- sermons. sermons, english -- th century. church polity -- sermons -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ e _ ). civilwar no right reformation: or, the reformation of the church of the new testament, represented in gospell-light.: in a sermon preached to the honou dell, william c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion right reformation : or , the reformation of the church of the new testament , represented in gospel-ljght . in a sermon preached to the honourable house of commons , on wednesday , november . . together with a reply to the chief contradictions of master love's sermon , preached the same day . all published for the good of the faithfull , at their desire . by william dell , minister of the gospel , attending on his excellency sir thomas fairfax . iohn . . and there was much murmuring among the people concerning him ; for some said , he is a good man , others said nay , but he deceiveth the people . iohn . . and these things will they do unto you , because they have not known the father , nor me . credo me theologum esse christianum , & in regno veritatis vivere ; ideo me debitorem esse , non modo affirmandae veritatis , sedetiam asserendae , & defendendae , seu per sanguinem , seu per mortem . luther . london , printed by r. white , for giles calvert , at the black-spred-eagle , near the west end of pauls . . to the honovrable the commons assembled in parliament . honourable and worthy , as the lord represented these truths to you before , in the ministery of the word ; so now again , he offers them to your second consideration , in this printed book ; because he hath a minde , you should take notice of them . and i must needs say , it is the lord's voyce to you ; and i hope he will move your hearts , to regard it ; though satan hath mightily bestirr'd himself , by casting an ill vizzard upon the truth , to make you dislike it . but if you like christ the worse for a face spit on and buffeted , you may want a saviour : and if you like the truth of christ the worse for a scratcht face , you may make your dwelling place , with errour & humane doctrines , wch are all one . micaiah had no sooner delivered the truth of god , but there was a false prophet , to smite him on the face : the lord no sooner prepares instruments to reveale his truth , but satan hath his instruments , ready to turn the truth of god into a lye . and this god suffers to be done , to exercise your skill and wisdome , that you might learn , not to be offended at the truth with the world ; but to receive and love the truth , notwithstanding all the indignities and reproaches of men . when you reade what you have heard , you must needs acknowledge it to be the minde of god , if you received the anointing of the spirit : and the truth herein contained , shall prevaile with all that belong to god . for my part ; i am not carefull touching the successe of it , i can trust god with that , whose word it is . for , as the doctrine of the world , hath the weak power of the world to carry on that ; so the doctrine of iesus christ , hath the mighty power of god to carry on that ; and the power of god in the world shall as soon be made void , as the true doctrine of the gospel , though called errour , heresie , & schisme , and have all the misguises of hell put upon it . the truth you then heard delivered , and may here reade again , shall carry all opposition , and opposers before it , and none shall be able to stand against it , that ingage against it : and of this , both your selves and this generation shall be witnesses . if any think that i gave too much power to christ , in the reforming of the church , his own body ; let them consider again , that too much cannot be given to christ in gods kingdome , seeing he is all in all in it . neither is that exaltation the gospel gives to christ in this businesse , any diminution to your selves : neither by making christ all in the kingdome of god , are you made ever the lesse , in the kingdomes of this world . but what ever power the word of god hath given you , i will deny you none of it ; nay , i will be among the first , that shall attribute it to you . and do desire , you would no more any of you be displeased for attributing the reformation of the church , to christ alone , then the redemption , iustification , sanctification , or glorification of it , to christ alone : the former being every whit , as great and glorious a work of christ , as the latter . i do most willingly allow you your thrones in the kingdoms of this world , but only desire to reserve to christ his own throne in the kingdome of god . there are those indeed that would lift you up to this throne , not because they would have you sit there , but place them there : they would ascribe to you , the power only due to the sonne of god , not because they would have you use it , but would use it themselves ; they would derive power from you , to do that , which they say you cannot do : and the power they attribute to you in the things of god , they say , is not well in your hands , but in theirs . and here i would desire you , to take notice of the working of the mysterie of iniquity , from the head , to the very little-toes of the man of sinne : at first you know the pope interested himself in the emperour , and powers of the world ( for his own advantage and support no doubt , rather then for theirs ) after , the prelates successively , said to worldly kings , lend us your power , and we will lend you ours ; let our spiritual power deale in temporal things , and your temporal power shall deale in spirituall things : and still the clergy-power ( which call'd it self spiritual ) so linkt it self with the temporal , that the power that was not of god , might be upheld , by the power that was of god ; and ( having got this advantage ) they cried , destroy one , destroy both ; and so the prelates were wont to say , no bishop , no king . and their successors in the kingdome of antichrist still cry , no minister , no magistrate ; and so still mingle interests and powers with the civil magistrate ; that under the magistrate , the power of god , they might cunningly shrowd that power that is not of god . and thus they still , under the name of the magistrate , seek themselves , and the drawing of that power that is only his , from him to themselves , to whom it doth not belong : being , in the mean time , really against magistracy , further then it is serviceable to their own ends . whereas , we reckon magistracy , not lesse magistracy , no lesse the ordinance of god , though we suffer under it , and by it . this clergie-antichristian power where ever it is , will still sit upon the power of the nation ; the power of antichrist , so domineering over the powers of the world , that none but the power of christ can cast it off . that will still be uppermost , what power soever is supream . besides all the experience of former ages ( which is the greatest wonder in the world , that men consider not ) god gives you sparklings enough of it , in this age ; some preaching , that the government of the church ( which they make outward and visible , and over mens estates , bodies , and lives , ) belongs not to king nor parliament , but to the ministers and their elders : and better it is , there should be no government at all ( say they ) then not in their hands by whom it should be . and here lyes the mysterie of iniquity in this , that they make the whole kingdome a church , and then require a power , authority and jurisdiction in their church-kingdome , which the magistrate is not to deale withall , but themselves . whereas we acknowledge the whole power of the kingdome , to belong to the magistrate , and onely give unto christ the power of his own kingdome , which is not of the world , but spirituall and heavenly . and here also , fully to deliver my selfe from misapprehensions , i understand not by the church of christ , any company of men whatsoever , who under the notion of a church or saints , or any other title , may pleade priviledge or exemption of their lives , liberties , or estates , from the power of the civil magistrate ; for that were to justifie the papal , prelatical , or any other government of a newer name , which under pretence of ius divinum , shall set up and exercise an outward and visible power and jurisdiction , free and exempted from the authority and power of the civil magistrate ; which i utterly both deny and detest , as antichristian . and therefore , i humbly represent , how prejudiciall this may prove to you in the end , to suffer a generation of men in the kingdome , under the name either of church or clergie , whose power , preferment , and interest is different and excentricall from the power , welfare , and interest of the kingdome ; and what a ballance they may prove against the state , where they live , in turning and tumultuous times , as they themselves know , so ( i hope ) you clearly perceive it , as well as they . how they already dare lift up the head against you , who sees not ? how do they manifest their discontents against you , in pamphlets and pulpits , in their sermons and prayers , because you have not setled the government , they have studied out for you , as ius divinum , and the certain and unchangeable minde of god ; though they can neither make it out , to your selves , nor to any body else , by the word , that it is so . and how do they labour to instill , into the people , their own discontents ; perswading them , you have done nothing at all , because you have not done all that ever they would have you do , though you can see neither scripture nor reason for it . and for this cause , rendering you every where odious to the people . many other things besides , do they scramble up , and use against you , which they conceive may make for your disadvantage , and dis-interest in the people : because they think , they shall never get much higher , except they make you a little lower ; for they must ( according to the law of antichrist ) set their feet on your power , to get up to their own . some discoveries of this spirit you might see in mr. loves sermon , telling you before your faces , and before the people ; that some call'd you a mungrell parliament : indeed the king ( as i understand ) call'd the parliament at oxford so , but mr. love was the first ( for ought i can learne ) that ever named you so , and i wish he may be the last , ( but any doctrine is orthodox , out of a mans mouth of his order ) farther threatning you with a discerning people , to look into your actions , and to spy out your boundlesse priviledges ; as if you must do justice , not out of the love of righteousnesse , but out of fear of mr. loves discerning people . telling you also , the clergie had done as much service for you in their pulpits , as your regiments in the field : that by this means he might minde you , what they can do against you , as well as for you , if you be not servants to their designes ; for they that have heretofore been for you , can ( if they please ) turn to others against you , who shall be more for themselves . and in many other things flying out against your worthy commanders in the army , upon suspitions of his own ; and against the articles at oxford , &c. for it is no proper presbyterial doctrine , that does not ( at least ) meddle with the affairs of the state , which in time they may hopefully come to order . in these and divers other things , he took his full swinge , all of them ( no doubt ) deeply appertaining to the mysterie of the gospel . the other things , he spake , to the disadvantage of the ignorant and weak , and neither to the truths disadvantage , nor mine , i shall clear in a short reply , set after the discourse ; and so shall trouble you no farther , with any such stuffe , but only with a smart expression , from one ( it seems ) of some note in the assembly , who said , if the parliament approved mr. dells sermon , it were no blasphemy to say , they were no parliament . so that it seems you shall be no longer a parliament then you approve , what the assembly approves ; but the kingdome hopes you are built upon a better foundation . and to him ( who hath been so bold with you ) i shall only crave leave to reply in your presence : if the assembly ( which i hope they will not ) should condemne that doctrine of the gospel for the substance of it , delivered then by mr. dell ; it will be no blasphemy to say , they are the enemies of the truth of christ : and ( i hope ) the last prop of antichrist in the kingdome . for your selves , honourable and worthy , i beseech you consider , that god is wonderfull in counsel , and excellent in working ; and that all power is given to christ , in heaven and in earth , that he might give free passage to the gospel . and therefore take heed , after god hath blest your power and forces in the field , and subdued that malignant power that was against you , and hath given you a little peace and quietnesse in the kingdome ; you do not now begin your affaires with discountenancing , disrelishing , much lesse condemning , the faithfull and true word of god , witnessed in the scriptures , and confest to by the faithfull and martyrs of christ , in all ages ; and with the setting off from you , that ministery , that hath most of the spirit in it , lest the lord withdraw his presence from you , and your latter end be not answerable to your beginnings . it might be easily shewed unto you , how many great and wise kings and magistrates , acting according to humane wisdom and prudence , and despising or neglecting the wisdome of the word ; have with all their own wisdome , prudence , and designes , destroyed themselves , and their kingdomes : for it is written , he takes the wise in their own craftinesse : and again , the lord knowes the thoughts of men , that they are but vaine . and therefore renounce the wisdom of the world , with all its fleshly counsels , and cleave close to the true , faithfull , and sincere doctrine of the gospel ; and then , though you have many enemies and kingdomes against you , you shall not be moved , but god will yet establish you , in all the shakings of the world , and your enemies shall be as a thing of nought . i shall no longer detaine you , but only desire this , in the behalf of the faithful , gods peculiar portion in the kingdome , that you would not suffer us to be oppressed by our adversaries , who would use your power against us , not for you , but for themselves : neither would suffer them , thus publickly and shamelessely to call us sectaries and hereticks , who do believe and professe the truth of the gospel in sincerity and simplicity of heart , according to what we received from god ; but that you would suffer , yea , procure us , to live quietly and safely under you , in the faith and practice of the gospel , we in all things obeying you , as becomes christians . the remainder is , to assure you , that there is no man shall serve the state more sincerely , according to his place and calling ; nor in more faithfulness and humility tender the truth of god , either to your selves or the kingdome ( as occasion serves ) according to the measure of the gift of christ ; then , your servant in the gospel , vv. dell . to the reader . christian reader , the times we live in , are dangerous times ; it is dangerous to conceale the truth , and dangerous to publish the truth ; if we publish the truth , god hath taught us , and we have heard and lea●n'd from the father we fall into the hands of men ; if we conceale it , we fall into the hands of god . and therefore , in this case , in a contrary choice to david , i reckon it much better , to fall into the hands of men , then into the hands of god ; seeing the wrath of men can but reach the bodie ; but the wrath of god , bodie and soul . i shall therefore willingly confesse christ , amidst an adulterous and sinful generation , not doubting but christ will confesse me , before his father , and before his angels . and for the reproaches of men , it is best conquering them , as luther was wont to say , silendo & contemnendo , by silence and contempt of them , seeing a man may as easily restrain satan himself , in his various workings , as stop the mouthes of his instruments . and therefore it is good for us christians , to do the work of god , without so much as taking notice of such men : and if sometimes we are sensible of these things , because we are flesh , yet as we are christians , we are above them , in the spirit , and see already in certain saith and hope , all evils and enemies under our feet : and therefore for mr. love , and other men of the same mold and mettal , i am resolved neither now nor hereafter , to take them into any more consideration , then the businesse it self necessarily requires : and where they may be omitted , without prejudice to the truth , to let them quite alone : being every day , through the use of affliction enabled to patience , and through patience brought to experience , and so to a proportionable measure of hope : and this carries me above the shame of the world , in the strength of the love of god . for the doctrine contained in this discourse , thou shalt not finde it new light ( as some men slanderously affirme ) but the ancient light , that sprange forth in the first morning of the gospel , but was since obscured , by the new darknesse of antichrist , which these men love better then that old light , and will by no means exchange the one for the other . but this light , that now after a long night , breaks forth again , in some of its first glory , let these menset their hearts at rest , for they shal never be able to obscure it again ; and the fire of the spirit that god hath kindled in the kingdome , they shall never be able to quench , with any fire either of earth or hell . and therefore we fear them not , though they breathe forth threatnings now , and ere long , are like to breathe forth blood : for by all their subtile and industrious actings , in the end , they shall not work the truths ruine , but their own . and these , as well as their forefathers , of the same race and lineage , in whose stead they are now risen up , shall in due time become a reproach and a shame , and their name shall be for a curse to all gods chosen . reader , it is my earnest desire , that the lord would deliver thee from this new form of the mysterie of iniquity , which in every age puts on a severall form , when the old one is discovered by the light of the word . and in this present age , it is become , so exceeding cunning , and so furnished with all deceiveablenesse of unrighteousnesse , under the form of righteousnesse , that it seems to be the last and subtilest work of antichrist , that is now in hand ; and he that prevailes in this encounter , hath antichrist under his feet , for ever : but none are like to prevaile here , but the faithful and elect alone . and therefore hold fast that which thou hast , that no man take thy crowne ; and consider christs encouragement to this work , in the following verse ; [ him that overcommeth , will i make a pillar in the temple of my god , and he shall go no more out , and i will write upon him , the name of my god , and the name of the city of my god , which is , new ierusalem , which commeth down out of heaven from my god , and i will write upon him , my new name . ] christian reader , i commit thee , and the word now offered to thee , in this discourse , to god and his powerful blessing and wonderful working ; remaining , thine in the difficult , and despised service of jesus christ in the gospel , w. dell . right reformation . or the reformation of the church of the new testament represented in gospel-light . heb. . . untill the time of reformation . the naturall man ( saith paul , cor. . ) knows not the things of the spirit , neither can hee , for they are spiritually discerned . now a man that is not born of god and his spirit , with all his parts , abilities , reason , wisdome , prudence , learning , is but a naturall man still , and so hath no right knowledge of the things of god and his spirit . and hence it hath come to passe , that the things of god and his spirit have been so grosly and dangerously mistaken by the world , and the carnall church . for all the spirituall things of god they have understood carnally , and have apprehended the whole scriptures not according to gods mind , but according to their own ; not according to the sense of the spirit , but according to the sense of the flesh . and thus was antichrists kingdome first set up , and thus it hath been kept up and continued ; even by the carnall understanding of the scriptures . for they have understood the church , the kingdom of god in the world , carnally ; the rock on which it is built , carnally ; the door of this kingdome carnally ; the lawes of it carnally ; the liberties of it carnally ; the power , authority , government , glory , officers , &c. all carnally . and to this very day , which of the things of god doth not the carnall church understand carnally ? faith , hope , love , it understands carnally ; redemption , adoption , justification , sanctification , glorification , union with christ , communion of the spirit , accesse to the father , together with christ the head , and the church the body , in their joint unction and officers , and all other things , they understand carnally , and have a fleshly sense and apprehension of them . and as they understand all other things of gods kingdome carnally , so also the reformation of it ; and there are not greater and grosser mistakes about any of the things of god , then about this : men imagining the reformation of the church , which is altogether a spiritual and heavenly kingdom , after the manner of the reformation of worldly states and common-wealths , which only stands in outward things , and is brought to passe by humane councels , and humane power . now because this is not only a grosse , but a generall errour , in all sorts of people , both of high and of low degree , i shall indeavour , at this time , according to the good hand of god with me , to represent in some gospel-light to this honourable and christian auditory the true reformation of the church of the new-testament : and blessed is hee who shall not be offended at it . for this purpose i made choice of the words now read , vntill the time of reformation . for the better understanding of which , wee must read the context : ver. . the first tabernacle was a figure for the time then present , in which were offered both gifts and sacrifices that could not make him that did the service perfect as pertaining to the conscience . v. . which stood only in meats and drinks , and divers washings , and carnall ordinances ( it should be righteousnesses , or justifications of the flesh , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) imposed on them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , untill the time of reformation . in which words , the apostle shews the imperfection of the worship of the old law , because it stood in outward rites , ceremonies , duties , performances , and so could not make him that used them and was busied in them , perfect as pertaining to his conscience ; and therefore god did not simply and absolutely impose these things on the church , to continue for ever , but only untill the time , wherein all things were to be reformed , not only evill things , but imperfect . and then all that outward religion was to be abolished . now if the law of moses could not make men perfect , as pertayning to the conscience , much lesse can any new lawes invented now . and if any such lawes should be imposed on the people of god now , the gospel hath the same strength in it self to make them void , as the former ; and also the same ground from them , because all such lawes and ordinances devised by men , cannot make them that obey and practise them perfect as pertaining to the conscience : and therefore are all to be at an end , when the time of reformation comes . quest . now if you ask me , when this time of reformation was . ans. i answer : it was when christ came ; not a servant , as moses , but the son out of the bosome of the father , the great prophet of the new testament , whose doctrine was not letter as moses was , but spirit and life : and now when christ the minister of the new testament , came with the ministration of the spirit , now was the time of reformation . in the time of the law there were outward duties , and performances , and ceremonies , and sacrifices , and strict laws to injoyn the observation of these things , carrying along with them the severity of death : and yet notwitstanding all this , there was no true reformation ; but under all that outward religion men were inwardly as corrupt and wicked as the very heathen : for all their circumcision in the flesh , they were uncircumcised in heart ; for all their outward washing , they were inwardly unclean ; for all their blood of buls and goats , their sins remained in their natures and consciences ; for all their strict forcing of men to the duties of the outward worship of god , the people still remained far from god even in all those duties . so that notwithstanding the outward worship of moses law , the people remained inwardly corrupt , filthy , and unclean , and without any true reformation before goa ; till christ , who was god in the flesh , came with the ministration of the spirit , and then indeed was the time of reformation . vntill the time of reformation . the thing then the spirit would have us take notice of in these words , is this , that the time of the gospel is the time of reformation . when-ever the gospel is preached in the spirit and power of it , that is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the time of reformation . for our more orderly proceeding in this point , wee will observe this method . . show what true gospel-reformation is , and how it is qualified ; that so you may the better distinguish it from politicall and ecclesiasticall reformation . now both these i joyn together , because the carnall church hath alwayes interested and mingled it self with the power of the world , as being able to doe nothing without it . . i will indeavour to shew to whose hands the work of gospel-reformation is committed . . by what means he to whose hands it is committed , brings it about . . the advantages of such a reformation where it is wrought . . the vse . the first generall . what true gospel reformation is , and how qualified . . what it is . it is the mortiying , destroying , and utter abolishing out of the faithfull and elect , all that sin , corruption , lust , evill , that did flow in upon them through the fall of adam . or , it is the taking away and destroying the body of sin , out of the faithfull and elect by the presence and operation of the righteousnesse of god , dwelling in their hearts by faith . this is true gospel reformation , and besides this i know no other . this the evangelicall prophet isaiah describeth , chap. . . zion shall be redeemed with judgement , and her converts with righteousnesse . now christ dwelling in our hearts by faith , as he discovers , reproves , condemnes , and destroyes sin , so he is called judgement : and thus is judgement to be understood in the gospel sense ; and not terribly , as in the sense of the law : and this judgement shall at last break forth into victory ; that is , though christ in us hath to doe with many strong corruptions and lusts in the soule , yet at last hee prevails against them all , and judgement breaks forth into victory , because christ , the judgement of god in the soul , must needs in the end prevail against every sin of man . again , christ the righteousnesse of god , as he makes us righteous with his own righteousnesse , and makes us the righteousnesse of god in him , so hee is called righteousnesse , not in himself onely , but in us : he is the lord our righteousnesse : and by this judgement and righteousnesse is zion and her converts redeemed and reformed . and so true gospel reformation is the destruction of sin out of the faithfull , by the presence of righteousnesse . and therefore you see how grosly they are mistaken who take gospel reformation to be the making of certain laws and constitutions by the sacred power or clergy , for externall conformity in outward duties of outward worship and government , and to have these confirmed by civill sanction , and inforced upon men by secular power ; when in the mean time , all that inward corruption and sin they brought with them into the world remains in their hearts and natures as it did before . after this manner the old prelates reformed , who were wont to say to the kings , wee will studie out the faith , and you shall maintain it : and the faith they studied and brought to the kings , the kings must maintain , and not question but that it was jure divino . and thus you see in generall what gospel reformation is , and that it is a cleer different thing from civil-ecclesiasticall reformation . . now in the next place let us see how this gospel reformation is qualified , whereby the difference between this and the other will appear yet more cleerly . first then , it is a spirituall reformation . for as the kingdome of christ is a spirituall kingdome , so all the things that belong to it are spirituall things ; and so the reformation of it . a carnall reformation is not sutable to a spirituall kingdom . and spirituall it is , because it proceeds from the spirit , and stands in spirituall things , as you shall see more fully anon . but now the reformation of the civill and ecclesiasticall state , is but a carnall reformation , wrought by the power of flesh and blood , and stands in outward and fleshly things , as you shall presently see . secondly , it is an inward reformation . for as the kingdome of god is an inward kingdome , ( the kingdome of god is within you ) so the reformation that belongs to it is an inward reformation . this true gospel reformation layes hold upon the heart , and soul , and inner man , and changes , and alters , and renews , and reforms that ; and when the heart is reformed , all is reformed . and therefore this gospel reformation doth not much busie and trouble it selfe about outward forms , or externall conformity , but onely minds the reforming of the heart , and when the heart is right with god , the outward form cannot be amisse . and therefore saith christ touching the worship of the new testament , god is a spirit , and they that worship him must worship him in spirit and in truth : but speaks not one word of any outward form . so that god in this gospel reformation aims at nothing but the heart , according to the tenour of the new covenant , jer. . . this shall be the covenant that i will make with them after those dayes , saith the lord , i will put my law in their inward parts , and write it in their hearts : so that they shall not onely have the word of the letter in their books , but the living word of god in their hearts : and god intending to reform the church , begins with their hearts , and intending to reform their hearts , puts his word there , and that living word put into the heart reforms it indeed . but now civil-ecclesiasticall reformation is onely outward , and busies st selfe in reforming the outward man in outward things ; and so is very industrious and elaborate about outward forms , and outward orders , and outward government , and outward confession , and outward practice , and thinks if these be put into some handsom●nesse and conformity ; they have brought about an excellent reformation : though the heart in the mean time remain as sinfull , vile , and corrupt as ever , and so altogether unreformed . and so this reformation is like that reformation of the scribes and pharisees , notorious hypocrites , who made clean onely the outside of the cup or platter , leaving them all filthy and unclean within : and whited over sepulchres , to make them beautifull outwardly , when inwardly they were full of rottennesse and corruption . so civill-ecclesiasticall reformation makes a man clean outwardly , with an outward confession of faith , when inwardly hee is all filthy through unbelief ; and whites him over with a few handsome forms of worship , when inwardly hee is full of ignorance of god , and atheism . obj. now if any ask , but must there be no change of outward things in the reformation of the gospel ? answ. i answer , yes ; an outward change that flows from an inward : but not an outward change without an inward ; much lesse an outward change to enforce an inward . . it is a thorow reformation , for it reforms the whole man ; it reforms not the soul onely , but the body too , and the very spirit of the mind : the spirit as it animates , and quickens , and acts the body , is called the soule ; as it is in it selfe , in its owne nature and essence , so it is called the spirit of the mind : and this gospel reformation reforms all ; that is , both inward and outward , and outward and inward man ; yea , the inwardest of the inward man ; and not only the operations of the soul in the body , but of the soul in its selfe . but civill-ecclesiasticall reformation reforms by halfs , it reaches the body , and orders that , but attains not to the soul , much lesse to the spirit of the mind . again , gospel reformation reforms sin wholly , aswell as the man ; it reforms all sin whatsoever , i will turn my hand upon thee , ( saith god by this gospel reformation ) and will purely purge away thy drosse , and take away all thy tinne . it reforms a man not only of outward sins , but of inward . it reforms him of those sins that seldome come forth into the view of the world , as atheisme , ignorance of god , pride , vain-glory , self-seeking , hypocrisie , carnall mindednesse , and all the evill desires of the flesh , and of the minde . yea , it doth not only reform all evill things in us , but all imperfect things 〈◊〉 doing away imperfect things by the coming of perfect things , doing away our own strength by the coming in of gods strength , and our own wisdome and righteousnesse , by the coming in of gods wisdome and righteousnesse . but now civill-ecclesiasticall reformation reforms sin by the halfs , aswell as the man ; and so only reforms outward and grosse sins , such as run into the eyes of the world , which are the least by a thousand times of the evils that a man hath and acts ; but the greatest part of sin it still leaves within as it was . fourthly , it is a powerfull and mighty reformation : it is wrought in a man by the very power of god , even by the right hand of his righteousnesse . and so no sin , lust , corruption , though never so mighty , is able to refist this work of god by the gospel ; but it makes the whole body of sin , and the whole kingdome of the divell fly in pieces before it : the power of god in creating and redeeming the elect may as well be resisted , as the power of god in reforming them : for it is a power above all power , that god puts forth in this work , and so is not to be made void by any creature . in every stroke of this work the power of the lord god almighty is put forth , as every rightly reformed christian knows . and if the love of god had not put forth this power in the soule , a christian had never been reformed , no not from one sin . now the power of this reformation eminently appears , in that it changeth the very natures of men ; it findes them lions , it makes them lambs ; it findes them wolves , it makes them sheep ; it findes them birds of prey , it makes them doves ; it finds them trees of the forrest , it makes them apple-trees : in a word , it finds them flesh , it makes them spirit ; it finds them sin , it makes them righteousnesse . mighty indeed is the power of this reformation . but now , as this gospel reformation is mighty , so civill-ecclesiasticall reformation is weak . for as the former hath the power of god engaged in it , so this later hath only the power of man ; and so can do no such works as the former . i appeale to all that are spirituall , what heart or nature was ever changed by this sort of reformation ? for there is that corruption in the heart of every man , that is able to stand out against all the reformation that all the powers in the world can undertake . and so the reformation mannaged by the mightiest and severest powers of men is weak as water in this businesse of changing natures ; and can onely change some outward forms and postures , and the like , leaving in the mean time a mans nature the same it was before . it onely puts sheeps clothing upon men , which is easily done ; but still leaves them wolves underneath . fifthly , it is a constant reformation ; a reformation which being once begun , is never intermitted again till all be perfected . for as long a gods nature dwels in ours , it will ever be reforming our nature to it selfe , till it be altogether like it . as long as the spirit of god dwels in the flesh , it will still be reforming the flesh to the spirit , till the whole body of sin be destroyed , and the naturall man be made spirituall . so that the whole-time of this life that is lived in faith , that is , in union with christ , is a time of continuall reformation , and a christian is daily washing , cleansing , and purifying himself , till hee purifie himfelf even as christ is pure . but now civill-ecclesiasticall reformation at first makes a great noise and tumult in the world , and after lies as still as a stone . for such reformation reforms states and kingdoms to mens own profit , honour , power-advantages ; and so to themselves , rather then to christ . and when men have once attained to their own ends , their activity ceases . again , it brings men to certain outward orders and conformities , and then runnes round as in a mill , and goes no farther . again , it reforms for a time , and not constantly , because the outward power being taken away , nature returns to its own course again . for state-ecclesiasticall reformation onely changes some outward works , leaving the nature the self same that it was ( as you have heard ) . now where the works are contrary to nature , nature by degrees returns to it self again , and puts an end to those works ; and so there is an end of that reformation . and thus you see what gospel-reformation is , and how qualified , whereby you see it cleerly differenced from civill-ecclesiasticall reformation . and oh that that prophesie might here be fulfilled , isa. . . the eyes of them that see shall not be dim , and the ears of them that hear shall hearken . the second generall . to whose hand this work of reformation is committed . now that is only to jesus christ , the great and onely magistrate in the kingdome of god ; and who onely is to doe all that is done in the church of god : he is the dominus fac totum ( as they say ) . if the church be to be redeemed , christ must redeem it ; if it be to be governed , christ must govern it ; if it be to be protected , christ must protect it ; if it be to be saved , christ must save it : all that is to be done in the church of god , christ only is to do it ; and so among other things to reform it ; that is , to wash it , sanctifie it , purifie it . christ then is the only reformer of the church of god . for , first , god hath committed the care of the churches reformation to christ onely , and to no body else : and this is a thousand times better for the church , then if he had committed it to all the princes and magistrates in the world . all things are given to me of my father , saith christ ; and the church above all other things : thine they were , and thou gavest them mee ; thine they were by election , and thou gavest them me , that i might redeem them , and reform them , and present them to thee again without spot . so that the father hath committed the care of the reformation of the church to christ . and secondly , christ hath taken this care upon himself out of obedience to his father , and love to his church . . out of obedience to his father : for he saith , i came not to do my own will , but the will of him that sent me : and this is the will of him that sent mee , that of all that hee hath given mee i should lose none . and so christ reforms all , that he might lose none , out of obedience to his father . . out of love to his church he takes this care and charge on him . for such is the love of christ to the church every where so gloriously discovered in the gospel , that hee doth not onely give himself for us , to redeem us ; but also gives himself to us , to reform us . christ dying for us , is our redemption ; christ dwelling and living in us , is our reformation . thirdly , this work of reformation is only sutable to , and convenient for christ the head , as having so neer and deer interest in the church his body . and so he is ful of love , and bowels , and tender compassions to the church : he will not deal roughly , ruggedly , and boistrously with the saints ; hee will not grieve them , and vex them & oppresse them , and crush them in peices : but he being their head , wil deal meekly and gently with them , he will not break the bruised reed , nor quench the smoaking flax . when he is reforming the sins and corruptions of the faithfull , he deals with them in the very love and goodnesse of god , and wil not put them to more sorrow then needs must ; and when hee must needs put them to sorrow in the flesh ( for flesh cannot chuse but mourn to part with it self utterly in this reformation ) yet he is present with the comforts of his spirit , and when hee hath smitten them , is ready to heal them , and to bind them up as soon as he hath broken them . he deals with every christian in this reformation as tenderly as a man doth with one of his own members that is in grief and anguish ; he regards and handles him as his own body , as his own flesh . and so the reformation of christ is altogether for edification , and not at all for destruction : for it is his own body he reforms , and so doth it with the love of the head . but wh●n strangers , whose the church is not , set upon reforming it , what havock doe they make of the church of god ? how do they wound , and threaten , and punsh , and destroy it , and have no regard at all to the weak , infirm , sorrowfull saints , that are wrestling with many doubts , feares , agonies , corruptions , temptaetions , till they are overtaken with very shadow of death ? how do they yersecute them that are already smitten , and grieve them more that are already wounded ? and so you see that he only that hath an interest in the church as being the head of the church , is onely fit to reforme it ; whereas the reformation of strangers hath more cruelty in it then love , and more destruction then edification . fourthly , christ is onely able for this work : for the reformation of the church is as great a work as the redemption of it : and hee onely that could doe the one , can doe the other . christ must die to redeem the church , and hee must live to reform it : and so as the government of the church only lies upon his shoulders who is the head ; so the reformation of it onely lies upon his hands , and his hands onely are sufficient for it . if all the angels of heaven should undertake the work of reformation , they would sink under it ; how much more the powers of the world ? for , the taking away transgression for us , and from us , which is the only reformation of the new testament , is a work agreeable to none but the son of god , as it is written , his name shall be called jesus , for he shall save his people from their sins : where you have both the reformer , christ ; and the reformation , shall save his people from their sins : now hee must needs be the righteousnesse of god that must save people from fin . and hee must needs be god in the flesh that must reform the flesh ; none else can do it . to conclude this : none but the power of god , and wisdome of god , and the righteousnesse of god , which is jesus christ , can reform the church , which is the kingdom of god : and the power , wisdome , and righteousnesse of men have no place at all here , except they will turn the power , wisdom , and righteousnesse of god out of his office ; for so speaks the spirit by the prophet isaiah , ch. . . the loftinesse of men shall be bowed down , and the haughtiness of men shall be made low , and the lord alone all be exalted . now what is the loftinesse and haughtinesse of men , but the power , wisdom , and righteousnesse of men ? and all this , saith the lord , shall be bowed down and laid low ; and the lord alone shall be exalted , that is , christ alone , who is the power , wisdom , and righteousnesse of god ; and that in the day of the churches reformation , as well as in the day of the churches redemption . and thus you see that christ is the reformer of the church his body , which is the city and kingdom of god . and therfore the reformation of the church is certain ; for christ wil as surely reform it , as he hath redeemed it ; and all that the father hath given him he hath redeemed , and all that he hath redeemed he wil reform , that he may make them fit to present to god : that so all that the son hath received from the father , having redeemed and reformed them , he may give them back to the father again . so that i doubt not of the churches reformation , because it is christs own work , and he hath under taken the doing of it . and as none of the powers of the earth could help him to reform the church ; so none of the powers of hell shall be able to hinder him , but as many as he hath redeemed unto god by his blood , in his due time he will reform them all by his spirit , as belonging to his care & charge . and therefore let us look to christ for the reformation of his church , that is , of his faithfull people : the rest of the world that lies in wickednes , he lets remain in wickednesse , as not belonging to his care & charge . this reformation is the work of christs care & love , & he being faithful in this busines , i am at rest & quiet , seeing christ is as able for the reformation of the church , as for the redemption of it . and therefore ( honorable & beloved ) i say to you touching this work of the reformation of the spiritual temple of the new-test . as god once said to david touching the building of the materiall temple of the old test . king. . . where as it was in thine heart ( said god ) to build an house to my name , thou didst well it was in thy heart . nevertheless , thou shalt not build the house , but thy son that shal come out of thy loins he shall build an house unto my name . and elsewhere he renders the reason of it , why dav. should not , & solomon should build this house , because , saith he , thou hast bin a man of war , and hast shed much blood : but solomon , he shall live and florish in eace , and he shall do it . so say i to you touching this work of reformation ; you did well in that it was in your hearts to reform the kingdome of god , and the spirituall church , which is christs own dear body . neverthelesse you shall not reform it , for you have been men of war ; that is you have managed a great and mighty war against great and mighty enemies , and have shed much bloud ; for the lord hath given you the necks of your enemies , and hath subdued them under you that rose up against you , and you have trod them down as mire in the streets . and therefore you shall not do this work , having been men of warre ; but christ the prince of peace , he shall reform the church of god : for this is not a work of men of war , but of the prince of peace , seeing this is not a work of humane might or strength , but of the spirit . so that you did well , that you thought to reforme the church : but when you understand the reformation of the church is as great a work as the redemption of it , you will acknowledge the work is too great for you , and that it belongs onely unto christ , seeing the father hath committed the care of this work only to him ; and he hath taken this care and charge upon himself , and it is onely sutable to him , as being the head of the church : and hee onely is able for it , as being the son of god , and equall to god . the third generall . by what means christ brings this reformation about . and that is , by these two , and them only ; to wit , the word , and the spirit . the first means whereby christ reforms the church is the word . by this christ doth all , that ever hee doth in his kingdome : by this he calls and rejects ; by this he binds and looseth ; by this he comforts and terrifies ; by this he enlightens and makes blind ; by this he kils and quickens ; by this he saves and damns ; and all that ever he doth in this kingdom he doth by his word , and without this he doth nothing of all that he doth . christ doth all in his kingdom by the word only ; but antichrist doth all things without the word , even by the decrees and constitutions of men . now as christ doth all other things in the church by the word , so he reforms too : now are yee clean through the word that i have spoken to you . all the powers in the world cannot reform the church as the word of god can do ; for this is quick and powerfull , and sharper then a two-edged sword , piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit , and of the joints and marrow , and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart , and doth change , and renew , and reform all . and therefore christ , when hee comes to reform the church , comes with no worldly power or weapons , but onely with the word in his mouth ; yea , though god set him king upon his holy hill of sion , yet he reforms not by outward power , but by preaching , saying , i will publish the decree whereof the lord hath said unto me , thou art my son , this day have i begotten thee . and again , the spirit of the lord is upon mee , for he hath annointed mee to preach the gospel . and again , the redeemer shall come to sion : and then follows the covenant of god with the redeemer , my word shall never depart out of thy mouth , isa. . . and in psalm . the church saith by the spirit to christ , ride on prosperously on the word of truth , meeknesse , and righteousnesse , which is the word of the gospel . and so christ , when the time of reformation was come , went up and down preaching the word . and thus he brought to passe the glorious reformation of the new testament , by preaching the gospel of the kingdome , and nothing else . and when hee was to leave the world , hee sent his disciples to carry on the work of reformation , as hee himselfe had begun it , as hee saith , as my father sent mee , so send i you ; not with the power of the world , but with the power of the word : and so hee bid them goe teach all nations , and preach the gospel to every creature : and by teaching and preaching to the world , to reforme the world : and so accordingly they did mark . ver. . they went forth and preached every where , the lord working with them . so that christ sent them not forth with any power of swords , or guns , or prisons to reforme the world , or with any power of states , or armies : but sent forth poor , illiterate , mechanick men , and only armed them with the power of the word ; and behold what wonders they wrought by that power alone : they turned the world upside downe ; they changed the manners , customes , religion , worship , lives , and natures of men ; they carried all oppositions and difficulties before them ; they won many in most kingdoms unto christ , and brought them into willing subjection and obedience to him : and all this they did ( i say ) not with any earthly or secular power , but by the ministery of the gospel alone , christs great and onely instrument for the conquering , subduing , and reforming of the nations . and so the power appeared to be gods onely , and not the creatures . and thus you see how the word is one means christ useth for reformation . and this word only works a right reformation : for this reforms truly and indeed ; all other power reforms but in appearance . so that there is no true reformation of any thing but what is wrought by the word : but what ever evill is reformed , and not by the power of the word , it is not truly reformed ; it is onely reformed in the flesh , and not in the spirit : it is only suspended in the outward operation of it , but the seed and nature of it still remaines in the heart , to grow up and work again , as opportunity serves . and therefore what-ever evill or corruption is reformed in thee , see it be reformed by the power of the word : if the word hath killed it in thee , it is killed indeed ; if not , it is alive in thee , though it seeme to be dead . the outward power of the world may set up an image of reformation , but it is the word onely can work true reformation . and therefore let us learn to rely on the word for the reformation of the church . for this is much for the honour of the word ( which god hath magnified above all his name ) when wee can neglect the power of the world , and leave the whole work of reformation to the power , working , and efficacy of the word alone , which is almighty , and able to bring off the heart from all things to god . as on the contrary , it is a great dishonor to god and his word , when men dare not relie on the word alone to reform the church , though it be stronger then men and angels and all the creatures ; but will needs be calling in the power of the world , and rest and rely on that , for this work , as if the power of the word were not sufficient . but let such men know , that if the power of the word , will not reform men ; all the power of the world will never do it . and therefore well said luther , praedicare , annuntiare , scribers volo , neminem autem vi adigam , i will preach and teach and write , but i will constrain no body . oh therefore that our civill and ecclesiasticall powers would so much honour christs word , as to trust the reformation of his kingdome with it ; and that as it is sufficient to reform the church , so you would be pleased to think it sufficient ; and thus shall you give christ and his word due honour , as well as declare your own faith . and if you would commit this work to the power of the word , to which onely it belongs , you should soon see what the word would do . there is no such glorious sight under heaven as to see the word , in the spirit and power of it , come in to an unreformed world , and to observe the changes and alterations it makes there . and thus you see that one means that christ useth for the reformation of his church , is the word . but here i must further declare to you that this word by which christ reforms the church , is not the word of the law ; for the law made nothing perfect , but the word of the gospel ; this , this , is the onely word , that works reformation . for first , . this word works faith ; and therefore it is called the word of faith , because faith comes by hearing of this word , rom. . ver. . and v. . now as the word workes faith , so faith apprehends the word , even that word that was with god and was god ; this living and eternall word , dwels in our heart by faith , as the apostle saith , that christ may dwell in your hearts by faith : and this word dwelling in us by faith , changeth us into its own likenesse , as fire changeth the iron into its own likenesse , and takes us up into all its own vertues . and so the word dwelling in the flesh , reforms the flesh , and it dwels in us through faith , and faith is wrought by the gospel . so that the word whereby christ reforms , is not the word without us , as the word of the law is ; but the word within us , as it is written , the word is nigh thee , even in thy mouth , and in thy heart ; and this is the word of faith : if thou live under the word many years , and if it come not into thy heart , it wil never change thee , nor reform thee . and therefore the reforming word is the word within us , and the word within us is the word of faith . . the gospel reformes , because it doth not only reveal christs righteousnesse , as it is written , the righteousnesse of god is revealed from faith to faith ; but also it communicates it to us : and therefore it is called the word of righteousnesse , because it works righteousnesse . so that christ , the righteousnesse of god , is conveyed to us through this word of righteousnesse . and when the righteousnesse of god , revealed in the gospel , comes and dwels in us , what reformation of sin doth this work ? all sin perisheth , at the rebuke of his countenance , for the righteousnesse of god will endure no sin in us ; and so the gospel reformes by working righteousnesse in us . . the gospel reformes , because it shews us christ , and by shewing us him , it changeth us into his image : the more we see christ in the gospel , the more are we made like unto him , that as we have born the image of the earthly , so we may bear the image of the heavenly adam . . yea the gospel shews us god in christ in all his glory , and changeth us into that glory of god which is shewn us ; we all saith paul with open face , beholding as in a glasse ( and this glasse is the gospel ) the glory of the lord , are changed into the same image from glory to glory , even as by the spirit of the lord : so that the gospell by shewing us god , changing us into the image of god and god through the gospel , ariseth on us , till his glory be seen upon us . and thus you see the grounds of the gospels reformation . so that now the word of the gospel , is the only reforming word : and if there be never so much preaching , if it be but legal , it wil reform no body aright ; because there can be no working faith , nor communicating righteousnesse , nor changing men into gods image , and so there can be no true reformation . and thus much for the first means of reformation which christ useth , which is the word , and this word the gospel . . means , the spirit . for the spirit accompanies the word in the ministry of the gospel ; and therefore the gospel is called the ministration of the spirit , that is , the word and spirit in union and operation . in the law there was the letter without the spirit , and so that could do nothing ; but in the gospel the word and the spirit are alwayes joyned : and therefore saith christ , the words that i speak are spirit and life , that is , they come from the spirit and carry spirit with them . and this spirit that is present in the word of the gospel , and works in it , and is given by it , reforms mightily ; and therefore it is called the spirit of judgement and burning : and the lord looking to this time of reformation , promised long before to pour out his spirit upon all flesh , and so to reform all flesh . now the spirit poured forth upon the flesh , reforms it two wayes . . by taking away all evils out of the flesh . . by changing the flesh into its own likenesse . . the spirit poured forth upon the flesh , reforms it all by taking all evil out of the flesh ; as first , all sin and corruption ; saith paul , if you mortifie the deeds of the flesh by the spirit yee shal live ; the deeds of the flesh are not to be mortified by any power , but by the spirit ; all pride and envy and lust and covetousnesse and carnal mindedness and all other evils of the flesh , are reformed by the presence of the spirit in it , and no other way . . the spirit reforms not only all sins in the church , but all errors , and heresies , and false doctrines , as is evident by that of paul cor. . . if any man , build upon this foundation gold , silver , precious stones , wood , hay , stubble , every mans work shal be made manifest ; for the day shal declare it , because it shal be revealed by fire , and the fire shal try every mans work of what sort it is , &c , so that a man may lay christ for a foundation , and yet build wood , hay , and stubble upon him , that is , humane doctrines and the inventions of men , and false and wicked opinions . . the destruction of this hay , wood , and stubble , error , herefie , and humane doctrines in the church of god , that is , the people built on christ , shal not be by laws of states , or constitutions of councels , but by the holy ghost which is as fire . the spirit shal come into the saints , and burn up all that corrupt and false doctrine that wil not indure the spirit ; and error shal never be destroyed , but by the spirit of truth . so that the spirit reforms all error , as wel as all corruptions in the faithful . . the spirit doth not only reform the flesh by taking away all evil out of it , whether corruptions or errors ; but also it changeth the flesh into its own likenesse : for the spirit is as fire that changeth every thing into its self ; and so doth the spirit in the flesh , make the flesh spirituall : like heavenly fire it changeth men into its own likenesse , and makes them spiritual , heavenly , holy , meek , good , loving , &c. and thus the spirit reforms indeed : when the spirit is poured forth upon a man , how wonderfully doth it reform him ? this works a change in him in goodearnest , and no man is ever truly reformed , til he receive the spirit . and thus you see the means that christ useth to work this reformation , and these are the only means . object . yea but i hope you wil allow secular power too : may not the spiritual church of christ be reformed with worldly and secular power . ans. i answer , by no means , and that for these causes . . forceable reformation , is unbeseeming the gospel ▪ for the gospel is the gospel of peace and not of force and fury . civil-ecclesiasticall reformation reforms by breathing out threatnings , punishments , prisons , fire , and death ; but the gospel by preaching peace . and therefore it is most unbeseeming the gospell , to do any thing rashly and violently , for the advancement thereof : for the gospell of peace is not to be advanced by violence ; and therefore violent reformers live in contradiction to the gospel of peace , and cannot be truely reckoned christians , but enemies to christianity , sith christianity doth all by the power of the anoynting , but anti-christianity doth all by the power of the world . . forceable reformation is unsutable to christs kingdom ; for christs kingdom stands in the spirit , and the force of flesh and blood can contribute nothing to this . . again the faithful , the subjects of this kingdom , are a spiritual people , and so they are without the reach of any outward force ; you may as wel go about to bring the angels of heaven under an outward and secular power , as the faithful , who being born of the spirit , are more spiritual then they . and what hath flesh and blood to do with them that are born of the spirit , in the things of the spirit ? and therefore touching this kingdom which is spiritual , and beyond not only the power , but the cognisance of the world , god hath said , there shall be none to kill nor hurt in all my holy mountain . and again violence shal no more he heard in thy streets , wasting nor destruction within thy borders . . as they are a spiritual people , so also a willing people ; and what needs outward power to force a people made willing by the spirit ? thy people shal be willing in the day of thy power : the very day of christs power , is not to force men against their wills , but to make them willing . the spirit of god that brings them to this kingdom , makes them willing to obey god there , and gives them pleasure in that obedience , by shedding abroad the love of god in their hearts . they that are not a willing people , belong not to christs kingdom , but to the world . . by this forceable reformation , human institution is set up ; for the power of the world reforms by the prudence of the world : and men never use human power in the church , but they first make human laws in it ; and human laws are the rule of human power . and so by this means , the authority of men , is made to have power , not in the things of men , but in the things of god : which is the great dishonour of god and his authority . . it brings men into blind obedience and makes them obey what is commanded on pain of punishment , though they know not whether it be right or wrong ; with the word , or against the word : so that a man shal say , that which i do i am constrained to do , and therefore i do it because i am constrained . i read in frithes answer to the bishop of rochester , that a youth being present at his fathers burning , the officers seeing him , resolved to examine him also , to try if they might find him a sectary or an heretick : but the youth dismayed at the sad fight of his fathers death , and fearing the like end himself , being asked of one of them , how he beleeved ? answered , sir i beleeve even as it pleaseth you . and so the more outward and violent power is used upon men , the more of this kind of faith and obedience you shal have : when men shal see prisons , and banishments , and losse of goods , and death , walking up and down the kingdom for the reformation of the church , you shal at last have men say , sirs , we wil beleeve and do , even as it pleaseth you : we wil beleeve as the state pleaseth , or we wil beleeve as the counsel pleaseth ; and let them make what confession they wil , we had rather beleeve them , then indure them . and thus by fear and punishment may men be brought to say and do that which they neither beleeve nor understand : and how acceptable such popish faith and obedience is unto god , all spiritual christians know , and every mans conscience , me thinks , should be convinced . . it makes men hypocrites and not saints ; for it forceth the body , and leaves the heart as it was ; for the heart cannot be forced by outward power , but by the inward efficacy of the truth ▪ now the hearts of men being corrupt , what are all outward duties , they are forced to , but so much hypocrisie ? so that forceable reformation makes only hypocrites and gilded sepulchres , putting a form of godlinesse , upon the outward man , when there is no power of godliness in the innerman , but a power of ungodlinesse . that reformation with which the uncleanesse of the heart stands , is none of christs reformation . vvhat is the reformation of the outward man , when the heart is ful of atheism , ignorance of god , adultery , pride , murder , &c. and all the corruptions of nature ? cal you this a reformation of the church of christ ? this reformation makes none saints , but all hypocrites , forcing mens actions contrary to their natures . . it causes disturbances and tumults in the world ; when men are forced by outward power to act against their inward principles in the things of god , what disturbances and tumults this hath bred in states and kingdoms who knows not ? so that they that lay hold on the power of men , and go about to reform hearts and consciences , by outward violence , are never the cause of reformation , but always of tumult : and this renders the cause of the gospel grievous & odious to the world , rather then c●mmends it . and therefore , let all that love the gospel of christ , abstain from outward violence ; for they that use the sword in this kind , shal in the end perish by the sword . a man when he sins not against the state , may justly stand for his state-freedom ; and to deprive a man of his state-liberties for the kingdom of christs sake , as it causeth disturbances in the world , so let any man shew me any such thing in the gospel . . christ useth no such outward force himselfe , for hee is meek and lowly in spirit ; and not boysterous and furious in the flesh . and it was foretold of him he should not strive , nor cry , nor lift up his voyce in the streets to cal in outward and secular ayd , power . he never used the power of the world , but did all by the power of the word ; even his very punishments and distructions , he executes by the word ; he shal smite the earth with the rod of his mouth , and with the breath of his lips he shal slay the wicked : and antichrist himself , his greatest enemy , he destroyes by the spirit of his mouth , and the brightnesse of his coming . . neither did christ command his apostles to use any such outward power , but he sent his disciples to preach , and bid them say into what house soever they entred , peace be to this house ; and if men would not receive peace and the doctrine of peace , not to force them , but to depart thence , and to shake off the dust of their feet as a witnesse against them , that they had been there , according to the wil of christ and the father , and offered them mercy and salvation , which they refused . and this is all that the ministers of the gospel can do to any that refuse their doctrine , and not to go to the secular magistrate to ask power to punish them , or imprison them , or sel their goods , as is now practised in some parts of the kingdom , even upon the saints : and if men be wicked , is it not misery enough for them to refuse eternal life , except also they inflict on them temporal death ? is it not misery enough for men to refuse the good things of heaven , except they also deprive them of the good things of this present life ? and yet as luther said of the clergy , quando non invocat brachium seculare ? & morte utraque terrat mundum : when doth it not cal upon the secular power , and terrifies the world with both deaths ? surely christ and the word approved not these ways . for , math. . christ imposeth no other punishment on them , that would not hear the church , then that he should be reckoned as a heathen ; and paul , titus . teacheth us after once and twice admonition to avoyd an heretick , but not to imprison him , or kil him , or banish him : and again they that do these things shal not inherite the kingdome of god ; and again , he that beleever not shal bee damned ; but not one word of outward or corporal punishment in all the gospel . . yea christ reproveth his disciples , for discovering such a spirit of tyranny as to punish men for not receiving him , luk. . when the apostles of a prelatical and antichristian spirit , in that particular , desired fire to come down from heaven upon them , that would not receive him , christ did severely rebuke them , saying , ye know not of what spirit ye are , not of christs spirit , which is meek , but of sathans , who was a murderer from the beginning , and of antichrists , his first begotten in the world : and he adds , the son of man came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them ; and therefore to go about to turn the gospel , not to save mens lives , but to destroy them , and so to change christ himself from a saviour into a destroyer , this is antichrist triumphant . all these things shew that worldly power hath no place at all in the reformation of the gospel . now i should have proceeded here to answer some objections , as namely : . that of luke . compel them te come in : this , i forgetting , named not . may a christian then live as he list ? no by no means ; for he hath the word and spirit in him , to keep him from living as he list ; and he knows that no man in gods kingdom may live as he wils , but as god wils . but would you have no law ? no laws in gods kingdom , but gods laws ; and these are a thausand times better then all the laws of men : and they are these three : the law of a new nature . the law of the spirit of life that is in christ . the law of love . but would you have no government ? yes , but the government of christ the head , and the holy ghost the spirit , in and over the church the body . they that would govern the faithful the members of christs own body , make themselves the head of those members ; and so antichrist may as wel be found in a combination of men , as in one single person . but would you have no order ? yes , the best that is ; even such an order as is in the body of christ ; where every member is placed by christ , and none by itself ; the order of the spiritual church is a spiritual order , and not a carnal . but would you have sin suffered ? no , but more truly and throughly destroyed , then any power of the world can destroy it ; even by the spirit of judgment and burning . but would you have sinners suffered ? no , but punished more severely , then any powers of the world can punish them ; for he shal smite the earth with the rod of his mouth , and with the breath of his lips he shal slay the wicked . and as for those that are outwardly wicked , the magistrate is to keep them in order , for the quiet of the state , he having power over their persons , estates , and lives . i should also have proceeded to the next thing ▪ the advantages of such a gospel reformation where it is wrought ; together with the vses : but because i would not be over long , i passe by these things , and so proceed no farther in this discourse . but being brought hither by an unexpected providence , i shal crave liberty to speak a few words to you in the behalf of two kingdoms , that is , this kingdom and gods . . that which i have to request of you for this kingdome , is , that you would regard the oppression of the poore , and the sighing of the needy : never was there more injustice and oppession in the nation then now ; i have seen many oppressed and crushed , and none to help them . i beseech you consider this with all your hearts , for many who derive power from you are great appressors . and therefore i require you in the name of god , to discharge the trust that god hath put into your hands ; and so to defend the poor and fatherlesse , to do justice to the afflicted and needy , to deliver the poor and needy , and to rid them out of the hands of the wicked ; this is your businesse , discharge your duty : if you wil not , then hear what the lord saith , psa. . . for the oppression of the poor ; for the sighing of the needy , now wil i arise saith the lord : and gods rising in this case , would prove your ruine . if you wil not do gods work in the kingdome which he hath cal'd you too , he wil do it himself , without you ; as it is written , he shal deliver the needy when he cryeth , the poor also ; and he that hath no helper ; he shal save their souls from deceit and violence ; the common evils of the times . and this is all that i have to say for this kingdom . . i have a few more things to say touching gods kingdom ; and the first is this . . that as christs kingdom , and the kingdoms of the world are distinct , so you would be pleased to keep them so ; not mingle them together your selves , nor suffer others to do it , to the great prejudice and disturbance of both . . that you would be pleased to think that christs kingdom ( which is not of this world ) hath sufficient power in it self to mannage all the affairs of it , without standing in need of any ayd or help from the world ; seeing the power of man is of no place or use in the kingdom of god , which is not a temporal , or an ecclesiastical dominion , but a spiritual . . that you would suffer , the little stone of christs kingdom to be hewen out of the mountain of the roman monarchy , whereof this kingdome is a part , without hands , even by the power and efficacy of the word and spirit ; seeing the hands of men cannot help but hinder this work which is to be done without hands : and that your might , and your power would please to let god do this work of his without might and without power , and by his spirit only . . that you would be pleased to suffer the assemblings of the saints , both publikely and privately , as occasion serves , seeing this can be no prejudice to the state , but a great advantage ; in as much as they meet peaceably and make no tumults , and in their assembling pray for the peace and welfare of this divided and distracted kingdome . and also , that you take heed of scattering those churches , that meet in the name and spirit of iesus christ , ( which are christs own gathering tog●ther , least christ so scatter you abroad that you never be gathered together again . . that you take heed you do nothing to the prejudice of the faithfull , gods own people ; as he hath warned you by the spirit , saying , touch not mine anoynted and do my prophets no harm ; this place hath been miserably mistaken : for the kings of the earth and the clergie have shared it between themselves , whereas indeed it belongs to neither , for gods anoynted are the faithfull that are anoynted with the spirit , the oyle of god , and so are anoynted as christ was anoynted . and these anoynted ones , are the lords prophets , and the lord hath no prophets but such as are anoynted with the spirit . thus christ was made the lords prophet , the spirit of the lord is upon me , for he hath anointed me to preach the gospell ; and thus are all his brethren made prophets ; being fellows with him in his unction . and therefore take heed how you meddle with the lords anoynted ones , and with the lords prophets ; for as it is said , he suffered no man to do them wrong , yea he even reproved kings for their sakes , saying , touch not , &c. so the lord hath still the same care of the same people , and will suffer no man to do them wrong , but will reprove kings and parliaments , and kingdomes , and cities , and counties , and committees , he will reproove them all for their sakes , and say , touth not mine anointed and do my prophets no harm : for they rhat are anoynted with the spirit are the flesh of christ , and the prophets of god , and therefore touch them and harm them a● your own perill . it grieves me to see the rest of the kingdome touching these anoynted ones of god , and doing harm to these his prophets , abusing , and spoyling and imprisoning them ; it would gr●●ve me much more if i should see you doing the same , for this would bring you as well as the kingdome under gods own reproofe , and the reproofe of god who can indure ? sixthly , and lastly , takeheed you do not hinder the free passage of the gospell . when god hath put his spirit into the hearts of men , take heed how you resist the word in those mens mouthes ; for the word of god in the meanest instrument , can never be resisted , but will carry all before it , the honour , power , dignity , authority , nobility , magistracy , of the kingdome , if they should once stand up to hinder the word of god , the word of god would carry them all before it . and therefore it grieves me to see how the city , country , country towns , villages , do all rise up for the most part against the ministration of the spirit , for this is a certain signe of the undoing of them all : god will suffer and indure any sin long but onely the contempt and opposition of the gospel : but when men once rise up against the gospel in the spirit and power of it , they are sure to be undone by it , and to be shattered all in peeces , for this brings swift vengeance . and therefore when i see the generality of the people of of all sorts , rise up against the ministration of the spirit ( which god hath now in these dayes of ours , set up even in every county for salvation to his people , but for a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence to the rest ) i am then exceedingly distressed and pained at the very heart for thee o england , and for all thy cities , and towns , and inhabitants ; for thou that dashest against the spirit in the gospell , how shalt thou be dashed in peeces thy selfe , and there shall be no healing for thee ? i could hope for peace again and good dayes ▪ suddenly in this kingdome but for this sin of the contempt and opposing the gospel , and this makes my hopes , even at an end ; and the day of my feare , is come forth upon me . but oh you honourable and beloved christians , let not your soul enter into those mens secrets , neither yet walk in their open and publike wayes ; for ruin and destruction are in their pathes , and the way of peace they shall never knnw , seeing god is about to enter into controversie withall flesh , for their rising up against the ministration of the spirit . and therefore be wise here i beseech you , that in the shattering of the nation ( if there be no remedy ) you may be kept together as a blessed remnant and a hopefull seed of the following geneation . to conclude . honourable and worthy , we will be willingly contented , to do and suffer all things with you ; we will cheerfully run through honour and dishonour with you ; fame and infamy ; gaine and losse , trouble and quietnesse , war and peace , life , and death ; and do desire to reserve nothing to our selves , nisi unicum verbum domini , but onely the word of god , in its own purity and liberty , to preach it , and to publish it , and to professe it , and practise it for the glory of god and his only begotten son and for the good of his kingdome and this kingdome . and thus much unto you from the lord . a reply to mr. love's contradictions . sir , because i would not wrong you in any measure in what you said , i went to one who took your notes in short-hand ; and hee gave mee what i here set down for yours , which i well remember are the things you then spake , for the substance of them : to which i give you this following reply . mr. love . cast your eyes upon the begun reformation , though peradventure cried down with confidence , no such thing as the reformation of the church , &c. reply . i taught indeed , that the kingdome of christ is a spirituall kingdome , and the reformation of it is answerable ; and that christ himselfe , who is the lord , the spirit , is the reformer of this spirituall kingdome by his word and spirit : but little thought that any man would have been so blind or worse , as to have affirmed , the preaching of this spirituall and glorious reformation , was to preach against all reformation . is the reformation of jesus christ , which hee works by his word and spirit in all the faithfull , and in all the churches of the saints no reformation at all ? how durst you affirm this mr. love ? mr. love . as if all were encompassed within the narrow heart of man . reply . yet i said plainly enough , when the heart is reformed , all is reformed ; and gospel reformation , though it begins in the inward man , ends in the outward . did you sir , accuse mee rightly then or no ? mr. love . if this be so , race out the first article of the covenant . reply . i had rather the whole covenant were raced out , then the least truth contained in the word of god : though i like the covenant well enough , according to the true intention of it . again , if the thing be truly considered , it will appear , that you are more against the covenant then i : for the covenant engages us to reform according to the word of god ; but you ( it seems ) would reform without , yea against the word , with outward and secular power ; which you will not suffer in the magistrates hands neither , but will needs have it in your own . mr. love . if this doctrine be true , that gospel reformation be only spirituall , then i wonder how paul was so out , who said , when i come i will set all things in order ? surely that was a church order . reply . but pray , what outward or secular power had paul , ( who suffered not onely much from the world , but most from the false apostles ) to set the church in order ? did paul ( think you ) use any worldly power to set the church in order ; or only the power of the word and spirit ? but these men think , if the church be to be set in order by the word and spirit onely ( which were sufficient in pauls time ) it 's like to be out of order for them . mr. love . to cry down all kinde of government under heart-government ; and all reformation as carnall , because you have the civil magistrates hand to it , is against that place of paul , tim. . . pray for kings , and all that are in authority ; that we may lead a quiet and a peaceable life in all godlinesse and honestie . reply . well argu'd now indeed . babes and sucklings , you shall come forth and answer this master i● israel . the sense of this place is evidently this ; that christians should pray for kings & governors , that god would so incline their hearts , that whilest we live in godlinesse under them , they would suffer us to live in peace ; and not make us fare the worse in the world , for our interest in the kingdom of god . and what one drop can mr. love squeeze out of this scripture to cool the tip of his tongue ? for the meaning is not , that the magistrate should inforce godlinesse ; but protect us in godlinesse . mr. love . to justle out the magistrates power , is to justle out the first article of the covenant ; ( what again ? ) and they that justle out that , will justle out you shortly . reply . good sir , ascribe not your own work to ●●r hands . the justling out the magistrate , have you not made it the chief part of your businesse now for a long while together ? and are you not still so diligently acting it every day , that now you think your work is in some forwardnesse , and you are pretty well able to deal with him ? and now because you would not be mistrusted your selves , you publickly slander us with it . wee see cleerly thorow all your slender disguises . mr. love . ezra was of another mind , ezra . . whosoever will not do the law of thy god , and the law of thy king , let iudgement be executed speedily upon him , whether it be unto death , or unto banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment . reply . well , sir , will you stand to this place , and shall this end the controversie ? pray mark then : this was part of the decree of artaxerxes , a king of the nations , touching the jewes , for the rebuilding of the material temple ; that they should have liberty to do it , and not be molested in the doing of it , but should have what assistance the state could afford . the decree was this : ezra . . i make a decree , that all they of the people of israel , and of the priests and levites in any realm , which are minded of their own free will , to go up to jerusalem , go with thee ; for asmuch as thou art sent of the king and his seven councellors , to enquire concerning iudah and ierusalem , according to the law of thy god that is in thy hand , &c. and ver. . ● artaxerxes the king do make a decree to all the treasurers beyond the river , that whatsoever ezra the priest shall require of you , it be done speedily unto two hundred talents of silver . and then , ver. . follows ; whoever will not do the law of thy god , and the law of thy king , let him be so and so punished , as you have heard . . here then you see , that artaxerxes made no decree to inforce all the jewes to go build ; but as the text saith , those that were minded of their own free will . see you not here , that even a king of the nations thought it unreasonable to force any man to go to build gods material house , against his will . . and secondly , you see , how he gave them no lawes how to build , but permitted them to do it , according to the law of their god that was in their hands . . and thirdly , you see , how he deterred any from hindering them from this work , upon pain of death , banishment , &c. do you not perceive now by this time , how you then deceived the people , by giving them the letter of the word , without the true sense of it , as satan dealt with christ in his temptations ? such sermons bring an houre of temptation upon the people . this then is the force of the place : . first , that the magistrate may make a decree , for all that are minded of their own free will , to build the spiritual temple of jesus christ , and to gather up into a communion of saints . . secondly , that he ought to permit this to be done , according to the law of our god that is in our hands , or rather according to the law of the spirit of life ▪ that is in our hearts ; and not to inforce upon us any clergy constitutions . . and thirdly , that he may deterre you , and the rest of the kingdome that are of the like minde , from resisting and bindering this work , which hath its authority from heaven . that so the saints ( the kingdome of christ ) may pray for the magistrate , and christ ( the king of saints ) may blesse the magistrate , and make him prosperous . and pray now what is all this to your purpose ? mr. love . if it was good in your hearts to think to reform ; it s much better to do it . reply . does not god say , it was well , that david thought to build a temple ; and yet for all that , he should not build it ? and do you now dare to blame this very thing ? cannot the scripture it self be quiet for you ? mr. love . you need not fear losing a party . reply . yea , but how if god be in that party ? what then , sir ? is it not better keeping a little , poor , despised party , that hath god in it ; then a great and numerous party , without god ? again , did you preach before the parliament , to make or cast off parties ? doth this appertain to the mysterie of christ and the father ? reader , these men are so over-busie in making , and marring parties , that i much feare they will , in the end , throw the kingdome into more misery and blood than their predecessors have done . mr. love . reformation is no forcing conscience , it meddles not with conscience , it restrains practice : if a iesuite come from rome to kill a great person , he does it in conscience , but i meddle not with his conscience , i restrain his practice . reply . does not your reformation meddle with conscience , mr. love ? did you speak this of your self , at randome , as the rest , or is this the sense of your brethren ? and doth your reformation only restrain outward practice ? then to tye up mad dogs , and beares , and tygers , is your most excellent reformation . you that will not meddle with the consciences of men , it is no wonder you are making so many iron yoaks for their necks , and so many snares and fetters to hamper the outward man , the proper subject ( it seems ) of your reformation . and thus taking upon your selves the reformation of the outward man , you do indeed put the magistrates work to an end ; and then the assembly may serve , in the place of the house of commons ; and sion-colledge in the place of the lord mayor , aldermen , and common-councel . see you not yet , oh ye powers of the world , how the ecclesiastical powers would ●a● you out ? and for your iesuite , did you ever hear me say or hint , that the magistrate should not restrain and punish outward wickednesse ? i wish therefore you would unriddle your selves , and tell truly , if you dare , how far you would limit the magistrate , and inlarge your selves upon the outward man . but certainly , if the magistrates power hath under it the whole outward man , as indeed it hath : and if christs power have under it , the whole inward man , as indeed it hath ; what place then ( i pray ) is there left for your ecclesiastical power , when the outward and the inward man are disposed of before ? sure , when the magistrate takes his own proper power to himself , and christ his own proper power to himself ; your power will be found to have no place , either in the worlds kingdom , or gods ; but you must find out some third place for it ; for i will assigne you none , left you prove too angry . mr. love . the church of thyatira might thinke shee had new light , and yet god saith , i have a few things against thee , because thou sufferest the woman jezabel , &c. reply . truly sir , when god shall make you a new creature , you will be glad of new light ; for behold ( saith god ) i make all things new , even the light as well as the creature : the old light will serve the old man wel enough . and for the spirits reproving the angel of the church , for suffering false and erroneous teachers ; doth this prove as you undertake that the angel of the church had or exercised , civil and secular power in the church of christ ? you erre not understanding the scriptures ; for then any thing is suffered in the church , when it is not reproved and condemned by the word ; the word of truth , taught and published in the church , will suffer no errour there ; but you understand this suffering , of outward and violent power . do you not remember , that i said at the beginning , that the carnal church understands the whole scriptures carnally ? mr. love . and now to hear such sermons preached , and books printed ; if it had been at amsterdam , it had been no marveil : but at london , and at westminster , &c. reply . truly , such a sermon as mine might have been preached at amsterdam , or anywhere else where the gospel hath free passage : and such a sermon as yours might have been preached at rome , or anywhere else where the precious word of god is under restraint , and ecclesiastical power exalts it self , both above the power of the word , and the power of the nation . your sermon savours as ill to the faithfull , as mine to the world . many other weak , passionate , inconsiderate , erronious things , fell from mr. love , neither worth the troubling the reader with , nor my self ; and so they may perish and rot in their own grave ( if they will ) for they shall never receive a resurrection from me . and now at the close of all , i desire the reader to observe the difference between our enemies and our selves , in this great point of authority and iurisdiction , which is this : that we exalt iesus christ alone in the spiritual church ; and attribute to the magistrate , his full power in the world ; but they exalt themselves in christs stead , in the church ; and set under their feet the magistrates power in the world . and this is so evident , that there is some apcration of satan , more or lesse , upon him that sees it not . finis . — praesens malejudicat aetas , iudicium melius , posteritatis erit . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- rev. . , . notes for div a e- antichrists kingdome set up by the carnall understanding of the scriptures . the reformation of the church understood carnally . the imperfection of the worship of the old law . no outward law can make men perfect as pertaining to the conscience , and so the gospel abolishes all such outward laws imposed on conscience , as well now as heretofore . doctr. gospel reformation : . what it is . christ judgement . christ righteousnesse . gospel reformation is . spirituall . . inward . matth. . . . thorows isa. . . . powerfull . . constant . christ the reformer . note . . the care of the church given to christ . . christ takes it . . out of obedience . love . the work of reformation only sutable to christ . . christ only able for the work of reformation . . the word . the gospell reformes . . works faith . . communicates righteousnesse . . shews christ . . the second meanes christ useth to reform the chureh withall . . all errours . object . answ . . unbeseeming the gospel . though the truth carry its evidence in it self , and the word of god is greater then all the testimonies of men ; yet for their sakes that are weak , i have inserted the judgments of some godly men ( as i have accidentally met with them ) who have spoken of these things in the spirit ; that so you may see the truth though it hath but few followers , yet it hath some . melancton on psal. . v. . — habebis populum , non coactum gladio , sed verbo collectum , & laeto corde amplectentem evangelium , & te sponte celebrantem . discernit igitur ecclesiam ab imperiis mundanis , & externam servitutem a cultibus cordis accensis voce evangelii & a spiritu sancto . — ag. religio cogi non vult , doceri expetit . immunitate non stabilitur , sed evertitur . polan . — this charls to whom leo gave the title of the most christian king , was a great conquerer , and overcame many nations with the sword , and as the turk compelleth to his faith , so he compelled with violence to the faith of christ ; but alas the true faith of christ whereunto the holy ghost draws mens hearts , through preaching the word of truth , he knew not , &c. tindal . fides sua sponte non coacte agere vult . luth. christus non voluit●vi & igne cogere homines ad fidem . luth. haereticos comburere , est contra voluntatem spiritus . luth. he hath given in the church the sword of the spirit to inforce with , and not the sword of the magistrate . prorsus diversa ratio est regni christi & mundi . mundani magistratus quae volunt imperant , & subditi coguntur obedientiam praestare . at in regno christi , quod non est mundana , aut pontificia dominatio , sed spirituale regnum , nihil simile geritur , sed quivis alterius judex , & quilibet alteri subjectus est . at tyranni & animicidae illi , nihil morantes vocem christi , regnum meum non est de hoc mundo , ex ecclesia , politiam civilem , seu potius pontificium imperium constituerunt . ●uth . — quare ipsam sedem bestiae nego , nihil moratus sit ne bonus vel malus , qui in ea se det . sedes inquam quae sit super omnes sedes nulla est in ecclesia super terram jure divino , sed omnes sunt aequales , quia una fides , unum baptisma ; unus christus , &c. luth. where there is no worldly superiority over one another , there is no worldly compulsion . of one another . in the naturall body , there is no convocation of many members to govern one , or of more members to govern fewer , but the foot performes its office without being under the authoritative power of the hands , yea each member performs its office aright , without being in subordination to another , by the guidance of that head to which it is united , and of that spirit that dwels in it ; each member having an immediate influence of the head upon it self , though it may outwardly seem to be further from the head then another member . and thus it is in beleevers and congregations . — quid autem vi & coactione opus vobis est , qui hujusmodi certamen decertatis , in quo cogi nemo debet ? ulrichus ab hutten , to the councel of priests . what need you the power of the magistrate to defend the truth , who have so many scriptures to defend it ? the truth of god being to be defended by the word of god , and not by the power of men . idem . i could produce many more testimonies but these are sufficient to shew ; that i am not alon in this point , against forcible reformation ; but have the armory of david , to defend it withall , on which there hange a thousand bucklers , all shields of mighty men . . unsutable to christs kingdome . isa. . . isai. . . . a willing people . psal. . . . humane institution is set up . . it brings men into blind obedience . . it makes hypocrites . . causes disturbances . . christ useth no such outward force . . neither commanded his apostles . . object . . object . answ . , b ject . answ . . object . answ . . obj. answ . . obj. ans. . obj. answ ▪ psal. . . . gods kingdome . observations on the first and second of the canons, commonly ascribed to the holy apostles wherein an account of the primitive constitution and government of churches, is contained : drawn from ancient and acknowledged writings. burnet, gilbert, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) observations on the first and second of the canons, commonly ascribed to the holy apostles wherein an account of the primitive constitution and government of churches, is contained : drawn from ancient and acknowledged writings. burnet, gilbert, - . [ ], p. printed by robert sanders ..., glasgow : . attributed to gilbert burnet by wing and nuc pre- imprints. contains errors in pagination. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy. church polity -- history -- early church, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion observations on the first and second of the canons , commonly ascribed to the holy apostles . wherein an account of the primitive constitution and government of churches , is contained . drawn from ancient and acknowledged writings . glasgow , by robert sanders , printer to the city and university , . the first canon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a bishop shall be ordained by two or three bishops . a bishop . this word is sometime taken for a spy , so estathius ad homeri k. sometime for a defender ; so hector was called bishop of troy by homer , iliad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there was among the athenians a publick office so called : and in this sense , it was also used among the romans ; so cicero ad atticum , lib. . epist. . tells , that pompey would had him to be , quem tota compania & maritima ora habeant episcopum , ad quem delectus & summa negotii referatur , ff . de mun . & hon . leg . ult . parag . item episcopi sunt , qui praesunt pani & caeteris rebus vaenalibus . this term is sometime in the old testament . and clemens romanus epist. ad rom. proves bishop and deacon to be no new terms , from isai. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in our edition , we find : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( where , on the way , mark how different the present edition of the septuagint is , from that which clemens made use of ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is also psalm . . among the iews , he who was the chief of the synagogue , was called chazan hakeneseth , the bishop of the congregation ; and sheliach tsibbor , the angel of the church . and the christian church being modelled as near the form of the synagogue as could be , as they retained many of the rites , so the form of their government was continued , and the names remained the same . but more of this afterward . clemens romanus in his epistle , speaks only of bishops and deacons . polycarp again in his epistle , speaks only of presbyters and deacons ; where some object that it would seem , that both in the church of corinth , to which clement wrote , and in that of philippi , to which polycarp wrote , there were but two orders of churchmen , whom the one calls bishops , the other presbyters . but if polycarp's epistle be genuine , then these of ignatius , which he there mentions , must be so too , and in them the matter is past controversie . epiphanius lib. . baer . . tells , that at first there were only bishops and deacons , which he saith he had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that ubi episcopi erant jam constituti , scripsit episcopis & diaconis . non enim omnia statim potuerunt apostoli constituere . presbyteris enim opus est & diaconis , per hos enim duos ecclesiastica compleri possunt ; ubi vero non inventus est quis dignus episcopatu , permansit locus sine episcopo . ubi autem opus fuit , & erant digni episcopatu , constituti sunt episcopi ; cum autem multitudo non esset , non inventi sunt inter ipsos , qui presbyteri constituerentur , & contenti erant solo episcopo in loco constituto . verum sine diacono impossibile est esse episcopum . so it seems , that from these profound histories which he had read , it appeared , that in some villages there were only presbyters and no bishops , because in those places none were found worthy of it . but certainly these places were obliged to depend upon some place where there was a bishop constitute : for if none were worthy to be bishops , much less were they worthy to constitute a church within themselves , and independent . it also appears , that in some places at first , they had no presbyters : and indeed where the number of christians was so small ( as no doubt it was in many places at first ) a bishop alone might well have served a whole city : but where the christians were more numerous , there were need of more hands , to assist the bishop in his work . as for that of polycarp's naming no bishop , but only presbyters and deacons , perhaps he wrote in the vacancy of the see : so we find many letters of cyprian's ad clerum romanum , when there was no bishop . besides , it is known that at first the names of bishop and presbyter were used promiscuously . presbyters were so called , not from their age , as they were men , but from the age of their christianity : for a neophite was not to be ordained , and the presbyters did jointly with the bishop , both rule and feed the flock . but some do stretch this too far , as if always the eldest presbyter had been chosen bishop . the commentaries upon the epistles , commonly called ambrose's , but truly hilary , the deacons ( of which i shall say nothing , it being now agreed among the criticks , that they are his ) upon the th of the eph. after he hath at length shewn the difference which was betwixt the churches in the apostles times , when they were not fully constitute , and the ages that succeeded , he tells how at first all in the clergy baptized and preached , and that on any day , or where they had opportunity . but afterwards deacons were restrained in this , and things were astricted to certain times and places . hinc est ergo ( saith he ) unde nunc neque diaconi in populo praedicant , nec clerici , nec laici baptizant . — ideo , non per omnia conveniunt scripta apostolica ordinationi , quae nunc in ecclesiâ est , quia haec inter ipsa primordia sunt scripta . nam & timotheum à se creatum presbyterum , episcopum nominat , quia primi presbyteri , episcopi appellabantur , ut recedente eo , sequens ei succederet . denique apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit episcopus : sed quia coeperunt praesentes episcopi indigni inveniri , ad primatus tenendos immutata est ratio , prospiciente concilio , ut non ordo , sed meritum crearet episcopum . multorum sacerdotum judicio constitutum , ne indignus temere usurparet , & esset multis scandalo . and like to this is , what he saith on tim. . from which words , it would appear , that he thought the elder presbyter , without any election or ordination , succeeded unto the chair of the deceased bishop . but this is directly contrary even to what ierome himself saith : neither do we find any such constitution as that he mentions , either in the acts of the council of nice , or of any other . it is true , clemens romanus saith , that the apostles ordained their first fruits , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be the bishops and deacons of them who should afterward believe : but he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , trying them by the spirit ( that of discerning spirits being among their extraordinary gifts ) and though they ordained no neophyte , yet there is no reason to believe , that either they made the eldest christians , presbyters , or the eldest presbyters , bishops . the choice of matthias , and of the seven deacons , shews that it went not simply by age . st. iames the younger was bishop of ierusalem , and timothy was but young , when ordained . yet the difference of bishop and presbyter seems not to have been unknown to clemens , as appears from these savings of his , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praepositis vestris subditi & seniores inter vos debito honore prosequentes . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . qui nobis praesunt revereamur , seniores inter nos honoremus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which by the words that follow , must certainly relate to some ecclesiastical constitution among themselves , to which he accommodates the terms of the temple hierarchy . all which i propose without any peremptory decision in this matter , submitting it to the judgment of the impartial reader ; for i know there are exceptions against these words , yet they do clearly imply a difference and subordination betwixt the presbyters , and their presidents : and what he saith of the ranks of the high priest , the priests , the levites , and the laicks , hath certainly a relation to the orders of the church . the next opinion about the origine of episcopacy , is that of ierome , and he hath given it very fully , both in his epistle to evagrius , and on the epist. to titus , cap. . he holds , that all things at first were governed in the church , communi presbyterorum consilio , and that the bishops were above the presbyters , non ex dispositione dominicâ , sed ex ecclesiae consuetudine ; and by divers arguments from scripture , he proves , that bishop and presbyter are one and the same , acts . they who v. . are called presbyters , are v. . called bishops . titus . . he left him to ordain elders , and v. . it is added , for a bishop , &c. whence he infers , that bishop and presbyter are one and the same . as also phil. . the apostle writes only to bishops and deacons . and tim. . he gives the rules only to bishops and deacons . s. peter also called himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and s. iohn designs himself the elder . but he adds , after there arose schisms , and one said , i am of paul , &c. toto orbe decretum est , ut unus caeteris super imponeretur ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret , & schismatum semina tollerentur — ut schismatum plantaria evellerentur ad unum , omnis sollicitudo est delata . and ad evagrium , he tells how alexandriae à marco evangelist â usque ad heraclam & dionysium , presbyteri semper unum ex se electum , in excelsiori gradu collocatum episcopum nominabant . — quid enim excepta ordinatione facit episcopus , quod presbyter non facit . — et , ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento ; quod aaron , & filii ejus , atque levitae , fuerunt in templo , hoc sibi & episcopi , & presbyteri , & diaconi vendicent in ecclesia . and from these words we may observe , that he accounted the difference of bishop and presbyter , an apostolical tradition , which came in place of the difference that was betwixt aaron and his sons : as also , that this began from the time of the apostles , and of mark the evangelist : that it was done to evite schism , and that it was appointed through the whole world : as also , that the whole care and chief power was in the hands of the bishop , of which he saith further , dial adv . luciferianos . ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet , cui si non exors quaedam , & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in ecclesiâ efficientur schismata , quot sacerdotes . it may seem likewise probable , from him , that presbyters choosed their bishop out of their own number , and that in alexandria they made him bishop without any new ordination . and of this eutychius patriarcha alex. who was not very long after ierome , speaks more plainly , for he in his origines ecclesiae alexandrinae , published by selden , pag. . . tells , that there were twelve presbyters constitute by s. mark , and when the see was vacant , they did chuse one of their number to succeed , and to be their head , and the rest laid their hands upon him , and bless'd him : yet this cannot hold true , as shall afterwards appear . but all ignatius his epistles , are full of the subordination of presbyters to bishops , not without very hyperbolical magnifications of the bishops office. it is true , in the vulgar editions these expressions are much more frequent ; but in the medicean codex ( published by vossius , which agrees not only with the old latin one published by usher , but also with the citations of theodoret , and athanasius , and other ancient writers which they have taken out of them ) there is a great deal of the subordination of presbyters to bishops . ep. ad tral . he saith , necessarium est , quemadmodum facitis sine episcopo nibil operari . — omnes revereantur episcopum ut iesum christum existentem filium patris , presbyteros autem , ut concilium dei , & conjunctionem apostolorum . to the ephes. he bids them be subject 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and concludes that they should obey these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in his epist. to the magnesians , he saith , quantum episcopum quidem vocant , sine ipso autem omnia operantur : wherefore he adviseth them , ut omnia operentur praesidente episcopo in loco dei , & presbyteris in loco confessionis apostolorum . and there he speaks of the age of damas their bishop , who was but a young man , which he calls according to the vulgar edition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in the medicean codex , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from which some will infer , that episcopacy was then newly invented , but suppose that were the true reading , which some question , who in this prefer the vulgar reading , it is clear from the whole epistle that he is speaking of the bishops age , and not of episcopacy . and from tim. . . we see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is properly youthful , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is that which is new . and what tho ignatius , who lived so near the apostles time , did call episcopacy a new order ? many other places to the same purpose of the difference among these offices occur through all his epistles , neither is there any room for debate : but if these epistles be his , the difference of bishop and presbyter hath begun in the apostolical times . but that debate would prove too long a digression here ; therefore i refer the reader , if he desire a full discussion of that question to the incomparably learned and exact defence of them , lately published by doctor pearson , whose harvest is so full , that he hath not so much as left work for a gleaner . that of the angel in the revelation , is brought by many , and that not without ground , to prove that there was some singular person in these churches to whom each epistle was directed , and we have a great deal of reason to believe that polycarp was then bishop of the church of smyrna . iren. lib. . cap. . and apud euseb. lib. . cap. . tells that polycarp was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now irenaeus tells how he was polycarp his hearer and disciple , and had conversed with him in his youth , and had often heard him teach . and as it were great uncharitableness to suspect the truth of his narration in a matter of fact , so we cannot think he could have been mistaken in a matter of that importance . but whatever jealousie may fix upon irenaeus , there is no shadow of ground , for suspecting either the veracity , or good information of the church of smyrna , who ( giving an account of his martyrdom in an epistle inserted by euseb. in his history , lib. . cap. . ) call him bishop of the catholick church of smyrna . all that can be alledged against this , is , that in their stile bishop and presbyter were one and the same thing . but the contrary of this is clear from iranaeus , who speaks always of bishops as distinct from presbyters : and tho he sometimes call bishops presbyters , yet he never calls presbyters , bishops ; which is also the stile of these few writers of that age , who sometimes call bishops , presbyters . eusebius tells from the testimony of the church of lions , how he was first a presbyter in lions under pothinus : after whose martyrdom he succeeded him in the chair , and died bishop there . and if we will hear himself , lib. . cap. . when he is reckoning up the tradition of the faith from the apostles , he deduceth it by all the bishops who did sit in rome from the apostolick times : whence two things will follow ; one , that he judged there had been still bishops in that church . the other , that he looked on the bishop , as the chief depositary of the faith . further , euseb. lib. . cap. . sets down his epistle to victor bishop of rome , wherein he chides him for excommunicating the eastern bishops ; and there he lays the whole blame upon victor , without sharing it among the presbyters , and also commends the former bishops of rome for their greater gentleness ; whereby it plainly appears , that he judged that the power of discipline lay chiefly in the bishops hands . polycrates also ( apud euseb. lib. . hist. cap. . ) vindicates the practice of their church about the day of easter , not only from the example of the apostles among them , but of the seven bishops who preceded him in his see. from which we may not only infer , that there was but one bishop in a city , from the days of the apostles ; but that his authority was great , since what they did , passed for a precedent to their successors . and indeed the difference of bishop and presbyter , is so evpress in irenaeus , that the most learned assertors of parity , confess the change was begun before his time , which was in the end of the second century . now how this change could have been introduced , when there was neither council , nor secular prince to establish it , when churchmen were so pure ( polycarp an apostolical man , having died but about thirty years before ; besides many other apostolical men who had long survived ) when the church was in the fire of persecution , and so less dross could be among them ; when there was no secular interest to bait them to it : for on the contrary this subjected them to the first fury of the persecution , seems strange . and it is not easie to be imagined , or believed , how this could have been so suddenly received through all the churches , both eastern and western , and that there was none to witness against it ; and that neither the sincerity of some presbyters , nor the pride of others , should have moved them to appear for their priviledges against this usurpation : and how neither heretick , nor schismatick , save one , and that about two hundred years after , should have charged the church with this : on the contrary , all of them having their own bishops ; and how this government continued in so peaceable possession through the succession of so many ages , till of late , that even fundamentals are brought under debate ; if this superiority were either so criminal , as some hold it to be , or had not been introduced at least by some apostolical men , if not by the apostles themselves , will not be easily cleared . in the next century we have tertullian speaking clearly of the difference of bishops , presbyters and deacons , lib. de bapt . dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos , qui & episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi authoritate , propter ecclesiae bonum . idem de praescript . advers . haer . cap. . caeterum si quae ( praescriptiones ) se audent inserere aetati apostolicae , ut ita videantur ab apostolis traditae . — edant ergo origines ecclesiarum suarum , evolvant ordinem episcoporum suorum , ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem , ut primus ille episcopus , aliquem ex apostolis , vel apostolicis viris , qui tamen cum apostolis perseverarent , habuerit authorem & antecessorem ; hoc enim modo ecclesiae apostolicae census suos deferunt , sicut smyrneorum ecclesia habens polycarpum , à ioanne collocatum refert : sicut romanorum à petro clementem ordinatum edit . proinde utique & caeterae exhibent , quos ab apostolis in episcopatu constitutos apostolici seminis traduces habeant ; confingant tale aliquid baeretici . he also lib. . cont . marcionem , cap. . saith , ordo tamen episcoporum ad originem recensus , in joannem stabit authorem . by which we see that he both judged bishops to be of an apostolical origene , and that he counted them different from presbyters . a little after him was clemens alex. who . strom. p. . speaking of the constitution of the christian churches , saith , there were among them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he thinks was taken from the angelick glory , and from their oeconomy and administration . we shall also find through all cyprian his epistles this disparity so clear , that it cannot be denied , that yet we find him as condescending as any . epist. . writing to his clergy : he saith , solus rescribere nihil potui , quando à primordio episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro , & sine consensu plebis meae , pivata gerere sententia . but even this looks like a yielding to a diminution of that plenitude of power to which he might have pretended , epist. . writing to , rogatian , who had advised with him concerning a deacon that had carried insolently toward him , he writes : pro episcopatûs vigore , & cathedrae authoritate , haberes potestatem , qua posses de illo statim vindicari . ( and about the end ) haec sunt enim initia baereticorum , & ortus atque conatus schismaticorum male cogitantium , ut sibi placeant , ut praepositum superbo tumore contemnant , sic de ecclesiâ receditur , sic altare profanum foris collocatur , sic contra pacem christi , & ordinationem , atque unitatem dei rebellatur . likewise we find epist. . written to cyprian , by the clerus romanus , the seat being then vacant , what sense they had of the bishop's power , when they say : post excessum nobilissimae memoriae fabiani , nondum est episcopus propter rerum & temporum difficultates constitutus , qui omnia ist a moderatur , & eorum qui lapsi sunt possit cum authoritate & consilio habere rationem . and if in any case we receive a testimony , it should be from the mouth of those who can only pretend to be injured . my next witness shall be dionysius of alexandria , whose same and authority was inferiour to none of the age he lived in . i do not bring his words to prove there were bishops in the church in his time , since that is denied by none : but to prove how full and absolute the authority of the bishops was then , and that the presbyters were simply determined by their commands . great care was used to keep the christian assemblies pure ; and therefore such as fell in scandalous sins , chiefly these who apostatised in the persecution , were not admitted to the communion of the faithful , but after a long and heavy penitence : and a question rising , what should be done with those who died before they finished their penitence : he in his letter to fabius bishop of rome , telling that signal story of serapion , shews that in his diocese the presbyters sent the eucharist to the sick who desired it , though they died before they had compleated their penitence : and he adds how this was by his authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where from the stile of ● command given by him , which was the rule of his presbyters , and the rest of that epistle , it is as clear as any matter of fact can be , that the authority of bishops over their presbyters was then full , absolute , and undisputed . if we will believe eusebius , who certainly hath been a diligent and great collector , as any of all the ancients , the whole tract , both of his history and chronology , runs fully in this strain ; and he gives us the catalogues of the bishops of the patriarchal sees , from the days of the apostles to his own time . and tho it is not to be denied that he hath been too credulous in some instances ; yet it is hard to think he could have been mistaken in such a tract of so many particulars . and we see from the sixth canon of the council of nice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that the power of metropolitans over bishops , was then accounted by that council an ancient custom ; neither was there ever any opposition made to this before aërius , who upon that account is reckoned an heretick by epiph. lib. . haer . . and also by augustin ad quod vult deum , haer . . epiphanius adds , that he was an arrian , and gives the account of his opinion in this matter , thus : aërius being a presbyter in sebastia , was offended when eustathius was preferred before him to that bishoprick : and tho eustathius took all ways to gain him , and committed the xenodochium that was there to his inspection , yet aerius too deeply irritated at the preference , said : quid est episcopus ad presbyterum ; nihil differt hic ab illo , unus enim est honor , unus ordo , & una dignitas . imponit munus episcopus , ita etiam presbyter ; lavacrum dat episcopus , similiter & presbyter . dispensationem cultûs divini facit episcopus , facit & presbyter similiter ; sedet episcopus in throno , sedet etiam presbyter . by which he deceived many , and had divers followers : but it seems they have died with their author , for we hear no more of them . medina in the council of trent , numbred with aerius , jerome , ambrose , augustine , chrysostom , theodoret , primasius , and sedulius , as if they had been of the same mind , wherein he certainly spoke rashly , and was either ignorant or indeliberate . we have already considered both jerome and ambrose , or rather hilary the deacon , their opinions in this matter . all that is gathered from augustine , is , ep. ad hieronymum , where he saith : quanquam secundum honorem vocabulorum , quae jam usus obtinuit , episcopatus presbyterio major fit , multis tamen in rebus augustino hieronymus major est . whence some would infer that the difference of these was only in words , and brought in but by custom : but how thin and weak this is , it being but a smooth complement , will appear to all , especially if they set it in the balance with the great evidence that stands upon the other side . chrysostom . hom . ii. on i tim. when he is giving the reason , why the apostle passeth from bishops to deacons , without giving rules to presbyters , saith , the reason was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and a little after , he taxeth what that little betwixt them was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but this is far from saying that they were all one ; and that there ought to be no difference betwixt them . chrysost. also in his first homily on the phil. i. cap. on the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith , quid hoc rei est ? an unius civitatis plures erunt episcopi ? nullo modo . verum sic presbyteros vocavit , tunc enim nomina invicem communicabant , & diaconus dicebatur episcopus . and there he shews that bishop and presbyter were taken promiscuously ; for which he cites that of timothy's being ordained by the imposition of the hands of the presbytery , which he saith is to be understood of bishops . quia presbyteri episcopum non ordinassent . ( and a little after ) etiam presbyteri olim appellabantur episcopi , & diaconi christi , & episcopi christi , unde nunc etiam multi presbyteri & diaconi scribuntur episcopi . but he adds , that in process of time , each had their proper names appropriated to them . oecumeneus and theophylact , in this , and all other things , follow chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as also primasius , who on i tim. . gives the reason , why the presbyters are not named . eos in episcoporum ordine comprehendit , quia secundus , imo pene unus est gradus . sedulius scotus on the i. of titus , saith verbatim , that which jerome hath on the same place , and so it is to be considered as all one with him on the matter . but theodoret's opinion is a little more perplext , who on i tim. tells , that the same persons were called sometimes presbyters , sometimes bishops : but these who are now called bishops , were then called apostles , and that in the progress of time they left the name of apostles , and the name of bishops was appropriated to them who were first called apostles . thus he . these words it seems dropped from him without consideration , for there is no shadow of ground to believe it was so ; otherwise how came it , that the apostle gave no rules for them , under that name . but these words are sufficiently tossed by petavius and wallo messalinus . and thus far we have an ingenuous account of the various sentiments of the fathers , about the disparity of bishops and presbyters . the next thing in this canon to be consider'd is , what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is unquestionable , that by this is understood ordination by imposition of hands , for all the ancients use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 promiscuously : but criticks judge that by the former we are to understand all that pertained to the ordination , and the whole office of it , and that the latter is to be restrained to that particular rite of imposition of hands given in the ordination . nor do i remember of any place , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stands for the election of churchmen , except in the fifth canon of laodicea , which discharges it to be in the presence of the hearers : and if we compare that with the th canon of the same council , which discharges the popular elections , we shall see the reason why they likewise forbid the elections to be in the peoples hearing , which was for avoiding tumults . balsamon on this canon refutes their mistake , who understood it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who founded their gloss on that canon of laodicea , ( which zonaras and aristenus doth ) quae enim fit in ecclesia ordinatio per preces mysticas peragitur , etiamsi fiat coram multis . and he proves his gloss from the . canon of nice , which appoints the elections of the bishops to be by the whole bishops of the province , or by three at least . therefore this canon cannot be meant of the elections of bishops , since two suffice by this rule for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and by the recurring of this same word in the next canon , he confirms his assertion , since presbyters and deacons were not ( according to him ) elected by suffrages . whence we see , how groundless a nicety theirs is , who would distinguish them , as if the former had been the election , the latter the ordination . it is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the greek authors almost constantly taken for the election of magistrates , which was ordinarily done in greece by the extention or elevation of the hand ; so budaeus upon the word , and cicero pro flacco speaks of their psephismata porrigenda manu , profundendoque clamore concitata . but that distinction is not observed in sacred writings , in which these minute critical modes of speaking are not attended to , and since , before they were to lay on hands , they were to stretch forth their hands on the head of the person , this word is not improperly used for that action : and therefore , acts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used of paul and barnabas their ordaining of elders , where it is clear , it cannot be meant of the election by the people , but of their ordination of pastors . this word in scripture is also used for an appointment , or election , acts . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for god's election ; and cor. . . it is applied to these who were chosen to carry a message . as for the ordination of churchmen , it is nothing else but a solemn ceremony of blessing them , by laying on of hands . we find of old , that all who were called out for any divine service , were solemnly separated for it , so were both kings , priests , and prophets . and the law of nature saith , that to all functions for which a great veneration is due , there should be a solemn inauguration . the laying of the hand upon the head , was the rite of benediction , gen. . . jacob blessing joseph's children doth it with that ceremony : in like manner , deut. . . did moses bless joshuah . we see also by the sinners laying on their hands on the head of the sacrifice , that is was a ceremony used in the devoting of things to god , whence might rise that phrase among the latins caput devovere . and upon these accounts , this was appropriated to the ordination of churchmen , who are to be both blessed , and devoted to god. we find this ceremony also used in the new testament on many and different occasions ; sometimes when they healed diseases , mark . . they shall lay their hand on the sick , and they shall recover . and our lord usually touched the sick with his hand . acts . . s. paul lays his hands on publius . likewise , when they conferred the holy ghost on any who were baptized , they used this ceremony , so acts . . and . . and farther , when they appointed any for the ministery of the gospel , they separated and blessed them , by the laying on of hands ; so tim. . . and . . and tim. . . deacons were also ordained by this ceremony , acts . . as also when they sent any on a particular mission , though already sanctified for the work of the gospel , they laid hands on them : so acts . . paul and barnabas were ordained for the ministery of the gentiles . from all which it is clear that they used imposition of hands , as the constant ceremony of benediction , and as a concomitant of it , and not as a ceremony of it self significant and sacramental . among the ancients , imposition of hands was used not only in confirmation , which is undoubted , and is by many founded on that of hebrews . . where laying on of hands being joined with baptism , and reckoned among foundations , seems to be common to all christians . but they also used it in the receiving of penitents : so th canon of laodicea . as for the form of ordaining bishops , we see here it was to be done by bishops , which is agreed to by all , only eutychius seems to say , that in alexandria presbyters ordained the bishop . but as for the number of the bishops who were to ordain , this seems to be later , and more sutable to the state of the churches after they were constituted , than while they were under persecution . the number of three was appointed , conc. arel . . can. . nic. can. . arel . . can. . carth. . can. . and see more of this gratian dist . . this seems to have been founded on timothy's ordination , which is said to have been done by the presbytery , which chrysostom understands of a company of bishops . but it is not probable , that in the time of persecution , when bishops neither durst leave their own flocks , nor meet in any number , this was then observed ; and divers accounts are given of ordinations , where we hear only of one bishop ordaining . gregory thaumaturg was ordained by fidimus bishop of amasia , who went to the wilderness to seek him . and there are many instances among the lives of the solitaries , of such as were brought to a bishop , and ordained by him , without any other assisting him . so synesius epist. . tells how siderius was ordained a bishop , only by philo bishop of cyrene ; and tho he call that a transgression of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and confesseth it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , since he was neither ordained in alexandria , nor by three bishops ; yet he justifies it from the necessity of the times wherein such freedom of assemblies was not safe . and gregory the great allowed augustine to ordain alone in england ; who upon that did ordain some bishops alone , as beda relates . dionysius the areopagite cap. . de eccles. hierar . giving the account of the ordination of bishops , represents it as done by one person . anno after vigilius bishop of rome his death , pelagius who got himself made his successor , being suspected of accession to his death , could only get two bishops , to wit , joannes perusinus , and bonus ferentinus , who with andreas presbyter of ostia , laid hands on him . and here is a presbyter laying hands on a bishop . the church of rome , at this day , ordinarily dispenseth with this , so that one bishop and two abbots do often ordain bishops . the areopagite loc . cit . gives the account of the bishops ordination , whom he always calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus : he who was to be ordained , was brought to another bishop , and kneeling before the altar , the gospels were laid on his head , and the bishops hand , and so he was consecrated with a holy prayer , and then marked with the sign of the cross ; and last of all , saluted by the bishop , and whole holy order . his theory on this is : their coming to the altar , shews the subjecting of their whole life to god. laying on of hands , is as a father's blessing of his child . the sign of the cross signifies , that they are to follow christ , even to the cross . their salutation signifies their union one with another : and the gospel is laid on the bishops head , because he being the head of the hierarchy , is to illuminate the rest . with this agrees the fourth council of carthage , where the rules are at length set down for the tryals and qualifications of bishops : and canon first , at the end , we have , cum in bis omnibus , examinatus , fuerit inventus plene instructus , tunc cum consensu clericorum & laicorum , & conventu totius provinciae episcoporum , maximeque metropolitani vel authoritate vel praesentiâ , ordinetur episcopus . and canon second : episcopus quum ordinatur , duo episcopiponant & teneant evangeliorum codicem super caput & cervicem ( aliter verticem ) ejus , & uno super eum fundente benedictionem , reliqui omnes episcopi , qui adsunt , manibus suis caput ejus tangant . and of this see gratian dist . . & . where we find a bishop was to be five years a lector or exorcist , fourteen years an acoluth or subdeacon , and five years a deacon , ere he be a presbyter , and then he may hope for the highest degree . but in another chapter it is said , he must be ten years a presbyter , ere he can be a bishop . and in another chapter , none could be a deacon under twenty five years of age . but by the civil law , the age both of bishop and presbyter is the same ; to wit , thirty five . these previous degrees were introduced , and the years of tryal in them were appointed , that all might be prepared and rightly formed before they were admitted to the government of the church . among other ceremonies in the ordination of bishops , in some places they were anointed with the chrisma . nazianz . orat. . tells , that his father had so anointed basile : and orat. . tells , that himself was so ordained : but it seems that that was a custom peculiar to that country , since we meet not with it so early elsewhere . as for the elections of bishops , we have seen from ierome and eutychius , how the presbyters did choose the bishop . but in africk , the synod with the clergy , and the people did it ; of which we have a full account from cyprian , epist. . de traditione divinâ & apostolicâ observatione tenendum est , & observandum quod apud nos quoque , & fere per provincias universas tenetur , ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad cam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & episcopus delegatur plebe praesente , quae singulorum vitam plenissime novit , & uniuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione perspexerit . and a little before , he saith , plebs ipsa maxime habet potestatem vel elegendi dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi . and from that of numb . . where moses stript aaron , and clothed eleazer before all the congregation , he proves that it was of divine authority , that the sacerdotal ordinations should not be , nisi sub populi assistentis conscientiâ , ut plebe praesente , vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur , & sit ordinatio justa & legitima , quae omnium judicio & suffragio erit examinata . and this course , he saith , held in the ordination both of bishops , priests and deacons . and epist. . he excuseth himself , that he had ordained one a lector without the consent of his people , though he had been a confessor in the persecution . the epistle is directed to the presbyters , deacons , and the whole people , and begins : in ordinationibus clericis solemus vos ante consulere , & mores ac merita singulorum communi consilio ponderare . all that we meet with concerning this in scripture , is the chusing of the deacons by the people , acts . for that of acts . . is clearly misapplied . tim. . a deacon should be first approved , and titus . . a bishop must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and thereby it appears , that certainly some enquiry was to be made into his conversation , which at least must have been a promulgation before-hand . so we find conc. chalc. can . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and lampridius in the life of alexander severus tells , that he used such a course before he made any governor of a province . dicebatque grave esse non fieri in provinciarum rectoribus , cum id christiani & fudaei facerent in praedicandis sacerdotibus , qui ordinandi sunt . but there were frequent disorders in these elections , which occasioned the . canon of the council of laodicea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and by the canon goeth before that , the election of bishops is committed to the bishops of the province , which was also established by the council of nice , fourth and sixth canon . likewise justinian , nov. . cap. . excludes the people from the election of the bishop , but leaves it to the clergy , and the primores civitatis , to name a list of three , out of which the metropolitan was to choose one . the bishops were to be ordained in the presence of the people , where every one might propose his exceptions , why he might not be ordained , which were to be examined before they proceeded to the ordination . so conc. antioch . canon . and carthag . canon . and iustinian tit . . nov. const. , . . according to photius in nomocan , tit . . cap. . yet these popular elections were not wholly taken away , and at least the peoples consent was asked : but there were great disorders in these elections . nazianz. orat. . at his father's funeral instanceth them in two cases at cesarea , where his father was present ; in which there were factions at the election of the bishop : in one of them it was that basil was chosen . ammian mercellin tells what tumults were at rome in the elections of their bishops , of whom he saith , supra modum humanum ad rapiendam sedem episcopalem ardebant : so that at the election of damasus the faction betwixt his electors , and those that were for urcisinus , brake out into such a tumult , that there were in basilicâ sicinini , ubi ritus christiani est conventiculum , centum triginta septem peremptorum cadavera reperta , lib. . and he adds , it was no wonder they struggled so about it , because id adepti futuri sunt ita securi , ut ditentur oblationibus matronarum , procedantque vehiculis insidentes , circumspecte vestiti , epulas curantes profusas , adeo ut eorum convivia regales superent mensas , qui esse poterant beati revera , si urbis magnitudine despecta quam vitiis opponunt , ad imitationem quorandam provincialium antistitum viverent , quos tenuitas edendi potandique parcissimè , vilit as etiam indumentorum & supercilia humum spectantia perpetuo numini , verisque ejus cultoribus , ut puros commendant & verecundos . because of those disorders in elections , it was that nazianz. orat. . wished , that the elections were only or chiefly in their hands who served at their altar . sic enim nunquam ecclesiis male esset . therefore he desires they should no more be committed iis qui opibus ac potentiâ pollent aut plebis impetui ac temeritati , atque etiam plebeiorum vilissimo aut contemptissimo cuique , as had been before . adding , that the disorders which were in such elections , made him loath his life , and long to be in a wilderness . one effect of these confused elections was , that some who were not presbyters , nay not so much as christians , were chosen bishops : for orat. . on basil , when he tells how basil was first ordained a presbyter , he regrates that many bishops oft-times leaped into the chair without any preceding degree , which was contrary to nature and reason , since among saylors none is made at first a pilot : nor is there any at first made a general among soldiers . nunc autem periculum est , ne ordo omnium sanctissimus , omnium maximè sit ridiculus : non enim virtute magis , quam maleficio , & scelere sacerdotium paratur , nec digniorum , sed potentiorum throni sunt . adding , that none is called a physician , before he understand diseases , nor a painter before he can mix colors . antistes contra facile invenitur , non elaboratus , sed recens . — uno die sancto fingimus , eosque sapientes & eruditos esse jubemus , qui nihil didicerunt : nec ad sacerdotium quicquam prius contulerunt quam velle . and orat. . he tells how in cesarea at an election of a bishop , his father and other bishops being present , there arose a great sedition about it , which could not be easily composed , partly thorow the peoples fervor about the faith , partly thorow the eminence of the chair , which made the contentions greater . but at length the whole people with one consent made choice of a person of great quality , but not yet baptized , to be their bishop : from which he was very averse , but they took him by force , and by the assistance of some soldiers then in the city , haled him to the church , and desired the bishops , not without threats , to ordain him : whereupon they overawed by fear and force , first purified him , and then set him upon the throne ; but more with their hands than with their heart . chrysost . also lib. . de sacerdotio , cap , . shews the evil of these popular elections , and that in them they looked more to riches and honor , than to true worth . but where the synodical elections were set up , the people were not wholly excluded from their interest in the choice , as we see particularly in the churches of milan and hippo. neither were these synodical elections so regular as nazianzen hoped , which appears from two famous instances of nectarius and ambrosius . nectarius came to the council of constantinople in the company of diodorus bishop of tarsus : and then it was , that upon some differences ( as you shall see afterwards ) nazianzen retired from constantinople . and nectarius thinking to go home to his country , came to his bishop diodorus to ask his blessing , and receive his commands . but at that time all diodorus thoughts were , how a fit person might be found for constantinople , and looking on nectarius , considering his gravity , his gray hairs , and sweet temper , he thought ( it seems by a divine inspiration ) what if he were made bishop . and thereupon pretending another errand , he took him to the bishop of antioch , and whispering him in the ear , bid him consider how fit a person nectarius might prove for the bishoprick of constantinople . meletius laughed in his heart at diodorus his simplicity , who should think of nectarius , when so many famous men had been named for that see by their bishops . after that , theodosius the emperor commanded the synod to give him in writing a list of such persons as were judged fit for that chair , which being laid upon miletus to draw , he to gratifie diodorus , puts nectarius among them . the emperor at first reading began to think of nectarius : but at second reading , positively concluded that he must be the bishop . the synod was amazed , and began to enquire about him , and found that he was but a catechumen , whereupon they desired the emperour to change his mind ; but he continuing resolute , the synod yielded : and after they had baptized him , they ordained him bishop . and by this we see that the synod made the list , but the emperour named the person . near of kin to this is the story of ambrose . after auxentius the bishop of milan his death , valentinian the emperor called a council of bishops , and appointed them to chuse some holy and fit person to be bishop there , cujus authoritati & nos subjiciamur , cujusque reprehensiones ferre non dubitemus . etenim ut imperatores nos simus , & rerum potiamur , homines tamen esse nos , & humanis lapsibus obnoxios fatendum nobis est . but the synod referred the election back to him , that he might name the person , yet he refused it , and told them , it was their business , adding , ego vero , id & viribus meis majus & ab officio meo alienum judico . but as they went to consult about this , the people of milan did all run together to the church to chuse their bishops , some of them were arrians , and others orthodox , and each party was contending to have the bishop chosen of their own side . at that time ambrose a noble roman of the consular order , was prefect there , to whom valentinian , when he sent him to that charge ; said , vade , age non ut iudex , sed ut episcopus . he fearing that the concourse of the people might end in a tumult , came among them to prevent that , and with great sweetness exhorted them to calmness and unity ; whereupon they much taken with his speech , cryed out with one accord ; let ambrose be bishop . but he resisted this as much as he could , and did chide them for their indeliberate choice of a secular person , who was a stranger to ecclesiastical affairs , and not so much as initiated into the faith , for he was not then baptized . yet the synod approving of their election , he was first baptized , and then ordained bishop . but paulinus adds , that after his baptism , he past in order through all the ecclesiastical degrees , and on the eighth day was ordained bishop there . thus went the synodical elections : but it was a great while before that , even in the elections of the bishops of rome , the people were wholly barred from their priviledges . and of all this see at large antonius de dominis , lib. . de repub. eccles. cap. . metropolitans were chosen by the patriarchs , and the patriarchs by the emperours : but in some cases , the emperours took the elections simply to themselves ; at other times , they reserved only the ratification of them to themselves : and so for a great while , the elections of the bishops of rome were to be ratified , either by the emperors of the east , or by their exarchs at ravenna . and after that charles the great assumed the empire of the west , it was decreed in a synod at rome , that the election of the roman bishop belonged to him : and accordingly he was in possession of it , though his successors did simply slip from it . now the elections are in the hands of the canons and prebends , which is an art to make the election go what way the superior will. but the chapters chusing the bishop , was not known to the ancients , it belonging to the whole college of the presbyters without distinction . and all who desire the restitution of church discipline , think , that the erecting of provincial synods , and giving the power of electing bishops to them , is both the best method , and most agreeable to all antiquity . a see was not to lie vacant over three months , nor the ordination of a bishop delayed , except upon an inexcusable necessity , otherwise the metropolitan was liable to censure , conc. chalc. can. . and in the council of sardice , can. . osius proposed , that none should be bishop till he had passed through all the inferior degrees , and had finished the ministery of a lector , deacon , and presbyter ; and to this all the bishops there present gave their consent : but by the instances already marked , we see that this order was not universally observed . nov. . it is decreed , that a bishop be at least three months among the clergy , before he be ordained , that he may be instructed in the ecclesiastical ministery and service . another custom there had been of bishops ordaining successors for themselves : so euseb. lib. . cap. . or according to the greek division , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tells how theotecnus bishop of cesarea , ordained anatolius to be his successor , and that for some time they were both bishops together . in other places they did not ordain , but only design their successors . yet augustin was ordained bishop of hippo by his predecessor valerius ; but he apologizes for this , epist. . and saith , that he did not know that it was contrary to the council of nice , which decreed that there should be but one bishop at once in a city . and from that epistle we see it was ordinary for bishops to design their successors , which was done to prevent the tumults were usually in elections . and augustin tells us of a disorder which had been in a neighbor town , because the bishop , though he had designed his successor , yet had not published it . therefore he to evite that hazard , designed eradius to be his successor , to which all the people assented . yet lest this might have opened a door for bishops to have transmitted their sees to their kindred or friends , it was decreed in the council of antioch , can. . that any such designation of successors made by bishops , should be declared null , and that the election of the bishop should be in the hands of the bishops of that synod where the see lay . there might be but one bishop in a city for unities sake , yet sometimes there were coadjutors : so nazianzen was coadjutor to his father . and augustin in his second conference with the donatists , offered that if the donatists overcame , then they should yield their bishopricks to them ; but if the donatists were overcome by them , and so should return to the community of the church , they should admit them to be conjunct bishops with them . so was the schism in antioch betwixt the meletianists and the paulianists setled , that both should be bishops together , and all should obey him that survived ; to this they all agreed , confirming it by oath . yet flavianus , one of miletus his disciples , after his death , got himself chosen bishop , but was in that condemned by all . it is true , that the novatians in divers sees had distinct bishops , but these were schismaticks . yet in the beginning of christianity , it would appear that there were more bishops in one place : for tertullian and epiphanius assert , that clemens was ordained bishop of rome by s. peter . and yet all reckon linus to have succeeded him . so also evodius is generally reckoned to be the first bishop of antioch ; thus eusebius , origen and ierome . yet chrysostom and theodoret say , that ignatius was ordained there by s. peter . if there be any authority in clemens his constitutions , they offer a clear account of this , that evodius was appointed bishop of the circumcision , and ignatius bishop of the uncircumcision ; and that after evodius's death , both churches grew in one . the same also is applied to the difference about linus , and clemens by others , as if linus had been bishop of the circumcision , and clemens of the uncircumcision ; and that after cletus's death they all grew in one , and submitted to clemens . however , it is clear that in every church there was but one bishop : and accordingly was decreed , conc. nic. can. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by which stile we see they guarded against the disorder of two bishops in a city , as a thing undoubtedly irregular , which hath been accounted so before that time : so that this of one bishop in a city , is not to be accounted an act of that council ; but a reference to some former act , or at least an universally received practice . yet the first succession of the bishops of rome , tho always perplexed , is much more so , from the most learned vossius ( his observations in his letter to rivet , subjoined to doctor pearson's vindiciae of ignatius his epistles : ) who from all the manuscripts of damasus his lives of the popes , informs us , that s. peter did ordain both linus and cletus bishops of rome : and after some enquiry into the matter , he concludes , that at first there were three bishops in rome at once , linus , cletus , anencletus . in the next succession , he places cletus , anencletus and clemens ; but anencletus surviving both the other , sate alone at rome : after whom there was but one bishop there . yet i know not if damasus ought to have such authority , that upon his testimony we are bound to believe a thing so different from the accounts given by elder and more unquestioned writers . all ambitus was condemned in bishops ; but it seems that in nazianzen's time it was too common : for he in his apologetick regrates how some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tanquam non virtutis exemplum , sed victûs parandi occasionem & subsidium hunc ordinem esse judicantes : ac non munus referendis rationibus obnoxium , sed imperium ab omni censurâ immune . and a little after : prius fere quam primam comam abjecetimus , puerilique more balbutire desierimus . — si duo aut tria pia verba didicerimus , eaque non ex lectione , sed ex sola auditione bausta , an t davidi paulum operae dederimus , aut pallium scite contraxerimus , aut zonâ tenus philosophati fuerimus , pietatis quandam speciem nobis illinentes , ô praefecturam ! ô elatum animum ! justinian . const. nov. . cap. . complains , that absque examinatione , atque honestatis vitae testimonio ordinantur episcopi , presbyteri , & diaconi , &c. and there divers places out of nazianzen's apologetick are cited , to shew that ordination should be gone about cum omni diligentiâ atque rigore , cad . de epis. & cler. leg . . tantum ab ambitu debet esse sepositus , ut quaeratur cogendus , rogatus recedat , invitatus effugiat , sola sibi suffragetur necessitas excusandi . profecto enim est . indignus sacerdotio , nisi fuerit invitatus , invitus . chrysostom in his third book de sacerdotio , cap. . among the qualifications of a bishop , reckons for a chief one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nam si ad eum principatum adipiscendum vehementi animi affectu rapietur , eo adepto impotentiorem sane suae ambitionis flammam incendet : ac vi tandem captus , ut sibi adeptum honorem stabiliat , nulli non peccato serviet : seu adulandum , seu servile quidpiam atque indignum sustinendum , seu res magno pecuniae sumptu tentanda : nam quod nonnulli caedibus ecclesias compleverint , contaminarintque tum ejus honoris gratiâ depugnantes , civitates aliquot funditus everterunt dicere hic praetermitto , ne quibusdam videar ea in medium afferre quae fide majora sunt . and to preoccupy the objection from tim. . . he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and among other advantages of one who wants this too forward desire , he reckons this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and with a great deal of ingenuity , he confesseth how strong that unlawful desire was in himself , which frighted him from entering in holy orders . how far nazianzen was from all ambitus , the whole tract of his life doth fully discover . he was no sooner ordained a presbyter , than he with his friend basile , at that time likewise ordained , fled to pontus , where they lived a great while , purifying their souls in the exercise of prayer and mortification . after which they returned home . nazianzen out of compassion to his father who pressed his return , and basile out of zeal to religion , and the church then out of zeal to religion , and the church then over-run with arrians ; s. basile by the means of old nazianzen , was chosen and ordained biship of cesarea , and he ordained nazianzen bishop of sasime : but he , what through his love of retirement , what because sasime being a stage of the waggoners , was full of stirs and disorders , immediately left that place , in which he was set against his heart . and some say that he never ordained any in it , nor consecrated the eucharist while he was there : neither could ever his father obtain of him to return to it . and when his father dealt earnestly with him , not without threatning of imprecations , that he would accept the charge of nazianzen in his old age , he with great aversion yielded to his entreaty , declaring he would stay no longer there than his father lived . during which time , he managed that see with a great deal of success and applause : but after his father died , which was in the hundred year of his age , he continued a little longer there , till his mother who survived her husband sometime , died also . and then he retired to a house of holy virgins in seleucia , that in his absence they might chuse another bishop ; but returning thither a little after , he found they had chosen none ; yet he continued stiff as an oak , and neither prayers nor tears could prevail with him . afterward constantinople was in great disorder through the heresies of was in great disorder through the heresies of apollinaris and macedonius lately sprung up , beside the arrian , which was there before : and he being inwardly called of god to go thither , and prompted by his friend basile , and invited by many bishops , and honourable citizens , went and laboured among them : not behaving himself as their bishop , but as a temporary overseer . and though all the churches were then possess'd by the hereticks , none remaining for the orthodox , save only anastasia ; yet through his labours the face of affairs was quickly altered in constantinople . when theodosius came to constantinople , he possessed him of the great church : and all the people desired that he might be enthroned , the emperour concurring with them in that : but he declined it : and though the emperour took great pleasure in him , yet he went seldom to the palace . then was the second general council called to constantinople , and he was by the authority of miletus bishop of antioch ( of whom we made mention before ) confirmed in the bishoprick of constantinople by the council . but after this , there arose some contention by timotheus bishop of alexandria , who came later to the council , and alledged upon the prerogative of his see , that that matter should not have been decided without him . upon this , hot and sharp contentions arose among the bishops , not so much out of any displeasure they had at nazianzen , as out of their mutual jealousies , though he that writes his life , faith , that this was occasioned by miletus his death . but therein he was mistaken ; for miletus out-lived not only this action , and gave the lift to theodosius of those who were designed to succeed him ( sozom. lib. . cap. . ) but he also out-lived the council , and subscribed its acts , and died a little after that in constantinople . upon this contention , nazianzen finding many of those who had before established him , beginning to resile , told them how at first he had refused that government , tho the church there had been by his labours and pains setled , and enlarged ; but for that he expected his reward from god : yet it seemed strange to him , that after he had been forced to accept of it , out of his love to the flock , and pressed to it with their united suffrages , they should now think of undoing what themselves had done . this he said , not that he desired riches , or the nobleness of that seat , and to be called bishop of the imperial city : but he confessed , the loss of his children could not but affect him : besides , he feared they might seem to proceed out of envy or lenitv . however , if they desired it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — mihi quidem solitudo & olim chara fuit & nunc eft : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whereupon he went out , and retired from the house wherein he dwelt , to one more secret . but many of the people flocked about him , and with tears besought him to have compassion on them : yet he finding the dissention about him growing hotter among the bishops , went again to the council , and charged them by the holy trinity , that they would compose their differences peaceably , adding : but if i seem the occasion of any dissention among you , i am not more worthy than the prophet jonas : throw me in the sea , and these raging billows shall quickly be calmed , since i shall choose any thing you please , so if i be innocent , for drawing you to agreement on my account . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after which he went to the emperor , and with great earnestness begged his permission to retire : which having obtained , he called the clergy and people together , and with many tears took leave of them , charging them to continue stedfast in the faith . this being done , he retired to arianze , a village of cappadocia , which belonged to him by inheritance , and continued in his retirement , giving himself to his poetry , till he died in an old age . that which next occurs to be considered is , in what places bishopricks were founded , and bishops setled . we find in all cities where the gospel was planted , and churches constituted , that bishops were also ordained . among the jews , where ever there were an hundred and twenty of them together , there did they erect a synagogue . compare with this acts i. . where the number of those that constituted the first christian church , is the same . so it is like where ever there was a competent number of christians together , that a church was there setled . yet in some villages there were churches and bishops ; so there was a bishop in bethany : and s. paul tells of the church of cenchrea , which was the port of corinth . it is true , some think that the church of corinth met there . so these of philippi went out of the city by a river side to prayer , acts . . but we find acts . that there was a synagogue in corinth , and that s. paul stayed in the house of justus , near the synagogue : and therefore there is no reason to think that the christians should have had their meeting without the city , since there was no persecution then stirring : and neither in the acts , nor in any of the epistles , is there mention made of their going out to cenchrea . therefore it is probable that the church of cenchrea was distinct from corinth : and since they had phebe for their deaconness , it is not to be doubted but they had both bishops and deacons . from the several cities the gospel was dilated and propagated to the places round about . but in some countries we find the bishopricks very thick set . they were pretty throng in africk , for at a conference which augustine and the bishops of that province had with the donarists , there were of bishops two hundred eighty six present , and one hundred and twenty absent , and sixty sees were then vacant , which make in all four hundred sixty and six : there were also two hundred seventy nine of the donarists bishops . sozom. lib. . hist. cap. . speaking how differently constituted some churches were , he tells how in scythia , though there were many cities , yet there was but one bishop . but in other nations there were bishops even in their villages , as he knew to be among the arabians and cyprians . theodoret tells , that there were eight hundred parishes within his diocese , epist. . but it is to be observed , that in those places where the gospel was latest of planting , the bishopricks are fewer , and consequently larger . it is reported that in the vast tract of the abyssin churches , there is one only bishop at abuna . balsamon on the . canon of laodicea tells , that at that time in some churches of the east , it was neither safe nor expedient for them to have bishops : and they were supplied by visiters , sent them from other bishops , so that they had no bishops of their own : which was occasioned both by their poverty , and the smalness of their number , yet they were under the care and charge of other bishops . some churches lay long vacant and without bishops . in carthage , when hunnerick invaded them , they wanted a bishop twenty four years : and he offering them one , providing the arrians might have the free exercise of their religion among them , they answered , that upon these terms ecclesia non delectatur episcopum habere , so victor lib. . pers . v and. when miletus was driven out of antioch , for ten years together diodorus and flavian two presbyters ruled that church , theodor. lib. . hist. cap. . some places are alledged to have had the gospel long before there were bishops among them , and particularly scotland , for major lib. . cap. . faith , per sacerdotes & monachos , sine episcopis scoti in fide eruditi erant . the time of our conversion to the faith is reckoned to have been an. . and palladius reckoned the first bishop came not for an hundred and seventy years after that in the year . fordown in his chronicle , lib. . cap. . faith , ante palladii adventum habebant scoti fidei doctores , & sacramentorum administratores , presbyteros solum , vel monachos ritum sequentes ecclesiae primitivae . these were called culdes , though in some bulls they be celli dei. boethius thinks it is culdei , quasi cultores dei : but others judg that it is from the cells wherein they lived , which were held in great esteem , and after their death were turned into churches : and from thence they think the name kil is to this day so much used , as kilpatrick , kilmarnock , kilbride , &c. of these boethius saith , that by common suffrage , they made choice of one of their number to be chief over them , who was called episcopus scotorum : so lib. . fol. . this is contradicted by buchanan lib. . who faith , that before palladius his coming , ecclesiae absque episcopis per monachos regebantur , minori quidem cum fastu , & externâ pompâ , sed majore simplicitate & sanctimoniâ . but all our old manuscripts being gone , it will not be easie to come to a decision about this matter . the gothick churches are said to have been planted and constituted before ulphilas their first bishop came unto them for seventy years together . in the beginning the bishop's whole charge was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by the strain of ignatius his epistles , especially that to smyrna , it would appear , that there was but one church , at least but one place , where there was one altar and communion in each of these parishes : for he saith , there was one bishop , one church , and one altar . and cyprian phraseth the erecting of a schism , by the erecting of an altar against an altar : which seems to import , that there was but one altar in the bishops parish . while the number of the christians was but small , they might well have all met together in one place ; but as they increased , and the persecutions grew upon them , they must have had several meeting places , and consequently several persons to preside and officiate in these meetings . but damasus and platina reckon , that evaristus who was bishop of rome about the year , was the first , qui titulos in urbe româ presbyteris divisit : so that before his time , the presbyters have all officiated here or there indefinitely according to the bishop's appointment . and evaristus seems to have given them assignments to particular places . as for the meaning of the word tituli , it is to be considered that the christians met about the places where the martyrs were buried , and so their meeting places were called memoriae martyrum . now upon burials some title or inscription being usually made , it followed that the place of the burial or gravestone was called titulus among the latins : so gen. . . jacob's erecting a pillar upon rachels grave , is rendred by the vulgar latin , erexit titulum super sepulchrum : and gen. . of jacob's stone at bethel , it is said , erexit in titulum , and sam. . absalom his pillar is called titulus : hence it is that evaristus his dividing of the titles is to be understood of his giving particular assignments of several churches to presbyters . the next thing to be examined is , what were the actions appropriated to bishops . if we believe ierome , the bishop did nothing which presbyters might not do , except ordination : by which we see , that he judged ordination could not be done without the bishop . athanasius in his second apology inserts among other papers , an epistle of the synod of alexandria , mentioning that ischyras his ordination by coluthus being questioned and examined , and it being found that coluthus had never been ordained a bishop , but that he had falsly pretended to that title and character , all the ordinations made by him were annulled : and ischyras with such others who were so ordained , were declared laicks . which is an undeniable instance , that at that time , it was the general sense of the church , that none but a bishop might ordain . neither in any author do we meet with an instance of any that were ordained by presbyters , save one , that cassian , who was about the . year , collat. . cap. . gives of one paphnutius a presbyter in the desert of scetis , who delighting in the vertues of one daniel , ut quem vitae meritis & gratiâ sibi parem noverat , coaequare sibi etiam sacerdotii ordine festinaret . — eum presbyterii honori provexit . but what a few devout solitaries might do in a desert and undiscerned corner , will be no precedent for a constituted church : else we may allow of baptism with sand , for that was once done in a desert . but socrates had another opinion of this , who lib. . cap. . tells , that ischyras did a thin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in the third council of toledo , set down by gratian , dist . . cap. . this canon was made . quorundam clericorum dum unus ad presbyterium duo ad levitarum ministerium sacrarentur , episcopus oculorum dolore detentus , fertur manum suam super eos tantum imposuisse , & presbyter quidam illis contra ecclesiasticum ordinem benedictionem dedisse , sed quia jam ille examini divino relictus , humano judicio accusari non potest , ii qui supersunt gradum sacerdotii vel levitici ordinis quem perverse adepti sunt , amittant . by which we see how far they were from allowing of any ordination , wherein a bishop had not intervened . it is further clear , that the bishop was looked upon as the pastor of the flock , who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that presbyters or deacons could finish nothing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he was to give an account of the souls of the people : and indeed in these days a bishoprick was onus more than honos . the common treasury of the church was also committed to his care , so infra can. . and as the offerings of the faithful were laid down at the apostles feet , acts . . . so were the collectae , and the other goods of the church laid in their hands . for all the goods os the church and collectae , were at first deposited in the bishop's hand , and distributed by him , tho afterwards there was an oeconomus appointed for that work . ignatius epist. ad magnes . tells , that they were to do nothing without their bishop . and ad smyrn . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and . canon of laodicea , they might no nothing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem . can. . arel . . as for baptism , tertull , de bapt . saith , dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos , qui & episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non quidem sine episcopi authoritate , propter ecclesiae bonum , quo salvo salva pax est , alioquin laicis etiam jus est . firmilian ad cyprianum , which is reckoned the . among cyprian his epistles , faith , majores natu ( and by what is a little after , where he calls these bishops , it is clear he means not of presbyters ) in ecclesiâ praesidebant , & baptizandi , & manum imponendi , & ordinandi , potestatem possidebant . pacian . serm . de bapt. lavacro peccata purgantur , chrismate spiritus super funditur , utraque , purgantur , chrismate spiritus super funditur , utraque , vero ist a manu & ore antistitis impetramus . and even ierome himself contra luciferianos , saith , sine chrismate & episcopi jussione , neque presbyter , neque diaconus jus habent baptizandi . by all which we see , that baptism was chiefly the bishop's work , and that the presbyters did not baptize without his order . as for the eucharist , ignatius ad smyrnenses , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iustin in his second apol. giving the account of their eucharist and whole service , reckons all to have been managed by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and tert. de cor . mil. non de aliorum quam praesidentium manibus sumimus . but all this is very unjustly applied by such as would pretend to the whole ecclesiastical authority ; but would exempt themselves from the great labor of it . for it is clear , that according to the primitive constitution , the bishop was the immediate pastor of the flock , and the presbyters were assumed by him in partem sollicitudinis : the greatest of the load still lying on his own shoulders , and this might have been some way managed by him , where the dioceses were smaller . but the enlarging of the dioceses hath wholly altered the figure of primitive episcopacy . all that the bishop can now do being to try entrants well , and oversee these that are in charge ; which ought not to be performed either by these overly visitations in synods , or by a pompous procession through the diocese , but by a strict and severe examen both of their lives and labors , performed in such visitations , as are sutable to the simplicity and humility of the gospel . as for preaching , it was ordinary at first , even for persons not ordained to preach , not to mention that of the corinthians , where every one brought his psalm , his interpretation , or his doctrine to the meeting , which may be called extraordinary ; under which notion , most reject everything in scripture that doth not please them . but this continued longer in the church . euseb. lib. . hist. cap. . tells , that origen before he had gotten the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( mark how this word stands here for the order and degree of presbyterat ) was invited earnestly by the bishops not only to dispute , but also to expound the scriptures , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the publick assembly of the church . for the vindication whereof alexander bishop of ierusalem , and theoctistus bishop of cesarea , wrote to demetrius bishop of alexandria thus : quod autem in literis adjunxeris nunquam antea auditum , neque jam usurpatum , ut laici praesentibus episcopis disputarent , scripturásve exponerent in eo mihi , nescio quo modo , videris falsa dixisse : nam ubi idonei & habiles reperiuntur , qui fratribus in verbo dei adjumento sint , à sanctis episcopis rogantur , ut populum dei instituant in verbo , sicut larandis euelpis à neone , iconii paulinus à celso , & apud synadas theodorus ab attico , qui omnes beati ac pii fratres crant : ac verisimile est , quamvis nobis obscurum & minime cognitum sit , illud idem in aliis locis fieri . tert. in his apologetick cap. . tells , that post aquam manualem & lumina , quisquis ut de scripturis sanctis , vel de proprio ingenio potest provocatur in medium deo hymnum canere . and of this remember what was before cited from hilary the deacon on the th of the ephesians . sozom. lib . cap. . saith , that at rome neither the bishop , nor any other taught in the church : but that in alexandria the bishop alone taught , that not being allowed to any presbyter , after arrius broached his heresie . it remains only to be enquired who was the proper minister of confirmation . but because this whole matter of confirmation comes not in so properly upon any of the other canons , i shall therefore examine all that relates to it here , and shall consider upon what grounds it was used , how early it was practiced , with what rites it was administred , who was the proper minister of it , and for what end it was introduced , and continued in the church . from acts . . and . . all the fathers have pleaded for this rite : for there we have the laying on of hands practiced , as a rite clearly distinct from baptism : and tho we find the holy ghost conferred by that imposition of hands , thence it will not follow that that action was extraordinary , and so to have expired with the apostles : for we find extraordinary effects following upon their ordinary actions , such as ordination , excommunication , & c. and yet none will plead that these actions are now to be disused , because they are no more attended with such effects . but heb. . . speaks most plainly for this , where among the foundations of religion , the laying on of hands is joined with baptisms : and this seemed so clear to calvin commenting on that place , that he judges this to have been a rite derived from the apostles . the constant ceremony of it was that which is often mentioned in scripture , imposition of hands . but besides this , they began very early to use a chrisma of consecrated oil , with which they anointed them in the brow . this it seems hath been taken from the mention that we find made of anointing , cor. . . where some think the whole rites of confirmation are set down in these words : now he which stablisheth us with you in christ , and hath anointed us , is god , who hath also sealed us , and given us the earnest of the spirit in our hearts . and ioh. . . we are told of an unction from above , and a holy anointing . but that in these words no material anointing , but the extraordinary conferring of the holy ghost is meant , seems clear from the text : and so christ is said to be anointed with the oil of joy above his fellows , tho we hear nothing of a material anointing . it is true , james . . there is clear mention made of an anointing with oil , in which certainly there is no metaphor , but that relates nothing to our purpose . however , it is like from these places it was that the ancients used the chrisma , for we find that this was very early practised in the church . theophilus alexandrinus , who flourished about the year . lib. . ad antolycum , saith , we are for this reason called christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . et quis mortalium est , qui vel ingreditur in hanc vitam , vel certat in arenâ & non oleo inungitur . iren. lib. . cap. . tells , that valentinus used both confirmation and anointing in the receiving of his disciples , and tells , that he used a mixture of water and oil with opobalsamum . and this seems to imply that to have been the practice of the church ; for he tells , that valentinus had adapted and transformed the rites of the church into his character . tert. de bapt . cap. . makes mention of the unctio benedicta , qua egressi de lavacro perunguntur . and cap. . dehinc manus imponitur per benedictionem advocans & invitans spiritum sanctum , idem de refur . carnis , cap. . saith , caro abluitur — caro ungitur — caro signatur , caro manus impositione adumbratur , ut & anima spiritu illuminetur . and lib. de praescript . cap. . aquâ signat , spiritu sancto vestit , eucharistiâ pascit . yet tert. de cor. mil. cap. . when he recounts these ceremonies which he judged to have been of apostolical tradition , doth not reckon this for one . cyprian epist. . ad iubaianum , speaking of s. peter and s. iohn their laying on of hands at samaria , shews it was no new baptism : sed tantummodo quod deerat id à petro & ioanne factum esse , ut oratione pro iis habitâ , ac manu impositâ , invocaretur & infunderetur super eos spiritus sanctus : quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur , ut qui in ecclesiâ baptizantur praepositis ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram orationem & manus impositionem spiritum sanctum consequantur , & signaculo divino consummentur . and epist. . after he hath spoken of baptism , he adds , ungi quoque necesse est cum qui baptizatus sit , ut accepto chrismate id est unctione esse unctus dei , & habere in se gratiam christs possit . and he tell , that both the eucharist & oleum unde unguntur babtizati , in altari sanctificatur . cyril of ierusalem his third mistagogical catechism is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein he describes the anointing we have from god ; and the consecrated oil , which was the rite expressive of the former , comparing it to the dove that descended from christ , and was his spiritual anointing . which is also done by optatus , lib. . cont . paramenianum , and the areopagite de eccles. hier . cap. . where he at length describes the rites used in the consecrating of the chrisma . yet this chrisma was not so peculiar to confirmation , but that it was also used upon other occasions . nazianzen tells ( as is above cited ) that such as were ordained , were also anointed . it was also used in baptism , so both tertullian , cyprian , and ierome , and the . canon of the council of laodicea decrees , that the illuminati post baptisma should be anointed with this unguentum coeleste . but by the i. can. of the council of orange , it was decreed , that he who was not anointed at baptism , should receive the chrisma at his confirmation : by which it seems they did not repeat the ceremony of anointing , to such as had received it at baptism . likewise these who returned from heresie , by the . can. of the second general council were to be anointed & fronte , & oculis , & naribus , & ore , & auribus , & signantes eos dicimus donum spiritus sancti . and like unto this is the . can. of laodicea . and author resp. ad orthod . that goeth under iustin's name , ad quoest . . cum hoereticus ad veram fidèm accedit , corrigitur lapsus falsae opinionis , sententiae , mutatione : baptismi , sancti chrismatis unctione ; ordinationis , manum impositione : nihilque quod prius erat , indissolutum manet . now by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he mentions , is not meant a new ordination , which was not given to these that returned from heresie . for as appears by the council of nice , the orders which they got among the hereticks were held valid , and not to be renewed : but this is meant of the ceremony ordinarily given in the absolution and receiving of penitents . august . cont . donatist . lib. . cap. . confesseth , that the baptism of hereticks was valid , but denies that they conferred the holy ghost , and therefore imposition of hands was given to those who returned from heresie . besides this chrisma , they used also in confirmation the sign of the cross , of which that phrase of tertullian is to be understood caro signatur . and aug. in psal. . . speaking of the sacraments , saith , quaedam sicut nostri ore accipimus , quaedam per totum corpus . and a little after , tegat frontem crux domini , which words are to be understood of the eucharist , baptism and confirmation . he calls this also sacramentum chrismatis , lib. . cont . petilianum , cap. . applying to it that of the ointment on aaron's beard , psalm . but elsewhere he calls that bread which was blest , not with the eucharistical and sacramental benediction , but with that lower degree , called eulogy , which might be given to the catechumens , sacramentum catechumenorum ; using this term largely , as he saith epist. ad marcellinum . signum cum ad rem sacram applicatur , sacramentum appellatur . of this sign of the cross , is likewise to be understood that of the signaculum dominicum , mentioned by cyprian , ep. . the next thing to be enquired after is , who was the minister of confirmation ? in the western church the bishop did only administer it . so ierome adv . luciferianos , brings in the luciferian in the dialogue . an nescis ecclesiarum hunc morem esse , ut baptizatis postea manus imponantur , & ita invocetur spiritus sanctus ? exigis ubi scriptum est ? in actibus apostolorum . etiamsi scripturae authoritas non subesset , totius orbis hanc in partem consensus , instar praecepti obtineret . then he makes the orthodox to answer : non equidem abnuo hanc esse ecclesiarum consuetudinem , ut ad eos qui longe in minoribus urbibus per presbyteros & diaconos baptizati sunt , episcopus ad invocationem sancti spiritus excurrat . and asking why the holy ghost was not given , but by the bishop ? he answers , that was potius ad honorem sacordotii , quam ad legis necessitatem . aug. de trin. lib. . cap. . speaking of the apostles conferring of the holy ghost , saith , orabant , ut veniret spiritus sanctus in eos quibus manum imponebant , non enim ipsi cum dabant , quem morem in suis praepositis etiam nunc servat ecclesia . but in the greek church , presbyters might confirm : so the above cited hilary on the of the ephes. denique apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , ubi praesens non sit episcopus : and lib. quaest . in vet. & nov. test. called augustin's , but believed to be the same hilary's , quaest . . faith , in alexandriâ , & per totam aegyptum si desit episcopus consecrat presbyter . by the comparing of which places , it appears , that it is the same thing which is exprest by these various names of consecration and consignation : but what is meant by it , is not agreed to . it is absurd to think that ordination can be meant by it . for that decision of the case of ischyras shews that in alexandria they were far from allowing presbyters to ordain without a bishop . some think that because consecration is more usually applied to the blessing of the eucharist ; therefore both it and consignation , is so to be understood here . and whereas it is objected that in the cited places some custom peculiar to alexandria seems to be mentioned ; but it was universally allowed in the bishop's absence for the presbyter to consecrate the eucharist : therefore some other thing must be there meant . it is answered to this , that in other places presbyters might not consecrate sine episcopi jussione ; according to what was cited out of ignatius ; and that the custom in alexandria hath been , that the presbyters without any such express mandate , might have consecrated in the bishop's absence . but the general practice of the greek church inclines me to think , that confirmation is meant by the cited places , which was usually phrased by consignation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , only the consecrating af the chrisma and oil , was peculiar to the bishop , as his work ; so that the greeks seem to have made a difference betwixt the hallowing and applying of the chrisma . the first could only be done by the bishop , but the second was not denied to the presbyters . even as in the eucharist none might consecrate but presbyters , , yet laicks of both sexes , in case of necessity , might have carried and given it to the absents . of confirmation administred by presbyters , some instances do meet us in the latin church . the first canon of the council of orange , permits the use of the chrisma to the priests , who are appointed to carry some of it always about with them . conc. epaunense , cap. . permits the presbyters to give the chrisma to such hereticks as were converted on their death beds . and the second canon of the council of orange is : haereticos in mortis discrimine positos , si catholici esse desiderant , si episcopus desit , à presbyteris cum chrismate & benedictione consignari placuit . and the council of toledo permits a presbyter to do it in the bishops absence , or in his presence , if commanded by him . but both east and west , it was agreed , that the chrisma could not be sanctified by presbyters . conc. romanum sub sylv. cap. . decreed it . but as that council is much suspected , so the reason there given is a very poor one . quia christus dicitur à chrismate . but canon sixth , cod. afric . is more authentick , ut chrisma à presbyteris non fiat . and synod tolet. can. . quamvis pene ubique custodiatur ut absque episcopo nemo chrisma conficiat , tamen quia in aliquibus locis vel provinciis dicuntur presbyteri chrisma consicere , placuit ex hoc die nullum alium nisi episcopum hoc facere . and the areopagite , as he at length describes it , and descants upon it , so he appropriates it to the bishop . gregory the great , lib. . epist. . writing to ianuarius bishop of caralis in sardinia , discharges presbyters to anoint with the chrisma on the brow , appointing that to be reserved to the bishop : for sardinia , and the other isles , had observed the customs of the greek church : but gregory epist. . writing to that same person , tells , that he heard how some were scandalized , because he had discharged presbyters the use of the chrisma , which he therefore takes off in these words : et nos quidem secundum usum veterem ecclesiae nostrae fecimus , sed si omnino hac de re aliqui contristantur , ubi episcopi desunt , ut presbyteri etiam in frontibus baptizatos chrismate tangere debeant concedimus . but years afterwards , nicolaus first bishop of rome , observed not that moderation . for the bulgarians who were converted by the greeks , receiving the chrisma from the presbyters according to the custom of that church ; nicolaus sent bishops to them , and appointed such as had been confirmed by presbyters to be confirmed again by bishops . but upon this , photius , who was then patriarch of constantinople , called a synod , it which it was decreed , that the chrisma being hallowed by a bishop , might be administred by presbyters . and photius in his epistle contends , that a presbyter might , unguento signare , sanctificare , consummatos angere , & expiatorium donum baptizato consummare , as well as he might either baptize or offer at the altar . but nicolaus impudently denied , that this had ever been permitted , and upon this account it is , that many of the latins have charged the greek church , as if there were no confirmation used among them . but this challenge is denied and rejected by the greeks . and so much of the minister of confirmation . it is in the last place to be considered , what value was set upon this action , and for what ends it was practised in the church . we have already heard augustin call it a sacrament . it is likewise so termed by cyprian epist. . and in the records of the council held by him for the rebaptizing of hereticks . but as was marked before , they took that term largely for an holy rite or symbolical action : whereas a sacrament strictly taken is a holy rite instituted by christ for a federal stipulation , by which the promises of the gospel are sealed , and grace conveyed to the worthy receivers . now in this sense it is visible , that confirmation is no sacrament : it neither being instituted by christ , nor having any grace appended to it . neither is it so totally distinct from baptism , being but a renovation of the baptismal vow , joined with prayer , and a solemn benediction . some have thought , that confirmation was only used by the ancients , as an appendix , or a consummatory rite of baptism , which mistake is founded upon this , that some of the riper age being baptized , got this imposition of hands after baptism . for the clearing of which some things must be considered : first , the ancients used an imposition of hands before baptism , to such as were admitted to be catechumens , who were in the christian church , like the proselytes of the gates among the iews : for they having renounced idolatry , were admitted to some parts of the christian worship , and instructed in the faith for some time , before they could commence christians . and an imposition of hands was used , when any were admitted to this order : so it is express in the . canon of elib . and in the greek euchology there is a prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where it is said , inflat signat & manum imponit . and in the liturgy called s. marks , quotquot ad baptismum dispositi estis accedite , ac manus impositionem & benedictionem accipite , dem manum imponit sacerdos . and euseb. de vitae const. lib. . faith of constantine ; confessione factâ precum particeps factus est per impositionem manuum . the areopagite makes mention also of this as done twice before baptism ; and aug. de mer. & remis . pec . lib. . cap. . catechumenum secundum quendam modum suum per signum & orationem manuum impositionis puto sanctificari . and cyprian ad steph. makes baptism a superaddition to that imposition of hands : which he draws from the example of cornelius , upon whom the spirit falling first , he was afterward baptized . it is true , he is there speaking of such as turned from heresie , who he judged should be rebaptized , after an imposition of hands first given them . but as the . canon of elib . speaks of an imposition of hands given before baptism , so the . canon of that same council , mentions another given after it . si quis diaconus regens plebem sine episcopo , vel presbyteris , aliquos baptizaverit , eos per benedictionem perficere debebit . and by the . canon of that council , any laick that was baptized , and was no bigamus , might baptize a catechumen if sick . ita ut si supervixerit , ad episcopum cum perducat , ut per manus impositionem perficere ( or as others read it perfici ) possit . if the first be the reading , it will relate to confirmation ; if the second , it will relate to the compleating of the baptism . the . canon of laodicea is , illuminatos post baptisma unguento caelesti liniendos esse . to infer from that , that confirmation was immediately to follow upon baptism is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth not imply that it was to be done immediately after , but only that baptism was to go before it : and we find that same phrase in the canons immediately preceding this , applied to such as had been of a great while baptized . but tho such as were of riper years had been confirmed immediately after they received baptism , it will no more prove that confirmation was an appendix of baptism , than that the eucharist was so likewise , which was also given to them at the same time . so the areopagite tells , how such as were baptized , were carried by the priest to the bishop . ille vero unguento consecrato virum ungens sacrosanctae . eucharistiae participem esse pronunciat . and tho even children were confirmed immediately after baptism , that doth not prove the one but a rite of the other : for we find that not only in the african churches , but also in the roman church , the custom of giving children the eucharist immediately after baptism , continued long : for the ordo romanus , held by some a work of the eleventh century , appoints , that children be permitted to eat nothing after they are baptized , till they received the eucharist . that same practice is also mentioned by hugo the s. victore , lib. . cap. . in the twelfth century . and all the greek writers assert the necessity of childrens receiving the eucharist , and yet none asserted the eucharist to be but a rite of baptism . cornelius tells of novatian ( apud eusebium , lib. . hist. cap. . ) how he was baptized clinicus , and being recovered nec reliquorum particeps factus , quae secundum canones ecclesiae obtinere debuerat , nec ab episcopo obsignatus est . ( it is true , it is in the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if it were explicative of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the former words he said he wanted ; whence some infer , that confirmation was but one of the baptismal rites . but it is clear that the true reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so nicephorus hath read it ) quo non impetrato , quomodo spiritum sanctum obtinuisse putandus est . yet from the story it appears that confirmation was judged only necessary ad bone esse , and not to the esse of a christian ; since notwithstanding the want of this , fabian bishop of rome ordained novatian a presbyter . the greek euchology shews , that such as were baptized , were after their baptism anointed , and so to be confirmed : and it subjoyning that the eucharist was to be given to them , proves no more the one to be a rite of baptism than the other . the whole current of the fathers runs , that in confirmation the holy ghost was conferred . august . de bapt. cont . donatistas , lib. . cap. . spiritus sanctus in solâ catholicâ , per manus impositionem dari dicitur , which he derives from the apostles , tho these extraordinary effects of speaking of tongues , or the like , did not follow upon it : sed invisibiliter & latenter per vinculum pacis , est eorum cordibus charitas divina inspirata . and concludes , quid enim est aliud nisi oratio super hominem . and certainly , were confirmation restored according to the apostolical practice , and managed with a primitive sincerity , nothing should give more probable hopes of a recovery of the christian church , out of the darkness and deadness in which it hath continued so long . it might quicken persons more seriously to consider to what they were engaged in baptism , when they were put to so solemn a renovation of it . but the more denuded it were of all unnecessary rites , such as oil , and the like , it might be more sutable to the evangelical spirit . and we see likewise from antiquity , that there is no reason for appropriating this action wholly , or only to the bishop . it should not be gone about till the person were ripe in years , and not only able by rote to recite a catechism , but of a fitness to receive the eucharist immediately after . but i shall conclude this whole matter with calvin's words , lib. . instit. cap. . sect . . & sequentibus : where after he hath laid out the primitive practice of confirmation , he subjoins : haec disciplina , si bodie valeret , profecto parentum quorundam ignavia acueretur , qui liberorum institutionem , quasi rem nihil ad se pertinentem , negligunt ; quam tum sine publico dedecore omittere non possent . major esset in populo christiano fidei consensus , nec tanta multorum inscitia , & ruditas , non adeo temere quidam novis , & peregrinis dogmatibus , abriparentur ; omnibus denique esset quaedam velut methodus doctrinae christianae . a supplement about the rural bishops , called chorepiscopi . it hath been already marked , that the extent of the dioceses was not all of one proportion : and generally the villages which lay adjacent to cities , having received the gospel at first from them , continued in subjection to the city , as to their mother church : whereby the bishops parish was not limited to the city , but did also include the adjacent villages . the inscription of clemens his epistles insinuates this : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by which we see , that the churches of rome and corinth were made up not onely of such as inhabited the towns , but also of such as dwelt about them : and this is yet clearer from ignatius his inscription of his epistle to the romans ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . neither did they judg it fit to ordain bishops in smaller or lesser cities , as appears by the council of sardis , can. . where it is decreed , that a bishop should not be ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . adding , that it was not necessary that bishops should be ordained there , lest the name and dignity of a bishop should be vilipended . but before this , it was decreed in the council of laodicea , can. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( for so reads the manuscript of oxford , dionysius exiguus , isidore mercator , hervetus , and iustellus ; and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vel , as binius ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : who were to do nothing without the knowledg of the bishop of the city , whom the learned beverigius observes ( on this canon ) to have been distinct from the rural bishops ; which he makes out both from the civil law , and a place of gennadius , where the orders of churchmen being reckoned , these circular visitors are set in a middle rank betwixt the rural bishops and presbyters . frequent mention is also made of these visitors in the acts of the council at chalcedon . this course therefore they took for these villages to send presbyters from the city , who were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and because the bishop could not immediately over-see them himself , he did therefore substitute a vicar and delegate who was generally called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the first time that we meet with any of these , is in the beginning of the fourth century , in the councils of ancyra , neocesarea , and antiochia . these differed from presbyters , in that they got an ordination distinct from theirs , called by the council of antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they also might have ordained subdeacons , lectors , and exorcists , and given them commendatory letters . but they differed from bishops in these things : first , that they were ordained but by one bishop , as appears by the tenth canon of the council of antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and therefore it is true that balsamon calls them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now we have already seen , that a bishop must be ordained by two bishops at least . next , these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith zonaras . and therefore in their subscriptions of the councils , they only design themselves chorepiscopi , without mentioning the place where they served , as the bishops do . now bishops could not be ordained but with a title to a particular charge and see. thirdly , their power was limited , and in many things inferior to the power of bishops . so pope leo the first , in his . epist. quamvis , cum episcopis plurima illis ministeriorum communis sit dispensatio , quaedam tamen ecclesiasticis regulis sibi prohibita norint , sicut presbyterorum & diaconorum consecratio . they might in general do nothing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and both the council of ancyra : , canon . and that of antioch , canon . discharge them the ordaining of presbyters or deacons . the words of the council of antioch are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which words clearly import , that the bishop must have intervened in the ordination , and so are wrong rendered by an old latin edition , praeter conscientiam episcopi . as if they had heen only limited not to ordain unless the bishop gave warrant . and thus these bishops of the villages and lesser cities were reduced from the degree of bishops , to an inferiour and limited office , and were undoubtedly of the episcopal order , tho their authority was much abridged . in the council of neocesarea their relation to the bishop , is compared to that of the seventy disciples to the apostles , and they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and that which is there marked as their chief work , is their care of the poor . but by the canon of antioch , they might have ordained lectors , sub-deacons , and exorcists . and yet basil in his . epist. saith , that they might not have ordained , even these inferiour ranks , without having first advertised the bishop , and sent their testimonies , and the suffrages of their election to him : which is observed by aristenus in his gloss on the . canon of ancyra : and by mattheus blastares in his syntagma , cap. . but damasus , who was about the year . writes his whole fourth epistle against them , telling that he found it decreed by his predecessors , that they should be abolished , prohibititam ab , hac sacrâ sede , quam à totius orbis episcopis . — nam ( ut nobis relatum est ) quidam episcoporum , propter suam quietem , eis plebes suas committere non formidant . and falls severely on these bishops , and compares them to mercenaries and whores , that give out their children to others to suckle . he proves they were not bishops , because not ordained by three bishops , and descants upon the canons of neocesarea and antioch , which seem to import , as if they had the ordination of bishops ; adding , cesset ergo , cesset tot vicibus damnata praesumptio . and yet pope leo ( as we have already cited ) who was bishop of rome about . years after him , makes mention of them . and notwithstanding all he saith against them , of their being condemned , it doth not appear when or where it was so done . express mention is made of them in the council of nice , canon . as of a rank distinct from presbyters . it being there provided , that such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as returned to the unity of the church , should continue in that same order of the clergy , wherein they were before , only such of them as were bishops might not continue bishops of a city , where there was already a bishop placed : because there could not be two bishops in one city : but if it pleased the bishop , they might either retain the bare name of a bishop , or be made chorepiscopi , or continue among the presbyters . mention also is made of them in the . canon of the general council of chalcedon , which shews , that at that time they were not wholly taken away : but the latest accounts we have of them is in france , where it seems they continued longest . conc. paris . an. . they are cap. . compared to the disciples , according to that of neocesarea , and bishops are appointed to see that they did nothing beyond what was permitted to them by the canons . the like is decreed conc. meldensi , an. . cap. . and it is expressed there , that they might neither give the holy chrisma , nor the holy ghost , nor confer any order above that of a subdeacon , nor consecrate churches . conc. metensi , anno . cap. . it was decreed , that churches consecrated by them were to be again consecrated by a bishop , and any thing they did which was proper to a bishop was declared null , and they are reckoned all one with presbyters ; and here we lose sight of them , hearing no more of them : for as they arose insensibly , so they vanished in the like fashion . so much of them and upon the first canon . the second canon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a presbyter shall be ordained by one bishop , so likewise a deacon , and the rest of the clergy . we find most of the fathers , even ierome himself , drawing the subordination among churchmen from what was under the law ; and therefore deacons were ordinarily called levites . but there is more ground to think , it was immediately taken from the form of the synagogue , tho that constitution might have had its rise from the model of the temple-service . i shall not here engage in a large examen of the first origine and rise of the synagogues , or of the worship performed in them , or debate whether they began before the captivity , in it , or after it . nor what ground there may be from the word synagogue used psalm . . to assert their early date . but certain it is , that the temple worship was merely typical , in which the whole people were to assist , but as a few returns of the year . and beside this , the law of nature dictates , that god is to be frequently and solemnly worshipped by such as acknowledge his great name , which will plead for an early rise to these assemblies . but be in that what may be , two things are certain . the one is , that synagogues were constitute in our saviour's time , and that there were rulers , and chief rulers in these synagogues , that in them prayers were said , the law was read , expounded , and exhortations made upon it , and discipline was used , and such as were faulty were cast out of these synagogues . all this is evident from the new testament : and much more than this can be gathered out of iewish writings . now our saviour's going into these synagogues , reading the law , and preaching in them , doth abundantly evince , that this constitution was not unlawful . another thing is as clear from the old testament , that there was neither written command , nor warrant for such assemblies ; and the contrary of this none can undertake to make out . from which positions , both of them equally clear and certain , a great step might be made for the calming and composing of debates about government , were heats and prejudices out of the way . it being apparent , that there was an entire frame of church government , and worship among the iews , which was not unlawful , though not of divine institution . in the synagogues there was ( as is marked before ) first , one that was called the bishop of the congregation . next , the three orderers , and judges of every thing about the synagogue , who were called tsekenim , and by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these ordered and determined every thing that concerned the synagogues , or the persons in it . next them , were the three parnassin or deacons , whose charge was to gather the collections of the rich , and to distribute them to the poor : and these were called septem viri boni civitatis . the term elder , was generally given to all their judges : but chiefly to these of the great sanhedrin , so we have it , matth. . . mark . . . . and . . and acts . . and for a fuller satisfaction to this , i must refer you to such as have given an account of the synagogue out of the iewish writers . next , a great deal might be said , to prove that the apostles in their first constitutions , took things as they had them modelled to their hand in the synagogue : and this they did , both because it was not their design to innovate , except where the nature of the gospel dispensation obliged them to it . as also , because they took all means possible to gain the jews , who we find were zealous adherers to the traditions of their fathers , and not easily weaned from these precepts of moses , which by christ's death were evacuated : and if the apostles went so great a length in complying with them in greater matters , as circumcision , and other legal observances , ( which appears from the acts and epistles ) we have good grounds to suppose , that they would have yielded to them in what was more innocent and less important . besides , there appears both in our lord himself , and in his apostles , a great inclination to symbolize with them , as far as was possible . now the nature of the christian worship shews evidently , that it came in the room of the synagogue , which was moral , and not of the temple-worship , which was typical and ceremonial . likewise , this parity of customs betwixt the iews and christians , was such , that it made them be taken by the romans , and other more overly observers , for one sect of religion : and finally , any that will impartially read the new testament , will find , that when the forms of government , or worship are treated of , it is not done with such architectonical exactness , as was necessary , if a new thing had been instituted , which we find practiced by moses . but the apostles rather speak , as these who give rules for the ordering , and directing of what was already in being . from all which it seems well grounded and rational to assume , that the first constitution of the christian churches , was taken from the model of the synagogue , in which these elders were separated , for the discharge of their imployments , by an imposition of hands , as all iewish writers do clearly witness . so the presbyters of the christian church were ordained by an imposition of hands . their power was not only to preach , which ( as i shewed already ) was common to others , but also to administer sacraments ; so that it is true which ierome saith , communi consilio presbyterorum res gerebantur . we have already considered , how necessary it was judged , that no ordination of presbyters might be gone about without the presence and concurrence of the bishop , as the principal person , which was judged necessary ( as i suppose ) more upon the account of unity and order , than from the nature of the thing in its self : for taking things in themselves , it will follow , that whatever power one hath , he may transmit to another ; and therefore there seems to be small reason , why one who hath the power of preaching the gospel , and administring sacraments , may not also transmit the same to others : and it seems unreasonable so to appropriate this to a bishop , as to annul these ordinations which were managed by presbyters , where bishops could not be had . maimonides saith , every one regularly ordained , hath power to ordain his disciples also . there remains nothing to be cleared about this from antiquity , save the canon of the council of ancyra , which runs thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( others read ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . others read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now the difficulty raised about this canon is this , that if the reading be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then it will follow , that the presbyters of the city might have ordained without the bishops presence , if they had his warrant in writing . yea , they also infer , that it is probable that before that , they ordained even without the bishops warrant , to which they were limited by this canon : and upon this wallo messalinus triumphs not a little . but blondel chused rather to read the canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as if the meaning of it were , that the chorepiscopi could not have ordained either presbyters or deacons ; nor the presbyters of the city without the bishops warrant in writing ; which will infer , that they might have done it being so warranted . it is true , binnius hath read it so ; so also hath gentianus hervetus , as appears by his latin version of this council . the arabick manuscript also favors this . and it is directly asserted by zonaras on this canon , and aristenus . but it is contradicted by the whole tract of antiquity , whom we find all concurring in this , that the chorepiscopi might neither ordain presbyters , nor deacons without a bishop , as was cleared in its due place . fut for that of wallo messalinus , it will appear to be ill grounded : for first , it is certain that the chorepiscopi were a dignity above presbyters . it will be therefore unreasonable to think that presbyters could do that which was unlawful to the other . besides , how bad an inference is it from one canon of a provincial council , of which there are such various readings , to argue for a thing which is not only without any other ground , but also contrary to the whole current of antiquity ? and it was but few years after this , that in alexandria the ordinations given by colutbus , who was but a presbyter , and only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were annulled . now ancyra being in asia the lesser , and divers bishops out of syria being there , in particular the bishops of antioch and cesarea , who subscribed first ; how came it that there was no notice of this had at alexandria , to have prevented their severe sentence in the case of colutbus ? but to consider the readings of the canon , binius reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so iustellus : it is true , he hath on the margin ( aliter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) hervetus hath translated it , in alienâ parochia . now if this be the true reading , the meaning of it will run thus . whereas by a great many other canons , presbyters were so tied to their bishop , that no bishop was to receive the presbyter of another bishop , without his bishops warrant and licence , and his literae pacificae , and dimissoriae . so here the presbyters of the city are discharged to go and assist at ordinations , in other parishes , without a written licence from their own bishop . but as this canon is read ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by some , so they seem to have added to it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so that the meaning of it is , that the presbyters of the city might do nothing without the bishop's warrant and licence in writing : thus have both isidorus mercator , and dionysius exiguns read it , as appears by their latin versions which are , sed nec presbyteris civitatis ( licet ) sine episcopi praecepto , aliquid amplius imperare , vel sine authoritate literarum ejus ' in unaquaque parochiâ aliquid agere . and this is according to binius's edition of them . but in another edition of dionysius exiguus by iustellus , he seems to have read it simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without any supplement . another old latin edition published by iustellus hath , sed neque presbyteris civitatis licere , sine jussione episcopi , sed cum ejusdem literis eundi ad singulas parochias . ioannes antiochen in his collectio canonum , reads it simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ferrandus in his breviatio canonum , canon . cites this part of the canon thus : ut presbyteri civitatis , sine jussu episcopi , nihil jubeant , nec in unaguaque paroeciâ aliquid agant . alexius aristinus in his synopsis , hath the first part of the canon , but wants the second part . ( and in his gloss agrees with zonaras , as was before observed . ) and so doth simeon logotheta , in his epitome canonum . and by this diversity of reading , it will appear how little ground there is for founding any thing upon this canon alone , especially when that alledged from it , is contradicted by undeniable evidences . but as presbyters might not ordain without bishops , so neither could bishops ordain without the advice , consent , and concurrence of their presbyters conc. carth. . canon . ut episcopus , sine concilio clericorum suorum , clericos non ordinet , ita ut cirvium testimonium & co●●iventiam quaerat . and it was laid to chrysostone's charge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in the roman council held by sylvester ( if credit be due to the registers of that council , which are indeed justly questionable ) it was decreed , cap. . that one was to be ordained a presbyter , cum omnes presbyteri declararent & firmarent , & sic ad ordinem presbyterii accederet . and none was to be made a bishop , nisi omnis clerus expeteret uno voto perenni . it is likewise certain , that all things were done by the joint advice of bishop and presbyters . neither were these wretched contests , of the limits of power , much thought on , or tossed among them . the bishops pretending to no more , than presbyters were willing to yield to them ; and presbyters claiming no more than bishops were ready to allow them . their contentions lay chiefly with these that were without ; those intestine fewds and broils being reserved for our unhappy days . but as we find cyprian amply declaring , how he resolved to do nothing without the consent of his clergy , and people : so in the african , churches , that course continued longest in vigor . divers instances whereof appear in the . council of carthage ; one i have already cited , to which i shall add three more , can. . episcopus nullius causans audiat , absque praesentiâ clericorum suorum , alioquin irrita erit sententia episcopi , nisi clericorum praesentiâ confirmetur . can. . episcopus in quolibet loco sedens , stare presbyterum non patiatur . and can. . episcopus in ecclesiâ , & in consessu presbyterorum , sublimior sedeat ; intra domum vero , collegam prebyterorum sese esse cognoscat . there were two ranks of presbyters , as clearly appears from the . canon of neocesareo , to wit , the presbyters of the city , and the presbyters of the country . the former were the more eminent , in so far that the latter might not consecrate the eucharist within the church of the city in their presence , which appears from the cited canon . over the presbyters of the country were the chorepiscopi , of whom already ; but the presbyters of the city being next at hand , were the bishops counsel , and advisers in all matters . the bishop and they had the oversight of the souls within the city . they were also to be maintained out of the treasury of the church , and were called canonici or praebendarii . the reason why they were called canonici , was either , because of their regular observing of the course of worship , and hours of prayer : or because of the distributions that were made among them , according to the canon or rule , and from the share that was assigned to them , called praebenda , they got the name praebendarii . this consessus or collegium presbyterorum , was afterwards designed by the barbarous word capitulum . the chief over them , or the vice praeses next to the bishop was called archipresbyter , or decanus , idem quod decurio , qui decem militibus praeerat : and insensibly the whole ecclesiastical jurisdiction crept into their hands . the presbyters of the country either neglecting it , or being neglected in it . but without the capitulum , nothing that the bishop did was valid . however , when the first servor and vigor of church discipline slacken'd : avarice and ambition creeping in apace into the hearts of churchmen , these chanoins or praebends not contented with their allowances out of the church of the city , which were too small for their growing desires , got churches in the country annexed to them : and for most part serv'd them by substitutes , except at the return of some solemn festivities : and by this means it was , that church discipline fell totally into the bishops hands ; and the ancient model being laid aside , new courts which were unknown to antiquity , were set up . as these of the arch-deacons , chancellors , officials , surrogates , &c. however the praebends , though they had deserted their interest in church-discipline , yet two things they stuck to , because of the advantage and power that followed them . the one was the capitular elections of the bishop , and the other was the meddling with , and disposing of the church revenues , and treasure . but it was a gross contradiction to the ends of government , that the bishop alone might manage the spiritual part of his charge , but must be limited to the advice of his presbyters for the governing of the temporality . yet this was a farther proof of that saying , religio peperit divitias , & filia devoravit matrem . and thus far we have seen what interest presbyters had within their own parish , ( mark that at first the bishops precinct was called parish , and not diocese ) neither was the meeting of the bishop with his presbyters called a synod : by which we see how weak that allegiance is , that there were no diocesan bishops in the first centuries , it being merely a playing with the word diocess . but let us next consider what interest presbyters had in provincial or national councils . if that of the acts . was a synod , in it we have presbyter subscribing with the apostles . brethren are also there added , not as if there had been any laicks elected out of the laity , such as these are who are now vulgarly called lay-elders , but some more eminent christians , whom as the apostles call'd then , so the bishops continued afterward to consult and advise with in ecclesiastick matters . but that presbyters sate in provincial synods in the first and purest ages , is undeniably clear . when victor held the council at rome about the day of easter , damasus tells that it was collatione facta cum presbyteris & diaconibus . likewise in the council that cyprian held , about the rebaptizing of hereticks , there were present , episcopi plurimi ex provinciâ africanâ , numidiâ , mauritaniâ , cum presbyteris & diaconibus , praesente etiam plebis maximâ parte . and his contemporary firmilian , whose epistle is the . among cyprian's , tells us , how there were yearly synods of bishops and presbyters , quâ ex causâ , saith he , necessario apud nos sit , ut per singulos annos seniores & presbyteri , ( by which it is clear , that he can mean none , but presbyters and bishops ) in unum conveniamus , ad disponenda ea , quae curae nostrae commissa sunt . eusebius lib. . cap. . tells , that upon the account of novatus's schism , there was held at rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which consisted of sixty bishops , and many more presbyters , and deacons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he likewise tells , lib. . cap. . how that upon samosatenus's heresie , there was a great synod held in antioch : and after he hath set down the names of some bishops there present , he adds , that there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and their synodal letter is written in the name of the bishops , presbyters and deacons . in the council of eliberis in spain , there were . bishops , residentibus originta sex presbyteris , abstantibus diaconibus & omni plebe . in the provincial council at arles , which judged in the matter of donatus's schism , constantine the emperor being present , where were about two hundred bishops from divers nations , from italy , france , spain , sicily , sardinia , africk , numidia , and britain , the canons of that council are subscribed by many presbyters and deacons . and if the story of the council of rome under sylvester be true , it is subscribed by . bishops , . presbyters , and . deacons . now all these being before the council of nice , evince that in the first and best ages , presbyters voted and judged in provincial councils , and if in provincials , why not in general ones ? the council of nice is subscribed by some chorepiscopi , and one chorepiscopus subscribes in the council of ephesus , and if chorepiscopi be ( as it is the opinion of some ) in their natural dignity only presbyters , then we have presbyters also subscribing general councils . besides that in the council of constantinople , and ephesus , divers bishops subscribed by presbyters : from all which it is clear , that there is no ground from antiquity to exclude presbyters from a suffrage in national and general councils : and it is but a frivolous distinction that they may have a consultative , tho not a deliberative suffrage , since we see them subscribing both the decisions of faith and canons of discipline . the next thing to be examined , is the qualification , election , and ordination of presbyters . for their qualification , great care was used to train them up long in an abstracted and devote life , that so they might be well prepared for that holy function . and therefore it was , that many of the primitive bishops lived in monasteries among them , whom they were educating for holy orders , as appears from the lives of basil , augustine , and martin : neither was one to be ordained a presbyter , but after a long probation and tryal , and all these degrees , of which we shall speak afterward , were so many steps and preparations through which all were to go , before they could be initiated . and indeed it seems against reason , at first step to ordain a man presbyter , and commit the care of souls to him , before a long previous probation had of him . therefore the ancient monasteries , as they were sanctuaries for such as designed to leave the world , and live devoutly , so they were also colleges for the education of churchmen . it is true , the years of probation may seem too too many ; but they ordinarily dispensed in that , as they found persons worthy and qualified . but none might be presbyter before he were thirty years of age , according to the council of neocesarea , even tho he were highly worthy ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) and the reason given for this , is , because christ was thirty years of age before he entred upon the discharge of his holy function . likewise a clinicus , that is , one baptised in sickness , by the twelfth canon of neocesarea , could not have been a presbyter , because he was not a christian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and this was not to be dispensed with , but upon his following faith and diligence , or that others could not be had . and in the canon law , dist . . cap. siquis , among other prerequisites for a presbyter , one is : si poenitentiam publicam non gesserit , holding that any gross scandal committed after baptism , should be a bar upon a man from being ordained a presbyter . as also dist. . cap. . the children of presbyters are discharged to be ordained : presbyterorum filios à sacris altaris ministeriis removemus , nisi aut in coenobiis , aut in canonicis religiose probati fuerint conversari . it is like , this was either to discourage the marriage of churchmen , or to obviate the scandal might have been taken , if they had been partial to their own children . yet this was neither old nor universal ; for nazianzen was both a presbyter and a bishop , though a bishop's son. and in the next chapter of that same dist. many instances are alledged by damasus to the contrary . further , none who had been soldiers , and were curiales , and obstricti curiae , could have been ordained without a dimission , and that they had been fifteen years in a monastery , and three parts of four of their estate were adjudged to the fisk ; so dist. . and iustinian . nov. now this might be first , left any weary of the service to which they were obliged , should upon that pretence shake it off , and run from their colors , or other employments . but next , that men who had been much involved in the world , and particularly men of bloud , might not enter into holy orders , without a long precedent change of the course of their life ; it not being easie to pass of a sudden from a course of secularity , to that sublimity of holiness which is necessary for such a sacred function . and finally , all ambitus was condemned in presbyters , as well as in bishops , though we see both from chrysostom's books de sacerdotio , and nazianzen's apologetick , that there was enough of it among both kinds . yet many there were who resisted the calls given them to church-offices with great earnestness , some flying from them to the wilderness , as from a persecution : some cutting off their noses , and other members , that they might be thought unworthy of it ; some continued to the end in their refusal : others were not ordained without being haled even by force ; many receiving this sacred imposition of hands with trembling and many tears . and indeed were the greatness of the charge more weighed , and the secular advantages less looked at , it is like there might be yet need of some force to draw men to accept of it ; whereas all are so forward to rush toward it , blown up with pride , or provoked by covetousness . we saw already how averse nazianzen was from entring in sacred orders : but no less memorable is the history of chrysostome , who ( with his friend basil ) having engaged in a monastick life , was struck with fear when a rumour rose that they were both to be ordained presbyters . ( and by the way observe , that he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) but chrysostome was silent , lest the expressing of his aversion should have deterred basil ; and his his silence was judged by basil a consent , and so proved one of his chief inducements to accept of orders . but when the day came wherein chrysostome knew that the bishops designed to ordain them , he withdrew privately , so that he could not be found : yet the bishops upon another pretence , carried basil to the church , and there ordained him , much against his mind . but when he first met with his friend chrysostome , he melted down in tears , challenging him severely for his withdrawing from him ; whereof chrysostome gives his apology at large in these six excellent books of his de sacerdotio ; wherein by way of dialogue betwixt him and his friend , he layeth out the great dignity and weight of that charge , chiefly in the third book , where he shews , that a priest should be like one of the angels of god , cap. . and he blames these elections that were rashly made , cap. . upon which he charges most of the disorders that were then in the church . and cap. . he confesseth how guilty himself was of that unlawful ambitus for church employment ; which being yet unmortified in him , did frighten him from entring in holy orders . cap. . he saith , episcopum convenit studio acri & perpetuâ vitae continentia tanquam adamantinis armis obseptum esse . in the fourth book he speaks of the great caution was to be used in elections and ordinations , complaining that in these , regard was rather had to riches and honor , than true worth . through the fifth book he shews the great evil and hazard of popular applause , and the sin of being much pleased with it . and lib. . cap. . he hath that excellent saying , that the soul of the priest should be purer than the very beams of the sun themselves . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and cap. . he accuses himself of his vain desires and other faults , whence it was that he had so great a horrour of attempting at that for which he knew himself so unworthy : preoccupying that objection , that a man in that is to submit to the judgment of others , by the examples of one who hath no skill in physick , and knowing himself ignorant , is not to administer physick , though all the world should desire him to undertake a cure , declaring their opinion and confidence of his skill : for if upon another mans opinion of his skill he should offer to meddle in it , and give physick , he might as well kill as cure . so neither one unacquainted in military affairs , was to undertake the leading of an army , knowing his own unfitness , though never so much solicited to it : whence he subsumes more strongly , that none should undertake the leading of souls , as long as he knew his own unfitness , were the importunities and solicitations of others never so many . and so far of the qualifications of those who were to be ordained presbyters . their election hath been touched already , for it went the same way with the elections of bishops , and so was partly popular , at least was to be ratified by the approbation , and consent of the people . possidius in vita augustini , tells how he was chosen a presbyter by the people . we have the ordination of the presbyters set down thus , conc. carth. . canon . . presbyter quum ordinatur , episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes presbyteri , qui praesentes sunt , manus suas juxta manum episcopi super caput illius teneant . dionysius the areopagite in the forecited place tells , that the presbyter whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was ordained in the same form that a bishop was ordained , save only that the gospel was not laid on his head . from which simplicity of the primitive forms , we may see , how far they were from all these superstitious fopperies now used in the romish church in ordination . and so much concerning presbyters . deacons are next to be treated of . the original of them is by the general current of the ancients taken from the levites under the temple , and therefore in not a few of the antient councils , they go under that designation . but as was formerly observed , it is more probable , that the christian church took its immediate model from the synagogue , tho that might have been taken from the temple . now in the synagogue , as there was a bishop and presbyters , so there were also deacons called parnasin . there were three of them in each synagogue , two were to gather the collections , and all the three together did distribute them . the first origine of them in the christian church is set down , acts . where their primitive institution shews , that their first design was for looking to the necessities of the poor , who had been neglected in the daily distribution of the charity , and there they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is true , that term luke . . is used in another sense , for there the minister of the synagogue , to whom christ delivered the book , could be no other , than their chazan or bishop , whose office it was to call out any to read the law in the synagogue . but since all church-office is for service , and not for domination , christ himself not coming to be ministred unto , but to minister , it is no wonder , if that term should then have been promiscuously used . we also find s. paul applying to himself ( cor. . a term equivalent to this . ) but though the primitive institution of deacons import only their looking to the necessities of the poor : yet from the levites ministring to the priest in the sacrifices , it came to be generally received and used , the deacons should serve the bishops and presbyters in the administration of the sacraments . the institution of them doth also discover , that they were persons to be separated for that holy service , and consecrated for it by an imposition of hands ; and so were to be no more secular , but ecclesiastical persons : and the usual practice of the church was to account that office a step , degree and probation , in order to ones being made a presbyter . and therefore our mungrel lay-deacons differ vastly , both from the first institution of the scripture , and current of all antiquity . the arcopagite gives the account of their ordinations thus : that the deacon being brought to the bishop , kneeled down on one knee , and so received imposition of hands . the fourth canon of the fourth council of carthage is : diaconus quum ordinatur , solus episcopus , qui eum benedicit , manum super caput illius ponat ; quia non ad sacerdotium , sed ad ministerium consecratur . as for their election , at the first institution they were chosen by the whole body of the people , so acts . and tho the people were barred their suffrage in the choice of other church officers , yet there might be good reason why they should still chuse the deacons , their office being almost wholly temporal , to receive and distribute the peoples alms . but whatever right people might pretend to in this , it will never be proved that by divine right , the people should chuse those who had the charge of their souls . for reason would infer , that none could make a choice , who were not able to give a judgment of the qualifications , and worth of a churchman , that being peculiar to the clergy . and hence it is that more than a consent cannot be justly pretended to by the people . but after all this , if this place prove anything , it will prove in favor of the whole body of the people , and not of a few selected lay-elders . all the deacons were in their degree and order inferiour to presbyters , which will appear from these canons of the . council of carthage , canon . the deacon is declared to be the minister of the presbyter , as well as of the bishop . canon . he might sit in the presence of a presbyter , if desired by him . canon . in conventu presbyterorum diaconus interrogatus , loquatur ; so that he might not speak , except desired . it is therefore a disorder in church-discipline , that the archdeacon should not only be a presbyter , but also exercise jurisdiction over presbyters . and therefore petrus blesensis , epist. . hath well observed , how turbato ordine dignitatis , archidiaconi bodie sacerdotibus praeeminent , & in eos vim ac potestatem suae jurisdictionis exercent . jerome is the first that makes mention of these arch deacons , telling how the deacons did chuse one of their number to be over them , quem archidiaconum vocabanst : and in the same epistle to evagrius , he severely inveighs against those deacons , who pretend to an equality with , or preference over presbyters , saying : quid patitur mensarum & viduarum minister , ut supra eos tumidus sese esserat , ad quorum preces corpus sanguisque christi conficitur . because of the first number seven , the custom was to have but seven deacons in a city were it never so great : so it was decreed in the council of neocesarea . canon . their office was chiefly to look to the poor , and to serve in the administration of the sacraments . just in martyr in the end of his second apology tells , that the eucharist was sent by the deacons to such as were absent . cyprian lib. . epist. . reckons it as a part of the deacon's office to wait upon the martyrs , and epist. . of that same book , he tells , that where there was no presbyter , & urgere exitus coeperit . the deacon might receive the exhomulagesis of penitents , and absolve them by imposition of bands . optatus lib. . calls them the defenders of the holy table ; telling how the donatists had broken through the roof of a church , and had killed and wounded some of the deacons , who preserved the holy elements from their sacrilegious attempt . the deacons distributed the eucharist , and sometime they did give it to the presbyters , but that was forbidden by the . can. of the council of nice . yet in the fourth council of carthage , can. . diaconus , praesente presbytero , eucharistiam corporis christi populo si necessitas cogat , jussus eroget . cyril of jerusalem in his . catechism , counts the deacon the minister of baptism , as well as the bishop or presbyter . and certain it is , that generally baptism was administred by the deacons , as well as by the presbyters . some parts of the publick worship were also discharged by the deacons . chrysostome hom . . ad rom. tells , that the deacons offered prayers for the people ; and hom . . ad heb. he tells , that the deacons stood in a high place at the administration of the eucharist , and calling with a terrible voice , as heraulds , invited some , and rejected others from these holy mysteries . and thus far i have given an account of the sense which the ancients had of the offices of bishop , presbyter , and deacon , which three were the only ones they accounted sacred and divine . and this held good even at the time , that the areopagites's pretended books were written ( i call them pretended , because there is none now so simple as to believe them his ) for he reckons the ecclesiastical hierarchy to consist in these three degrees . to this account given of deacons , i shall add somewhat of deaconesses , of whom mention is made , rom. . where phebe is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the deaconess ●f the church of cenchrea . they are likewise so called in the . canon of chalcedon ; but more ordinary in ancient writings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ijerome on that place to the romans , speaking of phebe , understands her to have been a deaconess : and adds , etiam nunc in orientalibus diaconissae mulieres in suo sexu ministrare videntur , in baptismo , sive in ministerio verbi , quia privatim docuisse foeminas invenimus sicut priscillam . he likewise understood the widows mentioned , tim. . to be diaconesses : tales eligi voluit diaconissas quae omnibus essent exemplum vivendi . origen likewise takes it as undoubted , that phebe had a particular office in the church of cenchrea : and saith on that place , hic locus apostolica authoritate docet etiam foeminas in ministerio ecclesiae constitui , in quo officio positam phaeben apud ecclesiam quae est cenchreis . chrysostome likewise understood it to be an office : and saith on that place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if any credit be due to the apostolical constitutions , they tell us many things of their office , tho with a great alloy of much idle stuff . they tell , that no woman might come to a bishop or presbyter , except in the company of a deaconess , lib. . cap. . and that they were to go to womens houses to instruct them , which had been scandalous for churchmen , lib. . cap. . they did likewise receive them in baptism , cap. . and kept the gates by which women entred into the church , lib. . cap. . so it seems their office was to instruct and teach women . and so s. paul , phil. . . speaks of women who laboured with him in the gospel . and rom. . we find mention not only of priscilla , but of tripbona , triphosa and persis , who laboured in the lord. and it is like their office was also to minister to the necessities of churchmen : and therefore when s. paul speaks of leading about a sister and a wife , as well as other apostles , he may be well understood to speak of one of those who might both have supplied his wants , and assisted him in the conversion of women ; but for eviting scandal , they were not to be under sixty years of age . mention is made of them by pliny , lib. . epist . . who writing to trajan , of the enquiry he was making of the christians , saith , necessarium credidi ex duabus ancillis quae ministrae dicebantur quid effet veri & per tormenta quaerere . they were received by an ordination in tertullian's time : for he speaking of them , saith , ( de castit . cap. . ) ordinari in ecclesia solent . and ad uxorem , lib. . cap. . viduam allegi in ordinationem nisi univiram non concedit . the . canon of the council of nice , reckons the deaconesses among those that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but saith that they had no imposition of hands , so that in all things they were reckoned among the laicks ; but hints that they had a particular habit , calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . balsamon's gloss on this is , that the virgins who dedicated themselves to god , continued in a laical habit till they were forty years of age ; and were then , if found worthy , ordained deaconesses , by a particular imposition of hands . to this zonar as adds , that the virgins in the twenty fifth year of . their age , got a particular habit from the bishop . the canon of nice , according to the arabick edition , appoints the office of a deaconess to be only the receiving of women in baptism . epiph. baeres . . after he hath proved that a woman is not capable of the publick service of the church , adds , that the order of the deaconesses was instituted out of reverence to that sex , that when the womans body was naked in baptism , they might not be so seen by the priest. and with this agrees the th canon of the fourth council of cartbage : vidue vel sanctimoniales quae ad ministerium baptizandarum mulierum eliguntur tam instructae sint ad officium , ut possint apto & sano sermone docere imperitas & rusticus mulieres tempore quo baptizandae sint , qualiter baptizatori interrogatae respondeant , & qualiter accepto baptismate vivant . this is also confirmed by the . chap. of the . novel , which appoints the age both for virgins and widows to be fifty years : sicque sacram promereri ordinationem . and their office is denied to be adorandis ministrare baptismatibus , & aliis adesse secretis quae in venerabilibus ministeriis per eas rite aguntur . and the rest of that chapter gives divers other rules concerning them . the . canon of chalcedon , appoints a deaconess not to be ordained till she were forty years of age ( it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the canon ) and it is appointed that it be done after a strict examination ; but that after she was ordained , and continued some time in the ministery , if she gave her self in marriage , she ( as one that had reproached the grace of god ) was to be anathematized with her husband . zonaras reconciles this age with the apostle , that the apostle speaks of widows , and this canon of virgins , tho it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the canon . yet it seems some of these deaconesses have given scandal in the church , and perhaps proved like the females among the pharisees , whom the rabbins reckoned among these who destroyed the world : and so we find the western church being scandalized at some miscarriages in this order , they are discharged to be ordained by the first council of orange , can. . diaconissae omnimodo non ordinandae , si quae jam sunt benedictioni quae populo impenditur , capita submittunt . and in the beginning of the sixth century , it seems they gave great scandal ; for canon . council epaun. they are simply discharged : viduarum consecrationem quas diaco●as vocant ab omni regione nostra penitus abrogamus , solam eis poenitentia benedictionem si converti ambiant imponendo . and anno . con. aurel. . c●● . . benedictio diaconatus , is said to be given to the women contra interdicta canonum . and the next canon of that council is , placuit etiam ut nulli postmodum foeminae diaconalis benedictio pro conditionis hujus fragilitate credatur . yet they are mentioned in the council of worms in the year . canon . where the . canon of chalcedon is wholly insert . one scandal we find occasioned by these deaconesses , was , that they presumed to distribute the elements in the eucharist ; which gelasius blames in his ninth epistle written to the bishops of lucani● , quod foeminae sacris altaribus ministrare ferantur . and this it seems hath continued longer : for we find ratherius of verona in the tenth century , appoints in his synodal epistle ( which in the tomes of the councils is printed as a sermon of pope leo the fourths ) nulla foemina ad altare domini accedat . and matthaeus blastaris in his syntagma , lit . . cap. . concludes it to be unknown what the office of the deaconesses was . some judged that they ministred to women , who being in age received baptism , it being accounted a crime for a man to see a woman naked . others thought that they might enter to the altar , and exercise the office of deacons , who proved this from many things , particularly from some words of nazianzen's oration at his sisters funeral , but that was afterwards forbidden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; yet he doubts much the truth of that , it not agreeing with reason , that women who were not suffered publickly to teach , should be admitted to the office of a deacon , whose duty it was by the ministery of the word , to purifie these who were to be baptized . and after that he gives an account of the form of their ordination . mention likewise is made of them in the council in trullo , canon . a deaconess was not to receive imposition of band 's , before she was forty years of age . which is more expressly appointed in the . canon , where they decree , that though the apostle made the age . yet the canons had allowed their ordination at . because they found the church was become firmer in the grace of god , and had advanced forward : and by the . canon of that council , a bishop's wife , when separated from her husband by consent , was to live in a monastery , and if found worthy might be made a deaconess . basil by his . canon allows virgins to be received at the sixteenth or seventeenth year of their age , but by his . he reckons it a fault to receive a widow into the order under : yet it seems that was not peremptorily observed . for in his canon he speaks of deaconesses found in fornication , who might not be allowed to communicate before seven years had been past in penitence . whence this order failed in the greek church , we know not ; but balsamon on the . canon of chalcedon tells . that in his time deaconesses were no more ordained , and his reason is , because no woman was suffered to enter unto the altar , though ( saith he ) some women were abusively so called . as for the inferiour degrees of subdeacon , acolyth , &c. as they were only iuris ecclesiastici , so they were not designed for any sacred performance , nor had they any holy character upon them : but were intended as steps for those whom they were training up to sacred employments , and were but like the degrees given in universities . no mention is made of them in the first two centuries : ignatius is express that there is no intermedial step betwixt the laick , and the deacon , which stile we also meet in all the fathers before cyprian's time . he , epistle . speaks of the lectors and subdeacons , telling how he had ordained saturus a lector , and optatus a subdeacon , quos jam communi consilio clero proximos feceramus . and of the lectors , he saith , epist. . caeterum presbyterii honorem nos illis designasse sciatis . and by what follows , it is clear he means of a share in the maintenance of the church . epistle . he speaks of the subdeacons and acolyths , shewing how they likewise had a share in the divisions of the offerings made to the church . epistle . he tells of one aurelius , who had been twice a confessor in the persecution , whom he had ordained a lector , apologizing that he had done it without the consent of his clergy and people . in ordinationibus solemus vos ante consulere , & voces ac merita communi consilio ponderare ; sed expectanda non sunt testimonia humana , cum praecedant suffragia divina . and after he hath laid out the merits of the person , he adds , placuit tamen ut ab officio lectionis incipiat , quia & nihil magis congruit voci quae dominum gloriosâ praedicatione confessa est , quam celebrandis divinis lectionibus personare . of the same strain is his following epistle concerning celerinus , who had refused to be ordained a lector , until he was persuaded to it by a divine revelation in the night . likewise in his . epistle , he makes mention of exorcists : who are also mentioned by firmilian in his epistle , which is reckoned the . among cyprians . and at the same time cornelius , the bishop of rome , in his epistle ( insert by eusebius , lib. . cap. . ) wherein he gives account of the clergy were then at rome ; tells , that there were presbyters , deacons , acolyths , exorcists , lectors , and porters . these inferiour orders we see were then in the church . and since we have no earlier accounts of them , we may conclude their rise to have been about this time . a short account will suffice for their several employments , which will be best gathered from the several canons of the th council of carthage . canon . subdiaconus quum ordinatur , quia manus impositionem non accipit , patinam de episcopi manu accipiat vacuam , & calicem vacuum . de manu vero archidiaconi urceolum cum aquâ , & mantile , & manutergium . so his office was to look to the vessels for the eucharist , and to serve the deacons in that work . canon . acolythus quum ordinatur ab episcopo quidem doceatur , qualiter in officio suo agere debeat . sed ab archidiacono accipiat ceroferarium cum cereo ut sciat se ad accendenda ecclesiae luminaria mancipari , accipiat & urceolum vacuum , ad suggerendum vinum in eucharistiam sanguinis christi . as for these cerei , they shall be spoken of upon the next canon . the work of acolythus was to light the candles , and provide the wine : and from the ratio nominis , we may believe their office was particularly to wait upon the bishop , and follow him . canon . lector quum ordinatur , faciat de illo verbum episcopus ad plebem , indicans ejus fidem ac vitam , atque ingenium . posthaec spectante plebe tradat ei codicem , de quo lecturus est , dicens ad eum : accipe , & esto lector verbi dei , habiturus , si fideliter & utiliter impleveris officium , partem cum eis , qui verbum dei ministraverunt . and by what hath been already cited out of cyprian compared with this , it appears , that the office of the lector was judged that of the greatest importance of them all . canon . ostiarius quum ordinatur postquam ab archidiacono instructus fuerit , qualiter in domo dei debeat conversari , ad suggestionem archidiaconi , tradat & episcopus claves ecclesiae de altario , dicens : sic age , quasi redditurus deo rationem pro bis rebus , quae his clavibus recluduntur . canon . psalmista , id est , cantor potest absque scientia episcopi , solâ jussione presbyteri , officium suscipere cantandi , dicente sibi presbytero ; vide , ut quod ore cantas , corde credas ; & quod corde credis , operibus comprobes . now the psalmistae were these that were the singers , for it was appointed in the council of laodicea , that none might sing in the church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , those of the suggestum , or pulpit . but because the . canon will afford more matter of question , i have reserved it last . exorcista quum ordinatur , accipiat de manu episcopi libellum , in quo scripti sunt exorcismi , dicente sibi episcopo : accipe , & commenda memoriae , & habato potestatem imponendi manum super energumenum , sive baptizatum , sive catechumenum . but for examining this of the exorcist , we must run a little back . the iews under the second temple were much addicted to magick . in the talmud it is given as a necessary qualification of one that might be of the sanhedrin , that he should be skilled in all magick doctrines and charms . and in the inner court of the temple , called the court of israel , there was a chamber said to have been built by one parva a magician , by the art of magick , from whom it was called happarva : and much of what they say of the bath-col , seems to hint that it was an effect of magick . many places are also cited out of the talmud , of their rabbies killing one another by that art ; and so highly do they extol it , that many of them thought that all miracles were wrought by the exact knowledg of the cabbalistick arts , and it is well enough known how that abounded among the heathens . ulpian made a law against these physicians who cured diseases by exorcisms . we see our lord triumphed over the powers of darkness , who were then raging through the world : and that the oracles were silenced at this time , is confessed by heathens . neither did this gift of casting out devils , conferred by our lord on his disciples , die with them , but remain some ages in the church . tertullian speaks of it as a gift communicated to all christians . de coronâ mil. he tells , that some soldiers did exorcismis fugare spiritus malignos : and de idololatriâ , cap. . quo ore christianus thurarius ( this is one that offered incense to idols ) si per templa transibit , fumantes aras despuet , & exsufflabit , quibus ipse prospexit : quâ constantiâ exorcizabit alumnos suos , quibus domum suam cellariam praestat . so that he hath understood this power of exorcizing to have been the effect of every sincere christian's prayer . origen in his . tract . on matth. condemns the form of doing it , by adjuring the devils , saying that christ hath given us power to command them . est enim iudaicum adjurare daemonia . cyprian speaks of an exorcism ordinarily preceding baptism ; but prefers the vertue of baptism to that of exorcism , epist. . hodie etiam geritur , ut per exorcist as voce humanâ & potestate divinâ flagelletur , & uratur , & torqueatur diabolus ; & cum exire se & dimittere homines dei saepe dicat : in eo tamen quod dixerit , fallat — cum tamen ad aquam salutarem , &c. and ad demetrianum , he saith , o si audire eos velles , & videre , quando à nobis adjurantur & turquentur spiritalibus flagris , & verborum tormentis , de obsessis corporibus , ejiciuntur ; quando ejulantes & gementes voce humanâ , & potestate divinâ flagella , & verbera sentientes , venturum judicium confitentur . and much of this nature is to be met with among the primitive writers , which shews that the power of exorcising was an authority over devils . yet if this had been a formal office , reason will say it should rather have been among the highest than lowest orders , the work being so great and miraculous . but from the areopagite , and others , we are told , that before baptism there was used a renunciation of the devil , with a prayer for casting him out : and there is some probability that these called exorcists were only catechists , who had some formuls , whereby they taught , such as they instructed , to renounce the devil : and this with the prayer that accompanied it , was called an exorcism . nazianz. orat. in bapt. ne exorcismi medicinam asperneris , nec ob illius prolixitatem animo concidas , nam vel ut lapis quidam lydius est , ad quem exploratur , quam sincero quisque pectore ad baptismum accedat . cyril of ierusalem , praefat. in catech. festinent pedes tus ad catecheses audiendas , exorcismos studiose suscipe , etiamsi exorcizatus & inspiratus jam sis , salubris enim est tibi res ista . the council of laodicea , can. . discharged all to exorcize either in churches or houses , except these appointed for it by the bishops . and by the tenth canon of antioch , the rural bishops are warranted to constitute exorcists , from which we see they could not esteem that a wonder-working office. and balsamon in his sholion , makes them one with the catechists , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and on the canon of laodicea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and towards the end of his gloss on that canon , he saith , that an exorcist though appointed by the chorepiscopus , and not by the bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and beveregius cites harmenopolus to the same purpose on the tenth canon of antioch . from these evidences it is most probable to think , that the exorcists at first were nothing but catechists ; but afterwards , as all things do in any tract of time degenerate , they became corrupt , beyond perhaps either these of the iews or the gentiles ; so that the books of exorcisms now in the roman church , are so full of bombast terms , and odd receipts , that they are a stain to the christian church . and it is the most preposterous thing can be imagined , that what was given in the new testament for the greatest confirmation of the christian faith , should be made a constant office , and put in so mean hands . and to this i need not add the base arts and cheats discovered among that sort of people . i shall conclude this long tedious account of the sense the ancient church had of the several officers in it , with some words of tertullian , which i shall barely set down , without any descant on them , tho they have occasioned much perplexity to divers good antiquaries . tertullian in exortatione ad uxorem , cap. . saith : nonne & laici sacerdotes fumus ? scriptum est regnum quoque nos & sacerdotes deo & patri suo fecit . differentiam inter ordinem & plebem constituit ecclesiae authoritas , & honor per ordinis consessum sanctificatus . ideo ubi ecclesiastici ordinis non est consessus , & offers , & tingis & sacerdos es tibi solus , sed ubi tres sunt , ecclesia est , licet laici . but others read these words differently , their copies having them thus : sanctificatus à deo . ubi ecclesiastici ordinis est consessus , & offert , & tingit , sacerdos qui est ibi solus : sed ubi tres , ecclesia est , licet laici . finis . polyhistor to basilius . your desire , and my own promise , have engaged me to send you the enclosed papers : for the trouble the reading them may give you , my apology lies in my obedience ; and yet i have contracted things as much as i could , and perhaps have exceeded in my abridging : for had i let loose my pen in a descant on every particular , these few sheets had swelled to a volume . and my design was not to act the critick , but to be a faithful historian . these gleanings were intended partly for my own use , and partly for the direction of some under my charge in the study of antiquity ; and were written some years ago , when i had no thoughts of making them more publick , than by giving a few transcripts of them . but now i leave the midwifry of them to you , that you may either stifle this embryo , or give it a freer air to breath in . i have here only given you what related to the constitution and modelling of churches , referring to my observations on other canons , matters that come to be treated more properly upon their texts , as of the administration of all the parts of the pastoral charge , of all their forms in worship , and church-discipline , of their zeal against heresies and schisms , together with the methods used for reclaiming them ; and of the poverty , simplicity , abstraction from secular affairs , and sublime sanctity of the primitive bishops and presbyters . these with many other particulars , if well examined , as they will make the work swell to a huge bulk , so they will bring pleasure , as well as advantage , to such as desire a better acquaintance with the state of the church of god in her best times ; but what through the entanglements of affairs , and other avocations , what through their want of books , are not able to engage in so laborious an enquiry by searching the fountains themselves . i assure you , i have not gone upon trust , having taken my observations from the writings themselves , that i have vouched for my warrants . i once intended to have cited all the testimonies i brought in english ; and so to have avoided the pedantry of a babylonish dialect , as the french begin now to write . but observing that the foul play many have committed , hath put a jealousie in most readers of these citations , where the author's words are not quoted , i chused rather to hazard on the censure of being a pedant , than of an unfaithful wrester in my translations . only to save the writer the labour of writing much greek , which i found unacceptable , i do often cite the latin translations of the greek authors . i shall only add , that as i was causing write out these papers for you , there came to my hands one of the best works this age hath seen , beveregius his synopsis canonum . i quickly looked over these learned volumes , that i might give these sheets such improvements as could be borrowed from them , which indeed were not inconsiderable . i detain you too long , but shall importune you no more . i leave this to your censure , which i know to be severely critical in all such matters . your judgment being the wonder of all who know you , especially who consider how little your leisure allows you , to look unto things so far without the orb you move in : though nothing be without the vast circle of your comprehensive understanding , if you let loose these papers to a more publick view , let this paper accompany them , which may some way express the zeal of your faithfullest servant , who humbly bids you adieu . truth and innocence vindicated in a survey of a discourse concerning ecclesiastical polity, and the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of religion. owen, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing o estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) truth and innocence vindicated in a survey of a discourse concerning ecclesiastical polity, and the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of religion. owen, john, - . [ ], p. : port. [s.n.], london : . written by john owen. cf. wing. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. imperfect: t.p. and port. lacking on filmed copy. the beginning to p. photographed from harvard copy and inserted at the beginning. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng parker, samuel, - . -- discourse of ecclesiastical politie. church polity -- early works to . freedom of religion -- great britain. church and state -- great britain. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion truth and innocence vindicated : in a survey of a discourse concerning ecclesiastical polity ; and the authority of the civil magistrate over the consciences of subjects in matters of religion . non partum studiis agimur ; sed sumsimus arma , consiliis innimica tuis , discordia vaecors . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clemens alexand. london , printed . . review of the preface . among the many disadvantages , which those who plead in any sense for liberty of conscience are exposed unto , it is not the least , that in their arguings and pleas they are enforced to admit a supposition , that those whom they plead for , are indeed really mistaken in their apprehensions about the matters concerning which they yet desire to be indulged in their practice . for unless they will give place to such a supposition , or if they will rigidly contend that what they plead in the behalf of , is absolutely the truth , and that obedience thereunto , is the direct will and command of god , there remains no proper field for the debate about indulgence to be mannaged in . for things acknowledged to be such , are not capable of an indulgence properly so called ; because the utmost liberty that is necessary unto them , is their right and due in strict justice and law. men therefore in such discourses , speak not to the nature of the things themselves , but to the apprehensions of them with whom they have to do . but yet against this disadvantage every party which plead for themselves , are relieved by that secret reserve that they have in the perswasion of the truth and goodness of what they profess , and desire to be indulged in the practice of . and this also , as occasion doth offer it self , and in the defence of themselves from the charge of their adversaries , they openly contend and avow . neither was it judged formerly , that there was any way to deprive them of this reserve and relief , but by a direct and particular debate of the matters specially in difference , carried on unto their conviction by evidence of truth , managed from the common principles of it . but after tryal made , this way to convince men of their errors and mistakes , who stand in need of indulgence with respect unto the outward administration of the powers that they are under , is found , as it should seem , tedious , unreasonable , and ineffectual . a new way therefore to this purpose is fixed on , and it is earnestly pleaded , that there needs no other argument or medium to prove men to be mistaken in their apprehensions , and to miscarry in their practice of religious duties , than that at any time , or in any place they stand in need of indulgence . to dissent , at all adventures , is a crime ; and he whom others persecute , tacitly at least , confesseth himself guilty . for it is said , that the law of the magistrate being the sole rule of obedience in religious worship , their non-complyance with any law by him established , evidencing it self in their desire of exemption , is a sufficient conviction , yea a self-acknowledgement not only of their errors and mistakes in what they apprehend of their duty in these things , and of their miscarriages in what they practise , but also that themselves are persons turbulent and seditious in withdrawing obedience from the laws which are justly imposed on them . with what restrictions and limitations , or whether with any or no , these assertions are maintained , we shall afterward enquire . the management of this plea , ( if i greatly mistake him not ) is one of the principal designs of the author of that discourse , a brief survey whereof is here proposed , the principle which he proceeds herein upon , himself it seems knew to be novel and uncouth , and therefore thought it incumbent on him , that both the manner of its handling , and the other principles that he judged meet to associate with it , or annex unto it , should be of the same kind and complexion . this design hath at length produced us this discourse ; which of what use it may prove to the church of god , what tendency it may have to retrive or promote love and peace among christians , i know not . this i know , that it hath filled many persons of all sorts with manifold surprizals , and some with amazement . i have therefore on sundry considerations , prevailed with my self much against my inclinations , for the sake of truth and peace , to spend a few hours in the examination of the principal parts and seeming pillars of the whole fabrick . and this i was in my own mind the more easily indueed unto , because there is no concernment either of the church or state in the things here under debate , unless it be , that they should be vindicated from having any concern in the things and opinions here pleaded and argued . for as to the present church , if the principles and reasonings here maintained and managed , are agreeable unto her sentiments , and allowed by her ; yet there can be no offence given in their examination , because she hath no where yet declared them so to be . and the truth is , if they are once owned and espoused by her , to the ends for which they are asserted , as the christians of old triumphed in the thoughts of him , who first engaged in wayes of violence against them among the nations in the world , so the non-conformists will have no small relief to their minds in their sufferings , when they understand these to be the avowed principles and grounds , on which they are to be persecuted and destroyed . and for the power of ecclesiastical jurisdiction belonging to the kings of this nation , as it hath been claimed and exercised by them in all ages since the establishment of christian religion among us , as it is declared in the laws , statutes , and customs of the kingdom , and prescribed unto an acknowledgement in the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , it and steddiness of expression , which we shall be farther accustomed unto . but in what here he avers of himself , he seems to have the advantage of our lord jesus christ , who upon less provocations than he hath undertaken the consideration of ( for the pharisees with whom he had to deal , were gentlemen be tells us , unto those with whom himself hath to do ) as he saith , fell into an hot fit of zeal , yea , into an height of impatience , which made him act with a seeming fury , and transport of passion , pag. . and if that be indeed his temper which he commends in himself , he seems to me to be obliged for it unto his constitution and complexion , as he speaks , and not to his age ; seeing his juvenile expressions and confidence , will not allow us to think that he suffers under any defervescency of spirit by his years . the philosopher tells us , that old men in matters dubious and weighty , are not over-forward to be positive , but ready to cry , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perhaps , and it may be so , and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they have experience of the uncertainty of things in this world . as indeed those who know what entanglements all humane affairs are attended withal , what appearing causes and probable reasons are to be considered and examined about them , and how all rational determinations are guided and influenced by unforeseen emergencies and occasions , will not be over-forward to pronounce absolutely and peremptorily about the disposal of important affairs . but as the same author informs us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; young men suppose that they know all things , and are vehement in their asseverations ; from which frame proceed all those dogmatical assertions of what is politick , and impolitick in princes , of what will establish or ruine governments , with the contempt of the conceptions of others about things conducing to publick peace and tranquility , which so frequently occur in our author . this makes him smile at as serious consultations for the furtherance of the welfare and prosperity of this nation , as it may be in any age , or juncture of time have been upon the wheel , preface p. . these considerations made it seem to me , that in an ordinary course , he hath time enough before him to improve the notions he hath here blessed the world with a discovery of ; if upon second thoughts he be equally enamoured of them unto what now he seems to be . i could indeed have desired , that he had given us a more clear account of that religion which in his judgement he doth most approve . his commendation of the church of england , sufficiently manifesteth his interest to lye therein ; and that in pursuit of his own principles he doth outwardly observe the institutions and prescriptions of it . but the scheme he hath given us of religion , or religious duties , wherein there is mention neither of sin , nor a redeemer , without which no man can entertain any one true notion of christian religion , would rather bespeak him a philosopher , than a christian. it is not unlikely , but that he will pretend he was treating of religion , as religion in general , without an application of it to this or that in particular ; but to speak of religion as it is among men in this world , or ever was since the fall of adam , without a supposition of sin , and the way of a relief from the event of it mentioned , is to talk of chimaera's , things that neither are , ever were , or will be . on the other hand the profit and advantage of his design falls clearly on the papal interest . for whereas it is framed and contrived for the advantage , security , and unquestionableness of absolute complyers with the present possessors of power , it is evident , that in the states of europe , the advantage lyes incomparably on that hand . but these things are not our concernment . the design which he manageth in his discourse , the subject matter of it , the manner how he treats those with whom he hath to do , and deports himself therein , are by himself exposed to the judgement of all , and are here to be taken into some examination . now because we have in his preface a perfect representation of the things last mentioned throughout the whole , i shall in the first place take a general view and prospect of it . and here i must have regard to the judgement of others . i confess for my own part i do not find my self at all concerned in those invectives , tart and upbraiding expressions , those sharp and twinging satyrs against his adversaries , which he avoweth or rather boasteth himself to have used . if this unparalleld heap of revilings , scoffings , despightful reproaches , sarcasms , scornful contemptuous expressions , false criminations , with frequent intimations of sanguinary affections towards them , do please his fancy , and express his morality to his own satisfaction , i shall never complain that he hath used his liberty ; and do presume that he judgeth it not meet that it should be restrained . it is far from my purpose to return him any answer in the like manner to these things ; to do it — opus est mangone perito qui smithfieldenst polleat eloquio : yet some instances of prodigious excesses in this kind , will in our process be reflected on . and it may be the repetition of them may make an appearance unto some less considerate readers , of a little harshness in some passages of this return . but as nothing of that nature in the least is intended , nothing that might provoke the author in his own spirit , were he capable of any hot impressions , nothing to disadvantage him in his reputation or esteem , so what is spoken being duly weighed , will be found to have nothing sharp or unpleasant in it , but what is unavoidably infused into it from the discourse it self , in its approach unto it to make a representation of it . it is of more concernment to consider with what frame and temper of spirit he manageth his whole cause and debate ; and this is such as that a man who knows nothing of him , but what he learns from this discourse , would suppose that he hath been some great commander , in campis gurgustidoniis vbi bombamachides cluninstaridys archides erat imperator summus ; neptuni nepos , associate unto him , who with his breath blew away and scattered all the legions of his enemies , as the wind doth leaves in autumn . such confidence in himself and his own strength , such contempt of all his adversaries , as persons silly , ignorant , illiterate , such boastings of his atchievments , with such a face and appearance of scorning all that shall rise up against him ; such expressions animi gladiatorii doth he march withall , as no man sure will be willing to stand in his way , unless he think himself to have lived , at least quietly , long enough . only some things there are , which i cannot but admire in his undertaking and management of it ; as first , that such a man of arms and art as he is , should harness himself with so much preparation , and enter the lists with so much pomp and glory , to combat such pittiful poor baffled ignoramus's as he hath chosen to contend withall ; especially con●idering that he knew he had them bound hand and foot , and cast under his strokes at his pleasure . methinks it had more become him , to have sought out some giant in reason and learning , that might have given him at least par animo periculum , as alexander said in his conflict with porus , a danger big enough to exercise his courage , though through mistake it should in the issue have proved but a wind-mill . again ! i know not whence it is , nor by what rules of errantry it may be warranted , that being to conflict such pittiful trifles , he should before he come near to touch them , thunder out such terrible words , and load them with so many reproaches and contemptuous revilings , as if he designed to scare them out of the lists , that there might be no tryal of his strength , nor exercise of his skill . but leaving him to his own choice and liberty in these matters , i am yet perswaded that if he knew how little his adversaries esteem themselves concerned in , or worsted by his revilings , how small advantage he hath brought unto the cause managed by him , with what severity of censures , that i say not indignation , his proceedings herein are reflected on by persons sober and learned , who have any respect to modesty or sobriety , or any reverence for the things of god , as debated among men , he would abate somewhat of that self-delight and satisfaction which he seems to take in his achievement . neither is it in the matter of dissent alone from the established forms of worship , that this author , and some others , endeavour by their revilings and scoffings to expose non-conformists to scorn and violence ; but a semblance at least is made of the like reflections on their whole profession of the gospel , and their worship of god ; yea these are the special subjects of those swelling words of contempt , those farcastical invidious representations of what they oppose , which they seem to place their confidence of success in ; but what do they think to effect by this course of proceedure ? do they suppose that by crying out canting , phrases , silly , non-sense , metaphors , they shall shame the non-conformists out of the profession of the gospel , or make them foregoe the course of their ministry , or alienate one soul from the truth taught and profest amongst them ? they know how their predecessours in the faith thereof , have been formerly entertained in the world : st. paul himself falling among the gentlemen philosophers of those dayes was termed by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a babler , or one that canted ; his doctrine despised as silly and foolish , and his phrase's pretended to be unintelligible . these things move not the non-conformists , unless it be to a compassion for them whom they fee to press their wits and parts to so wretched an employment . if they have any thing to charge on them with respect to gospel-truths , as that they own , teach , preach , or publish any doctrines , or opinions that are not agreeable thereunto , and doctrine of the antient , and late ( reformed ) churches , let them come forth , if they are men of learning , reading , and ingenuity , and in wayes used and approved from the beginning of christianity for such ends and purposes , endeavour their confutation and conviction ; let them i say with the skill and confidence of men , and according to all rules of method and art , state the matters in difference between themselves and their adversaries , confirm their own judgements with such reasons and arguments as they think pleadable in their behalf , and oppose the opinions they condemn with testimonies and reasons suited to their eversion . the course at present steered and engaged in , to carpe at phrases , expressions , manners of the declaration of mens conceptions , collected from , or falsly fathered upon particular persons , thence intimated to be common to the whole party of non-conformists ( the greatest guilt of some whereof , it may be is only their too near approach to the expressions used in the scripture to the same purpose , and the evidence of their being educed from thence ) is unmanly , unbecoming persons of any philosophick generosity , much more christians and ministers ; nay some of the things or sayings reflected on , and carped at by a late author , are such , as those who have used or asserted them , dare modestly challenge him in their defence to make good his charge in a personal conference , provided it may be scholastical , or logical , not dramatick or romantick . and surely were it not for their confidence in that tame and patient humour , which this author so tramples upon , p. . they could not but fear that some or other by these disingenuous proceedings might be provoked to a recrimination , and to give in a charge against the cursed oaths , debaucheries , profaneness , various immoralities , and sottish ignorance , that are openly and notoriously known to have taken up their residence among some of those persons , whom the railleries of this and some other authors are designed to countenance and secure . because we may not concern our selves again in things of this nature , let us take an instance or two of the manner of the dealing of our author with non-conformists , and those as to their preaching and praying , which of all things they are principally maligned about ; for their preaching he thus sets it out , p. . whoever among them can invent any new language presently sets up for a man of new discoveries , and he that lights upon the prettyest non-sense , is thought by the ignorant rabble to unfold new gospel mysteries , and thus is the nation shattered into infinite factions with senseless and phantastick phrases ; and the most fatal miscarriage of them all lyes in abusing scripture expressions , not only without , but in contradiction to their sense ; so that had we but an act of parliament to abridge preachers the use of fulsome and luscious metaphors , it might perhaps be an effectual cure of all our present distempers . let not the reader smile at the oddness of the proposal ; for were men obliged to speak sense as well as truth , all the swelling mysteries of phanaticism would then sink into flat and empty non-sense ; and they would be ashamed of such jejune and ridioulous stuff as their admired and most profound nations would appear to be . certainly there are few who read these expressions that can retain themselves from smiling at the pittiful phantastick souls that are here characterized ; or from loathing their way of preaching here represented . but yet if any should by a surprizal indulge themselves herein , and one should seriously enquire what it is that stirred those humours in them , it may be they could scarce return a rational account of their commotions : for when they have done their utmost to countenance themselves in their scorn and derision , they have nothing but the bare assertions of this author for the proof of what is here charged on those whom they deride ; and how if these things are most of them , if not all of them absolutely false ? how if he be not able to prove any of them by any considerable avowed instance ? how if all the things intended whether they be so or no as here represented , depend meerly on the judgement and fancy of this author , and it should prove in the issue that they are no such rules , measures , or standards of mens rational expressions of their conceptions , but that they may be justly appealed from ? and how if sundry things so odiously here expressed , be proved to have been sober truths declared in words of wisdom and sobriety ? what if the things condemned as fulsome metaphors prove to be scriptural expressions of gospel mysteries ? what if the principal doctrines of the gospel about the grace of god , the mediation of christ , of faith , justification , gospel-obedience , communion with god , and union with christ , are esteemed and stigmatized by some as swelling mysteries of fanaticism ; and the whole work of our redemption by the blood of christ as expressed in the scripture , be deemed metaphorical ? in brief , what if all this discourse concerning the preachings of non-conformists be , as unto the sense of the words here used , false , and the crimes in them injuriously charged upon them ? what if the metaphors they are charged with , are no other but their expression of gospel mysteries not in the words which mans wisdom teacheth , but which the holy-ghost teacheth , comparing spiritual things with spiritual ? as these things may and will be made evident when particulars shall be instanced in . when i say these things are discovered and laid open , there will be a composure possibly of those affections and disdainful thoughts , which these swelling words may have moved in weak and unexperienced minds . it may be also it will appear that upon a due consideration , there will be little subject matter remaining to be enacted in that law or act of parliament which he moves for ; unless it be from that uncouth motion that men may be obliged to speak sense as well as truth ; seeing hitherto it hath been supposed that every proposition that is either true or false , hath a proper and determinate sense ; and if sense it have not , it can be neither . i shall only crave leave to say , that as to the doctrine which they preach , and the manner of their preaching , or the way of expressing those doctrines or truths which they believe and teach , the non-conformists appeal from the rash , false , and invidious charge of this author , to the judgement of all learned , judicious and pious men in the world ; and are ready to defend them against himself , and whosoever he shall take to be his patrons or his associates , before any equal , competent , and impartial tribunal under heaven . it is far from me to undertake the absolute defence of any party of men , or of any man because he is of any party whatever ; much less shall i do so of all the individual persons of any party , and least of all , as to all their expressions , private opinions , and peculiar ways of declaring them , which too much abound among persons of all sorts . i know there is no party , but have weak men belonging to it ; nor any men amongst them but have their weaknesses , failings and mistakes . and if there are none such in the churcb of england , i mean those that universally comply with all the observances at present used therein , i am sure enough that there are so amongst all other parties that dissent from it . but such as these are not principally intended in these aspersio●s : nor would their adversaries much rejoyce to have them known to be , and esteemed of all what they are . but it is others whom they aim to expose unto contempt ; and in the behalf of them , not the mistakes , misapprehensions , or undue expressions of any private persons , these things are pleaded . but let us see , if their prayers meet with any better entertainment ; an account of his thoughts about them he gives us , p. . it is the most solemn strain of their devotion to vilifie themselves with large confessions of the hainousest and most aggravated sins : they will freely acknowledge their offences against all the commands , and that with the foulest and most enhancing circumstances ; they can rake together , and confess their injustice , uncleanness and extortion , and all the publican and harlot sins in the world ; in brief , in all their confessions , they stick not to charge themselves with such large catalogues of sin , and to amass together such as heap of impieties , as would make up the compleatest character of lewdness and villany ; and if their consciences do really arraign them of all those crimes whereof they so familiarly indite themselves , there are no such guilty and unpardonable wretches as they : so that their confessions are either true or false ; if false , then they fool and trifle with the almighty ; if true , then i could easily tell them the fittest place to say their prayers in . i confess this passage at its first perusal surprized me with some amazement . it was unexpected to me , that he who designed all along to charge his adversaries with pharisaism , and to render them like unto them , should instance in their confession of sin in their prayers , when it is even a characteristical note of the pharisees , that in their prayers they made no confession of sin at all . but it was far more strange to me , that any man durst undertake the reproaching of poor sinners with the deepest acknowledgement of their sins before the holy god , that they are capable to conceive or utter . is this , thought i , the spirit of the men with whom the non-conformists do contend , and upon whose instance alone they suffer ? are these their apprehensions concerning god , sin , themselves and others ? is this the spirit wherewith the children of the church are acted ? are these things suited to the principles , doctrines , practices of the church of england ? such reproaches and reflections indeed , might have been justly expected from those poor deluded souls , who dream themselves perfect and free from sin ; but to meet with such a treaty from them who say or sing , o god the father of heaven , have mercy upon us miserable sinners , at least three times a week , was some surprizal . however i am sure , the non-conformists need return no other answer to them who reproach them for vilifying themselves in their confessions to god , but that of david to michal , it is before the lord , and we will yet be more vile than thus , and will be base in our own sight . our author makes no small stir with the pretended censures of some whom he opposes ; namely , that they should esteem themselves and their party to be the elect of god , all others to be reprobates , themselves and theirs to be godly , and all others ungodly ; wherein i am satisfied , that he unduely chargeth those whom he intends to reflect upon : however i am none of them ; i do not judge any party to be all the elect of god , or all the elect of god to be confined unto any party ; i judge no man living to be a reprobate , though i doubt not but that there are living men in that condition ; i confine not holiness or godliness to any party ; not to the church of england , nor to any of those who dissent from it ; but am perswaded that in all societies of christians that are under heaven that hold the head , there are some really fearing god , working righteousness , and accepted with him . but yet neither my own judgement , nor the reflections of this author , can restrain me from professing that i fear that he who can thus trample upon men , scoff at and deride them for the deepest confessions of their sins before god , which they are capable of making , is scarce either well acquainted with the holiness of god , the evil of sin , or the deceitfulness of his own heart , or did not in his so doing , take them into sufficient consideration . the church of england it self requires its children to acknowledge their manifold sins and wickednesses , which from time to time they have grievously committed by thought , word and deed , against the divine majesty ; and what in general , others can confess more , i know not . if men that are through the light of gods spirit and grace , brought to an acquaintance with the deceitful workings of sin in their own hearts , and the hearts of others , considering aright the terror of the lord , and the manifold aggravations wherewith all their sins are attended , do more particularly express these things before , and to the lord , when indeed nor they , nor any other can declare the thousandth part of the vileness and unworthiness of sin and sinners on the account thereof , shall they be now despised for it , and judged to be men meet to be hanged ? if this author had but seriously perused the confessions of austin , and considered how he traces his sin from his nature in the womb , through the cradle , into the whole course of his life , with his marvellous and truly ingenious acknowledgements and aggravations of it , perhaps the reverence of so great a name might have caused him to suspend this rash , and i fear , impious discourse . for the particular instances wherewith he would countenance his sentiments and censures in this matter , there is no difficulty in their removal . our lord jesus christ hath taught us , to call the most secret workings of sin in the heart , though resisted , though controlled , and never suffered to bring forth , by the names of those sins which they lye in a tendency unto ; and men in their confessions respect more the pravity of their natures , and the inward working and actings of sin , than the outward perpetrations of it , wherein perhaps they may have little concernment in the world ; as job who pleaded his uprightness , integrity , and righteousness against the charge of all his friends , yet when he came to deal with god , he could take that prospect of his nature and heart , as to vilifie himself before him , yea to abhor himself in dust and ashes . again , ministers who are the mouths of the congregation to god , may , and ought to acknowledge , not only the sins whereof themselves are personally guilty , but those also which they judge may be upon any of the congregation . this assuming of the persons of them to whom they speak , or in whose name they speak , is usual even to the sacred writers themselves . so speaks the apostle peter , epist. . . for the time past of our lives may suffice us , to have wrought the will of the gentiles , when we walked in lasciviousness , lusts , excess of wine , revellings , banquetings and abominable idolatries . he puts himself amongst them , although the time past of his life in particular was remote enough from being spent in the manner there described : and so it may be with ministers when they confess the sins of the whole congregation . and the dilemma of this author about the truth or falshood of these confessions , will fall as heavy on st. paul as on any non-conformist in the world . for besides the acknowledgement that he makes of the former sins of his life when he was injurious , a blasphemer , and persecutor , ( which sins i pray god deliver others from ) and the secret working of in-dwelling sin , which he cryes out in his present condition to be freed from ; he also when an apostle professeth himself the chiefest of sinners ; now this was either true , or it was not ; if it was not true , god was mocked ; if it were , our author could have directed him to the fittest place to have made his acknowledgements in . what thinks he of the confessions of ezra , of daniel and others in the name of the whole people of god ? of david concerning himself , whose self-abasements before the lord , acknowledgements of the guilt of sin in all its aggravations and effects , far exceed any thing that non-conformists are able to express . as to his instances of the confession of injustice , uncleanness , and extortion , it may be as to the first and last , he would be put to it to make it good by express particulars ; and i wish it be not found that some have need to confess them , who cry at present , they are not as these publicans . vncleanness seems to bear the worst sound , and to lead the mind to the worst apprehensions of all the rest ; but it is god with whom men have to do in their confessions ; and before him , what is man that he should be clean , and he that is born of a woman , that he should be righteous ? behold he putteth no trust in his saints , and the heavens are not clean in his sight , and how much more abominable and filthy is man , who drinketh in iniquity like water , job . . and the whole church of god in their confession cry out , we are all as an unclean thing , and all our righteousnesses are as filthy raggs , isa. . there is a pollution of flesh and spirit , which we are still to be cleansing our selves from whilst we are in this world . but to what purpose is it to contend about these things ? i look upon this discourse of our author as a signal instance of the power of prejudice and passions over the minds of men . for setting aside the consideration of a present influence from them , i cannot believe that any one that professeth the religion taught by jesus christ , and contained in the scripture , can be so ignorant of the terror of the lord , so unaccustomed to thoughts of his infinite purity , severity and holiness , such a stranger to the accuracy , spirituality , and universality of the law , so unacquainted with the sin of nature , and the hidden deceitful workings of it in the hearts , minds and affections of men , so senseless of the great guilt of the least sin , and the manifold inexpressible aggravations wherewith it is attended , so unexercised to that self-abasement and abhorrency which becomes poor sinners in their approaches to the holy god , when they consider what they are in themselves , so disrespective of the price of redemption that was paid for our sins , and the mysterious way of cleansing our souls from them by the blood of the son of god , as to revile , despise and scoff at men for the deepest humblings of their souls before god , in the most searching and expressive acknowledgements of their sins , that they do or can make at any time . the like account may be given of all the charges that this author man●ageth against the men of his indignation ; but i shall return at present to the preface under consideration . in the entrance of his discourse , being as it seems conscious to himself of a strange and wild intemperance of speech in reviling his adversaries , which he had either used , or intended so to do , he pleads sundry things in his excuse or for his justification . hereof the first is , his zeal for the reformation of the church of england , and the settlement thereof with its forms and institutions ; these he saith are countenanced by the best and purest times of christianity , and established by the fundamental laws of this land ; ( which yet as to the things in contest between him and non conformists i greatly doubt of , as not believing any fundamental law of this land to be of so late a date , ) to see this opposed by a wild and fanatick rabble , rifled by folly and ignorance , on slender and frivolous pretences so often and so shamefully baffled , yet again revived by the pride and ignorance of a few peevish , ignorant and malepert preachers , brainsick people , ( all which gentle and peaceable expressions are crowded together in the compass of a few lines ) is that which hath chased him into this heat and briskness ; if this be not to deal with gain-sayers in a spirit of meekness , if herein there be not an observation of the rules of speaking evil of no man , despising no man , of not saying racha to our brother , or calling of him fool ; if here be not a discovery how remote he is from self-conceit , elation of mind , and the like immoralities , we must make enquiry after such things elsewhere ; for in this whole ensuing treatise we shall scarce meet with any thing more tending to our satisfaction . for the plea it self made use of , those whom he so tramples on , do highly honor the reformation of the church of england , and bless god for it continually , as that which hath had a signal tendency unto his glory , and usefulness to the souls of men . that as to the outward rites of worship and discipline contested about , it was in all things conformed unto the great rule of them , our author doth not pretend ; nor can he procure it in those things , whatever he sayes , any countenance from the best and purest times of christianity : that it was every way perfect in its first edition , i suppose , will not be affirmed ; nor considering the posture of affairs at the time of its framing both in other nations and in our own , was it like it should so be . we may rather admire that so much was then done according to the will of god , than that there was no more . whatever is wanting in it , the fault is not to be cast on the first reformers , who went as far as well in those dayes could be expected from them . whether others who have succeeded in their place and room , have since discharged their duty in perfecting what was so happily begun , is sub judice , and there will abide , after this author and i have done writing . that as to the things mentioned , it never had an absolute quiet possession or admittance in this nation , that a constant and no inconsiderable suffrage hath from first to last been given in against it , cannot be denyed ; and for any savage worrying or rifling of it at present , no man is so barbarous as to give the least countenance to any such thing . that which is intended in these exclamations , is only a desire that those who cannot comply with it as now established in the matters of discipline and worship before mentioned , may not meerly for that cause be worried and destroyed , as many have already been . again , the chief glory of the english reformation consisted in the purity of its doctrine , then first restored to the nation . this , as it is expressed in the articles of religion , and in the publickly authorized writings of the bishops and chief divines of the church of england , is , as was said , the glory of the english reformation . and it is somewhat strange to me , that whilst one writes against original sin , another preaches up justification by works , and scoffs at the imputation of the righteousness of christ to them that believe ; yea whilst some can openly dispute against the doctrine of the trinity , the deity of christ , and the holy ghost ; whilst instances may be collected of some mens impeaching all the articles almost throughout , there should be no reflection in the least on these things ; only those who dissent from some outward methods of worship must be made the object of all this wrath and indignation . quis tulerit gracehos de seditione querentes ? some mens guilt in this nature , might rather mind them of pulling out the be am out of their own eyes , than to act with such fury to pull out the eyes of others , for the motes which they think they espy in them . but hence is occasion given to pour out such a storm of fury , conveyed by words of as great reproach and scorn , as the invention of any man i think could suggest , as is not lightly to be met withal : might our author be prevailed with to mind the old rule , mitte malè loqui , dic rem ipsam , these things might certainly be debated with less scandal , less mutual offences and provocations . anothor account of the reasons of his intemperance in these reproaches , supplying him with an opportunity to encrease them in number and weight , he gives us pag. . & . of his preface , which because it may well be esteemed a summary representation of his way and manner of arguing in his whole discourse , i shall transcribe . i know , sayes he , but one single instance in which zeal or a high indignation is just and warrantable : and that is when it vents it self against the arrogance of haughty peevish and sullen religionists , that under higher pretences of godliness supplant all principles of civility and good nature ; that strip religion of its outside to make it a covering for spight and malice ; that adorn their peevishness with a mark of piety , and shrowd their ill nature under the demure pretences of godly zeal , and stroke and applaud themselves as the only darlings and favourites of heaven ; and with a scornfull pride disdained all the residue of mankind as a rout of worthless and unregenerate reprobates . thus the only hot fit of zeal we find our saviour in , was kindled by an indignation against the pride and insolence of the jews , when he whipped the buyers and sellers out of the outward court of the temple ; for though they bore a blind and superstitious reverence towards that part of it that was peculiar to their own worship , yet as for the outward court , the place where the gentiles and proselytes worshipped , that was so unelean and unhallowed , that they thought it could not be profaned by being turned into an exchange of vsury : now this insolent contempt of the gentiles , and impudent conceit of their own holiness , provoked the mild spirit of our blessed saviour to such an height of impatience and indignation , as made him with a seeming fury and transport of passion whip the tradesmen thence , and overthrew their tables . what truth , candor , or conscience hath been attended unto in the insolent reproaches here heaped up against his adversaries , is left to the judgement of god and all impartial men ; yea let judgement be made , and sentence be past according to the wayes , course of life , conversation , usefulness amongst men , readiness to serve the common concerns of mankind , in exercising lovingkindness in the earth , of those who are thus injuriously traduced , compared with any in the approbation and commendation of whom they are covered with these reproaches , and there lives not that person who may not be admitted to pronounce concerning the equity and righteousness or iniquity of these intemperances . however it is nothing with them with whom he hath to do to be judged by mans day ; they stand at the judgement seat of christ , and have not so learned him as to relieve themselves by false or fierce recriminations . the measure of the covering provided for all these excesses of unbridled passion , is that alone which is now to be taken . the case expressed it seems is the only single instance in which zeal is just and warrantable . how our author came to be assured thereof i know not ; sure i am that it doth neither comprize in it , nor hath any aspect on , the ground , occasion , or nature of the zeal of phinehas , or of nehemiah , or of david , or of joshuah , and least of all of our saviour as we shall see . he must needs be thought to be over-intent upon his present occasion , when he forgot not one , or two , but indeed all instances of just and warrantable zeal that are given us in the only sacred repository of them . for what concerns the example of our blessed saviour particularly insisted on , i wish he had ossended one way only in the report he makes of it . for let any sober man judge in the first place , whether those expressions he useth of the hot fit of zeal , that he was in , of the height of impatience that he was provoked unto , the seeming fury and transport of passion that he acted withall , do become that reverence and adoration of the son of god which ought to possess the hearts , and guide the tongues and writings of men that profess his name . but whatever other mens apprehensions may be , as it is not improbable but that some will exercise severity in their reflections on these expressions ; for my part ; i shall entertain no other thoughts but that our author being engaged in the composition of an invective declamation , and aiming at a gradeur of words , yea to fill it up with tragical expressions , could not restrain his pen from some extravagant excess , when the lord christ himself came in his way to be spoken of . however it will be said the instance is pertinently alledged , and the occasion of the exercise of the zeal of our blessed saviour is duly represented . it may be some will think so , but the truth is , there are scarce more lines than mistakes in the whole discourse to this purpose . what court it was of the temple wherein the action remembred was performed , is not here particularly determined ; only 't is said to be the outward court wherein the gentiles and proselytes worshipped in opposition to that which was peculiar to the worship of the jews . now of old from the first erection of the temple there were two courts belonging unto it and no more ; the inward court , wherein were the brazen altar with all those utensils of worship which the priests made use of in their sacred offices ; and the outward court whither the people assembled , as for other devotions , so to behold the priests exercising their function , and to be in a readiness to bring in their own especial sacrifices , upon which account they were admitted to the altar it self . into this outward court which was a dedicate part of the temple , all gentiles who were proselytes of righteousness , that is who being circumeised had taken upon them the observation of the law of moses , and thereby joyned themselves to the people of god , were admitted , as all the jewish writers agrree . and these were all the courts that were at first sanctified , and were in use when the words were spoken by the prophet , which are applyed to the action of our saviour ; namely , my house shall be called a house of prayer , but ye have made it a den of thieves ; afterwards in the dayes of the herodians another court was added by the immuring of the remainder of the hill , whereunto a promiscuous entrance was granted unto all people . it was therefore the antient outward court whereinto the jews thought that paul had brought trophimus the ephesian , whom they knew to be uncircumcised . i confess some expositors think that it was this latter area from whence the lord christ east out the buyers and sellers ; but their conjecture seems to be altogether groundless ; for neither was that court ever absolutely called the temple , nor was it esteemed sacred , but common or prophane ; nor was it in being when the prophet used the words mentioned concerning the temple . it was therefore the other antient outward court common to the jews and proselytes of the gentiles that is intended ; for as there the salt and wood were stored , that were daily used in their sacrifices , so the covetous priests knowing that many who came up to offer , were wont to buy the beasts they sacrificed at hierusalem to prevent the charge and labour of bringing them from farr ; to further as they pretended their accommodation , they appropriated a market to themselves in this court , and added a trade in money , relating it may be thereunto , and other things for their advantage . hence the lord christ twice drove them ; once at the beginning , and once at the end of his ministry in the flesh ; not with a seeming transport of fury , but with that evidence of the presence of god with him , and majesty of god upon him , that it is usually reckoned amongst one of the miracles that he wrought , considering the state of all things at that time amongst the jews . and the reason why he did this , and the occasion of the exercise of his zeal , is so express in the scripture , as i cannot but admire at the invention of our author , who could find out another reason and occasion of it . for it is said directly , that he did it because of their wicked profanation of the house of god , contrary to his express institution and command ; of a regard to the jews contempt of the gentiles there is not one word , not the least intimation ; nor was there in this matter the least occasion of any such thing . these things are not pleaded in the least , to give countenance to any , in their proud supercillious censures and contempt of others , wherein if any person living have out-done our author , or shall endeavour so to do , he will not fail i think to carry away the prize in this unworthy contest . nor is it to apologize for them whom he charges with extravagances and excesses in this kind . i have no more to say in their behalf , but that as far as i know , they are falsly accused and calumniated , though i will not be accountable for the expessions of every weak and impertinent person . where men indeed sin openly in all manner of transgressions against the law and gospel , where a spirit of enmity to holiness and obedience unto god discovers and acts it self constantly on all occasions ; in a word , where men wear sin 's livery , some are not afraid to think them sin 's servants . but as to that elation of mind in self-conceit wherewith they are charged , their contempt of other men upon the account of party which he imputes unto them , i must expect other proofs than the bare assertion of this author before , i shall joyn with him in the management of his accusation . and no other answer shall i return to the ensuing leaves , fraught with bitter reproaches , invectives , sarcasms , far enough distant from truth and all sobriety . nor shall i though in their just and necessary vindication , make mention of any of those things which might represent them persons of another complexion . if this author will give those whom he probably most aims to load with these aspersions , leave to confess themselves poor and miserable sinners in the sight of god , willing to bear his indignation against whom they have finned , and to undergo quietly the severest rebukes and revilings of men , in that they know not but that they have a providential permissive commission from god so to deal with them , and add thereunto , that they yet hope to be saved by jesus christ , and in that hope endeavour to give up themselves in obedience to all his commands , it contains that description of them which they shall alwayes , and in all conditions endeavour to answer . but i have only given these remarks upon the preceding discourse , to discover upon what feeble grounds our author builds for his own justification in his present engagement . pag. . of his preface , he declares his original design in writing this discourse , which was to represent to the world the lamentable folly and silliness of those mens religion with whom he had to do , which he farther expresses and pursues with such a lurry of virulent reproaches as i think is not to be parallel'd in any leaves , but some others of the same hand ; and in the close thereof he supposeth he hath evinced that in comparison of them , the most insolent of the pharisees were gentlemen , and the most savage of the americans philosophers . i must confess my self an utter stranger unto that generous disposition and philosophick nobleness of mind , which vent themselves in such revengefull scornfull wrath , expressed in such rude and barbarous railings against any sort of men whatever , as that here manifested in , and those here used by this author . if this be a just delineation and character of the spirit of a gentleman , a due portraicture of the mind and affections of a philosopher , i know not who will be ambitious to be esteemed either the one or the other . but what measures men now make of gentility i know not ; truly noble generosity of spirit was heretofore esteemed to consist in nothing more , than remoteness from such pedantick severities against , and contemptuous reproaches of persons under all manner of disadvantages , yea impossibilities to manage their own just vindication , as are here exercised and expressed in this discourse . and the principal pretended attainment of the old philosophy , was a sedateness of mind , and a freedome from turbulent passions and affections under the greatest provocations ; which if they are here manifested by our author , they will give the greater countenance unto the character which he gives of others ; the judgement and determination whereof is left unto all impatial readers . but in this main design he professeth himself prevented by the late learned and ingenious discourse , the friendly debate ; which to manifest , it may be , that his rhetorical faculty is not confined to invectives , he spendeth some pages in the splendid encomiums of . there is no doubt , i suppose but that the author of that discourse , will on the next occasion require his panegyrick , and return him his commendations for his own achievements with advantage ; they are like enough to agree like those of the poet , discedo alcaeus puncto illius , ille meo quis ? quis nist callimachus ? for the present his account of the excellencies and successes of that discourse minds me of the dialogue between pyrgopolynices and artotrogus : pyrg . ecquid meministi ? art. memini ; centum in ciliciâ , et quinquaginta centum sycolatronidae , triginta sardi , sexaginta macedones , sunt homines tu quos occidisti uno die , pyrg . quanta isthaec hominum summa est ? art. septem millia . pyrg . tantum esse oportet ; rectè rationem tenes . art. at nullos habeo scriptos , sic memini tamen . although the particular instances he gives of the man's successes , are prodigiously ridiculous , yet the casting up of the summ total to the compleating of his victory , sinks them all out of consideration : and such is the account we have here of the friendly debate . this and that it hath effected , which though unduly asserted as to the particular instances , yet altogether comes short of that absolute victory and triumph which are ascribed unto it . but i suppose that upon due consideration , mens glorying in those discourses , will be but as the crackling of thorns in the fire , noise and smoak without any real and solid use or satisfaction . the great design of the author , asis apparent unto all , was to render the sentiments and expressions of his adversaries ridiculous , and thereby to expose their persons to contempt and scorn , egregiam vero laudem & spolia ampla ! and to this end his way of writing by dialogues is exceedingly suited and accommodated : for although ingenious and learned men , such as plato and cicero , have handled matters of the greatest importance in that way of writing , candidly-proposing the opinions and arguments of adverse parties in the persons of the dialogists , and sometimes used that method to make their design of instruction more easie and perspicuous , yet it cannot be denyed that advantages may be taken from this way of writing to represent both persons , opinions , and practices , invidiously and contemptuously , above any other way ; and therefore it hath been principally used by men who have had that design . and i know nothing in the skilfull contrivance of dialogues , which is boasted of here with respect unto the friendly debate , as also by the author of it in his preface to one of his worthy volumes , that should free the way of writing it self , from being supposed to be peculiarly accommodated to the ends mentioned . nor will these authors charge them with want of skill and art in composing of their dialogues , who have designed nothing in them but to render things uncouth , and persons ridiculous , with whom themselves were in worth and honesty no way to be compared . an instance hereof we have in the case of socrates . sundry in the city being weary of him for his uprightness , integrity , and continual pressing of them to courses of the like nature ; some also being in an especial manner incensed at him , and provoked by him ; amongst them they contrived his ruine . that they might effect this design , they procured aristophanes to write a dialogue , his comoedy which he entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the clouds ; wherein socrates is introduced and personated , talking at as contemptible and ridiculous a rate , as any one can represent the non-conformists to do ; and yet withal to commend himself as the only man considerable amongst them . without some such preparation of the peoples minds , his enemies thought it impossible to obtain his persecution and destruction ; and they failed not in their projection . aristophanes being poor , witty , and as is supposed hired to this work , layes out the utmost of his endeavours so to frame and order his dialogues , with such elegancy of words , and composure of his verses , with such a semblance of relating the words and expressing the manner of socrates , as might leave an impression on the minds of the people . and the success of it was no way inferiour to that of the friendly debate ; for though at first the people were somewhat surprized with seeing such a person so traduced , yet they were after a while so pleased and tickled with the ridiculous representation of him and his philosophy , wherein there was much of appearance and nothing of truth , that they could make no end of applauding the author of the dialogues . and though this were the known design of that poet , yet that his dialogues were absurd and inartificial , i suppose will not be affirmed ; seeing few were ever more skilfully contrived . having got this advantage of exposing him to publick contempt , his provoked malicious adversaries began openly to manage their accusation against him . the principal crime laid to his charge was non-conformity , or that he did not comply with the religion which the supream magistrate had enacted ; or as they then phrased it , he esteemed not them to be gods whom the city so esteemed . by these means , and through these advantages , they ceased not until they had destroyed the best and wisest person , that ever that city bred in its heathen condition , and whereof they quickly repented themselves . the reader may see the whole story exactly related in aelian . lib. . var. histor. cap. . much of it also may be collected from the apologies of xenophon and plato in behalf of socrates , as also plutarch's discourse concerning his genius . to this purpose have dialogues very artificially written been used and are absolutely the most accommodate of all sorts of writing unto such a design . hence lucian who aimed particularly to render the things which he disliked ridiculous and contemptible , used no other kind of writing ; and i think his dialogues will be allowed to be artificial , though sundry of them have no other design but to cast contempt on persons and opinions better than himself and his own . and his way of dealing with adversaries in points of faith , opinion and judgement , hath hitherto been esteemed fitter for the stage , than a serious disquisition after truth , or confutation of error : did those who admire their own achievements in this way of process , but consider how easie a thing it is for any one , deposing that respect to truth , modesty , sobriety , and christianity which ought to accompany us in all that we do , to expose the persons and opinions of men by false , partial , undue representations to scorn and contempt , they would perhaps cease to glory in their fancied success . it is a facile thing to take the wisest man living , and after he is lime-twigg'd with ink and paper , and gagged with a quill , so that he can neither move nor speak , to clap a fools coat on his back , and turn him out to be laughed at in the streets . the stoicks were not the most contemptible sort of philosophers of old , nor will not be thought so by those , who profess their religion to consist in morality only . and yet the roman orator in his pleading for muraena , finding it his present interest to cast some disreputation upon cato his adversary in that cause , who was addicted to that sect , so represented their dogmes , that he put the whole assembly into a fit of laughter ; whereunto cato only replyed , that he made others laugh , but was himself ridiculous ; and it may be some will find it to fall out not much otherwise with themselves by that time the whole account of their undertaking is well cast up . besides , do these men not know , that if others would employ themselves in a work of the like kind by way of retortion and recrimination , that they would find real matter amongst some whom they would have esteemed sacred , for an ordinary ingenuity to exercise it self upon unto their disadvantage ? but what would be the issue of such proceedings ? who would be gainers by it ? every thing that is professed among them that own religion , all wayes and means of their profession , being by their mutual reflections of this kind , render'd riciculous , what remains but that men fly to the sanctuary of atheism to preserve themselves from being scoffed at and despised as fools . on this account alone i would advise the author of our late debates to surcease proceeding in the same kind , lest a provocation unto a retaliation should befall any of those who are so fouly aspersed . but , as i said , what will be the end of these things , namely of mutual virulent reflections upon one another ? shall this sword devour for ever ? and will it not be bitterness in the latter end ? for , as he said of old of persons contending with revilings ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great store there are of such words and expressions on every hand , and every provoked person , if he will not bind his passion to a rule of sobriety and temperance , may at his pleasure take out and use what he supposeth for his turn . and let not men please themselves with imagining that it is not as easie , though perhaps not so safe , for others to use towards themselves , haughty and contemptuous expressions , as it is for them to use them towards others . but shall this wrath never be allayed ? is this the way to restore peace , quietness and satisfaction to the minds of men ? is it meet to use her language in this nation concerning the present differences about religion , nullus amor populis , nec foedera sunto ; imprecor arma armis , pugnent ipsique nepotes ? is agreement in all other things , all love and forbearance , unless there be a centering in the same opinions absolutely , become criminal , yea detestable ? will this way of proceeding compose and satisfie the minds of men ? if there be no other way for a coalescence in love and unity in the bond of peace ; but either that the non-conformists do depose and change in a moment , as it were , their thoughts , apprehensions and judgements about the things in difference amongst us , which they cannot , which is not in their power to do ; or that in the presence , and with a peculiar respect unto the eye and regard of god , they will act contrary unto them , which they ought not , which they dare not , no not upon the present instruction , the state of these things is somewhat deplorable . that alone which in the discourses mentioned seemeth to me of any consideration , if it have any thing of truth to give it countenance , is that the non-conformists under pretence of preaching mysteries and grace , do neglect the pressing of moral duties , which are of near and indispensable concernment unto men in all their relations and actions ; and without which , religion is but a pretence and covering for vice and sin . a crime this is unquestionably of the highest nature if true , and such as might justly render the whole profession of those who are guilty of it suspected . and this is again renewed by our author , who to charge home upon the non-conformists reports the saying of fl●ius ilyricus a lutheran who dyed an hundred ye●rs ago ; namely that bona opera sunt pernitiosa ad salutem , though i do not remember that any such thing was maintained by illyricus , though it was so by amsdorsius against georgius major . but is it not strange , how any man can assume to himself , and swallow so much confidence as is needful to the mannagement of this charge ? the books and treatises published by men of the perswasion traduced , their daily preaching witnessed unto by multitudes of all sorts of people , the open avowing of their duty in this matter , their principles concerning sin , duty , holiness , vertue , righteousness and honesty , do all of them proclaim the blackness of this calumny , and sink it with those who have taken , or are able to take any sober cognizance of these things , utterly beneath all consideration ; moral duties they do esteem , commend , count as necessary in religion as any men that live under heaven ; it is true they say that on a supposition of that performance whereof they are capable without the assistance of the grace and spirit of god , though they may be good in their own nature , and useful to mankind , yet they are not available unto the salvation of the souls of men ; and herein they can prove , that they have the concurrent suffrage of all known churches in the world , both those of old , and these at present : they say moreover , that for men to rest upon their performances of these moral duties for their justification before god , is but to set up their own righteousness through an ignorance of the righteousness of god ; for we are justified freely by his grace ; neither yet are they sensible of any opposition to this assertion . for their own discharge of the work of the ministry , they endeavour to take their rule , pattern and instruction from the precepts , directions , and examples of them who were first commissionated unto that work , even the apostles of our lord jesus christ , recorded in the scripture , that they might be used and improved unto that end . by them are they taught , to endeavour the declaring unto men all the counsel of god concerning his grace , their obedience and salvation ; and having the word of reconciliation committed unto them , they do pray their hearers in christs stead to be reconciled unto god ; to this end do they declare the unsearchable riches of christ , and comparatively determine to know nothing in this world but christ and him crufied , whereby their preaching becometh principally the word or doctrine of the cross , which by experience they find to be a stumbling block unto some , and foolishness unto others ; by all means endeavouring to make known what is the riches of the glory of the mysterie of god in christ , reconciling the world unto himself ; praying withal for their hearers , that the god of our lord jesus christ , the father of glory , would give unto them the spirit of wisdom and revelation in the knowledge of him , that the eyes of their understanding being enlightned , they may learn to know what is the hope of his calling , and what the riches of the glory of his inheritance in the saints ; and in these things are they not ashamed of the gospel of christ , which is the power of god unto salvation . by this dispensation of the gospel , do they endeavour to ingenerate in the hearts and souls of men , repentance towards god , and faith in our lord jesus christ. to prepare them also hereunto , they cease not by the preaching of the law , to make known to men the terror of the lord , to convince them of the nature of sin , of their own lost and ruined condition by reason of it , through its guilt as both original in their natures , and actual in their lives , that they may be stirred up to fly from the wrath to come , and to lay hold on eternal life ; and thus as god is pleased to succeed them , do they endeavour to lay the great foundation jesus christ , in the hearts of their hearers , and to bring them to an interest in him by believing . in the farther pursuit of the work committed unto them , they endeavour more and more to declare unto , and instruct their hearers in all the mysteries and saving truths of the gospel , to the end that by the knowledge of them , they may be wrought unto obedience , and brought to conformity to christ , which is the end of their declaration ; and in the pursuit of their duty , there is nothing more that they insist upon , as far as ever i could observe , than an endeavour to convince men , that that faith or profession that doth not manifest it self , which is not justified by works , which doth not purifie the heart within , that is not fruitful in universal obedience to all the commands of god , is vain and unprofitable ; letting them know that though we are saved by grace , yet we are the workmanship of god created in christ jesus to good works , which he hath ordained for us to walk in them ; a neglect whereof doth uncontrollably evict men of hypocrisie and falseness in their profession ; that therefore these things in those that are adult , are indispensably necessary to salvation . hence do they esteem it their duty , continually to press upon their hearers the constant observance and doing of whatsover things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are pure , whatsoever things are comely , whatsoever things are of good report ; letting them know that those who are called to a participation of the grace of the gospel , have more , higher , stronger obligations upon them to righteousness , integrity , honesty , usefulness amongst men , in all moral duties , throughout all relations , conditions and capacities , than any others whatever . for any man to pretend , to write , plead that this they do not , but indeed do discountenance morality and the duties of it , is to take a liberty of saying what he pleases for his own purpose , when thousands are ready from the highest experience to contradict him . and if this false supposition should prove the soul that animates any discourses , let men never so passionately admire them , and expatiate in the commendation of them , i know some that will not be their rivals in their extasies . for the other things which those books are mostly filled withal , setting aside frivolous trifling exceptions about modes of carriage , and common phrases of speech , altogether unworthy the review or perusal of a serious person , they consist of such exceptions against expressions , sayings , occasional reflections on texts of scripture , invectives , and impertinent calling over of things past and by-gone , as the merit of the cause under contest is no way concerned in . and if any one would engage in so unhandsome an employment , as to collect such fond speeches , futilous expressions , ridiculous expositions of scripture , smutty passages , weak & impertinent discourses , yea profane scurrilities , which some others whom for their honors sake , and other reasons i shall not name , have in their sermons and discourses about sacred things been guilty of , he might provide matter enough for a score of such dialogues as the friendly debates , are composed of . but to return , that the advantages mentioned are somewhat peculiar unto dialogues , we have a sufficient evidence in this , that our author having another special design , he chose another way of writing suited thereunto . he professeth , that he hath neither hope , nor expectation to convince his adversaries of their crimes or mistakes , nor doth endeavour any such thing . nor did he meerly project to render them contemptible and ridiculous ; which to have effected , the writing of dialogues in his mannagement would have been most accommodate . but his purpose was to expose them to persecution , or to the severity of penal laws from the magistrate , and if possible , it may be , to popular rage and fury . the voice of his whole discourse is the same with that of the jews concerning st. paul , away with such fellows from the earth , for it is not meet they should live . such an account of his thoughts he gives us ; pag. . saith he , the only cause of all our troubles and disturbances ( which what they are he knows not , nor can declare ) is the inflexible perverfeness of about an hundred proud , ignorant , and seditious preachers , against whom if the severity of the laws were particularly levelled how easie would it be , &c. macte nova virtute puer , sic itur ad astra . but i hope it will appear before the close of this discourse , that our author is far from deserving the reputation of infallible in his politicks , whatever he may be thought to do in his divinity . it is sufficiently known how he is mistaken in his calculation of the numbers of those whom he designs to brand with the blackest marks of infamy , and whom he exposeth in his desires to the severities of law for their ruine . i am sure , it is probable , that there are more than an hundred of those whom he intends , who may say unto him , as gregory of nazianzen introduceth his father speaking to himself , nondum tot sunt anni tui , quot jam in sacris nobis sunt peracti victimis , who have been longer in the ministry than he in the world , but suppose there were but an hundred of them , he knows , or may know , when there was such a disparity in the numbers of them that contested about religion , that it was said of them , all the world against athanasius , and athanasius against the world ; who yet was in the right against them all , as they must acknowledge who frequently say or sing , his quicunque vult . but how came he so well acquainted with them all and every one , as to pronounce of them that they are proud , ignorant , and seditious ; allow him the liberty , which i see he will take whether we allow it him or no , to call whom he pleaseth seditious upon the account of reall or supposed principles not complyant with his thoughts and apprehensions ; yet that men are proud , and ignorant how he can prove but by particular instances from his own acquaintance with them , i know not ; and if he should be allowed to be a competent judge of knowledge and ignorance in the whole compass of wisdom and science , which it may be some will except against , yet unless he had personally conversed with them all , or were able to give sufficient instances of their ignorance from actings , writings , or expressions of their own , he would scarce be able to give a tolerable account of the honesty of this his p●remptory censure ; and surely this must needs be looked on , as a lovely , gentle , and philosophick humour , to judge all men proud and ignorant , who are not of our minds in all things , and on that ground alone . but yet let them be as ignorant as can be fancied , this will not determine the difference between them and their adversaries . one unlearned paphnutius in the council of nice stopped all the learned fathers when they were precipitately casting the church into a snare ; and others as unlearned as he , may honestly attempt the same at any time . and for our authors projection for the obtaining of quiet by severe dealings with these men in an especial manner , one of the same nature failed in the instance mentioned . for when athanasius stood almost by himself in the eastern empire for a profession in religion , which the supream magistrate and the generality of the clergy condemned , it was thought the levelling of severity in particular against him , would bring all to a composure . to this purpose after they had again and again charged him to be proud and seditious , they vigorously engaged in his prosecution , according to the projection here proposed , and sought him neer all the world over , but to no purpose at all , as the event discovered . for the truth which he professed having left its root in the hearts of multitudes of the people , on the first opportunity they returned again to the open avowing of it . but to return from this digression ! this being the design of our author , not so much to expose his adversaries to common contempt and laughter , as to ruine and destruction , he diverted from the beaten path of dialogues , and betook himself unto that of rhetorical invective declamations , which is peculiarly suited to carry on and promote such a design . i shall therefore here leave him for the present , following the triumphant chariot of his friend ; singing io triumphe ! and casting reflections upon the captives that he draggs after him at his chariot wheels , which will doubtless supply his imagination with a pleasing entertainment , untill he shall awake out of his dream , and find all the pageantry that his fancy hath erected round about him , to vanish and disappear . his next attempt is upon atheists , wherein i have no concern , nor his principal adversaries the non-conformists ; for my part i have had this advantage by my own obscurity and small consideration in the world , as never to converse with any persons that did , or durst question the being or providence of god , either really or in pretence . by common reports , and published discourses , i find that there are not a few in these dayes , who either out of pride and ostentation , or in a real complyance with their own darkness and ignorance , do boldly venture to dispute the things which we adore ; and if i am not greatly mis-informed , a charge of this prodigious licentiousness and impiety , may from pregnant instances , be brought neer the doors of some who on other occasions declaim against it . for practical atheism the matter seems to be unquestionable ; many live as though they believed neither god nor devil in the world , but themselves ; with neither sort am i concerned to treat at present , nor shall i examine the invectives of our author against them ; though i greatly doubt , whether ever such a kind of defence of the being of god was written by any man before him . if a man would make a judgement upon the genius and way of his discourse , he might possibly be tempted to fear , that it is persons , rather than things that are the object of his indignation ; and it may be the fate of some , to suffer under the infamy of atheism , as it is thought diagoras did of old , not for denying the deity , nor for any absurd conceptions of mind concerning it , but for deriding and contemning them , who without any interest in , or sense of religion , did foolishly , in idoliatrous instances make a pretence of it in the world . but whatever wickedness or miscarriages of this nature our author hath observed , his zeal against them were greatly to be commended , but that it is not in that only instance wherein he allows of the exercise of that vertue , let it then be his anger or indignation , or what he pleases , that he may not miss of his due praises and commendation . only i must say , that i question whether to charge persons enclined to atheism with profaning johnson and fletcher as well as the holy scriptures , be a way of proceeding probably suited to their conviction or reduction . it seems also that those who are here chastised do vent their atheism in scossing and drollery , jesting , and such like contemptible efforts of wit , that may take for a while amongst little and unlearned people , and immediately evaporate . i am afraid more of those who under pretences of sober reason do vent and maintain opinions and principles that have a direct tendency to give an open admission unto atheism in the minds of men , than of such fooleries . when others fury and raving cruelties succeeded not , he alone prevailed , qui solus accessit sobrius ad perdendam remp. one principle contended for as rational and true , which if admitted will insensibly seduce the mind unto , and justifie a practice ending in atheism , is more to be feared , than ten thousand jests and scoffs against religion , which methinks , amongst men of any tolerable sobriety should easily be buried under contempt and scorn . and our author may do well to consider whether he hath not , unwittingly i presume , in some instances , so expressed and demeaned himself , as to give no small advantage to those corrupt inclinations unto atheism , which abound in the hearts of men ; are not men taught here to keep the liberty of their minds and judgements to themselves , whilest they practise that which they approve not , nor can do so ; which is directly to act against the light and conviction of conscience ? and yet an associate of his in his present design , in a modest and free conference , tells us , that there is not awider step to atheism than to do any thing against conscience , and enforms his friend , that dissent out of grounds that appear to any founded on the will of god , is conscience ; but against such a conscience , the light , judgement and conviction of it , are men here taught to practise ; and thereby in the judgement of that author , are instructed unto atheism . and indeed if once men find themselves at liberty to practise contrary to what is prescribed unto them in the name and authority of god , as all things are which conscience requires , it is not long that they will retain any regard of him , or reverence unto him. it hath hitherto been the judgement of all , who have enquired into these things , that the great concern of the glory of god in the world , the interest of kings and rulers , of all governments whatever , the good and welfare of private persons , lyes in nothing more , than in preserving conscience from being debauched in the conducting principles of it ; and in keeping up its due respect to the immediate soveraignty of god over it in all things . neither ever was there a more horrid attempt upon the truth of the gospel , all common morality , and the good of mankind , than that which some of late years or ages have been engaged in , by suggesting in their casuistical writings such principles for the guidance of the consciences of men , as in sundry particular instances might set them free , as to practice , from the direct and immedsately influencing authority of god in his word . and yet i doubt not , but it may be made evident , that all their principle● in conjunction are scarce of so pernicious a tendency as this one general theorem , that men may lawfully act in the worship of god , or otherwise , against the light , dictates , or convictions of their own consciences . exempt conscience from an absolute , immediate , entire , universal dependance on the authority , will , and judgement of god , according to what conceptions it hath of them , and you disturb the whole harmony of divine providence in the government of the world ; and break the first link of that great chain whereon all religion and government in the world do depend . teach men to be like naaman the syrian to believe only in the god of israel , and to worship him according to his appointment by his own choice , and from a sense of duty , yet also to bow in the house of rimmon contrary to his light and conviction out of complyance with his master ; or with the men of samaria to fear the lord , but to worship their idols , and they will not fail at one time or other , rather to seek after rest in restless atheism , than to live in a perpetual conflict with themselves , or to cherish an everlasting sedition in their own bosomes . i shall not much reflect upon those expressions which our author is pleased to vent his indignation by ; such as religious rage , and fury , religious villany , religious lunacies , serious and consciencious villanies , wildness of godly madness , men lead by the spirit of god to disturb the publick peace , the world filled with a buzze and noise of the divine spirit , sanctified fury , sanctified barbarism , pious villanies , godly disobedience , sullen and cross-grained godliness , with innumerable others of the like kind ; which although perhaps he may countenance himself in the use of , from the tacite respect that he hath to the persons whom he intends to vilifie and reproach ; yet in themselves , and to others , who have not the same apprehensions of their occasion , they tend to nothing but to beget a scorn and derision of all religion , and the profession of it ; an humour which will not find where to rest or fix it self , untill it comes to be swallowed up in the abysse of atheism . we are at length arrived at the last act of this tragical preface ; and as in our progress we have rather heard a great noise and bluster , than really encountred either true difficulty or danger ; so now i confess that weariness of conversing with so many various sounds of the same signification , the summ of all being knaves , villains , fools , will carry me through the remainder of it , with some more than ordinary precipitation , as grudging an addition in this kind of employment to those few minutes wherein the preceding remarques were written or dictated . there are two or three heads which the remainders of this prefatory discourse may be reduced unto . first , a magnificent proclamation of his own achievements ; what he hath proved , what he hath done , especially in representing the inconsistence of liberty of conscience with the first and fundamental laws of government ; and i am content that he please himself with his own apprehensions , like him who admired at the marvelous feats performed in an empty theatre . for it may be that upon examination it will be found , that there is scarce in his whole discourse any one argument offered at , that hath the least seeming cogency towards such an end ; whether you take liberty of conscience , for liberty of judgement , which himself confesseth uncontroleable , or liberty of practice upon indulgence which he seems to oppose , an impartial reader will i doubt be so far from finding the conclusion mentioned to be evinced , as he will scarcely be able to satisfie himself that there are any premises that have a tendency thereunto . but i suppose he must extreamly want an employment who will design himself a business , in endeavouring to dispossess him of his self-pleasing imagination . yea he seems not to have pleaded his own cause absurdly at athens , who giving the city the news of a victory when they had received a fatal defeat , affirmed that publick thanks were due to him , for affording them two dayes of mirth and jollity , before the tidings came of their ill success ; which was more than they were ever like to see again in their lives . and there being as much satisfaction in a fancied , as a real success , though useless and failing , we shall leave our author in the highest contentment that thoughts of this nature can afford him . however it may not be amiss to mind him of that old good counsel , let not him that girdeth on his armour , boast like him that putteth it off . another part of his oration is to decry the folly of that bruitish apprehension that men can possibly live peaceably and quietly if they enjoy the liberty of their consciences ; where he fears not to affirm , that it is more elegible to tolerate the highest debauchertes , than liberty for men to worship god according to what they apprehend he requires ; whence some severe persons would be too apt it may be to make a conjecture of his own inclinations ; for it is evident that he is not absolutely insensible of self-interest in what he doth or writes . but the contrary to what he asserts , being a truth at this day written with the beams of the sun in many nations of europe , let envy , malice , fear , and revenge suggest what they please otherwise , and the nature of the thing it self denyed being built upon the best , greatest , and surest foundations and warranty that mankind hath to build on , or trust unto for their peace and security , i know not why it's denial was here ventured at , unless it were to embrace an opportunity once more to give vent to the remainders of his indignation , by revilings and reproaches , which i had hoped had been now exhausted . but these things are but collateral to his principal design in this close of his declamation ; and this is the removal of an objection , that liberty of conscience would conduce much to the improvement of trade in the nation . it is known that many persons of great wisdom and experience , and who , as it is probable , have had more time to consider the state and proper interest of this nation , and have spent more pains in the weighing of all things conducing thereunto than our author hath done , are of this mind and judgement . but he at once strikes them and their reasons dumb , by drawing out his gorgon's head , that he hath proved it inconsistent with government , and so it must needs be a foolish and silly thing to talk of its usefulness to trade . verum , ad populum phalera ; if great blustering words , dogmatical assertions , uncouth , unproved principles , accompanied with a pretence of contempt and scorn of all exceptions and oppositions to what is said , with the persons of them that make them , may be esteemed proofs , our author can prove what he pleaseth , and he is to be thought to have proved whatever he affirms himself so to have done . if sober reason , experience , arguments derived from common acknowledged principles of truth , if a confirmation of deductions from such principles , by confessed and commonly approved instances are necessary to make up convincing proofs in matters of this nature and importance , we are yet to seek for them , notwithstanding any thing that hath been offered by this author , or as far as i can conjecture is likely so to be . in the mean time i acknowledge many parts of his discourse to be singularly remarkable . his insinuation that the affairs of the kingdom are not in a fixed and established condition , that we are distracted amongst our selves with a strange variety of jealous●es and annimosities , and such like expressions , as if divulged in a book printed without licence , would and that justly , be looked on as seditious , are the foundations that he proceedeth upon . now as i am confident that there is very little ground , or none at all for these insinuations , so the publick disposing of the minds of men to fears , suspicious , and apprehensions of unseen dangers by such means , becomes them only , who care not what disadvantage they cast others , nay their rulers under , so they may compass and secure their own private ends and concerns . but yet not content to have expressed his own real or pretended apprehensions , he proceeds to manifest his scorn of those , or his smiling at them , who with mighty projects labour for the improvement of trade , which the council appointed , as i take it , by his majesty thence denominated , is more concerned in than the non-conformists , and may do well upon this information finding themselves lyable to scorn , to desist from such an useless and contemptible employment . they may now know , that to erect and encourage trading combinations , is only to build so many nests of faction and sedition ; for he sayes , there is not any sort of people so inclinable to seditious practices as the trading part of a nation ; and that their pride and arrogance naturally encrease with the improvement of their stock . besides the fanatick party , as he sayes , live in these greater societies , and it is a very odd and preposterous folly , to design the enriching of that sort of people ; for wealth doth but only pamper and encourage their presumption ; and he is a very silly man , and understands nothing of the follies , passions and inclinations of humane nature , who sees not that there is no creature so ungovernable as a wealthy fanatick . it cannot be denyed , but that this modern policy , runs contrary to the principles and experience of former ages . to preserve industrious men in a peaceable way of emproving their own interests , whereby they might partake in their own and family concerns , of the good and advantages of government , hath been by the weak and silly men of former generations , esteemed the most rational way of inducing their minds unto peaceable thoughts and resolutions . for as the wealth of men encreaseth , so do their desires and endeavours after all things and wayes whereby it may be secured ; that so they may not have spent their labour and the vigour of their spirits with reference unto their own good and that of their posterity in vain . yea , most men are found to be of issachar's temper , who when he saw , that rest was good , and the land pleasant , wherein his own advantages lay , bowed his shoulder to bear , and became a servant unto tribute ; fortes and miseri , have heretofore been only feared , and not such as found satisfaction to their desires in the encreases and successes of their endeavours . and as caesar said , he feared not those fat and corpulent persons anthony and dolabella , but those pale and lean discontented ones , brutus and cassius ; so men have been thought to be far less dangerous , or to be suspected in government , who are well clothed with their own wealth and concerns , than such as have nothing but themselves to lose , and by reason of their straights and distresses , do scarce judge them worth the keeping . and hath this gentleman really considered what the meaning of that word trade is , and what is the concernment of this nation in it ? or is he so fond of his own nations and apprehensions , as to judge it meet that the vital spirits and blood of the kingdom should be offered in sacrifice unto them ? solomon tells us , that the profit of the earth is for all , and the king himself is served by the field ; and we may truly in england say the same of trade ; all men know what respect unto it there is in the revenues of the crown , and how much they are concerned in its growth and promotion ; the rents of all from the highest to the lowest that have an interest in the soyl , are regulated by it , and rise and fall with it ; nor is there any possibility to keep them up to their present proportion and standard , much less to advance them , without the continuance of trade in its present condition at least , may without a steddy endeavour for its encrease , furtherance and promotion . noblemen and gentlemen must be contented to eat their own bief and mutton at home , if trade decay ; to keep up their antient and present splendour , they will find no way or means . corporations are known to be the most considerable and significant bodies of the common people , and herein lies their being and bread ; to diminish or discountenance their trade , is to starve them , and discourage all honest industry in the world . it was a sad desolation that not long since befell the great city by fire ; yet through the good providence of god , under the peaceable government of his majesty , it is rising out of its ashes , with a new signal beauty and lustre . but that consumption and devastation of it , which the pursuit of this council will inevitably produce , would prove fatal and irreparable . and as the interest of all the several parts of the common-wealth do depend on the trade of the people amongst our selves , so the honor , power and security of the whole in reference unto forraign nations , are resolved also into the same principles ; for as our soyl is but small in comparison of some of our neighbours , and the numbers of our people no wayes to be compared with theirs , so if we should forego the advantages of trade for which we have opportunities , and unto which the people of this nation have inclinations , above any countrey on nation in the world , we should quickly find how unequal the competition between them and us would be : for even our naval force , which is the honour of the king , the security of his kingdoms , the terror of his enemies , oweth its rise and continuance unto that preparation of persons employed therein , which is made by the trade of the nation . and if the councel of this author should be followed , to suspend all thoughts of the supportment , encouragement , and furtherance of trade , until all men by the severity of penalties should be induced to an uniformity in religion ; i doubt not but our envious neighbours would as readily discern the concernment of their malice and ill will therein , as hannibal did his , in the action of the roman general , who at the battel of cannae , according to their usual discipline , ( but fatally at that time misapplyed ) caused in the great distress of the army , his horsemen to alight and fight on foot , not considering the advantage of his great and politick enemy , as things then stood , who immediately said , i had rather he had delivered them all bound unto me , though he knew there was enough done to secure his victory . a survey of the first chapter . the author of this discourse , seems in this first chapter to design the stating of the controversie , which he intendeth to pursue and handle , ( as he expresseth himself pag. ii. ) as also to lay down the main foundations of his ensuing superstructure . nothing could be more regularly projected , nor more suited to the satisfaction of ingenious inquirers into the matters under debate ; for those , who have any design in reading , beyond a present divertisement of their minds , or entertainment of their fancies , desire nothing more than to have the subject matter which they exercise their thoughts about , clearly and distinctly proposed , that a true judgement may be made concerning what men say , and whereof they do affirm . but i fear our author hath fallen under the misadventure of a failure in these projections ; at least as unto that certainty , clearness , and perspicuity in the declaration of his conceptions , and expression of his assertions and principles ; without which all other ornaments of speech in matters of moment , are of no use or consideration . his language is good and proper , his periods of speech laboured , full , and even ; his expressions poynant towards his adversaries , and singly taken , appearing to be very significative and expressive of his mind . but i know not how it is come to pass , that what either through his own defect , as to a due comprehension of the notions whose mannagement he hath undertaken , or out of a design to cloud and obscure his sentiments , and to take the advantage of loose declamatory expressions , it is very hard , if possible , to gather from what he hath written , either what is the true state of the controversie proposed to discussion , or what is the precise determinate sense of of those words wherein he proposeth the principles that he proceeds upon . thus in the title of the book he asserts the power of the magistrate over the consciences of men ; elsewhere confines the whole work and duty of conscience to the inward thoughts and perswasions of the mind , over which the magistrate hath no power at all . conscience it self he sometimes sayes is every mans opinion ; sometimes he calls it an imperious faculty , which surely are not the same ; sometimes he pleads for the uncontrollable power of magistrates over religion and the consciences of men ; sometimes asserts their ecclesiastical jurisdiction as the same thing , and seemingly all that he intends ; whereas i suppose , no man ever yet defined ecclesiastical jurisdiction , to be , an uncontrollable power over religion and the consciences of men. the magistrates power over religion he asserts frequently , and denyeth outward worship to be any part of religion , and at last pleads upon the matter only for his power over outward worship . every particular vertue he affirms to be such , because it is a resemblance and imitation of some of the divine attributes ; yet also teacheth that there may be more vertues , or new ones that were not so , and that to be vertue in one place which is not so in another : sometimes he pleads that the magistrate hath power to impose any religion on the consciences of his subjects , that doth not countenance vice , or disgrace the deity ; and then anon pleads for it in indifferent things , and circumstances of outward worship only . also that the magistrate may oblige his subjects consciences to the performance of moral duties , and other duties in religious worship under penalties , and yet punisheth none for their crime and guilt , but for the example of others . and many other instances of the like nature may be given . now , whatever dress of words these things may be set off withal , they savour rankly of crude and undigested notions , not reduced unto such a consistency in his mind , as to suffer him to speak evenly , steadily , and constantly to them . upon the whole matter , it may not be unmeetly said of his discourse , what tally said of rullus his oration about the agrarian law ; concionem advocari jubet ; summâ cum expectatione concurritur ; explicat orationem sane longam & verbis valdè bonis ; vnum erat quod mihi vitiosum videbatur ; quòd tantâ ex frequentiâ nemo inveniri potuit qui intelligere posset quid diceret . hoc ille utrum ins●diarum caus● fecerit , an hac genere eloquentia delectetur , nescio ; tamen siqui acutiores in concione steterant , de lege agrairia nescio quid voluisse eum dicere suspicabantur . many good words it is composed of , many sharp reflections are made on others , a great appearance there is of reason ; but besides that , it is plain that he treats of the nonconformists and the magistrates power , and would have this latter exercised about the punishment or destruction of the former , ( which almost every page expresseth ) it is very , hard to gather what is the case he speaks unto , or what are principles he proceeds upon . the entrance of his discourse is designed to give an account of the great difficulty which he intends to assoyl , of the controversie that he will handle and debate , and of the difference which he will compose . here , if any where , accuracy , perspicuity , and a clear distinct direction of the minds of the readers unto a certain just apprehension of the matter in question and difference , ought to be expected . for if the foundation of discourses of this nature , be laid in terms general , ambiguous , loose , rhetorical , and flourishing , giving no particular determinate sense of the controversie , ( for so this is called by our author ) all . that ensues in the pursuit of what is so laid down , must needs be of the same complexion . and such appears to be the declamatory entrance of this chapter . for instead of laying a solid foundation to erect his superstructure upon , the author seems in it only to have built a castle in the air , that makes a goodly appearance and shew , but is of no validity or use . can he suppose that any man is the wiser , or the more intelligent in the difference about liberty of conscience , the power and duty of magistrates in granting or denying an indulgence unto the exercise of it , by reading an elegant parabolical discourse of two supream powers , the magistrate and conscience , contesting for soveraignty , in and about no man knows what ? what conscience is ; what liberty of conscience ; what it is pleaded for to extend unto , who are concerned in it ; whether its plea be resolved absolutely into its own nature and constitution , or into that respect which it hath to another common rule of the minds and conceptions of men in and about the worship of god , is not declared ; nor is it easily discernable , what he allows and approves of in his own discourse , and what he introduceth to reflect upon , and so reject . pag. . he tells us , that conscience is subject and accountable to god alone , that it owns no superiour but the lord of consciences . and pag. . that those who make it accountable to none but god lone , do in effect usurp their princes crown , defie his authority , and acknowledge no governour but themselves . if it be pleaded that in the first place , not what is , but what is unduly pretended is declared , his words may be as well so expounded in all his ascriptions unto magistrates also ; namely , that it is not with them as he asserts ; but only ' t is unduly pretended so to be , as to any thing that appears in the discourse . the distinct consideration of the principles of conscience , and the outward exercise of it , can alone here give any shew of relief . but as no distinction of that nature doth as yet appear , and if rested on , ought to have been produced by any one who understood himself , and intended not to deceive or entangle others , so when it is brought on the stage , its inconsistency to serve the end designed shall be evinced . but that a plea for the consciences of private men , ( submitting themselves freely and willingly to the supream power and government of magistrates in all things belonging to publick peace and tranquility , ) to have liberty to express their obedience unto god in the exercise of his outward worship , should receive such a tragical description of a rival supream power set up against the magistrate to the usurpation of his crown and dignity , is a new way of stating controversies whether in divinity or policy , which this author judgeth conducing to his design and purpose . and i shall say no more but that those who delight in such a way of writing , and do receive light and satisfaction thereby , do seem to be exercised in a logick that i was never acquainted withal , and which i shall not now enquire after . what seems to be of real difficulty in this matter which is so rhetorically exaggerated , our blessed saviour hath stated and determined in one word ; give , saith he , unto caesar the things that are caesar's , and to god the things that are gods ; and this he did , when he gave his disciples command not only to think , judge and believe according to what he should propose and reveal unto them , but also to observe and do in outward practices what ever he should command them . as he requires all subjection unto the magistrate in things of his proper cognizance , that is all things necessary to publick peace and tranquility in this world the great end of his authority : so he asserts also that there are things of god which are to be observed and practised , even all and every one of his own commands ; in a neglect whereof on any pretence or account , we give not unto god that which is his. and he doubted not , but that these things , these distinct respects to god and man , were exceedingly well consistent , and together directive to the same end of publick good . wherefore passing through the flourishes of this frontispiece with the highest inconcernment , we may enter the fabrick it self , where possibly we may find him declaring directly what it is that he asserts in this matter , and contendeth for ; and this he doth pag. . and therefore it is the design of this discourse by a fair and impartial debate to compose all these differences and adjust all these quarrells and contentions , and settle things upon their true and proper foundations ; first by proving it to be absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the world , that the supream magistrate of every commonwealth should be vested with a power to govern and conduct the consciences of subjects in affairs of religion . i am sure our author will not be surprized , if after he hath reported the whole party whom he opposeth , as a company of silly , foolish , illiterate persons , one of them should so far acknowledge his own stupidity , as to profess that after the consideration of this declaration of his intention and mind , he is yet to seek for the direct and determinate sense of his words , and for the principle that he designes the confirmation of . i doubt not but that the magistrate hath all that power which is absolutely necessary for the preservation of publick peace and tranquility in the world . but if men may be allowed to fancy what they please to be necessary unto that end , and thence to make their own measures of that power which is to be ascribed unto him , no man knows what bounds will be fixed unto that ocean wherein the leviathans they have framed in their imagination may sport themselves . some will perhaps think it necessary to this purpose that the magistrate should have power to declare , and determine whether there be a god or no ; whether if there be , it be necessary he should be worshipped or no ; whether any religion be needful in , or usefull to the world ; and if there be , then to determine what all subjects shall believe , and practise from first to last in the whole of it . and our author hopes that some are of this mind . others may confine it to lesser things , according as their own interest doth call upon them so to do ; though they are not able to assign a clear distinction between what is subjected unto him , and what may plead an exemption from his authority . he indeed who is the fountain and original of all power , hath both assigned its proper end , and fully suited it to the attainment thereof . and if the noise of mens lusts , passions , and interests , were but a little silenced , we should quickly hear the harmonious consenting voice of humane nature it self , declaring the just proportion that is between the grant of power and its end ; and undeniably express it in all the instances of it . for as the principle of rule and subjection , is natural to us , concreated with us , and indispensably necessary to humane society in all the distinctions it is capable of , and relations whence those distinctions arise ; so nature it self duly attended unto , will not fail by the reason of things , to direct us unto all that is essential unto it , and necessary unto its end . arbitrary fictions of ends of government , and what is necessary thereunto , influenced by present interest , and arising from circumstances confined to one place , time , or nation , are not to be imposed on the nature of government it self ; which hath nothing belonging unto it but what inseparably accompanieth mankind as sociable . but to let this pass ; the authority here particularly asserted , is a power in the supream magistrate to govern and guide the consciences of his subjects in affairs of religion . let any man duly consider these expressions , and if he be satisfied by them as to the sense of the controversie under debate , i shall acknowledge that he is wiser than i , which is very easie for any one to be . what are the affairs of religion here intended , all or some ? whether in religion , or about it ; what are the consciences of men , and how exercised about these things ; what it is to govern and conduct them ; with what power , by what means this may be done ; i am at a loss for ought that yet is here declared . there is a guidance , conduct , yea government of the consciences of men , by instructions and directions in a due proposal of rational and spiritual motives for those ends ; such as is that which is vested in , and exercised by the guides of the church ; and that in subjection to , and dependance on christ alone , as hath been hitherto apprehended ; though some now seem to have a mind to change their master , and to take up praesente numine who may be of more advantage to them . that the magistrate hath also power so to govern and conduct the consciences of his subjects in his way of administration , that is by ordering them to be taught , instructed , and guided in their duty , i know none that doth deny . so did jehosophat , chron. , , , . but it seems to be a government and guidance of another nature that is here intended . to deliver our selves therefore from the deceit and intanglement of these general expressions , and that we may know what to speak unto , we must seek for a declaration of their sense and importance from what is elsewhere in their pursuit affirmed and explained by their author . his general assertion is ( as was observed ) that the magistrate hath power over the consciences of his subjects in religion , as appears in the title of his book ; here p. . that power , is said to be , to govern and conduct their consciences in religious affairs ; pag. . that religion is subject to his dominion as well as all other affairs of state , pag. . it is a soveraignty over mens consciences in matters of religion , and this universal , absolute , and uncontrollable ; matters of religion are as uncontrollably subject to the supream power , as all other civil concerns ; he may if he please reserve the exercise of the priesthood to himself , p. . that is , what now in religion corresponds unto the ancient priesthood , as the ordering bishops and priests , administring sacraments and the like ; as the papists in q. elizabeth 's time did commonly report , in their usual manner , that it was done by a woman amongst us , by a fiction of such principles as begin it seems now to be owned . that if this power of the government of religion be not universal and unlimited it is useless , p. . that this power is not derived from christ , nor any grant of his , but is antecedent to his coming , or any power given unto him or granted by him , pag. . magistrates have a power to make that a particular of the divine law , which god had not made so , p. . and to introduce new duties in the most important parts of religion . so that there is a publick conscience which men are in things of a publick concern ( relating to the worship of god ) to attend unto and not to their own . and if there be any sin in the command , he that imposed it , shall answer for it , and not i whose whole duty it is to obey , p. . hence the command of authority will warrant obedience , and obedience will hallow my actions , and excuse me from sin , ibid. hence it follows , that whatever the magistrate commands in religion , his authority doth so immediately affect the consciences of men , that they are bound to observe it on the pain of the greatest sin and punishment ; and he may appoint and command whatever he pleaseth in religion , that doth not either countenance vice , or disgrace the deity , p. . and many other expressions are there of the general assertion before laid down . this therefore seems to me , and to the most impartial considerations of this discourse that i could bring unto it , to be the doctrine or opinion proposed and advanced for the quieting and composing of the great tumults described in its entrance ; namely , that the supream magistrate in every nation hath power to order and appoint what religion his subjects shall profess and observe , or what he pleaseth in religion , as to the worship of god required in it , provided that he enjoyneth nothing that countenanceth vice , or disgraceth the deity ; and thereby binds their consciences to profess and observe that which is by him so appointed ( and nothing else are they to observe ) making it their duty in conscience so to do ; and the highest crime or sin to do any thing to the contrary ; and that whatever the precise truth in these matters be , or whatever be the apprehensions of their own consciences concerning them . now if our author can produce any law , usage , or custome of this kingdom , any statute or act of parliament , any authentick record , any acts or declarations of our kings , any publickly authorised writing , before or since the reformation , declaring , asserting , or otherwise approving the power and authority described , to belong unto , to be claimed or exercised by the kings of this nation , i will faithfully promise him never to write one word against it , although i am sure i shall never be of that mind . and if i mistake not in a transient reflection on these principles , compared with those which the church of england hath formerly pleaded against them who opposed her constitutions , they are utterly by them cast out of all consideration ; and this one notion is advanced in the room of all the foundations , which for so many years her defenders , ( as wife and as learned as this author ) have been building upon . but this is not my concernment to examine ; i shall leave it unto them whose it is , and whose it will be made appear to be , if we are again necessitated to engage in this dispute . for the present ; be it granted , that it is the duty , and in the power of every supream magistrate , to order , and determine what religion , what way , what modes in religion shall be allowed , publickly owned , and countenanced , and by publick revenue maintained in his dominions . that is , this is allowed with respect to all pretensions of other soveraigns , or of his own subjects ; with respect unto god , it is his truth alone , the religion by him revealed , and the worship by him appointed that he can so allow or establish . the rule that holds in private persons with respect to the publick magistrate , holds in him with respect unto god. illud possumus quod jure possumus . it is also agreed , that no men , no individual person , no order , or society of men , are either in their persons or any of their outward concerns , exempted , or may be so on the account of religion , from his power and jurisdiction ; nor any causes that are lyable unto a legal , political disposal and determination ; it is also freely acknowledged that whatever such a magistrate doth determi●● about the observances of religion . under what penalties soever , his subjects are bound to observe what he doth so command and appoint , unless by general or especial rules , their consciences are obliged to a dissent , or contrary observation by the authority of god and his word ; in this case they are to keep their souls entire in their spiritual subjection unto god , and quietly and peaceably to bear the troubles , and inconveniencies which on the account thereof may befall them , without the least withdrawing of their obedience from the magistrate . and in this state of things as there is no necessity or appearance of it , that any man should be brought into such a condition , as wherein sin on the one hand , or the other , cannot be avoided ; so that state of things will probably occurr in the world , as it hath done in all ages hitherto , that men may be necessitated to sin , or suffer . to winde up the state of this controversie ; we say that antecedent to the consideration of the power of the magistrate , and all the influence that it hath upon men or their consciences , there is a superiour determination of what is true , what false in religion , what right and what wrong in the worship of god , wherein the guidance of the consciences of men doth principally depend , and whereinto it is ultimately resolved . this gives an obligation , or liberty unto them , antecedent unto the imposition of the magistrate , of whose command and our actual obedience unto them in these things , it is the rule and measure . and i think there is no principle , no common presumption of nature , nor dictate of reason more evident , known , or confessed , than this , that whatever god commands us in his worship or otherwise , that we are to do ; and whatever he forbids us , that we are not to do , be the things themselves in our eye great , or small . neither is there any difference in these things with respect unto the way or manner of the declaration of the will of god ; whether it be by innate common light , or by revelation , all is one ; the authority and will of god in all is to be observed . yea a command of god made known by revelation , ( the way which is most contended about ) may suspend as to any particular instance , the greatest command that we are obliged unto by the law of nature in reference unto one another ; as it did in the precept given to abraham for the sacrificing of his son. and we shall find our author himself setting up the supremacy of conscience in opposition unto , and competition with that of the magistrate , ( though with no great self-consistency ) ascribing the preheminence and prevalency in obligation unto that of conscience , and that in the principal and most important duties of religion and humane life . such are all those moral vertues , which have in their nature a resemblance of the divine perfections , wherein he placeth the substance of religion ; with respect unto these , he so setteth up the throne of conscience , as to affirm that if any thing be commanded by the magistrate against them , to disobey him is no sin , but a duty ; and we shall find the case to be the same in matters of meer revelation . for what god commands that he commands , by what way soever that commnad be made known to us . and there is no consideration that can adde any thing to the obligatory power and efficacy of infinite authority . so that where the will of god is the formal reason of our obedience , it is all one how or by what means it is discovered unto us , whatever we are instructed in by innate reason , or by 〈◊〉 ▪ the reason why we are 〈◊〉 by it , is neither the one nor the other , but the authority of god in both . but we must return unto the consideration of the sentiments of our author in this matter as before laid down . the authority ascribed to the civil magistrate being as hath been expressed ; it will be very hard for any one to distinguish between it and the soveraignty that the lord christ himself hath in and over his church ; yea if there be any advantage on either side , or a comparative preheminence , it will be found to be cast upon that of the magistrate . is the lord christ the lord of the souls and consciences of men ? hath he dominion over them to rule them in the things of the worship of god ? it is so with the magistrate also ; he hath an universal power over the consciences of his subjects . doth the lord christ require his disciples to do and observe in the worship of god what ever he commanded them ? so also may the magistrate , the rule and conduct of conscience in these matters belonging unto him ; provided that he command nothing that may countenance vice , or disgrace the deity ; which , with reverence be it spoken , our lord jesus christ himself , not only on the account of the per●ection and rectitude of his own nature , but also of his commission from the father , could not do . is the authority of christ the formal reason making obedience necessary to his commands and precepts ? so is the authority of the magistrate in reference unto what he requires . do men therefore sin if they neglect the observance of the commands of christ in the worship of god , because of his immediate authority so to command them binding their consciences ? so do men sin if they omit or neglect to do what the magistrate requires in the worship of god because of his authority , without any farther respect . hath the lord christ instituted two sacraments in the worship of god , that is outward visible signs , or symbols , of inward invisible or spiritual grace ? the magistrate if he please may institute and appoint twenty under the names of significant ceremonies ; that is outward visible signs of inward spiritual grace , which alone is the significancy contended about . hath the magistrate this his authority in and over religion and the consciences of men from jesus christ ? no more then christ hath his authority from the magistrate ; for he holds it by the law of nature antecedent to the promise and coming of christ ? might christ in his own person administer the holy things of the church of god ? not in the church of the jews , for he sprang of the tribe of judah , concerning which nothing was spoken as to the priesthood ; only he might in that of the gospel , but hath judged meet to commit the actual administration of them to others ? so is it with the magistrate also . thus far then christ and the magistrate seem to stand on even or equal terms ; but there are two things remaining that absolutely turn the scale and cast the advantage on the magistrates side . for first , men may do and practise many things in the worship of god which the lord christ hath no where , nor by any means required ; yea to think that his word or the revelation of his mind and will therein , is the sole and adequate rule of religious worship , is reported as an opinion foolish , absurd , impious and destructive of all government . if this be not supposed not only the whole design of our author in this book is defeated , but our whole controversie also is composed and at an end . but on the other hand , no man must do or practise any thing in that way , but what is prescribed , appointed and commanded by the magistrate , upon pain of sin , schism , rebellion and all that follows thereon . to leave this unasserted is all that the non-conformists would desire in order unto peace . comprehension and indulgence would ensue thereon . here i think the magistrate hath the advantage . but that which follows will make it yet more evident ; for secondly , suppose the magistrate require any thing to be done and observed in the worship of god , and the lord christ require the quite contrary in a mans own apprehension , so that he is as well satisfied in his apprehension of his mind as he can be of any thing that is proposed to his faith and conscience in the word of god ; in this case he is to obey magistrate , and not christ , as far as i can learn ; unless all confusion and disorder be admitted an entrance into the world . yea , but this seems directly contrary to that rule of the apostles , which hath such an evidence and power of rational conviction attending it , that they refer it to the judgement of their adversaries , and those persons of as perverse corrupt minds and prejudicate engagements against them and their cause , as ever lived in the world ; namely , whether it be meet to obey god or man , judge ye . but we are told , that this holds only in greater matters ; the logick ( by the way ) of which distinction , is as strange as its divinity . for if the formal reason of the difference intimated , arise from the comparison between the authority of god and man , it holds equally as to all things small or great that they may be oppositely concerned in . besides who shall judge what is small , or what is great in things of this nature ? cave ne titubes . grant but the least judgement to private men themselves in this matter , and the whole fabrick tumbles ; if the magistrate be judge of what is great and of what is little , we are still where we were without hopes of delivery . and this to me is a notable instance of the preheminence of the magistrate above christ in this matter . some of the old irish have a proverbial speech amongst them , that if christ had not been christ when he was christ , patrick had been christ ; but it seems now that takeing it for granted that he was christ , yet we have another that is so also ; that is lord over the souls and consciences of men ; and what can be said more of him , who sits in the temple of god , and shews himself to be god. as we formerly said non-conformists who are unacquainted with the mysteries of things of this nature , must needs desire to know whether these be the avowed principles of the church of england , or whether they are only inventions to serve a present turn of the pursuit of some mens designs . are all the old pleas of the jus divinum of episcopacy , of example and direction apostolical , of a parity of reason between the condition of the church whilst under extraordinary officers , and whilst under ordinary ; of the power of the church to appoint ceremonies for decency and order , of the consistency of christian liberty with the necessary practice of indifferent things , of the pattern of the churches of old , which ( whether , duly or otherwise we do not now determine ) have been insisted on in this cause , swallowed all up in this abysse of magistratical omnipotency , which plainly renders them useless and unprofitable ? how unhappy hath it been that the christian world was not sooner blessed with this great discovery of the only way and means of putting a final end , unto all religious contests ? that he should not until now appear , qui genus humanum ingenio superavit , & omnes praestrinxit stellas , exortus at aetherius sol . but every age produceth not a columbus . many indeed have been the disputes of learned men about the power of magistrates in and concerning religion . with us it is stated in the recorded actings of our soveraign princes , in the oath of supremacy , and the acts of parliament concerning it , with other authentick writings explanatory thereof . some have denyed him any concern herein ; our author is none of them ? but rather like the phrenetick gentleman who when he was accused in former dayes , for denying the corporal presence of christ in the sacrament : replyed in his own defence , that he believed him to be present booted and spurred as he rode to capernaum . he hath brought him in booted and spurred , yea armed cap-a-pie into the church of god , and given all power into his hands to dispose of the worship of god according to his own will and pleasure . and that not with respect unto outward order only , but with direct obligation upon the consciences of men . but doubtless it is the wisdom of soveraign princes to beware of this sort of enemies ; persons who to promote their own interest make ascriptions of such things unto them , as they cannot accept of , without the utmost hazzard of the displeasure of god. is it meet that to satisfie the desires of any , they should invade the prerogative of god , or set themselves down at his right hand in the throne of his only begotten son ? i confess they are no way concerned in what others for their advantage sake , as they suppose , will ascribe unto them , which they may sufficiently disown by scorn and silence . nor can their sin involve them in any guilt . it was not the vain acclamation of the multitude unto herod , the voice of god and not of man , but his own arrogant satisfaction in that blasphemous assignation of divine glory to him , that exposed him to the judgements and vengeance of god. when the princes of israel found by the answer of the reubenites that they had not transgressed against the law of gods worship , in adding unto it or altering of it , which they knew would have been a provocation not to have been passed over without a recompence of revenge ; they replyed unto them , now have you delivered the children of israel out of the hand of the lord ; and it is to be desired that all the princes of the israel of god in the world , all christian potentates , would diligently watch against giving admission unto any such insinuations , as would deliver them into the hand of the lord. for my own part , such is my ignorance , that i know not , that any magistrate from the foundation of the world , unless it were nebuchadnezzar , cai●s caligula , domitian and persons like to them , ever claimed or pretended to exercise the power here assigned unto them . the instances of the laws and edicts of constantine in the matters of religion and the worship of god , of theodosius and gratian , arcadius , martian and other emperours of the east remaining in the code and novels ; the capitular of the western emperours , and laws of gothish kings , the right of ecclesiastical jurisdiction inherent in the imperial crown of this nation , and occasionally exercised in all ages are of no concernment in this matter . for no man denyes but that it is the duty of the supream magistrate to protect and further the true religion , and right worship of god , by all wayes and means suited and appointed of god thereunto . to encourage the professors thereof , to protect them from wrong and violence , to secure them in the performance of their duties , is doubtless incumbent on them . whatever under pretence of religion brings actual disturbance unto the peace of mankind , they may coerce and restrain . when religion as established in any nation by law , doth or may interest the professors of it , or guides in it , in any priviledges , advantages , or secular emoluments , which are subject and lyable , as all humane concerns , to doubts , controversies , and litigious contests in their security and disposal , all these things depend meerly and solely on the power of the magistrate , by whose authority they are originally grantted , and by whose jurisdictive power both the persons vested with them , and themselves are disposable . but for an absolute power over the consciences of men to bind or oblige them formally thereby , to do whatever they shall require in the worship of god , so as to make it their sin deserving eternal damnation not so to do , without any consideration whether the things are true or false , according to the mind of god or otherwise , yea though they are apprehended by them who are so obliged to practise them , to be contrary to the will of god , that this hath hitherto been claimed by any magistrate , unless such as those before mentioned , i am yet to seek . and the case is the same with respect unto them who are not satis●ied that what is so prescribed unto them will be accepted with god. for whereas in all that men do in the worship of god , they ought to be fully perswaded of its acceptableness to god in their own minds , seeing whatever is not of faith is sin , he that doubteth is in a very little better capacity to serve god on such injunctions , then he who apprehendeth them to be directly contrary to his mind . if an edict were drawn up for the settlement of religion and religious worship in any christian nation , according to the principles and directions before laid down , it may be there would be no great strife in the world by whom it should be first owned and espoused . for it must be of this importance . whereas we have an vniversal and absolute power over the consciences of all our subjects in things appertaining to the worship of god ; so that if we please we can introduce new duties , ( never yet heard of , ) in the most important parts of religion ( pag. . ) and may impose on them in the practice of religion and divine worship what we please ; so that in our judgement it doth not countenance vice , nor disgrace the deity , ( pag. . ) and whereas this power is naturally inherent in us , not given or granted unto us by jesus christ , but belonged to us , or our predecessors before ever he was born , nor is expressed in the scripture , but rather supposed ; and this being such as that we our selves if we would , ( whether we be man or woman ) ( here france must be excepted by vertue of the salique law , though the whole project be principally calculated for that meridian ) might exercise the special offices and duties of religion in our own person , especially that of the priesthood , though me are pleased to transfer the exercise of it unto others ; and whereas all our prescriptions , impositions , and injunctions , in these things , do immediately affect and bind the consciences of our subjects because they are ours , whether they be right or wrong , true or false , so long as in our judgement they neither ( as was said ) countenance vice nor disgrace the deity , we do enact and ordain as followeth . ( here , if you please , you may intersert the scheme of religion given us by our author in his second chapter , and add unto it ; that because sacrifices were a way found out by honest men of old , to express their gratitude unto god thereby , so great and necessary a part of our religious duty ; it be enjoyned that the use of them be again revived ; seeing there is nothing in them that offends against the bounds prescribed to the power to be expressed ; and that men in all places do offer up bulls and goats , sheep , and fowls , to god , with as many other institutions of the like nature , as shall be thought meet ; ) hereunto add , now our express will and pleasure is , that every man may , and do think and judge what he pleaseth concerning the things enjoyned and enacted by vs ; for what have we to do with their thoughts and judgements ? they are under the empire and dominion of conscience , which we cannot invade if we would ; they may if they please judge them inconvenient , foolish , absurd , yea contrary to the mind , will , and law of god : our only intention , will and pleasure is , to bind them to the constant observation and practice of them , and that under the penalties of hanging and damnation . i know not any expression in such an impious and futilous edict , that may not be warranted out of the principles of this discourse ; the main parts of it being composed out of the words and phrases of it , and those used , to the best of my understanding , in the sense fixed to them by our author . now , as was said before , i suppose christian princes will not be earnest in their contests , who shall first own the authority intimated , and express it in a suitable exercise . and if any one of them should put forth his hand unto it , he will find that — furiarum maxima juxta accubat , & manibus prohibet contingere mensas . there is one who layes an antecedent claim to a sole interest in this power , and that bottomed on other manner of pretensions than any as yet have been pleaded in their behalf . for the power and authority here ascribed unto princes , is none other but that which is claimed by the pope of rome , ( with some few enlargements ) and appropriated unto him by his canonists and courtiers . only here the old gentleman , ( as he is called by our author ) hath the advantage ; that beside the precedency of his claim , it being entred on record at least six or seven hundred years before any proctor or advocate appeared in the behalf of princes , he hath forestall'd them all in the pretence of infallibility ; which doubtless is a matter of singular use in the exercise of the power contended about . for some men are so peevish as to think that thus to deal with religion and the consciences of men , belongs to none but him , who is absolutely , yea essentially so , that is infallible . for as we have now often said ( as contrary to their design men in haste oftentimes speak the same things over and over ) as to all ecclesiastical jurisdiction over persons and causes ecclesiastical , and the soveraign disposal of all the civil and political concernments of religion which is vested in the imperial crown of this nation , and by sundry acts of parliament is declared so to be , i shall be alwayes ready to plead the right of our kings , and all christian kings whatever , against the absurd pleas and pretences of the pope ; so as to this controversie between him and such princes as shall think meet to contend with him about it , concerning the power over the consciences of men before described , i shall not interpose my self in the scuffle ; as being fully satisfied they are contending about that which belongs to neither of them . but what reason is there , why this power should not be extended unto the inward thoughts and apprehensions of men about the worship of god , as well as to the expression of them in pure spiritual acts of that worship . the power asserted i presume will be acknowledged to be from god ; though i can scarce meet with the communication and derivation of it from him in this discourse . but whereas , it is granted on all hands , that the powers that be are of god , and that none can have authority over an other , unless it be originally given him from above ; i desire to be informed why the other part of the power mentioned , namely over the thoughts , judgements , and apprehensions of men in the things of the worship of god , should not be invested in the magistrate also ; that so he having declared what is to be believed , thought , and judged in such things , all men should be obliged so to believe , think , and judge ; for this power god can give ; and hath given it unto jesus christ. i presume , it will be said , that this was no way needful for the preservation of peace in humane society , which is the end for which all this power is vested in the magistrate . for let men believe , think , and judge what they please , so long as their outward actings are , or may be over-ruled , there is no danger of any publick disturbance . but this seems to be a mighty uneasie condition for mankind ; namely to live continually in a contradiction between their judgements and their practices , which in this case is allowed to be incident unto them . constantly to judge one way best and most according to the mind of god in his worship , and constantly to practise another , will , it is to be feared , prove like the conflicting of vehement vapours with their contrary qualities , that at one time or other will produce an earthquake . how then if men weary of this perplexing distorting condition of things in their minds , should be provoked to run to excesses and inordinate courses for their freedom and rest , such as our author excellently displayes in all their hideous colours and appearances , and which are really pernicious to humane policy and society ? were it not much better that all these inconveniencies had been prevented in the first instance , by taking care that the faith , thoughts , perswasions , and judgements of all subjects about the things of god , should be absolutely bound up unto the declared conceptions of their rulers in these matters ? let it not be pretended , that this is impossible , and contrary to the natural liberty of the minds of men , as rational creatures guiding and determining themselves according to their own reason of things and understandings . for do but fix the declared will of the ruler , in the room and place of divine revelation , ( which is no hard matter to do , which some actually do universally , and our author as to a great share and proportion ) and the obligation sought after to prevent all inconvencies in government , falls as full and directly upon the minds , thoughts , and judgements of men , as upon any of their outward actions . and this , for the substance of it , is now pleaded for ; seeing it is pretended that in all things dubious , where men cannot satisfie themselves that it is the will of god that they should do a thing , or no , the declaration of the magistrate determines not only their practice , but their judgement also , and gives them that full perswasion of their minds which is indispensably required unto their acting in such things ; and that faith which frees them from sin ; for he that doubteth , is damned if he eat . but it will be said , that there will be no need hereof ; for let men think and judge what they please , whilst they are convinced and satisfied that it is their duty not to practise any thing outwardly in religion , but what is prescribed by their rulers , it is not possible that any publick evil should ensue upon their mental conceptions only . we observed before that the condition described is exceedingly uneasie ; which i suppose will not be denyed by men who have seriously considered , what it is either to judge or practise any thing that lyes before them with reference unto the judgment of god. and that which should tye men up to rest perpetually in such a restless state , is as it seems a meer conviction of their duty . they ought to be , and are supposed to be convinced that it is their duty to maintain the liberty of their minds and judgements , but to submit in their outward practice universally to the laws of men that are over them . and this sense and conviction of duty , is a sufficient security unto publick tranquility , in all that contrariety and opposition of sentiments unto established religion and forms of worship that may be imagined ; but if this be so ; why will not the same conviction and sense of duty restrain them , who do peaceably exercise the worship of god according to the light and dictates of their consciences , from any actings whatever that may tend to the disturbance of the publick peace ? duty , nakedly considered , is even as such , the greatest obligation on the minds of men ; and the great security of others in their actings ariseth from the●c● . 〈◊〉 more it is influenced and advantaged by outward considerations , the less it is assaulted and opposed by things grievous and perplexing in the way of the discharge of it , the more efficacious will be its operations on the minds of men , and the firmer will be the security unto others that thence ariseth . now these advantages lye absolutely on the part of them who practise , or are allowed so to do , according to their own light and perswasion in the worship of god , wherein they are at rest and full satisfaction of mind ; and not on theirs who all their dayes are bound up to a perverse distorted posture of mind and soul , in judging one thing to be best and most pleasing unto god , and practising of the contrary . such an one , is the man that of all others , rulers have need i think to be most jealous of . for what security can be had of him , who hath inured himself unto a continual contradiction between his faith and his practice ? for my part i should either expect no other measure from him in any other thing , nor ever judge that his profession and wayes of actings are any sufficient indications of his mind , ( which takes away all security from mankind ) or fear that his convictions of light and knowledge , ( as he apprehends ) would at one time or other precipitate him into attempts of irregularity and violence for his own relief . — hic nig●r est , hunc tu romane caveto . it will be said , perhaps , that we need not look farther for the disturbance of publick peace , from them who practise outwardly any thing in the worship of god but what is prescribed , established , and enjoyned ; seeing that every such practice is such a disturbance it self . i say this pretence is miserably ridiculous and contemptible , and contrary to the common experience of mankind . if this were so , the whole world for years , lived in one continual disturbance and tumult upon the account of christian religion , whose professors constantly practised and performed that in the worship of god , which was so far from being established or approved by publick authority , that it was proscribed and condemned under penalties of all sorts , pecuniary , corporal , and sanguinary or capital . but we see no such matter ensued , nor the least disquietment unto the world , but what was given unto it by the rage of bloody persecutors , that introduced the first convulsions into the roman empire , which were never well quieted , but ended in its dissolution . the experience also of the present and next preceding ages , casts this frivolous exception out of consideration . and as such a practice , even against legal prohibitions , though it be by the transgression of a penal law , is yet in it self and just consequence remote enough from any disturbance of government , ( unless we should suppose that every non-observance of a penal statute invalidates the government of a nation , which were to fix it upon such a foundation , as will not afford it the steddiness of a weathercok ; ) so being allowed by way of exemption , it contains no invasion upon , or intrusion into the rights of others ; but being accompanied with the abridgement of the priviledges of none , or the neglect of any duty required to the good of the common-wealth , it is as consistent with , and may be as conducing to publick good and tranquility , as any order of religious things in the world , as shall be elsewhere demonstrated . it remains therefore that the only answer to this consideration is , that men who plead for indulgence and liberty of conscience in the worship god according to his word , and the light which he hath given them therein , have indeed no conscience at all , and so are not to be believed as to what they profess against sinister and evil practises . this flaile i know no fence against , but this only ; that they have as good and better grounds to suspect him to have no conscience at all , who upon unjust surmises shall so injuriously charge them , as finding him in a direct transgression of the principal rules that conscience is to be guided and directed by , than he hath to pronounce such a judgement concerning them and their sincerity in what they prosess . and whether such mutual censures tend not to the utter overthrow of all peace , love , and security amongst mankind is easie to determine . certainly it is the worst game in the world for the publick , to have men bandying suspicions one against another ; and thereon managing mutual charges of all that they do surmise , or what else they please to give the countenance of surmise unto . i acknowledge the notion insisted on , namely , that mhilest men reserve to themselves the freedom and liberty of judging what they please , or what seems good unto them in matters of religion and the worship of god , they ought to esteem it their duty to practise in all things according to the prescription of their rulers , though every may contrary unto , and inconsistent with their own judgements and perswasions , unless it be in things that countenance vice , or disgrace the deity ( where of yet it may be , it will not be thought meet that they themselves should judge for themselves and their own practise , seeing they may extend their conceptions about what doth so unto such minute instances as would frustrate the whole design ) is exceedingly accommodated to the corrupt lusts and affections of men , and suited to make provision for their security in this world , by an exemption from the indispensable command of professing the truth communicated and known unto them ; a sense of the obligation where of , hath hitherto exposed innumerable persons in all ages to great difficulties , dangers , and sufferings , yea to death the height and summ of all . for whereas men have been perswaded that with the heart man believeth unto righteousness , and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation ; the latter clause is in many cases hereby sufficiently superseded ; and the troublesome duty seeming to be required in it , is removed out of the way . it will not , it may be , be so easie to prove that in the religion of the mahumetans there is any thing enjoyned in practise , that will directly fall under the limitations assigned unto the complyance with the commands of supeperiours contended for . and therefore let a man but retain his own apprehensions concerning jesus christ and the gospel , it may be lawful for him , yea be his duty to observe the worship enjoyned by the law of mahomet , if his lot fall to live under the power of the grand seignior , or any soveraign prince of the same perswasion . but the case is clear in the religion of the papists , which is under the protection of the greatest number of supream magistrates in europe . it will not be pretended , i suppose by our author , that there is any thing in the confession of the church of rome , or imposed by it on the practices of men , that directly gives countenance unto any immorality , especially as the sense of that term is by him stated ; and it is no easie matter for ordinary men to prove and satisfie themselves , that there is ought in their modes of worship of such a tendency , as to cast disgrace upon the deity ; especially considering with how much learning and diligence the charge of any such miscarriage is endeavoured to be answered and removed ; all which pleas ought to be satisfied , before a man can make sedately a determinate judgement of the contrary . let then men's judgements be what they will in the matters of difference between protestants and papists , it is on this hypothesis , the duty of all that live under the dominion of soveraign popish princes , outwardly to comply with and practise that religious worship that is commanded by them and enjoyned . the case is the same also as to the religion of the jews . now as this casts a reflection of incredible folly and unexpiable guilt upon all protestant martyrs , in casting away their own lives , and disobeying the commands of their lawful soveraigns ? so it exposeth all the protestants in the world who are still in the same condition of subjection , to the severe censures of impiety and rebellion ; and must needs exasperate their rulers to pursue them to destruction , under pretence of unwarrantable obstinacy in them . for if we wholly take off the protection of conscience in this matter , and its subjection to the authority of god alone , there is no plea left to excuse dissenting protestants from the guilt of such crimes , as may make men justly cry out against them as the jews did against st. paul , away with them , away with them , it is not meet that such fellows should live ; or , frotestantes ad leones , according to the old cry of the pagans against the primitive christians . but if this should prove to be a way of teaching and justifying the grossest hypocrisie and dissimulation that the nature of man is capable of , a means to cast off all regard unto the authority of god over the wayes and lives of men , all the rhetorick in the world shall never perswade me that god hath so moulded and framed the order and state of humane affairs , that it should be any way needful to the preservation of publick peace and tranquility . openness , plainness of heart , sincerity in our actions and professions , generous honesty , and an universal respect in all things to the supream rector of all , the great possessour of heaven and earth , with an endeavour to comply with his present revealed mind , and future judgement , are far better foundations for , and ligaments of publick peace and quietness . to make this the foundation of our political superstructure , that divisum imperium cum jove caesar habet , god hath immediate and sole power over the minds and inward thoughts of men ; but the magistrate over the exercise of those thoughts in things especially belonging to the worship of god , and in the same instances , seems not to prognosticate a stable or durable building . the prophet was not of that mind of old , who in the name of god blamed the people for willingly walking after the commandment of their ruler , in concerns of worship not warranted by divine appointment ; nor was daniel so , who notwithstanding the severe prohibition made against his praying in his house , continued to do so three times a day . but besides all this ! i do not see how this hypothesis is necessarily subservient to the principal design of the author , but it may be as well improved to quite distant , yea contrary ends and purposes . his design plainly is , to have one fabrick of religion erected , one form of external worship enacted and prescribed , which all men should be compelled by penalties to the outward profession and observance of ; these penalties he would have to be such as should not fail of their end ; namely , of taking away all professed dissent from his religious establishment ; which if it cannot be effected without the destruction and death of multitudes , they also are not to be forborn . now how this ensues from the fore-mentioned principle i know not . for a supream magistrate , finding that the minds of very many of his subjects are in their judgements and perswasions engaged in a dissent unto the religion established by him , or somewhat in it , or some part of it , especially in things of practical worship ; though he should be perswaded that he hath so far a power over their consciences , as to command them to practise contrary to their judgement , yet knowing their minds and perswasions to be out of his reach and exempted from his jurisdiction , why may he not think it meet and conducing to publick tranquillity and all the ends of his government , even the good of the whole community committed to his charge , rather to indulge them in the quiet and peaceable exercise of the worship of god according to their own light , than alwayes to bind them unto that unavoidable disquietment which will ensue upon the conflict in their minds between their judgements and their practices , if he should oblige them as is desired . certainly , as in truth and reality , so according to this principle , he hath power so to do . for to fancy him such a power over the religion and consciences of his subjects , as that he should be inevitably bound on all occurrences and in all conditions of affairs , to impose upon them the necessary observation of one form of worship , is that which would quickly expose him to inextricable troubles . and instances of all sorts might be multiplyed to shew the ridiculous folly of such a conception . nay it implies a perfect contradiction to what is disputed before . for if he be obliged to settle and impose such a form on all , it must be because there was a necessity of somewhat antecedent to his imposition , whence his obligation to impose it did arise . and on such a supposisition it is in vain to enquire after his liberty or his power in these things , seeing by his duty he is absolutely determined , and whatever that be which doth so determine him and put an obligation upon him , it doth indispensably do the same on his subjects also ; which as it is known utterly excludes the authority pleaded for . this principle therefore indeed asserts his liberty to do what he judgeth meet in these matters , but contains nothing in it to oblige him to judge , that it may not be meet and most conducing unto all the ends of his government to indulge unto the consciences of men peaceable , ( especially if complying with him in all the fundamentals of the religion which himself professeth ) the liberty of worshiping god according to what they apprehend of his own mind and will. and let an application of this principle be made to the present state of this nation , wherein there are so great multitudes of persons peaceable and not unuseful unto publick good , who dissent from the present establishment of outward worship , and have it not in their power either to change their judgements or to practise contrary unto them ; and as it is in the power of the supream magistrate to indulge them in their own way , so it will prove to be his interest as he is the spring and center of of publick peace and prosperity . neither doth it appear that in this discourse our author hath had any regard either to the real principles of the power of the magistrate as stated in this nation , or to his own which are fictitious ; but yet such as ought to be obligatory to himself ; his principal assertion is , that the supream magistrate hath power to bind the consciences of men in matters of religion , that is by laws and edicts to that purpose ; now the highest and most obligatory way of the supream magistrates speaking in england , is by acts of parliament ; it is therefore supposed that what is so declared in or about matters of religion , should be obligatory to the conscience of this author ; but yet quite otherwise , p. . he sets himself to oppose and condemn a publick law of the land , on no other ground than because it stood in his way , and seemed incompliant with his principles . for whereas the law of and ed. . which appointed two weekly dayes for abstinence from flesh , had been amongst other reasons prefaced with this , that the kings subjects having now a more clear light of the gospel through the infinite mercy of god ( such canting language was then therein used ) and thereby the kings majesty perceiving that one meat of it self was not more holy than another , &c. yet considering that due abstinence , was a means to vertue , and to subdue mens bodies to their souls and spirits , &c. and it being after found ( it should seem by a farther degree of light ) that those expressions meeting with the inveterate opinions of some , newly brought out of popery , had given countenance to them to teach or declare , that something of religion was placed therein ; thereon by the law made elizab. adding another weekly day to be kept with the former for the same purpose , the former clause was omitted , and mention only made therein of the civil and politique reasons inducing the legislators thereunto ; and withall a penalty of inflicting punishment on those who should affirm and maintain that there was any concernment of conscience and religion in that matter . this provision hath so distasted our author , that forgetting it seems his own design , he reproaches it with the title of jejunium cecilianum ; and thinks it so far from obliging his conscience to acquiess in the determination therein made , that he will not allow it to give law to his tongue or pen ; but ( vexet censura columbas ) it seems they are the phanaticks only that are thus to be restrained . moreover on occasion hereof we might manifest how some other laws of this land do seem carefully to avoid that imposition on conscience , which against law and reason he pleadeth for ; for instance in that of jacob. touching usury , and the restraint of it unto the summ therein established , it was provided , that no words in this act conteined shall be construed or expounded to allow the practise of vsury in point of religion and conscience . and why did not the supream magistrate in that law determine and bind the consciences of men , by a declaration of their duty in a point of religion ; seeing whether way soever the determination had been made , neither would immorality have been countenunced , nor the deity disgraced ? but plainly it is rather declared , that he hath not cogni●●●ce of such things with reference to the consciences of men to oblige them , or set them at liberty , but only power to determine what may be practised in order to publick profit and peace . and therefore the law would neither bind , nor set at liberty the consciences of men in such cases , which is a work for the supream law-giver only . neither , as it hath been before observed , do the principles here asserted and contended for , either express or represent the supremacy of the kings of this nation in matters ecclesiastical as it is stated and determined by themselves in parliament ; but rather so , as to give great offence and scandal to the religion here professed and advantage to the adversaries thereof ; for after there appeared some ambiguity in those words of the oath enacted eliz. of testifying the queen to be supream governour as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as in temporal ; and many doubts and scruples ensued thereon , as though there were assigned to her a power over the consciences of her subjects in spiritual things , or that she had a power her self to order and administer spiritual things ; in quinto elizab. it is enacted by way of explanation , that the oaths aforesaid shall be expounded in such form as is set forth in the admonition annexed to the queens injunctions , published in the first year of her reign , where disclaiming the power of the ministry of divine offices in the church , or the power of the priesthood here by our author affixed to the supream magistrate , her power and authority is declared to be a soveraignty over all manner of persons born within this realm , whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal , so that no foraign power hath , or ought to have any superiority over them ; and so is this supremacy stated in the articles anno . namely an autho●ity to rule all estates and degrees committed to the charge of the supream magistrate by god , whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal , and to restrain the stubborn or evil-doers . of the things contended for by our author ; the authority of the priesthood , and power over the consciences of men in matters of religion there is not one word in our laws , but rather they are both of them rejected and condemned . i have yet laid the least part of that load upon this principle , which if it be farther pressed it must expect to be burdened withal , and that from the common suffrage of christians in all ages . but yet that i may not transgress against the design of this short and hasty discourse , i shall proceed no farther in the pursuit of it ; but take a little survey of what is here pleaded in its defence . now this is undertaken and pursued in the first chapter , with the two next ensuing , where an end is put to this plea. for if i understand any thing of his words and expressions , our author in the beginning of his fourth chapter , cuts down all those gourds and wild vines that he had been planting in the three preceding ; for he not only grants but disputes also for an obligation on the consciences of men antecedent and superiour unto all humane laws and their obligation ; his words are as followeth , pag. . it is not because subjects are in any thing free from the authority of the supream power on earth , but because they are subject to a superiour in heaven ; and they are only then excused from the duty of obedience to their soveraign when they cannot give it without rebellion against god ; so that it is not originally any right of their own that exempts them from a subjection to the soveraign power in all things ; but it is purely gods right of governing his own creatures that magistrates then invade when they make edicts to violate or controll his laws ; and those who will take off from the consciences of men , all obligations antecedent to those of humane laws , instead of making the power of princes , supream , absolute , and uncontrollable , they utterly enervate all their authority , and set their subjects at perfect liberty from all their commands . i know no men that pretend to exemption from the obligation of humane laws , but only on this plea , that god by his law requires them to do otherwise ; and if this be so , the authority of such laws as to the consciences of men , is superseded by the confession of this author . allow therefore but the principles here expressed , namely , that men have a superiour power over them in heaven , whose laws , and the revelation of whose will concerning them , is the supream rule of their duty , whence an obligation is laid upon their consciences of doing whatever is commanded , or not doing what is forbidden by him , which is superiour unto , and actually supersedes all humane commands and laws that interfere therewith , and i see neither use of , nor place for that power of magistrates over the consciences of men , which is so earnestly contended for . and our author also in his ensuing discourse in that chapter , placeth all the security of government in the respect that the consciences of men have to the will and command of god ; and which they profess to have ; which in all these chapters he pleads to be a principle of all confusion . but it is the first chapter which alone we are now taking a view of . the only argument therein insisted on to to make good the ascription unto the magistrate of the power over religion and the consciences of men before described , is the absolute and indispensable necessity of it , unto publick tranquility , which is the principal , and most important end of government . in the pursuit of this argument , sometimes yea often , such expressions are used concerning the magistrates power , as in a tolerable construction declare it to be what no man denyes nor will contend about . but it is necessary that they be interpreted according to the genius and tenor of the opinion contended for , and accordingly we will consider them . this alone i say is that which is here pleaded , or is given in as the subject of the ensuing discourse . but after all , i think that he who shall set himself seriously to find out how any thing here spoken , hath a direct and rational cogency towards the establishment of the conclusion before laid down , will find himself engaged in no easie an undertakeing . we were told i confess at the entrance ( so as that we may not complain of a surprizal ) that we must expect to have invectives twisted with arguments , and some such thing seems here to be aimed at ; but if a logical chymist come , and make a separation of the elements , of this composition , he will find , if i mistake not , an heap of the drossy invective , and scarce the least appearance of any argument ore. instead of sober rational arguing , — crimina rasis librat in antithetis ; — great aggravations of mens miscarriages in the pursuit of the dictates of their consciences , either real or feigned , edged against , and fiercely reflected upon those whom he makes his adversaries , and these the same for substance , repeated over and over in a great variety of well placed words , take up the greatest part of his plea in this chapter ; especially the beginning of it , wherein alone the controversie as by himself stated is concerned . but if the power and authority over religion and the consciences of men here ascribed unto supream magistrates , be so indispensably necessary to the preservation of publick tranquility , as is pretended , a man cannot but wonder how the world hath been in any age past , kept in any tolerable peace and quietness ; and how it is any where blessed with those ends of government at this day . for it will not be an easie task for our author , or any one else to demonstrate that the power mentioned , hath ever been either claimed or exercised by any supream magistrate in christendom , or that it is so at this day . the experience of past and present ages , is therefore abundantly sufficient to defeat this pretence , which is sufficiently asserted , without the least appearance of proof or argument to give it countenance or confirmation ; or they must be very charitable to him , or ignorant in themselves , who will mistake invectives for arguments . the remembrance indeed of these severities i would willingly lay aside ; especially because the very mention of them seems to express an higher sense of and regret concerning them , then i am in the least subject unto , or something that looks like a design of retaliation ; but as these things are far from my mind , so the continual returns that almost in every page i meet with , of high and contemptuous reproaches , will not allow that they be alwayes passed by without any notice or remark . it is indeed indispensably necessary that publick peace and tranquility be preserved ; but that there is any thing in point of government necessary hereunto , but that god have all spiritual power over the consciences of men , and rulers political power over their actings wherein publick peace and tranquility are concerned , the world hath not hitherto esteemed , nor do i expect to find it proved by this author . if these things will not preserve the publick peace , it will not be kept if one should rise from the dead to perswade men unto their duty . the power of god over the consciences of men , i suppose is acknowledged by all who own any such thing as conscience or believe there is a god over all . that also in the exercise of this authority , he requires of men all that obedience unto rulers that is any way needfull or expedient unto the preservation of the ends of their rule , is a truth standing firm on the same foundation of universal consent , derived from the law of creation ; and his positive commands to that purpose , have an evidence of his will in this matter not liable to exception or controll . this conscience unto god our author confesseth ( as we have observed , in his fourth chapter , to be the great preservation and security of goverment and governours , with respect unto the ends mentioned . and if so , what becomes of all the pretences of disorder and confusion that will ensue , unless this power over mens consciences be given to the magistrate and taken as it were out of the hands of god ? nor is it to be supposed that men will be more true to their consciences supposing the reiglement of them in the hand of men , than when they are granted to be in the hand and power of god ; for both at present are supposed to require the same things . certainly where conscience respects authority , as it always doth , the more absolute and soveraign it apprehends the authority by which it is obliged , the greater and more firm will be the impressions of the obligation upon it . and in that capacity of preheminence , it must look upon the authority of god compared with the authority of man. here then lyes the security of publick peace and tranquility , as it is backed by the authority of the magistrate , to see that all outward actions are suitable unto what conscience toward god doth in this matter openly and unquestionably require . the pretence indeed is that the placing of this authority over the consciences of men in the supream ruler , doth obviate and take away all grounds and occasions of any such actings on the account of religion , as may tend unto publick disturbance . for suppose conscience in things concerning religion and the worship of god subject to god alone , and the magistrate require such things to be observed in the one or the other as god hath not required , at least in the judgements and consciences of them of whom the things prescribed are required , and to forbid the things that god requires to be observed and done ; in this case it is said they cannot or will not comply in active obedience with the commands of the magistrate . but what if it so fall out ? doth it thence follow that such persons must needs rebell and be seditious and disturb the publick peace , of the society whereof they are members ? wherefore is it that they do not do or observe what is required of them by the magistrate in religion or the worship of god , or that they do what he forbids ? is it not because of the authority of god over their minds and consciences in these things ? and why should it be supposed that men will answer the obligations laid by god on their consciences in one thing , and not in another ; in the things of his worship and not of obedience unto civil power , concerning which his commands are as express and evident , as they can be pretended to be in the things which they avow their obligation unto . experience is pretended to the contrary . it is said again and again , that men under pretence of their consciences unto god in religion , have raised wars and tumults , and brought all things into confusion , in this kingdom and nation especially ; and what will words avail against the evidence of so open an experience to the contrary ? but what if this also should prove a false and futilous pretence ? fierce and long wars have been in this nation of old , upon the various titles of persons pleading their right unto supream government in the kingdom , against one another ; so also have there been about the civil rights and the priviledges of the subjects , in the confusions commonly called the barons wars . the late troubles , disorders , and wars amongst us must bear the weight of this whole charge . but if any one will take the pains to review the publick writings , declarations , treaties whereby those tumults and wars were begun and carried on , he will easily discern that liberty of conscience in practice , or the exemption of it from the power of the magistrate as to the rule and conduct of it now ascribed unto him , in the latitude by sober persons defended or pleaded for , had neither place in , nor influence into the beginnings of those troubles . and when such confusions are begun , no man can give assurance or conjecture where they shall end . authority , laws , priviledges , and i know not what things wherein private men of whom alone we treat ▪ have no pretence of interest , were pleaded in those affairs . he that would judge aright of these things , must set aside all other considerations , and give his instance of the tumults and seditions that have ensued on the account of menskeeping their consciences entire for god alone , without any just plea , or false pretence of authority , and the interest of men in the civil concerns of nations . however it cannot be pretended that liberty of conscience gave the least occasion unto any disorders in those dayes . for indeed there was none , but only that of opinion and judgement , which our author placeth out of the magistrates cognizance and dispose ; and supposeth it is as a thing wherein the publick peace neither is nor can be concerned . it is well if it prove so ; but this liberty of judgement constantly prest with a practice contrary to its own determinations , will i fear prove the most dangerous posture of the minds of men in reference to publick tranquillity , that they can be well disposed into . however we may take a little nearer view of the certain remedy provided for all these evils by our author , and satisfie our selves in some enquiries about it . shall then according to this expedient the supream magistrate govern , rule , and oblige unto obedience the consciences of his subjects universally in all things in religion and the worship of god , so that appoint what he please , forbid what he please , subjects are bound in concience to observe them and yield obedience accordingly ? his answer as far as i can gather his meaning is , that he may and must do so in all things , taking care that what he commands shall neither countenance vice , nor disgrace the deity , and then the subjects are obliged according to the enquiry . but yet there seems another limitation to be given to this power p. . where he affirms , that the lord christ hath given severe injunctions to secure the obedience of men to all lawful superiours , except where they run directly cross to the interest of the gospel ; and elsewhere he seems to give the same priviledge of exemption , where a religion is introduced that is idolatrous or superstitious . i would then a little farther enquire , who shall judge whether the things commanded in religion and the worship of god be idolatrous or superstitious ? whether they cross directly the interest of the gospel ? whether they countenance vice , and disgrace the deity , or no. to say that the magistrate is to judge and determine hereof , is the highest foppery imaginable . for no magistrate , unless he be distracted , will enjoyn such a religion to observance , as he judgeth himself to fall under the qualifications mentioned ; and when he hath done declare that so they do , and yet require obedience unto them . besides , if this judgement be solely committed unto him , indeed in the issue there neither is , nor can be any question for a judgement to be passed upon in this matter . for his injunction doth quite render useless all disquisitions to that purpose . the judgement and determination hereof therefore is necessary to be left unto the subjects , from whom obedience is required . so it lyes in the letter of the proposal , they must obey in all things but such ; and therefore surely must judge what is such and what is not . now who shall fix bounds to what they will judge to fall under one or other of these limitations ? if they determine according to the best light they have that the religious observances enjoyned by the magistrate do directly cross the interest of the gospel , they are absolved by our author from any obligation in conscience to their observation . and so we are just as before ; and this great engine for publick tranquility vanisheth into air and smoak . thus this author himself in way of objection supposeth a case of a magistrate enjoyning , as was said , a religion superstitious and idolatrous ; this he acknowledgeeth to be an inconvenience ; yet such as is far beneath the mischiefs the ensue upon the exemption of the consciences of men in religion from the power of the the magistrate , which i confess i cannot but admire at , and can give reasons why i do so admire it ; which also may be given in due season . but what then is to be done in this case ? he answers , it is to be born : true , but how ? is it to be so born as to practise and observe the things so enjoyned though superstitious and idolatrous ? though his words are dubious , yet i suppose he will not plainly say so ; not can he unless he will teach men to cast off all respect unto the authority of god , and open such a door to atheism , as his rhetorical prefatory invective will not be able to shut . the bearing then intended must be by patient suffering in a refusal to practise what is so commanded , and observing the contrary commands of god. but why in this case ought they to suffer quietly for refusing a compliance with what is commanded , and for their observance of the contrary precepts of the gospel ? why , they must do so because of the command of god , obliging their consciences unto obedience to the magistrate in all things wherein the publick peace is concerned , and so that is absolutely secured . is it not evident to him that hath but half an eye that we are come about again where we were before ? let this be applyed to all the concernments of religion and religious worship , and there will arise with respect unto them , the same security which in this case is deemed sufficient , and all that humane affairs are capable of . for if in greater matters men may refuse to act according to the magistrates command , out of a sense of the authority of god obliging them to the contrary , and yet their civil peaceableness and obedience be absolutely secured from the respect of their consciences to the command of god requiring it ; why should it not be admitted that they may and will have the same respect to that command , when they dissent from the magistrates constitution in lesser things , on the same account of the authority of god requiring the contrary of them ? shall we suppose that they will cast off the authority of god requiring their obedience , on the account of their dissatisfaction in lesser things of the magistrates appointment , when they will not do so for all the violences that may be offered unto them in things of greater and higher importance ? the principle therefore asserted is as useless as it is false , and partakes sufficiently of both those properties to render it inconsiderable and contemptible . and he that can reconcile these things among themselves , or make them useful to the authors design , will atchieve what i dare not aspire unto . i know not any thing that remains in this first chapter deserving our farther consideration ; what seems to be of real importance , or to have any aspect towards the cause in hand , may undergoe some brief remarques , and so leave us at liberty to a farther progress . in general a supposition is laid down , and it is so vehemently asserted as is evident that it is accompanied with a desire that it should be taken for granted ; namely , that if the consciences of men be not regulated in the choice and practice of religion by the authority of the magistrate over them , they will undoubtedly run into principles and practices inconsistent with the safety of humane society , and such as will lead them to seditions and tumults ; and hence , ( if i understand him , a matter i am continually jealous about from the loosness of his expressions , though i am satisfied i constantly take his words in the words in the sense which is received of them by most intelligent persons ) he educeth all his reasonings , and not from a meer dissent from the magistrates injuctions , without the entertainment of such principles , or an engagement into such practices . i cannot i say , find the arguments that arise from a meer supposition that men in some things relating to the worship of god , will or do practise otherwise than the magistrate commands , which are used to prove the inconsistency of such a posture of things with publick tranquility , which yet alone was the province our author ought to have managed . but there is another supposition added , that where conscience is in any thing left unto its own liberty to choose or refuse in the worship of god , there it will embrace , sure enough , such wicked debauched and seditious principles , as shall dispose men unto commotions , rebellions , and all such evils as will actually evert all rule , order and policy amongst men . but now this supposition will not be granted him , in reference unto them who profess to take up all their profession of religion from the command of god , or the revelation of his will in the scripture , wherein all such principles and practices as those mentioned are utterly condemned ; and the whole profession of christianity being left for years without the rule , guidance , and conduct of conscience now contended for , did not once give the least disturbance unto the civil governments of the world. disturbances indeed there were , and dreadful revolutions of government in those dayes and places , when and where the professors of it lived ; but no concerns of religion being then involved in or with the civil rights and interests of men , as the professors of it had no engagements in them , so from those alterations and troubles no reflection could be made on their profession . and the like peace , the like innocency of religion , the like freedom from all possibility of such imputations as are now cast upon it , occasioned meerly by its intertexture with the affairs , rights , and laws of the nations , and the interests of its professours as such therein , will ensue , when it shall be separated from that relation wherein it stands to this world , and left as the pure naked tendency of the souls of men to another , and not before . but what , sayes our author , if for the present the minds of men happen to be tainted with such furious and boysterous conceptions of religion as incline them to stubbornness and sedition , and make them unmanageable to the laws of government , shall not a prince be allowed to give check to such unruly and dangerous perswasions ? i answer ; that such principles which being professed and avowed , are in their own nature and just consequence destructive to publick peace and humane society , are all of them directly opposite to the light of humane nature , that common reason and consent of mankind wherein and whereon all government is founded , with the prime fundamental laws and dictates of the scripture , and so may and ought to be restrained in the practises of the persons that profess them ; and with reference unto them the magistrate beareth not the sword in vain — for humane society being inseparably consequent unto , and and an effect of the law of our nature , or concreated principles of it , which hath subdued the whole race of mankind in all times and places unto its observance , opinions , perswasions , principles , opposite unto it or destructive of it , manifesting themselves by any sufficient evidence , or in overt acts , ought to be no more allowed than such as profess an enmity to the being and providence of god himself . for mens inclinations indeed , as in themselves considered , there is no competent judge of them amongst the sons of men ; but as to all outward actions that are of the tendency described , they are under publick inspection to be dealt withall according to their demerit . i shall only add that the mormo here made use of , is not now first composed or erected ; it hath for the substance of it been flourished by the papists ever since the beginning of the reformation . neither did they use to please themselves more in , or to dance more merrily about any thing than this calf ; let private men have their consciences exempted from a necessary obedience to the prescriptions of the church , and they will quickly run into all pernicious fancies and perswasions . it is known how this scare-crow hath been cast to the ground , and this calf stamped to powder by divines of the church of england . it is no pleasant thing i confess to see this plea revived now with respect to the magistrates authority , and not the popes ; for i fear that when it shall be manifested , and that by the consent of all parties , that there is no pleadable argument to botom this pretension for the power of the magistrate upon , some rather then forego it , will not be unwilling to recur to the fountain from whence it first sprang , and admit the popes plea as meet to be revived in this case . and indeed if we must come at length for the security of publick peace , to deprive all private persons of the liberty of judging what is right and wrong in religion in reference to their own practice , or what is their duty towards god about his worship and what is not , there are innumerable advantages attending the design of devolving the absolute determination of these things upon the pope , above that of committing it to each supream magistrate in his own dominions . for besides the plea of at least better security in his determinations than in that of any magistrates , if not his infallibility which he hath so long talked of , and so sturdily defended as to get it a great reputation in the world , the delivering up of the faith and consciences of all men unto him , will produce a seeming agreement , at least of incomparably a larger extent , then the remitting of all things of this nature to the pleasure of every supream magistrate , which may probably establish as many different religions in the world , as there are different nations kingdoms or commonwealths . that which alone remains seeming to give countenance to the assertions before laid down , is our authors assignation of the priesthood by natural right unto the supream magistrate , which in no alteration of religion he can be devested of , but by vertue of some positive law of god , as it was for a season in the mosaical institution and government . but these things seem to be of no force . for it never belonged to the priesthood , to govern or to rule the consciences of men with an absolute uncontrollable power ; but only in their name , and for them , to administer the holy things , which by common consent were admitted , and received amongst them . besides , our author by his discourse seems not to be much acquainted with the rise of the office of the priesthood amongst men , as shall be demonstrated , if farther occasion be given thereunto . however by the way we may observe what is his judgement in this matter . the magistrate we are told hath not his ecclesiastical authority from christ ; and yet this is such as that the power of the priesthood is included therein ; the exercise whereof as he is pleased to transfer to others , so he may , if he please , reserve it to himself , p. . whence it follows , not only that it cannot be given by christ unto any other , for it is part of the magistrates power ▪ which he hath not limited , nor confined by any subsequent law , nor can there be 〈◊〉 coordinate subject of the same power of several kinds ; so that all the interest or right any man , or men , have in or unto the exercise of it , is but transfer'd to them by the magistrate ; and therefore they act therein , in his name , and by his authority only ; and hence the bishops , as such , are said to be ministers of state , p. . neither can it be pretended that this was indeed in the power of the magistrate before the coming of christ , but not since . for he hath as we are told , all that he ever had , unless there be a restraint put upon him by some express prohibition of our saviour , p. . which will hardly be found in this matter . i cannot therefore see how in the exercise of the christian priesthood there is ( on these principles ) any the least respect unto jesus christ , or his authority ; for men have only the exercise of it transferred to them by the magistrate , by vertue of a power inherent in him antecedent unto any concessions of christ ; and therefore in his name and authority they must act in all the sacred offices of their functions . it is well if men be so far awake as to consider the tendency of these things . at length scripture proofs for the confirmation of these opinions are produced , p. , . and the first pleaded , is that promise , that kings shall be nursings fathers unto the church . it is true this is promised , and god accomplish it more and more ; but yet we do not desire such nurses , as beget the children they nurse ; the proposing , prescribing , commanding , binding religion on the consciences of men , is rather the begetting of it than its nursing . to take care of the church and religion , that it receive no detriment , by all the wayes and means appointed by god , and useful thereunto , is the duty of magistrates ; but it is so also antecedently to their actings unto this purpose , to discern aright which is the church whereunto this promise is made , without which they cannot duly discharge their trust , nor fulfill the promise it self ; the very words , by the rules of the metaphor , do imply , that the church , and its religion , and the worship of god observed therein , is constituted , fixed , and regulated by god himself , antecedently unto the magistrates duty and power about it . they are to nurse that which is committed to them , and not what themselves have framed , or begotten . and we contend for no more but a rule concerning religion , and the worship of god antecedent unto the magistrates interposing about it , whereby both his actings in his place , and those of subjects in theirs , are to be regulated mistakes herein have engaged many soveraign princes in pursuit of their trust as nursing fathers to the church , to lay out their strength and power for the utter ruine of it ; as may be evidenced in instances too many of those , who in a subserviency to , and by the direction of the papal interest , have endeavoured to extirpate true religion out of the world. such a nursing mother we had sometimes in england , who in pursuit of her care burned so many bishops and other holy men to ashes . he asks farther , what doth the scripture mean when it stiles our saviour the king of kings , and maketh princes his vicegerents here on earth ? i confess , according to this gentleman's principles , i know not what it means in so doing : kings , he tells us , have not their authority in and over religion , and the consciences of men from him , and therefore in the exercise of it cannot be his vicegerents ; for none is the vicegerent of another in the exercise of any power or authority , if he have not received that power and authority from him . otherwise the words have a proper sense , but nothing to our authors purpose . it is his power over them , and not theirs over the consciences of their subjects , that is intended in the words . of no more use in this controversie is the direction of the apostle , that we should pray for kings , that under them we may lead a quiet and peaceable life ; for no more is intended therein , but that , under their peaceable and righteous administration of humane affairs , we may live in that godliness , and honesty , which is required of us . wherefore then are these weak attempts made to confirm and prove what is not ? those , or the most of them , whom our author in this discourse treats with so much severity , do plead that it is the duty of all supream magistrates to find out , receive , imbrace , promote the truths of the gospel , with the worship of god appointed therein , confirming , protecting , and desending them , and those that embrace them , by their power and authority . and in the discharge of this duty , they are to use the liberty of their own judgements , enformed by the wayes that god hath appointed , independently on the dictates and determinations of any other persons whatever ; they affirm also , that to this end they are entrusted with supream power over all persons in their respective dominions , who on no pretence can be exempted from the exercise of that power , as occasion in their judgements shall require it to be exercised ; as also that all causes , wherein the profession of religion in their dominions is concerned , which are determinable in foro civili by coercive vmpirage or authority , are subject unto their cognizance and power . the soveraign power over the consciences of men to institute , appoint , and prescribe religion , and the worship of god , they affirm to belong unto him alone , who is the author and finisher of our faith , who is the head over all things to the church . the administration of things meerly spiritual in the worship of god is , they judge , derived immediately from him to the ministers , and administrators of the gospel , possessed of their offices by his command , and according to his institution ; as to the external practice of religion , and religious worship as such , it is , they say , in the power of the magistrate to regulate all the outward civil concernments of it , with reference unto the preservation of publick peace , and tranquillity , and the prosperity of his subjects ; and herein also they judge that such respect is to be had to the consciences of men , as the scripture , the nature of the thing it self , and the right of the l. christ to introduce his spiritual kingdom into all nations , do require . that which seems to have imposed on the mind of this author is , that if the magistrate may make laws for the regulating of the outward profession of religion , so as publick peace and tranquillity may be kept , added to what is his duty to do in the behalf of the truth ; then he must have the power over religion , and the consciences of men by him ascribed unto him ; but there is no privity of interest between these things ; the laws , which he makes to this purpose , are to be regulated by the word of god , and the good of the community , over which in the name of god he doth preside ; and whence he will take his warranty to forbid men the exercise of their consciences in the duties of spiritual worship , whilest the principles they profess , are suited to the light of nature , and the fundamental doctrines of the gospel , with the peace of mankind , and their practices absolutely confistent with publick welfare , i am yet to seek ; and so , as far as i can yet perceive , is the author of the discourse under consideration . it will not arise from a parity of reason from the power that he hath to restrain cursed swearing , and blasphemies by penal coercions . for these things are no less against the light of nature , and no less condemned by the common suffrage of mankind ( and the persons that contract the guilt of them may be no less effectually brought to judge and condemn themselves ) than are the greatest outrages that may be committed in and against humane society ; that the gospel will give no countenance hereunto , he seems to acknowledge , in his assignation of several reasons why the use of the power , and exercise of it in the way of compulsion by penalties , pleaded for by him , is not mentioned therein ; that christ and his apostles behaved themselves as subjects ; that he neither took nor exercised any soveraign power ; that he gave his laws to private men as such , and not to the magistrate , that the power that then was , was in bad hands , are pleaded as excuses for the silence of the gospel in this matter . but lest this should prove father prejudicial to his present occasion , he adds p. . the only reason why the lord christ bound not the precepts of the gospel upon mens consciences by any secular compulsories , was not because compulsion was an improper way to put his laws in execution ; for then he had never established them with more enforcing sanctions , but only because himself was not vested with any secular power , and so could not use those methods of government which are proper to its jurisdiction ; this in plain english is , that if christ had had power , he would have ordered the gospel to have been propagated as mahomet hath done his alcoran ; an assertion untrue and impious , contrary to the whole spirit and genius of the gospel , and of the author of it , aud the commands and precepts of it . and it is fondly supposed that the lord christ suited all the management of the affairs of the gospel , unto that state and condition in this world , wherein he emptied himself , and took upon him the form of a servant , making himself of no reputation , that he might be obedient unto death , the death of the cross ; he layes the foundation of the promulgation and propagation of it in the world , in the grant of all power unto him in heaven and earth . all power , saith he to his apostles , is given unto me in heaven and earth , go ye therefore , and baptize all nations , teaching them to observe all things whatever i have commanded you , matth. . , . he is confidered in the dispensation of the gospel , as he who is head over all things to the church , the lord of lords , and king of kings , whom our author acknowledgeth to be his vicegerents ; on this account the gospel with all the worship instituted therein , and required thereby , is accompanied with a right to enter into any of the kingdoms of the earth , and spiritually to make the inhabitants of them subject to jesus christ ; and so to translate them out of the power of darkness into the kingdom of the son of god ; and this right is antecedent and paramount to the right of all earthly kings and princes whatever , who have no power or authority to exclude the gospel out of their dominions ; and what they exercise of that kind , is done at their peril . the penalties that he hath annexed to the final rejection of the gospel , and disobedience thereunto , are pleaded by our author , to justifie the magistrates power of binding men to the observation of his commands in religion on temporal penalties to be by him inflicted on them ; unto that is the discourse of this chapter arrived which was designed unto another end . i see neither the order , method , nor projection of this procedure ; nor know , amphora cum cepit institui , cur vrceus exit ; however the pretense it self is weak , and impertinent . man was originally made under a law and constitution of eternal bliss , or woe ; this state , with regard to his necessary dependance on god , and respect to his utmost end , was absolutely unavoidable unto him . all possibility of attaining eternal happiness by himself he lost by sirr , and became inevitably obnoxious to eternal misery , and the wrath to come . in this condition the lord jesus christ , the supream lord of the souls and consciences of men , interposeth his law of relief , redemption , and salvation , the great means of man's recovery , together with the profession of the way , and law hereof . he lets them know , that those by whom it is refused , shall perish under that wrath of god , which before they were obnoxious unto , with a new aggravation of their sin and condemnation , from the contempt of the relief provided for them , and tendered to them . this he applyes to the souls and consciences of men , and to all the inward secret actings of them , in the first place , such as are exempted not only from the judicature of men , but from the cognizance of angels . this he doth by spiritual means in a spiritual manner , with regard to the subjection of the souls of men unto god , and with reference unto their bringing to him , and enjoyment of him , or their being eternally rejected by him. hence to collect , and conclude that earthly princes , who , ( whatever is pretended ) are not the soveraign lords of the souls and consciences of men , nor do any of them , that i know of , plead themselves so to be ; who cannot interpose any thing by their absolute authority , that should have a necessary respect unto mens eternal condition ; who have no knowledge of , no acquaintance with , nor can judge of the principal things whereon it doth depend , from whose temporal jurisdiction , and punishment the things of the gospel , and the worship of god as purely such , are ( by the nature of them , being spiritual and not of this world , though exercised in it , having their respect only unto eternity , and by their being taken into the sole disposal of the soveraign lord of consciences , who hath accompanied his commands concerning them with his own promises , and threatnings , ) plainly exempted ; should have power over the consciences of men , so to lay their commands upon them in these spiritual things , as to back them with temporal , corporal restraints and punishments , is a way of arguing that will not be confined unto any of those rules of reasoning , which hitherto we have been instructed in . when the magistrate hath an arm like god , and can thunder with a voice like him , when he judgeth not after the sight of his eyes , nor reproveth after the hearing of his ears , when he can smile the earth with the rod of his mouth , and slay the wicked with the breath of his lipps , when he is constituted a judge of the faith , repentance , and obedience of men , and of their efficacy in their tendency unto the pleasing of god here , and the enjoyment of him hereafter , when spiritual things in order to their eternal issues and effects are made subject unto him ; in brief , when he is christ , let him act as christ , or rather most unlike him , and guide the consciences of men by rods , axes , and halters ( whereunto alone his power can reach ) who in the mean time have an express command from the lord christ himself , not to have their consciences influenced in the least by the consideration of these things . of the like complexion is the ensuing discourse , wherein our author , p. . having spoken contemptuously of the spiritual institutions of the gospel , as altogether insufficient for the accomplishment of the ends , whereunto they are designed , forgeting that they respect only the consciences of men , and are his institutions who is the lord of their consciences , and who will give them power , and efficacy to attain their ends , when administred in his name , and according to his mind , and that because they are his ; would prove the necessity of temporal coercions , and penalties in things spiritual , from the extraordinary effects of excommunication in the primitive times , in the vexation and punishment of persons excommunicate by the devil . this work the devil now ceasing to attend unto , he would have the magistrate to take upon him to supply his place , and office , by punishments of his own appointment , and infliction ; and so at last , to be sure of giving him full measure , he hath ascribed two extreams unto him about religion , namely , to act the part of god , and the devil . but as this inference is built upon a very uncertain conjecture , namely , that upon the giving up of persons to satan in excommunication , there did any visible , or corporal vexation of them by his power ensue , or any other effects but what may yet be justly expected from an influence of his terrour on the minds of men , who are duly and regularly cast out of the visible kingdom of christ by that censure ; and whereas , if there be any truth in it , it was confined unto the dayes of the apostles , and is to be reckoned amongst the miraculous operations granted to them for the first confirmation of the gospel ; and the continuance of it , all the time the church wanted the assistance of the civil magistrate , is most unduly pretended without any colour of proof , or instance , beyond such as may be evidenced to continue at this day ; supposing it to be true , the inference made from it , as to its consequence on this concession , is exceeding weak , and feeble . for the argument here amounteth to no more but this ; god was pleased , in the dayes of the apostles , to confirm their spiritual censures against stuborn sinners , apostates , blasphemers , and such like hainous offenders , with extraordinary spiritual punishments , ( so in their own nature , or in the manner , or way of their infliction ) therefore the civil magistrate hath power to appoint things to be observed in the worship of god , and forbid other things , which the light and consciences of men , directed by the word of god , require the observation of , upon ordinary , standing , corporal penalties to be inflicted on the outward man ; quod erat demonstrandum . to wind up this debate ; i shall commit the vmpirage of it to the church of england , and receive her determination in the words of one who may be supposed to know her sense and judgement , as well as any one who lived in his dayes , or since . and this is doctor bilson bishop of winchester , a learned man , skilled in the laws of the land , and a great adversary unto all that dissented from church constitutions . this man therefore treating , by way of dialogue , in answer to the jesuites apologie and defence , in the third part p. . thus introduceth theophilus a protestant divine , arguing with philander a jesuite about these matters . theoph. as for the supream head of the church ; it is certain that title was first transferred from the pope to king henry the eighth , by the bishops of your side , not of ours . and though the pastors in king edwards time might not well dislike , much less disswade the style of the crown , by reason the king was under years , and so remained until he dyed ; yet as soon as it pleased god to place her majesty in her fathers throne , the nobles and preachers perceiving the words , head of the church , ( which is christs proper and peculiar honor ) to be offensive unto many that had vehemently refelled the same in the pope , besought her highness the meaning of that word which her father had used , might be expressed in some plainer and apter terms ; and so was the prince called supream governour of the realm ; that is ruler and bearer of the sword , with lawful authority to command and punish , answerable to the word of god , in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as well as in temporal . and no forreign prince or prelate , to have any jurisdiction , superiority , preheminence or authority to establish , prohibit , correct , and chastise with publick laws , or temporal fains , any crimes or causes ecclesiastical or spiritual within her realm . philand . calvin saith this is sacriledge and blasphemy . look you therefore with what consciences you take that oath , which your own master so mightily detesteth . theoph. nay look you with what faces you alledge calvin , who maketh that style to be sacrilegious and blassphemous , as well in the pope as in the prince ; reason therefore you receive or refuse his judgement in both . if it derogate from christ in the prince , so it doth in the pope . yet we grant the sense of the word supream , as calvin perceived it by stephen gardiners answer and behaviour , is very blasphemous and injurious to christ and his word , whether it be prince or pope that so shall use it . what this sense is , he declares in the words of calvin , which are as followeth in his translation of them . that jugler , which after was chancelor , i mean the bishop of winchester , when he was at rentzburge , neither would stand to reason the matter , nor greatly cared for any testimonies of the scripture , but said it was at the kings discretion to abrogate that which was in use , and appoint new . he said the king might forbid priests marriage , the king might bar the people from the cup in the lords supper ; the king might determine this or that in his kingdom : and why , forsooth the king had supream power . this sacriledge hath taken hold on us , whilst princes think they cannot reign , except they abolish all the authority of the church , and be themselves supream judges as well in doctrine as in all spiritual regiment . to which he subjoyns ; this was the sense which calvin affirmed to be sacrilegious and blasphemous ; for princes to profess themselves to be supream judges of doctrine and discipline ; and indeed it is the blasphemy which all godly hearts reject and abomine , in the bishop of rome . neither did king henry take any such thing on him for ought that we can learn ; but this was gardiners stratagem , to convey the reproach and shame of the six articles from himself and his fellows that were the authors of them , and to cast it on the kings supream power . had calvin been told , that supream was first received to declare the prince to be superiour to the prelates , ( which exempted themselves from the kings authority by their church liberties and immunities ) as well as to the lay men of this realm , and not to be subject to the pope , the word would never have offended him . thus far he ; and if these controversies be any farther disputed , it is probable the next defence of what is here pleaded , will be in the express words of the principal prelates of this realm since the reformation , until their authority be peremptorily rejected . upon my first design to take a brief survey of this discourse , i had not the least intention to undertake the examination of any particular assertions , or reasonings , that might fall under controversie ; but meerly to examine the general principles whereon it doth proceed . but passing through these things currente calamo , i find my self engaged beyond my thoughts and resolutions ; i shall therefore here put an end to the consideration of this chapter , although i see sundry things as yet remaining in it , that might immediately be discussed with case , and advantage , as shall be manifest , if we are called again to a review of them . i have neither desire , nor design serram reciprocare , or to engage in any controversial discourses with this author . and i presume himself will not take it amiss , that i do at present examine those principles , whose novelty justifies a disquisition into them ; and whose tendency , as applyed by him , is pernicious , and destructive to so many quiet and peaceable persons , who dissent from him . and yet i will not deny , but that i have that valuation and esteem for that sparkling of wit , eloquence , and sundry other abilities of mind , which appear in his writing , that if he would lay aside the manner of his treating those from whom he dissents , with revilings , contemptuous reproaches , personal reflections , sarcasms , and satyrical expressions , and would candidly , and perspicuously state any matter in difference ; i should think that what he hath to offer , may deserve the consideration of them who have leisure for such a purpose . if he be otherwise minded , and resolve to proceed in the way , and after the manner here engaged in , as i shall in the close of this discourse absolutely give him my salve aeternumque vale , so i hope he will never meet with any one who shall be willing to deal with him at his own weapons . a survey of the second chapter . the summary of this chapter must needs give the reader a great expectation , and the chapter it self no less of satisfaction , if what is in the one briefly proposed , be in the other as firmly established . for amongst other things a scheme of religion is promised , reducing all its branches either to moral vertues , or instruments of morality ; which being spoken of christian religion , is , as far as i know , an undertaking new and peculiar unto this author , in whose mannagement all that read him must needs weigh and consider , how dextrously he hath acquitted himself . for as all men grant that morality hath a great place in religion , so that all religion is nothing but morality , many are now to learn. the villany of those mens religion that are wont to distinguish between grace and vertue ( that is moral vertue ) is nextly traduced and inveighed against . i had rather i confess that he had affixed the term of villany to the men themselves whom he intended to reflect on than to their religion ; because as yet it seems to me that it will fall on christianity , and no other real or pretended religion that is , or ever was in the world . for if the prosessors of it , have in all ages according to its avowed principles , never before contradicted , made a distinction between moral vertues ( since these terms were known in the church ) and evangelical graces , if they do so at this day , what religion else can be here branded with this infamous and horrible reproach , i know not . a farther enquiry into the chapter it self may possibly give us farther satisfaction ; wherein we shall deal as impartially as we are able , with a diligent watchfulness against all prejudicate affections , that we may discover what there is of sense and truth in the discourse , being ready to receive what ever shall be manifested to have an interest in them . the civil magistrate , we are also here informed , amongst many other things that he may do , may command any thing in the worship of god that doth not tend to debauch mens practices , or to disgrace the deity . and that all subordinate duties both of morality and religious worship ( such as elsewhere we are told the sacraments are ) are equally subject to the determination of humane authority . these things and sundry others represented in this summary , being new , yea some of them , as far as i know , unheard of amongst christians untill within a few years last past , any reader may justifie himself in the expectation of full and demonstrative arguments to be produced in their proof and confirmation . what the issue will be , some discovery may be made by the ensuing enquiry , as was said , into the body of the chapter it self . the design of this chapter in general is , to confirm the power of the magistrate over religion , and the consciences of men ascribed unto him in the former , and to add unto it some enlargements not therein insisted on . the argument used to this purpose , is taken from the power of the magistrate over the consciences of men in matters of morality , or with respect unto moral vertue ; whence it is supposed the conclusion is so evident unto his power over their consciences in matters of religious worship , that it strikes our author with wonder and amazement that it should not be received an acknowledged . wherefore to further the conviction of all men in this matter , h● proceeds to discourse of moral vertue , o● grace , and of religious worship , with hi● wonted reflections upon , and reproache of non-conformists , for their ignorance about and villanous misrepresentation of these things , which seem more to be aimed at● than the argument it self . i must here with again that our author had more perspicuously stated the things which he proposeth to debate for the subject of his disputation . but i find an excess of art is as troublesome sometimes as the greatest defect therein . from thence i presume it is , that things are so handled in this discourse , that an ordinary man can seldom discern satisfactorily , what it is that directly and determinately he doth intend , beyond reviling of non-conformists . for in this proposition , which is the best and most intelligible that i can reduce the present discourse unto , the supream civil magistrate hath power over the consciences of men in morality , or with respect unto moral vertue ; excepting only the subject of it , there is not one term in it that may not have various significations ; and those such as have countenance given unto them in the ensuing disputation it self . but , contenti sumus hoc catone , and make the best we can of what lyes before us . i do suppose that in the medium made use of in this argument there is , or i am sure there may be , a controversie of much more importance than that principally under consideration . it therefore shall be stated and cleared in the first place , and then the concernment of the argument it self in what is discoursed thereupon , shall be manifested . it is about moral vertue and grace , their coincidence , or distinction , that we are in the first place to enquire . for without a due stating of the conception of these things , nothing of this argument , nor what belongs unto it , can be rightly understood . we shall therefore be necessitated to premise a brief explanation of these terms themselves , to remove as far as may be all ambiguity from our discourse . first then , the very name of vertue , in the sense wherein it is commonly used and received , comes from the schools of philosophy , and not from the scripture . in the old testament we have vprightness , integrity , righteousness , doing good and eschewing evil , fearing , trusting , obeying , believing in god , holiness and the like ; but the name of vertue doth not occur therein . it is true we have translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a vertuous woman ; and once or twice the same word vertuously , ruth . . . prov. . . chap● . , . but that word signifies as 〈◊〉 used , strenuous , industrious , diligent , and hath no such signification as that we now express by vertue . nor is it any where rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the lxx . although it may have some respect unto it , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and peculiarly denote the exercise of industrious strength , such as men use in battail . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is vis , robur , potentia , or exercitus also . but in the common acceptation of it , and as it is used by philosophers , there is no word in the hebrew nor syriack properly to express it . the rabbins do it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies properly a measure . for studying the philosophy of aristotle , and translating his ethicks into hebrew , which was done by rabbi meir , and finding his vertue placed in mediocrity , they applyed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to express it . so they call aristotles ethicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the book of measures , that is of vertues . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are boni mores . such a stranger is this very word unto the old testament . in the new testament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs four times ; but it should not seem any where to be taken in the sense now generally admitted . in some of the places it rather denotes the excellency and praises that do attend vertue , than vertue it self . so we render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praises ; pet. . . as the syriack doth also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praises ; and the same translation , phil. . . renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if there be any vertue , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , works glorious , or praise worthy . pet. . . it is a peculiar gracious disposition , operation of mind , distinguished from faith , temperance , patience , brotherly kindness , godliness , charity , &c. and so cannot have the common sense of the word there put upon it . the word moral is yet far more exotick to the church and scripture . we are beholding for it , if there be any advantage in its use , meerly to the schools of the philosophers , especially of aristotle . his doctrine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , commonly called his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or moralia , his morals , hath begotten this name for our use . the whole is expressed in isocrates to demonicus by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the vertue of manners . if then the signification of the words be respected as usually taken , it is vertue in mens manners that is intended . the schoolmen brought this expression with all its concerns , as they did the rest of aristotles philosophy , into the church and divinity . and i cannot but think it had been well if they had never done it ; as all will grant they might have omitted some other things without the least disadvantage to learning or religion . however this expression of moral vertue having absolutely possest it self of the fancies and discourses of all , and it may be of the understanding of some , though with very little satisfaction when all things are considered , i shall not endeavour to dispossess it , or eliminate it from the confines of christian theologie . only i am sure had we been left unto the scripture expressions , of repentance towards god , and faith towards our lord jesus christ , of the fear of god , of holiness , righteousness , living unto god , walking with god , and before him , we might have been free from many vain wordy perplexities ; and the whole wrangle of this chapter in particular , had been utterly prevented . for let but the scripture express what it is to be religious , and there will be no contesting about the difference or no difference between grace and moral vertue . it is said , that some judge those who have moral vertue to want grace , not to be gracious . but say , that men are born of god , and do not commit sin , that they walk before god and are upright , that they cleave unto god with full purpose of heart , that they are sanctified in christ jesus and the like , and no man will say that they have not grace , or are not gracious , if they receive your testimony . but having , as was said , made its entrance amongst us , we must deal with it as well as we can , and satisfie our selves about its common acceptation and use. generally , moral vertues are esteemed to be the duties of the second table . for although those who handle these matters more accurately , do not so straiten or confine them , yet it is certain that in vulgar and common acceptation , ( which strikes no small stroke , in the regulating of the conceptions of the wisest men , about the signification of words ) nothing else is intended by moral vertues or duties of morality , but the observation of the precepts of the second table . nor is any thing else designed by those divines , who in their writings so frequently declare , that it is not morality alone that will render men acceptable to god. others do extend these things further , and fix the denomination of moral , firstly upon the law or rule of all those habits of the mind , and its operations , which afterwards thence they call moral . now this moral law is nothing but the law of nature , or the law of our creation ; which the apostle affirms to lye equally obligatory on all men , even all the gentiles themselves , rom. . , . and whereof the decalogue is summarily expressive . this moral law is therefore the law written in the hearts of all men by nature , which is resolved partly into the nature of god himself , which cannot but require most of the things of it from rational creatures ; partly into that state and condition of the nature of things and their mutual relations , wherein god was pleased to create and set them . these things might be easily instanced and exemplified , but that we must not too much divert from our present occasion . and herein lyes the largest sense and acceptation of the law moral , and consequently of moral vertues , which have their form and being from their relation and conformity thereunto . let it be then , that moral vertues consist in the universal observance of the requisites and precepts of the law of our creation and dependance on god thereby . and this description , as we shall see for the substance of it , is allowed by our author . now these vertues , or this conformity of our minds and actions unto the law of our creation , may be in the light and reason of christian religion , considered two wayes . first , as with respect unto the substance or essence of the duties themselves , they may be performed by men in their own strength , under the conduct of their own reason , without any special assistance from the spirit , or sanctifying grace of christ. in this sense , they still bare the name of vertues , and for the substance of them deserve so to do . good they are in themselves , useful to mankind , and seldome in the providence of god go without their reward in this world. i grant i say , that they may be obtained and acted without special assistance of grace evangelical ; though the wiser heathens acknowledged something divine in the communication of them to men. papinius speaks to that purpose , diva jovis solio juxta comes ; undeper orbem rara dari , terrísque solet contingere virtus . seu pater omnipotens tribuit , sive ipsa capaces elegit penetrare viros . — but old homer put it absolutely in the will of his god. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus we grant moral vertue to have been in the heathen of old . for this is that alone whereby they were distinguished amongst themselves . and he that would exclude them all from any interest in moral vertue , takes away all difference between cato and nero , aristides and tiberius , titus and domitian ; and overthrows all natural difference between good and evil ; which besides other abominations that it would plentifully spawn in the world , would inevitably destroy all humane society . but now these moral vertues thus performed , whatever our author thinks , are distinct from grace , may be without it , and in their present description , which is not imaginary but real , are supposed so to be . and if he pleases he may exercise himself in the longsome disputes of bellarmin , gregory de valentia , and others to this purpose innumerable ; not to mention reformed divines lest they should be scornfully rejected as systematical . and this is enough i am sure to free their religion from villany , who make a distinction between moral vertue and grace . and if our author is otherwise minded , and both believe that there is grace evangelical , ●●●●ever there is moral vertue , or , that moral vertues may be so obtained and exercised without the special assistance of grace , as to become a part of our religion , and accepted with god , and will maintain his opinion in writing , i will promise him if i live to return him an answer , on one only condition , which is , that he will first answer what augustine hath written against the pelagians on this subject . again these moral vertues , this observance of the precepts of the law of our creation , in a consonancy whereunto originally the image of god in us did consist , may now under the gospel be considered , as men are principled , assisted , and enabled to and in their performance by the grace of god , and as they are directed unto the especial end of living unto him in and by jesus christ. what is particularly required hereunto , shall be afterwards declared . now in this sense no man living ever distinguished between grace and vertue , any otherwise than the cause and the effect are to be , or may be distinguished ; much less was any person ever so bruitish as to fancy an inconsistency between them , for take grace in one sense , and it is the efficient cause of this vertue , or of these vertues which are the effects of it ; and in another they are all graces themselves . for that which is wrought in us by grace is grace ; as that which is born of the spirit is spirit . to this purpose something may be spoken concerning grace also , the other term , whose ambiguity renders the discourse under consideration somewhat intricate and perplexed . now as the former term of moral vertue owed its original to the schools of philosophy , and its use was borrowed from them ; so this of grace is purely scriptural and evangelical . the world knows nothing of it but what is declared in the word of god , especially in the gospel , for the law was given by moses , but grace and truth came by jesus christ. all the books of the ancient philosophers , will not give us the least light into that notion of grace , which the scripture declares unto us . as then we allowed the sense of the former term given unto it by its first coyners and users , so we cannot but think it equal , that men be precisely tyed up in their conceptions about grace , unto what is delivered in the scripture concerning it ; as having no other rule either to frame them , or judge of them . and this we shall attend unto . not that i here design to treat of the nature of gospel grace in general ; but whereas all the divines that ever i have read on these things , whether ancient or modern ( and i have not troubled my self to consider whether they were systematical ones only or otherwise qualified ) allow some distinctions of this term to be necessary , for the right understanding of those passages of scripture wherein it is made use of . i shall mention that or those only , which are so unto the right apprehension of what is at present under debate . first therefore , grace in the scripture is taken for the free grace , or favour of god towards sinners by jesus christ. by this he freely pardoneth them their , sins , justifieth , and accepteth them , or makes them accepted in the beloved . this certainly is distinct from moral vertue . secondly , it is taken for the effectual working of the spirit of god , in and upon the minds and souls of believers , thereby quickning them when they were dead in trespasses and sins , regenerating of them , creating a new heart in them , implanting his image upon them : neither i presume will this be called moral vertue . thirdly , for the actual supplies of assistance and ability given to believers , so to enable them unto every duty in particular , which in the gospel is required of them ; for he works in them both to will and to do of his own good pleasure . as yet the former distinction will appear necessary . fourthly , for the effects wrought and produced by this operation of god and his grace , in the hearts and minds of them that believe ; which are either habitual in the spiritual disposition of their minds , or actual in their operations ; all which are called grace . it may be our author will be apt to think that i cant , use phrases , or fulsome metaphors . but besides that i can confirm these distinctions , and the necessity of them , and the words wherein they are expressed , from the scriptures and ancient fathers , i can give them him for the substance of them out of very learned divines , whether systematical or no i know not , but this i know they were not long since bishops of the church of england . we are now in the next place to inquire into the mind of our author in these things ; for from his apprehensions about them he frames a mighty difference between himself and those whom he opposeth , and from thence takes occasion and advantage afresh to revile and reproach them . first , therefore he declares his judgement , that the moral vertues which he treats of do consist in mens observance of the law of nature , of the dictates of reason , and precepts thereof . secondly , that the substance , yea the whole of religion consists in these vertues , or duties ; so that by the observation of them men may attain everlasting happiness . thirdly , that there is no actual concurrence of present grace , enabling men to perform these duties , or to exercise these vertues , but they are called grace on another account . fourthly , that his adversaries are so far from making vertue and grace to be the same that they make them inconsistent . and these things shall we take into a brief examination according as indeed they do deserve . the first of them , he plainly and more than once affirms ; nor shall i contend with him about it . so he speaks pag. . the practice of vertue consists in living suitably to the dictates of reason and nature , and this is the substance and main design of all the laws of religion , to oblige mankind to behave themselves in all their actions as becomes creatures endowed with reason and understanding , and in wayes suitable to rational beings , to prepare and qualifie themselves for the state of glory and immortality . this is a plain description both of the rule of moral vertues , and of the nature of them . the law of reason and nature is the rule ; and their own nature ( as acting , or acted ) consists in a suitableness unto rational beings ; acting , to prepare themselves for the state of immortality and glory . the first end of all vertue no doubt . we need not therefore make any farther inquiry into this matter , wherein we are agreed . secondly , that the substance , yea the whole of religion consists in these moral vertues he fully also declares , pag. . moral vertue having the strongest and most necessary influence upon the , end of all religion viz. mans happiness , it is not only its most material and useful part , but the ultimate end of all its other duties ; ( though i know not , how the practice of vertue in this life can be the vltimate end of other duties ) and all true religion can consist in nothing else but either the practice of vertue it self , or the use of those means and instruments that contribute unto it . so also p. . all duties of devotion excepting only our returns of gratitude are not essential parts of religion , but are only in order to it , as they tend to the practice of vertue and moral goodness ; and their goodness is derived upon them from the moral vertues to which they contribute ; and in the same proportion they are conducive to the ends of vertue , they are to be valued among the ministeries of religion . so then the whole duty of man consists in being vertuous , and all that is injoyned him beside , is in order thereunto . hence we are told elsewhere , that outward worship is no part of religion ; again pag. . all religion must of necessity be resolved into enthusiasm or morality ; the former is meer imposture , and therefore all that is true must be reduced to the latter . but we need not insist on particulars , seeing he promoteth this to confirmation by the best of demonstrations , i. e. an induction of all particulars ; which he calls a scheme of religion ; wherein yet if any thing necessary be left out or omitted , this best of demonstrations is quickly turned into one of the worst of sophismes . therefore we have here ( no doubt ) a just and full representation of all that belongs to christian religion ; and it is as follows ; pag. . the whole duty of man referrs either to his creator , or his neighbour , or himself . all that concerns the two last , is confessedly of a moral nature ; and all that concerns the first , consists either in praising of god or praying to him ; the former is a branch of the vertue of gratitude , and is nothing but a thankful and humble temper of mind , arising from a sense of gods greatness in himself , and his goodness to us . so that this part of devotion issues from the same vertuous quality , that is the principle of all other resentments and expressions of gratitude ; only those acts of it that are terminated on god as their object are stiled religious ; and therefore gratitude and devotion are not divers things , but only differing names of the same thing ; devotion being nothing else but the vertue of gratitude towards god. the latter , viz. prayer is either put up in our own or other mens behalf ; if for others it is an act of that vertue we call kindness or charity ; if for our selves , the things we pray for , unless they be the comforts and enjoyments of this life , are some or other vertuous qualities ; and therefore the proper and direct use of prayer is to be instrumental to the vertues of morality . it is of christian religion that this author treats , as is manifest from his ensuing discourse , and the reason he gives why moral vertues are stiled graces . now i must needs say that i look on this of our author as the rudest , most imperfect , and weakest scheme of christian religion that ever yet i saw ; so far from comprising an induction of all particulars belonging to it , that there is nothing in it that is constitutive of christian religion as such at all . i wish he had given us a summary of the credenda of it , as he hath done of its agenda , that we might have had a prospect of the body of his divinity . the ten commandments would in my mind have done twice as well on this present occasion , with the addition of the explication of them given us in the church cateehism . but i am afraid that very catechism may ere long be esteemed phanatical also . one i confess i have read of before , who was of this opinion , that all religion consisted in morality alone . but withall he was so ingenious as to follow the conduct of his judgement in this matter , unto a full renunciation of the gospel , which is certainly inconsistent with it . this was one martin sidelius a seilesian , who gave the ensuing account of his faith unto faustus socinus and his society at cracovia . caeterum ut sciatis cujus sim religionis , quamvis id scripto meo quod habetis , ostenderim , tamen hic breviter repetam . et primum quidem doctrina de messia , seu rege illo promisso , ad meam religionem nihil pertinet : nam rex elle tantum judaeis promissus erat , sicut & bona illa canaan . sic etiam circumcisio sacrificia , & reliquae cerimoniae mosis ad me non pertinent , sed tantum populo judaico promissa data & mandata sunt . neque ista fuerunt cultus dei apud judaeos , sed inserviebant cultui divino , & ad cultum deducebant judaeos . verus autem cultus dei quem meam religionem appello , est decalogus : qui est aeterna dei voluntas , qui decalogus ideo ad me pertinet , quia etiam mihi à deo datus est , non quidem per vocems sonantem de coelo , sicut populo judaico , at per creationem insita est menti meae ; quia autem insitus decalogus , per corruptionem naturae humanae , & pravis consuetudinibus , aliqua ex parte obscuratus est , ideo ad illustrandum cum , adhibeo vocalem decalogum , qui vocalis decalogus , ideo etiam ad me , ad omnes populos pertinet , quia cum insito nobis decalogo consentit , imo idem ille decalogus est . haec est mea sententia de messia seu rege illo promisso , & haec est mea religio , quam coram vobis ingenue profiteor . martin seidelius olavensis silesius . that is . but that you may know of what religion i am , although it is expressed in that writing which you have already , yet i will here briefly repeat it . and first of all , the doctrine of the messiah , or king that was promised doth not belong to my religion ; for that king was promised to the jews only ; as was the good land of c●n●an . so in like manner circumcision , sacrifices and the rest of the ceremonies of moses belong not to me , but were promised , given , and granted unto the people of the jews alone . neither were they the worship of god among the jews , but were only subservient unto divine worship , and lead the jews unto it ( the same opinion is maintained by our author concerning all exterior worship : ) but the true worship which i call my religion , is the decalogue which is the eternal and immutable will of god ; ( and here also he hath the consent and concurrence of our author ) which decalogue doth therefore belong unto me because it is given by god to me also ; not indeed by a voice sounding from heaven as he gave it to the people of the jews , but it is implanted in my mind by nature . but because this implanted decalogue by reason of the corruption of humane nature , and through depraved customs , is in some measure obscured , for the illustration of it i make use of the vocal decalogue , which therefore also belongs unto me and all people ; because it consenteth with the decalogue written in our hearts ; yea is the same law with it . this is my opinion concerning the messiah , or the promised king ; and this is my religion which i freely acknowledge before ye . so he , this is plain dealing . he saw clearly , that if all religion and the worship of god consisted in morality only , there was neither need nor use of christ , nor the gospel . and accordingly having no outward advantage by them , discarded them . but setting aside his bold renunciation of christ as promised , i see not any material difference between the religion of this man and that now contended for . the poor deluded souls among our selves , who leaving the scripture , pretend that they are guided by the light within them , are upon the matter of the same religion . for that light being nothing but the dictates of reason and a natural conscience , it extends not it self beyond morality ; which some of them understanding , we know what thoughts and apprehensions they have had of christ and of his gospel and the worship of god instituted therein . for hence it is , ( and not as our author pretends , with a strange incogitancy concerning them and the gnosticks , that they assert the scripture to be the only rule of religious worship ) that they are fallen into these fond imaginations . and these are the effects which this principle doth naturally lead unto . i confess then that i do not agree with our author in and about this scheme of christian religion ; which i shall therefore first briefly put in my exceptions unto , and then offer him another in lieu of it . first , then this scheme seems to represent religion unto us as suited to the state of innocency , and that very imperfectly also . for it is composed to answer the former assertions of confining religion to moral vertues , which are granted to consist in our conformity unto and expression of the dictates of reason and the law of nature . again the whole duty of man is said to refer either to his creator , or his neighbour , or himself . had it been said to god absolutely , another interpretation might have been put upon the words . but being restrained unto him as our creator , all duties referring to our redeemer are excluded , or not included , which certainly have some place in christian religion . our obedience therein is the obedience of faith , and must answer the special objects of it . and we are taught in the church catechism to believe in god the father who made us and all the world , and in god the son who redeemed us and all mankind ; and in god the holy ghost , who sanctifies us and all the elect people of god. now these distinct acts of faith , have distinct acts of obedience attending them ; whereas none here are admitted , or at least required , but those which fall under the first head . it is also very imperfect as a description of natural religion , or the duties of the law of nature . for the principal duties of it , such as fear , love , trust , affiance of and in god , are wholly omitted ; nor will they be reduced unto either of the heads which all religion is here distributed unto . for gratitude unto god hath respect formally and directly to the benefits we our selves are made partakers of . but these duties are eternally necessary on the consideration of the nature of god himself , antecedent unto the consideration of his communicating of himself unto us by his benefits . prayer proceeds from them ; and it is an odd method to reduce the cause under the head of its effect . and prayer it self is made at length not to be so much a moral vertue , as somewhat instrumental to the vertues of morality . secondly , i cannot think we have here a compleat representation of christian religion , nor an induction of all its particulars , because we have neither supposition nor assertion of sin , or a redeemer , or of any duty with respect unto them . gratitude and prayer i confess are two heads , whereunto sundry duties of natural religion without respect unto these things may be reduced . but since the fall of adam , there was never any religion in the world accepted with god , that was not built and founded on the supposition of them , and whose principal duties towards god did not respect them . to prescribe now unto us a religion as it respects god , without those duties which arise from the consideration of sin , and a redeemer , is to perswade us to throw away our bibles . sin , and the condition of all men on the account thereof , their duty in that condition , what god requires of them with reference thereunto , the way that god hath found out , proposed , and requires of us to make use of , that we may be delivered from that condition , with the duties necessary to that end , do even constitute and make up that religion which the scripture teacheth us , and which , as it summarily expresseth it self , consists in repentance towards god , and faith in our lord jesus christ ; neither of which , nor scarce any thing that belongs unto them , appears in this scheme ; so that thirdly , the most important duties of christian religion are here not only omitted , but excluded . where shall we find any place here to introduce repentance ; and as belonging thereunto conviction of sin , humiliation , godly sorrow , conversion it self to god ? for my part i will never be of that religion where these duties towards god have no place . faith in our lord jesus christ , with all that is necessary to it , preparatory for it , included in it , and consequentiall on it , are in like manner cast out of the verge of religious duties here schematized . an endeavour to fly from the wrath to come , to receive jesus christ , to accept of the attonement , to seek after the forgiveness of sins by him ( that we may cant a little ) and to give up our souls in universal obedience to all his commands , belong also to the duties of that religion towards god which the scripture prescribeth unto us ; but here they appear not in the least intimation of them . no more do the duties which though generally included in the law of loving god above all , yet are prescribed and determined in the gospel alone . such are self-denyal , readiness to take up the cross , and the like . besides all the duties wherein our christian conflict against our spiritual adversaries doth consist , and in especial the whole of our duty towards god in the mortification of sin , can be of no consideration there , where no supposition of sin is made or allowed . but there would be no end if all exceptions of this nature , that readily offer themselves , might here have admittance . if this be the religion of our adversaries in these things , if this be a perfect scheme of its duties towards god , and induction of all its particulars ; let our author insult over , and reproach them whilst he pleaseth , who blame it as insufficient without grace and godliness : i would not be in the condition of them who trust their eternal concernments to meer observance of it ; as knowing that there is no name under heaven given unto men whereby they may be saved , but only the name of jesus christ. it will be in vain pretended , that it is not a description of christian religion , but of religion , as religion in general , that is here attempted . for besides that , it is christian religion , and that as used and practised by christians , which is alone under consideration ; and an introduction of religion here under any other notion would be grievously inconsistent and incoherent with the whole discourse . it is acknowledged by our author in the progress of his disputation as was before observed , when he gives a reason why moral vertue is stiled grace , which is peculiar and appropriate to christian religion alone . besides , to talk now of a religion in the world , which either hath been , or may be , since the fall of adam without respect unto sin , is to build castles in the air . all the religion that god now requires , prescribes , accepts , that is or can be , is the religion of sinners , or of those who are such , and of them as such , though also under other qualifications . on many accounts therefore this scheme of religion or religious duties towards god , is exceedingly insufficient and imperfect . to lay it therefore as a foundation whereon to stand , and revile them who plead for a superaddition unto it of grace and godliness , is an undertaking from whence no great success is to be expected . i can easily supply another scheme of religion in the room of this , which though it have not any such contexture of method , nor is set out with such gaudy words as those which our author hath at his disposal , yet i am confident in the confession of all christians shall give a better account than what is here offered unto us both of the religion we profess , and of the duties that god requires therein ; and this taken out of one epistle of st. paul ; namely , that to the romans . and i shall do it as things come to mind in the haste wherein i am writing . he then gives us his scheme to this purpose . as first , that all men sinned in adam , came short of the glory of god , and rendred themselves liable to death and the whole curse of the law. then , that they do all , as left to themselves accumulate their original sin and transgression , with a world of actual sins , and provocations of god. that against men in this condition , god testifies his wrath and displeasure , both in his works and by his word . hence it necessarily follows , that the first duty of man towards god is to be sensible of this condition , of the guilt of sin , with a fear of the wrath and judgement due to them . then he informs us , that neither the jews by the law , nor the gentiles by the light of nature , could disentangle themselves from this state , or do that which is pleasing unto god , so as they might obtain forgiveness of sin and acceptation with him . this bespeaks unto all the great duty towards god , of their acknowledgement unto him , of their miserable and helpless condition , with all those affections and subordinate duties , wherewith it is attended . in this state he declares , that god himself in his infinite wisdome , goodness and grace , provided a remedy , a way of relief ; on which he hath put such an impression of his glorious excellencies as may stirr up the hearts of his creatures , to endeavour a return unto him from their apostasie ; and that this remedy consists in his setting forth jesus christ to be a propitiation through faith in his blood , to declare his righteousness for the forgiveness of sin ; which he proposeth unto men for their receiving and acceptance . this renders it the greatest duty of mankind towards god , to believe in the son of god so set forth , to seek after an interest in him , or being made partaker of him ; for this is the great work that god requires , namely that we believe on him whom he hath sent . again , he declares that god justifieth them who so believe , pardoning their sins , and imputing righteousness unto them ; whereon innumerable duties do depend , even all the obedience that christ requires of us ; seeing in our believing in him , we accept him to be our king to rule , govern and conduct our souls to god. and all these are religious duties towards god. he declares moreover , that whereas men are by nature dead in trespasses and sins , and stand in need of a new spiritual life , to be born again , that they may live unto god ; that god in jesus christ doth by his spirit quicken them , and regenerate them , and work in them a new principle of spiritual life ; whence it is their great duty towards god ( in this religion of st. paul ) to comply with , and to yield obedience , unto all the wayes and methods that god is pleased to use in the accomplishment of this work upon them , the especial duties whereof are too many to be instanced in . but he further manifests , that notwithstanding the regeneration of men by the spirit , and their conversion to god , there yet continues in them a remainder of the principle of corrupted nature , which he calls the flesh , and indwelling sin , that is of it self wholly enmity against god , and as far it abides in any , inclines the heart and mind unto sin , which is to be watched against and opposed . and on this head , he introduceth the great religious duty towards god of our spiritual conflict against sin , and of the mortification of it , wherein those that believe are to be exercised all the dayes of their lives , and wherein their principal duty towards god doth consist , and without which they can perform no other in a due manner . moreover he farther adds the great gospel-priviledge of the communication of the spirit of christ unto believers , for their sanctification , consolation , and edification ; with the duties of thankfulness towards god , joy and rejoycing in him , cheerfulness under tryals , afflictions , and persecutions , and sundry others that on that account are required of us , all religious duties towards god , in the religion by him proposed unto us . having laid these foundations , and manifested how they all proceed from the eternal counsel and free grace of god , in which it is our duty to admire , adore , and praise him , he declareth how hereby and on the account of these things , we are bound unto all holiness , righteousness , godliness , honesty , and usefulness in this world , in all relations and conditions whatsoever ; declaring our duties in churches , according to our especial interest in them , towards believers ; and towards all men in the world in our several relations ; in obedience to magistrates ; and all superiors ; in a word in universal observance of the whole will and all the commands of god. now whither any one will call this a scheme or no , or allow it to have any thing of method in it or no , i neither know nor care ; but am perswaded that it makes a better , more plain , and intelligible representation of the religious duties towards god which christian religion , requires of us , unto all that suppose this whole religion to depend on divine revelation , than that of our author . but i find my self in a digression ; the end of this discourse was only to manifest the sentiments of our author , on the second head before laid down , which i think are sufficiently evinced . the third is , that there is no actual work of present grace , either to sit the persons , of whom these duties of moral vertues are required , unto the performance of them , or to work and effect them in them . for although they are called graces , and the graces of the spirit , in the scripture , yet that is upon another account ; as he declares himself , pag. . all that the scripture intends by the graces of the spirit , are only vertuous qualities of the soul that are therefore stiled graces , because they are derived purely from god's free-grace and goodness , in that in the first ages of christianity , he was pleased out of his infinite concern for its propagation , in a miraculous manner to inspire its converts with all sorts of vertue . vertuous qualities of the soul , is a very ambigious expression . take these vertuous qualities , for a new principle of spiritual life , consisting in the habitual disposition , inclination , and ability of mind unto the things required of us in the will of god , or unto the acts of religious obedience , and it may express the graces of the spirit ; which yet are far enough from being so called upon the account here mentioned . but these vertuous qualities , are to be interpreted according to the tenour of the preceding discourses , that have already passed under examination . let now our author produce any one writer of the church of god , from first to last , of any repute or acceptation , from the day that the name of christian was known in the world , unto this wherein we live , giving us this account why the fruits of the spirit , the vertuous or gracious qualities of the minds of believers , are called graces that here he gives , and i will give him my thanks publickly for his discovery . for if this be the only reason why any thing in believers is called grace , why vertues are graces , namely because god was pleased in the first ages of christianity miraculously to inspire its converts with all sorts of vertue , then there is ●o communication of grace unto any , no work of grace in and upon any , in an ordinary way , through the ministry of the gospel , in these latter ages . the whole being , and efficacy of grace , according to this notion , is to be confined unto the miraculous operations of god in gospel concernments , in the first ages , whence a denomination in the scripture is cast upon our vertues , when obtained and exercised by and in our own strength . now this plainly overthrows the whole gospel , and contains a pelagianisme that pelagius himself never did , nor durst avow . are these things then so indeed ? that god did from his free grace and goodness , miraculously inspire the first converts of christianity with all sorts of vertues , but that he doth not still continue to put forth in any , actually , the efficacy of his grace , to make them gracious , holy , believing , obedient to himself , and to work in them all suitable actings towards himself and others ? then farewell scripture , the covenant of grace , the intercession of christ , yea all the ancient fathers , counsels , schoolmen , and most of the jesuites themselves . many have been the disputes amongst christians about the nature of grace , the rule of its dispensation , the manner and way of its operation , its efficacy , concurrence , and co-operation in the wills of men ; but that there is no dispensation of it , no operation but what was miraculous in the first converts of the gospel , was i think untill now undiscovered . nor can it be here pretended , that although the vertuous qualities of our minds and their exercise , by which is intended all the obedience that god requireth of us , in principle and practice , that we may please him , and come to the enjoyment of him , are not said to be called graces , only , on the account mentioned ; for as in respect of us , they are not so termed at all , so if the term only be not understood , the whole discourse is impertinent and ridiculous . for those other reasons and accounts that may be taken in , will render that given utterly useless unto our authors intention , and indeed are altogether inconsistent with it . and he hath given us no reason to suppose , that he talks after such a weak and preposterous a rate . this then is that which is here asserted , the qualities of our minds and their exercise wherein the vertues pleaded about , and affirmed to contain the whole substance of religion , do consist , are not wrought in us by the grace or spirit of god through the preaching of the gospel , but are only called graces , as before . now though here be a plain contradiction to what is delivered but two pages before , namely , that we pray for some or other vertuous qualities , that is doubtless to be wrought in us by the grace of god ; yet this present discourse is capable of no other interpretation but that given unto it . and indeed it seems to be the design of some men , to confine all real gifts and graces of the spirit of god , to the first ages of the gospel , and the miraculous operations in it ; which is to overthrow the whole gospel , the church , and the ministry of it , as to their use and efficacy , leaving men only the book of the bible to philosophize upon , as shall be elsewhere demonstrated , our author indeed tells us , that on the occasion of some mens writings in theology , there hath been a buzz and a noise of the spirit of god in the world. his expressions are exceedingly suited to pour contempt on what he doth not approve ; not so to express what he doth himself intend . but i desire that he and others would speak plain , and openly in this matter , that neither others may be deceived nor themselves have occasion to complain that they are mis-represented ; a pretence whereof would probably give them a dispensation to deal very roughly , if not despightfully with them with whom they shall have to do . doth he therefore think or believe , that there are not now any real gracious operations of the spirit of god , upon the hearts and minds of men in the world ? that the dispensation of the spirit is ceased , as well unto ordinary ministerial gifts , with its sanctifying , renewing , assisting grace , as unto gifts miraculous and extraordinary ? that there is no work at all of god upon the hearts of sinners , but that which is purely moral , and perswasive by the word ? that what is asserted by some concerning the efficacy of the grace of the spirit , and concerning his gifts , is no more but a buzz and a noise ? i wish he would explain himself directly and positively in these things ; for they are of great importance . and the loose expressions which we meet with , do give great offence unto some , who are apt to think , that as pernicious an heresie as ever infested the church of god , may be covered and clocked by them . but to return ; in the sense that moral vertue is here taken , i dare boldly pronounce , that there is no villany in the religion of those men , who distinguish between vertue and grace ; that is , there not in their so doing ; this being the known and avowed religion of christianity . it is granted ; that whereever grace is , there is vertue . for grace will produce and effect all vertues in the soul whatever . but vertue on the other side may be where there is no grace , which is sufficient to confirm a distinction between them . it was so in fundry of the heathen of old ; though now it be pretended that grace is nothing but an occasional denomination of vertue , not that it is the cause or principle of it . but the proofs produced by our author are exceedingly incompetent unto the end whereunto they are applyed . for that place of the apostle , gal. . v. , . the fruit of the spirit is love , joy , peace , long-suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness , temperance ; though our author should be allowed to turn joy into cheerfulness , peace into peaceableness , faith into faithfulness , as he hath done , corruptly enough , to accommodate it to his purpose , yet it will no way reach his end , nor satisfie his intention . for doth it follow that because the spirit effects all these moral vertues in a new and gracious manner , and with a direction to a new and special end in believers , either that these things are nothing but meer moral vertues , not wrought in us by the grace of god , ( the contrary whereof is plainly asserted in calling them fruits of the spirit ) or that where-ever there is moral vertue , though not so wrought by the spirit , that there is grace also , because vertue and grace are the same ? if these are the expositions of scripture which we may expect from them , who make such out-cries against other mens , perverting and corrupting of it , the matter is not like to be much mended with us , for ought i can see , upon their taking of that work into their own hands . and indeed his quotation of this place is pretty odd . he doth not in the print express the words as he useth , and as he doth those of another scripture immediately , in a different character , as the direct words of the apostle , that no man may charge him with a false allegation of the text. yet he repeats all the words of it which he intends to use to his purpose , somewhat altering the expressions . but he hath had , i fear , some unhappiness in his explanations . by joy he would have cheerfulness intended . but what is meant by cheerfulness is much more uncertain than what is intended by joy. mirth it may be in conversation is aimed at , or somewhat of that nature . but how remote this is from that spiritual joy , which is recommended unto us in the scripture , and is affirmed to be unspeakable and full of glory , he that knows not , is scarce meet to paraphrase upon st. pauls epistles . neither is that peace with god through jesus christ , which is rought in the hearts of believers by the holy ghost , who creates the fruit of the lipps , peace , peace , unto them , a matter of any more affinity with a moral peaceableness of mind and affections . our faith also in god , and our faithfulness in our duties , trusts , offices and employments , are sufficiently distinct . so palpably must the scripture be corrupted and wrested to be made serviceable to this presumption . he yet adds another proof to the same purpose , if any man know distinctly what that purpose is ; namely , titus . . where he tells us that the same apostle make the grace of god , to consist in gratitude towards god , temperance towards our selves , and justice towards our neighbours . but these things are not so . for the apostle doth not say that the grace of god doth consist in these things , but that the grace of god teacheth us these things . neither is the grace here intended , any subjective or inherent grace , or to speak with our author any vertuous quality or vertue , but the love and grace of god himself , in sending jesus christ as declared in the gospel , was is manifest in the words and context beyond contradiction . and i cannot but wonder , how our author desirous to prove that the whole of our religion consists in moral vertues , and these only called graces because of the miraculous operations of god from his own grace in the first gospel converts , should endeavour to do it by these two testimonies ; the first whereof expresly assigns the duties of morality as in believers , to the operation of the spirit , and the latter in his judgment makes them to proceed from grace . our last inquiry is into what he ascribes unto his adversaries in this matter , and how he deals with them thereupon . this therefore he informs us pag. . it is not enough say they to be compleatly vertuous , unless ye have grace too . i can scarce believe that ever he heard any one of them say so , or ever read it in any of their writings . for there is nothing that they are more positive in , than that men cannot in any sense be compleatly vertuous unless they have grace ; and so cannot suppose them to be so , who have it not . they say indeed , that moral vertues , as before described , so far as they are attainable by , or may be exercised in the strength of mens own wills and natural faculties , are not enough to please god and to make men accepted with him . so that vertue as it may be without grace , and some vertues may be so for the substance of them , is not available unto salvation . and i had almost said that he is no christian that is of another mind . in a word , vertue is , or may be without grace , in all or any of the acceptations of it before laid down . where it is without the favour of god and the pardon of sin , where it is without the renewing of our natures , and the endowment of our persons with a principle of spiritual life , where it is not wrought in us by present efficacious grace , it is not enough ; nor will serve any mans turn with respect unto the everlasting concernments of his soul. but he gives in his exceptions , pag. . but when , saith he , we have set aside all manner of vertue , let them tell me what remains to be called grace , and give me any notion of it distinct from all morality , that consists in the right order and government of our actions in all our relations , and so comprehends all our duty ; and therefore if grace be not included in it , it is but a phantasme and an imaginary thing . i say first ; where grace is , we cannot set aside vertue , because it will and doth produce and effect it in the minds of men . but vertue may be , where grace is not , in the sense so often declared . secondly , take moral vertue in the notion of it here received and explained by our author , and i have given sundry instances before , of gracious duties , that come not within the verge or compass of the scheme given us of it . thirdly , the whole aimed at , lies in this , that vertue that governs our actions in all our duties may be considered either as the duty we owe to the law of nature , for the ends of it , to be performed in the strength of nature , and by the direction of it , or it may be considered as it is an especial effect of the grace of god in us , which gives it a new principle , and a new end , and a new respect unto the covenant of grace wherein we walk with god , the consideration where of frustrates the intention of our author in this discourse . but he renews his charge , pag. . so destructive of all true and real goodness is the very religion of those men , that are wont to set grace at odds with vertue ; and are so farr from making them the same , that they make them inconsistent ; and though a man be exact in all the duties of moral goodness , yet if he be a graceless person ( i. e. void of i know not what imaginary godliness ) he is but in a cleaner way to hell ; and his conversion is more hopeless than the vilest and most notorious sinners , and the morally righteous man is at a greater distance from grace , than the prophane ; and better be lend and debanched than live an honest and vertuous life , if you are not of the godly party ; with much more to this purpose . for the men that are wont to set grace at odds with vertue , and are so far from making them the same , that they make them inconsistent ; i wish our author would discover them , that he might take us along with him in his detestation of them . it is not unlikely , if all be true that is told of them , but that the gnosticks might have some principles not unlike this ; but beside them i never heard of any that were of this mind in the world . and in truth the liberty that is taken in these discourses , is a great instance of the morality under consideration . but the following words will direct us where these things are charged . for some say , that if a man be exact in all the duties of moral goodness , yet if he be a graceless person , void of i know not what imaginary godliness , he is but in a cleaner way to hell. i think i know both what , and who are intended , and that both are dealt withal with that candour we have been now accustomed unto . but first , you will scarce find those you intend over forward in granting that men may be exact in all the duties of moral goodness , and yet be graceless persons . for taking moral vertues to comprehend , as you do , their duties toward god , they will tell you such persons cannot perform one of them aright , much less all of them exactly . for they can neither trust in god , no believe him , nor fear him , nor glorifie him in a due manner . take the duties of moral goodness , for the duties of the law between man and man , and the observation of the outward duties of gods worship , and they say indeed , that they may be so performed as that in respect of them , men may be blameless , and yet be graceless . for that account if they mistake not the apostle paul gives of himself . phil. . , , . they do say therefore that many of these duties , so as to be useful in the world , and blameless before men , they may perform who are yet graceless . thirdly , this gracelessness is said to consist in being void of i know not what imaginary godliness . no , no ; it is to be void of the spirit of god , of the grace of christ , not to be born again , not to have a new spiritual life in christ , not to be united to him , or ingrafted in him , not to be accepted and made an heir of god , and enabled to a due spiritual evangelical performance of all duties of obedience , according to the tenour of the covenant ; these are the things intended . and as many with their moral duties may come short of them and be graceless ; so those to whom they are imaginary , must reject the whole gospel of christ as an imagination . and i must say , to give matter of a new charge , that to the best observation that i have been able to make in the world , none have been , nor are more negligent in the principal duties of morality , than those who are aptest to exalt them above the gospel , and the whole mystery of it ; unless morality do consist in such a course of life and conversation , as i will not at present charactarize . it is farther added , that the conversion of such a one , is more hopeless than the vilest and most notorious sinners ; and the morally righteous man , &c. setting aside the inviduous expression of what is here reflected upon , and there is nothing more openly taught in the gospel . the pharisees were a people morally righteous , whereon they trusted to themselves that they were righteous ; and yet our lord jesus christ told them , that publicans and harlots , the vilest and most notorious of sinners , entred before them into the kingdom of god. and where men trust to their own righteousness , their own duties , be they moral or what they will , there are no men farther from the way of the gospel than they . nay our saviour lets us know , that as such , the gospel is not concerned in them , not they in it . he came not , he sayes , to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance ; not men justifying , or lifting up themselves in a co●ceit of their moral duties , but those who are burdened and laden with a sense of their sins . and so in like manner , that the whole have no need of the physitian but the sick ; and st. paul declares what enemies they were to the righteousness of god , who went about to set up their own righteousness ; rom. . now because moral duties are incumbent on all persons , at all times , they are continually to be pressed upon all , from a sense of the authority , and command of god , indispensibly requiring all mens attendance unto them . yet such is the deceitfulness of the heart of man , and the power of unbelief , that oftentimes persons who through their education , or following convictions , have been brought to some observance of them , and being not enlightned in their minds to discern their insufficiency unto the great end of salvation , in and of themselves , are apt to take up with them , and to rest in them without ever coming to sincere repentance towards god , or faith in our lord jesus christ ; whereas others , the guilt of whose sins doth unavoidably press upon them , as it did on the publicans and sinners of old , are oft times more ready to look out after relief . and those who question these things , do nothing but manifest their ignorance in the scripture , and want of experience in the work of the ministry . but yet upon the account of the charge mentioned , so unduly framed , and impotently managed , our author makes an excursion into such an extravagancy of reproaches , as is scaree exceeded in his whole book : part of it i have considered before in our view of his preface ; and i am now so used to the noise and bluster wherewith he pours out the storm of his indignation , that i am altogether inconcerned in it , and cannot prevail with my self to give it any further consideration . these things though not direct to the argument in hand , and which on that account might have been neglected ; yet supposing that the author placed as much of his design in them , as in any part of his discourse , i could not wholly omit the consideration of ; not so much out of a desire for their vindication who are unduly traduced in them , as to plead for the gospel it self , and to lay a foundation of a further defence of the truths of it , if ocasiou shall so require . and we have also here an insight into the judgment of our author , or his mistake in this matter . he tells us that it is better to tollerate debaucheries and immoralities , than liberty of conscience , for men to worship god according to their light and perswasion . now all religion according to him , consisting in morality , to tollerate immoralities and debauckeries in conversation , is plainly to tollerate atheism ; which it seems is more eligible than to grant liberty of conscience , unto them who differ from the present establishment , only as to some things belonging to the outward worship of god. these things being premised , the argument it self pleaded in this chap. is capable of a speedy dispatch . it is to this purpose . the magistrate hath power over the consciences of men in reference to morals , or moral vertues , which are the principal things in religion , and therefore much more hath so in reference to the worship of god , which is of less importance . we have complained before of the ambiguity of these general terms , but it is to no purpose to do so any more , seeing we are not like to be relieved in this discourse . let us then take things as we find them , and satisfie our selves in the intention of the author , by that declaration which he makes of it up and down the chap. but yet here we are at a loss also . when he speaks , or seems to speak to this purpose , whether in the confirmation of the proposition , or the inference , whereof his argument consists , what he sayes is cast into such an inter-texture with invectives and reproaches , and expressed in such a loose declamatory manner , as it is hard to discover or find out what it is that he intends . suppose therefore in the first place , that a man should call his consequent into question ; namely that because the magistrate hath power over the consciences of his subjects in morals , that therefore he hath so also in matters of instituted worship ? how will he confirm and vindicate it ? two things are all i can observe that are offered in the confirmation of it . first , that these things of morality , moral vertues , are of more importance in religion than the outward worship of god , which the amplitude of power before asserted , is now reducing to a respect unto . secondly , that there is much more danger of his erring and mistaking in things of morality , than in things of outward worship , because of their great weight and importance . these things are pleaded , p. . and elsewhere up and down . that any thing else is offered , in the confirmation of this consequent i find not . and it may be some will think these proofs to be very weak and feeble , unable to sustain the weight that is laid upon them . for it is certain that the first rule , that he that hath power over the greater , hath so over the lesser , doth not hold unless it be in things of the same nature and kind ; and it is no less certain and evident , that there is an especial and formal difference between these things , namely moral vertues , and instituted worship ; the one depending as to their being and discovery on the light of nature , and the dictates of that reason which is common to all , and speakes the same language in the consciences of all mankind ; the other on pure revelation , which may be , and is variously apprehended . hence it is , that whereas there is no difference in the world about what is vertue and what is not , there is no agreement about what belongs to divine worship and what doth not . again ; lesser things may be exempted from that power and authority by especial priviledge or law , which hath the disposal of greater committed into it , and intrusted with it . as the magistrate amongst us , may take away the life of a man , which is the greatest of his concernments , the name of his all , for fellony , but cannot take away his estate or inheritance of land , which is a far less concernment unto him , if it be antecedently setled by law to other uses than his own . and if it cannot be proved that the disposal of the worship of god , as to what doth really and truly belong unto it , and all the parts of it , is exempted from all humane power by special law and priviledge , let it be disposed of as who so will , shall judge meet . nor is the latter consideration suggested to inforce this consequent of any more validity ; namely , that there is more danger of the magistrates erring or mistakes about moral vertue , than about rites of worship ; because that is of most concernment in religion . for it is true , that suppose a man to walk on the top of an high house or tower , on a plain floor with battlements or walls round about him , there will be more danger of breaking his neck , if he should fall from thence , than if he should fall from the top of a narrow wall that had not the fourth part of the heighth of the house . but there would not be so much danger of falling . for from the top of the house as circumstantiated , he cannot fall , unless he will wilfully and violently cast himself down headlong ; and on the top of the wall , it may be , he cannot stand , with the utmost of his heed and endeavours . the magistrate cannot mistake about moral vertues unless he will do it wilfully . they have their station fixed in the world , on the same ground and evidence with magistracy it self . the same evidence , the same common consent and suffrage of mankind is given unto moral vertues , as is to any government in the world. and to suppose a supream magistrate , a law-giver , to mistake in these things , in judging whether justice , and temperance , or fortitude , be vertues or no , and that in their legislative capacity , is ridiculous . neither nero nor caligula were ever in danger of any such mis-adventure . all the magistrates in the world at this day , are agreed about these things . but as to what concerns the worship of god , they are all at variance . there is no such evidence in these things , no such common suffrage about them , as to free any absolutely from failings and mistakes ; so that in respect of them , and not of the other , lyes the principal danger of miscarrying , as to their determination and administration . supposing therefore the premises our author layes down to be true , his inference from them is feeble , and obnoxious to various impeachments , whereof i have given some few instances only , which shall be increased if occasion require . but the assertion it self which is the foundation of these consequences , is utterly remote from accuracy and truth . it is said that the magistrate hath power over the consciences of men in reference unto moral duties , which are the principal parts of religion . our first and most difficult inquiry , is after the meaning of this proposition , the later after its truth . i ask then , first whether he hath power over the consciences of men with respect unto moral vertue , and over moral vertue it self , as vertue , and as a part of religion , or on some other account ; if his power respect vertue as a part of religion , then it equally extends it self to all that is so , by vertue of a rule which will not be easily everted . but it doth not appear that it so extends it self as to plead an obliging authority in reference unto all duties . for let but the scheme of moral duties , especially those whose object is god , given us by our author be considered , and it will quickly be discerned how many of them are exempted from all humane cognizance and authority ; and that from and by their nature as well as their use in the world. and it is in vain to ascribe an authority to magistrates which they have no power to exert , or take cognizance whether it be obeyed or no. and what can they do therein with respect unto gratitude to god , which holds the first place in the scheme of moral vertues here given in unto us . we are told also , p. . that in matters both of moral vertue , and divine worship , there are some rules of good and evil that are of an eternal and unchangeable obligation , and these can never be prejudiced or altered by any humane power , because the reason of their obligation arises from a necessity and constitution of nature , and therefore must be 〈◊〉 perpetual as that ; but then there are other rules of duty that are alterable according to the various accidents changes and conditions of humane life , and depend chiefly upon contracts and positive laws of kingdoms . it would not be unworthy our inquiry to consider what rules of moral duty they are , which are alterable and depend on accidents and contracts . but we might easily find work enough , should we call all such fond assertions to a just examination . neither doth the distinction here given us between various rules of moral vertue , very well answer what we are told , p. . namely , that every particular vertue is therefore such , because it is are semblance and imitation of some of the divine attributes , which i suppose they are not , whose rules and formes are alterable upon accidents and occasions . and we are taught also , pag. . that the practice of vertue consists in living suitable to the dictates of reason and nature ; which are rules not variable and changeable . there must be some new distinction to reconcile these things , which i cannot at present think of . that which i would enquire from hence is , whether the magistrates have power over the consciences of men in reference unto those things in morality , whose rules of good and evil are of an eternal obligation . that he hath not is evidently implyed in this place . and i shall not enter into the confusion of the ensuing discourse , where the latter sort of rules for vertue , the other member of the distinction , are turned into various methods of executing laws about outward acts of vertue or vice ; and the vertues themselves into outward expressions and significations of duty ; for i have at present no contest with this author about his manner of writing , nor do intend to have . it is enough that here at once all the principal and most important vertues are vindicated to their own unalterable rules as such , and the consciences of men in reference unto them put under another jurisdiction . and what then becomes of this argument , that the magistrate must have power over the consciences of men in matters of divine worship , because he hath so in things moral which are of greater importance , when what is so of importance , is exempted from his power . hence it sufficiently , appears that the authority of the magistrate over men , with reference unto moral vertue and duty , doth not respect vertue as vertue , but hath some other consideration . now what this is , is evident unto all . how moral vertues do belong unto religion and are parts of it , hath been before declared . but god who hath ordered all things in weight and measure , hath fore-designed them also to another end and purpose . for preparing mankind for political society in the world among themselves for a time , as well as for religious obedience unto himself , he inlayed his nature and composition with principles suited to both those ends , and appointed them to be acted with different respects unto them . hence moral vertues notwithstanding their peculiar tendency unto him , are appointed to be the instrument and ligament of humane society also . as the law of moses had in it a typical end , use , and signification , with respect to christ and the gospel , and a political use as the instrument of the government of the nation of the jews . now the power of the magistrate in respect of moral vertues , is in their latter use ; namely , as they relate to humane policy , which is concerned in the outward actings of them . this therefore is granted ; and we shall enquire farther whether any more be proved , namely , that the magistrate hath power over the outward actings of vertue and vice , so far as humane society or publick tranquility is concerned in them , and on that account . secondly , it may be enquired what is the power and authority over moral vertues , which is here ascribed unto the civil magistrate , and over the consciences of men , with respect unto them . is it such as to make that to be vertue which was not vertue before , or which was vice , and oblige men in conscience to practise it as vertue ? this would go a great way indeed , and answer somewhat of what is , or as it is said , may be done in the worship of god , when that is made a part of it which was not so before . but what name shall these new vertues be called by ? a new vertue both as to its acts and objects , will as much fly the imaginations of men , as a sixth sense doth . it may be our author will satisfie us as to this enquiry ; for he tells us , pag. . that he hath power to make that a particular of the divine law , that god hath not made so . i wish he had declared himself how , and wherein ; for i am afraid this expression as here it lyes , is offensive . the divine law is divine , and so is every particular of it● ; and how a man can make a thing divine , that is not so of it self , nor by divine institution , is hard to find out . it may be that only the subject matter of the law , and not the law it self formally is intended ; and to make a thing a particular of the divine law , is no more but to make the divine law require , that in particular of a man which it did not require of him before . but this particular , referrs to the nature , essence and being of the thing , or to the acting , and occasion of it in particular . and if it be taken in the latter sense , here is no more ascribed unto the magistrate , than is common with him to every man in the world. for every one that puts himself into new circumstances , or new relations , doth so make that unto him to be a particular of the divine law , which was not so before ; for he is bound and obliged unto the actual performance of many duties , which as so circumstantiated , he was not bo●●● unto before . but somewhat else seems to be intend●● from the ensuing discourse ; they are fully empowred to declare new instances of vertue and vice , and to introduce new duties in th● most important parts of religion . and y●● i am still at the same loss . for by his declaring new instances of vertue and vice , suppose he intends an authoritative declaration , such as that they have no other foundation , nor need none to make them what they are . they are new instances of vertue and vice , because so declared . and this suits unto the introducing of new duties in the most important parts of religion , made duties by that introduction . i wish i could yet learn what these new instances of vertue and vice are , or mean. whether they are new as vertues and vices , or as instances . for the first , would i could see a new practice of old virtues ; but to tell you the truth , i care not for any of the new vertues , that i have lately observed in the world ; nor do i hope ever to see any better new ones . if it be the instances that are new , i wish again i knew what were more in them , than the actual and occasional exercise of old duties . pag. , . conduce most to extricate us out of these ambiguities . there we are informed , that the laws of every nation do distinguish and settle mens rights , and properties , and that distinctly with respect whereunto , justice , that prime natural vertue , is in particular instances to be exercised . and pag. . it is further declared , that in the administration of justice , there may be great difference in the constitution of penalties and execution of men . this it seems is that which is aimed at ; the magistrate by his laws determines , whteher titius have set his hedge upon caius's ground ; and whether sempronius hath rightly conveyed his land or house , to his son , or neighbour , whereby what is just and lawfull in it self , is accommodated to the use of political society . he determines also how persons guilty of death shall be executed , and by whom , and in what manner ; whence it must needs follow that he hath power to assign new particulars of the divine law , to declare new bounds , or hedges , of right and wrong , which the law of god neither doth , nor can limit , or hath power over the consciences of men with respect to moral vertues ; which was to be demonstrated . let us lay aside these swelling expressions , and we shall find that all that can be ascribed unto the civil magistrate in this matter , is no more , than to preserve property and peace , by that rule and power over the outward actions of men , which is necessary thereunto . having made some enquiry into the termes of moral vertue and the magistrates power , it remains only that we consider what respect this case hath unto the consciences of men , with reference unto them . and i desire to know whether all mankind , be not obliged in conscience to the observation of all moral vertue , antecedently to the command or authority of the magistrate , who doth only inspect their observation of them as to the concerns of publick peace and tranquility . certainly if all moral vertue consists in living suitable to the dictates of reason , as we are told , and in a sense rightly , if the rule of them all and every one , which gives them their formal nature , be the law of our creation , which all mankind enter the world under an indispensable obligation unto , it cannot be denyed but that there is such an antecedent obligation on the consciences of men , as that inquired after . but the things mentioned are granted by our author ; nor can by any be denyed , without offering the highest outrage to scripture , reason , and the common consent of mankind . now if this obligation be thus on all men , unto all vertue as vertue , and this absolutely from the authority of god over them and their consciences , how comes an inferiour authority to interpose it self between that of god and their consciences , so immediately to oblige them . it is granted that when the magistrate commandeth and requireth the exercise of any moral duty , in a way suited unto publick good and tranquility , he is to be obeyed for conscience sake ; because he who is the lord of conscience doth require men to be obedient unto him , whereon they are obliged in conscience so to be . but if the things required of them be in themselves moral duties , as they are such , their consciences are obliged to observe and exercise them , from the command of god , and other obligation unto them as such , they neither have nor can have . but the direction and command for the exercise of them , in these and those circumstances , for the ends of publick . good whereunto they are directed , belongs unto the magistrate , who is to be obeyed . for as in things meerly civil , and which have nothing originally of morality in them , but secondarily only , as they tend to the preservation and welfare of humane society , which is a thing morally good , the magistrate is to be obeyed for conscience sake , and the things themselves as far as they partake of morality , come directly under the command of god which affects the conscience ; so in things that have an inherent and inseparable morality , and so respect god in the first place , when they come to have a civil sanction in reference to their exercise unto publick political good , that sanction is to be obeyed out of conscience ; but the antecedent obligation that was upon the conscience unto a due exercise of those duties , when made necessary by circumstances , is not superseded , nor any new one added thereunto . i know what is said , but i find not as yet what is proved from these things , concerning the uncontroleable and absolute power of the supream magistrate , over religion and the consciences of men . some things are added indeed here up and down , about circumstances of divine worship , and the power of ordering them by the magistrate , which though there may be some different conceptions about , yet they no way reach the cause under debate . but as they are expressed by our author , i know not of any one writer in and of the church of england , that hitherto hath so stated them , as they are by him . for he tells us pag. . that all rituals , ceremonies , postures and manners of performing the outward expressions of devotion , that are not chargeable with countenancing vice or disgracing the deity , are capable of being adopted into the ministeries of divine service , and are not exempted from being subject to the determinations of humane power . whether they are so or no , the magistrate i presume is to judge ; or all this flourish of words and concessions of power , vanish into smoak . his command of them binds the consciences of men to observe them , according to the principle under consideration . hence it must be absolutely in the power of every supream magistrate to impose on the christian subjects , a greater number of ceremonious observances in the worship of god , and those of greater weight than ever were laid upon the jews . for who knows not that under the names of rituals , ceremonies , postures , manners of performing all divine service , what a butrdensome heap of things are imposed in the roman church ; whereunto as far as i know a thousand more may be added , not chargeable in themselves with either of the crimes , which alone are allowed to be put in , in barr or plea against them . and whether this be the liberty whereunto jesus christ hath vindicated his disciples and church , is left unto the judgement of sober men . outward religious worship we know is to be performed by natural actions ; these have their circumstances , and those oft-times because of the publick concernments of the exercise of religion , of great importance . these may be ordered by the power , and according to the wisdome of those in authority . but that they should make so many things , as this assertion allows them to make to belong unto , and to be parts of the worship of god , whereof not one is enjoyned or required by him , and the consciences of men be thereby obliged unto their observance ; i do not believe , nor is it here at all proved . to close this discourse about the power of obliging the consciences of men ; i think our author grants that conscience is immediately obliged to the observation of all things that are good in themselves , from the law of our creation . such things as either the nature of god , or our own require from us , our consciences surely are obliged immediately by the authority of god to observe . nor can we have any dispensation for the non-performance of our duty , from the interposition of the commands and authority of any of the sons of men. for this would be openly and directly to set up men against god , and to advance them or their authority above him or his . things evidently deduced , and necessarily following the first principles and dictates of nature , are of the same kind with themselves , and have the authority of god no less enstamped on them than the other ; and in respect unto them , conscience cannot by vertue of inferiour commands , plead an exemption . things of meer revelation do remain ; and concerning them i desire to know , whether we are not bound to observe and do , whatever god in his revealed will commands us to observe and do , and to abstain from whatever he forbids , and this indispensably ? if this be denyed i will prove it with the same arguments whereby i can prove that there is a god , and that we are his creatures made to serve him ; for the reason of these things is inseparable from the very being of god. let this be granted , and ascribe what ye will , or please , or can , to the supream magistrate , and you shall not from me have the least contradiction . a survey of the third chapter . the third chapter entertains us with a magnificent grant of liberty of conscience . the very first paragraph asserts , a liberty of conscience in mankind over all their actions whether moral , or strictly religious . but lest this should prove a bedlam concession that might mischief the whole design in hand , it is delivered to the power of a keeper , who yet upon examination is no less wild and extravagant , than it self is esteemed absolutely to be . this is , that they have it as far as concerns their judgements , but not their practice ; that is ; they have liberty of conscience over their actions , but not their practices ; or over their practices , but not over their pratices . for upon tryal their actions and practices will prove to be the same . and i do not as yet well understand , what is this liberty of conscience over mens actions , is it to do , or not to do , as their consciences dictate to them ? this is absolutely denied , and opposed in the chap. it self . is it to judge of their actions as done , whether they be good or evil ? this conscience is at no liberty in . for it is determined to a judgment in that kind naturally , and necessarily , and must be so whilest it hath the light of nature , and word of god to regard , so far as a rule is capable of giving a measure and determination to things to be regulated by it ; that is ; its moral actings , are morally determined . what then this liberty of conscience over mens actions should be , where they can neither act freely according to their consciences what they are to do , nor abstain from what they are not to do , nor are at liberty to judge what they have done to be good or bad , i cannot divine . let us search after an explication of these things in the paragraph it self , whose contents are represented in the words mentioned . here we are told , that this liberty consists in mens thinking of things according to their own perswasion , and therein asserting the freedom of their judgements . i would be loth to think that this liberty of mens consciences over all their moral actions , should at first dash dwindle into a liberty in speculations ; that men may think what they will , opine as they please , in , and about things that are not to be brought into practice ; but yet as far as i can perceive , i must think so , or matters will come to a worse issue . but these things must be a little farther examined , and that very briefly . here is mention of liberty of conscience ; but what conscience is , or what that liberty is , is not declared . for conscience it is called sometimes the mind , sometimes the vnderstanding , sometimes opinion , sometimes described by the liberty of thinking , sometimes termed an imperious faculty , which things without much discourse , and more words , than i can now afford to use , are not reconcilable amongst themselves . besides , liberty is no proper●affection of the mind , or understanding . though i acknowledge the mind , and its actings to be naturally free from outward compulsion , or coaction ; yet it is capable of such a determination from the things proposed unto it , and the manner of their proposal , as to make necessary the elicitation of its acts. it cannot but judge that two and three make five . it is the will that is the proper seat of liberty ; and what some suppose to be the ultimate determination of the practical understanding , is indeed an act of the will. it is so if you speak of liberty naturally and morally , and not of state and condition , which are here confounded . but suppose what you will to be conscience , it is moral actions or duties that are here supposed to be the object of its actings . now what are , or can be the thoughts , or actings of the mind of man about moral actions , but about their vertue , or their vice , their moral good or evil ? nor is a conclusion of what is a mans own duty in reference to the practice of them , possibly to be separated from them . that then which is here asserted is , that a man may think , judge , or conceive such or such a thing to be his duty , and yet have thereby no obligation put upon him to perform it ; for conscience , we are informed , hath nothing to do beyond the inward thoughts of mens minds . to state this matter a little more clearly ; let us take conscience in the most usual acceptation of it , and that which answers the experience of every man that ever looks into the affairs and concerns within ; and so it is , the practical judgment that men make of themselves , and of their actions , or what they are to do , and what they are not to do , what they have done , or what they have omitted , with reference unto the judgement of god , at present declared in their own hearts , and in his word , and to be fully executed at the last day . for we speak of conscience as it is amongst christians , who acknowledge the word of god , and that for a double end ; first , as the rule of conscience it self ; secondly , as the declaration of the will of god , as to his approbation , or rejecting of what we do , or omit . suppose then , that a man make a judgment in his conscience , regulated by the word of god , and with respect unto the judgement of god concerning him , that such and such a thing is a duty , and whose performance is required of him ; i desire to know , whether any obligation be upon him from thence to act accordingly ? it is answered that the territory of conscience is confined unto mens thoughts , judgements and perswasions , and these are free , yea , no doubt ; but for outward actions there is no remedy , but they must be subject to the cognizance of humane laws , pag. . who ever doubted of it ? he that would have men so have liberty from outward actions , as not to have those actions cognoscible by the civil power , as to the end of publick tranquility , but to have their whole station firmed absolutely in the world upon the plea of conscience , would no doubt lay a foundation for confusion in all government . but what is this to the present enquiry , whether conscience lay an obligation on men , as regulated by the word of god , and respecting him , to practise according to its dictates ? it is true enough ; that if any of its practices do not please , or satisfy the magistrate , their authors must for ought i know , stand to what will follow , or ensue on them to their prejudice ; but this frees them not , from the obligation that is upon them in conscience unto what is their duty . this is that , which must be here proved , if any thing be intended unto the purpose of this author ; namely that notwithstanding the judgment of conscience concerning any duty , by the interposition of the authority of the magistrate to the contrary , there is no obligation ensues for the performance of that duty . this is the answer that ought plainly to be returned , and not a suggestion that outward actions must fall under the cognizance of the magistrate ; which none ever doubted of , and which is nothing to the present purpose ; unless he would have them to fall under the magistrates cognizance , as that his will should be the supream rule of them ; which i think he cannot prove . but what sense the magistrate will have of the outward actions , wherein the discharge of mans duty doth consist , is of another consideration . this therefore is the state of the present case applied unto religious worship . suppose the magistrate command such things in religion , as a man in his conscience guided by the word , and respecting god , doth look upon as vnlawful , and such as are evil , and sin unto him , if he should perform them ; and forbid such things in the worship of god , as he esteems himself obliged in conscience to observe as commands of christ ; if he may practise the things so commanded , and omit the things so forbidden , i fear he will find himself within doors continually at confession , saying with trouble enough ; i have done those things , which i ought not to have done , and i have left undone those things , which i ought to have done , and there is no health in me ; unless this author can prove that the commands of god respect only the minds of men ; but not their outward actions which are left unto the authority of the magistrate alone . if no more be here intended , but that whatever conscience may require of any , it will not secure them , but that when they come to act outwardly according to it , the civil magistrate may , and will consider their actions , and allow them , or forbid them according to his own judgement , it were surely a madness to deny it , as great , as to say the sun shineth not at noon day . if conscience to god be confined to thoughts , and opinions , and speculations about the general notions , and notices of things , about true and false , and unto a liberty of judging , and determining upon them what they are , whether they are so or no 〈◊〉 the whole nature and being of conscience , and that to the reason , sense , and experience of every man , is utterly overthrown . if conscience be allowed to make its judgement of what is good or evil , what is duty or sin , and no obligation be allowed to ensue from thence unto a suitable practice , a wide door is opened unto atheism , and thereby the subversion of all religion and government in the world . this therefore is the summ of what is asserted in this matter ; conscience according to that apprehension , which it hath of the will of god about his worship , ( whereunto we confine our discourse ) obligeth men to act , or forbear accordingly ; if their apprehensions are right and true , just and equal , what the scripture , the great rule of conscience doth declare and require , i hope none upon second thoughts will deny , but that such things are attended with a right unto a liberty to be practised , whilst the lord jesus christ is esteemed the lord of lords , and king of kings , and is thought to have power to command the observance of his own institutions . suppose these apprehensions to be such as may in some things , be they more or less , be judged not to correspond exactly with the great rule of conscience , yet supposing them also to contain nothing inconsistent with , or of a disturbing nature to civil society , and publick tranquillity , nothing that gives countenance to any vice , or evil , or is opposite to the principal truths and main duties of religion , wherein the minds of men in a nation do coalesce , nor carry any politick entangle●ments along with them ; and add thereunto the peaceableness of the persons posses● with those apprehensions , and the impossibility they are under to devest themselves of them , and i say natural right , justice , equity , religion , conscience , god himself in all , and his voice in the hearts of all unprejudiced persons , do require that neither the persons themselves , on the account of their consciences , have violence offered unto them , nor their practices in pursuit of their apprehensions , be restrained by severe prohibitions and penalties . but whereas the magistrate is allowed to judge , and dispose of all outward actions in reference to publick tranquility , if any shall assert principles , as of conscience , tending , or obliging unto the practice of vice , immorality , or sin , or to the disturbance of publick society , such principles being all notoriously judged by scripture , nature , the common consent of mankind , and inconsistent with the fundamental principles of humane polity , may be in all instances of their discovery and practice , coerced , and restrained . but plainly , as to the commands of conscience , they are of the same extent with the commands of god : if these respect only the inward man , or the mind , conscience doth no more ; if they respect outward actions , conscience doth so also . from the liberty of conscience , a proceed is made to christian liberty , which is said to be a duty , or priviledg founded upon the ( chimaerical ) liberty of conscience before granted . but these things stand not in the relation imagined ; liberty of conscience is of natural right , christian liberty is a gospel-priviledge , though both may be pleaded in bar of unwarrantable impositions on conscience . but these things are so described by our author , as to be confounded . for the christian liberty described in this paragraph , is either restrained to matters of pure speculation , wherein the mind of man is left entirely free to judge of the truth , and falsehood of things ; or as it regards things that fall under laws and impositions , wherein men are left intirely free to judge of them , as they are objects of meer opinion . now how this differs from the liberty of conscience granted before , i know not . and that there is some mistake in this description of christian liberty , need no other consideration to evince but this ; namely that christian liberty , as our author tells us , is a priviledge , but this is not so , being that which is equally common unto all mankind . this liberty is necessary unto humane nature , nor can it be divested of it , and so it is not a priviledge that includes a specialty in it . every man cannot but think what he thinks , and judge what he judgeth , and that when he doth so , whether he will or no ; for every thing when it is , and as it is , is necessary . in the use of what means they please , to guide , direct , and determine their thoughts , their liberty doth consist ; this is equal in all , and natural unto all . now this inward freedom of our judgements is , it seems , our christian liberty , consistent with any impositions upon men in the exercise of the worship of god , with an obligation on conscience , unto their use and practice ; a liberty indeed of no value , but a meer aggravation of bondage ; and these things are further discoursed , sect. . pag. . wherein we are told , that this prerogative of our christian liberty , is not so much any new favour granted in the gospel , as the restauration of the mind of man to its natural priviledge , by exempting us from the yoke of the ceremonial lam , whereby things in themselves indifferent were tyed upon the conscience with as indispensable an obligation , as the rule of essential goodness , and equitys during the whole period of mosaick dispensation ; which being corrected by the gospel , those indifferent things , that have been made necessary by a divine positive command , returned to their own nature to be used , or omitted , only as occasion should direct . it is true , that a good part of our christian liberty , consists in our deliverance from the yoke of mosaical institutions ; but that this is not so much a new favour granted in the gospel , as the restauration of the mind of man to its natural priviledge , is an insertion that runs parallel with many others in this discourse . this priviledge , as all others of the gospel are , is spiritual , and its outward concerns , and exercise , are of no value , where the mind is not spiritually made free by christ. and it is uncertain what is meant by the restauration of the mind to its natural priviledge ; if the priviledge of the mind in its condition of natural purity is intended , as it was before the entrance of sin , it is false ; if any priviledge , the mind of man in its corrupt depraved condition is capable of , be designed , it is no less untrue . in things of this nature , the mind in that condition is in bondage , and not capable of any liberty ; for it is a thing ridiculous , to confound the meer natural liberty of our wills , which is an affection inseparable from that faculty , with a moral , or spiritual liberty of mind , relating unto god and his worship . but this whole paragraph runs upon no small mistake ; namely that the yoke of mosaical institutions , consisted in their imposition on the minds , and judgments of men , with an opinion of the antecedent necessity of them . for although the words recited , things in themselves indifferent , were tyed upon the conscience with as indispensable an obligation as the rules of essential goodness and equity , may be restrained to their use , exercise , and observation ; yet the conclusion of it , that whatever our superiours impose upon us , whether in matters of religious worship , or any other duties of morality , there neither is , nor can be any intrenchment upon our christian liberty , provided it be not imposed with an opinion of antecedent necessity of the thing it self , with the whole scope of the argument insisted on , makes it evident to be the sense intended . but this is wide enough from the mark ; the jews were never obliged , to judge the whole systeme of their legal institutions , to be any way necessary , antecedent unto their institution and appointment ; nor were they obliged to judge their intrincsik nature changed by their institution , only they knew they were obliged to their constant , and indispensable practice , as parts of the worship of god , instituted and commanded by him , who hath the supream authority over their souls and consciences . there was indeed a bondage frame of spirit upon them in all things , especially in their whole worship of god , as the apostle paul several times declares . but this is a thing of another nature , though our delivery from it , be also a part of christian liberty . this was no part of their inward , no more than their outward bondage , that they should think , believe , judge or esteem the things themselves enjoyned them , to be absolutely of any other nature , than they were ; had they been obliged unto any such judgement of things , they had been obliged to deceive themselves , or to be deceived ; but by the absolute authority of god , they were indispensibly bound in conscience to the actual observance , and continual use of such a number of ceremonies , carnal ordinances , and outward observances , as being things in themselves low , and mean , called by the apostle beggerly elements , and enjoyned with so great strictness , and under so severe penalties , many of them , of excision , or extermination from among the people , as became an intolerable , and insupportable yoke unto them . neither doth the apostle peter dispute about a judgement of their nature , but the necessity of their observation , when he calls them a yoke , which neither they , nor their fathers were able to bear , acts . . and when st. paul gives a charge to believers , to stand fast in the liberty , wherewith christ hath made them fres , it is with respect unto the outward observation of mosaical rites , as by him instituted , and not as to any inward judgment of their minds concerning their nature , antecedent unto that institution . his whole disputation on that subject , respects only mens practice , with regard unto an authoritative obligation thereunto , which he pleaded to be now expired , and removed . and if this christian liberty , which he built and proceeded upon , be of force to free , not our minds from the judgement that they had before of things in themselves , but our persons from the necessary practice , and observance of things instituted of god , however antecedently indifferent in themselves ; i think it is , at least , of equal efficacy , to exempt us from the necessary practice of things imposed on us in the worship of god , by men . for , setting aside the inequality of the imposing authority , which casts the advantage on the other side , ( for these legal institutions were imposed on the church by god himself , those now intended are such matters , as our superiours of themselves impose on us in religious worship ) the case is absolutely the same ; for as god did not give the law of commandment's contained in ordinances unto the jews , from the goodness of things required therein , antecedent to his command , which should make them necessary to be practised by them for their good ; but did it of his own soveraign arbitrary will and pleasure ; so he obliged not the people themselves unto any other judgement of them , but that they were necessarily to be observed ; and setting aside the consideration of his command , they were things in their own nature altogether indifferent ; so is it in the present case ; it is pleaded that there is no imposition on the minds , consciences , or judgements of men , to think or judge otherwise of what is imposed on them , than as their nature is , and doth require ; only they are obliged unto their usage , observance , and practice ; which is to put us into a thousand times worse condition than the jews , if instances of them should be multiplyed , as they may lawfully 〈◊〉 every year ; seeing it much more quiet● the mind ; to be able to resolve its thought● immediately into the authority of go● under its yoke , than into that of man. i● therefore we are freed from the one by our christian liberty , we are so much more from the other ; so , as that being made free by christ , we should not be the servants of men , in things belonging to his service and worship . from this discovery here made of the nature of christian liberty , our author makes some deductions , p. , . concerning the nature of religious worship , wherein he tells us , that the whole substance of religious worship is transacted within the mind of man , and dwells in the heart , and thoughts , the soul being its proper seat , and temple , where men may worship their god as they please , without offending their prince ; and that external worship is no part of religion it self . i wish he had more clearly , and distinctly expressed his mind in this matter ; for his assertions , in the sense the words seem to bear , are prodigiously false , and such as will open a door to atheism with all villany and confusion in the world. for who would not think this to be his intention ; let men keep their minds and inward thoughts , and apprehensious right for god , and then they may practise outwardly in religion what they please ; one thing one day , another another ; be papists and protestants , arians and homousians ; yea mahometans and christians ; any thing , every thing , after the manner of the country , and laws of the prince , where they are , and live ; the rule that ecebolius walked by of old ? i think there is no man , that owns the scripture , but will confess that this is , at least , if not a direct , yet an interpretative rejection of the whole authority of god. and may not this rule be quickly extended unto oaths themselves , the bonds and ligaments of humane society ? for whereas in their own formal nature they belong to the worship of god , why may not men pretend to keep up their reverence unto god , in the internal part of them , or their esteem of him in their invocation of his name , but as to the outward part , accommodate it unto what by their interest is required of them ; so swearing with their tongues , but keeping their mind at liberty ? if the principles laid down be capable of any other more tolerable sense , and such as may be exclusive of these inferences , i shall gladly admit it ; at present what is here deduced from them , seems to be evidently included in them . it is true indeed , that natural , moral , or internal worship , consisting in faith , love , fear , thankfulness , submission , dependance , and the like , hath its constant seat , and residence in the souls , and minds of men ; but that the wayes whereby these principles of it are to be outwardly exercised , and expressed , by gods command and appointment , are not also indispensably necessary unto us , and parts of his worship , is utterly false . that which principally in the scripture , comes under the notion of the worship of god , is the due observance of his outward institutions ; which divines have upon unquestionable grounds , contended to be commanded and appointed in general in the second commandment of the decalogue , whence all particular institutions in the several seasons of the church , are educed , and resolved into the authority of god therein expressed . and that account which we have here given us of outward worship , namely , that it is no part of religion it self , but only an instrument to express the inward veneration of the mind , by some outward action or posture of the body , as it is very difficultly to be accommodated unto the sacrifices of old , or the present sacraments of the church , which were , and are parts of outward worship , and , as i take it , of religion ; so the being an instrument unto the purpose mentioned , doth not exclude any thing from being also a part of religion , and worship it self , if it be commanded by god to be performed in his service , unto his glory . it is pretended that all outward worship is only an exteriour signification of honour ; but yet all the parts of it in their performance , are acts of obedience unto god , and are the proper actings of faith , love , and submission of soul unto god , which if they are not his worship , and parts of religion , i know not what may be so esteemed . let then outward worship , stand in what relation it will to inward spiritual honour , where god requires it , and commands it , it is no less necessary and in dispensably to be performed , than any part of inward worship it self , and is a no less important duty of religion . for any thing comes to be a part of religious worship outwardly to be performed , not from its own nature , but from its respect unto the command of god ; and the end whereunto it is by him designed . so the apostle tells us that with the heart man believeth unto righteousness , and with the mouth confession is made un● salvation , rom. . confession is but the exteriour signification of the faith , that is i● our hearts ; but yet it is no less necessary to salvation , than faith it self is to righteousness . and those , who regulate their obedience , and religious worship by the commands of god , knowing that which way ever they are signified , by inbred light , or superadded revelation , it is they which give their obedience its formal nature , making it religious , will not allow that place and use of the outward worship required by god himself , which should exclude it from being religious , or a part of their religion . but upon the whole matter our author affirms , that in all ages of the world , god hath left the management of his outward worship unto the discretion of men , unless when to determine some particulars hath been usefull to some other purpose , pag. . the management of outward worship , may signifie no more but the due performance of it ; and so i acknowledge that though it be not left unto mens discretion to observe , or not observe it , yet it is too their duty and obedience , which are their discretion and their wisdom . but the management here understood , is opposed to gods own determination of particular forms , that is , his especial institutions ; and hereof i shall make bold to say , that it was never in any age so left to the discretion of men . to prove this assertion , sacrifices are singled out as an instance ; it is known , and granted , that these were the most solemn part of the outward worship of god for many ages ; and that there was a general consent of mankind unto the use of them ; so that however the greatest part of the world apostatized from the true , only , and proper object of all religious worship , worship , yet they retained this mode and medium of it . these sacrifices we are told , p. . did not owe their original unto any divine institution , but were made choice of by good men as a fit way of imitating the gratefull resentments of their minds . the argument alone , as far as i can find , fixed on to firm this assertion is , that those who teach the contrary , and say that this mode of worship was commanded , do say so without proof , or evidence . our author , for the most part , sets off his assertions at no less rate than as such , without whose admittance , all order , and government , and almost every thing that is good amongst mankind , would be ruined and destroyed . but he hath the unhappiness to found them ordinarily not only on principles , and o●●nions dubious , and uncertain ; but on su●● paradoxes , as have been by sober and lear●●ed men generally decried . such is this 〈◊〉 the original of sacrifices here insisted o● the divines of the church of rome , do g●●nerally contend that religion and sacrific● are so related , that the one cannot be with●out the other . hence they teach go● would have required sacri●ices in the st● of innocency , had mankind continued therein . and though the instance be ill laid and not proved , yet the general rule applyed unto the religion of sinners , is no● easily to be evicted . for as in christian religion we have a sacrifice that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as to its efficacy , alwayes newly offered , and living ; so before the personal offering of it in the body of chirst , there was no season or age , without a due representation of it in sacrifices typical , and of mystical signification . and although there be no express mention in the scripture of their institution , ( for these are ancient things ) yet there is as good warrant for it , as for offering , and burning incense only with sacred fire taken from the altar , which was of an heavenly traduction ; for a neglect whereof the priests were consumed with fire from before the lord ; that is , though an express command be not recorded for their institution and observation , yet enough may be collected from the scripture that they were of a divine extract , and original . and if they were arbitrary inventions of some men , i desire to have a rational account given me of their catholicism in the world ; and one instance more of any thing not natural , or divine , that ever prevailed to such an absolute universal acceptance amongst mankind . it is not so safe , i suppose , to assign an arbitrary original , unto any thing that hath obtained an universal consent and suffrage ; lest men be thought to set their own houses on fire , on purpose to consume their neighbours . besides , no tolerable colour can be given to the assertion , that they were the invention of good men . the first notice we have of them , is , in those of cain and abel , whereof one was a bad man , and of the evil one , and yet must be looked on as the principal inventor of sacrifices , if this fiction be allowed . some of the antients indeed thought , that adam sacrificed the beasts to god , whose skins his first garments were made of ; and if so , he was very pregnant and sudden in his invention , if he had no direction from god. but more than all this , bloody sacrifices were types of christ from the foundation of the world ; and socinus himself , who , and his followers are the principal assertors of this paradox , grants that christ is called the lamb of god , with respect unto the sacrifices of old , even before the law ; as he is termed a lamb slain from the foundation of the world , not only with respect unto the efficacy of his sacrifice but to the typical representation of it . and he that shall deny , that the patriarchs in their sacrifices had respect unto the promised seed , will endeavour the shaking of a pillar of the churches creed . now i desire to know how men , by their own invention , or authority , could assign such an end unto their sacrifices , if they were not of divine prescription , if not designed of god thereunto . again ; the apostle tells us , abel offered his sacrifice by faith , heb. . . and faith hath respect unto the testimony or god , revealing , commanding , and promising to accept our duty . wherever any thing is done in faith , there an assent is included to this , that god is true , joh. . . and what it doth , is thereby distinguished from will-worship , that is resolved into the commandments , and doctrines of men , which whoso rest on , make void the commandment of god , matth. . , . and the faith of abel as to its general nature was the evidence of things not seen , and the substance of things hoped for , heb. . . which in this matter it could not be , if it had neither divine command , nor promise to rest upon . it is evident therefore that sacrifices were of a divine original ; and the instance in them to prove , that the outward worship of god hath in all ages been left unto the prudence , and management of men , is feeble , and such as will give no countenance unto what it is produced in the justification of ; and herewith the whole discourse of our author on this subject falls to the ground , where i shall at present let it lye , though it might in sundry particulars be easily crumbled into useless asseverations , and some express contradictions . in the close of this chapter , an application is made , of what hath been before argued , or rather dictated , unto a particular controversie about significant ceremonies . i am not willing to engage in any contests of that nature ; seeing , to the due handling of them , a greater length of discourse would be necessary , than i think meet at present to draw forth this survey unto . only seeing a very few words , may serve to manifest the loosness of what is here discoursed , to that purpose , i shall venter on the patience of the reader wit● an addition of them . we have therefore in the first place , a reflection on the prodigious impertinency of the clamour against th● institution of significant ceremonies , when i● is the only use of ceremonies , as all other outward expressions of religion , to be significan● . i do somewhat admire at the temper of this author , who cannot express his disser●● from others , in controverted points of the meanest and lowest concernment , but with crying out prodigies , clamours , impertinencies , and the like expressions of astonishment in himself , and contempt of others . he might reserve some of these great words for more important occasions . but yet i joyn with him thus fa● in what he pleads ; that ceremonies instituted in the worship of god , that art not significant , are things very insignificant ; and such as deserve not the least contention about them . he truly also in the next words tells us , that all outward worship is a sign of inward honour . it is so ; both in civil things , and sacred . all our questionis , how these instituted ceremonies come to be significant , and what it is they signifie , and whether it be lawful to assign a significancy to them in the worship of god , when indeed they have none , of the kind intended ? to free us from any danger herein he informs us , p. . that all the magistrates power of instituting significant ceremonies , amounts to no more , than a power of determining what shall , or what shall not , be visible signs of honour , and this can be no vsurpation upon the consciences of men . this is new language , and such as we have not formerly been used unto in the church of england ; namely , that of the magistrates instituting significant ceremonies ; it was of old , the churches appointing ceremonies for decency and order . but all the terms of that assertion are now metamorphosed ; the church into the magistrates ; appointing , which respects exercise , into institution , which respects the nature of the thing , and hath a singular use and sense in this matter ( or let them pass for the same ) and order and decency , into ceremonies significant . these things were indeed implyed before , but not so fully and plainly expressed or avowed . but the honour here intended in this matter , is the honour , which is given to god in his worship . this is the honour of faith , love , fear , obedience spiritual , and holy , in jesus christ. to say that the magistrate hath power to institute visible signs of this honour , to be observed in the outward worship of god , is upon the matter to say that he hath power to institute new sacraments ; for so such things would be . and to say what neither is , nor can be proved , nor is here either logically , or any way regularly , attempted so to be . the compiring of the ceremonies and their signification , with words and their signification , will not relieve our author in this matter . some things are naturally significant of one another ; so effects are of causes ; so is smoke of fire ; and such were the signes of the weather mentioned by our saviour , matth. . , . thus i suppose ceremonies are not significant ; they do not naturally signifie the things whereunto they are applyed ; for if they did , there would be no need of their institution . and they are here said to be instituted by the magistrate . again ; there are customary signes , some it may be catholick , many topical , that have prevailed by custome , and usage , to signifie such things , as they have no absolute natural coherence with , or relation unto ; such are putting off the hat in sign of reverence , with others innumerable . and both these sorts of signs , may have some use about the service , and worship of god , as might be manifested in instances . but the signes we enquire after , are voluntary , arbitrary and instituted as our author confesseth ; for we do not treat of appointing some ceremonies for order and decency , which our canons take notice of , but of instituting ceremonies for signification , such as neither naturally , nor meerly by custome and usage , come to be significant , but only by vertue of their institution . now concerning these one rule may be observed ; namely , that they cannot be of one kind , and signifie things of another , by vertue of any command , and consent of men , unless they have an absolute authority both over the sign , and thing signified , and can change their natures , or create a new relation between them . to take therefore things natural , that are outward , and visible , and appoint them to be signs not natural , nor civil , nor customary , but mystical of things spiritual , supernatural , inward , and invisible , and , as such , to have them observed in the church , or worship of god , is a thing which is not as yet proved to be lawfull ; signifie thus naturally they never can , seeing there is no natural relation between them ; civilly , or by consent they do not so ; for they are things sacred , which they are supposed to signifie ; and are so far from signifying by consent , that those , who plead for their signification , do not agree wherein it doth consist . they must therefore signifie so mystically , and spiritually ; and signa , cum ad res divinas pertinent , sunt sacramenta , sayes austin ; these things are sacraments ; and when men can give mystical , and spiritual efficacy to any of their own institutions ; when they can make a relation between such signes , and the things signified by them ; when they can make that teaching , and instructing in spiritual things , and the worship of god , which he hath not made so , nor appointed , blessed , or consecrated to that end ; when they can bind gods promises of assistance , and acceptance to their own inventions ; when they can advance what they will into the same rank , and series of things in the worship of god , with the sacrifices of old , or other parts of instituted worship introduced into the church by gods command , and attended with his promise of gracious acceptance , then and not before may they institute the significant ceremonies here contended for . words , it is true , are signs of things ; and those of a mixed nature ; partly natural , partly by consent . but they are not of one kind , and signi●ie things of another ; for , say the schoolmen , where words are signs of sacred things , they are signs of them as things , but not as sacred . a survey of the fourth chapter . in the fourth chapter we have no concern ; the hypothesis whose confutation he hath undertaken , as it is in it self false , so it is rather suited to promote what he aims at , than what he opposeth ; and the principles which himself proceedeth on , do seem to some to border on , if not to be borrowed from his , and those which are here confuted . and thence it is that the foundations , which he layes down in the entrance of this discourse , are as destructive of his own pretensions , as of those , against which they are by himself improved . for it is granted , and asserted by him , that there are actions , and duties in , and about which , the consciences of men are not to be obliged by humane authority , but have an antecedent obligation on them from the authority of god himself ; so that disobedience unto the contrary commands of humane authority is no sin , but an indispensible duty ; and although he seems at first to restrain things of this nature , unto things natural , and of an essential rectitude ; that is , the prime dictates of the law of nature ; yet he expresly extends it i● instances , unto the belief of the truth of th● gospel , which is a matter of meer and purr revelation : and hereon he adds , the formall , and adequate reason of this exemption of conscience from humane authority , and i● obligation unto duty , before its consideration without it , and against it , which is , not because subjects are in any thing free from the authority of the supream power on earth , but because they are subject to a superiour i● heaven , and they are then only excused from the duty of obedience to their soveraign , when they cannot give it without rebellion against god ; so that it is not originally any right of their own , that exempts them from a subjection to the soveraign power in all things , but it is purely gods right of governing his own creatures , that magistrates then invade , when they make edicts to violate , or controll his laws . it is about religion , and the worship of god that we are discoursing ; now in these things no man ever thought that it was originally a right of subjects , as subjects , abstracting from the consideration of the authority of god , that should exempt them from a subjection to the soveraign power . for though some of the antients discourse at large , that it is of natural right and equity , that every one should worship god as he would himself , yet they founded this equity in the nature of god , and the authority of his commands . this exemption then ariseth merely , as our author observes , because they are subject to a superiour power in heaven , which excuseth them from the duty of obedience to their superiours on earth , when they cannot give it without rebellion against god ; whence it undeniably follows that that supream power in heaven hath exempted these things from all inferiour powers on earth . extend this now unto all things wherein men have , and ought to have a regard unto that superiour power in heaven , as it must be extended , or the whole is ridiculous , ( for that heavenly supremacy is made the formall reason of the exemption here granted , ) and all that our author hath been so earnestly contending for in the preceeding chapters , falls to the ground . for no man pleads exemption from subjection unto , yea from giving active obedience unto the authority , and commands of the magistrate , even in things religious , but merely on the account of his subjection to the authority of god heaven ; and , where this is so , he is set● liberty by our author from all contra● commands of men . this is bellarmine's 〈◊〉 tissimum est , which , as king james obse●ved , overthrows all , that he had contened for in his five books de justificatione . a survey of the fifth chapter . the fifth chapter is at such variance with it self , and what is elsewhere dictated in the treatise , that it would require no small labour , to make any tollerable composition of things between them . this i shall not engage in , as not being of my present concernment . what seems to tend unto the carrying on of the design of the whole , may be called unto some account . in the beginning of it , he tells us that a belief of the indifferency or rather imposture of all religions ; is made the most effectual , not to say the most fashionable argument for liberty of conscience . for my part , i never read , i never heard of this pretence or argument , to be used to that purpose . it wants no such defence . nay the principle it self , seems to me , to be suited directly to oppose and overthrow it . for if there be no such thing in reality as religion in the world , it is certainly a very foolish thing , to have differences perpetuated amongst men upon the account of conscience , which without a supposition of religion , is nothing but a vain and empty name : but hence our author takes occasion , to discourse of the use of religion and conscience in the government of affairs in the world ; and proves in many words , that conscience unto god , with a regard to future eternal rewards or punishments , is the great ligament of humane society , the security of government , the strongest bond of laws , and only support of rule , without which every man would first and last , be guided by mere self interest , which would reduce all power and authority to meer force and violence . to this purpose doth he discourse at large in one section of this chapter ; and in another , with no less earnestness and elegancy of words , and repetition of various expressions of the same signification , that the use and exercise of conscience , will certainly overthrow all government , and fill the world with confusion . in like manner , whereas we have been hither● throughly instructed , as i thought , tha● men may think what they will in the matters of religion , and be of what perswai●● they please , no man can or ought to control● them therein ; here we are told , that 〈◊〉 power , nor policy , can keep men peaceable , untill some perswasions are rooted out of thei● minds by severity of laws and penalties , pag● . and whereas heretofore , we wer● informed , that men might believe what the● would , princes were concerned only i● their outward practice ; now are we assured , that above all things , it concerns princes to look to the doctrines and articles of men● belief , p. . but these things , as was before intimated , are not of our concern . nor can i find much of that importance● in the third and fourth paragraphs of this declamatory invective . it is evident whom he regards and reflects upon , and with what false , unmanly , unchristian revilings , he indeavours to traduce them . he would have the world believe , that there is a generation of men , whose principles of religion teach them to be proud , peevish , malicious , spightful , envious , turbulent , boysterous , seditious , and what ever is evil in the world ; when others are all for candour , moderation and ingenuity ; amongst whom no doubt he reckons himself for one , and gives in this discourse in evidence thereof . but what are these doctrines and articles of mens belief , which dispose them inevitably to all the villanies that our author could find names for . a catalogue of them he gives us , pag. , . saith he , what if they believe that princes are but the executioners of the decrces of the presbitery ; and that in case of disobedience to their spiritual governours , they may be excommunicated , and by consequence deposed ? what if they believe that dominion is founded in grace , and therefore all wicked kings forfeit their crowns , and that it is in the power of the people of god to bestow them where they please ? and what if others believe that to pursue their successes in villany and rebellion is to follow providence ? all the world knows what it is , that hath given him the advantage of providing a covering , for these monstrous fictions ; and an account thereof hath been given elsewhere . and what now if those intended do not believe these things , nor any one of them ? what if they do openly disavow every one of them , as for ought i ever heard or know they do , and as i do my self ? what if some of them , are ridiculously framed into articles of faith , from the supposed practices of some individual persons ? and what if men be of never so vile● opinions about the pursuit of their successes , so they have none to countenance them i● any unlawful enterprises , which i think must go before successes ? what if only the papists be concerned in these articles of faith ; and they only in one of them about the excommunication and deposition of princes , and that only some of them ; and not one of those have any concern in them , whom he intends to reproach ? i say if these things are so , we need look no farther for the principles of that religion , which hath furnished him with all this candor , moderation and ingenuity , and hath wrought him to such a quiet and peaceable temper , by teaching him that humility , charity and meekness , which here bewray themselves let it be granted , as it must and ought to be , that all principles of the minds of men , pretended to be from apprehensions of religion , that are in themselves inconsistent with any lawful government , in any place what ever , ought to be coerced , and restrained . for our lord jesus christ , sending his gospel to be preached and published in all nations and kingdoms of the world , then , and at all times , under various sorts of governments , all for the same end of publick tranquility and prosperity , did propose nothing in it , but what a submission and obedience unto , might be consistent with the government it self , of what sort soever it were . he came , as they used to sing of old , to give men an heavenly kingdom , and not to deprive them , or take from them their earthly temporal dominions . there is therefore nothing more certain , than that there is no principle of the religion taught by jesus christ , which either in it self , or in the practice of it , is inconsistent with any righteous government on the earth . and if any opinions can truly and really be manifested so to be , i will be no advocate for them , nor their abettors . but such as these , our author shall never be able justly to affix on them whom he opposeth ; nor the least umbrage of them ; if he do but allow the gospel , and the power of christ to institute those spiritual ordinances , and requiring their administration , which do not , which cannot extend unto any thing wherein a magistrate as such , hath the least concernment in point of prejudice . for if on a false , or undue practice of them , any thing should be done , that is not purely spiritual , or that being done , should be esteemed to operate upon any of outward concerns , relations , interest● occasions of men , they may be restrain by the power of him who presides o● publick good . but besides these pretences , our a●thor i know not how , chargeth also the ●●mours , inclinations and passions of some me● as inconsistent with government , and a●wayes disposing men to phanaticisme and ●●dition ; and on occasion thereof falls out to an excess of intemperance in reproa●●ing them whom he opposet● , such as 〈◊〉 have not above once or twice before 〈◊〉 with the like . and in particular he ra● about that zeal , as he calls it , for the g●●ry of god , which hath turned whole natio● into shambles , filled the world with bute●ries and massacres , and fleshed it self wi●● slaughters of miriads of mankind . no● omitting all other controversies , i sha●● undertake to maintain this against any m●● in the world , that the effects here so tr●gically expressed , have been produced 〈◊〉 the leal our author pleads for , in co●pelling all unto the same sentiments and pr●●ctices in religion , incomparably abo● what hath ensued upon any other pretenc● in or about religion , what ever . this neel require , i shall evince with such in●stances , from the entring of christianity into the world to this very day , as will admit of no competition with all those together , which on any account or pretence have produced the like effects . this it was , and is , that hath soaked the earth with blood , depopulated nations , ruined families , countrys , kingdoms , and at length made innumerable christians rejoyce in the yoke of turkish tyranny , to free themselves from their perpetual persecutions , on the account of their dissent from the worship publickly established in the places of their nativity . and as for the humours , inclinations , and passions of men , when our author will give such rules and directions , as whereby the magistrate may know how to make a true and legal judgement , of who are fit on their account , to live in his territories , and who are not , i suppose there will not be any contest about them ; until then , we may leave them as here displayed and set up by our author , for every one to cast a cudgel at them , that hath a mind thereunto . for to what purpose is it to consider the frequent occasions he takes , to diseourse about the ill tempers and humours of men , or of enveighing against them for being morose , and ungentile , unsociable , peevish , censorious , with many other terms of reproach , that do not at present occur to my memory , nor are doubtless worth the searching after . suppose he hath the advantage of a better natural temper , have more sedate affections , a more complyant humour , be more remote from giving or receiving provocations , and have learned the wayes of courtly deportment , only was pleased to vail them all and every one , in the writing of this discourse ; is it meet that they should be persecuted and destroyed , be esteemed seditious and i know not what , because they are of a natural temper not so disposed to affability and sweetness of conversation as some others are ? for my part , i dislike the humour and temper of mind characterised by our author , it may be as much as he ; i am sure , i think , as much as i ought . but to make it a matter of such huge importance , as solemnly to introduce it into a discourse about religion , and publick tranquility , will not it may be , on second thoughts , be esteemed over considerately done . and it is not unlikely , but that our author seems of as untoward a composition , and peevish an humour to them whom he reflects upon , as they do to him , and that they satisfie themselves as much in their disposition and deportment , as he doth himself in his . nimirum idem omnes fallimur , neque est quisquam quem non in aliqua re , videre suffenum possis — sect. . pag. , . he inveighs against the events that attend the permission of different sects of religion in a common-wealth . and it is not denyed , but that some inconveniencies may ensue thereon . but as himself hath well observed in another place , we do not in these things enquire what is absolutely best , and what hath no inconvenience attending it ; but what is the best which in our present condition we can attain unto ; and what in that state answers the duty that god requireth of us . questionless , it were best that we should be all of one mind in these things of god ; and it is no doubt also our duty on all hands to endeavour so to be . but seeing de facto , this is not so , nor is it in the power of men , when and how they wil to depose those perswasions of their minds , and dictates of their consciences , from whence it is not so , on the one part or the other ; ( although in some parts of our differences , some may do so and will not , namely in things acknowledged to be of no necessity antecedent to their imposition ; and some would do so and cannot , ) it is now enquired , what is the best way to be steer'd in , for the accomplishment of the desired end of peace and tranquility for the future ; and maintaining love , quietness and mutual usefulness at present amongst men . two ways are proposed to this purpose ; the one is to exercise mutual forbearance to each other , whilst we are inevitably under the power of different perswasions in these things , producing no practices that are either injurious unto private men in their rights , or hurtful unto the state , as to publick peace ; endeavouring in the mean time , by the evidence of truth , and a conversation suited unto it , to win upon each other to a consent and agreement in the things wherein we differ . the other is , by severe laws , penalties , outward force , as imprisonments , mulcts , fines , banishments , or capital punishments , to compell all men out of hand , to an uniformity of practice , whatever their judgements be to the contrary . now as the state of things is amongst us , which of these wayes is most suitable to the law of our being and creation , the best principles of the nature of man , and those which have the most evident resemblance of divine perfections , the gospel , the spirit and letter of it , with the mind of its author our lord jesus christ , which is most conducing to attain the end aimed at , in wayes of a natural and genuine complyance with the things themselves of religion , conscience , and divine worship , is left unto the judgement of god , and all good men . in the mean time , if men will make declamations upon their own surmises , jealousies , and suspitions of things which are either so indeed , that is really surmized , or pretended to be so for some private interests or advantages of their own , which no man can answer or remove ; if they may fancy at their pleasure ghosts , goblins , fiends , walking sprights , seditions , drums , trumpets , armies , bears , and tigers ; every difference in religion , be it never so small , be the agreement amongst them that differ , never so great , be it the visible , known , open interest of them that dissent from what is established , to live quietly and peaceably , and to promote the good of the commonwealth wherein they live ; do they profess that it is their duty , their principle , their faith , and doctrine , to obey constantly their rulers and governours in all things , not contrary to the mind of god , and pretend no such commands of his , as should interfere in the least with their power in order to publick tranquility ; do they offer all the security of their adherence to such declared principles , as mankind is necessitated to be contented and satisfied with , in things of their highest concernment ; do they avow an especial sense of the obligation that is put upon them by their rulers , when they are protected in peace ; have they no concernment in any such political societies , combinations , interests , as might alone give countenance unto any such disturbance ; all is one , every different opinion is press-money , and every sect is an army , although they be all and every one of them protestants , of whom alone we do discourse . other answer therefore i shall not return unto this part of our authors arguing , than what he gave of old . ne admittam culpam , ego meo sum promus pectori . suspicio est in pectore alieno sita . nam nunc ego te si surripuisse suspicer , jovi coronam de capite e capitolio , quod in culmine astat summo , st non id feceris ; atque id tamen mihi lubeat suspicarier ; qui tu id prohibere me potes , ne suspicer . only , i may add , that sundry of the instances our author makes use of , are false , and unduly alledged . for what is here charged on differences in and about religion , in reference unto publick tranquility , might have been , yea and was charged on christian religion for three hundred years , and is so by many still on protestancy as such ; and that it were a very easie and facile task , to set out the pernicious evills of a compelled agreement in the practice of religion , and those not fancied only or feigned , but such as do follow it , have followed it , and will follow it in the world . an enquiry in this invective , tending to evince its reasonableness is offered , in pag. . namely , where there are divided interests in religion in the same kingdom , it is asked how shall the prince behave himself towards them . the answer thereunto is not i confess easie , because it is not easie to be understood , what is intended by divided interests in religion . we will therefore lay that aside , and consider what really is amongst us , or may be according to what we understand by these expressions . suppose then , that in the same profession of protestant religion , some different way and observances in the outward worship of god should be allowed , and the persons concerned herein have no other , cannot be proved to have any other interest with respect unto religion , but to fear god and honour the king ; it is a very easie thing to return an answer to this enquiry . for not entring into the profound political speculation of our author , about ballancing of parties , or siding with this or that party , where the differences themselves constitute no distinct parties , in reference to civil government and publick tranquility ; let the prince openly avow by the declaration of his judgement , his constant practice , his establishing of legal rights , disposing of publick favours in places and preferments , that way of religion which himself owns and approves ; and let him indulge and protect others of the same religion , for the substance of it with what himself professeth , in the quiet and peaceable exercise of their consciences in the worship of god , keeping all dissenters within the bounds allotted to them , that none transgress them to the invasion of the rights of others ; and he may have both the reality , and glory of religion , righteousness , justice , and all other royal vertues which will render him like to him whose vice-gerent he is ; and will undoubtedly reap the blessed fruits of them , in the industry , peaceableness , and loyalty of all his subjects whatever . there are sundry things in the close of this chapter objected against such a course of proceedure ; but those such , as are all of them resolved into a supposition , that they who in any place or part of the world , desire liberty of conscience for the worship of god , have indeed no conscience at all . for it is thereon supposed without further evidence , that they will thence fall into all wicked and unconscientious practices . i shall make , as i said , no reply to such surmises . christianity suffered under them for many ages . protestancy hath done so in sundry places for many years . and those who now may do so , must as they did , bear the effects of them as well as they are able . only i shall say , first , whatever is of real inconvenience in this pretension , on the supposition of liberty of conscience , is no way removed by taking away all different practices , unless ye could also obliterate all different perswasions out of the minds of men ; which although in one place , tells us ought to be done by severe pe●ties , yet in another , he acknowledgeth th● the magistrate hath no cognizance of 〈◊〉 such things ; who yet alone is the inflicts● of all penalties . nay where different a● prehensions are , the absolute prohibition of different answerable practices , doth thousand times more dispose the minds 〈◊〉 men to unquietness , than where they 〈◊〉 allowed both together , as hath been before declared . and he that can oblitera● out of , and take away all different apprehensions and perswasions about the worship of god , from the minds and consciences of men , bringing them to center 〈◊〉 the same thoughts and judgements absolutely , in all particulars about them , dicendum est — deus ille fuit , deus incly● mem●●● qui princeps vitae rationem invenit eam ; — he is god and not man. secondly , it is granted , that the magistrate may , and ought to restrain all principles and outward practices , that have any natural tendency unto the disturbance of the peace ; which being granted , and all obligations upon dissenting parties being alone put upon them , by the supream legislative and executive power of the kingdoms and nations of the world , publick tranquility is , and will be as well secured on that respect , as such things are capable of security in this world . all the longsome discourse therefore which here ensues , wherein all the evils that have been in this nation , are charged on liberty of conscie●ce , from whence not one of them did proceed , seeing there was no such thing granted , until upon other civil and political accounts , the flood-gates were set open unto the following calamities and confusions , is of no use , nor unto any purpose at all . for until it can be demonstratively proved , that those who do actually suffer , and are freely willing so to do , ( as far as the foregoing , otherwise lawful advantages , open unto them as well as others , may be so called ) and resolved to undergo what may farther to their detriment , yea to their ruine be inflicted on them , to preserve their consciences entire unto some commands of god , have no respect unto others of as great evidence and light to be his , ( as are those which concern their obedience unto magistrates , compared with those which they avow about the worship of god ; ) and that private men , uninterested in , 〈◊〉 uncapable of any pretence unto publi● authority of any sort , do alwayes this themselves warranted to do such things●● others have done , pleading right and authority for their warranty ; and 〈◊〉 be made manifest also , that they have 〈◊〉 other or greater interest , than to enjoy the particular conditions and estates in peace and to exercise themselves in the worship of god according as they apprehend 〈◊〉 mind to be , these declamations are altogether vain , and as to any solid wor● lighter than a feather . and i could desire that if these controversies must be farther debated , that 〈◊〉 author would omit the pursuit of the things , which are really 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and according to the antient custom ●●tend 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without rhetori●● prefaces , or unreasonable passions , unto the merit of the cause . to this purpose , 〈◊〉 suppose it might not be amiss for him , consider a few sheets of paper lately published , under the title of a case stated , & wherein he will find the main controversy reduced to its proper heads , and a mode provocation unto an answer to what proposed about it . — illum aspice contra qui vocat . a survey of the sixth chapter . the sixth chapter in this discourse , which is the last that at the present i shall call to any account , ( as being now utterly wearied with the frequent occurrence of the same things in various dresses ; ) is designed to the confutation of a principle , which is termed the foundation of all puritanism , and that wherein the mysterie of it consisteth . now this is , that nothing ought to be established in the worship of god , but what is authorised by some precept or example in the word of god , which is the compleat and adequate rule of worship . be it so , that this principle is by some allowed , yea contended for . it will not be easie to affix a guilt upon them , on the account of its being so ; for , lay aside prejudics , corrupt interests , and passions , and i am perswaded that at the first view , it will not seem to be forraign , unto what is in an hundred places declared and taught in the scripture . and certainly a man must be master of extraordinary projections , who can foresee 〈◊〉 the evil , confusion and desolation in the world , which our author hath found out , as inevitable consequents of its admi● tance . it hath , i confess , been former disputed with colourable arguments , pr● tences and instances , on the one side and the other ; and variously stated among●● learn'd men , by , and on various distinction● and with diverse limitations . but the manner of our author is , that whatever is contrary to his apprehensions , must present●● overthrow all government , and bring in 〈◊〉 confusion into the world. such huge weight hath he wonted himself to lay o● the smallest different conceptions of the minds of men , where his own are not 〈◊〉 throned . particularly it is contended that there can be no peace in any churche● or states , whilest this principle is admitted : when it is easily demonstrable , tha● without the admittance of it , as to its substance and principal end , all peace and agreement among churches are utterly impossible . the like also may be said of states , which indeed are not at all concerned in it , any farther , than as it is a principal means of their peace and security , where it is embraced ; and that which would reduce rulers to a stability of mind in these things , after they have been tossed up and down with the various suggestions of men , striving every one to exalt their own imaginations . but seeing it is pretended and granted to be of so much importance , i shall , without much regard to the exclamations of this author , and the reproachful contemptuous expressions , which without stint or measure he poures out upon the assertors of it , consider both what is the concern of his present adversaries in it , and what is to be thought of the principle it self ; so submiting the whole to the judgement of the candid reader . only i must add one thing to the position , without which it is not maintained by any of those , with whom he hath to do ; which may deliver him from combating the air in his next assault of it ; and this is , that nothing ought to be established in the worship of god , as a part of that worship , or made constantly necessary in its observance , without the warranty before-mentioned ; for this is expresly contended for by them , who maintain it ; and who reject nothing upon the authority of it , but what they can prove to be a pretended part of religious worship as such . and , as thus laid down , i shall give some further account both of the principle it self , and of the interest of the non-conformists in it ; because both it and they are together here reproached . what then i say is the true sense and importance of that which our author design● to oppose , according to the mind of them who assert it ; how impotent his attempts against it are for its removal , shall briefly ▪ be declared . in the mean time i cannot but , in the first place , tell him , that if by any means this principle truly stated , as to the expression wherein it is before laid down , and the formal terms whereof it consisteth , should be shaken , or rendred dubious , yet that the way will not be much the plainer , or clearer , for the introduction of his pretensions . there are yet other general maxims , which non-conformists adhere unto , and suppose not justly questionable , which they can firmly stand and build upon in the management of their plea , as to all differences between him and them . and because , it may be , he is unacquainted with them , i shall reckon over some of them for his information . and they are these that follow . . that whatever the scripture hath indeed prescribed , and appointed to be done , and observed in the worship or god , and the government of the church , that is indeed to be done and observed . this , they suppose , will not be opposed : at least they do not yet know , notwithstanding any thing spoken or disputed in this discourse , any pretences , on which it may honestly so be . it is also , as i think , secured , matth. . . . that nothing in conjunction with , nothing as an addition or supplement unto what is so appointed , ought to be admitted , if it be contrary either to the general rules , or particular preceptive instructions of the scripture . and this also , i suppose , will be granted : and if it be not freely , some are ready by arguments to extort the confession of it from them that shall deny it . . that nothing ought to be joyned with , or added unto , what in the scripture is prescribed and appointed in these things , without some cogent reason , making such conjunction : or addition necessary . of what necessity may accrue unto the observation of such things , by their prescription , we do not now dispute : but at present only desire to see the necessity of : their prescription . and this can be nothing , but some defect in substance or circumstance , matter or manner , kind or form , in the institutions mentioned in the scripture , as to their proper ends . now whe● this is discovered , i will not , for my par● much dispute by whom the supplement to be made . in the mean time i do judg● it reasonable , that there be some previou● reasons assigned unto any additional prescriptions in the worship of god unto what is revealed in the scripture , rendring the matter of those prescriptions antecedently necessary and reasonable . . that if any thing or things in this kind , shall be found necessary , to be added and prescribed , then that and those alone be so , which are most consonant unto the general rules of the scripture , given as for our guidance in the worship of god , and the nature of those institutions themselves , wherewith they are conjoyned , or whereunto they are added . and this also i suppose to be a reasonable request , and such as will be granted by all men , who dare not advance their own wills and wisdom above or against the will and wisdom of god. . now if , as was said , the general principle before-mentioned , should by any means be duly removed , or could be so ; if intangled or rendred dubious ; yet as far as i can learn , the non-conformists will be very far from supposing the matters in contest between them and their adversaries , to be concluded . but as they look upon their concernments to be absolutely secured in the principles now mentioned , all which they know to be true , and hope to be unquestionable : so the truth is , there is by this author very small occasion administred unto any thoughts of quitting the former more general thesis as rightly stated ; but rather , if his ability be a competent measure of the merit of his cause , there is a strong confirmation given unto it in the minds of considering men , from the impotency and succeslesness of the attempt made upon it . and that this may appear to the indifferent readers satisfaction , i shall so far divert in this place from the pursuit of my first design , as to state the principle aright , and briefly to call the present opposition of it , unto a new account . the summ in general , of what this author opposeth with so much clamour is , that divine revelation is the sole rule of divine religious worship ; an assertion , that in its latitude of expression , hath been acknowledged in , and by , all nations and people . the very heathen admitted it of old , as shall be manifested , if need require , by instances sufficient . for though they framed many gods in their foolish darkened imaginations , yet they thought , that every one of them would be worshipped according to his own mind , direction and prescription . so did , and , think do , christians generally believe : only some have a mind to pare this generally avowed principle , to curb it , and order it so by distinctions and restrictions , that it may serve their turn , and consist with their interest . for an opposition unto it nakedly , directly and expresly , few have had the confidence yet to make . and the non-conformists need not go one step farther , in the expression of their judgements and principles in this matter . for who shall compell them to take their adversaries distinctions , ( which have been invented and used by the most learned of them ) of , substantial and accidental ; proper and reductive ; primitive and accessary ; direct and consequential ; intrinsick and circumstantial worship , and the like , for the most part unintelligible terms in their application , into the state of the question ? if men have a mind , let them oppose this thesis as laid down , if not , let them let it alone : and they , who shall undertake the confirmation of it , will , no doubt , carry it through the briets of those unscriptural distinctions . and that this author may be the better instructed in his future work , i shall give him a little farther account of the terms of the assertion laid down . revelation is either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and containeth every discovery or declaration , that god hath made of himself , or of his mind and will , unto men . thus it is comprehensive of that concreated light , which is in all men , concerning him and his will. for although we say , that this is natural ; and is commonly contra-distinguished to revelation properly so called , which for perspicuity sake we call revelation supernatural ; yet whereas it doth not so necessarily accompany humane nature , but that it may be separated from it ; not is it educed out of our natural faculties by their own native or primigenial vertue ; but is , or was distinctly implanted in them by god himself ; i place it under the general head of revelation . hence whatever is certainly from god , by the light of nature and instinct thereof declared so to be , is no less a certain rule of worship and obedience , so far forth as it is from h●m , and concerneth those things , than any thing that comes from him by express vocal revelation . and this casts out of consideration a vain exception , wherewith some men please themselves ; as though the men of this opinion , denyed the admittance of what is from god , and by the light of nature discovered to be his mind and will. let them once prove any thing in contest between them and their adversaries to be required , prescribed , exacted or made necessary by the light of nature , as the will of god revealed therein , and i will assure them , that as to my concern , there shall be an end of all difference about it . but yet th●● i may adde a little farther light into the sense of the non-conformists in this matter ; i say , . that this inbred light of reason guides unto nothing at all in or about the worship of god , but what is more fully , clearly and directly taught and declared in the scripture . and this may easily be evinced , as from the untoward mixture of darkness and corruption , that is befallen our primigenial i●bred principles of light and wisdom , by the entrance of sin ; so also from the end of the scripture it self ; which was to restore that knowledge of god and his mind , which was lost by sin ; and which might be as useful to man in his lapsed condition , as the other was in his pure and uncorrupted estate . at present therefore , i shall leave this assertion , in expectation of some instance , in matters great or small , to the contrary , before i suppose it be obnoxious to question or dispute . . as there can be no opposition , nor contradiction , between the light of nature , and inspired vocal or scriptural revelation , because they are both from god : so if in any instance , there should appear any such thing unto us , neither faith nor reason can rest in that which is pretended to be natural light , but must betake themselves for their resolution unto express revelation . and the reason hereof is evident ; because nothing is natural light , but what is common to all men ; and where it is denyed , it is frustrated as to its ruling efficacy . again , it is mixed , as we said before ; and it is not every mans work to separate the chaffe from the wheat ; or what god hath implanted in the mind of man when he made him upright , and what is since soaked into the principles of his nature , from his own inventions . but this case may possibly very rarely fall out , and so shall not much be insisted on . . our enquiry in our present contest , is solely about instituted worship , which we believe to depend on supernatural revelation ; the light of nature can no way relieve or guide us in it or about it , because it refers universally to things above , and beyond that light : but only with reference unto those moral , natural circumstances , which appertain unto those actings or actions of men , whereby it is performed ; which we willingly submit unto its guidance and direction . again , vocal revelation hath come under two considerations : first , as it was occasional . secondly , as it became stated . first , as it was occasional . for a long time god was pleased to guide his church in many concerns of his worship , by fresh occasional revelations ; even from the giving of the first promise unto adam , unto the solemn giving of the law by moses . for although men had in process of time many stated revelations , that were preserved by tradition among them ; as the first promise ; the institution of sacrifices , and the like : yet as to sundry emergencies of his worship , and parts of it , god guided them by new occasional revelations . now those revelations being not recorded in the scripture , as being only for present or emergent use ; we have no way to know them , but by what those , to whom god was pleased so to reveal himself , did practise ; and which , on good testimony found acceptance with him . whatever they so did , they had especial warranty from god for ; which is the case of the great institution of sacrifices it self . it is a sufficient argument that they were divinely instituted , because they were graciously accepted . secondly , vocal revelation as the rule of worship , became stated and invariable , in and by the giving and writing of the law. from thence , with the allowances before mentioned , we confine it to the scripture , and so unto all succeeding generations . i confess many of our company , who kept to us hitherto in granting divine revelation to be the sole principle and rule of religious worship , now leave us , and betake themselves to paths of their own . the postmisnicall jews , after many attempts made that way by their predecessors , both before and after the conversation of our lord christ in the flesh , at length took up a resolution , that all obligatory divine revelation was not contained in the scripture ; but was partly preserved by orall tradition . for although they added a multitude of observances , unto what were prescribed unto their fathers by moses : yet they would never plainly forego that principle , nor do to this day ; that divine revelation is the rule of divine worship . wherefore to secure their principle and practice , and to reconcile them together , ( which are indeed at an unspeakable variance ) they have fancied their oral law ; which they assert to be of no less certain and divine original , than the law that is written . on this pretence they plead , that they keep themselves unto the fore-mentioned principle , under the superstition of a multitude of self-invented observances . the papists also here leave us ; but still with a semblance of adhering to that principle , which carryes so great and uncontrollable an evidence with it , as that there are very few as was said , who have hitherto risen up in a direct and open opposition unto it . for whereas they have advanced a double principle for the rule of religious worship , besides the scripture ; namely tradition , and the present determinations of their church , from thence educed ; they assert the first to be divine or apostolical , which is all one ; and the latter to be accompanyed with infallibility , which is the formal reason of our adherence and submission unto divine revelations . so that they still adhere in general unto the fore-mentioned principle ; however they have debauched it by their advancement of those other guides . but herein also , we must do them right ; that they do not absolutely turn loose those two rude creatures of their own ; traditions , and present church determinations , upon the whole face of religion , to act therein at their pleasure ; but they secure them from whatever is determined in the written word ; affirming them to take place only in those things , that are not contrary to the word , or not condemned in it . for in such , they con●ess , they ought not , nor can take place . which i doubt whether our author will allow of or no , in reference to the power by him asserted . by religious worship , in the thesis above , we understand , as was said before , instituted worship only , and not that which is purely moral and natural ; which , in many instances of it , hath a great coincidence with the light of nature , as was before discoursed . we understand also the solemn or stated worship of the church of god. that worship , i say , which is solemn and stated , for the church , the whole church , at all times and seasons , according to the rules of his appointment , is that which we enquire after . hence in this matter , we have no concernment in the fact of this or that particular person , which might be ●●casionally influenced by necessity ; as vids eating of the shewbread was ; 〈◊〉 which , how far it may excuse or just 〈◊〉 the persons that act thereon , or regu●● their actions , directly , i know not , nor any way engaged to enquire . this is the state of our question in ha●● the mind of the assertion , which is h●● so hideously disguised , and represent in its pretended consequences . neit●●● do i think there is any thing needful f●●ther to be added unto it . but yet for 〈◊〉 clearing of it from mistakes , somethi●● may be discoursed which relates unto we say then ; first , that there are sundry things be used in , about , and with those actio● whereby the worship of god is perfor●●ed , which yet are not sacred , nor do 〈◊〉 long unto the worship of god as su●● though that worship cannot be perform without them . the very breath that 〈◊〉 breathe , and the light whereby they s● are necessary to them in the worship●● god ; and yet are not made sacred● religious thereby . constantine said of o● that he was a bishop , but without the churc● not a sacred officer , but one that too● care , and had a supervisorship of thir● ●ecessarily belonging to the performance of gods worship , yet no parts or adjuncts 〈◊〉 it as such . for it was all still without . now all those things in or about the worship of god , that belonged unto constantines episcopacy , that is the ordering and disposal of things without the church , but about it ; without worship , but about it ; we acknowledge to be left unto common prudence , guided by the general rules of scripture , by which the church is to walk and compose its actings . and this wholly supersedes the discourse of our author concerning the great variety of circumstances , wherewith all humane actions are attended . for in one word , all such circumstances as necessarily ▪ attend humane actions as such , neither are sacred , nor can be made so without an express institution of god , and are , disposable by humane authority . so that the long contest of our author on that head , is altogether vain . so then , secondly , by all the concernments of religious worship , which any affirm , that they must be directed by divine revelation , or regulated by the scripture ; they intend all that is religious , or whatever belongs to the worship of god , as it is divine worship : and not what belongs unto the actions , wherein and when by it is performed , as they are actions . thirdly , that when any part of worship is instituted in special , and general rule are given for the practice of it hic ● nunc : there the warranty is sufficient fo● its practice at its due seasons ; and for those seasons the nature of the thing it self , with what it hath respect unto , and the ligh● of the general scripture rules , will give them an acceptable determination . and these few observations will abundantly manifest , the impertinency of those who think it incumbent on any , by vertue of the principle before laid down , to produce express warranty in words of scripture , for every circumstance that doth attend and belong unto the actions , whereby the worship of god is performed : which as they require not ; so no such thing is included in the principle as duly stated . for particular circumstances , that have respect to good order , decency , and external regulation of divine worship , they are all of them either circumstances of the actions themselves , whereby divine worship is performed and exercised ▪ and so in general they are natural and necessary ; which in particular , or actu exercito , depend on moral prudence ; or religious rites themselves , added in and to the whole , or any parts of divine service , which alone in this question come under enquiry . i know there are usually sundry exceptions put into this thesis , as before stated and asserted : and instances to the contrary are pretended ; some whereof are touched upon by our author , pag. . which are not now particularly , and at large to be considered . but yet because i am , beyond expectation , engaged in the explication of this principle , i shall set it so far forth right and straight unto further examination , as to give in such general observations , as , being consistent with it , and explanatory of it , will serve to obviate the most of the exceptions that are laid against it . as , . where ever in the scripture we meet with any religious duty , that had a preceding institution , although we find not expresly a consequent approbation , we take it for granted that it was approved ; and so on the contrary , where an approbation appears , and institution is concealed . . the question being only about religious duties , or things pertaining to , or required in or about the worship of god ; no exception against the general thesis ca●● take place , but such as consists in thing● directly of that nature . instances in and about things civil , and belonging meerly to humane conversation , or things natural , as signs and memorials one of another are in this matter of no consideration . . things extraordinary in their performance , and which , for ought we know may have been so in their warranty 〈◊〉 rule , have no place in our debate . fo● we are inquiring only after such things as may warrant a suitable practice in us● without any further authority , which is the end , for which instances against this principle are produced ; this actions extr●ordinary will not do . . singular and occasional actions which may be variously influenced and regulated by present circumstances , are n● rule to guide the ordinary stated worship of the church . davids eating of th● shew-bread , wherein yet he was justifie● because of his hunger and necessity , was not to be drawn into example of giving the shew-bread promiscuously to the people . and sundry instances to the same purpose are given by our saviour himself . . there is nothing of any dangerous or had consequence in this whole controversie , but what lyes in the imposition on mens practices of the observation of uncommanded rites , making them necessary unto them in their observation . the things themselves are said in their own nature , antecedent to their injunction for practice , to be indifferent , and indifferent as unto practice . what hurt would it be to leave them so ? they cannot , say some , be omitted for such and such reasons . are there then reasons : for their observation besides their injuction , and such as on the account whereof they are injoyned ? then are they indeed necessary in some degree before their injunction . for all reason for them must be taken from themselves . and things wholly indifferent have nothing in themselves one more than another , why one should be taken , and another left . for if one have the advantage of another in the reasons for its practice , it is no more indifferent : at least it is not comparatively so . granting therefore , things injoyned to be antecedently to their injunction , equally indifferent in their own nature , with all other things of the same or the like kind , which yet are rejected or not injoyned ; and then to give reasons taken from themselves , their decency , their conducingness to edification , their tendency to the increase of devotion , their significancy of this or that ; is to speak daggers and contradictions ; and to say , a thing is indifferent before the injuction of its practice ; but yet if we had thought so , we would never have enjoyned it ; seeing we do so upon reasons . and without doubt this making necessary the practice of things in the worship of god , proclaimed to be indifferent in themselves , and no way called for by any antecedent reason , is an act of power . . where things are instituted of god , and he himself makes an alteration in , or of his own institutions , those institutions may be lawfully practised and observed , untill the mind of god for their alteration and abolition be sufficiently revealed , proposed , and con●irmed unto them that are concerned in them . for as the making of a law doth not oblige , untill , and without the promulgation of it , so as that any should offend in not yielding obedience unto it ; so upon the abrogation of a law , obedience may be conscienciously and without sin yielded unto that law , untill the abrogation , by what act soever it was made , be notified and confirmed . an instance hereof we have in the observation of mosaical rites , in the forbearance of god , after the law of their institution was enervated , and the obligation of it unto obedience really dissolved ; at least the foundation of it laid ; for the actual dissolution of it depended on the declaration of the fact , wherein it was founded . . there may be a coincidence of things performed by sundry persons , at the same time and in the same place ; whereof some may have respect unto religious worishp directly , and so belong unto it ; and others only occasionally , and so not at all belong thereunto . as if when the athenians had been worshipping of their altars , st. paul had come , and reading the inscription of one of them , and thence taking occasion and advantage to preach the unknown god unto them ; their act was a part of religious veneration , his presence and observation of them , and laying hold of that occasion for his own purpose , was not so . . many things , which are meer natural circumstances , requisite unto the performance of all actions in communities whatever , and so to be ordered by prudence according unto general rules of the word of god , may seem to be adjuncts of worship , unless they are followed to their original , which will discover them to be of another nature . . civil usages and customes observed 〈◊〉 a religious manner , as they are all to be by them that believe , and directed by them unto moral ends , may have a shew and appearance of religious worship ; and so , according to the principle before stated , require express institution . but although they belong unto our living unto god is general ; as do all things that we do , seeing whether we eat or drink , we are to do a● to the glory of god ; and therefore are to be done in faith ; yet they are or may be no part of instituted worship , but such actions of life as in our whole course , we are to regulate by the rules of the scripture , so farr as they afford us guidance therein . . many observances in and about the worship of god , are recorded in the scripture , without especial reflecting any blame or crime on them , by whom they were performed ; ( as many great sins are historically only related , and left to be judged by the rule of the world in other places , without the least remark of displeasure on the persons guilty of them , ) and that by such whose persons were accepted of god ; yea it may be in that very service , wherein less or more they failed in their observation , god being merciful to them though not in all things prepared according to the prepartion of the sanctuary ; and yet the things themselves not to be approved nor justified , but condemned of god. such was the fact of judas maccabeus in his offering sacrifices for the sin of them that were dead ; adn that of instituting an aniversary feast in commemoration of the dedication of the altar . this little search have i made into this great mystery , as it is called , of puritanism , after which so mighty an outcry is raised by this author ; and if it might be here further pursued , it would as stated by us in these general rules and explications , be fully manifested to be a principle in general admitted , untill of late , by all sorts of men : some few only having been forced sometimes to corrupt it for the security of some especial interest of their own . and it were an easie thing to confirm this assertion by the testimonies of the most learned protestant writers , that have served the church in the last ages . but i know how with many amongst us they are regarded ; and that the citation of some of the most reverend names among them , is not unlikely to prejudice and disadvantage the cause , wherein their witness is produced . i shall not therefore expose them to the contempt of those , now they are dead , who would have been unwilling to have entred the lists with them in any kind of learning , when they were alive . there is , in my apprehension , the substance of this assertion still retained among the papists . bellarmine himself layes it down as the foundtion of all his controversies ; and indeavours to prove , propheticos & apostolicos libros verum esse verbum dei , & certam & stabilem regulam fidei . de verbo dei. lib. . cap. . that the prophetical and apostoiclal books , ●are the true word of god , a certain and stable rule of faith , wil go a great way in this matter . for all our obedience in the worship of god is the obedience of faith : and if the scripture be the rule of faith , our faith is not in any of its concerns , to be extended beyond it ; nor more than the thing regulated is to be beyond the rule . neither is this opinion of so late a date , as our author and others would perswade their ceredulous followers . the full sense of it was spoken out roudly of old . so speaks the great constantine ( that an emperour may lead the way ) in his oration to the renowned fathers assembled at nice . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. the evangelical and apostolical books , and the oracles of the ancient prophets , do plainly instruct us , what we are to think of divine things . laying aside therefore all hostile discord , let us resolve the things brought into question , by the testimonies of the writings given by divine inspiration . we have here the full substance of what is pleaded for ; and might the advice of this noble emperour be admitted , we should have a readier way to expedite all our present differences , than as yet seems to be provided for us . the great basil speaks yet more expresly than constantine the great lib. de confes . fid . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. it hath the manifest guilt of infidelity and pride , to reject any thing that is written , or to add or introduce any thing that is not written ; which is the summ of all that in this matter is contended for . to the same purpose he discourseth epist. . ad eustath : where moreover he rejects all pretences of customs and usages of any sorts of men , and will have all differences to be brought for their determination to the scripture . christstome in his homily on psalm . speaks the same sense , saith he ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . who is it that promiseth these things ? paul. for we are not to say any thing without testimony , nor upon our meer reasonings . for if any thing be spoken without scripture ( testimony ) the mind of the hearers fluctuates , now assenting , anon hesitating , sometimes rejecting what is spoken as frivolous , sometimes receiving it as probable . but where the testimonies of the divine voice comes forth from the scripture , it confirmeth the word of the speaker , and the mind of the hearer . it is even so ; whilest things relating to religion and the worship of god , are debated and disputed by the reasonings of men , or on any other principles besides the express authority of the scriptures , no certainty or full perswasion of mind can be attained about them . men under such actings are as lucian in his menippus , says he was between the disputations of the philosophers ; sometimes he nodded one way , sometimes another , and seemed to give his assent backwards and forwards to express contradiction . it is in the testimony of the scripture alone , about the things of god , that the consciences of those that fear him can acquiesce and find satisfaction . the same author as in many other places , so in his homily on the epist. to the corinth . expresly sends us to the scripture to enquire after all things , as that which is the exact canon , ballance , and rule of religion . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . among the latines tertullian is express to the same purpose . in his book against hermogenes , adoro ( said he ) plenitudinem scripturum quae mihi factorem manifestat & facta — again , scriptum esse hoc doceat hermogenis officina , aut timeat , rae illud , adjicientibus , aut detrahentibus destinatum . i adore the fulness of the scripture ; — and let hermogenes prove what he saith , to be written , or fear the woe denounced against them , who add to , or take from , the word . and again in his book de carne christi ; non recipio quod extra scriptuream de tuo infers . i do not receive , what you bring of your own without scripture . so also in his book , de praescriptionibus . nobis nihil ex nostro arbitrio indulgere licet ; sed nec eligere quod aliquis de arbitrio suo induxerit apostoles domini habemus authores , qui nec ipsi quicquam ex suo arbitrio quod inducerent elegerunt , sed acceptam a christo disciplain ani , deliter nationibus assignaverunt . it is ● lawful for us ( in these things ) to ind●● unto our own choice ; nor to choose what ● one brings in of his choosing . we have apostles of our lord for our examp●● who brought in nothing of their own min● or choice ; but having received the discipl● ( of christian religion ) from chrsit , t●● faithfully communicated it to the nation . ● hierome is plain to the same purpose i● sundry places . so comment . in matt● quod de scripturis authoritatem non habet , ea●dem facilitate contemnitur , qua probatur . th●● which hath not authority from the scripture● is as easily despised as asserted . comm. i● hagg. cap. . sed & alia quae absque autho●●ritate & testimoniis scripturarum , quasi traditione apostolica sponte reperiunt atque confingunt , percutit gladius dei ; but those other things which without authority or testimony of the scriptures , they find out or faign of their own accord , as of apostolical . tradition ; the sword of god smites through . it were easie to produce twenty other testimonies out of the ancient writers of the church , giving sufficient countenance to the assertion contended about . what account our author gives of this principle is now , very briefly , to be considered . first therefore , pag. , . he re●es it as a pretence wild and humoursome , ●ich men must be absurd if they believe ; ● impudent if they do not ; seeing it hath ●t the least shaddow or foundation either ●m scripture or reason : though it be ex●●esly asserted either in its own terms , or ●onfirmed by direct deductions , in and ●om above forty places of scripture . ●nd so much for that part of the as●ault . the next chargeth it with infinite follies ●nd mischiefs in those which allow it . and 't is said , that there can never be an end of alterations and disturbances in the church , whilest it is maintained . the contrary whereof is true , confirmed by experience and evidence of the thing it self . the admittance of it would put an end to all disturbances . for let any man judge , whether , if there be matters in difference , as in all these things there are and ever were ; the bringing them to an issue and a setled stability , be not likelier to be effected by all mean consenting unto one common rule , whereby they may be tryed and examined , than that every party should be left at liberty , to indulge to their own ▪ affections and imaginations about them . and yet we are told , p. . that all the pious villanies , that ever have disturbed the christian world , have sheltered themselves in this grand maxime ; that jesus christ is the only law-maker to his church . i confess , i could heartily desire , that such expressions might be forborn . for let what pretence men please be given to them , and colour put upon them ; they are full of scandal to christian religion . the mixime it self , here traduced , is as true as any part of the gospel . and it cannot be pretended , that it is not the maxime it self , but the abuse of it , ( as all the principles of the gospel , through the blindness and lusts of men , have been abused ; ) that is reflected on : seeing the design of the whole discourse is to evert the maxime it self . now whatever apprehensions our author may have of his own abilities , i am satisfied , that they are no way competent to disprove this principle of the gospel ; as will be evident on the first attempt he shall make to that purpose ; let him begin the tryal as soon as he pleaseth . in the third section , we have an heap of instances raked together to confront the principle , in its proper sense before declared and vindicated , in no one whereof it is at all concerned . for the reason of things , in matters civil and religious , are not the same . all political government in theworld consists in the exercise of principles of natural right , and their just application to times , ages , people , occasions and occurences . whilest this is done , government is acted regularly to its proper end : where this is missed , it failes . there things god hath left unto the prudence of men , and their consent ; wherein they cannot , for the most part , faile , unless they are absolutely given up unto unbridled lusts ; and the things , wherein they may faile , are alwaies convenient or inconvenient ; good and useful , or hurrful and destructive ; not alwaies , yea very seldome directly and in themselves morally good or evil. in such things mens ease and pofit not their consciences , are concerned . in the worship of god things are quite otherwise . it is not convenience or inconvenience , advantage or disadvantage , as to the things of this life , but meerly good or evil , in reference to the pleasing of god , and to ternity , that is in question . particular applications to the manners , customes , usages of places , times , countreys , which is the proper field of humane authority , liberty , and prudence in civil things , ( because their due , useful , and regular administration d●●pends upon them ; ) have here no plac●● for the things of the worship of god b●●ing spiritual , are capable of no variatio● from temporal earthly varieties amon● men ; have no respect to climate● customes , formes of civil governmen● or any thing of that nature . but con●sidering men quite under other notions namely , of sinners and believers ; with respect utterly unto other ends , namely their living spiritually unto god here , and the eternal enjoyment of him hereafter are not subject to such prudential accommodations or applications . the worship of god is or ought to be , the same at all times , in all places , and amongst all people , in all nations ; and the order of it is fixt and determined in all particulars , that belong unto it . and let not men pretend the contrary , untill they can give an instance of any such defect in the institutions of christ , as that the worship of god cannot be carryed on , nor his church ruled and edified , without an addition of something of their own for the supply thereof ; which therefore should and would be necessary to that end antecedent unto its addition ; and when they have so done , i will subscribe unto whatsoever they shall be pleased to add of that , or indeed any other kind . ●ustomes of churches , and rules of decency , which our author here casts under the magistrates power , are ambiguous terms , ●nd in no sense express the hypothesis he ●ath undertaken the defence of . in the proper signification of the words , the ●hings intended may fall under those natural circumstances , wherein religious actions in the worship of the church may have their concern , as they are actions , and are disposable by humane authority . but he will not , i presume , so soon desert his fundamental principle , of the magistrates appointing things in , and parts of religious worship , no where described or determined in the word of god ; which alone we have undertaken to oppose . the instances he also gives us about actions , in their own nature and use indifferent ; as going to law , or taking physick ; are not , in the least , to his purpose . and yet if i should say , that none of these actions are indeed indifferent in actu exercito , as they speak , and in their individual performance , but have a moral good or evil , as an inseparable adjunct , attending them , arising out of respect to some rule , general or particular , of divine revelation , i know he cannot dis●prove it ; and much more is not pleade concerning religious worship . but this principle is further charge with mischief equal to its folly ; which i●●proved by instances in sundry uninstituted observances , both in the jewish , an● primitive christian churches ; as also i● protestant churches abroad . i answer that if this author will consent to um●pire these differences by either the old or new testament , or by any protestant church in the world ; we shall be nearer an end of them , than , as far as i can see , yet otherwise we are . if he will not be bound , neither to the example of the church of the jews ; nor of the churches of the new-testament ; nor of the present protestant churches ; it must he confessed , that their names are here made use of , only for a pretence and an advantage . under the old testament we find , that all that god required of his church , was , that they should observe the law of moses his servant , which he commanded to him in horeb , for all israel , with his statutes and judgements , mal. . . and when god had given out his institutions , and the whole order of his worship , it being fixed in the church accordingly ; it is added eight or ten times ●n one chapter , that this was done , as ●he lord commanded moses , even so did he , exod. . after this god gives them many strict prohibitions , from adding any thing to what he had so commanded ; as deut. . . and chap. . prov. . . and as he had in the decalogue rejected any worship not of his own appointment as such , exod. . , . so he made it afterwards the rule of his acceptation of that people and what they did , or his refusal of them and it ; whether it was by him commanded or no. so in particular , he expresly rejects that which was so added , as to dayes , and times , and places , though of the nearest affinity and cognation to what was appointed by himself , because it was invented by man ; yea by a king , kings . . and when in process of time , many things of an uncertain original were crept into the observance of the church , and had firmed themselves with the notion of traditions ; they were all at once rejected in that word of the blessed holy one ; in ●ain do ye worship me , teaching for doctrines ( that is , what is in my worship to be observed , ) the traditions of men . for the churches of the new testament , the foundation of them is laid i● that command of our saviour , matt . . go and teach all nations ; teac●●ing them to observe and do all whatsoever command you , and so i am with you to th● end of the world . that they should b● taught to do or observe any thing , bu● what he commanded ; that his presenc● should accompany them in the teaching o● observation of any superadditions of their own ; we no where find written , intimated , or exemplified by any practice of theirs . nor , however , in that juncture of time , the like whereunto did never occurt before , nor ever shall do again , during the expiration and taking down of mosaical institutions , before they became absolutely unlawful to be observed , the apostles , according to the liberty given them by our lord jesus christ , and direction of the holy ghost , did practise some things complyant with both church-states , did they , in any one instance , impose any thing on the practice of the churches in the worship of god , to be necessarily and for a continuance observed among them , but what they had express warrant , and authority and command of our lord christ for . counsel they gave in particular cases , that depended upon present emergencies ; directions for the regular and due observation of institutions , and the application of general rules in particular practice ; they also taught a due and sanctified use of civil customes ; and the proper use of moral or natural symbols . but to impose any religious rites on the constant practice of the church in the worship of god , making them necessary to be alwaies observed by that imposition , they did not once attempt to do , or assume power for it to themselves . yea , when upon an important difficulty , and to prevent a ruining scandal , they were enforced to declare their judgement to the churches in some points , wherein they were to abridge the practice of their christian liberty for a season ; they would do it only in things made necessary by the state of things then among the churches , ( in reference to the great end of edification , whereby all practices are to be regulated ) before the declaration of their judgement , for the restriction mentioned , acts . so remote were they from assuming unto themselves a dominion over the religion , consciences or faith of the disciples of christ ; or requiring any thing in the constant worship of the church , but what was according to the will , appointment and command of their lord and master , little countenance therefore is our author like to obtain unto his sentiments , from the scriptures of the old and new testament ; or the example either of the jews or christians mentioned in them . the instances he gives from the church of the jewes , or that may be given , are either civil observances , as the feast of purim ; or moral conveniencies directed by general rules , as the building of synagogues ; or customary signes suited to the nature of things , as wearing of sackcloth ; or such as have no proof of their being approved , as the feast of dedication , and some monethly fasts taken up in the captivity , from none of which any objection can be taken against the position before laid down . those from the church of the new testament had either a perpetual binding institution from the authority of christ , as the lords day sabbath ; or contain only a direction to use civil customes and observances in an holy and sanctified manner , as the love feasts and kiss of charity ; or such as were never heard of in the new testament at all , as the observation of lent and easter . he that out of these instances can draw a warranty for the power of the civil magistrate over religion and the consciences of men , to institnte new duties in religion when he pleaseth , so these do not countenance vice , nor disgrace the deity ; which all his christian subjects shall be bound in conscience to observe ; or otherwise make good any of those particulat conclusions , that therefore christ is not the ouly law giver to his church ; or that divin● revelation is not the adequate rule of divin● worship ; or that men may add any thing to the worship of god , to be observed in it , constantly and indispensiely , by the whole church ; will manifest himself to have an excellency in argumentation , beyond what i have ever yet met withal . a removal of the argument taken from the perfection of the scripture , and its sufficiency to instruct us in the whole counsel and will of god , concerning his worship and our obedience unto him , is nextly attempted : but with no engines , but what have been discovered to be insufficient to that purpose an hundred times . it is alledged , that what the scripture commands in the worship of god , is to be observed ; that what it forbids , is to be avoided , which if really acknowledged , and a concernment of the consciences of men be granted therein , is sufficiently destructive of the principal design of our author . but moreover i say , that it commands and fo●●bids things by general rules , as well by particular precepts and inhibition and that , if what is so commanded be d●served , and what is so forbidden be avoided , there is a direct-rule remaining in for the whole worship of god. but this is said here to be of substan●● duties , but not of external circumstance and if it be so even of substantial dut●● it perfectly overthrows all that our autho● hath been pleading in the three first cha●ters of his discourse . for external circumstances ; of what nature those are wh●● are disposable by humane authority an● prudence , hath been now often declare and needs not here to be repeated . the summ of his apprehensions in th● matter , about the perfection and suffici●ency of the scripture in reference to th● worship of god , our author gives us pag. . anything , saith he , is lawful ( th●● is , in the worship of god ) that is no● made unlawful by some prohibition : for things become evil , not upon the scors of there being not commanded ; but upon that of their being forbidden , and what the scripture forbids not , it allows ; and what it allows , is not unlawful ; and what is not unlawful , may lawfully be done . this tale , i confess , we have been told many and many a time : but it hath been as often answered , that the whole of it , as to any thing of reasoning , is captious and sophistical . once more therefore ; what is commanded in the worship of god , is lawful ; yea is our duty to observe . all particular instances of this sort , that are to have actual place in the worship of god , were easily enumerated , and so expresly commanded . and why among sundry things that might equally belong thereunto one should be commanded , and another left at liberty without any institution , no man can divine . of particular things not to be observed there is not the same reason . it is morally impossible , that all instances of mens inventions , all that they can find out to introduce into the worship of god , at any time , in any age , and please themselves therein , should be before hand enumerated , and prohibited in their particular instances . and if because they are not so forbidden , they may lawfully be introduced into divine worship , and imposed upon the practices of men ; ten thousand things may be made lawful , and be so imposed . but the truth is , although a particular prohibition be needful to render a thing evil in it self ; a general prohibition is enough to render any thing unlawful in the worship of god. so we grant , that what is not forbidden is lawful : but withal say , that every thing is forbidden , that should be esteemed as any part of divine worship , that is not commanded ; and if it were not , yet for want of such a command , or divine institution , it can have neither use nor efficacy , with respect to the end of all religious worship . our author speaks with his wonted confidence in this matter ; yea it seems to rise to its highest pitch : as also doth his contempt of his adversaries , or whatever is , or may be offered by them in the justification of this principle . infinite certainty on his own part , pag. . baffled and intolerable impertinencies ; weak and puny arguments ; cavils of a few hot-headed and brainsick people , with other opprobrious expressions of the like nature , filling up a great part of his leaves , are what he can afford unto those whom he opposeth . but yet i am not , for all this bluster , well satisfied , much less infinitely certain , that he doth in any competent measure understand aright the controversie , about which he treats with all this wrath and confidence . for the summ of all , that here he pleads , is no more but this ; that the circumstances of actions in particular are various , and as they are not , so they cannot be determined by the word of god ; and therefore must be ordered by humane prudence and authority : which if he suppose that any men deny , i shall the less wonder at his severe reflections upon them ; though i shall never judge them necessary or excusable in any case whatever . pag. . he imposeth it on others that lye under the power of this perswasion , that they are obliged in conscience to act contrary to whatever their superiours command them in the worship of god : which further sufficiehtly evidenceth , that either be understands not the controversie under debate , or that he believes not himself in what he saith : which , because the harsher imputation , i shall avoid the owning of in the least surmise . section . from the concession , that the magistrate may take care , that the laws of christ be executed ; that is , command and require his subjects to observe the commands of christ , in that way , and by such means , as those commands , from the nature of the things themselves , and according to the rule of the gospel , may be commanded and required ; he infers , that he hath himself power of making laws in rel●●gion . but why so ? and how doth thi● follow ? why , saith he , it is apparently im●plyed , because whoever hath a power to see the laws be executed , cannot be without a pow●● to command their execution . very good but the conclusion should have been ; he cannot be without a power to make laws is the matter , about which he looks to the execution : which would be good doctrine for justices of the peace to follow . but what is here laid down is nothing but repeating of the same thing in words a little varied ; as if it had been said ; he that hath power to see the laws executed , or a power to command their execution , he hath power to see the laws executed , or a power to command their execution ; which is very true . and this we acknowledge the magistrate hath , in the way before declared . but that because he may do this , he may also make laws of his own in religion , it doth not at all follow from hence , whether it be true or no. but this is further confirmed from the nature of the laws of christ , which have only declared the substance and morality of religious worship : and therefore must needs have left the ordering of its circumstances to the power and wisdom of lawful authority . the laws of christ , which are intended , are those , which he hath given concerning the worship of god. that these have determined the morality of religious worship , i know not how he can well allow , who makes the law of nature to be the measure of morality , and all moral religious worship . and for the substance of religious worship , i wish it were well declared what is intended by it . for my part i think , that whatever is commanded by christ , the observation of it , is of the substance of religious worship ; else i am sure the sacraments are not so . now do but give men leave , as rational creatures , to observe those commands of christ in such a way and manner , as the nature of them requires them to be observed ; as he hath himself in general rules prescribed ; as the concurrent actions of many in society make necessary ; and all this controversie will be at an end . when a duty , as to the kind of it , is commanded in particular , or instituted by christ in the worship of god , he hath given general rules to guide us in the individual performance of it , as to the circumstances that the actions whereby it is performed , will be attended withal . for the disposal of those circumstances according to those rules , prudence is to take place and to be used . for men , who are obliged to act as men in all other things , are not to be looked on as brutes in what is required of them in the worship of god. but to institute mystical rites , and fixed forms of sacred administrations , whereof nothing in the like kind doth necessarily attend the acting of instituted worship , it not to determine circumstances , but to ordain new parts of divine worship : and such injunctions are here confessed by our author , pag. . to be new and distinct commands by themselves , and to enjoyn something that the scripture no where commands : which when he produceeth a warranty for , he will have made a great progress towards the determining of the present controversie . page . he answers an objection , consisting of two branches , as by him proposed : whereof the first is ; that it cannot stand with the love and wisdom of god not to take order himself for all things , that immediately concern his own worship and kingdom . now though i doubt not at all , but that god hath so done ; yet i do not remember at present , that i have read any imposing the necessity hereof upon him , in answer to his love and wisdom . i confess valerianus magnus , a famous writer of the church of rome , tells us , that never any one did so foolishly institute or order a commonwealth , as jesus christ must be thought to have done ; if he have not left one supream judge to determine the faith and consciences of men in matters of religion and divine worship . and our author seems not to be remote from that kind of reasoning , who , without an assignment of a power to that purpose , contendeth that all things among men will run into confusion ; of so little concernment do the scriptures and the authority of god in them , to some seem to be . we do indeed thankfully acknowledge , that god out of his love and wisdom hath ordered all things belonging to his worship and spiritual kingdom in the world . and we do suppose , we need no other argument to evince this assertion , but to challenge all men , who are otherwise minded , to give an instance of any defect in his institutions to that purpose . and this we are the more confirmed in , because those things , which men think good to add unto them , they dare not contend that they are parts of his worship ; or that they are added to supply any defect therein . neither did ever any man yet say , that there is a defect in the divine institutions of worship , which must be supplyed by a ministers wearing surplice . all then that is intended in this consideration , though not urged , as is here pretended , is ; that god in his goodness , love and care towards his church , hath determined all things that are needful i● or to his worship : and about what is not needful , men , if they please , may contend ; but it will be to no great purpose . the other part of the objection , which he proposeth to himself , is laid down by him in these words ; if jesus christ hath not determined all particular rites and circumstances of religion , he hath discharged his office with less wisdom and fidelity than moses ; who ordered every thing appertaining to the worship of god , even as far as the pint or nails of the tabernacle . and hereunto in particular he returns in answer , not one word : but only ranks it amongst idle and impertinent reasonings . and i dare say , he wants not reasons for his silence : whether they be pertinent or no , i know not . for setting aside the advantage , that , it is possible , he aimed to make in the manner and terms of the proposal of this objection to his sentiments ; and it will appear , that he hath not much to offer for its removal . we dispute not about the rites and circumstances of religion , which are termes ambiguous , and , as hath been declared , may be variously interpreted ; no more than we do about the nails of the tabernacle , wherein there were none at all . but it is about the worship of god and what is necessary thereunto . the ordering hereof , that is , of the house of god and all things belonging thereunto , was committed to jesus christ , as a son over his own house , heb. . , , . in the discharge of his trust herein , he was faithful as was moses ; who received that testimony from god , that he was faithful in all his house , upon his ordering all things in the worship of god as he commanded him , without adding any thing of his own thereunto , or leaving any thing uninstituted or undetermined , which was to be of use therein . from the faithfulness of christ , therefore , in and over the house of god , as it is compared with the faithfulness of moses , it may be concluded , i think ; that he ordered all things for the worship of god in the churches of the new testament , as far as moses did in and for the church of the old ; and more is not contended for . and it will be made appear , that his commission in this matter was as extensive , as that of moses at the least ; or he could not , in that trust and the discharge of it , have that preheminence above him , which in th● place is ascribed unto him . section . an account is given of th● great variety of circumstances , which do a●tend all humane actions : whence it is in possible that they should be all determine by divine prescription . the same we sa● also ; but add withal , that if men woul● leave these circumstance free under t●● conduct of common prudence in the in●stituted worship of god , as they are com●pelled so to do in the performance of mo●ral duties , and as he himself hath le●● them free ; it would be as convenient fo● the reasons and consciences of men , an attempt to the contrary . thus we hav● an instance given us by our author in th● moral duty of charity ; which is command●ed us of god himself ; but the times , sea●sons , manner , objects , measures of it are le●● free , to be determined by humane pru●dence , upon emergencies and occasions ▪ it may be now enquired , whether th● magistrate , or any other , can determine those circumstances by a law ? and whether they are not , as by god , so by al● wise men , left free , under the conduct of their reason and conscience , who are obliged to the duty it self by the command of god ? and why may not the same rule and order be observed with respect to the circumstances that attend the performance of the duties of instituted worship ? besides , there are general circumstances that are capable of a determination : such are time and place as naturally considered , without such adjuncts as might give them a moral consideration , or render them good or evil ; these the magistrate may determine . but for particular circumstances attending individual actions , they will hardly be regulated by a standing law. but none of these things have the least interest in our debate . to add things necessarily to be observed in the worship of god , no way naturally related unto the actions wherewith prescribed worship is to be performed , and then to call them circumstances thereof , erects a notion of things which nothing but interest can digest and concoct . his eighth section is unanswerable . it contains such a strenuous reviling of the puritans , and contemptuous reproaches of their writings , with such encomi●ms of their adversaries , as there is no dealing with it . and so i leave it . and so likewise i do his ninth , wherein , as he saith , he upbraids the men of his contest with their shameful overthrows : and dares them to look those enemies in the face , that have so lamentably cowed them , by so many absolute triumphs and victories . which kind of juvenile exultations on feigned suppositions , will , i suppose , in due time receive an allay from his own more advised thoughts and considerations . the instance , wherewith he countenaunceth himself in his triumphant acclamations unto the victory of his party , is the book of mr. hooker and its being unanswered . concerning which i shall only say ; that , as i wish the same moderation , ingenuity and learning unto all , that engage in the same cause with him in these dayes ; so if this author will mind us of any one argument in his longsome discourse , not already frequently answered , and that in print , long ago , that it shall have its due consideration . but this kind of discourses , it may be , on second thoughts will be esteemed not so comely . and i can mind him of those , who boast as highly of some champions of their own against all protestants , as he can do of any patron of those opinions , which he contendeth for . but it doth not alwayes fall out , that those who have the most outward advantages , and greatest leisure , have the best cause , and abilities to mannage it . the next sections treat concerning superstition , will-worship and popery ; which , as he faith , having been charged by some on the church unduly , he retorts the crime of them upon the authors of that charge . i love not to strive , nor will i contend about words that may have various significations fixed on them . it is about things that we differ . that which is evil , is so , however you call it , and whether you can give it any special name or no. that which is good , will still be so , call it what and how men please . the giving of a bad or odious name to any thing , doth not make it self to be bad or odious . the managing therefore of those appellations , either as to their charge or recharge , i am no way concerned in . when it is proved , that men believe , teach or practise otherwise , than in duty to god they ought to do ; then they do evil : and when they obey his mind and will in all things , then they do well ; and in the end will have the praise thereof . in particular , i confess superstition , as the word is commonly used , denotes a vicious habit of mind with respect unto god and his worship ; and so is not a proper denomination for the worship it self , or of any evil or crime in it . but yet , if it were worth contending about , i could easily manifest , that according to the use of the word by good authors in all ages , men have been charged with that crime , from the kind and nature of the worship it self observed by them . and when st. paul charged the athenians with an excess in superstition , it was from the multiplication of their gods , and thronging them together , right or wrong , in the dedication of their altars . but these things belong not at all to our present design . let them , who enjoyn things unto an indispensible necessary observation in the worship of god , which are not by him prescribed therein , take care of their own minds , that they be free from the vice of superstition ; and they shall never be judged , or charged by me therewith . though i must say , that a multiplication of instances in this kind , as to their own observation , is the principle , if not the only way whereby men who own the true and proper object of religious worship , do or may manifest themselves to be influenced by that corrupt habit of mind ; so that they may relate unto superstition , as the effect to its cause . but the recrimination here insisted on , with respect unto them , who refuse admittance unto , or observance of things so enjoyned , is such as ought to be expected from provocations , and a desire of retortion . such things usually taste of the cask ; and are sufficiently weak and impertinent . for it is a mistake , that those charged do make , as 't is here expressed , any thing necessary not to be done ; or put any religion in the not doing of any thing , or the non-observance of any rites , orders , or ceremonies ; any other , than every one puts in his abstinence from what god forbids ; which is a part of our moral obedience . and the whole question , in this matter , is not , whether , as it is here phrased , god hath tyed up his creatures to nice and pettish laws ; laying a greater stress upon a doubtful or indifferent ceremony , than upon the great duty of obedience . but meerly , whether men are to observe in the worship of god , what they apprehend he hath enjoyned them ; and to abstain from what he doth forbid ; according to all the light that they have into his mind and will ; which enquiry , as i suppose , may be satisfied ; that they are so to practise , and so to abstain , without being lyable to the charge of superstition . no man can answer for the minds of other men ; nor know what depraved vicious habits and inclinations , they are subject unto . outward actions are all , that we are in any case allowed to pass judgement upon ; and of mens minds , as those actions are indications of them . let men therefore , observe and do in the worship of god whatever the lord christ hath commanded them ; and abstain from what he hath forbidden , whether in particular instances , or by general directive precepts and rules , by which means alone many things are capable of falling under a prohibition ; without the least thought of placing any worship of god in their abstinence from this or that thing in particular ; and i think , they need not much concern themselves in the charge of superstition , given in , or out , by any against them . for what is discoursed section . about will-worship , i cannot so far agree with our author , as i could in what passed before about superstition ; and that partly because i cannot discern him to be herein at any good agreement with himself . for superstition , he tells us , consists in the apprehensions of men , when their minds are possessed with weak and uncomly conceits of god , pag. . here , that will-worship is one sort of superstition ; and yet this will-worship consists in nothing else , than in mens making their own phancys and inventions necessary parts of religion , which outward actings are not coincident with the inward frame and habit of mind before described . and i do heartily wish , that some men could well free themselves from the charge of will worship , as it is here described by our author ; though cautelously expressed , to secure the concernments of his own interest from it . for although i will not call the things , they contend to impose on others in the worship of god , their phancys ; yet themselves acknowledge them to be their inventions : and when they make them necessary to be observed in the whole worship of god , as publick and stated ; and forbid the celebration of that worship without them ; when they declare their usefulness , and spiritual or mystical significancy in that worship or service , designed to honour god in or by their use ; setting up some of them to an exclusion of what christ hath commanded ; if i cannot understand , but that they make them necessary parts of gods worship , as to the actual observance of it , i hope they will not be angry with me : since i know the worst they can possibly with truth charge upon me in this matter , is , that i am not so wise , nor of so quick an understanding as themselves . neither doth our author well remove his charge from those whose defence he hath undertaken : for 〈◊〉 doth it only by this consideration ; tha● they do not make the things , by them introduced in the worship of god , to be parts of religion . they are not so , he saith , nor are made so by then . for this hinders not , but that they may be looked on as parts of divine worship ; seeing we are taught by the same hand , that external worship is no part of religion at all . and let him abide by what he closeth this section withall ; namely , that they make not any additions to the worship of god , but only provide , that what god hath required , be performed in an orderly and decent manner , and as to my concern , there shall be an end of this part of our controversie . the ensuing paragraphs about christian liberly ; adding to the commands of god ; and pope●y ; are of the same nature with those preceeding about superstition and will-worship . there is nothing new in them , but words ; and they may be briefly passed through . for the charge of popery , on the one side or other , i know nothing in it ; but that , when any thing is injoyned or imposed on mens practice in the worship of god , which is known to have been invented in and by the papal church during the time of its confessed aposta●y , it must needs beget prejudices against it in the minds of them , who consider the wayes , means , and ends of the fatal de●ection of that church ; and are jealous of a sinful complyance with it in any of those things . the recharge on those , who are said to set up a pope in every mans conscience , whilest they vest it with a power of countermanding the decrees of princes ; if no more be intended , by countermanding , but a refusal to observe their decrees , and yield obedience to them in things against their consciences , which is all can be pretended ; if it fall not on this author himself , as in some cases it doth ; and which by the certain conduct of right reason , must be extended to all , wherein the consciences of m●n are affected with the authority of god ; yet it doth on all christians in the world , that i know of , besides himself . for adding to the law of god , it is not charged on any , that they add to his commands ; as though they made their own divine , or part of his word and law : but only that they add in his worship to the things commanded by him , which being forbidden in the scripture , when they can free themselves from it , i shall rejoyce ; but as yet see not how they can so do . nor are there any , that i ko●● of , who set up any prohibitions of their ow● in or about the worship of god , or as thing thereunto pertaining , as is unduly and unrighteously pretended . there 〈◊〉 be indeed some things injoyned by me● which they do and must abstain from , 〈◊〉 they would do from any other sin whateve● but their consciences are regulated by ● prohibitions , but those of god himsel●● and things are prohibited and made sinf●● unto them , not only when in particular and by a specification of their instances they are forbidden ; but also when ther● lye general prohibitions against them ● any account whatever . some men indee● think , that if a particular prohibition of any thing might be produced , they would a● quiesce in it ; whilst they plead an ex●emption of sundry things from being in●cluded in general prohibitions ; althoug● they have the direct formal reason attending them , on which those prohibition● are founded . but it is to be feared , tha● this also is but a pretence . for let any thing be particularly forbidden , yet i● mens interest and superstition induce them to observe or retain it ; they will find out distinctions to evade the prohibition and retain the practice . what can be more directly forbidden , than the making or use●●g of graven images , in or about religious worship ? and yet we know how little ●ome men do acquiesce in that prohibi●●on . and it was the observation of a ●earned prelate of this nation , in his re●ection of the distinctions whereby they ●ndeavoured to countenance themselves in their idolatry ; that the particular instances of things forbidden in the second commandment , are not principally intended ; ●ut the general rule , of not adding any thing in the worship of god without his institution . non imago , saith he , non simulachrum prohibetur ; sed non facies tibi . what way , therefore , any thing becomes a sin unto any , be it by a particular or general prohibition ; be it from the scandal that may attend its practice ; unto him it is a sin . and it is a wild notion , that when any persons abstain from the practice of that in the worship of god , which to them is sinful as so practised , they add prohibitions of their own to the commands of god. the same is to be said concerning christian liberty . no man , that i know of , makes things indifferent to be sinful , as is pretended ; nor can any man in his right wits do so . for none can entertain contradictory notions of the same things , at the same time : as those are , that the fa●● things are indifferent , that is , not sin●●● and sinful . but this some say ; that this in their own nature indifferent , that 〈◊〉 absolutely so , may be yet relatively 〈◊〉 lawful ; because with respect unto that ●●●●lation forbidden of god. to set up altar of old for a civil memorial in a place , was a thing indifferent : but to 〈◊〉 up an altar to offer sacrifices on , who the tabernacle was not , was a sin . it● indifferent for a man that understands th● language , to read the scripture in la●●● or in english : but to read it in latine u● a congregation that understands it 〈◊〉 as a part of gods worship , would be 〈◊〉 nor doth our christian liberty consist al●● in our judgement of the indifferency things in their own nature , made nec●●●sary to practice by commands , as hath b● shewed . and if it doth so , the jews h● that priviledge as much as christians . a● they are easily offended , who complain● that their christian liberty , in the p●●ctice of what they think meet in the w●●ship of god , is intrenched on , by such , leaving them to their pleasure , because their apprehension of the will of god the contrary , cannot comply with them their practice . the close of this chapter is designed to the removal of an objection , pretended to be weighty and difficult ; but indeed made so meerly by the novel opinions advanced by this author . for laying aside all respect unto some uncouth principles broached in this discourse , there is scarce a christian child of ten years old , but can resolve the difficulty pretended , and that according to the mind of god. for it is supposed , that the magistrate may establish a worship that is idolatrous and superstitious : and an enquiry is made thereon , what the subject shall do in that case ? why ? where lyes the difficulty ? why , saith he , in this case they must be either rebels , or idolaters . if they obey , they sin against god : if they disobey , they sin against their soveraign . according to the principles hither to received in christian religion , any one would reply , and say , no : for it is certain , that men must obey god , and not contract the guilt of such horrible sins , as idolatry and superstition ; but in so doing they are neither rebels against their ruler , nor do sin against him . it is true , they must quieily and patiently submit to what they may suffer from him : but they are in so doing guilty of no rebellion nor sin against him . did ever any christian yet so much as call it into question , whether the primitive christians were rebels , and sinned against their rulers because they would not obey those edicts , whereby they established idolatrous worship ? or did any one ever think , that they had a difficult case of conscience to resolve in that matter ? they were indeed accused by the pagans as rebels against the emperours ; but no christian every yet thought their case to have been doubtful . but all this difficulty ariseth from the making of two gods , where there ought to be but one . and this renders the case so perplexed , that , for my part , i cannot see directly , how it is determined by our author . sometimes he speaks , as though it were the duty of subjects to comply with the establishment of idolatry supposed , as pag. , . for with respect , as i suppose it is , to the case as by him stated , that he sayes ; men must not withdraw their obedience : and better submit unto the unreasonable impositions of nero or caligula , than to hazard the dissolution of the state. sometimes he seems not to oblige them in conscience to practise according to the publick prescription ; but only pleads , that the magistrate may punish them , if they do not ; and sain would have it thought , that he may do so justly . but these things are certain unto us in this matter , and are so many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in christian religion ; that if the supream magistrate command any thing in the worship of god that is idolatrous , we are not to practise it accordingly ; because we must obey god rather than men . nextly , that in our refusal of complyance with the magistrates commands , we do neither rebel nor sin against him . for god hath not , doth not at any time , shut us up in any condition unto a necessity of sinning . thirdly , that in case the magistrate shall think meet , through his own mistakes and misapprehensions , to punish , destroy and burn them alive , who shall not comply with his edicts , as did nebuchadnezzar ; or as they did in england in times of popery ; after all honest and lawful private wayes of self-preservation used , which we are obliged unto ; we are quietly and patiently to submit to the will of god in our sufferings , without opposing or resisting by force , or stirring up seditions or tumults , to the disturbance of publick peace . but our author hath elsewhere provided a full solution of this difficulty , chap. . p. . where he tells us , that in cases and disputes of a publick concern , private men are not properly sui juris ; they have no power over thi● actions ; they are not to be directed by thei● own judgements , or determined by their ou● wills ; but by the commands and determina●●ons of the publick conscience . and if the● be any sin in the command , he that imposed i● shall answer for it , and not i whose duty it i● to obey . the commands of authority will warrant my obedience , my obedience will hall●● or at least excuse my action ; and so secure 〈◊〉 from sin if not from errour , because i folle● the best guide and most probable direction , 〈◊〉 am capable of ; and though i may mistake , my integrity shall preserve my innocence ; and in all doubtfull and disputable cases it is better to err with authority , than to be in the right against it . when he shall produce any o●● divine writer , any of the ancient fathers , any sober schoolmen , or casuists , any learned modern divines , speaking at this rate , or giving countenance unto this direction given to men , for the regulating of their moral actions , it shall be farther attended unto . i know some such thing is muttered amongst the pleaders for blind obedience upon vowes voluntarily engaged into , for that purpose . but as it is acknowledged by themselves , that by those vowes , they deprive themselves of that right and liberty which naturally belongs unto them , as unto all other men , wherein they place much of the merit of them ; so by others those vowes themselves , with all the pretended bruitish obedience that proceeds from them , are sufficiently evidenced to be an horrible abomination , and such as make a ready way for the perpetration of all villanies in the world , to which purpose that kind of obedience hath been principally made use of . but these things are extreamly fond ; and not only , as applyed unto the worship of god , repugnant to the gospel , but also in themselves to the law of our creation , and that moral dependance on god , which is indispensible unto all individuals of mankind . we are told in the gospel , that every one is to be fully perswaded in his own mind ; that whatever is not of faith is sin ; that we are not to be ( in such things ) the servants of men ; that other mens leading of us amiss , whoever they are , will not excuse us ; for if the blind lead the blind , both shall fall into the ditch ; and he that followeth , is as sure to perish as he that leadeth . the next guids of the souls and consciences of men , are doubtless those who speak unto them in the name of god , or preachers of the gospel . yet are all the disciples of christ , frequently warned to take heed that they be not deceived by any , under that pretence , but diligently examining what is proposed unto them , they discern in themselves what is good and evil . nor doth the great apostle himself require us to be followers of him , any further than he was a follower of christ. they will find small relief , who at the last day shall charge their sins on the commands of others , whatever hope to the contrary they are put into by our author . neither will it be any excuse that we have done according to the precepts of men , if we have done contrary to those of god. ephraim , of old , was broken in judgement , because he willingly walked after the commandment , hos. . but would not his obedience hallow , or at least excuse his action ? and would not the authority of the king warrant his obedience ? or must ephraim now answer for the sin , and not be only that imposed the command ? but it seems that when jeroboam sinned , who at that time had this goodly creature of the publick conscience in keeping , he made israel sin also , who obeyed him . it is moreover a brave attempt to assert that private men with respect to any of their moral actions , are not properly sui juris , have no power over their actions , are not to be directed by their own judgements , or determined by their own wills . this is circes rod , one stroke whereof turned men into hoggs . for to what purpose serve their understandings , their judgements , their wills , if not to guide and determine them in their actions ? i think he would find hard work , that should go about to perswade men to put out their own eyes , or blind themselves , that they might see all by one publick eye . and i am sure it is no less unreasonable , to desire them to reject their own wills , understandings , and judgements , to be lead and determined by a publick conscience ; considering especially that that publick conscience it self is a meer tragelaphus , which never had existence in rerum natura . besides , suppose men should be willing to accept of this condition of renouncing their own understandings and judgements , from being their guides as to their moral actions ; i fear it will be found that indeed they are not able so to do . mens understandings , and their consciences , are placed in them by him who made them , to rule in them and over their actions in his name , and with respect unto their dependance on him . and let men endeavour it whilest they please , they shall never be able utterly to cast of this yoke of god , and destroy this order of things , which by him inlaid in the principles of all rational beings . men , whilest they are me● in things that have a moral good or e●● in them or adhering to them , must be guided and determined by their own understandings whether they will or no. a● if by any means , they stisle the actings 〈◊〉 them at present , they will not avoid the judgement , which according to them , shi● pass upon them at the last day . but the● things may elsewhere be farther pursue . in the mean time the reader may take thi● case as it is determined by the learned p●●late before mentioned , in his dialogue abou● subjection and obedience against the p●pists , whose words are as follow . par. pag. . philand . if the prince establish any religion , whatever it be , you must by you● oath obey it . theoph. we must not rebel● and take arms against the prince ; but will reverence and humility serve god before the prince , and that is nothing against our oath . philand . then is not the prince supream . theoph . why so . philand . your selves are superiour , when you serve whom you list . theoph. as thought to serve god according to his will , were to serve whom we list , and not whom princes and all others ought to serve . philand . but you will be judges , when god is well served , and when not . theoph. if you can excuse us before god when you mistead us , we will serve him as you shall appoint us ; otherwise if every man shall answer for himself , good reason he be master of his own conscience , in that which toucheth him so near , and no man shall excuse him for . philand . this is to make every man supream judge of religion . theoph. the poorest wretch that is , may be supreme governour of his own heart ; princes rule the publick and external actions of their countreyes , but not the consciences of men . this in his dayes was the doctrine of the church of england ; and as was observed before , no person who then lived in it , knew better what was so . the sole enquiry remaining is , whether the magistrate , having established such a religion , as is idolatrous or superstitious , may justly and lawfully punish and destroy his subjects , for their non-complyance therewithall ? this is that , which , if i understand him , our author would give countenance unto ; contrary to the common sense of all christians , yea of common sense it self . for wherereas he interweaves his discourse with suppositions , that men may mistake in religion , and abuse it ; all such interpositions are purely sophistical , seeing the case proposed to resolution , which ought in the whole to be precisely attended unto , is about the refusal to observe and practise a religion idolatrous or superstitious . of the like nature is that argument , which alone he makes use of here and elsewhere , to justifie his principles ; namely , the necessity of government ; and how much better the worst government is , and the most depraved in its administration , than anarchy or confusion . for as this by all mankind is unquestioned ; so i do not think there is any one among them , who can tell how to use this concession to our authors purpose . doth it follow , that because magistrates cannot justly nor righteously prescribe an idolatrous religion , and compel their subjects to the profession and obedience of it ; and because the subjects cannot , nor ought to yield obedience therein , because of the antecedent and superiour power of god over them ; that therefore anarchy or confusion must be preferred before such an administration of government ? let the magistrate command what he will in religion , yet whilest he attends unto the ends of all civil government , that government must needs be every way better than none ; and is by private christians to be born with , and submitted unto , untill god in his providence shall provide relief . the primitive christians lived some ages in the condition described ; refusing to observe the religion required by law ; and exercising themselves in the worship of god , which was strictly forbidden . and yet neither anarchy , nor confusion , nor any disturbance of publick tranquility did ensue thereon . so did the protestants here in england in the dayes of queen mary , and sometime before . the argument , which he endeavours in these discourses to give an answer unto , is only of this importance . if the supream magistrate may command what religion he pleaseth , and enact the observation of it under destructive penalties ; whereas the greatest part of magistrates in the world will and do prescribe such religions and wayes of divine worship , as are idolatrous or superstitious , which their subjects are indispensibly bound in conscience not to comply withall ; then is the magistrate justified in the punishing of men for their serving of god as they ought ; and they may suffer as evil doers , in what they suffer as christians . this , all the world over , will justifie them that are uppermost , and have power in their hands , ( on no other ground , but because they are so , and have so , ) in this oppressions and destructions of them , th● being under them in civil respects , d● dissent from them in things religious , no● whether this be according to the mind 〈◊〉 god or no , is left unto the judgement 〈◊〉 all indifferent men . we have , i confes●● i know not how many expressions inte●posed in this discourse , as was observed about sedition , troubling of publick peace men being turbulent against prescribe rules of worship , whereof if he pretend that every peaceable dissenter and dissent from what is publickly established in religious worship , are guilty , he is a pleasa●●● man in a disputation ; and , if he do any thing , he determines his case proposed o● the part of complyance with idolatro● and superstitious worship . if he do not so ; the mention of them in this place it very importune and unseasonable . all men acknowledge , that such miscarriages and practices may be justly coerced and punished . but what is this to a bare refusal to comply in any idolatrous worship , and peacable practice of what god doth require , as that which he will accept and own ? but our author proceeds to find out many pretences , on the account whereof , persons whom he acknowledgeth to be innocent and guiltless , may be punished . and though their apprehensions in religion be not , as he saith , so much their crime , as their infelicity , yet there is no remedy , but it must expose them to the publick rods and axes , pag. . i have heard of some wise and righteous princes , who have affirmed , that they had rather let twenty nocent persons go free , than punish or destroy one that is innocent . this seems to render them more like him , whose vice-gerents they are ; than to seek out colourable reasons for the punishment of them , whom they know to be innocent ; which course is here suggested unto them . such advice might be welcome to him , whom men called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clay mingled and leavened with blood ; others no doubt will abhor it , and detest it . but what spirit of meekness and mercy our author is acted by , he discovereth in the close of this chapter , pag. . for , saith he , it is easily imaginable how an honest and well-meaning man may , through meer ignorance , fall into such errours , which , though god will pardon , yet governours must punish . his integrity may expiate the crime , but cannot prevent the mischief of his errour . nay so easie is it for men to deserve to be punished for their consciences , that there is no nation in the world , in which , ( were government rightly understood and duty managed , ) mistakes and abuses of religion would not supply the gallies with vastly greater numbers , than villany . there is no doubt , but that if phaeton get into the chariot of the sun , the world will be sufficiently fired . and if every absalom who thinks he understands government and the due management of it , better than its present possessours , were enthroned , there would be havock enough made among mankind . but blessed be god , who in many places , hath disposed it into such hands , as under whom , those who desire to fear and serve him according to his will , may yet enjoy a more tolerable condition than such adversaries are pleased withall . that honest and well-meaning men , falling into errours about the worship of god , through their ownignorance , wherein their integrity may expiate their crime ; must be punished , must not be pardoned ; looks , methinks , with an appearance of more severity , than it is the will of god , that the world should be governed by ; seeing one end of his instituting and appointing government among men , is , to represent himself in his power , goodness and wisdom unto them . and he that shall conjoyn another assertion of our author , namely , that it is better and more eligible to tolerate debaucheries and immoralities in conversation , than liberty of conscience for men to worship god according to those apprehensions which they have of his will ; with the close of this chapter , that it is so easie for men to deserve to be punished for their consciences , that there is no nation in the world , in which , were government rightly understood , and duly managed , mistakes and abuses of religion would not supply the gallies with vastly greater numbers , than villany ; will easily judge with what spirit , from what principles , and with what design , this whole discourse was composed . but i find my self , utterly besides and beyond my intention , engaged in particular controversies : and finding by the prospect i have taken of what remains in the treatise under consideration ; that it is of the same nature and importance , with what is past and a full continuation of those opprobrious reproaches of them whom he opposeth ; and open discoveries of earnest desires after their trouble and ruine , which we have now sufficiently been inured unto ; i shall choose rather here to break off this discourse , than further to pursue the ventilation of those differences , wherein i shall not willingly , or of choice , at any time engage . besides , what is in the whole discourse of especial and particular controversie , may be better handled apart by it self : as probably ere long it will be ; if this new representation of old pretences , quickned by invectives , and improved beyond all bounds and measures formerly fixt or given unto them , be judged to deserve a particular consideration . in the mean time this author is more concerned than i , to consider , whether those bold incursions , that he hath made upon the antient boundaries and rules of religion , and the consciences of men ; those contemptuous revilings of his adversaries , which he hath almost fill'd the pages of his book withal ; those discoveries he hath made of the want of a due sense of the weaknesses and infirmities of men , which himself wants not ; and of fierce , implacable , sanguinary thoughts against them , who appeal to the judgement seat of god , that they do not in any thing dissent from him or others , but out of a reverence of the authority of god , and for fear of provoking his holy majesty ; his incompassionate insulting overmen in distresses and sufferings , will add to the comfort of that account , which he must shortly make before his lord and ours . to close up this discourse ; the principal design of the treatise thus far surveyed , is to perswade or seduce soveraign princes , or supream magistrates unto two evils , that are indeed inseparable , and equally pernicious to themselves and others . the one of these is , to invade or usurp the throne of god ; and the other , to behave themselves therein unlike him . and where the one leads the way , the other will assuredly follow . the empire over religion , the souls and consciences of men in the worship of god , hath hitherto been esteemed to belong unto god alone , to be a peculiar jewel in his glorious diadem . neither can it spring from any other fountain but absolute and infinite supremacy , such as belongs to him , as he hath alone , who is the first cause and last end of all . all attempts to educe it from , or to resolve it into any other principle , are vain and will prove abortive . but here the sons of men are enticed to say with him of old ; we will ascend into heaven ; we will exalt our throne above the stars of god ; we will sit upon the mount of the congregation , in the sides of the north ; we will ascend above the heights of the clouds ; we will be like the most high. for wherein can this be effected ? what ladders have men to climb personally into heaven ? and who shall attend them in their attempt ? it is an assuming of a dominion over the souls and consciences of men in the worship of god , wherein and whereby this may be pretended , and therein alone . and all this description of the invasion of the throne of god , whence he , who did so , is compared to lucifer , who sought supremacy in heaven ; is but the setting up of his power in and over the church in its worship , which was performed in the temple , the mount of the congregation , and in sion , on the north of the city of jerusalem , isaiah . this now princes are perswaded unto : and can scarce escape without reproaches , where they refuse or omit the attempting of it . suppose they be prevailed with , to run the hazzard and adventure of such an undertaking ; what is it that they are thereon perswaded unto ? how are they directed to behave themselves , after they have assumed a likeness unto the most high , and exalted themselves to his throne ? plainly that which is now expected from them , is nothing but wrath , fury , indignation , persecution , destructions , banishments , ruine of the persons , and families of men innocent , peaceable , fearing god , and useful in their several stations , to satisfie their own wills , or to serve the interests of other men . is this to act like god , whose power and authority they have assumed , or like to his greatest adversary ? doth god deal thus in this world , in his rule over the souls of men ? or is not this that , which is set out in the fable of phaeton , that he , who takes the chariot of the sun , will cast the whole world into a combustion ? so he , who of old is supposed to have affected the throne of god , hath ever since acted that cruelty to his power , which manifests what was his design therein , and what would have been the end of his coveted soveraignty . and whoever at any time shall take to himself that power , that is peculiar to god , will find himself left in the exercise of it , to act utterly unlike him , yea contrary unto him . power , they say , is a liquor , that let it be put into what vessel you will , it is ready to overflow : and as useful as it is , as nothing is more to mankind in this world , yet when it is not accompanied with a due proportion of wisdom and goodness , it is troublesome if not pernicious to them concerned in it . the power of god is infinite , and his soveraignty absolute : but the whole exercise of those glorious dreadful properties of his nature , is regulated by wisdom and goodness no less infinite than themselves . and as he hath all power over the souls and consciences of men ; so he exercises it with that goodness , grace , clemency , patience and forbearance , which i hope we are all sensible of . if there be any like him , equal unto him in these things , i will readily submit the whole of my religion and conscience unto him , without the least hesitation . and if god , in his dominion and rule over the souls and consciences of men , do exercise all patience , benignity , long-suffering and mercy ; for it is his compassion that we are not consumed ; doth he not declare , that none is meet to be entrusted with that power and rule , but they , who have those things like himself : at least , that in what they are or may be concerned in it , they express , and endeavour to answer his example . indeed soveraign princes and supream magistrates are gods vice-gerents , and are called gods on the earth ; to represent his power and authority unto men in government , within the bounds prefixed by himself unto them , which are the most extensive that the nature of things is capable of ; and in so doing , to conform themselves and their actings to him and his , as he is the great monarch , the proto-type of all rule and the exercise of it , in justice , goodness , clemency and benignity ; that so the whole of what they do may tend to the relief , comfort , refreshment and satisfaction of mankind , walking in wayes of peace and innocency , in answer unto the ends of their rule , is their duty , their honour and their safety . and to this end , doth god usually and ordinarily furnish them with a due proportion of wisdom and understanding : for they also are of god ; he gives them an understanding suited and commensurate to their work ; that what they have to do , shall not ordinarily be too hard for them : nor shall they be tempted to mistakes and miscarriages from the work they are imployed about , which he hath made to be their own . but if any of them shall once begin to exceed their bounds , to invade his throne , and to take to themselves the rule of any province , belonging peculiarly and solely to the kingdom of heaven ; therein a conformity unto god in their actings is not to be expected . for be they never so amply furnished with all abilities of mind and soul for the work , and those duties which are their own , which are proper unto them : yet they are not capable of any such stores of wisdom and goodness , as should fit them for the work of god , that which peculiarly belongs to his authority and power . his power is infinite ; his authority is absolute ; so are his wisdom , goodness and patience . thus he rules religion , the souls and consciences of men . and when princes partake in these things , infinite power , infinite wisdom , and infinite goodness , they may assume the same rule and act like him . but to pretend an interest in the one , and not in the other , will set them in the greatest opposition to him . those therefore , who can prevail with magistrates to take the power of god over religion and the souls of me● in their observance of it , need never fea● that when they have so done , they will imitate him in his patience , clemency , meekness , forbearance and benignity ; for they are no way capable of these things in a due proportion to that power which is not their own ; however they may be eminently furnished for that which is so . thus have we known princes , ( such as trajan , adrian , julian of old ) whilst they kept themselves to their proper sphere , ordering and disposing the affairs of this world , and all things belonging to publick peace , tranquility and welfare , to have been renowned for their righteousness , moderation and clemency , and thereby made dear to mankind : who , when they have fallen into the excess of assuming divine power over the consciences of men and the worship of god , have left behind them such footsteps and remembrances of rage , cruelty and blood in the world , as make them justly abhorred to all generations . this alone is the seat and posture , wherein the powers of the earth , are delighted with the sighs and groans of innocent persons , with the fears and dread of them , that are and would be at peace ; with the punishment of their obedient subjects ; and the binding of those hands of industry , which would willingly employ themselves for the publick good and welfare . take this occasion out of the way , and there is nothing that should provoke soveraign magistrates , to any thing that is grievous , irksome or troublesome to men peaceable and innocent ; nothing that should hinder their subjects from seeing the presence of god with them in their rule , and his image upon them in their authority , causing them to delight in the thoughts of them , and to pray continually for their continuance and prosperity . it may be some may be pleased for a season with s●●●rities against dissenters , such as concerning whom we discourse ; who falsely suppose their interest to lye therein . it may be they may think meet , rather to have all debaucheries of life and conversation tollerated , than liberty for peaceable men to worship god , according to their light and perswasion of his mind and will ; as the multitude was pleased of old with the cry of , release barrabas , and let jesus be crucified ; magistrates themselves will at length perceive , how little they are beholding to any , who importunately suggest unto them fierce and sanguinary connsels in these matters . it is a saying of maximilian the emperour celebrated in many authors ; nullum , said he , enormins peccatum dari potest , quam in conscientias imperium exercere velle . qui enim conscientiis imperare volunt , ii arcem caeli invadunt , & plerumque terrae possessionem perdunt . magistrates need not fear , but that the open wickedness and bloody crimes of men , will supply them with objects to be examples and testimonies of their justice and severity . and methinks it should not be judged an unequal petition by them , who rule in the stead and fear of god , that those who are innocent in their lives , useful in their callings and occasions , peaceable in the land , might not be exposed to trouble , only because they design and endeavour , according to their light , which they are invincibly perswaded to be from god himself , to take care , that they perish not eternally . however i know , i can mind them of advice , which is ten thousand times more their interest to attend unto , than to any that is tendred in the treatise we have had under consideration , and it is that given by a king , unto those that should pertake of the like royal authority with himself ; psalm . , , . be wise now therefore , o ye kings ; be instructed , ye judges of the earth . serve the lord with fear , and rejoyce with trembling . kiss the son , left he be angry , and ye perish from the way , when his wrath is kindled but a little ; blessed are all they that put their trust in him . and he who can inform me , how they can render themselves more like unto god , more acceptable unto him , and more the concern and delight of mankind , than by relieving peaceable and innocent persons from their fears , cares , and solicitousness about undeserved evils , or from the suffering of such things , which no mortal man can convince them , that they have merited to undergo or suffer ; he shall have my thanks for his discovery . and what is it , that we treat about ? what is it , that a little truce and peace is desired unto , and pleaded for ? what are the concerns of publick good therein ? let a little sedate consideration be exercised about these things , and the causelesness of all the wrath we have been conversing withall , will quickly appear . that there is a sad degeneracy of christianity in the world , amongst the professors of christian religion , from the rule , spirit , worship and conversation of the first christians , who in all things observed and expressed the nature , vertue , and power of the gospel , all must acknowledge , and many do complain . whatever of this kind comes to pass , and by what means soever , it is the interest and design of them , who are present gainers by it in the world , to keep all things in the posture , that yields them their advantage . hence upon every appearance of an alteration , or apprehension that any will desert the wayes of worship , wherein they have been engaged , they are cast into a storm of passion and outrage , like demetrius and the rest of the silver-smiths , pretending divisions , present settlement , ancient veneration , and the like ; when their gain and advantage , whether known or unknown to themselves , is that , which both influenceth them with such a frame of spirit , and animates them to actings suitable thereunto . thus in the ages past there was so great and universal an apostacy , long before fore-told , overspreading christianity , that by innumerable sober persons it was judged intolerable : and that , if men had any regard to the gospel of christ , their own freedom in the world , or everlasting blessedness , there was a necessity of a reformation , and the reduction of the profession of christian religion unto some nearer conformity to the primitive times and pattern . into this design sundry kings , princes , and whole nations engaged themselves , namely what lay in them , and according to the sentiments of truth they had received , to reduce religion unto its pristine glory . what wrath , clamours , fury , indignation , revenge , malice , this occasioned in them whose subsistence , wealth , advantages , honour and reputation , all lay in preserving things in their state of defection and apostacy , is known to all the world , hence therefore arose bloody persecutions in all , and fierce wars in many nations , where this thing was attempted ; stirred up by the craft and cruelty of them , who had mastered and managed the former declensions of religion to their own use and advantage . the guilt of which mischiefs and miseries unto mankind , is by a late writer amongst our selves , contrary to all the monuments of times past , and confessions of the adversaries themselves , endeavoured to be cast on the reformers . however a work of reformation was carried on in the world , and succeeded in many places : in none more eminently , than in this nation wherein we live . that the end aimed at , which was professedly the reduction of religion to its antient beauty and glory in truth and worship , is attained amongst us , some perhaps do judge , and absolutely acquiesce therein : and for my part i wish we had more did so . for , be it spoken , as i hope , without offence on the part of others , so without fear of giving it , or having it taken , on my own ; there are among many , such evident declensions from the first established reformation , towards the old or a new , and it may be worse apostacy ; such an apparent weariness of the principal doctrines and practices , which enlivened the reformation ; as i cannot but be troubled at , and wherewith many are offended . for although i do own a dissent from some present establishments in the church of england , yet i have that honour for the first reformers of it , and reformation it self ; that love to the truth declared and established in it ; that respect to the work and grace of god , in the conversion of the souls of thousands by the ministry of the word in these nations ; that i cannot but grieve continually to see the acknowledged doctrines of it deserted , its ancient principles and practices derided , its pristine zeal despised by some , who make advantage of its outward constitution ; inheriting the profits , emoluments and wealth , which the bounty of our kings have endowed it withal ; but not its spirit , its love , its stedfastness in owning the protestant truth and cause . but to return ; for these things may better elsewhere be complained of , seeing they relate only to particular persons . that what is done in reformation be established ; that any farther publick work of the same nature be attempted ; or the retrivement of what is done to its original condition and estate , belongs to the determination of the supream magistrate , and to that alone . private persons have no call , no warrant to attempt any thing unto those purposes . however many there are , who dislike some ecclestastical constitutions and modes of outward worship , which have been the matter of great contests from the first reformation : but much more dislike the degeneracy from the spirit , way and principles of the first reformers before mentioned , which in some at present , they apprehend , and therefore though many seem to be at a great distance from the present established forms of the church of england ; yet certainly all who are humble and peaceable , when they shall see the ministry of the church , as in former dayes in some measure , acted rightly and zealously towards the known ends of it , and such as are undeniably by all acknowledged , namely , the conviction of the world , the conversion of souls , and edification of them that do believe ; and the discipline of it exercised , in a conformily at least to the rule of the discipline of the secular powers of the earth , not to be a terrour to the good , but to them that do evil ; and in these things a demonstration of the meekness , humility , patience , forbearance , condescension to the weakness , mistakes , errings and wandrings of others , which the gospel doth as plainly and evidently require of us , as it doth , that we should believe in jesus christ ; will continually pray for its prosperity , though they cannot themselves joyn with it in sundry of its practices and wayes . in the mean time , i say , such persons as these , in themselves and for their own concerns , do think it their duty , not absolutely to take up in what hath been attained amongst us ; much less in what many are degenerated into ; but to endeavour the reduction of their practice in the worship of god , to what was first appointed by jesus christ ; as being perswaded , that he requires it of them ; and being convinced , that in the unspeakable variety that is in humane constitutions , rest unto their souls and consciences is not otherwise to be obtained . and if at the same time they endeavour not to reduce the manner and course of their conversation to the same rule and example , by which they would have their worship of god regulated ; they are hypocrites . short enough , no doubt , they come in both of perfection ; but both they profess to aim equally at . and herein alone can their consciences find rest and peace . in the doctrine of faith , consented on in the first reformation , and declared in the allowed writings of the church of england , they agree with others ; and wish with all their hearts they had more to agree withall . only they cannot come up to the practice of some things in the worship of god ; which being confessedly of humane prescription , their obedience in them would lye in a perfect contradiction to their principal design before mentioned . for those things , being chosen out from a great multitude of things of the same nature , invented by those , whose authority was rejected in the first reformation , or reduction of religion from its catholick apostacy ; they suppose , cannot justly be imposed on them ; they are sure , cannot be honestly received by them , whilest they design to reduce themselves unto the primitive rules and examples of obedience , in this design they profess themselves ready to be ruled by , and to yield subjection unto any truth or direction , that can or may be given them from the word of god , or any principles lawfully from thence educed . how their conviction is at present attempted , let the book under consideration , and some late unparallel'd and illegal acts of violence , conformable to the spirit of it , be a testimony . but in the management of their design , they proceed on no other principles , than those of the libetty of judgement ( of di●eretion or discerning they call it , ) for the determining of themselves and their own practices , in what they believe and prosess about religion , and the liberty of their consciences from all humane impositions , than were owned , pleaded and contended for by the first reformers , and the most learned defenders of the church of england , in their disputations against the papists ; those they will stand to , and abide by : yea than what are warranted by the principles of our nature and constitution ; for no man practiseth any thing , nor can practise it , but according to his own will and choice . now in these things , in their principle , or in their management of it , it may be they are mistaken ; it may be they are in an errour ; or under many mistakes and errours . but from their integrity they know themselves innocent , even in their mistakes . and it is in the nature of men to think strange of sedate violences , that befall them without their demerit , and of suffering by law without any guilt . their design of reducing themselves in worship and conversation to the primitive pattern , they openly avow : nor dare any directly condemn that design ; nor can they be convinced of insincerity in what they profess . and shall they they be destroyed , if they miss it in some matters of smaller concernment ? which , whatever some may boast of , is not hitherto tolerably proved . shall now their dissent in religious observances on this occasion , and those , and that about things mostly and chiefly , if not only , that appear neither name nor thing in the scripture , be judged a crime not to be expiated , but by their ruine ? are immoralities or vicious debaucheries rather to be tolerated , or exempted from punishment , than such a dissent ? what place of scripture in the old or new testament , which of the ancient fathers of the church , do speak at this rate ? opinions inconsistent with publick tranquility , with the general rules of moral duties in all relations and conditians ; practices of any tendency in themselves to political disturbances , are by none pleaded for . meer dissent it self , with different observances in the outward worship of god , is by some pretended indeed to be a civil disturbance . it hath alwayes been so by some , even by those , whose own established wayes have been superstitious and idolatrous . but wise men begin to smile , when they hear private interest pleaded as publick good , and the affections which it begets , as the common reason of things . and these pretences have been by all parties , at one time or another , refuted and discarded . let the merit of the cause be stated and considered , which is truly as above proposed , and no other : set aside prejudices , animosities , advantages from things past and by-gone in political disorders and tumults , wherein it hath no concern ; and it will quickly appear how little it is , how much , if possible , less than nothing , that is or can be pleaded for the countenancing of external severity in this case . doth it suite the spirit of the gospel , or his commands , to destroy good wheat , for standing , as is supposed , a little out of order , who would not have men pluck up the tares , but to let them stand quietly in the field untill harvest ? doth it answer his mind to destroy his disciples , who profess to love and obey him , from the earth ; who blamed his disciples of old for desiring to destroy the samaritans , his enemies , with fire from heaven ? we are told , that he , who was born after the flesh , persecuted him , who was born after the promise : and a work becoming him it was . and if men are sincere disciples of christ , though they may fall into some mistakes and errours , the outward persecuting of them on that account , will be found to be of the works of the flesh . it is certain , that for those in particular , who take upon them , in any place or degree , to be ministers of the gospel , there are commands for meekness , patience and forbearance , given unto them . and it is one of the greatest duties incumbent on them , to express the lord jesus christ , in the frame of his mind and spirit unto men ; and that eminently in his meekness and lowliness , which he calls us all in an especial manner to learn of him . a peculiar conformity also to the gospel , to the holy law of love , self-denyal and condescention , is required of them ; that they may not in their spirits , wayes and actings , make a false representation of him , and that which they profess . i know not therefore whence it is come to pass , that this sort of men do principally , if not only stir up magistrates and rulers to laws , seventies , penalties , coercions , imprisonments , and the like outward means of fierce and carnal power , against those , who in any thing dissent from them in religion . generally abroad throughout christendome , those , in whose hands the civil powers are , and who may be supposed to have inclinations unto the severe exercise of that power which is their own , such as they think possibly may become them as men and governours , would be inclineable to moderation towards dissenters , were they not excited , provoked and wearied by them , who pretend to represent jesus christ to the world ; as if any earthly potentate had more patience , mercy and compassion , than he look on those lutheran countreyes where they persecute the calvinists ; it is commonly declared and proved , that the migistrates , for the most part , would willingly bear with those dissenters , were they not stirred up continually to severities by them , whose duty it were to perswade them to clemency and moderation , if in themselves they were otherwise enclined . and this hath ruined the interest of the protestant religion in germany , in a great measure . do men , who destroy no more than they can , nor punish more than they are able , and cry out for assistence where their own arm fails them , render themselves hereby like to their heavenly father ? is this spirit from above ? doth that , which is so , teach men to harrase the consciences of persons , their brethren and fellow-servants , on every little difference in judgement and practice about religious things ? whom will such men fulfill the commands of patience , forbearance , waiting , meekness , condescension , that the gospel abounds with , towards ? is it only towards them , who are of the same mind with themselves ? they stand in no need of them : they stand upon the same terms of advantage with themselves . and for those that dissent , arise , kill , and eat , seems to be the only command to be observed towards them . and why all this fierceness and severity ? let men talk what they please , those aimed at , are peaceable in the land ; and resolve to be so , whatever may befall them . they despise all contrary insinuations . that they are , in their stations severally , usefull to the common-wealth , and collectively in their industry and trading , of great consideration to publick welfare , is now apparent unto all indifferent men . it is or must be , if it be for any thing , ( as surely no men delight in troubling others for trouble sake ; ) for their errors and mistakes , in and about the worship of god. all other pleass are meer pretences of passion and interest . but who judgeth them to be so guilty of errors ? why those , that stir up others to their hurt and disquietment . but is their judgement infallible ? how if they should be mistaken themselves in their judgement ? if they are , they do not only err , but persecute others for the truth . and this hath been the general issue of this matter in the world . error hath persecuted truth ten times , for truths once persecuting of error . but suppose the worst ; suppose them in errors and under mistakes ; let it be proved , that god hath appointed , that all men who so err , should be so punished , as they would have non-conformists , and though i should believe them in the truth , i would never more plead their cause . and would these men be willingly thus dealt withall , by those who judge , or may judge them to err ? it may be some would ; because they have a good security , that none shall ever judge them so to do , who hath power to punish them : for they will be of his mind . but sure none can be so absolutely confined unto themselves , nor so universally in all their affections and desires unto their own personal concerns , as not to have a compassion for some or other , who in one place or other are judged to err by them , who have power over them to affix what guilt they please unto that , which is not their crime . and will they justifie all their oppressors ? all men have an equal right in this matter , nothing is required , but being uppermost , to make a difference . this is that , which hath turned christendome into a shambles ; whilest every prevailing party , hath judged it their duty and interest , to destroy them that do dissent from them . once more ; what name of sin or wickedness will they find to affix to these errors ? nullum criminis nomen , nist nominis crimen . no man errs willingly , nor ought to be thought to tempt or seduce his own will , when his error is to his disadvantage . and he is innocent whose will is not guilty . moreover , those pretended errors in our case , are not in matters of faith ; nor for the most part , in or about the worship of god , or that which is acknowledged so to be : but in or about those things , which some think it convenient to add unto it , or conjoyn with it . and what quietness , what peace is there like to be in the world , whilst the sword of vengeance must be continually drawn about these things ? counsels of peace , patience , and forbearance , would certainly better become professors of the gospel , and preachers of everlasting peace than such passionate and furious enterprizes for severity , as we meet withal . and i no way doubt , but that all generous noble and heroick spirits , such as are not concerned in the impaleed peculiar interest and advantages of some , and do scorn the pedantick humours of mean and emulous souls ; when once a few more clouds of prejudices are scattered , will be willing to give up to god the glory of his soveraignty over the consciences of men ; and despise the thoughts of giving them disquietments for such things , as they can no way remedy ; and which hinder them not from being servants of god , good subjects to the king , and usefull in their respective lots and conditions . and now instead of those words of pilate , what i have written , i have written , which though uttered by him maliciously and despightfully , as was also the prophecy of caiaphas , were by the holy wise providence of god , turned into a testimony to the truth ; i shall shut up this discourse , with those of our saviour , which are unspeakably more our concernment to consider , matth. . , , , , , , . who then is a faithfull and wise servant , whom his lord hath made ruler over his houshold , to give them meat in due season ; blessed is that servant , whom his lord when he cometh shall find so doing . verily i say unto you , he shall make him ruler over all his goods . but and if that evil servant shall say in his heart , my lord deferreth his coming ; and shall begin to smite his fellow servants , and to eat and drink with the dru●ken ; the lord of that servant shall come in a day that he looketh not for him , and in an hour that he is not aware of ; and shall cu● him assunder , and appoint him his portion with the hypocrites ; there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth . finis . a vision of vnchangeable free mercy, in sending the means of grace to undeserved sinners: wherein gods uncontrollable eternall purpose, in sending, and continuing the gospel unto this nation, in the middest of oppositions and contingencies, is discovered: his distinguishing mercy, in this great work, exalted, asserted, against opposers, repiners: in a sermon preached before the honourable house of commons, april. . being the day of publike humiliation. whereunto is annexed, a short defensative about church-government, (with a countrey essay for the practice of church-government there) toleration and petitions about these things. / by iohn owen, minister of the gospel at coggeshall in essex. owen, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing o thomason e _ thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ] or :e [ ]) a vision of vnchangeable free mercy, in sending the means of grace to undeserved sinners: wherein gods uncontrollable eternall purpose, in sending, and continuing the gospel unto this nation, in the middest of oppositions and contingencies, is discovered: his distinguishing mercy, in this great work, exalted, asserted, against opposers, repiners: in a sermon preached before the honourable house of commons, april. . being the day of publike humiliation. whereunto is annexed, a short defensative about church-government, (with a countrey essay for the practice of church-government there) toleration and petitions about these things. / by iohn owen, minister of the gospel at coggeshall in essex. owen, john, - . , [ ] p. printed by g.m. for philemon stephens at the signe of the gilded lion in pauls church-yard., london, : . in three parts. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -- government -- early works to . bible. -- n.t. -- acts xvi, -- sermons. sermons, english -- th century. fast-day sermons -- th century. grace (theology) -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ e _ ). civilwar no a vision of vnchangeable free mercy, in sending the means of grace to undeserved sinners:: wherein gods uncontrollable eternall purpose, in owen, john f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vision of vnchangeable free mercy , in sending the means of grace to undeserved sinners : wherein gods uncontrollable eternall purpose , in sending , and continuing the gospel unto this nation , in the middest of oppositions and contingencies , is discovered : his distinguishing mercy , in this great work , exalted , asserted , against opposers , repiners : in a sermon preached before the honourable house of commons , april . . being the day of publike humiliation . whereunto is annexed , a short defensative about church-government , ( with a countrey essay for the practice of church-government there ) toleration and petitions about these things . by iohn owen , minister of the gospel at coggeshall in essex . london , printed by g. m. for philemon stephens at the signe of the gilded lion in pauls church-yard . . die mercurii . april , . ordered by the commons assembled in parliament , that m. ienner and sir peter wentworth do from this house give thanks to m. nalton and m. owen for the great pains they took in the sermons they preached this day , at the intreaty of this house , ( it being a day of publike humiliation ) at margarets westminster . and to desire them to print their sermons : and it is ordered that none shall presume to print their sermons , without license under their hand-writing . h. elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. i do appoint philemon stephens , and none else , to print my sermon . john owen . amplissimo senatui inclytissimo populi anglicani conventui ( ob ) prisca anglo-britannorum jura strenue & fideliter asserta : libertatem patriam ( nefarijs quorundam molitionibus paene pessundatam ) recuperatam : justitiam fortiter , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} administratam , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in ecclesiasticis {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} dissolutam , ritus pontificios , novitios , antichristianos abolitos , privilegia plebis christianae postliminio restituta , potissimum protectionem dei o. m. his omnibus alijsque innumeris consilio , bello , domi , foras gratiose potitam , ) toto orbe jure meritissimo celeberrimo , toti huic insulae aeternâ memoriâ recolendo , viris illustribus clarissimis , sclectissimis ex ordine communium in supremacuria parliam , congregatis , concionem hanc sacram , humilem illam quidem , ipsorum tamen voto jussuque prius coram ipsis habitam , nunc luce donatam , ddc . joannes owen . a sermon preached before the honourable house of commons , on the day of their publike fast , april , . acts , chap. . ver. . and a vision appeared to paul in the night , there stood a man of macedonia , and prayed him , saying , come over into macedonia , and helpe us . the kingdom of jesus christ is frequently in the scripture compared to growing things ; small in the beginning and first appearance , but increasing by degrees unto glory and perfection . the shapelesse stone cut out without hands , having neither form , nor desirable beauty given unto it , becomes a great mountain , filling the whole earth , dan. . . the small vine brought out of aegypt , quickly covers the hills with her shadow , her boughs reach unto the sea , and her branches unto the rivers , psal. . the tender plant becomes as the cedars of god ; and the grain of mustard-seed to be a tree for the fowls of the air , to make their nests in the branches thereof : mountains are made plains before it , every valley is filled , and the crooked paths made straight , that it may have a passage to its appointed period ; and all this , not only , not supported by outward advantages , but in direct opposition to the combined power of this whole creation , as fallen , and in subjection to the god of this world , the head thereof . as christ was a tender plant , seemingly easie to be broken , and a root out of a dry ground , not easily flourishing , yet liveth for ever : so his people and kingdom , though as a lily among thorns , as sheep among wolves , as a turtle dove among a multitude of devourers , yet stands unshaken , at least unshivered . the main ground and foundation of all this , is laid out , ver. , , , , of this chapter , containing a rich discovery , how all things here below , especially such as concern the gospel and church of christ , are carried along , thorow innumerable varieties , and a world of contingencies , according to the regular motions and goings forth of a free , eternall , unchangeable decree : as all inferiour orbs , notwithstanding the excentricks and irregularities of their own inhabitants , are orderly carried about by the first mover . in the . verse . the planters of the gospel are forbid to preach the word in asia , ( that part of it peculiarly so called , ) and ver. . assaying to go with the same message into bithynia , they are crossed by the spirit , in their attempts : but in my text , are called to a place , on which their thoughts were not at all fixed : which calling , and which forbidding , were both subservient to his free determination , who worketh all things according to the counsell of his own will , ephes. . . and no doubt but in the dispensation of the gospel , thorowout the world , unto this day , there is the like conformity to be found , to the patern of gods eternall decrees : though to the messengers not made known aforehand by revelation , but discovered in the effects , by the mighty working of providence . amongst other nations , this is the day of englands visitation , the day-spring from on high , having visited this people , and the sunne of righteousnesse arising upon us , with healing in his wings , a man of england hath prevailed for assistance , and the free grace of god , hath wrought us helpe by the gospel . now in this day three things are to be done , to keep up our spirits unto this duty , of bringing down our souls by humiliation . . to take us off the pride of our own performances , endeavours , or any adherent worth of our own , not for your sakes do i this , saith the lord ; be it known unto you , be ye ashamed and confounded for your own wayes , o house of israel , ( o house of england , ) ezek. . . . to root out that atheisticall corruption , which depresses the thoughts of men , not permitting them in the highest products of providence , to look above contingencies , and secundary causes , though god hath wrought all our works for us , isa. . . and known unto him are all his works from the beginning of the world , acts . . . to shew that the bulke of this people are as yet in the wildernesse , far from their resting place , like sheep upon the mountains , as once israel , jer. . . as yet wanting helpe by the gospel . the two first of these will be cleared , by discovering , how that all revolutions here below , especially every thing that concerns the dispensation of the gospel and kingdom of the lord jesus , are carried along , according to the eternally-fixed purpose of god , free in it self , taking neither rise , growth , cause nor occasion , from any thing amongst the sons of men . the third , by laying open the helpelesse condition of gospel-wanting souls , with some particular application , to all which my text directly leads me . the words in generall , are the relation of a message from heaven , unto paul , to direct him in the publishing of the gospel , as to the place , and persons wherein , and to whom he was to preach : and in them you have these four things : . the manner of it , it was by vision , a vision appeared . . the time of it , in the night . . the bringer of it , a man of macedonia . . the matter of it , helpe for the macedonians , interpreted , ver. . to be by preaching of the gospel . a little clearing of the words will make way for observations . . for the manner of the delivery of this message , it was by vision : of all the wayes that god used of old , to reveal himself unto any in extraordinary manner , which were sundry and various , heb. . . there was no one so frequent , as this of vision : wherein this did properly consist , and whereby distinguished from other wayes , of the discovery of the secrets of the lord , i shall not now discusse : in generall , visions are revelations of the minde of the lord , concerning some hidden things present or future , and not otherwise to be known : and they were of two sorts ; . revelations meerly by word , or some other more internall species , without any outward sensible appearance , which , for the most part , was the lords way of proceeding with the prophets ; which transient light or discovery of things before unknown , they called a vision . . revelations , accompanied with some sensible apparitions , and that either : . of things , as usually among the prophets , rods and pots , wheels and trees , lamps , axes , vessels , rams , goats and the like , were presented unto them . . of persons , and those according to the variety of them , of three sorts ; first , of the second person of the trinity ; and this either . in respect of some glorious beams of his deity , as to isaiah , chap. . . with joh. . . to daniel , chap. . ver. , . as afterwards to iohn , rev. . , , . to which you may adde the apparitions of the glory of god , not immediately designing the second person , as ezek. . . with reference to his humanity to be assumed , as to abraham , gen. . , . to ioshua , chap. . , , , &c. second , of angels , as unto peter , acts . . to the woman , mat. . . to iohn , rev. . , &c. third , of men , as in my text . now the severall advancements of all these wayes in dignity and preeminence , according as they clearly make out , intellectuall verity , or according to the honour and exaltation of that whereof apparition is made , is too fruitlesse a speculation for this daies exercise . our vision is of the later sort , accompanied with a sensible appearance , and is called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; there be two words in the new testament signifying vision , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , coming from different verbes , but both signifying to see : some distinguish them , and say , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is a vision , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an appearance to a man awake ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an appearance to a man asleep : called sometimes a dream , iob . . like that which was made to ioseph , mat. . . but this distinction will not hold : our saviour calling that vision , which his disciples had at his transfiguration , when doubtlesse they were waking , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mat. . . so that i conceive paul had this vision waking ; & the night , is specified , as the time thereof , not to intimate his being asleep , but rather his watchfullnes , seeking counsell of god in the night which way he should apply himself , in the preaching , of the gospel : and such i conceive was that of later daies , whereby god revealed to zuinglius a strong confirmation of the doctrine of the lords supper , from exod. . . against the factours for that monstrous figment of transubstantiation . . for the second or time of this vision , i need say no more , then what before i intimated . . the bringer of the message , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he was a man of macedonia in a vision : the lord made an appearance unto him , as of a man of macedonia ; discovering even to his bodily eyes a man , and to his minde , that he was to be conceived as a man of macedonia : this was , say some , an angel , the tutelar angel of the place , say the popish expositors , or the genius of the place , according to the phrase of the heathens , of whom they learned their daemonologie , perhaps him , or his antagonist , that not long before appeared to brutus all philippi : but these are pleasing dreams : us it may suffice , that it was the appearance of a man , the minde of paul being enlightened to apprehend him as a man of macedonia : and that with infallible assurance , such as usually accompanieth divine revelations , in them to whom they are made , as jer. . . for upon it , luke affirmeth , ver. . they assuredly concluded , that the lord called them into macedonia . . the message it self is a discovery of the want of the macedonians , and the assistance they required , which the lord was willing should be imparted unto them : their want is not expressed , but included in the assistance desired , and the person unto whom for it they were directed . had it been to help them in their estates , they should scarcely have been sent to paul , who i believe , might for the most-part say with peter , silver and gold have i none . or had it been with a complaint , that they , who from a province of greece , in a corner of europe , had on a sudden been exalted into the empire of the eastern world , were now enslaved to the roman power and oppression , they might better have gon to the parthians , then the only state in the world , formidable to the romans : paul , though a military man , yet fought not with neroe's legions , the then visible devil of the upper world , but with legions of hell , of whom the earth was now to be cleared ; it must be a soulwant , if he be entrusted with the supplying of it . and such this was , help from death , hell , satan , from the jaws of that devouring lion : of this the lord makes them here to speak , what every one in that condition ought to speak , help for the lords sake , it was a call to preach the gospel . the words being opened , we must remember what was said before of their connexion with the verses foregoing ; wherein the preachers of the gospel , are expressely hindred from above , from going to other places , and called hither . whereof no reason is assigned , but only the will of him that did imploy them : and that no other can be rendred , i am further convinced , by considering the empty conjectures of attempters . god fore-saw that they would oppose the gospel , saies our beda : so say i might he of all nations in the world , had not he determined to send his effectuall grace for the removall of that opposition : besides , he grants the means of grace to despisers , matth. . . they were not prepared for the gospel , says oecumenius : as well say i as the corinthians , whose preparations you may see , cor. . , , . or any other nation , as we shall afterwards declare ; yet to this foolish conjecture adhere the papists and arminians . god would have those places left for to be converted by john , saies sedulius , yet the church at ephesus the cheif city of those parts was planted by paul , says ignatius , and irenaeus . he foresaw a famine to come upon those places , says origen ; from which he would deliver his own , and therefore it seems , left them to the power of the devil . more such fancies might we recount , of men , unwilling to submit to the will of god ; but upon that as the sole discriminating cause of these things we rest , and draw these three observations . . the rule whereby all things are dispensed here below , especially in the making out of the means of grace , is the determinate will and counsell of god : stay not in asia , go not into bithynia , but come to macedonia , even so , o father , for so , &c. . the sending of the gospel to any nation , place or persons rather then others , as the means of life and salvation , is of the meer free grace and good pleasure of god . stay not in asia , &c. . no men in the world want help , like them that want the gospel . come and help us . begin we with the first of these , the rule whereby , &c. or all events and effects , especially concerning the propagation of the gospel , and the church of christ , are in their greatest variety , regulated by the eternall purpose and counsell of god : all things below in their events , are but the wax , whereon the eternall seal of his purpose , hath left its own impression , and they every way answer unto it . it is not my minde to extend this to the generality of things in the world , nor to shew how the creature , can by no means deviate from that eternall rule of providence whereby it is guided , no more then an arrow can avoid the mark , after it hath received the impression of an unerring hand , or well-ordered wheels not turne , according to the motion given them by the master spring , or the wheels in ezekiels vision move irregularly to the spirit of life that was in them . nor yet secondly , how that , on the other side , doth no way prejudice the liberty of second causes , in their actions agreeable to the natures they are indued withall . he who made and preserves the fire , yet hinders not , but that it should burne , or act necessarily agreeable to its nature ; by his making , preserving and guiding of men , hindreth not , yea effectually causeth , that they work freely , agreeable to their nature . nor yet thirdly , to clear up what a straight line runs thorow all the darknes , confusion and disorder in the world , how absolutely , in respect of the first fountain , and last tendance of things , there is neither deformity , fault , nor deviation , every thing that is amisse , consisting in the transgression of a morall rule , which is the sin of the creature , the first cause being free : as he that causeth a lame man to goe , is the cause of his going , but not of his going lame : or the sun exhaling a smell from the kennell , is the cause of the smell , but not of its noisomnesse , for from a garden his beams raise a sweet savour : nothing is amisse but what goeth off from its own rule , which he cannot do , who will do all his pleasure , and knows no other rule . but omitting these things , i shall tie my discourse to that which i cheifly aimed at in my proposition , viz. to discover how the great variety which we see in the dispensation of the means of grace , proceedeth from , and is regulated by some eternall purpose of god , unfolded in his word . to make out this , we must lay down three things . . the wonderfull variety in dispensing of the outward means of salvation , in respect of them , unto whom they were granted , used by the lord since the fall : i say , since the fall , for the grace of preserving from sin , and conti●●ing with god , had been generall , universally extended to every creature , but for the grace of rising from sin , and coming again unto god , that is made exceeding various , by some distinguishing purpose . . that this outward dispensation being presupposed , yet in effectuall working upon particular persons , there is no lesse variety , for he hath mercy on whom he will have mercy . . discover the rules of this whole administration . . for the first , the promise was at first made unto adam , and by him doubtlesse conveied to his issue ; and preached to the severall generations , which his eyes beheld , proceeding from his own loyns : but yet by the wickednes of the old world , all flesh corrupting their waies , we may easily collect , that the knowledge of it quickly departed from the most : sin banishing the love of god from their hearts , hindred the knowledge of god from continuing in their mindes . . after many revivings , by visions , revelations , and covenants , it was at length called in from the wide world , and wholly restrained to the house , family and seed of abraham : with whom alone , all the means of grace continued , for thrice fourteen generations ; they alone were in goshen , and all the world besides in thick darknes : the dew of heaven was on them as the fleece , when else all the earth was dry . god shewed his word unto jacob , his statutes and judgements unto israel , he hath not dealt so with any nation , psal. . , . the prerogative of the jews was cheifly in this , that to them were committed the oracles of god , rom. . to them pertained the adoption , and the glory , the covenants and the giving of the law , the service of god and the promises , rom. . . . but when the fulnes of time came , the son of god being sent in the likenes of sinfull flesh , he drew all men unto him : and god , who had before winked at the time of their ignorance , then called them every where to repent : commanding the gospel to be preached , to the universality of reasonable creatures , and the way of salvation to be proclaimed unto all ; upon which , in few years the sound of the gospel went out into all nations , and the sun of righteousnes displayed his beams upon the habitable parts of the earth . . but yet once more this light , by satan and his agents , persecutours and seducers , is almost extinguished , as was foretold , thes. . remaining but in few places , and burning dim where it was , the kingdom of the beast being full of darknes , revel. . . yet god again raiseth up reformers , and by them kindles a light , we hope , never to be put out . but alas , what a spot of ground doth this shine on , in comparison of the former vast extents and bounds of the christian world . now is all this variety , think you , to be ascribed unto chance , as the philosopher thought the world was made by a casuall concurrence of atomes ? or hath the idol free-will , with the new goddesse contingency , ruled in these dispensations ? truly neither the one nor the other , no more then the fly raised the dust , by sitting on the chariot wheel ; but all these things have come to passe , according to a certain unerring rule , given them by gods determinate purpose and counsell . secondly , presupposing this variety in the outward means , how is it that thereupon , one is taken , another left ? the promise is made known to cain and abel ; one the first murtherer , the other the first martyr ; jacob and esau , had the same outward advantages , but the one becomes israel , the other edom , the one inherits the promises , the other sels his right for a messe of pottage : at the preaching of our saviour , some believed , some blasphemed ; some said he was a good man , others said , nay , but he deceiveth the people : have we not the word in its power this day , and do we not see the like various effects , some continuing in impenitency , others in sincerity closing with jesus christ ? now what shall we say to these things ? what guides these wheels ? who thus stears his word for the good of souls ? why this also , as i said before , is from some peculiarly distinguishing purpose of the will of god . to open the third thing proposed , i shall shew , first , that all this variety is according to gods determinate purpose , and answereth thereunto ; secondly , the particular purposes from whence this variety proceedeth . . ephes. . . he worketh all things according to the counsell of his own will : as man may be said to erect a fabrick , according to the counsell of his will , when he frameth it before in his minde , and maketh all things in event , answer his preconceived platform ; all things , ( especially {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , all those things , of which the apostle there treateth , gospel-things ) have their futurition , and manner of being , from his eternall purpose : whence also is the idea in the minde of god , of all things with their circumstances , that shall be : that is the first mover , continuing it self immoveable : giving to every thing a regular motion , according to the impression which from that it doth receive : for known unto him are all his works from the beginning of the world , act. . . if any attendants of actions , might free and exempt them , from the regular dependance we insist upon , they must be either contingency or sin ; but yet for both these , we have , besides generall rules , clear particular instances : what seems more contingent and casuall , then the unadvised slaying of a man , with the fall of the head of an axe from the helve , as a man was cutting wood by the way side ? deut. . . yet god assumes this as his own work , exod. . . the same may be said of free agents , and their actions : and for the other , see act. . , . in the crucifying of the sonne of gods love , all things came to passe according as his counsell had before determined that it should be done . now how in the one of these liberty is not abridged , the nature of things not changed in the other , sinne is not countenanced , belongs not to this discourse : the counsell of the lord then standeth for ever , and the thoughts of his heart are unto all generations , psal. . . his counsell standeth , and he will do all his pleasure , isa. . . for he is the lord , and he changeth not , mal. . . with him is neither variablenes nor shadow of turning , james . . all things that are , come to passe in that unchangeable method , which he hath laid them down from all eternity . . let us look peculiarly upon the purposes according to which the dispensations of the gospel , both in sending , and withholding it do proceed . . for the not sending of the means of grace unto any people , whereby they hear not the joyfull sound of the gospel , but have in all ages followed dumb idols , as many doe unto this day . in this chapter of which we treat , the gospel is forbidden to be preached in asia and bithynia , which restraint the lord by his providence , as yet continues to many parts of the world : now the purpose from whence this proceedeth , and whereby it is regulated , you have rom. . . what if god willing to shew his wrath , and to make his power known , endured with much long suffering the vessels of his wrath fitted to destruction , compared with matth. . , . thou hast hid these things from the prudent and wise , even so , o father , for so it seemed good before thee : and with acts . . he suffered all nations to walk in their own ways : now gods not sending the truth , hath the same designe and aim with his sending , the efficacy of errour , viz. that they all may be damned , who have it not : there being no other name under heaven , whereby they may be saved , but only that which is not revealed unto them : god in the mean time , being no more the cause of their sins , for which they incurre damnation , then the sun is the cause of cold and darknes , which follow the absence thereof : or he is the cause of a mans imprisonment for debt , who will not pay his debt for him , though he be no-way obliged so to doe : so then the not sending of the gospel to any people , is an act regulated by that eternall purpose of god , whereby he determineth to advance the glory of his justice , by permitting some men to sin , to continue in their sin , and for sin to send them to their own place ; as a kings not sending a pardon to condemned malefactors , is an issue of his purpose , that they shall die for their faults . when you see the gospel strangely , and thorow wonderfull varieties , and unexpected providences , carried away from a people , know , that the spirit which moves in those wheels , is that purpose of god which we have recounted . . to some people , to some nations , the gospel is sent , god calls them to repentance and acknowledgement of the truth , as in my text , macedonia : and england the day wherein we breath . now there is in this a two-fold aim : . peculiar towards some in their conversion ; . generall towards all for conviction , and therefore it is acted according to a two-fold purpose , which carries it along , and is fulfilled thereby . first , his purpose of saving some in and by iesus christ , effectually to bring them unto himself , for the praise of his glorious grace : upon whomsoever the seal of the lord is stamped , that god knows them and ownes them as his , to them he will cause his gospel to be revealed . acts . . paul is commanded to abide at corinth , and to preach there , because god had much people in that city : though the devil had them in present possession , yet they were gods in his eternall counsel . and such as these they were , for whose sake the man of macedonia is sent on his message . have you never seen the gospel hover about a nation , now and then about to settle , and anon scared and upon wing again , yet working thorow difficulties , making plains of mountains , and filling valleys , overthrowing armies , putting aliens to flight , and at length taking firm root like the cedars of god ? truly if you have not , you are strangers to the place wherein you live . now what is all this , but the working of the purpose of god to attain its proposed end , of gathering his saints to himself . in effectuall working of grace also , for conversion and salvation , whence do you thinke it takes its rule and determination , in respect of particular objects , that it should be directed to iohn , not iudas ; simon peter , not simon magus ? why only from this discriminating counsel of god from eternity , to bring the one , and not the other to himself by christ , acts . . the lord added to the church such as should be saved . the purpose of saving , is the rule of adding to the church of beleevers . and acts . . as many beleeved as were ordained to eternall life . their fore-ordaining to life eternall , gives them right to faith and belief . the purpose of gods election is the rule of dispensing saving grace . secondly , his purpose of leaving some inexcusable in their sins , for the further manifestation of his glorious justice , is the rule of dispensing the word unto them : did you never see the gospel sent or continued to an unthankefull people , bringing forth no fruits meet for it ? wherefore it is so sent , see isa. . , . which prophecie you have fulfilled , ioh. . , . in men described , iude . and pet. . . but here we must strike sail , the waves swell , and it is no easie task to sail in this gulfe , the righteousnesse of god is a great mountain , ( easie to be seen ) but his judgements like the great deep , ( who can search into the bottom thereof ? ) psal. . . and so i hope ▪ i have discovered , how all things here below , concerning the promulgation of the gospel , are , in their greatest variety , straightly regulated by the eternall purposes and counsel of god . the vses of it follow . to discover whence it is , that the worke of reforming the worship of god , and setling the almost departing gospel , hath so powerfully been carried along in this nation : that a beautifull fabrick is seen to arise in the middest of all oppositions , with the confusion of axes and hammers sounding about it : though the builders have been forced ofttimes , not only with one hand , but with both to hold the weapons of warre : that although the wheels of our chariots have been knocked off , and they driven heavily , yet the regular motions of the superiour wheels of providence , have carried on the designe , towards the resting place aimed at ; that the ship hath been directed to the port , though the storm had quite pusled the pilots and mariners ; even from hence , that all this great variety , was but to worke out one certain fore-appointed end , proceeding in the tracts and paths , which were traced out for it from eternity ; which though they have seemed to us a maze or labyrinth , such a world of contingencies and various chances hath the worke passed thorow ; yet indeed all the passages thereof have been regular and straight , answering the platform laid down for the whole in the counsell of god . daniel , chap. . makes his supplication for the restauration of ierusalem , ver. . an angel is sent to tell him , that at the beginning of his supplication the commandment came forth , viz. that it should be accomplished ; it was before determined , and is now set on worke : but yet what mountains of opposition , what hinderances lay in the way ? cyrus must come to the crown , by the death or slaughter of darius ; his heart be moved to send some to the worke ; in a short time cyrus is cut off ; now difficulties arise from the following kings : what their flattering counsellours , what the malignant nations about them conspired , the books of nehemiah and ezra sufficiently declare . whence , ver. . the angel tells daniel , that from the commandment , to restore and build ierusalem , unto messia the prince , shall be weeks , and weeks , the street shall be built again , and the wall in troublesome times : that is , it shall be weeks to the finishing of ierusalem , and thence to messia the prince , weeks ; weeks , that is , years , for so much it was * , from the decree of cyrus , to the finishing of the wall by nehemiah : of which time the temple , as the jews affirmed , was all but yeers in building , ioh. . . during which space , how often did the hearts of the people of god faint in their troubles , as though they should never have seen an end , and therefore ever and anon were ready to give over , as hag. . . but yet ye see the decree was fixed , and all those varieties , did but orderly worke in an exact method , for the glorious accomplishment of it . englands troubles , have not yet endured above half the odd yeers of those reformers task , yet , good god , how short breathed are men ! what fainting is there ? what repining , what grudging against the waies of the lord ? but , let me tell you , that as the water in the stream will not go higher then the head of the fountain , no more will the work● in hand , be carried one step higher , or beyond the aim of its fountain , the counsel of god , from whence it hath its rise : and yet as a river will break thorow all oppositions , and swell to the height of mountains , to go to the sea , from whence it came ; so will the stream of the gospel , when it comes out from god , break down all mountains of opposition , and not be hindred from resting in its appointed place . it were an easie thing to recall their mindes , to some trembling periods of time , when there was trembling in our armies , and trembling in our counsels , trembling to be ashamed , to be repented of , trembling in the city and in the countrey , and men were almost at their wits end for the sorrows and fears of those dayes : and yet we see how the unchangeable purpose of god , hath wrought strongly thorow all these straits , from one end to another , that nothing might fall to the ground , of what he had determined . if a man in those daies had gone about to perswade us , that all our pressures were good omens , that they all wrought together for our good , we could have been ready to cry with the woman , who when she had recount●d her griefs ●o the physicians and he still replied , they were good signes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , good signes have undone me , these good signes will be our ruin ; yet behold ( we hope ) the contrary . our day hath been like that mentioned , zech. . , . a day whose light is neither clear nor dark , a day known only to the lord , seeming to us to be neither day nor night : but god knew all this while that it was a day , he saw how it all wrought for the appointed end : and in the evening , in the close , it will be light , so light as to be to us discernable . in the mean time , we are like unskilfull men , going to the house of some curious artist , so long as he is about his worke , despise it as confused ; but when it is finished , admire it as excellent : whilest the passages of providence are on us , all is confusion , but when the fabrick is reared , glorious . learn to look upon the wisedom of god , in carrying all things , thorow this wonderfull variety , exact●y to answer his own eternall purpose : ●uffering so many mountains to lie in the way of reforming his churches , and setling the gospel , that his spirit may have the glory , and his people the comfort in their removall . it is an high and noble contemplation , to consider the purposes of god , so far as by the event revealed , and to see what impressions his wisedom and power do leave upon things accomplished here below , to read in them a temporary history of his eternall counsels . some men may deem it strange , that his determinate will , which gives rule to these things , and could in a word have reached its own appointment , should carry his people so many journies in the wildernesse , and keep u● thus long in so low estate ▪ i say , not to speak of his own glory , which hath sparkled forth of this flinty opposition , there be divers things , things of light , for our good , which he hath brought forth out of all that darkenesse , wherewith we have been overclouded : take a few instances . . if there had been no difficulties , there had been no deliverances : and did we never finde our hearts so inlarged towards god upon such advantages , as to say , well , this daies temper of spirit , was cheaply purchased by yesterdaies anguish and fear ? that was but a being sick at sea . . had there been no tempests and storms , we had not made out for shelter : did ye never run to a tree for shelter in a storm , and finde fruit which ye expected not ? did ye never go to god for safegard in these times , driven by outward stormes , and there finde unexpected fruit , the peaceable fruit of righteousnesse , that made you say , happy tempest , which cast me into such an harbour ? it was a storm that occasioned the discovery of the golden mines of india : hath not a storm driven some to the discovery of the richer mines of the love of god in christ ? . had not esau come against him , with men , jacob had not been called israel ; he had not been put to it , to try his strength with god , and so to prevail . who would not purchase with the greatest distresse that heavenly comfort , which is in the return of prayers ? the strength of gods jacobs in this kingdom , had not been known , if the esaus had not come against them . some say , this war hath made a discovery of englands strength , what it is able to do . i thinke so also , not what armies it can raise against men , but with what armies of prayers and tears it is able to deal with god . had not the brethren strove in the wombe , rebekah had not asked , why am i thus ? nor received that answer , the elder shall serve the younger : had not two sorts of people strugled in the wombe of this kingdom , we had not sought , nor received such gracious answers . thus do all the various motions of the lower wheels , serve for our good , and exactly answer the impression they receive from the master spring , the eternall purpose of god . of this hitherto . the sending of the gospel to any one nation , rather then another , as the means of life and salvation , is of the meer free grace and good pleasure of god . now before i come to make out the absolute independency and freedom of this distinguishing mercy , i shall premise three things . first , that the not sending of the gospel to any person or people , is of gods meer good pleasure , and not of any peculiar distinguishing demerit in that person or people . no man or nation doth majorem ponere obicem , lay more or greater obsta●les against the gospel then another . there is nothing imaginable to lay a block in the passage thereof , but only sin : now these sins , are , or may be , of two sorts ; either first , against the gospel it self , which may possibly hinder the receiving of the gospel , but not the sending of it , which it presupposeth . secondly , against the covenant they are under , and the light they are guided by , before the beams of the gospel shine upon them : now in these , generally all are equall , all having sinned and come short of the glory of god : and in particular sins against the law and light of nature , no nation have gone farther then they which were soonest enlightned with the word , as afterwards will appear : so that the sole cause of this , is the good pleasure of god , as our saviour affirmeth , mat. . , . secondly , that sins against the covenant of works , which men are und●r , before the gospel comes unto them , cannot have any generall demerit , that the means of life and salvation by free grace should not be imparted to them . it is true , all nations have deserved to be turned into hell , and a people that have had the truth , and detained it in ungodlinesse , deserve to be deprived of it . the first , by vertue of the sanction of the first broken covenant : the other , by sinning against that , which they had of the second ; but that men in a fallen condition , and not able to rise , should hereby deserve not to be helped up , needeth some distinction to clear it . there is then a two-foold demerit and indignity : one meerly negative , or a not deserving to have good done unto us : the other positive , deserving that good should not be done unto us . the first of these , is found in all the world , in respect of the dispensation of the gospel : if the lord should bestow it only on those who do not , not deserve it , he must for ever keep● it closed up in the eternall treasure of his his own bosom . the second is found directly in none , in respect of that peculiar way which is discovered in the gospel , because they had not sinned against it : which rightly considered , gives no small lustre to the freedom of grace . thirdly , that there is a right in the gospel , and a fitnesse in that gracious dispensation , to be made known to all people in the world ; that no singular portion of the earth should be any longer an holy land , or any mountain of the world lift up its head above its fellows . and this right hath a double foundation . first , the infinite value and worth of the bloud of christ , giving fulnesse and fitnesse to the promises founded thereon , to be propounded to all man-kinde , for through his bloud , remission of sins is preached to whosoever beleeves on him , acts . . to every creature , mat. . . god would have a price of that infinite value for sin , laid down , as might justly give advantage , to proclaim a pardon indifinitely to all that will come in , and accept of it , there being in it no defect at all , ( though intentionally only a ransom for some ) but that by it , the world might know that he had done whatsoever the father commanded him , jo. . . secondly , in that ●●conomy and dispensation of the grace of the new covenant , breaking forth in these later daies , whereby all externall distinction , of places and ●ersons , people and nations being removed , jesus christ taketh all nations to be his inheritance , dispensing to all men the grace of the gospel , bringing salvation , as seemeth best to him : tit. . , . for being lifted up , he drew all unto him , having redeemed us with his bloud , out of every kinred and tongue , people and nation , apoc. . . and on these two grounds it is , that the gospel hath in it self a right and fitnesse , to be preached to all , even as many as the lord our god shall call . these things being premised , i come to the proof of the assertion . deut. . , . moses is very carefull in sundry places to get this to take an impression upon their spirits , that it was meer free grace that exalted them into that condition and dignity wherein they stood , by their approach unto god , in the enjoyment of his ordinances : in this most cleerly rendring the cause of gods love in chusing them , mentioned , ver. . to be only his love , ver. . his love towards them is the cause of his love , his free love eternally determining , of his free love actually conferring those distinguishing mercies upon them : it was not for their righteousnesse , for they were a stiffnecked people , d●ut. . mat. . ▪ . our saviour laying both these things together , the hiding of the mysteries of salvation from some , and revealing them to others , renders the same reason and supreme cause of both , of which no account can be rendred , only the good pleasure of god . i thanke thee , father : and if any will proceed higher , and say , where is the justice of this , that men equally obnoxious , should be thus unequally accepted ? we say with paul , that he will have mercy on whom he will have mercy , and whom he will he hardneth , and who art thou , o man , that disputest against god ? si tu es homo , & ego homo , audtamus dicentem , o homo , tu quis : to send a pardon to some that are condemned , suffering the rest to suffer , hath no injustice . if this will not satisfie , let us say with the same apostle , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. . . o the depth of the , &c. yea so far is it from truth , that god should dispense , and grant his word and means of grace , by any other rule , or upon any other motive then his own will and good pleasure , that we finde in the scripture the direct contrary to what we would suppose , even , mercy shewed to the more unworthy , and the more worthy passed by , reckoning worthinesse and unworthinesse by lesse or greater sin , with lesse or more endeavours . christ preaches to chorazin and bethsaida which would not repent , and at the same time denies the word to tyre and zidon , which would have gotten on sackcloth and ashes , when the other continued delicate despisers , mat. . . ezekiel is sent to them that would not hear him , passing by them that would have hearkened , chap. . . which is most clear , rom. . , . the gentiles which followed not after righteousnesse , have attained to righteousnesse , even the righteousnesse , of faith ; but israel which followed after the law of righteousnesse , have not attained to it . if in the dispensation of the gospel , the lord had had any respect to the desert of people , corinth that famous place of sinning , had not so soon enjoyed it , the people whereof , for worship , were led away with dumbe idols , cor. . . and for their lives , ye have them drawn to the life , cor. . , , . fornicatours , idolaters , adulterers , effeminate , abusers of themselves with man-kinde , thieves , covetous , drunkards , revilers , extortioners , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which is to be repeated , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , some of you were fornicatours , some idolaters , but ye are sanctified : seem not these to the eye of flesh goodly qualifications — for the gospel of jesus christ ? had these men been dealt withall , according as they had disposed themselves , not fitter fuell for hell could the justice of god require : but yet ye see , to these the gospel comes , which the first , a light shines to them that sit in darknesse and in the shadow of death . if god send or grant the gospel , which is the means of grace , upon any other ground , but his meer good pleasure ; then it must be an act of remunerative justice : now there is no such justice in god towards the creature , but what is founded upon some preceding covenant , or with promise of god to the creature , which is the only foundation of all relation between god and man , but only those that attend creation and sovereignty . now what promise do you finde made to , or covenant with a people , as yet without the gospel : i mean conditionall promises , inferring any good to be bestowed on any required performance on their part ? free , absolute promises there are , innumerable , that light should shine to them that were in darkenesse , and those to be called gods people which were not his people ; but such as depend on any condition on their part to be fulfilled , we finde none . god bargains not with the creature about the gospel knowing how unable he is to be merchant for such pearls . if a man had all that goodnesse which may be found in man , without jesus christ , they would not in the least measure procure a discovery of him . i deny not but god may , and perhaps sometimes doth reveal himself to some in a peculiar and extraordinary manner . whereunto tends that story in aquinas , of a corps taken up in the daies of constantine and irene , with a plate of gold , and this inscription in it , christus nascetur ex virgine , ego credo in illum , o sol sub irenae & constantini temporibus iterum me videbis . but that this should be regular unto men living , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in justin martyrs phrase , or using their naturals aright , ( which is impossible they should , the right use of naturals depending on supernaturals ) is wide from the word . if there be any outward motive of granting the gospel unto any , it is some acceptable performances of theirs , holding up to the rule and will of god : now this will and rule having no saving revelation but by the gospel , which should thus be procured by acts agreeable unto it , makes up a flat contradiction , supposing the revelation of the gospel , before it be revealed ; doubtlesse according to all rules of justice to us made known , it is an easier thing , to d●serve heaven by obedience , now under the covenant of works , then being under that covenant , to do any thing that might cause a new way of salvation , such as the gospel is , to be revealed . with some observations i descend to application . first , there is the same reason of continuing the gospel unto a people , as of sending it ; especially if oppositions rise high , apt and able in them●elves for its removall : never nation as yet enjoyed the word , that deserved the continuance of the word . god hath alwaies something agaist a people , to make the continuing of his grace , to be of grace , the not removing of his love , to be meerly of love , and the preaching of the gospel , to be a mercy of the gospel , free and undeserved . though there be worke , and labour , and patience for christs sake at ephesus , yet there is somewhat against ephesus , rev. . , . for which he might justly remove his candlestick ; and if he doth it not , it is of the same mercy that first set it there . as god layes out goodnesse and grace in the entrance , so patience , long-suffering and firebearance in the continuance ; he bears with our manners , whilst we grieve his spirit . look upon the face of this kingdom , and view the body of the people , thinke of the profanenes , vill●ny , trampleing upon the bloud of jesus , ignorance , contempt of god and his waies , despising his ordinances , reviling his servants , branding and defaming the power of godlines , persecuting and tearing one another , and yet hear the joifull sound of the word in every corner ; and you will quickly conclude , that you see a great fight of gods love against our sins , and not of our goodnes for his love . secondly , there is the same reason of the reformation and the doctrine of the gospel corrupted with errour , and of the worship of god , collapsed with superstition , as of the first implantation of the gospel : god in his just judgement of late ages , had sent upon the western world the effi●acy of errour , that they should beleeve lies , because they received not the love of the truth , as he fore-told , thes. . now whence is it , that we see some of the nations thereof as yet suffered to walke in their own waies , others called to repentance , some wildernesses turned into green pastures for the flock of god , and some places made barren wildernesses for the wickednesse of them that dwell therein ? how comes it , that this iland glories in a reformation , and spain sits still in darknes ? is it because we were better then they ? or lesse engaged in antichristian delusions ? doubtlesse no : no nation in the world drank deeper of that cup of abomination ; it was a proverbiall speech amongst all , england was our good asse ( a beast of burthen ) for ( antichrist whom they called ) the pope : nothing but the good pleasure of god and christ freely comming to refine us , mal. . , , , . caused this distinction . though men can do nothing towards the procuring of the gospel , yet men may do much for the expulsion of the gospel : if the husbandmen prove idle or self-seekers , the vineyard will be let to others ; and if the people love darknesse more then light , the candlestick will be removed ; let england beware . now this men may do , either upon the first entrance of the gospel , or after some continuance of it : the gospel spreading it self over the earth , findes entertainment , like that of mens seeking plantations amongst barbarous nations , sometimes kept out with hideous outcries , at the shore , sometimes suffered to enter with admiration , and a little after violently assaulted . in the first way , how do we finde the jews , putting far from them the word of life , and rejecting the counsel of god at its first entrance , calling for night at the rising of the sun ? hence , acts . . paul concludes his sermon to them , with , hear , ye despisers , wonder and perish : and ver. . it was necessary the word should be preached to them , but seeing they judged themselves unworthy , they were forsaken : and ver. . they shake off the dust of their feet against them , a common symbol in those daies , of the highest indignation and deepest curse : the like stubbornes we finde in them , acts . whereupon the apostle wholly turned himself to the gentiles , ver. . how many nations of europe , at the beginning of the reformation , rejected the gospel of god , and procured christ , with the gadarens , to depart as soon as he was extred , will be found at the last day , written with the bloud of the martyrs of jesus , that suffered amongst them ? secondly , after some continuance ; so the church of laodicea , having for a while enjoyed the word , fell into such a tepid condition , so little moved with that fire that christ came to send upon the earth , rev. . , . that the lord was even sick and weary with bearing them . the church of rome , famous at the first , yet quickly , by the advantage of outward supportments and glorious phansies , became head of that fatall rebellion against jesus christ , which spread it self over most of the churches in the world ; god hereupon . sending upon them the efficacy of errour to beleeve a lie , that they all might be damned that beleeved not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousnesse , thes. . suffering them to det●in the empty names of church and gospel , which because they usurpe , only for their advant●ge here , to appear glorious , the lord will use for the advancing of his justice hereafter , to shew them inexcusable . o lord , how was england of late by thy mercy delivered from this snare ? a captain being chosen for the return of this people into egypt : on how hath thy grace fought against our backsliding ? and let none seek to extenuate this mercy , by catalogues of errours still amongst us , there is more danger of an apostasy against christ , and rebellion against the truth , in one babylonish errour , owned by men , pretending to power and jurisdiction over others , then in five hundred , scattered amongst inconsiderable disunited individuals : i would to god , we could all speake , and think the s●me things , that we were all of one minde , even in the most minutulous differences that are now amongst us ; but yet the truth is , the kingdom of jesus christ never shakes amongst a people , untill men pretending to act , with a combined mixed power , of heaven and earth , unto which all sheaves must bow or be threshed , doe by vertue of this trust , set up and impose things or opinions deviating from the rule , as it was in the papacy , errours owned by mixed associations . civill and ecclesiasticall are for the most part incurable , be they never so absurd and foolish : of which the lutheran ubiquities and consubstantiation are a tremendous example : these things being presupposed . let no flesh glory in themselves , but let every mouth be stopped , for we have all sinned , and come short of the glory of god . who hath made the possessors of the gospel to diff●r from others ? or what have they that they have not received ? cor. . . why are these things hidden from the great and wise of the world , and revealed to babes and children , but because , o father , so it pleased thee ? mat. . . he hath mercy on whom he will have mercy , and whom he will he hardeneth , rom. . ah lord , if the glory and pomp of the world might prevail with thee to send thy gospel , it would supply the room of the cursed alchoran , and spread it self in the palaces of that strong lion of the east , who sets his throne upon the necks of kings ; but alas , jesus christ is not there . if wisedom , learning , pretended gravity , counterfeit holinesse , reall pollicy were of any value in thine eies , to procure the word of life , it would be as free and glorious at rome as ever ; but alas , antichrist hath his throne there , jesus christ is not there . if will-worship and humilities , neglect of the body , macerations , superstitions , beads , and vainly repeated praiers , had any efficacy before the lord , the gospel perhaps might be in the cells of some recluses and monks ; but alas , jesus christ is not there . if morall vertues , to an amazement , exact civill honesty and justice , that soul of humane society , could have prevailed ought , the heathen worthies in the daies of old , had had the promises ; but alas , iesus christ was farre away . now if all these be passed by , to whom is the report of the lord made known ? to whom is his arm revealed ? why ! to an handfull of poor sinners amongst the nations formerly counted feirce and barbarous . and what shall we say to these things ? o {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , o the depth , &c. let england consider with fear and trembling the dispensation that it is now under , i say , with fear and trembling : for this day is the lords day , wherein he will purge us or burne us , according as we shall be found silver or drosse : it is our day , wherein we must mend or end : let us look to the rock from whence we were hewed , and the hole of the pit from whence we were digged ; was not our father an amorite , and our mother an hittite ? are we not the posterity of idolatrous progenitors ? of those who worshipped them who by nature were no god● ? how often also hath this land forfeited the gospel ? god having taken it twice away , who is not forward to seize upon the forfeiture . in the very morning of the gospel , the sun of righteousnes shone upon this land , and they say the first potentate on the earth , that owned it , was in britain : but as it was here soon professed , so it was here soon abused . that part of this isle which is called england , being the first place , i read of , which was totally bereaved of the gospel ; the sword of the then pagan saxons fattening the land with the blood of the christian inhabitants ; and in the close wholly subverting the worship of god . long it was not ere this cloud was blown over , and those men who had been instruments to root out others , submitted their own necks to the yoke of the lord , and under exceeding variety in civill affairs , enjoyed the word of grace : untill by insensible degrees , like summer unto winter , or light unto darknes , it gave place to antichristian superstition , and left the land in little lesse then a paganish darknes , drinking deep of the cup of abominations , mingled for it by the roman harlot ; and is there mercy yet in god to recover a twice-lost over backsliding people ? might not the lord have said unto us , what shall i do unto thee , oh island ? how shall i make thee as admah ? how shall i set thee as zeboim ? but his heart is turned within him , his repentings are kindled together : the dry bones shall live , and the fleece shall be wet , though all the earth be dry . god will again water his garden , once more purge his vineyard , once more of his own accord he will take england upon liking , though he had twice deservedly turned it out of his service ; so that coming as a refiners fire , and as fullers soap to purify the sons of levi , to purge them as gold and silver , to offer to the lord an offering in righteousnes , to reform his churches , england , as soon as any , hath the benefit and comfort thereof : nay , the reformation of england shall be more glorious then of any nation in the world , being carried on , neither by might nor power , but onely by the spirit of the lord of hosts . but is this the utmost period of englands sinning , and gods shewing mercy , in continuing and restoring of the gospel ? no truly : we again in our daies have made forfeiture of the purity of his worship , by an almost universall treacherous apostasy : from which the free grace , and good pleasure of god hath made a great progresse again towards a recovery . there are two sorts of men , that i finde exceedingly ready to extenuate and lessen the superstition and popish tyranny of the former daies , into which we were falling . first , such as were industriously instrumentall in it , whose suffrages had been loud , for the choice of a captain to returne into egypt : men tainted with the errours , and loaded with the preferments of the times : with all those who blindly adhere to that faction of men , who as yet covertly drive on that designe . to such as these , all was nothing , and to them it is no mercy to be delivered . and the truth is , it is a favour to the lambe and not the wolfe , to have him taken out of his mouth : but these men have interest by those things which have no ears , against which there is no contending . secondly , such as are disturbed in their opticks , or have gotten false glasses , representing all things unto them in dubious colours : which way soever they look . they can see nothing but errours , errours of all sizes , sorts , ●ects , and sexes . errours and heresies , from the beginning to the end , which hath deceived some men not of the worst , and made them think . that all before was nothing , in comparison of the present confusion . a great signe they felt it not , or were not troubled at it ; as if men should come into a field , and seeing some red weeds and cockle among the corne , should instantly affirm , there is no corne there , but all weeds , and that it were much better the hedges were down , and the whole field laid open to the boar of the forest ; but the harvest will one day shew the truth of these things . but that these apprehensions may not too much prevail , to the vilifying and extenuating of gods mercy , in restoring to us the purity and liberty of the gospel : give me leave in a few words , to set out the danger of that apostasy , from which the good pleasure of god hath given us a deliveranc● . i shall ●●stance onely in a few things : observe then that . first , the darling errours of late years , were all of them stones of the old babel , closing and coupling with that tremendous 〈◊〉 : which the man of sin had erected to dethrone jesus christ : came out of the belly of that trojan horse , that fatall engine , which was framed to betray the city of god . they were popish errours , such as whereof that apostasy did consist , which onely is to be looked upon , as the great adverse state to the kingdom of the lord christ . for a man to be disorderly in a civill state , yea often times through turbulency to break the peace , is nothing to an underhand combination with some formidable enemy , for the utter subversion of it . heedles and headles errours may breed disturbance enough , in scattered individualls , unto the people of god : but such as tend to a peace and association , cum ecclesia malignantium , tending to a totall subversion of the sacred state , are far more dangerous . now such were the innovations of the late hierarchists ; in worship , their paintings , crossings , crucifixes , bowings , cringings , altars , tapers , wafers , organs , anthems , letany , rails , images , copes , vestments ; what were they , but roman vernish , an italian dresse for our devotion , to draw on conformity with that enemy of the lord jesus ; in doctrin , the divinity of episcopacy , auricular confession , free-will , predestination on faith , yea works fore-seen , limbus patrum , justification by works falling from grace , authority of a church , which none knew what it was , canonicall obedience , holinesse of churches , and the like innumerable , what were they but helpes to sancta clara , to make all our articles of religion speak good roman-catholike ? how did their old father of rome refresh his spirit , to see such chariots as those provided , to bring england again unto him ? this closing with popery , was the sting in the errours of those daies , which caused pining if not death in the episcopall pot . secondly , they were such as raked up the ashes of the ancient worthies , whose spirits god stirred up to reform his church , and rendred them contemptible before all , especially those of england , the most whereof died in giving their witnesse against the blinde figment of the reall presence , and that abominable blasphemy of the cursed masse ; in especiall , how did england , heretofore termed asse , turn ape to the pope , and furnished it with all things necessary for an unbloody sacrifice , ready to set up the abomination of desolation , and close with the god maozim , who hath all their peculiar devotion at rome ? thirdly , they were in the management of men which had divers dangerous and pernicious qualifications ; as first , a false repute of learning , i say , a false repute for the greater part , especially of the greatest : and yet taking advantages of vulgar esteem , they bare out as though they had engrossed a monopoly of it : though i presume the world was never deceived by more empty pretenders ; especially in respect of any solid knowledge in divinity or antiquity : but yet their great preferments , had got them a great repute of great deservings , enough to blinde the eyes of poor mortals adoring them at a distance , and to perswade them , that all was not only law , but gospel too , which they broached : and this rendred the infection dangerous . secondly , a great hatred of godlinesse in the power thereof , or any thing beyond a form , in whomsoever it was found ; yea how many odious appellations were invented for bare profession , to render it contemptible ? especially in the exercise of their jurisdiction , thundring their censures against all appearance of zeal , and closing with all profane , impieties ; for were a man a drunkard , a swearer , a sabbath-breaker , an unclean person , so he were no puritan , and had money , patet atri janua ditis , the episcopall heaven was open for them all . now this was a dangerous and destructive qualification , which i beleeve is not professedly found in any party amongst us . thirdly , which was worst of all , they had centred in their bosoms an unfathomable depth of power civil and ecclesiasticall , to stampe their apostaticall errours with authority , giving them not only the countenance of greatnesse , but the strength of power , violently urging obedience ; and to me , the sword of errour , never cuts dangerously , but when it is managed with such an hand . this i am sure , that errours in such , are not recoverable without the utmost danger of the civil state . let now , i beseech you , these and the like things be considered , especially the strong combination that was thorowout the papall world for the seducing of this poor nation : that i say nothing , how this viall was poured out upon the very throne , and then , let us all be ashamed and confounded in our selves , that we should so undervalue and sleight the free mercy of god , in breaking such a snare , and setting the gospel at liberty in england . my intent was , having before asserted this restauration of jerusalem , to the good pleasure of god , to have stirred you up to thankefullnesse unto him , and self-humiliation in consideration of our great undeserving of such mercy ; but alas ; as far as i can see , it will scarce passe for a mercy : and unlesse every mans perswasion may be a josephs sheaf , the goodnesse of god shall scarce be acknowledged ; but yet let all the world know , and let the house of england know this day , that we lie unthankefully under as full a dispensation of mercy and grace , as ever nation in the world enjoyed , and that without a lively acknowledgement thereof , with our own unworthinesse of it , we shall one day know what it is ( being taught with briars and thorns ) to undervalue the glorious gospel of the lord jesus . good lord ! what would helplesse macedonians give for one enjoiment ? o that wales , o that ireland , o that france , where shall i stop ? i would offend none , but give me leave to say , o that every , i had almost said , o that any part of the world , had such helpes and means of grace , as these parts of england have , which will scarce acknowledge any mercy in it : the lord break the pride of our spirits , before it break the staff of our bread , and the helpe of our salvation . o that the bread of heaven , and the bloud of christ might be accounted good nourishment , though every one hath not the sauce he desireth . i am perswaded , that if every absolom in the land , that would be a judge for the ending of our differences , were enthroned ( he spoke the peoples good , though he intended his own power ) the case would not be much better then it is . well , the lord make england , make this honourable audience , make us all to know these three things . first , that we have received such a blessing , in setting at liberty the truths of the gospel , as is the crown of all others mercies , yea , without which they were not valuable , yea were to be despised : for successe without the gospel , is nothing but a prosperous conspiracy against jesus christ . secondly , that this mercy is of mercy , this love of free love , and the grace that appeareth , of the eternall hidden free grace of god . he hath shewed his love unto us because he loved us , and for no other reason in the world , this people being guilty of bloud and murder , of soul and body , adultery , and idolatry , and oppression , with a long catalogue of sins and iniquities . thirdly , that the height of rebellion against god , is the despifing of spirituall gospel-mercies ; should mordecai have troden the robes under his feet , that were brought him from the king , would it not have been severely revenged ? doth the king of heaven lay open the treasures of his wisedom , knowledge and goodnesse for us , and we despise them ? what shall i say , i had almost said , hell punishes no greater sin : the lord say it not our charge : o that we might be solemnly humbled for it this day , before it be too late . to discover unto us the freedom of that effectuall grace , which is dispensed towards the elect , under the with the preaching of the word : for if the sending of the outward means be of free underserved love , surely the working of the spirit under that dispensatior , for the saving of souls , is no lesse free : for , who hath made us differ from others , and what have we that we have not received ? o that god should say unto us in our bloud , live ; that he should say unto us in our blood , live ; that he should breath upon us when we were as dry bones , dead in trespasses and sins ; let us remember , i beseech you , the frame of our hearts , and the temper of our spirits , in the da●es wherein we know not god , and his goodnesse , but went on in a swift course of rebellion ; can none of you look back upon any particular daies or nights , and say , ah lord , that thou shouldest be so patient and so full of forbearance , as not to sent me to hell at such an instant ; but oh lord , that thou shouldest go further , and blot out mine iniquities for thine own sake , when i made thee serve with my sins ; lord , what shall i say it is ? it is the free grace of my god : what expression transcendeth that , i know not . of caution : england received the gospel of meer mercy , let it take heed , lest it lose it by justice ; the placer of the candlestick , can remove it ; the truth is , it will not be removed unlesse it be abused , and wo to them , from whom mercies are taken for being abused ; from whom the gospel is removed for being despised ; it had been better for the husbandman never to have had the vineyard , then to be slain for their ill using of it ; there is nothing left to do them good , who are forsaken for for saking the gospel . the glory of god was of late by many degrees departing from the temple in our land . that was gon to the threshold , yea to the mount : if now at the returne , thereof , it finde again cause to depart , it will not go by steps , but all at once ; this island , or at least the greatest part thereof , as i formerly intimated , hath twice lost the gospel ; once , when the saxons wrested it from the britains , when , if we may believe their own dolefull moaning historian , they were given over to all wickednes , oppression , and villany of life : which doubtles was accompanied with contempt of the word , though for faith and perswasion we do not finde that they were corrupted , and do finde that they were tenacious enough of antique discipline , as appeared in their following oppositions to the roman tyranny , as in beda . secondly , it was lost in regard of the purity and power thereof , by blinde superstition and antichristian impiety , accompanied also with abominable lewdnes , oppression , and all manner of sin , in the face of the sun , so that first prophanenes , working a despising of the gospel , then superstion ushering in prophanenes , have in this land shewed their power for the extirpation of the gospel ; oh , that we could remember the daies of old , that we could consider the goodnes and severity of god , on them which fell severity , but towards us goodnes , if we continue in that goodnes , for otherwise even we also shall be cut off : yet here we may observe , that though both these times there was a forsaking in the midst of the land , yet there was in it a tenth for to returne as a teyle-tree , and as an oak whose substance is in them when they cast their leaves , so was the holy seed and the substance thereof , isa . . at in the dereliction of the jews , so of this nation , there was a remnant that quickly took root , and brought forth fruit , both in the one devastation , and the other , though the watcher and the holy one from heaven , had called to cut down the tree of this nation , and to scatter its branches from flourishing before him , yet the stump and root was to be left in the earth with a band of iron , that it might spring again ; thus twice did the lord come seeking fruit of this vine , doing little more then pruning and dressing it , although it brought forth wilde grapes : but if he come the third time and finde no fruit , the sentence will be , cut it down , why cumbreth it the gronnd ? now to prevent this i shall not follow all those gospel-supplanting sins we finde in holy writ , onely i desire to cautionate you and us all in three things . first , take heed of pretending or holding out the gospel for a covert or shadow for other things . god will not have this gospel made a stalking horse for carnall designes : put not in that glorious name , where the thing it self is not clearly intended ; if in any thing it be , let it have no compeer ; if not , let it not be named ; if that you aim at be just , it needs no varnish ; if it be not , it is the worse for it . gilded pills lose not their bitternes , and painted faces are thought to have no native beauty ; all things in the world should serve the gospel ; and if that be made to serve other things , god will quickly vindicate it into liberty . from the beginning of these troubles , right honourable , you have held forth religion and the gospel , as whose preservation and restauration was principally in the aims , and i presume malice it self is not able to discover any insincerity in this , the fruits we behold proclaim to all the conformity of your words and hearts . now the god of heaven grant that the same minde be in you still , in every particular member of this honourable assembly , in the whole nation , especially in the magistracy and ministery of it , that we be not like the boatmen , look one way , and rowe another ; cry gospel , and mean the other thing ; lord lord , and advance our own ends , that the lord may not stir up the staffe of his anger , and the rod of his indignation against us as an hypocriticall people . secondly , take heed of resting upon , and trusting to the priviledge , how ever excellent and glorious , of the outward enjoyment of the gospel . when the jews cryed , the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord , the time was at hand that they should be destroyed . look onely upon the grace that did bestow , and the mercy that doth continue it ; god will have none of his blessings rob him of his glory , and if we will rest at the cisterne , he will stop at the fountain . thirdly , let us all take heed of barrennes under it , for the earth that drinks in the rain that cometh upon it , and beareth thornes and briers , is rejected , and nigh unto cursing , whose end is to be burned , heb. . , . now what fruits doth it require ? even those reckoned , gal. . , . the fruit of the spirit is love , joy , peace , long-suffering , gentlenesse , goodnesse , faith , meeknes , temperance ; oh that we had not cause to grieve for a scarcity of these fruits , and the abundant plenty of these works of the flesh recounted , ver. , , . oh that that wisedom which is an eminent fruit of the gospel might flourish amongst us , jam. . . it is first pure , then peaceable , gētle , easy to be entreated , that we might have lesse writing and more praying , lesse envy and more charity ; that all evil surmisings , which are works of the flesh , might have no toleration in our hearts , but be banished for nonconformity to the golden rule of love and peace , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : come we now to the last proposition : no men in the world want help , like them that want the gospel . or , of all distresses want of the gospel cries loudest for relief . rachel wanted children , and she cries , give me children , or i die ; but that was but her impatience , she might have lived , and have had no children , yea , see the justice of god , she dies so soon as ever she hath children : hagar wants water for ishmael , and she will go farre from him , that she may not see him die ; an heavy distresse , and yet if he had died , it had been but an early paying of that debt , which in a few years was to be satisfied . but they that want the gospel may truly cry , give us the gospel or we die , and that not temporally with ishmael , for want of water , but eternally in flames of fire . a man may want liberty , and yet be happy , as joseph was : a man may want peace , and yet be happy , as david was : a man may want children , and yet be blessed , as job was : a man may want plenty , and yet be full of comfort , as micaiah was : but he that wants the gospel , wants every thing that should do him good . a throne without the gospel , is but the devils dungeon . wealth without the gospel , is fuell for hell . advancement without the gospel , is but a going high , to have the greater fall . abraham wanting a childe , complains , what will the lord do for me , seeing i go childelesse , and this eliezer of damascus must be my heire ? much more may a man without the means of grace complain , what shall be done unto me , seeing i go gospellesse ? and all that i have , is but a short inheritance for this lump of clay my body . when elisha was minded to do something for the shunammite who had so kindely entertained him , he asks her , whether he should speak for her to the king , or the captain of the host ? she replies , she dwelt in the middest of her own people , she needeth not those things : but when he findes her to want a childe , and tells her of that , she is almost transported . ah how many poor souls are there , who need not our word to the king or the captain of the host ; but yet being gospellesse , if you could tell them of that , would be even ravished with joy ? think of adam after his fall , before the promise , hiding himself from god : and you have a perfect pourtraicture of a poor creature without the gospel : now this appeareth , . from the description we have of the people that are in this state and condition without the gospel ; they are a people that sit in darknes , yea in the region and shaddow of death , matth. , . they are even darknes it self , joh. . . within the dominion and dreadfull darknes of death ; darknes was one of egypts plagues , but yet that was a darknes of the body , a darknes wherein men lived : but this is a darknes of the soul , a darknes of death , for these men though they live , yet are they dead ; they are fully described , ephes. . . without christ , aliens from the common-wealth of israel , strangers from the covenants of promise , having no hope , and without god in the world . christles men , and godles men , and hopeles men , and what greater distresse in the world ? yea , they are called doggs , and unclean beasts , the wrath of god is upon them , they are the people of his curse and indignation . in the extream north , one day and one night divide the year ; but with a people without the gospel , it is all night , the sun of righteousnes shines not upon them , it is night whilest they are here , and they go to eternall night hereafter . what the men of china concerning themselves and others , that they have two eies , the men of europe one , and all the world besides is blinde , may be inverted too , the jews had one eye , sufficient to guide them , they who enjoy the gospel have two eies , but the men of china , with the rest of the nations that want it , are stark blinde , and reserved for the chains of everlasting darknes . . by laying forth what the men that want the gospel , do want with it . . they want jesus christ : for he is revealed onely by the gospel . austine refused to delight in cicero's hortensius , because there was not in it the name of jesus christ . jesus christ is all and in all , and where he is wanting , there can be no good . hunger cannot truly be satisfied without manna , the bread of life , which is jesus christ : and what shall a hungry man do that hath no bread ? thirst cannot be quenched , without that water or living spring , which is jesus christ : and what shall a thirsty soul do without water ? a captive as we are all , cannot be delivered without redemption , which is jesus christ : and what shall the prisoner do without his ransom ? fools as we are , all cannot be instructed without wisdom , which is jesus christ , without him we perish in our folly . all building without him , is on the sand , which will surely fall : all working without him , is in the fire , where it will be consumed : all riches without him , have wings , and will away : mallem ruere cum christo , quam regnare cum caesare , said luther , a dungeon with christ is a throne , and a throne without christ a hell . nothing so ill , but christ will compensate : the greatest evil in the world is sin , and the greatest sin was the first ; and yet gregory feared not to cry , o felix culpa quae talem meruit redemptorem , oh happy fault which found such a redeemer ; all mercies without christ are bitter , and every cup is sweet that is seasoned but with a drop of his blood , he truly is amor & delitiae humani generis , the love and delight of the sonnes of men , without whom they must perish eternally : for there is no other name given unto them , whereby they may be saved , act. . he is the way , men without him , are cains , wanderers , vagabonds : he is the truth , men without him are liars , devils , who was so of old : he is the life , without him men are dead , dead in trespasses and sins : he is the light , without him men are in darknes , and go they know not whither : he is the vine , those that are not graffed in him , are withered branches , prepared for the fire : he is the rock , men not built on him , are carried away with a flood : he is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the first and the last , the author and the ender , the founder and the finisher of our salvation ; he that hath not him , hath neither beginning of good , nor shall have end of misery . o blessed jesus , how much better were it , not to be , then to be without thee ? never to be borne , then not to die in thee ? a thousand hels come short of this , eternally to want jesus christ , as men do , that want the gospel . . they want all holy communion with god , wherein the onely happines of the soul doth consist ; he is the life , light , joy , and blessednes of the soul : without him , the soul in the body is but a dead soul , in a living sepulchre . it is true , there be many that say , who will shew us any good ? but unles the lord lift up the light of his countenance upon us , we perish for evermore . thou hast made us for thy self , ô lord , and our heart is unquiet , untill it come to thee . you who have tasted how gracious the lord is , who have had any converse and communion with him , in the issues and goings forth of his grace , those delights of his soul with the children of men , would you live ? would not life it self , with a confluence of all earthly endearements , be a very hell without him ? is it not the daily language of your hearts , whom have we in heaven but thee ? and in earth there is nothing in comparison of thee ? the soul of man is of a vast boundles comprehension , so that if all created good were centred into one enjoyment , and that bestowed upon one soul , because it must needs be finite and limited , as created , it would give no solid contentment to his affections , nor satisfaction to his desires . in the presence and fruition of god alone there is joy for evermore : at his right hand are rivers of pleasure , the welsprings of life and blessednes . now if to be without communion with god in this life , wherein the soul hath so many avocations from the contemplation of its own misery , ( for earthly things are nothing else ) is so unsupportable a calamity , ah what shall that poor soul do , that must want him for eternity ? as all they must do , who want the gospel . . they want all the ordinances of god , the joy of our hearts , and comfort of our souls . oh the sweetnes of a sabbath ! the heavenly raptures of prayer ! oh the glorious communion of saints , which such men are deprived of ! if they knew the value of the hidden pearl , and these things were to be purchased , what would such poor souls not part with for them ? . they will at last want heaven and salvation ; they shall never come to the presence of god in glory : never inhabite a glorious mansion : they shall never behold jesus christ , but when they shall call for rocks and mountains to fall upon them , to hide them from his presence : they shall want light , in utter darknes , want life , under the second death , want refreshment , in the middest of flames , want healing , under gnawing of conscience , want grace , continuing to blaspheme , want glory , in full misery : and which is the sum of all this , they shall want an end of all this , for their worme dieth not , neither is their fire quenched . thirdly , because being in all this want , they know not that they want any thing , and so never make out for any supply . laodicea knew much , but yet because she knew not her wants , she had almost as good have known nothing : gospellesse men know not that they are blinde , and seek not for eye-salve : they know not that they are dead , and seek not for life ; what ever they call for , not knowing their wants , is but like a mans crying for more weight to presse him to death : and therefore when the lord comes to any with the gospel , he is found of them that sought him not , and made manifest to them that asked not after him , rom. . . this is a seal upon their misery , without gods free-mercy , like the stone laid upon the mouth of the cave by joshua , to keep in the five kings , untill they might be brought out to be hanged . all that men do in the world , is but seeking to supply their wants ; either their naturall wants , that nature may be supplied , or their sinfull wants , that their lusts may be satisfied , or their spirituall wants , that their souls may be saved . for the two first , men without the gospel , lay out all their strength ; but of the last , there is amongst them a deep silence . now this is all one , as for men to cry out that their finger bleeds , whilest a sword is run thorow their hearts , and they perceive it not : to desire a wart to be cured , whilest they have a plague-sore upon them ; and hence perhaps it is , that they are said to go to hell like sheep , psal. . . very quietly , without dread , as a bird hasting to the snare , and not knowing that it is for his life , prov. . . and there ly down in utter disappointment and sorrow for evermore . . because all mercies are bitter judgements to men that want the gospel ; all fuell for hell ; aggravations of condemnation ; all cold drink to a man in a feaver : pleasant at the entrance , but increasing his torments in the close : like the book in the revelation , sweet in the mouth , but bitter in the belly . when god shall come to require his bread and wine , his flax and oil , peace and prosperity , liberty and victories , of gospellesse men , they will curse the day that ever they enjoyed them ; so unspirituall are many mens mindes , and so unsavoury their judgements , that they reckon mens happines , by their possessions , and suppose the catalogue of their titles , to be a roll of their felicities : calling the proud happy , and advancing in our conceits them that work wickednes , mal. . . but god will one day come in with another reckoning , and make them know , that all things without christ , are but as cyphers without a figure , of no value . in all their banquets where christ is not a guest , their vine is of the vine of sodom , and of the field of gomorrah , their grapes are grapes of gall , their clusters are bitter , deut. . , . their palaces , where christ is not , are but habitations of zim and ochim , dragons and unclean beasts . their prosperity is but putting them into full pasture , that they may be fatted for the day of slaughter , the day of consumption decreed for all the bulls of bashan : the gospel bringing christ , is the salt that makes all other things savoury . to shew us the great priviledge and preeminence , which , by the free grace of god , many parts of this island do enjoy . to us that sat in darknes and in the shadow of death , a great light is risen , to guide us into the waies of peace . let others recount , the glories , benefits , profits , outward blessings of this nation , let us look only upon that which alone is valuable in it self , and makes other things so to be , the gospel of christ . it is reported of the heralds of our neighbour monarchs , that when one of them had repeated the numerous titles of his master of spain , the other often repeated france , france , france ; intimating that the dominion which came under that one denomination , would counterpoise the long catalogue of kingdomes and dukedoms , wherewith the other flourisht . were we to contend with the grand signieur of the east , about our enjoyments , we might easily bear down his windy pompous train of titles , with this one , which millies repetitum placebit , the gospel , the gospel : upon all other things you may put the inscription in daniel , mene , mene , tekel , they are weighed in the balance , and found wanting , but proclaim before those that enjoy the gospel , as haman before mordecai , lo , thus shall it be done to them whom the lord will honour . the fox in the fable had a thousand wiles to save himself from the hunters : but the cat knew unum magnum , one great thing that would surely do it . earthly supports and contentments , are but a thousand failing wiles , which will all vanish in the time of need : the gospel and christ in the gospel , is that unnm magnum , that unum necessarium , which alone will stand us in any stead . in this , this island is as the mountain of the lord , exalted above the mountains of the earth , it is true , many other nations partake with us in the same blessing : not to advance our own enjoyments , in some particulars wherein perhaps we might justly do it : but take all these nations with us , and what a molehill are we to the whole earth , overspread with paganisme , mahumetanisme , antichristianisme , which innumerable foolish haeresies ? and what is england , that it should be amongst the choice branches of the vineyard , the top boughs of the cedars of god ? shews that such great mercies , if not esteemed , if not improved , if abused , will end in great judgements ; wo be to that nation , that city , that person , that shall be called to an account for despising the gospel , amos . . you only have i known of all the families of the earth , what then ? surely some great blessing is coming to that people , whom god thus knowes , and so ownes , as to make himself known unto them . no : but , therefore will i visit upon you all your iniquities . how ever others may have some ease or mitigation in their punishments , do you expect the utmost of my wrath . luther said , he thought hell was paved with the bald sculls of friers ; i know nothing of that ; yet of this sure i am , that none shall have their portion so low in the ●●thermost hell , none shall drink so deep of the cup of gods indignation , as they , who have refused christ in the gospel . men will curse the day to all eternity , wherein the blessed name of iesus christ was made known unto them , if they continue to despise it . he that abuseth the choisest of mercies , shall have judgement without mercy ; what can help them , who reject the counsell of god for their good ? if now england have received more culture from god then other nations , there is more fruit expected of england , then other nations . a barren tree in the lords vineyard , must be cut down for cumbring the ground , the sheep of god must every one beare twins , and none be barren amongst them , cant. . . if after all gods care and husbandry , his vineyard brings forth wilde-grapes , he will take away the hedge , break down the wall , and lay it waste . for the present the vineyard of the lord of hosts is the house of england , and if it be as earth , which when the rain falls upon it , brings forth nothing but thornes and briers , it is nigh unto cursings , and the end thereof is to be burned , heb. . men utterly and for ever neglect that ground , which they have tried their skill about , and laid out much cost upon it , if it bring not forth answerable fruits . now here give me leave to say , ( and the lord avert the evil deserved by it ) that england , ( i mean these cities , and those other places , which since the beginning of our troubles , have enjoied the gospel , in a more free and plentifull manner then heretofore ) hath shewed it self not much to value it . . in the time of straits , though the sound of the gospel passed thorow all our streets , our villages enjoying them who preached peace , and brought glad tidings of good things , so that neither we , nor our fathers , nor our fathers fathers , ever saw the like before us ; though manna fell round about our tents every day : yet as though all were lost and we had nothing , manna was loathed as light bread , the presence of christ made not recompence for the losse of our swine : men had rather be again in aegypt , then hazard a pilgrimage in the wildernes . if there be any here , that ever entertained thoughts , to give up the worship of god to superstition , his churches to tyranny , and the doctrine of the gospel to episcopall corruptions , in the pressing of any troubles , let them now give god the glory , and be ashamed of their own hearts , lest it be bitternesse in the end . . in the time of prosperity , by our fierce contentions about mint and cummin , whilest the weightier things of the gospel have been undervalued , languishing about unprofitable questions , &c. but i shall not touch this wound lest it bleed . for exhortation , that every one of us , in whose hand there is any thing , would set in , for the help of those parts of this island , that as yet sit in darknesse , yea in the shadow of death , and have none to hold out the bread of life to their fainting souls . doth not wales cry , and the north cry , yea and the west cry , come and help us ? we are yet in a worse bondage , then any by your means we have been delivered from : if you leave us thus , all your protection will but yeeld us a more free and joviall passage to the chambers of death . ah , little do the inhabitants of goshen know , whil'st they are contending about the bounds of their pasture , what darknesse there is in other places of the land ; how their poor starved souls would be glad of the crums that fall from our tables : ô that god would stir up the hearts , . of ministers to cast off all by-respects , and to flee to those places , where in all probability , the harvest would be great , and the labourers are few or none at all . i have read of an heretick that swom over a great river in a frost , to scatter his errours : the old iewish , and now popish pharisees , compasse sea and land , to make proselytes ; the merchants trade not into more countreys , then the factours of rome do , to gain souls to his holinesse : east and west , farre and wide , do these locusts spread themselves , not without hazard of their lives , as well as losse of their souls , to scatter their superstitions : only the preachers of the everlasting gospel seem to have lost their zeal . o that there were the same minde in us that was in iesus christ , who counted it his meat and drinke , to doe his fathers will , in gaining souls . . of the magistrates , i mean of this honourable assembly , to turn themselves every lawfull way , for the help of poor macedonians : the truth is , in this , i could speak more then i intend , for perhaps my zeal , and some mens judgements , would scarse make good harmony . this only i shall say , that if iesus christ might be preached , though with some defects in some circumstances , i should rejoice therein . o that you would labour , to let all the parts of the kingdom , taste of the sweetnes of your successes , in carrying to them the gospel of the lord jesus : that the doctrine of gospel might make way for the discipline of the gospel , without which , it will be a very skeleton . when manna fell in the wildernesse from the hand of the lord , every one had an equall share : i would there were not now too great an inequality in the scattering of manna , when secondarily in the hand of men ; whereby some have all , and others none , some sheep daily picking the choise flowers of every pasture , others wandring upon the barren mountains , without guide or food : i make no doubt , but the best waies for the furtherance of this , are known full well unto you , and therefore have as little need to be petitioned in this , as other things . what then remains ? but that for this , and all other necessary blessings , we all set our hearts and hands to petition the throne of grace . soli deogloria . a short defensative about chvrch government , toleration and petitions about these things . reader , this , be it what it will , thou hast no cause to thank or blame me for . had i been mine own , it had not been thine . my submission unto others judgements , being the only cause of submitting this unto thy censure . the substance of it , is concerning things now adoing : in some whereof , i heretofore thought it my wisedom , modestly haesitare , ( or at least , not with the most , peremptorily to dictate to others my apprehensions , ) as wiser men have done in weightier things : and yet this , not so much for want of perswasion in my own minde , as out of opinion that we have already had too many needlesse and fruitlesse discourses about these matters . would we could agree to spare perishing paper , and for my own part had not the opportunity of a few lines in the close of this sermon , and the importunity of not a few friends urged , i could have slighted all occasions , and accusations , provoking to publish those thoughts which i shall now impart : the truth is , in things concerning the church , ( i mean things purely externall , of form , order and the like , ) so many waies have i been spoken , that i often resolved to speak my self , desiring rather to appear ( though conscious to my self of innumerable failings ) what indeed i am , then what others incuriously suppose . but yet the many , i ever thought unworthy of an apology , and some of satisfaction ; especially those , who would make their own judgements a rule for themselves and others : impatient that any should know , what they do not , or conceive otherwise then they , of what they do ; in the mean time , placing almost all religion in that , which may be perhaps a hinderance of it , and being so valued , or rather overvalued , is certainly the greatest . nay , would they would make their judgements , only so farre as they are convinced , and are able to make out their conceptions to others , and not also their impotent desires , to be the rule : that so they might condemn only that , which complies not with their mindes , and not all that also , which they finde to thwart their aims and designes . but so it must be . once more conformity is grown the touchstone , ( and that not in practice , but opinion , ) amongst the greatest part of men , however otherwise of different perswasions . dissent is the onely crime , and where that is all , that is culpable , it shall be made , all that is so . from such as these , who almost hath not suffered ? but towards such , the best defence is silence . besides , my judgement commands me , to make no known quarrell my own . but rather if it be possible , and as much as in me lieth , live peaceably with all men , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i proclaim to none , but men whose bowels are full of gall : in this spring of humours , lenitives for our own spirits , may perhaps be as necessary , as purges for others brains . further , i desire to provoke none ; more stings then combs are got at 〈…〉 wasps : even cold stones , smitten together , sparkle 〈…〉 the wringing of the nose , bringeth forth blood . neither do i conceive it wisedom in these quarrelsome daies , to entrust more of a mans self with others , then is very necessary . the heart of man is deceitfull ; some that have smooth tongues , have sharp teeth : such can give titles on the one side , and wounds on the other . any of these considerations , would easily have prevailed with me , stul●i●ia hac caruisse , had not mine ears been filled , presently after the preaching of the precedent sermon , which sad complaints of some , and false reports of others , neither of the lowest ranke of men , as though i had helped to open a gate , for that which is now called a troian horse , though heretofore counted an engine likelier to batter the walls of babylon , then to betray the towers of sion . this urged some , to be urgent with me , for a word or two , about church government , according to the former suggestions undermined , and a toleration of different perswasions , as they said asserted . now truly to put the accusers to prove the crimination , ( for so it was , and held forth a grievous crime in their apprehensions ) ( what is really so , god will judge ) had been sufficient . but i could not so evade : and therefore , after my sermon was printed to the last sheet , i was forced , to set apart a few houres , to give an account , of what hath passed from me in both these things , which have been so variously reported ; hoping that the reading may not be unusefull to some , as the writing was very necessary to me . and here at the entrance , i shall desire at the hands of men , that shall cast an eye , on this heap of good meaning , these few , as i suppose , equitable demaunds . . not to prosecute men into odious appellations ; and then themselves , who feigned the crime , pronounce the sentence . like him , who said of one brought before him , if he be not guilty , it is fit he should be : involving themselves in a double guilt , of falsehood and malice , and the aspersed parties , in a double misery , of being belied , in what they are , and hated for what they are not : if a man be not , what such men would have him , it is ods , but they will make him what he is not : if what he really is , do not please , and that be not enough to render him odious , he shall sure enough be more . ithacius will make all priscillianists who are any thing more devout then himself : if men do but desire to see with their own eyes , presently they are enrolled of this , or that sect : every misperswasion , being beforehand , in petitions , sermons , &c. rendred odious and intolerable : in such a course , innocency it self cannot long goe free . christians deal with one another in earnest , as children in their plaies , clap anothers coat upon their fellows shoulder , and pretending to beat that , cudgell him they have cloathed with it . what shall be given unto thee , oh thou false tongue ? if we cannot be more charitable , let us be more ingenuous ; many a man hath been brought to a more favourable opinion of such as are called by dreadfull names , then formerly , by the experience of false impositions on himself . . not to cloath our differences with expressions , fitting them no better then sauls armour did david ; nor make them like a little man in a bumbast coat upon stilts , walking about like a giant : our little differences may be met at every stall , and in too many pulpits , swelled by unbefitting expressions , into such a formidable bulk , as poor creatures are even startled at their horrid looks and appearance : whilest our own perswasions are set out , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , with silken words , and gorg●ous apparell , as if we sent them into the world a wooing . hence , whatever it is , it must be temple building , gods government , christs scepter , throne , kingdom , the only way , that , for want of which , errours , haeresies , sins , spring among us , plagues , judgements , punishments come upon us . to such things as these , all pretend , who are very confident they have found out the only way . such bigge words as these , have made us believe , that we are mortall adversaries ; ( i speak of the parties at variance about government ) that one kingdom , communion , heaven , cannot hold us . now truly if this course be followed , so to heighten our differences , by adorning the truth we own , with such titles as it doth not merit , and branding the errours we oppose , with such marks , as in cold blood we cannot think they themselves , but only in their ( by us supposed ) tendance do deserve , i doubt not , but that it will be bitternesse unto us all in the end . and quaere whether by this means , many have not been brought to conceive the kingdom of jesus christ , which himself affirms to be within us , to consist in forms , outward order , positive rules , and externall government . i designe none , but earnestly desire , that the two great parties , at this day litigant in this kingdom , would seriously consider , what is like to be the issue of such proceedings ; and whether the mystery of godlines in the power thereof , be like to be propagated by it . let not truth be weighed in the balance of our interest ; will not a dram of that , turn the scale with some against many arguments ? power is powerfull to perswade . . not to measure mens judgements , by their subscribing , or refusing to subscribe petitions in these daies about church government ; for subscribers , would every one could not see , with what a zealous nescience , and implicite judgement many are lead . and for refusers , though perhaps they could close with the generall words , wherewith usually they are expressed , yet there are so many known circumstances , restraining those words to particular significations , directing them to by , and secundary tendences , as must needs make some abstain : for mine own part , from subscribing late petitions , about church-government , i have been withheld by such reasons as these . . i dare not absolutely assert , maintain , and abide by it , ( as rationall men ought to do every clause , in any thing owned by their subscription ) that the cause of all the evils , usually annumerated in such petitions , is , the want of church-govenrment , taking it for any government , that ever yet was established amongst men , or in notion otherwise made known unto me . yea , i am confident that more probable causes in this juncture of time might be assigned of them ; neither can any be ignorant , how plentifully such evils abounded , when church-discipline was most severely executed ; and lastly , i am confident , that who ever lives to see them suppressed by any outward means ( when spirituall weapons shall be judged insufficient ) will finde it to be , not any thing , either included in , or necessarily annexed unto church-discipline , that must do it , but some other thing , not unlike that , which in daies of yore when all the world wondered after the beast , suppressed all truth and errour , but only what the arch enemy of jesus christ , was pleased to hold out to be believed ; but of this afterward . . i dare not affirm that the parliament hath not established a government already , for the essentialls of it , themselves affirming that they have , and their ordinances about rulers , rules , and persons to be ruled , ( the requisita and materialls of government ) being long since extant . now to require a thing to be done , by them , who affirm that they have already done it , argues , either much weaknesse or supine negligence in our selves , not to ●nderstand what is ef●ected , or a strong imputation , on those that have done it , either fraudulently , to pretend that which is false , or foolishly to averse , what they do not understand ; yet though i have learned to obey as farre as lawfully ● may , my judgement is exceedingly farre from being enslaved , and according to that , by gods assistance , shall be my practice ; which if it run crosse to the prescriptions of authority , it shall cheerfully submit to the censure thereof ; in the mean time , all petitioning of any party about this businesse , seems to thwart some declarations of the house of commons , whereunto i doubt not , but they intend for the main , inviolably and unalterably to adhere . adde hereunto , that petitioning in this kinde , was not long since voted breach in priviledge , in them , who might justly expect , as much favour and liberty in petitioning , as any of their brethren in the kingdom , and i have more then one reason to suppose , that the purpose and designe of theirs and others , was one , and the same . . there are no small grounds of supposall , that some petitions have not their rise from amongst them by whom they are subscribed , but that the spring and master wheels giving the first motion to them , are distant and unseen ; my self having been lately urged to subscription , upon this ground , that directions were had for it from above , ( as we use to speak in the countrey ) yea in this , i could say more then i intend , aiming at nothing but the quieting of mens spirits , needlesly exasperated , only i cannot but say , that honest men ought to be very cautious , how they put themselves upon any engagement , that might make any party or faction in the kingdom ; suppose that their interest in the least measure , doth run crosse to that of the great councell thereof , thereby to strengthen the hands or designes of any , by occasioning an opinion that upon fresh or new divisions , ( which god of his mercy prevent ) we would not adhere constantly to our old principles , walking according to which , we have hitherto found protection and safety . and i cannot not but be jealous for the honour of our noble parliament , whose authority is every day undermined , and their regard in the affections of the people shaken , by such dangerous insinuations , as though they could in an houre put an end to all our disturbances , but refuse it . this season also for such petitions , seems to me very unseasonable , the greatest appearing danger impendent to this kingdom , being from the contest about church-government , which by such means as this , is exceedingly heightned , and animosity added to the parties at variance . . a particular form of church-discipline is usually in such petitions , either directly expressed , or evidently pointed at , and directed unto , as that alone which our covenant engageth us to embrace ; yea , as though it had long since designed that particular way , and distinguished it from all others ; the embracing of it , is pressed under the pain of breach of covenant , a crime abhorred of god and man . now truly to suppose that our covenant did ty us up absolutely to any one formerly known way of church-discipline , the words formally ingaging us into a disquisition out of the word , of that which is agreeable to the minde and will of god , is to me , such a childish , ridiculous , selfish conceit , as i believe no knowing men will once entertain , unlesse prejudice begotten by their peculiar interest , hath disturbed their intellectualls : for my part i know no church-government in the world already established amongst any sort of men of the truth , and necessity whereof , i am convinced in all particulars , especially if i may take their practice to be the best interpreter of their maximes . fourthly , another postulatum is , that men would not use an over-zealous speed , upon every small difference , to characterise men ( otherwise godly and peaceable ) as sectaries , knowing the odiousnesse of the name , among the vulgar , deservedly or otherwise imposed , and the evil of the thing it self , rightly apprehended , whereunto lighter differences do not amount ; such names as this , i know are arbitrary , and generally serve the wills of the greater number . they are commonly sectaries , who ( jure aut injuria ) are oppressed . nothing was ever persecuted under an esteemed name . names are in the power of the many things , and their causes are known to few . there is none in the world can give an ill title to others , which from some he doth not receive : the same right which in this kinde i have towards another , he hath towards me : unlesse i affirm my self to be infallible , not so he : those names which men are known by , when they are oppressed , they commonly use against others whom they seek to oppresse . i would therefore that all horrid appellations , as increasers of strife , kindlers of wrath , enemies of charity , food for animasity , were for ever banished from amongst us . let a spade be called a spade , so we take heed christ be not called beelzebub . i know my profession to the greatest part of the world is sectarisme , as christianity : amongst those who professe the name of christ , to the greatest number , i am a sectary , because a protestant : amongst protestants , at least the one half , account all men of my perswasion , calvinisticall sacramentarian sectaries : amongst these again , to some i have been a puritanicall sectary , an aerian haeretick , because anti-prelaticall : yea and amongst these last , not a few account me a sectary , because i plead for presbyteriall government in churches : and to all these am i thus esteemed , as i am fully convinced , causelesly and erroneously , what they call sectarisme , i am perswaded is ipsissima veritas , the very truth it self , to which they also ought to submit , that others also though upon false grounds , are convinced of the truth of their own perswasion , i cannot but believe ; and therefore as i finde by experience , that the horrid names of haeretick , schismatick , sectary , and the like , have never had any influence or force upon my judgement , nor otherwise moved me , unlesse it were unto retaliation ; so i am perswaded it is also with others , for homines sumus ; forcing them abroad in such liveries , doth not at all convince them , that they are servants to the master of sects indeed , but only , makes them wait an opportunity , to cast the like mantle on their traducers . and this usually is the beginning of arming the more against the few , with violence : impatient of bearing the burdens , which they impose on others shoulders : by means whereof , christendom hath been made a theatre of blood : and one amongst all , after that by cruelty and villany , he had prevailed above the rest , took upon him to be the only dictator in christian religion : but of this afterwards . now by the concession of these , as i hope not unequitable demands , thus much at least i conceive will be attained , viz. that a peaceable dissent in some smaller things , disputable questions , not-absolutely-necessary assertions , deserves not any rigid censure , distance off affections , or breach of christian communion and amity : in such things as these , veniam petimusque damusque vicissim : if otherwise , i professe i can hardly bring my minde to comply and close in with them , amongst whom almost any thing is lawfull but to dissent . these things being premised , i shall now set down and make publike , that proposall , which heretofore i have tendred , as a means to give some light into a way for the profitable and comfortable practice of church-government ; drawing out of generall notions what is practically applicable , so circumstantiated , as of necessity it must be : and herein i shall not alter any thing , or in the least expression go off from that which long since i drew up at the request of a worthy friend , after a discourse about it : and this , not only because it hath already been in the hands of many , but also because my intent is not , either to assert , dispute , or make out any thing further of my judgement in these things , then i have already done , ( hoping for more leasure so to do , then the few houres assigned to the product of this short appendix will permit ) but only by way of a defensative , to evince , that the rumours which have been spread by some , and entertained by others , too greedily about this matter , have been exceeding causelesse and groundlesse ; so that though my second thoughts have , if i mistake not , much improved some particulars in this essay , yet i cannot be induced , because of the reason before recounted ( the only cause of the publication thereof ) to make any alteration in it , only i shall present the reader with some few things , which gave occasion and rise to this proposall . as . a fervent desire to prevent all further division and separation , disunion of mindes amongst godly men , suspisions and jealousies in the people towards their ministers , as aiming at power and unjust domination over them , fruitles disputes , languishings about unprofitable questions , breaches of charity for trifles , exasperating the mindes of men one against another : all which growing evils , tending to the subversion of christian love , and the power of godlinesse , with the disturbance of the state , are too much fomented by that sad breach and division , which is here attempted to be made up . . a desire to work and draw the mindes of all my brethren ( the most i hope need it not ) to set in , for a thorow reformation , and for the obtaining of holy communion , to keep off indifferently the unworthy from church priviledges , and prophaning of holy things . whereunto , i presumed the discovery of a way whereby this might be effected , without their disturbance in their former station , would be a considerable motive . . a consideration of the paucity of positive rules in the scripture for church-government with the great difficulty of reducing them to practise in these present times , ( both sufficiently evidenced by the endlesse disputes , and irreconcilable differences of godly , precious and learned men about them , made me conceive , that the practice of the apostolicall churches , ( doubtlesse for a time observed in those immediately succeeding ) would be the best externall help for the right interpretation of those rules we have , and patern to draw out a church way by . now truly after my best search , and inquiry , into the first churches and their constitution , framing an idea and exemplar of them , this poor heap following , seems to me , as like one of them , as any thing that yet i have seen : nothing at all doubting , but that if a more skilfull hand had the limning of it , the proportions , features and lines , would be very exact , equall and paralell : yea , did not extream haste , now call it from me , so that i have no leisure , so much as to transcribe the first draught , i doubt not but , by gods assistance , it might be so set forth , as not to be thought altogether undesirable ; if men would but a little lay aside beloved preconceptions : but the printer staies for every line : only i must intreat every one that shall cast a candid eye , on this unwillingly exposed embryo , and rude abortion , that he would assume in his minde , any particular church mentioned in the scripture , as of h●erusalem , corinth , ephesus , or the like , consider the way and state they were th●n , and some ages after , in respect of outward immunities and enjoyments , and tell me , whether any rationall man can suppose , that either there were in those places , sundry particular churches , with their distinct peculiar officers , acting in most pastorall duties severally in them , as distinguished and divided into entire societies , but ruling them in respect of some particulars loyally in combination , considered as distinct bodies ; or else , that they were such single congregations , as that all that power and authority which was in them , may seem fitly and conveniently to be entrusted , with a small handfull of men , combined under one single pastour , with one , two , or perhaps no associated elders . more then this , i shall only ask , whether all ordinary power , may not without danger , be asserted to reside in such a church as is here described , reserving all due right and authority , to councels and magistrates . now for the fountain , seat , and rise of this power , for the just distribution of it , between pastours and people , this is no place to dispute ; these following lines were intended meerly to sedate and bury such contests , and to be what they are intitled , viz. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- ecclesia sicut lun● defectu● habet , & ortus frequentes ; sed defectibus suis crevit , &c. haec est ver● lun● , quae de fratris fui luce perpetua , lur●●en sibi immortalitatis & gratiae mutuatur amb. hex . lib . cap . psal. ● . . isa . . zach. . isa. . , , . joh. . rev. . . cor. . . isa. . . heb. . . cant. . . mat. . . psal . . eo ipso tempore quo ad omnes gentes praedicatio evangelij mittebatur , quaedam loca apostolis adire prohibebatur ab eo , qui vult omnes homines salvos fieri . prosp. ep ad rufin {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} hom. mal. . . . a quo . . ad quem . mod●● . temp●● . instrumentum . materia . isa. . . amos . . 〈◊〉 . . . obad. . jer. . . jer . . ezek. . , , . zech. . . & . , , &c. dan. . , . zech. . . vid. aquin. . q. . art. , scot . in dist. tert. a lapide , sanctius in locum , &c. me●● . apost. of later times . ●lut●rch . in vit. bru●i . calvin . in locum , dicebat se discernere , ( nescio quo s●pore , quem verbis explicare non poterat ) quid interesset inter deum revelantem , &c. aug. confes. acts . . ● lutarch , de defect . or●●u . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . respons . apoll. apud euseb. niceph. — a nullo duro corde resistitur , quid cor ipsum emollit . aug. ezek . deut. . . lapide . sanctius . in loc. rom script . synd ar . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ignat. epist. ad ep. irae lib. . cap. . qui causam quae sit voluntatis divinae , aliquid majus ●o quaerit , aug. voluntas dei nullo modo causam habet . aquin. p. q. 〈◊〉 . a . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . theophrast. . apud picum , de prov. providentia est ratio ordinis rerum ad finem . th. p. q. . a . c. ezek. . non tantum res , sed rerum modos . v●●etur ergo quod non s●t aliqua d●ordenatio , deformitas aut peccatum simpliciter in toto u●●verso , sed tantummodo respectu interiorum causarum , ordinationem superioris causa volentium , licet non vale●●ium pert●rbare . ●rad . de caus. dei l●b. . cap. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . a●eo summa justitiae regula est dei volun ●as , ut quicquid vult , co●●so quo● vult justum ●abendum sit , aug. de gen. con ma● . l●b . isa. . . gen. . chap . . gen. . . gen. . ● . & . . gen. . . & . , . psal. , . joh. . . gal . joh. . . acts . . mark . . mal. . . prov . . see tertullian , lib. ad iudae . reckoning almost all the known nations of the world , and affirming that they all , that is , some in them , in his daies , submitted to the scepter of christ : he lived in the end of the second century . ioh. . . piscat. in loc. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} damascin satis imp●e . mat. . . iob . ▪ prov. . . prov. . . ● . & . nihil fit , nisi omnipotens fieri velit , vel ipse faciendo , vel si●endo ut fiat . aug. gen. chap , . , , , . king. . , , . kin. . , . psal. . . eccles. . . isa. . , , , &c. deus no● operatur in malis , quod ei displicet , sed operatur per eos quod ei placet ; recipientur vero , non pro eo quod deus bene usus est ipsorum operibus malis , sed pro eo , quod ipsi mal● abusi sunt dei operibus bonis : fulgent . ad monim . thes . acts . liberatur pars hominum , parte pereunte ; sed ●ur horum misertus sit deus , i●orum non misertus , quae scientia comprehendere potest ? later discretionis ratio , sed non late● ipsa discretio . prosp. de vocat . gen. rom. . , . ephes. . . tim. . ● . ephes. . , . non ob aliud dicit , non vos me elegistis , sed ego vos elegi , nisi quia non elegerunt eum , ut eligeret eos ; sed ut eligerent eum , elegit eos . non quia praescivit eos credituros , fed quia facturus ipse fuerit credentes . electi sunt itaque ante mundi constitutionem , ea praedestinatione , qua deus ipse sua futura facta praevidit : electi sunt autem de mundo e● vocatione , qua deus id quod praedestinavit implevit . august . de bon . persev . cap. , . mat. . acts . . luk. . . pet. ● . . ezek. . . matth. ● . . rom. ● . . vse . n●h. . . zech. . . s●●l . de emend . temp. * i follow in this the vulgar or common account , otherwise there is no part of scripture chronologie so contended about , as these weeks of daniel : most concluding , that they are terminated in the death of christ , happening about the middest of the last week : but about their originall or rise there is no small debate , of the four decrees made by the persian kings about the building of ierusalem , viz. . by cyrus , chron. . . . by darius ezek. . . . by arta●erxes , ezek. . of the same to nehemiah , chap. . following the account of their reign set down in profane stories , the last only holds exactly . tertullian ad iudae . begins it from darius , when this vision appeared to daniel , whom it seems he conceived to be darius hyslaspes , that followed the magi , and not medus , that was before cyrus : and so with a singular kinde of chronologie makes up his account . vid : euseb. demon . evan lib. . cap. . fun●c . com. in chron. beroald . chron. lib. . cap. , mon●acu . apparat. vse . prov. . ● . heb. . . pet ▪ mart. de relig. jud ▪ decad. . l●b. . observ. . q●i liber●t●r , gra●iam diligat ▪ qui non liberatur , debitu●a a●roscar . aug. de bon ▪ persev . cap. . . ex nequissimis in ipso vitae exitu gratia invenit quos aaoplet ▪ cum multi , qui minus ●ocertes videantur , doni hujus alieni sunt . pros. de voc. gen. lib. . cap. . cor , . , . . act. . , ● . ●h . ● . ● , ● . . rom. ● . . joel . . joh. . . rom. rom ▪ . . . rom. ● . . ephs ▪ , . mat. ● . august . si hoc voluntatum meritis voluerimus ascribere , ut malos negl●xisse gratia bon●s etegisse ●ideatu● . resistet vobis innumerabilium causa populorum , quibus per tot secula , coelest is doctrinae a●nu●tiatio non corruscavit , nec meltores ju●sse ●oru● posteros possumus ●icere , quibus scriptum est , gentium populus qui sedebat in ●encoris lucem vidit magnam , prosp de voc. gen. lib. ● . cap. . reason ● . si de d●bito quaeratur respectu creaturae , in deum cadere non pote●t , nisi ex a●i ●ua suppositione ipsi . deo volunt●ria , quae non potest esse nisi promissio aut pactio a●iqua , ex quibus fideli●at●s aut justitiae debitum ●●●risolet , zuat●z . de libert. divi . vol. disp. . sect. . num . . deus nulla ob ligatione tenetur ▪ antequam i●se fi●em suam astringat , ergo ante promissionem nulla justitia distributiva in deo reperitur . v●sq . in q. . ● . d●sp . ● . aqui● , . q ● art . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} justin . apo● , . obs. . hos. . , . obser. . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ●●yrillus herol , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . revel. . . vse . britanoram inaccessa romanis locd , christo vero subdita . tertul. vse . britannian in christianam consentire religionem , o●●gen . hom. . in ezek. niceph. lib. . cap. . epist. eleuth . ad lucium , an , ● . apud bar. anno . the saxons entred . nunc igitur si ● ▪ ominis edium ●st ▪ quis romirum reatus ? quae a●cu●atio vocabulo●●m ? nisi av● barbarum sonat aliqu● vox nominis , aut maledicum aut impudi●um . tertul. apol. ●d gen. cap. . see canterburian self-conviction , see ld dee . cell . &c. . coal from the altar . altare christianum . antedotum linco●n . case of greg. . . sapieatior sis socr●te ; doctior augustino , &c. clavinianus si modo dicare clam vel propalam , mox tartaris , moscis , afrus , turcisque saevientibus & jacc●is excaecratior , &c. . romes master-piece . royall favourite . vse . non libertate gratiam , sed gratia libertatem consequimur . aug. de correp . & g●l . cap. . ezek . . acts . . p●il . . . & , . vse ● gildas de excid . britanniae , omnia quae deo placebant & displicebāt aequali lance , pendebantur , non igitur admirandum est degeneres tales patria●illam am●ttere , quam praedicto modo maculabant . hist. m. s. apud foxum . obs. . ge● . gen. . . gen. . . gen. . . king. . , . gen. . . matth. . . luk. . . act. . . rom. . . ephes. . . col . . pet. . . nomē iesu non erat ibi . joh. . . revel. . . joh. . . cant. . ● . joh. . , . cor. . . paura igitur de christo . tertul. joh. . . joh. , , . ephes. . . mat. . , . matth. . psal. . . psal. . , . psal. . , , , , &c. revel. . . matth. . . luk. . . mark . . , . isa. . . revel. . . josh. . . ego propero ad inferot , nec est ut aliquid pro me agas : advocatus quidam moriens apud bel. de arte mor lib. . cap. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} vse . vse . vse . notes for div a e- laudatur ab his , culpatur ab illis . see august . ep. . . . de orig. anim . — deferri in vicun vendentem thus & odores , & piper , & quicquid chartis amicitur ineptis . occidit miseros crambe repetita magistros . semper ego auditor tantum ? immortale odiū & nunquam sanabiic beliū , ardet adhuc , combos & tentyra , summas utrinque inde sucor culgo , quo● numina vicinorum odit uterque locus . juven. graece scire out polite loqui apud illos haeresis est : eras. de sc●olast . noli irritare crabrones , si lapidet teras nonne ignis erumpit ? ambros. lib. . cap. . prov. . . j●b ● . . prov. . . vide remed. contra ●ravam , ratio 〈◊〉 germani●ae luth praesat . al lib. de concil. protest . . 〈…〉 . . conclus . that generally all writers at the beginning of the reformation . si accusasse suffic●et , quis erit innocens ? nec nos obniti contra , nec ten dere tantum sufficimus . sulo sever. epist. hist. eccles. plut. apoth. vid catal. baeret . aput tertul. de praescript . epiphan. aug. vincent . ●go ancillae tuae fidem ●a bui , nonne tu imp●den● , qui nec mihi ipsi credis ? philos. apud plut . apoth. nunc vero ●i nominis odium ●st , quis nominum reatus ? quae accusatio vocabulorum ? nisi aut barbarum sonat aliqua vox ●ominis ▪ aut maledicum , aut impud cum ? tertul apol. act. . . & . . haeresis christi . anorum . tertul secta christ . id . ●aeresit catholice , & haeresi● sancti●●ma , constant . epist. chr. syrac . mislenta systema : quo probare conatur calvinianos esse ●aeretices . hu● . calv. tur andrews epist ad moli●ae . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} pind , od. . oli●a . 〈◊〉 vindiciæ catholicæ, or, the rights of particular churches rescued and asserted against that meer (but dangerous) notion of one catholick, visible, governing church ... wherein by scripture, reason, antiquity, and later writers, first, the novelty, peril, scandal, and untruth of this tenet are cleerly demonstrated, secondly, all the arguments for it, produced by the rev. apollonius, m. hudson, m. noyes, the london ministers, and others, are examined and dissolved ... / by john ellis, jun. ellis, john, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing e ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) vindiciæ catholicæ, or, the rights of particular churches rescued and asserted against that meer (but dangerous) notion of one catholick, visible, governing church ... wherein by scripture, reason, antiquity, and later writers, first, the novelty, peril, scandal, and untruth of this tenet are cleerly demonstrated, secondly, all the arguments for it, produced by the rev. apollonius, m. hudson, m. noyes, the london ministers, and others, are examined and dissolved ... / by john ellis, jun. ellis, john, ?- . [ ], p. printed for henry overton, and are to be sold at his shop ..., london : . pages and misnumbered and . reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng hudson, samuel, th cent -- theology. apollonius, willem, or - -- theology. noyes, james, - -- religion. church polity -- early works to . a r (wing e ). civilwar no vindiciæ catholicæ, or the rights of particular churches rescued: and asserted against that meer (but dangerous) notion of one catholick, vi ellis, john d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vindiciae catholicae , or the rights of particular churches rescued : and asserted against that meer ( but dangerous ) notion of one catholick , visible , governing chvrch : the foundation of the ( now endeavoured ) presbyterie . wherein by scripture , reason , antiquity , and later writers first , the novelty , peril , scandal , and untruth of this tenet , are cleerly demonstrated . secondly , all the arguments for it , produced by the rev. apollonius , m. hudson , m. noyes , the london ministers , and others : are examined and dissolved . to the parliament of england , and assembly of divines . by john ellis jun. gal. . . stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made you free . si primat●m aliqu●m unius ●●●is agnesceret : nonne i● medium afferre debuit , unum caput ministeriale membris omnibus praefectum , cujus auspicijs in unitatem colligamur ? certe aut pauli oblivic excusari nequit , qui imprudenter , quod maxime appositum erat , adeoque praecipuum in causa pratermiserit : aut satendum est , rem esse a christi institutione alienam : imo aperte fictitiam . calv. in ephes. . : london , printed for henry overton , and are to be sold at his shop in popes-head-alley . mdcxlvii . to the high court of parliament of england . to the assembly of divines . to the christian magistrates , and reformed churches abroad . honourable and reverend , all that shall be prefaced unto you , is an humble sute for your prudent consideration of the sequele . for if i have rightly collected ; the opinion contended with , represents you all guilty of schisme against the catholicke church ; yea and of a higher crime , so many of you as have with hands lift up to heaven ( of which number my selfe am one ) ingaged your selves in materiall points of reformation ; not onely without the authority or endeavouring to have the minde of the catholicke church ; but have also concluded and established contrary to what it hath determined in all those assemblies which our brethren stile the representatives of it . from which transgression the truth here pleaded doth in that respect absolve you : in the comfort whereof , i would here also leave you . but seeing there are those , who would not onely have the opposed tenet embraced for a fundamental truth in church government , and propound it as a ground thereof ; but that it should also be constituted and established an article of faith and confession thereof ; i crave leave to adde a supplication , and with all submission , doe beseech you , that the expedient of a great man about these affaires , in his advice for the restoring of peace in the church may be diligently weighed : the summe ( saith he ) of our religion is peace and unanimitie ; of which there is little hope , unlesse those things that shall be injoyned as matters of faith , bee as few as may bee ; and that wee leave mens judgements free in many things ; by reason that the obscurity in a number of them is exceeding great , &c. how much lesse then such opinions , as are not onely new ( in the sence now propounded ) and controverted , but moreover appugned constantly also , by the most eminent of our owne party , ( and is as inconsistent with your liberties , as episcopacy , which you have condemned . ) withall i presume you will not disdaine the wisedome and practise of the most ancient churches after the apostles times : we see all their confession of faith in that briefe called the apostles creed , and afterward the nicene creed ; made by the first generall councell , and for the explication of the former ; in how few words is it comprehended , yea and the confessions of the reformed churches , and our owne . articles are but briefe and for the most part cleere . austin saies the rule of faith is common to the weak and to the wise . which vsshers in the explication of one , almost as great , upon it : inferring , that ( therefore ) the rule of faith must containe such truthes onely , as are generally agreed upon , by the consent of all true christians , and without controversie . many things should not be rendered of the substance of faith ; for the denyall of which the crime of heresy and schisme , and for the doubt whereof , the penalty of rejection from the family , and worke of the lord must be inflicted . the great apostle every where exhorts , with all those who hold in the maine the forme of sound words , and yet are in other things diversly minded ; to preserve the vnitie of the spirit in the bond of peace . the lord restore the churches to their just freedomes and keepe them from using their liberty as an occasion to the flesh , but by love to serve one another : and the same god raise and uphold the spirit of all states and magistrates to be nu●sing fathers to them : and continue to returne this your work of faith , and labour of love , seven fold into your bosome . so prayes an unworthy minister of christ , son of the church , and servant of this state . john ellis . jun. to the pious and ingenuous reader . touching my call to this undertaking i shall give account in the following tractate : but the occasion of my falling on it , was my defence against mr edwards , or rather the authour of the letters , which hee hath published in the first part of his sanious gangrena , where i being charged to have said in publique : that popery would come in again under presbytery as well as under episcopacy , if the magistrate did not intervene . i distinguished of popery doctrinall and rective , or in point of government ; which latter i shewed was very probable ( for the substance , though not the formalitie of it ) to follow upon the presbyterie on the ground that it is now endeavoured , viz. a catholique visible governing church , whereunto when i had written ; it seemed convenient to publish that argument alone ; and because one of the authours of this opinion had invited mee to deal in the point ; i was obliged to reply to him : but seeing others also had written on the subject , it had beene an imperfect opposition if i had not taken in the rest also : for i knew no prohibition from replying to any : neither are the hands of any tyed from answering unto me ( if they shall see cause ) at least mediately . and let no man be offended that so ordinary an instrument as my self deales with so many , and so considerable persons . the contest of one paphnutius , and he a lay person , with the whole ( first and best ) councell of nice is vulgar . as also that of the canon law : one laique if he speak scripture , his testimony is to be prefered before the decrees of a councell . what ever distances there may be in other respects , as years , learning , name , pietie , &c. yet in point of truth hee is on the highest ground , that hath the advantage of that ; as the example of the young man elihu , in job , instructeth us . now this i first publish rather then the former answer , ( delayed not for want of innocency , but of opportunity , somewhat else impedeing also ) as men assayled by an adversary , and a breach of sea at once ; first stop the inundation that will drowne all , though the enemie in the mean time prevail the more . the contents . . the occasion , and first authors of the opinion of one catholick visible governing church . together with the intent and scope of this treatise : as also the authors call to this service . chap. . page . . the state of the question . chap. . page . . the just prejudices and strong probabilities against the former notion . chap. . page . . demonstrations against it from the efficient cause of church government , from the material , from the formal and final . chap. . page . . answers to the arguments produced for it , chap. . . by apollonius , page . . by m. hudson , page . . the reverend assembly , page . . m. noyes , page . . the london ministers , page . . the conclusion , chap. . page . . illatory , or by way of corrollary . . hortatory to the brethren of this opinion . to the reader . whereas i have reckoned ( chap. . ) mr randal [ in his treatise of the church ] among mine adversaries , in the argument i handle : upon better search i finde him not to be so ; but to hold the catholicke church , as others did , and my selfe doe , as by a marginall quotation i have made appear . chap. i. the occasion and first authors of the question : together with the intent and scope of this treatise . as also the authors call unto this service . sect. i. god having put it into the heart and hand of the parliament of england , to set upon reformation of the church as well as of the common-wealth : they for that end conveened an assembly of such learned and godly men as they adjudged meet for their direction in that work ; and those of known different judgements , ( episcopal , presbyterial , and congregational , ) that they might by their opposition , the better discern what way of church government and reformation they should countenance and strengthen with their authority . now the episcopal way ●aving rendered it self odious by its imperiousnesse and otherwise , the contest remained betwixt the other two : whereof the presbyterian , being practised ( in some things ) in certain reformed states and churches ( who were partly constrained thereunto ) there being some hints of scripture also that might be apprehended to look that way , some other things withal concurring : got place , either in the interests or affections , of a great part of the assembly , parliament , city , and ministers in the country . hereby also they were eyed the more by the churches abroad that were of that way , and had the opportunity to improve their endeavours for their assistance . the congregational way in the mean time , though it wanted not assertors very learned and godly , and of great name in the church , and had the advantage of an amiable pattern of it in the new-english plantations ; and withall , the daily accesse and addition of the most knowing and conscencious sort of professors : yet by reason of the former disadvantages , it was not rendered so considerable among the churches abroad , as to depart from received principles , or neglect to appear in the defence of the former , for consideration of it . hereupon the walachrian classis in holland ( among others ) being sollicited by the presbyterian partie here for their assistance : they appoint g. apollonius , pastor of the church at middelburgh , to take on him this province , and having according to his principles acquitted himself of that service ; in a tractate intituled [ a consideration of certain controversies which concern the government of the church of god , agitated in england ] the approbate of the classis is added to the book , and published . both in latin and english . this author observing as it seems , that the assault on the way of the presbyterian government was like to be strong ; and fearing that the former basis and foundations of it , [ viz. that the government of the church was to be by the elders , and they in equal povver . . that it is alvvaies convenient ( if attainable ) and sometimes necessarie , that churches be associated and act in combination vvith joynt consent . . that as princes and states have an independent povver within their owne limits , so churches under the government of one prince or state , have no absolute or necessary dependance on other churches in point of ecclesiastick power and government , &c. ] these grounds as was said , being doubted whether defensible : the author in the third chapter of his discourse which treates [ of the visible instituted church ] betakes himself to a larger medium , and of all men ( that i know ) of the presbyterian , and almost of the protestant judgement , he first layes down this conclusion : that there is a certain universal outward church , dispersed through the whole world , described in the scriptures , which in a certain visible government doth make one onely corporation , ministerial church-body , or political society : under which all particular churches , classical , provincial , and national ( as it were parts of the vvhole ) are conteyned . apollonius is followed herein by m. hudson in his book written on this subject [ intituled the essence and vnitie of the church catholick visible : ] also by the reverend assembly of divines , ( as we shall see afterward ) again by m. noyes a minister of new-england , in his book [ intituled the temple measured ] and lastly by certain london ministers in their tract [ of the divine right of the presbyterian government ] by which it seems the notion is so amiable , that there is as it were a kind of ambition who should appear first , in being the authors or owners of it : though the truth is , this conceit ( for substance ) hath been before all these the tenet of some others , whom it is not any great honour to be followers of in this : as first the papists generally : also a few episcopal men : as crakanthorpe , m. randall , and perhaps some others . and it may be by some absolute royalists ( for that spirit must needs work in church affairs to some such opinion ) i remember one of them being in conference about church-government , acknowledged indeed the church of rome to have abused its power that way : but conceived that it was necessary for the catholick church to have some one standing court and place of residence , whereunto to have recourse on all occasions , and which might have authority over , and influence upon the vvhole : to this effect was his discourse : which opinion cannot be avoyded , if the notion of one catholick visible church be granted , as shall appear hereafter . now the scope of this treatrse is not to unfasten the ground of all church combinations , and to lay a foundation for absolute independencie . the conveniencie and somtime the necessity of classes and synods for direction and determination ( and that by divine authority ) is freely acknowledged ( though not with power properly juridical ) yea , i add , that episcopacie it self was and might be maintained , as also presbyterie , ( if confined to a particular church , and not subjected to superior ecclesiastical power , which was the most ancient way of it ) without the notion of one visible catholick church ; and might both consist together in a particular one . so that as neither episcopacie nor presbyterie ( absolutely considered ) are engaged to owne the opposed tenet ; so neither doth that truth i plead for , constrain me to oppose either , if within the forementioned limits . my aim is the plucking up of that root from whence sprang the exorbitancy of both , and what was worse then either . and as i am not obliged to oppose , so i would not be interpreted to plead for the one or other . my businesse is to deal with the subject of church government , and that onely in its exrent and limits . now for a call to this service , though it challenge the most exercised abilities , and that other more able hands have undertaken it ( which i heard not of , till these papers were almost in the presse ) yet one of the * authors i reply unto , having done me the favour to invite me to a disputation about the argument , and afterward farther obliging me , by sending one of the printed books to me ( for which i am his debtor ) with desire , that if i excepted against any thing in it , i ●ould send my thoughts in w●iting to him privately : i conceived my self particula●ly engaged to deal in this argument , and that not privately , but publickly , because what i was to speak to , was published first . chap. ii. the state of the question . that we may know what we speake , and vvhereof vve affirme , ( as the apostle phraseth it ) the true state of the controversie is to be expounded , the mistake whereof is the rise of much of the dispute about this question . for the clearer proceeding wherein , four or five termes are to bee explained : first the word chvrch , secondly , the onenesse , or unitie of it , thirdly , the vniversalitie , fourthly , the visibility , fifthly , ( that which is included in the other ) the povver of it . concerning the first , the word chvrch , is taken ( as in other acceptations so ) . mystically and essentially , for a company of tho●e that have owned the doctrine * of christ . . politically , as such a company are cast into one society , corporation , republique or body politique . and this againe is considered either totally , as comprehending those in heaven also , ephes. . . the vvhole family in heaven and earth : or partially , for those on earth onely : and this , either generally for all , as some would understand the word , ( though we cannot give an instance of this signification in scripture ) or particularly ; for those who live together in one place , and are associated into one body , called a particular church , as the church of rome , jerusalem &c. the next terme is onenesse , or vnitie , which is . essentiall and in nature , such as is that of all particular things in their generall heads : all men as they partake of the common nature and essence of man , ( rationalitie , which is one ) are in that respect called one nation or man●inde , in the singular . . there in an accidentall unitie when the agreement is in that which is not of the essence and nature , but adventitious to the things , as time , place , appurtunances , &c. as some spanjards , some french , some english may be one company , as by occasion they are met in one place , or as kingdomes and states at generall diets , or by mutuall leagues become one accidentally , by such unions . . an integrall or bodily onenesse ( as i may so speake ) when many particulars are joyned together , as one whole , and this is , . of a similer or homogeneall body , whereof all the parts are of the same nature with the whole and one with another , such as is the onenesse of drops of water in the sea , and sands on the shore , or ● . of a dissimilar and hetrogeneall one ; when the parts differ from the whole and among themselves , and this is double , . physicall and naturall , as ●hen all the parts and members make but one individuall substance , as the head , feet , trunke &c. are all one naturall body . . politicall or by way of morall corporation , and republique , when many single ones are bound up in one sociall relation , as divers persons into one family , severall families into one corporation , many corporations into one common wealth : and this union againe is twofold , . misticall , when things are one in some hidden relation , that is not visible to the sence , as all families descending from some first house , such are all the sonnes of adam and of abraham , all professours of the same faculty , be they never so farre asunder . . visible and outward , when the union of all parts is obvious and evident to the eye and sence , as the union of the members in the bodie of man , or members of a society when they are met , and act visibly together ; as the city of london in common councell , the kingdome of england in parliament . . there is a collective or aggregative onenesse , which differs from the former , in that this is only by collection , or gathering as an heap of stones is one by being gathered together into one place : but in a body , whether naturall or politique , there is required moreover a mutuall incorporation and inward dependance on one another , &c. thus of the second terme . the third is vniversall or catholick ; it is taken . properly , for that common nature in which particular things agree , as common to them all . rationall creature , in the general , is the universall nature in respect of all particular men . and in this sence , universality is only a notion framed in the minde of man , and collected from observation of severall particulars , but hath no reall actuall being in time and place . . improperly , for that which though it be a single thing , ( either naturall or by way of relation ) is yet in regard of the wide spreading of its parts , called universall catholicke and generall : as we say the kingdome of england in generall or universall doth this or that , though it be but one single kingdome , &c. and in this sence that which is called universall may have an actual being and existence . the fourth terme is visibilitie : it is an accident or addition to the nature of things , as they are perceiveable to the eye , or ( in a large acceptation ) by any other sence ; the subject whereof is alwaies a corporal or bodily thing , representing it selfe as one unto the sence . the last terme ( included , though not expressed ) is church power ; it is first doctrinall ; vix . teaching discussive , determinative and concluding ( in points of controversie ) by the word . . active : and this is either general and common : and answers to that power that all men by vertue of the onenesse of nature , and onenesse of the law of nature , have in order each to other . as . to take care of , and do good to one another : to protect each other from violence , &c. . properly rective and iuridical : and this is either . extraordinary , in some unusuall cases : as every man hath power of life and death , in case of his owne ( otherwise unavoidable ) peril of life . or . ordinary : which is that which it is actually and constantly endued with , and which it is daily to exercise as occasion serves . and this againe is . imperative , or by way of command , and imposition of truthes , or duties in the name of christ . . coercive , and executive by censure : by admonition and excommunication , or cutting off from the body of christ . and thus far of the explication of the termes , now we come to the stating of the question . and . negatively , what is not the question . the doubt then is not . whether there be a company of persons in several , or in all parts of the world , that diuisim and in their several places do visibly , outwardly , and openly professe ( for substance ) the same faith , seals , worship and government , and so may be said to be one company , one society , one congregation in nature and essence ( i. e. acknowledgement of the same faith ) as we say the turke or turkes are one company of men , because their profession of religion is one : though those of constantinople and of persia have no dependance one on another , either civil or religious in point of government . nor . is it the quaere whether the several companies or churches of this profession as they are one in nature , so also in spirit and affection , and thereupon in the engagement of mutual care one of another , and to take notice what doctines are dispersed , what conversation used among the churches . brethren of the same first family are bound to do this , though they be every one master in his owne house . nor . is it doubtful whether such churches may voluntarily as occasion shall require , associate together for mutual assistance , and act ( in many things ) by common and joynt consent , as it was at the first in the church of geneva . this the scripture and the light of nature dictates , even then when the same scripture and light of nature reserves entire and distinct liberties to the particulars , as in the present conjunction of england and scotland : and so in the conjunction of the apostles and churches at jerusalem , acts . nothing was done there of particular jurisdiction , as the decreeing of excommunication , or the like , to those that should be refractory : this was left to the particular churches . now to these two latter , and not to the point of government properly so called , belongs those testimonies out of the ancients , alledged by crakanthorp ( to prove that all the bishops joyntly and severally are set over the whole church in common , and not the pope onely ) : for these testimonies expresse onely a generall obligation of duty and charity : not of special office . . neither is it the scruple whether all or most of the churches in the world may not possibly become occasionally one by their messengers in a general councel : though such a thing never yet was , nor perhaps ought to be , of which hereafter . thus of the first four termes : in regard of the last , viz. the power of the church ; the question is not . whether an association of churches lesse or more , and especially a general counsel have not a power more then barely consultative , or by way of meer counsel and advice : and whether they have not , so far as the object of their commission reacheth , an authoritative power , ( at least virtual ) from christ to act . in all facul●ies there is a certain power given both by god and man to the allowed professors of them , to give authoritative , not advice only , but directions and rules , to which the conscience is bound to submit , unlesse special cause disswade us : and this authority is the more august and solemn , though not greater , ( or more or lesse vary not the kind ) the greater the number is , and the more publicke the manner of giving forth the precepts shall bee . as for instance : an allowed lawyer or physician , have not onely ability to give advice in point of estate or health , by vertue , of their skill , ( which others possibly may doe materially as well ) but have authoritie and legall power from god and man , to appoint , direct , determine and prescribe rules and waies to be observed in both ; to which the person ought to be obedient that seeks advice : and this the more ; if it shall be done by an assembly of lawyers or judges , or colledge of physitians by publick consent convened for that purpose : though neither the one , nor other have power to compell the clyent or patient to follow their directions , nor obtain they any new and superiour power by being gathered ; so in the affaires of the church of god . in doubtfull cases ; or upon occasion of grosser errours and scandalls : god hath by or dinance ( virtual ) appointed recourse to others , especially churches , whose prescriptions , not disagreeing from the word , are to be obeyed , not only because they are materially good , but formally theirs : that is , the determinations of many of those , who are appointed by god for such offices in their severall places , so that their acting is the acting of officers , but not as officers , ( for such they are only in their severall churches ) but yet by reason of 〈◊〉 relation , they are the more fit for that work , but do not act in another and superiour right and relation when assembled , and therefore have not any power coercive more then before to constraine by church-sure , excommunication &c. to their decrees . neither do we find that the apostles themselves , when holding such a councel ( in our brethrens opinion ) did more , then ( in the name of the holy ghost ) decree , and command ; but did not impose any such penalty by authority of the councel , upon the disobedient in the particular churches . . neither is the question properly , what power the catholick church may possibly have in unusual and extraordinary case or accident , and which in ordinary it cannot do , nor is the proper subject of such power , as we saw before in the instance of necessary self defence . . yea further ( ad hominem ) in respect of the practise and condition of most of those bretheren who plead this catholick visible onenesse of the church : the question would not be what power the vniversal visible church might have ( if possibly convenable ) together ; as it was at jerusalem ( in which case we grant what is contended for ) as what the parts of it have asunder , and without endeavouring the joyning with the other . for even in a kingdom , though all the corporations gathered in one , have power over all particulars : yet not some of these , much lesse a few of them asunder ; which is the way our bretheren now practise . none of these is the point in controversie . but secondly , it is positively this , viz. whether the whole company of christians on earth , are in their ordinary and setled church constitution , so one entire single common-wealth , corporation and congregation , as that of right , and by the will and appointment of iesus christ , it is the first subject of all church power : by authority whereof , and commission from which all particular churches act , and to the determinations of the major part whereof , they are to yeeld obedience ( if not apparently contrary to the word ) and the catholick governing power whereof , resides immediately as in its proper subject under christ , onely in the ministers and elders ; and they not taken severally , but joyntly as one entire colledge or presbyterie : to whose charge severally and joyntly , the whole and every particular church is committed &c , or more briefly : whether the whole be one corporation , whereof the elders joyntly are governors ; and the members gouerned . chap. iii. just prejudices , and strong probabilities against an universal visible governing church . it is the custome of warre to skirmish first , and to begin with the lighter armed souldiers : this method shall be here followed : and first such things as render this opinion vehemently suspicious and questionable . whereof the first is ; the novelty of it : the saying of tertullian is received : quod antiquiss . veriss . truth is ancient , and error novel : but m. noyes would avoid this prejudice , where he saith , that the fathers so predicated the unity of an universal church , that they laid foundations for an universal bishop . i shall therefore endeavour to shew the novelty of it , and first absolutely considered in it self . secondly relatively , and that first in respect of the protestant , and then of the presbyterian party . . absolutely . if we credit the * centurists , the particular churches in the first hundred of years after the apostles , did exercise all church-gouernment within themselves : * they did ordain and depose ministers , admonish and excommunicate obstinate offenders : held synods or meetings , wherein they determined the affairs of their own body : in doubtful cases they consulted with other churches , not by reason of their superiority , but upon the ground of common charity . but no hint of this catholick governing body among them . object . but in occasions which concerned many churches , they held that they should be transacted in synods and councels : and they did accordingly in such meetings exercise superior power in the particular churches ; as excommunication , ordination , deposition of ministers , determining of controversies &c. besides several expressions of the ancients imply as much . to which i answer , first , to the synods and councells : that what concerns many , should be debated by many &c. doth not conclude them a corporation , no more then the common treaties of nations in things of joynt concernment . secondly , their exercising the acts above mentioned in their particular churches , and their acting these things in synods were ( it is certain ) at some distance of time : and seeing the former way of government is mentioned first ; it may well be , that the latter came in as the discipline of churches began to be corrupted , and decline to worldly policie : which happened in this first age also , say the same * authors . . it might be by decree and judgement onely , not by actual execution of such things , as cor. . i haue determined that when ye are gathered &c. and john . . christ baptized more disciples then iohn , though christ himself baptized not , but his disciples . . howsoever their practise in this ( if it were at the same time , and not after discipline declined ) must be expounded to be consistent with their other practise within themselves , whereby they owned entire , ( and of right ) independent power from any other church or churches . so that in such united synods or councells , each church might act its owne power , though in union with other ; and all act as so many several and distinct churches united ; not as one entyre universal body , in the nature and notion of it , different , distinct , and superior to the particular churches . so that being gathered , they had a larger power , but not a greater nor another power as a general councel , but as so many particular churches or elders congregated . they acted not as a parliament , but as a dyett of so many free-states . or to take m. hudsons owne similitude . as a heap of stones , have no more inward vertue because they are an heap , then if they were each one by themselves ; they have a larger , but not a more excellent one , or of another kind ; neither doth the power of working , ( what ever their vertue be ) agree to them first , bebecause they are an heap , but because they are stones of such and such a nature . so here ; they might excommunicate then , but it might be from their owne heap ( as we may so speak ) or societies onely : not as out of the catholick visible church also , unlesse per accidens ; in as much as he that is rightly excommunicated out of one church , is really excommunicated out of all ( because they are essentially and mystically one , and to go by the same rule ) though formally he may not be so . as he that is justly condemned for a traytor in one of the kings dominions , is really and vertually condemned in the rest : because these domions are politically one in their head ; yet may they be independent one from another in their proper governments and rights , as was said above concerning england and scotland . fifthly , it was but a voluntary association , or by right of fraternity only , and not of onenesse of corporation : which appears by astringing and confining , even in after times , in some councells , the power of bishops and ministers , to , and within their owne diocesses and churches , so as to pronounce all the acts they did elsewhere ( unlesse by call or permission ) void , and of none effect . whether it were judgement , ordination , excommunication , it shall be ( say they ) of no force : as the councels and canon law are cited by crakanthorp himself ; one of our adversaries in this cause . so cyprian saith , that stephan bishop of rome , put his sithe into other mens harvest , when he endeavoured by authority to restore two whom the bishops of spain had deposed . now if they had apprehended the whole church to be but one corporation or great congregation : and all the bishops and ministers to be over this one church in common : why then ( though in regard that each man was assigned by the church to his particular place for the avoyding of confusion ) such acts out of their owne churches might be disorderly and irregular ; yet could they not be formally void : for that the whole church , being committed to each and to all ; they had been within their charge , seeing they had an habitual and fundamental right thereunto , as being officers per se , and properly of the whole church , and not of any particular church , but by accident onely . and let it be remembred ; that these constitutions were much later then the churches we spake of before . this for churches and councells . we come now to particular , ( and those the most eminent ) persons : let us hear themselves speak . first chrysostome : the sacrifice or passeouer was to be eaten in one house , and not to be conveied out : that is , the house is one that hath christ : and the many houses of the hebrews have but onely one * power , nature , and condition , as the churches throughout the world , and in several provinces being many in numbers , are but one church . where he makes them one in that they have one nature and condition , but saith , they are many in number . whereas this opinion makes all the churches in the world to be but one in number , in respect of corporation and government : as all the houses in a city make but one single corporation : and all the corporations in england , make but one single kingdom . so that this testimony ; taking the distinction above mentioned , of onenesse in nature of those , that are many in number : looks as much , if not more , on us , then on our opposites . . clemens alexand. * there is absolutely but one ancient and catholick church in the vnity of one faith : whereunto agreeth that of calvine : the unitie of the church consists in the unitie of the faith , and ( expresly against this universal visible government ) he addes , it is not necessary that we see it ( the church catholick ) and that it be visible , for preservation of that unity . . cyprianus : when he professedly disputeth the question about the unity of the church ( passing by the corruptions added in this place , and some of his * epistles , by the papists ) defineth the unity of the church by doctrine and discipline : and saith , this onely is the cause of schismes : quod magistri coelestis doctrina suis quod idem est ecclesiae vivitas non servatur . that the doctrine of our heavenly master , or which is all one , the unity of the church is not preserved : and as there is one god , one christ , one faith : so there is one church , one discipline in it : one bishoprick , whereof in the whole every one hath his share : and as the sun hath many beams , but one light ; and the boughes of a tree many , but one trunk , so many particular churches , whereof ( unum lumen , unum caput , una origo ) one light , one head , one original : in all which he makes the unity of the church to consist in onenesse of nature , faith , spirit , head ; not in number and government . as the leaves and boughes are not one in number , and in themselves , but in their original and root : so are the churches one in christ , and the spirit , and nature ; though different in suppositum and government . . hieron. it is called one altar : as it is said one faith , and one baptisme , and one church : but faith and baptisme , are said to be one in respect of kind and nature , not integrally , and numerally . . augustine : he , speaking of the first subject of the keyes or church power , saith , for all the saintes the●efore that doe cleave inseparably to the body of christ did peter receive the keyes of the kingdom of heaven : because not he alone : but ( universa ecclesia ligat solvitque peccata ) the universal church doth binde and loose sins . but that he doth not mean joyntly as one body or corporation ; but severally , every church by it selfe ( and so the onenesse of the church here implyed , is in nature and kind , not in number ) appeares by what he saith in other places ; as where repeating that about excommunication . mat. . if he hears not the church let him be unto thee as a heathen : he saith : he who joyneth him to himself , which is after this order cast out , he not permitting ( being orthodox ) by vvhom he is cast out ( juris sacredotij sancti limites excedit ) doth violate the rights of holy priesthood . he doth imply , that particular churches did excommunicate within themselves , or the universal church distributively taken . . eucherius . the church dispersed throughout the whole world : consists in one and the same faith , and fellowship of catholique truth : and vvheras there is an innumerable multitude of the faithfull , yet they rightly are said to have one heart , and one soul , in respect of their society in the common faith and love . where all the universal onenesse hee implyeth it of faith and love . this opinion then doth not appeare in prime and best antiquitie , nor with any evidence in those that followed : so that till better testimonies appeare , we must say that it is therefore absolute new . . it is more new relatively . . in reference to the protestant party ; who generally ( save very few excepted ) have never owned it : but on the contrary constantly opposed it , as shall be shewed anon . but it is most nevv in regard of the presbytirians : these brethren being the first we have met with : or , as it seemes , themselves either , for those they quote , make rather against them , ( as will appeare afterward ) certaine it is , that calvine whom they vouch as the first restorer of that government ( though his was but a voluntary association ) as we saw before , gave evidence expresly against it . also chamier speaking the sence of the french churches as afterward must be related : but we need not be sollicitous to prove this ; seeing the brethren of this opinion confesse this conceit to be opposed by the greatest part of the protestant writers : as wil appear in the fourth argument . if therefore novelty and new light be a prejudice against other opinions , it cannot but reflect suspition upon this . . another just prejudice against this opinion , may be , that it is of dangerous consequence . for if the whole church that is visible and to be seen on earth , be one single corporation or kingdom ; and the first subject to whom all government in church affairs belongeth , and in whose right , and by power from which , all particular churches do act : then of necessitie . . there must be viniversal and general officers , and some one above the rest , to whom the particular churches may have continual recourse . for all corporations have officers , that are officers of the whole corporation , and over all , and not particular onely : as not onely the constables of the severall parishes , or aldermen of cath ward , but the major also of the whole ; who hath ( though not a divided , yet ) a distinct and superior power in order to the corporation , above the rest , though conjoyned . . seeing christ hath provided a seasonable and standing means , for the continual exercise of the government of his church , that may be made use of as occasion requires : therefore these officers must have alwaies residence in some one place , though they may also remove to another : they must have an actual being and residence , as being the officers for the exercise of the power of the universal church . for it is impertinent to say , that it is sufficient the universal church meet by parties in severall countreys and ages : for the meeting of officers of corporations must be in one place and time ; as the parliament , convocation , consistory , &c. and it were notably vaine to imagine that christ hath committed the government of his church first & chiefly to that body that should not meet six times in sixteen hundred yeares : * nay never ; for there never was yet any universal meeting of the catholick church nor its officers : though some councells have been called generall , because of the number of bishops , unitie of places from whence they have come , and the emperours latitude of dominion that called them . . from hence would follow that very many particular churches would be in peril to be greatly damaged : seeing in appeals they must be adjudged by those that are many thousand miles distant from them , and could not have perfect * cognizance of the cause : nor in case they wanted information for their guidance in judgement , could by reason of distance have it in time . . great would be the vexation , charges , travel , &c. that would arise from such a court , as whereunto appeals were to come : and yet such there must be , if the whole church be but one corporation . . a third and fourth prejudice and probable exception against this opinion is , t is papal , and anti-protestant . . papal , not indeed in regard of the height of it ( as it refers the root and head of this universallity unto rome onely ) but in regard of the opinion it self : an universal visible church : a mayne ground of the former . m. hudson ( and so m. noyes ) indeed would avoid this prejudice also , but with labour in vain : he saith he stateth not the question as the papists do : because they take visible for glorious : catholick , for romane : and subject it to the pope for . whatsoever the papists add to the question , yet the substance and substratum of it , is the same . in vain should they fix the seat of it at rome , and subject it to the pope , if it might not be in it self one corporation and republique . . again they do not take visible for glorious : but for that which is obvious to the sense : though they make glorious an adjunct thereunto . . they so fix the seat of the church at rome , and subject it to the pope ( severall of the most eminent of them ) as that it is onely in the absence of a general councel , which they make above the pope , as being the church catholick representative , as is shewed else-where . but to return . bellarmine ( de eccles. lib. . cap. . ) haveing related the opinion of the protestants , and propounded the romish in opposition thereunto , viz. there is a visible catholick church . he proves it by the same places , that the authors of this opinion do , to wit . mat. . vpon this rock i will build my church : and chap. . tell the church ( which though in that place he bring to prove it visible : yet it implies to make it universal also : for both these joyntly [ catholick , visible ] he was to prove in opposition to the protestants ) for as they say this could not be meant of a particular church , so hee , that it cannot be meant of an invisible . and he defines it to be one visible church , or congregation of men bound together by the profession of the same faith , and participation of the same sacraments , under the government of lawfull pastors , and especially , of that onely vicar of christ on earth , the pontiffe or bishop of rome . in the definition it is to be noted that hee makes all beleevers but one single corporation or congregation , ( though divided in places , ) under one single governent , under one visible head the pope of rome . in all but the last clause ( which is not essential to the thing , though it be to those persons ) the definition agrees to the minde of the authours of the opinion here impugned . and . it is anti-protestant , being opposed generally by them . calvine disputing against the papists , about the unitie and visibilitie of the church , saith ( as was noted before ) the onenesse of the church consisteth in the onenesse of faith . and for the visibilitie , he saith : it is not necessary for the preserving of this unitie , that we should see the church with our eyes . chamier in his answer to hardings argument against jewell , ( art. . sect. . urging that every multitude in it selfe one , did stand in need of one governour by whom it might be managed : but the church visible , is in it self one ) saith : the church as it is catholicke or vniversall is not one in it selfe , because it is one generall , or universall , gathered and aggregated of many particular churches , as if one should say , the kingdome , or a kingdome , not this or that kingdome , but kingdome in generall , the parts whereof are all particular kingdomes , the french , spanish , english . for so the word chvrch being taken , it is compounded ( mark , not constituted ) of infinite particular churches , the romane constantinopolitane , &c. now that which is one in that sence , it is manifest that it needs no one governour : for not as to every kingdom there is a king , so to all kingdomes there is one king , that , that which is called kingdome in generall may have a being , and therefore not in the church , neither : as it is understood to be one collected of many particular churches : is it necessary that one should be president . he evidently both denyeth , and excellently refuteth this catholick union , by this very thing , because the church is catholicke , therefore not really one , but notionally only , as all the kingdomes in the world are one in the nature and notion of kingdomes , but not one corporation , or one government . and so before him bishop jewell in answer to the same papist , ( proving the minor or second part of the former argument , viz. that the church is one visible congregation or societie , because ( as our brethren do ) there is one faith and baptisme , one calling , so one church : as saint paul saith , ye all are one body and members one of another : and in our creede wee all professe to beleeve one holy catholick and apostolick church ) saith , that whereas mr harding had proved the major also , out of aristotles . booke of his metaphysicks , out of homer : never did aristotle or homer dreame of this new fancy , that one king should rule over the whole world : and by consequence or that the whole world was but one kingdome ; and so he implyeth it to be as ridiculous that all churches should bee but one governing church : and hee addeth what is ( considerable in this argument , wherein reason is followed , rather then scripture : ) his reason were better if either peter or paul , or any catholick father had used it : and then citeth austin , ( de doct. christ . l. . c. . ) who saith , to attribute much to discourse of reason in understanding scripture ( haec consuetudo periculosa est , ) this custome is dangerous ; ( per scripturas enim divinas , multo tutius ambulatur ) it is far safer following of the scripture . so that bishop jewell conceiveth this against both scripture and antiquitie . mr rutherford also [ due right of presbytery , pag. . titleing the page thus : how our church hath been visible ] makes it out only by this that in all ages there have been some who have held the same points with us in the main . implying the visibility , and by consequence , the onenesse also to consist in onenesse of faith and doctrine . but he hath a little before ( pag. . ) a considerable passage ( at this time ) about the call of our first reformers : and saith that any enlightened by the spirit of god , and members of the catholick church , should teach , informe and help their fellow members , being seduced and led by blinde guides , is agreeable to the law of nature . also that , in extraordinary times , men may go beyond the ordinary path so the thing done be materially good . but this by the way . lastly , the professors of leyden ( cited for this opinion by apollon. which is much to be wondered at ) doe distinguish betwixt the church catholick and particular : and say , that the former is one in doctrine and faith , but the latter one in discipline and government also . evidently implying the universall church not to be one in gouernment , or not to be one corporation . and thus of the third and fourth inconveniences of this opinion , and so much also for the first generall head of exceptions against it , viz. the just prejudices , and suspicious appearances of it , as being novell , dangerous , papall and anti-protestant . chap. iiii. demonstrations against an vniversall visible governing church . hitherto have been handled the lesse artillery , and as 't is hoped , not without successe : the main batterie now follows : by arguments demonstrative , and such as necessarily conclude against this opinion : and that this may be done , i premise as granted these principles . . that the author of all ecclesiastick power in the churches , is iesus christ ; for unto him all of it was committed , and from him derived . . that he expressed , plainly enough , whatsoever was of great consequence for the well ordering of his house ; as for all other things concerning the salvation of his people . . that the apostles were appointed by him to perfect by themselves , or deputies whilest themselves were living , either by precept or practise , whatsoever concerned the churches in such particulars . . that they accordingly did faithfully discharge this trust . . that christ and his apostles in those their precepts and practise , are a rule to all churches to the end of the world . i am with you , ( viz. ) in observing these things which i have commanded you ) unto the end of the world . . that they are our rule both negatively and positively : i. e. what they did not in such and such cases when they had opportunity , we may not in the like : and what they did , we must do so also , as occasion requires , and opportunity serves . the former particulars are plain enough : the last not difficult : if these places following , and the like be considered . act. . . the apostles charge the urgers of circumcision upon the gentiles , not onely because they taught such doctrine ; but also because they taught it having received no such commandment ; unlesse we understand those words as having reference to what those teachers it may be boasted : viz. that they had commission from the apostles for that doctrine . again , the apostle in the epistle to the hebrews insinuates it to be sufficient proof , that the priesthood did not at all belong to the tribe of iuda , but of levi ; because the scripture speakes nothing ( saith he ) concerning the former in that respect . the speech of balaam implies as much and that other of the prophet ; if the lord have not spoken , who can prophesie . we know how the lord thundereth against those who prophesyed , and the lord had not spoken to them ; which yet we would have understood ( as was said before ) with this caution , viz. not spoken , neither expresly , nor by neer consequence , in things of special concernment to the church . . that the government of the church of christ ( it being his house ) and the knowledge of the first subject or chief trustee to whom the keys of that house is committed , is of very great concernment ; and therefore to be laid down in scripture : at least by such evidence , as with moderate opening , to godly , knowing , and impartial men , may comfortably be perceived . these things premised : we come to the arguments . the first whereof is taken ( negatively ) from the author and founders of the church : viz. the silence of christ and his apostles touching one catholick visible governing church . this i conceive is not to be found in scripture ; unlesse by such strayning of reason , as ( we saw before ) austin saith is dangerous in the things of god . what is brought on the contrary out of scripture , shall be examined in another place , to wit , in the fifth chapter , when the arguments for this opinion ( if god permit ) shall severally be discussed : onely for methods sake , this being the joint for this argument naturally to fall into , 't is here mentioned . the second argument is from the same persons positively : to wit : the contrary institution of christ and his apostles , gathered plainly from their teaching and practise . . if the keyes of government were given first and fully with entire power immediately to a particular church , then there is no universal visible governing church ( because that is therefore contended for as the first subject of government ) but the first is true , therefore the latter . the former is thus proved . all church power was given first and fully to the church of the jews : but the church of the jews was a particular church , not the universal ; unlesse by accident : because so it was , that there was no other church state in the world at that time : unlesse we shall hold , as * some do , that there were other societies of beleevers that were not united to the jewish church ; as iob and his family , &c. but this is doubtful , i therefore omit it . the church of the jews was a particular one . . it is every where called one congregation . . all the church in the chiefest sex of it , met together to solemn worship at one place , in the temple three times a year constantly , and oftner as occasion served , in fasts , war , thanksgiving , consultations , &c. neither had they any thing to do with those that joyned not themselves to their body : as cornelius act. . a beleever , and yet one that peter might not go to . and though it be granted , to have been a type of the church of the new testament , yet not as catholick , but as congregational , as it self was : or else as mystical : for even our brethren denie that order of governours to bind under the gospel : though the papists contend for it . . the first institution of the church under the new testament by christ , does give entire power of government immediately to a particular church , matth. . if thy brother offend thee , &c. tell the church , if he hear not the church , let him be as a heathen . &c. now this was a particular church , for it was such an one as one might complain to , and it was endued with entire power , even to excommunication . . if the power and presence of christ be so with a particular society , that whatsoever they binde on earth shall be bound in heaven &c. and this be given immediatly to a particular society of christians , then the assertion is good , but so it is in that chapter : when two or three are gathered in my name , i am in the midst : and so , as that what they binde on earth shall be bound in heaven . &c. as by the coherence may be gathered . object . but this is meant of the jewish church . answ. . if so , the former argument takes place . but . it is not * likely , for where is the jewish consistory called the church ? it is called by christ matth. . the lower assembly , a councel : the greater sanhedrin , a iudgement , but not a church . . he had chap. . spoken of his church ; and it is like , had explained himself more fully about it : for all could not be written , ( as iohn informes us chap. . ult. ) . in the former chapter matth. . . he giveth the greatest ecclesiastick power to a congregation of christians , whatsoever ye shall binde on earth , shall be bound in heaven &c. it is added immediately upon his precept of telling the church , as the reason of it ; and to corroborate it ; he assures them in the same place , that what they should aske in his name should be done : and to strengthen that , he promiseth , that when they were gathered together , he would be in the middest of them . by all which it appears , that he speaks of a particular christian church , and which is to be noted , without any mention of appeal to a higher judicatory , if right should not be done there . . the first execution of the greatest act of entire power , was by admonition and command of the apostle himself , but not by his power , exercised in a particular church , without appeal to , or consulting of the universal church , ( which they might have done , according to this opinion , the apostles then being surviving , ) viz. delivering one over to sathan : the apostle saith , when ye ( of corinth ) are gathered , and my spirit ( consent and approbation , or the holy ghost acting in you and me ) by the power of our lord iesus christ , not which he hath committed to me , but which is among you ; for ( besides that paul ( according to this opinion ) being but one of the catholick ministers , could not orderly have excommunicated this man , without consulting with , or by authority of the rest of the apostles , representatives of the universal church , if the catholick church be the first subject of church power . ) it is certain that ecclesiastical power i●herent in any , cannot be delegated or transmitted over to another , but of transmitting apostolical power we read not . . if entire power were first committed to particular men , then not to the catholique church , and so it was not the first subject of church power , and so not one visible governing church ; but entire power was committed to the apostles severally , and to all joyntly , as hath been hitherto confessed by all : ergo , &c. object . but the apostles represented the catholick church ? answ. . not in all the power they received , for they might do that which all the churches cannot , as constitute articles of faith , &c. . they represented the church , not as united , but as multiplyed : for paul had as much power as any , and yet he was not personally united to them , as appears gal. . . . howsoever they had no successors in apostolick power , as neither had moses in his . at the first planting of a church , more power is to be used , then afterward is needfull : as our brethren of scotland alleadge , both for their having at the first , and for not reteining generall visitors still . . if the first reproofe from christs own mouth for the englect of exercise of church power , was directed to particular churches alone by themselves , and not to the combination of them , though neere one the other ; much lesse to the universall church : then particular churches had entire independent ecclesiasticall power as single churches , and not as parts of one visible catholicke : but the former is true , from the second and third chapters of the revelation , where christs reproofs are directed to the particular churches , and not to the presbytery over all , or to the catholicke church , though some of these churches were but . or . miles one from the other , and the furthest but two hundred , ( being all in the lesser asia ) and this after christianity had been about . years in the world : so that they had time to have combined or united into an vniversall , or at least into a nationall or provinciall societie or classis , if it had been so taught them , by the churchfounders , christ and his apostles . . sort of arg. from the matter or members of this universall governing church , laying for ground what was noted before , viz. that every subject or agent that hath reall and actuall properties and effects , must some time or other have existence and being as one ; if one naturall then so ; if one civil , then must they be as one body gathered into one place , as the jewish nation , as we said before , corporations in their halls , kingdomes , in their parliaments . this being undenyable ( though mr hudson deny it , ( against all experience and reason ) because it is sufficient ( saith he ) that they are under one king , and governed by the same laws : but how should they be so , if they never met , at least by their deputies formally , or virtually , to yeeld to such a government ; not ( as was proved before ) any ( cleare ) institution , left by christ for such incorporation . ) the . argument is , that which never had an actuall being , and existence in the world , that neither is , nor is the subject of church povver , much lesse the first : but this church catholick [ as such ] never had a being , because it was never together gathered into one place , neither in its members , nor in its deputies : and therefore can bee one not actually , or really in it self , but by * imagination onely , and conceit ; either in regard of the same onenesse of kinde and nature that is betwixt churches , or of relation they have to one head , and in order to , and dependance on one rule or law the word of god . as several armies , ( to use m. hudsons similitude ) gathered by commission from one generall , in severall parts of a kingdome or of an empire , or of the world ; and never yet brought together , nor intended so to be , but to abide under their severall particular commanders , one perhaps in england , another in india , might be called one army , in regard of one commission and one chief general . yet such a similitude will not here so properly serve , because the onenesse of the church is denyed by our brethren to be such as is of an army , where all are under the command of one : the whole church ( and its officers ) are by them said , to govern all particulars . object . but mr hudson saith , . that it is sufficient that the church catholick have existence and a being in the particulars , as a heap of stones in particulars stones , the element of water in the particular drops , churches in particular families , and families in particular persons , and whole things in their parts . but t is much that this authour ( or authours , a man-midvvife may be father also ) doth not see that his owne similitudes overthroweth his opinion , and fully cleareth what is here asserted : for none of these things were one , if they were not together in one place . were it one heap of stones , if one lay at m. hudsons dore , another at m. calamies , ( the licenser of his book ) which are many miles asunder : and another at a third mans . object . . but he saith that the catholick visible church hath sometimes met , as in a general councel , by their commissioners , as a ministerial church catholick . answ. . it is utterly denyed that ever there was any general councel which might be said to be the catholick church ; unto which , as himself seems to insinuate , the particular churches sent their commissioners . for . they were never sent to all . it was the first general and most famous , which was called by constantine , called the first councel of nice , wherein there were bishops ? but how many places were there that were christian , over whom constantine reigned not ? and he sent but to those under his dominion . . it is probable he sent not to all neither ( for after the synod he wrote to those that were not there ) but to the most conspicuous places ; now we know in a free and lawful parliament of the kingdome , the smallest corporations must be sent to . . he called for the bishops chieflie , if not onely ; and i hope our brethren will not defend their being the orderly representatives of so many churches as were under them . m. cartwright ( on act. . and matth. . ) requires the presence also of the people . . he , not they , assumed governing catholick power , at least supreme , in calling and dissolving the councel : he received the papers , he concluded , he dismissed the bishops , &c. moreover here the whole catholick church representative , if it were such , had one visible head , and that not a minister , but a magistrate ( though afterward it turned to a minister , in the popes of rome ) and so in our owne kingdom : it being granted that the whole nation is one church ; the magistrate being head of the nation , declareth himself head of the church also : and this , or the other is like to be the issue of this opinion . . that society whose members never can have an actual being [ as such ] that is not to be defended either to be , or to be the first subject of church power ; but the universal visible church can never have a being as such ; that is , as one congregated united body , consisting of the elders ( at least ) of every particular church . for what place could be capacious to hold them ; now it hath been shewed that they must all at somtime meet so . now the company , though but the elders of each church , would be innumerable ; for who shall exclude any church from sending , that professe the name of christ , till excommunicated , and who shall do that . . if we shall adde to this , that no church can delegate or commit to commissioners their church power , it will strengthen much more the argument , for thence it will follow that they must all personally meet , &c. a third sort of arguments is from the form and nature of all bodies corporate , which consists in order of superior and inferior : they are truly described in that definition of bellarmine before recited , a little altered : viz. a society of men professing the same faith ( laws ) partaking of the same sacraments ( * oath ) under lawful pastors ( common magistrates ) and especially under one chief priest ( supreme magistrate ) now in such a body , the nature and forme , lies not in so many several men or families indued with particular priviledges of their owne ; and onely coming together , and joyning their several interests and priviledges to make up one aggregated priviledge ; as a heap of stones of many stones ; or a company of constables of many constables ; who have no greater or new power by being gathered , then if they were but single : but the forme and nature of a corporation is , that all are bound in one single body , under lawes and officers common to all , and that of one place , distinct from others : and their officers made by the consent of the whole , or by him or them that represents the whole : and are officers to the whole , some above other , officers of officers ; if the body be great , and one , ( for the time above the rest in place and power , at least in some kinde and respect ( as the speakers in the houses of parliament ) besides the officers of the particular parts of the corporation : as besides the aldermen or constables of several wards , there is the major &c. object . if it be objected that christ is the absolute king of his church , and that he hath instituted his corporation different from others , by that place , matth. . . it shall not be so among you . answ. we say , so hath he made it different from other societies in this also , that it is not one single corporation , as a kingdome of this world ; but many in number , though one in nature . but if it must be one corporation ( though aristocratical , and as a parliament , yet ) then there ariseth these inconveniences . . they must existe in some one place , at least at some time in their owne persons , and alwaies in the persons of those who , in the absence of the whole society , are to be the officers for the execution of the decrees of the catholick church : and then if any prince arise that is more potent , he will make the seat of the universal governing church where he pleases , it may be at rome , as constantine did at nice , for a season . . then must the whole church be governed by some constant and standing officers , that are not officers , but of the whole ( at least for the time they sit ) as corporations that are lesse , are governed in ordinary by the aldermen and major or bayliffes : kingdoms in absence of the representative kingdom , which is a parliament ( answerable to a general councel , according to our brethrens opinion ) by a king and councel : so must the church by a committee at least , and a chayr-man . and these two are further evident , in as much as whilest the church-government had any appearance of vniversal : there was such a set company of officers , and they had a certain place of residence , that they might be resorted to , viz. the apostles at hierusalem . . there must be one common form of faith , discipline , worship , and profession : in all particulars the same agreed on , and to be formally propounded and taken as occasion shall require , by all the beleevers in the world ; and this forme to be made either in a general councel , or by that representative church or presbyterie . . then all churches must act from the authority , and by vertue of commission from the catholick church , for they act in the name of the catholick church . so the assertors of this opinion expressely : but then it follows unavoydably , that all particular churches , whether national or congregational that shall innovate , change , and alter any material thing in doctrine , worship , or government , without the consent of the catholick church , are schismaticks , and if they be resolute in it , against what might be said to the contrary , they are hereticks : as those have done , that have changed in part , doctrine , worship , and that government which those general councells did owne and establish : much more those , who have sworne to such alterations , expresly against such things as the universal church in those councels did decree . . then all magistrates are deprived of power of reformation within their jurisdictions , before authority derived from the church , either in general councel , or from their committee : and hence is that cited out of our owne lawyers : quod omnes tangit : ab omnibus approbari debet . that which concernes all , must be allowed of all . viz. that are of the same visible corporation . . lastly , ( that i may add no more ) there must be a solemne meeting for the election of such general officers as are to governe the universal church in the absence of the universal ministerial representative church : for if one corporation should choose burgesses that should vote in the businesse of the whole kingdome , it would not be valid ; if there had not been first an agreement of the whole kingdome in parliament gathered , that these so and so chosen should be officers general , and have votes in the publick . object . if it bee said that christ himselfe hath appointed such generall officers , by appointing ministers in every congregation , and then synods for publicke occasions . it is answered , this follows not : . because an officer chosen in one particular corporation , as a major or alderman is not an officer in the whole kingdome ; no though all the majors in the kingdom were gathered together are they officers of the whole kingdome , unlesse by way of distribution and as in relation to their severall places ; and but remotely and by accident only to the whole kingdome : so though all the corporations of the kingdome were gathered , yet are they not a parliament , and supreme court , simply because they are meerly gathered together ; but it must be on former consent according to such lawes , whereby they become a new and a superiour body to all the kingdome , both joyntly , ( so long as they continue a parliament ) and severally : much lesse should they have any more power because they are many , but dis-joyned farre asunder : so it is in the church . . they may be officers of synods and councels though never so generall , and yet not be officers generall of the whole world , in point of jurisdiction , as one entire body : because their meeting doth not make them a new body , nor give them as such a body any superiour juridical power ( but onely consultative , and decretory ) whether we look on any scripture precept or practise of the churches in the new testament . . it is denyed that christ hath instituted any such catholicke visible body , or the representative thereof : an oecumenicall or generall councell [ much lesse the abstract of it a catholick committee or presbyterie ] and there is reason for it : for the multitude of persons , difference of spirits , languages , &c. danger , and want of ground to delegate from hand to hand , ecclesiasticke power , would occasion great confusion , and such as god is not the authour of . the fourth and last sort of arguments are taken from the end , the authours of this opinion aime at , from the issue of the opinion it selfe , and from the true scope of church government . the former seems to be ; either to found the right of such presbyteriall government as is now endeavoured ; and to deprive particular churches of intire power in themselves , or at least of independency in their government from other churches : or else it is to lay groundwork of a more effectuall cure and remedy then hitherto , for all distempers of particular churches , whether nationall or other . touching the first ; what will it profit if they gaine by this notion , the jurisdiction of the whole world for a while , and afterward loose their own and others liberty ? ( and perhaps souls also : for the former being lost , truth will be soone oppressed , as is to be seen in the papacy ) of which straightway . again absolute independency so as no other church shall have any thing to do with an erring or delinquent church is disavowed , both in doctrine and practise , by the greatest patrons of that way in this kingdome , and beyond the seas . * concerning the second ; all distempers of churches , as farre as the apostolicall churches were cured of them , have beene healed sufficiently without this opinion , yea and better then by those who have owned and practised this principle ; for they have cured some , but made others greater and stronger then they were before ; as we see in the church of rome . . but whatsoever their aime be , they should remember that the true end of church government , is not only to avoid confusion and disorder &c. but also to preserve the rights and priviledges of particular persons and churches , to prevent tyranny and invasion that way , ( evils that are as dangerous to the church and as introductive to heresie as the former ) unto which this opinion , in the issue of it , opens a wide gappe . my baynes , ( whom the london ministers quote with honour ) saith , dioces triall q. . pag. . that those who subject themselves to a presbytery , as being under it by subordination , may in effect as well be subject to an episcopall ( and by consequence i say , to a papall ) consistory . for if the church universall be one visible governing body , a man will readily conclude it must have universall officers ; and among many , there must be some one chief : and christ that hath ordered this , hath surely designed by some intimation or other who this should be , and where the seat of the vniversall church should reside : and then how readily will that place of matthew . thou art peter , &c. be understood to place it upon him , and his successors : and then the question is , where hee was bishop ; and because the scripture saith nothing , therefore * ecclesiasticall writers must be credited , and then the place is rome : and the rather because . their faith was spoken of throughout the whole world . . there was the seat of the empire &c. so that this opinion if not in the end of the authours , yet in the issue of the things , leads a man by the hand back to egypt and babylon again , as it hath done many . if it bee replyed no ; for that in this vniversall body politique , all churches and their elders shall be equall , and so in the generall councell conveened , whereas in the papacy all ( is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) depends upon , and is referred to the pope . i answer , . ( besides what is said above ) the popes themselves in some actions , insinuate that they are not supreme in their owne personall relation , but as the head , president , or chair-man , of the vniversall representative presbyterie ; which are the colledge of cardinalls representing the colledge of apostles ( said to be the generall presbyterie , representative of the catholicke visible church ) hence the forme of some instruments in the popes name , is : by the advice of the most reverend the cardinalls , his holinesse decrees such or such a thing : in imitation of kingdomes ( which christ forbiddeth his church , as being of an other nature ) where the parliament represents the kingdome ; and in their absence the king and councel represent them both : hence perhaps it is , that in proclaimations the forme often is ; wee ( saith the king ) by the advice of our privie councell , &c. . papists of chiefest note , * yea popish vniversities ; yea popish councells does assert a generall councell ( which is nothing else , but an vniversall presbytery ) to be above the pope . so that it may be really popish , though all do not depend on , or bee referred to the pope firstly and primarily . now that this catholique visible church , as our brethren have represented it , may degenerate or rather advance thereunto : let it be considered that papall government it self had the like originall . it is granted even by bishops themselves , that the bishop at first was but the president or chaire-man of the presbyterie or assembly of ministers . afterwards partly by the ambition of those who were chosen to that place , partly by the sloth , flattery and slavishnesse of the rest of the ministers and people , all came under him . so also at first each church did all things among themselves , as ordaine , excommunicate , &c. afterwards they associated with the great churches : in time , what was of voluntary consent , became a necessity and due subjection . so the bishops of rome , at first for civilities sake , because it was the emperours seat , had the precedency for a time , at length claimed it as due . so here if an universall coporation , there must be universall officers ; over these one president , or super-intendent , or chaire-man : hee perhaps may have it for his life , if an able man ; and may obtaine to act with a committee as the representative of a generall councell in their absence : and what hinders , but if another boniface and phocas ; an ambitious president and wicked emperour meet , hee may be made vniversall bishop . men are more loose in their ecclesiasticall then civil liberties : and if this government bee not of god , he will leave it to corrupt it selfe , even as the other did . but thirdly , necessarily and of it self , it tends to the depriving of all particular churches of their libertie ; yea , though they should be nationall churches . . because in them particular churches are not left to their choise ; but are bound by this opinion to associate and to send elders to the councells and presbyteries ; so the reverend assembly . * . though they should not doe it , yet are they neverthelesse under the government of the catholique church , which is the first subject of church power : and so are bound to act according to the letter or plaine sence of the determinations of the catholicke church , without adding , altering or detracting in any materiall thing , especially which might concern the whole church ; * and then what will become of the reformations of all the reformed churches . . in particular in respect of the protestant churches of europe , . because they are much fewer then the other churches of the world , that are in the maine orthodox , ( as some whiles since a * presbyterian writer hath given in the account . ) . who shall exclude the popish and other heterodox churches from being members of the catholicke visible church , till by a generall councell they be heard , and excommunicated , or non communioned : and whether the major part of the churches in the world will consent to such an excommunication or non-communion is uncertaine , and then they must vote also : and so the orthodox churches will be the more over-borne . object . . but it may be it will be said , the throat of the cause is yet safe , because it seems sufficient , that the major part of those that are of the same judgement ought to governe the lesse . to which i reply , that in all corporations and common-wealths , ( as our brethren say , the vniversall visible church is ) not the major part of a part ; but the major part of the whole body , are to rule the rest ; and that not divided in severall places at a distance , but convened together , at least in some neernesse of place . object . . if it be said that by reason of distance of place , and multitude of persons this cannot be done , viz. the collection of the catholicke visible church . i answer and say , . therefore such an opinion is not to be asserted which unavoidably and necessarily enforceth such a gathering . . that in respect of the commissioners general , some for many churches ( which the authours of this opinion doe , or must allow ) it may be done for matter of companie or number . . princes from one end of the world to the other , hold leagues and correspondencies together : as doth the kingdom of england with russia in the north ; and persia in the east . . rome governs in all parts of the world as a single corporation , notwithstanding distance of place . . lastly , the churches of europe at least , might have met for the reformations they have endeavoured , as many of them did in the synod of dort about arminius . chap. v. the arguments for an vniversal visible governing church , with the answers to them . hitherto we have , as it were , battered and taken the assailants worke : it remains that we seise on their ammunition and weapons : the opposite reasonings produced by them . and first to the arguments of appollonius : who ( by the way ) i observe to give the cause in all particulars but one or two , to those of the congregational way : and well he could not avoid it ; seeing that the churches of holland , go by the same principles ; except that of the authority of synods ; and baptizing of all children : which latter , how it stands with their denying church-fellowship to all , ipsi viderint . but to his arguments . the first is taken out of cor. . . god hath set in the church some apostles , some prophets , some evangelists , some pastors and teachers : which church there is said to consist of divers and heterogeneal members ; but the ministry , the apostles , &c. are not given to any particular church , and the apostles &c. were the governours of the catholick church ; ergo , the visible catholick church is one governing body under which all particular churches are subjected and conteyned answ. at the stating of the question i premised the distinction of onenesse in essence and mysterie , and onenesse in integralls and accidents . hence i answer . that it is utterly à non sequitur , and inconsequent to say , because this scripture , and other like , speak of the church as of one in mysterie , in nature , and in essence , that therefore it s one in number , or one visible single body : that because the church is somevvay one , therefore integrally , and by way of single corporation visible . now the apostle speaks of the church as one in mysterie and nature , not visibly , and in number , appears from verse . where he saith , ye are all baptized into one body , and been made to drink into one spirit . now compare this with its parallel , eph. . . . where the apostle saith , there is but one baptisme , one faith : and so makes the onenesse of the body to consist in these , uniting the members to one christ , by one spirit , to one god . in which place two things are observable : first , that as he saith the church is one , so he saith baptisme is one , and faith is one ; shall we therefore say that there is but one single baptisme , or one single faith , visibly and integrally one in the vvorld ? surely any man would answer that the former are said to be one mystically , invisibly , and in respect of their kinde and nature , because all true faith is of the same kinde , and so all true baptisme ; but are as many several faiths in number , and baptismes , as there are several beleevers and baptised persons . secondly , that the onenesse of the church essentially , consists in the onenesse for kinde of faith , hope , baptisme : as also , in the onenesse of its head , its spirit , and its god : which doth indeed make it one mystical body , but it doth not conclude them to be one , visibly , outwardly , and externally : because some of these things wherein they are one , are invisible , others not on earth : as the faith , the hope , spirit , are invisible : god and christ are not on earth visibly ; and therefore the onenesse here mentioned , makes not one visible corporation on earth , and as one to be considered , and to act . vve willingly grant that this union mystical doth imply an union visible also , as much as may stand with the institution of christ , and the edification of the church : but neither christs institution , nor the edification of the church implies , but opposes such an vniversal , visible , vnited corporation , as we saw before . but of this more in our answer to his second argument . now to return . as we say of the body , and of baptisme , faith , hope , &c. so in the like sence we grant that the church is one , hath but one vvorship , and but one government , viz. for nature , and kinde in the substantialls of it , or that general platforme of it matth. . and what else is to be gathered from the precepts and practise of the apostles : but as the church is not one visible policie , or corporation in number , so neither in the outward government of it . for this as other accidents follows the nature of its subject . so then , when the apostle saith , god hath set in the church some apostles &c. the church must be taken for one ; not in regard of the outward or accidentall state of it , but indefinitely , and in regard of its inward nature and essence : that is , neither as visible , nor invisible ; nor as universal or particular : for all these are outward or accidental to the church . object . . but he mentioneth baptisme , various gifts , and members , divers ministries , as apostles , &c. all which are visible , therefore he meaneth the visible church . object . . and whereunto belong both jewes and gentiles , yea all that are baptised ; to which also the apostles , evangelists , and various gifts are given ; therefore it is the vniversall church . therefore i give a second answer , i grant that hee speakes of the church , whether visible or invisible , vniversal or particular , but not of it in these respects : but mystically , and totally , as comprehending those in heaven also ; and this sence i will stick unto . and it appears from the scope of the place , ( the * not attending whereof , hath occasioned ( saith bucer ) great calamities in all ages to the church , whilest men catch at words that make for their purpose , not weighing the drift of the author in such passages : ) the apostles intent there , is plainly this : viz. to perswade the corinthians to concord among themselves ( and with the beleeving jews , as seems to be implyed ▪ verse . and . ) and contentednesse in their gifts , and to the right use of them . now for the fastening of this , he laies for ground , that all christians , whether tryumphant or militant , are but one mystical body of christ , vers. . and then teaches them that gifts , they are all from one spirit for mutual edification , and for the distinguishing of the members of one and the same body , and that there might be no schisme or rent in the body about these gifts , which are bestowed for the better uniting of it : that all members cannot be in the same office , nor have the same gifts , but yet may be of the same body , whereof the church of corinth was a part . this is all the apostle aimes at here : and so also in that other parallel place , eph. . , , . &c. his scope is the same , to exhort to unity among themselves , and with the beleeving jews whom they stood at a distance from , as they from them ( as appears in peters withdrawing from the gentiles when the jews came , gal. . ) and this is implyed ephes. . . the gentiles fellow-heirs , and of the same body : and verse . he extends it to those in heaven also : the whole family in heaven and earth : and having named the church vers. . and verse . he saith in this church should be glory to god vvorld vvithout end : but then he must take the church for the whole mystical body in heaven and earth . and so when afterward chap. . he saith there is one body , , and he gave some apostles &c. for the perfecting of the body , he must mean the whole , and not that on earth onely : for the body of christ is not one part onely , but the whole , which must be perfected by union of jews and gentiles ; those on earth to be added to those in heaven . he takes the body entirely , not for the visible part onely . now in this body , or in this church as chap. . . or in this family in heaven and earth , as verse . he hath set some apostles , some pastors . though these have exercise of their functions onely , in that part which is one earth , and in that part of it on earth which is visible : yet they are placed in the whole . answ. . should i grant ( which i doe not ) that the apostle , is to be understood of the church on earth , yet hee speaks as well of a particular church , ( when he saith , god hath set some in the church , ) as of the generall . it s evident ; . if the word apostle , ( which alone grounds the objection ) be taken properly , in that he applies his speech particularly , though not exclusively , to the corinthians ; ye are the body of christ , ( to wit yee are a particular body ) and members in particular , and so chap. . . . all are yours , whether paul or apollos ( let apolonius note ) or paul , or cephas , or life , or death , all are yovrs ; and ye ( corinthians ) christs , &c. where all are the whole churches , and each churches in particular , as their occasions require ; each in their order ; some vniversal officers which shall have power in corinth , or any other church ; some particular to each church . so that the sence i● , he hath given or set in the church : i. e. in this church of corinth , and so in that of ephesus , &c. some apostles , &c. as their need shall require : yet not therefore making them one externall societie ( among themselves ) as some generall officers make not england and scotland one kingdome . . if we take the word apostle , as it is taken in some other places , * and so may be taken here , for such officers as were sent out with commission from any church upon speciall occasion , ( which is the literall signification of the word ) and is so taken cor. . . barnabas and the rest , are called the apostles of the churches : and phil. . . epaphroditus the apostle of the philippians : according to which ; the sence would bee ; god hath set some of corinth in the office of apostles , some prophets , as chap. . &c. and so the argument hence were voided . but . were it granted that the apostle in these places meanes by the church , the church visible catholicke : yet this opinion gaines nothing thereby ; for it doth not follow that because it was so then , and in respect of the apostles , that therefore it was to be so to the end of the world , and in it selfe . christ who is the king of his church hath the same liberty in his kingdome speciall ; that god hath over the world , which is his kingdome general : now at one time the lord would have the whole world almost , one kingdome or monarchy under nebuchadnezar , jer. . . and threatneth with heavy plagues that nation that should refuse to serve him ; giving this reason , that himselfe is king of all nations , vers. . which is also repeated again , dan. . . so that the whole world was one kingdome upon the matter ; yet it was not the will of god it should alwaies bee so . in the like manner in moses , the church and common wealth affaires were chiefly under the magistrate ; but afterward they were distinct , unlesse under those kings that were prophets also . so the twelve tribes were under saul , david and salomon , one kingdome : yet it was of the lord , that afterwards they were two : and afterward one againe , after the captivity . so likewise christ taketh the same power over his church , when hee saw it , for the advantage of it ; hee set over it one company of officers , who ruled it in common , viz. the apostles , in relation to whom , the churches were one , though not in themselves ; but that doth not argue that hee meant it should alwaies so continue after their decease . it is a generall rule in all proceedings , that things at their first plantation and beginning need some things that afterward would be inconvenient , as a stick by a twigge , a bladder to him that swimmeth , a standing-stole to a childe . so at the first constitution of the jewish church , god made moses an extraordinary officer , so that hee had no successor so absolute till christs time . so at the first erection of the christian church , apostles and evangelists , which now are generally apprehended to be ceased . yea also in scotland , ( as we heard above ) at the beginning of their reformation , they had certaine officers in the nature of bishops , whom they called visitors , which the authour informes us were then necessary ; but the church being setled , not now any longer needfull . . nor were the churches one in themselves , ( as we said before ) but one in the apostles , and that by accident also ) as england and scotland are one in the king , because he governs both ; but they are not therefore one kingdome in themselves considered . but . though wee grant this , that whiles the apostles were living , there was one body of officers over the whole church , and so in respect of them the church might bee said to bee one governed body , yet i say , it was never one governing body ; for whiles the apostles lived , the vniversall governing power was committed to the apostles onely , and not with them to any other officers , or churches ; no and not to all the churches together , but they with their officers were all in subjection to them : and when the apostles deceased , the scripture speaks nothing of instating any other collected and vnited body to succeed them in that vniversall government ; no nor can it be gathered by consequence : but the contrary , namely ; that because the use of that vniversall power ceased , therefore the office , officers and subject of it . object . but church government did not cease . answ. that kinde or way , of church government did , that is an vniversall one ; but there continued the government still , though administered in another way , viz. by way of distribution , each church as a church , ( i. e. as having the essentiall notes of a church in it , viz. the true doctrine , or faith of christ ) received that power for it self , though not in so eminent a degree , yet as immediately from christ , that all the apostles had for all churches . . but i may deny the former supposition , and rightly affirme that the apostles were not one joynt ministery : for besides , that each had entire power ; some had one part committed to them , and some another , as paul expressly affirmeth , gal. . . the uncircumcision was committed to me , the circumcision to peter . hence chap. . he saith , he went not up to hierusalem , to those that were apostles before him ; which he ought to have done , if the government had beene committed to the apostles joyntly , and not severally ; whence also his going up thither , act. . about the question of circumcision , was not on this ground ; but to satisfie the christians of antioch , about his doctrine , as consonant to that of the other apostles . on the former principle , he professeth ( cor. . . &c. ) he had not intruded into another mans line ; alluding , as it seems to the shareing out of inheritances by line , ( as psal. . . ) for this reason , the epistles of peter , iames and iohn are called catholicke , because written to the dispersed iewes throughout the severall nations , as is the expression in the entrance of those epistles . hence also paul is sent from ierusalem as not his place , act. . . and though sometimes he disputed with the jews , yet it was but as making way to the gentiles , neither did hee greatly prevaile with them , as appears , act. . . . chap. . . . to conclude therefore , our reply to this argument , if it follow not , when we say , god hath set in the world some emperours , some kings , some princes , some inferiour officers and magistrates : therefore the whole world is but one governing kingdome , and all particular kingdomes do but governe in the right of the kingdome of the world , in common ; the officers whereof are the kings of the severall kingdomes , who being gathered together , or a part of them , have the povver of giving lavves to other kingdomes , according to the lavv of god and nature , ( which are the rules of all just government ) and this also to bee done by the kings and princes themselves , vvithout any authority from , or any dependency on the people , ( unlesse for quietnes sake , and as far as they see cause : ) if ( as was said ) this follow not : neither doth it follow , that because the scripture saith , god hath set some in the church apostles , &c. therefore the church throughout the world is but one congregation , to whose officers first , as the generall officers of the whole church , not by way of distribution , but as a notionally ( at least ) collected body of officers : the power of government is committed : by authoritie whereof , and dependence upon which common officers and body , the officers of every particular church do act : and those without any dependency upon the concurrence of the people , as co-operating and acting with them , unlesse for peace sake . by which means ( let it be observed by all sorts , the power being given , not to any one church , but to the whole church , as one body ; and not to the members with the officers , but to the officers onely ) there is derived a very transcendent power and authoritie upon every particular minister ; more then any parliament-man hath , yea more then a king , ( who is limited to his dominion ) it makes every minister one of the standing officers of the christian world , to whom with his collegues ( not severally and by distribution , but joyntly , and as one body ) is committed the government of the whole christian world , and managing of the affaires of the son of god throughout the face of the earth . and so hee is one of christs vicars generall , ( and not particular onely , which i acknowledge every minister to be in his place ) magnum surely , et memorabile nomen . but if this bee so , great reason is it that the church of the whole world should choose these vniversall officers , and so the church of a nation the nationall officers , &c. by whom they are to be governed in that which is of dearest and highest moment , viz. the precious soule : or else their condition is most sad . if every one that can get a little learning and desires to live upon the sweat and cost of others ; and to become a minister ( though i professe that calling to be most difficult on earth ; and also , that the lord hath appointed that those that preach the gospel should live of the gospel ) and so being willing to submit to such conditions as is required , shall have a friend , patron , or a purse to make one ; and come into the ministery and a living ( which is the kings road , in some churches , and is the way whereby many of those who now are to be presbyters came in ) he shall become a parliament man , and joynt governour of the whole church on earth ; by whose one vote , all the liberties and truth of religion in them may be destroyed : a glympe whereof we have seen in the convocations or synods in our owne nation . this i say is sad ; yea more sad then the condition of men in their civil liberties in our owne kingdom : where none attains the honour of being an universal officer , a parliament man , but by the consent ( formal or virtual ) of all , or the major part of them : there having been a precedent act by joynt consent of the whole nation , that persons chosen by the free vote of the major part of corporations &c. should ( if loyal ) be officers pro tempore , to their owne corporations , and to the whole . but such agreement hath not been made , ( no not tacitely ) by the catholick church ; nor no such institution of christ hath appeared yet . and these answers also are applyable to what the same author hath else where from the word chvrch , as when he denieth a particular church to be the proper subject of the covenant of grace , and priviledges of it ; because saith he , the chvrch to which these promises are made , is perpetual . jer. . . the strength of which reasoning lies on this , that the word church , and not churches , is used in these places ; and so it is represented as one . answ. as if it were not common to call that perpetual which is so by succession of those of the like nature and kinde ; because the lord saith day and night shall not cease to the worlds end ; doth it therefore follow that all the essential properties of day or night do not agree to this or that particular day ? is it not a rule in nature and reason , that all the essential properties of general and common beings , are really existent in the individual and partilars . man is to continue on earth to the end of the world , does not therefore the essential properties of man agree to peter or paul , because they were not to continue . his second and third argument there , is ; that a particular church cannot be the subject of the covenant of grace : and consequently of church power ( for the reason is the same ) because the church which hath these is sanctified , is the spouse of christ , hath the law written in the heart of it : &c. but a particular church [ as it is particular ] cannot be said to be such . answ. but . it was never said that one particular church is so the subject of these , as that another is not . secondly , to speak properly , the church not as visible , nor as particular , nor as invisible , nor as universal , is the subject of these things , but as a church ; i. e. a society of beleevers : and under that nation , a particular church considered as a church , hath right to all , and is the subject of all these . all are yours , saith the apostle to the corinthians , whether paul or christ . &c. so that this author by adding this clause [ as particular ] hath praevaricated and altered the state of the question . his last argument in that place , is from the testimony of the professors of leyden , and amesius . to which i answer , that the former say nothing ; but , that the covenant , and promises , and priviledges , belong to true beleevers , and the invisible church , whether in a [ particular church ] or dispersed through the world . so that this testimony seems rather to make against him . the other is expresly against him , and speaks our very sense , yea and terms almost insomuch that i wonder this author is brought in as a witnesse : his words are , even as they are cited by apollonius himself : these things agree not to the whole multitude that professe christ , but onely to those that are truly faithful : or they agree to the church militant , in respect of its essential nature , which is proper to the truly faithful . so then , not to a church as vniversal or particular , as visible or invisible , but as essentially a church , which a particular church may be . and the former replies also will serve unto what the other authors urge from such like scriptures and places : as . m. hudson from act. . . saul made havock of the church , gal. . . i persecuted the church , cor. . . give none offence to the church of god . cor. . . god hath set some in the church . tim. . . that thou mayest know how to behave thy self in the church of god . also when it is called the kingdom of god , a barne , a draw-net , a marriage : and because . cor. . the church is said to be one body , and one woman , apoc. . one sheepfold , john . one dove , cant. . . all which ▪ and other places wherein the word church is used , are to be understood , as hath been evidenced , either of the church in respect of the nature and essence of it : as all beleevers and churches have the same kind of faith , doctrine , &c. or else as one mystical and invisible body of christ : but doth not at all insinuate , much lesse prove : that they are all one external and visible corporation . . m. noyes who useth the same places of scripture as the other ; as also apoc. . , , . the church is described as one city , one new jerusalem &c. answ. that place is taken by great expositors , to signifie such a state as is not yet in being ; what it will be when that shall exist , is uncertain . secondly , we grant it to be one city and kingdome as a mysticall body : . in respect of christ the head . . in regard that all churches in their severall places , walke by the same laws &c. i. e. as essentially agreeing together , but not visibly governing as one body . . the london ministers part . pag. . who urge the forenamed place cor. . and that the apostle maketh the whole church but one organical body ( a contradiction to their assertion praefat. p. . that the church is a similar body ( which overthrows their present tenent ; for in a similar body all the parts together have no more internal power then single ; as in drops of water , single corporations , as single , though united in place . ) so part . p. . where also they say that eph. . . christ is considered mystically , not personally ; and if mystically , not visibly . ) answ. first the apostles scope , and then the supposition he goes on , are to be eyed . the scope is to exhort to humility in great gifts , to contentednesse in mean gifts , and to love and edification by all gifts . the supposition he grounds his argument on , is the relation wherein believers stand , viz. of members of one and the same body , s●il . of christ mystically considered ( as the ministers speak ) but he neither expresseth nor implyeth the visibility of this body , or the outward onenesse of it : if he mean the catholick , and not the particular church of corinth . . lastly , the reverend assembly ; who in the places above mentioned , quote eph. . . &c. to which answer hath been given above ; and may again when we come particulary to reply unto them . and thus much in answer to the first argument of apollonius and others drawn from expressions that speake of the church as one : one body , house , kingdome , family , sheepfold , which is indeed the achileum , or fort royall in this garison ; and which , if i be not greatly overseene , hath been , by the former weapons out of christs armory absolutely taken and demolished . the second argument followes which is : there is certaine societie and ecclesiasticall communion by divine institution , and therefore a certain universall body : for there is a certain internall fellowship and obligation to mutuall offices , eph. . , , , . which doth require an externall and outward society , and commuion ecclesiasticall , in exhorting , reproving , comforting , edifying one another — and that fellowship which the members of a particular church retain among themselves , in a due proportion churches provinciall and nationall ought to keep — by which communion ecclesiasticall , all nationall churches do grow up to one vniversall ecclesiasticall body . ans. this reason no way concludes the intended proposition : i willingly grant there is a mutuall fellowship , and spirituall communion ; which also requires an outward communion in many respects , and particularly , in those named by this author , viz. exhortation , reproof , &c. and indeed , this was all the combination that was in the most primitive churches : and such inward and outward communion there is to bee betwixt all good men , friends , brethren , nations , &c. but this argues not that therefore they must be one body in point of government . neighbour nations are to retain this inward communion , and outward , so farre as may make for mutuall good , and there may bee a society or league betwixt them , as betwixt solomon and the king of aegypt , betwixt solomon and hiram , king of tyre . so men of the same trade and profession in regard of the same art , have an internall communion together , and this requires some outward communion also , as occasion serves ; but it no way concludes , that therefore they must needs be one body or corporation ; suppose some dwell at london , some at yorke , some in england , and some in france . . it is also granted , that the same vnion that the members of a church have one with another , the same have the severall churches among themselves , in a dve proportion , which are the words of the author ; but this proportion is not identitie , or samenesse of relation ; that is , it is not so neer a relation , nor gives that power that the former relation doth . as the same relation that the members of a family have one unto another ; the same in a due proportion have particular families one to another ; but no man will say that what the members of a family , especially some of them , may doe one to another ; the same may a corpoporation of families do among themselves , there is some neernesse , but not altogether the same . and this also is sufficient for the second argument . i shall meet with it again anon in the first argument of the reverend assembly . the third . there were certaine meetings in the new testament which did represent the whole church , and wherein the businesse of the whole church was transacted , to wit , the calling of an apostle ; which was a part of ecclesiasticall discipline : and there were the pastors of the universal church , for they were sent unto all the world , matth. . . and therewere the brethren out of galilee and jerusalem . answ. . i deny ( with the protestant divines against the papists ) that there is any representative church properly so called , or that this was one ; it was onely at present a particular congregation whereof the apostles were members , though principall ones , but not yet actually instituted officers , neither of this , or the whole church , which appears vers . . tarry ye ( saith he ) in jerusalem till you have received power from on high . but it was indeed that first church from whence all churches were to be produced , and the apostles ( especially ) and the rest of these members were those , who were severally or joyntly to plant those churches ( for some members of this church did plant other churches , and not the apostles onely , as is expressed chap . ) as one man that is father by generation of many families ; neither is an universal man , nor doth ever represent them ; neither is he the governour alwaies of them , but for a certain time onely . . if it were the representative of the universal church , because the apostles , the universal officers were there ; yet it was their priviledge , as was shewed above , to be the universal officers , and that severally ; so that though the churches were one body under one number of officers then ; yet they having no successors in the latitude of their power , the church now becomes many : else you may as well conclude , that all the world must still be one under one sort of governours , because it was so in the time of adam and noah . . this act declares very small power in the apostles or universal church ; for they could not make an universal officer ; whereas every particular church can make its particular officers : and this shews there was then no catholick government , properly such , but that was reserved to christ alone . . if it conclude ; it argues , that the catholick church is formally to chuse its catholick officers ( for so they did ) and to come together for that purpose . . it puts the brethren into great liberty and priviledge , for they choose , and the apostles onely put them upon the work , and prayed over it . but to avoid this , else-where labour is used to prove that here were onely the apostles or elders in this election : quid non mortalia pectora cogis ( regni ) sacra fames . the second argument there , is , that the businesse of the universal church was transacted , scil. the election of an apostle . answ. adam did represent all mankinde , and transacted the affairs and businesse of the universal catholick world , both before and after his fall : so likewise noah and his family after the flood , gen. . doth it therefore follow that the whole world should be but one kingdom or corporation . it is usual for kingdoms to send out colonies into forraigne parts , and to give them power to become common-wealths of themselves , without dependence , unlesse voluntary , upon that kingdom from whence they had their original , as new-england . so fathers of families yeild their sons an entire governement in their owne families , without necessarily engageing them to the families of their brethren , further then mutuall love and relations shall require . but before the colonies be sent out , the nation from whence they arise , doth represent and transact the businesse both of themselves , and of all those colonies : and the father of the families both represents and transacts the businesse of the families that spring from him : yet are both the one and other afterward , without any absolute and necessary dependence either upon the one or other . so in the matter of christs church . the church of jerusalem was as it were the mother to the rest ; the apostles &c. spiritual fathers , who represented and transacted the affairs of all churches that should flow from that ; but so , that when such churches came to be planted , they shewed by their practise that the apostles had instated them in entyre power , without any necessary dependence on other churches , whether single or combined , as is evident out of the first and second chapters of the revelation , noted before , and other places . . the third particular is of little moment : for the brethren that are called galileans , vers. . were so by countrey ; but now were by habitation and dwelling , in all probability of hierusalem . and howsoever , the thing is not much material , seeing there was then no other church or societie of christians visible , but that at hierusalem . besides , the former answers take off this also . and thus the first scripture , viz. from act. . is answered . the second followes out of act. . . where that assembly of apostles , elders and brethren , which by ordinary power prescribed , ecclesiasticall cannons and decrees to all the churches of the gentiles , and by authority imposed them on them ▪ this assembly is called the church ; but to doe so could not bee in the power of any provinciall or nationall assembly ▪ much lesse of a congregationall , but it is the act of the catholique church , which therefore this assembly represented . answ . . the former answers touching the prerogative of the apostles , and of the mother church , are equally applyable to this also . . it is not called the church indefinitely , but with reference to that place scil. of hierusalem , as by the context appeares , for vers. . 't is said , it seems good to the church to send chosen men of their own company ; but the whole assembly as constituted of the church of hierusalem , and the messengers of antioch , &c. is not called the church . . it was not then the representative of the catholick church , as it was in the first chapter ; there beeing now other churches planted , which were not there by their messengers . neither was the colledge of the apostles there , the standing and supreme court of the catholick church , to which all churches were to appeale , and to whose judgement they were to stand ; but every one of the apostles in the churches they planted . for paul as he went not up to hierusalem himselfe at first ( as was noted above and therefore could not teach the churches any such duty of necessity binding them ) so neither did he now either himselfe or others therefore go up from antioch to hierusalem , as if he had not plenary and full power to have determined the controversie ; but for satisfaction of the brethren ; who either were told by those that came from hierusalem , ( as it seems by what the apostles wrote in their letter , vers. . to whom we gave no such commandement : implying that those persons had given out that they had such command from the apostles ) or else they desired the mind of the other ▪ apostles also for further confirmation ; therefore doth paul goe up . also in divers of his epistles , hee joynes timothy , sylvanus and sosthenes , &c. with himself ; yea , and all the brethren , gal. . . as here the apostles joyned the elders and brethren ; yet these examples doe not argue that the apostle , or the apostles had not absolute power of themselves to have determined the controversie . . it is denyed that this assembly did act by an ordinary power ; for if the apostles presence made not the assembly extraordinary : then was it but an ordinary and particular church , or two , or three partcular churches at the most ; ( there being many other churches then planted , who had no elders there , nor were sent to , so farre as is related , ) and then it will fall out , either that they did conclude and injoyne onely doctrinally , ( though with authority ) or else that a particular and ordinary church , or two or three churches by ordinary power may prescribe , and by authoritie injoyne lawes to all churches in the world , by way of jurisdiction . it will not be easie to get safe from betwixt the hornes of this argument . . but it will not prejudice me to yeeld it an ordinary assembly , for it is granted to any assembly of one church or more , to do as much as is here expressed this councell to have done , viz. . to meet for the discussion of any doctrine that afflicts the churches , especially if they bee sent unto as these were . . to conferre scriptures together which concerns those points . . light appearing by the spirit of god and scripture , they may represent their results , as the will of god , and minde of the holy ghost , and so may . ministerially impose and enjoyn to all other churches what appears to be the clear mind of christ , as paul did , cor. . having no expresse command : and as any of our brethren do when they preach the word : do they not injoyne obedience in the name of christ ? but withall they disclaim having sole jurisdiction , so as to excommunicate any alone by themselves , if they obey not : and yet they do the former by authority , because the ministery of the word is an ordinance of god . object . but it was an assembly representing the catholick church because of the apostles , who were the catholick officers , and the whole acted by the ordinary power of the catholick church . answ. . the reason overthrowes the argument : for if it was therefore an assembly of the catholick church , because of the presence of the apostles . then if the apostles had been absent , it had been but the assembly of a particular church . and the apostles when assembled alone , had made an assembly of the catholick church . so the universality or catholicisme of the assembly , depended wholely and solely on the apostles . or else secondly , the apostles if alone out of this assembly , neither severally nor joyntly , should have been able to determine and do what was here done . or else thirdly , the apostles in this assembly did denude and strip themselves of their apostolical power ( or at least suspend it it for that time ) and acted onely as ordinary elders of the catholick church : but then it would follow , either , that that particular church of jerusalem was the catholick church ( as rome is said to be ) for there were messengers from few ( if from more then one ) other churches : or that the apostles though laying aside their being elders of the universal church , ( for that was their apostleship ) did yet act as elders of the universal church : all which are ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ) crasse interferings . i thinke this church acted . as the mother church . . as having an accesse of authority by the presence of the apostles . . as being the church from which the scandal enquired about , was conceived to arise . neither doth the joyning of the elders and brethren wholy take off the eminency and authority of the apostles above the rest ( for their speeches onely are recorded ) no more then paul's joyning others with him in his epistles : though it do argue , that the church of antioch had not that esteem of them as infallible alone . and thus much also for that other place brought for confirmation of the third argument , [ a representative catholick church in scripture . ] the fourth and last argument is from the testimony of some reformed divines ; viz. walaeus , and the professors of leydon . but the first speaks nothing for him but what all acknowledge , and was granted above . scil. the church saith he , may be considered two waies . . vniversally , for the church which by the preaching of the gospel is called out of the world , throughout the world , which in a certain sense , or in some respect , may even be called catholick : or for a particular flock , tyed unto one place . in which sense i know none denie a catholick church ; it being one of the articles of the ordinary creed , that there is a catholick church , that is ; that the church is now no longer bound to any one place , as under the jewish government . but that the church in respect of the several members and societies of it , is dispersed over the face of the earth . but this doth no more conclude that therefore they are one visible corporation , then when we say ; mankinde is spread over all the world , that therefore all men are one company or body politick . . the professors of leyden are against him ; for they distinguish betweene a visible and particular church , and betweene the invisible and universal : and say , that a visible church is considered two waies , . as a company or society of one towne , city , or province , which are united not onely in the unity of faith and sacraments , but also in the [ forme of outward government ] or else it is considered as a certain oecumenical and vniversal body , dispersed in several places throughout the whole world ; although they differ in the externall forme it selfe of chvrch-governement and circumstantial rites very much : yet agreeing in the essential vnity of faith , and of the sacraments . whence that is common in cyprian : episcopatus unus est , cujus à singulis in solidum pars tenetur . w●ich words evidently destroy this opinion . for first they make the essentialunion or forme of the society and onenesse of the church , to consist in the onenesse of faith and sacraments . secondly , they imply , that government is one as it is in christ , but divers as it is in severall churches , and in the hands of severall officers ; for so calvine ( in ephes. . . ) expounds that of cyprian : the episcopacie he gives to christ alone , in the administring whereof , every one hath his part . thirdly , and ( which chiefly assaulteth the heart of the cause for which it is brought by this author ) they make the very difference betwixt the universal church and a particular church to be this , that they disagree in the outward or visible forme of church-government ; therefore in the sense of the professors of leyden , the vniversal church is not one governing body , for then the government must be one , not only in essence , nature , and kinde , but one in number , existence , single and indivual being . and thus much for answer in particular to apollonius , who indeed hath the substance of what hath been said for this opinion : others that follow , having taken his grounds , and dilated them a little but not much strengthened them thereby , as will appear in the sequele . . the next defendant of this opinion is m. hudson , cited in the first chapter : his sense is the same , his words and expressions not so distinct as the former . before i come to his arguments ( such as seem to differ from those before ) . note that the scripture he brings to signifie the whole company of the * elect , are the same in sense with those which he brings to signifie one * visible vniversal body : and so are they expounded ( as i have done ) by the best interpreters , even those he makes use of . his first place is eph. . . christ loved the church , and gave himself for it , &c. this ( saith he ) is to be understood of the elect. so also saith beza , but beza parallels and make the same in sense with it cor. . . . eph. . . and eph. . . . as is to be seen in his larger notes on m. hudsons second place cited for this church of the elect , viz. coloss. . . which place * calvin understands of the church as it is governed by christ : so that these places , if they be to be understood of the mystical body of christ , and not of a visible vniversal body , then so are the other in the judgement of those interpreters . besides * calvin on that place whereon m. hudson and the rest build their greatest strength , cor. . . . doth evidently make the body and corporation , whereof beleevers are members , to be a spiritual and mystical one , and doth so distinguish it from the society and corporation they have as a politick or a civil body of a towne or city . . this authors definition doth not reach the subject of his question , but contains what is of all hands confessed , it is this . the vniversal visible church is the whole company of visible beleevers throughout the world . thirdly , he brings the description of the church visible out of several authors ; none of which ( not austins , nor calvins , nor bullingers , nor kekermans , nor zuinglius his , nor gerards , nor byfields , who all take vniversal in the sense now described , and not as m. hudson . ) but one or two speak to the question : viz. apollonius , and perhaps p. ramus : the former of which was pre-ingaged ; and touching the latter , i referre the reader to m. beza's judgement of him , and that ( as it seems ) with reference to this opinion . — predixi , quod in caeteris disciplinis-ausus esset , mox etiam in theologia tentaturum — quid non ille ante mortem molitus est , ut & in dogmatibus quibusdam , & in tota ecclesiastica disciplinâ gallicas ecclesias inter se committeret — vtinam ipsius scripta periissent , quandoquidem haec est mundi insania . bezae epist. ad vrsinum in organ . aristot . . he acknowledges among other authors * ames to be against him , and yet in the very * next page , cites him as for him . . yet those words of this author which he cites , speak nothing for him , if compared with the authors meaning : they are : we acknowledge a catholick visible church in respect of its external and accidental forme , in its parts ( or members ) both severally and joyntly . which is no more but this ; that christians as they are single men , and as they are combined into particular churches , are visible . but m. hudson might have known or remembred , that m. ames doth expresly , and in terminis , reject an universal visible church in m. hudsons sense : his words elsewhere are : the church since christs coming is not one catholiqve , so as that all the faithfull dispersed throughout the whole world should be united in one and the same bond for outward relation ) and depend upon one and the same visible pastor , or assembly of pastors ( or presbyterie , marke it : ) but there are so many churches as there are particular congregations . for although the church mystical , as it is in its members is distinguished into its subject and adjuncts , as the english church , the french , the belgick : as we use to call the sea by the name of the coast it beats upon , as the brittish , the belgick , the baltick sea , although it be one and the same sea : yet notwithstanding instituted churches are several distinct species , or kindes , or single bodies partaking of the same common nature , as severall springs , several schools , several families ; although perhaps many of them , or all , may be called one church in respect of some affection which they all have in commune . like as many families of one and the same noble and eminent family , are called by one name , as the house of nassau , or the house of austria , which comprehends the emperour and king of spain , who yet have no dependence in point of government one on another . now wee know who taxes some-body for this fault , of citeing authors for them , who are known to be in the main , against them . . his explication of his question both confutes his opinion , and also contradicteth plainly what he speaks of it . for he saith , that the church catholicke visible is one whole body , all whose parts or particular churches are alike , and of the same nature : and avouches for this purpose the authority of ames ▪ who indeed saith so . now in a body all whose parts are of like nature and quality , as so many drops of water , or stones in a heap : each part hath the same vertue and power that the whole , and all the parts together , ( the whole sea , or whole heape of stones ) have no other kinde of vertue or power then one drop , or one stone . or to make it cleer by another similitude , severall kingdomes in the world , and severall corporations in a kingdom , and severall families in corporation , if they bee all but members alike of the same kingdome , and not of a higher body , whereof when they are met , they may be members , ( as kingdomes of an empire , corporations of a parliament , families of a corporation , ) they should have no more nor greater power when met , then when assunder ? as a multitude of single men , that are not of a corporation , though they bee met ; yet have they not the more power then each one simply , for their meeting ; their meeting addes no power , unlesse they meet as members of a body superiour to them , when severall . . this explication contradicteth expresly what he adds in the same place , ( pag. . ) and which is his opinion , that hee would establish , viz. that the church , ( visible catholique ) is an organicall , ministeriall governing body ; that is ; not such a body as is the element of water or ayre , every part whereof is of the same nature , vertue and power in it selfe considered ; but such a body as a man hath , which is distinguished by severall members , some principall , some lesse principall , some governing , as head eyes ; some acting , as hands fee● ; some governed , as the body by the head eyes , &c. and such a body as all corporations are . now this contradicts plainly the former , both opinion and expression ; for if the church be a similar body , and all congregations alike ; and the whole nothing differing in nature or constitution , or power from the parts ; then the catholick vniversall visible church , is no more the governing church , then a particular . as the whole sea is no more water then one drop , nor all men , if they be taken as single men , have no more or higher authority then one man : nor all families then one family : nor all corporations then one corporation . wee see that 't is not one sort of men onely that are obnoxious to contradictions , both verball and reall . besides , the author he seem● to follo● , ( viz. apollonius ) enterprets that place , eph. . . the whole body fitly joyned together , to be meant of an organicall ministeriall body differing in members ; which mr hudson expounds to be meant of a similar and body whose parts are all alike . wee see here also , that even persons of this opinion cannot agree among themselves , shall wee therefore say they know not what they would have , seeing one would have one thing , another another ? we must then reach out the same ingenuity unto others , differing in like manner , that we stand in need of our selves . about his answers to the objections he brings against his opinion , we may note severall things , as first , in his answer to the . objection , he saith , that the dwelling in one towne where there is a church , and being member of another church , is a kinde of dis-churching that church which is in the tovvne where he dwells . but the answer is ready according to his opinion ; for they remaine still of the same integrall body , if the whole church bee but one visible congregation : and so we see what way by this opinion is made to the scattering of particular churches , seeing men may remove , though not in dwelling , yet in relation at pleasure , without danger of schisme ; for they remaine still of the same single ( though larger ) bodie , as a man may dwell in one corporation , and be a member of another , yet he still abides a member of one and the same single kingdome . his d . objection is , that if all particular churches bee all one church , they must all meet some times . his answer is , . no , it is sufficient that it have the same king , lavves , spirit , &c. but was there ever in the world such a kingdome or corporation , that the members of it do not meet sometimes , if it be not a meere visible monarchy , as under popery . if it have any liberty left to the subjects ▪ they must meet sometimes , at least by their deputies , as the kingdome of england in parliament , the empire of germanie in the states of the empire , &c. his d . answer is , that the church catholicke visible , hath met in generall councells , as a ministeriall church ( and mark , it is now ministeriall and heterogeneall , which was before similar and homogeneall ) but this is replyed to above , where was shewed , . that the most primitive churches did not so act . . that the whole church did not meet in them . . that they either acted as a similar body acts in the name of those , and within the churches that sent them each for their owne , and all for all those , whose deputies they were for ought we have learnt yet : or else that they acted much by regall power , as by constantines , in the councell of nice , and others by other emperours : and they acted also in late councels by episcopall , archiepiscopall and patriarchal power , and not as a similar body . . if those were the catholick church visible representative : how dare any particular churches at most but ( if ) national , abrogate and sweare against , the ordinances and government established by the catholicke church . let him minde this . againe he saith , the power of a general councel , or of the catholick visible church , is but extensive , and the power of particular churches intensive : but . this overthrowes his tenet ; for then the catholicke church hath no more power in it selfe , and properly , but meerely by accident , then a particular church . and . this plucks up his second tenet , viz. that this catholick church is the first church , to whom power is given : for if its power be extensive onely , and not inward , it cannot be the first subject of power . the d. object . hee moves against himselfe is : a visible catholicke church must have a visible ( catholicke ) head . his . answer is , that it is sufficient that christ is the head , though in heaven . but this is altogether an unsufficient answer . for christ is the head invisible , and thence our divines affirme his body the church to be mysticall also and invisible , taken properly . . he saith that the church ; in regard of the head , the government of it is absolutely monarchicall , but in regard of the officers it is aristocraticall . but this answers not the objection : for be it monarchicall or aristocraticall ; yet if the body bee one visible corporation , then must the governours of it bee one visible , either person or company of men usually , or at sometimes ordinarily meeting together , or at least to be considered as one body or colledge of men , by whom this body is joyntly and together , ( and not asunder ) to be governed . and this is the force of calvins reason ( on eph. . . ) though applyed to the papacy . for if wee must bee one visible corporation , there must bee one visible governour , either person or society : which the apostle omitting , in that place where it was necessary to have been mentioned it , if it had beene an ordinance , cannot , saith he , be excused . his th . objection is : that if the catholicke church bee one visible body , it must have a visible existence and being , as it is universall and catholicke ; but universalls have no beeing of their owne , but they exist and have their being onely in particular ; as mankinde in generall hath no being a part by it selfe from single men , but hath its being in them onely . his answer is : that all gathered aggregated , or collected bodies do exist and have their beings so . as a heape of stones hath its being only in the particular stones : the water in particular drops : particular churches consist of particular families : and families of particular persons : and an army in the severall brigades , which yet are one , though they should never meet . but this reply amounts not to an answer . for no collected body that is made up of severall things , hath its being in these things severally considered and apart , but as united altogether ; it is not a heape of stones if one lye at yorke , some at london , others in france , spaine &c. so a church is not a church , or one companie as the families are severall but as met together in one assembly ; and so an army ; brigades may be sent out of it , but if that part were never united to the army by . miles , nor intended to be , and if they be not governed either by one visible head , or by one visible councell of warre , no man will say they are one army : especially if one be in england and the other in america . do wee not say , the parliament hath had severall armies under severall distinct commanders in cheife , who had no dependence one on another ( as it was a good while after the earle of essex had his comission ) and yet under the command of the parliament , and lawes martiall published by them . so christ from the father by the spirit is the governour of all churches , which churches have no necessary dependence , further then that of mutuall love spirit and law , one on another . his th . and last objection is : the catholicke church may bee by persecutions , &c. reduced to one congregation . his answer is : it may be so ; but that in that one congregation there remaines all the essence and priviledges of the catholicke church visible , though it be but one single congregation at present , yea , that it hath then more properly the notion of the catholicke church , then of a particular one , yea , though but of one family , as it was in noah's family in the arke . but we see what straights this large conceipt of the universall visible church doth drive into ; for this implyes what was denyed before , namely , that the church catholick is a species , or lower kinde , and the particular churches the severalls of it : for else confounds vniversall and particular together : making an universall thing reducible to a particular , and this extendible to an universal . . how could it bee vniversall , but as containing the essence ; seeing in respect of its visible and present being it is particular . in which sence , every single man is a catholique and vniversal creature , because he containes in him the same essence and nature that is in all men ; and adam should have been so in a special manner , as being the first . . a particular thing doth not therefore become an vniversall one because it is first in its kinde and others that are produced from it , particulars . vniversalitie is a notion ( though founded in nature ) not an existing thing , to which any order of actual being can be attributed . . if the first in each kinde have all the priviledges of that kind whilest it remaines alone , it shall bee a looser when it hath company , if it then part with them ; unlesse it hath somewhat as good in lieu , which here appears not ; but the contrary . . it no way followes that because from one , many of the same kinde may spring , that therefore either this first ( suppose a family ) must have government over them all , or they over it , or over one another , whether joyntly or severally , unlesse they so agree , or there be an institution of one superiour to them all . now how should it appeare there hath been , or ought to bee any such grant here ; seeing there is no such record in scripture ; and besides hath beene the occasion of the rise of papacy , as mr noyes acknowledges . and thus much of the things to bee noted before his arguments . . now the arguments themselves follow to bee answered : they are of two sorts , . certain places of scripture . . one argument from reason . but seeing the former , almost all ; runne upon the word chvrch , set downe indefinitely , they have been replyed to before . his argument is ; if particular churches be visible , then there is an universall visible church , for every particular or part , belongs to some generall and whole ; and such as the particulars are , such the generall : if those be visible , then this also . answ. more ●are should have beene taken , then to use so lax à medium in so weighty an argument , as mr. ● . in the licence , acknowledgeth this to be . but to the matter . there is great difference betweene natural ; and betweene metaphysicall , and ●ivill or politicke bodies . for in a naturall body , all whose parts and members are actually and naturally joyned and united together : the whole is visible because the parts are visible● but in a metaphysicall body , or totum , or whole : that is , in generalls that are , by the reason of man drawne from particulars , the case is farre otherwise , the particulars are visible , the generall or universall invisible : peter , iames and iohn , are visible , but manhood or mans nature ( animal rationale ) which is the vniversall agreeing to them all , is not visible : it is not to bee seene with the eye . so also in civil bodies or corporations , though the severall men may be seene , yet the corporation if great , ( an empire , kingdome , and large cittie ) cannot be seene , in it selfe : but in the parts , unlesse by way of representation , as in parliament , common-councell , &c. but ▪ the whole is visible because the parts are so ; it is untrue , even in the smallest bodies , but where the parts are actually united and joyned together ; not where they are thousands of miles asunder : such a body ( as a body ) cannot bee seene with the eye , but it may be conceived , to be one in the minde , by vertue of some agreement or other betwixt the members of it , or of its union in some visible head ; but it is visible onely in respect of the severall parts of it . now in this sence , none denies the universall church to be visible : that is , that all christians , who are one in respect of their religion they professe , are visible in the severall places where they dwell . but this is to prevaricate , and to prove that which is not in question . so that this reason is not so much as probable ▪ if it bee taken in the former sence ; much lesse any necessary concluding argument , and least of all a demonstration ( which was promised by the authour . ) and in the other sence ▪ it is besides the questio● . and thus much for mr hu●son's first question , viz. ●ha● there is a catholique visible church . his d . is : that this church is the first subject of ecclesiastique power ▪ but because the proofs are much from the same places of scripture which are answered above , and the reasoning wholly on the same foundation : viz. that ●ivers things are spoken of the church which cannot agree to a particular church as particular , which also was replyed to before ; i shall not after too large a discourse already , adde any more here , nor shall i need : for if i have acquitted my selfe in the former discourse , in opposition to the notion of one universall visible church or corporation ; i neede not contend whether it be the first subject of church power ; for it having no actuall being and existence at all , it cannot be the subject of any power or act , ( as non entis nulla sunt attributa ; so , non existentis nullae sunt operationes ) onely the reader may observe , that the root of all the mistake in the former , this authour and the rest , about these questions is : ●ither the not distinguishing the nature and essence of the church ( in which respect it hath the names and things they urge , given to it ) from the relations of vniversall and particular ; which are notions , and accidentall to it : and confounding the essence , and existence , the nature and the actuall being of the church together ; applying that to the particular being ; as particular ; which is spoken of them , being particular , but in respect of the common essence and nature , not as particular . or . not differencing betwixt the mystical● and visible state of it ; much being said in the former respect , which they apply to the latter . the third defendant , or rather assaylant , is the reverend assembly of divines ; their assertion is : the whole church is but one made up of the collection and aggregation of all who are called out of the world by the preaching of the word to professe the faith of christ in the unity thereof : their first argument ( implyed ) is this : from this union there ariseth unto every one such a relation unto ▪ and dependence upon the catholique church , as parts have to the whole , and are to doe all christian duties , as parts conjoyned unto the vvhole , and members of the same ( that must be single ) common vvealth and corporation . answ. such is the advantage of truth , that the greatest abilities grow weak when they dash against it . 't is sensible in this argument and authors of it . for it doth not at all follow , that every company of men that in some respect have an union together , and in that respect may be conceived as one whole brotherhood or fellowship , should ▪ herefore be one common-wealth or corporation . for as was said before : the brethren or families of the same first parent ( suppose of the house of essex , manchester , or fairfax ) have an union of blood together , and in that respect are called the house in the singular number ( not the houses ) of such a family : from which union there ariseth to every one of that house , such a relation unto , and dependence upon the house or family in general , as parts have to the whole , and are to do all such brotherly duties , as parts conjoyned to the whole : yet doth it not hence follow that all these persons and their families ( which possibly may be many ) are therefore one corporation . the same might more evidently be illustrated by the whole race of mankinde , who are one in nature , one in parent , one in office general ( the government of the world and worship of god ) one in the common laws of nature ; one in the principal governour : god is the king of all the earth &c. and from this union , there ariseth unto every man such a relation unto , and dependence upon the catholick world , or mankinde in general , as parts have to the whole , and are to do all humane duties , as parts conjoyned to the whole of mankinde : hence the philosopher , when rebuked for giving an almes to a needy , but naughty fellow , replyed : i give it ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) not to the man , but to mankinde : yet how will would the honourable assembly of parliament take this consequence from the reverend assembly of divines ; if therefore they should conclude ; that all the men in the world are but one common-wealth and corporation : for then , as the former assertion , of the onenesse of the visible church , hath made them schismaticks in the church , and such also as have sworn to be so : in like manner this inference would represent them seditious in the world in the same degree , and with them , all particular churches , kings , and kingdoms likewise . object . but they say , that the union of the church is neerer , and the relation closer , and obligation strickter betwixt the members of the church , then betwixt the persons of men , because it is spiritual and heavenly . to which is answered . that the relation and union seems to be equally neer and close in their several kindes : men as men , are as much , and have as neer an union , and are as much engaged one to another , christians , as christians ; and churches , as churches ; though the relation of christians is more noble and excellent ; and the motives stronger . as beasts are as much one in their kind as men , though the nature of man be more excellent . . but be the relation of christians yet closer ; yet that is in spirit , faith , mystical vnion , &c. not outward and visible further then to carry on the invisible , according to the institution of christ : but neither this , nor the former , is by this notion countenanced , but the contrary , as hath been evidenced . there may be a society in faith , as there was in many parts and persons where there was no onenesse in government : job was not alone in the world , some other church god then had ; and so he was one in the faith , and profession , and kinde of church administration with them ; but not united in one body of ou●ward government . the place alledged for strengthning this argument , viz. eph. . , to , hath been ansvvered above ; and implies no more but an essential or mystical union ; which necessarily implyeth an outward one in all duties in respect of the substance onely , not the subject of them ; but prudentially and occasionally : such an union integrally ( per modum suppositi , & subjecti ) and by way of onenesse in a visible way of joynt government ; as shall be expedient for edification ; which ordinarily is best promoted , within such a society as may ( at least upon occasion ) meet together in one place ; or howsoever live together in some neernesse at least . which is the more evident ; because the largest churches mentioned in scripture did so , as the jewish church : ( all whose males met thrice a year at one place ; and whose whole territorie or land was but small , scarce the fourth part of england : and therefore might the better be one entire congregation or church : but had they lived some at one end of the world , some at the other , as christians do ; there is no likelyhood they should have been one church integral ) and as the christians in jerusalem , and in other cities ; at the first plantation of the gospel . the second argument : all the ministers and officers of the church are given to the vvhole church . answ. all the magistrates and officers of the world are given to the whole world for the governing of it ; but not to the world conjunctim , and as one single common-wealth or corporation made up of several corporations and common-wealths ; but divisim in respect of the several corporations and common-wealths . the places alledged for proof , cor. . . eph. . . are answered above , whither we refer the reader . the third argument is drawn from the third , fourth , and fifth supposition ( page ) when the church was no more then could meet in one place , the officers governed them as one undivided body respectively : but their number increasing , so as they could not meet altogether , they divided into severall companies , which are in scripture called churches : ( to some one of which every beleever is bound to joyne himselfe ) but these severall churches should not act or worke as if they were independent corporations , but onely as parts of christs body , and are all to regard the common good of the whole , eph. . . &c. and for that end are as much bound ( if it may be ) to associate ( into presbyteries , &c. as particular men and families into churches , there being as much need of the one as of the other : and so as many men or families make but one particular visible church ; so all particular churches by this association make but one catholick visible church ministerial , and governing of right all the rest . answ . god and christ have disposed and ordered the government of the world , and the church according to the severall conditions whereinto the providence of the one and the other hath determined to bring them . when wee are children , god hath appointed one kinde of government for us , viz. to be under tutors and governours until the time of age , and then we are not so : when afterward a man is disposed in marriage , though he have a relation to his parent , yet not a necessary dependence on him in point of government . so whilst a family is but one , it is gouerned as one body , by one or more parents of officers who in point of government are one single body : but as was said , if this family multiply beyond the bounds of that first house , they are not now still to be fancyed to be but one catholick family , to be governed in common . take for instance the family of adam or noah ; the whole world was but then one family , and governed by one man &c. shall we need to repeat the absurdity of the consequence , if therefore we should conclude , that the severall kingdoms and nations are not therefore to act as independent corporations ; but as parts of the body politick of the world which is gods kingdom general . and yet there is a relation betwixt all societies of men , as men , by vertue whereof they are all to regard the common good of mankinde &c. in like manner doth christ in his church : when beleevers are babes , he would have them the more absolutely to subject themselves to their spiritual parents : when growne up they have a greater freedom , and are to be otherwise governed : the apostle bids timothy not to rebuke an elder , but to intreat them as fathers , &c. so when the whole church was but one company , they were governed as such , and by one company of officers that had charge over them all , and every one particularly , according to their several offices : as the pastors to teach every one ; the rulers to watch over every one ; the deacons to provide for every one &c. but this family of the second adam , and second noah ( as peter implies him to be ) spreading into many particular families , and nations : the scripture never ( i say never ) represents them as one visible body in respect of their outward association and government , but still speaks of them as many : the churches of judea , which yet under the legal government was but one ( the church act. . ) pray , why this difference of speech ; but to confute this onenesse visible of all churches ? when they are called the church , it reflects upon them as one in faith , spirit , kind of worship and government , as the place alledged eph. . . plainly expresses . and yet i denie not that these particular churches are to have a regard to the common good of all churches , and not to act as if they were in relation to none but themselves ; and for this end also it is convenient and sometimes necessary , if it may be done , to associate with other churches for mutual assistance , and to meet in synods and councels together , as did the church of antioch and jerusalem , and the churches in the primitive times . the kingdom of england , and so other nations are bound in some cases , to associate with other kingdoms , and are actually associated with them , as also was solomon with the king of aegypt , and hiram king of tyre : but is england not to act as an independent kingdom ; from france , spain , scotland , or the kingdom of israel , or independent ( saving the articles of association ) for all * that . they add in the same place as a prevention of an objection : that as the mutual consent of particular men and families orderly into churches gives them power and authority , ( ecclesiasticall ) one over another , without destroying the liberty of such persons and families , but helping of it : so also in this association of churches , their mutuall consent orderly regulated , gives them a sufficient call for their elders to exercise their power of elders , ( over the congregations in common ) without impeaching the liberties , &c. but . this similitude doth not truely represent these brethrens opinion : who hold that the catholicke visible church is before any particular church : and is the first subject of all church power : and the mother out of which particular churches spring : whereas this similitude makes the particular churches to exist . first as mothers to the universall : this being according to their expression , now nothing else but a collection or aggregation of them . secondly , this seems inconsistent with the former reasoning ; for if by divine right all particular churches are but one universall and generall church or corporation , and all particular men and families : by gods appointment are to associate with some particular church , then have the churches right to this common government , not from any consent , but from gods institution : whether the members or persons consent or consent not : yea , and hence is it that churches and presbyteries may , by our brethrens principles , bee excommunicated : for we may suppose some churches will not consent to such associations . objection if it bee said , this consent grounds the relation to this or that particular church with which they shall associate . i reply , that this removes not the objection ; for in generall they are ingaged unto subjection to the universall church , and the particular church to which they joyne is but a necessary condition , that they may the better bee under the universall discipline . . the case is not the same betwixt particular persons , and families joyning into some particular congregation ; and the association of several churches into one body : much lesse of all into one generall common-wealth : for the former instance plainly confutes it . a man or family is ordinarily bound to be of some kingdom , common-wealth , or state ; but it doth not therefore follow that all states or kingdoms must needs be associated together into one general common-wealth : neither is the reason the same . for a whole kingdom , state , or society is better able to defend it self against injuries , and to accomodate it self with necessaries , than a particular person or familie ; and what is wanting may be sufficiently supplyed by meer voluntary , arbitrary , and temporary association in a common-wealth ; which in a family or person is not so . . it must not be said by rational men , that . all men are bound to associate , and so all churches . . they being associated are to be governed ; by others which are more then themselves ; and yet their liberty is not diminished , but strengthned : if the reverend assembly shall say , that their security and safety may possibly bee thereby strengthened , it might in some cases be admitted . but surely , as the liberty of a particular man or family , is not the same before he is bound to others , and afterward , though his safety may be the more , so here . . how are we slidden from one integral entire body , flowing from one church at jerusalem &c. to a body made up of voluntary associations . the kingdom of england is one entyre common-wealth or body , corporate of it selfe intrinsecally ( politically : ) the vnited provinces are one by aggregations and voluntary association . but these two reipublicks do greatly differ : now the church general is asserted by the reverend assembly , to be one common-wealth , and body corporate ; to whom as one , yea and as first , before all particular churches : the officers , ordinances , and governement of the church is concredited and committed . of like incompossibility is what is there added for illustration sake , viz. that this joyneing is such as proceeds , ex charitate , ex debito mutuae societatis colendae : as is betweene friends and equalls : non ex debito inferioris conditionis ad praestandum obsequium . as betwixt masters and servants : for what is this ? ( but verba dare , rem auferre . ) the honourable houses of parliament , and assembly of divines , kingdome and churches of england : take their liberty now to reforme the state and church , as they judge agreeable to law , reason , and religion . this opinion by consequence makes this kingdome but a depending member of the vniversall monarchy of the world ; and doth expresly affirme the church or churches in this nation to act but as such in respect of the vniversal church . whence it inevitably and evidently follows ; that they ought to be in actuall association with all the rest of the nations , and churches of the world : these being an hundred times more in number , have power at pleasure to over-vote them , and to governe them : and yet must the parliament , assembly , the nation , and churches of this kingdome : even when actually so overborne , perhaps against their minde , and wills , fancie and coneit themselves as free , and enjoying as much liberty as now they do . may wee not ascend by a predicamentall ladder ( classibus vniversalium . kek. ) must it bee by a transcendent , even to reason it self ? another confirmation of this third argument , is taken from the light of nature : which requires , say these reverend gentlemen , that the meanes for ( the edification of ) particular christians , should be as applyable to whole companies of them ; unlesse gods word hath some where forbidden it . to which i return , . that this light of nature should not be too much urged , for it will plead hard for episcopacie and a pope . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , will bussle shrewdly here . . that the method of the light of nature is to follow the scriptures in matters of christian religion , and not to move in them where the scriptures stand still , and are silent ; hence i note in the ranging of the arguments of the ministers of london in their divine right of the presbyterie : that they place the light of nature first , which though they do as intending it for the lowest step , yet it is not justifiable to make it any at all in the things of christ ; but where it hath some precedent hint from scripture . . the light of nature i have shown before , doth make a difference betwixt the necessity of associating of particular persons , and of common-wealths ( such as the church is said to be , ) and differenceth also the associations of the one and the other : making the former a necessary onenesse and singlenesse of corporation and government ; but the other meerly an arbitrary and temporary friendship . . the scripture hath more to forbid all churches to associate into one body vniversal politick ; then it hath that particular churches should be entire body politicks or corporations of themselves ; seeing there is often expresse mention of particular visible governing churches , but none expresly of an universal one . . i retort the way of reasoning ; the light of nature teaches there is not the same reason betwixt particular persons , and common-wealths in this particular , and therefore not to bee made all one , unlesse the scripture had commanded it . the last particular which may seem to be ( though not brought here by them for that end ) a confirmation of this tenet , is ( by occasion ) alledged in page . from the parallel of the church of christ with the church of the iews , to whom the whole tribe of levi was given as their ministry . . as to one body together , when in the wildernesse . . to them as one body fixed , and dispersed in canaan . this is replyed to before ; i repeat now , that these being and living together in one small territory ; and meeting all the males three times a yeer in one place , jerusalem ; at one meeting house , the temple : doth not argue the church scattered throughout the world to be therefore one : no more then because one kingdom may be one common-wealth , and have officers in common , therefore , all kingdoms must be one . . besides ; this instance engages all the churches to meet at some one place : to have one chief governour besides the elders in common , with such other inconveniences as are usually urged against this parallel . we have done with the arguments ; one passage or two i shall animadvert upon , and ( with due respect ) take my leave . whilest they endeavour to maintain : that it is not left free , but is a duty of every congregation ; to associate with others : they say : all are enjoyned to be of some congregation ; but when they joyn to this rather then to that , the mutual consent between them and the congregation with whom they joyn , is that which immediately gives them that special relation one to another , &c. from which i note : that here is implyed a liberty in particular christians , to joyn to such churches as they shall see cause . if this be so , how is it that the violation of parochial limits is so insisted on ( though oft-times manifestly prejudicial to edification , &c. ) and those who keep not unto their parishes , presented and persecuted ; and those ministers that admit christians of other parishes , resented as the destroyers of particular congregations , and such who ( novo & inaudito exemplo ) gather churches out of churches ? now it will not salve to say , . that at the first constitution of parishes there was such voluntary consent : seeing . which parishes did so , doth not appear : and secondly , in many , 't is evident they were cast into parishes by those who were lords of those mannors . . neither is it rationally probable , that the whole nation to one man did voluntarily receive the gospel it self : seeing fraud and force ( neither of which are voluntary motives ) were the tooles of popery , under which the conversion national was made . . and though at first the union of such might be convenient : yet afterward it may become an hinderance . yet am not i for the drawing of any godly , able , and faithful ministers people from him , who is for the substance of reformation , though with many defects in lesser things ▪ nor . will it be sufficient to say , that when they choose to dwell in such parishes , that then they consent to be of such a congregation : for we know men do that on civil , and oft-times necessitated grounds , as most convenient for lively-hood ; when yet they are altogether unsatisfied either in the minister or congregation . a . passage is p. . the several congregations chuse or accept their particular officers , and all the congregation united , choose or accept their common presbyterie : yet page . 't is said their office is conferred on them by the church : either then , the common presbyterie is the church when they choose the elders for the several congregations ; for they do but accept of them on the matter ; or else it was not a plain declaration of their mindes , when they said the church chooses ; or else this is inconsistent with the other . the th assertor is mr noyes , whose tenet is : that the church of christ on earth , is one integral body visible , and hath power to act in synods and councels unto the end of the world . his . argument is : the apostle were members . . officers of the catholicke , not any particular church . these are replyed to above . . they admitted members into the catholicke church , as the eunuch and cornelius , the jaylor , &c. answ. these persons were admitted into the church or company of those who professe christ ; and were made visible members of that societie and corporation which is invisible ; as the sacraments are said to be visible signes of invisible grace . the church catholique is visible in respect of its severall members and societies or churches ; but not in respect of its whole being , as one corporation . society and corporation , properly so called , differ . all men are one society , but not one corporation : so in the church . now according to nature of the society , are the priviledges : common society hath certain common rights : proper societies have peculiar ones . now the church in generall is a society to all the members , of which there belong certain common rights and priviledges ; as spirituall food , the word sacraments , the right of government in the generall , &c. but this implies not , that it should be properly one corporation , no more then it concludeth because mankinde is a society , and every one that is born , is already by his birth admitted a member of humane societie : and so into all the rights of men , as they are men , as to have right to food , clothes , protection , and government in the generall ; that therefore all the men in the world are one corporation or kingdome . . they were admitted by baptisme immediately and directly into christ and his mysticall body ; but into the visible company onely by accident . if there had beene but one beleever on earth ; baptisme had had its use and end . argum. . christ is one visible head , &c. by vertue of his lawes , ordinances , providences , walking in the midst of the church , and of two or three gathered together , as the king of engl. is visibly king of sco●l . though residing at london in engl. therefore the king being one the church his kingdom , is one too . answ. hee cites in the margent * beza : saying that the church is not a common wealth , nor an aristocracy , but a kingdome : and if so ; surely christ is the absolute monarch of it : but that argues the church to bee one , in respect of christ onely , his spirit and lawes , but not at all in respect of its visible government by it selfe ; unlesse it be proved that christ hath instituted on earth one visible single person or society of men to governe as one company together , the whole church on earth . . a king though absent from one place , yet is visible somewhere in his kingdomes , but christ not personally visibly now . . a king of more kingdomes then one , though they be one as they meet in his person , and in some respects , and have some common priviledges ; yet may their governments be distinct , as england and scotland . . as christ is one , so god is one , and as the church is christs kingdome , so is the world gods kingdome : his law of nature one , his providence governing one : but is it therefore but one outward kingdome ? arg. . the church of the jews was a type of the christian church : the great sanhedrin figured the apostles , and generall councells ; they were many tribes , but one church . arg. . rev. . . . . the universal church is represented by one city , the new iernsalem : and called the church , mat. . cor. . eph. . answ. the jewish church was a type , but not in all things , for then must wee have one visible high priest , one temple , must meet altogether there ; &c. but as these ended in christ , so that national church , till it be called the second time . . that church was but one single intire congregation , there they met all of them , thrice a year before the lord , and the tabernacle ; called the tabernacle of the congregation . . the church and common-wealth were one body * as such : which i think mr noyes will not judge to hold in all nations . . to that of one jerusalem , i say , that it is questionable whether those places speak of the church , as it shall be before the comming of christ or after . . whether they speak of the state of it before the calling of the jews or after ; the latter is affirmed by several expositors ; and they urge the word ierusalem , it shall be the state of the jews : but . howsoever , figurative and symbolical places are not argumentative alone . . the church is no mystical ierusalem , though not visible ; neither doth that vision argue it to be visible ; no more then the holy ghost his appearing in the shape of a dove , conclude that the holy spirit is visible . argum. . the mysticall union of brotherhood makes one mysticall body : ergo the visible union one visible body . answ. it beggs the question . for 't is denyed that there is such a visible onenesse , as is the mysticall : the mystical union catholick is reall : the visible notionall only : so all men have a mysticall union of nature , yet not in outward government : nor would it be convenient they should . argum. . all naturall grounds of fellowship in particular churches in respect of ordinary execution , bespeaks fellowship in one catholick church , in respect of lesse ordinary . brotherly union , christian profession , the celebration of the name of christ , who is glorified more eminently in the great assembly ; all these are prevalent . the notion of a relation doth cherish affection : pride , and independency are inseparable . answ. . does all relations of persons one to another , and obligations of mutuall duties in regard of those relations , argue that they must be one corporation , and one government : the twelve children of iacob , if god had seene it good , might have beene so many severall churches and kingdomes , and yet have preserved unitie , and done their duties of their relation of brotherhood . the twelve apostles were independent in power one from another ( see gal. . chap. . ) yet were in relation one to another , and did performe all mutuall offices for the good of the whole . . as pride and independency are inseperable , so also pride and usurpation , pride and invasion of the rights of particulars , under notion of a common society ; pride and tyranny , which hath its way paved in the church by this notion , as hath beene found by experience ; and 't is acknowledged by this author in this chapter to have beene the occasion of the rising of the man of sinne , viz. some of the ancients their high doting on the unity of the visible church . . some kinde of independency may bee without pride ; such as was in the apostles ; and is in the severall kingdomes , and free states in the world : ( whereof new england the place of this authours habitation is one ) and all kinde of it , and an absolute independency is disavowed by persons of the greatest note in that way ; as the apologists expresly call absolute independency as a proud and insolent title ; so the elders of new-england , and particularly m. * cotton . this author therefore should either have explained himself touching independency , or else have used some other expression , then that which he could not but know , would be ( ad salviam ) indeed to the palate of some , but ( ad contumeliam ) an addition to the pressure that others ( good and sober men ) are oppressed with . but it may be the superstition of certain of the old * heathen takes at this day ; who in sowing some kinde of graine , apprehended it would grow the better , if it were done with reviling and reproaching each other . i would willingly hope , that example of tertullian is so well known to mr ▪ noyes , that no provocation from the church should excite him to satisfie himself upon it . injuriae parentum ferendae sunt . argum. . the covenant or profession of all israel together , was to walk before the lord : and converts in the primitive church , promised to walk with all saints , in all the ordinances : the church is one citie , having many gates ; or particular churches , by any gate or church entrance is had into the whole church , &c. answ. . there must be difference made betwixt the state of the jewish and christian church ; because they were joyntly one common-wealth , and one particvlar congregation , and not the universal church , unlesse by accident , in as much as there was then no other visible church ; except , as we said before , we follow those who hold that iethro , iob , &c. lived in those times ; and were particular churches . . whether the covenant in the primitive time ran in such a forme , doth not appear to me : but for the sense of it , it may be admitted , according to what hath been often said ; men are ingaged , and may promise to do the duties of their relations to those to whom they have any tye , and so in that respect are one with them ; and yet it followeth not that this body is a visible body or corporation , it may be a mystical one ; or it may be visible in some respect , and not in point of government : or yet the government may be visible in several parts ; but not as one in the whole . all the apostles were engaged to assist one another , yet did they not depend one on another in point of government ; as after i had said this above , i found m. cotton to have taught it before , whom then i had not read . all men are bound to offices to all men ; do good to all men saith the apostle ; are therefore all men one visible corporation or body politick ? . by one church we are let into all churches in respect of their essential being , rights , and common priviledges , mystical union , &c. not in respect of particular jurisdiction . a man that is borne of one parent , is let into the whole society of men , and all common prerogatives ; but not into the rights of each citie , &c. his . and last argument , it is generally supposed that all churches have power to act together , and to expect power of jurisdiction in a general councel . calvin is expresse ( inst. l. . c. . and . ) therefore the church is one visible body , else it could not so act . operari sequitur esse . answ. . it hath been granted that a company in some sense may be a visible body or corporation , in respect of some more common and lesser acts ; but not properly so , and in respect of the parts of government and jurisdiction properly so called . . the acting of a general councel , yea though it were to the highest points of jurisdiction , as ordination , and excommunication , may proceed on our grounds , and not on the visible and integral onenesse of all churches into a corporation ; for it may proceed on the ground of voluntary association , and communion of churches , whereby all particular churches are willing to unite freely , and not of necessity , their power ; and to act for the use of their particular bodies , and in order to the whole ; but not as being one incorporated reipublick ; nor as having any new , or properly larger power ( being met ) as such a body , but onely by accident , as being aggregated and collected together . after which manner was the first presbyterian church erected , viz. at geneva , the several congregations uniting voluntarily , as so many distinct bodies into one aggregated body . and as the kingdom of england and scotland , and some free cities in germany upper and lower act together : which neither makes a new or greater power in the assembled or general body , nor destroyes the entire power of the particular societies : in which sense our opinion would admit of the power of a general councel : but i cannot owne it ; because it is partly groundlesse in scripture ; partly impossible , and partly dangerous in the thing it self , as hath been observed above . . not all acting together , nor all acts that in some sense may be said to be acts of power , doth imply an onenesse of corporation , or jurisdiction properly so called . i have shewed before that a colledge of physicians may meet to consult and give advice in point of health , which they have power by their profession , and by the lawes to do : and the patient is obliged by the lawes of nature , prudence and conscience ; unlesse there appear a sufficient impediment : but this neither argueth that all these physicians are of one colledge , yea or kingdom ; nor that they have power to constrain the patient to obey . calvin in the very chapters quoted by this author , he laies down ground for the overthrow of this opinion : as where he teacheth , that as the writings of men though godly , so neither the authority either of particular churches , or of the whole church in general is such , as was the authority of the apostles , for they may not establish any new article of faith , &c. and also answers divers of the arguments of this author , and the other : by affirming that the promises of not leaving the church , of guiding it in all truth , &c. ( and so we might add all the other almost before mentioned ) are made no lesse to each beleever , then to the whole chvrch : which i desire may be observed . again , he makes the authoritie of a general councel to depend on that promise : when two or three are gathered in my name &c. and then saith , that this as well agreeth to any particular company of christians , as to a generall councel . . it doth not appear to me in those chapters that hee ownes general councells on any such grounds : nor do i see how he can , by what he saith on eph. . . above cited . . if these councells he there approves did excommunicate &c. yet he doth not mention his approbation of them in those things , and wee may apprehend he might count such actions among those particulars of their failings which he there enumerates . . after his argument he makes the objection m. hudson had done , viz. the whole church hath no visible head , ergo , it is no one visible corporation or body . he replies to this . particular churches are visible churches , though destitute of officers . but i reply , should they be so , if they had not one common bond of particular laws , administred by one person , or one visible society of officers ? . they may all meet as one visible body : the universal church then must either meet so , or else have some visible officers universal over the whole . secondly he saith , christ is supposed the visible head in some respect . answ. but that is not the question , but what visible existent head there is on earth , by whom it may appear one visible bodie : as we saw before out of calvin on ephes. . . . how can we contain christ visible properly . . he saith , the church is one so as to act ordinarily , as one , divisim , dividedly , and yet by reason of the mutual consent in all churches , one act of power done in one church , is by authority of the universal church , and reaches to all churches as excommunication out of one , is excommunication out of all . but . there was never any society or corporation , that acted as one dividedly and in parts unlesse it did first act as one joyntly together , and in a body , wherein power was given to such divided bodies to act so , unlesse it were upon some sudden and extraordinary accident that required immediate action before the body could convene . . every society though it may act in parts , as a kingdome in severall corporations , and a corporation in severall wards , or halls , and companies , yet hath it withall one common , ordinary and standing officer or officers visible to governe in chiefe , to whom all maine causes are referred &c. but . that the particular church that acteth in the right of the universall church by reason of mutuall consent in all churches , is not proved by that medium : for mutuall consent , may be voluntary and accidentall , and so a figure onely : whereas hee is to prove that all churches are necessarily essentially , by way of institution , and for ever to be one body , whether they consent or consent not . but a particular church acteth , first , in the right of christ , who is the first subject of church power , ( matth. . . ) secondly , it acteth in the right of a church , that is of a societie that hath embraced the faith of christ , which , as a church indefinitely and essentially is the next subject of church power , because we see such power committed to every church : so we heard even now , calvin to expound that promise , matth. . when tvvo or three are gathered &c. which i finde also the forepraised author to have said before me , whom at the writing of this above , i had not seene in the particular . . that he that is excommunicated out of one church ( if duely ) is excluded out of all : is not because the whole church is one visible body ; but because all the particular churches agree in nature , and essence of doctrine , worship and government , so that he that is unfit to be a member of one , is so of all : because they all require the same essentiall conditions , as he that is cut off by the hand of justice , for violation of the lawes of nature , in one common wealth , is cut out of all , yet it doth not follow that all men are one common wealth . or as hee that is out-lawed in one corporation justly , is outlawed in all congregations virtually , and upon the matter , though not directly and formally , till hee be so declared by them , if those corporations go all by the same lawes ( for substance ) and government ; though it doth not follow that these severall corporations are therefore one , or under one generall body , ( which as i take it is the case betwixt england and scotland , where by reason of union under one king , though the governments remaine distinct , yet one that is borne in either kingdome , is not an alien , but a free-borne denizon of both ; and so by consequence ( as i apprehend , for i may be mistaken in a law notion , and i bring it but for illustration ) hee that is out-lawed in one kingdome cannot remaine under the protection of the lawes of the other : and yet the bodies are distinct in power and government , though not divided wholy , but in some respect . so in the church . in the third and last place he comes to authorities : but here either he cites those who are nothing for him , or when they dispute the point professedly , are expressly against him ; as his first author chamier : who though he say , that if not every pastor , yet all of them are set over the whole church . yet when he argueth the point , he explaineth himselfe to mean all distributively , every one in his charge , as all the ma●ors and sheriffes governe the whole kingdome , but not joyntly , but severally : for hee denyeth such an one visible universall church , as mr hudson acknowledged , and as we saw before . the . are other moderne divines , whom mr noyes would have not to consist with themselves , whilest they deny an universall visible church , and yet grants judiciall power to synods : but it hath beene shewed before , that this may be granted , though the other be denyed , &c. the . are the fathers , who ( he saith ) so predicated an universall visible church , they laid the foundation for an universall bishop . if so ; then let this author take heed he lay not a foundation to raise him out of the grave againe , in his image , ( as i have heard a reverend elder of new england called an universal visible church in respect of the papacy ) and to bury the liberties of all the christian churches in his grave . the . author is polanus , who saith , the things of god are administered ( synodali {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) by the determination of the synod ; but are confirmed ( regia {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) by the kings authoritie . wee allow the power of determining ( with calvin above cited ) according to the word of god to synods , and are well content and thankfull that kings will become nursing fathers to the church . the . and last are the professors of leyden , who say , that in the synod is the top of authoritie , the unitie of the whole church , the establishment of order . but they speake of particular synods in particular churches , and do not subvert what was shewed out of them above . in fine , he acknowledgeth that the papists would build their babell on this foundation ; which i thinke they well may , or some-what like it ; and so i remit this author to the reverend elders of new england , who are much more able to deale with him ; and of some of whom , hee will heare about this argument i suppose very shortly . the . and last that to my view have appeared in defence of this notion are the london ministers : before i come to their arguments i shall ( after the example of a reverend member of the assembly ) do right to some of both sides . principal men there are in those waies , and even of the assembly it selfe , whose judgements and practise have not beene truely represented by the ministers in their collation of the opinion of the presbyterians and the independents . i will instance onely in one present question . the independents are said to hold no other visible church of christ , but only a single congregation meeting together in one place to partake of all ordinances . but this is not their opinion . that it is essentially required to the very being of a visible church that it meet in one place , they hold it ( de benè esse ) for conveniency , not absolutely necessary : now it is not ingenuous to fasten upon a way or man generally , that which some ( such as wil be in any profession ) particular , and perhaps weak or passionate men may hold . . these brethren observe not that themselves are in the whole fault of that which the independents owne in this charge : scil. making no other a visible church then a single congregation , for if the brethrens opinion bee true ; the catholique visible church is made but one single congregation or corporation ( though too bigge to meet together , but in their deputies . ) for if it have the same visible lawes , under the same visible order of officers , and these officers one visible societie or colledge , over each , and over the whole , then is it as much one particular and single corporation , as stepny or cripple-gate . now on the contrary for that opinion that is opposed to this , and said to be the judgement of the presbyterians : viz. that there is one general visible church of christ on earth , whereof all particular churches and single congregations are but as similar parts of the whole : there is not onely no one presbyterian could hitherto be shewed to be of that judgement , till the sitting of this assembly , ( in favour of whom apolonius wrote ) but also divers above evidenced to be against it , and acknowledged so by the authors of this opinion : plain dealing is the best policie : but to their arguments , . they urge the forenamed place , cor. . and say , the apostle speaks of one generall church , because he saith [ church , ] not churches . . because he speaks of it in such a latitude , as to comprehend all gifts of the spirit , all members , all officers ordinary and extraordinary , which cannot agree to a particular church . answ. . wee have shewed that the church taken essentially , is one : though integrally and in respect of its existence and particular government , it is as manifold , as there are particular churches . now to the church in the former sence , are those things given , all men in essence and nature are one : to man in this respects is given governours and government , arts and gifts , &c. must all therefore be one common wealth ? . or else , which i rather adhered to ; the church is taken in that place mystically , for the whole society or family in heaven and earth , as was then evidenced . . all these officers and gifts were given to the church of corinth immediately , though not solely and onely . the light of the sun is given immediately to that particular place on which it shines , with all the brightnesse and influence of it , but not solely . . in this superintendency over the whole church , whether severally or joyntly , the scripture hath instituted no successors to the apostles . . by apostles might be meant the chief officers of corinth . a second place ( and wherein they handle this subject more expresly ) is part . chap. . where their first argument is drawne onely from those places that name the church ( indefinitely ) as on this rock will i build my church . he hath set some in the church apostles , &c. and their second taken from such places as compare all visible professors to one [ organical body ] which are some of the same places they used in the first argument , as cor. . we being many , are one body : so rom. . . ephes. . . answ. . these have been replyed to above . . they do not make the whole visible catholick church one [ organical ] but one [ similar ] body in our brethrens first assertion : but organical and similar are opposite , as was shewed in answer to m. hudson , whom in this inconsistencie , opinion and expression , they have either followed , or he some of them . . next they endeavour to prove that the word ministry , ordinances , and particularly baptisme , are given to the generall visible church : ( the method mr hudson used , moses mother was his nurse also ) whence it will follow ; that there is a generall visible or catholique church . therefore i shall take this for a third head of arguments , and answer to it . . the word ministery , ordinances , &c. all of them are given immediately to every particular church , where they are , and where there may be use of them ; though not solely : and the first two places quoted , speak immediately of the church of ephesus ; and the third immediately of the church of corinth ; the fourth of the church at rome . . they are given to the church , as one essentiall or mysticall body . but no way concludes they must bee one visibly , no more then the gifts of reason , arts , speech , the government of emperours , kings , princes ; the order of inferior and superiour members given by god to mankinde : doth prove that therefore all men are one visible , general corporation or common-wealth ; or integral , organical , similar bodie , consisting of parts , as a similar body , altogether alike : and as an organical body of parts heterogene , and nothing alike : which even a plain reader will perceive to be as uncouth logick as divinity . chap. vi . the conclusion . . corrollaryes . . a word to the authors of this opinion . and thus ( by the assistance of god ) an answer hath been given ( though 't is like they will not so be answered ) to these brethren : and therein i hope i have spoken as the oracles of god , both for truth and sobernesse . sure i am , i have endeavoured ( though perhaps not without some failing ) to observe that of the father ( worthy saith * one , to be written on the chairs of all divines and disputants ( uncialibus literis ) in capital letters : ) we pursue not ( saith the * ancient ) our opponents with reproches and contumelies , as the most do , sheltring the weaknesse of their reasons and arguments with revileing speeches ; not unlike the ( fish ) sepia , which * they say , casts out a black inkie matter , whereby she avoids the fisher . but that we make war for christ , we evidence by this argument , that we contend after the manner of christ , who is meek , and peaceable , and bare our infirmities . now from the precedent tractate , when i have inferred a corollary or two , and breathed out a word of love into our brethr●ns eares and bosomes : i have done . as to the former . . if there be one visible vniversal governing church , ●hen the ( now endeavoured ) presbyterie ( consisting of the presbyteries of the whole world as one entire body , and claiming so by divine right , as on the ground of one catholick visible governing church ; hath no foundation in scripture : and so is in that respect [ * ens fictum ] a divine nothing . . there is no visible church or corporation ecclesiasticall , properly so called ; and as the immediate receptacle of church-power ; but a particular church ( i. e. the church of one place ) though not as particular , but as a church indefinitely , essentially , and absolutely considered . . then there are no universal governing officers at large ; that being ordained in one church , are governours every where ; no more then a major of one corporation , is so in another ; or that a ruling elder or deacon of one church , hath the same power in another , though perhaps in combination with the former . whence it will follow , first , that no minister can do an act properly of power ministerial out of the church , whereof he is an officer , that is formally valid : i. e. as from him , being an officer . . that the ordinances administred by ministers either of no congregation , or out of their owne , are void formally and uneffectual . . that churches destitute of ministers , must remain without ordinances , &c. the three first main inferences i acknowledge to be consequent to the foregoing discourse : but to the conclusions drawn from them , i must speak something . . some distinguish betwixt power purely ministerial , and properly governing , because we finde the apostles did preach and baptise whilest christ was on earth ; and before they were endued with power from on high , to administer discipline and government : and they say ministerial power is of larger extent , and governing power restrained to a political body or corporation . . others say , that by vertue of the communion of churches , all officers are common amongst them ( quoadusum , non quoad dominium ) to use , though not to owne as theirs . but secondly , to avoid dispute , i shall omit these , and what else might be replyed more exactly ; and adhere at present to another answer , viz. factum valet , fieri non debuit . that the vulgar axiome holds here : things that are in themselves right , i. e in the essential causes ( matter and forme ) good , and according to institution , though not proceeding by standing rule in some externalls ( as in the outward efficient , or minister , or circumstantial manner of doing ) are not therefore void formally . for instance , first in natural things : those creatures that are begotten both by generation of their dammes ; and also by putrefaction , and heat of the sun ( as divers creeping things are ) though the latter differ in the outward instrumental cause , yet are they as true in their kinde as the former : so the serpent , the lice , the froggs , &c. that moses made before pharaoh ; and the wine that christ made at the banquet : were as true in their kinde as those wrought by ordinarie causes . so secondly in spiritualls , zipporahs circumcising her child ( though m. mead gives another interpretation of it ) the circumcision administred by the idolatrous priests . jehojadahs , and afterward the maccabees administration of ecclesiastick and civil power , to wit , the kingdom and priesthood together : was valid . the high priests in the time of christ had no orderly power , as being not the persons designed by god for that office , as not being of aarons line , nor coming in by a lawful way , &c. yet their acts were valid , and christ present at them . . to the third particular i say , . this is no greater inconvenience , then that a corporation must be without many those acts which onely officers may doe , whilest they are destitute of them . . there would bee ordinarily ministers enough , and a succession of them in every church , if the congregations or parishes , were divided , and limited by scripture and reason , that is : according to the number of christians , and conveniency of habitation : and not according as the bounds of lordships accidentally fell ; or superstition prompted ( to get offerings , or merit pardon ) or wealth and pride suggested ( when some grown rich would not sit so low as before ) which are the common originalls of the multitudes of parishes , especially in cities and great townes . thus of the corrollaries . . in the next place ; for our brethren , the assertors of the opposed tenet . as a bishop must be apt to teach ; so hee must bee willing to heare also ; for he must not bee self-willed , nor soone angry with those that p●t him in remembrance . on these footings , and the evidence of the truth now pleaded ; i take liberty , ( with due respect unto the persons and places of them with whom i deale ) to advance a step or two neerer to them , and speak ( in os ipsum ) as the saying is , mouth to mouth . there is a general and sad complaint ( and that not without cause ) of novelty , variety and danger of opinions . i shall not injure ye brethren if i put you in minde , that the opinion ( in your sense at least ) is ●ew light , and cannot but increase the differences and disputes exceedingly ; especially when men shall be engaged to subscribe it as an article of faith ; or else be secluded from emploiment in the church of god ; which occasioned so many controversies about liturgie , episcopacie , ceremony , &c. formerly . that it is like also to prove of the greatest danger to the churches and their reformations : even your owne ; was shewed above . now how incongruous is it , that those persons who have with so much zeal inveighed against others for like things , should have the beam of that in their owne eye : and how imprudent would it seem to be , if men of repute for wisdom and piety , should be so far transported , either with distaste to any party , or fear of danger to their owne ; as to admit a forraigner ( with intent to evert their adversary , and secure themselves ) who will prey on both . now if ye will needs maintain a litigious title : can ye not live on the inheritance of your fathers ? presbyterie hath stood without this proppe ; and it is not safe to remove a building from its old foundation : this new peece put to the old garment , is like to make the rent : it proved so in the late church-government . whilest they held it ( a ex usu ecclesiae ) by custome of the church , as of old ; or ( b gratia regis ) by the favour of the c prince ; as of later dayes : they stood even in great stormes , as we know ; but when they would settle it on a new bottom : intitle god to it immediately : it was not long after the returne of light , but ( corvuit funditus ) it came tumbling downe . withall , let bitternesse , and calumny in word and writing : such as a late reproachful and ingrateful book unto our d nation hath : but especially injurious dealing ( with orthodox , godly , peaceable , and publikely useful dissentients ) be removed . for besides that experience hath hitherto lessoned us , that the wrath of man worketh not the righteousnesse of god ; and hence all endeavour of the same will not do as yet ; what is desired ; let it be remembred , that the top-weeds that god will strike at till he hath struck off , are superstition and oppression . these ruined those who were in the chair before ye , kill not the man because he wears his clothes ill-favouredly , or perhaps will go naked . starve not the children though froward or wanton , if they will take in but some wholesome food . tithe not mint and cummine , and neglect in the mean time justice and judgement to the soules of the gospellesse people . devour not widdows houses ( by depriving their husbands and children of means of livelyhood , for very disputable matters , under pretence of prayer , government . &c. to close : there are who rejoyce in such sparks as these , which themselves have kindled ; and in the curious ( but combustible ) fabricks which they have raised on the foundation : yet when they shall see the fire seise upon their work : and that they must suffer the losse of it : though themselves be saved , and in that respect they depart in peace ; yet reflecting on their former damage , have this from the hand of god , that they lie down in sorrow : but i hope better things of many of them , and such , as not onely accompany salvation ; but as do precede a full reward . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- general councells . cap. . §. . era●m . in praef. ad hilarium : summa religionis nostri , pax est & unanimitas , ea vix constare poterit , nisi de quam potest paucissimis definiamus , & in multis literum relinquamus suum cuique judicium , propterea quod nigens sit rerum plurimarum obscuritas , &c. ep. . ad dardan . regulum fid●i pusillis magnisque comm●nem , in ecclesiam te●●nt . ● vshers answer to the iesuite , page . rom. . c. , cor. . c. . phil. . . notes for div a e- gratian , notes for div a e- considerat . quarundam controvers . ad regimen ecclesia dei spectant quae in anglia agitantur : edit. . conclus . . § . the first authors of this opinion . apollonius , hudson , the assembly of divines . m : noyes . ministers of london , m. vv. sometimes of this parliament . § . prov. . , § . * m. hudson . notes for div a e- termes expl . . church . * so tilenus syntag. thes. de eccles. calvine and other add sacraments , and some discipline : but these as notes , not as formal causes of it . . onenesse . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} acts . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . . vniversality . vniversalium fundamentum in rebus forma in mente . . visibility . . church power , state of the quest baynes dioces . pag. . declar. h. com. about the disposal of the kings person . defensio eccles. ang. cap. . cotton keyes kingd . h. cap. . page . ecles. . ● . act. . . state of the quest . in respect of the patr. of this opinion . state of the quest . positively . apol. ubi supra . lond. min. div. right presb. cap. . pag. . notes for div a e- levis armaturae militibus velitare * see their praises apud montag . apparat . sacr. praefat : and d. vvheare de meth. leg. hist. * cent. magd. cent. . cap. de regim. eccl. tit. de privat . syn. de tit. de consoc . eccles. object . crakanthorp ubi supra . answ . * cent magd. ubi supra in principio cap. de reg. eccles. conc. gen. . c. . conc. antioch . temp. iul. c. . conc. sardic. . can. . caus. . q. . c. null lib. , ep. . serm. . de pasch . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , lib. . strom. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . instit. l. . c , . * de unitate eccles , sive de simplicitate praelator . iames corrupt : fath. perk. praepaer . prob . scultet . medull . patr. in loc. insolidum . robur unum : vnum altare dicitur , quod una fides & unum baptism● & una ecclesia . hierona● is . : ● tract. in ioh. . de duodec . abus. grad. . lib. . reg. cit. cent . . cap. , tit ▪ de eccles. dilatata per orbem ecclesia , in una eademque fide , & veritatis catholica societate consistit : & tum innumera sit multitude fidelium : unnm tamen cor , unam habere animam , pro fidei & delectionis societate , merito dicantur . . preiudice , dangerous ▪ * there are but four generall c●●●cels received . the first of which was three hundred years after christ , the last above a thousand years ago . * preface to m. cotton , of the keys of the kingdome of heaven ▪ and cyprian lib , . epist. . page . . bellarmines definition of the catholick visible church , compared with the definition of these authors . instit. l. . c. . . de oecum . pont. l. . c. . harding . vnum {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . loc. citat . hardings proof the same with these brethrens . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} m. ●utherford for preaching without speciall ordination in some cases . synops . th●s. de e●cles . n. . notes for div a e- the apost. useth the metaphor , eph. . some undeniable suppositions premised . matth. . chap. . . numb. . lam. . . ier. . . ezek. . arguments , . acausa efficiente , . negativa seu deficiente , if we may so speak●●ection . . positiva sive contra dicente . * ball tryall of separat . grounds , and others . exod. . ●● . object . ansvv. * cartwright in lo● . cor. . calvin . histor● motuum 〈◊〉 . pag. . videantur geograph . a materia , sect. . p. . ab ejus non existentia . * as m. r●ndall speaks : otherwise an episcopal man . of the ch. pag. . pag. . object . answ . object . . pag. ●ad . answ . vid. eus●● . euseb. de vit. const. l. . c. ● . scult. medul. in anal. h. conc. . ab impossibilitate existendi . . a fo●ma . * § . sacramentum . object . answ . my kingdome is not of this world iohn . . with rom. . . apollon. c. . p. . hudson a pag. . quest . . declar. parl. ex flo●a & all . object . ansvv. a fine , . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} § . * apollog . narrat . pag. , cottons way of churches . chap. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the anabyst● of a papists faith upthis principle . * euseb. l. . c. . object . ansvv. de●●nsilio reverendiss . cardinal . * gerson . schola parisienfis . concil constansien●● basiliense &c. bishop vssher●t a conference ●● hatfield . se also the centuries , cent. . and . cap. de reg. eccles ▪ platin. in bonif. . * l●eis infra citand . * the church of rome writing to cyprian say , that what concerned the whole church , was to be determined by a general councel . * cypr. epist. lib. . ep. pagets christianography . notes for div a e- apollon. cap. . sect. . & cap. . rejicimus . § . profess . leyd. disp . . thes. . aiun● ; essentialem communitat fide & fa●ra●m : constare : & hance esse ubi regiminis , fom●a inter se differunt . object . apollo● . ubi supra . object . ansv . * ●ucor in mat. . cor. . ● . explained . eph. . , , , . explained , apolles to apollonius . rom. . . * cor. . . cor. . . hebr. . . apoc. . ● . v. trigland de potestat . eccles. & civili cap. . hist. mo●uum in scotia edit. . object . ansvv. euseb : lib. . cap. . thomas ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) sortitus est parthiam . andreas scithiam . ioannes as●am &c. apollon. cap. ▪ sect. . asserimus . ius divin. of the presbytery , p. . and cap. . p. . apollon. cap. . p. reijcimus . arist. disp . . thes. , , . antibell . tom. . l. 〈◊〉 . . m. hudson . m. noyes . the london ministers . assembly of divines . arg. gen. . arg. gen. . apollon. ubi supra . vers. ● cartwright on the place . 〈◊〉 petit il●e , cavento . m. brinsley of yarmouth : sacred and soveraigne church remedy , pag . saith , the other churches though they were not bound formally , yet virtutually they were , in regard of the equity of the decree . he implies it was not the catholick church ▪ for that would have formally and not virtually onely have bound them , according to his judgment . object . answ . loc. com. loc. de eccles. p. . 〈◊〉 respectu . disp . . thes. . thes. . multum § . . m. hudson ▪ * page . * page . * meo quidem judicio de guhernatione loquitur . calv. in coloss. . . * calv. verum inter christian , longe alia est ratio . neque enim corpus politicum ( loquitur de civili ) duntaxat efficiunt , sed sunt spiritvale & arcanvm christi corpus . sic. v. . * page ▪ * page . bellarm. e●ervat . medull . l. . c. ● . n. . . m. edw. gangr . part . pag. . . totum integrale similare . mr ca●drey , preface to v●●dic . clavium . vide caudrey ubi supra . object . ansvv. instance , object . . ansvv. instance ▪ object . . answ . instance . object . . answ . instance ▪ object . . answ . the like hath apoll●nius . instance , vid. cent. eccles. ● . scriptures . . one argument from reason . a causa necessaria aut effectur , & contra . the radical mistake in this question . compare beza his exposition of cor. . and eph. . . with theirs . § . . assembly of divines . reply to the dissenting brethren ▪ to the third proposit. . p. . and confession of faith , cap. . n. , , . arg. . ansvv. arist. object . ansvv. every one to be of some particular congregation in the judgement of the reverend assembly . answ . pet ▪ . . * see the house of commons answ. to the scots papers , about the kings person . suppos . . object . answ . object . answ . light of nature . divine right of presbyterie , in the analys. of the book . sect. . temple measured , cap. . act. . c. . c. . epist. . pag , . ecclesia non est reipubl . non arist●●ratia , sed regnum ▪ see this argu● . urged for the power of the magistrate in church affairs fully answered by trigland . de civil . & eccles. potestat . cap. . vid. cottens keys , ch. . apoil●g. narrat . pag. . * keyes of the kingdom of heaven , cap. . * amamae epist , ad m. marsenn . o●ymum serere cum convitiis . hieron. de v. illustr. . & ●ent . mag. . c. . tit. de doctr chron. . . c. . . cottons keyes , chap. . toward the end . ●aynes dioces . tryal . page . cap. , sect. . sect. . cap. . sect. . mat. . object . answ . cottens keys . ch. ● . see dr austin of allegeance , in calvins case . chap. . chap. . mr cotten in his exposition upon the ●ialls . § . divine rights in presbytery , in epist. & ▪ part . c. . pag. . & part . c. . pag. . mr cheynell rise of socinians . pag. . preface pag. . tim. . . eph. . . cor. . rom. . . to ● . notes for div a e- pet. . s ▪ amam . epist. ad m. marsenu . nazians . orat. ● {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * pli● . lib. . § . corroll . . * so calvin ( for the substance of the thing ) on ephes. . . corroll . . corroll . . exod. . . chron. . . , , , . iosephus . see seld●● of tithes , cap. . sect. . and papists petition to king iame● , ● . sect. ● . exhort to the brethren . tit. . . iohn confession of faith , c. . n. , . . cap. . episcopacy . a episcopi ●verint , se magis consuetudine ( ecclesiae ) quamdispositionis dominica veritate , presbyteris esse majores . hieron. in tit. . . b quanquam enim s●●undum honorum vocabula , quae jam ecclesiae vsvs ob●inuit , episcopatus , presbyterio , major sit ; tamen in multisrebus augustinus hieronymo minor est . aug. epist. ● . ad hieron. c iewell , whitguift , &c. d honor . reggius de stat● relig. in anglia . . capita papaverum . superstition and oppression the sum of sathans decalogue , as religion is of gods . isaiah antapologia, or, a full answer to the apologeticall narration of mr. goodwin, mr. nye, mr. sympson, mr. burroughs, mr. bridge, members of the assembly of divines wherein is handled many of the controversies of these times, viz. ... : humbly also submitted to the honourable houses of parliament / by thomas edwards ... edwards, thomas, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) antapologia, or, a full answer to the apologeticall narration of mr. goodwin, mr. nye, mr. sympson, mr. burroughs, mr. bridge, members of the assembly of divines wherein is handled many of the controversies of these times, viz. ... : humbly also submitted to the honourable houses of parliament / by thomas edwards ... edwards, thomas, - . [ ], p. printed by g.m. for ralph smith ..., london : . controversies include: " . of a particular visible church, . of classes and synods, . of the scriptures how farre a rule for church government, . of formes and prayers, . of the qualifications of church members, . of submissiŏ & non-cŏmuniŏ, . of excommunication, . of the power of the civill magistrate in ecclesiasticals, . of separation and schisme, . of tolerations, and particularly of the toleration of independencie, . of suspension from the lords supper, . of ordination of ministers by the people, . of church covenant, . of non-residencie of church members." reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng goodwin, thomas, - . -- apologeticall narration. westminster assembly ( - ) church polity. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion having diligently perused this antapologia , i find it so full and just , and necessary an examination , and discovery of the apologeticall narration both in matters of fact , and of opinion , that because i dare not ( as too many ) have the faith of our lord iesus christ the lord of glory with respect of persons , i approve it to be imprinted , and commend it ( reader ) to thy most serious consideration . ia. cranford . antapologia : or , a full answer to the apologeticall narration of mr goodwin , mr nye , mr sympson , mr burroughs , mr bridge , members of the assembly of divines . wherein is handled many of the controversies of these times : viz. . of a particular visible church . . of classes and synods . . of the scriptures how farre a rule for church government . . of formes of prayer . . of the qualifications of church members . . of submissiō & non-cōmuniō . . of excommunication . . of the power of the civill magistrate in ecclesiasticals . . of separation and schisme . . of tolerations , and particularly of the toleration of independencie . . of suspension from the lords supper . . of ordination of ministers by the people . . of church covenant . . of non-residencie of church-members . humbly also submitted to the honourable houses of parliament , by thomas edwards , minister of the gospel . ephes. . . that we henceforth be no more children , tossed to and fro , and carried about with every wind of doctrine , by the sl●…ight of men , and cunning craftinesse , whereby they lie in wait to deceive . vers. 〈◊〉 . but speaking the truth in love ▪ may grow up into him in all things which is the head , even christ. matth. . . wherefore , if they shall say unto you , behold , he is in the desart , go not forth : behold , he is in the secret chambers , believe it not . augustinus vincentio epist. . non enim propter malos boni deserendi , sed propter bonos mali tolerandi ●…ti sicut toleraverunt prophetae contra quos 〈◊〉 dicebant , 〈◊〉 communionem sacramentorum illius populi relinquebant . bezae epist. prima d'andreae duditio . lactabimusne libertatem conscientiis permittendam esse ? minime ut haec quidem liberta intelligitur , id est , ut quo quisque modo volet deum colat . est enim hoc mere diabolicum dogma , sinendum esse unumquemque ut si volet pereat . et illa est diabolica libertas quae poloniam & transylvaniam hodiè tot pestibus implevit , quas nullae alioqui sub sole regiones toleratent . london , printed by g. m. for ralph smith at the bible in cornhill neer the royall exchange . . to the tender consciensed , scrupulous , doubting christian. deare and beloved christians , for your sal●…es in speciall who are apt to be troubled with many doubts and feares about the constitution and government of the visible church , and the way of worship and communion in it , have i drawn up this present answer , as to undeceive you in the apologists , the apologie , and their church-way , so to satisfie you in your scruples and doubts about presbyterie . it was my love , care and respect to tender consciences , that more especially moved me at first ( now some seven yeares agoe ) to fall upon the more thorough studying and searching into the controversies of the church , &c. and the grounds which now of late have afresh revived my thoughts and studies that way , are , . the recovering and reducing conscientious christians who are not too far engaged . . the setling some who are wavering and doubtfull . . the keeping of others from falling ▪ now the first borne of my latter thoughts and studies in this kind , is this antapologi●… , which i here recommend to you for a true glasse to behold the faces of presbyterie and independencie in , with the beauty , order , strength of the one , and the deformity , disorder and weaknesse of the other : and good reader , i have some reason to beleeve and hope , that if you will indeed reade and consider , looke impartially and throughly into this glasse , you may be either changed into the image of it , or at least so stumbled at independencie , as to be kept from falling into it , and willing in the meane time to waite upon god in that way of his , an assembly of so many learned and godly divines , to see what he will be pleased to speake by them : i at first intended , and accordingly provided materials for a large epistle to this book , the more to make way for it in the hearts and consciences of the people , as well knowing there are laid in before hand by many of the independent party , many prejudices both against my person and the book , to hinder if possible the fruit and benefit of it , yea to keep people from so much as reading any part of it , that so receiving and beleeving the independent grounds without hearing or examining the other side , they may be still kept in ignorance and error : i had many thoughts and purposes in my epistle , to have given the reader an accompt of my especiall call to the making this answer , as also to have laid downe the principles and rules i more especially went by in the studying of these controversies , and then to have apologized for my selfe and book , by answering some objections and clearing aspersions cast abroad in this mistaking age , and by representing to the reader my many sufferings , constant labours , &c. and so to have compared my grounds moving me to make this antapologia , with the apologists grounds occasioning their apologeticall narration , and my principles with their three principles expressed in their apologie , and my sufferings , troubles , patience and labours , with their exile and patience , &c. and then left them to the reader to judge in those matters between us ; but conceiving the danger of this way in comparing with the apologists , least i might become a foole in glorying , and runne into the same fault i charge upon the apologists , and least it might be thought i sought to commend my answer by such wayes rather then by the strength of the discourse it selfe , i resolved to forbeare all those comparisons and vindications of my selfe , and to refer all to god ; and that i may not hold the reader too long in the portch , i will only insist somewhat upon justifying and clearing the lawfulnesse of the way and manner of this answer , and the grounds i goe upon for matters of fact reported in it , and this i must doe of necessitie , for besides other grounds calling for it , within these few dayes , just before the antapologie was comming forth , a pamphlet , entituled the anatomist anatomized was printed , rather to prepossesse the reader against the antapologie , then to answer the anatomie of independencie ( as all may see ) and to be a shelter rather against this shower ( as the anatomizer calls it ) ready to fall , then to dry up the drops already fallen : but 〈◊〉 shall by the helpe of god , not only satisfie the reader , that this covering is too narrow , and the stuffe too slight to keep out the shower from wetting , but make an advantage of it , even to gaine the greater credit and beliefe to the things asserted in my booke , and to remove this opinion from lurking in many other bosomes , and in particular to make the charge sit heavier upon the anatomizer , by speaking particularly to the matters of fact concerning him , in accepting of his motion and request , of proving the reports concerning him by witnesses , and before a judicatorie , i must therefore answer to the three propositions of the anatomizer as they have reference to the antapologie . . that many things reported in this antapologie are misreported . . let the reader observe , that the anatomizer though he play the fore-game , and will be before hand in speaking to a book before it come forth ( and because truth will hardly overtake a●…ye that is set out foure or five dayes before it ( as himselfe speakes ) therefore he will be sure to send forth in time even some dayes before reports come out ) yet the anatomizer doth not say all things reported are misreported , so that though many things may be misreported , many things also may be truly reported ; and in page . in the definition he is pleased to give of the antapologie , 't is a collection of such faults , as either ment mistakes and malice , or perhaps mens own infirmities have made , either beyond the seas or here , he denies not the truth of all the reports and fa●…les , but grants them with a perhaps . . i desire the reader to consider , that for the matters of fact related in the apologie , which in this answer i speake unto , asserting the contrary upon reasons and grounds laid downe by me , i never intended by such an answer , to make a judiciarie infallible proofe ( which as 't is not necessary in the way of answering matter of fact , so neither can it be by rationall men expected , as if without that no sufficient answer were given to disprove facts ) but only a rationall probable proofe from letters and other manuscripts going under the names of the apologists , and superscribed to their known friends , from reports of men of credit , and such who have lived amongst them , hearing and seeing things , and from many circumstances of place , time , &c. by which in reason men may well judge accordingly , and for this kind of proofe i beleeve i can make as rationall and conscientious a one to satisfie my selfe and all indifferent persons , to judge according to what i write , as hath been made these many yeares ( for since the apologie came forth , i have used a great deale of care , diligence and circumspection , both by 〈◊〉 to know the truth of things i formerly had been informed of , and by inquiting particularly of many persons concerning circumstances and their proofes , and questioning with them how they knew such a thing , &c. as also by forbearing to insert matters related to me upon a single tes●…monie and witnesse , where there were not other strong circumstances con●…ing to make them out ; ) and yet for all the care i have used , 't is possible that among so many things related by 〈◊〉 , there may be some mistakes in the reports of some circumstances in matter of order and time , place or number ( though i know none such ) and yet the report and fact true , ( a report may be true and yet mistaken in one circumstance , which when it comes to scanning may prove more foule in another ▪ ) so that the ●…se stands thus , whether the apologists relating such and such matters o●… fact , an answe●…er having evidences and testimonies by him of letters written in their names , reports from credible men , as godly ministers and christians their own friends , with other circumstances concurring , hath not reason to question the truth of such facts , and to answer to them , by laying downe his grounds why he judges otherwise ; and for my answer to the apologists , if in their reply they deny any of the matters of fact i speake unto , i will in my rejoynder at the end of it , print all their letters , with other letters of their friends that i have by me , and name the parties from whose hands i had them , and how i came by them , and relate other circumstances which for present i have concealed , and then let the reader judge whether i had not reason to beleeve , and answer as i doe . but as for a judiciarie proofe of all matters of fact in my antapologie , i not seeing those letters writ , and most of my letters being but copies , and many of the facts being done beyond the seas , considering also 't is possible the relators may mistake in some things , i cannot positively and judicially sware , and make out such a kind of proofe , . for some matters of fact spoken to in this antapologia ▪ i know and am certaine of in my own knowledge , and had them from some of the apologists own mouthes , and though they 〈◊〉 have forgotten them , i can for a need rubbe up their memories , by minding them 〈◊〉 the places , times and occasions which they cannot deny ; i have also some originall letters by me to prove some things asserted by me in this answer , and for the most materiall things of their preaching and acting for their way , besides that the things themselves speake and are notorious , i have many eare and eye witnesses both of ministers and people which i can produce , so that if i have reason to beeleeve a report of any thing i see no●… , nor beare not upon the place , as that there was a siege at yorke and a great victory obtained by the parliaments forces neere yorke , &c. i have ground to beleeve many of the particulars instanced in by way of answer to the apologeticall narration●… now finding severall passages in the apologie in point of fact , related with height of considence , contrary to my knowledge and to the testimonie of many , with a cōcurrence of other circumstances which i could not doubt of , & observing other matters of fact brought by the apologists to take the people with , against which though there were not such strong proofs , yet in the drawing up my answer to such p●…ticulars , whether might not i now upon probable grounds as one sufficient witnesse with the circumstance of place and time , &c. question these , and judge them to be much like the others . . particularly for m. simpson , because he hath publikely printed that the antapologie is a ●…ction of such faults as either mens mistakes and malice , or perhaps me●… own infirmities have made either beyond the seas or here , ( in which sentence it is to be observed by the way he confu●…es all that 's brought by himselfe against the anatomie or the antapologie , himselfe taking up reports suddenly , and beleeving here sayes , before he ever saw any one sheete yea or one page of the antapologie , branding a minister and his , booke for a collection of such faults as either mens mistakes and malice have made , by tellin●… this not only to a particular church , but to all the churches in the world , as printing doth , ) and because he puts up a req●…est , that the reader will not beleeve a●…y reports of this kind in the booke that i●… comming forth ( meaning the antapologie ) untill the authors of them will appeare and bring their witnesses to a faire , hearing in any lawfull though the strictest ●…licatorie , &c. and because he saith , in what he is guilty before men he will confesse ingeniously ; that the reader may not be●…uded to beleeve what 's said by him there , and by that be prepossest against the truth of the antapologie , i accept of his motion and request , and if he will be pleased to procure any lawfull though the strictest judicatorie , yea the highest , i am ready for so much as concerns him , to appeare and bring my witnesses to a faire hearing , and if the judicature will give time , and grant warrants to bring in the witnesses that they may be deposed , i doubt not but besides a rationall answer by way of writing ( which i intended ) to make also a full judiciar●… proofe , yea to prove more then yet i have charged mr simpson with , only i desire if i must be put to this trouble , that mr. simpsons small and just request may be granted by the judicature , that he may suffer if he have done what in the antapologie is reported of him , and if i cannot make it good , then i am contented to suffer , and i am willing also to be judged by his own law , pag. . lege remmia , to be branded with a k in the forehead , if i doe not by witnesses prove his preaching and acting for his way , upon condition he may be served so if i doe , and to the letter k to have the addition of l and p. but it may be objected , why doth mr. simpson of all the apologists put forth such a book before hand , and dare it thus ? i answer in his own words , some may perhaps conceive 't is a signe of guilt to speake so much , and i conceive mr simpsons guilt and consciousnesse caused feare , and feare that hastned him to thrust forth something in the way of the antapologie , to blast the credit of it before it was come forth , and the truth of it is , he of all the apologists hath been most faulty both in holland and in england , and for the close of this concerning what 's reported in the antapologie of m. sympson , i shall speake in the words made use of by himselfe , god taketh the wise in their owne crastinesse , and will destroy such wisdome , and so i beleeve he hath done this of m sympsons forestalling the antapologie , ●…ad m. sympson remembred a late example of m. p. and m. w. brought in to prove what they had said and written of a person of place , and the issue of that ●…iall , or had he staid till the antapologie had come forth to have read what i charge him with , he would never have written thus . . propos. that t is no way of god to divulge mens personall faults , supposing the matter of facts to be true yet the divulging of them in this manner is not according to the word of god. i answer , all that is brought by the anatomizer for proofe page . out of matt. . and his other grounds are nothing to the case and point in hand , namely of making this answer , and i would aske mr sympson , whether it be lawfull to make any answer at all to the apologie , if it be , then certainly if the apologists have personall things and matters of fact , no man can answer them fully , and as they ought to be answered , but he must speake to personall things and matters of fact , and the fault of divulging personall things is not in the antapologist but in the apologists : as for the . of matth. that speakes of private offences , and of offences that may be in that way healed , and the other grounds brought by m. sympson speaks to offences already repented of , and not of such which in stead of being judged faults are made use of publikely to draw men into a way of errour by , i give therefore these two distinct answers : . the apologists have publiquely and openly sinned in avowing some things in the apologie , and they never yet repented of them , ( as i heard ) but m. sympson justifies himselfe , and them in his anatomist anatomized , pag. . now the apostles rule is tim. . , . though timothy may not receive an accusation against an elder under two or three witnesses , yet them that sinne openly may be rebuked before all , that others may feare , now as the ▪ apologists by printing told all the churches , so by printing it may be told to all the churches , the remedie ought to be proportioned according to the disease , the plaister to be as large as the sore , the apologie hath spread it selfe to the parliament , citie , kingdome , and so ought the remedie ; may independents publiquely & confidently write untruths , and may not others in way of answering plainly point at them , but t is against the way of god , and not according to the word , . this may not only lawfully be done , but this ought to be done , when men shall tell sine stories , and bring matters of fact , interweave them all along to prove such a way by , and to gaine people to errours by such rhetoricall arguments , he who answers such a booke , and would preserve people from errours is bound to disprove all he can those matters of fact , and to speake to those popular arguments , by weakning the truth of those relations all he knowes , and secondly by showing how they are not argumentative nor evincing , supposing they were true : t is well knowne by them who are verst in the writings of the protestants against the papists , how in many of the controversies , especially upon the notes of the church , the protestant writers doe , wherein they stand on matters of fact , disprove them by matters of fact and personall things , as upon unitie , holinesse of life , &c. and i conceive in giving an answer to the apologie , i could not have declined matters of fact without gratifying the cause of independencie , and wronging the truth ; i suppose the excellencie of an answer , as distinct from writing tractates upon such a subject , or such a point consists in three things : . in not speaking whatever a man pleases , or bringing in whatever he hath a mind to , but in following the text before him , and in keeping his discourse close to that . . in not omitting any materiall passages , skipping over the knots , passing by the hard arguments and falling on the weake , snatching here and there , but going thorough all . . in labouring to take the authours mind laid down in the words and scope , and in not wresting and fastning another sense upon the authour : all which i propounded to my selfe in falling upon this answer , and have aimed at in it , and therefore could not omit matters of fact nor personall things brought by the apologists , especially when all along they are with much art framed and set to gaine credit to the church way , to prove some maine principles of their way , and to effect their desires ; for instance , how is a story with the apologists practise upon it , pag. , , , . brought to prove the effectuall successe of submission and non-communion , how is their good carriage since their returne into england , and their exile made use of to move for a toleration , how is all that narration of , , 〈◊〉 ▪ pages , of their enquirie into the word of christ , &c. laid downe as so many grounds to possesse the reader of the truth of the church way , let the apologeticall narration be analiz'd , and it will be found there is no point of fact , or personall thing in it , but is brought in some way or other as a motive or argument for their way , so that of necessitie i could not avoid matter of fact , unlesse i would betray the truth . paul in the second of the galathians , , . openly rebukes peter , because he was to be blamed for his with-drawing and separating himself , and because others thereupon were carried away with it , and so because the apologists doe not only withdraw and separate themselv●… , but by their apologeticall narration doe even compell others also , i cannot but speak . . propos. that 't is not argumentative against the cause that , falsly called independencie , nor rationall or conducing to decide any , or this controversie . . that the apologists and the anatomizers way is not falsly but truly cald independencie , i referre the reader to these pages in this present answer , , , . secondly , were all the matters of fact , and the narration of them argumentative for the apologists cause to move the parliament , and to draw the reader to their way , and is not the disproving of them argumentative against it , if this be not argumentative against independencie , then i am sure the greatest part of the apologet. narration is nothing materiall for it , and wher●…fore then was that storie of a minister deposed , and matter of fact upon it inserted in the narration with many other , and supposing that to be true , that ther 's no reasoning from the qualitie of the person to his cause , why then doe you so much doe it in your apologie , taking all occasions to magnifie your partie , and reasoning from your persons to your cause , from your sufferings , patience , &c. but whether there be any strength or no in that , it matters not , t is strongly argumentative in any point to overthrow mens own mediums , and that the antapologie doth ; in a word , there 's more consequence then the anato●…zer is willing to see in that maine assertion of the apologie , that one church may non-communion , but not excommunicate another ( as he termes it , ) to the miscarriages of m. sympson and his church , for might presbyteriall government take place , we should not have men so easily principled into anabaptisme , nor make a covenant with separation , &c. as in this answer in many places is proved . and so much for answer to mr. sympsons book as far as it concernes the antapologie , and may be a block in the way of it , now besides this , there is one objection more that hath been in the mouths of some independents , and may be instilled into many more to hinder the fruit 〈◊〉 benefit of this answer , namely ( against the maner of the answer ) that t is 〈◊〉 answer full of bitternesse , malice , reproaches , railings , and that t is a booke written against gods people and good men . for consutation of this objection , i present to the readers apprehension these following particulars . . i have endeavoured for the manner of doing it , that it might be without all just exceptions in regard of hard words and better speeches , and i can truly say i have declined many words and phrases more proper , and taken other words which in some places have readred the stile more rugged to avoide offensive phrases , and all along though i often disprove matters of fact , yet i never use so harsh a word ( to my remembrance ) as false , much lesse a lye , but untrue , and this is not so , whereas m. sympson in his pamphlet useth falsly and hath the word lye . . i desire the conscientious indisterent reader to consider my book is not a treatise or tractate upon what subject i please to speak of , but an answer , and so must follow where that leads me , & speak to that . . t is an answer to a book full of matter of fact , and stories of the authours themselves , so that i cannot answer without particularising , the truth cannot be evidenced to the reader without cōming somewhat to particulars . 〈◊〉 . the book contains matter of high praise of themselves and their partie ( a few inconsiderable persons comparatively ) with many close , indirect , and dangerous insinuations against all the reformed churches , which cannot be answered particularly without some recrimination and charge . . there are many particulars in matters of fact , i prove and charge the apologists with , and some too bad for untruth . . i forbeare men●…oning the names of many particular persons which this apologie leads me unto , some wholly , others i speak of only under the 〈◊〉 letter of their names , and for the apologists though i often particularly name them , yet in some places of my book , and in some grosser things , i forbeare particularizing them too . . i medle not with personall things and matters of fact that are heterogeneall , to relate other kind of facts and practises which i have heard on knowne of any the apologists ; but speake only of such as are proper to the matter occasioned from their apologie , or the effects and fruits of their church way , the apologists themselves giue the occasion to the laying open so many particulars , which no other occasion but such an one as this could have drawn forth from me to have made their names and practices thus publike . . in many passages of this answer i doe upon severall occasions give the apologists a just testimonie of that worth for parts and piety which is in them , and speak to them , and of them as brethren , so that let but all these things be laid : together , considering also the rules of scripture in such cases , and that i intended a plaine particular down-right answer , and this answer will then be accounted candid , moderate , my pe●…dipped in oile , and not in vinegar . . i can truly speak it that this present antapologia is so farre from being written out of any malice or ill will to the apologists , that i love their persons , and value them as brethren , yea some of them above brethren , and besides that love i beare to them as saints , i have a personall love , and a particular love of friendship to some of them , and i can truly speake it , that i writ not this book nor any part of it out of any personall quarrell , old grudge , or former difference ( for to this day there never was any such difference or unkindnesse passed between us ) but i have writ it with much sorrow , unwillingnesse and some kind of conflict , in respect of that old personall love and friendship still strong in me , and had not the truth constrained me , my call to this worke beene strong , and the cause of god and reformation much in my eye , i had out of my personall love and respect to some of the apologists given over the worke : i can , and am ready to doe them any service of love , even the meanest , to wash their feet , and should much rejoyce in their happy union and growing into one body with us in this reformation . and let not this answer for the truth and plainnesse of it , be branded for a bitter , rayling , malitious answer , but let this also be added to the former premises , that the apologists needed such an answer as should not flatter nor extoll them , but be free and plaine ; for the truth is the apologists have been too much flattered both in their persons and church-way , and they are undone for want of being dealt with plainely and freely ; a candle hath been too much held to them , and i hope this answer may doe much good , even to abate their swellings and confidence , and if many of the ministers would deale more plainely with them , it would be better both for them and us : i remember a passage of * calvin in an epistle of his to melancthon concerning luther , which may be applied to the ministers in reference to the apologists , how that if there were that mind in all of us which ought to be , some remedy might be found : and certainly we transmit an unworthy example to posterity , whilst we cast away all liberty rather then we will offend one man , and will not his vehemencie the more rise and grow whilst all beare with him and suffer all things , &c. . answ. the writing of books against the errors and opinions ( though of good men ) is not speaking against good men , or opposing godlinesse ; when the apologists in their apologie writ against authoritative presbyteriall government , and in page 〈◊〉 and of thei●… apologie doe professedly declare they judge the calvinian reformed churches to stand in need of a further reformation themselves , and that the truth lyes in the ●…ddle way betwixt authoritative presbyteriall government , &c. did they speake against the saints and all the godly ministers in those churches : when paul withstood peter to the face , because he was to be blamed for his withdrawing and separating , did paul speake against the apostles of christ , or speake evill of the saints ? no more doe , i in writing this booke . good reader , not to de●…ine thee longer from en●…ing into the house it selfe , lay all things together , consider wisely of persons and things , and have not the faith of our lord jesus christ the lord of glory with respect of persons , accept and take in good part what is now brought to thy hand , as intended for thy spirituall good , for the recovering or preserving thee from errors on the right hand , and let love cover any mistakes or faults thou maist meet with in it . i am but one against five , as also in so many sheets there may well be errata , and all things not so strong , in much writing a mans pen may slip and mistake , and with long waking a watchfull man may winke now and then ; consider also this answer hath been made in the midst of much preaching and many other businesses , having been destitute also of some advantages and helps which at another time i might have had . thy good acceptance of it ; thy profiting by it , and thy earnest prayers to god for me , will encourage me to goe on in further writing , to which i have so deeply engaged my selfe in this book ; and god sparing me life and health , i have taken up a fixed resolution , never to give over writing till this church be setled , and these great schismes amongst us healed : but if it should so happen that this antapologia should profit nothing at all many christians whom i intend it most unto , yet i question not but it will profit some , even as augustine in his epistle to vincentius writes , even them who have a care to reade it with the feare of god , and without respect of persons . now the god of truth and peace reveale abundance of truth and peace , and give us truth and peace always by all meanes ; he fulfill that promise in ieremie , to his people in this kingdome , to give them one heart and one way to feare him , for the good of them and their children after them : and so commending thee deare christian to god , and the word of his grace , and this work of mine to his blessing , i conclude this epistle as beza doth his to duditius , farewell , the lord keep thee and all thine from all evill , and especially from nooneday devils , which walke about in this place and in these times , that is , from the errors of anabaptisme , brownisme , antinomianisme , toleration of sects and schismes under pretence of libertie of conscience . amen . yours in christ , tho. edwards . errata . page . marg , for mat. . reade mat. ●… . p. . l ▪ . adde and. p. . l. . for had r. have . p. . l. ●… , tor wa r. is . p. . l , . for nor r. not . p. . l. . for pareus●… r. pareushesess●… . p. . l. ●… . for satisfie r. satisfied . p. l. . for conceive r. conceived . p. . l. . at the full point , . following lin●… though they be printed of the same character which the words of the letter are , yet they be the words of the author of this answer . p. . l. . for remaine t rem●…e . p. . l. . adde after rel●… short . p. . l. . but must be transposed after there , and dele the : p. . l. ●… . r. for which though comming it be , which committed though it be . p. ●… , l. . 〈◊〉 censures adde the. p. . l. . for lib●…tles r. libertines . p. ●… . l. . for marks r. rules . p. . l. . after others , adde to all the ordinances . p. . l. . r. for leave to follow , leave follovving the. p. . l. . r. for conceiving , receiving . p . l. 〈◊〉 . for to r. of . l . for reall r. evill . p. . l. . for offices upon mistaken partialiti●… , r. offences upon mistakes and partialitie . p. ●… . l. . r , for iudge it , iudged . p. . l. ●… . for each r. the , p. . l. . addd after be , as . p. . l. . at thus must be a full point , and all the semicircles in this page must be put out . p. . l. ●… . for state pars●…te r. state part . p. ●… . l. for pleas●… r. partaker●… . p. . for s●… r. 〈◊〉 . p. ●… . l. 〈◊〉 . adde for before , 〈◊〉 full . p. . l. . for diametrally r. diametrically . p. . l. . for witnesses r witnessed . p. . l. 〈◊〉 . ●…adde after according to . p. ●… , l. . for should r. could , p. . l. . for beate r. breake . antapologia , or , a full answer to a booke entituled , an apologeticall narration , &c. as the assertors of truth , through the subtilty and malice of satan and his instruments , causing prejudices and mistakes in the minds of many , have beene necessitated to write apologies and make defences ( as * the scriptures , and many authours both a antient and b moderne doe abundantly testifie , ) c so many who have maintained errours , have purposely chosen the way of making apologies , and justifications both of themselves and their opinions , that so by good words , and faire speeches , they might deceive the hearts of the simple . amongst other erroneous spirits who have used this artifice , the d brownists , and separatists have not been least : ( as is to be seen in some of their books , ) e the independents and semiseparatists have also taken up this way , as heretofore , so now in this present apologeticall narration , which i shall examine , and returne an answer to , with all candor , fairenesse and respect , both to the authours , and to the booke , so farre forth as the truth and cause of god may suffer no prejudice . and i shall speake ; first to the title of the booke , and then to the booke it selfe . as for the title ; an apologeticall narration of some ministers formerly in exile , now members of the assembly of divines . it might have been fitlier styl'd , a panegyricall oration of some ministers : or , an encomiastick : for all along the discourse , encomiums and praises are interwoven , and the authours take all occasions to extoll , and magnifie both themselves , and their party ; as many severall passages testifie . narration . ] . an accusation rather : for both openly , and more closely there are many dangerous insinuations , ( and those oftentimes nothing to the matter in hand ) by way of derogation , and depression of all reformed churches differing from them : as the reader may observe in these pages . . a narration should be plaine* , cleare , particular , true , perfect ; or else it answers not the nature and end of a narrative : but this narration will be found darke , doubtfull , generall , untrue , imperfect both in matter of fact and opinion ; relating only part , and having a reserve . of some ministers formerly in exile . ] as this is part of the title in the frontispiece to invite the reader , and take the people ; so 't is often mention'd in the body of the book , some ten times , usque ad nauseam . but into what remote , and farre countrey were you banish't ? and what were the companions of your exile ? certainely the reader , into whose hands your apologeticall narration comes , and finds , both in the title and booke so often mention , and such a matter made of exile and banishment ; will thinke , alas ! good men , into what patmos , indies , or remote wildernesse were they banish't and for●…'t to flye ? and will never imagine , that these were the exiled ministers , and this their exile , who in a time of common danger , and suffering in their own land , went with their wives , children , estates , friends , knights , gentlemen and citizens over into holland , where they lived in safety , plenty , pompe and ease , enjoying their own wayes and freedome : and when the coasts were cleered , came over into england , were entertain'd and receiv'd with all respects and applause , and are now members of the assembly of divines . for the booke it selfe : it consists of three maine parts . . the occasion of putting forth this apologeticall narration at this time . . the narration it selfe . . the end and aime of it , exprest in the last page of the booke . to each of which parts , and all the particulars , i shall give a direct and positive answer , by subjoyning the answer to every passage of the narration ; whereby both being in the readers eye , he may compare them together ; and so judge the better both of the apologeticall narration , and the antapologie . and i shall follow from page to page , and line to line , not omitting any materiall passage , either in matter or manner of expression , and in the matter no particular either of fact or opinion . and the reader may observe , that i have tied my selfe to follow close where they lead me , not taking liberty to range or digresse . and this answer , though it be not written in such strong lines , and inticing words as the narration , yet ( by the grace of god ) it shall excell it in plainenesse and evidence ; and in the words of truth and sobernesse . as for this apologeticall narration , though at the first view and reading of it , it carries a face of fairenesse , candidnesse , modesty , ingenuity , especially to such who know not the authours , neither the history , nor all the opinions , so that the learned licenser , having lived remote ( till of late ) was strangly deceiv'd to give such a testimony to it ; much more may the people . yet many learned and godly ministers who understand their way , and them ; and have observ'd , their rise , progresse and proceedings in their church way ; even such who are their good friends , and tender enough of them , have quite another opinion of their booke ; and judge they were much overseen in the framing of it : and that they have much lost themselves by it , and in due time , may heare more of it , as weli for the unseasonables of it , as for some things contained in it . my judgement of it is this : that 't is indeed cunningly , and advantagiously drawne up , for to take , and deceive good people ; to gather , increase and confirme their party by it ; being full of specious and glorious pretences , and all plausible seeming compliance and correspondency with the churches they d●…rt from . and therefore my scope in this answer , is the i●…avouring to undeceive the people , and to wipe off the paint , and to shew the snake under the greene grasse , and the foule hand under the white glove : and upon the through and full examination of the booke , i can bring in this just charge against it : that there is not only fraud in relating part of the story and opinions , and not the whole , holding out the bright-side of the cloud , but hiding the blacke , but there are many manifest untruths in some of their relations ; and that even where god and men are called to witnesse : and i could in most passages of the apologie , which are matters of fact , write the quite contrary to what they affirme . besides , that some passages in the booke , crosse and enterfeere with others . as also there i●… a dealing in generalls , and in the clouds , with many doubtfull and double expressions like apollo's oracles : there being few passages of moment either in matter of fact , or opinion , but they are so framed that they may receive a double construction : and that sense which according to grammar , and ordinary acception they carry , cannot be meant . [ now this charge and every particular of it , i shall make good in this following discourse . and because they have now by name in so open a manner appear'd in print , as to present this apologie to both hous●…s of parliament ; i must be forc't ( though against my mind , and contrary to my purposes and resolutions ) to name persons , times , places , occasions , with other circumstances which may evidence the truth of what i write to the reader , calling god to witnesse ( whom i desire to feare , and to whom i know i must give an accompt ) that i faine nothing , nor wittingly mis-report any thing , no , not in the least circumstance : neither have i taken up reports lightly , but what ever i affirme or assert in this answer , i either had it from their own mouthes , or can shew it in their own letters , or in other manuscripts , or in some printed books of men of their way and communion : or else have received it from credible persons , many of them eare witnesses , and eye-witnesses upon the places ; all which witnesses are either learned , godly , judicious ministers ; or else godly christians , some their friends and familiars who have beene amongst them , and converst with them , both in holland and england . and i appeale to many of my reverend brethren in the ministery , and to many godly christians , and to the consciences of the authours of this apologie , upon second thoughts ; and to their own followers , and church-members , whether , all along i speake not the truth . our eares have been of late so filled with a sudden unexpected noise of confused exclamations ( though not so expressely directed against us in particular , yet in the interpretation of the most reflecting on us ) that awakened thereby , we are enforced to anticipate a little that discovery of our selves which otherwise we resolv'd to have left to time and experience of our wayes and spirits , the truest discoverers , and surest judges of all men and their actions . ] you make the ground and occasion of setting forth this apologeticall narration now , to be your eares of late so filled with a sudden and unexpected noise of confused exclamations , interpretatively reflecting on you . it will hardly be believed by wise men , that such men as you should make such an apologie , and that in such a juncture of time , ( the assembly sitting , and being upon discipline , and you members of it ) upon so weake and sleight grounds as a sudden and unexpected noise of confused exclamations comming to your eares ; which , as they are soone raised , so are they as soon gone and often die of themselves , and by wise men nothing more slighted , especially being sudden and confused . if other of your brethren who swimme not with the streame of the times , and are not the darlings of the people , should upon every occasion of their eares fild with a sudden and unexpected noise of confused exclamations ; ( even when they are expressely directed against them , and not only in interpretation reflecting on them ) write apologies and make defences , they should judge they had little to doe , and might have filled city and countrey with apologies before now . there are who will not be perswaded , but are induced rather to think , there were other motives and grounds of your writing that apologie at that time : and the rather , because there have been heretofore , such noises of confused exclamations ( at least interpretatively reflecting on you ) and you pass'd them by . shall i tell you what is judg'd to have rather enforced you unto this worke : many of the ministers in the city , not long before drew up a letter to the assembly concerning some church grievances , and in particular , that of gathering of churches , and drawing away their people : which letter , as it was not directed in particular against you , so , it reflected in the words and sense upon many others rather then your selves : which letter how it was accepted of by the assembly , and what speeches and motions were upon it , how to remedy , and prevent the evills represented , and especially , that of gathering churches , you better know then i. but soon after , some considerations were put forth , by many members of the assembly , to disswade from gathering churches : to which considerations your hands were subscribed . ( upon what reasons you complied in that , and whether you could not well avoide it , without greater prejudice to your cause , you know best . ) and now whether this apologeticall narration was not first hastned to follow upon these considerations to counter-ballance that act of yours against further gathering of churches , that your cause and way might receive no losse and prejudice , and to satisfie your own party ( many of them greatly exclaiming against you for your hands to those considerations , ) and so thinking by this after game to recover all , i leave to the reader to judge ? . whether also , you well knowing that the assembly was upon the borders of the maine points in difference and upon comming to debate presbytery , ordination , excommunication , you put not forth this book to tast and try the spirits of the assembly and others before hand ? . whether also , this was not intended to pre-possesse the peoples minds to lay in prejudice against what the assembly might determine : and by discovering your selves so before hand , and so publikely ingaging your selves , your party might appeare , and stand the more by you , and with you for a toleration , the great designe of the men of this way in these times ? . lastly , whether ( as much as you durst ) this apologie was not set out just upon the comming-in of our brethren of scotland to our helpe , to asperse the governement and reformation of the church of scotland , and to lessen the esteeme of that kingdome and church , so much and so deservedly valued by this kingdome , but looked upon by all the men of the new church way , as the great let of their independent government ? these reasons with some other may well be thought to be the ground of your apologie , but that alledged by you ( the sudden and unexpected noyse of confused exclamations ) seemes so farre from a reason , that upon good grounds is doubted whether it can be true that a noyse of confused exclamations reflecting on you and your wayes could be sudden and unexpected to you : 't is strange to me that exclamations should be to you at that time unexpected , that a few men going in a new by way different from all the reformed churches of christendome , and that with so high a hand as you , and your party have done , should not expect speaking against , and to have their eares filled with outcryes and exclamations ( not only confused and interpretative ) but distinct , particular and personall . now as the pretended ground of making this apologie is taken from you , so what you affirme in the following words ( that you were awakened thereby ) is denied , for you have never been asleepe since your comming over into england , but have been alwayes watchfull , and intent to the uttermost upon all things which might either further your way , or might hinder it , 't is we who need something to awaken us , as having been too much asleepe in respect of you , for whilst the husbandmen have slept , you have both sowed tares , and reaped a harvest : but i am in hope that your apologeticall narration and this antapologia together , will awaken both parliament , ministers and people , more and more , and open mens eyes to judge of things aright between you and us . as for the being enforced to anticipate a little that discovery of your selves which otherwise you resolved to have left to time and experience of your wayes and spirits . it appeares manifestly by what i have answered already , both of the weakenesse of that ground ( a sudden and unexpected noyse of confused exclamations ) and that in all reason you could not but expect exclamations that you were not enforced by that to make this apologie , and to anticipate the discovery of your selves ; being schollers and understanding men , you may blush to write that such poore things should inforce you against your resolutions , but you were willing and desirous to make such an anticipation , and so you would make and find some ground for it , judging a sorry excuse better then none at all , but however , you were not inforced to anticipate , yet i must tell you this aoplogie is an anticipation with a witnesse , such an anticipation , both for the unseasonablenesse of it , and for the manner and way of it , as i judge no story nor age can paralell it : that you could not stay a little longer , but in such a time when we need so much the assistance of our brethren of scotland , and the help of all other reformed churches , in the face of the parliament , assembly and kingdome , to put out such a peece , and to doe such an act as this is beyond all example , and i will but represent to your selves and the reader in a third person , what you have done in making this apologeticall narration , and then leave you to give sentence . suppose any other five members of the assembly , men , as considerable as your selves every way , both for piety and learning ; nay , any twenty members of the assembly , had at the same time when you put forth this apologeticall narration , only presented a bare narration of a government , different , both from the government by arch-bishops , bishops , &c. and from the presbyteriall , to both houses of parliament ; and that without reciting their doings , and sufferings , or pleading their great merits ; or without casting any aspertions on presbyteriall government , and the reformed churches : and should have peremptorily concluded , as you doe in two severall pages , viz. , and . that we doe here publikely ▪ professe , the true government to stand , and consist in the middle way , betwixt that which is called episcopall and presbyteriall : what would you five have thought of this ? and how ( think you ) would this have been taken by the houses of parliament , and by the assembly ? whether would not you five , and some others of you , have cry'd out of this , as a most strange fact , and have strongly moov'd , and aggravated it with all your might , that this affront , both to the parliament , and the assembly , so contrary to the nature and end of this meeting , to pre-judge , and pre-determine a governement , might be censured with a suspension from the assembly , at least , if not an utter expulsion . [ as for the discovering of your selves by this apologeticall narration , which otherwise you should have left to time and experience : this booke , is not only a little discovery of your selves ; but a mighty discoverer of your wayes and spirits ; and shewes us what we may judge of you , who will put out in publike a piece so fallacious , and untrue as this will appeare to be . but how ever this is the first discovery of your selves in this way , with all your hands subscribed : yet , we have had a discovery of you for some yeeres past , both in your practises of withdrawing from our publike assemblies ; and in gathering and constituting separated churches ; preaching ( also ) often on the points concerning your church-way : as also , writing letters and other manuscripts , about ●…ose matters ; with other wayes , wherein time , and experi●…ce of , or , yeares last past , hath been sufficient discoverers , and sure judges of you and your actions . and now we shall begin to make some appearance into publike light , unto whose view and judgements should we ( that have hitherto laine under so dark●… a cloud of manifold mis-apprehensions ) at first present our selves , but to the supreame judicatory of this kingdome , which is and hath beene in all times the most just and severe tribunall for guiltinesse to appeare before , much more to dare to appeale unto ; and yet withall , the most sacred refuge ánd asylum for mistaken , and mis-judged innocence . 't is strange , that having kept out of publike light , ( as you say ) all this three yeares space , you could not forbeare a little longer from telling fine stories of your selves , and publishing your particular private opinions in print : especially , considering there was an assembly of learned divines ( of which you are members ) to declare unto , and with whom you might debate the points in difference : where ( also ) you know you have all freedome , and just respect . and i must tell you , 't is the judgement , of some of your good friends , that you were much mistaken in the time now , and that you had been farre more excusable , if you had put out this apologeticall narration a yeare or two agoe : they interpreting it a violation of the or●…nce , by which you are members , a high affront , and contempt to the assembly in pre-judging of it : and such a preingaging of your selves , and party ; as you cannot retreat so easily , and with that honour as you might before : as also , a ground of much disturbance and prejudice with the people against what shall be determined by the assembly . as to that , you say , we now begin to make some appearance into publike light : in a sense'tis true , for all the time , that you have beene in your church way , both in holland and england , you have carried things closely ; and conceal'd all that you could possibly , your opinions , and practises , with the grounds of them , from your brethren the ministers , who studied and understood the points : but for tender conscienced , and weake christians ( especially such whom you had any interest in , any wayes , and you had any probability to gaine to you ) you have not been wanting , either in letters of invitation , or cominending some books of the church-way to them : as also by preaching , and conference to draw them to you . as for that quere , unto whose view , and judgement , should we at first present our selves , but to the supreame judicatory of this kingdome ? i answer , . to any , rather then to the two houses of parliament , to present before them such a darke , covert , doubtfull , un-true relation . . in these points of difference about church-government and worship , you should have presented your selves rather to the assembly than the parliament , and if you consult the ordinance ( by vertue of which you are members ) you will find it more conformable to have first propounded your doubts to the assembly ; and if the assembly could not have satisfied you , then , afterwards you had an allowance of giving in your dissents , with the grounds of them to both houses . as to that passage , your having hitherto laine under so darke a cloud of manifold misapprehensions : which you make the ground of first presenting your selves to the parliament by this apologie : how does this agree with what you write in page ? and we found many of those mists , that had gathered about us , or were rather cast upon our persons , in our absence , began by our presence againe , ( and the blessing of god upon us ) in a great measure to scatter and vanish without speaking a word for our selves or cause . and if at your first appearing , so many of those mists , and in so great a measure were vanisht ; then surely , by that time your writ this apologie , all might have been vanisht and scattered : but let me aske you : whose mis-apprehensions , doe you understand , you lay under , that you present this apologie to the parliament , and appeale to them ? doe you meane , you have laine under the darke cloud of the manifold mis-apprehensions of the parliament 〈◊〉 or , of the people of the kingdome ? certainely , not under the darke cloud of the mis-apprehensions of the parliament , they are too great , and wise a body , to be guilty of manifold misapprehensions of you : besides , what ministers have had the sunne of their favour shining upon them , more then your selves ▪ you all have been made members of the assembly by them , called to preach before them , upon their publike solemne occasions : and some of you employed in extraordinary services : but if you understand the mis-apprehensions of the body of the people : why doe you present this apologie to the parliament ? what would you have them doe for you ? or how shall they free you from the darke cloud of manifold misapprehensions ? i suppose , you doe not expect , that the houses should set forth a declaration to cleere you five : neither make an ordinance , that whosoever mis-apprehends you and your wayes , shall be reputed ill affected to the publike ( though m. s. your new great friend sets the brand of malignancie on them who are against you : ) why doe you then appeale to them , in respect of the misapprehensions of the people ? or trouble them with so triviall a matter ? doe you not know , the people will mis-apprehend persons , and opinions , though plainely and fully laid downe ? which yours never yet were . and indeed , for any cloud of manifold mis-apprehensions you have hitherto laine under , you may thanke your selves , and never appeale to the parliament , to be a refuge , and asylum , for your mistaken , and mis-judged innocence ; whenas according to your owne confessions in this apologie , going in a new , and different way from all the reformed churches , you have never yet declared what you hold , and what not : neither have answered the bookes written against your way , but have reserved your selves : and yet , whereas you pretend a cloud of manifold mis-apprehensions as the ground in this way , first to present your selves , and to appeale to the parliament : and 't is a usuall phrase in the mouthes of your party to put off arguments with , that you are mistaken . i know not for mine own part , and some others of my bretheren , wherein any of you have been mis-apprehended by us ; but we have so farre judged of you , as to goe by no other rules but your known practises , and your letters , and other manuscripts given , and sent out to your followers ; and from what some who are of your own churches , and your familiar friends have held out , and pleaded for , as your principles : together with what we find in the printed treatises of them of new-england , the new-england way being generally taken to be your way : and i heard mr bridge since this parliament openly affirme it , for himselfe and others , we agree with them of new-england , and are of their church-way : and mr burroughs hath said so too . as for the first presenting your selves to the supreame judicatory of this kingdome : had it not been , for the reasons given you above , i should not have spoken against it : but seeing you have appeal'd unto them , unto them ye shall goe 〈◊〉 unto the parliament ; as the most just and severe tribunall for guiltinesse , and withall , the most sacred refuge and asylum for innocence , i appeale too : humbly desiring them ( if their great affaires can spare any time ) to read this antapologie , with the reasons i , above two yeare●… since , presented to the house of commons , against your helena of independencie , and your diana of toleration . meane time i cannot but stand and wonder , that you knowing and acknowledging the houses to be the supreame judicatory of the kingdome , &c. how you had the face to presen●… an appeale to them in things untrue : wherein many people can point to and say , passages in the , and pages , are not so : i heard ( saith one ) at such a church one of the five preach of their church-way ; and i heard ( saith another ) another of them , at such a church , preach the like . but why doe i wonder ? when it will appeare in the following discourse , you have so much in your own cause at this time lost your selves , and forgot your principles ; as that ye doe ascribe to the grace of god , and call god to witnesse your constant forbearance of publishing your opinions by preaching , &c. which how untrue 't is , i shall evince when i come to the , and pages , or else let me suffer . and thus much for the occasion , or preface of this apologeticall narration . the most , if not all of us , had ten yeares since ( some more , some lesse ) severall setled stations in the ministery , in places of publike use in the church , not unknown to many of your selves ; but the sinfull evill of those corruptions in the publike worship and government of this church , which all doe now so generally acknowledge and decrie , tooke hold upon our consciences long before some others of our brethren ; and then how impossible it was to continue in those times our service and standings , all mens apprehensions will readily acquit us . ] here begins the narration , wherein we may consider , the matter of it ; and the manner and way of the carriage and contrivance of it . the matter consists , partly of fact and practise : and partly of opinions and tenents : both which all along in their narration are interwoven within each other : their opinions and tenents in their practises , and their practises in their opinions . the matter of the narration consists of three maine parts : first , of their opinion and fact before their exile : the second of their opinions and practises in their exile : the third of their carriage and behaviour since their returne into england , from their first comming over to the time of putting forth this apologie . the manner of carrying it all along , is clothing the narration in such words , phrases and in such a way ( though the church principles are laid downe and maintained in it ) as to make the parliament and kingdome believe they differ little or nothing from the reformed churches , and from our church now : and in the things wherein there is some difference , of which they give but three instances ( though the differences be many , and so great in their account as to constitute new churches and to forsake communion upon them ) yet they render them so to the parliament and reader , as if the reformed churches in the differences between them could not but allow their way and practises , though there may be some just question about their own . now this apologeticall narration in all the parts of it both for matter and manner hath many flawes , both of untruths , and of doubtfull , darke expressions , consisting of generals , &c. the particulars i shall observe all along , and give animadversions upon them in their proper place . now before i answer to all the particulars contained in this narration , i propound these two questions to the apologists to consider of . quest. . considering that all of you fell not off from the dark part together , nor upon enquiring into the light part at the same time , that you went not over into holland together , neither lived in holland nor england neere each other , neither communicated principles at first to one another , yea were not some of you for a good time so much as acquainted together , besides that you were not all in the same condition , with other different circumstances ; nay yet more that some of you , as mr bridge and mr sympson , for some yeares in holland so opposite to one another : how you five could in this apologie all along , both concerning matters of fact and opinion in england , holland , and since your returne , make such narrations and solemne professions both positively and negatively ( not only every man for himselfe ) but each in the name of all and for all : amongst many instances i will name these ; . how you can in the third page , every man for the other , speake what is there expressed , for suppose mr goodwin might looke upon the word of christ as impartially and unprejudicedly , &c. yet how can mr goodwin speake this for mr sympson and mr bridge ( the condition they were in being different from his ) and i wonder how mr sympson and mr bridge can write this as agreeing to them both , knowing so well the contrary , and having in many words and letters to their friends , charged each other with great partiality and self-seeking . . how could you in the th page , make that profession for one another , that all that conscience of the defilements , &c. did never work in any of us any other thought , much lesse opinion , when as you knew not one anothers thoughts and opinions . . how you can in the , and , pages write for one another , which we had not attempted in the least , we call god and men to witnesse our constant forbearance either to publish our opinions by preaching , &c. whenas you doe not know all that others of you may have done or preached . quest. . seeing you doe in this apologie write so often we have so and so , and we have not , we had not , nor any of us , supposing now some of you to have done , or not to have done , yet if it be found that any of you have done contrary , whether are not the others guilty in this case , and is not the proving such facts against any one or more of you , a proving against you all , and a direct confutation of your apologie in those particulars : for instance , suppose mr ny and mr goodwin have not for their particulars published their opinions by preaching , nor attempted in the least to make a partie , but yet mr bridge , mr sympson , mr burroughs , have ; and againe , suppose mr goodwin , mr ny , mr bridge , mr burroughs have not gathered nor added to their churches multitudes , but mr sympson only , whither now mr goodwin and mr ny , having made professions , protestations in the name of all , are not faulty and guilty too , and may not be justly charged in the answer , of untruths in such particulars ( though mr bridge and mr sympson should only be formally guilty . ) the foure first lines of this section , containing the relation of your stations in the ministery , is granted you : but as to that part of this section , the sinfull evill of those corruptions in the publike worship and government of this church , &c. i desire to propound this question to you : whether by the sinfull evill of those corruptions , in the publike worship and government of this church , you understand the things reputed to be established by law , as the book of common prayer : the entrance into our ministery by ordination of bishops , and living under the episcopall government ? or whether , by the sinfull evill , the innovations in the government and worship , as bowing to altars , &c. which came in of later dayes ? now if you meane the first , that which usually was called , old conformity , in opposition to the new : so i deny that all doe now generally acknowledge and decrie that as sinfully evill ; which appeares thus : because that remonstrance presented to the house of commons in the beginning of the parliament , subscribed by many hundred godly ministers , conformists , and non-conformists for reformation in worship , doctrine , government and discipline : the government , worship and ceremonies were impleaded , in respect of many inconveniences , and evill consequents ; but petitioning against them , as sinfully evill , and absolutely unlawfull was declined : and there are many parliament men and ministers , who have a great zeale to the present reformation in casting out the hierarchy and ceremonies , who are not yet convinced that all their former practise in the way of old conformity , was sinfull : but as those times were , doe judge they did lawfully continue their standing in their places and in this church : much lesse are they satisfied that either episcopall government , or the lyturgy were sufficient grounds of forsaking our publike assemblies , and erecting new : amongst a cloud of learned and godly men , take the testimony of gerson bucerus in his learned answer to doctor downham , who for the point of episcopacie allowes not of schisme in the church , but vindicates himselfe and others who keepe within the bounds of his opinion from being guilty in that kind . which answer to the first part of this section is not here given by me , in the least to plead for the hierarchy , ceremonies or present liturgy ( for i heartily desire their removall ) but only to shew the apologists mistake in asserting that all doe now so generally acknowledge and decrie them as sinfully evill . and besides , if you understand these , you cannot be ignorant that episcopacy , and the old ceremonies took hold upon the consciences of many others before you : even upon the good old non-conformists you speake of afterwards , yea , and upon many of your brethren ( of the same time ) long before you , as mr r. mr h. mr sl. mr r. mr a. mr p. cum alijs : who yet never ran into your principles of forsaking the publike assemblies , and gathering churches : so that many non-conformists leaving the ceremonies before you , and yet being farre from your church-way , may counter-ballance what you would gaine with the people by your insinuations , and narrations of leaving the ceremonies long before some of us : but if by sinfull evill , you meane , the innovations , of bowing to altars , &c. then those of us who stand for a generall reformation , did then acknowledge and decrie them , and they took hold upon our consciences assoone as any of yours : we as much abhorring bowing to altars , publishing the declaration for sports , &c. as you : and witnessing more frequently against them in our ministery then some of you . as to those lines in the close of this section , the impossibility of continuing your stanaings in those times , i confesse there was a great improbability of continuing your publike ministery in those places of london , cambridge , &c. but whether in some other parts of the kingdome more remote and obscure you might not have injoyed your ministery without an impossibility , i question . neither at the first did we see or looke farther then the darke part , the evill of those superstitions adjoyned to the worship of god , which have been the common stumbling block and offence of many thousand tender consciences , both in our own and our neighbour churches , ever since the first reformation of religion : which yet was enough to deprive us of the publike exercise of our ministeries , and together therewith ( as the watchfulnesse of those times grew ) of our personall participation in some ordinances ; and further exposed us either to personall violence and persecution , or an exile to avoide it : which latter we did the rather choose , that so the use and exercise of our ministeries ( for which we were borne and live ) might not be wholly lost , nor our selves remaine debarred from the enjoyment of the ordinances of christ , which we account our birth-right , and best portion in this life . ] for some of you , i judge this to be true , as of mr goodwin , and mr nye ; knowing something of the story of mr goodwins first comming to fall off from the ceremonies , ( having seen and perused the arguments and reasons that past between him and mr cotton and some others : ) and mr goodwin assured me , some moneths after his going off , that he had nothing to say but against the ceremonies : the lyturgy offended him not ; much lesse dreamed he of this church-way he since fell into : so that is true , at first he saw but the darke part , and that but of the ceremonies . but for others of you : as namely , mr bridge , and mr burroughs , whose hands are subscribed to this apologeticall narration ( and this passage is spoken in the name of you all , not some , or most of us , ( as in some other passages ) but wee , as relating to all , ) they did not at first see the darke part , nor the evill of those superstitions , ( namely , the ceremonies ) but were men judged conformable , and practised conformity till the yeare of bishop wrens visitation , and the sending down to norwich his injunctions : about which time , and upon which occasion , mr bridge , with other ministers of the city of norwich , being first suspended , and mr burroughs afterwards at the visitation ; and times growing so very bad , that there was small hopes of admittance againe into their places upon ould conformity , mr bridge tooke his degree per saltum , from a reputed conformitant in the church of england , and might have continued so till this present parliament , ( for ought i know ) to fall suddenly into the church-way , without long seeing , or looking into the darke part or inquiring into the light part of church-worship and government , as that short space between his suspension at norwich , and his being received into a church at rotterdam , and thereupon his fierce letters to some of his old friends in norwich to come from the church of england , will fully show , by which it is manifest , the sinfull evils of those ceremonies tooke not hold upon mr bridge , and mr burroughs consciences till suspensions for bishop wrens innovations first took hold of them . 't is confest the refusing of the ceremonies in the places you were setled in , was enough to deprive you of the publike exercise of your ministeries in those places : especially considering the using of the ceremonies could not preserve some of you from suspensions ; but the refusing of the innovations , was matter enough to silence you there : but whether the simple forbearing of the ceremonies ( especially having left your places , and not taken others ) was enough to deprive you of your personall participation in some ordinances , and further exposed you , either to personall violence and persecution , or an exile to avoid it , that i much doubt , and am no way satisfied : considering , notwithstanding the watchfulnesse of those times , that many non-conformists did injoy , not only some , but a personall participation in all the ordinances of worship , ( as we use to speake : ) namely , word , prayer , sacraments , singing of psalmes : and that in some good degree of peace ( so as to be kept out of the high-commission court , and prisons ) and were not put upon a necessity of exile : and how ever , they resolved to venture some persecution , and violence to doe god some service in their own countrey , rather then to leave the land , and desert the cause of god here , and so give it up wholly , ( as it were ) to the enemy : if all others had done as you five , according to an ordinary way , what had become of this kingdome ? but besides this i remember some of you , as mr goodwin and mr nye , after ye fell off from the ceremonies , did for some space so long as you saw no farther then the darke part , partake in the ordinances here , and in that of the lords supper too , without kneeling : and mr nye's children were baptized without the signe of the crosse : and in the sixt page of this apologie you acknowledge , that some of you , even after you actually were in this way of communion , baptized your children in parishonall congregations ; which i suppose you would not have done without liberty , from the evill of those superstitions annexed to the worship of god : and further , for some three yeares space after mr goodwin and mr nye , saw the darke part , ( nay , after some good time they saw the light part , ) they stayed in the kingdome , and were both of them publike enough , and preached sometimes , yet free from personall violence and persecution , and needed not for any personall persecution or violence they were under to have left the kingdome : and so mr burroughs , what ever his judgement was after his suspension about the darke part and the light part , was free and safe in the kingdome till for some speeches spoken about the scottish warre in some company not to be trusted , he for feare thereof fled in all haste to rotterdam . so that these things stumble me at the truth of these particulars , that you needed not have chosen for the bare refusing the ceremonies , that which you so often terme exile and banishment to enjoy the ordinances , and to avoide personall violence and persecution . but , how ever this is held out as a fine story to the reader , yet to me , there are other reasons seeme more probable ( which you thought good in your wisedomes to conceale ) which made you chuse that which you so affect to call exile , namely , that you might enjoy all the ordinances of christ , ( as you use to speake ) whereof some of them the reformed churches have not , and that in your church-way of separated assemblies ( which is imply'd by you in the close of this section ) as also , that you might have some maintenance by the people that went over with you , and still hoped upon the bad times in england to draw over more , which according to the good old non-conformists principles you could not doe : as also , that you might secure your selves from all possibility and feare of persecutions , be certainely safe upon the shore whilst your brethren were at sea sea in the storme . this being our condition , we were cast upon a farther necessity of enquiring into and viewing the light part , the positive partof church-worship and government ; and to that end to search out what were the first apostolique directions , patterne and examples of those primitive churches recorded in the new testament , as that sacred pillar of fire to guide us . and in this enquire we lookt upon the word of christ as impartially , and unprejudicedly , as men made of flesh and blood are like to doe in any juncture of time that may fall out ; the places we went to , the condition we were in , the company we went forth with , affording no temptations to byas us any way , but leaving us as freely to be guided by that light and touch gods spirit should by the word vouchsafe our consciences , as the needle toucht with the load-stone is in the compasse : and we had ( of all men ) the greatest reason to be true to our own consciences in what we should embrace , seeing it was for our consciences that we were deprived at once of what ever was deare to us . we had no new common-wealths to reare , to frame church-government unto , whereof any one piece might stand in the others light , to cause the least variation by us from the primitive pattern ; we had no state-ends or politicall interests to comply with ; no kingdoms in our ●…ye to subdue unto our mould ; ( which yet will be coexsistent with the peace of any forme of civill government on earth : ) no prefenment or worldly respects to shape our opinions for : we had nothing else to doe but simply and singly to consider how to worship god acceptably , and so most according to his word . this being our condition , must relate to what goes before , which i judge from the literall and gramaticall sense can be no other but this : that falling from the ceremonies , which was enough to deprive you of your ministeries , and the participation of some ordinances , and further exposed you to violence or exile to avoide it , which latter of exile you chusing rather for the ends specified , that put you upon a necessity of enquiring into and viewing the light part , the positive part of church-worship and government ; which words seeme to carry this sense that upon your chusing exile , you fell upon enquiring into the light part , and not before , and all the understanding readers , whom i have spoken with about this passage , take them so : but because you doe not positively say so , and your words may have some evasion ; and i would not fasten any thing on you , as said by you in this book that you affirme not ; let me put to you , for the understanding your minds , this question , whether you take chusing an exile , for , your resolution and purpose when you should see convenient time to leave the land ; ( and not for your actuall leaving the kingdome ; ) and so fell upon enquiring and viewing the positive part of church-worship and government ; and to that end to search out what were the first apostolique directions recorded in the new testament , whilst you were in the kingdome ? or else , whether after you were come into holland , and so actually were exiles , then you were cast upon the enquiring into the light part ? now if you meane , these words , in the first sense , and that the reader must understand them so ; which i must tell you ( as it is a very harsh sense , and for a narration to speake so doubtfully , is not faire , ) so all your discourse following upon it in the , , , , page is vaine , and to no purpose to work that in the minds of the reader which you drive at : besides there are many passages in those pages cannot admit of such a sense , but plainely referre to your being in holland ; as , those words , the places we went to , the condition we were in , the company we went forth with ; and we had of all men the greatest reason to be true to our own consciences in what we should embrace , seeing it was for our consciences that we were deprived at once of what ever was deare to us ; with many other like passages : but if you meane the words in the second sense , as the coherence and scope of the discourse going before and following , carry it ; namely , that when you were in exile , then you began to search out the positive part of church-worship and government ; let me propound my reasons , why i doe not beleeve it , but doe judge , that most of you ( if not all ) were upon the light part , and in the church-way in your judgements before your leaving england , and so when you came over needed no great search into it . in the sixt page you speake expressely , that some of you were actually in this way of communion , and after that baptized your children in parishonall congregations ; which words there exprest must of necessity referre to england before your going over , and cannot be understood whilst you were in holland or since your returne into england , unlesse you meane things quite otherwise then you speake . and that you were beyond the darke part , the evill of those superstitions adjoyned to the worship of god , ( which have been the common stumbling-block of many thousand tender consciences , which cannot be understood but of the ceremonies and some corruptions in the lyturgy ) let me besides your own confession in the sixt page , put these questions to your consciences , and in your answer deny them if you can . . whether some of you whilst you were in england , did not for a long time , wholly forbeare comming to the lyturgy , and comming to the lords supper at all in our congregations , because of the prescribed forme of prayer , and mixt communion ? . whether one of you five told not some friends that he had found out a forme of church-government as farre beyond m cartwrights , as his was beyond that of bishops ? . whether another of you had not so much declared his judgement against the lawfulnesse of set formes of prayer prescribed , as thereupon , at the request of some great persons of worth , mr ball ( now with god ) had not a conference and dispute with him at mr knightlyes upon it ? and whether the same person residing near banbury did not both by preaching and otherways vent many things against prescribed formes of prayer , and communicating in our assemblies , so that the countrey thereabouts was much disturbed , and that painfull preacher mr wheateley ( now with god ) much grieved by the falling off and withdrawing of some ? . whether also , one of these apologists , was not so farre gone in the principles of the new church-way , as that he would not be married by ministers , but deferred marriage till he came into holland , where presently after his comming he was married , ( not in the way of the reformed churches there , ) but by the magistrates according to the way of the brownists , as it is laid down in robinsons apologie ? . i aske , what some of you , whose names are to this apologie , with other ministers of your way ( who are now with god ) with some gentlemen , did at missendon in buckingham-shiere , the winter and spring before you went into holland , and whether that company which went over with you into holland were not engaged in the church-way , and principles before you left england ? and i aske , how long it was , when once you came to viana , where you setled for a time , before you practised your church-way ? whether you tooke any long time of searching-out what were the first apostolique directions , before you fell to the practise of it ? i deny not but you might adde somethings to your church-way after your comming over ; and had you stayed there till this time you had added with a witnesse : of which i shall speake more afterwards . . if mr bridge carried not the positive part over with him , i aske , whether upon the change of the ayre presently after his comming over , without any great time of searching out what were the first apostoilque directions , he were not admitted a member in the church-way , and then chosen one of the ministers of that church at rotterdam , and whether mr burroughs , flying over for words spoken , was not quickly admitted into the church at rotterdam ? so that , if these instances be true , here was no great time of enquiring and viewing , after exile , before you fell to practise ; nor no great time allotted to search out what were the first apostolique directions , patterne and examples of those primitive churches recorded in the new-testament . and to put it past question that you were resolved of your chu●…-way before you left england , ( at least mr goodwin and mr nye ) i have a letter by me under mr archers hand the pastour of their church , dated septemb. , . which was about six weekes after landing , ( for in another letter from him to me , he writes , i landed iuly . ) wherein he writes thus in way of an answer to a passage in a letter of mine dated august . concerning his being in the church-way ; as for your judgement and the worke you are about , i heard of it before : and have not so long stood by afflicted , soberly and conscientiously ta search out the truth , but have throughly seene into the bottome of it , in such a measure , as i am confident that in the end you will all come to us , and not we to you : and in the same letter he speakes of all with him to be of the same judgement , which fully shewes their engagement before they came to holland . but as to that dilemma , whether before your going into holland , or whether afterwards you fell upon the positive part of church-worship and government ; it matters not much in reference to that which followes upon it : for even that which is granted by you without any question , namely , your stumbling at the ceremonies ; and thereupon chusing exile to avoide the possible hazard of personall violence and persecution , which put you upon necessity of enquiring into the light part , hath much in it of selfe to byas , and to draw you to that way of worship and government in which you are in , that so you might be provided for , well and comfortably in your exile with company and maintenance ; ( which only could be in these principles of your church-way ) for according to the non-conformists-principles you could not have drawne any over , nor set up your church-way : and i should in reason have thought , that had you been free and not cast upon this necessity by chusing exile , ( as my selfe and others were ) in the studying of these points , ( though in as much danger from the prelaticall faction as your-selves ) you might more impartially and without preingagement have seen the truth : for it is too often seen , that necessity is ingens telum , and drawes aside often the judgement and practises of good and wise men : and so might doe yours : and therefore you must pardon me if i question whether in your enquiry into the first apostolique directions , you lookt upon the word of christ as impartially and unprejudicedly as men made of flesh and blood are like to doe in any juncture of time that may fall out : i judge , the reformers in the reformed churches of geneva , scotland , &c. upon many reasons , ( some whereof are hinted by the commissioners of the church of scotland ) were like to looke more impartially , and without prejudice upon the word of christ , then you ; they were not forced to fall on their church-government , by a necessity of exile , but having learned it from the word , some of them suffered exile for it : and others resolved to hazard the utmost for it , not upon every feare and imagination , forsaking their people and countrey ; but resolving to doe the will of god , and to promote his cause in their own countrey what ever it cost them : and besides the first reformers , i beleeve there be many in these times , who studying these points have looked more impartially upon church-government and discipline , and been freer from engagements and worldly respects then your selves : and when i weigh the reasons intimated of your impartiality , and free guidance by the spirit , i am no way satisfied , but they serve all to afford temptations to byas you that way you are in . as . for the company you went forth with , both men and women were principled and ingaged in the church-way , and the company some of you went to , being in the open practise of it : and . as for the places you went to , namely , holland , that gives liberty of conscience , and toleration to sundry sects , which is an invitation to errours ; so that you had certainty of enjoying your way there : . as for the condition you were in , ( which is before specified , ) so besides one of you was not willing , for some reasons he knowes best , to live wholly upon his wives meanes , and so needed a church to allow him maintenance : another being in debt : a third forced to fly for feare of severe punishment for words spoken left you not as freely to be guided by that light and touch gods spirit should by the word vouch safe your consciences as the needle toucht with the loadstone is in the compasse : so that if these circumstances be well considered ; with some others of the like nature ; the doore of hopes , being shut up here , of your publike ministery , and the meanes of livelihood to most of you , and without holding and maintaining these principles , there being no way of having churches , whether it is not more probable , you being men made of flesh and blood , ( as that you confesse your selves ) and having hearts deceitfull as well as other men , may be partiall in this relation of your selves , and the temptations of company , place , condition draw you strongly , though you thought it not . but before i passe to other reasons exprest by you in this page , i cannot passe over the high and great words of your selves , namely , in this enquiry we lookt upon the word of christ as impartially , and unprejudicedly , as men made of flesh and blood are like to doe in any juncture of time that may fall out : the places we went to , the condition we were in , the company we went forth with affording no temptation to by as us any way , but leaving us as freely to be guided by that light and touch gods spirit should by the word vouchsafe our consciences , as the needle toucht with the loadstone is in the compasse . brethren , it had been more humility and modesty to have suspected your selves , and to have prefer'd in honour , others before your selves , and it had been more agreeable to the counsell of the holy ghost , not to have thus extold your selves : who are you ? and what are you ? that you should affirme all this of your selves : the apostles st paul , peter , iames and iohn , would not have spoken these words of themselves : and indeed , some of the words doe more suite the condition of angells , and the spirits of just men made perfect , then men on earth subject to like passions as other men : what! your condition , &c. afford no temptation , to by at you any way , but leaving you so freely , &c. 't is such : a piece of selfe-flattery and pride , that hardly the popes-parasites have in the sense of these words exceeded : the great lights of the church in the first reformation , luther , calvin , knox , &c. would have blusht to have had these lines affirmed of them , much more to have been spoken by themselves : but how meanely soever you may think of the reformers before you , in comparison of your selves ( as some passages in your apologie imply ) yet how know you who may come after you to excell you as much in light , as you judge you doe the reformers that went before you , that you speake of the time that may fall out , and is yet to come : can you foresee what men are like to doe in aftertimes . as for that expresse reason : you had of all men the greatest reason to be true to your own consciences in what you should imbrace , seeing it was for your consciences that you were deprived at once of what ever was deare to you : in which passage , you intimate your great sufferings above other men , as if you above others had the greatest reason to be true to your consciences , they not suffering like you : i must tell you , i know some men , that for god and his truth suffered more in england then all you five , and all your churches put together did in holland ; who yet were against your church-way . and for this reason , there is little strength or truth in it : and the former part of it is as likely to be true as the latter : let me sadly put the question to you : how dare you affirme , that for your consciences you were deprived at once of what ever was deare to you i were not your wives , children , estates , friends and lives deare to you ? had you not all these with you 〈◊〉 and did you not in the netherlands live in the best places , in much plenty , ease and pompe ? but what great deprivation at once is this , of what ever is deare ? for men to take their own times , and to goe in summer time with knights , ladyes and gentlewomen with all necessaries into holland , and there to take choice of all the land where to reside , and with wives , children , in the midst of friends and acquaintance , free from the feares , and possibilities of vexations of the spirituall courts and prisons , to injoy all plenty and freedome , as you did ? there are many would have been glad , and still would be of such a deprivation at once , as to be so exiled into holland , to be able to spend , two , or three hundred pounds per annum there . and i must here mind one of you , in whose name this reason is brought , that this cannot be affirmed of him , that for his conscience he was deprived at once of what ever was deare to him , seeing he fled into holland for words about state matters . as for those other reasons following : you had no now common-wealths to neare , to frame church-government unto , you had no state ends , or poloticall interests to comply with ; no kingdom●… in your eye to subdue unto your mould ; no preferment or worldly respects to shape your opinions for . suppose all this to be true which you say , ( which yet , i for my part , upon good reasons doubt ) what will you build upon it ; what followes , that therefore you must alone be in the right for church-government ? 't is denied , it no way followes : for many of the poore anabaptists and brownists had no new common-wealths to reare , not so many state ends , and politicall interests to comply with , as you ( as upon good reason , and the experience of you here , all men will grant : ) and yet you confesse the anabaptists and rigid brownists are out of the way . and besides , had not many of the first reformers , ( as the commissioners of the church of scotland well observe ) as few common-wealths to reare , as few state-ends , or policicall interests to comply with , as you ? nay , are not some of you greater states-men , and polititians , and looke more to preferment and worldly respects , then ever they did ? and are there not amongst us in these times , men differing from your church-way , that eye common-wealths , state-ends , and politicall interests as little as you doe ? why then is all this brought in by you ▪ quorsum haec ? to what end is all this , with the preceding passage , but to insinuate with the people as if you alone were the men that lookt so impartially and ●…prejudicedly on the word ; as if you alone had no state-ends , nor politicall interests , no●… 〈◊〉 preferments in your eye ; and therefore in searching into the word have found out the right way : but other men , not having suffered as you , and having state-ends and worldly preferments to looke to , &c. they are out of the way . but , as i said , i doubt concerning all these grounds given by you : you had new common-wealths to reare ; to frame church-goverment unto , when you first fell to these principles ; namely , the new common-wealth of new-england to frame your church-government unto , where some of you were first bound in your thoughts and purposes ( as you well know , ) and i shall make more evident in a following page : and therefore the church-government there might stand in your light when you first enquired into the church-way ; and might cause some variation by you from the primitive patterne , namely , to looke too much to that where you thought to have ministery and subsistence : you had also , some ends , and interests , and worldly respects to comply with in your going into holland , rather then new-england which you first intended : and these may fitly be termed state-ends , and politicall interests , namely ●…at when some great persons , lords and others should be forced , through the badnesse of the times , ( as was expected and feared ) to seek for shelter in providence , and hispani●…la , you might be there ready to remoove with them , and be taken along into those countreyes , where you hoped to set up new churches , and subdue those countreyes and people which should come over , into your mould . or if otherwise things in england should come to have a great turne , ( as they had by this parliament ) then also by being in holland rather then new-england , you were nigh hand , and your estates more at command , quickly to returne to england , having this kingdome in your eye , hoping you might either subdue england into the way of your church-gover●…ent ; or else gaine a great party to you 〈◊〉 the kingdome , ( which we see is unhappily fallen out : ) and 〈◊〉 , all the state-ends and interests to come , which you might lo●…ke upon in your remooving to holland , there were worldly r●…spects and interests for the present , to make you goe in the chur●…-way ( as i have before observed . ) and to all these , whereas yo●… make the having no new-common-wealths , no kingdomes to eye , to frame church-government unto ; as the ground of falling upon the right way ; let it be considered by you and the reader , that the framing of a church-government according to the conjunction of a few godly persons , either in a plantation , or as strangers in a common-wealth ; and not considering of a church-government for nations and kingdomes , that when kingdomes and nations doe receive the faith , and the magistrates are christians and orthodox , that there must be a church-government as for a nation and kingdome ; is that very thing that deceives you : there being , alia ratio urbis ac orbis , and so a great difference of governing a family two or three , or of a towne , and of governing a nation and kingdome . but as for that parenthesis you make , before you end this section ; ( that your governement will b●… coexistent with the peace of any forme of civill governme●… on earth , ) out of the great care you have , least your church-g●…nment should suffer in the thoughts of many ; ( that it is not consistent with the peace of civill-government ) 't is so farre from truth , that your government and church-way cannot stand with the peace of any forme of civill government ; no not with democraticall government , much lesse aristocraticall ; or monarchicall : but should it be but tolerated , much more established , as the government in a kingdome and nation ; we should quickly find the contrary with a witnesse . in this intervall of church-government we feele ( without a formall toleration of it ) woefull effects opposite to the peace and good of civill government : and i desire to know from you , how you will proove it , and we shall be assured of it , ( for we dare not take your bare word ; ( seeing that never yet any kingdome , or nation entertained your church-way and government , there being yet no experiment of it , which of the presbyteriall goverment hath been in kingdomes and common-wealths this fourescore yeares . and i must tell you that in new-england ( which yet was farre from being a kingdome and nation ) when they began to multiply and encrease , this government had like to have ruined them , both in church and common-wealth : and had they not enterposed , ( and since doe daily ) the power of the magistrate , and many suitable principles to the presbyteriall way , they had been ruined before this : and what yet will be the issue ( unlesse they fall off more and more from their independency ) a little time will shew , and there are letters from thence complaining of the confusions of necessity depending on that government . we were not engaged by education or otherwise to any other of the reformed churches ; and although we consulted with reverence what they hold forth both in their writings and practis●… , yet we could not but suppose that they might not see into all things about worship and government , their intentions being most spent ( as also of our first reformers in england ) upon the reformation in doctrine , in which they had a most happy hand : and 〈◊〉 had with many others observed , that although the exercise of that government had been accompanied with more peace , yet the practicall part , the power of godlinesse and the profession thereof , with difference from carnall and formall christians , had not bee●… advanced and held forth among them , as in this our island , as themselves have generally acknowledged . we had the advantage of all that light which the conflicts of our own divines ( the good old non-conformists ) had struck forth in their times ; and the draughts of discipline which they had drawn ; which we found not in all things , the very same with the practises of the reformed churches ; and ●…hat they had written came much more commended to us , not only because they were our own , but because sealed with their manifold and bitter sufferings . we had likewise the fat●…ll miscarriages and ship-wracks of the separation ( whom ye call brownists ) as land-marks to forewarne us of th●…se rocks and shelves they ran upon ; which also did put us upon an inquirie into the principles that might be the causes of their divisions . last of all , we had the recent and later example of the wayes and practises ( and those improved to a better edition and greater refinement , by all the fore-mentioned helps ) of those multitudes of godly men of our own nation , almost to the number of another nation , and among them some as holy and judicio●… divines as this kingdome hath bred ; whose sincerity in the●… way hath been testified before all the world , and will be to all generations to come , by the greatest undertaking ( but that of our father abraham out of his own countrey , and his s●…ed after him ) a transplanting themselves many thousand miles distance , and and that by sea , into a wildernesse , meerely to worship god more purely , whither to allure them there could be no other invitement . and yet we still stood as vnengaged spectators , free to examine and consider what truth is to be found in and amongst all these , ( all which we looke upon as reformed churches ) and this nakedly according to the word ; we resolved not to take up our religion by or from any party , and yet to approve and hold fast whatsoever is good in any , though never so much differing from us , yea orposite unto us . ] it may be if you had been engaged by education , or otherwise to any other of the reformed churches , that you had seen the order , and peace in some of the reformed churches ; and had you conversed with them before you drunke in these opinions ; you had never been transported with them in opposition to so many most worthy churches : but to what end is this brought in , with all those particulars newly mentioned in the foregoing page ; ( we had , we had , ) with that passage in the close of the last section : we had nothing else to doe but simply and singly to consider how to worship god acceptably and so most according to his word ? unlesse to insin●…ate , and to cast an aspersion upon all others , they had so and so ; and they were engaged by education and otherwise : ( a fine r●…hetoricall way of casting blemishes upon all others , and freeing your selves ) as much as in plaine english to say , that state-ends , politicall interests , preferments and worldly respects , ingagements by education , and such like ; with the streame of publike interest , might beare all others down , that they should not find out the truth : but you , alas ! good men , so f●…e from having any thing to doe in this world , or regarding worldly preferments , or hanging upon great persons , that you must needs find out the truth . but as you would bring education in , and conversing with the reformed churches , as the by as to draw many to the presbyteriall way ; so let me tell you , though you were no●… engaged any way to the reformed churches of europe , yet you were many wayes to the reformed churches of new-england ▪ and to some prime m●…n in new-england , by a high admiration of them . one of you ( more especially ) was so e●…aged in his high thoughts of one of the ministers of new-england , ( by whom also , i am sure he was first taken off the darke part ) that he hath said , there was not such another man in the world againe : which minister , after his going into new-england , and falling into the church-way there , and sending over letters into england , about the new-way ; presently after these letters , began the falling off , and questioning communion in our churches : and before these letters were sent into england , and the coppies of them communicated to divers ; i never by discourse with any of you , nor from others , heard , that you were fallen into the church-way . as for your consulting with reverence what the reformed churches held forth , both in their writings and practice , that could be no long time , ( as appeares by what i have before prooved , ) , and besides , the short time you tooke to consult of church-government and worship after your landing in holland , there are many passages in this apologie shew no great reverence towards them : and if a man should guesse of your reverence to the churches of scotland and france by many of your way both ministers and people , what they speake of presbyteriall government , and of those churches ; he would conclude it were very little : but these good words of the reformed churches , are to make way for a back-blow to those churches , and to get some advantage still to your own way , namely , that you could not but suppose that they might not see into all things about worship and government , their intentions being most spent upon the reformation in doctrine , &c. and why may not i suppose the same thing of mr goodwin mr nye , and the rest of you ? that you may not see into all things about worship and government ; for if they might not , then much more not you , they excelling you in piety , learning , sufferings , yeares : but suppose the reformed churches at first might not , yet considering that it is now , above fourescore yeares , since government and worship was purged ( as well as reformation in doctrine , which you say was so well setled at first ) and since , so many questions and controversies having risen about worship and government in their churches and ours ; as about morelius , and about the anabaptists and brownists ; and of late the independents : and these differences having been debated in synods and assemblies , having heard and seen all they could say against presbyteriall government , and what could be said for themselves ; if either they or you , had the truth on your sides ; what reason can you give , why they should not see into it upon so much enquity , study and dispute , the reformed churches being more free to entertaine truths , and change somewhat in their discipline then you were in your first entertaining this new-way ? for example , the churches of france , living under persecution for their religion , and the truth of god , if your way had any truth in it , it were all one for matter of persecution to receive yours as their own . as to that passage in this section , concerning the good old non-conformists , that you say , we had the advantage of all that light which their conflicts struck forth in their times , &c , i answer , a great part of their light , as in mr cartwright , mr hildersham , &c. was against the separatists and their practises ( as their writings testifie , ) as well as against the diocesan bishops and ceremonies : and it had been happy for you and this kingdome , that you had made better use of their light , and of their draughts of discipline ; the reformation had been more easie , and the godly party more united , and the common enemy had never conceived such hopes and taken such heart as he does from your opinions . and what ever you say , it seemes , that a great part of what the good old non-conformists writ , came not much commended to you , ( though your own , and for all their sufferings ) because you follow it no better . as to that passage , about the separation ( following the passage of the non-conformists ) it is well , you ( acknowledge that the separation had fatall miscarriages , and ship-wracks in their way : and it was well you tooke such notice of them , that you counted them as land-markes to fore war●…e you of those rocks and shelves they ran upon : and that thereupon you did enquire into the principles that might be the causes of their divisions : this is one of the best passages in your book : ( as there are foure passages ( among so many bad ) that are good and usefull : one of the parliament : a second of the assembly of divines : the third , this of the separatists : the fourth , a description of many of the pro●…torus , and people of this kingdome : ) but it had been better , you had , made so good a use of this observation and enquirie in gods visibly witnessing from heaven against the separation , in giving them up to fearfull sins , in inflicting fearfull judgements , and leaving them to strange divisions ( which your selves allude to in this passage ) and you know was in the stories of browne , bolton , barrow , smith , iohnsons , &c. so as to have kept further from their principles ; and thereupon to have feared forsaking communion with our churches , and setting up separated assemblies , and agreeing so much with them in most of the fundamentall and essentiall principles and practises , and not to have come so nigh to them against whom god witnessed by so many fatall miscarriages and ship-wracks , as only to resine and qualifie brownisme , and to spinne it of a finer thred then the old separatists did . but let me here put this dilemma to you : seeing the separatists fatall miscarriages and ship-wracks , did put you upon an enquiry into the principles and causes of their divisions ; upon the enquiry either you found out and discovered those principles , or you did not : if you did not discover them , why doe you insert these words here , and carry it so to make the reader beleeve as if you had : and that you declined the rocks and shelves they ran upon : but if you did discover those principles of the brownists , which were the causes of their divisions ; why doe you passe them over in silence ? in this apologeticall narration you make many a parenthesis , and addition to what you are speaking of , nothing so materiall nor proper to the points in hand ( for example , in that passage immediately following these words , you lanch out into the high praises of new-england in many lines ) as the laying downe those principles , which are the causes of the brownists divisions , would have been : so that i much wonder ( if you found them out ) that you past them over in silence , for these might have been of great use to the separatists themselves for the time to come , and of great use to have preserved others from brownisme who are inclining that way , besides the benefit to your own party by looking upon them to prevent the like fatall miscarriages and ship-wracks in their way : so that i know not how this omission of yours can be excused . besides , how came it to passe , that you who are the authours of this apologie , and your churches made no better an use of all your enquiry and discovery ? but in the time you were abroad to fall into the same fatall miscarriages and ship-wracks , namely the same divisions and sins ; nay , greater and worse then some of the separatists churches did ; ( as ever i heard . ) for proofe whereof i have been informed both by word of mouth and letters from good hands of these following particulars . in holland there were but two churches of your way and communion , one of which was at rotterdam where mr bridge and mr sympson were members , and afterwards mr burroughs : which church of rotterdam ( like the old separatists at amsterdam ) split into two ; mr sympson at first , and some others after him renting themselves from mr bridges church to the great offence thereof ; mr sympson setting up a new-church , mr white the merchant and his wife only at first joyning with him : mr sympsons church being founded by a woman , ( mr bridge himselfe heretofore telling me so , and calling mrs white the foundresse of that church . ) and after this great rent , and setting up a church against a church under mr bridges nose , mr ward , mr bridges colleague , and old friend at norwich was deposed from his ministery and office , for frivolous matters and some differences by mr bridges church : and here if i should but relate all the maine passages that fell out between these ministers and their churches , after this renting and deposition within the space of a yeare following , namely the letters sent into england , each for themselves , and against each other ; all the stories told of one another ; and all the bitternesses and revilings between the churches of mr bridge and mr sympsons ; with the desperate scandalls and reproaches cast out ( especially upon mr bridge ; ) the readers eares would tingle , and i should be too long ; especially , because i must touch upon this string againe when i come to that story related in the apologie , page . the other church was first at viana , then at arnhim , of which mr goodwin and mr nye were teachers , concerning which church , if i should but relate all the strange conceits and opinions held , and practised in that church , ( besides some preach't ) even before mr goodwins and mr nye's comming back to england , with all the differences and divisions that fell out ; i should make this answer too large : i will for the present relate these few passages , reserving the rest till i put out a●… rejoinder upon their reply to this answer . anointing the sick ▪ with oyle was held in that church of arnhim , as a standing ordinance for church members , ( for others had no right to that ordinance ) as laying on of hands was a standing ordinance for church officers : there was a writing amongst them in many hands , prooving it to be so , and there were some cases propounded , with what oyle the sicke members of the church were to ▪ be anointed , and there was a resolution of the case , namely with olive oyle . a copy of this writing some ministers of the assembly have perused , and one of them hath it amongst his papers in the countrey . mr goodwin ▪ did anoint a gentlewoman ( whose name i conceale ) when she was sick , and she recovered after it ( they say . ) a gentleman of note in that church , ( one of those two so much commended in the twentieth page of this book , for wisedome and piety , ) did propound in the church , that singing of hymnes was an ordinance , ( which is that any person of the congregation exercising their own gifts , should bring a●… hymne and sing it in the congregation , all the rest being silent and giving audience ; ) now upon the propounding of this , another gentleman did oppose it , ( as not judging it an ordinance : ) to whom the former gentleman replied , that he destroyed in opposing this , what he had built up : whereupon words passing between them , a difference grew between these two gentlemen ; and this second gentleman was complained of to the church by the first : and upon hearing the whole businesse , and all words that past between them , this second gentleman was censured by the church , and mr nye charged sin upon him : ( that was the phrase ) in many particulars , and still at the end of every charge mr nye repeated , this wis your sin : after , this censure so solemnly done , the gentleman censured , brings in accusations against mr nye in severall artiles , charging him with pride , want of charity , &c ▪ in the manner of the censure ; and this being brought before the church , continued in debate about halfe a yeare , three , or foure dayes in a weeke , and sometimes more before all the congregation : divers , of the members having callings to follow , they desired to have leave to be absent : mr goodwin of●… profest publikely upon these differences , if this were their church-fellowship he would lay downe his eldership ; and nothing was more commonly spoke among the members , then that certainely for matter of discipline , they were not in the right way , for that there was no way of bringing things to an end : at last , after more then halfe a yeares debate , not being able to bring these differences to an end , and being to come into england , they had their last meeting about it , to agree not to publish it abroad when they came into england , hoping that god would give some opportunity when they came into england to make an end of it , which whether it be ended yet . i doubt much , because of some speeches reported to me spoken by one of these persons concerning the other two : now if this church of arnhim , consisting of ministers , moderate and wise , standing upon their credits and reputations , and of prime gentlemen , and pick't christians , being in exile , and leaving all for their consciences ( as they say ) doe yet run into such strange conceits , and breake among themselves thus , what can be expected of independent churches here , that may consist of raw and fiery spirited men , and of the vulgar and all kind of spirits ? but before i leave this passage of yours concerning the separation , pray let me aske you the reason of this parenthesis , and to whom you speake it , ( whom ye call brownists ? ) and why could you not have writ , who are commmonly called brownists ? is it not to both the houses of parliament to whom this apologie is presented , and to whom you appeale ? your discourse being carried as spoken to them ; and does not this phrase of speech carry with it a secret checke of the houses for calling the separatists brownists , calling them so , as you would not call them ? but who are you , that you may not speake ( for so much as concernes this ) in the language of both houses ? if both houses call them brownists , why may not you five terme them so ? but , we may guesse the reason , mr browne and your principles are too nigh a kinde , and you feared , lest you might be called so : but let me tell you , though the reformed churches may not be called disgracefully calvinians , ( as the commissioners of the church of scotland have well observed in their late book ) yet the separatists , and all sectaries , may fitly be termed from the authours , and so the separatists , justly called brownists , because as he was one of the first leaders in that way ; so he was the first that digested that way into forme and method , and writ so for it : and the first that visibly and openly drew so many out of this kingdome beyond the seas : and therefore both houses of parliament , and others too , may truly terme those who goe in brownes-way , brownists . as for that last passage in this section , that last of all , we had the recent and la●…er example of the wayes and practises of those multitudes of godly men of our own nation , &c. which ( without so many words ) you might have said new-england ; but that on purpose you would take an occasion of extolling them to the heavens , and so render both your selves and way in them more glorious both to the parliament and people into whose hands your apologie should come . sure , you might more truly and ingeniously have put them in the first place , and have writ , first of all , we had the recent and later example of new-england ; which wrought ( to my knowledge ) with some of you very much : and that the purposes and intentions of some of you , were first for new-england ( as you may remember some of you told me . ) one of you marrying a wife in reference to your going to new-england ; and how farre he was hindered , or altered by her death , he knowes . another of you , having sent over goods before , ( and in particular ) books , where he meant to follow after . ( i have a very bad memory if these things be not so . ) a third , ( namely , mr simpson ) when he desired his dismission from that church at rotterdam , he alleadged that as a cause , that he was intended for new-england : but i must examine the encomium , made by you here , of new-england , and see whether to make it hold , the words must not have the allowance of that figure in rhetorick called hyperbole : the first part of the praise is , multitudes of godly men of our own nation , almost to the number of another nation . are the godly men in new-england so many in number , that they are almost the number of another nation , that they doe almost make such another nation as england ? then new-england hath more godly persons in it then old england ; for the multitudes of godly persons amongst us , are not almost so many here , as to make another nation : but it will be found , that granting , all the men in new-england were godly ( which yet you dare not affirme ) seeing multitudes live there without the church , who are not accounted visible saints ) yet what are they to so many people as are in england ? reckon up all the persons in new-england , good and bad , and list them , and they will be found not to come almost to the number of the nation that lives in london ; nay , hardly to come to the twentieth part there : what are they then in new-england to this whole kingdome ? and then doe but substract all that are not of their church , and it is evident your affection is better to new-england then your arithmeticke , and in this particular , that proverbe of almost must help you : but shall i give you the reason of this stretching here ? 't is to possesse the parliament and kingdome what a great party you have for your church-way , almost another nation in new-england , and almost another nation of your way in old england , which may serve to ballance your opposite party of presbytery in england and scotland ; and therefore the parliament shall doe well to take notice of your numbers , to grant you a toleration ( at least ) of your church-way , lest you being such multitudes should , &c. i could tell stories , what some of your way have spoken , if they might not have their way ; but i shall spare them now . the second part of your praise of new-england is , and among them some as holy and judicious divines as this kingdome hath bred : that there are holy and good divines among them , whom i truly love and honour , i acknowledge : but i judge this too transcendent a phrase , and more then befits the words of sobernesse . some as holy and judicious as this kingdome hath bred : it had been an expression high enough to say , as holy and judicious divines as any you now know in this kingdome ; but to say as this kingdome hath bred ; how know you that ? and how can you affirm it ? you were not acquainted with many who lived before ( being all young men , to speake of ) so that there might be ( before your times ) men more judicious and holy : and if we may judge by the works of some men , and by their lives written , and by the reports from good hands of the godly , ancient ministers , there were men , more judicious and learned , then any now in new england , as whitaker , reynolds , brightman , and others ; and more holy , as mr greenham , mr banes , old mr. dod , &c. but for the holy and judicious divines of new england there are not above three or foure at most were ever accounted so eminent , ( i might say but two ) and yet the present age hath divines in england to compare with them , both for learning , judiciousnesse and piety : so as you needed not to have gone backe to the ages past . take the prime man of them all in new england , and yet , he is not to be accounted as judicious and learned as ever any this kingdome bred : doctor whitakers never held any opinion that was accounted erroneous ; nor any private peculiar opinion , but what was commonly held in the church of god ( as it is reported in his life ) but the most eminent minister in new-england ( though he be an excellent and worthy man ) hath had his errours ; and i referre you for proofe to his discourse about clearing the doctrine of reprobation ( which is in some of your hands ) with his being deceived ( for a time ) in the businesse of m ▪ wheelwright , and mistris hutchinson , and some of those opinions about sanctification evidencing justification : and to some other manuscripts and printed things about the church-way , where there are many things of wit and fancie more then of deep judgement . the third part of your praise , rises so high , as 't is hardly to be paralel'd : the sinceritie of them of new-england in their way restisi'd before all the world , and will be to all generations to come by the greatest undertaking ( but that of our father abraham out of his owne country , and his seed after him ) a transplanting themselves many thousand miles distance , and that by sea into a wildernesse , &c. certainly some independents then must write their chronicle , or else their sincerity will not be so testified to all the world , neither will they be so famous to all succeeding generations : it is well , that in this high praise of them who went to new-england , there was some exception , and that abraham their father was excepted : ( how ever in the instance you presently give of their undertaking ) you secretly preferre the men of new-england before abraham : for abraham went by land , and not by sea ; and not many thousand miles distance , nor into a wildernesse : but i am not satisfied in the truth of this undertaking for new-england , but am of the mind , there both have been and are , greater undertakings , ( besides abraham and his seed after him , ) namely , that of moses and aaron , carrying the people out of egypt , and leading them through the wildernesse to canaan ; of nehemiah and zerubbabel in building of the temple : besides , the present undertaking of the parliament for reformation in church-government and worship , against the papists , prelates and malignants , ( which you had seen when you writ this apologie ) was farre greater , and is testified before the world , and will be to all generations to come , farre beyond that of new-england : 't is strange to me , you should thus forget your selves to make the undertaking of new-england to be the greatest that ever was in the world but that of abrahams : but thus partiall , we see , good men are apt to be for their own party ; and even starke blind in their own cause . and as i am no whit satisfied in this third particular of your praise of new-england ; so nor in the truth of the thing that you affirme they went to new-england for , namely , meerely to worship god more purely , whether to allure them there could be no other invitement . for that which was first held out and most spoken of in the beginning of that plantation in new-england , was the hopes of converting the poore indians ; there were some ministers of note and others who dealt first in that businesse and were prime actors in it , that propounded that , and really intended it , as mr white of dorchester , mr humphreys , ( and i am forgetfull , if i have not read some things printed to that purpose , ) as for the worshipping god more purely , ( if your words could bare that sense , or you understood them of being freed of the ceremonies , and of episcopall government , ) that was some part of the designe and ayme , ( though not meerely that , ) but if by worshipping god more purely be meant , the worshipping god in the church-way , and the church-government pleaded for in this apology , it was not in the thoughts of them who were the first movers in it , or of the ministers who were sent over in the beginning , ( as is apparent by a letter of mr cottons sent to mr skelton a minister ) upon his falling into the church-way after he came over , wherein mr cotton writes to him , that he went from england of another judgement , and tells him how this came about , namely from them of new-plymouth , who were mr robinsons people ; and further unto many who went over to new-england , after the first and second yeare , there were other invitements , then meerely worshipping god more purely , some of them concluding peremptorily this kingdome would be destroyed , and there would be a hiding place , as also the great commendations of the countrey and land for subsistence , ( many being low in their estates here , ) led many into a fooles parad●…ce , who finding all things so contrary to the high reports given out , and their expectations , have had leisure enough to repent since ; and some of you , ( who to my knowledge intended for new-england ) yet when you came to understand better , what a hard countrey it was , would not be of the number of them , whose sincerity should be testified before all the world , and unto all generations to come , by going to new-england to worship god more purely , when to allure you thither , there was no other invitement . and now after all this large narration of your falling off from the dark part , and of your inquiring into the light part , and the story of your impartial looking upon the word of christ , and of your consulting with reformed churches , and looking upon the old non-conformists , and observing the separatists , together with the examples of new-england , you plainely come in the close of this section , to declare that , for which all this was written , namely , to possesse the reader of your freedome and un-ingagement , notwithstanding all this , to take that way , or every thing in each way , that was truth , whereas you would insinuate , that other men who differ from you , were not so free , nor un-engaged ; but how likely this is , and how un-ingaged and free you were , i desire the reader to remember what presumption ( if not proofes , ) i have already brought to proove the contrary . as for those two parenthesis brought in of the way of new-england , namely , those improved to a better edition , and greater refinement by all the fore-montioned helps , and that , all which we looke upon as reformed churches : to the first of these , i say , . it is a high confidence , and presumption , to judge the wayes and practises of a few in new-england , to be better , and more refined , then of all the reformed churches in christendome . . what ever the edition , and refinement of new-england is , they made little use of all the forementioned helps , named by you , to attaine unto it , few of them consulted with reverence the reformed churches , &c. but the maine ground of their improvement , to this new edition and great refinement , ( as you terme it , ) was their consultation with them of new-plymouth , as appeares both by mr cottons letter , and by other relations . to the second , i can judge no other reason of inserting it here , nor of calling the way of new-england , in that first parenthesis , a better edition , and greater refinement , then of any of the reformed churches , but onely , that we may understand , in what sense you took that part of the covenant , to be brought to agreement with the best reformed churches , that you meant and accounted new-england , the best reformed churches , and so satisfie your consciences in taking that branch of the covenant ; whereas we looke upon the reformed churches , those of france , scotland , holland &c. who are known to us , by their confessions , and i never knew till this apologie came forth , that ever , the churches of new-england were stiled the reformed churches , as the brownists and separatists never yet were , unto whom yet the parenthesis relates as well as to any of the other churches . and for our own congregations , we meane of england ( in which through the grace of christ we were converted , and exercised our ministeries long , to the conversion of many others ) we have this sincere profession to make before god and all the world , that all that conscience of the defilements , we conceived to cleave to the true worship of god in them , or of the unwarranted power in church governours exercised therein , did never work in any of us any other thought , much lesse opinion , but that multitudes of the assemblies and parochiall congregations thereof were the true churches and body of christ , and the ministery thereof a true ministery . much lesse did it ever enter into our hearts to judge them antichristian ; we saw and cannot but see that by the same reason the churches abroad in scotland , holland , &c. ( though more reformed ) yet for their mixture must be in like manner judged no churches also , which to imagine or conceive , is and hath ever been an horrour to our thoughts . yea we alwayes have professed , and that in these times when the church of england were the most , either actually over spread with defilements , or in the greatest danger thereof , and when our selves had least , yea no hopes of ever so much as visiting our own land againe in peace and safety to our persons ; that we both d●…d and would hold a communion with them as the churches of christ. and besides this profession , as a reall testimony thereof , some of us after we , actually , were in this way of communion , baptized our children in parishionall congregations , and ( as we had occasion ) did offer to receive into the communion of the lords supper with us , some ( whom we knew godly that came to visit us when we were in our exile ) upon that relation , fellowship and commembership they held in their parish churches in england , they professing themselves to be members thereof , and belonging thereunto . what we have since our returne publikely and avowedly mad●… declarations of to this purpose , many hundreds can witnesse , and some of our brethren in their printed bookes candidly doe testifie for us . ] in this section you come to declare your judgements concerning the congregations of england and the ministery of them , wherein you apologize for your selves in regard of misapprehensions you might lye under , in respect of your judgements concerning them : for what good you speake of them now , and for owning them as your own , in which you were converted , and in which you converted many others , i thanke you ; but for the sincere profession you make before god and all the world , that all that conscience of the defilements you conceive to cleave to the true worship of god in them , or of the unwarranted power in church governours exercised therein , did never work in any of you , any other thought much lesse opinion , but that multitudes of the assemblies and parochiall congregations thereof were the true churches and body of christ , and the ministery thereof a true ministery : much lesse did it ever enter into your hearts to judge them antichristian . you must pardon me , if i believe not this profession , nay , i must tell some of you , that if letters and other manuscripts which goe out under some of your names , and are in my hands be yours , ( as i have great reason to believe they are , ) i shall prove this sincere profession of yours , to be insincere , and shall evidence the contrary to what you professe before god and the world , namely , that the corruptions , which did cleave to our worship , and the unwarranted power , did not only work thoughts and opinions in you , that our churches and ministers were not true , but that you exprest so much and acted in the vertue of it , nay even to judge them antichristian ; there are some passages in one letter ( more especially amongst others , ) written by mr bridge to his loving friends in norwich , mr henry king , mr toft , mr smith , mr rayner , mr. mapp , the substance of which letter to them is , not to be content with the ordinance of hearing , but to looke out after the plat-forme of government , left by christ and his apostles , by elders , pastours , teachers , deacons and widdowes , and to consider , that every church hath the power within it selfe , and is not subject to one officer , or to another congregation , but to the whole body , and to that , whereof the member is a part , ( and then mr bridge falls upon episcopall government , under which these friends of his lived , as antichristian , ) and that their episcopall government under which they lived , was papall and romish , and then brings in these words ; and will you then submit unto it , what becomes of them , that doe worship the beast , and what of them , that receive his marke , rev , . . rev. , . it is a worshipping , it is a receiving a marke to practise any canon , constitution or order that is framed or injoyned by that government : what ? you have no elders , pastors , &c. what ? you sit , stand , kneele at the command of that government ; and in the postscript of this letter , he adds these words ; paying a pepper-corne may acknowledge a land-lord , and the standing up at the creed may acknowledge the government . now i demand of mr bridge and the other apologists , what multitudes of the assemblies and parochiall congregations were there in england , that were wholly exempt from that government ? or whether there was any that did refuse wholy , all the orders , injoyned by that government ? and if so , whether then in mr bridges opinion , and in his letters all our congregations and m●…nisters , were not antichristian , in worshipping the beast , and receiving his marke , let all the world , and his owne conscience judge ? and for further proofe , unto one of mr bridges letters were seven questions annexed and propounded , concerning the ministerie , worship , and constitution of the church assemblies in england , the usuall questions the brownists make : i have also the copie of a letter written from mr simpson to a man of note in london ( whose name out of respect to him , i conceale ) the substance of which letter is , to have him consider , whether he may live without all the ordinances , if they be any where to be had , or live in danger of daily defilement , and there is one thing , which together with these , he desires him to thinke upon , namely , what that state and condition is , wherein we should injoy the ordinances , we should call nothing the meanes of salvation or ordinances , but what god hath appointed to his church . a church is christs bodie , it consists of holy members , in show at least , joyned together to christ , as to a head , and as there is a bond whereby we are invisibly joyned , so is there a bond to him visibly . ceremonies are nothing in regard of this , they make things accidentally evill , according as this is , things are , or are not ordinances , and meanes of salvation . baptisme is no baptisme , unlesse it be administered by a minister : a minister is no minister , unlesse cal'd by the church , and so i might speake of other things . by all which it will appeare that mr simpson had thoughts , and doubts , and would have others have such thoughts too , that we have neither churches , nor ordinances , nor ministers , according to his definition of a church , and to the matter contained in his letter , and in the close of his letter though he writes , i meddle not with judging of these things with you , but propound you a rule , or way to judge of things by ; i dare not say , your congregations are not churches , but desire you to looke that they be so , for your owne peace , yet it is evident by what he sayes in his letter , that he accounts , neither our churches , nor our ministers true , and would stumble him in these things to whom he wrote . i have a manuscript entituled , a treatise of the church , going under the name of one of these apologists , and a godly minister from whose hands i had it , assured it me it was his . in which treatise there is an answer to this question ; but suppose saints live in a nation , wherein there is some kind of a church constituted already , may they gather themselves into a church ? the answer is as followes . . if you suppose that there are churches in england , yet such as never were truly members of any of them , are free to begin , and gather themselves into a church , and to be of the best institution they can , this libertie we under the gospel have , which the jewes had not . . although they are churches , yet we ●…re not to continue in them , and not remaine from them . . in that they are churches defective in some ordinances , as namely , prophecying , mutuall admonition , excommunication . . they are churches defiled in our judgements , in which communicating , we cannot but be defiled now though they be churches , as a leprous man was a man , yet being defiled , we cannot communi●…ate with them , and so in regard of our use , now no churches ; and in the same page it is added , we may be kept from joyning with the true church , and yet not withdraw from these , as no churches , but as no churches of use to us . now i appeale to the reader , what he can judge of your profession in the sixt page , and of these passages in your letters and manuscripts ; and as some of your hands are contrary to this profession , so your workes are contrary to it ; in forsaking the communion of our churches and ministerie , and in drawing others away , and in writing to many to come to you , and in setting up churches : and pray deale ingeniously once in your reply ; seeing you ever held , and doe now much more ; that our assemblies are true churches , and our ministers true ministers ; how you can satisfie your owne consciences and us , from any scripture ground , either of precept or example to separate from us ? i am assured you cannot produce any ground , and that all scripture instances , whether in examples or precepts will never come up to your practise and case : but ( brethren ) why will you in a narration that should be plaine ( that all who ●…unne may reade it ) deale thus fallaciously , amuse the reader with your profession of our churches and ministerie , in such generals , and never declare what you hold particularly of them ? few readers , unlesse some , who have throughly studied your principles and distinctions , being never the wiser for your profession : i must therefore of necessity english your words , and tell the meaning of all this : that is , neither the church or churches of england ; nor the ministery thereof , as they are in their frame and constitution , according to the lawes ; and as they are in their visible order , are true churches or true ministerie : but now , so farre , as in many of our parochiall congregations , there is something common with what you hold about a church and ministerie : so farre true , and not antichristian . as for example , you hold , that in some congregations , we have many visible saints , and in some parishes , ministers chosen by the people , which ministers preach and pray according to your way ; but for what we else practise in our making of ministers , in our formes of prescribed prayers , &c. so no true churches nor ministerie . and that this is your meaning will appeare by what followes . . letters and speeches of some of your way , who write not so warily ( as you ) show so much . mr batchelour a member of your church-way , in printed letters of his , dated from rotterdam , september the th . both to ministers here in london , and to citizens , speakes thus in reference to you ; and whereas it is beleeved , they are friends to separation , this i can assure you , that they denie not the churches in england , such as m. calamies and m. goodwins in coleman-street , to be true churches . and why m. goodwins , and m. calamies ; but because they were chosen by the congregations , and there are many visible saints in those congregations ; and so others of your way , having been reasoned with , how according to your principles , that there is no nationall visible church under the new testament , no visible church but a particular congregation , and that the essence of ministers calling is election by the people , and that the forme of a church is a particular covenant , with other things of this nature : and therefore considering the church of england is nationall , and hath no such covenant , nor such a way of ministerie , how they could hold we had true churches and true ministers : their answer hath been , you have implicite churches , and implicite ministers . but if you will say , you understand your words in this section ( not as m. batchelour nor as others of your way ) but plainly , as divines usually take churches and ministerie ; then i desire you to reconcile together all your definitions and descriptions of true visible churches , and true ministers , with our church and ministery of england : and for further satisfaction in this point , i desire you in your reply to this answer , candidly , and clearely to expresse your selves , when you fell to your church-way , and were to be taken for ministers in those churches ; whether you held your selves , or were look'd upon by your churches , as true ministers by vertue of your calling in england ? or whether ( rather ) you were not lookt upon only as gifted men , and did not some of you ( at least ) renounce and disclaime your calling in england , and were made ministers a new by the church consisting only of people , or lay-elders at the best , without ministers ? m. williams in his answer to m. cottons letter , openly justifies , they held and practised so in new-england : now your principles agreeing so with theirs , and some stories related to me of some of you , makes me doubt the same of you . as for that reason you give why you never held our churches no true churches , namely , your seeing , that if you had accounted our churches no true churches ; that by the same reason , the churches abroad in scotland , holland , &c. yet for their mixture must in like manner be judged no churches also ; i answer , 't is no concluding argument : m. robinson ( who was quick-sighted , and lived in holland long ) and seeing their mixture , yet acknowledges those churches true , but denies ours to be true upon other grounds besides the mixture , and 't is evident , your reason is insufficient , for if your description of a visible church were only upon difference in the point of mixture , and your grounds of separation only upon mixt communion , then your reason had some weight in it ; but you know your exceptions were many against our churches , which lay not against the reformed churches : but it is strange to me , if you were so good at consequences , that you saw and could not but see when there was no necessitie of seeing ; you could not see the necessarie consequences of your principles about a church and ministerie ; nay not see , even your contradictions . for let a man but take your owne positions and assertions concerning a true visible church , and the true calling of ministers , and lay together your quarrelling with us , and leaving us upon those grounds , because we have no such churches and ministers ; and ye●… to affirme , that multitudes of our parochiall churches are true churches . and certainly , however you ( who are schollars ) might be such good logicians to make such distinctions to salve all ( as you conceited ) yet your people could not , but they from your principles and positions about church , ministerie , worship and government , have judged us no true churches , nor true ministers ; but have wondred at this sincere profession of yours before god and the world concerning our churches and ministers , saying , they understood you otherwise , and they were much deceived if you held not otherwise at first ( though now you expresse your selves after this manner ) and i can hardly beleeve had you made alwaies and frequently such professions of our churches and ministers , and of keeping communion with them , as the churches of christ , that ever so many had fallen off to your way . but thus 't is in all the way of errours , men by sits will expresse things as other men do who are orthodox ( but yet in a sence of their own ) to avoid exceptions , and that they may be thought to hold as others do , therby the more to draw and work some men off to their way , when yet in the common sense and understanding of the points they hold otherwise . as the socinians say they hold christ god , and call him so , but in a sence of their own , and yet denie it in the orthodox sense : so pelagians and arminians will extoll the grace of god , and that a man can doe nothing without it , and yet in that sence wherein the controversie is , they set up free-will , above the grace of god ; and so antinomians will say , they doe not denie the law of god ; and yet in the sense controverted , are flat against it . and so the papists will say , they hold and looke to be saved by christ , as well as any protestant ( though it 's well knowne there is a great difference betweene them , in the point of justification : ) so you and many of your way , in a sense of your owne , give us good words , and say , we have true churches and true ministerie ; and yet in the sense of the controversie , you teach flat contrary ; ( as doth appeare both by printed tract●…tes , and by manuscripts and many practises . ) as to that profession in this section , that in the times , when the churches of england , were most either actually overspread with defilements ; or in the greatest danger therof , that we both did , and would bold a communion with them as the churches of christ : i answer , what doe i heare words , when i see deeds so contrary ? how can i beleeve this profession , that ye would hold communion with the churches of england , as the churches of christ , under their greatest defilements , when as , you have never held communion with any of them in the time of their greatest reformation and puritie ? in this three yeares last , since your comming over , wherein we have been so free from pollution in worship , and since that in so many churches in london , there hath bin the totall laying aside of prescribed formes of prayer ; and that great care , to keepe away both ignorant and prophane persons : which of you five have received the lords supper in any of these true churches and bodies of christ ? i never could learne , that any of you five nor any of the members of your churches have communicated with us . i can tell you of the adding to your church assemblies , great numbers since and of your receiving the lords supper at night in private houses , and how some of you , who have not churches here in london , goe to separated churches to partake in the lords supper . but ( brethren ) why doe you deale thus and write thus , to make men beleeve as if you held great communion with our churches now , who would have held it with them in such bad times ? i desire you to speake plaine english , and not to speake after this manner ( as you doe too often in this apologie ) and to interpret to us in your reply to this answer , what you meane by both did and would hold communion with the churches of england as the churches of christ ? i know no communion you did hold , or doe with us now ( though so reformed . ) and if you do and will , what means that wall of partition between us your new constituted churches ? as for th●…●…aring of sermons sometimes in our churches , and preachi●…g in our congregations , i doubt whether you hold that a keeping communion with our churches and ministers ; but rather , preach as gifted men ; and heare ours as gifted men , and how ever ( * if m. robinson and some of your way may be beleeved ) they hold hearing of the word no act of communion , nor no proper nor peculiar thing of the church : and that you are of the same judgement , i have great reason both from your principles and practise to thinke so . as for that reall testimonie ( besides your profession ) that some of us after we actually were in this way of communion , baptized our children in parishionall congregations ; whereby you would inferre , you held a communion with our congations as the churches of christ : i answer , this is no reall testimony thereof , because it cannot be understood but in the sense before opened , of churches and ministery : and besides , if mr sympson were one of this some , who baptized his children in parishionall congregations , 't is so inconsistent with what he writ in the letter before quoted of the church and baptisme ; that i know not how to reconcile these together : and the truth is , many of your practises are oft times so in-coherent with some of your principles of church-fellowship , ( as for instance ) pastors are necessary officers in your churches , and yet according to your practises your churches are many yeares without them , that a man cannot tell when he hath a reall testimony what you hold , or how long you have held it . and as for that other reall testimony , as you had occasion , offering to receive , some of ours whom ye knew godly that came to visit you when you were in exile , upon that relation , fellowship and com-membership they held in their parish-churches in england . . 't is no reall testimony , because you o●…red it , but doe not say you performed it . . if you had actually performed it , it is no such reall testimony of the truth of our churches and ministery , but of your own rather ; into the communion whereof they were received . . still , their admission was founded upon that distinction of implicit churches , as appeares by your following words . for you would admit them upon such termes , as you would gaine a principle of your own by them ; get more by it , then communion with you was worth , namely , that such who were known to be godly , might not come to the sacrament of the lords supper , unlesse they were members of some particular congregation , and so , in their partaking with you , they must yeeld , that grand brownisticall principle , the foundation of other errors among the separatists , namely , that sacraments belong not to visible believers but as they are members of some particular congregation . as also you put them upon a practice and order , never required , by example or precept in the scriptures . and let me intreat you , in your reply you give to this answer , to give me a scripture , to prove that all men who come to the lords supper must professe their member-ship , and their retaining to such a particular congregation : i professe my selfe of another judgement , and cast the glove to any of you five , or to you all ; that it is lawfull for the ministers of christ to receive such whom they know to be godly , to the lords supper , though they be not members of a particular church , and to receive those who are members without any professing themselves to be so : suppose , some godly merchants or marriners , who all their dayes travell , and never stay long in any one place , yet in all places where they come , desire to joyne in the ordinances , ought not such to be received ? the standing rule of comming to the lords supper will be found to be faith and godlinesse shown forth , rather then the formality of membership : but deale ingeniously , doe you tell us here , all that you required of the godly , that came to visit you , or doe you tell us only a part ? which question , i the rather propound , because , as you doe relate in other parts of this narration , ( as in the eighth page , ) so i find mr batchelour ( one of you , ) writing from rotterdam of your churches , that they will not keepe back the sacrament from any of the godly of such churches in england , as mr goodwins and mr calamyes are , ( alwayes provided that their own pastours doe consent unto it . ) now the godly who are gone into holland , and especially to new-england , not finding any such word in scripture , of bringing a ticket from their ministers , and so comming into those countreyes without it , may be long kept from the sacrament of the lords supper , till they either goe into england , and fetch it , or till they send for it over , and have a returne back of the consent of their own pastors , ( which may be , was the reason , that though you offered to receive into the communion of the lords supper some godly that came to visit you in your exile , yet for want of bringing their pastors consent unto it , returned into england without partaking in the lords supper with you , ) which ( by the way ) will be a good warning for all that henceforth goe over into holland or new-england , to carry their ministers consents over with them , least otherwise they be not admitted to the lords supper ; and that you doe not deale plainely with us , in this relation of admitting the godly in the parish churches of england , into the communion of the lords supper with you , but there is some reservation and evasion ; i much doubt , because the known godly in the parish-church of coleman-street ( which amongst parish-churches , is one of your true churches in england ) cannot be admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper by vertue of their relation of membership they hold in the parish-church never since their pastor fell into your church-way ; as for your publike and avowed declarations to this purpose , which many hundreds can witnesse , i never heard of any of them in any publike meetings ; though i have been in many , nor in any sermons you have preacht , though i have heard of many things you preacht ( which you are like to heare of in this answer , ) but if i may speake what i have heard , there hath been a narrative promised from you , of what you hold , ( which many ministers also can witnesse , ) but was never performed by you till this day ; as to that , in the close of this section , that some of your brethren , in their printed books doe candidly testifie for you , it is but one of them , not some unlesse you take in mr herles imprimatur to your apologie , who i doubt not before this time , by what he hath heard from some of his bretheren of the assembly , and seen in that book intituled reformation of church-government in scotland , with the contents of the letters from some churches beyond the seas , besides the light this answer will give , will see easily , how by your courting of him , he was surprized : and it is no wonder that mr herle , mr channell , with some other men of worth ( having lived somewhat remote , and having not been much conversant with you and your distinctions , ) might be at first mistaken with such good words , and solemne professions . and as we alwayes held this respect unto our own churches in this kingdome , so we received and were entertained with the like from those reformed churches abroad , among whom we were cast to live , wee both mutually gave and received the right hand of fellowship , which they on their parts abundantly manifested by the very same characters and testimonies of difference which are proper to their own orthodox churches , and whereby they use to distinguish them from all those sects ( which they tollerate but not owne ) and all the assemblies of them ( which yet now we are here some would needs ranke us with ) granting to some of us their own churches , or publike places for worship , to assemble in , where themselves met , for the worship of god , at differing houres the same day . as likewise the priviledge of ringing a publike bell to call unto our meetings : which we mention , because it is amongst them made the great signall of difference between their own allowed churches , and all other assemblies , unto whom it is strictly prohibited and forbidden , as guiciardine hath long since observed : and others of us found such acceptance with them , that in testimony thereof they allowed a full and liberall maintenance annually for our ministers , yea and constantly also wine for our communions . and then we againe on our parts , not only held all brotherly correspondencie with their divines , but received also some of the members of their churches ( who desired to communicate with us ) unto communion in the sacraments and other ordinances , by vertue of their relation of membership retained in those churches . in the last section , i prooved , both by letters and many other presumptions , you alwayes held not that respect to the church of england you seeme to professe in that section ▪ if now at last , you be growne more sober and wise , upon reviewing your principles , i am glad of it , non est pudor ad meliora transire ; for this section , your being received and entertained with the like respect from those reformed churches abroad , and your mutually giving and receiving the right hand of fellowship . if i may beleeve reports and letters ( and those not light , but from ministers and good people ; ) i have been by word of mouth told , and i have in writing from thence , grounds to question the truth of this narration . a godly minister out of holland in answer to some questions sent about the truth of your apologie , writes thus to this present section : and here i cannot but adde this ; that whereas the apologeticall narration mentions these things as an argument of the incouragements they had in these parts , and their good concurrence with the churches here , it hath been affirmed to me from very good testimony , that however the magistrates at rotterdam for politick ends , as to gather company to them which is for the profit of the place ; yet the churches there ( i meane the dutch ) never approoved of the course held there by these brethren and their people . it hath been affirmed to me that many of the dutch ministers were much offended at mr bridges being ordained minister by the lay-elders without any preaching presbyters : and what ever right-hand fellowship , and brotherly correspondency you might hold with the dutch divines ; some of the english ministers of the reformed churches there , have complained of your great strangenesse and distance towards them ; and , instance hath been given me particularly , ( by a great friend of yours now in london ) that when some of you have come to amsterdam , you never would goe to mr herrings , ( a good old non-conformist ) but have gone to mr canne's ( the separatist ) and to his church . and besides , this report , told me some yeares agoe , from a friend of your owne , that i might not only beleeve reports , i sent over into holland some questions about the truth of some things related by you in this apologie , the contrary whereunto , i had been informed of before : and among other questions , upon this section , i propounded , what communion and converse , passed between the godly english ministers and their congregations , and you ? or whether , when you came to amsterdam , you went not rather to the brownists meetings , and conversed with mr canne more then the reformed ministers : unto which question , i had this answer in so many words sent : to this i can say , that since my comming hither , we have had no such communion with them , as that we have prevailed with any of them to preach in our congregation , though i am sure , some of them have beene earnestly importuned thereunto , indeed mr bridge seemed once to be willing , but did not . and for their going to the brownists , and conversing with mr canne more then us ; that is undeniable , what you may of this reade , in epistle to the rejoinder indefence of mr bradshaw , against mr canne , is most true and certaine . but suffer me a little to examine the particulars wherein you would proove , the mutuall giving and receiving the right-hand of fellowship : for the first ; that you were received and entertained with the like respect that you gave to our churches in england , i easily beleeve ( which was but little . ) and if the reformed churches look't upon you , and you on them , as you did upon our churches in this kingdome ; you have no cause to boast here , of mutuall giving and receiving the right hand of fellowship , remembring what i answered to your last section concerning your profession of our churches . as to that proofe you bring , of their giving you the right hand of fellowship , in their abundantly manifesting it by the very same characters and testimonies of difference , which are proper to their own orthodox churches , and whereby they use to distinguish them from all those sects , &c , i answer , this was not to all of your churches , for mr simpson ( which yet is your way , and is here owned by you all in this apologie ) had not a church , or publike place for worship granted to him , nor the priviledge of ringing a bell to call to meetings , but was looked upon as a sect , ( as mr bridge told me . ) and in a letter out of holland from a good hand to that question : whether mr simpsons church had the allowance of ringing a publike bell to call to their meeting , and whether any maintenance allowed by the states : 't is answered : to this , i shall say , i never yet heard by any , that his church had any such allowance of bell , or maintenance by the states . now if mr simpsons church was lookt upon as a sect , ( tollerated but not owned ) wanting that great signall of difference between allowed churches and all other assemblies , namely , the priviledge of ringing a publike bell to call unto their meetings : and the rest of your churches being just of the same way and constitution with his , ( as appeares by this apologie ) then , the ranking of you , now you are here , with sects , is no great injury to you : neither will the granting to your two other churches , publike places to worship , with maintenance for some of your ministers , &c. free you from being lookt upon as sects by the churches and ministers there : but i must tell you , these priviledges came from other grounds , as namely , one of your churches consisting of many persons of great quality , and going at first to a priviledged place ; the other church having formerly been a church in the way of the reformed churches there , and so had then the allowance of a publike place . ( the first sensible declining of that church to the new-way , being by mr peters , ( before he went to new-england , ) now mr bridge comming to that church , and bringing with him and after him wealthy citizens and clothiers , by which the magistrates at rotterdam knowing well their advantage ; no wonder though they permitted that church , their publike place , and gave to their ministers a full and liberall maintenance , yea and wine for their communions , and yet should gaine well by it . as for your holding all brotherly correspondency with their divines ( which i suppose you meane the dutch ) not knowing any of them , i can say nothing against it ; but only 't is a great presumption that holding so little brotherly correspondencie with our own english divines there , you held not much with the dutch : but grant that which you say to be true , that you held all faire correspondencie with them that might be upon other grounds , for your own advantage and benefit many wayes , you being strangers and they in their own countrey , as also to see if you could gaine any of their ministers to your church-way . and as for your receiving some of their members unto communion in the sacraments , that might be but to strengthen your own way and to advance that church-principle of receiving them by vertue of their relation of membership . and here i desire to put two questions to you . . whether in receiving some members of the dutch churches ( who desired to communicate with you ) you put them upon professing themselves to be members of their churches , and belonging thereunto ( as you did the english who came to you . ) . though you received some of them unto communion in your churches , whether any of you ever received the lords supper in any of their churches ? or in any of the english churches in holland who were not of your way and communion ? but grant all you say in all your profession of your respect and holding communion with the dutch churches , whereby you would free your selves from the imputation of separation , and make the reader beleeve the brownists and you had no affinity : i answer , you say no more , nor hardly so much as mr robinson writ in his apologie yeares since of those reformed churches , page , . now for the way and practise of our churches we give this briefe and generall account . our publike worship was made up of no other parts then the worship of all other reformed churches doth consist of . as publike and solemne prayers for kings and all in authority , &c. the reading the scriptures of the old and new testament ; exposition of them as occasion was ; and constant preaching of the word ; the administration of the two sacraments , baptisme to infants , and the lords supper ; singing of psalmes ; collections for the poore , &c. every lords day . for officers and publike rulers in the church , we set up no other but the very same which the reformed churches judge necessary and sufficient , and as instituted by christ and his apostles for the perpetuall government of his church , that is , pastors , teachers , ruling-elders , ( with us not lay but ecclesiastique persons separated to that service ) and deacons . and for the matter of government and censures of the church , we had nor executed any other but what all acknowledge , namely , admonition , and excommunication upon obstinacie and impenitency , ( which we blesse god we never exercised . ) this latter we judged should be put in execution , for no other kind of sins then may evidently be presumed to be perpetrated against the parties known light ; as whether it be a sin in manners and conversation , such as is committed against the light of nature , or the common received practises of christianity , professed in all the churches of christ ; or if in opinions , then such , as are likewise contrary to the received principles of christianity , and the power of godlinesse , professed by the party himselfe , and universally acknowledged in all the rest of the churches , and no other sins to be the subject of that dreadfull sentence . ] in this section you give us a narration of the way and practises of your churches . wherein , in the beginning you tell the reader , we give this briefe and generall account ; but how much better had it been , and more proper to have given a full , and particular account here , then in your other parts , about new-england , and the reformed churches in holland ; a full and particular account of the way and practises of your churches , had answered more the nature of such a narration , and would have satisfied all men : but why did you in the most materiall part give such a briefe and generall account ? knowing that under brevities and generalities , there lies much mistake and deceit . and let me tell you , this briefe and generall account , falls short of your way and practises : and either you had bad memories in your writing this apologie , about the parts of your worship , officers and censures , to forget some of them ; or else you have on purpose conceal'd them ; holding out the bright side of the cloud ( namely , what the reformed churches practise ) but hiding the back : which is so much the more justly to be excepted against , because as you set down the words , and give the account , they are not true ; but i can say , ( and make it good too ) your publike worship was made up of other parts then the worship of all other reformed churches , namely , of prophesying in your congregations : and for officers and publike rulers in the church , you set up others then the reformed churches , namely widdowes : and for the matter of government and censures of the church ; you have executed others , besides admonition and excommunication , namely , deposition of a minister , and confession of offences publikely , and orderings of solemne fasting for humiliation upon confession of sins , as your selves relate the story in the th page , and one and twentieth : besides , you hold other censures of the church : the sentence of of non-communion with declaration , and protestation to all other churches ; as appeares by your own relation , page , , . for publike worship that you exercised prophecying , i could name unto you , who of the members have prophecied at arnheim , and upon what subject , but i spare them ; i could tell you , how mr bridge and mr sympson fell out upon the point of prophecie , ( as mr bridge informed me ) and of the exercising of prophesie in mr sympsons church at rotterdam , as well as at arnheim , i could out of manuscripts produce how arguments are framed to draw away people from our churches upon this ground , as being defective in some ordinances , namely prophesying . and besides prophesying , i propound it to you , whether some of you have not held out some other publike worship , then the reformed churches hold , namely hymns and annointing the sick members of the church with oyle ; as also , whether a little before your comming over into england , some members of the church of arnheim , did not propound the holy kisse , or the kisse of love , to be practised by church-members ; nay whether by some persons in that church , was it not begun to be used and practised ; and in this enumeration of the parts of publike worship , i desire to know why you put in &c. and what is meant by &c. for that implies more parts then you enumerate . and we know , &c. is a dangerous and suspicious phrase ever since the late canons and oath , for under that &c. may be meant prophesying , and hymnes , and annointing with oyle , and the kisse of love , and many other parts which the reformed churches practise not , and so your publike worship may be made up of many other parts then the worship of all other reformed churches , and that there is great cause to speake thus , and doubt , appeares , because i know not , nor cannot reckon up any other part of publike worship used every lords day in the reformed churches then the particulars mentionad by you without an &c. and therefore what you meane by under &c. unlesse prophesying , hymnes and such like , i cannot imagine . for officers and publike rulers in the church , whether you actually had made any church-widdowes in any of your churches , ( they being matter of charge , which also , as for admitting of poore members , some of you are very carefull of , ) i cannot affirme , but that you hold widdowes to be officers of the church , and part of the church government , that i can prove by these following instances . . by a passage in a letter from mr bridge to some at norwitch , by mr davenports profession of faith printed , and by mr cottons catechisme . and how much you have of late reasoned , for such a church officer in the assembly , you know ; and let the reader observe that by the way , that we must judge of your wayes rather by what you hold , then alwayes by your practise , for one of your churches hath been some yeares without a pastour the first and chiefe officer , and yet you set up such , moch more may you be without widdowes for some yeares , and yet hold them , and as you have widdowes a church officer , which the reformed churches hold not , so in one of your churches you have had teaching elders , besides a pastor , and teacher ; and what ever the reformed churches hold of their officers as necessary and sufficient for the perpetuall government of the church , yet your practise is not , as if you held them necessary and perpetuall ; for one of your churches , hath been many yeares without a pastour , the prime officer and ruler in the church , and other of your churches without other officers , which if they were so necessary , and as instituted by christ and his apostles , for the perpetuall governement of the church ; how you can be without these officers , and namely the most necessarie and principall , for many yeares together , i cannot see : and i desire you in your reply , to satisfie us ; and to shew reason , how you can depart from that which is confest by all churches , and your selves to , for the maintaining an opinion of the essentiall difference , betweene pastours and teachers in each congregation , so much denied by many learned and godly divines . as for that parenthesis about ruling elders ( with us not lay but ecclesiastick persons separated to that service ) i desire to know , wherein and how , your ruling elders , are more ecclesiasticke persons , and separated to that service , then the ruling elders of the reformed churches : the reformed churches , account their ruling-elders ecclesiasticall persons , and they are separated to that worke , by election and ordination ; and whereas you make a distinction in the manner of your expressions , between ruling elders separated to that service and deacons . i aske you , whether deacons are not ecclesiasticall persons , and separated to that service by election and ordination , as well as elders ? what , are your more , and in what further degree , are they ecclesiasticall then the ruling elders of the reformed churches , or your owne deacons ; doe you meane them so ecclesiasticall and separated to that service of ruling , so as the pastours and teachers are to their office , that is , separated from all civill imployments and callings to the worke of wholly attending the flocke , and of being as ministers and preachers of the word ; now if you understand it in this sense that all your ruling-elders doe give over their civill callings and worldly imployments , and are so separated , as pastours and teachers are , it being the duty of the ruling-elder to teach publikely as well as governe , then i have nothing to say against your ruling-elders . and this puts an end to all that controversie about lay-elders , onely let me aske you two questions . . what specificall difference you will give me , betweene those officers the ministers of the word , and ruling-elders . seeing both rule and preach , and what becomes then of those texts , cor. . rom. . which are held out to prove church government by , and amongst other particulars are brought to prove , that besides those who teach and preach the word , the scripture reckons up governours and rulers . . whether did your gentlemen and merchants , who were made ruling-elders among you , upon their office give over their merchandizing , and their way of living , as gentlemen , wholly applying themselves to their studies , and to all gravitie in apparell , haire , &c. but now , if your ruling-elders , doe follow , their merchandizing and trade , and are not as pastours and teachers , how can you affirme of them , to be more ecclesiastick persons then your deacons , or then the elders of other reformed churches . and as for the matter of governement , and censures of the church , you did forget here , what you were to write in the th page , and in the th . how one of your churches unhappily deposed one of their ministers , which censure was neither admonition nor excommunication upon obstinacie and impenitence . but the particulars under this head , i have spoken to , upon this section alreadie . but as i have clearly and unanswerably shewed your publique worship was made up of other parts , then the worship of all other reformed churches , and have instanced wherein you practised and held over and above , so let me from this narration of your wayes and practises here , question , whether you practised all parts of worship , and censures , which other churches practise . for i feare , your narration , as it is all a long subtilly carried ( for though you say , your worship was made of no other parts , nor you executed no other censures , but what all acknowledge ) so it may be here , and you may conceale , what you have omitted , was your worship then , and is it still made up of all these : doe all of you hold , or did you practise , in holland , the reading the scriptures of the old and new testament , as an ordinance without any exposition , and doe you practise the singing of psalmes , according to the way of reformed churches . i have been told that at roterdam , the scriptures were never read barely without exposition , and there are many of your church way and communion , that will neither joyne in hearing the scriptures read , nor in singing of psalmes in our congregations . which makes me doubt some of you may be of the same opinion and practise . and did all of you whilest you were in holland , and doe you now administer baptisme to all the infants of your churches , or are there not some infants unbaptized amongst you ; and for the matter of censures , though you say you had , nor executed no other , but what all acknowledge , yet you doe not affirme , you executed all censures which other reformed churches acknowledge , and so you conceale your judgement of things . yet in this narration of your way and practises , you carry your discourse so in this section , as if your practise and way were all the same with the reformed churches , but had you dealt ingeniously , in the narration of the way , and practises of your churches , you should have laid downe particularly as wherein , and how farre you agreed with the reformed churches , so also wherein you departed from them : namely you should have shewed in what you practised more then they doe , and wherein you practise short of them , and in the things you practised with them , yet how you differ'd in the manner of them ; but to returne to that of censures reformed churches practise , besides admonition , and before they come to excommunication , that which is called by divines , abstentio à sacracaena , but you doe not so , but conceale this ; but brethren , why should you not practise this , especially considering how according to your principles ; the church is to receive the lords supper , every lords day : now suppose some members commit a great sinne on the saturday , which though comming it be known to the ministers or elders , and some of the people , either there may be no time to call the church to admonish the parties , or if there be for admonition , yet not time sufficient for the parties to testifie repentance , and yet , the persons may not be judged obstinate and impenitent as to be excommunicated ; but the persons offending will come now to the lords table ; in the interim , what will you doe in this case ? and further the reformed churches enjoyne the censure of open confession of sinnes , and practise deposition of officers from their places , which may justly arise upon some cases , and yet not thinke it fit to proceed unto excommunication . ( as your selves practised in m. wards case ) never proceeding to give him up to satan ; but how lame and defective is this your narration , about the governement of the church ; onely relating two things , you practised in common with the reformed churches , and as concealing other things you practised not with them , so wholly passing over in silence here all your different way of practising from all churches , in the way of ordination , in the way of constituting churches , and admission into them , and in the way of governing by the votes and suffrages of the whole bodie , in the way of celebration the lords supper , receiving it at night , &c. in the sacrament of baptisme , with many other particulars ; which whether it be fairly done , i appeale to the reader , who is by this much deceived , thinking upon the reading of : this narration , that you had agreed in all things , of worship , officers , censures with the reformed churches : but to returne to that censure of excommunication , which you insist upon , laying downe your judgement about the subject of that censure : as for your blessing god , you never exercised it . there may be but little ground for such a blessing , but cause rather to be humbled for not using it seasonably : i judge had you practised it , some revilings , evill speakings between many members of your churches , with some other offences might have been prevented : but there is no such great cause to set out your selves , by the non-exercise of excommunication , if what you hold for the matter of it be considered , wherein i suppose you differ from all orthodox reformed churches , and doe open a wide gappe to much licentiousnesse both in doctrine and practise : what doe you judge ? is it not to be put in execution for no other kind of sinnes , then may evidently be presumed to be perpetrated against the parties knowne light , &c. what if men practise polygamie , prophane the lords day , by using it as they doe any other daie , what if they doe hold , and accordingly will have practised communitie of goods amongst beleevers , what if they maintaine that christians ought not to be magistrates , all which are not condemned in all the churches of christ ( especially if some churches may be taken for churches of christ , and we have reason to beleeve by your manner of expressions you include such ) neither are perpetrated against the parties knowne light , but rather are practised upon new light , and as new truthes ; and let me intreate you in your replie to explain your meaning , what you meane by all the churches of christ , and by the common received practises of christianitie ; and what by the principles of christianitie universally acknowledged in all the rest of the churches , whether by churches you understand the churches onely of your owne communion and waie , or the churches which are commonly called the reformed : or else all churches whatsoever that are so called , as , besides your owne and the reformed , the churches of the anabaptists , antinomians , and such like : and i have reason to propound this question , your words being so doubtfull : now if your words and phrases be taken in the first sence , of your churches only , that those sinnes and no other are to be the subject of excommunication , then great sins and errours according to the scripture , and judged so by orthodox churches , may escape excommunication ; and on the contrarie , many matters , which according to scripture are neither sinnes nor errours , but only your churches hold them so , may have that dreadfull sentenee passe upon them : but if you meane it in the largest sence , for all kind of churches , and for the received principles and practises of christianitie professed and acknowledged in all the churches , then more sinnes and errours so judged by the word , by most churches , and by your owne churches too , will not be acknowledged for such in all the rest of the churches , and so shall escape that censure : but if you should say , you meane onely the reformed-churches commonly so called , and the common received practises professed by them , it cannot be so understood ( as is evident ) by your own expressions in this passage about excommunication . so that here are strange unsafe rules to goe by in the censure of excommunication , and i judge it is a part of the new light , and now truths of these times , never yet given by any learned classicall authour . how much better were it for churches to make the subject of excommunication , such sins and errours which the scripture hath made so , and those sinnes to be agreed upon , by common consent in assemblies , and synods so drawne up for all to know them . but if it be objected that this may hinder further light , and an after discoverie . i answer , when any thing more shall come to be found out , this need be no hinderance unto any light ; but by the publike government , and common consent , upon good grounds may be added : but this your judgement about the censure of excommunication i feare is calculated for the meridian of pretended liberty of conscience . now this position of holding the subject of excommunication , to be onely such sins and errours as are against the parties knowne light , and the common received practises of christianity professed in all churches , and no other to be the subject of it , tends much to the tolerating of sects and heresies , which in this impure age is by many men , and by too many of the church way so studiously promoted against the nature of reformation and true zeale . but if one of the great ends of excommunication be to preserve others from infection , and to keepe the church of god pure , ( as divines teach ; ) then thuogh the party offending shall pretend such sins or errours are not against his knowne light , neither contrary to the received principles of christianity universally acknowledged in all the rest of the churches , yet excommunication ought to be exercised by them who have power in the church . and for our direction in these or whatsoever else requisite to the manage of them . we had these three principles more especially in our eye , to guide and steere our practise by . . first , the supreame rule without us , was the primitive patterne , and example of the churches erected by the apostles . our consciences were possessed with that reverence and adoration of the fulnesse of the scriptures , that there is therein a compleate sufficiencie , as to make the man of god perfect so also to make the churches of god perfect ; ( meere circumstances we except , or what rules the law of nature doth in common dictate ) if the directions and examples therein delivered were fully knowne and followed . and although we cannot professe that sufficiencie of knowledge as to be able to lay forth all those rules therein , which may meet with all cases and emergencies , that may or sometimes did fall out amongst us , or that may give satisfaction unto all queries possible to be put unto us ; yet we found principles enough , not only fundamentall and essentiall to the being of a church , but superstructorie also for the well-being of it , and those to us cleare and certain , and such as might well serve to preserve our churches in peace and from offence , and would comfortably guide us to heaven in a safe way : and the observation of so many of those particulars to be laid forth in the word , became to us a more certaine evidence and cleare confirmation that there were the like rules and ruled cases for all occasions whatsoever , if we were able to discerne them . and for all such cases wherein we saw not a cleare resolution from scripture , example or direction , we still professedly suspended , untill god should give us further light , not daring to seeke out what was defective in our light in matters divine with human●… prudence ( th●… fatall errour to reformation ) lest by sowing any peece of the old garment unto the new , we should make the rent worse , we having this promise of grace for our encouragement in this , which in our publike assemblies was often for our comfort mentioned , that in thus doing the will of god we should know more . from the narration of your way and practises of your churches , you come now to shew the three great principles above all others by which you guided your selves in your practise ; which i come now to examine , and doubt not but as you have exprest them to discover to the readers their weaknesse and defectivenesse , and easily to take off , all the seeming strength of the reasons hinted in them for your selves , and against us . to the first principle , the supreame rule without you , the primitive patterne and example of the churches erected by the apostles ( which also is exprest by you in the third page ) as that sacredpillar of fire to guide you by in all the positive part of church worship and government . i answer , why is the old testament forgotten by you , and in both these places , not so much as mentioned . what , is the old testament no patterne , nor example to you in church-worship and governement , nor is there nothing recorded there any part of the sacred pillar of fire to guide you by : consider whether in this , you follow not too much the example of some heretiques and erroneous spirits , who will have nothing to doe with the old testament , in the points they hold : this is the way of the anabaptists , and of the antinomians , both of old and at this day , and i am sorry such men as you , in such a formall apologie and narration of your way ( as you hold out this to be ) should so farre forget your selves , as to countenance such persons so farre . and i must tell you , that your search was insufficient and your rule too short , if you looked only on the first apostolike directions , patterne and examples of those primitive churches erected by the apostles : for in the old testament there are many rules , directions and examples , as a pillar of fire to guide the churches now by ( as that rom. . . showes ) namely those examples and rules of morall and common equitie , else the church of god should loose now many a good ground , for many practises , and you and your partie have been ill advised to fetch grounds out of the old testament for many things you hold and practise . there are some things you practise that you have no proofe for at all out of the new testament , either in example or precept : as for instance in the point of ordination by the people without officers you alleadge the . numb . . but can bring none out of the new testament , so for the church-covenant you multiply places out of the old , as ier. . . &c. but none out of the new , and so for that power which you allow christian magistrates in the church , you fetch from the old testament . so in the point of idolatrie against the naming the names used by idolaters , you bring all out of the old testament ( as mr burroughs in his exposition on hosea . ) and without the taking in the old testament ( which you so wholly forget in this your first principle ) you would loose much strength in severall points you hold and practise , against some who differ from you . as in the baptisme of infants from the covenant made with abraham and his seed , and the circumcision of infants , as in keeping the christian sabbath from the fourth commandement , as in speaking against humane inventions in the worship of god from the second commandement , with other particulars of the same kind . now if you will use the old testament in some examples and commands , as you doe , ( though here you forget to mention it , ) then grounds out of the old testament , ( in matters not ceremoniall and judiciall proper to the jewes policie , nation and times , ) but in things of morall and common equitie will justifie other practises . and how then you can escape in the way of church government , the lawfullnesse of appeales from lower judicatories to higher , and the lawfullnesse of formes of publike prayer composed and prescribed , with other particulars , i see not : but because you foresaw these , and such like , ( as that of a nationall church ) you here decline the old testament and speake only of the new , and but of a part only of that too , namely that of the acts of the apostles , and the epistles , as your words in both pages , third and ninth , intimate , the churches erected by the apostles , and the first apostolike directions , patternes and examples of the primitive churches recorded in the new testament , which reaches no farther then the acts of the apostles and the epistles : but though you doe not deale fairely in abridging the scriptures , and making your supreme rule so narrow , as the acts and epistles ; and i might justly stand upon it , to make you inlarge your rule to the books both of old and new testament : yet well knowing the acts of apostles and epistles will cast you ; i am well contented , and most ready at that weapon alone to try it with you , and care not in the present controversie of the church-way , as to let all other authours , so for the old testament , and that part of the new too , the gospells , to stand by ; and if you can make good out of the acts of the apostles and the epistles by any apostolike direction , patterne or example of those primitive churches , directed by the apostles , many things you practise and maintaine , as ordination of ministers by the people alone , as your church-covenant , as a few private christians to gather and constitute a church , as persons to be members of such congregations where they live constantly many miles distant from their ministers and the meeting places , with other such , i will yeeld the cause , and if i make not good from the acts of the apostles and epistles , things mainly opposed by you , but affirmed by us ; as that of particular churches to consist of more then can meet in one place to be edified in all parts of worship , with other such , then blame me : so that i may say of your church-way , and the questions between us , ( as tertullian answered long since some hereticks , ) that if they were to be determined by the scriptures they would not subsist ; now as to the ground of this principle within you , yeur consciences were possest with that reverence and adoration of the fullnesse of the scriptures , that there is therein a compleate sufficiency , as to make the man of god perfect , so also to make the churches of god perfect , &c. first , i answer , your ground here alledged , doth not prove your supreame rule without you , ( namely the primitive patterne and example of the churches erected by the apostles ) to be compleatly sufficient to make the churches of god perfect , because that speakes as of the whole scriptures , that there is in them a compleat sufficiencie and not as of a part , now though the scriptures may be and are so full and perfect , yet every part may not : you can in reason conceive that the whole may be compleatly sufficient to all ends and uses for which it was intended , when a part or parts may not suffice . and that scripture which you allude unto for proofe , tim. . v. , . speakes of the whole scripture , and not of a part only , the papists would have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that text , to signifie non totam , sed omnem scripturam , and so would give that praise , not to the whole body of the scriptures , but to particular parts of it : learned a chamier snewes the contrary , how that the whole scripture is here rather to be understood , and he proves it by a threefold argument , and in this great question between us and the papists , an scriptura christianum perf●…ctum reddat , resolves the question to be understood of the whole canon in the old and new testament : and so doth b dr whitakers , by which you may judge how unsufficient and short your first principle was , being only a part of the scriptures , but not the whole , and you may observe the fallaciousnesse of your reason propounded to argue from the whole to a part , because the whole scriptures have a compleat sufficiencie to make the churches of god perfect , therefore the primitive patterne and example of the churches erected by the apostles have too . secondly , i doe also adore the fullnesse of the scriptures , and god forbid that i should take from the scriptures any thing god gives unto them , or that which in the scripture is attributed unto it ; but we must not give unto the scriptures more then what god intended them for , or what the scripture affirmes of it selfe , for that is to be wise above what is written , and to adde unto the word , and may be and hath been a ground of dangerous consequence in the church of god , and to cleare it from your own instances of exception : ( meere circumstances we except , &c. ) now suppose some to speake as you doe , and to be really acted also upon the same ground of the fullnesse and sufficiencie of the scriptures , should yet affirme of the scriptures without all exception of me 〈◊〉 circumstances , and of the rules which the law of nature doth in common dictate , and should say nothing must be practised , no not in meere circumstances , but by some direction from the word ; and as for the rules the law of nature doth in common dictate , in them also the scripture gives light how to doe them , and thereupon should speake as you doe all along in this section ; would not this prove inconvenient and trouble you in your churches ; nay suppose some should so extoll the fullnesse and sufficiencie of the scriptures that they should hold them so perfect and sufficient for all christians as to be a perfect rule for all civill government , and that chrstian common-wealths ought to be governed by lawes only there recorded and by no other ( which opinion in substance carolostadius held ; that in courts of justice judges should not proceed according to humane laws , but according to the law of moses ; and so for military practises should hold all the way of warre must be founded upon the scriptures , and thereupon should clamour against any other art and way of warre , then what was practised there . what would you reply to these men , or what strength were there in such principles , would not you answer them , in what sense the scriptures were perfect , and how they must understand it . men have often by giving more to the most excellent creatures and things then the scriptures allow , fallen into great errors and mistakes . the papists and ubiquitaries speake highly of the body of christ , and 't is all in the way of magnifying it , and schuvenckfeldius did boast himselfe to be the assertor of the glory of the flesh of christ in heaven , ( which other preachers neglected or else opposed , ) and yet all these held great errors about the body , and humane nature of christ , under the notion of advancing it . so in the present controversie , by giving to the scriptures that which god hath not given to them , both is , and may be a ground of error . and therefore i referre you for the true sense of that question concerning the fullnesse and sufficiencie of the scriptures to make the churches of god perfect , unto the answers our protestant divines give the papists in that controversie about the perfection of the scriptures . ( and by the way , let me commend to you , and all the ministers of the church-way , to study our protestant writers , as whitakers , chamier , &c. against the papists upon the church , and of the notes of the visible church , upon the controversie concerning the scriptures , the authority of councels and synods ; and you shall find satisfaction to most of the materiall grounds which have misled you in your church-way . ) in which answers you shall find , that the perfection and sufficiencie of the scripture is principally meant in matters of doctrine , and in points necessary to salvation : and for policie and externall order wherein the scriptures doe reach to them , it is to be understood of the essentials , substantials and fundamentals of government and discipline , and not of the accidentals , accessaries and circumstantials , as i could abundantly out of calvin , beza , zanchius , iunius , daneus shew you : but i intend a whole tractate upon that question of the scriptures , how farre they are a rule for all matters of externall government and order in the visible church , with an answer to this objection particularly , and will not enlarge further , saving only that i will adde the resolution of this question and case out of whitaker , chamier and cameron , who are full and cleare , that 't is not against the perfection and sufficiencie of the scriptures , that all matter of externall order and policie are not laid down in the word : learned chamier shewes the judgement of the churches of france , holland , nay he shews , 't is the perpetuall opinion of all the protestants , and he adds , yea truly to speake ( as the matter is : ) the church cannot be altogether without unwritten traditions , and he instances in certain rites according to places , times , and persons , changeable and various : so cameron , for since the scripture hath been ordained of god to make one wise unto salvation , and perfect unto every good work , it must without doubt containe all doctrine necessary to salvation , otherwise it could not attaine its end : let us then adore ( as tertullian speakes ) the fulnesse of the scriptures , and let us not heare ( as athanasius speaketh ) neither receive any thing besides or above them in that which concernes the doctrine of faith . for touching the policie and ceremonies used in the church ; it is another matter , we avouch that the fathers did not thinke , themselves bound to give an account of them by the scripture . so dr whitakers speaks also the same in that question and controversie of the perfection of the scriptures against humane traditions . catholici in hoc toto negotio distinguendum putant inter r●…s quae traduntur in ecclesia & rationem earum tradendarum : & res ipsas esse duorum generum , scilicot alias in quibus substantia est , & quasi conpus religionis christianae ; non tantum ad fidem , sed etiam ad mores formandos , politiamque ecclesiae continendam : proinde necessarias ex vi institutionis divinae : alias eju●… essentiae velut appondices , ejusque corporis ornamenta ; neque ex s●… , neque ex institutiono divina necessarias , sed potiu●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & politi●… tantum causa in usum receptas : ut sunt disciplinae partos varijs caeno●…ibus sancitae . imo vero ut fateamur quod res est , omnino non potest ecclesia carere traditionibus non scrip●…is ; sive intelligas quotidianam tradendae fid●…libus ojus veritatis , quae non aliunde hauritur quam è libris sacris rationem : sive ritus quosdampro locis , temp●…ribus , & pers●…nis varios : aptos tamen exercendae pietati , charitatique conservandae : qui etsi non extent in canone totidem literis , tamen a nemine contemni debent , eo ipso quod ab ecclesia , id est pastoribus instituti sunt : dum tamen nihil officiant aut sinceritati doctrinae aut libertati conscientiae : cui propriè leges prescribit , non nisi deus . non dicimus , omnes liberas ceremonias esse nominatim in scripturis traditas , ut quemadmodum se gerere debeant homines in sacris caetibus & hujusmodi , quas esse varias & 〈◊〉 pro temporum & personarum ratione minime ignoramus : de caeremonijs ( inquam ) liberis quae ad externam tantum politiam & decorum pertinent non contendimus , sed de necessaria doctrina . haec perpetua ; illae vero non perpetuae , sed ad tempora accommodatae . deinde fatemur apostolos in singulis ecclesiis ritus aliquos atque consuetudines ordinis & decoris causa sanxisse , non autem scripsisse ; quia hi ritus non fuerunt perpetui futuri , sed liberi , qui pro commodo & temporum ratione mu●…ri possunt . praescriptos autem ab illis esse ejusmodi ritus aliquos ad honestam ecclesiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accommodatos , pater ex cor. . & . cap. tantum generalis regula habetur in scripturis , omnes istosritus ad adificationem ac decorum esse dirigendos ; sed ipsi particulares ritus non proponuntur . at dicimus omnia , quae necessaria sunt , sive ad fidem sive ad vitam spectent , apertè & abundè in scripturis explicari . now as for the exception made by you of this rule of meere circumstances , and the rules of the law of nature , where what you affirme , seems to amount to this , that you practised all the examples of the primitive churches erected by the apostles , ( excepting those . ) suffer me to aske you these few questions upon your exceptions made of this first rule . first , what you meane by meere circumstances , and what by the rules the law of nature doth in common dictate ? because the reader may be much deceived in these generall and doubtfull expressions : you should have done well to have particularized what you judge circumstances , and what meere circumstances , and what be the rules the law of nature doth in common dictate , as also have laid downe before the reader , how you in your church-way keepe unto these ; and i aske the rather , because i find a sermon of mr bridge , ( one of the authors of this apologie ) preacht before the house of commons not long before this apologie came forth , that makes none of these exceptions , but excepts and excludes them , shewing that in the visible church gods word is our line able to reach unto all particular affaires of the churches : and in particular he labours to answer that of circumstances , and perverts two sayings of luther and bishop iewel . secondly , whether you doe practise and observe your own rule here given with the exceptions made by you ? or whether you doe not much depart from it in your church-way , not yeelding to meere circumstances nor the rules the law of nature doth in common dictate ? as for instance , receiving the lords supper at night , contrary to the practise of the reformed churches , standing upon that circumstance of time ; denying appeales from the particular congregations , whereas appeales are a rule the law of nature doth in common dictate . thirdly , i demand of you , how you could so nakedly propound the apostolicall directions , patternes and examples of the primitive churches to walke by , ( excepting meere circumstances and the rules of the law of nature , ) and not except withall extraordinary and miraculous , personall and particular , occasionall and accidentall , temporary and locall patterns and examples . i owne the scripture for the rule , rightly understanding it , and in matters of discipline and church-order professe to walke by it , desiring to be tied to the scripture patterns , particularly to the patterns of examples and precepts recorded in the new testament , ( provided this be understood in essentials and fundamentals of order , in matters of perpetuall use , and of a common reason to all times and places ; ) only i adde that in some things , where in matter of order and externall government there may be no such cleare directions either by precept or example , there generall rules of the word , with deductions out of scripture examples , and from precepts by way of analogie , with rules of common prudence be taken in too . now the interpretation of this rule ( as i have laid it downe ) being rejected , and the rule simply taken up without such limitations , will produce a wilde and strange discipline and church-order , to practise all things recorded in the acts of the apostles and epistles , without distinction and difference of those times , persons , places , and ours : and on the other hand to practise nothing but what hath a cleare example , or precept is strange too , and in so doing , reasonable men cannot become a church society , nor exercise church communion . and however in matters of externall government and administration of holy things in the visible church some pretend to this , to practise whatever they find recorded in the scriptures , and to practise nothing whatsoever they find not there , yet none of the independents , no not the highest forme of them , the anabaptists , nor the highest sort of anabaptists ( who were called apostolici from their pretending to imitate the apostles in all things ) ever yet have or doe practise all patternes and examples recorded in the new testament , or are contented with them alone , but practise somewhat over and above not particularly recorded in scripture . i could lay downe a catalogue of many particulars specified in the acts of the apostles and epistles , not practised in your churches , nor in any churches of the independent way , as also of many things practised by you ( which we never read of in the scriptures , ) so that all the independents are in many things according to the first patterne both defective and excessive . but i referre the full handling of this to a tractate i intend concerning the scriptures , how farre the scriptures are a rule for all matters of church government and order in the visible church ; i adde only one thing for the readers sake , that they be carefull to understand this first principle of yours , not so nakedly as you lay it downe in page , , , . because it hath been , is , and may be a rock to split many on , and an ignis fatuus to lead many into waters , instead of a sacred pillar of fire to guide to heaven in a safe way . this foolish imitation of the apostles in all things in matters of externall order , hath been and is the great foundation of evils on all hands , both in many practises and points of popery , and amongst the anabaptists , ( as i could demonstrate in particulars . ) learned a danaeus in his commentaries upon . tim. cap. . speakes of it . b schlusselburgius writes also , that there is a sort of anabaptists cal'd apostolici , so named because they professed to imitate the apostles in all things , they washed one anothers feet , they held all things ought to be common , they travailed up and downe without staffe , shooes , cloake , money , because of christs words , they went up to the tops of houses to preach , because christ had said , what you have heard in the eare , preach upon the house top . now how farre the want of these limitations and distinctions in this your first rule hath led some of you into errors and strange practises and may leade you further , as into annoynting the sick with oyle , baptising in rivers , &c. i leave you to consider of . but yet this first and great principle upon which you went and reared up your new church way , how difficult and abstruse a rule , and how doubtfull a ground-worke doe you make it , before you passe from it , by making that supposition upon it , if the directions and examples therein delivered were fully knowne and followed . and that you cannot professe that sufficiency of knowledge as to be able to lay forth all those rules , &c. now then brethren consider with your selves according to your owne grant , how for all this principle of the primitive patterne to guide you by , yet it being so hard to know and find out the way , and you not having that sufficiencie of knowledge to lay forth the rules , how easily might you be out of the way then for all this principle , and how can we indeed thinke otherwise of you , being a few men and going by your selves : so that supposing the apostolicall directions and primitive examples of the churches ( not excluding the old testament and gospels ) to be the only rule of the outward administration and government of the visible church , and granting these were more especially in your eye to guide and steere your practise by , ( considering by your own confession there is so much difficulty to make these out , and to lay downe what is a binding and standing direction , and what not , what is meerly circumstantiall and what not , and how to apply many things which fall out to such rules and such examples recorded ; ) yet wee may see , how unsafe and dangerous it was for you , and for a few persons to set up churches and church-government , and we may hence learne , what great use and need there is of synods and assemblies to draw out church-government and discipline , and still in all difficult cases to meet for the debating and determining of things . and by the way let me admonish many of your followers of their boldnesse and rashnesle of determining in matters of church-government , and order , holding all things about discipline and church-government to be so manifestly and clearely laid downe in the scriptures , as the light of the sunne , and thereupon censuring many for not holding with them , imputing it to their want of self-deniall and spirituall knowledge : by this they may see their great leaders judge otherwise , who speaking upon the scriptures being a compleate rule to make the churches perfect , put in a caution , and declare , they cannot professe that sufficiencie of knowledge , as to be able to lay forth all those rules therein , which may meet with all cases and emergencies that may or sometimes did fall out amongst them . now if the apologists , men so able cannot professe that sufficiencie of knowledge , &c. who yet according to their owne narration tell us , how they saw the darke part before many others , and how they had all that light of the non-conformists , reformed-churches , new-england , &c. what shall we thinke of a few private illiterate christians setting up of churches , and framing a government , will this assure them ( though the scriptures be a perfect rule for church-government , and this is the supreme rule they goe by ) that therefore they are in the right , certainly the great difficultie in knowing and finding out the directions and examples , and in applying them aright , and their weake knowledge will give ground sufficient to all reasonable men to suspect the contrary . and for your selves brethren , the reader hath greater reason to judge from what you here grant about the difficultie of the scriptures in the church-way , and your insufficiencie and ignorance in many cases and to many queries , that you might be out of the way , then from the sufficiency of the scriptures to make churches perfect , and your making the scriptures your supreame rule , that you only should be in the right ; and withall taking-in this , that the reformed churches you depart from , ( and all along reflect upon in this apologeticall narration , ) holding the scriptures ( in a true sense ) to have a perfection for church-government , and setting them up as the supreame rule to eye continually , and having the great advantage of you knowing the directions and examples in scripture better then you by reason of their great learning , numbers , long studying these points , all you speake here of this principle as a ground to take men with and possesse the readers of the truthof your way rather then theirs , hath no strength in it , but the scale of sufficiencie of knowledg and ability of finding out the rules and applying , being heavier on the reformed churches side , and the other scale of making the scriptures the rule , equall to yours also ; you must needs be found light compared with them . but after your supposition of the great difficulty of understanding this rule , and profession of the non-sufficiencie of your knowledge , by which you weaken so much what you would gaine by the narration of setting up this first principle , as the supreame rule without you , yet , before you leave it , in the following words you seeme to affirme it , indeed interfeering and hovering about , not knowing well where to light and to settle between the perfection and sufficiencie of the scriptures to all church matters , and the difficultie of finding out the rules and directions ( as the precedent words and subsequent put together doe shew ) for you found principles enough not only fundamentall and essentiall , but superstructorie also , and those to you cleare and certaine , and such as might well serve , &c. now let the reader judge , if these words doe not not declare a sufficiencie of your knowledge without either ifs or and 's : but you must pardon me , if i doe not beleeve , you found principles enough superstructorie and that upon these two following grounds . . had you found principles enough superstructorie for the wel-being of your churches , and those cleare and certaine , and such as might well serve to preserve your churches in peace and from offence , and would comfortably guide you to heaven in a safe way . how came it to passe that you made no better a use of them , for the well-being of your churches to have preserved them in peace and from offence , but that in so short a time so many offences and differences should fall out , and you go so uncomfortably to heaven , doubting whether you were in the right way for church-government and order . . if you had found out principles enough superstructorie , why did you not name them , at least some of them ? you might have done well to have given the reader a taste of them , it would have given good content , especially in such a narration : i am of opinion both upon your totall silence and upon some search into these points , that besides the fundamentall and essentiall principles to the being of a visible ministeriall church you found not many superstructories laid downe particularly in the primitive churches either in practise or precept ( namely ordinary , perpetuall , &c. ) and i doe desire you ( setting aside fundamentall essentiall and substantiall principles ) that for the superstructories upon them , and your deductions , you would give me proofes from the scripture for many of your practises ( setting aside generall rules of the word and common rules of reason and prudence . ) and whereas you make the observation of so many of those particulars laid forth in the word , to become a more certain evidence and cleare confirmation that there were the like rules and ruled cases for all occasions whatsoever , if you were able to discerne them . had you exprest any of those particulars , the reader might have gained somewhat , and i could have better told from your instances , what to have answered you ; and might have shewne you the dissimilitude , how they might not have inferr'd the rest ; but here , as in other passages of your booke , you find it safest to be in the clouds , and to lie hid in generals . but grant it for once you observed many particulars . it followes not therefore from many to all . but this is a point and principle wherein weake arguments will become certain evidence and cleare confirmation to you . but let me hint only some things to you now ( because this discourse is but the answer of a narration , not of all arguments that may be brought ) you are mistaken both in your observation and your cleare confirmation of what followes , for you shall find that in the superstructories of the government of the church , there are but few particulars laid downe in the patterne and example of the primitive churches , and those primitive practises are not such a rule given by god in matters of that nature , as that all things then practised must be so in all after times , or that nothing afterwards might be practised , but what is found there . for , besides meere circumstances , and the rules of the law of nature , there are in severall churches , other things tending to the better edification of those churches , to comelinesse , decencie , outward reverence , order , peace , ( grounded upon generall rules of the word ) which in other churches are not so , by reason of the different customes of such countries , and the diversities of times and places wherein they were . ( for that is comelinesse and reverence in one country , which is not in another . ) so that my observation of so few particular superstructories recorded in the primitive churches , namely of common , ordinary , perpetuall order , with the different practises in the severall churches , recorded in the new testament , and sometimes in the same church , in many things of the outward administration of externall order are sound proofes to me , there are not rules nor ruled cases for many superstructories in externall government . and as to that clause which followes next in this section , for all such cases wherein you saw not a cleare resolution from scripture , example or direction , you still professedly suspended , untill god should give you further light , not daring to eeke out what was defective in your light in matters divine with humane prudence , &c. for answer , i must tell you , you either saw that in the scripture , that we cannot see by all search , or else you practised many things that have no cleare resolution from scripture , neither in example or direction , and pray in your reply to this answer , shew me what cleare resolution you saw from scripture for your church-covenant . if it be so cleare shew it us . what ▪ came the word of god out from you , or came it to you only , hath god given us eyes to see and know the mysteries of his kingdome , to see such things as no glorious hypocrite in the highest forme can see , and can we not see what is common to hypocrites as well as to true saints : certainly had mr goodwin had such cleare resolution from scripture for the church-covenant , he would never have returned such an answer after so long a time of receiving mr iohn goodwins letter , written with such giant-like confidence against the church-covenant , as to desire after many weeks , longer day to give satisfaction , in regard church-covenant lay so deepe and remote amongst the fundamentals of church-fellowship , which debt i beleeve was never yet paid to this day . i should be loath for my part in any thing i practise or hold to have a cleare resolution from scripture , to put off my brother for proofe of it till to morrow . give me an apostolicall example or rule ( if you can ) where ever the people alone made ministers ; why did you not here suspend , how durst you be made ministers in this way by the people alone , and either be ministers without imposition of hands at all , or if any imposition , not by the laying-on of the hands of the presbyterie , but the hands of the people , both which are not onely without any example of scripture , but against the primitive patterne and example . give me a primitive patterne wherein baptized persons professing the faith of christ , and walking so , may not be admitted to fellowship and communion in the lords supper , without professing their membership of some particular congregation . give me a word , either of precept or example , where ever the lay-elders did examine persons professing the faith , whether they were fit for church-fellowship , and thereupon did propound their names in the congregation , with many such particulars ; so that you have dared to eeke out divine matters with your owne inventions , not indeed with humane prudence , but against humane prudence and reason ( as that instance in the way of your making ministers by the people clearely shewes : ) and i desire that you and others would consider what i say upon this occasion , that this is so preposterous and irrationall a rule , that had you indeed , or should others observe it , to practise nothing in matter of externall order , unlesse you have a cleare resolution from scripture in an example or direction , you had never met together in a church-way , nor can any society or company of men meet to those ends of constituting a church and government and walking in the practise of it , but that some things must be done not particularly mentioned in the scriptures . as for your calling humane prudence , the fatall errour to reformation , i judge that the want of it in reformation hath still proved fatall , as amongst the anabaptists , brownists , and in new-england also , till humane prudence eeked out what was defective in the way of their gathering churches at the first , and till humane prudence punished by banishment and imprisonment ( under the name of disturbers of the civill peace ) many members of their churches for familisme , anabaptisme , &c. without which courses , and others or the like kinde , their churches and common-wealth had beene long ago●… ruined . and i much wonder you stile humane prudence , the fatall errour to reformation , and make reformation of the church and humane prudence so opposite , especially you your selves knowing and expressing in the th page of your apologie , the calling of this assembly of divines , the way of god wisely assumed by the prudence of the state. i suppose you call it not the way of god , as holding there is a cleare resolution from scripture in any apostolicall primitive patterne of the churches erected by the apostles of an a●…embly so chosen by the magistrates to draw up a gov●…ment and direction in worship for so many ch●…s , ( many of which church●… have not so much as any one of their members there ) but onely , a way of god according to generall rules and prudence , and so , wisely assumed by the parliament , and yet i hope you and your party will not afterwards , if the assembly should determine against independencie , stile that the fatall errour to reformation . but how ever we gaine thus much from your being members of the assembly , voting in it , and calling your selves by that name , members of the assembly of divines , namely a cleare answer , ( that humane prudence is not alwayes a fatall errour to reformation , and , that a man needs not alwaies suspend his practise , though he have not a cleare resolution of example or direction from the primitive churches ( witnesse the acceptance of your being chosen to the assembly . ) as to that metaphoricall expression of yours , the ground of your judging humane prudence so fatall to reformation , least by sowing any peece of the old garment to the new , you should make the rent worse . i answer , if that be not understood aright and soberly , it hath been and will be the ground of great deformation in the church , and of running into errours on the right hand : thus the anabaptists , least they should sow any peece of the old garment unto the new , renounce their baptisme , and the brownists will have the materiall churches pull'd downe , and our ministers and congregations quite made null , and all our ministers and congregations newly ordained and constituted . the ground of which mistakes ariseth from not considering the difference between the gathering and planting a church out of iudaisme and heathenisme , and the purging and building up a church corrupted and fallen . as for that promise of encouragement made to such a suspension ( which you say ) in your publike assemblies was for your comfort often mentioned , you should have done well to have quoted the text , and then i might have examined the place , whether there had been a foundation for any such promise to a few persons in a particular congregation , withdrawing from the fellowship of other churches , and forbearing all things in matter of externall order ( though agreed upon by other churches ) without a cleare resolution from scripture example , or direction , that in so doing they should know more in the matter of order and government . a second principle we carried along with us in all our resolutions , was , not to make our present judgement and practise a binding law unto our selves for the future , which we in like manner made continuall profession of upon all occasions . we had too great an instance of our own frailty in the former way of our conformity ; and therefore in a jealousie of our selves , we kept this reserve , ( which we made open and constant professions of ) to alter and retract ( though not lightly ) what ever should be discovered to be taken up out of a mis-understanding of the rule : which principle we wish were ( next to that most supreame , namely , to be in all things guided by the perfect will of god ) enacted as the most sacred law of all other , in the midst of all other laws and canons ecclesiasticall in christian states and churches throughout the world . this is a dangerous principle to goe by in the church of god , excellent for unstable men , and wanton wits fitted for libertins , and running heads that love no fixed nor setled government , and serves well to the humour of a few particular persons , but pernitious and sad for nationall churches and kingdomes , a reserve indeed and a good back doore to go out at from brownisme to anabaptisme , and from anabaptisme to sebaptisme , and from thence to famialisme and socinianisme ; it is a ready prepared way for those that would draw men into errours under the pretence of new light , to worke upon , and so to lead men from one errour to another till there be no end . which kind of principle of uncertainty in matters of religion , the remonstrants did hold forth in those sad times of the troubles of the churches in the netherlands , that so they might overturne all formes and harmonies , whereby the churches both within themselves and one towards another might be setled and associated : that was one of the scepticall rules of the arminians , dies diem docet : but this principle of yours so carried all along in your resolutions , seemes to crosse that first principle of the scriptures , the supreame rule and perfect for church government ; for in effect it is as much as to hold that the government and way of the church visible is so uncertaine and doubtfull , as that little or none may be positively laid downe and concluded as iure divino . now according to this second principle and profession of yours , why doe you make such outeries and tragedies in the church , forsaking all churches for you know not what , even for that which you made open and constant professions upon all occasions you would not be bound to ; and pray how doth this agree with your principle of church government , that it is in all particulars perpetuall and unchangeable , whenas you will be changing it so often ; but certainely when you first fell to your church-way and took up this principle , you were not resolved what way to follow , but thought that in some yeares by adding now and then , and forsaking this and the other , you might attaine to something in the end : but let me aske you , ought men in the matters of religion , and in things of the kingdome of christ to be scepticks and so irresolved , or ought not men to be perswaded in their consciences ? but i hope the parliament will observe this great principle you were first acted by , and still are in all your church-way , and will see how dangerous the tolerating of your way will be ; for though you should for present hold nothing much different from the established rule , yet being allowed what may you not come to ; according to this principle , how shall any state be sure of you long what you will hold : what if you should bring in community of goods , baptizing in rivers , the holy kisse into your assemblies at the beginning and ending of your ordinances , annointing sick persons with oyle ? it is but according to your principle : and we see you make so much of this principle and are so in love with it , that you wish it next to your first principle , enacted as the most sacred law of all other , to live and walke by it in christian states and churches throughout the world ; and i am perswaded if you would speake out , you wish it instead of all other laws and canons 〈◊〉 : you are not content your selves to be scepticks and loose in the government of the visible church , but you would have all others to be li●… unto you , not to make their present judgement and practise a binding law for the future , but to make continuall professions upon all occasions of altering . but let us consider what may be the reasons of such a passionate desire that this principle were enacted in all churches , i conceive these following ; . that others changing and altering as well as you , the imputation of inconstancy and lightnesse might not stick upon you . . that so you might gai●… more to your way and church , by possessing them with this principle , ( having this advantage to worke upon , and this engine to draw the people with : ) there is nothing you have concluded on but you are free and at choice still to take what seemes most probable to you , ( whereas if men be set downe and resolved they are not so apt to change . ) . that so you might not , as you pretend , block up the way to further light , but keep alive that principle of new light , and new truths , and that men must not content themselves with old truths and the old light , but they must seeke out after new light ; whereas establishment and setling of points ( upon serious debates and disputes ) both in points of doctrine with the fundamentals and substantials of discipline , as the truths of god and the way for men to walke in upon such scriptures and reasons , will shut out such search ( as you conceive ; ) but this is a mistake to imagine that if any evident light from scripture should come in afterwards ( especially considering that reformed churches in their confessions and articles , hold that particular churches may erre and may receive increase of knowledge , and for matters of discipline declare particularly , that in the accessaries , accidentals , circumstantials , churches have liberty to change upon inconveniences and different occasions that may arise ) that they are ever the further off from it . but this principle of irresolution and uncertainty in matters of religion upon the ground of new light and new truths , as it is commonly laid downe and drunke in now by men of the church-way , makes men unsatisfied , restlesse , doubtfull in their present practise , and upon searching when they can find none , the devill and their own corruptions will make some , and brings them old errors for new truths , and men being possest by some that principles are to be new studied , and that there are new truths and new light never known before , satan is not wanting to raise up one or other to vent errors under those notions ( as we see at this day in the antinomians and the anabaptists ) their great argument wherby they take so many , being that of new light and new truths which god hath revealed in these times . . i hope this principle so rooted in you , and your frailty in the former way of conformity , may be a reserve for you to come off from independencie to presbyterie upon the debates of the assembly , and from your church-way to the way of the reformed churches , which i heartily pray may be the fruit of this principle so openly and constantly profest , and am not wholly out of hope ( especially of some of you . ) thirdly , we are able to hold forth this true and just apologie unto the world , that in the matters of greatest moment and controversie , we still choose to practise safely , and so , as we had reason to judge that all sorts , or the most of all the churches did acknowledge warrantable , although they make additaments thereunto . to this third great principle of yours i answer : . to it generally as you lay it downe here generally , and afterwards more particularly to the instances and particulars brought by you to make it good . in this principle you labour to cast an odium upon all the reformed churches who differ from you , dealing by them in such a medium and way as the protestants doe by the papists , wheras we alleadge against the papists that the protestant religion is via tuta , and what we practise they themselves cannot but allow , only they hold and practise over and above ; as namely they adde to christs righteousnesse their own in the point of justification , to christs intercession , the intercession of the virgin mary and saints , to prayers unto god prayers to angels and saints , to the scriptures the traditions of the church , to our sacraments ( confest by themselves ) five others , &c. so here you say that you chose to practise safely , and so as you had reason to judge other churches did acknowledge warrantable ; but they make additaments , and this you weave in all along in the particular instances under this head , and it lyes upon them to prove what they adde over and above : now besides the great dissimilitude and difference of additaments in the things themselves between the protestants and papists , and you and the reformed churches , the papists additaments being in matters of faith and substance of worship , but the matters excepted against by you being about outward government and order , and that not so much about the things themselves , the officers , parts of worship , but about the different manner and way of them ( as you acknowledge in your eighth pages ) and so you had no such cause to insinuate such matters against the reformed churches , yet consider that what you doe hold forth and take as your medium , you have no good ground for , which will appeare in three particulars , and so your apologie held forth unto the world is neither true nor just . . i will demonstrate that in many matters of greatest moment and controversie you did not still choose to practise safely , and so as you had reason to judge that all sorts or most of the churches did acknowledge warrantable . . that the reformed churches practised more safely then you and did not make additaments as you charge them . . that you in many church practises have made additaments and superadditions , and that in more materiall things then in such circumstances wherein you tax the reformed churches . for the first of these three : take these three instances for the present . . it is a matter of great moment and controversie to forsake the publike assemblies ( which you confesse are true churches and the body of christ ) and to set up separated assemblies without and against the leave of the magistrate , ministers and churches : this is , by the judgment of all the godly and learned divines of note , both in other churches and in our own , condemned as unlawfull , by calvin , beza , peter martyr , zanchius , bullinger , iunius , pareus , morneus , arnesius , voetius , &c. with whitakers , brightman , perkins , cartwright , parker , banes , hildersham , ball. &c. i could fill a booke with the testimonies of these and many others , and i doe challenge the separatists of all sorts , whether them of the head-forme the anabaptists , or of the middle-forme the old brownists , or the lowest-forme the semi-separatists , to give me any precept or allowed example of such a practise out of the primitive patterne , shew it me and i will yeild the cause : as for that place rev. . . you professe against that in your t page , of having any thoughts of our churches or ministers to be antichristian and babilonish ; i could alledge many scriptures against this practise , iude v. , &c. the apostles who were sent by christ into the world to make disciples , and to bring men from judaisme and heathenisme to beleeve in christ , and to plant churches of such , yet they never taught nor practised to gather and separate some christians from the rest , one part of the church from the other , to goe constitute a purer church , neither in corinth , philippi , &c. although there were many corruptions , and many loose persons : but paul taught and practised to censure and cast out evill persons ( but in case those who had power neglected their duty ) he never taught the godly to separate from the lords supper celebrated in the publike assemblies , much lesse for a few to withdraw from their pastours and other brethren , and to set up new churches of themselves : you are schollers and well read in the scriptures ; shew me but any such direction from the apostles and i am yours . . it is a matter of moment and controversie , the right making and calling of the ministers of the gospell , now all the reformed churches according to the examples of scripture , hold ministers are not to be made by the people alone , and that the people have not power of ordination and imposition of hands but the presbyters , and yet you have practised the being cal'd and made ministers by the people , without the imposition of hands of the preaching presbyters . . it is a matter of great moment and controversie , whether private christians who were never trained up in arts and learning , nor intended the ministery , may in the publike congregation prophesie , which prophesying as it is not practised by the reformed churches , so by most of them it is not counted warrantable , and yet you allowed it in your churches , to which i might adde more instances , but that the book would swell into too great a volume . to the second head , it is evident the r●…formed churchs practised more safely as in declining your way , in the last mentioned instances , in not permitting such as are lay-men to preach or prophesie , in not forsaking true churches or true ministery for the mixture of wicked men , but rather casting out such , who after admonition continue impenitent ; so in other practises practising as the apostles , receiving men into their fellowship without any such curious inquirie and long detention , sending men from one to another , and requiring such preparatives and conditions to church-fellowship ( as your churches have done . ) the wayes and practises the reformed churches walked in , were the good old way , knowne and beaten for some score of yeares , in which so many great lights and godly people have walkt , and so more safe then bie and new wayes that a few men but of yesterday have taken up , and have not yet well aired much lesse digested : and in the name of other reformed churches , france , holland , scotland , i deny the things you charge them with to be additaments , or to be properly so called ; for if the particulars instanced in by you , will be found to have a footing in the scriptures and practised in the primitive apostolicall churches , then they will be no additaments , or if some of those things alleadged by you be of the nature of circumstances in the point of government and order , or according to the rules of the law of nature and the rules of common prudence , agreeable also to the generall rules of the word , then they are not truly by you called additaments and super-additions ; for it is one thing to adde to the word of god and his worship , and another thing from generall rules of the word and common principles of the light of nature and prudence , considering the differences of times , places , persons , dispensations of guifts , to explicate and determine of many things in the administration of the visible church : now of things of this kind something must be which the word of god presupposes , or else you can have no setled government in the church ; and you may as well stile set catechismes , confessions of faith , reading of chapters translated by others , singing of psalmes between chapters and after sermons , preaching constantly upon texts of scripture , giving thanks after eating meat , &c. additaments , as some of the things instanced in by you . and let me hint this to you ( which i know you understand well enough ) but forget it often to paralell it with other passages , that in your practise of the administration of the sacraments , and in other parts of worship you adde severall things besides what is recorded of christ or the apostles practise , or given particularly in any precept , ( which i speake not to blame such practises ) but to minde you such things are not fitly stiled additaments . to the third , that you have made additaments and superadditions , and that in more materiall things then the reformed churches , being your selves guilty of what you accuse them , this being the strongest plea , and the only plea to speake of in all your book by way of argument , the rest being bare narrations , i shall make good against you by particular instances : the prooving of which practises of yours from apostolicall directions must rest upon you who doe them , and in so doing have departed from your selves and other reformed churches ; amongst many particulars take these following : to the ministeriall preaching and dispensation of the word , you subjoyned prophesying by the people . . to the power of government by the officers of the church , you have added the power of the people . . in joyning in particular congregations you did super-adde the church-covenant . . to the pastour you super-adde the teacher , as a necessary distinct officer from him , and so necessary , as in one of your churches you had two teachers , and have been some yeares without a pastour at all , ( which is a sad condition for people to be without a sheapheard . ) . to the deacon you added the church-widdow as a distinct officer , and as necessary for the perpetuall government of the church . . to our parochiall assemblies in england , which you call in the sixt page the true churches and body of christ , and abhorre the thought of counting them antichristian ; where you say you hold communion as with true churches , you have super-added and erected new-churches . . to our ministery of the parochiall assemblies ( which is true also by your own confession and not antichristian ) you have superinstituted and superinducted another ministery , any one of which particulars to be laid downe in the primitive patterne i professedly deny , and it rests upon you who allow what reformed churches practise , but in the particulars instanced and many more , doe practise over and above what the reformed churches doe , to make evident and demonstrate upon cleare grounds , especially when men set up a new way , and leave the practise of all reformed churches , ( double light being required for separation in any kind , whereas single light sufficeth for any man continuing in his standing . ) and certainly of all other things in the matter of practise in the visible church , the medling with the keyes of the kingdome of god , both in doctrine and discipline , with the withdrawing and forsaking the true churches of christ , and the ministerie thereof , wherein men have been converted and built up , and have converted and built-up so many , with the setting up of new churches against the leave and will of the civill magistrate , without the consent of those churches departed from , and to the scandall and griefe of so many godly ministers and christians , nay the scandall of all reformed churches , and all this under pretence of spirituall power and liberty purchased for them by christ , had need have a cleare and full proofe , and not be built only upon such weake and slight grounds , as flattering similitudes , witty allusions , remote consequences , strained and forced interpretations from hard and much controverted scriptures : and now by what i have alreadie answered to this principle in these three particulars , let the indifferent reader and your owne consciences be judge , whether you or the reformed churches practise most safely , and doe that which most churches acknowledge warrantable , and who is most guilty of making additaments , when as you and all of your way allow that which they practise in the seven particulars instanced in , but you practise many things which all churches condemne , excepting the churches of the independent way ; and if one thing be considered to what i have said that you put the weight and stampe of divine institution , and of necessitie upon your additaments , making them parts of worship and essentiall , as upon prophecying , as upon the office of teachers distinct from pastours , &c. but the reformed churches in what you call their additaments , even in some of them instanced in by you , put not so great an authoritie , but only an allowance and lawfulnesse of set-formes of prayer prescribed , not a necessity , but a lawfulnesse of mixtures in congregations , so as not to leave the church for that ; and in other practises , you count additaments in matters circumstantiall of time , place , manner and way of doing things , which upon good reasons may be changed , so that here is a wide difference between that which you call their additaments , and yours truly so called , and let me adde this that the great pinch of a conscience and the poyson in ecclesiasticall matters concerning outward government and order ( wherein the scripture hath not laid downe a particular rule for ) lyes in the stampe of putting a necessitie and a divine institution upon them , and unto such and of such is that scripture spoken so frequently in the mouthes of men of your way . in vaine doe you worship me , teaching for doctrine the commandements of men . for instance : whereas one great controversie of these times is about the qualification of the members of churches , and the promiscuous receiving and mixture of good and bad ; therein we chose the better part , and to be sure , received in none but such as all the churches in the world would by the ballance of the sanctuarie acknowledge faithfull . and yet in this we are able to make this true and just profession also , that the rules which we gave up our judgements unto , to judge those we received in amongst us by , were of that latitude as would take in any member of christ , the meanest , in whom there may be supposed to be the least of christ , and indeed such and no other at all the godly in this kingdome carry in their bosomes to judge others by . we tooke measure of no mans holinesse by his opinion , whether concurring with us , or adverse unto us ; and churches made up of such , we were sure no protestant could but approve of , ( as touching the members of it ) to be a true church , with which communion might be held . and having answered generally , i come now to the particulars brought to make this third principle good , and shall shew how little there is in them to make good that they are brought for . to your first instance of chusing the better part , and to be sure receiving in none for members of churches , but such as all churches in the world would by the ballance of the sanctuarie acknowledge faithfull . . to speake nothing now of that , how in churches there may be a receiving to some of the ordinances ( and so to be under the care of the ministers ) a receiving of others , that is , there may be members to a part , and there are members as to all the ordinances , and so according to the first there may be a promiscuous receiving and mixture , for which i can give good reasons and instances as in children , catechumenists , but must not handle at large every point now which your narration hints a●… . . in your admission of members you chose not the better part , nor the safer : to goe on the hand of charitie and love is the better part , and safer hand , which charitie if you looke into the cor. . hopes the best , thinkes no evill , &c. and a man had better receive some of whom there may be some doubt and feare , then discourage and refuse any of christ little ones , which both your principle and practise hath done abundantly in new-england and in england : but here in your narration you deale fallaciously in stating the question . for the question is not about receiving in none , but such as all churches in the world would acknowledge faithfull , but about receiving in all and refusing none whom the churches had no reason , but to acknowledge faithfull ; for according to your words laid downe , and as you would carry it to deceive the reader with , of receiving none , but such as all churches would acknowledge faithfull , you might receive in , but a few of high forme christians , whom also all the churches in the world would not ( as some hold the ballance ) acknowledge to be faithfull ; and so you might receive in , but a very few : and it is evident by your practise that many whom all the reformed churches hold fit to be received , having a competent knowledge of god , christ and themselves , and live free from all scandalous and grosse sins , and outwardly practise duties both to god and man , even multitudes of these you will not admit , nor doe not into your churches . and as to that just and true profession you are able to make , that the rules you gave up your judgements unto , to judge those you received in amongst you by , were of that latitude to take in any member of christ , &c. i must tell you this is like some of your just and true professions before , namely , unjust and untrue & this is neither the first nor the last unjust and untrue profession in your narration , and i shall make it good both by your practises , & by some rules laid down by some of your selves . mr goodwins letter in answer to mr iohn goodwin grants , they require of men to admission into their churches , that they know what belongs to church-fellowship , and doe acknowledge the same , and approve thereof , with other things of that nature : now whether this be a rule of that latitude , that will take in any member of christ , the meanest , in whom there may be supposed to be the least of christ , and indeed such and no other , as all the godly in this kingdome carry in their bosomes to judge others by : i appeale to your owne consciences . that holy martyr bradford with many more , not only the least , but great starres in the firmament of the church , never knew nor dreamt of what belong'd to your church-fellowship , and i am confident that m. goodwin , m. bridge , my selfe , with many others , many yeares after wee were members of christ , and conversed together in cambridge as saints , yet understood not what belonged to this church-covenant and church-fellowship : and this is such a rule that multitudes of the godly in this kingdome , carry not in their bosomes to judge others by , nor would not themselves be judged by , nor never heard of such things till your times : and if your rules were of such a latitude as would take in any members of christ the meanest , whence came it to passe that in new-england so many men ( in whom the godly have presumed to be something of christ ) and who are you to judge the contrarie , have not yet been admitted , and amongst many other instances that might be given in your owne churches , i will name one : mistris symonds , a modest , humble woman , many years well reputed of in england , of godly parents , wife to a godly minister , who though her husband was received a member of m. sympsons church , and then chosen the pastour , yet his wife could not be received into the church along time , and whether yet she be i know not : i have been told also from one who lived in those parts , that after m. sympson upon rending from m. bridge had set up a new church , one who was upon his tryall for admission into m. sympsons church , was openly asked by a prime man ( who had a hand in that rent ) what his judgement was of the brethrens libertie to prophecie ; and if the man had not been right in that point , it might have hazarded his membership . and that the reader may not be abused nor amused with such kind of passages , but that it may appeare what ever here you say you have other rules , and require other things of men to communion with you , pray satisfie us : what was the reason , and what is the matter that when m. iohn goodwin fell to your principles and way , so many godly persons of his owne parish could not be received in by him as church-members , nor accounted so , without yeelding to some rules and conditions , which they being members of christ ( and some of them n●…ne of the meanest ) could not condescend unto . as to that you say , you tooke measure of no mans holinesse by his opinion , whether concurring with you or adverse unto you . i appeale to your consciences , if my selfe or some others whom you have accounted godly should have declared their opinions adverse to your church-covenant , and other of your church principles , and yet being in holland should have desired for the time to have been a●…itted to fellowship with you in the lords supper , whether would you have admitted us ? now to that passage of yours in the close of this first instance : and churches made up of such we were sure no protestant could but approve of , &c. this goes upon the mistake observed by me before , that the question in controversie about church-members is not , nor cannot be meant , whether churches made up of such members , as all account faithfull , be by all protestants approved of to be true churches , with whom communion may be held : but whether communion may not be held with such churches , and such received into communion and fellowship of churches , whom many churches ( especially yours and those of the church-way ) doe not upon your principles acknowledge true and fit matter . and in this i am sure all protestants of note are against you , and for us , accounting such visible churches ( as you here instance in ) an utopia , holding it donatisme , and anabaptisme , and when the papists doe in their writings father upon them such a visible church as you dreame of , and such principles as you hold , they disclaime it ( as learned whitakers ) it being the constant opinion of all the great protestant divines , calvin , luther , zanchius , iunius , &c. that the visible church of christ consists of good and bad , resembled therefore to a field , net , floore , where chasse as well as good graine , &c. againe , concerning the great ordinance of publike prayer , and the liturgie of the church , whereas there is this great controversie upon it about the lawfulnesse of set-formes prescribed ; we practised ( without condemning others ) what all sides doe allow and themselves doe practise also , that the publicke prayers in our assemblies should be framed by the meditations and studie of our owne ministers , out of their owne gifts ( the fruits of christs ascension ) as well as their sermons use to be . this we were sure all allowed of , though they super-added the other . to this d instance concerning the great ordinance of publicke prayer , and the liturgie of the church , i shall give you one answer after another , following you according to your expressions upon it , wherein i finde you like your selves in the other precedent parts , in generals and in the darke , so as few readers can tell by your narration here what you hold and practise about publike prayer . . wheras you say , there is this great controversie upon it about the lawfulnesse of set-formes prescribed . i must tell you this great controversie upon it is raised onely by your selves and the brownists , there being no divines , nor no reformed churches that i know of , but doe allow the lawfull use of set-formes of prayer , composed and framed by others ( as by synods and assemblies ) and doe make use of such sometimes , as the churches of france and holland in the administration of sacraments usually doe , and those who practise them not so much , yet at least hold them lawfull . and i challenge you in all your reading to name one divine of note and orthodox that ever held set-formes of prayer prescribed unlawfull , excepting only independents . . what understand you by set-formes prescribed , whether prayers onely made and framed by others : as suppose by an assembly or synod , but yet not imposed , or whether prayers composed by others , and then prescribed and required by authoritie to be used : now if you say you understand it in the second sence , that you question the lawfulnesse of that , but not in the first : i aske you whether you will practise , and doe hold it lawfull to use in your assemblies , prayers made and framed by others ? as suppose a directory for worship , which i the rather aske you , because your words afterwards hinted as the ground for your owne practise , and against the practises of the reformed churches , speake against all set-formes of prayer composed by others ( that the publike prayers in our assemblies should be framed by the meditations and studie of our owne ministers out of their owne gifts ) which reacheth to all prayers framed by other men , though they be left at libertie to use or not use them : and further this argument of yours speakes only against formes of prayer , as in the first sence , but speaks not at all to it , as imposed and enjoyned ; but let your expressions of set-formes of prayer prescribed be taken in the second sence , yet i am readie to maintaine against you that set-formes of prayer , lawfull for their materials , and establisht by a lawfull power to be used in the publick assemblies , may lawfully be practised by ministers , and the people safely joyne in them . . as i askt of you in what sence you tooke set-formes prescribed , so i desire to know whether in the questioning of the lawfulnesse of set-formes of prayer , you understand onely formes of prayer framed by men and ministers in the church , or whether not also prayers recorded in the scriptures ( as for instance the lords prayer ) whether ever you practise the use of that in your assemblies ( which question i make , because i never heard that any of you five ever used the lords prayer , either in your owne assemblies , or in ours , nor indeed that any of your way did , it being now made by many a note of a formalist ) now if you account the use of it lawfull , considering the great offence , the totall disuse of it gives to many , and how it hinders the word to many , considering that scripture with other like , cor. . . i wonder how you dare neglect it ( and by the way let me tell you that cor. . . is stronger to command you the use of the lords prayer , then for what it is alleadged by you in the . page , namely , for your principle of submission of churches , &c. and i propound to you further , whether if some other prayers word for word recorded in the scriptures should be put into a directorie , you would use them ? as also , whether you would practise the reading of set psalmes and chapters appointed out for you ? . as for the practising your owne prayers without condemning others . i answer , that is not so , . because you bring many arguments against set-formes of prayer , framed by others and prescribed that amount to a condemnation in a high nature , terming such prayers will-worship , inventions of men , as is evident both by manuscripts and by printed discourses of mr davenports , m. cottons , m. nyes . . you with-drew from our sacraments and publicke assemblies upon this ground and have drawne many away with you , and have set up new churches . but it may be you will in this narration have this evasion , that though you condemne the practise , yet not all the persons that use them , you doe not condemne them as ungodly . i answer , no more doe the rigid a brownists nor anabaptists , who yet condemne sufficiently our churches and our prayers , and yours too , for they acknowledge both you and us to have eminent personall graces . . as to that argument brought by you for conceived prayers , but against set-formes made by other men , i briefly suggest these following things to you and the reader . . that by your owne concession set formes of prayer are not unlawfull , because they be set and framed before hand , and not conceived suddenly , wherein you grant , that the publicke prayers in the assemblies may be premeditated , framed and studied before hand , as well as sermons , which concession takes off one of the strongest arguments used against set-formes of prayer . . i answer , it is not against the fruites of christs ascension into heaven , and of giving gifts unto men for the ministery , that they doe not alwayes in all their prayers exercise their own gifts of invention and composall of prayer , for so the using of the lords prayer should be unlawfull at any time for the ministers ( which is no prayer framed out of their owne meditations and studie , and their owne gifts . ) . i answer , there is a great dissimilitude in many respects , betweene sermons and prayers , so that it will not hold , though sermons ought to be framed alwaies out of our owne gifts , that therefore prayers alwayes should be . and this i will demonstrate in a discourse of the lawfulnesse of using set-formes of prayer composed by others . . it is not against the fruit of christs ascension , nor the gifts given then for ministers , in some instructions and teachings of the people to make use of some thing sometimes in publike , either doctrinall or practicall , not framed out of their owne gifts , but by others . as suppose the reading in the congregation to the people often some confession of faith , or some exhortation about maine things of use to them , having still the free use of their giftsto preach besides . . suppose you five should joyne together out of your owne meditations and studies , exercising your owne gifts to frame publicke prayers of maine petitions needfull for the state of all your churches , whether might they be used by you in your publick assemblies . . whether each of you by your selves framing upon meditation and studie a set-forme of prayer , may not use that often in your assemblies without sinne , having also your liberty to adde conceived prayers at the same time . but to put all out of question about the second instance , i judge that set formes of prayer prescribed taken in both senses , that is neither made nor framed out of the gifts of the persons who use them , nor left at liberty , but by publike consent agreed upon to be used , are not unlawfull to be practised : but the scriptures give us examples for such prayers , as in chron. . . moreover hezekiah the king , and the princes commanded the levites to sing praise unto the lord , with the words of david , and of asaph the seer : and they sang praises with gladnesse , and they bowed their heads and worshipped . and therefore the use of set formes of prayer , framed and composed by others and prescribed , having example in scripture ( as well as conceived ) are no additament nor superaddition ; but the reformed churches in practising both , practise most safely , according to scripture patternes , and your churches using only one sort and not the other , leave to follow examples recorded in scripture ; and we may more justly cast upon you the taking away from scripture ( taking away being a like branded by scripture as adding ; ) but you doe unjustly cast upon the reformed churches adding to the word , the scriptures holding out examples for both : and for the further clearing your mistakes in this great ordinance of publike prayer , i shall only adde this , all that god hath commanded either in the old testament or new about publike prayer , is , that prayers be made in the publike assemblies , and that those prayers be of petitions for their matter and kind lawfull , according unto the will of god , directed unto god alone in the name of christ , with humility , fervency , faith and such like ; but that god hath required , that as oft as ministers pray , they must put up prayers framed by their own meditations and studies out of their own gifts , and that the words and phrases must be various and diversified or else their prayers are not lawfull , there is never such a sillable to proove it in the scripture ; but we have examples of both , namely set and conceived , and gods servants used both indifferently , and we may use both according as we see occasion , and as we find may make most for edification and gods glory . and i desire you in your reply to this answer to give any instance to the contrary and i shall thanke you , for i seek truth and peace , and not victory nor contention ; and let me mind you whilst you goe about in this instance to cleare your selves of additaments ; you are in this and other instances guilty of taking away from the word , falling short , as in other things , practising above what is written , besides your different way of practising in some things . so likewise for the government and discipline in the churches , however the practise of the reformed churches is in greater matters to governe each particular congregation by a combined presbytery of the elders of severall congregations united in one for government ; yet so , as in their judgments they allow , especially in some cases , a particular congregation , an entire and compleate power of jurisdiction to be exercised by the elders thereof within it selfe ; yea and our owne mr cartwright , holy baynes , and other old non-conformists , place the power of excommunication in the eldership of each particular church with the consent of the church , untill they doe miscarry , and then indeed they doe subject them to such presbyteriall and provinciall assemblies as the proper refuge for appeales and for compounding of differences amongst churches , which combination of churches others of them therefore call ecclesiae ortae , but particular congregations ecclesiae primae , as wherein firstly the power and priviledge of a church is to be exercised . and withall we could not but imagine , that the first churches planted by the apostles , were ordinarily of no more in one city at first then might make up one entire congregation , ruled by their own elders , that also preached to them ; for that in every city where they came , the number of converts did or should arise to such a multitude as to make severall and sundry congregations , or that the apostles should stay the setting up of any churches at all , untill they rose to such a numerous multiplication as might make such a presbyteriall combination , we did not imagine . we found also those non-conformists ( that wrote against the episcopall government ) in their answer to the arguments used for episcopall government over many churches , brought from the instances of the multitude of believers at ierusalem , and other places and cities mentioned in the new testament , to assert that it would not be infallibly proved that any of those we read of in the acts and elsewhere ; were yet so numerous , as necessarily to exceed the limits of one particular congregation in those first times . we found it also granted by them all , that there should be severall elders in every congregation , who had power over them in the lord ; and we judged that all those precepts , obey your elders , and them that are over you , were ( to be sure , and all grant it ) meant of the pastors and teachers , and other elders that were set over them in each particular congregation respectively , and to be as certainely the intendment of the holy ghost , as in those like commands , wives obey your own husbands , servants your own governours , to be meant of their severall families respectively . we could not therefore but judge it a safe and an allowed way to retaine the government of our severall congregations for matters of discipline within themselves , to be exercised by their own elders , whereof we had ( for the most part of the time we were abroad ) three at least in each congregation , whom we were subject to : yet not claiming to our selves an independent power in every congregation , to give account or be subject to none others ; but only a full and entire power compleate within our selves , untill we should be challenged to erre grossely ; such as corporations enjoy , who have the power and priviledge to passe sentence for life and death within themselves , and yet are accountable to the state they live in . but that it should be the institution of christ or his apostles , that the combination of the elders of many churches should be the first compleate and entire seate of church power over each congregation so combined ; or that they could challenge and assume that authority over those churches they feed and teach not ordinarily by vertue of those fore-mentioned apostolicall precepts , was to us a question , and judged to be an additament unto the other , which therefore rested on those that allowed us what we practised over and above , to make evident and demonstrate : ( and certainely of all other the challenge of all spirituall power from christ had need have a cleare pattent to shew for it : ) yea we appeale further unto them that have read books , whether untill those later writings of the two reverend and learned divines of scotland , set forth after our returne , nor much more then two yeares since , and others of no elder date from holland , and one of our own divines more lately written with much learning and ingenuity ; there hath been much settly and directly , or with strength insisted on to prove that government , and although assert and inculcate it they doe as their opinions , yet the full strength and streame of our non-conformists writings and others , are spent rather in arguments against , and for the overthrowing the episcopall government , and the corruptions that cleave to our worship , and in maintaining those severall officers in churches which christ hath instituted in stead thereof ( in which we fully agree with them ) then in the proofe of a combined classicall presbyteriall government as it is authoritatively practised in the most reformed churches . before i give a full answer to your third and last instance of the government and discipline in the churches . i premise this ; that in all the differences between you and us in the principles and practises of the visible church and government of it , you give but three instances only , wherein you practise more safely then the reformed churches ( although you make such a great principle and matter of it in the eleventh page , ) yet there are many things besides these three , wherein you practise differently from all reformed churches ; as in the way of gathering and constituting churches , in the way of making ministers , in the power you give the people in church government , cum multis alijs : why did you in this narration passe by these ? is it not either because you were not willing to tell all you hold and practise , ( the time being not yet come to open all your way and principles , which is one of the things i blame you for , your reservednesse in keeping back so great a part , shewing us only the fairest side of that wherein you differ , ) or else if you had thought fit to have related them ; you in your own wisedomes questioned , whether those other particulars wherein you differ would bare so faire a glosse as of practising most safely , and of fastning the odium of additaments so well upon the reformed churches , as these three instances you give ; and i might here take an occasion to shew further how the reformed churches practised more safely on both hands then you , neither adding not taking away , and so i might strongly retort this whole third principle of yours back upon you , but that may suffice i have already hinted of it . now for this third and last instance of your walking safely , but fastning additaments in government and discipline on the reformed churches , this being laid downe so largely as that it is a third part of your book within a very little , beginning in the twelfth page , and continuing to the end of the one and twentieth page , containing in it many various things : i must therefore because of the intermixture of persons and things in this part of your narration more then in any other , going forward and backward , up and downe , that i may let nothing escape of moment , i shall endeavour to draw out the severall ends of these twined threds and entangled discourse , and to wind them up upon their severall bottomes , by reducing this part of your narrative to these following heads ; whereon i may more distinctly fasten my answers , both for yours and the readers better satisfaction . . you relate what the reformed churches doe practise and allow , as also what our old non-conformists granted , and what your selves allow and grant about a church and the government of it . . you relate what you disallow and are not satisfied in . . you couch some arguments and reasons for your own way and practise , and against the practise of the reformed churches . . you answer a common objection brought against your way , by laying down the principles that you hold in such a case , as also by relating your practise occasioned upon an offence committed in one of your churches . . upon this answer you make a comparison between the effectualnesse of your way in what you hold and practise , and what the presbyterians hold , to reduce churches and to compose differences : in which comparison you make the scales to fall on your side rather . now the reader must expect here as in other passages of this narration , generall , doubtfull , darke , partiall and reserved relations with mistating the questions which , in my answers i shall observe and point at all along . to the first of these five heads , ( wherein also are three particulars ; ) to the first of these concerning the reformed churches , namely what they practise and allow : i answer , you should have done well to have instanced their practises , what were the greater matters governed in common by the presbyterie of severall congregations , and what were the lesser matters wherein each particular congregation was governed by their particular elders ; as also what were those cases wherein the reformed churches allow particular congregations such an entire and compleate power to be exercised by the elders within themselves , and wherein not ; such a particular narration would have carried in the face of it some ground for the defference of their practise and allowance , & might have served to have pointed out the differences between your way and theirs . but secondly , as you relate the way and discipline of the reformed churches , it sounds somewhat harsh and strange that their practise should be one way and their judgements another , their practise to governe each particular congregation by a combined presbyterie of the elders of severall congregations united in one for government , and yet in their judgements to allow , especially in some cases a particular congregation and entire and compleate power of jurisdiction within it selfe : doe they practise one way and allow another way , or doe they hold both wayes the wayes of god , or what is it you meane in this narration of those churches , or can it be meant in the same sense and acception to practise one thing and yet allow another , or will you make the lesser matters practised in their particular churches by their own elders to be the same with some cases , wherein they allow particular congregations an entire and compleate power of jurisdiction within themselves : now the latter , namely in some cases , cannot be meant , for then this last part is no more then the first , neither can your words of an entire compleate power of jurisdiction in the particular congregations be meant of smaller matters , but of the greatest matters in some cases : you shall doe well in your reply , to english these lines about the difference of the reformed churches practises in greater matters , and their different judgements in some cases , and shew us in what sense they meane it , and whether it can be properly and truly alledged for your case of entire and compleate power in your congregations . thirdly , this which you here relate of the reformed churches practise and allowance is fallaciously set downe and for your own advantage , meerely to make out this third principle , that you still chose to practise safely , namely , what the reformed churches allowed and acknowledged warrantable , onely they superadded presbyteriall combinations , whereas the reformed churches doe not , as you well know in the case and question controverted between them and you allow particular congregations in a kingdome and nation , conceiving the reformed religion to have an entire and compleate power of jurisdiction within themselves , what may be in some of their books in extraordinary or speciall cases , where there is but one particular congregation in a countrey or the like , that is nothing to the point in hand , it being laid for a common ground by them all , that every particular church in a nation or kingdom is not to be left to it selfe , but that there is a necessity of a common nationall government to preserve all the churches in unity and peace ; and to cleare the reformed churches of france , holland , scotland from what you say they allow , i doe not find in their books of discipline and platformes of church government ( by which we must judge of their judgements ) nor in their practises , that they doe allow an entire and compleate power to be exercised by the elders of every congregation alone , either in the making or ordaining of ministers , or in deposing their ministers , or in drawing up a forme of doctrine , worship and discipline for themselves , they allow power of admonition , suspension from the lords supper , and of taking up lesser differences by the particular eldership ; and if i forget not , the churches of france only , practise excommunication by the elders in particular congregations , without carrying it at first higher ; but then if we consider that in those churches of france their elderships goe upon certaine fixed rules in there excommunications laid down in their books of discipline ( who if they proceed otherwise are liable to censure themselves ) and their being appeales to synods and assemblies , and all being carried in reference and dependance to assemblies , the case is very different : now if the churches of your way and communion in old england and in new , would yeeld to have a government fixt and setled by synods and assemblies ; establisht also by the magistrates , upon which rules and orders they should proceed in the way of making ministers , and that such errors in doctrine and such evill manners , ought to be the subject of excommunication , and then agree upon appeales to synods and assemblies , then there would be lesse dang●…r in such an entire and compleate power in particular congregations . to the second particular under this first head , namely what some of the old non-conformists grant , placing the power of excommunication in the eldership of each particular church untill they doe miscarry , and then indeed subj●…cting them to presbyt●…riall and provinciall assemblies , and that it could not be infallibly prooved that any of the churches recorded in the new testament , were so numerous as necessarily to exceed the limits of one particular congregatïon : and that both the ministers of the reformed churches and our non-conformists , all granted that there should be severall elders in every congregation , who had power over them in the lord : i answer as followes ; for mr cartwright , you not quoting which of his books you have reference to , and so not knowing which to turne to , to find out what you assert of him , i shall not deny it ; but as for mr baynes diocesans tryall , ( which is the only booke i ever heard of , wherein he handles these points ) he doth in the third question give the ecclesiasticall power and the exercise of it to a united multitude of presbyters , in which booke , howsoever as intending his booke against diocesan bishops and diocesan churches , to whom all presbyters and churches stand in subjection and subordination , he pleads against them for the power of the particular elders in the severall congregations , yet as against the reformed churches practise , namely of a presbyteriall church consisting of many particular congregations and ruled by the elders of severall congregations combined , he pleadeth not , but expressely in answer made to those two objections from the churches and elders where there is a co-ordination and a communi●…y in government , as in the low countries and at géneva , he grants the thing contended for against your congregationall way ( even before miscarrying , ) and shewes th●… great difference between the diocesan government and the presbyteriall in severall particulars , and answers your objections which you commonly make of a forraigne extrinsicall power : and for your better satisfaction , reade and compare together the passages in these pages of mr baynes diocesans tryall , page , page . what is meant by a diocesan church , and in the th page , two first conclusions agreed in , and in the th page : and for the non-conformists in their writings against the episcopall government and diocesan churches , though they put the bishops their adversaries all they could to it , to make them proove infallibly and necessarily a particular church to exceed the limits of one particular congregation , yet they never intended it as against the reformed churches : now you know the saying , authoris aliud agentis parva est auth●…ritas : but shew us where ever the old non-conformists as against the reformed churches held so : it will appeare by gerson bucerus ▪ and by the practise of the reformed churches in geneva and holland , ( for which mr robinson so objects against them in his apologie ) that though they were against the government of bishops and diocesan churches ( that is of a head church over many congregations united to it ) yet not of a particular church of such a city , consisting of many particular congregations : and as for that you take for granted by all , that there should be severall elders in every congregation , it is denied you : for some divines , as danaeus and cartwright ( as i remember ) hold it not necessary for every small congregation in villages , but for cities and more populous places to which the lesser villages being conjoyned , have the benefit and support of all the elders and ministers in the exercising of government . as for that you say , others of them calling the combination of churches ecclesiae ortae , but particular congregations ecclesiae primae , as wherein firstly the power and priviledge of a church is to be exercised ( that others was a mr parker , who in his politia ecclesiastica , gives us this distinction ) ▪ and was the first who brought it up ( as ever i read of ) who differing from mr baynes and other non-conformists , and most divines of the reformed churches in the subject of the power of the keyes , giving it to the b body of the church , agreeing therein too much with you , no wonder he called particular congregations ecclesiae primae : but as he was mistaken in the first receptacle and subject of the power of the keyes , so he might be in his distinction of ecclesiae primae and ortae . for the first churches , namely that of ierusalem , rome , ephesus , with others were not particular congregations , but churches consisting of many congregations , severall meeting places , some preaching in one place , and others in other places , but governed by the elders in common , which city churches were the first churches still first planted by the apostles , and particular congregations in villages were ecclesiae ortae ( the city churches in this sence being the mothers , and the particular congregations rather the daughters ) the full proofe and demonstration whereof i referre to a tractate i intend about the nature of the visible church . but by what i have answered upon this head the reader may observe there is not all granted , which you tooke for granted from the reformed churches , and the non-conformists , and what is yeelded slowes from another spring , and is upon another ground writing against diocesan bishops ( quite another controversie ) but otherwise even when non-conformists have come to write against the separation , and upon the nature of a visible church ( as mr ball a ) they hold the contrary : and for learned men of other churches ( even when they writ against episcopacie ) yet they were farre from holding that a particular visible church was only a particular congregation * ( as gersom bucerus in his answer to d ● downham ) a particular church is any companie of beleevers conjoyned in the observation of holy ordinances and united to one presbyterie , keeping their meetings in one or more places : for the number of parishes in which they meet is a thing accidentall being nothing at all to the essence of a particular church . and even the non-conformists you speake of , as it appeares by the wary expressions your selves use of them , namely infallibly and necessarily doe even give the cause : for that is ( as you imply ) the non-conformists in their answers could not denie but probably the number of beleevers were so numerous as to exceed the limits of one particular congregation in those first tim●…s , though not infallibly and rationally , though not necessarily : now in points of externall order and government which depend upon the story ; and circumstances of time and place , how many things are there practised , but of presumption ▪ though not of certainty , and though they cannot be infallibly and necessarily proved , so as to stop all mouthes , and all that the wit of man can possibly finde out , yet if the things asserted can be but probably proved upon better reasons then the contrary , we may encline to that as to the safer part : how many practises and tenents have you in your church-way that cannot be infallibly and necessarily proved , but stronger answers may be and are given to the reasons you bring for them , then any the non-conformists could give to that instance of the church of ierusalem , and yet you hold to your principles for all that ; and it is a rule hath been pleaded by some of you , that in things of that nature where the scripture is not expresse , but holds them out most probably though not infallibly and necessarily , yet we ought to encline to that : as for mr baynes answer ( though directed against diocesan bishops and diocesan churches ) to that instance of the church of ierusalem , it is no whit satisfactorie nor concluding to any man , who is of another judgement , as the reader may reade in the . and . page of the dioces . tryall . to the d particular under the first head , namely what you allow and grant about a church and the government , that you could not but imagine that the first churches planted by the apostles , were ordinarily of no more in one citie at the first then might make up one entire congregation , ruled by their owne elders that also preached to them , and that you could not but judge it a safe and an allowed way to retaine the government of your severall congregations for matter of discipline within themselves to be exercised by their owne elders , &c. in way of answer i must first complaine of your old fault , the slippery and uncertaine expressions used in the relation of what you owne and allow about a church in those phrases , the first churches ordinarily and at first . i demand the reason of you , why you put in ordinarily and at first , was it not because you fore-saw the church of ierusalem and some few others recorded in the new testament , though not in the first chapter of the acts , and at the beginning yet would at last by the . of the acts and acts . amount to more then could meet in one congregation , and therefore you exprest it so . is this faire dealing , or what other reason can you give for using such doubtfull expressions : the question is not betweene you and us , whether all the churches and most of the churches , or whether at first , and in the beginning of them they consisted of no more in one city , then to make up one congregation , but whether the scriptures in the acts of the apostles and epistles , be it first or last , sooner or later gives any patterne or example of a particular church , exceeding the number of them , who may ordinarily meet together in one place for the worshipping of god , and the sanctification of the lords-day , which if it can be proved , overthrowes m. robinsons , m. cottons definitions of churche●… and your principles , who all keepe to this as to a foundation upon which is built many of your other practises : for we know at first the church of ierusalem , and other churches were not more numerous then to exceed the limits of one particular congregation , neither could it be expected that all should come in at first , and we know for many other churches the scriptures doe not so particularly relate the growth and accessions of them : but if any one instance can be given , it is not materiall whether first or last , sooner or later , whether in the beginning , middle , or end of the story , for then your positions and assertions of a particular visible church are overthrowne , for one affirmative overthrowes a universall negative . and i aske of you whether you take ordinarily here as opposed to extraordinary , or take ordinarily , for commonly as opposed to rarely and seldome ; now if you meane it in the first sence , that the church of ierusalem and other churches that may be instanced in , their case was extraordinary , and though the apostles suffered them to grow so ranke and numerous , yet we may not doe so now : i desire to know of you then , what is become of your first generall rule the primitive patternes of churches erected by the apostles , and i desire to know what r●…le you walke by , and whether the first constituted church of all were not likely to be the patterne for constituted churches , seeing primum in unoquoque genere est regula & mensura reliquorum . but if you meane ordinarily in the second sence , as that there is but one only instance , the most if not all other churches were otherwise ; that you see will not by what i have above written helpe you , besides what ever you can probably alleadge that the churches of these times should be conformed to such churches , which consisted of no greater number then to make one particular congregation , i will give more and better why the churches of a nation and kingdome should be conformed to that of hierusalem ; as for those phrases of yours , which you bring in by way of caution and clearing the way of your government within your selves , that you claime not an independent power to give no account or be subject to none others , but onely a full and entire power compleate within your selves , untill you shall be challenged to erre grossely . whilest in these first lines you denie independent power in words , yet in your latter words you grant it , claiming a full and entire power compleate within your selves , which is independent power , and is the full sence of that which hath been fasten'd on you by us ; and i will shew it more fully in the proper place ; when i come to the . page ( especially if you take upon you to enjoy it so long , untill you shall be challenged to erre grossely ) i had thought it had been enough upon your being challenged to erre to have given an account , but belike it must be erring grossely ( i suspect something lyes under this , as under many other of your phrases , whereby you evade and hide your selves , stating points wrongfully ) pray what doe you account erring grossely , and whether doe you judge any thing erring grosly in your particular churches , but such kinds of sins in manners , and such kind of opinions as are against the churches knowne light , and the common received practises and principles of christianitie professed by the churches themselves and universally acknowledged in all the rest of the churches , and no other sinnes to be the ground of giving an account ( as they are not of excommunication with you , page . ) ( both being of equall latitude , sins of particular persons to a church , and the sins of a particular church to a communitie of churches ) and if that be your meaning you shall be independent enough . and then further i demand of you , how you can use those phrases of not claiming a power to be subject to none others : i confesse you may better use those words of giving account , holding , counselling and advising by sister-churches , but as for that phrase of subjecting to none others ; i understand it not , what censure will your churches subject unto from other churches , will they yeeld to the deposition of their ministers , excommunication of their members , &c. or how can there be any subjection to other churches in your principles ( the phrase being taken properly and usually ) when as all along you pleade against authoritative presbyteriall power , so oft exprest in page , . and is the great point in controversie in this instance betwixt you and the presbyterians : how oft doe you denie the subjection of a particular church to all other churches , and are against all subjecting to censures , yea to be subjected as to counsell and advices from the other churches . as to that phrase , your owne elders , whereof you had three at least in each congregation whom you were subject to , in which you seeme to hold out the government and power of the church to lie in the elders , and not in the body of the congregation , i desire you to satisfie me in this point , whether all of you hold the power and authoritie to be in the elders or in the church , and whether by goe tell the church is meant , tell the elders or the bodie of the congregation , and whether according to the principles of the church-way in m. robinsons workes , and the bookes of new-england , and m. bridges owne letter ( unlesse some of you have lately seene another light ) you might have truly written three elders at least in every congregation to whom the congregations were subject , or else three elders who were subject to their owne congregations : and this shall suffice for answer to the first head of the five concerning the third instance . to the second head under this third instance , what you are not satisfied in nor cannot allow . . about particular visible churches , that you could not imagine in every city where the apostles came , the number of the converts did or should arise to such a multitude as to make severall and sundry congregations . . about the government of it , that it should be the institution of christ or his apostles , that the combination of the elders of many churches should be the first compleate and entire seat of church power over each congregation so combined , or that they could challenge and assume that authoritie over those churches they teach not , &c. in both these you deale fallaciously and relate the controversie to your advantage and our disadvantage . for the first , whereas had you dealt ingenuously your words should have been these , for that in any citie , where the apostles came the number of converts did or should arise to such a multitude as to make severall and sundry congregations , you put it in every citie , which we affirme not , nor need not to carry the cause against you , for if we can prove it in some cities , or in any cities that the number of converts did arise to such a multitude , as to make severall and sundry congregations , then we prove the scripture holds out a presbyteriall classicall church , and overthrow your grand principle about a particular church : and reader observe the fallacie of these apologists , how in the manner of their expression , and as they propound it , though the thing may be true , yet they alter quite the state of the question . for though in every citie , where the apostles came , you could not imagine the number of converts should be so great nor we neither , yet in some cities you might have well imagined it , as in ierusalem and rome . but brethren , why will you who are schollers , and without question weighed well all your words and manner of expressions , having so many heads in the framing this apologie , deale thus with the reader in a narration : speake truly , though you did not imagine the number of converts were so many in every city , yet did not you imagine the number might be so great in some cities , as in ierusalem ; and if still you will not imagine it , for the helping of your imagination , consider whether you have not more reason ( if not infallible and necessary , yet probable and rationall ) to imagine the church of hi●…rusalem consisting of so many thousands of people , and having so many ministers to preach unto them , as . apostles besides the seventy disciples , and they meeting in so many distinct houses , and not having the power and command of any publicke large place or liberty ( through those times ) to fit it for such multitudes to heare the word , joyne in prayer , and sacraments , should have severall and sundry congregations rather then to imagine all those should make but one standing congregation to meet in one place and roome . . it is stated otherwise , carried higher then need be granted , and that in all your expressions of it , for the scriptures may hold forth a combination of the elders of many churches for government and yet not be the institution of christ or his apostles : it may be allowed and agreeable to the word , have a jus divinum , permissivum upon generall rules of the word , and according to the rules of the law of nature and of prudence , yea and may have some examples of it , and yet not amount to a divine institution , many who hold the thing will not in those phrases owne it . . these elders of many congregations may have a power of government in common over all , and yet not be the first seat of church-power ; for it is not denied but some particular congregations , having a competent number of presbyters , both have and may exercise church-power , before any such combination is , or can be . . these elders combined may have church-power to rule these congregations so combined , and yet not have a compleate and entire seat of church-power , but a power liable to appeales unto synods and generall assemblies . the question betweene you and us is whether classes or presbyteries have power in ecclesiasticall matters , as ordination , excommunication , &c. within the number of congregations so combined , or may by warrant from the word exercise any power in church matters , but in their owne particular congregations ; the question is not , whether it be the institution of christ or his apostles that the combination of the elders of many churches should be the first compleate and entire seat of church , power : as you state it , you strangely mistate the question to lay it downe in these words , that the combination of the elders of many churches should be the first seat of church-power over each congregation so combined , whereas the opinion of the reformed churches is quite contrary , not holding classes and synods to be the first subject of church-power , from whence it is consequently derived and conferred upon particular churches , but that particular congregations having power in themselves and amongst themselves equall power , doe in classes and synods conferre and execute in common their owne power , even as those who are colleagues and equall members of some politicall societie . . the power which particular officers , and presbyters of combined congregations may have over particular members of those churches they teach not ordinarily , doth not amount to the challenging and assuming an authority over those churches they feed and teach not ; your expression is a mistake , it is not an assuming a power and authority by some over other churches , but it is a power of the whole , and of themselvs too , even those particular churches in their officers over particular members ; as in the parliament no member hath power over another , more then another over him , but the whol hath power over all the particulars ; for the clearing of which , the commissioners of the church of scotland speake fully in their reformation of church government in scotland cleared , page , . and for the close of this second head , wherein you stand upon what you are not satisfied in but disallow , if you would impartially consider that the scriptures in the acts of the apostles and epistles , doe as well hold out grounds , yea and more indubitable ( as i shall make evident in a particular tractate of the visible church ) that the first particular churches planted by the apostles consisted of more congregations , and distinct meeting places , then of one only congregation , you will acknowledge that where there are many presbyters to feed and rule , and many more christians living in a vicinity , then can meet in one place , it is not the most safe and allowed way to retaine the government of each congregation thus within themselves , neither that it is an additament in the reformed churches to practise so , but rather an additament on their part , who living in a city where the number of beleevers are so numerous as to make many meeting places , there to make these places and persons such distinct churches as to manage all things each one within themselves , and not to grow into one for government . and i am so farre versed in these controversies , that i challenge you five to give me an example of any city where it is probable the multitude of beleevers were so numerous as to make many meeting places , that ever they were governed and ruled but in common , or ever called churches but church , still called the church of corinth , and the church of ierusalem : i foresee only one instance that can be probably alledged , that in rom. . . of the church which is at cenchrea , which cenchrea was a part of corinth and neare to corinth , yet named a church as well as the church of corinth , but the insufficiencie of that ground i shall at large shew in that tractate of the visible church ; which primitive practise hath so farre wrought with some of the reformed churches , as those of holland , that in great cities where the number of their people are so many as they cannot meet in one place , but have more meeting places , yet in imitation of the scriptures ( giving that ground to some who have askt them a reason ) they make city churches but one , and the ministers are ministers in common of them all , preaching in their courses in the severall meeting places , and governed in common , and this they doe to keep nearest to apostolicall practise ; whereas now in the countrey where villages are , and the meetings are scattered , they doe not all preach to all : and to adde this further , to shew your unsafe way of practising in the way of your particular congregations , over the reformed churches and our churches in england , your congregations ( as in london ) where the meeting place is , and the ministers reside , is made up of members , as of some living in london , so of some in surrey , middlesex , hartfordsheire , essex , where they have fixum domicilium being twenty miles asunder , and many members meeting but sometimes in a moneth , where neither ministers can oversee them , nor members watch over one another , not knowing what the conversation of each other is ( which yet are brought as the maine grounds for your church-fellowship ) which non-residencie of the members from one another , and of the officers from so many of the members , whether it overthrow not and be not point blank against many of your principles of the church-way , i leave to your selves to judge ? besides that it is without any primitive patterne and example of the churches erected by the apostles , the churches being still stiled according to the places where they lived and met , as in rom. . . to all that be in rome , beloved of god , called to be saints : and so in the epistles to the corinthians : to the church of god which is at corinth . and i desire you to give me any primitive patterne of any who belonged to the church of rome , corinth , ierusalem , ( that is , were standing members of those churches ) who lived and inhabited ten miles , twenty , five miles , &c. round about those cities , so that we find here in this third instance , namely in the government and discipline of the churches , as well as in the first instance in the qualification of your members , that the additament is on your sides and not on the reformed churches . to the third head , namely the reasons couched and hinted for your own practise and against the practise and way of the reformed churches : to the first reason i answer , as the relating of the state of the questions was not proper , so this argument hinted here is not properly expressed , for their might be such a presbyteriall church and government as is maintained against you , namely but two or three distinct meeting places , and yet not churches , rising to such a numerous multiplication , nor apostles staying to the setting up of churches untill they rose to such a numerous multiplication : but pray what doe you meane by those expressions ? we did not imagine , but might you not ? or could you not have imagined it , though you did not nor would not : and what by this , that the apostles should stay the setting up of any churches at all , untill they rose to make such a numerous multiplication as might make such a presbyteriall combination . doe you carry the words in reference only to that numerous multiplication ? or simply and positively , that the apostles did not stay so long in any city as to set up any churches at all ? now if you will have your words interpreted in the first sense , then judge how improper the speech and narration of your mind is , for then it should have gone thus , that the apostles should stay the setting up of so many churches untill they rose to such a numerous multiplication , for the denying the setting up of any churches and at all , agree not with the following words , untill they rose to such a numerous multiplication ; the former being a diminitive nay a negative , and cannot agree to such an augmentative as the latter , besides your first words carried in reference to the following , have no strength to proove what you bring them for , namely what you allowed and practised , or what you disallowed ; for though the apostles should not stay so long as the setting up so many churches as might arise to such a numerous multiplication of severall and sundry congregations , yet there might be such a presbyteriall classicall church , a church consisting of more then could meet in one place , which is the controversie between us : but if you understand your words simply and positively , that the apostles did not stay the setting up of any churches at all , i desire you to remember your own principles and expressions in many books and discourses of your way , that the apostles were the founders of the first churches , as at corinth , rome , and for ierusalem especially , ( which is the particular church we most stand upon ) the apostles staid long enough there , to set up not onely any churches at all , but many to make such a presbyteriall combination as is stood for , as will appeare , both by acts . acts . acts . and it is the judgement of mr robinson , that ierusalem was never without some of the apostles there ( which the two first chapters of the galathians give a strong ground for , ) besides the many presbyters that belonged thereunto ; and so for the church of ephesus , paul stayed at one time in those parts three yeares together , long enough to make so many churches as might make a presbyteriall combination : which that of the acts , chap. . vers . , , , , , . doe give hints enough for , if the nature of an answer to a narration would permit to draw them out at length . to the second reason hinted , that those precepts , obey your elders and them that are over you , were to be sure meant of the pastours and teachers set over them in each particular congregation respectively , and to be as certainely the intendment of the holy ghost , as in those commands , wives obey your own husbands , &c. i answer , that in scripture a particular church consisting of more congregations then one , and the ministers and elders feeding them and governing them in common ( as at ierusalem , and as it is in the low countries , in cities there , as at amsterdam , &c. ) all the ministers and elders are their own ministers and elders , as the husbands are the owne of their wives , and those scriptures are to be understood of all their pastors and ministers , and not of some only , or in respect of some , and not of the rest , and it is as certainely the intendment of the holy ghost ( as in that command , wives obey your owne husbands , ) that obey your elders , &c. be meant not of some but of them all . . in churches by their combination consisting of many congregations where ordinarily some pastors and teachers feed some congregations and not the rest , ministers being fixed , some to that congregation , and others to other congregations , yet there being a government in common by all the presbyters of those congregations in all weighty matters and greater cases that fall out , those precepts of obey your elders and them that are over you , reach to all the elders as well as to those that particularly and ordinarily preach to them , and however it is true such places are especially understood of them , yet not of them only , and alone , as excluding others , as your argument carried it , but including others who are over them too : and to answer you by your own instance given of servants , obey your own governours , as by vertue of that text , particular servants are to obey their own masters , so by the same text each particular servant and all of them together of such a company and hall , in the things and rules of their calling ( for the publike good of that societie ) they are to obey and be subject to the whole company , namely the particular masters of other servants as to their own masters , yea and to submit to the common orders and good rules of such a hall and corporation though their particular masters doe not vote for but against them . . those rulers who are of the presbytery are not forraigne nor extrinsicall to the congregations , but intrinsicall and naturall as well as their particular elders , so that another without themselves doth not beare rule over them , but all of them together by common consent doe rule every one , which is a most mild and free forme of church government , for the proofe of which i shall not enlarge but referre you for satisfaction to what is said to this point , both by the commissioners of the church of scotland , and by some churches from beyond the seas , in their letters upon occasion of your apologie . . it is a fallacious way of reasoning from the oeconomicall relations and government of husbands over wives , and fathers over children , and masters over servants , and their subjection and obedience to husbands , &c. unto the ecclesiasticall and politicall , because it is not to speake ad idem , for in each of these the way of government is different : for instance in those oeconomicall relations a woman can have but one husband , one man can be but her husband , and one man a father , and the wife and child cannot pelinquish them , di●…avow them though very bad , nor deny those duties they owe them in those relations though censured by the church , but they are to obey them , which yet holds not in the members of a particular congregation to elders and ministers that are unworthy and excommunicated , that the members must be subject to them . the royalists that argue so from that subjection and obedience which children owe their fathers , to subjects subjection and obedience to princes ; and the hierarchicall men , that argue from what children owe to natural parents though wicked and ungodly , to what the people owe to wicked ministers , are answered at large , and you know what mr robinson and many of your way say to that : now the same will serve to answer your comparisons , that the places hold not alike between the people and the elders , and the wives and their husbands : mr baynes answers in the last page of his diocesans tryall , that which is objected touching pastors and fathers : that the similitude holds not in all things , parents and sheapheards , are absolutely parents and sheapheards , be they good or evill ; but spirituall parents are no longer so then they doe accordingly behave themselves . . the very instances you give of wives obey your own husbands , and servants your own governours , doth not therefore only tye them to civill subjection and obedience to husbands and masters , exempting them from subjection to any others , but they are subject to the magistrates in the common-wealth and to common-lawes notwithstanding , so neither doth the scriptures , obey your elders , &c. ( supposing the full latitude of those scriptures were of the elders of particular congregations ) forbid or exempt men from that ecclesiasticall subjection and obedience which concernes them as they stand in relation to the community . to the third reason hinted for your selves , and against the reformed churches , that the elders of other congregations should have power and rule over churches , which they doe not teach and feed ordinarily , by vertue of those forementioned precepts , was to you a question , &c. i answer , suppose three or foure congregations in one great towne , should have ministers in common to teach and feed them ordinarily ( as in holland , ) would you in such a case yeeld to a presbyteriall combination ; if you say you would , then the case is determined for us , and thus i judge it was in the acts of the apostles in primitive churches , but if you answer you would not yeeld to such a classicall government , then i reply , 't is not for want of such ministers teaching you and feeding ordinarily that you will not obey , but upon some other ground , and then this argument is lost : secondly , i answer , your ruling elders doe not feed nor teach you ordinarily , but only governe you , and yet by vertue of those forementioned precepts you obey them , and are subject to them , so that this is no good argument against the lawfulnesse of having power and authority over those whom men teach not ordinarily ; for then what becomes of the ruling elders in the church , who are neither pastors nor teachers . to the fourth reason drawn from corporations , who have the power and priviledge of life and death within themselves , which kind of power you would have . i answer , you cannot frame a good argunment from corporations and civill power , to bodies ecclesiasticall , and spirituall power , and i might give you the many differences alledged by your selves between civill power , and ecclesiasticall , and the different manner of dispensation , but i must not enlarge here , only referre you for this to a mr robinson , b mr burroughs , and c dr ames . . corporations goe according to the lawes of the land , and to their charters agreed upon , and made in parliaments , they make not themselves a corporation , nor goe not according to private rules and orders to passe sentence of death , &c. but are ruled ( though they have officers , as major and aldermen ) by the laws of the land , and so going , they may more safely have a power within themselves : but your particular congregations set up your selves without leave of magistrates or ministers , not proceeding upon common rules of government in sentences of excommunication , &c. agreed by synods , but only upon your own wills , and private rules which you have fancied are laid down in scripture . . corporations though they judge their members , and passe sentence of life and death within themselves , yet sometimes , nay often in greater cases and offences , their inhabitants are tried , and sentences passed upon them in other courts of justice , and that when they would proceed against them , yet the matter is carried higher to be tried ; if you would grant this in the corporations to your congregations , that assemblies and synods might judge and passe sentence upon your members ( as oft as they see just ground ) the controversie were at an end . . the corporations ( that is those in place and power ) if they proceed unjustly , are accountable to the state they live in , that is to a higher civill power , and adjudged themselves in cases of wrong , condemning the innocent , suffering delinquents to escape , but your corporations of particular congregations even in case of reall administration , are against all judging and all ecclesiasticall authoritative power out of your own congregations . to the fifth reason hinted by you to strengthen your practise that it was safe and allowed , and the reformed churches more questionable , namely appealing to them who have read books , whether much hath been written with strength , setly and directly to prove that government , but rather to overthrow episcopall , and to maintaine those severall officers in churches which christ hath instituted , and therefore you inferre you might have more ground to question this government of combined classicall presbyteriall government . i answer , the ground of that is fully laid down in the reformation of the church of scotland , page and . with an account of what hath been written and done by the reformed churches in france for the presbyteriall way , and against the popular independent way ( which is more then you once in this reason hinted ) but suppose that in former writings of calvin , beza , zanchius , peter martyr ; danaeus , iunius , zepp●…rus , gersom bucerus , dr reynolds , parker , there hath not been much setly and directly insisted on , and with strength to prove the government of synods and classes ( though in some of these more especially , as against the church of rome , and episcopall government , much strength is brought for the government by synods and classes ) yet that which those divines of scotland , holland , england , have written of late against the independent congregationall government , might have been enough to have satisfied you , and that 's not materiall that no more have written , seeing out of the mouth of two or three witnesses every word shall be established ; and if these books had not strength to satisfie you , why have not you all this while answered them ? but i must mind you of forgetting one of your own divines , for besides the learned licensers booke against independencie , another booke was written , cald reasons against the independent government of particular congregations , and the toleration of them in this kingdome : which booke in your seeming to take no notice of , i beleeve you remember above the rest , and in the page of your apologie , it appeares you remember it , but the authour of it belike is none of your divines . and in the close now of this answer to your reasons hinted about the government and discipline of the church , why you in your congregationall way should be in the truth , but the presbyteriall government was a question to you and judged an additament , because the presbyterians allowed you what you practised , and granted what you held , but themselves held and practised over and above ; i answer , this is no argument at all , for by the same reason the samaritans should have worshipped god truly , but the iewes falsely , and the samaritans might have said to the iewes as you doe to the presbyterianns ; the five books of moses which we owne to be sure they are from god , you acknowledge them , but for the books of the prophets , that 's a question which rests upon you that allow what we hold , to make evident and demonstrate : and so the iews may now by the same reason speake against the christians , and say , we are in the safer way , to be sure we practise safely , for you christians confesse what we hold , namely moses and the prophets to be the scriptures , but for the new testament that is to us a question and an additament , which therefore rests upon you christians to make good , who beleeve and practise over and above us . and whereas the common prejudice and exception laid into all mens thoughts against us , and our opinions is , that in such a congregationall government thus entire within it selfe , there is no allowed sufficient remedy for miscarriages , though never so gross●… ; no reliefe for wrongfull sentences or persons injured thereby ; no roome for complaints : no powerfull or effectuall meanes to reduce a church or churches that fall into heresie , schisme , &c. but every one is left and may take liberty without controule to doe what is good in their own eyes ; we have ( through the good providence of god upon us ) from the avowed declarations of our judgements among our churches mutually during our exile , and that also confirmed by the most solemne instance of our practise , wherewith to vindicate our selves and way in this particular , which upon no other occasion we should ever have made thus publike . god so ordered it that a scandall and offence fell out between those very churches whilst living in this banishment ( whereof we our selves , that write these things , were then the ministers ) one of our churches having unhappily deposed one of their ministers , the other judged it not only as too sudden an act ( having proceeded in a matter of so great moment without ●…nsulting their sister churches , as was publikely professed we should have done in such cases of concernment ) but also in the proceedings thereof as too severe , and not managed according to the rules laid downe in the word . in this case our churches did mutually and universally acknowledge and submit to this as a sacred and undoubted principle and supreame law to be observed among all churches , that as by vertue of that apostolicall command , churches as well as particular men are bound to give no offence neither to iew nor gentile , nor the churches of god they live amongst ; so that in all cases of such offence or difference , by the obligation of the common law of communion of churches , and for the vindication of the glory of christ , which in common they holdforth , the church or churches challenged to offend or differ , are to submit themselves ( upon the challenge of the offence or complaint of the person wronged ) to the most full and open triall and examination by other neighbour churches offended thereat , of what ever hath given the offence : and further that by vertue of the same and like law of not partaking in other mens sins , the churches offended may and ought upon the impenitencie of those churches , persisting in their errour and miscarriage to pronounce that heavy sentence against them , of with-drawing and renouncing all christian communion with them untill they doe repent ; and further to declare and protest this , with the causes thereof , to all other churches of christ , that they may doe the like . and what further authority , or proceedings purely ecclesiasticall , of one , or many sister churches , towards another whole church , or churches offending , either the scriptures doe holdforth , or can rationally be put in execution ( without the magistrates interposing a power of another nature , unto which we upon his particular cognisance , and examination of such causes , professe ever to submit , and also to be most willing to have recourse unto ) for our parts we saw not then , nor doe yet see . and likewise we did then suppose , and doe yet , that this principle of submission of churches that miscarry unto other churches offended , together with this other , that it is a command from christ enjoyned to churches that are finally offended , to pronounce such a sentence of non-communion and withdrawing from them whilest impenitent , ac unworthy to hold forth the name of christ , ( these principles being received and generally acknowledged by the churches of christ to be a mutuall duty , as strictly enjoyned them by christ as any other ) that these would be as effectuall meanes ( through the blessing of christ ) to awe and preserve churches and their elders in their duties , as that other of claime to an authoritative power ecclesiasticall to excommunicate other churches or their elders offending ; for if the one be compared with the other , in a meere ecclesiasticall notion , that of excommunication pretended hath but this more in it , that it is a delivering of whole churches , and their elders offending unto satan , ( for which we know no warrant in the scriptures , that churches should have such a power over other churches . ) and then as for the binding obligation both of the one way and the other , it can be supposed to lye but in these two things ; first , in a warrant and injunction given by christ to his churches , to put either the one or the other into execution : and secondly , that mens consciences be accordingly taken therewith , so as to subject themselves whether unto the one way or the other : for suppose that other principle of an authoritative power in the greater part of churches combined to excommunicate other churches , &c. to be the ordinance of god , yet unlesse it doe take hold of mens consciences , and be received amongst all churches , the offending churches will steight all such excommunications as much , as they may be supposed to doe our way of protestation and sentence of non-communion . on the other side , let this way of ours be but as strongly entertained , as that which is the way and command of christ , and upon all occasions be heedfully put in execution , it will awe mens consciences as much , and produce the same effects . and if the magistrates power ( to which we give as much , and ( as we thinke ) more , then the principles of the presbyteriall government will suffer them to yeeld ) doe but assist and back the sentence of other churches denouncing this non-communion against churches miscarrying , according to the nature of the crime , as they judge meet , and as they would the sentence of churches excommunicating others churches in such cases , vpon their owne particular iudgement of the cause ; then , without all controversie this our way of church proceeding will bee every way as effectuall as their other can be supposed to be ; and we are sure , more brotherly and mor●… suited to that liberty and equality christ hath endowed his churches with , but without the magistrates interposing their authority , their way of proceeding will be as ineffectuall as ours ; and more liable to contempt , by how much it is pretended to be more authoritative ; and to inflict a more dreadfull punishment , which carnall spirits are seldome sensible of . this for our judgements . and for a reall evidence and demonstration both that this was then our judgements , as likewise for an instance of the effectuall successe of such a course held by churches in such cases , our own practise , and the blessing of god thereon , may plead and testifie for us to all the world . the manage of this transaction in briefe was this . that church which ( with others ) was most scandalized , did by letters declare their offence , requiring of the church ( supposed to be ) offending in the name and for the vindication of the honour of christ , and the relieving the party wronged , to yeeld a full and publike hearing before all the churches of our nation , or any other whomsoever offended , of what they could give in charge against their proceedings in that deposition of their minister , and to subject themselves to an open triall and review of all those forepassed carriages that concerned that particular ; which they most chearfully and readily ( according to the forementioned principles ) submitted unto , in a place , and state where no outward violence or any other externall authority either civill or ecclesiasticall , would have enforced them thereunto : and accordingly the ministers of the church offended with other two gentlemen , of much worth , wisedome and piety , members thereof , were sent as messengers from that church ; and at the introduction and intrance into that solemne assembly ( the solemnity of which hath left as deepe an impression upon our hearts of christs dreadfull presence as ever any we have been present at , ) it was openly and publikely prosessed in a speech that was the preface to that discussion , to this effect , that it was the most to be abhorred maxime that any religion hath ever made profession of , and therefore of all other the most contradictory and dishonourable unto . that of christianity , that a single and particular society of men professing the name of christ , and pretending to be endowed with a power from christ to judge them that are of the same body and society within themselves , should further arrogate unto themselves an exemption from giving account or being censurable by any other , either christian magistrates above them , or neighbour churches about them . so farre were our judgements from that independent liberty that is imputed to us , then , when we had least dependency on this kingdom , or so much as hopes ever to abide therein in peace . and for the issue and successe of this agitation , after there had been for many dayes as judiciary and full a charge , tryall and deposition of witnesses openly afore all commers of all sorts , as can be expected in any court where authority enjoynes it , that church , which had offended , did as publikely acknowledge their sinfull aberration in it , restored their minister to his place againe , and ordered a solemne day of fasting to humble themselves afore god and men , for their sinfull carriage in it ; and the party also which had been deposed did acknowledge to that church wherein he had likewise sinned . in this part of your apologie are contained the fourth and fifth of those five forementioned heads , unto which i referred all i should answer to what you say upon your third and last instance about the government and discipline in the churches : the scope of which fourth head is , to answer and take off a common objection brought against your way , the strength of which answer is made up of those parts , and stands in these particulars . first , in laying downe your own principles which you hold in such a case . secondly , your practise according to those principles , occasioned upon an offence committed in one of your churches ( which story you briefly relate . ) thirdly , the successe and effectualnesse of your practise according to your principles , illustrated by an instance . now for that common exception laid into all mens thoughts against your congregationall way , it 's both a just and strong argument against it , and that which many of your way , when it hath been , objected to them have confessed , there is no remedy nor help in such cases , but advice and counsell , all must be left to christ , christ will take care of his own way , they had not found out this allowed sufficient remedy for miscarriages which you have here propounded , but i shall labour to make evident , that all you bring by way of answer in declaration of your judgements and practise doth not satisfie this objection . and first for your judgements in the principles you hold and lay downe , i shall endeavour to prove , that you have no scripture grounds , nor primitive patterns for such principles , and such a way in such cases . secondly , besides that these principles have no footing in scripture , and so they are no allowed remedy for miscarriages , &c. are not nor will not be a sufficient remedy for miscarriages , nor reliefe for wrongfull sentences , nor powerfull effectuall meanes to reduce a church , &c. for the first i shall take it for granted , you being wise men , that in such a point as this ( being the maine point of difference betwen you and the presbterians ) and at such a time as this you would bring the strongest scriptures and grounds you had for your sacred principle and supreame law to be observed among all churches , namely of submission of churchrs , and for that other principle of pronouncing that heavy sentence of non-communion against a church or churches ; and if i can shew the invalidity and weaknesse of these brought by you , a man may conclude ther 's no feare of what 's behind : now a man would wonder that wise men as you are should except against a government received so generally amongst the reformed church●…s , and blessed so from heaven in the effectualnesse of it , for the space of so many yeares , as a sufficient remedy not only to reduce men from heresies and schisme , but to prevent churches from falling into heresie , schisme , &c. ( which is more ) and goe set up a new way so different and so distastfull to the reformed churches ; and all upon pretences of no sound proofe in scripture for such a government , because there is not an apostolicall direction either in example or precept for it , and in the meane time to contend for such a government wherein yourselves cannot deny but hath fallen out strange miscarriages , ( and you tell us an unhappy story for proofe , and yet the way and course you have substituted for remedy , hath neither example nor precept in the word of god to practise any title of all that you relate to us , and besides that the course prescribed by you is not commanded in the word , it is no whit so rationall , nor conducible to the ends you appoint it for , as we will shew presently : now for the scriptures brought by you , the first is , cor. . . give none offence neither to the iewes nor to the gentiles , nor to the church of god : where first the reader may observe you alter the text , putting churches of god instead of church of god ; and then you adde they live amongst : the alteration ( i suppose ) you make upon this ground , for feare this text in the reading of it should hint that truth , how the visible church in scripture is taken for more then one particular congregation : the addition they live amongst , to make it a seeming ground for churches in a vicinitie : whereas the apostle speakes of the church of god generally , all the churches , whether we live amongst them or farre from them , and the scope of the apostle in this place , is upon the occasion of that particular offence which might arise to some corinthians , from eating meat sacrificed to idols , having been told that this is sacrificed to idols , to lay down a generall rule to all christians against giving offence to any , whether jewes , gentiles or christians , ( under which three ranks all men then in those times were comprehended : ) now pray tell me how will you make this text to prove , that churches offending and distering among themselves , must submit themselves to the most full and open triall and examination of other neighbour churches offended ? and how will you from this place draw ou●… a power for neighbour churches to send unto and require this of the churches who have offended them ; this scripture ( if all interpreters understand it that i have consulted with ) layes downe a rule , that every particular christian , and so all christians must so walke as to become all things to all men , to please all men in all things lawfull , as the verse interprets it , and to give none offence ; but where doth this scripture speake , and how doth it affirme , that if either churches or particular christians doe practise things that offend other churches , they who are offended have power and authority to send to them , and to call them to the most full and open triall and examination , and that such who are challenged to offend , must submit to such a judiciall and open triall before all commers ? in this text there is no more said of the church of god then of the jews and gentiles , who must not be offended neither , and will you allow jewes and gentiles offended by things done in your churches , to call your churches to an account and you must submit : this text reaches to churches that live in other countries , and unto particular christians , though they be not members of any such instituted church as you speake of , so that by vertue of this text we ought to give them no offence ; but will you grant that churches of other countries and kingdomes may call churches in another kingdome to an open triall and examination , and send their messengers to question them , and thereupon pronounce sentence of renouncing all christian communion with them , or that every particular man offended may call churches to an account , and they are bound to submit to hearing and tryall ? i will give you one instance ; i am much offended at the great rent and difference that was betwixt mr bridge and mr simpson , and at mr simpsons setting up a new church , and at all that great bitternesse betwixt those churches ; and i am much offended at the church of arnheim , for letting passe that schisme and all those differences , never questioning it , especially questioning mr bridges church : now have i a power by vertue of this precept , to call both you and your churches to an account , and to require of you a most full and open tryall before all commers , and are you bound to submit to it ? answer me this question in your reply , and you shall see what i will say to you in my rejoinder . for that other scripture , tim. . . neither be partakers of oth●… mens sinnes ; that is spoken to timothy in regard of his authoritative power in the church of god , as the scope of the chapter , and the immediate precedent words shew , ( which is not your case denying authoritative power ; ) but if you say this text is meant secondarily of all churches and christians , though they have not authoritative power ; i grant it , but then it is in wayes suitable which the word of god gives warrant and allowance for ; as in reproving , mourning for the sin , &c. which must be shewne in some other scriptures ; for else the presbyterians may pretend by vertue of this text , that they ought not to be partaker of other mens sins ; that they may censure , depose , excommunicate members of other churches who are suffered to goe on in sin , better then you can draw from this text , that you may call not only particular members , but whole churches to an account , examine them and pronounce that heavy sentence of non-communion against them : but in a word bretheren let me tell you , if such generall texts as these , that may be applied to any course and way conceived by men in their own braines , to hinder sin and reduce from offences , will serve turne for church government , and for remedies to reduce churches , then we can give you besides your own two texts quoted here for your principle of submission of churches and non-communion , many other such and more probable too , for the authoritative power of presbyteries and sinods , as that in cor. . . and the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets ; but we are not so hard put to it , there being particular instances and examples ( if the nature of an answer to such a narration would permit me to insist at large ) that proove the points in difference , namely of acts of power exercised by churches in common , as in elections , determinations , and impositions upon differences and controversies , as acts . . , , , , , , , , . acts . , . corinih . . , . but let the indifferent reader judge by this which hath been said , whether the reformed churches or the independent practise most safely , there being a ground as your selves confesse for the sentence of excommunication , such a sentence you acknowledge in particular churches , and practise it , and such a sentence hath been decreed and past upon members of churches , by those who were not members of those churches , as the scriptures are cleare for it , tim. . , . but on the other hand it is not granted , that the scriptures give any ground of pronouncing the sentence of non-communion against whole churches , or doe allow any such practise of declarations and protestations unto all churches against whole churches , this i utterly deny , and your scriptures prove them not ; and i wonder how you dare call it the command of christ , and the way of christ , as you doe in page , . and brethren , besides that , the scriptures give neither precept nor example for your way of non-communion , consider whether the scriptures give not grounds rather to the contrary , namely against a particular churches withdrawing and renouncing all christian communion with whole churches upon an errour and miscarriage , for let me aske you , may not such a church or churches be true churches for all this , continue in their offices upon mistaken partiality , and notwithstanding all the light a particular church can give them be unsatisfied ? now if a particular man may not separate nor withdraw christian communion from a true church , though upon his counsell and advise she redresse not , but 't is a schisme , then for one church upon counsell and advice given to more churches ( though not taken ) to separate formally from many churches by pronouncing that heavy sentence of withdrawing and renouncing all christian communion cannot be justified : paul did not renounce nor cast-off churches for many things amisse , though upon his counsell they were not mended , ( as appeares in the church of corinth that had been twice admonished , cor. . , . and ●…t repented not , and now paul doth it the third time , ) and yet refusing pauls counsell and power being so infallible and authoritative , deserved more the sentence of non-communion , then the often rejecting the counsell and power of any particular church can doe . but i will answer you in your own language , that your sacred and undoubted principles , and supreame laws of submission of churches , and of the power of churches offended to pronounce the heavy sentence of non-communion against the churches offending , and of declarations and protestations to all other churches of christ that they might doe the like , with your own practise exprest in the and . page , are to me apocriph●… , and judge it to be an additament , which therefore rests on you who allow the sentence of excommunication , to make evident and demonstrate that of non-communion , protestations , declarations , &c. and thus it often falls out whilst men will oppose that which hath long been received in the church of god upon pretence of the want of scripture grounds , and bring in new wayes , they practise novelties upon lesse ground and foundation from scriptures then they rejected the old ( as is to be seen in this instance . ) . as these principles of your●… have no footing in scripture , so it will appeare they are no sufficient remedies for miscarriages and evills , which fall out in particular churches by reason of their compleate and entire power within themselves : first , because there are more acts of power then your principle of submission of churches and the instances you give upon it reach unto , so that granting all you say of it , yet it would but reach to that particular case , or some such like cases , but would be no way sufficient either for preventing or remedying other evills and mischiefs which d●…e and would arise upon a congregationall government thus entire within it selfe : so that here lies the fallacy in the question between you and the reformed churches in point of government , you speake to some points of government but not to all , and instead of laying down principles that should answer all cases , they only serve but to some , and so your principles that should be simpliciter , are only secundum quid : for in the government of the church there are many other acts of power , as of making and ordaining ministers , of receiving in members , of agreeing upon a government , doctrine and worship , &c. which this full compleat entire power of particular congregations takes upon them to doe , of which many great mischiefes doe arise and are like errours in the first concoction , which your principle of submission of churches reacheth not unto , nor doth not help . but secondly , besides this , the principle of submission of churches that miscarry unto the other churches offended , with that practise of churches finally offended to denounce such a sen●…ence of non-communion , doth not answer the case alleadged in heresies , schisme , or persons injured , nor is not a sufficient remedie , like that of combination of elders , and for the making good of that i shall examine the way , and course prescribed by you , in your principles here laid downe of submission , non-communion , declarations and protestations ; and though as comming out in such a juncture of time , wherein the strife is betweene presbyteriall government and independent for preeminence , and comming from so many heads laid together , it cannot be imagined , but it should come forth doubly refined , and in the most plausible advantagious way , and in the best edition that 't is possible such wits , and so many could set it out in ( an utopia indeed rather then what it can be in common practise ) ( this being the third edition , the first that of the brownists , the second of new-england , and now this the third ) yet the reader may observe into what uncertainties , labirinths , tediousnesse , delayes , nay absurdities and contrarieties these principles doe leade them that follow them . . whereas in presbyteriall government each part and every particular is ruled by the whole and in common , the lesse by the greater , in your way an equall part must take upon them cognizance and call to an account an equall . . not only so , but suppose two or three churches fall out and have a difference among themselves , and there be but one church free , who yet is offended at the others , then one must order two or three , the lesse the greater , and what a rule is this . . this principle of submission being voluntary amongst the churches , we may well suppose sometimes the churches challenged to offend or differ will submit , and sometimes they will not , or at least not yet , and when they know themselves faulty , they may pretend many things to put it off and to delay the time ( which time will be both very prejudiciall to the persons wronged , and to the spreading of the heresie and schisme ) and if by delayes they see they cannot have their ends , what if for all their principle of submission , they flie of , and refuse to yeeld to such a full and open tryall before all commers , and shall denie other churches that power of examining , deposing witnesse●… , &c. upon pretence of conscience , that there is no primitive patterne for it ( as you do deny the power of determination and imposition ) how will you bring them to it ; whereas in presbyteriall government times of meeting being fixt , and agreed upon , men cannot evade , but matters will be quickly heard and remedied . . as in reason and by experience amongst wise men it is held a vaine course which no publicke company of men will yeeld to ( but such practises are rather accounted ridiculous ) to raise such dust and make such 〈◊〉 doe to call others to account , to depose witnesses , spending many daies in a judiciarie way , and yet have no power to end things , to be never the nearer , but that delinquents may doe neverthelesse what they please , so it cannot be conceived that the wise god hath ordered in the government of his churches such a kind of way for churches who are of a publike capacitie , and have a power ( as you grant ) to call churches thus to an account , &c. and yet nothing to be done to the offenders : churches offended either have not power to doe thus much as you grant , or else they have a greater power , namely to bring about the ends , which these meanes tend unto , namely determination and decision , the righting persons injured , and the censuring the offending parties : but it will be said by you , that if the churches offending take not the counsell and advice of their sister churches about them , but persist in their errour and miscarriage , that censure of the sentence of non-communion will be a sufficient remedie and an effectuall meanes to reduce them , and remedie all , as well as that of the presbyterians . i will not here enter into comparison between these two , but do reserve it to it 's proper place . the t and last generall head , though besides excommunicaon there are other things in the classicall synodicall way both to preserve and reduce churches ( which are not in the independent way . ) but i answer this is no likely meanes nor way , for which i shall give these following reasons . . one church may not be able to convince another of their errour or evill , much lesse one church two or three churches offending and differing . . the church offending may stand upon it , that what they doe is according to their light , it is according to their conscience to hold such an opinion , or to doe such a fact , as to depose their minister , because he hath no better gifts of preaching , and whether may another church passe the sentence of non-communion against whole churches , and declare and protest this to all other churches of christ , that they may doe the like for opinions or practises that are not against the churches knowne light ? for if no other kind of sins then may evidently be presumed to be perpetrated against the parties knowne light may be the subject of excommunication in particular persons , may they be the subject of non-communion of whole churches ? . in reason this seemes not a powerfull meanes or probable way , for if this one church offended shall renounce the churches challenged to offend , they may and will renounce that church also , passing the sentence of non-communion , &c. against that , and how shall the matter now be healed and remedied . . that church or churches thus sentenced ( may be ) care not for the communion of this church that cast them off , nor of no others , as long as they can have communion amongst themselves ; these kind of churches that hold such principles of entire compleate power within themselves , with that principle of sufficiencie of all gifts , and all ordinances within themselvs , will goe on in their errours and sinfull practises for all that . . the churches renounced and cast out may challenge the churches casting them out for injuring of them , and thereupon both churches may declare and protest against each other to all other churches of christ , which will prove as great a rent-difference , nay worse then the first , and this will produce a great deale of defending and proving ; for if the churches on both sides doe declare against one another unto the other churches , which of them now shall be beleeved , and what if the churches protested and declared unto , will not upon the protestations withdraw and renounce all christian communion with them , must they then protest against them also , and what the churches protesting may account matter of non-communion , other churches declared and protested unto may not judge so , so that here will be worse matter of difference and divisions in the church of god then before , and i suppose you would not have those churches declared and protested unto to condemne the rest sentenced without a hearing ( especially where there is but one to one , or where one may declare and protest against two or three ) so that then there must be sending for all these churches , and meetings appointed for the churches protested unto , to heare the churches on both sides , and what now if the churches declared unto upon the hearing the churches on both sides , both censuring and censured , shall acquit the churches condemned and censured , and shall condemne and judge those churches for renouncing communion as too severe and declaring thus to all other churches against them : what must be done in these cases ? will these churches censuring now acknowledge their offence , and revoke their sentence of non-communion , or if they will not , what must these churches protested unto doe in this case ? must not they passe the sentence of non-communion against them ? and if they doe so , what if these churches censuring shall also pronounce the heavie sentence of non-communion even against these churches protested and declared unto ? now that these things and worse may not and will not fall out cannot be denied , which things as to the neighbour churches among themselves will be great occasion of schismes and continuall differences , so will they minister matter of great scandall to all other churches , and of tryumph and evill speaking unto enemies , all which will be easily prevented and remedied in the presbyteriall government . sixthly , two or three churches or more of your independent way living amongst other churches , ( as you did in holland ) or if your congregations should be tolerated in england according to your desire , you may hold this principle of submission to one another , and yet all agree in holding some errours , with which errours you may infect many of the members of the presbyteriall churches , for which you will not question one another , what remedie or meanes is there now to reduce your churches or preserve ours ? seventhly , some of your churches by vertue of this principle , that church or churches challenged to offend or differ , are to submit themselves upon the challenge of the offence to the most full and open triall and examination by other neighbour churches , may be ever and anon unjustly calling upon some of the churches to submit , and challenging them first with being offended by them , least themselves should be challenged to have offended , and so ( as we speake ) call whore first , and also they who are challenged to offend , to be even with them , will challenge them againe , and what must be done in this case , and who shall interpose to determine these differences , or may both parties judged thus by each other to be offenders , determine against one an other . eightly , if churches must thus submit to trials and examinations , these being the acts of whole churches , here will be nothing but trials and examinations and censures one upon another , and this instead of a sufficient remedy is like to proove a continuall vexation and molestation to neighbour churches . ninethly , what must be done in case one church or more take offence unjustly at others , and trouble them thus to call them to open examination , &c. what satisfaction must be given to the church troubled and examined . tenthly , in this principle of submission of churches , suppose that upon a hearing , the church offending will not redresse the grievance or relieve a person injured : but goe on , and slight communion with other churches , the persons injured in the meane time are debarred from the ordinances , and cannot remove their dwellings without manifest ruine of their families , how doth this help such persons injured , or is a sufficient remedy for wrongfull sentences , &c. whereas now in the presbyteriall way if such a minister or officers who are the cause of this may be deposed , and acts passe against them , and others placed in their roomes , this will remedy and redresse it : and so suppose a minister of note fall into heresie and errour , and draw the most of his people after him , so that he cannot be deposed by the church , what good will the non-communion pronounced against this church by other churches do for reducing them , but now if this minister may be deposed , and an orthodox minister put in to preach the truth , here is a powerfull meanes to reduce and preserve . eleventhly , let me aske you , and pray determine it from the scriptures , in case two or three churches offended doe challenge a church or churches offending , who yet upon submitting to a hearing will not yeild to the counsell and advice of those churches , who ? how ? where ? after what time , and how many meetings ? and after what manner must this sentence of non-communion be denounced against this church or churches ? whether must it be denounced in and upon the place where they meet to heare and examine ? or in the meeting place of each of these churches offended ? or must these churches offended meet in one of their meeting places to pronounce it together ? and who must be the mouth ? and who by warrant out of the scriptures hath the power to pronounce that heavy sentence of non-communion ? and how must it be made known unto the offending churches , with other things of this like nature ? to say no more now , this principle of non-communion is so farre from being a sufficient remedy for miscarriages , or a reliefe for wrongfull sentences , or a powerfull means to reduce a church or churches , &c. that 't is a remedy worse then the disease , and if it should be practised would be the ground of many schismes , separations , mischiefes in the church of god and that amongst whole churches , so that it were farre better particular persons should suffer wrong , or particular persons fall into schisme and be left to their liberty , then whole churches suffer those evils which your principles of non-communion , declarations , protestations would undoubtedly produce ( as the reader may judge by what is here written . ) for the second , your practise according to this principle , occasioned upon an offence that fell out in your churches ; i shall shew that as insufficient as your principles , and shall animadvert upon the most solemn instances of your practise : as for the introduction into your relation of the scandall and offence , i readily assent unto you , had you not judged it for the advantage of your selves and way you would upon no other occasion have made it thus publike ; for you are good at concealing of all your principles and practises , but when and where you may further and propagate your way ; for the story it selfe ( as it is related by you ) it is very short and generall , neither expressing the ministers name deposed , nor the causes of his deposition , nor the first occasion of the differences , nor the way the church took before they deposed him , nor the manner how they proceeded , nor how long he stood so deposed ; so that the reader cannot well tell what to make of it for want of a more full particular relation , or how to judge whether your principle of submission of churches , and your practise here laid downe upon it was so proper , and so sufficient a remedy , and so effectuall a course as you boast of in page , . i must therefore of necessity in reference to the disprooving and weakning of what you would inferre from your sacred principle and supreame law of submission , and the more solemne instance of your practise wherewith to vindicate your selves and way in this particular , and that it may appeare it was but a halfe , slight , late and partiall remedy to the offences and scandall , relate the story more at large , and then make some queries upon it , and your solemne practise thereupon , and then i shall leave it to the reader to judge whether your principle of submission be comparable to the way of the combined classicall presbyteriall government . the church in which this offence fell out was at roterdam , of which mr bridge and mr ward of norwich , old loving friends , and both flying upon the same cause , bishop wrens innovations , were the ministers , and the minister deposed by the church was this mr ward , who for appearing and siding against mr bridge in some particulars , and for his preaching of sermons in the church at roterdam , which he had preacht before in his church at norwich , and for his giving too much heed to the reports of simple people and old wives tales , was thus deposed ; but i cannot so fully cause the reader to understand matters without relating the first difference between mr bridge and mr simpson ; the true ground and rise of this latter offence . mr simpson one of the authours of this apologeticall narration , after some time of beholding the order and way of this church at rotterdam , desired to be admitted a member , and was upon his confession , &c. received in , but not long after ( what were the true reasons he best knows ) he disliked some persons and things in that church , and he stood for the ordinance of prophesying to be exercised in that church , that the people on the lords dayes should have l●…berty after the sermons ended , to put doubts and questions to the ministers , &c. and he was troubled at a ruling elder in that church brought in by mr bridge ( which belike had more power and bore more sway then himselfe ) who as mr simpson in a letter to a minister in london , complaining of the difference between him and mr bridge , writ how that elder was in that church over all persons and over all causes ; but mr bridge opposed mr simpsons prophesying upon so the rationall grounds of inconveniencits ( as himselfe told me the story , which were too long to relate , ) yet he yeelded so farre that the church should meet on a weeke day , and then they should have that liberty , but this would no way satisfie mr simpson , whereupon the difference increased and there were sidings , but mr bridges power was the greater to carry things in the church , and so mr simpson would abide no longer , but quitted that church , ( though he had no letters of dismission from that church ) and with the help of a woman ( whom mr bridge called , telling me the story of things between them , the foundresse of mr simpsons church ) set up a church against a church , consisting but of five persons at the most in the beginning , whereof the woman and her husband were two , but this church of mr simpsons increased , as being extolled for a purer church and for more ordinances , but mr bridges church was cried downe for ould rotten members , and for the want of prophecie , and so the fire of contention and difference grew more and more between mr bridge and mr simpson , and their churches : now mr ward , mr bridges colleague sided with mr simpson , stood for prophesying , and though mr simpson had left that church , yet mr ward in that church was for mr simpsons way ; whereupon by occasion of that and for exercising his gifts no better , but to preach his old sermons he had formerly preacht at norwich , and believing of tales , giving so much way to reports , he was deposed by that church : amongst or reasons of mr wards deposition , a godly learned minister who had seen them in writing , told me these were the most materiall : and now upon mr simpsons rending from the church , and setting up a church against a church under mr bridges nose , and upon mr wards deposition from his ministery , and mr simpsons church increasing in fame and number , but mr bridges decreasing and some others rending themselves away , and upon wicked reports raised about mr bridge , there grew that bitternesse , evill speakings , deep censurings , deadly feauds amongst these ministers and their churches , as never was more betwixt the iews and the samaritans : mr bridge confessed to me , there were no such sharpe tongues nor bitter divisions as these : letters from all three were sent into england both into city and countrey against each other , mr simpson dispacht many letters into england against mr bridge , as to mr m. mr b. mr h. mr r. &c. and mr bridge against mr simpson . mr bridge and mr ward writ many letters one against the other , particularly to norwich , and among other , many sharpe letters were sent to a d of physick about the differences , and upon their comming over into england , they told sad stories for themselves , and each against other : m●… bridge laid these bitter differences and reports so to heart , that they were a great meanes of her death , and whether mr bridges weaknesses and distempers were not occasioned by the divisions and the wicked scandalls unjustly ( i beleeve ) raised upon him as well as by the aire of rotterdam , mr bridge knowes best ; and thus much for the particular relation of the scandall and offence that fell out in that church of rotterdam , as it hath been related to me from good hands , from some who have lived in holland , and as i had part of it from mr bridges own mouth , and some of it from letters of mr simpsons written into england , and from other men of credit who have seen letters and relations written from thence : now from the relation of this story and your practise upon it , i shall propound these queries , which will give some light to judge whether there was any sufficiency in your course , to remedy and redresse things amisse in churches , and betwixt persons offending . . whether your churches did agree upon and tye your selves to this principle of submission , and the sentence of non-communion at your first setting up and comming into that place of exile , or did you first acknowledge it , and were willing to submit upon the occasion of the scandall of mr wards deposing , and that great clamour upon it both in holland and england ? . whether did you then , or doe you now acknowledge that principle of submission to all other neighbour churches , as well as to them of your own way , as namely to the presbyterian churches , those english churches at amsterdam , hague , utrich ; &c. and would you have submitted to those churches to have so proceeded upon offences , and differences amongst you ? . how long was it , was it not for the space of betweene a yeare and two that mr ward stood deposed and laid aside from his ministery and maintenance , before he was restored , and if so was not this a late remedie , and i●… it so in presbyteriall government . . when , and at what time was this principle of s●…bmission and your solemne practise both of ●…equiring the church offending to give an account , with their ch●…arfull submitting and restoring mr ward agreed upon ? was it not upon the newes of the parliament , and the probability of the revolution of things ? and i propound this question , because mr b●…rroughs who came in m. wards place after his deposition , came backe to england , but at the beginning of the parliament , and till he came or was resolved to come , it is not probable m. ward was restored , and if so , that it was done when all was like to breake up , and they to come f●… england , may we not suspect it was done for an instance to vindicate your way with , and to serve your turne , as in this apologie , rather then from any necessitie of righting a person ●…jured , or correcting a church offending ? . why did not the church of arnheim take offence as well at m. sympsons church , and at his schisme in setting up another church , and at all that bitternesse , evill speaking betweene those two churches ( the ground indeed and foundation of that unhappy businesse about m. ward , and of all the evill committed therein ) and accordingly have required m. sympsons church to have submitted , but here is not a hint of this in all the relation of your practise . i have a letter out of holland by me that concerning this businesse writes thus , that though m. sympson with s●…me f●…w mor●… r●…t themselves from m. bridges church , to the great offence thereof , yet m. goodwin and his associates when they came to heare the businesse about m. ward , never questioned that scandall , i meane of their schisme from the same church . now if it were so , was not this a partiall remedie , not reaching to all the offence , no●… to the bottome of it , why did you not summon both these churches in the matter of scandall and difference to submit as well as one of the churches ? will not your principles serve in difference betweene churches , as for difference in one church , or was it that there was no complaint of neither side ? or was it because you are tender of questioning the multiplication of churches ? ( though by seperation and schi●…me ) or what was the reason you questioned not that ? . whether were the other churches of our nation or any of them ( who could not but be offended ) as them of amsterdam , hague , utrich , leyden , delph , cal'd in by arnheim , or by the church at roterdam to joyne in the hearing , trying of that businesse , and deposing witnesses , or did they send messengers , or was it onely agitated by two ministers ●…nd two messengers of t●… church of arnheim , one church onely , 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 , one to one , both equall ? and whether there can be the like majesty and solemnity of a meeting where they are equall , ●…ay an inferiority , ( in as much as a representative church consisting of foure is below a church represented , ) as in a presbyteriall ass●…bly ? i have a letter from holland by me , wherein a godly minist●…r writes thus , i was desired by mr ward to be present at that meeting , but when the time came , neither i , nor any other english ministers but they of arnheim were call●…d . . to what or to how much did your practise ( who were the church offended ) amount unto upon mr bridges church submission , and your full hearing and finding both sides to be in an errour ? did you injoyne and draw up an order , that the church offending should publikely acknowledge their sinf●… abe●…ation before you and the commers of all sorts ? and restore their minister againe ? and that they should keep a solemne day of fasting to humble themselves for their sinfull carriage ? and that the minister deposed should acknowledge to the church wherein he had likewise sinned ? or did you leave them to themselves , upon your finding the offence , to doe what they thought fitting , both church and minister , as being against your principles for one church to decree and impose any thing upon another , and so they ●…ooke up this way voluntarily , would you would speake out , and once tell us plainely what you hold , and what you wo●…ld 〈◊〉 that so the reader might judge of the effectualness●… of your 〈◊〉 . . i aske of you whether mr bridge with the offending church at rotterdam did sit as judges with them o●… 〈◊〉 , in their own cause to examine , depose , &c. or else 〈◊〉 by a●… delinquents , to be charged , tried , &c. . i de●…e to know of you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was r●…stored , did as formely officiate in that church , and how long ? and whether mr bridge and he continued there as fellow ministers ? and whether both between them two , and between the church and mr ward , there was that mutuall carriage as before , and ought to be between fellow ministers , and ministers and people ? . how can a church representative be a sufficient and allowed remedy to take up great offences in a church at a great distance ? and whether this implies not an implicit faith in the represented , to let the representers upon hearing put a finall determination and conclusion to great offences and differences without returning back the businesse to the church represented , or so much as ever acquainting them with the businesse before all was ended , ( as was in this particular case ) and whether * mr robins●…s arguments against the presbyterians ●…bout the power of their elders be not strong against your principles and practises here related ? and what ground is there from t●…e scripture , that foure men of another church should have power to call unto and insist upon a judiciarie charge against them who were greater then themselves , namely against a whole church consisting of officer●… and people . . suppose the church of ar●…m ( who sent two minister●… and two gentlemen ●…s messengers of their church , upon their returne back to the church and giving an account of all the proceedings , and issue of that businesse ) had disliked the determinations , and judged some of the proceedings unjust , other●… unsatisfactory , and not according to the rules of the word , ( as the church of 〈◊〉 might well have done , there being just ground for it , as i will shew in the second particular under the next head . ) what must have been done in this case ? must the messengers themselves have been now questioned by the church for managing matters no better ? or must the sentences agreed upon both for the church and mr ward be reversed ? or must other messengers be sent to heare matters againe , and to change , or adde what was amisse ? and what if the church would not alter that which upon so full a hearing and triall was agreed upon ? now i aske of you , and appeale to the reader , considering that the church or churches themselves may probably ( and it cannot but be expected ) 〈◊〉 and vary in their judgements from their messengers about the determination of offences and differences , whether this be a likely meanes and sufficient remedy to end all strifed , or rather will not be as the beginning of new strife , and an occasion of endlesse contentions . . in this way of submission of churches , and your practises upon occasion of offences and differences , what if the messengers of the churches upon hearing and examining differ among themselves about the differences and offences in the church ●…ending , and about the sentences to be agreed upon to be commended to the offending parties ? yea and what if the churches themselves upon returne made by the messengers how they find matters , differ also , one of the churches offended being of one mind , and the other church offended of another mind , what remedy is there now for miscarriages ? what reliefe for a person injured ? or what effectuall and powerfull meanes to reduce a church or churches ? . in your sentence of non-communion against churches , and in your declarations and protestations to all other churches of christ ●…hat they may doe the like , what shall become of some innocent godly persons in that church renounced and protested against , must they be renounced communion with ? what will you doe in the case where some in a church may be free from the errours and evils which the greater number are guilty of ( which you account the church , ) must ( they be debarred of all christian communion with the church offended , and all other churches of christ protested to ? ( you speake nothing here in this case , nor take no care for them , but wrap up all alike in your sentence of non-communion ) must the innocent party now in this church offending separate and withdraw from their own church , and renounce communion too , as well as the church offended ? what if all their maintenance and livelihood depends in living in that place , so that if they withdraw from them , they must either live without publike ordinances and communion , or else if they come away , ruine themselves and families ? what also if in this church offending the wife be one of the innocent persons in that church , but the husband of the number of them that persist in their errour and miscarriage ? the sonne and daughter among the innocent , the fathers and mothers among the offenders , what must the wives and children renounce communion with their husbands and parents , and now either live without the ordinances there , or else goe away from their husbands and pare●…ts to some other churches 〈◊〉 and in your drawing up your declarations and protestations against those churches persisting in their errours and miscarriages , will you in the grosse doe it , or will you signifie and declare all the names of those who remaine obstinate and impenitent in such churches , with the names of those who are free from those errors and offences , least you should bring all the churches of christ protested unto into sin and a snare ? pray resolve these cases with many such ( which by these now hinted ) you may fore-see will fall out in your principle of non-communion of churches and protestations . thirdly , for the successe and effectualnes of your practise , i answer . . supposing the particular instance of your practise , according to the principle of submission of churches that miscarry , to have had a good effect ( as you relate in your two churches of arnheim and rottendam ) yet it followes not , it is a powerfull and effectuall meanes to reduce churches ; for a course may prevaile in one and take with one , and yet have no rationality to carry it in others , for though this church at rotterdam did submit to them of arnheim who were of note for parts , quality , &c. yet it is a question whether these would to some other particular churches who had challenged them , and whether these men would also at all times , had there not been something cast in the ballance before hinted . . take the best that came of the issue and successe of this agitation between the church of arnheim and that of rotterdam ( namely that church which had offended , acknowledging their offence in deposing mr ward and restoring him to his place againe ) it was but a slender satisfaction for the losse of his ministery and maintenance for so long a time , and for all the suffering of him and his family : if the church offending had been enjoyned , or had ordered themselves to have paid him the profits of his place , or to have given him a good summe of money on their fast day , this had been some reliefe for a wrongfull sentence , and a person injured thereby , and might have been a meanes to have preserved them from doing the like for time to come , but for a minister and his family to be so long in a sad condition without all maintenance in a strange land , and in the issue for them who did this to acknowledge only their sinfull aberration , and the minister thus suffering to acknowledge his sin too , and both of them to be humbled for it alike ; here was a poore remedy , ●…ay as you relate it your selves it is very unjust and injurious , for in some passages of your narration , you acknowledge the fault on the churches side , as in page . and in page ●… . and that mr ward was wronged , and yet they were both equally ordered to a publike confession of sin and solemne fasting , the delinquent and the innocent alike deale with , is this the fruit of your principle of submission of churches and non-communion ? is this the reall evidence and demonstration of the effectuall successe of such a course held by churches in such a case ? and was this the issue of all that sending to and solemne assembly , and the agitation of so many dayes , publike hearing by deposition of witnesses , so largely and formally related in page , ? i wonder wise men ( as you pretend to be ) should not see into the weaknesse and folly of your own practise in this case , but tell such a story so to shame your selves , you should never have troubled your selves to have come so many dutch miles , not the church at rotterdam , nor made so great adoe for many dayes of deposing witnesses , &c. ( as your selves relate in page , . ) to have put together the innocent and delinquents . and let me here put you this dilemma , either mr ward was unjustly deposed from his ministery , both materially and formally upon unsufficient causes , as the matter for such a censure , and for the way and manner of it , as being too suddaine before admonition , and before fasting and prayer preceding , &c. 〈◊〉 was justly deposed by the church ? if unjustly in both these respects ( as your narration implies , page . ) why was mr. ward put upon acknowledging his sin to the church , and put in the same condition with them who had dealt so unjustly both materially and formally ? and whether this was not a meanes to hinder the churches repentance and humiliation for their sin , when they should be put but to doe as mr ward ? but if mr ward were justly doposed , why was the church then put upon publike acknowledgement , and ordered a solemne day of fasting to humble themselves before god and man ? and whether was mr bridge as well as the church injoyned to confesse his sinfull aberration in it , in that he did not interpose his authority and interest in the church , nor speake a word to hinder the deposing of mr ward , and so to have prevented so great a scandall and offence as this was ? to the fifth and last generall head , the comparison you make between the effectualnesse and powerfulnesse of your way of submission and non-communion , and that of the presbyterians , to awe and preserve churches and elders in their duties , and to reduce churches miscarrying , where you make the s●…ales fall on your side rather . i answer , besides some considerable things already hinted under some of the former heads ( especially under the fourth head ) which doe shew a wide difference of the effectualnesse and successe which the presbyterian principles and way hold out over your congregationall , th●…e are many other to 〈◊〉 the s●…les , which i shall now speake of , according as 't is laid downe here by you in the , , and , pages . . that you may render your way the more specious and probable , you beg the question , and take for granted things denied , supposing that also which never hath fallen out in the reformed churches ; and you speake but to a part of the way and remedie , ( namely excommunication ) an●… from all these false premises you make your conclusion . you lay downe your way of submission and non-communion 〈◊〉 that ●…ch is the 〈◊〉 and way of christ , and to be strictly enjoyned by christ ●…d that it is a command from christ enjoyned to churches that are ●…ly offended , to denounce such a sentence of non-communion ; which is a meere device of your own brains , and sound out to give a colourable answer to that common and 〈◊〉 reason against the church-way 〈◊〉 you make that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in presbyteries , to be an excommunicating of whole churches , and ●…s delivering of whole churches and their eldere offending unto sa●…n , ( which is a scandalous charge laid to tho presbyterian government ) and never yet was ●…rd of in any of the reformed churches for the space now of a hundred yeares past : you lay you give more to the magistrates power then the principle of the presbyteriall government will suffer them to yeeld , whereas in some things , i shall show the contrary , and in other things you may out of policie at this time give more then the scriptures allow : you speake only of excommunication , a part of their way , whereas in combined classicall government there are many other meanes and ways from first to last to preserve and reduce from errors and offences . . the comparison made by you between the presbyterians and independents stands in two things : first , in the ecclesiasticall proceedings and power ; secondly , in the civill magistrates power : . for the ecclesiasticall , you make that principle of submission of churches that miscarry : and that of non-communion as effectuall as excommunication , which supposing they were ( as i shall shew they are not ) yet 't is a fallacious reasoning by comparing the whole with a part , for a whole of one kind may be better and more excellent then some part of another kind , and yet not comparable to the whole : now there are many things in presbyteriall government besides excommunication , excellent to preserve and keep the churches : their reformation and constitution being setled by synods and assemblies , their ministers being ordained by presbyteries and classes , their doctrine , worship , government and discipline , upon serious debate , and by common content drawn up , then rules being fixt , known and certaine , their classicall meetings frequent and constant , with higher assemblies for appeales , their number and abilities great , their remedies and censures more solemne , and more in number , as deposition , suspension , &c. all which are wanting in the church way ( as i could shew at large , but that this answer would be too great a volume : ) but to come to particulars , the presbyterian is more effectuall then your independent way : . because it doth prevent and preserve from those many errours , divisions , evils which fall in your way ( as is evident by experience , and is founded upon good reason will fall out ) now how much better and more effectuall a way 't is to play the fore-game then the after-game , all men know : 't is better to prevent the plague and taking in poyson then to expell it ; government is for prevention as well as recovering , if your way were as effectuall to compose differences and reduce churches , yet not so to prevent , which is one of the great ends of church government . . your way wraps in whole churches in sin and guilt , and you have no remedy but it must come to non-communion of whole churches , but in presbyteriall 't is not so , no example being extant among them of excommunicating whole churches , so that if an errour take one or two , they are presently dealt with , and the errour spreads not to a whole church . . in the presbyteriall way , the persons offending and sinning in congregations are proceeded with and punished , every man beares his own sin , but the innocent persons suffer not ; but here in the way of non-communion , some who are good in the church suffer also many wayes , and here is no difference made by you , but all involved in the same condition . . in your way , as if all sins were equall , and all offenders alike , all are punished with the same sentence of non-communion ; but 't is not so in the presbyteriall way . . your submissions and meetings are accidentall , uncertaine , free and at choice , they may be , and may not be , there are many wayes to evade and put them off ; whereas the combinations and consociations of churches , are fixed , set , certaine . amongst your churches in holland , in three or foure yeares there was but one act of submission , and one meeting , which is here related : in that difference between those two churches at rotterdam , there was no submission , but each church blew the trumpet of defiance against each other ; and so about the differences at arnheim which the church could not end in so long a time , no church interposed ; but in the classicall government there is such a subordination and dependencie , such stated and fixed meetings , that if men should escape one , they do not all : now in government and order there is a materiall difference between what men may doe , or not doe , and what they have tied themselves unto and must stand to : in matters of civill difference referred to arbitratours , 't is one thing to submit to hearing , and to counsell upon it , and another thing to be bound to stand to the determination . there are many will doe justly , and performe such trusts whilest bound , who left at liberty will doe just nothing ; now in your submission of churches , though you submit to a hearing , yet you doe not submit to their determinations unlesse it like you , you doe not submit to doe what they enjoyne , but you will order your selves according to their counsell ( as you see occasion ) now men being partiall in their own cause , and still their own judges , what a remedie is this ? 't is one thing when men know they are at liberty , and may doe , or not doe as they see good , and another thing when they must ; we find it so in all , converse with men , and good men are men ; there 's a great deale of difference between authority and obedience , and only perswasion on the one part , and free will on the other , no man will deny but in civill matters there is a great difference in such cases ; were it in the power of particular members in your churches to submit or not submit , as they please , there would be much adoe to remedy any thing , as will be betwixt churches differing : but particularly for excommunication and non-communion , excommunication may upon these grounds awe mens consciences more , and be more effectuall then non-communion ; . because there is something positive in it , it is a delivering of the offenders up unto satan , but your non-communion is a privative depriving only of communion ; now there 's more efficacie in a positive then in a privative and negative . secondly , excommunication doth deprive the persons offending , or the churches of all communion among themselves as well as the communion of other churches , whereas the sentence of non-communion doth but take other churches off from communion with them , but meddles not to debar them of communion among themselves in their own particular churches , but still they enjoy the word , prayers , sacraments , &c. which is a great difference . thirdly , your selves make excommunication the greater censure , as appeares by your own phrases , calling it an authoritative power , &c. and not practising that against other churches , whereas you doe exercise the sentence of non-communion , and we know 't is the highest censure in the church ; now certainely the greatest censures and more dreadfull punishments according to christs institution and intention , are more effectuall and powerfull to awe and to remedie things amisse then the lesser and lower censures . and so much for the comparison in the ecclesiasticall proceedings . secondly , in the civill magistrates power you granting that ought to back and assist the sentence of non-communion against churches miscarrying according to the nature of the crime , and you giving more ( as you think ) to the magistrates power in matters ecclesiasticall then the principles of the presbyteriall government will suffer them to ye●…ld , your way of church proceeding will be every way as effectuall as the presbyterians . i answer , supposing all that you say of giving so much power to the magistrate , &c , were true , yet that makes not your submission and non-communion so effectuall a meanes as excommunication , for the question is about ecclesiasticall authority and spirituall power , and about spirituall meanes and remedies for the conscience and soule , and not about civill power , and civill externall meanes ▪ and i would aske you this question upon this passage of the civill magistrate , either you give him an ecclesiasticall spirituall power of applying spirituall remedies and meanes to churches miscarrying , or you doe not , if you give him not this first ( as i judge your principles will not allow you ) he being no church-officer of christs ●…hurch , but only christ gave pastors , teachers , &c. as necessary and sufficient for the government of his church , then all you say of the magistrate helps you not , 't is nothing to the question in hand ; but before i speake any more to that point , that the magistrates power backing your sentence of non-communion is not comparable to the presbyterian way , i must animadvert upon the passage it selfe both in the comparative of your saying , you thinke you give more to the magistrate then the presbyterians , and upon the positive what you give them . . for the comparison , 't is an odious and dangerous insinuation to prepare king and parliament to reject the presbyterie , as not giving so much to magistrates in matters of religion and church government as is their due , and 't is scandalous against scotland and all the reformed churches : but what 's the maine ●…nd of it , or what may be conceived the reason of your saying you give so much to the magistrates power , and more then the presbyterians , ( seeing men of your church principles were never guilty yet of giving too much ecclesiasticall power to magistrates : you are the first independents , and this is the first time that ever publikely you have exprest your selves thus , ) i judge you being politicians ( politici theologi ) to flatter the parliament at this time the better to work your ends for a toleration , and to promote your church-way you write thus : 't is observed by learned men , that amongst the principall attempts and policies of the remonstrants whereby they laboured to bring the churches of the netherlands into commotion , and to obtaine their own ends , this was a great one , the crying up the power of the civil magistrate , both by writing of bookes of their great power in ecclesiasticals , and in their sermons every where , and their aspersing the orthodox ministers and their lawfull meetings and ecclesiasticall actions with the contrary , and amongst many other particulars of the great power they gave the magistrates in ecclesiasticals this was one , that they did ascribe to the magistrate the ultimate and highest jurisdiction and power of giving judgement in ecclesiasticall matters , reasoning , that unto the magistrate alone immediately under christ did belong the judgement when controversies of faith did arise in the church ; and therefore after the arminians despaired of prevailing by the ecclesiasticall assemblies , they brought and removed their cause from the ecclesiasticall cognizance to another court , by their policie and artifices , making use of the authoritie of one or two chiefe men in place to worke for them : and that this new-way might have some colour and that so much the more easily the favour of many politicians , or at least a toleration might be procured for these arminian novelties , there was a booke set forth by uttenbogardus , de iure supremi magistratus in ecclesiasticis ; many other of the arminians also sung the same song , as episcopius printed a disputation de iure magistratus circa sacra , barlaeus , grotius , &c. and besides all these , there was a great number of books put forth in the vulgar and mother tongue of the power and authority of the magistrates : and thus whilst the magistrates let the arminians alon●… , and did nothing against them , even till the synod of dort in the yeare . they slattered them thus : but after the synod of dort had determined against their opinions , and that the magistrates were agai●…t them , then they lifted up the heele and then they write books in a farre other stile , and in their apologie , that power which before they had so liberally measured out for them , they did not a little limit , and contract , and offended as much in the defect , giving magistrates too little , as before they had in the excesse , giving them too much : for the full proofe of this i referre the reader to learned a voetius select disputations concerning that question , penes quos sit potestas ecclesiastica ( where he doth at large relate this and their opinions about the magistrates power , after the synod of dort : ) and unto b vedelius de episcopatu constantini magni ( who as all men know gives in that booke power enough to magistrates in ecclesiasticals ) yet he layes down at large , that as the anabaptists and socinians following the donatists , give too little to the magistrate , so the arminians did offend in the excesse . for before the synod of dort they contended , that under the orthodox magistrate the church had of it selfe no spirituall power . the ministers of the church did performe their office in the name of the magistrate , so that the magistrate , because he for other businesses could not preach , &c. he did preach by the ministers ; they gave the government of the church to the magistrates alone , they gave the calling of ministers and their deposing to the magistrate alone , with many other such , but af●…er the synod they denie 't is their right and office to oblige men by their authoritie to the decrees of synods however agreeable to the word , or to use any coactive power in that case , &c. in which they take away as much from the magistrate , as in other things they seemed to give : and it may be feared however these apologists now to ingratiate themselves , and being left alone in their church-way , say , they give more to the magistrates then the presbyteriall , and that they professe to submit , and to be most willing to have recourse to the magistrates judgement and cognizance , and examination of ecclesiasticall causes , yet when they shall come once to be crossed , and the parliament by the advise of the assembly to settle the government of the church , and by their authoritie to bind them to the things agreeable to the word , we shall see then what they will say of the magistrates power ; there are too many speeches alreadie since the meeting of the assembly ( out of their feare how things may goe ) which have fallen from many independents , that prognosticate they will doe by the parliament as the remonstrants did after the synod of dort by the states . . but whatever you say here , that you think you give more to the magistrates then the principles of the presbyterian government will suffer them to yeeld , i doe much doubt it , and doe judge that in many things you give no more in ecclesiasticals then the presbyterians , and in others you give lesse , and they give more . m. robinson in his apologie saith of himselfe and his church , that in the point of the civill magistrate and his office , they hold altogether the same thing which the belgicke churches doe , and that to their confession in this point , they do ex animo agree . now the belgick churches are presbyterians , and your church-way , & m. robinsons differ not much , ●…o that till you know what you give more to the civill magistrate , then m. robinson and his church doe , i cannot beleeve you , especially considering that m. burroughes one of you in his lectures upon hosea , speaking of the power of magistrates in church affaires , gives no more to them then the rigidest presbyterians , namely , that the king is supreame governour to governe in a civill way by civill lawes , so as to s●… christ not dishonoured , so as to keepe out idolatry , to protect the church , to punish enormitios that are there , to defind it from enemies : in that sense he is said to be the head , but that title of supreame governour being understood in a civill way is more proper . now it were easie out of beza , calvin , zanchius , and many presbyterians to show more power given to kings by them in matters of religion , then by m. burroughes there , so that i have more reason to judge of your principles by what m. burroughes writes particularly , and by way of answering doubts of conscience , then from a narrration in generall , and from we thinke more then the principles of presbyteriall government will suffer them to yeeld . in other things you give not so much to the magistrates , as the presbyterians . first , whereas the a presbyterians doe acknowledge the protestant prince and magistrate , an eminent member of the church , and in their greatest assemblies and councels give him an eminent place and power , you according to your principles doe not owne him for a member of the church , neither shall his children be admitted to baptisme , nor he to the ordinances , though a protestant and orthodoxe , unlesse you account him a visible saint , &c. neither doe you give him so much power or vote , no not in a particular church in any church matters of censures , admissions , election of officers , &c. as you doe give to one of your serving men , and the supreme magistrate and his children though brought up , and professing the true religion , may be and will be kept from the sacraments all their dayes . . the presbyterians give to the magistrate a coercive and coactive power , to suppresse heresies , schisme , to correct troublers and unruly persons in the church , to tie and bind men by their authoritie to the decrees of synods made according to the word of god , which power as b voetius showes , only the remonstrants with the libertines did not admit , but all the presbyterians doe reject such opinions , that the magistrate could not by his authoritie bind and compell men to observe the decrees of synods , conformable to the word of god c , now doe you allow the magistrates such a power ? by your pleading for tolerations of religion , and for liberty of conscience , and that conscience is not to be tied , and by your speaking against impositions of things lawfull and agreeable to the word , as set formes of prayer , decreed by synods and such like , 't is very suspitious you allow not such a power to magistrates , and your good friend d m. s. in his answer to the observations and considerations upon your apologeticall narration pleading your cause denies , and pleads against this coercive power of the magistrate . . the presbyterians give a great deale of power to the supreme christian magistrate in the reformation of religion , and in repairing and building the house of god , as might be showne out of calvin , zanchius , peter martyr , &c. but whether the independents give as much , when they allow private men to gather and make churches and ministers , to do such publike workes , and that without leave , nay against the mind and laws of the supreame magistrate , i question : there is a tractate in my hands about a church , that goes under the name of one of you , wherein civill magistrates are cut off , and ministers too from having any power to make churches , and the immediate independent power from christ is given to the saints onely , to gather and combine themselves in such an assembly without expecting warrant from any governours what soever upon earth : saints as saints have a right and full power to cast themselves into the fellowship without asking the consent of governours and civill magistrates , who have no power in the marriage of their people , nor should have , it being an act of naturall civill right , and as magistrates have no power over family-government to appoint whom i shall admit into my family , &c. much lesse have they power over christs family ; this union of a church is a spirituall right which is transcendently out of the sphere of the magistrates authoritie , and the apostles taught the saints to doe it without asking leave of the magistrates , yea not to for sake it though the magistrates forbad it , heb. . . now i beleeve you cannot show me any principle in presbyteriall government , nor quote me the judgement of any presbyterian that cuts short the power of the orthodox protestant magistrate about congregations and assemblies as this doth . . the presbyterians doe grant the magistrate a power about the publick exercise of the ministerie , that 't is so farre subject to the direction of the magistrate , that without his approbative authoritie or confirming authoritie , or his toleration of it , it ought not by the church to be publikely begun in his territories nor practised . * apollonius of zeland who writ an answer to vedellius by the command of the wa●…achrian classis , was a great presbyterian ; and in that answer must needs show it , upon occasion of vedelius giving so much to the magistrate in ecclesiasticall things , yet he grants the magistrate this power about the exercise of the ministerie . now whether your principles allow this to the magistrate , let your practises speake about your making ministers and exercising of it as you doe . . the presbyterians grant to the magistrates a power in private meetings as well as in publicke churches , over exercises there , as well as those in the publick places : so a voetius , we reject that noveltie of the remonstrants that the magistrate hath no power in private meetings , but onely in publike temples : now whether you allow the magistrates a power concerning your private meetings , or onely over the publike meetings , or whether you doe not with the arminians make the ground of this power in the magistrate , the granting of a publike meeting-place , i desire to be satisfied from you . but by all this the reader may see in these particulars you doe not give more power to the magistrate ; for the presbyterians give what you give , and not onely so , but they give that which you denie , and so give more then you : but brethren wherein and in what doe you give more to the magistrates power then the presbyterians ? had you exprest , wherein the presbyterians give too little to the magistrates power , and in what their principles are defective , and wherein you give more , you had dealt fairely and ingeniously , and a man might have knowne where to have had you , and how to have answered you , but to accuse thus in the generall , and not to signifie the crime is not just ; but as you do throughout your apologie under the figge-leaves of darke , doubtfull , generall speeches , cover your opinions , least your nakednesse should appeare , so in this place : but not to let you goe away thus , but that i may drive you out of your holes and thickets and divest you of your coverings , and that i may a little take off the odium and suspition that presbyteriall government may lie under amongst many who know not their principles by reason of this passage of yours , ( the magistrates power to which we give as much , and ( as we thinke ) more then the principles of the presbyteriall government will suffer them to yeeld ) i will propound some questions to you to draw out what you hold about the power of the magistrate in ecclesiasticall things , and to give some further light for the present of the presbyterian principles concerning the power of magistrates ( referving the particular laying downe what the presbyterians give to the magistrate in ecclesiasticall things and what not , till my rejoynder shall come out to your replie . ) . whether the power of the magistrate about ecclesiasticall things be a power extrinsecall , objective , coercive , indirect , mediate , accidentall and consequent , or spirituall intrinsecall , formall , proper and antecedent : now concerning the first , the presbyterians give as much to the magistrate as you , nay more , as hath been partly shewed alreadie : but for the other the spirituall , intrinsecall , formall , &c. if you ascribe that to the magistrate , as i thinke you doe not , nor your principles do not yeeld it ; unlesse according to your second great principle laid downe in the . and . page , you are since the assembly to please the parliament the more ( as you may imagine come off from your former judgement and practise . ) i doe referre you for satisfaction to the three most learned , select disputations of a voetius and unto b wa●…us excellent answer to the tractate of uttengobardus ( so strong that the authour could never reply againe , though in a booke published he promised to doe it , ) and unto c apollonius learned answer to vedelius dissertation . . i aske of you whether the civill power doth containe the ecclesiasticall formally and eminently , so as that power can give and produce the other ? or whether there is an intrinsecall dependance of the ecclesiasticall upon the politicall in their nature , forme , and exercise of them ? or whether there doth not reside in the church all ecclesiasticall power absolutely necessarie to the building up of the kingdome of christ , and salvation of men , even when the magistrate is not of the church ? . i aske of you whether in writing this passage of your apologie you considered and remembred all those differences and distinctions given by so many excellent divines , as iunius , zanchius , amesius , &c. concerning those two powers , civill and ecclesiasticall , and their administration , and in particular amongst the rest , that difference taken from their d matter , and the subject , wherein they make the subject of politicall administration to be humane things and matters , but of ecclesiasticall to be divine and sacred , and if so , whether doe not presbyterians according to those differences and distinctions ( which distinctions are acknowledged also by your selves , as by m. robinson and by some of you in your printed bookes ( as i remember ) give the magistrate that power in ecclesiasticals which is given him in the word of god. . considering all ecclesiasticall power and right is commonly by divines reduced to a three-fold head , namely potestas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which of these powers doe you give more to the magistrates then the presbyterians , or in all of them doe you give more , or doe you not ? for the present that power you seem to give the magistrate , and intimate it that you give more then the pres●…eriall principles allow ( as may be gathered from the following words in p. . & from those words in p. . the magistrates interposing a power of an other nature , unto which we upon his particular coguizance and examination of such causes profes ever to submit , and also to be most willing to have recourse unto ) must fall under the last head of the power of judging and determining in matters ecclesiastical , and that upon complaints and appeals ; now the presbyterians in that give the magistrate a power about the use and abuse of ecclesiasticall discipline and ecclesiasticall causes and businesses , yea and definitive to , namely , a politicall , objective , consequent power , which may be diversly exercised , both ordinarily and extraordinarily in a church constituted and in a good estate , and in a church fallen and corrupted ; voetius in his disputations upon that question : in whose hands the ecclesiasticall power is ( a great presbyterian in that question ) grants and gives to the magistrate a publick judiciall power of judging , not onely with the judgement of knowledge , but definitive in causes and matters ecclesiasticall , which judgement is consequent , not antecedent , because the ultimate disquisition is not in that , whether that be true , but whether they will by publicke authoritie maintaine and execute that . so * apollonius in his answer to vedelius where he strongly pleads for the presbyterians in that point of ecclesiasticall power , yet gives much to the magistrate ordinarily in a church constituted and well reformed in the point of this part of power , and extraordinarily in the state of a church corrupted , and greatly disordered , when the doctrine is corrupted , and the sacraments contaminated with idolatrous rites , and discipline turned into tyrannie , and when the ministerie and all ecclesiasticall meetings both inferiour and superiour conspire to oppresse the truth of god , and to establish tyrannie in the church , in such cases the magistrate may do many things besides the ordinary way : now let me entreate you to consult the books of the presbyterians , and especially apollonius answer to vedelius of the severall particulars of the power of magistrates about the use and abuse of discipline in a constituted church , besides the power given them in extraordinarie cases , and in your reply to this answer satisfie me what you give more . but let me tell you whatever power you five may have found out for the magistrate , which the principles of presbyteriall government will not suffer them to yeeld ( some new power may be like that devise of non-communion of churches , and protestation to all churches that they may doe the like ) yet your churches may not grant it , and so the magistrates shall be never the nearer ; the power you give the magistrate in the . and . pag. is not yeelded by many of your own churches whereof you are ministers ; a gentleman , a prime member of one of your churches immediately after the comming forth of your apologeticall narration disclaimed and renounced that power of the magistrate exprest by you , in the hearing of a minister , a member of the assembly , who related it to me . but what is it wherein you give more to the magistrates , sure there is something you meane and aime at in it , if we could find it out ; suffer me to guesse at it , and you shall see though you doe not formally expresse so much , yet i have some reason to judge so : first , doe you not meane in this phrase , the magistrates power , to which we give as much , and as we thinke more then the principles of presbyteriall government will suffer them to yeeld , that your church-way consisting all of particular congregations , and not growing into great bodies by combinations and synods , the magistrates power is greater over you , in that he may easily deale with you , and dissolve you at pleasure ; but for a power to grow into so great a body , an ecclesiasticall power as large as the civill , so combined , this may be formidable and dangerous to the state , and too great for the magistrate hereafter to rectifie ; this hath been by an active independent upon discourse of these points suggested to me , and how farre one of you hath reasoned thus in the hearing of many , against presbyteriall government , and for congregationall , you can remember : or secondly , doe you understand by this phrase , that when heresies , schismes or strange opinions are broacht in your churches , and you cannot tell what to doe with them , nor how to suppresse them , nor how to have the persons censured , being so powerfull in particular congregations whereof they are members , in such a case you give the civill magistrate a power to question them for these heresies , schismes , and to imprison , banish , &c. if they doe not revoke them ; new-england practising the way of independencie , and not having classes , synods , that have authoritative power to call to account and censure such persons , were necessitated to make use of the magistrates , and to give the more to them , a power of questioning for doctrines , and judging of errors ; and punishing with imprisonment , banishment , and they found out a prety fine destinction to deceive themselves with , and to salve the contrariety of this practise to some other principles , that the magistrate questioned and punished for these opinions and errors ( which now for want of ecclesiasticall discipline and censure they knew not what to doe with ) not as heresies and such opinions , but as breaches of the civill peace , and disturbances to the common-wealth , ( which distinction if the parliament would have learned from you , and proceeded upon , they might long agoe have put downe all your churches and congregations , and justly have dealt with you , as the magistrates in new-england did with mr williams and the antinomians , familists and anabaptists there , and yet have said they punished you not for your consciences , nor because of such opinions , but because your opinions , ways and practises were an occasion of much hurt to the common-wealth , a breach of civill peace , a great cause of many people sitting so loose from the parliament , a great hinderance to the reformation , and a ground of much distraction to the publike , and of strengthening the enemy , ) whereas the presbyterians give the power in cases of heresies , errors , &c. that are not remedied in the particular congregation , to classes , synods , assemblies , to question , convince , judge of , censure and to apply spirituall remedies proper to spirituall diseases , which i am confident of , had such been in new-england in the presbyteriall way , there had never beene so many imprisoned , banished for errors , nor the magistrates put upon that distinction . or thirdly , is it that you doe give a power to the magistrate in ecclesiasticall things of the ultimate determination of matters purely ecclesiasticall ( which the presbyterians principles doe not ) as now in matters of doctrine , and in matters of scandall , and in matters of censures , excommunication , deposition , &c. which are brought before and have past in ecclesiasticall assemblies , to appeale from them to the civill magistrate , and to carry causes from thence to civill courts , to repeale and revoke them ; your words and passages about the magistrates power imply this , and i find that many quick sighted men as the walachrian classis , nay a whole synod after them in their late letters to the assembly apprehend you so , and therefore i may upon good grounds judge , besides the two former , that you aime at this third , in saying you give more to the magistrates power then the presbyterians : concerning which question , it being a point that i have not much studied , i shall not declare my judgement in it ; but in the church of israel it seemes that in the things of jehovah the last judgement did belong to the chiefe ecclesiasticall assembly which sate at ierusalem , deut. . , , , , , verses , as iunius in his analisis illustrates that place , and the arguments brought by apollonius in this point , with his answers to vedelius arguments have a great deale of strength in them , and i entreate you in your reply , if you will formally owne the giving of this power to the magistrate , that you will answer that second chapter of apollonius . but to draw toward a conclusion of the comparison of the effectualnesse between the two wayes , supposing all you say of submission , non-communion , protestation were true , as also that you did give more to the magistrate then the presbyterian , and that in spirituall matters , in cases of difference , injuries , &c. you would from the church have recourse to the magistrate and submit to his judgement , and that you did allow and would stand to the magistrates assisting and backing the sentence of non-communion against churches miscarrying according to the nature of the crime , as they judge meet ; ( notwithstanding you have determined it , that without all controversie your way of church proceeding will be every way as effectuall as the other can be supposed to be , ) yet i must tell you , it falls farre short of the presbyterian way , both in preventing and remedying sins , errors , offences , and in promoting knowledge , godlinesse and peace in the churches ; for suppose non-communion of churches were a way of christ and a remedie ( the contrary to which i have at large showne , ) yet you must confesse 't is but a lower remedy , not an authoritative , powererfull , dreadfull remedie and meanes like that of excommunication , which is the highest and greatest censure in the church , the churches thunderbolt , and anathema , a remedy and last meanes , which recovers a sinner when all others will not , as admonition , suspension , deposition , and so when non-communion and protestation will not : in the scriptures are laid downe many eminent fruits and effects of excommunication in the people of god , which are not of any censure else , and i might fill a book with the ends , benefits and fruits of this censure laid down by divines in their tractates and common places of ecclesiasticall discipline and excommunication , but i will name only that of the professors of leyden : * excommunication is the last remedie and the sharpest for the subduing of the flesh in a man , and for the quickning of the spirit : and the most efficacious example least the sound part should be corrupted : but against them , who persevere in their contumacie and impenitencie 't is the only meanes to free the house of god of leaven , and the church of christ from scandals ; and so to vindicate the word and sacraments from prophanation , and the name of god from the blaspheming of them without . now pray shew us in the scripture any where , the excellent fruits , benefits , ends of non-communion of churches and protestation against them , as we can of excommunication in cor. . . cor. . , , , , . thess. . . tim. . . and then for that other remedie of the magistrates power added to non-communion , to eeke out wherein non-communion may be defective to excommunication , and for that purpose you say you give more to the magistrates power , that so what you faile and come short in ecclesiasticall power , you may make it up in giving more civill power in ecclesiasticall causes , the result of which must needs be this , that though in your church-way , you have not so much ecclesiasticall authoritative power for miscarriages , and for reducing churches that fall into heresie and schisme , yet you give more civill power , and allow the magistrate more to interpose for helping and reducing , so that lesse ecclesiasticall power and authority with a large civill power to back it , will be every way as effectuall as much ecclesiasticall authority , with a small civill power : but of this i shall shew you your mistake , because the question is of church matters , and matters of conscience and the inward man , and of the kingdom of christ : now the remedies and meanes appointed for these are spirituall and ecclesiasticall ; namely spirituall punishments : christ saith my kingdom is not of this world ; and the apostle , cor. . , , . the weapons of our warfare are not carnall but mighty through god to the pulling downe of strong holds , by which the spirit and the inward man , even every thought is subjected to the obedience of christ , spirituall remedies and meanes must be used in the kingdome of christ , and by them christ doth his worke , and hence in ecclesiasticall discipline , and those scandalls in the church ( which is the point in hand ) punishments in the body or in the purse , &c. which can be by the power of the magistrate , have no place at all ; * neither can such meanes which are of a different kind from the spirituall kingdome of christ , produce those effects which belong to that heavenly kingdome : 't is out of the sphere of the activity of the politicall magistrate to subdue the inward man , or to inflict spirituall punishment upon the consciences : and there is nothing more common in the writings of the most learned and orthodox divines , then to shew that the civill power and government of the magistrate , and the ecclesiasticall government of the church are toto genere disjoyned , and thereupon the power of the magistrate by which he deales with the corrupt manners and disorders of his people , is in the nature and specificall reason distinct from ecclesiasticall discipline . for the power of the magistrate , by which he punishes sin , doth not subserve to the kingdome of christ the mediator , that he may apply efficaciously to the elect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the propheticall and priestly office of christ ; he doth not affect the inward man and conscience with spirituall punishment , neither is this instituted of god and sanctified as the meanes for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved in the day of christ. hence also by divines , the manifold difference between the censure of excommunication and the punishment of the magistrate is observed , * zanchius doth accurately shew the difference between them , the cause of excommunication is not the punishment of sinne , but the salvation of the sinner , and the edification of the church , and the glory of god : but the scope of the civill magistrate and his office , is that he should punish the sinne it selfe , neither d●…th it looke to the salvation or damnation of the offender : whereupon although the sinner repent , yet he doth not spare , but punisheth according to his office : but the church according to christs doctrine doth not strike with the spirituall sword , unlesse he be impenitent , neither is this done for death but for salvation , therefore where any one rep●…nts , the church receives him : so that in substituting the magistrates power in defect of excommunication , and giving a great deale more civill power for want of spirituall to make it as availeable for those spirituall ends of the church , is to leave the proper remedies and meanes , and to take up others ; and i would desire you to answer me , whether the proper remedies and meanes appointed for such ends and uses , or the improper remedies , nay remedies appointed and intended mainly for other ends , be most effectuall and powerfull to accomplish those ends ? as also whether a part of a proper remedy being assisted and backt with a great proportion of a remedy of another nature and kind , can be as effectuall as the whole remedy and meanes ? as for instance , whether a little grace assisted by civility and fairenesse of nature , will doe as much to overcome lusts and destroy the flesh , as the highest degrees of grace that saints may attaine unto ? and whether a little spirituall knowledge , seconded with a great deale of common and outward knowledge , is as availeable for a christian conversation as great measures of spirituall knowledge , though a man have but a little knowledge in philosophy , physick , law ? &c. but more particularly to let you see , that your recourse unto the magistrate and the magistrates assisting and backing the sentence of non-communion is not comparable to that of excommunication and presbyteriall government ; i shall commend to your consideration these eight following particulars ; first , there may be many sins and errors which the christian magistrate meddles not with , are not matters of his cognisance , if you would have recourse to him , or if the sentence of non-communion be pronounced against a church because of impenitencie in them , he hath nothing to doe to assist and back it ; there are no laws for such things , which yet being spirituall evills and prejudiciall to the souls of men , should be dealt with to recover men out of them : learned zanchius in his differences that he gives between the censure of excommunication and the magistrates censure , observes this for a speciall one : there are many wickednesses against which the magistrate truly christian doth not use to proceed ; neither is bound by his laws ; as for instance , private fallings out , hatreds , &c , as also many evill manners both domesticall and publike , which doe not disturbe the publike peace or the publike good , but the church ought not to bare these , but to correct them according to christs institution ; now what will you doe in this case , here your recourse of submission to the magistrate , with the magistrates backing non-communion faile you and conduce nothing at all . secondly ; in case the magistrates be of those churches and chiefe in those sins , and miscarriages for which non-communion is denounced against those churches ( as may easily fall out ) how will you have the sentence of non-communion now backed and assisted ? both those churches and the magistrates members of them , shall have nothing to back non-communion , to make it equivalent to excommunication ; nay i aske of you , who bring in more of the magistrates power to supply the want of excommunication , where the particular church will not , and the classes may not , what shall be done with the magistrates offending , what meanes hath god left for the recovery of them ? you cannot imagine they will make use of their power against themselves , now if they may not have spirituall remedies and censure , as of excommunication , this principle of the magistrates power falls short here , whereas in presbyteriall government ther 's a remedie and redresse for all , and certainly gods ways of governing his church provides for all , whereas yours falls short . . what if upon the sentence of non-communion denounced against a church or churches , the magistrate judge otherwise , and hold the sentence of non-communion unjust and will not assist it , ( which may ordinarily fall out ) what effectuall meanes hath the offending church of being reduced now by vertue of the magistrates power ? and what must be done in this case ? may the magistrate revoke that sentence of the church , or churches offended , and declare it null , and cause the churches who passed the sentence to recall it , and to continue their communion ? and suppose those churches will not revoke it but stand to their act , what shall be done in this case ? who must judge now between these churches and the magistrate ? may the magistrate now by his power which you give him in ecclesiasticals , instead of backing the sentence of non-communion against a church miscarrying ( as the church supposed ) now turne his power against the church for denouncing the sentence of non-communion uojustly ( as the magistrate judgeth ) and not only declare it void , but punish this church or churches for denouncing such a sentence of non-communion , and declaring and protesting to all other churches that they may doe the like ? and what if all the churches protested to , will continue to renounce communion with the church censured with the sentence of non-communion , notwithstanding the magistrates refusing to assist that sentence , nay though he declare it void ? or what if upon the magistrates declaration , some of the churches give the righ-hand of fellowship againe , but others will not , what must the magistrate , or the churches doe in these cases , and the like ? consider well of it , whether this effectuall way of yours , the magistrates assisting and backing the sentence of non-communion , instead of a powerfull meanes to relieve injured persons , or reduce churches , will not prove a meanes of great differences and divisions , as well between the churches and the magistrate , as between the churches themselves . . must the magistrate assist and back the sentence of non-communion against the church or churches offending and persisting therein , upon the comming of it to him ? and so punish it according to the nature of the crime as he judges meet , without first hearing what the church can say for it selfe , or must he first heare them both ? and in case more churches mutually renounce communion with one another , and protest against each other , with other particulars instanced in about the remedie of non-communion under the fourth generall head , what shall he doe in these cases , must he heare all ? . what magistrate or magistrates doe you meane , to whom in ecclesiasticall causes you will have recourse unto , and that must assist and back the sentence of non-communion ? doe you meane the supreame and chiefe magistrate , the highest powers only , or all inferiour magistrates in their severall stations and divisions where these things fall out , as majors of cities and townes , justices of peace and such magistrates ? or doe you meane the christian protestant magistrate , or magistrates , though heathens , popish , arrians ? or doe you meane by the magistrates power that there shall be courts of civill judicature erected in every division of the counties , to heare the differences that fall out between churches offended one with another ? &c. or what doe you meane ? if you understand the supreame magistrate only and the highest powers , can they alwayes heare or attend unto , through the many great businesses of state affaires , all the differences , scandals , schismes , that both in particular churches , and betweene churches will fall out in a kingdome or nation in this way of non-communion and protestation against one another ? ( especially in independent churches , where people make churches and ministers in that way they doe , and have no fixed rules nor certaine way ) i warrant the supreame magistrate , and higher powers , kings and parliaments shall have something to doe to back the sentence of non-communion , and to heare all causes and differences : but if you understand the inferiors also , majors , bailiffs , &c. i represent it to you , what fit judges most of them are to judge and determine of such difficult ecclesiasticall causes in heresies , schismes , scandals , &c. which fall out amongst the ministers of churches , and between churches themselves : againe , if you understand the magistrate indefinitely and obsolutely , any magistrate , though heathen , popish , arrian , as mr robinson doth in his apologie ; and i find it in your manuscripts and principles , that you take it so ; judge then in your selves if the church hath not remedies among themselves ; how fit are they who understand not christian religion , nor the doctrines according to godlinesse , to judge of the great differences between churches , and to assist the sentence of non-communion against churches ? if the apostle paul reproved the corinthians so in cor. , , , , , , , . for cariying matters from the church ( even the smallest matters , the things that pertained to this life ) unto unbeleevers , how would he blame the carrying of things spirituall and ecclesiasticall unto heathen from the ministers of the church : or doe you understand , that there shall be courts of civill judicature to appeale unto , &c. then there must be certaine laws and rules agreed upon , as for particular churches , so between the churches , according to which they must proceed to back the sentence of non-communion and protestation , &c. ( which yet you practise not . ) now the many inconveniences that would come of such courts you may easily fore-see , so that this is not like to be an effectuall remedy . . what shall be done in case there be no magistrates at all , to take any notice , in matters of religion and church government , but leave churches to themselves in that ; as it was with you in holland , there were no magistrates medled with the government and order of your churches , nor none to have recourse unto , or to backe the sentence of non-communion , you being in a place and state where no outward violence or any other externall authoritie , either civill or ecclesiasticall would have enforced you , what shall in this case supply the defect of excommunication , and of an ecclesiasticall authoritative power ? hath not the wisdome of christ provided remedies in the church for all the internall necessities of the church , and constituted it a perfect bodie within it selfe ? . whether can it be rationally and probably thought that in an ordinary way the having recourse unto the magistrate though orthodox , and the submitting to his particular cognizance and examination of such causes , with his backing the sentence of non-communion in ecclesiasticall causes , in cases of sinnes , errours , differences that arise in churches , should be as effectuall and sufficient a remedie as the way of classes and synods ? and that the magistrates interposing their authoritie and power of another nature will be as good as the authoritative presbyteriall governement in all the subordinations and proceedings of it : now that 't is not probable it should be , or that it should serve in stead of synods and classes , take these probable and rationall grounds . . all wanton wits and erroneous spirits , all your sectaries and novelists are rather for this way then for synods and classes , ( though most of them would have neither to meddle at all in matters of religion , as the socinians , anabaptists , &c. ) thus the arminians were against classes and synods , and all for the power of magistrates , and it was their chiefe engine by which in those sad daies of the netherlands , they encreased their partie , and came to such a height . sectaries hope that if they can decline the ecclesiasticall assemblies , they sha'l what by flatterie , and what by delay ( through other great businesses of state ) and what by sophismes and fallacies , and what from principles of policie in many states-men , and what by friends , &c. effect that which they have no hopes at all by ecclesiasticall assemblies , they know the presbyteries and synods are able to discover their fallacies , answer their arguments , will mind those businesses wholly , are not to be wrought upon by state principles , &c. now if in experience and reason , this way were as powerfull to reduce a church or churches from schisme and heresie , they would never be so much for this way rather then presbyterie . . naturall reason dictates that they are best able and fittest to judge and resolve of things , who doe above others give themselves to the studie and profession of those things , as physitians can best judge of wholesome meats , and diseases , and lawyers of the lawes and differences arising in them , a counsell of warre of difficult cases and points in warre ; and therefore in things that belong to the spirituall good of the soule and the church , the ministers of the church are most likely to resolve and to remedie things : can it ordinarily be expected that the magistrate should in matter of doctrine and opinion , in matters of schisme , and in matters of worthinesse and abilities of ministers , and in many cases that arise , be able to judge and determine matters , as the ministers and pastours of the church ? . those who have most time and leisure to attend a worke and businesse , to sift into it , to heare all that can be said , and can mind it , they being able and understanding are likeliest to determine best , and bring things to a good end : we see in experience that able and honest men through multitudes of businesse , delay long , slubber over businesses , and cannot doe things so effectually as they ought , and seldome prove good arbitratours in difficult , intricate cases : now magistrates through many great and necessarie businesses of state , having large dominions , cannot so well attend as the classes and synods to heare and examine all the differences , scandals , schismes , &c. that doe and may arise both in churches , and betweene churches ( especially as would fall out in the independent way , and particularly in this way of submission , non-communion and mutuall protestation ) but matters would be delayed and neglected , or escape wholly , or be hudled up . . to these i might adde as followes , that the magistrate through his just greatnesse would not know the spirits and dispositions of ministers & people , nor of other matters so well , as the ministers who live among them , and converse with one another frequently , neither would there be that easinesse of accesse to the magistrates and great persons , as to their ministers and pastours , with other such like . . but in ecclesiasticall matters and differences , upon the magistrates interposing his power , what is it you will submit unto ? and what will you allow him to doe ? and what is that power you will give him in backing the sentence of non-communion upon his judgement of the cause ; and how farre and in what will you obey him , that so we may understand how this civill power is intended by you for a remedie and helpe in churches and betweene churches ? for instance will you submit not to gather churches , nor set up assemblies witho●…●…is leave , and upon complaints of the many mischiefes and differences occasioned thereupon , will you upon his hearing both sides , and judging that those who are gathered shall be dissolved , dissolve them and not meet in those wayes any more ? will you upon some members complaining to the magistrate of some minister or ministers in their church , for preaching erroneous and unprofitable doctrine , meere novelties , subtilties , and the magistrate upon particular cognizance and examination of such causes , judging that he shall preach no more , will the minister forbeare upon it ? or the church to heare him in case the minister would not yeeld ? will the church now goe chuse a new and orthodox minister upon it ? or in case a member or more be unjustly excommunicated , and they complaine to the magistrate , who calling the church to account , and hearing both sides , shall judge on the complaiants side , and now order the church to absolve him , and order them to confesse their sinne publikely , and appoint them to keepe a day of humiliation for it , and order them to give him such a summe of mony for the wrong , trouble , and losse of his time in following the businesse against them , will the church now submit to doe all this yea or no ? what say you to these and the like cases ? now i aske you this in the close , because you pretend a great deale of submission to the magistrate , and to give him much power ( which though you did grant , yet for the many reasons and grounds alreadie specified , this would not countervaile the way of the presbyterians in their spirituall censures by presbyters and synods ) whether you clearely and plainly allow this to the magistrate ? because i finde in manuscripts , and heare that in sermons by men of your church-way , the contrarie is publikely preacht and held , as for example in that treatise about a church , which goes under one of your names , there is this passage , with more to that purpose . the saints need not expect their power or leave for to gather together , so as without it such a combination is unlawfull , nor should they forbeare it out of conscience of the magistrates prohibition , indeed if the magistrate should force or compell them to forbeare or persecute them , they may forbeare actuall assembling , ( act. . . ) not because the magistrate forbids it , but in mercie to themselves : and indeed about a church christian magistrates have no more power then heathen magistrates had : so that this is spoken by you where magistrates are christian , and where churches are already setled : and adde to this that m. s. in his reply in defence of your apologie is against coercive and coactive power in matters of religion , and that you all hold a toleration , and that the magistrates ought not to hinder men , or punish them for the matter of their consciences , how then notwithstanding all your discourse of the power of the magistrate , which added to non-communion will be an effectuall meanes to releeve persons injured , to reduce churches and persons going in schisme and errours , shall persons injured be remedied or churches and persons reduced ? for suppose the persons or churches that now fall into such errours and schismes will pretend , nay 't is so really , that they in their conscience hold errours for truths , and thereupon with-draw from such churches to others , nay suppose those who now receive these new truths should cast out of their fellowship , and excommunicate some for holding otherwise , as for instance a church falling into antinomianisme should censure some of their members that remain orthodox for legal christians , and for being enemies to free-grace , and should judge themselves bound to doe so in these and such like cases , what remedie is there for miscarrying churches by all the power of the magistrate you pretend to give to him ? but this is brought in here by you , and given to him , to put of that strong argument against your way , and that you may have something for present to blind the eyes , and stop the mouths of many that looke no further , that it may serve your turne at such a straight , whereas upon other principles you denie the magistrate this when it shall come to be a matter of conscience : and now by all the severall particulars under this fifth head , the understanding reader may observe that not only in many respects your non-communion and magistrates power are not a remedie comparable to the presbyterian way , not proper , nor to the nature of the offences and things in question , a way in stead of bringing things to an end , redressing and mending matters amisse , that will be but the beginning of more strife and making more differences and evils then either it sindes , or can heale , the mother and nurse of confusions , disorders , and endlesse contentions ; but also that all the power here pretended to be given to the magistrate upon examination is no such matter nor will not amount to make good the ends propounded ; whereas the presbyteriall government here scandalized , as either wholly inconsistent with this forme of civill government , or else not giving it its due , will be found by its principles not only to have powerfull spirituall remedies for all spirituall evils of the church , but will be found in many respects to make use of , and to give honour and power to the civill magistrate as a nursing father from first to last , even in the ordinary way of the order and government of the church beyond you , besides what they give more in extraordinary cases , in a church miserably corrupted , disordered , &c. of which the reader may read at large in apollonius ( who was a great presbyterian , cap. . ) and so learned * zanchius in his tractate de magistratis , shewes 't is in the power of the magistrate not to suffer heretickes nor erroneous persons to preach , and he gives him coactive punitive power to cut them off . beza a great presbyterian , in his epistles and other writings , in matters of religion doth not exclude the magistrate , but gives him that power in some things which you deny : but besides that power they give the magistrate , they stand for , as needfull in the church , classes and synods for the government of it : zanchy shewes that discipline cannot take place , where the ministers never meet together , the me●…ting of ministers and ecclesiasticall synods we judge most necessary ; as no politie , common-wealth or kingdome can consist without their meetings , senates and councels ; so there is need of synods for the governing of the church and for the preventing of her●…fies : in a word all things are loose in independent government , every one is left , and may take liberty without controule , to doe what is good in their owne eyes , if they like not any church whereof they are members , they may goe to another , nay , a few in a church disliking that church may goe make a church themselves , and make ministers , and hold what they will , as mr sympson did with some few more , and since some have rent from mr sympsons church as he from mr bridge . the rules they goe by are loose , nothing being fixed nor certaine among them , and there can be no setlednesse of mind , nor consistence of principles , in that way simple and well meaning people according to their principles must be drawn till they come to that , to hold that there are no true churches , nor ministers at all yet upon the earth ( which principle begins to take , and spread already amongst many independents . ) in a word , that liberty and loosenesse , which is from first to last in independent government , holding no authoritative ecclesiasticall power out of the particular congregation to remedie or prevent any matter , and that which is in the particular congregation , being on many grounds and principles of theirs so slight and weake , as the only subject of excommunication being no other kind of sins then may evidently be presumed to be perpetrated against the parties knowne light , &c. as that two or three saints , or now of late six or seven may with-draw from churches defective and impure , and make churches and chuse all officers &c. with other like ; ( so that what need they care then for that church of which they are members though cast out , seeing they can make new , and have all to their owne minde , be chiefe there ) is a dangerous temptation even to sober men , to make them presume to broach that , practise that which else they would never have done . but in the order and government of the reformed churches there is consistence , unitie and strength ( as is evident by a hundred yeares visible experience of gods blessing from heaven upon them ) there is also a certainty and fixednesse of rules agreed on , both for particular congregations , for classes and synods ; there is an awing and preserving of officers and people in their bounds , and keeping them from running out to errours , &c. there being no man , be he never so able or subtill that can escape calling to account and censure . magistrates and ministers have their power in the church without usurpation and confusion , and to conclude in the words of the commissioners of the church of scotland ; were magistrates and civill power acquainted with this order and government of the church , they would finde their authoritie increased , their worke more easie , and their places more comfortable thereby . and now having given an answer to that part of your apologie under that instance of the government and discipline of the churches , by speaking fully of those five heads unto which i referre all your discourse about the government and discipline of the churches , ( beginning in pag. . and ending in the . ) i will for a close speake something to some of your passages contained in this part of your narration , which could not so well be taken in , nor so properly animadverted upon under those five heads without the readers being much confounded and entangled . . to that passage , p. . we had for the most part of the time we were abroad three elders at least in each congregation whom we were subject to : i aske if the churches were subject to the elders , you many times having but three , and sometimes but two , nay one elder , the government of your churches then was either monarchicall government , or oligarchicall at best ? and if the churches were subject to the elders , who were the elders subject to , the elders then were under no subjection , but if the churches were subject to the elders , and not the elders to the churches , riddle me what is the meaning of all those phrases , the church still did so and so , not the elders , the church at roterdam deposed m. ward , and not m. bridge and an elder or two , and so m. nye and m. goodwin the ministers , were sent by the church , and that church which had offended , confessed their sin , and restored their minister to his place againe , which sure was not m. bridge and a lay-elder or two . . to those passages of churches offended , calling to an account churches offending , proceeding to full and open tryals , and examinations , to iudiciarie charges , and deposition of witnesses openly before all commers of all sorts , as can be expected in any court where authority about them enjoyns it , and of a particular church being censurable by neighbour churches about them . i desire to put this disjunctive proposition , either this power of calling to an account , examining , deposing witnesses , censuring them , &c. are acts of ruling and government , and in the churches challenged acts of subjection , or they are not ; if you grant they be acts of rule and government , then there is an authoritative power which churches have out of their churches , and you grant it in such acts at least , though not in that of excommunication : but whether if it be so in these , that of excommunication will not follow , let it be considered , for either the censure of excommunication is not founded upon the common grounds , on which callings to account , and some censures are , or else there is some proper peculiar grounds in the nature of that ordinance , or in the scripture forbidding that , ( though allowing others , ) neither of which will be found to have a foundation in scripture , and if so , why then doe you make all this adoe of entire , full , compleate power within your selves , and are against the combination of churches in classes , and presbyteries , to doe that constantly , certainely and presently upon scandals that fall out in a church , which you doe at best but at uncertainties , and after a long time , when the remedy may come too late , a yeare or two afterwards ; but if you answer these are no acts of government and rule in this church or churches , but meerely acts of consultation , advice , perswasion , and that when the churches offended have heard all , they only give their counsell and advice , and commend it to them , but it is in their liberty to doe or not to doe ; for though they submit to a hearing , and open triall by vertue of the principle of submission , yet they submitted not to stand to the determination and agreement of that church , or churches : i answer , if you meane no more then the bare power of counsell and advice in all this , and no power of authoritative determination and decision , this is no more , nor you give no more to the churches offended then to particular christians who may counsell them in such cases ; and why then doe you hold out such words , and your practise of a full and open triall , and what speake you of roome for complaints , and of subjecting to an open triall , and review of what can be brought , and of being censurable by neighbour churches , &c. whether be not all these the usuall phrases and expressions of acts of power and government ? can there be so much as triall , and examination , and judiciary charges , and deposition of witnesses without authority , much lesse censure ? can you ever shew it either in civill government in common-wealth , or in ecclesiasticall in churches , out of scripture , or stories , where all these acts were exercised and practised by persons who only had power of counsell and advice ? and if you cannot , how can you make it good , but that this must be more then advice and counsell , namely authoritative power . it is given as a rule by your selves , that in matters of a common nature , 't is in ecclesiasticall government as in civill ; now if in all civill assemblies , all these acts and practises be acts of authority and government , why holds it not so in ecclesiasticall ? and further to reason though churches be sisters , and equall each considered by it selfe , yet in cases of offence and difference between churches , the churches complained and appealed unto , to whom the rest submit , should now be greater , and have more power in this thing , then the churches submitting , and their acts should be authoritative , as in reason , , or , men falling out , and choosing and submitting to others to heare the businesse and make an end of it , these are now greater , and have a power and authority over these quo ad hoc , and in these acts and what they doe are acts of power , which they must stand unto or suffer the penalty . thirdly , you speake more then once upon occasion of this scandall committed in that church at rotterdam , of churches as in the plurall number , sister churches to be consulted with before hand , and of your churches mutually and universally acknowledging that principle of submission , and how that church ●…hich with others was most scandalized , did by letters declare their offence , and of requiring a full and publike hearing before all the churches of our nation : now what , and where were those other churches of whom all this is spoke ? i grant , that at arnheim was one church that mr bridges church should have consulted with , or have submitted to , but where were any other churches ? i will yeeld the church at arnheim might by letters declare their offence , but i know not what other churches did by letters doe the like ; i grant the church at arnheim was a church of our nation , before whom the offending church did yeeld a publike hearing , but i know of no other , i will not question but that the church at arnheim , and mr bridges church , did upon the offence of deposing mr ward , acknowledge that principle of submission , and submit to one another , but i doubt no other did then mutually submit , for besides the church at arnheim offended , and mr bridges church offending , there was no other church of your way and communion for the offending church to consult with , or that did write letters , or before whom the businesse was heard , &c. for i suppose and judge mr simpsons new church being at that difference with mr bridges church , and mr bridge with him , mr bridges church should not have consulted with mr simpsons before hand , and that mr bridges church would not have yeelded the principle of submission , to have submitted to a full triall and examination of all proceedings before mr simpsons , and in case mr simpsons church had sent letters declaring their offence , they would have declined it as partiall , and as accounting them the parties offending ; and i never heard that mr simpson with some messengers of his church joyned with the messengers of arnheim in the triall of that businesse of mr ward , or sate as judges , &c. so that i cannot tell why you use churches in the plurall number thus all along in that businesse , but that the reader might conceive for your greater authority and esteeme , and for the greater solemnity of the action , there were more churches besides that at arnheim . fourthly , for those two gentlemen who were sent with the ministers of the church offended , to require an account , whether were those gentlemen elders of the church of arnheim , or private members only ? if they were not elders , why were private members sent before elders , shew us a rule for that ? and satisfie us how private persons and no officers of the church should represent the church ? but if they were elders , why doe you name them gentlemen only and not speake of them as officers ? . whether though you make so sure of it , yet it be not to be doubted upon the grounds of reason and light of nature , that it is not more brotherly and more suited to that liberty and equality christ hath endowed his churches with , but a point of greater authority , inequality and usurpation for foure men ( grant them to be a church representative ) to take upon them what those foure members of arnheim did to a whole church for so many dayes , so fully and judiciarily to proceed ( as you write in the page ) then for a whole presbyterie of ministers and elders , or a grave synod to call to an account , and heare the offences of two or three in a particular church , and together with that church representative to decree such censures , as publike acknowledgement of their offences , or excommunication , &c. sixtly , i much wonder how you can call the meeting of mr goodwin and mr nye , with two gentlemen more , calling mr bridge with the rest of that church , supposed to be delinquents , such a sol●…mne assembly , the solemnity of which hath left as deepe an impr●…ssion upon your hearts of christs dreadfull presence as ever you have bee●… present at : certainely you have either been but at few solemne assemblies where christs dreadfull presence hath been , or else your phancie was mighty high at that time , as to make such a deepe impression upon you of a dreadfull presence as ever you have been at : let me aske mr nye , what was this assembly , beyond the solemne generall assembly of scotland , where you were present when the great solemne covenant of the kingdomes passed , of which you write so highly into england ? or was it beyond the assembly of divines , wherein not only two of you are for consultation , but all you ●…ive , ( with so many other godly divines , where instead of two gentlemen assisting then , here the worthies of both houses , lords and commons assist , ) nay a theatre of all other the most judicious and severe , where much of the piety , learning and wisedome of two kingdomes are met in one ( as your selves confesse afterwards in the page , ) i am of the mind there are ordinarily many assemblies , and where you may have been , that have a more dreadfull presence of christ then that had . the church meeting to partake in the lords supper , cal'd the dreadfull and terrible houre by some of the fathers , the church meeting to excommunicate an impenitent sinner , ( where there is a promise of binding in heaven what is bound on earth ) which you cannot shew in your principle of submission and non-communion : but this parenthesis is drawne in , in the relation of your practise ( like many other particulars in this book ) to take with the simple people , and to possesse them with the excellencie and majesty of your congregationall way , beyond the presbyteriall and synodicall , and this passage here with many others in your apologeticall narration , are paralell to passages in mr bachelours letters , ( who after his suddaine conversion to the church-way , ) for want of better arguments to winne the people , and to evince the truth of the church-way , writes thus . for mine own part , though but a few weeks agone when i was in england , i found some objection in my spirit , against the way of the holland churches , and conceived wrongfully ( as mr edwards now doth ) through misunderstanding cast abroad by them , whose sore eyes cannot endure the light of truth , yet since by a good hand of providence i have been at rotterdam and beheld the beautifull face of holinesse , the lively representations of iesus christ in his ordinances , the sweet and blessed communion of the saints in all love and dearenesse , mine objections are removed , mine heart is convinced , and i thinke many thousands in england as well as my selfe would soone be overcome at the very sight thereof . a soule of gratious ingenuity needs no other rhetorick to winne it then the presence of these heavenly administrations ? but what anabaptist or antinomian cannot say all this for their way , and more too , crying out the ravishments of the spirit , free and glorious grace , &c. . you speake of consulting with sister churches before that you proceed to matters of great moment , and that you professed publikely in cases of concernment you ought so to doe , pag. . and yet in page . you claime a full and entire power compleat within your selves untill you shall be challenged to erre grossely , now how doe these agree ? for if you must consult before hand , then 't is not an entire , full , compleate power before miscarrying , and 't is but a power of consulting and advising after miscarriages and erring grossely , and not an authoritative power . . whereas you call presbyteriall excommunication , excommunication pretended ; how much more truly may we call non-communion pretended , and protestation pretended ? for besides that in the scripture , excommunication is to be found , there is such a censure there , but no such sentence at all as non-communion ; there is also ground in scriptures , that churches may be excommunicated as well as particular persons , and of this in the observations and annotations upon your apologeticall narration , page , . you may reade strong proofes , which your good friend m. s. thought best to take no notice of , as not knowing how to answer them , and i turne them over from m. s. to you five , to give a satisfying answer . . for that learned speech made at the introduction and entrance into that solemne assembly , as the preface to it , that it was the most to be abhorred maxime that any religion hath ever made profession of , &c. i say 't is but a meere flourish , and according to the proverbe , her 's a great deale of cry , but a little wool , and notwithstanding all these swelling words , you are guilty indeed , what in words and phrases you deny , and in the more proper place when i shall speake to it in page , of your apologie , i will evince you are guilty of independent liberty . thus we have rendred some small account of those , the saddest dayes of our pilgrimage on earth , wherein although we enjoyed god , yet besides many other miseries ( the companions of banishment ) we lost some friends and companions , our f●…llow labourers in the gospell , as precious men as this earth beares any , through the distemper of the place , and our selves came hardly off that service with our healths , yea lives . to this section which containes the close and winding up of that part of your narration , during the time of your exile . i answer , it is a small account indeed you have rendred to what you seeme to hold out , and to what such a narration should have amounted , concealing ●…nd reserving so much of your practise and wayes , ( as i have before observed ; ) and as for those words , the saddest dayes of our pilgrimage on earth , &c. i wonder at them , sure you have been very happy men , and have enjoyed many very good dayes , that in your whole pilgrimage on earth of forty yeares and upwards , those three or foure yeares in holland , where you enjoyed so many outward comforts and blessings , should be your saddest dayes ; for my part i cannot say so ; neither am i satisfied in those words , besides many other miseries the companions of banishment : for though in some banishments there are many other miseries the companions of them , as deprivation of wife , children , friends , maintenance , with nakednesse , hunger , wandring up and downe in strange and desolate places , harsh usage in a strange land , yet you felt none of these : but on the contrary , you enjoyed wives , children , estates , suitable friends , good houses , full fare , i cannot imagine fewer miseries , ( had you been in england ) could have waited upon you , then did there , ( unlesse that of bitter divisions , and deadly differences , the constant companions of your church-way : ) i could name many more miseries did abide some of us that stayed behind , and might have done you to , had you stayed in england : as for those two instanced in , particularly the losse of some friends and companions , your fellow-labourers in the gospell , and your selves comming off hardly with your healths , yea lives , i must tell you , those cannot properly and truly be called the companions of your banishment ; for those two ministers ( namely mr archer and mr harris ) according to all reason and humane probability might not have lived longer in england , both of them ( as it is well knowne ) having been long weake men in consumptions , and sometimes nigh unto death before they went , and for one of these ministers mr archer , he was so farre from being worse that he grew better and stronger in stomack , sleepe , strength and spirits after he went over into holland , ( as besides the many letters writ into england to friends of all sorts of the healthfulnesse of that place where he was with some of you , and of the encrease of his strength , ) i have letters written to me under his own hand , to shew the contrary to what you affirme both of the distemper of the place , and of the many other miseries the companions of that banishment : in one letter he writes thus ; for holland , it is much better then i expected , for pleasantnesse , health , plenty of flesh and foule : we alter not o●…r english diet in any thing : utrich is a brave city , a university with godly professors , full of english ; a man may live as pleasantly there as at hartford . and in another , my stomack , sleepe , strength and vigour , are sensibly increased , the lord be praised : and besides these letters the thing it selfe speakes , for whereas in england he was not able to preach , nor had not hardly three times in three yeares , after he came into holland he was pastor of the church at arnheim , and preached constantly , and had that strength to beget a sonne , whereas he being married many yeares in england never had any child . and not only from him but from others also there have been many letters sent to commend the places where you lost your fellow labourers , to be so healthfull and pleasant as to resemble them to bury in suffolke and hart ford . as for that high praise of those two worthy ministers , as precious men as this earth beares any : i thinke it becomes you not , they being yours , and of your way , and cannot be interpreted by the understanding reader , but that you take occasion here , as in all other places of your apologeticall narration , to magnifie and cry up your own party , the more to make people to be in love with your way , which had as precious men as this earth beares any , but i judge it is too high and hyperbolicall ; for though i dearely loved the men , and doe acknowledge they were precious , and beleeve they are gone ( as that great divine said in his sicknesse he was going ) where luther and zuinglius doe well agree ; yet i must needs correct that phrase , as this earth beares any : for i am of opinion that both in learning and piety they were inferiour to some , not only in the earth which is wide and spatious , containing churches and ministers more pretious then you know of , but in this earth of england and scotland , and your encomium of them ( if you remember what you writ before of some pretious men alive now in new-england as ever this kingdome bred ) and granting that new-england is the earth , doth amount to this , that these two ministers mr archer and mr harris , were as pretious men as ever were in england , which you must pardon me if i doubt it , ( for i beleeve whitakers , reynolds , baynes , greeneham , dod , brightman , with many more were more pretious : ) as for that other instance , your selves comming hardly off that service with your healths , yea lives ; i have not heard of any great sicknesses any of you five had there , ( excepting mr bridge who came hardly off with his health , ) some of you indeed had agues there , which you might have had in england , in suffolk , or in oxfordshire , and for mr bridges sicknesse , i judge it was as well occasioned , and strengthened upon the unhappy differences and bitter divisions between him and mr simpson , and mr ward and their churches , and the wicked reports raised upon him , which discontented and troubled his spirit , as by the distemper of the place or change of the aire ; and for others of you , how fat and well liking you came backe into england , and how all of you returned well clad and shining beyond most of us , who lived alwaies in england , many can witnesse , and have spoken of it ( all which were no great signes either of the many other miseries the companions of your banishment , nor of the comming off so hardly with your healths and lives . ) when it pleased god to bring us his poore exiles backe againe in these revolutions of the times , as also of the condition of this kingdome , into our own land ( the powring forth of manifold prayers and teares for the prosperitie whereof , had been no small part of that publike worship we offered up to god in a strange land ; ) we found the judgement of many of our godly , learned bretheren in the ministerie ( that desired a generall reformation ) to differ from ours in some things , wherein we doe professedly judge the calvinian reformed churches of the first reformation from out of poperie , to stand in need of a further reformation themselves ; and it may without prejudice to them , or the imputation of schisme in us from them , be thought that they comming new out of popery ( as well as england ) and the founders of that reformation not having apostolique infallibilitie , might not be fully perfect the first day , yea and it may hopefully be conceived , that god in his secret , yet wise and sacred dispensation , had left england more unreformed , as touching the outward forme , both of worship and church-government , then the neighbour churches were , having yet powerfully continued a constant conflict and contention for a further reformation for these foure score yeares , during which time he had likewise in stead thereof , blessed them with the spirituall light ( and that encreasing ) of the power of religion in the practique part of it , shining brighter and clearer then in the neighbour churches , as having in his infinite mercie on purpose reserved and provided some better thing for this nation when it should come to be reformed , that the other churches might not be made perfect without it , as the apostle speaks . having apologized for your selves and way in your principles , opinions , practises and carriage towards all sorts both before your exile and in your exile , here in this section you come to apologize for your selves , and for what you have done since your comming back into england , both before the assemblie and since the assemblie , untill the time of putting forth this present apologeticall narration , which beginning in this section is continued by you in the following sections to the th page : but brethren why doe you in the beginning of this part of your apologie give your selves that name of gods poore exiles , was it not enough to have said , when it pleased god to bring us backe againe into our owne land ; but you must call your selves gods exiles and poore exiles ; i wonder you tearmed not your selves poore pilgrims : but the reason why you name your selves so here , and in this apologie take occasion so often to speake of exile and banishment , may easily be guest at , namely to commend your persons and way the more to the people , and for want of better , to take them with such popular arguments , as suffering a grievous exile : thus in many other passages of your apologie , you bring in and insert many such kind of phrases to worke with the people the more , but doe insinuate many things against the presbyteriall way , as of engagements , publike interest , &c. but let me a little examine whether you five can fitly be stiled gods poore exiles , i thinke to speake properly , you neither were exiles , nor poore , for you were not banished , nor forced out of your owne laud , neither by being brought into the high-commission court , or by letters missive , and attachments out against you , ( as ever i heard ) but ( excepting m. burroughes who fled in haste , as being in dangers for words spoken ) you went at your own times over into holland with all conveniences of your families and other companie . * among the greekes fuga was called exilium , and so you flying out of the kingdome , in that sense may be cal'd exiles , but how ever in some sense you may call it exile , because you did flie out of your owne country ( though none persecuted you ) to shun persecution before it came , as foreseeing possibility of danger , yet you can in no sence be called poore exiles , for you were rich exiles , who in holland enjoyed many conveniences and such abundance , as to be able ( some of you ) to spend or . lb. per annum , and to doe other expensive acts ( which for present i forbeare to name ) and i can produce letters of many conveniencies which you enjoyed there ; letters before quoted by me of m. archers speake so much . poore exiles are such who have no certaine dwelling-place , maintenance , friends , but how they can be called poore exiles , that enioy wives , children , friends full and liberall maintenance annually , liberty of callings , with all pleasures and delights as much , or rather more then in their owne countrey i see not : suppose some merchants and tradesmen who could not so well nor so much to their advantage follow their callings , and drive their trade in their owne countrey should for their better advantage , and accomodatons in these kinds , goe with their families into another countrey , can these be called exiles ? suppose a minister , who disliking some things here in the present government to be established ; or wanting a liberall maintenance , or fearing the warre , should goe over to roterdam , hambrough to preach to the company of merchants there , where he shall have better meanes , can this minister be stiled a poore exile : now i leave you and the readers to make application . as for those words : gods bringing you backe againe in these revolutions of the times into your owne land . i know god permitted it , and ordered it , but i well know satan hastened and furthered it , for the dividing of the godly party here , and for the obstructing the worke of reformation and hindering the setling the government of the church , that so in the meane time he might increase his kingdome , and bring in a floud of all errours and licentiousnesse upon us ; and brethren let me speake sadly to you ( not out of passion , but out of long and serious deliberation ) it had been good for you , and for us that you had continued exiles still , and that neither you five , nor they of new-england had heard of the revolution of our times and gods visiting us in mercie , till the church and government had been setled ; i am confident that things had not then been at that passe now as they are : as for that parenthesis , the powring forth of manifold prayers and teares for the prosperitie of the kingdome in a strange land : i will not gaine-say it , onely let me mind you of two passages in your apologie , our selves had no hopes of ever so much as visiting our own land again in peace and safety to our persons , and the other , when we had least dependencie on this kingdome , or so much as hopes ever to abide therin in peace . now take away faith & hope , & endeavors will much cease , & this i judge should much hinder your praiers and teares for the prosperitie of the land ( for my part i had much hope of the kingdom , when things were at worst , and i exprest it both in preaching and conference to many , and some can witnesse what i have said to them of the arch-bishop of canterbury and the rest of that faction , and of the revolution of the times ) god was pleased so to support my spirit , that i expected and waited ( as men doe for the light of the morning ) when that every day god would arise , and doe some great worke and change the times and seasons . as for your finding the judgement of many of your godly , learned brethren in the ministerie ( that desired a generall reformation ) to differ from yours in some things , that was no marvell , i wonder you could expect it otherwise , being but a few young men of yesterday , and going a way by your selves so different from all reformed churches : but i must tell you , you found not onely the judgement of many godly ministers that desired a generall reformation , but the judgement of them all , who were in publike imployment , and of any great account to differ from yours , not onely in some things , but even in your whole church way ; how ever that since by your presence , and your politick way of working , and the strong streame of popular applause running that way , some few ministers , uncertaine , heady , inconstant , wanton-witted men are since come off to your way ; but as for your confidence and open profession that in the things wherein you differed from many of your godly brethren , that you professedly judge the calvinian reformed churches of the first reformation from out of poperie to stand in need of a further reformation themselves . i answer they may doe so , and i know no church yet so perfect but may stand in need of some further reformation , and the commissioners of the church of scotland grant you so much , pag. . that they are most willing to heare and learne from the word of god what needeth further to be reformed in the church of scotland : now whether your churches and those of new england be so perfect , ( though not of the first reformation ) as to stand in no need of a further reformation in government i much doubt , especially considering that letter lately come from new-england written by m. parker , as also a nother letter from m. wilson of boston , and a terrible lette from a reverend godly minister there , whose name i have been entreated to conceale ( least it might much prejudice him there , ) but for answer i must tell you i doe professedly judge , that in your sence in the things excepted against by you , the reformed churches ( particularly that of scotland ) need not a further reformation , namely to come to your principles of democracie , independencie , libertinisme , and to keepe all those and their children from admission into the visible church whom you keepe out , and to condemne as unlawfull all set formes of prayer composed by synods and assemblies ( though never so holy and heavenly for matter and frame : ) and as to that , that it may without prejudice to them , or the imputation of schisme in you be thought that comming new out of poperie , they might not be fully perfect the first day . i answer , they never thought so , neither were they so fully perfect in church government the first day , but the reformed churches ( particularly the french-churches ) had many synods , assemblies and colloquies , where points of government and order have been further debated , cleared , and canons added , and in the church of scotland after doctrine was established , they were exercised in conferences and assemblies about matters of discipline and government ( which is the perfection spoken of here by you ) above twenty yeares . besides considering that the reformed churches both in france , scotland and holland , have heretofore been troubled with the maine of your principles , and have heard all the arguments and reasons for them , and against their owne way , and that both of old , and now of later yeares , scotland of old having been troubled with the separatists , and the churches of france by morellius , against whom sadeel did write , and * beza in his epistles writes against that principle of the power of the people , that nothing is ratified except the people present by their expresse suffrages doe decree it , and against * private mens prophecying in the church : and of late ( though the controversie be growne so high ) yet divines both in holland and scotland ( as your selves confesse ) have writ against your way , and can see no light i●…m it , and in a generall assembly of scotland since our parliament , the point being moved and debated there , it was concluded against by the whole assembly , nemine contradiconte , as a letter written from that assembly to many ministers in the city ( which i heard read at a meeting ) testifies , neither are any of the reformed churches yet satisfied , by all that hath been written about your independent government , nor our present assembly by all they have heard from you , after so many dayes speaking for your way : so that what the reformed churches stand for now , is not as comming new out of poperie , and so wanting light ( as you assert ) and therefore though they had not apostolicke infallibilitie , yet they might well be in the right for church-government , and therefore the reformed churches , and the church of england too judging of government now after above . years comming out of poperie , and after hearing all that hath been said , and that you can say ( now after almost a yeares sitting in the assembly . ) they yet judge presbyteriall government by classes and synods to be the true forme of church-government , against your independencie , so that now the ground you going upon , being taken away , you cannot without great prejudice to the reformed churches so peremptorily judge them ( as you doe in this place of your apologie : ) and as your practise cannot be without prejudice to them , and the imputation of schisme in you from them , to set up new churches and divide from them upon these grounds , so this passage of yours here against all the reformed churches , cannot avoyd the suspition of great arrogancie and pride , to proclaime your selves to see more then all the churches in worship and government , and to judge them so : 't is a high presumption that five such young men as you are , and no deeplier studied , should thus proudly , and tanquam ex tripode , so magisterially conclude against all the reformed churches . certainly , had you had the humilitie of many of gods servants you would rather have feared , and questioned whether you might not have been mistaken in your grounds , and therefore modestly have propounded your doubts to the assembly to have resolved them , rather then before the points ever came to be debated in the assembly ( in such matters where you goe against the common streame of all reformed churches ) to have thus professedly , peremptorily and resolvedly ; both in this section , and in the next pag. . determined the questions . and brethren let me friendly mind you who are you five ? of what standing , reading , graces to take so much to your selves ; and to be so peremptory , that you should see that , which all the reformed churches doe not , nor are not able by any of your arguments , nor what else is extant to see or be convinced of ; but as for the close to this part of the section concerning the calvinian reformed churches , that it may hopefully be conceived that god left england more unreformed as touching government and worship then the neighbour churches were , &c. it is a strange speech , and savours of a strange high conceit of your owne way of independencie , and of your great light and abilitie in this assembly , ( where the church of england is to be reformed ) and to speake plainly , the english and sence of all these lines is this , that it may be hopefully conceived that god in his secret , yet wise and gracious dispensation hath all this long time for above . years left england more unreformed , and of his infinite mercy on purpose reserved it for this present assembly , that m. goodwin , m. nye , &c. might bring a new light in church government and order , and so scotland and the neighbour-churches might be new-moulded into their way : but how ever some of you are men of strong fancies , and all of high confidences of your owne opinions and wayes , yet i beleeve you will be deceived at this time , ( how ever you may comfort your selves and churches with the hopes of prevailing at another time , saying that presbyterie shall fall as episcopacie hath done after it's time ) ( one of that way for want of arguments having used such words to me ) and that m. goodwin , m. nye , &c. will not be able to effect what they desire and hope for , but it may be rather hopefully conceived , that in stead of the reformed churches comming to them , these five members of the assembly at last , with others to , upon this glorious reformation will be brought to joyn with other reformed churches , according to the solemn covenant and oath themselves have entred into . we found also ( which was as great an affliction to us as our former troubles and banishment ) our opinions and wayes ( wherein we might seeme to differ ) environed about with a cloud of mistakes and misapprehensions , and our persons with reproaches ; besides other calumnies as of schisme , &c. ( which yet must either relate to a differi●…g from the former ecclesiasticall government of this church established , and then who is not involved in it as well as we , or to that constitution and government that is yet to come ; and untill that be agreed on , established and declared , and actually exist , there can be no guilt or imputation of schisme from it , ) that proud and insolent title of independencie was affixed unto us , as our claime ; the very sound of which conveyes to all mens apprehensions the challenge of an exemption of all churches from all subjection and dependence , or rather a trumpet of defiance against what ever power , spirituall or civill , which we doe abhorre and detest , or else the odious name of brownisme together with all their opinions as they have stated and maintained them , must needs be owned by us : although upon the very first declaring our judgements in the chiefe and fundamentall point of all church discipline , and likewise since it hath been acknowledged that we differ much from them . and we did then , and doe here publikely professe , we beleeve the truth to lye and consist in a midle way betwixt that which is falsely charged on us , brownisme ; and that which is the contention of these times , the authoritative presbyteriall government in all the subordinations and proceedings of it . i desire you to resolve me , and the reader , how the first sentence in this section , your opinions and wayes environed about with a cloud of mistakes and misapprehensions and your persons with reproaches can stand with those words in the page : we found many of those mists that had gathered about us , or were rather cast upon our persons in our absence , begun by our presence againe , and the blessing of god upon us , in a great measure to scatter and vanish without speaking a word for our selves and cause . and now if upon your presence only and that without speaking a word they vanished and were scattered , how did they then vanish upon speaking for your selves and way , and then how could this cloud of mistakes , &c. so easily blowne away by your breath , nay without your breath be so great an affliction to you , ( certainely you are men very tender of any mistake , misapprehension or reproach upon you , ) but i thinke it may be salved by your comparison as great to us as our former troubles and banishment ; both much alike great , that is , neither of them : but what meane you by that parenthesis ( wherein we might seeme to differ ) did but your opinions seeme to differ from ours , and doe they not really ? why then have you , and doe you make all this adoe in our church ? as for your opinions and wayes environed with mistakes and misapprehensions , i know nothing for my part hath been fasten'd upon your wayes , but what hath been found in letters , manuscripts , your known practises , and in printed books of new-england , and in the discourses of your own members and familiars : but if some men who have not studied the points , nor given themselves to understand your way , did mistake and misapprehend you , that was your own fault , that walking so in the darke , and having been so often desired to give a narrative of what you hold in difference , never yet would ; as for the calumnies east upon you of schismes , independencie and brownisme , with the reasons inserted to vindicate your selves from them . i shall first give a generall answer to them together , and then to each of them apart . . in generall , how ever you doe in words wash your hands of these imputations , and wipe your mouthes , confidently denying them , yet all the water in the thames will not wash you from all just imputation of these : it is no new thing for men who goe in bye wayes and maintaine errors whether more fundamentall , or superstructory , to abominate the names and titles given to those opinions , whether from the authors who first broacht them , or from the matter of them , and to deny the opinions and points charged upon them , by finding out some distinctions , or doubtfull words and expressions to cloud them with , in which sense they wrap up themselves , and deceive many , and so give other names : i might fill up a book in giving instances out of antient and moderne writers of this artifice : those who are commonly called saracens , their name is haggarens , ( as comming of hagak ) but they would not be so called , but name themselves saracens , sons of the free-woman : the schwenefeldians , cal'd by luther , philip melancton and other famous divines , stenckfeldians , from the ill savour of their opinions , yet schuvenckfeldius entituled them with that glorious name , the confessors of the glory of christ. the antinomians will not endure to be called by that name , but stile themselves the hearers of the gospell , and of free-grace ; the old separatists could not endure to be called brownists , or barrowists , ( as appeares by the title of mr robinsons apologie , ) so , you will not endure the titles of schisme , separation , independencie , but you call it the congregationall government , and the church way , and an entire , full , compleate power , but by no meanes independent government , that will not be indured ; as no sin will be called willingly by its own name , but takes other names ; drunkennesse will be cal'd good fellowship , covetousnesse good husbandry and providence ; so few errors will be called after the name of the first father , or the matter simply they hold ; and i could give you many reasons of this , amongst others take these : . many are possessed by books and arguments against such and such errours under such names and titles ; now that erroneous men may avoid all the dint of the arguments and the impressions such names and termes have left upon many , they disclaime the ould and invent new words and phrases against which the people have not been possest , the better to take them . . erroneous spirits would have nothing fixt or certaine to be fastned on them , upon which able men might bring arguments and reasons against them : but the reader shall see all this will not help you , but that the just charge of these must lye upon you . . to answer particularly , you are justly charged of schisme and separation , and if you consult with the scriptures and authors both antient and moderne : austin , calvin , zanchius , morneus , peter martyr , iunius , perkins , parker , and see what they write of schisme and separation , you will be found guilty of it , and as for the argument brought by you by which you would cleare your selves from schisme , that it must either relate to your differing from the former ecclesiasticall government of bishops , or to that constitution and government that is yet to come , &c. i answer , though it relate to neither of them , yet it may arise from other causes , your disjunctive proposition doth not containe a full enumeration of all the causes , or reasons of schisme , for the non-conformists did of old differ from that former ecclesiasticall government , and yet were never justly accused of separation and schisme , but writ most vehemently against it , neither is schisme to be judged of upon some difference in judgement which may be from that constitution and government , that is yet to come , for though some men should differ from it , as not holding it the best government , yet so long as they separate not from the publike worship and ordinances , neither doe draw people into separated assemblies , they cannot be charged with separation ; the ground therefore of schisme imputed to you , comes as from your forsaking our publike assemblies , and separating from gods ordinances and his servants , because of mixt communion , and setting up of churches against our church , and going on still in that way , notwithstanding all the reformation begun , and that which is likely to be perfected ; so also from not joyning your selves with the other reformed churches . but if you say , that you cannot be counted guilty of schisme and separation , because you doe not withdraw from us with condemnation of us , as no true churches , nor true ministers , ( as the brownists doe . ) i answer , you doe the same thing they doe , though upon different grounds ; now suppose a woman should withdraw from her husband , and joyne to another ordinarily , yet not with condemnation of him as no husband , but would now and then keep communion with him ; suppose a servant forsake his master , and joyne to another , yet comes away without rayling against him , doth this justifie him ? but why make you such a businesse of it ( as you doe ) to forsake the communion of all our churches , and of all the reformed churches , and of joyning to churches only of such a constitution , if you condemned them not ? what though you doe not leave them as antichristian , babilonish , as false and untrue , yet if you leave such churches , because impure , defective , under bondage , not of so good a constitution ? in this you condemne them , and so are guilty of schisme : i aske of you , if the members of some of your churches should upon grounds , not because you are false churches , and false ministers , but because you are not to pure as some others , nor as they could set up a church ? ( as for instance , because wicked men are admitted to prayer amongst you , or because the ordinance of hymnes is not yet setled in all your churches , &c. ) forsake and leave your assemblies , and yet should openly professe they doe not condemne your churches as no churches , but only joyne to churches of a purer constitution , or set up a new church ( as mr simpson did ) whether is this a schisme and separation ? doe you not hold this unlawfull , ( especially this being without your consents , nay against them ( as not being satisfied in the reasons and causes of such a departure . ) now if it be schisme and separation in some of your members , pray free your selves , and in your reply wash your churches from this offence , in withdrawing from ours , and answer that axiome , that magis & minus non variant speciem , and what ever you can say for your departing from us to enjoy further degrees of purity , or because our churches are defective in some ordinances , &c. that your members may for themselves , ( for according to your own confession in apologie , page . you differ little from us and the reformed church , yea farre lesse then the anabaptists or some sort of brownists doe from you : now then i put this dilemma to you , whether is it schisme in your members or not ? if it be schisme in them , and they may not leave your churches , then it is schisme in you , and you may not forsake ours ; but if it be no schisme in them , but they may doe so , members may still goe from one pure church to a purer ( according to their new light , ) then satisfie me where you will stay , and make a stand ? and what is schisme and separation ? and whether a great gap and wide dore be not left open for schisme upon schisme , and separation upon separation , from your churches to the brownists , and from the brownists to the anabaptists , and so in infinitum ? and let me tell you , though you who are schollers have found out these distinctions about our churches and ministers , whereby you think you salve all , and so make account you are not guilty of schisme , ( as the learned papists having distinctions about images , worship , &c. say , they worship not the images , but the persons in the images , &c. ) ( though the people who doe not so well understand nor cannot always remember such distinctions ) worship the very images , and that with the same worship as they doe god , ) so the people who by your counsell and example , had forsaken our churches , they leave our churches and ministers as not true , they condemne our churches and ministers , and wonder at those passages in your apologie , page . and say they took you otherwise , and so they become guilty of schisme and separation without such distinctions , ( though you with distinctions . ) for that title of independencie affixed unto you as your claime , it is well you call it a proud and insolent title , had i stiled it so in my reasons against independent governement , it would have been counted by your side a reviling of the way of god , and a casting great reproach upon christs government ; but i shall give you and the reader a good account for that title affixed unto the church-way and communion that you are of , ( and if it be offensive you must blame your selves , and your own party , and not me : ) this independencie and independent government , was a name of your own giving , and sure , i , and others might lawfully call the child by the name the father and friends gave it ; to speak nothing of the name of independent government given to particular congregations in many books of the totall separatists maintaining it formally in those words , it will be found in many printed books and manuscripts written by many men of your way and communion , ( namely of the middle way as you call it ) who owne and call the government of particular congregations independant , and reason for it under that name . amongst others you shall find it in these books , protestation protested , mr davenports profession of his faith , sions prerogative royall , * a discourse opening the nature of episcopacie , the answer from new-england to mr herles book against independencie , in a christ upon his throne ; and in manuscripts not a few , particularly in a manuscript intituled , a treatise about a church , ( going under one of your names ) speakes often of independent power and independent government . besides independent government hath been preached for at margrets church in westminster , and the city of london in those words , so that i wonder how you dare make such a flourish ; for my part i should never have invented the name , neither would it have ever entred into my mind , but that it was common in the books , manuscripts and mouthes of men of your way : and this hath been taken so for granted , that not i alone ( who might more easily have mistaken ) writ against the government of your congregations under that name , but the learned and reverend divines of scotland writ against it under that name , ( using those tearms and phrases often ) and the learned divines of holland , ( particularly voctius ) a and a learned and ingenious divine of our own too , writ against your government under the title of independencie , ( whose book containes many passages particularly referring to you the apologists : ) and so ● mr channell who candidly testifies for you , ( even when he would free you from being called brownists ) yet saith you be commonly cal'd the independent ministers , and doth by way of distinction from the reformed churches , call your congregations independent . but yet further to fasten on you ( as you are pleased to stile it , that proud and insolent title of independencie ) however that you disclaime the title here and in other pages , , yet you acknowledge the thing abundantly in the book , namely a full and entire power , compleat within your selves , untill you be challenged to erre grossely , and then when you are challenged to erre grossely , and upon examination and deposition it is fully proved , yet you will not subject to any authoritative , ecclesiasticall power out of the particular congregation , this is the only thing in your apology largely , and with any seeming strength insisted upon , and for the exemption from that , you have found out the device of submission and non-communion , and tell us your solemne practise upon it , with the successe of it : now what else hath been fastned on you as your claime by them who have writ against your way , but this , did any of the divines commended by you ? or did i in my reasons against your governement , write in any other sense but in the point of ecclesiasticall government and power ? did we lay to your charge in our writing against independencie , that you challenged an exemption of all churches from all subjection and dependance , or rather , that you should blow a trumpet of desiance against what ever power , spirituall or civill ? did i , or any others charge you with refusing all subjection to the civill magistrate ? and for that other dependance of consultation and non-communion upon other churches , the power you give in that kind to synods , &c. i acknowledged it in my eight reason , and argued from thence to the power of excommunication ; why then doe you deale thus deceitfully and doubly , pretending to abhorre and detest independencie as it was objected and pleaded against you , when as besides the very words and phrases found in so many printed books and notes , you hold all that in the question , which is the difference betwixt you and the presbyterians , as also in some of your books , independent and entire power are termini convertibiles , ( as in the title of sions prerogative royall ) ( which entire , full , compleate power , in terminis , and in so many sillables you owne more then once in this apologie , ) so that all your great words of abhorring and detesting the exemption of your churches from all power spirituall , or civill , will not save you from independencie justly affixed unto you : as for civill power , it is not the question in controversie , neither was it affixt unto you , and for spirituall power properly cal'd you deny it all along , in many pages speaking against authoritative power often , page , , . and to put you this dilemma , either you give authoritative power to other churches , or you doe not , if you doe give it , why doe you speake so against it in your apologie , but if you doe not give it , why would you make your reader beleeve you doe give spirituall power , and are not against it , is not this doubling and shuffling , and troubling the waters that the reader cannot tell where to find you , nor what you hold , ( too great an evidence of a weake and bad cause , becomming not such men as you would be taken for ) truth is open and naked , and doth not seeke out holes and subterfugies . but brethren doe not deceive your selves , nor your reader any longer , if you be not against spirituall power properly so called of any classes or synods in reference to particular congregations , what meane you by all you say from page , to the end of the ? and of all that controversie and tragedies made by you against the reformed churches , for giving a power to classes and synods ; and let me intreate you , ( that the controversie may be brought to some end between you and us ) in your reply set down particularly what you will allow to classes synods , generall assemblies and councels , in matter of government ? and whether that you will allow and give authority and power yea or no , and what you will not give nor allow them , and then state the question so , and i doe promise you in my rejoynder to apply my selfe to give you satisfaction ( as if you except excommunication , ordination , or what else ) to show you the grounds for them , and if we love truth and peace , either you shall win me , or i you . . for the odious name of brownisme , together with all their opinions , as they have stated and maintained them , must needs be owned by us . i answer , brownisme ( as you in these words expresse it ) hath not been fastned on you by any that i know , but on the contrary , you have been commonly contra-distinguish'd from them , being called independents , semi-separatists ; and in my reasons against independent government , i doe in many passages difference you from them ; and for all their opinions , as they have stated and maintained them , namely drawing such consequences , and conclusions , and going so farre as they , i have often vindicated you , but yet , for all that you cannot justly free your selves from the odious name of brownisme in most of the fundamentall principles and practises of your churches , no not with all your artifices and specious pretences : as the brownists growing up , and out of the anabaptists , did refine and qualifie anabaptisine in many things , in government , prophecying , &c. so have you refined and qualified brownisme from the grossenesse and rigidnesse of it , as it was held by the first fathers and authours of it ; ( as i could show in many particulars ) you doe not goe so farre as they , neither are you against some practises of other churches upon those high termes ; but yet for substance , from the first stone to the last , in departing from our assemblies and constituting new , you agree with them ( as by a * paralell betweene the way of your communion and the separatists lately printed doth appeare : ) and in a word it is evident thus : you agree with the way of new-england ( as is confest by some of yourselves ) and we may judge so by your high praise of them . now the churches of new-england agree with them of m. robinsons church , who are moderate and qualified brownists : now that the church-way of new-england is the same with them of m. robinsons church is proved thus : the church at new-plymouth was the first companie that planted in those parts , who comming from leiden where they were members of m. robinsons church a moderate brownist in his latter time , practised the church-opinions and wayes they formerly , had in holland , and when they of new-england went over first ( through their conversing with them and nearenesse of scituation ) they tooke up and learned their way , ( as appeares by these particulars . ) first , m. w. an eminent man of the church of new-plymouth , told w. r. that the rest of the churches of new-england at first came to them of plymouth to crave their direction in church-courses and made them their patterne . secondly , m. cotton in a letter to m. skelton one of the first ministers that went over thither , writes thus to him , in way of answer to this position , that m. skelton held : that our congregations in england are none of them particular reformed churches , but m. lathrops and such as his . this errour requires rather a booke then a letter to answer it , you went hence of another judgement , and i am afraid your change hath sprung from new-plymouth men , whom though i much esteeme as godly , loving christians , yet their grounds which for this tenet they received from m. robinson , doe not satisfie me . thirdly , there is great commendations given to the church of plymouth by m. cotton after comming to new-england , in his letter to m. williams , pag. . fourthly , all the ministers and elders of new-england doe affirme , that all the churches in new-england , viz. in the bay , in the jurisdiction of plymouth and at connet●…acute , are one and the same way in church constitution , government and discipline without any materiall difference . now what can be said more plaine ? adde to all these , that i had it from the mouth of a godly minister of the city , conferring with one of your precious ministers about these points , before he went into holland , and telling him , this is brownisme and browne held thus ; what are you a brownist ? your companion and fellow-labourer answered him thus : the way was of god , but the man was nought , namely browne . as for those words whereby you would evade the naine of brownisme , that upon the very first declaring your judgements in the chiefe and fundamentall point of all church discipline ; and likewise since , it hath been acknowledged , you differ much from them : 't is not your saying so will cleare you , unlesse you had named what that chiefe and fundamentall point of all church-discipline is , and how , and in what words you declared your judgements ; and to whom : for you might so expresse your selves ( as you doe in this apologie too often ) whereby you might deceive the most of them to whom you declared your judgements : yea many able ministers and scholars ( who are not versed in your distinctions and reservations ) and yet for all the declaring of your judgements , differ very little from the brownists , except in different phrases , and in not deducing such consequences . let me intreate you therefore to lie no longer hid under such generals , but in your reply , declare particularly what you hold the chiefe point of all church-discipline , and wherein in that you differ from them : but may i guesse at the chiefe and fundamentall point of all church-government and discipline , wherein you declared your judgements , by which you would distinguish your selves from the brownists : is it not , that you give the power and authoritie to the officers , and not to the people onely ? i have heard that of late you have declared your selves thus , and the late epistle before m. cottons booke written by two of you implies so much ? but be it so ( though i can out of a letter of m. bridges , and from notes and manuscripts show , that seven yeares agoe the expressions of some of you were otherwise ) yet this will not free yo●… , for m. iohnson fell to this , and yet was guiltie of brownisme for all that . but in this also your principles and your practises are incoherent , and however in fine words , and flattering similitudes , you dilate upon it in your epistle to m. cottons late booke , yet it comes much to one , the substance of which epistle i will answer in my rejoynder to your reply , or in some thing by it selfe , and will wipe off the paint and guilt , and then the naked counter and rotten post will appeare . as for your publick profession , that you beleeve the truth to lie and consist in a middle way betwixt brownisme , and that which is the contention of these times , the authoritative presbyteriall government in all the subordinations and proceedings of it . i answer , then actum est de presbyterio , & de synodo . you have determined the cause alreadie , the assembly may rise when they please , and need sit no longer , for the truth lies and consists in independencie , but i suppose , though heretofore , and when you wrote this apologie , you did so publickly prefesso , and beleeve the truth to lie in your way ( the middle way as you terme it ) yet by what hath past since , your height and courage is somewhat abated , and you are not now so peremptory , and i find now , you write in another stile ( which becomes you much better ) we humbly suppose , we humbly conceive , again in all humilitie : but if you be high still , i must tell you your confidence hath deceived you , and your middle way ( as you fancie it ) ( though i must still charge upon you refined brownisme ) will prove like other pretended truthes lying in middle wayes , just as the catholicke and arminian moderatours , cassander , the booke called * interim , and that booke of late times cal'd media via , betweene the papists and protestants , and betweene the calvinists and arminians : and as for the way of your expression of presbyteriall government , i cannot but except at it , observing that all along obliquely , and as farre as you may , you still asperse that . you can here expresse brownisme simply , without any additions to it , but you cannot passe by presbyteriall government without a lash at it , which is the contention of these times , as if you would insinuate the blame of all the contentions and stirre of these times to be presbyteriall government , whereas the truth is , the contention of these times is episcopall , and your independent government , which have caused , and doe continue all the contention and stirres in church and common-wealth , they mutually strengthning each other against presbyteriall government ; and ●…o 't is still to be observed , that all along in this apologie , where you speake of presbyteriall government ; you state the questions about that , in the highest and utmost latitude , but of your owne church and way in the lowest , yea lower then you hold ( as for instance in , . pag. about the qualification of church-members ) to deceive the reader with your pretended moderation , and the more to possesse the reader against the jus divinum of the presbyteriall way , as for example in this place , authoritative presbyteriall government in all the subordinations and proceedings of it : now the substance and summe of presbyteriall governement may be according to apostolicall primitive patternes , and yet all the subordinations and proceedings of it , as it is practised in the church of scotland , fitted to that nation and kingdome , may have no scripture examples : presbyteriall government in some reformed churches , as at geneva , hath not all the subordinations and proceedings as scotland , being no kingdome nor nation ; and presbyteriall government in england , might have one subordination more then scotland , and some different proceedings in the manner and forme of carrying matters according to particular circumstances and occasions of time and place . the ministers of the church of scotland , who hold their church government to be laid downe in the word of god for the substance and essentials of it , doe not ( as i suppose ) hold that all the subordinations and proceedings , as practised in their kingdome , have a particular rule , either of precept or example : i doubt not but they well understand , no whole nation was converted to the faith in the time that the acts of the apostles and epistles were written ; nor the supreame magistrate in any kingdome or nation ; and therefore in no one church or nation where christians were converted , and churches planted , there could not be that formall combination into classes , setled synods or generall assemblies ; neither could the supreame magistrate , or a commissioner for him be a prime member in their chiefe assemblies ; and so i might instance in other particulars ; but the church of scotland find presbyteriall government in subordinations and appeales ; that is government exercised in churches and assemblies which consisted of more members then could meet in one place , and they find assemblies , where upon cases of difference there were more members and officers then of one church ( as the acts of the apostles showes fully ) and this serves for scripture grounds to them : now then for the manner of ordering of this , according to different kingdomes , nations or cities , in fewer or more subordinations ; and in the way and manner of proceedings by severall churches , according to locall , temporall and personall circumstances , they know well they must goe according to generall rules of the word , to the common lawes of nature and prudence , and so they leave other churches to doe the like . and had we been led in our former wayes , and our removall out of this kingdome by any such spirit of faction and division , or of pride and singularity ( which are the usuall grounds of all schisme ) we had since our returnes againe , during this intermisticall season , tentations , yea provocations enough to have drawne forth such a spirit ; having manifold advantages to make and increase a partie , which we have not in the least attempted . we found the spirits of the people of this kingdome that professe or pretend to the power of godlinesse ( they finding themselves to be so much at libertie , and new come out of bondage ) readie to take any impressions , and to be cast into any mould that hath but the appearance of a stricter way . and we found that many of those mists that had gathered about us , or were rather cast upon our persons in our absence , began by our presence againe , and the blessing of god upon us , in a great measure to scatter and vanish without speaking a word for our selves or cause . whether all of you , or only some of you , were led in your former wayes , and in your removall out of this kingdome , by any such spirit of faction , &c. i will not enter into your bosomes , nor judge of secret things , i leave you to search your selves , and to give account of your spirits to the father of spirits ; and whether you were led in your former wayes , and in your removall out of the kingdome by any such spirit , or no , 't is too evident by what i have fore-mentioned , that a spirit of faction and division , or of pride and singularity , wrought too much amongst some of you abroad : but though no such spirit led you , there are to me and many others , sufficient visible grounds of your removall out of this kingdome after you once were off your setled places , as your feare of personall violence , your selfe-love and worldly wisdome to provide for your selves and yours ( what ever became of the publicke ) your horrible dispaire of comming in againe here , or things ever turning in this land ( as you twice expresse it ) your great and excessive admiration of the persons of some who were in the church-way ( accounting there were no such men in the world as they ) your discontent and anger at the course and harsh usage in casting some of you out of your places ( which often times are grounds of heresies and schismes ) as i could shew out of ecclesiasticall histories in tertullian , &c. and besides these grounds , if i may judge of your being led in your former wayes , and of your removall out of the kingdome ( as your selves make the argument ) by your spirit being drawne forth since your returne in making and encreasing a partie , if that will evince your being led formerly by a spirit of faction and division or of pride and singularitie , i know not how you will free your selves , for since your returnes againe during this intermysticall season , you have not been idle , nor lost time , but have laid hold on the temptations , provocations and the manifold advantages to make and increase a partie , nay you have not only laid hold on what you found readie to your hands , namely , the intermysticall season ( through so many great businesses comming in upon the parliament one upon another ) & the spirits of the people of the kingdom that professe or pretend to the power of godlinesse , finding themselves to be so much at libertie and new come out of bondage readie to take any impressions , &c. but you have made and encreased new for the making of a partie . and i much wonder how you dare speake thus , much lesse publiquely in print to publish , that you have not in the least attempted to make and encrease a partie ; the contrarie whereunto is written in such great letters ; that he who runnes may reade it , and i shall presently make evident in answering this passage , with others of the like nature in the . and . pages . for the spirits of the people of this kingdome , that professe or pretend to the power of godlinesse , and especially of the citie and the adjacent parts , you give a true character , together with the ground of it , finding themselves to be so much at liberty , and new come out of bonduge ; and it is amongst all the passages in your booke one of the best ; and if the people would well mind , and consider of it , that they are readie to take any impressions , and to be cast into any mould that hath but the appearance of a stricter way ; this might doe them as much good , as all the sermons you have preacht among them since your returnes , and might prove an antidote both against the golden sweet poyson in this booke , and the principles of your church-way : but thus we see ( by your owne confession ) how easily and readily errours are entertained by the good people of this kingdome , when as truth may stand without doores and knocke long before opened unto , even as good phisitians and good right phisicke hath a great deale a doe to find acceptance and admittance among the common-people , when mountabancks and empricks are sought unto . as to those words the finding that many of those mists that had gathered about you , or were rather cast upon your persons in your absence , began by your presence againe in a great measure to scatter and vanish , without speaking a word for your selves and cause . i answer , o happie rare men , powerfull and gracious with the people , whose very presence without speaking a word for themselves or cause , could doe thus much after a long absence , what will not your speaking and writing for your selves then doe ? 't is well for you , the most eminent servants of god in all ages have not found mists that had gathered about them , or cast upon their persons to scatter and vanish away so easily , but after all apologies and defence for themselves and cause have found them to sticke close ; and we find it harder to wipe off the aspersions and mistakes cast on us from your side ( though for nothing else but for discharging our consciences , and labouring to keepe good people from errours : ) but brethren if it were so with you ( as here you write . ) what need had you then to write this apologie to cleare your selves from mistakes ( especially having been now so long present in the kingdome , and resident in the chiefe citie , having the libertie of the pulpits , and being members of the assemblie ) would not the sudden confused noise of exclamations restecting upon you interpretatively , without the writing of this apologie have been suddenly blowne over and presently have died by the continued presence of your persons , and by your preaching , &c. as the many mists that had gathered about you in your absence , by your bare presence , without sp●…aking a word were scattered ? it is much , your former experience did not teach you to expect the latter , and to have reasoned from that to this , so as to have caused you to have forborne making such an apologie at such a time ( as this ) upon such an occasion , as a sudden unexpected noise of confused exclamations . but how ever you hold out this in the beginning of your apologie , as the ground of it , yet something else moved you to that work , and you have learned like the lap-wing to cry furthest off the nest . but through the grace of christ , our spirits are and have been so remote from such dispositions and aimes , that on the contrary we call god and men to witnesse our constant forbearance either to publish our opinions by preaching ( although we had the pulpits free ) or to print any thing of our owne or others for the vindication of our selves ( although the presses were more free then the pulpits ) or to act for our selves or way ; although we have been from the first provoked unto all these all sorts of wayes , both by the common mis-understandings and mis-representations of our opinions and practises , together with encitements to this state not to allow us the peaceable practises of our consciences , which the reformed churches abroad allowed us , and these edged with calumnies and reproaches cast upon our persons in print ; and all these heightned with this further prejudice and provocation , that this our silence was interpreted , that we were either ashamed of our opinions , ex able to say little for them ; when as on the other side ( besides all other advantages ) bookes have bin written by men of much worth , learning and authoritie , with moderation and strength , to pre-possesse the peoples minds against what are supposed our tenets . but we knew and considered that it was the second blow that makes the quarrell , and that the beginning of strife would have been as the breaking in of waters , and the sad and conscientious apprehension of the danger of rending and dividing the godly protestant party in this kingdome that were desirous of reformation , and of making severall interests among them in a time when there was an absolute necessitie of their nearest union and conjunction , and all little enough to effect that reformation intended , and so long contended for ; against a common adversarie that had both present possession to pleade for it selfe , power to support it , and had enjoyed a long continued settlement which had rooted it in the hearts of men ; and this seconded by the instant and continuall advices and conjurements of many honourable , wise and godly personages of both houses of parliament , to forbeare what might any way be like to occasion or augment this unhappy difference ; they having also by their declarations to his majesty professed their endeavour and desire to unite the protestant party in this kingdom , that agree in fundamentall truths against popery and other heresies , and to have that respect●… to tender consciences as might prevent oppressions and inconveniences , which had formerly been ; together with that strict engagement willingly entred into by us for these common ends , with the rest of our brethren of the ministery , ( which though made to continue but ad placitum , yet hath bin sacred to us . ) and above all , the due respect we have had to the peaceable and orderly reformation of this church and state ; the hopefull expectation we have been entertained with of an happy latitude and agreement by meanes of this assembly , and the wisedome of this parliament : the conscience and consideration of all these , and the weight of each , have hitherto had more power with us to this deep silence and forbearance , then all our own interest●… have any way prevailed with us to occasion the least disturbance amongst the poople . we have and are yet resolved to beare all this with a quiet and strong patience ; ( in the strength of which we now speake , or rather sigh forth this little ) referring the vindication of our persons to god , and a further experience of us by men ; and the declaration of our judgements , and what we conceive to be his truth therein , to the due and orderly agitation of this assembly , wherof both houses were pleased to make us members . in this section are three maine things ; . your way and carriage of your selves since your returne into england , as not in the least attempting to make and encrease a party , but on the contrary , constantly forbearing either by preaching , &c. to doe any thing for you selves and way . . the provocations you have had from the first , all sorts of wayes to have done otherwise , whereby you the more set out and commend your patience and forbearance . . the grounds and reasons laid downe of your deep silence and forbearance : now all , and every one of these i will examine , and give the reader and your selves this account following : for the first of these three , and your expressions in it , above all other passages in your narration , i cannot but admire and wonder what you meant by them , and where your consciences , memories and wisedomes were when you writ them ? many passages in other sections of this apologie are strange for their doubtfull double meaning , and for their untruth , but some passages in this section were beyond my imagination of you , not only thus publikely to write manifest untruths , and to subscribe to them with your own hands , but to father them on the grace of christ , and to invocate the name of god to make him owne them , calling god to witnesse , yea , and men too , to witnesse such untruths , ( when as god and men know the contrary to what you here assert , ) i marvaile , none of you , ( one at least ) had not relented , and startled at these passages in the first part of this section , but through the grace of christ , our spirits are , and have been so remote from such dispositions and aymes , that on the contrary we call god and men to witnesse our constant forbearance either to publish our opinions by preaching , &c. now the first part of this section , instead of what you write here , may be thus truly written ( and i shall presently make it good : ) we since our returnes into the kingdome , having had manifold advantages to make and increase a party , have made use of them , and in a great measure attempted it , for through the want of the grace of christ , our spirits have had such dispositions and aimes , that god and men can witnesse , our dealing and trading for our opinions and way , both by preaching , and some of us by printing ; and many other wayes acting for our selves and way ; so that the conscience and consideration of all the reasons , as the sad apprehension of the danger of rending and dividing the godly protestant party in this kingdome , &c. ●…or the weight of each , have not had power with us to a deep silence and forbearance , but our own interests have much provailed with us to occasion much disturbance among the people . brethren what is this you write in this section ? how can you write it ? have not some of you , nor any of you , no not in the least attempted to make a party ? what have your spirits been so remote from such dispositions and aimes , that on the contrary you call god and ●…on to witnesse your constant forbearance either to publish your opinions by preaching , o●… to print any thing of your own or others , for the vindication of your selves , or to all for your selves or way ? what have you kept a deep silence and forbearance ? what have not all your own interests prevailed with you , to occasion the least disturbance amongst the people ? as for god , who is called to witnesse by you , without great repentance for these words , he will be a swift witnesse against you ; mal. . . and as for men , whom you call also to witnesse , i being one , and therefore being called out by your selves to witnesse , i must speake being called unto it ; and i entreate you blame not me for witnessing and speaking the truth , declaring what i know of your preaching , &c , but thanke your selves who have called me to it : and being thus called , i should sin against god , and the truth , if i should not speake the truth , and the whole truth , ( so farre as i know and have been from good hands informed ; ) and yet i will speake nothing but what i beleeve to be truth : i doe therefore contrary ( to what you call god and men to witnesse unto ) charge you with these following particulars . first , all of you have not constantly forborne to publish your opinions by preaching , but you have vented your principles and opinions , by preaching , sometimes more generally and covertly , ( yet so as your followers understand you , ) and sometimes particularly and plainly : in a more generall and covert way , you have done it often , under preaching for purity of ordinances , the standing for the kingly office of christ , the being in a church-way , the performing of all ordinances in the due and right order , &c. wherein you doe for your way just as the malignant ministers preach against the parliament and for the cavaliers , under generalities , by preaching against rebellion , and fighting against the king , and rising up against him , and for peace , &c. ( which the malignants understand well enough , and flock to them upon it ; ) and so more particularly , fully and plainly , you have preached for your way , for instance , mr simpson , ( one of the apologists , ) hath frequently , and did constantly ( for one space ) in many lectures at black-friers , ( more especially on that text , psal. . . then shall i not be ashamed , when i have respect unto all thy commandements : ) preach for his opinions and way , and did answer many objectious against their church-way , pleading strongly for it ; and for pretended liberty of conscience and toleration : so on fishstreet-hill , on that text of rom. . . that ye may prove what is that good , that acceptable and perfect will of god : he preached largely for his church-way , and propounded and resolved nine questions about it : and at * westminster also , in sermons preached there , he had many passages for the church-way , as for toleration , as for the matter of their church , visible saints , &c. mr burroughs another of the apologists , hath published his opinions by preaching , and hath preached for his way , at mildreds-breadstreet , on that text , gal. . . preaching against nationall churches under the new testament , and for the way of their particular churches . mr burroughs , before the lord major and aldermen in his publike sermon at easter , preached for toleration of all sects and opinions , ( so they were not against fundamentals in doctrine , and the fundamentals of civill government : ) and he hath frequently in his lectures at michael cornhill , ( some of which are since printed ) preached for their way ; besides what he may have preached at stepny and elsewhere , ( of which i have not yet sufficiently informed my selfe as to be able to prove it . ) mr bridge , another of these apologists , in a sermon at westminster in the first yeare of the parliaments sitting , before many parliament men , had up that mat. . goe tell the church ; but christ does not send them from that church to another church , &c. so in his sermon before the honorable house of commons , ( preached about a moneth before this apologie came forth ) there are severall passages for the church-way . and in his sermon called babylons downfall , preached before sundry of the house of commons , there are passages for the church-way , page , . in london also at the bridge-foote , he hath preached severall things tending that way ; particularly , about the people , being gods porters to let the ministers into the church , and how no men come in truly called but they . in the countrey too , he hath preached for his way ( as i have been enformed by a good hand , ) both at norwich , and at ipswich : but if it be asked what he hath done at yarmouth , i shall in my rejoynder give you a full account of him there , ( being not yet so well prepared for that . ) mr goodwin , another of the apologists , hath preached and published his opinions ( on that text , ephes. . , . ) at large , for no other visible ministeriall church , but a particular congregation , with his reasons for it ; ( though that text speakes of the church , in statu mistico , and not of an instituted particular church : ) and so at westminster , in his first sermon , preached before many of the house of commons , he had passages of christs kingly office , and the government of the church , clearely for this way , and against the presbyterians . so in his sermon preached before the house of commons , cal'd zer●…bbabels encouragement , there are many things for the church-way , pag. . and from page . to page . ( which though they be but generals ) yet in the epistle before the sermon it is confessed they be for that way . as for mr nye , he having lived a great part of his time since his returne into england in noblemens families , and in yorkeshire , and having preached little in the parishes here in london , i cannot proove that he hath published his opinions by preaching particularly for them : but whether mr nye hath not acted the state-parasite and played the polititian the more , and dealing in private , under hand , and hand to hand with some men of note for the church-way , and against the government of the church of scotland , and particularly at hull , ( as i have some ground for what i write , ) so i appeale to his conscience , and intreate him to rub up his memory whom he hath conferred with about these points : but though i cannot prove mr nye hath published his opinions by preaching , yet mr nye affirming this not only for himselfe , but for all the rest , speaking not only in his own name , but in the name of the other apologists too , we call god and men to witnesse our constant forbearance either to publish our opinions by preaching , &c. whether according to that second question in page , of this antapologie , is not he guilty also , and may here be justly charged with writing of an untruth . but let me aske you , though you say you have not published your opinions by preaching , doe you not understand it by preaching in pulpits ? ( for i find it in the parenthesis referred to pulpits ) but whether all of you , or some of you have not published your opinions by preaching out of pulpits , at tables , and in chambers in your church meetings , and in houses where some of you have exercised before supper , when friends and company have been invited , ( which is an acting for your selves and way , ) i referre to your consciences to consider of : only i must tell you , that i have it from a sure hand , of no worse ranke of men , then of the ministery , and of no flighter sort of witnesse then an care witnesse , that things about the church-way , have been often so preached in houses ; and in particular , i aske mr bridge , whether it be not so ? but if it be answer'd by you , ( for the avoiding this imputation fastned on you ) of calling god and men to witnesse an untruth , that your words doe not import a totall forbearance of preaching your opinions , neither doe you meane , that you never preached them ; but a constant forbearance , that is , you did for the greater part forbeare in the constant course of your ministery to preach of these points : i reply , your words cannot bare that sense , neither doth , nor can such a meaning agree with your words going before and following after , nor with the scope and intent of this section : for the words which goe before , of our spirits remote from such dispositions and aimes , are in reference to these words in the former section , not in the least attempting to make and encrease a party : and for the words following ( towards the end of this present section ) namely , this deepe silence and forbearance , so as not to occasion the least disturbance amongst the people , and bearing all with a quiet and strong patience , they referre to this passage of calling god and men to witnesse our constant forbearance , either to publish our opinions by preaching , &c. now how can it be a deepe silence and forbearance not to occasion the least disturbance amongst the people , and a quiet and strong patience to beare all , whenas you did preach often of those points , though you might oftner forbeare ? and i aske you , whether sermons now and then preached of the opinions , was not an attempting to make and encrease a party , and that more then in the least ? as also , whether some sermons ( though but now and then ) would not occasion the least disturbance among the people ? but besides the scope and intent of this whole section , being to shew that you did not take advantage to make and increase a party , with the laying downe the reasons and grounds of your forbearance , which are all against such a glosse and sense , your words of a constant forbearance to publish your opinions by preaching , cannot be understood of publishing your opinions now and then by preaching , though you did oftner preach upon other subjects , for preaching now and then would be in the least an attempting to make and encrease a party , and preaching now and then could not be a deepe silence and forbearance , and some sermons would be the beginning of strife , and would be a meanes of rending and dividing the godly protestant party in this kingdome ; besides , the instant and continuall advices of parliament men to you , were not that you would not for the most part preach of your opinions , but not at all , namely , to forbeare what might any way be like to occasion or augment this unhappy difference and your ingagement to the ministers of silence , was not partiall or for the most part not to preach of those points , but it was totall , not to preach of them at all : and further , constant forbearance to publish your opinions by preaching , must have the same construction as it hath in those words , printing any thing of your owne or others , for the vindication of your selves , or acting for your selves and way : both which , ( especially that of printing ) must necessarily be understood of a totall forbearance ; for i suppose you doe not understand by those words , printing any thing , that you did not print so many books of your own , or others , as you could , and might have done , only a few books were now and then printed by you for your way , you would not have us put such an interpretation upon that part which concernes printing ; so neither can it be upon that of preaching ; and in a word , constant , is not a diminutive , ( as such a glosse would make it , ) but an augmentative , ( as we use to say , ) a constant friend , and a constant preacher ; and yet according to this sense , ( which yet is against all grammer , and against the analysis and scope of this section ) some of you cannot evade , as mr simpson , mr burroughs , mr bridge , who in severall churches , and upon severall texts , have frequently , sometimes in generall and more darkely , and sometimes more plainely and particularly , published their opinions by preaching : and if any of these apologists shall in their reply either deny or put off any of the particulars i have charged them with in point of preaching , ( as being not a publishing their opinions , nor points of the church-way , ) i will in my rejoinder ( god sparing me life and health ) print at large the particulars preached by them , and then the reader shall judge ( which now i omit least my booke should be too great . ) . all of you have not forborne to print any thing of your own , for your opinions and wayes : for mr bridge , mr simpson and mr burroughs , have printed sermons and expositions of their own , wherein are severall things about the church-way ; as is to be seen in mr burroughs exposition on the three first chapters of hosea , . lecture on hos. . , . pag. , . . lect. on hos. . . pag. . . lect. on hos. . . pag. , . . lect. on hos. . pag. . . lect. on hos. . . and in many other places of those expositions , passages are sprinckled for the church-way . and in mr simpsons sermons , called reformations preservatiō , on isa. . the latter part of the fifth verse , and on prov. . , . and in mr bridges sermons , called babylons downfall , and that on zech. chap. . ver . , , , . but supposing you had wholly forborne printing any thing of your own , you might well have done it out of policie , and yet your way not have suffered by it ; so many books , and little pamphlets having been printed , and reprinted since this parliament for the church-way , as amounts to the number ( i thinke ) of almost one hundred : and i aske of you , whether one or more of you , have not had a hand in perusing and examining some books of others , or in counselling and consenting to the printing of them , ( especially some books from out of new-england , and particularly of mr cottons . ) . neither i , nor many other ministers , are not satisfied of the truth of those words , that you have not acted for your selves and way : which words , as here brought in by you , must be understood , of acting , as distinct from preaching and printing , that is , as you have not published your opinions by preaching , so you have not by other wayes and meanes acted for your selves or way : as in making friends , or in mooving any parliament men , or in consulting together what to doe about your way ; no , alas good men , you have kept your houses close , and followed your studies hard , and seldome gone to westminster , but have left the businesse of independencie and the church-way ▪ to god wholly , leaving him to take care of his own way and cause . brethren , how dare you write thus ? if you have not acted for your selves and way since your returnes into england , and improoved your time well too , most who know you , are much deceived in you , and strangely mistaken : and suffer me to deale plainely with you , i am perswaded , ( that setting aside the jesuites acting for themselves and way ) you five have acted for your selves and way , both by your selves , and by your instruments , both upon the stage , and behind the curtaine , ( considering circumstances , and laying all things together ) more then any five men have done in so short a time this yeares : and if it be not so , whence have come all the swarmes and troopes of independents in ministery , armies , city , countrey , gentry , and amongst the common people of all sorts , men , women , servants , children : have not you five had the greatest influence to cause this ? who have wrought so many ministers , gentlemen and people to your way ? can it be in reason thought all this is come about without your acting for your selves and way ? is the peoples golden calfe of independencie and democracie come out of it selfe , without aarons making it ? and whether you five have not acted for your selves & way since this parliament ? i desire you to answer these questions , and then according to the truth of those questions let your consciences judge of the truth of these words . . whether came not you over into england , and left your churches in holland with their leave , or rather being sent as messengers to negotiate for your way , and for a toleration of some churches to enjoy independent government , that is , a full , entire , compleate power within your selves . . when you were come over , did you not in the first yeare of the parliaments sitting , consult together , and debate about a petition , and was there not one drawne to be presented to the house of commons for a toleration of some congregations to enjoy a congregationall government . . have you not beene all along from your first comming over into england , to the writing of this present apologie , intent and watchfull upon every thing in agitation , or about to passe in matters of religion , that might make though but remotely for presbyteriall government , and might ( though but by a remote consequence and at a distance ) touch upon or prejudice your church way : as for instance , about the time of passing a bill in the house of commons against episcopacy , and of consultation and debate what should be in the interim , till another government could be setled , were not you zealous and active against that advice and counsell of a certaine number of grave ministers in each county to be substituted for the time , ( out of your feare of having but a shadow of presbyterian governement , though but pro tempore ) and how much you worked in that , with some of place , and what the issue of that was , you may remember : so upon thoughts and consultations ( since this warre , of entring into a covenant ) and some ministers being advised with , whether did not some of you stand for a clause to be inserted in the covenant for liberty to tender consciences , and for want of such a clause , ( that being opposed by some , ) how long it was layed aside , &c. i desire you to remember . againe , about the beginning of the assembly , in the review and examination of of some of the articles of religion , and in the propounding but some orders to have been agreed on about the way of managing the disputes and debates in the assembly , how tender have you been of any thing tending but to presbytery , and that might ( though but indirectly ) reflect upon any of your principles . . have not some of you , ( though may be not all ) acted for your selves and way by constant church meetings on the lords day , in private houses preaching the word and administring the sacraments even in the times of the publike assemblies , where besides your own church members , have resorted to your meetings many other persons , some members of churches in new-england , and others belonging to the church of england , and whereas mr simpson was a minister of a church at rotterdam ( which church is still there ) hath not mr simpson since his returne well acted for himselfe and his way , in getting such a rich and numerous church , consisting of so many gentlemen and gentlewomen , rich citizens , rich virgins , &c. and hath not mr goodwin acted for himself and way , and at least in the least attempted to encrease a party , when besides those of his church at arnheim , that came over from thence , there are others here in london have gone to his church meetings , and there are some , if not actually members ( the ceremony may be being forborne that it may be said he hath added none to his church ) yet are competentes candidati probationers , members in fieri , with their faces to zion , and reputed members actually by them of nearest relations and co-habitations , ( as i am credibly enformed ) but must name none to prevent differences in neere relations . . have not some of you , if not all of you acted for your selves and way , in actually speaking , and moving some parliament men to stand for you and for a toleration of your church way , and have you not been answered , shew us your grounds , let us know what you hold , and what you would have , and then you shall see that shall be done which is sitting ; and out of zeale of acting for your selves and way , have not some of you suggested in private to parliament men , the prejudice of their parliamentary power , if they should admit of the government of the church of scotland ; pleading also for a necessity of a toleration , and in particular i aske mr nye if he remember no such discourses , and that at hull too . . whether have not some of you , if not all , out of acting for your selves and way , hindred all that ●…lay in you , the sending for our brethren of scotland to come to our help ? and whether have not some of you much pleaded against sending for them in ? and objected ( as the malignants doe ) of the danger of their comming in , & c ? and whether in as much as lay in you , did not you so act for your owne opinions and church way that you would have hazarded the kingdome , religion , and all , rather then the losse of your independencie , which you knew the scots were so averse unto ? . whether have not some of you in conferences with many good people , and by discourses in private , ac●…ed for your selves and way , by stumbling them in the point of a particular church , and in the point of coming to the sacrament of the lords supper , and by pleading for a toleration of all opinions ( that may stand with saving grace ) and doth none of you remember what was answered you ? that polig●…mie might stand with saving grace ; and must that be tolerated ? . whether have not some of you tampered with some parliament men about delaying the meeting of the assembly , and suggesting to them doubts and feares about it ? and whether in the assembly have you not by all possible wayes both in opposing some orders of speaking but so many times to one point ( the sooner to bring things to an end ) and by other wayes all that you could delaied the proceedings of the assembly , and all this out of acting for your selves and way , that so your party might increase , and your opinions spread before the government might be setled . . have not some of you out of acting for your selves and way endeavoured the bringing into the assembly ( since the sitting of it ) some independents to be members of it , and upon their being stopped , have not some of you earnestly dealt with some members of the house of commons that they might passe their house ? and what could this be but out of acting for your selves and way ? . whether have not you out of acting for your selves and way , had many meetings and consultations both of writing letters into new-england for their help and furtherance , and about what you should doe , and how to order matters since the scots must be sent for , and since the assembly could not be hindred , how things might be managed and carried for the best advantage of your cause and way ? and whether was not this apologeticall narration one of the products of your consultations ? now unto these ten i might adde other quaeres , but shall reserve them to my rejoynder , these being sufficient to satisfie you and the reader : so that laying all these things together , what did you meane or thinke with your selves when you writ●… these passages ? could you imagine you danced in a net all this time , and that men tooke no notice of you , or that all had been forgotten that you had done and preacht ? or did you imagine your power was so great with the people ( having such a name ) that all would be taken for truth you writ , or that your greatnesse was such that no man durst question what you had done , or appeare against your apologie , ( or if they did they should but blast themselves among the people , and the people would believe nothing against you , ) what strange spirit possessed you to write thus ? for my part , i feare not my name ( i have learned to trust god with it , ) and i dare ( by the grace and helpe of gods spirit ) deale with you , and all of you in these controversies : but supposing all you affirme of your selves had been true , eujus contrarium verum est ( as is too evident by what i have proved ) that you had neither preached , printed , nor acted personally for your selves , and way , yet all this forbearance might have been not from the grounds and reasons brought by you in this section , but from other principles of wisdome and policie , as the more to ingratiate your selves with the houses of parliament , and to insinuate into their favour , and that you might the better make such an apologie as this , and make use of it to your advantage at such a time as this , and i judge such considerations have restrained some of you , and prevailed with you , not to act so much as your fellowes , and not so openly ( as otherwise you would ) especially knowing whilest you were in the tyring-house unseene , the scene was full , and the tragedie went on , there being no want of actors on the open stage to carry on your church way : as for instance mr w. mr p. mr k. mr b. dr h. mr l. mr g. mr c. mr b. mr p. mr g. mr w. mr w. s. mr c. mr e. mr c. mr a. mr l. cum multis aliis , of whose preachings , and acting for themselves and way in gathering of churches , &c. and of books made by some of them , and printed by others of them ; it would fill a book to enumerate particulars , and to declare what hath been done in citie , countrey , armies , and in all places to make and increase parties , and to occasion so great disturbance amongst all sorts , as that it will be found a hard worke to settle the government of the church , and to reduce the people . and i confesse you having such choice of instruments and under-wor●…men to work by , and to build your babel , i marvell you contented not your selves with onely casting the modell , and giving the pattern and aime to others , but that you should appeare upon the workes your selves ( as often-times you did . ) to your second main part in this section , the provocations you have had all sorts of wayes to have preached , printed , and acted for your selves both by the common misunderstandings and misrepresentations of your opinions and practises , &c. i must tell you , i judge , and that upon good grounds , never men laying all things together , consideratis considerandis , had fewer provocations , for considering you were but a few in comparison , and going in a new different way from all the reformed churches , and the destructivenesse of your principles to reformation , with the danger of them in drawing away and stealing our sheep from us , and the contempt of our ministerie ( occasioned by your principles ) among all the people generally of your way , as also your leaving the land in the greatest need ; notwithstanding all these and many more that all the godly ministers of city , and countrey should carry themselves towards you with that love , respect , fairnesse , brotherly kindnesse , as they did , might have provoked you indeed , but in another way then you expresse it : and for the truth of this i appeale to your owne breasts , and to the knowledge of my brethren , and to these following demonstrations . . there was a great deale of loving respects , and faire carriage towards you , both in admitting you into their pulpits , and in forbearing all things offensive to you , and your party before the sermons , to gratifie you . . there was a great deale of faire respects to you in admitting you into their societie , and publique meetings about the matters of reformation . . there was a generall silence by the godly ministers , ( i feare unto sinfull ) in forbearing preaching against your points , and that when some of you preached for your way and many pamphlets were printed for it . . the ministers suffered some of you , and no wayes interposed to hinder you from being the universall lecturers of the citie , who if they had appeared against you might have crossed it . . the ministers courted you by all wayes of respect , and of high entertainment of you in loving speech , friendly countenance , familiar conversing with you , giving you the right hand of fellowship , and in a brotherly intreating you , not to appeare for your way , that so our differences might not hinder the worke of reformation , withall promising you when they had obtained the reformation desired , they should be ready to gratifie you all they could , and to consider you as godly brethren . . upon the proposition and motion of silence about the points in difference , the ministers were most ready and willing to enter into a strict engagement with you , and that though some of your way had been before hand with them in venting your principles amongst the people . . there hath been much tendernesse expressed towards you , and readinesse of yeelding to you all along ( the more to win you , to prevent an open breach , and to stop peoples mouthes ) and particularly in the assembly of divines , where that patience , long-suffering , forbearing hath been exercised towards you , in your often and long speaking upon points , in speaking the same things over and over againe , &c. as would hardly have been towards any others , and i may truly speake it , many of our ministers have not carried themselves towards one another with that love and respect as they have done to you . . the ministers have in honour preferred you before themselves , and have been contented ( in a good sense ) to let you increase and they to decrease , and could be so contented still for gods glory and the good of the church . but i will particularly answer to your provocations here alleaged , and shew you , that they were no provocations to have caused you , to make and increase a party by preaching , &c. for the . the common misunderstandings and mis-representations of your opinions and practises was not a sufficient provocation to preaching , &c. . because many of those mists were scattered by your presence againe without speaking a word for your selves or cause , and therefore needed not neither preaching , printing , nor acting for your selves and way . . you may justly thanke your selves for the misunderstandings of your opinions , and practises , carrying them so in the dark , and putting off from time to time a narrative of your opinions and wayes ( thoug●… so earnestly desired by the godly ministers , and you sent unto so solemnly for it , as also promised by you often , ) so that it was no fault at all in the standers by to misunderstand or mistake some things in your opinions and practises ( especially being new , strange , and hidden too . ) . although you speake thus , that your opinions and wayes were misunderstood , and misrepresented ( that being one of your usuall artifices to delude with , and to keep off arguments brought against you ) yet i doe not know any opinion or practise of yours misunderstood and misrepresented , i know none that was written against , or father'd on you , but what was either to be found in some of your manuscripts , &c. ( but of this i have spoken before . ) for the second provocation , the incitements to this state not to allow you the peaceable practises of your consciences , which the reformed churches abroad allowed you , and these edged with calumnies and reproaches cast upon your persons in print . i suppose in this you meane that booke written by me , entituled reasons against independent government and against the toleration of it , presented to the house of commons ; for as for any other book of that nature i remember none , besides you commend the other bookes written against your way and tenets , page . now that booke gives reasons and grounds for what it writes against , and you should have done well ( either any one of you , or all of you ) to have answered it , and had you shewed those reasons to have been weake and unjust , then there had been some colour for you to have made that a provocation to have acted for your selves and way , but by your silence you seeme to give consent to what was written against you . but how ever ( though i writ both against your government , and the toleration of it in this kingdome , ) yet not against the peaceable practises of your consciences , but the unpeaceable practise of them ( as you would order matters in england : ) for i spent some leaves in that book to allow you the peaceable practise of your consciences , and chaulked you out a way , even with the saving of your principles ( for which you have cause to thanke me . ) as for my incitement to the state , it was not to persecution against you , for * i laid downe a clear medium betweene persecution and a toleration : as for that passage , which the reformed churches abroad allowed us ; i have already answered that at large in my former booke , and i will here adde another answer to those i gave then ; the reformed churches abroad might safelier allow you the liberty of your consciences there , then this state can ; for there being strangers , you and your churches looked for nothing else , you looked not to enjoy the priviledges of offices , places in church and common-wealth , not to be in the ranke of states , burgomasters , &c. but here in england you independents will look for the like priviledges that others enjoy , as to be majors of townes , chosen burgesses and knights for parliament , &c. whereby you will have a mighty influence and advantages to countenance and promote your way , and make parties every where ( which must needs be of dangerous consequence to this state. ) now for those words , and these edged with calumnies and reproaches cast upon our persons in print . i answer , let the whole booke be perused , and let the reader judge if the first part of the book consisting of the reasons against independent government be not wholly argumentative , ( containing nothing personall , but rationall , ) and for the second part , the reasons against the toleration , let it be examined whether that be not rationall also , and in many pages as full of yealding and sweetnesse as can well be with the keeping of peace and truth , and could be expected in such a difference of judgement ; and whether also i give not in severall passages of that book to ministers of that way , due respects , and fitting termes , only in one page of the book , in answering a popular reason of yours for a toleration ( which i had from one of your own mouthes ) i gave a popular answer suitable to the argument , ( but so as without either foule or rayling language . ) . i named you not , but spake as of many of your ministers , why doe you then appropriate it to your selves ? and i can truly speake it , that for one of you five to whom application is made more especially of some thing there written , i did not so much as meane or intend him , but doe openly acquit him , and disclaime it . i deny that any words or phrases in that book , spoken of those persons i intended them to , are calumnies , there is not a word but is true , and many can and doe witnesse so much , ( who yet wish the passage had been left out , because ▪ then all pretence of exceptions and cavill against the book had been taken away , ) and for the reproaches you speake of , ( which are a matter of truth ) they are rather upon the opinions and principles , then the persons , comming to the persons from the opinions and principles received ; and for my own part , i never wished that passage had been left out , for i know no reason , but when people fall into a way , because of the pretence of the great holinesse and grace of the men of that way , when those be the arguments that take and deceive the people , but it is the duty of him who would preserve from the errour of that way , to shew the contrary effects ( if he can , ) and what did i doe more ? for the third provocation , all these heightned with this further prejudice and provocation that our silence was interpreted that we were either ashamed of our opinions or able to say little for them . i conceive that in this you may aime at me ( as in the former ) and i ingenuously confesse that your silence in not answering bookes , and particularly mine was interpreted so by me , and i have spoken to some , and spake it ( even while it was given out by some of you it should be answered , ) that you would not answer it for two reasons . . because you were not yet willing to make known your opinions , what you held , and what not , ( the answer to which booke would necessarily have drawn out what you were not then willing to speake , nor yet doe in this apologie . ) . because being accounted schollars , if you did not answer it fully , and to purpose , you would rather loose then gaine , in a word , i thought you could not answer it satisfyingly , neither were you willing to impart your opinions publikely , so as they might be fastned on , that these are your opinions , so that considering how ready you have been in pulpits , and with the people ( whom you might probably gaine ) to vent your opinions , speaking where you should have been silent , and being silent when you have been desired by the ministers ( who understand controversies as well as your selves ) and never answering any books written against your way , nor laying down neither in writing , nor by printing what you held with your grounds in a scholasticall way , did give me and many others cause to interpret that kind of silence and reservednesse , to spring either from your being ashamed of your opinions , or from being able to say little for them : and if you answer not this antapologie , i shall be like enough to interpret your silence , that either you are ashamed of some of your opinions , or able to say little for them . for the fourth provocation , whenas on the other side ( besides all other advantages ▪ ) books have been written by men of much worth , learning and authority , with moderation and strength , to prepossesse the peoples minds against what are supposed our tenets . i answer , . you should have done well to have named what all other advantages our side had of you which might have provoked you to preach , print and act for your selves and way : you confesse in the last section , page . you had manifold advantages to make and increase a party : but i know not what advantages were on our side , or if we had , that they were taken by us against you , wherby you have any just ground to set out your patience in not being provoked . . you should have done well to have answered the books , written by men of much worth , learning and authority , with moderation and strength ; ( though you answered not mine ) and no man would have blamed you for that , but all men expected it , and blame you rather , for declining all those wayes of disputes , and of stating the points in difference between you and the ministers , and dealing in popular wayes , and under-board with the people , who were ready to take any impression , and to be cast into any mould that had but the appearance of a stricter way . . if the bookes written by men of much worth , learning and authority , with moderation and strength , were but against your supposed tenets , ( as you say ) and not your tenets indeed , you not being named , nor personated in them , this was no such provocation to you to publish your opinions by preaching , printing , and to act for your selves or way : a cleare conscience might have sleighted them , and ingenuous men might in a few leaves , have clearely disclaimed all those points as not holding them , and there had been an end of all controversie . . i cannot let passe under this fourth provocation , that expression of yours , against what are supposed our tenets , a usuall artifice of you and yourfollowers , that when any thing is written strongly against your way , which you know not how , nor never meane to awswer , you put it off with this , the question is mistaken , we hold not so , we hold otherwise : the answer you have given to all our books written by men of much worth , &c. the way the arminians used to put off the learned answers made to their books , and the tractates written by our divines against their opinions , a very jesuiticall device , and most unworthy of men professing conscience and piety , ( in which expression of jesuiticall , i intreat the reader not to mistake me , as if i cal'd the apologists so , or would ranke them in the forme of jesuits , no i intend not that at all , but meerely to shew this way is not faire , as being the practise of arminians and jesuits , and so becomes not good men , as i judge the apologists are . ) but let the reader judge , can it be thought , that all the bookes written since this parliament by men of much worth , learning and authority ; with moderation and strength , should be against you , upon supposed tenets ? that they should all fight with their own shadowes , and set up a man of cloutes , and beate him with strength , to suppose you to hold such tenets which you doe not ; what an imputation is this upon all who have written on these points ? how does this imply a contradiction in the words and expressions used by your selves ? that they should be men of much worth , learning , &c. and yet write against what are supposed your tenets : this argued not much worth , nor strength in them ; and suffer me here to vindicate those worthy men who have written of late against independency and for combined presbytery and synods , that they write not against what are supposed your tenets , but what are your tenets really : can it be thought that the learned divines of holland , as mr paget , who being exercised with mr davenport , mr hooker and others of your way upon the points , in many conferences , and afterwards writ a book on purpose upon those points , should write against supposed tenets , and that the most learned voetius living in holland , and having spoken with many of your way , yea with some of you ( if i mistake not , ) and writing so lately upon these points , upon the occasion of the newnesse of the controversie , should so mistake ; or that the two reverend and learned divines of scotland , setting forth bookes chiefely upon the occasion of your dissents ; ( the first divine having been in england so long in the first yeare of the parliaments sitting , and having had discourse with some of you upon the points , and the later mr rutherford , being so able a man and so well versed in the controversie ) should conspire to prepossesse the peoples minds against what are supposed your tenets : but if all these should have mistaken , that yet one of your owne divines who writ more lately with much learning and ingenuity ( as your selves confesse , ) and your licenser too , should fasten upon you supposed tenets , seemes strange : but the best is , we have your selves confessing in the . page of your apologie , that these divines of holland , scotland and england , have written against your tenets and government , directly , setly and with strength : and how could mr herles booke against independency be written with much ingenuity , if he had prepossessed the peoples minds against what are supposed your tenets , but are not so indeed : and however , though neither my selfe , nor my book against independent governement are not in the number of the men and books of much worth and learning , written with moderation and strength ; yet it is probable those reasons against independent governement and toleration , troubles you as much as any other booke written , and may be more aimed at by you in this passage then other books , and therefore , to free my selfe , i have not ass●…rted any thing in that book as your tenet , but what i have good reason to beleeve you have held : and i can produce it , either as your known practise , or out of some manuscripts that goe under some of your names ; or from your own mouthes , or some intimate familiars of yours : so that unlesse according to your second great principle in the th page , you have altered and retracted within these few yeares what six or seven yeares ago you held , the peoples minds have not been propossest by me with what are your supposed tenets , but with your reall tenets : & i desire you in your reply , to give any instances to the contrary : and that neither i nor others may not write against your supposed tenets any longer , i doe beleech you for the glory of god & the peace of the church , to set downe positively and plainely all your tenets , wherein you differ from the reformed churches and the reformation likely to be setled , and that with the grounds of them , or without the grounds , ( if your other occasions will not allow you time ) and i do promise you by the help of god , in a short convenient time ( without any thing personall or matter of fact ) to give you a direct answer from scripture and reasons grounded thereupon , whereby we may understand one another the better , and bring this sad controversie between bretheren to an end the sooner . . we , who have written any thing against your way , have not so much prepossessed the peoples minds against your tenets , as laboured to dispossesse them : we have all played the after-game too much , you the fore-game ; you and your party have prepossessed the peoples minds with your principles , and have fil'd the city and kingdome with your tenets , and you have been on the prepossessing hand , filling many parliament mens ear●…s , and the peoples minds against presbyteriall government , and instilling into them , things but supposed against that government , ( as not giving enough to the power of the civill magistrate : ) it would grieve an ingenious and conscientious man , to see where ever one comes , how many good people of the kingdome are prepossessed by being prejudiced against presbyteriall government , that it will be worse then the hierarchy , and more tiranicall to the consciences and liberties of the people , with such like : there was therefore , and is much need to cast out these devils , and to unpossesse the people possessed , and by preaching , conference and writing , to preserve such who are not yet possest , and to prepossesse them with truth , because such is the nature of your errours , that hither to few who take hold of them ever returne ; like goodwin sands , that if a ship once strike upon them , there is no fetching her off : or as poison , which is hardly expelled , if once it be diffused through the body . . for the grounds and reasons of your pretended deepe silence , and forbearance of venting your opinions to the multitude , i grant they are well summed up by you , and i wish they had wrought as well with you to a deepe silence and forbearance ; but whatever you say of the conscience and consideration of all these , and the weight of each , to have had such a power with you hitherto , the contrary hath been prooved , and i am ready yet further to make it good ; and will upon your reply to this answer say a great deale more . but now i must come to examine each of your grounds apart ; which you say wrought upon you not to attempt in the least to make a party or to act for your selves or way . . but we knew and considered , that it was the second blow that makes the quarrell , and that the beginning of strife would have beene as the breaking in of waters , and the sad and conscientious apprehension of the danger of rending and dividing the godly protestant party in this kingdome , that were desirous of reformation , and of making severall interests among them , when there was an absolute necessity of their neerest union and conjunction , &c. i answer , it is spoken like an oracle , and might indeed have wrought upon you to a burying of your opinions , to a totall forbearance of them for a time , and to have spent your time in a conjuring all the ministers and people of your way , not to have spoken a word , not to have appeared in the least for those points till the reformation intended had been effected ; but brethren , was it practised by you as well as it is here spoken ? i beseech you , let your consciences answer , and in coole blood , ( laying aside all particular interests , passion , prejudice , ) consider whether it be not by your meanes , or by some of you more especially who writ this , that the godly protestant party of this kingdome desirous of a reformation , is rent and divided , and have severall interests mong them in a time when there was an absolute necessity of their necrest union and conjunction , and all little enough to eff●…ct that reformation intended : have not some of your sermons ? have not the practises of some of you in assembling in private houses , and in the gathering of many to your churches ? have not your discourses and conferences with some ministers and well affect●…d people upon your points ? ( with many other things that i could name ) been a great cause of rending and dividing the godly protestant party , and of much distracting them , and of making severall interests ? whence have come all the rents and divisions ( to speake of ) in the godly protestant party , all the ●…ets , stopps and delayes in the intended reformation , but from you and by occasion and meanes of you ? the authority of your names holding these opinions ( having the reputation of schollars , and of excellent preachers , ) whereby you are cryed up of many , and so much followed ; your interest , and favour in too many considerable persons have drawne so much ; had it not been for your sakes , these rents and divisions had never come to this head , there had not been that connivance , nor such delayes of setling governement , &c. most of the rest of your way were in comparison contemptible both for name and gifts , and could not have done that hurt ; and why then , in a time ( by your own confession ) of absolute necessity of the neerest union and conjunction , and all little enough to effect that reformation intended , and so long contended for against a common adversary , that had both present possession to plead for it selfe , power to support it , and had injoyed a long continued settlement , which had rooted it in the hearts of men , have you done so much by preaching and acting to rend and divide the godly protestant party ? there was no absolute necessity , just at that time when you did preach and stirre for your way , for you to have done so ; affirmatives though they doe bind semper , yet not ad semper , there were greater truths in doctrine and in reformation of government , which you might have preached on for that time , but there was an absolute necessity of the neerest union and conjunction : i heartily with , this first reason and ground deepely layed to heart by you , and then i know you must greatly repent for what you have done in this particular , since your returne into england ; and had not god been , and were he not the more gracious , and better to us then ordinary , your carriage , and what hath been by your meanes , would have spoiled our reformation , and hath done much to keepe the common adversary in his present possession , and long continued settlement : but i pray god humble you for it , and forgive you ; and seeing you knew and considered , that it was the second blow that makes the quarrell , and that the beginning of strife would have been as the breaking in of waters , why were you not contented with the giving of the first blow , and the first occasion of the quarrell , both by your former preaching and practising , but to adde this second great blow , the writing of this apologeticall narration , which though it be not on your parts the beginning of strife , yet it will prove as the breaking in of waters , and as the kindling of a fire , not likely to be put out in hast . . and this seconded by the instant and continuall advices and conjurements of many honourable , wise and godly personages of both houses of parliament , to forbeare what might any way be like to occasion or augment this unhappy difference ; they having also by their declarations to his majesty , professed their endeavour and desire to unite the protestant party in this kingdome that agree in fundamentall truths against popery and other heresies , and to have that respect to tender consciences as might prevent oppressions and inconveniences which hath formerly been . i judge this ground seconding the former , should have been powerfull with you to a deepe silence and forbearance , every particular branch of it speaks strongly to you , to forbeare what ever might any way be like to occasion ; or augment this unhappy difference ; nay almost every word in it , ●…s an argument to command , the instant , and continuall advices , and conjurements of many honourable , wise , and godly personages of both houses of parliament , what might not all these have wrought ? and then take in also , that they had by their declarations to his majestie , &c. and that they would have a respect to tender consciences ; now what could you almost have wished more , or what better securitie for your selves and way : a man would thinke all these might have commanded you , not to have acted for your selves and way , and certainly your fault was the greater in doing contrary , and you are the more inexcusable , had not this seconded the former , yet your knowledge of the first was enough to have taken ingenuous spirits , but this seconding the first , it is too bad that you went contrary to the instant and continuall advices , and conjurement , of many honourable , wise and godly personages of both houses of parliament . as for those passages inserted in this reason , the parliaments declarations to his majestie , professing their endeavour and desire to unite the protestant party in this kingdome that agree in fundamentall truths , and to have that respect to tender consciences , wherein you would insinuate that the parliament had put you in some hopes of a toleration , and that grounded upon some passages in their declarations , had you named what declarations speake so , i could have perused and examined them , and have returned you an answere ( i question it not ) from the words and sense ; but to put it out of doubt , that the parliament intends no toleration , in such words as having respect to tender consciences , &c. i referre you to the first and great remonstrance and declaration of the house of commons , wherein they declare the contrary , and ingage themselves to the kingdome against it , answering to that as a calumnie cast upon them to traduce their proceedings : they infuse into the people that we meane to abolish all church-government , and leave every man to his owne fancy for the service and worship of god , absolving him of that obedience which he owes under god unto his majestie , whom we know to be intrusted with the ecclesiasticall law as well as with the temporall , to regulate all the members of the church of england by such rules of order and discipline as are established by parliament , which is his great councell in all affaires both in church and state : and we doe here declare that it is farre from our purpose or desire to let loose the golden reynes of discipline and government in the church , to leave private persons , or particular congregations to take up what forme of divine service they please ; for we hold it requisite that there should be throughout the whole realme a conformity to that order which the lawes enjoyne according to the word of god : and we desire to unburthen the consciences of men of needlesse and superstitious ceremonies , suppresse innovations , and take away the monuments of idolatry . and the better to effect the intended reformation , we desire there may be a generall synod of the most grave , pious , learned and judicious divines of this island , assisted with some from forraine parts professing the same religion with us , who may consider of all things necessary for the peace and good government of the church , and represent the results of their consultations unto the parliament , to be there allowed of and confirmed , and receive the stamp of authority , thereby to find passage and obedience throughout the kingdome . also i referre you to declarations both of lords and commons about uniformitie in church-government , worship , &c. intended by them . and for the words as you expresse them here , respect to tender consciences , as might prevent oppressions and inconveniences which had formerly been ; they interpret themselves , implying a taking away the ceremonies and other offensive things , and a not inforcing and injoyning subscriptions to all points in matter of order and externall government , as had formerly been : but as for tolerating different churches , and a different forme of church-government to be publikely exercised , besides the established , as i doe not beleeve that to be any part of their meaning in their declarations , so their words are expresse against it in the first remonstrance , and in some later declarations ; besides that the parliament well knowes a toleration would bring in greater inconveniences to tender consciences then can at first be imagined , and would prove a farre greater mischiefe to the church , and to reformation both in doctrine and government , then the episcopall . . together with that strict ingagement willingly entred into by us for these common ends with the rest of our brethren of the ministery ( which though made to continue but ad placitum , yet hath been sa●…red to us : ) as for this third ground alleadged by you for silence , it prevailed no more with you then the former , for notwithstanding this strict ingagement , even since that time you have both preached , and printed for your way , namely mr borroughs ▪ mr bridge , mr sympson , and mr goodwin , and many of the particulars formentioned have been preached since that agreement , so that it seemes it hath not beene so sacred to you as you would make the reader beleeve . but if you answer , you understand that engagement entred into with the ministers was sacred to you , and so observed as long as the agreement lasted , but the particulars instanced in preached by you were since that agreement ceased by mutuall content : i answer , your words , and the scope for which they are brought joyned to the precedent passages referre to a silence , and forbearance till the time of putting forth this apologie , and that parenthesis , which though made to continue but ad placitum , implies so much , that though you were at libertie , yet you tooke not that libertie . but secondly , i must mind you that the ground-worke laid by you , by which you would the more commend your owne silence , and moderation , namely the agreement to continue but ad placitum was not so , for it was agreed upon , it should continue till both sides in a full meeting did declare the contrary , and in case one side did transgresse by preaching , &c. none of the other side should take liberty to doe the like , till the company was acquainted with it , and the thing proved , and the matters of difference not being taken up , the agreement thereupon was declared to be null , whereupon , though some men included , and particularly named at the agreement were complained of in a full meeting to have transgressed the agreement , yet it was still continued notwithstanding some breach on the independent side , in reference to the publike union against the common enemy , and for those common ends , which was the first ground of it . . i desire it may be considered of by mr borroughs mr sympson , and m. bridge , whether some passages in some of their sermons and expositions about the church way , will not by calculating the time when they were preached , and the time of the engagement for silence , ( namely before the formall declaration of the companie in a publike meeting , that the agreement ceased , and that every man was left to his former libertie ) be found to be preached within the compasse of the time , even before the mutuall strict engagement was declared null : and because you here give the occasion by making this mutuall strict engagement between you and us one great ground of your deep silence , i shall faithfully , and impartially ( to my best remembrance ) relate that whole businesse of the agreement of the ministers for silence , the truth of which many ministers then present upon the place can testifie also : the ministers of both sides , both they and we desirous of reformation in church-government , and worship , being sensible how much our differences , and divisions might distract the parliament , and hinder the taking away of episcopall government , and the reformation intended , in a full and great meeting consulted together upon wayes to prevent it , and by vote agreed upon these : . that the godly ministers of the citie and countrey should continue the use of some part of the liturgie ( namely , what was best , and least offensive , ) because they found that the bishops fought under that banner , and made use with the gentrie and body of the common people to wrap up themselves in that , suggesting that the parliament would take away the common prayer booke , ( which they made use of to save their owne standing , and to worke their owne ends the better . ) and m. goodwin ingenuously professed that he judged the moderate use of the lyturgie in this juncture of things , and for a time , conduced much to the reformation aimed at , and were his principles as ours , that any prescribed prayers might be used , he would use it , ( and saving his judgement about lyturgies ) his vote was to use it , whereupon there being such a generall concurrence of judgement amongst the ministers , some one or two ministers in the citie who were taken notice of wholly to disuse it , and to have laid it aside in all administrations , were sent unto from the company of ministers ( and one of them came presently ) to whom the sence of the company was represented , and he dealt with to take it up againe , and to use some part of the prayers in the lyturgie , especially in the administration of the sacraments . secondly , the ministers finding that the preaching of some lay-men , tradesmen , and mechanicks in the publique congregations was a great stone of offence in the building of the temple , a way was agreed upon by the ministers to deale with them , and to take them off that practise , and some of the company ( judged to be most gratious and powerfull with them ) were chosen by the whole to deale with them , and to acquaint them with the sense of the ministers , and some grounds against their practise , especially at that time ( though the company of ministers who sent ; declared formally their judgement against the practise of it at all times , ) thirdly , a mutuall silence was agreed upon for both sides , both in preaching , printing , and conferring with the people , ( and especially parliament men ) of any of the points in difference betweene us , but yet so that both they and we should joyne together to preach against the anabaptists and rigid brownists , which these apologists promised , only they desired first to bring in a narrative to us ; of all their opinions that they held in difference , ( which also they promised with all convenient speed , in a short time should be brought in , and then they would preach against them ; ) now for the better keeping of the agreement , and understanding one another , for preventing mistakes , and differences amongst us , a committee was chosen out of the company , some of them , and some of our side to draw up the particulars in writing , which was accordingly done , and the agreement under the hands of both sides for our part was to be left with m. calamie ( at whose house we met , ) that so if any difference did arise , or complaint come , we might recurre to the writing drawne up betweene us , and accordingly doe : now this strict engagement entred into by you with the rest of your brethren in the ministery for common ends , brought by you here as one great ground of not attempting to make a party , and of your deepe silence and forbearance , no one thing that ever was done by you was more advantageous to your side , and to the increasing of a party , ( which indeed proved as it was feared it would , and was by my selfe and some others objected as a ground against any such agreement , ) for looke what came of the declarations set out by the king ( by meanes of the bishops ) that in the arminian points there should be on both sides a totall silence in preaching , and printing , ( namely , a greater prevailing of the arminian points , and spreading of them , but a suppressing of the orthodox ) so fell it out here , for by that meanes nothing was preached , nor printed against their way to hinder the growth of it , but in the meane time many things were preached and printed for it , our side made conscience of the promise , and forbore totally preaching and printing : for my owne part though for many reasons i desired to have been excepted from the agreement , as being engaged by a former promise in print to set out speedily some tractates against their way , and never did formally promise silence , yet because my brethren undertooke for me ( for without my forbearing to print and preach , they would not have yeelded to the agreement ) that i might not be singular , and goe against the judgement of all my brethren ( though my judgement was against the promise of silence upon what i evidently foresaw would follow upon it , the advantage they would make by it to encrease a party ) and that i might not be guilty of hindering the common ends held out , i did totally both in preaching and printing decline all those points of difference , and notwithstanding i heard and knew that some of their side preached contrary to the agreement , yet all that time , untill it was openly declared in a full assembly the agreement was broken , and i declared i would be at freedome , and some of them said the like , i preached not upon those points , whereas in this time many of their way preached for their way both in citie and countrey , and some who by name were spoken of at the agreement ( as mr p. and m. w. ) besides bookes were printed too in that interim for their way , as m. cottons answere to m. ball about formes of prayer , and his church catechisme , &c. in a word in the whole carriage of that businesse they were too hard for us by their policie and subtilty , for whereas a mutuall silence was agreed upon both in preaching , &c. and that out of hand they should bring in a narrative of their opinions wherein they differed from us , and then should joyne with us in preaching against the brownists and anabaptists , they never brought in their narrative till this day , and though at full meetings of the ministers they have been spoken unto , and some ministers have been sent from the company to some , or one of them , and the narrative was promised at such a time , and then at such a time , yet it was never performed , and whereas the agreement in writing for our side was left in m. calamies hand , m. nye comes after some time to m. calamy , and pretends some reasons for to borrow it for a while , but after he had it , he carries it away into yorkshire , that so upon occasions of complaints of the breach of the agreement , when we would have consulted with that , that was gone , and m. nye keepes it till this day , and having been moved to restore it , his answer is , it is at hull amongst other papers . . and above all the due respect we have had to the peaceable and orderly reformation of this church and state , the hopefull expectation we have been entertained with of an happy latitude and agreement by meanes of this assembly , and the wisdome of this parliament . strong motives indeed , peaceable and orderly reformation with a hopefull expectation of an happy latitude and agreement , powerfull and effectuall to have commanded peaceable and orderly men , but though you make these grounds above all the rest to have carried weight , yet they could no more prevaile with you then the forenamed , ( as i have fully proved ) and whether you have had such due respect to the peaceable and orderly reformation of this church and state , let what followes speake : is it peaceable and orderly in a time when the magistrate makes it his maine worke to reforme , and cals so many godly learned ministers from all parts to consult with , to settle the church and government according to the word of god , for particular private men to gather churches , and to adde to them daily without and against the consent of the magistrate ; yea , against the instant and continuall advices and conjurements of many honourable , wise , and godly personages of both houses of parliament , to forbeare what might any way be like to occasion or augment this unhappy difference ; now no one thing could hardly more occasion or augment the differences then this of gathering churches , according to your way , one or two out of this godly ministers parish , one or two out of this family , the wife from the husband against his consent , & c ? againe , is it peaceable and orderly for these gathered churches to meet on the sabbath day in private houses at the times of the publique assemblies , whereby great tumults and combustions have been and may be occasioned in the streets ? and is it a due respect to peaceable and orderly reformation to preach publiquely upon points in difference , and for a toleration of divers sects and opinions ? and lastly , is that a due respect to the peaceable and orderly reformation of this church and si●…te , to see in churches ( where you , and other ministers of your way have preached ) great tumults and disorders committed by your followers against the use of any part of the lyturgie , and yet never to reprove them for it , nor to teach them to expect and wait till the parliament would settle things ▪ which of you have preached against the tumults in churches , or the lay-preaching , or the gathering of churches by the people ? we have had a sprinkling of a little court holy-water for a colour in one or two sermons against some who say we have had no churches , no ministers , &c. with which the eyes of many men who have not studied the controversies , neither understand them have been blinded ; and by which you have the more readily drawn some either to your church-way by your pretended moderation , or to plead for you against the aspersion of brownisme . but what have you either done really ; or forborne for the peaceable and orderly reformation of this church and state , have not all the notorious and visible disorders in our churches ( since this parliament ) both in citie and countrey ( which have wrought such great disgusts in many ( though unjustly ) against the reformation and the parliament , that as old iacob●…aid ●…aid to simeon and l●…vi , ye have troubled me ; to make me to stincke amongst the inhabitants of the land , and i being few in number , they shall gather themselves together against me ; and ●…ay me , &c. so might reformation and parliament speake ) been committed by your followers , and men of your way and ●…ommunion ▪ yea many of them in your presence , when some of you have been to preach ( for as for the rigid brownists and a●…baptists they come not to our assemblies at all . ) o the great advantage and gaine the common enemie hath made amongst many of these things , and the great losse and hinderance the reformation and parliament hath sustained by them . what that happy latitude and agreement is with which you have ●…een so hop●…fully entertained by some , you should have done well to have spoken out , and have told us whether any men in place have given you promises of a toleration for your way ▪ ( for i suppose by your phrase that is the happy latitude and agreement you meane , ) b●… if any have , i hope it is more then they can performe and mak●… good , besides those persons are free from their promise , & you hav●… justly forfeited that hopefull expectation , for whereas they entertained you with it ( as your selves say ) that you might keepe silence , and forbeare all acting for your selves or way ▪ you have practised quite contrary ( as is evident by the many instances give●… in my answer to this section ▪ ) now as this deepe silence and forbearance of yours , is sufficiently disprooved ( for what heare i words , when i see deeds so contrary ) so neither the conscience non cōsideration of all these , nor the weight of each have had any great power with you hitherto , but your own interests : for your private particular church way hath prevailed with you above all the publike , to occasion great disturbance amongst the people ; and so great disturbance hath been , and is occasioned by your meanes ; that the swarme is up and settles in so many places ; as without gods great mercy , they will never be got into one hive againe . the lord only knowes , when these disturbances will be setled and qui●…ted , it were easie to fill up such a booke as your apologeticall narration with the particulars of the disturbances occasioned amongst the people ; by meanes of you , and other ministers of your communion . in a word , at that time when some of you whose names are here subscribed , did keepe any silence , i think it was not so much these reasons pretended by you , as the advantage of our silence in forbearing preaching and printing , ( some bookes being then even ready to have come out ) that was aymed at ; and was a greater w●…ght then the reasons here mentioned by you , and besides you in your wisedomes knew well enough there we●… many of your way ( though you were silent ) would be doing and driving on the trade , there would be preaching and printing that would serve to take with the people ; and in the interim you should gaine time to ripen , shapen and bring forth your opinions the better with their grounds ▪ as to those words in the close of this section ▪ w●… have and 〈◊〉 yet resolved to ●…re all this with a quiet and strong 〈◊〉 in th●… strength of which we now speake or rather sigh forth this little , &c ▪ so it seemes , witnesse this apologeticall narration , that you have , and are resolved to beare all this with a quiet and strong patience , it is a wonder if your patience was so quiet and so strong , ( in the strength of which you now speake , or rather sigh forth this little booke ) you could not forbeare a little longer from putting forth this popular and rhetoricall discourse to take the people with , and to vindicate your selves and way ( especially having so many advantages . ) . that many of the mists gathered about you were in a great measure scattered without speaking a word . . the good opinion both houses had of you to make you members of the assembly , with other favours conferred upon you . . your swimming with the streame of popular applause , cried up , and followed so by the people , with your great interest and familiaritie in many men of place and power . . eminent lectures , and the most publique places to preach in . . above all , your being members of the assembly , as also the assembly being upon the very borders of the points in difference : in consideration of all which ( i judge ) a very little patience might have served the turne to have left the vindi●…ation of your persons to god , and to a further 〈◊〉 of you by ●…en ; so that it seemes not true to me , that in the strength of a quiet and strong patience you now speake or sigh forth this apologie , but rather this apologie was made for want of patience to wait , and out of that common designe of acting for your selves and way , and to lay in something before hand with the parliament and the people , ( what ever the assembly might chance to conclude , ) in a word , to prejudge the assembly , to play the fore-game , and to prepossesse the mindes of men with a further high opinion of you and your way , but i beleeve , god hath turned all to the contrary , taking the wise in their owne craftinesse , and this apologie hath , and will make more against you then any one thing you ever did . i have beene told by an intimate familiar friend of yours , that one of you five told him , it proved quite contrary to your expectation , and you admired at it , it should be so ill taken by the assembly , &c. it is the worst evill that ever befell you since your returne from your exile , worse then all the misunderstandings and misrepresentations of your opinions , and the incitements to the s●…te edged with calumnies and reproaches against toleration of your churches , and the suddaine and unexpected noyse of confus●…d exclamations : so soone as ever i read it over with deliberation , i presently apprehended it the beginning of your fall , ( in regard of your church-way , ) and could not but wonder at the providence of god , in leaving you to pen such a strange piece , both for matter and manner , so justly liable to exceptions and offence , which would loose you among your friends , and draw pens of all sorts , and from all parts against you , and give occasion for drawing up such answers to it ( and you can blame none but your selves ) as would upon necessitie discover , and lay open both matter of fact and opinions more then ever else there would have been any pretence of ground to have done it . as for referring the vindication of your persons to god and a further experience of you by men . i answere , that without great repentance for this apologeticall narration , and some other practises since your returne into england , in stead of gods vindicating your persons , you cannot but expect god will visit you ; and whether hereafter men may have occasion to vindicate you upon further experience of you , i referre that to time , but for the experience they have had of you this parliament , before the writing of this apologie , and by the writing of it , and since till this very day , they can have no great cause of vindicating you , but rather ( particularly by this apologie ) they have matter of great offence and scandall : and i judge this apologie hath in one sence given a further experience of your wayes and spirits to men , then the experience of many yeares hereafter might have done . as for referring the declaration of your judgements , and what you conceive to be gods truth therein to the due and orderly agitation of this assembly ; why did you not as you speake , referre it to the agitation of the assembly , but write this booke just before the agitation , wherein you had declared your judgements in the points controverted , and let me aske you , seeing you meant to referre the declaration of your judgements to the due and orderly agitation of this assembly , why would you agitate the points before hand , as in this apologie , in so undue and disorderly a way , why would you so publiquely engage your selves in print before hand , yea , and peremptorily conclude the points before ever disputed , ( as in the , . pages you doe . ) and let me tell you , you had ne●… agitate what you conceive to be truth in this cause more duly and orderly in the assembly , then you doe in the apologie ; for i beleeve this apologie ( considering all circumstances ) was borne and brought forth the most out of due time and order of any booke put forth thi●… forty yeares . as for that clause , of this assembly wh●…reof both houses were pleased to make us members , it might have been here spared , because in the title of the book , and in other places you speake of your selves as member●… of the assembly , but if you added it here as by way of acknowledgement of the great favour and good pleasure of the houses to make you so , ( being members of other churches then the church of england , and having received another ministery , and never purposing to be bound by the determinations of the assembly , ) then there may be some reason of this addition . and whereas our silence upon all the forementioned grounds ( for which we know we can never lose esteeme with good and wise men ) hath been by the ill interpretation of some , imputed either to our consciousnesse of the badnesse and weaknesse of our cause , or to our unabilitie to maintain what we assert in diff●…rence from others , or answer what hath been written by others , we shall ( with all modesty ) onely present this to all mens apprehension●… in confutation of it . that what ever the truth and justnesse of our cause may prove to be , or how slend●…r our abiliti●…s to defend it , yet we pretend at least to so much wisedome , that we would never have reserved our selves for , but rather by all wayes have declined this theatre , of all other , the most judicious and severe , an assembly of so many able , learned , and grave divines , where much of the piety , wisedome , and learning of two kingdomes are met in one , honoured and assisted with the presence of the worthies of both houses at all debates ( as often as they please to vouchsafe their presence ) as the stage whereon first we would bring forth into publique view our tenets ( if false and counterf●…it ) together with our owne folly and weaknesse : we would much rather ●…ave chos●…n to have been v●…nting them to the multitude ▪ apt to be seduced , ( which we have had these three yeares opportunity to have done . ) but in a conscientious regard had to the orderly and peaceable way of searching out truths , and reforming the churches of christ , we have adventured our selves upon this way of god , wisely assumed by the providence of the state ; and therein also upon all sorts of disadvantages ( which we could not but foresee ) both of number , abilities of learning , authority , the streame of publique interest ; trusting god both with our selves and his owne truth , as he shall be pleased to manage it by us . i answer , whereas you speake of silence upon all the forementioned grounds , you have not been silent in the pulpits , and among the people , but in many sermons , and in divers congregations , and at sundry times , most of you have both plainly , particularly , and at large , ( besides more darkly and generally ) preached your church-way : so that , what you would inferre is denyed you , for had you indeed been silent amongst the people , and where you ought to have kept silence , you could not have lost esteeme with good and wise men , but it had beene your praise with god and men : but this is that i charge you with , and for which you may well suffer in the thoughts of good and wise men , that you have been very silent and reserved where you should have spoken , and have been desired ; and where the free and plaine declaring your judgements would not have prejudiced the forementioned grounds , but on the other hand where you should have been silent , and your speaking could tend to no other ends , but to di●…union in dividing the godly party , and to the increasing of your owne party , there you have been free to speake out , but to your godly and learned brethren in the ministery differing from you , you never brought in a narrative of your tenets , ( as was desired , and you promised ) nor ever laid downe clearly your positions with the grounds of them , ( as who but you would in three yeares time have done , and have desired satisfaction ) but you still declined disputes and reasonings upon the points in difference , as upon that about formes of prayer , ( whereupon the meeting among ministers was laid aside for a time . ) you never answered any of the bookes written by men of much worth and learning , and with much strength and moderation , ( as your selves confesse ) but it was still given out by your followers upon the comming forth of the bookes , they should be answered , and that the question was mistaken , and you held not so , with such like put off's : you have declined giving in your positions and grounds to some parliament men that desired them , who promised to be ready to doe any thing for you , provided they might know what your way was , and see your grounds to consider of them , whether they were according to scriptures : but now in pulpits , and in houses among common people ( and especially the female sex ) apt to be seduced , strong in their affections , and loving too much independency , but weake and easie in their understandings , not able to examine grounds and reasons , nor to answer you , there you have vented abundantly your conceits , setting fire upon the thatch of the house ( as mr iohn goodwin in former times used to expresse it . ) upon which grounds and considerations , no marvell though it were interpreted by some ministers , and by my selfe too , ( i freely confesse it ) that you were somewhat conscious of a weake and bad cause , or of unabilitie to maintain what you asserted in difference from others , or to answere the bookes written against your way : and i appeale to the reader , whether this was an ill interpretation , or whether we might not justly and rationally impute such a silence to the badnesse and weaknesse of the cause , &c. it was ever accounted an argument of a weake and bad cause to delay , and shift off the triall , and hearing of it ; and of a bad commodity to be shy of the light ; and i have read it somewhere as a speech quoted out of tertullian , that opinion ought to be suspected , which would be hid , and you know that common saying , veritas non quaerit angulos . but as for that which you present to all mens apprehensions for the confutation of that interpretation and construction of your silence ; that what ever the truth and justness●… of your cause may prove to be , or how slender your abilities to def●…nd it , yet you pretend at least to so much wisedome , that you would never have reserved your selves for , but rather by all wayes have declined this theatre of all other the most judicious and severe , an assembly of so many able , learned , and grave divines , &c. i answer , it is no concluding argument , it followes not , because there is an assembly now sitting , whereof you are members , where you resolve to bring forth your grounds for your tenets , that therefore your former silence then , could not be imputed to consciousnesse of a bad and weake cause , or unabilitie to maintain it , and it will appeare thus : because of the different times , and that distance between then and now , you might not see such good grounds , nor be so well versed and studied in it then ; besides , you might be in great hopes that it would be long before any such assembly should meet , ( as it was ) and when they did meet , it should be long before those points should come to dispute and debate , ( as we see hath fallen out ) and in the meane time you should gaine time , which polititians and wise men ( as you are ) make much account of , and set that against many things , whereby to worke out their ends ; and then you should try the spirits of men in the assembly , and see how things were like to goe ; and if things did not cotten to your mind , you might returne back , and so never discover your weaknesse , but if things went on well , and affaires were likely to succeed on the parliaments side , and matters must come to dispute and debate in the assembly , then you would doe as you should finde occasion , and fall upon such consultations as the times would suffer , then reason and dispute it when brought to a necessity , and it could not be helped ; but yet so long as no need kept it off , especially upon some hopes it might never come to that : many will adventure upon a thing with more disadvantages when they see there is no remedy for it , who yet so long as they can be at choise and at liberty will decline the thing out of diffidence of their strength , and feare of their ability to carry it . many a man shuns fighting when he can avoid it , out of consciousnesse of his weaknesse , and want of skill , and hopes of doing so still , who yet when he must either fight or die , will fight and lay about him as well as he is able , and this was , and is your case : ●…d whereas you say , what ever your cause may prove to be , &c. yet you pretend at least to so much wisedome that you would never have reserved your selves for the assembly , &c. i must answer you , i beleeve upon good grounds , and so do many more , you never tooke any great content or joy in the thoughts of this assembly , but have done your utmost to delay it , and to put it by : god knowes your hearts , and men some of your speeches about the meeting of this assembly , but seeing it could not be helped , and that you could not keep it off by all your friends , you could neither will nor chuse , you have reserved your selves , and not by all wayes declined being members of it ; and good reason why , for otherwise you must have lost all , and for ever have had your mouthes stopt for your way , if being chosen of the assembly you had declined it ; but by being members of the assembly , you hoped at least to doe something for your way , hinder , and stumble the other way , keep it longer from being setled ( by which you should gaine , and make an advantage ) or get a toleration for your churches , or possibly might carry it at least in some things : for without doubt you reasoned after this manner , there are some ten for our way in the assembly , and we hope to bring in more of our mind ( as you have attempted since the sitting of the assembly ) some besides there are of the assembly fairly inclining towards us , and ready to comply with us , some also but little studied in the points , and other more indifferent about government : now we in policie , diligence , speech , and parts excelling many others too , may have some hopes to carry it , or at least to qualifie and moderate the assembly to our way ; ( especially having observed the ministers so desirous of peace , and loath to breake with us almost upon any termes : ) but supposing the worst whatever the issue of things might prove to be in the assembly , you had this maxime to guide you by , when men can doe no otherwise , they must doe as well as they can : and as for the wisedome you pretend unto , not to bring forth your tenets into publique view first on the stage of the assembly , ( if false and counterfeit ) together with your own folly and weaknesse : i answer , the wisedome that many have pretended to , ( as much as you can ) hath deceived them ; and instead of truth and strength have brought forth their folly and weaknesse ; and whe●…her none of you , who pretend to much wisedome , have not in the assembly brought forth into publique view , upon occasion of your tenets , their folly and weaknesse , i leave the assembly to judge of that . onely before i take off my hand from this brought by you in confutation of the ill interpretation of some , i cannot l●…t passe this testimony given by you five to the assembly : that it is a theatre of all other the most judicious and severe , an assembly of so many able , learned , and grave divines , where much of the piety , wisedome and learning of two kingdomes are met in one , &c. which testimony given by you to this assembly , and that character given by you of the people and the professours of this kingdome in page . and . are worthy to be observed and are of great use in these times , when the assembly and their proceedings are so much traduced and spoken against by your followers and churches ; and let me make this use of it to the people , and sadly put this question to their consciences , whether is more probable , that an assembly so judicious , of so many able , learned , and grave divines , where much of the pietie , wisedome , and learning of two kingdomes are met in one , going in gods way ( as you say , page . ) making it their worke and businesse to find out the government and the truth about the order of the church visible , and giving freedome of debates to men of different mindes and apprehensions , seeking god publiquely and privately daily ( with so many prayers put up for them in all churches at home , and abroad beyond the seas , ) should find out the truth ; or mr lockyer , mr batchelor , mr carter , with a company of weake , ignorant men and women , youths and maids , apt to be seduced , and ready to take any impressions , and to be cast into any mould that hath but the appearance of a stricter way ? as to those words : we would much rather have chosen to have been venting them to the multitude apt to be seduced : i answer , so you did , much rather chuse to vent your opinions and principles both in publique and private to the multitude , apt to be seduced , according to the opportunities you had these three yeares , then to communicate them to your godly brethren of the ministerie , ( as i have before fully shewed . ) for this passage of yours , but in a conscientious regard had to the orderly and peaceable way of searching out truths , and reforming the churches of christ , wee have adventured our selves upon this way of god , wisely assumed by the prudence of the state ; whether this be so or no , that you have had a conscientious regard to the orderly and peaceable way of searching out truth , and reforming the churches of christ , let my last answer , and what is before proved witnesse , and if out of a conscientious regard to the orderly , &c. you adventured to be members of the assembly , and upon this way by an assembly of searching out truths , why did you not before the assembly forbeare the disorderly and unpeaceable way of venting your selves to the multitude , and of gathering churches , &c. as also since the assembly the disorderly and unpeaceable way of searching out truths in writing this apologie , in preaching some sermons , with some other practises , which were no orderly nor peaceable wayes of searching out truths ( especially the assembly sitting ; ) but them beleeve you that will , i judge , and that upon grounds and hints already given , that other things made you adventure to be of the assembly , and to come thither constantly , rather then the conscientious regard had to the orderly and peaceable way of searching out truths ; and i cannot let passe without some animadversions the phrase used by you here of your being members of the assembly , we have adventured our selves , a very significant and true expression , for i beleeve you accounted this assembly a great adventure for your church-way , and such a bottome as you would not have put it in , ( at least not so soon ) if all the wayes you could have devised under heaven would have hindred it , but it happened to you according to the proverbe , nothing venture , nothing have ; for supposing there must be an assembly , you might perhaps by being members of it doe your selves and way some good , but by declining and refusing it , you had been certainly lost . but brethren , what is the reason , that in this section , wherein you give so full a testimonie to the assembly , and of your great adventuring to be members of it , that you annex in the close these words following : and therein also upon all sorts of disadvantages , both of number , abilities of learning , authoritie , the streame of publique interest , trusting god both with our selves and his own truth , &c. whether does not this somewhat reflect upon the assembly ? as if there were a great hazard that things would be carried there by number , abilities of learning , authority , the streame of publique interest , rather then by truth ? for if points were not likely to be carried so , by plurality of votes , &c. but by the clearest proofes from scripture , then these were no disadvantages to you , but all the advantage , would lie on that side whether many or few , whether greater scholars , or lesse , that could bring the strongest scripture grounds ; and i must tell you , that in such an assembly as you confesse this is and is well known to be , both for the persons and ends of its calling , that great liberty of speech and debate , with that solemne protestation taken by every member at first sitting there , a man need not account those things specified by you for any disadvantages : for any two or three men , nay , one of a different judgement in doctrine or discipline from that assembly , having truth on his side , and but so much learning as to manage and make out his evidences ( though a man of no authority ) might easily cause the consciences of most there to owne and fall downe before that truth , and to change their mindes ; yea , and to blesse god for the light , and imbrace the person or persons that brought it ; much lesse need you , whose number is sufficient , about ten ( besides some who are halfe independents , ) having parts and abilities enough , and authority to manage your arguments , and even to command free and long audience , complaine of these things for disadvantages ; but i am jealous this passage is here inserted and brought in to possesse the peoples minds ( fearing by this time this apologie was set out things might not goe on your side ) and to give them something to confirme them in your way , to teach them what to say , namely , though you had the truth , and brought such strong arguments as were not answered , yet you could not be heard , but matters were carried against you by pieces , ( the greater number of the assembly by far being of another judgement , as also by the streame of publike interest , authority , &c. ) and many of the people of the church way speake thus already , that the assembly cannot answer your arguments , but beare you downe with numbers , the parliament should have done well to have chosen as many of your way as on the other side , and then there would have been a faire and even triall : but i will examine all your disadvantages apart , and give you and the reader a particular account of them . first , for number , though you have not so many of your judgement in the assembly , yet you have a competent number to plead your cause , and to be the mouth for all of your way , to speake whatever any of your way can say for it . secondly , when an assembly was first agreed upon , there were not many more ministers and schollers of your way in the kingdome , who were capeable of such a service , ( how ever you may be encreased since ) so that you had as much advantage as your condition was capeable of , yea and favour too . thirdly , considering the many hundred ministers in this kingdome that petitioned for reformation , and subscribed the remonstrance , ( who also bore the heate of the day and never flinched for it , ) and the small number of the independent ( who fled also to save their stake , and to keepe in a whole skin ) having quitted to our churches and ministery , and making no account to be bound by the determinations of the assembly , it is more in proportion , both arithmeticall and geometricall , to have ten of you members in the assembly , then some hundreds of our ministers ; and yet you know , the whole number of divines who meet there , does not much exceed persons . fourthly , number is little , where conscientious men having taken such a protestation , come together to seeke out truth , being free also to receive and chuse any government laid downe in the word , and not over-awed by power or feare of crushing , nor byased by hopes of preferment : it is true in such an assembly , as the convocation house of bishops and their clarkes was , number was a great disadvantage . secondly , for abilities of learning , i grant you there are many members of the assembly goe farre beyond any of you in that , yet among you all , and in some particular men of you , there are abilities enough of learning , speech , and wit to bring out and enforce to the greatest advantage upon study , taking time ( which you doe ) and writing downe your grounds , any scripture or reasons for your way , so that you need not complaine for want of learning , but rather for want of truth in your cause , which will afford no better arguments for it . thirdly , for authority , i know not well what you mean by that in this place ( you having so many doubtfull passages in your apologie ) whether the authority of parliament , or whether the ministers who are for presbytery have greater authority in the assembly then you , or what else . now if you meane the first , that the presbyterian party hath the advantage of you , namely the authority of parliament : i answer , the parliament interposes no authority to determine what government shall be , but calls the assembly to advise with , and draw up for them what government is most agreeable to the word , giving also a liberty to the fewer number in matters of dissent to give in their reasons ( as you in the th page grant , and imply you will doe ; ) and as for the parliament who are authority , there are but few ministers of the assembly , who have been able to doe more with them then you ? or who have had a greater interest in their favour then your selves ? witnesse all passages of parliament from first to last , wherein the parliament hath honoured any of the ministers either in preaching before them upon solemne occasions , or in calling this assembly ; or in employing them about the scottish affaires , either in engla●…d , or into scotland , or in the setting up a lecture at westminster , or in appointing licensers for printing of bookes , what ever it hath been , or how few the number that have been employed , though but two , or three , yet still an independent hath beene one . but secondly , if you meane that the ministers who differ in judgement from you have a greater authority in the assembly then you , i answer , you are all equall , having a brotherly equality there ; the whole assembly not having authority , that is jurisdiction and power of censure over the meanest , to cast him out , or to hinder him from speech , according to rule and order : and as for authoritie of speaking in the assembly and of being heard , some of you have exercised as much of that as most there ; and for authority with the people to lead them , whether you , or most of the ministers in the assembly have the greatest is no controversie ; witnesse the deepe censures upon the assembly , and the godly ministers every where , by multitudes of the people , but the great applause and crying up of you and other independents : so that if authority with many well meaning people be an advantge it is on your side , and that hath done you heretofore some service , to make many men more shie of preaching against your way , because of your great authority with the people , that being ground enough to put many men out of the state of grace with some sorts of people ; besides ●…f authority in the peoples hearts could sway any thing with the assembly against the truth , yea but to suspend their judgements about the truth ( as i am confident it doth not ) then you would have the advantage of authority , to sway the assembly rather to your side , then against you . . for the fourth disadvantage , the streame of publike interest , this is a dangerous insinuation against the assembly , yea and the parliament too , without whom nothing the assemby doth can be of any validitie , as if they would be carried with the streame of publike interests rather then by the word of god , and would bend the word of god to the streame of publike interest ; now let me put you this dilemma , either the publike interest of this kingdome at this time will stand and agree with the word of god , or it will not ; if it will stand , then not only the assembly , but you also should be for that interest , accounting the publike interest , so suiting to the word of god an advantage ; but if it will not stand with the word , but that the streame of publike interest runnes one way , and gods word another way , can you think the assembly will be carried with publike interest , and leave the streame of the word ? would not the assembly rather follow the word of god , accounting walking according to that , the greatest and most publike interest ? hath the parliament , kingdome and ministers done and suffered so much for a reformation according to the word of god , and now after all this , is there a streame of publike interest divided from the word , to carry away the ministers called together , according to which a government must be framed , and the church reformed , and this is the great disadvantage that some members of the assembly who would goe according to the word of god meet withall , and must be put to swimme against : bretheren what will the prelates say of our reformation and church government when you speake thus ? have not you put a sword into their hands this day against us ? and shall we not heare of it ? but i wish bretheren whilst you thus asperse the assembly with the danger of being carried a way with the streame of publike interest , that the streame of your own particular private interest , and credit among the people did not too much carry you away , as many other waies , so in writing of this apologie ; but the reader may aske , what is the plaine english of the streame of publike interest , according to which there was so great danger the assembly would swimme ? i answer , i conceive one of these two things , or else it is probable both are meant by the apologists . . that the ministers of the assembly for themselves and their fellow ministers , would stand for such a government as wherein the power should be in their own hands , and not in the peoples , to doe with them for maintenance and standing at their pleasure , and therefore they would establish presbyteriall government rather then independent . . the parliament of england upon great armies raised against them , needing help , calls in for the kingdome of scotland to assist them , now the scots being for presbyteriall government , and against independent , and desirous of uniformity in government between the kingdomes , therefore for gratifying the scots , the assembly is like to be swayed that way , is this the streame of publike interest meant by you ? oh how unworthy an insinuation is this , and how prejudicall this will be to the reformation in after times , i desire you to consider of in coole blood , and what the enemies will say of it , the government and reformation of this church was not free , not according to the word of god , but what scotland would have , englands need of scotland made them at least swayed much to take up their government ; but how ever this is insinuated for the holding up the credit of your cause against the time the assembly shall come to reject it as apocripha , yet i must tell you , you foresaw that , which is no such streame of publike interest , nor no cause of disadvantage to you : for the commissioners of the church of scotland were not sent hither to put their government upon us , but came as well to receive any light and help , as to give , and to come to us in what should be found upon debate more agreeable to the word , as we to come to them , and the covenant of the kingdomes doth not tye us to the reformation of the church of scotland , but binds us to reformation according to the word of god and the example of the best reformed churches ; and then requires both of us and them an uniformity according to the word of god : and indeed the assembly consisting of so many able , learned and grave divines , where much of the wisdome , piety and learning of two kingdomes are met , cannot well be thought to be carried away from the word by the streame of publike interest , especially most of the assembly being men not engaged by education or otherwise to any other of the reformed churches , or by former declarations of their judgements , nor appointed by the parliament to presbyteriall government , but left freely to be guided by the light of the word in this way of god communicated to them , besides that the commissioners of the church of scotland ( however they be present in the assembly to heare debates and to give their reasons ) yet never gave their voices in any point that hath passed the assembly . as for the close of this section , trusting god both with your selves and his own truth as he shall be pleased to manage it by us . had you in adventuring your selves upon this assembly , and therein really beleeving all the sorts of disadvantages ( as you here speake ) trusted god both with your selvs and that you call his own truth , some of you would never have brought such arguments for your way ( as you have done . ) and certainely if some of you did trust god as you ought with your selves , &c. you would not trust so much to your wits and policie , nor be so full of reservations , fetches , doubtfull expressions as you are . and brethren let me deale with you plainely ( i hope it may doe you good , ) many speake of your policie and subtiltie , some who are strangers to you ( yet being members of the assembly ) and beholding your managing of your opinions and way there , wonder that good men should be so politick and subtill as you are , especially if the cause were good . moreover , if in all matters of doctrine , we were not as orthodox in our judgements as our bretheren themselves , we would never have exposed our selves to this triall and hazard of discovery in this assembly , the mixture of whose spirits , the quick-sightednesse of whose judgements ( intent enough upon us ) and variety of debates about all sorts of controversies afoot in these times of contradiction , are such , as would be sure soone to find us out if we nourished any monsters or serpents of opinions lurking in our bosomes . and if we had carried it so , as that hitherto such errours were not afore-hand open to the view and judgement of all , yet sitting here ( unlesse we would be silent , which we have not been ) we could not long be hid . but it is sufficiently known that in all points of doctrine ( which hitherto in the review and examination of the articles of our church , or upon other occasions have been gone through ) our judgements have still concurred with the greatest part of our bretheren , neither doe we know wherein we have dissented . and in matters of discipline we are so farre from holding up the differences that occurre , or making the breaches greater or wider , that we endeavour upon all such occasions to grant and yeeld ( as all may see and cannot but testifie for us ) to the utmost latitude of our light and consciences ; professing it to be as high a point of religion and conscience , readily to own , yea fall down before whatsoever is truth in the hands of those that differ , yea though they should be enemies unto us , as much as earnestly to contend for and hold fast those truths wherein we should be found dissenting from them ; and this is in relation to peace , so also as a just due to truth and goodnesse , even to approve it and acknowledge it to the uttermost graine of it , though mingled with what is opposite unto us . and further when matters by discussion are brought to the smallest dissent that may be , we have hitherto been found to be no backward urgers unto a temper ( not only in things that have concerned our own consciences , but when of others also ) such as may suite and tend to union as well as searching out of truth ; judging this to be as great and usefull an end of synods and assemblies , as a curious and exact discussion of all sorts of lesser differences with binding determinations of truth one way . whether in all matters of doctrine all of you be as orthodox in your judgements as your brethren themselves , i question it , ( though in the most doctrines and in the maine i grant it ) i have been told of some odd things in matter of doctrine preached by one of you five both in england and holland , and of some points preached in the church of arnheim never questioned there , and since printed , not very orthodox , as for instance ( amongst others ) that the soules of the saints doe not goe to heaven to be with christ , expresly contrary to the cor. . , . and to philip. . . now whether some of you may not hold those opinions , seeing they were publiquely preached at arnheim , and never condemned ( as ever i heard , ) i know not , but have reason rather to suspect you doe , how ever though you doe not nourish any monsters or serpents of opinions in your bosomes , yet i feare you have running wormes in your heads , and together with the gold , silver , and ivory of orthodox truths , you have store of apes and peacocks , conceits and toyes , as strange coined distinctions , new strained expositions of scriptures , odd opinions about the personall raigne of christ on earth , and i aske you what the annointing with oyle of sick persons as an ordinance for church-members , and what the bringing in of hymnes composed by the gift of a church-member , cum multis aliis , are ? whether are not these strange conceits ? and how ever you may be free of monsters and serpents of opinions lurking in your bosomes , yet there is much of a monster and the serpent lurking in this apologie , and to be sure one monster of opinions you all hold generally , and some of you have preacht for , a toleration of divers sects and opinions , and let me tell you , granting you five be so orthodox , and supposing your argument good to prove it , exposing your selves to the hazard of discovery in this assembly ( which is no concluding argument ) yet there are many members of those churches to which you belong , besides many other members of churches of your way and communion , whom i suppose must be tolerated as well as your selves , that doe hold very odd and strange things . some of arnheim hold strange conceits , and some members of mr sympsons church hold some of the points of the anabaptists , and daily the independent churches like africa doe breed and bring forth the monsters of anabaptisme , antinomianisme , familisme , nay that huge monster and old flying serpent of the mortality of the soul of man , and indeed there is no end of errours that the independent principles and practises lead unto . as for those words , if we had carried it so as that hitherto such errours were not aforehand open to the view and iudgement of all yet sitting here , unlesse we would be silent we could not be long hid , &c. i answer , some one or two heterodox opinions may be hid where men are orthodox in the most , especially if all points of doctrine have not been discussed , nor reviewed , as in the assembly they have not , ( many articles of our church not having yet been gone through ) so that your errours in doctrine may be behind , and your triall of being orthodox will be when the assembly comes to these articles : article , , . & . and when that doctrine concerning the lawfulness of a toleration of divers sects and opinions shall come to be discussed : but before i passe from this , i desire the apologists to remember and the reader to observe they call the church of england our church , and so in the fift page of this apologie our own congregations we meane of england . so that if you meane as you here write , then the nationall church of england is your church and the parochiall congregations are yours , and so you establish a nationall visible church under the new testament , and if so , why doe you erect other churches , and withdraw from your own ? but if you doe not meane so , nor beleeve there is a nationall visible church , nor account your selves members of this nationall church , why doe you speake so , and call the church of england your own church , and the parochiall churches your own congregations ? as for that part of this section which concernes your good carriage in the assembly in matters of discipline , in matters of discipline we are so farre from holding up the differences that occurre , or making the breaches greater or wider , that we endeavour upon all such occasions to grant and yeeld , &c. i not being present at the debates will say nothing against it , but whether since the writing of your apologie , and the assembly comming to the points of discipline which are properly yours , ( your free-hold ) you have been so faire and moderate , endevouring upon all occasions to grant , and yeeld to the utmost latitude of your light and consciences , that i doubt , and your best friends are not satisfied in it , but rather much offended , and you have much lost your selves with them , by your demeanour and way of managing matters of difference in the assembly : but supposing all you say of your selves in this section were fully so , both before , and since your apologie , yet it were not much materiall , nor much to be trusted to , being upon the triall of your good behaviour : for it is probable all that may be done out of policie , in reference to the main designe of obtaining a toleration , which at first cannot be imagined to have any probabilitie of being gained without all seeming fairenesse and compliance , and drawing neere to us , and therefore this apologie is so framed in the words , phrases , and composure of it , that in it you have stretcht your selves to the utmost latitude , and highest compliance with the church of england , and the reformed churches , even beyond what is meant by you in our sence , and in common acception , and beyond what many of your followers will own : as also you hide and reserve severall things you hold both in matter and manner , that so by all this you might court the parliament , assembly , reformed churches to beare with such conscientious men , who differ so little from them , and are so moderate and temperate also in and about the debate of those differences , but the parliament and the assembly are wise to see into and thorough these artifices , and to consider that if once a toleration were granted , there would quickly be discovered another face of things , which hitherto stands behind the curtain . as for this passage in the close of this section , your not being backward urgers unto a temper not only in things concerning your own consciences , but others also , such as may suit and tend to union as well as searching out of truth , judging this to be as great and usefull an end of synods , as a curious and exact discussion of all sorts of lesser differences with binding determintions of truth one way . i judge then you had but a weake ground to urge you to temper in matter of difference , and i question whether you were so forward to a temper in the things that might suit and tend to union , for i suppose you are so farie from holding that a great and usefull end of synods , a curious and exact discussion of all sorts of lesser differences with binding determinations of truth one way , as that you deny it : i have read a letter out of new-england from a minister of note there , speaking of that synod which met upon occasion of the antinomians and familists , formally denying this power of binding determinations to it : and in the epistle before mr cottons late booke , mr goodwin and mr nye have many passages against assemblies and synods having power of binding determinations ( though a ministeriall doctrinall power they grant ) and did you give to synods and assemblies in all sorts of lesser differences a binding determination of truth one way , and not only of consultation , direction , and at utmost but of doctrinall decernment , the controversie would be at an end , and therefore in writing thus , judging that to be as great an end of synods as this of binding determinations , and not holding it , you hold neither , and then what tends all this to but to deceive the reader . and thus we have nakedly , and with all simplicitie rendred a cleare and true account of our wayes and spirits hitherto ; which we made choice of now at first to make our selves known by , rather then by a more exact and scolastique relation of our iudgements in the points of difference about church-governement ; reserving that unto the more proper season and opportunitie of this assembly , and that libertïe given by both honourable houses in matters of dissent ; or as necessity shall after require , to a more publique way of stating and asserting of them . in the meane time from this briefe historicall relation of our practises , there may a true estimate be taken of our opinions in difference , which being instanced in , and set out by practises , is the most reall and least collusive way , and carries its owne evidence with it . all which we have taken the boldnesse together with our selves humbly to lay at the feet of your wisedome and piety ; beseeching you to look upon us under no other notion , or character then as those , who if we cannot assume to have been no way furtherers of that reformation you intend , yet who have been no way hinderers thereof , or disturbers of the publique peace ; and who in our iudgements about the present worke of this age , the reformation of worship and discipline , doe differ as little from the reformed churches , and our brethren , yea farre lesse , then they doe from what themselves were three yeares past , or then the generality of this kingdome from it selfe of late . i wonder how you can say , we have nakedly and with all simplicity rendred a cleare and true account of our wayes and spirits hitherto , and for the truth of these lines i appeale to any indifferent reader , and to your owne consciences , upon the review and examination of your book , and i desire the reader to remember what all along in my answer i have observed and made good against many passages both in matters of fact and opinion , and the result will be , that in truth the words may be inverted , in stead of nakedly , covertly , in stead of all simplicitie , all subtilty , in stead of a cleare and true account of your wayes and spirits , a darke , conceal'd , and untrue account , so that your words might have been trulyer written , and thus we have covertly and with all subtilty rendred a dark , conceal'd and untrue account . of our wayes and spirits hitherto . as for those words , which we made choice of now at first to make our solves known by , rather then by a more exact and scholastique relation of our iudgements , &c. i answer it was the speciall hand of god against you and your way , ( and i cannot but take speciall notice of it , and desire you would ) that you should choose now at first to make your selves knowne by such an apologie , and in such a way rather then by a scholastique relation of your judgements . a scholastique relation would not have made you to knowne as this , neither have discovered your spirits , nor have given that just occasion and necessity of discovering you , it would not have drawne in so many against you , nor have drawne forth such answers as this : but let me aske you the reason , why chose you this way at first rather then a scholasticall way , if you would now in the time of the assembly have beene making your selves known in your tenets and opinions , and not have staied till the debating and discussing of them , it had been for many reasons best to have printed an exact and scholastique relation of your judgements in the points of difference , rather then such a popular and rhetoricall discourse ? can there be any reasons given for it , but that this was writ to take the people with , to prepare their mindes for your way ( for feare the assembly should conclude against it , ) and the more to engage your party to stand for you , ( you having thus openly and confidently declared your selves , ) as also , because you are best at this weapon , more able in a laxe discoursing way to expresse your selves , then in a close , presse , syllogisticall , argumentative way , and people are most taken with such kind of discourses , rather then with arguments . as for that you say of reserving that unto the more proper season , and opportunitie of this assembly , and that liberty given by both honourable houses in matters of dissent , or as necessity sh●…ll after require to a more publique way of stating and asserting of them . why could you not as well reserve this apologeticall , narration a little longer as the scholastique relation of your judgements , especially having reserved it so long , were you in such hast that the assembly being upon the borders of the points in difference , nay they being brought in by the committees to be discussed , you must send out such a discourse to prepare the way for you ? did you hope the assembly as well as the people would be taken with good words and such , flourishes ? and since ( as you pretend ) the ground of your silence in page . ( such a one as it was ) was that you might reserve your selves for the assembly , and let that be the stage whereon first you would bring your tenets into publike view , why did you goe contrary , and first bring your opinions forth upon the stage of this apologie to all the world , before you brought them to the assemblie ? and so frustrate your own resolutions , and crosse your own words in page . but before i leave this i cannot but observe that you expresse you will draw up your dissent from the assemble in a scholastique way to both houses , and afterwards publikely print your grounds , belike you are beforehand resolved what to h●…ld , and so are preparing your selves to draw up your grounds for both houses , you meditate upon dissent and non-agreement , and i perceive the assembly must expect to be dealt with by you , as the synod of dort was by the arminians , you will be remonstrants : well you may take your course , and begin when you please , the assembly hath members enough able to deale with you at that weapon : as to those words , in the meane time from this briefe historicall relation of our practises , there may a true estimate be taken of our opinions in difference , which being instanced in and set out by practises , is the most reall and least collusive way and carries its own evidence with it . for answer , i propund to the reader as followes this question of your words : in the meane time from this briefe , generall , partiall , conceal'd , untrue , historicall relation of your practises , there can be little true estimate taken of your opinions in difference ; which being set out by practises but in part , and not the whole , in the bright side , and not the blacke , is the least reall , without any evidence in it , but the most collusive way , especially with the people , and with such who have not studied the controversies , nor know not the points in difference : but i will shew unto you a more reall way , if you will promise to answer positively , and plainely to such questions and positions as i shall draw up for you concerning your church-way , then there may be an estimate of the opinions in difference , and for requitall of this , i will promise you to answer clearely and fully to any questions both of doctrine , discipline and worship that you can put unto me ; as for those words , all which we have taken the boldnesse together with our selves , humbly to lay at the feet of your wisedome and piety , &c. i answer , it is a great boldnesse indeed to present such an apologie to both houses , the supreme iudicatory of this kingdome , which is and hath been in all times the most just and severe tribunall for guiltinesse to appeare before , wherein besides the questions and controversies so mistated , and so many doubtfull dark passages , there are many untrue relations , and i wonder how you durst presume to lay so much folly and indiscretion , with untruth , at the feet of so much wisedome and piety : had your apologie been only adpopulum , who are weake , and apt to be deceived , it had been more excusable , but to appeale by such an apologie to both houses of parliament is very strange , but we may see by this , how farre applause and favour with the people , and confidence of successe will carry men : you have need indeed to beseech the parliament to looke upon you under no other notion or character then as those who if you cannot assume to have been no way furtherers of the reformation , yet who have been no way hinderers thereof or disturbers of the publike peace . i think your consciences should tell you the parliament hath reason to looke upon you under other notions and characters then you represent your selves by , which ( i judge ) is the ground of your deprecating the houses , and indeed i wonder how you can make such a petition to both houses , for it is evident you have been no furtherers of that reformation which the parliament , or ever any wise state did in any age intend ; but you may assume to have been furtherers of a reformation for independent government , and separation , which the parliament never intended : but whether you have been no way hinderers of the reformation intended , nor disturbers of the publike peace , let the things alledged in this answer speake , witnesse gathering of churches , witnesse the tumults that have been in streets upon some of your private meetings , witnesse the disturbance of the publike peace in some churches upon your preaching , and particularly if the delaying the work of reformation , and setling church government be some way an hinderance to it , and an occasion of disturbing the publike peace , then you five have not been the least nor last in some way hindering reformation , and disturbing the publike peace . and bretheren what is the great thing that letteth , and will let but you five , i am confident had it not been for you five , and a few more , the reformation intended , and the publike peace of the church had been in a farre fairer way then now it is : bretheren there are many complaints , and that by your deare friends of retarding the work of reformation by your meanes , you are the remora to the ship under sailes , you are the spokes in the wheeles of the chariot of reformation ; parliament complaines , assembly , city , countrey , all complaine of the worke retarded , and all is resolved into you five principally : i could tell you many particular passages , but you know what i meane ; in a word all the prelates and the papists cannot , nor doe not so much hinder the work of reformation as you five members of the assembly , and the lord in merey worke so , that by occasion of you , and by meanes of your principles , and many persons of your church-way , there doe not yet rise up another great mountaine before zerubbabel , to hinder the laying the head stone of that building , the foundation whereof is layed . as for your differing so little in your judgements about the present worke of this ag●… , reformation of worship and discipline from the reformed churches and your bretheren , &c. i answer , if so be that you differ so little from the reformed churches , and your bretheren , yea farre lesse then they doe from what themselves were three yeares past , why doe you not then incorporate with us ? why will you , or how can you answer it to god for that to make a rent ? and to desire to have churches of your own way , and to be an occasion of so much evill , as that would prove to this church ? the smaller the difference is the greater is the schisme and separation , for the lesse the cause of a separation is , the greater the fault is in those that make it . are we come so farre to you so many miles , ( as you imply in those words , from what themselves were three yeares past , ) and will not you come a step or two to us for union and peace , and to heale that great schisme , with many other inconveniences : we have and are comming ( blessed be god ) a great way to church reformation and worship , but the points that you would have us come to you in , besides that they are apocripha not to be found in scripture , we cannot being a nation and kingdome come to you in your way , your independent government and particular gathered churches cannot stand with a nationall reformation , as some of your way have confessed ; and therefore would have but a toleration for themselves , but you may come to our reformation easily ; though a nation cannot be contained in a few , yet a few may well in a nation , besides if you by your confessions differ farre lesse from us then what we did from our selves three yeares past , why will you for all that great difference in us then , and now , and what need have you to goe make new separated churches from whom you farre lesse differ , but what ever you say here of your small difference between you and the reformed churches and us , the more to work with the parliament for a toleration in some lesser differences , yet the differences , are held by you to be greater and more materiall , or else you would close with us so reforming ; and among other particulars you differ more from your brethren then your brethren from themselves three yeares past , your brethren being of one church both then and now , but you and your brethren being of two distinct churches and communions , you setting up new because you cannot continue in the old with them , and certainely men of one and the same church and communion differ lesse among themselves , then persons of a church and communion set up against that church , but least from this passage your followers should make use to tax the ministers of our church who have desired reformation with inconstancie , and going according to the times , and your selves make use of it to defend your running so farre in your way , the ministers differing farre more from themselves within this three yeares past then you doe from them , i must propound this to prevent those consequences , namely that most of your brethren both of the assembly , and of other parts of the kingdome differ little from themselves in judgement from what they held three yeares past , or many yeares past , namely might they have had their desire , and could their votes have carried it , they would have voted out ceremonies , government by arch-bishops , bishops , &c. this lyturgie and service-book , and though they now practise not many things they did before , but forbare , yet some things are forborne as being matter of offence among the people , and other things as having been an occasion of much hurt in the church , and now there being so open a dore for a full reformation they doe labour after the best , and follow what they judge most for edification now , not condemning all their former practises ( especially considering those times ) unlawfull and sinfull . and withall to consider us as those , who in these former times , for many yeares suffered even to exile , for what the kingdome it selfe now suffers in the endeavour to cast out , and who in these present times , and since the change of them , have endured ( that which to our spirits is no lesse grievous ) the opposition and reproach of good men , even to the threatning of another banishment , and have been through the grace of god upon us , the same men in both , in the midst of these varieties ; and finally , as those that doe pursue no other interest or designe but a subsistance ( be it the poorest and meanest ) in our own land ( where we have and may doe further service , and which is our birth-right as we are men ) with the enjoyment of the ordinances of christ ( which are our portion as we are christians ) with the allowance of a latitude to some lesser differences with peaceablenesse , as not knowing where else with safety , health and livelihood , to set our feet on earth . for my part i wonder with what face you can write this , and withall to consider us as those who in these former times , for many yeares suffered even to exile , and bring it as an argument to the parliament to consider you the more , namely to grant you a toleration . all the answer i shall returne is , that the parliament and kingdome shall and may doe well to looke upon you , and consider you instead of many yeares suffering even to exile , as men who voluntarily went into another countrey nigh at hand , to live safely out of gun-shot , and there lived richly , plentifully and freely , whilest other godly ministers lived here in continuall feares , dangers , tossings , suspensions , attachments and consumptions of their estates : it is strange that men should be so farre partiall , as to frame an argument , and make account the more to be considered and favoured for flying away , and deserting the cause in the open field : suppose some captaines and souldiers in the parliaments service should put up a petition to the houses , forasmuch as they left the rest of the army in distresse , and withdrew in the day of battaile , and never returned till the enemy was put to the worst , and the battaile turned , therefore they would be pleased to afford them an exemption from common taxes , &c. and vouchsafe them some speciall priviledge , what would you think of such a motion ? the application is obvious , you deserted the cause , and in as much as in you lay hazarded all , and yet are not content with this , to come in upon the victory , and divide the spoiles with those who helped to winne the field , to enjoy the prime lectures and places in and neare the city , both of note and profit with all respect and countenance from parliament and city , but you would have peculiars , and enjoy such a way as should shut out all in comparison , an unreasonable request , and a strange instance for all posterity if it should be granted : for our parts many of us who bore the heate of the day , stood to it and ventured breaking and undoing many times over , request no such favour nor exemption , but to take our lot in common with the kingdome and ministers in things established ; and i know no reason that upon any considerations either extrinsicall or intrinsicall you should be considered above the godly ministers of the church of england : i know and could give many to the contrary , but besides that i have before fully spoken ( more then once ) how little there is in this argument of yours so often inculcated of exile , and suffering to exile , the cause here rendred by you of your suffering even to exile , namely for what the kingdome it selfe now suffers in the endeavour to cast out , is not true , nor proper : for however the kingdome now suffers for casting out the hierarchie , and some corruptions in worship , and for a reformation according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches , yet your suffering unto exile was not for that ( for which the non-conformists more forward then you suffered ) but your leaving the kingdome was to enjoy the church way , without which ( we suppose ) you will not be contented though ceremonies , episcopacie and lyturgie be now cast out by the kingdome , as the fruit of all their sufferings , but if presbyterie be setled , and independencie may not be tolerated you will goe away the second time and may be call that exile and banishment too : as for your enduring in these present times and since the change of them , that which to your spirits is no lesse grievous , the opposition and reproach of good men , by which you would further perswade and move the parliament to allow you a toleration , let me minde you that i beleeve in no age five men practising , and acting as you have done contrary to the judgement of all the churches , and of the ministers your brethren , and that to the sensible disadvantage of the publique reformation , ever met with lesse opposition and contradiction of good men , and as for reproach none at all : i will not reiterate what i have formerly expressed in pag. , . but it is beyond all president the silence , compliance , respects , faire carriage you have been entertained with from the ministers , and good men , neither luther that eminent servant of god and excellent instrument , nor others could finde the like in their time from the ministers differing from them , and therefore the complaint is very groundlesse , and to speake truth , you were so much the peoples darlings and favourites having such a power both with the people , and with many in place , that not to oppose or reproach your persons , but your opinions , and that but collaterally and interpretatively was enough to unsaint many men as good as your selves , and to blast them with many for the present ; as for that comparison , the opposition and reproach of good men as grievous to your spirits as suffring exile , i conclude your exile was very gentle then , and i judge both much alike grievous , that is neither ; but what tender spirits have you ? and what constitution are you made of ? that a little opposition , and reproach of good men●… ( especially having with it so great applause , and high esteeme to over-ballance it ) should be so grievous to your spirits as many yeares suffering even unto exile : many of us have and doe endure great oppositions , reproaches , revilings , and stornes from those who would be thought not onely good , but the best men , with many neglects ; slightings , desertings , and ingratitude , from whom we had all reason to have expected the contrary , and all this in the shade without any one beame of speciall favour / shining upon us ( which though we could not but see , and take notice of all along , and cannot but upon this occasion upbraide the unthankfulnesse of many people , leaving all to god to cleare our righteousnesse , and to convince them ) yet we have made no complaints to the world , nor written apologies for our selves , but through the grace of christ have in patience possessed our soules without much grievousnesse to our spirits , our consciences within us witnessing we have suffred all this for our faithfulnesse to god and to his people , and for no other cause given to them ; and if opposition and reproach from good men be no lesse grievous then exile , some of us who have been anti-independent have suffered a sore exile more yeares then you the apologists : for besides our reproaches during the time of your exile in holland , we have since your returne from exile even to this present day suffered many reproaches , and lost all manner of wayes , in name , estate , and friends , for nothing else but for appearing against the brownists and independents , and how much in the meane time most of you have gained all manner of wayes is written with a sun-beame : but what is this opposition and reproach from good men you have endured no lesse grievous then an exile for many yeares : you say even the threatning of another banishment : is the threatning of another banishment so grievous a matter , that you here present it to both houses , as a motive to perswade the parliament to grant you a toleration , threatned folkes ( they say ) live long , and so may you , you are not yet banished , nor used as men likely to be banished ; besides , the good men that threatned it had no power to performe it ; banishment belongs not to them , i can hardly beleeve it that such high and confident men as you are should be so troubled with threats , ( especially from men in whose power it lies not , ) but you are willing to make any thing an argument to both houses to consider you in that point : if one or both houses had threatned you banishment , that might have beene as grievous to you as your former exile , but for any of your fellow-ministers you might have threatned them againe , and have stood upon equall termes , i know in some cases , and could name how some of you have done it , and when words have been spoken to you about your opinions by some ministers , you have given as good as was brought you , and have bid them doe their worst , you doubted not but by your friends to make your part good , and that you had as many for your way , as they . but for my part i doe not remember any good men who have threatned you with another banishment , some may in reasoning with you have argued against a toleration of your independent government , and if you will from thence by consequences say they threatned you banishment , i judge this is farre fetched ; for my book which ( may be ) is partly aimed at in this as well as in other passages of your apologie , i can cleare it that i threatned you not with banishment , but laboured to satisfie you how you might enjoy your consciences in your own land , and did lay down a medium between banishment and a toleration : as for that which you say of your selves , that you have been through , the grace of god upon you , the same men in both in the midst of these varieties : i answer if you were the same men in your exile as you have been since your returne into the kingdome , you have no great reason to boast of it , nor to present it to the houses as a motive to be the more considered of , for most of you have been in england very high and peremptorie , and your owne apologie with this antapologie gives a full character of your carriage here , so that i may turne these words thus , we have been through the corruption in us the same men in holland and england in the midst of these varieties , namely seeking our selves and our owne particular ends too much , yea too high , confident and peremptorie in our way ; as for the close of your apologie in the last nine lines , and finally , as those that doe pursue no other interest nor designe but a subsistance ( be it the poorest and meanest ) in our own land , &c. you come in this to that which was first in your intention , though brought in last for a conclusion , on purpose to leave a deeper impression in the parliament at the close of all , namely that the houses would grant you a toleration of your independent churches expressed in these soft and faire words , the allowance of a latitude to some lesser differences with peaceablenesse , which toleration is ushered in , compassed about , and closed up with what may be most likely to take , namely summing up what is past , all your sufferings and patience in exile , reproaches , &c. with your doings for reformation , and being the same men in all conditions , and what is yet to come , laying all together to draw both houses towards you , and to worke the people of the kingdome to stand the more for you : now for answer to this close of your apologie , as containing the end and aime of your writing it , i will first examine the arguments and expressions brought by you to effect your end , to perswade the houses , and secondly , speake to the thing and matter , namely the toleration of independent churches and government in this kingdome . for the first i answer , what you may doe for the future , whether you will pursue no other interest nor designe in this kingdome but a subsistance , be it the poorest and meanest , i will not prophecie , but if we may argue from what you have done , and what yet you doe , then there is great cause of feare you will pursue other interest and designes : for you have and doe pursue the designe of increasing your partie , and spreading your way as the onely way of god , else why have you preached and done so much for it ? neither can i beleeve you are so low spirited and so terrene as to look out after no other inrerest but a poore subsistance in this kingdome , what have you not the designe and interest of setting up christs kingdome and pure ordinances in the midst of us ? i professe for my selfe and brethren that we have greater interests and designes in our seeking reformation , then a subsistance in our owne land ( though it might be never so full and plentifull ) namely the glory of god , the advancement of the kingdome of christ , the opportunities of doing more service : and as for a subsistance be it the poorest and meanest , i appeale to the conscience of the reader whether that be likely , have you contented your selves with a poore and mean condition hitherto ? have you lived in a poore rank , preaching in poore and meane congregations , or have you not ruffled it , bearing a higher saile , and carrying a greater port then most of the godly ministers in citie or countrey ? have not some of you the prime lectures of the citie , and other good places of advantage and profit , ( besides what some of you have from your owne churches , ) could not you have been contented to have added more places , and can any who know you in what height you live , and what grandees of the times you are , and how much you appeare in publike in the chiefe places of resort , and have insinuated into so many great men , beleeve that you would live contented with a subsistance ( be it the poorest and meanest ? ) let them beleeve you who will , for my part i am not satisfied in the truth of it , but doe suspect that if the parliament should make an offer to you to this purpose you would refuse it . you say you pursue no other interest or designe , but a subsistance ( be it the poorest and meanest ) in your owne land , well , you five shall have your . church-way , and enjoy congregations in such a remote corner of the kingdome , provided you shall not have above fiftie pounds a yeare , nor above fiftie persons to each church , you shall adde none from any other congregations of the kingdome , nor admit any of other congregations to come to heare you , nor never preach in any of our churches any of your church-principles , nor speake of them in private to any but your owne members , would this satisfie you ? in your reply give a positive and cleare answer . as for that you say , where we have and may doe further service . i answer , before you fell into this new church way , you did god service , but since , you have done more dis-service then ever service , and if god be pleased to bring you backe into the fellowship of this church , and to joyne in this reformation to grow up into one body , you may doe him further service ; otherwise in the way of a toleration which you aime at , you will doe more hurt then you can doe good in this kingdom ( yea though you had the tongues and parts of angels . ) as for those words a subsistance in the land which is our birth-right as we are men , and the enjoyment of the ordinances of christ our portion as we are christians ; i answer , a subsistance in the land according to the lawes established is your birth-right , but not otherwise ; besides , the deniall of a toleration of your churches doth not deny you a subsistance in the land , but you may subsist if you please though no toleration : but supposing you may not have what you please , if thereupon you will remove to other kingdomes , that is your fault , and not the states ; when a father or master lets their children and servants have what is good and fitting , but denies to let them doe what they list , and refuses to grant what would hurt them , if the children and servants will goe away , and put themselves upon inconveniences to have their mindes and wils else-where , it is not the parents and masters fault , but the children and servants ; if men will punish themselves with exile , because they cannot have their wils , they can blame none but themselves . and as for the enjoyment of the ordinances of christ , which you say are your portion as you are christians , then they are your portion not as church members , but as christians , and why then doe you keep away many good christians from them , for want of being church members after your way ; but let me tell you though the ordinances of christ be the portion of christians , yet not in what way and dresse so ever they will have them , for so the papists may plead to enjoy them in their way , and the anabaptists in their way , but they are the portion of christians so as to enjoy them according to the word of god in the publike assemblies , and not in a schismaticall way , and so may you enjoy among us publike ordinances in the publike assemblies , but to forsake the publike assemblies and draw away others with you , and to set up a wall of separation between you and the reformed churches , this is not your portion as you are christians , but it is against christianity , and is your sinne and schisme . as for that allowance of a latitude to some lesser differences with peaceablenesse , you need not doubt that , so farre as will stand with peaceablenesse , that is so as not to urge subscriptions upon you to all the points of government and order , not to cast you out from preaching amongst us though you may be of a different judgement in some lesser matters ( especially so long as you keep your judgements to your selves , and preach not contrary to what is established to make factions and parties : ) but if you meane by the allowance of a latitude to some lesser differences , that you and others may have free leave to set up separated congregations , and goe and receive in to your churches whom you please , and governe independently in a different forme of government from the government established , i must tell you this ought not to be granted , as being inconsistent with peace and truth , and would be a perpetuall root and source of many bitter divisions , errours and mischiefes in this kingdome : as for your last words of all , not knowing where else with safety , health and livelihood to sot your seet on earth , that seemes strange to me , doe none of the english ministers who live in other parts of the world , as in holland , new-england and other places enjoy safety , health and livelihood , are these things confined and tied only to england ? did not most of you enjoy all these abroad ? livelihood is confessed in your apologie , a full and liberall maintenance annually : safety you went over for , and found ; and as for health , some of your way have commended arnheim you lived at , to be like hartford and bury in suffolke , and one of you roterdam to be as good , if not better then london ; which places for health are sufficiently knowne . and however all these things of no other interest but a subsistance in our own land , and of enjoying the ordinances of christ , and not knowing where else with safety , health and livelihood to set our feet on earth , be held forth as specious pretences to the parliament and reader to perswade and to allure them , yet the bottome of all this desire of a toleration in england ( though concealed ) is that there is no other place on earth , where you are like to propagate your way , to gaine so great a party , to enjoy such full and rich congregations , and to have that respect and applause in your way as in england , and in england as london and the adjacent parts , or where you can have those faire hopes and probabilities of drawing so great a part of a kingdome to your church-way as here : and where if you goe on to act as diligently and politickly as you have done in these three yeares last past , and the ministers be as generally silent , and the common people of the kingdome come a little more to understand your principles , and have time to digest and consider of the great liberty and power they have thereby , the rest of the kingdome may in time come to be beholding to you for a toleration of presbyterie ( if it be established ) ( which you will as soone grant , if you come to have power in your hands , as you will episcopacy and popery , ) many of your church-way ordinarily affirming they had rather have episcopacie then presbyterie ; and it hath been affirmed to me by a minister of note , that a minister of the church-way preferred popery in this kingdome before presbyterie , for if popery should come in , it would be but short lived , but presbyterie was like to be long lived : the arminians in the netherlands at first desired but a toleration , no more but to be permitted to enjoy in some churches of their own their consciences with peaceablene●… , but afterwards that by the connivance and favour of the magistrates they were in some cities and places ( as amsterdam &c. ) grown to a great number , and had a great power , then they would not suffer no●… tolerate the orthodox ministers , but persecuted them , and some were forced to flie ( as in the stories of the netherlands is at large recorded , ) and if ever the independents by connivance or a toleration should come to have a power and strength considerable , if they serve not us so , i am much deceived : all sectaries and erro●…eous spirits who are but tolerated , and not owned , will watch all advantages to set up their own way as chiefe , and when they have a power will be impetuous and violent to effect it , as the anabaptists in germanie were , the arminians in holland , and the antinomians and familists in new-england : as women out of their weakenesse and feare when they have power over any , are most cruell , so sectaries out of their feare least a state may one time or other cast them out and not tolerate them , will upon an advantage suppresse and destroy the orthodox , and stablish their own . . as for the matter it selfe contained in the close of your booke , a toleration of independent churches and government , the scope and last end of this apologie , whereunto tends all the artifice and fallacies in the composure of it , i shall lay downe some reasons and grounds against it : i cannot stand to handle the question at large about tolerations of different religions or of divers sects and opinions in one and the same kingdome , ( this answer being already a great deale longer then i intended it . ) i cannot now open the tearmes and premise the distinctions , as distinguishing concerning the nature and kind of errors , concerning the persons erring , concerning the kinds and degrees of toleration and coaction , &c. i shall reserve the full handling of this point , whether toleration be lawfull , to a particular tractate i intend upon that subject : in the meane time upon occasion of what you present here to the parliament , i shall humbly submit to their considerations these following particulars . . a toleration of independent churches and government with their opinions and practise , is against the magistrates duty laid downe in scripture ; but for magistrates by good lawes to command and require obedience to the government and reformation , upon good grounds judged to be according to the word of god , and so established , is lawfull and their duties : for the clearing of which i premise two things , which i suppose must needs be granted . . that the magistrate is custos ac vinde●… utriusque tabula , ( as is confessed by all orthodox divines , ) that the care of religion belongs to him , and that he is to looke to it that the church of god and the government of it be constituted and setled according to the word , and that the people may lead a peaceable and quiet life in all godlinesse and honestie , for which end princes and magistrates are to make lawes for the observing of the worship and government of christs church , forbidding and punishing with religious severitie those things which are practised against the word of god , but commanding what is according to it , this is one of the great services they yeeld to christ as they are magistrates ; and i find augustine and other divines giving that sense of psal. . , . of kings and iudges serving the lord with feare , and of deut. . . of god commanding the king to read the booke of the law , that he may learn to observe the things which are written in it , not onely as private men practising these and ordering their lives according to the word , but as kings they should order their office by the word , not onely by living holily ( for so they serve god as men ) but as kings and magistrates by making lawes for the worship of god , and prohibiting the contrary . . that the reformation in worship , government , &c. which shall be setled and established by the parliament is judged and taken for granted by them to be according to the minde of christ , else why have they called so many able , godly and learned divines to consult with for that purpose , and stood so much for a reformation according to the word ? and why else will they establish it , if there be any other more agreeable to the word ? so that whatsoever other government after all debates and reasonings is rejected and refused must be thought not to have such a ground in the word , for if it had , why was it not established and owned , but comes to seeke for a toleration and connivance ? now then by vertue of many scriptures both in the old and new testament , the examples of the kings of judah in commanding and requiring all the people to yeeld to the reformations made by them ( and in particular the spirit of god commending iosiah for making all jerusalem and benjamin to stand to the covenant which he had made with god ) the fourth commandement requiring of the father of the family that he see all under his power and charge to worship god ( upon which learned divines ( as zanchius ) excellently show the dutie of magistrates in reference to commanding and providing that their people shall worship god according to his will ) rom. . . ephes. . . tim. . . iohn . v. revel . 〈◊〉 . . with many other places in scripture of removing away of evill , and of not consenting to evill , &c , the parliament is bound to establish , and to command obedience to that reformation which is judged most agreeable to the word , and to suppresse and hinder all other : it was excellently done by the parliament to call together so many able , godly , and orthodox divines to debate and find out the mind and will of god , for doctrine , worship , and discipline , and to give libertie to men of different judgements to bring in their grounds : and after all wayes of enquiry and searching into truth , and a modell drawn up for them upon good grounds being satisfied , 't is their dutie by their power and authoritie to bind men to the decrees of the assembly , and not to tolerate any other doctrines , churches , worship or government to be set up and exercised ; you ought not to suffer the weake to be destroyed , nor the people to be drawn away by every wind of doctrine , but when once upon good grounds the reformation is concluded , you must defend it against troublesome and turbulent spirits , and in so doing god will be with you , and subdue the people under you , whereas if to please some people you suffer them to enjoy their own way , god will not be well pleased with it , neither can you answer it unto god : you may lawfully , nay ye ought in that which is good to compell men ( though they pretend conscience ) shall the errours of other mens consciences hindr you from yeelding that service which god requiteth of you ? may a parliament displease god to please men ? or may they be please●…s of other mens sins , and wink at evill to content some persons ? no , parliaments in making lawes for religion must depend on the will of god ●…led in his word in the best and 〈◊〉 wayes communicated to them , and not upon the consciences of some people . 〈◊〉 . the toleration desired is against the solemne league and covenant for reformation , taken by the parliament , and the kingdome of england and scotland , and 〈◊〉 be co●…ed to without 〈◊〉 of that oath and covenant , so that the apologie and motion for a toleration comes ●…o late , the doore is shut against it , the kingdomes hands are bound , so that if such a toleration were not in it●… selfe unlawfull , and against the dutie of the magistrate , yet now because of the oath and covenant 't is unlawfull , so that whatever might have been granted before , cannot now , lest the kingdome should be guilty before god of covenant-breaking : now a●… toleration , and this moving for a toleration by the apologists is expresly against these branches of the covenant : . against that clause in the first branch of endeavouring the reformation , of religion in the kingdomes of england and ixeland in doctrine , worship , government and discipline , according to the example of the best reformed churches ; now in this petition to both houses you would be exempted from the reformation of the best reformed churches , so that unlesse you understand the brownists , new-england , or your own churches to be the best reformed , you have broken your covenant , but though you may understand it so , and may be tooke the covenant in that sense , yet i suppose you cannot think the pa●…liament ( whom you s●… to for a toleration ) took the best reformed churches in that acception , but for the reformed churches so called and commonly knowne , as of france , &c. so that their granting a toleration would be against this clause of the best reformed churches . 〈◊〉 't is expresly against another clause in the firs●… branch . and sh●…ll endeavou●… to bring the churches of god in the three kingdomes to the neerest conjunction and uniformity in religion , confession of faith , forme of church government . directory so●… worship and catechi●…ing . now if the parliament hath covenanted so , how can it grant a toleration of so different a forme of church government and worship , as the independent way is from the presbyteriall ? and how can you be excused from explicite formall breach of covenant in this part of your apologie , having sworne and sub●…bed to endeavour by all meanes to bring the churches of god in these three kingdomes to the neerest conjunction and uniformitie in religion , who in stead of so labouring and endeavouring or ever so much as trying whether you with the rest of the churches may not be brought into a neere conjunction and uniformitie , just before the time the assembly was comming to fall upon these points in difference to put out this apologie and to move for a toleration , before hearing what could be said to you for satisfaction , or ever debating the points in the assembly : is this to endeavour by all meanes to bring the churches of god in the three kingdomes to the neerest conjunction and uniformitie in religion &c. before so much as ever debating points to conclude magisterially ( as you doe in pages . and . ) against the reformed churches , and to desire an exemption from conjunction and uniformitie with the rest of the churches in this kingdome . . 't is against that clause in the second branch , that we shall in like manner without respect of persons endeavour the extirpation of schisme , and whatever shall be found contrary to found doctrine and the power of godlinesse , lest we partake in other mens sins . now that which you move for is schisme and contrary to sound doctrine , the church-way being a schisme , besides many of your church principles are against sound doctrine , and the power of godlinesse , as that in your apologie about the subject of excommunication , as that of a few people having power to joyne together , and set up a church and chuse what ministers they will , as that of the independencie of particular congregations from any authenitative power , &c. so that the parliament in the midst of their reformation and blessed conjunction according to the word of god with the reformed churches should in allowing you a toleration suffer a formall schisme , both in worship and government in the midst of these kingdomes . ly , this toleration sued for is against a part of the fourth branch , endeavouring the discovery of such as have been evill instruments by hindring reformation of religion , or making any faction or parties amongst the people contrary to this league and covenant : now the parliament is bound by this against all persons and things which hinder the reformation , and makes any faction or parties amongst the people : now whether a toleration granted , yea but moved for would not hinder the reformation of religion , and make faction and parties amongst the people , let it be considered : i confesse i wonder how the apologists ever took this covenant , or having taken it , that they should ever dreame more of a toleration , or think it possible the parliament should grant it , the covenant being so direct against a toleration : many of the church-way and communion have and doe apprehend all this , that taking the covenant and a toleration of independencie cannot stand together , and thereupon there are ministers and people of that way had not taken it ( whatever they may of late . i have been told from a good hand that some of the apologists had much adoe to bring themselves to take it , and that it was a bitter pill to get downe , and one of some qualitie assured me that mr nye told him in scotland , that when the covenant had passed there , and was to be sent for england , he writ with all earnestnesse and possible conjurements to mr goodwin , mr bridge , &c. not to oppose it , or be against it , as much fearing how it would goe downe . to conclude this reason , for the parliament to allow such a latitude as a toleration , it would be against the solemne covenant : for the ministers to be silent , and not to witnesse against such a toleration desired would be in them a breach of the covenant , and therefore in respect to the covenant i have taken , i here witnesse against tolerations of different sects and churches : the people by vertue of their covenant are by all wayes and meanes in their places and callings engaged to oppose such a toleration , by their prayers to god against it , &c. lastly , our brethren of scotland are ingaged with all their power and might in their places to oppose it : now the apologists in petitioning for a toleration have not only broken the covenant themselves , but they endeavour by all their wit and art in this apologie to bring the parliament and kingdome into so great a guilt as the breach of this solemne covenant . . a toleration is against the nature of reformation , a reformation and a toleration are diametrally opposite ; the commands of god given in his word for reformation , with the examples of reforming governours civill and ecclesiasticall doe not admit of a toleration , how many things might be produced out of some sermons and lectures of the apologists concerning the nature of reformation , and of the magistrates dutie in reformation , which crosse and thwart tolerations ? and if the consciences of some men being unsatisfied must be a dispensation against removing such a thing , or commanding such a thing , there will never be no perfect nor thorough reformation , for what generall reformation can there be but will be against many mens consciences ? the takin●… away of what men have long enjoyed , and the bringing in of quite other things will trouble many consciences , and if magistrates or ministers may not settle things contrary to the consciences of many , but tolerate and allow them wherin they plead conscience , they shall never doe gods work : in king edwards and queen elizabeths reformations , how was it against the consciences of many taking away the masse , confession to the priest , bringing in the common prayer booke : in this present reformation , how much is it against many mens consciences the taking away the government of the church by bishops , the present lyturgie and establishing another government and forme of publike worship , who if they might be allowed a toleration would not admit a reformation , must not the assembly and parliament proceede therefore in the worke of reformation , because all mens consciences are not satisfied ? if this principle were once given way to , that nothing might be removed , nor nothing brought in which offends consciences , but in such a case persons must have a libertie and toleration , men would still pretend conscience , and so nothing to purpose should ever be reformed publiquely , and all the scripture speakes of nationall and generall reformation by way of commanding and commending , it should be just nothing , depending meerely upon tolerations , that is , there shall be a reformation unlesse men desire a toleration , and the upshot of all will be this , that so many of such a mind shall enjoy their way , and so many of another mind their way , &c. and they who will yeeld to the reformation by nehemiah and ezra may , were there ever such reformations read of in the scriptures ? . a toleration of men in their errours , this pretended libertie of conscience , is against the judgement of the greatest lights in the church both antient and moderne . i might out of ecclesiasticall histories , as theodoret , & ●… . relate the praises of those emperours theodosius , arcadius , &c. who would not suffer the meetings of the heretioues , but did by positive lawes amerce and banish them , as also the brands and blemishes cast upon those emperours who suffered the arrians , and other heretiques : i might out of augustine , ambrose , calvin , philip , melancth●…n , peter , marty , zanchius , musculus , bullinger , bring many sentences agains●… tolerations , and leaving men to the libertie of their owne consciences , and how by lawes and discipline magistrates may command obedience to the worship of god established , and to return into the unitie of the church : but out of many i will give you the judgement of two , augustine and beza : augustine in his epistle to vincentius writes to this purpose , declaring to him , though he was sometimes of that opinion , that erroneous men should not be dealt with by force but only by the word of god , yet now by the arguments of others , and by the visible examples of many being reduced from errours by that meanes he had changed his judgement , and that therefore the lawes of princes might be lawfully made use of against errours . and for this coactive power he brings many grounds in that epistle , and he speakes thus : if we tolerate men in their errours , and nothing be thought upon or done by us which may be likely to terrifie and recover them , we shall truly render evill for evill : if men be compelled and terrified , but not instructed , this is a tyrannizing over them ; but again , if they be ●…aught and not feared , they will move the slower to goe in the way of life , not every one who spares is a friend , nor every one who chastiseth is an enemie : and dost thou think no force is to be used to a man that he may be delivered from the per●…itiousnesse of his errour , when as we know god himself doth so in many examples , and speaking on that point he saith , it must not be so much considered that a man is compelled , as what that is to which he is compelled : in this epistle the father answers some objections brought against compelling men , as that this does no good to ●…ome , as that this is persecution , as that these heretiques would not doe so , &c. so he writes in his b . epistle to boniface , and in his c . epist. to donatus upon the same subject ; and d in his retractations he retracts this errour which he sometimes held , and had writ of , 〈◊〉 it did not please him that schismatick●…s should be compelled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to communion by the force of any s●…cular pow●…r , and gives his reasons there of the change of his judgement from what he formerly held , because now he had experience how much evill the toleration and suffering of them did , as also how much the diligence of discipline would conferre to the making of them better . e beza in his epistles and other writings speakes much against tolerations and the libertie of conscience pleaded for , and answers to that , whether libertie of conscience is to be permitted ? no , as this libertie is understood , that is , that every man may worship god after what manner he will himselfe . for this is a meere diabolicall opinion , that every one is to be suffered that if he will he may perish . and in the same epistle he saith of tolerations , this is that diabolicall libertie which hath filled polonia and transylvania with so many plagues of opinions which otherwise else no countries under the sun would have tolerated . and in this epistle he tels him to whom he writes , that which i perceive you call libertie of conscience , but i on every side call an open destruction and ruine : so in his confession of faith under that head of the office of the christian magistrate he speaks thus . f his office is to preserve the publike peace and quietnesse : now whereas that cannot be rightly done , but the true worship of god must flourish in the first place , from whence flowes all happinesse , it followes that nothing ought to be more looked to by the christian magistrates thē to have the church ordered according to the rule of gods word , whose authoritie they may defend and vindicate against all contemners and disturbers : neither are they here to be hearkned unto , who under the maske and colour of false pitie and mercie , and not only by vaine and foolish arguments , but arguments joyned with a great deale of impietie doe exempt false prophets and heretiques from the sword of princes , when as on the contrary no kind of men are to be compelled with greater severity , as the expresse word of god commands , and religious princes have alwaies done : and upon that subject , that heretiques ought to be punished by the civill magistrate , he hath writ a book at large , answering all the objections for tolerations and pretended liberty of conscience : and to the judgement of the fathers , and the moderne writers in this point , i will adde the judgement of the divines of new-england who are against the toleration of any church-government and way but one : for the discipline appointed by iesus christ for his churches is not arbitrary , that one church may set up one and practise one forme , and another another forme , as each one shall please , but is one and the same for all churches and in all the essentials and substantials of it unchangeable , and to be kept till the appearing of iesus christ. and if that discipline which we here practise be ( as we are perswaded of it ) the same which christ hath appointed , and therefore unalterable , we see not how another can be lawfull . and so in new-england they will not suffer brownists , anabaptists , antinomians . h mr cotton the greatest divine in new-england , and a pretious man , is against tolerations , and holds that men may be punished for their consciences , as will appeare by his letter to mr williams , and mr williams answer , ( both printed ) and his exposition on the vials , wherein he answers an objection : but you will say conscience should not be forced , &c. he answers , why doe you thinke heretiques were not as conscionable in the old testament as now ? if any man had a conscience to turne men from god , he would have men of as much conscience to cut them off . . the magistrates toleration of errours and new opinions is a kind of invitation to them , a temptation , and occasion of many falling , who otherwise never would , a snare to many , a stumbling block laid before the weake , the leaving a pit or well uncovered , an opportunitie for sathan , a mans owne corruption , or seducers to worke upon , and to draw away by : when men may broach opinions and vent them , hold and practise what they please without any danger , nay with the leave and countenance of the magistrate : what advantage will not satan and wanton witted men take by this ? opportunitie makes many a thiefe , and impunitie makes many venture , and as 't is a shroud temptation to make many fall , so a toleration is a meanes of confirmation in the way of errour , a great block to stop up the way of many who might be gained for ever returning , when men know they may have their own way and are at their libertie , they will goe o●… , the engagement of credit , &c. is much being in a way to continue in it , they have no necessity of harkning to councell , or waighing arguments : but the deniall of a toleration , and by positive lawes commanding the contrary , as 't is a great preservative , so 't is a restorative , and a meanes of recovering many ; when men see they cannot have their wils , they will consider a little better what they doe , as also review their former thoughts , and so may be reduced ; yea , multitudes have blessed god they have not been left to their owne libertie , but that by severity of discipline meanes have been used : this evill of tolerations , and good of coactions by lawes hath been seen and approved of by long experience ; augustine that holy and learned father from the experience of this changed his judgement about tolerations , whereas it was his first judgement , and he had in a former book writ , that it did not please him that schismaticks should be compelled and forced to communion by the force of any secular power , afterwards he was of another mind , and writes that the grounds of his change were these : . the great evill of tolerations , the great evill that impunitie made many run into . . the great good compulsion conferred to the making of many better , which he saw by many examples of whole cities converted from donatisme , and comming to the unitie of the church . in the . epistle formerly quoted , he writes thus to vincentius , that it was his opinion at first that no man was to be compelled to the unitie of the church , all was to be done by perswasion , we were to strive by disputation , and to overcome by reason , lest we should make those fained catholiques , whom we knew to be open heretiques ; but this my opinion was overcome , not by words , but by demonstrative examples , for first of all my owne city was brought to me for an example , which being wholly for donatus was converted to the catholike unitie by the feare of the imperiall lawes , so many other cities were named and reckoned up to me , to these examples brought me by my colleagues i gave place : we see not 〈◊〉 few men , but many cities who were donatists to be now catholiques , and vehemently to detest that diabolicall separation , and zealously to love unitie : which persons were by the meanes and occasion of this feare ( which displeases you ) made catholiques by the lawes of the emperours from constantine down to these present emperours : how many did therefore remaine donatists because they were there borne , and no men did compell them to come out from them , and to goe to the catholique church : the terrour of these lawes , in the promulgation of which the kings of the earth served the lord , did so profit all these , that now others say , thanks be to god who hath broken our bonds , and hath translated us to the bond of peace ; others sory we did not know this to be the truth , neither would we have learned it , if we had been left to our libertie , but feare made us attentive to know it : others say , we were terrified from entring in by false feares , which we should never have knowne to have been false , but by entring in , neither should we have entred in , unlesse we had been compelled . and so a augustine against gaudentius speakes thus : whereas you thinke none must be forced to truth who are unwilling , you are deceived , not knowing the scriptures , nor the power of god , which makes those willing who when they were compelled were unwilling . and in his books of b retractations he gives the experience of this fifth reason as the ground of retracting what he had formerly writ and held in this point . c learned beza observed it in his time , that tolerations of sects , and libertie of conscience ( as it was called ) was the ground of filling polonia and transylvania with so many pestilent opinions , which otherwise no people under the sunne would have suffered , and that if the magistrate had tried by all meanes in transylvania , &c. to have restrained that libertie , they had not been brought to that condition which he judged no lesse miserable then mahumetisme it selfe : and he wishes that france had given polonia an example of this one thing , and showes the great difference between the peace and true liberty of conscience enjoyed at geneva , and in polonia , one granting tolerations , the other none . so d he shewes the benefit and good of compulsion , i passe by that , augustine being taught by experience it selfe , witnessed so often against the donatists , many to be of that disposition that they are by nothing more kept in dutie then by severity of discipline , so that what at first they left for feare of punishment , afterwards they willingly cast away , professing the sharpnesse used to have been very profitable . we have seene also by our own experience in this intermysticall season ( though there hath been no formall toleration ) yet for want of government setled , and people having been left to so great libertie , multitudes are fallen , and doe daily to antinomianisme , anabaptisme , independencie , yea to denie the immortalitie of the soule , and then no expectation but many will fall more and more : independents and all kinde of sectaries ( as long as they can have their libertie ) snuffe up the wind , will not hearken to any way whereby they may receive satisfaction , but if once the magistrate declares , and by laws concludes one way of church-worship and government , then it may be they will heare reason : men as long as they have any hopes will stand out , who yet when they see no remedie , will examine and consider : now what account god will exact for his name prophaned , for the sacraments and scriptures abused by the handling and administration of them who are not called , and what answer must be made for the ruine of soules , harvest of sinne , corruption of doctrine alwayes following the publike toleration of heresies and schismes , i humbly leave to be fully considered of , and wisely prevented by the high court of parliament , who must thinke , that silence provokes , and sufferance emboldens men to forsake gods truth and his church , even as in civill affaires the neglecting of justice maintains disorders . . a toleration of one or more different wayes of churches and church government , from the church and church government established , will be to this kingdome very mischievous , pernitious and destructive , in regard of the effects and consequents of it ; how faire soever a toleration may be pretended , and how small soever the differences , yet 't is of a vast and dreadfull consequence to this kingdome : different formes of churches and church government in one state must needs lay a foundation of strife and division therein . it is the admitting of a seed of perpetuall division within its selfe , an opening a sluce to let in strife and contentions in all places publike and private , church and common-wealth , in parliaments , corporations , among the ministers , in families : now how great an evill this is all wise states know , and can stand with no christian policie , however it may agree with machiavillian : the different interests and principles of the churches established and tolerated with other things concurrent , especially in the partie tolerated apprehending themselves the weaker will be working in them to watch all advantages to grow and increase , and to get into places and favour with great men and princes ( as we see the heretiques did in ecclesiasticall histories , and the arminians in the netherlands with the magistrates , and will never rest working till they get the upper hand , and suppresse the other . ) but besides the continuall heart-burnings and divisions betweene the ministers of the different churches , the people among themselves , the husband and wife with the corruption of doctrine , a toleration will be a likely meanes of producing civill warres in this land , and whereas now we have a warre between king and parliament , we may expect a warre amongst the people , yea the toleration desired would prove a mighty advantage for the court party to make use of those sects , and by enlarging some favours to them ( being the weaker partie to gain them ) by their help to overthrow the government established , and to advance the prerogative , the sad effects and mischiefes already ( without any formall toleration ) of the different churches and governments , doe appeare in the jealousies , divisions , delayes , laying down of places , in not being so active , &c. whereby the court partie is strengthened , reformation hindred , and the good partie weakned : now considering the many dangerous effects and consequents of a toleration to this state , and considering the small differences betweene the apologists and the presbyterians ( as themselves say ) and that they can for a need come to our churches , and partake in the sacraments , hold communion with us as the churches of christ , why should they have different churches and government allowed ? the parliament upon so small a ground and needlesse a cause hath the lesse cause to give way to a toleration , which would certainely produce so great mischiefs and evils . . independencie and the church way besides the evill of it in its selfe considered , ( as being a schisme in forsaking the reformed churches and constituting new , the way of constituting churches by the people , the way of making their ministers , the refusing of beleevers and their children to the sacraments ( unlesse they be church members ) with many more , all slat against the primitive patterns ) hath ever been from first to last a fountaine of evill and a root of bitternesse , of many bitter divisions and separations amongst themselves , of manifold errors and other mischiefes in those churches and places where they lived , god having alwayes witnesses against it , and never blessing it with peace and truth . i shall not need to relate the histories of the anaptists ( the highest forme of independencie and the church way ) what evils they fell into , and the mischiefes they brought upon germanie , and how god cursed and scattered them : as for the brownists the middle forme of independencie , the apologists themselves confesse they had fatall miscarriages and shipwracks ; and i could tell a sad storie ( but that it would be now too long ) even from bolton and browne the first and prime leaders down to the present brownists at amsterdam , of the apostasies , heresies , separations and bitter divisions , with the untimely fearefull ends which have fallen out amongst them , but in respect my booke so much exceeds the proportion intended , i shall reserve that for a more distinct handling . and for the semi-brownists and independents ( so cal'd by way of distinction ) they have not been free ; the churches of the apologists have had their bitter divisions and fearefull miscarriages , as the reader may remember in these pages of this present answer , pag. , , , , , . with some erroneous conceits fallen into and preached in one of their churches : so in the churches of new-england there have been so many errors , differences and evils , that i beleeve had we but a true impartiall storie of new-england for the first seven or eight yeares ( after they were come to any number ) we should have the strangest storie ( next that of the anabaptists and old brownists ) one of them in the world ; in a word , they were brought by their independencie and church principles next dore to ruine both spirituall and temporall , the sad experience of which hath made them wheele about of later yeeres towards presbyteriall government , and in stead of that , not being yet formally come to it , to take aliquid analogum in the first constituting of churches , making ministers , &c. which at first they did not , and to give more power to classes and synods then they did many yeares agoe , as by comparing some letters from thence in those times written by ministers over into england , and mr cottons late booke will be evident . in a word , he that will observe it shall find the end of independencie infinite schismes , separations , errors , inconstancie and uncertainty in judgement , yea barbarisme and confusion , and the toleration of it by this state would be the opening of a sloud-gate to many other errors and evills besides what evill is in that , being a way all along wherein it ●…iffers from the reformed churches either beside or against the word of god : and should the parliament , which god forbid , and i hope is farre from their thoughts ) give the independents a toleration of their way and churches , they should give they know no●… what , having never yet spoken out all that they hold ( this apologie containing but a little part of their way ) besides taking in their second great principle , page . apolog , of not making their present judgement and practise a binding law for the future , the parliament may grant grosse brownisme , anabaptisme within a short time , many falling off according their principles of new light , to cast off communion with their own churches , as some of mr sympsons have done ; and let it be but remembred what i now write , whether some of the apologists ( if they come not in and joyne with the reformed churches ) doe not within a few yeeres goe a great way further , i think , had they staid together in holland till this time , without any hopes of a toleration here , some of them had gone farre by this time of day : anointing with oyle was begun to be brought in , hymnes had been moved for in one of their churches , and if i may beleeve the report of a religious person in an open company affirming it againe and againe , when i doubted it , that a member of the church of a●…nheim ( who was also named to me ) related , that had they staid there a little longer , the ordinance of hymnes had been practised amongst them , one being chosen and agreed upon by the church to exercise that ordinance . and i am able to demonstrate it , that the apologists keeping but to their principles ( besides the principle of a reserve ) must yet goe a great way further , and supposing the parliament should make a proposition to them , wee will grant you this and this , and so ( which be the present principl●…s you hold forth ) but if you bring in any thing more or goe farther , then your churches shall be dessolved , and we will recall what we granted you ( because we will be sure to know what we allow in matters of religion , be at a certaintie for that , ) i doe not thinke the apologists would accept of a toleration upon those tearmes , and such a condition : the beginnings of errors commonly are most modest , but let alone some time , they exceed all bounds , how farre most of the arminians proceeded beyond what arminius held , or themselves at first , the learned books of many divines and experience showes , and if a toleration were granted to the apologists and all those of their communion to exercise their consciences , i feare before a yeere went about many would turne anabaptists , &c. but i desire rather to pray against a toleration , then to prophecie of the evill of it : but supposing the best that can be , that the state had an assurance the apologists and their churches would not goe one step further then now they hold , the toleration should not be made use of to any further errors , yet the parliament should not allow it , unlesse they would grant a toleratiod of brownisme ; and if brownisme be a bitter error and way , then the way of the apologists is not very sweet , their way being but browns younger brother , agreeing with the brownists in the nature and definition of the visible church , in the independent power of a particular congregation , in the way of making officers , in the way of their ordinanc●…s , as prophesying , in the way of forms of prayer , in the sacraments , none to be admitted but church members , cum multis alijs , and i desire the apologists to give any materiall difference ( however their grounds are different , and they doe not goe so farre in consequences , nor are not so grosse ) between their churches and the brownists : as for that of the power of the people and the officers , in giving the power to the officers , but the brownists to the people . i answer , however the apologists differ in that point from the brownists , in words , phrases , methods , and give us many fine words and flattering similitudes , going about , yet the truth is they differ not in substance in their practise , but all comes to one end and issue , and all is resolved into the body of the congregation , and their power from first to last amongst the apologists as well as amongst the brownists , ( though here 't is carried in a fairer way , as fine wits must doe , and that they may have something to say , wherein they are not brownists , ) but of this the reader may see more in this answer , page , , . . the presbyteriall way , the order and governme●… of the reformed churches hath been countenanced from heaven , and blessed from above with the preservation of the truth and unitie of religion , against heresies and errors in doctrine , idolatry and corruption in worship , and all sorts of sects and ●…chisme , it hath been free of those mischiefes and evills of errors and divisions which the independent churches have swarmed with , and that through a long tract of time and the experience of almost a hundred yeeres together : in reformed churches where this government hath been set up , and hath had its free way and exercise even where it hath wanted the advantages of the magistrate being a member of the church , and hath had many disadvantages in regard of the spirits and dispositions of the people with many temptations to errors , yet it hath in those places kept out errors and schismes , preserved puritie of doctrine and peace : for example , in the churches of france , it is evident by many yeeres experiences ( though their princes be popish ) and they live in the midst of papists , yet by gods blessing upon their government and order , their churches have been and are pure in doctrine , few or none falling to popery , arminianisme , or to sects and sch●…smes , and when any errors doe arise amongst them , yet by meanes of that governement they are soone suppressed , and prevented from spreading . it was the observation of beza in his time , of the french churches , though france was grievously afflicted and oppressed by many , yet for that which concerned religion it was free from all troubles and stirrs : and yet notwithstanding there was nothing wanting of all those things by which satan might easily draw and move the french to all kind of troubles ; for example , an inbred naturall lightnesse in that nation , wits very ready for subtiltie and ●…iceties , the mind of the magistrates intent also upon it , that all manner of wayes the christian churches might destroy themselves with their inward dissentions : notwithstanding all this , no strength of the adversaries hitherto , no not in the midst of all the tempests of warre , hath been able to beare thorough the most strong bu●…warke and wall of ecclesiasticall discipline . for the church of scotland , i have heard it often and that from good hands , that during the free use and exercise of presbyteriall government there , never any heresie or schisme tooke the third man , but by meanes of that governement it hath been pul'd up at first , and either the particular person broaching the errour recovered , or however prevented before three have beene infected with it : * beza in his first epistle gives a notable testimony to this government by the blessing of god upon it in the city of geneva : geneva ( be it spoken without offence ) hath rather escaped then overcome all the inward tempests against religion , so great as no city perhaps under heaven hath done the like , it never yet felt any differences nor contentions of the pastors amongst themselves in points of doctrine , 't is free from the furies of the anabaptists , the contagion of the libertines , the blasphemies of servetians , a city otherwise open to all strangers and comers , and for that cause very fit and subject to the wiles of satan . but truly it owes all this by gods blessing to the ecclesiasticall discipline duely and diligently observed , which also now causes that all sorts almost out of all nations under heaven there gathered together , in peace and in true liberty of conscience , doe willingly accord together . the commissioners of the church of scotland tell us , that this government hath made the church of christ terrible as an army with banners , and like a strong and fenced city , against which the adversaries have despaired to prevaile , but by making a breach in this wall , and where they have gained ground or gotten any advantage , either the wall hath not been built , or being built hath been broken down , or not vigilantly kept by the watchmen . but there will be objected against this a passage lately printed in a book of mr simpsons , that there have beene as great defections both of ministers and people unto errors under presbyteriall government as under any other : as it is cleare in the low-countries where so many ministers and people turned arminians , papists , socinians : i have instanced in severall reformed churches , and showed gods blessing upon presbyteriall government , here 's only one instance among all the reformed churches brought against it , and to that i shall give these three answers : though the churches in the low-countries are presbyteriall , yet withall ther 's a toleration of other churches and government there , which is one of the causes of it and hinders presbyteriall government : a toleration will spoile any church and government ; if presbyteriall government be setled , and a toleration given in this land , that will marre all ; so that the parliament may be pleased to take notice by this , and observe the difference between those churches which have no tolerations , as scotland , geneva , and the low-countries which grant a toleration , the one are pure in doctrine , &c. the other makes ministers and people turne arminians , socinians , &c. answ. there 's another reason why it may so fall out in the low-countries , because presbyteriall government hath not its free course there in synods , but 't is much disturbed over 't is in france , geneva , scotland , whereas by their canons and constitutions in the netherlands , there should be a nationall synod once in three yeeres , they have not , nor cannot procure one in twenty yeeres and upwards ; and whereas provinciall synods should be yeerely , they have them in some provinces but once in five and seven yeeres ; besides there are other disturbances in presbyteriall government which hinders the free course of it in holland , many encroachments are made upon the rights of their church due to them by vertue of their discipline , and heretofore established : in a word , that anabaptisticall and familisticall spirit in many , and that corrupt spirit and principles in others , with those principles of toleration , doth much check and stop presbyteriall government from having its perfect worke , and bringing forth its full effects . the true reason of so many ministers and people turning arminians and socinians in the low-countries , was the want of synods , which arminius and his followers alwayes declined , and by flattering the magistrates kept off for many yeares , in which time so many fell , whereas if presbyteriall government had had its course , and a nationall synod had been called , yea but a provinciall for the arminians to have answered in at first before it had so much spread , and they gained so many of the magistrates on their side , we should have found there would have been no ground for mr simpson to write thus , as is cleare in the low-countries where so many ministers and people turned arminians , papists and socinians ? in a word , till the calling of synods , and the power of presbyteriall government was shaken , and some arminians by flattery and policie wrought to put by ecclesiasticall assemblies , and appealed to the magistrates , as mr simpson does in this apologie from the assembly , there was not so great a defection both of ministers and people unto errors , in turning papists , socinians , &c. . though presbyteriall government hath not its free course in the low-countries as in france , geneva , scotland , besides the toleration there , yet there are infinitely fewer miscarriages in censures , divisions , errors in the presbyteriall churches then in the independents , there having been more contentions , miscarriag●…s , falling into errors in one small church of the independent way at amsterdam , and that within lesse then one yeere , then in all the churches in some provinces : i remember perfectly , i have read in mr pagetts arrow against separation ( a man who lived long in holland , and much versed in the controversie ) how he showes , that out of a few members in the brownists churches more fall to anabaptisme , &c. then out of many thousand members of the presbyteriall churches amongst the dutch , or out of all the english reformed churches there . so that notwithstanding this new objection brought against presbyteriall government if the parliament should please to settle it , and that in the full power and free use of classes and synods , denying also a toleration for independencie ( unto which all erroneous and discontented spirits upon all occasions would flow and gather ) instead of opening a wide gate for errors , divisions and many other mischiefes , they shall lay a sure foundation for truth and peace in these churches : and in the last words of the commissioners of the church of scotland i conclude this last reason against a toleration : the church of england which god hath blessed with so much learning and piety , by this reformation and uniformity with other reformed churches , which all of us have solmnely sworne and subscribed to endeavour in our severall places and callings , should be a praise in the earth . now did not other occasions call me to take off my hand , besides the booke it selfe swelled already to such a number of sheets , i would have answered all the reasons brought both for tolerations in generall , and particularly for the congregationall way , as that men are to be perswaded in matters of religion and not compelled , as that the conscience is to be left free , as that the deniall of a toleration will be a great persecution , as that this is the way to make men hypocrites , as that gods people are a willing people , &c. but reserving this to another season , in the close of this discourse i will propound these following questions to the apologists : . whether the commanding of men by the power of lawes to doe their duties , to doe the things which god requires of them , with the using of outward meanes to worke them to it when unwilling , be unlawfull for the magistrate , and against christian libertie , yea or no ? . in your moving for a toleration , doe you desire it for you five only , with those who are actually and will come in to be members of your churches , or for all the churches who are of the same way and communion , if for your selves and churches onely ( which would be more tolerable , a few then a great number , and you being persons of more worth then most of the others ) consider the solemne league and covenant is against it , that we shall without respect of persons endeavour the extirpation of schisme , and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine ; so that you cannot be tolerated more then others , besides if that were granted , you being but five ministers and making up but three or foure churches , the parliament would be never the neerer in giving satisfaction , for what should become of all the rest of the ministers and churches in city and countrey , of mr c. mr b. dr h. mr l. mr g. mr w. &c. the parliament would be accounted partiall and further off from giving content then if they granted none at all . but if it be said you desire it for all churches of your constitution , i answer , expresse so much under your hands , and i will then give you an answer . . whether would you have a toleration granted in the generall , and indifferently for all consciences , sects , and opinions ; or only for some sort of opinions ; i suppose , being wise men you will not expresse your selves for a toleration in the first sense , but in the latter : i desire to know of you then what limits and bounds you will set , and where the parliament shall stop , and what rules you will give for this , as first whether the limitation shall be a toleration only for all different formes of church-government and order , so long as they agree in doctrine with the church established , and are orthodox ; but not of doctrine : now if you hold so , then the brownists , and the bishops , with those who are for the hierarchie must be tolerated as well as you ; many episcopall men being sounder in doctrine then some of your way , and if so , then the simple anabaptists , and that sort of simple anabaptists called dippers will come in too , saying , that baptisme at such an age , and baptizing in rivers by dipping , are but matters of order and time , and what if yet a new forme of church government , and way of externall order in the administration of gods ordinances be set up by some , a way which hath never yet beene practised by any , must that be tolerated also ? consider with your selves whether there may not be a safer allowance of difference in some doctrines and opinions , then of different governments , as also what you have expressed of the consequence of church government and order , and then resolve me whether you will have all formes of church-government allowed , and in my rejoynder i will apply my selfe particularly to show you the danger of that , and how much hazard there is even of the doctrine from the discipline and order , if that be not right . or secondly , would you have a toleration in points of doctrine too , namely in lesser differences , i desire to know what you will make the rule and measure of those lesser differences ? whether whatever may stand with saving grace , and is not against the fundamentals of doctrine and civill government , or what else ? now if you meane so , who shall determine and judge what may stand with saving grace , &c. every heretick , socinian , &c. will plead his opinion may , and i aske of you , whether many points and practises very bad and pernitious may not stand with saving grace in some men , at least for a time , what say you to polygamie that hath stood with saving grace , may that be tolerated ? what think you of many arminian tenets , some lutheran opinions , antinomian doctrines , and other dangerous points held by great schollars , as by brentius , osiander , flaccius , illyricus , may not some of these opinions stand with grace , and might not some of these have grace , and must these now be allowed to be preached in a kingdome that hath established articles of religion and a confession of faith ? and shall such preachers gather people into churches ? if all points may be preached , and churches allowed for all doctrines that are not against fundamentals , and that may stand with saving grace , there will be a strange face of protestant reformed churches , infinite novelties may be broached , and great stirs caused in a kingdome , i desire you in your reply to state your lesser differences , and to set downe your boundaries , what , and what not , and accordingly i shall answer ; in the meane time from these few hints , you and the reader may see , besides the unlawfulnesse , there 's difficultie where to fasten a toleration . now in the close of my discourse against toleration , i take the humble boldnesse to represent to the honourable houses of parliament , that t is the magistrates dutie not to suffer schismes , heresies , and other errours to grow and increase in the church ; for as they are magistrates they truly serve god , whose ministers they are , and kisse the son , in revenging the injuries wantonly committed against god and his truth , and in preserving the externall politie of doctrine and manners : one of the great services princes and parliament performe to christ in reference to their great and high calling , consists in making lawes for the observing the worship and government of his house , and by lawes prohibiting all other worships and governments . and i humbly beseech the parliament seriously to consider the depths of satan in this designe of a toleration , how this is now his last plot and designe , and by it would undermine and frustrate the whole work of reformation intended , 't is his master-piece for england , and for the effecting of it , he comes and moves not in prelates and bishops , not in furious anabaptists , &c. but in holy men , excellent preachers , moderate and faire men , not for a toleration of heresies and grosse opinions , but an allowance of a latitude to some lesser differences with peaceablenesse , this is candidus ille diabolus , as * luther speakes , and m●…ridianus di●…bolus , as iohannes gersonius , an●… b●… expresse it , comming under the merits of much suffering , and well deserving , clad in the white garments of innocencie and holinesse : in a word , could the devill effect a toleration , he would think he had gained well by the reformation , and made a good exchange of the hierarchie to have a toleration for it : i am con●…ident of it upon serious thoughts and long searching into this point of the evils and mischiefe of a toleration , that if the devill had his choice , whether the hierarchie , ceremonies and lyturgie should be established in this kingdome , or a toleration granted , he would chuse and preferre a toleration before them , and would willingly part with , and give up all those for a toleration of divers sects and different churches . to conclude , if the way of independencie be of god , and the apologists can make that good , let it be established by the parliament , and let 's all come to that ; if it be not , why then should it be tolerated ? and why did the apologists move for a toleration before that ever it came to be debated and argued in the assembly . and now for a conclusion and closing up this answer to the apologeticall narration , i might as some authors doe in answering bookes gather together , and draw up into one all the maine particulars of the apologie animadverted upon , and put them under certaine heads , and ranke them in their severall formes , and so present a synopsis of them to both houses and the reader , whereby they might have all in their eye at once , see much in a little : as . all the expressions of the high praises of themselves and their owne partie scattered up and downe in the apologie . . the aspersions , depressions , insinuations both open and more secret of the reformed churches , and of the assembly . . the crossings and interfearings of some passages in the book with others . . the plaine and manifest untruths expressed in many pages . . all the reservations and concealments of matters both of opinions and practises in the church-way . . the double doubtfull expressions both in words and matter . . the mistating of the questions in difference both on their owne side , and the presbyterians , stating their owne differences with the lowest , and the reformed churches at the highest . . the generall expressions without comming down to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which being deducted and extracted from the ap●…ie , what remain●… behind ( saving some few argumen●…s hinted ) but a just testimo●… of the parliament and assembly , with a 〈◊〉 character of the people and multitude , and a brand upon the old separation , which pa●… ▪ also of the parliament , assembly ; people and separation 〈◊〉 brought in , both the praise of 〈◊〉 , and the dispraise of the other , in reference to the magnifying and commending the more the 〈◊〉 and patience , &c. of the apologists , but i spare ; the wise reader may observe the passages , and i have animadverted upon them all along in my answer . i could have ▪ made one part of my answer to this apologie 〈◊〉 strange ( though ●…ue ) paraphrase upon it ▪ and andin●… 〈◊〉 have 〈◊〉 the narration of themselves for the most part contrary : but i shall reserve that , with some other things i have yet to say i●… matter of fact , till i put out my rejoynder to their reply : in 〈◊〉 meane 〈◊〉 i shall conclude this antapologie with ●…rning my 〈…〉 by dissolving your churches , and comming in to us , and that you may repent and recall this apologie , i will represent to you the greatnesse of your sin and folly in making the apologie , and it stands in these particulars : . it was an unseasonable disorderly work for the time and way of it . . 't is a narration full of mentall reservations , high praises of your selves , but censuring and scandalizing the reformed churches of christ. . there are many untruths in it , and that not only where you make naked ▪ relations o●… things , but where you make professions before god and the world ; yea , ●…here you make serious invocations of god to a●…est them , and men also , and all this is done publikely by printing , and deliberately , and upon a designe to take the more with the people , and to make way the better for a ●…oleration . . there is a breach of the solemne covenant subscribed by you , especially in that clause of the first branch , we shall endeavour to bring the churches of god in the three kingdomes to the neerest conjunction and uniformitie in relegion , confission of faith , and forme of church-government , in stead of which before ever you ●…o much as tried and endeavoured it , by debating ▪ those matters of difference in the assembly , whereby it might be brought to an uniformitie ; you endeavour by this apologie a toleration , and sue for an exemption of conjunction and uniformitie in church ▪ government , which is strange you should desire , especially having cove●…anted to the contrary , which breach of covenant is aggravated also , that you do not onely do it your selves , but you labour to bring the houses into it by moving them to grant you a toleration : now if a simple and single untruth need repentance , what repent●…nce ought there to be for such a compounded aggravated evill as yours ●…s : and as i have represented it to your own consciences that you may smite upon the thigh , so i turne you over to your churches , whereof you are ministers , that they deale with you for your great sin , and either bring you to con●…ion and repentance , or else proceed to censure , did i know where your churches dwelt and where they meet , i might then come and complain to them of your great sin , but in stead of comming , i send them this answer , and hereby give them notice , and 〈◊〉 ready to satisfie any that shall desire further proofe , and in stead of declaring by letters the offence , i doe by printing declare it , and require of the churches , especially mr sympsons church , as they will not be guilty of suffering known sinne in the church , as they would not suffer sinne to lye upon a brother , and as they would vindicate the glory and honour of christ , that they call mr sympson to an account and admonish him , and bring him to publike repentance for his publike sin , or else upon impenitencie and obstinacie that they cast him out of the church ; and i beleeve the sin he is charged with will fall under the subject of that dreadfull sentence according to what sins your selves judge that sentence is to be put in execution for , apol. pag. . but if mr sympsons church neglect , and will not question this sin , then i desire the rest of the churches of that communion to send to the churches of the apologists , and to charge them with their countenancing of sin , and if the churches will still beare and wink at sin , and continue impenitent , that then the rest of the churches , namely , mr lockiers , mr carters , dr holmes , &c. doe pronounce the heavy sentence of non-communion against the apologists churches , and further to dèclare and protest this with the causes thereof to all other churches of christ , that they may doe the like , to send also to new-england , and give notice to all the churches of the separation , that they may non-communion the apologists churches . but if the particular churches of the apologists , and all the churches of their owne communion will all hold to favour sin , neither question the apologists , nor their churches , then we shall have a cleare instance of the partialitie of those churches , and of their allowing of sin among themselves , and of the insu●…ticiencie of those remedies of submission , non-communion , declaration and protestation . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * calv. epist. . melanct. verum si in nobis omnibus esset is animus qul esse debet aliquod forsan remedium posset inveniti . et certè foedum exemplum transmi●…imus ad posterot , &c. august . vincentio epist. . nunc vero etiam si tibi nihil profit , non puto nihil ijs profuturam qui eam legere cum deitimore , & sine personarum acceptione curaverint . a beza epist. . and . duditio , dominus te totamque familiam ob omni malo , ac praesertim a daemoniss meridianis istie obambulantibus custodiat . notes for div a -e * mat. . v. , . acts . from v. . to v. . acts . v. . to v ●… . acts cap . acts cap. . a justin. mart. . apolog. pro christianis . tertul. apol. athenag . apol. vel legatio pro christianis . athanas. apol. arnobij apol. eulog . apolog●…t . sanctorum martyr . b zuinglij apol . qua ad crimina respondet . apologet. contra episcop . constant. bucer . apolog. contra brentium . dannaei apolog. pro helvet . ecclesijs . apolog dan. pro adoratione . melancthonis apol. august . consess . apolog. pro luthero : gualtb . apol pro zuinglio . beza apolog. jevelli apolog. eccl. anglicanae . mort. apol. cathol . c sc●…venfeld . apol. contra fabium , apol ad rege●… . hung. de mediatione . stancari . apolog. vorstij . theses apolog. exeg . apol. oratio apolog. bertij apolog. apolog. remonstrantium . apolog. schast . francae . d. p. dirick p●…ps apol apolog. episcop . francisc. de s t● cl. d apologie of the brownists . robins . apolog. justif. of separat . e apolog. for ch. cove . apol. reply davenport . * page , . , , , . apolog. apolog. m s. to a. s. cap. . pag. . apolog. dissert . de guber . eccl. pag. . quinam buju●… criminis rei judicentur me quidem latet , neque in qirere ad nos attinet . hoc scio , no●… convenire in eos , qui intra sententiae nostrae terminos se continent . apolog. to his loving friends mr henry king , mr tost , mr smith , mr raner , mr mapp . apolog. apol. iusta & necessaria per joh. robins . cap. . de conjugio per pastores ecclesiae celebrato . reformat . of ch. govern. in scotland , pag. , , , . reformat . of ch. govern. in scotland , pag. . reformat . of ch. govern. pag. . 't is laid for a common ground by the divines in all the ●…eformed churches , that where a whole nation is converted to the christian faith , every particular church is not to be left to it selfe as if it were alone in a nation , but that christ hath provided a way and there is a necessity of a common nationall government to preserve all the church●… in unitie and peace . apolog. page . me●…ch . adam . vita whitak . pag. . mr ra●…b . narration of ch. courses , p. . the rest of the churches in new-england came at first to them in plimouth to crave their direction in ch. courses and made them their patterne . apolog. letter . mr cottons letter examined and answered , pag. . mr cotton himselfe and other most eminent ministers in n●…w-england had freely confessed that notwithstanding their former profession of ministerie in old england , yet in new-england till they received a particular calling from a particular church , that they were but private christians . apolog. robin . p. , . &c. . de eccl. angl. * robins . apol. cap. . p . propria , inqu●… , & peculiaria in quibus verbi auditionem simpliciter no●… annumero : ●…pote inqua non intercedit inter docentem & discentem communio spirituali●… , sive eccl. sive personalis , nisi ex unione prae via ecclesiastica aut personall . robins catechis . quest. may all the faithfull partake in the sacraments ? ans. no , except they be also added to some particular congregation . apolog. letter out of holland . de ecclesijs reformatis quid aliud dicam ? eas pro veris & genuinis , &c. ecclesijs bahemus : cum eisdem in sacris dei communionem prositemur , & quantum in nobis est colimus : conciones publicas ab illarum pastoribus habitas ex nostris , qui norant linguam eelgicam frequentant . sacrā coenam earum membris , siqua forte nostro coetui intersint nobis cognita participamus , robin . apolog. apolog. letter to mr king , mr tost , &c. apolog. tertul. de resur . carn●… , 〈◊〉 . . a chamier . panstrat . cathol . lib. . de canone , cap. . b whitak . de script . perfect . quae . . cap. . in soro non ex jure humano sed ex lege mosis pronunciandum esse contendit , melch , adam . vit . carolost . schlusselburg . de secta schuvenck●…ld . cameron . s●… ver . iudge in controvers . c. . chamier . panstrat . cathol . de canone . l. . c. . de persectione scripturae . stat●… controversiae . sect. . cham. de canone . l. . c. . sect. . whitak . de script perfect . contra hum. tradit . quae . . c. . whitak . de script . perfect . quaest . . c. . status quaestionis proponitur . article of the sufficiencie of the scriptures for salvation . vide articles of relig. of ch. of engl. serm. at publike fast , novemb . , . pag. . a danaei comment in tim. . v. . & v. . cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quadam homines omnia quae apostolorum temporibus observata suerant sibi putarent imitanda , neque locorum , neque temporum , neque rerum diss●…nilium rationem baberent , e●…am & ipsi suas dioconissas retinere praec●…è voluerunt . sed cum posterioribus temporibus , &c. et certe ●…is impudentes sunt catabaptistae qui pauli facti & exempli praetex●… omnes verbi dei ministros ad manualia o●…era cogendos esse contendunt , ut victum comparent . b apostolici inter anabaptist as cognominati sunt , quia apostolos aemulari in omnibus decreverunt . hi nudam scripturae literam tenere se jactabant . absque ba●…ulo , calceis , pera , pecunia hinc inde vigabantur , juxta christi verba . ascende●…ant in tecta domorum , ex quibus habebant conciones , quia christus dixisset , quae in aurem accepist is ; annunciate in t●…ctis . pedes sibi invicem lavabant ; cum puer is rep●…erascebant , hoc est pueriliter se gerebant ; uxores , liberos , domu●… , opificia deserebant , quia christus dixisset : nisi quis reliquerit do●…um , uxorem , &c. propter me , non potest esse meus discipulus , schlu●…leb , de secta anabaptist . mr tho : goodwins answer to a letter with a qu●…re concerning the church-covenant . confident we are ( is considence it selfe can make us ) that there is no commandement given to the churches for exacting any such covenant of those that are to be admitted into church-fellowship with them . quere concerning the church-covenant . apolog. apolog. 〈◊〉 i. g. letter to t. g. apolog. whitaker . d●… eccles. apolog. manuscr . arg. of m. nye against set-formes of prayer prescribed . a m. williams answer to mr cottons letter . queries proposed upon occasion of an apologeticall n●…ration . robinsoni apolog . cap. . de eccles. anglic. apolog. reform . of ch. government in scotland , cleared , pag. . dissert . de gub. ecclesiae , pag. . robins . apol. cap. . de eccles . amplitudin●… . a polit. ecclesiast . l. . c. 〈◊〉 . &c. ●… . b polit. eccles. l. 〈◊〉 . c. . 〈◊〉 balls friendly tryall of separation . * gersom bucerus dissert , de gub. eccles. p. . nos particularem eccle siam intelligimus quemlibet credentium c●…tum in unam vocationem divinam evangelij praedicatio●…e sacrarumque institutionum observatione adunatum , ac uni presbyterio subjunctum , sacros vero conventus uno out pluribus locis agit●…ntem . nam paraeciarum in quibus convenitur numerus accidentaria res est , nihil ad ecclesiae particularis essentiam pertinens . m. bridges letter to m. to●… , m. smith , m. henry king , &c. the keyes were given to the whole church ; unles we say they were given to peter only and his successours : search the scriptures and see if you can find any place , where any body or particular church is subiect to one man or officer . reform . of ch. government cleared , p. . a robins . justif. of separat . b mr burroughs on hosea , seventh lecture , p. . if we consider the difference between ecclesiasticall power and civill power , we shall see it cleare that there cannot be a ministe●…ll head of the church . c ames . med. theol. iohn , . apolog. * robi●…s . justif. of separat . robi●…s . catech. a representative church in a case of faith and conscience without the consent of the represented in the particular decree , establisheth the popish doctrine of implicite faith . a voetius select . disput. de quaestione pe●…es quos sit potestas ecclesiastica , thes . thes. thes. . ut autē n ovu●… hic agendi modus colorem aliquem haberet . & tanto facilius mult●…rum politicorum savor , aut saltem tolerantia remonstranticis novi●…atibus conciaretur , editu●… est ab iohanne vttenbogardo ecclesialiste tunc hag●… cometano tractatus de jure supremi magistratus in ecclesiasticis . e●…ita fuerunt grotij piet as ordinum , episcopij disputatio de jure magistratus circa sacra , barlei declamatio seu philippica quaedam in ministros qui orthodoxam & receptam religionem tuebantur , &c. praeter quae , vulgares & vernaculi libelli , quorum numerus innumerus , & consiones remonstrantium nihil aliud quam authoritatem & potestatem magistratuum perstrepebant : & nescio qua invidia orthodoxos pastores , ●…orumque legitimos co●…ventus & actiones ecclesiasticas gravabant . et hac quidem inprimis in dictis duabus provincij●… ▪ nam in geldria aliter canebant , aut mussitabant : quod ill. curja conatibus ipsorum minimè faveret . idem fere accidebat in frisia amstelredami , atque alibi , ubi magistratus omnia contra presbyteria & pastores non statuebat ex 〈◊〉 , aut in favorem remonstrantium . post habitam synodum dordracenam , libelli ipsorum vernaculi longè alio stilo conscripti sunt , quin & in ipsa apologia ( quam tamen magistratibus probari volebant ) cap. . potestatem hanc non parum limitant ac contrahunt , quam tamen tam liberaliter ante hac ad mens●… erant . b vedelius de episcop . constant. magni . pag. , , , . arminiani è contrario in excessu peccant , etenim ante synodum dordracenam contendebant , sub magistratu orthodoxo ecclesiam per se nullam babere potestatem spiritualem : ministros ecclesiae officio suo defungi nomine magistratus , ita ut magistratus , quia ipse per alia negotia concionari , &c. non possit , per ministros doceat qui vices ipsius gerant in docendo , quem admndum vicarius trajani imperatoris vices gerebat sui imperatoris . et sic ministros non habere suam potes●…atem à christo , sed à magistratu , qui & quidem solus eam potestatem immediatè à christo acceperit : gubernationem ecclesiae assignabant soli magistratui , ab ea excludentes ministros , nisi in quantum essent vicarij & instrumenta , seu servi magistratus : speciatim electionem ministrorum seu vocationem , item dopositionem tribuebant soli magistra●… , &c. contendebant etiamad solum magistratum immediatè sub christo pertine●… judicium quando controversiae sidei ●…rtae sunt in ecclesia , post synodum in confess . & apol. cap. . negant eju●… jus aut officium esse , ad decreta synodica , ut ut verbo dei conformia sint , observanda obligare ●…omines sua auctoritate & potestate ulla coactiva uti in ea parte , negant etiam magistratum ju●… habere in privatos conventus , sed tantum in exercitia quae in templis seu locis publicis ad magistratum pertinentibu●… instituuntur . nam cum rebus sua ita consultum putarent , aliter statueba●…t & contrarium , quam admodum alibi a nobis est ostensum . robinson apolog. cap. . de magistratu polit . idem prorsus sentimus de magistratu et illius munere quod ecclesiae belgicae & earum consession●… hac in re , ex animo suffragamur . burroughs o●… hosea , sixt lect. pag. , , . ● ju●…us lib. . de pontif. cap. not . . nos ita distinguamus , m●…gistratus qua magistratu●… est humanae societatis caput , humana ordinatione , qua christianus vero est divinae societatis in ecclesia membrum , divina ordinatione , & in eadem custos & vindex ordinis , ut membrum electum ipsius , & not . . se christiani , s●…t praestantia ecclesiae membra . b voetius disp. de quaest , penes quos sit potestas ecclesiastica . part . prim . thes. . thes. . rejicimus haec nova dictata remonstranti●… cap. . apolog quorum prius ; non posse magistra●…ii a●… decreta synodica ve●… dei consor●…ia observandum sua authoritate obligare & con . stringere . c apollo●… . ju●… majest . circa . sacra par . post : cap exam . qu. . statuimus quo●… magistratus potestatem habeat coactivam , qua res ecclesiasticas ex praescripto verbi dei constitut as , legitima via urget , & subdit is imponit ad disciplinam ecclesiae stabiliendā , & ecclesiasticum tuendum ordinem . d m. s to a. s. p. , ●… , , , , ●… . * concedendum publicum ministerij 〈◊〉 ●…um omnibus sui●… circ●…mstantijs politicis & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consideratum , eate . nus magistratus directioni subjectum esse . quod absque authoritate ejus approbativa , seu confirmativa , seu to●…erantiae jurisdictione , ab ecclesia publicè in ejus ditioneinstitui , & cum a●…paratu politico executioni mādari non possit ; nisi leges reipublic●… junda . mentales subditis id concedant & tribuant . apollon . jus majestatis circa sacra . par . post . cap. . exam . quaest . d●…decimae . a rejicimus haec nova dictata remonstrantiam : magistratus nullam esse potestate●… in priva●…s conven●…us , sed ●…tum in publica tempta . voet. disput penes quos sit potest as eccl. thes. . a de quest . penes quos sit potest as ecclesiastica . b wale . tractde officio ministrorum , & authoritate atque inspectione qua magistratus super ministros haber●… debet . c apollon . sus majestat●… circasacra . d altera differentia d wateria sumitur , subjectoque administrationum . politicae administrationis sub . jectum esse res humanas in des●…tione nostra posuimus , ecclesiasticae divin●… esse & sacras docuimus . iunius eccles. l. . c. . habere magistratum qua talem publicam potestatem judicialem seu judicandi , judicio cognitionis non tantum , sed & decinitivo de negot ijs & caufis ecclesiasticis . quod judici●… consequens ●…st , non antecedens ( neque enim sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ecclesia ) adhaec praesuppositive est theologicum , sed formaliter politicum ; quia disquisitio ultimata in eo non est , an hoc sit verum , sed an velint illud publica authoritate tueri & exequi . voet de quaest penes quos sit potest as eccl. par . . thes . apoll ●…us majest . circa sacra . cap. a par . post . pag. , , , ●… , , . apollon . ●…s majest . circa sacra , cap. . examen quaestionis septimae . * nam & remedium extre●…um atque acer●…mum est ad carnem in homine domandā , ac spiritum vivisicandum , & exemplum efficacissimum , ne pars sincera ●…rabatur , adversus ver●… eas qui in contunacia & imp●…itentia perseverant medium unicum ad dei domum fermento & ecclesia christi scandalia liberandam , atque adeo verbum & sacramenta a pro pbanatione & nomen dei ab externorum blasphematione vindicandum , synops : punor . theol. disput. . de eccl. discipl . thes . . * illa vero quae a spirituall christi regno aliena sunt , effectus , qui ad hoc coeleste christi regnil pertinent producere nequeunt , proinde quod institutione divina ad eos producendos non sunt sanctificata . disciplina 〈◊〉 c. clesiastica nihil statuit in hominum bona , jura , dignitates , fortunas , &c. sed paena quae clavium potestate in●…gitur spiritualis & qu●… hominem internum est spiritualem , ejus slatum concernit . at veroextra speram activitatis politici magistratus est internum hominem subigers , spiritutiem poenam conscient ijs inferre , vel hominii animas ab ijs liberare . apoll. ●…us majes●… ▪ circa sacra . cap. a. exam . quest . . pag. ●… . * zanch. de discipl . eccl. ad b●…c multa etiam sunt scelera . in quae ne magistratus quidem christianus animadvertere so let aut tenetur ex legibus suis , v●…uti sunt privatae in ●…tiae , simultaies , participatio ●…um idalolatris in aliquo impio cultu , dissimulatio verae religionis : deni●… multi ma●… mores , tum domestick , tum publick , qui non turbant aut pac●…m publicam , aut honestatē , & commodum publicum●… ec●…lesia vero ne ●…sta quidem ferre debet sed corrigere juxta christi iusti●…tum , zanch. de discip ecclesiast . * illi certè nullo modosinendi sunt vivere , cii illorum temporali●… vita alijs 〈◊〉 aeterna mors . za●…ch . de magistr . . beza . epist. . zanch de eccl. 〈◊〉 . gubern . p . 〈◊〉 quar . praecept . rotterdam , septemb. t● . . new ; stile . apolog. apolog , * peter . martyr . loc . commun . class cap. . de exilio . groe●… etiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fugiendo exilium vocarent . reformat . of church-government . reformat . of church gover . pag. . * bez. epist. ●… * bez. epist. apolog. catal haeretic . schlusselb . lib. decimus de sect a stenck ●…elp . * independēce of particular congregations pleaded for , pag. , , , a every particular congregation is an absolute church , having no jurisdiction over it but christs alone , and that immediately , page , . a mr. herle the independency on scriptures , of the independencie of churches . h rise , growth and danger of socinianisme , page , . reasons against independent government , pag. . * a briefe narration of some church courses held in opinion and practise in new-england , by w. r. m. cottons letter from out of england to m. skelton in new-england . ans. to questions . p. . keyes of the kingdome of heaven . epist. to the reader . * schlusselb . de adiapho . lib. apolog. apolog. ☞ * mr. simpsons sermon on pro. . , . pag. , , , , , . sermon cal'd reformations preservation , pag. , , . fast sermon , pag. , , . , , , . exod. . . reasons against ●…oleration , pag. , , . * page . reasons against toleration , page , . reason against toleration , page . a remonstrance of the state of the kingdome . printed . . apolog. apolog. apolog. apolog. reason . beza confess . fid. cap. . de ecclesia spe●● . . de christiani magistretus offici●… . chron. . ●… , ●… . ●…on . reason . reason . epist. ●… . augustinus vincentio ex ●…resi r●…gatiana doce●…s se fuisse allquando ejus sententiae , ●…t arbitraretur cum haereticis nulla ●…i , sed solo dei verbo ●…endum , verum aliorum sententiis & exempl●… superatum m●…tasse sententiam . b augusti●… bonisacio viro militari de caesaris co●… . ●…monstrans illi donatistarum haeresi●… nih●… habere comm●…ne cum arria●… , & qua modoratione per me●…um leg●… imperialium haeretici possu●… a●… ecclesiae sacieta●… red●… . c augustinus do●… presby●… 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…d 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sibi vi●… inferre , 〈◊〉 ut reso●… perpe●… 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 pra●… voluntatem rectè cog●… ad ●…iora . d augustinus re●…ct . lib. cap . quod verè ●…unc 〈◊〉 place●…at , quia nondu●… expert●… e●…am , vel qua●…um ●…ali eoru●… auderet impunit●…s , vel quantum iis in melius mutandis conferre posset diligenti●… 〈◊〉 . e minimè ut haec quidem libert●… intelligitur , idest , ut quo quisque mo lo volet deum colat : est enim hoc merè diabolicum dogma , sinendu●… esse unumquemque ut si volet perea●… . & i●…a est diabolica liber●…s quae poloniam & transylvaniam bodie ●…ot pestib●… implevit , quas nullae alioqui sub sole regiones tolerarent . bezae epist. prima . bezae epist o. f bezae consess . fid. de eccl , ca. 〈◊〉 . sect . . de christiani magistratus officio . bez. de haereticis à civili maegistratu puniendis , advers●… martini bellii farraginem & novo●… 〈◊〉 s●…ctam . church government and church covenant discussed , quaest . . h mr cotton pow●…ng one of the seven vials , viall . pag. ●… , , . vial●… . pag ●… . reason . a august . cont . gaudent . epist lib. . cap. . quod autem vobis vi●…etur , invi●…os ad veritatem non esse cogendos : 〈◊〉 nescientes scripturas , neque virtutem dei , qui eos volentes ●…acit , dum coguntur inviti . b august . retract lib. . c . c bezae epist. ●… . taceo quod toties adversuo donatistas & circumcelliones augustinus testatur experientia ipsa edoctus , plerosque eo esse ingenio ut nulla re magis quam severitate in officio contineantur : ad●… ut quod initio poenae formidine vitarun●… : id ipsum postea libentur ●…ugiant , & asperitatem illam sibi saluberrimam fuisse testentur . d beza de haeret à magistrpuniendis . reason . apolog. narrat . pag. . reason . reason . nec tamen quicquam eorū defuit quibu●… satan facilè gallos ●…eos ad quasvis turbas imp●…ret , ingenita videlicet bui●… genti viletas , ingenia ad subtilitatem & argutias prompta , ma●…ratuum in boc attentu●… animus , ut quoquomodo christian●… ecclesiae intestinis diss●…s sem●…tipsas destrue e t , adeo quidem ut nemo prodire po●…uit tam sceleratus , quem pont●…j modo no , ●…ris a lver●…tur , nonsoverint . aggerem tamen firm●…ssi ●…m ecclesiastice disc●…plinae perfringere nulium adhuc adversariorum 〈◊〉 , ne in medijs quidem ●…llorum tempestatibus potuit . epi●… . * geneva ( absit verbo injuria ) tempestates intestinas adversus religionem comparatas vitavit potius quam sup●…ravit , quatas nulla fortasse sub coelo civitas : nulla unquam pastorum in doctrina inter se dissidia sensit ; ab anabaptistarum furoribus , a libertinorum contagione , a servetanorum & eorum quibu●… hospitium magno vestro malo adbuc praebatis , blasphemijs immunis est , civitas alioqui omnibus advenis patens as p●…oinde satanae infdijs valde opportunas debet id autem prosecto secundum dei benignitatem , ecclesiasticae , non tyrannidi , ut ex●…ructibus saltem apparet , sed diligenter observatae d●…sciplinae quae nunc etiam sacit ut omnes ex omnibus pene sub coelo sitis gentibus collecti in pace & vera libertate conscientiae ultro conquiescam●… . reformat of ch. govern . in scotland , p. . the anatomist anatomis●…d . * 〈…〉 . a trve copie of the disputation held betweene master walker and a iesuite in the house of one thomas bates in bishops court in the old baily concerning the ecclesiasticall function walker, henry, ironmonger. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing w ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing w estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) a trve copie of the disputation held betweene master walker and a iesuite in the house of one thomas bates in bishops court in the old baily concerning the ecclesiasticall function walker, henry, ironmonger. [ ] p. s.n.] [london? : . attributed to henry walker by wing and bm. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng church polity -- early works to . great britain -- religion -- th century. a r (wing w ). civilwar no a true copie of the disputation held betweene master walker and a iesuite, in the house of one thomas bates in bishops court in the old bail walker, henry, ironmonger b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve copie of the disputation held betweene master walker and a iesuite , in the house of one thomas bates in bishops court in the old baily , concerning the ecclesiasticall function . printed in the yeare , . a true copy of a disputation held between mr. walker and a iesuit . iesuit . i pray you what is the reason that the people in england would have no bishops ? mr. walker . were our bishops one and the same with presbyters , we should not seeke to have them removed . it is those lordly hierarchicall prelates , which are instituted after the popish order , those lofty tyrants that rule like the gentiles over the people of god , these be the bishops that the people of god are offended with . ies. if the bishops should not governe the church , then the people would fall into many errors , and the church would be full of schismes . wal. doe you thinke that they keepe errours out of the church ? no they ( as it is very apparent ) have beene the sole cause of the popery , errours , schismes , and innovations , wherwith our churches have beene lately pestered . ies. you are mistaken , for they have received the power of the holy ghost , by which they are led and guided that they cannot erre . wal. upon what grounds doe you conceive that they should have a greater measure of the spirit of god then other pastours and ministers ? ies. they receive the holy ghost from succession , to which succession christ hath promised to be with them to the end of the world , so that they cannot erre . wal. how can you prove such a succession to belong to them , as brings the holy ghost with it to all without exception , to lead them that they cannot erre ? ies. because they are successors to christ and his apostles , and you know that his apostles could not erre . wal. did not peter erre when hee was reproved by christ to speak foolishly ? did he not erre when christ said to him , get thee behind me satan , thou savourest not ? did hee not erre when hee denyed christ ? yea and forswore him too ? did not thomas erre when he thought it was not christ that appeared to them ? ies. they erred onely in some particulars of frailty , which was incident to them as men , but these were but veniall errors : they erred not in the discipline of the church as they were apostles . wal. did not iudas erre in discipline , when for thirty peeces of silver hee betrayed christ into the hands of the high priests to be crucified ? ies. i speake not of iudas , for his bishopricke was taken from h●m , and given to another , i speake of the rest of the apostles . wal. if part of the apostolicall function bee secluded from the rest , whence then doe you prove the government of bishops to bee thus endued by succession from the apostles ? ies. because as the apostles taught nothing dissonant from the truth of gods word , being directed thereunto by the holy ghost : so the bishops their successors doe the like . wal. that doth not follow : for the apostles and our prelates are not all one and the same office : for the apostles were the disciples of christ , but the prelates are the limbs of antichrist . ies. peter the apostle was bishop of rome , whose see hath beene held by succeeding bishops unto this day . wal. peter was no more tyed to rome then to other churches , for that was contrary to christs command , who commanded both him and the rest to preach to all nations . ies. the bishop of rome is in every respect a true successor unto peter . the power of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , in censuring , in constitutions , decrees , &c. is derived from the apostle s. peter , to the bishop of rome , and from him to all other bishops . wal christ gave not the jurisdiction to one particular apostle alone , that the rest should have it by succession from him , but they all received it from christ : neither hath the bishop of rome any succeeding authority from them above others . ies. this succession is of such consequence , that should it cease , and there should be no bishops , there could be no lawfull admittance of any into the ecclesiasticall function , for ordination cannot be without the bishops . wal. can you deny that that meanes whereby men are kept , and maintained , and upheld in their ecclesiasticall offices , is the beginning and authour thereof : but by the spirit of god are ecclesiasticall officers prescribed in their office and ministery . ergo , the pastors and elders which were ordained even by the apostles themselves , receive not their power and jurisdiction from the apostles by succession , but from the lord : much lesse hath the pope right to doe it , or any bishop in the world from himselfe ; for onely christ hath authority to prefer to the government of the church . ies. in the institution by bishops the power of the holy ghost is received , that god directeth them that they shall be able to preserve the church from error , which is the chiefe end of the ministery . wal. is the church preserved from error by those that teach the people to be trecherous to their kings and princes , and to slay the lords anointed : the lord deliver our church from such errors . ies. the bishop of rome doth not allow of it . wal. did not pope innocentius the fourth hyre his bastard sonne manfredus to poyson the emperour fredericke ; and sixtus the . made an oration in praise and commendation of the fryers faith which murdered henry . king of france . ies. these are scandalous aspersions , such i doe not beleeve to be true . wal. what say you then to the fightings of the papists in ireland against the queen , the spanish invasion , the gunpowder treason , that of iames clement against the king of france , &c. ies. the bishop of rome never allowed of any of these , they had neither counsell nor consent from him . wal. it is wel enough knowne to the contrary ; but to come neerer to you , doe you thinke it is not an error for the pope to take upon him to curse and excommunicate kings and princes at his pleasure ? ies. such who have vowed to him allegeance he hath power to excommunicate : as for such who have not , they are of another church . wal. therefore the emperour frederick was so wise to make a law , that if a bishop were found to attempt any thing against the publick quiet , that he should live an hundred miles off from that city or place which he had disturbed . and it were to bee wished that all such disturbers of the peace and quiet of this our nation , were sent not onely an hundred , but a thousand miles off . ies. why doe you abuse those bishops that are of so noble and honourable a function ? christ the head of the church hath placed bishops in his own stead , giving them that power which himselfe received of his father , insomuch that there is no office or degree which christ received from his father , but he doth communicate the same to them . wal. christ is our mediator , will you say that the prelates are our mediators ? ies. as christ is our mediatour , paying to his father the ransome , so are they priests and mediatours by prayer . wal. i deny your tenent , it is no better then blasphemy ; for there is onely one mediatour between god and man , the man christ iesus , as paul saith , tim. . . ies. they are our mediatours , i doe not say as authors themselves of any benefit to us , but obtaining through christ and his merits whatsoever by them is obtained for us . wal. if christ hath not purchased what is obtained for us without their mediation , then were christ an imperfect mediatour : but christ is a perfect mediatour , even hee that hath trod the wine-presse alone , and what is obtained is only from him , and by him alone . finis . church-history of the government of bishops and their councils abbreviated including the chief part of the government of christian princes and popes, and a true account of the most troubling controversies and heresies till the reformation ... / by richard baxter ... baxter, richard, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) church-history of the government of bishops and their councils abbreviated including the chief part of the government of christian princes and popes, and a true account of the most troubling controversies and heresies till the reformation ... / by richard baxter ... baxter, richard, - . [ ], p. printed by b. griffin for thomas simmons ..., london : . reproduction of originals in yale university library and the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -- early works to . bishops -- early works to . councils and synods. great britain -- church history -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion church-history of the government of bishops and their councils abbreviated . including the chief part of the government of christian princes and popes , and a true account of the most troubling controversies and heresies till the reformation . written for the use especially of them : i. who are ignorant or misinformed of the state of the antient churches . ii. who cannot read many and great volumes . iii. who think that the universal church must have one visible soveraign , personal or collective , pope or general councils . iv who would know whether patriarchs , diocesans , and their councils , have been , or must be the cure of heresies and schismes . v. who would know the truth about the great heresies which have divided the christian world , especially the donatists , novatians , arrians , macedonians , nestorians , eutychians , monothelites , &c. by richard baxter , a hater of false history . london : printed by b. griffin , for thomas simmons at the princes arms in ludgate-street . mdclxxx . the preface . the great usefulness of history needs not many words to prove it , seeing natural inclination it self is so much for it , and reason and experience tell men , that they cannot spare it , as to natural , civil , or religious use . god himself hath highly commended it to us , by writing the sacred scriptures so much historically ; yea and making some of it part of the necessary articles of our creed . children that yet understand not the doctrinal part of the bible , do quickly take delight in the historical part ; which prepareth them for the rest . ignorant and ungodly persons that have no true sense of sacred doctrine , can yet understand and with lesse aversness and weariness read the history . melancholy and sad persons who can hardly bear long doctrinal studies , are often eased and recreated with useful history . man is a part of the vniverse , and every man is a part of the world of mankind , and therefore thinketh the case of the whole to be much of his concerne . and were not narrow selfishnes much of our pravity , we should take the universal and publick good , and gods love to it and pleasedness and glory in it , to be much more our end , and the object of our desire and delight , than any personal felicity of our own ; it is a monster of inhumanity in the doctrine of the sadducees , spinosa , hobbes , and their bruitish followers , that they set up individual self interest as a mans chiefest end and object of rational love and desire ; and own no good , but that which relatively is good to me , that is , either my personal life and pleasure as the end , or other things as a means thereto : though grace only savingly cure this base inhumane maladie , yet common reason beareth witness against it , and only sense , and reason captivated by sense do patronize it . put not the question to a reasonable man , though wicked , what he can do or doth : but what in reason he should do , and he cannot deny but that he should think of a more excellent person at the indies , that never will do anything for him , as more amiable than himself , much more many thousands such ; and as goodness and amiableness are all one , so that which is best , should be loved best : and he that would not die to save his country is worse than sober heathens were . and he that would not rather be annihilated than all or halfe the world should be annihilated , is so basely selfish , that i should sooner believe that analogical reason ruleth some bruites , than that true reason determineth this mans choice . spinosa taketh the knowledge of our union with universal nature ( which he calleth god ) to be mans perfection and his chief good , in comparison of which sensual pleasure , riches and honour are but troubles further then they are a meanes hereto : and if he had better known god , as the creator and governour and end of the material vniverse which he took to be god , and had joyned [ holy uniteing joyful love to the universe , and specially to the heavenly society , and above them all to god himself ] unto this knowledge , and extended it to the perpetuity of an immortal state , he had been happily in the right , which missing , he became a pernicious seducer of himself and others . but thus nature and grace do loudly tell us , that each part should be greatly concerned for the whole , and therefore every one should desire to know as much of the whole , as he is capable , and as tendeth to his duty and delight . and how small a parcel of time , or men , or actions are present or in our daies ? how little knoweth he that knoweth no more than he hath lived to see ? what religion can he have who knoweth not the history of creation , redemption or the giving of the holy ghost , or the planting and propagating the church , and also what will be when this life is ended ? but it is not all history that is needful or useful to us : there are many things done which we are not concerned to be acquainted with . but the history of the church , of the propagation of the christian faith , and what the doctrine was that was then received , and how it was practised , promoted and defended , and how it was corrupted invaded and persecuted , is of so great use to posterity , that next to the scripture and the illumination of gods spirit , i remember nothing more needful to be known . when philip nerius set up his oratorian exercises at rome , as to win the people , they found it necessary to use large affectionate extemporate prayers and expositions and serm●●s , so the next thing found necessary was , to bestow constantly one exercise in opening church-history to the people . and this did both entice their attentions by delight , and also by fitting reports more to the papal interest than to the truth , did greatly bewitch them into a confident beliefe , that the papal sect was all the true church , and all other christians were but sectaries and branches broken off and withered , and therefore to be burned here and hereafter ( abusing joh. . . &c. ) and i have oft thought that the right use of such an historical exercise , in an ordinary congregation would be of great use to the ignorant vulgar and unlearned zealous sort of christians : for i find that for want of the knowledge of church-history , and how things have gone before us in all former times , many errours and sins are kept up that else would more easily be forsaken . to instance in some few . i. as it was the craft of baronius ( who performed that exercise in nerius his conventicles at rome , ) to write afterward his church-history in latin so voluminously , that few but the clergie byassed by interest would read it , and so the clergy might be the credited reporters of all to the vulgar ; so to this day , the papist-priests contrive to be the masters and reporters of church-history as well as of unwritten tradition , and to keep the laity so far ignorant of it , that when they tell men confident stories for their advantage , few or none may be able to contradict them , and so their report must passe as undenyed truth . and thus false history is made the chief foundation of the roman kingdom . thus they will face you down that you are ignorant or impudent , . if you question whether peter was a true bishop at rome , ( yea or ever there , which nilus hath shewed to be somewhat uncertain ) . or that he setled the roman bishop as his successour in a supremacy over all the christian world , . or that the popes primacie was over all the churches on earth , which indeed was but ( as canterburie is in england , ) in one roman empire only . . they will perswade you that this primacie was setled by christ or his apostles , which was done only by councils and emperours of rome , . they would make you believe that this was from the apostles daies , which began long after , . they would perswade you that all the christian world submitted to it , even abassia , and all the extra-imperial churches , which is no such matter , . yea , that before luther none contradicted the papal power and claime , but all the christian world were papists . by many such lies they deceive thousands of the ignorant : and when they challenge men to dispute , by word or writing , their last refuge is to bring them into a wood of history , that there they may either win the game or end the chase : and if a minister of christ be not armed here , to confute their historical forgeries , they will take it for a victory and triumph , which made me write my last book against johnson ( or terret ) to shew historically the antiquity of our church , and the novelty of theirs ( which i could wish young ministers unacquainted with church-history would peruse . ) but if our people were truely acquainted how things have gone in the church from the beginning , it would be one of the most effectual , preservatives against popery , when now the falsifications are become its strength . i have oft thought that it had been greater policy in the papists , if they could , to have burnt all church-history , but specially of the councils , that the credit might have depended on their bare word : for verily once reading of crab , binnius , surius , or nicolinus would turn against them any stomack , that is not confirmed in their own disease . but they have overdone baronius , and now made so great and costly a load of the councils , as that the deficiency of money , time , wit and patient industry , shall save the most , even of the priesthood from the understanding of the truth : and such epitomes as caranza's leave out most of the culpable part : and yet even such they can hardly tolerate . ii. the more moderate french papists who magnifie councils aboue popes , would make us believe , that though popes are fallible and may miscarry , yet general councils , have been the universal church-representative , which have a legislative and iudicial vniversal power , and that our concord must be by centring in their decrees ; and all are schismaticks at least , that take not their faith and religion upon their trust : but if men knew that there never was a general council of all the christian churches but only of the empire , and how wofully they have miscarried , it would do much to save them from all such temptations . iii. the overvaluers of church grandure , and wealth , and maintainers of the corrupt sort of diocesane prelacy , patriarks , &c. write books and tell the ignorant confident stories , how such a prelacy hath been in the church ever since the dayes of the apostles , and that all the churches on earth consented to it : but if the people were acquainted with church . history they would know , that the primitive fixed episcopacy was parochial , or every church associated for personal present communion had a bishop , presbytery and deacons of their own : ( unfixed itinerant general pastors , indefinitely taking care of many churches ) : and that it was the bishops striving who should be greatest , and turning single churches into an association of many churches , and to be but chappels or parts of the diocesan church ( that their power and wealth might be enlarged with their territories ) and the turning of arbitrating bishops into the common indicatures , which must govern all christians , and such like , which poysoned the church , and turned the species of particular churches , episcopacy , presbytery and discipline , quite into another thing . and to speak freely , it was the many blind volumes and confident clamours of some men , that rail at us , as denying an episcopacy , which the universal church hath always agreed in , which drew me to write this abridgement of the church history of bishops , councils and popes . iv. and those that make the ignorant believe that seditious disobedient presbyters have in all ages been the dividers of the church , and the bishops the means of vnity , concord and suppression of such schismaticks and hereticks , could never thus deceive the people , were but so much church-history commonly known , as i have here collected . read church-history and believe that if you can . v. and many that take up any new opinion or dotage which is but newly broached among them , would have been saved from it , if they ●a● but known how that same opinion or the like , was long ago taken up by hereticks , and exploded by the faitbful pastors and people of the church . vi. and the sectaries who rashly seperate from some churches , because of some forms , opinions or ceremonies , which almost all christians on earth have used , in the former purer ages , and still use , would be more cautelous and fearful in examining their grounds , and would hardly venture to seperate from any church for that , which on the same reason would move them to separate from almost all christians in the whole world ; if not vnchurch the church of christ : and ancient errours and crimes would affright us from imitating them . vii . and those that make new ambiguous words or unnecessary practices to become necessary to church communion , and hereticate all that differ from them , or persecute them at least , would be more frightened from such pernicious courses , if they well knew what have been the effects of them heretofore . viii . and it is not unuseful to princes and magistrates to see what hath corrupted and disturbed the churches in f●rmer times : and what cause they have to keep the secular power from the clergies hands , and to value those that for knowledge and piety are meet for their proper guiding office , and use of the church keys : but not to corrupt them by excess of worldly wealth and power , nor to permit them by striving , who shall seem greatest , wisest and best , to become the incendiaries of the church and world , and the persecutors of the best that cannot serve their worldliness and pride . the reader must note , . that though much of the history be taken from others , the councils are named and numbred according to binnius and crabbe : . and that because so much evil is necessarily recited , i thought it needful in the beginning and end to annex a defence of the pastors and their office and work , lest any should be tempted to think hardly of religion and the church for mens abuses . . and if micrelius , gutlerbeth , phili pareus , funcius , carion , melancthon , buchotzer , scultetus , pezelius , helvicus , or any other that i have seen , had answered the ends which i here intend , i should have gladly saved my self this labour and have refer'd the reader to them . the councils are now published voluminously , and many young students want money and time to read them at large . to such this abridgement may not be unuseful ; especially to men that have mistaken the case of the great heresies and hereticators , and would know what prelacy and councils have done to the concord or discord of the churches . the description of the state of alexandria recited in the beginning as a letter from a friend , was from mr. clerkson a learned and worthy minister ( though silenced ) now in london . the lord pardon and heal our common faultiness , and give better teachers to his churches when we are dead and gone , who will take warning by all our errours and miscarriages , especially to escape a wordly spirit , pride , church-tyranny and schism , and serving the world , the flesh and the devil , by pretence of authority from christ. amen . march . . london ▪ vvhat history is credible , and what not . as the holy ghost saith , believe not every spirit ; i may say , believe not all reports , or history . it was not only ahabs prophets , in whose mouths satan was a lying spirit : as lying and deceiving is his work in the world , for the destroying of holiness , and of souls , even when he turneth himself into an angel of light ; so is it the work of his ministers , when they seem to be ministers of righteousness ; when it is oft said ( be not deceived ) and [ let no man deceive you with vain words ; ] it is more necessary advise , and hardlier followed , than most men understand . as truth is gods means to work the will to holy love , and lead us in a holy life , so lying is the devils means to oppose them : and of all lyars , none are more pernicious than lying historians , and lying preachers . it is a sad perplexity to the world , that when men read and hear , even the more confident and plausible histories and reports , they know not whether they are true or false ; and if they believe that to be true which is not , the effect is worse than this perplexity . i will tell you what i take to be credible , and what not . i. it is presupposed that a man must believe his senses , if sound , about their proper objects : papists that tell us that all mens senses are deceived , when they seem to perceive bread and wine in the sacrament , do but tell us that no man then is to be believed , and therefore not they themselves . ii. the history of the gospel is certainly credible , because it was confirmed by multitudes of uncontrouled miracles wrought by christ , and by his apostles , and multitudes of christians ; as the doctrine it self beareth the image and superscription of god. iii. the prophets that had divine inspiration and vision , had that evidence which gave themselves a certainty , though not to others . iv. when history delivereth a matter of fact and sense , by the common consent of all men that knew it , though of contrary minds , dispositions , and interests , it giveth us a certainty which may be called natural ; because nature hath nothing in it that could cause such a conspiracy in lying : that it is so credible as to be a natural certainty , that there is such a place as rome , paris , ierusalem ; that the statutes of the land are not forgeries , while all contenders plead them against each other , and hold by them their estates and lives : and so that there was such a person as jesus christ , and that the scriptures were written by the prophets and apostles , &c. v. when the history of any person and action is proved by continued or visible effects : as that william of normandy conquered england , while so many of the effects of that conquest in our laws and customs are still visible : and that the welsh were the ancient britains , driven by the saxons into wales , while their language , habitation , &c. shew it : and so that christ instituted baptism , and church-communion , and the apostles separated the lords day for holy worship , when the christian world hath used all these publickly in all places ever since , and do 〈◊〉 them : and so that temples were built for holy worship , and endowed , when we still see and possess them . vi. that history is credible which consentingly speaketh against the known interest of the author ; for mans corrupt nature is apte● to false boasting , than to false confessions of sin ; against a confessor there needs no witnesses : and this is much of the credibility of the harsher part of the church-history which i here recite : what i say of the miscarriages of bishops and councils , is mostly in their own words , and what i say against popes , is but the recital of what is said by the greatest defenders or flatterers of popes : i give you no reports against the pride , contentions and corruptions of patriarchs and prelates , out of the supposed hereticks , or protestants ; i give you not a word out of lut●er ( who de conciliis ) hath very much ; and especially speaketh much like as i here do of cyril and nestorius ; nor out of illyricus his catalogus testium veritatis , nor out of the mornay's mystery of iniquity , no nor out of the collections of goldastus , marquardus , freherus , ruberus , pistorius , &c. but the substance of the common history is taken out of the commonly received church-historians ( eusebius , socrates , sozomene , cassiodorus , theodorite , ruffinus , evagrius , nazianzen , hierom , victor , ni●ephorus , liberatus , nicetas , and such others ; and the sum of the councils and popes is out of baronius , anastasius , but most out of binnius , and platina , and aeneas sylvius ( a pope , ) petavius , and such other as are the greatest papal zealots : when these speak for their cause , i leave you to just suspition ; but when they speak against it , by way of confession or lamentation , they are not to be suspected . vii . the next degree of credibility dependeth on the veracity or credible fitness of the reporter ; some men are much more credible than others : for instance . . one that was upon the place , and saw what was done , or lived near , where he had full information , is ( caeteris paribus ) more credible than one that followeth uncertain reports , or hear-say . . a wise man is much more credible than a proud self-conceited confident fool. . one that hath made a matter his long and hard study , is ( caeteris paribus ) more to be believed in that matter , than many ignorant men . . one that is impartial , a lover of peace , and not ingaged by faction or interest to one side against the other , is caeteris paribus much more credible than a factious interested man. . a sober , calm , considerate man , that will stay and try before he judgeth , is more credible than a passionate or hasty judger . . a man of manifest honesty , conscience , and the fear of god , is much more to be believed than a worldly , wicked , bloody , unconscionable man. . caeteris paribus many agreed honest impartial men are more to be believed than one , or a few odd and singular persons , who have no more advantage than the rest to know the truth . . the young and unexperienced owe some eoverence to the judgment of their seniors , as more credible by age and experience than their own . . accordingly children to their parents , and scholars to their masters and tutors owe such belief as is answerable to their difference , and the use of their learning of them . by this you may see on the contrary who is not worthy of belief . i. one that pretendeth inspiration , vision , revelation , and giveth the hearer no sufficient proof of it . ii. one that pretendeth to tell you things beyond his reach ; as many philosophers do about the mysteries of nature , spiritual and corporeal , elements or mixt bodies , above and below , of which the books of many are full , and malignant men , that take on them to tell you other mens hearts , without just proof , that they are hypocrites , and intend that which they never did , or meant ill , when they said or did well ; and when false historians will tell you with what ( unproved ) ill purposes or deceits , persons a thousand miles off , and perhaps a thousand years past , whom they never knew , did say and do all that is reported of them . iii. when there are but few reporters of things pretended to be known publickly in the world , especially when more credible persons contradict them . iv. when the person is deeply ingaged in a party , and carrying on all for the interest of his party , doth give you but his word , or the report of his own party for what he saith ; so that you may perceive that interest byasseth him to partiality . v. when the historian sheweth a malignant spirit , that extenuateth or denieth all the good that was in his adversaries , and fasteneth on them as much odium as he can without just proof , and justifieth all the reproach that is used against them . vi. when the historian liveth so far off from the place and time , that he is no competent reporter , having all his notice but by the fame of his own faction , as uncapable as himself . vii . when the sober moderate men of his own party contradict him , and speak well of the persons whom he reproacheth . viii . when the reporter is manifestly a proud , worldly , wicked , unconscionable man , especially of a bloody hurtful disposition : for as gods threefold influence , or the vnderstanding , will and life is but one , so the devil doth usually vitiate together the vnderstanding , will and life ; and he that is from the beginning an enemy , and a murderer , is also a lyar : though a wicked , malignant , and cruel man , may yet have an opinionative faith and knowledge , and preach the truth , when it is for his carnal interest ; yet when his malice and interest tempteth him against it , there is no trusting his word . ix . when an ignorant proud man thinketh that he must be believed meerly for the reverence and authority of his place . x. when the reporter liveth in a time and place where carnal interest hath got the major vote for falshood , and it passeth commonly for truth , especially where tyranny , civil or ecclesiastical , silenceth the truth in press , pulpit , and discourse , that it dare not be spoken ; by which the papists have not only made their own writings and reports incredible , but by their indices expurgatorios , and base corrupting of ancient writers , have weakned our certainty of much of the old history and fathers . xi . when the reporter is a weak and silly man , that hath not wit to sift out the truth . xii . when he is passionately rash , and of hasty judgment , and hath not patience to stay and suspend his judgment till he hear all . xiii . when it is a novice or raw student , that hath not had time , helps and experience to know what he pretends to know , and yet contradicteth wiser men of more advantage and experience . xiv . when present experience telleth us , that the party that he writeth against as unlearned or wicked , are men of eminent learning , and the fear of god ; and that the party that he magnifieth as such , are contrary ; by such marks incredible history may be discerned . qu. but how can we know mens wisdome , and piety , and honesty , and impartiality , when we never knew the men ? ans. though hypocrites may much counterfeit truth and goodness , its hard so to do it , but the contrary which ruleth in them will break out , as a s●ink will get through narrow passages : and though truth and honesty may be much clouded , they have , like light , a self-revealing power . to give you some instances ; as among physitians hypocrates , and galen , and celsus of old ; and of late montanus , crato fernelius , platerus , hildanus , and such others , do speak with that self-evidencing honesty , and many paracelsians with that palpable vanity , that one of them will constrain belief , and the other unbelief , even in them that never heard what they were : so among historians , eusebius , though counted an arrian , and socrates , and sozomen , though called novatians , and theodoret , and liberatus , and some others , do write so as to constrain belief of things which were within their notice , and with honest impartiality : among the papists , what clear footsteps of understanding , honesty , and impartiality , and so of truth , is there in thuanus , and much in commines , guicciardine , father paulus servita hist. of trent council , and divers others : though doctor iames bid us keep crab , because the later councils are corrupt , and all of them must be taken with due antidotes , yet because most of the matter is fetcht from publick acts and records , they are more credible than most single history ; acosta speaketh impartially of the west indies , and godignus of the abassians , matth. paris of england , and the pope , and so of some others : of protestants , some do but recite recorded testimonies , or publick acts , and the very writings themselves of the times they speak of , when others do but tell you stories on their bare word : goldastus , ruberus , freherus , and pistorius , do but give us collections of the writings of those former ages , and nothing of their own : so doth mr. rushworth now in his three volumes of collections ; and mr. fuller hath partly done so , and writeth moderately ; mr. gilbert burnet thus writeth the history of the reformation , laying not the credit on his word , but on his evidences ; and cambden impartially thus writeth of queen elizabeth , and in his brittania : vsher hath done the like , de succes . eccles. of the waldenses ; and in his de primordiis eccl. brit. of the pelagians , not saying , but proving by records , and old evidences , what he delivereth , besides the advantage of his known extraordinary learning , honesty , and impartiality ; so doth fox for the most part in his martyrology give you but the publick record , or proved histories ( though cope call him lyar ) melancthon and bucholtzer were men of such known sincerity , as constraineth credit to their reports . on the other side , who can believe such palpable railers as tympius , cochleus , genebrard , and many such , that lye contrary to certain evidence ? such as make the vulgar believe , that luther learnt his religion of the devil , and was killed by him ; that oecolanpadius was kill'd by the devil ; that bucer had his guts pull'd out , and cast about by the devil ; that calvin was a stigmatized sodomite and sensualist ; that beza died a papist ( who lived long after to write a confutation ) and abundance such . melchior adam gathereth his history of lives from the pens of those that most intimately knew the persons , what able , holy , laborious , and excellent servants of god were calvin , beza , daneus , knox , and many such , as described by adamus , and in the judgment of those that were their most knowing observers : but what vile rebellious wretches were they in the judgment of doctor heylin , and such as he ? what excellent persons did god use for the beyond-sea reformation ? even as in france ; and holland ; iewel , bilson , and other bishops , defend that which heylin describeth as the most odious rebellions : he maketh the geneva presbyterians to do that against their bishop , which dr. pet. moulin in his answer to philanax anglicus , sheweth was done before , while they were papists . some things in heylins history of the reformation , and the presbyterians , i believe , which he bringeth records for ; but upon his own word i can scarce believe any thing that he saith , so palpably partial is he , and of so malicious and bloody a strain , representing excellent persons as odious intollerable rogues , and the reformation , even of the lutherans ▪ as too bad , but that in france , belgia , friesland , the palatinate , hungary ▪ transilvania , scotland , to be but a series of the most odious rebellions , murders , and horrid sacriledge ; and ours in england to be much the spawn of king henries lust , and thinking king edward . his death a seasonable mercy ; and odiously representing such excellent bishops as grindall , abbot , and vsher , and such excellent divines as we sent to dort , davenant , hall ▪ ward , carlton , &c. it pleaseth the prelatists to say truly of me , that i am no presbyterian , and th●●fore speak not for the persons in partiality , as one of their party ; but i 〈◊〉 say , as in gods sight , that in my own acquaintance , i have found that sort of men , whom dr. heylin and such other reproach as presbyterians and puritans , to be the most serious , conscionable , practical , sober , and charitable christians that ever i knew , yea verily the knowledge of them hath been a great help to the stedfastness of my faith in christ : had i known no christians but carnal , worldly , and formal men , who excel not heathens in any thing but opinion , it would have tempted me to doubt whether christ were the saviour of souls , as i should think meanly of the physitian that doth no cures : but when i see holy mortified persons , living in the love of god and man , i see that faith is not a dead fancy : and when i have lived in intimate familiarity with such , from my childhood , to the sixty fifth year of my age , and known their integrity , notwithstanding their infirmities ; and then read such histories as represent them as the most odious , flagitious persons , i see it is not for nothing that some men are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the scripture , and the children of their father the devil , who was from the beginning a lying malignant murderer . two crimes i have long ago heard the rabble charge on those whom they called puritans , lying and covetousnes ; whereas near two thousand ministers are cast out , and suffer , which they could mostly escape , if they durst but lye ; and if i ask money for the poor ( of what party soever ) i can sooner get a pound from those called puritans , than a shilling from others far richer than they . can i take any men to be other than malignant lyars who would make men believe that such men as hildersham , dod , rogers , ball , paul bagne , ames , bradshaw , &c. were rogues and seditious rebels , or that revile such as vsher , hall , davenant , & c. ? reader , believe not a word of any of the revilings or odious characters and stories , which any aspiring worldly factious clergy man writeth of such as are his adversaries : lying is their too common language ; yea , if they do but once set themselves eagerly to seek preferment , i will never trust them , or take their words : it hath been so of old , the same man that was a saint to his acquaintance , hath been described as wicked , or a devil by others : how bad were origen and chrysostome to theophilus , alexand. and epiphanius ? and how bad was theophilus to the historians that write his actions ? how excellent a person was cyril alex. to the council of colcedon , and how bad a man was he to theodoret , isidore , pleus . &c. ignatius const. was a saint to nicetas , and many others , and to photius he was an antichrist , and wicked limb of the devil : photius was a holy man to his party , and a wicked wretch to nicetas , and others : yea , see the credit of worldly prelates ; the same bishops one year cry down ignatius as a wicked man , and call photius a holy person , and the next year , or shortly after , cry down photius for a rogue , and cry up ignatius ; yea , and upon the next turn cry up holy photius whom they had anathematized : these doings were familiar with carnal prelates . but as gods spirit in his servants is so suited to the doctrine of the same spirit , that they relish it where they find it ; so their piety and honesty is such a self-evidencing thing , that pious and honest-men that knew them , cannot believe their lying slanderers . and when satan hath done his worst , the very writings of such men as calvin , bez● , melancthon , hildersham , ames , dod , burges , gataker , vsher , d●venant , h●ll , &c. will not suffer men to believe their odious revilers : even among papists , when i read the works of bernad , gerson , kempis , th●ulerus , sales , and the lives of nerius , renti , &c. i cannot believe him that would tell me they were wicked men ▪ though faulty : and the lives written by adam , clerk , fuller , &c. shall be believed before calumniators . alas , how little are most histories to be believed , where they prove not what they say ; there are about sixty that say there was a pope ioan , and near as many that say no such thing . hildebrand to one half of the bishops was the holy restorer of the church , to the other half the vilest rebel . we are not agreed here ●n london who burnt the city in . nor what parties began the late war , nor what party brought the king to death , while we are alive that saw these publick facts : not only lads that knew it not , but heylin ( the great reproacher of the reformers ) would make men believe that it was presbyterians in england that began the strife and war , when yet he had himself laid so much of it on archbishops , and bishops , and on the parliaments complaints of popery , arminianism , and arbitrary illegalities ; and after saith ( hist. presb. p. . . ) the truth is , that as the english generally were not willing to receive that yoak ; so neither did the houses really intend to impose it on them , though for a while to hold fair quarter with the scots , they seemed forward in it . this appears by their declaration of april — nor have they lived to see their dear presbytery setled , or their lay-elders entertained in any one parish of the kingdome ( that 's false on the other side ) and yet all must be done by this parliament , as presbyterians , four years before , when they were episcopal , distasting only the persons and actions of bishop laud , wren , and some other present bishops . if i find a man like schlusselburgi●s , fall pell-mell with reproach on all that differ from him , or dr. heylin , speak of blood with pleasure , and as thirsty after more ( as of thacker , vdall , &c. ) or as designing to make dissenters odious , as he and most of the papists historians do , ( as the image of both churches , philanax anglicus , the historical collections out of heylin ) i will believe none of these revilers , further than they give me cogent proof . i hear of a scots narrative of the treasons , fornications , witchcrafts , and other wickedness of some of the scottish presbyterians ; and as for me , the author knoweth not what to call me , unless it be a baxterian , as intending to be a haeresiarcha , being neither papist , nor of the church of england , nor presbyterian , nor independent , &c. to this i say , i have no acquaintance with any scots minister , nor ever had in my life , except with bishop sharp that was murdered , and two other bishops ( and two or three that live here in london ) therefore what they are i know not , save by fame : but though i have heard that country asperst , as too much inclin'd to fornication , i never before heard the religious part and ministers so accused : either it is true , or false ; if false , shame be to the reporters ; if true , what doth it concern us here , or any that are innocent , any further than to abhor it , and lament it , and to be thankful to god that it is another sort of men that are called puritans in england ; and that in all my acquaintance with them these years ( which hath been with very many in many countries ) i remember not that ever i heard of one puritan , man or woman , save one , accused or suspected of fornication ; and that one yet living , though openly penitent , hath lived disowned and shamed to this day ; but i have heard of multitudes that revile them , that make a jest and common practice of it : try whether you can make the inhabitants of this city believe , that the nonconformists or puritans are fornicators , drunkards , or perjured , and that their accusers and haters are innocent men that hate them for such crimes ! but it s possible that you may make men of other countries or ages believe it , and believe that we wear horns , and have cloven feet , and what you will ; but i fear not all your art or advantages on those that are acquainted with both sides : but the misery is , that faction ingageth men to associate only with their party where they hear reproaches of the unknown dissenters , from whom they so estrange themselves , that the neighbours near them are as much unknown to them , save by lying same , as if they lived an hundred miles from them . i remember mr. cressey once wrote to me , that he turned from the protestant religion to the roman , because there was among us no spiritual books of devotion for soul elevations , and affectionate contemplation : and i told him it was gods just judgment on him , that lived so strange to his neighbours , because they are called puritans , and to their writings , which shops and libraries abound with ; had he read bishop halls , mr. greenhams , mr. ri. rogers , mr. io. rogers , mr. hildershams , mr. boltons , mr. perkins , mr. downhams , mr. reyners , dr. sibbes , &c. yea or no better than my own ( the saints rest , the life of faith , the divine life , the christian directory , &c. ) or had he read the lives of divines called puritans ( or but such as two young men ( published partly by my self ) ioseph allen , and iohn ianeway ) he would never have gone from the protestants to the papists , because of our formality and want of an affectionate spiritual sort of devotion , especially knowing what excess of formality is among the papists , and how much it is of the clergies accusation of the puritans , that they are for too little form , and too much pretence of spiritual devotion . but if any called religious , or puritans , or presbyterians be vicious , i know no men that so heartily desire their punishment and ejection , as those that are called by the same names : i thank god that these twenty years , while neither wit , will , nor power hath been wanting against them , i have scarce heard of two men ( if one ) that have been judged and proved guilty of any such immorality , of all the ejected silenced ministers in this land : i would i could say so of their adversaries . ii. and now i must speak to the accusers speeches of my self ; i thank you sir that you feigned no worse against me ; if i am an haeresiarcha , why would not you vouchsafe to name that heresie which i have owned : i have given you large field-room , in near books ; and few men can so write , as that a willing man may not find some words which he is able to call heresie : a little learning , wit , or honesty , will serve for such an hereticating presumption . . i never heard that arminius was called an arminian , nor ●●ther a lutheran , nor bishop laud a laudian ; but if you be upon the knack of making names , you best know your ends , and best know how to fit them to it . . but seriously , do you not know my judgment ? will not about books inform you ? how then can i help it ? . no , but you know not what party i am of , nor what to call me ; i am sorrier for you in this than for my self ; if you know not , i will tell you , i am a christian , a meer christian , of no other religion ; and the church that i am of is the christian church , and hath been visible where ever the christian religion and church hath been visible : but must you know what sect or pa●●y i am of ? i am against all sects and dividing parties : but if any will call meer christians by the name of a party , because they take up with meer christianity , creed , and scripture , and will not be of any dividing or contentious sect , i am of that party which is so against parties : if the name christian be not enough , call me a catholick christian ; not as that word signifieth an hereticating majority of bishops , but as it signifieth one that hath no religion , but that which by christ and the apostles was left to the catholick church , or the body of jesus christ on earth . and now sir , i am sorry that you are not content with meer christianity , and to be a member of the catholick church , and hold the communion of saints , but that you must needs also be of a sect , and have some other name : and how shall i know that your sect is better than another ? were not the papists sectaries and schismaticks , damning most of christs body on earth ▪ for not being subject to their pope , i should not be so much against them . i find promises of salvation in scriptures to believers , that is , christians as such ( if such sincerely , ) but none of the salvation of men as papists , diocesans , grecians , nestorians , eutychians , &c. i would say also [ nor as protestants ] did i not take the religion called protestant ( a name which i am not fond of ) to be nothing but simple christianity , with opposition to popery , and other such corruption . and now you know your own designs , your tongue is your own , and who can controul you , whatever you will call us ; but i , and such others , call our selves meer christians , or catholick christians , against all sects and sectarian names , and haters both of true heresie , schisme , and proud , unrighteous , hereticating and anathematizing . psal. . o ye sons of men , how long will ye turn my glory into shame ? how long will ye love vanity , and seek after lying ? but know that the lord hath set apart him that is godly for himself : psal. . , , , , . help lord , for the godly man ceaseth ; for the faithful fail from among the children of men : they speak vanity every one with his neighbo●r , &c. see the rest . i will add , that if to be serious in the belief of the christian faith , and the life to come , and in seeking it above this world , and in constant endeavours to please god , whoever be displeased by it , is it that maketh a man a puritan , because he is not a formal hypocrite , then i would i were worthy of the titles which your pseudo tilenus and his brother give 〈◊〉 , who say , i am purus putus puritanus , and one qui totum puritanismum totus spirat : alas i am nor so good and happy . but readers when this so● of men have described the purit●ns as the most ●●toverable villains , you that knew them not may conclud● , that they were men no more erroneous , or worse than i , how much better soever ; for bishop morley saith of me , ab uno disce omnes : and of my doctrine , i ●ave left the world a full account ; and must shortly be accountable for it and my life to god , whose pardon and grace through christ i daily beg and trust to . a notice concerning mr. henry dodwell . mr. dodwell having written a copious discourse , asserting , that we have no right to salvation , but by gods covenant validly sealed by the sacrament ; and that the sacrament is not valid , unless delivered by one that hath ordination by such a bishop as hath his ordination by another bishop , and so on by an uninterrupted succession from the apostles , with much more such schismatical stuff , which i fully confuted in my books called , [ the true and only terms of the concord of all the christian churches ] and i aggravated his schismatical condemnation of the reformed churches , and most others ( as having no true ministry , sacraments , nor covenant-title to salvation , and as sinning against the holy ghost , because he professeth himself a protestant : the said mr. dodwell saith , that these words would perswade men that i take him for a papist , and expecteth that i therein right him : be it therefore known to all men , that i never meant by that word to accuse mr. dodwell of being a papist , but to aggravate his abuse of protestants ; and that i take my self bound to charge no man to be of a religion which he denieth : and what his religion really is , his books may best inform him that would know . the contents . chap. . what order and government christ and his spirit settled in the churches ; and what was the appointed work of bishops . that particular churches , that had every one a bishop , were associated for personal communion of neighbours : that none on earth for about two hundred years , and none but rome and alexandria for longer time , can be proved to be more numerous than our greater parishes , no nor half so big . the case even of rome and alexandria examined , and the like proved even of them against the contrary arguments . how the change was made ; and what change it is . how prelacy became the diseasing tumour of the church . many reasons against an ill use of the history of councils and prelates usurpations ; that no man thence dishonour christ , christianity , the ministry or church . chap. . of heresies : what errors are not damning , and what are . how the most erroneous come to cry out against errors : instanced in all wicked men , and in papists , arrians , nestorius , dioscorus , &c. what horrid work blind zeal against error hath made , many instances , even good men , as hillary and popes and councils . the history of all the councils begun . the first councils about easter contrary to each other . the second being at carthage erroneous , and tertullian , novatus and novatian . the roman presbiters govern the church and call a council , having no bishop , and are said by binius to have the care of the universal church . cyprians council condemneth a dead man victor , for making faustinus a presbi●iter , guardian of his sons , and so entangling him in worldly business . the council iconie●se is said to erre , and all those oriental bishops excommunicated by the pope ( about hereticks baptism ) . many other councils for rebaptizing , with cyprian's pleading tradition . bishops of bishops there censured . cyprian's conversion . a sad hereticating council at cirta against traditions . the concilium eliber novatiani : and against images in churches , &c. approved by pope innocent . the beginning of the donatists schism for a bishop . constantines reproof of alexander and arius silencing their disputes . concil . laodic . silvesters strange roman council . chap. . the council of nice : constantine keepeth them in peace . the strange schism between peter alex. and meletius : two bishops and churches in the same cities . the sad story of alexanders troubling the meletians , and driving them to seek help of the arrians , and so to strengthen them . epiphanius good character of constantius and valens . his notable character of audius , and how the violence of dissolute bishops forced him to separate ; and of alexander and of crescentius's strife : and of some confessours and martyrs great faults . audius banished converteth the gothes . the slander of eustathius antioch . notes of the nicene decrees : the ordination of scandalous uncapable men nullified by them . concil . rom. the people united at the making of bishops and priests . arius's creed and restoration at a council . jerusil . marcel . ancyr . ●oudemned at const. as denying christs godhead , by the arrians whom he was for the same cause against . a concil . antioch deposed athanasius and made canons for conformity . anno a fourth creed reconciling at antioch : the general council of sardica divide : the oriental bishops at philippolis strange charge against athanasius , paulus const. &c. and their plea for peace . the donatists unjust justice . the slander and fall of bishop euphratas . anno a general council at milan where the arrians prevail . hilary banished by the semiarian bishops as a separatist . the council of sirmium curse arius , photinians , and condemn athanasius , pretending to reconcile . constantius labours union : the general council divided at ariminum and selcucia : the arians , orthodox , and reconcilers fall into more sects : ten creeds , sometimes one , sometimes another liked or condemned : the bishops deposing and damning each other . of meletius antiochenus , the dissention , danger and reconciliatior about hypostasis & persona , at a council of alexandria . julian . jovian for peace : valentinian and valens charge the asian bishops to giveover persecuting any of christs labourers . valens a zealous arrian persecutor . damasus bloody election against sisinnius . the schism at antioch how ended . chap. why rome was yet orthodox . § . valens persecution . § . gratian and valentinian junior , theodosius . the council at constance . § . greg. nazianzens case . § . his sad description of the councils and madness of the prelates of his time . § . . the 〈…〉 schism again . nectarius a bishop and pa●riark before he was a baptized christian. § . the councils decrees § ▪ . the history of the bishops that prosecuted the priscillanists , and st. martins . § . . a council at capua decreed that the two bishops and churches at antioch live in love and peace . § . bishop bonosus heresie denying mary's perpetual virginity . § . jovinians heresie described . § . a wise novatian council . § . carthage good councils . § . , , . the history of melania , and the bishops persecution of the friends of origene . § . &c. theophilus alex-story . § . . . chrysostomes history . § . and the joannites . § . . those that believe the astrologers and mathematicians cursed at tolet. § . the melivitane councils against appeals to rome , and of liturgies to be approved . § . pelagius and celestius absolved by one council and one pope and condemned by others , § ▪ . &c. pelagius confession , . boniface and eulalius schism at rome , § . p. boniface's decree that no bishop be brought or set before any civil or military judge , § . the sixth council of carthage that resisted the popes , § . p. celestines decree , that no bishop be given to the unwilling . chap. . atticus const. peaceableness : the pretty story of the people deposing theodosius bishop of synada , § . cyrils violence ; the monks assault of orestes , and the peoples cruel usage of hypatia , § . alexand. antioch . and atticus const. by his council are for restoring the non-conformists joannits : cyrils reason against it , § ▪ . whether cyril repented , § . isidore pelus . words of him , § . proclus refused bishop at cyzicum by the people , § . nestorius chosen , § . he is a persecuter of hereticks . his opinion § . the first ephes council , § . they divide and condenmn and depose each other and fight , and nestorius , cyril and menmon , are desposed by the emperours command , but the two last restored . whether nestorius or cyril was the heretick . the issue of that council , § . , . derodon prooves that cyril was an eutychian and nestorius orthodox , § . . the truth , § . the present churches of the nestorians . that these bishops set the world on fire about a word while they agreed in sense , § . , &c. the emperour ●orceth the bishops to comminion , and setteth simeon stilletes to pray down their horrid discord , § . bowing eastward forbidden , because the manichees bowed to the sun among them , § . leo's roman council of bishops , priests and lay-men : another against hilary ▪ arelatensis , § . . chap. . of the eutychians , &c. the true case of the controversie , § . vnity taken by one sids for undivided , and by the other for undistinguished , and so the world set again on fire : the constantinople council about eutychius , § . another constantinople council contrarily cleareth him , § . ibas cleared at council beryt , § . the second ephesine council , under dioscorus . eutyches justified there . flavianus , euseb. dor. ibas and theodorite condemned and deposed . all the patriarks else and bishops subscribe , save the popes legates . flavianus hur ▪ and dieth , § . leo in a roman council condemneth this , eph. . § . dioscorus in a syned at alexandr . excommunicateth leo , § . theodosius virtue and miraculous victory , § . his praise of the second eph. council , § . martians reign , and the council of calcedon , § . . turnings , mutual condemnings , recantings and rigor there , § . , . the cry of the egyptian bishops , § . the abbots protestation to cleave only to the nicene creed ( as pioscorus did to the nicene council and eph. . ) and not to subscribe leo's epistle , and to contemn excommunications , § . dioscorus not condemned for heresie , saith anatolius , § . theodorites usage by the bishops , § . the canon equalling const. and rome , § . the doleful issue of this council , § . the woful work at alexandria . the murder of proterius , § . . the bloody tragedy against the calcedon council and juvenal ( as betrayers of the nicene faith ) by the monks at jerusalem , § . eudocia and pulcheria the spring of all . leo is emperour , and for the council of calcedon . he desposeth timothy aelu●us at alexandria , peter gnapheus usurpeth martyrius seat at antioch : martyrius renounceth his rebellious clergy and people . gnapheus banished by leo. stephen that is for the council is put in : the boyes kill him with sharp quills , and cast him into the river , § . zeno emperour , basiliscus usurping commandeth the bishops to renounce the council of calcedon . three patriarks and five hundred bishops subscribe against it ( before most were for it ) basiliscus changing his mind commandeth that the council be owned . the bishops obeyed this , § . zeno restored , and being for the council , the asian bishops said they subscribed to basilicus first orders for fear and asked pardon . zeno by his henoticon silenceth the controversie , leaving it free to all to own or disown the council . the bishops and people are still worse , at alexandria and antioch , &c. acacius const. and faelix rom excommunicate each other , § . flavitas const. cheateth the emperour that would have god by an angel choose the bishop , § . the bishops of alexandria and antioch successively curse the council : and the bishop of rome and const : curse them for it , § . anastatius emperour is for toleration : three parties of bishops there condemning each other in east , west and lybia , some strict for the council ; some cursing it , and some for the henoticon or peace . he desposeth euphemius const. and would have deposed macedonius that came ●ext , but the people rose for him , and forced the emperour to submit , § . cruel bloodshed in antioch of monks and others , § . xenaias an unchristened man made bishop , forceth the bishops to curse the council , § . severus at antioch maketh men curse the council : some bishops repent and condemn severus , . the emperor against all bloud for this cause , and the monks in palestine for it , § , . helias bishop of jerusalem and the monkes resist the emperours souldiers , once and again , § . timothy const. on both sides , § . rome under theodorick ; their schism or two popes with blood three years , § . anastatius wearied with the orthodox rebellions , offereth to resign his crown : in remorse they desire his continuance , § . valentinian maketh a law , that bishops ( except chosen by both parties ) shall no more be iudges in any causes , save of faith and religion . binius reproacheth this , as being absurd , that the sheep judge the shepheard , ● § . fully confuted . the pope excommunicateth acacius const. with a [ nunquam anathematis vinculis exuendus ] § . leo rom. his decree against the ma●ichees ; and all other that take the bread without the c●p , § . gelasius : the popes separatists , condemn euphemius and acacius : gelasius saith any bishop may excommunicate an heretick bishop ( though a patriach ) his catalogue of apocrypha , and canonizing leo's epistle , § . the pope excommunicateth the greek emperour and patriarch of constantinople , but not king theodorick the arri●n at home , § . ordination resolved on against the kings commands § . council agath . decreeth that if a bishop excommunicate any wrongfully , another bishop may receive him , &c. that if any citizen on the dayes of great solemnity refuse to meet where the bishop is , he is three years denied communion ( which sheweth , that the bishops church was no greater than our parishes ) lay-murderers punished with denying them the communion , and deacons put in monasteries , &c. § . council apannens saith hereticks temples cannot be purged nor applied after to holiness , § . council sydon curse the calcedon council , . bishops having the third ( or fourth ) part of all church profits sheweth how big their diocess or churches then were § . council gerund of seven bishops ordered litanies , and that the metropolitanes liturgy be used in other churches § . justine the emperour against eutychians restoreth the names of euphemius and acacius against the pope , their case opened § . justine an orthodox murderer . antioch cast down by an earthquake , the bishop killed , the rest burnt by the lightning , § . euphremius the lieutenant relieving the people is chosen their bishop . the bishops turn to the council of calcedon again , under justine , § . &c. popes prosecute the d●ad bishops of constantinople . § . justine violent against arrians . theodorick maketh pope john go beg for them , least italy suffered as much : he killeth symmachus and boetius , imprisoneth john and maketh felix pope , § . clergy murderers suspended from the sacrament , &c. § . theodorick subjecteth the clergy to civil iudicature . athalaricus freeth them again § . justinian his laws , he is against the eutychians , and his wife for them , § , . thirty thousand kill'd by insurrection in constantinople , § . the miraculous speaking of preachers , when their tongues were cut out by the kings command , § . king theodorus a lover of books giveth up rome , § . in justinians time three countries converted : the persians prevail : a dreadful plague , § . pope boniface chosen by the arrian athalaricus , § . pope hormisda denying that [ one of the trinity was crucified ] justinian sending to pope john who said the contrary ; binius excuse is [ weapons must be changed with changed enemies . ] many notes on the excellent disputation of hypatius with the eutychians caused by justinian , opening fully cyrils weakness , and that the difference was but verbal , § . a council at constantinople under menna called him patriarcha occumenicus , and set leo after the before cursed bishops . macedonius the orthodox bishop put out , the people that were orthodox seperate , § . silverius made pope by an arrian , p. vigilius the antipope imprisoneth and famisheth him , § . the schism between two bishops and their parties in alexandria ; one for the corruptibility of christs body called corrupticol● ; the other for the incorruptibility called the phantasiastae ; and the bloody fight between them , § . paulus alexand : murder of a deacon , § . p. vigilius denieth two natures , § . p. vigilius excommunicateth menna , and is dragg'd with a rope , till he repented , . justinian called a heretick and damned by evagrius , § . chap. . of the controversie de tribus capitulis , & the fifth general council , &c. of the heresie of the apthardocitae , & justinians piety and heresie ; & the bishops appeal to anastasius antioch . § . , . the conversion of the justinian's punishing the sodomitical heresie of some bishops . § . . the people dye rather than eat flesh in lent ▪ the council at orleance decree that qui omnibus praeponendus est ab omnibus eligatur : of incest , too strict keeping the lords-day . § . . concil . avernens . decree that men seek to be bishops by merits , and not by votes or favour , yet be chosen by all . § . . all citizen christians to be in the bishops meeting at easter , &c. by concil . aurelian . § . . and the bishop to be ordained in that church which he must oversee . caesar's project to condemn the tria capitula ( theodor. mopsuest . theodorite and ibas : ) justinians endeavours . § . . an orleance council decree that king , clergy and laity agree , and none be made bishop , populo invito , or forced to consent , and that the bishop else be deposed . the bishop to relieve all the poor . § . . null the former living . its emperours that call councils , saith justinian . § . . the fifth constant. council to cure the doleful separations of the bishops § . . p. vigilius difficulty : dare not joyn with the council : their slighting him : only two or three western bishops at the four first generals councils . § . . theod. mops. accused . theodorite accused for saying that mary begat not god in the nature of god , but man as united to the god-head : that christ was forsoken , suffered , hungred , slept , &c. as man and not as god. § . . theodorites virulent ep. against dead cyril , and the theopathitae . § . . the tria cap. condemned vigilius's sober judgment of it . § . , . instead of healing , this council set all on fire , and justinian on persecution . § . . vigilius changeth ; and condemneth again the tria capitula . § . . vigilius is by binnius called , homo perditus , the buyer of anothers place , a violent invader , a wolfe , a thief , a robber , not entring by the dores , a false bishop , and quasi antichristus , that the lawful pastor yet living did add pernicious heresie to his schism : yet sanctissimus papa as soon as he had murdered his predecessor , and had sole possession ▪ § . . a jerusalem council received the conc. const. § . . a council at aquileia condemn it , and the western bishops are seperated near years from the cath. church ( about the words of three dead men . ) § . . justinian made pelagius pope ; two bishops & a presbyter ordain him , the western bishops disobey him & reject him , and so reject the council const. v. confirmed by a pope : he gets narses to persecute them . § . . the romans for this incline to the goths again justinians laws censured by binnius . § . . a council paris . confirmeth the free election of bishops by the people and clerks . § . . all hereticks that refused to eat hearbs boill'd with flesh. § . . whether only the bishop must say the pax vobiscum , ( and to have but one church . ) § . . king clotharius forceth the bishops to receive a bishop of his choice . § . . not popes , councils nor bishops , but kings divided diocesses and parishes , as bin. § . . a council at tours that bishops may keep their wives as sisters for house-keepers , so they lye not with them . all condemned malefactors that are penitent and will obey the preacher , to be pardoned . § . . the villanies of two bishops quit by the pope . § . . a canon against reading apoery plia or any thing but canon scriptures in the church . § . . pope pelagius the second , got smaragdus to force the western bishops to condemn the tria capitula . § . . king gunthram represseth the murders and adulteries of bishops against the clergies sentence . § . . a council at constantinople calleth john const. universal bishop , pope pelagius the second damneth the title as unlawful in any , and commandeth them rather to dye than yield it . some queries hereupon . § . . king gunthram finding all grow worse and all long of the bishops , calls a council at mascon , where the stricter keeping the lords day is decreed . § . . the bishops of venice , istria and liguria continue separate from rome and chose paulinus bishop of aquileia their patriarch , and supreme bishop instead of the pope . § . . oft pennance to embolden oft sinning . § . . philoponus against the council of calcedon . § . . the factions now called jacobites and melchites , and why . § . . the armenians plead tradition for their error . § . . the partarchs of aquileia persecuted by mauritius and pope gregory . § . . dead gregory fights with sabinian his successor that would have burnt his books . § . . boniface the third chosen by phocas , § . . chap. , councils about the monothelites and others : cyrus alex. by the word [ deivirilis ] would heal the divisions ( in vain ) § . , . pope honorius called a monothelite , for his good council , § . , . the emperour heraclius a monothelite censured by binnius for using his own judgment in matters of faith , § . ▪ a constantinoplitane council for the monothelites , § . . the emperour condemned , and pope honorius commended for forbidding the names of [ one ] or [ two ] operations and wills , § . . the popes agents beaten at constantinople , § . . pope martin imprisoned , banished and dead by the emperour for condemning his act of silencing [ one and two ] called typus . § . . his laterane council asserteth two operations and wills. § . . the king of spain finding all laws fail against priests and bishops leachery , decreeth that the children of their women servants be uncapable of inheritance , and be the churches servants , and the co●eubines whipt with an hundred stripes . § . . kings preach to bishops . § . . . ordination without election of clergy and people null . § . . the bishop of ravenna reconciled to rome , after long separation . § . . a millan council , and the third constantinople , ( general ) condemn the monothelites , and macarius antioch , that would have silenced [ one ] and ( two ] but not assert [ two ] § . . their partiality . § . . pope leo confirmeth the constantinopolitan council which damned pope honorius as an heretick . § . . a new controversie , whether christ hath three substances , divinity , soul , and body . § . . a toletane council defends it , and that voluntas genuit voluntatem . § . . the concil . trull . called quini sextum : railed at by papists : notes hereon . § . ▪ . called by binnius monothelites : the same men that were in the th council . it forbideth priests to put away their wives . § . . it deposeth bishops and priests that were not duly examined and elected . § . . it equaleth the priviledges of constantinople with rome . § . . it ( ill ) ordereth , that whatever alteration the imperial power makes on any city , the state ecclesiastical follow it . § . . other notable c●nons . § . . &c. every parish of twelve families must have their proper governour ( in spain . ) § . . paul contradicted as to the believer and unbeliever staying together § . . a council at aquileia condemneth the th general at constantinople . § . . k. wiliza and the spaniards forsake rome . § . . a general council of innumerable bishops at constantinople under philippicus are for the monothelites . § . . they condemn the th general council that was for two wills and operations . binnius note of the bishops temporizing . chap. . councils about images and others . images how introduced in england . § . . &c. spelmans proof that the old saxons prayed not to saints . § . . a parliament role recited , proving the old popish worshiping of images . § . . leo isaurus puts down images : gregory the second rebels for it , and confederates with charles martell against his prince , and absolveth his subjects from their allegiance . binnius records it as an excellent example to posterity , not to permit pertinacious heretical princes to reign . § . . the consequents of this doctrine : how the pope ruined the eastern empire , and betrayed christianity . § . . wilfrids oath to the pope . § . . councils pro imaginem cultu , al●onsus first calls himself the catholick king. § . . p. zachary , and charles martell against the emperour : pipin and the popes treason in france , and baronius and binnius treasonable doctrine . § . . twenty queries hereupon . § . . p. zachary and bishop boniface excommunicate virgilius for holding antipodes : queries hereupon . § . , . philastrius of the stars . § . . a caution against misapplying all . § . . when lard must be eaten . zachary's decree . § . . caroloman's council to recover christianity , and save mens souls from false priests . § . . boniface finely made arch-bishop of mentz : accuseth bishop adelbert and clemens . § . , . pipin helpeth the pope and desiderius traytors , and maketh a donation of cities to the pope . § . . a general council at constantinople condemn image worship as idolatry , and swear men against it , and against praying to the apostles , martyrs , and virgins ( i suppose before images . ) § . . this council and the council of nice second , determine that christ glorified body is not flesh ( with anathema . ) § . . noted as to transubstantiation and other errours . § . , . pipins council decreeth every city a bishop , and joyneth the sword or force to excommunication , banishing the despisers of it . § . . the greeks accuse the latines for adding [ filioque . ] § . . the people still choose popes . § . , . three popes fighting for it : one putting out the eyes and cutting out the tongue of the other , and of his adherents . § . . constantines acts invalid , except baptizings and consecrating . § . . christophers eyes and life taken away through the pope that he set up . § . . desiderius fighteth against the pope , charles m. overcometh him , and maketh pope adrian grater than any before him . § . . why deacons mostly made popes : no bishop might be made pope , or removed . § . . the termes of papist writers expounded . § . . putting penance on murderers for hanging , fill'd the church with rogues . § . . the historians give the lie to each other about the power given carol. m. in making popes and bishops . baronius argument against it vain . that the people and clergy by the french constitutions still choose bishops . § . . irene set up images again ; women and rebels set up popes . § . . the fable of sylvesters baptizing constantine , and the images shewed him . § . . pope adrian owneth the whole council of calcedon . § . . many notable old canons sent by adrian to carol. m. a bishop neglecting to convert hereticks ▪ he was to have them that delivered them , &c. § . . ch. mag. forceth the saxons to profess themselves christians and swear perseverance , which they oft broke . § . . eight more old canons collected by adrian , e. g. the bishops sentence void , not confirmed by the presence of the clergy . the judgment of a bishop in anothers parish void , for none is bound by the sentence of any but his own judge . foreign judgments forbidden : all to be judged by men chosen by themselves . no clergy-man to be judged without lawful accusers present , and leave to defend himself . bishops tyrannical judgments null : constitutions contrary to good manners of no moment . delators , that is , qui ex invidia produnt alios , to have their tongues cut out , or their heads cut off . the danger of the judge greater than of the judged , &c. and let no man receive a lay-mans witness against a clergy-man ( no wonder if the clergy were unpunished and wicked . ) § . . irene calls a council at constantinople for images . the old souldiers of the former emperours not enduring it , routed them . she and tarasius agreeing call them to nice . the bishops that were sworn against image-worship , presently turn generally for it , by a womans and a patriarchs known will. § . . . how could the iconoclast emperours be hereticks , unless the use of such images were an article of faith ? § . . the empress and emperour called the governours of the whole world : they are the callers of that council . § . . basil ancyr . and other bishops that were leaders against images in the former council , lament it , and curse all that are not for images , and all that favour such , &c. theodosius bishop of amoricum also curseth himself , if ever he turn again , and curseth those who do not from their hearts teach christians to venerate images of all saints , praying for their intercession , &c. queries hereon . when general councils curse each other , is the whole church cursed ? &c. § . . a crowd of changling bishops crying mercy , tarasius puts them hard to it , what made them of the contrary mind heretofore , and what reason changeth them ? § . . whether these penitent hereticks should be restored to their bishopricks . tarasius saith , arians and these against images and all heresies and evils are alike . but another , that this was greater than all other heresies , subverting christs oeconomy . the instance of the calcedon peccavimus omnes prevaileth . § . , . a shrewder doubt raised , whether all these were truly ordained by former hereticks ( iconoclasts● ) the popes vicar denyeth it . tarasius durst not so unpriest almost all the christian world of the east , and is contrary . by a cunning argument he prevailed ; viz. the fathers agree among themselves : ergo , all the rest are of the same mind with some before cited . § . . gregory bishop of neocaesaria next recanteth , a leader of the iconoclasts . § . . yet tarasius and this council disclaim giving latria to images of creatures . ●ea honour them but ●s memorative . § . , . the constantinopolitan councils arguments against images . § . . &c. bread not transubstantiate . § . . the two councils contrary about tradition of images . § . . the nicene council curseth from christ all that are not for saluting and adoring images . § . . bishops and priests made by magistrates election , or that use the magistrate to get the place , are void . a canon against silencing preachers and shuting up churches . § . . a sober council at horojulium . § . . foeliy urgelitanus , and elepandus , condemned , for saying christ was gods natural son in the deity , and his adopted in his humanity . § . . claudius taurinensis against images . § . . car. mag. book , and the council of franckford against images . § . , . foelix and elepandus condemned , for saying christ was a servant . § . . the frankford council decreeth that christ was not a servant subject to god by penal servitude . § . . pope leo's eyes put out , and tongue cut out , and restored , and he made great by charles the great . § . . kissing the popes foot. § . . irene killeth her son , and is banished her self . § . . filioque added by the spanish and french bishops without the pope . § . . carol . mag. being dead the people rebel against the pope . till ludovicus subdued them . § . . a council at constantinople for the emperours adultery : and another against plato and theodorus studita , that were against it ; which saith binnius passed the sentence of anathema on the whole catholick-church ▪ and decreed that gods laws can do nothing against kings , nor is any man a martyr that suffereth ( as chrysostome ) for opposing them for truth and justice . § . . a council at arles , and another at tours have good canons , one that is for the old prohition of genuflexion on the lords daies . § . . charles m. restoreth learning : a council at chalones decreed against the oath of canonical obedience . § . , . another against arch-deacons ruling presbyters , and taking fees of them . § . . others for the old excommunication , and about confession to god and man , and against trust in pilgrimages . § . , , . another council at constantinople curseth that at nice , ●d , and pull down images , and the bishops turn again . § . . the murder of bishops punished by ●ayments at last . § . . ludovicus pius , emperour , bishops with bernard rebel , stephen made pope without him , pardoned . § . . his care of lost learning : a pious treatise out of the fathers ; against bishops domination , and for their equality with presbyters in scripture-times . § . . against clergy sins , and womens company . against ge●●flection on the lords days : augustines contempt of appeals to councils and rome : a strange temperance of the canonical monks , that were tyed to four pound of bread and five pound of wine in a day ; or in scarcity , to three pound of wine and three pound of beer ; or in greater scarcity , to one pound of wine and five of beer . § . . ludovicus pius maketh the pope greater than ever . § . . michael balbus murdering armenus●endeth ●endeth to ludovicus pius about images : an assembly at paris called by him judge the judge of the world , and the nicene second council saith bellarmine . § . . now both east and west judged the pope and his general council to erre ; yea this emperour that made him great . § . . a book of concord by the pope and emperour , that images are neither to be contemptuously broken , nor adored . bellarmines words against it . he revileth the popes words , that princes are governours of the church . § . , . confuted . faith and love may be without images . § . . it was the right of the empire to consent or not , to the chosen pope . § . . platina wisheth for a ludovicus to reform the luxurious clergy then . § . . a paris council write an excellent book : they tell of some struck with thunderbolts , convulsions , &c. for and as working on the lords day . and say beati petri vicem gerimus . § . . the emperour making his three sons kings , they rebel : he conquereth pipin , lotharius rebelleth again . ebbo and a council of bishops wickedly depose him absent and unheard , and force him to resign his scepter on the altar , and thrust him into prison : thus was the best of princes that most advanced the clergy used by them , on religious pretense ludovicus restored the second time . lotharius rebelleth still , till pardoned . ludovicus dyeth . § . . the form of his condemnation by the bishops at large ; with all the articles of accusation and his penance at the bishops high court of iustice. § . . the emperour restored by force , the bishops recant and he forgiveth them , ebbo resigning . § . . the wars between ludovicus sons : lotharius justly conquered . § . . the bishops depose him upon impeachment as they did his father by his will. § . . images restored at constantinople by theodora a woman : she sped as irene . photius patriarch § . , . the bishops suddenly turn again . § . . strife for the popedom § . . lotharius and his brothers agree . § . . the archbishop of rhemes fled and the seat vacant was ten years governed by two presbyters . § . . carolus calvus alienateth church-lands . § . . pope leo and his city leonina : he writeth massing rules , and deposeth priests that cannot read till they amend . § . . singing liturgies the occasion of imposed forms . § . . a council at mentz punisheth murder even of priests , but with putting them from the communion . § . . chap. . councils about ignatius and photius , with others . hin●marus's description of godescalcus and his heresie . § . . canons , that arch-presbyters examine every master of a family personally , &c. that none denyed communion have any office civil or military , § . . whether unconstrained sufferers are martyrs . § . . a hard case about the nullity of ebbos ordinations : two popes differ . § . . ignatius case . § . . remigius and eleven more at valence make notable decrees about predestination , redemption , perseverance , and choice of bishops . § . . the clergy and people to choose bishops . § . , . lotharius turneth monk. § . . no pope joan. § . . two strive for the papacy : anastasius against images , repulst . § . , . thunderbolts in the church . § . . john bishop of ravenna forced to submit to the pope . § . . the schism between ignatius and photius . § . . bishops for the emperours divorce , censured by the pope , despise him . § . . pope nicolas , against hincmarus : against the greek emperour : his notable epistle : he maketh the greater number of bishops and people no sign of truth ; nor fewness of errour . § . . baptism valid by one that is no priest nor christian. § . . none proper patriarchs but apostles successours . § . . all other churches and dignities made by rome , and rome by christ. § . . peter had the empire of heaven and earth . ill. chosen popes not apostolical , § . many other papal vsurpations , against oaths , princes , &c. § , &c. people still chuse bishops , § . none may hear mass of a fornicating priest , § . lay men must not judge or search the lives of priests . k. charles saith none but the bishops may depose him , § . photius setled by councils , § , , . divers councils for k. lotharius divorce against the pope , § , , . the pope curseth them , § , and curseth his legates at const. § , and at metz , § . hincmarus and the pope's contention , § , . historians say the papacy was void eight years , and others but seven days , § . photius and his counsels despised the pope . his deposition by basilius a murderer , § . basilius craveth the popes pardon for the bishops , because they had almost all been deceived or false , by following the upper powers , and the churches would else be left destitute , § . what nullifying ordinations hath done , § : men wrongfully excommunicated to be received by other bishops : presbyters to annoint the sick , because the bishops cannot visit all , § . a const. council ejecteth photius ; where the bishops that were for him , turn again and condemn him , crying peccavimus ; save some few : subscriptions denyed , and why , § . . this eighth general council decreeth equal honour to christs image as to the gospel : forbiddeth patriarchs to require bishops to subscribe to them , but only to the faith , and deposeth them that do it , § : curseth them that say man hath two souls : all bishops to be worshipped by princes , and not go far to meet them , nor light from their horses to them , nor petition them , on great penalties , § . princes as profane may not be present at councils ; nor have been , ( impudent ! ) § . no lay man may dispute ecclesiastical sanctions , be he never so wise or good : but a bishop must not be resisted though manifestly destitute of all virtue of religion , § . they decree that photius be not called a christian , § . bishops above kings , as heaven above earth , § . the pope but one patriarch cannot absolve them that many patriarchs condemn , § . nicetas life of ignatius in brief , § . the pope deposed by a const. council . the bishops wrote not photius condemnation with ink but with christs blood , and yet restored him and honoured him as the emperour turned . photius deposeth and re-ordaineth , and requireth subscription to him , § . votes hereon , § . the contention between rome and const. for ruling the bulgarians , and the effects , § . the pope's monarchy then unknown , § , . the french bishops against the pope gave ludovicus's kingdom to charles calvus , § . the king , hincmar . and bishops against the pope , § , . deposing and blinding hincmaru's laudunensis . the romans imprison pope john , § . his acts ; decree for perjury , § , . going to rome merits the pardon of murder , § . service in the sclavonian tongue forbidden them , § . auspertus bishop of milan refuseth to obey the pope : sclavonian service yielded to : the bishop of vienna rejecteth a bishop of geneva ( aptandus ) sent by the pope , because he was never baptized , made clerk , nor learned : the pope tells him that he himself had none of these when he was consecrated bishop of vienna , § . whether the right of emperours was only by the pope's guift , § . binius resolution : one church had two bishops , § . a general council at constant. restoreth photius , expungeth filioque condemneth the last general council there ; yet both approved by popes , § . the council accuse rome , § . rome's jurisdiction excluded , § . adders to the creed ( filioque ) anathematized : pope martin and hadrian condemn photius , and enrage the greek emperour against them , § , . bishops and lords depose carolus crassus ; he is put to beg his bread , § . the pope above emperours as heaven above earth ; kings are servants , and not above the clergie their masters , § . a king ruling ill decreed to be a tyrant : bishops and priests lying with their own sisters , restrained : but no bishop is to be accused by a presbyter , nor judged under seventy two witnesses , nor priests under forty two , &c. he that would lye with his sister before so many deserved blame : murderers of priests denyed flesh , wine , coaches , &c. § , . formosus perjured ; was the first bishop that ever was made pope , § . chap. . the progress of councils , till leo the th , especially in the west . the bishops depose odo , and set up charles . § . . the virgin mary's smock works wonders . § . . bloud and confusion in italy . § . . bishops to be obeyed before earls and magistrates . clergy-men must not be put to swear . no presbyter to be depos'd , but by six bishops , § . . two wicked popes at once : stephen iudgeth , dismembreth , and drowneth dead formosus , and re-ordaineth those ordained by him , § . , . the bishops in council approve it ; yet now papists detest it . § . . when popes are infallible . § . . popes undo what their predecessors did . § . , , , , . platina's description of a malignant pope . § . . popes crown for fear , and uncrown , and crown others . § . . bishops turn and return , and cry peccavimus , reordinations forbidden . § . . bad princes the cause of bad bishops . § . . wicked christians on whom the pope durst not use discipline . § . . schismes and violence on popes . § . , , . sergius made pope the third time , keeps it ; by whores and whoredom the most wicked of men , saith baron . and bin. § . . formosus again executed dead , § . . questions to the papists of their holyness and succession . § . . photius last deposition , and the murders of emperours at constant . § . . a whore ruleth at rome , § . she maketh her fornicator pope ; baronius and binnius . hard put to it § . . earl heribert's son , not five years old , made archbishop so rhemes . § . . ratified by pope john , lamented by baron . that by this example other great men did the like : johns end by a whore , § . . none to marry within the seventh degree , as incest . § . . sergius bastard-son under age made pope john by a whore , and destroyed after a monster saith binnius . § . . none to fast privately , but by the bishops consent . § . . the king of denmark made christian by henry king of germany . § . . st. peter made the example for many bishopricks to one bishop . § . . albericus ruleth , and mangleth the pope . § . . the bishops judge the infant before the perjured monk to be bishop of rhemes , § . the treasons and changes in france , § . tryphon illiterate finely cheated of his patriarchate const. § . councils do and undo between the two bishops of rhemes , § , , . john xii lawful pope wanted all things necessary to a pope , say baronius and binnius , § . notes hereon , § . pope john dismembreth his cardinals , § . he fled , § . the bishops depose him , and make another by otho's means , § . the horrid charges against pope john sworn , § . baronius and binnius against his condemnation answered , § . two popes and churches , § . not yet known who was the true pope , § . john killed in adultery , § . another antipope perjuriously chosen , § . a martyr , § , . an interruption of the succession by baronius and binnius account , § . otho saveth them . the next imprisoned and strangled , § . boniface vii . runs to constantinople with the church treasure , § . two more popes , § , , . boniface murders another pope , and gets in ; dyeth , and is drag'd about the streets , § . john xv , durst not dwell at rome , § . hu●o capet turneth the bishops , § . popes fighting . john xvii . blinded , mangled , disgraced , kill'd , § . seven electors of the emperour settled , § . gerbert how made pope , § . the king of hungary converts the transilvanians , § . good kings , § . leutherius archbishop of seus against transubstantiation , § . two popes fighting . the king of hungary converted by the emperour henry , § . the first burning of hereticks ( manichees ) § . henry the emperour leaveth his wife a virgin , § . benedict . ix . a deboist boy-pope : put out again , § . gets in again : a third enters at once . the cerberus hired all out by dividing the church-rents between them ; do resign ; but the hirer as pacificator is made pope , § . six that had been popes alive at once : one honest pope that could not read made a fellow pope to do it , § . gregory vi. the illiterate reconciling pope variously described : put out with the other three , and a fifth chosen , § . benedict . gets in the third time , § . another gets in by poyson , and dyeth the day , § . baron . answered , § . the monster bened. . is he that condemned berengarius , § . leo th . of the resurrection : renounceth the title of vniversal patriarchs , as of the bawd of antichrist : peter not vniversal apostle . bishops equal ; varied by city priviledges , save in africa by seniority . the romish church usurped by no pastors , § . michael patr. of const. rebaptizeth papists , saith they had no true baptism , or sacrifice , § . a roman council pardon simoniacal bishops and priests , lest the church be utterly destitute , § . the popes hold a council in france against the king ' s will : a bishops horrid crimes , and a miracle there . still clergie and people must chuse every bishop . chap. . the continuation till the council of constance : councils against berengarius , § , &c. adulterous and symoniacal . bishops : a miracle , § , . hildebrand , a sub-deacon , presideth in councils , and deposeth bishops , and excommunicateth , § , . bishops by excommunication rule k. ferdinand , § . milan separated from rome years , § . another schism , § , . hildebrands new foundation of popes ( by cardinals election ) § . notes hereon , § . a roman council forbids hearing a fornicator priest , § . bloody fights between two popes : five years schism , § . p. alexander giveth england to william the conqueror , § . councils . for each pope , § , . gods word affirmed violable , § . hildebrands war in rome : italian bishops against him . his hard work . obedience to the pope forbidden by a council at mentz . he deposeth the emperour for seeking to diminish the majesty of the church : and absolveth his sworn subjects : an antipope made that sate years , ( the d schism . ) the emperour barefoot in frost three days begs pardon , and promiseth obedience . he is again cursed by the pope in council , as having power to take away kingdoms , and all that men have , § , . the siege of rome : two popes : gregory's death , § . he threatneth to depose the king of france : claims hungary , &c. § . binnius record of the popes dictates , telling in articles what popery is , § . he claimeth spain , § : and dalmatia , § . a great part of the bishops against him , § . pronounceth unsincere repentance fruitless , § . denyeth divine service in the sclavonian tongue , § . ill weather imputed to the ill lives of priests : the armenians errours what , § . apulia , &c. the popes , § . one man turned an hundred thousand men in spain from the pope . he threatneth to excommunicate and depose the king of spain , as an enemy to the christian religion , § . he newly found st. matthews body , § . he will expose the prince of sardinia unless he obey him in making all priests shave their beards , § . notes hereon . the french convert the sweeds , and the pope would reap the fruit , § . his notable epistle to prove popes , priests , ( and exorcists ) above kings , § . answered , § . peter pence , § . an arch-bishop suspended for not visiting rome , § . a pious lie for peace is a sin , § . the old spanish liturgy partly contrary to the christian faith till now , § . his respect to william the conquerour , &c. § , . the german bishops hereticate the pope , for forbidding marriage , § . matthew is forsaken , § . philip king of france and many great bishops excommunicate , § . divers councils excommunicating contrarily ; the antipopes , § , to . ordinations null that are made pretio , precibus vel obsequio , and not by the common consent of clergy and people , § . he excommunicateth the greek emperour usurping , § . the greek affairs summ'd up , § . the power of pope and bishops to depose kings , § . a council character of gregory , § . a council make loyalty to be haeresis henriciana , § . the disciple is not above his master , answered , § . wecilo's heresie , that men obey not unjust excommunications , but may by others be received , § . the d . schism , § . victor's soldiers conquer clement's , § . lay princes presentations or investitures are heresie : every heretick is an infidel : it 's better be without visible communion than have it with such , § . consectaries overthrowing rome , ib. a new pope marrieth mathildis to welpho on condition they use not carnal copulation , § . a jerusalem expedition causeth peace at home . conrade rebelleth against his father , § . the emperour commits fornication , § , . wrongs on monday , wednesday , or thursday , no breach of holy peace : no bishop or priest must swear or promise allegiance to a king , nor take preferment from any lay-man , § . none to communicate in one kind , § . all the bishops of england save rochester renounce obedience and society with anselme archbishop of canterbury , because he would not renounce the pope , saying , he blasphemed the king , setting up any in his kingdom without his consent , § . time given the king of england to repent , § . the anti-pope clement digg'd up and burnt : paschal . council decree that all bishops of the henrician heresie ( loyalists ) if alive be deposed , if dead , digg'd up and burnt ( that is , most of the western bishops , ) § . the schism continued , § . the pope set up young henry against his father , who taketh him prisoner to the death : he keeps his fathers corps five years unburied , because excommunicate . yet proveth hereticus henricianus , imprisoneth the pope till he grant him investitures . the pope absolveth himself , § , . cases on binnius , § . note that investitures supposed the people and clergies free choice of bishops , § . the bishops usage of old henry to the last , § . to take the popes excommunications as not obligatory is a heresie , § . the dangerous doctrine of fluentius bishop of florence ( that anti-christ was come ) § . only the church made henry rebell , § , . tybur coloured with bloud : the earl of millans flesh given to dogs : the popes sacramental covenant broken , § . god will have no involuntary service , § . the same is a henrician heresie in others which is none in the pope , § . he may forswear for the people of god. § . two popes contending and excommunicating : the emperour giveth up investitures , § to . four doctrines of guilb . porretane condemned in council ; . that divinitas and deus are not the same ( in signification : ) . that the three persons are not unum aliquid : . that there are eternal relations besides the persons : . that it was not the divine nature that was incarnate . two more popes , § , . a preacher murdered at rome , § . two more popes , the succession from the wrong , § . they fight for it , § . how clergy and people first lost their votes in choice of popes , § . two popes still striving . § , &c. many castles in england built by two bishops , § . abailard condemned unheard , § . caelestine ii. the first pope without the peoples election , an. . rome against the pope : bishops are his strength , § . porretane again accused , and puzzled the council , § . he is again accused by bernard , whom the cardinals accuse for writing his faith and getting bishops hands to it , § . the romane people excommunicate by pope adrian . they are for a preacher called by him an heretick , § . rome fighteth with pope and emperour : they fight again , and expel the pope , § . the pair of popes : wars between the emperour frederick and pope : the crown of england held as from the pope : yet rome receiveth him not : the emperour submitteth , being deserted , &c. § . the setling the choice of popes by cardinals : the pope no bishop by the canons , § . the roman succession is from alex. . when the clergie , people , emperour , princes , and a council of innumerable bishops were for victor , § . parliaments called councils , § . ireland the popes , § . the albigenses henricians , § . no bishop may suspend a presbyter without the judgment of his chapter : a perjured clergie-man perpetually deprived : doubtful words to be understood as usually , § . the popes party in rome have their eyes put out , § . frederick drowned in asia , § . the kingdom of france interdicted , § . the pope seus up an anti-emperour , who prevaileth , § . england interdicted six years and three months , § . the famous twelfth general council at the laterane under inoc. . for transubstantiation , exterminating hereticks , deposing princes , absolving subjects , forbidding unlicensed preachers , &c. § . almaricus burnt dead , § . stephen langton and king john , § . ten queries upon this council , § . the canons of this council true : mr. dodwel's arguments for it , § . the papists excuses answered , § . ( misnumbred . ) the bloody execution , § . oxford canons , that every great parish have two or three presbyters , &c. § . against preaching when silenced , § . the pope twice banished by the romans : the emperour excommunicate and deposed ; fights it out : the pope dyeth , § . a mortal sin to have two benefices , if one will maintain him , § . the emperour again excommunicate : a merry excommunication , § . rebellions , § . conrade and king henry , § . bishop grosthead's notable letter to the pope , and its reception , § , . obedient disobedience : all power for edification , ib. the pope calls the king of england his slave , whom he can imprison , &c. § . the cardinals speech to quiet the pope : a defection foretold , § . grosheads death : he taketh them for hereticks that tell not great men of their sin , &c. the pope antichrist , for destroying souls . the popes pardoning letter : the pope described , § . miracles at robert grosheads death : the pope would have burnt and damned his corps : in a vision he mortally woundeth the pope , § . , . h. iii. pawneth his kingdom to the pope , § . the th general council at lyons excommnnicateth and deposeth the emperour and absolveth his subjects , § . . guelphus for the popes , gibelius for the emperour , § . the english parliament demand the choice of the lords iustice , chancellour and treasurer , § . the plot of king henry and the bishop of hereford , to get money by the pope , § . the parliament resist it : m. paris talks too boldly of the king , § . buying bishopricks : brancaleo at rome mastereth the pope , § , . sewale archbishop of york against the pope : doth miracles , § . rome not ruled by the pope , § . near three years vacancy of the papacy , § . cardinal portuensis jeast , . the foolish pope john sadly confuted , § . king peter of arragon deposed , § . the popes tenth peny denyed , § . two years more vacancy . the greeks enmity to rome , § . . pope celestine cheated to resign , and imprisoned , § . boniface the viii . his conflict with the king of france : taken prisoner , and dyeth : platina's good counsel to all rulers , § . the clergy not to be taxed by princes , § . the pope setled in france by clement v. continueth years , § . above years vacancy , ibid. . articles of the king of france against boniface viii . three herisies of petrus joannis , . the rational soul , as such is not forma corporis humani . . grace habitual , not infused in baptisme to infants . . the spear pierced christ before his death , § . the heresie of the beguines and beguardes for perfection , § ibid. pope clements decrees , de fide . . of the form of the body ( the soul. ) . infants infused grace . . vsury a sin . . to be restored . the contrary to suffer as hereticks , § ibid. the falshood of some of these new articles of faith , § . magistrates excommunicated that disgrace wicked , priests , § . or compel them to answer to them , § . popes and councils condemn each other as hereticks , § . the pope claimeth the empire by escheate , § . the priest to take the name of every parishoner , that being confessed and confirmed they may communicate only by his counsel , § . the greek affairs , § . a toletane council decree that their provincial constitutions bind only ad poenam , not ad culpam , lest christians consciences be burdened , § . after seventy years residence at avignion , forty years more there were two popes ( and sometime more ) one at avignion and one at rome . discord chooseth an honest pope , but concord an anti-pope . their wars : the pope drowneth cardinals in sacks , and makes twenty nine new ones in one day , § . italy still the most unpeaceable warring place of the world , § , . the popes bloody way of curing schism . § . the council of pisa thinking to have but one pope made a third , § . who deposed king ladislaus , § . chap. . the councils of constance , basil , &c. that at constance , called by pope john ( alias or or ) by sigismund the emperours means , councils above the pope , § . wickliffs articles , § . one is , that they are traytors to christ , who give over preaching , and hearing gods word , for mens excommunications , § , . heynous articles against pope john , commonly called the devil incarnate : an obstinate heretick , denying the life to come , &c. § . he ratifieth all himself , and with other two popes is deposed , § . a decree against giving the sacramental cup , though christ and the ancient church used it , § . articles against john hus as wickliff's ; more as his own , § , . excommunication must not make us leave off preaching : against hierome of prague breaking safe conducts , § , . the third pope depos'd , § . decrees for frequent general councils : popes elections regulated : a new pope chosen , § . the fate of p. john and the rest , § , . continued wars at rome , against the pope , and in italy , § . the council at basil. the bohemians case : their four articles , . for the full sac●ament . . for correcting publick crimes . . for liberty to preach gods word . . against the clergies civil power : all eluded , § . bishop augustinus de roma's errours ( phanatick ) pardon of all sins confest with a contrite heart , sold for money and fasting , § . their catholick verities : . for councils supremacy . . they may not be dissolved , removed , prorogued , but consenting . . it s heresie to oppugn these § . p. eugenins deposed as a pertinacious heretick , &c. § . . queries hereon , § . the immaculate conception decreed , § . two popes again , § . epistles of and against the pope , § . four treatises against the bohemians four great articles , § , . god only pardoneth the fault , and the pope part of church penances . whether silenced preachers must cease : vnjust sentences not regardable , confessed : the council confirmed , § , . a council at briges confirmeth this , § . the council at florence : two general councils at once , § . the romans still fight against the pope , § . constantinople lost , ib. p. pius . his character and sentences : for priests marriage : yet for rome's vniversal headship to be received as necessary to salvation , § . p. paul . a just and clement simoniast and tyrant : tormenteth platina and many others : accuseth them of heresie for praising plato and gentile learning , &c. against learning , § . p. sixtus wars and treachery , § . denying the decrees of a general council de fide ( of the immaculate conception of b. m. ) no heresie , § . p. inoc. . fights to be king of naples , § . pope alexander the sixth his ugly character , and his son borgia's villanies : both drinking the poyson prepared for others : the pope dyeth of it , § . pius . § . p. julius . italy in blood still by him , § . councils against the pope : the king of france excommunicated , § , . the anti-council at lateran , against the pisane , against the french pragmat . sanction : the not able titles of the pope , § . decreed that simoniacal election of popes is null , and giveth no authority , ( which nullifieth the roman succession ) § . decrees about souls , § . leo . a cardinal at . and an archbishop in his childhood : his wars and bloodshed , § . luther : the reformation : the end of charles . § . leo's death , § . reformers drive the papists to learning , § . all papist princes owe their safety , crowns , and deliverance from papal deposition to the reformation ; and italy its peace , § . the history of the reformation , and of papists murders of martyrs passed by , § . freder . of saxony refuseth the empire and money , and chose charles , § . thirty five cases for which men must be denyed communion in the eucharist , § . later reforming papist councils , § , &c. the conclusion , what this history specially discovereth , § . a poem of mr. herbert's , called the church militant . chap. . a confutation of papists and sectaries , who deny and oppose the ministry of the reformed churches . chap. . a confutation of the prophane opposers of the ministry . an account of some books lately printed for , and to be sold by thomas simmons , at the prince's arms , in ludgate-street . a supplement to knowledge , and practice : wherein the main things necessary to be known and believed , in order to salvation , are more fully explained , and several new directions given for the promoting of real holiness , both of heart and life : to which is added a serious disswasive from some of the reigning and customary sins of the times , viz. swearing , lying , pride , gluttony , drunkenness , uncleanness , discontent , covetousness , and earthly-mindedness , anger , and malice , and idleness ; by sam. cradock , b. d. late rector of north-cadbury , in somersetshire : vseful for the instruction of private families : price bound s. de analogia , sive arte linguae latinae commentariolus : in quo omnia , etiam reconditioris gramaticae , elementa ratione novâ tractantur , & ad brevissimos canones rediguntur : in usum provectioris adolescentiae . opera wilhelmi baxteri philistoris , price bound s. d. the lively effiges of the reverend mr. mathew pool : so well performed as to represent his true idea , to all that knew him , or had a veneration for him : design'd on purpose to befriend those that would prefix it to his synopsis criticorum , price d. moral prognostications : . what shall befall the churches on earth , till their concord , by the restitution of their primitive purity , simplicity , and charity : . how that restitution is like to be made ( if ever ) and what shall befal them thenceforth unto the end , in that golden age of love : written by richard baxter , when by the kings commission , we in vain treated for concord , . and now published , price s . the nonconformists advocate ; or an account of their judgment in certain things in which they are mis-understood : written principally in vindication of a letter from a minister to a person of quality , shewing some reasons for his nonconformity , price s . there is published every thursday , a mercurius librarius , or a faithful account of all books and pamphlets published every week : in which may be inserted any thing fit for a publick advertisement , at a moderate rate . directions to the binder of baxter's church history , &c. after the title sheet follows a , b , c , d , e ; then b , c , d , e , f , g , h , i , k , l , m , n , o , p , q , r , s ; then aa , bb , cc , dd , ee , ff , gg , hh , ii , kk , ll , mm , nn , oo , pp ; then ss , tt , vv , xx , yy , zz , aaa , bbb , ccc , ddd , eee ; then ggg ; and so on to qqq ; which signiture ends the book . church-history of bishops and their councils abridged , &c. chap. i. of the sacred ministry , episcopacy and councils , necessary premonitions : and of the design of this book . § . . god that could have enlightned the earth without the sun and stars , could immediately alone have taught his church , and communicated knowledge to mankind : but as he is the most communicative good , he was pleased not only to make his creatures receptive of his own influx , but also to give them the use and honour of being efficient sub-communicants under him , and causes of good to themselves and to one another : and as his power gave being and motion , his wisdom gave order and harmony , and his love gave goodness and perfection , felicity and love , as he is the creating and conserving cause of nature ; and this in much inequality , as he was the free disposer of his own ▪ so in the kingdom of grace he doth by the spirit of life , light , and love ▪ . quicken and strengthen the dead and weak souls , and awaken the slumbering and slothful ; . illuminate the dark with faith and knowledge ; and . sanctifie the malignant enemies of holiness , by the power of his communicated love , making them friends and joyful lovers : this spirit first filled the humane nature of christ our head ; who first communicated it to some chosen persons in an eminent manner and degree , as nature maketh the heart and brain and other principal parts to be organical , in making , preserving , and governing the rest . to these he gave an eminence of power to work miracles , of wisdom to propagate the word of life , and infallibly by preaching and writing promulgate and record his sacred gospel , and of holy love to kindle the like by zealous holiness in the hearts of others . to these organical persons he committed the oeconomy of being the witnesses of his words and actions , his resurrection and ascension , and of recording them in writing , of planting his first churches , and sealing the truth of their testimony by many miracles , promising them his spirit to perform all that he committed to their trust , and to bring all to their remembrance , and to lead them into all truth , and to communicate instrumentally his spirit to others , the sanctifying gifts by blessing their doctrine , and the miraculous gifts by their imposition of hands . § . . by these principal ministers the first church was planted at ierusalem , ( fitliest called the mother-church ) and after by those that were sent thence many churches were gathered in many kingdoms of the world , darkness being not able to resist the light . the apostles and evangelists and prophets delivered to them the oracles of god , teaching them to observe all things that christ had commanded them , and practically teaching them the true worship of god , ordering their assemblies , and ordaining them such officers for sacred ministration as christ would have continued to the end of the world , and shewing the churches the way by which they must be continued , and describing all the work of the office appointed them by christ. § . . the apostles were not the authors of the gospel , or of any essential part of the christian religion , but the receivers of it from christ , and preachers of it to the world : christ is the author and finisher , or perfecter of our faith . but they had besides the power of infallible remembring , knowing and delivering it , a double power about matters of order in the church : . by the special gift of the spirit 's inspiration , to found and stablish such orders as were to continue to the end , and none that came after them might change , they being the ordinances of the holy ghost in them . . temporarily , pro re natâ , to make convenient mutable constitutions , in matters left by the great legislator to humane prudence , to be determined according to his general regulating laws . in this last the apostles have successors ; but not in the former : no other have their gift , and therefore not their authority : no men can be said to have an office that giveth them right to exercise abilities which they never had nor shall have . § . . christ summed up all the law in love to god and man , and the works of love ; and all the gospel in faith , and hope , and love by them kindled and exercised by the spirit which he giveth them ; even by the belief and trust of his merits , sacrifice , intercession and promises , and the prospect of the future glory promised , fortifying us to all holy duties of obedience , and diligent seeking what he hath promised , and to patient bearing of the cross , conquering the inordinate love of the world and flesh and present life , and improving all our present sufferings , and preparing for his coming again , and for our change and entrance into our masters joy . § . . christ summed up the essentials of christianity in the baptismal covenant , in which we give up our selves in faith , hope , and consenting love , to god the father , son , and holy ghost , our creator , redeemer , and sanctifier , and in which god receiveth us in the correlations as his own . and all that are truly thus baptized are christened , and are to be esteemed and loved as christians , and to be received into christian communion in all christian churches where they come , until by apostasie or impenitency in certain disobedience to the laws of christ , in points necessary to christian communion , they forfeit that priviledge . nor are men to deprive them of the great benefit thus given them by christ , on pretence of any wit or holiness , or power , to amend christs terms , and make the church doors narrower , or tie men to themselves for worldly ends . yet must the pastors still difference the weaker christians from the stronger , and labour to edifie the weak , but not to cast them out of the church . § . . the sacred ministry is subordinate to christ in his teaching , governing , and priestly office , and thus essentiated by christs own institution , which man hath no power to change : therefore under christ they must teach the church by sacred doctrine , guide them by that and sacred discipline , called the power of the keys ( that is of judging who is fit to enter by baptism , to continue , to partake of the communion , to be suspended or cast out ) and to lead them in the publick worship of god , interceding in prayer and speaking for them , and administring to them the sacraments or holy seals of the covenant of god. § . . the first part of the ministers o●●ice is about the unbelieving world , to convert them to the faith of christ ; and the second perfective part about the churches . nor must it be thought that the first is done by them as meer private men . § . . as satan fell by pride , and overthrew man by tempting him to pride ( to become as gods in knowledge ) so christ himself was to conquer the prince of pride by humility , and by the cross , by a life of suffering ; contemned by the blind and obstinate world , making himself of no reputation , despising the shame of suffering as a malefactor ( a traitor and blasphemer : ) and the bearing of the cross was a principal part of his precepts and covenant to his disciples , without which they could not be his followers . and by humility they were to follow the captain of their salvation , in conquering the prince of pride , and in treading down the enemie-world , even the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eyes , and pride of life , which are not of the father but of the world . § . . accordingly christ taught his chief disciples , that if they were not so converted as to become as little children , they could not enter into the kingdom of heaven , matth. . . his school receiveth not masterly disciples , but humble teachable learners , that become fools that they may be wise . and when they were disputing and seeking which of them should be greatest , he earnestly rebuked all such thoughts , setting a little child before them , telling them that the princes of the earth exercise authority , and are called benefactors ( or by big names ) but with them it should not be so ; but he that would be the greatest must be servant of● all , luk. . shewing them that it was not a worldly grandeur , nor forcing power by the sword ( which belongeth to civil magistrates ) which was to be exercised by the pastors of the church : but that he that would be the chiefest , must be most excellent in merit , and most serviceable to all , and get his honour and do his work by meriting the respect and love of volunteers . the sword is the magistrates , who are also christs ministers ; ( for all power is given him , and he is head over all things to the church . ) but they are eminently the ministers of his power ; but the pastors and teachers are most eminently ministers of his paternal and saving love and wisdom . and by wisdom and love to do their work . the word preached and applied generally and particularly ( by the keys ) is their weapon or arms , and not the sword. the bohemians therefore knew what they said , when they seemed damnable hereticks to the worldly clergie that destroyed them , when they placed their cause in these four articles : . to have the whole sacrament , bread and wine . . to have free leave for true ministers to preach the word of god ( without unjust silencing of proud worldly men that cannot stand before the truth . ) . to have temporal dominion ( or government by the sword , and power over mens bodies and estates ) taken from the clergie . . to have gross sin suppressed by the lawful magistrate by the sword. § . . had it been necessary to the churches union against schism or heresie for christians to know that peter or some one of his apostles must be his vicar-general , and head of his church to whom all must obey , who can believe that christ would not only have silenced so necessary a point , but also at a time when he was desired or called to decide it , have only spoken so much against it , to take down all such expectations . yea we never read that peter exercised any authority or jurisdictions over any other of the apostles , nor more than other apostles did ; much less that ever he chose a bishop to be lord of the church , as his successor . nay he himself seemeth to fore-see this mischief , and therefore saith , . pet. . , , . the elders which are among you i exhort , who am also an elder and a witness of the sufferings of christ , and also a partaker of the glory that shall be revealed . ( these are his dignities . ) feed the flock of god which is among you , ( not out of your reach and hearing in a vast diocess ) taking the oversight , not by constraint , but willingly ( and on willing men ) not for filthy lucre , but of a ready wind ; neither as being lords over gods heritage , but being examples to the flock ; and when the chief shepherd shall appear , ye shall receive a crown of glory that fadeth not away . § . . nothing is more certain than that the church for above years had no power of the sword , that is , forcibly to meddle with and hurt mens bodies or estates , ( except what the apostles had by miracle ) : and to this day no protestants , and not most papists claim any such power as of divine institution , but only plead that the secular powers are bound by the sword to destroy such as are judged hereticks by the bishops , and to punish such as contemn the censures of the church . § . . he that would see more for the power of princes vindicated from the clergies claim and usurpation , may find much in many old treatises , written for the emperours against the pope , collected by goldastus de monarch . and in will. barclay , but much better in bishop bilson , of obedience , and in bishop andrew's tortura torti , and in bishop buckridge roffensis of the power of kings , and much in spalatensis de repub. § . . the vniversality of christians is the catholick church , of which christ is the only head or soveraign ; but it is the duty of these to worship god in solemn assemblies , and to live in a holy conversation together ; and to join in striving against sin , and to help each other in the way to life ; therefore societies united for these ends are called , particular churches . § . . when the apostles had converted a competent number of christians , they gather'd them into such assemblies , and as a politick society , set over them such ministers of christ , as are afore described , to be their guides . § . . these officers are in scripture called sometime elders , and sometimes bishops , to whom deacons were added to serve them and the church subordinately . dr. hammond hath well described their office in in his annotat. which was to preach constantly in publick , and private , to administer both sacraments , to pray and praise god with the people , to catechize , to visit and pray with the sick , to comfort troubled souls , to admonish the unruly , to reject the impenitent , to restore the penitent , to take care of the poor , and in a word , of all the flock . § . . the apostles set usually more than one of these elders or bishops in every church , not as if one might not rule the flook where no more was necessary , but according to their needs , that the work might not be undone for want of ministers . § . . they planted their churches usually in cities , because christians comparatively to the rest were few ( as sects are among us ) and no where else usually enough for a society , and because the neighbour-scattered villages might best come to the cities near them ; not but that it was lawful to plant churches in the country , where there were enough to constitute them , and sometimes they did so , as by clemens roman . ad corinth by history appeareth . § . . grotius thinketh that one city at first had divers churches and bishops and that they were gathered after the manner of the synagogues ; and dr. hammond thinketh that for some time there were two churches and bishops in many cities , one of jews and one of gentiles ; and that in rome paul and peter had two churches , whom linus and cletus did succeed , till they were united in clemens . § . . there is great evidence of history that a particular church of the apostles setling was essentially only [ a company of christians , pastors and people associated for personal holy communion and mutual help in holy doctrine , worship , conversation , and order . ] therefore it never consisted of so few or so many , or so distant as to be uncapable of such personal help and communion : but was ever distinguished as from accidental meetings , so from the communion of many churches or distant christians , which was held but by delegates , synods of pastors or letters , and not by personal help , in presence . not that all these must needs always meet in the same place : but that usually they did so , or at due times at least , and were no more nor more distant than could so meet : sometimes persecution hindred them ; somtimes the room might be too small : even independent churches among us sometimes meet in divers places : and one parish hath divers chappels for the aged and weak that are unfit for travel . § . . scotus began the opinion ( as davenport , fr. a santa clara intimateth ) and dion petavius improved it , and dr. hammond hath largely asserted it , that the apostles at first planted a single bishop in each church , with one or more deacons , and that he had power in time to ordain elders of a different order , species , or office , and that the word elder and bishop and pastor in scripture never signifie these subject elders , but the bishops only , and , saith he , there is no evidence that there were any of the subject sort of presbyters in scripture-times : which concession is very kindly accepted by the presbyterians ; but they call for proof that ever these bishops were authorised to make a new species of presbyters which were never made in scripture-times ? and indeed they vehemently deny it , and may well despair of such a proof . § . . but for my part i believe the foundation unproved ( that then there was but one elder in a church ) and think many texts of scripture fully prove the contrary . but i join with dr. hammond in believing that in scripture-times there was no particular church that had more stated meetings for publick communion than one : for if there was so long but one elder , there could be but one such assembly at once ; for they had no such assemblies which were not guided by a presbyter or bishop , in doctrine , worship , sacraments and discipline : and they used to have the eucharist every lords day at least , and often much more . and one man can be at once but in one place . § . . i have elsewhere fully proved , that the ancient churches that had bishops were no bigger than our parishes ( and few a quarter so big as the greatest of them ) and consisted of no more than might have such present personal communion as is before described ; the proofs are too large to be here recited . ignatius is the plainest , who saith , that this was the note of a churches unity , that [ to every church there was one altar , and one bishop , with his fellow presbyters and deacons : ] and elsewhere chargeth the bishop to take account of his flock whether they all come to church , even servant-men and maids . clemens romanus before him intimateth the like , mentioning even country bishops . martyr's description of the christian assemblies plainly proveth it . tertullian's description of them and many other passages in him prove it more fully . he professeth that they took not the lord's supper save only from the hand of the bishop ( antistitis manu ) who could give it but to one assembly at once . many canons also fully shew it ( elsewhere cited ) some appoint all the people to joyn with the bishop on the great festivals of the year , even above years after christ. the custom also of choosing bishops sheweth it , where all the people met and chose him : yea in cyprian's time the exercise of discipline proveth it , when even in such great churches as carthage it was done in the presence of the people , and with their consent . § . . the only churches in the world , that for about years after christ , if not more , had more than one ordinary assembly , for church-communion , though but like our parish chappels , were rome and alexandria , as far as i can learn in any history : for that at ierusalem for all the numbers had no more stated members than oft met in one place ( excepting occasional absents ) . and i find no reason to believe that ever these two ( the chief cities of the empire , ) had so long more than some london parishes ( which have above sixty thousand souls as is supposed ) no nor near ( if half ) so many . and because elsewhere i have only excepted these two cities , i will yet add somewhat to shew , that even there the case was not as many now imagine . § . . cornelius in an epistle to fabius of antioch ( in euseb. hist. l. & c. . alias . ) saith that in the church of rome were presbyters , deacons , and of other officers . that is , acolites , exorcists and readers , with porters , widows , and impotent persons above souls , who are all relieved by the grace and goodness of almighty god , &c. ] this is the chief testimony in the third age to prove that this one church had more than could either meet in one place , or hold personal communion . § . . but let it be considered , . that partly for the honour of qualified persons , and partly that all the church might in season have the help of all mens gifts , they were so far in the ancient churches from having so few as dr. hammond and petavius imagine , that they multiplied officers , and dignified , and so employed a great part of the church that had useful gifts : insomuch that a most credible witness shortly after , even gregory nazianzen , saith , orat. . pag. . that by the intrusion of men for dignity and maintenance , the church-rulers were almost more than the subjects . the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. of others i am ashamed , who when they are no better than others , ( and i wish they were not much worse ) thrust themselves upon the most holy mystories , as we say , with unwashen hands and prophane minds , and before they are worthy to approach to holy things , ambitiously enter the vestry it self ( or chancell ) and press and thrust themselves about the holy table , as if they judged this order not to be an example of virtue , but an occasion and help of getting maintenance , and not to be an office lyable to give account , but a command in which they may be free from censure : who being miserable ( or pitiful persons ) as to piety , and unhappy as to splendour , that is , low in the world and parts ) do now in number almost exceed those whom they are over ( or are to govern ) . [ this would make one suspect that there were then many ruling elders that preach'd not ; but it 's plain they had an office about the sacraments . ] therefore this evil increasing and getting strength with time , it seems to me that they will have none under them to rule , ( or guide ) but that all will turn teachers and will prophesie , instead ( as was promised by god ) of being all taught of god : so that of old the history and parable said , saul also is among the prophets . for there neither now is nor ever was so great plenty of any other thing as there is now of these frequent shames and criminals ; for other things , as they have their flourishing time , have also their decay . and though to repress their impetuousness be a work above my strength , yet certainly to hate it and be ashamed is not the least part of piety . judge by this , what numbers of officers of clergy-men then the church had . § . . next for the poor , consider their proportions in and by other churches ; chrysost. in matth. edit savil. p. . supposeth the poor of the church of antioch ( whence he came ) to have been about the tenth part and dividing the city into three ranks , he accounts a tenth part rich , and a tenth part poor , and the rest of a middle estate between both . now in chrysostom's time the church was so high , being owned by the greatest emperours as we may well suppose almost all or most of the rich came in : whereas at rome in the time of cornelius it being under reproach and cruel persecution , we may well conclude , that most of the rich stood out , and they might say with paul , not many great , not many noble are called ; few rich men comparatively receiving the gospel , it 's most likely that the poor were then far more than a tenth part , if not the greater part of the church . but suppose them a tenth part , which is not probable , the whole church of rome then would be but souls , which is about the fifth part or sixth as big as martins parish , and about a quarter as big as stepney parish , and about a third or fourth part as big as giles cripplegate parish , and not half so big as giles in the fields and other parishes . moreover chrysostome , hom. . in act. p. . computes the poor at constantinople to be about half as many as all the other christians , and this in the most flourishing city and age : and by this measure they would yet fall further short . it may be you will say , that these were not the poorest of all that were kept by the church : but it 's known that ever since the times of extraordinary community , the churches relieved all the needy according to the several degrees of their wants ; and these were such as were in want , though not equally , and they are such poor as were distinguished not only from the rich , but also from the middle sort ; and such as the church took care to relieve . § . . and as for alexandria , the greatest city of the empire next rome ( as iosephus saith , de bello iud. l. . c. ult . it is certain that in the third century the christians had more meeting places for divine worship than one , and in the fourth century had many : epiphanius nameth divers , haeres . . p. . arius having one wherein he preached , had that advantage to propogate his heresie . but all know that the building of temples began after emperours were christians , and the fair churches which , eusebius saith , they had in dioclesians time ( till he destroyed them ) were but like our tabernacles or private churches , and grew to number and ornament but a little before , as eusebius intimateth . it was a good while before there were two churches , even in constantinople . indeed , it is noted , as a singularity , that they had two churches : but they mistake , that apply that to two meeting places , which is spoken of two societies , because in meletius time they had two bishops . § . . but yet let us see how big the christian church was in this great city , even when it had many chapels ; even in athanasius time , in the fourth century , tom. . ed. commel . p. . in his apology to constant. you may find ( in words too large to be all transcribed ) that he being accused for assembling the people in the great church , maketh this part of his defence , [ the confluence of the people at the easter solemnity was so great , that if they had met in several assemblies ( or by parties ) the other churches were so narrow or small that they would have been in danger of suffering by the crowd ; nor would the universal harmony and concord of the people have been so visible and efficacious if they had met in parcels ; therefore he concludeth it better for the whole multitude to meet in that great church , ( being a place large enough to receive them altogether ) and to have a concurrence of the people all with one voice ( in symphony : ) for if according to christ's promise where two shall agree of any thing it shall be done for them — how prevalent will be the one-voice of so numerous a people assembled together , and saying , amen , to god ? who therefore would not admire ? who would not count it a happiness to see so great a people met together in one place ? and how did the people rejoyce to see one another , whereas formerly they assembled in several places . ] thus plainly athanasius . i do not hence gather that every man , woman , and child was present : in our parish churches that hold the assembly , some are there , and usually some stay at home and come by turns : but it seemeth hence plain that even in alexandria the christians were no more than that the main body of them at great solemnities could meet and hear in one assembly . which in many of our parishes they cannot do . § . . add to this , that athanasius tells them that his predecessor alexander did as much as he had done , on such occasions assembling their whole multitude in one church before it was dedicated , pag. . § . . i add a further argument from the city it self , as offered me also while i was writing this , by a learned friend in his own words . this city was , by strabo's description of it , like a souldiers coat , whose length at either side was almost thirty furlongs , its breadth at either end seven or eight furlongs , geogr. li. . p. . so the whole compass will be less than ten miles . a third or fourth part of this was taken up with publick buildings , temples , and royal palaces , ibid. thus is two miles and a half , or three and a quarter taken up . i take this to be that region of the city which epiphanius calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( where he tells us was the famous library of ptolomy philadelphus ) and speaks of it in his time as destitute of inhabitants , de ponder , & mensi●r . n. . p. . a great part of the city was assigned to the jews . so strabo indefinitely , as josephus quotes him , antiqu. jud. l. . c. . others tell us more puncutally that their share was two of the five divisions ( vshers annals lat. p. . ) though many of them had their habitations in the other divisions , yet they had two fifth parts intire to themselves : and this is i suppose the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which josephus saith the successours of alexander set apart for them , bell. jud. l. . c. . thus we see how six or seven miles of the ten are disposed of . the greatest part of the citizens ( as at rome and other cities ) is the beginning of the fourth age were heathens . else antonius had wronged their city , who in athanasius time is brought in thus , exclaiming by jerome , vit. paul. p. . civitas meretrix in quam totius orbis daemonia confluxere , &c. a charge thus formed supposeth the prevailing party to be guilty . but let us suppose them equal and their proportion half of the five or four miles remaining . let the rest be divided between the orthodox , and the arians , and novatians , and other sorts . and if we be just , a large part will fall to the share of hereticks and sectaries . for ( not to mention others ) the novations had several churches and a bishop there , till cyrils time , vid. socrat. hist. l. . c. . the arians were a great part of those that professed christianity , sozom. hist. li. . c. . and if we may judg of the followers by the leaders , no less than half : for whereas there were nineteen presbyters and deacons in that church ( theodor. hist. li. . c. . ) ( twelve was the number of their presbyters by their ancient constitution , and seven of their deacons as appears by eutychius , here and at rome , and elsewhere ) six presbyters with arius , and five deacons fell off from the catholicks , sozom. hist. li. . c. . but let the arians be much fewer , yet will not the proportion of the catholick bishops part in this city be more than that of a small town , one of eight or twelve furlongs in compass . and so the number of christians on this account will be no more than might well meet for worship in one place . if the reader will peruse epiphanius history of the fraction between alexander and the followers of meletius in alexandria , how alexander was impatient with their separate meetings , when meletius was dead ( though till then two bishops and churches lived quietly in one city ) because they came not to his church ; with the rest of the story , he will easily see what a church was then even in alexandria . thus you see the difference of a just computation , and the hasty accounts of men , that judg of places and persons as they are in their misled imaginations , and not as they were indeed and truth . mr. dodwell in a letter to me layeth so much on the number of the officers and poor before mentioned , as if it proved undoubtedly a diocesane church , when the conclusion ariseth from an erroneous comparing their cities and times with ours , and their presbyters with our parish-priests and curats . and when all 's done a grand patriarchal church is not the measure of a diocesane , or of every bishops church : their presbyters had other work than our curates have : they met in the same assembly with the bishop , and sate in a semicircle on each side him , and were as a colledge of governours to rule one church , and that only by the word ( applyed by the keys ) and not by the sword , till cyril first usurped it , for which by historians he is noted . if our times tempt you to marvel how so many officers or clerks were maintained by so few people , church-history affordeth you matter enough to resolve your doubt . § . . but if these two great cities had indeed had yet more altars and churches , orbis major est vrbe , saith hierome : two singular cities may not over-weigh the contrary case of all the churches : if any other had been like them it would have been antioch the third patriarchate , when as in ignatius time , as is aforesaid , the churches unity there and elsewhere was notified * by [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one altar ( or altar-place ) and one bishop with his presbyters and deacons . ] and hence came it to be the note of a schism , to set up altare contra altare because one bishop and church had but one altar . mr. mede ( no injudicious nor factions man ) saw this , and asserteth it from the plain words of ignatius . § . . how the case came to be altered it is easie to know : but whether it was well or ill done , is all the controversie , or the chief . i confess there want not some that think that the apostles had their several assigned provinces , and that they left them to twelve successours , and this is the foundation of patriarchal or provincial churches , with such unproved dreams : . we doubt not but that the apostles wisely distributed their labours : but we believe not that they divided the countreys into their several dioceses , or provinces : nor that two of them ( e. g iohn and paul , peter and paul , iames and other apostles ) might not and did not do the work of an apostle in the same country and city . much less do we believe that one of them ( e. g. iames at ierusalem , whether an apostle or not i contend not ) was a bishop over the apostles when they resided there . . nor do we believe that they left any such divided provinces to their successors : if they had , it 's strange that we had not twelve or thirteen patriarchal or provincial churches hence noted . which were they , and how came they so soon to be forgotten and unknown ? and why had we first but three patriarchs , and one of those ( alexandria ) accounting from no apostle , but from s. mark , and the other two reckoning from one and the same apostle , save that rome reckoned from two at once , peter and paul , when as one city must ( say they ) have but one bishop ? § . . the case is known ; that , . when christians so multiplyed , that one assembly would not serve , but they became enough for many , the bishops greatness and wealth increasing with the people , they continued them all under their own government , and so took them all to be their chapels , setling divers altars but not divers bishops in one church . . and herewith their work also , by degrees , was much changed ; and they that at first were most employed in guiding the whole church in gods publick worship , and exercised present discipline before them , and were the sole usual preachers to them all , ( the rest of the elders preaching but when the bishop could not , or bid them , ) did after become distant judges , and their government , by degrees , degenerated to a similitude of civil magistracy . . and then they set up the old exploded question , which of them should be the chief or greatest : and then they that had the greatest cities being the richest and greatest bishops in interest , because of the greatness and riches of their flocks , they got the church government to be distributed , much like the roman civil government within that empire ; and where the civil magistrate had most and largest command , they gave the ecclesiastical bishop the like : and so they set up the bishops of the three chief cities as patriarchs , rome being the first , because it was the great imperial seat , as the chalcedon council giveth the true reason . afterwards constantinople and ierusalem being added , they turned them into five : and carthage and other places , not called patriarchal seats , had exempt peculiar jurisdictions with a power near to patriarchs . and the rest of the bishops strove much for precedency , and got as large territories as they could , and as numerous flocks and many parishes , though still the name paroeciae was used for the whole episcopal church when it was turned into a diocess . § . . i conceive that this change of one altar into a diocesane church of many altars and parishes was not well done , but is the thing that hath confounded the christian world , and that they ought to have increased the number of churches as the number of christians did increase , as the bees swarm into another hive . my reasons are , . christ and the holy ghost in the apostles having setled a church species and order ( like that of the synagogues , and not like that of the temple , ) no man ought to have changed that form : because they can prove no power to do it : and because it accuseth the institution of christ and the holy ghost of insufficiency or errour , which must so soon be altered by them . perfective addition , as an infant groweth up to manhood , we deny not . but who gave them power to abrogate the very specices of the first instituted churches ? that the species is altered , is certainly proved by the different uses and termini of the relation . for a church of the first institution was a society joyned for personal communion in doctrine , worship , and holy living : but a diocess consisting of many score or hundred parishes that never see or know or come near one another , are uncapable of any such present personal communion , and have none but mental , and by officers or delegates . . by this means , all the parish-churches being turned into chapels and un-churched , are all robbed of their right ; seeing each one ought to have a bishop and presbyters , and the benefit of that office and order , which is now denied them , and many hundred such parishes turned into chapels have no bishop to themselves but one among them all to the diocess . . because by this means true discipline is become impossible and unpracticable ; by the distance and multitude of the people , and the distance and paucity of bishops : what christ commandeth , mat. . being as impossible to be done in many hundred parishes , by one bishop and his consistory , as the discipline of so many hundred schools by one school-master ( though each school have an usher ) or the care of many hundred hospitals by one physician , perhaps at twenty , or forty , or eighty , or an hundred miles distance . . because it altereth the antient office of a bishop and of a presbyter , and setteth new ones in the stead : as a bishop was the bishop of one church , so a presbyter was his assistant , ejusdem ordinis , in the government of the church , who now is turned into a meer usher , or worshipping-teacher , or chaplain . . because it certainly divideth the churches : for christians would unite in a divine institution , and the exercise of true discipline , that will never unite in a humane policy which abrogateth the divine , and certainly destroyeth commanded necessary discipline . § . . the very work also of the bishop , and so the office came thus to be changed : christ having appointed no other church governours ( besides magistrates ) but such ( as philosophers in their schools ) who were appointed to set up holy societies for divine doctrine , worship , and holy living , and to guide them accordingly , by teaching , worship , and government by the word , forbidding them the sword or force , they are said to have the keys of the church and the kingdom of heaven , because as grace is glory in the seed , the church is heaven in the seed , and the pastors were the administrators of sacraments and church-priviledges , and therefore the judges who were fit for them , who should be baptized , who should communicate , and in what rank , and who should be denied these , admonished or excluded , and who should , as far as belongeth to others , be judged meet or unmeet for heaven : and so the christian societies were to be kept clean , and not to be like the polluted world of infidels . and the pastors had no other power to use ; but were to judge only those within , and leave them without to gods own judgment , and to the magistrate , who was not to punish any one for not being in or of the church , or for departing from it , which is a grievous punishment it self . but magistrates being then heathens , the christians were hard put to it for the decision of their quarrels : for the love of the world and selfishness were but imperfectly cured in them . they went to law before heathen judges with each other ; and this became a snare and a scandal to them . s. paul therefore childeth them for not ending differences by christian arbitrators among themselves , as if there were none among them wise enough to arbitrate . hereupon the churches taking none to be wiser or trustier than their pastors , made them their arbitrators , and it became a censurable scandal for any to accuse a church-member to a magistrate , and to have suits at law. by this means , the bishop becoming a stated arbitrator , thereby became the governour of the christians , but with his presbyters and not alone . but because bishops had no power of the sword , to touch mens bodies or estates , but only to suspend them from church-communion , and excommunicate them , or impose penitential confessions on them , therefore they fitted their canons ( which were the bishops agreements ) to this governing use , to keep christians under their government from the magistrates . and so they made canons , that a fornicator or adulterer should be so long or so long suspended , and a murderer so long , and so of the rest . § . . and when constantine turned christian , he had many reasons to confirm this arbitrating canonical power to the christian bishops by the civil sanction . . because he found them in possession of it as contracters by mutual consent ; and what could a christian prince do less than grant that to the christians which they chose and had . . because the advancement and honour of the teachers and pastors he thought tended to the honour of their religion , and the success of their doctrine upon the heathens with whom they dwelled . grandure and power much prevail with carnal minds . . because he had but few magistrates at first that were christians , and none that so well knew the affairs of christians as their own chosen bishops . and he feared lest the power of heathen magistrates over the christians might injure and oppress them . . he designed to draw the heathens to christianity by the honouring of christians above them . . and withal his interest lay most in their strength ; for they were the fastest part of his souldiers and subjects , that for conscience and their own interrest , rejoyced to advance and defend him to the utmost , ( when he lost many of the pagans ) and they were not of the spirit of the old pretorian souldiers , that set up and pulled down emperours at their pleasure . had constantine faln , the christians had much faln with him , and had the christians been weakned he had been weakened : they were become his strength . and he fore saw not the evils that afterwards would follow . some must govern , and there were then no wiser nor better men than the bishops and pastors of the churches . and their interest in the christian people ( that chose them ) was greatest : as now all differing parties of christians among us ( papists , presbyterians , independents , anabaptists ) would desire nothing as more conducing to their ends , than that the king would put the greatest power ( especially of religion ) into the hands of those teachers whom they esteem and follow ; even so was it with the christians in the days of constantine : and hereupon laws were made , that none should compel christians to answer in any court of justice , saving before their own bishops , and so bishops were made almost the sole governours of the christians . § . . by this means it is no wonder if multitudes of wicked men flock'd into the church and defiled and dishonoured it : for the murderer that was to be hanged if he were no christian , was but to be kept from the sacrament if he were a christian , and do some confessing penance ; which was little to hanging or other death ; and so proportionably of other crimes . bad christians by this device were multiplyed . the emperour also being a christian , worldly men are mostly of the religion of the prince or highest powers . § . . and no man that can gather an effect from an effectual cause could doubt , if neither nazianzen , or any historian had told it him , but that proud and worldly men would strive then to be bishops , and use all possible diligence to obtain so great preferment : who of them is it that would not have command and honour and wealth , if he can get it ? while the great invitation to the sacred ministry was the winning and edifying of souls , those that most valued souls , desired it ( yet desired it to be kept from such poverty and persecution as exposed them to hinderance and contempt ) . but when riches , reputation and dominion were the baits , who knoweth not what sort of appetites would be the keenest ? christ telleth us , how hardly rich men are good and come to heaven . therefore when bishops must be all great and rich , either christ must be deceived , or it must be as hard for them to be honest christians as for a● camel to go through the needles eye . and thus , venenum funditur in ecclesiam . § . . the world being thus brought into the church without the cure of the worldly mind , and the guides being so strongly tempted to be the very worst , no wonder if the worldly spirit now too much rule the church , and if those that are yet of the same spirit , approve , plead , and strive for what they love and despise the business of the cross , and christian humility , and simplicity to this day : and if bishops have done much of their work accordingly , ever since constantine ( and much before ) it hath been the devils work to carry on his war against christ and piety , under christ's own name , and the pretence of piety , as an angel of light and righteousness and unity , and to set up pastors over the church of christ , that hate the doctrine and life , and cross of christ , that by pleading for godliness and concord , may be the effectual enemies of both , and may fight against christ in his own livery , under his colours , and with his own arms. whose god is their belly , who glory in their shame , who mind earthly things , being enemies to the cross of christ : the history of whom you will find in the following part of this treatise . § . . but here i must above all remember the reader , that he is not for this corruption of the clergy , and government of the church , to think that the church here ceased to be a true church , or that the ministry was lost , or that it became unlawful to hold communion with any such churches ; much less to think hardly of christianity it self , as if it were no better than false religions , because so many of its pastors were so bad . none of god's counsels were frustrate by mans sin : none of his promises to his church have failed . for all this christ is the saviour of the world , the prince of righteousness and peace , that came to destroy the works of the devil , and to save his people from their sins ; and all that are given him of the father shall come to him , and he will cast none of them out , nor shall any take them out of his hands ? § . . i. let it be still remembred , that as the chronicles of kingdoms mention only the publick actions of princes and great men , but name not the poor and private sort , so also our church-history of councils and publick things , say little of godly private christians , but of patriarchs and great prelates , who yet are themselves but a very small part of the christian world. ii. note also that every bishop had many presbyters ; whose work was not to strive for superiority , nor trouble the world in councils ( where usually they came not ) and so had not a quarter of the temptations that the bishops had : and though we find mention sometimes of the presbyters also that were naught , yet the number so reproved and proved bad , is not proportionable to the number of prelates compared among themselves , that miscarried in councils . the presbyters that staid at home and followed their work in private with the flock , and came not on the stage in publick affairs , kept up the substance and practice of religion . iii. and the private christians had yet less temptation , and were not so overwhelmed with worldly things , nor carryed away by pride and ambition and covetousness , as the ruling party were . iv. and the monks , and other retired christians , that saw the prelates sin and s●ares , ( though many of them had their failings too , yet ) no doubt kept up much serious piety , and a holy life . v. and no doubt but very many of the bishops themselves were humble holy faithful men , that grieved for the miscarriages of the rest . though such excellent persons as gregory neocesareae , gregory nazianzen , gregory nyssen , basil , chrysostome , augustine , hillary , prosper , fulgentius , &c. were not very common , no doubt but there were many that wrote not books , nor came so much into the notice of the world , but avoided contentious and factious stirs , that quietly and honestly conducted the flocks in the ways of piety , love , and justice . and some of them ( as s. martin ) separated from the councils and communion of the prevailing turbulent sort of the prelates , to signifie their disowning of their sins . vi. and oft times , when the prelates were at the worst , god raised up some very godly princes , that maintained religion more than the clergy , and were an honour to it when the bishops dishonoured it . vii . and it is not to be contemned , that much piety was kept up among great numbers of christians , whom ( for some mistake ) the rest reviled and condemned as schismaticks or hereticks . little know we how many holy souls were among those that are in epiphanius catalogue . of the audians and some others he seemeth to confess as much himself . the novatians were tolerated in almost all the empire , and had their churches and bishops , having the testimony of the orthodox that they were usually of sound faith and upright lives , and stricter than other christians were . and god pardoneth the infirmity of a small mistake in judgment , when men are sincerely addicted to his service . now and then a cruel prelate did prosecute them , but so did not the gentler sort ( as atticus , proclus , &c. at constantinople , &c. ) nor the emperours themselves , save when so instigated . viii . and though the churches in the roman empire kept up this grandure of patriarchs , metropolitans , and rich prelates , that after over-topped kings , it was not so in other parts of the christian world , but the clergy lived more humbly and quietly . the scots under columban●s and their other presbyters , long lived in great piety without any bishops . and when the scots presbyters finan , aidan , &c. ordained bishops in northumberland , they were commonly humble , holy men , like themselves . and both scots and britains so much misliked the romane-grandure and way , that when augustine the monk came in , they would not subject themselves to the pope , or any foreign prelates , nor so much as eat and drink with the missionaries . and the like we may say of some other extra-imperial churches . the spaniards themselves not only while arian goths ( of whom see the testimony of salvian , to the shame of the orthodox ) but after recaredus days , for many ages , lived in great quietness , while italy , france , and germany were employed in hereticating , cursing , excommunicating , or bloudy wars . the great empire of a●assia ( as the crediblest history saith ) never had bishops to this day , but only one called the a●u●● , while the whole clergy are exercised ( though in too much ignorance ) in their priestly office. brocardus , that lived at ierusalem , testifieth that those eastern christians , called by the papists , nestorians , iacobites , eutychians , were commonly plain honest religious people , free from heresie , and of better lives than even the religious of the church of rome , and that there were not worse men at ierusalem than the roma● catholicks . the armenians have many bishops , and one chief , but live ( though too ignorantly and superstitiously , yet ) in great austerity of life . ix . in all ages since prelacy swelled to the corruption of the churches , and annoyance of the peace of kings and kingdoms , there have been still a great number of pious lamenters of the corruptions of the church , that have groaned and prayed for reformation : insomuch , that dr. field maintaineth , that even in the church of rome there have been still considerable numbers of doctors , that owned truth and piety , and misliked the papal usurpations and errours . the waldenses and albigenses ( exceeding numerous ) said , they had continued from the apostles , and so from the days of sylvester ( or constantine ) had dissented from the roman pride , and corruptions . and god hath made the protestant churches since the reformation , as his vineyard , where truth and piety have prospered , though satan hath been still at work , and here also had too much success . x. and it must be remembred , that god hath made use of many proud and turbulent men , to propogate and defend the truth of the gospel : and their gifts have served for the good of the sincere . as the husk or chaff and straw is useful to the corn ; so many worldly prelates and priests have been learned expositors and useful preachers , and taught others the way to life , which they would not go in themselves . besides that , their very papal power and grandure , which hath corrupted the church , hath yet been a check to some , that would have assaulted it by force ; and as a hedge of thornes about it . worldly interest engageth pope , patriarchs , and prelates , to stand up for the christian religion , because they gain by it ( as leo the th is said to have odiously confessed . ) § . . and the old fathers , till constantines time , did most of them think that the last thousand years would be a time of fuller glory to the church ; as many yet think , though i confess my self unskilful in the prophesies . but i make no doubt , but though this earth be so far de●erted by god , the glorious kingdom which we shall shortly see , with the new heaven and earth , wherein dwelleth righteousness , will fully confute all our present temptations to think hardly of god or the redeemer , because of the present corruptions and dissentions of this lower world . § . . we may conjecture at former times by our own : we see now , that among the most reformed churches , too often the most worldly part are uppermost , and perhaps are the persecuters of the rest , and though they may be the smaller part , it 's they that make the noise , are the noted part that carry the name , and that histories write of . a few men got into places of power , seem to be all the church , or nation , by the prevalency of their actions , which few dare contradict : they may give laws ; they may have the power of press and pulpit , so that nothing shall be published but what they will ; they may call themselves the church , and call all that obey them not schismaticks and sectaries , and strangers may believe therefore , that it is but some few inconsiderable fellows that are against them , when yet the far greatest part may utterly dissent and abhor their pride . i have lived to see such an assembly of ministers , where three or four leading men were so prevalent as to form a confession of faith in the name of the whole party , which had that in it which particular members did disown . and when about a controverted article , one man hath charged me deeply , for questioning the words of the church , others that were at the forming of that article , have laid it all on that same man , as by his impetuousness putting in that article , the rest being loth to strive much against him , and so it was he himself that was the church , whose authority he so much urged , at least the effectual signifying part . we cannot judge what is commonest by what is uppermost , or in greatest power . in divers parishes now , where the minister is conformable , perhaps ten parts of the people do dislike it ; and sometimes you may see but three or four persons with him at the common-prayers ; and yet all know , that dissenters are talkt of as a few singular fanaticks . i compare not the causes , but conclude , that so also for the numbers , humble godly persons might be very numerous , though only the actions of worldly prelates do take up most of the history of the church . yea , i believe , that among the papists themselves , five to one of the people , were they free from danger , would declare their dislike of a great part of the actions and doctrines of their prelates , and that the greatest part that are named papists , are not such throughly and at the heart . when the rulers , scribes , and pharisees were against christ , and persecuted him and the truth , the common people so much adhered to him , that the persecutors durst not seize on him openly by force , but were fain to use a traytor , to apprehend him in the night , and in a solitary place , lest they should be stoned by the people , who said , never man spake as this man speaketh . § . . let us not therefore turn church-history into a temptation , nor think basely of the church , or christianity , or christ , because of papal and prelatical pride and tyranny . god can make use of a surly porter to keep his doors ; yea , a mastiff-dog may be a keeper of the house ; and his corn hath grown in every age , not only with straw and chaffe , but with some tares : and yet he hath gathered , and will gather , all his chosen . § . . nor is the ministry it self to be therefore dishonoured : for as at this day , while a few turbulent prelates persecute good men , and much of the ministry is in too many countries lamentably corrupted , yet is religion , piety , and honesty kept up by the ministry , and never was well kept up without it : for the faithful ministers labour still , and their very sufferings , further the gospel , and what they may not do publickly they do privately . yea , their very writings shew , that still there are such as god doth qualifie to do his work , even among the papists , he that readeth the pious writings of such men as gerson , and gerhardus zutphaniensis , and thaulerus , thomas a kempis , ferus , and many such others , will see that gods spirit was still illuminating and sanctifying souls . and he that readeth such lives as philip nerius , persecuted by the bishop as an ambitious hypocrite , for setting up more serious exercises of religion than had been ordinarily used among the formalists , ( to say nothing of such privater men as m. de ren●y and many others ) will see that it is not all church-tyranny and corruption , though very heinous , that will prove that christ hath not a holy generation whom he will save . § . . yea among the very corrupted sort of the clergy , many that are overcome with temptations in that point , and take usurpation and tyranny , and worldly pomp and violence for order , government , and the interest of the church , have yet much good in other respects : even among the cardinals there have been such men as nerius's companion ) bellarmine , and others , that would preach and practise the common doctrines of serious piety : yea , among the jesuits there have been divers that have preacht , written , and lived very strictly ; much more among their fryars : and such bishops as sales : and though their times and corruptions blemished their piety , i dare not think they nullified it . § . . and it sheweth the excellency of the sacred office , . that christ did first make it as the noble organical part of his church , to form the rest . . that he endued the first officers with the most noble and excellent gifts of his spirit . . that he founded and built his church by them at first . . yea , that he himself preached the gospel , and is called the minister of the circumcision , the chief shepherd , and the bishop of our souls . . that he hath used them to enlarge , confirm , preserve , and edefie his church to this day . . that he maketh the best of them to be the best of men . . that he putteth into the hearts of all good christians a special love and honour of them . . that he useth even the worser sort to do good , while they do hurt ; especially some of them . . that satan striveth so hard to corrupt them and get them on his side . . that religion ordinarily dyeth away , or decayeth , when they fail and prove unable and unfaithful . . that christ commandeth men so much to hear , receive and obey them , and hath committed his word and keys to them , as his stewards . . and hath promised them a special reward for their faithfulness : and commanded all to pray for them and their preservation and success . and the nature of the things tells us , that as knowledge in lower things is not propagated to mankind , but by teachers ( man being not born wise ; ) so much less is heavenly wisdom . and therefore it is ; that god is so regardful of the due qualification of ministers , that they be not blind guides , nor novices , nor proud , nor careless sluggards , nor self-seeking worldlings , but skilful in the word of truth , and lovers of god and the souls of men , and zealous , and diligent , unwearied , and patient in their holy work . and when they prove bad , he maketh them most contemptible and punisheth them more than other men the corruption of the best making them the worst . § . . therefore let us make a right use of the pride and corruption of the clergy , to desire and pray for better , and to avoid our selves the sin which is so bad in them , and to labour after that rooted wisdome and holiness in our selves that we may stand , though our teachers fall before us . let every man prove his own work , and so he shall have rejoicing in himself , and not in others only , gal. . but let us not hence question the gospel , or dishonour the church and ministry ; no not any further separate from the faulty than they separate from christ , or than god alloweth us , and necessity requireth : as we must not despise the needful helps of our salvation , nor equal dumb or wicked men with the able faithful ministers of christ , on pretence of honouring the office ; so neither must we deny the good that is in any , nor despise the office for the persons faults . § . . especially let us take heed that we fall not into that pernicious snare that hath entangled the quakers and other schismaticks of these times , who on pretence of the faults of the ministers , set against the best with greatest fury , because the best do most resist them , and that revile them with false and railing language , the same that drunkards and malignants use , yea worse than the prophanest of the vulgar ; even because they take tythes and necessary maintenance , charging them with odious covetousness , calling them hirelings , deceivers , and what not . undoubtedly this spirit is not of god , that is so contrary to his word , his grace , and his interest in the world. what would become of the church and gospel , if this malignant spirit should prevail to extirpate even the best of all the ministry ? would the devil and the churches enemies desire any more ? the very same men that the prelates have silenced ( near ) in england these fifteen or sixteen years together , are they that the quakers most virulently before reviled , and most furiously opposed . § . . nor will the clergies corruption allow either unqualified or ▪ uncalled men to thrust themselves into the sacred office , as if they were the men that can do better , and must mend all that is amiss . such have been tryed in licentious times , and proved , some of them , to do more hurt than the very drunkards , or the ignorant sort of ministers , that did but read the holy scriptures . pride is too often the reprehender of other mens faults and imperfections , and would make other mens names but a stepping-stone to their own aspiring folly : as many that have cryed out against bad popes and prelates , that they might get into the places , have been as bad themselves when they have their will : no wonder if it be so with the proud revilers of the ministry . § . . there is need therefore of much wisdome and holy care , that we here avoid the two extreams ; that we grow not indifferent who are our pastors , nor contract the guilt of church-corruption , but mourn for the reproach of the solemn assemblies , and do our best for true and needful reformation , that the gospel fail not , and souls be not quietly left to satan , nor the church grow like the infidel world ; and yet that we neither invade nor dishonour the sacred office , nor needlesly open the nakedness of the persons , nor do any thing that may hinder their just endeavours and success ; we must speak evil of no man either falsly or unnecessarily . § . . i thought all this premonition necessary that you make not an ill use of the following history , and become not guilty of diabolism or false accusing of the brethren , or dishonouring the church : and that as god hath in scripture recorded the sins of the ungodly , and the effects of pride and of malignity , and christ hath foretold us that wolves shall enter and devour the flock , and by their fruits ( of devouring , and pricking as thorns and thistles ) we shall know them , and the apostles prophecied of them ; i take it to be my duty to give you an abstract of the history of papal and aspiring prelacy , usurping , and schismatical , and tyrannical councils , as knowing of how great use it is to all to know the true history of the church , both as to good and evil . § . . yea bishops and councils must not be worse thought of than they deserve , no more than presbyters , because of such abuses as i recite ; the best things are abused , even preaching , writing , scripture , and reason it self , and yet are not to be rejected or dishonoured . there is an episcopacy whose very constitution is a crime , and there is another sort which seemeth to me a thing convenient , lawful , and indifferent , and there is a sort which i cannot deny to be of divine right . § . . that which i take to be it self a crime , is such as is aforementioned , which in its very constitution over-throweth the office , church , and discipline , which christ by himself and his spirit , in his apostles , instituted : such i take to be that diocesane kind which hath only one bishop over many score or hundred fixed parochial assemblies ; by which , . parishes are made by them no churches , as having no ruling pastors that have the power of judging whom to baptize , or admit to communion or refuse , but only are chapels , having preaching gurates . . all the first order of bishops in single churches are deposed , as if the bishop of antioch should have put down a bishops about him , and made himself the sole bishop of their churches . . the office of presbyters is changed into semi-presbyters . . discipline is made impossible , as it is for one general without inferiour captains to rule an army : but of this before . § . . much more doth this become unlawful , . when deposing all the presbyters from government by the keyes of discipline , they put the same keyes , even the power of dec●etive excommunication and absolution into the hands of laymen , called chancellours , and set up courts liker to the civil than ecclesiastical . . and when they oblige the magistrate to execute their decrees by the sword , be they just or unjust , and to lay men in goals and ruine them , meerly because they are excommunicated by bishops , or chancellours , or officials , or such others , and are not reconciled : and when they threaten princes and magistrates with excommunication ( if not deposition ) if they do but communicate with those that the bishop hath excommunicated . . or when they arrogate the power of the sword themselves , as socrates saith cyril did : or without necessity joyn in one person the office of priesthood and magistracy , when one is more than they can perform aright . § . . and it becometh much worse by the tyrannical abuse , when ( being unable and unwilling to exercise true discipline on so many hundred parishes ) they have multitudes of atheists , infidels , gross ignorants , and wicked livers in church-communion , yea , compel all in the parishes to communicate on pain of imprisonment and ruine , and turn their censures cruelly against godly persons , that dare not obey them in all their formalities , ceremonies , and impositions , for fear of si●●ing against god. and when conniving at ignorant ungodly priests that do but obey them , they silence and ruine the most faithful able teachers , that obey not all their imposing canons , and swear not , and subscribe not what they bid them . § . . undoubtedly satan hath found it his most successful way , to fight against christ in christs own name , and to set up ministers as the ministers of christ , to speak indirectly against the doctrine , servants , and interest of christ , and as ministers of light and righteousness , and to fight against church-government , order , discipline , and unity , by the pretences of church government , order , discipline , and unity : and to cry down schism to promote schism , and to depress believers by crying up faith , and orthodoxness , and crying down heresie and errour : yea , to plead god's name and word against himself , and to set up sin , by accusing truth and duty as sin. § . . ii. that which i take for lawful indifferent episcopacy is such as hierome saith , was introduced for the avoiding of divisions , though it was not from the beginning : when among many elders in every single church , one of most wisdom and gravity is made their president , yea , without whom no ordinations or great matters shall be done . the churches began this so early , and received it so universally , and without any considerable dissent or opposition , even before emperours became christians , that i dare not be one that shall set against it , or dishonour such episcopacy . § . . yea , if where ●●t men are wanting to make magistrates , the king shall make bishops magistrates , and joyn two offices together , laying no more work on them than will consist with their ecclesiastick work , though this will have inconveniencies , i shall not be one that shall dishonour such , or disobey them . § . . iii. the episcopacy , which i dare not say is not of gods institution , ( besides that each pastor is episcopus gr●gis , ) is that which succeedeth the apostles in the ordinary part of church-government , while some senior pastors have a supervising care of many churches , ( as the visiters had in scotland , ) and are so far episcopi episcoporum , and arch-bishops , having no constraining power of the sword , but a power to admonish and instruct the pastors , and to regulate ordinations , synods , and all great and common circumstances that belong to churches . for if christ set up one form of government in which some pastors had so extensive work and power , ( as timothy , titus , and evangelists as well as apostles had ) we must not change it without proof , that christ himself would have it changed . § . . but if men on this pretence will do as rome hath done , pretend one apostle to be the governour of all the rest , and that they have now that authority of that apostle , and will make an universal monarch to rule at the antipodes , and over all the world , or will set up patriarchs , primates , metr●politans and arch-bishops , with power to tyrannize over their brethren , and cast them out , and on pretence of order , and imitating the civil government , to master princes , or captivate the churches to their pride and worldly interests , this will be the worst and most pernicious tyranny . § . . and as it is not all episcopacy , so it is not all councils that i design this history to dishonour . no doubt but christ would have his church to be as far one , as their natural political and gracious capacities will allow : and to do all his work in as much love , peace , and concord as they can : and to that end , both seasonable councils , and letters , and delegates for concord and communication , are means which nature it self directeth them to , as it doth direct princes to hold parliaments and dyets . in the multitude of councellours there is safety : even frequent converse keepeth up amity ▪ in absence slanderers are heard , and too oft believed : a little familiarity in presence confuteth many false reports of one another , which no distant defences would so satisfyingly confute . and among many we may hear that which of few we should not hear . how good and pleasant is it for brethren to dwel together in unity ? and the concord of christians greatly honoureth their holy profession , as discord becometh a scandal to the world . but all this , and the measures and sort of unity and concord which we may expect , and the true way to attain it ▪ i have fuller opened in a treatise entitled , the true and only t●rms of the concord of all christian churches . § . . when christians had no princes or magistrates on their side , they had no sufficient means of keeping up unity and concord for mutual help and strength , without meetings of pastors to carry on their common work by consent ▪ but their meetings were only with those that had nearness or neighbourhood ▪ and they did not put men to travel to synods out of other princes dominions , or from foreign lands , much less did they call any general councils out of all the christian churches in the world . but those that were capable of communion by proximity , and of helping one another , were thought enough to meet for such ends . § . . and indeed neither nature nor scripture obligeth us to turn such occasional helps into the forms of a state-policy , and to make a government of friendly consultations . and therefore though where it may be done without fear of degenerating into tyranny , known times of stated synods or meetings of pastors for concord are best , ( as once a month in lesser meetings , and once a quarter in greater , ) yet where there is danger of such degeneracy , it is better to hold them but pro re natâ , occasionally , at various seasons and places . § . . the lesser synods and correspondency of pastors before there were christian magistrates were managed much more humbly and harmlesly than the great ones afterward : because that men and their interest and motives differed . and even of later times , there have been few councils called general , that have been managed so blamelesly , or made so many profitable canons , as many provincial or smaller synods did . divers toletane councils , and many others in spain , england , and other countries have laboured well to promote piety and peace : as did the african synods , and many others of old . and such as these have been serviceable to the church . and the greater councils , though more turbulent have many of them done great good , against heresie and vice ; especially the first at nice : and nothing in this book is intended to cloud their worth and glory , or to extenuate any good which they have done : but i am thankful to god that gave his church so many worthy pastors , and made so much use as he did of many synods for the churches purity and peace . § . . but the true reason of this collection , and why i have besides good products , made so much mention of the errours and mischiefs that many councils have been guilty of , are these following . . the carnal and aspiring part of the clergy , do very ordinarily , under the equivocal names of bishops , confound the primitive episcopacy with the diocesane tyranny before described : and they make the ignorant believe , that all that is said in church-writers for episcopacy , is said for their diocesane species : and while they put down an hundred or a thousand bishops and churches of the primitive species , they make men believe that it is they that are for the old episcopacy , and we that are against it , and that it is we and not they that are against the church : while we are submissive to them as arch-bishops , if they would but leave parishes to be churches ( or great towns formerly called cities at least ) and make the discipline of all churches but a possible practicable thing . § . . ii. and to promote their ends , as these men are for the largest diocesses and turning a thousand churches into one only , so they are commonly for violent administration ; ruling by constraint , and either usurping the power of the sword themselves , or perswading and urging the magistrate to punish all that obey not their needless impositions , and reproaching or threatning ( at least ) the magistrates that will not be their executioners . and making themselves the church snuffers , ( or made without the churches consent ) their office is exercised in putting out the lights , sometimes hundreds of faithful ministers being silenced by their means in a little time . and they take the sword of discipline or power of the keys as the church used it years to be vain , unless prisons or mulcts enforce it . and to escape the primitive poverty , they overthrow the primitive church , form , and discipline , and tell men , all this is for the churches honour and peace . § . . yea all that like not their arrogances and grandure , they render odious as aerian hereticks or schismaticks , provoking men to hate and revile them , and magistrates to destroy them , as intolerable . and by making their own numerous canons and inventions necessary to ministry and church-communion , they will leave no place for true unity and peace , but tear the churches in pieces by the racks and engines of their brains and wills . § . . iii. yea worse than all this , there are some besides the french papists , who tell the world , that the vniversal church on earth is one visible political body , having a visible head or supreme vicarious government under christ , even a collective supreme , that hath universal legislative , iudicial and executive power . and they make this summa potestas constitutive of the church vniversal , and say that this is christs body out of which none have his spirit nor are church-members , and that there is no vnity or concord but in obeying this supreme visible power ; and that this is in general councils and in the intervals in a college of bishops successors of the apostles , ( i know not who or where , unless it be all the bishops as scattered over the earth ) and that they rule per literas formatas : ( as others say , it is the pope and roman clergy or cardinals . ) § . . and when our christianity , salvation , union and communion , yea , our lives , liberties and mutual forbearances , and love , is laid upon this very form of church-policy and prelacy , and christ is supposed to have such a church as is not in the world , even constituted with a visible vicarious collective soveraign , that must make laws for the whole christian world , it 's time to do our best to save men from this deceit . § . . i must confess , if i believed that the whole church had any head or soveraign under christ , i should rather take it to be the pope than any one , finding no other regardable competitor . he is uncapable of ruling at the antipodes and all the earth ; but a general council is much more uncapable , and so are the feigned college of pastors or bishops , ( none knoweth who . ) § . . iv. and a blind zeal against errour , called heresie , doth cry down the necessary love and toleration of many tolerable christians ; and some cry , down with them , and away with them that erre more themselves , and by their measures would leave but few christians endured by one another in the world : thus do they teach us to understand solomon , eccl. . . be not righteous and wise overmuch : so much are these men for vnity , that they will leave no place for much unity on earth . as if none should be tolerated but men of one stature , complexion , &c. § . . briefly , they do as one that would set up a family government , made up of many hundred or thousand families dissolved and turned into one , and ruled supremely by a council of the heads of such enlarged families , and then tell us , that this is not to alter the old species of families , but to make them greater that were before too small : keep but the same name , and a city is but a family still . and when they have done , they would have none endured , but cast out , imprisoned or banished , as seditious , that are for any smaller family than a city , ( or any lesser school than an university : ) and these city governours must in one convention rule all the kingdom , and in a greater all the world. § . . i shall therefore first tell you , what errour must not be tolerated , and then by an epitome of church-history , bishops and councils and popes , shew the ignorant so much of the matter of fact , as may tell them who have been the cause of church-corruptions , heresies , schisms and sedition , and how : and whether such diocesane prelacy and grandure be the cure , or ever was . and , if god will , in a second volume shall prove the sinfulness and novelty of that sort of prelacy , and answer the chief that have defended it . chap. ii. of heresies , and of the first councils . § . . the apostle iames saith , ch . . , . brethren , if any one of you do erre from the truth , and one convert him , let him know that he that converteth a sinner from the errour of his way , doth savea soul from death , and hide a multitude of sins . by which it is implyed , that errour tendeth unto death : but what errour is it ? is it all ? who then can be saved ? it is of great use to know , what errours are mortal , and what not . § . . there are errours that are no sins , and errours that are sins . those which are not voluntary either in themselves , or in their antecedent causes , are no sins : those which are not voluntary either by the act or by the omission of the will , are no sins . those which are unavoidable through a necessity which is not moral but natural , are no sin : as if infants , idiots , mad-men , erre in matters of which they are uncapable : or if any erre for want of any revelation of the truth . as if the papists did rightly charge those with errours whom they burnt for denying transubstantiation , yet it could be no sinful errour , because it is necessary and unavoidable . for the first discerning principle is sense : and if we are deceived while we judge that to be bread and wine , which all the sound senses of all men in the world perceive as such , we have no remedy . for whether sense be fallible or infallible , it is certain that we have no other faculties and organs to perceive immediately sensible things by . i can see by nothing but my eyes , nor hear any other way than by my ears . if they say , that we must believe that all mens senses are deceived when god telleth us so ? i answer , if we do not presuppose that by sense we must perceive things sensible , it is in vain to talk of gods telling us any thing , or of any of his revelations , or faith therein : for i know not but by sense , that there is a bible , or a man , or a voice or word , to be believed . and as humanity is presupposed to christianity , so is sense and reason to faith and the objects accordingly . and to say , that all mens sound senses about their due placed objects are fallible , is but to say , that no certainty can be had . § . . of those errours that are sins ; it is not all that are effectively mortal or damning sins : else no man could be saved . there is no man that hath not a multitude of errours , that hath any actual use of reason . § . . errours are of three sorts . . errours of iudgment ( to say nothing of sense and imagination . ) . of will ; . of life , or practice . the iudgment is to guide the will ; and the will is to command our practice . therefore those errours are least dangerous that least corrupt the will and practice , and those most dangerous that most corrupt them . but every errour contrary to any useful truth is bad , as it is a corruption of the judgment , tending to corrupt the will and practice . § . . . no errour is effectively damning which turneth not the heart or will in a predominant degree from the love of god to the love of the creature , from the love of heaven and holiness to the prevalent love of earth , and sinful pleasure , riches or honour therein ; from things spiritual to things carnal : for god hath prepared unconceivable glory for them that love him : the kingdom of god consisteth not in meats and drinks , but in righteousness , peace and joy in the holy ghost : and he that in these things serveth christ , doth please god , and is acceptable to ( good ) men , rom. . , . § . . . i think no errour is effectively damning which a man doth sincerely desire to be delivered from at any rate , and when he that hath it doth faithfully endeavour to come to the knowledge of the truth , in the use of such means as god vouchsafeth him : he that searcheth the scripture with a love to truth , and sincerely prayeth for gods illumination , and sincerely practiceth what he already knoweth , and is willing to hear what any man can say to his further information , god will hide nothing necessary to his salvation from such a man. for this is a work of such dispositive grace , as shall not be received in vain . § . . obj. but may not one that believeth not in god , or christ , or the life to come , say all this , that he desireth and endeavoureth to know the truth ? ans. . these things are so great , so evident , and so necessary , that they cannot be unknown to one that hath the gospel , who hath the foresaid sincere desires and endeavours . and as for them that have not the gospel , i have spoken to their case before . . god that giveth so much grace doth thereby signifie his willingness to give more . § . . obj. this intimateh that grace is given according to merits . ans. . not the first grace : but to him that hath ( and improveth it ) shall be given , and from him that hath not ( such improvement ) shall be taken away even that which he hath . . no grace or glory is given according to merits in point of commutative justice , as quid pro quo , as if it did profit god. but to him that asketh it shall be given . we must have a beggers merit : begging and thankful accepting ; and yet that also is of antecedent grace . § . . on the contrary , . all errour is damning which excludeth the life of faith , hope , love and sincere obedience : for these are of necessity to salvation : without holiness none shall see god , heb. . . the wisdom from above is first pure , and then peaceable , and must be shewn out of a good conversation by works with meekness of wisdom , iam. . , . he that loveth not god , heaven , and holiness , with a predominant love , ' doth damnably erre . § . . secondly , therefore all errour of judgment which effectively excludeth the belief of any of the essentials of godliness , or of christianity where the gospel is , is damning errour : because a mans will and life can be no better than his belief or judgment is . no man can love that god that he believeth not to be amiable , nor obey him whom he believeth not to be his governour ; nor seeks for a happiness which he believeth not ; and it is in the face of christ , a redeemer , and saviour of lost sinners , that gods amiableness suitably appeareth unto man : and it is by his word and holy spirit that christ reneweth souls . § . . and an ungodly carnal worldly man ( though he be a learned preacher of the truth ) is damnably erroneous , and hath really the sum of manifold heresies : . he erreth about the greatest and most necessary things : he taketh god to be less amiable than the creature , and heaven than earth , and holiness than the pleasure of sin. . his errour is practical and not only notional : . it excludeth the contrary truth , and is predominant ; so that what contrary truth he acknowledgeth , he doth not soundly , practically , and prevailingly believe . § . . were it not besides my present purpose i might manifest that every carnal ungodly man among us , . doth not truly believe any one article of the creed with a serious practical belief ; . nor doth he consent to the baptismal covenant ; . nor sincerely desire and put up one petition of the lords prayer , rightly understood ; . nor sincerely obey one of the ten commandements ; . nor can sincerely receive the sacrament of the lords supper ; nor , . is a sincere member of the holy catholick church , nor can sincerely hold communion with the saints : he is an hypocrite and damnably erroneous , even while he seemeth to be orthodox and pleadeth for the truth , and cryeth out against heresies and errours ; which he may easily and ordinarily do . § . . it hath still been one of satans effectual snares to deceive and damn ungodly men by , to hide their own practical errour and wickedness from their consciences , by seeming to be orthodox , and crying down errours and heresies in others : but alas , how unfit persons are they for such work ? and how dreadfully do they condemn themselves ? it is a pitiful thing to hear a man that is false to the very essence of his baptismal vow , to revile and prosecute a poor anabaptist ( though erroneous ) for holding that baptism should be delayed till years of discretion that it may be the better kept : or to hear a man that obeyeth not god himself , but his fleshly lust , to cry out against every dissenter , how conscionable soever , for not obeying the church in some questionable points : or to hear a man that sticketh not at any wickedness that maketh for his worldly ends or pleasure , to cry out against those that in fear of perjury or lying or other sinning against god , dare not take some oath , subscription , profession , or covenant which is imposed : as these notorious hypocrites who live quite contrary to the christian religion which they profess , do use to call those hypocrites that labour in all things to please god , if they do but mislike any thing in their lives . so also while they are drowned in damnable errour , they cry out against errour in those that practically hold all the essentials of christianity , and are certainly in the way of life , if they do differ in any thing from them , or are ignorant of any thing which they know . he that never puts up a sincere prayer to god for his grace , nay , that would not have it , to make him holy , and deprive him of his sinful pleasure , will yet call others erroneous and schismaticks , if they pray not by his book , or in all his circumstances ; while his heart and family are prayerless , and god's name ofter heard in oaths and curses than in prayer . § . . because bare opinion may consist with worldliness and fleshly lusts , therefore it hath long been the trick of the ungodly to seem zealous for the true church , and for right opinions , and to over do here to quiet their consciences in sin : and it hath been a snare to many conscionable people , to tempt them to suspect and dislike the truth , because ungodly men thus stand for it ; and to think it must be some bad thing which wicked men seem so zealous for : when as they do it but for a cover for their sin , as hypocrites and oppressors use long prayers , which would not serve their turn if there were not some good in it . § . . and yet errour is such a blinding thing , that it 's very usual even for grosly erroneous men , to cry out most fiercely against errour : for they know not themselves , and they are proud and self conceited , and oft by malignity apt to suspect and condemn others . what did the jews persecute the christians for ? for supposed heresie and errour : what did the heathens cast them to wild beasts and torments for ? for supposed impiety and errour : because they would not erre in their idolatry as they did . what hath disquieted and torn in pieces the christian world , but erroneous and worldly popes , patriarcks , and prelates inordinate out-crys against supposed errours ? for what have they silenced hundreds and thousands of faithful ministers of christ ? for errour . for what have they racked , tormented , burnt to ashes , and slain by the sword so many thousand , and hundred thousands ? o , it was for heresie or errour . and are not these men perfectly free from errour themselves , that have so great a zeal against it ? no , so grosly erroneous are they , that they deny credit to all mens senses , and know not bread and wine when they see , and touch , and taste it ; and would have all those destroyed that will not deny belief to sense as well as they : so erroneous are they , that they pretend a mortal man to be the church governour of all the earth ; so erroneous , that they think god well worshipped by praying in words not understood ; and dare deny half the sacrament of the lords supper to the people , which they confess that he instituted , and all the church did use ; so erroneous , that they think the flames of purgatory will help them the better to love that god that doth torment them . how foul and many are their errours that kill , and burn , and damn others as erroneous ? but s. iames hath told us , iam. . that the wisdom is not from above , but is earthly , sensual , and devillish , which hath an envious striving zeal ; and that if it work not by ●eakness of wisdom , and be not pure , peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without partiality and hypocrisie , sowing the fruit of righteousness in peace , by peace-making , but hath bitter contention , it is not of god , but bringeth confusion and every evil work . § . . the arians were cruel persecutors , on pretence of zeal against errour , as they accounted it : they banished godly pastors ; they killed them , they cut out the preachers tongues ; they reproached them . the emperours valens and constantius were more fierce than the arian goths themselves . macedonius that denyed the deity of the holy ghost , was a great pretender to orthodoxness , and a great decryer and persecuter of others , as erroneous and hereticks . nestorius ( though somewhat worse judged of by cyril than he deserved ) was justly condemned , were it but for his heat and fierceness against others : he fell presently upon the novatians and other parties , and began with this overdoing zeal at his entrance , o emperour , give me a church without heresie , and i will give-thee victory over the persians : that is , destroy all these dissenting parties and god will prosper thee : and very quickly was he deposed , condemned , and at last banished even to misery and death as an heretick ( whether justly or no i shall say more anon . ) the eutychians were as great zealots against errour and heresie as any of the rest : they took cyril for their captain whom theodoret and isydore pelusiota that knew him , describe as heynously proud and turbulent , and socrates as the first bishop that himself used the sword. dioscorus raged at the second council of ephesus against dissenters , and all in zeal against nestorian heresie . but what dreadful work his eutychian party and successors made , i have elsewhere shewed : and all as against heresie . the anthropomorphite zealous egyptian monks thought it was errour ●nd heresie which they so furiously opposed , when they forced theophilus alexand to dissemble to save his life . it was zeal against origens heresie and errour which set epiphanius and theophilus alexand. upon their irregular and inhumane opposition to chrysostome . what abundance of gross errours doth philastrius vend while he thinks that he reciteth other mens errours : i have given a catalogue of them elsewhere . besides the inconsiderable errours which he calleth heresies . it was zeal against the arian heresie which made lucifer calaritanus occasion the schism between two bishops at antioch , and after become the head of a separating party , because he would not receive the returning arians into communion as others did . and it was zeal against heresie that made others for this account him a heretick , and call his followers luciferians . it was zeal against errour which made both the novatians and the donatists run into errour , and keep up their parties as more pure from the crimes of idolaters , traditors , libellaticks , and other criminals . sulpitius severus describeth ithacius as a man that cared not what he said or did , and the rest of the synod of bishops about him as unfit to be communicated with ; that would bring christianity it self into reproach by their furious opposition to hereticks : and who would have thought but these bishops had been very good men themselves , that were so zealous against the priscillianists , as to procure the death of some , and the banishment of others , and bring martin himself , and other strict abstemious people into the suspicion of priscillianism ? it was a zeal for christ , and against supposed errour , which raised the doleful contention about the corruptibility of christ's body ; one party calling the others phantasiasticks , and the other calling them corrupticolae ; into which errour the emperour iustinian himself did lapse and become a zealous heretick , as the orthodox party called him . and even s. hilary pictav . l. . de trinit . seemeth not free , when , p. . he saith [ in quem quamvis aut ictus incideret , aut vulnus descenderet , aut nodi concurrerent , aut suspensio elevaret , afferrent quidem haec impetum passionis , non tamen dolorem passionis inferrent , ut telum aliquod aut aquam perforans , aut ignem compungens , aut aera vulnerans : omnes quidem has passiones naturae suae infert , ut perforet , ut compungat , ut vulneret ; sed naturam suam haec passio illata non retinet ; dum in naturâ non est vel aquam forari , vel pungi ignem , vel ●ra vulnerari , quamvis natura teli sit vulnerare & compungere & forare : passus quidem dominus iesus christus dum caeditur , dum suspenditur , dum crucifigitur , dum moritur ; sed in corpus domini irruens passio , nec non fuit passio , nec tamen naturam passionis exercuit : cum & poenali ministerio illa desaevit , & virtus corporis sine sensu poenae vi●● poenae in se desaevientis excepit . ] yet it was against heresie that the good father defended this ( worse than many of philastrius , yea or epiphanius ' s heresies . ) pag. . saith he , metum domino haeresis ascribit : — timuisse tibi , o haeretice , dominus gloriae passionem videtur — pag. . non vis , impie haeretice , ut transeunte palmas clave christus non doluerit , neque vulnus illud nullam acerbitatem teli compungentis intulerit . interrogo , cur pueri ignes non timuerint nec doluerint — so p. , . you see how little heed is to be given oft to good mens outcries against heresie : he spake much better , ibid. pag. . in simplicitate fides est ; in fide justitia est ; in confessione pietas est : non per difficiles nos deus ad beatam vitam quaestiones vocat ; nec multiplici eloquentis facundiae genere solicitat . in absoluto nobis ac facili est aeternitas , iesum suscitatum à mortuis per deum credere , & ipsum esse dominum confiteri . ] and lib. . p. . initio [ non enim ambiguis nos & erraticis indefinitae doctrinae studiis dereliquit , vel incertis opinionibus ingenia humana permisit , statutis per se & oppositis obicibus in libertatem intelligentiae voluntatisque concludens , ut sapere non nisi ad id tantum quod praedicatum à se fuerat , nos sineret , cùm p●r definitam fidei indemutabilis constitutionem , credi aliter atque aliter non lic●ret . ] § . . and it is not only particular persons , but many general councils , that have erred and persecuted others ; as if all the while they were but cleansing the church of the most odious heresies . the many councils of the arians i may after touch upon , viz. at tyre , ariminum , syrmium , &c. i will before its time here mention that of sardica : what horrid heresies and villanies do they lay to the charge ( not only of marcellus , but ) of athanasius , of paulus constant. of iulius bishop of rome , of prothogenes , and others , whom they excommunicate as if they had been the very plagues of the earth ? see the copies of their epistle in hilary pict . fragments , p. , &c. § . . and because papal approbation is made by the papists the mark of an unerring and infallible council , note that even the arian council of syrmium was expresly approved by pope liberius in his exile , as you may see in hilary , ibid. p. , . saying , [ itaque amoto athanasio à communione omnium nostrûm , cujus nec epistolia à me suscipienda sunt , dico me parem cum omnibus vobis , & cum vniversis episcopis orientalibus , seu per universas provincias pacem & unitatem habere : nam ut verius sciatis me verâ fide per hanc epistolam ea loqui , dominus & frater me●s communis demo●ilus , qui dignatus est pro suâ benevolentiâ fidem & catholicam exponere quae syrmium à pluribus fratribus & co-episcopis nostris tractata , exposita , & suscepta est , ab omnibus qui in praesenti fuerunt , hanc ego libenti animo suscep● ▪ in nullo contradixi ; consensum accommodavi , hanc sequor , haec à me tenetur ; sane petendum credidi sanctitatem vestram , quiae tam pervidetis in omnibus me vobis consentaneum esse , dignemini communi auxilio ac studio laborare , qu●tenus de exilio dimittar , & ad sedem , quae mihi divinitus credita est , revertar . ] in reciting of which hilary thrice saith [ anathema tibi , liberi praevaricator ] — if they say that liberius did this in his exile through fear or suffering , i answer , his sufferings were small ; and hilary annexeth another of his epistles to the arian bishops , in which he sweareth or calleth god himself to witness , that it is not for his sufferings which are not great , but for the peace of the church , of which he knew those bishops to be lovers , and which is better than martyrdom , that he did what he did . § . . i. before these there were many provincial councils called to decide the controversie of the time of easter ; and as that at rome , in palestine , pontius , and one in france went one way ; so that of asia , under polycrates ephes. went another way , professing to stick therein to the gospel , and the tradition of their fathers : for which victor would needs excommunicate them , which irenaeus sharply reprehendeth . it s worth the noting , that as the wrong party pleaded tradition , so the right party pleaded reason and scripture , as you may see in beda's fragment of the palestine council , sub theoph. caesar. bin t. . p. . and that the main argument used was the divine benediction of the lords day : which they may note , that question the ancient observation of that day . § . . ii. the next council recorded ( bin. p. . ) is one at carthage , under agrippinus , which decreed the re-baptizing of those that were baptized by hereticks : for which they are commonly now condemned . § . . and binnius noteth that they had this from their countryman tertullian , whose zeal against hereticks was so hot , that he would have nothing , no not baptism , common with them ; so baron . an . . n , , , . & an . . n. , . yet is this man now numbred with hereticks . § . . iii. the concilium labesitanum is the next in order , where one privatus was condemned for an heretick ( mentioned by cyprian , epist. . ) but , saith binnius , what his heresie was is not known nor mentioned . § . . iv. next we have an arabian council , in which the errour of the souls mortality ( allowing it only to rise again with the body at the resurrection ) was excellently oppugned and expugned by origen ; but it was by that origen who himself is called a blasphemous heretick . § . . v. the next mentioned council ( bin. p. . ) was at rome , about the restoring of the lapsed upon cyprian's motion . a business that made no small dissention , while lucianus and some others made the church-door too wide , and novatus , and novatianus made it too narrow , and cyprian and the roman clergy went a middle way : bitter and grievous were the censures of each other , and long and sad the schisms that did ensue , the rigour of the novatians being increased by their offence at other mens sinful latitude and tepidity . § . . by the way it is worth the considering by some papists , who make both a bishop essential to a church , and a pope to the church-universal , and deny church-government to presbyters , that this council is said to be called by the roman clergy ( the presbyters and deacons ) when the church had been a year or two without a bishop ( through the sharp persecution of decius upon fabian's death ) . and it is to the roman clergy ( presbyters and deacons ) that cyprian at this time wrote divers of his epistles , as they wrote to him ; insomuch that binnius sticketh not to say , that in this interregnum the roman clergy had the care or charge of the vniversal church . quaer . how far their government , even of bishops ( whom they assembled in this council ) was canonical or valid ? § . . vi. after this there was another council at carthage , and two at rome , and one in italy , and another at carthage , about the same controversie ; where it was determined that the lapsed should be received to repentance , and after a sufficient space of penance , should communicate , but not sooner : and that the bishops that lapsed should be uncapable of episcopacy and communicate only with the laity upon their penance : yet cyprian in time of a renewed persecution thought meet to relax this , and take in the penitent presently , lest they should be discouraged under suffering . but foelicissimus one of his deacons made himself the head of a faction , by taking men in by his own authority too soon , and novatus and novatian , as is said , being against their taking into communion at all , the councils excommunicated them all as schismaticks . where note , that novatus an african priest , that went to rome and got novatian ordained bishop , did not deny them pardon of sin with god , but only church-communion . . nor did he deny this to other great sinners repenting , but only to those that lapsed to idolatry or denying christ. but the novatians long after extended it to other heynous crimes , as upon supposed parity of reason . § . . vii . next this we have cyprians african council in which ( after the censuring of some that reproached a pastor ) they condemn a dead man called victor , because by his will he left one faustinus a presbyter the guardian of his sons , which the canons had forbidden , because no ministers of god should be called from their sacred work to meddle with secular things : therefore they decree that victors name shall not be mentioned among the dead in deprecation , nor any oblation made for his rest. ( non est quod pro dormitione ejus apud vos fiat oblatio , aut deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in ecelesiâ frequentetur . ) the case of the clergy is much altered since then ; and whether the penalty had more of piety , as to the end , or errour in the rigor , and the matter ( as if it were a punishment to the dead , not to be offered for , or prayed for ) i leave to further consideration , cypr. li. . epist. . § . . viii . the next council we meet with is concil . iconiense an . . where the bishops of cappadocia , cilicia , galatia , and other oriental provinces at iconium in phrygia , decreed that the baptisms of hereticks , their ordinations , imposition of hands , and other sacred actions were invalid . for which , saith baronius an . . n. , , . pope st●phen excommunicated all these oriental bishops , and reprobated the council , and would not receive or hear their legates : of which firmilianus caesar. cappad . writeth to cyprian against him . § . . ix . at the same time , euseb. lib. . c. . tells us , there was also a synod at synadis , yea , divers in other places , that all decreed the same thing , for rebaptizing those that were baptized by hereticks ; and that this had been the bishops opinion of so long time before , that eusebius durst not condemn it . vid. baron . anno . n. . but it is now commonly condemned . § . . x. if they had confined their opinion of rebaptizing to such hereticks as are strictly so called , that renounce any essential article of the faith , they might have made the controversie hard ; but as hereticating increased , so their own difficulties increased . and now the novatians were pronounced hereticks , it grew a hard question , whether all that the novatians had baptized must be rebaptized . and for this an african council , anno . concluded affirmatively : because all that are baptized are baptized into the church : but hereticks are not in the church , and so baptize not into the church : therefore such must be rebaptized . cyprian and many very godly bishops consented in this errour . § . . xi . to try this business further , cyprian gathered another council of above bishops out of a●rick and numidia , and all were desired to declare what was the tradition of their fathers ; and they all agreed that according to scripture , and tradition , the baptism of hereticks was a nullity , and it was no rebaptization to baptize such as they baptized : ( see here what strength is in the papists argument of tradition in such cases . ) but this council and their doctrine pope stephen condemned : but they never the more altered their judgments , not believing his infallibity or power to judge between them in such matters of faith. in this council is set down every bishops reason of his judgment . § . . xii . when pope stephen had condemned these bishops , cyprian calleth yet a greater council of bishops , who confirmed the same doctrine , and rejected the popes opinion and his arrogancies , that would make himself to be a bishop of bishops , and by tyrannical terrour and abuse of excommunication , force others to his opinion . and with the africans in this judgment joyned firmilian , with asian bishops , and saith binnius , dionysius alexandrinus also . § . . but i must here tell the reader , that i mention not these instances to breed ill thoughts in him of these african and numidian bishops : for as far as i can discern by their writings and by history , they were the godliest , faithful , peaceable company of bishops that were found in any part of the world since the apostles times : cyprian's style and the testimony of all just history which concerneth him , as well as his martyrdome , declare him to be a saint indeed . ( nazianzen declareth the strange occasion of his conversion ; viz. that he loved or lusted after a christian virgin , and when he could not obtain his will , being given to magick , he agreed with the devil to procure his desire ; but when he saw that the devil confest himself unable to do it , and so that he was too weak for christ , he forsook the devil and turned christian : ) the papists ( binnius , baronius , &c. ) conjecture that cyprian before his death reformed this errour , but their conjecture meerly tells us what they wish , without any reason , but that he dyed a martyr and his successours honoured him . as if none might so die and be honoured that had any errour , which no man living is without . . and this may be said to excuse their errour . . that the strictest men oftner erre on the stricter side against sin , than the complying carnal clergy . . that they thought it the safer way to baptize such again , ( on the same reason as we do in case of uncertain baptisme , with a si non baptizatus es , baptizo te ; ) not knowing why there should be any danger in the mistake : much like as in england now , the bishops are for the re-ordaining of all such as were ordained by others that were not diocesanes , and yet do not call it re-ordaining . . that in those times of heathenisme and persecution , the christians had no way to maintain their strength but by the churches concord ; nor could they otherwise have kept up so strict a discipline as they did , having no forcing power of christian●magistrates : therefore they were necessitated to be severe with dividers . . and the ambiguity of the word [ heresie ] was not the least occasion of their errour . the nicene council afterward rebaptized such as those hereticks baptized , who corrupted the substance of baptisme it self , but not others . and christians at first had more wit and charity than to call every errour a heresie , ( else there had been none but hereticks : ) such as denyed some essential point of faith or practice , and drew a party to maintain it , were called hereticks in the former times ; but afterward every schism or party that gathered by themselves , and set up altare contra altare upon the smallest difference , was called a heresie . and so the same name applyed to another thing , deceived them . the bishops were men of eminent piety and worth . § . . xiii . anno . they say there was a council at rome to clear dionysius alexand. of the imputation of heresie , occasioned by some doubtful words which he wrote against sabellius . § . . xiv . anno . they say there was another at antioch against their bishop paulus samosatenus , a gross heretick : but he renounced his errour in words , and for that time kept his place . § . . xv. paulus returning to his heresie and a bad life , anno . another council at antio●h deposed him ; but he would not go out of the bishops house , and the emperour aurelian a heathen put him out . § . . xvi . anno . the next council was at cirta in numidia , secundus tigisitanus being chief and calling them . here secundus accused the bishops one by one as traditors ( delivering the sacred books to be burnt in persecution to save themselves , which was then judged perfidiousness . ) the bishops partly excused , partly confessed it , and asked pardon ; till at last secundus ready to judge them , accused a bishop purpurius of murdering his own sisters sons : who told him that he should not think to terrifie him as he had done the rest ; he had killed , and would kill those that make against him ; and asked him whether he had not been a traditor himself , and beginning to evince it , bid him not provoke him to tell the rest : whereupon secundus his nephew told his unkle , you see that he is ready to depart and make a schism , and not he only but all the rest , and you hear what they say against you : and then they will joyn and pass sentence on you , and so you will remain the only heretick ( hereticating went then by the vote ) secu●dus was nonplust , and askt two others , what it was best to do ? and they agreed to leave them all to god , and so the bishops kept their places . augustin . cont . crescon . l. . c. , . § . . xvii . next they deliver us consilium sinuessanum , whether true or forged is too hard a controversie . it was of three hundred bishops ( how big were their diocesses think you above our parishes ? ) who all came secretly together to a town now unknown , and met in a gave that would hold but at a time , for fear of persecution : the business was to convict pope mare●llinus of idolatry ▪ for offering sacrifice to hercules , iupiter , and saturn : which he confessed . § . . xviii . anno . was held a council of bishops at illiberis in spain : where many good things were agreed on : but not only to the idolat●o● ▪ l●psed , but to other heinous crimes they denyed communion to the death , notwithstanding repentance . and that these b●shops should be orthodox , and yet the novatians hereticks , it is not easi● to give a reason of . their distinction of penance , sacrament , and communion , will not well perform it . therefore melch. canus chargeth them with errour lib. . c. . and bella●mine much more , lib. . de imag. c. . that it is concilium non confirmatum , frequenter errâsse , &c. a bishop , priest or deacon in office , that hath committed fornication , was not to have communion , no not at death : and divers others . no bishop was to receive any gift from any one that did not communicate . it poseth the papists themselves to expound can. . cereos per diem placuit i● coemiterio n●n incendi : inquietandi enim sanctorum spiritus non sunt : binnius will have it to be the spirits of the living saints , that are not to be disquieted with trouble about lights set up by day . but i wish that be the meaning . but the can. more troubleth them , placuit picturas in ecclesia esse non debere , nè quod colitur aut adoratur , in parietibus depingatur . can. . a lay-man , in case of necessity , is enabled to baptize . can. . gentiles unbaptized may be made christians at last , by imposition of hands . can. . if a clergy-man's wife play the whore , and he do not presently cast her out , he must not be received to the communion to the last . can. . if a christian turn accuser ( delator ) and upon his accusation any one be banished or put to death , he is not to be received to communion , no not at last . can. . nor he that falsly accuseth a bishop , presbyter , or deacon , and cannot prove it . can. . he that playeth at dice , or tables , was to be kept from the communion . many other canons savour , some of piety , and some of the novatians . thirty six presbyters sate with these nineteen bishops . pope innocent approved these almost novatian canons , and binnius excuseth them , p. . § . . xix . anno . a council at carthage of about bishops began the schism of the donatists , contending who should have the bishoprick of carthage : one party had chosen caecilianus to succeed mensurius ; the other party accusing him as being a traditor , and ordained by foelix a traditor , and had forbidden bringing food to the martyrs in prison , they ordained one majorinus bishop in his stead : caecilianus had the countenance of the bishop of rome , and stood it out , and kept the place : hereupon the church being divided , the division run through all africk , and numidia , while the accusing party renounced communion with caecilianus ; so that for many years after ( two hundred at least ) they did with plausible pretence claim the title of catholicks , though they were after called donatists ( from donatus a very good bishop of carthage heretofore , whom they praised , and not from donatus à casis nigris , as some think . ) secundus tigisitanus primate of numidia , furthers the breach , and the ordination of majorinus fixed it . thus the doleful tragedy of the donatists began by bishops divided about a carthage●bishop ●bishop . § . . xx. anno . another council was held at carthage , where no less than donatist bishops , for moderation , agreed to communicate with penitent traditors , without rebaptizing them , and so did for years . § . . xxi . anno . the schism continuing , the donatists cleaving to majorinus , appealed against caecilianus to constantine ( now emperour . ) he first appointeth three french bishops to judge the cause , but after bishops ( called a roman council ) met at rome to hear both parties : where melchiades and the rest acquitted caecilianus , and condemned donatus à casis nigris ( a promoter of the donatists cause ) as guilty of schism . but the donatists accusing melchiades also as a traditor , the schism was never the more ended : a motion was made that both the bishops should remove ( caecilianus and majorinus ) to end the schisme ; but the donatist bishops were so very many in number , that they thought they were to be called the church , and the caecilianists the schismaticks , and therefore would not so agree . thus bishops about bishopricks set all the country on a flame . § . . xxii . next constantine would hear the cause of these contending bishops at a council at arles in france , ( before bishops at least ) where caecilianus was again acquitted , and the donatist bishops cast , by the witness of their scribe ingentius , who ( being racked ) confessed that he was hired to give false witness in the case . several good canons were here made for church-order . § . . i have heard many popish persons liken the separatists among us to the donatists : but so unlike them are they , that , . the said separatists are against all episcopacy , but the donatists were bishops , and contended for the highest places of prelacy . . the separatists are confessedly a minor part departing from the major part. but the donatists were the major part of the bishops casting out the minor part as delinquents . the truth is , in those times the bishops being usually in contention and church-wars among themselves , ( especially when constantine had given them peace and prosperity , ) the strife was , who should get the better , and have their will : . sometime the strife was about opinions , who was in the right , and to be called orthodox , and who was to be accounted the heretick . . the other part quarrel who should be the bishop , or who should have the highest places . . and the next quarrel was whose side should carry it in setting up any bishops , or in judging and deposing them , and who should have their heads or friends brought in . and the way to get the better , was , . at the first , by the majority of the peoples votes in chusing bishops , and of the bishops in deposing them . . but after , most went in chusing and deposing by the majority of the bishops votes in the greater seats , ( the peoples consent still required , ) at least if a council did interpose . . and at last , it went by the favour or displeasure of the court ; either the emperour , or the empress , or some great officers . the african bishops it seems were far the greatest number against caecilian , ( when met at one council , and m●lchiades council at rome had but , and that at illiberis , and that at ancyra bishops . ) therefore the bishops thought that majority of number gave them right to the title of catholick● , that those dissenter● must be called hereticks , as was too usual . and seeing they lived in the country where many councils under agrippinus and cyprian , and firmilian , had voted that hereticks were not of the church , and those that they had baptized , were to be rebaptized ; they thought that they did but keep up this tradition ; and so they said that they were all the church of africa , and that the cecilians were hereticks and separatists from the church , and that all that they baptized were to be rebaptized , as was formerly held . so that indeed the donatists did but as the papists , and their worldly clergy still have done , who take the advantage of a majority to call themselves the church and catholiks , and to call the dissenters schismaticks and hereticks , save that they added cyprian's rebaptizing . and when it was for their advantage they communicated years with traditors ; but when the power of the court and the bish. of rome bore them down , they kept up their party by pretended strictness , and reproaching the others as a sect , and as heretical and persecuters of the church . so that it was the multitudes and councils of the prelates that set up donatism . § . . xxiii . the next was an . . at ancyra in galatia of eighteen bishops , who met to determine how many years the lapsed should repent ( or do penance ) before they were admitted to communion . can. . forbad those , that were ordained bishops to any people and were not accepted by the parish to which they were ordained , to thrust themselves on other parishes , or raise sedition , but allowed them to continue presbyters . can. . wilful murderers were to communicate at last only . § . . xxiv . the churches having now peace under constantine a council of bishops that had been before most at ancyra met at neocesarea ; but the small number did better work than many greater councils did , making some good canons against adultery and fornication ; though the th can. that forbids priests to dine at the second marriages of any , because such must repent , be of doubtful sense and truth : the first can. is against priests marrying and fornication . the last , that the number of deacons must be just seven , be the city never so big . § . . xxv . next a roman council is mentioned by binnius p. . for a conference with iews before constantine , but he saith the acts that now are extant are full of falsehoods . § . . xxvi . an. . they place us a council at alexandria in which alexander , with many bishops , condemned eusebius nicomed ▪ with arius and that the rest adhered to them , especially as holding that christ was not eternal , but was a creature that had a beginning , and that the wisdom and word of god was not the son , but made the son. § . . xxvii . another council at alexand. they tell us of , against the arians , and the meletian schismaticks : but the acts are not known . to this is annexed an epistle of constantine to alexander and arius , recorded by euseb. c●sar in vitâ constant. in which constantine chideth them both for their contention , and seemeth to take the question for unsearchable and to be disputed , saying , i understand that the foundation of the controversie was hence laid , that thou alexander didst ask questions of the presbyters about a certain text of scripture ; yea , about a certain idle particle of a question ●idst enquire , what every one of them thought ? and thou arius didst inconsiderately blurt out that which thou hadst not before thought of , or if thou hadst thought of it , thou oughtest to have past by in silence : whence discord was stir'd up among you , and the meeting hindered which is wont to be made in the church , and the most holy people distracted into several parts , is divided from the compagination of the whole body of the church . therefore both of you , forgiving one another , approve of that which your fellow-servant doth not without cause exhort you to : and what is that ? that to such questions you neither ask , nor answer , if asked : for such questions as no law or ecclesiastick canon doth necessarily prescribe , but the vain strife of dissolute idleness doth propose , though they may serve to exercise acuteness of wit , yet we ought to contemn them in the inner thought of the mind , and neither rashly to bring them out into the publick assemblies of the people , nor unadvisedly to trust them to the ears of the vulgar . for how few are they that can accurately enough perceive the force of things so weighty , and so involved in obscurity ? but if there be some one that is confident that he can easily do and reach this , yet i pray you , how small a part of the multitude is it , that he can make to understand him ? or who is there , that in the curious search of such questions , is not in danger of a fall ? the rest is well worth the reading , as to the common case of theological controversies , though it seems that constantine made too light of the arian errour . but i dare not be so injurious to eusebius as to question whether he faithfully recited the epistle , when binnius himself backs his doubt with a dicere non auderem : and if we give away the credit of that one historian , it will leave much of church-history under doubt , that now goeth for certain : perhaps peters being ever at rome , &c. § . . xxix . the next mentioned is the council of laodicea in phrygia paccat , ( not syria ) of bishops , gathered by nunechius a bishop of phrygia . they were so few that without contention they made divers good canons : the canon requireth that the baptized should learn the creed , and on the friday of the last week repeat it to the bishop or presbyters . ( by which you may conjecture how large a bishoprick then was . ) and can. . the presbyters were not to go into the church before the bishop , but with him . ( for then every church had a bishop , though some chapels far off had presbyters only . ) and can. . it is ordered , that bishops should not be ordained in small villages and hamlets , but visitors should be appointed them . but such ( bishops ) as had been heretofore there ordained , should do nothing without the conscience of the city-bishop . which sheweth that before bishops were made in villages ; as socrates saith then they were in arabia , and the phrygian novatian● , &c. the last can. reciteth the same canonical scriptures that we receive , save the apocalyps ▪ which is left out . § . . xxix . next we have a great roman council of bishops , saith crab , under sylvester , which hath canons : the last saith , that no bishop shall ordain any , but with all the church united . but whether this was before or after the nicene council , is uncertain . and another he mentioneth under sylvester at rome , which binnius hath , where constantine baptized of sylvester was present and bishops . ( whether it be true or a fiction is uncertain . ) but if true , it was a very humble council : for they all professed only patience , renounced giving their judgment at all , but only heard what sylvester would say , professing none fit to judge but he . but they all with presbyters and deacons subscribed what he said ( if true . ) what he said i do not well understand , supposing much of it to be scarce sense : i am sure it is far from cicero's latine . bishops came , ex vrbe româ vel non longè ab illâ , out of the city of rome , or not far from it : ( how big were their diocesses ? ) here , cap. . three men are cursed , ( anathematized : ) one was a bishop , victorinus , that being ignorant of the course of the moon , contradicted the right time of easter . it 's well the makers and approvers of our imposed english liturgy fell not under sylvester's severity , who have ( alas , mistakingly ) told us , that [ easter-day , on which the rest depend , is always the first sunday after the first full moon , which happens next after the one and twentieth day of march : and if the full moon happen on a sunday , easter - day is the sunday after . ] this is one of the things that about ministers are silenced , for not declaring assent , consent and approbation of ; yea to the use of it , and so to keep easter at a wrong time . but how sylvester came to have power to say all , and to banish men , and constantine sit by and say nothing , i know not : dedit eis anathema & damnavit eos extra urbes suas . cap. . he decreed , that no presbyter shall accuse a bishop , no deacon a presbyter , &c. and no layman , any of them : and that no prelate shall be condemned but in testimonies , nor the chief prelate be judged of any one , because it is written , the disciple is not above his master . and no presbyter shall be condemned but in testimonies ; no cardinal deacon but in , &c. and what may they not then do or be ? cap. . he decreed clarâ voce , tha● no presbyter should make chrisme , because christ is so called of chrisme . the . cap. is , nemo det poenitentiam , nisi quadraginta annorum petenti : let no man give repentance ( or penance ) but to one that seeketh forty years . cap. . let no man receive the witness of a clergy-man against a lay-man . cap. . for no man may examine a clergy-man but in the church . cap. . let no clerk , deacon , or presbyter , for any cause of his enter into any court , because omnis curia à cruore dicitur , every court is so called from blood , and is an offering to images ; for if any clergy-man enter into a court , let him take his anathema , never returning to his mother the church . cap. . let no man put a sunning clergy-man to death , no presbyter , no deacon , no bishop , that is over a clerk or servitor of the church , may bring him to death . but if the clergy man's cause so require , let him be three days deprived of honour , that he may return to his mother-church . cap. . no deacon may offer against a priest a charge of filthiness . cap. . no man shall judge of the prime seat ; because all seats desire justice to be tempered of the first seat . the subscribers were bishops ( what did the other ? ) priests , and deacons , and the two following , and constantine and his mother helena . o brave pope and clergy ! o patient council that subscribed to one man , and pretended to no judgment ! o humble constantine , that subscribed to all this , and said nothing ! and a womans subscription perfecteth all . and o credulous reader that believeth this ! chap. iii. the council of nice , and some following it . § . . xxx . we come now to the first general council : general only as to the roman world or empire , as the history and subscriptions prove , and not as to the whole world , as the papists with notorious impudence affirm : which i have elsewhere fully proved . this council was called , as is probably gathered , anno ▪ in the th year of constantine ( though others assign other years . ) that they were congregate about the arian heresie and the eastern controversie is commonly known : as also what wisdom and diligence constantine used to keep the bishops in peace : who presently brought in their libels of accusations against each other ; which he took and burnt without reading them , earnestly exhorting them to peace , and by his presence and prudent speech repressing their heats and contentions ; whereby the synod was brought to a happy end as to both the controverted causes : and eusebius nicomed ▪ and arius were brought to counterfeit repentance and consent to the nicene faith ; which constantine perceiving , being set upon the healing of the divided bishops and churches , he commanded that arius should ( as reformed ) be received to communion ; which athanasius refusing caused much calamity afterward . § . . because the case of the meletians is brought in by this council , i think it useful ( for our warning in these times ) to recite the sum of their story out of epiphanius , p. , &c. haer. . meletius ( saith he ) was a bishop in th●bais in egypt , of sincere faith even to the death . in diocletians persecution , peter bishop of alexandria , and he , were the chief of the bishops that were laid in prison , as designed to martyrdom ; while they were there long together with many fellow-prisoners , many called to tryal before them were put to death , and many for fear subscribed to idolatry , or denyed christ : and when they had done , professed repentance and craved peace of the church : as it had been in novatus his schismes , so it fell out here ; peter bishop of alexan. was for peace and pardon ; meletius and most of the other suffering prisoners were against it , and said , if they may thus revolt to save themselves , and be presently pardoned , it will tempt others to revolt : peter seeing his opinion was rejected , rashly took his cloak and hang'd it like a curtain over the midst of the prison-room , and said , those that are for me , come to me on this side , and those that are for meletius go on that side to him : whereupon far most of the bishops , priests , monks , and people that were in prison went to meletius , and but few to peter . ( a ●ouler rupture than that of the english fugitives at frankford . ) this unhappy word and hour began the misery , among good men , expecting death : from that hour they keep all their meetings separate . shortly after peter was martyred , and meletius was judged to the mines : as he went thither through the country , he every where made new bishops and gathered new churches , so that there were two in the several cities : those old ones that followed peter called their meeting , the catholick church ; the other called theirs , the martyrs church : but yet they held a unity of faith. even the sufferers that laboured in the mines divided , and did not pray together . at last meletius and the rest were restored unto peace , and at alexandria , alexander and he lived in familiarity , and meletius was he that detected arius and brought him to alexander to be tryed . but when meletius was dead , alexander grew impatient at the private separate meetings of his followers , and troubled them , and vexed them , and began to use violence against them , and would not have them depart from his church : they refused still , and this bred stirs and tumults . alexander persecuting them , and following them yet more sharply , they sent some men , eminent for piety and parts , to the emperours court , to petition for liberty for their private meetings , without impediment . of these paphnutius and iohn their bishop , and callinitus bishop of pellusium were chief : who when they came to court , being named meletians , the courtiers rejected them and drove them away , and they could not get access to the emperour . on this occasion being put to wait long at constantinople and nicomedia , they fell into acquaintance with euschius , bishop of nicomedia , the head of the arians , who pretending repentance was become great with the emperour , who was all for the clergies peace and concord . to eusebius they open all the matter : he craftily took the advantage of their suffering and long waiting , and promised his help , on condition they would but communicate with arius , who seigned repentance . the temptation over came them , and they yield ; they that had gathered separate churches , because they would not communicate with the repenting lapsed ( to idolatry ; ) yet yielded to communicate with arius , that they might be delivered from the persecution of a godly bishop , and keep their meetings . they are brought to constantine , who being all for peace , though against schism , grants them the freedom of their meetings ; and thus joyning with the arians for the liberty of their assemblies , this became the greatest support to the arians , without which ( saith epiphanius ) they could not have stood . ( so much doth bishops tyranny or severity cross its own ends , and destroy the concord which they think by such tearing means to force ; and so hard is it for men that could suffer martyrdome from heathens , innocently to bear the persecution of their brethren , and so greatly doth it tempt them to use unwarrantable means for their preservation : just as if the non-conformists at this time should seek , by the favour of the papists , to be delivered from the silencing and destroying prelates , upon condition of a common liberty : the cases are not much unlike . ) neque enim ( saith epiphanius ) consistere arius , dut fiduciam ullam habere potuisset , nisi eam esset occasioncm nactus , quae pessimam inter illos ad hodiernum usque diem concordiam devinxit . ( but o , father epiphanius , why took you not warning by this , when you un-bishop-like and un-canonically set your self against holy chrysostome ? ) alexander being dead , and athanasius shortly succeeding him , he could not bear the meletian churches in his city : and after fair means he used foul : and going himself to look after such meetings , with his retinue , one of his deacons in the meletian meetings broke a certain vessel , which occasioned some chiding and fighting , which occasioned accusations of the meletians , and calumniations of the arians against athanasius as a man of violence and tyranny ; which constantine abhorring in a bishop , and euseb. nicomed . representing the matter as worse than it was , the emperour ( having granted the meletians liberty for their meetings , which athanasius violently denyed them ) in great anger commanded a synod to be held at tyre to examine the matter , and eusebius caesariens . with some others to preside or order it : where potamo bishop of heraclea seeing fus●bius caes. sit as judge and athanasius stand , with passion and tears inveyed against eusebius , saying , who can endure to see thee , eusebius , sit and judge innocent athanasius ? were not thou and i in prison together in time of persecution , and when i lost an eye for the truth , thou camest out unmaimed ? and how came that to pass , if thou didst not promise some wicked deed or other to the persecutors , or do some ? eusebius hearing this , suddenly rose and dismissed the council , saying , if you dare carry it thus here , your adversaries accusations are to be believed : for if you play the tyrants here , you do it much more in your own country . hereupon two arian bishops vrsalius and valens are sent into egypt to enquire after the truth of the matter , who coming back with calumnies against athanasius , he fled from the council by night to the court to the emperour to give him information ; who taking athanasius for false and tyrannical would not believe him , but upon letters from the council , and upon the provocation of athanasius , who told him god would judge him for believing his accusers , banished him , where he remained ( in italy ) twelve or thirteen years , even till after constantins death . and when constans had compelled his brother constantius to restore him , he was again banished ; for george that had been made bishop by the arians ( and by constantius ) was killed by the heathen people in iulians time , and his corps burnt , and the ashes scattered into the wind , which increased the suspicion of tyranny against athanasius : but in iovians reign he was again restored ; and after his death , he conflicted with infamies again : and when athanasius was dead , the emperour valens set lucius over them , who afflicted the people that had followed athanasius , and peter whom they had chosen for their bishop , and by banishment , death and torments , made them know what church-tyranny was indeed . thus far epiphanius giveth us the history of the meletian schism , and the effects of good bishops impatience with dissenters . § . . but i must not conceal from the reader that baronius and dion . petavius say , that epiphanius is deceived in all this history , and maketh the case of the meletians better than it was ; and that some meletian knave beguiled him : but , . they give us no proof of any such knaves beguiling him at all : . and he that was so apt to over-do in suspecting and aggravating heresies , ( as in origen's and chrysostome's case , ) was not likely to make the case here so much better than it was : . and how much nearer was epiphanius in time and place , than baronius and petavius ? and how easie was it then for him to have true notice of such publick things ? . and if they make epiphanius so fallacious in such a story as this , so near him , what a shake doth it give to the credit of his copious history of the many other heresies , which he had less opportunity to know : and consequently to the credit of much of church-history ? yet i confess , that the man seemeth not to be very accurate in his disputes , nor all his narratives ; but rather by far to be suspected of making things worse than they were , than better . and i believe that some passages in this history are mistaken by him ( as that the meletians joyned with the arians before the death of alexander : ) but that maketh their case the better . petavius saith also , p. . animad . in epiph. multum in historiâ meletii lapsum esse suprà vidimus ; largiùs in arianae haeresis descriptione peccavit vir alioqui diligentissimus . and in his instance of the time of arius death it 's undeniable . but if in such famous histories , we must read him with such suspicion and allowance , how much more in the many little ones that were more obscure ? § . . as to the arians heresie , the two epistles of arius recorded by epiphanius tell us much of the truth of his mistake : and the arians arguments by him are at large recorded and answered . he that denyeth the deity of christ , denyeth his essence : and he that denyeth his essence , denyeth christ , and is no christian. but the samosatenians , the photinians , and our late socinians , are far more perniciously heretical than the arians . for the arians maintained , that tres sunt hypostases , pater , filius & spiritus sanctus ; and that god did ante sempiterna tempora unigenitum filium gignere , per quem & saecula & reliqua procreavit omnia ; viz , subsistentem illum suapte voluntate condidisse , ejusmodi ut neque converti neque mutari possit , perfectam dei creaturam , sed non tanquam rerum creatarum aliquam ; foetum itidem , sed non tanquam unum è caeteris . they thought that before god made the rest of the creatures , he made one super-angelical perfect spirit , by which he made all the rest , and that this is christ ; and that he received no other soul but a body only at his incarnation , and this super-angelical spirit was his soul. this was the dangerous heresie of arius . § . . dion . petavius truly telleth us , that his great advantage was , that many of the fathers of that church had spoken in such kind of words before him , the controversie being not then well considered : p. . ad haeres . . having spoken of lucian , the martyr's giving advantage to a●ius , he addeth , quod idem plerisque veterum patrum cùm in hoc negatio , tùm in aliis fidei christianae capitibus usu venit , ut ante errorum atque haereseon , quibus ea singillatim oppugnabantur , originem , nondum satis illustratà ac patefactâ rei veritate , quaedam suis scriptis asperserint , quae cum orthodoxae sidei regulâ minimè consentiant . ( and yet the papists swear , not to expound scripture , but according to the unanimous consent of the fathers . ) nè ab hoc trinitatis mysterio ac quaestione discedam , observavimus jamdudum justinum mart. dialogo cum tryph. de filio dei idem propemodum cum arians sentire . and in his books , de trinit . he at large citeth the very words of him and many other fathers . but he here giveth them this gentle excuse , sed ab omni culpâ tam hic quam lucianus aliique liberandi sunt , qui nondum agitatâ controversiâ , panem de eâ commodè pronunciâsse videntur . simile quiddam de dionys. alex. tradit . basilius , ep. , &c. but it is enough to think charitably , that they were saved , without going so far as to say , they were without all fault . for christianity is the same thing before such controversies and after : and it 's hard to think how he can be a christian , that denyeth christs essence : but god is merciful , and requireth not knowledge alike in all , that have not equal means of knowledge . which charity must be extended to others as well as to these fathers . yet the same petavius cannot endure camerarius , for saying , that athanasius , though a valiant champion of the truth , did sometime indulge his own desires , and mix some ill with sacred things : but if he were not at all to be blamed , constantine was much the more to be blamed for banishing him ; and why should not his honour be of some regard ? the truth is , the alexandrian bishops and people were long more violent and troublesome than others , as not only socrates , but many other historians note : and as it was noted with dishonour in theophilus and cyril , and dioscorus , &c. so it can hardly be believed by them that read the history throughout , that alexander and athanasius wanted not something of the humble patience , meekness , and healing tenderness and skill that their case required : for who is perfect ? and how apt are great bishops to be too violent against dissenters , instead of healing them with love and clear convincing evidence ? § . . happy had it been if prudence had silenced this heresie betimes , for never any one did so great mischief to the church . the badness of it , was the honour of the niccne council that suppressed it , as far as in them lay . but alas , the remedy seemed quickly conquered by the disease : as constantine had work enough to keep peace among the bishops in the council , by his presence and reproofs ; so when the arians profess'd repentance , his peaceableness caused him too far to indulge them ; by which some of them got such interest in his court , as proved the following calamity of the church . and it is the sadder to think on , that the two great emperours , constantius and valens , that were deceived by them , and drawn into violent persecution , are noted to be otherwise none of the worst men . epiphanius saith , p. . accessit & imp●ratorum favor cujus initium à constantio imperatore profectum est : qui cùm caeteris in rebus perhumanus ac bonus esset , — & alioquinpius ●c multis probitatis ornamentis praeditus , hâc unâre a●e●ravit , quod non impressa à parente fidei vestigia seq●utus est : quod ipsum tamen non illius culpâ factum , sed nonnullorum fraude , qui in die iudicii rationem reddituri sunt ; qui specie & nomine tenùs episcopi , sinceram dei fidem labefactarunt . — et beati constantii in errorem ab illis inducti , qui rectae fidei regulam ignoravit , eâdemque ignorantiâ ad illorum se utpote sacerdotum authoritatem accommodavit , quod ipsum error illorum , ac caecitas , dep 〈◊〉 ataque fides & ex diaboli profect a consilio , lateret . accessit & alia causa quae huic serpentum officinae plurimum adjecit virium , eusebius scilicet , qui callidè se insinuans , valentis aures pii ac religiosi imperatoris , ac divini numinis amantissimi , corrupit . qui quòd ab illo baptismo sit initiatus , ea causa fuit cur haec factio stabilis ac firma consisteret . if epiphanius say true , we see what men these persecuting emperours were . § . . as to the other part of the councils work , the fixing of easter-day , had not the bishops been sinfully fierce about it , against each other , it had never been taken for a heresie to mistake the time , nor had it been a work so necessary and great to determine it : seeing as socrates , sozomen , &c. tell us , many churches differed in this , and matters as great as this , without condemning or separating from each other : and the asians erred by the motive of tradition , and irenaeus had long before censured the roman bishop for his violence in condemning them . and many good christians even after the councils determination , durst not forsake their old tradition , nor obey them : among whom , how long our britains and the scots stood out , beda telleth us . and though the audians , that also disobeyed , were called hereticks , i would all adversaries to hereticks were no worse men . § . . and because these audians rose about that time , i think it worth the labour to add the sum of their history out of epiphanius , that the world may better perceive what spirit the hereticating prelates were then of , and how some called hereticks were made such , or defamed as such , and who they were that did divide the churches and break their peace . epiph. l. . tom. . p. . of the schism of the audians , which is the th or th heresie : the audians live in monasteries , in solitudes , &c. audius their founder arose in mesopotamia , famous for his integrity of life , and ardent zeal of divine faith. who oft seeing things ill carried in the churches , feared not to their faces to reprove and admonish the bishops and priests , and say , these things should not be so done : you should not thus administer : as a lover of truth , he used to do such things as these , which are familiar with men of exquisite honesty , who through their excellent study of godliness , use this great liberty of speech : therefore when he saw things ill carried in the churches , he sometimes spake his thoughts , and could not forbear blaming them . as if he saw any of the clergy over covetous of money , be it bishop or priest , he would reprehend them : or if any abounded in luxury and pleasures ; or if they corrupted any part of the doctrine or discipline of the church , he would not bear with them , but blame them . which was troublesome to men of a dissolute life : and therefore he underwent the greatest contumelies , being exagitated by the hatred and malicious words of them all . but he being thus tossed about , and beaten and reproached , did bear it all with an equal mind ; and thus long continued in the communion of the church ; till some that were more vehemently offended with him for these causes , cast him out : but yet he patiently bore all this , but being more earnestly intent for the promoting of the truth , he still studied not to be drawn away from the conjunction and society of the catholick church . but when he and his friends were still beaten , and suffered unworthy usage , groaning under these evils , he took counsel of the violence of these calamities and contumelies : and so he separated himself from the church , and many falling away with him , a new divorce was hereby made . for he did not in any thing depart from the right faith , but he with his partakers held in all things sincere religion . though in one small matter they are too stiff . about the father , son , and holy ghost they judg excellently , and as the catholick church , and swerve not a jot : and the rest of the order of their lives is truly most excellent and admirable ; so that not only he himself , but even the bishops , priests , and all the rest of them , live by the labour of their hands . indeed they had a conceit that the body did partake of the image of god , and they thought that to please constantine , the nicene council had altered the custom and tradition of the church about easter : but these were not the causes of their departure from the church , but the violence of dissolut● bishops , that cast them out , as being impatient of their strictness and opposition to their sin . § . . about easter , saith epiphanius , p. . neque ●ruditis ignotum est , quàm saepe diversis temporibus de illius festi celebritate varii ecclesiasticae disciplinae tumultus ac contentiones obortae sint : praesertim polycarpi ac victoris aetate , cùm orientales ab occidentalibus divulsi , ●acificas à se invicem literas nullas acciperent . quod idem & aliis temporibus accidit : velut alexandri episcopi alexandrini & crescentii ; quemadmodum contra se mutuò scripserint & acerrimè pugnaverint . quae animorum opinionumque distractio , ex quo semel post episcopos illos qui ex circumcisione ac iudaeorum sectâ ad christum se converterant , agitari coepit , ad nostra usque tempora eodem est tenore perducta . by which we see , . with what caution tradition must be trusted : . how early bishops began to divide the church about things indifferent . § . . that men that all , in the main , fear god , should thus contend , abuse , and persecute one another , is sad , and hath even been a hardening of infidels : but , alas , the remnant of corruption in the best will somewhat corrupt their conversations . it is a sad note of epiphanius , ib. p. . [ i have known some of the confessours , who delivered up body and soul for their lord , and persevering in confession and chastity , obtained greatest sincerity of faith , and excelled in piety , humanity , and religion , and were continual in fastings , and in a word , did flourish in all honesty and virtue : yet the same men were blemished with some vice ; as either they were prone to reproach men , or would swear by the name of god , or were over talkative , or prone to anger , or got gold and silver , or were defiled with some such filth , which yet detract nothing from the just measure of virtue . ] § . . but as god made a good use of the falling out of paul and barnabas , so he did of audius his unhappy case . being cast out of the church , he took it to be his d●ty to communicate with his own party , and a bishop that suffered for the like made him a bishop , and the bishops accused him to the emperour , that he drew many people from the obedience of the church , and hereupon the emperour banished him into scythia . dwelling there , he went into the inner parts of gothia , and there instructed many of the barbarous in the principles of christianity , and gathered many monasteries of them , w●o lived in great religious strictness , p. . but it is hard to stop short of extreams , when men are alienated by scandal and violence : they ca●●e to so great a dislike of the bishops of the common churches , that they would not pray with any man , how blameless soever , that did but hold communion with the church . vranius a bishop and some others joyning with them , made bishops of the goths . ( note out of epiphanius , p. , . what country was called gothia in those times . ) § . . it is not to be past over that at the nicene council , the first speaker , and one of the chief against the arians , was eustathius bishop of antioch ; and when eusebius nicomed . was made bishop of consta●tinople , he pretended a desire to see ierusalem , and passing through antioch secretly hired a whore to swear , that eustathius was the father of her child : and getting some bishops of his faction together , they judged eustathius to be deposed , as an adulterer ; and got the emperour to consent and banish him : and after , the woman in misery , confessed all , and said , that it was one eustathius a smith , that was the father of her child . § . . in pisanus's con●il . nic. bin. p. . this eustathius is made the first disputer against a philosopher : and whereas the great cause of the arians errour was , that they could not conceive how the son could be of one substance with the father , without a partition of that substance , eustathius tells the philosopher that took their part and urged , faciamus hominem ad imaginem , &c. that the image of god is simple , and without all composition , being of the nature of fire : but he meaneth sure but analogically : § . . in the same pisanus , lib. . p. . bin. the description of the church is , there is one church in heaven and earth ; in this the holy ghost resteth ; but heresies that are without it — are of satan . — therefore the pope was not then taken for the head of the catholick church ; for he pretendeth not to be the head of them that are in heaven . see what the catholick church then was ! § . . note that , . the council of nice nameth none patriarchs . . they nullifie the ordination of scandalous and uncapable men . can. . and . which will justifie pope nicholas forbidding any to take the mass of a fornicating priest. . that rural bishops were then in use , and allowed by the council , can. . . that no bishop was to remove from one church to another , can. . ( which euseb. nicom . soon broke . ) . even in the arabick canons the th . si populo placebit , is a condition of every bishops election . . the th arab. canon , in case of discord among the people , who shall be their bishop or priest , it is referred to the people to consider which is most blameless : and no bishop or priest must be taken into anothers place , if the former was blameless . ( so that if pastors be wrongfully cast out , the people must not forsake them , nor receive the obtruded . ) . those ordained by meletius were to be received into the ministry where others dyed , if by the suffrage of the people they were judged fit , and the bishop of alex. designed them . sozom. l. . c. . § . . xxxi . the next council in binnius ( and in crabs order ) is said to be at rome under sylvester , with . bishops : but this is confessed to be partly false , if not all : and is the same that is before mentioned ; which ordered that no bishop should ordain any clerk nisi cum omni adunatâ ecclesiâ , but with all the church united , or gathered into one : ( which canon seemeth made when a church was no more than could meet together , and when the people had a negative voice . ) but the concil . gangrense is binnius's next ( though crab put afterward some of the forementioned also ) said to be in sylvesters days ; ( and yet sozomen and some others , say that the council of nice was in iulius days , though most say otherwise . ) here were sixteen bishops , who condemned some errours of eustathius of armenia , or rather one eutactus , as bin. thinks , who was too severe against marriage , as if it were sinful , and against eating flesh , and against receiving the sacrament at the hands of a married priest ; he made servants equal with their masters , he set light by church-assemblies , he drew wives to leave their husbands for continency , and on pretence of virginity despised married persons ; these superstitions they here condemned . § . . xxxii . an. . the council at tyre was held for the tryal of athanasius , where he was unjustly condemned , and thereupon by constantine banished , though his innocency was after cleared : had not his severity against the meletians driven them to joyn with the arians against him , epiphanius saith , they had not been able to make head thus against him . constantines epistle to the alexandrians , lamenting and chiding them for their discords , is well worth the translating , but that i must not be so tedious : see it bin. p. . § . . xxxiii . the next is a council at ierusalem , an. . where arius faith was tryed , approved , and he restored to alexandria and the favour of constantine : the creed which he gave in , was this . we believe in one god the father almighty , and in the lord iesus christ his son , begotten of him before all ages , god , the word , by whom all things were made which are in heaven and in earth : who came down , and was incarnat● ; and suffered , and rose again , and ascended to the heavens , and shall come again to iudge the living and the dead : and in the holy ghost : the resurrection of the flesh : the life of the world to come , and the kingdom of heaven : in one catholick church of god , extending it self from one end of the earth unto the other . arius with this , protesting against vain subtilties and controversies , desireth the emperour to accept of this as the evangelical faith ; and the council and the emperour receive him , as for the joyful restoration of unity and peace , and so would undo what was done at nice . the emperour was so greatly troubled at the continued divisions of the bishops , that he was glad of any hope of unity and peace : but this proved not the way . § . . xxxiv . an. . a council was called at constantinople ; in which they accused , condemned , and banished marcellus ancyranus , an adversary to the arians , as if he had denyed the godhead of christ , ( upon some wrested word ) though it was their denying it that offended him : here also arius was justified and athanasius condemned : but arius dyed shortly after . § . . xxxv . the next is a council of bishops at rome , in or about an. . under iulius ; in which the nicene creed was owned , and the arians condemned , and nothing else down that is recorded . § . . xxxvi . the next was a council at alexandria which vindicated athanasius from his accusations , when constantinus junior sent him home from his banishment . § . . xxxvii . the next was a council at antioch of near bishops ( of which were arians ) the most orthodox ( and the holy iames of nisibis one : ) yet they deposed athanasius , and the arians ( it 's like by the emperours favour ) carryed it ; in his place they put george a cappadocian suspected to be an arian , whom , ( as i said before ) the people murdered , burnt , and scattered his ashes in the wind , and he was one of the arians martyrs . ( unless england had ever been arian , i cannot believe them that say that this is the st. george , that the english have so much honoured . ) § . . this arian council finding that the emperours favour gave them the power , made many canons against non-conformists . the first can. is against them that keep not easter at the due time . the second against them that come to the hearing of the word , but communicate not publickly in the lords supper and prayers , and against them that keep private meetings , and that communicate with them . can. . was to make their case hopeless that exercise the ministry after they are silenced , or deposed , be they bishops , priests , or deacons . can. . was that if any priest or deacon gathered churches or assemblies against the bishops will , and took not warning , he was to be deposed : and if he go on , to be oppressed by the exteriour power as seditious . ( there is their strength . ) can. , and . none suspended by his own bishop was to be received by another , nor any stranger without certificates . can. . country-priests may not write canonical epistles , but rural bishops may . can. . no bishop must do any thing without the metropolitane , save what belongeth ( by ordination and guidance ) to his own church . can. . though the rural bishops are consecrated as true bishops , yet they shall only govern their own churches , and ordain such lower orders as they need , but not ordain presbyters or deacons without the city-bishops , to whom they are subject . can. . casteth out all bishops or other clergy-men , that go to the prince without the metropolitane's counsel or letters . can. . deposed or silenced ministers must not go to princes for relief , but appeal to a synod . can. . bishops must not go or ordain in other diocess , unless sent for by the metropolitane ; else their ordinations there to be null . can. . a bishop condemned of all may not appeal . can. . a vacant bishop leaping into a vacant bishoprick without a council ( the metropolitane present ) is to be ejected , though all the people chuse him . can. . if any bishop be ordained to a church , and refuse or neglect the office , let him be excommunicate till he receive it . can. . if any bishop ordained to a parish neglect it , because the people will not receive him , let him enjoy the honour , and be heard in a full synod . can. . the ordination of a bishop is null , which is done without a synod , and the metropolitane . &c. § . . xxxviii . another council at rome under iulius undid what this former did , and acquitted athanasius , marcellus , and other injured bishops : ( perhaps eustathius , saith bin. ) § . . xxxix . athanasius being sent back when gregory was put in his place , the city being ready to be in an uproar , athanasius retired to rome ( or hid himself ) foreseeing it ; till fire and blood had proclaimed the calamity of this episcopal strife . and pope iulius called another council at rome , to answer the letters of the oriental synod , which charged him with usurpation and despised him . § . . xl. anno . another council was held at antioch , by those called arians by some , reconcilers by others , and orthodox and catholicks by themselves ; in which they renounce arius and his sayings , but yet leave out the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ of one substance . ] this they did in a new-made creed ; fitted purposely , as they said , to reconcile ; as others , to deceive : to which end four had been made before , and not availed . § . . xli . a council at milan examined this creed , and rejected it , for leaving out [ of the same substance ] and because the nicene creed was sufficient . § . . xlii . the next is called an universal council , of bishops at sardica , which cleared athanasius , marcellus , and others . and yet augustine , and many others , reject this council . it hath divers good canons , but one among them for appeals to rome ; which three popes urged to aurelius , augustine and the other africans , as a canon of the council of nice : and whenas neither any of these popes , nor the african bishops once took notice that those words were in the council of sardica ; the papists answer , . that the africans knew not of this councils canons , but had lost them , ( though gratus bishop of carthage was one . ) . and that the popes took the canons of sardica to be but explications of the nicene , and fo● they were but as one . ( but why did they give no such answer ? ) bishops are here condemned that remove to any other church ; and they that are above three days non-resident ; and especially they that go ad comitatum , to the palaces of princes or great prelates ; but if they have just business they are ordered to send it by a deacon . § . . xliii . the oriental bishops departing from sardica came to philippopolis , and gathered a council by themselves , and condemned those whom the other had absolved , and others for communicating with them . yet they renounced arius , but also cast out the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the same substance ] as not scriptural ; and are called semi-arians . the persons excommunicated by them were athanasius , osius , marcellus , protogenes , asclepas , gaudentius , maximinus , paulus const. and pope iulius . they write a circular epistle , specially sent to donatus carthag . in which they so vehemently speak for peace and piety , and lay such crimes to the charge of athanasius , paulus , and marcellus , as would astonish the reader , and confound his judgment , whom to believe . cruel persecution , bloudy murders , profaneness , burning a church , and such like they charge on athanasius ; and say that they offered the western bishops of sardica to send five of their bishops with six of theirs to the place where these things were done , and if they prove not true they yield to be condemned . on marcellus they charge written heresie ( which basil , chrysostom , and others believed . ) on paulus const. they charge that he was guilty of flames and wars , and that he caused priests to be drag'd naked into the market-place , with the body of christ tyed about their necks ; and that before a concourse of people he caused the consecrated virgins to be stript naked in the open streets , unto horrid shame . and for such reasons they require all good christians to abhor their communion . thus the reader is called to grief and shame to hear bishops thus odiously reviling each other , and tempting infidels to take them all for wicked and utterly unpeaceable men . § . . xliv . an. or . was a council at carthage ( called the first : ) it was gathered against the donatists , whose bishops pretended to be the only catholicks ; and their circumcellions being violent reformers , taking from the rich that they thought had wronged any , and righting the injured , and unjustly doing justice ; and resisting the emperour constans his officers , so that they were fain by souldiers to suppress them , and cast out donatus carth. and by gifts reconciled the people that followed them . many good canons for church order were made by this and most of the african councils , no bishops being faithfuller than they . several passages in their canons shew that their numerous bishops had churches of no more people than our larger parishes . and can. . of this council ordereth that where the bishops by contract divide their several people , one take not from the other . § . . xlv . anno . a council at milan received the repentance of vrsatius and valens that had accused athanasius , and gave them letters of reconciliation . § . . xlvi . constans constrained constantius to recall athanasius , but was himself murdered by magnentius before he came thither : but at ierusalem a council was held in the way , which judged his reception , and wrote to alexandria to that end . § . . xlvii . among the friends of athanasius , euphratas bishop of collen was one , that was sent on a message into the east ; where stephen an arian bishop of ant. got a whore to go in to him : when she saw an old man , instead of a young one , which she expected , she immediately confessed all , and bishop stephen was cast out for it . but euphrata●t after all , turned photinian and denyed christ to be god , and a council at colen deposed him . § . . xlviii . they talk of concilia vasensia , or vasatensia , and that they ordered [ as it was in the beginning ] to be added to the doxologie : but there is nothing of moment certain of them . § . . xlix . anno . liberius had a council at rome about athanasius , and sending a message to constantius . § . . l. anno . at a council at arles , athanasius is condemned , and the popes legate forced to subscribe it , with other bishops , and some banished that refused it . § . . li. pope liberius desired a general council , which the emperour granteth , and it 's held at milan . above western bishops were there , most of the east ( where the arians reigned ) could not come ( an . . ) athanasius his condemnation ( vrsatius and valens revolting , and again accusing him ) and communion with the arians , were the things there urged by the emperour : lucifer calaritanus ( after called a heretick ) and e●sebi●s vercellensis , and a few more , refused to subscribe , and were banished ; as liberius after was ; and foelix made pope : but most of the bishops for fear , and desire of peace , subscribed . the emperour himself wrote to euseb. v●rcel . to be there ( who had refused ) with great profession of zealous piety , and desire of the churches peace . but this scandal and miscarriage of the bishops , and success of the arians , was the effect of this general council . § . . lii . the semi-arians pretending to universal concord , thus prevailing by the emperour and a general council , hilary pictav . ( a marryed citizen made bishop ) drew some orthodox bishops of france to separate from the arian bishops , and renounce their communion ; the arians ( or semi-arians ) taking these for separatists , and injurious to them , ( especially saturninus ) procured a council 〈◊〉 byterris , to condemn them as schismaticks ; where hilary was condemned and banished , an . . § . . liii . the general council at sirmium i out of order began with . anno . constantius resolving by all means to bring all the bishops to one communion , was present himself ; there were above bishops out of the west , besides all the eastern bishops : the confusion was so great , that men knew not who were or were not hereticks . photinus denying the godhead of christ , the bishops called arian , desired this council to accuse and condemn him , as they did : they drew up two or three confessions themselves : the first was not heretical directly , save by the omission of the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ] which some perswaded the emperour , being new and no ancient scriptural or symbolical word , was the cause of all the divisions of the bishops , and were that left out , all would be healed . this council called arian , passed anathema's against the arians and photinians : pope liberius subscribed to it and approved it , as the forcited words of his epistle in hilary shew . ( and yet many papists call it a reprobate council : ) old osius , that presided at nice , was forced by stripes , to subscribe to it , and to the condemnation of athanasius . [ that the son was in all things like the father , ] was the substitute form here used . in their second form they say , that [ quia multos commovet vox , substantia , vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hoc est , ut diligentius cognoscatur illud quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur , aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nullam earum vocum mentionem debere fieri neque de iis sermocinandum in ecclesiâ censemus , quod de iis nihil scriptum sit in sacris literis , & quod illa hominum intellectum & mentem transcendant , & quod nemo posset generationem filii enarrare , ut scriptum , generationem ejus quis enarrabit ? solum enim patrem scire quomodo filium suum genuerit , certum est — & nemo ignorat duas esse personas patris & filii , ac proinde patrem majorem , filium ex patre genitum , deum ex deo , lumen de lumine — ] many thought this a necessary reconciling way : the words [ person ] and [ substance ] stumbled the arians : for they knew not how to conceive of three persons that were not three substances ; nor how the son could be of the same substance with the father , unless that substance were divided : and at last wearied with contending , they thought thus to end all , by leaving out the name [ substance , ] and professing the generation of the son unsearchable . the third sirmian creed had , [ in unigenitum filium dei , ante omnia secula & initia & ante omne tempus quod in intellectum cadere potest existentem ; & ante omnem comprehensibilem substantiam , natum i●passibiliter ex deo , solum ex solo patre , deum de deo , similem patri suo qui ipsum genuit , cujus generationem nemo novit nisi solus qui eum genuit , pater . vocabulum verò substantiae quia simplicius à patribus positum est , & à populis ignor atur , & scandalum affert , eò quod in scripturis non contineatur , placuit ut de medio tolleretur , & nullam posthàc de dei substantia mentionem esse faciendam . § . . liii . the oriental bishops offended at the second confession at sirmium , for leaving out the word substance , gathered in council at ancyra , an . . and rejecting the arians , were called semi-arians , because yet they were not for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ] not [ the same substance , ] but [ like substance . ] these after turning macedonians ( for macedonius was one of them ) deny the holy ghost to be god. § . . liv. constantius finding that all his endeavours missed their end , and that instead of bringing all the bishops to concord and one communion , the very arians , and the semi-arians , divided and subdivided among themselves , did summon another general council at nicomedia : but the city suddenly perishing , he called the western part to ariminum , and the eastern to scleucia , taking them yet but as one council . above bishops met at ariminum , who were to determine first doctrinal and then personal controversies , and then send ten legates of each part to the emperor , with the results : the most were orthodox , but the arian legates were better speakers , and prevailed ; so that the emperour delayed them because of an expedition that he had in hand against the barbarians ; in the mean time some assembled at nice , and drew up another confession : and when the legates returned to ariminum , the arian party of bishops , by the emperours countenance , so far prevailed , as that almost all the orthodox subscribed to them . ( gaudentius bishop of ariminum was murdered by the souldiers . ) binnius and some others , would have this council at ariminum to be two ; the first orthodox , the second arian : bellarmine and others called it but one : which was orthodox in the beginning , but for fear and complyance fell off at the last . § . . lv. whether the council at seleucia shall be taken for one of it self , or but for part of that at ariminum , though far distant , i leave to the reader . but here the heterodox bishops carried all , but so as to divide among themselves ; one party called acacians were for forbearing the word [ substance . ] the semiarians condemned both them and the arians , and were for [ like substances . ] they excommunicated and deposed many arians , who appealed to the emperour , and craved yet another synod . so that the further he went for concord , the further he was from it , the bishops dividing and subdividing more and more ; and the emperours and bishops , by diversity of judgment , and by heresie , became now to the church what heathen persecutors had been heretofore . sulpitius severus tells us , that one thing that drew many to subscribe to the arian and semiarian creeds , was a certain liberty of their own additions or interpretations , which was granted the orthodox to draw them in . [ subscribe in your own sence . q. d. ] and so conditional subscriptions quieted their consciences , and when the arians thought they had the victory , and had made the rest conformists , it proved otherwise , for they did not in sence and with approbation subscribe . but though the filth of the arian heresie justifie all just care and endeavours to keep it out , the multitudes of new creeds , then made by one and the other party became such a snare and shame to the church , that hilary , among others , greatly lamented it , even in these sad expressions . post nicenam synodum nihil aliud quàm fidem scribimus ; dum in verbis pugna est ; dum de novitatibus quaestio est ; dum de ambiguis , dum de authoribus querela est ; dum de studiis certamen est ; dum in consensu difficultas est ; dumque alter alteri anathema esse coepit , propè jam nemo est christi . proximi anni fides quid immutationis habet ? primum decretum homousion decernit taceri : sequens rursùs homousion decernit & praedicit : tertium usiam simplicitèr à patribus praesumptam per indulgentiam excusat ; postremum quartumque non excusat sed condemnat : tandem eò processum est ut neque penes nos , neque penes quenquam ante nos sanctum exinde aliquid atque inviolabile perseveret . annuas atque menstruas de deo fides decernimus : decretis poenitemus ; poenitentes defendimus : defensos anathematizamus ; aut in nostris aliena , aut in alienis nostra damnamus , & mordentes invicem jam absumpti sumus ab invicem . is not this a doleful description of the bishops so soon after their wonderful deliverance and exaltation ? the cause of all he tells us was partly forsaking the simple form of baptismal faith as not sufficient , and partly following votes and worldly powers . dum à quibus ea requiritur sua scribunt & non quae dei sunt praedicant , orbem aeternum erroris & redeuntis in se semper certaminis circumtulerunt . oportuerat humanae infirmitatis modestia omne cogitationis divinae sacramentum illis tantùm conscientiae suae finibus contineri quibus credidit : neque post confessam & juratam in baptismo fidem in nomine patris , filii & sp. sancti , quicquam aliud vel ambigere vel innovare . and speaking of mens perverting the sence , he addeth . scribendae & innovandae fidei exinde usus inolevit : qui postquam nova potius coepit condere , quam accepta retinere , nec vetera defendit , nec innovata firmavit , & facta est fides temporum potiùs qùam evangeliorum : dum & secundùm annos scribitur , & secundùm confessionem baptismi non tenetur . periculosum admodùm nobis & miserabile est tot nunc fides existere , quot voluntates : & tot nobis doctrinas esse quot mores , & tot causas blasphemiarum pullulare , quot vitia sunt ; dum aut ita fides scribuntur , ut volumus , aut ita ut volumus intelliguntur . et cum secundùm unum deum , & unum dominum & unum baptisma fides una sit , excidimus ab eâ fide quae sola est ; & dum plures siunt , ad id coeperunt esse nè ulla sit : ( referring to nice . ) fides enim quaeritur quasi fides nulla sit : fides scribenda est quasi in corde non sit : regenerati per fidem nunc ad fidem docemur ; quasi regeneratio illa sine fide sit : christum post baptisma discimus , quasi baptisma aliquid esse possit sine christi fide : emendamus ; quasi in spiritum sanctum peccâsse sit venia . sed impietatis ipisus hinc vel praecipue causa perpetua est , quod fidem apostolicam septuplo proferentes , ipsitamen fidem evangelicam volumus confiteri ; dum impietates nostras nobis in populis multiloquis defendimus magniloquentiae vanitate aures simplicium verbis fallentibus illudimus , dum evitamus de domino christo ea credere , quae de se docuit credenda ; & per speciosum pacis nomen in unitatem perfidiae subrepimus , & sub rejiciendis novitatibus rursum ipsi novis ad deum vocibus rebellamus & sub scripturarum vocabulo non scripta mentimur . tutissimum nobis est primam & solam evangelicam fidem confessam in baptismate , intellectamque , retinere ☜ nec demutare quod solum acceptum atque auditum habeo bene credere : non ut ea qua synodo patrum nostrorum ( the nicene ) continentur , tanquam irreligiosè & impiè scripta damnanda sint ; sed quia per temeritatem humanam usurpantur ad contradictionem ; quod ob hoc sub nomine novitatis , evangelium negaretur impericulose , tanquam sub emendatione innovetur . quod emendatum est , semper proficit ; & dum omnis emendatio displicet , emendationem omnem emendatio consequuta condemnet , ac si jam , quicquid illud est , non emendatio aliqua sit emendationis , sed coeperit esse condemnatio . and as to the second cause , he saith , ac primum misereri licet nostrae ●tatis laborem & praesentium temporum stultas opiniones congemiscere ; quibus patrocinari deo humana creduntur , & ad tuendam christi ecclesiam ambitione saculari laboratur . oro vos , episcopi , qui hoc vos esse creditis : quibusnam suffragiis ad praedicandum evangelium apostoli usi sunt ? quibus adjuti potestatibus christum praedicaverunt , gentesque ferè omnes ex idolis ad deum transtulerunt ? anne aliquam sibi assumebant è palatio dignitatem , hymnum deo in carcere inter catenas & post flagella cantantes ? — at nunc proh dolor ! divinam fidem suffragia terrena commendant ; inopsque virtutis sua christus , dum ambitio nomini suo conciliatur , arguitur . add what he saith of the causes of errour , lib. . de trin. initio . non est amiguum omnem humani eloquii sermonem contradictioni obnoxium semper fuisse , quia dissentientibus voluntatum motibus , dissentiens quoque fit sensus animorum : cum adversantium judiciorum affectione compugnans , assertionibus his quibus offenditur , contradicit . quamvis enim omne dictum veri ratione perfectum sit , tamen dum aliud aliis aut videtur aut complacet , patet veritatis sermo adversantium responsioni : quia contra veritatem aut non intellectam aut offendentem vel stultae vel vitiosae volun●●tis error obnitetur . immoderata enim est omnis susceptarum voluntatum pertinacia , & indeflexo 〈◊〉 adversandi studium persistit , ubi non rationi voluntas subjicitur , nee studium doctrinae impenditur , sed his quae volumus rationem conquirimus , & his quae studemus doctrinam coaptamus . iam● ; nominis potius quam naturae erit doctrina quae fingitur , & jam non veri manebit ratio , sed placiti . caetera ibi videat lector . but having been long in this citation of hilary , i return to the history , of what followed these councils and creeds aforesaid . § . . lvi . in the mean time constantius calleth a council of bishops to constantinople , where aetius was condemned , and a ninth creed since the nicene formed , which excluded both the word substance and hypostasis or subsistence . the semi-arians detesting this , condemned and banished the authors . but another form sent from ariminum was preferred , and imposed to be subscribed on all the bishops of east and west . § . . lvii . an. . meletius bishop of antioch being put in by the acacians proved orthodox contrary to their expectation : and being preaching for the trinity his archdeacon stopt his mouth , and he preached by his fingers , holding forth one and three : and for this was ejected , contrary to some former covenants . wherefore they were fain to call a council at antioch to justifie his ejection . here they made yet another creed●● the worst of all before it . § . . lviii . constantius being dead , iulian the apostate is made emperour ( would not this end the quarrel of christian bishops ? ) athanastus returneth to alexandria after the third 〈…〉 years hiding , an . . gregory the bishop being 〈…〉 by the heathen , and burnt to ashes . he calls 〈…〉 here besides the receiving of those that unwillingly 〈◊〉 to the arians , divers new controversies are judged . . eunemius , macedonius , and the semiarians denyed the godhead of the holy ghost , which was here asserted . . apollinaris thought that christ took but a body at his incarnation , his divine nature being instead of a soul , which was here condemned . . the orthodox greek : and latines could not agree by what name to distinguish the trinity : the greeks said there were three hypostases , which the latines rejected , as signifying three substances : hierome himself could not away with the word hypostasis . the latines used the word [ person . ] the greeks rejected that as signifying no real distinction , ( and are the schoolmen for a real distinction yet ? ) for they thought persona signified but the relation of one in authority or office. and thus while as ierome said , tota gr●corum prophanorum schola discrimen inter hypostasin & usiam ignorabat ( ep. . ) and the sense of the word [ person ] was not well determined , the danger was so great of further dissention among the orthodox bishops themselves , that as greg. naz. saith ( de laud. athanas. ) the matter came to that pass , that there was present danger , that together with these syllables the ends of the world ( east and west ) should have been torn from each other , and broken into parts . but the synod agreed that the greek hypostasis and the latine persona should henceforth be taken as of the same signification . ( but what that signification is , it was not so easie to tell . ) yet ( saith binnius ) augustine de trinit . l. . c. , . and the latines afterwards , were displeased with this reconciliation , and hierome himself , who yet obtain'd of damasus , ep. . that the conciliation being but of a controversie de nomine , might be admitted . § . . lix . an. . iulian reigning ( several french councils besides ) one then at paris , were employed in receiving the repentance of the bishops that under constantius had subscribed to the arians . § . . lx. at iulians death athanasius calleth some bishops to alexandria , betimes to send to the emperour iovianus their confession , to prevent the arians , and other hereticks . § . lxi . a council also was called at antioch on this occasion . the semiarians petitioned iovianus that the acacians , as hereticks , might be put out , and they put in their places : the emperour gave them no other answer , but that he hated contention , but would love and honour those that were for concord : they feeling his pulse , got meletius to call a council at antioch , where they seemed very sound , and twenty seven arian bishops without any stop subscribed the nicene creed : so basely did these bishops follow the stronger side ; and , saith binnius , of so great consequence with bishops is the emperours mind . § . . lxii . an. . valentinian being emperour left the bishops to meet when and where they would themselves ▪ and a council was held at lampsacus , where the semiarians condemned the arians ▪ and though some call it orthodox ( busil , and some good men being there ) binnius saith , that the macedonians here vented their denyal of the godhead of the holy ghost , and that the hereticks pretending to own the nicene faith were recieved by liberius . § . . lxiii . a council in sicily owned the nicene creed . § . . lxiv . some bishops at illyricum restored the nicene creed , the emperour being now for it . and valentinian and valens wrote to the asian bishops to charge them to cease persecuting any of christs labourers . § . . lxv . an. . at a synod in tyana cappadoc . eustathius sebast . by pope liberius letters was restored to his bishoprick ; and after cursed the homousion , ( the nicene creed and denyed the godhead of the holy ghost : by their means basil returned from his wilderness to caesarea , whence he fled to avoid the enmity of eusebius the bishop ; who received him upon his professed resolution for peace , which he would buy at any rates . § . . lxvi . the emperour valens ( unhappily taken in to valentinian ) after the conquest of procopius , desired baptisme , and having an arian wife , was baptized by eudoxius constant. an arian bishop ; who engaged him to promote the arian cause ; which he did with a blind religious zeal , persecuting not only the orthodox and novatians , but also the semiarians and macedonians . and a council of bishops in caria , rejected [ consubstantial , ] and restored the antiochian and seleucian creed as the best . § . . lxvii . an. . some arian bishops at singedim in mysia , restored the ariminum creed [ of like substance ] and solicited geminius the semiarian bishop to consent , but prevailed not . § . . lxviii . two councils were held at rome by damasus ; one to condemn valens and vrsatius , old arian bishops : another to condemn auxentius bishop of milan , and sisinius as a schismatical competitor with himself : for when damasus was chosen , the people were divided , and damasus his party being the more valiant warriors , they fought it out in the church , and left one day an hundred thirty seven dead bodies behind them , to shew that they had no communion with them . and because sisinius and his party still kept conventicles , he was banished , and many with him , and now again condemned . § . . lxix . another council at rome he had to condemn vitalis and the apollinarians ( that took christs godhead to be instead of a soul to his body ) and the millenaries . § . . lxx . a council was called at antioch to end a schism , there being three bishops , two orthodox , meletius and paulinus ; and one arian , euzoius : they ended the schism , by agreeing that meletius and paulinus should both continue , till one dyed , and then the other alone should succeed him ; the presbyters being sworn not to accept it while one of them lived . but meletius dying first , flavianus a presbyter was said to break his oath , and was chosen in his stead , while paulinus ( an excellent person ) lived : and so the schism was continued . chap. iv. the first general council at constantinople , and some following . § . . the reason why the west with rome was freer from the arian heresie than the east , was not , as the papists say , because christ prayed for peter that his faith might not fail , but because the emperours of the west were orthodox , while those in the east were arians : and the bishops much followed the emperours will. that this last was the cause , is notorious in the history : that christs foresaid promise was not the cause , is certain . because whatever promise christ maketh , he fulfilleth : but he hath not kept all the bishops of rome from failing in their faith : therefore he never promised so to do . the minor is certain by history : to pass by marcellinus and liberius and honorius falls , ( which were but like peters ) all those wicked men whom councils deposed as infidels , or hereticks , simoniacks , murderers , adulterers , one as a devil incarnate , and all those that baronius and genebrard stigmatize as apostatical , and not apostolical , ( together ) had not this promise fulfilled : nor sixtus quintus , if bellarmine judged truly , that he was damned : for it was not a dead faith , but a saving faith , which christ promised peter should not fail ; such a saith as had the promise of life ; he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved : whoever believeth in him shall not perish , but have everlasting life : a faith that worketh by love : else peter might have been a wicked man , and damned , notwithstanding this prayer of christ , and promise . if the faith of constantine senior & junior , constans , valentinian , theodosius , honorius , gratian , &c. had failed , the general councils at milan , and ariminum , tell us , how failing the bishops faith was like to be ; when ierome said , that the whole world groaned to find it self turned arian . § . . the blind zeal of valens made him restless in persecuting the orthodox in the east : at antioch he vexed those that would not communicate with euzoius the allowed arian bishop : at cyzicum eunomius was put in eleusius place ; but his followers built them a separate church without the walls . ( socrat. lib. . c. , . ) he persecuted the novatians , and exiled agelius their bishop at const. he banished eustathius antioch . and evagrius , chosen by the orthodox bishop of const. against demophilus the arian . fourscore bishops ●ent to crave justice of him , were put to sea in a ship there set on fire , and were both burnt and drowned together . ( socr. l. . c. . ) in all the east he deposed , abused , murdered many that would not for sake the nicene creed . he set his officers to suppress their conventicles . at alexandria he imprisoned peter that succeeded athanasius , and banished his presbyters , and set up lucius an arian bishop . he persecuted the monks of the wilderness of egypt ( nitria and scitis ) and destroyed their houses : banished macarius of egypt , and macarius of alexandria , their leaders . he persecuted basil at caesarea : he went in person at antioch , to disturb and scatter the conventicles of the orthodox ; and when he had banished one of their bishops ( meletius , enduring paulinus ) the presbyters kept the meeting : when he drove them away , a deacon kept it up : at last themistius , a philosopher , made an oration before him , bidding him not marvel that the christians had such differences , for they were nothing to those of the philosophers , who were of three hundred different opinions ; and that god would be honoured even under diversity of opinions : this somewhat asswaged him ; and shortly after in the th year of his age , he was slain . § . . gratian ( and valentinian junior ) coming to the empire , liberty of conscience and restoration was given to all sects , except the eunomians , photinians , and manichees ( socrat. l. . c. . ) he took theodosius into the empire with him : and so the orthodox party got up again : and the arians after this went every where down , save among the goths . § . . lxxi . theodosius called a general council at constantinople , where the chief things done , were , . the setting up of gregory nazianzene as bishop , . the condemning of the macedonians , . the giving of the second patriarchate to constantinople , because it was the imperial seat ; putting under him the diocesses of pontu● , heraclea and asia : . the putting down of nazianzene again , and putting nectarius in his stead . . the setling flavianus at antioch . § . . some would perswade us that it was two councils and not one that did these things : but the question is but de nomine . in the beginning they dispatch'd part of their work ; and before they departed meletius the bishop of antioch dying , the bishops returned to council , and more egyptian bishops came and did the rest . § . . the case of gregory naz. was thus : a council at antioch in the reign of arianisme , sent him , with three more able speakers to go visit the churches , and draw them from arianisme . he came to constantinople , and an arian being in possession , he got into a little empty church , and there so long preached , till he had recovered much of the city from arianisme . hereupon peter , bishop of alexandria , signified by letters , that he would have him be bishop of constantinople ( against the arian bishop : ) the orthodox party chose him : one maximus , that of a philosopher turned christian , and insinuated into gregories familiarity ; by money first , and threats after , gets peter of alexander , and the egyptian bishops , to make him bishop of constant ▪ supposing gregory not yet lawfully settled : meletius antioch : being at const. ordaineth gregory bishop . the council , when convened , confirm him , and cast out maximus ( that never had possession : ) theodosius owneth gregory , and putteth out the arian bishop , and possesseth him of the great church . the antiochian controversie falling in at the death of meletius , gregory was against flavian ; the egyptian bishops being for him , set against gregory , and resolved to cast him out and choose another : he seeing their resolution , and offended at their furious carriage in the council , resigneth to the emperour , and departeth : some make it , as if his resignation was unconstrained ; but his own words shew , that he did it but to prevent the deposition which they resolved on : else he durst not have deserted his flock that lamented his departure . in his place they chose nectarius a pretor , that was no christian , in foro ecclesiae , as being not yet baptized ; and so was indeed uncapable , and the choice null : but the man was honest ; and nicephorus saith , that they put down his name in a paper with others , leaving it to the emperour to chuse one of them , and that he chose nectarius . § . . the description of this council , and the good bishops of his time , by gregory naz. in his poems and his orations , is very doleful ; how implacably factious and contentious they were , how fierce and violent , leaping and carrying themselves in the council like mad-men . he describeth the people as contentious , but yet endued with the love of god , though their zeal wanted knowledg : page . orat. . the courtiers , he saith , whether true to the emperour he knew not , but for the most part perfidious to god : and the bishops as sitting on adverse thrones and feeding adverse opposite flocks , drawn by them into factions , like the clefts that earth-quakes make , and the pestilent diseases that infect all about , and distracting and dividing all the world , separating the east from the west , by the noise of meus & tuus , antiquus & nov●s , nobilior & ignobilior , multitudine opulentior aut tenuior ; raging like furious horses in battle , and like mad-men casting dust into the air , and under their several heads ( or leaders ) fulfilling their own contentions , and becoming the determiners of wicked ambition and magnificence , and unrighteous and absurd judges of matters : the same men ( saith he ) are to day of the same throne and judgment as we are , if so our leaders and chief men carry them ; tomorrow , if the wind do but turn , they are for the contrary seat and judgment : names ( or votes ) follow hatred or friendship : and which is most grievous , we blush not to say contrary things to the very same hearers ; nor are we constant to our selves , being changed up and down by contention : you would say we are tossed like the waving euripus . therefore he professeth , that it is unseemly for him to joyn with them , in their councils ; as it were to leave his studies and quietness , to go play with the lads in the streets , page . the like he hath in his poem , de vitâ suâ , page . , , , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. etenim magistri plebis atque antistites sancti datores spiritus , & qui thronis fundunt ab altis verba queis patitur salus , cunctisque pacem jugiter qui praedicant , in aede mediâ vocibus clarissimis tanto furore se petunt sibi invicem , tumultuando , contrahendo copias , carpendo sese mutuò linguâ efferâ , saliendo , mentis ut solent sanae impotes , praedando quos quis ante praedari queat rabida imperandi dum tenet mente sitis ( quinam ista verbis , & quibus dignè eloquar ? ) orbem universum prorsus ut divulserint ; ortumque jam & hesperum scindit magis ardens simultas , quam loci vel climata : namque illa si non finis , at media uniunt ; at hos ligare vinculum nullum potest ? non causa pietas ( bilis hoc excogitat , ad mentiendum prona , ) sed lis ob thronos : quidnam hoc vocârim ? praesules ? non praesules : &c : are not these lamentable descriptions of the bishops of those happy times , and excellent councils : even in the days of good theodosius ; when the church recovered from under arianisme , and came newly out of the fire of persecution ? the truth is , all times have had some few such excellent persons as nazianzene , basil , chrysostome , &c. but they have ordinarily been born down by the violent stream of a more ignorant , selfish , worldly sort of men . all this here cited out of gregory , is much less than he saith in his last oration , de episcopis , vol. . too large and sharp to be now recited : therefore i leave it to the perusal of the learned reader . one papist saith to me , that it was the arian or macedonian bishops that gregory meant : but the whole tenor of his writing speaketh the contrary ; and that he spake of this first council at constantinople , one of the four which is equalled to the four evangelists : and in his th epist. to sophronius , page . he saith , si eos inveneritis non ob fidei doctrinam , sed ob privatas simultates inter se distractos & divulsos , quod quidem ipse observavi , &c. but some may say that passion moved him to the satyrical exaggeration of his own received injuries : but , . he speaketh not of this council only , but of others also : . he acknowledged , that till the egyptian bishops came , he had the council vote for his place . . his spirit and all his endeavours were for peace , and not to make things worse than they were ; and for peace he quit his seat. . and in his epistles to the civil magistrates ●e afterwards wrote earnestly to them to keep the bishops at the next council in peace , lest they should make religion a contempt and scandal . so that few men could worse be charged with abusive invectives than this pious , learned , peaceable bishop . § . . in his th epist. to procopius , page . refusing to come to their council , he saith , if i must write the very truth , i am of the mind to fly from ( or avoid ) every meeting of bishops : for i never saw a joyful and happy end of any council ; nor any that gave not more addition and increase to evils , than depulsion ( or reformation : ) for pertinacious contentions and the lusts of domination ( or lording , ) ( think me not ( saith he ) grievous and troublesome for writing this , ) are such , as no words can express : and a man that will ( there ) be a judg of others , shall sooner contract dishonesty himself , than repress the dishonesty of others . they that say he speaketh only of heretical councils defie the light , and will be believed by none that know the history . § . . the case of antioch , briefly , was this : meletius was a good man , but of a healing disposition , made bishop by the arians mistaking him , and put out by them when they knew him , yet he held communion with repenting arians . euzoius an arian was put into his place , and he kept conventicles . the grand controversie of all the foregoing ages , was about communion with the lapsed , that yielded to idolatry , or heresie : some over zealous were too proud of their own sufferings , and were very rigid against receiving such penitents , saying they were time servers , and receiving them would encourage others to save themselves in suffering , and then repent . others were too wide in receiving them upon unsatisfactory professions of repentance : the wisest went a middle way . many antiochians separated from meletius , because the arians chose him , and he received penitent arians : and lucifer calaritanus , and eusebius vercellensis of france going to settle the peace at antioch , eusebius disliked their opposition to meletius , and left them . lucifer a good man , but rigid and hot against the arians , said that meletius could be no bishop , and ordained them paulinus ( and so there were three as is aforementioned . ) the bishop of rome who would have a singer in all , encouraged lucifer ; paulinus was a man of extraordinary goodness : but yet the canon nullified the ordination of a bishop into a fore possessed seat ; and when half cleaved to meletius , and half to paulinus ( both very good men , ) a synod ( as is aforesaid ) ended the difference , by tolerating both till the death of one , and then making him sole bishop : the presbyters ( it 's said ) were sworn to this . meletius dyeth first ; yet flavianus a presbyter that had stuck to them in valens persecution , is chosen bishop by the meletians , who will not joyn with paulinus as a schismatick . the pope owneth paulinus : the council at constantinople own meletius first , and flavianus after : gregory nazianzene and others were against flavianus , because they said he came in by perjury , having sworn not to accept it : some say he did not swear . lucifer calaritanus that ordained paulinus , forsook the party called the catholick church , and gathered separated churches , and became the head of a schism , called since luciferian hereticks , meerly because the churches received the confessing returning arians to communion , and he owned elavianus . and thus even good bishops could not agree , nor scape the imputation of heresie . § . . baronius and binnius after him , say , nazianzenus hunc discordiam suâ abdicatione compositum iri arbitratus , sedi constantinopolitanae cum consensu imperatoris , non sine magno bonorum ac populi fletu renun●iat , atque statim post habitas in synodo aliquot actiones , comitantibus optimis quibuscunque orientalibus , in cappadociam discedit . tum qui supererant ibi episcopi ac sacerdotes nundinarii , in locum christiani perfectissimi , theologi absolutissimi , monachi castissimi , nectarium hominem nondum christianum sed adhuc catechumenum , rerum ecclesiasticarum penitùs imperitum , in voluptatibus saeculi & carnis hactenùs versatum , suffecerunt . § . . this council added to the nicene creed some words about the holy ghost . the advancement of the constantinopolitane bishop by this synod with the reasons of it , bred such a jealousie in the bishops of rome , as hath broken the churches of the east and west , which are unhealed to this day . § . . lxxii . two bishops , palladius and secundianus , complained to gratian , that they were unjustly judged arians , and desired a council to try them . ambrose perswaded him not to trouble all the world for two men. a council of bishops is called for them at aquileia . they refuse to be accountable to so few , and are condemned . § . . lxxiii . an. . twelve bishops met at caesaraugusta against the priscillianists : these men had divers other councils in those times . ithacius and idacius were the leaders . the whole story you may find in sulpitius severus in the life of martin , &c. the sum is this : priscillianus , a rich man , of much wit and learning , was infected with the heresie of the gnosticks and manichees . many followed him ; his party was much in fasting and reading : the bishops in council excommunicated them . yet they kept up . the bishops in council sought to the emperour gratian to suppress them by the sword : a while they prevailed : but the priscillianists quickly learned that way , and got a great courtier to be their friend , and gratian restored them . gratian being killed , when maximus was chosen emperour by his army , the bishops go to maximus for help : the arians having got head against ambrose at milan , and these sectaries troubling the churches in france , spain , and italy , maximus ( a man highly commended for piety by most writers , saw that being forced by his army to accept the empire , he was a usurper ) being once engaged , thought the defence of the orthodox would strengthen him : so he forced valentinian by threats to forbear wronging ambrose ; and to please the bishops he put priscillian to death , and banished some of his followers . martin bishop of tome ( being a man of small learning , but of great holiness , and austerity of life , living like a hermite in the poorest garb and cabbin , lying on the ground , faring hard , praying much , and working more miracles , if sulpitius , his schollar and acquaintance may be believed , than we read of any since the apostles , even than gregory thaumaturgus ) did abhor drawing the sword against hereticks , and disswaded the bishops and emperour but in vain : the prosecution was so managed by the bishops , that in the countreys , those that did but fast and read much were brought under the suspicion of priscillianism , and reproached : this common injury to piety from the bishops grieved martin yet more , so that he renounced the communion of the bishops and their synods : whereupon they defamed him to the emperour and people , as an unlearned man , a schismatick , suspected of favouring priscillianism ! but martins holiness and miracles magnified him with the religious sort . at last a great priscillianist being sentenced to death , martin travelled to the emperour maximus to beg his life . maximus told him , he would grant his desire if he would but once communicate with the bishops : martin preferring mercy before sacrifice , yielded , and did once communicate with them . but professed that in his way home , an angel corrected him and threatned him if he did so any more : and that from that time his gift of miracles was diminished : and so he never communicated with them more to the death : sulpitius his narrative puts the reader to a great difficulty , either to believe so many and great miracles as he reports , or not to believe so learned , pious , and credible an historian , who professeth to say nothing but what he either saw himself or had from the mouth of martin , or those that saw them , and who speaketh his own knowledg of his eximious piety . he speaketh hardly of the bishops , not only as complying with an usurper , but that ithacius in particular of his knowledge , was one that much cared not what he said or did the bishops would have denied that the death of priscillian was by their means ▪ is it not strange that the church of rome should canonize martin for a saint , believing his great miracles , and yet themselves go an hundred times further against the blood of dissenters , than the bishops did whom saint martin therefore opposed and separated from to the death ? the churches in spain , and elsewhere , were disturbed and scattered or endangered by souldiers to please these bishops , not ( as some forge ) that maximus did persecute the christians for the prey : for most writers magnifie his piety and defence of ambrose , and the orthodox that condemn his usurpation , though he said , the souldiers in britain forced him to it . § . . lxxiv . a general council was called to rome by the emperour and damasus ; but the oriental bishops would not come so far , but met at constantinople : here damasus owned paulinus at antioch , as the council of const. had owned meletius : and so neither would be obedient to the other ; the general council , nor the pope . but damasus durst not excommunicate flavianus , but permitted two bishops to continue at antioch ; accounted a schism , which continued long . § . . lxxv . the oriental bishops that would not come to rome , meeting at constantinople , wrote to rome to tell them their case and faith , & minded them that it was according to the canons that neighbour bishops ( and not strangers ) should ordain bishops to vacant seats ( to justifie their setting up flavianus when rome set up paulinus : ) and they give account of the advancement of const. and ierusalem and call ierusalem [ the mother of all other churches . ] § . . a synod held at syda against the massalians , little is known of . § . . lxxvi . a council at bourdeaux condemned instantius priscillian . who thereupon was slain at trevers . § . . lxxvii . an. . a council at rome under syricius , repeated some of the old canons . § . . lxxviii . theognostus having excommunicated ithacius , and reprehended the bishops , as irregular and bloody for procuring the death of priscillian , a council called at trevers did justifie and acquit him : unjustly , say , even binnius and baronius : who here repeat out of sulpitius martins once communicating with the bishops there , to save two mens lives , and the words of the angel to him [ meritò , martine , compungeris : sed aliter exire nequîsti : repara virtutem ; resume constantiam , ne jam non periculum gloriae , sed salutis incurras : itaque ab illo tempore satis cavit cum illâ ithacianae partis communione misceri : caeterùm cum tardius quosdam ex ergumenis , quam solebat , & gratiâ minore curaret ; subinde nobis cum lachrymis fatebatur , se propter communionis illius malum , cui se vel puncto temporis necessitate , non spiritu , miscuisset , detrimentum virtutis sentire : sexdecim pòst vixit annos , nullam synodum adiit , &c. is it not strange that papists blush not to recite such a history with approbation , which expresseth a testimony from heaven against far less than their inquisition , flames , murders , canons de heraeticis comburendis & exterminandis , and deposing princes that will not execute them . and which sheweth such a divine justification for separation from the bishops and synods of such a way , yea , though of the same religion with us , and not so corrupt as the reformation found the roman papacy and clergy ? § . . lxxix . the two bishops continuing at antioch , evagrius succeeding paulinus , and rome owning him , and the east flavianus , a council is called at capua : flavian refuseth to come : the council had more wit than many others , and ordered that both congregations ( flavian's and evagrius's ) being all good christians , should live in loving communion . ( o that others had been as wise , in not believing those prelates that perswaded the world that it is so pernicious a thing for two churches and bishops to be in one city , as peter and paul are said to be at rome ! ) and they referred the case to theophilus alex. § . . but this council condemned a new heresie ( hereticating was in fashion ; ) viz. of one bishop bonosus , denying mary to have continued a virgin to the death . and they condemned re-baptizing and re-ordaining , and the translation of bishops . § . . lxxx . next comes a provincial council ( or two ) at arles , which doth but repeat some former canons . § . . lxxxi . next we have a strange thing , a heresie raised by one that was no bishop : but the best is , it was but a very little heresie : hierome is the describer of it , who writing against the author , iovinian a milan monk , no doubt according to his sharpness , makes the worst of it : at the worst it containeth all these : . that virgins , widows and marryed women , being all baptized ( or washed ) in christ , and not differing in any other works , are of equal merits . . that those that plenâ ●●de with a full faith are born again in baptisme , cannot be subverted by the devil . . there is no difference of merit between abstaining from meat , and receiving it with thanksgiving . . that there 's one reward in heaven for all that keep their baptismal vow . siricius catching iovinian hid at rome , sends him to milan , where a council hereticateth him . § . . lxxxii . it 's strange that binnius vouchsafeth next to add out of socrates , l. . c. . ( when he hereticateth him also ) a council of the novatians ; socrates and sozomen are called novatians , by the papists , because they rail not at them so valiantly as the hereticators do ; and it may be they will call me one , if i say that i better like this councils canon , than burning men for such a heresie . they decree that as from the apostles the different time of keeping easter was not taken for sufficient cause for christians to renounce communion with each other , so it should be esteemed still , and it should be so far left indifferent , that they live in love and communion that are herein of different minds . and i would say , as lowd as i can speak , if all the proud , contentious , ambitious , hereticating part of the bishops had been of this christian mind , o what sin , what scandal and shame , what cruelties , confusions and miseries had the christian world escaped ! but yet men will scorn to be so far novatians , in despight of scripture , reason , humanity and experience , whatever sin or misery follow : ( as i said before ) in england the convocation and parliaments oversight hath determined of a false rule to know easter-day , and silenceth ministers for not assenting , consenting to it , and approving the use of it , even the use which consisteth in keeping easter at a wrong time , which makes us hereticks . § . . lxxxiii . an. . a great council was called at hippo , where austin , yet a presbyter was there . good men will do well : here was nothing but pious and honest , for reformation of discipline and manners ; and most of the african councils were the best in all the world . their bishopricks were but like our parishes , and they strove not who should be greatest , or domineer . § . . lxxxiv . next a council at constant. decideth a crontroversie between two men striving for a bishoprick , bin. p. . § . . lxxxv . concilium adrumetinum did we know not what . § . . lxxxvi . an. . a council of donatists was held at cavernae , about a schism between two men set up for bishops against each other . § . . lxxxvii . at bagai another council was called by the donatists , for the same cause , where primianus carthag . having . bishops , condemned maximianus his competitor , absent . note here , . how great a number the donatists were , and on what pretence ( as over-voting them ) they called others hereticks and schismaticks . . how small bishopricks then were , the number tells us . § . . lxxxviii . a synod was held at taurinum in savoy , where a difference was decided between the bishops of arles and vienne , striving which should be greatest : and he was judged to be the greatest , whose seat was proved to be the metropolitan : and a case of communicating with one foelix a partner of ithacius and the bloody bishops was debated . § . . lxxxix . another carthage council called the second , which binnius saith , was the last , is placed next ; which decreed several church orders , some of which shew , that a bishops diocess had then but unum altare ; as when reconciliation of penitents , ( as well as chrisme , and consecrating virgins ) was to be done by the bishop only , except in great necessity . and when christians were multiplyed , they that desired a bishop in a place , that had none before , might have one . and the prohibition erigendi aliud altare , &c. was repeated . § . . xc . another carthage council called the third , hath many good orders : one is can. . that the bishop of the first seat , shall not be called the chief priest ( or bishop ) or any such thing , but only the bishop of the first seat. to avoid all ambitious designs of superiority : whence binnius elsewhere noteth , that carthage had not an archbishop . no doubt they had a sense of the sin and misery , that came by the patriarchall and other ambitious strifes . § . . xci . another carthage council hath the like canons , adding to this aforesaid , as gratian citeth it , [ vniversalis autem nec etiam romanus pontifex appelletur . ] to which binnius hath no better an answer than , . that it is only swelling titles , and not the superiour power that is forbidden . . that the africans had no power to make laws for rome ; but , . sure the name is lawful , if the power be lawful . . they that could make no laws for rome , might declare their judgment of gods laws , and that rome might make no laws for them . this council also forbiddeth going beyond sea with appeals . § . xcii . the next carthage council hath canons for discipline : most very good . divers canons lay so much on the bishop , as plainly shew each bishop had but one altar . can. . that the bishops cottage be not far from the church : can. . that the bishop have but vile or cheap houshold stuff , and a poor table and diet ; and seek his authority or dignity by his faith and desert of life . . the bishop must not read the gentiles books ; . nor contend for transitory things , though provoked . . nor take on him the care of family ( or common ) business , but only be vacant to the word and prayer . . the bishop shall hear no cause but in the presence of his presbyters ; else it shall be void that is sentenced without them , unless confirmed by their presence . . the unjust condemnation of bishops is void . . and judgments against the absent . . the bishop to sit higher than the presbyters at church and their meetings , but at home know that they are his colleagues . . a clerk how learned soever in gods word , must get his living by a trade . . that is , by a trade or husbandry , without detriment to his office. . all clerks that are able to work , should learn both trades and letters . . the bishop must not admit an accuser of the brethren to communion ; nor to enter into the clergy , though he amend . many against clergy-men that are flatterers , betrayers , foul-tongued , quarrellers , at discord , scurrilous , of filthy jeasts , that swear by creatures , that sing at feasts , of former scandal , &c. . the poor and the aged of the church to be honoured before the rest . . he that goeth to any shows or s●ghts , on publick days , instead of going to the church-assembly , let him be excommunicate . . a lay-man must not teach when the clergy are present , unless they bid him . . a woman must not baptize . § . . xciii . an. . another council was at carthage of . bishops for discipline . § . . xciv . an. . theophilus held a synod at alexandria , against a dead man , origen . the occasion baronius and binnius thus deliver : melania , a woman of greatest nobility in rome in valens the arians pesecution , hid five thousand monks , and a while susteined them , and when they were banished , with great zeal , followed them to maintain them out of her substance ( or estate : ) when they were restored from banishment , she built for her self a monastery at ierusalem , in which , besides fifty virgins that dwelt with her , she entertained and maintained holy foreign bishops , monks , and virgins , twenty seven years : whereby it happened that both she and ruffinus , were by didymus alexandrinus , ( a man blind , but of great learning and fame , too great an admirer of origen's works ) entangled ( as their accusers said ) in origen's errours , and received and divulged his book , called periarchon : after years absence in egypt and palestine , returning to rome with great fame of holiness , and bringing with them a piece of the cross , they with fraud bring to origen's periarchon , ( that is , translated and corrected by ruffinus . ) another woman , marcella , accuseth them of origen's errours , which they deny , and geting communicatory letters from pope siricius , forsake rome , ( where such merits and holiness would not procure an aged lady a quiet habitation , without being hereticated , because she highly valued origen's works , which had divers errours ; and who hath not ? ) hereupon pamachius , and oceanus , write to hierome to publish origen's periarchon entire , and detect his errours ; which he did , shewing that ruffinus had mended some , and left others unmended : this occasioned stirs against hierome , and a council call'd at alexandria , an . . where origen is condemned . theophilus by his legates expells origen's followers out of egypt and palestine : being expelled they go to chrysostome to constantinople , and complain of theophilus as persecuting them that were innocent catholicks , and desired his help : he undertaketh to reconcile them to theophilus : epiphanius followeth them to constantinople , and requireth chrysostome to excommunicate them and expel them ; chrysostome durst not do it , against people professing truth and piety , without a synod : whereupon epiphanius irregularly accuseth chrysostome , and publickly inveyeth against him in his own church ; of the process of which , more anon . § . . for the better understanding of these matters , i will insert somewhat of theophilus and chrysostome , out of socrates , because he is a most credible historian , and saith , they were things done in his own days . theophilus was noted for a lordly prelate ; isidore pelusiota saith more : when chrysostome was to be ordained bishop of constantinople , theophilus refused to ordain him , because he would have preferred to it , one isidore , a presbyter of his own ; but eutropius , a courtier , having got articles against theophilus , shewed them to him , and bid him choose , whether he would ordain chrysostome bishop , or stand at the bar and answer those crimes : theophilus was so afraid at this , that he presently consecrated chrysostome : socr. l. . c. . but presently after began busily to devise how he might work him mischief , which he practised privately by word , and by his letters into foreign countries : but was vexed that his malicious practices had not better success , for he thought to bring in this isidore ( cap. . ) § . . one of the articles against theophilus was this : when theodosius was going to fight against maximus the tyrant , theophilus sent presents by this isidore to the emperour , with two letters , charging him to give the presents and one of the letters to him that should have the upper-hand . isidore got him to rome , to hearken after the victory : but his reader that kept him company , stole away his letters : whereupon isidore in a fright took his heels presently to alexandria . § . . another thing to be fore-known to this story is in socrat. l. . c. . the schisme of the anthropomorphites now rose from egypt : some of the more unlearned thought that god had a body and the shape of a man , but theophilus ( and the judicious ) condemned them , and inveighed against them , proving that god had not a body . the religious of egypt hearing this , flocking in blind zeal to alexandria , condemned theophil●●s for a wicked man , and sought to take away his life : theophilus very pensive , devised how to save his life : he came to them courteously , and said , when i fasten mine eyes on you , methinks i see the face of god. these words allayed the heat of the monks ; who said , if that be true that thou sayest , that the face of god is like ours , then curse the works of origen which deny it : if thou deny this , be sure thou shalt receive at our hands the punishment due to the impious and open enemies of god : o brave disputing ! were these mortified monks ? theophilus told them , he would do what they would , for he hated the books of origen . but that which ripened the mischief was , that the religious houses of egypt having four brothers , excellent men , for their overseers , theophilus was restless till he got them away to him ; one of them , dioscorus , he made a bishop ; others living with him perceived that he was set upon heaping and hoarding money , and that all his labour tended to gathering , [ dr. hanmer translating this , puts in the margin , this bishop hath more fellows in the world. and noting how theophilus to revenge himself persecuted his own opinions , saith , this is a sin against the holy ghost . ] would dwell with him no longer , but returned to their wilderness . theophilus prone to anger and revenge , endeavoured by all means to work them mischief ; and the way he took was to accuse them to the monks , for saying to him , that god had not a body , nor humane shape : and he himself was of the same opinion , yet to be revenged of his enemies , he stuck not to oppugn it ; and sent to the monks , not to obey dioscorus or his brethren , for they held that god had no body , whereas scripture saith , that he hath eyes , ears , hands and feet , as men have ; which with origen they deny : by this treachery he set them all together by the ears ; one side calling the other origenists , and the other them anthropomorphites ; so it turned to bickering among the monks , yea , to a deadly battel : and theophilus went with armed men and helped the anthropomorphites . so you see , if socrates say true , how wickedly this sainted patriarch lived , and how he came so much engaged against the origenists , whose errours doubtless were worthy blame : but many good persons who honoured origen for his great worth , and owned not his errours , were called origenists , because they honoured him : and that which was erroncous in him , was consistent with far greater learning , piety , and honesty , than socrates , isidore pelus . and others thought there was in theophilus : either credible socrates , and others were gross lyars , or this patriarch and saint was a downright knave , or acted like one . § . . now we are upon it , let us prosecute chrysostome's history ●urther . he was a studious holy monk of a house , near antioch : after nectarius death he was chosen bishop for his meer piety and worth : he was a man of great piety and honesty and an excellent tongue , and as good a life , but bred in a cell and not to courtship , knew not how to slatter courtiers and court-prelates : he was naturally sharp and cholerick , and his conscience told him , that a bishop must not be a dawber , nor flatter the greatest wicked men : ( for bishops in that age were the preachers , ) not having a thousand congregations to preach to . ) he saw even the clergy addicted to their appetites : and he kept a table for them , but eating with great temperance he always eat alone ; he rebuked the luxury of the court , and particularly of the empress , who conceived a deadly hatred against him : and the custome of the court was , for the women much to influence both emperour and courtiers , and then what bishop soever was too precise for them and bold with their sins , to get a pack of the worldly clergy presently to meet together and depose him : ( for synods of bishops ( not the pope ) had then the power . ) they would not be seen in it themselves , but a patriarch of alexandria should call a synod , and do it presently . chrysostome was a man of no courtship to take off their edges ; but the worse courtiers , bishops , and priests were , the worse he spake of them ; and all the honest plain people believed and loved him ; but the rich and great prelates abhorred him . his own clergy hated him , because he would reform them : those that would not amend , he excommunicated : which they could not bear : so that one of his deacons serapion , openly said to him , o bishop , thou shalt never be able to rule all these as thou wouldst , unless thou make them all tast of one whip . every one was his enemy who was his own , and was engaged by guilt against his discipline and doctrine . the guilty hated him : his hearers loved him : swift-writers took his sermons , which tell us what he was to this day : and it was honesty and policy in innocent bishop of rome to own him , who had worth to add to the reputation of his defendants . among other of his accusations , one was , that eutropius an eunuch , chamberlain to the emperour , procured a law against delinquents taking the church for a sanctuary . and shortly after being to be beheaded , for a crime against the emperour , he took the church for a sanctuary himself ; and chrysostome from the pulpit preached a sermon against him , while he lay prostrate at the altar . also he resisted gainas the arian , who turned traytor and was destroyed ▪ another cause of chrysostome's disturbance was , that one severianus bishop of gabale in syria , came into constantinople , and preached for money , and drew away the hearts of the people , while chrysostome was about choosing a bishop for ephesus : serapion a turbulent deacon quarrelled with the syrian bishop , and would not reverence him : the bishop said , if serapion die a christian , chirst was not incarnate . serapion tells chrysostome the last words without the first : chrysostome forbids severianus the city : the empress taketh his part , and importuneth chrysostome to be reconciled to severianus . but the core remained , socrat. l. . c. . § . . socrat. c. . shortly after epiphanius ( the collector of heresies ) came from cyprus to constantinople , and there irregularly in chrysostomes diocess played the bishop , ordained a deacon , and called together the bishops that were accidentally in the city , and required them to condemn the books of origen ; which some did , and some refused , saith socrates , cap. . obscure men , odd fellows , such as have no pith or substance in them , to the end they may become famous , go about most commonly to purchase to themselves glory and renown by dispraising such men as far excel them in rare and singular virtues . chrysostome bore patiently epiphanius's fault and invited him to take a lodging at his house . he answered him , i will neither lodg with thee , nor pray with thee , unless thou banish dioscorus and his brethren out of the city , and subscribe with thy own hand the condemnation of the works of origen : chrysostome answered , that such things are not to be done without deliberation and good advice . epiphanius in chrysostome's church at the sacrament , stands forth and condemns origen , and excommunicateth dioscorus a bishop , and reproveth chrysostome as taking their part . chrysostome sent word by serapion to epiphanius that he did violate the canons , . in making ministers in his diocess ; . in administring the communion without his licence , and yet refusing to do it when he desired it . wherefore he bid him take heed lest he set the people in an uproar , for if ought came amiss , he had his remedy in his hands . epiphanius hearing this , went away in fear , and took ship for cyprus : the report goeth ( saith socrates , cap. . ) that as he went he said of iohn , i hope thou shalt never dye a bishop : and that chrysostome answer'd him , i hope thou shalt never come alive into thy countrey . and it so fell out : for epiphanius dyed at sea by the way ; and chysostome dyed deposed and banished . § . . the empress eudoxia was said to set epiphanius on work . chrysostome being hot , made a sermon of the faults of women ; which was interpreted to be against the empress . she irritated the emperour against him ; and got theophilus to call a council against him , at quercus near chalcedon , and constant. thither came s●verianus , and many bishops that chrysostome had deposed , and many that were his enemies for his strictness ; but especially time-servers that knew the will of the empress , if not the emperours : when they summoned him to appear before them , he answered , that by the canon there must be more patriarchs , and he appealed to a general council , yet not denying to answer any where , if they would put out his enemies from being his judges , and that in his own patriarchate . but they sentenced him deposed , for not appearing : the people were presently in an uproar , and would not let him be taken out of the church : the emperour commanded his banishment : to avoid tumult , the third day he yielded himself to the souldiers to be transported : the people hereupon were all in an uproar , and it pleased god that there was an earthquake that night : whereupon the emperour sent after him to intreat him to return . when he came back he would not have officiated , till his cause was heard by equal judges , but the people constrained him to pray and preach ; which was after made the matter of his accusation . theophilus was hated as the cause of all , and severianus as the second . after this theophilus turned his accusation upon heraclides , bishop of ephesus , put in by chrysostome : they condemned him unheard , in his absence : chrysostome said that should not be : the alexandrians said , it was just ; they went hereupon together by the ears , and some were wounded and some were killed , and theophilus glad to fly home to alexandria ; but was hated by the people . § . . after this a silver image of the empress was set up in the street , and plays and shows about it , which chrysostome perhaps too sharply reproached : this provoked the empress to call another council ; which deposed chrysostome , for seizing upon his place before a council restored him : he ceased his office : the emperor banished him : his people in passion set the church on fire , which burnt down the senatours court ; for which grievous sufferings befell them . upon this they forsook the church and the new bishop ( arsacius , an old useless man ) and gathered conventicles by themselves , and were long called ioannites from his name , and taken for schismaticks : but they never returned till the name and bones of chrysostome were restored to honour . § . . the novatians quarrelled with chrysostome as too loose in his doctrine and too strict in his life , because he said in a sermon , if you sin an hundred times , the church doors shall be open to you , if you repent . and chrysostome angry with sisinnius the novatian bishop , told him , there should not be two bishops in one city , and threatned to silence him from preaching : he told him that he would be beholden to him then for saving him his labour . but chrysostome answered him , nay , if it be a labour , go on . § . . xcv . a council in africk to renew the priviledges of churches for sanctuary ; that none that fled to them for any crime , should be taken out by force : justice was taken for wickedness . § . . xcvi . two councils met , one at const. to judg antonius , bishop of ephesus , for simony , and many other crimes : another at ephesus to judg six bishops for simony . § . . xcvii . about an. . a council of bishops at toletum repress the priscillians ; and make divers canons for discipline ; as that a clergy-man shall have power over his offending wife by force , but not to put her to death ; that a man that hath no wife but one concubine shall not be kept from communion ( though some think that this concubine is truly a wife , but not according to law , but private contract , and more servile . ) many other better there be . there is adjoyned a regula fidei of many bishops approved by pope leo , in bin. p. . to which are adjoyned anathematisms against the priscillians : one of them is , if any one say or believe that other scriptures are to be had in authority and reverence , besides those which the catholick church receiveth , let him be anathema . ( yet the papists receive more . ) another is , if any one think that astrology or mathematicks is to be believed ( or trusted ) let him be anathema . there are in bin. divers fragments cited , as of the tolet. councils . one saith that arch-presbyters are under the arch-deacons , and yet have curam animarum over all the presbyters . another determineth that there shall be but one baptismal church , which is there called , the mother church , with its chapels , in the limits assigned : and another distinguisheth of offerings made at the parish church , and offerings at the altars ; which sheweth that then there were no altars but where the bishop was . § . . xcviii . two councils were held at carthage about . the later about the donatists . § . . xcix . an. . was the council melevitan ▪ about certain bishops quarrels , and who should be the highest bishop in numidia . § . . c. an. . was the synod ad quercum , which deposed chrysosto●● . § . . c● . an. , , &c. there were seven councils in africk , against the donatists , to procure honorius to suppress them by the sword , not as a heresie , but because they rose up by fire and sword against the catholicks , and abused and killed many . but when attalus invaded africk , the emperour proclaimed liberty for them , to quiet them ; which he after recalled . another synod was held against them at cyrta . one at toletum about ordinations ; and one at ptolemais to excommunicate andronicus , an oppressing governour . § . . cii . the donatist bishops held a council , decreeing , that when a sentence of banishment was passed on them , they would not forsake their church , but rather voluntarily die , as many did by their own hands : for they took themselves to be the true church and bishops , and the rest persecuting schismaticks . § . . ciii . the concilium diospolitanum of bishops in palestine acquitted pelagius upon his renouncing his errours . § . . an. . a council at carthage of bishops condemned pelagius and c●lestine ; whom the former had absolved . § . . cv . a council of bishops at milevis condemn pelagius . the . canon galleth the pontificians : if presbyters , deacons , or other inferiour clergy , shall in their causes complain of the bishops , the neighbour bishops shall hear them and end the business ; being used by the consent of their bishops : but if they see cause to appeal from them also , let them appeal to none but to africane councils , or to the primates of their provinces : but if any will appeal to any places beyond the seas , let none in africk receive them into communion . in this council was aurelius , alypi●s , augustinus , evodi●s , and possidonius , and these very great with pope innocent , one of the best and wisest popes ( who excommunicated theophilus , arcadius and the empress , &c. for chrysostomes cause . ) yet did this pass then without contradiction . can. . of this council liturgies were made necessary approved by councils lest any heresie should be vended . § . . c●lestine and pelagius being condemned by the africans , especially upon the accusations of lazarus and herotes bishops , said to be holy men ; innocent joyned with the africans , but after his death pope zosimus having a fair appeal of caelestine , &c. to him , absolveth them both and condemneth their accusers . he writeth an epistle , had the cause been good , very honest against rash condemning innocent men , telling them how greatly they were rejoyced at rome to find them orthodox ; and what false and bad men lazarus and herotes were : it was lazarus custome to accuse the innocent , as in many councils he had done saint britius a bishop of tours ; that he got by blood into the bishops seat , and was the shadow of a bishop , while a tyrant had the image of empire , and then his patron being slain , voluntarily deposed himself . the like he saith of herotes ; and that neither of them would come personally to rome , but lay in bed and s●nt false letters of accusation : therefore he admonisheth the africans ( among whom was augustine ) to believe such whisperers no more against the innocent : but binnius out of prosper maketh the accusers holy men , and the other wicked : bin. p. . § . . pelagius sent zosimus a confession of his faith , and therein condemning all the late heresies , professeth , that he so holdeth free will , as yet that we always need the help of god ; and that they erre who say with the manichees , that a man cannot avoid sin , and they that say with jovinian , that a man cannot sin ; for both deny the freedome of the will : but he holdeth , that always a man can sin and can forbear sin , so as be still holdeth the freedome of the will. but subtile augustine and the rest , sent back many harder questions to put to pelagius and caelestine for their tryal , upon which they after past for hereticks . § . . cvi. therefore bishops in a council at carthage having received zosimus letters , decreed to stand to their former judgment and innocents , against pelagius and caelestine , till they should confess certain points ( for grace ) drawn up by paulus diaconus . § . . cvii zosimus being dead , boniface and eulalius strove for the popedome : both were chosen : the emperour honorius was sent to for both : this case being too hard for him , he referreth it to a council at ravenna : it proved too hard for them . therefore the emperour commanded them both to remove from the city , and another bishop to officiate , till it was decided by another council . but eulalius disobeying the emperours command , and coming into rome at noon-day , occasioned a tumult , and the people were neer to fight it out . which the emperour hearing , expelled eulalius , and a council obeying him confirmed boniface . § . . among the decrees of boniface one is , that no bishop shall be brought or set before any iudge civil or military , either for any civil or criminal cause . so that a bishop had the priviledge of a bad physician ; he might murder and not be hanged ; for any crime , he was to answer but before bishops , who could but excommunicate and depose him . but another decree is better , against bishops that fall out and desire to hurt their brethren : but , alas , to how little effect ? § . . cviii . another council at carthage , ( called the sixth , and by some the fifth ) had the famous contention with three popes , zosimus , boniface , and caelestine , successively , against appeals to rome , and the popes sending legates into africa to judge . the popes alledged the council of nice for it . the african bishops knew no such canon : they take time for tryal , and send to constantinople and alexandria , to atticus and cyril , for their true copies of the councils : none of them have any such canon : the fathers write to the pope to take better heed what he affirmeth for the time to come , and to forbear such pride and usurpation : alledging that by the canons all strifes were to be ended by their neighbour bishops and councils . here the papists sweat about these answers and the event . some say ( as harding ) that the africans continued long , ( some say almost years ) in schism : and an epistle under the name of pope boniface the second to eulalius saith the same : others wiser ( as binnius ) see that to lose augustines authority and have him and all the african bishops ( the best of the world ) against the papal power , would be to heavy a burden for them : therefore they say , that the africans were no schismaticks , that the canon not found was in the council of sardica ; and that that went for the council of nice : that the africans did not deny the popes power of judging them , but only of sending souldiers and doing it violently by force , and such other shifts , which the express words of the african council and letters plainly confute : if any dispute it , i appeal to the very words . either another council or a second session of the same is called the seventh at carthage . § . . cix . all this while the schism continued at rome , and eulalius partly would not communicate with the rest , each side saying , that theirs was the true bishop , and the other an usurper and schismatick . but theodosius was for caelestine . in his time another carthage council made up their canons . among which are : . that no bishop be called the chief bishop . . to deal gentlier with the donatists . . to send to them for peace . . that bishops latelier ordained may not dare to prefer themselves before those that were ordained before them . . for pacifying the churches of rome and alexandria , &c. § . . it fell out well for austin against the pelagians , that by the means of prosper and hilary pope caelestine was wholly on austins side , and condemned the pelagians . and among his own decrees one was nullus invitis detur episcopus : cleri , plebis & ordinis comm. sensus ac desiderium requiratur . many canons of those times shew that the bishops churches were no bigger , than that all the laity could meet to choose or accept the bishop , and have personal communion . § . . cx . an eastern council against the massalians . § . . cxi . next cometh the nestorian war : pope caelestine provoked by cyril alex. called a council at rome , and condemned nestorius , unless he recanted in ten days . § . . cxii . cyril calleth his council at alexandria , and passeth the same sentence , having got caelestine to back him , and sends it with many anathematismes to nestorius , calling for his abjuration . the whole cause is opened at the next council at ephesus . chap. v. the first general council at ephesus , with the second , and some other following . § . . the church at constantinople growing to be the greatest , by the presence of the court ( which was the spring or poise of most of the bishops courses , and indeed did rule , ) it became the envy and jealousie , especially or the two great patriarchs , rome and alexandria . alexandria being under the same emperour had more to do with const. and made the greater stirs ; for when the empire was divided , rome being under an orthodox emperour , had little trouble at home , and little opportunity for domination in the east : yet keeping up the pretence of the prime patriarchate , and the caput mundi romani , the pope watch'd his opportunity to lay in his claim , aud to keep under the stronger side , and while they did the work in the east against one another , he sent now and then a letter or a legate , to tell them that he was somebody still : and indeed the hope of help from the western emperour by the countenance of the pope , made the eastern churches still vexed with heresie and persecutions and divisions , to seek oft to rome and be glad of their approbation , to strengthen them against their adversaries . § . . when arsacius was dead , atticus succeeded him at constantinople , a wise and pious healing man , who greatly thereby advanced that church and all the eastern churches : he dealt gently with the novatians and lived in peace with them . he encouraged hereticks by kindness to return to the communion of the church . at synada in phygia pac. was a church of macedonians : theodosius bishop of the orthodox persecuted them with great severity : and when he found that the magistrates of the place had not power to do as much as he expected , he got him to constantinople for greater power : while he was there agapetus the macedonian bishop turned orthodox , and all the church adhered to him , and set him in the bishops chair . when theodosius came home with power to persecute him , he found him in his place , and the people shut the doors against theodosius : whereupon he went back to const. and made his complaint to atticus how he was used . atticus knew that it fell out for the best , for the concord of the church , and he gave theodosius good words , and perswaded him only to be patient . § . . cyril at that time succeeded his unkle theophilus at alexandria , in place and in unquiet domination , taking more upon him than theophilus had done , even the government of temporal affairs : he presently shut up the novatian churches in alex. rifled them of all their treasure , and bereaved theopemptus their bishop of his substance ▪ the jews at that time falling out with the christians , murdered many of them . cyril executed some , and banished them all . orestes the governour took this ill : fifty monks of mount nitria come to take cyril's part , and assault the governour , and wound him in the head with a stone : the people rise and put the monks to flight , but take him that did the fact , and he is tormented and put to death : cyril pronounced the monk a martyr , but the people would not believe him one . at that time there was a woman , hypatia , so famous for learning , that she excelled in all philosophy , and taught in the schools ( which plotinus continued : ) so that she had scholars out of many countries , and was oft with princes , and rulers , and for her modesty and gravity was much esteemed . orestes the governour oft talking with her , the people said , it was long of her that he was not reconciled to cyril : they laid hold of her ; drew her into a church , stript her stark naked ; rase the skin , and tare the flesh off her body with sharp shells till she dyed : they quarter her body and burn them to ashes : which turned to the great dishonour of cyril . § . . all this while the followers of chrysostome remained nonconformists and separatists at constantinople , and were called ioannites , and kept in conventicles of their own . atticus knew that love was the way to win them , and he purposing to take that way , writeth to cyril alex. that the restoring of chrysostome's name in the church-office would tend to heal their sad division , and give the churches peace : he told cyril , that populus majori ex parte per factionem scissus extra muros conventus egerit , & plerique sacerdotes & colleg●● nostri episcopi & à mutuâ communione discedentes , bonam plantationem domini parùm abest quin avulserint , &c. most of the people were gone and had separate meetings without the walls ; priests and bishops separating from one another were like to destroy the church , and that if he consented not to restore the name of dead chrysostome , the people would do it without him , and he was loath that church administration should so fall into the hands of the multitude , and therefore he would take in chrysostom's name . alexander , a good bishop of antioch put him upon this way : but cyril did vehemently oppose it ( how did he obey rome then , when the pope had excommunicated chrysotom's persecutors ? ) and first he pleaded , that the schismaticks were but few ( as if their own bishop knew not better than he ; ) and that chrysostome being ejected dyed a lay-man , and was not to be numbered with the clergy , that atticus had the magistrates on his side , that would bring them in by force ( reader , there is nothing new under the sun : the things that have been are . ) and a little time would reduce most of them to the church ( though they increased ; ) that by favouring the schismaticks he would lose the obedient ( conformists , ) and would get nothing by pleasing such disobedient men , but strengthen them ; that the conformists ( or obedient ) were the far more considerable part , even the bishops and churches of egypt , libia , &c. and threatned that he would seek a remedy himself ; and reproaching chrysostome , he telleth a●ticus , that conformity to the canons was more to be observed than the pleasing of such schismaticks , and that violating the canons would do far more hurt than pleasing such men would do good ; and that such men will never be satisfied by reasons , nor judge truly of themselves : and he likened the restoring of chrysostome's name , to the putting in the name of the traytor iudas with matthias . he added , that if ignorant wilful fellows will forsake the church , what loss is it ? and therefore that a few mens talk must not draw atticas to pluck up the church sanctions . and as for alexander antioch . who perswaded him to it , he was a bold-faced man that had deceived many ; but this disease must not thus prevail , but be cured . thus cyril to atticus : how oft have i heard just such language ? reader , how hard is it to know what history to believe , when it comes to the characterizing of adversaries ? how little is a domineering prelates accusation of such men as chrysostome to be credited ? and how ordinary is it with such , to call their betters , not what they are , but what they would have them thought , if not what they are themselves ? but atticus was wiser than to take this counsel ; but obeyed the wisdom which is from above , which is first pure and then peaceable , gentle , &c. and god had so much mercy on constant. as to defeat the evil counsel of cyril , and turn it into foolishness : for atticus restored the name of chrysostome , and used the nonconformists kindly , and they came into the unity of the church : and when proclus , after him , fetch'd home his bones with honour , the breach was healed . § . . no credible history telleth us , that either theophilus or cyril did repent of this ; ( though the papists say , that the pope excommunicated theophilus for it ; yet they are now honoured , because the pope did own the cause against theodoret's epistle to ioh. antioch . upon the death of cyril , taking his death for the churches deliverance from a turbulent enemy of peace , intimates , that he repented not : but ( god only knoweth : ) nicephorus out of nicetas the philosopher , tells us a report , that after all this , before he dyed , a dream did cure him ; viz. that he saw chrysostome drive him out of his own house , having a divine company with him ; and that the virgin mary intreated for him , &c. and that upon this cyril changed his mind and admired chrysostome , and repented of his imprudence and wrath , and hereupon called another provincial synod to honour him , and restore his name . ( o ductile synods ! and o unhappy churches , whose pastors must grow wise , and cease destroying , after so long sinning , and by an experience which costeth the church so dear ! ) and nicephorus saith , that pelusiota's reproof conduced much hereto , niceph. lib. . cap. . § . . isidore pelus . words you may see at large in his epistles : nicephorus reciteth thus much of them , lib. . c. . cyrillum sanè ut hominem turbulentum refellens haec scribit : favoris affectio acutum non videt : hostilis verò animi odium nil prorsus cernit : quod si utroque hoc vitio te purgare ipsum & liberare vis , ne violentas sententias extorqueto , sed justo judicio causas committe : — multi qui ephesi tecum congregati fuerunt , publicè te tr●ducunt , quod inimicitias tuas persecutus sis , & non ritè & ordine juxta rectae fidei sententiam ea quae iesu christi sunt quaesiveris : theophili , inquiunt , cùm ex fratre nepos sit , mores quoque illius imitatur : sicut ille apertam insaniam in sanctum & deo dilectum joannem effudit , ita & iste gloriam eodem affectat modo . and after other sharper words , he addeth . ne ego ita condemner , & ne tu ipse etiam à deocondemneris , contentiones sopto : nec injuriae propria vindicta quae ab hominibus provenit , videntem ecclesiam per astu●as actiones , fallas . and of theophilus , he saith . eum quatuor administris seu potius desertoribus suis circumvallatum , qui deum amantem , deumque praedicantem virum ( chrysost. ) hostiliter opprimeret , quum occasionem & caus●m impictatis suae arripuisset . thus isidore speaketh of them . § . . atticus dying , the clergy were for philip or proclus , but the laity choosing sisinnius prevailed : he was a good and peaceable man , and sent proclus to be bishop of cyzicum ; but the people refused him and chose another . § . . after the death of sisinnius to avoid strife at home the emperour caused nestorius to be chosen , a monk from the house by antioch , whence chrysostome came . he was loud , eloquent , and temperate : but hot against the liberty of those called hereticks : he begun thus to the emperour , give me the earth weeded from hereticks , and i will give thee heaven : help me against the hereticks and i will help thee against the persians . thus turbulent hereticators must have the sword do the work that belongeth to the word : princes must do their work , and they will pretend that god shall for their sakes advance those princes : but he was rewarded as he deserved . he presently enraged the arians by going to pull down their church , and they set it on fire themselves to the hazard of the city . so that he was presently called a firebrand . he vexed the novatians , and raised stirs in many places , but the emperour curbed him . antony bishop of germa vexing the macedonians , they killed him : whereupon they were put out of their churches in many cities . § . . at last his own ruine came as followeth . nestorius defended his priest anastasius , for saying , that mary was not to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mother of god ; this set all the city in a division , disputing of they well knew not what , and suspecting him of denying the godhead of christ : but he was of no such opinion , but being eloquent and self-conceited read little of the ancients writings , nor was very learned ; and thought to avoid all extreams herein , and so would not call mary the mother of god , nor the mother of man , but the mother of christ who was god and man. at that time some servants of some noble men impatient of their masters severities fled to the church ; and with their swords resisted all that would remove them , killed one priest , wounded another and then killed themselves . § . . cxiii . the emperour theodosius jun. a religious peaceable prince , weary of this stir , called a general council at ephesus , and gave cyril order to preside , ( the papists pretend that he was pope caelestine's legate , who indeed joyned with him by his letters , when he saw how things went. ) both cyril and nestorius desired the council ( letters before having made no end . ) caelestine nor the africanes could not come , augustine was dead : nestorius , cyril , and iuvenal of ierusalem came : iohn of antioch was thirty days journey off , and his bishops much more , and stayed long . cyril and memnon of ephesus would not stay for him : nestorius came the first day ; but cyril and the rest being sharp against him , for not calling mary the parent of god , he said to them , ego bimestrem aut trimestrem deum non facile dixerim : proinde purus sum à vestro sanguine : in posterum ad vos non veniam . that is , i will not easily say , that god is two or three months old : i am clean from your bloud , and will come to you no more . some bishops going with him , they met by themselves . cyril summoneth him : he refuseth to come till iohn bishop of antioch came . they examine his sermons and witnesses , and condemn and depose him , as blasphemous against christ. three or four days after , iohn of antioch , and his eastern bishops come : he took it ill that they stayed not for him : he joyneth in a distinct meeting with nestorius : theodoret accuseth cyril's anathematismes of errour : they depose cyril and cyril's synod citeth iohn : he refuseth to appear : they depose him and his adherent bishops : and thus two synods sate deposing and condemning one another : both parties send their agents to the emperour : his officer candidianus took part with nestorius : he sendeth another iohannes comes , with charge to depose the heads of both the deposing parties , and so to make good both their depositions , viz. nestorius , cyril , and memnon : candidianus before had told the emperour , how all was done in violence and confusion , and he had pronounced all null , and charged them to begin all a-new . when iohannes comes came , he wrote to the emperour , that all being in confusion , and cyril and memnon fortifying themselves , he summoned them all to come to him ; and lest they should fall together by the ears , ( which he feared , by reason of their strange fierceness ) he ordered their coming in so , that it might not be promiscuously : nestorius and john of antioch being come first , cyril and his company ( except memnon ) came next , and presently a great tumult and stir began , cyril ' s party saying , that the sight of nestorius , whom they had deposed , was not to be endured : they would have the scripture read : but those that favoured cyril , said , that the divine and terrible scriptures were not to be read without cyril , nor while nestorius and the oriental bishops were present ; and for this there was a sedition , yea , a war , and fight : the same said the bishops that were with john , that cyril ought not to be present at the reading of the scriptures , he and memnon being deposed : the day being far spent thus , he attempted , excluding cyril and nestor●us , to read the emperours orders to the rest ; but cyril ' s party would not hear them , because they said cyril and memnon were unlawfully dep●sed : he had much a● do to persw . de them at last , ( and indeed thrusting out nestorius and cyril by force ) so much as to hear the emperours writing . but he made them hear it : in which nestorius , cyril , and memnon , were deposed . those that were with john heard it friendly , and approved it : the other clamoured , that cyril and memnon were wrongfully deposed : to avoid sedition , nestorius was committed to candidianus comes , and cyril to jacobus comes ( and memnon after . ) he concludeth , quòd si pientissimos episcopos videro implacatos & irreconciliabiles , ( nescio unde in hanc rabiem & asperitatem venerint , ) &c. this was his description of the carriage of this council . both parties sent several bishops , as their delegates , to constantinople : the emperour would not permit them to come nearer than chalcedon , ( which is as southwark to london . ) while they wait there , theodorite , one of iohn's party against cyril , wrote back , that the court was against nestorius , but most of the people were for them . it 's said that pulcheria , the emperours sister , was much against him . at last pope caelestine's legates came to the council and took cyril's part. the emperour saw how great the breach would be , if cyril were deposed , and he revoked the deposition of him and memnon , but not of nestorius , and wrote a threatning letter to cyril and iohn , to charge them to agree and joyn in communion , and not divide the churches , or else what he would do to them both . these terrible words cured them both of heresie : they presently consulted , and sent each other their confessions , and found ( good men ) that they were of one mind and did not know it . and so having their will upon nestorius and his adherents , the rest united . but so , that iohn and theodorite took cyril for a firebrand to the last . § . . nestorius being deposed retired quietly to his monastery by antioch , and lived there in honour four years , but then was banished and dyed in distress : ( some fable that he was eaten with worms . ) § . . the event of this council was , that a party of the orientals adhered to nestorius , took cyril and this council for hereticks , and to this day continue a numerous party of christians , called hereticks by the pontificians , because they are not for them : and the eutychians on all occasions accused their adversaries the orthodox to be nestorians , and the churches were inflamed by the dissention through many ages following . § . . and what was really the controversie between them ? some accuse nestorius as asserting two persons in christ as well as two natures , which he still denyed ▪ others accuse cyril as denying two natures : but his words about this were many , but he affirmed two natures before the union , ( and so did the eutychians ) but one after : david derodon a most learned frenchman hath written a treatise de supposite , in which he copiously laboureth to prove that nestorius was orthodox , holding two natures in one person , and that cyril and his council were hereticks , holding one nature only after union , and that he was a true eutychian , and dioscorus did but follow him , and that the council of chalcedon condemned nestorius and stablished his doctrine , and extolled cyril and condemned his doctrine . but for my part i make no doubt that , de re , they were both fully of one mind , and differed only about the aptitude of a phrase : whether it were an apt speech to call mary the parent of god , and to say that god was two moneths old , god hungred , god dyed and rose , &c. which nestorius denyed , and cyril and the council with him affirmed . and what hath the world suffered by this word warr. but which was in the right . we commonly say that forma denominat , & locutio formalis est maximè propria . and so nestorius spake most properly : but use is the master of speech , which tyeth us not always to that strictness , and so cyril well interpreted spake well : especially if the contrary side should intrude a duality of persons , by their denying the phrase : while nestorius accuseth cyril as if he spake de abstracto , he wrongeth him : while cyril accuseth nestorius as if he spake de concreto , he wronged him : they both meant that mary was the mother of christ who was god ▪ and of the vnion of the natures , but not the mother of christ as god , or of the deity . so that one speaking de concreto , and the other de abstracto , one materially and the other formally , in the heat of contention they hereticated each other and kindled a flame not quenched to this day , about a word while both were of one mind . § . . if any say it is arrogancy in me to say that such men had not skill enough to escape the deceit of such an ambiguity , i answer , humility maketh not men blind : the thing proveth it self . judg by these following words of nestorius and cyril what they held . § . . nestorius epist. ad cyril : nomen hoc , christus , utramque naturam , patibilem scilicet & impatilibem in unicâ personâ denotat . quò idem chrstus patibilis & impatibilis concipi queat ; illud quidem secundùm humanam naturam , hoc verò secundùm divinaem . — in eo non injuria te laudo quod distinctionem naturarum secundùm divinitatis & humanitatis rationem harumque in unâ duntaxat personâ conjunctionem praedicas . — et quòd divinitatem pati ●on potuisse discrtè pronuncias : haec enim omnia & vera sunt & orthodoxa ; & vanis omnium hareticorum circa d●mini naturas opinationibus quam maximè adversa sunt . non dicit , solvite divinitatem meam & intra triduum exsuscitabo illa●● , sed solvite templum hoc , &c. — vbicunque divinae scriptura dominica dispensationis mentionem faciunt , tum incarnationem , tum ipsam mortem & passionem , non divinae , sed humanae christi naturae semper tribuunt . ergo si rem diligentius consideremus , sacra virgo non deipera , sed christipera , appellanda erit ( which signifieth that she is the parent of the humane nature , receiving the divine in union of person . ) — quis ita desipiat ut unigeniti divinitatem spiritus sancti creaturam esse credat . — sunt imumerae sententiae quae divinitatem neque nuper natam , neque corporeae perpessionis capacem esse testantur . — rectum evangelicaeque traditioni consentaneum est , ut christi corpus divinitatis templum esse confiteamur , illudque nexu adeò sublimi divinoque & admirabili ipsi conjunctum esse statuamus , ut divina natura ea sibi vendicet , quae coporis alioqui sint propria : verùm propter eam sive communications sive appropriationis notionem , nativitatem , passionem , mortem caterasque carnis propietates divino verbo ascribere , id demù● , mi frater , mentis est paganorum more verè errantis aut certè insani apollinarii & arii aliorumque haereticorum morbo aut alio etiam graviore laborantis . nam qui appropriationis vocabulum it● detorquent illos deum verbum lactationis participem & succedanei incrementi capacem & ob formidinem passionis , &c. — nestor . epist. . ad caelest . quidam de ecclesiasticis quandam contemperationis imaginem ex deitate & humanitate accipientes , corporis passiones audent superfundere deitati unigeniti , & immutabilem deitatem ad naturam corporis trans●sse confingunt , atque utramque naturam quae per conjunctionem summam & inconfusam in unica persona unigenit● adoratur , contemperatione confundunt . nestor . epist. ad alexand. hierapol . concil . . act. sess. . oportet manere naturas in suis proprietatibus , & sic per mirabilem & omnem rationem excedentem unitatem unum confiteri filium . non duas personas unam facimus , sed una appellatione christi duas naturas simul significamus . in scriptis nestorii recitatis in concil . ephes. . tom. . c. . idem omnino & infans erat & infantem habitabat . item , deus verbum ante incarnationem & filius erat & deus erat ; at verò in novissimis temporibus servilem quoque formam assumpsit ; caeterum cum antè filius esset , filius appellaretur , attamen post carnem assumptam , seorsim per se filii nomine appellari non debet , ne duos filios videamur inducere . — item , voce christi tanquam utriusque naturae notionem complectent● accepta , citrà periculum illum assumpsisse servi formam asseverat & deum nominat ; dictorum vim ad naturarum dualitatem manifeste referens . cyril lib. de recta fide ad reginas pag. . de nestorianis , verbum & humanitas ( ut ipsi loquuntur ) in unam personam concurrunt : vnionis enim quae est secundum naturam & quae una est , nulla apud eos habetur ratio — et p. . de nestor . si christus sola union● secundum personam cum dei verbo conjunctionem habeat , ( sic enim illi loquuntur ) quomodo in illis qui pereunt evangelium dei absconditum est ? by which cyril speaketh for one nature , and nestorius for one person . cyril . l. . advers . nestor . p. . thus reporteth nestorius saying , hic qui videtur infans , hic qui recens apparet , hic qui fasciis corporalibus eget , hic qui secundum visibilem essentiam recenter est editus , filius universorum opifex , filius qui suae opis fasciis dissolubilem creaturae naturam astringit . — item , infans enim est deus libera potestate ; tantum abest ( arie ) ut deus verbum sit sub dei potest●te . — again , novimus ergo humanitatem infantis & deitatem ; filiationis vnitatem servamus in deitatis humanitatisque natura : saith derodon , i dare boldly say no christian hath hitherto spoke trulier and plainer of the unity of christs person in two natures , than nestorius . ex lib. cyril . cont. nestor . p. . he thus reporteth nestorius , hoc quod christus est nullam patitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed deitatis , & humanitatis est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : christus qua christus est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; neque enim duos christos habemus neque duos filios : non est enim apud nos primus & secundus , neque alius & alius , neque rursus alius filius & alius ; sed ipse ille un●s est duplex non dignitate , sed naturâ . cyril saith that nestorius was the disciple of diodorus tarsensis from whom he learnt his heresie , epist. ad succes . and that he was the hearer of theodorus mopsuest condemned in council , for the same heresie as nestorius . but saith derodon , facundus toto lib. . largely proveth that diod. tarsensis was orthodox by the testimonies of athanasius , basil , chrysostome , epiphanius , &c. et lib. . & . he proveth the same of theod. mopsuest , citing the places where he asserteth two natures in one person , vid. facund . l. . c. . & l. . c. . & . and liberatus in brevior . c. . saith : diod. tarsensis & theod. mopsuest . & alii episcopi contra eunomium & apollinarem unius naturae assertores libros composuerunt , duas in christo ostendentes naturas in unâ personâ : & ibid. duas joh. antiocheni epistolas , primam & tertiam , laudes theod. mopsuest . continentes chalced. synodus oecumenica per relationem suam martiane imper●tori directam , suscepit & confirmavit . § . . by all this it is evident that nestorius was orthodox ; and owned two natures in one person : and that the controversie was de nomine , unless cyril was an eutychian . and that it is a more accurate cautelous speech à formâ to say that god did not increase , hunger , die , rise , &c. than to say god did these ; because it seemeth to intimate that christ did suffer these , quà deus , as god , which is blasphemy . but that it is a true speech that god did suffer these , meaning not quà deus , but christus qui deus : and that one syllable of distinction between quà and qui might have saved these councils their odious contentions and fighting , and the churches for many ages the convulsions , distractions and mutual condemnations that followed , and the papists the odious violation of christian charity and peace in calling the eastern followers of nestorius , nestorian hereticks to this day . judge how much the world was beholden to cyril , caelestine , and this council . § . . obj. by this you make the bishops and councils to be all fools , that know not what they do , and to be the very plagues and shame of humane nature , that would kindle such a flame not yet quenched about nothing . answ. . if we must measure , fidem per personas , yea , judge of matter of fact by respect of persons , judge so by the councils at ariminum , syrmium , milan , tyre also ; judge so by the second council of ephesus , and abundance such : how shall we know which of them so to judge by ? . good men have foul vices : faction , and contention , and pride , have undeniably troubled the churches : when concil . carthag . . forbad bishops to read the books of gentiles , it is no wonder that the number of learned bishops was small ; and when no bishop was to be removed from place to place , but all bishops made out of an inferiour degree , usually of the same parish ; yea , and when academies were so rare , it is past doubt that learned bishops were rare : when nectarius must be the great patriarch , that was yet no christian , and when synesius , because he had philosophical knowledge , is chosen bishop , even before he believed the resurrection ; when they were such , as credible nazianzene , isidore pelusiota , and long after salvian describes . it is not i , but these knowing witnesses , and their own actions , that characterize them . doth not socrates , that knew nestorius , say , that he was not learned ? and he , and others , that cyril was high and turbulent ? theodoret was a learned man , and he thought no better of his adversaries . the objections against nestorius and theodorus mopsuest , are largely answered by derodon , ubi suprà . § . . the same derodon laboureth to prove , that cyril was an heretick , the father of the eutychians , and so were the ephes. council , and pope caelestine . his proofs against cyril are reduced to these heads . . his express asserting one nature only in christ. epist. . ad succes . diocesar-quae igitur necessitas ipsum pati in propriâ naturâ , si post unionem dicatur una verbi natura incarnati ? item , ignorant rursus qui recta pervertunt , quòd juxta veritatem una sit natura verbi incarnata : si enim unus est filius naturâ & verè verbum quod ineffabiliter ex deo patre est genitum , & si idem per assumptionem carnis non exanimis sed animatae animâ intelligente processit homo de muliere — non enim de solis simplicibus vnum secundùm naturam verè dicitur , sed etiam de iis quae juxta compositionem convenerunt , ut est v. g. homo , qui constat animâ & corpore , haec enim inter se differunt specie , verunt a men unita unam naturam hominis absolvunt , quamvis adsit ratione compositionis differentia secundùm naturam rerum , in unitatem concurrentium : superfluis igitur sermonibus immorantur qui dicunt , si una est natura verbi incarnata , sequitur ut permixtio confusioque generetur . nestorius third objection was from christs voluntary passions ; ergo duas naturas subsistere post unionem indivise . cyril answereth , adversus rursus haec eorum propositio nihilominus iis qui dicunt unam esse filii naturam incarnatam idque velut ineptum volentes ostendere , ubique duas naturas , subsistentes conantur astruere ; sed ignorant quaecunque non distinguuntur solâ mentis consideratione , ea prorsus etiam in diversitatem distinctam omnifariam ac privatim à se mutuò segregari : e. g. homo — duas in eo naturas intelligimus , unam animae , alteram corporis , sed cum sola discreverimus intelligentia & differentiam subtili contemplatione s●u mentis imaginatione conceperimus , non tamen seorsim ponimus naturas , sed unius esse intelligimus . ita ut illae duae jam non sint duae , sed ambae unum animal absolvunt . tandem ita concludit . ☞ haec igitur ex quibus est unus & solus filius dominus iesus christus cogitationibus complexi , duas quidam naturas un●as asserimus ; post unionem verò tanquam adempta jam in duas distinctione unam esse credimus filii naturam tanquam unius , sed inhumati & incarnati . it 's strange , how cyril and the e●tychians meant , that christs natures were two before the union . did they think that the humanity existed before the union ? so epist. . cyril . ad success . nihil injusti facimus dicentes ex duabus naturis factum esse concursum in unitatem ; post unionem verò non distinguimus naturas ab invicem , nec in duos filios unum & individuum partimur , sed dicimus unum filium , & sicut partes alterum erunt , vnam naturam dei verbi incarnati . eadem dicit epist● ad acacium melet. post unionem sublata jam in duas distinctione unam essi credimus filii naturam , tanquam unius , sed inhumati . cyril . epist. ad eulog . presb. nos illas ( duas naturas ) adunantes unum filium , unum dominum confitemur , deinde & unam per naturam incarnatam , quod & de communi homine dicendum — dum unitatem confitemur , non distinguuntur amplius quae sunt unita : sed unus jam est christus & una est ipsius tanquam incarnati verbi natura . cyril . lib. cont . nestor . p. . hic recentissimae impietatis inventor quamvis christum unum se dicere simulet , attamen ubique naturas distinguit . et p. . quomodo christum unum & individuum dicis esse duplicem natura ? cyril . lib. de recta fide ad reginos p. . assumitur in unum deitatis naturam unus christus iesus per quem omnia . cyril . dialog . quod unus sit christus . [ vnum porro filium & unam ipsius naturam esse dicimus , licet carnem anima intelligente praeditam assumpserit . ] many more such passages are in cyril . here derodon proveth , . that cyril took not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for persona . . that he took not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for division but distinction : if he did , it was an ill quarrel , when nestorius asserted not a division , but a distinction . . that cyril still reproveth nestorius for asserting only a union secundùm personam , and not secundùm naturam . that cyril ( as dioseorus ) declares what union he meaneth , not by confusion , commixtion or transmutation , but by composition , ( and so said the eutychians . ) the second order of derodons proofs is from all the places where cyril pleads for one hypostasis , and he sheweth that by hypostasis cyril meant natura or substantia singularis . the citations are too long to be repeated . ● . . his proofs are from all the texts where he saith the word , and humanity concurred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . his fourth proof that cyril was an eutychian , is from all those places where he saith , that the godhead and manhood are made one nature as the soul and body of man are . his fifth order of proofs is from the words where he oft attributeth the same operations , and the same attributes to both nature . his sixth proof is from the testimony of ibas edes . apud facund . l. . c. . ge●ad . const. ibid , l. . p. , . iohan. antioch . theodoret , &c. § . . for my part , i again say , past doubt , that neither nestorius nor cyril were heretical de re ; but that they were of one mind , and that one spake of the concrete , and the other of the abstract ; that one spake of christus qui deus , and the other of christus quà deus . but ( pardon truth , or be deceived still ) ignorance , pride , and envy , and faction , and desire to please the court , made cyril and his party , by quarrelsome heretication , to kindle that lamentable flame in the world. but sin serveth the sinners turn but for the present , and becometh afterward his shame . all the bishops would not follow cyril . at this day the falsly hereticated nestorians ( saith breerwood enquir . p. . ) inhabites a great part of the east , for besides the countries of babylon , assyria , mesopotamia , parthia , and media , they are spread far and wide , both northerly to cataya , and southerly to india : marcus paulus tells us of them and no other christians in tartary , as in cassar , sarmacham , carcham , chinchintalas , tauguth , suchir , ergimul , tenduc , caraim , mangi , &c. so that beyond tigris there are few other christians . the persian emperours forced the christians to nestorianisme ; their patriarch hath his seat at musal in mesopotamia or the monastery of st. ermes near it , in which city the nestorians have temples : they are falsly accused still to hold two persons in christ : they say as nestorius himself said , you may say that christ's mother is the parent of god , if you will expound it well , but it is improper and dangerous . they take nestorius , diodorus tarsensis and theodorus mopsuest , for holy men ; they renounce the council ephes. and all that owned it , and detest cyril . they communicate in both kinds : they use not auricular confession : nor confirmation : nor crucifixes on their crosses : their priests have liberty for first , second , or third marriages , &c. breerwood , ibid. p. . § . . i need no other proof for my opinion , that these bishops set the world on fire about a word , being agreed in sense , than the reconciliation of the patriarchs cyril and iohn when forced , and their parties , professing that they meant the same and knew it not . obj. but they all condemned nestorius . ans. to quiet the world , and to please the courtiers and violent bishops . and the emperour himself ( saith socrates , l. . c. . one that excelled all the priests in modesty and meekness , and could not away with persecution , ) was the more against nestorius because he was a persecutor himself . read theodoret's homily against cyril , bin. p. ● . and iohan. antioch . ibid. but neither the one side [ nestorius haeresiarcha impiissimus , ] nor the other side [ cyrillus superbus & blasphemus ] should signifie much with men that know what liberty adverse bishops used . § . . as for them that say , nestorius did dissemble when he asserted the vnity of two natures in one person : and is not to be judged of by his own words , i take them to be the firebrands of the world , and unworthy the regard of sober men , who pretend to know mens judgments better than themselves , and allow not mens own deliberate profession to be the notice of their faith. § . . when the emperour saw that there was no reconciling the bishops , but by force , he authorized aristolaus , a lay-magistrate , to call cyril and ioh. antioch . to nicomedia , and keep them both there till they were agreed : whereupon iohn communed with his bishops , and they yielded , having no remedy , to the deposition of nestorius , the ordination of maximinianus in his stead , and communion among themselves . this is called another council . it would grieve one to read the emperour theodosius importuning simeon stylites , a poor anchorite , to try whether by prayer and counsel he could bring the bishops to unity , and concluding , [ this discord doth so trouble me , that i judge that this only hath been the chief occasion of all my calamities . ] bin. p. . § . . cxiv . an. . there was a council called at rome to clear pope sixtus from an accusation of one bassus , of ravishing a nun. § . . cxv . there is talk of a council at rome to clear one polychronius bishop of ierusalem , of accusations of simony : but contradictions make this ( and the former ) to be altogether uncertain . § . . cxvi . the armenians in council are said to condemn nestorian books . § . . cxvii . a council was held at constant. to decide the controversie between the alexandrian and constant. bishops , which should be greatest , and rule the east ; where it was carried for constant. and theodoret pleading for antioch , dioscorus ( the alex. agent ) hated him ever after , ( as he saith epist. . ) § . . cxviii . an. . a council at regiense of bishops did somewhat about ordinations , &c. § . . about this time leo at rome was fain to forbid bowing toward the east , because the manichees joyned among them , and bowed to the sun , and could not be else distinguished from the orthodox , bin. de leone . § . . cxix . a council at aransican repeated some old disciplinary canons . § . . cxx . leo held a council at rome of bishops , priests , and laymen , to detect the wickedness of the manichees , and warn men to avoid them . § . . cxxi . an. . leo held a council at rome against hilary bishop of arles , for disobedience to his decrees . § . . cxxii . a council called general in spain , recited the profession of faith against the priscillianists . chap. vi. councils about the eutychian heresie and some others . § . . cxxiii . cyril had by many words so carried the business at ephesus against nestorius , and himself so often said , that after the vnion , the natures were one , that his admirers took that for a certain truth : but when that quarrel was over , truth was truth still , and the orthodox would not fly from it , for fear of being called nestorians ; for they disclaimed nestorius , but disowned the doctrine of one nature . eutyches an archimandrite , and dioscorus , successour to cyril , belived that they did but tread in his steps , and hold to the ephes. council . but that would not now serve , when the scene was changed . § . . reader , it is useful to thee , to know truly the state of this tragical controversie , which had more dividing and direful effects than the former . the eutychians say , that christ before their vnion by incarnation had two natures , that is , considered mentally , as not united ; but after the union had but one nature . they took up this as against nestorianisme . the truth is , though they still go for desperate hereticks , i verily believe that all the quarrel was but about ambiguous words : some of them understood the word [ nature ] in the same sense as their adversaries took the word [ hypostasis ] or [ person . ] and ( it's sad that it should be true , but ) most of them confounded [ vnity undistinguished ] and [ vniting undivided . ] the eutychians thought , how can that be called vnity which maketh not one of two ? and no doubt the natures are one ; but one what ? not one nature , but one person ; yet ( to bring off cyril ) it may be said that even the natures are one , in opposition to division or separation , but not one in opposition to distinction . he that had but distinguished these two clearly to them , and explained the word [ nature ] clearly , had better ended all the controversie than it was ended . it 's plain that cyril and the eutychians allowed mental distinction , though not that the mind should suppose them divided : and it 's certain that the orthodox meant no more . § . . he that readeth but philosophers , schoolmen , and late writers , ( such as fortun. licetus de natura , &c. ) will see how little they are agreed about the meaning of the word [ nature , ] and how unable to procure agreement in the conception . they that say it is principium motus & quietis , are contradicoted , as confounding divers principia : and as confounding active natures , and passive , the active only being principium motus , and the passive , principium quietis . and on such accounts the eutychians pleaded for one nature ; because in christ incarnate they supposed that the divine nature was the principium primum motus , and that all christs actions were done by it , and that the humane soul , being moved by the divinity , was but principium subordinatum , which they thought was improperly called principium , ( as most philosophers say , that forma generica is improperly called forma hominis , because one thing hath but one form ; so they thought that one person had but one proper principium motus . § . . alas how few bishops then could distinguish as derodon doth , and our common metaphysicks , between , . individuum , . prima substantia , . natura , . suppositum , . persona , . and have distinguished , a right essence and hypostasis , or subsistence , &c. and defined all these . nature saith derodon de suppos . p. . is taken in nine senses ; but the sense was not here agreed on , before they disputed of the matter . even about the nature of man , it is disputed , whether he consist not of many natures ? whether every element ( earth , water , air , fire ) retain not its several nature in the body , or whether the soul be mans only nature , and whether as intellectual , and sensitive and vegetative , or only in one of these ? and is it not pity that such questions should be raised about the person of christ by self-conceited bishops , and made necessary to salvation , and the world set on fire , and divided by them ? is this good usage of the faith of christ , the souls of men , and the church of god. § . . but to the history : at a council of constantinop . under flavianvs , eusebius bishop of dorileum accused eutyches , for affirming heretically as aforesaid , ( that after the vnion christ had but one nature . ) eutiches is sent for : he refuseth to come out of his monastery ; after many citations , be still refusing , they judge him to be brought by force : he first delayeth : then craveth of the emperour the presence of magistrates , that he be not calumniated by the bishops . he is condemned , but recanteth not . § . . a meeting of bishops at tyre cleared ibas edess . from the accusation of nestorianisme , made by four excommunicate priests , two of them perjured ; and reconciled him to such priests for peace sake . § . . another meeting of bishops at berythum , cleared ibas from a renewed accusation of nestorianisme , being said to have spoken evil of cyril . an epistle of his to maris a bishop , was accused , which the council at calcedon after absolved , and the next general council condemned . § . . cxxiv . another council is called at constantinople , by the means of some courtiers , in favour to eutiches , where , upon the testimony of some bishops , that flavianus bishop of constantinople condemned him himself , before the synod did it , and that the records were altered , all was nullified that at the last synod was done against him . § . . cxxv . theodosius calleth a second general council at ephesus an . . and maketh dioscorus bishop of alex. president . dioscorus forbad ibas and theodoret to be there , as being nestorians : the emperour himself was so much for peace , and so deeply before engaged in cyril's cause against nestorius , that he thought it levity to pull down all so soon again , the eutychians perswading him that they stuck to cyril and the ephesine and nicene council . dioscorus thinking the same , that eutiches and cyril were of one mind , and that it was nestorianisme which they were against , carried matters in this synod as violently as cyril had done in the former . the bishops perceiving the emperours , the courtiers , and dioscorus mind , could not resist the stronger side . the bishop of rome was commanded by the emperour to be present . he sent his legates ; with his judgment in writing of the cause . the emperour for bad those to be speakers that had before judged eutyches . the roman legates excepted that dioscorus presided : ( it seemeth the eastern empire and church , then believed not that the popes precedency was jure divino . ) dioscorus declareth , that the council was not called to decide any matter of faith , but to judge of the proceedings of flavianus against eutyches . the acts of the constant. synod ( after the emperours letters ) being read , eutyches is absolved : domnus , patriarch of antioch , iuvenal , patriarch of ierusalem , the bishop of ephesus , and the rest , subscribed the absolution , ( which after they said they did for fear , when another emperour changed the scene . ) this being done , the acts of the former ephes. council were read , and all excommunicate that did not approve them . ( so that this council of eutychians thought verily the former was of their mind . ) four bishops , flavianus , eusebius , doryl , ibas edes . and theodoret cyri , are condemned and deposed : all the bishops subscribed except the popes legates ; so that , saith bimius , in hoc tam horrendo episcoporum suffragio , sola navilula petri incolumis emergens salvatur , p. . judge by this , first , whether councils may erre , secondly , whether they are the just judges or keepers of tradition , thirdly , whether all the world always believed the popes infallibility , or governing power over them , when all that council voted contrary to him . flavianus here offering his appeal , was beaten and abused , and dyed of the hurt , ( as was said in concil . calced . and by liberatus . ) but this was no quenching , but a kindling of the fire of episcopal contentions : theodosius missed of his end . § . . cxxvi . leo at rome in a synod condemneth this ephesian council . § . . cxxvii . dioscorus in a council at alexandria , excommunicateth leo. § . . cxxviii . theodosius the emperour being dead , martian was against the eutychians : anatolius at a synod at constantinople , maketh an orthodox profession of his faith , like leo's . § . . cxxix . and at milan a council owneth leo's judgment . § . . cxxx . now cometh the great council at calcedon , under the new emperour martian , where all is changed for a time ; yet pulcheria who marryed him and made him emperour , and whose power then was great , was the same that before had been against nestorius in her brothers reign : never was it truer than in the case of general councils , that the multitude of physicians , exasperateth the disease , and killeth the patient . the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the [ one nature after union ] the words [ one will and one opperation ] had never done half so much mischief in the church , if the erroneous had been confuted by neglect , and councils had not exasperated , enraged , and engaged them , and set all the world on taking one side or another . one skilfull healing man that could have explicated ambiguous terms , and perswaded men to love and peace , till they had understood themselves and one another , had more befriended truth , piety , and the church , than all the hereticating councils did . § . . if what socrates writeth of theodosius junior be true , ( as we know no reason to doubt ) god owned his moderation by miracles , notwithstanding his favouring the eutychians , more than he did any ways of violence . socrates saith , l. . c. , . that theodosius was the mildest man in the world , for which cause god subdued his enemies to him without slaughter and bloodshed ; as his victory over iohn and the barbarians shew : of which he saith , first , their captain rugas was kill'd with a thunder-bolt ; secondly , a plague killed the greatest part of his soldiers ; thirdly , fire from heaven consumed many that remained . and proclus the bishop being a man of great peace and moderation , hurting and persecuting none , was confirmed by these providences in his lenity , being of the emperours mind , and perswading the emperour to fetch home the bones of chrysostome with honour , wholly ended the nonconformity and separation of the ioanites . § . . before theodosius dyed , leo bishop of rome set placidia and eudoxia , to write to him against dioscorus , and for the cause of flavianus : yea , and valentinian himself . theodosius wrote to valentinian ( and the like to the women , ) that they departed not from the faith and tradition of their fathers , that at the council of ephesus second things were carried with much liberty and truth , and the unworthy were removed and the worthy put into their places , and it was the troublers of the church that were deposed , and flavianus was the prince of the contentions , and that now they lived in concord and peace . § . . the council at calcedon was called , an . . dioscorus is accused for his ephesine general council , and for his violence , and defence of eutiches , and the death of flavianus . he alledgeth the emperours order to him [ authoritatem & primatum tuae praebemus beatitudini , ( if the popes universal rule be essential to the church , then the pious and excellent emperour theodosius , and the general council that consented , were none of them christians that knew it , but went against it . ) eos qui per additamentum aliquod , aut imminutionem conati sunt dicere , praeter quae sunt exposita de fide catholica à sanctis patribus qui in nicaea , & post modum qui in epheso congregati sunt , nullam omnino fiduciam in sancto synodo habere patimur , sed & sub vestro judicio esse volunus . ] here binnius accuseth the good emperour as giving that which he had not but by usurpation , and this through ignorance of the ecclesiastical canons . but were all the bishops ignorant of it also ? or was so good an emperour bred up and cherished in ignorance of such a point pretended by the papists to be necessary to the being of a church , and to salvation ; the bishops of ierusalem and seleucia also partook of the same power by the emperour's grant. dioscorus answered that all the synod consented and subscibed as well as he , and juvenal hieros . and thalassius seleuc. the bishops answered , that they did it against their wills , being under fear ; condemnation and banishment was threatned ; souldiers were there with clubs and swords : therefore the oriental bishops cryed out to cast out dioscorus . stephen bishop of ephesus ( who had been dioscorus chief agent there ) cryed out , that fear constrained them : the lay-judges and senate asked , who forced them ? stephen said elpidius and eulogius , and many souldiers threatned him . they asked , did dioscorus use violence with you ? he said that he was not suffered to go out till he had subscribed . theodorus bishop of claudiopolis said , that dioscorus , iuvenal , and the leading men , led on them , as simple ignorant men , that knew not the cause , and frightned them with defaming them as nestorian hereticks . thus they cryed out that they were frightned . the egyptian bishops answered , that a christian feareth no man , ( and yet they were afraid before they ended ) a catholick feareth no man ; we are instructed by flames : if men were feared , there would be no martyrs . dioscorus noted what bishops those were that said they subscribed to a blank paper , when it was about a matter of faith : but asked , who made them by their several interlocutions to speak their consent ? hereupon the acts of the ephes. council were read , among which were the words of dioscorus , anathematizing any that should contradict or retract any thing held in the nicene or the ephesine synods : adding , how terrible and formidable it was , if a man sin against god , who shall intercede for him ? if the holy ghost sit in council with the fathers , he that retracteth cashiereth the grace of the spirit . the synods answered , we all say the same : let him be anathema that retracteth ; ( these bishops that curse themselves will easily curse others , ) let him be cast out that retracteth . dioscorus said , no man ordereth things already ordered : the holy synod said , these are the words of the holy ghost , &c. theodorus denyed these words recorded . dioscorus said , they may as well say they were not there . § . . here also eutyche's confession at ephesus was read , in which he professeth to cleave to the former ephesine council , and to the blessed father cyril that presided , disclaiming all additions and alterations , professing that he had himself copies in a book which cyril himself sent him , and is yet in his hands ; and that he standeth to the definition of that council with that of nice . eusebius bishop of doril. said , he lyeth ; that council hath no such definition . dioscorus said , there are four books of it , that all contain this definition . do you accuse all the synodical books ? i have one , and he hath one , and he hath one ; let them be brought forth . diogenes bishop of cyrilum said , they deceitfully cleave to the council of nice : the question is of additions made against heresies . the bishops of egypt said , none of us receive additions or diminutions : hold what is done at nice : this is the emperour's command . the eastern bishops clamoured [ iust so said eutyches . ] the egyptian bishops still cryed up the nicene faith alone without addition . dioscorus accused the bishops for going from their words , and said [ if eutyches hold not the doctrine of the church , he is worthy of punishment and fire , ( ex ore tuo ) my regard is to the catholick and apostolick faith , and not the faith of any man : i look to god himself , and not to the person of any man , nor care i for any man , but for my soul and the true and sincere faith. ] the egyptian bishops cryed out [ let no man separate him that is indivisible . no man calleth one son two . ] the eastern bishops cryed , [ anathema to him that divideth . basil seleuciae said , anathema to him that divideth two natures after the union ; and anathema to him that knoweth not the property of the natures . the egyptian bishops cryed out , [ as he was born he suffered : there is one lord , and one faith : none calleth one lord two . this was nestorius voice . the eastern bishops cryed , anathema to nestorius and eutyches . the egyptian bishops cryed , divide not the lord of glory , that is indivisible . basil bishop of sileuc . reported how rightly he had spoken at ephesus , and how the egyptians and monks with noise opposed , and cryed [ cut him in two that saith two natures , he is a nestorian . ] the lay judges asked him , if he spake so well , why did he condemn flavianus ? he said , because he was necessitated to obey the rest , being bishops . dioscorus said , out of thy own mouth art thou condemned , that for the shame of men hast prevaricated and despised the faith . basilius seleuc. said , if i had been called to martyrdom before the iudges i had endured it ; but he that is judged of a father useth just means : let the son dye that speaketh even things just to a father . but the eastern bishops better cryed out , [ we have all sinned , we all beg pardon . ] and thalassius , eusebius , and eustathius , ( leading bishops ) cryed the same , [ we have all sinned , we all crave pardon . ] after this the acts of ephes. and const. were read . § . . by what i have recited out of binnius , and others , these two lamentable things are undeniable : i. that this doleful contention , anathematizing , and ruining each other , was about the sense of ambiguous words , and that they were of one mind in the matter , and knew it not : the egyptians ( eutychians ) took two natures and two sons to be of the same sense , which the others did not . and they thought that the rest had asserted a division of the natures , when they meant but a distinction : and the rest thought that the egyptians had denyed a distinction , who denyed but a partition or division . ii. and it is plain , that while all sides held that nestorius did hold that there were two sons , which he expresly denyed , that they cursed nestorius in ignorance , and maintained his doctrine ( except of the aptitude of the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) while they curse his person or name . the doctrine of this council is found , and nestorius's was the same , for two natures in one person , and one son. this is true , whatever faction say against it . iii. that these bishops ( though we honour them for all that was good in them ) were so far from the martyrs constancy , that they turned as the emperours countenance , and the times , and worldly interest turned ; voting down things and persons in councils , and crying omnes peccavimus in the next : only peter's ship , saith binnius , scaped drowning at ephesus , and yet here at calcedon under martian all are orthodox . iv. but that which is worst of all is , that yet the same men that cry peocavimus are here violent against any mercy to the egyptian bishops and monks with whom they had joined at ephesus . § . . when an epistle of cyrils was read , the illyricane bishop cryed out , we all believe as cyril did : theodorete ( that had been for nestorius against cyril , and cast out by dioscorus ) spake more warily , and said , anathema to him that saith there are two sons : we adore our lord iesus , &c. all the bishops cryed , we believe as cyril . had not cyril's name better hap than dioscorus and eutyches , that followed him as far as they could understand him , and spake the same words as he ? the orientals cryed , we believe as cyril . the egyptians cryed , we believe as cyril , we are all of the same opinion and mind ; let not satan get place and advantage among us . the eastern bishops cryed , leo and anatolius are of this mind ; the emperour and senate are of this mind : the lay judge , senate , and all the council cryed , the emperour , the empress , and all of us are of one mind : the egyptian bishops cryed , all the world are of this mind ; we are of a mind . ( and who would think that yet they were disagreed , even to hereticating and deposing , persecuting one another . o but say to the egyptian bishops , if you are all of this mind , why did you communicate with eutyches , and condemn flavianus ? dioscorus appealed to the records . and here eustathius beryl , shewed what labour cyril used to explain his own meaning , in his epistles to acacius , valerianus , and successus bishops , and that these are his words ; we must not understand that there are two natures , but one nature incarnate of god the word : and this saying he confirmed by the testimony of athanasius . the oriental bishops cryed out , this is the saying of eutyches and dioscorus ( yet these men just now were all of cyril ' s mind● ) dioscorus said , we affirm neither confusion of natures , nor division , nor conversion ; anathema to him that doth . doth not this shew that they all agreed in distinction of natures ? as also cyril did . the judges say , tell us whether cyril ' s epistles agree to what is here reported of them ( by eustathius , ) eustathius sheweth the book , and saith ; if i have said amiss see the book ; anathematize cyril's book and anathematize me : the egyptians applaud eustathius , saying , eustathius reporteth cyril ' s words , in which were , we must not understand two natures , but one incarnate nature of god the word . and eustathius added , he hath saith there is but one nature so as to deny christs flesh which is consubstantial with us , let him be anathema : and he that saith there are two natures to the division of the son of god , let him be anathema . ( one would have thought this should have ended their quarrel . ) and eustathius added of flavianus himself , that he received these naked words , and gave them the emperour ; let it be ordered that his own hand be shewed . the judges said , why then did ye depose him ? eustathius answered , erravi , i erred . § . . let it be here noted , that these eutychian words of cyril are here openly proved , past denial : yet shamelesly doth binnius say , that this is eustathii allegatio pessima & haeretica : what , to repeat a mans words ? secondly , is it not here plain that they were all of a mind , and did not , or through faction would not know it ? when eustathius by a clear distinction had proved it , and none of them did or could contradict him . § . . dioscorus said that flavianus in the words following contradicted himself , and was deposed for holding two natures after the union ; adding , i have the testimony of the holy fathers , athanasius , gregory , cyril , in many places , that we must not say , that after the union there are two natures , but one incarnate nature of god , the word , i am ejected with the fathers ; i defend the fathers sayings ; i transgress not in any thing ; i have their testimonies , not simply or transitorily , but in books . § . . aethericus , bishop of smyrna , being questioned about his subscription , said , he did as he was bid . in the second action dioscorus delivering his opinion saith , ex duabus suscipio , duas non suscipio . that christ is [ of two natures ] but not that he [ is or hath two natures . ] eusebius doryl . tells him of his wrong to flavianus and him ; dioscorus confesseth , saying , then offer satisfaction to god and you , meaning repentance . but eusebius saith , that he must satisfie the law ; and so the verbal quarrel turneth to personal revenge . basil seleuc. ( though before accused of heresie ) well reconcileth the controversie at last , if they would have heard him , saying , cognoscimus duas naturas , non dividimus ; neque divisas , neque confusas dicimus . eutyches words at constantinople being recited , he saith , that he followeth cyril , athanasius and the fathers . after dioscorus and others had denyed what each other said in the ephesine council , the saying of all the bishops were read , each one absolving eutyches , in words and reasons at large . after which the bishops cry again , omnes erravimus ; omnes veniam mereamur . in the third action many things were read that concerned their proceedings , and among the rest a law of theodesius jun. for the confirming of the second ephesine council , and the condemnation of nestorius , and of flavianus , domnus , eusebius , and theodoret , as nestorian hereticks , deposing all of their mind , forbidding any upon pain of confiscation to receive them , and commanding that none read the books of nestorius or theodoret , but bring them forth to be burnt , &c. so far could fierce and factious prelates prevail with a pious and peaceable prince , by the pretences of opposing heresie and schism . martian made laws also clean contrary for the justifying of the men before condemned . § . . in the fifth action the egyptian bishops petition was read ( who were accounted eutychians , adhering to dioscorus : ) they professed their adherence to the council of nice and ephesus . and to athanasius , theophilus , and cyril . the bishops cryed out , why do they not curse the opinion of eutiches ? they offer us their petition in imposture : they would delude us , and so depart . let them curse eutyches and his opinion , and consent to leo ' s epistle . while they cryed out to them to curse eutyches , they answered ( by hieracus , ) if any , whether eutyches , or any other , hold contrary to the things contained in our profession ( the nicene and ephes. councils ) let him be accursed . but for leo's epistle , we must not go before the sentence of our archbishop ( of alexandria ; ) for we follow him in all things : the council of nice ordered that the bishop of egypt do nothing without him . eusebius doryl . said , they lie . others bid them prove it . other bishops cryed out , openly curse the opinion of eutyches : he that subscribeth not leo's epistle to which all the holy synod consenteth is a heretick : anathema to dioscorus , and to them that love him : how shall they chuse them a bishop ( instead of dioscorus ) if they judge not right themselves : the egyptian bishops said , the question is about faith , ( not men : ) but they cryed out so long , curse eutyches or you are hereticks , that at last the egyptians said , [ anathema to eutyches and to them that believe him . ] the bishops cryed to them [ subscribe leo's epistle , else you are hereticks : the egyptian bishops answered , we cannot subscribe without the will of our archbishop . some said , all the synod must not attend for one man : they that at ephesus disturbed all things , would here do so too : we desire that this may not be granted them , but they may consent to the epistle , or receive a canonical damnation , and know that they are excommunicate . photius bishop of tyre said , how endeavour they to ordain ( their arch-bishop ) who are not of the same mind with the synod ? if they think rightly let them subscribe the epistle , or be excommunicate . the bishops cryed , we are all of this mind . the egyptian bishops said , we came not hither without a just profession of our faith. but ( as to leo ' s epistle ) we are but few ( bishops ) and the bishops of our country are very many , and we cannot give you all their minds , or represent their persons : we beseech this holy synod to have mercy on us , ( there is no mercy where the bishop of rome is concerned ) and do but stay till we have an arch-bishop , that according to the ancient custome of our country , we may follow his iudgment : for if we break presumptiously the the canons and custome , and do any thing without his will , all the regions of egypt will rise up against us ; therefore have mercy on our age : have mercy on us , and put us not to end our life in banishment . the same egyptian bishops cast down themselves on the earth , and said , you are merciful men , have mercy on us : cecropius bishop of sebast. said , the whole synod is greater and worthier of credit , than the country of egypt . it is not just that ten hereticks be heard , and bishops be past by : we bid them not shew their faith for others but themselves . the bishops of egypt cryed , then we cannot dwell in the province ; have mercy on us : eusebius dor. said , they are procurators for the rest : the popes legate said , if they erre , let them be taught by the magnificence of your footsteps , &c. the egyptians cryed , we are killed ; have mercy on us : the bishops all said , you see what a testimony they give of their bishops , saying , we are killed there : the egyptian bishops cryed , we die by your footsteps : have pitty on us , and let us die by you , and not there . let but an archbishop here be made , and we subscribe and consent , have mercy on our grey hairs . give us an archbishop here : anatolius knoweth that it is the custom of our countrey that all the bishops obey the archbishop : not that we obey not the synod , but we are killed there in our country : have mercy on us ; you have the power ; we are subjects ; we refuse not . we had rather die by the lord of the world ( the emperour ) or by your magnificence , or by this holy synod , than there . for gods sake have pity on these grey hairs ; spare ten men : we die there : it is better die here . all the most reverend bishops cryed out , these are hereticks . the egyptian bishops said , you have power on our lives , spare ten men ; lords are merciful : anatolius knoweth the custome ; we are here till an archbishop be chosen : if they would have our seats , let them take them : we are not willing to be bishops : only let us not die . give us an archbishop , and if we gainsay , punish us : we consent to these things which your power hath decreed ; we contradict not ; but choose us an archbishop : we here stay till it 's done : all the most reverend bishops clamoured , let them subscribe to the damnation of dioscorus . thus the poor egyptian bishops that had the upper hand under theodosius , were in a streight between the merciless bishops in the synod ( that had lately at ephesus joyned with them ) and the furious bishops and people of their own country that would have killed them when they came home ( too common a case at alexandria . ) but when all their dejected cryes and begging could get no mercy from the bishops , the lay judges had some , and moved that they may be made stay in the town till their archbishop was chosen ( of whom you shall hear sad work anon . ) the popes legate requested , that if they would needs shew them any humanity , they should take sureties of them , not to go out of the city , till they had an arch-bishop . and so it was ended . § . . the next business was with the abbots of the monks : they had petitioned martian , that a general council might be called , to end their lamentable broils , and that without turbations , forced subscriptions or persecutions by the secret contrivances of the clergy , and casting men out before due judgment . and they gave in a profession of their faith , and petitioned that dioscorus might be called , because the emperour had promised them that nothing but the nicene faith. should be imposed . which he professed : the bishops all clamoured out their repeated curse against dioscorus , and their tolle injuriam à synodo , tolle violentiam à synodo , tolle notam à synodo , istos mitte foras . that is , away with them ; and would not hear their petition ; but the lay judges made it to be read : in which the monks profess to hold to the nicene creed , and that the church might not have discord by imposing more : protesting that if their reverences , abusing their power , resisted this , as before god and the emperour , the iudges , the senate , and the consciences of the bishops , that they shake their garments against them , and put themselves beyond their excommunication : for they would not be communicators with those that thus refuse the nicene faith ; the council still urged them to subscribe leo ' s letter . carosus and dorotheus in the name of the rest of the abbots said ; they were baptized into the nicene faith ; they knew no other : they were bid by the bishop that baptized them receive no other : we believe the baptismal creed : we subscribe not the epistle : they are bishops ; they have power to excommunicate and to damn , and to do what they will more : but we know no other faith : the arch-deacon urged carosus to subscribe to leo's epistle as expository of the nicene faith , and to curse nestorius and eutyches : carosus answered , what have i to do to curse nestorius , that have once , twice , thrice , and often cursed and damned him already . aeticus said , dost thou curse eytiches as the synod doth or not ? carosus replyed . is it not written , iudge not that ye be not judged ? again he repeated , that he believed the nicene creed into which he was baptized ; if they said any thing else to him he knew it not : the apostle saith , if an angel from heaven preach another gospel , let him be accursed : what should i do ? if eutyches believe not as the universal church believeth ; let him be accursed . § . . at last there was a dissention , whether leo's phrases should be put into their definition of faith ( now drawn up a new . ) a while it was cryed down , but at last yielded to , when the illiricane bishops had first slighted rome , and cryed , qui contradicunt ( diffinitioni ) nestoriani sunt : qui contradicunt roman ambulent . and anatolius bishop of constantinople openly declared , that dioscotus was not condemned for matter of belief , but because he excommunicated leo , and when he was thrice summoned did not appear . § . . after this theodorets turn came , that had been for nestorius , and the bishops all cryed out , let theodoret curse nestorius . theodoret desired that a petition of his to the emperour and to leo's legate , might be read ; that they might see whether he were of their belief or not . they cryed out , we will have nothing read ; presently curse nestorius , theodoret told them that he had been bred of the orthodox , and so taught , and preached ; and was against not only , nestorius and eutyches , but all men else that held not the right . the bishops interrupted him , clamouring , speak out plainly , cursed be nestorius and his opinions ; cursed be nestorius and those that love him . theodoret answered , i take not my self to say true , but i know i please god : i would first satisfie you of my belief ; for i seek not preferment , i need not honour , nor come hither for that : but because i am calumniated , i come to satisfie you that i am orthodox ; and i anathematize every heretick that will not be converted , and nestorius and eutyches , and every man that saith , there are two sons , or thinks so , i anathematize . the bishops again took this for dawbing , and cryed out , say plainly , anathema to nestorius , and them which hold that which is his . theodoret said , vnless i may explain my own belief , i will not say it . i believe — here they interrupted , and all cryed out , he is a heretick , he is a nestorian : cast out the heretick . reader , would a man have believed that were not forced by evidence , that this council was of nestorius ' s mind , and confirmed his own doctrine of the vnity of christs persons and two natures , who thus furiously cryed down theodoret ? ( except as to the aptitude of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) and is it not a doleful thought that the worthy bishops of the church , even in a general council , should no better know the way of peace ? and do not these words here translated out of binnius , p. . and . agree too well with nazianzen's character of bishops and councils ? not but that the church had always some learned , godly , wise , and peaceable men , ( such as gregory naz. and theodoret were , and many more , especially in africk ; ) but you see that they were born down by the stream of unskilful , worldly , temporizing , violent men ; after once worldly greatness made it the way to preferment , and it became their business to strive who should be uppermost and have his will. ) but theodoret when he found that there was no hope of so much as a patient hearing of his explication and confession , was fain to yield , and say , anathema to nestorius , and to him who saith not that the virgin mary was the parent of god , and who divideth the only begotten son into two sons ; which was yet cautelously expressed ; as if he said , supposing that nestorius did so ( which himself denyed ) let him be accursed : and so theodoret was absolved and counted worthy to be a bishop . § . . iuvenal hierosol . thalassius , and the rest of the leaders , at ephes . council , were pardoned : ibas his epistle to maris against cyril was acquit , or at least the bishop upon the reading of it . it is a sad narrative of the calamitous divisions which these prelates and their councils made . he said that cyril writ against nestorius that there was but one nature in christ , &c. haec omnia impietatis plena : he tells how cyril preposessed the bishops before they met , and made his hatred of nestorius his cause . how he condemned nestorius two days before iohn of antioch came : how afterward they condemned and deposed one another : how nestorius was in hatred with the great men of constantinople , which was his fall : how iohn and cyril's bishops or councils would not communicate with each other : how they set bishops against bishops , and people against people , and a mans enemies were those of his own household : how the pagans scorned the christians hereupon : for ( saith he ) no man durst travel from city to city , or from province to province , but each one persecuted his neighbour as his enemy : for many not having the fear of god , by occasion of ecclesiastical zeal , made haste to bring forth the hidden enmity of their hearts against others : ( he instanceth in some persecutors ) and sheweth how paulus emisseuus helpt to heal them . § . . in the eleventh action two bishops strive for the bishoprick of ephesus , bassianus and stephen ( that had been dioscorus agent ) : and in their pleas each of them proved that the other intruded by violence into the place , both he that first had it , and he that thrust him out and took his seat , and one of them made his clergy swear to be true to him and not forsake him ; and while the bishops were for one of them , the judges past sentence to cast out both , and all consented . § . . but after all the crying up of leo ' s epistle , this synod set so light by leo , as that , some say , against his legates will , they made a canon , ( . ) that every where following the decrees of the fathers , and acknowledging the canon which was lately read made by the bishops , we also decree the same , and determine of the priviledges of the holy church of constantinople new rome : for the fathers did give ( or attribute ) rightly the priviledges to the throne of old rome , because that city ruled ( or had the empire ) and moved by the same consideration the bishops lovers of god , gave ( or attributed ) equal priviledges to the throne of new rome ; rightly judging that the city which is honoured with the empire and the senate , and enjoyeth equal priviledges with ancient queen - rome , should also in things ecclesiastical be extolled and magnified , being the second after it . the popes legates hand boniface is subscribed to all ; and eusebius doril : thus subscribed sponte subscripsi , quoniam & hane regulam sanctissimo papae in vrbe roma ego relegi prescentibus clericis constantinopolitanis , eamque suscepit . and this council was after over and over approved by the roman bishops . § . . it in is this canon notorious , . that the whole general council and so the universal church did then believe , that the popes or roman priviledges were granted by the fathers ( that is , by councils ) and stood not by divine appointment . . that the reason that the fathers granted them , was because it was the imperial seat. had they believed that the apostles had instituted it , they had never said that the fathers did it for this reason ; and that constantinople should be equal or next it for the same reason . . the church of constantinople never claimed their prerogative jure divino as succeeding any apostle , and yet jure imperii claimed equal priviledges . by all which it is undeniable that the whole church in that council , and especially the greeks , did ever hold rome's primacy to be a humane institution , upon a humane mutable reason . what the papists can say against this , i have fully answered against w. iohnson in a book called , which is the true church . § . . the question now is , what concord did these late councils procure to the churches ? ans. from that time most of the christian world was distracted into factions hereticating , damning , deposing a●d too many murdering one another . one party cleaved to dioscorus and were called by the other eutychians ; these cryed up the sufficiency of the nicene councils faith , as that which they were baptized into , and would have no addition nor diminution ; and condemned the calcedon council , and excommunicated and deposed those that would not anathematize it : those that were against them they called nestorians . on the other party were those that had cleaved to nestorius by name , and had been persecuted for his cause ; and these were a separate body , and cryed down the other as eutychians . those called orthodox or catholicks cryed down nestorians and eutychians by name , indeed defending the same doctrine as nestorius , except as to the fitness of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the chief of nestorius his first adherents perceiving that indeed they were of one judgment , united with these against the eutychians . i have shewed that all of them seemed to make all this stir but about some words which one party took in one sense and the other in another . for these words the bishops cast the christian world into confusion , destroyed love and unity under a pretence of keeping the faith ; so that the church was lamentably militant ; bishops against bishops , in continual enimity and rage . the emperours at their wits end not knowing how to end the ecclesiastical odious wars : and the heathens hardened and deriding them all and their religion . § . . when the council was ended , and proterius made bishop of alexandria in dioscorus stead , the city was in so great discontent that the emperour martian was fain to send a lay-man to mollifie them ; for they would not endure a calcedonian bishop : they set more by dioscorus than before ( so that binnius incredibly saith , they offered him divine honour . § . . it was not long till martian dyed , and then they let the world know that it was emperours and not popes or councils that they regarded . they thought then they might shew their minds , and what they did liberatus in breviario , evagrius , nicephorus and others tells us at large : but i will give it you in the words of the egyptian bishops which conformed to the council , bin. p. . one timothy elurus of dioscorus party who had gathered separated congregations before , since the council of calcedon , got some bishops of his own party to make him archbishop : the people soon shewed their minds though it deposed their archbishop . they set up timothy , and he presently made ordinations of bishops and clerks , &c. while he thus went on , a captain , dionisius , came to drive him out of the city : the people rage the more against proterius : he gets into the baptistry to avoid their rage , a place reverenced even by the barbarians and the fiercest men : but these furious people , set on by their bishop timothy , neither reverencing the place , the worship , nor the time , ( which was easter ) nor the office of priesthood , which is a mediation between god and man , did strike the blameless man , and kill him cruelly , with six more ; and dragging his wounded carkess every where , and cruelly drawing it about , almost through all the parts of the city , did mercilesly beat the senseless corps , and divided his parts , and spared not to tast his entrails with their teeth like dogs ; whom they should have thought the mediatour of god and man ; and casting the rest of his body into the fire , they scattered his ashes into the wind , transcending the fierceness of all beasts : and the architect of all this was ( their new bishop ) timothy ; first an adulterer ( taking anothers church ) and then a murderer , doing it in a manner as with his own hands , in that he bid others do it : this man ruleth the alexandrian church , and going on doth worse . this is in the epistle to the emperour leo ; the like they write in another to anatolius , adding , that he anathematized the council of calcedon and all that communicate with it , and received none that receive it , till they renounce it . § . . on the other side bishop timothy's adherents wrote to leo in praise of their new bishop , professing the nicene faith , and declaring what great concord and peace their city now had , and craving the emperours approbation of him . § . . in palestine also the same fire kindled : the monks that had been at calcedon returned lamenting that the nicene faith was there betrayed , and stirred up their fraternity to rescind the acts ; they got together and expelled iuvenal bishop of ierusalem , as a traytor to the catholick faith and a changer . the empress eudocia ) saith nicephorus ) took their part ; and strengthned them ; at schythopolis they killed severianus the bishop , they compelled men to joyn and communicate with them . at ierusalem they killed athanasius a deacon for contradicting them , and gave his flesh to dogs . dorotheus the emperous lieutenant would have kept the peace , and they compelled him to joyn with them : but after twenty moneths iuvenal was restored . thus in many countreys the war went on ; and they that knew not the arcana imperii thought all this was done by bishops and monks : but the truth is theodosius's widow , and theodosius's sister and martian's wife , were of two sides : and women had great power with emperours , and consequently with bishops : but at last pulcheria procured the conversion of eudocia to her side , and then she owned the council , and then others owned it . this was in martians days . § . . the great number of letters sent from the bishops to leo when he was made emperour , which were sent in answer to his own to them , engaged him the more for the council party , and against timothy aelurus : he deposed him and put timothy salophaciolus in his place : but the city was all in confusion between the two timothies , bishops . the egyptian bishops write to the emperour against timothy and eutychiane . the emperour sends forth his circular letters , commanding all to own the calcedon council . at antioch petrus cnapheus ambitious of the archbishoprick got into martyrius place ; by zeno's help : and thinking they were still managing only the controversie against the nestorians , and taking the orthodox for nestorian hereticks , all were accursed by anathema's that would not say that god was crucified and suffered ( the orthodox doing the same , ) and thus they increased the confusions . martyrius their true bishop when he saw that he could do no good upon them , forsook them , with these words , clero rebelli , & populo inobedienti , & ecclesiae contaminatae nuncium remitto . i renounce a rebellious clergy , a disobedient people , and a defiled church . petrus cnapheus kept the bishoprick , and reviled the calcedon council . leo the emperour banisheth him : stephanus a friend to the council is put into the place : that you may know how the council had united the people , even the boys were set on to kill this new bishop with sharp quills . common execution was too easie a death ; being killed they cast his corps into the river , for favouring the council of calcedon , and succeeding their desired bishop : but calendion succeeding him , made them anathematize the same peter cnapheus . § . . while martian and leo , reigned thus , the council of calcedon was kept up , and almost all the bishops were brought to subscribe to it ; but death changeth princes , and thereby bishops . leo dyeth , and dissolute zeno succeedeth him : he would fain have had his peace among them in sensuality : basiliscus taketh the advantage of his dissolute life , and usurpeth the empire , and maketh use of the bishops schism and contentions to get him a party : ( for the bishops schisms greatly serve usurpers ends . ) and first he publisheth his circular letters against the council of calcedon , requiring all the bishops to renounce it , ( because his predecessours had been for it . ) to this , saith nicephorus , lib. . cap. . three patriarchs , and no fewer then five hundred subscribed , and renounced the council . ( and yet how violently they damned all that would not receive it , and writ for it to leo , but a little before you have heard . ) but quickly after , acacius patriarch of constantinople , and dau. columnella , perswaded basiliscus to write clear contrary circular letters , commanding all to own the council : for they convinced him that this was the more possible way : and these also were obeyed . but zeno was shortly after restored to the empire , who was for the council : and then the asian bishops turned again , and wrote to get their pardon , saying , that they subscribed to basiliscus first letters , not voluntary , but for fear ! ( o excellent martyrs . ) niceph. l. . c. . § . . upon this the council was up again , and the bishops became orthodox once more : till at last zeno thought ( as the acacians did about laying by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that the only way to unite these bishops , was to leave all free , neither forbidding any to own the council of calcedon , nor yet compelling any to it . and so he wrote an edict of pacification , silencing the case , which he called his henoticon : for he thought that the bishops would never agree either for it or against it . but yet this ended not the quarrels : the fire still flamed : liberty contented not the bishops : they were zealous for god as against his enemies the hereticks : and every party were these hereticks and enemies in the judgment of the rest . all must be damned and ruined that would not be for god , that is , that was not of their minds . when liberty was once up , the people were significant , and their mind was soon known . at antioch , calendion was cast out of his seat , and peter cnapheus got in again . ( for a combat for a bishoprick was a war which they scrupled not . ) and at alexandria the whole city was in confusion while peter moggus and iohn strove who should be bishop . moggus of alexandria anathematizing the calcedon council , and persecuting dissenters , the emperour laboureth to reconcile them . acacius at constantinople , though supposed orthodox , communicateth with peter moggus : whether in obedience to zeno's henoticon , or weary of hereticating , and why , is not known . ( o how common were separatist bishops in those days ! ) faelix bishop of rome condemneth acacius bishop of constantinople for this : acacius had equal priviledges given by the calcedon council , and had the presence of the emperour and senate , and he again condemneth faelix ; blotting his name out of the sacred albe ( their book of life . ) § . . acacius shortly dying , the emperour found it too hard a task to choose a patriarch , that should not keep up the sedition ; therefore he will refer the choice to god : to that end he putteth a blank paper on the altar , and another by it , requesting of god that an angel might write there the name of him that god would have to be patriarch : the doors are fast locked , and forty days fasting and prayer commanded , to prevail with god : the keys are committed to a sure and great courtier , but one that was subject to angels : one flavitas bribeth him , and he writeth flavitas's name in the paper , and sealeth up the doors : and so there was an arch-bishop chosen by an angel. this man joined with peter of alexandria by synodal letters , to command all to curse the council : and yet wrote to the bishop of rome , that he renounced communion with peter ; and he wrote to peter that he renounced communion with the bishop of rome . but it s fearful sporting with god and angels : he dyed within four months . § . . after flavitas succeeded euphemius : he joined with the bishop of rome , and rased peter's name out of the church book : peter and euphemius as two generals were about gathering synodical armies against each other , and against , and for the council . but the foot that spurneth abroad and spoileth the designs of worldlings , even death presently removed peter . one athanasius succeedeth peter , and fain he would have reconciled and united his clergy and people , but he could not : holy zeal is too easily quenched , but not contentious carnal zeal . palladius succeedeth peter cnapheus at antioch : both these great patriarchs join together to curse the council of calcedon ; and down went the council . but death again maketh a turn , they both dye , and iohn succeeded at alexandria , and flavianus at antioch . yet these must be of the mind of the major part , and both join also to curse the council : and the patriarchs of rome and constantinople curse them , and are for the council : and thus cursing was the religion of the age. § . . but now zeno the emperour dyeth , and anastatius dicorus is chosen emperour . nicephorus , lib. . c. . saith , that he being a man of peace , and desiring the ceasing of contentions , followed zeno's henoticon , and left all to their liberty to think of the council as they pleased . hereupon the bishops fell into three parties ; some servent for every word of the council ; some cursing it ; and some for the henoticon or silent peace . the east was one way : the west another : and lybia another . yea the eastern bishops among themselves , the western among themselves , and the lybian among themselves , renounced communion with one another . nicephor . c. . tanta confusio mentiumque caligo ( saith the historian ) orbem universum incessit , ( it is not my censure ) so great confusion and blindness of mind befell the whole world : this was the effect even of liberty . § . . the emperour resolving to keep peace did purpose to fall on the most unpeaceable whoever , even on both sides . at constantinople he put out euphemius : ( as some thought upon a personal dislike or quarrel : ) for before his inthornizing they say he had given under his hand to euphemius a promise that he would stand for the council ; and when he had possession he demanded up his writing : euphemius denyed it him , and was cast out : macedonius succeeded him , and got the writing : the emperour demanded it also of him ; he also denyed it : the emperour would have also put him out : the people rose up in sedition , and cryed , it is a time of martyrdom , let us all stick to the bishop : and they reviled the emperour , calling him a manichee , and unworthy of the empire . the emperour was forced hereby to submit to macedonius , lest he should have lost all : the bishop sharply rebuked him as the churches enemy . but these things made the emperour more against the council , partly as more against him ; and when he saw time , he remembred macedonius , and cast him out : yea he put timothy in his place , and burnt the councils acts. timothy pulled down the images of macedonius . the patriarchs of alexandria , antioch : and ierusalem , were all cast out . § . . peter cnapheus antioch had made one zenaias a persian servant and unbaptized , bishop of hierapolis . this man was against images and against the council . he brought a troop of monks to antioch to force flavianus the bishop to curse the council ; flavianus refuseth : the people stuck to the bishop , and disputed the case with such unanswerable arguments , that so great a number of the monks were slain , as that they threw their bodies into the river orontes , to save the labour of burying them . niceph. . c. . but this endeth not the dispute ; another troop of monks of coelo-syria , that were of flavianus and the councils side , hearing of the tumult , and the danger of the bishop , flock to antioch , and made another slaughter , as great ( saith nicephorus ) as the former . § . . the murders done by bishops and christians were sometimes punished by excommunication , but not by death in those prosperous times of the church : the emperour hereupon did banish flavianus , which his followers took for persecution ; peter alex. being dead the bishops of alex. egypt , and lybia , fell all into pieces among themselves , each having their separate conventions . the rest of the east also separated from the west , because the west would not communicate with them , unless they would curse nestorius , eutyches , dioscorus , moggus and acacius : and yet saith nicephorus , l. . c. . qui germani dioscori & eutychetes sectatores fuere ad maximam paucitatem redacti sunt . xenaia● bringeth to flavian , the names of theodore , theodorite , ibas and others as nestorians ; and tells him , if he curse not all these , he is a nestorian ; whatever he say to the contrary : flavian was unwilling , but his timerous fellow-bishops perswaded him , and he wrote his curse against them , and sent it to the emperour . xenaias then went farther , and required him to curse the council . the isaurian bishops were drawn to consent to anathematize it . the refusers are all renownced as nestorians . and thus the council that cursed nestorius , is cursed of nestorian : the eutychians perceiving how near they were agreed . after flavian , one severus got to be bishop at antioch ( a severe enemy of the nestorians , and of the council . ) the first day when he was got in , he cursed the council , though 't is said that he had sworn to the emperour that he would not : niceph. lib. . cap. . in palestine the condemnation or ejection of flavianus and macedomius renewed their distractions and divisions . about antioch , severus grew so earnest , and wrote such letters to the bishops under him , as frighted many against their judgements , to curse the council , and those that held two natures , as hereticks : some bishops stood out and refused ; some fled from their churches for fear . the isaurian bishops , when they had yielded , repented , and when they had repented they condemned severus , that drove them to subscribe . two stout bishops , cosmas , and severianus , sent a sealed paper to severus ; and when he opened it , he found it was a condemnation under their hands . the emperour had notice of it , and he being angry , that they presumed to condemn their patriarchs , sent his procurator to cast them out of their bishopricks , ( himself at last being against the council . ) the procurator found the people so resolute , and bent to resistance , in defence of their bishops : that he sent word to the emperour , that these two bishops could not be cast out , without bloud-shed . the emperour sent him word , that he would not have a drop of bloud shed for the business ; for he did what he did for peace . § . . helias , bishop of ierusalem , found all the other churches in such confusion , the bishops condemning one another ; that he would communicate with none of them , save euphemius of constantinople ( before his ejection ) niceph. c. . the monks were engaged for the council by such a means as this . one theodosius , a monk ( or abbot ) gathering a great assembly , lowdly cryed out in the pulpit to them . [ if any man equal not the four councils , with the four evangelists , let him he anathema . ] this voice of their captain , resolved the monks ; and they thenceforth took it as a law , that the four councils should be saoris libris accensenda , added or joyned with the sacred books . and they wrote to the emperour , [ certamen se de eis ad sanguinem us●● subitur●s , that they would make good the conflict for them , even to blood : thus monks and bishops then submitted to princes . these monks went about to the cities to engage them to take their side for the councils . the emperour hearing of this , wrote to the bishop helias to reform it : he rejecteth the emperours letters , and refuseth : the emperour sendeth souldiers to comp●ll or restrain them . the orthodox monks that were for the council , gathered by the orthodox bishops , tumultuously cast the emperours souldiers out of the church , niceph. c. . after this , they had another contention , and there anathematized those that adhered to severus . the emperour more provoked by all this , sent olympius with a band of souldiers to conquer them : olympius came , and cast out bishop helias , and put in iohn . the monks gather again , and the souldiers bieng gone , they come to iohn , and make him engage himself to be against severus , and to stand for the council , though it were unto blood : he yielded to the monks , and ingaged himself to the council , and brake his word made to olympius . the emperor is angry with olympius for doing his work no better ; and puts him out , and sendeth another captain anastatius ; who came and put the bishop iohn in prison and commanded him to despise the council : iohn consulting with another bishop craftily promised to obey him , if he would but let him out of prison , two days before , that it might not seem a forced act . this being done , the bishop on the contrary in the pulpit before the captain and the people , cryeth out if any man assent to eutyches , and nestorius , ( contraries ) and severus , and soterichus , caesariansis , let him be anathema : if any follow not the opinions of the four vniversal synods let him be anathema . the captain seeing himself thus deluded , fled from the multitude and was glad to save himself , the emperour being offended more at this . the bishops write to him , that at jerusalem the fountain of doctrine , they were not now to learn the truth , and that they would defend the traditions if need be even to blood , niceph. . c. . at constantinople the bishop timothy would please both sides , and pleased neither : to some he spake for the council , to others he cursed it . being to make an abbot , the man refused his election , unless he consented to the council of calcedon : timothy presently cursed those that received not the council . his arch-deacon hearing him , reproached him , that like euripus roled every way . the emperour hearing it , rebuked him : and timothy washt away the charge , and presently cursed every one that received the council , niceph. l. . c. . § . . but what did rome all this while ? it were too long to recite their proper history : they were for the council , and they had other kind of conflicts : the goths held them in wars , and had conquered them , and theodorick reigned there as king , and so they were broken off from the empire : arians ruled them , who yet if salvian say true , did ( after ) shame the orthodox in point of temperance , truth , and justice . but besides their following greater schisms , this schism also did reach to them . festus a roman senator was sent by theodorick to the emperour on an embassie : which having done , he desired of the emperour that constantinople might keep the festival days of peter and paul ( which they did not before ) as they did at rome ; and he prevailed : and he secretly assured the emperour , that anastasius bishop of rome would receive the honoticon ( to suspend the consenting to the calcedon council ) and would subscribe it . when this ambassadour came home the pope was dead . to make good his word to the emperour , he got a party to choose laurentius pope , who would receive the honoticon : the people chose symmachus their bishop . and so there were two popes settled , and the sedition continued three years , not without slaughter , rapines , and other calamities : nicephor . cap. . theodorick an arian , more rightuous than the popes , would not deprive them of their liberty of choice , but called a synod , to judge which was the rightful bishop , and upon their judgment confirmed symmachus : but laurentius loth to lose the prey , stirred up the people to sedition , and thereupon was quite degraded . this was a beginning of schisms at rome . § . . the emperour at constantinople favouring the addition [ qui crucifixus est pro nobis , ] the people who disliked it , seditiously cut off a monks head , and set it upon a pole , inscribing [ an enemy to the trinity . ] the emperour overcome and wearied with their confusions , and orthodox murders and rebellions ; called an assembly , and offered to resign his empire , desiring them to choose another : this smote them with remorse , and they desired him to reassume his crown , and promised to forbear sedition : but he dyed shortly after . § . . anno . valentinian the roman emperour attempted a great alteration with the bishops , by a law recalling the judicial power of the bishops in all causes , except those of faith and religion , unless the parties contending voluntarily chose them for the judges . this binnius ( and the other papists ) take for a heinous injury to the church . in all mens judgment , saith binnius , it is absurd that the sheep should judge his shepherd : if to day the pretor stand at the tribunal of the bishop , and to morrow the bishop may be called to the pretors bar ? that an earthly judge may take and punish the servants of the highest judge , and consecrated men : who will not say that this is most absurd ? answ. this sheweth what church-grandure and power these men expect ; if they have not the civil power , and be not magistrates or lords of all , the church is wronged . this clergy-pride is it that hath set the world on fire , and will not consent that it be quenched . . by this rule all christians should be from under all power of kings and civil rulers : for are they not all [ the servants of the highest iudges ] hath god no servants but the clergy ? . by this rule both princes and people should be free from the bishops judgment : for are not these bishops men as well as princes ? and are not christian princes and people the servan●●s of the highest iudge , and therefore should not be judged by bishops . . but what a wicked rebellious doctrine is intimated in the distinction , that princes are earthly iudges , and prelates are the servants of the highest iudge ? are not prelates earthly iudges as well as princes , in that they are men that judge on earth ? and are not princes judges of divine appointment and authority as well as prelates ? yea , and their power more past all dispute ? . and what absurdity is it , that every soul be subject to the higher power ? and that he that 's one of your sheep in one respect , may be your ruler in another ? why may not the king be the ruler of him that is his physician or his tutor ? and why not of him that is his priest. was not solomon ruler of abiathar when he displaced him ? may not one man judge who is fit or unfit for church communion , and another judge who is punishable by the sword ? did christ come to set up a ministry instead of a magistracy ? he that saith , man who made me a judge , came not to put down judges : he that saith , by me kings reign , came not to put down all kings . obj. christ sets up a kingdome of priests , or a royal priesthood . answ. but his kingdom is not of this world , or worldly : it is a spiritual kingdome , conquering sin and satan , putting down the world out of our hearts , and making us hope for the everlasting kingdom which we shall shortly enjoy . the disease of the disciples that strove who should be greatest , and sit at the right and left hand , and said , lord wilt thou at this time restore the kingdom to israel , hath prevailed after all this warning on a worldly clergy , to the great calamity of the church . and what wonder , when even then st. paul saith , all seek their own ( too much ) and none the things of iesus christ ( so naturally as timothy did ) and so zealously as they ought . too many popes haue been peters successours in the character given him , mat. . get thee behind me satan , thou art an offence unto me ; for thou savourest not the things that be of god , but those that be of men . i understood not who were the spring of our late fifth-monarchy mens diseases , till i read campanella de regno dei , and some such papists , where i see that christs reign by his vicar the pope over all the princes and people of the world , is the true fifth-monarchy heresie ; for which they bring the same prophecies as the millenaries do for their expectations . obj. but the pope , prelates and clergy ( called the church ) are not to reign by deposing kings , but by ruling them and being above them : as love is above the law , which yet is made for the ungodly that want love , and must be ruled by fear ; so princes are for the world of unbelievers , but not for the church and spiritual persons who live above them in the life of love. answ. . this was one of the first heresies which the apostles wrote against : many tempted christians then to think that christianity freed them from service and subjection and made all equal : but how plainly , frequently and earnestly , do paul and peter condemn it ? is it not a shame to hear such papists as cry up such a heresie as this , cry down and damn a nestorian , or an eutychian , or a monothelite , for an unskilful use of a word ? paul saith , he that teacheth otherwise ( against subjection ) is proud , knowing nothing , but doting . . love doth indeed set us above fear , and legal threats so far as it prevaileth : but it is imperfect in all , and fear still necessary . . and this taketh not down either the law or magistracy to us , but only maketh us less need such means . it 's one thing to love and live so holily and justly as never to need or fall under the sword of magistrates ; and another thing to be freed from subjection and obligation . this increaseth in many the opinion , that the papal kingdom is antichristian , in that they set up themselves above rulers that are called gods. . but why must this priviledge extend to the clergy only ? have not other christians as much holy love , and spirituality , as most of them ? and must princes rule only infidels ? some suspect none as inclining to popery , but those that take up some of their doctrines of transubstantiation , purgatory , images , &c. but they that on pretence of the raising of the church , and defending its power , do first call the clergy only the church , and then seek to make themselves the lords of princes , by the pretences of an excommunicating power , and plead themselves from under them , and take it for their priviledges to be free from subjection to them and their penal laws , are doubtless levened with that popish heresie , which hath done much of all the mischiefs , which the forecited history describeth . § . . cxxxi . besides some little contention at alexandria , under proterius , before he was murdered ; the next in binnius , is said to be at angices ( andegavens● , ) which saith over again some of their old canons against priests living with women , and removing from place to place , and such like . and the papists say that this council was to contradict the emperour valentinians law , and to vindicate the rights of the church , as not being lyable to civil judicatures , or under kings . § . . cxxxii . anno . . a french venetick council was called about ordinations , which repealed some former canons , and was so strict , that the first canon kept murderers and false witnesses from the sacrament , till they repented ( instead of hanging them . ) and the second canon denyed the communion to adulterers that unlawfully put away their wives , and took others . ( o strict laws . ) § . . cxxxiii . ann. . a council at constantinople , forb●d simony . § . . cxxxiv . ann. . a council at rome , of bishops ; decreed that men that had two wives , or the husbands of whores should not be ordained : that they that could not ●ead , and they that were mai●ed or dismembred , or the penitent , should not be made ministers , &c. § . . cxxxv . ann. . ten bishops at towrs , made such honest canons , as if they yet reteined somewhat of s. martins piety . they earnestly diswade the clergie from their fornication : they go a middle way between them that forbad priests to get children , and those that turn them loose , and decree that married priests that continue to get children shall be advanced no higher : they forbid the clergie to be drunk : and to take in strange women : they forbid them to forsake their ministerial function : ( but what if prelates silence them ) they keep those from the communion that lye with nuns ( devoted to virginity ) till they repent : they keep murderers from the communion , till they penitently confess . ( this is not hanging them in chains : but who shall answer for that blood , and for the next that this man killeth ? ) others such honest canons those vertuous bishops made ( oft made before ) § . . cxxxvi . they say foelix called a council at rome to admonish , and excommunicate peter cnaph . antioch about the time time that he excommunicated acacius const. and acacius damned him again . § . . in this storm against acacius , the pope engaged other bishops , one was quintianus , who sent peter a dozen curses for his cure : of which one reached cyril being against those that say [ vnam naturam ] another was [ siquis deum-hominem , & non magis deum & homineum dicit , damnetur ] that is , ●f any one say god-man , and not rather god and man , let him be damned . how careless are papists , and protestants , that so commonly venture on the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their damnation : if our neighbours , that commonly these thirty years last use the word [ god damn me had but put thee ] instead of [ me ] i should have suspected that the councils and bishops had made their religion . § . . cxxxvii . they say that ann. acacius ( as bad as the pope , made him ) call'd a council at constantinople , to condemn peter cnapheus . § . . cxxxviii . foel●x called b●shops to rome , on this occasion : he sent his peremptory letters to acacius , const. and some to the emperour zeno , by two bishops , mis●nus and vitalis : the emperour took away their letters ; and ( not knowing then the popes soverainty ) laid them by the heels , till he made them glad to communicate with those bishops that they came to condemn : for this faelix and his bishops , cast them out of the episcopal office ; and they presumed to excommunicate acacius , as afore said , even with this clause , nunquam anathematis vinculis exuendus : never to be absolved from the curse ! what no repentance , for one that was no heretick ! but falsly so called , for obeying the emperour , in dealing gently with some eutychians ; were not this council and pope novatians ? § . . cxxxix . yet ann. . the same faelix is said in a council of bishops , to decree communion to the lapsed , and re-baptized , penitent africans . § . . at this time , and before in pope leo ' s time ; some maniches in rome , would not be recusants , but conformists , and come to church , and take the sacrament ; but they took only the bread , and not the wine . leo , serm. . de temp. quadrag . writeth this against them . when to cover their infidelity , they dare be present at our mysteries , they so temper themselves , that they may safely lye hid , in the receiving of the sacrament , that they with an unworthy mouth , receive christ ' s body , but refuse to drink the blood of redemption . which we would have your holiness to understand ; that such men may be known to you by these marks : and that when their sacrelegious dissimulation is discerned , being discovered they may by the priestly authority be driven from the society of the saints . hereupon the pope decreed that none should communicate , but in both kinds : the words of the canon dist . . de consecrat . are these . we find that some taking only a portion of the holy body , abstein from the cup of the holy blood : because i know not by what superstition they are taught to be thus bound ; let such either receive the whole sacrament , or be driven from the whole : because a division of one and the same mystery , cannot come but from heynous sacriledge . reader , is rome constant in their religion ? and have they no innovations ? is not binnius impudent in calling it foolish to cite this canon of their own pope , against them . consider it and judge . and as impudent is he , p. . in expounding these words of gelasius . non desinit substantia vel natura panis & vini , that is ▪ the substance or nature of the bread , and wine ceaseth not : as if it speaks only of the substance and nature of the accidents : as if accidents had substance , and nature of their own : what words , what evidence can be so plain as to convince such men . § . . among the epistles of gelasius ; one is to euphemius bishop of constantinople , denying him communion , till he put the name of acacius out of the dypticks , both of them being orthodox ; only because acacius communicated with an eutychian ; even when he is dead , those that condemn him not must be excommunicated ▪ were there ever greater separatists than these . and is it any wonder if now the pope separate from most of the christian world. there is also his commonitor●um written to faustus the embassador of theodorike at constantinople ; in which he insistetion the same way of separation . all the world must be in an ecclesiastical episcopal war , if they will not damn and separate from every one that speaketh an unapt word , if a council or pope will but call it heresie . but here the papists would have us believe that excommunicating in those days was a proof of superiority : but gelasius himself here tells them otherwise . it was objected against him by euphemius constant. that one man may not excommunicate acacius a patriarch . and he answereth , . that it was the act of many ; that is , of the council which condemned the eutychians in general . but is this good law , or divinity ? is every offender condemned , ipso jure , before his personal guilt is judged ? because the law condemneth all thieves , may every man judge , and hang them . acacius is confessed to be no eutychian , but to have obeyed his prince , in communicating with one : euphemius was no eutychian , but would not disobey his prince at the popes command , by blotting out acacius name . but his second answer is , quod non solum praesuli apostolico facere licet , sed cuicunque , pontifici ut quo●libet & quemlibet locum , secund●m regul●● hareseos ipsius ante damnatae , a catholica communioni discernant . that is , iris lawful not only to an apostolical prelate , but to any bishop to exclude from catholick communion ; any persons , and any p●ace , according to the rule of his fore-damned heresie . and accordingly , others have excommunicated , the pope , and lower prelates have excommunicated patriarchs ; and the lower patriarchs the higher : excommunication , as it is an act of government , is done only by a governour : but as all christians are commanded to avoid scandalous christians , so in their several places they may practice this , the guilt being proved , i may tell him that i have no rule over , i will have no communion with you : but i cannot thereby oblige all others to do the like . this gelasius also oft ( epist. ad anastas . imperat. &c. ) setteth up the priest above the prince , as gods laws are above mans : as if kings were were not to govern by gods laws ? and as if the bishops canons were not mans laws ( if they be laws . ) § . . cxl . it 's said that bishops at rome under gelasius determined of the canon of the scripture , and also of accepted and rejected books . in the canon they put a book called ordo historiarum ; with one book of tobias , one of iudith , one of the maccabees , nehemias is lest out . among the approved books the epistle of leo to flavian const. is thus imposed , [ the text whereof if any man shall dispute , even to one iota ( or tittle ) and doth not venerably receive it in all things , let him be accursed . ] a multitude of heretical and rejected books are named : eighteen pretended to be by or , of some apostles , and such other : and among others the history of eusebius ( yet before approved , unless here he mean only de vita const. ) the works of tertullian , lactantius , arnobius , clemens alexand. africanus , cassianus , victorinus pictav . faustus rhegiens . &c. of the canon of scripture bishop cousins hath collected the true history from greater antiquity . § . . cxli . vitalis and misenus , the popes legates at constantinople , having been excommunicated for communicating with acacius , &c. vitalis dyed so , but after eleven years misenus repented , and was absolved by a council of bishops : ( might not the pope alone have done it ? ) § . . cxlii . you have heard before how festus got laurentius the arch-presbyter chosen pope at rome , and more chose symmachus : theodorick an arian being king was just , and had so much wit as to please the clergy while his kingdom was unsettled . the pope , under his protection , excommunicated both emperour and patriarch of constantinople , for communicating with hereticks ; but he never excommunicated theodorick at home , though an arian ▪ there was reason for it : interest is such mens law. but while the schism between symmachus and laurentius divided the senate , the clergy , and the people , five or six several councils are called at rome , mostly to heal this rupture : for at first the laurentians laid some crimes to the charge of symmachus ; and when the councils would not cast him out , they fell to rapine , violence , and bloodshed , many being killed , and all in confusion : so that it was work enough in three years for king and council to end the schism . § . . cxliii . when the arian persecution abated in africa , thrasa●●ndus the king , contriving which way to root out the orthodox without violence ; he commanded that when any bishop dyed , no other should be ordained in their places . hereupon the nonconformists seeing the churches like to decay , ann . . held a synod , in which they decreed and do their that though they suffered death for it they would go on , and ordain , office ; concluding that either the mind of the king would be mollified , or else they should have the crown of martyrdom . this is called concilium byzacenum . § . . it is greatly to be noted , that many following councils in spain , france , and other parts of europe , which were held under the gothish kings , were more pious and peaceable than the rest fore-described . the reasons seem to me to be these : . these kings being conquering arians , the bishops durst not damn them for heresie , for fear of their own necks ; and so were greatly restrained from the hereticating work of councils . . these kings having a narrower dominion than the empire , and being jealous of their new gotten conquests , were nearer the bishops , and kept them more in awe than the emperour did . . and these councils being small ( of a few bishops ) had no such work for arrogancy and ambition , as the great general councils had : . and the great proud pretending patriarchs that set the world in a continual war , were not here to strive who should be the greatest . the pope himself was seldom mentioned in the spanish and french councils , or the african . § . . cxliv . one of these honest councils is agathense by the permission of alaricus , by bishops , casarius arelatensis being chief : where many canons for the clergy were made or repeated . the d canon is , that if bishops wrongfully excommunicate any one , other bishops shall receive them . ( did the popes observe this with acacius , euphemius , &c. ) can. . if any citizens on the great solemnities , that it , easter , the lords nativity , or whitsuntide , shall neglect to meet where the bishops are , ( seeing they are set in cities for benediction and communion , ) let them be three years deprived of the communion of the church . ( doth not this prove that the city churches then met all in one place , and so were but one assembly at those times ? how else could all the citizens be with the bishop at one time ? ) but even these canons forbid clergy-men to sue any before a secular judge , or to appear or answer at anothers suit , can. . otherwise both are to be excommunicate , can. . it punisheth those that kill men , but with denying them communion . can. . only if a bishop , presbyter , or deacon , commit a capital crime , he shall be deposed and put into a monastery , and have but lay-communion . ( when murderers are hang'd , and trayters also quartered , this canon is laid aside . ) i thought a monastery had been a desirable place , and not bad enough to serve traytors and murderers instead of the gallows . § . . cxlv . a council at apanna under sigismund king of burgundy , recited such like canons as the former : save that there is one just such as our fanaticks in england would have made , who would not worship god in any temple which the papists had used to their mass : so faith can. . the temples ( or churches ) of hereticks , which we hate with so great execration , we despise to apply to holy uses , as judging their pollution to be such as cannot be purged away . but such as by violence they took from us we may recover . this is just down with the idolatrous steeple-houses . but if they would give the nonconformists in england leave to preach in such places , they would be thankful , and think god will not impute the sin of others to us . § . . cxlvi . a council at sidon of bishops , was called by the emperour anastasius , where they agreed to curse the council of calcedon , and flavianus antioch , and iohan. paltens . were banished for refusing . this was about the time when the foresaid fight was between the monks and the antiochians , when the carkasses of the eutychian monks were cast into the river . § . . about this time was the fall and rise of the papacy . the fall , in that the eastern empire made little use of popes , but did their church work without them . their rise , in that the western empire and africa being divided between many late conquering kings , they all labour to settle themselves in a peaceable possession by pleasing the clergy , who , as they found , had no small interest in the people . § . . cxlvii . hincmazus in the life of remigius , tells us of a strange thing done at a council at rhemes ; that one arian bishop challenged all the rest to dispute , and when rhemigius came in would not rise to him , but upon the shaddow of remigius passing by him , he was struck dumb , and falling at rhemigius feet , by signs askt pardon , and was suddenly cured of his dumbness and heresie , confessing the deity of christ. § . . cxlviii . because iohan. nicopolit . did but call some of his bishops to flatter the pope , and to curse all heresies and acacius , this is put in among the councils . but the concil . tarracense , anno . seems more regardable ( under theodorick ) where the clergy are restrained from buying cheaper and selling dearer than others , ( this it seems grew to be a part of their priviledges . ) and from judging causes on the lords day : and it is ordered that the bishop send a presbyter one week , and a deacon another , to the country congregations , and to visit them himself once a year , because by the old custome he is to have a third part of all the church profits . qu●r . whether a bishops diocess then was any bigger than one of our corporations with the neighbour villages ? and if one of our bishops that have above a thousand parishes , or many hundred , should have the third part of all ( or as other canons say the fourth , ) would not our bishops be yet richer men than they are ? especially if they that confine bishops to cities , could get a prince to call no corporation a city but one or two in a kingdom , and be as the abuna is in ethiopia , that hath the thirds of all the ecclesiastical benefits in the empire . this council had ten bishops . § . . cxlix . the concillium gerundense is next , anno . under theodorick ; it consisted of seven bishops , ( bishopricks began to grow so big , that they could not so suddenly meet by the scores and hundreds as when every church was known by one altar and one bishop , as ignatius speaks . ) the seven men made canons , that the same liturgy should be used in the other churches of that province as were used in the metropolitan church . ( for formerly every bishop in his own church did pray as he thought best , without imposed or agreed uniformity of many churches , much less of all in a nation . ) they decree also that litanies be used on the kalends of november . a litany then signified a solemn supplicating of god by the people assembled , fasting , walking , singing , and praying , as is used here in the rogation week : sometime they walked to the memorial of some martyr , sometime about the streets , oft bare foot , continuing it with fasting for certain times . the last canon is , that the priests say the lords prayer twice a day , morning and evening . ( that was a short liturgy . ) § . cl. when iustin was made emperour , the bishops turned in the east , and down went the eutychians , and a synod of bishops at constantinople resolved that the names of euphemius and macedonius should be restored into the dyptick ( their book of life ) and that soverus should be condemned with his adherents . § . . the case hath been oft intimated before ; in those times when all the empire was in confusion between eutychians , and the orthodox , and some emperours took one side , and some the other , and some in vain endeavoured peace : the churches of antioch and alexandria were more eutychian than constantinople , though the emperour that favoured the eutychians were present : acacius was orthodox , but pleased the emperour so far as to communicate with , or not curse and excommunicate the bishops of antioch and alexandria . for this , as you have oft heard , the pope excommunicated him , and he so dyed ( having done as much for the pope . ) euphemius and macedonius that succeeded were both orthodox , and commanded by the emperour to communicate with the eutychians , and persecuted , and both cast out by him , for not obeying him , as is before described in that and another such matter : the pope had required them to blot acacius name out of the dyptick : the court , clergy , and people were against it , thinking it arrogancy in one man , to excommunicate the patriarch of the imperial city that was orthodox , upon his personal revenge or quarrel : they obeyed not the pope : the pope is against them for not cursing a dead orthodox bishop acacius : the emperour was against them for being against the eutychians , as the pope was for not being more against both them , and all that did not curse them as much as he did , were not these bishops in a hard case ? both agree to their extirpation , and when they were dead to damn their names : but the clergy and people agreed not . the eastern and western churches were hereby ▪ divided . ( that is , constantinople and rome . ) is not the christian world beholden to such tyrants and proud pretenders for its distractions and calamities ? that will rather divide the christian world , than endure the names of orthodox persecuted bishops to be honoured when they are dead , because they would not blot out and abhor the name of another dead orthodox bishop their predecessour , when the pope cursed him for communicating with an eutychian . i know the papists will cry up , the preservation of the faith and purity ▪ but if ever any did overdo the pharisees , that reproved christ for eating with publicans and sinners : if ever any became plagues of the world , by being wise , orthodox , and righteous overmuch , and made use of the name of faith , to destroy faith , love , humanity , and peace , and cryed up the church , and vnity , as catholicks , to destroy the church and unity , and crumble it into sects and factions ; it is certainly these men . but the east and west that thus began their separation by the spirit of pride and envy that rome had against the growing greatness of constantinople , continue their division to this day ; and it hath been no small cause of the ruin of the empire and the christian cause , and delivering all up to the mahometans : which the good pope seemed to judg more tolerable ( with all the streams of blood that went before and after ) than that he should not have his will upon an orthodox dead mans name . sure fiut iustitia & ruat coelum , was devised by these precise over righteous popes . § . . evagrius ( lib. . ) saith , that iustin came to the empire as followeth : amantius was one of the greatest men , but uncapable of the empire , because he was an eunuch : he gave a great sum of money to iustine , to hire the souldiers to choose theocritus , his bosom friend : iustine with that money hired them to choose himself , and quieted amantius and theocritus , by murdering them both . and because vitalianus ( that had usurped and laid down , ) was then great , he drew him in to be a commander near him , and so got him killed . but he becometh orthodox , and saith binnius , p. . the great patron and defender of the catholicks , by the singular favour of god obtained the empire . so zealous was he , that he caused the tongue of severus the eutychian , archbishop of antioch , to be pulled out of his head , for cursing so oft the council of calcedon , and such like things . paulus succeeded him and dyed , and euphrasius succeeded him , who was buried in the ruines of the city ▪ it being cast to the ground by a terrible earthquake , and the remnant burnt with fire from heaven , in the lightning that went with the earthquake . but euphremius lieutenant of the east , did so charitably relieve the people , that in reward they chose him for their bishop . reader , was not a bishoprick then grown a considerable preferment , when the emperours lieutenant of the east took it for such , even to be bishop of a city that lay on heapes ? § . . cli . things being now on the turn , a synod at ierusalem votes up the council of calcedon , and cry down soverus . § . . clii. and another at tyre do●● the like . § . . cliii . and another council at rome again decreeth the damnation of the three dead bishops of constantinople , acacius , euphemius , and macedonius : what , never have done with dead men ? methinks stark dead might satisfie pride and malice . binnius saith , that the eastern church yielded to blot out of the dypticks the names of acacius , euphemius and macedonius ( not the heretick ) and the emperours , zeno , and anastasius : the pope maketh himself the governour of hell ; where he thought these emperours and bishops were . but it is worse than savage malice that will not cease towards dead men ! and if the empire yielded , they shewed more love of peace than rome did , but not much wit , in giving a prelate of another princes dominion such power to defame , and force them to defame their emperours and patriarchs at his pleasure . § . . the zeal of iustin to eradicate the arians , and take all their churches from them , provoked theodorick ( though a just man , that gave the orthodox liberty , protection , and encouragement , yet an arian , and gave the arians liberty also ) to resolve , that he would use the orthodox in italy , as iustin did the arians in the east : whereupon iohn , bishop of rome , with some others , went as his ambassadours to constant to mediate with iustin for the arians ease . anastastus in lib. pontif. saith he obtained it : binnius out of gregor . taron . saith the contrary : which is more probable . however by going on such a message for real hereticks , it appeareth with what sincerity the popes prosecuted the dead names of the three orthodox constant. bishops , on pretence of zeal against heresie : when their interest urgeth them , let the world be set on fire rather than you shall speak favourably of an eutychian : but when interest changeth , rather than they in italy shall suffer , john goeth to constantinople for favour to the arians . suppose he did not speed : what went he thither for ? on this provocation , theodorick , on other quarrels , put to death symmachus , and his son-in-law boetius , roman senators and excellent men , and imprisoned iohn when he returned , and in the prison he dyed : and when he was dead the arian king chose foelix the fourth pope : was this election valid ? if yea , he that is strongest , though a heretick may choose the pope ? if not , than their succession was then interrupted . § . . cliv. we have next a great council called ilerdense of eight bishops ander theodorick . to mend some faults of the clergy , viz. that they that minister at the altar abstain from mans blood , can. . that they that commit adultery , and take medicines , or give them to cast the birth , or that murder the child , shall abstain from communion seven yea●● : and if they be of the clergy , must be content with the communion and the chore without their office , can. . none shall draw an offender , though a servant out of the church , ( nor say other canons out of the bishops house ) that flyeth thither for any crime ( the church and bishops houses had the priviledge to be the harbour for murderers , thieres , traytors , &c. ) but can. . alloweth the bishop to punish them more than others ( with longer forbearing the sacrament ) if those of the clergy murder one another : o severe laws ! § . . clv . next we have a council ( not all so great , having but six bishops ) under theodorick , that ordered that the epistle should be read ●●fore the gospel , and some things like others . § . . clvi . and four ordinary sayings , were said over again by fifteen bishops at aules . § . . it seems the semepelagians then much prevailed : for one lucian made a recantation of his errors to a council of bishops at lyons , as urged by them : one of his supposed errors was , that some are deputed to death , and others predestinate to life ; and another , that none of the gentiles before christ were saved by the light of nature : and now he owneth : that in the order of times , some were saved by the law of grace , others by the law , of moses , and others by the law of nature ; but none ever freed from original sin , but by holy blood . and faustus rheg . against the praedestinarians was owned by the foresaid council at arles , bin. p. . § . theodorick made the clergy subject to civil judicatures ; allowing them their liberty of religion : when he dyed ( of whose soul in hell they pretend visions ) his successours athalaricus , for the quiet possession of his kingdom , at the clergies complaint of this as an injury , was pleased to restore them to their dominion , and freedom from subjection . § . . iustinian succeeding iustin , ( by his choice ) compileth the laws into better order then before , and to the great advantage of the orthodox clergy , and against heresies : and yet two things trouble the papists in them . . that he seemeth to pretend to a power over the church laws . but their shift is to say that he did it but as a defence and confirmation of the bishops laws . . that he restored the names of his predecessors ' zeno , and anastasius , with notes of piety and honour ; whom the popes had presumed to damn as eutychians or toleraters of them : but for this they say ; it was the doing of tribonianus , a heathen lawyer , that did the work : as if iustinian would let him do what he disliked , and not correct it . § . . when iustinian resolved to set up the council of calcedon ; he cursed severus , and deposed the two patriarchs , anthimius of constantinople , and theodosius of alexandria , for they were both eutychians : severus had perswaded them rather to forsake all worldly interest , than the faith ( as he called it . ) but here i cannot see how the historians ( as evagrius ) will be reconciled with themselves ; that say , iustin caused severus tongue to be pulled out ; and yet , that he afterward perswaded anthimius at const. unless he did it only by writing . § . . so far was iustinian's resolution , and power , from reconciling the bishops of the empire , that he could not keep unity , in his own house or bed : for his wife theodora , was firm to the eutychians ; and cherished them , as he did the orthodox , and both with so great constancy , that evagrius suspecteth they did it politickly , by agreement , ( for the peace of the empire ) that each party might be kept in dependance on them . § . . an insurrection in constantinople occasioned the killing of about thirty thousand , saith evagrius c. . out of procopius . § . . about this time a miracle is spoken of so credibly , that i think it not unfit to mention it : hunnerikus in africa , being an arian , goth persecuted the orthodox bishops , especially on pretences that they refused to swear fidelity to him , and his son : ( say some ) they were forbidden to preach , and for not obeying , or for nonconformity ; the tongues of many were cut out , who they say did speak freely after as before : it were hard to be believed ; but three historians i have read that all profess that they saw , and heard the men themselves , viz. victor vticensis aenaeas gazaeus de anima , & procopius in evagrius , l. . c. . who yet addeth that two of them upon some sinfulness with women , lost their speech and remained dumb . nicephor . saith rem cum foeminis habuissent : alas , that miracles will not prevent sin. § . . in the eleventh year of iustinian , athalaricus being dead , and theodatus a kinsman succeeding , this man loving books better than war , yielded up rome and the crown to bellisarius iustinians general ; and so after the gothes had kept it years , it was restored without a drop of blood , saith evagrius l. . c. . but when bellisarius went away t●tilas came and recovered rome : and bellisarius returning , recovered it from the gothes again , c. . § . . three several countries about that time , received the christian faith , much through the reverence of iustinians power , viz. the heruli , the abasgi , and they of tanais , evagr. c. . . . but the grievous wars and successes of cosroes the persian in the east , and a plague of fifty two years continuance , which destroyed a great part of mankind , took down much of the roman glory . § . . clvii . a second concillium aransicanum condemned semepelagianisme , propagated by faustus bishop of rhegrim , after prosp. who had been of the contrary mind . § . . clviii . a concilium v●sense of ten bishops , decreed that parish priest should breed up young readers , who may marry at age ; that the parish priests shall preach , or in their absence , the deacon read a sermon : that lord have mercy on us be often said : that holy , holy , holy , be oft said : that , as it was in the beginning , &c. be oft said . § . . clix. a synod of bishops at carpenteracte decreed that the bishop of the city should not take all the countrey parish maintenance to himself . § . . clx . as faelix was chosen pope by theodorick ; so athalaricus claiming the same power , chose after him boniface the second : an arrian heretick made the pope . others not willing of the kings choice , chose dioscorus ; so there are two popes : but dioscorus quickly dyeth ; and boniface condemneth him when he is dead , on some pretence of money matters , as simoniacal ; and calling a synod , appointeth virgilius a deacon , his successor . after he calleth another synod , to undo this choice , upon his repentance ; and shortly after dyeth himself . agapetus that followed him , absolveth the dead man dioscorus , whom boniface cursed : such work did church-cursing then make , as the engine of ambition . § . . clxi . a council of bishops at toletane , said somewhat again to keep bishops from women , and from giving their lands from the church . § . . clxii . iohn was put by iustinian , to call a council at rome on an odd occasion ( which sheweth what it was that bishops then divided the the world about ) in the days of p. hormisda , there was a controversie ( de nomine ) whether it might be said : one of the trinity was crucified : hormisda declared against it , because they that were for it , were suspected of eutychianisme , ( and condemned after ) but the nestorians laid hold of this , and said : if we may not say that one in the trinity was crucified ; then we may not say : mary was the parent of one in the trinity : iustinian sent about this to iohn ; and he and his synod said contrary to hormisda : that we may say , that one of the trinity was crucified . doth not this plainly confess the bloud and doleful divisions , caused by bishops and monks for so many ages about nestorianisme , and eutychianisme , was but about a word which in one sence is true , and in another false ; which one pope saith , and another unsaith . when binnius after baronius hath no more to say for excuse of this ; but that it a mutatis hostibus arma mutarinecesse fuit : o for honesty : against divers enemies we must use divers weapons . but sir may you use contrary assertions , as articles of faith ? or do you not here undenyably tell us that ambiguous words , and clergy iurisdiction , have been the causes of almost all the divisions , and ruines of the church for years ? § . . iustinian took a better course to convince , and reconcile dissenters , than violence . there is in binnius , p. . &c. the recital of a disputation , or friendly conference between the eutychian bishops , and hypatius , with others of the orthodox : the most clear , rational , and moderate of any thing , that i find before that time explaining their controversie : and which fully proveth what i have all along said as my opinion , that indeed the world was confounded by unskilful men about hard ambiguous words and by a lordly , selfish , imposing spirit , in too many of the captains of those militant churches : and that clear distinguishing explication of terms , with humble love , would have prevented most of those divisions . in that conference , these things are specially notable . . that the oriental bishops called eutychians , condemned eutyches , and yet honoured dioscorus , who defended him ; so that it was a quarrel more about men , names , and words , than doctrine . . that hypatius , and the orthodox ( though they were not willing to suspect corruption in gyril's epistles , yet ) could not deny but cyril used eutyches words , that is asserted , one nature of god incarnate , after the union . . that yet they proved that cyril also held two natures : ( but say the eutychians , he only held two before the union considered intellectually ) so that either cyril was an eutychian , or else his unskillful speaking , as both parties did , set the world together by the ears . . that unrighteous partiality greatly prevailed with the orthodox bishops , and councils of these times ; when they could ( as hypatius here did ) put a charitable construction upon the same words of cyril , for which they condemned so many others , who as his obedient followers , held what they did of cyril's . vnam naturam dei incarnati : they say , we neither condemnit , nor iustifie it . if they had used that moderation with all others , all had been in greater peace . . that they say so much of the falsifying of athanasius epistle to epictetus , of appollinaries epistle fathered on iulius , of the falshood of the dyonysius areopag . &c. as he tells us , that we must not be over credulous in trusting to writings ascribed to the ancients . . that nullus ex antiquis recordatus est ea ; was thought a good argument against the authority of dyonisius areopagita . . they instance in the difference between the greeks and latins about the words hypostasis , and persona , which set the latins on condemning the greeks as arrians , and the greeks it on condemnthe latins as sabellians , till athanasius that understood both tongues , perswaded them , that their meaning was the same ( and necessity urged athanasius to reconcile them ) which greg. nazianzene and other peaceable men afterward promoted ; and yet hierome was judged a heretick after , for disliking the word hypostasis . ) and yet must hard ambiguous words confound and divide the churches still ? . they confess that cyril , [ idem dicebat esse substantiam , quod naturam vel subsistentiam ] & ideo in duodecim capitulis suis pro duabus substantiis vel naturis duas subsistentias posuit . reader , if this great learned voluminous prelate had no more accurateness of speech than to confound substance , nature , and subsistence , and put them one for another ; what could be expected from the multitude of poor unlearned prelates , that took his name for their guide , and cryed out in council , great is cyril ; as●yril ●yril : and what then ? could the confusions of the world be caused by ( between nestorians , eutychians , severians , monothelites and catholicks ) such a strife about words as cyril had occasioned ? . note that hypatius and the orthodox here maintain , that flavianus himself subscribed as much for one nature as dioscorus could have desired : and that the controversie lay in a syllable , whether christ were one person ? ex duabus naturis , or , in duabus ; the eutychians said ex , and the rest said in : and flavian yielded to ex , and the synod of calcedon accepted both : neque illi istos reprehendunt , neque isti illos tanquam unius honoris arbitrati voces utrasque , quando & unam naturam dei verbi incarnatam , non renuit beatus flavianus in confessione quam propria manu subscripsit , dicere , &c. where flavians words are recited to theodosius , et unam dei verbi naturam incarnatam tamen dicere non negamus , quia ex utrisque unus idemque dominus iesus christus est . and would not this much used to all other , have healed all the churches ? . note that hypatius and the orthodox make not cyril infallible , but say , that his synodical epistles they receive , not as his , but the synods : but for the rest , neque damnamus eas , n●que suscipimus . . that the controversie was logical ( p. . ) how vnition maketh or denominateth one . . note that they expresly say , vbi vnitio dicitur , non vnius significatur rei conventus ( so all say ) sed duarum v●l plurium & diversarum secundum naturam : si erga dicimus vnitionem , procul dubio confitemur , quod carnis animatae & verbi : sed & hi qui duas naturas dieunt , idem sentiunt . and if this be true , were they not all of a mind and knew it not ? . note that the eutychians took theodorets anathema , nestorio & eutycheti , with a valete added for a slur , and a deceit : and hypatius was fain to intimate a blame on the council , that had not the patience once to hear such a man as theodorite to open his judgment , but cryed out only , curse them , curse them , and he interprets theodorets valete , as saying , now take my bishoprick if you please . . in a word , had this light and love been used by the bishops , which this conference expresseth , it had prevented much confusion in the churches , scorn against the bishops , hardening of the infidels , and destruction of christian love and peace . and though the eastern bishops yielded not , many of their followers did . § . . clxiii . they say an african council sent to iustinian to procure the restoration of their liberties , which the vandall arians had taken away ( iustinian having recovered africa . ) § . . pope agapetus was forced by king theodatus to go on an embassie to iustinian , to turn by his armies from italy : which he did , and not prevailing ( having rejected authimus ) he dyed there , anno . § . . clxiv . menna being made bishop of const. a council was there called . sure no roman presided ; for there was then an inter-regnum : but was it then a good council ? as please the pope ! yet so impudent is binnius as to say , that menna was the popes vicar , and his legates presided , when there was no pope on earth . the work of this council was to condemn and curse authimus , ( a bishop of const. got in by the empress , and put out by the emperour ) with severus late bishop of antioch , and peter bishop of apamea , and zoaras a monk , as being acephali , that is , severians , or eutychians , as they were variously called : severus and peter have cruel persecutions also laid to their charge , ( for persecution hath but its time . ) the emperour hereupon maketh a fevere law against them , sending them by banishment to solitude , and condemning their books to the fire , and judging their hands to be cut off that writ them . ( we may see whence our church-history mostly cometh , even from the stronger side , that had power to burn all which they would not have known . ) two things in this council offend the romanists : . that iohn bishop of constantinople is called patriarcha oecumenicus : . that euphemius , macedonius , and leo are named , and leo last : the two first having been damned by the popes so oft since they were dead . and they have no better remedy , but to say that some ill greek hand hath falsified the councils . ( is that all the certainty we have of recorded councils . ) if you suspect the greeks , why may we not also suspect the romans ; especially in the days of wicked popes ? the people cryed out here , quid manemus in communicati ? binnius noteth , that from the time that macedonius their orthodox bishop was ejected , the faithful catholicks withdrew themselves from the communion of impious timothy that was put into his place . note . that this macedonius is he that the roman pope so often damned alive and dead : . that the peoples separation from bad possessours of the bishops seats , was then an usual and justified thing . § . . clxv . a council at ierusalem having notice of what was done at const. do the same against authimus , severus , peter , and zoaras . . a●astasius in lib. pontisic . saith that the arian king theodatus corrupted with money , made silverius pope , and at the same time the empress theodora promised the popedom to vigilius , on condition he would restore authimus and those that the council had damned : which he promising , the empress sent him with letters to bellisarius to see it done . silv●rius was but a sub-deacon , and vigilius an arch-deacon , son to pope h●rmis●●a : silverius was accused by many witnesses of treason in offering to l●t in the go●hs into the city , and was banished , and vigilius pu● in his place , and had the keeping of him and famished him to death , and succeeded him . so that here were a while two popes at once , one chosen by an arian , and the other a perfidious murderer , that undertook to restore those that were ejected as hereticks : and was this man to be communicated with any more than acacius , euthymius , or macedonius ? § . . theodosius a bishop of alexandria refusing to subscribe to the calcedon council , was ejected and banished by iustinian , and paulus as orthodox put into his place : who being accused of murder was also put out and banished , and zoilus put into his place . § . . but theodosius is said by liberat. and others , to have first deserted the place , being wearied with the peoples wars : the case was this : a new controversie was started , whether the body of christ was corruptible or incorruptible ? the division about this was so great , that the church divided , and chose two bishops : those that were for the incorruptability , had gainas for their arch-bishop , and were called by the other phantasiastae , and gainites : those that were for the corruptability , had theodosius for their arch-bishop , and were called by the other corrupticolae , and theodosians . most communicated with gainas ; but the soldiers were for theodosius . liberatus breviar . c. . saith , that they fought it out , and the people fought for gainas , many days ; and being slain by the soldiers lost their greatest part : but yet a greater number fell of the souldiers : and narses was overcome , not with arms , but with the concord of the citizens : the women cast stones on them from the tops of the houses ; but the souldiers did that by fire which they could not do by arms. and saith liberatus , that city is divided with that schism to this day , some being called gainites , and phantasiasts , and the other theodosians , and corrupticolae . § . . the case of the orthodox paul that succeeded him , is described by liberatus , c. . he intending to put out elias the master of the souldiers as a heretick , by a power received from the emperour , one of his deacons discovered it to elias by letters . paulus fearing the fate of proterius , and getting the letters , got rhodo the emperours augustal magistrate to secure the deacon , who by one arsenius murdered him : for which alledging the command of paulus the bishop , and the emperours command to obey paul , the emperour put to death the magistrate rhodo , and deposed paulus , and put zoilus in his place . § . . there is in liberatus , c. . an epistle of pope vigilius , in which he performeth his promise to the empress , and owneth communion with authimus , &c. and denyeth two natures , &c. but baronius and binnius take it for a forged epistle ; when as we have scarce a more credible writer than liberatus . § . . niceph. l. . c. . saith , that vigilius , when rome was again taken by the goths , fled to constantinople ; there he fell out with mennas the orthodox patriarch ( cui agathon papa , quod nunquam antea factum est , manus imposuit , saith niceph. c. . ) and eo insolentiae progressus est , he grew so insolent that he excommunicated menna for four months : which so provoked iustinian , that he sent men to apprehend him , and when he fled to the altar , they drag'd him away , and anastasius in lib. pontif. saith , they tyed a rope about his neck and drag'd him about the streets till the evening , and made him glad to communicate with menna . but at last he was restored to his bishoprick . § . . two heinous crimes evagrius chargeth iustinian with : . insatiable covetousness and extortion . ( but he used to do very great good works . ) . encouraging murderers ( see evagr , l. . c. . ) so that men were no where safe , but they that killed them , as in an act of manhood were protected . § . . and though he was the great zealot for the orthodox against all hereticks , he dyed a reputed heretick ; in so much that evagrius over boldly pronounceth , that when he had set the whole world on tumults and sedition , and at last received what was due for his lewd practices , he departed into endless torment prepared for him by the just judgment of god , l. . c. . an arrogant sentence . and will orthodox zeal for the church do no more to save a soul from hell. chap. vii . of the controversies de tribus capitulis , and the fifth council called general , and many other . § . evagrius l. . c. . tells us , that iustinian fell from the right faith , affirming , that the body of christ was every way incorruptible ; and that he wrote an edict , in which he said , that the body of the lord was not subject to death or corruption ; that it was void of natural and unblameable affections , &c. which opinions he purposed to compel both priests and bishops to subscribe : but they put him off , as expecting the opinion ( not of the pope , but ) of anastasius bishop of antioch , then famous for his skill and gravity : but anastasius would not be moved , and justinian threatning to banish him , dyed before he did it , or published his edict . so hard was it then to escape heresie . § . so hot was iustinian in this error , that he ejected eutychius that resisted him at constantinople , saith niceph. l. . c. . iulianus halicarnas . and gainas raised this , holding that christ's hunger , thirst and suffering , were all immediately voluntary , and not as ours by natural necessity . they said that as we all hold christs body incorruptible after his resurrection , so did they before it , yet consubstantial with ours . the orthodox distinguished of corruption : . blameless passions of hunger , thirst , weariness , &c. . dissolution of the bodies elements . the first they said christ was subject to before the resurrection , but not after ( nor we : ) the later not at all . the hereticks that held the contrary , were called the aphthartodocitae , saith nicephorus , [ quá multi mortales correpti sunt , non solum ex eis qui honores & magistratus gesserunt , sed eitam hierarchae primarii , & monachi vitâ illustres , & ex sacerdotali ordine alii , ut ipse imperator justinianus . ] the hereticators and damners are divided about iustinian's soul and name ; some place him yet in heaven , and others in hell. if it be true that nicephorus saith of him , my vote should go against the damners , viz. [ nil tale de christo propter summum ipsius erga illum amorem & desiderium audire constituerit : princeps etenim iste tanto in christum pietatis ardore flagrasse , ab eis qui res illius memoriae posteritati mandarunt , dicitur , quanto alius , qui ante eum imperium obtinuerunt , nemo , termaximo illo constantino semper excepto : itaque propter vehementem in christum amorem illius gratiâ multa etiam violenter fecit , &c. and if it came from vehement love to christ , all i will say is , . let him that is without error , be the first in damning him . . but it was just with god to leave him to be numbered with hereticks , who was so blindly zealous in executing the sentences of hereticating prelates : ( the case of nestorius , and many others before . ) § . in his time the indian auxumites turned to christ , and iustinian joyfully sent them a bishop . and i take it for more dishonour to the bishops than to him , that nicephorus saith , c. . [ in pontifices quos admodum de sodomorum haeresi insanire compererat , acerbe , seu potius faede , justinianus animadvertit . — and it is noted ( ibid. ) that in a famine he commanded flesh to be sold in lent ; but the people would dye rather than buy it , and break their customs . § . clxvi . an. . a council of bishops at orleance , made some canons of discipline . the d canon about ordaining bishops , layeth down the old rule , [ qui praeponendus est omnibus , ab omnibus eligatur , ] that is , of the clergy and people : ( the churches yet were no greater than that all the people could join in choosing the bishop . ) the th canon dissolveth incestuous marriages made after baptism , but not those made before ( as if the reason were not the same ! ) the th canon finding some too iewish in keeping the lord's-day , that would not use a horse or chariot to carry them , nor would dress meat , or do any thing to the adorning of their houses , or themselves , forbiddeth only grosser labours , which hinder the holy duties of the day . § . clxvii . the canones barcinonenses , speak of the order of liturgy , that clerks must cut their beards , but not shave their beards , and such like . § . clxviii . ( to pass the concil . byzazenum , as having nothing noted of it ) anno . a concil . arvernense decreed ( under king theodebert ) one canon , which , if practised , had been worth many kingdoms , ca. . [ that no one seek the sacred honour of a bishop by votes , but by merits : nor seem to get a divine office , rebus , sed moribus : and that he ascend to the top of that eminent dignity , by the election of all , and not by the favor of a few : that in choosing priests there be the greatest care , because they should be irreprehensible , who must rule in correcting others , &c. § . clxix . an. . another council at orleance under king childebert , among other orders , saith , can. . that the synod forbiddeth the citizens to celebrate easter out of the city ; because they must keep the principal festivities in the presence of the bishop , where the holy assembly must be kept . but if any have a necessity to go abroad , let him ask leave of the bishop . ] this canon , and many other to the same purpose tell us , that then the infidels were still so many , that a bishop's city-church could all meet in his presence in one place . the th canon decreeth , that a bishop shall be ordained in his own church which he is to oversee ; which implieth , that then ordinarily there was but one episcopal church . and indeed it was long before the countrey meetings were any other than oratories or chappels that had no altars , nor any but the bishops church . much ado many councils made to keep priests and bishops from wives , and to restrain them from fornication . § . clxx . in a synod at constantinople , an. . the business was debated de tribus capitulis . § . here the occasion of this stir must be noted . one theodorus bishop of caesar. cap. was an eutychian , but for his skill in business , was great with the emperor . he thought if he could but cast any slur on the calcedom council , it would justifie their cause : and the emperor being speaking against the eutychians , ( or acephali ) theodorus told him that he might easily bring them all in , if he would but condemn theodorus mopsuestenus , and the writings of theodoret , and the epistle of ibas against cyril , which the council had received , it would satisfie them . this seemed to the emperor a happy way of concord ( the empress putting him on ) and so he set himself earnestly to effect it . these three men had been accounted nestorians , and two of them had written smartly against cyril as heretical and turbulent ; but yet renouncing nestorius they were received , and justified at calcedon against their accusers . and if one may judge impartially by the evidence that is left us , they seem to have been far wiser and better men than the majority of the bishops of those times : but neither learning , piety , nor soundness in the faith , is any security in such times , against hereticaters , that can but get the upper hand and major vote . and ignorance usually is most proud and loud , most confident and furious ; and such can easilier make wise men pass for hereticks , than learn of them to be wise . but the final judgment sets a strait . when iustinian was earnestly set upon this project , the defenders of the calcedon council perceived themselves in a difficulty ; should they condemn these three men , they would seem to condemn the council ( about which there had been such a stir in the empire : ) and they should seem to justifie the eutychians , and to strengthen them : and if council were against council , it would dishonour councils : and if they should refuse the condemnation , they would seem to desert cyril , and the first ephesian council , and perhaps might be called nestorians ; but , worst of all , they should displease the emperor , and might occasion his favouring the eutychians . therefore they took this prudent course , to put off the business to a general council , and to delay till then the emperors attempts . but the emperor did first publish his edict , in which after the confession of his faith , and praise of the four councils , he addeth ten curses ( anathematisms , according to the custom and religion of those times ) of which the three last are against the tria capitula , or the councils seeming approbation of the three forenamed men . the bishops resisted a great while , but at last were forced to submit . § . clxxi. to this purpose vigilius romanus had a meeting of about bishops , where vigilius yielding was called a desertor , as prevaricating to please the emperor ; he got them to give in their reasons on both sides in writing , and then gave all to the emperor's party , and persuaded the rest to silence and communion till a council , because it was not a controversie about faith , but about persons . § . the emperor's party ( acted by theodore caesar ▪ ) got some bishops to assemble at mops●est . an. . to prepare a condemnation of their former bishop theodore , by saying that his name was not in their book . § . clxxii . king childebert called another council at orleance , where many old disciplinary canons were repeated : among others , can. . that no lay-man be made a bishop without a years time to learn his function . ( you may conjecture what scholars they were then ! ) can. . that none get a bishoprick by gifts , or seeking ; but with the will of the king , by the election of the clergy and the lay-people . can. . also ( as the ancient canons have decreed ) let none be made bishop to an unwilling people ( or without the peoples consent ) nor let the people or the clergy be inclined to consent , by the oppression of persons in power ( which is not lawful to be spoken : ) but if it be otherwise done , let the bishop be for ever deposed from his obtained honour of pontificate , who is ordained rather by force , than lawful decree . c. while one bishop is living , let not any other be there made bishop ; unless perhaps in his place , who is ejected for some capital crime . can. . though all priests , and others , must be careful to relieve the poor with necessaries , yet especially every bishop must from the church-house as far as they can , administer necessaries for food and rayment to such as are in weakness both in his territories and his city , &c. ] note i. were those bishopricks any bigger than our parishes of market-towns with the chappelleries ? where . all the laity met to choose the bishop . . where the bishop could know and relieve all the poor . . and this from the domus ecclesiae , which was but one . ii. our nonconformists plead , that according to these ancient canons , . those bishops are no bishops who came not in by any choice or consent of the people or clergy , but by power are imposed on the most unwilling . . that those ministers that were never deposed for any crime , are not to be forsaken by their flocks , nor imposed persons thrust into their places , accepted by the people , while the first hath true right . § . clxxiii . we come now to that which they will needs call the fifth general council at constantinople , an. . of bishops . in which let these particulars be noted . . that iustinian's letters or formulae were first read , in which he expresly affirmeth , that it was the emperors that called the former general councils , and he that called this . . that he lamenteth the divisions which former councils had left unhealed : saying , [ the followers of nestorius and eutyches made so great trouble in the holy churches of god , that divisions and schisms were made in them , and the churches had no communion with one another : for no man that travelled from one city to another , did presume to communicate , nor any clerk that went from one city to another , to go into the church . ] here was lamentable separation indeed . . that iustinian was made believe , that these divisions would be healed , if the tria capitula of the council of calcedon were but condemned : for the eutychians did so much boast of cyril , being confident that they did but follow him , and his first ephesian council , that if he were vindicated , he thought they would be satisfied . . and he thought that the three bishops were indeed so far to be condemned , having disgraced cyril , and favored nestorius , and the other was nestorius's master . . that the receiving and the cursing of the council of calcedon , having hitherto been the great contest among the bishops , some were loth now to cast so great a dishonour upon it , and to give the eutychians so much cause to boast ; supposing they would but be the more confirmed in their opposition . § . note also , that vigilius bishop of rome was then at constantinople , but came not to the council , nor sent any legate to it : but the emperor tells the council , that when vigilius bishop of rome came to that city , the emperor exactly opened to him all things about the tria capitula , and asked him what he thought of them ; and that vigilius not once nor twice , but often in writing , and without writing , anathematized the impious tria capitula . ] and that he had shewed that he was ever of the same judgment , &c. and they had made iustinian believe , that ibas in his epistle denieth god the word to be made man , and the virgin mary to be the mother of god. ] § . the emperor 's writing being read , at the next meeting the council sent to vigilius to sit with them , but he still refused , alledging , that there were few of the western bishops there . to which their answer is notable , that [ the meeting of all the rest ought not to be delayed for the western bishops : for in all the four general councils , there was never found a multitude of the western bishops , but only two or three bishops , and a few clerks . but now you are here , and many italian bishops are at hand , and many of africa , illyricum , &c. and if he would not meet them , they must do it without him . they urged him also with the emperor's words , that he being alone , had oft in writing , and without writing , condemned the tria capitula , and the emperor desired him but to do that with others , which he had done by himself . but yet vigilius would not come : whether it was because he understood not greek , and so should be a contemned cypher ( for he saith , they all knew that he understood it not ) or whether it was to avoid the censure that he had before incurred , or both , is not known . for you must understand , that vigilius had suffered defamation at rome already , as a revolter from the calcedon council , for joining herein with the emperor in the beginning , and his chief interest lay at home . § . theodorus mopsuestenus writings are searched ; and though he is highly extolled by many good authors , yet many passages recited in the council , and after by vigilius , do shew either the error of his judgment , or his unskilfulness in speaking ; for they are not justifiable . but if every papist voluminous writer should be damned as a heretick , whose writings have more and greater errors than the council gathered out of theodore mepsuostenus , it would be a hard reward for their exceeding labours . when such men as tostatus , aquinas , scotus , ockam , durandus , &c. bellarmine , baronius , suarez , vasquez , cajetane , &c. have spent their days in diligent labours , how easie a matter is it for a proud idle drone that doth nothing or worse , to gather as many and as great errors out of their works , as were in many then counted hereticks . but the approbation of god , who pardoneth failings , will be the comfort of such as improve their talents ; when the slothful , unprofitable servant shall be condemned , and quarrelling with the imperfections of the diligent will not save them . it is evident that theodore and nestorius acknowledged christ's godhead and manhood , soul and body , and the personal union of them . but they were none of them perfect in logick and metaphysicks , nor so spake as that no man could blame their words . § . next the words of learned theodorite are scanned ; and many very smart passages against cyril are recited : many verbal controversies are repeated . theodorite is accused for saying , that mary begat not god in the nature of god ; but man as united to the godhead ; that christ was forsaken , suffered , hungered , slept , was ignorant of that day and hour , &c. as man , and not as god : that it was not god that was ignorant , ( he meant not as god , or not the deity ) but the form of a servant , which knew no more than the deity revealed : and so of many other properties or acts of the humanity , he saith , it was not deus verbum that wept , that learnt obedience , &c. meaning only not quâ deus , or not deitas , for want of care in speaking . and ep. ad ioh. antioch . ( bin. p. . ) it 's apparent that he also misunderstood cyril , and thought he held that by unity of natures , the deity was properly become very flesh . a severe epist. ad ioan. antioch , against cyril after his death is there charged on him , in which he with great saltness rejoiceth in his death , [ miserum illum nec ad similitudinem aliorum dimisit nostrarum animarum gubernator diutius eorum potiri , quae videntur esse delectabilia ; sed crescentem quotidie viri malignitatem sciens & corpori ecclesiae nocentem , quasi pestem quandam amputavit & abstulit opprobrium à filiis israel : laetificabit superstites ejus discessio : contristavit verò forsitan mortuos , & timor est ne praegravati ejus conversatione , iterum ad nos remittant , vel illos diffugiat qui eum abducunt , sicut ille tyrannus cyri ciliciam : procurandum est igitur , & oportet tuam sanctitatem maxime hanc suscipere festinantiam , & jubere collegio mortuos asportantium lapidem aliquem maximum & gravissimum sepulchro imponere , ne iterum huc perveniret & instabilem voluntatem iterum demonstraret : infernis nova dogmata adferat : ibi diu noctuque sicut vult sermocinetur : non enim timemus ne & illos divideret — silet miser invitus : nudata illus facta alligant linguam , obstruunt os , fraenant sensum . — ideo plango miserum & ploro : nec enim puram mihi delectationem fecit mortis ejus denunciatio , sed dolore permixtam : laetor & jucundor ejusmodi pestilentiâ commune ecclesiae videns liberatum : contristor vero & ploro cogitans quod nec requiem malorum miserabilis susceperit , sed majora & pejora pertentans defunctus est ; somniavit enim , ut dicunt , & regiam urbem perturbare , & tuam sanctitatem accusare , utpote ea colentem : sed vidit deus & non despexit : immisit fimum in os ejus , & fraenum in labia ejus , &c. binnius thinketh some bad man fathered this falsly on theodoret , i would hope so too : but it 's strange that the council fathered it on him , and none did vindicate him . and the next charge ( bin. p. . ) rebuketh his charity , viz. his speech at antioch in the presence of domnus , [ nemo neminem jam cogit blasphemare — non jam est contentio : oriens & aegyptus sub uno jugo est : mortua est invidia ; & cum eo obruta est contentio : requiescant theopathitae . ] is not this of the same kind ? and this is not denied to be his . whosoever it was , it was sad that bishops should have such minds , and use such words of one another , especially if it be as i confidently believe , viz. that not distinguishing the concrete from the abstract , and qui deus , from quâ deus , they both meant the same thing , and differed but about the aptitude of words , for want of explication and distinction . § . in brief , after the reading of many papers , and ibas epistles , the tria capitula were condemned , viz. theodore mopsuest . and the writings of theodoret against cyril , and ibas epistle . and so the emperor found the council as obedient as he desired . § . but vigilius bishop of rome , who would not come to the council , now giveth in his constitutum , or his own judgment upon the whole case , and that with great moderation . he first reciteth many passages of theodore mopsuest . which he renounceth ; and he dispraiseth the passages of theodoret and ibas , but he refuseth to join in the anathematizing of them , alledging that good men have their errors , and instancing in many whose errors were noted , and yet their persons not condemned , especially when they had either recanted them , or better explained their words : and he noteth that it would be a great injury to the calcedon council , to have its own members now thus condemned , that were by them accepted . [ quid enim aliud est mendaces aut simulantes professionem rectae fidei patres in sancta calced . synodo residentes ostendere , quam dicere aliquos ex eis similia sapuisse nestorio ; quorum judicio nestorium ejusque dogmata fuisse damnata . ] and soberly he saith , [ it is not lawful to pass any new judgment on the persons of the dead , but we must leave all men in the case that death found them , and in special theodore mopsuest . what the fathers did is evident from what is said ; i dare not condemn him by my sentence , nor yield that any one else condemn him : but far be it from me to admit his wrong opinions . ] this was the right way : if they had all dealt as wisely and christian-like , counsels had not been the confounders of the churches . § . nicephorus nameth many of origen's errors that were condemned in this council , but it is not found in the acts. binnius doubteth not but the origenists stole them out , and falsified the records , and also forged those epistles of vigilius , in which the opinion of one operation is asserted . but will they allow us equally to suspect such records as have been kept at rome ? § . what good this council did , and how the peaceable emperor attained the end that theodore caesar. promised him , of uniting dissenters , i shall tell you but in the words of binnius ( who followeth baronius in almost all ) what theodore caesar. promised , that the eutychian hereticks called hesitants , when the three capitula were condemned , would receive the holy calcedon council , was not obtained , when this was ended ; but rather a most grievous mischief was added to the church : for when the defenders of the three capitula , with vigilius the pope did not acquiesce in the councils decree , the whole catholick church was torn by schism ; and which is worse , the emperor stir'd up persecution , in which he deposed or banished vigilius ( holding to his constitutum ) victor . afric . and others . § . i do impartially commend vigilius ' s moderate constitutum , but i must needs say that there needeth no other instance than vigilius , that interest is a law to some roman bishops , and that their pretences of infallibility , tradition and antiquity , notwithstanding they have changed their very faith , or judgment of councils at least , as their wordly motives changed . vigilius first flattered the emperor , and joined with him against the tria capitula , conc. calced . that is against theodore mopsu . theodoret and ibas three bishops , saith binnius p. . [ seeing therefore that before this council a schism arose in the western and africane church , because vigilius had consented to the emperor's opinion , it became necessary , for the avoiding of schism , sacriledge and scandal , that he should publish his constitutum , in defence of the tria capitula , by vertue whereof the western churches should be united , and the contempt of the calcedon council should be avoided , which the impugners of the tria capitula did fraudulently contrive ; and that the universal church should learn by this example , that no man that dyed in the true faith , should be condemned when he is dead : but , ( did vigilius stop here ? ) no , saith binnius , [ but when after the end of his council the church received yet greater damage , and the emperor persecuted them that contradicted the synod * , and it was feared that the whole east would be divided and separated from the roman and western church , unless the bishop of rome approved the fifth synod , then pope vigilius , in a cause which could bring no prejudice to the orthodox faith , did well and justly change his former sentence , and approved the synodal decree , for condemning the tria capitula , and revoked and made void his constitutum , which he before published in defence of the tria capitula . the prudent and pious pope ( that came to the popedom by bribery , tyranny , and murder of his predecessor ) did in this prudently imitate st. paul about circumcision , &c. o what certainty and constancy is here in the papal judgment ; for a pope about one cause to judge for it , against it , and for it again in so short a time ? and all this upon reason of policy and state. did the same so often change , and prove first true , and then false , and then true again ? but the papists excuse is , that it was de personis , non de fide. answ. but . is it lawful to take the same thing for true and false , good and bad de personis , as our interest requireth ? . why are the persons condemned but on supposition that their faith was condemnable ? . you confess that it was for the advantage of the eutychian faith , and the depression of the faith of the calcedon council , that the tria capitula were condemned . reader , if all this will not tell thee how much need there is of a surer and more stable support of our faith than popes and councils , yea and better means of the churches unity and concord , i must take thee for unteachable : what have such councils done , but set the churches together by the ears ? § . liberatus in his breviary saith , ( c. . . . ) that theodore mopsu . his works were approved by proclus , iohan. antioch . the emperor , the council of calced . &c. but binnius saith , nimis impudenter & incautè : yet all acknowledge liberatus a most credible historian , and lived in iustinian's time . he saith also , that nefandissimum haereticum theodoretus & sozomenus laudarunt adeo ut hac de causá uterque magnam nominis sui jacturam passus fuerit , &c. but wise men are apt to think as hardly of such as can cry out nefandissimum haereticum against all that speak as unskilfully as this man did , as of charitable men that praise them for what is good , while they disown their frailties and imperfections : if it be as he saith , many thought that ●heodoret assumed his own name from this theod●re , by reason of his high esteem of him , it 's like he had some special worth , though he hath many culpable expressions . and sozomen is an historian of so deserved reputation , that it seemeth to me no argument of pope gregory's infallibility , that he saith , lib. . ep . . sozomenùm ejusque historiam sedes apostolica recipere recusat ; quoniam multa mentitur , & theodorum mopsuestiae nimium laudat , atque ad diem obitus sui magnum doctorem ecclesiae fuisse perhibet . ] i think the author of gregory's dialogues did plura mentiri , and yet that gregory was magnus ecclesiae doctor . § . the controversie whether vigilius were the author of the epistle to menna , i pass by : but , methinks , binnius is very partial to justifie so much what he did after silverius ' s death , as beginning then to have right to his papacy , and to give him so differing a character ( from sanctissimus papa ) before , while he possessed the same seat , as these words of his express , [ cum omnium , &c. seeing that villany ( or crime ) of vigilius , did exceed the crimes of all schismaticks , by which making a bargain with hereticks , and giving money by a lay-man , he by force expelled silverius bishop of the prime seat , and spoiled of his priestly induments ( or attire ) banished him into an island , and there caused him to dye , it should seem no wonder to any man , if a desperate wretch ( homo perditus , ) the buyer of another's seat , and a violent invader , a wolf , a thief , a robber , not entering by the true door , a false ( or counterfeit ) bishop , and as it were antichrist , the lawful pastor and bishop being yet living , did add most pernicious heresie to his schism . ] yet this man became the most holy pope , by the vertue of his place , as soon as he had but murdered silverius , and was accepted in his stead , and then it became impossible for him to err in the faith. § . clxxiv . anno . a council was called at ierusalem by iustinian's command , who sent to them the acts of the constantine council de tribus capitulis , to be by them received ; the bishops all received it readily , save one alexander abysis , who was therefore banished , and coming to constantinople , say baronius and binnius , was swallowed up , and buried by an earthquake . if this was true , no marvel if it confirmed the emperor in his way : but i doubt the obedient bishops were too ready to receive such reports . § . clxxv . the same year . the western bishops held a council at aquileia , out of the emperor's power , where , as defenders of the council of calcedon , they condemned the fifth constantine council aforesaid , and ( so saith binnius ) separated themselves from the unity of the catholick church , and so continued for near an hundred years , till the time of pope sergius , who reduced them . were not these great councils and bishops great healers of the church , that about condemning some written sentences of three dead men , thus raise a war among the churches ? were hereticks or hereticaters the great dividers ? § . but here followeth a case that raiseth a great doubt before us , whether the pope alone , or all his western bishops , when they differ from him , are the church ? after the death of vigilius , the secular power procured pelagius the archdeacon to be made pope ; the western bishops disclaiming iustinian's council , and pelagius obediently receiving it ( and the popedom , ) there could not be three bishops got that would ordain him , as the canons required , so that a presbyter ostiensis was fain to do it . besides the question ( which now was the church ? ) here are other hard questions to be solved . qu. . whether iustinian's election of a pope was valid ? and if so , whether other various electors may do it as validly ? qu. . whether a presbyter's ordination of a bishop or pope was valid ? if so , whether presbyters may not ordain presbyters ? qu. . whether this pope was truly head of the catholick church , when his bishops obeyed him not ? qu. . whether it was then believed at rome itself , and in the west , that a general council , approved by the pope , was either infallible , or necessarily to be obeyed ? qu. . whether it be true which w. iohnson , alias terret , often tells me , that it is not possible that there can be any schism in the catholick church , because of the essentiality of its union ? § . note that this pope pelagius , because his bishops rejected him and the council , got narses the general to compel them : and then who can doubt but he was pope , and they his subjects ? but narses scrupled it , lest he should be guilty of persecution ; iustinian's pope pelagius telleth him , it is no sin , and bids him not fear it ; for it 's no persecution which compels not men to sin : but all that separate from the pope , and assemble separatedly do sin , and are damned schismaticks ; therefore he desireth him to send the bishops of aquileia , milan , and the rest that yield not , prisoners to constantinople . narses obeyeth the pope and emperor ; the bishops excommunicate narses ; the pope writeth to him , that it is no news for erring bishops to take themselves for the catholick church , and to forbid others their communion , and counselleth him to go on and repress them . and the civil sword and the ecclesiastical were thus engaged in a roman war ; one bishop sapandus of ares in france the pope got specially to stick to him , whom therefore he commended to king childebert , &c. § . clxxvi . a council at paris deposed bishop saphoracus for some great crime . § . while the romans were resolving to subject themselves to the goths again , because the pope made narses their persecutor , narses took it so ill , that he went away from them , but the pope drew back , and he * shortly died . bellisarius also was ruined , and iustinian himself shortly dyed . binnius saith it is reported that he had no learning , and thinketh that his civil laws were tribonian's , and his ecclesiastical theodorus caesariensis's . and saith that the church rejecteth his laws of usury , churches and ecclesiastical persons , as arrogant usurpations . qu. whether the roman power was then understood by princes or people ? § . clxxviii . another synod at paris repeated nine old canons : the th was , [ no man may be ordained a bishop against the will of the citizens ; nor any but whom the election of the people and the clerks , shall seek with plenary will ; none shall be put in by the command of the prince , &c. § . clxxix . an. . in the time of pope iohn d. ( not he , but ) theodomire , alias * ariamire king of the sueves , called a small council at braccara in galicia , where eight bishops opened so much of the priscillian heresie , as may tell us it was worthy to be detested ( not much unlike the manichees ; ) and many old canons they recited : but i could have wished that they had not made a mans diet the note of his heresie , and a sufficient cause of his conviction and damnation . the priscillianists ( as these say ) would not eat flesh , nor herbs boil'd with flesh . this council ordered that if any that abstained from flesh , did not eat herbs boiled with flesh , he should be taken for an heretick . this is not conformable to paul's rules or spirit . § . this council ordered that none should be buried within the church , which binnius well sets home . and whereas priscillian taught that in the liturgy [ the pax vobis , peace be unto you ] should be said only by the bishop , and dominus vobiscum by the priest , the council contradicted him . . we see here what trifles divided men ! . we see that yet the churches usually were no bigger than met in one place with the bishop , or might do : for it is supposed that every church-assembly had a bishop present to say his part . § . thedomirus the suevian king , under whom this council was held , was the first of that race that turned orthodox ; all the sueves before him ( with the goths ) having been arrians . § . clxxx . anno . the contest about choice of bishops grew sharp . king clotharius made one emerius bishop santoniensis ; the canons had before decreed that kings should choose none , but all the people and the clerks , and the metropolitan ordain him . the king's bishop is deposed by a concil . santoniense , of which leontius of bourdeaux was chief . they sent the king word of it by a presbyter : the king filled a cart with thorns , and laid the priest on them , and sent him into banishment , and forced the bishop to submit to his will. § . that it may be known that neither popes , councils , nor consenting bishops divided diocesses and parishes , here binnius giveth us at large , first constantine's divisions in spain , and next the fuller division of king wamba . bin. p. , &c. § . clxxxi . at tours in france ( eight bishops ) in a provincial council , revived many canons of the old matter , ( to keep bishops and priests from women ) can. . the bishop may keep his wife as a sister , to govern his house : but can. . priests that will keep wives , must have some witnesses to lie in the same chamber , to see that they lie not with them . and can. . episcopum , episcopam non habentem , nulla sequatur turba mulierum , &c. can. . they say , [ those that the law commandeth to be put to death , if they desire to hear the preacher , we will have to be convicted unto life , ( that is , not to dye : ) for they are to be slain with the sword of the mouth , and deprived of communion , if they will not observe the decrees of the seniors left them , and do despise to hear their pastor , and will not be separate . ] some sectaries among us are of the same mind , against putting penitent malefactors to death . § . clxxxii . anno . there was a council at lyons of fourteen bishops , who recited six canons to restrain the vices of the clergy : binnius , out of greg. turon . tells you the occasion was , that one salonius and sagittarius , as soon as they were made bishops , being then at their own will , broke out into slaughters , murders , adulteries , and other wickedness . and victor bishop of tricas . keeping his birth-day , they sent a troop with swords and arrows , who cut his cloaths , beat his servants , and carried away all his provision , leaving him with reproach : the king gunthram hearing of it , called this synod , which found them guilty , and deposed them : they tell the king that they are unjustly cast out , and get his leave to go to the pope , iohn d. the pope writeth to the king to have them , as wronged men , restored , ( this was the papal justice and reformation : ) the king chideth , but restoreth them ; but they grew never the better afterward , but asking pardon of bishop victor , he forgave them , and for that was afterward excommunicate . § . clxxxiii . an. . a council was called under king ariomire at braccara of bishops : they are mostly forbidding bishops to take money for their ordinations , consecrations , and other actions . and the first canon requireth them to walk to all their parishes , and see that the clerks did things rightly ; that catechumens learnt the creed , and to preach to the people to forbear murder , adultery , perjury , false-witness , and other mortal sins , to do as they would be done by , and to believe the resurrection , judgment and recompence according to works . § . clxxxiv . an. . a concilium lucense did receive from martin bishop of braccara . old canons , of which the th was against reading apocrypha , or any thing but the canon of the old and new testament in church . § . after iustinian's death , his sisters son iustinus was emperor , a sensual and covetous man , who murdered presently a kinsman of his own name , upon suspicion that he was too great ; yet he drew up a good profession of faith , exhorting all the bishops to agree in it : but chosroes , king of persia , invaded his empire , because the greater armenia ( which was then under the persians , as the lesser was under the romans ) to avoid the persians persecutions , had revolted to the empire , and destroyed their rulers : the persians conquered so much of the eastern part of the empire , and iustine's soldiers made so little resistance as drove him out of his wits ; and his wife , by intreaty , got the persians to make a truce . tiberius was then made caesar , and afterward emperor upon iustine's death ; and iustinian his captain repelled the persians , and recovered much of what they had conquered . § . an. . divers kings of france by war among themselves destroyed churches , and confounded all ; and a council at paris was called , but in vain , to have persuaded them to peace . § . after benedictus , pelagius d was bishop at rome ; tiberius an excellent emperor quickly dyed , and by his choice mauritius succeeded him . pelagius ( by gregory his deacon ) wrote against the bishops that would not condemn the tria capitula : and when all his writings prevailed not , he got smaragdus the exorchate to force them by the sword : ( the great remedy which rome hath trusted to . ) § . clxxxv . m●●veus son and heir to chilperic king of france , marrying his uncles widow , offended his father , and fled to st. martin's church at tours , and forced bishop gregory to give him the sacrament . the king could not get the bishop to deliver him up ; he fled , and the king called a synod at paris to judge pretextatus a bishop , whom he accused for marrying him , and confederating with him . § . clxxxvi . the two bishops forenamed , salonius and sagittarius , being again accused of adultery and murder , and being freed by professing repentance , king guntheramus called a cubilone synod , and accused them of treason , and so deposed and banished them . § . clxxxvii . an. . king gunthram called a synod at mascou , to revive the old canons for restraining the lust and vices of the bishops and clergy . § . clxxxviii . an. . a concil . brenacense is called , to try gregory bishop of tours , falsly accused of charging the queen of living in adultery with a bishop ; an archdeacon and a deacon bore false witness : but all came to light , and gregory was cleared by his oath . § . clxxxix . an. . a council at constantinople increased the church-divisions which continue to this day , wherein iohn bishop of constantinople was decreed to be called , the universal bishop , which pope pelagius could not endure ▪ o what hath this question done to the world , who shall be the chief or greatest ? so much of the image and work of satan hath been found in the professed servants of a crucified saviour , and in those that have worshipped the cross ! in this synod gregory bishop of antioch was tryed , and acquitted of a false accusation of incest with his sister another man's wise . § . pelagius writeth against iohn's universal title , saying , [ universalitatis nomen quod sibi illicitè usurpavit , nolite attendere , &c. nullus enim patriarcharum * hoc tam profano vocabulo unquam utatur : quia si summus patriarcha universalis dicitur , patriarcharum nomen caeteris derogatur . sed absit hoc , absit à fidelis cujusquam mente hoc sibi vel velle quempiam arripere , unde honorem fratrum suorum imminuere ex quantulâcunque parte videatur . quàpropter charitas vestra neminem unquam suis in epistolis universalem nominet , ne sibi debitum subtrahat cum alteri honorem offert indebitum . adversarius enim noster diabolus qui contra humiles saeviens sicut leo rugiens circuit , quaerens quem devoret , non jam , ut cernimus caulas circuit . — omnia qui soli uni capiti cohaerent , videlicet christo , per electionem pompatici sermonis ejusdem christi sibi studeat membra subjuga●e . nec mirum quod ille tentater qui initium omnis peccati scit esse superbiam , &c. and so he goeth on , exhorting them rather to dye , than to submit to the title universal , and resolving excommunication against the user of it . § . binnius saith , it is ridiculous hence to impugn the primacy of the church : but qu. . is it not impudent after this , for them to use the title of universal ? qu. . doth not this allow us to separate from them that usurp it ? qu. . doth not pelagius here plainly distinguish between the place of prime patriarch which he claimeth , and universal bishop or patriarch which he damneth . qu. . doth he not describe this damned usurpation , to be a subjecting all christ's members to himself ? qu. . doth not the pope now use both the name and thing as far as he can attain it ? qu. . did not pelagius and gregory know that iohn did no more intend to put down all other patriarchs or bishops by this title , than the pope doth ? qu. . doth not the pope now claim that as by divine right , which iohn claimed but as of humane ? modesty can deny none of this . § . cxc . an. . nine bishops at lyons repeated six old canons about women , &c. § . cxci. an. . king gunthram finding all things grow worse , and that all was long of the bishops onely , ( saith binnius ) called a council at mascou , where the stricter keeping of the lords-day was commanded . § . here binnius noteth that priscus is called patriarch , and that the bishops of venice , istria and liguria , continuing still separate from rome , chose paulinus bishop of aquileia their patriarch , [ quem sibi loco summi pontificis supremum antistitem constituerent . ] qu. did the bishops then believe that the pope's universal government was essential to the catholick church ? and that none were the church but his subjects ? § . cxcii . king gunthram , an. . by a council at valence , setled his benevolences on the churches . § . cxciii . an. . at toletum king recaredus called a council , and renounced arrianism , and recited several canons ; among others , that bishops and priests wives might dwell with them , but not lie with them . and they lament and condemn the practice of such as kill their children , appointing them sharp discipline without capital punishment . ( had the church power to free murderers from death , as they long did , was this holy reformation ? ) the th canon saith , that they found that in many churches of spain , men filthily and not regularly did penance , that they might sin as oft as they would , and be as oft reconciled by the priests , &c. many reforming canons were here made . there were subscribers besides the king , and of divers cities two bishops , which was unusual . § . cxciv . ( passing by a meeting at rome ) another council at narbon was held by recaredus , who brought over the goths from arrianism . § . the emperor mauritius , though a great and excellent person , was ruined by the mad and uncurable mutinies of his soldiers , and at last , with his family , cruelly murdered by phocas , one of his captains ; a terrible warning to princes not to trust too much to armies . § . all this while the opposers of the calcedon council kept up , and were divided in the east into many parties among themselves : among others , the great peripatetic iohan. philoponus was their most learned defender , writing with such subtilty , that the natures really two , were to be called one compound nature , as the soul and body of a man are , as ( saith nicephorus ) was not easie to be answered ( by which , how much of the controversie was de nomine & de notione logicâ , let the reader further judge ; ) he that will see some of his words , may read them in niceph. l. . c. , , . his notions made men call him a tritheite . § . iacobus zanzalus being a great promoter of the party , many ever since have from him been called iacobites : and the divided parties that opposed the council , called the other melchites , that is royalists , because they took them that followed the council , to do it meerly in obedience to the emperor , ( for it was not the pope then that was the master of councils . § . among the armenians also some raised the like heresies about the natures of christ , some thinking his deity was instead of a soul to his body , &c. to which they added superstitious fasts , and worshipping the cross , and such like , not pleading reason , but old tradition for their errors , saying they had them from gregory , vide niceph. l. . c. , . but i must go forward . § . pelagius dying , gregory called magnus , succeeded him at rome : he continued the controversie about the title of universal bishop , writing many epistles against it : he flattered phocas the murderous tyrant , with a laetentur coeli & exultet terra , &c. yet was one of the best and wisest of their bishops . he sent augustine into england , who oppressed the british church , and converted the saxon king of kent . he introduced more superstitions , and greatly altered the liturgy . of which read mr. t. iones of the hearts sovereign . § . cxciv . a concilium hispalense of eight bishops recited three canons . § . cxcv. mauritius before his death , desired gregory to call a synod at rome , to draw in the western bishops that separated , and to cast them out if they disobeyed : which he did , and they refusing his summons , severus of aquileia , and other bishops were ruined . they thought god destroyed mauritius for persecuting them . gregory thought god would have them destroyed as schismaticks . the bishops of rome for near an hundred years were forced the more to please the emperor , because their own bishops had cast them off , and set up another head against them . § . cxcvi. an. . a concil . antisiodorense made divers canons against superstitions , and some too superstitious ( as that women must not take the sacrament in their bare hands , &c. ) § . i find it so tedious to mention all the little synods , that henceforth i shall take but little notice of them , but of the greater only . one under recaredus at caesar-augusta , made three canons about the arrians . one in numidia displeased gregory . § . a council at poitiers was called on occasion of two nuns , daughters to the king of france , that broke out of the nunnery , with many more , and accused the abbess , and got men together , and stript her stark naked , and drew her out , and set all france in a commotion , and were forced to do penance . a council was called at metz , to reduce the bishop of rhemes convict of treason ( for bishops that were traytors or murderers were not to dye . ) a synod at rome under gregory absolved a priest of calcedon condemned by iohn of constantinople ; what one did , the other undid . an. . under king recaredus , bishops made two canons for priests chastity , &c. another under him , an. . a concil : ostiense made two such more . an. . a council at constantinople did we know not what . an. . under king recaredus , bishops at barcinon made four canons against bishops bribery , &c. a council of bishops , presbyters , and deacons at rome made a canon for monks . another there , an. . against a false monk. another at byzacen against a bishop . another in numidia about a bishop and a deacon . § . gregory dying , sabinian succeeded him , who reproached him , and would have had his books burnt as unsound , saith onuphrius : and , saith sigebert , gregory appeared to him in a vision , and reproving him for that and covetousness , knockt him on the head , and he dyed . § . boniface d succeeded , chosen by phocas the murderer , who hating his own bishop of const. cyriacus , ordered that rome should be the chief church . § . a council at rome forbad chusing a pope , till the former had been three days dead , because they sold their votes for money . § . boniface the th is made pope , and phocas giveth him the pagan temple , called pantheom , for christian worship . in his time , phocas was killed by heraclius , as he had kill'd mauritius . § . an. . a council at toletum , under king gundemar , about the bishop of toletum's primacy , which the king setleth by edict . § . a council at tarraca under king sisebutus took the shortest way , and only confirmed what had been before done for priests chastity . § . deus dedit was next pope , in whose time the persians conquered ierusalem , and carried away the bishop , and ( they say ) the cross. § . boniface th succeeded : heraclius the emperor is worsted by the persians , who would not give him peace , unless the empire would renounce christ , and worship the sun ; heraclius overthroweth them ; mahomet now riseth , and maketh a religion of many heresies . § . at a synod at mascou , agrestinus accused columbanus of superstition , for crossing spoons , &c. but was refelled . § . seven or eight bishops at hispalis , condemned the eutychians , and called them acephali . chap. viii . councils held about the monothelites , with others . § . being come to the reign of pope honorius at rome , who was condemned by or general councils for a monothelite heretick , ( as vigilius was by his own bishops for an eutychian ) and having shewed you what work both the heretical and hereticating bishops and council made in the world about ( not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one nature , and the condemning of dead men ; i shall next shew you what work they made also about the words , [ one operation , and one will , ] or [ two operations , and two wills. ] reader , wouldst thou think that there were venom enough in one of these words , to poyson almost all the bishops in the world with the plagues of heresie , or heretication and contention ? § . the old controversie still keeping the churches all in pieces , some being for two natures after union , and for the calcedon council , and others against it , and but for one nature after union : cyrus , bishop of alexandria , was told , that it would unite them all , if they would confess one operation , and one will in christ , or at least lay by the talk of one and two , and use the words , [ dei virilis operatio . ] the operation ( and will ) of god-man . cxcvii . he therefore called a synod at alexandria , in which this was decreed ( called satisfaction . ) for they said that dei virilis signified two natures , and so they thought they had at last hit the way of concord , which neither the general council of ephes. . ephes. . constant. . calcedon . constant. . had found out : but all set the bishops but more by the ears . cyrus sent his decrees to sergius bishop of constantinople , sophronius bishop of ierusalem persuaded the silencing of the names of [ one ] or [ two ] operations or wills. sergius sent the case to honorius to rome ; honorius rationally persuaded them to use neither the one word , nor the other , ( one or two ) foreseeing that a new quarrel was arising in these words , and ( little knowing how for this he was by general councils to be hereticated , when he was dead ) persuaded them to a silent peace . it is but few popes that were so wise and peaceable ; and this one must be a heretick for it , or general councils be fallible , and much worse . § . because ( knowing the effect of the old unhealed cause ) i foresee that such men will go near to hereticate me also when i am dead , for condemning hereticating incendiaries in the nestorian , eutychian , and monothelite quarrels ; i will recite the words of binnius himself , who saith the same that i have said from the beginning , ( though i justifie him not from self-contradiction . ) tom. . p. . [ honorius , fearing ( which after came to pass , and which he knew had fallen out in former ages about the word homoousion ☜ and many others ) lest that contention should grow to some great schism , and seeing withall that faith might be safe without these words , he was willing to reconcile both opinions , and withall to take out of the way the matter of scandal and contention . writing therefore to sergius , he advised him to abstain from the word [ one operation ] lest they should seem with eutyches to assert but one nature in christ ; and yet to forbear the word [ two operations ] lest with nestorius , they seemed to assert two persons . ( a slander contrary to his words . ) i again say , if all the hereticating bishops and councils had followed this discretion and moderation , o what had the church escaped ! yet they are fain to stretch their wits to excuse his words elsewhere , [ unde & unam voluntatem fatemur domini nostri iesu christi . ] but it 's certain that in some sense it is one , and in another sense two. § . the emperor heraclius interessed himself in the controversie , binnius saith by the fraud of anastasius patriarch of the iacobites , he was deceived , animo defend●ndi concilium calcedonense . the iacobites were eutychians , the greatest enemies of the calcedon council ; and it 's strange then how they deceived him , to defend it by destroying it . but , saith he , [ while he , besides his place and office , by the persuasion of the devil , was wholly taken up in defending questions of faith by his own judgment , &c. ] here you may see what the papists clergy would make of kings and all lay-men : if they be wholly taken up in defending questions of faith by their own judgment , they pronounce them to be persuaded to it by the devil . error is from the devil ; but sollicitous searching after the defence of truth , is liker to be of god. but they must not do it by their own judgment : by whose then ? by the bishops no doubt ; what bishops ? general councils . and had not the emperors long enough followed councils , and banished such as they condemned , till , while they almost all condemned one another , the world was scandalized at the odious divisions and cruelties of the church ? but must they follow bishops without using their own judgments about the case ? what , as their meer executioners ? must the princes of the world act as brutes , or idiots , or lictors ? was this the old doctrine , let every soul be subject to the higher power , & c ? § . cxcviii. king sisenandus ( the second that had all spain ) called a council at toletum of all his kingdom , an. . of bishops , who made many good canons for faith , order , and reformation ; the last is a large defence of the king against rebellion : but they order that when a king is dead , the prime men of the whole nation , with the priests , by common consent , chuse another , that retaining the concord of unity , there should be no strife through force or ambition . and they decree the excommunicating of wicked kings that live in great sin ; which i doubt whether the fifth commandment forbid them not to have done , it being a purposed dishonour . § . cxcix . another at toletum was called , by king chintillane , which went the same way ; kings were rulers here , and not popes . § . cc. another at toletum , an. . by the same king to the same purposes . § . the emperor heraclius published an edict for the monothelite opinion , called his echtesis ; and sergius const. joined in it . § . sergius dyeth , and pyrrhus a monothelite succeedeth him . § . severinus is chosen pope , but being not confirmed ( as was usual ) by the emperor's consent , he is plundered of his wealth . § . the saracene arabians conquer persia , and the eastern parts of the empire . § . sergius before his death called a council at constantinople , which confirmed the emperor's faith , and the monothelite opinion . § . an. . iohn th was made pope , who condemned the emperor's echtesis ; and , it 's said , the emperor disowned it , and said that sergius made it , and desired it might be published in his name . § . heraclius dyeth , constantine succeedeth him , and dyeth in months , heracleo succeedeth : after six months the senate depose him , and cut off his nose , and cut out his mother's tongue , on suspicion that they poysoned constantine , whose son constans is next set up . § . pyrrhus , thought guilty of constantine's death , flieth into africa , and paulus a monothelite hath his place . pyrrhus seemeth converted by maximus in africa , cometh to rome , and is owned by the pope against paulus . paulus persuadeth the emperor to publish a typus , requiring all the bishops to lay by the controversie and name of one and of two wills and operations of christ. but this which was approved in pope honorius , is cryed down as heretical in the emperor . pyrrhus returneth to his opinion , and paul dying , he is again put in his place at constantinople . binnius no better answereth the objection , [ that the emperor's edict said but what pope honorius said , ] than by saying , that the time made the difference . it was good in honorius's time , and bad after to be quietly silent in such a case . § . they say there was a council in numidia , another at byzacene , at carthage another of bishops , about the monothelites . § . cci. another council was at toletum u●der king chindascrindus . § . ccii. the pope , with one of his little councils at rome , ( for the foresaid italian bishops yet disowned him , and obey the patriarch of aquileia ) presumed to condemn paulus const. & pyrrhus , and the emperor's edict , ( typus : ) wherefore his agents at constantinople were cast out , beaten , their altar overthrown , &c. § . martin is made bishop at rome : he condemneth the emperor's edict of silence ( as to two wills and operations , or one. ) the emperor sendeth for him , he is brought prisoner to constantinople , laid in irons under several accusations ; banished and dyed . here the pope pretendeth that truth must not be silenced : the emperor saith , peace must not be broken for needless words : quer. whether he be a martyr that suffers for oppugning such peace ? § . cciii . his laterane council , an. . is very larg●ly recorded , in which the emperor's edict , with cyr●s , alex , sergius , pyrrbus & paulu● constant. are condemned , and two operations and wills asserted . § . cciv. ( passing by a synod at orleance ) an. . another council was held at toletum against incontinent and ignorant priests . kings here used to preach to the bishops by their letters and decrees . dukes and lords here subscribed . § . eugenius is pope , and dyeth ; vitalianus succeedeth him : constans the emperor cometh to rome , giveth them gifts , and communicateth with them . it 's said he kill'd his brother theodosius , and after was kill'd himself : mezentius usurpeth the empire . constantine pogonatus , son to constans , conquereth him , and reigneth . pope vitalianus helpeth him , and therefore expecteth his help . rome stood so much between the eastern empire , and the western kings ( goths , lombards , franks , &c. ) that both sides flattered the roman clergy , ( though they oft suffered from both . ) the empire to keep them from turning to the goths , &c. and the goths to keep them from turning to the empire . and they that had most need of the popes , most advanced them ; and they that had least need and most dominion , kept them under . § . ccv . another council at toletum , an. . called by k. recessuinthus , ( not the pope , ) made divers good canons for church-order ; among which the tenth is , that because all the canons oft made , could not keep bishops and priests from lechery , they tryed this additional way , to decree that all their children begotten of their servants , maids , &c. should be uncapable of inheritance , and should live in continual servitude to the church . king recaredus made a law , that bishops and priests concubines should be whipt with an hundred stripes ; and others , that they should be sold for slaves . § . ccvi. the king of france ( clodoveus ) called his bishops together at a village called clypiacum , and made a sermon to them , and they applauded him . § . ccvii. he called another synod at cabilone for church-order , where can. . it was decreed , that all ordination of bishops should be null , that was otherwise made than by the election of the comprovincials , the clergy , and the citizens . ( a threefold lock is not easily pickt ) let england understand this , to be the old canons and custom . § . ccviii . a concil . emeritense , called by king recessuinthus , made more orders for regulating bishops and priests , &c. § . ccix. a synod at rome justified a bishop of crete , wronged by his archbishop . § . ccx . another at toletum under king wamban , an. . sought to reform the bishops and clergy . § . ccxi. an. . the same king wamban had a synod at braccara , for reforming the clergy . can. . was to correct the bishops that had turned piety into pride and vanity ; going to the solemnities of the martyrs , with reliques hanged about their necks , carried in chairs by deacons in white , &c. o what hath the pride of prelates done in the world ! § . pope adeodatus , and after him donus reigned at rome , and the patriarchs of constantinople and antioch were monothelites , and constantine needing the west , having lost the east , took part with rome . after donus came agathy , in whose time the bishop of ravemia , after long rejecting the bishop of rome as heretical , returned to communion with him . constantine sent to rome , to require the bishop to keep missionary legates at constantinople , and intreated them to lay by philosophical controversies , and preach the pure scripture , that the churches at last might have peace . ( but alas how long was that counsel vain ! ) § . ccxii. beda saith , an english council met , an. . under theodorus , to own the catholick faith , bed. l. . c. . § . ccxiii. the same year . a council at milan told the emperor their opinion for two wills and operations . § . ccxiv. a synod at rome prepared matter for the general council against the monothelites . this tended to please the separating bishops of italy that divided from the pope , for seeming to desert the calcedon council by condemning the tria capitula . § . ccxv . now cometh the d council of constantine , called the th general council , in which bishops condemned the monothelites , that were for one will and operation . constantine pog. being against them ; macarius patriarch of antioch was the chief of them , who would have consented to name neither one nor two , but when they had done all , professed that he would be cast into the sea , before he would say there were in christ two wills and operations ; thinking that he held to cyril , and the first ephesian council against nestorius . george bishop of constantinople deserted him , and he was deposed and banished ( to rome ; no hard banishment but for ill company . ) § . a long stir there was among them , perusing former writings ; macarius and his party producing many , which others said were falsified ( so little certainty is there oft of copies . ) the epistles of sergius const. & honor. rom. are read , which i should think peaceable and honest ; but the general council damned and cursed them both as hereticks . the papists say , general councils may err in matter of fact : how much more then in matter of faith , which is more obscure ? and matter of fact is much of the matter of our faith. no man's name had so strange a fate against hereticaters , as the great hereticater cyril's ; who ( in this council in cyrus artic . and many others ) was fully proved to assert one nature of god incarnate after the union ] and yet called orthodox , and those that said as he , and much less , were damned hereticks . some that confessed two natures , yet denying two wills after the resurrection , supposing the humane will called natural had been laid by , were here damned with the rest . § . ccxvi . an. . king ervigius held another council at toletum , for the royal power , and reforming the clergy . the pope had so little to do , and the kings so much in all these spanish councils , that it 's strange spain is now become so servile to the pope . binnius is forced to confess here ( to. . p. . ) that [ the study and labor of chusing fit men to be made bishops , was in the power or hands of the gothish kings , which by the indulgence of the roman popes is in the spanish kings even to our times ] which he proveth . ( o indulgent popes , who let go what they cannot keep ! ) an. . some synods in france did , we know not what . § . leo d is made pope by the emperor ; and because he confirmed the acts of this council , which damns honorius as an heretick , the papists know not which way to turn themselves . baronius would have leo's epistle forged . binnius will have either the acts corrupted by theodore const. before they were sent to leo , or that necessity compelled him to this hard condition by the iniquity of the times , and that heresie else would have revived , &c. so that by their reckoning , they that relie all on tradition and fathers , leave not fathers , councils or traditions certain for one age. § . ccxvii . an. . k. ervigius had another synod of bishops at toletum , for restoring some guilty of treasons , securing the king , &c. § . constantine pogon . restored to rome the power of making popes without the emperor , which the gothish kings and other emperors had long denied them . § . benedict d is made pope : a new controversie in his time is raised . the spanish bishops write an epistle , in which they assert three substances in christ , his divinity , his soul and his body , and say withall that a will begat a will , that is , the divine will begat the humane . the numbers of one , two , and three , had so confounded men in those times , that the words frightned the pope , and he expostulated and warned them to take heed in what sense they used them ; which hath made it a question whether this pope were not erroneous himself . § . ccxviii . another council at toletum against the monothelites . § . pope iohn th was the first consecrated without the emperor since the liberty granted . theodoric king of france called a council , an. . in which he deposed several bishops . § . constantine pog. dying , iustinian d his son is emperor . binnius saith , he was not sound in the faith ( a hard thing then ! ) and that he repented of the liberty granted in chusing popes , and so ordered that the exarch of ravenna approve them , by which bribery was used with the exarchs . and while the soldiers , and clergy could not agree , they were fain to consent to a third , conon , to be pope . § . conon being dead , theodore and paschal strove for the popedom , and got their parties to stand it out for them . paschal promised the exarch a great sum of gold to make him pope . when they could not agree , sergius a third was chosen . the exarch forced him to pay the gold , and so he got the soldiers love and the popedom . § . ccxix. an. . another toletan council writ a defence of their assertion , that christ had three substances , and that voluntas genuit voluntatem . § . ccxx . a council at caesar-augusta , made five canons ; the last was , that when the kings dyed , the queens should lay by their civil habits , and be put into a monastery , and profess chastity . § . ccxxi . an. . was the famous great council called the quini-sextum at constantinople , by iustinian d's order ; why it should not be called a th general council , i know not . it was called by the persuasion of callinicus constant. to make a full body of canons for practice , because the th and th councils made none . binnius saith , it could not be a general council , because the pope was not there by himself , or his legates , and yet confesseth that neither was he or his legates at the first constantine council , and yet it was universal . and why doth not another bishops absence ( e. g. alexand. ierusal . &c. ) null a general council as well as the popes ? the papists rail at this council as a convention of malignants , ( bin. p. . ) and against balsamon , that defendeth it as a wicked greek impostor ; ( the word [ wicked ] in these mens writings is a term of art and interest , and no moral term . ) they recited abundance of old canons , many of great use . one would wonder whence the anger against them ariseth . it was per summam nequitiam , saith binnius , that they called themselves a general council : and the holy ghost was not with them , because the pope was not with them , ( p. , . ) and they ordained many things contrary to apostolical constitutions , and the canons of general councils . reader , you see here , . how little trust papists lay on that part of tradition which dependeth on councils ? . that it is the pope ( one man ) that is the certainty of tradition and iudgment , without whom councils are nothing . . that if the pope be absent , all the other bishops assembled in councils by the command of emperors , may be called knaves and wicked malignants . alas how few bishops adhered to the pope , ( when italy was not yet cured of separation from him ) in comparison of those that met in these eastern councils which they revile ! . you see here , how far they are from truth , that say the universal church still cleaved to the pope , when most ( by far ) of the bishops in the world forsook him ! you see luther was not the first . § . note that tharasius bishop of constantinople , an. . in the d council of nice , tells them , that it was the same bishops that met in the th general council at constantinople , who met again here under iustinian . and were not the bishops of the place so near the time competent judges of the matters of so notorious fact ? and were the same bishops an infallible general council at the th council , and yet all wicked schismaticks or knaves , and wicked men , when they meet again but to make church-canons for reformation ? if this do not tell you how truly binnius saith , in their own judgment [ that councils have just so much authority as the pope giveth them ] what can tell it you ? § . yea , binnius makes this council to be monothelites : and were the same men orthodox in the th or th council ten years before , and hereticks in this ? is this the constancy of the church and bishops faith ? § . the th canon is one that displeaseth them ; in which the practice of the church of rome in separating priests from their wives , is expresly renounced ; and it is decreed that no priest be required to separate from his wife , ( so be it they abstain at fasts and necessary seasons ) nor any priest endured to put away his wife , on pretence of piety ; else he must be deposed . § . another is the th canon , that maketh deacons like overseers of the poor . § . the d is a hard canon that bishops and priests , ordained with money , and not by examination and election , be deposed , and they that ordained them . § . the th canon displeaseth them also , which confess the church of constantinople's priviledges as equal with rome . § . the th canon containeth one great cause of the old confusions , viz. that whatever alteration the imperial power makes on any city , the ecclesiastical order also follow it . did god make this law ? are not as many souls in a town that 's no city as capable of being a church as citizens ? it is in the princes power to make and unmake cities : may he accordingly make or unmake churches ? what if a king will have but one city in his kingdom , must there be no more churches or bishops ? what if there be no cities ( as in many american and arabian countries ) must there be no churches ? what if the king will disfranchize most of the cities , and another will make every market town a city ; must churches be altered accordingly ? if so , o that our king would make us so many cities , as the work and the souls of men need true bishops , that one might not have a thousand parishes without any subordinate bishop ! . but if this hold , the emperor might have taken down rome , and set up constantinople , or any other at pleasure . § . can. . forbad clergy and laity to play at dice , on pain of deposition , or segregation . and can. . forbids going to shews , jesters , stage-plays , huntings . the th canon commands the church of rome to amend their customs , and not to fast on sabbath-days . can. . forbids womens publick dancings , and mens and womens together , and their putting on masquers or players apparel , or persons , &c. can. . commandeth the burning of false histories of the martyrs , as tending to bringing religion into reproach . continual joyful praises to god , and holy exercises , and to use no horse-races , &c. the th canon is against eating blood. can. . nullifieth marriage with hereticks . ( alas , good bishops , did you think the papists would have hereticated you as monothelites , and nullified all marriages with you by this canon ? but two hereticks marriage is not null . can. . commandeth all the illuminate ( baptized ) to learn the belief , and every friday to say it to the bishop and presbyters . ( how many parishes or hundred parishes had the bishop then to hear ? not so many as ours . ) § . the canon offends the papists , forbidding the picture of a lamb to be made for christ as the lamb of god. the th canon is ( an old one ) not to kneel on any lord's-day , and that this begin on the evening before . p. . binnius reproveth them for calling cyprian archbishop , and he proveth that africa then had no archbishop or primate . § . ccxxii . an. . was another toletan council , called by king egica : before it the king writeth a sermon for them , wherein he tells them , that every parish that have twelve families , must have their proper governor : but if less , it must be part of anothers charge . § . ccxxiii. an. . was another toletan council under the same king egica : ( one would wonder that the legislative vertue of the church should be continued to such fertility and multitude of laws , as must follow if in all countries there be every year a council : how great must the volumes of laws be at last ? ) binnius in his notes on this council tell us , that though paul would have the believing husband or wife stay with the unbeliever , in hope of conversion , yet many hundred years experience hath taught us the contrary , ( that it tendeth rather to hurt than good ) and therefore now it must be otherwise , and they must separate . § . ccxxiv. even to those days the number of pagans and infidels in most countries was the greatest , and the care of good men was to convert them : ( and therefore we read still of so many baptized at age . ) a council at utrecht decreed ( willebrood ( or willifrid ) and suibert being leaders ) that the best preachers should be sent from the neighbor churches to convert the heathens , ( that was better work , than striving who should be chief , or raging about hard words . ) § . ccxxv. a synod at aquileia , an. . condemned the th general council at constantinople , for condemning the tria capitula of the council of calcedon . ( o what concord councils caused ! ) § . pope sergius refusing to own the council of constant. at trul. under iustinian d , the emperor commanded that he should be brought prisoner to constantinople . the soldiers of ravenna ( sergius having paid them the l. of gold ) hearing of it , rose up and rescued him , and made the emperor's officer in fear beg for his life . by such obedience rome kept up . § . tiberius the d deposed iustinian the d , and cut off his nose , and banished him . iustinian was restored , and exposed tiberius to scorn , and killed him , and banished bishop callinicus to rome for unfaithfulness to his prince . iohn the th was now pope . § . iohn the th is made pope ( another council at toletum under king witiza i pass by ) he was a greek . ccxxvi . he gather'd a synod at rome , to debate iustinian's order for the receiving the trull . concil . and our english willifrid , accused by his king , was here justified , as a son of that church : and a synod in england received him , when the king was dead . § . sisumius made pope lived but days , and constantine succeeded him , who was sent for to constantinople , and honoured by iustinian . § . about this time ( an. . ) spain was conquered by the saracens ; binnius saith , because king witiza forsook the see of rome . by which we still see that rome was forsaken even by the best church , such as spain then was , and was not the ruler of the world. § . bardanes philippicus by rebellion deposed iustinian , and was made emperor ; and within two years was so used himself by anastasius , ( his eyes put out , and he banished . ) § . ccxxvii . the emperor philippicus and iob. constant. called general council at constantinople ; i may well call it general , when binnius saith , there were innumerable bishops , which is not said of any other council . they all condemned the th general council , and their opinion of two wills , and two operations . where it is manifest , . how great a part of the church regarded not the authority of rome . . nor thought a general council infallible , when innumerable bishops are against both . . and how strong the monothelite party was . . and alas , how bad too many bishops , that can change as fast as emperors will have them . for saith binnius ( after baronius ) [ thus at the beck of the emperor , and at the will of a monothelite patriarch , the holy sixth synod is condemned , and what they decreed of two wills in christ , and two operations , and all retracted by the decree and subscription of very many oriental bishops , that were in one moment turned from being catholiques , to be monothelites . ] is this the constancy of bishops , and the certainty of their tradition ? but why have we not the , acts of this great council , as well as of the rest ? chap. ix . councils called about images and some others . § . pope gregory the d is the man that must set up image-worship against all opposition , rebel against his lawful sovereign , and confederate with other princes to alienate the western empire , when the east was almost ruined before , and so to weaken the christian power , that the turk might shortly win the empire . § . to have recited all along as we went on , what new ceremonies , formalities and orders were invented and brought in by the popes , and how doctrine and practice grew corrupted , being a thing done already by many others , would have been tedious here , and besides the design of this writing , which is but to shew how prelates have used the church by their contentions about jurisdiction and hard or ambiguous words ; and what hath been the work especially of general councils . but we cannot tell you well the work of the following councils , without telling somewhat of the occasion of the matter . the primitive christians used not images in the worship of god , ( read dalaeus de imaginibus . ) but the contempt of christianity by the heathens , occasioned many to oppose their contempt by glorying in the cross of christ , and by making the transient sign of it with their fingers ; and thence they grew to use the fixed sign of it ; and thence to speak of and believe many miracles wrought by it ; and thence to make the image of christ crucified , ( which yet epiphanius condemned ; ) and thence by degrees to make the images of the apostles and martyrs ; and thence to make in their churches the images of their deceased bishops , ( till an excommunicater ar●se of another opinion , that pull'd any of them down . ) and abundance of dreams , visions , apparitions and revelations were the pretended proofs that prevailed for many such superstitions , but especially for images , and purgatory , and prayers for the dead . among others , an english monk , egwin of evesholme , chosen bishop of worcester , must lead the way , by pretence of a vision , ( a dream , no doubt ) see spelman's concil . p. . in his own chart egwin saith , [ that the virgin mary first appeared to a certain shepherd called eoves , and afterward to himself with two virgins , holding a book in her hands , and told him in what place she would have him build her a monastery . the crafty dreamer divulged the vision , and some good men opposing it , the pope must have the hearing of it . the pope put it to the oath of egwin , whether ever he saw such a vision or not ? egwin sware it , and the matter was past doubt , ( just as honest commenius took daubritius's prophesies to be of god , because the melancholy man sware that they were true . ) hereupon egwin is sent home , and a council called to take egwin's words again that he had such a vision , ( and in the end was added , that the virgin mary ' s image must be set up in the place . ) the pope sent to king kenred and king offa by bishop brithwald , to grant what the vision intended ; who obediently make over a great part of the countrey to that monastery , as you may see described in spelman , conc. p. , . in charta kenredi & offae regum . and p. . in charta egwini , who saith himself , that [ god being propitious to him , he had in a little time got for the said church an hundred and twenty farms given , as is written and confirmed in the charter of that church . many villages are there named , and some great ones , in the fattest and richest part of the county of worcester . was not this a profitable dream or vision ? and should we not have many dreamers and swearers , if they could get as much by it as egwin did ? and herewith images are set up . § . but baronius and binnius question whether naucler and bale say true , that this council first brought image-worship into england , because it came in before with austin the monk. to which spelman * well answereth , that the use of the cross in banners and otherwise was here before , and some images for instruction and commemoration , as beda's own words intimate ; but not any worship of images , or worshiping before and towards them . and sir h. spelman saith , ( proving that image-worship was not then in use among the saxons ) that even praying to the saints themselves was not then in use , mentioning an old psalter of his written about the time of the d nicene council , in which there were an hundred seventy and one prayers inserted between the sections of the th psalm , and in them all not one name of any saint , or the virgin mary , much less any prayer directed to them . § . if one talk now with our english papists , they are so loth to own their own doctrine and practice , that they will tell you they hold not the worshiping of the image , but of the person signified by it . but to tell them how commonly their writers defend worshipping images , ( if colere and cultus signifie worship ) and what aquinas saith of giving the worship of latria to the image of christ , and to the cross , though undeniable , yet will not be taken for sufficient proof . i shall therefore give you here th● sense of the papal church in england , in the form of abjuration which they prescribed to those that they then called lollards , as it is found in the tower records ; and you must take it in the old english in which it is written , because i do but transcribe it , and must not alter it , the sense of it being plain and obvious . ex rotulo clausax . de anno regni regis ricardi secundi membr . dors . memorand , quod primo die septembris anno regni regis ricardi secundi post conquestum decimo n●no willielmus dynel & nicholaus taillour , michaelus poucher , & willielmus steynour , de nottingham in cancellar . ipsius regis personaliter constituti sacramenta divisim prestiterunt sub eo qui sequitur tenore . [ i william dynel befor yhow worchipefull fader and lorde archbyshop of yhorke and yhowr clergie , with my free will and full avyside swere to gode and to all his seyntes uppon this holy gospelle that fro this day forthwarde i shall worship ymages with preying and offering unto hem in the worschip of the seintes thae they be made after and also i shall never more despyse pygremage ne states of holy chyrche in no degree . and also i shall be buxum to the lawes of holy chirche and to yhow as myn archbyshop and to myn other ordinares and curates and kepe yo lawes uppon my power and meynten hem . and also i shall meyntem ne techen ne defenden errours conclusions & techynges of the lollards ne swych conclusions and techings that men clepyth lollardes doctryn ne i shall her bokes ne swych bokes ne hem or any suspect or diffamed of lollardery resceyne or company with all wyttyngly or defende in yo matters and if i know ony swych i shall with all the hast that i may do ghowe or els your ner officers to wyten and of her bokes . and allso i shall excite and stirr all tho to good doctryn that i have hinder'd with myn doctryn up my power . and also i shall stonde to yhour declaration wych es heresy or errour and do therafter and also what penance yhe wel for that i haue don for meyntenyng of this fals doctryn menyne and i shall fulfill it and i submit me therto up my power . and also i shall make no other glose of this myn oth bot as the wordes stonde . and if it be so that i come agayn or do agayn this oth or any party thereof i holde me here cowpable as an heretyke and to be punyshed by the law as an heretyk and to forfeit all my goodes to the kynges will wyth outen any othr processe of lawe . and therto i require the notarie to make of all this the whych is my will an instrument agens me ut ex habundanti idem willielmus dynel eodem die voluit & recognovit quod omnia bona & catalla sua mobillia nobis sint forisfacta in casu quo ipse juramentum praedictum se● aliqua in eodem juramento contenta de cetero contravenerit ullo modo . here you see whether papists worship images , and whether they take it not for heresie ( which is death ) not to worship them , and whether they leave it to mens liberty or not . § . leo isaurus being emperor , he took the worshipping of images to be idolatry ; and his empire being invaded by the saracens , who were scandalized by the christians images , he thought it was a warning to him to reform them ; and he published his edict accordingly against the religious adoration and use of the images of angels , martyrs , or saints . gregory , bishop of rome , resisted him , and made men believe that this was to fight against christ , and impiously to despise the saints . the emperor commanded his obedience on pain of deposition . he would neither obey nor suffer . the emperor sent men to apprehend him , ( some say to kill him , ) but he escaped them . the lombards were stirred up to make war against the emperor as an enemy of christ : [ the pope ( saith binnius , p. . out of zonaras ) entered into a league with charles martell king of france , that , if there were need , he should defend the church of rome against the emperor ( their proper sovereign ) which league being prudently made , the emperor abstained for fear of charles , who by great victories was become famous . — but when the emperor would not obey the pope's pious warnings , but used tyranny in the east against the orthodox , then the pope anathematized him as a known declared heretick , and exhorted all his subjects in italy to depart from his obedience . ] note how rebellion is the work and strength of the roman papacy ▪ but do not our papists now disown all this , and profess themselves to be the loyallest subjects ? answ. if they do , let them join restitution with confession . if the father seize on another mans inheritance , and the son keep it , and disclaim his fathers act , this is but a dead confession . but hear the next words in binnius , and judge what doctrine yet they hold , [ quo facto sanctissimus pontifex clarissimum posteris suis reliquit exemplum ; ne in ecclesia christi regere permittantur haeretici principes , si frequenter moniti errori pertinaciter adhaerescant . ] that is , by which fact ( deposing the emperor in italy , and absolving all his subjects from their obedience ) the most holy pope left his posterity a most clear ( or famous ) example , that heretical princes may not be permitted to rule , if being oft warned they pertinaciously adhere to error . ] note this ye princes and rulers that hear of papal loyalty . . it is not lawful for them , if they can help it , to permit any of you to reign over christians , if they do but judge you heretical . to tolerate you is against their consciences , if to depose you be not above their strength . . by this rule you see , that they were virtual rebels to most or many emperors , when they durst not actually rebel . . when constantine the great banished athanasius , it 's like they would have taken him for an heretick . . constantius and valens being arrians , the pope did virtually rebel against them , and depose them ( if then they were of the same mind as now . ) . theodosius junior , zeno , anastasius , and other emperors they virtually deposed as eutychians . . iustinian the first they virtually deposed as a phantasiastick . . philippicus , and many more emperors are called by them monothelites . . leo and constantine , and others , are called iconoclastae . . many christian princes and states , now are called by them protestant or lutheran hereticks . all these , they say , are such as may not be permitted , and therefore they have interpretatively and virtually rebelled , and deposed them . . you see how great a matter this excommunication is , and how impossible it is , by it for kings and states to continue long in any right to their dominions : for all men err ; and while there are so many patriarchs , prelates , if not priests that have the power of excommunicating , all men may expect it : for he that is orthodox in the judgment of one patriarch , will be a heretick in the judgment of another : while rome , const. alexand. antioch , ierusal . are so seldom of one mind . if with the repenting lollard ( aforesaid ) you will swear to hold that for error which the archbishop of york saith is such , perhaps the archbishop of canterbury may be of the contrary mind : those called arrians , nestorians , eutychians , monothelites , iconoclasts , &c. have in their turns had most of the known christian world. and he that is excommunicate by one , must be received by none . . but if it be the popes prerogative , that though more may excommunicate kings and emperours , none but he can depose them , and disoblige all their subjects , it 's pity but those princes that are in love with such a papacy should know by experience what they love : for he that will take satan for his ruler , must bear the inconveniences of his government . . you see here how the empire was weakned , and so exposed to the turk ; even by the rebellion of rome cutting off the western empire from it . . and you see what true subjects they were to the arrian , gothish kings , at rome , spain , &c. who would have deposed them if they could . what wonder if the goths kept down the pope . § . in these times the pope met with an english bishop wilfrid , who extraordinarily flattered and adored him , and he accordingly made him bishop of mentz , and his great agent ( even about this foresaid english council which was to set up church-images : ) and recommended him to many christian princes : and why was all this ? and what was his rare merit ? he took this oath to the pope ( bin. p. ) [ in the name of the lord iesus christ our saviour , in the reign of leo the great emperour &c. i boniface , bishop by the grace of god , do promise to thee , peter , prince of the apostles , and to thy vicar pope gregory and his successors , by the father , son and holy ghost , the inseparable trinity , and this most holy body of thine , that i will exhibite all faith and purity of holy catholick faith , and in unity of the same faith , god operating , will persist , in which all the salvation of christians is proved undoubtedly to consist ; and will no way consent , whoever perswadeth me , against the unity of the common and universal church , but , as i said , will exhibite my faith and purity and concourse to thee and to the profits of thy church , to whom by the lord the power of binding and loosing is given , and to thy aforesaid vicar and his successors in all things , &c. ] nothing is more meritorious with a pope , or any prelate of that spirit , than to be absolutely devoted to him , and swear obedience to him : indeed they that are fully fallen from god ( as satan is ) would be as gods to the world themselves , and have all men depend upon them , and obey them . § . what arguments moved the emperor to be against images , ( specially the d commandment ) and how gregory thought that it was not the images of god and christ , and angels and saints that were forbidden , you may see in his epistles too long to be here recited . § . here binnius inserteth three roman councils . one cursing unlawful marriages . another persuading corbinianus to keep his bishoprick , who would fain have laid it down . and a third for images , against the iconoclasts ( the emperor's heresie . ) § . gregory d succeedeth gregory d . he sendeth his epistles for images to the emperor . the first messenger durst not deliver them . the rest were stopt at sicily , and kept prisoners . the lombards infested italy and rome . the pope importuneth the french king for help . alphonsus is made king in spain against the saracens , and first called himself [ catholick king. ] two councils , binnius saith , were held at rome for images . the title of the second is , [ pro imaginum cultu , for the worship of images : an. . image-worship was then avowed . but the eastern churches did more obey the emperor . § . pope zachary coming next , in whose time italy was distressed by luitprandus king of the lombards , who took four cities from the pope , because he protected trasimundus duke of spoleto : the romans helped trasimund , on condition he would restore to them the four cities ; he performeth not his promise : wherefore pope zachary turned to luitprand , and to win him , salutaria illi praedicavit , saith anastasius ; and he promised him to restore the four cities . for the performance whereof , this pope travelled to him himself , ( noted by anastasius as a great act of self-denial , as venturing his life for the cause of god , that he would go to the king to ask for four cities ) which he happily obtained . § . in this pope's time the crown of france was translated from the king and his line , to a subject , his major domûs . charles martell the great french conqueror was the pope's patron against the emperor who was his sovereign . gratian. d. . q. . post can. . tells it us as a matter of church-credit , that when he was dead , he was damned to hell ( much blood , and defending popes that rebel against their sovereign are a very likely proof . ) carolomannus succeeded him , who , after two years reign , resigned his crown , and chose a monastery . chilperic that came after , proved very dull and sensual , and giving himself to his pleasure , let the business of government lie most on the hands of pepin , who was his major domûs , who thereby got the power and the respect that was proper to the king , while the king grew into contempt . ( and if kings cannot keep up their power and honour by the meer dignity of their place , without personal worth and performance ; why should popes , prelates and priests , ( whose power and honour , as a physicians , depend upon their worth and work ) expect to keep up their power and honour meerly by their offices ? ) pepin won first the nobles of france , and then the pope ; for , as baronius and binnius ( p. . ) tell us , [ it seemed to the most potent pepin ( major domus ) * and to the rest of the chief men , and to all the people , that he that had not the matter and force of the kingdom , should not have the name of a king ; and on the contrary , he that had the riches , power and virtue , should also have the name of king : and because these princes and people were christians , they judged that these their councils would neither stand ratified to posterity , nor be acceptable enough to god , unless they received authority and force from the common father and pastor of the christian church , the vicar of the lord christ , and successor of st. peter . therefore they send legates to rome to zachary , of whom bishop burchardus herbipol . was the chief , who were to ask the things aforesaid of him . he consented , and decreed , and wrote back , that chilperic being thrust into a monastery , * st. boniface should declare and anoint pepin king in germany and france : boniface , bishop of mentz , obeyed pope zachary , and by the authority of the see apostolic , deposed chilperic , ( called also childeric ) and placed pepin in his stead . thus ieginhart in vit. car. mag. annal. franc. an . . paul. diac. li. . marianus scotus li. . regino li. . an . . sigebert in chron. lambert in hist. germ. otho frising . li. . . ado. aetate , fol. . aimoinus li. . c. , &c. yea ( say they ) the hereticks of our times deny not the history . — but they sharply impugn two circumstances : the first is , that it was a great wrong to chilperic , that the kingdom was taken from him : the second , that the said translation was made by the consent of the council , nobles and commons , without the authority of the apostolic seat * . serarius proveth that the cause of the translation of the kingdom was just . . because all the best men did desire and wish it , and did by their counsel and help co-operate to it . . because st. bishop burchardus did , as legate , sollicite the pope for it . . pope zachary commanded it to be done ; . and the most holy boniface at the pope's command did execute it . . and being approved by divine testimony , it is recited in the sacred canons , . q. . c. alius . . and by none of the old historians not praised , or disallowed : only our new hereticks , that love novelty , arrogance and rebellion by their perverse judgment by contumelies and lyes disallow it . and that it was by the authority of the apostolick seat , that the kingdom was translated from chilperic to pepin , the foresaid historians do so expresly say , that it 's a wonder with what front the innovating hereticks dare call it in question . lastly , it is here to be noted , that it was by this same pope zachary that the nomination or postulation of bishops for the vacant churches in his kingdom , was granted to king pepin . therefore if elsewhere you read that the kings of france give bishops to the churches , remember that it is not done by their own right , but by the grant of the apostolick seat : in vain therefore do the innovating hereticks glory in this argument , who endeavor to subject the church to kings . ] so far binnius after baronius . § . from this story and these words , let the reader think how to answer these questions . quest. . had not kings need to take heed of making any one man too great , if greatness and exercise of government , give him so much right to the kingdom ? qu. . had not kings need to look to their manners , for their crowns sake , as well as their souls , if lust , sensuality and dulness forfeit their kingdoms ? qu. . did not wars and weakning of the empire make a great change with popes , when they that were set up and banished at the emperor's pleasure , can now first depose the emperor in the west , for being against images and persecuting , and then can translate the crown of france ? qu. . was not an ambitious pope a fit tool for pepin and his confederates to work by , to put a pious gloss on their conspiracy ? qu. . did not the pope rise thus by serving the turns of conspirators , and of princes in their quarrels with one another ? qu. . are subjects judges when a king's sins make him unworthy of the crown ? qu. . yea , is the pope judge , and hath he power to depose kings , if he judge them such sinners , and unfit for government ? qu. . is it a good reason that a king is justly deposed , because good men and holy bishops are the desirers and promoters of it ? qu. . would not this reason have served maximus against gratian ? was it not cromwel's plea ? if he had but had the pope and people on his side , you see how it would have gone . qu. . is it the mark of an innovating heretick , to say that the church should be subject to kings ; when paul and peter said it of all christians so long ago ? qu. . is it a note that protestants love rebellion , because they are against popes deposing kings ? or is there any heed to be taken of the words of impudent revilers , that dare speak before god and man at this rate ? is deposing kings the papists freedom from rebellion , and is our opposing it a character of rebels ? qu. . is it any wonder that bishop burchardus desired it , and that bishop boniface executed the pope's command , who had been translated from england by him to such dignity , and had sworn obedience and service to him ? qu. . is it any wonder that the pope made these bishops saints ? qu. . i hope they were really godly men : but is it any wonder that some good men at such a time as that , did think it had been for the interest of religion , to have all power in the clergies hands , especially being themselves bishops that were to have so great a share ? how few bishops are afraid of too much power , or ever do refuse it ! qu. . if the king of france had his kingdom by the pope's gift , what wonder if he had the power of nominating bishops also by his gift ? qu. . whether he that hath power to give , hath not power to take away , and be not judge when the cause is just ? qu. . with what face do papists at once make these claims , and yet profess loyalty to kings ? qu. . whether it concern not kings to understand on what terms they stand with the pope and his clergy , that must not be subject to them , but have power to depose them ? qu. . if there be any party among them that hath more loyal principles , is it a sign of the concord of their church , that agreeth not in matter of so great moment ? or a proof that the pope is the infallible judge of controversies , that will not determine so great a point on which the peace of kingdoms doth depend ? § . about the same time they persuaded rachis king of the longobards , successor to luitprand , for the love of religion to lay down his crown , and go into a monastery ; so that monasteries are places for the worst and the best ; some too bad to reign , and some too good , lest they should over-master the clergy . § . it may be you will think that this pope zachary , and his sworn vassal st. boniface , were some very profound divines , that could by their wisdom and piety thus master kingdoms . doubtless they were zealous adversaries to heresies ( except their own ) and successors of the hereticating and damning fathers . for epist. . ( bin. p. , , . ) zachary writeth to boniface , to expel virgilius from the church and priesthood , for holding antipodes , viz. that sun-shine , and moon-light , and men are under the earth , as well as here which we call over it . the words are , [ de perversa autem & iniqua doctrina , quae contra dominum & animamsuam locutus est , si clarificatum fuerit ita eum confiteri , quod alius mundus & alii homines sub terra sint , seu sol & luna ; hunc habito concilio ab ecclesia pelle sacerdotii honore privatum . ] that is , but as to the perverse and unjust doctrine which he hath spoken against the lord and his own soul , if it be made clear that he so confesseth , that under the earth there is another world and other men , and sun and moon ; call a council , and depriving him of the honour of priesthood , drive him out of the church . ] that by [ another world ] is meant antipodes , or the other side of the earth inhabited , is doubtless . § . qu. . did god make popes to be the governors of the antipodes , for so many hundred years , before they knew that there was any antipodes ? and when they excommunicated and silenced those that affirmed it ? qu. . were these popes and bishops men of such wisdom , as were fit to hereticate dissenters as they did ? qu. . do we not see here what some councils were , and did in those times ? qu. . do we not see what heresie signified at rome , and how little heed there was to be taken of their outcry against some heresies ? qu. . whether was all the world , or all the west bound to avoid communion after with virgilius ? qu. . do we not see here of what infallibility the pope is , in judging of matters of faith , and how happy the world is to have such a judge , and of what credit his heretications and excommunications are ? qu. . do we not see how religion hath been depraved and dishonoured by the pope and his clergy , calling good evil , and the most certain truths by the name of [ perverse and unjust doctrines , against the lord , and mens own souls ? ] what heed to take of these mens words , when they seem zealous against sin and error ? § . perhaps you will ask , how could any but idiots be so ignorant ? whither did they think the setting-sun went ? or what did they think the earth stood upon ? answ. the easiest things are strange to men that never learnt them ; it 's pity that it should be true , that lactantius and other ancients , yea , austin himself were ignorant of the antipodes ; but yet they had more modesty than to hereticate and excommunicate them that affirmed it . few bishops had much philosophy then . origen and apollinaris that were most philosophical , had been hereticated and disgraced it . clemens and tatianus sped not much better . councils had forbid bishops to read the books of heathens . austin had a truly philosophical head , being the father of school-divinity ; but he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and had little from his teachers . you may see in a great hereticater philastrius , what they thought then of the course of the sun , by what he saith of the stars : as it was one heresie to call the star● by the names of living creatures , so it was another to deny that the stars were luminaries arbitrarily moved ; that by angels were set out at night to light the world , and at morning retired inwards , or were taken into their place again , as men set out lights to the street at night , and take them in again . i confess that no general council declared this , ( as they have done worse things ; ) but you see what kind of men were hereticated by pope zachary , st. boniface , and st. philastrius , and such bishops ; and how little it signifieth in such writers , whether you read a man called a saint , or a sinner ; an orthodox catholick , or nefandissimus haereticus , as they use to speak : i speak it only of such men. § . for , reader , i must still remember thee , that this folly , pride , and almost fury , was not the genius or character of the true spiritual ministers and church of christ , but of a worldly , ignorant , domineering sort of men ; that made it their business to get preferment , and have their wills . god had all this while abundance of faithful ministers that sate down at the lower end ; and humble holy people , that set not up themselves in worldly grandure , and came not much on the stage , but approved themselves in secret , and in their several places and conversations to god , some lay-men , some priests , some bishops , some of their names are come down to us in history , but those are few . they strove not for great places , nor did their works to be seen of men , nor looked to men for their reward . § . some of the canons and councils of these universal pastors were answerable to their excommunications . in zachary ' s th epistle to his vassal st. boniface , he giveth him the resolution of many doubts . one is , [ after how long time lard may be eaten ? and it is resolved by the pope ; that there is yet no canon or law for this by the fathers , but he determineth himself , . that it must not be eaten before it be dried in the smoke , or boiled , ( or basted ) with fire ; but if you list to eat it raw , it must be eaten after the feast of easter . ] binnius , p. . ( what would become of the church , if there were not a judge of such controversies , and an infallible determiner of such questions ? ) § . ccxxv. i told you before how the pope commanded boniface to call a council to eject him that asserted the antipodes ; i must next add a french council called by king carolomannus to reform the clergy ( an . . ) and to recover christian religion , which in the dayes of former princes dissipata corruit , being dissipated , was ruined ; and to shew the people how they may come to save their souls , who have been hitherto deceived by false priests . ( they are the words of the king and council , bin. p. . c. . ) where it was decreed that priests be not soldiers , ( unnecessarily : ) that they keep not hounds to go an hunting with , nor hawks : that every religious fornicator shall in the jayl do pennance with bread and water . if the fornicator be a priest , he shall be first scourged , and then remain in prison two years : but if an inferior clerk or monk so fall , he shall be whipt , and then do pennance a whole year in prison , and so the nuns . this was somewhat like a reformation : had it not been done by a king ▪ it might have past for heresie . it was at ratisbonne ; boniface presiding . such another council called leptinense , there was under carolomannus . another council at rome repeated the oft repeated canons , to keep bishops and priests from nuns and from fornication . § . an. . another synodus suession . under chilperic governed by pepin , condemned again aldebert ( that set up crosses in several places , and drew people to himself ) and another as hereticks . § . another council in germany , an . . handsomly set boniface the pope's agent in the archbishoprick of mentz . first geroldus the archbishop is sent out against the saxons with an army , and he and most of them killed : then gervilio his son , a lay-man , is made archbishop to comfort him . at another war he pretends a conference with him that kill'd his father , and murders him ; this is past by as blameless : but boniface saith , that a man that had his hand in blood , must not be a bishop ; and so got him out , and was made the chief archbishop of germany himself in his place . judge whether he served the pope for nought . § . yet boniface had not done with the two hereticks , aldebert and clemens , a french man and a scot. boniface sendeth to rome ( bin. p. . ) to desire the pope , that as he had himself condemned these two hereticks , the pope would also condemn them , and cast them into prisons , where none might speak with them . ( thus the pope obtained his kingdom , and edified the church . the motive was , that boniface prosecuting them , had suffered much for their sakes , the people saying that he had taken from them holy apostolick men , ( but this was not a prison . ) the crimes which he chargeth on aldebert a bishop are , that he was an hypocrite , ( an open crime ! ) that he had said an angel appeared to him , and he had some rare reliques , and that he said he was apostolick , and wrought wonders ; that he got some unlearned bishops to make him a bishop absolutely , against the canons . he would not consecrate any church to the memory of an apostle or martyr ; and spake against visiting in pilgrimage the temples of the apostles : he made churches to his own honour , and set up oratories and crosses up and down , and drew people from other bishops to himself . that he gave his nails and hair to be honoured with the saints reliques , and would not hear confessions , saying he knew their sins already . ] if all this was true , ( which i know never the more for this accusation ) he seemed an hypocrite indeed , but whether an heretick , i know not . the scot heretick is accused as denying the church canons , and the meaning of some fathers , despising the synods laws , saying that he may still be a bishop ( for so he was ) though he had two sons , ( in adultery , saith boniface , perhaps in marriage ; ) and ( as he saith ) holding that a man may marry his brothers widow , and that christ at his descent delivered all souls out of hell. ] this was a foul error indeed , if truly charged . these were charged by boniface and the roman synod , to be forerunners of antichrist , ( and how like are aldebert's pretensions to many roman saints ! ) a prayer also of aldeberts was read , in which he prayed to angels under several strange names : bishops and presbyters had votes in this council , and subscribed the hypocrites condemnation . bin. p. . but there is no certainty that he named more than three angels . § . stephen the d was chosen pope by all the people after zachary , and dyed four days after suddenly . § . stephen the d was chosen by all the people ( saith anastasius . ) aistulphus , king of the longobards , threatned rome , took their gifts , and demanded their subjection . the pope ( after gregory the d's rebellion ) was glad to send to the emperor , to crave an army to save rome and italy ; when he could get no help from constant. he sent to pepin king of france . one that he had made king by rebellion , was obliged to help him , and by an army forced aistulphus to covenant to restore ravenna , and many other italian cities , ( not to the emperor , whose agent claimed his right , and was denied by pepin ; ) but to the pope , ( to reward him , and get the pardon of his sins . ) aistulphus broke his covenants . pepin with another army forceth him to deliver them , and returneth . aistulphus dyeth ; desiderius a captain by usurpation invadeth the kingdom , radchis that had been king before , and went into a monastery , and the nobles of the longobards resist the rebel . he sendeth to the pope , offering him all that he could desire ( more cities ) to help him : the pope maketh his own bargain with him , as he did with pepin , ( and charles martell before ) and by the help of the french , setleth the rebel desiderius in the kingdom . pepin maketh a deed of gift of all the foresaid cities to the church of rome , ( was this constantine's gift ? ) he gave away another mans ( the emperor's ) dominions , and with desiderius's additions , now the pope is become a prince . § . ccxxviii . we come now to a great general council of bishops at constantinople , an. . under constantine copronymus against the worshiping of images : the adversaries of it will not have it called the th general council , because divers patriarchs were absent , and it decreed , say they , against the truth . they not only condemned the worshiping of images , and germanus constantinus , georgius cyprius , jo. damascenus , and other worshipers of them , as idolaters ; but destroyed the reliques of martyrs , and exacted an oath of men ( by the cross , and the holy eucharist ) that they would never adore images , but execrate them as idols , nor ever pray to the holy apostles , martyrs , and blessed virgin , saith baronius and binnius , p. . but the th and th definitions of this council recited in the d nicene council , shew that they were not so free from praying to the virgin mary and saints , as we could wish they had : for they decree we must crave her intercessions , and theirs ; but they forbad praying to their images . § . the acts of this council ( not pleasing the adversaries ) are not delivered fully to us ; but it fell out that their decrees are repeated word by word in the d nicene council , and so preserved . § . there is one doctrinal definition of this council , owned also by their adversaries the d concil . nicen. which by the way i will take notice of , about the glorified body of christ , ( and consequently ours after the resurrection ) that it is a body but not flesh , bin. p. . defin . . [ siquis non confessus fuerit dominum nostrum iesum christum post assumptionem animatae , rationalis & intellectualis carnis simul sedere cum deo & patre , atque ita quoque rursus venturum cum paterna majestate , judicaturum vivos & mortuos , non amplius quidem carnem , neque incorporeum tamen ut videatur ab iis à quibus compunctus est , & maneat deus extra crassitudinem carnis , anathema . ] to which saith the nicene council by epiphanius , [ huc usque recte sentiunt & patrum traditionibus convenientia dicunt , &c. ] two sorts i would have take notice of this : . the papists , who say that the bread is turned into christ's very flesh , when he hath no very flesh in heaven : and therefore the meaning must be of the sacramental sign , that it is the representation of that real flesh of christ which was sacrificed on the cross. . some prejudiced protestants that think he that saith , [ our bodies ( and christs ) in heaven ; will not be flesh and blood formally and properly so called , but spiritual glorious bodies ] doth say some dangerous new assertion ; such gross thoughts have gross heads of the heavenly state . to these i say , . you contradict the express words of god's spirit , cor. . flesh and blood cannot enter , &c. that it is meant of formal flesh and blood , and not metaphorical ( sin ) is plain in the context , see dr. hammond on the text. . give but a true definition of flesh and blood , and it will convince you of itself . . you see here that you maintain an opinion which these two ( even adverse ) general councils anathematized . § . by this council we may see , how little general councils signifie with the papists , either as to infallibility , authority , or preservation of tradition , longer than they please the pope . as to their objection , that call it pseudo-septimum , that the pope was not there ; i answer . no more was he by himself or legate at the first of constant. called the d general council , as binnius professeth . . is not the church the church , if the pope be not there ? then he may choose whether ever there shall be more general councils , ( as indeed he doth . ) § . ccxxix . an. . king pepin called a council in france , declaring that things were so far out of order , that he could attempt but a partial reformation , leaving the rest till better times . the first canon was , that every city have a bishop ; of old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signified every such town as our corporations and market-towns are : and by all the old canons and customs ( except some odd ones ) every such town of christians was to have a bishop ; and in phrygia , arabia , &c. the villages had bishops , saith socrates , &c. and in many places the villages had chorepiscopos , which petavius ( annot. in epiphan . arian . ) fully proveth were true bishops . and yet then the most of the people in most countries were without the church ; so that then a church was no greater than was capable of personal communion . here this king ( being made by the pope ) so far gratified the clergy , as to decree that contemners of excommunication should be banished . and now the keys do signifie the sword , and church-discipline is made another thing than christ had made it . the th cap. is , that no vacant bishop meddle in another bishop's parish without his consent , ( by what true authority then can the pope meddle in other mens diocesses , since the foundation of his humane authority in the empire is subverted ? ) the th cap. decreed , that men may use horses and chariots for travel on the lord's-day , and get meat and drink , &c. but not do common work . the th , that no clerk try his cause before a lay-judge , without the bishop's leave . § . pope stephen dying , in the division at the next choice , ( by all the people ) the stronger part chose paulus a deacon , ccxxx . in his time a german council condemned oathmarus , abbot of st. gallus , for incontinence , and put him in prison , where he dyed of famine ; as historians say , maliciously upon false accusation . § . at this time the greeks accused the romans , for adding the word [ filioque ] to the creed : and about that and images , they say there was some synod at a village called gentiliace . § . pope paul dying , and the people having still the choice , he that could get the greatest strength was in hope of so rich a prey : and constantine , brother to one duke toto , getting the strongest party , by fear compelled george bishop of praenestine , with two more bishops , to make him pope , ( being first ordained deacon , ) he possessed the popedom alone a year and a month : then one christopher the primocerius , and his son sergius being powerful , got out to the king of the longobards , and craved his help against constantine as an usurper ; and gathering some strength got into rome , killed toto ; and caused constantine the pope , and another brother paessivus to take sanctuary . one waldipertus a presbyter was of christopher's party , and to make haste , without christopher's knowledge , he gathereth a party , and they make one philip ( a presbyter ) pope . ( so there were two popes . ) christophorus incensed , swore he would not enter rome , till philip was pull'd out of the bishop's house ; which gratiosus , one of his party , presently performeth , and philip returneth to his monastery . christophorus calleth the clergy , people and soldiers together , and ( by his means ) they chuse another stephen , ( and so there are three popes . ) the actors being now in their zeal , go to theodorus a bishop , and vicedominus that joined with pope constantine , and they put out his eyes , and cut out his tongue . next they attempted the like excaecation on passivus . bishop theodore they thrust into a monastery , and there ( while he cryed for a little water ) they famished him to death . passivus they put into another monastery . they took all their goods and possessions . pope constantine they brought out , and set on horseback on a womans saddle with weights at his feet , and put him into a monastery , ( how holy then were monasteries ! ) shortly after they brought him forth , and pope stephen and some bishops deposed him . then the citizens were to make their penitent confessions for owning him . next the army goeth to alatrum in campania , where gracilis the tribune that had been for constantine is apprehended , brought bound to rome , imprisoned , and after his eyes put out , and his tongue cut out . after this , gratiosus and his zealots go to the monastery where they had thrust pope constantine , and drag him out , and put out his eyes , and leave him blind in the street . next , they go to their own friend priest waldipertus , and feign that he had laid a plot with the longobards to kill christopher , and send to apprehend him , and when he fled for sanctuary to a temple , they drew him out with the blessed virgins image in his hand ( even then when they were rebelling for the sake of images ; ) but that would not save the priest , ( because he set up philip for pope ; ) they thrust him into a filthy dungeon-hole , but that was too good for him : in a few days they drew him out , and casting him on the earth , put out his eyes , and cut out his tongue , and put him into an hospital , where he dyed of the pain . and now pope stephen had , no doubt , a lawful calling to be pope . he sends his legats to the king of france . he brings forth blinded pope constantine to answer for his crime , who falling flat on the earth , he lamenteth his sin as more than the sands on the sea-shore , and professeth that the people chose and forced him to be pope , because of their sufferings under paul : but at his next appearance he tells them , that he did no more than many other lay-men did , who invaded bishopricks ; as sergius archbishop of ravenna , stephen bishop of naples , &c. when they heard this , all the priests caused him to be buffeted , and cast him out of the church , and burnt his papers , &c. and the most holy pope stephen cast himself on the earth , with all the priests and people of rome , and with tears lamented their sin , that they had taken the communion from the hands of pope constantine , ( it seems it is a sin to communicate with bishops that are brought in irregularly by secular power without due election , and they are no schismaticks that refuse it . ) and so they all performed their pennance for it , anastas . in ejus vita . § . ccxxxi . on this great occasion pope stephen ( being far unable now to call general councils ) sends to the king of france , to entreat him to send some wise bishops to a council at rome , who sent him about a dozen , who , with some others , agreed against constantine's election , and such other for the time to come ; and damned a synod that constantine had held ; and also passed their judgment for images . § . but here was a great difficulty , ( such as often after happened ) whether constantine's papal acts were valid ; and the council decreed that they should all be void except his baptizings , and his consecrations : and so those priests that he consecrated , when they were after duely chosen , officiated without a new consecration . either he was a real pope , or no pope . if a pope , then by the canons stephen was no pope , and so the succession there failed . if no pope , then , . how come his consecrations to be valid ? . are not presbyter's ordinations better than a lay-mans ? . then the universal church had no head , and so was no church ( with them ) while constantine was pope . § . a like schism fell out at ravenna : the power of the magistrate made one michael , scriniary of the church , ( a lay-man ) archbishop , the people being for one leo , whom they imprisoned . he kept the place above a year ; but by the help of the pope , and the french , the people rose and cast him out , and brought him prisoner to rome , and set up leo. § . christopher and his son sergius were the captains that had wrought this great deliverance to the church : and now they plead with king desiderius for st. peter's rights , as still zealous for the pope . the king is angry with them , and jealous of their power , and seeketh to destroy them , and particularly to set their own pope against them . they get the citizens to stand by them , and the king cometh with an army . the pope seeing which was like to be the stronger side , in great wisdom went out to the king , and after some days conference with him , sendeth to christopher to render himself to the king. the citizens hearing this , forsook christopher and sergius ; gratiosus ( seeing they were deserted by the people through the pope ) went out first to the king and pope , and sergius next , and christopher last . the pope was so kind to them that made him pope , that he made them monks , and put them in sanctuary in st. peter's church to save their lives : but they had adonibezek's justice , and were soon drag'd out thence , and christopher's eyes put out , of which he dyed . but sergius was awhile a monk , and then thrust in the laterane cellar . thus went the matters of the universal monarch at rome . § . a little before the pope's death , sergius was fetcht blind out of the cellar , and kill'd ; the next pope searcht out the authors , and found them to be paulus cubicularius , and the last pope's brother , and other great men ; and he prosecuted some of them to banishment , but the archbishop of ravenna caused paul to be killed . § . it was adrian ( a deacon ) that was then chosen pope ( son to the chief man in rome , ablest to effect it . ) upon these stirs , desiderius desired friendship with the pope ; but he demanding the cities which pepin had given the church ( some of which desiderius , still kept ) and doing the foresaid justice on the friends of desiderius , he came with an army and killed many , and took many cities . the pope urgeth the restitution of all his cities , ( indeed the emperor's ) given him by pepin ; he still denieth ; the pope gets charles of france to come with an army , for fear of whom the longobards flie . the dutchy of spoletum , and other cities , yield themselves to the pope , ( and , as a token of subjection , receive tonsure . ) charles besiegeth desiderius in papia , and forceth his brother carloman's wife and children that fled to the longobards , to yield themselves to him ; while the siege continued charles went to rome , and was gloriously entertained by the pope , and renewed to him pepin's gift of all the exarchate of ravenna , and many dukedoms and cities , ( which were none of his own to give ) and now the pope is a prince indeed . and charles returning to the siege , conquereth papia , taketh king desiderius , and winneth all the longobards kingdom : and thus strength gave right ( according to the atheists opinion now stirring , that [ right is nothing but a power to get and keep . ] pepin and charles make themselves kings , and the pope a prince ; that while they share the emperor's dominions between them , they might be a strength to one another . and desiderius being himself but an usurper , helped by the pope into the throne , no wonder if when interest changed , the same hand take him down . how charles his brother caroloman dyed , and why his wife and sons fled from charles to the longobards , and what became of them , is not well known . § . pope adrian the st thus made a greater prince than any before him , did greater works than they had done , and ob nimium amorem sancti petri , & ex inspiratione divina , built many great and stately buildings , made all places about his palace , baths , &c. fit for splendid pomp and pleasure , and all this from meer self-denial and holiness : many churches also he repalred and adorned , and did many other such good works . § . this great adrian was before but a deacon . i have oft marvelled to read that deacons were so ordinarily then made popes , ( and sometimes lay-men ) when yet the old canons required an orderly rising through the several degrees . it was no wonder that then a deacon at rome was a far higher preferment than a bishop : for a deacon ( and a priest ) might be chosen pope , but a bishop could not : for of old ( when diocesses and parishes were all one ) the canons decreed that no bishop should remove to another church , ( except being consecrated by others , he never consented nor had possession ; ) so that every bishop must live and dye in the place where he was first ordained ; so that rome , const. alex. antioch , &c. and all the great seats chose either deacons , priests , or monks to be their patriarchs and bishops . no wonder then , if as nazianzen saith , orat. . it was the custom to have almost as many clergy-men in every church as people , in regard of the present honour , and the future hopes of preferment . indeed he carried it that had the greatest friends , which was as commonly the deacon , as the priest or archdeacon . by which we may conjecture , whether the worthiest men were made popes : for if they were the worthiest , why were they by former popes never made higher before than deacons ? did not the popes know the worthiest men ? and if a breach of the canons in elections nullifie the regular succession , by this it is evident , that the roman seat hath no such succession . § . by the way the reader must note , that in all the writings of the popish clergy concerning these matters , there are certain terms of art , or interest , which must be understood as followeth , viz. . sanctissimus papa , the most holy pope , signifieth any prosperous bishop of rome , how wicked soever in his life . . rex pientissimus , the most pious king , signifieth a king that took part with the pope , and advanced his opinions and interest . . imperator sceleratissimus , & haereticus nefandus , &c. a most wicked emperor , ( or patriarch , or any other ) and abominable heretick ] signifieth one that was against the pope , his interest or opinion . homo mendaeissimus , a lyar , is one that saith what the papists would not have to be true . if you understand them otherwise , you are deceived ( ordinarily . ) § . about the death of paulus cubicularius , and others , note , that it had long been the way of the church-canons , to contradict god's great law for humane safety , [ he that sheddeth man's blood , by man shall his blood be shed ; ] and on pretence of being ( more ) merciful ( than god ) to entice murderers , adulterers , and all wicked thieves and criminals to make up the church of christ , by decreeing , that instead of being hanged , or beheaded , if they would but be baptized , they should but be kept for a time from the sacrament , or do pennance ; and what villain would not then be a christian ? § . here ariseth a great controversie with sigibert , ( a monk-historian ) and gratian himself , which baronius and binnius take up , viz. the first say , [ that charles being at rome , a council there with pope adrian gave him the power of chusing the pope , and ordering the apostolick seats ; and all bishops and archbishops in all provinces , to receive investiture from him ; and that none should consecrate a bishop unless he were praised and invested by the king ; and that they anathematize all that rebel against this decree , and confiscate their estates if they repent not : but , say baronius and binnius , this is a lye , and devised deceit to flatter the emperor henry a schismatick . and while chroniclers may have the lye given them so easily by dissenters in matters of such publick fact , we are left at great uncertainty in history , others as confidently giving the lye to the papal flatterers , as they do those of their own religion that do not please them . one of the reasons against this decree , is the contrariety of the french constitutions , l. . c. . saying , [ not being ignorant of the sacred canons we consented to the ecclesiastick order , to wit , that bishops be chosen by the election of the clergy and people , according to the statutes of the canons out of their own diocess , without respect of persons or rewards , for the merit of their life , and their gift of wisdom , that by example and word they may every way profit those that are under them . ] . this indeed sheweth how bishops by the canons were to be chosen , even till these days of charles the great ; he was to be taken for no bishop that came not in by the peoples ( as well as the clergies ) election , or consent at least . . but this contradicteth not what sigibert and gratian say ; the emperor might still have a negative voice after all , especially as to a pope : in very deed , the door is safe that hath divers locks . . it belongeth to the clergy and ordainers to judge who shall be [ a bishop or minister of sacred things . ] . it belongeth to the flock to discern whom they will accept for their bishop or pastor . . it belongeth to the magistrate to judge whom he will countenance or tolerate in that office. § . paulus diaconus the historian was secretary to desiderius the longobard king ; charles in anger commanded his hand to be cut off , for doing somewhat for his own king against him ; the courtiers added , that his eyes should be put out ; which made charles consider and say , if we do but cut off his hand , where shall we find such another historian ? § . constantine the emperor now dying , called copronymus ; the papists call us to take notice what a leader we follow that are against the worship of images ; saying that he dyed with the beginnings of hell-fire , convinced of his sin against the virgin mary , and that all his life he loved the smell of dung , and stinking things ; strong arguments for image-worship , as worthy as sigebert's and gratian's , to be suspected as lyes , or of little certainty . § . while leo isaurus and constantine lived , the councils of bishops went with them , and images went down in the eastern empire : constantine dying , his son leo succeeded him , saith binnius , in his heresie , impiety and sacriledge , that is , in his opposition to image-worship , and such like . petavius saith , he first feigned himself a catholick , ( that is , for images ) but after fell off : his sacriledge was , that loving jewels , he took for himself a rich crown , which maurice had devoted to the virgin mary ; whereupon carbuncles arose on him , and he dyed : but had not maurice himself a sadder death ? thus partial historians feign and apply judgments . § . leo's widow , with her son constantine a child , next ruled , and , saith binnius , god by a widow and an orphan child , by a wonder , did tread down the impiety that had been set up , and restored religion , that is , images . and indeed rome's interest and proper way hath been chiefly advanced under women and rebels . and it is no wonder if irene a woman , and her child , were more for images than their predecessors . children use to play with images , and womens fancies are oft not unsuitable to them . i think it as observable a matter , as binnius doth , to note the instruments . § . there are in binnius the titles of at least epistles of pope adrian's recited : the th saith , [ he professeth that the church of rome doth embrace and reverence the whole fourth calcedon council . remember then that the last canon is approved , which declareth the reason of the roman priviledges to be because it was the imperial seat , and therefore that constantine should have the like , and that it was given it by the fathers . most or many of them are thanks to charles for giving st. peter so many great cities and dukedoms , and exhortations to him to continue his bounty . by their ordinary language you would not suspect any selfishness , pride or covetousness in the popes ; it is but for st. peter that they desire all . § . in his epistle to constantine and irene , ( the child and mother ) to entice them to be for images , he tells a fabulous story * of a vision of constantine's sending him to silvester as his guide , to be baptized of him , and to be thereby cured of a leprosie : it was peter and paul that appeared to him ; and he asked silvester whether there were left any images of peter and paul , which he affirmed , and shewed him their pictures ; and the emperor cryed out , these are the men that appeared to me . and part of their message to him was , that he should bring all the world into the subjection of the church of rome . ] was not here a strong argument to a woman and a child to be for the pope and for images , contrary to current history , ( that tells us constantine was baptized at nicomedia a little before his death ; ) and without any credible proof . thus the papal rome was built . when adrian had given away the western empire to charles , yet he thus flattereth a woman and child in the east , as if he had done them no wrong at all . § . paul bishop of const. having sworn against images , and repenting , is said to resign his place , and to tell them that they must have a general council ; and tarasius succeeding him , being for images , got a promise of a council . it seems by their epistles , though they agreed about images , pope adrian and this tarasius accused each other as suspected of simony , see bin. p. . and the epistles . irene knew that tarasius was for her turn , and tarasius knew that irene was for pictures ; and so between them common notice was given abroad before-hand to the bishops , ( that lately had condemned image-worship , and pull'd them down ) that the empress and the patriarch were for restoring images , and would call a council to that end : and this was enough to prepare the majority of the bishops for a sudden change . § . besides a council at wormes , an. . to little purpose , velserus hath published one of that year at dingolvinga in bavaria under duke tassilo , which had divers canons of equity , and some of superstition ; one was , that certain bishops and abbots agreed , that whosoever dyed first , the rest should sing so many psalms , and get thirty masses to be said . and a notable priviledge is granted to all that will but seek liberty or shelter in the church , that both they and their posterity shall be free , unless they bring a debt undischargeable on themselves . § . there is by canisius published an epitome of the old canons ( except the nicene ) as gathered by this adrian , and sent to charles mag. i will recite a few of them , ex clem. c. . let a bishop , or presbyter , or deacon , taken in fornication , perjury , or theft , be deposed , but not excommunicate . c. . that a bishop who obtaineth a church by the secular powers be deposed . can. antioch . . countrey presbyters may not give canonical epistles , but the chorepiscopi , ( by which it is plain , that the chorepiscopi were not presbyters , but ( as petavius on epiphan . arrius hath well proved ) true bishops . c. . that condemned clerks shall never be restored if they go to the emperor . can. laodic . c. . [ that no one pray with hereticks or schismaticks , ] ( which seemeth to oblige us to separate from the roman prelates , who are grievous schismaticks , by imposing things unlawful on the churches , and silencing and persecuting those that obey not their sinful laws . before the can. sardic . he mentioneth the weakness of old osius , that said that they were both in the right , who used the word [ of one substance , ] and [ of the like substance . ] can. sard. . that a bishop that by ambition changeth his seat , shall not have ( so much as ) lay-communion ( no not ) at the end . c. . c. . that no bishop be above three weeks in another city , nor above two weeks from his own church , ( which implieth that each bishop had then his own particular church . ) can. afric . c. . that there be no re-baptizing , re-ordaining , nor translations of bishops . c. . that if a bishop to be ordained be contradicted , ( that is , by any objected unfitness ) he shall not after be ordained as purged only by three bishops , but by many . c. . that diocesses that wants bishops , receive none without the consent of the bishop who hitherto held them , ( so it was ) not proudly ; for if he overhold them , ( that is , hold them under himself alone , when they need more bishops ) affecting to sit over the people , and despising his fellow-bishops , he is not only to be driven from the retained diocesses , but also from his own church : ] ( so that no proud bishops should have power to hinder the churches from having as many bishops as they need . ) c. . that bishops that are of later ordination , presume not to set or prefer themselves before those that were before them . c. . if a bishop , six months after admonition of other bishops , neglect to make catholicks of the people belonging to his seat , any other shall obtain them that shall deliver them from their heresie : ( that is , donatism , or the like ; ) so that if one bishop neglect the souls of his people , and another that is more able and faithful convert them , they may be the flock of him that converted them , without removing their dwelling . c. . that a bishop shall not excommunicate a man on a confession made only to himself : if he do , other bishops shall deny communion to that bishop . § . several german councils are mentioned , ( at wormes , paderborne , daria , in which ( by a new example ) charles mag. is confirmed to force the saxons to profess themselves christians , and to take an oath never to revolt : who yet ( doing it by constraint ) were oft perjured and revolted , till at last their heathen duke witichind became a voluntary christian himself . § . there are more canons against oppressors of the clergy , said to be collected by adrian , of which one is the old one , that no bishop judge the cause of any priest , without the presence of his clergy ; because the bishop's sentence shall be void , if it be not confirmed by the presence of the clergy . another , that no bishop ordain or judge in another's parish , else it shall be void ; for we judge that no one i● bound by the sentence of any other iudge , but his own : ( who then is bound by the pope , or any usurper , who will excommunicate those that are not of his flock ? ) another saith , [ by a general sanction we forbid foreign judgments , because it is unmeet that he should be judged by strangers , who ought to have iudges of the same province , and that are chosen by himself . another , that no bishop presume to judge or condemn any of the clergy , unless the accused person have lawful accusers present , and have place for defending himself by answering to the charge . another , for nullifying such bishops judgments as are done without due tryal , by tyrannical power , and not by canonical authority . another saith , constitutions that are contrary to the canons , and to the decrees of the bishops of rome , or to good manners , are of no moment : ( which nulleth even many of the bishops of rome also , as against good manners . ) another notable canon is , [ delatori aut lingua capuletur , aut convicto caput amputetur : delatores autem sunt qui ex invidia produnt alios . ] that is , let a delator's tongue be pull'd out , or if convict , his head cut off : delators are those that through envy betray others ; ( or envious accusers . ) alas ! if our delators , calumniators and informers were thus used now , what abundance would have suffered for wronging some one man ? another canon is , if a man be often in quarrels , and easie ( or forward ) to accuse , let no man receive his accusation without great examination ? ( what then will be thought of the usual accusations of clergy calumniators , that for sects , and worldly interest , can reproach others without shame or measure ? ) another is , that the danger of the iudge is greater than the danger of him that is judged ; therefore all care must be taken to avoid unjust judgment and punishments . another is , [ let no man receive the witness of a lay-man against a clergy-man . ] ( and door-keepers , and clerks , and readers , were then clergy-men : was not this a great priviledge to the church ? ) § . ccxxxii . we come now to the great general council at nice d , called by the papists the th , ( that is , the th which pleased them . ) i have before noted that irene , the widow of leo , now ruled , her son constantine being titular emperor , a child , under her government . one stauratius a senator most swayed her , or ruled her . taurasius the patriarch joined with her for images . they call a council at constantinople . a general council and three emperors ( leo , const. & leo ) had lately condemned images , and taken them down . the pope and many italians had resisted by force . this violence made the emperor use severity against the resisters . at ravenna they killed paulus the th exarchate . in rome they took peter a duke , and put out his eyes . in campania they beheaded exhileratus the duke , and his son adrian , who took the emperor's part . how the emperor hereby lost italy , is before shewed . but this woman irene will do as the pope would have her : she is as much for pictures as the pope himself . she calling this council at constantinople , the old soldiers bred up under the former emperors being against images , ( haeresin medullitus imbiberant , saith binnius , p. . ) would not endure them in constantinople , but routed them . at which the empress being troubled , dismissed the bishops till they had purged the army of those old soldiers , and then she called the bishops to nice ; and there ( they knowing their errand before-hand ) damned themselves and their brethren that had held the former universal synod , and set up images again . § . by the way , i appeal from pride and ignorance , to christian sobriety and reason , how the taking down of images can ( in the roman sense ) be called an heresie , unless it be an article of faith , that images must or may be used . and can any man that ever read and believed the scriptures , and the writings of the first four hundred years , believe that having or worshiping of images , or saints by images , is an article of faith , or necessary to salvation ? the best of them that any man can plead with modesty is , that they are indifferent , or lawful , and useful to some persons . the papists tell us now that they would not compel us to bow toward images , but leave it to our liberty . must it be heresie , and the christian world cast into distractions about it , when yet this image-worship is idolatry in the sense of one part of christians , and but indifferent and convenient to the ignorant ( that have other helps enow ) in the sense of others ? o what a plague hath it been to the world , to have a worldly clergy invade the churches ! § . at the meeting of this council we have first the call and title , in which , . the emperor and his mother are called the governors of the whole world , ( orbis terrarum . ) and yet our papists ( as w. iohnson in his novelty represt , &c. ) would make men believe that if they find but such a saying of a council , or of the church , it must needs signifie more than the empire , even all the earth indeed . . it 's expresly said over and over , that this council was called by the emperor , and by their decree and command . tharasius beginneth with telling them the need of reformation ( for images , ) and reporting how they were assaulted at constantinople , when they met there , ( and so removed to nice , ) &c. § . next the letters of the empress and her son are read , in which they are before made know what they must do . they are told what paul const. on his death-bed said for images , and that tarasius would not take the patriarchate till he had promise of a council to restore them , and some hopes of it . the emperor here saith , that [ he called and congregated the synod , and that ex universo terrarum orbe , out of the whole earthly world ; ] and yet it was only out of the roman empire . § . when the bishops business was so well made known by the woman that called them , first three bishops that had been lately forward speakers against images in the former general council under constantine , did humbly confess their sin to the council , and asked forgiveness ; that is , basil. ancyrae , theodorus myron , and theodosius amorii . and first basil bishop of ancyra gave them his creed , in which he professed to believe in the trinity , and to embrace the intercession of the mother of god , and of the heavenly powers , and of all the saints , and with all honour to receive and embrace their holy reliques , firmly believing that he may be made partaker of their holiness : also that he embraceth the venerable images , which * the oeconomy of our lord iesus christ , &c. and of the inviolate virgin our lady the mother of god , and of the holy apostles , prophets , martyrs , and all saints ; and giveth them due honour : rejecting and cursing with all his mind that called the th synod (*) , that was gathered by a depraved mind and madness — a false council , as alien to all piety and religion , impiously barking against ecclesiastical legislation — reproaching venerable images , and commanding them to be taken out of the churches , &c. and to shew his zeal , and lead others the way , he delivereth in nine curses or anathemas . one against those that demolish images . another against those that expound the scripture words against idols and gentile images , as against christians images . next he execrateth all that embrace not images , so it is now become necessary unto salvation . ) another curse is against those that favour them that are against images , &c. ( was not the church ill used by her bishops , when they are sure to be cursed by them ; one year cursing all that be for images , and another cursing all that be not for them ? was it such a cursing clergy , to make a cursed church , that christ ordained ? ) and that the council might not suspect that this bishop was a temporizer , and changed his opinion with the times , first he professeth to declare all this , [ with his whole soul , heart and mind ; ] and next he wisheth , [ that if ever by any means he revolt again from images , he may be alienated from god the father , son and holy ghost , and the catholick church . ] and thus he renounceth repentance , cursing himself if ever he repent . § . tharasius and his synod glorifie god for this excellent confession : and next cometh theodore bishop of myros , and he doth the like , and is joyfully received : and next cometh theodosius bishop of amorium , and he more dolefully lamenteth , that [ being a sinner , and seduced , he had blattered out many evils untruly against venerable images ; and therefore confessing his fault , he condemneth and curseth ( or detesteth ) himself , resolving hereafter to do the same thing which he had cursed ( or spoken ill of ) and to teach it to the world , and begging to be received among christians , though unworthy . next he offereth his libel , viz. first i approve , receive , salute and venerate before all things , the intemerate image of our lord iesus christ our true god , and the blessed mother virgins , who brought him forth without seed * ; whose help , protection and intercession i pray for night and day , that she may help me a sinner , as having that power from him whom she brought into the world , christ our god. and i receive and venerate the images of saints , apostles , prophets , martyrs , fathers , eremites , not as gods , &c. and with all my mind i beseech them to intercede with god for me , that i may find mercy in the day of judgment . on the same account i venerate the reliques of saints , &c. so he proceedeth also to his curses , and first he anathematizeth all that venerate not images : then he curseth those that reproach them : and next , that speak evil of them : and next he curseth those that do not from their hearts teach christian people the veneration of holy and honourable images of all saints , which from the beginning pleased god. qu. . where shall we have painters enow ? . where shall we have money to pay them ? . where shall we find room to hold them ? . is not here a new article of faith , and a new commandment necessary to salvation ? . was not their church universal , as it stood before all or most here cursed ? . was it not a hard matter to be saved , or be a conformist on these terms , when a man that did but doubt of images , yea , that did not teach them to the people , and that from his heart , must be cursed ? . was not such a cursing sort of bishops a great curse , shame and calamity to the church ? did they not tempt infidels to curse or deride them all , while they thus cursed one another , even their councils ? tharasius joyfully received all this , and constantine bishop of constance in cyprus said , that this libel of theodosius drew many tears from him , ( i suppose of joy ; ) and now they all saw the way . § . but now cometh a crowd more to do their pennance ; hypatius bishop of nice , leo rhodi , gregory of pisidia , gregory of pessinunt , leo of iconium , nicolas of hierapolis , leo of carpathium . and now tarasius was sure of them , he groweth more upon them , and will know of them , whence it was that in the last council they did what they did against images ? whether it was through meer ignorance , or by any reason that drew them to it : if through ignorance , he bids them give a reason how they came to be so ignorant : if upon any reason , to tell what that reason was , that it might be refuted . leo , bishop of rhode , answered , [ we have sinned before god , and before the church , and before this holy synod ; ignorance made us fall from the truth , and we have nothing to say in our own defence . ] tharasius would know what reason now moveth and changeth them ; some say , because it is the doctrine or faith of the apostles and fathers . another alledgeth a saying as of the antioch council , and another as of isidore pelus ▪ which the learned reader examining , may see what proof it was that images were brought into churches by ; it 's worth the noting . but another alledgeth the apostles and prophets tradition : but what 's the proof ? and did not the council at constant , nor the bishops in the reign of the three former emperors know what tradition was ? was it unknown till now ? how came it now known then ? or who told it this council , when the last knew it not ? or if the last were false knaves , how shall we be sure that these were honest men ? or that the same men were suddenly become wise and honest ? tharasius asketh one of the bishops ( leo ) how it came to pass that he that had been ten or eight years a bishop , never knew the apostolical tradition for images till just now ? he answered , because through many ages , ( or times ) malice endured , and so wicked doctrine endured ; and when this persevered for our sins , it compelled us to go out of the way of truth ; but there is hope with god of our salvation . but constantine cypr. answereth him , you that are bishops , and teachers of others , should not have had need to be taught your selves . leo replied , if there were no expression of sin in the law , there would be no need of grace . another ( hypatius ) replied with the rest , we received ill doctrine from ill masters . yea , but saith tarasius , the church ought not to receive priests from ill teachers . hypatius , bishop of nice , replieth , [ custom hath so obtained . ] § . hereupon the synod desired to be informed on what terms hereticks were to be received , when they returned : so the canons were brought and read . and though many canons and fathers have said , that no repentance for some crimes must restore a man to the priesthood , though it must to the church ; and there is an epistle of tarasius put by crabbe before this council , in which he determineth that a simoniack may be received upon repentance to communion , but not to his office ; yet tarasius here being desirous of their return , ( knowing that these penitents that renounced the errors of their education , and former practice , would draw others to conformity with them ) did resolutely answer all that was objected against their reception . § . here ( in crab. p. . ) a question fell in ( upon their reading the proofs , that repenting hereticks were by the church to be restored to their bishopricks and priesthood , ) what hereticks those were ? and it was answered , that they were novatians , encratists , and arrians , and manichees , marcionists , and eutychians . and then one asketh , whether this heresie ( against images ) was greater or less than all those ? and tharasius answereth , ( like a stoick ) [ evil is always the same and equal , especially in matters ecclesiastical , in the decrees of which both great and small , to err is the same thing ; for in both god's law is violated . ] ( o learned patriarch , worthy to be the setter up of church-images ! ) a venerable monk that was vicar of the oriental patriarch , answereth , [ that this heresie is worse than all heresies , and the worst of all evils , as that which subverteth the oeconomy of our saviour . ] note , reader , how the patriarchal thrones did govern the church and this council , and by what reasons images and saints intercessions were set up . arrianism , manicheism , marcionism , no heresie that denied the essentials of christianity , no evil was so bad with them as to deny church-images , &c. and so the late general council , and bishops , for three emperors reigns , had been under the worst of heresies and evils , worse than arrianism itself . § . but here constantine the notary of the const. patriarchate , happily brought in so pertinent a testimony , as much made for the pardon of the penitent bishops : he read out of the council of calcedon , how the oriental and other bishops that had lately set up eutyches and dioscorus in the d ephesian council , cryed at calcedon , [ we have all sinned , we all ask forgiveness . ] and how thalassius , eusebius and eustathius cryed , [ we have all erred , we all ask forgiveness . ] and after them iuvenal , and after him the illyrican bishops cryed , [ we have all lapsed , we all ask pardon . ] and so the president was undeniable and effectual . these were not the first bishops that went one way in one council under one prince , and cryed peccavimus for it , as heresie , in the next . § . but sabas the monk starts yet a greater doubt than this , and that is , whether they had true ordination , and so were true bishops . for seeing they were bred in the times of heresie , which had prevailed under so many emperors , and had heretical teachers , it 's like they had heretick ordainers , seeing the late council shewed what the bishops then were . and the fact was confest , that they were ordained by bishops that were hereticks , ( that is , against church-images , and praying to saints for their intercession , and using reliques . ) the bishop of rome's vicars pleaded hard against their ordination ; but tarasius knew what a breach it would make in the church if a general council , and all the bishops that were at it , and all the rest that consented to it , and were bred up in that opinion , should be degraded , and the new conformity receive so great a stop ; and what confusion it would make among the people , ( as they had seen in many former instances ) and therefore he is against their deposition . and first there are two passages read in their favour out of ruffinus and socrates , and somewhat of athanasius . and then when peter vic. rom. alledged the instance of meletius against it , tarasius brought a notable expeditious argument , viz. the fathers agree among themselves , and do not contradict one another : ergo the rest consent to these that have been cited . methinks i could make great use of this argumentation to save time , labour and difficulty in disputing . e. g. nazianzen wisht there were no difference of bishops seats ( one above another ) and said that he never saw councils that did not more harm than good . the fathers differed not among themselves ; ergo the rest of the fathers were of gregory's mind . in conclusion , they offered their confessions , and were absolved . § . in the d action , the rulers send in the bishop of neo-caesarea to do his pennance ; and he also cryeth for mercy , and confesseth that his errors and sins were infinite , but now he believed as the synod doth . tharasius asketh him whether he be not ashamed to have been ignorant so long , and questioneth the sincerity of his repentance , which he earnestly professeth , condemning his sin , and promising conformity . next a long epistle of adrian's to the emperor and empress , and another to tharasius for images are read : for popes use not to travel to general councils , but to send their letters and legates , lest in their present disputes they be found no wiser than other men , and their infallibility be proved less at hand , than at a distance , where they hear not the debates . here adrian to the empress relateth the foresaid vision of constantine mag. to be healed of his leprosie , a fable fit to introduce image-worship ; and for an infallible pope to use , fully confuted ( as aforesaid ) by henry fowlis ( after many others ) of popish treasons . § . tharasius professeth his consent to adrian's letters , yet professeth , [ that he giveth the worship called latria to god alone , and placeth his belief in him alone . ] contrary to aquinas and his followers , and other such roman doctors . and the whole council ecchoed their consent , and voted for images ; so much can one woman do in power . § . in the d action , gregory bishop of neo-caesarea is to receive his absolution fully , and tharasius puts in an objection , that it 's said that some bishops in the late persecution did scourge dissenting bishops , and such were not to be received : but gregory protested that he scourged none . but he is accused by others , to have been a leader of the last council against images , and so he is deferred . and the epistle of tharasius to the eastern patriarchs is read , ( and their answers ; ) in which it is to be noted , that yet image-worship was not owned : for he professeth in his creed to them , that [ we admit pictures for no other use , but that they may the more perfectly be exhibited to the sight and eyes ; as the lamb of god that taketh away the sins of the world , &c. ] and the th action containing all their proofs from scripture and fathers , plead but for the memorative and instructing use of images , by which they are to the eye , what words are to the ear : but they should have considered the danger of abuse , and foreseen how much further they were like to be carried , as with the papists they are . and in the fifth action they proceed in reading more , to the same purpose , for commemorative images ; till one read the itinerary of the apostles , which they voted to be a cursed book , and said it was that book that the synod against images made use of : whereupon greg. neo-caes . & theodos. amorii , are asked whether that book was read in the false synod , and they sware by god , that it was not , but only some recited words as out of it . pretorius a nobleman said , [ but they did all by the royal procuration . ] and they proceed to refell the testimonies that were brought against images . cosmas cubicularius brought out an old testament with scholia blotted out , where was yet legible on the second commandment , [ if we make the image of christ , truly we do not for the similitude adore it , but that the mind might be raised upward by what is seen . ] the expunction was said by tarasius to be done by his predecessors , anastasius , constantine , victor , all hereticks . and here they cursed concealers and cancellers of writings . ( wo then to rome ! ) other rased books were read , and curses added against the adversaries of images , and those that communicate with them . § . in the th action , the words of the th council against images are brought forth in a book with a confutation of them , which the reader that hath leisure may compare . greg. neo-caesar . read the councils words . ioan. cancellarius read the confutation . it fell out well that this confutation was undertaken , or else we had lost the decrees of this council ; as the acts , for ought i know , are buried . in general every sober reader may perceive a great deal of difference between the style of the council of constantinople , and the answer . the council speaks with as much temper and gravity , as most of the best councils have done . the answer aboundeth with such railings and reviling words , as are meeter for a common scold , than for divines . the common language of it , is to call the bishops of the council , blinded , ignorant , fools , wicked , deceivers , blasphemers , and such like . and if all the bishops on earth be present , or represented in a general council , what a case then was the church in ? and how shall we know what council is to be believed , unless the pope make all the difference ? § . the number of the bishops were * . they first shew how satan hath brought in idolatry . one of their chief arguments against images of christ , is , that they savor of nestorianism , representing christ by his meer manhood , when they cannot paint his godhead ; calling that picture christ , and overthrowing the oeconomy and union of his person . i meddle not with the weight of their reason , but only recite it . § ▪ it 's again worth the noting , that the answer to them saith , ( for their charging images , as drawing down the mind to creature-worship ; latria ) [ o insanien'em linguam , quam instar machaerae acutae & veneno imbutae possident , &c. o mad tongue , which they possess like a sharp sword , imbued with poyson , &c. for no christian ever gave latriam to the image of those that are under heaven ; for this is the fable of the gentiles , and devils invention , and the aggression of satanical action . ] — [ our latria is in spirit and truth . ] other passages forbid us to think that they juggle here , and denying latriam only to creatures under heaven , intend to give it to creatures in heaven ; for they appropriate it elsewhere to god : by which they greatly differ from aquinas and such papists . § . note also that ( whether well or ill ) both these adverse councils curse pope honorius as an heretick ; see crab. p. , &c. § . another argument which the first th council ( at const. ) useth against images in churches , is , that christ himself hath chosen and instituted such an image as he would be represented by , and that is the bread and wine in the sacrament , and therefore we must not presume to make another , as if he had not done it well . this sheweth that this general council and the church then held that the bread was not nullified , nor become christ's essence , but was the image or representation of his broken body , and so called , the body of christ , as we say of caesar's image , this is caesar. but the adverse council , or the answer , raileth at this as an abominable speech , ( crab. p. . ) as if the sacrament might not be called , the image of christ , ( though de re they seem not at all to differ ) saith the constantine council , [ imaginem totam electam , viz. substantiam panis mandavit appon● , ne scilic●t , humanâ effigie figurata , idolatria induceretur . ] a deo tradita imago carnis ejus panis scilicet divinus impletus est spiritu sancto , cum poculo quoque sanguinis lateris illius vivificantis . haec igitur vera incarnatae dispensatienis christi dei nostri imago sicut praedictum est , quam ipse nobis verus naturae vividus creator propriâ voce tradidit . § . note also ( crab. p. . ) that the constantin . council plead , that this use of images began neither by the tradition of christ , nor of the apostles , nor of the fathers : and that the answer saith , that [ the veneration of images was delivered with many other things without scripture , from the apostles time , &c. here note . how those papists ( in particular which i have elsewhere answered ) are confuted , who say that [ tradition is universal , sure , known , constant , and no churches pleaded traditions against each other , at least in necessary things or faith ; but if we have not the right now , it must be because the councils went all to bed in one mind , and rose in another . ] you see here that the d nieene council took the doctrine of the former to be anathematized heresie ; and that bishops in one of the councils , ( and the most under many emperors ) and bishops in the other council , pleaded tradition against each other . but sure any man that hath read the fathers of the first or years , will easily see which of them was in the right , excepting the sign of the cross. . note also that it is here confessed , that there is no scriptural tradition of this use of images . § . in the definitions of the constantine council it is to be noted , . that they are not so much against the intercession of the virgin mary , or saints , as the protestants mostly are , nor as the papists make them : for ( crab. p. . ) they say defin. . [ if any confess not holy mary ever a virgin , properly and truly the parent of god , and superior to every creature visible and invisible (*) , and doth not with a sincere faith crave her intercessions , as having this liberty with him that is born of her , god , let him be anathema . and defin. . [ if any confess not that all who from the beginning to this day , before the law , and under the law , and in the grace given of god , being saints are venerable in the presence of god in soul and body (*) , and doth not seek their intercessions , as having liberty with god to intercede for the world according to ecclesiastical tradition , let him be anathema . ] were not these men high enough in creature-worship , to escape the curse of hereticks ? . i noted before how they do defin. . conclude , that christ's body glorified is not proper flesh , and yet not incorporeal , but his true body . § . that you may see that this council were of one mind , in the conclusion they all say , omnes se credimus ; omnes idem sapimus ; omnes approbando probando volentes subscripsimus , &c. we all thus believe , ( against images ; ) we are all of one mind ; we all subscribe willingly , as approving , &c. only germanus , george , and manzurus , ( supposed to be damascene ) are found among the anathematized dissenters , crab. p. . § . the th action of the nicene synod , containeth their definition , in which they deny indeed latria to images , but yet say ( more than before ) [ that they that see the pictures , may come to the memory and desire of the prototypes ; as by the sight of the cross , and by the holy gospels , and holy oblations . — for the honour of the image resulteth to the prototype , and he that adoreth the image , in it adoreth the described argument . ] so that they that began lower , in the conclusion came up to adoration . they all profess full consent , and curse all that bring scripture against images , and that call them idols , &c. they curse the last council , as rugiens conciliabulum ; and three dissenting bishops , and three former patriarchs of const. two more bishops they add . they curse all that receive not images , and all that salute them not in the name of the lord and his saints , and that care not for unwritten tradition of the church . next they write an epistle to the empress , ( and her child ) applauding them , and adding , that [ denying latria to them , they judge them to be adored and saluted , and pronounced every one anathematized that is so minded , as to stick at and doubt of the adoration of images , and this as empowred by god's spirit so to curse them ; which anathema ( say they ) is nothing else but separating them from christ. judge now what the use of such councils was , [ to curse men , and separate them from christ , ] and that if they do but doubt of adoring images . reader , if thou believe that in these heretications , separations and damnations of such , they were of christ's mind , and did his work , and served not his enemy against him and his church , i am not of thy mind , nor am ever like to be . another epistle they wrote to the people , and one tharasius sent to adrian . § . some canons of theirs are added , of which this is the third . [ every election of a bishop , priest , or deacon , which is made by magistrates , shall remain void , by the canon which saith , if any bishop use the secular magistrates , to obtain by them a church , let him be deposed and separated , and all that communicate with him * the th canon is , [ paul saith , i have desired no mans silver or gold , &c. if therefore any one exacting money , or any other thing , or for any affection of his own , shall be found to drive from his ministry , or to segregate any one of his clergy , or to shut the venerable temple , forbidding in it the divine ministeries , shewing his madness even on that which hath no sense * , such an one is truly sensless , and shall be obnoxious to the lex talionis , and his work shall fall upon his own head , as being a transgressor of god's law : for the chief apostle peter commanded , feed the flock of god , overseeing it , not by force , but freely and voluntarily , according to god ; not for filthy lucre sake , but readily and chearfully ; not as having a dominion ●ver the clergy , but as being examples to the flock . the th canon forbids one man to have two churches . the d canon forbids canting , and minstrels , and ribald songs at meat : but the th savors of their superstition , forbidding any temple to be consecrated without reliques , and ordering temples that have no reliques to be put down . § . in the letter to adrian , tharasius tells him , that he had a year before attempted the like at const. but was hindered a whole year by violent men ; which further sheweth how far the opposition to images had obtained , when irene began to set them up . § . so much of the d nicene council , in which by the power of one woman , and stauratius a senator that ruled her , the judgment of the universal church ( if the council , or most of the bishops in the empire signifie it ) was suddenly changed from what it had been during the reign of the three last emperors , and made that church-use of images ( which some thought sinful , and no judicious christian could judge necessary , but indifferent , and of use to some ) to be henceforth so necessary , that the denyers are sentenced for cursed hereticks , yea the doubters cut off from christ. § . ccxxxiii . binnius next addeth a council at forojulium , an. . held by paulinus bishop of aquileia : in which is a speech of his to the bishops , and an excellent creed , and canons , written as by himself ; all in a far more understanding , sober , pious manner , than is usual among the patriarchs at general councils . the th canon is an excellent precept for the holy observation of the lord's-day , wholly in holiness , and in hymns of praise to the holy ghost , that blessed it by his admirable advent , calling it god's sabbath of delight , beginning the th day evening , not for the honour of the th day , but of this sabbath , &c. § . yet rash and unskilful words set the bishops into more divisions . faelix urgelitanus , and from him elipandus bishop of toletum , taught that christ as the eternal word was god's natural son , but that as man he was his adopted son. hence his adversaries gathered that he was a nestorian , and held two sons . a council an. . at ratisbonne was called to condemn this heresie . yea , ionas bishop of orleance saith , that it infected spain for a great part , ( and he knew their followers to be certain antichrists , by their faces and habits . ) but wise men think that the controversie was not de re , but de nomine ; and that if one christ be said to be one son of god in two natures , by a twofold fundamentum of the relation of a son , and that the foundation of the eternal relation was the eternal generation , and the foundation of the temporal relation in the humanity , was the temporal generation and union with the deity , yet this proveth not two sons : yea , or if it had been said that two generations being the fundamenta , two relations of sonship result from them . if this be unskilfully and illogically spoken , it will not follow that the speakers held two persons , or made any more division of christs natures than their adversaries did ; but only might think that a double filiation from a double fundamentum , might be found in one person . let this opinion be wrong , i see not how the hereticators could make it a damnable heresie . but it 's pity that faelix had not taken warning by the churches long and sad experience , to avoid such wordy occasions of contention , and not to set again on work either the heretical , or the hereticating evil spirit . § . claudius taurinensis , a great and worthy bishop at this time , did set in against the worship and church-use of images , against whom ionas aurelianensis wrote , whose writings are in the biblioth . patrum by marg. de la bigne ; read them , and judge as you see cause . § . . about the time of the frankford council , came out a book-against images , which is published as written by carolus magnus himself . a great controversie it is , who is the author ? no small number say , it was charles his own indeed . others , that it was written at his will and command . but binnius and some others deny it , and say it was written by serenus massiliensis an iconoclast , and his disciples . how we shall know the truth in such cases , i cannot tell : but it is confessed that spain and france were then much infected with the doctrine which is against church-images . it is certain that pope adrian saith , that carolus mag. sent him such a book by engilbert an abbot , and his epistle against it is extant . § . . ccxxxiv . we come now to a great council at frankford , called by charles mag. present , and by adrian . and as late as it is , all the historians cannot tell us whether it was universal , or what they did . some say it was a general council , because charles summon'd it as such , and bishops were there . others say no , it was but provincial , because none of the bishops of the east were there , ( a sufficient reason ; and the like may be brought to prove , that there never was a general council in the world ▪ so called from the whole world , but only from the whole empire . ) that they dealt with the case of elipandus bishop of toletum , and faelix urgel . is agreed on , but what they did about images is not agreed on . ado ; rhegino , aimonius urspurg . and many historians say , they condemned the nicene council that was for images . even baronius is of the same mind , thinking the liber carolinus deceived them . he proveth this to be the common judgment of historians , and ancient writers . bellarmine * ( his brother ) is of the same judgment . and is not their concession more than twenty later mens denial ? yea genebrard concurreth ; yet binnius leaveth his master baronius , and giveth his reasons against them . and he doth well prove , that it could not be by ignorance and surprize , that the frankford council should condemn the nicene ; and he is loth to think that they were wilful hereticks , especially when they profess to follow tradition : but he knew that the th constantin . council against images , profest to follow tradition . and if french men will make us hereticks for speaking english , it is no wonder if we make them hereticks for speaking french. if men will hereticate others for images , or ceremonies , or words , others will measure the like to them . this kind of hereticating is circular , and hath no end . suarez will have either the historians to have erred , or their books to be corrupted ; with what measure you mete , it shall be measured to you . you shall then give us leave to suspect your books , where there is far greater cause . § . but the synod , or paulinus aquileiensis , a learned worthy bishop in the synod , ( whom the rest follow ) copiously write a confutation of elipandus and faelix . and the charges of heresie are , . that they call christ as to his humanity , god's adopted son , ( and his eternal person his natural son. ) . because they say he was adopted by grace . . because they say he was a servant . alas for the church , that must thus by bishops be distracted for want of skill in words ! is there no remedy ? binnius confesseth that some papists think that they meant right , as durandus did , and that the difference was but in words . the council supposeth elipandus and faelix to use the word [ adoption ] exclusively , as to christ's filiation by generation , as conceived by the holy ghost : whereas it is far likelier that they took both conjunct to be the fundamentum filiationis . god adopting , that is , of his good will freely creating christ's humane nature , and uniting it to the divine ; called adoption , because it was god's free act of love , and not a communication of his essence , as the eternal generation is . the humanity is not god's essence . and i hope the name of [ the son of man ] used so oft by christ of himself , is no heresie . and there appeareth no reason to censure them as denying either the eternal or temporal generation of christ. but they argue against them , . that he is said to be adopted , that is , not generated . . and that he merited it not , but was adopted of meer grace , but so was not christ. answ. . these objections seem to confess that the difference was but denomine ; and is the unapt use of such a word , an heresie ? how many heresies then have most councils , and fathers , and all authors ? . must we needs understand god's adoption , just in the measure as mans ? . we are regenerate , and yet adopted . why then is it a heresie , to say , that christ was generated , and yet adopted ? . grace is either that which is against the merit of evil , or only without the merit of good . it 's doubtless that the first was not by them imputed to christ : and it 's undoubted to me , that it is consequentially blasphemy , to say that christ's humane nature , or any angel had not the later . for the very being , and therewith all the good in the constitution and antecedent benefits of a creature must go before his merits . merit is too low a word for the divine nature as such before the incarnation . and the humane nature did not merit to be before it was , e. g. to be conceived by the holy ghost , &c. as free benefits are called grace , christ's humane nature had grace . but they object , that the two bishops did not distinguish between christ's adoption , and ours . ans. . we have not their writings to see that . . if they did not , it 's like it was , because they thought it needless , being understood by all . they believed the creed , that christ was conceived by the holy ghost , and born of the virgin mary ; and that the godhead assumed the humanity into personal union . they knew that none dreamed that it was so with us . the council saith , that it's heresie to use the name adoption of christ. the two bishops seemed to think , that god's free assuming of the humanity into personal unity with the word eternally generated by the father , might be called adoption . if the improper use of the word be heresie , i leave it to the reader to judge which were the hereticks : but i think neither . but another part of the heresie was , to say that christ was a servant as man. and they think he was no servant , because a son. some will think confidently that the council were here hereticks , but i think they did but strive about words . by [ servant ] the council seemeth to mean exclusively , [ one that is no son. ] but the other meant inclusively , [ a son and servant . ] they take him for a servant , that oweth service and obedience . and christ as man owed obedience to his father on two accounts ; . as a reasonable creature to his maker . . as one that had by voluntary sponsion undertaken it . i might add , . as the special law of mediation was imposed on him , or given him , as man , by which it was made his special duty to die for man , &c. he saith when he cometh into the world , here i am to do thy will , o god ; yea , thy law is in my heart . did he not take upon him the form of a servant ? phil. . . which was not a shew of that which is not , but of that which is . is he not called god's righteous servant justifying many , isa. . . doth not god oft call him , my servant , isa. . . & . . zech. . . the council seemed to think that the bishops thought that christ was born a servant , and not a son , and was adopted a son only after for his merits : but there is no shew of reason to impute this to them that professed to believe the creeds and scripture , and said no such words . they seemed to intend nothing but to distinguish the natural eternal generation of the second person in the trinity , from the temporal generation of the man christ iesus , which was an act of free beneficence . but they concluded that they were nestorians , because they intimated two sons , by saying that he was eternally begotten , and yet adopted a son. ans. . it is not unlike that nestorius himself for want of more skill in speaking , was used as they were . . why should that be imputed to them which they deny ? they are told that as nestorius craftily denied two persons , and yet inferred two , so do they . but is not this a vindication of nestorius by a council ? ( who knoweth what a man holdeth , better than himself ? ) obj. but by consequence heresie will follow . ans. if all are hereticks that hold any error which such a greater error would follow from as is called heresie , i doubt not but every council and bishop , and christian were hereticks ; the saying of some great divines being true , that truths of faith and morality are so connext , that he that holdeth the least error therein , doth by consequence subvert the foundation . you may say that every man that tells a lye , or committeth any known sin , is an atheist , and that if he believed that there is a god , he would know that he must not sin against him ; he that sins before his face , denieth his omniscience , and 〈◊〉 denieth god , &c. at this rate all are atheists and hereticks . . but may not one that saith , [ christ as the second person in trinity was the eternal son of god ; and as man , was by generation in thus made the son of god and man : ] truly mean that it is but one person that in one respect is the eternal son , and in another respect the temporal son ? may he not hold that the personal unity maketh it unmeet to say , there are two sons , because that would imply two persons , which they and nestorius denied ? but , again i say , what if they had said that there might be two filiations , or filial relations in one person , resulting from two foundations , eternal and temporal generation , and if this had been an unapt speech , ( to say ex duobus fundamentis duae orientur relationes ) yet how comes it to be heresie ? § . i write not this , and such like , to justifie the accused ; for i think the council said well , ( ●in . p. . . ) . cur nobis non sufficient quae in sanctorum patrum dictis inveniuntur , & universali catholica sanctionis consuetudine confirmantur . . quare generationem filii dei vel aeternam de patre , vel temporalem de matre quisquam hominum audeat investigare , dicente scripturâ , altiora te ne quaesieris ! o well said ! happy church , if the bishops had held to this : but here you see that they held a double generation , eternal and temporal , and yet but one filiation . i write this , because the hereticating spirit yet reigneth , and by these old weapons fighteth against love and the churches unity , on pretence of orthodoxness ; and to this day the papists reject a great part of christ's church as hereticks , by the countenance of former councils censoriousness , calling christ's members iconoclasts , monothelites , nestorians , eutychians , and many such names , some fetcht from indifferent things , ( or duties ) and some from quarrels about hard words . § . note here that binnius expresly saith , that adhuc nondum est certum qualis in particulari fuerit haeresis faeliciana : it is not yet certain what this faelician heresie was . and if so , i hope i shall not be censured for the same , notwithstanding you may say , the council knew it . § . it 's worth the noting as to the credit of council records , which binnius there saith , ( p. . ) [ if this council as it now is extant , may without temerity be rejected , all councils by the same reason may be rejected which surius hath gathered from the catholick libraries . ] he confesseth that the rest are no surer than this , and yet that baronius , bellarmine , by the generality or number of historians consent , do confess that there was by this council a rejection of the conc. d nicene , which is now here to be found in it . § . the council at frankford determined that christ was not a servant , servitute poenali deo subjectus , subject to god by penal servitude . the present agreement of christians , taketh this for socinianism and heresie : christ suffered for our sins ; his subjection to poverty , reproach , the cross , and many works , ( as fasting , being carried about by satan , and tempted , mat. . . washing his disciples feet , travelling on foot , being subject to his mother , and to princes , paying tribute , &c. ) we suppose were part of his humiliation . the holiness and obedience was good , and no penalty : but the matter of that obedience was the cross and suffering , which is malum naturae . and if this was no punishment ( voluntarily accepted by his sponsion ) how was christ our surety , bearing our transgressions ? how suffered he for our sins ? is not suffering for sin , even of others , penal ? is not the denial of christ's penal service and suffering , a denial of his satisfaction and our redemption ? you see how easie it is to find heresie and infidelity itself in unskilful words ; and yet it 's like the speakers meant better than they spake . § . note that pope adrian first made himself judge , and anathematized elipandus as an heretick , and so the council was byassed ( with the emperor ; ) and how great adrian's power was ( having made charles emperor , and charles made him a prince , ) it is easie to conjecture . § . binnius saith , p. . that faelix , besides his other heresie , impugned images , and that this is said by the concil . senonens . in decret , fid . c. . platina in adrian . sabellic . enead . . li. . alph. de castro verb. imago . and that claud. taurin . being his disciple , and an iconomach , he must needs be so himself : from whence i argue , that it is most probable that the historians say true , that say charles and the council of frankford were against the nicene council and images . for else how could it come to pass , that they say not one word against faelix and elipandus for denying images , when their party was grown so great in spain and france ? § . pope adrian dying , leo the d succeeded . his piety was so great , that anastasius writes , as it were , a volumn , in naming the good works which he did , that is , the silks , vails , cloathing , silver , gold , and innumerable gifts which he bestowed upon posts , pillars , altars , walls , floors , utensils , it would tire one to read them , and the hard names of them ; yea , he said seven masses a day . yet some kinsmen of pope adrian's , paschal primicerius , & campullus sacellarius , & maurus nepesinus , laid crimes to his charge ; and assaulted him , and twice put out his eyes , and cut out his tongue , and put him in a monastery ; yet ( saith the story ) his eyes and tongue were perfectly restored , and he fled to his protector charles into germany ; and charles came to rome , and judged his accusers to banishment , and restored him ; and he crowned charles then emperor of the west , and perfected the donation to him of all that had been the emperor's . charles gave him great presents ; and with his own revenues and that , he laid out so much silver and treasure at rome , and did so many new things in the churches , that if you read but adrian's life , and this leo's , you will be ashamed to disgrace the church of rome with any titles or pretences of the ancient primitive state , but must say , old things are past away , behold all is become new . charles the great , made the pope great . § . some historians say , that the kissing of the pope's foot , was brought in thus by this pope leo : a handsom woman kist his hand , which so inflamed his heart with lust , that he cut off the hand that the woman kist , and ordained that ever after the pope's foot should be kist instead of his hand : but i rather believe with binnius , that this is but a fiction , because . there is mention before this of kissing the pope's foot. . and i do not think that such a heart would so easily part with a hand . § . to look back to the east ; when irene had kept up images awhile , her son constantine grown up , is weary of her government and stauratius , and deposeth her ; and when he ruled , the bishops mostly were conformable to him : but in his youthful folly and rage , he put out the eyes of his uncle nicephorus , and alexius a captain ; he put away mary his wife , and took one theodota , that better pleased him , in marriage ; one ioseph that married them , was preferred for it . tarasius connived , and durst not gain-say . theodore studita & plato therefore renounce the communion of tarasius . at last , an. . his mother irene , and stauratius , found means to apprehend him , and murder him , that is , put out his eyes , of which he dyed , which some celebrate as a pious act ; it was done by her that set up images . but within one year , nicephorus deposed and banished her into lesbos , where she dyed , and he took the empire to himself . § . binnius , p. . saith , [ that the emperor banished theodore studita , for reproving his marriage , and when he added crime to crime , merito jussu matris quam imperio exuerat , zelo justitiae non regni , oculis , imperio , & vitâ orbatus est . by the command of his mother in her zeal for justice , he was deservedly deprived of his empire , eyes and life . ] what is not just with such historians , that maketh for their interest ? and how contemptible is their censure of good or evil men , which hath no better measures ? § . he tells us also , ( p. . ) that the spanish and french bishops at these times , of their own heads , without the pope , added [ filioque ] to the creed , which hath to this day made so great a stir . it seems they thought that the pope's authority was not necessary to it . § . he adds , that charles the great being dead , the people grew bold , and rose up again against the pope ; which occasioned rapines , flames , and murders , that ludovicus the new emperor was fain to take his fathers office , and come to rome to save the pope , and suppress the rebels . § . the venetian duke killing a patriarch , iohan. gradensis , paulus patriarch of aquileia called a synod to crave aid of charles . § . ccxxxv . an. . a council was held at constantinople , in the cause of the foresaid ioseph that had married the emperor to his second wife , who had been ejected by tarasius from his bishoprick , and the emperor calling a council , they restored him ; wherefore theodorus studita called them a council of hereticks and adulterants , because they restored the causer of the emperor's adultery . but how few emperors have not found councils of bishops ready to do their will ? § . charles the great making his will , divided his empire between his three sons , giving them laws of communion and succession , ( that if one dyed without children , his kingdom be divided between the other two ; but if he have such sons as the people will choose , they succeed their father : ) commanding all three that they be the defenders of the bishop of rome , as he and his father and grandfather had been ( to their commodity . ) § . ccxxxvi . an. . was another council at constantinople , which was gathered to condemn honest theodorus studita , & plato , and such as had been against the restoring of ioseph , of which saith binnius , [ when the bishops there congregate had brought the most holy plato in chains to be judged , and had passed the sentence of anathema on the universal catholick church * that was against their error , they made a most wicked decree , that the marriage of constantine with theodota , ( his wife yet living , thrust into a monastery ) should be said to be lawful by dispensation . they added for the emperor's sake this wicked and shameless sentence , that the laws of god * can do nothing against kings ; and that if any imitate chrysostom , and shed his blood for truth and iustice , he is not to be called a martyr : that bishops have power to dispense with all the canons . ] remember that papists confess all this to be wicked . we have not the acts and speeches of these councils preserved . § . ccxxxvii . an. . a council was held at aquisgrana , about the procession of the holy ghost , and the word [ filioque ] in the creed * . of which they sent some messengers to the pope , who approved the thing , but dissuaded them from adding it to be sung in the creed ; and after inscribed the creed without filioque in latin and greek in two silver tables , to shew that it should not be changed : which yet after it was by the pope's consent . the french annals say , that in this council they treated of the state of the church , and conversation of the clergy , but determined nothing for the greatnesses of the matter . § . ccxxxviii . an. . ( yet under charles the great ) a council was held ( by his command ) at arles , where many very good canons were made for the reformation of the bishops and priests . § . ccxxxix . the same year the same charles had a council at tours , which made as honest articles , as if martin himself had been amongst them ; even against all kind of sin , and for all godly living . among others , the th canon tells us , that the custom of not kneeling in prayer on any lords-day , ( no not at the sacrament ) nor on any week-day between easter and whitsuntide , was yet in force ; on other days they required humble kneeling . § . ccxl . yet another council did charles call the same year at chalons ( cabillonense ) in which he ordered schools for the restoring of learning , ( our alcuin being his persuader greatly esteemed by him ) learning then being almost worn away , ( and ignorance taking place ) till he greatly revived it : no less than canons were here made , most very good ones ; but praying for the souls of the faithful departed , and anointing the sick , are there enjoined . § . among many good canons , the th is against the oath of obedience to the bishop , and to the church . the words translated are these : [ it is reported of some brethren ( bishops ) that they force them , that they are about to ordain , to swear , that they are worthy , and will not do contrary to the canons , and will be obedient to the bishop that ordaineth them , and to the church in which they are ordained ; which oath , because it is very dangerous , we all ordain shall be forbidden . ] § . the th canon saith , [ it is said that in some places the archdeacons exercise a certain domination over the parish-presbyters , and take fees of them ; which is a matter of tyranny , rather than of order of rectitude : for if the bishops must not lord it in the clergy , but be examples to the flocks , much less may these do it . § . the th canon complaining how the old excommunicating and reconciling was grown out of use * , they desired the emperor's help how they should be restored . § . can. . they say , that confession to god and man are both good ; but that confession made to god , purgeth sin ; and that which is made to the priest , teacheth how their sins may be purged . § . the th canon is against them , that by going to holy places , rome , or tours , think to have their sins forgiven . § . ccxli. yet another council the same year , was held under charles m. at mentz in germany to the like purpose , many godly canons being made . § . ccxlii. yet another under charles at rhemes , for instructing and catechising , and many good things , like the former . § . ccxliii . but we have not done with images yet , an. . there was a council called at constantinople , which damned the council of nice . irene having set up images , and murdered the emperor her own son , ( as is aforesaid ) was deposed by nicephorus , who reigned near ten years , with stauratius his son ; he was no friend to the clergies power , and was killed in fight by the bulgarians , and his wounded son reigned a few months . michael curopalates succeeded , a man of great piety and peace , but unfit for war , who being overcome by the bulgarians , he consented to give up the empire to leo armenus , a better and prosperous soldier . this leo the th , was of the mind of the former leo's against images , and his mind being known , the bishops conformed presently , insomuch that in his d year this council called by him , anathematized the bishops that would not renounce the nicene d council ; and when they lay prostrate on the earth , it 's said some trod on some of them , and they turned them at a back-door out of the council : for the patriarch nicephorus , that was for images , was deposed , and theodorus melissenus that was against them put in his place , and led the rest . thus did council against council thunder anathema's , and curse each other by separating them from christ , till few were left uncursed . the rulers of the monasteries also were called in , and those that would not consent against images , were rejected . nicetas & theodorus studita were the champions for images , and were both banished and imprisoned . theodore wrote to the council for images , and tells them that [ to take away the venerable adoration of the images of christ , and of the mother of god , and of all the saints , was to overthrow the oeconomy of christ. ] and he continued in prison to preach and write for images . those councils that pleased not the papists , we have not the acts of , as we have of such as nic. . that pleased them . had we all the speeches and arguments used in this and other councils against images , as largely as those that were for them , we might better see which had the better management . § . ccxliv . the clergy had for many hundred years abrogated god's law , [ he that sheddeth man's blood , by man shall his blood be shed ; ] and had put pennance for the punishment instead of death : but now at last the murdering of one iohn a bishop ( inhonestè & inauditè mordridatus , as they then spake ) they were put to find some harder penalty to save the clergies lives : and so they set great fines of money on the murderers ; and more than so , he that wilfully murdered a bishop must eat no flesh , nor drink any wine as long as he lived . if murder now had no greater a punishment , bishops would scarce be safe any more than others . this was at a council at a village called theorius , or dietenhoven . § . next succeedeth pope stephen at rome ; platina saith stephen the th , anastasius and binnius say stephen the th . platina and others say that he reigned but seven months ; anastasius and others say seven years , and seven months . platina saith he was the son of iulius a roman ; anastasius saith he was the son of marinus * . charles dying , the empire came to his son ludovicus called pius , his brothers dying also . the bishops of italy ( saith platina and others ) stir'd up bernard to rebel against him ; but he was conquered , and put to death : as also were the saxon rebels . paschal first succeeding , stephen is made pope without the emperor's knowledge ; for which he excused himself , as forced by the people that chose him : the emperor pardon'd it , but demanded obedience as to their elections for the time to come . platina in vit . paschal . l. . who saith that paschal was suspected of the rebellion of italy , but disclaimed it ; and that the emperor re-assumed many cities to the empire , to prevent new rebellions . some say that bernard was but blinded : among others banished for treason , were anselm bishop of milan , and theodulfe bishop of aurelia , ( orleance ) so that italy and france joined in the treason . see petav. hist. m●nd . li. . c. . § . ccxlv . ludovicus pius was so careful to reform the bishops and clergy , that he raised their ill will against him , being too pious for them that should have been the teachers of piety ; yea , so slothful did they grow , that though his father and he had done extraordinary works for the promoting of learning and godliness , yet learning in his days grew to such decay , that learned men became the common contempt , and few of them were to be found ; but wealth and iurisdiction were the study , care , and interest of the bishops . yet in his time at aquisgrane , there was a council that wrote , instead of canons , the most excellent treatise for the teaching and government of the teachers and governors of the church , ( besides the regulation of monasteries ) that ever any council did before them : not in their own words , but in the several sermons , and passages of the chief fathers , ( isidore , hierom , gregory , augustine and prosper , ) that had written to the clergy heretofore , which they collected into chapters and canons . but you must know that the excellency of the canons of provincial councils in france and spain , in these ages , did not shew the excellency of the bishops , so much as their pravity and necessity , as the medicine doth the disease . for such canons were ordinarily drawn up by the will of the king , by some one or few choice men , ( such as paulinus aquileiensis in his time , ) to whom the rest consented , because they knew the king would have it so * . § . in these chapters of this council , they cite isidore and hierom at large , proving that it was presbyters that were called bishops in paul's epistles , and acts . and that in those times the church was ruled by the common-council of presbyters , till schism shewed a necessity that one should rule among the rest . they cite isidore ' s words , that [ caeteri apostoli cum petro par consortium honoris acceperunt ] et [ non esse episcopum qui praeese dilexerit , non prodesse . ] and hierom ' s on titus maintaining the foresaid identity , and his [ sciat episcopus & presbyter sibi populum conservum esse non servum : ] and his excellent epistle ad n●potianum : many sermons of augustine ' s describing his collegiate community of the clergy . isidore ' s words , [ plerique sacerdotes suae magis utilitatis causâ quam gregis praeesse desiderant : nec ut prosint , praesules fieri cupiunt , sed magis ut divites fiant & honorentur : suscipiunt sublimitatis culmen , non pro pastorali regimine , sed pro totius regiminis vel honoris ambitione , atque abjecto opere dignitatis , solam nominis appetunt dignitatem . dum mali sacerdotes deo ignorante non fiant , tamen ignorantur à deo — sed hic nescire dei , reprobare est . ] if isidore say true , remember that i wrong not the bishops in saying the same of them . and if this was the case of the most , as he affirmeth , what better than we find could be expected from general councils , where it is carried by the major vote . they cite gregory ' s words , [ nemo amplius nocet in ecclesia , quam qui perversè agens nomen vel ordinem sanctitatis habet : delinquentem namque hunc redarguere nullus praesumit , sed in exemplum culpa vehementer extenditur , quando pro reverentia ordinis peccator honoratur . — melius profecto fuerat ut hunc ad mortem sub exteriori habitu terrena acta constringerent , quam sacra officia in culpa caeteris imitabilem demonstrarent . much more such against ungodly bishops they recite . cap. . they tell us that the canons against kneeling on the lord's days were yet in force , [ quoniam sunt quidam in die dominico genuflectentes , & in diebus pentecostes ; ut omnia in universis locis consonanter observentur , placuit sancto concilio , stantes domino vota dignissima persolvere . in hierom ' s epistle to nepotian which they cite , there are most pungent warnings to priests to take heed of familiarity or abode with women ; yea , even when they are sick . scio ( saith he ) quosdam convaluisse corpore , & animo aegrotare caepisse ; periculose tibi ministrat , cujus vultum frequenter attendis . he requireth clergy-men to avoid fine cloaths , curious hair , pleasing the appetite , and riches . he saith of himself , [ natus in paupere domo , & in tugurio rusticano , qui vix millio & cibario pane rugientem satiare ventrem poteram , nunc similam & mella fastidio . he saith , the mouth , mind , and hand of priests must agree : even a thief may speak against covetousness . — multo melius est è duobus imperfectis rusticitatem habere sanctam , quam eloquentiam peccatricem : multi aedificant parietes & column●s ecclesiae substruunt : marmora nitent , auro splendent laquearia , gemmis altare distinguitur ; & ministrorum christi nulla electio est . portemus crucem christi , & divitias lutum putabimus . — facile contemnitur clericus qui saepius vocatus ad prandium ire non recusat . and his epistle ad oceanum , hath yet more against converse with women . prima tentamenta clericorum sunt faeminarum frequentes accessus — ianua diaboli , via iniquitatis , scorpionis percussio , nocivumque genus est faemina . cum proximat stipula , incendit ignem . — mihi crede non potest toto corde habitare cum domino , qui faeminarum accessibus copulatur . with much more the like . it appeareth by cap. . a sermon of augustines , that it was the custom then for the preacher to sit , and the hearer to stand , [ i will not hold you long , ( saith he ) because while i sit , you are weary by standing . ] augustine sheweth there how little he regarded the appeals of his deposed priests to rome , [ or councils ] interpellet contra me mille concilia , naviget contra me quò voluerit , sit certè ubi potuerit ; adjuvabit me dominus , ut ubi ego episcopus sum , illic clericus esse non possit . § . yet i wonder that the chap. of this council intimateth so strange a proportion of meat and drink to be the daily commons of the canonical monks , i had thought they had lived in greater abstinence . the proportion of alms or commons allowed them was , [ every day four pound of bread , ] ( enough for me for near weeks ; ) and five pounds of wine , ( more than i drunk , i think , in years , in wine ; ) or else where wine was scarce , they had three pounds of wine , and three of beer ; or in great scarcity , one pound of wine , and five of beer . i think our ordinary ministers drink not so much wine in a year , as these did in a day ; i mean such as live in the countrey , and were of my acquaintance . i wonder how any plowman's belly can hold four pound of bread one day , and live , without a present vomit or purge . i have tryed long cornario's and lessius's di●t ( or ounces of panada , and as much beer only in a day , without tasting any other meat , ) and found no incommodity as to health or pleasure ; but should i eat four pound of bread in two days , i do not think i should ever eat more without a vomit . and how can any man drink five pound of any ordinary wine , and not be drunk , or dead ? yea , or three pints either . what man's belly will hold six pounds of wine and water every day , unless it pass as tunbridge waters , without present suffocation , or a dropsie . i would hope that i understand not this chapter in the council , but that these canons had some beggars that were to partake with them , but that i find no encouragement for my charity in the text or history : but verily if it were as it is written , i wonder how these abstemious monks did escape death by their gluttony and drunkenness one week or day without physick ; notwithstanding that the council giveth you notice , cap. . lin . ult . that a pound hath but ounces . § . we must not unthankfully omit what kindness anastasius ( saith pope paschal ) shewed to the english : by negligence their house at rome was burnt , and the pope ran out bare-foot , and where he stood , the fire stopt * ; therefore he stood bare-foot there till morning , that the fire might be fully quenched . but this he did for the love of st. peter , whose church was in danger by the fire . § . the papists here bring forth a constitution out of their own library , by which ludovicus confirmeth to the popes all that ever his ancestors gave them , and addeth so much , that he was then made ( if this be true ) ( as the geographia nubiensis calls him ) the king of rome indeed . and they meerly feign that charles and ludovicus pius made none of these laws of themselves , but by the pope's advice , against plain evidence of history . § . a convention of abbots at aquisgrane , and another of bishops , and a synod at engelheim follow , and one at attiniac , in which they say the emperor penitently lamented his severity against his nephew bernard , and others , with open confession and penitence . and indeed his great endeavors to promote piety , and to reform the clergy ; his frequent councils , ( in which it was he , by the advice of a few chief chosen men , that did their business , and governed all ) with the rest of his life described by the writer of it , and other historians , do shew that he was justly called pius , though wars will cause many actions to be repented of . § . platina saith , that anastasius saith , that ludovicus gave paschal the power of freely chusing bishops , which before was not done without the emperors . ( the peoples consent still supposed . ) § . the pope being dead , two are chosen ( which was the th schism ) but eugenius the d carried it , the emperor sending his son lotharius to settle the peace of the city , jamdudum praesulum quorundam perversitate depravatam , saith the author of the life of ludovicus ; where murders of the chief men had been committed in the schism , and mens goods taken away , and much confusion made . § . in the east ▪ the party , that were against images , prevailed ever since irene the woman that set them up was deposed and dyed ; her son constantine , whom she murdered , being not for them before , nor nicephorus that deposed her after ; but leo armenus that succeeded michael curop . earnest against them , and , as they called it , persecuted the worshippers of images . a prince confessed to be very profitable to the empire ; michael balbus that is supposed the chief of them that murdered him , reigneth in his stead : he set himself earnestly to have healed the church-divisions of the east about images . to that end he sent ambassadors to ludovicus pius into france for his counsel , in the professing his great desire of peace . ludovicus called together some that he most esteemed for learning at paris , ( which some call a council , but were like to be more learned than the majority in councils ) to debate and consider the business . the paris divines in this debate drew up a writing , in which they greatly sinned , saith bellarmine , in that they took on them to reprehend the pope , and a general council ; ( but do not they themselves condemn many general councils ? ) in which , saith bellarmine , they far exceeded the author , who in the name of carolus mag. put forth a book against the worshiping of images . for he ( which also the fathers of the frankford council did ) disallowed ( or rejected ) the d nicene synod , because they thought it had been celebrated without the pope's consent * : but these counsellors of the emperor lewis , confess the council of nice d for the worshiping of images to be called and approved by pope adrian , and yet they did not fear to examine , judge , and reprehend both the synod itself , and the epistle of adrian to constantine for the worship of images , yea , and the defence of that synod sent by adrian to charles m. saying , [ indiscretè noscitur fecisse in eo quod superstitiosè eas adorari jussit . ] so ( saith bellarmine ) they were not ashamed to judge the iudge of themselves , and of the whole world , to feed the pastor of all christ's sheep , and to teach the teacher of all men ; than which temerity , no greater can be imagined . thus far bellarmine . § . here i desire the reader to take notice , . that even then when the pope was advanced to his kingly greatness , yet as the eastern empire was far from obeying him , so even that one prince that set him up , and defended him , with his doctors and counsellors , were far from thinking him infallible , but reproved him , and judged him as superstitious for image-worship , and were not herein ruled by him . . and judge whether most bishops would not have judged accordingly , if they had had but the same countenance from princes , as the bishops in the east and these now had ? . and judge with what face the militant doctors of rome do pretend , that all the world was then subject to the judgment of the pope , and bid us name any churches that rejected it , when east and west so far rejected it as is here confessed , even when they were grown so high , yea and councils as well as popes ? § . hereupon a book was printed an. . called , the council of paris about images , containing , . the emperor michael ' s epistle , ( by which , saith bellarmine , one would judge him one of the best princes that ever was . ) . the paris doctors collection of testimonies , proving , ( in the middle way ) that images should not be broken contemptuously , as some would have them ; nor be worshipped as the general nicene council , and the pope would have them . . an epistle in the pope's name , written , ( saith bellarmine , by the french doctors ) to michael the emperor , shewing , that images are neither to be wronged disgracefully , nor adored . . an epistle of the emperor ludovicus to the pope , desiring him to write to michael to further this peace of the churches . . an epistle of ludovicus to the two bishops whom he sent to rome , [ t direct them how to carry themselves wisely , to get the pope's consent . ] whether this at paris was a council , or only a select convention of men chosen by the emperor , is a controversie of no great moment . i take the latter to be the more honourable sort of assembly , as the world then went ; and should reverence more the judgment of or men , selected by such an extraordinary prince , than of the majority of the bishops of all europe : as i prefer the judgment of those men that by king iames were appointed to translate the bible , before the judgment of the major part of the whole english clergy , of whom perhaps one in ten had a smattering in the hebrew tongue , and one of an hundred understood it , ( at the most . ) § . our modern cheated english papists , that are taught here in england to say that they worship not images , might here see the fraud of their clergy , that fit them a faith to their interests and occasions . we confess that it is but three sorts of images that aquinas saith we should worship with latria ( divine worship : ) but yet the rest are to be worshipped , say their doctor● . why else do they so commonly condemn this book and council of ludovicus pius , that forbiddeth both the breaking and the worshiping of them ? why doth bellarmine purposely revile , and particularly confute this book ? why doth binnius recite all bellarmine's answer in his concil . tom. . p. , & c ? § . bellarmine is very loth that the epistle here said to be written by pope eugenius the d , should be taken to be his , and supposeth that it was but sent to him to be subscribed : by whom ? if by the emperor ludovicus pius , and his council of divines , you may see of what reputation the pope was then in the church . one great argument against it is , that the pope would not so impudently flatter the emperor , as to say , o venerable princes of the world , seeing by god's disposal you govern all the church , &c. and for uniting the church which by god's ordination you govern : what filthier flattery ( saith bellarmine ) could there be ? michael balbus a murderer , &c. is said by the pope to govern the church by god's disposing . what then are bishops for ? ans. and . did not even gregory mag. as much flatter a worse man and murderer , phocas ? and his successors him and many more ? . did not many , if not most of the emperors , heathen and christian , come in by murder , or invasion , and usurpation ? and were men therefore disobliged from obeying them , when they were setled , by submissive implicite consent ? . but the venom of the cardinal jesuite's answer is , that he taketh it to be base flattery , to say that princes are by god's dispose the governors of the church : for then what are the bishops for ? and must the world be ridden and abused by such men , that would turn princes out of all government of the church , and understand not that the government of the same church , may belong to the magistrate and the pastors respectively , ( as the government of an hospital to the king , and to the physician ? ) may not one rule and punish by the sword , and another by the word , by teaching , and the church keys ? is it not one thing to fine , and beat , and banish , and kill a man , and another to sentence him unmeet for church-communion ? marvellous , that god permitteth the world to be deluded by such a blinded or blinding clergy , though as learned as bellarmine , that would make these things seem inconsistent , and separate what god hath conjoined ! see here to what the roman clergy would reduce kings , they must be no governors of the church . and if all the kingdom be christians , are they not all the church ? and so the christening of the subjects deposeth the king , and maketh the chief priest king that christeneth them . if he had said that kings govern churches , but not as churches , but as parts of the kingdom , he had said falsly : for they govern them as churches , though not by the same sort of government as the pastors do ; as they govern not hospitals by the same sort of government , as the physicians . § . in eugenius's epistle it is honestly and truly said , that [ if there had never been a painted or a forged image , neither faith , hope nor love , by which men come to the eternal kingdom , would have perished . ] i am of bellarmine's mind now , that this was none of the pope's epistle , ( but the honest emperor's , and his clergy councils : ) he thought it too bad for a pope , and i think it too good for a pope . he thinks that the pope must be mad , if he would have so condemned his predecessor adrian's acts , as this epistle doth ; and i doubt he was not so honest as to do it . but did not bellarmine know how much more sharp and virulent accusations popes have laid on one another ? § . ccxlvi . so powerful was pius's attempts to reform the clergy , that it drove pope eugenius the d for shame to call a council at rome , ( not from the antipodes , but ) of bishops , ( an. . ) who repeated some old canons , and , among other things , forbad such feasts and plays as our wakes ar● on any holy-days to be used . § . valentine was next chosen pope , ( collectis in unum venerab . episcopis & gloriosis romanorum proceribus , omnique amplae urbis populo in pal. later . saith anastasius ) but he lived but or days , ( historians agree not of it . ) § . gregory the th succeeded , who , saith platina , would not undertake the papal office , till ludovicus the emperor had considered of the choice , and confirmed it : [ which , ( saith platina ) ludovicus did not out of pride , but lest he should lose the rights of the empire , * being by nature gentle and most humane , and had ever upheld the rights of the church . he setled benefices on every priest , that poverty might not hinder them . ] you see here that the great friend of the church yet took that for the right of the empire , that none should be pope against his consent . § . platina , adding how he reformed the clergy , forbidding them gay attire , ornaments , sumptuousness and vanities , saith thereupon , would thou hadst lived in our times , o ludovicus ! for the church wanteth thy holy institutions , and censure , so much hath the ecclesiastical order poured out itself to all luxury and lust. ] so describing their abominable pride and vanity . § . pope gregory added so much to the good works of his predecessors , by mending , building , adorning so many temples , pillars and posts , with stones , vestments , silver , &c. and removing the bones of saints , ( if he mistook not ) that it is no wonder if rome grew into greater pomp and splendor than ever before . § . this godly emperor having three sons by his first wife , and marrying a second , having two sons by her ; the sons of the first wife hated the second wife , thinking her son charles had too much favor . one son ( pepin ) apprehended his father , and the eldest ( lotharius ) came in and approved it , and the d joined with them , and wickedly deposed him from his kingdom : of which anon . § . ludovicus called councils at paris , mentz , lyons , and tholouse , for reformation ; some say upon the warning of a maid that being possessed of the devil , and speaking latine , said that this devil executed judgments on the land for their sins , injustice , &c. ccxlvii. the council at paris wrote a large book for reformation , an. . with the rest of this emperor's constitutions , worthy to be translated for the common good , that all ●ight see the difference between reformers and turbulent hereticks and hereticators , and proud aspiring prelates . the book is a treatise of pious directions . the th chapter , reproving the breach of the lord's day , saith , that [ by sight and by certain relation they have notice , that many working on that day have been killed with thunde●bolts , some punished by sudden convulsions , some by visible fire , their flesh and bones being in a moment consumed and turned into ashes , and many other such terrible judgments . therefore they require that as the iews keep their sabbath , all men much more do spiritually observe this day of the lord. the second book doth notably shew the duty of kings and magistrates . the last chapter requireth those that are far from the church , to meet for prayer in other places , as being acceptable to god. in the th capitul . ( bin. p. . ) the bishops say , [ beati petri vicem indigni gerimus . ] so that the pope is not peter's onely successor ; others represent him , if this council did not mistake . § . ccxlviii . we come now to a council which sheweth you , that the good canons made by the emperor for church-reformation , were far from reforming the generality of the bishops . it is the council at compendium , which too compendiously deposed the godly emperor , ( of whom the world was not worthy . ) calumniators pretended that one bernhard a courtier lay with iudith the emperor's second wife : the sons of his first wife hating her ; pepin , whom his father had made king of italy , on this pretence trayterously raiseth arms against his father . lotharius , the eldest son , too much consenting , persuaded his father to let a meeting without arms , at neomagus , prevent a war. at that meeting the nobles , parentis imperium legitimè prorogabant , saith binnius , p. , and pepin took up arms again . the father conquereth his son , and taketh him prisoner , and might justly have taken away his life , but he was stol'n out of prison in the night . ludovicus depriveth him of his kingdom of italy , and divideth it between his two sons by the second wife , charles and rodolphus . hereupon lotharius the eldest rebelling , knew not how to conquer his godly and prosperous father but by the bishops : them he draweth into his conspiracy , that as binnius himself saith , [ ut quem filii armis imperio deponere non possent , horum saltem nundinariorum antistitum suffragio & judicio , honore ac potestate imperiali privaretur : successit impiis conatus impiissimus . ] the last means of treason was a council of the base mercenary bishops ; a wicked attempt that served these wicked men , and did the feat . ebbo the archbishop of rhemes , ( of a base original ) and enow more such prelates were not wanting . the emperor had before voluntarily lamented his putting out the eyes of his kinsman bernard a rebel , ( of which he dyed ) as too cruel , ( when now no prince scrupleth hanging , or beheading open rebels . ) the church had satisfaction by his voluntary penance , for that which few men will think a fault . and what do these bishops now , but become their sovereign's iudges , yea , and that when he was absent , and condemn him unheard , for this former fault . note the case . . they condemn their king to be deposed , who were subjects . . yea , clergy-men , that had least to do with state affairs . . yea , and that for a fault , which perhaps was but justice , and no fault . . or if it were a fault , was before judged and remitted . and did godly lewis cherish christian bishops so zealously , for this use , so basely and trayterously to depose him ? . yea , and to join in the horrid rebellion of unnatural sons , to accomplish their designs . . and to tempt princes to hate religion , when in nomine domini , the pretence of religion shall do greater wickedness by prelates , than the rebels arms was able to perform . saith the author of the life of ludovicus pius , [ this judgment some few gain-sayed , more consented to it : the greatest part , as it useth to be in such cases a , consented by word , for fear of offending their leaders b . they judged him , absent and unheard , neither confessing nor convict , before the bodies of st. medard confessor , and st. sebastian martyr , to lay down his arms c , and forced him to lay them before the altar ; and cloathing him in a black garment , under a strict guard , they thrust him into prison . by this testimony , saith binnius , it is certainly proved that the whole business was done by force and fear , and coloured with the false pigment of religion . thus was the best of princes , after all his services for the prelates , and kindness to his sons , deposed , and basely used by both , against nature and religion . his first restauration , when he had been before deposed , was by the germans : how he was restored the second time , i find not certainly ; some would give pope gregory the honour of it . it is likeliest that the interest which his goodness had got in the people , with the odiousness of his sons and bishops acts , did it : but fully restored , after all this , he was . and being somewhat backward to forgive lotharius , he filled france with new wars , till the emperor for peace did pardon all . but ebbo , archbishop of rhemes , and agobard , bishop of lyons , were deposed , as leaders of the treason ; and ebbo banished , and restored by lotharius when his father dyed ; yea , and sent as a fit man to convert the normans by pope paschal's mission , being made bishop of hildesheim in saxony , by ludovic king of germany , see petavius hist. l. . c. . shortly after , an. . the emperor ( sollicited yet to more wars by his own sons , about dividing the kingdoms ) dyed , a direful eclipse of the sun foregoing his death , the day before ascension-day . § . that you may see the base hypocrisie of these trayterous bishops , i will recite their words in the council that condemned the best of emperors ; but his imprisonment they leave out . § . the bishops condemnation of the emperor ludovicus pius , an. . after a preface of the duty of bishops without favor or fear to judge sinners , and the need of putting their sentence in writing , to avoid the censure of bad men , they say — we hold it necessary to notifie to all the sons of the church , both present and future , how we bishops , set over the empire * of our lord and most glorious emperor lotharius , an. . the first year of the said prince in october , did generally meet at the palace at compendium , ( compeigne ) and humbly heard the said prince * ; and we took care , according to the ministry enjoined us , to manifest to him or his nobles , the generality of all the people , what is the vigor , and power , or priestly ministry , and with what sentence of damnation he deserveth to be damned , who will not obey the warnings of the priests a and next both to the said prince , ( lotharius ) and to all the people , we studied to denounce , that they should study most devoutly to please god , and should not delay to appease him in whatever they had offended him : for many things were examined , b , which by negligence hapned in this empire , which manifestly tended to the scandal of the church , and the ruine of the people , or the destruction of the kingdom ; which must necessarily be quickly corrected , and by all means for the future prevented c . among other things we mentioned , and remembred all men , how by god that kingdom , by the administration of the most excellent emperor charles of good memory , and the valor of his predecessors , was peaceable , and united , and nobly enlarged , and committed to the lord emperor lewis by god in great peace to be governed ; and by god's protection remain'd so preserved , as long as that prince studied god , and used his father's example , and was careful to acquiesce in the counsels of good men : and how in progress of time , as is manifest to all , by his improvidence or negligence , it fell into so great ignominy and baseness , that it became not only the grief of friends , but the derision of enemies . but because the said prince hath negligently managed the ministry committed to him , and did both do and compel others to do many things displeasing to god and man , or permitted others to do it d , and provoked god in many wicked counsels , and scandalized the church ; and that we may omit innumerable other things ) at last drew all his subjects to a common destruction , and by god't just judgment , suddenly his imperial power was taken from him e . but we remembring the commands of god , and our ministry , and his benefits , thought him worthy , that by the leave of the said prince lotharius , we should send a message to him by the authority of this sacred assembly , to admonish him of his guilts , that he might take sure advice for his safety ( or salvation . ) that he might in his extremity study with all his might , that being deprived of his earthly power , according to god's council , and the churches authority , he might not also lose his soul. to the counsels of which messengers , and their most wholsom warnings he willingly consented , he took time , and set a day in which he would give an answer to their wholsom admonitions f . and when the day was at hand , the same holy assembly unanimously went to the venerable man , and took care to admonish him of all that he had offended god in , and scandalized the church , and troubled the people committed to him , and to bring all to his remembrance . and he willingly embracing their wholsom admonition , and their worthy and congruous aggravations , promised in all things to acquiesce in their wholsom counsel , and to undergo their remedying judgment (g) . and being glad of so wholsom an admonition (h) , strait we intreated his beloved son , lotharius augustus , to be speedily present , that without delay , with his nobles he might come , that there might be a mutual reconciliation between them according to christian doctrine , that if there were any blemishes or discords in their hearts , a pure and humble begging of pardon (i) might expiate them , and thereupon before all the multitude , he might receive the judgment of the priesthood as penitents do , which soon after was done . therefore the lord ludovicus coming into the church of holy mary , god's mother , where rest the bodies of saints , that is , of medard , a confessor of christ and bishop , and of sebastian a most excellent martyr ( the priests , deacons , and no small multitude of the clerks standing by , and his son the foresaid lotharius being present with his nobles , and the generality of all the people , even as many as the church could hold ) and being prostrate on the earth upon hair-cloth (k) before the holy altar , be confessed before all , that he too unworthily used the ministry committed to him , and in it many wayes offended god , and scandalized the church of christ , and many ways troubled the people by his negligence : and therefore for the publick and ecclesiastick expiation of so great guilts , he said he would desire penance , that god being merciful by their ministry and help , he might prosperously deserve ( or obtain ) absolution of so great crimes , god having given them the power of binding and loosing ; whom also the bishops , as spiritual physicians , did wholsomly admonish , telling him that true remission of sin followeth pure and simple confession ; that he should openly confess his errors , in which he professed that he most offended god , lest he should hide any thing within , or do any thing deceitfully before god , as it is known to all that he did heretofore in the palace at compeigne , when he was by another holy assembly reproved before all the church : and that he come not to god now , as he did then , by dissembling and craft , with a double heart , and provoke him to anger , rather than to forgive his sin l ; for it is written , the dissemblers and crafty provoke the wrath of god. and after this admonition he professed that he had chiefly sinned in all those things , whereupon he had been familiarly reproved by the foresaid priests , by word or writings ; that being by due rebuke reproved of the things they gave him a writing (m) of , containing the sum of his guilts , of which they had specially reproved him ; which he had in his hands , viz. i. as in the same paper is fullier contained , incurring the guilt of sacriledge and murder , in that he kept not , according to his promise , the fatherly admonition and terrible contestation made to him with divine invocation before the holy-altar in presence of the priests , and the greatest multitude of the people ; in that he had done violence to his brethren and kindred , and had permitted his nephew to be killed (n) , whom he might have delivered ; and that being unmindful of his vow , he after commanded the sign of holy religion to be made for the revenge of his own indignation . ii. that being the author of scandal , and troubler of the peace , and violater of the sacraments , by unlawful power he corrupted the covenant which was made between his sons for the peace and unanimity of the empire , and tranquility of the church , by common council , and consent of all the faithful people , and confirmed by the sacrament : and in that he compelled his faithful people in contrariety to the said first covenant and oath , to swear another sacrament o , and so fell into the guilt of perjury , by the violation of the former oaths . and how much this displeased god , is plain , in that the people subject to him had afterward no peace , but were all led into perturbation , bearing the punishment of their sins , and by god's just judgment . iii. that against christian religion , against his vow , without any publick profit or certain necessity (p) , deluded by evil counsel , he commanded a general expedition to be made in lent , and in the extreme parts of his empire appointed a general meeting ( or council ) at the time of the lord's supper , when the paschal sacraments were to be celebrated of all christians (q) . in which expedition , as much as in him lay , he drew the people into great murmuring , and against right put the priests of the lord from their offices , and brought great oppression on the poor . iv. that he brought violence on some of his faithful people , that for his and his sons fidelity and safety , and the recovery of the shaking kingdom , humbly went to him , and made known to him the snares prepared for him by his enemies ; and that against all law divine and humane , he deprived them of their estates , and commanded them to be banished (r) , and made them when absent judged to death , and doubtless induced the iudges to false judgment . and against divine and canonical authority , raised prejudice against the lord's priests , ( or bishops ) and monks , and condemned them absent . and in this incurring the guilt of murder , he was a violater of the laws of god and man. v. of divers sacraments ( oaths ) contrary to each other , oft made unreasonably by his sons or people , he commanding and compelling them ; whereby he brought no small blot of sin on the people committed to him . he hereby incurred the guilt of perjury , because these are rightly charged on him as author , by whom they were compelled . but in the purging of women , in unjust iudgments , in false witnesses and perjuries , which have been committed in his presence by his permission , how much he hath offended god he himself knoweth . vi. of divers expeditions which he hath made in the kingdom committed to him , not only unprofitably , but also hurtfully without counsel and profit ; in which many and innumerable heinous crimes were committed in the christian people , in murders and perjuries , in sacriledge and adulteries , in rapines , in burnings , either in the churches of god , or divers other places , in plunderings and oppressing of the poor , by miserable usage , and almost unheard of among christians ; which all , as is aforesaid , reflect on the author . vii . in the divisions of the empire rashly made by him , against the common peace , and the safety of the whole empire , for his own will ; and the oath which compelled all the people to swear , that they would act against his sons as enemies , when he might have pacified them by fatherly authority , and the counsel of his faithful people . viii . that so many mischiefs and crimes committed in the kingdom committed to him , by his negligence and improvidence were not enough , which yet cannot be numbred , by which the kingdom was evidently disgraced and endangered : but moreover to add to the heap of miseries , he lastly drew all the people of his power to their common destruction , when he ought to have been to his people the captain of safety and of peace , when the divine piety had decreed to have mercy of his people by an unheard of and invisible manner , and by preaching in our ages . for these things therefore , and in all these things which are before recited , confessing himself guilty before the priests , ( or bishops ) or all the people , with tears , and protesting that in all these things he sinned , he desired publick pennance , that so he might satisfie the church by repenting , which he had scandalized by sinning ; and as he was a scandal by neglecting many things , so he professed he would be an example by undergoing due pennance . and after this confession he delivered to the bishops the paper of his guilts and confession for future memorial , and they laid it on the altar ; and then he put off his military girdle and laid it on the altar , and stripping himself of his secular habit , he took the habit of a penitent put on him by the hands of the bishops , that after so great and such pennance * , no man after may return to a secular militia . these things thus done , it pleased them that every bishop should write in his own papers how the matter was done , and should strengthen it by his own subscription , and offer it to prince lotharius , thus strengthened in memory of the fact. to conclude , it seemed good to us all that were present , to put the sum of all the papers , and of so great a business into one breviate , and to roborate it by the subscription of us all with our hands , as is hereafter demonstrated . — the author of the life of ludovicus addeth , ' [ pullâque indutum veste , adhibitá magnâ custodiâ sub tectum quoddam retrudunt . ] here you see the tryal of the godly emperor , the articles exhibited against him in the high court of episcopal justice , and the use of penance , and of laying on of the bishops hands , in investing him in the garb of perpetual penance . what wonder if the pope ascended to such power , when ordinary bishops in the best governed and instructed countrey then in the world , obtained such power ; even by the name and abuse of the power of the keys ? saith binnius , [ thaganus therefore justly for this cause declaimeth against ebbo , bishop of rhemes , the leader , as impudicum & crudelissimum episcopum ! ] and what were they that would thus follow him ? § . ccxlix . but the next council was forced to do better , ( for usually the bishops followed the stronger side ; ) in theodorus villa they caused ebbo to depose himself from his bishoprick , and the rest excused themselves that they did it by necessity and fear , and were all forgiven , bin. p. . and yet will the bishops say , that this emperor was not humble and merciful ? § . ccl . after his restauration , an. . ludovicus caused a council at aquisgrane , to renew the laws for the reformation of the clergy and abbots , with the instructions and rules for kings themselves at large laid down . and here they determined , that all bishops hereafter that were rebels and traytors , should be deposed , and lay-men anathematized . but they sufficiently minded the power and dignity of the bishops to be upheld . § . there is a treatise in binnius , p. . in which the statutes of the synods of aquisgrane are opened and confirmed by scripture . § . ccli . an. . binnius tells us , that in the deposing of the emperor , agobertus , bishop of lyons , and bernard , bishop of vienne , having been leaders with ebbo , at the council at theod. villa , fled , and the emperor and all his sons , save lotharius , being here present at a council at lyons , they being summoned , appeared not , and sentence was put off , because they were absent . § . an. . pepin the emperor's son dying , he passed by his disobedient nephew pepin , and divided that kingdom of aquitain only between his sons lotharius and charles ; whereupon his son ludovicus was offended , and with them of aquitain raised rebellion again , and by a convention at cabilone , and after it , reconciliation was made . § . the emperor ludovicus pius dying an. . aged , his sons fell together in wars for his kingdoms . lotharius the eldest , that had used his father so trayterously and unnaturally , sought too great a part for himself , and came to a war with ludovic and charles , who conquered him , and put him to a shameful flight , an. . in which fight , say historians , a greater slaughter was made of the french , than was ever known in the memory of man. this was the man that deposed his father for the slaughter of the subjects by his wars against him . the next year they fought again , and he was again overcome . § . cclii . it 's easie then to conjecture which way the next council ( which was at aquisgrane ) would go : the conquering princes made the bishops their counsellors , when they had made lotharius flie out of the countrey , what they should do with his kingdom ; and , saith binnius , they received the answer which nithardus li. . describeth in these words , [ ' the bishops considering the deeds of lotharius from the beginning , how he had driven his father out of his kingdom ; how he had made the christian people perjured by his covetousness ; how oft he had frustrated the oath he made to his fathers , and his brethren ; how oft , since his fathers death , he had attempted to disinherit his brethren ; how many murders , adulteries , burnings , and all kind of heinous deeds the universal church suffered by his most wicked covetousness : and that he neither had any knowledge of governing the commonwealth , nor could men find any footsteps of goodness of will in governing . for which causes deservedly , and by the just judgment of god almighty , they said he fled first in battel , and then from his kingdom : therefore all ( the bishops ) unanimously agree and consent , that for his wickedness god hath cast him out , and hath delivered his kingdom to his brothers that are better than he . but the bishops did not give them this liberty , till they openly asked them , whether they would govern it as their ejected brother did , or according to the will of god. they answered , that as far as god should enable them , they would govern themselves and theirs according to god's will. by god's authority ( say they ) we warn , exhort and command , that you undertake it , and rule it according to the will of god. ] so far nithard . § . you see here that it is no wonder that the pope took upon him to set up and take down , to make and unmake kings , when the subject bishops did it by their greatest sovereigns . and you see here god's just judgment on a rebellious son , and the shameful mutability of a temporizing clergy . and how presumptuous bishops have abused religion , the use of the keys and the name of god , to the confusions and calamities of the world . but lotharius after this deposition reigned . § . all these times images were cast out in the eastern empire , even all the reign of leo the th , and of michael balbus , ( however he recalled theodorus studita from prison ) and of theophilus that succeeded him ; petavius li. . c. . saith , that theophilus followed his father in persecuting the worshipers of images , but yet was a most strict requirer of justice , and reigning years and three months , died an. . the next year after the death of ludovicus pius . he left his son michael , a child , emperor , under the rule of his mother theodora . § . and now come up images again by a woman , which ever since a womans reign almost had been cast out ; she ruled years , just as irene did , and sped as she ; for when her son came to age , he deposed her . in this time methodius first , and ignatius after , were made patriarchs of constantinople . and bardas ( made caesar ) deposed ignatius , because he would not excommunicate theodora when she was deposed , and set up the learned photius in his place , that came in as nectarius had done from the laity , by sudden ordination : one honoured even by the papists for his great learning , but reviled for being against them . § . ccliii . an. . this woman had presently so much power on the mutable bishops , as in a council at constant. to turn them to be again for images , and as theophanes saith , [ suddenly changing their judgment , they cursed those that opposed images ; ] and so after years rejection they were restored , and the nicene d council owned without any great difficulty : and here all that were for images accounted it godliness , and called them ungodly that were against it , and this woman theodora is stiled for it a very godly woman , ( though the other called it idolatry ; ) and so while one side was cryed down as profane , and the other as idolatrous ; the poor church felt to its sorrow , that images were not taken for things indifferent . theophanes railing at iohn the patriarch of constant. saith , that [ seeing so sudden and unexpected a change , he that ruled impiously was struck with such a stupor and blindness of mind , that he was ready to have killed himself ; and being the head of all the wickedness , of an ungodly judgment , that had led the emperors by lyes , and thrust them into the hell of impiety , he was with ignominy cast out , and good methodius put in . ] i recite the words , to shew you what various characters the interest of images gave to men , and what godliness and ungodliness , good men and bad men , are in the sense of many historians . § . the pope dying , iohan. diaconus seizeth on the place by force ; but sergius is chosen against him , and prevaileth : i● whose beginning lotharius sent his son ludovicus with an army to rome * , sigibert saith to be the confirmer of the pope , and claim that right ; others say , to be crowned . to lotharius they sware obedience , but not to his son. some great debate anastasius tells us that a great company of bishops had against the pope and his party , but he tells us not what it was , but that the pope was too hard for them , and glad when the french were gone . § . it 's before said , that after the bishop's deposing him , lotharius was restored , the three brothers agreeing , that ludovicus should have germany , and part of france , and charles have france , and lotharius narbon and italy as roman emperor . ccliv . the archbishopric of rhemes had been ten years without a bishop upon ebbo's removal or flight , and two presbyters successively fulke and hotho had been the governors of it , ( some will question the validity of their acts . ) and a council at bellovacum makes hincmarus bishop . § . under carolus calvus the church-lands were much alienated , especially abbots lands , to nobles and other lay-men . whereupon cclv. a council at melda ( meaulx ) did by ansegisus and bernardus levita draw up a book of seven parts , lamenting the sins of christians , and the sacriledge of the laity , and offered it to the king , who refused it , the nobles being against it : for which ( say the bold expositors of god's providences ) the normans by invasion troubled the land. § . leo the th became pope ; they durst not consecrate him without the emperor's authority , anastas . in bin. p. . this pope wrought great miracles , say they . . he conquered a basilisk that killed men by his looks , ( as st. george conquered the dragon . ) . by the cross he stopt a fire in the city : but his good works contain a volumn in anastasius , viz. the many churches that he adorned , enriched , repaired ; the silver vessels and ornaments that he gave , the posts and pillars , and altars that he beautified , and the glory that he added to the roman city and churches , &c. yea , when the saracens came and spoiled st. peter's church in the suburbs of rome , he caused the said suburbs to be walled and fortified , as a new city , calling it leonina from his name : and he made two or three prayers of six or seven lines long , to desire god's protection of it , by the intercession of st. peter . and he writeth a notable homily , in which he comprizeth much of the canons , teaching them all the arts , gestures , and ceremonies of canting the mass ; and precisely ordereth , that every priest do learn his lesson ; and that if any of them be illiterate , ( that cannot read ) he shall be suspended till he amend , ( learn to read ; ) so learned was the clergy in that age. § . by the way , the oft mention here of singing the mass , doth remember me to note that which is much over-looked ; viz. how liturgies imposed first came up , or were mostly propagated without any exception or opposition : it was chiefly because they did sing them , and had fitted them accordingly to their singing notes , like our cathedral singing of our reading psalms and prayers : and we all know that the people or minister cannot make psalms ex tempore , but we must and do use forms in singing ; but the prayers that were not sung , but said , were longer left free to the speakers present skill . § . cclvi. an. . in a council at paris , lotharius caused the cause of ebbo to be reviewed ; but after summons , he would never appear to his death . § . cclvii . a council at mentz , an. . repeated many ecclesiastical canons : among others , murderers still , instead of death , are but put upon long removal from the communion , no , though they murder priests . in this council a woman called thiota , was judged to be whipt , because she had professed to have revelations foretelling the day of judgment that year , putting the people in fear , and even many priests followed her as a prophetess ; she confessed that a certain priest persuaded her to do it for gain . chap. x. of the councils about ignatius and photius , and some others . § . cclvii . an. . a synod at mentz under rabanus condemned godescalcus a presbyter , and monk of rhemes , as a predestinarian heretick . hincmarus ep. ad p. nicol. reciteth his heresies to be , . [ that as god hath predestinated some to life eternal , so others to death eternal : that he would not have all men saved , but only those that are saved , else he should have his will frustrate , and not be omnipotent . . that christ dyed not for all , but only for the elect , who are the world that he redeemed ; others he redeemeth by baptism , but not by dying for them . . that no one shall perish that christ dyed for . . he addeth , ( how truly i know not , ) that he asserteth a threefold deity in the trinity of persons . ] they laid him in prison , and hincmarus wrote to the pope to know what to do with him , saying , that he must employ a very able man to keep him , for he wraps people , even the meanly learned , into admiration of him , reciting scripture and fathers distorted whole days together . some bishops took his part . § . they say a synod at tours wrote an admonition to one nomeno●us the king's lieutenant in britany , for tyranny and oppression , and casting out the just bishops , and putting in mercenaries , thieves and robbers ; bin. p. . and for despising the warnings of the pope and bishops . § . canisius tells us of a concilium regiaticinum , regulating bishops , and cap. . ordaining that the arch-presbyter examine every master of a family personally , and take account of their families and lives , and receive their confessions : and cap. . that a presbyter in the absence of the bishop , may reconcile a penitent by his command . cap. . that in the villages arch-presbyters be set over the lower-presbyters . c. . that none that are denied communion , may have any military or civil office ; and so every bishop is master of the magistrates . § . cclviii. the saracens in spain persecuting the christians , forced the bishops to meet in council at corduba , and decree against martyrdom , and the memorial of martyrs , saith binnius , p. . [ holding a satanical meeting , forbad martyrdom , and took away the honour of martyrs , saying , that they that were not violently drawn to deny the faith , but offered themselves to danger of their own accord , are not to be numbred with the martyrs , not working miracles as the martyrs did , nor their bodies remaining uncorrupt . § . a synod at mentz , an. . did we know not what . but . cclix . one at soisons was approved by pope benedict , and reprobated by pope 〈◊〉 ( bin. p. . ) ( yet both infallible . ) and it is no wonder , for it is about a hard point , and in which the papacy is much concerned . when ebbo was deposed and banished , lotharius restored him for a while , and he intruded again , and ordained many priests . hincmarus succeeding in his life-time , rejecteth all those that he thus ordained . a council is called to judge whether their ordination was valid or null . the council decreed , that [ whatever in ecclesiastical ordinations the said ebbo had done after his damnation , according to the traditions of the apostolick seat , as is read in the deeds of the popes , except sacred baptism , which is perfected in the name of the trinity , shall be all void and null , and those ordained by him in whatever part of the world they shall be fugitives or wander , because they cannot flie from god's judgment , let them be held deprived of all ecclesiastical degrees by the judgment of the holy ghost . ] and yet these men had shewed letters from the king and divers bishops , for their reception as presbyters , but the synod said they were counterfeit . another case was this , one halduinus had been made deacon by ebbo , and consecrated presbyter and abbot by lupus bishop of catalonia . the presbyter was ordained out of his own jurisdiction to the church of rhemes : this being questioned , an archdeacon shewed the king's letters , commanding the ordination of halduinus . lupus ordained him , in obedience to the king , without examining , ( there being then no bishop at rhemes . ) whereupon the synod decreed , according to the canons , ( say they ) that they that are made presbyters without examination by ignorance , or by dissimulation of the ordainers , when they are known , shall be deposed ; because the catholick church defendeth ( but ) that which is irreprehensible . and it was shewed in concil . sardic . c. . and other councils and decrees , that the said bishop touched nothing of his ordination , but that he that leaped to the priesthood without the degree of deacon * , he ought to retire ( resilire ) to due degradation . § . here you see the nullification even of the ordinations of an ejected archbishop , yea , and of a lawful bishop , when he makes a presbyter of one that was by such an ejected bishop made deacon , and when he ordaineth unworthily without due examination . and if this hold , what interruptions have there been in the succession of bishops , especially in the roman seat ! § . anastasius a cardinal , presbyter of rome , betook himself to the emperor , solliciting him to depose pope leo the th , and to place him in his stead . the pope hearing it , calleth him home to his charge , from whence he had been absent five years : but he would not return , nor appear , wherefore cclx the pope called a council at rome , which deposed him . § . cclxi . ignatius the patriarch of constantinople , called a council to depose gregory bishop of syracusa ; they desired pope leo's confirmation : he delaying it , dyeth . gregory in the mean time prevaileth against ignatius , who is cast out , and photius put in , and a grievous schism begun . § . cclxii . an. . under lotharius remigius lugdun . and other bishops , are called a council at valence , who made canons or decrees , with great judgment and piety , and shewed how much more venerable a council of a few wise bishops are , than greater councils , where the most are weak . their first work was against those that they called the predestinatianos , where cap. . they determine , [ non ipsos malos deum ideo perire velle quia boni esse non potuerunt , sed quia boni esse noluerunt . cap. . praedestinationem electorum ad vitam , & praedestinationem impiorum ad mortem fidenter fatemur ? in electione tamen salvandorum misericordiam dei praecedere meritum bonum , in damnatione autem periturorum meritum malum praecedere justum dei judicium : praedestinatione autem deum ea tantum statuisse quae ipse vel gratuitâ misericordiâ vel justo judicio facturus erat . — in malis vero ipsorum malitiam praescîsse , quia ex ipsis est ; non praedestinâsse , quia ex illo non est . poenam sane malum meritum eorum sequentem , uti deum , qui omnia prospicit praescivisse & praedestinasse , quia justus est : apud quem est , ut s. augustinus ait , de omnibus omnino rebus , tam fixa sententia , quam certa praescientiâ : — verum aliquos ad malum praedestinatos esse divina potestate , videlicet ut quasi aliud esse non possent , non solum non credimus , sed etiam si sunt , qui tantum malum credere velint , cum omni detestatione , sicut arausica synodus , illis anathema dicimus . the sum is , god's mercy goeth before man's merit , but his predestination to punishment is only on the foresight of their sin , which he decreeth not , because he causeth not . cap. . about christ's death they like not those that say he dyed for all that from the days of adam till then had been damned ; but would have all take up with this simple doctrine , that god so loved the world , that he gave his onely begotten son , that whoever believeth in him should not perish , but have everlasting life . cap. . they conclude that all true believers regenerate by water and the spirit , have their sins washed by the blood of christ : and they could not have true regeneration , if they had not true redemption . but of the multitude of the faithful and redeemed , some are eternally saved , because they persevere ; others are lost , because they persevere not in the salvation of faith which they had received , and so make void the grace of redemption . cap. . about grace and infirmed free-will restored and healed by christ , they exhort men to stick to the scriptures , and the councils of africa and orange , and not to follow the aniles penè fabulas scotorum , ( i suppose they mean the followers of iohan. scotus erignenae , who was murdered by his scholars , whom godescalcus followed ) lest they should be corrupted from the simplicity that is in christ : remembring christians that while they are vexed with the prevalency of the wicked in the world , they should not vex the sad congregations with such superfluous things . cap. . they advise , that because bishops were set over the cities that were untryed and almost ignorant of letters * , and unlike the apostolick prescript , by which means the ecclesiastical vigor is lost , that they would petition the prince , that when a bishop was wanting , the canonical election by the clergy , and the people , might be permitted , ( because the king was used to thrust his favorites on the people , ) , that men of tryed knowledge and life , and not illiterate men , blinded by covetousness , might be set as bishops over the flocks . § . cclxiii . an. . a council was held at papia in italy by the order of the emperour ludovicus , for the reformation of the corrupt clergy ; where they ordered that the clergy and people chuse the bishops , and yet that the laity on pretence of their electing power , trample not on the arch-presbyter ; and that great mens chappels empty not the churches : ( with other old canons recited . ) § . lotharius , that so mischievously sought for the empire against his father and brethren , grew weary of what he had , and divided his d part , ( which was the empire of italy , with burgundy and lorrain , ) into three parts , and gave his son lewis the empire in italy ; and his son lotharius , lorrain ; and his son charles , burgundy ; and entered himself into a monastery : but charles dying , the other two brethren divided his dominion , and lyons , belanson and vienna fell to lotharius . § . we come now to the reign of pope ioane , according to a great number of their own historians ; but david blondel hath recited the testimonies of multitudes on both sides , and after all impartially past his conjecture , that the story was not true ; whose judgment i reverence , and think most probable . whether at that time there was a iohn the th or none till him that some call iohn the th after adrian the d , is uncertain . § . leo dying , ( if there was no iohn or ioane between ) a schism was made ; the people most chusing benedict , and the agents of the emperor , with part of the people and bishops , chusing one anastasius a cardinal presbyter , that had been excommunicate by a former pope . anastasius thought his choice so sure , that entering leonina , ( the roman suburbs ) he went into st. peter's own church , and broke down and burnt the images , and with a mattock cast down to the ground even the image of christ , and the virgin mary . they went on and imprisoned benedict , ( quem omnis romana plebs eligerat , saith anast. in bin. p. . ) but while the great men and officers of the emperor did their utmost to constrain the people to consent to anastasius , they could not prevail , and so they were fain to yield to the multitude to end the tumult and confusion , and benedict had the place . § . by this story it appeareth , . that this anastasius was against images , and that was like enough to be part of the cause why he had five years left his church in rome before , and refused to appear before pope or council . . that when the emperor and his officers were so violent for his choice , even after he had broken down the images in st. peter's church , it is apparent that the party even about rome , and in the west , which was against images , was not small , though they made no stir . § . this pope benedict was he that confirmed hincmarus's council , which nullified ebbo's ordinations aforesaid , as is to be seen in his first epist. bin. p. , &c. § . an. . charles calvus , by a synods concurrence at carissiac , sent orders against church-robbers very strict . and , a council at mentz was held cclxiv , where gunthar , bishop of colen , sent a letter , that [ a terrible tempest arose , in which the people for fear all ran into st. peter's church : and the church-beams cracking , as they fell a praying to god for mercy , suddenly a mishapen thunderbolt , like a fiery dragon , pierced and t●re the church , and at one stroke killed three men among all the multitude , ( though those three stood in several places ) that is , one priest that stood at st. peter's altar , one deacon that stood at st. denis's altar , and one lay-man at st. mary's altar : and six others were struck almost dead , but recovered . at trevirs also were many prodigies . § . pope nicolas . is chosen by the emperor ludovicus consent , and all the people . he greatly advanceth the roman seat by his activity , and much by doing justice to the people that were oppressed by tyrannical prelates . he had a great conflict with iohn bishop of ravenna , who long despised him , and denied him his subjection : but the emperor took the pope's part , and so poor iohn was fain to submit , and cry miseremini mei , peto misereri mei , anast. in bin. p. . and to take an oath of subjection to the pope . § . the great schism now rose at constantinople , whether ignatius or photius should be patriarch ; michael the emperor deposing ignatius by the counsel of his uncle bardas , and putting in photius . the pope kept up his power by interposing , uncalled , into all such matters . he sent some bishops as legates to counsel them by a synod to decide the difference : when these bishops came thither , they consented to photius against ignatius . the pope said they were bribed , and false to their trust , and deposed them , ( though he thought he chose the best he had ; ) of which more anon . § . yet we have not done with worldly prelates . king lotharius was weary of his wife , and loved a whore ( waldrada . ) he openeth his case to the bishops . they call a council , and approve of his divorce , and his marriage with waldrada . the two great archbishops of colen and triers , are the leaders . the pope is against it , and accuseth the bishops of owning adultery ; they appear at rome , and he condemneth them of impudency , while ( with some immodest words ) they undertake to justifie the thing , ( of which more anon . ) he chargeth the bishops of heinous villany , and they despised him . he condemneth the concilium metense * , in which the adultery was allowed . § . this pope falls out with hincmarus bishop of rhemes , justifying against him the cause of rothaldus , whom he had deposed . he sends messengers to the king of bulgaria converted in his days , whom the emperor's officers stop and abuse . the adversaries of images were still strong at constantinople . anast. & bin. p. , &c. epist. . he useth a notable argument for images , viz. god is known only in the image of his works : why then may we not make images of the saints ? ( but why must men be compelled to do it , or else be hereticks ? and why must they be worshipped ? ) epist. . he is pitifully put to it , to justifie the election of nectarius and ambrose , and yet to condemn that of photius for being a lay-man . and ep. , the same again in the instance also of tarasius . § . the th epistle of this pope nicolas to the emperor michael , doth shew that he had now shaken off the imperial power ; and therefore chargeth his letters as full of blasphemy , injury , madness , &c. partly for being so sawcy as to bid the pope , [ send some to him . ] which he saith was far from the godly emperors . partly for blaming the deeds of the prelates , when he saith , their words must be regarded , and their authority , and not their deeds . partly for calling the latine tongue barbarous and scythian , in comparison of the greek , which he saith is to reproach god that made it . partly for saying , that the council that deposed ignatius , and set up photius , was of the same number of bishops as the first council of nice ; where this high pope's answer is worth the notice of our papists , bin. p. . [ the small number hurteth not , where piety aboundeth : nor doth multitude profit , where impiety reigneth . yea , by how much the more numerous is the congregation of the malignant , by so much the stronger are they to do mischief : nor must men glory in numbers , when they fight not against the rulers of the darkness of this world , and spiritual wickedness . — glory not therefore in multitude , because it is not the multitude but the cause , that justifieth or damneth . — fear not little flocks , &c. ] this doctrine was then fittest for the pope in his minority : but the letter is a book pleading for the roman grandure , and striving to bring the emperor with others under his power . § . in his answer and laws to the bulgarians , he difliketh their severities against one that had pretended to be a priest , when he was not , and had baptized many , concluding that he had saved many , and that they were not to be re-baptized , bin. p. . no , not though he were no christian that baptized them , as after consul . cap. . p. . to the case : who are patriarchs ? he saith properly they only that have succeeded apostles , which were only three , rome , alexandria and antioch , but improperly only constantinople and ierusalem . ( but why then are not ephesus , corinth , philippi , &c. patriarchates ? ) and why had the rest of the apostles no successors ? had they no churches ? § . this pope having western security , threatned excommunication to the emperor of the east , unless he would depose photius , and restore ignatius ; and threatned lotharius , for the cause of his rejected wife , and the marriage of another , as aforesaid ; and swaggered against hincmarus rhemensis , for his deposing rothaldus a bishop , and forced him to yield , and condemned his synod at metz , and would have proved that pope benedict had not confirmed it . he and other popes did make the contentions of bishops as well as of princes a great means of their rising , taking the part of him that appealed to rome as injured , ( and very oft of the truly injured . ) by which means they had one party still for them , and all injured persons were ready to flie to them for help . he excommunicated the bishops of colen and triers . the poor bishops that would fain be on the stronger side , began now to be at a loss , to know whether the emperor or the pope was the strongest . they followed the emperor , and resisted the pope a while . the king and hincmarus forbad rothaldus going to rome , and imprisoned him : but the pope wearied them out , by reason of the divisions of the empire and kingdom into so many hands of the french line , that being in continual suspicion of each other , they needed the pope's help . bin. p. . he ordereth pennance ( instead of just death ) for one cumarus that had murdered three of his own sons , viz. that for three years he pray at the church-door , and that for seven years he abstain from wine three days in a week , and for three years to go without shoes , allowing him to eat milk and cheese , but not flesh , and to enjoy his possession , but not have the sacrament for seven years . § . his decretals begin , that the emperor's iudgments and laws are below the canons , and cannot dissolve them or prejudice them . tit. . . he saith , [ all patriarchal dignity , all metropolitical primacy , all bishops chairs , and the dignity of churches of what order soever were instituted by the church of rome : but it 's he only did found it , and erect it on the rock of faith now beginning , who to st. peter , the key-bearer of eternal life , did commit the rights both of the terrene and the celestial empire . reader , had not the abuse of humane patriarchal power , and of excommunications got up very high , when this bold pope made this decree ? what! all churches in the world made only by rome ? was not ierusalem , antioch , and many another made before it ? did christ say any thing of rome ? did not other apostles build churches by the same apostolick commission as peter had ? is not the church built on the foundation of prophets and apostles , christ being the head-corner stone ? did not others build the church of rome before peter did it ? did not peter build other churches before rome ? where and when did christ give peter the imperial power of earth and heaven ? did he not decide the controversie who should be the chief or greatest , with a prohibition of all imperial power , ( with you it shall not be so ? ) § . but the next dectee casteth rome as low , as this over-raised it . if any one by money , or humane-favor , or by popular or military tumult , be inthroned in the apostolick seats , without the concordant and canonical election of the cardinals of that church , and then of the following religious clerks , let him not be accounted a pope , or apostolical , but apostatical . ] by which rome hath had so few popes indeed , and so many apostates , that it hath no shew of an uninterrupted succession to boast of . § . tit. . c. . he claimeth authority to absolve men from oaths , and all obligations made by the violence and constraint of bad men , and so absolveth the archbishop of triers . ( a wicked decree for perjury : ) ( as if in materia licita , a man that sweareth for fear , were not bound ? and as if , man had not free-will , when he is under fear ? ) § . c. . & . he decreeth that none can judge the pope , nor retract his judgments , nor judge of them , ( contrary to many general councils . ) he curseth from christ all that contemn the pope's opinions , mandates , interdicts , sanctions , decrees , &c. ● . . yet he saith that the church of rome may change , and mend its own mistakes and decrees , n. . ' tit. . c. . no custom may occasion the removal of any thing established by full papal authority . c. . other mens works approved or reprobate by the pope's decrees , must accordingly be judged , accepted or rejected . c. . they that have not the decrees are to be reproved , &c. § . tit. . he brings down emperors and kings sufficiently below the priests , confining them to temporal things , and not to judge of priests . tit. . he rebuketh the king for letting none be bishops but those that he liked , charging him to admit none at colen or triers , till the pope had notice . and before he told emperors , that they must take no care what kind of lords the priests be , but what they say of the lord ; nor to note what popes be , but what they do for correction of the churches ; for they are by constantine called gods , and god must not be judged of men , tit. . c. . he questions whether lotharius was to be called a king , because he was an adulterer . § . tit. . c. . he decreeth that no bishops be ordained , but by the election or consent of the clergy and people . c. . that primates and patriarchs have no priviledges above other bishops , but so much as the canons give , and ancient custom hath conferred . § . tit. . c. . is this , [ nullus missam presbyteri audiat , quem scit concubinam habere aut subintroductam mulierem . ] that is , let no one hear the mass of that presbyter , whom he knoweth undoubtedly to have a concubine , or a woman subintroduced . c. . if priests fall into the snare of fornication , and the act of the crime be manifest or shewed , they cannot have the honour of priesthood , according to the authority of canonical institution . ( yet our canons will condemn him that refuseth to take such an one for the guide of his soul , or to hear him . ) yet can. . he saith , that we must receive the sacrament from any priest how polluted soever , and by the judgment of how many bishops soever he be reprobated , because bad men administring good things , hurt none but themselves ; and all things are purged by faith in christ. tit. . lay-men must not judge of the lives of priests , nor so much as search into them . § . cclxiv . an. . a council at constantinople placed photius in the place of ignatius , ( of which before , and more anon ; ) ignatius is banished : we have not the history and reasons of the council . § . cclxv. an. . a council was called at tullum of the bishops of twelve provinces by king charles , where , besides other clergy-mens miscarriages , wenilo archbishop of sens , was accused of treasonable defection by the king. in which it's pity that bishops below the pope should have or pretend to the power which the king doth intimate in these words , bin. p. . [ from which my consecration or sublimity of kingdom , i ought not to be supplanted or cast down by any one , without the hearing and judgment of the bishops , by whose ministry i was consecrated king , and who are called the throne of god , in which god sitteth , and by whom he decreeth his judgments , to whose fatherly correptions , and castigatory iudgments , i was ready to subject my self , and at present am subject . ] you see here to what power over kings the common bishops ( as well as the pope ) were got , by pretence of representing christ , and of the power of the keys . § . cclxvi. an. . a council at constantinople condemned ignatius , and again confirmed photius , who with the emperor michael sent to the pope to satisfie him of all , and profess enmity to image-breakers . § . cclxvii . an. . in a council at confluence the five present kings of the french line came to an agreement . § . cclxviii . a general council was held at constantinople , an. . where bishops ( the same number that was at the first nicene council ) deposed ignatius , and setled photius , to which the pope's legates also subscribed , ( the papists say through fear ; ) so that it was papally confirmed . and yet here was much done for images . § . cclxix . the pope having condemned iohn archbishop of revenna who despised him , till the emperor forsook him , in a council at rome he submitted himself to the pope , and was reconciled . § . cclxx. an. . in another council at rome , pope nicolas condemned the heresie of the theopaschites , that ( they said , made the godhead to suffer ) it 's like it was cyril and the eutychians old verbal error by communication of titles . § . cclxxi. an. . a council is held at aquisgrane , in which king lotharius desireth counsel about his wife theutperge ; the bishops pronounce it his duty to put her away , she having confessed incest with her own brother , and allow him to marry waldrade , he professing himself unable to contain . the pope condemneth the action and them : the papists say this was but a forged pretence . i only note . if they would deliberately forge so heinous a thing on a queen , what heathens could be worse than such bishops ? . did the bishops of that age think that they were bound to obey the judgment of the pope , who thus opposed him ? § . cclxxii . an. . in another council in france ( in villa ad sublonarias ) the three kings again met for agreement . § . cclxxiii . lotharius appealing , desireth a council in france by the pope's consent : all the bishops of france and germany meet at metz , and the pope's legates with them : they and the legates also subscribe to the king's divorce , and to more , which the pope had before declared against : ( did bishops then think the pope infallible , or not to be opposed ? ) the papists say that the pope's legates were bribed . § . cclxxiv . an. . the pope calleth his own council at rome , and excommunicateth or curseth them all from christ , and deposeth them quantum in se. but yet offereth forgiveness to all , save two , if they will subject themselves to him . the bishops stand to it , that he cursed them unjustly : must all the kingdoms be thus ruled and confounded by one priest , till matters between a king and his wife be managed to his will and satisfaction ? § . cclxxv . in another council at rome , an. . the pope curseth his legates at constantinople with photius and gregory syracusanus , because they all crossed his will , which must everywhere bear rule . § . cclxxvi . in a council at senlis , hincmarus rhemensis got rhotaldus bishop of soissons deposed , and thrust into a monastery , and another put in his place , notwithstanding the pope's opposition , an. . § . cclxxvii . hereupon the pope , in a council at rome , condemneth this council at senlis , and decreeth , that unless hincmarus and the other bishops do within days restore rhotaldus , they shall be forbidden their ministery , and used as they used rhotaldus : but they did not obey him , but put it to the venture . and whereas the king had forbidden rhotaldus to go to rome , and the french bishops pleaded this as a just restraint , the pope answered , that no imperial laws must take place against ecclesiastical . and so it came to the question , whether the king or the pope was king of france , or had more power over the bodies of the subjects ? thus did the papacy ascend . § . cclxxviii . a council of bishops and lords together at pistis , made orders for repentance , and restraint of rapine and plunder , &c. an. . § . cclxxix an. . in a council at rome the pope deposed and excommunicated rodoaldus portuensis his legate , with ioh. hi●●densis , for joining with the synod at metz against his orders . § . cclxxx . in another council at rome , an. . the pope restoreth rhotaldus : for hincmarus at last let him out of prison , and let him go to rome , but would neither go nor send thither any legates himself , as the pope required , for his own and the synod's defence . § . cclxxxi . an. . a synod at soissons wrote to the pope about hincmarus , and against encouraging false ordinations , unless after privately confirmed , &c. § . cclxxxii . the pope was so busie and troublesom with the french bishops , making himself judge in matters that he knew not , and restoring those that they deposed , that an. . a synod at tr●cas wrote to inform him of all that had passed for years ; how ebbo and his synod of bishops had slandered and deposed the emperor ludovicus pius , and how he did it to please lotharius ; and when ludovicus was restored how he fled ; and when ludovicus was dead how lotharius with the base temporizing bishops restored him , and after he had been condemned and resigned his place , returned to the exercise of it and ordained divers ; and how upon the prevailing of charles against lotharius he was cast out again : and how after lotharius got the pope to appoint the hearing of all again when he was condemned , and how after this he was made a bishop in germany , and rhemes was ten years ruled by two presbyters , and how the pope paschal chose this traytor to preach to the heathens near him , and how hincmarus was chosen , &c. as aforesaid . such trouble did a vsurper put the churches to . * § . platina saith that some say that after the death of pope nicolas the place was void eight years , seven months and nine dayes : but others say that it was void but seven dayes : so uncertain is the papal history of succession . the next that we find inthroned is haedrian d . § . michael at constantinople having been long ruled much by bardas ( who was for photius ) at last giving up himself to drunkenness and other sins , by the perswasion of basilius he killed bardas , and made basilius caesar : and after a while his vice gave basilius the opportunity to kill the emperor when he was drunk . see dion . petavius hist. li. . chap. . yet this basilius washed his hands and made many protestations that he had no hand in his blood . this made for the popes advantage : women and rebels and traytors and discordant princes did much in raising him . this regicide emperor , as a second phocas finds it useful to quiet his party by a change countenanced by the bishop of rome : and so he sets himself against photius and sets up ignatius again ; and searching photius's servants , finds a book written of the acts of the late great council at constantinople , which was for him and against ignatius , and a defence of that council against the bishop of rome , in which he dealt severely with the pope . this book the new emperor sends to the pope , and there it is read , stampt upon , stab'd with a knife , and openly burnt ( and a miracle is said to be at the burning of it , some drops of rain that fell , not quenching the fire , but increasing it . ) but their calling photius a knave and burning his books , and condemning the council that was for him , will hardly keep the readers of his yet-preserved learned writings from suspecting that the popes cause was not unquestionable , or at least , that the pope was not taken for the universal vice-christ when photius and his council did so little regard him . no wonder then if the acts of a great council when they were against the pope are called [ nesandissimi conciliabuli prophanat a volumina , quibus sanctissimum papam nicolaum susur●â fauce latraverat . ] yet our new papists would make men believe that none but a few hereticks refused subjection to the pope before luther . were these councils hereticks ? § . here the emperor basilius was put to a hard strait about his bishops : he wrote to the pope ( vid. bin. p. . . ) that almost all his bishops had miscarried , both those ordained by photius and those ordained by ignatius : they had turned with the times not knowing how the times would turn , and incurred such guilt that he desired the pope to pardon them , lest he should want bishops : silencing one party would not serve turn , while all had been so far guilty . [ tum à sanctissimo patriarcha ignatio consecrati secundum scripturae suae confessionem in veritate non permanserunt ; nec non et de his summis sacerdot ibus atque abbatibus qui diversimodè scripserunt , quorum alii vi vel tyrannide , alii verò simplicitate aut levit ate , quidam verò seductione et versutiis , quidam verò muneribus et honoribus diversimodè decepti sunt — imò verò dicendum est quod pene omnes sacrati , tam priores quam posteriores qui sub nobis sunt , malè , et ut non opportebat , tractati sunt — quatenus non ecclesiae nostrae summis sacerdotibus et sacerdotibus , qui sub omni regimine nostro sunt , commune occurrat naufragium , propemodum universis illis de falsis et impotabilibus gustantibus iniquitatis rheumatibus . super his itaque postulamus compatientissimum sacerdotium tuum , ut manum porrig at humanitatis et eorum dispenset salutem , &c. saith basilius ibid. § . here also another difficulty arose ( as there ever doth in ravelled works . ) the pope had been against hincmarus and his council for deposing the bishops ordained by ebbo . and yet to subdue the greeks he was for the deposing of those ordained by photius . this made him seem contrary to himself : anastasius bibliothecarius ( who then lived and was employed at constantinople in this matter ) to reconcile the contradiction , saith that ebbo was a true bishop , but photius was not , because he was a lay-man before his consecration ; and therefore his ordinations are nullities . this nullifying of ordinations maketh great disturbances in the church . the present bishops of england require those that were heretofore ordained by parochial pastors to be re-ordained , and on this and such other accounts about were silenced at one day ( aug. . . ) the silenced nonconformists do some of them say that the bishops have much less than photius to shew for their authority to ordain . he had learning , he had the emperors authority for him : he had lawfull bishops to ordain him ; he had a great council or two to approve him and confirm him : and though he was a lay-man before , so is every one when he cometh to his first ordination . and though he was made bishop per saltum , so was nectarius , thalasius , ambrose , &c. and every uncanonical irregularity nullifieth not the ordination . it hath been ordinary for deacons to be made popes : and is not that per saltum ? why doth not that interrupt and nullifie the papaci● ? but , say they , on this account . romes succession is long agoe interrupted : there having been far greater incapacities in simonists , common adulterers , perjured , rebels , hereticks , infidels , ( as councils have judged . ) . and ( they say ) that so the english prelates are no bishops , being chosen by the king , and wanting that choice of the clergy and people , which the canons have over and over again made necessary to the validity of ordinations , are more null than those of photius : and therefore we owe them ( as such ) no obedience nor communion . ] thus our nullifyings and condemnings proceed till most men have degraded if not unchristened one another . and he that is on the stronger side carrieth it , till death or some other change confute his claim , and then the other side gets up and condemneth him as he condemned them . and thus hath the church long suffered by damning divines , and domineering or censorious judges . § . by the restoring of ignatius , the pope got to himself the reputation of some supremacy , and obliged a party to him ; which however it was not the greatest at the first , would be greatest when ignatius his supremacy had advanced it : and with them he got the reputation of being just , indeed photius seeming to possess the seat of one that was injuriously deposed by the meer will of the prince , without sufficient cause . § . pope hadrian . ( epist. . ad ignat. const. ) directeth ignatius to forgive many others , but none of those that subscribed to photius his great council at constantinople , because they reproached the pope of rome ; where you may see . how dangerous it was then to be in a general council , when , if they please not the strongest , they are ruined : and if they do , it 's like enough the next age will damn them for it . . how much more dangerous is it for a council to be against the pope , than to be guilty of many other crimes ; and how unpardonable it is . § . cclxxxiii . an. . besides the popes roman synod that damned photius and his book and const ▪ council , there was a council at worms , which repealed many old canons , of which the th . is , that if bishops shall excommunicate any wrongfully or for light cause and not restore them , the neighbour bishops shall take such to their communion till the next synod . the . canon is , that because in monasteries there are thieves that cannot be found , when the suspected purge themselves , they shall receive the sacrament of christ's body and blood , thereby to shew that they are innocent . ] but this canon the papists are ashamed of . the . canon alloweth presbyters ( yea all christians ) to anoint the sick , because the bishops hindered with other business cannot go to all the sick . ] this intimateth that even then the diocesses were not so great as ours that have one or many counties , else other reason would have been given why the bishop could not visit all the sick , than his hindering businesses : would the bishop , e. g. of lincoln say , i would visit all the sick in lincolnshire , northamptonshire , leicestershire , hun●ingtonshire , rutlandshire , hartfordshire , bedfordshire , buckinghamshire , which are in my diocess , but that i am hindered by other business ? who would take this for the words of a sober man ? § . cclxxxiv . an. , was that constantinopolitan council which the papists ( damning some other● ) call the th . and the th . general council ended an. . in which but bishops condemned photius and setled ignatius , by the means of the emperor basilius and the pope , who had before restored him . here in act. . the bishops that had followed photius , took the old course , and when they saw all turned cryed peccavimus and craved pardon , and themselves called photius , such a villain as there had never been the like . ( bin. p. , ) they said they sinned through fear and so were forgiven . act. . some bishops that had turned , who were ordained by methodius , were required to subscribe to a form proposed ; but they told them that the late times had so vexed men with heinous subscriptions , that they had made a covenant or vow to make no more subscriptions but what they had done already , and the profession of their faith ( like nonconformists ) and desired to be received on such terms without their new subscription . act. . the bishops of photius's party ordained by him were examined . and act. . photius himself , who would not enter till constrained , and then professed as in imitation of christ to give them no answer to what they asked him ; and is in vain exhorted to repentance . act. . many of the photian bishops repented and were pardoned : others pretended that they had subscribed and sworn to photius , where zachar. calcedon . shewed that the canons were above the patriarchs . here basilius the emperor made a notable speech to exhort the bishops to repentance , offering himself to lay by his honour and to lie on the earth , and let them tread on him confessing his sin , and asking mercy . act. . photius is again brought in , ( and his staff that he leaned on taken from him ) and he denyed to defend himself and to repent , but bid them repent . the bishops of heraclea , &c. rejected the legates , and pronounced them anathematized that should anathematize photius , and appealed to the canons . act. . they censured a bishop that was against images . act. . they examined some great men that had ●worn against ignatius , who confest they had sworn falsely for ●ear of the princes ; but leo would not damn or curse photius , because he thought the orthodox were not to be cursed . the th . act. containeth the canons which they made ; of which the copies greatly differ . § . the d. canon saith that [ they ordain that the image of christ be worshiped with the same honour as the gospels ; as teaching that by colours , which the gospel doth by words : saying , [ whoever adores not the image of our saviour shall not see his face at his second coming : adding [ by the same reason we venerate and adore the image of the blessed virgin and the holy angels , as the scripture describeth them , and of all the saints . they that think otherwise , let them be cursed from christ. ] can. . they anathematize photius because he did excommunicate and anathematize the pope , and all that communicated with him . can. . no excommunicate men are allowed to make images . can. . is too good for the devil to let the church enjoy viz. [ that whereas it is reported that not only the heretical and usurpers , but some orthodox patriarchs also for their own security , have made men subscribe ( to be true to them ) the synod judgeth that it shall be so no more , save only that men when they are made bishops be required as usual to declare the soundness of their faith : he that violateth this sanction let him be deprived of his honour . the th can. condemneth them that hold , that man hath two souls ( which they say photius favoured ) and cursed them from christ. the th . can. tells us what men these bishops were , and what they sought . it is [ that all that are made bishops bearing on earth the person and form of the celestial hierarchy , shall with all veneration be worshiped by all princes and subjects : and we will not have them to go far from the church to meet any commanders of the army or any nobles , nor to light from their horses like supplicants or abjects that feared them , nor to fall down or petition them ; if any bishop hereafter shall neglect his due honour , or break this canon , or permit it to be done , he shall be seperated for a year from the sacrament ; and that prince , duke , or captain two years . the . can. princes as prophane men be not spectators of that which holy persons do , and therefore councils be held without them . either i understand them not , or it is in despite of truth that they say [ vnde nec alias reperimus oecumenicis conciliis unquam interfuisse : neque enim fas est ut prophani principes , rerum quae sacris hominibus gerundae sunt , gerunturve , spectatores fiant . ] binnius noteth [ ex praescripto nempe canonum ] turning an assertion de facto into one de jure , and an universal into a particular , by which licence of expounding what lye or blasphemy may not be justified ! and why then have so many thousand been cursed from christ by councils for unskilfulness in words ? § . the th . can. secureth the bishops admirably in despite of the old reforming honest canons decreeing that [ a lay-man ( not excepting kings or parliaments ) shall have no power to dispute by any reason of ecclesiastical sanctions , or to oppose the universal church or any general synod ; for the difficulty of these things , and agitating them on both sides , is the office of patriarchs , priests and doctors , to whom only god hath given power of binding and loosing . for though a lay-man exceì in the praise of piety and wisdom , yet he is a lay-man and a sheep and not a pastor . but a bishop though it be manifest that he is destitute of all virtue of religion , yet he is a pastor as long as he exerciseth the office of a bishop , and the sheep must not resist the shepherd . ] o brave doctrine for the roman kingdom ! a heathen , or infidel , or mahometan , or arrian bishop must not be opposed : he that is no christian may be a bishop . how much to be blamed were the general councils that deposed popes for infidelity , diabolism , heresie , simony , perjury , blasphemy , sodomie , fornication , murders , &c. when a pope that hath all these , and no virtue of religion , is not to be judged by lay-men , or opposed . q. . may a prince save his crown from such ? . may a man save his wife from such , or a woman refuse their copulation , or defend her chastity against them ? . what if such are drunk in the pulpit , are the people bound to be silently submissive ? . why did pope nicholas decree that none should hear mass from a priest that liveth in fornication ? . are priests above kings , or are they lawless ? yet this very synod of bishops in their epistle to pope hadrian sayes [ cui con●ictae synodo , qui tum imperitabant , michael et basilius noster , praesidebant , ] and basilius and baanes were now among them . and many princes , especially in france and spain have made strict laws to amend the bishops . § . one of the decrees of this council was that photius should not be called a christian. bin. p. . col. . yet the apostle saith of the rejected ; account him not as an enemy , but admonish him as a brother . thes. . § . in bin. p. . is an epistle of pope stepheus to the emperor basilius which containeth the radical doctrine of all the bishops rebellion and pride , viz. that princes are only appointed for the things of the body or this life , and prelates and priests for the matters of the soul and life eternal , and therefore that the prelates empire is more excellent than the princes , as heaven is above earth . [ quandoquidem verbis quae ad usum vitae , id est , rerum praesentium pertinent , imperium a deo traditum est , ita nobis per principem apostolorum petrum , rerum divinarum procuratio est commissa : accipe quaeso in optimam partem quae subjicio * — haec sunt capita curaeque principis imperii vestri . nostri verò cura gregis tanto praestantior est , quanto altior est terra quàm coelum , audi dominum — tu es petrus — de vestro imperio verò quid dicit — nolite timere eos qui corpus occidunt — obtestor igitur tuam pietatem ut principum apostolorum instituta sequare , magna veneratione prosequare . omnium enim in orbe terrarum , omnis or do et pontificatus ecclesiarum , à principe apostolorum petro originem et authoritatem acceperunt . ( o horrid falshood , as before confuted ! ) § . yet this council in breviar . in bin. p. . determine of the pope , that being but one patriarch , he cannot absolve one that is condemned by the other many patriarchs . § . laying all together i cannot perceive by historical notice , but that both ignatius and photius were both better bishops than most were to be found ; the first being a very pious man , and the other also a man of great learning and diligence . but the old contention who should be chief or greatest , made them both the great calamity of the church . i think it not in vain here to transcribe part of the summ of the life of ignatius as written by nicetas , david , paphlago who was devoted to him , though somewhat said already be repeated . ignatius ( being of the blood royal ) was in quiet possession , when denying entrance or church communion to bardas caesar for his reported adultery , he provoked that indignation in him which deposed him . bardas first perswaded the emperor michael to assume the government and not leave the empire any longer to his mother and sisters . one gebo then pretending to be the son of queen theodora , and claiming the crown , and many following him , ignatius is accused as being then on gebo's side , the emperor commandeth ignatius to shear his mother and sisters , and put them into a monastery : he refuseth : the emperor is angry and suspecting him , causeth it to be done by others , and sendeth ignatius to the island terebinth and killeth gebo . within three dayes some of the bishops who had subscribed and sworn to ignatius , even that they would sooner deny the supream majesty of the trinity , than without a publick damnation they would suffer their pastor to be deposed , became agents to draw him to renounce his place . &c. he refusing , photius is made one day a monk , the next day a lector , the next a subdeacon , the next a deacon , the next a presbyter , and on christs birth-day is made patriarch ; a great and noble courtier , the emperors secretary or privy councellor , famous for skill in things politick and civil , so flourishing in the skill of grammar , poetry , oratory , philosophy , physick , and the study of almost all liberal arts and sciences , as that he was absolutely in them the prince of his age , yea , and might contend with the ancients . for he had a confluence of natural aptitude and force , of felicity , riches , by which he got a library of all sorts of books ; and being desirous of glory and praise , spent whole nights in sleepless studies , and after studied divinity , and ecclestical volumes . gregorius bishop of syracuse ( a censured bishop ) ordained him : ignatius is cruelly used , and it s laid on photius : he sendeth some bishops to rome , and by them saith , that ignatius gave up his place . it 's said that some held ignatius's hand , and by force wrote his mark , and others wrote the rest : but what 's the truth is hard to know . a general council is called : the emperor and all his princes , great ones , and almost all the city met at photiu●'s possession . baanes and some of the baser of the romans are sent to summon ignatius to the council , ( bin. p. . ) he asketh them in what garbs he shall come . they take time and the next day say , rhodoaldus and zacharias legates of old rome by us summon thee without delay to appear at the holy oecumenical council in what habit thou wilt according to thy own conscience . he goeth in patriarchs habit . the emperor commands him in the habit of a monk. no less than seventy two witnesses are brought into the synod against him , nobles and vulgar ; nic●tas saith perjured , of whom leo and theodotacius two noble men were chief ; and some anabaptists ( that is , such as baptized men again , though not against infant baptism . ) these swore that ignatius , not justly ordained , had twelve years ago usurped the place . and alas ! there wanted not a canon which would depose a great part of the bishops of the world , viz. that called the th . apost . and oft renewed . if any bishop using the secular power do by them obtain a church , let him be deposed . ] they left out [ and those that communicate with him ] for which nicetas accuseth the bishops as falsly saving themselves . and alas ! must all the ministers in england be deposed that communicate with any bishop that gets a church by the secular power ? what a separation than must here be made . and would not this canon depose photius also ? the popes legates , bishops , rhodoceldus and zacharias , aliique nefarii homines saith nicetas , cryed down ignatius as vnworthy ; then they beat and odiously abuse the good old man : and then cometh the foresaid forced subscribed confession ( or forged . ) after this it s said that they sent men to kill him ; but by old base cloaths and two baskets on his back , he past away unknown , begging his bread by the way . nicetas saith that an earthquake shook the city fourty dayes together , and frightned them to send abroad and proclaim security to ignatius , who thereupon surrendered himself . bardas convinced sendeth him safe to his own monastery , and the earthquake ceased ; and the bulgarians moved by famine and the emperor's gifts , laid down armes and were baptized christians . pope nicholas excommunicateth photius , and the emperor and all the court. ( bin. p. . ) a fire befals the church of sophia . the young emperor groweth so drunken and prophane that he gets a pack of wicked ungodly men , and maketh them in mockery or play his bishops , and consecrateth a church for them , and maketh one theophilus a jester their patriarch , to turn religion into a scorn , and then saith [ theophilus is my patriarch , photius is caesars , and ignatius is the christians . ] and thus they by prophane witt derided the bishops and religion itself , to which alas , the bishops ambition and odious strife did tend . photius was silent at all this . another earthquake frightned them again , the terriblest for a day and a night that had been there known . upon this one basilius a bishop of thesalonica went boldly to the emperor and opened the sin of his prophaneness disswading him from that wickedness that provoked god. the emperor enraged struk out his teeth , and caused him to be so scourged that he was like to dye . photius cared for none of this , set his mind on the securing his seat and oppressing ignatius , magnifying all that tooke his part , and encouraging false stories and calumnies against the best that were against him . one of the betrayers and accusers of ignatius was one of his disciples , and of his own name , made arch-bishop of hierapolis , and then lost his conscience and fidelity . ( bin. p. . ) it was but for presuming to consecrate an altar , cast down by the russians and new built , which was taken after his deposition for a breach of the law and canons , and two arch-bishops , ( ready at all times ) were sent to pull down the altar as nonconformable , and to carry the stones to the sea , and wash them , and then to set them up again . o that they would have washt their hearts from pride and worldly ambition ! oh , saith nicetas , what stupidity , what pravity of a perverse mind was this ? what excess of envy ? what study of ambitious dishonesty ? did thy daily meditation and night-watches , and innumerable books teach thee this ? did thy frequent reading and disputation , and striving for the praise of learning teach it thee ? did the knowledge of the old testament and the new , the sayings of the wise , the decrees of the holy fathers , teach thee to persecute a poor man , and to vex and kill one of a broken heart and spirit ? did not thy tyranical ejection of him satiate the implacable fury of thy mind , & c ? thus nicetas . as much as to say , much learning , and great power and places , are too often separated from honesty , charity and conscience . here he mentioneth a terrible dream of bardas , and the murder of him by basilius's order , and the emperor's consent ; and how basely photius cryed him down when he was dead , who was his onely friend and patron while he lived . next he tells us how the emperor , by photius's persuasion , called a general council , which deposed pope nicolas , as he had done phocas * . the other patriarchs and the bishops were assembled , and the pope anathematized : and the historian blames it as causless ; but it was then commonly held , that a council might judge and depose any patriarch . the acts of the council photius sent to king ludovicus and others in italy and france , that they might depose the pope ( by two bishops , viz. of calcedon , and laodicea . ) it 's said he spake evil to the emperor of basilius , and to basilius of the emperor . basilius murdereth the emperor , and the next day deposeth photius , and thrusts him into an hospital , and calls home ignatius ; and so gets ignatius's party on his side , to which he resolved to add the pope : therefore sending to photius for the patriarchate writings , and he saying he had left them all behind him , the servants of photius were seen striving about seven bags of sealed papers ; which being surprized , were found to be the acts of the council , and the condemnation of pope nicolas . ignatius was odiously accused and abused in them . many pictures made of him : over one written diabolus : over another principium peccati : over another filius perditionis : over another avaritia simonis magi : over another , [ qui se extollit supra omne id quod dicitur aut colitur deus : ] over the sixth , abominatio desolationis : and over the seventh , [ antichristus . ] reader , how shall a man know what history to believe that characterizeth adversaries ? and how little is the judgment and applause of man to be regarded , or their condemnation of us to be feared ? i would not ( saith nicetas ) mention these things , but that i see the authors and their followers own them , and make photius a holy man. the next part of the book , saith nicetas , [ synodicus in nicol●● um pontificem romanum tela torquebat , omnisque generis calumnias & atrocia maledicta , in illius sancti exauctorationem & damnationem complectebatur , impie ut tragico prope modo concinuitatus , sane quoque ipsius stygii doctoris magisterio & photii ministerio dignus . gregory , bishop of syracuse , wrote them out , and sent them to the king of france . who wrote truly , and who falsly , how should we now know ? but this i know , . that contending who should be greatest was the sin of the prelates , and the plague of the churches . . and that then it was taken for granted , that the pope deserving it might be deposed . the new emperor basil sent these books to the pope , who burnt them as you have heard ( great reason : but i would we saw them ! ) ignatius being restored , excommunicateth photius , and all that were initiated by him , and all that communicated with him . ( it seems they were much alike in the art of damning men , and separating them from christ. ) then is ignatius's council called , where bishops damn photius , depose him , and curse him from christ ; and the bishops , to shew their holiness and constancy , would not write his damnation with ink , but with christ's own blood ; ( that is , the sacramental wine . ) ( and yet ere long they set up photius again . ) nicetas blameth his condemners , that went not so far as to prevent his restoration . but how can bishops rule god's providence , or the mutable minds of princes ! saith he , [ nam qui per reconciliatos erat ejectus , & per hypocritas damnatus , is per eosdem quasi familiares postliminio recurrens , rursus patriarchae thronum per vim invasit — cum omnes in sua testimonia & chirographa perjuros , ut ipse erat , fieri coegisset , ut extrema primis deteriora fecisset , omnium conscientias inquinavit & conspurcavit . ] alas ! if the bishops will be perjured weathercocks , and , as hypocrites , cry peccavimus one year , and go contrary again the next , and change as princes do , who can help it ? he saith now , new earthquakes and terrible whirlwinds did again afright men . he giveth us also many of ignatius's miracles , especially when he was dead . he saith photius prosecuted him with malice when he was dead . he next tells us how after the death of ignatius , photius came to be restored ; even by feigning a pedegree of basilius as from the king of armenia , sound by his skill in antiquities ; and by his great parts and elegancy winning upon him . he maketh theophanes the instrument of the deceit . he won the hearts of all the courtiers : so that within three days of ignatius's death he was restored . hereupon the bishops turn round , and they that lately called him all that 's naught , now magnifie him , ( bin. p. . ) but all that nicetas calleth verè christianos , abhorred him . ( this maketh me remember the words of erasmus in the life of dr. colet translated by thomas smyth , concerning the bishop of london that then was ) being an acute schoolman , [ i have known , saith he , some such that i would not call knaves , but never any that i could call a christian . ] sad prelates that nicetas ( and erasmus ) could not call christians . but the ambition of photius tempted them to their mutability : he cast out the bishops that were against him , and presently forgave and restored them if they would but conform . yea , he dared to re-ordain those that ignatius had ordained , supposing him no bishop ; but abhorring all that stopt him in it . but he proceeded to consecrate anew the church-utensils , and say over certain prayers ( if , saith nicetas , they be not rather to be called curses . ] and ( saith he ) to make his sin out of measure sinful , when he ordained or preferred any , or changed bishopricks , he made them conform by swearing and subscribing to him ; thereby binding all to him whom by benefices he obliged * . so much out of nicetas . § . and now reader , i leave it to thy judgment , whether gregory nazianzen knew not what he said , when he wisht there were no [ higher and lower ] among bishops ; and when he spake so much of their ambition , levity and temerity , and of the evil effects of their councils in his time . whether patriarchal dignity was not a great temptation , when to the son of a prince on one side , and to the great and noble secretary of the emperor on the other side , it seemed a prize worth the striving for to the death ? and whether it have not been the calamity of the church , when two such extraordinary men , far above the common rank of bishops , shall set an empire and almost all the christian churches into schism , contention , mutual persecution and confusion , by so long striving who shall be greatest ? and drawing so many hundred bishops into faction , schism , perjury , and shameful mutations with them ? and whether christ did not ( foreseeing such things ) far otherwise decide this question , who shall be greatest ? in luke . but if pride turned angels into devils , it is not much to be wondered , if it turn the angels of the churches into the ministers of the prince of pride and darkness , and turn many churches into a theatre of contention , and a field of war. § . yet here is one thing further to be noted , viz. the foresaid contention that rose about the bulgarians . these two great patriarchs of rome and constantinople , were neither of them yet great enough , or satisfied with their jurisdiction , their desires being more boundless than alexander's for the empire ; nothing less than all the world will satisfie one of them at least . nicetas saith , it was by famine , and a treaty , and kind words of the emperor , that the bulgarians turned christians . some papists would give the honour to the pope , without proof , and cannot tell us any thing how the pope converted them . but when they were converted , they sent to rome for some instructors : the 〈…〉 them two , and they received them . but they put the case themselves to the council at constantinople , whether they were to be under the bishop of rome , or of constantinople ? the matter held a great debate . the pope's legates pleaded , that they had already received bishops from rome , &c. the greeks pleaded , that their countrey was part of the empire , and under the bishop of constantinople , till they conquered it ; and that they found there greek churches and bishops , who were still there , and the conquest did not translate them from the bishop of constant. to rome . how the controversie ended is hard to know : some say that the council gave them to the pope , and some say otherwise . but this is confessed , that this roman ambition so greatly displeased the new emperor basilius , that it turned him after against the pope , and inclined him the more to restore photius , which he did when ignatius was dead . § . here i would call the reader to consider , whether the pope's universal government was in those days believed ? even by that council which was supposed to be partial ( by the emperor's inducement ) on the pope's side . what place else could there be for such a strife , whether the bulgarians were under the government of the bishop of rome , or constantinople ; if all the world were under the bishop of rome ? they will say that it was only questioned , whose diocess or patriarchate they were under ? but rome never pretended that they were of that diocess or patriarchate as anciently divided . but the question was , whose government they were now fallen under ? and would any dispute whether e. g. westminster were under the government of the king , or of the lord mayor of london ? when all the kingdom is under the king. this controversie clearly sheweth , that the church then took the pope to have but the first seat and voice in councils , but not to be the governor beyond his circuit . § . it is here also to be noted , that basil the emperor's revolt from the pope was so great , that hadrian is put to write sharply to him as accusing the bishops of rome , and derogating from them , admonishing him to repent ; but we find not that this changed his mind . § . yet one thing more is here to be observed . in the life of hadrian the d ( bin. p. . ) we find that the pope taking the advantage of basil's present state and mind , and the interest of ignatius much depending on him , sent a new libel to be subscribed by all the bishops , before they should be permitted to sit in council . the greek bishops grudged at this , and complained to the emperor , [ that the church of constantinople by these offered libels , was brought under the power of rome , by the doubtfulness of subscriptions . ] but though flebiliter conqueruntur , they complain with tears , the emperor was angry with them , and would have it ; and some bishops non sine magno laboris periculo , libellos quidem vix tandem recipiunt , with much ado were brought to subscribe , saying , it was novum & inauditum . the refusers extra synodum inglorii relicti sunt , were shut out till they conformed : ( oh! that inglorii was a cutting word . ) § . the emperor hiding his anger against the pope's legates ( for the bulgarian usurpation ) gave them great gifts , and sent them home . but at sea they fell into the hands of the sclavonians , who stripped them of their riches , and the subscriptions and copy of the council , and kept them prisoners , and threatned their lives : but by the mediation of the emperor and pope , they were delivered , and had some of their writings again . § . cclxxxv . an. . carolus calvus king of france , unjustly possessed the kingdom of lotharius , which by inheritance fell to ludovicus . ludovicus got the pope to interpose , who sent his legates to charles : but the bishops had not yet learned to obey popes against kings in power . a council of bishops called at metz , give the kingdom to charles , because he was the stronger . this was called concilium praedatorium , a council of robbers and traytors : and no wonder , when bishops must be the givers of kingdoms . was it not enough for the pope , to usurp such power , to be over kings , and dispose of crowns , but ordinary bishops must do the like ? § . cclxxxvi . yet another council against the pope . king charles had authorized northman , a great man , to receive some goods that were taken to belong to the church . the pope commandeth hincmarus , bishop of rhemes , and the rest of the bishops of france , to excommunicate northman . hincmarus and the bishops refuse to obey him , only one hincmarus bishop of laon , ( laudunum ) obeyeth him , and publisheth the excommunication . a council is called at werm●ria , where hincmarus rhem. and the bishops ( the king consenting ) condemn hincmarus laudunensis , for disobeying his metropolitan , in obeying the pope . he appeals to rome : they will not let him go . he writeth . hiucmarus rhem. writeth largely against him , ( though his nephew ) shewing how he broke the canons , how bad a man he was ; how he had neglected his own charge , left children unbaptized , and for private quarrels excommunicated his flock , and had silenced and suspended the ministers under him tyranically , &c. reader , was the pope's power yet fully received , when a metropolitan was to be obeyed before him , and men condemned for obeying him ? § . cclxxxvii . yet more sorrow . an. . a council is called in villa a●tiniaco ( attigny ) i will give you the story in the very words of binnius translated , [ when hincmarus bishop of laon , for the cause in the foresaid council expressed , had got the rescript of pope adrian on his behalf , and had notified it to hincmarus rhemensis , and to king charles ; both of them , in hatred to the bishop of laon , decreed , that this synod , called latrocinalis * , should be called . there presided in it , remigius lugdunensis * , ardovicus vesontiensis , bertulsus trevirensis , with their subject bishops , herein hincmarus rhemensis , with king charles , was the accuser of his nephew hincmarus , whom he had before consecrated bishop of laon. the action brought against him was , that he had by counter-writings defended the rights of the apostolick seat , which the archbishop of rhemes did endeavor to impugn and overthrow * . and that , contrary to his oath of fidelity in which he was bound to the king , he had accused king charles to the pope of rome , and had without his licence sent forth writings against him . and when hincmarus laudunensis , at the pope's command , was ready for his journey to rome , he was taken and spoiled by his enemies , and brought into this false council . having heard the foresaid complaints against him , he offered a libel for his defence ; but it was rejected , and not permitted to be read : of which when he again appealed to the apostolick seat , they did not only not accept of his appeal , but also being prostrate on the ground , and pleading for leave to defend himself , he was not heard . passing sentence on him , they deposed him from his bishoprick : and binding him in hard and iron bands , they cast him into banishment : and at last , which passeth all cruelty , his eyes pulled out ; they perhaps blinded him that he might have no hope of returning to his bishoprick . ] so far binnius . and is it credible that such great and holy men as remigius , and hincmarus ( even to his own nephew set up by him ) would do such things as these for nothing ? or that the pope was then as high as since ? § . cclxxxviii . a council at colen , an. . for discipline . § . cclxxxix . an. . a concil , duzianse was called of ten provinces : where hincmar , laudun , subscribed a promise of obedience to the king and his metropolitan . but this did not save him : therefore he appealed to the pope again , who interposed for him , but all would not do , nor serve his turn . § . here falls in again the great controversie of pope ioan a woman , but it is too hard for me to decide . he that will see what is said on each side , may read blondel before cited . iohn the th is he that now reigneth , whom some late writers are willing to believe some called pope ioan in scorn for his failings . but he is after benedict the d , nicolas , and hadrian the d ; whereas the fere omnes , saith platina , the many writers that mention pope ioan place her before them all . and they make iohn to be a better man than these later do . platina calling him iohn the th , saith , that carolus calvus being dead , pope iohn laboured to have his son ludovicus succeed him ; but the great men of rome were for charles king of germany , and therefore laid hold on the pope , and put him in bonds in prison ( his universal sovereignty reached not far then . ) but he escaping by the help of friends , fled into france to the king , whom he unjustly pleaded for , ( ludovicus balbus , ) and there anointed him . § . before this the pope had anointed carolus calvus emperor , unjustly confirming what the bishops had unjustly done , as now he did unjustly stand for his son. this contention among princes , was the means of the pope's power . hear what binnius himself saith of him , pag. . [ the saracens now depopulated almost all italy , and all humane help failed in which the pope trusted to expel them ; and he was fain to buy peace of them by a yearly tribute : which seemed to come by the righteous judgment of god , that he might know that by the ill persuasion of carnal prudence , he had sinfully chosen , created and crowned carolus calvus emperor , because he looked for more help against the saracens from him , than from his brother ludovicus ; whom , for invading another man's kingdom , he should rather by church-censure have exagitated , as hadr. d . did . ] but when pope iohn had stay'd a year in france , and the saracens mastered italy without help , he was glad to be friends with the great men that imprisoned him , and to return to rome , and take charles for emperor , after all . yet is it noted as the rare honour and felicity of this pope , that he crowned three emperors , though he did it for two of them trayterously and unjustly , ( the honour of a pope ! ) platina saith , he crowned charles the rightful heir , quo ei liberius in urbe vivere liceret , that he might live at rome again ( lest he should lose all . ) this charles ( saith he ) also subdued the normans in france and ●orrain , and forced them to become christians , and be baptized : ( and yet this is ascribed to the pope's converting them . ) § . this same pope iohn the th , also at the desire of the emperor basil , and the patriarch of ierusalem , consented to the restoring of photius , contrary , saith binnius , to the decree of his predecessors , and of a general council , and of all their oaths . § . but what are oaths to a dispensing pope ? saith baronius and binnius . in his time ludov. . the emperor was compelled by a●algisus , duke of benevent , to swear that he would never more invade his confines , nor revenge his wrongs : but the pope absolved him from this oath , by the authority of god and st. peter , affirming that which he did to save his life , was no hurt to him , and that it was not to be called an oath , which was made against the good of the commonwealth , by how many curses soever it was pronounced . bin p. . § . there are no less than epistles of this pope inserted by binnius in his councils . the th is to plead with the emperor , to forgive and restore modelgerus a murderer ; and will you hear the motive ? he had fled to rome , and thereby merited pardon ; nam pro tanti itineris labore durissimo , quem veniendo perpessus est , sicut credimus , aliquantulùm de peracto scelere indulgentiam meruit , ejus utique intercessionibus adjutus cui dictum esse à domino constat , tibi dabo claves , &c. accordingly epist. . he writes to the bishop to restore him all his goods and dignities , though it was contrived murder , because god inspired him to go to rome , &c. § . many of his epistles are to summon bishops to come to rome , and declare or threaten excommunication against them if they come not ; such an abused thing was excommunication , by which the pope made men his subjects . epist. , , , . he striveth to draw back the king of the bulgarians from the greek church , to the church of rome , and denounceth excommunication even to old ignatius , and all the greek bishops of the diocess of bulgaria , for ordaining and officiating there , unless they give up the bulgarians to rome . epist. . he writes to the said king , as if he were fallen from christ , or his salvation lost , by submitting to the greek patriarch , rather than to him ; as if the converts of no apostles but peter were saved , and tibi dabo claves , and anathema's , now are the two words that must subdue the world . the epist. . to the bulgarian nobles , and epist. . are to the same purpose . as the religion of saints tends all to heaven , so did these popes to the advancement of their kingdom . and whereas we now take it justly for a suspicious ●ign of a proud hypocritical preacher , that envieth the auditory and esteem of such as are preferred before him , as if other mens preaching might not win souls , as well as his ; these popes could not endure the crossing of their ambition , when kingdoms took not them for their lords . epist. . is to justifie a man that baptized his own child in danger of death , for which anselm bishop of lemovic . judged him to be separated from his wife . were not these two bishops judicious casuists ? was either of them in the right ? after many other epistles , striving with and for the bulgarians , as belonging to his diocess , he epist. . chideth methodius archbishop of pannonia , for turning from his laws , and in special for celebrating divine service in the sclavonian tongue , which is barbarous , commanding him to do it only in latine or greek . you see how the pope would edifie the barbarians if he be their pastor . this is the first papal decree that i remember against publick prayers in a known tongue . but , alas ! his neighbour italian bishops had not yet fully learnt the extent of his authority : sending for many bishops on pain of excommunication to wait on him , and to obey him , old auspertus archbishop of milan was one that disobeyed him ; and being forbidden to officiate by him , conformed not to his silencing and suspending decree , but went on in his office as a nonconformist . the pope sent two bishops as legates to admonish him : he kept them at the dore , and set light by their message ; for which the pope chideth him , epist. . epist. . he flattereth king ludovicus to come to rome and own him , in hope that he may be emperor and all kingdoms subject to him . epist. , , , , . he consenteth to the restoring of photius , but chargeth him to give up the bulgarians to his jurisdiction . many persons in many epistles he exhorteth to break their covenants with the pagans , and chideth and threatneth them that did it not . epist. . the inclination of stentopulcher a pannonian lord to the church of rome , brought down the popes heart to dispense with methodius , and changed his judgment to give very fair reason why mass and gospel and all might be used in the sclavonian and all tongues ; only to keep up the honour of the latine tongue ( and his authority ) he commandeth that though the rest be done in the sclavonian , yet the gospel be first read in latine , and then translated and read over again in the sclavonian . epist. . . he approveth of photius's restitution , epist. . he is fain to chide auspert bishop of milan ; that instead of fearing his sentence , he laid in prison two monks sent by the pope , and taken on the high way . but his heart came down at last , and he speaks auspertus fair , and alloweth of his ordination of ioseph episc. astensis , though irregular . epist. and commandeth his arch-deacon to obey him . epist. . after this he excommunicateth the archbishop of ravenna , and a great stir there was about that also . epist. . he had made one optandus bishop of geneva : but opteramus archbishop of vienna took it to be an usurpation on his right , and laid the popes bishop in a miserable prison ; so far was he yet from being where he would be . epist. . having excommunicated athanasius bishop of naples for not breaking his covenant with the saracens , he absolveth him on condition that yet he will break it . the matter was that the italians not able to resist the saracens , those that lay next them under their power sought to save themselves by truce and tribute , by which means the saracens had leisure to come further near to rome ; and so the pope to keep them from himself compelled by excommunications the lords and bishops of other parts to break their league , and stand up in arms to their own destruction . that you may know what bishops now ruled the churches . epist. . the foresaid bishop of vienna giveth one reason why he rejected optandus ordained bishop of geneva by the pope , viz. [ because he never was either baptized , made clerk , acclamed , or learned ] to which saith the pope [ this should be covered in silence , because [ let us speak it with your charity ] your holiness having nothing of these was yet consecrated in the church of vienna . ] was not here good succession , and a holy church . bishops unbaptized that were no scholars and no christians . epist. . one bishop by an armed band of men carrieth away another out of the church , and the pope interposeth . epist. . he again soliciteth michael . king of the bulgarians to become his subject . the poor men that had chosen christ , were so perplexed between the priests that strove who should be their vice-christ , and king of kings , that it seemed as hard to them to resolve the doubt , as it before was to be christians . yet epist. . sheweth , the bishop of ravenna being dead , that yet the roman usurpation was not grown so high as to take the choice of the bishop out of the people and presbyters hands , except in long neglected vacancies ( as geneva aforesaid . ) had not this pope been kept under by gods judgments , suffering the saracens so to ruine italy as that he still needed the help of princes , he had been like to have overthrown rome by his usurpations , setting both princes and prelates against him : but necessity made him a flatterer of the two emperors of the west , the emperor of the east , the king of france , the king of bulgaria , the princes of pannonia , and all that he needed , as ambition made him still striving by tibi dabo claves , and anathematizing to affright the world to his obedience . i say not worse of him than baronius , binnius , &c. who have no other way to deny the histories of pope ioan , than by saying that this mans baser compliance made him called pope joan. baronius ad an . , n. . reciteth an epistle of this popes so greatly complying with photius even against the [ filioquen ] that binnius would haveus believe that photius forged it . and [ epistolam ipsam aeterna oblivione dignam nolui ( saith he ) hisce adjungi . ] § . ccxc. an. . a concilium ticinense maketh charles emperor when the pope that had crowned ludovicus before calleth charles , praescitum , praeelectum et praedestinatum hereto , with all honourable elogies . and here cometh in a great controversie between the papists , and the protestants ; viz. whether kings succeed by inheritance or by the election and making of the pope . the pope thought the craft of putting in a big usurping word , was as good as a law to prove their own power to make kings and unmake them . accordingly this pope when he durst stay from rome in france no longer , lest he lost all , ( being imprisoned for refusing the right heir charles ) returneth , and speaketh some big words , and turneth forced consent into super-kingly commands , and saith ( bin. p. ) eligimus merito et approbavimus ] solemnitèr ad romani imperii sceptra proveximus ) et augustali nomine decoravimus , &c. and to disable the kingly claim of inheritance he saith , [ neque enim sibi honorem praesumptuosè ass●mpsit , ut imperator fieret , sed tanquam desideratus , et optatus , postulatus a nobis , ●t a deo vocatus , et honorificatus ad defendendam religionem et christintique servos tuendos , humiliter et obedienter accessit , &c. nisi enim talem cognovissemus ejus intentionem nunquam animus noster fieret tam promptus ad ipsius promotionem , &c. so if the pope had not liked him , the emperor 's hereditary right had never made him emperor . and the flattering bishops say to the pope ( bin. p. . ) ut non vos prius eligeret , sed contra vos cum et eligeretis et diligeretis : et nos o coangelice papa , vestigia vestra sectantes et salubria monita recipientes , quem amatis amamus , quem eligistis eligimus , &c. and now comes in binnius with his comment and saith that [ would our refractory novelists , who with great temerity dare profess that the roman popes in the crowning of emperors have no other right then barely ministerially to anoint and crown them , had but known these acts ( * ) they would from them have learned that that pope john ( alias joan ) did not only anoint and crown charles , but also by gods instinct did choose him to govern the empire , and raised him to that sublime dignity honouring him with the augustal name , before he was anointed and crowned by him , and that the empire was conferred on him , not by hereditary right of succession , but by the will of the pope who chose him and granted it to him . ] be wise therefore o ye kings , be instructed ye that are iudges of the earth — kiss the popes foot lest he be angry and ye perish in the way ; if his wrath be kindled , yea , but a little , &c. § . ccxci. an. . a concilium pontigonense confirmed the choice of charles where it 's said ( bin. p. ) et legit johannes arietinus episcopus quandam schedulam ratione et authoritate carentem : postquam legit odo belgivacorum episcopus quaedam capitula a legatis apostolicis , et ab ansegiso ( the popes vicar ) et eodem odone sine conscienti● synodi dictata , inter se dissona , et nullam utilitatem habentia , verúm et ratione et authoritate carentia , et ideo hic non habentur subjuncta . ] § . ccxcii . an. . a council in neustria ( normandie under hincmarus rhemensis rebuked hugo base son of lotharius for rebellion and devastation of the country . § . ccxciii . an. . a concilium trecense where the pope was present excommunicated formosus● portuensis ( one of the former popes preachers to the bulgarians , and one that was after pope himself . ) also hincmarus laudunensis was restored blind , and joyned with the other that had his place , ( and so one church had two bishops in spite of his uncle hincmarus rhemensis that opposed it , and had both put him in and cast him out . § . ccxciv. an. . was a council of the popes at rome for his unrighteous making ludovicus . emperor , the pope challenging the first choice : but auspertus bishop of milan came not and resisted , and though ( as you heard ) excommunicated by the pope , did help to turn the choice to the right heir . § . ccxcv. besides some petty council at rome , there was an . . a general council at constantinople of bishops where photius was confirmed , and the former general council ( called the th also ) abrogated , and the word [ filioque ] taken out of the creed : the papists say that the pope consented only to this as for photius's restitution , and not for the abrogation of the former council ; and that photius corrupted his writing , and so they would make all writings uncertain . they say that pope iohn's epistle is by the wonderful providence of god found yet without some clauses added by photius , whom they call the great architect of lyes : but the greeks will no more believe the late found laterane or other roman copies , than the romans will believe the greek copies . and how shall we know which of them to believe ? ( and how little doth it concern us ? ) § . it must be a controversie also whether this council must be called oecumenical : i have oft proved that there was never any truly such as to all the world . there were bishops which is more than the first council at nice had , or most others : the popes legates were there ; oh but , saith binnius , it was not they but photius that did preside : therefore it was not general . ans. . let the world know then what maketh a general council in the papal sense : it doth not represent all the church unless the popes legates preside . so much doth it import to know which priest is the greatest . . but did binnius forget that he himself affirmeth that at the first general council at constantinople the pope did not preside by himself or any legate . and yet that is one of the th . councils equalled with the four gospels ; and the pope dare not deny it lest the greeks further hereticate or anathematize him . but saith binnius , it was no general council because there was many frauds and impostures . ans. by that rule trent had no general council , nor florence , &c. and so it is left to the judgment of all men to nullifie such councils which they can prove to have had frauds and impostures . and must we also nullifie the papacie of them that have had such frauds ? § . is it a grand question whether pope iohn confirmed this council . the approbation is extant . but the reprobaters say . that he put in some terms of limitation ( so far as his legates went right ) . that he after ex umbone condemned photius , &c. but . is it not a general council if the popes legates consent till he personally confirm it ? were all former councils null , till the popes personal confirmation ? what are his legates for then ? . as his legates may mistake , so may he himself : is it null then till he rectifie his error ? . by this we see how impossible it is to know the new gosple of the papists ; which is canonical from the apocryphal . for ( as pope martin's conciliariter after , so ) here and elswhere the popes have so ambiguously given their consent that no wit of man can tell what is consented to by them , and what not ( as their controversies confessed , &c. § . at least whether the pope consented or no , seeing in this council the former th . general council was condemned , and the filioque expunged the creed , we see how ridiculously our late papists argue from the consent of councils to prove the constant tradition of the church , saying , did the council go to bed in one mind and rise in another ? did these bishops do so ? or did the former whom they condemned do so ? is this the smooth current of tradition ? and may we know by it what our fathers held ? § . when the other legates consented , marinus , who was after pope , dissenting , he was laid in prison thirty dayes at constantinople . in the first act of the council , as baronius tells us , iohn bishop of heraclea spake much against the church of rome , which he said was the original of all the mischief that had be●aln them ; to overthrow and and cure which this council was called . much also against pope nicolas and hadrian he spake , but for pope iohn as being for them . in the d . act was read an epistle of the patriarch of alexandria , to the emperor for abrogating the former th . synod : and thomas one of the three legates of the eastern patriarchs that consented to the former synod ( the rest being dead ) made his penitent recantation . then the epistles of the patriarchs of ierusalem and antioch for photius are read , &c. in the third act , pope iohn's letters were read , as endeavouring the peace of the eastern church ; which the council took as a busy pretending to more power than he had , and therefore said that they had peace before his letters came , and that they were superfluous . and whereas he made it his business by this complyance , to get the bulgarian diocess ; they said this was to controvert the bounds of the empire , and therefore left it to the emperor . in the th act the eastern patriarchs letters were read , disclaiming their legates at the last council , as being not theirs but the saracens legates : and condemning that council . the papists think photius forged these . here also lords professed repentance , saying that the false legates deceived them . in the th . act metrophanes bishop of smyrna is accused of schism , for being against photius . three canons also were made . . that those excommunicate by the bishop of rome should not be restored by the bishop of constantinople . nor those that were excommunicated by the bishop of constantinople be restored by the bishop of rome : ( and so rome was shut out from troubling them with pretended jurisdiction . ) . that those that forsake their bishopricks shall not return to them . . against magistrates that enslave and beat bishops . in the th . act the creed was recited without silioque . and in the th . all those that should add to it or diminish are anathematized . § . ccxcvi. a council of the popes at rome excommunicated athanasius bishop and prince of naples , for not breaking his league with the saracens . § . iohn dyed . marinus is made pope , commanded by his predecess●r , called by platina , martin , who saith that he came to the popedom , malis artibus , and therefore did nothing and soon dyed . but barcnius saith he lived long enough to do something , viz. . he condemned photius again , and thereby provoked the emperor basilius ; as if rome did still set the imperial church in contention , and hinder peace . the emperor affirmed that he was no bishop of rome , because he had been ordained bishop of another place . . he destroyeth what pope iohn had done , who had deposed formosus preacher to the bulgarians , and bishop portuensis , and had made him swear that he would never return to the episcopal seat , but rest content with lay-communion : but pope marinus recalled him to the city and restored him to his bishoprick , and absolved him from his oath , which baronius and binnius doubt not but he had power to do ; yea , and to dispense with the ill acts of the pope , which he did out of private affects and partiality . § . in his time also the church of rome used filioque , in opposition to photius ; spain and france having used it before . because , saith baronius and binnius , photius had wrote about it to the ignorant and schismatical archbishop of aquileia . ( there was it seems there so many of the greatest bishops imperiti et schismatici in the papal sense , as intimateth that as the popes greatness rose in height , it did not grow equally in length and breadth . ) § . marinus having reigned a year and twenty dayes ( a short pleasure to sell eternal happiness for ) hadrian the third succeeded him , and had longer part of the usurped kingdom , viz. a year and three months and nineteen dayes . he also damned photius , and was bitterly reproached by the emperor basilius , whose contumelious letters found him dead , and his successor answered them . ( was all the christian world now ( till luther ) subject to the pope ? ) platina saith of this pope , that [ he was of so great a spirit that in the very beginning of his papacy , he straitway decreed that popes should be made without expecting the emperors authority , and that the suffrages of the clergy and people should be free : which was before by pope nicolas rather attempted than indeed begun . he was i suppose encouraged by the opportunity of charles his departing with his army from italy to subdue the rebelling normans . ] rome was still on the rising hand . § . stephen the th . alias th . succeeded him . in his time carolus crassus the emperor is by a convention of lords and bishops deposed from his empire as too dull and unworthy . ( kings were brought under as elective by the pope , and now are at the mercy of their subjects . ) arnulphus a base son of carolomannus got an interest in the subjects , and they deposed the emperor and set him up . baronius and binnius ascribe it to gods judgment for charles his wronging of richarda a pure virgin , yet repudiated by him . they say that he was reduced to such poverty that he was fain to beg his bread of arnulphus , and dyed in the th year of his empire . § . the letter against the pope written by the emperor basilius the papists will not let us see : but this pope sthephen ' s answer to it they give us , which runs on the old foundation , trayterous to magistracy as such . telling the emperor that [ the sacerdotal and apostolical dignity is not subject to kings , and that kings are authorized to meddle only with worldly matters , and the pope and priests with spiritual . and therefore his place is as far more excellent than emperors , as heaven is above earth ] he tells the emperor that in reviling the pope of rome he blattered out blasphemy against the god of all the world , and his immaculate spouse and priest and the mother of all churches : and that he is deceived that thinketh [ that the disciple ( princes ) is above his master ( the priests , ) and the servant above his lord. he wondereth at his taunts and scoffs against the holy pope , and the curses or reproaches which he loaded the roman church with , to which he ought with all veneration to be subject , as king , who made him the judge of prelates whose doctrine he must obey , and why he said marinus was no bishop , &c. by this the reader may perceive whether yet all the christian world obeyed the pope , or judged him to be their governor . § . how pope formosus set up wido duke of spoleto trayterously as emperor till he was forced to loyalty , is after to be said . § . ccxcvii. an. ● . a council at colen under charles crassus , made canons against sacrilege and adultery . § . . ccxcviii . an. . a council at mentz , ) while they were all in distress by the depopulations of the normans ) first decreed to pray for the king , and then tell him that rex dicitur a regendo : and if he rule piously , justly and mercifully he is justly called a king , but if impiously , unjustly , and cruelly he is a tyrant . can. . whereas former synods forbad all women to dwell in the house with bishops , or priests , or deacons , except mothers or sisters ; they now forbid these also , hearing oft of the wickedness committed by them , and that bishops ( or priests ) lay with their own sisters , and begat children of them . but to secure them from all conviction for any such crime it is decreed chap. the . that no presbyter accuse any bishop , nor any deacon a presbyter , nor any subdeacon a deacon , &c. and that no prelate be condemned but under seventy two witnesses ; and the chief prelate be judged of no man. and a cardinal presbyter not under forty two witnesses ; nor a cardinal deacon under twenty six : s●bde aco●s , acolythes exorcists , lectors , doorkeepers , not under seven : and these without infamy having wives and children . ] and indeed that bishop that would lie with his own sister in the presence of seventy two men that had wives and children deserved to be blamed . chap. . one that wilfully murdered a priest , was to forbear flesh and wine , and not to be carried in a coach ▪ and not come to church in five years , and not to receive the sacrament of twelve years after . § . binnius here addeth an observable note , that arnulphus is called only king at first and not emperor , it being nefas unlawful to assume the name of emperor till it were given by the pope ] o brave pope ! § . ccxcix . a council at metz under the same norman calamities decreed such like things . chap. . they decreed that no presbyter should have more than one church ( unless a chappel ) and none take money for burials . chap. . that mothers or sisters dwell not in the house with bishops or priests . but still capital crimes were punished but with excommunication and penance . chap. . one that forced a widow : another that killed his kinsman , and married his his wife , and swore to the archbishop to forsake her and did not , was excommunicate . and so were some that gelded a priest for reproving their filthiness , § . ccc . a council at wormes was called to end a controversie between two prelates , bishops of colen and hamburg , striving for bremen ( to have greater diocesses and jurisdiction . ) § . next cometh the forementioned pope formosus , saith onuphrius the first pope that ever was made of one that before had been a bishop . for the old canons oft decreed that no bishop remove from his first place : only when one was ordained against his will , and not consenting never possest the place , sometimes he was accepted to another . now was the fourteenth time that rome had two bishops at once by schism . sergius got in to be pope , but they forced him to resign , and banished him . formosus was well esteemed of for his preaching to the bulgarians ; but pope iohn ( some think for reproving his sin ) deposed him ( as afore said ) and made him swear never to return to be a bishop : but marinus absolved him , and he came in thus perjured ; notwithstanding the false pretence of papists that the pope can dispense with such oaths ; the matter of them being a thing lawful , but not necessary . platina saith that he was suspected to have a hand in the tumult that imprisoned pope iohn , and that he came to the popedom largitione potius quam virtue , by gifts rather than virtue , that is , by simonie . he did ( lawfully if you will believe baronius and binnius ) create , anoint , and consecrate lambert , after his father wido , emperor ( that was not heir : ) yet after consecrated arnulphus ( its like by constraint ; ) for such things the roman nobles hated him . but he got arnulphus to rome ; who revenged the pope by beheading many of the princes that were hasting to meet him , which was not like to win mens love . § . . he wrote an honest epistle to the english clergie , perswading them to keep up the ministry , and reproving them for indulging pagan rites . chap. xi . the progress of counsels till leo th . especially in italy , france and germany , and their behaviour . § . . ccci. odo earl of paris , having usurped the kingdom in the minority of charles the simple the right heir , fulke bishop of rhemes calleth a synod and deposeth him , and sets up charles ( such power had prelates ) . some say the french chose odo by arnulphu's consent ; and some say , that he dying , desired that charles might have possession . this was anno . § . . the great devastations made by the normans , burning cities , churches , monasteries ; and at last forcing consent for a habitation in neustria , i pass over ; and petavius out of some writers of their own will tell you , that when chartress was besieged by them , the virgin marys smock , which king charles calvus had brought thither from besanson , being carried , cast them into so great a terror , that they fled away all in confusion . where they had this smock , and how many hundred years after the virgin marys death it was found , and how they knew it to be hers , and how it was so long kept , and where , and why it did not many miracles sooner , till above years after christ , are questions which i cannot answer . § . . italy and france were all this while fill'd with civil wars . wido and his son lambert being dead , berengarius got possession of italy , whom lewis after overcame , and was made emperor at rome , crowned by the pope : but three years after , taken by berengarius , was deposed , and had his eyes put out . yet after this berengarius was cut off , and lewis restored and anointed by pope iohn . rodulphus king of burgundy was set up by some italian nobles against berengarius , and overthrowing his army , was called king of italy . berengarius was kil'd by treachery : rodulphus was soon deposed , and the italians made hugo earl of provence king. at last he joyned his son lothari●s with him : the younger berengarius prevaileth against him , driveth him to provence ; and is made king : intending to marry his son adalbertus to adaleidis the widdow of lotharius ; she invited otho king of germany into italy and marryed him , vvho after is made the first germane emperor : of ●ll which , more after in the particular order and place . see petav. lib. . c. . § . . cccii . anno. . formosus had a roman council , to consult of some relief of the ruined countries , in vain . for now men secular and ecclesiastical , confounded all by striving for rule . § . . ccciii. anno . a council at tribur in germany for church reformation : many of the canons are to secure and advance the clergy . the ninth decideth a doubt , if an earl ( or civil ruler ) command the people to meet at one place ( on civil accounts ) and the bishop command them to meet at another on the same day , none shall obey the magistrate ( or earls ) but he and all his company shall obey the bishop and come to him . cap. . no bishop shall be deposed but by twelve bishops , no presbyter but by six bishops , no deacon but by three , cap. . in controversies , lay-men must swear , but clergy-men must not be put to swear , cap. . there is allowed tryal by fire , per ignem candenti ferro caute examinetur . § . . ccciv. a council at nantes made more disciplinary canons . § . . who was next pope is not agreed : platina and onuphrius say , that boniface was rightly chosen , and reigned but twenty six days , saith platina , or fifteen saith onuphrius ; others ( saith platina ) say twelve years : baronius ( and binius ) saith , that he was no pope ; and that he did but invade the pope-dome , and was homo nefarius , a wicked man , twice before this degraded : first from his deaconship , and next from his presbyterate , damned in a romane synod under john the ninth : he addeth , that ( both of them ) boniface and stephen got the place by force , fear and tyranny , and so it was but one intruder , that thrust out another intruder : ( but how then is the succession secured . why , it 's added ) yet stephen is numbred with the popes by the common sentence ( or opinion ) because to avoid the danger of schisme , though he was homo scelestissimus , a most wicked man ; yet all the clergy approved bim , and the whole catholik church , took him for christs vicar & peters successor . ( how prove you that , why , because [ fulke bishop of rhemes owned him ! ] a noble proof that all the christian world did so ! § . . say barronius , and binius , he began his pope-dome with that sacriledg , as to take the corps of formous out of his grave , and cloathing him in his pontifical robes , ( he set him in a chair , and saith platina , there judged him as no pope , because he had been first a bishop ; which indeed , by the old canons , nullified his calling ; for formosus , was the first pope that had been before a bishop , as is said , unless the emporour basil truly charged macrinus with the same ) : having expostulated with the dead man , * why he being a bishop would take the pope-dome , he cut off his three four fingers with which he had anointed , and cast them into the river tyber , and commanded , that all that he had ordained should be ordained again : ( and so conform to him . ) and they wonder with what face of reason onuphrius rejecteth all this as a fable , when the antient monuments , synodal acts , and historians testify it . do you wonder at this ? why it is because he was not willing it should be believed : a reason that is not strange to your selves . § . . cccv . pope stephen called a council in which his usage of pope formosus was approved , bin. ex baron . p. ▪ so ready were the bishops to follow the strongest side , in such things as the papists mention with abhorrence . and ( say they ) this portentum attended the synod , that the laterane church , the chief seat of the pope , by the impulse of an evill angel fell down quite from the altar to the doors : the walls not being able to stand , when the chief cardinal door was shaken with the earthquake of so great a villany . § . . but here the authors calling us novatores ( as if such popes were of glorious antiquity ) are hard put to it to vindicate against us the popes infallibility ! and how do they do it ? why st . they say that all that stephen did against formosus , a man stricken with madness , did it fulfilling the perswasion of his boyling rage . but in the lawful use of his papal authority , he defined nothing against faith or good manners : for the bishops that were for this cause called to the council , and the presbyters not unlike to stephen himself , did prosecute formosus with the same hatred ; and therefore pronounced that sentence against him , which they fore knew would be pleasing to a man smitten with fury : so that we confess violent tyranny , but no errour in faith defined or approved by him , lawfully using his papal authority : and yet it were no prejudice to the papal seat , if we grant , that a false pope , not lawfully chosen , but invading and obtruded , did err in asserting articles of faith. thus the author . ans. . but if you grant this , is not your succession interrupted ? . and was your church a true church , when an essential part was null ? . howver , was it the holy church when an essential part was such a villain ? . will not your argument as well prove every bishop , priest , or man infallible ? for no one of them all can define falsly against an article of faith , as long as he lawfully useth his power ; for it is no lawful use of power that so defineth and belieth god. . but is all your foundation of faith come to this ? it is then but saying , when ever your pope and church erreth , that they did not use their power lawfully : and what relief is that to the deceived ? how shall we know when your popes have used it lawfully , and when not ; and so what is true among you , and what false ? . and were your roman council of bishops and priests , all as bad as this villainous pope , and ready to please him in their decrees : and was this a holy church , and like to be an infallible council : and must the world follow them ? . and how then shall we know that it was not just so with many other former and following councils ; and that it will not be so with you again ! o miserable shifts against plain truth ! § . . the same great authors after luitpraudus , l. . c . say , that stephen an invader of the papal seat , by the faction of the n●bles against adelbert , prince of etruria , was thrust into prison an. . and after he had been pope six years , being strangled in the same prison , ended his days by gods vengeance in an infamous death ] : yet platina saith , that he died the first year and third month of his reign ; and onuphrius saith , he sate one year , two moneths , and ninteen days . § . . it 's strang that luitpraudus saith , that stephen condemned the corps of formosus for being a bishop before , when platina and onuphrius say , that he himself was episcopus anagninus , when made pope . § . . and platina saith , that [ this controversie ( against formosus ) was great and of ill examples ; seeing that after this , it was almost always kept as a custome , that following popes did either infring , or wholly undoe the acts of those that went before them : ] and yet were they infallible ? § . . the next pope was called romanus , whose life platina thus describeth : romanus as soon as he was pope , presently abrogateth and condemneth the decrees and acts of stephen : for these popes thought of nothing , but to extinguish the name and dignity of their predecessors , than which nothing can be worse , or the part of a narrower mind : for they that trust to such acts as these , having no virtue themselves , endeavor to rase out the men of desert , whom through sloth and malice they cannot match . you shall never find any to envy anothers fame , but one that himself is contaminated with all disgrace , and despaireth that his own name should ever be famous with posterity : these are they that by fraud , malice , craft , and evil speaking , do bite , tear , accuse , and worry those that deserve well of mankind ; like cowardly , or slothful , and useless dogs , that dare not set upon wild beasts themselves , but will bite those that are tyed , or in their dens . ] so platina . — ramanus ruled but three months . § . . next succeeded in the popedome theodorus . who saith platina followed the steps of the seditious : for he restored the acts of formosus ▪ and preferred his followers : and reigned but twenty days . next came iohn . ( or . as others ) saith platina . [ he restored the cause of pope-formosus , many of the people being against it : whence arose such a sedition , that they hardly scaped a battle . baronius saith , that ludovicus . was deposed and blinded now by berengarius , who assumed the empire ; and this pope crowned him , through fear ! yet after he was gone , he called lambert to rome , and with a synod concuring with him , declared the coronations both of berengarius and arnulph to be null , as being extorted ; and so took lambert for king and emperour : did not the crowns of princes sit very loose , when it was but a popes pretending that he crowned them through fear , and they were presently deposed ? would these popes have been martyrs , or were they christians or gnosticks , that would sin , if they were but put in fear ? and would not fear have made them own a heresy , as well as other sin ? on this occasion all was cast into confusion : the pope was fain to fly to ravenna for protection , to him whom he had crowned . § . . cccvi . this pope called a synod at rome ( that called ovetensis , i pass by as of small moment ) an. . in which he condemned the fact of pope stephen , decreeing that the dead are not to be judged by men . but what became of the synod of bishops that had joyned herein with pope stephen ? why ( bin. p. . ) they turn'd with the times , and did as such had used to do ; they asked forgiveness , and said , they did it for fear ; and so , he that hath power by fear or hope , can make such bishops and councils sin and repent , and sin again , and repent again , as interest altereth . they were pardoned . but formosus preferment from a bishoprick to the popedome was voted to be against the canons , excusable only by necessity , and not to be imitated but in cases of necessity : his ordained clergy were restored , and re-ordinations and re-baptizations , forbidden as unlawful . § . . cccvii . another synod he called at ravenna for the same use , when he fled thither from rome ; of bishops . baronius saith , he was another ieremias sent of god , to pluck up and pull down what pope . stephen had done . platina saith [ i think this came to pass because popes were departed from st. peters steps ; and chiefly , because the christian common-wealth had idle slothful princes that would have peters ship thus tossed , lest the ruler if he look about him , should cast them out as evil pilots . arnulphus was given to pleasure , and charles the simple or rather foolish of france , was little better ; and so the hungarians destroyed and killed in germany and france , and the affricans in calabria , and had little resistance ; blood and misery being the common lot. he addeth , [ that this pope john dying in the d . year and th . day of his reign , left nothing worthy of memory behind him , but that he revived some seditions that before were almost extinct . and it is a sad question , that herveus bishop of rhemes put to him ( bin. p. ) what to do with those that are baptized and rebaptized , and yet after baptism live as the heathens , kill christians , yea the priests , sacrifice to idols , eat things offered to them ? the pope durst not use discipline on these , because they were novices , lest he affright them from the church to heathenisme again ; but left them to the bishops discretion and experience , to do as he saw best . § . . this pope had a corrival , which was the . schisme : sergius that had been made pope with formosus , and was put out and banished , did now get in again ; but iohn had the stronger part , and cast him out , and banished him once again : onuphr . chron. p. . but had he been but strong enough , the succession had come down from him , as right . § . . benedict the . came next ; nothing saith platina , was done in his time that is much to be praised ; because both princes , popes , and clergy were grown debauched ; bad princes making popes by tyranny : now the line of charles the great , lost the empire , ludovicus the son of arnulphus being slain by berengarius ; and so they lost both italy , germany , ( and after france ) by their own , and the clergies wickedness . § . . leo. . came next , anno . who thrust him in , i find not ; but when he had reigned but . days , his familiar friend christopher had list to be pope , and cast him out , and laid him in fetters ; where it 's said he dyed of grief : where platina well noteth , that [ the saying is certainly true , that dignities ( or places of preferment ) receive more honour from the men , than the men do from the dignities ( or places . ) ] § . . christopher thus got in by sudden invasion , kept it longer than leo did , even near seven months ; and then he that had been twice pope before , did once again try for it , and was too strong for christopher , and put him into a monastery . a holy place then , no doubt , for saith platina [ this was the only refuge of the calamitous : for in those times bad clergy men were thurst into monasteries , by way of banishment , as heretofore into islands . ] § . . the man that did this and got the popedom , was sergius . who had been twice before cast out : saith baron , and bin. ( p. . ) [ that wicked sergius ( nefandus ) by albertus armes got in : a man that was the servant of all vices , and of all men the most wicked ( facinorosissimus ) invaded the popedom , and so was by all men taken for no lawful pope : to his horrid sacriledge , he added the most impudent filthyness ; and by marozia ( a great whore ) the daughter of that most famous whore theodora , he begot his son john ( after pope . ) ] for many historians tell us , how these two famous whores did rule rome , and make and unmake popes . § . . this pope undid again all that had been done for formosus , and against stephen : for both the king of france , and sergius , were enemies to formosus , for setting up other powers against france , and because his party was against sergius : but i wonder that platina tells us , that both stephen and sergius took formosus out of his grave , and the one cut off his three fingers , and the other his head ; and both cast into tyber ! if this be true , he was taken up again the first time , and buried again . but i suppose that it was but his fingers that were cast in the first time , and the corps after ; or else he was found after the first time . platina saith , it is reported , but not of any certainty ; that some fisher-men found the corps , and buried it ●t st. peters church , and that while it was doing , the church images bowed to it ( it 's well vncertainty was put into the story : ) and that some thought this moved sergius to envy ; but that indeed it was , because formosus party were against his papacy . it seems by this that the fisher-men found him after the first casting into tyber ; or else his burial by them could not be called the occasion of sergius fact . so little rest had this popes carkass , being twice buried , twice taken up , twice judged , and executed after death , and twice cast into tyber . but saith platina , [ popes now seeking and getting the popedome by liberty and ambition , disregarding gods worship , exercised enmity against one another ; no otherwise than do the cruellest tyrants , glutting their own lusts the more securely , when there are none left to restrain vices . this wicked man for almost seven years enjoyed the fruits of his iniquity . § . . here baronius and binius forget to answer the great difficulty . st . how the roman succession escaped from being interrupted . . and also , where was the roman church while such reigned as were no popes . . and also , where was its holiness and infallibility , when it had the worst of men ( as they say themselves ) thus set over them as their heads : but they are careful , [ nequis pusillanimus ex hoc facto scandalum accipiat , lest weak minded persons should be scandalized by this : and they tell us as a wonderful providence of god , that so great was the reverence to the church of rome , that even when such men invaded the popedome unlawfully , being even in the churches censure rather apostatical than apostolical ; yet those that did but hear ▪ who was pope ( especially the northern countries that were far off ) obeyed them : so that any man may understand by how great a providence god governeth the universal church , which when it was set on fire at the will of whores , and all mischiefs and scandals did increase , and it was feared it would be divided by a great schisme ; yet god defended it from all heresy and schisme , all nations persisted in one bond of faith ▪ and covent of obedience . ] indeed gods providence is wonderful that saveth his true church from such wicked usurpers ; and keepeth a union of all in christ : but this is no honour to the wicked usurpers ; when now fifteen schismes had divided them , and many more afterward ; nor was it any honour or blessing , to them that gave up their kingdoms to such usurpers . if these were no popes , but intruding whore-mongers ; was it a blessing to the world to be deceived , and to take those for popes , that indeed were none . but had not they then a seeming church , and indeed none , when an essential part was null . § . . cccviii . they say that anno . a council at soissons ordered some reformation . § . . leo called philosophus son to basilius macedo , this while was emperour in the east , who being formerly suspected and imprisoned by his father , upon some suggestion of photius , and santabacenus was revenged on them , when he reigned , and deposed photius , and put him into a monastery . this is the rest , that ambition procureth . thus sin is the misery of the sinner . alexander his unckle was gardian to leo's son , the father being dead : nicholas had before been made patriark , and upon offence deposed , and euthymius put in his place . but alexander deposed euthymius , and restored nicholas : and having spent thirteen months in drunkenness and lust , bled to death ; and constantine , seven years old , with his mother zoe reigned alone : constantine ducas rebelling , is subdued : the bulgarians conquered by leo phocas general ; who thereupon aspiring to the crown , was slain . eight years after , zoe is removed , and one romanus lecapenus made guardian ; and caesar , he advanced three of his sons to the like honor , to strengthen himself , and made his other son theophilact patriark , instead of stephen , though he was but sixteen years old . he married his daughter to the bulgarian king ; and then began to despise the emperour , and prefer himself . god punished this , by permitting his own son stephen , to depose and banish him into an island : at last constantine awaked , and deposed them all , and ruled himself , in drunkenness , and debauchery fifteen years , and then dyed ; or as some say , was killed by romanus's sons . after him nicephorus phocus a succesful warrior , but a bad man , ruled ; the church called him bad for oppressing them with taxes : his wife theophanon , and iohn trimisces ( who succeeded ) killed him . thus hath the world been governed ; and this is the profit of ambition . § . . the next pope is anastatius the d. who sate two years , and two months . in this time the eastern emperour leo published constitutions , which baronius and binius ( p. . ) deride as ridiculous , in imitation of iustinian , because he presumed to make church laws . § . . lando was the next pope , anno . and sate . months and . days ; say baronius and binius , [ this man at the importunate insta●ce , of that most potent , most noble , and most impudent whore theodora , ( who had prostituted one of her daughters marozia to pope sergius , and the other theodora to aldebert marquess of tuscia , and hereby had obtained or kept the monarchy of the city , ( who was pope if this whore was monarch ) did create john whom she most filthily doted on , a presbyter of ravina , the bishop of bononia , and peter arch-bishop of ravenna being dead , he made him there arch-bishop . and a little after so filthy an act , he died. luitpraud . l. . c. . § . . next cometh this same man , anno iohn . saith platina and others , the son of pope sergius ( by the whore marozia say some , but it s not like , because marozia killed him . ) but it s more probable ▪ as onuphrius noteth , that it was not this iohn , but the next that was son to sergius and marozia . this pope saith baron . and bin. is he that the famous whore theodora for great comeliness of person doted on ; and sa●th luitpraud , got him made arch-bishop of ravenna , and after pope of rome , that she might not lye with him so seldome , as the distance between rome and ravenna would necessitate . so [ say they , this impudent man being powerful at rome , by the strength of a whore , is made a false pope and wicked invader of the seat ] where they shew how this whore obtained her power . but was this no interruption of the succession neither , nor a nullifying of the papal church , while he sate . or as onuphrius , . years and more . no saith baron . ( and bin. ) he that was an invader , theif , and robber , by the after consent of the roman clergy , became the lawful pope of rome . . we see then , what the romane clergy were , that would have such a pope . . but they give no proof of any such consent ; but say , it is verisimile . . and where was the church till that consent , or at least its holiness . . can such mens consent make a pope of an uncapable person ? will no wickedness incapacitate ? § . . say the foresaid authors , in this popes time sisevandus bishop of compostella , finding the great diversity of the roman and mo●●rabick liturgy , altered his by the popes consent . after herveus , one seulphus was arch-bishop of rhemes . heribert earl of aquitane , considering that the bishop of rhemes anointeth the king of france , bargained to have his son made next bishop ; that thereby he might get the crown . in hast seulphus is poysoned , because they could not stay till he dyed . heribert ' s son , not yet five years old , is made arch-bishop . ( o scelus in auditum , say baronius and binius . ) this monstrous election , ( say they ) never before seen or heard of in the christian world , nor perhaps thought of , pope john did not only not disallow , but ratifyed . — and by this fact , the infamous pope gave an example to many princes , not only in that , but the following ages , ( alas , for grief ! ) to procure lads that were their kindred , to be thrust into the chief seats , ( or bishopricks ) to the great mischief of the church . ] a work ( say they ) indeed , worthy such a pope , whom an infamous woman , by an infamous work , had thrust into st. peter's chair . qu. were such villaines as infallible as others ? did their love , honesty , and chastity fail ; and yet , were they secured against the failing of their faith ? or , had they a sincere faith , that had no other grace ? and , could these forgive sins , and deliver souls out of purgatory ? when he had sate fourteen years , or sixteen , ( saith baronius and binius ) marquess wido , by the perswasion of his wife marozia , ( pope sergius whore ) for the sake of his brother peter , whom they hated , cast him out of his seat into a prison ; where shortly after , he was choked with a pillow : and so the invader , and unjust detainer of the apostolick-seat , had an end worthy of his wickedness . and he , that by the impudent mother , theodora , had violently seized on the holy seat , by her as impudent daughter , was by god's just iudgment ejected , imprisoned , and deprived both of it , and of his life . ex luitpr . & frodoaldo , baron . § . . cccix . anno . a synod at confluence , decreed as against incest , that none marry within the seventh degree of kindred . was that divine law ? § . . two or three other synods at tros●etum are mentioned , about small matters ; and one at duisburge , to excommunicate some that put out the bishops eyes . § . . the next pope , is leo the sixth ; and dyed after seven ( or six ) months , and fifteen dayes . § . . next , anno . succeeded stephen the eighth , ( or seventh ) and sate but two years , one month , and fifteen dayes . how they were so fast dispatched , i omit . § . . next comes the son of marozia , pope sergius his bastard , call'd iohn the eleventh : his mother , and father-in-law , wido , got him in anno . even when he was a lad under age. his brother albericus , ( saith baronius ) did keep this pope in prison to his death . but the case was this , ( vid. bin. p. . ) [ wido being dead , marozia offereth the dominion of rome to his own brother hugo , on condition he would marry her : he accepteth the condition ; and secretly entering the castle of st. angelo , after he had committed incest with her , his brother's widow , he despised the romans . when his son-in-law albericus , by his mother marozia's command , poured out water to wash his hands , he stroke him on the face for pouring too much . to revenge this wrong , albericus stir'd up the romans to a defection ; and having by assault of the castle , put to flight bis father-in-law hugo , he commanded his mother marozia , and his bastard-brother , the counterfeit pope john , to be kept in prison ; in which the violent invader dyed , being violently cast out , after for five years , and some months , he had rather filthily defiled , tban ruled the apostolick-seat . ] saith binius out of luitpraudus and baronius : calling him a monster ; and yet magnifying rome , because such were obeyed . § . . cccx . anno . a small council at erford in germany , under king henry , decreed , . that holy-dayes be kept for an honourable commemoration of the twelve apostles , and fasting on the evens . . that no state-meetings be kept on the lord's - dayes , or other holy-dayes ; nor christians then cited to the courts of justice . . nor when he is going to church . . that scandalous ministers be tryed . . that no private christian make , or impose any fast on himself , without the bishop , or his missionaries consent . ( an unreasonable usurpation ! must the bishop needs know all the reasons that every man hath for fasting , and be judge of them ? but sure , the bishop's diocess had not then so many hundred parishes , and so many counties , as they have now : else , by that time , the bishop and his commissary had heard a hundred thousand , or fifty thousand persons , tell him , what reasons they had to fast besides the common fasts , at any time , or on any special occasions , much of his time would be taken up . § . . anno . a council at rhemes against church-robbers , &c. § . . anno . leo the seventh was made pope , after iohn the eleventh . in that time hugo , that was got away from alberic●s , had got an army , and besieged rome . a match was made for albericus to marry hugo's daughter : and so marozia's husband and son were agreed , by the means of odo , abbot of cluniac . § . . henry , king of germany , the glory ( saith baronius and binius ) of christian religion , dyed at this time ; who , after many other nations , couverted also the king of denmark to the christian faith : and left his son otho , the heir of his piety and valour . yet are not other papists ashamed to say , that all these nations were converted by the pope ; who was the great scandal , that hindred the conversion of the world. § . . but ( say the same authors ) manass●s , bishop of arles , now troubled the churcb ▪ being an ambitious man , not contented with his seat , by the means of hugo king of italy , he also invaded the bishopricks of verona , and of trent , and of mantua , and of mila● it self ! ( o now the church prosper'd ! ) saying , that he did it by the example of the prince of the apostles ; who at once possessed rome , antioch , and alexandria . ] ex luitpraud . ( and could the pope blame him , that would be bishop at the antipodes , and have all the world ? ) but it s strange , that men should talk of bishops ambition , as of a strange thing , in the year . § . . anno . pope stephen the nineth was chosen by otho of germany , without the cardinal-clergy , who had neither power , nor virtue enough , to choose : and the city was under the power of albericus , who tyrannized over them : and because he had not the choice he caused some fellows so to cut and mangle the face of the pope , that he would never after be seen abroad , but kept close till he dyed ; which was after three years . this otho resolved to revenge on albericus : and also , the war between hugo , and albericus , broke out again . platina saith , that hugo was about to revenge the pope , but then dyed . § . . a synod was at narbon , to end the contention of two bishops , about the extent of their diocesses , and jurisdiction . § . . cccxi. if yet you perceive not the sad state of the church , by men's striving for church-dignities ; a council at soissons , anno . will tell you more . you heard before , how the earl of aquitane had got his son to be made arch-bishop of rhemes : the child in coats , was but five years old : it happened , that he was put out again for his infancy , or non-age ; and artaldus , a monk , chosen in his stead . this council of bishops , was to decide the c●●e between the two arch-bishops . the objection against one , was his infancy , and his father 's ill means to bring him in : the objection against the other , was perjury ; he had sworn , that he would never accept an arch-bishoprick : ( alas ! must the church of france be headed by one of these ; an infant , or a perjured monk ! ) the synod cast out the perjured monk , and judged the seat to the infant , as being lawfully chosen ; ( power made it a lawful call. ) and the bishops went to rhemes , and consecrated him . § . . in the year . the french nobles , by consent at soissons , had revolted from king charles ; because he took haganon , a man of low of quality , into his privy-council , and made him great : herveus , bishop of rhemes , had partly healed this breach . but , anno . it broke out again ; and the nobles chose robert king , and herveus consecrated him : but this rebellion was their ruin. three years after dyeth herveus : and the next year , robert fighting against charles , was slain at soissons ; yet his army conquered the king's . shortly after , rodolph duke of burgundy , is called in by the nobles , and made king ; as if the kingdom had been void . charles , on pretence of a treaty , is led by heribert to a castle ; and thence carryed to perone , where he dyed , anno . leaving a son lewis to fight for the kingdom . and when charles was in prison , hugo rejected rodulph , and called lewis out of england , to be king , anno . but hugo and heribert would be his masters , and gave him little quiet . heribert dyeth miserably and repenteth . hugo domineering , the king craveth aid of otho out of germany , against him : but shortly ▪ dyeth himself , by a disease got by a fall in hunting a wolf. lotharius his son , succeedeth him . in his third year , hugo the great duke of orleance , dyeth ; and lotharius the king , anno . his son ludovicus succeeded ; who dyed childless , anno . and in him ended the line of charles the great : for charles duke of loraine , that was next , was by the treachery of a bishop , taken by hugo capet , the son of the fore-said duke hugo , and imprisoned to death : and this hugo got possession of the crown . so much briefly on the by of these matters ; that they after interrupt us not too much : see dion . petav. lib. . c. . § . . marinus . ( alias , martin . ) is made pope , anno . and reigned three years , and some months ( the common time of popes in that age. ) in his time , artaldus strove again for the seat of rhemes . § . . cccxii . when bishops would needs be princes , they taught princes to resolve to be bishops : and as heribert did at rhemes , so did the emperor at constantinople put in a patriark , trypho , a monk ; on condition , that he should hold it but till his own son theophylact came to age. when the time came , trypho would not resigne : a council is called ; where bin. ex curopal . tells you the state of that church als● as too like the western . the council being met , tryphon makes a speech to them , and saith ; that his adversaries , that had a mind to cast him out , gave the reason , that he knew not letters : but that they might all see that this was false , and that he could write and read , he call'd for pen and paper ; and ( having been taught thus much before ) wrote his name thus : [ tryphon , by the mercy of god , arch-bishop of constantinople , new rome , and vniversal patriark , ] ( for that was then the title . ) the emperor receiving the paper , ( it ●eems , knowing that he could not read ) writeth over head [ knowing my self vnworthy , i resigne the throne to any that will. ] and so sent the paper to the council ; and the bishops ( wise and good men , you must suppose ) dethron'd tryphon . the seat staid void five months , till theophylact came to age ; who then was chosen . § . . anno . agapetus the second is made pope , in a time when wars ( between the hungarians , and henry bavaria , berengarius and otho , &c. ) made miserable the countries , and ignorance and ambition the churches . § . . cccxiii. a council at virdun in france , again tryed the cause between the fore-said infant , and the perjured bishops , hugo and artald ; and they undid what the last had done , and deposed hugo , and gave the seat to artald . yet we have not done with doing and vndoing : for pope agapete now took hugo's part ; and wrote to the bishops of france and germany , that hugo that was in possession , was to be kept there . but the papists say , he mistook by hugo's mis-information . § . . cccxiv . anno . another council at mosome was called for the same business : hugo would not come in , but sent the pope's letters ; which being not canonical , but his bare command , they rejected them , cast out , and excommunicated hugo , till the next general-council . § . . cccxv. anno . a general-council of france and germany is called at engelenheim , for the same cause ; almost all france being disquieted about two mens striving , who should be the great arch-bishop : the pope's legate marinus , proved hugo's letters false ; and hugo was excommunicated , and artald setled . but the presence of two kings , ludovicus and otho , did much there-to . the bishops thence removed to triers , ( called another council ) where they judged for king ludovicus , against duke hugo ; and excommunicated some bishops ordained by bishop hugo , ( that was ordained in his child-hood . ) and another council at rome confirmed these things . § . . now cometh the famous pope iohn the twelfth , the son of prince albericus , the son of the famous whore : a child too . saith baronius and binius , ( p. . ) quanquam hiuc legitima aetas aliaque omnia deessent quae inlegitimo pontifice requiruntur , tamen accedente postea consensu totius . cleri , visum est hunc potius esse tolerandum quam ecclesiam schismate aliquo , quod alioquin exortum fuisset , dividendam . he wanted natural and moral endowments ; even all things necessary to a legitimate pope , say they : and yet , the after-consent of the clergy made him tolerable , &c. qu. . but , did that after-consent make him a true bishop ? . if not , where is their succession ? . did god authorize the clergy , to consent to such a man ? where ? prove it . . if not , could their consent make him a bishop ? is not all power of god ? and , doth god give it contrary to his word ? . were not those clergy-men wicked themselves , that would do so ? . did those doctors presume , that their readers were such fools , as not to know , that forma non recipitur nisi in materiam dispositam ? and that ex quovis ligno non fit mercurius . an illiterate man cannot be a school-master : he that is no christian , cannot be a bishop ; nor he that hath not the qualifications essentially necessary . all the world cannot make a physician , a lawyer , a divine , a true pastor or bishop , of an ideot , an infant , or a man that wanteth essential dispositions . to say , he wanted all requisite qualifications , and yet that he was a bishop , is a contradiction : materia disposita & forma , being the constitutive causes . what if they had made a bishop of a turk , an infidel , a corps , & c ? had it not been a nullity , and prophane mockery ? . what else signify all the canons , that nullify ordinations for less faults ? but the image of a bishop , will make but the image or carkass of a church . § . . but , say they , cum vniversa ecclesia catholica sciret minus malum esse caput quantum libet monstrosum proferre quam unum corpus in duo secari , & duobus capitibus informari , eundem toto orbe terrarum tanquam verum & legitimum pontificem venerata fuit . answ. . what a shameless dream do you impose on us , under the name of , totus orbis terrarum ? what had the ethiopians , the armenians , yea , or the greek-church , to do with pope iohn ? or , what was it to them , how he was called , or what he was ? did not the patriark of constantinople then write himself , the vniversal patriark ? ( even tryphon , that they said , could not write any thing else . ) where is your proof of this universal concession ? which way did the whole catholick-church ( or the tenth or hundredth part of it ) signify their consent ? . who taught you to feign the state and necessity of such a church , as must have another universal head besides christ ? you know , that it is the being of such a church or head , ( be he never so good ) that we deny : and you have never proved , nor can prove it . he only is the universal head , who maketh universal laws , and undertaketh universal teaching , and is an universal judge and protector ; none of which any mortal man can perform . the very fiction of such a head and body , is monstrous , and your capital error . . how small a part of the christian world was subject to the pope , at that time ; though within his reach , he was almost at the heighth of his presumption ? . he that wanteth what is essential to a true bishop , is no true bishop : but pope iohn the twelfth wanted what what was essential to a true bishop : ergo , he was none . the minor is proved : he that wanteth the necessary disposition of the receptive matter , and is not subjectum capax , wanteth that which is essential to a true a bishop : ( for the materia disposita is an essential constitutive cause ; a subjectum capax is essential to a relation . ) but iohn the twelfth wanted the necessary disposition of the matter ad formam recipiendam , or was not subjectum ca●ax : proved . he that wanted capable age , and all other things necessary to a lawful pope , was not subjectum capax ; but wanted the necessary disposition receptive . but all these , you say your selves , pope iohn wanted : ergo , &c. . if then the universal church had so erred , as to take him for a bishop that was none ; that error would not make him a bishop , no more than it would make a dead man alive , or an illiterate man learned . but this is the roman-catholick kind of proof : you say your selves , that a whore , and a wicked son of that whore , got power enough to over-top the citizens of rome , and the clergy , ( yet too like them ) and to thrust a wicked uncapable fellow into the chair . when that is done , it 's known , all good men dissent and abhor it . but when he hath possession , they must know that he hath possession : and , what can they do to help it ? what power have the ethiopians , armenians , syrians , or other nations of the earth , in choosing the pope of rome ? and if they have none in choosing him , what power have they to examine the choice , and depose him ? and if they have no power , why or how should they signify their consent or dissent ? if they leave your own matters to your selves , what is that to the consent of the catholick-church ? but some men think , that big words to the ignorant may serve for proof , even of a right to govern at the antipodes , and all the world. § . . his father albericus , being governour of the city , designed the succession to his son octavian : to which he added the usurped-papacy , calling himself iohn , the first ( say baronius and binius ) that changed his name , ( though others say sergius was the first . ) saith platina ; from his youth , he was contaminated with all odious crimes , and filthiness : when he had any time to spare from his lusts , it was not spent in praying , but in hunting . two of the cardinals , moved with the shame of such a pope , send letters to germany , to otho , to intreat him to save rome from berengarius , ( that plundered all the country ) and from pope john the twelfth ; or else christianity was lost . john having notice of this , catcheth the cardinals , and cutteth of the nose of one , and a hand of the other . otho cometh into italy , and took berengarius , and his son albertus , and banished them . yet baronius and binius , out of luitpraudus , say , that the pope himself sent for otho , to help him . however that was , the pope received him as with honor , and crowned him the emperor of germany , ( the first ) and hungary . the pope , and all the great men of the city , swore over the body of st. peter , that they would never help berengarius or adelbert : and the emperor departed . but the pope quickly broke his oath , and joyned with adelbert : which the emperor hearing , said , he is a child ; perhaps reproof , and example , may yet reclaim him . he returned to rome , and adelbert , and the pope fled : the citizens received the emperor , and promised him fidelity ; and took an oath , that they would never choose or ordain a pope , without the consent and choice of the emperor otho , a●d his son otho . john fled into a wood , and lay there like the wild-beasts . ( saith platina . ) § . . cccxvi. otho called a council at rome ; where the bishops deposed iohn , and made leo pope : by which we still see , how obedient the bishops were to the stronger side ; or else , that really even those near rome , did not consent to iohn ; muchless the whole catholick-charch , as baronius immodestly affirmeth . the council was called , anno . out of italy , france , and germany , besides roman cardinals and nobles . the emperor first asked , why pope john was not there ? the roman bishops , cardinals , presbyters , and deacons , and all the people answered , we wonder your holy prudence should ask us this question ; seeing he so openly manageth the work● of the devil , that it is not unknown to the babylonians , iberians , or indians . the emperor required particular accusations : then peter , a cardinal-presbyter , said , that he saw him celebrate mass , and not communicate . a bishop , and a cardinal-deacon said , that they saw him ordain a deacon in a stable of horses . benedict , and many others said , that he ordained bishops for money ; and ordained a boy of ten years old , bishop of tudortine . of sacriledge , there needed no witness but eye-sight : of adultery , they said , that they saw it not ; but they certainly knew , that he abused the widow of ragnerius , and his father's concubine , and anne , a widow , and her neece ; and made the holy-palace a common bawdy-house , and stews . that he put out the eyes of his spiritual father benedict , and kill'd him thereby : that he killed john , a cardinal sub●deacon , by cutting off his virilia : that he set fire on houses , went armed and harnassed as a souldier . they all ( both clergy and laity ) cryed out , that he drunk a health of wine to the devil , ( diaboli in amorem . ) that he at his play at dice , would crave the help of jupiter , venus , and other demons , &c. the emperor said , that bad men often accuse the good ; and lest malice or livor should move them , he adjured them , as before god , to speak nothing untruly against the pope , and without certain proof : his adjurations were most vehement . the bishops , deacons , clergy , and all the people of rome , answered as one man , and said , [ if both the things read by benedict the deacon , and filthier and greater villainies were not committed by pope john , let not st. peter absolve us from the bond of our sins : let us be found tyed with the bonds of anathema , ( or cursed from christ ) ; and be set at christ's left-hand , at the last day , with those that said to god●he ●he lord , depart from us , we would not have the knowledge of thy wayes . if you believe not vs , believe your army that saw him , &c. ] the emperor being satisfyed by his armies witness also , the council moved , that letters of summons might be sent to the pope , to appear and answer for himself . a leteer was written , as from the emperor and bishops ; telling him , that the things charged on him were such , as it would be a shame to hear of stage-players ; which , if all were numb'red , the day would fail : that not a few , but all , ( both clergy and laity ) accused him of murder , perjury , sacriledge , and of incest with his own kindred , and with two of his own sisters . they say also , ( horrid to hear ! ) that you drunk wine in love to the devil ; ask't help of jupiter , venus , and other demons , at your dice , &c. we crave you would come , and answer for your self ; and swear , nothing shall be done to you besides the canons . the pope reading this , sent this answer ; [ we hear , that you will make another pope : if you do so , i excommunicate you from god almighty , that you may have no license to ordain any , nor to celebrate mass. ] after this , more bishops came out of germany ; and they write again to the pope , telling him , that if he will not appear and answer , they shall despise his excommunications , and turn it upon himself . he would not be found . the emperor seeing he would not appear ; told the council , how treacherously he had dealt by him , intreating him to come , and help him ; and after broke his oath , and joyned with his enemies . the whole clergy , bishops , and all the people , cry out , an un-heard-of wound must be cured with an un-heard-of cautery ; and declaring the mischief he had done , craveth that this monster of incurable vice , might be cast out of the roman-church ; and another put in his place , that will go before them with good example . then they all cryed up leo the proto-soriniarius ; which thrice repeating , upon consent , they ordained him , and swore fidelity to him . § . . if now baronius and binius say , that the clergies consent can make an uncapable monster a true bishop , let any one tell us : . whether this council did not prove , that the church did not consent to iohn ? . or , whether his utter incapacity , many express canons , and the bishops and councils consent , did not eject him , and authorize leo ? § . . but here we come to the core of all the papists cheats : when they tell us themselves of all this wickedness , they cry out , o the happy church of rome ! that though it fail in manners , yet never faileth in faith. answ. . if general councils are sufficient witnesses , that judged popes hereticks , it hath failed in faith. . hath that man true faith , that wanteth all things requisite to a lawful bishop , and that drinketh to the devil , and prayeth to jupiter and venus ; and liveth in all wickedness ? what a thing is popish faith ? . did christ mean to pray only , that st. peter might have such a faith , as will stand with wickedness and damnation ? what the better is any man of a wicked heart and life , for a dead opinion call'd faith , that will damn him the more deeply for sinning against it ? . it is not possible , but that serious true belief of so great things , as god , and christ , and glory , will bring a man to serious repentance and reformation . § . . here baronius and binius become this monster 's advocate , and say , [ that there never was a council of orthodox men , that sinned more against the canons and traditions , than this false council . ] ( how false is a devil-worshipping - pope , a murderer , and common adulterer , and incestuous villainies , in comparison of all his neighbor-bishops ? ) . they say , they could not call a council without him . answ. . he was no pope . . it 's a trayterous fiction to say , that an emperor may not call his subject-bishops together , to a council . . vvhat if devilish villains will make murders , and perjury , and rebellions , to pass for duties , and never call councils ; must the devil therefore be made lord of the catholick-church , without remedy ? . vvho gave your pope that priviledge ? if council or princes , they can take it from him : if christ , prove it , or shame be to him that yieldeth it . . that man is so ignorant of church-history , or impudent , as not to be worthy to be disputed with , that denyeth , that princes have called councils , even the greatest , and most honored . ii. they say , there should be seventy-two witnesses ; and there was scarce one , besides the accusers . ] answ. . the whole council , and people of rome , and army , are vvitnesses , under the most direful imprecations . . the pope may go on safely , till god take him in hand , if he must pass for innocent till he will lye with his own sisters , or murder men , and cut off their virilia , &c. before seventy-two vvitnesses ! o shameful holy-church , that is thus essentiated ! iii. they say he should have been thrice cited . ans. . what! when he would not be found ? . is that necessary to the being of the sentence ? iv. they say , no delay was granted ! ans. he was not to be found : and to what was delay necessary , when the babylonians , iberians , and indians had notice of his diabolical life . v. they say , contrary to all councils , the emperour condemneth him , who may not condemn any clerk. ans. but you may condemn kings and emperours ! is not this heresy , contrary to rom. . and the . commandement ; how shall mens lives , wives , and estates be saved from clergy-men , if kings may not judge and punish them . this doctrine calleth for timely restraint . vi. they say , execution went instead of sentence . ans. is not a plain sentence here expressed ? vii . the pope is exempt from all humane judgment : the whole council therefore were impudent or ignorant to condemn a pope , which none ever did but a heretick or schismatick . ans. st . that is , such as you are able to call general councils , emperours and kings , hereticks and schismaticks ; if they presume to judge a heretick , schismatick , or devillish pope . but your faculty proveth not another culpable . . did not solomon judge abiathar ? did not many councils condemn honorius , and many other popes . . what a case is your miserable catholick roman church in then ; when popes may kill , ravish , blaspheme , and destroy and no man can judge them , neither king nor council ? . why said you , that the whole church did consent to your pope , when all this council , and all the clergy , and people at rome thus begged for another . . if all your bishops of italy , german● , &c. are utterly impudent or ignorant as you call these ; what an honour is this to the prelacy of your church ? and is it not because your popes ordained them , and like will generate its like . such other trifl●ng objections they frame . § . but now we have two popes , iohn and leo : and to this day it is not known , nor agreed among the roman doctors , which was the true pope . most say leo : baron . and bin. say , iohn ; and call leo a schismatick ; confessing yet , that scriptores in finiti numeri call him leo th . and own him . how then shall we derive their succession ? iohn's kindred got the better , when the emperour was gone , and called him again , and cast out leo. now we have two heads , and so two churches ; the church of iohn , and the church of leo. § . . cccxvii . anno . a council at const. gave the emperor nicephorus phocas leave to marry theophanes , the widdow of romanus . § . . cccxviii . anno . the monstrous beast pope iohn got up again , call'd a synod of bishops : and what will not bishops do ? he is here still called , the most godly and most holy pope . the bishops at his motion condemn leo , and those that ordained him , and those that were ordained by him . and this council binius justifieth , and cryeth down leo th . as no pope . but he confesseth , that by the common consent of writers , leo was the true pope ; but scriptorum error veritati nihil praejudicare potest . ans. . how then shall all the world that knew not the case , be sure that binius and baronius are to be believed before all their own writers , whose common sentence is against them , and that romes succession from iohn is good ? . remember this when you plead for your supposed tradition , that infinite writers prejudice not the truth . § . . but saith platina , it s reported , that just then john was punished by gods just judgment , lest a schisme should have followed . and it is commonly agreed , that being in bed with a mans wife , the devil struck him on the head and killed him . but some think it was rather the vvomans husband that did it . § . . but yet we are never the nearer conceding , still there are two roman popes and churches . iohn being dead , one benedict is chosen by the parties , totius cleri & populi romanae consensu , saith bin. p. . yet had this clergy and people sworn before to otho , to choose no pope without his consent and choise , and tied themselves to leo. but to to be perjured , and change with the ruling power , alas how common was it ! § . . the godly emperor otho was offended at these villanies , and brought an army again to rome : benedictus made them stand out a siege till famine forced them to yield , and the emperor set up leo , and carried away benedict to hamburgh , where he died . and think you but this pope is therefore by binius and baronius made a martyr , that by rebellion and common perjury was thus set up . § . . while otho was at rome anno . he and leo . called another council of bishops , italian , roman ; from loraine , s●xony , &c. and all the roman people : pope benedict is brought forth , benedict the deacon tells him of his perjury , having broken his oath to leo and to otho : pope benedict said , if i have sinned , have mercy on me . the pittiful emperour with tears intreated the bishop to have mercy on the man : whereupon , he fell down at the feet of leo and the emperour , and confessed that he had sinned and invaded the papacy : and delivered the in signia to leo : ( yet our foresaid annalist and historian make him and not leo , the true pope still . ) the council deposed and banished him , but continued him a deacon as he was before . they removed him to hamburgh to prevent new broiles . § . . here baronius and binius cry out on the history of l●il●raudus as forg'd , on crantzius , &c. but there is a great reason why leo must not be taken for a pope : it is because by a canon of this his council they gave otho the same power for choosing popes as charles the great had . o how much interest prevaileth with these historians judgments . but alas , reader , is it not a sad thing to read how fast bishops and people did thus swear and forswear , and do and undo , making councils as weather-cocks that turn with every wind that is strong ? is this the honour of prelacy , and their stability in governing the church ? § . . next comes another iohn th . who was not chosen till leo dyed , and expresly chosen to succeed him ; and so by that account of baronius and binius the succession was interrupted , leo being no pope whom he succeeded . but , alas , had it not been for the great zeal of otho , that came so oft with armies to defend them , and to cast out intolerable popes , what had become of the roman papacy ? this iohn was a bishop before , ( as formosus was ) and so by the canons his election was null on that account . almost as soon as he was setled , saith platina , the romans having now got a custome of expelling their popes , ( yet baron , saith , the universal church owned them , ) did by seditions tire out this also . by the help of jofred earl of campany , they brake into ▪ the laterane house , and took him , and first imprison him , and then send him banished into campania : but john prince of campania killed jofred and his only son ; and delivered pope john the eleventh month after his banishment : and the emperour otho again bringeth an army to rome , with speed , and casts the governour , the consuls , and the dearchoues into fetters ; the consuls he sendeth into germany banished ; the dearchoues he hanged : peter the praefect of the city , some write ( saith platina . ) that he delivered to the pope to have his flesh torn off ; his beard and head being shorn , and he hanged a while at the head of the constantinian-horse , he was set on an asse naked , with his face backward , his hands tyed under the taile , and so whipt through the streets till he was almost dead , and then banished into germany . the corps of jofred and his son he caused to be taken up , and to be vilely cast away into divers filthy places . thus did the blind zeal of a good emperour revenge and defend usurping popes . § . . a council at revenna , of small importance , and one at rome , to confirm glassenbury-monastery i pass by : and all the english councils which spelman hath given us by themselves . but it is worth the noting , that the famous dunstan that banished priests marriage out of england , was the favourite of these two popes , iohn the . and th . even much countenanced by the monstrous pope that lay with two sisters of his own , and made his house as a common whore-house , if a council under solemn appeals to god , and execrations , said true . § . . the next pope according to platina , is benedict ( though onuphrius and binius put donus next : saith plat. cintius a potent citizen of rome took him and laid him in iayle , and there strangled him : he wondred that neither otho nor any other ever revenged it : but otho was now near death , and could not have leasure to bring an army out of germany to rome , every time that wicked citizens and popes f●ll out : did the universal church own this man also ? but ( saith plat. ) benedicts merits were such as cintius his reward importeth . but yet it was not well done of cintius to meddle with the pope were he never so bad : but alas ( saith he ) how the world is changed ! for in our age , popes lay citizens , faulty or suspected , in the same prison , and then macerate them . § . . donus . was pope but three months : in his short time , the bulgarians had almost taken constant. saith platina . and anno . a council was held at ingelheim in germany , to compose church matters . § . . the next pope ( saith plat. ) was boniface the th , who ill got the popedome , and so lost it . onuphrius and bin. say , that cintius by his command strangled his predecessors , and that he succeeded him . saith plat. in the beginning of his magistracy ( for a magistracy it thus was ) by the conspiracy of the good citizens , being forced to leave the city , taking away all the pretious things out of s. peters church , he fled to constantinople ; where he stayed , till selling all that he had sacrilegiously gotten , he got a great mass of money , with which he returned to corrupt the citizens by bribes . but good men resisted him , especially john a cardinal-deacon , whom boniface catcht and put out his eyes : and the sedition increasing more and more , either for fear or remorse , he next made away ( or kill'd ) himself : he was pope months and days saith platinus . but onuphrius saith ( one year , one month and days . ) but other popes came in between before he died , and he got in again . § . . baronius and binius say , that boniface is not to be numbred with the popes ; if so , . why not many score also ? . where then is their uninterrupted succession ? and where was their church then ? § . . binius maketh benedict . next after donus , and saith , he was imprisoned and kill'd by boniface , who usurped the place . § . an. . a council at mutina was to reconcile two brethren . § . . benedict . an. . drove away boniface , and was pope himself : and so here were again two popes : now otho . had a great overthrow by the greeks in calabria ; and flying by sea , was taken prisoner by pyrats , and redeemed by the sicilians ; dyed at rome : and otho the . was chosen in his place by the germanes . writers agree not of the time of benedicts reign . in his time they feign , that at a council at winchester in the midst of their disputes , the image of our lord spake out for the monks against the secular clergy , and so decided all the controversies . and a synod was at rome , about the bishop of magdeburg , accused . § . . cccxix. anno . at a council at constantinople , basil the partiarch is accused as criminal , and antonius studita put in his place . § . . pope iohn . ( alias . ) is next at rome , anno . binius maketh him succeed boniface that had killed pope benedict , and was fled to constantinople ; and saith , that when boniface knew that otho the emperour was dead , he returned to rome , and seized on the papacy again ; and finding john in it , did not only turn him out , but cast him in bonds in the tower of st. angelo , which was kept by men of his own faction ; and with great tyranny kept him there four months , and as a violent and sacrilegious robber , at last murdered him by famine . and lest any hope should be left to the emperours party , he exposed the corps of the dead pope ( for all the citizens to behold ) before the doores of the prison : and the people seeing the bare body of the pope consumed by hunger , buried him with sorrow . in the mean time , the invader of the seat , and the cruel murderer of two popes , the odious paricide , and turbulent thief boniface the anti-pope , ( oh horrible ! ) by tyranny invaded st. peters chair : but after four months , by gods revenge , he suddenly dyed ( he killed himself said plat. when he was dead , even the factious persons on whom he had trusted , wounded his dead carkass , and drag'd it through the city . this bin. out of baron . and he exautiquis vatican-codicibus . and must a governour of all the world be thus chosen . but platina saith , that some say , that ferrucius , bonifaces father , a great man , murdered iohn ; and others say , he was cast out for impotency and tyranny ; and others say , by malevolent seditious men. so confused ( saith he ) are the histories of those times . § . . next comes iohn . ( alias ) binius saith , that for fear of the like usage that had befallen his predecessors , he left rome & dwelt in tuscany ; one cresconius a great man , having got the castle of st. angelo : till the pope sending to otho . afrighted the romans , and made them intreat him to return . but platina saith , that [ he burned against the clergy with a wonderfull hatred , and therefore was deservedly hated by the clergy : especially , because he bestowed all things divine and humane on his kindred , disregarding the honour of god , and the dignity of the romane seat ; which errour ( saith he ) he so traditioned ( or delivered down ) that it remaineth to this day ( this is romane tradition ) a comet then appear'd , famine , pestelence , earthquakes , which were thought to be for the pride and rapacity of the pope , and his contempt of god and man. ] so platina . § . . an instance was given of a bishop of the contrary spirit : adel●ert bishop of prague in bohemia●ound ●ound the people so contrury to him , and bad , that he forsook them , and travelled first , and then entred into a monastery : and when he had lived there five years , the people desired him again , and promised obedience . a council at rome desired his return , vvhich with grief he did ; but they still proved incorrigble , and he again forsook them and vvent to preach to the hungarians , when he bapzed the king stephen , and did much good . bin. p. . § . . cccxx . arnulphus arch-bishop of rhemes suspected of treason , for delivering up the city of rhemes to charles : called a synod at seulis , to purge himself , excommunicating them that did it . anno . § . . cccxxi. hugo capet having now got the crown of france , and desirous to destroy all the carolines line , upon the aforesaid suspition got a synod at rhemes , to cast out arnulphus a bastard of that lin● ; saying , a bastard must not be a bishop : one bishop refused ; the rest for fear of that king consented , and cast him out ; ( so constant were the french bishops . ) § . . cccxxii . six bishops , and nine presbyters , and four deacons made a council at rome , to canonize vdalric bishop of augusta , anno . upon the reports of his holiness and miracles . here let me at once tell the reader , that he hath no cause to think the most of these canonizations wholly causeless . but that while pope and patriarcks , confounded all by wickedness and contentious pride ; god had many faithful bishops and presbyters that lived holily in quieter and privater kind of life ; and the popes that would not endure themselves to live a godly life , thought it their honour to have such in the church that did , and to magnify them when dead , and past contradicting them . just like the pharisees , mat. . that killed the living servants of god , and honoured the dead , and built them monuments , saying , if we had lived in those days , we would not have killed them . § . . cccxxiii . a synod was called at moson , to debate the case between arnulph and gerbert substituted at rhemes , who so pleaded his cause , that it was put off to another synod . baron revileth some writings ascribed to the former synod at rhemes , saying , they were this gerberts ▪ as being blasphemous against the pope : the centuriators of magdeb. mention them at large . did rome then govern all the world ? § . . cccxxiv . another council is called at rhemes , and gerbert ( that wrote so blasphemously against the pope ) is deposed by the popes means , and arnulphus restored : which gerbert observing , flyeth to the emperour to germany , seemeth to repent ( as baron . but surmizeth ) and gets higher , to be pope himself , by the emperours means , as you shall hear anon . § . . can any man think that popes , that themselves came in by tyranny and meer force , and lived in wickedness , could have so great a zeal as is pretended to do justice for all others , unless for their own ends ? § . . iohn the th . ( alias ) is passed over by binius : onuphrius saith , that he reigned four months : platina saith , he died the tenth year , and sixth month , and tenth day ( a great difference . ) § . . gregory the th . is next , made pope ( saith plat. ) by otho d his authority for affinity : but ( saith plat. ) the romans make crescentius consul with chief power ; who presently made john bishop of placentine pope ; who came to it by the consent of the roman clergy and people , to whom the choice belonged , though some leave him out : otho cometh to defend his own pope ; crescentius fortifieth city and castle against him : the people dare not resist , but open the city gates : crescentius and pope john flyeth to the castle ; and in hope of pardon , yields : crescentius is killed by the people in his passage ; john hath first his eyes put out , and then his life ; and gregory the eleventh month is restored : binius saith , that johns hands were cut off , his ears cut off , and his eyes pulled out ; and after set on an ass , holding the tail in his hand , was carried about the streets . § . . this pope and otho the d. agreed to settle the election of the emperour , as now it is on the . electors . the cause of great confusions , and calamities was , that the emperours did not dwell at rome ; and so left popes then to fight , strive , and sin , that else would have lived submissively under them . constantine , carolus mag. or otho , might have done much to prevent or cure all this . the papists would fain prove this the work of a roman synod , ( to settle the electors ) that they may prove that it is they , that must make and unmake emperours . but they can shew us no such council . onuphrius hath written a treatise to prove that this was after done by greg. th . for which binius reprehends him , as believing aventinus . but this is a controversy handled by so many , that i shall refer the reader to them : and whether the seven electors only , or all the feudatories chose . baronius and binius maintain , that all came from the authority of the pope ; that greg. th . ordained the choice of the emperour to be by all the feudatories of the empire ; that the council at lyons , under innocent th . setled it upon seven , but not all the same that are now electors ; and that the princes after setled it on these same seven , they know not who nor when . for the right understanding of many such matters ; i only mind the reader of this one thing , that as the contention of princes , and the superstitious fear of anathematizing had made the papal , and prelatical power then very great , in setting up , and taking down princes ; so it was usual for their assemblies , even those called councils , to be mixt of men secular and clergy ; kings and princes , and lords being present with the bishops , as in our parliaments ; and usually the greatest princes ruled all . therefore , to ascribe all to the pope and prelates , that was done in such conventions , and thence to gather their power to dispose of empires and kingdoms , is meer deceit . § . platina next nameth iohn th . alias th . but saith he was no true pope ( its impossible to know who was , ) but that he corrupted crescentius with money , and it cost them both their lives : how he was mangled , shamed , and killed ( though a bishop before ) you heard before . § . next an . . cometh that french bishop gerbert * before mentioned , that wrote so blasphemously ( as they called it ) against the pope ( as aeneas silvius after did ) till he saw some hope of being pope himself , by the emperor's favour first made arch-bishop of ravenna , and then pope , formosus's case and the canons that forbid a bishop to be chosen , were now forgotten or dispensed with . he had won the emperor's favour by a rare clock that he made , being a good mathematician : and the people and clergie were taught that it was the emperor's will that they should choose him , which to please the emperor they did : historians say that he sold his soul to the devil by covenant , to be made pope , which accordingly the devil distrained and took him away . but baron , and bin ▪ say that cardinal benno was the first author of this and many fouler accusations of the popes than i have here mentioned ; and that he was schismatical ( as taking the emperor's part ) and so not to be believed . and indeed i am not apt to believe any that accused men of magicks in that ignorant age of the roman church ; whenas erasmus saith , he that did but understand greek or hebrew was suspected to be a magician . otho d. that preferred this pope gave him two counties to his church , vercellis and st. agatha : a heresie glebar and baron ▪ mention in his time , soon extinct . stephen king of hungary it 's said converted the transylvanians ( which yet the papists ascribe all to the pope . ) an hundred fifty nine epistles of gerbert's written before he was bishop of rhemes ( or pope ) are found with nicol. faber . saith bin. § . cccxxv . in a council at rome , an . giester archbishop of mentz is accused for having two parishes ; but struck with a palsie could not appear , and the matter referred to a german council . bin , p. . § . next cometh iohn th . as bin. or th . as plat. who dyed the fifth month . but though no good be said of him , plat. noteth the great happiness of italy by the good government of hugo the emperor's lieutenant . § . next is iohn th . as bin. or th . as plat. who saith nil dignum memoriâ gessit . but what was wanting in the unhappy bishops god made up in good princes . robert king of france and henry the new emperor of germany ( otho being dead ) being men of very great piety and justice : holiness was now passed eminently to princes . § . binnius recordeth that leutherius archbishop of sens did now begin the heresie of berengarius . it seems then , neither luther , nor zuinglius , nor berengarius , nor bertram ( alias ratram ) began it . but where will the reader find that transubstantiation was yet named , or by any consent received ? so that this is but to confess that yet the doctrine contrary to transubstantiation did still obtain : and the name of heresie from baron . or bin. signifies no more against this archbishop than the name of magick and diabolism against silvester . from many historians . § . in a council at frankford the emperor henry , having a great love to bamberge , would endow it and make it an archbishoprick . the bishop of wir●●burge would not come to the council unless it might be joyned to his bishoprick . it seem'd a hard controversy . the good emperor ( oft prostrate before them ) first , having no children , dedicateth all that he hath to christ , and then desireth them to consider , that [ it was not for the lord , but for ambition , and to get more dignity that this bishop did resist his desire ] ( his agent speaking for him . ) ( oh that princes had sooner discerned the evil of such ambition and aspiring ! ) at last the emperor ( being present ) carried it , and chose an archbishop who was ordained to bamberge . § . next peter bishop of abbane is made pope and called sergius th ( the canons are here again violated ) now saith bin. was a great prodigie , in a church at rome rose a spring of oyl , of which a vessel full was sent to king henry , no doubt to call him to take the empire . ] § . cccxxvi . an. . a council at bamberge endeavoured to end some quarrels among bishops that strove to get more , and accused one another unjustly to the pope ; for which the king reproved some of them . § . an. . two popes were chosen and set up ; which is the th . schism or double-head of the roman church . the emperor's party chose benedict the th . the city party chose gregory . the citizens were the stronger at present ( and so long their's was the true pope . ) the emperor proved strongest at last , and therefore benedict became the true pope ( for hobbes his law ruled among them , ) [ that right is nothing but power to get and keep ] gregory had no power to keep his place : ergo he had no right to it : benedict fled to germany , and the good emperor henry came to rome with an army , and made gregory fly , and set up benedict . here henry first instituted the golden globe and cross as fit for an emperor's hand and aspect . bin. out of glab . li. . c. . speaketh of the jews injuring christ's image by a ludicrous crucifixion , and that after the adoring of the cross the same day , a whirlwind cast down the houses [ omnesque pene romanos occisos esse ] and almost all the romans were killed ( that 's scarce credible , ) and that it ceased not till the pope had put the jews to death . platina saith , that this emperor henry and his wife were so pious that they omitted nothing that might do good . he overthrew the saracens , and giving his sister in marriage to the king of hungary converted him and his people to the faith : and baron . giveth you the copy of his large grant of cities and principalities to the pope , by way of confirmation of former grants . § . they call it a council at legio in spain , where the king and queen and nobles with the bishops and abbots , made some laws for church-priviledges . § . cccxxvii . an. . a council was called at orleance in france ; where , by the zeal of the religious king robert and the prelates , the burning of hereticks were set on foot . bin. out of glaber thus reciteth the matter . one italian woman revived the heresie of the manichee● , and two clergie men ( yet called palatii proceres et regi familiares ) received and spread it abroad with confidence . the opinions are thus recited by glaber . . that the doctrine of the trinity delivered in scripture , is a deceit . . that heaven and earth are from eternity without a maker . . that the crimes of sensual pleasure shall have no punishment . . that there is no reward for any christian works , save of piety & justice . the two leaders lisoius and heribertus , and eleven more were burnt to ashes ; and afterwards as many more as were found guilty of the same errours . bin. p. . here consuming zeal began . § . cccxxviii . an. . a council at salegunstad in germany made many ceremonious canons ; but decreed c. . that none go to rome without the consent of the bishop . and c. . that the popes pardons shall not profit them that have not fulfilled the time of their pennance . they tell us also of a council at mentz , and gothard's curing a demoniack woman . § . benedict dying , went to purgatory saith bin. as some apparitions proved , but he was delivered out of that pain by st. odilo's prayers , and his brother 's alms. ( you see how much better it is to be a saint than a pope ) you need not question the credit of their intelligence from purgatory . § . this pope's own brother , son to the tusculane earl , by his power presently seizeth on the papacie . but bin. ex baron . would perswade us that this invaded pope afterward repented , resigned , and was new chosen by the clergy . he was very like to have their votes when he had gotten such power and advantage : but where was the roman church that while ? now dyed the pious emperor henry , and when he dyed gave up his religious wife to the bishops and abbots , as a virgin , as he received her ; who entered a monastery accordingly : conrade his general succeeded him , and the pope ( iohn as plat. as bin. ) being driven away by the people , conrade restored him . ( so far was the pope obeyed . ) § . a council at lymoges , an . . gave an apostolical title to martial their founder . § . an. ● . another at pampilone was about a bishop's seat . § . princes in this age are commended for their piety ( especially their zeal for rome . ) but did the popes yet amend ? the next man that cometh in by the same power as the former , is benedict the th nephew to iohn and son to albericus ; most say he was but ten years old , some say . capable , saith baron and bin. of impudence and luxury ; by the tyranny of his father intruded , an. . and ( say they ) being given over to lust and pleasure , and by humane frailty rushing into impudence , and living to great scandal of the faithful , he was by the romans , the consul ptolemy favouring it , rejected , or at least gave it up by the perswasion of the holy abbot bartholomew . whereupon silvester the d. came into his place , who had been bishop of sabine , even by bribery and evil arts ; and did rend the church by a new schism : but he had fcarc● sate three months , but benedict by the help of the tusculanes returned and cast him out , as an invader . in the mean time a third man , iohn arch-presbyter of rome invading the same seat , brought yet a greater deformity on the church : and so a three-headed beast arising from the gates of hell did miserably infest the holy chain of st. peter . ] these are the words of the popes grand flatterers . and they tell us that one gratian a presbyter pitying this miserable state of the church , went to all the three popes , and gave them money to hire them all to resign ; and so benedict as the most worthy being secured of the revenues of england , deposed himself ; and that he might the more freely execute his lusts betook himself to his fathers house , when intruded by force and tyranny he had held the papacy eleven years . and when the rest by his example had done the like , each being contented with his assigned portion of the revenue , the church an. . was restored to its ancient union , peace and concord , the schism being expelled , and the tyranny by which it was oppressed taken out of the way . ] thus bar. and bin. but how came this presbyter to be so honest and so rich ? you must know that when he had got out the three popes he was made pope himself , of which more anon . § . . but though these authors tell us but of four popes at once , as credible writers of their own tell us there were six : wernerus in fasciculo tempor . saith [ the . * schism was scandalous and full of confusion between ben●dict the th . and five others ; which benedict was wholly vitious , and therefore being damned , he appeared in a monstrous and horrid shape , his head and tail were like an asses , the rest of his body like a bear , (*) saying , i thus appear because i lived like a beast . in this schism there were no less than six popes at once : . benedict was expulsed . . silvester d. got in , but is cast out again , and benedict restored . . but being cast out again gregory the th . is put into his place : who because he was ignorant of letters caused another pope to be consecrated with him , to perform church-offices , which was the fourth : which displeased many , and therefore a third is chosen instead of those two that were fighting with one another . . but henry the emperor coming in deposed them all and chose clement the d . ] the sixth that were alive at once . there is great difference between wernerus , onuphrius , platina , baronius , but all confess that there were three or four at once . and the three were secured of the revenues before they resigned to the fourth ; no doubt leaving him his part : this it is for bishops to be great and rich , which will ascertain wicked men to seek them . but if wernerus say true that this iohan. gratianus , made gregory th . was illiterate , he was a strange roman arch-presbyter before , and a strange pope after , but greatly to be commended that would ordain a fellow pope that could read . § . this horrid monstrous villain called benedict the th . canonized simeon an anchorite at trevirs . do you think he was not a good judge and lover of saints ? he crowned conrade the emperor who came into italy to master the bishop of milan that rebelled , say baron , and bin. and many other great things he did . § . even in these times there were councils held . . one at lymoges , to judge st. martial to be an apostle , and to agree to excommunicate the souldiers that robbed and plundered , and to curse their horses and arms , and deny christian burial to all the countrys where they prevailed , save the clergy and poor , &c. another at beauvois on the same occasion . and another at tribur , unknown for what . § . this pope gregory th . ( who was iohn gratian the roman arch-presbyter , that werner saith was illiterate and made him a fellow pope ) is very variously described : baron . and bin. and some others make him an honest man that ended the schism . cardinal benno maketh him simoniacal that hired them out to get the papacie : baron ▪ and bin. for this revile him as a malicious lyar . they say that gregory , for punishing sacrilegious villains by the sword that cared not for anathema's , was accused by the romans that now lived by theft and rapine , as a simonist and a murderer . conrade being dead and henry his son made emperor , he being in italy held a synod at sutria near rome where all the four popes causes were examined : and the three former were deposed , that is , deprived of the revenue which was parted among them , and this gregory . ( say most authors , and even hermannus that wrote in those very times ) was deposed , ( but saith baron . he honestly resigned . ) and the roman clergy being found so bad , that none were fit for the place , the emperor chose ( say most , or caused to be chosen saith bin. ) the bishop of bamberge in germany called clement the d . § . the emperor setling the bishop of bamberge , clem. . in the chair , returned and took the last pope gregory with him to avoid contention ; and clement went after with hildebrand and dyed by the way the th . month after his creation . benedict hearing this invadeth the papacy again , the third time , even that villain that was first of the four , and held it eight months after this , so yet we have divers popes . § . an. . a council is held at rome by clem. . against simony . § . poppo bishop of brixia is made pope , by the emperor and the common suffrage , say bar. and bin. ( an . . ) but saith platina and others , it is reported that he made the poyson with which the citizens poysoned his predecessor clem. . and that he seized on the place by violence without any c●nsent of clergy or people , it being now the custom for any ambi●ious man , that could , to seize on the popedom ; but god , saith plat , as a just revenger resisted him , for he dyed the twenty third day of his papacie . yet the romans had again taken an oath in clem. d's . time to choose no pope without the emperor's licence . for the romans were become so wicked and factious that they were not to be trusted in such a thing . § . upon these horrid villanies and schisms baron . and bin. again cry out on the novatores , for casting these things in the teeth of the r●man church , as impudent men . and they say still , . that it was not the church that chose these popes ( as benedict . ) but tyrants obtruded them . . that yet so great was the power of the roman church that even false popes were obeyed by all the christian world . ] ans. . when yet they tell us themselves that even the city of rome was so far from obeying them , that they imprisoned , deposed , killed them . and the whole greek church excommunicated them since photius's dayes ; only the horrid contentions between the sons and off-spring of char●main and the germane princes , gave them advantage to lord it by anathema's in france , germany , and italy , and such nearer parts , whilest the contenders would make use of them , and they of the contenders . and horrid ignorance had invaded the clergy , and consequently the laity , and subjected them in darkness to this ruler that maketh so great use of darkness . . and if these men uncalled were true popes , why might not the turk be one , or any man that can get the place or title ? why were not all the or or at once true popes ? if not , where was the catholick church this while , if a pope was a constitutive head or part ? and what is become of your succession ? will any possession jure vel injuriâ serve for a succession ? if so , why tell you the protestants that they want it ? if not , what pretence have you for it ? i think the protestants can prove a far better succession . § . berengarius rose in these horrid dayes ; and it is no wonder if such a monster as pope benedict , and his companions condemned him , and set up the monstrous doctrine of transubstantiation . as tertullian saith it was an honour to ● christians to be first persecuted by such a one as n●ro , so was it to the doctrine of the sacrament to be condemned by such a one as benedict . and in the time ( as baron . and bin. speak ) of the three-headed monstrous beast . § . rome was now so wise as to be conscious a little of their badness and unfitness to choose themselves a pope , and therefore sent to the emperor henry to choose them one . he chose them bruno a good bishop of tullum ; who in his way , at the abby of cluny , met with hildebrand that went from rome thither , who told him that the emperor being a lay-man had no power to make or choose a pope (*) but the clergy and people ; but if he would follow his advise , he should in a better way attain his end : so hildebrand went with him and perswaded him to put off his purple , and to go in a common habit , and confess that he is not their bishop till they choose him , and that he taketh not the seat as given by the emperor but by them ; whereby he won the romans hearts , and they readily chose him . and he being called leo the th , after so many monsters , went for a very excellent pope . but yet he commanded an army himself against the normans , and proved no good or happy captain , his army being wholly routed , and himself taken prisoner : whom the normans in reverence released and returned safe . pet. damianus and others lament his souldiery as his great sin , but baron . and bin. excuse him , and say , all the world now alloweth it : you see what arguments serve at rome : where it was but lately that the first article that a roman council before otho mag. brought in against pope iohn was that he went sometimes in arms : and to be formerly a bishop was heretofore an incapacity by the canons : yet rome covereth her innovations by pretending antiquity , and calling others novatores . § . but how militant a defender of the roman grandure this leo was , may be seen in his epistles in bin. p. . &c. in the first long one to the patriarch of constantinople and another greek bishop , he reproveth them for bold damning of the church of rome , and tells them that they were members of antichrist , and forerunners of him that is king over all the children of pride ; and saith , who can tell how many antichrists had have been already ? he tells them how many heretick bishops they have had at const. and of above ninety heresies in the east ; and how by force they raged against the io●nnites ( the nonconformists that followed st. chrysostome ; ) what a heretick their bishop eutychius was , that said , the body at resurrection will be impalpable , and more subtil than the wind and air ( he believed paul that said it should be a spritual body ( though not a spirit . ) and how his books were burned . he reprehendeth their title of oecumenical patriarch ; and saith that no roman bishop to that day had ever accepted or used that title ( * ) yet he reciteth the forged grant of constantine , saying , that as far as kings are above judges , so all the world must take the pope for their head ; and that he gave the palace and all rome , &c. to silvester , and said it was unmeet that they should be subject to any earthly . prince that were by god made governors of heaven . at large he thus pleadeth for the roman kingdom of priests , c●●ding them that had put down all the latine churches and monasteries in the east . ] ( yet baron . and bin. tell you all the church on earth obeyed the pope . ) in his th . epistle he laments that in africa there was . bishops at a council , now there were scarce five in all ; and he sheweth that all bishops were of one order , but differenced as the cities were for primacie , by the civil laws or the fathers reverence . that where the pagans arch-flamins were , there were instituted arch-bishops to be over the provinces ; where a metropolis was , metropolitans or arch-bishops were placed ; and bishops in lesser cities where had been flamins and counts . but in africa they were diver●●fyed only by the times of their ordination ; the bishop of carthage being the chief . ] in his epistle . he hath a good confession of faith , where among other things he well saith , [ that god predestinated only things good , but soreknew both good and evil ; and that grace so preventeth and followeth man , that yet mans free will is not to be denied : that the soul is not part of god , but created of nothing . he anathematizeth every heresie , and every one that receiveth or venerateth any scriptures but what are received by the catholick church , &c. in the th . again he chides the patriarchs of constantinople for the title vniversal ; saying that peter himself was never called the vniversal apostle , nor did any of his successors take so prodigious a title . for he is no friend to the bridegroom that would be loved in his stead , but a bawd of antichrist , &c. his th . epistle is to the greek emperor to flatter him , to help him with henry against the normans ; in which ( to prove the romans succession ) he saith [ the holy church and apostolick seat hath been too long usurped by mercenaries that were no pastors , that sought their own , and not the things of christ. ] this pope and michael patriarch of constantinople , were so unreconcilable that they continued mutual condemnations . michael is condemned with his greeks . . for rebaptizing the papists . . for saying that they had no true sacrifice or baptism . . for holding priests marriage , for rejecting the filioque , &c. bin. p. . § . . cccxxix . an. . a roman council was fain upon pennance to pardon simoniacal bishops and priests , because the cry was , that else almost all the churches would be destitute , and the church service omitted to the subversion of the christian religion , and the desperation of all the faithful . ( where was the holy church of rome now , and its succession , if the canons for nullifying simoniacal ordinations hold good ? ) § . cccxxx . the pope resolved to go to france , and preside in a council , which he did , at rhemes : but many nobles and bishops told the king that it was an usurpation and a novelty and would enslave his kingdom : the king forbad him , yet the pope came whether the king would or not ; and the king went away about his military affairs , and some bishops with him , and others stayed . the arch-bishop of rhemes , and others were accused of heinous crimes : the bishop of laugres was charged with [ entring by simoniacal heresies , selling orders , bearing armes , murder , adultery , tyranny to his clergy , and sodomy : many witnesses testified all this : one clergy-man witnessed , that while he was yet a lay-man this bishop violently took his wife from him , and when he had committed adultery with her , he made her a nun. ] a presbyter witnessed that this bishop took him and delivered him to his followers , who tormenting him by many torments , which is more wicked , did with sharp nails pierce his generals , and by such violence forced him to give them ten pounds of denaries : the bishop hearing these accusations desired time and council , and going to the arch-bishops of besanzon , and lyons , openeth his secrets to them and desireth them to plead his cause . but the man involved in the guilt of such villanies ( who but the day before had been the accuser of a faulty brother , and seeing the mote in anothers eye , had not seen the beam in his own , but moved for the other mans damnation being himself deservedly to be condemned , ) was not only unable to excuse himself from the objected crimes , but also the tongue of his advocate ( the arch-bishop ) was by god so silenced that he was not able to speak a word for his defence . for the arch-bishop of besanzon where he prepared himself to plead for him and excuse his crimes , suddenly found himself disabled in his voice by god. and when the arch-bishop of besanzon found himself so disabled by miracles , he gave sings to the arch-bishop of lyons to speak for this his brother in his stead ; who rising up said that the accused bishop doth confess that he sold orders , and that he extorted the money from the said priest , but that he did not do the tormenting actions mentioned by him ; other things he denyed , but before the next day he fled from the council . and another bishop ( of nevers ) confessed that his parents bought his place , and deposed himself : and some other bishops confessed simoniacal entrance . the pope excommunicated many that fled from the council . he renewed some old neglected canons , as . that no man be promoted to church-government without the election of the clerks and the people , &c. chap. . the continuation of the history of councils and their bishops till the conucil at constantinople . § . cccxxxi . under leo . an . , a synod at mentz , some accused bishops were questioned and other little matters done . § . cccxxxii . in a council at . berengarius his letters to lanfrancus were read , and he condemned ( in a blind age . ) § . cccxxxiii . an. . a synod at vercelli condemned iohannes scotus and berengarius and some that defended them . § . cccxxxiv . an. . a council at coyaca contained the king ferdinandus of castile , and his queen , bishops and nobles ( like our parliaments , and so were many councils then : ) it is said to be for restoring christianity ( so low was it grown in the height of popery and ignorance ) having several orders for reformation . the d title saith , that wine , water and the host in the eucharist signifie the trinity . the th . saith , that priests must so eat at the feasts of the dead , as to do some good for their souls , &c. § . cccxxxv . an. . a roman council excommunicated gregory bishop of vercelli for adultery with a widow espowsed to his uncle , and for perjuries : but he was after restored to his office on promise of satisfaction : also all the whores of priests were decreed to be made servants at laterane . pet. damian . et bin. p. . § . cccxxxvi . in another roman synod the pope canonized a bishop gerhard , and decided a quarrel between two bishops for extent of their diocesses , § . vict●r the d . is next pope an . . leo hostiensis saith that no man at rome was found worthy . plat. saith that they feared offending the emperor : however the romans sent to the emperor to choose one for them , and some say desired this might be the man. § . cccxxxvii . platina saith that in a council at florence he deposed many bishops for simony and fornication . § . cccxxxviii . in a council at lyons , baronius ( after others ) saith a miracle was done , viz. saith he [ the heresie of simonie having seized on all italy and burgundie , the pope sent hildebrand a sub-deacon to call a council , where an arch-bishop accused of simony bribed all his accusers the next day into silence : hildebrand bid him say [ glory be to the father , son and holy ghost● ] he said the rest , but was not able to name the holy ghost : whereupon he confest his crimes , and besides seven and twenty other prelates of the churches , forty five bishops consest themselves simoniacks and renounced their places . ] what a case was the church in when popery grew ripe ? pet. damian . mentioneth six bishops deposed by hildebrand for divers crimes . § . by the way it is worthy enquiry whether hildebrand being neither bishop , priest , nor deacon , but a sub-deacon only , was any of the clergy or church-pastors to whom christ gave the power of the keys ( yea , if he had been a deacon . ) and therefore whether he had any power from christ to preside before arch-bishops and bishops in in councils , and to depose and excommunicate bishops . if it be said that he did it by the pope's commission , the question recurreth , whether god ever gave pope or prelate power to make new church-officers whom he never instituted de specie , that should have the power of the keys , yea , and be above the bishops of the church ? and whether popes or prelates may commit preaching or sacraments to lay-men ? if not , how can they commit the keys of church-government to them , or to any as little authorized by christ ? indeed baptizing is but using the key of church-entrance ; and therefore he that may so let men into the church may baptize them ( which papists unhappily allow the laity . ) and if per se or per alium will salve all , whether priests may not preach , pray , and give sacraments by lay-men : and so lay-men at last put down both prelates and priests as needless ? § . cccxxxix . an. . they say that this great subdeacon hildebrand ( the grand advancer of the roman kingdom ) did call a council at tours , which cited poor berengarius and forced him to recant ( whether it be true i know not . ) § . to this council the emperor henry sent his agents to complain that ferdinand the great , king of castile , refused subjection to the emperor , and claimed some such title to himself , and ( now ignorance , superstition , and interest having made the clergy the rulers of kings and kingdoms ) the emperor desireth that king ferdinand may be excommunicate unless he will submit and surcease , and all the kingdom of spain be interdicted ( or forbidden gods worship . ) the prelates perceived how they were set up by this motion , and made kings of kings , and they thought the emperor's motion reasonable , and without hearing king ferdinand made themselves judges and sent him word that he must submit and obey or be excommunicated and bear the interdict . the king took time to answer , and calling his own bishops together found them of the same mind and spirit , and so was forced to promise submission . this baronius , an . . writes ex io. mariano ; and binnius p. . § . cccxl . they say that the emperor dying , left his son henry but five years old , and knew no better way to secure his succession than to desire pope victor to take the care of it : who therefore called a council at colen to quiet baldwin and godfrey earls of flanders that else would have resisted him . thus bishops in councils now were as parliaments to the kingdoms of deluded men . § . cccxli . at tholouse , an . . a council of bishops attempted reformation , forbidding ( alas ! how oft ) bishops to sell orders , and other acts of simony , and priests using their wives , and the adultery , incest and perjury of bishops and priests ; bidding them that are such , repent , and forbidding communion with men called hereticks . § . cccxlii . though adultery , incest , perjury and simony of bishops was so hardly restrained , it seems they would pay for it by superstition ; for a council at compostella decreed ( saith baron . ad an . . ) that . all bishops and priests should say mass every day . . that at fasts and litanies ( which were perambulations in penitence ) they should be cloathed in sackcloth . § . stephen the th . alias th . is next made pope : in his time saith platina the church of milan was reconciled to rome , that had withdrawn itself from it two hundred years . was all the world then subject to the pope when his italian neighbours were not ? § . this pope lived after his entrance but or months , and they say made them promise him to choose none in his place till hildebrand came home to counsel them : ( a great subdeacon that rome must be ruled by . ) but in the mean time the new emperor being but five or six years old , the great men of italy turned to the old game and brought in one by strength ( mincius ) whom they called benedict the th . alias th . a bishop ; he reigned months , dayes . but when hildebrand came home he got him cast out . this was the twenty first schism in the papacie . § . hildebrand's crafty counsel was to send to the emperor to consent to gerard bishop of florence whom they chose in italy and called nicholas the d . lest benedict should get the emperor on his side ; and so nicholas made benedict renounce and banished him : but how shall we be sure which was the true pope ? § . this pope's first epistle is to the arch-bishop of rhemes to advise him to admonish the king of france for resisting the pope . § . cccxliii . the pope's council at sutrium deposed benedict . § . cccxliv . an. . a council of bishops at rome , they say , made berengarius recant , but not repent ; but as soon as he came home he wrote against them and their doctrine . § . in this council , saith platina , the pope made a decree very profitable to the church of rome . bin. saith these were the words ( translated ) [ p. . first , god being the inspector it is decreed that the election of the roman bishop be in the power of the cardinal bishops : so that if any one be inthroned in the apostolick seat , without the foregoing concordant and canonical election of them , and after the consent of the following religious orders , clerks and laity , (*) he be not accounted apostolical but apostatical . ] here it is much to be noted , . that this is a new foundation of the papacy ( by hildebrand's council ) without which it was falling to utter confusion . how then doth the roman sect cry down innovation and boast of antiquity ? . either the bishop of rome is to be chosen as the bishop of that particular church , and then the members of that particular church should choose him , or else as the bishop of the universal church ( pretendedly ) and then the universal church should choose him . but the cardinal bishops of other particular churches are neither the particular roman church , nor the universal , nor their delegates : and so have no just pretence of power . . either this decree was new , or old and in force before : if new , their church foundation is new and mutable , as is said : if old , all the popes that were otherwise chosen were no popes . . and if it be but necessary for the future , all that after were otherwise chosen were no popes . . if several wayes and parties or powers making popes may all make them true popes , then who knoweth which and how many of those there are and which is the true pope if ten were made at once ten several wayes ? . this confesseth that christ hath appointed no way for choosing popes , nor given any sort of men power to choose them : else what need pope nicholas begin it now anew ? and if so , it seemeth that christ never instituted the papacy : for can we suppose him so laxe a legislator , as to say , a pope shall be made , and never tell us who shall have power to do it . then england may choose one , and france another , and spain another , &c. the bishops one , the priests another , the prince another , and the citizens another . but if christ have setled a pope-making power in any , it is either the same as pope nicholas did , in cardinal bishops , or not ▪ if not , the pope changeth christ's institution : if yea , then all those were no popes that were otherwise chosen , and so where is the roman church and its succession . . what power hath pope nicholas to bind his successors ? have not they as much power as he ? and so to undo it all again ? if the king should decree that his kingdom hereafter shall not be hereditary but elective , and that the bishops should be the choosers of the king , were this obligatory against the right of his heirs ? . by this decree , if the laity and clerks consent not after , he is still no pope . § . in this same council ( saith bin. ibid. ) it was decreed [ that no one hear the mass of a presbyter , whom he knoweth undoubtedly to have a concubine , or subintroduced woman . ] quaer . whether they that make him a schismatick that goeth from a scandalous , wicked , malignant , or utterly insufficient priest , and dare not commit the care of his soul to such a one , be not looser than pope nicholas and this roman council was ? § . a council at malphia and another at paris for crowning king philip , and one at iacca in spain , of small moment . § . an. . was the d . schism or two popes of rome , for five years continuance . the cardinal bishops , for fear of the emperor , chose one that was great with him , anselm bishop of luca : but the italian princes perswaded the emperor that it was a wrong to them and him , and chose cadolus palavicinus bishop of parma , called honorius the d . the sword was to determinate who was the true pope : cadolus came with an army to rome ; the romans , came out against him , and in the fields , called nero's ; a great battle ( saith platina ) was fought , in which many of both sides f●ll , but cadolus was driven away . he shortly returned with a great army being called by a part of the romans , that were men of pleasure , and by force seized on the suburbs and st. peter's church : but the souldiers of gotifred put his souldiers to flight ; and he himself narrowly scaped , the prefect of rome's son with him breaking through the romans got possession of the tower , where they besieged him till they forced him to yield , and buy his liberty of the besiegers for pound of silver . then the bishop of colen having the education of the young emperor ▪ came to rome to rebuke alexander as an usurper , but by hildebrand was so overcome ( that the choice belonged not to the emperor ) that he called a council which confirmed alexander and deposed honorius . the emperor consented on condition that cadolus be pardoned , and gibert ( his promoter , chancellor of parma ) made arch-bishop of ravenna , which the pope consented to and did . thus then were popes and bishops made . q. how shall we be sure , for cadolus's five years , who was the pope ? § . a woman called mathildis a countess was then the great patroness of the papacy , who furnished military hildebrand ( that did all ) with souldiers to conquer several great men that opposed them , and to set up alexander and defend him . § . this pope alexander is said by bin. and baron to judge king harold , of england , an usurper , to dispose of the crown to william of normandy , and declare him lawful successor , and send him a banner that he might fight for it and possess it . thus did this prelate give crowns and kingdoms , as the supreme judge ( made by himself . ) he after required rent ( peter-pence ) from england of william . § . he made some constitutions for his old church at milan . three thing are the summe of them and many other councils . . against simonie . . against the clergies fornication ( no canons cured them of either of these . ) . that no lay-man judge any clerk for his crimes : only if priests live in fornication he alloweth lay-men to tell the arch-bishops , and if they will do nothing , then to withhold their duties and benefits till they amend . ( but this binnius noteth was but a temporary extraordinary concession , for the hatred that this pope had to fornicating clergy-men . ) but if they did but now and then lie with a woman by chance , and did not obstinately still keep them , they must not so trouble them . § . cccxlv. the foresaid cadolus or honorius d . was setled pope by a council at basil , an. . where , say some , many simoniacal , incontinent , wicked bishops decreed that no pope should be made but out of italy ( which they called paradise , that is , lombardy . ) § . cccxlvi . a council at osborium , an. . contrarily condemned him and set up alexander . though before platina saith that cisalpini omnes all on the romans side of the alpes obeyed honorius except mathildis a good woman . § . here binnius thought a dialogue of pet. damian worthy to be inserted , to prove that princes may not make bishops of rome . in which he would prove that the decrees that gave the emperor such power may be changed , because god doth not alwaies perform his own word for want of mans duty ; and he saith , that some men have been sinners and perished for obeying gods own law , and some rewarded for breaking it ; which he proveth by a profane quibble . . in iudas ; as if christs words what thou dost do quickly , had been a command to do the thing . . in the rechabites that drank not wine when ieremy bade them ; as if gods command to ieremy to try them , had been his command to them to do it . a council was at arragon in spain for we know not what . § . cccxlvii . an. . peter bishop of florence being accused of heresie and simony , and deposed , a council at rome renewed pope nicolas d's . canons , not to hear masse of a priest that liveth with a concubine or introduced woman : to excommunicate simoniacks , &c. § . cccxlvii . in a council at mantua ( to quiet some that yet took cadolus's part and accused pope alexander of simony ) alexander is owned , and cadolus , not appearing , cast out ; who after tryed it out ( as is aforesaid ) by an army . § . cccxlix . in a council at barcelon the spaniards abrogated their old gothish laws and made new ones , but would not change the gothish church rites : here also alexander was owned . § . an. . a council was at rome against incest . § . another for the same , the former not prevailing . § . in a synod at winchester , william the conqueror puts down and imprisons bishops and sets up others , for his own interest . § . cccl . a council at mentz was to have separated the young emperor and his queen , but the popes legate hindred it . § . cccli . in a council at mentz the bishop of constance is cast out for simony and many crimes ; the emperor being for him . § . an. . they say an english council subjected york to canterbury and owned wolstan bishop of worcester accused for being unlearned as he was . § . ccclii. an. . in a council at ersord the emperor got the bishops to fulfil his will about some tythes , threatening them that appealed to rome . § . now cometh in the foundation of the new church of rome , hildebrand called gregory th . an. . a man of great wit , and for ought i find in the most probable history not guilty of the gross immoralities , or sensuality of many of his predecessors ; but it 's like blinded with the opinion which the papists fifth-monarchy men have received ( and camp●nelia de regno dei opened and pleaded for ) viz. that christs kingdom on earth consisteth in the saints judging the world , that is , the pope and prelates ruling the kings and kingdoms of the earth , he did with greatest animosity set himself to execute his opinions . and withal , the factions of rome and tyranny of their petty princes and whores and debauched citizens , having long made the papacy the scorn of the world and the lamentation of all sober christians , constrained the better part to beg help from the emperors against debauched monstrous popes and their upholders : and by this means sometimes the choice fell into the emperors hands , and sometimes when they were far off , the city-prevailing-part rebelled , and chose without them , or pulled down them that the emperors set up : and then the emperors came and pulled down the anti-popes , and chastised the city faction ; and thus between the italian and the german powers the city was a field of war , and the richer by bribes , and the stronger by the sword , how monstrous villanies soever were set up . it was no wonder then if hildebrand first by pope nicholas . and alexander and then by himself did resolve to run a desperate hazard , when he had two such great works at once to do , as first to recover the debauched and shattered shamed papacy from this confusion , and then to subdue all kings and kingdoms within their reach to such a priest-king as was then under so great disgrace . and tibi dabo claves must do all this . § . hildebrand however had the wit to settle himself at first by seeking the emperor's consent : and being settled he got agnes the emperor's mother and guardian mostly on his side . he then began to claim presentations and investitures and to take the power over the bishops out of the emperor's hands , and to threaten him as simoniacal , and for communicating with the excommunicate . the emperor after some treaty submitted , and was reconciled to the pope ; but the pope said he did not amend . the pope calls a council at rome , where he excommunicated simoniacks , openly saying that he would excommunicate the emperor unless he amended . guibert arch-bishop of ravenna being there accuseth the pope for such threats against the emperor , and got cincius the prefect's son to apprehend him and imprison him . the people rise up in arms and deliver the pope , and pull down cincius's house to the ground , and cutting off their noses , banish his family out of the city . cincius got to the emperor . guibert . arch-bishop of ravenna , theobald arch-bishop of milan , and most of all the other bishops on that side the alpes conspire against the pope . ( and yet they say that all the world were his subjects . ) he calls another synod of his own bishops ( for synods were still the great executioners ) where gibert and hugo ( one of his cardinals that was against him ) are deposed and curst from christ. this emperor also calls a council at wormes , where by the means of sigifred arch-bishop of mentz , it is decreed that no man in any thing obey the pope of rome . roland a clerk is sent to rome to command the pope to meddle with the government no more , and the cardinals are commanded to forsake gregory and seek for another pope . now the war began between the sword and the keys . gregory by sentence deposed the arch-bishop of mentz , and the other clergy that were for the emperor ; and he anathematized the emperor himself , having first deprived him of all regal power and administration ( as far as his decree would do it . ) the form of his curse and deposition platina reciteth , where are these words [ i cast him down from his imperial and regal administration ; and i absolve all christians subject to the empire , from that oath , by which they have used to swear fidelity to true kings : for it is meet that he be deprived of dignity , who endeavoureth to diminish the majesty of the church . ] ( mark o ye kings and be wise . ) some told the pope that the emperor should not be so hastily anathematized : to whom he answered , did christ except kings when he said to peter [ feed my sheep ? when he gave him the power of binding and looseing , he excepted none from his power . ] the emperor wrote letters to many christian princes and states to acquaint them with the papal injuries ; and the pope wrote his accusations of the emperor and his own justification . the empire was presently all in division . one part was for the emperor , and another for the pope : most of the bishops of germany obeyed the emperor , and some were against him , as excommunicate . some councils were for him , and some against him . and , as abbas vrspurgensis said , they did so often swear and forswear according as power and interest moved , one time for the emperor , and another against him , that perjury was become a common thing both with the bishops and the laity . he that will see the many treatises that learned men then wrote for the power of princes against the papal tyranny and rebellion may find them in the voluminous collections of michael goldastus de monarchia . the party that obeyed the pope chose another to be emperor , rodulph duke of suevia : the emperor requireth the pope to excommunicate rodulph : he refuseth : the emperor calleth a council of bishops at brixia : they depose the pope , and make gibert of ravenna pope called clement the d. who , saith onuphrius , sate , years , so long had they two popes , at this d . schism or doubling . but did the emperor nothing to prevent all this ? yes , at the motion of the german princes to avoid contention , he made an oath to ask the pope forgiveness , if the pope would come into germany . the pope on his way fearing that the emperor coming toward him with an army would apprehend him , turned back again , and betook him to a strong city of his patroness one mathildis a woman : the emperor with his army travelled to him , and came to the gates of the city ; and in a great and sharp winter frost , putting off his royal ornaments , came barefoot to confess his fault and ask forgiveness of the pope . the pope would not suffer him to come in ; he patiently stayed three daies in the suburbs continually begging pardon , and the citizens moved with compassion ; at last the woman mathildis , and adelai a savoy earl ; and the abbot of cluny became petitioners for him , and prevailed for mercy with the pope , and he was absolved and reconciled to the church , having sworn a peace and promised obedience . ] i give you the words of platina all along . and now whether hildebrand or henry was the better man in common morals , i that knew them not , must refer you to the historians of that age , of whom some extol the pope and depreciate the emperor , and others honour the emperor , and deeply accuse the pope ; but if an emperor that travelled so far in●o another country , and put off his ornaments ; and with his army waited three daies patiently in the suburbs of a womans city barefoot in a great frost , begging mercy and pardon of a priest before he could be let in , and after this sware obedience to him , i say , if this prince did not yet sufficiently submit , but deserve to be turned out of his empire , though at the cost of blood and desolation to the innocent countries , it will be hard to know when the obedience and submission of kings is enough to satisfie an ambitious prelate . but the popes historians say that the emperor brake his covenant . it is a hard thing for a king that promiseth subjection and obedience to a pope to be sure to keep his word , unless he foreknew what would be commanded him : when he hath taken away his power and kingdom by parts , he may command his life . it 's a great doubt to me , when god hath made princes the rulers of prelates , and procurators of his church ; whether it be not a sin against god and their undertaken office , for these princes to cast off this trust and work , because a pope or prelate claimeth it . the pope still charged him with sacriledge . but i doubt he expounded his meaning when he deposed him for diminishing the majesty of the church , that is , of the pope and prelates . to proceed in the history : in the d. or th . battle it was that rodulph was slain ; and it was the popes denial to disown or excommunicate rodulph after so low a submission of the emperor , that enraged henry , and made him think of another remedy than to be a prelates slave . the pope called all the bishops that cleaved to the emperor seditious : he condemneth roland the german legate and sendeth into germany legates of his own with a mandamus , we command that no king , arch-bishop , bishop , duke , earl , marquess , or knight dare resist our legates , &c. and the penalty to the disobedient is terrible , viz. [ we accurse him from christ , and take from him his part of victory by arms. ] sure if popes had the power of victory , they need not so oft have fled to castles , nor to have rid on an ass with the face backward , nor to have suffered what many of them have done . all this he doth , [ interpositâ dei et b. petri authoritate , quâ nulla potest esse major . ] did peter ever think that his name would have thus subdued emperors and kings ? the pope again in a prayer to god and st. peter reciteth the d . psalm , and telleth them how the emperor would cast off his yoke , and again curseth him from christ , and deposeth him from all his government , and absolveth all his subjects from the oath of obedience ; saying , that , he that may bind and loose in heaven hath power to take away on earth , both empires , kingdoms and principalities , and whatever men have to give or take away : if we iudge the ruling angels , how much more their servants ? therefore ( saith he to the bishops ) let kings and all secular princes understand by the example of this man , how great your power is in heaven , and how much god esteemeth you , and let them fear hereafter to break the commands of the church . ] pass this sentence presently on henry , that all may understand that this son of iniquity fell not from his kingdom by chance , but by your endeavor . ] plat. p. . rodulph being killed , the rebels set up the emperors son , a lad , against his own father : but at that present he was quieted , and the emperor went with an army into italy , and first conquered the army of mathildis the popes patroness , and brought his own pope clement the d. to the chair , and was crowned by him : he besieged gregory in the castle : guiscard , a norman cometh with an army to fight for the pope : the citizens resist him , ( the emperor being drawn out to sens. ) guiscard burnt and destroyed that part of the city which is between the laterane and the capitol , and took the capitol and destroyed it . he gave the prey of the city to his souldiers , and delivered gregory and carried him away to c●ssinum and salernum , where he dyed , having reigned years . bin. saith , that henry besieged rome three years before he took it . when robert guiscard had delivered the pope , he deposed ( quantum in se ) all the new cardinals made by clement . and cursed the emperor again . gregory himself saith that italian , french , and german bishops were for the emperor , and they were also for clement . how shall we know then which was the true pope ? § . no less than ten books of hildebrand's epistles are added by binnius to his life . most of them for the papal interest . in lib. . ep. . he talketh of philip king of france as he did of the emperor , saying he was no king but a tyrant , and declaring that he was resolved to take his kingdom from him if he did not amend his wicked life . one of his crimes was resisting the pope that would set bishops in his kingdom without his consent . epist. . he tells solomon king of hungary , that his kingdom is the propriety of the church of rome , devoted to it by king stephen ; and reproveth him for diminishing the roman kingdom , by accepting hungary as from the germans ; and exhorts him to repent and amend . epist. . he again threatneth the king of france to cut off from the church , both him and all that give him any regal honour or obedience ( o heinous crime ! to keep the th . commandment and rom. . , , . ) and that this excommunication shall be oft confirmed upon st. peter's altar . ] epist. . he suspends ( quantum in se ) the arch-bishop of breme as an enemy to the church of rome and for hindering his legates from gathering a council , and refusing to come to rome to answer it . epist. . he calls the king of france a ravening wolf , and unjust tyrant . many great persons he forced to separate after marriage , because they were in the fourth degree of consanguinity . epist. . he tells the king of denmark , that not far from rome there was a province possest by vile and sluggish hereticks , and desireth him to send his son with an army to conquer them . what province he meaneth , i am not certain ; unless it was the waldenses . § . reader , we are greatly beholden to binnius who hath recorded , as oracles , sentences called the popes dictates , by which you may partly know what popery is . . that the roman church was founded only by our lord. . that only the bishop of rome is rightly called universal . . that only the pope can depose bishops and reconcile them . . that his legates must preside in councils , though they be of inferior degree , before all bishops ; and may pass on them the sentence of deposition . . that the pope may depose those that are absent . . that with those that are excommunicated by him , among other things , we may not dwell in the same house . . that to him only it is lawful to make new laws for the necessity of the time ; and to congregate new people ; of canonical to make an abbaty ; and contrarily to divide a rich bishoprick , and unite poor ones . . that only he may use imperial ensigns or escucheons . . that all princes must kiss the feet of the pope only . . that only his name may be recited in the churches . . that it is the one only name in the world. . that it is lawful for him to depose emperors . . that it is lawful for him in case of necessity to remove bishops from seat to seat . . that he may ordain a clerk from any church whither he will. . that one ordained by him may govern another church ; and must not take a superior degree from another bishop . . that no synod without his command may be called universal . . that no chapter , nor no book may be accounted canonical without his authority . . that his sentence may be retracted by none : and he alone may retract all mens . . that he ought to be judged of no man. . that no man must dare to condemn any one that appealeth to the apostolick seat. . that the greater causes of all churches must be referred to him . . that the roman church never erred , nor , as the scripture witnesseth , will ever ▪ err . . that the bishop of rome , if he be canonically ordained , is undoubtedly made holy by the merits of st. peter , as st. ennodius bishop of papia witnesseth , and many holy fathers confess , as is contained in the decrees of pope symmachus . . that it is lawful for subjects to accuse by his command and licence . . that he may depose and reconcile bishops without synodal meetings . . that he is not to be accounted a catholick who agreeth not with the roman church . . that he may absolve the subjects of unjust men from fidelity . these are put by bin. among gregory's epistles , p. . as the popes dictates . if i had not translated them from such an unquestioned author that followeth baronius , some would have thought they had been but the forgeries of some protestant accuser , and that the popes have no such tenents . what one is here that is not false ? and how many of them are horridly arrogant ? the reading of them would tempt a doubting man to think that the pope is the eldest son of the prince of pride , exalting himself above all that is called god , and arrogating christ's prerogatives , and therefore antichrist . if any would know what popery is ; a great part of the description is here given you by their greatest pope himself , and by their chief historians . § . much of his th book of epistles is to require princes , prelates , and people to forsake the emperor and choose another , and to excommunicate all that will communicate with him : yet in his th . epist. he reciteth himself , how lamentably with tears , three dayes in the frost barefoot , he begged for pardon , and how the compassionate people thought the pope hard-hearted and tyrannical for not yielding ; and that at last two ladyes and an abbot overcame him to absolve him . § . lib. . epist. . he tells the spaniards also that their kingdom was st. peter's property : but why did he trouble himself to lay claim to particular kingdoms ? would not his claim to all the world serve turn for the particulars ? lib. . epist. . he clameth the isle of corsica . § . that it may appear that the presumptuous usurpations of the pope were not consented to by many bishops , he oft complaineth that many bishops of france , italy , and germany were against him : he abundantly chideth and threatneth several particular bishops for resisting and disobeying him . lib. . epist. . he writeth thus to the bishop of liege . [ having read the letters of your brotherhood , we did not a little wonder that you wrote that which became you not , in reverence of the apostolick seat : but that you did with biting invective reprehend me , for absolving your parishioner , that lately came to us ; as if the apostolick seat had not authority to bind and absolve whomsoever we will and wheresoever we will : know therefore that we are greatly moved against your temerity . ] indeed one of the tricks of the papal ambition was to be the asylum of all wicked fugitives that fled from church justice in all countries near them ; to shew favour to all condemned sinners that would but fly to rome , and appeal to them from the justice of their pastors , yea , and of their princes too , which made their friends to be rather many than good . § . and the church of rome was not yet rich enough with all the principalities it had got : they still kept on the trade of enriching the pope to save their souls . binnius . p. . honoureth us with a record among gregory th . epistles , viz. [ in the name of the father , son and holy ghost , in the th . year of the pontificate of gregory th . i marro son of gisler dwelling in the dukedom of spoletane , for the redemption of my own and my parents souls do give , deliver and offer to st. peter prince of the apostles , and on his altar , all that belongeth to me of the castle called moricicla , &c. ] did christ think how easily rich men might be saved ( by giving to the pope in the name of st. peter ) when he said , it was harder for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven , than for a camel to go through a needle 's eye ? § . lib. . epist. . he saith [ they that are latines do all of them , except a very few , praise the cause of henry , and defend it , and charge me with too much obstinacy and impiety against him . ] and if the latines did so , what did the germans , french , & c ? you see here that it was far from all the world that was subject to the pope , and took his part in his usurpations . epist. . he commandeth a general no more to fight against the king of dalmatia , as belonging to st. peter ] . § . yet this pope doth teach them the truth against deceitful pennance or repentance , lib. . epist. . viz. [ we say that it is a fruitless pennance , when men remain in the same fault , or in the like , or in a worse or in one little less : he therefore that will worthily repent , must have recourse to the original of his faith , and be solicitous watchfully to keep that which in his baptism he promised , viz. to renounce the devil and his pomps and to believe in god , that is , thinking rightly of him , to obey his commands . § . epist. . he tells the duke of bohemia that it is customarily and doubtfully that he saluteth him with [ apostolical benediction . ] because he communicated with the excommunicate : and he denieth his request of using or translating the divine service or offices into the sclavonian tongue ; because there were many mysteries in it . thus come up the prohibition to the peoplee , to pray understandingly . epist. . he absolveth the bishop of liege from an oath because , he took it by force : and commandeth him to rise up against the imposer with all his power , he being st. peter's enemy . epist. . he tells the king of denmark of an ill custom among them , that whatever ill weather or calamity befell them , they imputed all to the ill lives of priests . epist. . he tells our king william the conqueror that seeing he was on his side , and is charged by some with all his bloodshed , that now he must be very obedient to him as his pastor , and peter's successor . and epist. . he tells them that the papal or apostolick power is greater than the kingly and must rule it , as the sun is greater than the moon . lib. . epist. . he laments the corruption of the church in armenia : [ . because they mixed not water with wine in the sacrament , when all men know that blood and water came from the side of christ. . because they made not their chrysm of balsom , but of butter . . because they honoured the memory of dioscorus . ] o what heresies ! pag. . in bin. there is an oath that robert duke of apulia , calabria and sicily to be true to the pope , and defend him as holding all these from him ; and there is the popes grant of them to him , laying claim also to his other dominions ; the denyal of which he patiently beareth at the present . § . but lest you think that at least the kingdom of spain was fast , all this while to the church of rome , lib. . epist. . he writeth thus himself . [ by the letters of my legate richard abbot of marseilles you may know how great impiety is gone out of your monastery ( of cluny ) by the presumption of robert a monk , who imitating simon magus , feareth not to rise up against the authority of st. peter , with all the craft of his malignity , and to reduce by his suggestion into their old error an hundred thousand men , who by our diligence began to return to the right way : ] but he hopes that the abbot thinks as he , for the honour of the roman church . he chargeth the abbot to cast out this man that had so endangred spain , adding [ and by your letters diligently acquaint the king who is deceived by his fraud , that he hath greatly provoked st. peter's wrath and indignation against him , and his grievous revenge against him and his kingdom unless he repent , because he undecently handled a legate of the roman church , and believed falshood rather than truth . of which that he may worthily make satisfaction to god and st. peter , as he hath disgraced our legate , so let him by due humility and condign reverence , make himself commendable and devout . for we think meet to signifie to him by you , that we will excommunicate him if he correct not his fault , and will solicite all the faithful in the parts of spain to his confusion : and if they be not obedient to my command , i will not think much to travel into spain my self , and there to endeavour dura et aspera , things hard and sharp against him as an enemy of the christian religion . ] o brave pope ! had not these men a notable knack or hap that could sit and talk down emperors , and kings , and subdue and dispose of kingdoms , by sitting at home and talking big , and telling them that st. peter was angry with them ? and who was this king but the great al●onsus , to whom he writeth himself , epist. . to put away his evil counsellors , and hearken in all things to the popes legate , richard ? § . epist. . l. . he commandeth souldiers to help michael the emperor of constant against the usurper , to make himself judge , and get an interest again in the empire : but in vain . § . epist. . he declareth that divers princes having sworn and promised him help , he resolved to come with an army to recover ravenna to the church . epist. . he rejoyceth that they had newly found st. matthew's body , and bids them now take him joyfully for their patron . these are the grounds of popish superstition : the body of st. matthew that preached to the abassines in another part of the world , is found at salerno in italy , a thousand years after he is dead . o that one knew how to be sure that it was his body , and how it came thither ! divers such findings they glory in . § . epist. . he writeth to orzoceus prince of calaris or sardinia , to require him as a note of his obedience to st. peter and concord with the church of rome , whose use it is , to let his arch-bishop shave his beard , and to command all the clergy of his dominion to shave their beards ; and if they obey not , to force them to it , or exclude them . and to be sure of success he lets him know , ( how truly i know not ) that many princes importuned him to give them leave to invade his countrey , but ( this righteous ruling pope ) denied leave to them all , till he had tryed whether he would obey him , which if he would do , he would not only deny them leave to invade him , but also protect him . reader , think here . . whether princes held not their kingdoms loosely when they where to lose them if they obeyed not the pope in so small a thing as the shaving of a priests beard . . whether it were not a hard thing for the catholick church then to have concord , when so small a difference as the shaving or not shaving of beards were put into their terms of union and peace ? who were the schismaticks then ? was it not the makers and imposers of such laws and terms ? . is it not a high power that is claimmed by popes , when no priest in all the christian world may have so much as his beard in his own power , in which nature hath given him a propriety ? how much more might the pope then command all mens purses ? . may way we not see here on what weighty reasons , these men condemn god's word of insufficiency , and plead for traditions , and a necessity of their additional laws ? when scripture hath left out the shaving of mens beards , and we had never had such a law , if such power as the papal had not made it ? o what discord and disorder would there be in the church if we had not so necessary a government ! and what confusion would toleration introduce , if mens beards were left at liberty ! but if paul called the heathen phylosophy vain and [ science falsly so named . ] tim. . . as befooling the world with pedantick trifling , and calling them off from their great concernes , may we not say then that this is vain government and order falsly so named , which thus calleth the church from its primitive purity , simplicity and unity , when christians were known by loving one another , to these childish games , that the prelates and priests of the catholick church must be known by their being without beards ? one would suspect this had its original from pope ioane , if there were indeed such a person ; and that it is a symbol of the churches sex , as it is called our mother ; or at least that marozia or theodora instituted it . . and do you know which were the more inexcusable , for silencing and persecuting the preachers of the gospel ? the iews that did it because they thought it took down gods law , and would bring the roman power on them ; or the roman heathens that thought the gospel destroyed the worship of their forefathers gods ; or the roman papists , that silenced and persecuted men for wearing beards ? thes. . . § . epist. . when some french preachers had revived religion in sweden ; the pope , desirous to reap where they had sowed , sends to the king of sweden , to tell him his joy ; and that what the french taught them they recieved from rome , and to desire him to send one of his bishops to rome , to acquaint him with their customs , and to receive his laws and mandates . you see by what means rome was raised . epist. . a bishop gave up his bishoprick : the pope chides him and commands him to a monastery ; rather than do so , he returneth to his seat again : the pope chargeth him with the idololatriae scelus the crime of idolatry , for not obeying him ; and writes to them not to recieve him or be ruled by him , as ever they loved the grace of god and st. peter . the like he doth , epist. . by the disobedient bishop of narbon , and epist. . by the disobedient arch bishop of rhemes , and epist. . , . of the same ; and all this in st. peter's name . yea epist. . he requireth the king of france ( philip ) to joyn against the arch-bishop of rhemes as excommunicate , as ever he would have st. peter's grace , because his kingdom and his soul were in st. peter's power . and it is no wonder that they that believe that the pope is st. peter's vicar and secretary , and that their souls are in his power , will give him all their lands or kingdoms to save their souls . § . when the pope sentenced the emperor henry to be excommunicate and deposed , and was charged to have done this without authority , he wrote his epist. l. . to the bishop of metz to prove that he had power to do it ; and to absolve his subjects from their oaths of fidelity ; saying , that the scriptures were full of certain documents to prove it . and his certain documents are tibi dabo claves , &c. and feed my sheep ; and kings are not excepted . they are st. peter ' s sheep . bin. p. . he saith , that the head of priests is at the right hand of god ; but who knoweth not that kings and dukes had their beginning from them that knew not god , and affected by blind lust and intolerable presumption to domineer over others , the devil the prince of the world acting them , in pride , rapines , perfidiousness , murders and all wickedness ? who while they would have the priests of the lord to stoop to their footsteps , are rightlyest compared to him who is head of all the sons of pride , who said even to christ , all this will i give thee , if thou wilt fall down and worship me . who doubteth but that the priests of christ are the fathers and masters of kings and princes , and of all the faithful ? and is it not notorious miserable madness for a scholar to endeavour to subjugate his master , and a son his father , and by wrongful obligations to subject him to his power , by whom he believeth that he may be bound or loosed both in earth and heaven ? did not pope innocent excommunicate arcadius the emperor ? and pope zachary depose from his kingdom the king of france , not so much for his iniquities , as because he was not meet for so great power ; placed pepin in his stead , and absolved all the french from the oath of fidelity ? ambrose sheweth that gold is not so much more pretious than lead , as the priestly dignity is higher than the kingly power . pag. . yea even the exorcists have power over devils : how much more over those that are subject to the devils , and are his members ? and if the exorcist excel so much , how much more the priests ? and every king when he cometh to his end , doth humbly and pitifully beg the priests help , that he may scape the prison of hell , and darkness , and at the judgment of god be found absolved . but is there either priest or lay-man that when he is dying begs help of the king for the saving of his soul ? what king or emperor can by his office , take a soul by baptism from the power of the devil , and number him with the sons of god , and fortifie him with holy chrism ? and ( which is the greatest thing in the christian religion ) can with his own mouth make christs body and blood ? or which of them can bind and loose in heaven and earth ? by all which it may be plainly gathered by how great power the sacerdot al dignity excelleth . which of them can ordain one clerk in the holy church ? how much less can they depose him for any fault ? for in orders exclesiastical , to depose is an act of greater power than to ordain : for bishops may ordain bishops , but in no wise depose them without the authority of the apostolick seat : who then that hath any knowledg can doubt but that priests are preferred before kings ? in a word , we must know that all good christians are more fitly kings than evil princes : for these by seeking the glory of god do strenuously rule themselves : but the other seeking their own , and being enemies to themselves do tyrannically oppress others : these ( good christians ) are the body of christ. the other ( bad princes ) are the body of the devil . these so rule themselves , as that they shall reign eternally with the highest emperor . but the power of the other brings them eternally to perish by eternal damnation , with the prince of darkness , who is king over all the sons of pride . and it is not to be wondered at that (*) bad prelates consent to an unrighteous king , whom for their ill got preferments by him , they love and fear , who simoniacally ordaining any , do for a base price sell even god himself . for as the elect are inseperably united to their head , so the reprobate are pertinaciously confederate against the good with him that is head of their militia . (*) let emperors and kings see then how much the imperial and kingly dignity is to be feared , in which very few are saved b and those that by gods mercy come to salvation are not made so good ( or eminent ) as many of the poor , the spirit of god being judge : for from the beginning of the world to these times of ours , we find not in all the authentick scripture any emperors or kings whose lives were so adorned with great c virtue and miracles , as were an innumerable multitude of the contemners of the world ; though i believe that by gods mercy many of them have been saved : for to say nothing of the apostles and martyrs , what emperor or king , was ever famous for miracles , like martin , anthony , or benedict ? what emperor or king did raise the dead ? cleanse the lepers ? illuminate the blind ? constantine of pious memory , theodosius , honorius , charles , lewis , propagators of christian religion , defenders of the church , are praised and honoured by the church , but not noted to have shined with such glory of miracles . moreover to what kings or emperors names d are churches or altars dedicated ? or hath the holy church appointed masses to be celebrated ? let kings and other princes fear lest by how much in this life they would be preferred before other men , by so much the more liable they be to eternal burnings . as it is written : wisd. c. . great men shall be greatly tormented . for they have as many men to be accountable for , as were subject to them . ( * and if one religious man find it so great a work to keep his own soul , how great a labour belongeth to princes , for so many thousand souls ? ( * ) and if the judgment of holy church so bind a man for killing one ; what will become of them that for this worlds honour murder many thousands ? who though they sometime cry meâ culpâ for killing many , yet are glad at the heart for the extension of their honour , and are not sorry that they did what is done , nor that they have driven their brethren into hell. the rest of the epistle exhorteth kings to avoid pride and tyranny : as i cite it historically to shew you the spirit of papacy , so fas est et ab hoste doceri . there is somewhat in it worthy the remembering , that greatness prove not pernicious to themselves and others , for want of goodness . § . but sure these papal arguments savour not of infallibility : may not a mean wit discern , . that goodness giveth not right to places of government without a call , else the best man must be always king : and then what pope had title to his seat ? right to heaven , will not prove a right to kingdoms : nor , è contra , power to cast out devils will not prove that the exorcist may cast out the king , nor give him laws . . what though the king be a scholar to a grammarian , a musician , a physician ? is it therefore absurd that he be king over these masters ? what though he must obey his physician for his life ? may he not command that physician for the common peace ? what though he cannot do that which a physician , a musician &c. can do ? may he not rule them for all that ? . what a discontented mind have such holy prelates , that cannot be satisfied with their title to heaven , their miracles , sanctity , church-keys &c. unless they may also be above kings , and have the secular power also ? . and what cause have kings and states to look to themselves , that are under such priests , where every clergy man is their master ? and how many superiors then hath every popish king ? even as many as he hath prelates , priests or exorcists . yet i will confess that if princes had been as bad still as some of them have been , and as such popes pretended ; and popes and prelates , and priests had been as infallible , holy , wise and peaceable as they have pretended , and had not proved the shame of religion and incendiaries of the christian world , in so many generations , it would have tempted men strongly for the interest of religion and mankind , to wish that all power had been committed to the clergy , and that campanella's regnum dei , or fift-monarchy , by priestly government of the world , had taken place . but when their own historians make fourty popes together monsters of wickedness , and piety at the same time to be translated to the princes , this turneth our thoughts another way : especially when we find still that a proud , worldly , wicked clergy , are the great confounders of the world. § . epist. . he sends to his legates to demand of the king of france , that every house do give a penny to st. peter , if they take him for their father and pastor . it seemeth the roman peter must have money , rule and honour of all the world , though he cry it down in others . § . lib. . ep. . he suspendeth the arch-bishop of rouen in normandy , from consecrating any bishop or priest , or church , because he had not visited the pope at rome , when as men and women came to him from the remoter parts of the earth ; ( the pope loved much company , and loved not privacy so well as i do . ) and because he had not sought his pallium ; though he wrote submissively to him . § . even this pope ep. . l. . professeth to the king of spain [ that a lye is a sin though it come from a pious intention for peace ; but in priests it is a kind of sacriledg . ] and if so , priests had need to take heed that they lye not , by swearing , subscribing , declaring or professing any falshood though à pope should command them . § . in the same ep. he congratulates that spain received his order of service or liturgie , because that which they used hitherto had some things contrary to the christian faith. what ? was the old spanish liturgy , heresie ? § . ep. . l. . the pope upon the death of rodulph , fearing the emperors coming into italy , pretendeth that now all men advised him to receive the emperor , for peace , into his favour and mercy ; saying , that almost all the italians were for him , and that his patroness mathildis was counted mad by her own subjects , who would not fight for her and him ; and therefore sends to try whether he could get any help from others ; charging them to see that the next chosen king be one true to st. peter , and to that end sends them an oath of obedience to saint peter and his vicar which the king must take . § . ep. . he employeth his agents to engage the norman duke robert to help him with an army . and ep. . his legate having deposed all the bishops of normandy that refused to come to his synod , he tells him that william king of england , and duke of normandy , though he was not so good as he should be , was more useful and better to the church than other kings , and therefore must not be offended , and therefore bids him restore the bishops : and also to pardon some soldiers , excommunicated for not paying tythes , because they must not lose the soldiers . ep. . he writeth to the duke of venice , by all means to avoid all excommunicate persons , and their friendship and favour lest they came into the snares of the same damnation : for ana●hema's were the arms by which he subdued emperors , and was to do his work . the like to others in other epistles . and ep. . he brought one count bertran to swear him fidelity , and to give him all his countrey , and honour as earl of provence , and this for the pardon of his own and his fathers sins . § . ep. . he congratulates to the kings of the visigoths their conversion to christianity ; but tells them they must oft send to rome for further instruction . how frequently he made arch-bishops and bishops travel to him out of other kingdoms when his legates wronged them , many other epistles shew . ep. . the norman duke , robert , acquainteth the pope with a victory which he had got : he returneth him this answer , that he had but done his duty and now as it was saint peter that had given him this victory , if he would not make him angry , he must now be thankful to saint peter , and remember what he owed him , to help him against the emperor , henry , and all his other enemies . § . ep. . he writes to the arch-bishop of canterbury that he had shewed himself guilty of disobedience which is as idolatry in that he had not travelled to rome to visit the pope when he commanded him ; and tells him that if he come not by all-saints day next he shall be deposed ; for many weak men that could scarce rise out of their beds , came from other much farther countreys : and he should lose saint peter ' s grace if he failed ( must they do so also from the antipodes ? ) ep. . he tells the count of angiers ( or anjou ) that he should have obeyed the sentence of his bishop , though it was unjust . and so every wicked prelates power over princes and all others shall be absolute . he flattered our king william the conqueror more than other kings ; but ep . . l. . he complaineth of his punishing a bishop , telling him that god taketh them as the apple of his eye , and saith , touch not mine anointed ; and though they are naught and very unworthy they must be honoured , and being called gods , men must not meddle with them . ep. . append. ( bin. p. ) he tells lanfrank arch-bishop of canterbury , how far the church was from purity in his days ; viz. that [ the bishops and such as should be pastors of souls , do with insatiable desire hunt after the glory of the world , and the pleasures of the flesh . and do not only themselves confound all things that are holy and religious , but by their example draw their subjects to all wickedness ; and that to let them alone is unlawful , and to resist them how difficult ! so much of the epistles of greg. th . who seemeth to be much more against vice than his predecessors for many ages , but more for tyrannical usurpation and rebellion than ever any that was before him : and if the better sort of them be such , what may be expected from them ? § . cccliii . an. . in a council at rome priests were forbid marrying , and all that were married commanded to put away their wives : the arch-bishop of mentz trying to do the same in germany , the whole party of the clergy ( saith lambert , an . ) raged against it , and called the pope a downright heretick that opposed christs law , who forbad putting away wives except for fornication , saying , all men cannot receive this saying ; and as driving men to fornication : they went from the synod , and some were for casting cut the archbishop of mentz and putting him to death : but he spake them fair . but the pope went on . § . cccliv. in a synod at genesius , the popes legate and anselm lucens . excommunicated many that had been against anselm : whereupon the whole city was enraged , and forsook mathildis , and joyned with the emperor , and expelled the bishop , one peter a canon leading them . § . ccclv. an . . a council at rome excommunicated five of the emperors family ; unless they travelled to rome and made satisfaction : it excommunicated philip king of france unless he satisfied the nuntii of the pope : it suspended the arch-bishop of breme , the bishop of strasburg , the bishop of spire , the bishop of bamberge , and in lombardie the bishop of papia , the bishop of turine , the bishop of placentine , and also robert duke of apulia , and robert de roritello . &c. § . an . . was the foresaid synod at mentz where the arch-bishop seeking to bring the clergy to obey the pope in putting away their wives , was fain to put it off to save his life from the clergies rage . the english councils i omit referring you to spelman , of which one deposed wulstan ( they say injuriously ) &c. § . ccclvi. an . . a council at worms sentenced the pope deposed . two bishops awhile refused consent , but at last yielded : and they sent to the pope , that thenceforth all that he did as pope was void . § . ccclvii . hereupon the pope calls a council at rome , which excommunicated all the german bishops that deposed him , and the bishops : of lombardy as conspiring against st. peter , and many french bishops : and with them the emperor henry ; and deposed him ( quantum inse ) from all his dominions : and absolved his subjects from their oaths ( as aforesaid . ) § . ccclviii . the excommunicate bishops had a council at papia , where they retorted the popes anathema on himself , and excommunicate him . § ▪ ccclix . the pope calls another council at rome , where the arch-bishops of millan and ravenna ( the antipope ) are excommunicate , and the emperor's cause and party again condemned . § . ccclx . another synod at rome an . . decreed divers things for defence of the clergies priviledges . and it is observable that to that day the old canons were in force for nulling all ordinations not made by the common consent of the clerks and people : ordinationes quae interveniente pretio vel precibus , vel obsequio alicujus personae ea intentione impenso , vel quae non communi consensu cleri & populi secundum canonicas sanctiones fiunt , & ab his ad quos consecratio pertinet , non comprobantur , infirmas & irritas esse dijudicamus ; quoniam qui taliter ordinantur non per ostium , id est , per christum intrant , sed ut ipsa veritas testatur , fures sunt & latrones . therefore it is no sinful separation to disown and avoid such obtruded bishops or pastors as are not so ordained by the common consent of the clergy and the people . § . in this council the pope , to keep up some pretensions yet to a power in the east , excommunicated the new made emperor nicephorus botoniates for deposing wrongfully the emperor michael and his wife mary , and his son constantine porphyrus , and putting them into a monastery and invading the throne , whom the patriarch cosmas lately set up by michael , had crowned : but thus matters were then often carryed . § . that we may a little take along some of the greek affairs , note here , that zimisces being dead an . . the empire returned to basil and constantine the sons of romanus jun. basil held it years ; and constantine three more . against them rose first bardas scleros , and then bardas phocas . basil overcame and subjected the bulgarians : an. . argy●us romanus took the empire with constantine's daughter ( putting away his wife for her and the empire . ) after five years zoe killed him , and took her adulterer and the agent michael paphlago to her bed and empire . he being afflicted in body penitently turned monk , and reduced zoe to some order : but being dead , she took michael calephate who sware to obey zoe ; but breaking his covenant , she deposed him and put out his eyes . and an . . she took to her bed and the empire constantine monomachus , in whose times the greeks had divers losses by the sueves , and by the normans that got apulia . at which time the turks being soldiers under the persians , revolted and oft overcame them . zoe and her sister theodora having ruled all , dye . in constantines time michael cerular patr. of const. wrote against the church of rome . theodora being dead , michael stratonicus reigned one year : who was forced to resign to isaac comnenus : . who being diseased turned monk , and made constantine ducas emperor : an . . he dyed swearing his wife eudocia not to marry and make a father in law to his three sons ; but she brake her oath and marryed romanus diogenes and made him emperor : he is taken in fight by the sultan , and released , and when he came home his eyes put out by his own subjects ; of which he dyed an . . and eudocia is thrust into a monastery . michael paripinacius , the son of const. ducas is chosen emperor : the turks and others greatly weaken the empire : two nicephori usurp : one called botoniates , helped by the turks , getting possession , michael entred a monastery , and the other nicephorus byennius is overcome and his eyes put out : botoniates after three years , is deposed and made monk by alexius comnenus , who was made emperor , an . , and being worsted by robert d. of apulia , and having dealt ill with godfrey and his army going for palestine , and beaten by them an . . living years and reigning he dyed an . . forsaken first of all , and succeeded by his son calojohannes . sect. . ccclxi. a roman council an . . forced berengarius to recant , and to own transubstantiation . sect. . ccclxii . an. . another roman council renewed the deposition of the emperour , and gave his empire to rodulph , the pope excommunicating henry , and saying [ confidens de judicio & misericordia dei ejusque piissimae matris semper virginis mariae , fultus vestra authoritate , saepe nominatum henricum , quem regem dicunt , omnesque fautores ejus excommunicationi subjicio , & anathematis vinculis alligo : & iterum regnum teutonicorum & italiae ex parte omnipotentis dei & vestra , interdice●s ei , omnem potestatem & dignitatem illi regiam tollo , & ut nullus christianorum ei sicut regiobediat , interdico : omnesque qui●i juraverunt , vel jur abunt de regni dominatione a juramenti promissione absolvo : ipse autem henricus cum suis fautoribus in omni congressione belli , nullas vires , nullamque in vita sua victoriam obtineat . then he giveth absolution from all their sins to all that take part with rodulph , and blessing in this life and that to come . adding [ go on then holy fathers and princes i beseech you , that the whole world may understand and know , that if you can bind and loose in heaven , you can on earth both take away the empires , kingdoms , principalities , dukedomes , marquisates , earldoms , and possessions of all men , according to their merits , and grant them ( to others ) for you have often taken away from the evil and unworthy , patriarchates , primacies , arch-bishopricks , bishopricks , and given them to religious men : for if ye judge spiritual things , what must men believe that you can do about things secular ? and if you judge the angels that rule over all proud princes , what can you do with their servants ? let kings and all secular princes now learn , how great you are and what you can do ; and let them hereafter be afraid to set light by the command of your church : and exercise your iudgment so speedily on the said henry , that all may know , that he falls not by chance , but by your power ; i wish he be confounded to repentance , that his spirit may be saved in the day of the lord. ] o brave pope ! from this council the pope sent ▪ rodulph a crown with this inscription — petra dedit petro petrus diadema rodulpho . but all this was but as balaam's attempt ; it destroyed not henry , nor saved the life of rodulph , that was after killed . sect. . ccclxiii . an. . the emperor called a council at brixia which deposed gregory as [ a false monk , the pestilent prince of all villanie , the invader of the roman seat , never chosen of god , impudently intruding himself by fraud and money , subverting all church-order , perturbing the kingdom of a christian empire ; designing the death of soul and body to a quiet christian emperour : defending a perjured king ; sowing discord where there was concord , and strife , where there was peace , scandals among brethren , divorces between husband and wife , and shaking all that seemed to be in quietness among godly men ; a proud preacher of sacriledge and flames , defending perjuries and murders , questioning the catholick doctrine of christs body and blood , an old disciple of berengarius * a follower of divinations and dreams a manifest conjurer , possessed with a divining evil spirit , and so swerving from the true faith. ] and they made guibert pope in his stead ( as was aforesaid . ) § . ccclxiv . a council at lyons , an. . deposeth manasse bishop of rhemes , for refusing to give account to the pope , &c. § . ccclxv . another at avenion , maketh hugo bishop of gratianople . § . ccclxvi . another at meaulx , maketh arnulph bishop of soissons . § . ccclxvii . another at rome , an. . excommunicateth the emperor again . § . ccclxviii . an. . another at rome , the pope kept three days in sighs and groans , being besieged , and then dismist it . § . ccclxix . an. . in another , the besieged pope again excommunicated the emperor , and the new pope clement ( guibert raven . ) § . ccclxx . an. . a council at quintilineburg condemned two heresies : the first was the royalist heresie of loyalty , called the henricians , from henry the emperor , who thought that the pope and prelates had not authority to depose kings and emperors , but were to be subjects to them . an heresie , if such , that most kings are very much inclined to , as taught them by st. paul , rom. . and by st. peter himself . you see , o princes , if you will be the popes and prelates executioners , that you must come at last to the stake your selves , and fall under the law de hereticis comburendis , unless you will be servants your selves , or trust to some peculiar chalibeate remedies . the great argument of the pope was [ the disciple is not above his master . one gunibert undertook to prove , that the pope had no such power , but what he had usurped , and taken to himself , but might be judged . but the foresaid argument struck all dead . but might not these prelates have understood , . that the pope himself may have a master in philosophy , physick , & c. ? and is he not for all that , above his master ? . is the king above no master that teacheth him in any art or science ? . are not christ's words plainly to be understood , of superiority and inferiority in eodem genere ? the disciple as such is not above his master ; but as a king he may : or else princes give up their kingdoms to every schoolmaster that they choose . . this doctrine sets not only popes and prelates , but every teaching priest or preacher above the king ; for to such the king may be a disciple . . this tendeth therefore to tempt princes to be utterly ignorant and brutish ; for fear lest by learning any thing of any master , they should give away their kingdoms . and if children be kings by inheritance , what a snare is here laid to undo them ? . doth not the holy ghost say , let every soul be subject ; and were not peter and the apostles some of these souls ? did not christ himself and peter pay tribute ? but remember again you that are subjects to such councils and prelates , that it is by them judged heresie to be loyal , and to plead for the clergies subjection to kings . § . the heresie of wecilo was here also condemned , that said ( as they report him ) that when the secular men were spoiled of their estates and goods , ( it 's like by the ecclesiasticks ) they were not bound to obey the ecclesiasticks , and might be received by others , when they were excommunicate . it was therefore decreed , [ that whoever was excommunicate by his bishop , that bishop not being himself excommunicate , or deprived of his office , though it were unjustly done , should by no means be received to communion ( by any other ) unless absolved in the ecclesiastical manner . ] and so god must be disobeyed , that commandeth the faithful to worship him in sacramental communion , whenever any proud , malicious or drunken prelate will forbid him : and must so live and die , unless his masters will repent of their injuries . when as it is usual for one injury to engage a man to more , or to continue it , for the justification of the first . § . another decree of this hereticating council was , what days to keep the spring and summer fasts on ; and that none eat cheese or eggs in lent. this is the roman holiness , and way to heaven . many archbishops and several cardinals were here excommunicate also , for being for the emperor against the pope . § . ccclxxi . but the wars of councils continuing , a council was called by the emperor at mentz , where the deposition of gregory , and the substitution of clement ( whose legates were present ) was confirmed , and the condemners again condemned . and so we have done with the life , letters and councils of hildebrand . § . pope gregory dying , clement alone was pope one year , and then the italians chose desiderius an abbot , called victor the d. this was the d schism , or two popes at once . victor lived but a year and three months , and days . historians tell us of famines , and dreadful prodigies in those days . in that little time he raised an army which beat the saracens in africk . § . ccclxxii . a council at capua chose this victor , an. . and when he was brought to rome , they found pope clement in possession , and keeping it by arms : but when they had fought , victor's soldiers proved victors , and his title to be best . § . ccclxxiii . victor had a council at benevent , where he damned pope clement and his bishops , an. . the grand controversie of those times of the pope against the emperor and other princes was , about presentations to bishopricks , or investitures , which the pope said , belonged to no lay-man : victor ' s council again judged such presentations or collation of bishopricks to be sacriledge , and such simoniacs that used them : and here it 's worth the noting that they decree , ( bin. p. . ) that penance and communion may be received from none but a catholick : and if no catholick priest be there , it is righter to persist without visible communion , and to communicate invisibly with the lord , than by taking it from a heretick to be separated from god. for there is no communion of christ and belial ; nor of a believer with an infidel : but every heretick is an infidel : and a simoniac because an heretick , is an infidel : for though catholicks because of the hereticks being over them , cannot have visible and corporal communion , yet while in mind they are joined to christ , they invisibly receive his communion . ] let it be here noted , . that this council confesseth that the sacrament and visible communion is not of necessity to salvation : and why not the same of visible baptism , when it cannot be had on lawful terms ? . that therefore it is no sinful separation to refuse such church-communion as cannot be had on lawful terms , or but from hereticks , simoniacs , or sacrilegious . . that this sheweth that the church of rome hath their succession oft interrupted : for by the testimony of their most flattering historians , and of general councils , many popes have been simoniacs ; ergo , saith this council , hereticks and infidels ; ergo no popes : ergo their faith failed . . that this maketh their bishops , priests , and churches in all their own kingdoms where princes have the presenting and investing of bishops , to be all void and null , as being infidels . and that not only among protestants none should communicate with any bishops that have their presentation and investiture from kings , but must separate from them as infidels , but even in papists kingdoms they must do the same . § . victor commended odo , or otho ostiensis for his successor ; who is chosen in his stead against clement , and called urban the d . he made their old patroness mathildis in her age to marry with an italian duke welpho , on condition that they should never have carnal copulation . the emperor came to rome , and set up clement : urban ( or otho ) being one that before had published the excommunication of the emperor , excommunicateth him again , and goeth from rome , into italy and france ; and sets the princes upon the recovering of ierusalem , listing men , and so reconciled most of their strifes at home . the history of this expedition , platina briefly , and many authors largely give us , to whom i refer you . conrade the emperor's son rebelleth against his father , encouraged by the pope . the papal historians pretend that his father would have forced him to incest , but others think otherwise . it was this pope ( saith bin. p. . ) that appointed the horary prayers , called the office of the blessed virgin , to be used by clergy and laity , for success against the saracens . having reigned eleven years , and four months , he died . § . ccclxxiv . an. . urban in a council at rome , repeateth against the emperor and pope clement what was done before by greg. the th . clement is expelled rome , and driven to renounce . the holy wars breed reconciling thoughts . the papal party offer the emperor his crown , if he will depose clement . his bishops dissuade him , and he refuseth ; being otherwise for peace inclined to it . § . ccclxxv . a council at troy in apulia about marriage of kinsfolk . § . an. . a council at tolouse deposed the bishop as criminal , &c. § . an. . a council of urban's at melfia decreed again , that no bishop receive investiture from any lay-man ; and that no lay-man have right or authority over any clerk. also against false penance ( hildebrand before had decreed that penance , and baptism , ( and so absolution ) profit not impenitent undisposed receivers . ) § . ccclxxvi . a council at benevent condemned pope clement again . § . ccclxxvii . another at troy did consult for urban's interest . § . ccclxxviii . another at constance , an. . against married priests and simoniacs , and about the number of easter and whitsun holy-days . and the empress praxes departed from the emperor , accusing the court of most filthy fornication ; perhaps the cause of their calamities . § . ccclxxix . an. . a council at ostio in france excommunicated their own king philip , for putting away his wife , and marrying another ; and again excommunicateth the emperor and pope clement . § . ccclxxx . an. . a council at placentia heard the cause of the emperor of const. begging help against the infidels ; and of the king of france ; and the empress complained how filthily she had been forced by her husband's command . it repeated damnations , and decreed that no money be taken for baptizings , chrysms or burials . § . ccclxxxi . a council at clermont for the same causes . it decreeth , that if one injure another on monday , wednesday or thursday , it shall not be reputed a breach of peace : but if it be done on any of the other four days , it shall be judged a breach of holy peace , and be punished as shall be judged . c. . and that no clergyman shall receive any honour ( or preferment ) from the hand of lay-men . c. . and c. . that no kings or princes make investiture of any ecclesiastick honour . and c. . that no bishop or priest make any promise of allegiance to a king , or to any lay-man ( ne regi , vel alicui laico in manibus ligium fidelitatem faciat . ) ligius is liege , or ligatus , a vassal or full subject . and c. . that no lay-labourer keep the tenth of his labour , ( from the clergy ; ) or receive ( from the clergy ) the tenth of his wages . § . it sheweth you that ever the sacrament in one kind was not introduced , in that the th canon of this council decreeth , that [ none communicate at the altar , unless he receive the body by it self , and the blood by it self , unless through necessity , or with cautelousness . ] can. . any one that fled from his enemies to any cross , was to be there protected as in a church . but the ierusalem war was the main business of this council , by which the pope cunningly turned away animosities and jealousies from himself , and got the repute of a holy defender of the church . § . but in an english council all the bishops in the kingdom save one ( rochester ) would force archbishop anselme to renounce the pope ; which anselme refusing , and reasoning against , they said that he blasphemed the king , setting up any in his kingdom without his consent ; and so they jointly renounce their subjection and obedience to the archbishop , and abjure the unity of brotherly society with him , bin. p. . you see luther was not the first that renounced the pope . § . ccclxxxii . a council at tours , for the holy war : where the king of france philip was reconciled , promising service to the pope . § . ccclxxxiii . an. . a concilium barense was held , for winning the greek church in their necessity ; where anselme of canterbury got the honour in disputing of the procession of the holy ghost . the sum of which disputation is in his works . § . ccclxxxiv . an. . a council at rome gave the king of england time to repent till michaelmas , the former council had excommunicated him , if anselme had not desired delay . § . an. . another roman council for the holy war , and reexcommunicating pope clement , ( but what clement did all this while , is past over here . ) § . an. . some little council at ierusalem put out arnulph the archbishop of ierusalem as a wicked man and usurper , and gave it to the pope's legat. § . an. . paschal the d is made pope ; a little after pope clement dieth , who had reigned with his competitors years : being buried at ravenna after five years , a council caused his carkass to be dig'd up and burnt : decreeing , that all the bishops of the henrician heresie , ( that is , who were for emperors being above the pope , or not deposable by him , and for his power of presentations or investitures ) if they were alive should be deposed ; if dead , should be dig'd up and burnt , ( which were most of the bishops of the west , if hildebrand himself mistook not . ) o military bishops ! that can overcome the dead . no wonder if the church and nations be confounded by you , that cannot let each others carkasses rest in their graves ; but will dig up the bones of the prelates of many kingdoms , even the greatest part . how many princes and prelates now papists , are guilty of the henrician heresie ? should not their bones also be burnt if you durst ? § . but the schism continued , three persons successively being made anti-popes by the emperor's party ; but all of them one after another overcome by paschal , who being a military pope , did most of his work by his army , which he frequently had on foot . in his time ierusalem , and the cities about , were won by godfrey of bullen , his brother - baldwin , boemund , tancred , and the rest of the christians ; and godfrey made first king , and baldwin next ; boemund and tancred having antioch , and after suffering great losses , &c. as you may read in the histories . § . never did the papal rebellion work more unnaturally , than in setting up the emperor's son henry against his own father , as excommunicate and deposed ; who being chosen in his stead by the papal faction , overcame him , and took him prisoner , and kept him till he dyed ( naturally , or violently , i know not ) at liege . § . yet was the pope deceived of his hopes : for this henry also was of the henrician heresie , and having by the pope's order kept his fathers corps five years unburied , because excommunicate , he came with an army after to rome to be crowned emperor , and getting into the city , ( the pope's historians say by perfidiousness , and others lay the perfidiousness on the pope ) he took the pope and cardinals ( that were for him ) prisoners , for denying him to confirm the bishops which the emperor had promoted ; and he kept him till he made him confirm them , and grant him investitures under his hand and seal , and promise : but when the emperor was gone , the pope took his promise to be null , and brake it , ( he that can dispense with others , may dispense with himself . ) § . binnius , after many such others , doth not only justifie the pope's deposing of the emperor ; but shamelesly saith , that even the novatores haeretici , ( as he calleth the loyal and orthodox ) will not deny but that he was justly deposed , because ( saith he ) in a letter to hildebrand , he said himself he might justly be deposed if he fell from the faith ; and he was deposed for heresie , viz. for defending priests marriage , selling benefices , contemning the popes excommunication , and saying that he ought not to regard it . ans. . doth every word in a letter that you can distort , forfeit a crown ? . did not the apostles and ancient christians obey heathens , and command it ? . was it to the pope that he forfeited his crown ? how prove you that ? . were these apostolic doctrines , ( that priests may have wives , as peter had , &c. ) a falling from the faith ? . is every princes crown and life at the pope's mercy , because he may judge him to be an heretick ? . are not the chief christian kings now that are papists ( especially the king of france ) of that which is called , the henrician heresie ? and may they be so deposed ? § . but one thing i desire may be noted of this henrician heresie , that the emperor did not take away the old liberty of the clergy and people in chusing their bishops : investiture was not election , or any determining nomination , but like our inductions an after-consent , and a delivery of possession by a staff and ring , as may be seen in the form of pope pasohal's grant in nauclerus , gen. . p. . [ we grant and confirm to you , that you may bestow investiture by a staff and ring to the bishops and abbots in your dominion , freely elected without force and simony . ] and it medled not with the presbyters , but was only a negative power of freely chosen prelates induction , who was still chosen by the inferior clergy and the people . § . how the old emperor was basely deprived by the three bishops of mentz , colen and wormes ; how he charged their oaths of allegiance on them ; how he denounced the revenge of god against them ; how he was kept in such poverty , that he desired for his relief to have been but an assistant in the monastery of spire which he had built himself , and was by the ungrateful bishop of spire denied ; how in his misery he confessed it was the justice of god for the sins of his youth ( lust ) you may see in sigon . de reg. ital. an. . helmold . hist. sclav . c. . sigebert an. . albert. xrantz . hist. sax. li. . c. , , , , . compared . as also how his body was digged up out of his grave , and kept five years by his unnatural son in an unconsecrated place , and after buried . thus ended one that had fought ( as historians say ) with honour , sixty two battels ( more than caesar had done ) a man ( had he duly mastered his youthful lust ) credibly described as of laudable endowments , and one that shewed much zeal for the clergy , though he was not willing to be absolutely their subject . § . ccclxxxv . of the councils that were in paschal's days , the first was at rome , an. . where the old emperor henry the th . was again excommunicate , and a form of anathematism made against all heresies , and in special against that heresie that then troubled the church , which was [ that the churches anathema's and bonds are not to be regarded . ] it was time for pope and prelates to call that a heresie , when by cursing they had got their dominions , and conquered so many emperors and kings : but it 's a wonder that when tibi dabo claves , would not keep up the credit of the cursers , that cursing again should be able to do it . two councils at london , partly against the clergies incontinence , and against sodomy , and partly to depose several married priests , i pass by . § . ccclxxxvi . fluentius , bishop of florence , published that anti-christ was come . whether he told them who he was i know not : but an. . a council of bishops was there called , to try him for that dangerous doctrine ; and finding that prodigies and calamities drew him to believe it , they chid him as a weak man , and warned him to talk so dangerously no more , ( you may know why . ) § . ccclxxxvii . when the young henry began his rebellion against his father , he called an. . a council at quintilineburg , where he solemnly called god and angels to witness , that it was not out of desire to reign that he did what he did , nor to depose his father , but to restore them to the obedience of the church , lamenting his father's obstinacy against it : and he profest his obedience to the pope , and drew divers revolted archbishops to do the like . § . ccclxxxviii . an. . a council with the nobility or princes was called by henry junior at mentz , where the old emperor was again excommunicated , and forced to resign his scepter to his son ; and this by those princes , prelates and nobles , that had sworn allegiance to him , supposing themselves absolved from all their oaths by the pope . now it was that the three archbishops violently divested him . when he asked them , what was his fault , and they said , simony , in the collation of bishopricks and abbies , he adjured them ( the bishops of mentz , and colen , with the bishop of wormes ) by the name of the eternal god , to say whatever he took of any of them : and they said , nothing . he thanked god that so far their own tongues justified him , when their bishopricks might have brought him no small sum. § . ccclxxxix . the pope in a council at wastallis in lombardy , took in some submitting bishops . § . cccxc . two bishops at ierusalem striving for the place ; one put out by the king , but restored by the pope , died in his return ; the other by a synod at ierusalem was put out , but made bishop of caesarea . § . cccxci . in a council at trecae , the emperor's investitures are forbidden . § . cccxcii . another at benevent , an. . of the same , decreeing , that if any take a benefice from a lay-man's presentation , the giver and taker shall be excommunicated . and one at london to the same purpose , made king henry consent against investing bishops or abbots . another at liege , for st. guibert's elevation . § . cccxciii . but the pope's lateran council of bishops is more considerable , where the pope breaketh his oath and covenant to the emperor as being constrained , and this by their approbation . the history of the occasion before-mentioned , is here again recited by binnius out of the chron. cassinens . at large ; where you may see that the emperor sware to the pope , and the pope was thereupon to crown the emperor as in his proper rights . the emperor claimed to be crowned as to the same rights that had been granted to charles , lewis , henry , and other former emperors : this the pope denied to do , and so they went to fight ; where on both sides , between the romans and germans , so many thousands were slain , that tyber was coloured with their blood . how the earl of millan that interposed his person to save the emperor's life was slain , and his flesh cut in pieces , and given the dogs by the romans , and what other bloody work was there made , the said chronicle mentioneth . the pope when he crowned the emperor , and made the covenant with him , took the body of christ and brake it , taking part himself , and giving the emperor the other part , and said , so let him be divided from the kingdom of christ and the lord , that breaketh this covenant ] which now by the consent of the bishops in council he brake . § . cccxciv . a council at benevent , to decide a quarrel about church-lands . § . cccxcv . in a cyperan council an archbishop complained , that he was put out by the prince roger of sicily , and made a monk against his will ; and was delivered , because god will have no involuntary service : another archbishop accused , fled . § . cccxcvi and cccxcvii . a council at beauvois , not known for what . one in syria against arnulp . archbishop of ierusalem , for his crimes . § . cccxcviii . an. . a council at colen excommunicate the emperor , ( or declare the popes excommunicate ; ) but he forced some to receive him . § . cccxcix . an. . in a lateran general council ( as they call'd it ) it unhappily fell out , that the pope who had before call'd the emperor's claim an heresie , ( as councils had before named it , the henrician heresie ) could not here disclaim and revoke his act , without confessing his fault , in granting that power to the emperor , and confirming it by covenant and oath . he tells them that he is but a man , and so a sinner , and lamenting his sin , begs their prayers to god for pardon , and then anathematizeth all that he had written , and desireth them to do the like . hereupon a crafty bishop ( bruno signinus ) said , let us give thanks to god , that we our selves have heard the pope condemn that priviledge that containeth pravity and heresie : and if that priviledge contain heresie , then he that made it was an heretick . ] this put them all to their shifts ; and ioh. cajetan angerly said , [ dost thou call the pope an heretick here , and in our hearing ? the writing that our lord the pope made was evil , but not heresie . another bishop said , [ nay it ought not to be called evil ; for to deliver the people of god is good , by the authority of the gospel , which commandeth us animas ponere , to lay down our souls for the brethren : and that which the pope did , was to deliver the people of god. ] o holy bishops and councils , that take it to be no sin to lye and forswear , if it do but deliver the people of god! but the pope's patience would not hold at the charge of heresie , but after great expectations , he told them that [ that church had never had heresie : yea , the same church had quelled all heresies — and ego rogavi pro te , petre , secureth it . as much as to say , though i confest an heresie before i was aware , now i tell you , the same thing is an henrician heresie in others , and none in me . § . cccc . an. . a roman synod to end a strife between the two monasteries , cluniacens . & cassinens . § . platina tells us how the pope sent the pisans to fight against the saracens at sea ; and when they were absent , the lucenses sought to take their city , but the florentines honestly came and repelled them ; for which the pisans gave them two porphyretice columns . also that mathildis ( maud ) the pope's great defender now dying , enriched the pope , with bequeathing her principalities to rome . and that vincentius , an excellent author , saith , that she was burnt with two thousand more in a great fire that hapned at florence . and being sainted , divers places say , they have her body . bernard was the glory of this age. platina tells us also of a bloody war and sedition in rome , upon the pope's denying a boy of ten years old , to succeed his father as prefect of the city ; the pope being forced to remove : that the emperor came with an army again to rome , where a bishop crowned him again , the pope being in apulia , who after returned and dyed . § . now cometh the th schism , or two popes at once ; iob. cajetan cardinal is chosen at rome , by the clergy , senate , and people of rome , bin. p. . the emperor sends to demand the confirmation of pope paschal's covenants : he denieth , and as at his choice a great citizen , cincius frangipanis , offended at the choice , threw him down , trod on him , and imprisoned him , till the people rose and forced frangipanis to restore him safe ; so the emperor now set up another pope , gregory viii . and cajetan , called gelasius the d , got some italian princes to help him , and when the emperor was gone he came to rome , and scuffling awhile , was fain to go to france , and dyed after a year and five days , gregory reigning three years , and some being for one , and some for the other . in this time king baldwin and tancred had a great overthrow near ierusalem . § . cccci . pope gelasius with a synod at capua , excommunicateth the emperor and pope gregory ( who , it 's like , requited him . ) after at vinna in france he called a synod , and dyed . § . the bishop of vienna in france , ( kin to the emperor and the king of france ) is chosen pope in france : he prevaileth with the emperor to give up his investitures , and so maketh a joyful peace . he overcometh pope gregory viii . and imprisoneth him in a monastery . in his time baldwin was again overthrown , and the venetians took many islands from the greek emperor , for hindering them to relieve ierusalem by sea. § . ccccii. the first council under calixtus the d was at rhemes , whither went turstan chosen archbishop of york , upon promise to king henry , that he would not receive the pope's blessing : but he stuck not to break his word ; therefore the king banished him , or forbad him his dominions . here four tenents of guilbert porretane a schoolman were condemned . . that divinitas and deus are not the same ( in signification . ) . that the three persons are not unum aliquid . . that besides the persons there are eternal relations , which are not the same as the persons , &c. . that it was not the nature of god that was incarnate . these they condemned , whether rightly understanding porretane i know not : but if schoolmens quirks must make work for councils , and councils will be their judges , what work will there be ? § . cccciii . another at colen , an. . the emperor was excommunicated . § . cccciv . in a lateran council called general , the emperor ( saith otto frising . ) seeing the people fall from him when he was excommunicate , and fearing his fathers case , yielded to resign investitures , which he after performed , an. . and an. . ccccv. a. roman council setled the cassine monastery of benedictines in their independency , save on the pope alone , against the envy and complaints of the bishops . § . ccccvi . a roman council finished the peace with the emperor . and an. . one at tholouse call'd some religious men hereticks . § . calistus dying , theobaldus , called caelestine , is chosen by the fathers ; but lambert called honorius the d , by the help of leo frangipanis , a great man , came after him , and got the greater power , and got and kept possession . this was the th schism , which the emperor's resignation of investitures prevented not . § . ccccvii . an. . a french council about the templars habit : and one at london , and another . where because mat. paris openeth the shame of the pope's nuncio , and others , binnius revileth him . § . arnulphus , a famous preacher , was murdered in rome , for preaching against their pride , covetousness and luxury . platin. § . two popes are next chosen : ( the th schism ) . gregory called innocent the d . . peter called anacletus . onuphrius : panuinus saith , that innocent had but cardinals votes , and anaclet had . and yet innocent being the stronger , is by them taken now for the true pope , and the succession is from him . § . pope innocent presently becometh a soldier , and gets an army to fight with roger prince of sicily , for claiming apulia : the pope and cardinals at the second battel are taken prisoners , by the coming of william duke of calabria to help his father . roger gently releaseth them : they come to rome , and find pope anaclet in possession ; who got roger of sicily , and the people of rome that were for innocent , to be for him , ( saith platina . ) innocent dares not stay , but goeth into france ; thence into germany , where henry being dead , and lotharius made emperor , the pope got him to swear to help him : the emperor and pope come against rome with two armies . the anti-pope anacletus is not to be seen ; till the emperor was gone home , and innocent at pisa , and then he appeareth as pope again . lotharius cometh with another army , and driveth away anacletus , and roger of apulia into sicily . § . the romans now rose up against the pope , and claimed the civil government of rome by a senate . the pope hereupon deprived them of their votes in the election of popes , and deprived all the clergy also of theirs except the cardinals , and confined the power to the conclave of the cardinals alone . this was the first time that the old way was overthrown , and all the canons broken by one pope in revenge against the romans for rebelling against his civil government , and helping anaclet . till now , clergy and people chose the bishops . hildebrand began to set up the cardinals power , but denied not the clergy and people their votes in comitiis . § . the greek emperor's legat now had a dispute with the pope's party , to prove the roman church erroneous for the filioque , of which see plat. in inoc. . § . ccccviii . and ccccix. and ccccx . the pope innocent being above seven years in france and germany , damned pope anaclet and his fautors in a council at clermont , and in another at rhemes , and in another at liege . and , another at pisa did the like . and one at mentz was about a bishops quarrels . and , one at estampes condemned innocent's presence prevailing there , and anaclet's presence at rome . § . lotharius dieth , and conrade is emperor . ccccxiv . innoc●nt , an. . calleth a great council called general upon his return at rome , to condemn anaclet again . § . anaclet dying , another pope called victor is chosen against innocent , and the schism continued : and after five months being too weak , giveth it up . § . in england , saith william malmsbury , and binnius out of him , p. . two bishops ( of salisbury and lincoln ) built the great castles of newark , shirburne , devises , malmesbury , and held the castle at salisbury , &c. the nobles complain'd to the king of the bishop's greatness , and building so many castles , as of ill design . at an assembly or parliament at oxford , the servants of some earls and these bishops fought for quarters : the bishops servants prevailed , and blood was shed , and the nephew of an earl wounded near to death , and all was on an uproar . the king ( stephen ) took the advantage , and made the two bishops deliver up the keys of their castles , lest they prepared to be for the empress maud in time . the bishop the king's brother was the pope's legat ; he calls a council at winchester , and summoneth the king , where he and other bishops pleaded against the king , that he violated the canons , wronged the church , invaded the bishops propriety , &c. but a french bishop of rouen pleaded for the king , that no canon allowed them those castles , and that in danger of wars all princes would secure such places ; and so far got the better , as that they durst not proceed against the king , who told them that if any went to rome to complain against him , they must not think easily to return into england . § . ccccxv. an. . a council at soissons condemned abailard's books to the fire ; but saith otto frising . ( & bin. ex eo ) they would not hear him speak for himself , suspecting or fearing his skill in disputation , his great acuteness being famous . his heresie was , that whereas ( saith otto ) the church holdeth the three persons in the trinity to be res distinctas , * , distinct things ; peter used an ill similitude , and said that [ as the same argument or speech is proposition , assumption and conclusion , so the same essence is the father , son and holy ghost ] and this was judged sabellianism . but sure , . peter never meant this similitude should hold in all respects . . sure this asserteth unhappily such a difference as is between the whole and the parts , if he had meant it to be fully simile . and that maketh a greater difference inter personas , than the schools allow . but be the man heretick or not , what justice was in these pitiful prelates that condemned him , and durst not hear him speak ? is such hereticating much regardable ? § . ccccxvi . another synod ( senonensis ) got st. bernard among them , who debated the case of peter , and he appealed to the pope , who condemned him , and yet saith that peter denied many of the words , and all the sense that was charged on him : but nameth five errors , worthy his condemnation , if his indeed . § . binnius from w. malmesbury ( who was present ) reciteth another council at winchester , king stephen being taken prisoner by some lords , and the londoners pleading for his liberty , his brother the pope's legat was against him , and accused him , excommunicating divers lords that were for him . § . ccccxvii . a synod at ierusalem against the patriark of antioch , the prince , and the pope's legat being against him : accused of many crimes he would not appear , and was deposed and imprisoned , and scaping out went to rome for help , and was there poisoned . an unlearned bad man haymericus is put into his seat . § . innocent dying , caelestine the d was the first man that ever was ordained or made pope without the peoples election , saith binnius himself ex onuphr . by the cardinals privately alone , according to pope innocent's order . an. . in conrade's reign ; he dyed within six months . in his time the christians lost edessa to the turks . § . pope lucius the d cometh next , and liveth but months . in which he set the emperor conrade on a fruitless expedition towards ierusalem , to the death of multitudes . § . a gallican council against abailardus , who is said by plat. & pet. cluniac . to repent and dye a holy death . § . eugenius the d , a companion of bernards , is next pope : the romans rising for their civil government , expel him : he goeth into france , maketh an archbishop against the king's will , who sweareth he shall not enter the city . bernard persuadeth the king to repent , and to expiate his sin by an expedition ( with conrade ) to ierusalem , where both lose men , time and cost . the pope overcometh the romans , and maketh them promise that the senators shall hold of him : he again withdraws , and dyeth . § . . note here , that the civil government of rome it self fell not till lately into the pope's hands , and that by the same means as he conquered kingdoms . . note how far he was from ruling all the world , when for so many ages the city of rome it self contended against him . but the dependent prelates in all nations of europe were his strength , who perceived that tibi dabo claves , might be abused for themselves , as well as for the pope ; and the policy of popes was in those days to do all or most by synods , and thereby to make the prelates perceive that it was their power , interest and rule as well as his . but now the case is quite changed with this unchangeable church ; councils now are needless , because scarce to be trusted . § . passing by a council at wesel for the ierusalem war , a ( ccccxviii ) council at paris fell again upon the scholastic bishop of poictiers , gilbert porretane . in his visitation he spake some words too hard for his hearers , and his two archdeacons getting bernard on their side , ( a man more devout than scholastically acute ) they accuse the bishop of heresie again ; having had success lately against peter abailard , the bishops were ready to receive the charge . the articles of accusation were these : . that he said , divinam essentiam non esse deum . . quod proprietates personarum non essent ipsae personae . . quod theologicae personae in nulla praedicarentur propositione . . quod divina natura non esset incarnata . and some lesser , as . that attenuating mans merits , he said none merited but christ. . evacuating the sacraments of the church , he said none were truly baptized , but those that were to be saved : and such like other things . the pope and the prelates heard the charge : two masters are brought out against him , who sware that they heard some of these things from his mouth ; many wondering that learned men used oaths instead of arguments , ( saith otto frising . ) after many charges and urgencies , he said , [ audacter confiteor patrem alio esse patrem , alio deum , nec tamen esse hoc & hoc . ] that is , it is one thing to be god , and another to be the father , ( or the words are not of the same signification ) and yet god is not one thing , and the father another thing . ] the hardness of these words seeming a prophane novelty , provoked the bishop of soissons to say , [ what say you , that the being of god is nothing ? ] having not read or understood austin , that saith , [ sic aliud est deo esse , aliud subsistere ; ●icut aliud deo esse , aliud patrem esse , vel dominum esse : quod enim est ad se dicitur : pater autem ad filium , & dominus ad servientem creaturam . ] the bishop of soissons misusing a saying , [ cum quis diceret , socratem esse nihil diceret . ] he turned the auditory against himself ; and they asked porretane to open why he so distinguished the persons ; who answered , [ quia omnis persona est per se una . ] which puzled or amazed them , and ended that days work . the next day he was accused of novelty , for saying that [ the three persons were tria singularia . ] the archbishop of rouen aggravating it , said that [ god should rather be called unum singulare , than tria singularia . ] at which many were offended , because hilary saith , [ sicut duos deos dicere profanum est , ita singularem & solitarium dicere sacrilegum est●-et nihil solitarium ex divinis sacramentis ad suspicionem audientium & occasionem blasphemantium proferamus . ] but porretane told them , that by singular , he meant nothing but excellent and incomparable . in this manner porretane , bishop of poictiers , was examined , and modestly answered them many days ; till the pope perceiving that these school-niceties being too hard for him , durst not determine them , nor gratifie bernard ( though his friend ) and the hereticating bishops and clergy , but craftily put it off to a general council . this is all out of otto frising . recited by bin. p. . you may see here what work hereticating prelates and councils were inclinated to make . if all the schoolmens subtile assertions ( sound and unsound ) must thus be tryed in general councils , and all that was disliked , called heresies , though it would have shamed the prelates ignorance , it would have afrighted daring wits from their presumption ; and since i have seen the tendency of cartesianism , gassendianism , and other epicurean follies , i did not care much if we had some such ignorant prelates to afright these bold philosophers also . i have oft marvelled why general councils that understood not the hebrew tongue , ( nor the pope's western councils the greek ) have no more exercised themselves in councils to judge of scripture , copies , and translations . and i have thought in what words and manner they would have prosecuted such debates : sure falsifying scripture is of as dangerous consequence as these school presumptions . some will think it is well that the councils for above years had so few that understood the original language , or else they would have so tost and torn , and sensed and nonsensed the scripture , that they would have made it quite another thing . § . ccccxix . yet we have not done with heresies . a council at rhemes , called by the banished pope , tryed a mad man , an illiterate rustick , called eum , one unworthy to be called an heretick , saith otto frising , who said he was the son of god , &c. whom they sent to prison , where he dyed . in the same council gib . porretane , bishop of poictiers , is again called , where their subtilties were disputed over again ; and bernard abbot clareval . being his chief adversary ▪ upon porretane ' s exception to some of his words , saying , scribantur , went and drew up some articles of faith , seeming contrary to porretanes , and got many bishops to subscribe them . the roman cardinals took this heinously , and came all together to the pope , and told him , that it was they that of a private man made him pope , and that he must know that it was they that were the cardines , on which the axis of the whole church did turn , and that he must not now be his own , but theirs , and not prefer private and new friends before his old common ones . and that his abbot bernard with the gallicane bishops , had audaciously presumed to lift up their necks against the primacy and top of the roman seat , which only doth shut and no man opens , and opens and no man shuts ; which only may discuss matters of faith : and even when absent , may not receive prejudice of this honour from any . but , behold these french-men , contemning our faces , ( or presence ) have presumed to write their belief , without consulting us , as if they would pass a definitive sentence on the matters that have been handled before us : which had it been done at antioch or alexandria , had been void — how then durst these usurp in our presence — we will therefore that you presently rise up against thus temerarious novity , and delay not to punish their contumacy . ] and so they had like to have run into a schism : but the pope and bernard spake them fair , and bernard said , they wrote not as determiners , but to give account of their own faith , when provoked ; and so pacified the cardinals . but this tumult hindered the deciding of the case : but , saith otto , whether bernard was decived by humane infirmity , or porretane escaped by hiding any thing by his great learning , i must not determine . § . ccccxx . another council an. . the banished pope held at trevers , where bernard told him of the revelations of a woman abbess called hildegardis : the pope sent some to her ; she returns him a writing of her revelations , which he read , admired , and by bernard's persuasion honored her with a letter : but what they were is not mentioned . § . conradus ; called anastasius the th , is next pope , and dyeth after a year , four months , and days . the glory of his time is said to be ricardus de sancto victore , a famous writer , specially de trinitate , and gratian , lombard , and comestor . § . hadrian the th , an english man , is next pope . the romans by request and threats , importune him to permit their consuls to govern them as heretofore . he resolutely denieth them . they wound one of his cardinals . he excommunicateth and curseth them . ( quaere , whether rome was the catholick church when it was excommunicate ? ) they had before desired him to come to the lateran , which he refused , till they should turn out one arnoldus brixianus , called by him a heretick and disciple of abailard . the people ( saith platina ) took this ill , and so hurt the said cardinal ( i doubt the romans themselves were for hereticks . ) the pope curseth william of sicily for invading the church-lands . the greek emperor offereth to help the pope , and to give him much gold also , if he shall but have three maritime cities in apulia , where he hath won them . this afrighteth william to offer the pope all again , if he may but he called king of sicily . the pope denieth it . william angry , over-runneth italy . the pope repenting , granteth him his desire . the new emperor frederick also coming with an army into italy , took some cities belonging to the church , and gave them up to the pope : but when he came into the city to be crowned , the citizens enraged at the pope for denying them their civil government , shut the gates ( the emperor's army being without ) and fell on many of the pope's followers , and the germans , beat some , and killed many . the emperor hereby provoked got in his army , and killed many of the citizens , and had done more , but that the pope dissuaded him : yet was the pope and he fain to go round about to the lateran , to avoid another battel . platina mentioneth the pope's cursing william of sicily , and absolving his subjects from their oaths that they might rebel , but saith nothing of the emperor's after-quarrel with the pope , occasioned by a letter of the pope's rebuking him , for not helping the bishop of london , saith binnius , and refusing an offered bishop of ravenna . the pope's epistles against the emperor , &c. binnius leaveth out . at last the romans again rising against him , he goeth to anagria , and dyeth . § . an. . roland is made pope , called alexander the d ; and octavian , called victor the th , is made pope by others , and sate four years , and seven months . this is , saith onuphrius , the th schism , or double papacy . three more succeeded clement , to keep up the duplicate before alexander dyed , of whom one reigned five years , and another seven . alexander addresseth himself to the emperor frederick to heal the schism ; who therefore bids both the popes come to him , that he may hear the case : but alexander himself refuseth , and gets away . the emperor sendeth two bishops to him to summon him to a council ; alexander refuseth to appear . the bishops go to octavian ( victor ) and the emperor calleth a council , and this council with the emperor make octavian the confirmed pope . ( quer. whether this was not as good authority as alexander's greater number of the cardinals ? ) hereupon alexander curseth the pope victor , and the emperor , and sendeth letters to christian , princes to tell them that he did it justly : ( wonderful ! that empires and kingdoms could be then disposed of by cursing ! ) the emperor seizeth on many of the church-cities . alexander returneth to rome , but findeth so many against him that he durst not stay there , but flieth into france , invited by king philip ; and there again at a council , curseth the emperor . the emperor frederick destroyeth milan , and translateth thence to colen the supposed bodies of the magi , or three wise men that came to bethlehem ! ( is it not strange what brought them to milan ? and how they came all to dye there together ? and how all their bodies came to be known ? o the wisdom of rome ! ) the rest of the italian cities and states raise an army against him ; he sendeth to the king of france to end the schism , by bringing pope alexander with him to a council , where he would meet him with victor . divo is the appointed place between france and germany : the emperor with victor and some kings cometh to the council ; alexander refuseth , because he call'd it not , and calls another at tours in france . the emperor angry returneth to germany , and sendeth victor into italy , where he dyeth , and guido , called paschal the d , is chosen after him . the romans chose consuls that were alexander's friends , and send for him to rome , and receive him . the italians then arm against the emperor ; who cometh with an army into italy , and taketh ancona . the greek emperor is drawn to promise the pope a great army against frederick , so he would unite the empire and churches again . this afrighteth the emperor . the tusculanes and the abanes had a war with the romans that oppressed them with tribute , and gave the romans a grievous overthrow . the emperor besiegeth rome ; william of sicily sends help to the pope . the people of rome intreat the emperor for peace , which he promiseth , on condition the worthier pope may be chosen , and the schism ended . the pope alexander hearing of this , flieth secretly by ship. the plague driveth the emperor from rome ; he goeth into germany . the pope's friends in italy get strength . the greek emperor emanuel sendeth yet larger offers to the pope , if he would restore him the western empire by re-union . pope paschal dyeth . the tusculane cardinal , called calistus the d , is chosen in his stead , and reigned seven years , ( saith onuphr . ) but the tusculanes refusing him , he goeth to alexander , and resigneth to him all his right in tusculum . whereupon the tusculanes receive alexander , who there heard the ambassador of henry king of england , purging him of the guilt of the death of tho. becket ; and sent into england two cardinals with power to examine all the matter ; who imposed on the king , though swearing he was innocent , that for penance he should maintain soldiers for ierusalem , and for three years should have an army against the barbarians , and defend the church-liberties in his land , and not hinder appeals to rome ; all which he sware : [ by which , saith platina , he merited that the title of the kingdom of england should be transferred on him , and his heirs , by the pope's consent : whence it is observed that all the kings of england do recognize ( or acknowledge ) the rights of the kingdom from the pope of rome . ] a just reward for their serving the titular servant of servants in his pestilent ambition ! that he should thence take them for his vassals , and take himself for the disposer of their crowns ; stooping to such priests , doth make them kings of kings . yet alexander hath not got possession of rome it self , so far was he from being received by all the world ; and so low did he condescend as to offer the citizens , [ that if they would receive him , he would come in peace , and meddle with nothing but divine matters , leaving to them the care of secular things : and when they would not grant him this much , he went to signia . ] was this man truly the bishop of rome , that had no more of the citizens consent so much as to dwell among them ? there he canonizeth the archbishop of canterbury , tho. becket , for a saint . the emperor entereth italy , and taketh many cities , but the venetians owning the pope , and he being wearied with wars , at papia treateth of a peace . but this not taking , the emperor shortly returned with another army into italy , but was so hard put to it by the millanois and others in one fight , that he narrowly escaped death himself . this one loss made the nobles that followed him say , that they suffered this , because they fought unlawfully against the church ; and if he made not his peace presently with the pope , they would go home : so that the emperor was forced to submit to the pope , for fear of being forsaken by his subjects and soldiers . at venice they met , and the emperor kissing the pope's feet , credible historians say , that the pope trod on his neck scornfully , and profanely repeating the words of the psalm , [ thou shalt tread on the lion and adder , &c. ps. . . ) but baronius and binnius will not believe this , though as fowlis noteth , p. . it is recorded by ciaconius , masson . and abundance more of their own historians , and preserved in the archives of the library at venice , and the picture of the story hang'd publickly in the senate house . the emperor's severity against them of milan was not for nothing : they not only brake their oath by rebellion , but when his wife beatrix came to see the city , set her on a mule backward with the tail in her hand , and so led her in scorn from one gate out at the other : what may not such provocation do to an emperor ? the stir that there was about the emperor's holding the stirrup to pope urban , is recorded by divers historians : and how the kings of france and england did the like by alexander ; and how this on debate was said to be their due . the truth is , the papists princes of europe themselves are beholden to the protestants , for redeeming them from servitude , and their kingdoms from the meer will and mercy of the pope . § . the pope having conquered the emperor by cursing , is past doubt now of conquering rome , ( for such men were bishops by conquest , and not by consent . ) to tusculum he goeth , and now demandeth of the romans , that they abrogate the office of the consuls : but finding this too hard a task to be done at once , he maketh a bargain with them , that none should by the people be chosen consuls , till they had taken an oath of fidelity to the pope , in his own proposed words , and that they would never do any thing against his dignity . and so alexander goeth the third time to rome , and calls a council ; but quickly dyeth , when after twenty years contention , he thought he was new setled in peace , an. . § . onuphrius , after radavicus frising . ioan. cremon . abb. ursperg . &c. saith that it was this pope alexander , that first ordained that the clergy and people being excluded from the election of the pope , ( and so he was no true bishop ) the choice should be in the cardinals shut up in conclave , and go by two third parts of their votes , to avoid schisms for the time to come . onuphrius saith , that he had the writing of pope lucius the d , that saith , he was the first that was chosen by the cardinals scrutiny , ( though the cardinals in a looser way were lately made electors before . ) he that is no bishop , is no universal bishop or pope : but he that is not chosen by the clergy or people of that church , is no bishop . the minor is proved by the canons of many councils . § . the epistles of alexander are so full of usurpation and treason against princes , that binnius thought it best to omit them , and give you but the titles : but those that concern england are in mat. paris , whom binnius referreth you to , though he oft reproach him for speaking truth . many are about tho. becket archbishop of canterbury , and against the emperor and the king of england , forbidding the coronation of henry the d , and suspending roger archbishop of york for crowning him , and such like , to shew how he was king of kings . § . ccccxxi . of the councils in alexander's time recorded by binnius , the first is an. . at papia called by the emperor which voted victor pope , and condemned roland , called alexander . the letters of the emperor and the bishops tell us , that this council consisted of immunerable bishops and abbots , and that the emperor , after a good speech , departed , and left all to their judgments : and that it was there proved by the oaths of many witnesses , that victor was chosen by the full consent of the people and clergy , and some cardinals , and that , twelve days before roland was chosen ; and that roland was present and contradicted not , but bid them obey him that was chosen : and that after being chancellor he stole out of the city , and the major part of the cardinals having before the death of the last pope entered a confederacy , to choose none but one of themselves that confederated ( against the emperor ) they secretly chose roland ; the people and clergy ( a multitude subscribing ) all desiring victor : there or four kings also consenting to accept him , when the council declared him the onely true pope , and roland a perfidious usurper . here is all the romans , clergy and people , the emperor and many princes , and a council of innumerable prelates of germany , italy , &c. against the major vote of an upstart sort of men called cardinals , that had confederated treacherously before : and yet the roman papacy is by succession from this man , that was no true bishop himself . ccccxxii , ccccxxiii , ccccxxiv , ccccxxv . an. . alexander got a council at clermont , and another at newmarket , and another at belvacum ; and an. . another at tours , to curse the emperour and pope victor . the french taking his part , ( and the english at last ) kept up the schism and contention . the reader must take this notice by the way , that such meetings as we call parliaments , the popish historians often call councils , that they may draw men to think that what parliaments did was done by clergy power ; and when lords , commons and bishops met in the same assembly , some called them parliaments , and some councils ; and as spelman saith , pag. . the same assemblies were indeed mixt , and partly civil or royal ( as he calleth them , because called by the king ) and partly ecclesiastical . but among the romanists , councils are greatly advanced by this ascribing to them the acts and power of parliaments . accordingly the parliament at clarendon is called a council by binnius , ( ccccxxvi ) by the reproachful name of conciliabulum , because they setled the rights of the king as ruler of the clergy , and would not let the pope be king of england , ( which is the henrician , or royal heresie , to be punished by fire or other death on kings themselves , when the pope is big enough to do it . ) in this council or parliament , thomas of canterbury , and the rest of the bishops concurred with the rest ( for fear . ) but thomas when he came home repented , and imposed so strict penance on himself , that the pope hearing of it , was sain in absolve him . § . ccccxxvii . an. . binnius saith , that ireland being given to the pope as soon as they became christians , the pope gave it to king henry the d , as soon as he had conquered it ; and a council at cassel was called for reformation . note here , . that the pope hath great reason to seek the conversion of the kingdoms of the world , if they are his when they are converted . . that it is no wonder if five parts of six of the world be still infidels , or at least that they are unwilling to yield to popish christianity , when heathen and infidel kings must lose their kingdoms , and become subjects to the pope , if they turn to popish christianity . . that it hath long been a cunning way of bounty with popes , to give princes their own kingdoms and conquests , when they cannot take them from them . ccccxxviii . an. . was the synod at venice for reconciliation . § . ccccxxix . an. . alexander being at peace , called a council at rome , which they call general , or the th general council approved at lateran : in which are many reforming canons , and many for the papal power . the first is ( as aforesaid ) to confine the power of pope-making to two third parts of the cardinals only . another to degrade those ordained by the three anti-popes . another that no one have many churches , &c. and the last against some called cathari , patrini , or publicani as hereticks , giving those indulgences that will fight against them , and absolving all inferiors from all fidelity and duty to them , &c. some think that these were the waldenses , some the albigenses . but i have elsewhere shewed ( against mr. danvers ) that there were several sorts then in those countries , some manichee hereticks , and some good christians called waldense ! , and albigenses , but against the pope and his superstitions , whom the papists would jumble together to disgrace the best : who were , as some of their own writers ( e.g. sanders lib. . de vis . monar . ) say , a portion of the henricians , that is , of the emperor henry's heresie , that held the pope's false usurping excommunications were to be contemned ( not as from henry their teacher ) that is , they were royalists , and against the pope's ruling the abused world by the cursing way . § . to this council , crab and binnius have annexed a voluminous appendix of decrees , of which many are notable . as that no bishop may suspend a presbyter without the judgment of his chapter . that a perjured clergy-man is to be perpetually deprived , and may not govern a church . that in case of ambiguity of words , we must have recourse to the common understanding of them , with divers others . § . alexander dying , lucius the d is the first chosen by the cardinals , according to alexander's lateran council , ( as is aforesaid . ) and to perfect the papacy , having got the choice of the bishop out of the hands of the clergy and people of rome , his flatterers next persuade him to put down the order and name of senators , which attempting , his party by the cities insurrection had their eyes put out , and the pope forced to leave the city ; and at luca , while he provoked princes to send soldiers to ierusalem and asia , he dyed . § . ccccxxx . one council this pope had at verona , as they say , where the emperor frederick met him , and sollicited him to restore all the bishops and clergy deposed that had adhered to him and the anti-popes . the pope consented , but said he could not do it without another council : ( by which it appeareth , that this at verona was no true council . ) § . urbanus the d is next pope , called turbanus , as an incendiary , by ab. ursspergens . but better spoken of by platina ; he sate above one year . it 's said that he dyed of grief for the loss of ierusalem in his time . ccccxxxi . a council he had at paris , they say , for ierusalem , too late . § . gregory the th succeedeth him two months , and dyeth . § . an. . clement the d succeeded him , who importuneth the christian kings to recover ierusalem . the emperor frederick , the king of france , and richard king of england , go in person . the emperor was drowned in asia , as he was wa●●ing himself in a river . the rest do much , but all to little purpose , but to the great destruction of many christians . the pope sendeth an army into sicily to claim it for the church , because the king dyed childless : there also bloody havock is made . an. . an assembly at paris furthered the holy war , ( binnius will call it a council . ) § . though this clemens sate but three years , and five months , he ended the long war between the romans and the pope , granting them their senators , but deposing their patricius or head , that union might not strengthen them . § . caelestine the d cometh next , who to get sicily from tancred , gets out of a nunnery a devoted virgin that was the heiress , and marrieth her to the young emperor henry the th , and giveth him with her the kingdoms of sicily and naples , ( when he can get them ) and so wholly obligeth him to the church ; and to surrender tusculum , which the romans utterly demolish . sicily the emperor gets , and puts out tancred's eyes , but naples was too hard for him , his soldiers dying of the plague . how the king of france and the king of england disagreed in palestine ; and how the king of france returned home , and treacherously joined with iohn the king's brother , to invade the king of england's dominions , and so called him from attempting the siege of ierusalem , and how he was taken prisoner by the way home , many histories acquaint you . § . binnius out of urspergens . tells us , how this pope that had sent the king of france into palestine , for his repudiating his wife after , interdicted the whole kingdom of france the use of holy thing . o horrid villany , worse than heathenish ! for one man's family-sin , to forbid so great a kingdom to worship their god and saviour . saladine when he had taken ierusalem , dealt better with the christians . o bewitched princes and people , that by their degenerate prelates would be brought to suffer or submit to such a wickedness , contrary to the nature of all religion ! o wicked prelates and clergy , that would obey an usurper in suc● a wicked interdict ! but the king of france grievously punished his clergy for the fact. for it was done by the pope's legat and the bishops at a council at divion : ( the ccccxxxii . here . ) § . next cometh the great pope innocent the d , ( a young man of years old called lotharius ) an. . § . the duke of saxony , otho the th , succeedeth the emperor henry the th . but philip of suevia is his competitor , and the king of france was for henry's brother ) and the pope for otho , hating frederick's line . some say philip conquered and deposed otho , but petavius , after divers others , saith , that they agreed that philip should reign quietly during his life , and otho afterward succeed him . after ten years otho , a palatine of the rhine , killeth philip , and otho again reigneth quietly , marrying philip's daughter . but seeking to possess apulia and calabria by arms , and not obeying the pope's prohibition , the pope excommunicateth him first , and after sentenceth him deprived or deposed , which at his command , the archbishop of mentz publisheth ; which otho despising , the pope to shew that he can make and unmake emperors and kings , sets up frederick king of sicily , henry the ths son by c●nstantia , ( the nun formerly , saith binnius , which petavius denieth ) and commandeth all to take him for emperor . the king of france stands for frederick , and the king of england for otho . otho is overcome being forsaken and dyeth for grief ; and friderick ( a young man twenty years old ) prevaileth . § . passing by the english and scottish councils , ( for the sabbath or lords day . ) ccccxxxiii . the roman council that deposed the emperor otto for rebellion against the pope was , an. . § . this pope excommunicated our king iohn for rejecting stephen laughton arch-bishop of canterbury : yea , he deposed him quantum inse , and interdicted gods worship to the whole kingdom , for six years three months and fourteen dayes . ( o wicked bishops and priests that would give over the worship of god because an usurper forbad it ! ) the pope gave the king of france commission to seize on england . king iohn is constrained to please the pope . what wars were hereupon in england , and how he gave up his kingdom at last to the pope , and to hold it as of him , our own historians certifie us , yea , and how he offered the king of morocco to turn mahometan for his help . § . ccccxxxix . next cometh the famous th . laterane council called by the papists the th . general , approved of bishops and other fathers ( for others they have ) an . . regn. frider. . in the first cap. is the creed and their transubstantiation asserted , as the way of union between christ and us , we taking his flesh as he took ours : and that no one can make this sacrament but a priest ritely ordained according to the keyes of the church which christ gave to the apostles and their successours . but the sacrament of baptism saveth by whom soever it is ritely done . the d , cap. condemneth abbot ioachim's doctrine who opposed lombard as making a quaternity for saying that quaedam summa res est pater filius et spiritus sanctus , et illa ( res ) non est generans , nec genita , nec procedens , which the council owneth . the d. cap. is this [ we excommunicate and anathematize every heresie * extolling itself against this holy orthodox catholick faith which we before expounded , condemning all hereticks by what names soever called : having indeed divers faces , but tails tyed together , because they agree in vanity in the same thing . and being damned let them be left to the present secular power or their bailiffs to be punished by due animadversion : the clerks being first degraded from their orders ; so that the goods of such damned ones if they be lay-men be confiscated , but if clerks , let them be applied to the churches from which they had their stipends . but for those that are found notable only by suspicion , unless they shew their innocency by a congruous purgation , according to the considerations of the suspicion and the quality of the person , let them be smitten with the sword of anathema ( cursed from christ ) a and avoided by all till they have given condign satisfaction : so that if they remain a year excommunicate , they be then condemned as hereticks . and let the secular powers be warned and induced , and if need be compelled by ecclesiastical censure , what offices soever they are in , that as they desire to be reputed & taken for believers , so they publickly take an oath for the defence of the faith , that they will study in good earnest to exterminate to their utmost power , from the lands subject to their jurisdiction , all hereticks , denoted by the church ; so that every one that is henceforth taken into any power either spiritual or temporal , shall be bound to confirm this chapter by his oath . but if the temporal lord required and warned by the church , shall neglect to purge his countrey of this heretical filth , let him by the metropolitane and other comprovincial bishops be tyed by the bond of excommunication : and if he contemn to satisfie within a year , let that be signified to the pope , that he may denounce his vassals thenceforth absolved from his fidelity ( or allegiance ) and may expose his countrey to be seized on by catholicks who exterminating the hereticks may possess it without any contradiction , and may keep it in the purity of faith , saving the right of the principal lord , sobeit he himself put no obstacle hereto nor oppose any impediment : the same law notwithstanding being kept about them that have no principal lords . and the catholicks that taking the badge of the cross shall gird themselves for the extermining of hereticks , shall enjoy that indulgence , and be fortified with that holy priviledge which is granted to them that go to the help of the holy land . and we decree to subject to excommunication , the believers and receivers , defenders and favourers of hereticks ; firmly ordaining , that when any such an one is noted by excommunication , if he contemn to satisfie within a year , let him thenceforth be ipso jure made infamous , and not be admitted to any publick offices or councils , nor to chose any to such , nor to be a witness ; and let him not have power to make a will , nor to witness , nor have succession to any inheritance . and no man shall be compelled to answer him in any business ( or suit ) but he shall be compelled to answer others : and if he be a judge , his sentence shall be void , and no causes shall be brought to his hearing : if he be an advocate , his plea ( or defence ) shall not be admitted : if a register , the instruments made by him , shall be of no moment at all , but be damned with the damned author . and the like we will have observed in the like cases . but if he be a clergyman , let him be deposed from all office and benefice , that as he is in the greater fault , the greater vengeance may be exercised on him . and if any , after such are marked by the church , shall contemn to avoid them , let them be smitten with the sentence of excommunication till he give due satisfaction . and let no clergyman give such pestilent persons the ecclesiastical sacraments , nor presume to give them christian burial , nor receive their alms or offerings : otherwise let them be deprived of their offices , and never be thereto restored without the especial indulgence of the apostolick seat . and so the regulars on whom this shall be inflicted , that their priviledges be not kept in that diocess , in which they presume to commit such excesses . and because some under pretence ( or form ) of piety , denying ( as the apostle saith ) the virtue ( or power ) thereof , challenge to themselves the authority to preach , when the same apostle saith [ how shall they preach unless they be sent : ] let all those be tyed with the bond of excommunication , who being prohibited , or not sent do presume publickly or privately to usurp the office of preaching without authority received from the seat apostolick or the catholick bishop of the place : and if they speedily repent not , let them be punished with other competent punishment . and we moreover add , that every arch-bishop or bishop by himself or his arch-deacon , or fit honest persons shall twice or once in a year , go about his parish where fame saith that hereticks dwell , and shall there compel two or three men of good testimony , or if he see fit , the whole neighbourhood to swear , that if they know any hereticks there or any that seek secret conventicles , or that differ in life or manners from the common conversation of the faithful , he will study to tell them to the bishop . and let the bishop himself call the accused to his presence , who unless they purge themselves of the guilt objected , or if after purgation made , they relapse into the former perfidie shall be canonically punished . and if any of them refusing by damnable obstinacy the bond of an oath , will not swear , let them be for this very thing reputed hereticks . we will therefore and command , and stritcly command in the vertue of obedience , that the bishop do watch diligently through their diocess , for the effectual execution of these things , if they will escape canonical revenge . and if any bishop be found negligent and remiss in purging his diocess from the leaven of heretical pravity , when this appeareth by certain signs , let him be deposed from his episcopal office , and another fit man be substituted in his place , who will and can confound heretical pravity . the th . chap. is against the greeks for rejecting the roman pope , and and so far abhorring the latines , that if latine priests did but celebrate at their altars , the greeks would not use them again till they had washed them , as being defiled : yea , they rebaptized those that the latine priests baptized ( the world did not then obey the pope , how insolently soever be trod on the divided princes of the west , by the conspiracy of their prelates . ) and here he was used in his kind , and hereticated and excommunicated , and cursed as he did by others . the th . chap. [ was to confirm the old patriarchate * on condition they receive the pall from the pope , and swear fidelity and obedience to him , and make those under them to do the like ] o daring challenge and innovation ! and yet chap. the th . they grant that diversity of rites by bishops of their own languages and customs be used , so they will but be the sworn vassals of the pope . and yet cap. in their direction for inquisition , even this council decreed that the accused be admitted to speak for himself , and not only the words of the witnesses but their names also to be told him and published , and the exception and replyes admitted , lest by suppressing their names , men be emboldned to defame , and by excluding exceptions emboldned to swear falsly . ] because the supposed hereticks got ground by preaching , the cap. . decreed the setting up of preachers instead of the bishops or to help them , because they wanted ability or time . the . cap. was to forbid making any more new religions , there were so many made in their church before . the . cap. was against bishops that sate up feasting , drinking , or prating till after midnight , and lie in bed the next morning and come not four times in a year to mass , and then talk with lay-men at the time of worship . cap. . forbids all clergy men that have not temporal estates under them , to take any oath of allegiance ( or fidelity ) to any lay-man . the . is to invalidate lay-ruler's laws about ecclesiastical matters ( as glebes , mortuaries , &c. ) the rest i pass by . § . in this council besides the albigenses and abbot ioachim , almaricus a learned man was condemned ; they say he said that all christians were christs members , and ( they add , how truly is doubtfull ) suffered by the iews with him : that christ's body was no more in the sacrament than in another thing : that incense as offered in the church is idolatry : that every christian is bound to believe that he is a member of christ : that if adam had not sinned there should have been no generating in paradise nor difference of sexes . ] we must take these things on the report of such as sanders , with some other that they charge on him ; for which when they had killed him with grief , they dig'd up his corps and burnt it , as they were then burning multitudes of the living . § . in this council stephen laughton arch-bishop of canterbury was deposed for taking part with the barons of england against king iohn ; whose case was now become the pope's when he had given him his kingdom : in so much that when the arch-bishop confessed and begged absolution , his holiness answered [ by st. peter , brother , thou shalt not so easily get absolution , who hast done so many and so great injuries , not only to the k. of england , but to the church of rome . ] . § . let the reader note , that . general councils are the papists religion . . that this is one of their greatest approved general councils . . that therefore by their law and religion , they are bound to exterminate all protestants , and that all princes must be deposed that will not execute it , and their dominion given to others that will. . that all protestants and others called hereticks are dead men in law and want but judgment and execution where their law is in force . . that the henrician heresie is one that is judged such by their councils . . that therefore not only all protestant kings , but all papists that are for the safety and power of kings against the popes pretended power of condemning and deposing them , are hereticks to be exterminated and burnt ( by many canons . ) . therefore kings are beholden to the protestant reformation ( disabling the pope to execute his laws and religion ) for their crowns and lives . . that when ever any king or others set up popery and the power of their laws and councils in a kingdom that is reformed , the subjects are presently dead men in law , being to be destroyed as hereticks , ( though policy or want of power may hinder the execution . ) . qu. whether it be lawful for any king ( or in his authority ) so to destroy his kingdom , or to make all ( or the generality of ) his subjects dead men in law ? . whether by these laws the pope and his consenting bishops have not published themselves to be hostes regum et regnorum , if not humani generis ; and are not so to be esteemed ? § . note also that d. heylin , in his certamen epistolare against me , answereth , that it is not kings but temporal lords that are mentioned in this council ; and that he and bishop taylor , and bishop gunning , and bishop pearson in their dispute published by terret or iohnson , and others before them , have maintained that these canons were but proposed by pope innocent , and not consented to and passed by the council . but to the first it is clear . that by domini temporales councils ordinarily mean emperors and kings as well as any others . . that the words of the council are express [ eâdem nihilominus lege servatâ circa eos qui non habent domin●s principales . ] and to the d . i answer . the church of rome actually taketh this for one of their approved general councils , and will not be beholden to our bishops for their friendly favour and excuse : and therefore it is all one to us whether the council consented or not . . mr. henry dodwel in his late considerations how far papists may be trusted by princes , &c. pag. & pag. &c. hath fully answered all the reasons given by these bishops ( as terret did in part before ; ) and hath added abundant proof that these canons were passed in that council . . from the council at oxford where stephen laughton himself was . . from mat ▪ paris who is alledged for the contrary . from gregory th's decertals . from the case of iohn blunt elect bishop of canterbury recited by mat. paris an . . . from otto the pope's legate . in m. paris an . . and that london council . . from the popes letter to otto an . in m. paris . . from honorius the d's condemnation of rich. de marisco bishop of durham . . from p. clement the th's bull for king philip the fair. . from the council of tarragon . . from the council at vienna under clement th . . from the general council at lyons under gregory th . . from the sabine council in spain . . from a council at toled● under benedict th . . and from the council of trent , . from the common sense of the case of abbot ioachim . . and of the word transubstantiation . . and of annual confession : all taken as setled by this council . so that as the papists will not accept of this charity of our bishops in excusing their religion from this part of guilt , so there is little place indeed for an excuse . § . the papists themselves though they have many other councils and instances to prove the popes claim and practice of deposing princes , yet will not let go this as being a famous general council : but when here in england they would excuse their religion from rebellion , they use to say , that this being not an article of faith , but a canon of practice they are not bound to take it as infallible . to which the said mr. henry dodwell ibid. pag. . hath largely answered , to which i refer the reader ; adding only , that that which must be believed to be of god is not alway matter of practice , yet what must be done as by the wi● of god , must alwaies be , first the matter of faith : we must believe that it is god's will before we can obey it as his will. the full answer see as aforecited . § . in the performance of the laws of this council multitudes called hereticks were burnt : their st. dominick preaching to the people to perswade them to take arms under the sign of the cross to destroy the hereticks , for to get pardon of their sins , so that from first to last many hundred thousand ( some say two millions , but that seemeth too much ) were killed in france , savoy , germany , italy , and other countreys : see sam. clerk martyrol . and arch-bishop vsher de●success . eccles . thus hath papal rome been built and maintained by blood , rebellion and confusion , under pretence of church purity , unity and government , and all by the pretended keyes . § . honorius d. succeedeth innocent : he confirmeth the dominican , and franciscan religions and sainteth francis. he procureth a new expedition towards ierusalem , and the destruction of many . the emperor friderick followeth his predecessors , and invadeth italy , conquereth sicily and apulia ( being his own by his mothers title . ) but the pope excommunicateth him , and by the mediation of iohn king of ierusalem ( in title ) he is absolved . § . ccccxl. stephen laughton being restored , a synod at oxford passed many general excommunications , and there numbered all the holy-dayes to be kept , and made several canons ; one good one was , [ that every great parish have two or three presbyters , because of the greatness of the work , and if one should be sick , &c. another ( repeated many old canons ) that no fees be taken for sacraments or burials : &c. another that no clergy-m●n should keep their concubines pvblickly in their lodgings , nor else where go to them with scandal ] ( a good caution ! for their credit . ) § . ccccxli . a german council lamenting that clergy-men kept their concubines publickly and would not dismiss them , forbids this publick keeping of them , c. , , , . but dealeth gently with them . but c. . those that preach when the bishop silenceth them , it [ maketh infamous and intestable , casting them out without hope of mercy or restitution , ab officio et beneficio , and rendering them uncapable for the time to come . here the popes legate demanded out of every cathedral two prebends to be given to rome ( and great reason that he that giveth all , even bishopricks and kingdoms should have some again , even what he will. ) but it was denied . § . ccccxlii . also in a synod at westminster an. . the pope demanding two prebends out of every cathedral , the king answered that the matter belonged to all christendom , and when he saw what other kingdoms did herein , he would give his answer . § . gregory th . is next pope : he commandeth the emperor friderick d . to go recover ierusalem , and excommunicateth him a● a dissembler for his delaies : he re-sainteth st. francis and st. dominick . he absolveth the emperor upon his payment of an hundred and twenty thousand ounces of gold for damage . the greatest sedition and heresie ( saith platina ) rose at rom● that ever was there , so that the pope was banished ; but a plague ended it that left scarce the tenth man alive . again the senators and the pope agree not about legislation , and the pope is fain to be gone again , and gets the emperor to promise him that their conjunct forces should assault the romans . the emperor faileth , and bids his souldiers help the romans , himself departing , the pope by mony bireth them to help him , and recovereth rome . he sendeth preachers abroad to call men to the holy war : he sainteth elizabeth daughter to the king of hungary . an army goeth into asia with theobald king of navarre and others , and is overthrown . he would go to rome , but is kept out : the emperor taketh many cities in gregory's party get him into the city : he again curseth the emperor , and deposeth him from his empire ( by his presumptuous sentence . ) the venetians help the pope . the emperor afflicteth them : the italians are divided . in pistoria two brothers , one called guelph was for the pope , and the other called gibel was for the emperor , the city was 〈◊〉 and the name of guelphs and gibellines filled italy with confusion . the romans were again falling off from the pope , but he went among them carrying the heads of the apostles ( you must believe it , ) and by supplication and speeches moved the people to pity him , and got them to fight against the emperor ; which cost them and others of the church party in italy dear . the pope calleth a council to depose the emperor again ( to kill one man twice . ) but the emperor way-layeth them , and taketh many cardinals and bishops , and imprisons them by the pisanes help : gregory dyed for grief in his th . year ( or th . ) this is that pope that by the help of raymund made the books of decretals . so much out of platina . binnius addeth that the emperor went with an army into asia in performance of his vow and received ierusalem yielded to him : and made ten years truce with saladine , and therefore was again excommunicated by the pope . § . in this popes time , saith bin. the divines of paris after long disputation defined , that it is a mortal sin for any man to have two benefices , when one of them sufficeth to sustain him . . multitudes of the albigenses were burnt and killed as hereticks . § . ccccxliii . a council at london under otto the popes legate was held an. . the king sending first to charge them to do nothing against his rights , and leaving one to see to it . the legate was in danger for opposing pluralities , the bishop of worcester and multitudes theatning resistance , and it was suspended . § . coelestine the th is next pope , but not by the laterane canon by two third parts of the cardinals : some say he lived daies , some some , some say two schismaticks were between . § . the seat was void a year and eight months and more : the emperor keeping many cardinals in prison , but at the request of baldwin of constantinaple he released them . § . innocent th . is next chosen , who of a cardinal-friend became by interest a pope-enemy to the emperor ; and daring not to stay in italy , fled into france , and there calleth a council of bishops ( with these he hunted princes , ) and excommunicateth or curseth the emperor : where saith matth. paris an. one priest being commanded to publish the curse , he doth it thus . [ good people , i am commanded to pronounce excommunication against the emperor frederick , the candles put out and bells ringing : but not knowing the reason , though i know the hatred between them , & that one doth the wrong , but which i know not ; as far as my power reacheth , i excommunicate & anathematize him that doth wrong , & absolve him that suffers the wrong , which is so hurtful to all christendome . and at lyons the pope curseth him again : the emperor despised the popes deposition , and would not give up his crown , for fear of his curse . the popes party choose henry laudgrave of thuringe emperor , who is quickly killed besieging vlm , ( as some say ) that party chose william earl of nassau after him : henry the son of friderick was drawn to rebel , and being overcome by his father soon after died . and the emperor not long after him , by what death it is not agreed , some say poysoned , others say stifled by mansfred his base son ; some say , he continued impenitent ; others that he repented of his opposing the pope ( not probable ) : some speak ill of him ; others extol him for learning and worthiness . § . frederick being dead , the pope travels france , and matth. paris saith , that at his leaving lyons , a cryer called the citizens ( who had long entertained him ) to his farewel ; and that cardinal hugo made his farewel speech , telling them what good they had done the city : for when they came thither they found three or four bawdy houses , but at their departure they left but one : but this one reached from the east gate of the city to the west gate . § . the pope returneth into italy , and seeketh to get men to ruine conrade the late emperor fridericks son : the king of englands brother richard is first invited , but deni●d due help , and refuseth ; king henry the third himself at last is drawn in , and furnisheth the pope with a great deal of money , and the croisado soldiours are turned against conrade from the relief of palestine : bitter accusations against him are published by the pope , which conrade answereth : he and robert grosthead the famous learned holy bishop of lincoln dying near together , the pope biddeth all that belong to the church of rome to rejoyce with him , because these two their greatest enemies are gone . and if such wise and holy men as this bishop , were numbered with the enemies of the pope , we may conjecture what he was and did , and whether all the christian world were then his subjects , and whether rome then needed reformation . § . but though the king of england had so far served him , it was not enough : nothing less than all would serve , as matth. paris , tells us , when the king would yet be king , and did not fully obey the pope : which he manifested in his rant against this rare and excellent bishop of lincoln , the occasion of which i think well worthy of our recital ; as it is in matth. paris anno . pag. ● . . ( a credible monk though oft reviled by baron . and bin for telling truth ) this bishop was one of the famousest men in the whole world for knowledge , piety and justice : the pope had sent him an order ( as saith matth. paris , he often did to him and other english bishops ) to do somewhat which the bishop judged to be unjust . it was not so bad as an interdict to silence christs ministers ; but whether it was the promoting of bad ministers , or hindering or excommunicating good men , some such thing it was as you may see by what followeth : the bishop writeth a letter to the pope and cardinals in which he tells them [ that he would obey the apostolical precepts : but that was not apostolical which was contrary to the doctrine of the apostles ; christ saying , he that is not with us is against us : and that cannot be apostolical that is against christ : as the tenour of the popes letters were : his non obstante so often repeated , shewed his inconstancy and his blotting the purity of the christian religion , and perturbing the peace and quiet of societies ; a torrent of audaciousness , procacity , immodesty , lying , deceiving , hardly believing or trusting any one ; on which innumerable vices follow . and next after the sin of lucifer , which in the end of time will be that also of antichrist , the son of perdition , whom the lord will destroy with the spirit of his mouth , there neither is nor can be any other sort of sin , so adverse and contrary to the doctrine of the apostles and the gospel , and so hateful , detestable and abominable , as to kill and destroy souls by defrauding men of the care of the pastoral office and ministry : which sin those men are known by the most evident testimonies of the sacred scripture to commit , who being placed in power of pastoral care , do get the salary of the pastoral office and ministry , out of the milk and the fleece of the sheep of christ , who are to be quickened and saved , but administer not to them their dues : for the very not administring of the pastoral ministeries , is by the testimony of scripture , the killing and destroying of the sheep : and that these two sorts of sins , though unexpectedly are the very worst , and beyond all comparison exceed all other sort of sin , is manifest by this , that they are , in the two existent fore●aid things , though with disparity and dissimilitudes , directly contrary to the best things : and that is the worst , which is contrary to the best : and as for these sins , as much as in them lieth , one of them is the destruction of the godhead it self , which is superessentially and supernaturally best : and the other is the destruction of that conformity and dei●ication ( of souls ) by the gracious participation of the divine beams , which is the best thing essentially and naturally . and as in good things , the cause of good is better than the effect , so in evils , the cause of evil is worse than the effect is manifest , that the introducers in the church of god , of such most mischievous destroyers of ( holy ) formation and deification in the sheep of christ , are worse than the destroyers ( or murderers ) themselves ; the nearer to lucifer and antichrist , and in the greater degree of mischief ( or priority ) by how much the more superexcelling , and by the greater and diviner power , given by god for edification and not for destruction , they were the more bound to exclude and extirpate such most mischievous murderers ( or destroyers ) from the church of god : it cannot be therefore , that a holy apostolick seat , to which all power is given by our lord iesus christ the holy of holies , for edification , and not for destruction as the apostle testified , should command , or require any thing that bordereth on or tendeth towards so hateful , detestable , aud abominable a thing to iesus christ and so utterly pernitious to mankind , or by any way endeavour any thing that tendeth thereunto . for this were either a defection or a corruption or an abuse of christs own power , which is evidently most holy and most full ; or it were an absolute elongation from the throne of the glory of our lord iesus christ , and the next sitting together of the two foresaid princes of darkness , and of hellish punishments , in the chair of pestilence . nor can any one with unspotted and sincere obedience ( who is a subject and faithful to that same seat , and not by schism cut off from christ , and that holy seat ) obey the said mandates and precepts , or any endeavours whatever , and whensoever they come , yea though it were from the highest order of angels , but must necessarily contradict them and rebel with all his strength ( or power ) : and therefore reverend lords , from the duty of obedience and fidelity , in which i am bound to both the parents of the holy apostolick seat , and from the love which i have to vnion in the body of christ with it ; i do only , filially and obediently disobey , contradict and rebel , to the things which in the foresaid letter are contained , and specially , because as is before touched , they do most evidently tend to that sin which is most abominable to our lord iesus christ , and most pernitious to mankind , and which are altogether adverse to the sanctity of the holy apostolick seat ; and are contrary to the catholick faith. nor can you discretion for this hint conclude ( or decree ) any hard thing against me ; because all my contradiction and action , in this matter , is neither contradiction , nor rebellion , but the filial honour due to the divine father , and of you . briefly recollecting all i say ; the sanctity of the apostick seat can do nothing , but what tendeth to edification and not to destruction : for this is the plenitude of power , to be able to do all to edification : but these things which they call provisions , are not to edification , but to most manifest destruction . therefore the blessed seat of the apostle cannot accept them , because flesh and blood hath revealed them which possess not the things that are of god , and not the father of our lord iesus christ , who is in heaven . § . when the pope heard this letter , saith mat. paris p. . not containing himself through wrath and indignation , with a writhin aspect and a proud mind , he saith ; who is this doting old man deaf and absurd , who boldly and rashly judgeth my doings ? by st. peter and st. paul , if our innate ingenuity did not move us , i would precipitate him into so great confusion that he should be to the whole world , a fable , a stupor , an example and a prodigy . is not the king of england ovr vassal . and i say more ovr slave . who can with ovr nod imp●rison him . and enslave him to reproach . these things being recited among the cardinal brethren , with much ado asswaging the rage of the pope , they said to him , it is not expedient , o lord , that we decree any hard thing against this bishop himself : for that we may confess the truth , the things are true which he speaketh : we cannot condemn him . he is a catholick ; yea a most holy man ; more religious than we are more holy and excellent than we , and of a more excellent life ; so that it is believed that there is not among all the prelates a greater , no , nor any equal to him : this is known to the whole clergy of france and england : our contradiction will not prevail : the truth of this epistle , which perhaps is already known to many , may stir up many against us ; for he is esteemed a great philosopher , fully learned in greek and latine , a man zealous for justice , a reader of theology in the schools , a preacher to the people , a lover of chastity , a persecutor of simonists : these words said the lord aegidius , a spanish cardinal and others , whom their own consciences did touch . they counselled the pope to wink at all this , and pass it by with dissimulation , lest tumults should be raised about it : especially for this reason , that , it is known that a departvre will sometime come . ] so far mat. paris . § . yet neither this bishop nor the historian flattered princes , but both of them sadly lament the oppression and other sins of king henry : and the bishop commanded his presbyters to denounce excommunication against all that should break the magna charta , the charters heretofore granted , foreseeing , saith mat. paris , what the king would do . and he sharply reprehended the fryar minors , that would not tell great men of their sin , when they had nothing to lose ( cantabit vacuus , &c. ) having chosen poverty that they might be freer from hindering temptations . § . when he lay on his death bed at bugden in huntingtonshire , he told ioh. aegidius his learned friend , that he took them for manifest hereticks , that did not boldly detect and reprove the sins of great men , and thereupon reprehended and lamented the sins of prelates , but especially the roman ; reciting their putting unworthy and bad men into the pastoral office , for kindred or friendship sake . the third day before his death , he called to him many of his clergie , and lamenting the loss of souls by papal avarice , groaning he said , christ came into the world to win souls , is not he then deservedly to be called antichrist , who feareth not to destroy souls ? god made all the world in six dayes ; but to repair man he laboured above thirty years : and is not a destroyer of souls then judged an enemy of god and antichrist ] &c. next he goeth on to shew how sinfully the pope by his non obstante overthrew even the rights that his predecessors had granted , vainly pretending that they bind nothing because par in parem non habet potestatem , and what evils to the churches he had done , and addeth [ i saw a letter of the popes , in which i found inserted , that they that make their wills , or that undertake the cr●isado , and to help the holy land , shall receive just so much indulgence * as they give money , &c. and so goeth on , naming his imposing men that cannot preach , or strangers of other languages as pastors on the people , and his covetous and greedy devouring all the wealth he could get , concluding ejus avaritiae totus non sufficit orbis , ejus luxuriae meretrix non sufficit omnis . and that he drew kings in for his own ends , making them partakers of the prey . prophecying [ that the 〈◊〉 will not be freed from egyptian servitude , but by the mouth of 〈…〉 . these things are small , but worse will follow within three years ] sighing and weeping out these words , his speech failed him and he died . and ibid. mat. paris saith , that the same night that he died wonderful musical sounds and ringings were heard near in the air by several friars , and by fulk bishop of london ( then not far off ) who said when he heard it , that he was confident their reverend father , brother and master , the venerable bishop of lincoln was passing out of the world to heaven . the bishop being dead , the arch-bishop of canterbury and the dean and chapter of lincoln fell out in striving , who in the vacancy had the power of giving prebends : wherein the arch-bishop by power utterly oppressed them . and m. paris p. . affirmeth that miracles were done after the death of this bishop by his virtues at lincoln , and yet confesseth some of his faults and his sharp thundring against monks and nuns , &c. § . the same author tells us , p. . anno . that the pope was so unmeasureabley wrathful against this holy learned bishop , that when he was dead , he would have taken up his bones and cast them out of the church , and purposed to precipitate him into so great infamy , that he should be proclaimed a heathen , a rebel and disobedient to the whole world ; and he commanded a letter to that purpose to be written to the king of england , knowing that the king would be mad enough against him * and ready enough to prey upon the church : but the next night the said bishop of lincoln appeared to him in his episcopal attire , with a severe countenance , an austere look and terrible voice , he came and spake to the pope that was restless in his bed , pricking him in the side with a violent thrust with the point of his pastoral staffe which he carried , and said ; miserable pope senebald ! dost thou purpose in disgrace of me , and the church of lincoln to cast my bones out of the church , whence did this timerity befal thee . it were better that thou , advanced and honoured by god , should honour those which are zealous for god ; even when they are dead : henceforth god will give thee no more power over me : i wrote to thee in the spirit of humility and love ; that thou shouldst correct thy many errours : but with a proud eye and a bewitching heart thou hast despised wholesome warnings : wo to thee that despispest : shalt thou not be despised . ] and the bishop robert departing , striking as with a lance , the pope , who when as is said he was pricked , groaned aloud , he left him half dead , and with a mournful voice groaning with sighs ; his chamberlains hearing him , being astonished asked him , what the matter was . the pope answering with sighs and groans , said ; the terrours of the night , have vehemently troubled me ; nor shall i ever be well again as i was ! oh , alas , how great is the pain of my side ! a ghost hath pierced me with a lance : an he neither eat nor drank that day , feigning that he was inflamed with feavours that streightened his breath ; and gods revenge and wrath did not so leave him . not long after the pope , not sensible of gods warnings by his servants , but setting about warlike and secular matters , he prospered not in them , though he laid out great care and labour and cost : but wars , yea , the lord of hosts being against him , his army which at great charges he had sent against the apulians , under the conduct of his nephew william , being scattered , conquered and confounded , perished with their captain mortally wounded . they say there were there slain of souldiours and valiant stipendiary's of the pope , four thousand men : and the whole countrey of the romans lamented the shedding of so much christian blood . the pope then went to naples , though weakened as with a plurisie in his side , or as wounded with a lance : and cardinal albus physick could not help him . for robert of lincoln spared not sin●bald of genoa , and he that would not hear him warning him when alive , felt him peircing him when dead nor did the pope ever after enjoy one good day till night , nor one good night till day , but sleepless and molested . thus m. paris . § . m. paris , p. anno . saith that henry the third of england obliged himself and his kingdome unjustly * to the pope , under pain of being disinherited , to pay all the treasure which the pope should lay out in his war for the king ( that is , to have made him king of sicily ) and that the pope having no mercy on england prodigally wasted its money , but those vast sums got by rapine were all lost . § . the same author saith p. . that when pope innocent lay dying ( after the stroke of the bishop of lincoln and the loss of his army ) and his followers lay crying about him , he opened his dying eyes , and said , what do you mourn for you wretches ? do i not leave you all rich ? what would you have more ? and so he died . § . ccccxliv . anno . innoncent calls a council called general ( their th . approved ) at lyons of bishops , where he heaped up accusations against the emperour , whom thaddaeus his agent defended : and at last pronounced himself an excommunication and deposition , absolving all his subjects from their oaths and allegiance , and excommunicating all that should own and help him . here you see that more than one of their approved general councils are for rebellion and perjury , and the popes deposing christian emperours . in the same council sad complaints were made from england of the pillaging or woful impoverishing of the land by the pope and king , but the pope heard all silently and would give no answer . § . at this council the pope importuned the electors to choose another emperour : some refused and stuck to the emperour , saying that it belonged not to the pope to make or unmake emperours : others obeyed him , and set up henry of hassia . * but the emperour while he lived kept up his possession , so far as to make the pope repent , and saith trithemius was a weary of his life : but all germany , italy , &c. were confounded by the schim , or contention , one half ( as is aforesaid ) called guelphes following the pope and henry , the other called gibelines cleaving to the emperour frederick , to the shedding of abundance of christians blood and the desolation of countreys , and the shame of papal tyranny . § . anno . alexander the th . was pope . matth. paris tells us of a terrible dream that he had of pope innocents damnation , or misery : but the fault of his writing is that he was too credulous of dreams and visions . he tells us also of twenty miracles done at lincoln for the sake of the late bishop robert. and that at a parliament in london , the greatest which hath been seen , all the nobles ecclesiastical and civil , demanded of the king that the choice of the lord chief iustice , the lord chancellor , and the lord treasurer should be in the parliament ( or their common council ) as of old was usual , and just ; and that they should not be removed without notorious faults , which the kings secret councellours perswaded him to deny . prelates and nobles being grieved by exactions express it , &c. § . here the said monk , matth. paris , exclaimeth o the steril solicitude of the roman court ! their blind ambition ! though holy , yet often deceived by the council of bad men : why dost thou not learn to moderate by the bridle of discretion , thy violence , being taught by thing past , and so often chastised by experience . in thy losses we are all punished , &c. thou now endeavourest to make two german emperours , which must cost inestimable treasure whence soever taken , and both uncertain of the dignity , &c. § . at that time the lords and prelates of england crying out of the king hen. d. as false and oppressive , and pillaging churches and people to maintain his profuseness , the bishop of hereford laid a plot which the king accepted , that getting the hands and seals of a few bishops he would go to rome , and get power from the pope to gather the king as much money as he needed . so to rome he went , and there found the pope in great grief and care himself for money , to pay vast debts that his wars had cost him : the bishop told him that the king who had engaged his kingdom to be forfeited , if he paid not the popes debts , would help him to money if he would be ruled by him , and write to the bishops and churches to grant the king such help as they could well do . the pope gladly gave leave to the bishop to write what he would ; and home he went , and eustandus a legate was sent from rome to see all done : saith , m. paris , p. . anno . the legate was prepared and ready in all things to the destruction of all england to obey the will of the king which was tyrannical , and to bind the oppressed contradictors in the bonds of anathema . rustandus cometh with the arch-bishop of canterbury , and the bishop of hereford is empowred by the pope to gather moneys , for the pope or king : a parliament is called at westminster : they refuse and go home . the popes letters press the collection : a council of bishops is called at london , so much money is demanded , saith m. paris , as would have enslaved or undone all the kingdome . the bishop of london protested he would lose his head rather than consent : the bishop of worcester said he would be hang'd first : the rest follow them . the king is angry and threatneth . the earl marshal in anger , when the king called him traytor , answered , thou liest , i never was a traytor nor will be : the king threatned to send men to thresh out his corn and fell it to humble him : the earl told him , if he did so he would cut off the threshers heads and send them him : some interposed for the time : the lords refused to meddle with the kingdomes business , or to impoverish themselves , and were dissolved . rustandus again congregateth the bishops at london . they did nothing again : saith m. paris , too boldly , p. . [ si enim sive juste sive injuste per dictum magistrum rustandum suspend●retur quis , vel excommunicaretur , rex quasi leo in abscondito , quaerens quem devoraret post dies omnia direperit infiscata : papa & rex v●lut pastor & lupus , in ovium exterminium confoederati , omnibus ruinam minabantur . and then saith he , like blind men groping for the wall , the council were divided , and as english men are used to do , every one shifteth for himself ( or seeketh to save himself . ) tithes are now paid by the clergy to the laity ; they are granted for the magna charta which was not kept : they are granted as for the holy land and turned against christians in apulia : many lies and false oaths are imposed , saith m. paris , p. . the next year the clergy were called again , . rustandus the legate said , all churches are the popes : leonard the prolocut r● answered , yes , to defend ; not to enjoy and appropriate ; as we say , all things are the prince's ; that is to defend ; and not to disperse ; and this was the intent of the founders . the legate angry at this answer , commanded that henceforth without a prol●cutor every man should speak for himself , that they might be known ; which astonished and silenced all . he commanded them to subscribe a lie , that they had received such sums of money of forreign merchants and vsurers ; which they said , it wa● good martyrdome to die for the refusing of . pag. . here is annexed by m. paris , a charter of king iohn confirmed by pope innocent d. ordering that all bishops be freely elected without the kings hinderance by the church vacant , and cursing all that otherwise come in , pag. . § . at that time the romans imprisoned a great citizen beaucales for his justice . the bononians detain many romans pledges for him : the bononians are interdicted sacred things : but they yield not , till beaucalco is delivered . m. paris anno . the letters of pope alexander and his many exactions , see farther in m. paris this year . § . anno . saith m. paris , some went to rome for the bishoprick of ely , and the church of st. edmunds , and gave and promised so vast sums of money as astonished men with wonder . whereupon the pope made a new law that every elect bishop should come personally to rome , hoping to have the like prey from others . § . anno . saith m. paris , p. . the pope that claimed the kingdomes of the world was mastered in rome , by the foresaid senator braucaleo , who being delivered from prison was beloved of the people , executed the malefactors and his enemies ; forced the pope to stay his excommunication and humble himself , and beg his mercy . § . the same year the pope pretends anger to the king of england for not temperating his excesses ; and threatneth to excommunicate him : the king is afraid , and sends him money , and stops his mouth , p . § . against the parliaments will the king again hearkeneth to the pope , that offereth now the kingdome of apulia to edmund his younger son , as he did before to edward the elder . but the parliament denieth him money , which he screweth from the abbeys and churches . § . saith m. paris , sewale arch-bishop of york now died a martyr ( though without blood as many do ) having constantly fought against the tyranny of the roman court oppressed by the pope , wrote earnestly as rob. of lincoln had done to the pope to cease his tyranny . in his sickness ( sath m. p. ) he called for water which was fetcht out of the well , and it was turned into excellent wine . p. . § . how the parliament of barons at oxford this year . entered their confederacy and resolution to stand against the king for their liberties , charter and justice , m. paris , p. and many others tell you . and p. how the londoners joyned with them ; and how many of the lords were poysoned . § . braucaleo the roman senator having humbled the pope , pull'd down the castles of the tyrants and rebels , put to death the kindred of many cardinals , and died . the pope forbade the citizens choosing another without his consent . they laugh at him and choose braucaleo's unkle ▪ m. p. p. . § . this pope alexander of whom m. paris speaketh so much evil , saith binnius post obitum suavem sui memoriam reliquit , dying . and pl●tina praiseth him , in whom you may see more of his life , and wars against maufred , &c. § . next cometh vrban th . patriarch of ierusalem : of whom no great matters are recorded . he ordained corpus christi day . . next cometh clem. th . a french lawyer a widdower , and then bishop . his first good work was to go to perusium in the habit of a beggar : his life is praised by platina , onuphius , binnius , &c. how he made a frenchman charles king of scicily , and apulia , and how maufred was kill'd and conquered , &c. i need not trouble the reader in reciteing . § . ccccxlv . in his daies canisius hath found a small council at vienna for reforming some things in the clergy , bin. p. . § . next cometh gregory th . but the seat was vacant first almost three years : so long the church of rome was extinct , if the pope be an essential part ( as they would have him even of the universal . ) § . ccccxlvi . in his time a council at lyons ( called the the th . universal approved one by them ) was held : in which the poor emperour of constantinople , michael ▪ paleologus being in danger at his wits end came in person to flatter the pope in hope of help . there also was decreed the shutting up of the cardinals at elections for fear of vacancies as had happened by discord and delays . the pope interdicted the florentines , because the guelphes refused to receive the gibelines , which quarrel still cost bloody wars . rodulph is made emperour , and the pope dieth . onuphrius further openeth the reasons and rules of the cardinals being shut up ; viz. clem. the th . being dead , the cardinals ( as is aforesaid ) were all so desirous to be popes themselves , that they were two years and nine months contending , and could not possibly agree . philip king of france and charles king of sicily came themselves to rome to intreat them , but departed without success . yet they invoked the holy ghost every day to help them . at last the cardinal bishop ioh. portuensis deridingly prayed them to uncover the houses , for the holy ghost could not come in through so many covered roofs : at last by bonaventures intreaty , they chose theo●ald a viseount and archdeacon that was with our prince edward going to fight in palestine : and the ●aid cardinal portuens . made these verses on their choice , anno . . papatus munus tulit archidiaconus vnus , quem patrem patrum fecit discordia fratrum . § . innocent the th . cometh next ; the first after the shutting up of the conclave . he sought to end the italian wars , but died before six moneths reign . § . ccccxlvii . a council at sal●zburge is published by conisius , as in greg. the ths . days , but it seemeth liker to be after ▪ which condemned pluralities , nonresidence of priests , and their being in taverns ( or alehouses ) and playing at dice , and their wearing long hair and sine cloaths , and restrained supernumerary begging schollars , and ordered that the bishop should imprison such as prophaned holy things after they were excommunicated or suspended : it seemeth that bishops had by this time got coercive power ; but they used it not to bring the unworthy to the sacrament , but to keep the unworthy from it and from other profanations . § . next ottobonus , that was pope innocent the ths . nephew , and legate of england at the barons wars , is chosen pope , but died before his consecration , within forty dayes , but got the name of hadrian the th . § . next cometh pope iohn the th . as platina , the th . as binius , and the st as most , the th . by onuphrius , . he was a physitian , made bishop , inverecundi & socordis ingenii , saith platina , so foolish that he boasted how long he should live , when presently the house fell on his head , and he died by it in seven days after . suffridus ( saith binius ) saith that he was writing an heretical perverse book , when the room fell , and cryed out after , o , what is become of my book ? who will finish it ? which saith binius , if true , sheweth the wonderful providence of god for his church . but had this pope been infallible , had he been in a council ? purposed to revoke the decree for shutting up the cardinals in conclave , and this man finished the revocation , and till the dayes of celestine th . that renewed it , it stood revoked , saith onuphrius . § . next came nicholas d. after six months contention and vacancy . king charles as senator presiding and pleading for a french pope . he is commended much , save that he set up all his own kindred too much . § . after three years reign , eight months and fifteen dayes of nicholas came m●rtin d . vulgo th . saith binius and onuphrius a frenchman : in his time , the greek emperour paleologus ( not keeping his promise to the pope ) joyned with peter king of arragon , who claimed sicily as his wives inheritance ; and though the former pope had set him on , this was against him , restoring king charles to be senator at rome , and siding with him , because he was a frenchman : but the fatal sicilian vespers killed all the french , and peter overcame charles and took his son , and charles and the pope shortly died of fevers . but before he died the pope played the old game , excommunicating and cursing king peter , and gave his kingdom for a prey to any one that would get it , and absolved all his subject from their oath of allegiance , and signed croisado's ( soldiers under the sign of the cross ) to fight against him . § . honorius the th . cometh next ( his brother being senator at rome ) he confirmed the same anathema against peter king of arragon , who shortly after died of a wound received in fight by the french. the pope dieth ( and the seat is void ten moneths ) . after two years reign . § . anno . ccccxlviii . a council was held at herbipolis by the popes legate , endeavouring to have got the tenth penny of the estates of the clergy for the pope , and of the laity for the emperour ( by their joynt consent . ) but siphridus arch-bishop of colen , and henry arch-bishop of trevers stoutly opposing , frustrated both their conciliary designs . § . anno came p. nicolas th . a religious man , general of the minors , when he had four years together laboured in vain to stay the blood in italy , between the guelphes and gi●ellins , and to reconcile the french and english , and to relieve the christians in palestine , he died : and the cardinals , though for liberty they went to perusium , kept the church headless two years and three months by contention , though princes in vain endeavoured to perswade them to agreement . ( are these no intercessions of the succession ? ) in this time died mich. paleologus emperour of constantinople , and the clergy and monks would not suffer him to be buried in holy ground , because in the council at lyons , he had consented to the church of rome , platina . was this a true reconciliation of the ●reek church ? § . anno . ccccxlix . a council at r●v●nna ( in honorius time ) made some canons for reformation . § . anno . ccccl . a council at s●lts●urg for reconciling some christians . § . anno . ccccli . the arch-bishop of mentz held a council at aschaffenburge which they say did many good things ; it is not known what . § . anno . after two years and four months vacancy caelestine the th . a religious man of solitary life is chosen pope ▪ if ever there was a good pope it is likely this was one : but he was no sooner setled by common applause , but the cardinals , especially bened. cajetaenus a subtile man perswaded him that his simplicity and unskilfulness would undo the church , and urged him to resign . king charles and the people disswade him , and are only for him : but the cardinals prevailed , and he resigned ; and going to his solicitude again , the cardinal ben. cajetaue that got him to resign , sent him prisoner to the castle of fumo , where ( at best ) he died of grief : some write that cardinal cajetane got a way to speak through a pipe put into the wall as if it were some angel , to charge him to resign ; he was too good to be a pope . § . the deceiver that got him out , succeeded him , called boniface the th . ( by bin. th . ) . this is he of whom it is said , intravit ut vulpes , regnavit ut leo , exivit ut canis . he raised wars to prosecute some cardinals and the gibelines : while he lived wickedly he set up a jubilee , proclaiming pardon of all sins to them that would visit limina apostolorum , that is , himself : a terrible earthquake made him for fear set up a hut of boards in an open meadow , lest the houses should fall on him : he digg'd up the body of one hermane , that had twenty years been honoured as a saint , and burnt it as a hereticks . he sent a bishop to philip● king of france to intreat him to go fight in palestine , and threatened him when he could not intreat him . the king imprisoned the bishop . the pope sent to require him to release him , saying openly , that the kingdome of france was divolved to the church , for the contumacy of phillip and his violating the law of nations ; and bid him anathematize him , and absolve all frenchmen from the kings oath . the king let go the bishop , but forbad all his subjects going to rome or sending any money thither , and not enduring his insolency , he assembled his nobles and declared the popedome void by usurpation and unjust enterance of boniface , and appealed to a council ; he coyned money with this inscription [ perdam babilonis nomen ] the pope called a general council , where he gave the kingdom of france to albert the emperour , anathematizing the king. the king would not play with him , but sends sciarra and nogarete to italy to proclaim his appeal : but sciarra in a mean habit● gets together many friends , that the pope had oppressed and surprizeth him in his fathers house , breaketh open the doors , carrieth him from avignia to rome a prisoner , where the thirtieth day he died of grief , of whom saith platina [ thus died boniface , who endeavoured more to put terrour than religion into emperours , kings , princes , nations and people ; and to give kingdomes and take them away to expel men and reduce them at his pleasure , unspeakably thirsting for gold , which way ever to be gotten . let all princes ecclesiastical and secular ( saith he ) learn by this mans example to go before the clergy and people , not proudly and contumaciously , as , he did , but holily and modestly as christ and his disciples , and true imitators , and choose rather to be loved than feared , from whence the ruine of tyrants deservedly cometh . § . anno . cccclii . bin. saith , a council ( lugdunense ) decreed that princes should not tax their clergy , nor the clergy pay them without the popes consent . § . anno , ccccliii . the popes general council at rome excommunicateth the king of france as aforesaid . his army follow their captain pope . § . benedict the th . alias the th . alias the th . is next chosen pope , ( much praised ) : who excommunicated sciarra , and absolved king philip , and died before nine moneths . § . anno . entreth clemens the th . the bishop of bourdeaux , who called the cardinals to france , and setled the popes court there , where it continued seventy years , till the church and great buildings at rome were desolate and ruinous , saith platina . in his time albert the emperour was kill'd by his nephew : italy confounded by wars : the pope curseth and interdicteth the venetians , the florentines , the lucenses : requireth the new chosen emperor of luxemburge to come to rome for coronation ; he entereth italy ; some cities fight against him , some yield : at rome demanding money , they resist , and it cometh to force , and he is driven back : after many bickerings and cities taken , he dieth , as is said ( saith plat. ) poysoned in the eucharist by a monk. two fight for the empire , lodovic . bavour and frederec ▪ austriae : lodovicus conquereth and maketh himself emperour . clement burneth two as hereticks , maketh p. caelestine the th . a saint ▪ writeth his clementinus , and dieth , and again there was no pope , for two years , three months and seventeen dayes . § . ccccliv . a council at saltzburge to get money ( tenths ) for the pope . § . cccclv . another there anno . declaring some penalties . § . cccclvi . another at mentz to extirpate the templats , where some of them rusht in and appealed to the next pope , protesting they were killed and burnt wrongfully , without being heard speak for themselves . § . cccclvii . but the great council called by them the th . general council approved , was at vienna near france , on this occasion . king philip having got the popedome , for clem. the th . made him promise to condemn pope bonif. the th . and all his acts : when he had possession , he found himself in a streight , and nicholas cardinal pratensis advised him to please the king with the hopes that a general council would do it most effectually , and to get the council out of his country and power : which being done the council frustrated the kings expectations : the king accused pope boniface of simony , heresie , and perjury , in forty articles . his crimes were not denyed , but they justified him to be a true pope , and found him not an heretick . in this council the templars were condemned and put down , and their lands given to the ierusalem hospitalers , or knights of rhodes ( which they say king philip thought to have got ) some say the templars were falsly accused of heresies ( and the masters and others burnt ) : others say , truely . the most probable , is that some particular men of them ( no new thing among soldiers ) committed many villainies , and the rest suffered for their sakes . in this council the heresies of petrus ioan●is a disciple of abbot ioachim , were condemned , which were three . . that the rational soul , as rational , is not the form of humane bodies . . that habitual grace is not infused in baptism ( that is alwayes and to infants ) . . that christs side was pierced with the launce before he was dead . in this council the fratricelli and dulcinists were condemned , and also eight heresies of the beguines and beguards ; which were these ( all for perfection , which quakers and some fryars now seem to be too much for in profession , as we all are in desire ) . that man in this life , may get such a degree of perfection , as that he may become impeccable ( or sinless ) and so to rise to no higher a degree of grace : else , say they , if one might still increase he might grow better than christ. . that when one hath atteined that degree , he ought not to fast or pray : because then sensuality is perfectly subject to the spirit and reason , so that a man may then freely grant his body what pleaseth him . . that they that have got this degree of perfection and the spirit of liberty , are not subject to humane obedience , nor bound to any precepts of the church , for where the spirit of the lord is , there is liberty . . that thus a man may get final beatitude in all degrees in this life , as well as in that to come . . that every intellectual nature is naturally blessed in it self , and the soul needeth not the light of glory for the seeing and enjoying of god. . that to exercise virtues is a note of imperfection . . that to kisse a woman is sin , because nature needs it not ; but copulation is not , because nature requireth it , when one is tempted . . that one ought not to rise and to reverence at the elevation of christs body , because he must not descend from the altitude of his contemplations so as to to think of the sacrament or christs humane body . it seems these were such fanatiks as some fryers are . in this council the decrees called clementines were passed ; in which are specially noted by binius , some things de fide , as followeth . i. that it is heresie to call in doubt , or assent that the substance of the rational or intellective soul is not truly and perfect the form of mans body . ii. that whereas divines differ about the effect of baptisme , some saying that to infants sin is remitted , but not grace conferred ; others saying that the fault is remitted and virtues or informing grace infused as to the habit , though not yet for use , we attending the general efficacy of christs death , which by baptisme is equally applyed to all , judge the second opinion more probable and agreeable to the sayings of the saints and modern doctors of theologie , the sacred council approving this , which saith , that both to adult and infants in baptisme informing grace and virtues are given . iii. if any one fall into this errour that as pertinaciously to affirm that vsury is no sin , we decree that he be punished as an heretike , and the ordinaries and inquisitors for heresie may proceed against such as against hereticks . iv. and it is decreed that if any communities or officers shall presume to write or dictate that usury should be paid , or being paid should not be fully and freely restored , let them be excommunicate , and they shall incurr the same sentence that do not as far as they can blot out such statutes out of the bookes of the said companies , that shall keep such customes . also that usurers be compelled to shew their books of accounts . § . here the pope and the bishops in a general council have judged divers points to be heresie , and consequently their contraries to be articles of faith : and for heresie they curse , burn and damne men . . i overpassed their article that christ was dead before his side was pierced , which is true : but whether an article of our creed necessary to be understood to salvation , let the church creed be witness . . it s well , that the possibility of sinless perfection is made a heresie by them ( for we must daily pray for pardon ) : but why then do they talk so much of the possibility of keeping all gods law , that is of never sinning ; and talk of perfection , and works of supererogation ? . do not they make an article of faith of a logical arbitrary notion ( that intellectual souls being the bodies form ) who knows not how ambiguous the word form is ? an aristotle supposeth a corpus organicum , besides the soul ; and that corpus hath its form qu● corpus . i imagine , that these bishops meant the same thing , that i do , and that our difference is but of the fitness of words ; but ●will so far venture on their heretication as to say , that forma corporis , forma animae , and forma hominis , are divers : that corpus organicum quà tale hath its proper form , which denominateth it such ; which is not the soul : that the soul being a substance hath its proper from which denominateth it , and which it retaineth , when separated from the body : and that the intellectual soul is forma hominis , but improperly called forma corporis : i will venture on their heretication , to tell them my opinion , and i think their errour and presumption to thrust such things on men under the penalties of cursing , burning , and damnation , . their article of faith about the effect of baptism ( that all that are bapti●ed at age and infants have both pardon and infused inf●rming habitual grace , i take for unproved , and have elsewhere proved it to be false in all probability , as universally taken . . the article of faith , that vsury is a sin , doth hereticate many great divines , more lawyers , and most cities , corporations , and companies in the world : no doubt , but all usury is a sin that is against either mercy or iustice : but that some usury may be an act of great charity , many wise men think past doubt : we have known some get estates of many thousand pounds a year by trading with money taken upon usury , when perhaps some that leant that money , had nothing but the use to buy them bread and course cloathing , and keep them from perishing . how many thousand great men , lawyers and citizens are to be cursed , burnt , and damned by this canon , for holding some usury to be lawful : nay , how many for not restoring it when taken ; when perhaps , an orphan took it of a rich man to save them from famine . this is the benefit of hereticators . § . anno . was a council at ravenna ccccviii . for discipline and reformation of the churches manners , with many superstitions . § . cccclix . anno . another at ravenna , was like the former . § . next cometh pope iohn the th alias th . alias th . alias th . he lived at avinion : he thought souls were kept in some receptacles from the ●ight of god till the resurrection : he damned those that held that christ and his apostles possessed no propriety ( platina thinks contrary to the gospel . ) he tormented to death hugo bishop of cature for being against him . he cursed and excommunicated the emperor lewis of bavaria , and many other great men : italy was all in wars in his days . the emperor set up another pope in italy against him , nicol. the th . which was saith , onuph . th . schism at rome , was not he that was at rome liker to be bishop of rome , than he that was in france . ) but the pope nicolas after three years reign was catched by one that would merit of pope iohn , and sent to him , and put in prison , where he soon died : and iohn died at ninety years old after nineteen years reign , leaving more money behind him , than any pope that ever went before him . his process against lodov. the emperor , you ●ay see in freherus history rer. bohem. and others more at large . § . cccclx . another council at ravena , anno . to the same purpose with the former , where the manners of those times may be noted in the crimes forbidden : the d. can. sheweth that men had then the place of archdeacons before they were ordained deacons , and the places or benefices of abbots , deans , archpresbyters , prelates , ( praepositi ) before they were ordained priests : and the cannon requireth such to be after ordained within a year . can. . excommunicateth all lay magistrates , that take a priest or clerk in arms or in any excess or sin , and keep him , ( that is imprison him or punish him ) and do not send him to his bishop ; or that sending him to the bishop do openly shame him , by sending him with trumpets or armed men , or with his arms hang'd about his neck . § . cccclxi . anno . a concilium sabinense had many of the like orders to restrain the vicious clergy , and yet can. . excommunicate secular judges that compel them to answer at their bar. especially they are large in imposing penalties on those that publickly keep concubines in their houses ( and have not the modesty to fornicate more secretly . ) if they put not away their concubines in two moneths they must lose the third part of their tythes , and after other two months another third part , and at last the other third part , and after be uncapable of preferment , &c. these are gentler penalties than a differing opinion is punished with under the name of a heresie . § . cccclxii . anno . a council at toletane to the like purposes . § . cccclxiii . the two popes called two councils against each other as hereticks ( were neither in the right . ) iohn in a council at avignion proved nicolas the th . a heretick for holding that christ possessed nothing as proprietor ; nicolas called a council in italy which condemned iohn as a heretick for holding the contrary : thus the hereticators were hereticated . § . the french now got the power of the papacy , and another french man was chosen pope anno . called benedict . . alias th . he renewed the excommunication and deposition of the emperor ludov. and claimed the empire to himself , concluding that being vacant it fell to the church ( see to whom kingdomes escheat ) : whereby he set all italy in wars in all the cities , giving them to the rulers as the popes leiutenants , and perswading the romans also to depose the senatorean power as of the king , and to exercise it themselves under the church : he lived above seven years pope . this pope contrary to his predecessor defined that souls sufficiently purged enjoy the clear vision of god before the resurrection . § . cccclxiv . anno . a toletane council decreed among other things that every rector of a church and their vicars under pain of excommunication do every year write the names of all their parishioners that come to years of discretion , and consign ( confirm ) all that are confessed , and excite them to come to the sacrament ; but if they have not received it , let them abstain unless it be by the counsel of their own priest. and those that confesse not , after a year to expel from the church , and deny them ecclesiastical burial . § . anno . another frenchman ( bishop of roven ) is made pope at avignion : clem. . all italy and naples was put into the flames of wars . he forced the germanes to set up another against the emperor lodov. bavarus , which was charles son of iohn the . of bohemia . charles sends bound to the pope , a new senator nicolas rentii that ruled all at rome . he made a new jubilee ; he laboured in vain to reconcile king edward of england to the french , the english conquering their navies and taking calis , &c. the colenses and trevinuses having contributed money as to a turkish expedition , that pope liberally rewarded them , by granting them licence to eat eggs and milk-meats on any fasting dayes out of lent. § . cccclxv . anno . a toletane council against simony , &c. § . anno . innoc. the th . is made pope of avignion : all italy was still kept in blood : one barnacellus lorded it as ruler at rome : the pope craftily lets nicolas gencii out of prison to set up against him ; nicolas gets the better and killeth him : but domincering too much is next kill'd himself . . the new emperor charles is crowned in italy . the romans put the power into seven citizens called reformers of the common wealth . the pope sets hugo king of cyrus against the reformers , and bids him pull them down . but trouble came near him : our king edward conqer●d the french , and took the king and his son philip prisoners , nobly releasing the prisoners upon promise that they would fight against him no more , which they presently brake ; the pope dieth . § . having long said nothing of the greek affairs , i here only briefly say , that the utter confusion of their imperial successions by murders and usurpations , and the continued confusions of their church affairs ever since the divisions of the orthodox nestorians , entychians , monothelites , &c maketh it both a hard and unpleasant task to give any exact account of their bishops , synods and manifold contentions , which furthered the ruine of the empire . their divisions gave the latines opportunity to take constantinople . which they kept years , and then lost it . baldwin was the first latine emperour whom the bulgarians conquered , and took prisoner anno . and kept sixteen months , and then put him to death . henry his brother succeeded him and died . peter succeedeth him that married his sister ( or daughter ) and is quickly slain by theodorus lascaris . robert succeedeth his father peter . theodore lascaris was emperor chosen by the greeks and kept court at nice : he def●ated the turks , and slew their sultan , and died , . iohn ducas his son in law succeedeth him , and . his son theodore lascaris succeedeth him and died . leaving a son iohn of six years old : michael paleologus putting out iohns eyes at ten years old , usurpeth the empire , and by a stratagem of alexius caesar with men taketh constantinople ; and feigned a reconciliation with rome , and died , and for his seeming reconciliation with rome his son andronicus and the clergy denied him christian burial . andronicus succeeded : his son michael dying , his grandson andronicus deposeth and banisheth him , and taketh the throne : he reigned years , and died . he committed his two sons to ioh. cautacuzenus : the eldest son iohn reigned years , and manuel his brother succeeded him . and his son iohn succeeded him . constantine the th . began , and anno , may th . the turks took constantinople ; and set up their empire . § . anno . under innocent the th . was another toletane council : short and sweet ; worth the noting : ( by authority of blastus arch-bishop of toletan . viz. [ lest faithful christians should be burdened with the weight of sin ( or faultiness ) by transgressing provincial constitutions , when divine piety hath mercifully put them under an easie yoke and light burden , we ordain , the holy council approving it that the provincial constitutions of our predecessors and that shall be made hereafter , unless it be otherwise expresly ordained in such as shall be made , shall oblige the trangressours only to the penalty of them , but not ( ad culpam ) to faultiness ( or sin ) it s worth the inquiry how far all other canons and humane penal lawes are thus to be expounded . § . anno . another french man is made pope , called vrban the th . he sent aegidius to fight for him in italy ( still broil'd in wars , ) and died . § . anno . petrus bellfortis that was made cardinal before he was years old is made pope of avignion , and called greg. the th . so far was all the world from obeying the pope , that italy still fought against him : thither he sends an army , bloodshed and misery overspreadeth the country . the pope at last saw that his absence gave his enimies advantage , and not daring to let the french know lest they should have stopt him , he slipt away to rome , and thither removed his seat , that had been at avignion years , to the great joy of the city , impoverished by the absence of the court. § . anno . gregory the th being dead , the people of rome flock to the cardinals , and cry to them to choose no more frenchmen least the seat be again removed , but an italian , and the best man that could be found , least all should run to utter confusion . thirteen cardinals were frenchmen and four italians : the french were for a french pope ; but they fell out among themselves , while part of the french were for one , and part for another , by which it fell out that barthol . episc. barensis , a neapolitane was chosen , an extraordinary good pope . the cardinals cryed out that the people of rome had by tumult , force , and arms constrained them to the choice of this man ( vrban . ) and they fled to strong holds ; but at last came to rome and owned the pope : but when he told them , that he would not go to france , and reproved their wickedness , and told them how severely he resolved to punish them if they amended not , they got away and declared , that vrban was a false pope , chosen by the peoples tumults and force , where the cardinals were not free , and that the seat was void , and they chose another ( cardinal gebennensis ) and called him clement th ; and so whereas for seventy years there had been a pope at avignion , and none at rome , now for forty years more there were two , one at avignion , and one at rome ( and sometimes three ) . and indeed it passeth my skill to know how the avignion popes were bishops of rome , who never saw rome , nor any of the people , any more than he is a true schoolmaster that never saw the school or scholars . and now the two popes fall to fighting for it ; and the french pope sending an army of britons against the italian pope ; at first they beat the romans , but next were so destroyed by them , that few scaped home to bring the news . the italian bloody wars still continue , especially between the venetians and geno●eses . then had the venetians the first guns : the neapolitans also were ruined by wars , their queen siding with one pope ( clement ) was destroyed by charles that was for the other ( justly strangled , as she had used her own husband ) . the duke of anjou also came with a great army into italy from pope clement to destroy pope vrban ; but the general died , and the souldiers scattered and returned home : the pope then desired of king charles that his nephew might be prince of naples ; and being denied , threatned charles , and cited him to nucena , who came at his summons , but with an army : the pope escaped to genoa ; and king charles upon his fathers death called home to hungary , was murdered . the pope putteth seven of his old cardinals in five sacks , and drowneth them in the sea : but to be strong enough , he maketh no fewer than twenty nine new ones in one day . he went to naples , thinking to surprize and deject the kings two sons , but was defeated . italy still flamed with war : he made cardinals , of which he killed five , and deposed seven , and died , saith platina , little lamented , as his epitaph sheweth , as being rustick and inexorable , though one of their best : he died after eleven years , an. . § . . cccclxvi . an. . a council is held at palentine in spain , under the cardinals of the antipope clement , about shavings and church-orders . § . . an. . boniface . alias . is chosen at rome , and clement dead in france , pet. de luna is chosen there , called benedict . the italians were still the furthest from unity and peace , all the cities almost in war against each other : so far were they from eminency in religious love and concord , that they had not the common quietness of heathens . the pope went to perusium to reconcile them there ; where to shew what his power was over them , the people killed fourscore of the nobles before the popes face , which he took ill , and departed . he got possession of the government of rome ; he required annals , that is , half a years value of every benefice of him that received it : all , saith platina , save the english granted it , and they would yield it of no benefices but bishopricks . had the pope indeed been head of all the world , annals would have come to a considerable rent : but going so far as the antipodes to gather it , would have made it come shorter home than the spanish gold and silver doth from the west-indies . instead of winning men by preaching , the popes arms now subdue perusium and many italian cities to him : platina saith , that his own father that saw the man , told him , that a priest cloathed in white , carrying a crucifix , with certain hymns to the virgin mary , came from the alps with a grave and pious look , so preaching , that all the people followed him , even nobles as well as others ; and that he pretended that he went to visit the holy fathers at rome ; but the pope suspected that he meant to be pope , or get too much interest , and sent souldiers and took him , and burnt him to death ; some saying that he had some errour , others saying no such thing was ever proved by him , but it was reported by the pope to hide his cruelty . in these times , saith platina , chrysoloras byzantinus brought greek learning into italy , that had been silent five hundred years . § . . an. . boniface dying , innocent . is chosen at rome , one part of europe being for him , and another for the avignion pope . tumultuante tota italia , saith platina , tota italia ad arma respiciebat : five and twenty cities revolted from the vicecomites , and set up new governments . ( what concord did the pope keep in the world ? ) ▪ platina saith he was not only slothful , but could not endure to be told of his duty . the citizens of rome petitioned him to endeavour the ending of the schisme , the king of france and the avignion pope being inclined to peace : for answer he sent them to his nephew ludovicus to be murdered , who presently killed eleven that came to consult with him , casting them out at a window , saying that was the only way to cure sedition and schisme : upon this the city takes arms for revenge ; the pope and his nephew fly to viterbium ; ladislaus king of apulia helps the citizens , they fall upon the courtiers , take the capitol , and other places , &c. the pope sends an army against them that overcometh them , and forceth them to beg his return : he dieth . after two years and days reign ; and so there was only the avignion pope . § . . an. . gregory . is chosen at rome , taking an oath ( as innoc. . did ) to resign , if the unity of the church required it : the princes of france had made their pope benedict . take the like oath : the princes and cardinals ashamed of two popes , and two churches , prest them both to summon a council ; they cunningly would not agree of the place , and so forced the doing it without them . § . . cccclxvii . to put a shew on the business , greg. calleth a council at aquileia , whether by long delays he creepeth with a few to do nothing . § . cccclxviii . and the other pope , bened. . anno , also calleth his council in arragone of his subjects : which calleth it self a general council , and pronounce him the true pope , and no schismatick or heretick , and greg. to be the usurper , but exhort him to endeavour unity . § . . cccclxix . the two popes giving no better hopes , some of the cardinals of both sides slipt from them , and by the countenance of the florentines and king ladislaus , chose pisa for a general council , where they met and summoned both the popes , who scorned them ; and they deposed them both as hereticks and schismaticks , saith binius , forbidding all christians to obey them , and they chose a third , alexander . and the two old ones kept up still ; and so there were three popes at once . § . . an. . alex. . is chosen , much commended , but died in eighteen months , some say ; saith antoninus , poysoned by a clyster : but to shew himself a pope , in that little time he deposed king ladislaus , and gave his kingdome to lewis duke of anjou . § . . balthasar cossa is next chosen , called by some ioh. . by others . by others . and by platina ioh. . ( so little are they agreed of their succession ) platina saith the cardinals of greg. were yet poor , and he hired them with money to create him : he got sigismund king of bohemia chosen emperour , and would have had the council to be at rome . italy continued still in blood , the popes having parcelled it into so many small principalities , to secure it against the emperours ; no part of the whole world lived from age to age in such continual war and confusion . this pope , saith onuphrius panvinus , viz. fuit bello & armis quam religioni aptior , utpote qui neque fidem norat neque religionem , rebus profanis magis quam divino cultu accommodatus . how he was accused , deposed , imprisoned ; how the other two popes greg. . and bened. . were all deposed with him , and martin . chosen ; the next chapter sheweth . chap. xiii . the council of constance , basil , and some others . § . . cccclxx . an. . the council of constance was called by the means of the emperour sigismund , and the consent of pope iohn , who the more trusted the emperour because he had promoted him : there were then three popes , bened. . in france , whom the kingdomes of france , spain , arragon , england , and scotland followed ; and greg. . and iohn . at rome , that divided the rest of the papalines . it was not certainly to represent the trinity , but to profane the name , and abuse the kingdome of the blessed trinity . oct. . p. iohn called by them sanctissimus dominus noster , entereth the city , nov. . the pope began the council . nov. . was the first session , the pope speaking to them , and his bull being read , shewing that he would have had the council at rome , but the miserable case of rome ( by contention and confusion ) hindering , it was agreed with the emperour to be at constance , commanding to be there for the peace of the church , and appointing a weekly mass to be said for obtaining gods blessing , and pardoning a years penance for every mass to every mass-priest that said it , exhorting all to fasting and prayer for good success , charging them to look after errours , especially those that rose from one iohn wickliff , and also to reform the church , &c. march . . the pope took an oath , for the peace of the church , to lay down his popedome , if the other two popes would do the same , and the emperour kist his feet . the cardinal of florence read these decrees : . that the council was lawfully called . . that it will not be dissolved by the departure of the pope , or other prelates . . that it be not dissolved till the present schisme be healed , and the church reformed in faith and manners , in head and members . . that it be not removed but on just cause . . that the bishops depart not . § . in the fourth session they decreed that the general council representing the militant catholick church , hath its power immediately from christ , to which every man of what state or dignity soever , though it be papal , is bound to obey in the things that belong to faith , and the extirpation of the said schism and the general reformation of the church in head and members . . that the pope withdraw not himself or the officers , and if he should , or should thunder out church censures against them or any adhering to the council , they are void . . that no translations , promotions , or cardinals be made to the prejudice of the council . . that three of each nations be chosen to judge of departures , &c. but the pope fled and sent them word that it was not for fears , but for his health . § . sess. . the emperor being among them , they decreed again the power of the council as immediately from christ , which the pope and all must obey ; and that the pope is punishable if he disobey ; that he is bound to surrender in any case of great and evident profit to the church ; that he unlawfully departed ; that if he will return and perform his promise , he shall be safe . next , they proceeded to condemn the books of iohn wickliff , and to prosecute iohn huss . next they applied themselves to the emperour to reduce the pope , who told them he was in the hands of the duke of austria ; but if they pleased he would write to him , or try to fetch him by force , &c. § . . sess. . they order the procuration for the popes resignation to be demanded , and process to be made against iohn huss , and hierome of prague . a letter is read from the university of paris to the pope , to submit to the council . § . . sess. . they accused hierome of prague for not appearing , and summoned the pope , promising him safe conduct , sed salvâ iustitiâ &c. § . . sess. ▪ they condemned wickliff's bones to be dig'd up , upon articles , instead of which they had gathered . art. . was : . that the substance material of bread and wine remain in the sacrament of the altar . . the accidents of bread remain not without the substance . . christ is not identically and really in his proper bodily presence in the sacrament . . if a bishop or priest live in mortal sin , he ordaineth not , baptizeth not , consecrateth not . . the gospel saith not that christ instituted the mass. . god ought to obey the devil . * . if a man be contrite aright , outward confession is needless and unprofitable . . if the pope be a reprobate , and wicked , and so a member of the devil , he hath no power over the faithful given him by any but caesar. . since vrban the . none is to be taken for pope , but we must live as the greeks , † under our own laws . . it is against scripture that church-men have possession ( that is , they should not labour to be rich . ) . no prelate should excommunicate any one , unless he know that god hath first excommunicated him : and he that so excommunicateth , is thereby a heretick , or excommunicate . . a prelate that excommunicateth a clerk who appealed to the king , or to the council of the kingdome , is thereby a traytor to the king and kingdome . . they that give over preaching , or hearing gods word , for mens excommunication , are excommunicate , and in the day of judgment shall be judged traytors to christ. . it is lawful for a deacon or presbyter to preach the word of god without the authority of the apostolick seal , or a catholick bishop . . no one is a civil lord , or a prelate , or a bishop , while he liveth in mortal sin . ( the meaning of this is , no open wicked man is a subject capable of such authority given by christ , as shall warrant him to use the place , but his acts may be valued to others in many cases ) dispositio materiae est necessaria ad formam recipiendam : as an infidel can be no bishop or pastor . ) . temporal lords may take away temporal goods from the church , from a possessor habitually criminal , and not only in act . ( not from the sacred use in general , but from that man that forfeiteth them . ) . the people may correct their delinquent lords ( this is not to be believed to be wickliff's sense , till they cite his own words , which no doubt limit it to the cases . ) . tythes are meer alms , and the parishioners may take them away for their prelates sins . . the special prayers applied by prelates and religious men to one person , profit him no more than the general ones , caeteris paribus . . he that giveth alms to fryars is thereby excommunicate ( that is , he sins by cherishing wilful idleness . ) . he that enters the private religion , either of the possessing or the mendicant fryars , becomes less fit and able to keep the commandments of god. . holy men that made private religions , thereby sinned . . the religious living in private religion , are not ( therein ) of the christian religion . . fryars are bound to get their living by the labour of their hands , and not by begging . . they are simoniacal that bind themselves to pray for others for a temporal reward ( or price . ) . the prayers of reprobates ( wicked men ) availeth not to any . . all things come to pass by necessity . . the confirmation of youth , the ordination of clerks , the consecration of places , are reserved to the pope and bishops for covetousness of temporal gain and honour . . universities , studies , colledges , degrees , and masterships in them , are introduced by vain gentility , and profit the church as much as the devil doth . . the excommunication of a pope , or any prelate , is not to be feared , because it is the censure of antichrist . . they that found cloysters sin , and they are diabolical that enter them . . to enrich the clergy is against christs rule . . pope sylvester , and the emperour constantine , erred in inriching the church . . all the order of begging fryars are hereticks ; and those that give to them are excommunicate . . they that enter religion ( as fryars ) or any order ( of them ) are thereby disabled from keeping gods commands , and so of coming to heaven , unless they forsake them . . the pope , and all his clergy that have possessions , are therefore hereticks , and the secular lords and laicks that consent to them ( to their great riches . ) . the church of rome is the synagogue of satan ; and the pope is not the immediate and nearest vicar of christ and the apostles . . the decretal epistles are apocryphal , and seduce from the faith of christ , and the clerks that study them are fools . . the emperour and secular lords were seduced by the devil to inrich the church ( excessively he meaneth ) with temporal goods . . the election of the pope by cardinals was introduced by the devil . . it is not necessary to salvation to believe the church of rome to be the supreme among other churches . . it is foolish to trust to the indulgences of the pope and bishops . . oaths made to strengthen humane contracts and civil commerce , are unlawful . . augustine , benedict , bernard are damned , unless they repented of having possessions , and instituting and entering ( private ) religions ; and so from the pope to the lowest religious ( fryar ) they are all hereticks . . all religions ( that is orders of fryars ) were introduced by the devil . this article about necessity of events , i see in wickliff's books is his own , and many here cited are true ; but no doubt but many of them are perverted by their wording them , and leaving out the explicatory context . the council forbad his books , and condemned them to be burnt , and reprobated every one of all these foresaid articles , with all the . the duke of austria most humbly begged the emperours pardon for receiving the pope . § . . sess. . the citation of the pope is read , and commissaries and judges appointed ; and a letter read from the university of paris , instigating the council to their duty ( for their honest chancellour gerson was here . ) § . . sess. . the popes suspension was read . the sess. . the articles against the pope are read , which were proved ; which were in sum as followeth . art. . that the pope iohn from his youth was of a naughty disposition , impudent a lyar , rebellious against his parents , given to most vices , and so was , and still is accounted of all that know him ; cardinals , arch-bishops , bishops , &c. witness it . . he gathered riches by symony , and wicked means . . by these symoniacal riches he purchased a cardinals place at great rates . . possessing bononia as legate by tyranny and cruel exactions , inhumanely and impiously he ruined the people , without all justice or piety , &c. . getting thus to be pope , like a pagan he contemned all divine offices . . that he is the oppressor of the poor , the persecutor of justice , the pillar of the unjust , the statue of simoniacks , the servant of the flesh , the dregs of vices , a stranger to virtue , flying publick consistories , wholly given to sleep , and other fleshly desires ; wholly contrary to christ in life and manners , the glass of infamy , and the profound inventer of all wickednesses ( or malice ) so scandalous to the church , that among faithful christians that knew him , he was commonly called the devil incarnate . . that as a vessel of all sins , he repulsed the worthy , and gave all offices , benefices and church-promotions to the bad that would give most money for them . * . hereby the whole church , clergy and people , fell under infamy and scandal . . that of all these he was oft admonished and humbly intreated . . that he was worse after than before , laying all pretence of justice , and openly selling all to the worst that would give him money . . that growing yet stronger in vices , he made divers officers purposely to manage his simony ( as his bailiffs ) for all fat cathedrals , abbeys monasteries , priorles , and vacant benefices reserved , &c. . that he charged his registers to receive all the money before they granted , &c. . that he appointed certain merchants to put vacant benefices in the balance , and grant their petitions that offered most for them . . he ordered that no petition for a benefice be offered him , till it were signed by the refundary , who then was to pay it out of his own estate if he took too little . . that against god and his conscience he oft sold his bulls to eminent men , in which he wrote , that they that had benefices had resigned them to him , and that by lying forged resignation , which never was made , sold them again for great sums , and beggar'd many . . by this it came to pass , that without all difficulty he that gave most , carried it : and the same course was held in sacraments , indulgences , dispensations , and other ecclesiastical and spiritual gifts . . that he usually sold the same benefice divers times over to divers persons , or to the same , silencing claims of right ; whereby the whole church was defiled with simony , * filled with the unworthy , both in higher and lower prelacies , &c. . that he refused to confirm those that were canonically elected , unless even to satiety they glutted him with money , putting the unworthy in their stead , and translated men against their wills from their churches , that he might sell them dearer . . that promising church-reformation in the council at pisa , he called one at rome , and being there publickly admonished , being incorrigible by the devils instinct , did worse . . that he sold for money indulgences at the hour of death , the predication of the cross , absolutions from fault and punishment , concessions of churches and portable altars , consecrations of bishops , benedictions of abbots , relicks of saints , holy orders , power in confession to absolve from sins , and acts that may be ministred only by the operations of the holy ghost for grace . . that one nic. pistorius , a florence merchant , and the popes secretary , a lay married man , was made by the pope his legate apostolical , sent into brabant to exact and receive a subsidy , which was the tenth part of the fruit of all benefices in divers cities and diocesses , and to excommunicate the refusers by a certain deputed sublegate , † and suspend colledges , covents , chapters , &c. . that he authorized this nicholas to grant to all persons , of each sex , for money to choose their confessors , that might absolve from fault and punishment , by which the merchant got vast sums of money , seducing the people . . that all the premises are known , true , proved , &c. . that anno . ambassadors from the king , bishops , and universities of france , admonished him charitably of this scandalous , infamous simony . . that he amended not by it , but did worse . . that he is defamed of all this in all kingdomes of the christian world. . that he abused rome and the churches patrimony , exhausting the people , and imbursing it himself , by taxes , gabels , &c. many instances are added . . for these things many crimes , sacriledges , adulteries , murders , spoils , rapine and thefts were committed in rome , through his fault . . it is the common voice , opinion , assertion and belief , that in these , and innumerable other evils , he is the greatest dilapidator and dissipator of the church affairs that ever was , scandalous to the universal church , a witch , a murderer , a killer of his brethren , incontinent , in all things serving the vices of the flesh , of infinite crimes , called infamously balderinus . . that all this is notorious by common fame , repute , &c. . that he hath sold the goods of cardinals , bishopricks , parishes , colledges , priories , &c. . and this not only in the city about ( many instances named . ) . that he destroyed university studies , by taking the salaries to himself . . besides , he laid such burdens on the parsons , as forced them to sell the church-goods , ornaments , and books . . that hereby the whole church was notoriously scandalized . . the infamy was so great , that princes and the emperour besought him to amend . . hereupon he promised to amend , and to call this council . . but he went on , and did worse than before . . he forbad the righting of the injured in judgment . . that the bishop of salisbury , and other english embassadours , admonished him to amend , and he gave them ill words , and threatned , and abused them . . that at constance he swore to resign for peace . . and he promised to submit to the judgment of the council . . he bid all say what they would against him . . he was humbly intreated by the council to perform his word . . yet thought by hiding himself to evade . . yet he professed before that he intended not to depart . . and when the church longed for peace , by the council he plotted to dissolve the council , and so fled in a disguized habit . . he fled to schafhausen , and commanded some cardinals and bishops to come to him . . thence he fled to lauffenberge , and towards brisac . . the council desired his return . . he denied to answer , but fled to nurenburg to frustrate the council . . he is an obdurate sinner , and incorrigible fautor of schism , &c. . that all this is notorious , and the common repute of men . . and all the premises are the common fame and voice . here somewhat is left out . and they begin as anew ; . declaring his wickedness from his youth . . that he is notoriously suspected to have poysoned pope alexander , and h●s physitian daniel . . that he committed incest with his brothers wife , and with the holy nuns , and ravished maids , and committed adultery with wives , and other crimes of incontinence . . that he simonaically sold six parish churches in bononia to lay men , who set priests in them at their pleasure . . that for money he sold the mastership of the order of s. iohn of ierusalem in cyprus to a child of five years old , bastard to the king of cyprus , with the fruits of vacancies , and spoils of the last master , &c. . that he would not recall this , but on condition . . that the k. of cyprus should be paid ( by them that succeeded ) all the money back which he gave to the pope . . that the pope should have more , six thousand florins of gold , which the prior of rhodes paid , and for which the hospitallers are yet in debt . . he reserved for the said bastard the magistral chamber , worth two thousand florins . . that the said pope iohn gave fryar iacobus de vitriaco , an ancient man , and expresly professing the hospitallers religion , an absolution from his vows , rule and habit of religion , and reduced him to a secular life , and marriage , &c. for six hundred ducats . many other articles i pass by , as tedious to be repeated : one was , that he was a notorious simoniack , and a pertinacious heretick : another was , that often before divers prelates , and other honest men , by the devils perswasion be pertinaciously said , asserted , dogmatized , and maintained , that there is no life eternal , nor any after this : and he said , and pertinaciously believed , that mans soul dieth with the body , and is extinct , as are the bruits : and be said , that the dead rise not , contrary to the article of the resurrection , &c. he sent an epistle to the emperour to beg mercy &c. § . . sess. . the articles being shewed the pope , his answer is recited : viz. that he repented of his filthy departure , and ratified all the councils process against him , and would give no other answer to their charge , affirming , that the council of constance was most holy , and could not err ; and was the pisane council continued , and he would never contradict the council , but publickly confess that he had no right in the papacy : that he would be much pleased that the sentence against him might be quickly passed , and sent him , which with all reverence he would receive , and as much as in him lay confirm , ratifie , approve , and divulge ; and did then ratifie , approve , and confirm all their process against him , and promise never to gainsay them . the council decreed , that when the papacy was void , none should be chosen without them , and they that attempted it should be punished , and the election be void . next the definitive sentence of deposition was past against him . next they decreed , that none of the three present popes should ever be elected again . § . . sess. . the council decreed , that though christ after supper instituted , and to his disciples administred the sacrament in both kinds , bread and wine , &c. and though in the primitive church the faithful received it in both kinds , &c. yet the contrary custome of the church should be a law , which may not be reprobated without the churches authority , or changed : and to say that this is sacrilegious and unlawful , is erroneous , and the pertinacious assertors to be proceeded against as hereticks ( that is , burnt . ) thus they take power to change christs sacrament , and that when they suppose it to be his very blood that they deny men , and make it heresie and death to obey god before them . this was the reforming council . next they decree , that any priest that giveth the sacrament in both kinds shall be excommunicated , and used as a heretick , even by secular power , that is , burnt . § . . sess. . carolus de malatestis recited in the name of gregory . his renunciation of the papacy , and greg. approved the council . the council absolveth all men from his obedience , &c. confirm some of his acts , require the third pope to resign , and declare him , if he refuse , a notorious schismatick , and pertinacious heretick . § . . sess. . after a severe decree for silence , and no contradiction , the articles of heresie charged on iohn huss were read , the sum of many is as followeth . . as christ is both god and man , so the consecrated host is the body of christ , at least in figure , and true bread in nature . . that he declareth to the heretical lyars about the consecrated host , that they can never declare or understand an accident without a subject . . this is my body , is such a figurative speech , as john was elias . . the madness of feigning an accident without a subject , blasphemeth god , scandalizeth the saints , and deceiveth the church . . it s foolish and presumptuous to desine , that the infants of the faithful are not saved , dying without the sacrament of baptism . . the light and brief confirmation by bishops , solemnized only by the rites said over , was introduced by the devil , and to delude the people in the belief of the church , and that the solemnity and necessity of bishops may be the more believed . . against oyl , anointing children , and the linnen cloth , as a light ceremony , &c. . vocal confession made to a priest , introduced by innocent , is not so necessary as he defineth : he that by thought , word or deed offendeth his brother , it sufficeth him to repent by thought , word or deed . . the priest hearing confession as the latines do , is grievous and groundless , &c. a good life is a good sign of a true minister . the ill life of a prelate substracteth the subjects acceptation of orders , and other sacraments ; and yet in case of necessity they may receive of such , piously praying that god will make up himself by these his diabolical ministers , the work or end of the office which they are sworn to . ancient persons that despair of children may lawfully marry for temporal commodity , or mutual help , or to excuse lust. words of marriage , de praesenti , i take thee for my wife , frustrate words de futuro , to another , i will take thee for a wife . the pope that falsly calls himself the servant of the servants of god , is in no degree of evangelical service , but worldly ; and if he be in any order , it is in that of devils , serving god more culpably by sin . the pope dispenseth not with simony , being the capital simonist , vowing rashly to keep a most damnable state . that the pope is summus pontifex is ridiculous : christ never approved such a dignity in peter , or in any other . the pope is the patron of antichrist ; not only that single person , but the multitude of popes from the time of the churches donation , the cardinals , bishops , and other their complices , is the compounded monstrous person of antichrist : and yet gregory , and other popes that did good in their lives fruitfully repented at last : peter , and clement , and other helpers in the faith , were not popes , but gods helpers to edifie the church of christ. that this papal preeminence had its rise from the gospel , is as false , as that all errour arose from the first truth . there are twelve procurators and disciples of antichrists , the pope , cardinals , patriarchs , arch-bishops , bishops , arch-deacons , officials , deans , monks , forked canons , false fryars , and questors . it s as clear as the light , that he is greatest , and next christ in the church militant , that is most humble , most serviceable , and most loveth the church in the love of christ. he that unjustly possesseth any good thing of god , taketh anothers by theft . grace is necessary to dominion : ( he meaneth , . not of right before men , but god. . nor of special grace only , i suppose , without the law of christ inwarldly , charters and papers give not ability and justice . we must not by gifts cherish a known sinner , being a traytor to god. divers are against temporal power or right in wicked men in mortal sin : but i suppose that he meaneth only such a defect as will disable himself before god to receive his approbation and reward , but not such as will disoblige th● subject , or lose his property in foro humano . many more there be , that fryars and the foresaid twelve orders of antichrist are not of god , and some philosophical opinions ; which how far huss held them , i take this catalogue for no proof without his words , the context and explication . all these are mentioned as taken out of wickliff ; but huss is condemned for these following articles . § . . . that there is one holy vniversal church of all the predestinate . . that paul was never a member of the devil . . that reprobates are not parts of the church , for no part of it finally falleth away , predestinating love never forsaking him . . two natures , the divinity and humanity , are one christ. . the same as afore . . taking the church for the predestinate , it is an article of faith. . peter was not , nor is the head of the catholick church . . priests of wicked lives polute the priestly power . . the papal dignity arose from the emperour , and the popes prefecture and institution flowed from caesars power . divers of popes and priests that live wickedly are not the apostles successors . delivering men to secular powers ( because excommunicate ) is to imitate the scribes and pharisees above christ. ecclesiastical obedience is obedience after the priests invention without any express authority of scripture . all humane acts are distinguished into virtuous and vicious . a priest of christ living after his law and understanding the scripture , and desirous to edifie the people , ought not to obey the pope or any prelate that forbids him to preach , and excommunicateth him . every one made a priest hath a command to preach and must obey it , notwithstanding excommunication . by church censures of excommunication , suspension and interdict , the clergy keeps the laity under their feet for their own exaltation , and multiply avarice , protect malice , and prepare the way to antichrist ; it is an evident sign that such censure , proceed from antichrist , in which the clergy principally proceed against those that open the nakedness of antichrists wickedness , which the clergy will for themselves usurp . if the popes be wicked men and reprobates , then as judas an apostle was a thief and traitor and son of perdition , so they are no heads of the church , when they are no members . the grace of predestination is the bond of the churches union with the head . a wicked and reprobate pope and prelate is equivocally a pastor , and truly a thief and robber . the pope should not be called most holy . right election makes not him that cometh not in by christ to have right . wickliffs articles were unjustly condemned . there is no spark of appearance that there must be one head in spirituals to rule the wh●l●e church , that must alwayes converse with it , and be conserved . christ ruled his church better throughout the world by his true disciples dispersed , than it is by such mo●strous heads . the apostles and faithful priests of the lord , did strenuously regulate the church in things necessary to salvation , before the office of a pope was introduced , and so would do , were there no pope , to the end of the world . there is no civil lord , no prelate , no bishop , while in mortal sin . ( of which oft before . ) these articles are mentioned which they say were proved against him . it is to be noted that huss called god to witness that he never preached nor owned many of these articles which false witnesses brought in against him , and yet renounceth nothing that he held . and whether he or his accusers , better knew his mind and faith its easie to conjecture . they condemned huss to be burnt ; and condemned another article , that any subject may kill a tyrant ( that is , an usurper ) by any secret or open means . then they made an order against robbers of such as came to the council , and went back . § . . sess. . deputies are appointed to go to arragon to the third remaining pope bend. . to resign ; and other matters . the sess. . was an honourable dimission of the emperour . the sess. . about the councils bulls , &c. the . sess. was against hierome of prague , where they recite a long recantation which they say he made , and from which they said he afterward revolted . also the council decreed that they might proceed against hereticks , notwithstanding the safe conducts and promises of the emperour , kings , or princes , by what bond soever they tyed themselves therein , though the hereticks had not appeared , but trusting herein : and that the said emperour , kings , &c. having done what in them lieth , are no way obliged by their promises . the . sess. decreed a monitory against the duke of austria on behalf of the bishop of trent , about estate . the rest was about the ejection of pope benedict the th . they swore to certain capitula about it . § . hierome of prague having recanted through fear , repented and openly professed , that he dissembled and stood to his former doctrine and was condemned . § . many following sessions are against pet. luna , or bened. the th . and treating with the arragonians about him : he refused to resign , being lest sole pope ( i think chosen by more cardinals than the rest ) in the sess. they pass sentence against him . § . sess. . it is decreed that there should be henceforth general councils celebrated , one five years after this , another seven years after that , and thence forward every ten years one : or if there fall out another schism , then within a year , none of the contending popes being presidents ; with much more about the councils . next they frame a profession which every elected pope must make , viz. [ that he firmly believeth and holdeth the holy catholick faith , according to the traditions of the apostles , of general councils , and other holy fathers , especially the eight holy general councils , viz. nice , const. . eph. . calced . . constant. . and . nic. . constant. . as also the laterane , lugdune , and vien . and to hold that faith unchanged in every title , and to confirm even to life and blood , defend it and predicate it , and every way to prosecute and observe the rite of ecclesiastical sacraments delivered the catholick church . sess. . there are eighteen heads of reformation named : and the form of electing popes decreed . sess. . an oath for the electors . otho columna cardinal is made pope : wickliffes errors again repeated , and husses , some constitutions of frederic . . confirmed , and the council dissolved . § . platina tells us , that pope iohn was deposed only by those that had adhered to him , before the other parties came . he was kept prisoner three years , none but germanes , whom he understood not , attending him : gregory died of grief , that carolus malatesta had too hastily published his resignation , which he hoped to frustrate by delay . benedict refusing to resign , the arragonians and spaniards forsook him as obstinate . the scot stuck last to him : platina saith huss and hierome were burnt for saying that church men should imitate christ in poverty , when their wealth and luxury was the common scandal . there was great joy at the choice of martin . . but rome and italy were still in wars and confusion . § . gregory was preferred till he died , and this p. iohn so odiously described by the council is yet after some years imprisonment made cardinal bishop of tusculum . o what bishops then had the church ! § . for all the confirmations of this council the decrees of a council being above the pope , are said by most papists to be unapproved , because the council of florence and laterane judged the contrary to be true . § . pope martin found rome decayed , italy in wars , and at five years end summoned his promised council at papia : few came , and the plague forced them to remove to senae , when alphonsus king of arragon sent orators to plead the cause of bened. . whereby martin for fear of a schism was fain to dissolve the council ; and appointed the next seven years after at basil , not trusting italy ; where he had long wars himself , as afterward he stirred up against the bohemian hussites , after years , aged died of an apoplexy ; much praised . § . cccclxxi . this concilium senense we need say no more of . § . one would have thought that after this stir one more sober pope should have been chosen : eugenius th . was the next , of whom more after . he hath presently a war and much bloodshed in the streets of rome , with the columnenses . italy is still in wars : the pope is again assaulted : the romans set up seven agistrates : eugenius flyeth : they pursue him with stones ; he escapeth to florence ; leaveth the castle garded , which continued the city-war a while . the emperor coming into italy he would have resisted but could not , who peaceably came and went. it were tedious to relate all his and others wars in italy ; platina and many others do it . the council at basil beginning , he would have removed it to bononia : the emperour and council resist , and threaten him , and he confirmeth it ; for , saith platina , he had scarce breathing time from vexing wars . he recovereth rome ( and other places ) pulcellus a leader he hanged , when he had pull'd off his flesh with hot pincers : he turneth his war against alphonsus king of arragon ; the city of preneste he utterly destroyed , as rebellious : the council at basil frightened him ; but sigismund dying , and albert d. of austria chosen emperour , he ventured to call it away to ferraria . ioh. paleologus contrived thither , in false hope of succour from the west , put some reputation on his council : the plague drove them to florence ; there the pretended reconciliation of the greeks and latines was made , of which many histories speak at large , especially the greek edition of that flor. council . the wars still continued round about him : the council at basil deposed eugenius , and made amadeus d. of savoy ( a pious man ) pope , called faelix . eugenius held on and yielded not ; blood and murders still filling italy : he died aged . an. . making first twenty seven cardinals , &c. § . . cccclxxii . this great council at basil began . and ended . the history of it is too large to be much recited . the bohemians exasperated by the burning of their teachers , and the popes excommunications , and the decrees to burn them , defended themselves by arms under zisca , and were usually victorious : they were therefore invited to the synod , which they received with tears of joy ; but for the sake of the case of huss and hierome , durst not trust their safe conduct , till after the promise of many princes , and the synod . they sent fifteen ; the bohemians four daies pleaded their four articles : . for the sacrament in both kinds . . for correcting and eliminating publick sins , or crimes . . for liberty to preach gods word . . of the civil power of the clergy . ioh. rag●sinus answered the first , calling them hereticks ; and others tediously ( many daies upon one point ) answered the rest ; and dispute begat dispute , and so some motioned a reconciling conference : but they could not agree , and the bohemians returned , and the council sent many of their members with them to prague , whom the city received civilly , and heard them , exhorting them to their opinions ; but they still desired satisfaction in their four articles . many debates there were , and by explication of the terms they came to understand each other , and a fair beginning of reconciliation was made ; but the first article of the sacrament in both kinds stuck so , that they could not get over it , though the council confessed that they had power to dispense in it . but though there be reason enough for all these reque●●s ( for the opposing publick wickedness , for leave to preach gods word , and for church-mens forbearing civil coercive government , unless made the magistrates officers ) yet such reasonable things are hardlier obtained than more disputable matters ; because flesh and blood , worldly interest , and the devil , is most against them : and of this great famous council of bishops , after petitions , and some good words , and hopeful approaches , they could never one of them be obtained , but tricks were devised to elude their hopes , and inconveniences pleaded that would follow such concessions ; ( the ordinary way of the carnal clergies hindering reformation . ) § . . the first session being for introduction , to shew their lawfulness , in the second session they decreed , as did that at constance , that a general council is above the pope , in matters of faith , schisme , and reformation : and sess. . that the council may not be dissolved : and they admonish the pope to retract his revocation , and to own and assist the council . after they declare , that the pope may not make cardinals , &c. during the council . § . . sess. . they condemned a book of augustinus de roma , a bishop of nazareth , that had many phanatick expressions ; as that christ daily sinnet● in us , because of our union with him , though sinless in himself ; that only the elect , and not all the justified , are members of christ ; that besides the union of love , there must be another union with christ ; that the humane nature in christ is truly christ , and the person of christ , and the person of the word ; that christ loveth his humane nature as much as his divine ; that the two natures are equally lovely ; that the soul of christ seeth god as clearly as the godhead , &c. thus worketh the temerarious mind of man. § . . sess. . there is a treaty for a more general council and union with the greeks ; and the place assigned at basil , avignion , or savoy ; and to defray the charges , money to be gathered of christians , who , if they give as much as will keep their houses a week , are rewarded with the pardon of all their sins , where the liberality of their pardons is expounded ; viz. it is only the pardon of such sins de quibus corde contriti , & ore confessi fuerint , which their hearts are contrite for , and their mouths confess ; and these are pardoned on a further condition , that besides this money given , they do for a year fast one day every week more than else they were obliged to do by the church ; and if they be clerks , say every such day seven psalms , or a mass ; if laicks , seven pater nosters , and seven ave maries : and if it had not been for the bishops , might not a contrite confessor have been certainly pardoned without such formalities . § . . in divers following sessions they prosecute pope eugenius , and declare the council at ferrary to be but a schismatical conventicle , and they establish these catholick verities , or articles of faith. sess. . . that a general council representeth the whole church , and hath its power immediately from christ , and that over the pope , and every other person ; and that this is a truth of catholick faith. . that such a council lawfully congregate , may not without their own consent be dissolved , prorogued , or transferred ; and that this is an article of catholick faith. . that a pertinacious repugner of these verities is to be judged a heretick . § . . sess. . they depose pope eugenius as a sentenced , notorious , obstinate persisting rebel against the precepts of the vniversal church , and a daily violater and contemner of the canons , a notorious perturber of the peace and vnity of the church of god , and a notorious scandalizer of the whole church , a notorious simonist , incorrigible perjured person , devious from the faith , a pertinacious heretick , with much more sucb . § . . here i would crave the readers consideration : . if this extraordinary great council erred in all these matters of fact , whether the judgment of a council be a good proof of the papists sort of tradition ? . if they erred in these articles of faith , whether it weaken not both their tradition and grounds of their faith ; and whether such an heretical perjured popes consent would have made them infallible ? . whether their general councils be not contradictory de ●ide , as this , and that at florence and lateran expresly are . . whether a great part of the church of rome , and their last named councils , be not hereticks in the judgment of this council ? . seeing pope eugenius continued when the council had deposed him as a simonist , and perjured pertinacious heretick , and all their following succession is from him , is there not a nulli●y in that succession ? § . . sess. . they decreed the immaculate conception of the virgin mary , as a point of faith ; and yet many of their doctors take it yet as undetermined , and many still are of the contrary mind . § . . after this follow decrees about election of a pope , and they make the duke of savoy pope , faelix . and so we have two popes again . onuphrius calls this the thirtieth schisme : he continued pope above nine years , and then resigned to eugenius for peace . sess. last : they recite the heresies of pope eugenius , as against the foresaid verities . § . . next is added the bull of pope nicholas the . approving the acts and deeds of the council at basil : and then are divers synodical epistles and answers , specially proving councils above the pope , and against his crimes , and of the justness of his deposition , very large ; as also against his conventicle council , and against his adherents , that is , most of their church since , with answers to his invectives , and monitories to draw men from his obedience . in the appendix are many more epistles and orations , and a treatise of the patriarch of antioch , to prove the pope above councils . there are many epistles of the pope against the council , and of the emperour to the council , and of many other princes . § . . the bohemians epistles place their main cause upon the four forementioned articles : i. the sacrament in both kinds . ii. that the word of god may be freely , publickly , and truly preached by those that it belongeth to . ( for they were silenced , &c. ) iii. that civil dominion they mean not all propriety , but power of the sword , or force over mens estates and persons , which is the magistrates ) as a deadly poyson be taken from the clergy , ( they spake from feeling . ) iv. that publick , and great or heynous sins , may be extirpated from among the vulgar of the faithful by lawful powers . this was the religion of the bohemians , and the denying of these was the cause of all their cruel persecutions , and the blood there shed . § . . in confutation of these demands are adjoyned four treatises of the four preachers that spake against them : what cause so great or plain , that men cannot talk against with many and confident words . i. ioh. ragusius acknowledged ▪ the regulating sufficiency of the scripture , hath hath an oration ( a treatise ) against the sacrament in both kinds . ii. aegidius carberius decanus cameracensis hath a treatise ( four days oration ) against their request , for correcting heynous publick sins ; where much learning and reading is poured out , to save sin : and in particular it is maintained , that the clergy may not be punished by the laity ( some few cases excepted ) not being therein their subjects . ( it seems the bohemians would have had wicked priests punished ) and it is specially pleaded , that no wickedness of clergy or laity will warrant any nation to separate from their unity ( that is , roman government ; ) and to that end , the badness of the church militant to be endured is described . when he cometh to the popes pardons , he denieth that pardons à culpâ & poena are usually the popes stile ; whereas i have before cited their express words so speaking often : and he honestly maintaineth out of the school-men , that god only can give pardon à culpâ , save as any priest as instrumentum animatum may vi clavium dispose the receiver , and declare gods pardon , and remit part of the temporal punishment ; but sometimes the pope remitteth part of the church-penances , and so it is that priests are said to forgive sins . ( mark this , against our present papists , that reproach the protestants for this doctrine . ) iii. next is henr. kalteisen , a dominican inquisitors oration against the free preaching of gods word by ministers : ( for this would have undone the pope and his clergy : ) the bohemians , whom he confuteth , maintained : . that gods word is so perfect , that nothing should be added or diminished . . that the wickedness of priests is the great cause of the peoples ruine . . against venial sin as against gods counsels differing from laws . . that every priest and deacon is bound to preach gods word freely , or else sins mortally ; and after ordination he should not cease ( that is , when he was forbidden by silencing bishops , or others ) no not when excommunicated , because he must obey god rather than man ; and that bishops are bound to preach as well as presbyters . the answer first noteth , that papa non est nomen ordinis sed iurisdictionis ; that gods word is incarnate , inspired , written ; that it is expounded by the same spirit that inspired it : ( but hath the pope the same gifts of that spirit ? ) that the inspired word is publick or private ; that the bishops decrees in councils are gods publick inspired word : ( see here the enthusiastical pretence of episcopal inspiration , is the ground of all the roman usurpations and tyrannies , and deposition of princes ) to them he applieth , he that heareth you , heareth me ; whence he gathereth the danger of disobeying that council ( and so the popes heresie . ) the rest is worth the reading , but too long for me to repeat : much of it is to shew , that reading and massing is more needful than preaching , and that every priest that masseth is not bound to preach ; there needeth many mass-priests , and not so many preachers ; and that silenced excommunicated priests are bound to cease preaching , and obey the prelates : but he had the wit to add ( if silenced for a reasonable cause ) and to confess that sententia injuste lata à suo judice si errorem inducat , vel poceatum mortale afferet , nec timenda est nec tenenda . pag. . he denieth that it is any precept of christ : . to receive the cup , . or that priests preach , . orto abolish all mortal sin , . or for the clergy not to be civil governours , &c. iv. ioh. de pole●nar archdiacon . barcinon . hath a treatise of three days speech for the civil power of the clergy , in which he mis-spendeth much time in disputing for their propriety , when as the bohemians took dominion for empire , or civil forcing power of government , and for inordinate possessions of lordships and great wealth . § . . the papists confess that this council was vniversal , and rightly called and confirmed ; but they pretend that it was partly reprobate by the popes removal of the council , and that pope nicholas . approved it but in part . it began . and continued above eleven years . § . . cccclxxiii . an. ● . a council at bridges concurred with this at basil , making the pragmatical sanction , decreeing that a general council be called every ten years , and confirming the council at basil. § . . cccclxxiv . next cometh the anti-council at ferrary and florence , where the attempt for union with the distressed greeks was made , all the passages whereof are so fully opened in the greeks history , published by dr. creighton , that i shall say no more of it . here note , that there were two general councils at once ; and how could they both ( or either of them ) be truly universal : the papists call it the sixteenth . § . . after many wars , eugenius the deposed pope died , an. . ( having made twenty seven cardinals ( against the council of basils decrees ) from whom is their succession ) and nicholas the . succeeded him : italy still continued in bloody wars ; pope faelix at last resigned ; and so there was once more but one pope . and that you may see still how far the pope was from governing all the world , the city of rome was again seeking to recover their liberties , and had a plot against him , one steph. hircanius being the chief , and the pope secured himself by hanging many of them . § the emperour of constantinople , and those bishops that pretended a union with rome , in hope of help , found the people and clergy there utterly averse to come under the pope , and they had no help from him , nor any of their desired successes ; for now the turks took the city , and killed the emperour , and many thousands more , and . the pope died . § . . cccclxxv . a council at tours about church orders decreed praying oft for the dead , forbad clandestine marriages , and massing in unconsecrated places , &c. § . . cccclxxvi . a synod at lyons to end the schisms between the two popes done by the emperour frederick , who desired king charles concurrence . § . . an ▪ : calixtus the . is made pope ; he raiseth a sea army against the turks , the patriarch of aquil●ia being captain : rome was still in war : he claimed the kingdome of naples to the church for want of heirs ; an anti-pope was also made , called clement . but being perswaded to resign , he accepted a bishoprick : many cities in italy ruined by earthquakes , whose ruines platina saith he saw with admiration : he made a new holy-day for christs transfiguration . § . . next cometh aeneas sylvius , called pius . one of the most learned of all the popes , especially an orator : he was against the pope for the superiority of councils at basil ; but when he was made pope , he recanted it . in his epistle to his father he excuseth himself for having a bastard , and for fornication , ( particularly with an english woman that lodged in the same house with him ) telling him , that he was not an eunuch , and remembering his father what a cock of the game he had been himself ; but among the popes he was a wonder of worthiness : he was vehement for a war with the turks , but could not so far quench the flames of war at his own doors in italy , and other christian countries , as to accomplish it . platina recordeth many of his sentences , among which are : [ every sect established by authority , is void of humane reason : if the christian religion had not been approved by miracles , it should have been received for its honesty : the mortals measures of heaven and earth are more bold than true : astronomy is more pleasant than profitable : the friends of god are happy here and hereafter : there is no solid joy without virtue : they that know most , doubt most : artificial orations move fools , not wise men : as all rivers flow into the sea , so all vices into great mens courts : flatterers rule kings as they list : princes hear none so readily as accusers : the tongue of a flatterer is the worst plague to a king : he that ruleth many , is ruled by many : he is unworthy the name of a king , who measureth the publick affairs by his own commodity , &c. ill physitians kill bodies , and unskilful priests souls : virtues enrich the clergy , vice impoverisheth them : marriage was for great reasons forbidden priests , and for greater is to be restored to them : he that too much pardoneth his son , cherisheth his enemy : the covetous never please men , but by dying : lying is a servile vice , &c. you may see his r●cantation in binius , where his dignity raised him so high as to say , that the greek and latin doctors with one voice say , that he cannot be saved that holdeth not the vnity of the roman church , and all those virtues are maimed to him that refuseth to obey the pope , though lying in sackcloth and ashes he fast and pray day and night , and seem in other things to fulfill the law of god , because obedience is better than sacrifice , and every soul must be subject to the higher power ; and it is manifest that the pope of rome is placed in the top ( or crown ) of the church , from which ( his power of government ) we know that no sheep of christ at all is exempted . o then how much worse is the case of the abassines , armenians , greeks , protestants , even three fourth parts of the christian world , than of the heathens , being all certainly damned for not believing in the pope : how much more necessary to salvation is it to please and honour the pope , than any angel or saint in heaven ? but how false is it that the greek and latine fathers all agree in this ? § . . paulus . succeedeth pius , a man just and clement , saith platina himself ; yet , saith he , before he was pope , he could get what he would by begging , even with tears , of the pope and great men : and when he was pope , all about him sounded with wars , and benefices were theirs that would give most for them ; and in his fears some-body muttering , that one callimachus had a plot against him , he set all on tumult to find out the conspirators , when there was no such thing : he had before cast out of their places all the colledge of abbreviates that had bought their places under pius , of whom platina being one , and not getting audience and relief , wrote him a letter , that they would go to princes , and get a council called to relieve them : for this he was accused of treason , and laid in irons by a long imprisonment : and after his release , upon this dream of a plot , he and many more were not only imprisoned , but tortured and tormented to force them to confess that which never was : many died of the torments , even of the worthiest young men of the city . after a long time poor platina with a broken body is delivered , but the prisoners at last were accused of heresie , that they might not seem to have suffered for nothing : platina's heresie was , that he had praised plato , and the gentile learning , and had disputed about the godhead , which was a questioning it ; and the pope himself was so much against learning , that he used to call studious men hereticks , and to perswade men that their sons must learn no more than to read and write . here platin● endeth his history ; and had he known other popes as well as he did this , perhaps he would have praised their iustice and clemency , as he doth this pope , by the effects . § . . sixtus . is next , who also spent his days in italian war and bloodshed : wonderful ! that our late papists think that all the christian world hath still obeyed the pope , when none have so much fought against him as the city of rome , and the italians : onuphrius ( who here beginneth the supplement of platina ) tells you modestly of his wars , and his horrid treachery against the florentines , when to get his will on them , he appointeth conspirators to murder the two brothers , iulian and laurence medices , of whom the archbishop of pisa was one : they assault them in gods worship in the temple , and kill iulian ; but laurence wounded , is lockt up by the church-wardens in the vestry ; the citizens rose before the execution could be finished , and hanged the archbishop , and poggius and all their companions in ropes out at the windows , strangling also the rest of the conspirators . the popes plot being disappointed , he maketh war against the florentines , and interdicteth them all publick worship : ( the popes ordinary profane usurpation , forbidding whole cities and kingdomes all such publick worship of god , which robert groshead said was the part of antichrist , and the devil . ) the wisdome of laurence medices ended the war when it seemed near the consuming flames ; and the turks invading italy , terrified the pope into a peace with the florentines : but still italy was imbrued in wars . § . . though the council of basil had determined the immaculate conception of the virgin mary , yet this pope to reconcile the dominicans and franciscans that preached against each other as hereticks for differing about it ▪ did decree , that on pain of excommunication neither party should call one another hereticks for it : by which it appeareth how little indeed the decrees de fide of general councils signifie with popes themselves when their interest is against them . § . . cccclxxviii . a toletane synod renewed divers good canons for reforming the clergy ; as that none be ordained that cannot speak latine ; to dimini●h the priests maintenance that still publickly keep concubines ; that clergy-men play not at tables , and such like . § . . next comes innocent . the italian wars continuing : he raised an army to get the kingdome of naples as his own ; but being beaten , and repenting , he made peace ; yet after again deposed the king for not paying him his rent : he ruled those at rome and italy that he could conquer , as the rest of the popes did before him . § . . alexander the . is next , who ( saith onuphrius ) having four bastard-sons , and two daughters , set himself wholly to make them great : the cardinals bribed , chose him that was the worst of them all , and justly were destroyed by him : the old italian wars now ran in the proper channel : caesar borgia , one of the popes bastards , being a cardinal , laid by his holy order , and set himself to conquer all the princes of italy : historians fill a volume with his acts , the cruel murders of princes and people , surprize of cities , basest treachery , too long to be by me recited : he murdered his own brother , many of the chief of rome , and got possession of most of italy , killing the former lords , and their sons : the vrsin ▪ overthrew his army , and the pope flattered them with confident promises into a peace , till they foolishly trusting him , he got them into his power , and murdered them : some cardinals the pope commanded to drink poyson , and at last having more great men to dispatch , cardinals and citizens at a purposed feast , the pope ordered his butler to prepare poysoned wine for them , and mistaking the cup , he gave it to the pope , and his son caesar : the pope died of it ; but caesar being young , and diluting his wine , was recovered , but his army hereby scattered . if you would see the history of this monsters cruelties , read paulus iovius : i recite now but what onuphrius saith , who concludeth that this popes virtues were equal to his vices , ( so far goeth a little in a pope ) and yet that he had the greatest perfidiousness , savage cruelty , unmeasurable covetousness and rapacity , inexhausted lust of getting empire to his son by right or wrong , when business permitted , giving up himself to all pleasure without difference , but most given to women , by whom he had four sons , and two daughters ; the chief was vannocia romana , whom he kept as his lawful wife , for her beauty , alluring manners , and marvellous fruitfulnes : his comedies , sports , gladiators , he mentioneth more fully : never was there greater license to hackers and murderers , and never less liberty to the people : a huge number of informers ( or accusers ; ) death was the punishment of the least ill word ( against him ; ) all places were full of robbers or assaulters , so that there was no safe going in the city by night , nor out of it by day ; rome ●hat was the refuge and sanctuary of all other people heretofore , was now become a slaughter-house , or butchery . thus onuphrius of a virtuous pope . § . . the pope being dead , caesar borgia seizeth on the castle , and would have forced the cardinals ( being yet sick of his poyson himself ; ) but by the rising of the people his souldiers are stopt , and he agreed to depart , and pius . is chosen , said to be one of the better sort , but lived but days , and died of a sore leg , suspected to be poysoned . § . . next cometh iulius . a military pope , who spent his days in italian wars , especially against alphonsus duke of ferrary , and ludovicus king of france : in a cruel battel are said to be ●lain near ravenna , the french having the victory , but losing their general , and multitudes of nobles and commanders , and were so weakened , that by hired helvetians , and the english and spanish that invaded them at home , they were driven and drawn back . § . . cccclxxviii . a council at tours in france met against the pope . § . . cccclxxix . a general council at pisa . gathered against him to call him to account : he had sworn to call a counc●l within two years , and did not ; and so some cardinals call it , by the emperour maximilian and ludov. k. of france his will ( as they said . ) the pope excommunicateth the king of france , and calleth an anti-council to rome ; this of pisa removed first to millan , and then to lyons in france . § . . cccclxxx . now cometh the great anti-council at the lateran , which they call the seventeenth approved general one , . begun by iulius against the pisane council , and ended . under leo . the pope thought rome the safest place to rule them , and obtain his will ; and for all the numerous bishops of italy , this general council had but . bishops : qu. whether any of them came from abassia , egypt , armenia , greece , or the antipodes , and were the representatives of all the christian world ? yet they had a dull cheat herein to deceive the ignorant , and put the name of the alexandrinian and antiochian patriarch on two fellows of their own , as in a play the parts of princes are acted by the stage-players : but when the monothelites had a council of innumerable bishops under philippicus , that was not to be called general . he that is so idle may read a volumn of the twelve sessions of this council , and there find who said mass such a day , and who such a day , and who sung a gospel and te deum , and such like : and he may read divers orations , among which their great learned cajetane's is the chief , condemning the pisane council , and confessing that of the three popes , nullus eorum aut certus quidem aut absque ambiguitate verus petri successor existimaretur : another oration by christopher marcellus , sess. . tells the pope that he is , [ vnus princeps qui summam in terris habet potestatem , teque omnis aevi , omnium saeculorum , omnium gentium principem & caput appellat ] tantae reipublicae unicus & supremus princeps es , cui summa data poiestas , ad divinum injunctum imperium , tuum est . he calls the church his spouse , and saith , he hath given satutem vitam & spiritum , and saith , that he is alter dens in terris . you see what popes are . stephen , archbishop patracens , and bishop torcell●n , doth poetize 〈◊〉 saphicks . omnium splendor , decus & peren●● virginum lumen , genitrix superni , gloria humani generis maria , vnica nostri . sola tu virgo dominaris astris , sola tu ter●e , maris atque coeli lumen , inceptis faveas inclyt● nostris . vt queam sacros resecare sensus , qui latent chartis nimium severis ; ingredi & celsae , duce te , benigna maenia terrae . the business of that council was to frustrate that at pisa , and condemn it ; and so to save the pope , and to condemn the french pragmatical sanction , as injurious to the roman power ; to which end they read a renunciation of it , of ludovic●s . to pope pius . pope iulius died , and leo . was chosen in the midst of the councils sessions : they pretended war against the turks , but in vain . § . . one decree here past which nulleth utterly the papal succession , viz : sess. . ( that a simoniacal election of a roman pope is plainly null , and doth confer no right or authority to the elected ) which is plainly declarative ; therefore when they confess the simoniacal election of so great a number of their popes successively , where is the true succession . § . . in the eighth sess. a decree past against them that say the soul is mortal , or that it is but one in all or many : and they confute the truth , by pretending to confirm it , saying , that the soul is per se & essentialiter forma corporis ; for then the separated soul loseth its essence , and so is no soul , or else is forma corporis , when corpus is not corpus organicum . for the cure of this , they decree that none study philosophy above five years , unless they joyn divinity with it : and they forbid printing and preaching unlicensed . § . . this leo the tenth was excellently prepared for the papacy ; wars had dipossest his father at florence , and the king of france , lewis . for his fathers sake , had honoured ( or dishonoured ) him with an excellent and rich archbishoprick , when he was a child : you may conjecture at what age , when as he was scarce thirteen when innocent . made him a cardinal , to gratifie his father laurence mediees , who had given his daughter to francis the popes son ; but because of his non-age , he staid yet from rome : when he was pope , he would fain have had peace in italy if he could , being wholly addicted to ease and voluptuousness : he hired the helvetians for his militia against francis king of france , but they were destroyed by the french , and the pope was glad at last to beg a peace . having unbounded desires of empire , he pickt a quarrel with the duke of vrbane , and assaulted him with arms , and dispossest him of his country , whence he fled , and ungratefully banished d●rista●s , and his brother alphonsus a cardinal , who studying revenge , was destroyed by him : the pope sought to insnare the duke of ferrary , but failed ; the french in italy conquer the emperour and helvetians ; the turk winneth syria and egypt ; the pope sits bare-foot to pray against him , bringing forth all the consecrated dishes , the saints relicks , images , &c. in pomp , and the tyrant presently died of a cance●● the pope falleth on divers cardinals ; cardinal alphonsus he imprisoneth , and appointeth a blackamoor to break out his chamber , and strangle him : having hereby lost the love of many of the old ones , in one day he maketh one and thirty new cardinals , that he may be sure of help ; paulus baleon he beheaded , amadeus ricinatius he hanged : it was this pope that is commonly said to have said to pet. bembus his secretary , what profit doth this fable of iesus bring us in . § . . but now begins the fatal time , anno . martin luther began to cry down their sin , and draw the people of germany from them ; and zuinglius , and many others doing the same , the light brake forth , and the darkness vanished . i need not write the history of it , which is so commonly known or published : the pope published a bull against him , in which he numbereth his supposed errours ; you may see them in binius , pag. . in leo the tenths life , how iohn frederick elector of saxony bore luther out , how philip of hassia seconded him , how the university of wittenberge clave to him , and especially philip melancthon , that excellent man ; how the free cities , with many princes , came in to them , and joyned ; how many petitions and disputations there were about it ; how the augustine confession was written , and the apology for it ; how it turned to a war ; how the elector of saxony , and philip landgrave of hass●a , were taken prisoners ; how maurice of saxony , siding with the emperour , was made elector , and iohn frederick dispossest ; how the same maurice after , to vindicate philip of hassia , took arms against the emperour , and forced him to flight , and finally to some degree of toleration for the protestants . all these things the history of the reformation , written by divers , telleth you at large ; as also how many great and excellent divines were suddenly raised up to stand for reformation , as soon as tyranny was so far abated as that men might freely shew their minds , it soon appeared that most had been long subjugated to the pope more by violence than by consent : when the emperour was necessitated to a toleration , he consulted for some abatement to procure concord , and by agricola , sidonius , and iulius pflug ( an antinomian turned back to popery ) drew up a middle form of worship , called the interim , which he would have all conform to till a general council , which divided the reformers among themselves , while some as moderate ; and to avoid total ruine of the church , yielded to part , and others refused , and multitudes of ministers were therefore ejected and persecuted . this great emperour , charles the fifth , after long wars , and many victories , and sharp persecutions , was at last weary of all , and resigned his empire , and betook himself to a private life in spain , where he died , strongly suspected of repentance and inclination to the reformed doctrine himself : he bequeathed nothing ( as was usual ) to any religious house , or order : there were found papers about him for the protestant doctrine of justification ; his confessor , and another doctor that attended him , were hereupon suspected of heresie , and one persecuted , and the other put to death by the inquisition . thus errour , sin , and worldly violence are never true to themselves , but must be repented of at last , and none can stand to them when the light prevaileth . § . . but to return to pope leo , when he had made above forty cardinals , exercised many cruelties , and made a league with the emperour against the french , to drive them out of italy , when his arms had prevailed , and the french were expelled , and milan recovered , and some cities restored to the church ( that is , to the pope ) the excessive joy for the victory so ●oved him , that ( saith onuphrius ) he fell into a fev●r , of which he died , but not without suspition of poyson . the same onuphrius ( whom i follow ) saith , that ( he was a diligent observer of divine things , given to the sacred ceremonies , but he was profusely given to voluptuousness , hunting , hawking , luxury , splendid feastings , musick , and to get money sold cardinalships , invented offices , &c. and yet was the most liberal of all the popes that ever had lived to that day , excessively loving musick , &c. ) this was papal piety , by which he merited a monument inscribed optimo principi leonix . &c. saith onuphrius : ( in all his life he desired nothing more ardently than the highest glory of liberality , from which other priests use to be very far off . ) perhaps for this glory tecelius must get money by selling pardons , which began his fall : verily they have their reward , saith christ of hypocrites , that do their alms to be seen of men . § . . it is to be noted , that as the great ignorance and wicked lives of the roman clergy were the great advantage to luthers success , ( as the gross idolatry and wickedness of heathens was to christianity of old ) and the learning and piety of the reformers were the means of their common acceptance ; so hereupon the papacy perceived a necessity of greater learning , and some reformation , for its own defence from utter ruine : whereupon many were awakened , and addicted to seek learning , and some provincial councils made some canons for amending the clergies lives ; so that their encrease of learning ▪ and some amendment of manners , was occasioned by the protestants ; yea , the popes themselves have since then been far less vicious and turbulent than before . § . . and all christian princes have cause to be thankful to the reformers , and to acknowledge that from them they have now the safety of their crowns and dignities , and their peace ; and by them , of subjects , they are restored to a great degree of freedome , i mean even those that yet are papists , the pope dare not now damn them as henrician hereticks , as he long had done ; he dare not be so bold in taking away , and giving kingdomes ; he dare not execute his laws against princes investitu●es , nor excommunicate them , and depose them , and absolve their subjects , nor interdict whole kingdomes ▪ and shut up church doors , nor so much as openly profess that he hath power from god , and s. peter , to depose kings according to their merits , and to set up others in their stead . o how much quieter is italy , spain , france , germany , &c. since the reformation , and how much less troubled with papal terrours and wars , than heretofore ; and all is for fear lest if the pope should anger them , the rest of the princes should forsake him . heretofore if one kingdome stood up against the pope , the rest were ready blindly to obey his commands , to fall upon them and destroy them : but now the reformed nations have more strength to defend themselves , and those that shall joyn with them : the truth is , it is reformation that hath made even the papists princes free-men . § . the history of all the roman horrid bloody cruelties , by which they laboured to suppress reformation , i here omit , because ( as it well deserveth ) it is written in many large volumns by it self : i mean the bloody murders of the albigenses , waldenses , bohemians , the cruelties of the inquisition in spain , belgia and other parts : the massacre in france . the burning people in england and the murders in ireland , and in other countries : you may read them at large in many histories : in thuanus , sleidan , illericus , morney , perin , moreland , the belgian , and french histories : foxe's acts and monuments , and summarily in mr. sam. clerks martyrology : and carion , m●lancton , micreleus , d. paraeus , vignerius , scull●tus , bucholcer , fuactius , and many others give you an account of the reformation . and the lives of the german divines , written by melchior adaunes , yea and of their lawyers , physicians and philosophers , giveth not an unpleasant light into that history : so that for me here to treat of the reformation in a large volumn ( to do what is so often done already ) would be incougruous . the making of vrban the th . the emperours schoolmaster pope , and the wars in his time ; the succession of clement the th . and the italian wars in his time , between the emperour and the french and others , and the taking of rome by the emperour ( charles the th . ) army under charles duke of bourbon , and all the progress of their broils , historians have at large recorded ; and therefore i shall pretermit . § . the day before charles the th . was chosen emperour , the senate of electas chose iohn frederick duke of saxony ; but he ingenti animo recusavit , refused it ; and being asked whom he thought most eligible , he said none but charles was fit . for this noble mind , he was offered florens of money , which he constantly rejected : and when they urged him that might be given to his servants , he said , let them that will take it , but he that taketh any shall not stay to morrow with me , and taking horse went his waies , lest they further troubled him : thus saith erasmus , epist. l . ●p . . i was assured of by the bishop of liege that was presen●t ] see b●●●●zar chronol . p. . § . the reformation forced the german bishops to make many reforming canons , at colen , &c. among those of an augustine synod our own strife about communicating maketh me think of no loss of time to recite their catalogue of persons that were to be denied the sacrament of communion , viz. as followeth . . heathens , infidels and hereticks . . the excommunicate . . all men at a time of common interdict . . men that go from their own parishes for it . . those that are under age : and distracted , possessed , ideots . . those that are troubled with crudity of stomacks ( till cured . ) . infamous persons , as juglers , players , jesters , &c. . women that wear mens apparel . . separatists and conventiclers . . the sect of the beggars of lyons . . the superstitious . . those that have not contrition and confession , living in sin . . that live in notorious wickedness , as adultery , usury , &c. till their actual reformation . . deserters of marriage unallowed . . those that play much at dice . . that are given to drunkenness , gluttony , comessations , spend daies in taverns ; and if they amend not they are to be put to death . . that detain other mens goods . . that break and spoil temples . . that encroach on others lands and grounds . . servants that being corrected refuse their duty to their master after it . . they that use false weights and measures . . that pay not tythes . . that delay to execute testaments . . that obstinately despise the customes of the church , and meet elsewhere . . that disturb the preachers , or go out of church contemptuously . . that will not hear mass and stay the end . . that use unnecessary labour on the lords day or holy daies . . that marry secretly . . that slothfully or contemptuously refuse to learn the lords prayer , and creed . . that blaspheme or prophanely swear . . that reproach and dishonour priests . . murderers , enemies , revengeful and oppressors . . that preserve not carefully their childrens lives . . that make laws against church liberties , or judge by such laws , or lay burdens and exactions on churchmens persons or goods . . those that judge that money received on usury is not to be restored . § . the reformers accusations of the popish clergy had this effect , to make them confess many of their faults , especially drunkenness , and whoredome , as being the cause of the peoples distaste and desertion ; see the orations at the councils of augusta , and trevers ; and the council at trevers made strict canons against them , especially for removing concubines from the priests . and one at colen . is large for some reformation ; but especially careful to keep out true reformation , forbidding the books of protestants by name . among other things they forbid baptizing children in private houses , except kings children , &c. and another council at mentz hath the whole sum of the roman doctrine and discipline at the best , save the matters of the papacy ; and these late provincial councils made canons in the frame of them , not much of our english canons and our articles of religion set together . and another council at trevers repeateth their disciplinary canons in part , and addeth more . § . the history and canons of the council of trent are sufficiently published ; and pope pius his oath conjoyned ; so that i need not speak of that which i intend not to make any part of the matter of this epitome , which extendeth but to the time of luthers reformation . . even after the reformation , the pope could not live in italy without fighting : pope iulius the d , fought with octavius farnesius at parma ; pope paul sought with the king of spain : but was beaten : he set sixteen cardinals over the inquisition ( the defence of his kingdome ) : he imprisoned cardinal morrovius suspected of heresie , absolved after by pope pius the th . who yet strangled caraffa , and beheaded cardinal leonard , count montarius , &c. § . cardinal charles borrhomeus ( sainted by them ) at divers millane councils shewed a great deal of reforming , and some deforming zeal . in the first council i shall note that they decreed that men once admitted to the communion , and returning to their sin , be no more admitted till the priest see that they have actually reformed their lives . and that before any young persons first receive , they shall some dayes be examined , and taught the use and reason of the sacrament , priests notoriously criminal must not say mass till they amend their lives . no physician must give physick to any after four dayes sickness that is not confest to the priest ( on pain of excommunication ) . bishops are forbidden to stand when princes sit , no not for saying grace at meat : nor otherwise to depress and abject themselves to princes . parish priests must have a book of the names , sex , age , and state of every parishioner . whores are to dwell in their assigned places , and to be known by their apparel from others . dancing , playes , dice , selling , &c. forbidden on the lords dayes and holy dayes . indeed the roman religion was never set out with greater advantage of piety and reformation than in the copious decrees of carolus borrhomeus in the milan councils : to which a council at aquileia added , endeth binnius his history of councils . § . in all this history of councils , bishops and patriarchs it appeareth that corruptio optimi est pessima ; as the sacred ministry in pious humble wise , peaceable and sincere men , hath been gods great means of planting , ordering , preserving and encreasing his church , and converting , edifying , and saving souls , and such to this day are as paul called timothy ( not the church ) ( a pillar and basis of the truth in the church , which is the house of the living god ) the husbandmen that still cultivate the vineyard of the lord , while with self-denial , and faith , and heavenly minds , they labour to promote holy wisdome , love , spirituality and peace , abhorring pride and worldly designs , and being mostly little noted in the histories of the church , as not appearing in the turbulent and publick affairs of the world : so contrarily pride , and worldliness , seeking dominion , favour and wealth , to feed also sensuality with fleshly pleasure , by satans great diligence have corrupted sacred societies , doctrine , worship , discipline and conversation , and when the prince of pride and darkness , the god of this world , could not directly expugne christianity , he hath under pretence of government , unity , and advancement to the church , set his malignant ministers in the chairs and pulpits of the church to do his work , and fight down piety , love and peace in the name of christ , and as it were by his authority ; and instead of persecuting heathens , satan hath set up contentions , dividing , and silencing , and persecuting prelates , to smite the true shepherds , and scatter the flocks ; and as for faith and order , to tread down the true life of faith , love and order , and to be the capital enemies of the church , while they would make themselves its heads , advancers and defenders ; so that the chief good and the chief mischief hath come to the church by the means of the pastors : and no schismes , no heresies , no persecutions have been more grievous , than those that have been caused by a tyrannical and contentious clergy ; witness all the conciliary episcopal schismes , wars , and bloodshed mentioned in this collection ; witness the many hundred thousand albigenses , waldenses , and bohemians murdered , as for the faith and church ; witness the . or . at once murdered at the french massacre ; witness the horrid cruelties of the inquisition ; witness the volumes of burned and otherwise murdered protestants ; and witness the irish zeal stirr'd up by their clergy , that murdered two hundred thousand in so narrow a room as that small country , and in so few weeks : and whoever is the antichrist , certainly in rome , and the militant tyrannical church-clergy is found the blood of the saints , and martyrs of jesus ; and as proud contentious patriarchs and prelates ruined religion and the empire in the east , and gave it up to mahometan darkness and cruelty , so have they under the name of christianity impugned the christian interest in the west . i end with g. heebert : only the west and rome do keep them free from this contagious infidelity : and this is all the rock whereof they boast , as rome will one day find unto her cost ; sin being not able to extirpate quite the churches here , bravely resolv'd one night to be a church●man , and to wear a mitre , the old debauched ruffian would turn writer : i saw him in his study , where he sate busie in controversie sprung of late : a gown and pen became him wondrous well , his grave aspect had more of heaven than hell ; only there was a handsome picture by , to which he lent a corner of his eye : as sin in greece a prophet was before , and in old rome a mighty emperour ; so now being priest , he plainly did profess to make a jest of christs three offices ; the rather since his scattered juglings were united now in one , both time and sphere : from egypt he took petty deities , from greece oracular infallibilities ; and from old rome the liberty of pleasure , by free dispensing of the churches treasure : then in memorial of his ancient throne , he did sirname his palace babylon : yet that he might the better gain all nations , and make that name good by their transmigrations , from all these places , but at divers times , he took five vizards to conceal his crimes . from egypt anchorisme , and retiredness , learning from greece , from old rome stateliness ; and blending these , he carried all mens eyes , while truth sate by , counting his victories ; whereby he grew apace , and scorn'd to use such force as once did captivate the iews ; but did bewitch , and finely work each nation into a voluntary transmigration : all post to rome ; princes submit their necks , either to his publick foot , or private tricks : it did not fit his gravity to stir , nor his long journey , nor his gout and fur ; therefore he sent out able ministers , states-men wi●●in , without door cloysterers ; who without spear , or sword , or other drum , than what was in their tongue , did overcome ; and having conquer'd did so strangely rule , that the whole world did seem but the popes mule : as new and old rome did one empire twist , so both together are one antichrist ; yet with two faces , as their ianus was , being in this their old crackt looking-glass : how dear to me , o god , thy counsels are ! who may with thee compare ! thus sin triumphs in westerns-babylon , yet not as sin , but as religion ; of his two thrones he made the later best , and to defray his journey from the east , old and new babylon are to hell and night , as is the moon and sun to heaven and light. chap. xiv . lest this treatise be mistaken & abused to the dishonour of the christian religion , church or ministry i adde two papers which i long agoe published for the ministry . against profane malignants , . against sectarians , especially those called seekers , as also papists & others that for interest or faction , deny or vilifie the pastors . one sheet for the ministry ; against the malignants of all sorts . as mans first felicity was attended with the malice of the serpent , so is the wonderful work of his restauration . the promise of reconciliation by the seed of the woman , is joyned with a proclamation of open war with the serpent and his seed . the enmity was hottest in the devil and his seed against christ himself , who bare and overcame it ; and is become the captain of our salvation , that his church may overcome by his cross and strength , and conduct ; the next degree of malice is against his officers : the most eminent , the general officers had the hottest assault ; and his ordinary officers bear the next : that we shall be hated of all men for the name of christ , ( mat. . . ) is still verified to our experience . not only the openly prophane abhor us for our work sake , but false-hearted professors that turn from the truth , do presently turn malignants against the ministry ; and many weak ones that are better minded , are dangerously seduced into a guilt of the sedition . to all these i here proclaim in the name and word of the lord , numb . . . [ depart i pray you from the tents of these wicked men , and touch nothing of theirs , lest ye be consumed in all their sins . ] which i shall now open to you . . the office of the ministry is an undoubted ordinance of god , to continue in the church to the end of the world . no man can pretend that they ceased with the apostles , for it is gods will that ordinary fixed presbyters shall be ordained in every church , acts. . . tit. . . tim. . . tim. . . and pastors and teachers are appointed for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministry , and edifying of the body of christ , till we all come to a perfect man , ephes. . , , . a ministry authorized to disciple the nations , baptize and teach them , is instituted by christ as king and saviour , and have his promise to be with them alway to the end of the world , mat. . , , . the same necessity and work continueth ; still souls are born and bred in darkness , and how shall they be saved without believing , or believe without hearing , or hear without preaching , or we preach without sending ? rom. . . , . there is a clearer word in the gospel for the ministry then the magistracy ; though enough for both . our own call i shall sp●ak of anon . . these malignants set themselves against the principal members of the body of christ , that are in it as the eyes and hands to the natural body , cor. . , , , . ephes. . , . the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god , cor. . . the over-seers of the flock that is purchased with christs blood , acts. . . they are the chief members , . in office , . ordinarily in gifts for edification of the body : . and in grace . now a wound in the stomack or liver is more mortal to the body , then in the hand : and the loss of an eye or hand is worse then the loss of an ear . . these malignants are therefore principally enemies to the church it self . they take on them to be only against the ministers , but it will prove most against the people and whole church . if they smite the shepherds , the sheep will be scattered . how can they more surely ruine christs family , then by casting out the stewards , that must rule , and give the children their meat in due season , even milk to the babes , and stronger meat to them of full age , heb. . , , . luke . . . mat. . . what readyer way to ruine the schools of christ , then by casting out the teachers that he hath appointed under him ? or to ruine his kingdome , then to reject his officers ? or to wrong the body , then to cut off the hand , and pull out the eyes , or to destroy the principal parts ? was it not ministers that planted the churches , and converted the world and have ever born off the assaults of enemies ? where was there ever church on earth that continued without a ministry ? the great kingdom of nubi● fell from christianity for want of preachers . the nations that have the weakest and fewest ministers , have the least of christianity ; and those that have the most and ablest ministers , have the most flourishing state of religion . all over the world the church doth rise or fall with the ministry : cut down the pillers , and the building falls . he is blind that sees not what would become of the church , were it not for the ministry ? who should teach the ignorant , or rebuke the obstinate , explain the word of truth , and stop the mouths of proud gain sayers ? what work would heresies , and division , and prophaneness make , if these banks were cut down ; when all that can be done is still too little . it must needs therefore be meer enmity against the church , that makes men malignant against the ministry . . the design of the maligners of the ministry is plainly against the gospel and christianity it self . they take the readyest way in the world to bring in heathenism , infidelity and atheism , which christianity hath so far banished , for it is the ministry that christ useth to bring in light , and drive and keep out this damnable darkness , acts : , . [ i send thee to open their eyes , and turn them from darkness to light , &c. ] why are so many nations infidels , mahometans , and idolaters , b●t for want of ministers to preach the gospel to them ? these malignants therefore would take down the sun , and banish christianity out of the world . . and they hinder the conversion of particular souls , and so are the cruellest wretches on earth . though an angel must be sent to cornelius , it is not to be instead of a preacher , but to send him to a preacher , acts . though christ would wonderfully appear to saul , it is to send him to ananias for instruction , acts . though the jaylor must feel an earth-quake , and see miracles , it is but to prepare him for the ministers words , acts . philip must be carried by an angel to expound to an eunuch the word that must convert him . the ministry is gods instituted settled way , by which he will convert and save the world , as truly as the light is the natural way by which he will corporally enlighten them acts . . tim. . . mat. . . rom. . . do you think so many souls would be converted if the ministry were down ? do you not see that the very contempt of them , that the scorns of the ungodly , and opposition of malignant apostates have occasioned , doth hinder most of the ignorant and prophane from receiving the saving benefit of the gospel ? how many millions of souls would these wretches sweep away to hell , if they had their will ? while thousands are in damnation for want of the light , they would take it from you , that you might go there also . do you not understand the meaning of these words , against christs ministers ? why the meaning is this : they make a motion to the people of the land , to go to hell with one consent , and to hate those that are appointed to keep them out of it . they would take the bread of life from your mouthes . they are attempting an hundred times more cruelty on you , than herod on the jews when he killed the children , or the irish that murdered the protestants by thousands ; as the soul is of greater worth then the body . . these malignants against the ministry are the flat enemies of christ himself , and so he will take them and use them . he that would root out the inferiour magistrates , is an enemy to the soveraign ; and he that is against the officers of the army , is an enemy to the general ; christ never intended to stay visibly on earth , and to teach and rule the world immediately in person ; but he that is the king will rule by his officers ; and he that is prophet will teach us by his officers ; and therefore he hath plainly told us , [ he that heareth you , heareth me ; and he that dispiseth you , despiseth me ; and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me , luke . . ] o fearful case of miserable malignants ! durst thou despise the lord thy maker and redeemer , if he appeared to thee in his glory ! to whom the sun it self is as darkness , and all the world as dust and nothing ? remember when thou next speakest against his officers , or hearest others speak against them , that their words are spoken against the face of christ , and of the father . i would not be sound in the case of one of these malignants , when christ shall come to judge his enemies , for a thousand worlds . he that hath said , [ touch not mine annointed , and do my prophets no harm ; and hath rebuked kings for their sakes , psal. . . will deride all those that would break his bands , and will break them as with a rod of iron , and dash them in pieces as a potters vessel , psal. . , , . and as he hath told them plainly , [ who so despiseth the word shall be destroyed , prov. . . ] and [ he that despiseth , despiseth not man , but god , thes. . . so he hath told us that it shall be easier for sodom and gomorrah in the day of iudgement , then for such , mat. . . many a thousand prouder enemies then you hath christ broken ; and look to your selves , for your day is coming . if you had but stumbled on this stone , it would have broken you in pieces ; but seeing you will strive against it , it will fall on you , and gri●d you to pouder , mat. . . and then you shall see that he that made them his embassadors , will bear them out and say , [ in as much as you did it to these , you did it to me . ] and you shall then say , blessed are they that trust in him . . it is apparent that these enemies of the ministers are playing the papists game . because the just disgrace of their ministry , was the ruine of their kingdom ; therefore they hope to win of us at the same game . they know that if the people were brought into a hatred or suspition of their guides , they might the easier be won to them . they tell us in their writings , that not one of ten of our people but taketh his faith on trust from their teachers , and therefore take them o●f from them and they will fa●l : but they delude themselves in this : for though the ungodly among us have no true faith of their own , and the godly must lean on the hand of their supporters , yet there is in them a living principle ; and we do not as the papists priests , teach our people to see with our eyes , and no matter for their own : but we help to clear their own eye-sight . doubt not but the most of the sects in the land that fall against the ministry , are knowingly or ignorantly the agents of the papists . for the principal work of a papist is to cry down the ministry and the scripture , and to set all they can on the same work . . these sects that are against the ministry do all the same work as the drunkards , whore-mongers , covetous , and all ungodly persons in our parishes do : and therefore it seems they are guided by the same spirit . it is the work of drunkards and all these wicked wretches to hate , and despise , and revile the ministers , and to teach others to say as they . and just so do quakers , seekers , papists and all other malignants reproach the same ministers : and yet the blind wretches will not see that the same spirit moveth them . . it is apparent that it is the devils game they play , and his interest and kingdom which they promote . who fights against christs officers and army , but the general of the contrary army ? what greater service could all the world do for the devils , then to cast out the ministers of christ ? and what more would the devil himself desire , to set up his kingdom and suppress the church ? wretches ! you shall 〈◊〉 see your master , and he will pay you your wages contrary to your expectation . read gods word to a malignant , acts . . . these enemies do reproach as faithful a ministry as the world enjoyeth , and their malice hath so little footing , as that the result must be their own shame . among the papists indeed there are mass-priests that can but read a mass , whose office is to turn a piece of bread into a god : and yet these the malignants either let alone , or liken us to them . the greeks , and ethiopians , and most of the christian world , have a ministry that seldome or never preach to them , but read common-prayer , and homilies . the most of the protestant churches have a learned ministry that is so taken up with controversies , that they are much less in the powerful preaching and practise of godliness : above all nations under heaven , the english are set upon practical divinity and holiness , and yet even they are by malignity chosen out for reproach . alas , scandals in the ministry , ( as drunkenness , swearing , &c. ) among other nations are but too common : but in england magistrates and ministers combine against them . ministers are still spurring on the magistrates to cast out the insufficient , negligent and scandalous ; and desire and use more severity with men of their own profession , than with magistrates , or any others in the land. in nothing are they more zealous , than to sweep out all the remnant of the scandalous : and for themselves , they are devoted to the work of the lord , and think nothing too much that they are able to perform , but preach in season and out of season , with all long-suffering and doctrine ; and yet malignants make them their reproach . . it is abundance of pride and impudency , that these malignant enemies are guilty of . they are most of them persons of lamentable ignorance ; and yet they dare revile at the teachers , and think themselves wise enough to rebuke and teach them : many of them are men of wicked lives ; and yet they can tell the world how bad the ministers are . a railer , a drunkard , a covetous worldling , an ignorant sot , is the likest person to fall upon the minister ; and the owl will call the lark a night-bird . alas , when we come to try them , what dark wretches do we find them ! and should be glad if they were but teachable : and yet they have learnt the devils first lesson , to despise their teachers . . and o what barbarous ingratitude are these malignant enemies of the ministry guilty of ! for whom do we watch , but for them and others ? can they be so blind as to think a painful minister doth make it his design to seek himself , or to look after great matters in the world ? would not the time , and labour , and cost that they are at in the schools and universities , have fitted them for a more gainful trade ? do not lawyers , physitians , &c. live a far easier , and in the world a more honourable plentiful life ? have not the ministers themselves been the principal instruments of taking down bishops , deans and chapters , arch-deacons , prebends , and all means of preferment ? and what have they got by it , or ever endeavoured ? speak malice , and spare not . is it any thing but what they had before ? even the maintenance due to their particular charge . unthankful wretches ! it is for your sakes and souls that they study , and pray , and watch , and fast , and exhort , and labour , to the consuming of their strength ; and when they have done , are made the drunkards song , and the scorn of all the wicked of the country ; and when they spend , and are spent , the more they love , the less they are beloved . in the times of this greatest prosperity of the church , they live under constant hatred and scorn , from those that they would save , and will not let alone in sin . and what do they endure all this for but gods honour , and your salvation ? would we be ministers for any lower ends ? let shame from god and man be on the face of such a minister ! i profess , were it not for the belief of the greatness , and necessity , and excellency of the truths that i am to preach , and for the will of god , and the good of souls , i would be a plow-man , or the meanest trade , if not a sweep chimney , rather than a minister . must we break our health , and lay by all our worldly interest for you , even for you , and think not our lives and labours too good or too dear to further your salvation ; and must we by you , even by you , be reproached after all ? god will be judge between you and us , whether this be not inhumane ingratitude ; and whether we deserve it at your hands ? . yea , it is injustice also that you are guilty of . the labourer , saith christ , is worthy of his hire , luke . . ( mark that , you that call them hirelings ) the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour , tim. . . especially they that labour in the word and doctrine . and will you throw stones at their heads for endeavouring to save your souls ? will you spit in their faces for seeking with all their might to keep you from hell ? is that their wages that you owe them ? but blessed be the lord , with whom is our reward , though you be not gathered , isa. . . but as you love your selves , take heed of that curse , ier. . . [ shall evil be recompenced for good ? for they have digged a pit for my soul : remember that i stood before thee to speak good for them , and to turn away thy wrath from them , &c. ] o how many a time have we besought the lord for you ! that he would convert you , and forgive you , and turn away the evil that was over you : and when all these our prayers , and groans , and tears shall be remembred against you , o miserable souls , how dear will you pay for all ! . and is it not a wonder that these malignants do not see what evident light of scripture they contradict ; and how many great express commands they violate ? they break the fifth commandment , which requireth honour as well to spiritual ecclesiastical parents , as to civil and natural . and he that curseth father and mother , his lamp shall be put out in darkness , prov. . . the eye that mocketh at his father , and despiseth to obey his mother , the ravens of the valley shall pick it out , and the young eagles shall eat it , prov. . . did these wretches never read , thes. . . we beseech you brethren , to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you ; and to esteem them very highly in love for their work sake , and to be at peace among your selves . ] and heb. ▪ . [ obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls as they that must give account , that they may do it with joy , and not with grief ; for that is unprofitable for you . ] and heb. . . remember them which have the rule over you , who have spoken to you the word of god. ] and so ver . . and tim. . . the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour , &c. ] with abundance more such passages as these ? do not you feel these fly in your faces when you oppose the ministers of christ ? doth a thief or murderer sin against plainer light than you ? . these malignants sin against the consent and experience of the universal church of christ till this day . the whole church hath been for the ministry , and instructed by them ; and as the child doth seek the breast , so did new-born christians , in all ages , seek the word from the ministers , that they might live and grow thereby . and all the nations of the christian world are for the ministry to this day ! or else they could not be for christ , and for the church , and gospel . is it not plain therefore that these malignants are dead branches , cut off from the church , that are so set against the spiri● and interest of the church ? . moreover they sin against the experience of all , or almost all the true christians in the world . for they have all experience , that ministers are either their fathers , or nurses in the lord : and that by their means they have had their life , and strength , and comforts ; their sins killed , their graces quickned , their doubts resolved ; the taste of the good word of god , and of the powers of the world to come ? may we not challenge you as paul oft doth his flock , whether you did not receive the illuminating sanctifying spirit by the ministry , if ever you received it ? i tell you , it is as much against the new and holy nature of the saints to despise the ministers of christ , as it is unnatural for a child to spit in the face of his father or mother . and the experience of sound christians will keep them closer , and help them much against this inhumanity , what ever hypocrites may do . . and if these malignants had not pharaohs heart , they would sure have considered , that the experience of all ages tells them , that still the most wicked have been the enemies of the ministry , and the most godly have most obeyed and honoured them in the lord ; and that this enmity hath been the common brand of the rebellious , and the fore-runner of the heavy wrath of god ; and that it hath gone worst with the enemies , and best with the friends of a godly ministry . do i need to prove this , which is so much of the substance of the old testament , and the new ? was it the friends or enemies of all the prophets , apostles and ministers of christ , that scripture and all good writers do commend ? do not the names of all malignants against the godly ministry stink above ground , as the shame of mankind , except those that are buried out of hearing , or those that were converted ? . nay such as are noted for the highest sort of the wicked upon earth ; worse than drunkards , whorem●ngers , and such filthy beasts ! the persecutors of gods ministers have been ever taken as walking devils : and the hottest of gods wrath hath faln upon them . take two instances ; . when the iews went into captivity , this was the very cause , chron. . , . [ but they mocked the messengers of god , and despised his words , and misused his prophets , till the wrath of the lord arose against his people , till there was no remedy . . and when the iews were cut quite off from the church , and made vagabonds on the earth , this was the very cause , acts . . be it known therefore to you , that the salvation of god is sent to the gentiles , and that they will hear it . ] thes. . , . these jews [ both killed the lord iesus , and their own prophets , and have persecuted us : and they please not god , and are contrary to all men , forbidding us to speak to the gentiles , that they might be saved to fill up their sin alway ; for the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . ] . it is the devils own part that these malignants act : for it is he that is the great enemy of christ , and the saints , and he that is the accuser of the brethren , which accuseth them before god day and night : and is not this the work of quakers , drunkards , papists , and all malignants ? but the lord will rebuke them , and be the glory of his servants , zach. . , . [ he shewed me joshua the high-priest standing before the angel of the lord , and satan standing at his right hand to resist him . and the lord said unto satan ; the lord rebuke thee , o satan , even the lord that hath chosen jerusalem . ] . these malignants do most of them condemn themselves ; for they honour the ancient ministers of christ that are dead , even while they oppose and hate the present that are living , who are the nearest imitators of their doctrine and life that are on earth ! the name of peter , and paul , and iohn they honour , and some of them keep holy-days for them ; and at the same time hate and reproach those that preach the same doctrine , and that because they tread in their steps . they honour the names of austin , and chrysostom and hierom , and other ancients ; and hate those that preach and live as they did . they speak honourably of the martyrs that were burned to death for the doctrine of christ ; and at the same time they hate us for doing as they did . what difference between the calling , doctrine and lives of those martyred ministers , and these that are now alive ? o wretched hypocrites ! do you not know that these apostles , fathers , and other ministers did suffer in their time from such as you , as we now do , and more ? hear what christ saith to such as you , mat. . , , . [ woe to you scribes , pharisees , hypocrites ; because ye build the tombs of the prophets , and garnish the sepulchres of the righteous , and say , if we had been in the days of our fathers , we would not have been partakers with them in the blood of the prophets : ye are witnesses to your selves , that ye are the children of them which killed the prophets : fill ye up then the measure of your fathers : ye serpents , ye generation of vipers , how can ye escape the damnation of hell ? ] . moreover , these malignants do harden themselves against the fresh●st of the judgments of god , which some of their own hands have executed ; and justifie the presecutors , and succeed them in their fury . have you forgotten what god hath done here against the papal enemies of the gospel and ministry , in . and the powder-plot , and many other times ? have you already forgotten how the persecutors of a godly ministry have sped within these sixteen years in england and ireland ? and dare you now stand up in their room and make your selves the heirs of their sin , and punishment , and justifie them in all their malignity ? what do you but justifie them , when you rave against and revile the same sort of ministers , and many of the same persons , whom the former malignants persecuted ? and oppose the same sort of ministers that the papists burned ? and would not you do the like by them if you had power in your hands ? can any wise man doubt of it , whether papists , and quakers , and drunkards , that now make it their work to make the ministry odious , would not soon dispatch them if they could ? blessed be the great protector of the church , for were it not for him , our lives would soon be a prey to your cruelty . . and indeed if these malignants had their wills , they would undo themselves , and cut down the bough they stand upon , and destroy the little hope and help that is yet le●t for their miserable souls : it is for the sake of gods servants among them that judgements are so long kept off them . and as long as the gospel and ministers remains , salvation is offered them : the voice of mercy is calling after them , repent and live . they have the light shining in their eyes , which may at last convince them , as paul was convinced of his persecution : the voice which they despise may possibly awake them . though they have less hope then others ; yet there is some , but if they had their will , and were rid of the ministry , alas what would the forlorn wretches do ? then they might damn themselves without disturbance , and go quietly to hell , and no body stop them , and say , [ why do you so ? . and i pray you consider what it is that these men would have ? what if the ministers were all cast out ? would they have any to do gods work in their stead , or none ? if none , you may see what they are doing : if any , who , and where are they ? is it not horrible pride if all these silly souls do think that they can do it better themselves ? and what else do quakers and all these sects that are the enemies of the ministry ? do they not go up and down the land , and say to the wisest holyest teachers , as if they took them by the sleeve , [ come down and let me preach that can do it better : come down thou deceiver and ignorant man , and let me come up that am wiser , and better , and known more : out with these proud lordly preachers , and let us be your teachers , that are m●re holy , and humble , and self-denying then they . ] is not this the loud language of their actions ? and can you not hear the devil in these words of highest pride and arrogancy ? but really sirs , do you think that these men would teach you better ? and is there enow that are wiser and better then we to fill up our rooms , if we were out ? do but prove that , and you shall have my consent to banish all the ministers in england , to some place that hath greater need of their labour , that they may no more trouble you that have no need of them , and keep out better . . lastly , consider on what sensless pretences all this enmity against the ministry doth vent it self . you shall hear the worst that they have to say against us , ( though but briefly ) and then judge . . the quakers say , we are idle drones that labour not , and therefore should not eat . answ. the worst i wish you , is , that you had but my ease instead of your labour . i have reason to take my self for the least of saints , and yet i fear not to tell the accuser , that i take the labour of most tradesmen in the town to be a pleasure to the body in comparison of mine ; ( though for the ends and the pleasure of my mind , i would not change it with the greatest prince ) their labour preserveth health , and mine consumeth it : they work in ease , and i in continual pain : they have hours and dayes of recreation : i have scarce time to eat and drink : no body molesteth them for their labour ; but the more i do , the more hatred and trouble i draw upon me . if a quaker ask me , what all this labour is , let him come and see , or do as i do , and he shall know . . they accuse us of covetousness and oppression , because we take tithes or hire , ( as they call it . ) answ. . is it not malice or sacrilegious covetousness that frameth this accusation ? whose are the tithes ? are they ours or theirs ? the same law of the land that makes the nine parts theirs , doth make the tenth ours . if we have no title to the tenth , they have none to the rest . we ask none of our people for a farthing . they give it not to us : it was never theirs . when they buy or take leases of their land , it is only the nine parts that they pay for , and if the tenths were sold them , they should pay themselves a tenth part more . and would these men make all the people thieves and covetous , to take or desire that which never was their own ? nay would they have them rob god , to whom for his service the tithes were devoted ? read , mal. , , . rom. . . gen. . . heb. . , . and whether tithe it self be of divine institution still , is more then they are able to disprove . sure i am , when christ told them of tithing mint and cummin , he saith , these ought you to have done , and not to leave the other undone , mat. . . . but most certain i am that god hath made it our duty to meditate on his word , and give our selves wholly thereto , tim. . . and that we may [ forbear working , and not go on warfare at our own charge ; and sowing to men spiritual things , should reap their carnal things : do ye not know that they which minister about holy things , live of the things of the temple ; and they which wait at the altar , are partakers with the alter ? even so hath the lord ordained , that they which preach the gospel should live of the gospel . ] cor. . , , ▪ . . and know you not that the primitive christians gave not only the tenths , but all that they had , and laid it at the apostoles feet ? to shew that the gospel teacheth more clearly then the law , the necessity of dedicating our selves and all that we have to god. . and yet i must say , that we are content with food and rayment . most minist in england would be glad to give you all their tithes , if you will ▪ but allow them food and raim●●t for themselves and families , and such education for their children as is fittest to make them serviceable to god. and i hope it is no sin to have mouths that must be fed , or backs that must be cloathed . what! must gods ministers above all others be grudged food and rayment , and that of the lords portion , which none of you pay for ? i fear not to imitate paul stopping the mouths of malicious accusers , and to tell you , that the ministers , whose expences i am acquainted with , do give . pence , for . that they receive by gift from their people : and that they take all that they have as christs , and not their own , and if they have never so much they devote it wholly to him , and know he 's not beholden to them for it : and some of them lay out in charitable uses , much more then all the tithes that they receive for their ministerial maintenance . and if the quakers that accuse them of covetousness , would cast up accounts with them , i doubt not but it will be found that they receive more by gift then preachers , and give not the fourth part so much when they have done . . another accusation is , that we preach false doctrine , and deceive the people . answ. it 's easie to say so of any man in the world : but when they come to prove it , you will see who are the deceivers . . another is , that we are persecutors , and like the priests of old , and so all the reproofs of them and the pharisees belong to us . answ. this is soon said too : but where 's the proof ? for themselves we have no mind to be troubled with them . let them let us alone , as long as we will let them alone . but yet they shall be taught one day to know , that if the magistrate stop the mouths of such railers and abusers of god and men , he doth no more persecute them , then he persecuteth a thief when he hangeth him ; or then paul persecuted hymenaeus and philetus when he delivered them up to satan ; or elymas , acts . . or then peter persecuted ananias and sapphira , acts . or then god would have had the churches be persecutors against the woman iezebel that was suffered to teach and seduce the people , or against the doctrine of the nicolaitans which god hated , rev. . , . if hindering sin , be persecuting , the calling of a magistrate is to be a persecutor , rom. . . and all parents m●st pesecute their own children . . another accusation is , that we are against the preaching of any but our selves . answ. who doth not desire that all the lords people were prophets ? but yet we know all are not prophets , cor. . nor teachers . we would have none of gods gifts in our people buried , but all improved to the uttermost for his glory . but we would not have men turn ordinary teachers , that are neither sound , nor able , nor sent ; nor every self-conceited ignorant man , have leave to abuse the name and word of god , and the souls of men . what would you have more then is granted you ? when any unordained man that is judged competent by the commissioners of approbation ( of whom some are souldiers ) may be a constant preacher , and have fullest maintenance , as well as presbyters ? . another charge is , that we are some weak , and some scandalous . answ. we do all that we are able to cast out such ; and i think never more was done . the magistrate sets his guard at the door , and lets in none but whom he please : and sure if he knew where to have better than those that are in , he would put them in , or else he is too blame : if he do not know , will you blame him for using the best that he can get ? but if you will come and help us to cast out any that are vicious and unworthy , we will give you thanks . . another accusation is , that we differ among our selves , and one saith one thing , and another another thing . answ. . and are all these sects that oppose us better agreed among themselves ? enquire and judge . . do not all preach one gospel , and the same essentials of the christian faith ? and we expect not perfect unity , till we have perfect knowledge and holiness ; which we dare not boast of , whatever quakers do . . another accusation is , that we are not true ministers . and why so ? because we have not an uninterrupted succession of lawful ordination . answ. this objection is the papists , who have little reason to use it , while it is so easie a matter to prove so many interruptions of their papal succession . at large and often have we answered them , and are still ready to deal with any of them herein , and to prove ; . that an uninterrupted succession of right ordination , is not of necessity to the being of the ministry . . and if it were , we have more to shew for it than they . if others stick on this , let me tell them , that magistracy is as truly from god as the ministry : and let ever a king on earth shew me an uninterrupted succession giving him title to his crown , and i will shew him a more undoubted succession or title to my ministry . but here 's no room to discuss this question . . object . but you are parish priests , and no true ministers , because you have not true churches . answ. all the christians in our parishes that consent are our flock : and we undertake to prove the truth of such churches , not only against scorn , but against all the arguments that can be brought . . object . but you have not the spirit , and therefore are no true ministers . answ : and how prove you that we have not the spirit ? the approvers admit none but such as they think have the spirit . he that is sanctified hath the spirit : prove us unsanctified , and we will resign our office. object . you read your sermons out of a paper ; therefore you have not the spirit . answ. a strong argument ! i pray you take seven years time to prove the consequence . as wisely do the quakers argue , that because we use spectacles , or hour-glasses , and pulpits , we have not the spirit . it is not want of your abilities that makes ministers use notes ; but it 's a regard to the work , and the good of the hearers . i use notes as much as any man , when i take pains ; and as little as any man when i am lazy , or busie , and have not leisure to prepare . it 's easier to us to preach three sermons without notes , than one with them . he is a simple preacher that is not able to preach all day without preparation , if his strength would serve ; especially if he preach at your ●ates . . object . but the true ministry is persecuted ; but so are not you , but are persecutors of others . answ. . for our persecuting others , be so merciful as to prove it to us , that we may lament it . if punishing wicked men and seducers be persecuting , not only paul was such , that wished they were cut off that troubled the galatians ; but god himself would be the greatest of all persecutors , that will lay you in hell without repentance , and then you will wish your old persecution again . and if we be not persecuted , what means the reproaches of you and all the drunkards and malignants about us ? but i pray you envy us not our lives and liberties , and a little breathing time . do you not read that [ the churches had rest throughout all judea , and galilee , and samaria , and were edified , and walking in the fear of the lord , and in the comfort of the holy ghost , were multiplied ? acts . . ] envy not a little prosperity to the church . doth not paul pray that the gospel may run and be glorified , and that we may be delivered from unreasonable wicked men , thes. . . sometimes you can say that more glorious days are promised , and that the saints shall rule the world . unmerciful men ! it is but a while ago since we had our share of sufferings ! since that the sword hath hunted after us ! many of our brethren are yet in america , that were driven thither : at this time in spain , and italy , and germany , and savoy : alas , what do our brethren suffer in the same cause and calling that we are in ! and do you reproach us with our mercies , if we be out of the furnace but a little while , in one corner of the world ? object . . you work no miracles to confirm your doctrine . answ. it is true ; nor do we need : it is confirmed by miracles long ago . if we brought a new gospel , or as the papists , gave you not our doctrine on the credit of scripture , but scripture and all on our own credit , then you might justly call for miracles to prove it : but not when we have nothing to do but expound and apply a doctrine sealed by miracles already . again , i say , let any prince on earth that questions our calling , shew his title to his crown , or any iudge or magistrate to his office ; and if i shew not as good a title to mine , l●t me be taken for a deceiver , and not a minister . christian reader , as ever thou wouldest be sanctified , confirmed , and saved , hold fast to christ , scripture , ministry , and spirit , and that in the church and communion of saints , and abhor the thoughts of separating them from each other . a second sheet for the ministry ; iustifying our calling against quakers , seekers , and papists , and all that deny us to be the ministers of christ. the corruption of the romish church being most in the errours and vices of the priests , which made men abhor the offering of the lord ( sam. . . ) the reproach which they brought upon themselves , did much prepare men to hearken to the reformers : the observing of this , and of the necessary dependance of the people on their pastors , hath caused the papists to bend their force against the ministers of the reformed churches , and to use all their wit to defame their persons and callings , and make them seem ignorant , unworthy , or no ministers to the people . on this errand they send abroad their agents ; this is the saving gospel that the seekers , quakers , and their brethren preach ; that the scripture is not the gospel , or word of god , and that we are no true ministers . whatever doctrine we are preaching , the opposers work is to call us deceivers , and ask , how we prove our selves true ministers ? my work therefore at this time , for the sake of the ignorant in our assemblies , shall be , to acquaint them with our answer to this demand . and i shall give it you in order , in certain propositions . prop. . both in the old and new testament there is mention of two distinct sort of ministers of gods appointment . first , such as received some new revelation● ( either a law , or a particular message ) immediately from god ; so that the people could not be sure that their doctrine was true , till they were sure that the men were sent of god. these were called prophets in the old testament , and apostles , prophets , &c. in the new. so moses received the law from god ; and the following prophets their particular messages . so the apostles received the gospel from christ ; and so did the seventy , and other disciples that conversed with him ; and other prophets and evangelists had it by immediate inspiration . all these were necessarily by miracles , or some infallible evidence to prove their own call , before the hearers could receive their doctrine : for this was their message ; [ the lord hath commanded me to say thus or thus to you ] or [ the word which the lord spake to me is thus or thus ] this sort of ministers the papists and seekers do confess . but besides these , there is a second sort of true ministers , whose office is not to receive from god any new doctrine , law , or message ; but to proclaim the laws already delivered , and teach men the doctrine already revealed , and to oversee and govern the churches of christ according to his laws , and to go before the people in the worship of god : the prophets and apostles did both these ; both reveal the doctrine which they received from christ , and teach and guide the church by it when they had done ; but the latter sort of ministers do but the latter sort of the work . the papists and seekers cheat men by jumbling all together , as if there were no ministers of gods appointment , but those of the former sort ; and therefore they call for miracles to prove our ministry . here therefore i shall first prove , that the second sort of ministers are of gods institution . . that such need not prove their calling by miracles , though yet god may work miracles by them if he please . . that we are true ministers of christ , of this sort . . christ found such ministers under the law , that were to teach and rule by the law before received , and not to receive new laws or massages , i mean the ordinary priests and levites , as distinguished from prophets . these priests were to keep the law , and teach it the people , and the people were to seek it at their mouth , and by it they were to judge mens causes : and also they were to stand between the people and god in publick worship , as is exprest , deut : . . iosh. . . neh. . , , , , . & . . levit. . & . & . & . & . & . & . throughout , num. . & . deut. . . mal. . . ier. . the prophet had visions ; but the priest had the law , ezek . . isa. . , . hag. . , . num. . chron. . . & . . chron . . & . . & . , . he was called , a teaching priest , chron. . . lev. . , . deut. . . chron . ▪ . ezek. . . chron. . . and christ himself sends the cleansed to the priest , and commandeth them to hear the pharises that sat in moses chair , though they were no prophets : so that besides the prophets that had their message immediately from god , there were priests that were called the ministers of the lord , joel . . . . and levites that were not to bring new revelations , but to teach , and rule , and worship him according to the old . for moses of old time hath in every city them that preach him , being read in the synagogues every sabbath day , acts . . the iews rejected christ because they knew him not ; nor the voice of the prophets which are read every sabbath day , acts . . and even unto this day , when moses is read , the vail is on their heart , cor. . . and they that would not believe moses , and the prophets ( thus read and preached ) neither will they be perswaded , though one rose from the dead , luke . , . . and as priests and levites were distinct from prophets before christ , so christ appointed besides the apostles and prophetical revealers of his gospel , a standing sort of ministers , to . teach , . rule , . and worship according to the gospel which the former had revealed , and attested , and proved to the world . these were called overseers , or bishops , presbyters , or elders , pastors and teachers ; and also the deacons were joyned to assist them , acts . they ordained them elders ( not prophets or apostles ) in every church , tit. . titus was to ordain elders in every city : timothy hath full direction for the ordaining of bishops , or elders and deacons , tim . that their work was not to bring new doctrine , but to teach , rule , and worship according to that received , i now prove , tim. . . the things that thou hast heard of me among many witnesses , the same commit thou to faithful men , who shall be able to teach others also ] mark , that its the same , and not a new doctrine ; and that as heard from paul among many witnesses , and not as received immediately from god : and others were thus to receive it down from timothy . and v. . study to shew thy self approved unto god , a workman that needeth not be ashamed , rightly dividing the word of truth . ] it is not to bring new truths , but rightly to divide the old . and tim. . . hold fast the form of words which thou hast heard of me ( not which thou hadst immediately from god ) in faith and love which is in christ iesus ; that good thing which was committed unto thee , keep , by the holy ghost which dwelleth in us . the holy ghost is to help us in keeping that which is committed to us , and not to reveal more , tim . , . [ i give thee charge in the sight of god , that thou keep this commandment without spot , unrebukable , till the appearing of our lord iesus christ. there was a form of doctrine delivered to the church of rome , rom. . . and tim. . . the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour , especially they that labour in the word and doctrine . you see their work was to rule and labour in the word and doctrine , tim. . , , , . till i come , give attendance to reading , to exhortation , to doctrine ; meditate upon these things : give thy self wholly to them , that thy profiting may appear to all : take heed unto thy self , and unto the doctrine : continue in them ; for in doing this , thou shalt both save thy self and them that hear thee . ] tim. . . [ if thou put the brethren in remembrance of these things , thou shalt be a good minister of iesus christ , nourished up in the words of faith , and of good doctrine , whereunto thou hast attained . ] mark here the description of a good minister of christ ; one that 's nourished up in the words of faith , and good doctrine , ( which is the use of schools and universities ) and having attained it , makes it his work to teach it , and put others in remembrance of it , tit. . , , , . for a bishop must be blameless , as the steward of god — holding f●ast the faithful word as he hath been taught , ( mark that ) that he may be able by sound doctrine , both to exhort and convince the gainsayers : for there are many unruly and vain talkers and deceivers , whose mouths must be stopped , who subvert whole houses , teaching things which they ought not , &c. ] so tim. . , . the office of a bishop is to rule and take care of the church of god : ] to take heed to themselves , and to all the flock , and feed the church of god ; and to watch hereunto , according to the word of gods grace , which is fully and wholly delivered by his apostles , and is able to build us up , and give us an inheritance among the sanctified : as act. . , , , , . thes. . , . we beseech you brethren to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you ( this is their office ) and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake ( and not revile them as the servants of satan do ) and be at peace among your selves , heb. . , , . remember them which have the rule over you , which have spoken to you the word of god : obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls , as they that must give account , that they may do it with joy , and not with grief : for that is unprofitable for you . salute all them that have the rule over you : the elders of the church are to pray with , and for the sick jam. . . they must feed the flock of god among them , taking the oversight of it , pet. . , . thus you see their office and work . . and that they were not to bring any new doctrine , further appears , in that they have a charge to preach no other doctrine , tim. . . nor to be tossed as children with every wind of doctrine , eph. . . nor carried about with divers and strange doctrines , heb. . . . yea , if any man bring not the doctrine of christ , we must not receive him into our houses , or bid him god speed , lest we be partakers of his evil deeds , for he that abideth not in this doctrine hath not god , john . , . gal. . . . [ though we or an angel from heaven , preach any other gospel to you , then that which we have preached unto you , let him be accursed . as we said before , so say i now again : if any man preach any other gospel to you then that ye have received , let him be accursed . ] and rom. . , . now i beseech you brethren , mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned , and avoid them ] tim. . . if any man teach otherwise , and consent not to wholsome words , the words of our lord iesus christ , and to the doctrine which is according to godliness , he is proud , knowing nothing , but doating . — ] . and if all ministers must be receivers of new doctrines , the church would never know when it hath all , but would be still obeying an imperfect law. . and it would be an oppression to the church instead of a direction , to be so overwhelmed with new doctrines and precepts . . and it would accuse christ , the lawgiver , of such mutability , as wise princes are not guilty of ; to be still changing or adding to his laws . . there was great occasion for the new testament or gospel , upon the great work of our redemption : but there is no such cause for alterations since . . the priests before christ were not to receive new laws , as is said . . the companions of the apostles that wrought miracles , had not all new revelations ; but did it to seal up this gospel . . what need we more then actual experience , that god doth not give new revelations to the world , and none since the scripture times , have sealed any other by miracles . and thus i have proved to you the two sorts of ministers : as paul plainly distinguisheth them , cor. . , , . eph . . there are planters and waterers , master builders that lay the foundation , and others that build thereon : other foundation can no man lay then that which is laid : but every man that buildeth hay or stuble and loseth his work , doth not nullifie the ministry . we are built on the foundation of the apostles and prophets , iesus christ being the head corner-stone : but we are not built on the foundation of every pastor , teacher , elder , bishop or deacon : though both in their places ( apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors and teachers ) are given for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministry , for the edifying of the body of christ , eph. . , . that we might be one united body , having one fixed standing doctrine , ver . , , . and how shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation ; which at the first began to be spoken by the lord , and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him : ( mark whence the church receiveth it ) god also bearing them witness ( but not every elder or teacher ) both with signs and wonders , and with divers miracles , and gifts of the holy ghost according to his own will , heb. . , . prop. . and now that these later ministers need not prove their calling by miracles , i prove thus : . god never imposed such a task upon them , nor commanded the people to require such a proof , and not to believe any but worker of miracles . . god gave not all the gift of miracles , that were employed in his work even in the apostles daies : are all workers of miracles ? saith paul ; some had by the spirit , the word of wisedom , and of knowledge , and others tongues , and others interpretation , and others miracles , cor. , , , , . . they that have the holy ghost are owned by christ ; and so have many without working miracles . see rom. . . cor. . . gal. . , , , . cor. . . eph. . . & . , . pet. . , . rom. . , . tit. . . . the law of moses was kept and taught by priests and levites that wrought not miracles . . if the laws of all nations may be kept without miracles , so may the laws of christ. . if humane writings are kept without miracles , ( as homer , virgil , ovid , cicero , livy , &c. ) so may the laws of god much more , as being the daily subject of the belief , meditation , conference , preaching , controversies , devotions of christians through the world , and translated into so many tongues . . there is nothing in the nature of the thing that requireth ordinary miracles . cannot men sufficiently prove without miracles , that there have been such men as caesar , pompey , aristotle , or which be calvins or bellarmines writings , &c. much more evidently may they prove what doctrine is essential to christianity , and the scripture that contains the whole . . else parents could not teach their children , nor bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the lord , eph. . . nor teach them with timothy , from a child to know the scriptures , which are able to make men wise to salvation through faith in christ , . tim. . . must no parents teach their children to know christ , but such as can work miracles ? . the doctrine which we preach is fully confirmed by miracles already , by christ and his apostles : there needs no greater then christs own resurrection , nor more then were done ; which universal unquestionable history and tradition hath brought down to our hands . . it is a ridiculous expectation , that every person should see the miracles before they do believe . then if christ had done miracles before all ierusalem , save one man , that one man should not be bound to believe : or if i could do miracles in this town or country , none must believe me ever the more but those that see it . and so you may as well say , i should not believe that there is any sea or land , city or kingdom , france , spain , rome , &c. but what i see . are these men worthy to be talkt with ? that believe no body , and confess themselves such lyars that they would have no body believe them . it was not all that saw christs miracles or resurrection , or the apostles miracles ! it seems the rest were not bound to be christians ? even as clem : writer told me , that no man is bound to believe that christ did rise again , or the rest of christianity , that seeth not miracles himself to prove it : adding withall , that indeed antichrist may do miracles ; and so it seems for all the talk , miracles themselves would not serve if they saw them . . is it not to put a scorn on god almighty , to lay that the glory of all his most miraculous works should be buried to all that saw them not ; and that parents should not tell them to their children , or children should not believe them if they do ? . it s injurious to posterity , that the knowledge of the most wonderful works of god shall be only for the good of them that see them , and that all ages after shall be never the better . . it tends to make men mad and as ideots , that must know and believe no more then they see : what kind of folks must these be , that know not that there is either prince or parliament , city or countrey , or any folks in the world but those they have seen ? this will stand with trading , converse , subjection , societies ; and its doubtful whether such are capable of managing estates ; or should not be put under others as ideots ? . children cannot learn to read nor speak without some kind of belief of them that teach them : nor can they obey their parents nor learn any trade , nor obey physitians : so that this conceit of incredulity is against the nature , livelihood , and life of man. . and they would tie god to be at the beck of every unreasonable infidel ; that shall say , [ though all the town have seen thy miracles , yet i will see my self , or else i will not believe . ] . they expect that god should overturn the course of nature : for if miracles be as ordinary as the operations of nature , they are confounded . . and by this they would cross themselves , and make miracles uneffectual : for if they were ordinary ; few would be moved by them as any proof of a divine testimony : were it as ordinary for the sun to go backward as forward , who would take it for a miracle ? to this clem : writer answers me , that [ miracles were convincing in the first age when they were common ] answ. how common ? not as natural operations : nor so as for all countreys or persons to see them ; saw christ at once after his resurrection : . were once miraculously fed : but as this was not every days work , so what was this to others ? and in that it was but for an age , and rarely in after ages , shews that they were not for every mans eyes . . what need we more proof then actual experience , that god doth not often now work miracles ! and he that saith the gospel , and christian faith , and church , and ministry are therefore ceased , its like will not take it ill to be taken himself for an heathen or infidel . . and we have experience of millions that still do actually and stedfastly believe in christ without miracles : and many have laid down their lives on that belief : therefore without miracles men may believe . but to this clem : writer saith to me , [ these believers of all sorts condemn each other as hereticks . ] answ. but not as infidels . none but the ignorant or passionate condemn all other sorts as hereticks . the sober do not . and it is not enough to prove you a bastard , if an angry brother call you so . . because this sheet alloweth me not room , i intreat the reader to peruse these texts , which tell him aloud that the word and works of god must be believed by tradition , though without miracles , exod. . , . & . , , , , . deut. . . to the . & . . to . iosh. . , . & . . to . psalm . . . & . . to . & . . & . . & . . ioel. . , , . acts . . & . . & . , , . & . . to . & . , . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . . tim. . . iohn . . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . , , luke . . pet. . . and that you would read my determination of this very question in my book against infidelity : i proceed to the next . proposition . this ordinary ministry for teaching , ruling , and publick worship , was ordained by christ to continue till his coming , and doth yet continue , and did not cease when the extraordinary ministry ceased . i prove it , matth. . . vpon this rock will i build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it . ] the church never did nor can subsist without its officers , who are an essential part of it , as it is a political body , and the first and most eminent part , as it is a community . and therefore if the ministry be extinct , the gates of hell have prevailed against the church : and then christ is overcome , or hath broke his promise ; and then he were not christ : so that if christ be christ , the church and ministry continue . so luke . . he shall reign over the house of jacob for ever , and of his kingdome there shall be no end , isa. . , . of the encrease of his government and peace there shall be no end , psalm . . thy kingdome is an everlasting kingdome , and thy dominion endureth throughout all generations . christ ruleth by his officers in his church ; if church or ministry had an end , his kingdome had an end , and he reigned not for ever , matth. . loe , i am with you alway , even to the end of the world . to this express promise , clem. writer hath no wiser an answer , but that , [ it is conditional . if they teach men to observe all things that christ hath commanded , then he will be with them , else not . ] repl. this is your forgery : here is no such words , but an absolute promise . his being with them , is to support and help them in his work : and will you feign christ to promise them help on condition they do it without ? the further cavils against this text and others , the london ministers in their vindication have answered at large , eph. . , , . the past●rs and teachers are given to the church for the perfecting of the saints for the work of the ministry , for the edifying of the body of christ , till we all come in the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the son of god to a perfect man , &c. ] extraordinary and ordinary officers are here conjoyned , who between them are to perfect the building , the first laying the foundation , and the others building thereon , tim. . , . i give thee charge in the sight of god — that thou keep this commandment without spot , unrebukable , unto the appearing of our lord iesus christ ] which must needs extend to his successors . the faithful and wise stewards that give the children their meat in due season , will be found so doing by the lord at his coming , luke . , . and it is not till the last day that christ will give up the kingdome to the father , cor. . . . the apostles actually setled an ordinary ministry in their time , as is proved . . there are commands for setling successors of these , as tim. . . tit. . . as is proved . . these ministers are described , and the way of their ordination setled by canons , tim. . tit. . . we had the several angels of the churches in their places , revel . . & . and promises to some of them for the future , with a command [ hold fast till i come , . . ] and . . [ i will keep thee from the hour of temptation which shall come on all the world : behold , i come quickly . ] . christ hath commanded the ministerial work to continue to the end : as the preaching of the word must be to all nations , and every creature , matth. . . mark . . and these most cruel men would have all the preachers give over their work , and leave the world to perish in infidelity . so for the assembling of our selves together , and exhorting one another , we are commanded not to forsake it , as is the manner of some ; and so much the more , as we see the day approaching , heb. . , , . so that the nearer we are to christs coming , the closer must we stick to church-communion , and holy assemblies ; considering , that it s but a little while , and he that comes will come , and shall not tarry , ver . . god doth on purpose forbear his coming , because he is long-suffering , and will continue the means to call men to repentance , and then the day of the lord will come suddenly , pet. . , . [ the word of the lord endureth for ever : and this is the word which by the gospel is preached to you , pet. . . the lords supper is instituted to be used to shew the lords death till he come , cor. . . church-government or discipline is a fixed ordinance , mat. . , , . and if the work continue , the workmen must continue . . the mercy of god , and the efficacy of christs blood , and the necessities of the church continue : we still need a teaching ministry , heb. . . and for our need it is instituted till the church be perfect , that we be not as children toss'd up and down , eph. . , . what enemies to us , and to the love and mercy of god are they that would perswade men , that he so quickly withdrew so great a mercy , when the gifts and calling of god are without repentance ? . the law and its priesthood was not removed but by the glory of a better law and ministry : and christ is the mediator of a better covenant and promises , heb. . . & . , . therefore he will not deal so much worse . . christ telleth us that a wise man will consider whether he can go through with it , before he build or make war : therefore he would not himself begin to build his church , and enter himself the captain of our salvation , and presently let his enterprize fall . . if the ministry continue not , then the church continueth not ; for as the head , liver , and stomack , or lungs are to the body , so is the ministry to the church , cor. . , , , , . they plant and water it , cor. . . and build it , ver . . for how shall we believe on him of whom we have not heard ? and how shall we hear without a preacher ? and hew shall they preach unless they be sent ? rom. . . but the church doth continue : for first , else christ were no longer the head of it , the king , prophet , or priest , and so not christ : but he is a priest for ever , abiding continually : he continueth ever , and hath an unchangeable priesthood ; he ever liveth to make intercession for those that come to god by him , heb. . . , , . . those that deny the church , must needs deny themselves christians and members of that church . . there is no salvation promised but to the church , eph. . , , , . mark . . . blindness is on the jews but till the fulness of the gentiles be come in , and so all israel shall be saved : therefore it is most evident that the gentile church shall not cease till the fulness have prepared for the re-ingraffing of the iews , rom. . , . . it is an everlasting kingdome , which cannot be moved , and the city of the living god , the heavenly jerusalem , whereof even the angels and perfected spirits of the iust are a part , to which we come by faith : therefore it ceaseth not , heb. . , , . . when that which is perfect is come , then that which is in part shall be done away , cor. . . but not before . . if nothing can separate us from the love of god , no not any distress or tribulation , then are not all the ministers and church cut off , rom. . . to . yea , those that in all ages suffer for his sake , are not cut off from him ; but so many faithful ministers do . . but what should i say any more against that assertion which carrieth stark heathenism or infidelity in its forehead , reproaching christ as no christ , and teaching men that they are not bound to be christians , and believe the gospel , and perswading the world to despise christs messengers and ordinances ; and ministers to cast off their masters work ; which in two words is , to turn infidels , or apostates . i must refer you for my fuller answer to such men , to my book against infidelity . prop. . god hath in his law appointed a standing way for the calling of these ordinary teaching , ruling , worshipping ministers , in all ages ; and doth himself call them in this way . . he instituteth the office. . he commandeth that fit persons be ordained to this office. . he describeth them by their necessary qualifications . all this is at large , tim. . tit. . act. . pet. . &c. this is his work by his standing law : by which also he commandeth the people to chuse , consent to , or accept the fit , and to hear and obey them , act. . . thes. . . act. . , . heb. . , . and then by providence , . he giveth them those gifts of the spirit that may competently qualifie them for their office. . he assisteth the chusers and ordainers to discern those qualifications , and do their duties . . he causeth some special fitness of a minister to the special province or charge which he is to undertake , and special inviting occasions and opportunities , and oft-times causeth necessity to make the choice . . he boweth the heart of the person called to consent , and usually to desire the work ( for the right ends . ) . and if he be called to be the pastor of a particular church , he moveth the people to consent or accept him . and thus god according to his appointed order doth call his ministers : besides which , he afterward . helps them in his work : . and procureth them liberty , and often furtherance from christian magistrates . . and giveth them success . proposition . the faithful pastors of the reformed churches , are these ordinary ministers of christ , approved by him , and given in great mercy to his people , who are bound to know ▪ honour , and obey them in the lord. i exclude not all others , but i now prove that these are true ministers . argument . they that have all that is essential to true ministers are true ministers : but such are these pastors of the reformed churches ; as i prove thus : if the office it self be of gods institution , and their qualifications competent , and their entrance right in every point of flat necessity , then they have all that is essential to true ministers : but the former is true , as i shall prove in the three several parts . . that the office it self is of gods appointment , is proved fully before , and confessed by all christians that ever i knew , acts . . tim. . tit. . pet. . , . thes. . . heb. . , , . acts . . . for qualifications , they have . competent knowledge , . and vtterance , . and godliness : and these are the qualifications that god accepteth . cor. . . tim. . . tim. . . mark the canons of the holy ghost , tim. . . they must be . faithful men , . able to teach others : but such are those in question , tim. . a bishop must be blameless ( that is , not scandalous ) the husband of one wife , vigilant , sober , of good behaviour , given to hospitality , apt to teach , not given to wine , no striker , not greedy of filthy lucre , but patient , not a brawler , not covetous , one that ruleth well his own house having his children in subjection , with all gravity . ] to which is added , tit. . , . a lover of good men , sober , just , holy temperate , holding fast the faithful word as he hath been taught , that he may be able by sound doctrine both to exhort , and to convince the gain-sayers . ] let all here note : . that here is not only the mention of the vertues necessary to the being , but to the well-being also of a minister : . and yet through the great mercy of god , all these are the qualifications of multitudes of the pastors of the reformed churches , as malice it self must be forced to confess : but if any deny it of any particular men , as that is nothing to the rest ; so an unproved accusation is not by honest men to be believed . the world knows that the act for rejecting scandalous , insufficient , negligent ministers is very strict , and commissioners in each county forward to execute it , and ministers have enemies enough to search out their faults , and yet none are more forward than ministers themselves to have the act put in execution ; so that their standing justifies them before the world : or , if any will yet deny them the necessary qualifications , i here challenge and provoke them to accuse all that are guilty , and cast them out ; or else to confess themselves meer slanderers , and back-biters , and learn more truth and modesty hereafter . . and for the third point , their entrance into the office : they have all that god hath made necessary to a just entrance , as i prove : they that have a true ordination , and the peoples consent , and the magistrates allowance , have all that god hath made necessary to a just entrance , and more than all : but the said pastors of the reformed churches have true ordination , and the peoples consent , and the magistrates allowance : that they have true ordination , i shall shew anone in answering all that can be said against it . the peoples consent , by electing , or accepting , is known by the fact ; and so is the magistrates by law and fact : i put in all this , though more than necessary , that all objections may be satisfied at once : so that the enumerations being unquestionable , the conclusion is so to . in short ; all those are true ministers , that are in an office of gods own institution , and are competently fitted for that office by knowledge , godliness , and vtterance , and have all , and more than all that god hath made necessary to a right entrance or admission , even true ordination , consent of the flock , and the magistrates allowance . but such are the said pastors of the reformed churches , therefore they are true ministers of christ. argument . those that have not only the essentials , but excel all other ministers on earth ( that are known to the world ) are certainly the true ministers of christ. but such are the ministers before-mentioned of the reformed churches ; ergo. this will be proved at once with the next , which is , argument . either these pastors of the reformed churches are the true ministers of christ , or else there are none such visible in the world : but there are such visibly and certainly in the world , as was proved ; else there is no church , no ordinances , no christianity , no christ : for he can be no king without subjects and laws ; no master without a school and scholars ; no physitian without patients ; no husband without his spouse ; no head without a body ; no intercessor without a church to intercede for . and to believe the holy catholick church , and the communion of saints , is part of our belief ; and therefore the christian faith is gone , if these be gone : and that either we , or none are christs true ministers , i prove thus : . we challenge the adversary to name us the true church and ministry ; if these be none of them , where be they , and who are they ? speak out , or give up your wicked cause . if you know not who they be , or where , then how know you that there are any such ? true ministers are like a light that shineth to all the house , even the lights of the world , and like a city on a hill that cannot be hid , mat. . , , . . but let us try the particulars : . the seekers have no church or ministry . . the quakers have no ordination , that we know of , and are every way so unworthy , and had no being in the world till a few years ago , that he is either no christian , or of a crazed brain , that thinks christ hath no church or ministry but them . . the anabaptists , socinians , swenlfeldians , familists , paracelsians , weigelians , and such like , have no more to shew for their ministry and churches than we , but their errours ; and are so few , and so lately sprung up , that of them also i may say , that he that takes them for the only church , or ministers , is either out of the faith , or much out of his wits . . the eastern and southern churches have no more to shew for their ministry and churches than we ; but are incomparably more ignorant , and erroneous : few of them doing more than read their liturgies and homilies , and so administer the sacraments . . all the controversie therefore lieth between us and the papists ; either they are true ministers , and a church , or not ; if not , then it s left to us : if they are , then we are so much more ; for we have much more unquestionable evidence of our title . . the office of a teaching , guiding , worshipping presbyter which we are in , is beyond all question , and yielded by themselves to be of divine institution . but the office of a mass-priest , to make a god of a piece of bread , and turn bread into flesh , so that there shall be quantity , colour , taste , &c. without bread , or any subject ; and a mans eyes , taste , or feeling , shall not know that its bread or wine , when we see , taste , and feel it ; as also to celebrate publick worship in an unknown tongue ; this office is more questionable than ours . . it remaineth a great doubt , whether the pope be not the antichrist : but of our ministry there 's no such doubt . . for knowledge , godliness and utterance , and all true ministerial abilities , as it s well known what an ignorant rabble their common secular mass priests are ; so those military fryars and jesuites that are chosen of purpose to play their game among us , and credit their cause , if they have any relicks of truth or modesty , will confess , that the generality of our ministers are much beyond theirs for parts and piety ; or at least , that we cannot be denied to be true ministers for want of necessary abilities : we should rejoyce if their ministers , priests or jesuites were near of such piety as those of the reformed churches . some of their jesuites and fryars are learned men ; in which also we have those that equal the best of them : but for the learning , ability , or piety of the common ministers on both sides , there is no comparison to be made . . all the question then is of the way of entrance : and there . the papists seek not the peoples consent so much as we do . . they despise the magistrates consent , in comparison of us . . and for ordination , which is it that all the stress must be laid on , we have it , and nearer the rule of god than they . are they ordained with fasting , prayer , and imposition of hands ? so are we . must it be by one of a superiour order ? who then shall ordain or consecrate the pope ? and yet a multitude of our ministers are ordained by bishops , if that be necessary : but the great objection is , that we have not an uninterrupted succession from the apostles , and so those that ordained us had no power ; and therefore could not give it to us . proposition . the want of an uninterrupted succession ; and so of power in the ordainers , doth not disable our title to the ministry , or set us in a worse condition than the papists . for if it be only the succession of possession of the office , there is no man of brains can deny , but we have an uninterrupted succession down from the apostles . but if it be a succession of right ordination that is questioned , . the papists have none such themselves . . we have more of it than they . . it is not necessary that this be uninterrupted . all these i prove : . the popes themselves , from whom their power flows , have been hereticks , denied the immortality of the soul , whoremongers , sodomites , simonists , murderers ; so that for many of them successively , the papists confess they were apostatical , and not apostolical . see in their own writers the lives of sylvest . . alexand , . & . iohn . & . & . greg. . vrban . and abundance more , ioh. . was proved in council to have ravished maids and wives at the apostolick doors , murdered many , drunk to the devil , askt help at dice of iupiter and venus , and was kill'd in the act of adultery . read the proofs in my book against popery , pag. , , , . the council at pisa deposed two popes at once , called them hereticks departed from the faith. the council at constance deposed ioh. . as holding that there was no eternal life , immortality of the soul ▪ or resurrection : the council at basil deposed eugenius . as a simonist and perjured wretch , a schismatick , and obstinate heretick . now these men are uncapable of the ministry , as an infidel is , for want of essential qualifications : as copper is no currant coyn , though the stamp of the prince against his will be put upon it : undisposed matter cannot receive the form : a fit man unordained is nearer the ministry , than such a man ordained : so that here was a nullity . . and all the following popes were the successors of eugenius that was deposed , and thus judged by a general council ; but by force brought them to submit , and held the place . . either the election , ordination , or both , is it that giveth them the essence of their papacy : if election , then there hath been a long interruption : for some-while the people chose , and in other ages the emperours chose , and in these times the cardinals ; and therefore some of them had no lawful choice : and for ordination , or consecration ; . there have been three or four popes at once , and all were consecrated , that yet are now confessed to have been no true popes . . inferiours only consecrated . . and such as had no power themselves . besides that , the see hath been very many years vacant , and some score years the pope hath been at avignion , and had but the name of p. of rome . and when three or four have been pope at once , bellarmine confesseth , learned men knew not which was the right , yea , general councils knew not . the council at basil thought faelix the fifth was the right pope , but it proved otherwise ; so that many palpable intercisions have been made at rome . . our ordination hath been less interrupted than theirs . object . but you are not ordained by bishops . answ. . almost all in england are till of late , if that will serve . . presbyters may ordain in case of necessity , as the generality of the old episcopal men grant , and their ordination is not null . . presbyters have power to ordain , and were restrained only from the exercise by humane laws , as many of the schoolmen confess . . presbyters have still ordained with the bishop ; therefore they had authority to it , and the work is not alien to their function . . our parish presbyters are bishops , having some of them assistants , and deacons under them ; or as grotius notes , at least they are so , as being the chief guides of that church : their own rule is , that every city should have a bishop ; and every corporation is truly a city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and therefore must have a bishop . . the ius divinum of prelacy is lis subjudice . . bishop vsher maintaining to me the validity of the ordination of the presbyters without a bishop , told me how he answered king c. who askt him for an instance in church-history , viz. that hierom ad evag. tells us of more ; that the presbyters of alexandria , till the days of heroclas and dionysius , took one from among themselves , and made him bishop ; therefore they may make a presbyter , which is less . . it s at last confessed , that in scripture-times there were no presbyters under bishops , but the single churches had single pastors . . no man can prove ordination by fixed bishops over many churches ( now called diocesan ) in the first age : the fixed bishops had no more at first but single churches . object . but you never received power from the bishop to ordain ; and therefore cannot have that which was never given your answ. if they put men into that office , to which god hath affixed the power of ordination , then they do their part to convey the power . as if you marry a couple , and express not the mans authority over the woman , yet he hath it nevertheless by being made her husband . so he that is made a pastor in city or country , may do the work of a pastor , though each particular was not named . proposition . ordination is ordinarily necessary as a means of our right entrance , but not absolutely necessary to the being of our office or power . for . god having already setled the office , duty , and power , and what qualifications shall be necessary , and giving these qualifications to men , he hath left nothing to man but mutual consent , and to judge of the person qualified , and solemnly introduce him . . god hath not tyed himself or us absolutely to the judgment of ordainers . if a bishop ordain a heathen , or any man void of essential qualifications , its null , as being against a flat command of god : and if bishops refuse to ordain us pastors , the people must take them without ; because the command of preaching , hearing , sacraments , &c. is greater than that of ordination , and before it . positives yield to natural morals , and matters of order to the substance and end of the duty ordered . see my christian concord , pag. , , . . ordination is no more necessary to the ministry , than baptism to christianity : as those that are first princes by title must be crowned , and those that are souldiers by contract , must be listed , and take colours , and those that are husband and wife by contract , must be solemnly married , which are celebrating , perfecting actions ; so they that are first heart-christians by believing , or by parents dedicating them to god , must be solemnly entred under the hand of the minister : and those that are by approbation and consent initially ministers , must by solemnization have the office publickly delivered them by the ministers of christ. so that as a man is a christian indeed before baptism initially , and is justified initially before , and in case of necessity may be saved without it ( the papists confessing that the vow will serve ) so is it in the case of ordination to the ministry . proposition . it is only christ , and not the ordainers , people or magistrates , that give us our office and power : only the people and approvers design the person which shall receive it from christ ; and our own consent , and the peoples , is of necessity thereto ( and our own as much as theirs ) and the ordainers do instrumentally invest us in it ; but the power and duty arise directly from gods institution , when the person is designed . now i proceed to prove our calling . argument . we have a far clearer call than the priests before christ had to the priesthood : for they were not of the true line ; they bought the priesthood ; they corrupted doctrine and worship , and were of wicked lives . and yet christ commanded submission to their ministry : ergo. argument . if we have as clear a call to our office as any magistrates on earth have to theirs , then we are true ministers of christ : for they are true magistrates ; and god is the fountain of their power too ; and its impossible they should have any but from him : or from him but by his means : officers have no power but from the soveraign . the prince was at first chosen by god immediately , as well as the apostles were by christ , yet no prince can plead an uninterrupted succession thence ; and if they may reign without it , we may be pastors without it : and yet i cannot say that we are without it , though princes be . kings were formerly anointed by inspired prophets , and were prophets themselves : and as the continuance of this is not necessary to them , so neither to us . the differences between their power and ours , makes nothing against this argument : if conquest , or the peoples consent , or birth , or directing providences can prove their title , then consent , ordination , providence , with due qualifications , will sure prove ours : were it not for fear , they should soon hear the arguments more set home against themselves , that are now bent against the ministers . argument . if besides all this god own us by such a blessing on our labours , that he maketh us the means of propagating and continuing his gospel and church , and brings most of his chosen to vnion with christ , reconciliation , holiness , and to heaven by our ministry , then certainly we are his true ministers : but experience assureth us of the former : therefore — so much for argument . proposition . if a minister be in quiet possession of the place , and fit for it , the people are bound to obey him as a minister , without knowing that he was justly ordained or called . argum. . we must obey a magistrate without assurance of his call and title , rom. . therefore a minister . . christ commanded hearing and obeying them that were not called as god appointed , because they were priests , or sat in moses chair , and taught the truth , luke . . matth. . . luke . . matth. . . mark . . . else the people are put upon impossibilities : can all the poor people tell before they submit to a minister , what is essential to his call , and whether he have all that is so , and whether his orders be true or forged , and whether they that ordained him were truly ordained , or chosen themselves : not one of twenty thousand knows all this by their pastors . proposition . the ordinances are valid to the people when the minister is uncalled and unordained , if they know it not : he that hath no just call , shall answer for what he doth as an intruder ; but the people shall have for all that the fruit of his ministration ; and preaching , and baptism , and other acts , shall not be null to them . . the papists themselves confess this . . else scarce a man could tell whether he be baptized , or may use any ordinance , because he cannot have an exact account of the ministers call , no nor know that he is indeed a christian. i knew divers in the bishops days that forged themselves orders , and acted long before it was discovered . . it is the office which is gods ordinance that is blest , and valid to the people , and not his call only . . it is he that sinneth that must suffer , and not the innocent ; therefore his sin depriveth them not of their due . . as an usurping magistrate oweth us protection , though he shall answer for his usurpation ; so an usurping minister oweth us his labour ; so that the people are bound to hear and obey men , when they are uncertain of their due call , if they possess the place ; and shall have the blessing of such administrations : for we are sure the office and work is of god. proposition . the truth of our doctrine depends not on our calling . were we no ministers , we can prove the gospel true which we deliver . and any man must be believed , that brings a truth that concerneth our peace . therefore let quakers , and seekers , and papists first disprove our doctrine if they can ; and not cheat the people , by perswading them , that our calling must first be proved ; as a prophets must be . object . but you have your learning only from books , and vniversities , and so have not true ministers . answ. we have it from god in the use of his means , even by prayer , reading , study and learning his works and word of our teachers , whether at universities , or elsewhere . and we are commanded to study and meditate on these things , and give our selves wholly to them , and to meditate on gods law day and night , psal. . . tim. . . tim. . , . christs ministers must be teachers or tutors to others , and commit the things which they have heard to faithful men , who shall be able to teach others also , tim. . ● . good ministers of christ are nourished up in the words of faith and good doctrine , and so attain to it , ▪ tim. . . all should learn according to their time of teaching , heb. . , , . we study nothing but the word , and works of god : and is not that a wretch , and not a man , that will reproach us as no ministers , for doing that which we have our reason for , and which must be the work of our lives : poor christians , as you love god and your souls , and would not cast off christ and heaven , let not deceivers draw you to cast off the ministry , scripture , or the ordinances of god. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * that 〈◊〉 local altar is here meant , i elsewhere prove against them that say it is but one communicating body adhearing to one bishop . see mr. iones hearts soveraign , excellently describing the english succession . alpaspinaeus learnedly maketh the best of it . but of can. . confesseth a wors● sence than this of binnius . and no general council had judged against them , for there had been none . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ s●crat . l. . c. . socr. ib. c. . socr. c. . ☜ niceph. l. . c. . ☞ socr. l. . c. . socr. c. . c. . c. . c. . ☞ ●in . p . ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ bin. tom. . p. , . ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ bin. p. . niceph. l. . c. . niceph. l. . c. , , . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ and more largely , ep. . ad episcop . dardainae ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ evagr. l. . cap. . ☜ evagr. l. . cap. . ann. . ☞ evag. l. . c. . . and nicep . l. . c. . ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ some late historians tell us of incredible numbers of the egyptian christians whom iastinian destroyed in this blind zeal for christ , but i find no such thing in the old historians though it was too bad . ☞ ☞ ☞ constant. an . . ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ * and would not papists have princes do so ? ☜ ☜ ☜ * bar●nius contradicteth anastasius & others in this point . ☞ * baronius thinks that theodomire was father to 〈◊〉 . ☜ ☜ ☞ * no not the roman . ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ bin. pag. . ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ * pag. , . vide caetera . ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ * no wonder . * were not monks holy men then ? * if you will needs have the honour of so had a work , ( that you may have power to do the like ) take it . ☜ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☜ sixtus sene●sis & pet. crabbe p. . say it was at ephesus , but binnius confuteth them . ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ * see hen. fowlis of papists treasons , p. . proving the whole story false . ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ * the verb is left out . (*) where he was lately a leader . * how was he then of her substance . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ crab. p. . ☜ * at constantinople ☞ ☜ (*) what! superior to christ's humanity ? how prove you that she is superior to the highest angels ? (*) are the bodies of all saints already risen ? crab. p. . ☞ * alas ! must all be separatists from the bishops in england , france , & c ? * as by interdicts ☜ ☞ ☞ bin. p. bellarm. de imag. lib. . it was such a western general council as that at trent was for extent * lib. . de imagin . cap. . even dion . petavius after all saith , in which synod of frankford , the th general council was rejected by the bishops that were ignorant ●f its decrees , an. . hist. l. . c. . ☜ ☞ bin. p. . [ ex quadam elipandi confessione quae in biblioth . toletana reperitur in quodam libro à beato & heterio contra elipandum scripto ; aiunt nonnulli faelicem & elipandum non in mysterio incarnationis , sed tantum abut●ndo voce adoptionis , instar durandi , aberrâsse : idemque conjecturis affirmant istis , quod nihil eorum quae nestorio objecta fuerant in conc. ephes. contra elipandum attulerent , &c. see the rest . ☞ vid. not. bin. p. ☜ ☜ ☜ see petav. hist. li. . c. . ☞ ☞ ☞ * this is not the first time that councils have 〈…〉 catholick church . * they mean but the canons of the church . * a new controversie . ☜ ☜ * council-curses for opinions take place bin p. epist. theod. * it 's like iulius marinus , as onuphrius saith , was his name . * saith vita ludovici in bin. p. . congregatis episcopis , &c. fecit componi ordinarique librum canonicae vitae normam gestantem , in quo tot●us 〈◊〉 erdinis perfectio continetur . in quo inseri jussit c●●i potusque & omnium necessarrorum s●mmam . quem librum per omnes civitates & monasteria canonici ordinis sui imper● 〈◊〉 per manus miss●rum prude●tium . see the rest ; so that it was the emperor's book , and not the council's work . ☜ * quae si vera sunt , saith binnius himself . ☜ * an unlikely thing . ☜ ☜ ☜ * mark that it is the rights of the empire . ☞ ☜ a o wicked use of bishops ! b whom should they have feared more than god and their king ? c is this the use of reliques ? an. . * here is a high court of prelatical justice against a good emperor . * lotharius accusing his father a no doubt but you made this known too far . b by what authority ? c who made you the governors of the empire , & judges of such matters ? are rebellions of sons , the fathers fault ? d must the king answer to a court of bishops , all the evils that he permitteth the bishops and such others to do ? e lotharius had got the nobles to begin . f o humble prince●● o trayterous prelates ! (g) it s pity but he had better judges (h) it s like he lookt for better measures . (i) of a trayterous son and subjects . (k) was this keeping the fifth commandement , and honouring the king ? o wicked son , and wicked prelates ! l o insulting traytors ! (m) they wrote him his lesson , & confessed his sins for him . (n) a traytor in open rebellion o o ▪ oath . (p) against the arms of his own sons . (q) rebels must not be resisted in the lent , or easter . (r) b●t a bishop that doth but differ from the rest in a word , must be banished . * here is a new sort of imposition of the bishops hands , to depose a king so as never to be restored : but it failed . an. . in france claudius taurinensis set against image-worship , and going to rome , &c. and ionas aurel . writeth against him , citing some of his sentences ( too strong for the answerer , ) but in his preface professeth that he never read or saw his book : was not this an excellent confuter ? * thinking they would have resisted him : the pope submitted himself to all that was desired of a subject , till ludovicus was gone . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ * because he was made deacon only by ebbo . ☜ ☜ ☜ * what a council would those make ? ☜ ☜ * at metz. ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ * saith harmar to his in bin. p. . ad hortos a basilio spectante michaele interfectus est . ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ * i.e. i pray you give up your crown . ☞ ☞ ☞ * did the church then hold that the pope was the supreme ruler and judge ? ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ * how oft have such oaths and subscriptions been condemned in councils ! and yet alas ! — ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ * by you . * so great and holy a man also against the pope . * luther was not the first . ☜ ☞ so epist. . for another murderer see also ep. , , , , . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ * we now know them . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ saith baronius and binnius , but in the th . saith p●atina , and in the th . say others what certainty is here ? ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ * luitpr aud . l. . c . anno ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ see peta●●s hist. or l. . c. ● . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ binius , p. . frodoard . in chronic . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ how many canons did john and his perjured adherents violate ? ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ platina speaks this of john . called by him the th . ☞ ☞ ☞ * he had saith platina , been schoolmaster to otho , and the king of france and other great men . platina after others tells a terrible story of his covenant with the devil and his confession ; but i rather believe onuphrius's vindication from that ignorant age . this oth● was but a child of ten years of age when he was made emperor . ☞ ☜ ☜ * onuphr . will tell you better that it was the th . (*) so say platina and many others also . ☞ ☞ (*) though a king may not ordain a bishop : question whether he may remove an ordained bishop from one church to another , the people only accepting him by free consent ? ☜ ☜ * remember that . rindx ; rindx ; lindx ; rindx ; rindx ; lindx ; lindx ; rindx ; an. . (*) but others say , the emperor's consent also was put in . lindx ; lindx ; rindx ; bin. p. . rindx ; ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ (*) and are prelates so bad too that rule the church ? (*) was it a mark of a reprobate to obey the king against the pope ? b and are there more popes saved ? c how few popes ever wrought miracles ? d it 's worth the enquiry what is the reason that we have no holy days , churches , or masses named for the honor of kings save a few of late that were devoted to the pope . * ah poor pope then ! that must answer for all the world or church , even for those at the antip●des which pope zachary believed not . but you use to say that kings are not for souls but for the body . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ * these were no protestant bishops , and either wronged him , or he was greatly changed . ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ * see in the schoolmen what they hold ; particularly menrisse de trinit . and peta● de trinit . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ * that is so called by themselves so that not only the denying of transubstantiation but also the henrician heresie , that is , royalty , or that kings are not to be deposed by popes is here included ; and all royalists to be exterminated or else the king to be deposed for not doing it . a what upon suspicion ? ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ * o bountiful pope ! ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ the emperor saith mat. paris was forced to return from ierusalem , and make a truce , because the pope took his cities in his absence and sought to betray him to the soldan . ☞ ☞ ☜ mat. paris an . . p. . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ * or pardoning . id. ibid. ☜ * the bishop was for magna charta and the countreys liberties . * quod tamen ( saith he ) nec face●e potuit , nec debuit . ☞ * or nassau or holland , as they diversly called him . ☜ mat. paris p. . . ☞ but platina saith this was done in victor the ths . days . ☞ ☜ ☞ he died the first year . ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ they forbad any below a bishop to examine or judge a priest as his ordinar● . ☜ ☜ ☜ the emperour lodovi● ▪ died . ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ * a calum●● . † v●der the turks . ☞ * what was the church then . ● * which councils have judged heresie . † like a lay chancellour and his surrogate . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ bin pag. . ☞ see the old reformers doctrine . ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ see paul. iovius , and gui●c●ardine . ☞ ☞ see the history of charles , prin●e of spains's death . ☞ ☞ ☞ councils by anathema's . christ on his throne. or, christs church-government briefly laid downe and how it ought to bee set up in all christian congregations. resolved in sundry cases of conscience. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text s in the english short title catalog (stc ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) christ on his throne. or, christs church-government briefly laid downe and how it ought to bee set up in all christian congregations. resolved in sundry cases of conscience. burton, henry, - , attributed name. [ ], , [ ] p. printed [by richard hearne?], [london] : in the year . sometimes attributed to henry burton. printer's name conjectured by stc. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catholic church -- controversial literature. church polity -- early works to . a s (stc ). civilwar no christ on his throne. or, christs church-government briefly laid downe; and how it ought to bee set up in all christian congregations. resol [no entry] c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - rachel losh sampled and proofread - rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion christ on his throne . or , christs church-government briefly laid downe ; and how it ought to bee set up in all christian congregations . resolved in sundry cases of conscience . ier. . . thus saith the lord ; stand ye in the wayes , and see and aske for the old paths , where is the good way , and walk therein , and ye shall finde rest for your soules . lvke . . but those mine enemies , which would not that i should raigne over them , bring them hither and slay them before me . printed in the yeare . the preface to the reader . it is an observation as true as antient , that such workes of god as are done immediatly by himselfe alone , though for their excellent greatnesse farre surpassing not onely mans apprehension , but even admiration it selfe , yet are done by him without any rubbe or difficulty at all . such was that glorious and magnificall worke of creation . but such workes as god doth by instrumentall meanes , as by man , the greater they be , the greater difficulties they are attended with , and meet with many impediments . and this is most seene in great and generall reformations of churches or states . even christ himselfe , the onely potentate , the mighty god , when hee came to restore and re-erect the tabernacle of david , which was fallen downe , to wit , his spirituall temple or church , what opposition did hee meet withall ? what sweat did it cost him , before hee could finish this glorious and wondrous worke ? in which respect the antients were wont to say , that god with his word alone created the world ; but it cost the life of his onely begotten sonne to redeeme the world for this was opposed by devills and men . and so it was with the type of redemption , israels deliverance from egypt , where gods mighty wonders and plagues upon egypt , found a proud and hard hearted pharaoh , with his blinde egyptians obstinately resisting to the very last . so in the reparation of the temple in jerusalem , there wanted not most malignant spirits , envious men , is tatnai , shether boznai , tobiah , and sanballat , who mocked and accused the iewes to the king , and by force sought to hinder the worke . and therefore can wee wonder , when in the proceeding of so great a worke of reformation as we see begun in our dayes ( nothing inferior ( all circumstances considered ) to that deliverance from egypt , or to the restauration of religion after babylons captivity ) difficulties and impediments both great and many have and doe interpose themselves ? which when wee see wee should not be discouraged ; for discouragement in such cases is an argument and consequent of a mind too much relying upon outward meanes , which while they prosper , they are as a good gale filling the sayles of our hope to attaine the wished port. but when an adverse winde begins but to whistle a little up , we are afflicted , and are ready to cast away our hope , being left as a ship without an anchor floating , and without a rudder driven with every winde , ready to bee split on every rocke or shelfe . but in such a case , we must , as in the first place look up unto god the great master of the winds , yea and mover of the mindes of the violent men : so herein behold and observe the beaten wayes of the lord , how hee is pleased in all such great works to suffer himselfe and his people to bee opposed . and this he doth for speciall reasons , as to shew forth the deepe wisdome of his providence , in circumventing his adversaries , to crosse and thwart them even in those great and good workes which himselfe will have to be done , and certainly purposeth to accomplish , & which he calleth them unto , and commandeth them to doe , that so he may take them off from trusting in the outward meanes , though never so faire , and might teach them still and stedfastly to trust in his helpe , in his strength , in his faithfulnes , and not to cease to call upon him and depend on his promise , who will certainely save , and fully answer the prayers of his people , and in the happy issue of the work , that his glory may in all shine forth the more clearely , when nothing shall be left in man to glory in , but that we may give all the honour and praise of the worke to him alone . againe , in all such great workes of generall reformation , especially of religion , the difficulties prove to be the greater , by how much the vices and corruptions to be purged out ( as we see in naturall bodies ) are and have been of longer continuance , and such also as have received strength ( under pretence at least ) even from the lawes themselves , and by universall consent of the whole state . nor only this , but there is also in our natures a kinde of antipathy against that purity and power of religion , which ought to be the maine end that all true reformations should aime at . and besides all this , although the corruptions be so grosse , and of so high a nature , as they proclaime themselves intollerable grievances , no longer to bee borne , but doe by a kinde of necessity presse to a reformation : yet there stands so great a gulfe in the way , as untill it be removed , or so made up , as to be made passable , it will be found no easie matter to compasse so great a worke . now this gulfe is ignorance , and that of a long standing , contracted partly through a generall security and sloth , and partly through the want of meanes , while through the subtilty of the prelates , and cowardise of their inferiors , the light hath been put under a bushel . so as though the sense of our aegyptian burthens hath at length let us see in a great measure our misery , yea , and though god in his great mercy hath put into our hands such an opportunity of reformation , even armed with a kinde of necessity to worke it : yet how unresolved are many men of the manner and measure of this reformation , and what god requires at our hands herein ? yet can we not be otherwise perswaded , but that all good men would joyne together , quickly to goe through with this great worke , did they but apprehend it to bee as well a matter of conscience , as of grievance . for which cause , i have in these straits of time , thought it one part of my duty which i owe unto christ , and to his church , to propound , and briefly to resolve ( as god hath enabled me ) some important cases of conscience , which ( hoping they may conduce to the furthering of the great businesse now in agitation concerning religion ) i have adventured most humbly to recommend unto the serious consideration of this most just , sage and grave senate , as to which not only i , but all the people of the land doe owe our best service , and for whose happy successe of all their grave counsels , we are all bound daily , and that in a more than ordinary manner to solicite ( as we still doe ) the throne of grace , that the spirit of christ may be abundantly poured forth upon this most noble assembly , in all wisdome , and understanding , and in all judgement , zeale , courage , constancy , unity , unamity in the love of the truth , that such a perfect reformation may be wrought as christ at this time calleth for , as his word appointeth , as all gods people every where thirst after , and as the whole antichristian faction is afraid of , that so , when christ alone shall be set upon his throne over our soules , to rule us according to his word , and to dwell among us by his spirit , the kings throne may be for ever established in justice and judgement , and gods people in this land may enjoy both inward and outward peace unto the day of christ , and so our posterity after us may blesse god , and for ever call this parliament , the blessed parliament . let the reader correct as here he sees cause . errata . page . line . reade . hundred . l. . blot out . p. . l. . r. possibly be . l. . r. as is usuall . p. . l. . r. may be proved . p. . l. . r. truly ancient . p. . l. . r. order sake . l. ult. r. of false . p. . l. . r. of prelates . p. . l. . r. forme of liturgie . p. . r. in the test. l. . r. commandements of men . p. . l. . r. grievances . p. . l. . r. accommodate . p. . l. . r. and is surest . p. . l. . r. out of the way . p. . l. . r. said articles . p. . l. . r. and lay . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 . cases of concience . case i. whether diocesan bishops ( as they are commonly called ) be by divine right . the answer is negative , they are not . the reasons are : first , because the scripture knoweth no such creatures as diocesan bishops ; for the bishops mentioned in scripture , are none other than presbyters , whereof one or moe were set over their several congregations respectively , as we clearly reade , tit. . , . act. . , ● . so act. . . compared with philip . . . so as presbyters & bishops in scripture are convertible termes ; every presbyter a bishop , and every bishop a presbyter . secondly , because all such prelaticall jurisdiction and domination as our diocesans usurpe and exercise , is expresly forbidden by christ himselfe , as mat. , , . mark . . , . luke . , . thirdly , because the apostles condemned all such jurisdiction and domination as our prelats use : as cor. . . cor. . . thess. . . pet. . . joh. . . fourthly , because apostles themselves , whose successors prelats pretend to be , never used any such jurisdiction as the prelats doe , neither in ordination of ministers , nor in excommunication , ( both which they doe most grosly abuse ) nor in making of canons , or setting up or imposing of ceremonies , both of meer humane invention , which the apostles utterly condemned , gal. . . . col. . , &c. fiftly , because the prelats are never able to prove by any demonstration from scripture , that their jurisdiction is of divine authority : their allegations are meere pervertings of scripture ; as they alledge first , christs ordaining twelve apostles , and seventy disciples ; here was an inequality ( say they ) ergo a superiority of jurisdiction . but neither can hee prove here any such authority , as they pretend , or much lesse any subordination of the seventy , unto the twelve ; for the twelve neither ordained nor sent forth the seventy . secondly , they alledge the post-scripts after the second epistle to timothy ; and after that to titus ; which say , that those two were bishops . but 't is cleare , that those postscripts are no part of the text , as beza well sheweth . nor are they to be found in the vulgar latine translation , which was at the least an hundred yeares after christ . timothy and titus were both evangelists , not resident anywhere , but as the apostles called them from country to country , as we read in pauls epistles : and if they were to bee called bishops , according to the scripture , they must have beene bishops over one congregation respectively . thirdly , they aledge those seven angels , revel & . these ( say they ) were seven bishops . this they can never prove . and if bishops , yet diocesans they were not , seeing for some hundreds of yeares after , there were no such diocesse extant . and our last translation , in the contents of the second chapter of the revelation calls those angels the ministers of those churches . and for the angel to be meant of one single man , doth imply many absurdities , as that god should destroy a whole church for one mans sake : for god threatneth the angell of ephesus , if hee repent not , to remove his candlesticke out of his place ; to wit , that whole church . but god never doth so ; there is not in all the whole scripture any one example , that god ever rooted out a whole state or church , generall or particular , for one mans sinne , be he magistrate or governor . and if god for one pretended prelates sin , should remove or destroy a whole church , as that of ephesus ; as there he threatens the angell , who alone is charged with one onely sinne , which was a declination from his first love : then what security or safety can the whole church or state of england long promise to it selfe , so long as it harboreth in the bosome and bowels thereof such a crew and confederacy of most notorious and apostatised prelates , who have not now declined in some degrees from the faith formerly professed , but have openly oppressed and persecuted the preachers and preaching of the gospel , and that even unto bloud ? and againe , to goe about to proove the lawfulnesse of prelacy by the word of god , from a word of a darke and figurative signification , against cleer and expresse testimonies of scripture to the contrary , is most absurd and too presumptuous . for , for angell here to signifie a prelate , cannot possibly , because the scripture elsewhere ( as before ) damneth all prelacy in the church of christ . and there be many other reasons to confute them , that these angells were no such bishops , other than scripture bishops , as aforesaid : and that which was spoken to one , was by a senechdochae spoken to all , as is usually in scripture , and cleare in all those seven epistles . sixtly , the wisest and learnedest of the prelats at this day among us , doe warily decline the scripture in this point , & dare not stand to their authority , as being point blanke against them : but they fly to custom and antiquity , as the papists doe for all their unwritten traditions . case ii. whether the next age immediately succeeding the apostles , be not a sufficient warrant for prelaticall jurisdiction , seeing it may be mooved ( say they ) that there were then bishops . the answer is negative : first , because it is not a sufficient warrant to build the government of the church upon any humaine example , which hath not expresse warrant from gods word . secondly , because those who were there called bishops , cannot be proved to have been diocesan bishops , or to have had or exercised such a jurisdiction as our prelates usurpe . thirdly , could that be proved , yet being not according unto , but directly against the scripture , we ought not to regard it . fourthly , the very next age after the apostles , produced many grosse errours and superstitions , as eusebius tells us , and as the apostles premonished , act. . . yea , they complained of it in their own times , while they yet lived : for the mysterie of iniquity ( saith paul ) doth already worke , &c. which mysterie was , that of prelacy , as appeares clearely from that text , where the man of sin who exalts himself over the church , is set forth as the head and top of that mysterie , namely of the hierarchy , which is and hath been the l●rna or source of all iniquity . and jerome who lived in the fourth century said , that prelation over the rest of the ministers , was a thing of humane presumption , and not of divine ordination : and though it was first devised for a remedy against schisme , yet it proved in time the greatest schisme that ever was , namely the schisme of antichrist , and all his crew of prelates from christ ; the hierarchy being a meer enmity against christs kingdome , betweene which two there is as great a chasma or gulfe as between paradise and hell . case iii. but seeing episcopacy is of very great and reverend antiquity ( as they say ) is it not best to reduce the present prelacy to the antient condition of bishops in the primitive church . no ; unlesse they can proove these bishops to bee such as gods word alloweth . wee reverence that antiquity which is joyned with verity : but antiquitie without verity is oldnesse of error , as said old tertullian . when one asked christ , if it were lawfull for a man to put away his wife for every cause ? christ gave no indulgence at all , but reduced that antient abuse among the iewes , to the primitive institution of god in paradise . secondly , the matter in hand is of higher moment , than to be regulated by any humane ordinance , or reduced to any antiquity , other than the scripture it selfe . for the thing here in question concernes no lesse than the honour of christs kingdome , and his royall prerogative in the government of his kingdome , as we shall further see . thirdly , that which is originally vicious , cannot by tract of time bee made good . custome , we see , hath not made prelates better , but worse and worse in all ages . an evil egge brings forth an evill bird . and christ saith , an evill tree cannot bring forth good fruit . and , every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit , shall bee hewen downe and cast into the fire . and every plant which my heavenly father hath not planted , shall be plucked up by the roots . and , either make the tree good , and the fruit good ; or make the tree evill , and the fruit evill . if therefore the tree of prelacie be originally , and in its owne nature evill , as having no foundation in scripture , as being none of gods planting , it ought to be so far from being a patterne for its antiquity , as it ought utterly to be rooted up , as being a novelty , and not antiquity : for that only is truly currant , which is antiently true . case iv. but if the prelacy be plucked up and quite taken away , what government shall be left for the church of god ? for resolution whereof wee are to consider these necessary things : first , that that government alone be set forth , which christ himselfe hath left us in his word . for who but the king and law-giver of his church and kingdome of grace , should give lawes , and appoint how it shall be governed ? secondly , we are not to think that christ who was the law-giver of the old testament , was not also the law-giver of the new , and hath left us sufficient direction therin for the government of his people both for faith and manners . now in the old testament all must bee done according to the pattterne shewed to moses in the mount , even to the least pin in the tabernacle . so also for the temple and the forme thereof , david received all in writing by the spirit of god , chr. . . . no place is left , nor power given to men to invent any thing , or impose the least ceremony in the worship of god . so in the new testament is layd downe a perfect platforme of wholsome words , which is profitable for doctrine , for reproofe , for correction , for instruction in righteousnesse , that the man of god may be perfect , throughly furnished unto every good worke . case v. but we see great difference in mens opinions concerning that forme of government which christ hath left in his word ; what then shall we do in this case , or what is that forme of governement which we shall pitch upon ? for answere hereunto : first , however all such governement as is contrary unto , and expresly condemned in the word of god , such as the hierarchy is , ought in no case to be admitted or maintained . secondly , as wee cannnot doubt but that christ hath left an exact prescript forme of governement in his word , for the church of the new testament ; so we ought diligently , in the use of all good meanes , to enquire after that good old way , and to finde as much of it as wee can , and to follow what we know . thirdly , if after all our search , there be not a full agreement in all godly mens judgements , in some things which seem somwhat more difficult or doubtfull ; we must not therefore either reject so much as is cleare , or yet breake communion and fellowship with those churches which differ from us in judgement or practise , so long as they maintaine not any government which cannot be warranted by the word of god : holding that rule of the apostle , let us ( saith he ) as many as be perfect , be thus minded , god shall reveale even this unto you . neverthelesse , whereto we have already attained , let us walke by the same rule , let us mind the same thing . case vi . how can the church be without prelates , in these respects especially : . for ordaining of ministers . . for inflicting of censures . . for calling of synods . . for determining of doubts arising in matters of faith . . in appointing of ceremonies . . for orders sake . . for confirmation of children , . for dedication of churches . for the forme of doctrine . for answer hereunto , first in generall , there is no need at all of any such officers in the church as are not of any divine institution , as prelats are not , as aforesaid : yea , such officers , in stead of any profitable usefulnesse , are most unprofitable and pernicious : as the lord saith to false prophets , i have not sent them , therfore they shall not profit this people at all . secondly and particularly , first , prelates are no way requisite or necessary for ordaining of ministers : first , because they ordaine rather a new order of priests , than true ministers ; for which cause the booke of ordination calls them priests : whereas true ministers are never called in the new testament priests . secondly , they ordaine no true ministers of the gospell ( if wee may beleeve their practise ) but rather a sort of dumbe priests : for when they have ordained a full minister , ( as they call it ) having put the bible into his hand , saying , take thou authority to preach the word of god ; yet for all this hee may not ; must not preach at all , till he have obtained the prelates license , which he must purchase for a good fee . again , they make such priests as are dumb dogs and cannot barke , being meere ignoramuses and sir john-lacke-latines ; abusing those words , receive thou the holy ghost : and , take thou authority to preach the word of god . and lastly , they make no true ministers of christ , seeing they bind all with the oath of canonicall obedience , to be subject to their lawlesse laws , in the execution of their ministry . secondly , there is no use nor need of prelates for inflicting of censures . their power & practise of excommunication is altogether unlawfull , a meere usurpation , and contrary to gods ordinance ; and that in many respects . first , because the prelate is not the pastor of that congregation whose member is cut off by excommunication . because the prelate doth it alone , hee or his surrogate ; and this perhaps either a lay-man , or a dumb priest , without any consent of the people . thirdly , he excommunicates a man for every triviall cause , & that without due summons , & rashly , and for his fee absolves him without any repentance or reformation , & without satisfaction to the people offended . whereas excōmunication is the highest censure , & is to be done by the minister & congregation joyntly , after much means used to reclaim the offēdor , & for grievous scandals ; & not to be restored without hearty repētance , in a sad , serious & solemn maner . lastly , if prelats for the causes here alledged be of no use for the high censure of excommunication , how much lesse need is there of thē for inflicting corporall or criminall punishment upon reputed delinquents , as deprivation of liberty by imprisonmēt , of the ministry by deprivation , degradation , suspēsion , deprivation of means and livelihood , by imposing of intolerable fines , and restraining men from the exercise of their particular calling , to the undoing of them and theirs . thirdly , for calling of synods , cannot this bee without a prelate ? may not this be by a law dormant , giving liberty when occasion shall be , to have a synod , for the better ordering whereof , a moderator for the time being is by votes elected ? fourthly , for determining of doubts arising in matters of faith , what need is there for prelats ? are they fit or competent iudges in such things ? yea , are they not herein egregious usurpers , presumptuous and arrogant men ? yea antichrists , in sitting thus in the temple of god , over mens consciences , as lords over mens faith ? is not this a meere evacuating of the authoritie and sufficiencie of the scripture , which is the sole judge and rule of faith ? yet this prelates presume to doe , and challenge as their proper right : so as in the twentieth article , which is of the authority of the church , these words have beene of later dayes foisted in , namely , that the church hath authority in controversies of faith . fiftly , neither in appointing of ceremonies are prelates needfull : yea , for prelates or church , or any humane power to ordaine and impose ceremonies to binde the consciences in the worship of god , this is expressely condemned and forbidden both by christ himselfe , and by the prophets , and by the apostles . man may not impose the least ceremony in gods worship : if hee doe , he therein denies christ , col. . . he holds not the head . and yet the aforesaid article boldly affirmes saying , the church hath power to decree rites and ceremonies . so as this article , whether meaning by church the prelates ( as they meane it ) or any other humane power , ought to be to christians no article of faith , or binding any mans conscience . sixtly , for orders sake : for what order-sake are prelates necessary , or any way requisit ? what order they keep all men know : & what order can there be in a babylonish goverment , as the prelatical altogether is ? . for confirmation of children : this also is a babylonish sacramēt ; as if it did confer some grace ex opere operato , or some vertue dropping out of the bishops lawn sleeve . indeed this confirmation is a pretty knack to win credit to the prelacy frō the blinde vulgar , which to everie wel taught christian is both superstitious and ridiculous . for dedication of churches ; this is a most notorious romish , popish superstition , & is rather a meer prophanation , than any dedication , except it be to superstition & idolatry , as they at rome do use their temples : & they would make the world beleeve , that by their many superstitious ceremonies , in crossings , censings , adorations , & the like , which they use in their dedication , there goes forth a vertue , by which holynes is infused into the wals & pews , especially into their sacred chancel . ninthly , for the form of liturgy , if we goe no farther than our service booke , which is an extract out of romes latine service , missall , or masse-booke , as it is confessed in the booke of martyrs , the romane latine being turned into english : if there were no more in it than this , that it is the forme of romes worship , and so ( as king iames once called it ) an ill sayd masse , it might a little startle such christians , as hold that christianity to be the purest , which hath least conformitie with antichrist and his superstitiōs . for if wee be commanded to come out of rome , & to have no communion with her idolatrous service ; let it then be well considered , whether christians may with a good conscience be present at the english liturgy , which is for the maine , the masse turned into english . for although it be objected , that it is purged from the popish drosse , yet if it should be brought to the touchstone , or tried in the text , let the wisest then judge how free from popish drosse it is , when therein they shall finde romish superstitious ceremonies maintained and prest upon mens consciences , as the surplice , crosse in baptisme , kneeling at the sacrament , standing at the creed , attended with their severall significations , as if man had a power to set up any significant ceremonies in gods worship , when as wee finde all kinde of signes and ceremonies in gods service under the old testament , though ordained by god himselfe , to be utterly abolished by christ , and forbidden to christians under the new testament : and much more all such as are of humane invention : all which are of that nature , as the apostle cals them , the yoke of bondage , to such as are intangled therein ; exhorting all christians to stand fast in the libertie wherewith christ hath made us free . and col. . he plainly shewes all such ordinances to be an evacuation of christs death , and so an apostacie from christ . and no christian , i hope , will plead for the use of humane ordinances in gods worship , when christ hath abrogated all ceremonies of divine institution , and hath left no footstep for any one ceremonie in the new testament , and flatly condemns all commandements of men in gods service : it beeing also a strange presumption for any man to think , that either he hath authority to prescribe how god should bee worshipped , or that god should be pleased with any such will-worship ; when in stead of being pleased , hee saith , in vain they worship me , teaching for doctrine the comments of men . for surely with vaine worship god is neither pleased nor honoured . againe , seeing we are here fallen upon the consideration or examination of the service booke , let all wise hearted and well instructed schollers in christs schoole , that have learned the art of separating the pretious from the vile : but tell me what they think of apocryphall bookes , publiquely read in churches , as if they were the holy scriptures ? what of the whole letanie , so stuffed with tautologies or vain repetitions ? what of the prayer in the letanie and of the collect , wherein bishops or prelates are prayed for , being antichristian and false bishops ; and all other ministers are prayed for , as being the curates of those bishops : than which what can be a greater reproach and shame to the ministers of the church of england ? what of so many carvings of scriptures into epistles and gospels , with their severall collects , for the maintenance and celebration of saints days , called holydayes ? what of the lame and incongruous , yea senseles translations of those sundry scriptures with the psalmes ? what of prayers at the buriall of the dead ? what of churching of women , aliâs , their purification , as some call it , and which answers to that under the law ? what of priestly absolution ? with many more particulars , too long here to rehearse . and in a word , what of so many prayers injoyned to be read , enough to blunt the edge of any true devotion , and so to tyre out the strongest sided minister , as hee hath neither strength nor time left for gods ordinance , namely the preaching of the word . and ( to say the very truth ) this kind of long service was devised by the popes successively , to that very end , namely to entertaine the people with a blinde devotion , and to retaine them in ignorance , when now no roome was left for preaching , which was by this meanes thrust by the head and sholders out of their churches . and thus what a deale of pretious time is taken up with a long , dull , and dead forme of prayer , which might and ought to be spent to edification of gods people on the lords owne day , which should be sanctified not in humane devises , but in gods owne ordinances , to the glory of him who is the lord of the day . i say againe ( for i speake nothing definitively , as passing myne own private judgement of these things ) let this wise and grave senate ( now assembled for a thorow-reformation , and removall of all abuses and grievanand primarily in the matters of god and of christ , maturely judge . case vii . whether any set forme of a liturgie or publique prayer be necessarie to bee used in the publique worship of god ? for answer : indeed if it bee necessary to have unpreaching ministers , and dumb dogs over the people of the lord , who can nor preach nor pray , then it will bee no lesse necessary to have some form of booke prayers or liturgy for such to officiate by . and for this cause the prelates have had some reason to hold up their liturgy to the full , as without which there had beene nothing for their mutes to do in the church . now though dumbe priests have need of such a liturgy , yet it doth not follow , that therfore able godly ministers , that know how to fit their prayers to all such severall occasions as do continually present themselves ( which a set prayer in a booke cannot do ) should be tied to any such precise set forme . for otherwise , this were to quench the spirit of prayer , and to muzzle the mouth of prayer , and to stoppe the course of gods spirit , which doth wonderfully improve it self in all those both ministers and people , on whom god hath powred the spirit of grace and supplication , and who do by daily exercise grow unto such a habit of prayer , and which doth powre it selfe forth in such a life and power , as is not possible for any set read prayer to exercise or have . for true , fervent , effectuall prayer is that which is the hearts expression by the spirit of god . as the apostle saith , i will pray with my spirit . and ( phil. . ) prayer is supplied by the spirit of jesus christ . this is that prayer which is first in the heart , before it come to the mouth , and is dictated by gods spirit , before it be uttered with the lippes : whereas a read prayer is in the mouth before it can come unto the heart , which in prayer is a speaking unadvifedly with the lips , before the heart hath first digested and suggested the matter . this is an abortive birth which never had a right conception , but a godly minister that is best acquainted with the state of his flocke , and of the church of god , can accordingly so inlarge and apply his prayer , by the supply of gods spirit , as may be most usefull to the congregation , as beeing most occmmodate to their spirits , when they finde the matter of the prayer to be that , the want whereof they are most sencible of : so as there is here a concurrence of the spirits both of the minister and people , which causeth a prayer to bee so much the more effectuall , lively , powerfull , and operative , and that not onely with god , but in the hearts of all those whose joint praier it is . whereas a read prayer is in comparison , a dead and dull formal prayer , without any life or power either to prevaile with god , or to profit the people : as beeing such a prayer as suits only such readers as are destitute of the spirit of grace , and supplication , and of faith and sanctification , and therefore such as god regardeth not . so as a true minister of christ ought not to be tyed with the bonds and lines of a written forme of prayer that must bee read , forasmuch as hereby the spirit of prayer in him is bound up , and both he and the people of god deprived both of the benefit of such a gift , and of that profit also which the prevailing prayer of christs spirit procures of god . yea , not even a set written prayer which the minister makes , & saith by heart , though he reade it not , and though it bee better to say it by heart , than to read it out of a booke , yet is ▪ or can be so lively and powerfull as that prayer which is not tied to a set forme of words . from such a prayer as is uttered by heart ( as we say ) the memory is more exercised , than the understanding and affections within him ; there beeing now a suspension of that worke of the spirit of supplication and grace , which breatheth forth with a lively power in a conceived prayer , wherein not the memory so much , as the whole mind , soule , spirit , & affections , have their joint operation . but it may be objected , that the reformed protestant churches beyond the seas have their set formes of publique prayer and sacraments 'ts true : but i take it that the ministers are not tied to those forms , further than they will themselves . as we see the ministers of the kirke of scotland now in england , use no set formes of prayer , but doe discharge the duty of prayer with an excellent freedome of spirit , & with such an apt accommodation thereof to the present condition of the hearers , and of the state of gods church , as that it serves greatly to the edification and raising up of the spirits of gods people sympathising with it , and is first ( of all other kindes of prayer ) to speed with the prayer-hearing god , who best knowes the meaning and language of that spirit of his , by which such prayers are poured forth . and surely were this well exercised by our ministers in england , in publique , as i know it is by many both ministers & people in private , it would no doubt much facilitate and hasten the accomplishment of that great worke of a thorow-reformation , so happily begun , and hopefully proceeded in , if flesh and bloud bee not too much consulted with , and humane policy ( which should have no hand in setting out or authorising any devised forme of gods worship , imposed on the conscience ) too much relied upon . case viii . what is the most ready and easie way or method , of finding out or obtaining christs government ? for resolution : it is usuall with those that stand for the hierarchy , to stop all ways of finding this out , by laying many stumbling blocks in our way . but if we will goe roundly to worke , first of all , of necessity all false government , as that of the hierarchy , must be quite taken out of the way , as the maine stumbling blocke . as hee that intends to build a new house in the place where the old standeth , must first pull downe the old , and rase it from the very foundation , that hee may lay a new foundation to beare up the new fabricke . but because he that thus intends to build , doth usually make a draught or model of his house before named : so it is thought necessary by some , that a modell of christs government be first drawn up , according to which the new fabrick may be in a readinesse to bee erected presently upon the removal of the old . this indeed stands with good reason , especially for the satisfaction of all doubts , and for the better accommodation of the church , and as a preparation of the materialls to the more speedy setting forward of the worke of reformation and yet this i dare say , that if in the first place the hierarchy , with all the trumpery and baggage of their ceremonies & will-worship in gods service , were quite abandoned and taken away , so as the ground where these degenerate plants doe grow , were cleared and purged , that not a root of them were left , the work of reformation were more than halfe done ; so as christs governement would even sponte sua , of its owne accord come in , and be set up without the noyse of so much as a hammer ; especially in all such congregations where godly and discreet ministers are . yet not so , as that we can expect such a perfection at the first , specially in this land , which hath been so long pestered and corrupted with the tyrannous and licentious prophane government of the prelates , and where godly ministers are so scarse , and most men through long custome , and want of meanes ( as before ) are not , by reason of ignorance ( though perhaps too quicke sighted in worldly matters ) so well fitted to apprehend , and to entertain such an exact government as god requires , and his word prescribes . case ix . whether , though the prelacy with its usurped jurisdiction , lordships , tempralties , power , pompe , &c. be quite removed out of the wayes , yet it be not expedient at least , if not necessary , to retaine the name of bishops , as a title appointed to those who are to be the principall among , and above other ecclesiasticall persons in the government of the church ? for answer : first , we ought not to abuse those titles which the scripture appropriates and ties to the persons and office of the true pastors of the church , by impropriating them from the true owners , and transferring them to such , as at the best ( beeing considered as pastors over their severall congregations respectively ) have but a common right with other pastors , and no peculiar title as proper to themselves alone ▪ and wherefore shall such onely be still called bishops more than others ? as having the only oversight over all other churches , and their ministers , and that by being invested in a perpetuity of such a dignity ? what is this , but a clipping of those wings , and a payring of those clawes , which will in time grow againe . * can the aethyopian change his skinne ? or the leopard his spots ? can we so quickly forget , what spirit the spirituall ambition of these men is of ? or can we imagine that they will leave their old haunt , in frequenting the court , and in courting the favor of great ones ? and from whose corrupt flatteries not the eares of the best princes can plead an exemption ? and may wee not justly feare , that if but the stump of this banefull tree be left unstubd up by the roots , so as not so much as the bare long usurped name thereof do remaine , may not the root still spread it selfe under ground insencibly ? and the stem through the sent of water put forth such sprouts and fruits , as by the bitternesse thereof therof the whole land may be troubled ? and may it not be just with god , yet againe to bring more plagues upon this state , by its suffering of such miscreant remainders , when hee had given so faire an opportunity to cut them off , root and branch ? did not saul for sparing one agag lose his kingdome ? and did not ahab for sparing the life of his false brother benhadad lose his owne life ? and were not those canaanites thornes and prickes in the israelites eyes and sides ? nor is it so small a matter to alienate the property of a name or title from the right owners , to whom alone god hath made it peculiar and proper : for such an alienation is an alteration not onely of the true property of the name , but also of the nature of that office to which it was first given of god . for ( as is shewed before ) the name of bishop is proper quarto modo , to every pastor over that congregation to which hee is lawfully called : and the name episcopus , or in english , bishop or over-seer , sets forth the office of such a pastor over his flocke . so as to take away this name from the pastor , and to appropriate it to one single man set over other ministers , to wit , one that is by man stiled and denominated a diocesan bishop ; what is this but utterly to pervert & overthrow christs ordinance , and the nature of his true church , and the office of a true pastor , who being stripped of his proper title , is withall stript of his office , and so of his flock , wherof another now is made the overseer or bishop , and the title and office of a curate onely is left him , according to the collect for bishops and curates . or if there be a mentall reservation to every minister of a congregation , of the office of pastorship ; yet when the title of bishop is given to one above him , even thus also is an invasion made upon christs owne title and prerogative , who is the onely {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the chiefe shepheard or chiefe bishop of his church , besides whom and above whom all the pastors acknowledge none . and if of pastors , some onely be called bishops , and the rest not , here also christs sheepehooke is wrung out of his hand , as where he is called the shepheard and bishop of our soules . so easie a thing it is by the alienation or impropriation of a name , to set up such an office and government in the church , as wherby christs government & the proper office of his true ministers , are cast to the ground & trampled under foot . moreover , if ever this governement of bishops , falsly so called , shall bee set up or continued in maner aforesaid , yet farre bee it from those worthies of the land , whose justice is so cleare and unpartiall in other things , and namely in the cutting off of all monopolies in the civill state , to erect or ratifie , or any way to countenance such a monopoly in christs kingdome , so derogatory to his incommunicable prerogative , and to that stile and office wherein he hath so highly dignified and intrusted all faithful ministers . for what a monopoly is this , to take away the title wherein the office of all true pastors is comprehended , and to transfer it to one alone among many ? ob. but here it may be objected , that the reformed churches beyond the seas , as even geneva it selfe , have their overseers , which is a title and office equivalent to our diocesan bishops , episcopus signifying an overseer : why then is it not as lawfull to have the like in england ? i answer : the case is farre different ; for such overseers or moderators , as in other reformed churches they are called ( as in the kirke of scotland ) are chosen by the ministers and elders , and that but for one yeare , and whose office is to call the synods at certaine fixed times , and to collect the votes , & the like . but some say , that our usurping bishops shall bee perpetuall for their lives ; and how farre the power of their place and dignity may be extended , especially when they have their election from the court , either immediate and absolute per se , or by the means of a conge de lier , as whom so designed above , the ministers of the diocesse ( in stead of the deane and chapter ) are bound to elect . or if they be but triennial , & so to come under the visitation of a trienniall parliament ; yet who knows but such spirits may so work as in time to make parliaments as geason as heretofore ? when some of them have confessed , that they never dreamed to see a parliament againe . or if they shall be continued from three yeare to three yeare , yet this is also more than is used in forreine reformed churches ▪ and however , for them to retaine the name of bishop still ( as before ) is against gods word , and not onely derogatory to christs true ministers for the present , but also very prejudiciall to their liberty , when such bishops holding their favor in court , and their neerenesse to the chaire of state , may by that means grow awfull to those their curates , among whom some , and perhaps too many , may be found ready to prostitute their officiousnesse unto their bishop , in stead of christ , out of a hope to be made the heires apparant of the bishopricke ; which though it be now cropt and deplumed , yet will be still a bait for ambition , which must be doing , and will rather play small game than sit out . all which considered , i leave it to the wise to judge what may bee the consequents thereof , & whether by this means either we or our children may come to see as great corruption both in doctrine and manners , as now we doe . for ( as i sayd before ) the time may come , when god in his justice may deny this state the like opportunity ( so armed with a necessity of reformation , as we neither could have wished , nor any more can hope for ) to reforme episcopall insolencie . or suppose a possibility of prelates to become no worse than as the parliament shall leave them , yet the least rag of prelacie making a rent in christs coat , ( as it beeing the head of such a government as is condemned by the word of god ) ought no more to be pieced to christs livery , seeing it destroyeth christian liberty , both in ministers and people . and all this ( i say ) ariseth from the very name of bishop so misplaced ; for which cause it ought to be with the whole bishopricke utterly extirped ; and that no lesse , than the heathen romans rooted out the very name of the tarquins , for the tiranny which they had exercised . case x. whether the whole hierarchy being abolished , the articles which were agreed upon in , by the archbishops and bishops , &c. in both provinces , doe any longer binde ? or that ministers are bound to subscribe unto them ? i answer : first , that these articles taken conjunctim together , no man can with a good conscience , rightly informed , subscribe unto them . for secondly , there be some of those articles which are very false ; as article , which saith , the church hath power to decree rites and ceremonies , and authority in controversies of faith . both which are false ( as before is noted ) and were added since the same article was first made in king edward the sixt his dayes . againe the article is no lesse false , which saith , the booke of ordination of archbishops and bishops ; and ordering of priests , &c. doth containe all things necessary to such consecration and ordering . neither hath it anything that of it selfe is superstious and ungodly . and therefore all so consecrated and ordered according to the rites prescribed , &c. wee decree to bee rightly orderly , and lawfully consecrated and ordered . now to this article all ministers subscribe , although they be false bishops consecrated after the order of rome ; and false priests that are by false bishops so ordered . thirdly , art. . it is sayd , as christ died for us , and was buried ; so is it to be beleeved that he went down into hell . which going downe into hell , imports a locall going downe into the place of hell ; which hath no proof in scripture , nor holds any proportion or analogie of faith , but crosseth the truth of scripture , and the current of all sound interpreters , and therefore not to bee beleeved as christs death and buriall . fourthly , some articles are made of late by the enemies of grace , the prelates , of so doubtfull and double a sence ( as those especially about grace and freewill ) that they have procured a declaration prefixed before the articles , in the kings name , prohibiting the free preaching of those points according to the scriptures . so as ministers canot resolve what it is they subscribe unto in the sayd article . and therefore it is necessary that the said false articles be wholly expunged , and the doubtful ( as they pretend ) more fully explained ; and so the said declaration prefixed , taken away . case xi . now all this done , and the whole antichristian yoke in the prelacy , with the burthen of all their rites and ceremonies removed from christians neckes : what is that particular form of government which is to be set up ? for answer : first we premised something hereof in generall , namely , that christs governement alone is to be set up in all true christian congregations , and so his yoke to be borne , as our glory , upon our neckes . but secondly , for further , and a more particular unfolding of this government of christ over every true church or congregation : first , we are to enquire what the true church of christ is . and secondly , what is that governement which christ hath appointed over every such church . for the first : a true church of christ is a congregation of true beleevers men and women , who by the word of god preached , are separated from the world , and the reigning lusts thereof , and declared to be such by the open profession of the true and right faith , and by the conversation of christian life conformable thereunto . such is a particular visible true church or congregation , and so is ( as farre as wee can judge ) a true branch of the holy catholique church , which is invisible , comprehending the number of gods elect , and is apprehended only by faith , & not by sight . now every such particular congregation as aforesaid , consisting of professed beleevers of the knowne truth of god , according to which they frame the course of their life and conversation , is in it selfe an absolute church , whose onely governor for matters of faith , and the true worship of god , is iesus christ . he it is that as king reigneth in this congregation , and in all the members therof , they acknowledge none other governor for matters of religion , but christ onely . for herein stands his kingly office : and the laws by which this king reigneth , and governeth his church , is his written word . and his vicegerent , by whom christ is alwayes present with every one of his severall congregations , is the holy ghost , which who so hath not is none of christs . now having thus defined what a true church of christ is , namely a congregation professing the known true faith , every member thereof being able in some measure to give a reason of the maine points of faith , and to make proofe of their profession by walking in a holy course of life : hence it appeares who they be that are not admitted to bee members of this congregation or church of christ , therein to participate of the holy sacrament , untill their repentance and reformation ; namely all ignorant and prophane persons , which neither beleeve a right , nor live accordingly . for the congregation of christ is called the communion of saints , being sanctified by faith in christ , and by his word and spirit . the second thing is , to enquire and consider how this church of christ is to be governed . to finde this out is no difficulty . first , sure it is , that none but christ is supreme and immediate lord , king , and governor of his church , whether of the catholique , or of every particular church or congregation rightly constituted ( as aforesaid ) so as no power on earth hath any authority to prescribe lawes for the governement of this church , whether for doctrine or discipline , whether for faith or worship , but onely christ , whose written word and law is the onely rule of this government ; which law all princes ( who are therefore called custodes utriusque tabulae ) are bound by him , whose vicegerents they are , to see well observed both by ministers and people . here then wee will speake of the officers which christ hath appointed over every christian congregation : and those are either ministers or other officers of the people . first for the ministers , they are called by sundry titles , as a bishops or presbyters , b pastors and teachers , c ministers , d labourers , and the like . their principall office is to * pray to preach the word to administer the sacraments . and these ministers , however stiled in scripture , are all of equall authority , not one over another , nor one over many , nor many over one , each being in his place & peculiar congregation under christ alone , as the king of his church , to whom he is accountable : and under christ , to the civill magistrate , as being a subject . but here a question may be moved , whether a synod of ministers , or of the churches , have not power over any one minister , and so over all the congregations , either to censure particular persons or congregations , or to prescribe and impose orders , rites , canons , or the like ? for answer : some are of opinion that a synod hath authoritie to binde particular churches to such rites as they shall prescribe and impose . and they alledge that synod or assembly of the apostles , wherein were determined certaine observances which they sent and imposed on the churches of the new convert gentiles , as necessary for them to observe , some wherof were iewish ceremonies . hence they conclude , that a synod collected of the churches , hath power over particular churches , to ordaine and impose ceremonies as necessary to bee observed . but this act of the apostles is no president or patterne for succeeding ages . the reason is first , because the apostles were inspired with the holy ghost , which wholly guided them in all matters of the church ; so as in that their determination they say expressely , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us , to lay upon you no greater burthen . now what synod in any age after the apostles could ever say , that they were infallibly inspired and assisted by the holy ghost ? if any can infallibly assure me hereof , that a synod after the apostles cannot erre , but that they can truly say , it pleased the holy ghost and us : then i will obey all their decrees . secondly , that injunction of the holy ghost and of the apostles was but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for that present time , for the avoyding of offences betweene iewes and gentiles , who in every city conversed together : which james the apostle alledgeth for the only reason of that determination . but we reade not in all the writings of the apostles afterward , that they either ordained or imposed the least rite or ceremonie to bee observed in any of the churches of god ; yea , they expressely condemned all such ordinances , as before is shewed . but here another question ariseth : if particular congregations be not subject to bee ruled by synods , or the like jurisdiction , what order can be expected , or what meanes is left for ordaining of ministers over every congregation ? for answer , briefely : first for order ; what better or surer order can be , than that which christs word hath set down ? and if in any thing doubts arise in a congregation , they have other congregations with the ministers to consult with . for although every particular congregation be an absolute church , having no jurisdiction over it but christs alone , and that immediatly ; yet it is not separated or divided from the neighbour churches , so as that it should not hold communion with them , or a consociation , communicating together in all mutuall offices of helpe , counsel , comfort , resolution in doubts , advice in difficulties , and the like : this beeing the priviledge and benefit of the communion of saints , which is not limited to one particular congregation onely within it selfe , but comprehendeth all the members of the catholique church , wheresoever they are visible in any assemblies : so as if any one congregation fall into an errour , it is by others to bee admonished and conuinced , that it may be reformed . if it fall into any foule heresie ( which yet is not easie in a well constituted church ) it must bee dealt withall accordingly as the case shal require : the churches assembled must labour to reduce it , and if after all meanes it proove incorrigible , when there is no remedie they must renounce communion with that congregation . and if that congregation shall bee further troublesome , in breaking the peace of the churches , or of the civil state , it is liable to such punishments as by the good lawes of the land are allotted to such and such offences . for although no power on earth hath power over mens consciences in matters of religion , yet god hath in his ordinance set up civil powers and magistrates , whom he hath armed with authority to punish such as doe openly transgresse either the lawes of god , or the just lawes of the civil state . for the magistrate is gods minister , both for the punishment of evill doers , and for the praise and protection of them that doe well . and for the better and more easie way for the civill power to take cognisance of things of that nature , it will become the duty of all the churches , in a synod or otherwise to convince the parties offending , and if obstinate , to complaine of them to the civill magistrate . thus it is with a congregation as it stands in relation to other churches , and in a subjection to the civill power . now for a congregation considered in it selfe , if a member therof do offend in any kinde , what is to be done , or who shall censure it ? i answer : if the offence bee against the law of christ , or his governement over that congregation , then the same congregation hath power given from christ to censure the delinquent ; when after all due means he remains obstinate and incorrigible ; as cor. . but if the offence be against the law of the civil state , he is then punishable according to that law , by the civill magistrate . but here another question ariseth , whether the minister or pastor of the congregation alone have power of censure committed unto him , or together with the congregation ? i answer : together with the congregation ; which therefore electeth certaine officers , such as are most eminent for integrity , gravity , holinesse , knowledge , and judgement in matters of the congregation , to represent the congregation , and to assist the minister in government and correction of manners : and who fitter to take knowledge of home-delinquents , than such as best know them ? and who are likeliest to use mercy , compassion , and moderation in such censures , and better means of the delinquents amendment , than such as are their godly neighbours ? and these officers , either for the gravity of their yeares or manners , are called elders . the * prelats cannot endure the name of lay elders ; but in scripture we find them . for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an elder , is taken both for a minister of the word , and for a lay elder , as they call it : as , tim. . . let the elders that rule well , bee accounted worthy of double honor , especially they who labour in the word and doctrine . where elders plainly signifie both such as rule , and such as preach , distinct one from the other . so rom. . , , . he that ruleth is a distinct officer from him that teacheth & prophecieth . and so , cor. . . after prophets or teachers , are set helps , governments , or helps in government , as our translation hath it . these governors then simply considered , were not ministers of the word , but lay men , as they call them . we could produce some antients that speake of these lay governors or seniors ; but at present for brevities sake wee omit them . the antient church of the iewes had such elders , as we reade , called masters of the synagogue , act. . . and if antiently ; in and after the apostles time , there were not such elders , how came it to passe afterward under antichrist , that the government of every particular congregation was delivered unto those of the laity , whom we call churchwardens and side men , who are to assist the minister in matters of the church , though not in matter of censure , which the prelacy hath wholly usurped and monopolized to it selfe , having thrust out and utterly exterminated , as much as in them lieth , the very name and memory of lay elders , had wee not some records thereof in the lasting monuments of the scripture ? yea , let the prelates tell us , how all that lay eldership ( as i may call it ) of chancellors , commissaries , and the rest , came to be set up , but to supply ( in some sort ) those antient lay elders , whom the apostles had set up , and whom antichrist puld down , as being the main hinderance of the setting up of his hierarchy ? for how had the prelacie mounted to that height of power over the whole church , had the lay elders still continued in governing , with godly ministers , the several congregations respectively ? so as the removing of the lay elders , and the bringing in of churchwardens and other lay officers into the church , all subject to the prelates jurisdiction , and made their sworne vassals , was the very up-setting of the antichristian throne in the temple of god . and this is that order of government , without which the prelates cry out , there is no order . whereas that order which the apostles left , in governing the church by ministers ann lay officers , is the onely true order . those words of christ , goe tell it to the church , doe shew , that censure of incorrigible faults was in the power of every congregation . so cor. . , . &c. in the second place , to the former question concerning the ordaining of ministers in every congregation , in case there be neither diocesan bishops , nor synods to perform it : i answer , first , that most men doe greatly mistake that here which they call ordination of ministers . the romanists have scrued it up to one of their seven sacraments , making the imposition of hands upon the priests head by the prelate , to be the outward signe of that inward grace , which ex opere operato ( as they say ) is conferred upon the priest . and even many protestants are of opinion , that ordination cannot be performed but by a prelate , or at least by ministers onely , as without whose imposition of hands it were no ordination , or as if it did confer such an order . whereas the prime and proper conferring of this order is by christ himselfe , inwardly calling and gifting a man for the work of the ministry . secondly then , what is that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ordaining and appointing of ministers ? and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the imposition of hands , which the scripture speakes of ? i answer : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , signifying properly a stretching out of the hand , it was used either in lifting up of the hands in token of sufferage in election of officers , or in stretching out of the hand upon the head of the man chosen , for confirmation . also when it was used by the apostles , it pleased god to bestow therwith the gifts of the holy ghost , and on some recovery of health . this was very frequent in the apostles times : but afterwards in successive ages there was no such gift annexed to the laying on of hands . secondly , therefore it was of use according to its antient and ordinary custome in sufferages in elections of officers , to declare assent and approbation of those for such and such places , when after prayer hands were layd on them . but by whom was this imposition of hands used at the choice of ministers ? i answer , by those who gave their sufferages or votes to the election ; and those were sometimes the congregation it selfe , and sometime others at their request joyning with them : as we reade , act. cap. . , . and all ecclesiasticall stories tell us , that antiently the election of ministers was by every congregation respectively . so as to them also of right belonged the laying of their hands , as a token of their approbation and confirmation of him that was so chosen to that office . and though we reade in one place , that the apostle layd his hands upon timothy , as tim. . . yet in another we reade , ( as tim. . . ) that the presbyterie layd their hands upon him . which presbyterie comprehends as well the elders of the people , as those of the ministry . accordingly , wee exclude not the elders or ministers of other neighboring congregations from joyning in that worke , for assistance especially in prayer , for a blessing upon the new chosen minister . for so farre must we be from excluding any in this kinde , that wee highly commend consociation and communication of gifts for assistance , where it may be conveniently had . onely reserving to each congregation that peculiar interest and right , which every true church of christ hath in chusing their owne ministers , and other church officers . and this stands with good reason : for not onely antiquity both in and from the apostles times pleadeth for this , but even naturall reason and equity . for reason willeth that such as chuse should ratifie . secondly , those who give the maintenance should chuse the officer . thirdly , who have commonly better ministers than those congregations , that upon good advice and counsell chuse them themselves . fourthly , where is greater love betweene minister and people , than where the liberty of such a choyce is enjoyed . fiftly , what vertue at any time doth a prelates imposition of hands adde to ministers so ordained by him ? or what bee those ministers whom prelates usually place over the people ? and i would aske any reasonable christian , whether hee would not rather have the approbation , prayer , and imposition of hands , of the poorest godly man , than of the most glorious prelate ? yea , though hee were stiled even grace it selfe ? for as james saith , the effectuall fervent prayer of a righteous man prevaileth much . it is not sayd , the prayer of a great or learned man . case xii . how far may and ought true reformed christian congregations to hold communion among themselves ; and with other reformed churches ? for answer in generall : first in generall , it is agreeable to good and approved examples in scripture , to make firme leagues and faithfull covenants for the maintenance of the true faith and religion of christ . see for this , chron. . , . and chapter . , , . ezra . , nehem. cap. . . severally , in particular : it stands both with christian piety and prudence , for all the members of a particular church or congregation , to enter into a firme covenant among themselves , to maintain a holy communion together in the profession of the truth , and practise of a holy life , as becommeth the communion of saints . thirdly , it stands with the like christian piety and prudence , to hold a sweet and inviolable bond and communion with all other churches or congregations rightly constituted , as we conceive , according to christs ordinance , and walking according unto it . fourthly , if there be any christian churches that doe in some small circumstances differ from us , in that forme of government which wee conceive and beleeve christ hath set up in his word , so as therein they may seem to come short of that exactnesse that is required , nor yet are able to attaine unto it , either in regard of some outward difficultie or human imperfection and frailty , the judgement being as yet not fully enlightned and perswaded ( concerning which the apostles rule is , let every man bee fully perswaded in his owne minde ) wee do notwithstanding not with-hold from them the right hand of fellowship ; but hold communion with them as the churches of christ , they holding the orthodox truth , and the substance of the government , which is suteable to the church of christ , and joyning with us against the common adversaries of the gospell : concluding with that excellent saying of our savior christ , they that are not against us , are on our part . the epilogve , or conclusion . having thus freely and faithfully ( though briefely , as the present straits of time would permit ) declared what i have and doe conceive and beleeve concerning christs kingdome , and that forme and frame of the government thereof in his church , as i finde it recorded in the scripture , whereof i am in my conscience fully perswaded : as my earnest prayer and trust is , that christ by his spirit and word will leade his into all truth necessary to salvation ; so my hope is , that however perhaps those things which i have here delivered according to the simplicity of my conscience , will not so bee relished of all , but that they wil seem bitter , especially to the ignorant and carnall minded , who savour not the things of christ : yet my confidence is , that all the wise hearted and wel affected to iesus christ ( for , if any man love not the lord iesus christ , ( that is , love not to have iesus christ set up as lord over their soules ) let him be anathema maranatha ) will embrace christs yoke , and to the uttermost of their power labour to advance his throne in all churches ; or if that , through sathans malice cannot bee effected , yet that they will set him up as sole lord and king over their owne soules , and so will joyne in communion with all those that doe or shall desire heere to serve iesus christ according to that purity of conscience which is required in every true christian ( as the apostle professed of himselfe ) and in that way wherein the name of christ shall bee most magnified , and his kingdome exalted heere on earth . and this shall the better be done , if a law be made this present parliament , that as antichrists kingdome in the prelacy shall and must be cast out , so christs kingdom may bee freely set up in this kingdome , while his people ( even as many as will ) are suffered freely to enjoy christs ordinances in their puritie , and so may at length recover that christian liberty wherewith christ hath made us free , and for which his precious bloud was poured forth , and whereof this land by the hierarchy hath beene till now deprived : it being our hearts desire , rather to live under christs governement in this our owne native countrey , than for want thereof , bee forced to flye into forreigne parts ; where how can wee so sweetely enjoy christ , without the bitter remembrance of our native soile , which wee shall never cease to wish worse unto , than to our owne soules . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- acts . . ezra . . nehem. . cum reflavit affligimur . cic. notes for div a e- so d. hall in his booke of episcopacie . thess. . . mat. . . mat. . . mat. . . mat. . . ti. . . & . . phil. . , ier. . . mat. . . & cor. . mat. . . ecc. . . col. . . . vol. . p. . print . ed. gal. . , . col. . . gal. . . thess. . cor. . * ier. heb. . sam. king . pet. . . pet. . . rom. . act. . a act. . tit. . . . b eph. . . c luke . . . cor. . . d luk. . . cor. . . act. . . mat. . . act. . . mat. . , . heb. . . quest . answ. act. . act. . . act. . . rom. . pet. . . * d. hall , in his episcopacy by divine right . act. . . mar. . . iam. . . mark . . . notes for div a e- cor. . . tim. . . short and plaine animadversions on some passages in mr. dels sermon first preached before the honourable house of commons on novemb. . . but since printed without their order setting forth the many dangerous and destructive assertions therein both to church and state, the covenant, and the reformation so much desired. together, with an answer to an unlicensed pamphlet annext to the sermon, entituled, a reply to master loves contradictions. by christopher love minister of anne aldersgate, london. the second edition. imprimatur ja. cranford. decemb. . . love, christopher, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing l ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing l estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) short and plaine animadversions on some passages in mr. dels sermon first preached before the honourable house of commons on novemb. . . but since printed without their order setting forth the many dangerous and destructive assertions therein both to church and state, the covenant, and the reformation so much desired. together, with an answer to an unlicensed pamphlet annext to the sermon, entituled, a reply to master loves contradictions. by christopher love minister of anne aldersgate, london. the second edition. imprimatur ja. cranford. decemb. . . love, christopher, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing l ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [ ], , [ ], - p. printed by r. cotes, for iohn bellamie at the three golden lions in cornhill, neer the royall exchange, london : . a reply to: dell, william. right reformation. "a short answer to an unlicensed pamphlet, entituled, a reply to the chiefe contradictions of master love's sermon" has caption title on e r; register and pagination are continous. text and register are continuous despite pagination. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. eng dell, william, d. . -- right reformation -- early works to . church of england -- government -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century -- early works to . a r (wing l ). civilwar no short and plaine animadversions on some passages in mr. dels sermon first preached before the honourable house of commons on novemb. . love, christopher f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - spi global rekeyed and resubmitted - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion short and plaine animadversions on some passages in mr. dels sermon first preached before the honourable house of commons on novemb. . . but since printed without their order . setting forth the many dangerous and destructive assertions therin both to church and state , the covenant , and the reformation so much desired . together , with an answer to an unlicensed pamphlet annext to the sermon , entituled , a reply to master love's contradictions . by christopher love minister of anne aldersgate , london . the second edition . gal. . . i withstood him to the face , because he was to be blamed . christianus magistratus animadvertit quidem in haereticos , verum sic moderatè ut sinc qui resipiscere possint , non patitur ut de fide doceant , nec permittit ut ecclesias colligant , episcopos ordinent , alios privat honoribus , alios adimit civitatis communionem ▪ alios proscribit , alios mulcta pecuntaria punit , quod augustini temporibus factum esse legimus . ipsos impostores ac seductores , ne illi postquam incorrigibiles apparent , ultra quenquam seducant carceribus iuclusos , tandiu coercet ac detinet donec in se reuersi resipiscant ; sic coercendi suit qui cogi se ad bonum non sustinent . wolf . musculus in locis com. imprimatur ja. cranford . decemb. . . london , printed by r. cotes , for iohn bellamie at the three golden lions in cornhill , neer the royall exchange ; . to his excellency sir thomas fairfax , generall of the army raised by the parliament , in defence of the true protestant religion , &c. may it please your excellency : it was ordered by a divine hand , that i should preach before you in windsor castle , at your very first marching forth with this successefull army , at which time i treated ( from psal. . ) of gods marching forth with israels army , the footsteps of whose presence hath been seen within your campe : by the same hand it was likewise ordered , that i should preach in your presence , the very first fast day after your returne to london as a conqueror ; at which time i had a faire occasion to presse , that such who had bin serviceable to the church of god in its necessitous condition , ought from those they doe assist to have a requitall , in which i know none deserves a greater share then your excellency . great generall , i have presumed to make my humble and particular addresse , in dedicating these few lines to your excellency upon a double ground : . to take off a malicious mis-construction , which some made of what i delivered , laying my words on the rack of a tortured mis-interpretation , forcing them to speake what i never meant , as if in some passages of my sermon , i had some reflections on your excellent selfe ; whereas i can appeale to heaven , i had rather my tongue should cleave to the roof of my mouth , then that a thought should be in my heart , or a word drop from between my lips , to darken that glory which god hath cast upon you . 't is true in handling this doctrine , that such who are serviceable to the people of god in their necessitous condition , ought from those they do assist , to have a requitall , and to be sharers with them in their mercies , lest there should bee an ill use made thereof , as if the requitall of men for their service should be so far extended , as that they must be indulged in their evils , i was forced , to prevent this mistake , to lay down this caution , viz. that the requitall of men for their good service , must not extend so far as to tolerate them in their evills . * in exemplifying which caution , i gave this supposition , suppose a commander , ( who hath been valiant and faithfull in your most successefull and serviceable army ) should run into damnable heresies , to deny the divinity of christ , the immortality of the soul , the authority of the scriptures , though his valour and fidelity pleads for a requitall for his service , yet not for a toleration in these opinions . now they who wrest these words as if they reflected on your excellency , doe you infinitely more wrong , then they doe to so meane an one as i am that spake those words ; such who apply those words to your excellency , what doe they bat lay you under cond●mnation , as if you denyed the divinitie of christ , the immortality of the soule , or authority of the scriptures , which thoughts are farre from your noble breast ; your moderation is knowne to all men , and the soundnesse of your judgement touching this matter ; yea , which is your glory , that notwithstanding the cl●shing controversies of the times , you have still pursued your duty , and not cleaved unto parties . there was another passage in the sermon which some wrested , as if i aimed at your excellency . in the close of the caution i made use of a story out of plutarchs moralls , of one manlius , who being to wage war with the samnites , hee being to withdraw from the army for a while , left his sonne to command in chiefe , with this charge , that he should not give the samnites battail , without speciall order from him ; his sonne seeing a faire opportunity against the enemie , gave them battaile , fought valiantly , and got the victory : returning to his father a conquerour , told him what he had done ; his father did commend him for his valour , yet told him hee should lose his head for his disobedience . i onely intended the story to this end , to shew that heathens observed this rule , to gratifie men for their services , yet were so just they would punish them for their evils : now they that apply this story to your excellency , what doe they lesse then charge you of disobedience to the state you serve ? which malice it selfe cannot fasten upon you . there is one thing more i would cleere my selfe in your thoughts , viz. from an unjust aspersion that master dell casts upon me in his epistle dedicatory , as if i preacht against the articles at oxford ; i had thought i did so cleerly expresse my self in that matter , that none would have been so shamelesse as to lay such a thing to my charge , when i desired the honourable worthies of parliament to cast their eyes on the university of oxford to reform it your excellency very well knows , i did premise this clause , that in what i should say , i would no waies reflect on the articles at oxford , which being made , stands with the honour and iustice of the parliament to have them kept ; how unjustly then doth master dell censure me ? this is the first ground of my humble addresse to your excellency , that i might be rectus in curia , cleare in your noble thoughts . the second ground is this , to leave it to your excellencies thoughts , whether so dangerously an opinionated a man as master dell is , is fit to be a chaplain in your army , who saith , that if the assembly should condemne the doctrines he preacht , they were the enemies of the truth of christ , and the last prop of antichrist in the kingdom : yea , he saith further that the worke of reformation so much desired by the orthodox and godly presbyterian ministers and people , is the last and subtillest worke of antichrist that is now in hand ; and he that prevailes in this encounter , hath antichrist under his feet for ever . although what is desired is no more then is practised in all reformed churches , as most agreeable to the word , and is in part confirmed by the authority of parliament ; surely such doctrines as these would not onely blemish , but disturbe your army ; and though god hath cloathed them with strength to conquer men , yet if such doctrines should spread among them , errours will conquer them in the end . most noble generall , however some men ( whose tongues are their owne ) are so lavish of their expressions , not caring what they lay to their charge who are for presbyterian government , as if against parliament , the gospel , the army , and your excellent selfe , and what not ? though all these things be most precious in their eyes : as for your self , the people blesse god that you were borne , and brought forth for such a time as this ; as god raised up a moses first to begin our deliverances : hee hath made you a joshua to accomplish our hopes , and to bring us into the promised land . i dare say , what metellus thought the romans should doe ( viz. thanke the gods that so brave a warriour as scipio was borne in rome , ) that the people of england have done , blesse their god that hee hath taught your hands to fight , and your fingers to war , and layed the necks of your enemies under your feet ; the lord remember you according to the greatnesse of his mercy ; and the memorable deeds that you have done for this nation , which is the earnest prayer of your excellencies most humbly devoted in all service and duty christopher love . short and plaine animadversions on mr. dells sermon . discovering therein many passages to be destructive to church and state , the covenant , and reformation so much desired . christian reader , the distractions and divisions of the times ( increased by furious spirits venting their luxuriant opinions ) threaten sad things ; as if god hath a controversie with the land , and is writing bitter things against it ; or , as if the troubles we have hitherto undergone , were but the begining of our sorrows : fox * in his acts and monuments reports that the inlet to the eighth persecution , was the divisions among the christians , and want of discipline ; i wish it be not an inlet to as sad a calamity now . i can appeale to heaven , i delight not in bitternesse , and breaches among brethren ; i had rather bring water to quench , then oyle to increase the flame that is kindled among us ; i could wish with jonah i were cast into the sea , so that the boysterous storms arisen among us might be allayed thereby ; or with curtius ( who did cast himself into the chasma at rome , that so the breach might be made up and the city not indangered ) cast my self into the breach , if so be i could but stop it . i acknowledge to god and the world , i am so sensible of my own infirmities that i would bring nothing into the presse , but that i am prest thereunto , lest the truth and my integrity should suffer by my silence . the truth is , had not mr. dell discovered such confidence and boldnesse in delivering so many unsound and erroneous tenets , i had not exprest a word of dislike in the pulpit , and had hee not since printed his sermon with his reply ( and that without order ) i should not have gainesaid him now in the presse , as i did then in the pulpit . before i begin to take notice of any clause in his sermon in particular , i shall advertise the reader about this in generall , that ( although as it is printed , it is justly to be excepted against , yet ) he left out some materiall passages he did preach , and inserted what he did not ; so that i may say mr. dell dealt with his sermon as apelles the painter did with antigonus , who painted that part of his face which was comely , but hid most of his deformities . i shall now addresse my self to give innocent touches on severall unsound passages in his sermon . in the managing whereof i shall indevour that my pen drop honey , not vineger , reason against his opinions , not railing against his person . in the first place i cannot but take notice how unhappy my mistaken brother was in the expounding of his text , which was , heb. . . vntil the time of reformation . now this reformation he described to be the mortifying and destroying and utter abolishing out of the faithfull and elect , all that sin , lust , corruption , that did flow in upon them by the fall of adam . mr. dels sermon , pag. . lin. . now this is not the reformation intended in the text , for that reforma●ion which consists in the mortifying and destroying sin , &c. the faithfull and elect had under the law as well as beleevers under the gospel , so that the times under the law might be called in this sense a time of reformation , as well as the times of the gospell ; for then there was such a kinde of reformation ( consisting in the mortifying and destroying sin , &c. in the faithful and elect as wel as now . now mr. dell expounding the reformation in the text to be the mortifying destroying sin , &c. and likewise affirming ( as he doth , p. . l. . ) that this time of reformation was not til christs comming in the flesh , he must of necessity maintain that al the faithfull before and under the law had no such reformation as the mortifying & destroying of sin ; and so lays them under an impossibility of being saved , and so falls in with the socinians , who hold that neither grace nor any thing of the spirit , not eternall life was enjoyed by the elect under the law , untill christs comming in the flesh . mr. dels mistake in expounding his text , would make one think that he made his sermon before he chose his text ; some notions about reformation swimming in his brain , here meeting the with word ( though not the thing intended ) forc't it to serve his purpose ; though indeed it is little to the purpose ; yet is he not ashamed to say , this the spirit would have us take notice of in these word , serm. p. . l. . although indeed the spirit of god intended some other thing in this text , viz. that christ changed the leviticall ceremonies and sacrifices by offering himselfe a sacrifice once for all for the redemption and justification of the elect ; now the priesthood being changed and christ our high-priest being come , the yearly sacrifices taken away , & christ sacrificed once for al ; there being now a better priest , a better sacrifice , a better tabernacle then was under the law , this was called a time of reformation , so that the text carryes a reference to a change in the jewish services , not in the christians hearts . thus having briefly laid down his mistake in expounding his text , i proceed now to view some passages in his sermon . that he might gain attention and beliefe , he ushers in what he intends to say with this insinuating preamble . i shall represent in some gospel-light ( to this honourable auditory ) the true reformation of the church of the new testament , and blessed is he who shall not be offended at it . what a great flourish doth the man make , what a large promise doth he give ? parturiunt montes , nascetur ridiculus mus . this which he calls gospels light , when it comes to the triall , will be found a false light to put off counterfeit commodities by , instead of being a true gospel-light , is it not an ignis fatuus to bring men out of their way ? if by this gospel-light , about church-reformation , hee meanes that secular powers cannot reform the hearts of men , christ alone must do that , what needs such a triumph and boasting , as if he had got the victory , when as touching this he shal have no adversary ? and why should hee cry up this to be such a gospel-light ( as if all men should light their candels at his fire ) when every eye sees , and all hearts acknowledge , both in the generations before us , and in this present age , that it is christs worke alone to reforme the heart , and not mans ? but if by this gospel-light about the reformation of the church , he meanes that the civill magistrate , seeing he cannot reform the heart , hee must not restrain mens exorbitant practises , which was the intendment and scope of the sermon ; this is so farre from being gospel-light , that i shall discover it anon to bee grossenesse of darknesse , and yet must the hidden things of darknesse goe under the name of gospel-light ; and oh how sad is it to consider that so good a term should be a cover for so bad a practise ; to bee made a pander to so many wanton and adulterated opinions ? but mark further how he is taken with his own fancies , and the conceptions of his own brain , that he pronounceth them blessed who shall not be off●nded at it . 't is a wordes he doth not place this blessing of his among the beatitudes in christs first sermon , mat. . he may as well adde to scripture in the new testament , as hee hath added passages of his own to the ol● , which i shall mention by and by : behold i beseech you upon what ea●●e termes blessednesse is to be had , for not being offended at the ma●er of his sermon , surely 't is his blessing , not christs , which he is so prodigall of to bestow upon his disciples that imbrace his d●ctrine ; and if they be blessed who are not offended at mr. dels sermon , then how far from blessednesse in mr. dels opinion is the honorable house of commons , who are most of them offended at it , and the many thousands in city and country , who are offended at the sermon , not blessed ones in his conceit i trow . if the law of moses could not make men perfect as pertaining to the conscience , much l●sse c●n any new laws invented now , and if any such laws should be imposed on the people of god now , the gospell hath the same strength in it self to make h●m void as the former . reader , observe that scripture phrase used by mr. dell , heb. . , . not to make perfect as appertaining to conscience , is thus interpreted by exposit●rs , that the jews could not obtain righteousnesse , justification or taking away the guilt of sin from their consciences , by any , or all of their leviticall ceremonies or sacrifices , but all the spirituall good they injoyed , was from christ the true sacrifice . now observe , mr. dell makes it the reason why the law of moses was to be abolisht , because it could not make perfect , as pertaining to conscience , as he layes it down p. . l. . now by this reason the morall law should bee abolisht as well as the ceremoniall ; for the morall law and our obedience to it , cannot make us perfect as pertaining to conscience , i. e. cannot justifie us in the sight of god , nor wipe off the guilt of sin from off the conscience ; so that it should seem he pleads against the morall l●w to have it abolisht as well as the ceremoniall , so shews himself to be a grosse antinomian , as well as a rigid anti-presbyterian . all such laws and ordinances devised by men that cannot make them that obey and practice them perfect , as appertaining to conscience , are therefore all to be at an end when this time of reformation comes . if all laws and ordinances devised by men that cannot make them that obey them and practise them perfect , as pertaining to conscience , are to end in this time of reformation , then will it follow , al● our stature laws , and our ordinances of parliament ; are to bee abolisht , for they are devised by men , and cannot make perfect as pertaining to conscience ; but if he say that he meanes such laws and ordinances of men , whereby the civill magistrate gives his civill sanction , to confirm and establish certain laws and constitutions for externall conformity , in outward duties of outward worship and government , as he speakes more plainly in p. . l. . if he meane that such laws and ordinances as these are to be abolisht , i demand whether this reflects not on the wisedome and honour of both the honorable houses of parliament , who have made certain laws and ordinances about church-government , and confirmed them by their civill sanction , yet these must be abolisht ; but 't is not to be doubted but that the honourable houses have shewed more wisdom and judgment in ratifying those ordinances , then mr. dell can shew strength of argument to abolish them . but i proceed , mr. dell afterward declaring that the time of the gospel , was the time of this reformation ( which were the words of his doctrine ) hath this passage . in the time of the law there were outward duties , and performances , and ceremonies , and sacrifices , and strict laws to injoyn the observation of these things , carrying along with them the severitie of death , yet notwithstanding all this , there was no true reformation . then he goes on , p. . l. . notwithstanding their strict forcing of men to outward duties , and notwithstanding the outward worship of moses , the people remained inwardly corrupt , filthy , and unclean , and without any true reformation before god , till christ , who was god in the fl●sh , came with the ministration of the spirit , and then indeed was the time of reformation . certainely the man seems to be a little angry , with the directions and lawes of god given to moses ; and if he had lived in moses his time , i doe verily thinke he would have pleaded for liberty of conscience , and exemption from them : he charges the lawes of moses with severity , pag. . lin. . and that then there was strict forcing of men to the duties of the outward worship of god , pag. . lin. . which he likes not , neither then nor now ; if hee blame any , it will reflect on the lawgiver , god himselfe , who prescribed those lawes to moses . but what hath master dell to alleadge against the compelling of men to the duties of the outward worship of god ? i am sure there is much to be said for it , this iehosophat , hezekiah , asa , and iosiah did , els magistrates are to behold men as indifferent spectator● ▪ not caring what religion the people be of ; in speaking of the magistrates coactive power , i would be cautiously understood . . tha● the coactive power of a magistrate is not gods way of planting the gospell in a heathen nation which never heard of the gospell before . procopius in arc● . histor. . saith that iustinian was blamed , because hee compelled the samaritans to embrace the christian faith . all the jewes , a nation professing the true god , were compelled to the duties of the outward worship of god ; but the heathens about them were not so . . you must know that there is a great deale of difference twixt an affirmative compulsion , to say i le make you bee of my minde ; and a negative compulsion , which saith you shall not spread , propagate this heresie and blasphemy ; thus the magistrate may compell . . the magistrate may compell to the meanes and externall acts of worship , but cannot compell to internall acts of faith , love , and such like , as having no power over the conscience . i shall have occasion to treate of the magistrates power more largely , upon some other passages of master dels sermon . but master dell goes on and saies , that during the time of moses his law , there was no true reformation , pag. . . and that the people were without any true reformation before god , till christ who was god in the flesh come . page . . . by this mr. dell discovers himselfe a downe-right socinian , hee saith there was no true reformation , the socinians sa● so too in effect ; that they who lived before christs time , had onely temporall and earthly blessings in their knowledge and affections ; holding resolutely that christ and eternall things , though they were promised in the old testament , yet they were not enjoyed by any till under the new ; whereupon they say , that grace and salvation was not till christ came , as if there had beene no eternall life , nor any thing of the spirit till christ came in the flesh : and doth not mr. dell say so much in effect ; when he saith , til this time of reformation , the faithfull were without true reformation before god ? what a heavy charge is this , that all the patriarks before the law , and all the elect of god under the law , were without this true reformation before god ? what is this but to deny that they are not justified , their sins not pardoned , their soules not saved ? for this is a certain truth , that none are justified , pardoned , or saved , but such as have this go●spell reformation , which he describes to a bee mortifying and destroying of sinne , if there was no such a reformation as this , how could any before christs coming in the flesh be sav●d ? master dell having described what this gospell reformation is , to be a mortifying and destroying of sin , &c. he now layes down an exclusive conclusion in these words this is true gospell reformation , and besides this i know no other ; but as he preacht it was thus ; this is true gospell reformation , and besides this the new testament knowes no other . he sayes it in expresse termes also , pag. . l. . the taking away of transgression for us and from us , is the onely reformation of the new testament . if it bee read as t is printed , that master del● knowes no other gospell reformation besides heart reformation , this bewrayes his ignorance , if it be read as t was preacht , that the new testament knowes no other reformation besides this , herein he shewes his errour , to bee for the erastian way . i must needs say , our dissenting brethren who are of the independent judgement have little reason to thank master dell for this assertion ; it strikes at the foundation of the independent reformation and government as well as at the presbyteriall . besides , if no reformation besides an heart reformation , surely it will follow that both kingdomes were greatly mistaken in the first article of our covenant , wherein wee stand bound to endeavour the reformation of religion in the kingdomes of england and ireland in doctrine , worship , discipline and government , according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches . surely both kingdomes did not take this upon them , as if they could reforme the hearts of men , ( this they know is christ work , not theirs ) but another kinde of reformation in ecclesiasticall discipline , which hath been corrupted by the prelates : so that if mr. dels doctrine passe for currant that there is no other reformation under the gospell but a heart reformation , the first article of the covenant must stand either for a nullity or falsity . and therefore you see how grosly they are mistaken , who take gospell reformation ( onely to consist in the making , so t was preacht ) to bee the making of certaine lawes and constitutions by the sacred power or clergy , for externall conformity in outward duties of outward worship and government , and to have these confirmed by civill sanction , and inforced upon men by secular power . master dell himselfe , and others of his minde , not any body else that i know of , are mistaken ; for none of a presbyterian judgement holds that the making of certaine lawes for conformity in dutyes of outward worship backed by the civill sanction of the christian magistrate to be heart-reformation : but they say onely this , that a visible church is then in a good readinesse for reformation , when there is an externall conformity in duties of outward worship and government , when confirmed by civill sanction : indeed master dell saies much , but d●oves nothing about this . and to rectifie master dels mistake , i shall endeavour to prove that t is so farre from being a capitall crime , that it ●s a laudable and warrantable practice in the civill magistrate , to con●●rme by civill sanction , and enjoyne by externall penalties , externall conformity in outward duties of outward worship and government , which i shall evince by scripture and reason . . by scripture , did not darius make a law for externall conformity in matters of religion ? dan. . , . i make a decree , that in every dominion of my kingdome men tremble and feare before the god of daniell . nehemiah made a law , and that under penalty , to bring men in conformity to the observing and sanctifying of the sabbath , nehem. . , . yea , josiah made all that were present in judah and benjamin to stand to the covenant ; and made all that were present in israell to serve , even to serve the lord their god , chron. . , . and king as● made a law , commanding iudah to seeke the lord god of their fathers , and to do the law and commandements , chron. . . many instances more of the like nature might be brought . the reasons which evince the warrantablenesse of magistrates practice , to enjoyne externall conformity in outward dutyes of outward worship and government , and to confirme these by civill sanction , i shall lay down briefly . . because the magistrate is ordained by god , not onely to be a practicer of the law himselfe , but to be a protector thereof , and to punish the breach thereof in others , this not onely the presbyterians , but master burton the vindicator of the independent churches saith , a mans practises , if they bee against any of gods commands of the first or second table , it appertaines to the civill magistrate to punish , who is for that cause called custos utriusque tabulae the keeper of both tables : these bee his very words . now if a magistrate may protect the law , and punish the open breach of the law of the first table as well as the second , what should hinder but hee may enjoyne externall conformity to the law i know not . . reason , else a magistrate in a common-wealth should behold men as an indifferent spectator , not caring what religion they be of , whether papish , pagans , arrians , socinians , &c. unlesse he hath a power to enjoyn external conformity , in outward worship . . reason , else the holy princes and rulers , as asa , iehosaphat , hezekiah , iosiah , with others who are recorded to be zealous in enjoyning outward conformity ( and that under a penalty ) in outward worship , should lye under blame for thus doing , as doing a worke not belonging to them ; if mr. dels assertion were true , that secular power cannot enjoyne outward conformity in dutyes of outward worship . but observe good reader , how mr. dell doth endeavour to hinder the magistrate to countenance and confirm by law ( or civill sanction as he cals it ) the worship and government of christ , and externall conformity thereto , by this following passage . after this manner the old prelates reformed , who were wont to say in the kings , wee will study out the faith , and you shall maintain it ; and the faith they studied and brought to the kings , the kings must maintain and * not question but that it was jure divino . prithee reader observe master dels reasoning in this place is neither logicall nor theologicall ; this is the force of what he writes . the prelates desired their government to bee confirmed by kings to be iure divino ; therefore the assembly ( for i know not else who he should meane by that tearme which hee useth ironically , the sacred clergy ) who desire the parliament to settle their moddell of church government and confirme it by civill sanction , is not iure divino . if prelaes intreated princes to confirme by civill sanction , what was not jure divino , shall the assembly not petition the parliament to confirme what is ? but the more to cast dirt on that ecclesiasticall reformation , which the presbyterians desire of the parliament to settle , he doth reproach it with this scandall ; that after this manner the old prelates reformed , p. . l. . now observe how unjustly this is charged upon them , for , . the prelates desired the secular power to enjoyn conformity to boundlesse , groundlesse , burdensome , and superstitious ceremonies ; the presbyterians desired the removall of them all ▪ . the prelates desired the king to injoyn a law to prophane the sabbath ; the presbyterians desire lawes to bee still in force to have it sanctified . . the prelates ( saith master dell ) brought the faith they studied to the king● and kings must maintaine it , and not question it , but that it was jure divino ; but the presbyterians say not so , they acknowledge that it belongs to the magistrate to have his conscience satisfyed in the truth of that government of the church , which he will set up by his authoritie . . the prelats desired the civill magistrates to inflict heavier punishments , fo● not observing a fruitlesse ceremony , then for grosse sins in practice , or errours in judgement ; but the presbyterians doe not so . . the prelates had costly courts to picke the purse , and crush the person of him that came under their clutches ; the presbyterians desire none such . yea , . the prelates desired princes to settle a government , which had no footing in the word ; the presbyterians desire such a government settled , as may be most agreeable to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches : put these particulars together , then doe but judge whether master dell spake true , that the prelat● of old , reformed after the same manner as the presbyterians labour for now . mr. dell having laid down some differences twixt heart-reformation , and ecclesiasticall-reformation , he hath this passage . civill ecclesiasticall reformation is onely outward and busieth it selfe in reforming the outward man in outward things , and is very industrious and elaborate about outward formes , and outward orders , and outward government , and outward confession , and outward practice , and thinkes if these be but put into some handsomenesse and conformity , they have brought about an excellent reformation , though the heart remain sinfull , &c. and so this reformation is like that reformation of the scribes and pharisees , notorious hypocrites ; who made cleane the outside of the cup or platter , leaving them all filthy-and unclean within . . in these words observe he runs into mistakes . . he joynes civill and ecclesiasticall-reformation together , as if one and the same , whereas they are clearly distinct : as there are distinct officers , secular rulers in one ; pastors , and teachers in the other . . there are distinct censures ; the one may abridge of liberty and life , the other only excommunicate from a church societie , but cannot inflict any bodily censure . . distinct in their ends ; church-reformation onely ayming at the gaining of our brother to god , and preserving the church from infection and offence : state-reformation reaching onely to the outward practice , ayming at the outward peace ; now though they be thus distinct , yet he jumbles them together , as if one and the same . . he condemnes ecclesiasticall-reformation , because it busieth it selfe in reforming the outward man , when it cannot reform the heart whereas this is rather a commendation to our government , that it can doe so much ( as by master dells owne confession , to reform the outward man ) then a discommendation to it , that it can doe no more . . take notice he is not onely an enemy to our government , but to the confession of faith , brought in by the revernd assembly to the parliament ; and to shew how he distastes it , he thinkes not one place enough in his sermon to manifest his dislike ; wherefore i observe hee hath loose flings at the confession of faith , as in page . l. . and page . l. . and here in this place of which i am mentioning , pag. . l. . . he makes tha● reformation which the godly presbyterian ministers and people desire , to be no better then the reformation of the scribes and pharisees , notorious hypocrites ; though my conscience bears me witnesse , and his also could testifie , would hee become a judge of righteous thoughts , that they of a presbyterian judgement rest not in outward formes and professions , as the scribes and pharisees did ; but presse an inward change as well as an outward conformity : urge men to get into christ as well as into a church ; and entreate men to endeavour heart-reformation , as well as church-reformation : how unjust then is master dells uncharitable charge against that church-reformation which is laboured for ? reader , i thought fit to let thee know , that in page . l. . he hath added an objection & answer which he did not preach ; i am only ingaged to answer what he preacht , though the answer to the objection in the latter part is unsound , yet i shall passe it over with silence . i appeale to all that are spirituall , what heart or nature was ever changed by this sort of reformation ; so t is printed , but 't was preacht otherwise , in these words . i appeale to you all , and to all the kingdome , and to all the world , what heart was ever changed by this sort of reformation . t were well it could be found what the mystery is , that now mr. dell printing his sermon should appeale to them that are spirituall ; but when he preacht it , would not vouchsafe the parliament such an expression , but onely say i appeale to you all ; truely a man indifferent on both sides would give this reason ; as if master dell thought the parliament were not spirituall , but carnall and weake , and not competent judges of the matter , but in his appeale to the people would call them spirituall , as if there were among them more discerning judges . and truely there is a phrase in his reply , pag. . lin. . that strengthens me in this thought , as if this were his opinion ; for he tearmes them to be but the world that thinkes ill of his sermon : so that if the parliament should thinke ill of his sermon , they should lye under the same condemnation to be but the world ; and so not spirituall in his esteem . but let us looke what a braggadocian he is , in making his appeale , as if all the world were not able to controll him ; as if goliah-like none durst venture to encounter with him , or gaine-say what he affirmes . that which he appeales to all , is this , whether by an ecclesiasticall-reformation any heart or nature was ever changed , if hee would hearken to augustine , he saith quod perplurimi conversi suo tempore fuerunt ob metum paenae . hee affirmes that many of the donatists were converted , for feare of ecclesiasticall censures , and civill punishments from the secular powers . and sibellius on ( iude v. . ) these words , others save with feare pulling them out of the fire , expounds them of church-discipline , that the church should throw out and excommunicate obstinate and notorious sinners ; which should so terrify and affright their consciences , that it should be a meanes to saves their soules ; and paul saith that the end of ecclesiasticall-discipline is , that the soule might be saved in the day of the lord iesus , cor. . . yea , though god might not give such frequent testimonies of conversion by ecclesiasticall-reformation , yet very often i finde the usefulnesse of it , in a way of conviction , thes. . . when the discipline of the church was so strict that the members thereof kept not company with a scandalous sinner , this was the way to make him ashamed . so hymeneus and alexander being excommunicated , it was for this end , that they might learn not to blaspheme , tim. . . mr. dell then in his appeale to all the world may finde some who were in the world , who held that god may so blesse ecclesiasticall reformation that some have beene converted , many convinced by it . mr. dell having by five differences distinguisht heart-reformation from ecclesiasticall reformation ; thinks that by casting a lustre on the former ( which indeed it deserves ▪ ) hee doth blemish the latter , but yet if severall passages in his sermon bee well weighed , instead of casting a reproach on ecclesiasticall reformation , god made the mouth of an adversary to a regular government speak what it never meant , and a commendation thereof to bee in his expressions , though farre besides his intentions ; so that instead of giving it a wound , he hath given it a plaister , and done much like that inraged man that plutarch speakes of , who bearing a grudge against prometheus the thessalian , meeting him , drew his sword , thrust him into the body , thought thereby to kill him , but it was so ordered by a divine hand , that the thrust of the sword was into his imposthume , by which the corruption was let out , his life saved , and his imposthume cured , which by all the care of friends , and skill of physicians could not be cured before : as god made caiphas prophecy truth concerning jesus christ , whom he neither knew nor reverenced , even so hath the lord made mr. dell speak well of that government which he neither understands nor loves , for observe what hee writes of ecclesiasticall reformation , that it busieth it selfe in reforming the outward man , serm. p. . l. . that it reaches to the body and orders that , yet a●taines not to the soule , p. ● . l. . that it reformes outward and grosse sinnes . p. . l. . that it brings men to outward order and conformity , p. . l. ult. now truely mee thinks this is a tolerable commendation of our church-reformation , that it can doe so much ( by mr. dells owne confession ) and no ground for the discommendation of it that it can doe no more , but leaves heart-reformation for jesus christ , whose work it is . master dell proceeds to make use of the lords speech to david , kings . . whereas it was in thy heart to build mee a house to my name , thou didst well , it was in thy heart , neverthelesse thou shalt not build mee a house , but thy sonne shall , &c. and elsewhere the reason is rendred , because thou hast been a man of war●e , and hast shed blood . i have nothing to say against the scripture quoted ; i beleeve it to be unquestionably true ( though mr. dell was pleased to accuse mee , as if this scripture could not be quiet for me ) yet i have something to say against his sense of this scripture ; and his absurd application thereof . as i apprehend mr. dels sense of that text , he carryes it thus farre ; that it would bee absolutely evill in david to build the temple , because hee had had warres and had shed blood ; indeed this is the papists reason , from whence they argue ( as peter martyr well observes on the booke of samuel ) that clergy-men must not be in armes , must not be warlike men , and if this reason should hold good , it would be unlawfull for mr. dell , being a minister , to be a chaplain in the army ; now this could not bee the reason simply why david should not build the temple , because he had shed blood ; for this should then have hindered solomon from building the temple , for solomon had shed blood , had a hand in killing ioab and his brother adonijah also . the true reason why david should not build god a house , was this : because david had not leisure nor opportunity in regard of continuall wars , to set about the work , therefore god indulged him ; the lord considering that during davids seven yeares and a halfes reigne over judah , there was a continuall war between the house of saul and david , then after hee was king of israel , hee had wars with the iebusites in jerusalem , afterwards fought twice with the philistines , and still set upon by daily assaults ; it was inconvenient for him to build the temple , considering also that there was to bee above sevenscore thousand men to bee imployed about the building of the temple , which david could not conveniently spare from the warre during his reigne , this then was the onely reason why god dispensed with david , that hee should not build the temple ; not as if it had been evill in him to undertake it , but inconvenient for him , because he had not leisure or time to undertake so long and great a work . i have something likewise to say against his absurd application of that text in king. . . he applies it thus to the parliament . so i say to you touching this work of reformation , you did well that it was in your hearts to reforme the kingdome of god , and the spirituall church which is christs dear bodie , neverthelesse you shall not reform it , for you have been men of war , and have shed much blood , but christ the prince of peace , he shall reforme the church of god : when you understand the reformation of the church to be as great as the work of redemption , you will acknowledge the work is too great for you. reader observe , there are no lesse than six absurdities in his application of the text , kings . . to the parliament . first , he takes it for granted , that it was in the parliaments heart , as if they should undertake this work of heart reformation ; which doubtlesse was never in the thoughts of their heart , they well know and beleeve it is christs work and not theirs to reforme the heart . secondly , he takes for granted , that this was a good thought in the parliament to undertake the work of reformation in men ; whereas , if this thought had been in any of their hearts , ( which i beleeve never was ) it had been an impious and unwarrantable thought ; to think to doe that work , which belongs onely to jesus christ . as 't is a bad thoug●t in the pope to conceive he can give pardons for sin ; 't is as bad in any , if he should think hee can give grace to sinners . thirdly , he takes it for granted that the intention in the parliament to reforme was good , but the execution of that intention was evill : wherea● , certainly , if the action or the execution of a thought b● evill ▪ the intention to that action must be evill also ; if to act murther , adultery , theft , be evill , to intend to act any of these must be evill likewise ; so , if the parliament should make it their work to reforme mens hearts , and that be evill , then undoubtedly the thought and intendment of this work , must be evill also ; which may evince mr. dell , of a third absurdity , in holding that intention in the parliament to be good , and the execution of this evill . fourthly , he makes it the ground or reason why the parliament shall not make it their work to reforme the spirituall church ( as he calls it ) i. e. why they shall not undertake to reform mens hearts , because they have been men of warre , and have shed much blood ; so that belike , if the parliament had not been a warlike parliament , then it had been their work to undertake to reforme the hearts of men ; but they having shed much blood , must not now meddle with the reformation of the church ; well argued mr. dell. fifthly , by this manner of arguing , because the parliament have been men of warre , and have shed blood , and therefore cannot reforme the church ; if this reason stood in force as the impediment , then jesus christ himselfe should not undertake this work of reformation ( which would bee blasphemy to conceive ) for christ is a man of warre , and is said to have his vesture dipt in the blood of his enemies , which brightman expounds to bee the turk in the east , the beast , and the false prophet in the west . now all warres against turk and pope , are christs warres , done by his authority and approbation ; so likewise the warre which the parliament hath undertaken may be said to be rather christs warre then theirs , his cause , his people , his truth , his glory being concerned therein . now this reason would exclude christ ( which god forbid ) as well as any other , from setting about church-reformation . sixthly , hee layes a blemish on the honourable house of commons , as if they did not yet understand the reformation of the church ; and as if they did not yet acknowledge , that to reform mens hearts is too hard a work for them ; i beseech you observe whether his words bring him not into this absurdity . his words are th●se , pag. . l. . you did well that you thought to reform the church , but when you understand the reformation of the church , is as great a work as the redemption of it , you will acknowledge the work is too great for you. doe not these words plainly intimate , as if the parliament did not yet understand the reformation of the hearts of men to be as great as the work of redemption , and as if they did not yet acknowledge this work of reformation to bee too hard for them ; oh the impudence of the man that should cast such a shamelesse aspersion on so grave and judicious a councel , so intelligent and profound in matters spirituall and civill . christ sent his disciples not forth with any power of swords , or guns , or prisons to reforme the world , or with any power of states or armies , but sent forth poore illiterate and mechanick men , and onely armed them with the power of the word , and behold what wonders they wrought by that power alone ! . presbyterians ( as well as mr. dell ) grant that fire and sword , prisons , and the co-active power of the magistrate by inflicting corporall punishments , is not gods way of planting the gospel in a heathen nation which never heard of the gospel before : all protestant authors acknowledge that it is the word , not the sword that must propagate the gospel ; let the pope , spaniard , mahomet , propagate religion by the sword ; i know none of a presbyterian judgment that pleads for that . . those of a presbyterian way do utterly renounce this practise ; acknowledging the power of church-reformation extends not so farre as to reach to estate , liberty , or life , the censures of the church are onely spirituall , such censures that reach to estate , liberty , or life , are committed onely to the magistrates hand ; wherefore mr. dell is to blame here tacitly to suggest , as if some would have swords , guns , and prisons to be the churches weapons , and instruments ; and what hee doth but privately hint at , here he doth openly declare elswhere , as if some in this age preacht that the government of the church , which hath power over mens estates , bodies and lives , belongs not to king nor parliament , but to the ministers and their elders : some indeed may preach it , as mr. dell hath written it , upon hear-say , and so charge that on the presbyterians what they never meant ; unlesse he names the men , and proves the words , i shall not beleeve that any of a presbyterian judgement should preach thus : read over all the presbyterian authors about ecclesiasticall discipline , they unanimously renounce that the government of the church reaches to mens estates , liberty and lives , but that censures in those regards belong to the secular powers . . that because christ sent out his disciples without power of swords , states , or armies , to propagate the gospel ; it will not therefore follow , that states should not employ their outward power to preserve the gospel in safety from open enemies without the church , and in truth from perverting heretiques within the church , which is all that presbyterians desire that magistrates should doe . reader , take notice that mr. dell in handling the third generall , which was , by what meanes christ brought about this reformation ; he gives an orthodox answer , that 't is brought about by the word and spirit , serm. p. . but yet in the explicating and amplifying of these two meanes , hee hath very harsh and unsavoury passages against the morall law , which makes mee suspect him to be tainted with the antinomian errour . i 'll gather up his own words scattered up and downe his booke , as in pag. . lin. . hee saith , the word by which the church is reformed is not the word of the law , for the law made nothing perfect , but the word of the gospel , this , this is the onely-word that workes reformation , by which it seemes to mee hee excludes the law from being any way instrumentall for the converting and reforming of a sinner . then observe further in pag. . lin. . hee saith to the same effect , that the word whereby christ reformes , is not the word without us , as the word of the law is , but the word within us . then in pag. . lin. . hee saith , that the word of the gospel is the onely reforming word , and if there bee never so much preaching , if it bee but legall , it will reforme no body aright : now what he meanes by legall preaching , i cannot tell ; for my part i account that onely to bee legall preathing , either to cry up the observation of the ceremoniall law , or to preach justification by the workes of the morall law ; besides this , i know not what is legall preaching : surely mr. dell hath not such cause to taxe the godly ministers of this kingdome to be legall preachers , for who goes about to set up the ceremoniall law for the observation thereof , or the morall law to get justification thereby ? i know none : but if mr. dell meanes , that to preach the duties of the morall law , or the matter contained in the law , ( which to mee seemes to bee his sense ) that this cannot bee instrumentall to reforme the heart ; in this i am against him , and the scriptures also gain-say him touching this matter ; when the levites read the law , and expounded it , the people wept very sore , nehem. . , . a good evidence of the reformation of some among them ; besides the preaching of the prophets was but an expatiating and explicating the duties commanded in the law of moses , and shall we imagine that none were reformed by that way of preaching ? besides , to what end doth christ himselfe expound and presse the law , mat. . and the apostles after him urge the duties of the law , eph. . , . iames . . , . if preaching the duties of the morall law , or the matter contained in it , could be no wayes instrumentall to reforme the hearts of men ? i have herein beene too large . i shall onely mention one unsavoury passage more about the law , then proceed to what else may be justly excepted against , 't is in page . lin. . in the law there was letter without the spirit , and so that could doe nothing , but in the gospell the word and the spirit are alwayes joyned together . here hee falls into the socinian error againe , as if the spirit did not accompany the ministery of moses , as if there was in the law onely the letter without the spirit , whereas indeed the efficacy of the spirit was as really operative then as now , though not so abundantly . doth not the scripture assure us that the spirit did accompany the ministery of the prophets , and did not christ by his spirit preach unto the old world in the ministery of noah ? how then dares master dell affirme that in the law there was letter without the spirit ? but then observe he runs into another error , that in the gospell the word and spirit are alwayes joyned . if this were true , then certainly none could perish that heare the gospel , which would be neare of kin to origens opinion , that all shall bee saved ; yea by this t is manifest that in the gospel the word and spirit are not alwayes joyned together , in that the gospel becomes a blocke of offence to some , and a savour of death unto death , cor. . . which could not be if in the gospel the word and spirit were alwayes joyned together . object . yea but i hope you will allow secular power too , may not the spirituall church of christ bee reformed with worldly and secular power ? i answer , by no meanes , and that for these causes . so it is printed , but it was preacht thus ; i answer by no meanes , and what i say i shall make good out of the gospel , if it offend any , wee cannot helpe that the word of god should bee a stone of stumbling and rocke of offence . all these words are left out in the printed copy ; and what should be the reason thereof ? oh that the omission of these words did arise from a suspicion of the invalidity and impertinency of his proofes for what he intends : if this did abate his confidence in the presse from what it was in the pulpit , i should in time hope that he would with augustine write a booke of retractations , and reclaime his dangerous opinions ; i am not in despaire as touching this , for hee hath turned from episcopacy to independency , and now for anarchy ; and who knows whether he may not turne for presbytery in the end , which is my earnest desire to god for him , since i heard and read what opinions he holds . there is one thing more i might inquire into , what reason mr. dell had to use those words as a prologue to what hee was to say , if it offend any we cannot helpe that the word of god should be a stone of stumbling and rocke of offence . if hee intended onely that magistrates cannot reforme the heart , that is christs worke alone ; i doe not thinke there was one in the congregation that would bee , or could bee offended at that ; wherefore it made me thinke when hee used those words , that something either erroneous ( as indeed it was ) or controversall would fall from him , else there had beene no need of such a preamble as that was . i will now addresse my selfe to view over those causes or reasons he gives , why he will by no meanes grant the spirituall church of christ , to be reformed by worldly and secular power , which if hee meanes in this sense that secular powers cannot reforme the heart , hee might well spare his paines in alleadging reasons ; all the congregation was fully satisfied in that without further reasons ; but certainly something else these causes hee laies downe were intended for , to plead for some such thing as this , that because the magistrate cannot reforme the heart , therefore hee must not put to his hand to represse the divulging of hereticall opinions ; nor punish those persons that doe : i cannot discerne at what marke hee should aime at but this . i now come to consider of the causes or reasons as he layes them downe . his first reason : forcible reformation is unbeseeming the gospel , for the gospel is a gospel of peace not of force and fury ; civill ecclesiasticall reformation reformes by breathing out threatnings , punishments , prisons , fire and death . to strengthen this ; he quotes many authors , in page . observe . if by forcible reformation he meanes that a christian magistrate should not force by fire and sword , an heathen people to embrace the faith , i shall not contend with him ; but if he meanes that magistrates must not among people professing the faith , put forth their power to suppresse heresies , and punish the divulgers thereof , this is not unbeseeming the gospel , but most consonant unto it . for did not paul in the want of a christian magistrate in an extraordinary way doe the magistrates worke , inflict a bodily punishment on elymas the sorcerer , struck him blinde , onely because hee would have seduced paulus sergius from the faith ? acts . , , , . now what paul did extraordinarily , the christian magistrate may doe ordinarily as an ordinary act of his charge . there are a cloud of witnesses that affirme this , that it is the magistrates duty to suppesse errors , and punish the spreaders thereof . zanchy saith , that almost all divines in his time were of this minde , that hereticks were to bee punisht with the sword . so is beza likewise who saith , docemus christianis magistratibus praecipue dandam operam , ut purus ac sincerus dei cultus vigeat ejusque perturbatores ut res postvlat , authoritate sua legitime juadicatos , capitali quoque paena si necessitas et sceleris magnitudo postulent , coerceant potius , quam ecclesia detrimentum capiat . the christian magistrate ( saith beza ) should use his endeavour , that the pure & sincere worship of god might flourish , and that he should restraine and punish , and that with a capitall punishment , if need so require , all the disturbers thereof , rather then the church should receive any dammage . of the same minde is bullinger , conc. . fol. . and aretius in historia valentini gentilis . danaeus in ethic. christi , lib. . c. . fol. . so iunius in defensione , . de trinitate adversus samosatenianos edita heidelb . ann. . p. . now lest it might invalidate what these orthodox divines assert as being of a presbyterian judgement ; i shall here insert what some of the independent way doe hold , touching the magistrates power , in suppressing heresies and punishing the promoters thereof . mr. iohn goodwin in a booke , intituled m. s. to a. s. pag. . saith that if the magistrate avoid this danger , that hee smite not the truth of god instead of heresie , and the worship of god instead of superstition , he professeth , that for his part when the civill magistrate shall bee far enough out of this danger of fighting against god ( in opposing truth instead of heresie ) hee hath nothing to say against his fighting with superstion , heresie , schisme , as well as corruptions in manners : hee grants what the presbyterian desire ; so doth mr. burton likewise in his vindication of the independent churches , pag. . you must distinguish betwixt mens consciences and their practice , the conscience simply considered is for god , but for mans practises , if they bee against any of gods commands of the first or second table , that appertaines to the civill magistrate to punish , who is for this cause called custos utriusque tabulae , the keeper of both tables . i shall only instance in one more , the glory of their way ; i mean that man of god , mr. burroughs , who quotes that text in deut. . . that the magistrate must not tolerate , but may inflict death for idolatry ; yea , as hee saith , lest any should put off this , saying this is in the old testament ; he therefore to take this off , doth urge , zach. . . he that takes upon him to prophecy , to speake lyes in the name of the lord , his father and mother that begat him , shall say unto him , thou shalt not live , and they shall thrust him through when he prophe●●eth . and this text he affirmes to be a prophecy of the times of the gospel ; not as if the paren●s should presently run a knife into him , but that they should bee the meanes that such an erroneous idolatrous prophet , or teacher , should bee brought before the civill magistrate to receive condigne punishment , even to the taking away his life . . observe that the many quotations in pag. . prove onely that an heathen people must not bee forc't by fire and sword to embrace the faith ; but contradicts not this , that a christian people should not by the christian magistrate , bee punisht for , or restrain'd from the professing of blasphemous opinions , or damnable heresies . . observe , 't is an unjust charge on ecclesiasticall reformation , as if that did breath out threatenings , punishments , prisons , death . the church by all its censures can inflict no corporall punishment , 't is the sword in the magistrates hand only must do that ; thus much in answer to the first cause . his second reason he layes downe , is , that forcible reformation is unsuitable to christs kingdome ; which if it bee meant in the sense mentioned in my animadversions on the foregoing reason , 't is no wayes unsuitable to christs kingdome , but is assented to by presbyterians and independents also , as consonant to the word . now under this second cause hee hath this groundlesse assertion , viz. you may as well goe about to bring the angels of heaven , under an outward and secular power , as the faithfull , who being borne of the spirit , are more spirituall then they , serm. p. . l. . if mr. dells assertion should be beleeved , that the faithfull are more spirituall then angels ; then foure absurdities would follow : civill lawes must have no more to doe with the faithfull , then it hath with angels ; ( who are above the reach of humane laws . ) if more spirituall then angels , then must they have no bodies , as angels have not . if more spirituall then angels , then must they be more free from sin then they are ▪ if more spirituall then angels , then men whiles they live here , should have a greater degree of grace then angels have . considering then that the faithfull here on earth are to bee subject to humane laws , which angels are not , seeing they have bodies which angels have not , and have sinne in their natures , and imperfection in their graces , which the angels of heaven have not , i cannot see reason why mr. dell should say , that the faithfull and elect were more spirituall then angels . his third reason , by ●orcible reformation , humane institution is set up . i shall bee as briefe in my answer , as hee is in this reason ; if humane institution should bee set up by the civill magistrate , ( which is not intended by any ) as a part of gods worship this would bee unjustifiable ; but if humane institutions bee set up ( circa sacra ) onely as a prop to gods worship , by their civill sanction to give protection for the free and publique exercise of the worship of god . against this there can be nothing justly objected . his fourth reason , it brings men into blind obedience . if ecclesiasticall reformation brings men into blinde obedience , this is but an accidentall effect , the fault lies not in the reformation , but in the ignorance of a mans owne minde , or perversnesse of will , that will not know or learne . his fifth reason : it makes men hypocrites , and not saints ; yea , saith afterwards , pag. . lin. . this reformation makes no saints , but all hypocrites . if church-reformation ( confirmed by the secular power ) makes hypocrites , this is but an accidentall effect as the former was , the fault is not in the reformation , but in the unsoundnesse of mens hearts . this would reflect on the sincere powerfull preaching of the word , as well as the reformation ; for by living under it , many are moulded into a forme of godlinesse , who yet are hypocrites ; shall the word be therefore blamed ? iosiah in that glorious reformation in iudah , caused all iudah to stand to the covenant , chron. ● . . yet many of those that did so were but meere hypocrites , as they are charged by ieremiah , c. . , . shal therefore the covenant he then prest upon the people be ill thought of ; because many did shew themselves hypocrites after their taking of it ? his sixth reason , hee saith , it causeth disturbances and tumults in the world . in laying downe my answer to this sixth cause . i shall suggest these foure particulars . . that this effect is but accidentall , as the two former were : disturbance and tumults doe not arise from any thing in ecclesiasticall reformation , but from the turbulency and violence of mens spirits , who plead for a lawlesse liberty , and are loath to be restrained by the golden reines of discipline . . that disturbances and tumults following a reformation , is no grounded argument that that reformation is evill , for then this would condemne jesus christ himselfe , for when hee came from the bosome of his father to reforme his church , 't is said , that hee came not to send peace in the world , but a sword ; for i am come to set a man at variance against his father , and the daughter against her mother , &c. mat. . , . now because these offences and differences doe arise because of christ ; dare any lay the blame on him , as if hee were the cause thereof ? . where presbyteriall government is in use protected , and confirmed by the civill magistrate , there is most peace , union , and brotherly love , and least divisions and disturbances ; should i confirme this by quoting any author of a presbyterian judgement , some would not therefore beleeve it ; wherefore that holy man of god , mr. burroughs , though hee bee dead , yet hee speaketh , in a speech of his at guildhall , on friday , october . . hee hath these words , that scotland is certainly a nation that god doth love , a nation that god doth honour , it is a nation that is united the most firmely under heaven ; wee may truly call it a phiadelthia , had wee the like union among us , o what great things had wee done before this time : so it should seeme in mr. burroughs opinion presbyterian government was no cause of disturbance● and tumults , but a bond to union : yea , mr. burroughs was not alone of this minde , but the other fou●e apologists , mr. goodwin , mr. nye , mr. bridge , mr. simpson acknowledge , that presbyterian government hath been accompanied with more peace then other formes of government , see the apologeticall narration , p. . is not mr. dels charge then unjust , that ecclesiasticall reformation which presbyterians desire to settle , doth breed disturbances and tumults in the world . . where errors and heresies spread , are connived at , or tolerated for want of ecclesiasticall reformation , there are likely to be● most disturbances and divisions . this generation can give a sighing testimony hereto . spanhemius in a small tract , or narration of the rise and progresse of the anabaptists in germany , declares that they occasioned many commotions , and the effusion of much blood in those parts of the world ; what the division of the times may doe among us , who knows ? these particulars considered , mr. dell and others of his minde had more ground to lay these brats of disturbances and tumults at their owne doores , that cry downe an ecclesiasticall reformation , and cry up a toleration , then father it upon them who desire unity , truth , and order . his seventh reason , christ useth no such outward force , it was foretold of him , that he should not strivel , nor cry , nor lift up his voyce in the streets , to call in outward and secular aide and power . 't is true , christ used not outward power , and who saith hee should : doe not ( as i have said before ) all presbyterians hold , that the word , not the sword must propagate the faith ; but what then , did not christ call for outward aide from the rulers of the world to preserve the faith ? are wee not enjoyned by christ to pray for kings , that they might protect us in the profession of godlinesse ? are not kings nursing fathers , appointed by christ to take care of his churches safety ? doth not mr. dell say as much , that the magistrate should protect us in godlinesse . it is worth your notice , that hee doth not onely corruptly expound , but impudently adde to the scripture . hee tells you , that it was foretold that christ should neither strive nor cry , nor lift-up his voice in the streets , to call in for outward and secular aide and power . hee quotes not the place where this prophecy is , least the reader should readily turne to it , and so discerne his perverting of the sense , and adding to the words this phrase , to call in for outward and secular aide , which is not in the text ; yet hee would make the world beleeve , as if it was prophesied of christ , hee should neither strive , nor cry , nor lift up his voice in the streets to call in for secular aide ; that holy prophecy ( which hee doth so grosly abuse ) is in isaiah . . hee shall not cry , nor lift up , nor cause his voyce to bee heard in the streets : which calvin expounds indeed to bee a prophecy of christ , ( but farre from what mr. dell intends ) signifying , that christ comming in the flesh , should bee without pompe and worldly glory , that hee should not bee received as the princes of this world , for when they come through some populous city , they are received in great state , and with loud acclamations from the people . and musculus saith to the same effect also , that christ delighteth not in pompe and vaine glory , as the princes of the world doe , but would live and lead an obscure life in the world . this i onely urge to shew his grosse mi●takes , and ●olly in adding that clause to isaiahs prophecy , which overthrows the prophets intendment in it . as the disciples shooke off the dust of their feet as a witnesse against them that received not their doctrine ; this is all that ministers of the gospel can doe to any that refuse their doctrine , and not goe to the secular magistrate to ask p●wer to punish them , or imprison them , &c. 't is one thing for a man not to receive the word , and another thing to vent blasphemies and errours against the word ; i grant , that ministers must not goe to the secular magistrate to have men punisht who doe not beleeve or receive their doctrine , nor are any punisht for this ; yet ministers must go to the civill magistrate to have heretiques and blasphemers punisht by his hand ; else guilt lyes upon them . now because i perceive the thing which mr. dell drives at , is to deny this , as appeares by a following passage , pag. . line . avoid an heretique , but not imprison him , or kill him , or banish him : ) i shall therefore make this good , that 't is no such new or unheard of thing , that ministers should call to the civill magistrate to have heretiques punisht ; i may make it evident from the most ancient and generall councell . the nicene councell after they had cast out arius the heretique out of the church of alexandria , made their addresses unto constantine the great that hee might bee punisht : so did the ephesian councell with nestorius that grand heretique , desire theodosius and valeminian to banish him , which was done accordingly . thus did the constantinopolitan councell with that grosse heretique macedonius : and the calcedon councell with the eutichean heretiques ; yea , not onely the generall councells , but the reformed churches they doe the like ; yea , in new-england also the churches did call to the civill magistrate to imprison some , and banish others , who were the broachers of damnable heresies and errours ; and 't is to bee observed , that gerrard who did much differ both from lutherans and calvinists in this controversie about punishing any heretiques with death ; yet hee grants this that i urge . quod magistratus ad fidem christi conversi auxilium contra haereticos orthodoxi implorare possint libenter concedimus , that is , that the orthodox may lawfully beg the power and help of the christian magistrate against heretiques . but it may bee objected , why the apostles and the church in the primitive times did not goe to the civill magistrate to have heretiques punisht ? sol. 't was not as if they thought they might not warrantably goe to the civill magistrate , but 't was because they knew the magistrate was not then christian , nor converted to the faith , so that if they had gone to have him punish others for being heretiques , they had bin punisht themselves for being christians ; this was the true reason of their forbearance ; and yet historians tell us , that the primitive christians did sometimes desire the heathen emperours aide against heretiques ; in particular , the christians petitioned aurelian●● the emperor to punish samosatenus that grosse heretique , which accordingly hee did , vide euseb hist. eccl. lib. . c. . if men bee wicked , is it not misery enough for them to refuse eternall life , except also they inflict on them a temporall death ? then hee brings in a saying of luthers ; quando non invocat brachium seculare ? et morte u●raque terreat mundum . . take notice that mr. dell makes the misery of wicked men , which they may endure hereafter , to bee an argument to exemp● them from all corporall punishments here , as if because it is misery enough to be thrust to hell for murder , treason , theft ; therefore the magistrate must not inflict on them temporall punishment for any of those offences . . take notice that the quotation of luthers speech doth not serve his purpose , to prove that magistrates must not punish heretiques ; but luthers speech tends to this , that the popish clergy did call for the secular powers to terrifie protestants under the notion of heretiques , with both kinde of deaths . now is this a good consequence , because the popish clergy did call for the secular powers against protestants , under the notion of heretiques , who were not so ; therefore godly ministers must not desire the secular power against heretiques , who are so ? they that doe these things , shall not inherit the kingdome of god , but not one word of outward and corporall punishment in all the gospel . here still hee harps upon the same string , as if , because a man shall not inherit the kingdome of god , therefore must have no corporall punishment . those that shall not inherit the kingdome of god , are mentioned by the apostle , cor. . , . to bee fornicators , idolaters , adulterers , effeminate , abusers of themselves with mankinde , theeves , covetous , drunkards , revilers , extortioners , and such like , shall not inherit the kingdome of god ; and because of this , by mr. dells assertion , they must be exempted from corporall punishment ; certainly all the libertines in the land would gratifie master dell , could hee but justifie this doctrine . christ reproveth his disciples for discovering such a spirit of tyranny , as to punish men for not receiving him , luke . when the apostles of a prelaticall and antichristian spirit in that particular , desired fire to come downe from heaven upon them that would not receive him , christ did severely rebuke them : then afterwards saith , they were of the spirit of satan , and of antichrist , and that this was antichrist triumphant . you need not wonder that master dell should call the reverend assembly the last prop of antichrist , and other godly ministers the toes of antichrist ; hee that cannot affoord the apostles a good word , what can others of inferiour indowments expect from him ? oh what a censorious tongue hath this man , to asperse the apostles for every infirmity , with the foule blot of antichristianity ! 't is true , the desire of the apostles was inconsiderate and vindicative , and shall this mole-hill bee made a mountaine , to bee called in them a spirit of tyranny , a prelaticall and antichristian spirit ? yea , to charge it upon christ , as if hee should say , they were not of his spirit , but of satans , and of antichrists , and this to bee antichrist triumphant . oh what a shamelesse and senselesse aspersion is this ! how could antichrist bee said then to bee triumphant , when the mystery of iniquity did not begin to worke till afterward , nor did antichrist become triumphant till long after the romane emperours relinquisht rome , and gave way to the pope , thess. . , , . which was not till many yeares after the apostles desired fire to come down from heaven ? for my part i shall incline to thinke they to come nearest the apostolicall practise and spirit , at whom master dell casts forth his more bitter invectives . object . may a christian then live as hee list ? ans. no , by no meanes , for he hath the word and spirit in him to keep him from living as he list , and he knows that no man in gods kingdome may live as he wills , but as god wills . . observe , though hee saith that man should not live as he list ; yet for any thing the magistrate hath to doe with him , hee may live as he list . . he takes it for granted , as if the word and spirit did so keep a man in order , as if that man should not live as it pleaseth himselfe , but in all things please god . . he concludes , because men know they may not live as they will , but as god wills ; therefore that they doe live as god wills , which is not true . object . but would you have no law ? ans. no laws in gods kingdom , but gods laws , viz. the law of the new nature , the law of the spirit , and the law of love . all that i shall say touching this , is to desire master dell to looke into his heart , and try whether the law of a new nature , the law of the spirit , and the law of love , did guide him in preaching this sermon , and publishing his epistle : would the law of love make him so censorious of the assembly , to cal them the last prop of antichrist , and to censure other ministers to be but the toes of antichrist ? would the law of love make you asperse the apostles , that they discovered a spirit of tyranny , prelacy , and antichristianity ? truly love would keep you from thinking or speaking evil , but out of the abundance of the heart your mouth spake , it may be discovered what was in the heart , by what was heard from the tongue . object . but would you have sin suffered ? ans. no , but more through●y destroyed then any powers in the world can destroy it , even by the spirit of judgement and burning . it should seeme sinne must bee tolerated ( bee it what it will ) till the spirit comes to subdue it ; till the spirit of judgement comes it must be suffered . i crave leave to speake a few words in the behalfe of two kingdoms . vvhen i heard him begin to crave liberty to speak in the behalf of two kingdomes , i began to listen ; i was in hope he had been turned a scotist , that scotland should have had one good word from him , but when i heard him out the sentence , i perceived they came not into his thoughts ; hee is , i beleeve , as little a friend to their nation , as he is to their government . it grieves me to see how the city , country , country towns , villages , doe all rise up , for the most part , against the ministration of the spirit , for this is a certaine sign of the undoing of them all . vvhen i heard him lash the assembly , all the godly ministers and people of the land who are in the presbyterian way , i did verily imagine london should not escape his censure : i may say to thee , o city of renowne , famous things have been done in thee , and spoken of thee , o thou city of god , thou hast been a little sanctuary to the banisht ones , who were scattered from severall quarters of the land , relieved the needy , hast exhausted thy treasure to save the nation , countenanced and encouraged a godly and powerfull ministery within thy walls , and is this thy requitall , that thou must bee put in the front among those that rise up against the ministration of the spirit ? but you honorable and beloved christians , let not your soule enter into those mens secrets , neither yet walke in their open and publike wayes , for ruine and destruction are in their paths , the way of peace they shall never know , seeing god is to enter into controversie with all flesh , for their rising up against the ministration of the spirit . observe five harsh censures in these words : . that the presbyterians ( for i know not whom else hee can meane ) have some secret plots and contrivements , which hee wisheth the parliament to take heed of . this jealousie springs not from a good root ; nero that was unchaste himselfe , thought all men else to bee so , hee guesseth at other mens temper by his owne . . he seemes by his words to suggest , as if the parliament should not joyne with presbyterian ministers in that publique way of worship which is established . i know not what else hee should intend by that caution to the parliament , that they should not walke in our open and publike wayes . . he censures them of a presbyterian judgment , as if they should ruine and destroy others , or be destroyed themselves , i know not else what hee should meane by that phrase , ruine and destruction are in their paths . . that they shall never savingly understand the wayes or means pertaining to their salvation , for so doth hee pronounce , the way of peace they shall never know . . that they doe rise up against the ministration of the spirit , if such uncharitable censures proceed from him that pretends he is guided by the law of love , what would hee not say or do when he is swayed by a spirit of revenge ? and thus much unto you from the lord . those few graines of truth which were scattered thinly up and downe the sermon , was from the lord ; but those heapes of chaffe , and that masse of errour which thou seest here discovered , was from some one else : the false prophets when they vented the vanities of their owne hearts , would tell the people , the lord had spoken when hee had not , that their falshoods might bee lesse suspected ; undoubtedly there are many things in this sermon , which god will never own , though it may bee confidently told you , all is from the lord . a short answer to an vnlicensed pamphlet , entituled , a reply to the chiefe contradictions of master love's sermon . master dell , i little thought , that you who pretend so much to bee guided by the law of love , and of the spirit , would have brought forth such fruits of the flesh . the best word you can afford me ( who never spake ill word of you in my life ) is , satan , the old man , the false prophet , &c. well , your words shall provoke me to a diligent search in mine own soul , but not to a turbulent passion against your person , what ever you say of mee shall not exasperate mee to bring a railing accusation against you . the truth is , i am exceedingly unwilling to shew your nakedness to the world , for men to see your shame , and were it not that the truth of god is more concerned then my selfe , i shou●d be silent ; i cannot but say with the philosopher , amicus plato , amicus socrates , sed magis amica v●ritas . before i shal speak to your reply , i cannot but take notice of one passage in the title of your booke , viz. all published for the good of the faithfull at their desire . to which i have three things to say . . that your sermon , epistle , and reply tends directly to the hurt of the faithfull , not to their good ; for what tends it to ? but to pervert mens judgements , alienate mens affections from a regular government , and from the orthodox and godly ministers of the land ; and is this for the good of the faithfull ? your booke is stu●ft with selfe-contradictions , scripture-mis-interpretations , censorious expressions , and scandalous aspersions on the city , assembly , and ministry of the land ; and is this for the good of the faithfull ? yea , the publishing your book is likely to sow more seeds of discord , and kindle a greater fire of contention in the kingdome , then you will be able to quench ; and is this for the good of the faithfull ? i cannot but give you notice of one thing from your name del , which in the saxon language signifies division ( from whence our english word deale , to distribute , or divide comes ) and how unhappily doth your practice answer your name , and shew that mr. dell is not onely a dissenting but a dividing brother ; if so ? how can what you publish be for the good of the faithful ? if by faithfull you mean such of your mind and way , that your book was published for their good , i can assure you , you misse your end , you could not doe your party a greater piece of dis-service then in publishing your book , wherein there are such weak ( yet confident ) assertions , such dangerous positions ) such vain-glorious expressions , and rigid censures , which hath made you lose more friends then you have purchased . whereas you say it was published at the desire of the faithfull ; i dare not say they are not faithfull , but i will say in this they were not wise , to desire you to publish that in print which was so much distasted ( by the honourable house of commons ) in the pulpit . i have no more to say to the title of your book ; i now addresse my self to answer your reply : wherein i must tell you that i have not had fair dealing from you , which i shall demonstrate in three particulars . . you charge me with that which i never mentioned in my sermon nor ever entred into my heart as if i should say , the reformation of iesus christ which hee works by his word and spirit in all the faithful , and in all the churches of the saints , is no reformation at all : then you demand , how durst you affirme this master love ? see mr. dells reply , page . line . i may retort upon you , how durst you say this mr. dell ? in what you have laid down for my words not a syllable tending to this purpose , is to be found : such a considerable charge against me would neither have beene left out by your notary , nor forgotten by you , had i spoken such words as those ; it makes me think you cannot confute what i speak , seeing you encounter with that which i spake not , a valiant champion i le assure you . . you deale not fairely with mee in this , in that you pervert my words , making them to prove that which was not intended by mee : that you may acknowledge i do not wrong you , i shall give you two instances in your reply , the one is in page . line . where you indeavour to invalidate that saying of the apostle ▪ ( the rest i will set in order when i come ) for that purpose i intended it ; in your reply you intimate as if i urged it to prove the power of the civill magistrate circa sacra which i did not ; i urged that scripture in confutation of that exclusive assertion you laid down in your sermon , page . line . this is true gospel reformation , and besides this i know no other , and elsewhere , that this is the onely reformation of the new testament , page . . you your selfe in writing downe my words cleere it , that i urged those words in answer to that exclusive assertion ; ( as you laid it downe , page . line ) if no other reformation besides heart-reformation , then ( said i ) i wonder how paul could be ●o out , who said , when i come i will set all things in order ; whence i argued this must bee church-order , in reference to some reformation of things externally amisse among them ; and not an order about heart-reformation ; for paul , as i urged , could not order who should have grace , who not ; who should not have small measure of grace , who great , this was not in pauls power to order ; wherefore of necessity it must be an ordering of things by ecclesiasticall discipline , of things externally amisse in the church of corinth by their scandalousnesse of life , and unpreparednesse of heart , in comming to the lords supper , or something else about externall order , as the scope of the place ( being the close of pauls directions about comming to sacrament , cor. . ) and the current of expositers will warrant : (b) calvin saith expresly the apostle meanes onely externall order in matters ecclesiasticall , c so doth pareus on the place , seeing ( saith he ) paul could not in short epistles expresse all things needful about the particular discipline of each of the churches : therefore hee promised when hee came hee would set what is amisse in order . (d) so saith piscator ; the rest i will set in order , that is , saith he , the things pertaining to the order of ecclesiasticall government . this text then is pertinent and prevalent enough to gainsay what you affirme ; viz. that there is no reformation but heart-reformation . the other instance i shall give of your perverting my words , page . where you accuse mee that the scripture could not bee quiet for me , as if i did deny that speech kings . . where god said to david t was well it was in his heart to build but should not . alas , i meddle not with the scripture ; onely with your corrupt and absurd application of this to the honourable house of commons . . you deal not fairly with me in inserting what was most easy for you to cavil at ; and omitting the strength of the arguments i urged : and seeing you could not easily unty the knot , you wovld fairly cut it . and thus having shewed wherein you have not dealt ingenously with me , i come now to shew wherein you have dealt injuriously with the truth . i betake my ●elf to answer your reply : & that i might deal fairly with you , i shal lay down ( what you say were ) my own words , and lay down your reply so much as is needful ; then affix an answer . the words of mine , with which you begin , are . love . cast your eyes upon the begun reformation , though peradventure cryed down with confidence , no such thing as the reformation of the church . see reply pag. . reply . pag. . to which you reply : i taught indeed that the kingdom of christ is a spiritual kingdom , and the reformation of it is answerable ; but little thought that any man would have been so blind or worse , as to have affirmed the preaching of this spiritual and glorious reformation , was to preach against all reformation . is the reformation of jesus christ , which hee works by his word and spirit in all the faithfull , no reformation at all ? how durst you affirm this mr. love ? answ. mr dell to clear himselfe from what i charged him with ( viz. that he c●yed down all ecclesiasticall reformation ) saith , that he little thought any man would be so blind or worse , to affirm that the preaching of this spiritual reformation , was to preach against all reformation . to which i must needs confess , to preach of spirituall reformation , as it should be preacht , is not to preach against all other reformation : but to preach of spirituall reformation , as mr. dell preacht it , viz. exclusively , is to preach against all other reformation . yet mr. dell , to make men beleeve as if he were not against ecclesiasticall reformation , saith , that he thinks him mad or worse , that affirms spirituall reformation excludes all other reformation : truly i am of his mind . now that i might turn the edge of this assertion against mr dell i shall reduce it into this syllogism . major . that man that affirms spirituall reformation , excludes al other reformation , is either blind or worse . minor . but mr. dell affirms spirituall reformation excludes all other reformation . concl. therefore mr. dell is either blind or worse . the major proposition is evident , master del himself confesseth it in the page fore quoted , p. . the minor is as evident , viz. that mr dell affirms spirituall reformation , and excludes all other reformation ; for he saith expresly , that besides this spirituall reformation he knows no other , serm. page . line . and that this spirituall reformation is the onely reformation of the new testament , serm. page . l. . what then follows , but that m. dell is either blind or worse ? and whereas you lay to my charge in your reply , that i should affirm the reformation of iesus christ by his word and spirit in the faithful is no reformation : truly sir , i never durst hold so , it s farre from my heart , i acknowledg heart-reformation to be the most glorious reformation , yet not the only reformation . i had thought you would have answered what i spake , and not unjustly fasten upon me what i spake not , but i perceive your tongue is your owne . love . as if all were encompassed within the narrow heart of man . reply , yet i said plainly enough when the heart is reformed , all is reformed , and gospel reformation though it begins in the inward man , ends in the outward , did you sir , accuse me rightly then or no ? ans. 't is true , you said so in pag. . l. . and you said the quite contrary in pag. . l. . besides heart reformation i know no other ; and pag. . l. . besides heart reformation , the new testament knows no other . now if what you say in one place , you contradict in another , who can help it ? and whereas you demand whether i accused you rightly , in laying to your charge that you held onely for heart reformation denying all other . i answer , i did , and i stand to the accusation stil , for did not you say , besides heart ▪ reformation , there is no other reformation that you know of ; and that this is the onely reformation of the new testament ; let the reader judge whether i did not then accuse you rightly . love . if this be so , rase out the first article of the covenant . reply . page . i had rather the whole covenant were rased out , then the least truth contained in the word of god , though i like the covenant well enough according to the true intention of it . and again , if the thing be truly considered , it will appeare that you are more against the covenant then i , for the covenant engageth us to reform according to the word of god , but you it seems would reform without , yea , against the word , with outward and secular power , which you wil not suffer in t●e magistrates hands neither , but will needs have it in your owne . answ. i have laid down all your words in this reply , that others may discern , and you might bee convinced of the impertinency and falshood thereof ; and that in five particulars . . in this reply , you take not off what i urged , viz. if there be onely heart reformation , then must you rase out the first article of the covenant , which binds to a reformation in worship , discipline , and government , which is a reformation distinct from heart reformation ; but against this you speake not a word in this reply , then i 'le conclude that your silence gives consent . . you say you like the covenant wel enough according to the true intention of it : truly sir , you must pardon me , i cannot beleeve you ; and that upon these grounds . . the covenant , according to the true intention of it , tyes to the preservation of the reformed religion in the church of scotland in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government ; but you like not that : you had rather pull down then preserve the discipline of the church of scotland , it being presbyteriall ; yea ▪ you call that the carnal church that cals for the aide of the civil magistrate for his civil sanction , which scotland doth ; and will you make mee beleeve you would preserve that church or government ? . the covenant , according to the true intention of it tyes us to indeavour to bring the churches of god in the three kingdoms , to uniformity in religion , confession of faith , forme of church-government , directory for worship ; but you like not these ; you have in print and pulpit declared your dislike against most , or all of these : how then dare you say you like the covenant wel enough according to the true intention of it ? . you do untruly say , that i am more against the covenant then you . in this i hope i shall easily convince you by an induction of particular passages in the covenant . . i acknowledge the church of scotland a reformed church , so doe not you . . i would in my place ▪ and calling endevour to preserve the reformed religion in the church of scotland , in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , so will not you . . i doe acknowledge the covenant holds ●orth that reformation of church government or discipline , mentioned in the first article , to be a distinct reformation from that mentioned in the end of the covenant , but so do not you ; for you hold that besides heart reformation there is no other . yea , . i , according to the covenant , endevour after uniformitie in matters of religion , but you do not so , unlesse your mind bee changed from what it was when you printed a book against uniformity . . i am for a confession of faith ; but you had three passages in your sermon against it . . i am for a form of church government ; but you not so , your sermon wil testifie against you . . i am for a directory for vvorship and catechizing ; you not so . . i acknowledge my selfe bound in my place and calling to indevour the extirpation of schism & heresie , as wel as popery or prelacy ; but you do not so . these things considered , with what face can you say , that i am more against the covenant then you ? i hope the ingenuous reader will be a judge of righteous thoughts about this matter betwixt us both . . you accuse me , and many others through my weake sides , as if we would reform without and against the vvord ; though the lord knows the purpose of our hearts , that wee desire to make the vvord the rule to square all our services by ; but because you onely say it , but not prove it , 't is not worth a words speaking more . . you most falsly accuse me , and others of the presbyterian judgment , that we will not suffer secular power in the magistrates hands , but will needs have it in our own ; we desire none of the magistrates power in our hands , which i have sufficiently spoken to in my animadversions on your sermon . i must needs say you shew not plain and christian dealing , that when you cannot overthrow what presbyterians say or practice , by convincing arguments , you would endevour to doe it by slanderous reports ; this is not fair . mr. love , if this doctrine be true , that gospel reformation is only spirituall , then i wonder how paul was so out , who said , when i come i will set all things in order ? surely this was a church-order . reply , page . but pray what outward or secular power had paul ( who suffered not onely much from the world , but most from the false apostles ) to set the church in order ? did paul thinke you use any worldly power to set the church in order , or only the power of the word and spirit ? but these men think if the church he set in order by the word and spirit only ( which were sufficient in pauls time ) it 's likely to be out of order for them . ans. having spoken to this reply before , i may spare my pains now ; yet m●st i let you know that you do me wrong in three particulars . . in laying down a part of my words which you thought might best serve your purpose , and leave out the other part of my words , on which the weight of my argument lay , in urging that text , cor. . . the rest i le set in order when i come : i said this order must be about matters of ecclesiasticall discipline , and not ordering about heart reformation , for paul could not order any thing about this , who should have this reformation , who should not ; who should have grace , who not ; who should have small measures of grace , who great : so pauls words must have reference to externall order in matters ecclesiasticall , as calvin , piscator , and paraeus expounds it . . you doe mee wrong in laying downe my words to some other thing then i intended , as if i urged that text to prove the power of the civill magistrate in matters of religion ; which i did not ( other scriptures testifie that sufficiently i need not wrest this ) but onely to prove that the new testament warrants another kind of reformation besides heart-reformation ; consisting in ecclesiastical constitutions for externall order ; which this text affirms . . in affirming that i ( with others ) think , if the church b●e set in order by the vvord and spirit , it is like to be out of order for us . i acknowledg the church is then best ordered for us , when ordered by the vvord ; seeing that order allows not such confused disorders , as the want of church discipline would bring in . love . to cry down all kind of government under heart-government , and all reformation as carnall , because you have the civill magistrates hand to it ; is against that place in tim . pray for kings and all in authority that we may lead a peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty . reply . well argued now indeed . babes and sucklings you shall come forth and answer this master in israel , the sense of this place is evidently this , that christians should pray for kings and governours , that god would so incline their hearts , that whilst wee live in godlinesse under them , they would suffer us to live in peace , and not make us fare the worse in the world for our interest in the kingdome of god , and what one drop can mr. love squeeze out of this scripture to coole the tip of his tongue ? for the meaning is not that the magistrate should inforce godlinesse , but protect us in godlinesse . an. to this i have things to say , . 't is true , you have my sense in the words you laydown for mine , but not my words . i said indeed , to cry down all government and reformation as carnall , because it hath the protection or civill sanction of the magistrate , doth crosse that place , tim. . . and so i say still ; and in stead of your calling forth your babes and sucklings to answer this ; you your selfe dare not come forth and deny it . . you had need call for babes and sucklings to answer this ; some body else had need doe it , for indeed you doe not doe it your self ; nay , you grant as much as i affirme , which i shall declare presently . . i cannot but take notice what a charitable allusion you have in comparing me to dives , that i should squeeze a drop to coole the tip of my tongue ; excellent good language for you to have in your mouth , what a damned man in hell spake ( if it bee not a parable ) where the law of love did not beare sway . you that have borrowed this one expression from dives , have borrowed many other expressions from some one else , not farre from him . . you grant what i affirme from tim. . . you say , the magistrate should not inforce godlinesse , but protect godlinesse ; so say i too ; if hee must protect us , how can this bee but by giving his civill sanction to allow us the publike exercise of that religion and government christ hath set up within his dominion ? ●hus instead of denying , you confirm what i said . love . to justle out the magistrates power , is to justle out the first article of the covenant ; and they that justle out that , wil ▪ justle out you shortly . reply . good sir , ascribe not your owne work to our hands , the justling out of the magistrate , have you not made it a chiefe part of your businesse now for a long while together ? and are you not still so diligent●y acting it every day , that now you thinke your worke is in some forwardnesse , and are pretty well able to deale with him ? and now because you would not bee mistrusted your selves , you pu●likely slander us with it ; wee see clearely through all your sl●nder disguises . answ. to return you an answer to this , i have three things to lay down , viz. . here you leave out my words , and vary from the sense that i intended them ; indeed i said , that to justle out the magistrates power , as if hee had nothing to doe with matters of reformation , was to justle out them from having any thing to do with the first article of the covenant , no more then any common man in the kingdom . . you ungroundedly say , as if i had made it , ( with others ) the chiefe part of our businesse for a long while together , to justle out the magistrate : the lord judge betweene you and us concerning this thing : magistrates never flourisht more , nor were they an● where more secured , then where the presbyteriall government was establisht ; and never was magistracy more sleighted and opposed , then where anabaptists and heretiques prevailed . . you say , that we slander you , that wee might not bee mistrusted our selves ; i could wish it were a slander , not a truth ; as for any mistrust that we would avoid , we fear none ; the simplicity of our hearts which we have in christ jesus , bears us up against all mistrusts , though we be slanderously reported . love . ezra was of another mind , ezra . . . whosoever will not do the law of thy god and the law of the king , let judgement be executed speedily upon him ; whether it be unto death , or unto banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment . reply . well sir , will you stand to this place , and shall this end the controversie ? pray marke then , this was part of the decree of artaxerxes a king of the nations touching the iews , for the rebuilding of the material temple , that they should have liberty to do it , and not be molested in their doing of it ; but should have what assistance the state could afford : the decree was this , ezra . . . i make a decree , &c. answ. sir , instead of making a reply to that text , ezra . . which i quoted , you passe that over with silence , and spend but one line about it , & spend above fifty lines at least in clearing ezra . . which i quoted not : whether this be a pertinent reply , let the reader judge . and whereas you vauntingly boast and triumph , as if you had got the day , daring me to stand to this , which i am not ashamed nor afraid to do , maintaining still that this scripture doth warrant , that the civill magistrate hath power to punish with death , banishment or otherwise ( as the evill deserves ) for transgrefling the lawes of god , as well as the kings : and to this purpose mr. burroughs ( with many others ) urgeth this text as well as i , and beza on the place saith , that these heathen princes thought it equall that a capitall punishment should be inflicted on the transgressors of gods law ; and ( saith he ) the spirit of god would have these decrees of heathen princes to be exstant to shame christian princes , if they should not do so now . i now come to view over what you lay down in page . to be the force of the place , ezra . . . . you say that the force of the place is that the magistrate may make a decree for all that are minded of their own free will to build the spirituall temple of iesus christ , and to gather up into a communion of saints . to which i have two things to urge , . here you speake for the civill sanction of the magistrate in matters of religion , that he make a decree ; but elsewhere you speake against this , as in serm. p. . lin. . where you expresse your self that the duties of outward worship and government should not be confirmed by civill sanction ; and in page . lin. . and ult. that christ called not for outward aid of the magistrate ; why then doe you here call in for his aide to make a decree to give you liberty for your selves , when you deny such a thing to us ? . the extent of this decree , which you say this place ezra . . doth in force , that who are minded of their free will to gather into communion of saints , should doe it ; what is this but to say , that this text doth warrant this , that the magistrate should give an universall toleration to any who will call themselves saints to assemble together , and publikely professe their way ; should the magistrate give this scope , that who will may gather into communion ; churches in time would be like that rude multitude ( who yet is called a church as the greeke word signifies ) in ephesus , who raised an uproare against paul ; could you make this place to inforce this , you would put a weapon into the hands of papisticall , prelaticall , anabaptisticall , anarchicall and malignant men , which they never yet used ; to plead for gathering together in communion , as well as you . . you say , this is the force of the place , that the magistrate ought to permit this to be d●ne according to the law of god in your hands , or rather the law of the spirit of life in your hearts , and not to inforce upon you any clergy-constitutions , page ▪ answ. . this place warrants the magistrate to permit the free and publique exercise of the truth , not of errour ; the magistrate that is enjoyned by god to protect the true religion must not tolerate a false . . this place doth rather plead for a clergy-constitution ( as you scoffingly call it ) hen any wayes deny it ; for this decree of artaxerxes was granted upon the request of ezra , who was a priest ( compare ezr. . . with ez● . . . ) which place will warrant what you deny in your sermon , viz. that ministers may petition the civill magistrate to have idolaters , heretiques ; or other grosse transgressors of gods law to be punisht with death , banishment , or imprisonment , as the cause shall require ; this decree then of banishment , death , &c. being granted upon the request of ezra a priest , in that sense it may bee somewhat like a clergy-constitution . i shall say more to your third . . in the third place you say , that the force of this text is , that the magistrate may deterre me and the rest of the kingdome , that are of the like minde , from resisting and hindering you in gathering into communion , page . and a little before you say he may do it upon pain of death and banishment . answ. i am glad you speak out , now i know what you mean , and would you stand to any thing , i should know where to finde you . . you grant that the magistrate may deterre mee and others of the like minde , that we hinder not your gathering together in a communion of saints , and that upon pain of death and banishment : by this i see your spirit , that you would have the magistrate deterre , and that by death and banishment , the presbyterians who doe oppose your gathering into communion . oh what jugling hypocrisie is this , one while to cry downe the magistrates power , when presbyterians desire his aid against sectaries and heretiques ; anon to cry it up , that he should deterre upon pain of death or banishment , those of a presbyterian judgement ? presbyterians had neede looke about them , should mr. dells faction prevaile ▪ this is the best they can expect , th●● the magistrate should deterre them , and that with death , or banishment , should they oppose what mr. dell saith is the communion of saints . . but suppose i should fight with you with your own weapons , and argue by your owne principles ; presbyterians plead their way to be truth and your way to be wrong , and that they are bound to oppose it , ( and their consciences rest satisfied therein : ) now if they should oppose your way , the magistrate ( by your own principles ) cannot touch them , because they follow their consciences ; how then dare you say the magistrate may deterre men by punishments , for opposing you , and yet he must not deterre heretiques by corporall penalties for opposing the truth ? love . if it was good in your hearts to thinke to reforme it 's much better to doe it . reply . does not god say , it was well that david thought to build a temple , but yet for all that he should not build it ? and doe you dare to blame this very thing ? cannot the scripture be quiet for you ? answ. i might observe that you doe not onely leave out much of my words , but also pervert them ; 't is a fault so frequently committed by you , and reproved by me , that i am weary to tell you of it any more . i come to answer your interrogatories in your reply . you demand , doth not god say , it was well that david thought to build the temple , yet hee should not build it ? i say so too , and never said the contrary ; i acknowledge , god said , 't was well that david thought to build him an house , but yet he should not doe it , i denyed not that , but this i deny , that ever god said to the parliament , it was well in them to thinke to reforme , but yet they must not doe it . i have spoken to this at large in my animadversions on your sermon , wherefore i forbeare it now ; and whereas you charge mee that the scripture cannot bee quiet for mee , i answer ; i meddle not with the scripture , but onely with your corrupt application of it ; in which there were six absurdities , as i have evidently demonstrated in my animadversions on your sermon . love . you neede not feare losing a party . reply yea , but how if god be in that party ? what then sir , is it not better keeping a little poore despised party that hath god in it , then a great and numerous party without god ? again , did you preach before the parliament to make or cast off parties ; doth this appertain to the mystery of christ and the father ? reader , those men are so over-busie in making and marring parties , that i much feare they will in the end throw the kingdome into more misery and bloud , then their predecessors haue done . answer . there are no lesse then five mistakes , which run through the ve●nes of this reply . . that that party which opposeth presbyteriall government are the peculiar people who have god among them . . that the presbyterian party , though great and numerous , have not god on their side , but are still without god . . that i preacht before the parliament to make parties ; whereas the lord knowes , i did not intend to preach a word of all this : to which you reply , untill i heard the many falshood that you so confidently delivered . . that my preaching did not appertain to the mystery of christ and the father , because ( as you say ) i preacht to make parties ; but yours must go under the name of gospel-light , & preaching of christ , though the scope and intendment ; of your sermon was to make a party what else did you intend in your last addresse to the parliament , after you desired a toleration to assemble together , when and where and how you list ; if the parliament would grant you this liberty , how did you as the head of a partie assure the parliament in these words ? wee will be willingly contented to doe and suffer all things with you , wee will cheerefully runne through honour and dishonour with you , fame and infamy , gain and losse , trouble and quietnesse , peace and warre , life and death , and that you would desire nothing but this liberty , to preach and publish the truth . if this was not a party , if you might have a toleration , i understand not plaine english . . your fifth mistake is , in affirming that the presbyterians will throw the kingdome into more misery and blood then the prelates have done : alas , i may returne you an answer in your own words , that you ascribe your owne works to our hands ; if ever the kingdome be brought into misery and blood ( which god forbid ) you may thank your selves for crying up an universall toleration ; for making a causelesse seperation from communion with us ( whom yet you ( at least some of you ) acknowledge to bee a churches of christ ) for fostering divisions , alienating the people from their faithfull pastors , and broaching damnable heresies , which crying provocations may prove a grave to all our hopes , and a resurrection to all our former troubles , miseries and bloodshed . love . reformation is no forcing conscience , it meddles not with conscience , it retaines practice ; if a iesuite come from rome to kill a great person , he does it in conscience , but i meddle not with his conscience , i restrain his practise . reply . doth your reformation only restraine outward practice ? then to tye up mad dogs and beares and tygers is your most excellent reformation you that will not meddle with the consciences of men , it is no wonder you are making so many iron yokes for their necks , and so many snares and fetters to hamper the outward man , the proper subject it seems of your reformation ; and thus taking upon your selves the reformation of the outward man , you do indeed put the magistrates work to an end , and then the assembly may serve in the place of the house of commons , and sion colledge in the place of the lord major , aldermen , and common-councell . see ye not , oh you powers of the world , how the ecclesiasticall powers would eat you out ? &c. answ , in this part of your reply ( 't is so long i cannot write it all ) i perceive four bitter invectives , viz. . against ecclesiasticall reformation , as if it were not worthy the name of reformation , because it doth onely restrain outward practice ; whereas 't is rather a commendation to the reformation desired , that it can doe so much , then a discommendation of it that it can do no more . . you inveigh against reformation , that the excellency of it is to tye up mad-dogs , and beares , and tygers : to tell you the truth , i think those that tye up those un●uly creatures , doe better then they that let them loose to hurt and to destroy ; presbyterians ( as you confesse ) by their reformation tye up those savage beasts , but you by your universall toleration let loose heretiques , ( who in scripture are compared to hurtful beasts ) to have their liberty to vent errors , destroy souls , and make prey of the simple ; who then doe best , whether they that tye up mad-dogs , beares , or tygers , or those that let them loose , the reader will judge . . you inveigh against the reformation likewise , as if iron yokes and fetters for the outward man were the proper subject of this reformation : whereas presbyterians doe unanimously acknowledge the censures of the church are onely spirituall , they reach not the outward man neither in estate , liberty , or life ; that belongs onely to the civil magistrate : mr. dell , let me tell you 't is not fit , that when you cannot confute a party , you should belie them ; when you cannot overthrow what the presbyterians hold , to asperse them with what they hold not . . you inveigh against the assembly at westminster , and the ministers of london , as if the assembly would ●ome in the place of the house of commons , and sion colledge in the place of the lord major , aldermen , and common-councell , p. . i see at whom you levell your invenomed arrows , you carry an akeing tooth against the assembly and city ministers ; 't is your usual way , that those with whom you dare not dispute by arguments , you would disparage by slanders . time hath bin when you would have given better words of the convocation house , then you can now give the assembly , and of the lazy prelates , then you can now of painfull preache●s ; i wish you might repent of both . there are many other unsavoury passages in the latter end of your reply , which hath made your book to stinke before the people , both in vain commendations of your self , censorious expressions of me , and scandalous aspersions on others . is not the end of your reply stuft with a high conceit of your own sermon , and a false conceit of mine ? do not you boast that your sermon savors wel to the faithful , and ill to the world , and mine the contrary ? are not you so highly conceited of your sermon , that it might be preacht anywhere , where the gospel hath a free passage , and mine onely fit for rome , or some place else , where the precious word is under restraint ? do not you glory in your own light , which you call sometimes new , other whiles gospel light , and lay me under this condemnation , that i have but old light , and am but an old creature still ? i le not spend time in my own vindication , i had rather write an hundred lines to vindicate the truth , then one line to vindicate my selfe . but you rest not here , you are lavish in your censures of others also . do not you say ecclesiasticall powers would ●ate out the powers of the world ? do not you say that the ministers of this kingdome ( if you mean any body else tell , us so ) would exalt themselves in christs stead in the church , and set under their feet the magistrates power in the world , and that this is so evident , that there is some operation of satan upon him that sees it not . i need not returne answer to these vaine-glorious and censorious expressions , the very mention thereof will be a sufficient confutation to worke in the hearts of the people , a detestation of what you preacht and printed . i may end this answer as you doe ( almost ) your reply , concerning me , that there are many other weake , passionate , inconsiderate , and erroneous passages in your epistles , sermon , and reply , neither worth troubling the reader with , nor my selfe . a post-script , vindicating the author from many unjust aspersions cast upon him . master dell in his epistle to the honourable house of commons , reports that i preacht against the articles at oxford ; which i did not , for when i desired the honourable worthies of parliament to cast their eyes upon the universitie to reform it i did premise this , that in what i should say i would no wayes reflect on the articles at oxford ? which being made ( as i said ) stands with the honour and justice of the parliament to have them kept ; was this to preach against the articles ? . mr dell in his epistle also chargeth me that i called the parliament a mongrill parliament , which i did not ; indeed i said because errours and heresies spread , and the promoters thereof are not punisht therefore others accuse them to be so , but i never did . . it is reported that mr dell should shew me his notes before he preacht , and that i did approve the matter , yet spent time in study to gain-say what he delivered : the originall of this report i finde to be one mr ireton in pater-noster row ; who saith that his brother commissary ireton did affirm this to be true , which indeed is utterly false ; i never saw mr dels face untill the munday before the fast , nor had i any more words with him then to put to his choyce what part of the day he would chuse to preach on ; i never knew one word of his sermon untill i heard him preach it . . i am aspersed for gain-saying what was preacht , and that so suddenly and publickely ; the truth is , had i consulted with flesh and blood , to consider the greatnesse of the assembly , the scantling minute i had for meditation and recollection of what he preacht ; if i had considered also whom i should likely displease , what censures i should incur , i should have been silent ; but overlooking this and well weighing that i could not be true unto my own principles , nor my inward peace , nor to the truth it selfe , i was constrained in spirit to shew my dislike in giving some innocent touches on severall unsound passages in the sermon ; presuming if one man dare be so bold to publish error , another may take boldnesse to vindicate the truth . . i am censured for not printing my sermon , as if i were ashamed or recanted of what i said ( which i professe i do not ; ) well i had rather lye under this censure then run into mr dells error , to print a sermon preached before the parliament , without their order . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * gainas being addicted to the arian heresie , petitioned arcadius the emperor , that he might have favor , within his territories , to have a church for the publike exercise of arianisme , making this the ground of his request , that he had done him great service , and gotten great victories for the romans ; yet arcadius the emperour denyed his request ( upon the advice of chrysostome , ) and although gain●s had done serv●●e in the wars , yet would hee not give him a toleration for the publike exercise of the arian heresie in the church ; see theod. hist. lib. . c. . mr. dells epistle● fifth leafe . mr. dells epistle to the reader . notes for div a e- * fox in his acts & monum. vol. p. . mr. dell is mistaken in expounding his text . mr. dell by the expounding of his text declar●s himselfe to be a socinian mr. dells sermon . p. . l. ● . animadvers. ●r . dells serm. ● l. . ●nimadvers. ●r . dell an an●●nomian . ●r . dels serm. 〈…〉 . animadvers. mr. dels serm. p. l. ● . animadvers. ●r . burgesse in vindication the morall 〈◊〉 doth clear discover and ●●rnedly con●●●e this soci●ian tenet , ● . 〈◊〉 . dell is fal●●● into soci●nisme . mr. dels se●p. . l. . animadvers. mr dell aga●●● the first art● of the cove●nan● . mr. dels se●●p. . l. ● . animadvers. ruthe●fo●d this place in sermon 〈◊〉 the ho●●rable house 〈◊〉 commons , 〈◊〉 . . . th'that da●ius●●●uired 〈◊〉 subjecti●● to the god daniel , 〈◊〉 the word ●●mb●ing , and ●●ward subje●●●on under the ●ord s●are . ● . burtnons●●dication of ●●e indepen●●nt churches , ●● . mr. dell se●●p●l . * though i 〈◊〉 not a friend prelates , yet t is fit we should give the devill his due ; prelates renounce what mr. dell doth cha●● them with ; hee saith that what they brought to kings after they had studied ▪ they must maintai● and not question ▪ the prelates say otherwise , that kings must truely informe their consciences to●●ching the truth of that religion they do establish vide ; davenant : dispu●●de de judice ac no●ma fidei p : ●ad . animadvers. see the ●●nsiderati●●s and cauti●●s agreed ●p●● by the mini●●●rs of london●●d westmin●●●r at sion●olledge iune● . . p. . ● . ● . dells serm. ● . l. . ●●imadvers. mr. dells serm● p. l. . animadvers. ●●gust in e●●st : . ●●bellius on ●●de v. . ioh. . ● mr. dells se●● ▪ p. ● . l. . animadvers. vide t●sta● bus●ens . in ch● . . king . . ●r . dels serm. . l. . ●nimadvers. absurdity . absurdity . absurdity . absurdity . absurdity . brightman on revel. . . absurdity . mr. dels serm. ● . . l. animadvers. see mr. ru●herfords due ●●ght of presby●eries , p. . ●onclus . . ●ee mr. dels●pistle d●di●atory third ●ase . ●r . dels serm. ● . . . animadvers. pet. . . mr. dell serm. p. . l. ● . animadvers. mr. dell ser● . p. . l : : animader● . ●neh●●m mis●●m . in cap de ●●gistratu sic ●●bit omnes fere nostra●ibus ●●ius sunt sen●tiae quod ho●●● si●t gladis ●●itudi . ●●a in librum ●●tra holderum ●●lac . andreae ●●no . edito . see mr. bur●roughs of he● divisions , p● & . mr. dels ser● p. . l. mr. dells ser●p. . l. . animadvers. mr. dels serm. ● . . l. . ●nimadvers. ●r : dells serm. ● . . l. . ●nimadvers. mr. dell serm. ● . . l . animadvers. mr. del● serm. . l. . animadvers. ●panhemius●●argeth the ●nabaptists in ●ermany , to bee the occasion of ●any commoti●ns . mr. dells sermon , p. l. ●nimadvers ●eply , p. . ●ne . ●stendit qualis 〈◊〉 christi ad●●ncus sine pom●● aut apparatu ●●alis regibus ●●renis esse so●●● , adventu enim ●egum varit ●epitus & in●●ntes ac●lama●●nes , cal●●n in loc. ●●d . wolfe , ●usculus , in ● . . . mr. dels ser●p. . l. . animadvers. socrat. lib. . hist. eccl. c. ●errard , loc. ●●om de magi●ratu politico●um . . mr. dels serm. ● . . l. . ●nimadvers. mr. dels serm. ● . . l. . animadvers. mr. dels serm p. . l. . animadvers. mr. dells ser●on , p. . l. ●nimadvers. mr. dels serm. ● . . l. . ●nimadvers. mr. dels serm. ● . . l . ●nimadvers. mr. dells serm. ● l. . animadvers. mr. dels ser● p. . l. animadvers. mr. dels ser● p. . l. . animadvers. ●● . dells serm. ● . l. ult. ●●imadvers . notes for div a e- see the title-page to mr. dells sermon . vide minsh●● 〈◊〉 his guide ●nto the ●ongues p. ●n the word deale from the sax●n word deelen , dividere . a gr. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . mr. dels reply p. . line . cor. . (b) certum paulus non nisi de exter●● decoro loq● tur , cal. in cor : . c pareus in ●in diciti 〈◊〉 lus non po●●rat brevibu●● epistolis o●●nia comple●● quae ad pa●●cularem sin 〈◊〉 la●um ecclesiarum discip●●nam & errorum vitior●● que correc● r●m requir● 〈◊〉 ; ideo &c. (d) reliqua 〈◊〉 dinabo , ea 〈◊〉 pertinentia a● ordinem ec●●●siasticae poli●●tiae , piscator locum . mr. burroughs of heart-divisions , p. . principes bi fuere profani , ad quos lex illa forensis a mose ●●ta non pertineba● , & tamen aequum putabant , ut in impies capitali poena animadverteretur ; voluit igitur formulas illas edictorum extare spiritus sanctus ▪ ut principes christianos puderet in vindi●●nda religione , profanis regi●us priores concedere . beza de haereticis . acts. . . ● {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . . mistake ▪ . mistake . mistake . mistake m●●eak p. . p. . reasons shewing that there is no need of such a reformation of the publique . doctrine. . worship. . rites & ceremonies. . church-government. . discipline. as it is pretended by reasons offered to the serious consideration of this present parliament, by divers ministers of sundry counties in england. by h.s. d.d. chaplain to his majestie in ordinary. h. s. (henry savage), ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing s thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) reasons shewing that there is no need of such a reformation of the publique . doctrine. . worship. . rites & ceremonies. . church-government. . discipline. as it is pretended by reasons offered to the serious consideration of this present parliament, by divers ministers of sundry counties in england. by h.s. d.d. chaplain to his majestie in ordinary. h. s. (henry savage), ?- . [ ], p. printed for humphrey robinson at the three pigeons in st. pauls church-yard, london : . h.s. = henry savage. the words " . doctrine. worship." are enclosed in brackets on title page; " . rites .. discipline." are bracketed together in a parallel column. annotation on thomason copy: "sept. .". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -- doctrines -- apologetic works -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no reasons shewing that there is no need of such a reformation of the publique . doctrine. . worship. . rites & ceremonies. . church-govern h. s d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reasons shewing that there is no need of such a reformation of the publique . doctrine . . worship . . rites & ceremonies . . church-government . . discipline . as is pretended by reasons offered to the serious consideration of this present parliament , by divers ministers of sundry counties in england : by h. s. d. d. chaplain to his majestie in ordinary . phil. . . let your moderation be known unto all men . the lord is at hand . london , printed for humphrey robinson at the three pigeons in st. pauls church-yard , . c. l. arca palaestinis latuit velut exul in oris : davidis ad reditum , quam rediisse juvat . hac bene consultâ ; sub quovis , arma movere , relligio , obtentu relligionis , erit . hinc etenim infandae caedes , & facta tyranni effera , praeconum scandala magna fluunt . undique doctrinam hanc , tonuerunt rostra , rebellem , clavum , schismatici dum tenuere , ratis . remigat hàc bradshaw , referens sua tincta , cruore , brachia , divorum , vix februanda : proin alter ut infaelix ; pariter censendus uterque , quòd sua , maturo tempore , fata tulit . ergo paeniteat facti , quicunque superstes jam sis , ac hujus criminis actor eras : sic parcas venerere tuas ; monuere quòd , etsi damnatum gyaris , te ; monuere tamen . in their epistle to the right honovrable the lords and commons assembled in parliament . they say that its farre from their thoughts to oppose or disparage orthodox doctrine , a well composed liturgy , rites for decency and order , ordination of ministers , apostolical episcopacy , or due rules of discipline . all this i like well : and that they are for all these , i like much better ; especially being accompanied with truth , without violation of liberty allowed by christ . but this mistaken liberty hath served as an engine to pull downe doctrine , liturgy rites , orders . episcopacy , discipline and all : nothing being set up in the room thereof unlesse an empusa , that must have but one leg to stand upon , to w●t , mens owne imaginations and single apprehensions of things . the thing mainly toucht in the said epistle is episcopacy , whereof they make representation not of the pretended illegality onely , but of the ill effects too ; as namely , how the bishops in all ages since the conquest have sharply persecuted all that threw off popery , where kings have not curbed the violence of them . an argument of that nature as strong for episcopacy as could have been produced , if we consider what good those men would have done in the church , had they lived under the reformation , by reflexion ▪ had upon st. paul himselfe , who having been before his conversion a grievous persecutor , became after it a zealous promoter of the gospel . and indeed 't is to b● confessed that the confusions that have ensued upon that episcopall rigour have rendred the objects thereof , ( but to the great scandall of themselves and the gospel ) guilty of rebellion against kings , a thing often practiced , but never professed by any but the disciples of junius brutus . and of this spirit were the furious zealots in the time of edw. . mentioned in the epistle , which they pretend to have been fomented and not moderated , but countenanced by that pious king : who was so far from it , that he not onely caused one book of common-prayer to be composed and enjoyned instead of the severall formes secundum usum sarum , &c. in practice before , whence men took occasion to use what formes they pleased ; but also prohibited by proclamation all preaching whatsoever , till he and his parliament had taken order for the settlement of religion ; and setting of bounds to all , but especially to the anabaptistical spirits , out of which divine circle they were not to pass in their praedications . and what i have spoken in defence of former popish bishops , the same may be said of those in queen maries dayes . lastly , it 's pretended that the noble king james was perswaded by the bishops , by whom he was continually plyed , to leave the liturgy unreformed , to compell all to subscribe to the same , and to enforce the observation of canons that were illegall : whereby some were suspended , others under canonical admonition , the next door to deprivation ; and all this clean contrary to that influence which the conference at hampton-court would have had upon him . but whosoever looks upon the proclamation prefixed to the book of common prayer , shall finde it de facto to be nothing so : and whosoever considers the deep learning and profound judgement of that renowned prince , will never believe it to be so ; he being able to cope with any prince or prelate in the world in matters of that nature . and here one thing is not to be omitted before i put a period to my observations upon the epistle ; that they alleadge the liturgy to have remained uureformed in greatest part , or most materiall points ; notwithstanding much complained of , in the conference at hampton ▪ court . whence i observe that somethings , even at their owne instance , were added or amended in the liturgy , and with those additions or emendations was it warranted by the proclamation of king james . if so , why do they , of all men , except against it , as a thing not established by law ? i intend not to contend with the punctilles of law ; wherein the more a man flutters , the worse he may be entangled : onely thus much i say , that conscience will not absolve any man who hath subscribed to the observation of the same , and of the other things in question , so long as they are either necessary or adiaphora , which we are in our ensuing work to defend . reasons shewing that there is no necessity of such a reformation of the publique . i. doctrine . concerning this ; the main thing insisted upon , is the articles , with the kings declaration praefixed to them : wherein it is commanded not to affix any other sense to the articles besides the literal ; & this , say they , tyes us up from all liberty of interpreting any article , whereof they give us several instances , and that all this was done by the procurement of the then bishops . but surely if this be any matter of record , the k. had some body else to pen it : and if it be reasonable , the bishops need not be ashamed of being the authors of it . but so reasonable it is , that there 's nothing in it that may enforce those consequences that they would infer upon it : inasmuch as the affixing of no other sense besides the literall , does not , i hope , take away the liberty of explaining the articles , or shewing what is , and what is not their literall sense . the next exception is at the homilies wherein it is falsely said , say they , that plurality of wives was permitted to the fathers , because they every one hoped and begged that christ might come of their stock and kindred ; as if , say they , all did not know out of what tribe christ was to issue ( the homily is mistaken , though the page be right . ) whereunto i answer , that plurality of wives began before that prophecy , that christ should come of the tribe of judah : and therefore before this time all did not know so much ; nor could every man fish so much afterwards out of so mysterious a prophecy . the third is , that the homilies call the apocrypha the teaching of the holy ghost . answ. . that the book of homilies speaks according to the common language of those times ; which so spake of them , because they were reckoned in the canon ( not of faith ) but of manners . . they themselves confesse the things there quoted to be true in a charitable construction ; & omnis veritas à spiritu sancto est . the th . exception is , that the articles contain no discovery of popish doctrines , being the first tenets of arminius , &c. answ. that the doctrine of arminius is not the doctrine of popery : the articles condemn both ; and therefore are no breasts , at which popery and arminianisme may be suckt in , as is pretended . the th . exception is , that all things necessary to salvation are not comprised in the articles . whereunto i answer , that the same exception may lye against the confessions of any reformed church ; but these that are , suffice to shew their harmony with those of other churches : and what is wanting in the articles , is made out in the rest of the catechisme . hereunto may be added their exception of not enumerating the books of the new testament , as well as those of the old . answ. that the canonicall books of the old testament are enumerated to distinguish them from the apocryphal : but in the n. t. ( there being no apocryphals ) there needed no enumeration . and if popery may be grounded upon the articles ( as is pretended ) they need not fear any tacite rejection of st. james his epistle , or calling of it stamineam epistolam , as luther does , nor yet of the d ▪ of peter , in as much as the compilers of the articles are adversaries to those that are {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ep. . . nor of the revelation neither , in as much as the seven angels of the . churches , are taken to be a cleer proof of episcopacy . the th . exception is , that the articles are not proved by places of scripture . answ. they are known to be sufficiently proved by others , and therefore they might have done so too : bnt had they done it ; cavils would not have been wanting against the proofs themselves , where none could be found against the things . ii. for worship . the maine exception is , that it doth not appear by any enrollment or otherwise that this is the book of common prayer . answ. that if this be not the book ; i pray produce another . if you do , it will be one , which in your own judgement , will be lesse orthodox : but it seems , by what follows , that you are displeased with any alterations though for the better . your designe appears to be not a reducing , so much as a new moulding of the whole ; a thing which i must confess i like not of , lest we should seem thereby rather to set up a new religion , then reform the old : between reformation , and innovation , there 's a great deal of odds . of alterations , &c. in the present book of common-prayer from that established in . . edw. . & eliz. . exception is against saints dayes put into the kalender ; which though in black letters there ; yet in dr. cosens kalender and the scotish liturgie , some of them are in red . answ. for our kalender or the scotish , what ever characters the dayes are put in , they are not enacted to be kept holy . and as for dr. cosens his kalender ; that 's intended for private offices , not for publique devotion . what ever he hath done concerning the name of jesus ; i cannot think that so great an assertor of the protestant religion ( as he hath proved himself to be ) should intend popery , or superstition . the thing it selfe infers it not ; there being no name jesvs in writing tendered to be adored ; which was the onely thing that calvin complains the sorbonick sophisters to have been guilty of . . exception is , that upon certain holidayes some chapters of apocryphal scripture are appointed to be read , the canonical being left out there . answ. whether it was done to please those that hold the dayes to be apocryphal , i cannot tell ? if so , they need not be displeased at it . however , those canonicall lessons are not left out of the rubrick for daily reading . d exception is , that the book established . . ed. . nameth onely the surplice to be worn : but the book of canons enjoyneth other ornaments . answ. that nothing , but the surplice , could be universally enjoyned ; inasmuch as all priests were capable of that : but want of degrees made many incapable of others . th . exception is against even usefull prayers put into the liturgy , which happily might be done upon the conference at hampton-court , though the inquiry to me is needless as long as i see the kings proclamation to it . th . exception is , that in the prayer for the queen , &c. the word elect is left out , perhaps because it distasted the favourers of the popish arminianisme . answ. that neither the arminians nor papists are against the word elect , and that in a more comprehensive sense then ours . 't is not they therefore , that would exclude the royall stem out of the number of gods elect , but such as fought for the setting up of christs kingdome , and of his elect , against such reprobates as they esteemed the king and all his family to be . . exception is against the continuance of the old translation of the psalms , which is not so correct as the new . answ. that it proves the antiquity of the translation , no wilfull corruption of the same ; neither doth it contain any thing contrary to the analogy of faith . . exception is , that notwithstanding the corruption of translations , the preface of the book runs thus : that nothing is enjoyned to be read : but that which is the pure word of god , or that which is evidently grounded thereupon ; which is false , and a meer cheat put upon the people of god . answ. that the preface of the book runs , that nothing be enjoyned to be read but that which is the pure word of god , or that which is evidently grounded thereupon , in opposition to uncertain stories , legends , and such like vain and superstitious things , neither in canone fidei , nor morum ; which have no ground in the word of god ; yet had been , before that time commonly read . and albeit some things now to be read are not , evidently to all , grounded upon the word of god ; it follows not that the people of god are cheated thereby ; for then st. paul had cheated the thessalonians , acts . . to whom , before search made , his doctrine did not appear to be the word of god . nay then most sermons are cheats ; in as much as there be very few , wherein every thing delivered is clearly made out to be grounded upon the word of god . the same may be said of prayers before and after them , wherein horrible absurdities and heterodoxies have fallen from the mouths of preachers . but one place is alleadged out of the epistle for . sundry after trinity , which hath no ground in the word of god , in as much as it implies , that the father must be father of himself . answ. that it does not necessarily follow : for in that he is said to be the father of all that is called father in heaven and earth : among this , all ; he is to be excepted who is this father . as when it is said , all things are put under him , it is manifest that he is excepted that hath put all things under him , cor. . further observations . . in the kalender . the first exception , besides what hath beene answered before , is that . chapters of the old testament are left out : and of the apocrypha which contains . there are read . chapters by the kalender of . . of edward . as well as by that of later date . the answer hereunto is set down in the order how the rest of the holy scripture ( besides the psalter ) is appointed to be read ; which begins thus : the old testament is appointed for the first lesson at morning and evening prayer , and shall be read through every year once , except certain books and chapters , which be least edifying , and might be spared , and therefore are left unread . . that of st. hierome ( caveat omnia apocrypha ) relates to matters of faith , not of manners : besides that the ordering of the apocryphall chapters to be read , is intended chiefly for the benefit of the clergy ( as appears by the preface ) who having not alwayes a competent number to joyn with them at church , are enjoyned neverthelesse to read them at home . besides this generall exception ; there 's one or two more against particular apocryphall places : as . against that , tobit . of asmodeus his killing of seven husbands of sarah the daughter of raguel before they had layen with her . answ. i have heard of as unlikely a matter as that : but however , it 's not impossible . . it 's excepted against , tob. . . where it 's said that almes-deeds deliver from death , and purge away all sin . answ. that they do so , and that one way is in that they declare , at the last day , the saints to be justified in the sight of god , mat. . nay they confesse themselves , title . of doctrine , that a charitable construction may be wyre-drawn out of the words . and is not there as much wyre-drawing to be used in ▪ making a good construction upon these words [ make ye friends of the unrighteous mammon , that when ye faile , they may receive you into everlasting habitations ? ] another way of expounding the words is in the homily it selfe , namely that god for the doing of almes-deeds does repute us as clean and pure , not that they have any such strength or merit in themselves . to the other exceptions against raphael , vers. . and elsewhere , and also against judith . i answer , that though it were granted that the story were untrue : yet the ill quality or carriage of the persons in it , are not fit mediums to discredit the truth of it : for then many books of the holy scripture must be false . . of the rubricks . . exception is , that the minister is called priest . i answer , that the word priest is the best and properest word that can be used even in the sense of the authors of this exception themselves , in as much as it is nothing else but an abbreviation of the french word prestre , which is presbyter : in all words that are french and that end in e feminine , as prestre does , the english cannot pronounce the e feminine but by a kinde of stifling of it ; which in time degenerateth into an e quiescent , which at last gives occasion to the leaving of it quite out of the orthography of the word as unnecessary . as in alarme , baptisme , catechisme , & prestre ( with a number of other words ) which are now written alarm , baptism , catechism , prest ; and to lengthen the word to the french manner of pronunciation , the letter i is put in , as a metheg , to bridle the over-hasty prolation of the same . and as for the word , minister , it is taken either generally , & so it comprehends the apostles and bishops themselves : ( for they and we are all ministers of the gospel : ) or else specifically ( wch is the thing here intended ) and so 't is diaconus , a deacon , and contradistinguished from a presbyter . so that upon the whole , the authors would have us say deacon instead of priest . now as for the scotish liturgy ; if it hath hit upon a more unknown name then priest is , we do well to retein this which is better known . . except . is a meer mistake : for the rubrick prefixed to the epistles and gospels runs thus . the collects , epistles & gospels , to be used at the celebration of the lords supper and holy communion throughout the year . whence they falsely infer , that they were never intended to be read but when there is the celebration of the lords supper : whereas the rubrick at the end of the communion sayes , that when there is no communion shall be said all that is appointed at the communion untill the end of the homily , concluding with the prayer for the whole estate of christs church militant here on earth , with some other collect : but that the communion is not celebrated throughout the whole yeare , is occasioned for want of a competent number of communicants . . exception is , that the rubrick before the generall confession at the communion runs thus : then shall this general confession be made in the name of all those that are to receive the holy communion either by one of them , or else by one of the ministers . what is this , say they , but to admit a private person to assist and bear a share in the administring of the lords supper against the . article of religion ? i answ. that the confession to be made by one of them , or by one of the ministers , presupposeth the priests speaking first : the which confession made by one of them , is as much as if it were made by the clerk who does not alwayes communicate , and consequently in that case is to absent himself . or were it made without the priests leading them ; yet it concludes not a liberty to lay-men to administer the sacrament ; in as much as to confesse , and to consecrate are two distinct things . th . exception is ; that before the proper prefaces at the communion , it is said that upon christmas , and seven dayes after ; upon easter day and seven dayes after , &c. the same shall be read . as if every one of the seven were the same with the first , and what was done the first day were done every day following . i answer ; that the first of those dayes is the originall , the rest are all copies thereof : the feast continuing , the rest are the same in ecclesiasticall account , though the first be the principall . th . exception is , that every parishioner shall communicate three times in a year , of which easter shall be one : yet the minister is required every assembly day to invite them to come to the lords table : therefore say they , the foresaid rubrick seems to dispense with gods invitation : how rightly , say they , let all sober men consider . i answer ; that whether that be a dispensation with gods invitation , let all sober men judge too ? and of these three , easter is to be one ; because , though every lords day be celebrated in memory of our lords resurrection ; yet easter day , ( according to the judgement of the church , ) comes nearest the day of his resurrection . but ly . where it is added in that rubrick . he shall receive the sacraments and other rites , &c. this , say they , is no other but non-sense or worse : for what other sacraments are then to be received ? or what other rites ? i answ. . that by sacraments are understood the two signes bread and wine , which being partes integrales similares , receive the denomination of the whole : as every part of water is water , because 't is a similar part . so that were there nothing more then this piece of phylosophy in it ; it were not to be accounted non-sense : but there 's divinity too , to make it good . for first , you must grant the sacrament of the lords supper , and the holy communion to be in substance the same : but now , sayes the apostle , cor. . . the bread that we break , is it not the communion of the body of christ ? the cup of blessing that we bless , is it not the communion of the blood of christ ? wherein you see that both the integrall parts of the communion receive the denomination of the whole . . for other rites , the party to communicate may need and desire absolution in case of scandalous and conscience-wasting sins . he may receive confirmation , in case he hath never received that , or the communion before : and are not these rites ? or can these be done without rites ? . exception is this : the last rubrick before the catechisme in order to confirmation concludeth thus : it is certain that children baptized have all things necessary to salvation , and be undoubtedly saved . is this a truth , say they ? answ. that it is a great truth , inasmuch as no other ceremony is required on our parts ; and the promise of god makes it sure on his part : wherefore , if they cast not themselves into doubtings , charity binds us not to doubt of their salvation . . exception is ; that the rubrick after matrimony says that the new married persons the same day of their marriage , must receive the communion ; and yet no man is bound to receive it above three times a year . answ. . why may not this day be one ? . they are not ordinarily to receive above three times a year , but in this extraordinary case they are : and many do desire to do it ; but there is not alwayes a sufficient number to communicate ; a thing required by the rubrick . . exception is , that in the last rubrick for the communion of the sicke in the time of plague or any other contagious disease , when none of the parish can be gotten to communicate with the sicke for fear of infection , the minister may onely communicate with him . by this , say they , the minister is bound not onely to visite him , but to communicate with him , a thing no way agreeable , . to christianity , in as much as the very nature of a sacrament requires a publique administration ; besides that other rubricks require a greater number of communicants , even when the sacrament is given to a sicke person . . no way agreeable to common humanity ; in as much as a minister is bound to hazard his health , and life , to gratifie an infectious person . i answ. . that this is not disagreeable to christianity : because that god has promised to be in the midst of two or three gathered together in christs name . ly . the rubricks require greater numbers in other cases where they are more likely to be procured , as in ordinary diseases they may ; which cannot be done in this : and that 's the reason why the rubrick here requires it not . . 't is not dis-agreeable to humanity ; in as much as it is said that the minister may communicate only with the infected person : it doth not say that he must do it ; and therefore he 's not bound hereby to do it , unlesse he finds himself bound in conscience , or can secure himself from infection . . of the body of the book . the first exception is ; that the first words of it are these : at what time soever a sinner doth repent , &c. this , in the rubrick before it , is called a sentence of scripture : but ▪ say they , 't is not onely no sentence of scripture , but it is also dissonant from another [ to day if ye will hear his voice , &c. ] and besides it implies that a man may repent when he will . i answer ; that 't is a sentence of scripture rendred according to the sense of the place : for the [ if ] is indefinitely taken , it is not if to day onely , or if to morrow onely ; if at this time only , or if at that timeonely : but if at all , if at any time : that is to say , at what time soever . god often in mercy calls us to repentance : if at any time , at what time soever we answer his call , he will receive us graciously : yet this does not argue that it is in our power to repent when we will , after our refusall of gods severall gracious invitations . but this is not all ; for after our regeneration and first conversion unto god , we fall into sin , we go astray , and that every day , yea seven times a day , which makes vs every day confesse and pray to god to forgive us our trespasses according as we are taught by our saviour . and therefore the [ if ] signifies not onely at what particular time soever ; but as often as a sinner shall repent , &c. so often will god forgive . now nothing that hath been said is dissonant to that place [ to day if ye will hear his voice , &c. ] for though it be the surest way to hear gods voice to day , that is at present , lest any should be hardened through the deceitfulnesse of sin : yet god was grieved forty years with his people in the wildernesse , before he sware in his wrath that they should not enter into his rest . the refusall of the present invitation , may prove a means of hardning of us through the deceitfulness of sin ; but it enforceth no present shutting of the door of mercy against us . . exception is against that expression in the confession [ there is no health in us ] as if it were not to be understood by the common sort . answ. that no body can understand this of bodily health ; but of the salvable condition of the soule , which is taken away by sin . . exception is against the reading of te deum and the benedicite , as interrupting the continued reading of the holy scriptures , which the preface of that book , say they , beareth us in hand , is provided against . ans. that there it is provided against , breaking of one piece of a chapter from another ; and after such interruption reading forward again , like the interposition of a selah , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , things wherof we have examples in the psalms , but no where else . th . exception is against te deum and benedicite , because they are both apocrypha and taken out of the masse-book : from whence they would argue the unfitness of bishops to govern , who , not able to express their thanksgiving to god for extraordinary mercies , do it in this superstitions formall dress usually sung in popish churches . i answ. that the best service that any man performs ( besides the saying of the lords prayer , and the reading of the holy scripture ) is apocryphall : nor is there a better piece of service in the church of god ( except before excepted ) then that piece of apocrypha , viz. te deum , is . then which , had the masse-book no worse , it would need no reformation . and many of those that have gone about to make expressions of thanksgiving for gods extraordinary mercies in termes and methods of their own , have performed it so ill , that they had better have contented themselves with a bare te deum . if they say , it 's but a generall and ordinary forme of praising , not applicable to the occasion ; i answer ; that , at such times , we in like manner use to sing psalmes in meter ; which ( quatenus such ) are apocryphal , and generall formes ; or , at most , not ( in all things ) applicable to the present occasion . as for the benedicite , they except not so much against the matter of , as the title given to it in the bible , not here ; as also against some alterations made in it , none whereof are against the analogy of faith , i therefore passe it over : for it answers it self . th . exception is , that the many antiphonies and responds ( except the peoples saying amen ) have no pattern nor warrant in the word . answ. that they have a pattern , sam. . . where it is said that the women answered , &c. that is , sayes junius , hunc amaebaeum versum alternis canebant : they sang interchangeably , saul hath slain his thousand , and david hs ten thonsand , as it is also exod. . . besides divers patterns that there are in the psalmes , of such interchangeable singing . th . exception is that ( from the tyranny of the bishop of rome and all his detestable enormities ) is left out in the letany , inasmuch as he had never more instruments at work then now . answ. that the act for uniformity gives notice of an alteration in the letany : but whether herein or no , is uncertain . mean time we may very well pray so ; since the pope had never more instruments , who thinking to do their own work , have done his . . exception ( for i omit the seventh here as answered before ) is that it 's said in the collect for christmas , that christ was this day , viz. decemb. . borne , &c. which is evidently grounded on no place of scripture . answ. on what place of scripture is it evidently grounded , that this day , viz. august . is the lords day ? have you any more then ecclesiastical tradition for it ? as for saying the same seven dayes after : this hath been spoken to before . . exception is against our saying at the communion , therefore with angels , and archangels , &c. the scripture never speaking of more archangels then one , which is mentioned , thes. . . this one was michael , jude . to wit christ , the prince of his people , dan. . . which most ( if not all ) expound of christ . for ▪ answer whereunto i say ; that , that place of thess. . . does neither imply that there is but that one archangel , nor yet , that , that one archangel is christ : for . it is said that the lord shal descend from heaven {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the voice ef an arch-angel ; not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . in the voyce of the arch-angell ; as if there were no more but that . . if the lord shall descend in the voice of an arch-angel ; and this arch-angel were christ , then christ ( who is meant by lord there ) must descend in his own voice , and he must be gods trumpeter , to give summons to his own tribunal , which cannnt be imagined . indeed jude . there is mention made of michael {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the arch-angel disputing with the devill : but how by that christ should be understood , is not at all clear , as i suppose they themselves will confesse , if they consider the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the text [ he durst not . ] sure if it had been christ , st. jude would have said ( he would not ) not ( he durst not ) for what durst not christ say or do ? dares not he rebuke his creatures though devils , who hath rebuked so many unclean spirits in his time , who trembled at his presence in humane flesh ? the meaning is then , that michael that good arch-angel ( and he of a great sphere too ) would not rail at the devill ( though he knew him to be a damned spirit ) because he was in great dignity amongst them : yet those men spake evill of dignities they understood not . and for that dan. . they say most ( if not all ) expound it of christ . that ( if not all ) was well put in : for they know ( i believe ) that many learned men understand it not of christ . now as for the ecclesiastical hierarchy of dyonisius the areopagite : though the book may be supposititious ; yet the thing it self , gregory the great testifies to be received for dyonisius his own . hom. . in evangelia . . exception is that in the second prayer at publique baptisme we pray that iufants coming to baptisme may receive remission of sins by spirituall regèneration ; how can this , say they , be ; when remission of sins is received , not by or from spirituall regeneration ; but by and from the blood of christ ? i answer . that the end of baptisme is , that thereby , as an outward means , we may receive remission of sins : this baptisme whereby we are baptized into the remission of sins , is likewise rightly called an outward and elementary regeneration : now therefore we pray to god that infants coming to baptisme may receive remission of sinnes , ( not in an elementary way , and signo tenus onely , but also ) truly and effectually by spirituall regeneration or spirituall baptisme ; these being the conduit-pipes whereby , and through which christs blood is conveyed unto infants . . exception is , that children being not able to perform the things promised for them , are said to perform them by their sureties ; and therefore they repent and believe , say they , by their sureties , which is a meer tale . answ. that here is no such thing implyed , as repenting and believing one for another ; but a promise of a holding of the infants baptized to that profession by instruction of , and vigilance over them , and that they shall perform all outward acts of christianity when they come of age ; and this was a very great charge in the primitive times , when either for fear , or favour , or profit apostacy was so frequent . . exception is against the commination to be used divers times in the year , taken out of deut. . i answer ; that that place is a type of the day of judgement : that as all the people were to say amen ( at their entrance into the earthly canaan ) to the curses denounced against the wicked . so all the saints at their entrance into the heavenly canaan , are to say amen , that is , to aprove of the condemnation of them ; for the saints shall thus judge the earth . to avoid which condemnation hereafter , it imports us to condemn our selves here . now men are apt to justifie , rather then to judge themselves , and so escape the condemnation of the world : for such , therefore is this commination necessary ; that , hereby , they may be brought to acknowledge their sins , to repent of them , and require absolution from them . that discipline , in stead whereof this commination is used , is noted in the beginning hereof . if therefore , they like not this , they may do well to endeavour the restoring of that . but they except further against the denunciation made by ministers , as unlawfull . whereunto i answer , that the ministers of the gospel may and must sometimes presse the curses of the law , and the judgements of god denounced against sinners ; to the end , that , thereby they may be moved to flye to christ as their onely sanctuary , and so escape the judgement to come . and hereof we have an example given in that very place . for though they are pleased to say , that levi was none of them that were appointed to curse ; yet vers . . we find the levites to be the onely men that were appointed to curse . 't is true that ( at that particular time ) levi was one of those that were set upon mount gerezim to blesse : yet levites ( and none else ) were charged with the ordinary denunciation of curses for the future as a service specially incumbent on them ; which is point blanck against the authors , and proves for us the quite contrary to what they endeavour to infer . of rites and ceremonies . they begin here with ceremonies taken away , edw. . complaining of the restoring them again partly by the canons of . & partly by corrupt practice . the thing they chiefly aym at ( as they professe ) is , to shew the necessity of reforming those rites and ceremonies conteyned in the book of common prayer or enjoyned by the canons of . the consideration of the canons for the present they defer . the book of common prayer they deny to be established by law , because no record can be produced by which that book now in use , or priuted eliz. is by act of parliament ratified and confirmed . answ. that all i can say to this is , that this is the book that hath been so long received and used , and this is the book that is warranted by the kings proclamation printed before it : and i doubt not but the testimony of the king will in law ( being for the affirmative too ) preponderate the testimonies of many other : but since they undertake to shew the necessity of reforming the book , they must shew some reason in the things themselves therein conteyned which require it . and this they endeavour to make good from the nature of them , taking it for granted that they are {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or things indifferent ; saying , that those ought not to be imposed on such as cannot be perswaded in their owne minds that they are lawfull , because to them it will be sin , according to st. pauls own doctrine , to his corinthians , & rom. . answ. that if they be granted to be indifferent ▪ then they are made necessary by the intervention of humane authority . as for those that cannot be fully perswaded in their own minds , the proclamation hath provided that they be born with for a time : and no more is intended by st. paul , who never dreamt that , that superstitious conceit of the uncleanness of some meats should remain to the end of the world . since the conference at hampton-court , there hath been time enough to cosinder of the indifferency of ceremonies , and the learned authors of this offer have had time enough to instruct and convince the weak amongst them in and of the indifferency which they grant to be in them . should doctrine , liturgy , rites , ordination , episcopacy , discipline be laid aside till all men be agreed , we must never expect any whilst the world stands . . of church-government . here they except against episcopacy as not being jure divino , because erected by the kings of england . answ. that if episcopacy be jure divino in the catholique church , it must be so in the church of england , which is a part of it . the kings of england are no fathers of the church , so as to beget the church ; but they are , as well as other kings , the nursing fathers to the churches in their dominions . they allow them nurseries to live in , appennage to live upon , and freedome of exercising their government : in which sense they are the erectors of episcopacy ▪ in england : and if this erection be legall , why need it a further confirmation by law ? but they descend to the parts of government , and therein . of the consecration of bishops , and their power of ordination thereupon . . they except against those that say , that where there is no dean and chapter to choose , and no archbishop to consecrate , there can be ( legally ) and ( regularly ) no succession of bishops . answ. the archbishops , deans and chapters , &c. being of ecclesiasticall and civill constitution , it must follow of necessity that there can be no legall ( which respects the civill power ) nor regular or canonicall succession ( which regards the ecclesiastical state and condition of them ) without deans and chapters , and archbishop . . exception is , that episcopacy hath been lately insisted upon not onely to be an office of precedency and presidency above other presbyters and ministers ; but also a distinct and specificall order ( by divine right ) superiour to all other presbyters , to exercise such things as none else may meddle with . ans. that this hath been insisted upon , and hath been made good by those that have been put upon it by the presbyterians their adversaries herein , decrying them as popish , and having no other bottom to stand upon besides ecclesiastical constitution and civill connivance ; till they enforced them to leave this hold and flye to one more impregnable , that is to say , the scripture . impregnable i say : for if our saviour did appoint any regimen ecclesiae at all , it may be undenyably proved out of the scripture , that it was to be seated in a single person . the same text or texts that prove the one , will make good the other , a thing which hath been done within this nine or ten years at oxford in the vespers , but was not then , nor ever since hath been answered . . oh but , say they , linwood himselfe our great english canonist saith expresly , that episcopatus non est ordo ; and our book of ordination tacitely implyeth as much . answ. that this ( tacitely ) is well put in : yea but it doth more then ( tacitely ) do so , say they . ans. then it doth ( expresly ) say so , which will never be proved . now as for linwood , we must know that when it is said by the canonists , or schoolmen that episcopacy is not an order ; by order they understand , according as they define it , to be a setting of one apart in ordine ad celebranda sacramenta : for in this sense a bishop is not a distinct order from a priest or presbyter : but as we here understand order h. e. for a superiour to the rest of the presbyters , &c. episcopacy is an order : and so much anselm himselfe , whom they produce , makes good : who makes not bishops meer chair-men of committees of presbyters , but persons vested in a superiour power , durante vitâ ; and such whereof there was an uninterrupted succession at alexandria from st. mark the evangelist to heracla and dionysius , who sate there in the d. century . th . exception is , that dr. heylen one of the episcopal party will allow none to be rightly ordained , who have been ordained by presbyters , even where no bishops are allowed to execute the office . answ. that many things may be allowed in a case of necessity , which notwithstanding , are neither canonical , nor otherwise rightly done . . they say that . there is no script . that appropriateth this to a bishop alone . . that there are severall warrants in the new testament to justifie the laying on of hands without a bishop in our sense , as acts . . tim. . . tim. . . . the book of ordination allows the bishop to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but not to act alone . i answer . that those very places which they produce against the appropriating hereof to a bishop , do prove it . for acts . . though beza renders it out of the greek , imposuerunt eis manus , in the plurall : yet the syriack interpreter reads it imposuerunt eis manum . it was then manum imposuerunt principally and auctoritatively : but manus concurrently with it ( though this separating of paul and barnabas was an extraordinary thing , which the holy spirit commanded expresly to be done by mean persons , that the grace might the more evidently appear sayes chrysostom . ) wherefore tim. . . it is said , neglect not that gift which was given to thee by prophesie {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. for this was st. pauls work and prerogative , tim. . . which interprets our book of ordination : wherein is required the concurrence , not the authority of other presbyters to the giving of holy orders . . but they say that the statute of eliz. allows of any under the degree of a bishop that pretend to priest-hood , &c. by any other kind of ordination , so that he subscribes the articles . answ. that by any other form of ordination , for ought i know , may be understood the forms of ordination used in the church of rome , and that was done by bishops , which neither prelaticks nor presbyterians think necessary to be iterated . or be it an ordination by presbyterians , it was in the absence of a bishop , and an urgent necessity in the thing it self ( which the law presumes ) and then factum valet quod fieri non debuit : unless the party himself be not satisfied with his ordination . . and say they , this were to unchurch all protestant churches in christendome which have no bishops . answ. that it may be they cannot have them ; a thing i have heard that the low-countrey divines complained of at the council of dort , as the cause of all those heresies and differences in opinion that were amongst them , as it hath been with us during this many years suspension of them . now this does not unchurch them , inasmuch as it 's done in a case of necessity , and they desire that which they cannot enjoy ; but it leaves them in a confusion , imperfection , and unsetledness of church-government . god first created light , and it served the turn for a while before it was collected into one body : but he never intended it should remain so for the constant government of the world . . they say that in the ordering of deacons the bishop alone is to lay on hands ; which is contrary to the practice of the apostles , acts . where it is said , that they , ( not one of them ) laid their hands on them . moreover in the prayer then used after the letany , it 's said , that god did inspire the apostles to chuse to this order st. stephen with other : whereas the text saith , the whole multitude chose them . answ. that although they all laid hands on them , yet one would have served : it was therefore ex abundanti , not necessario as hath been already shewed in the matter of ordaining of presbyters : and these the whole multitude chose , but they had their conge des●ire from the apostles first : nay the apostles bade them chuse , and causa causae est causa causati . . in the act of ordination the bishop takes upon him that which none but god himselfe hath power to bestow , in saying , receive the holy ghost . answ , that none but god himself hath power to bestow the holy ghost , principally : but it 's bestowed ministerially by men in this ordinance of his . by holy ghost is understood here the grace of ministration ; which is that holy depositum committed to timothies charge by the imposition of st. pauls hands , tim. . . and with men that have received this holy depositum hath christ promised his presence to the end of the world : behold i am with ( you ) that is men qualified as you are , ( for a supply of your mortality ) upon whom a double portion of your spirit descends . . of ecclesiastical jurisdiction the thing chiefly to be noted here is , that by the ordaining of priests it appears that the power of jurisdiction belongs to other besides bishops , inasmuch as a question propounded to the party to be ordained is : will you reverently obey your ordinary and other chief ministers unto whom the government and charge is committed over you : if it be said , say they , that this may be meant of arch ▪ deacons , deans , &c. that have it under the bishop , what is this to the intituling of all ministers thereunto . i answ. that all ministers are not intituled thereunto , but onely all chief ministers ; and such as have a power delegated unto them . yea , but they say further , that every minister of a parish hath power given him by the rubrick to keep notorious livers from the sacrament : and what is this but as much & as high a jurisdiction as any bishop can use in that particular ? answ. that this is but excommunicatio minor , and confessed to be but a particular case : neither in this case is it so high as the jurisdiction of a bishop ; inasmuch as herein lyeth an appeal from him to the bishop . . much time here is spent upon restraints laid upon bishops by kings : and particularly when the clergy petitioned the parliament ( edw. . num . . ) that of every consultation conditionall , the ordinary may of himself take upon him the true understanding thereof , and therein proceed accordingly : the kings answer was , that the king cannot depart with his right , but to yeild to his subjects according to law . answ. all this might have been spared , and it shall be granted upon their bare words without further enquiry , it being great reason that nothing be done to the prejudice of the king or the laws of the land : for which reason the french k. hath alwayes a commissary in the protestants conventions , as may appear by the edicts themselves . onely thus much i must say by the way , that in my cursory observation i find , that for one act made against , there are . for the immunities of bishops in the time of that renowned king . that which is said concerning the bishops making his will : though true , is little to the question . but besides this ▪ . many things are alleaged to weaken the authority of bishops : but the last and heaviest thing of all is , that by act of parl. all their power and jurisdiction is taken away . car. . answ. that by that act of car. is intended the taking away of the high commission only , as i humbly conceive : if , as i have heard lawyers say , preambles to acts are the best interpreters of the acts themselves : for the preamble to that act witnesseth the abuses of the authority given to the high commissiners by that act of eliz. to be the grouud of the act it selfe of car. . again , if episcopal jurisdiction had been wholy taken away by the repealing of that clanse of eliz. they would never have added another clause ( after that ) to restrain the power of bishops in case of penalties , for this had been to fight with a shadow . but though it were granted that the power of exercising episcopal jurisdiction be taken away contrary to the intent of the legislative power : yet all the world cannot take away episcopacy it self , it being an ordinance of god as is here confessed . the reasons given by them why they should not sit in parliament , are but the killing of a dead man , and so i let them passe . iii. of discipline . first , they shew how this discipline is bounded . . they will have no canon laws to be in force : and why ? because say they , the old canons were enacted h. . . to be in force , till such time as they be viewed , searched , or otherwise ordered and determined by persons or the more part of them . but dr. heylin confesseth that they were viewed , searched , and drawn into a body ( but never had the kings royal assent unto them ) therefore the said old canons , &c. say they , are abrogated . answ. by what authentick record doth it , or can it appear , that those persons did view , search , order , or determine any thing therein ? since ( well might they be written or printed in a book , but ) the kings royal assent being never had , they were never authentickly recorded : & consequently they have neither force in themselves , nor do they abrogate or null any other canons or constitutions not contrariant to the laws of the land . inventa meliore lege , prior est abroganda , and not before . . now passing by the canons and injunctions of qu. eliz. we come to those made in convocation . published by authority of king james under the great seal , and these onely can be pretended to be of any force , say they . answ. that this is more then i can see , if the other had the queens royal assent , and were never expresly call'd in after , especially if ●hey be not repugnant to after canons , &c. but , say they . even those canons of . are not binding in as much as they were never confirmed by act of parl. although the kings royal assent was to them . for , say they , it seems to be contrary to the petition of right that they should . answ. that i cannot dive into the intrigues of disputes touching these canons , the legality whereof hath been the business of learned men , who have so well justified it in the opinion of all impartial auditors of the long parliam . where the argument was made , that they deserve an everlasting name for it . in the close of all they say , that albeit it be pleaded by some that liturgies ( and among them the substance of ours ) are ancienter then the popish mass books by many hundred of years : and for that they produce fathers , and the liturgies of st. james , peter , and others , although by many learned men censured as suppositious . yet none of these authors do mention any publique forme ( the same for substance with ours ) although they speak of publick prayers made in the congregation , which none ever denyed . publique prayer is one thing ; a publique form , another . i answ. that it follows not that those forms are supposititious , because some of the matters therein contained are so . a child is not therefore supposititious , because it has the rickets , and is either swelled in one part , or pined away in others beyond its just and naturall proportion . but what do they think of the liturgy of st. chrysostome translated out of the syriack by masius , and used generally throughout all the greek church , as my lord primate of armagh hath noted ? is that no forme , or is it onely a supposititious form ? or what do they think of other liturgies as well as this , which have the lords prayer and giving of thanks in them , together with snch improvements as are explications of the lords prayer and the parts thereof ? are not these formes , yea and the same in substance with ours ? but that these were the first liturgies that ever were , is testified by cassander ( out of dionysius ) in liturgicis . who sayes that eucharistea solâ oratione dominicâ cum gratiarum actione primis temporibus celebrabatur . but now they speak out : for whereas in the begiuning they said that they were not against ( nay they were for ) liturgies , &c. yet now they say , that though the ancients speak of publique prayers ( which none , say they , ever denyed ) yet they never spake of publique formes : which is as much as to say , that we have no antiquity to justifie publique formes ; and therefore it were better be without them . but first , they confesse that these ancients mention publique prayers : and that these publique prayers were publique forms , is already proved . indeed there was a time when some used publique prayers in no publique formes : but that they used such alone , can never be proved : and what inconveniences ensued upon it , is too evident , by the th . canon of the milevitan council made against them , wherein it is provided that no prayers be used , but such as were approved by the wiser sort in the synod ; least any thing should be vented against the faith , either through ignorance , or want of meditation . finis . the faults being few , may be amended in reading . master geree's case of conscience sifted wherein is enquired, vvhether the king (considering his oath at coronation to protect the clergy and their priviledges) can with a safe conscience consent to the abrogation of episcopacy. by edward boughen. d.d. mr. gerees case of conscience sifted. boughen, edward, ?- ? approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) master geree's case of conscience sifted wherein is enquired, vvhether the king (considering his oath at coronation to protect the clergy and their priviledges) can with a safe conscience consent to the abrogation of episcopacy. by edward boughen. d.d. mr. gerees case of conscience sifted. boughen, edward, ?- ? [ ], , - , [ ] p. [s.n.], london : printed in the yeare, . an edition of: boughen, edward. mr. gerees case of conscience sifted. a reply to: geree, john. a case of conscience resolved. text is continuous despite pagination. reproduction of the original in the congretional library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng geree, john, ?- . -- case of conscience resolved -- controversial literature -- early works to . church of england -- government -- early works to . solemn league and covenant ( ). -- early works to . episcopacy -- early works to . divine right of kings -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion master geree's case of conscience sifted . wherein is enquired , vvhether the king ( considering his oath at coronation to protect the clergy and their priviledges ) can with a safe conscience consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . aug . de trin. l. . c. . contra rationem nemo sobrius , contra scripturas nemo christianus , contra ecclesiam nemo pacificus senserit . cypr. ep. dominus noster , cujus praecepta metuere , & observare debemus , episcopi honorem , & ecclesiae suae rationem disposuit . dr. corn . burges . fire of the sanctuary . p. . men now count it an high piece of zeal to direct their directors ; and like clock-makers to take the church all in pieces at their pleasure . by edward boughen , d. d. london . printed in the yeare , . to the most excellent and pious prince , charles , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , and guardian of the church . sir , it may seem strange to some ; but , my hope is not to your majesty , that i make this dedication , at this time , to your sacred person . the matter of this treatise is in your behalf ; it justifies your solemn oath at coronation , the just necessitie of this oath ; as also your crown and dignity , and the goodliest floure in that crown , supremacy . to whose hands then should i chiefly present it , but to yours ? the times affright me not from my faith , and duty . i remember well , that during the ecclipse of heaven and the king of heaven , there was one , that durst acknowledge our saviours kingdom ; and in the full assurance of his title , preferr'd his petition to him as a king. and shall i be ashamed to do the like ? i know , you are my onely soveraign here on earth . i know , you represent my saviour in his kingly office ▪ though your crown be wreathed with thorns . with all humility therefore i present this acknowledgement of my most loyall affections , which are due to your sacred majestie , from your poore , but most faithfull subject , edward boughen . to the intelligent reader . i was intreated by a very good friend to take mr. gerees case of conscience into consideration , and to bestow some pains in disclosing the weaknesse and foulnesse of his arguing . truly i was willing to undeceive my seduced countreymen , and yee ded to his request . the treatise i finde to be small , but dangerous . it aims at the ruine both of church and kingdom . it perswades the king , that his oath as coronation is a wicked oath , and that he ought to break it . and then wo be to his soul , and the kingdoms safety . yea he affirms it to be a vinculum iniquitatis , the bond of iniquitie . thus he hath knit up out most gracious soveraign , with all his religious predecessors , in the bundle of iniquity no sooner read i this , but b my heart was hot within me ; and while i was musing upon this , and the like blasphemies ▪ the fi●e was kindled within me , and at the last i spake with my tongue . c why should this shimei blaspheme my lord the king ? and d slander the footsteps of those anointed of the lord , that have so long slept in peace ? e because he hath done this wickednesse , the lord shall return it upon his owne pa●e and king charles shall eblessed ; and his throne shall be established before the lord for ever . consult i pray you , with dr. cornelius burges a feirce assembly man , and of great authority among them ; and he will tell you , that f god is tender not onely of the safety , but also of the honour of his anointed . in so much , that g he hath made a law to all , not to revile the gods , nor curse the ruler of the people . which law ( saith he ) not onely proh●biteth imprecations , and seditious railings which are an hellish impiety , though it be but in word onely , ●e the prince never so impious ) but even all rude , bitter , and unseemly speeches . and mr. nathaniel ward in his sermon upon ezech. . . preached before the commons , june . . affirmes h that besides the male administrations of government by magistrates themselves , there is no readier way to prosti●ute it , then to suffer vile men to blaspheme and spit in the face of authority . all this master geree hath done most undeservedly . if then i shall cleare the kings oath from these foule imputations , i shall prove mr. geree to be involved i in the bond of iniquity . and he that is so , k his heart is not right in the sight of god , l he is in the very gall of bitternesse just in simon magus case . i shall therefore take up s. peters words , and advise him , to m repent of this his wickednesse , & to pray god , if perhaps the thought of his heart may be forgiven him . if you conceiv●● i have ventered upon some questions , not so fit to be handled ▪ & without my profession , i beseech you take notice , that this minister hath led me into these undesired , and unpleasant pathes . he that undertakes to answer a book , is bound to confute all , but what he approves . silence in such passages , speaks consent . good reader , let true reason , scripture , and authority guide thee , and then thou shalt be sure to judge impartially . take notice , that j g. stands for mr. john gerees case of conscience . i d. for jus divinum regiminis ecclesiastici . sir robert cotton ; for his treatise , that the soveraignes person is required in the great councels , or assemblies of the state. his majesties oath published by himself in an answer to the lords and commons in parliament . . may. . sir , will you grant and keep , and by your oath confirm to the people of england , the laws and customs to them granted by the kings of england , you lawfull and religious predecessors ; and namely the laws , and customs , and franchises granted to the clergie by the glorious king s. edward , your predecessor , according to the laws of god , the true profession of the gospel established in this kingdom , and agreeable to the prerogative of the kings thereof , and the ancient customs of this realme ? rex . i grant and promise to keep them . episcopus . sir , will you keep peace and godly agreement entirely ( according to your power ) both to god and the holy church , the clergie and the people ? rex . i will keep it . episcopus . sir , will you ( to your power ) cause law , justice , and discretion in mercie , and truth to be executed in all your judgments ? rex . i will ▪ episcopus . will you grant to hold and keep the laws and rightfull customs , which the commonaltie of this your kingdom have , and will you defend and uphold them , to the honour of god , so much as in you lieth ? rex . i grant and promise so to do . then one of the bishops reads this admonition to the king , before the people , with a loud voice . our lord and king , we beseech you to pardon & grant , and to preserve unto us , and to the churches committed to our charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice : and that you would protect and defend us , as every good king ought to be a protector and defender of the bishops and churches under his government . rex . with a willing and devout heart i promise and grant my part , and that i will preserve and maintain to you and the churches committed to your charge ▪ all canonicall priviledges ▪ and due law and justice : and that i will be your protector and defender , to my power , by the assistance of god , as every good king in his kingdome by right ought to protect and defend the bishops and churches under his government . then the king ariseth , and is led to the communion table where he makes a solemne oath , in sight of all the ●●op●e , to observe the premises , and laying his hand on the booke saith , the oath . the things , that i have before promised , i shall perform and keep , so p 〈…〉 me god , and the contents of this book . the contents . chap. i. vvhether the king may lawfully consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . . chap. ii. whether the kings oath taken at his coronation , be an unlawfull oath . . chap. iii. whether prelacy in the church of england were an usurpation . . chap. iv. whether the king may consent to the abrogation of episcopacy , if so that calling be lawfull . . chap. v. whether ye have not bound your selves by your solemne league and covenant to maintaine episcopacy . . chap. vi. whether the king , without impeachment to his oath at coronation , may consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . chap. vii . whether the king may desert episcopacy without perjury . . chap. viii . whether the kings oath to the clergie be injurious to his other subjects , and inconsistent with his oath to the people . . chap. ix . how far forth , and wherein the clergie is subject to a parliament , and to what parliament . chap. x. whether it be lawfull for the king to abrogate the rights of the clergie . . chap. xi . whether the clergie and laity be two distinct bodies , or one body politicke . that church-men in all ages had some singular priviledges allowed them . . chap. xii . whether to sit and vote in parliament be incongruous to the calling of bishops . . chap. xiii . certaine light and scandalous speeches concerning prince & preist , tenderly touched . . chap. xiv . whether the lands of the church may be forfeited by the misdemeanour of the clergie . . chap. xv. whether it be lawfull to take away the bishops lands , and to confer them upon the presbytery . . chap. xvi . how far forth the king ought to protect the church & bishops . chap. xvii . whether there be two supremacies in this kingdome . mr. gerees case of conscience sifted . chap. i. whether the king may lawfully consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . . i find a case of conscience proposed by mr. geree , and this it is ; a whether the king ( considering his o that coronation , to protect the clergie and their priviledges ) can salvâ conscientiâ consent to the abrogation of episcopacy ? but why ( i pray you ) is the question proposed here , when you have determined it before ? for doth not your title page speak thus ? in this case of conscience it is cleared , that the king may , without impeachment to his oath , touching the clergie at coronation , consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . thus you have full magisterially determined , before the question be so much as proposed . is this the fashion , first to resolve , and then to argue the case ? this may be the course of hereticks ; it is otherwise with good catholicks . but you are resolved to maintain , that a christian may swear and forswear , without the least prejudice to his soul . . and your practice is accordingly ; witnesse the oaths of allegiance and supremacy ; which you with your great masters have taken more then once . and those of your perswasion have taken up arms against their soveraign lord , without impeachment to their oath of allegiance ; and maintain that b the parliament is subordinate to no power under heaven , without any breach of the oath of supremacie . and your self , like a good preacher of gods word , have taken the oath of canonicall obedience to the bishop ; and yet endeavour the abrogation of episcopacy , and the extirpation of that order , from whence you had your orders , and without which you could have had no orders . . me thinks , the smectymnuans should not endure this proposition , since with them a bishop and a presbyter are one and the same . thus , while you endeavour to ruinate episcopacy , you subvert the presbytery , according to their tenets . i wonder much , how your case hath passed so long unsifted , and uncensured by the divine masters of your learned assembly . . but i shall take it for your best advantage , as it is distinguished , or ( as we say ) a distinct order from presbytery . i shall also take into consideration , the severall motives , which you produce for the abrogation of episcopacy . . whereof your first is this ; that c there is no hope of the kings or kingdoms safetie , without an union between our king and parliament . i must confesse with anguish of spirit , as matters have been handled , the king and kingdom are driven into a great streight ; and an vnion between our king and your parliament hath been prayed for , and sought for by all commendable , or tolerable means . the hope left us is onely in our god and saviour , whose custome it is to d scatter the proud in the imagination of their hearts ; to pull down the mighty from their throne , and to exalt the humble and meek . thus can he e shew strength with his arm , and do great things for us . and this , i hope , in his due time he will do , and reduce this kingdom from irreligion and sacriledge ; and not cast off the innocent with the prophane blasphemers . oh , that we might begge that blessing from heaven , to see a parliament rightly regulated , religiously minded , and with-out any by ends of their own : f men of courage , fearing god , men dealing truly , hating covetousnesse . such , as will not be g led by a multitude to do evil , or to subvert the truth . i am certain , we should then have an union , a blessed vnion between king and parliament . . but by you it seems , that h there is now no probable or possible means of reconciliation left , in mans judgement , unlesse the king yeeld to the extirpation of episcopacy . you should have added , unlesse he lay down his lands , royalties , and just prerogatives at his subjects feet : unlesse he abandon the wife of his bosome , and become a stranger to the children of his loins : unlesse he sacrifice his friends to the malice of his foes , and the ruine of whole families to their avarice : unlesse he cast off the service of god , that most excellent form of common prayer , and give up the houses and lands of god , and all that is accounted holy , to satiate their sacrilegious appetite . . but , in sober sadnesse , do you beleeve that the abrogation of episcopacy is that , they yawn at ? you are mistaken , good brother , the episcopall houses and lands , as also what ever belongs to deans and chapters , to archdeacons and prebendaries , are the things they hunger and thirst after ; they will wipe your mouthes of all such morsels : as their ordinances for the sale of such lands have fully manifested . . and wheras you seem to be much troubled for his majesty , lest i he should condescend renitente conscientia , against conscience , to gratifie you in this kind , and to bring sin upon himself . which you perceive , and in a manner confesse , he must do , if he do , as you would have him : for you say , it would be sinfull to himself . thus you endeavour to perswade our soveraign into sin , upon pretence to sin : how you can salve it , we shall see hereafter . in the mean space i must tell you , that you trouble your self for the king , blessed be god , without cause ; for we cannot perceive , that he is inclinable to gratifie you in this kinde . neither doth every reluctance of conscience make a grant sinfull ; but onely when my conscience checks me upon just grounds . it is not the renitence , or strugling , of conscience , but the pulling down of gods ordinance , episcopacy , that makes the sin ; though , i confesse , the sin is the greater , if it be done upon deliberation against conscience ; let the pretence be , what you please . if this indeed should prove to be the kings case , which god forbid , then must it necessarily follow , that k it would be sinfull to him ; and so he should forfeit inward to procure outward peace ; and be represented to times in the glasse of conscience , to adventure the heavenly , to retain an earthly crown . nothing more certain . wo then be to him , or them , who ever they be , that plot , how they may endanger the kings earthly crown , that so they may deprive him of his heavenly inheritance . he hath been tried as gold in the furnace ; he hath been enforced thorow fire and water ; but for all this , with gods blessing he shall arrive in the haven of happinesse . . but there is an l oath , that stands in the way , which was taken at the kings coronation . this hath been prest by some learned pens , with that probabilitie , that ( by your own confession ) may stumble a right intelligent reader . but you are none of that number , you stumble not , but smoothly passe over such rubs ; and though m they have not hitherto received any satisfactory answer , yet now we shall have it in print n . by your pains the obj●ctions shall be cleared , which while they stand unanswe●ed , cast an ill reflection upon the king , in condescending to abrogate episcopacy . i beseech you , do you dream ? who told you , that his majestie had condescended to this impious and antichristian demand ? no , no , blessed be god , he hath done christ , and his church , and himself that honour , in the refusall of this proposition , that his memory shall be glorious in our histories , and his name high in the book of life . but for certain , they will cast an ill , a foule , an infamous ref●●ction upon those , who ever they be , that shall presse him to this unchristian act . this you , and your masters of the assembly can never avert with all your dutch devices , and geneva fallacies . i say it now , it shall be explained hereafter . . but why am i so forward , when o the kings oath may be taken off two wayes ; either by clearing the unlawfulnesse of it ; or else by manifesting , that p though episcopacy be lawfull , yet notwithstanding that his oath , the king may consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . both these your wayes shall be severally taken into consideration ; and first for the unlawfulnesse thereof . chap. ii. whether the kings oath taken at his coronation , be an unlawfull oath . . you say , and say truly , that a the oath , which is vinculum iniquitatis , the bond of iniquitie , is void the first day . and your reason is firme ; for qui jurat in iniquu● , obligatur in contrarium , he that swears to do that , which is unjust , is bound to performe the contrary . your argument hitherto is good ; and upon these very grounds we will joyne issue . but how will you proove , that his majestie hath sworne to uphold that , which is unjust or impious ? this shall be done by manifesting that b the king hath sworne to maintaine that , which is contrary to christs institution . and what is that ? episcopacy , say you . your resolution is high and peremptory , as if you were settled upon infall blegrounds ; which upon just try all will dissolve into sand . and yet with you i readily acknowledge , that c if prelacie in the church be an usurpation contra●y to christs institution ; then to maintain it , is to sin , and all bonds to sin are frustrate . . i hope you use no tricks ; but fairely without any fallacie , according to the question proposed , by prelacie you mean episcopacy , properly and strictly so called . otherwise there are foure termes in your syllogisme . now if this proposition be firme , upon the same grounds it will follow , you cannot deny it , that if supremacie in the parliament be an usurpation contrary to christs institution ; then to maintain it , is to sin . but supremacie in the parliament is an usurpation contrary to christs institution ; ergo to maintaine it , is to sin . that supremacie in the parliament is contrary to christs institution , is evident by st. peter , who placeth supremacie in the king ; in these words , d submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be unto the king as supreme , or unto governours , that are sent by him , by the king. and every rationall man cannot but discerne , that there can be but one , not two supremes , in the same kingdome , e as you would have it . but of this more fully in the last chapter . secondly , it followes , if ordination by presbyters be an usurpation contrary to christs institution , then to maintain it , is to sin . but o●dination by presbyters is an usurpation contrary to christs institution . to maintain it therefore is to sin . the minor with gods blessing , shall suddenly be made good against the presbyterian jus divinum . thirdly , if episcopacy in the church be no vsurpation , but christs institution , then to endeavour the extirpation thereof , is sin . but episcopacy in the church is no usurpation ; but christs institution . therefore to endeavour the extirpation thereof , is sin . . that f you , your assembly , and parliament , have made and taken an oath to extirpate episcopacy , is too notorious to be denyed . but if i shall prove , that episcopacy is not contrary to christs institution , then shall i cleare the kings oath from sin . secondly , if i shall demonstrate , that episcopacy is the institution of christ , then is your covenant g vinculum iniquitatis , the very bond iniquitie ; and you are bound in conscience publickly and penitently to retract it . that the same order cannot be christs institution , and contrary to christs institution , is so apparent a truth , that a meer idiot may discern it . but the order of bishops is christs institution : and yet ye have sworne to up with it root and branch . much like to those in the prophet , h let us destroy the tree , with the fruit thereof . and yet the root of episcopacy is our b. saviour ; who is called i the bishop of our soules ; from him it takes his rise ; from him it receives life , it springs up , and is watered with the dew of his heavenly blessing . . we know , that he , from whom a familie springs , is called the root of that familie . that * our saviour is the root of episcopacy , that from him it received being and life , is evident in the apostles strictly so called , who had their orders immediately from christ , as is evident s. mat : . s. luk : . s. i● : . . &c. to them he gave power to ordain apostles , in gratis accepistis , gratis date . s. mat. . . so s. k ambrose , so s. l jerome , so m gennadius patriarch of constantinople , with seventy and three bishops more in a full synod . our saviours words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the greekes understands thus , a gift ye have received , give ye this gift . this commission he renewed unto them after his resurrection , in these words , n as my father sent me , so send i you . so s. o hilarie , so p s. cyril , and other with them , upon the strength of this commission christs apostles ordeined some other to be apostles , conferring upon them the same honour and power which they themselves had received from christ . this is evident in s iames bishop of hierusalem , in epaphroditus , bishop of philippi , and in apollos bishop of corinth . these are called apostles in scripture ; s. iames , gal. . . epaphroditus , phil. . . apollos , cor. . . and these are confessed to be apostoli ab ipsis , ap stolis ordinati , apostles o●dained by the apostles ; even by q s. jerome , r calvin , and your mighty champion ſ walo melsalinus . . apostles they were at that time called , but afterwards that title , upon just occasion was taken from them , and the name of b●shop was setled upon them , and their successors in office. so theodoret. t the same persons were sometimes called both presbiters and bishops , but those who are now named bishops , were then called apostles . but in processe of time the title of apostle was reserved to those , who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apostles properly and t●uly so called . and the name of bishop became appropriated to those , who were lately called apostles . hence is it , that timothy and titus are called bishops and apostles : bishops in the postscripts of those epistles , which were written to them by s. paul ; but apostles by k ignatius , l theodoret , and m many other . . bishops they were at that time called , when episcopacy was distinguished from the presbyteriall order ; but n apostles they were named , when a bishop and a presbyter were one and the same . these were o apost●es not onely by name , but in office and power ; and p governed churches and their presbyter-bishops by the same right , and with the same authority , that the cheife and prime apostles swaied them with . and as they governed , so they , and they onely ordained pres●yters . . from hence we argue thus . they , that have the same name and office with the true apostles , are of the same order with the true apostles . bu● bishop timothy , and bishop titus , and bishop epaphroditus have the same name and office with the true apostles . they are therefore of the same order with the true apostles . q the major is smectymnuus his proposition , and not to be doubted of . the minor , or second proposition shall be justified by salmasius ; who in severall passages acknowledgeth this name , and office , and power in epaphroditus bishop of philippi . take this for all ; r epaphroditus pau●o dicitur apostolus philippensium ; quia ad philippenses eum miser at ad ecclesiam eorum confirmandam , & constituendos in eâ presbyteros & episcopos ▪ that the name of apostle was usually given to timothy and titus , i have already manifested . that the apost●licall power was in each of them , is evident by those epistles , which s. paul wrote unto them : and more briefly in these words to titus ſ for this cause left i thee in creete , that thou shouldest set in order , o● redresse , what is wanting , or a misse , and ordain presbyters in every city as i have appointed thee . herein is both jurisdiction and ordination allowed him ; and the maine power of the apostolicall order consists in jurisdiction and ordination . herein the bishops , and onely bishops , succeed them . . since then the apostleship and episcopacy , are one & the same office , he that is the root and author of the one , is the root and author of the other . but christ is the root and author of the apostleship ; he is therefore the root and author of episcopacy . in covenanting then to take away episcopacy root and branch , you have done no lesse then covenanted to take away jesus christ , t who gave the ap●stles , and u ordeined them in the church . indeed ye have taken the ready way to root him out o● our hearts & soules . for ye have absolutely stripped the church of the three creeds , the ten commandments , and the lords prayer , with the epistles and gospels ; wherein was daily mention made of our b. god. and saviour , as also of his power , pleasure , and mercy . and what i pray you , is become of the lords supper , x which we are commanded to administer and receive , in remembrance of our b. saviour ? and y unlesse we eat his flesh , and drink his blood , in that holy sacrament , we have no life abiding in us . many parishes in this kingdom have been utterly deprived of this heavenly supper , even since their lawfull parsons or vicars have been imprisoned , or sequestred by your instigation . so farewell ro●t and branch , and fruit , as much as in you lieth . and now , i hope , the kings oath is cleerly discharged of sin ; and your covenant sufficiently proved to be the bond of iniquity . . but how comes it to passe , that if root and branch must up , yet by your ordinance some branches of that root may be preserved ? for it is resolved , that z ordination performed by a bishop , being a presbyter , j●yned with other presbyters , is for substance va●id , and not to be disclaimed●y any , that have received it . and most probable it is , that you are a branch , or sucker , of that root . for a presbyters so ordained , shall he admitted to a charge , without any new ordination . is not this a flat contradiction ? some branches lopped off , and some spared ; is this according to your solemne league and covenant ? indeed had they taken all branches away , which spring from that root , there had hardly been a man of any learning left . and is not that clerke , who hath been ordeined by a bishop , a wise man , to sware to root himselfe up , if not here , yet out of the land of the living . for he that is not a member of the church militant , can never be a saint in the church triumphant . chap. iii. whether prelacy in the church of england were an usurpation . . the question proposed is , of episcopacy ; the oath is for the maintenance of episcopacy ; and your endeavour is for the abrogation of episcopacy . according to your sense therefore by prelacy i understand episcopacy , which you have vowed and covenanted to extirpate . whether upon just grounds , or no , shall be now enquired . for the office is either good or bad , lawfull or unlawfull , necessary or indifferent . if in it self bad , and utterly unlawfull , god forbid , but we should joyne in the extirpation of it . if indifferent , it is in the breast of authority , to allow , or disallow it . but if simply lawfull , and good , and necessary , for the being and continuation of a church , then it is not in the just power of man to discard it , or cast it off . and yet you resolve , that b the kings oath to uphold episcopacy is sin . if sin , then it necessarily followes , that episcopacy in it self is naught , and utterly unlawfull . thus in the first place you condemne all the kings and queens of this kingdome , that have taken this oath . secondly , you condemne those many saints of god , that have discharged this office of episcopacy . thirdly , you condemne all those fathers , and councels , which justify a necessity of bishops . and last of all you condemn the whole church of christ , which from her infancie hath been governed by bishops . is not this to c blaspheme the footsteps of the lords anointed ? is not this to question the actions of those saints d to whom the faith was first delivered ? is not this to vilifie the spouse of christ , and christ himselfe ▪ who hath suffered the church to erre so foully from the beginning . . but how shall it be proved , that episcopacy is so bad , that it is a sin to defend it ? an universall proposition must have an universall proofe . exparticulari nonest syllogizari . a particular makes no proofe , but for that particular , whereof it treats . i● i manifest , that monarchy , or arist●cracy hath been a●used in such a state or nation , by such or such a prince , or peeres , do i therefore justifie , that it is a sin to defend moarchy , or aristocracy ; o● if i shall make it appeare , that some parliament men have abused that trust , which is committed to them , is therefore a parliament naught ? this follows not ; but hereby i manifest , that they who at that time sat at the helme in that place , did abuse that , which in it self is good . is the apostleship naught , because judas abused himself and that ? is episcopacy bad , because gregory vii ▪ of rome , george of cappadocia , or paulus samosatenus abused their place and function ? far be it from me to argue , or conclude in this manner . i have learned to distinguish between the office and the officer : the office may be simply good , and the officer extremely bad . this then is no argument against episcopacy , though perchance you may prove , that episcopacy hath been ill managed . . but view we your own words , which are the minor of your conditionall syllogisme ; which are these . e and truly as prelacy stood with us in england ingr●ssing all ruledome in the church into the hands of a few l. bishops , i think it may be cleered to be an usurpation . and truly i think not . so you and i are of two severall opinions . but truly your thinking shall be cleered ●y this one argument . f that power , that dispoiles any of christs officers , of any priviledge , or duty indulged or injoined them by the word of god , that power is an usurpation against the word . but this prelacy did , as it stood in england ergo , english prelacie was an usurpation against the word of god. . how properly you speake , and how strongly you argue , let the intelligent judge : that you , and others may be sensible of the strength of your argument , under favour of parliament , i shall invert it thus . that power that despoiles any of christs officers of any priviledge or duty indulged or injoined them by the word of god , that power is an usurpation against the word . but this the parliament doth , as it stands now in england ergo , the english parliament is an usurpation against the word of g●d . i hope you know your own argument ; though it alter a terme , it alters not the forme . g the major , you say , is cleer of it self , it needs no proofe , as you conceive . the difficultie is in the minor ; and that i make good thus , out of your own words . h presbyters are by christs warrant , in scripture indued with power to rule in their own congregations , as well as preach . but the parliament hath banished many hundreds of us from our own congregations , and barred us from preaching therein . ergo , the parliament hath despoiled many of christs officers of their priviledges and duties indulged , and injoyned them by the word of god. you cannot deny us to be christs officers , since we are presbyters . that we are presbyters , is acknowledged by your great masters ; i who grant all those to be presbyters , who have been ordained by a bishop j●yned with other presbyters . and so , i am sure , we are . . let a review be taken of the soliditie of your former argument ; and then we shall finde you offend in limine , in that major , which is so clear of it self . for do not you say thus ? that power , that despoils any of christs ●fficers of any priviledge , or duty indulged or injoyned them by the word of god , that power is an usurpation against the word . had you said , that power , that wrongfully , or causelesly despoils any of christs officers , &c. you had said something . you have not , it seems , learned to distinguish between justly and unjustly ; but we must . and yet k this proposition is clear of it self , if we take your word . but gods word and yours , are two . gods word saies , l non est potestas nisi à deo , there is no power but of god ; but you say , that there is a power , which is an usurpation against the word of god. but how can that be usurpata , which is data ; both usurped , and given ? that it is given by god , m our saviour testifies , s. joh. . . indeed this power may be abused ; and the abuse of this power is an usurpation . the office is from god , the abuse from our selves . but you cannot , or will not distinguish between the office and the abuse . if all ●ffi●es must be discarded , because the officers have done a misse , what office will remain in this kingdom ? i fear , not one . . we read , that n pas●ur the high priest set jeremie the prophet in the stocks for preaching the truth , o which the lord had commanded him to preach . and yet who dares say that the high priesthood in the old law was an usurpation ? we know , that p the office of a king is gods own ordinance ; and yet we dare not say , that the power of jehoi●kim king of juda was an usurpation against gods word , when q he slew vrijah the prophet . but we may safely and truly justifie , that he abused his power . and so did king zedekiah , when r he imprisoned jeremiah for prophesying , what the lord had injoyned him to denounce . both regall and priestly power are the gift of god ; they cannot therefore but be good . but the abuse of this power to other ends then god gave it , is the viciousnesse of man , and therefore bad . ſ solomon made just use of this power , when he despoiled abiathar the high priest not onely of his priviledges , but also of his office , and of all that belonged to his office . the reason is , because t abiathar for his treason deserved this and an heavier doom . and i presume , it was no usurpation in st. paul , when u he delivered hymeneus unto satan , that he might learn not to blaspheme : nor yet when he x anathematized and accursed those preachers , that taught otherwise , then they had received . if then our bishops have made use of this power in silencing or depriving hereticall , schismaticall , or seditious preachers , y they have done no more then they ought to do . this therefore is no usurpation , but a just use of that power , which with their orders was conferr'd upon them for this end and purpose . . i have done with your major ; now to your minor. z but this prelacy did ▪ as it stood in england . what did it ? why it a despoiled christs ●fficers ( the good presbyters that preached up the scottish discipline and doctrine ) of their priviledges indulged , and duty inj●yned them by the word of god. if they deserved this censure , it was no despoiling , but a just deprivation . if they deserved it not , let it be proved . i am sure , courts and committees have been long enough open , to receive large informations , and easie proofs against them . and i am as sure , that our saviour never indulged any such priviledge to his apostles , or any other of his ●fficers , as to vent heresie , schisme , or sedition . if any bish●p be faultie , i plead not for him . i justifie episcopacy , not the bishop . judas was bad , cut his episcopacy good ; judas offended , but not his office . judas was cut off , not his episcopacy ; b the office is continued , and a good man must be put into it . so st. peter . and c let another take his bishopprick . so the spirit of prophecie . prelacy therefore is not in fault ; but the prelate . and it is as false a speech to say ▪ prelacy despoils any , as to say , judicature wrongs any . since we know , that judicature is blamelesse , when the judge is criminous . and as improper a speech it is to say , that a man is despoiled of his duty : i may be forbidden my duty , but not spoiled of it : because i am bound to discharge it , though forbidden , if unlawfully forbidden . . but what are these priviledges , and duties , whereof they are said to be despoiled ? the particulars are these ; d power to rule , and to preach in their own congregations ; and this power they are indued with ●y christs warrant . power to rule , and by christs warrant , sound high , and raise attention . and this they have as well , as much , as power to preach ; if we may beleeve you . as if they had ruledome ( as you call it ) from christ himself . if this be doubted of , you give us scripture for it , and that in foure severall texts . the first is this , e if any cannot rule his own house , how shall he take care for the church ? here is care to be taken for the church , but no rule given to a presbyter in the church , unlesse you allow him as much power to rule in his parish , as he hath in his own house . to which assertion no man , i conceive , will subscribe . it is required indeed , f if any lay-man desire to be a presbyter-bishop , that before he be ordained , he be known to be such a one , g that could rule his own house well . but what is this to prove , that by christs warrant in scripture a presbyter is indued with power to rule in his eongregation ? alas , h this government , as your learned brethren confesse , is but domesticall in private families ; not ecclesiasticall in the publick congregation . in like manner i deacons must be such , as rule their houses and children well . and yet ye allow them no ruledome in the church , but set lay-ruling elders to over-top them . no warrant here for this presbyteriall ruling power ; what may come hereafter , shall be examined . . the next proof is from the same epistle ; the words are these ; k i charge thee before god , and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels , that thov observe these things without preferring one before another , and do nothing partially . this is something , were it to the purpose . here is a large authoritie given to timothy in this chapter ; and a charge in this verse , that he be carefull to discharge his office with integritie . but what is this to the point in question ? alas , you are clean mistaken in your mark . it rests upon you to prove , that this power in scripture is given to a presbyter-bishop ; whereas it is here given to an apostle-bishop ; who is clean of another , an higher order . if i should justifie , that a sergeant at law hath power to hear and determine suits in westminster-hall , because the justices of the kings bench , and common ple●● have such a commission , you would think , i were beside the cushion ; and so are you . . in the third place , you produce a text of the same apostle to the hebrews ; where-in he commands his brethren , to l obey those , that have the over-sight of them , and to submit themselves un●o them . no question , but they ought to do so . but who are these praepositi , these rulers , here mentioned ? are they presbyters onely ? presbyters are not mentioned here ; and it is impossible to prove , that presbyters onely are intended here ; unlesse they be the onely church-governors . it is rather to be beleeved , that all church-governors , or else the chief governors , were here intended . that he speaks of presbyters , i deny not ; but that he speaks of presbyters onely , i utterly deny . when you can prove , that onely presbyters m watch for the souls of the people , and that they onely must give an account for those souls , then shall i readily acknowledge , that the apostle speaks only of presbyters in this place . . if the kings majestie should command his souldiers to obey their commanders , could any man imagine , that he spake of the lieutenants and captains onely ? no wise man can have this imagination : but this must reach , to majors , and collonels , and all other in authority . thus , when the lord commands his people , to obey those governors , that watch for their souls , he means not onely deacons and presbyters , but bishops also . for as in an army there are captains over souldiers , and commanders over captains ; so in the church , which is n aci●s ordinata , a well-ordered army , there are o praepositi populo ▪ & praepositi presbyteris , spirituall governors of the people , and some set over both people and presb●ters . such were the apost●●s in scripture , and such their p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their copartners in labour , and successors in office ; whom we now call bishops . such were timothy and titus , q who had not onely the power of ordination , but of jurisdiction also : that is , they had authoritie , not onely to set in order , what was amisse in the church , and r to reform the laitie ; but to . convent , . silence , and . excommunicate the clergie , even deacons and presbyters , if they deserved it . . for convention , in the first place observe , that ſ s. paul acknowledgeth in bishop timothy power to receive an accusation against a presbyter , or elder ; and upon proofe to rebuke him . which could not be done without conventing him . ly . that the power to silence preaching presbyters was in bishop timothy , these words manifest , t thou maiest command some that they teach no other doctrine . and as for bishop titus u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it be hoves him to stop the mouths of the disobedient and deceitfull , as also to x stay foolish questions and contentions . and if this will not serve , then must they proceed to higher censures even to excommunication . for doth not s. paul command timothy , to y withdraw himself from those , that teach unwholsome doctrine ? and what this means let beza speake ; z gravissime damnatos extra ecclesiam ejicit , he casts for●h these as condemned men out of the church . for as s. cyprian speaks , a they that are not in communion with the bishop , are out of the church . timothy then being bishop of that church , and withdrawing his communion from them , they were no longer members of the church . this power , we see , was in the apostle bishops ; but no man can shew that ever it was in the presbyter bishops , par enim in parem non habet potestatem ; it is a sure rule , that no man hath power over his equall , while his equall . . the last place is reserved for the first in scripture , which you have kept for your reserve to help at a dead lift ; and this it is . b we beseech you , brethren , that ye know them , which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you : a great friend of the presbytery tels us that c this is the same with that , which the apostle speaks in another epistle that those presbyters are worthy of double honour , who labour in the word and doctrine . so then , in his judgement , this rule , you so much boast of is , but your labouring in the word and doctrine . and surely he hath two able men , that back him very well , viz. the●d●ret and ca●vin . theodoret tels us , that when s. pau saith , qu●praesunt , th●se th●t are over you in the lord , it is all one ▪ as if he ha● said , they that ●ff●● up prayers and supplica●ions for y●u . and ca●vin thu● , e qu docendo rite & fideliter gu●ernant , who by teaching orderly and faithfully govern the people . and el●ewhere f he expounds this kind of g●verning by boris & salutaribus consiliis popu●o praeire , by guiding the pe●ple with good and wholesome counsell . the preifis rule then consists in prayer for gods people , in admonishing , inst●ucting , and advising them ; as also in conveying to them those heavenly blessings by the sacraments ; which in an ordinary way they could not otherwi●e obtain . this is all the rule , that i can find belonging to presbyters . and this was ever allowed you in your own congregations , while ye behaved your selves as the ministers , of christ in all meeknesse and sobriety , dividing the word of god aright ; and while ye kept within the ru●e of faith . . thus your ruledome ( my fellow presbyters ) is come to no great matter by these texts . shew me one place of scripture , that allowes presbyters to excommunicate , or absolve , of their own authority ; and i shall be of your mind , and justifie , that ye have susteined much wrong ; if ye have been suspended from officiating , or silenced , ye may thank your unbridled tongues , which have been so lavish in venting unsound and seditious doctrine . the bishop in these cases hath but discharged that dutie , which is required of him by gods word . ▪ tim. . . . . tim. . . tit. . . tit. . . and it is no more , then the presbytery chalengeth to it selfe in those places , where it hath gained autho●i●y . . g that ye were excluded from all society in rule ▪ is that , which troubles you . society pretends equ●litie , and rule is that which ye affect . so ye may be made bishops , or b●shops fellowes , equall with them in rule and authority , all sh●ll be well , but till then we must expect no p●ace , if ye can hinder it . h●d your leading church-men be●n made bish●ps or deanes , the k●ngs oath had been most just , and unalterable ; yea unquestion●ble . some mens mouths have been stopt so heretof●re ; the more the pitie : and ye have gaped after such morsels . what the benefit hath been , is sufficiently discerned , and ambitious male-contents shall no more , i hope , be tempted in this manner to continue among us , when they are neither with us , nor of us . but , i pray you , what society in rule , can you chalenge with the bishops , when by scripture ye are made subject to them ? we know your pride ; ye would faine be hail-fellows with your governours both ecclesiasticall and civill . faine would ye have the raines in your own hands , with phaeton , though it were with the same issue . but how shall they learn to govern , that know not how to obey ? all baristers are not qualified to be judges . . but there is another thing , which troubles you marvelously , that you deem to be h much more prejudiciall to the dignity and liberty of the ministery ; namely to be subjected to a lay chancelour . and yet how many lay chancelours have you subjected us to ? i to the whole parliament ; that 's plaine ; and yet not so much as one presbyter among them : and to every committee-man both in citie and countrie , whose busie apparators are all persons disaffected to the doctrine and discipline of the church of england . and all this is for the dignity and liberty of the ministery , according to your new magna charta . thus much to manifest , that ye are deeply plunged in those crimes , which you boldly charge upon others . but this is no new , no strange thing . for this hath been generally observed ; when your great masters blemish our most gracious soveraigne with any foule or illegall surmise , they usually act it themselves . dominisimiles , such masters , and such chaplaines . k par autem erat , ut vel quod accusant , non facerent , vel quod facerent , non accusarent . but it were meet , that either they should not do , what they blame ; or not blame , what they do . . and now , i beseech you which is most prejudicall , to be subject to one lay chancelour in a diocese , or to those great lay courts of lords and commons and others at westminster ? to so many lay committees in the city ; to so many in every countie ? without whom ye are not able to subsist , nor to abide in your congregations , if these men take but the least offence against you . and how can the gentrie and comminaltie of this kingdome take it well , that you complain so much of one lay chancelour in a diocese , and yet enthrall them to so many lay elders , parochiall , classicall , provinciall , and nationall . say not , that there be preaching elders joyned with them , least it be returned upon you , that the lay chancelour is but the bishops officer in such cases of judicature , as belong to his profession ; and to the bishop he is accountable . but you can endure no loy judges over you , on any hand . and whereas l you charge the lay chancelorship with usu●pation contrary to gods direction , i am certain , ye have made use of it against gods direction . for how many of you have been instituted into benefices by lay chancelours ? qu● jure , comes not now to be scanned . thus ye can abuse them , and yet use them . but i shall turn you over to the doct●rs of the commons ; them it concerns , they are well able to argue the case with you , and to wash off these aspersions . . your first argument is , i hope , sufficiently confuted in the eye of indifferent and judicious men . i shall not therefore any longer insist upon it , but observe , at how low a rate you value authority . nor bishop , nor king , nor your idolized parliament shall be a power , but an usurpation against god and his word , if they deny you any priviledge indulged , or debarre you any dutie , which ye suppose to be injoyned you by the word . if they sequester you from the pulpit , or from ruling in your congregations , farewell my great lords and masters at westminster . and when they have sold the bishops and chapters lands , they shall no longer be a parliament , but an vsurpation ; because they have m despoiled you of those lands , which ye lay claim to , and which they ought to have disposed of , to supply you and your predicant brethren with such maintenance , as your selves hold sufficient . chap. iv. whether the king may consent to the abrogation of epi●copacy , if so that calling be la●full . . saving your argument , in the first place this is certain , ●f episcopacy be lawfull , then the kings oath at coronation was not as you would have it vinculum iniquitatis , a bond of iniquitie . and hereupon it follows , quod non obligatur in contrarium , that he is not bound to break this oath . take this by the way . you must then seek some other way , to cleere it to us , that it is lawfull for his majestie to wave this oath . but your own conscience seemes to check you for your former resolution ; you therefore confesse , that n this way of invalidating the kings is most satisfactory but to some . . surely if to some it be satisfactory , those some are such , that are either very weak , or wilfully blinded with avarice ; o whose gaine is godlinesse . but the end will prove , th●t p godlinesse is pr●fitable to all things . q that is ( as the geneva note hath it ) he that hath faith and a good conscience , is promised to have all things necess●ry for this life , and to injoy life everlasting . this would be seriously layed to heart . . but though your former argument seem satisfactory to some r yet to some it will not hold ; namely to those that are not c●nvinced of the unlawfulnesse of episcopacy . what ? so satisfactory and yet not hold ? alas , alas , what creatures have you to deale with ? pitie it is , that you have to deale with learned and rationall men , and not with ignoramus and his dull man. what shall now become of your case of conscience ? why ? z it will cast the resolution of this doubt upon another question . from one question to an other . and what 's that ? the lawfulnesse of episcopacy . this is a large field , that you are not acquainted with . and yet to satisfie the conscience of your reader , you have already concluded , that a episc●pacy is an usurpation against the word of g●d ; and therefore sinfull and unlawfull . how ? conclude first , that episcopacy is unlawfull , and then b grant it to be lawfull . but this is granted onely for argument sake . that is , because your argument is so loose , that it proves just nothing again●● episcopacy . for a firme demonstration admits of no contradiction , it leaves no doubt behind . . well , be it lawfull , c yet not withstanding that his o●th , th● king without impea●hment may in this circumstance consent to the ab●●g●tion of episcopacy . what mean you by circumstance ? is the kings o●●h , or episcopacy , or the abr●ga●i●n of episcopacy but a circumstance ? a circumstance is that , which is not substantiall , or essentiall to the point in question ; but comes in upon the by ; at most , for illustration . the question is , d whether the king , notwithstanding his oath , may consent with a safe conscience , to the abrogation of episcopacy ? all these then i take to be essentiall to the question ; unlesse a safe conscience be with you and with your brethren but a circumstance . and yet it is such an ingredient , that a man may neither swear , nor consent to , nor act , but what he may undertake with a safe conscience . e for if our heart ( if our conscience ) condemn us , god is greater then our heart , and knoweth all things ; his majesty , i make no question , hath sadly thought on this . . that he may abrogate that which is lawfull , you say , and we deny not , since god hath given kings a power nt onely over things indifferent , but even in such things , as are lawfull , and honest , and in their kind necessary for the preservation of a common-wealth . this is evident in jonadab the sonne of rechab , f who commanded his posterity , that they should neither drink wine , nor build house , nor sow seed , nor plant vineyard , nor have any . and yet as lawfull , and necessary , as these things were , g they obeyed their fathers voice . h god approves of their obedience , and crowns it with a blessing . and what a father is in his own familie , that is a king , at least , within his own dominions . . but here the case is different , for the question is concerning christs own ordinance and institution ; which the king hath sworne to maintaine . this then being lawfull , and legally sworne , the oath may not in any wise be dispenced with . nay , if we say , that the king , or any authoritie upon earth , may alter , or abolish any one ordinance of our saviour , we contradict our selves , and complie with the papists . what reason bring we against the halfe communion , but christs own institution , who commanded it to be deliver'd and received in both kinds . and i calvin deservedly reproves bishop cardiner for attributing this power to a king : now if episcopacy be our saviours institution , then may no humane power root it up ; least they that do it , be rooted out of the land of the living . but that this very order , which we now call episcopacy , is christs own institution , is already proved cap. . . . . besides , if this be the onely order , to which christ hath given power to ordaine presbyters and deacons , who shall confer these orders , when bishops are taken away , and utterly extinguished ? say not , that in case of necessity presbyters may ordaine , when you maliciously make the necessity . god provides for such necessities , as are inforced upon us , or happen casually and inevitably ; not for those , whereinto we wittingly and wilfully plunge our selves ; delve up the root , & god will hardly work a miracle to provide sap for the branches , or body of the tree . k sine nostro officio est plebi certa pernicies . it is s. austins . without our , without the episcopall office there is certaine ruine to the people . s. austine was a bishop , when he resolved thus , and wrote it to a bishop . l that i may speake plainly ; god and the times require it : no bishop , no preist ; no preist , no lords supper ; no lords supper , no salvation , according to the ordinary way prescribed by our blessed saviour . . this shall be made good , first according to your protestation ; secondly , according to your solemn league and covenant . in your m protestation , ye have vowed in the presence of almighty god , to maintain and defend the true reformed protestant religion expressed in the doctrine of the church of england . this doctrine is punctually and carefully delivered in the articles . according to which articles i proceed thus . the ordinary way to heaven is by the word and sacraments . no man may preach , or administer the sacraments , but he that is lawfully called and sent . none are lawfully called and sent , but they onely , who are called and sent by those , that have authority . but bishops , and onely bishops have authority to send in this kind . and therefore no bishop , no ordinary way to heaven . the first proposition is not doubted of by protestant or papist ; it is therefore taken for granted . the second proposition is in terminis let down art : . it is not lawfull for any man to take upon him the office of publicke preaching or ministring the sacraments in the congregation , before he be lawfully called and sent , to execute the same . the third is likewise expressed in the same article . those we ought to judge lawfully called and sent , which be chosen and called to this work by men , who have publick , authority given unto them in the congregation to call and send ministers into the lords vineyard . and who are these men , that have this authority ? bishops , onely bishops ; so the article . the book of consecration of arch-bishops and bishops , and ordering of preists and deacons , doth containe all things necessary to such consecration and ordering and whosoever are consecrated or ordered according to the rites of that book , ●●e decreed to be rightly , orderly , and lawfully consecrated and ordered . but therein the bishop onely hath authority to ordain . and in the preface to the book of ordination it is resolved that i is requisite that no man shall execute any of these orders , except he be called , tried , examined and admitted , according to the forme following in that book . . thus we cannot but see , that according to the expresse doctrine of this church of england without a bishop no sacraments , and consequently no salvation . for though god can save without meanes , yet he hath tied us to the meanes ; and the meanes must be used , if we desire to be saved n this book was composed and set forth in the time of k edward the sixt , by those holy men , who afterwards were blessed martyrs , and at the same time confirmed by full consent and authority of parliament . o after this in the time of queen elizabeth it was again confirmed , and alwaies ratified with the articles ; and p the clergie injoyned to subscribe to this booke , in and with those articles , that so they might be known to be in communion with the church of england . thus far with the protestation . chap. v. whether ye have not bornd your selves by your solemne league and covenant , to maintain episcopacy . . now i descend to your solemne league and covenant , wherein ye have publickly vowed to endeavour the reformation of religion according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches . i shall therefore prove first by the word of god , and secondly by the best reformed churches , that ye have solemnly bound your selves to maintain episcopacy , if so ye are resolved to keep this branch of your covenant . . first , we know , that q there is no other name under heaven , whereby we may be saved , but onely the name of our lord jesus christ . secondly , we are agreed , that r faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the word of god. thirdly , our saviour saith flatly , ſ except ye eat the flesh of the son of man ; and drink his blood , ye have no life in you . we cannot therefore but acknowledge , that without the word and sacraments , there 's no salvation . since then all those , that are in orders , exercise t the ministration of the word and sacraments , not in their own name , but in christs , and do minister by his commission and authority ; we are therefore to enquire , who have this commission given them in and by the word of christ . for s. paul wonders , u how any man can preach , in publick , except he be sent . the commission for preaching was immediately given by our b. saviour , both to the twelve apostles , and to the seventy disciples . to the twelve , st. luk . . st. matth. . . to the seventy , st. luk. . . . the commission to consecrate and administer the lords supper , is given to the twelve apostles , st. luk. . . cor. . . x st. paul , and y st. matthias also were immediately admitted to the apostleship by christ himself . these , and onely these , who are here mention'd , were immediately ordained by our b. saviour . . but our saviour having commanded and provided , that z all nations should be taught , and baptized ; and having a instituted , and in his holy gospel commanded us to continue a perpetuall memory of his precious death , untill his coming again ; that this might be done , he gave his apostles this large commission , b as my father hath sent me , even so send i you . and how was that ? even to preach , to baptize , to consecrate , and administer the lords supper ; to binde sinners , and loose the penitent ; and to ordain other apostles and presbyters , which might continue these blessings to his people in all ages . as also else-where in c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a gift ye have received , give this gift . the greeks take not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adverbially , but substantively : and i beleeve , in the east they understand their own , the greek tongue better , then we do in the west . and as they were commanded , they did . d s. paul and s. barnabas were apostles ; and them we find ordaining presbyters in every church , where they come . act. . . e s. paul himself ordains timothy to be the apostle , or bishop of ephesus . he gives the power of ordination to titus . tit. . . and acknowledgeth it to be in timothy . tim. . . these were the apostles , or bishops properly so called , of their severall churches . these had the power of ordination , but not the seventy , not those of the inferior order , not meer presbyters . . besides , doth not st. paul justifie , that f none may preach , except they be sent ? talk not of an inward calling , or extraordinary sending . neither of these will serve the turn , without the outward , without the ordinary ordination . st. pauls words are full to this purpose . g no man taketh this honour [ of priesthood ] to himself , but he that is called of god , as aaron was . the extraordinary calling , which some pretend to , is abolished , in that , no man takes this honour to himself . how then must he attain the priesthood ? the apostle tels you , he must be called of god , as aaron was . and how was that ? non immediatè a deo , sed mediante hominis ministerio ; he was not called or ordained immediately by god , but by the interceding ministery of man. the apostle therefore doth not say , he , that is called of god , as moses was ; but , he , that is called of god , as aaron was . but we know , that though h moses were immediately ordained by god , yet i aaron was not , he was ordained by moses . and yet both k moses and aaron are among his priests ; for moses discharged the priests office , before aaron was ordained . exod. . . &c. exod. . . . . . &c. exod. . . . . i have done with your first way , having , according to your covenant , proved by scripture , that none may confer orders in the church of christ , but onely apostles , or bishops , as we take them in a strict and ecclesiasticall sense : that is , onely such , as are of the same order with the apostles , and may fitly be called apostle-bishops . . we are now cast upon the example of the best reformed churches , which may raise some dust . for when we descend to comparisons , we cannot but displease those , who are left out of the superlative . yet this i dare say , that those churches are best reformed , which come neerest to the primitive church in doctrine and government . for to reform is not to innovate , but in primaevam & veram formam reducere , to settle it in the ancient and true state . for l thus saith the lord ; stand in the wayes , and behold , and ask for the old way , which is the good way , and walk therein , and ye shall find rest for your souls . this rule therefore is given by zanchius , m exempla veteris ecclesiae nobis debent esse instar praecepti ; and your learned ministers of london second him , assuring us , that n the examples of the ancient church bind us as firmly , as any precept . and reason good , since o the custome of the ancient church is optima legis interpres , the best interpreter of the law of christ . the ancient church then ought to be a pattern to all reformers . . well , what kinde of government was there in the primitive church ? peter moulin testifies , that p either in the apostles times , or suddenly after , bishops had praeheminence over presbyters , in the severall cities , wherein they were setled . this government is very ancient ; and in the church of christ every thing the more ancient it is , the truer and better it is . zanchius justifies it . q in ecclesia dei , quo quid antiquius , eo etiam est verius , ideoque & melius . and lest i may seem to wrest that famous learned mans words to another sense , then he intended them , i shall give you his resolution at large concerning this point in question , whether bishops , or no bishops : and this it is . r hoc unum addo , me coram deo in mea conscientia , non alio habere loco quàm schismaticorum , illos omnes , qui in parte reformationis ecclesiarum ponunt nullos habere episcopos , qui authoritatis gradu supra veros compresbyteros emineant , ubi liquido , possint haberi . praeterea cum d. calvino , nullo non anathemate dignos censeo , quotquot illi hierarchiae , quae se domino jesu christo snbmittit , subjici nolunt . these are his words in latine ; and to your comfort you shall have them in english : like them as you please . this one thing i adde ( saith learned zanchius ) that in my conscience before god , i esteeme all those no better then schismaticks , who make it a part of reformation to have no bishops in the church ( where they may readily be had ) which maybe above their true fellow-presbyters in degree of authoritie . yea , with mr. calvin , i hold them worthy of the most grievous curse , who will not submit to that sacred prelacy , which is subject to christ . he was far from a rooter . . neither is zanchius alone , he hath that moderate and judicious melancthon to second him ; who is so right and home for episcopacy , that he comes with his ſ ego reddo , i , for my part , restore the whole jurisdiction and dignitie to bishops . and t he wisheth with all , that he and the rest of his friends might redeem peace , though it were upon harder terms . yea , he affirms , that u he sees not , quo ore , with what face they can take from bishops their ecclesiasticall government . and then he adds : x that i may speak my mind vtinam , utinam possem , non quidem dominationem confirmare , sed administrationem episcoporum restituere : i would to god , i would to god , it were in my power , not to confirm the dominion , but to restore the administration of bishops . for i see , i see ( saith he ) what a ●inde of church we are like to have , when the ecclesiasticall policie shall be dissolved . video postea multo intolerabiliorem futuram tyrannidem , quam antea unquam fuit i see , we are hereafter like to have a far more intolerable tyranny , then ever we have known heretofore note that ; and consider , whether experience hath not made us sensible , that his words were but a prophecie of these times . and after this he expostulates the same businesse with camerarius , and questions , y quo jure , by what law it might be free for them , to subvert the ecclesiasticall policie ; if so the bishops would yeeld unto them , what is meet ? the question being thus proposed , his resolution follows ; z et ut liceat , certè non expedit ; but suppose it lawfull yet is it not expedient . luther himself was ever of this opinion ; whom some , i perceive , love meerly for this ; because by his means they had shaked off their bishops , and thereby gained libertatem minimè utilem ad posteritatem , such a litertie , as will be little for the good of posteritie . this he spake , and we feel . a for what kinde of state shall the church be in , in after ages , if all ancient customes and manners be utterly abolished , and no certain governors established ? god knows , and we imagine . . hitherto you have seen , how zanchius for himselfe and calvin ; and melanthon with luther , did endeavour , even in the shell , to crush that new model , b which ye boast to be of divine right , and yet confesse , that c it is not much above fourscore yeers standing ; and that but d in some churches . for , the truth is , ye can give us no president for the presbyteriall government in any one orthodoxe church , for yeers after our saviours ascension . all this while the wisedom of god , it seemes was breeding this truth , and stayed for you , and such as you are , to be her midwives . her pangs were long and doubtful , but now juno lucina hath done her part , and the strip●ing reckons fourescore yeers , and that but in cantons , in some odde corners of the world . truth it is , he was creeping in here about seventy yeers since ; but banished he was as dangerous to the crowne . but now he is returned in a fresh suite , and hath got the hand both of king and bishops ; yea he hath put the peeres shroadly to it ; even those , that complyed with him . . it may be , for all this , you will replie , that these are but the opinions of a few particular men . what say you to that memorable convention at auspurg , where met all , or most of the learned , that endeavoured the reformation ? these were , at least , the whole reformation representative ; and melancton gives them that very title in his apologie . wherein he tels us , that e all the reformation did often professe in their meetings at auspurg , that they desired exceedingly , to f preserve that ecclesiasticall policie , which was settled by the cannons of the church : as also to continue those very degrees in the church , which were agreed upon by humane authority . these pious men desired not the subversion , but the reformation both of church and church-men . yea , g by protestation they cleer themselves to all porsterity , that it was neither their intent , nor fault , to overthow the order , or authority of bishops . melancthon therefore , in behalf of all his brethren , acknowledgeth , that h bishops have both potestatem ordinis , & potestatem jurisdictionis , power of order , and power of juridiction . and i beleeve , that these men had seriously considred of their protestation . . but what is this , that he calls power of order ? surely a power to do that , which presbyters could not do ; that is , a power at least , to ordain ministers . for i herein by calvins confession , was the difference between a presbyter and a bishop properly so called , in the opinion of the ancients , that a bishop hath power to ordain , but not a presbyter . indeed the resolution of the ancient church is this , k presbyterorum ordo non est potens generare patres ; the whole order of presbyters is not able to beget fathers , that is , presbyters for the church ; but bishops are able : the order therefore of bishops and presbyters is not one and the same . hence it follows , that there is a necessity of continuing bishops in the church , if so we desire presbyters ; since without a bishop no presbyter ; and without a presbyter ( at least ) no lords supper . besides , your grand champion walo messalinus acknowledgeth , that l from the time that those orders and degrees were distinguished , and that a bishop became greater then a presbyter , ordination could not be common to them both . but those orders and degrees were from the beginning distinguished by our saviour , though not by these specificall titles observe , i beseech you . in the first place m he names the twelve , those of the higher order , apostles ; and after this , those of the lower order , the seventy , are called diciples , as i conceive , . luk : . . or else in the four evangelists they are distinguished from his other diciples by number onely , and not by title . in the other writings of the new testament they are distinguished into apostles and presbyteres , or bishops . n the apostles are of two sorts ; either such as were immediately ordained by christ , or such as were ordained by those apostles . the former are called the apostles of christ ; or o the holy apostles ; and sometimes p the chief apostles . the other are styled q apostoli vestri , and r apostoli ecclesiarum , your apostles , and the apostles of the churches ; because they had set cities , and a certaine people committed to their charge . the twelve were ordained by our saviour , while in the flesh he was conversant here on earth . but s. matthias , and s. paul , after his ascension were ſ called to be apostles by jesus christ and god the father . these did ordain , but not the seventy , not presbyters , or such as in scripture text are called bishops . s. paul and s. barnahas were apostles ; those we finde ordaining presbyters , act : . . and s. paul professeth , that he ordained timothy , tim. . . . let us now descend to those apostles , who were ordained by christs apostles . such were s. iames , appollos , epaphroditus , timothy , and titus . none of these were immediately ordained by christ ; and yet they are called apostles . the three former plainly in scripture , as is heretofore evidenced ; t the latter by your good friend salmasius . that timothy & titus did ordain , is too plain to be denyed ; and u for epaphroditus we have an acknowledgement likewise from salmasius . . these offices were necessarily to be continued in the church ; for x christ gave them for the gathering together of the saints , for the work of the ministery , and for the edifying of the body of christ y till we all grow up unto a perfect man : which is now but in fieri , in polishing , not perfected , neither will it be , till the second comming of our lord and saviour jesus christ . for z the church is the body of christ , which will have her imperfections and blemishes , till she be made fully compleat in the kingdom of glory . our saviour therefore saith , a behold i am with you alwaies , even unto the end of the world : which could not be spoken of their persons , but of their office , b as is confessed by the london ministers : since their persons were shortly to leave this world ; but their office is to continue , till heaven and earth passe away . when therefore c s. paul had lively described the true government of the church , and instructed timothy the bishop of ephesus d how he ought to behave himself in the church , he charged him in the sight of god , and before jesus christ , that he keep these commands without spot , and unrebukeable , untill the appearing of our lord jesus christ . but this he could not do in his own person , which was shortly to depart ; calvin therefore readily acknowledgeth , that f these things were written not so much for timothy s as for other mens directions , that were to come after him ; since g herein ( as beza observes ) many particulars belong to the daily office of a pastor . these things then must be daily and duely done , as occasion requires : but diverse of these ought , and might be done by timothy onely , and by such as were of his ranke ; but by no other ; needs therefore must this order be continued for the edifying and perfecting of the body of christ . this office then being quotid●a●um munus an office of daily use , must of necessitie be continued in the church . . but what office was this , that timothy and titus did beare in the church ? let salmasius speake . h they at that time were mamed apostles , & revera erant episcopi jvre eodem et ordine , quo hodie habentur , qui ecclesiam regunt , & presbyteris praesunt , and indeed were bishops in the same right , and of the same order , whereof at this day those are accounted , who govern the church , and rule presbyters . but this very office was none of those , which were extraordinary , and to continue for a season onely , no , no , in beza's judgement it is quotidianum munus , an office of daily use ; of necessity therefore it must be perpetull in the church . and yet the duties of that office were such , i quibus sustinendis non alius quilibet ( e vulgo pastorum ) par fuisset , as none of the vulgar pastors , no ordinary presbyters , were meet to undertake . and what are these ? k even to redresse , what is amisse , and to ordain presbyters . these are matters of moment , and require more then ordinary discretion . l for this cause s. paul left titus at creete ; and for this very end m he sent epaphroditus to philippi , though at that time there were in that citie many bishops . phil. . . if then there needed no ordination , but every man without orders might have discharged presbyteriall duties ; or if the presbyter-bishops of that citie might have set that church in order , and therein ordaine presbyters , why did s. paul send epaphroditus to philippi , to do those things , which might either have been left undone , or at least have been done as well without him . surely s. paul imposeth not needlesse businesses upon any . . bishops there were ( you will say ) before in that church ; if then it belong to the episcopall order to ordain , and reforme in the church , what is amisse , why was epaphroditus sent thither ? take notice ( i beseech you ) that those bishops were but presbyters , or presbyter . bishops ; n which order never had the power either of ordination or jurisdiction . s. paul therefore sends unto them , epaphroditus an apostle-bishop , who could performe both . this you see acknowledged by your most able and subtill advocate . . well , let it be , what it will , lawfull or unlawfull , t is all one , in this exigent or distresse that his majestie is put to , o notwithstanding that his oath the king ( say you ) without impeachment , may in this circumstance , consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . his majesties oath now falls in question ; and i shall be willing fairely and calmely to consider , wherein , and how far forth a christian king is bound to keepe , or breake his oath . chap. vi. whether the king , without impeachment to his oath at coronation , may consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . . this question hath two branches . the first , whether a christian king be bound to keep his oath . the second , whether he may notwithstanding his oath , consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . his majesties coronation deserves also to be looked upon ; since an oath deliberately and solemnly taken , deserves the more seriously to be thought on ; and will draw from god the heavier doome , if despised , or slighted . . by your own confession it is evident , that p an oath against christs institution is vin●u um iniquitatis , an impious oath , and ought not to be observed ; but to be cut off with shame and sorrow ; since q all bonds to sin is frustrate confesse we must , that an oath against god revealed will or honour , is a bond to sin ; and therefore no sooner made then void , and to be abhorred such is your covenant against episcopacy . and had the king either through misunderstanding , ill advice or fear taken that irreligious covenant , he had been obliged , by your confession , to have made it frustrate ; since it is a bond to sin , because it is against christs word and instituition , as is manifested c. . & . . but r an oath taken in truth , and righteousnesse , and judgement , because it is of such things , as may justly and lawfully be performed , yea because god approves & ratifies this oath , is vinculum aequitatis & necessitatis , such a bond as equity and conscience bind us necessarily to performe , to the utmost of our power . but such is his majesties oath at coronation concerning the church , the spouse of christ . . no unrighteousnesse can ye shew in it , the lawfulnesse of episcopacy , as also their just right to govern presbyters , is sufficiently justified c. . no untruth ; for our soveraigne hath sworn to maintaine an ordinance of truth , of christ himself . and sub paenâ judicij , upon paine of judgment he is bound to make good this his oath , so justly taken , least he fall into the hands of god , and so into eternall judgement . ſ for justice requires , that every man , much more a christian , and a king , keep his oath made upon such grounds , t though it be with hazard both of crown , and life , and all that may be indangered upon earth . . consider , i beseech you , how u in an oath we call god to record ; and we make him not onely our witnesse , but our suretie , that we will , with his blessing , performe , what we have vowed , or sworne in his name . and not onely so , but we call upon him to be our judge , and the revenger of our perfidiousnesse , if so we wittingly depart from this oath . with what face then can we fall back , and wilfully incurre perjury ? is not this as philo judaeus hath it , to x make god a shelter for our wickednesse , and to cast our sin upon him ? that so to the infamie of christian religion , we may ●oder up a faire repute before men . is not this to cast aside not onely a fore-head , but all conscience , and the fear of god ? oh , ( saith s. austin ) y what blindnesse can equall this , to hunt after a little vaine glory by deceiveing man , while in thy heart thou sleightest god the searcher of all secrets ? as if his error , who thinks thee good , were comparable with thine , who seekest to please man with a show of good , whilest thou displealest god with that , which is truly naught . . but this is no new thing to you , that have dispenced so long , so often , so variously with so many oaths of supremacie , allegeance , and canonicall obedience : that have done so many strange acts , contrarie to your faith , and subscription . take heed in time , lest not onely your oaths , but your own hand-writing arise in judgement against you , for casting off the book of ordination ; for renouncing the booke of common-prayer ; for disclaiming the articles of the church of england , with those three creeds , the glory and hope of all good christians . thus you , and your brethren , are become apostata's and renegadoes to all religion and piety ; gracelesse , faithlesse , perjured men . god of his mercy give you a sence of these sins , that so you may in time repent , and make some satisfaction to the church of christ , by an open confession , and by a full detestation of those presumptuous and crying sins . . this oath his majestie took solemnly before god , in the house of god , in the presence of the nobility , and clergie , and a multitude of his leige people . and shall not all these oblige him so much the more to be tender of this oath ? zanchius tels us , that z it is a more grievous sin to offend against a publick solemne oath , then against one made in private . what may we then think of an oath taken with such high solemnity ? . this oath was voluntarily , freely taken , without compulsion , or perswasion ; so no excuse that way . indeed it was taken a in truth , in judgement , and in righteousnesse . in truth , his sacred majesty resolving truly to keep it : in judgement , judiciously , upon mature deliberation ; and in righteousnesse ; intending that every branch of this oath should be justly and righteously observed in all his courts of justice . how then can he infringe this oath ? . he made this promiss●ry oath to a great body of this his kingdome , the whole clergie of this land ; and those not the meanest of his subjects . and not onely so , but to holy church his mother , and to god the father of us all . how can he then disclaime this oath ? which so obligeth his conscience before god. that b ●ad he bound himself by such a tye to high-way robbers , or to his professed ●nemies , he had been bound by the law both of nations and christianity , strictly to haue observed it without fraud or coven . talke not of a dispensation . nor life , nor death , nor principalities , nor powers , whether civill or spirituall , can possibly discharge him of this oath ; no more then they can me of my oath of allegiance . and yet it is a point of your religion to perswade to perjurie ; as if it would ease your consciences , to have millions concurre with you in the same perfidiousnesse and end . . is perjurie a sin , or no sin ? if it be a sin , and an heinous sin , c how then can i commit this great wickednesse , and sin against god ? is it no sin ? if you be of that mind , speake out , shew your self in your true colours . what religion are you of , i know not well ; little use hath your conscience made of religion in this case . your eye is wholly upon the parliament , and the present necessity , those members have wrought our good king and this whole nation . necessity hath so far prevailed with you , as rather to be forsworne , then to forgo your present maintenance . but our most gracious soveraigne , whom god ever blesse , hath wholly fixed his heart upon god , and his word , wherein we are charged d , not to sweare falsely by the name of the lord ; no , e nor to forsweare our selves , but to performe our oaths unto the lord. marke ; though the oath be made to the servant , it must be performed unto the lord ; because the caution is given to the servant in the lords behalfe ; yea upon the lords credit ; for by his name , and upon his book we sweare to do it . and if we do it not , f the lord will not hold us guiltlesse . minus dicitur , plus intelligitur ; by this one word much may be understood ; for g the lord will come against us in judgement , and call us to an account for our oaths . h oaths therefore must be avoided , lest we fall into condemnation . for perjurie is a foule , a dangerous , a damnable sin . i odious it is to god , because , k it defiles his most holy name . l for this very sinne the land mournes ; i beseech god , it become not disolate . sure i am , m a curse will enter into his house , that sweareth falsely ; it will settle there , till it have consumed the timber and stones thereof . or as the wise man hath it , n his house shall be full of calamities , and the plague shall never depart from it . let zedekiah be our evidence . o he took the oath of allegiance to nebuchadnezzar ; but slighted it , and rebelled against that his soveraign lord , who had so highly honoured him , and trusted him with a kingdom . but what became of him ? p the caldees came , besieged jerusalem , conquer'd it , took zedekiah prisoner , and slew his sons before his eyes . this done , they put out his eyes , and in fetters carried him captive to babylon . here was an end of the kings of that land , descended from the tribe of judah . are not here the timber and stones of his house , his strong men , and the sons of his loins utterly consumed ? . think not to excuse your selves or any other , by some later covenant ; this will not serve the turn . was the first sworn in truth , and judgement , and righteousnesse ? or was it not ? doth it truly and justly agree with the word of god ; at least , not contradict it ? if so , thou art bound in justice to observe it , lest judgement fall upon thee . for this is a true rule , if zanchius mis-guide us not , q posteriores promissiones , etiam juramento firmatae , nihil de prioribus detrahere , aut imminuere possunt : later aths cannot possibly make the former of no , or lesse validitie . why then do you perswade the king to break his oath ? he that enticeth a man to perjurie , under pretence of pietie and religion , r what doth he else but affirm , that some perjuries are lawfull . which is as much to say , as some sins are lawfull . which is naught else , but to conclude , that some things are just , which are unjust . i appeal to men of understanding , whether this proposition savours of pietie , or discretion . think not then to ensnare prudent and conscientious men , with such frivolous and senslesse pretences ; which favour strongly of absurditie , if not of atheisme . chap. viii . whether the king may desert episcopacy without perjury . . give me leave to passe over a few pages , and to take that into consideration , which follows next in reason , though not according to your method . we are now fallen upon a strange question , too high to be proposed by any subject . but you have enforced me to make that a question , which is harsh to loyall ears , lest i may seem to avoid your subtill and sawcie cavils , as unanswerable . for do not you say ▪ that your second ant●gonist plainly ●ffi●ms , that the king cannot desert episcopacy without flat perjury ? his words are far more mannerly : but i am bound to trace your steps ; and shall , with gods assistance , manifest , that his majestie without violation to his oath , and to religion , may not desert episcopacy , and leave it naked to the subtill fox , or the mercilesse swine . . first , according to your own confession , his sacred majestie hath sworn to almighty god , in his holy place , before a solemn assembly , to t protect the bishops , and their priviledges to his power , as every good king in his kingdom in right ought to protect and defend the bishops , and churches under their government . . good kings protect bishops ; and good they are in doing so ; there is no evill then in protecting bishops . . they ought to do it : it is therefore their duty ; and to fail of this their duty , when they may choose , is sin . . in right they ought to do it : they do wrong therefore , if they do it not . this right is grounded upon scripture ; for god saith , u erunt reges nutritii tui , kings shall be nursing fathers , and queens shall be nursing mothers to the church . who then dares say , they ought not , or shall not ? . besides , what is done in right is injurious to no man ; since jus and injuria , right and wrong cannot consist in the same action , under the same consideration . and yet no right is done , but it is displeasing to the adverse partie . god did right in protecting moses and aaron , against korah , and his confederates . he did right in destroying those factious and rebellious persons ; and yet x this was displeasing to all the congregation of the children of israel . and shall god or the king forbear to do right , because the multitude murmure at it ? this be far from the lord and his vicegerent . a judge is sworn to do right . if then he do not right to the utmost of his understanding , he is perjured . and the more eminent a man is in place , the greater the sin . you know , to whom it was said , y because by this deed thou hast given great occasion to the enemies of the lord to blaspheme , the childe that is born unto thee , shall surely dye . and of jer●boam it was said , z go , tell him , thus saith th● lord god of israel ; for as much as i ex●●ted the fr●m ●m●●g the people , and made thee prince over my people israel : and yet th●● hast done evill above all that were before thee , and hast cas● me behind thy 〈…〉 ▪ therefore behold , i will bring evill upon the house of jeroboam ▪ &c. . secondly , the king hath sworn to be the protect●r and defender of the churches under his government : and this , you will confesse , the king ought to do . but the king doth not protect the church , unlesse he protect the bishops ; since without bishops the church must needs crumble away , and come to nothing . the bishop is the ministeriall spouse of the church : how then can the church be protected , if her husband be taken from her , or stripped of his means ? just as our wives are maintained with the fift part . fed with an ordinance , with words ; but where 's the fift part ? which of our wives have had that justly payed them ? . the bishop is , under christ , the father of the church . destroy the father , and how shall the children be provided for ? nay who shall beget children of the church , when she is void of an husband ? and the bishop is the onely husband of the church ; a take ●way the bishop , and the church is a widow ; if you will beleeve the councell of chalcedon . b i have heretofore manifested , that none but a bishop can ordain either priest or deacon . and zanchius determines , that c the church may not want ministers , who are to administer these externall things , the word and sacraments . remove the ministers that have this power derived unto them from christ , and the sacraments must fail , and consequently the church . for what d is the church , but a congregation of christians , wherein the pure word of god is preached , and the sacraments duly administred , according to christs ordinance . but , according to christs ordinance , none may administer the word and sacraments but bishops , priests , and deacons . take these away , and what becomes of the sacraments ? take away baptisme , and according to gods ordinary and revealed way , we cannot become christians , e we cannot be born anew of water , and of the holy ghost . and when we are become christians , take away that food of life , the lords supper , and we must needs famish : for f unlesse we eat the flesh of the son of man , and drink his blood ( in that blessed sacrament ) we have no life in us . hence is that of calvin : g the light and heat of the sun , meat and drink are not so necessary for the cherishing and sustaining this present life , as the apostolicall and p●storall office is for the preservation of the church on earth . if then it be proved , that bishops properly and strictly so called , be of the same office and order with the apostles , then have we calvins acknowledgement , that the church cannot subsist without bishops . . indeed it cannot , if we beleeve s. cyprian ; for he saith , that h we ought to know episcopum in ecclesia esse , & ecclesiam in episcopo ; that the bishop is in the church , and the church in the bishop : it stands and fals with him . what then becomes of that church , where there is no bishop ? i si qui cum episcopo non sint , in ecclesia non esse . we must also know ( saith that blessed martyr ) that they , which are not with the bishop , are out of the church . thus the bishop is in the church causaliter , causally ; but the church in the bishop virtually . the fountain is in the brook causally ; and the brook in the fountain virtually ; because from the fountain the rives derives his being , from thence it is derived and fed . damne up the fountain , or divert his course , and what becomes of the river ? thus is it between the bishop and the church . hence i infer , that the matter of the oath is lawfull : i conclude therefore , with the author of the review , that k his majestie is bound in religion and conscience to protect the bishops with their churches , and priviledges . unlesse it be so , that you can bring him a new christ , who will ordain another way to heaven . . but , say you , ▪ it is a ground laid down by this author , that no oath is obligatory beyond the intention of it . that is , according to the common , plain , and literall meaning thereof , otherwise we know no intention of an oath . we must therefore look back to the intention of the first framers thereof , as also to the good and securitie of those , to whom , and for whose sake , it is tak●n . n. that m the intention of this oath , and the framers thereof , is against a tyramous invasion on the rights of the clergie ; as also to protect them against violence , no question at all is to be made ; and you do well to acknowledge it . so far then the king is to protect them to the utmost of his power . and hitherto , by the assistance of god , he hath done it : and my trus● is in jesus christ , that he will strengthen our good king to live and dye in this pious and princely resolution . . this oath is to the clergie ; the king then must have an eye upon them , and their intention , who so humbly begge his protection , and to whom he makes this oath . n expectationem enim eorum , quibus juratur , quisquis decipit , non potest esse non perjurus : for he that deceives their expectation , to whom he swears , cannot but be perjured . this s. austin proves at large in the preceding epistle ; wherein o he wonders , that any man should be of such an opinion , as to conceive , that a man might incur certain perjurie , to avoid uncertain danger , losse or death . it is a rule therfore in the canon law , p quacunque arte verborum quis juret , deus tamen , qui conscientiae testis est , ita hoc accipit , sicut ille , cui juratur , intelligit . what art soever a man use in the words of his oath , god who is witnesse of the conscience , takes the oath in that very sense , wherein the party takes it , to whom we swear . otherwise we shall not onely deceive others , but we shall cheat our selves into equivocation , wherewith of late we have so justly charged the jesuites ; and for which the fathers most deservedly heretofore condemned q the helcheseites , r valentinians , ſ priscillianites , and t the followers of origen . truly , i am much afraid , we are fallen into such times , as roger hoveden complains of under k. steven ; u wherein it was accounted a noble act to lye , and forswear ; and a manly deed to betray their lords and masters . . and is not this , which is wrought against the clergie , a tyrannous invasion ? what law is there to countenance , what of late yeares hath been done against us ? where is the orderly alteration , you speak of ? hath not all been done by tumults , and insurrections ? have not divers of the peers been assaulted , and many of the commons vilified , and terrified by a seditious faction , that so they might bring them to their own bend ? how many have been inforced to flye with all secrecy from westminster , because they would not passe their vo●es against law and conscience ? was it orderly to frame petitions at westminster , against the bishops and orthodox clergie , and then to gleane hands in the countrey from factious spirits , to your own petitions ? was this an orderly alteration , without any pretence of law , to deprive us of our freeholds , to plunder our houses , to imprison our persons ; and to thrust into our benefices men with unwashed hands , felt-makers , blacksmiths , taylors , and i know not whom ? and yet all this hath been done by our great masters in israel . . by your own confession , the king hath taken an oath to protect the clergie and their rights against violence , and a tyrannous invasion . but how shall he protect us , that is not able to secure himself ? this , it seems , was his dutie , and with gods assistance in his power , when his sacred majestie took the oath . his duty still it is , though he be robbed of his power . and when god shall restore him to his power , he is bound to discharge this dutie . for you confesse , that x his majestie is ingaged to his power to protect the bishops and their priviledges . and if he breake this solemne oath , in his own person , with what conscience can he punish perjurie in others ? . an orderly alteration , or legall waies of change , who condemnes ? but we justly complaine , that no such alteration hath been endeavoured . for that is not orderly , which is illegall : neither can that be imagined rationall , which is wrought by violence , or forced upon a king. he is to be ruled by the word of god , and right reason , y which is the life of the law ; not to be over-awed , or over-swayed by a faction . . that z it is rationall for a king to undertake , to protect the clergie against violence , you acknowledge ; and it is no more then all the kings ministers are bound in conscience to performe , the king hath done it , blessed be god , to the utmost of his power . whether the kings officers , and those he hath put in trust , have done their dutie , wi 〈…〉 be answered for at an higher barre . in right reason the oath should have no other sense . th●● sense then it hath ; and we desire that sense may be made good by parliament , and we restored to our free-holds , according to reason , and law ; and satisfaction made us for our losses , ●nd illegall imprisonment , ●ill an orderly and legall change be made . chap. viii . whether the kings oath taken to the clergie , be injurious to his other subjects , and inconsistent with his oath to the people . . you object , and we confesse , that a this oath to the clergie , must not be intended in a sense , inconsistent with the kings oath to the people ? how ? inconsistent with the kings oath to the people ? what ? all blind but mr. iohn geree , and his confederacy ? king and subject , preist , and people , composers , approvers , takers , all dimme-sighted ? how came you to spie this foule mistake ? surely this is one of your new lights ; for both these oaths as you please to call them , have happily stood , and may long stand together . there was a time , when the devill had found a device , to set god and caesar at odds : but our saviour set them to rights ; b give ( saith he ) unto caesar what belongs to caesar , and to god , what belongs unto god. that difference being reconciled , that arch enemie of man , hath found out a late device , to raise a quarell between clergie and people , as if the liberties of the one could not consist with the rights of the other . but we have learned of our blessed master to set these also at one , and beseech his majestie , to give unto the people what belongs to the people , and to the clergie , what belongs to the clergie . we desire nothing , that is theirs ; and we are certaine , that no good man will repine , at what is iustly gods , or ours . . it is gods command to c give every man his due . and if any law be made contrary to this , it is no law. the reason is , because d all power i● from god , and under god. e that law then , that god hath made , man may neither abrogate , nor alter ; it is onely in the lords breast to do it . indeed what is settled by man , may be changed , or abolished by man. but man must be carefull , that the law be just . f lex enim non obligat subditos , in foro conscientiae , nisi s●t justa : no law binds a subject in case of conscience , unlesse it be just . indeed it bind● them not to performance , but to submission . though they be not bound to performe , what is injoyned ; yet must they submit , to what shall be inflicted ; since resistance is damnable . ro. . . . since then it is onely the just law that binds us to obedience , it will not be a misse to set down , what laws are just , and what not . g that a law be just ( saith thomas ) three ingredients are requisite : first , power in the law-maker ; ly . the end , that it be for the common good ; and ly . the forme ; namely , that all burthens and taxes be equally , evenly layed upon the subjects ; not more upon one then upon another , but proportionably upon every man according to his estate . laws so qualified , are just , because impartiall . . from hence we may safely conclude , that h those laws are unjust , where , in the first place , the imposer wants authoritie . ly . when burdens are imposed , that are not for the common good , but for private interest , gaine , or glory . ly . when taxes , or subsidies , though for the publick good , be unequally layed . or , in the last place , when laws contradict gods written word : for i all laws ought to be so framed , vt illis , quos tangunt , prosint , & nemini praesertim notabile afferant n●cumentum : that they may be commodious for those , whom they concerne , and yet not be evidently injurious to others . from these or the like grounds , i find it resolved by the sages of this kingdom , that k the king may grant priviledges to any corporation , so they be not prejudiciall to some other of his subjects . . but wherein is the kings oath to the clergie , inconsistent with his oath to the people ? because his majestie hath first ( say you ) taken an oath for the protection of the people in their laws and liberties . their laws ? the peoples laws ? who made them makers ▪ or masters of the laws ? do the people use to make laws in a monarchie ? behold , all are law-makers . who then shall obey ? none but the clergie ▪ thus the clergie must obey the people ; and if obey , then please . for whom we obey , them we must please . and yet there is much danger in pleasing the people : for l if i should please men , ( that is , the common people ) i were not the servant of christ . the plain truth is , the laws are the kings laws , so we call them , and so they are ; and his subjects must observe them . otherwise m he beareth not the sword in vaine . the liberties indeed are the peoples , granted and confirmed unto them by the soveraignes of this realme . but wherein n will the latter oath be a present breach of the former and so unlawfull ? one would think , here were some great wrong offered to the people , as if some immunities , or means were taken from them , and transferred upon the clergie by this oath . but when all comes to all , it is no more then this , that o one of the priviledges of the people is , that the peers and commons in parliament , have power , with the consent of the king , to alter what ever in any particular estate is inconvenient to the whole . i had thought , that this priviledge , you speake of , had not been a priviledge of the people , but of the parliament , that is , of the peers and commons , representees of the people met in a lawfull and free parliament with the kings consent . not of the representees of the people alone . but you would faine incense the people a new against us , under a pretence , that all is for their good , and for the maintenance of their priviledges ; because they are represented by the house of commons . whereas the truth is , you endeavour to devolve al upon that house , for the erection of p●ssbytery ; that so both church and state may be democraticall , both settled under a popular government . . let us take a view of this passage , and see what truth is in it . one of the priviledges of the people is , say you , that the peers and commons in parliament have power to alter what-ever is inconvenient . how the lords will take this , i know not , though of late they have been so passive . can they endure , that their power should be onely derivative , and that from the people ? your words are plain ; one of the priviledges of the people is , that the peers have power . as if the lords had no power in parliament , but what issued from the peoples priviledges . why then are they called peers ; when they are not so much as peers to the people , but their substitutes , if not servants ? surely you lay the lords very lowe . and if it be one of the peoples priviledges that the lords have power ; then is it also one of their priviledges , that the lords have no power , that the people may take it from them , when they please . cuius est instituere , ejus est & destituere ; they that can give power , can also take it away , if they see good . this of late hath been usually vaunted against the house of commons ; and you say as much to the house of peers . whereas the peoples priviledges are but severall grants of the kings of this land , proceeding meerly from their grace and favour . alas , the people hath not so much as a vote in the election of peers ; neither have they liberty to choose members for the house of commons ; no , not so much as to meet , for any such purpose , untill they be summoned by the kings writ . so the peoples priviledges depends upon the kings summons ; no such priviledge till then . . and whereas you say , that the peers and commons have power to alter , what-ever is inconvenient ; you are much mistaken . when by the kings summons they are met in parliament , they have power to treat and consult upon alterations , as also to present them to his majestie , and to petition for such alterations , where they see just cause . but they have no power to alter : that is in the king ; or else , why do they petition him so to this day , to make such changes good , as they contrive ? hoc est testimonium regiae potestatis , vbique obstinentis principatum . this a full testimonie of the kings power in all causes , and over all persons , that the lords & commons assembled in parliament are faine to petition for his royall consent and confirmation , before they can induce an alteration . the truth is , the power of making laws is in him , that gives life to the law , that enacts it to be a law : not in them , that advise it , or petition for it . p where the word of a king is , there is power ; it is his word , le roy le v●lt , that makes it a law ; then t is a law , and not before . no power makes it a law but his . for q he doth , whatsoever pleaseth him . when it pleaseth him ; not when it pleaseth them : many times therefore he rejects bills agreed by both houses , with his roy ne veult , the king will not have them to be lawes . the reason is given by that renowned justice jenkins ; because r the law makes the king the onely judge of the bills proposed . ſ i counsell thee therefore to keep the kings commandment ( or , to take heed to the mouth of the king ) and that in regard of the oath of god. t that is ( saith the geneva note ) that thou obey the king , and keep the oath , that thou hast made for the same cause . this is agreeable to scripture . and the wisest of this kingdome not long since acknowledged , that u without the royall consent , a law can neither be complete nor perfect , nor remaine to posterity . a law it is not , it binds not , till the king speak the word . yea the kingdom of scotland hath declared , that the power of making laws is as essentiall to kings , as to govern by law , and sway the scepter . declar. of the kingdome of scotland . p. . . but if this be the peoples priviledge , that the peers and commons in parliament have power with the consent of the king to alter , what is inconvenient : whose priviledge is it , i pray you , for the lords and commons , without the kings consent , to make alterations , and abrogations with root and branch ? this is no priviledge of the people , nor yet of the houses ; x because ( as justice jenkins observes ) it is against their oaths to alter the government for religion . for ( saith he ) every of them hath sworne in this parliament , that his majestie is the onely supreme governour in all causes ecclesiasticall , and over all persons . but what inconvenience , i pray you , ariseth to the people from the rights and priviledges of the clergy ? not tithes . no , say you , y that justifie them to be due to your precious presbyters , by divine right . not the bishops revenues . by no meanes ; z they must not come into any mans hands but yours ; who are the parochiall pastors ; these must be your maintenance . a to seize them to private or civill interest , is detestable sacriledge , cried out upon all the world over , and to be deplored of all good men . so you with your master beza . indeed to take them away from those , that are intrusted with them , would prove marvelous inconvenient to the people . . how many inconveniences will arise to the people of this kingdome , by stripping the clergie of their immunities , and lands , cannot suddenly be discovered . some of them i shal lay down , and leave the rest to be displayed by those , that are cleared fighted . first the curse , that is likely to fall upon this whole nation by sacriledge . for a nationall sin must have a nationall punishment . b admensuram delicti erit & plagarum modus ; according to the fault , and the measure thereof , the number of the stripes shall be . let it be considered , how from severall counties multitudes came in with petitions , for the exrirpation of episcopacy . by whose instigation the petitioners best know . think not to avoid the scourge , because multitudes conspired in the sin : c we must not follow a multitude to do evill . hope not to lye hid in a throng ; d be sure , thy sin will find thee out , as e it did achan among the thousands of israel . his nobility could not excuse him . remember that this was for sacriledge ; for f he stole two hundred shekels of silver , & a wedge of gold , g which were consecrated unto the lord. this is a dreadfull sinne , h it will lye at thy doore ; it will be a stone of offence to thee , at thy going forth , and thy coming in . . i know there are men of severall mindes met at westminster . some are wholly bent upon church lands , and are resolved to swallow them up , come what will come . others are content to covenant , vote , or do any thing to save their own stakes ; for to what purpose were it for them to withstand ? alas , they are but an handfull ; they may wrong themselves , but no good can they do to church , or king. but we forget the lords rule ; i thou shalt not speak in a cause , to decline after many , to wrest judgement . . some young gentlemen there are , that must plead ignorance in their votes , as being not acquainted with the state of the question ; much lesse with the mysterie of iniquitie , which worketh powerfully in the sons of disobedience . but they must know , that there be sins of ignorance ; for these there must be an attonement made by the preist , and without this , for ought i read , no forgivenesse . levit. . yea , saith the lord , k if a soule sin , and commit any of these things , which are forbidden to be done by the commandments of the lord , though he wist it not , yet is be guiltie . and he shall beare his iniquitie , for l he hath certainly trespassed against the lord. but to bring it home a little neerer to these times , that are so violent for sacriledge , let all achans broode give eare to the words of the lord , m if any person transgresse , and sin through ignorance , by taking away things consecrated to the lord , he shall restore that , wherein he hath offended , in taking away of the holy thing , and shall put the fift part more thereto , and give it unto the preist . then n shall the preist make an attonement for him , not before ; then shall the sin be forgiven him , not before . here then remaines no excuse for any , that have the least hand in sacriledge , without restitution . but why do we o abhor idols , and commit sacriledge ? why rob we god , as if he were an idol , not sensible of these wrongs , nor able to revenge them ? . next , when the church is stripped of her means , what kinde of clergie shall we have ? p jeroboams priests ; the lowest , and meanest , of the people . for as now , so then , q the priests and levites followed their true liege lord. for that arch-rebell and his sons had cast them off from executing the priests office . this being done , r who would , might consecrate himself , and be one of the priests of the high places . like king , like priest ; each had alike right to their places . a lively character of our times . these are called the devils priests , chron. . . men that wanted either the knowledge , or the fear of god , or both . and surely this is the ready way to fi●● our priests places with men void of learning , not ſ apt to teach , not t able by sound doctrine either to exhort , or to convince the gainsayers . now s. peter tells us , that u the unlearned and unstable ( ungrounded men ) wrest the scriptures to their own destruction . what then shall become of the people ? x if the blinde lead the blinde , both shall fall into the ditch . this will bring us to that passe , which bishop latymer speaks of , y we shall have nothing but a little english divinitie ; which will bring the realm into very barbarousnesse , and utter decay of learning . it is not that , i wis ( saith that good bishop ) that will keep out the supremacy of the bishop of rome . and this will be a strange dishonour to this nation , which hath alwayes abounded with learned men . . hospitalitie will come to nothing ; your rents will be racked ; and your sons barred from one fair and most commendable course to preferment . for with us no one familie , or set persons are tyed to be priests , as was the tribe of levi. the qualification of the person , and not his pedegree , is with us inquired into . what understanding man then will freely dedicate his son to the ministerie , and be at an extraordinarie charge to breed him up to divinitie , when his reward shall be certain poverty ? and what scholer of worth will desire orders , when he knows , that by these he shall be exposed to contempt and beggary ? though we love the priesthood , when we are miserable in it ; yet no man affects the priesthood , that he may be miserable . i know many , since our coat is grown so contemptible , who intended divinitie , that have diverted their studie to physick ; knowing that this nation is carefull of their bodies , though carelesse of their souls . . is it not enough by this extirpation to barre your selves from heaven , unlesse ye sink your posteritie into the same damnation ? is it not enough to murder priests , unlesse ye slay the priestood also ? certainly ye run the readie way to do it . if ye will not beleeve bishop latymer , because a priest ; yet trust sir edward coke , because a lawyer and a states-man . this great learned man assures us , that z it is a more grievous and dangerous persecution to destroy the priesthood , then the priests . for by robbing the church , and spoyling spirituall persons of their revenues , in short time insues great ignorance of true religion , and of the service of god ; and thereby great decay of christian profession . for none will apply themselves , or their sons , or any other they have in charge , to the study of divinitie , when after long and painfull studie they shall have nothing whereupon to live . will not our church then come to a sweet passe ? and yet to this passe we are almost brought . . all the inconvenience , that mr. geree presseth , is this , that a we are not subject to the parliament , to be whipped and stripped as they please . if we be not subject to them , i am sure they have made us so . but how far forth , and wherein we are subject to the parliament , and what parliament , shall speedily be taken into consideration . chap. . . you speak much of b a former and a latter oath ; the former to the people , the latter to the clergy . as if his majestie took two severall oaths , at two severall times . whereas in truth it is but one oath , c as you acknowledge p. . taken at the same time , and , as it were in a breath . indeed there are severall priviledges proposed to the king , which he first promiseth , and afterwards swears to maintain . as for the promise , it is first made in grosse to the people of england ; & afterwards to the severall states of this realm ; but first to the clergie by name . in generall to the people of england , the king promiseth to keep the laws and customs to them granted by his lawful and religious predecessors . under this word people are comprehended the nobilitie , clergie , and commons of this kingdom . afterwards distinguishing them into severall ranks , he begins with the clergie , promising that he will keep to them the laws , customes , and franchizes granted to them by the glorious king s. edward his predecess●● . secondly , he promiseth to keep peace and godly agreement entirely , to his power , both to god , the holy church , the clergie , and the people . here also , you see , his promise to the church , and clergie , goes before that to the people . in the third branch his majestie promiseth to his power to cause law , justice ▪ and discretion in mercy and truth to be executed in all his judgements , to all before named . next he grants to h●ld and keep to the comminalty of this his kingdom , the laws , and rightfull customes , which they have to the honour of god [ mark that ] so much as in him lyeth . the commonalty , you see , are not mentioned , till we come to the fourth clause . and last of all , lest the bishops , though implied in church and clergie , should seem to be omitted , and an evasion left to some malignant spirits , to work their ruine , and yet seem to continue a clergie ; the king promiseth to the bishops in particular , that he will preserve and maintain to them all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice ; and that he will be their protector and defender . how then can he desert them , or leave them out of his protection ? . these promises made , the king ariseth , is led to the communion table , where laying his hand upon the holy evangelists , he makes this solemne oath in the sight of all the people : the things , that i have promised , i shall perform and keep ; so help m● god , and the contents of this book . though then the promises be severall , the oath is but one : and so no former , no latter oath ; not two , but one oath . d the kings oath to the people is not first taken ; but you are wholly mistaken . . if any man desire to know , who the people and commonalty of this kingdom are , let him look into magna charta ; where he shall find them marshalled into severall estates , corporations , and conditions . there you shall also see the severall laws ▪ customes , and franchizes , which the king and his religious predecessors have from time to time promised , and sworn ▪ to keep and maintain . that great charter begins with the church ; e inprimis concessimus deo : first , we have granted to god , and by this our present charter have confirmed , f in behalf of our selves and our heirs for ever , that the church of england be free , and that she have her rights entire , and her liberties unmaimed . now sir edw : coke , that oracle of the law , tels us , that g this charter for the most part is but declaratory of the ancient common laws of england : to the observation wherof the king was bound and sworn . and not onely the king , but h the nobles and great officers were to be sworn to the observation of magna charta : i which is confirmed by thirtie and two acts of parliament . . the liberties of this church , as i have gleaned them from magna charta , and sir edw : coke are these . first , that k the possessions and goods of ecclesiasticall persons be freed from all unjust exactions and oppressions . secondly , that l no ecclesiasticall person be amerced ( or fined ) according to the value of his ecclesiasticall benefice , but according to his lay tenement , and according to the quantitie of his ●ffence . thirdly , that m the king will neither sell , nor to farm set , nor take any thing from the demeans of the church in the vacancie . fourthly , that n all ecclesiasticall persons shall enjoy all their lawfull jurisdictions , and other rights wholly without any diminution or subtraction whatsoever . fiftly , o a bishop is regularly the kings immediate officer to the kings court of justice in causes ecclesiasticall . sixtly , p it is a maxime of the common law , that where the right is spirituall , and the remedy therefore onely by the ecclesiasticall law , the conusans thereof doth appertain to the ecclesiasticall court. seventhly , q sir edw : coke tels us from bracton , that r no other but the king can demand ( or command ) the bishop to make inquisition . eightly , ſ every archbishoprick and bishoprick in england are holden of the king per baroniam ( by baronry ) . and in this right they that were called by writ to the parliament , were lords of parliament . t and every one of these , when any parliament is to be holden , ought ex debito justitiae ( by due of justice ) to have a writ of summons . and this is as much as any temporall lord can chalenge . the conclusion of all is this , that u neither the king , nor his heirs ( or successors ) will ever endeavour to infringe or weaken these liberties . and if this shall be done by any other , nihil valeat , & pro nullo habeatur , let it be of no force , and passe for nothing . hence x it is provided by act of parliament , that if any judgement be given contrary to any of the points of the great charter , by the justices , or by any other of the kings ministers whatsoever , it shall be undone , and holden for nought . let all true hearted englishmen observe this , that are lovers of their countreys liberties . . we have seen , what the king hath granted & sworn , as also in what order ; and that the oath is but one . and yet mr. geree goes forward , as if it were certain without question , that this to the clergie , were a severall oath from that to the people . confidently therefore he presseth it , that y the king cannot afterwards ingage himself . whereas he ingaged himself alike to his people at the same instant , that he would preserve the priviledges both of clergie and commonaltie , because both his people . now , why his majestie should be bound to maintain the priviledges of that one estate , rather then of the other ▪ i cannot conceive . especially when i consider , that z the priviledges of the clergie are granted to god ; without whose blessing nor privilege , nor people can be preserved . the king then herein non c●●sit jure suo , hath not yeelded up the clergie or his right to any other ; neither can he with a safe conscience do so . but since a magna charta hath been so often confirmed , even by . severall acts of parliament , the parliament , in that sense you take it , hath parted with that right it had , by these severall grants and confirmations : and we ought in justice to enjoy our priviledges , and they to maintain them ▪ unlesse they mean to affront and subvert so many acts of parliament , and that main charter and honour of this kingdom . as if they onely had the judgement of infa 〈…〉 ibilitie ; which scotland denies . declarat . of the kingdom of scotland , p. . chap. ix . how far forth , and wherein the clergie is subject to a parliament , and to what parliament . . the net is prepared , the snare layed , danger is at hand , and yet we must not forsake , or betray the truth in time of need . the noose layed by our church adversary , is this : b the clergie and their priviledges are subject to the parliament , or they are not . to this we must say , yea , or nay ; and the man thinks he hath us sure enough . but the man is mistaken , one mesh is not well made up ; and i must tell him that we are subject to the parliament , and we are not . subject we are to the parliament , consisting of head and members ; but not to the members without the head , not to the members alone ; since we are subject to the members meerly for the heads sake ; and in those things onely , wherein he subjects us to them . set apart the head , and we are fellow members , fellow subjects . for iowe no temporall subjection to any or many subjects , but onely for the kings sake . though the parliament be a great , a representative , an honourable body , yet it is but a body : and that body , with every member thereof , owe obedience and service to the head ; not one to another . i say nothing , if i prove it not by scripture . c submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake ; whether it be to the king as supreme ; or unto governors , as unto those that are sent by him , by the king. as if he should say , submit your selves to the king , for the lords sake ; and to other governors for the king● sake . for king● have their commission from god ; but all state governors from the king : and iowe them no subjection beyond their commission . if then it shall please the king to give the members of parliament power over us , we must submit either by doing , or suffering . either by doing , what they shall command , or by suffering , what shall be inflicted on us . . subjection is not due to them , as they are great , or rich men ; but as they are the kings ministers . this is evident , because d all commissions breath and expire with the king e upon death of the king follows necessarily the dissolution of parliament . none of us , that are meer subjects , have at such a time power one over another , but onely by advice ; none of us authority , but onely as this or that man hath gained esteem by his wisedome and integritie . onely the preisthood never dyes , because christ ever lives , from whom the preist hath his commission . but all other subordinate powers expect a new commission from the succeeding prince . this experience taught us upon the death of queen elizabeth . . though this be truth , yet no truth can charge us , that f we claime exemption from secular power . you see , we acknowledge our selves subject to the king , as also to those ministers , that he sets over us . but as these may not exceed their commissions given by the king ; neither may the king exceed his commission granted him by god. the kings commission is like the preists , g ad aedificationem , non ad destructionem , for upholding the church and service of god ; not for the ruining of either . and the king may not grant a larger commission to his ministers , then himselfe hath received from the king of heaven ▪ his commission is , to be h a nursing father to the church , not a step-father ; to i preserve to her all her rights and dues , to see , that she be provided with necessaries , and to protect her against her profaine and sacrilegious enemies . surely if our soveraigne hath intrusted the parliament with any power over the church and church-men , it is but with some part of that , wherewith god hath enriched him , and no other . . well , k if we be under parliamentary power , it cannot rationally be conceived , to be the meaning of the king so to subject us to the parliament , as to forget , or renounce his hath , by destroying the priviledges of the clergie ( which he hath swo●ne to preserve ) against ( or in dishonour to ) that power to which they are legally subject ▪ how far we are legally subject to this parliament , i know ; and how far we are ▪ or may be under parliamentary power , i have alreadie declared . the power we are legally subject to , is his royall majestie ; and it is not , it cannot be , the meaning of the kings oath , to preserve our priviledges against his own power ▪ or to exempt us from his iurisdiction . let the world judge , whether your , or our priviledges and principles be distructive of legall power . we are bound by canon l faithfully to keepe and observe , ( and as much as in us lieth ) to cause to be observed and kept of others , all and singular laws and statutes made for restoring to the crown of this kingdome , the ancient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiasticall , m against all usvrped and forraign power . marke that ; it is not onely against forraign , but it is against usurped , and all usurped power ▪ shew me , if you can , one such loyall canon or resolution from any presbyteriall assembly . n this jurisdiction ecclesiasticall is by the lawes and statutes restored to the imperiall crown of this realme , and not upon the parliament ; because it is by gods word settled upon the crowne . . o this authority in causes ecclesiasticall was in the godly kings amongst the jews , & christian emperors in the primitive church ; and hath been exercised by the kings of this realme , according to an act of parliament in that behalfe , an. . henr. . c. . according to this statute were the bishops and the rest of the clergie assembled b● king edward vi. and queene elizabeth for composing the articles of religion , which were allowed to be holden and executed within this realme , by the assent and consent of those princes ; and confirmed by the subscription of the arch-bishops & bishops of the upper house , and of the whole clergie in the neather house in their convocation . as is to be seen in the r●tification of those articles . agreeable to the same statute , the arch-bishops , bishops and other of the clergie were summoned & called by k. iames to treat of canons and constitutions ecclesiasticall ; which were by them agreed upon an. dom. . and were by the same king of blessed memorie ratified and confirmed by his letters patents . and i am certaine , that we have subscribed and sworne , p that the kings majestie under god is the onely supreme governor of this realme , and of all other his highnes dominions and countries , as well in all spirituall , or ecclesiasticall things or causes , as temporall . . the substance of your touchie argument is , i hope , satisfied in the eye of every moderate and discreet man. the rest ▪ that follows is but a rhetoricall flourish , or reiteration of what passed before , as if q the kings oath to the clergie could not be consistent with the priviledges of the nation , formerly by him sworn to . as if , without peradventure , there were a former and a latter oath , which i have proved to be most false . and as if we of the clergie were none of the nation . or as if we were bastards , and not legitimate ; slaves , and not free-born subjects . and yet , blessed be god , diverse of our orthodox clergie are as well descended , as any that speake against them , is this , my good brother , to r reverence the preists , and count them holy ? is this the way to invite men of worth , to incorporate themselves into your presbyteriall hierarchie ? surely we are a part of this nation , to whom this promissory oath was made . our rights consisted comfortably many yeers with the priviledges of the people , to the honour of this nation , and to the astonishment of others . with what face then can you say , that the kings oath to the clergie cannot be consistent with the priviledges of the nation ? whereas it is evident , that in three or foure yeers this nation is so weary of the presbyteriall encrochments , that they can no longer possibly endure them . . but by your words it seems , ſ when and while the clergy were a distinct corporation from the laitie , the oath had this sense , viz. that the kings oath to the clergie was consistent with the priviledges of the nation ▪ that must be the sense , if i know what sense is . but the clergie were and are a distinct corporation . in ceasing to be popish , we are not ceased to be preists : neither is that necessary and just exemption , or distinction yet abolisht . if it be , why are you so zealous , to distinguish us and our privileges , from the people and their priviledges ? whereas if we be all one without distinction , our priviledges must needs be the very same ; and so no inconsistencie at all . but of this more fully chap. . . a popish exemption it was for the clergie to be free from the kings commands . but this is abolished , and we readily submit to every ordinance of man ; and wish , that you , and your assembly brethren would learn the same christian obedience . a popish exemption it is for the bishops and their churches to know no governor but the pope . that also is disclaimed , and at the kings coronation it is publickly acknowledged , that the bishops and their churches are under the kings government . the antichristian usurpation is condemned , and true christian subjection justified . the king is the ●nely supreme o vern●r , to him we owe obedience , and to others for him , and under him . and though all antichristian usurpation were abolish●d upon the death of queen mary , yet in all the acts since that time to this present parliament the lords spirituall are distinguished from the lords temporall , the clergy from the laity , and the convoc●tion from the parliament . yea even in these times of confusion , the clergie are doomed by your great masters , to be unfit for lay ▪ or civill imploiment ▪ if there be no such men , then was that sentence sencelesse : & while we are of the same corporation with them , we are as capable of any office of state , as the rest of our fellow-subjects , even to be members of both houses . but this distinction is still on foot ; the kings oath therefore to us is still binding ; especially since our immunities may as well subsist with the priviledges of the commons , as the priviledges of bristoll with the franchizes of london . . indeed you may well twit us with the change of our condition ; for we have just cause with bishop latymer to complain , that z there is a plain intent to make the clergie slavery : which was far from the intention of this oath , till your faction prevailed in the change . but what inconvenience will follow , if we confesse , that the intention of the oath was changed , with the change of our condition ? not that , which you aime at . for therein , and so far forth onely is the intention of the oath changed , as our condition is changed . but wherein is our condition changed ? a church we are still ; bishops and preists we are still ; onely our condition is thus far changed ▪ before we were subject to antichristian usurpation , but now we are altogether for christian allegiance . before our bishops and preists were subject to the pope ; but we submit wholly to the king. and i hope , we shall not fare the worse for that . the kings oath is , to protect the church , as it is , not as it was ; not as she was popish and superstitious , but as she is catholick and apostolike . then she was subject to the pope , and free from the king , but now she is subject to the king , and free from the pope . but you would faine enforce us to our old vomit ; for we cannot but discern , that a far more intollerable tyranny is drawing on , by how much the more dangerous it is to be subject to a multitude , then to one ; to a multitude at home , then to one abroad : both of them being equally destructive to the liberty of the church , and alike contrary to the word of god. . besides , the change of our condition is either for the better or the worse . if for the worse , this is to maintain popery . he that saith our condition is changed for the worse , justifies , that it is better for us to be subject to the pope , then to the king. if for the better , then must the intention of the oath be changed for the better . for are not these your words , that the change of the clergies condition must needs change the intention of the oath ? without question the intention of the oath was to protect all his subjects in their severall places , dignities , add degrees ; and not to suffer them to oppresse or devoure one another , to see justice done for them and upon them , according to the laws established ; and not to yeeld to any law , that may be distructive to the rights or liberties of any of his subjects . . the intention of the oath is , to maintain the ancient , legall , and just rights of the church ; and to preserve unto the bishops due law and justice . we desire no more , and no man may with reason deny this , to be the intention of the oath . the the words are plaine : sir , will you grant , and keep , and by your oath confirme the laws , customs , and franchizes granted to the clergie by the glorious king s. edward ▪ your predecessor , &c. and again ; our lord and king , we beseech you to pardon and grant , and preserve unto us , and to the churches committed to your charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice . all this the king hath sworne to performe ; and hath acknowledged , that by right he ought to do it . and would you have him to be forsworne , and to neglect that , which by right he ought to make good ? surely you would make an excellent ghostly father for the man of sin . . neither is this the peculiar opinion of us church-men onely ; that great oracle of the law resolves , that a the king is bound to maintain and defend the rights and inheritance of the church . and he gives two reasons for it ; first , because the church is alwaies in her minoritie , it is under age : seconly , she is in wardship to our lord the king. and then he addes , b nec est juri consonum , quod infra aetatem existentes , per negligentiam custodum svorum exhaeredationem patiantur , seu ab actione repellantur : neither is it consonant to the law ( nor yet to conscience ) , that those who are under age , should either be spoiled of their inheritance , or barred from action at law , through the negligence of their guardians . especially kings being by divine ordinance made guardians and nursing fathers to the church . es . . . . you see , we have divine and humane law for what we say , we claime no c priviledges long since by act of parliament abolisht . we desire not his majestie to contradict , but to ratifie bis oath , and to maintain those laws he found in force . but as for you , all your endeavour is to perswade the laity , that our weale is their woe , and that the upholding of the clergie in their due and ancient state , would be certain ruine to the commons . as if our priviledges were like d pharaohs lean kine , ready to devoure the fat of the laity : as if our aime were to reduce antichristian usurpation , & to subvert the ancient laws . whereas every man may readily discern , that these are but pretences . the true end aimed at in these invectives and incentives , is that the caninus appetitus the wilde ravenous stomachs of m. geree and his fellow presbyterians may be satisfied . but at seven yeers end they will be as lank and hungrie as pharaohs famished kine . it was so with king henry viii : and it will be so with all , that tread in his steps . . e it s apparent then to make the intention of that oath to be false and fallacious , and under pretence , that it may not be against legall alteration , so to wrest it , that it may be to the ruine of a great body of his subjects , and those not the worst ; that it shall be against all law and conscience , ( for f that law , which is unjust is no law ) : that it shall be to the subversion of the true religion and service of god , to the distraction of his people , and to the eternall dishonor of himself and the whole kingdome , makes his oath in your sense utterly unlawfull . and if unlawfull , then is it not obligatory either in foro conscienciae , or in foro justitiae , either before god , or any good man ; unlesse it be to do the contrary . but if this oath in the true and literall sense be not against legall alteration , but against unjust oppression , sacriledge , and profanenesse , manifest it is , that it is both lawfull and obligatory ; and the king may not , without violation of his oath , and certain danger of the pure and undefiled religion , passe a bill for the abolition of episcopacy , what ever his houses of parliament think , or petition , or presse never so violently . . but your opinion is , that the king may passe a bill , for the abolition of episcopacy . and what i thinke , or what the king thinks ; it is no matter if his houses of parliament think it convenient , he may do it . it is wonder , you had not said , he must do it . indeed you say that , which is equivalent ; for are not these your words ; g he cannot now deny consent ( to their abolition ) without sin ? and if the king without sin cannot deny it , then must he assent unto it . thus by your words it seemes , he is at their disposing , not they at his . indeed , if a man may beleeve you , the power is in the houses , and not in the king. for do not you say , that h the peers and commons in parliament have power , with the consent of the king , to alter whatsoever , &c. and againe ; i there 's no question of power in the parliament to over-rule it . the power , it seemes , is in them , consent onely in the king. and here , the king may passe a bill , when his houses think it convenient . well , he may , and he may choose ; he may consent , or dissent . k cujus enim est consentire , ejus est & dissentire . and so long we are well enough . for the kings negative in parliament is a full testimony of his supreme power . hence is it , that the houses petition for his consent , which they need not do , if the power were in the houses . besides , his houses , the kings houses , you call them ; and so they are . this also manifests , that they are at his disposing , and not he at theirs . they must therfore wait his pleasure , til he thinks it convenient . his consent they may petition for , enforce they ought not , since they are his subjects ; enforce it they cannot , since l he hath power over his own will. and whatever you suppose , it is in his power to consent , or dissent , when he sees it convenient ; and consequently to keep , or not to keep his oath . his affirmative makes it a law ; his negative denys it to be a law. for m the king is the onely judge , whether the bills agreed upon , and presented , be for the publick good , or no : and to take away the kings negative voice , is contrary to your covenant ; it diminisheth the kings just power and greatnesse ; and cuts off all regall power . witnesse the declaration of the kingdome of scotland . p. . chap. x. whether it be lawfull for the king , to abrogate the rights of the clergie . . the question proposed is concerning episcopacy ; but now you are fallen to the rights of the clergie . as if this were a sound and unanswerable argument , it is lawfull for the king to abrogate the rights of the clergy : ergo , it is lawfull for him to abrogate episcopacy . it is for all the world , as if one should say , it is lawfull for the king to take away the rights of lawyers ; ergo , he may also take away judicature . yet all men would say , that this were flat tyrannie ; since without judicature no man can compasse , or enjoy his own with peace . . but i shall return your argument so upon you , as shall concern you more neerly . it is lawfull for the king to abrogate the rights of the clergie : it is therefore lawfull for him to abrogate presbytery . how like you this ? is it not your own argument , changing terme episcopacy into presbytery . ye have strooke out the former & set up the latter in the place of episcopacy . and your scholers , by the same argument , may live to root up thut too , if any lands be annexed to this great diana of geneva . thus you have made a rod to scourge your selves with . . but you will say , that though it be legall for the king , to take away the rights , yet he may not destroy the order . and why so ? because the rights are granted by man , but the order was settled by god : and what god hath ordained , is not lawfull for man to abrogate . i must return you the same answer , since t is sufficiently justified . c. . . that the order of episcopacy is the immediate institution of our b. saviour , and ministeriall root , from whence all orders spring . though then this be n the usuall way of cleering this your assertion , and you o conceive it to be a sound resolution , yet learned men see , that you have said just nothing , unlesse you confesse , that the order of presbyter may likewise be ex●i●pated by royall authority . . but return we to the rights of the clergie , and take notice upon what grounds you suppose it lawfull for the king to abrogate those rights , which he hath vowed so solemnly to maintain . p the king ( say you ) is sworne to maintaine the laws of the land in force at his coronation . yet it is not unlawfull for him after to abrogate any of them , upon the motion , or with the consent of his parliament . i am glad that you acknowledge it to be the kings prerogative , to maintaine the laws of the land ; and that it is not unlawfull for him , to abrogate any of them with the consent of his parliament . if he be bound by oath , either he hath power to maintain these laws , or not . if he hath not power , it is a senselesse oath . if he hath power , where is it ? what is become of it ? hath he resigned it ? we know the contrary . hath he forfeited it ? to whom ? to his subjects ? he can no more forfeit his regall power to his subjects , then a father the right of fatherhood to his children . he is no more a king upon condition , then a father is a father upon condition . his power he hath not from the people , but from god. q per me reges regnant , by me kings reign , saith god. and , i hope , god speaks no untruth . his substitute the king is , for r he sits on gods ( not on the peoples ) throne ; and ſ king he is for the lord , in his stead . . if you object misdemeanours , or bearing armes against his parliament ; your self say , that t he is sworne to maintain the laws of the land. the laws , liberties , and properties were all at stake , they were trampled upon by his faithlesse , but potent subjects . this enforced him to take up u that sword , which he ought not to beare in vaine , but to x execute wrath as the minister of god , upon them that do evill ; upon such , as plunder his good subjects , and turn them out of house and home . for y the king is made by god the supreme governor , for the punishment of evill doers , as also for the praise of those , that do well . but suppose the king were a tyrant , as bad as bad may be , yet z we ought from our hearts to give him all due honour ; so beza ; and not to rob him of his just power . if he sin a it is against god onely ; and to him onely he must account ; not to his subjects . . well , bound he is by oath , b to maintain the laws , while they are laws . as yet then the rights of the church are safe , and the king is bound to maintain them . but how long are these laws in force ? c till they are abrogated by just power in a regular way . they are your own words , and we subscribe them . but the just power is in his majestie , by your own confession , both d to maintain , and to abrogate laws . and the regular way , say you , is at the motion , or with the consent of his parliament . but with all our loyall predecessors we say , at the petition , or humble suit [ not at the motion ] of his parliament . and his it is , his they are all , though members of parliament , since the parliament is his. they are not then a parliament of themselves , at their own choice , or disposing , nor yet without him . his they are ; i am sure , they should be so ; i would to god they were so . * the king is the fountain of honour and power within his own dominions . and e who may say unto him , what doest thou ? why doest thou honour this man , and not that ? why doest thou call a parliament at this time , and not at that ? f impius est , qui regi dixerit , inique agis : he is impious , that saith unto the king , thou dealest unjustly , or unequally . so the fathers read that place . no obbraiding , no controulling of a king ; g he can do no wrong . so the law. . his , the kings , they are , when they are met , and set in parliament , h his great councell , magnum concilium regis ; i his houses , k his parliament . and l therefore called so , that they may parlar la ment , speak their minds freely for the generall good . him they may entreat , not controul ; advise , not command ; perswade , not enforce . suppose , the king grants them power and authoritie , he grants them none either over , or against himself : this he cannot do . this were to set the members above the head , and to make his subjects superior to himself . this were to despoil himself of the power of the sword. but this he may not do , since m god hath made him supreme , and n given him the charge of the sword. and his majestie may not invert that order , which god hath set ; neither may he repeal gods ordinance , or make it void . god hath laid the charge upon him , and he cannot with a safe conscience decline it , or neglect it . . observe , i beseech you : o though pharaoh set joseph over his house , and over his people to rule and arm them at his pleasure : though joseph were so p made ruler over all the land of egypt , yet without him no man might lift up his hand or foot , within that land ; yet joseph is not king . q pharaoh keeps his throne ; and therein is he greater then joseph , who still is but pharaohs deputy , though r lord of all egypt . and though he be ſ a father to pharaoh , yet t is he still at his command . thus is it with the parliament of england ; though they are put in highest trust by the king , yet are they still at his disposing , either u to be adjourned , prorogued , or dissolved at his pleasure ; and are at his command in all things lawfull and honest . to this great councell we are no further to submit , then in those things they are sent for by the king , and so far forth as they have commission from him . s. peter saies the same . x submit your selves unto the king as supreme , or unto governors as unto them , that are sent by him , by the king. so far forth , and in such things , for which they are sent , i owe them obedience ; but no further . . how far forth the king is sworn to maintain the laws of the land , and upon what grounds they may safely be repealed , we have alreadie seen . now we are called upon to descend to the rights of the clergie ; whereof your resolution is this , by way of consequence . y so the king by his oath is bound to maintain the rights of the clergie , while they continue such . but , blessed be god , such they do continue : the king therefore by oath is bound to maintain them . . z but ( say you ) if any of their rights be abrogated by just power , he stands no longer ingaged to that particular . why , i beseech you , do you leave out something here , that you held necessary for the abrogation of the laws of the land. before it was , that the laws might be abrogated by just power in a regular way . but here you grant , that the rights of the clergie may be abrogated by just power . but what 's become of the regular way ? was it forgotten ? or left out on set purpose ? surely there is a my fiery in it ; for your argument ought to procede thus : by what means the laws of the land may be abrogated , by the same means may the rights of the clergie be abrogated . but the laws of the land may be abrogated by just power in a regular way . ergo , the rights of the clergie may be abrogated by just power in a regular way . thus the syllogisme stands fair for the form ; and the major or minor proposition must be denied by the respondent : otherwise he is at a non-plus , and convinced . but your conclusion is , so , or , ergo , the rights of the clergie may be abrogated by just power . but this so is faultie ; and so is the syllogisme ; because the minor terminus is maimed in the conclusion ; it comes not in whole , as it should do . the reason why , is plain ; because you are not able to set down a regular way , wherein , or whereby those rights , you aim at , may be abolished . . and what wonder , that you can finde no regular way for the clergie and their rights , since you have put them clean out of the regular , the right way . and when ye will find the regular way , god knows ; for , plain it is , that ye are out of the way . ye wander this way , and that way , like men in a maze , or mis-led by an ignis fatuus , by jack in a lantern . no rule at all you have to be guided by but onely this , that the book of common prayers must down , and episcopacy shall not stand . so farewell heavenly devotion , and all true faith ; and farewell church . if this be not to be possessed with the spirit of giddinesse , and impietie , i know not what is . . but , i pray you , give me leave , before i passe further , to tell you , that just power goes alwayes in a regular way . and when it leaveth that way , it ceaseth to be just ; unlesse inforced by such necessitie , as cannot be provided for in a regular way . that power onely is just , which doth nothing wittingly but what is just ; and distributes to every man and societie their severall dues . if it do otherwise , we cannot call it just , unlesse we desire to incur that sentence of the almighty , a he that saith unto the wicked , thou art righteous , him shall the people curse , nations shall abhor him . . well , be it just , or unjust , be it never so much cursed at home , or abhorred abroad , you are resolved to justifie the abrogation of the rights of the clergie . what ? a clergie-man , and a preacher of the word of god , and altogether for ruine and destruction ? surely you are not a preacher of that word , which s. paul taught ; for he professeth , that b authoritie is given to men of our calling , not for destruction , but for edification . shew me one preacher in the word of god , besides corah and his confederates , that ever spake , or wrot any thing against the rights of the clergie . you cannot possibly , unlesse you bring in judas with his c ad quid , finding fault , with that cost , which was bestowed upon our saviours person . indeed no man so fit for your turn ; d he robbed and betrayed the head , and you the body . but you know , what censure is passed upon him for it ; e this he said , because he was a theife , and did carrie the bag . he did , and you would . it is private , not publick interest , that stirres up ambitious and greedy spirits against christ and his vicegerents . i can shew you f s. paul magnifying his office , and g justifying the priviledges therof . but you are none of s. pauls followers ; demetrius and alexander , silver-smiths and copper-smiths , are your good masters , and with them i leave you . . but what are these rights that you are so eagar to have abrogated ? every subject in his severall place and degree hath right to his lands , to his goods , to his liberties and privileges : and so hath every clergie-man ; unlesse we of the clergie be no longer subjects , but slaves . would you have all these , or onely some of these abolished ? a question it was at first , but now i see , what they are . first , h episcopacy . ly , i the clergies priviledges , & immunities . ly , the k bishops ecclesiasticall , or sole jurisdiction in so large a circuit . ly , l the bishops great revenues . thus the rights of the clergie , are precisely inventoried , that so neither root nor branch may scape their fingers . episcopacy we have already taken into consideration ; now let us take a survey of the rest . . but first let us observe the course , you propose , to strip us of these rights . your method is subtil , and your expressions at first view seeme moderate : you put us in equall balance with the rest of our fellow-subjects . thus you argue ; m it is not unlawfull to abrogate any of the laws of the land : it is not therefore unlawfull to abrogate any of the rights of the clergie . thus far your argument seemes to proceed fairely . but how comes it to passe , that out of this any of the kingdome , you conclude against all the rights of the clergie ? for what have the clergie besides their orders , priviledges , and immunities ; besides their jurisdiction and revenues ? and yet all , all these you expose to the mercie of a parliament . but , in good sooth , do you think , that if it be lawfull for a parliament to alter or abolish any particular laws of the land , that therefore it is lawfull to take away all , that the clergie have , or should have ? indeed this is something answerable to the proceedings of these times . it would sound very harsh , if it were thus resolved ; it is lawfull for king and parliament to abrogate any of the laws of the land : it is therefore lawfull for them to abolish all the laws of the land. and yet this is your manner of arguing . as if a particular included the generall ; as if any were equivalent to all . which is apparently false ; for universals are of a far larger extent then these individua vaga , uncertain notions . though all comprehend any , yet any comprehends not all . for lawfull it is not to subvert the fundamentall laws ; therefore not all . this were to raze the foundation of the kingdome . were this justified of any particular corporation , or body politick , besides the clergie , it would not be indured . oh , how would the citizens of london storme , if we should conclude thus ; it is lawfull to take away any of the laws of the land ; and therefore it is lawfull to take away all the rights of the city of london . yet let wise men judge , if this be not your argument right . but the clergie is become the asse of the times ; it must bear all , or sink under the burden . . but you say , that this is to be done n by just power in a regular way . well and good . but can that be a just power , which deals unjustly ? for o justice gives to every man his own ; according to gods command , p render to every man his due . the law of god we confesse to be the supreme law ? whatever then is done against the law of god , cannot be just . yea though it be done by a law , no act can justifie it ; since a law contrary to gods word , is no sooner made , then void . i speak to christians . but with you r the law shall be valid , though injurious . to the injuriousnesse of this law i shall submit , because a subject ; but never acknowledge any validitie therein , because a christian . . by a just power , we see , this cannot be done ; how then shall it be done in a regular way ? a regular way , as you conceive you have set down ; wherein any law of the land may be abrogated . and that is , ſ upon the motion , or with the consent of the parliament . how comes this to passe ? because the parliament consists of the head , and the representative body of the whole kingdome . and who are these ? first t the king , who is the head . ly , the lords spirituall and temporall : and ly , the commons . but the parliament is maimed of late . u . the house of commons represents the greivances of the countrey . . the house of lords advise his majestie with their counsell , and propose for the common good , what they conceive meet . . x it is in the kings power to assent to these proposals , or to disassent , to make them statutes , or no statutes . and that the crown may receive no detriment , the king hath the judges of the land , his councell , and other officers of state present , to prevent such mischiefes . the lords take care of their lands and honors , that they be not damnified by any new law. the knights and burgesses by the severall counties and corporations , are intrusted with such things , as concern their generall or particular good . and all are to take care for the good of the church , the common mother of us al. in these things every man doth , or ought to provide , that all things be so done for the common good , that ( if it be possible ) nothing be done to the prejudice of any . . and reason for it : for as y by one spirit we are all baptised into one body spirituall , or mysticall , so by the goodnesse of god we all are under one king incorporated into one body politick . z but the body is not one member , but many . indeed a if it were all one member , where were the body ? and god hath so tempered this body together , that b every member hath need one of another ; and c those , which seem to be most feeble , are necessary . all this was done by the great wisedome of god , d that there might be no divisions , or distractions , in the body : but that the members should have the same care one for another . thus god hath knit us together with the bonds of a mitie and necessity , that we might love one another sincerely . but charity is so farre from doing wrong , that e she seeketh not her own . which is thus to be understood , according to s. austins expression , f quia communia propriis , non propria communibus anteponit : because charity prefers the common good before her own private interest , and not her own private interest before the common good . where this love is , ther 's the common-wealth . but what state is that kingdom in , where they that are intrusted by the publick , seeke their own , and indeavour with might and maine , to make that theirs , which is none of theirs ? where under pretence of the common good , they ingrosse all into their own clutches ? is not this the crying sinne , the grand monopolie of these times ? . the regular way to abrogate any of the rights of the clergie , or laity , is at their own motion , or consent , made and delivered by their representatives in parliament , or convocation . henry viii , with cromwell , and the rest of his blessed councel , after banishment of the popes power , knew not which way to make a title to monasteries with their lands and goods , but onely by grant and surrender of the abbots . with them therefore he labours by his great and active servant cromwell ; who prevailes with some by promises and large annuities ; with other by violence and the sword : as is manifested by master spelman , in the preface to his ever honoured fathers book de non temerandis ecclesiis . the statute therefore . hen. viii . c. . tells us , that these grants surrenders , &c. were made freely , voluntarily , and without compulsion , to the king , his heires and successors . what ever the truth be , this was the onely legall pretence they could devise . and this is the onely course you can take , to make a plea in law to the church-lands . you are faine therefore at last to perswade the clergies consent , p. . but of that in due place . . in the mean space thus much by the way . either we are subjects , or no subjects ; if we are subjects , then ought we to have the liberties and priviledges of subjects ; whereof this is one , that not so much as a subsidie , or a little ship-mony be taken from any one of us , without our assent yeelded either by ourselves , or by such as we put in trust . and this present parliament hath often protested before god and the world , that the rights and liberties of subjects they do and will defend with their lives and fortunes . why then are our rights and liberties so strook at , and exposed to contempt and sale ? are we no subjects ? surely we were borne so . how then did we forfeit g our birth-right ? by taking orders ? then is it better to be mr. gerees groom , then himself . and , it may be , this is the reason , why so many step up into the pulpit without orders , lest perchance they lose their birth-right . . it may be , you will say , that we were not born priests or clergie-men . you say right ; neither is any man born a lawyer , a goldsmith , or a draper . and yet when any of our brethren undertake these professions , they enjoy the rights and liberties , they were born to , with some additions . and why not we ? and yet we poore clergie-men are the onely free-born subjects , that are out-lawed , as it were , and cast forth as dung upon the face of the earth . surely it is better to be a parliamentarians foot-boy , then h a steward of the mysteries of christ . and yet such we are . little do these men consider , that all subjects are born alike capable of these rights , if so they be fit to take orders . the wrong therefore is done alike to all free-born subjects ; perchance to mr. speakers grandchild . since then i the kings oath ( as you confesse ) is against acting or suffering a tyrannous invasion on laws and rights ; it must necessarily follow , that as he may not act , so he may not suffer any such tyranny to be used . hitherto he hath withstood these temptations : and god , i hope , will ever deliver him from them , and from the hands of his enemies . even so amen , lord jesu . chap. xi . whether the clergie and laitie be two distinct bodies , or one body politick . that church-men in all ages had some singular priviledges allowed them . . that with some colour you may perswade the people , that it is lawfull not onely to clip the wings , but to pick the carkasse , and to grate the very bones of the clergie , you tell them , that k this oath was so framed , when the clergie of england was a distinct society or corporation from the people of england . when was this oath , i beseech you , framed ? you should have done well to have pointed out the time ; and not tell us , that l this distinction is a branch of popery . but this is the fashion of such , as you are , when you intend to disgrace , alter , or destroy any thing , that concerns the church , then presently 't is popery . thus you cast a mist before the peoples eyes , that loath popery ; and yet know not , what popery is . . but this his majesties oath is grounded upon the word of god , who hath made promise to his church , spread among the gentiles , that m kings shall be her nursing fathers , and queens her nursing mothers . when therefore christian kings are inthroned , they take a most solemn oath , not onely to administer true justice to the people , but that they will also maintain the rights and priviledges of the church and clergie , as by right they ought to do . the reason is , because there are so many envious & mischievous eyes upon the church : because n the edomites and ishmaelites , the moabites and hagarens , have cast their heads together with one consent , and conspired to take her houses and lands into possession . gods word prevails with few ; the kings sword therefore must stand between the church , and such sacrilegious spirits . . if they fail in this duty , then o will the lord enter into judgement with the ancients of the people , and the princes thereof . what , for this cause ? yes , for this very cause : p for ye have eaten up the vineyard ; the spoil of the poore is in your houses . is this any thing to the church ? yes marrie is it , the geneva note tels you so . q meaning ( saith the note ) that the rulers and governors had destroyed his church , and not preserved it according to their duty . those , who are guilty of this mischief , let them beware : his majesties comfort is , that he hath withstood these impious designes according to his duty . for r whosoever shall gather himself in thee , against thee , shall fall . ſ meaning the domesticall enemies of the church , as are the hypocrites . dear brother , take heed to your feet , and remember , that t it is a dreadfull thing to fall into the hands of the everliving god. but view we your reason . . u the clergie and laitie ( say you ) were distinct bodies ; but this distinction is taken away , and laity and clergie are now one body politick . one body politick ? are we so ? whence is it then , that the bishops are thrust out of the house of peers ; and that none of us may vote , or sit in the house of commons ? are we of the same body ; and yet have no priviledges with the body ? in at subjection , out at immunities ? in at taxes , out at privileges ? this is one of those even ordinances , which your blessed covenant hath hatched . of the same body we are , under the same power , subject to the same laws , and yet not capable of the same privileges . is this equalitie ? scoggins doal right , some all , and some never a whit . . neither do we say , that we are a severall or distinct body ; but we are a severall state , or corporation in the same body . one body , but severall members in and of the same body . in ecclesiasticall persons of this kingdom are commonly three qualities or conditions : one is naturall , the other two are accidentall . . englishmen and denisons of this kingdom we are by birth : . vniversitie men by matriculation and education : and . clergie men by ordination . by the first we have an interest in the privileges of the kingdom . by the second we have an interest in the immunities of the universitie . by the third we have an interest in the rights of the church . the later privileges do not annihilate that right or claim , which we have by birth . neither cease we to be the kings subjects , because clergie men . in taking orders we put not off allegeance ; we rather confirm and inlarge it . for x a shame it is for us to teach others , what we do not our selves . and our duty it is , to y put every man in minde to be subject to principalities and powers , and to obey magistrates . . that there are severall relations in us of the clergie , and that we have severall privileges by these relations , will appear evidently in s. paul , who was z an israelite by blood , a a roman by freedom , but b an apostle by ordination . by his orders he lost none of his former privileges , but c acquired new , whereto he had no right as israelite , or romane . yet , as occasion serves , he stands upon his privileges as a romane ; and both d the centurion and the commander in chief were afraid to offend against that law , or privilege . but we with bl●shlesse foreheads trample upon gods laws , and the privileges of his nearest servants . but though s. paul stand upon his privileges , and e magnifie his office , yet f he acknowledgeth himself to be cesars subject , and that at his tribunall he ought to be judged . . our saviour himself had severall relations : g he was the son of david , and the lord of david ; the son of david , according to his humanitie ; but the lord of david , in his deitie . as lord of all , he receives tithes and sacrifices ; h as a subject he payes tribute to cesar : and when an arraigned person , i he acknowledgeth judge pilate to have power against him . besides this , he is a king , a priest , and a prophet : a king , to command ; a priest , to offer sacrifice ; and a prophet , to foretell , what he sees meet . nay there is hardly a citizen of london , but hath a treble relation to severall privileges : . to the generall rights as he is a free denison of this nation ; . to others , as he is citizen of london ; and to a third sort , as he is free of this or that company . and shall the meanest freeman enjoy his severall rights , when the ministers and stewards of god are cut out of all . are we dealt with as the dispensers of gods high and saving mysteries ? nay , are we so well dealt with as the lowest members of this nation ? is not this the way to lead in jeroboams priests ; to fill the pulpits with the scum of the people , and to bring the priesthood into utter contempt ? o all ye , that passe by the way , behold , and consider , if ever the like shame befell any nationall church , that is threatened to ours , at this day . but k thus it comes to passe , when there is no king in the israel of god. . if this distinction between clergie and laity be a branch of popery , how comes it to passe , that those great reformers , and zealous enemies to popery , suffered the clergie to continue a distinct province of themselves ; and that they did not with popery quite extinguish this distinction ? why doth q. elizabeth call them l a great state of this kingdome , if they be no state at all ? why did king edward vi. that vertuous lady queene elizabeth , and wise king iames , summon the bishops to convene in convocation as a distinct society ; and to vote in the house of peers as lords spirituall ; plainly by title distinguished from the lords temporall ? m vndoubtedly ( say you ) all priviledges of the clergie , that are ( or were ) contrariant to the laws of the land , were abolisht in the reign of henry the eight . they were so . it follows therefore undoubtedly , that these priviledges , which were continued through so many princes raigns that were enemies to popery , were neither popish nor contrariant to the laws of the land. and yet some of those times were not over favourable to the clergie . . that we are a distinct society , or corporation from the people is evident ; by the coronation oath , by magna charta , by severall acts of parliament , and by scripture itself . the coronation oath observes the distinction of clergie and people ; and assures us , that they shall be distinctly preserved . magna charta does the like : and the acts of parliament distinguish the kings subjects into clergie and laity , allotting to each their severall priviledges ; allowing the people to take many courses , which the clergie may not . this distinction is approved by scripture , where n the lord takes the levites from among the children of israel . s. paul assures us , that o every high preist is taken from among men. and the scholiast tels us ▪ that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is there taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if the apostle had said , he is set apart from men , from the common people . this exemption or distinction , which you are pleased to call q a branch of popery , or r of antichristian usurpation , is here justified by gods owne word . and josephus that was well skilled in moses writings , and judaicall antiquities , testifies , that ſ moses did seperate the tribe of levi from the communitie of the people . he might have said , that god himself did it ; for the text saith plainly , that t the lord seperated the tribe of levi to beare the arke of the covenant , to stand before the lord , to administer unto him , and to blesse in his name . from that time forward u they were not numbred amongst the rest of the people ; x the lords they were : and y the rest of the tribes were strangers to their office . z the very light of nature taught the heathen to distinguish between preist and people ; and to allow them distinct priviledges . and the light of scripture taught christians to do the like : hence is it , that not onely in the canons of the church , but also in the imperiall constitutions this distinction between the clergie and laity is most frequent and familiar . otherwise what strange confusion must necessarily have overspread the face of the church , if this distinction had not been religiously preserved ? what diverse would not see , these times have enforced us to feele . . and yet for all this , we say not , that a we are exempt from secular power ; neither set we up two supremacies . this will prove to be your popish or anarchicall doctrine ; yours , i say , that would so fain cast this aspersion upon us . for do not you tell us , that b ther 's a supremacie in the king , and a supremacie in the parliament ? are not here two supremacies set up by you ; that so you may make the parliament law-lesse , and subject to no power ? we detest and have abjured the popes supremacie ; and not onely that , but all other supremacies , besides the kings , within these his majesties dominions and countries . for we have sworne , that king charles is the onely supreme governor of all his realms , over all persons in all causes . but you induce the peoples supremacie . wheras we know no coordination but a subordination of all persons severally and jointly to his majestie , and to his majestie onely , within all his dominions . . we protest before god and the world , sincerely and from the heart , that the king is major singulis , & major universis , greater then any , and greater then all the members of his dominions , whether in , or out of parliament : and that he is c homo a deo secundus , & solo deo minor , second to god , and lesse then god onely . to this our best lawyers bear testimonie , even that d the king is superior to all , and inferior to none . and our e acts of parliament say the same . thus much in substance we have sworne ; and we unfainedly beleeve , that all the world cannot absolve us of this oath . as therefore we hitherto have done , so shall we still , by gods grace , bear faith , and true allegiance to his majestie , his heirs and successors , though it be to the hazard of our liberty , of our estates , and lives . yea we acknowledge our selves obliged to the laws of the land in all those things , which concern the right and peaceable administration of the state. to the king we pay first fruits and tenths : which lay impropriators are seldome charged with . to the king we grant and pay subsidies after an higher rate , then any of the laity , by many degrees . where then are the two supremacies , which we erect ? . 't is true indeed , that f for deciding of controversies , and for distribution of justice within this realm , there be two distinct jurisdictions , the one ecclesiasticall , limited to certain spirituall and particular cases . the court , wherin these causes are handled , is called forum ecclesiasticum , the ecclesiasticall court. the other is secular and generall ; for that it is guided by the common and generall law of the realme . now this is a maxime , affirmed by the master of the law , that g the law doth appoint every thing to be done by those , unto whose office it properly appertaineth . but h unto the ecclesiasticall court diverse causes are committed jure apostolico , by the apostolicall law. such are those , that are commended by s. paul to timothy the bishop of the ephesians , and to titus the bishop of the cretians . first , to i receive an accusation against a presbyter , and the manner how . ly , to k rebuke him , if occasion require . ly . l if any presbyter preach unsound doctrine , the bishop is to withdraw himself from him , m that is to excommunicate him . ly , n in the same manner he is to use blasphemers , disobedient and unholy persons , false accusers , trucebreakers , traitors , and the like . ly , o the bishop is to reject , p that is , to excommunicate , all hereticks after the first and second admonition . . q these things the ordinary ( or bishop ) ought to do de droit , of right ( as sir edward coke speaks ) that is to say , he ought to do it by the ecclesiasticall law in the right of his office . these censures belong not to secular courts ; they are derived from our saviours preistly power , aud may not be denounced by any , that is not a preist at least . and , r a maxime it is of the common law , ( saith that famous lawyer ) that where the right is spirituall , and the remedy therefore onely by the ecclesiasticall law , the c●nusans thereof doth appertain to the ecclesiasticall court. but ſ a bihop is regularly the kings immediate officer to the kings court of justice in causes ecclesiasticall . therefore not a company of presbyters : no rule for that . and this is it that wrings and vexes you so sorely . for your a me is t to share the bishops lands and jurisdiction among you of the presbyteriall faction . this your vast covetousnesse & ambition have of late cost the church full deere , and have been a maine cause of these divisions and combustions . by these means you have made a forcible entrie upon nabaoths vineyard . it were well ahab and jezabel would beware in time . however , wise men consider , that every one , that steps up to the bar is not fit to be a judge ; nor every one , that layes about him in the pulpit , meet to be a bishop . . besides , in those epistles this power is committed to single governors , to timothy alone , and to titus alone . but timothy and titus were bishops strictly and properly so called ; that is , they were of an higher order then presbyters , even of the same with the apostles . hence is that of s. cyprian , u ecclesia super episcopos constituitur , & omnis actus ecclesiae per eosdem praepositos gubernatur . the church is settled upon bishops , and every act of the church is ruled by the same governors . by bishops , not by presbyters . now the word of god is , norma sui , & obliqui , the rule , whereby we must be regulated : from which if we depart , we fall foule , or runne awry . since then the church is settled upon bishops , it is not safe for any king or state to displace them , lest they unsettle themselves and their posterity . they that have endeavoured to set the church upon presbyters , x have incurred such dangers , as they wot not of . for if we beleive s. cyprian , they offend god , they are unmindfull of the gospel ; they affront the perpetuall practise of the church ; they neglect the judgment to come ; and endanger the souls of their brethren , whom christ dyed for . neither is this the opinion of s. cyprian onely ; ignatius speaks as much ; y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as many as are christs , cleave fast to the bishop . but these that forsake him , and hold communion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the accursed , shall be cut off with them . this is ignatius genuine resolution , attested by vedel●us from geneva : and if true ; a most dreadfull sentence for those , that endeavour the extirpation of episcopacy . . as for the priviledges of the clergie , which you are so earnest to ruinate , i shall manifest , that they have footing in the law of nature , in the law of moses , and in the gospel . in the law of nature . z abraham give tithes to the preist of the most high god , a the preists in egypt had lands belonging to them , as also portions of the kings free bountie . and the same law of nature taught pharoah and joseph b not to alienate either the preists lands , or other their maintenance in time of extremest famine . by the light of nature c a●taxerxes king of perfia decreed , that it should not be lawfull for any man to lay toll , tribute , or custome upon any preist , levite , singer , porter , or other minister of the house of god. and d king alexander sonne of antiochus epiphanes made jonathan the high preist a duke , and governor of a province . e he commanded him also to be clothed in purple ; and f caused him to sit by , or with , his own royall person . g he sent also to the same high preist a buckle or collar of gold , to weare ; even such as were in use with the princes of the blood . and h by proclamation he commanded that no man should molest the high preist , or prefer complaint against him . and can it be denied , that i melchisedec , preist of the most high god , was king of salem , and made so by god himself ? . in the law , k the lord made aaron more honourable , and gave him an heritage . he divided unto him the first fruits of the increase ; and to him especially he appointed bread in abundance . l for him he ordained glorious and beautifull garments . m he beautified aaron with comely ornaments , and clothed him with a robe of glory . n upon his head he set a miter , and o a crown of pure gold upon the miter , wherein was ingraved holinesse ; and this , if i mistake not , is p that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which philo tels us , was set upon the preists head , and is the cheife ornament of the eastern kings . the reason , he gives for it , is this ; because q while the preist is discharging his dutie he is more eminent then any person whatsoever , even then kings . but i rather conceive , it was because at that time he represented , or prefigured the royall preisthood of our saviour . . for the gospel , we have prophecies , in what state and honor preists ought to be had among christians . witnesse that evangelicall prophet , whose words are these , r ye shall be named the preists of the lord ( as they are at this day ) : men shall call you the ministers of our god. ye shall eat the riches of the gentiles , and ye shall be exalted with their glory . this is one ▪ the other shall be from that royall psalmist ; t in stead of thy fathers thou shalt have children , whom thou mayest make princes in all lands . do not you go about to make the word of god a lye , while you endeavour to dis-inherit the clergie of these privileges and honors ? but u god shall be true , he shall be justified in his sayings ; and every man shall be a liar . behold , how these prophecies were fulfilled under the gospēl . when our saviour sent forth his apostles and disciples to preach the gospel , and to dispense his heavenly mysteries , he daines them with this honour , to rank them for usage with himself ; x he that despiseth you , despiseth me ; and he that receiveth you , receiveth me . to intimate to all christians , that they ought to use his messengers , as they would christ in his own person . for whether well , or ill , he will take it as done to himself . hence is it , that y the galathians received s. paul as an angel of god , even as christ jesus . yea z they were ready to pull out their own eyes , to do him a pleasure . and a when this apostle came to melita , he , and those that attended him , were courteously entertained , honoured they were with many honors , and enriched with gifts , by the prince of that island , and his people . . some , it may be , may conceive , that these were but personall honors ; and that they belong to them onely , whom christ immediately ordained . but the scripture will teach us a better lesson . for doth not our saviour say , b he that receiveth whomsoever i send , receiveth me ? now we know , that our saviour sendeth not onely by himself , but by those also , to whom he hath given power to send , and ordain . thus by s. paul he sent timothy and titus : and we find c s. barnabas with s. paul ordaining presbyters in all churches , where they came . this therefore is a generall rule ; d those governors , who labour in the word and doctrine ( whether they be ordained by christ , or his apostles , or any other , to whom this authoritie is duely given ) are worthy of double honor ; that is ( saith primasius ) e both in love , and place . thus f titus by the corinthians was received with fear and trembling , and memorable obedience . g they honoured him ( as theodoret speaks ) as their father , and reverenced him as their spirituall governor . these honors are due , not so much in respect of personall worth , as in regard of the office , which they bear . this appears by s. paul ; who willeth the philippins not onely to h receive epaphroditus , their apostle , or bishop , with all gladnesse ; but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he chargeth them to hold such , as he was , in honour and reputation . all must be thus honoured ; but those most , that are most worthy . . constantine , the first emperor that ever was christen'd , had learned this lesson ; i he therefore did reverence the bishops , ad imaginem quandam divinae praesentiae , as if he had some resemblance of god before his eyes . k he kissed those bishops skars , that had suffered for christs most holy name . l he entertained divers of them at his own table : and m at their departure he bestowed upon them many & goodly gifts . n upon bishops he conferr'd very many privileges , and the highest honors he had to bestowe . he ordained , that o those canons , which were agreed upon by the bishops , and had received his royall approbation , should be of more sacred authority , then any law or sentence , that should passe from his highest judges : and that none of his princes should dare to infringe them . to conclude , p he commanded the governors of his severall provinces to give reverence and honour to bishops ; threatning no lesse then death to such as should revile or abuse them . what reverence and esteem bishops were of with his severall sons , though differing in religion , the church history manifests : for these and all other privileges were inviolably preserved to the church , till that apostata julian ware the crown . but those pious and orthodox emperors , that succeeded him , raised up the church , and made good her former privileges . . the reason why good princes were so carefull of the church and churchmen , was q because they were confident , with great constantine , that god gave a blessing to their affairs , for the bishops sakes . and those two wise emperors leo and constantine professe with justinian , that r the peace and felicitie of their people , as well for body as soul , depend upon the harmonious consent of the imperiall and episcopall functions . mark that . in scripture ſ the prophets and servants of god are called the charet of israel , and the horsemen thereof ; because t by their prayers they did more prosper their countrey , then by force of arms . yea u by them god blessed his people . these were the church-priviledges ; and these the opinions the most christian princes had of church-men . and you cannot say , that any of these emperors had any dependance upon the pope , or any compliance with him . but we are fallen into those times , wherein it is accounted losse , to bestowe cost upon christ ; pietie , to rifle the church ; and good service to god , to murder his apostles and priests . indeed , what ever is good and commendable , is now with the round brotherhood cried out upon as popish . by this time , i hope , it appears , that x these immunities , which belong to the church , arise not from the errour of the times , as you suppose , but from the tenure of scripture . that 's the tenure , we hold by . chap. xii . whether to sit and vote in parliament be incongruous to the calling of bishops . . something an hard theme to treat upon , and unpleasing to the times . and yet i must say something to it , lest i seem to desert the cause , to blame our predecessors of indiscretion , and to acknowledge that weaknesse in our bishops , which the wisest of this kingdom know to be far from them . what ? not contented to strip us of our rights , lands , and priviledges , but you must twit us with the losse of y the bishops votes , as if they were neither fit to sit or vote , in the house of peers ? that this hath been done cannot be denied ; but how justly i shall not question for the honour i bear to my soveraign . yet thus much is evident to every single eye , that we have had many even and conscionable parliaments , wherein bishops have voted : what kinde of parliament we have had without them , some will make bold to speak hereafter . but a word in private . were they not thrust out , lest the king should have too many faithfull counsellors in the house ? were they not removed , to make way for these civill broils ? the incendiaries knew full well , that those messengers and makers of peace would never have passed a vote for war. . but what were the motives , that wrought upon his majestie , to yeeld to have the bishops turned out of that house , z wherein they had voted from the first day , that ever parliament sate in england ? and before ever there was an house of commons , they had their votes in the great councels of the kingdom ; as sir robert cotton manifests in his treatise , that the soveraigns person is required in the great councels of the state. p. . &c. if at any time they have been forced out of these parliaments , or great assemblies , it hath been with so ill successe , that with all possible speed they have been recalled . will you hear the motives ? surely they were the very same , that drove the king from westminster , and london . i remember , the clothiers were perswaded in a mutinous manner to cry down the bishops votes , because they had no market for their clothes . and now they cry out , that they want wooll to make clothes . is not this the blessing they have gained by that hideous and senselesse out-cry ? . but why was this privilege abolisht , as incongruous to their calling ? are bishops unfit to advise , or assent in framing laws ? surely they are rationall men , and learned men . by reason of their age , and offices , which they have heretofore passed thorow , they must needs be men of much experience . and it is to be presumed so many , for so many , as conscionable , and as much for the common good , as any . and such men are most fit to prepare , and commend laws for and to kings . for i have learned , that a this is a strong argument in law , b nihil , quod est contra rationem , est licitum , nothing contrary to reason , is lawfull . for reason is the life of the law ; nay the common law it self is nothing else but reason . which is to be understood of an artificiall perfection of reason , gotten by long studie , observation , and experience , and not every mans naturall reason : for , nemo nascitur artifex , no man is born master of his profession . against reason therefore it is , that men of long study , much observation , and experience , should be excluded from voting in matters of such high concernment . and some men , that have scarce any of these , should be admitted , as if they were born wise , or gained state-experience by hawking , or hunting . 't is true , that c senatore sons might be admitted to the government of the common-wealth , before they were five and twenty yeers of age : but d before they were twenty and five yeers compleat , they could give no suffrage among the rest of the senators , though senators . this was the wisdom of that thriving roman state. . now give me leave to enquire more strictly , what it is , that is incongruous to the calling of bishops . is it to sit in the house of peers ? or to vate in the house of peers ? or both ? that the lords spirituall have sate and voted with the lords temporall , cannot be denied . the acts of parliament speak it , from the first session to this last . let it not be thought incongruous for bishops to sit with the best of subjects . e they sate at constantines own table . nor to be numbred among peers . f the prophecie saith , that they may be made princes . nor to vote in matters of state : since usually they are men of great learning , of much experience , observation , and conscience . such as fear god , honour their soveraign , and love their countrey with-out by ends . such they are , and such they ought to be . and though sometimes there be a judas among the twelve , yet is the calling never the worse . . had it been incongruous to their calling , melchisedech that was both king and priest had never been a type of our saviour . the law of god and nature abhor that , which is incongruous . had it been incongruous to the priesthood , god had never made moses and eli governors of his people , in temporall affairs ; for g they were both priests . h jethro , priest of midian , was of excellent use to moses in state affairs . and it may not be forgotten , that i king jehoash thrived , as long as he hearkned to jehoiada the high priest . but when he sleighted the priests counsell , he suddenly fell into the extremest miseries . chron. . . . &c. our histories will likewise tell you , how k. henry vii . prosper'd by applying himself to the advice of his bishops , morton , denny , fox , and others . and how his son k. henry viii . never thrived , after he turned his ears from the counsell of his prelates . and yet he excluded them not from parliaments ; he could not be drawn to that . sure , had this been incongruous to their calling , your fellow - ministers of london would never have granted , that two distinct offices may be formally in one and the same person ; as melchizedech was formally a king and priest . i. d. p. . . a wonder it is , that you & your faction should spie thi● incongruitie , which was never discerned by the wisest of our fore-fathers . the writ , which summons the parliament , runs thus , k rex habiturus colloquium & tractatum cum praelatis , magnatibus , & proceribus . the king intending a conference and treatie with his prelates , and great men , and peers . this writ , as some report , was framed under k. henry iii. and is continued in the same terms to this day . and yet no incongruitie discerned in it , till ye came in with your new lights , which issue from your light brains . but now the bishops must no more vote , no , not sit in parliament ; because you , forsooth , conceive it to be incongruous to their calling . but will any wise man take your word for a law , or imagine it to be more authentick , then the resolutions of all our fore-fathers ? you have no way to finger the bishops lands and jurisdiction , but by turning them out of the house . this , this was it , that moved you to charge their presence in parliament with incongruity . . the lawyers tell us , that l the writ of summons is the basis and foundation of the parliament . and m if the foundation be destroyed , what becomes of the parliament ? truly it falls ; saith justice jenkins ; according to that n maxime both in law and reason , sublato fundamento opus cadit , the foundation being taken away , the work falls . if then it shall be proved , that you endeavour to ruine the foundation , the writ of summons , it must necessarily follow , that you endeavour the ruine of the parliament . by the writ the king is to have treatie with his prelates . but you suffer him to have no treaty with his prelates . where then is the writ ? nay , the bishops are quite voted down root and branch . how then shall he treat in parliament with those , that have no being ? the lord commands o the ark to be made of shittim-wood : if there had been no shittim wood , the ark could not haue been made . if there be no prelates , where 's the treatie ? where the parliament ? it will not serve to slip in the presbyters ; they are not the men , they are not called for . p these are episcopall privileges : q all other ecclesiasticall persons are to be contented with those liberties and free customes , quas priùs habuerunt , which they enjoyed heretofore . . the writ summoned this parliament , for the defence of the church of england . herein you have also made the writ void ; for you have destroyed the church of england . and in destroying the church , you have destroyed the writ . the commission is for defence ; they then that destroy , what they are bound to defend , overthrow their commission . r our saviour sent his apostles to preach peace ; ſ to blesse , and not to curse ; t to please god , and not man. if then we preach warre , and not peace ; if we curse , when we ought to blesse , if we please men , and not god , we forfeit our commission . s. paul is plain ; u if we please men , we are none of christs servants ; much lesse apostles . for x his servants we are , whom we obey , whom we please . if then we prove y faithlesse and unprofitable servants , we shall be turned out of our masters house , even out of doores , and cast into outer darknesse . upon these grounds i argue thus . he that overthrows the prime intention of the writ , overthrows the writ . but you have overthrown the prime intention of the writ . therefore you have overthrown the writ . that you have overthrown the prime intention of the writ , i prove thus . the prime intention of the writ is for the state , and defence of the church of england . but you have z overthrown the state and defence of the church of england . you have therefore overthrown the prime intention of the writ . the second proposition cannot be denied , it is so palpably true . the former is sir edw : cokes ; his words are these . a the state and defence of the church of england is first in intention of the writ . and b if the writ be made void , all the processe is void ; and so farewell parliament . . besides , i have learned , that c the assembly of parliament is for three purposes . first , for weighty affairs , that concern the king. secondly , for the defence of his kingdome . and thirdly , for defence of the church of england for the king , no question , but the bishops are faithfull to him . we see , they have constantly adhered to him in these times of triall . in gods and the kings cause they have all suffered , and some died commendably , if not gloriously . for the defence of the kingdome none more forward with their advice , purses , and prayers . and for the church , who so fit , who so able to speake as bishops ? versed they are in the divine law ; in church history , and in the canons of the church . they fully understand not onely the present , but the ancient state of the church . they know , what is of the essence of the church ; what necessary , and what convenient onely ; what is liable to alteration , and what not . these things are within the verge of their profession , and most proper for them to speak to . . when king david first resolved to bring up the arke of the lord from kiriath-jearim , into his own citie , d he consulted with the captains of thousands , & hundreds , & cum universis principibus , and with all his princes , about this businesse , e by their advice he orders , that the arke should be carried in a new cart ; and vzzah and ahio are to drive it . but what becomes of this consultation ? f an error was committed clean thorough , and vzzah suffers for it . though david were a marvelous holy man , and a good king , and had a company of wise , religious councellors about him , in the removall , and ordering of the arke , they were mistaken , because they did not advise with the preists about it . for g the preists lips preserve knowledge ▪ & they shall inquire of the law at his mouth . and h the law will not have a cart to carrie the arke , nor lay-men to meddle with it . david saw his mistake with sorrow ; and confesseth to the preists , that i he and his councellors had not sought god after the due order . and why so ? k quia non eratis praesentes ( so the fathers read ) because the preists were not present , & he had not consulted with them about this sacred businesse . and hence it is , that l they did illicitum quid , somthing that was unlawfull . that then a thing be not unlawfull , we must consider , not onely what is to be done ; but the order and manner is to be considered , how it ought to be done ; least failing of the due order , it prove unlawfull . most christians know bonum , what is good ; but few are skilled in the bene , how it ought to be done ; and that is it , that makes so many ruptures , so many breaches , and factions in the world , because every man will prescribe the order , and manner ; which , god knows , they ttle understand . . when therfore david had once more resolved to fetch up the arke from the house of obed edom , he calls for the preists , and acknowledgeth , that m none ought to carrie the arke of god , but they ; and that n therefore the lord had made a breach upon him and his , because the preists had not brought it up at first . that this fault may be duly and truely mended , o david commands the preists to sanctifie themselves , and to bring up the arke . they did so , p they brought it up upon their shoulders , q according to their dutie . and r god helped the levites , that bare the arke ; because it was now done in due order . it is no shame then for us , to acknowledge our error with david , and with him to amend , what is amisse . yea this was such a warning to him , that ſ he would not so much as resolve to build an house for the lord , till he had acquainted the prophet nathan with it . in matters therefore , that concern the arke of the covenant , the church of the living god , it is not safe to do any thing without the preists advice . if then the cheif and maine end of calling a parliament be for the good of the church , it is most necessary to have the cheif fathers of the preists present . but sir edward coke assures me , that this is the main end of calling a parliament . his words are these ; t though the state and defence of the church of england be last named in the writ , yet is it first in intention . and what is first in intention is chiefly aimed at , all other things that are handled , are but as means to effect that . it is not then incongruous , but most consonant to the calling of bishops to sit and vote in parliament . . besides , u if the honour of god , and of holy church be first in intention , how shall the honour of god , and of the church be provided for , how defended , when the fathers of the church are discarded , who know best , what belongs to gods honour ; who are most able to speake in defence of the church , & to shew how she ought to be provided for ? shall she not in their absence be layed open to the subtill foxes , and mercilesse bores to wast and distroy her ? yea x by this means she is already distroyed . so pious justice jenkins . the incongruitie then is not to the bishops calling , but to the covetousnesse of bores and foxes . . another incongruity will follow upon this . y the whole parliament is one corporate body consisting of the head and the three estates . if one of the estates be wanting , it cannot be called a whole , but an imperfect , a maimed parliament . but z the bishops are one of the three estates . suppose them to be the more feeble and lesse honourable estate , or member , yet a this very member is necessary ; and the body is but lame without it . take heed then , that the excluding of bishops , be not incongruous to the parliament . i see not , how it can be incongruous to the prelates to suffer wrong , since b for this purpose they are called . but it is incongruous to the parliament , to be without them ; since without them , it is not a whole , but an imperfect parliament . for i have read , that c bishops were in all parliaments , and voted in them , since we had any . yea , that great master of the law justifies , that d every bishop ought ex debito justiciae of due justice to be summoned by writ , to every parliament , that is holden . but if they leave out the bishops , they begin with injustice , and lay but an ill foundation for so great a court of justice . and where injustice beares the sway , there is little justice to be hoped for . so they are incongruous in the first stone , or foundation of a parliament . . there is a statute , that no act of parliament be passed by any soveraign of this realm , or any other authority what soever , without the advice & assent of the three estates of the kingdome , viz. of the lords spirituall , & temporall , & the commons of this realme . and all those are solemnly cursed , by the whole parliament , that shall at any time endeavour to alter this act , or to make any statute otherwise then by the consent of all these , or the major part of them . this , as the learned in the law report , is upon record in the parliament roles . . and what comfort , i beseech you , can his majestie have to call a parliament without bishops , since he cannot assure himself of gods assistance without them ? f cenwalch king of the west-saxons was sensible , that his province was destitute of gods protection , while it was without a bishop . indeed g a good bishop is ( with gregory , metropolitan of cesarea ) not onely the beautie of the church , and a fortresse to his flock , but he is the safety of his country . it was the religious conceit of our country men heretofore , that h both king and kingdome have by the church a solid , ● sure foundation for their subsistence . and it was the usuall saying of king iames , i no bishop , no king. in scripture the preists are called k the charets and horsemen of israel ; because by their prayers the country prospered more then by force of armes . and the greek fathers observe , that l the bishop is therefore to pray for all , m because he is the common father of all , be they good or bad . . and as he can have little spirituall comfort without bishops ; so n without them he can have no temporall releife , no subsidies granted for his own supplies , or for the defence of the kingdome . i am sure , none have been granted him at westminster , since the expulsion of the bishops . thus have you moulded up such a parliament , as was never known in this realme , since these great councels of state were first assembled . for though the bishops were by his majestie summoned according to justice ; yet were they afterwards turned out at the instigation of a strong & tumultuous faction ; & not suffered to vote in matters that concerned either church or state. thus ye are become o like the princes of judah , that remove the bounds ; that is as the genevians interpret , p ye have turned upside down all politicall order , and all manner of religion . q therefore upon those , that have done so , the lord will powre out his wrath like water ; which will surely overwhelm them , as it did those desperate sinners in the deluge . thus i have manifested , that it is not incongruous to the calling of bishops to sit , and vote in parliament ; but to exclude them is incongruous to the being of a parliament , to the weale of the king , and safety of the kingdom . . and yet , as if what-you had delivered , were ex tripode , as sure as gospel , r from barring their votes , you deduce an argument for taking away their jurisdiction ecclesiasticall . if one be abolished , why may not the other be removed ? as if , because my cassocke is taken from me , i must necessarily be stripped out of my gowne 't is true , if this be also done , i must bear it patiently ; but my patience doth not justifie their action , that do me the injurie . neither doth the former fact justifie the latter : truly no more then davids follie with bathsheba can countenance the murder of vriah . the question is not de fact● , but de jure , not what is done , but whether it be justly done . if the fact may justifie a right , then may we maintaine robbing upon salisbury plain ; because it hath been done there more then once . a wonder it is , you had not framed your argument thus : who knows not , that the parliament caused the arch bishop of canterbury to be beheaded ? and then why may they not hang the rest of the bishops , if their lives prove inconvenient , and prejudiciall to the church ? but with julian the apostata , ye had rather slay the preisthood , then the preists . . indeed ſ the removall of their ecclesiasticall jurisdiction is no more against the oath then the abolition of their votes . both alike in respect of the oath ; but if we consider the severall authorities , from whence they are derived , we shall find a difference ; because the most part of their jurisdiction is the grant of god ; but their voting among the peers is by the favour of princes , grounded upon the right of nature , and that civill interest , which every free denizon ought to have in some measure , in disposing of his own , and assenting to new laws . but suppose princes may revoke their own favours , can they without perill to their soules , cut off that entaile , which god hath settled upon his church ? i beleeve , no. but you will onely remove it , not abolish it . and removed it may be from dorchester to lincolne , from crediton to exiter . but the removall of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction from bishops to presbyters , is utterly unlawfull ; since without sinne we may not alter the ordinance of god , who settled this jurisdiction upon bishops onely , and not upon presbyters ; as is demonstrated in the next chapter . chap. xiii . certaine light and scandalous passages concerning prince and preist tenderly touched . . there 's a great cry in the fourth page against the jurisdiction of bishops , ● inconvenient and prejudiciall to the church ; against unlawfull immunities , anti-evangelicall pompe , combersome greatnesse , and forfeiture by abuse . all these are cryed out upon , but none of them proved . i shall therefore passe these by as a distempered foame , or pulpit froath . yet thus much i must say , that the immunities of the clergie , are held by law , or not . if by law , then are they not unlawfull , but legall . if legall , it is presumption in you to call them unlawfull . if unlawfull , shew against what law. we take not your word to be so authenticke , as if we were bound to beleeve , what ever you say . . somthing answerable to this it is , that you tel us , t when this oath was framed , the church was indued with the ignorance of the times . but when was that time ? for that we may go seek ; for you relate it not . if you had , perchance we might have shewed you as wise , and as learned men in those times , as westminster affords at this day . . and yet upon these imaginations you conclude , that u the kings oath is invalid , and not onely so , but that it is vinculum iniquitatis , the bond of iniquitie . the respects , you relie upon , are onely these . first , that x prelacy is an usurpation contrary to christs institution . ly , that y the clergie ●e of themselves a distinct province , is a branch of popery . ly , that z bishops sitting and voting in the house of peers , is abolisht as incongruous to their calling . ly , that a the church was endowed with diverse unlawful immunities . and last of all , that b when this oath was framed , the church was indewed with the ignorance of the times . the foure former have been pretily well sif●ed , and a non liquet is returned , i find them not proved . when you make good the last , i shall , with gods blessing , return you an answer . . in the mean space i cannot but tell you , that you have willfully & dangerously scandalized diverse princes or blessed memorie ; and charged them almost as deeply , as c s. peter did simon magus , with the bond of iniquitie . a binding , in intangling sinne . surely those princes if you may be credited , tooke this coronation oath either ignorantly , o● maliciously . if ignorantly , they are simple , or carelesse : if maliciously , they were neither good kings , nor good christians . but light forsooth , hath shined forth since those mistie daies . i fear this late light , is but a false light : for it was never spyed by any , that were not condemned hereticks , till now of late . . well , thinke men , what they please , you have lately discovered , that the jurisdiction , which was inconvenient and prejudiciall in the bishops , will prove very convenient and commodious for the church in preaching presbyters . those immunities , that were unlawfull in them , will be lawfull in you . that pompe , which was anti-evangelicall , and carnall in them , must needs be spirituall and throughly sanctified to such evangelists as yourself . that combersome greatnesse will but fit your shoulders ; and those great promotions , will not at all be unwildy to presbyteriall saul , which did comber bishop david . and d those priviledges , which were disadvantagious to the church , and hindred the growth of religion , while they were in episcopall hands ▪ will in a classicall assembly turn to the advantage of the church , and further her edification . if this be not your meaning , let the world judge . for these are your words ; e and why may not the great revenues of the bishops , with their sole ▪ jurisdiction in so large a circuit , be indicted and convict to be against the edification of the church ; and it be found more for the glory of god ; that both the revenue be divided , to maintain a preaching ministery , and their jurisdiction also , for the better oversight and censure of manners . you have indicted them indeed , and their revenues , as if under the bishops there were no preaching ministery , no censure of manners ; as if under them there were nothing to the edification of the church or the glory of god. wheras it is well known , that whilest the bishops enjoyed their jurisdiction , other manner of sermons were preached , then have been ever since . . you have already vaunted , that the bishops revenues and jurisdiction are against the edification of the church ; and i make no question , but you will justifie , that the abolishing of the three creeds , is much to the edification of gods people . and is not the silencing of the ten commandments , for the better oversight and censure of manners ? thus you have also condemned that most excellent forme of divine service , and vented multitudes of heresies ; and all for the glory of god. but when these things come to try all we shall certainly see , who will be convicted by that grand jury , f that shall sit upon twelve thrones , judging the twelve tribes of israel . not onely of israel according to the flesh , but of israel also according to faith . . but why are you so suddenly fallen from an abolition , to an alteration ? before you professe , g that the abolition of the one , is no more against the oath , then of the other . there you would have the bishops jurisdiction abolisht with their votes . but here you will have the jurisdiction divided , their domination altered , and all to maintain a preaching ministery . this you call h the removall of their ecclesiasticall jurisdiction ; in the same page . aaron must lay down his miter and holy garments , that korah may put them on . and s. paul must resigne his apostolicall rod to simon magus , to alexander the copper-smith , and to the brethren in q●irpo . and why so ? alas , the apostle-bishops i do not further , but hinder the work of the gospel ; they are superannited and decrepit ; away with them by all means , and bring in the young , lustie presbyter-bishops , k where strong holds are to be vanquisht . these are the men will do the work , or the pulpit and church shall ring for it . this you call l a good plea to alter the uselesse anti-evangelicall pomp . indeed ' ●is the best you have ; and make the best you can of it , it will prove but an anti-evangelicall and antichristian plea ; if we trust scripture . . yet , that this may be done according to your designe , you allow the king thus much power , m that he may , notwithstanding his oath , consent to alter the clergies immunities . no oath shall stand in the way , so ye may gain by it . what ? again fallen from the question ? from abrogation to alteration ? what if i should tell you , that you have altered the state of the question ? that abrogation is the repealing , the disanulling of a law ; and not the changing of it ? but this is no error with you , whose aim is to have episcopacy abolisht , that so the immunities and lands thereof may be transferred upon the presbytery . this is the alteration you gape after . yes , you would so ; n settled you would have them upon preaching ministers , and o upon parochiall pastors : as if none were preachers or pastors , but you of the presbyteriall cut . i will not say , that you are hereticks in this and in other your new-forged doctrines , invented to subvert monarchy and episcopacy . but i shall tell you s. austins opinion , and so leave you to the opinion of the world . p he , in my conceit , is an heretick ( saith that father ) who for any temporall commoditie , and chiefly for his own glory and preferment , doth either raise or follow false and new opinions . and are not pelf , honour , and preferment the cause of all these fidings , and seditions , in church , and state ? if these times speak it not , i am deceived . as for your opinions , it hath been sufficiently manifested , that they are both false and new . . be your opinions what they will , their immunities and rights must down , or you will fail in a dilemma . q the clergie ( say you ) either hold their rights and immunities by law , or otherwise . this is not to be denied . but what follows upon this ? r if by law then the parliament , which hath power to alter all laws , hath power to alter such laws as give them their immunities : and those laws altered , the immunitie ceaseth ; and so the kings ingagement in that particular . if not by law , it is but an usurpation . you say it , and we grant it . for truth it is , that we claim no rights and immunities , but what the ancient and christian laws of this realm have confirmed unto us by act of parliament . . you say , that the parliament hath power to alter all laws . what if a man should say , that this assertion is not true ? i conceive , it were no blasphemie . indeed it is a blasphemous position to broach the contrary . none but an atheist dares justifie , that ſ the parliament , or any mortall soveraigntie , hath power to alter either the law of god , or the law of nature . and yet these are laws . and who , but an enemy to his countrey , and a friend to confusion , dares affirm , that the parliament hath power to alter the monarchicall or fundamentall laws of this kingdom . i am sure justice jenkins resolves , that t by the law of the land a parliament cannot alter any morall law. . give me leave to propose your own argument in terminis , in behalf of the city of london . the citizens of london either hold their rights and immunities by law , or otherwise . if by law , then the parliament , which hath power to alter all laws , hath power to alter such laws , as give them their immunities : and those laws altered the immunity ceaseth . if their immunitie be not by law , it is an usurpation without just title ; which upon discovery is null . how like you this , my rich masters of london ? hath not mr. geree set you in the sleep way to ruine ? but ye may , perchance , have a confidence , that the parliament will not serve you so . be of that minde still . the power , it seems , is in their hands : how they will use it towards you , i cannot say . how they have used it towards us , and towards our good soveraign , ye know . and can ye look to fare better ? remember , what our saviour saith , u the servant is no greater then his master . if they have persecuted me , they will also persecute you . as they have used your lord and king , they will use you . the courtesie ye are like to find , is that , which vlysses had from polyphemus , to be their last breakfast . . well , x upon the alteration of the law , the immunitie ceaseth , and so the kings ingagement in that particular . an ordinance of parliament hath absolved many a subject from his oath of allegeance : and now we shall have a law , to absolve the king from his oath of protection . but i am sure no law can absolve him from a duty inherent to his crown . and * such is the duty of protecting his subjects from oppression , and the church from sacriledge . you cannot therefore possibly absolve him from this ingagement . besides , it was never conceived , that an ordinance was of sufficient force to alter a law. the kings ingagement therefore stands as yet in this particular . . but suppose , there were such a law , as you-speak of , could it be just ? i have learned from your london ministers , that y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 law , is so called in greek , from rendering to every person , what is just , meet , equall . in very deed , as the great lawyers speak , z jus , idem est , quod justum & aequum ▪ the law is nothing else , but that which is just and right . if it be otherwise , it is not jus , but injuria , an injurie , but no right . you are pleased to acknowledge a our privileges to be our rights . how then can they be taken from us without injuri●● and it is not lawfull , with the supreme judge , for any prince or court to deal injuriously , with the meanest , that are subject to them . justice it is , to give to every man his own . injustice then it must needs be , to spoil any man of that , which is his , either by the laws of god or man. suppose us to be in equall balance with our fellow subjects , and that we have no other right to our lands and privileges , but by the laws of the realm : what reason can be given , why we should not peaceably enjoy , what is ours , by the law of the land , as well as the rest of our fellow subjects ? we have the same right ; and why not the same protection ? chap. xiv . whether the lands of the church may be forfeited by the misdemeanour of the clergie . . vve shall have reason to work us out of our rights , and law to turn us out of the kings protection . but such reason and law , as may with much ease , and more equitie be returned upon your selves . your reason is this ; because b these rights were indulged to the clergie , for the personall worth of present incumbents . if therefore their successors forfeit them by their ill demeanour , these rights may be taken from them . this is easily resolved , not so easily proved . for the truth is , these rights were not given to particular persons , but to a succession of bishops and priests , and other officers for gods service . or rather , these lands and privileges were given to god and the church , for the maintenance of these offices . my unworthinesse makes not the office the worse ; neither can my wickednesse make a forfeiture of gods inheritance . i may , c with abiathar , justly be deprived of my place , and the benefits thereof ; but the place , and the rights thereof fall not into a premunire ; a good man even d zadok succeeds this traitor abiathar , and enjoyes not onely the office , but all the profits ▪ that belonged thereto . this was solomons justice ; he knew , how to distinguish between the faultie priest , and the faultlesse office . but you are a rooter ; if a twig be in fault , up with b●ai●h and root . this is your justice . but e it is far from the ju● judge of all the world , to root up the righteous with the wicked . and surely we ought to endeavour to be righteous and just , as our heavenly father is just . . have you a desire to know , what true justice is ? it is that , f quam uniformen ac simplicem proposuit omnibus deus , not what we fancie , but what to all men god hath proposed uniform , and alike , plain and simple ; such as can admit of no cavill or misconstruction . g where this true justice is wanting , there can be no law , no right . for that which is done by right , is done by law. and that , which is contrary to right , is contrary to law. nothing can be according to law , but what is according to justice . for justice is that , which gives lif● & being to a law. and to say , that this or that is an unjust law , is a flat contradiction : since it is jus à justicia , law hath the latin denomination from justice : r and the greek from rendering to every man , what is just ▪ and meet . and the latin word jus signifies both law and right . an unjust statute therfore there may be , an unjust law there cannot be . ſ n●n enim jura dicenda su●t , vel putanda , iniqua hominum constituta : for the unjust constitutions of men , are not to be called , ●r esteemed laws . and they that frame unjust decrees , are not princes , but tyrants : neither are their subjects , free-men , but slaves . neither can the state , they live in , be called a common-wealth ; since , as scipio africanus observes , and s. austin approves , t respuplica and res populi , the common-weal and the weal of the people , are one and the same . and then is it truly a common-weal , u cum benè ac justè geritur , when it is fairly and justly governed , either by one king , or by a few noblemen , or by all the people . but where the government is unjust , there 's no common-wealth . it is s. austins ; x vbi justicia non est , non est respublica . take away justice , and farewell republick . for how can that be for the generall good of all , where justice is not equally distributed to all of whatsoever profession . . but y there 's a great deal of difference ( say you ) betweene an ingagement made to persons , on valuable consideration , and that which is made gratis to an office or society subservient to publike good . so much difference indeed there is , that the setling of land upon a corporation is more firme then any entaile upon a familie ; because persons dye , but corporations live . if gratis make the difference in your opinion , it makes none in law : for that land ●● as much mine , which is conferred upon me by deed of gift , as that which is conveyed to me by purchase . what difference , i pray you , between lands , purchased by the society of goldsmiths , and such as are freely given to that company ? are not the later as much theirs , as the purchased lands ? are they not alike settled by the same law , & justified alike by the same law ? and z of this very sort is this ingagement to the english clergie . and never a whit the worse for that . for of this sort is that magnificent maintenance , which was settled upon the tribe of levi , by god himself : all given gratis . a and of this sort are the ingagements made to them by darius king of persia . and yet b whosoever shall alter this word , let the timber be pulled down from his house , and being set up , let him be hanged theron : and for this let his house be made a dunghill . and the god , that hath caused his name to dwell there , destroy all kings and people , that shall put their hand to alter and to destroy this house of god. of this sort also were c the silver and gold , which were freely offered by king artaxerxes and his counsellers , by the preists and people to the god of israel , for the house of god. of this sort also was d the relaxation of all toll , tribute , & custome to the preists and levites ; a free gift . and yet e whosoever will not do the law of god and of the king , in these things , let judgement be speedily executed upon him , whether it be unto death , or to banishment or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment . and was not this priviledge granted , for the grace and favour that f shesbazzar and g ezra found in the eyes of those kings ? or , if you will , for their personall worth ? and yet this grant is called not onely the law of the king , but the law of god : and delivered so to posterity by h ezra aready scribe in the law of moses , and the penman of god. . suppose we also , that i these rights were indulged for the personall worth of the present incumbents ; may they therfore be alienated , because some succeeding officers demean themselves amisse ? so say you ; but you are wide of the marke . these lands and immunities were not made to any particular persons , but to the office or society ; or to god for their use . what is given to a person for life , goes not to the office , but dyes with the person . but what is settled upon an office , lives with the office. k and i have manifested , that episcopacy is a living office ; an office , that must last , while christ hath a church on earth . persons may forfeit their place , and the benefits arising from thence to their incumbency ; but the office , if necessary , must continue . l judas by transgression fell from his office ; but the office fell not with him ; no , m another , a saint may , and must take his bishopship , or apostleship , and the rights that belong thereto . . however then some such favours may be granted to an office , with relation to the personall worth of the present incumbent , yet being given to promote the usefulnesse of the office , it shall be no movable ; it is fixed ( as the lawyers speak ) to the freehold , and shall abide , till the office be found uselesse , and therefore abolisht . but till then n it is injustice to alter , or alienate those rights , without which the usefulnesse of that office cannot be so well promoted . injustice it is , to take that away , which you never gave , and is so usefull for the office , let the officers fault be what it will. it is wild work to punish the office for the person : this is none of gods course . o the sons of eli were as bad as bad might be ; god destroyeth them , but not the office , neither yet doth he fleece it . but before i passe further , i must make this observation : the quarrell you picke with the clergie , to rob them of their lands and priviledges , will suite with any society , or corporation . if it shall please your great masters to say , that the drapers , or grocers , or that great corporation of london have so demeaned themselves , that they have forfeited their lands and immunities , up they go ; they shall be in the same state with us . they that uphold their power by the sword , do usually what they list , not what they ought . if parliaments might utterly be abolished for misdemeanour and miscarriage , i presume , this iland should never see another parliament . . you speake largely p of the parliaments power . it is out of my element , and i am tender to meddle with it . i know t is large in a free and full convention , when the members constitutive are present : but how large , i shall leave it to the learned of the law to define . yet this i dare say , whatever their power be , they cannot make that just , which is unjust ; nor that truth , which is a lie . q ahab and jezabel had power to over-rule the elders and nobles of jezreel ; and to take away both naboths vineyard and life , without any cause at all . you will not , i hope , justifie any such power , or act. 't is true ; naboth hath lost all at a blow ; but it was by tyranny , not by law : because there was no equity in the sentence . and yet there were as good witnesses came against naboth , as any appeare against episcopacy . . but you have been at the bar of late , and have learned a law distinction , which neither scripture , nor fathers , nor scholmen ever taught you , and this it is . r an ingagement may be gone in law , though not in equity . and that an order of parliament will be valid in law , though injurious . how ? valid in law , though injurious ? the learned in the law deny , that an order of parliament is valid in law. and some of their own creatures in their circuits have rejected some orders from westminster , because they were contrary to law. but you , my masters , that have been so forward with your purses , bewar . ſ he speaks of summs of mony , borrowed upon the publique faith , for publique good : for t the parliament may ordain release of the ingagement . here 's divinity without equity or conscience . but it 's like the rest . . gone in law ( saith this conscientious preacher ) , not in equity ; valid in law , though injurious . behold law without equity ; a law , and yet injurious . god blesse me from such law , and such divinity . i ever thought , that law and equity had gone together , and that law could not have stood with injurie : since ( as s. austine speaks ) u jus & injuria contraria sunt , law and injurie are contraries ; and can no more consist then light and darknesse . and if with x thomas , and y the london ministers , jus be that , which is prescribed , or measured by law ; then either that is no law , which prescribes , what is not right ; or else injurie shall be right , because it is prescribed by law. i hope , you are not of this mind . . if the fathers were not quite out of date , i could tell you , what s. austine saith . and yet why may not i make use of him as well as your fellow ministers of london ? behold then the very case . z quid si a liquis condat jus iniquum ? what if any shall make an unjust law , a law without equity ? is not the case put right ? if it be so , take his resolution . a nec jus dicendum est , si injustum est . if it be unjust , it is not to be named a law. and yet with you it shall be a law though injurious . thus your case of conscience is resolved against conscience ; for all injurie , if understood , is against conscience . surely the parliament is much beholding to you , to stretch your conscience , and their fringes so much against conscience . for you justifie a power in them to do injurie ; and not onely so , but a power to make laws , to justifie this injurie . and yet b in them this shall be no tyrannous invasion on any societies rights , because done by a parliament . that title is a salvo for all blemishes and injuries . no tyranny , no invasion , if done by a parliament : as if they were infallible , and could not erre ; impeccable , and could not do amisse . or as if god himself did alter his own laws , that their alterations might be irreprovable . . i must confesse , the next is a very conscientious proposition , of another die ; and this it is . c if there be no injury , the king and parliament may cancell any obligation . without peradventure they may . but what makes that so there ? as ther 's no question of power in the parliament , to ordain an injurious order , or a law without equity : so if there be no injury &c. what so , and no otherwise ? then have they no power at all to cancell any obligation , because the parliament hath no power to make a law without equity . if this do not follow , let men of understanding judge . and if you have no better argument to prove , that it is lawfull for the king and parliament to abrogate the immunities , and to take away the lands of the clergie , you will never be able to approve the lawfulnesse thereof . . what is according to law , true law , is lawfull ; and what is lawfull , is according to law. if lawfull , not injurious ; if injurious , not lawfull , not valid in law : since nothing is valid in law , that is injurious . to what purpose then are those words ; d the abrogation will be just , as well as legall , there will be no injury done ? surely none , where law is of force ; for where law is , there can be no injustice countenanced . but where your law bears sway , an order may be legal , though injurious ; for your words are , e the order would be valid in law , though injurious . . and as for f forfeiture by miscariage , the forfeiture in justice must fall upon him , that miscarries , that is , upon the person , not upon the office ; for an office duely settled can no more make a forfeiture , then it can miscarrie . such an office is episcopacy , which was duely settled by christ himself . and i hope you have not so far forgotten your selfe , as to say , that an office immediately instituted by our blessed saviour can run into a forfeiture by miscarriage . what reason can you give , why that should suffer , that cannot erre ; that never offended ? this is none of gods justice . and it is well known to the wise , that bishops hold their lands , revenues , and immunities not as granted to their persons , but as annexed to the office for the continuall and comfortable maintenance thereof . our religious predecessors had learned of s. paul , that g no man feedeth a flock , but he eateth of the milk of the flock . and that h it is the dutie of the gentiles to minister unto them in carnall things , of whose spirituall things they have been made partakers . indeed i he makes a wonder , that any man should doubt of it ; for how can the office be maintained without means ? surely , though k s. paul did sometimes worke with his own hands , that he might not be chargeable to new converts ; yet he telleth the corinthians , that l he robbed other churches in taking wages of them , to do the church of corinth service . yea this apostle justifies , that m he hath power to eat and drinke of their charge , and to n live upon their cost . and that o he wronged them , when he did otherwise . . we confesse , that p the office was provided for publick good ; and that those , which are of the office neither hold , nor ought to hold any thing but for publick good . is the ministery lawfull , or no ? was it settled by christ , or no ? q your london ministers have concluded for the divine right of ministers , or pastors , and teachers : and i know , you subscribe to their doctrine . there may not then be any forfeiture of the ministery , since the ordinance of christ cannot be forfeited by the miscarriage of man ; that 's out of all peradventure : of priviledges perchance there may be a forfeiture , where they prove prejudiciall to the publick good . but if and where never prove any thing , unlesse you can justifie , that these priviledges have been prejudiciall to this church and state. . our religious predecessors began the great charter with r concessimus deo , first of all we have granted to god , and by this our present charter have confirmed for us , and for our heires for ever , that the church of england be free ; and that it have all her rights entire , and her liberties unhurt . ſ william the conqueror began his raign with confirming the liberties and priviledges of the church . and he gives this reason for it , t quia per eam & rex & regnum , solidum habent subsistendi fundamentum ; because both king and kingdome have by the church a solid foundation for their subsistence . had that prince been alwaies of the same mind , he had never defiled his hands with sacriledge , nor plunged himselfe and issue into so deepe a curse . for after he began to ransake churches , to rifle monasteries , and to expose holy ground to wild beasts , and church-lands to his pleasure , he and his became most unfortunate . he rips up the bowels of the church his mother ; and sucks her blood : and the son of his loines rebels against him , beats him , and draws blood from him . the conqueror turns god out of his inheritance , and his sonne robert endeavours to do the same to him . what afterwards befell him , and all his issue , i shall not need to relate , u mr. spelman hath lately saved me that labour ; to him i remit you . in whose treatise you may briefly see the lamentable end of all that great conquerors posterity . to this i shall adde , & wish all my countrie men to observe , that in the strictnesse of reformation episcopacy was continued , as most usefull for the church . . but though episcopacy have not been prejudiciall heretofore , it is likely now to prove so . for unlesse they degrade themselves , unlesse they will patiently x part with their wealth and honour , and lay down their miters , the crown is like to runne an hazard , and the whole land be brought to nothing but misery . i am sorrie to read these lines from a professed preacher of the word of god ; for so you stile your self . and yet i am glad , you deale so fairely with us , as to give us notice , what hath been the cause of your factious preaching , the countries and citys tumults , and this detestable and deplorable rebellion ? the bishops great wealth , their honour , and their miters : these three their wealth they are already stripped of ; their honour lies in the du● ; and their miters have not been seen many a faire yeer , unlesse it be upon their armes . we know no more what a miter is , then a bishop knows what great wealth is ; by speculation meerly . few of them have gained so much by the church , as their breeding cost their parents . and yet the clergie is the onely profession repined at . . you should have done well , mutatis mutandis , to have directed this passage to the parliament with this small alteration . i hope , you will not be so tenacious of that wealth , and honour , you have gained in these tumultuous times , as to let the crown run an hazard , rather then lay down this usurped power , and indanger the whole land to be brought to nothing , rather then your selves to moderation . o , that they would bow down their ears in time , and embrace this counsell ; then might they yet heal the sores of this shaking land ; and save their own souls . but the blame and danger are layed upon those , that least deserve it ; that stood in the gap , as long as possibly they could , to avert schisme , heresie , blasphemie , atheisme , rebellion , & bloodshed . all which , since the bishops have been stripped of their honour and power , have overspread the face of this land. . suppose , the bishops were faulty , shall god be turned out of his possessions , because his servants are to blame ? mr. selden can tell you of a charter of king edgar , which will teach you to distinguish between god and man ; between gods right , and mans fault . a inviolabilis stet monasterei winton libertas ; b although the abbot , or any of the covent , through the incitement of satan , fall into sin , let the liberty of winchester monastery stand inviolable ; because god , who possesseth the plentifull munificence of this privilege , as also the place , with the whole family of monks , and all the lands belonging to that holy monastery , never committed sin , neither will in future times commit any . let therefore this liberty , or privilege , be eternall , because god the possessor of this liberty is eternall . the same say all good men for , though the bishop be faulty , god is not , cannot be . the possessions therefore , and rights of the church must stand inviolable . the faults are the bishops , the lands are gods. let not god suffer for the bishops irregular behaviour . let the bishop be deprived of his place and profits , but not god of his lands . c episcopatum ejus accipiat alter , according to the holy ghosts prescription , let another , a good man , take his bishoprick , that gods service may be duely celebrated , his name glorified , and christs flock faithfully provided for . . but say we , what can be said , the bishops are to blame , and must be brought to moderation . and how must this be done ? by being brought to just nothing . for , according to your doctrine , episcopy must be abrogated , and their lands alienated . this we simple men take to be extirpation , or annihilation . but such discreet , conscionable men , as you are , know it to be but moderation . should god return this moderation upon your heads , the presbyteriall government would come to , what it should be , even to nothing . . well , their wealth , their honour , and their miters are in fault : and the bishops must be corrected , for not laying down all these at this blessed parliaments feet , to redeem the kings crown . good king , he suffers for the bishops obstinacy ; and they , poore men , have parted with all , but what they may not part with , namely , their fidelitie to god and the king. have you not alreadie dis-roabed them of their honors ? have you not plundred their houses , and seized their lands ? have you not made them house-lesse , harbourlesse , not able to keep a servant ? what would you more ? but , let me tell you , your great masters might have purchased better houses and lands at a cheaper rate . this they will be sensible of , when the accounts are cast up as well elsewhere , as at london . . the bishops wealth , honor , and miters were your aim ; these you have preached for , these you have fought for ; what would you more ? all these your masters have , and the crown to boot ; and yet not quiet . indeed all these thus gained will not afford a quiet conscience . that there may be some shew of legality , y the king must get the clergies consent , and the bishops must lay down their miters . and then 't will passe for currant , that these acts were passed by their own consent , and so no wrong done . z volenti non fit injuria . true it is , undone they are without consent : but if they consent , they undo themselves , and wrong their souls . and a madnesse it were to be chronicled , if i should cut mine own throat , to save my enemie the labour . how then can i give away gods inheritance to the edomites & ishmalites , lest perchance they enter forcibly upon it ? and yet the bishops are much to blame , if they will not do this : if not , the crown will run an hazard , and the whole land be brought to ruine . . what is to be done in this case ? surely if the bishops knew themselves guilty of the difference betweene the king and his subjects , god forbid , but they should be willing to part with all , they may lawfully part with ; and a be earnest with jonah , that they might be cast into the sea , to allay this dangerous storme , if that would do it . but b what is gods and the churches , they cannot give away , or alienate . no , no , saith s. ambrose , i cannot deliver up that , which i have received to preserve , not to betray . the lands of the church they may take , if they please . imperatori non dono , sed non nego . i give them not to the emperour , but i deny them not . c i withstand him not ; i use no violence . d what i do , is for the emperours good ; quia nec mihi expediret tradere , necilli accipere ; because it would be neither safe for me to give them up , nor for him to receive them . what beseemes a free preist , i advise freely ; si vult sibi esse consultum , recedat à christi injuriâ ; if he desire to prosper , let him forbear to wrong christ . observe what belongs to the church , is christs , not the bishops . if any part of it be diminished , the wrong is done to god , and not to man. e ananias layed down his possession at the apostles feet ; but kept back part of the price . here was wrong done ; but to whom , think you ? not to the apostles ; no : f he lyed not unto men , but unto god ; he couzen'd god , and not man. this was the moderation of s. peter , and s. ambrose ; and we may not be drawn from this moderation . advise your great masters to embrace so much moderation ; as to wrong no man , but g to give unto caesar , what belongs to caesar , and to god , what belongs unto god. till then , however they may seem to prosper , they will never be secure . chap. xv. whether it be lawfull to take away the bishops lands , and to confer them upon the presbytery . . the church at this present , is much like her h saviour hanging between two theeves : but in so much the worse case , because neither of these are for our saviour . one , the independent , is wholly for stripping the church of all settled maintenance : with him the minister is to rely meerly upon the peoples benevolence . and reason good ; for he is no longer a minister , then it pleaseth that congregation . but the other , the presbyterian is like the chough in the fable , that would faine prank up himself with other birds feathers . i the bishops lands and revenues must be diverted , & divided , to maintaine parochiall pastors ; so you call them . k sacriledge you condemne ; but theft you like well of , so you and your fellow presbyterians may be gainers . quocunque modo rem , is profitable doctrine ; so you may have it , you care not , how you come by it , nor who smarts for it . l the man of jerusalem fel into such hands . . m prelacy must be abolisht ; that 's agreed upon . so far you go with your parliament , but you are against seizing of the prelates revenues , to private , or civill interest . that is , as i conceive , to any particular mans use , or for the service of the state ; as ye call it . i am just of your mind , and resolve with you , that this kind of impropriation could want neither staine , nor guilt . such was that in the dayes of , k. henry the eight ; which was deservedly cried out of , all the christian world over . but cry out you and your mr. beza with your stentorian voices , upon this n detestable sacriledge , your good masters are resolved upon the question , and have exposed the bishops lands to sale . so they may have these revenues to dispose of , they will venter stain , guilt , and curse too , say what ye can . . i must confesse , you would faine set a faire glosse upon this detestable act . you would have o those large revenues ( as you are pleased to call them ) to be passed over from the fathers of the church , to the sons of the church ; from the bishops to parochiall pastors , or presbyters . i call these parochiall pastors , sons of the church : because , though they be called fathers in respect of their parishioners ; yet are they but sons in respect of bishops , from whom they have their orders , and by whom , as ministers , they are begotten . for presbyters have not power to ordain a deacon , much lesse to ordain a presbyter ; as p hath been already manifested , & shall be more fully , if god give me life and leave , to examine the divine right of church government . . but since q these revenues must be diverted , or passed over from the fathers to the sons , to supply them with sufficient maintenance , who shall make the conveiance ? and when the conveiance is drawn with all the skill that may be , it is nothing worth , till the proprietary , the true owner give his consent , and confirme it . desire you to know , who is the true owner ? look upon god , he hath accepted them , and taken possession of them ; his they are by deed of gift . the charters usually run thus ; concessi , offero , confirmavi deo & ecclesiae , i grant , offer , or confirme to god and the church , such and such lands , mannors , or messuages . when they are thus offered , god accepts of the gift , and sets this stamp upon them , * they offered them before the lord , therefore they are hallowed . and again , r nothing devoted , or separated from the common use , that a man shall devote unto the lord ( whether it be man , or beast , or land of his inheritance ) may be sold , or redeemed : every devoted thing is most holy unto the lord . when it is once seperated from common use , it may no more return to common use ; since ( as your geneva note tells us ) ſ it is dedicated to the lord with a curse to him , that doth turn it to his private use . and of this curse they have been sensible , that have turned it to such use . observable therefore it is , that t this word , which we here translate devoted , or dedicated , signifi●s properly , destroyed , quia destructio imminet usurpan●il us illa , because destruction hangs over their heads , that usurp them . jos . . . &c. we translate this word accuesed : and u ● cu●se fell upon achan openly for medling with the accursed or devoted silver , and gold , and a costly garment . god made a●●ma● example of his justice to all posterity , that so the dreadfull end of him and all his , might strike a terrour into the hearts of all covetous persons ; that they medle not with that , which is dedicated to the lord. . achans fault was , that x he clancularily stole it , and dissembled , and put it among his own stuffe . but what you do shall be in publike , enacted by parliament ; and they shall not be seized to private or civill interest . your purpose is to have them diverted , or settled upon your selves , and your fellow presbyters , who are no private or civill persons . oh , no , you are the men , by whom the work of the ministery is cheifly performed . and yet i cannot but observe , that here is a diversion ; and what is diverted , runs not in the right channel , it is enforced another way . but y this ( you say ) will not be to ruine , but to rectifie the devotion of former ages , and turn pompe into use , and impediments into helps . there needs no proofe for this , ipse dixit , mr. geree hath delivered this in the pulpit ; it is enough , so it come from him , who is so well skilled in devotion , and able to rectifie former ages . but i am none of your credulous followers ; my faith is not pinned to your sleeve . indeed , to deale plainly with you , i am of another mind , and suppose , i have good reason for it . . that revenues were very anciently settled upon the church , can be no new thing to them , that are skilled in councels , fathers , and church history . but who were these lands settled upon ? to whose trust were these committed ? z that constantine settled revenues upon the bishops , is too too evident to be denyed . that the bishops had houses and lands long before constantines time , is manifest by the councell of angur , can. . as also by that of a paulus samosatenus ; whom the emperor aurelian ejected out of the episcopall house , after he had been deprived of his bishoprick of antioch by a councell of bishops . b in s. cyprians time and writings we read that the church was endowed with means . a little higher we may go in our own country , c we find king lucius in the yeer of grace . settling possessions upon the church . . neither were these means very small ; as some conceive . d s. austine was a gentleman well desended , and had a faire estate left him . and yet he professeth , that e the possessions of his bishoprick of hippo , were twenty times more then the lands of his inheritance . and yet his was none of the richest bishoppricks in africk . such was the devotion of former áges . . of these revenues the bishops had the profits ; they did f uti frui rebus ecclesiae ( as s. austin speaks ) tanquam possessores & domini ; they were gods trustees ; and yet as possessors and lords they disposed of the church goods . g at his see the government of the lands and oblations belonged to him ; but h to some of his clergie he committed the charge both of the one and of the other . but so , that once a yeer at least , he had an account from them , as from his stewards . i at his charge , as it were , the presbyters and other clerks of that church were fed and clad . indeed k the lands and goods of the church were so at the bishops disposing , that the steward might not distribute any of them , as he thought meet , but as the bishop directed him . this was not onely by custome , but by canon , that the bishop have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power to dispose the goods of the church upon the needie . and l if it happened , that any of the lands were alienated , or sold in the vacancie , it was in the succeeding bishops power to ratifie or make void the sale . . neither did the bishops innovate any thing therein ; they followed the steps of the prime and apostolick church ; as is to be seen apost . can. . and in the acts. there we read , that the christians , who were so charitably minded , m sold their lands , or houses , and layed the prices thereof ( not at the disciples , not at the presbyters , but ) at the apostles feet . after this indeed n the disciples choose out men of honest report , full of the holy ghost , and of wisdom , that might dispose of these legacies to such , as were to be relieved by the church stock . but this they did not of their own heads , but at the apostles directions , who reserved this power to themselves . the text justifies it ; o whom we may appoint over this businesse . so the apostles . hence is it , that s. paul commanded timothy , bishop of ephesus , to take care , that the presbyters be well provided for : p let the presbyters , that rule well , be counted worthy of double honor , of double maintenance . and to what purpose was this charge to timothy , unlesse he were to provide for the presbyters of his church ? i am certain , that it is most consonant to common sense , nature , and scripture , that q parents provide for their children , and not children for the parents . and is it not reason , that he , who sets the presbyters on work , should pay them their wages ? but bishop timothy was to set them on work ; r those things , that thou hast heard ( or learned ) of me , the same commit thou to faithfull men , who shall be able to teach others . and ſ charge them , that they teach no other doctrine then this . but if they do , what then ? t withdraw thy self from them . that is , eat not with them , let them not come to thy table , allow them no maintenance . what counsell the apostles gave others , without question they observed themselves . but s. paul commands , that u we eat not with open and notorious sinners ; and s. john , that we x receive not deceitfull preachers into our houses . the same rule then they observed themselves . for in those times y the bishop and his presbyters did usually live in the same house , and eat at the same table . in those times the bishops provided for the presbyters ; but our start up presbytery will so provide , that the bishops shall have just nothing left them to relieve their own wants ; all must be for mr. presbyter . . and why so ? because there are many z defective parishes in england , which want suffi●ient maintenance to supply their parochiall pastors with . but from whence comes this defect , or want of maintenance ? surely not from the bishops , not from their greedinesse , and wretchlesnesse : but from that detestable sacriledge ( a as beza and you call it ) which was by parliament acted and ratified under the reign of king henry viii . at the dissolution of abbeys the appropriations of tithes were taken into lay-mens hands ; which heretofore were appropriated and annexed to this or that particular religious house ; b which house ( according to mr. spelman ) was the perpetuall incumbent parson of each of those rectories , and did duely officiate the cure , by one of their own fraternity . then were there few , or no defective parishes . but upon these new statutes the lay appropriatoes swept all into their own custody and possession . from hence ariseth the want of congruous maintenance , in too many parishes , for him , or them , that serve those cures . and shall bishops smart for it , when lay-men have done the mischief , and purse up the profits ? dat veniam corvis , vexat censura columbas ; when the laity offends , the clergie suffers . is this justice ? but so the parliament do it , it is with you c valid in law , though injurious . but god and you are of severall minds . . nay , if this be done , if bishops lands be removed to presbyters , d there will be no danger of sacrilege . how prove you that ? e this ( say you ) will not be to ruine , but to rectifie the devotion of former ages , and turn pomp into use , and impediments into helps . this is somewhat like cardinall wolseys pretence , who dissolved fourty small monasteries of ignorant silly monks , to erect two goodly colleges , for the breeding up of learned and industrious divines . was not this to turn impediments into helps ? lo , he removed lazie drones , that did little but eat , and drink , and sleep ; that so learned men might be provided for , who would labour in the word and doctrine , and might be able to do church and state good service . was not this as fair a pretence as yours , or as any you can invent ? and how was this accepted of ? god , that forbids theft , will no more endure the offering gained by theft , f then by adultery . one of his colledges dyes in the conception ; the other remains unfinished to this day : and it pities me to see her foundations under rubbish . and a misery it is to take into consideration the ruine of this man , as also of that king and pope , who gave him licence to commit this sin . this attempt and grant opened a gap to the most profuse sacrilege , that ever christian nation , before that time , had been acquainted with . and yet , for ought i find , by this particular sacrilege there came no gain into any of their private purses . . but , i beseech you , what is the meaning of these words , this will turn pomp into use ? what your intent is , perchance i may gesse : but to take them according to the plain and literall sense , i can make no other construction of them , then this : if the prelates revenues were diverted , to supply with sufficient maintenance all those parochiall pastors , that want congruous maintenance , this would turn pomp into use . that is ; that pomp , which the prelates made no use of , the presbyterians would turn into use . if this be not the grammaticall sense , i appeal to any rationall man. and their essay in the divine right of church government , shews what their proceedings would prove . i must confesse , ye have marvellously improved the impediments , and turned them into helps . for the power and jurisdiction of bishops , which were the main impediments to schisme and heresie , you have covenanted to root up ; and have brought in all the helps , that may be , to further irreligion , and atheisme . while the bishops had power , heresies were rarae nantes , seldom seen , and suddenly supprest , if any such crept in . but now they flowe in by shoals , and have pulpits and presses cloyed with them . does not your own mr. edwards professe , that never was there such plenty of sects and heresies ? as many more in truth , as ever the church knew in former ages . onely , as g by julian the apostata , both pulpits , and presses are locked up to the orthodox ; no coming there for them , lest perchance they infect the auditories with sound and apostolike doctrine . . parochiall pastors are most necessary men ; by them the work of the ministery is chiefly to be performed . this is true , and not true . true in the fathers sense ; not in yours . h in the fathers sense a pastor is a bishop strictly so called , as by his order he is differenced from a presbyter ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no petty countrey or citie parish ; i it is a whole citie , with the precincts and countrey adjoyning , which were under the jurisdiction of the citie , and repaired thither for justice , if differences arose . with them paraecia was the same , that a diocese is with us . so a parochiall pastor , in the ancient and church sense , is a diocesan bishop : and in this sense , the work of the ministery is chiefly performed by the parochiall pastor . this pastor indeed can perform all ministeriall acts ; divers of which are clean out of a presbyters power . and yet you say , that by the parochiall pastor , who is with you but a presbyter , the work of the ministery is chiefly performed . not so , my good brother not so , not that work , without which the church cannot possibly subsist . and that is twofold ; first k the ordering of the church ; and ly , ordeining of presbyters . the chief works of the ministery , according to st. paul , are to regular the church , and to beget those , by whom the sacraments may be administred , and absolution pronounced . but these works may not , cannot be done by any , or many presbyters . in your sense therefore this proposition is false . . but why cheifly ? what , because presbyters offer up the prayers and supplications of the church ? because they are the usuall preachers , and dispensers of the sacraments ? these indeed are the most usuall and daily offices , and very necessary ; but i dare not say , that by them these offices are cheifly discharged . what say you to that principle of reason , l propter quod aliquid est tale , illud est magis tale ? especially if it be such an efficient or ministeriall cause , without which , in the ordinary way , there can be no such thing . but by a bishop a presbyter is made a minister of these holy duties ; & in the ordinary way , without him he could not be a presbyter . the bishop then doth cheifly performe the work of the ministery . the reason is , because illo mediante by his means , or mediation , that is done , which without him could not be done . the work of justice is usually performed by the justice of the severall benches . but i presume , you will not say cheifly ; that you will reserve to the parliament ; since you have sworne that to be m the supreme judicatorie of this kingdome . and in this treatise you have concluded , that n the parliament is the supreme court , by which all other courts are to be regulated . and as all courts are to be regulated by parliament , so are all presbyters to be guided by their own bishop . . cheifly , say you ; onely , saith your ordinance for ordination ; wherein you make the presbyter the onely minister . in your solemne league and covenant , ye resolve and vow o the extirpation of arch-bishops and bishops . and in both ye lay the whole work upon the presbytery ; as if they were the men , that could discharge all sacred and ministerial duties . no such matter ; the contrary is manifested . can any man imagine , that a common souldier , or an ordinary marriner , doth performe the cheife work in an army , or ship , because they take the greater toile to the outward eye ? no , no ; it is the pilot in a ship , the colonel in a regiment , the admirall in a navy , and the generall in an army , that discharge the cheife duties . without these there would be wise worke by sea or land. ev●ry one , that can pull a gable , or manage an oare , is not fit to be a pilot. every man that can and dare fight , and charge with courage , is not fit to be a commander . but the church is both a ship , and an armie . and i dare say , that every one , that can talke lavishly , or make a rhetoricall flourish in the pulpit , is not fit to be a bishop , or governour , in the church of christ . and yet q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this cause left i thee in creet , that thou shouldest set in order the things , that are wanting , & ordain presbyters in every city . these are the duties of a bishop ; without which the church will suddenly be out of frame , and crumble into nothing . . in a ship , or regiment , no man comes to sit at the stern , no man attempts the cheife command , the first day ; if he do , both ship and regiment suffer for it . no ; they are trained up in their severall professions , and by degrees they rise till they come to the highest . thus was it in the ancient , and thus is it in the present church . if any be suddenly raised to a bishoprick , it is seldom for the good of that diocese . . but you and your fellow presbyters want congruous and sufficient maintenance ; down therefore must the bishops ; and their revenues must be divided amongst such good pastors , as you are . the levellers doctrine right ; the nobility and gentrey have too much , & the godly of the land to little : all therefore must be shared , that jack and tom may have a congrurus maintenance . if the great men of the land will not yeeld to this , the parliament shall be garbled , the nobility and gentry shall be turned aside ; and then look for a new covenant , and a fresh extirpation . dukes descend from profane esau ; marquesses , earles , vicounts , &c. are but heathenish titles , invented by the children of darknesse , and the children of light defie them . what ? are we not all adams sons ? are we not brethren in christ ? is it not fit , that we should all have share , and share like , as had the children of israel in the land of promise ? as long as the church onely was strook at , it was well liked of ; but now patience perforce , we must be leveled both in church and state. we shall find , that there is such a sympathy between them in all christian common-wealths , that they stand and fall , swimme and sink together . . what ? talke we of levelling ? that is enough to destroy the state and face of a kingdome . but in your project there will be no danger . how ? no danger ? no danger , ( say you ) of sacriledge . no danger in the subversion of the church ? surely this must be ruine to episcopacy , and consequently to the church . for no bishop , no church . r ecclesia enim super episcopos constituitur ; for the church is founded and settled upon bishops . so s. cyprian . think not , that we exclude christ . christ it is that layd the foundation , and settled the church so . and it is not for man to unsettle it , or to lay another , a new foundation . for other foundation can no man lay , then that is layed by jesus christ . but ſ we are built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets . and bishops and apostles , are of the same order ; they are one and the same . t apostolos , id est , episcopos & praepositos dominus elegit . so s. cyprian , the lord made choice of apostles , that is of bishops & prelates . when therefore our saviour founded the church upon the apostles , he founded it upon bishops . who dare then after this foundation ? he that endeavours it , doth not build , but destroy the church . . is there no danger of sacriledge in robbing father and mother ? the bishop your father , and the church your mother ? for as in the church you were born anew of water and the holy ghost ; so if you be a presbyter , as a presbyter you have your being from a bishop ; or else you have no such being . but you return , that ye rob not the church : for you intend , that these revenues shall be settled upon church-men ; that is , upon presbyters . suppose , you rob but one , but your father , the sacriledge is detestable . for doth not the lord say , u who so robbeth his father , or mother , and saith it is no transgression ; the same is the companion of a murtherer . but to make the sacriledge more odious , i shall manifest , that ye have not onely robbed your father , but your mother also . the bishop your father is the husband to his particular church ; if then you rob him of his meanes , who will succeed in his roome , and become an husband to that church ? for though there be a thousand presbyters in a diocese , yet , x if she be without a bishop , that church is a widow . so that great councell of chalcedon . thus ye rob the bishop of his means , & that church of her husband . and wile a widow , she can bring forth but a bastard brood . consider that . . upon these motives i must tell you , that if his majestie shall gratifie either the parliament , or the assembly , in the abolition of episcopacy , and in sacrificing the church-lands to your , or their sacrilegious avarice , it will be such y a work , for which following generations shall have just cause to pitie , & lament him , that so good a man should either be cheated , or enforced into so foule a sin . his children and the whole kingdome would rue it ; and the generations to come ( unlesse the world turn presbyterian ) will speak of him as of king henry the eight : with this difference , that king henry wilfully plunged himself into this sin , and king charles was driven into it by an atheisticall and bloody faction . but i am confident , his majestie is seasoned with better principles ; he knows , it was z no excuse for saul , to confesse , that he had sinned , because he was afraid of the people , and obeyed their voice , not gods directions . a this king knew gods word , & rejected it ; god therefore rejected him from being king , and his seed from the throne . a lamentable case , to be frighted by a multitude , out of gods favour , and the crowne . but i hope , you have no saul in hand : our good kings crowne you may cause to totter , but not his resolution . ye may , and have robbed him of his prerogatives , revenues , and liberty : but you cannot imprison , or force his conscience , that will injoy her ancient priviledges , & freedome ; and these disasters shall end in a crowne of glory . his memory shall be honoured in our annals , and his posterity flourish in these thrones . amen , amen . chap. xvi . how far forth the king ought to protect the church and bishops . . it is confessed to my hand , that b the king is ingaged to his power , to protect the bishops , and their priviledges ; as every good king ought in right to protect & defend the bishops & churches under their government . reason requires no more ; and religion requires so much . for by that god , whom we serve , kings are made guardians , and c nursing fathers to the church ; and by the same god this ingagement is put upon them . not by man , not d by the author , as you seem to intimate ; nor yet by the bishops . one of the bishops indeed , in the behalfe of his brethren , and the whole clergie , humbly beseecheth his majestie to protect and defend to them , and to the churches committed to their charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice . the king with a willing and devout heart premiseth , to be their protector , and defender to his power , by the assistance of god. and afterwards at the communion table , he makes a solemne oath , upon gods own book , to observe the premises . this ingagement then is not put upon the king , but with a willing heart he takes it upon himselfe ; acknowledging that he ought to do so , if he be a good king. yea , ( saith sir edward coke ) e the king is bound and sworn to the observation and keeping of magna charta . his majestie then is but intreated to do , what he is sworne and bound to do . and since sworne and bound , he may not with a safe conscience give them up to the f wild boares of the forrest to root up the plants , or suffer the wild beasts of the field to devour this vine , g which the lords right hand hath planted . . that h the king is bound no further to exercise his power in the protection of the church , then he can do it without sinning against god , is most undoubtedly true : and it were not the part of a christian to desire more . for we know , that i the king receives his power from god , which is to be used , not against , but for god. not to protect the church to his power , is to break his oath , it is to desert that trust which god hath committed to his charge : and is not this to sin against god ? in the discharge of this dutie , he is so far from being injurious to the rest of his people , that if he should forbear it , it would prove the greatest mischeife , that can be imagined , to his people , and to their posterity , in their soules , in their estates ; and a perpetuall infamie to this nation . i need not prove it now , it is already done , cap. . sect . . &c. . that k his sacred majestie hath interposed his authority for the bishops , & put forth all the power he hath to preserve them , is that which vexeth your confederacy . and yet you cannot deny , but that every good king is bound in right to do so . what we ought to do , is our bounden duty ; and what we do in right , is justly done . oh , that this had been done in the right time . indeed he is not onely bound , but he finds it more then necessary to protect and preserve them ; for in protecting them , he protects himself , his throne , and his posterity . alas , he was strook at thorough the bishops sides . his wise father descried this long since , l no bishop , no king. what the father spake , his sonne our good king hath found true by woefull experience . his crowne hath sunke with their miters . . well , by your own confession , what our gracious king hath done , is right , and what good kings are bound to do , to the extent of their power . thus our good king is justified by his enemies , as m our saviour was by judas . if his majestie have endeavoured to do that , which is right , what are they , that have hindered him from doing it ? have not they done wrong ? how can they excuse themselves before god or man , that have so manacled our betrayed soveraigne , that he cannot do , what good kings are bound in right to do ? is this to be good ? is this to be just ? then have all the saints of god been utterly deceived . . n if after all this he must perforce let the bishops fall ; you and your schisme have much to answer for , that have driven him to this necessity . you seem to pitie his good subjects , who with their blood have endeavoured to support episcopacy . their swords were not drawn to maintaine this government , or the religion established ; they never learned to fight for religion . what they did , was done in submission to his majesties just commands , and to manifest their allegiance . but if these be good ; that have indangered their lives to uphold bishops , what are they , i beseech you , that have spent their blaod to root them out ? surely in justifying the former , mr. geree hath condemned the latter ; and when the waspes find it , he must look to his eares : . i must confesse , it is an hard case for one man to o ingage his life for the maintenance of other mens privileges . but who did so ? not a man ingaged himself ; but the kings command , the oath of allegiance , and the laws of the land ingaged every good subject , to assist his soveraign to the utmost . the king , according to his oath , endeavoured to maintain the laws of the land , to protect the members of both houses driven from parliament , to support the bishops ; and to suppresse those seditious and sacrilegious persons , which plotted and covenanted the ruine of religion , root and branch . though much the greatest part of the nobility , gentrie , and learned in the law , were deservedly moved to see majestie dethroned and blasphemed ; religion spurned at , and vilified ; the fathers of the church scandalized , and persecuted ; the laws of the kingdom , and liberties of the subject sleighted , and trampled on ; yet not a man of these took up the sword , till he was commanded by him , to whom the laws of the land , and the word of god have committed the power of the sword. this may not be called backwardnesse , or unwillingnesse , but pious discretion , which ever waits upon the soveraigns call . when therefore his majesty had set up his standard , i may truly say , p the governors of our israel offered themselves willingly among the people ; they did the king service to the utmost . had there not been a back-doore to let in a forrein nation , to divide the kings forces ; had not some of q the nobles of judah conspired with tobiah , held intelligence with him , and acquainted him with nehemiahs secrets , there never had been so many thanksgiving dayes , nor so much boasting , that god prospered the cause . god suffered david his own chosen servant , his anointed , and a man after his own heart , to be hunted as a partrige upon the mountains , to be frighted from his throne , and to live like a forlorn man ; and yet in his good time he restored him to his scepter in peace , and subdued the people to him . . and whereas you term them others privileges , as if they concerned no man but the clergie ; i dare boldly say , they concern every man , as he is a member of this church and realm . r if we have sown unto you spirituall things , is it a great matter if we reap your carnall things ? and if we reap not your carnall things , how shall we sowe unto you spirituall things ? this is worthy of consideration ; unlesse you have layed aside all care of the soul . have we some privileges , that the laity have not ? they are not ours alone ; they are every mans , that enters into orders . and orders are indifferently proposed to all , of all families whatsoever , so they be sufficiently qualified . high and lowe , noble and ignoble have reaped the benefit of these privileges . i have known some of high birth in orders ; and some of good rank , that have taken sanctuary under a priests coat . and we read of ſ a young man of the tribe of judah , of the most remarkable family , that was glad to turn priest , and to t serve by the yeer for ten shekels of silver , a double suit of apparell , and his victuals . if then our calling suffer , all families suffer in it , and with it . . but what if the laws of the land , what if magna charta do oblige all men to stand up for the due observation of these privileges ? if so , then must every man readily acknowledge , that all good subjects are bound to obey his majestie , when he commands that , which the law requires . view we then the words of that great and justly magnified charter , which are these . u reserving to all arch-bishops , bishops , earls , barons , and all persons , as well spirituall as temporall , all their liberties , and free customes , which they have had in times past . and all these customes and liberties aforesaid , which we have granted to be holden within this our realm ; as much as appertaineth to us and our heirs , we shall observe . and all men of this our realm , as well spirituall as temporall ( as much as in them is ) shall likewise observe the same , against all persons . mark that : are we not all , both spirituall and temporall , bound to maintain each others privileges , as much as in us lies ? . i know , you will return , that abbots and priors are provided for by the same law ; and yet they have since been taken away by act of parliament . i confesse it : but i shall desire you to observe in the first place , how they prospered , that were the contrivers and procurers of that act. ly , i cannot but take notice , that you with your master beza call that disso●ution x detestandum sacrilegium , detestable sacrilege , and such as was cried out of all the christian world over . it is not therefore to be drawn into president . ly , consider , i pray you , that y they who did so , are stiled enemies of our soveraign lord the king ▪ and his realm . ly , that great * councell of chalcedon , consisting of above . bishops , resolves , that no monastery , consecrated with the bishops liking , may be turned to a secular dwelling . and those that suffer any such thing , are lyable to the canonicall censures . ly , you will , i hope , make a difference between our saviours institution , and mans invention . bishops are of our saviours own institution , but abbots and priors are titles and orders of mans invention . and yet z hospitalitie , and alms , and other works of charity , for which these fraternities were erected , failed much with them . how those means were imployed , i shall not enquire ; but i am certain , that good and pious men have wished , that the abuses had been pruned off , and that the lands had been disposed of according to the doners intentions . this indeed had been pietie , not sacrilege . . how oft have the kings of this realm ingaged themselves to observe magna charta , and to maintain the rights and liberties of the church ? are not these the words of the statute , a we take the prelates and clergie with their possessions , goods , and chattels into our speciall protection and defence ? the princes of this land have bound themselves strictly to keep this great charter ; and have provided , that if any other shall do , or procure to be done , any thing contrary to this charter , it is to be accounted void , as soon as procured . take the words of the charter . b we have granted unto them ( the spirituall and temporal persons of this realm ) on the other part , that neither we , nor our heirs shall procure , or do any thing , whereby the liberties in this charter shall be infringed , or broken . but suppose , they shall make any such grant through ignorance , wilfulnesse , or evill counsell , shall it be of force ? the law saith , no. for it follows immediately ; c and if any thing be procured by any person contrary to the premisses , it shall be holden of no force , ne effect . you and your great contrivers , what have ye laboured for , all this while ? what have ye fought for ? what have ye shed so much blood for ? for wind , nothing but wind . for all the westminster orders and ordinances contrary to this charter , shall be holden of no force , ne effect . you had best then keepe your paper for a more necessary use . . and yet you tell his majestie , that d it is not equall to ingage the lives of some to uphold the honour of others . is it equall then , i beseech you , to ingage the lives of some , to destroy the honour and estate of others ? all this while you have been on the destructive part , all for rooting up , what the lords right hand hath planted , and for alienating the lords inheritance . and that ye might effect , what ye have subtilly projected , ye have ingaged the lives of many , who were very unwilling , to uphold the honour of some at westminster , that had overlashed , & ran themselves upon dreadfull rocks . i would to god , the commons of this kingdome would lay it to heart , how e cruell ye have been to many thousands to be indulgent to a few , to uphold the honour of a few . consider , how many thousands in england and ireland have been plundered , sequestred , imprisoned , maimed , and murdered , because they would not submit to the illegall , unjust , and irreligious decrees of the men at westminster . a compleat mercurius rusticus will make after ages stand amazed , and their hearts bleed within them , to consider , that such a nation as this , so blessed with peace and plentie , should be so miserably deluded , as to undoe themselves willfully , and sheath their swords into one anothers bowels , to save a lord and five members from tryall by law. . that you may perswade us , some way or other , that the king ought to give up the bishops , and their lands , since he hath hitherto protected them to the utmost of his power , you argue by supposition . f suppose ( say you ) a king put a commander into a city , and give him an oath to maintaine the priviledges of it , and keep it for him to his power : and this commander keeps this towne , till he have no more strength to hold it , unlesse he force the towns-men to armes , against the priviledge , which he hath sworne to maintaine . well , what then ? if this governour now surrender this towne upon composition , doth he violate his oath ? thus far mr. gerees question : what think you of it ? what any man thinks , is no matter ; g mr. geree thinks none will affirme it . and i think , there be many , that will affirme it ; and i am one of that number . good lord , to see , how mr. geree and i differ in opinion ! his is but thought without proof , but i shall give you reason for what i think , and say . . if this casuist speake to purpose , as he ought , he speaks of a king of this realme ; and no town within this realme hath any such priviledge , as not to bear armes against the kings enemies ; or not to keep it for his majestie , to the utmost of their power . the reasons are these : first , h these are the kings dominions and countries . ly , these towns and cities are part of these dominions . ly , the inhabitants and citizens thereof are his majesties subjects . ly , i all lands and tenements are holden either mediatly , or immediatly of the king. ly , this citie or towne is the kings ; otherwise how could he put a commander into it , and give him an oath to keep it for him ? i speake of towns within these his majesties dominions , which in all writings are called the kings cities , counties , and towns. ly , it cannot be imagined , that the kings of this realme would grant any priviledge destructive or dangerous to their owne safety . and we must take notice , that k all liberties at the first were derived from the crown . adde hereunto the severall acts of parliament , wherein l the peers and comminalty confesse themselves to be bound , and make faithfull promise , to aide their soveraigne at all seasons ; as also to assist and defned his , or their , rights , and titles , to the utmost of their power , and therein to spend their bodies , lands and goods , against all persons , whatsoever . but new lords , new laws ; and these statutes are out of date . . by this time , i hope , you see , that no towns-men have any such privilege , as to refuse to bear arms in the kings behalf . but they are bound by their allegiance , and the laws of this land to keep those towns for his majestie , & to defend them with all their might against his foes . if then the inhabitants shall be backward , the commander ought to force them to armes : and if he do it not , he violates his oath , and the towns-men their fidelity . and now you may tell your freind , that helped you to this supposition , that he is no skilfull apprentice at law. if then m the kings case be such in this particular , his highnesse may not recede from his oath , nor do any thing contrary thereto . . though this may seeme reasonable to sober men , yet n the onely objection ( as you conceive ) which lyeth against this , is ; that though it be not in the kings power to uphold them , yet it is in his power not to consent to their fall . though this be not the onely , yet is it a just objection , or rather a resolution ; which being rightly harkned to , will preserve the king from sin in this particular . for how ever you are so uncivill with his majestie , as to call it o peremtorinesse in him to deny assent to the fall , or abolition of episcopacy ; yet such as are learned to sobriety , know this to be christian prudence , and true fortitude , p not to fear them , that can imprison him , that can rob him of this earthly crowne , and slay his body , but to stand in aw of him , that can slay the soul , that can deprive him of his heavenly crown , and cast him into the infernall pit . oh , q 't is a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the living god ; we are not therefore to be threatned , or frighted into sin . these things you can presse violently in the pulpit , but now you are beside both pulpit and text , beside modesty and truth . it is justice , religion , and courage , not peremtorinesse , to deny the least assent to sin . that it is sin to yeeld to , or confirme the abolition of episcopacy , is already manifested c. . . since it is to destroy an ordinance of christ ; which cannot be done without sin . . however then he may indanger his own crown , not save their mitres , yet he shall be sure , by denying assent , to save his own soul : for r without consent no sin ; and without sinne no damnation . ſ a woman ravished is free from fornication , because she assents not , but is really enforced ; and yet t he , that commits that sin upon her , must die for it . this is the kings case right : if he yeeld not , this is a rape upon his power , no sin in his person , since no assent . hence is it , that idolatry and oppression in scripture are charged upon kings ; because their assent makes a law. without the kings affirmative every ordinance imposed upon the people is not law , but tyranny ; since it is not legall , but arbitrary . our brethren of scotland say as much . take their words . there can be no law made , and have the force of a law without the king. declaration of the kingdom of scotland . p. . . that t it is in his majesties power , or not in his power to deny assent to the abolition of bishops , is most certainly true . but we must learn of you to distinguish between a naturall and a morall sense ▪ and then we shall find both true , that he can , and he cannot deny consent . in a naturall sense he may , but in a morall sense he may not . in a naturall sense he may ; because the will cannot be inforced . in a morall sense it is not in his power ; because he cannot now deny consent without sinne . so it is , and it is not in his power , or rather as s. austine speaks , u in potestate est , quod in voluntate esse non debet : that is in our power , which ought not to be in our will ; x the king then hath it in his power to yeeld , or not to yeeld ; because he may do , which he pleaseth . the book of god stands by , and adviseth him to do that , which is right in the sight of god , proposing blessings if he do so ; and menacing curses , if he shall do any thing contrary to gods revealed will. and all this while it doth but instruct & perswade him to do , what he ought and may , when he will. this then being in the kings power , he must take heed , he incline not to sin . . i cannot but resolve , that to forsake the naturall sense , if good , is to be unnaturall . to renounce the morall sense is against good manners , and the morall law. if therefore both senses may be kept , we are to preserve them both safe . with confidence therefore , i speake it , that it is not onely in his power , but * it is his dutie to be master of his negative voice , and to deny consent . if he deny consent , he does his dutie , & observes his oath . if he yeeld assent , he breaks his oath , and failes of his dutie . and this will prove no lesse then sin . i have already demonstrated , that episcopacy is agreable to the word of god , and that it is the institution of christ himself . it is sinne therefore to abolish it , or to consent to the abolishing thereof . you neither have , nor can justifie the contrary out of holy writ , or from the ancient and apostolike church . and yet the observations upon the ordinance for ordination have been extant in print above these three years . but you and your assembly rabbines take no notice of it , because you have not what to say against it . . but though you have neither scripture , councels , nor fathers , for the abolishing of episcopacy , yet you have reason grounded upon policy , to worke his miajestie to yeeld to this abolition . for ( say you ) he cannot now deny consent without sin . it seemes then , he might , without sin deny consent heretofore : but not now . and why not now ; as well as heretofore ? because ( say you ) x if he consent not , there will evidently continue such distraction and confusion , as is most repugnant to the weale of his people ; which he is bound by the rule of government , and his oath to provide for . thus sin shall vary at your pleasure : sin it shall be now , that was none heretofore . that shall be sin in king charles , which was vertue and piety in queen elizabeth , and all their religious ancesters . . y where no law is , there is no transgression . before then you prove it to be a sin , you must prove it to be against some law either of god or man. not against the law of god ; that 's already proved . not against the law of man ; since no man can sin against that law , to which he is not subject . * the laws are the kings ; he gives laws to his subjects , not his subjects to him : and we know no law of his against bishops . indeed the laws of this land are so far from the extirpation of bishops , that z the fundament all law of this kingdom approves of them . they then that are enemies to bishops , are enemies to the fundamentall law of this kingdom . and what is fundamentall , is in and of the foundation . if then a law be made to extirpate bishops , it grates upon the foundation , it is against the fundamentall law of this realme , & it contradicts that law of laws , the word of god. besides , we are assured by that learned in the law , justice jenkins a that it is against the kings oath , and the oaths of the houses , to alter the government for religion . but an alteration of this government , must necessarily follow upon the abolition of episcopacy . yea with bishops , not onely the church and religion will be ruined , but the very government and laws of the kingdom will be so confounded , that the learned in the law will not know , where to find law. they must burn their old books , and begin the world upon the new model . all this will amount to no small sin ; it will be to the shame of this land ; to the ruine of those two noble professions , divinity and law ; and to the common misery of the people . . these reasons premised , i shall justly return your own words upon your self , in this manner . it is not in the kings power to consent to the abolition of episcopacy , because he cannot now yeeld consent without sin . for if he consent , there will evidently follow such distraction and confusion , as is most repugnant to the weal of his people ; which he is bound by the rule of government , and his oath to provide for . i say so , and true it is ; because it is evident to every discerning eye , that there are as many , and those more considerable , that are cordially for episcopacy and common prayer , as are against them . indeed they are not so factious , so mutinous , and bloody as the other . what multitudes are there in this kingdom , that mourn and grieve to see religion so opprest , so trampled on , and almost breathing out her last ? in truth it is palpable , that these seditious and irreligious courses have ingendred , and propagated , and will continue such distraction and confusion in church and state , as is most repugnant , not onely to the present , but to the eternall wedl and salvation of his people : both which he is bound to provide for , but more especially for the later . . and whereas you say , such distraction and confusion will continue , unlesse episcopacy be abolished ; if seems , you are resolved to continue these distractions . but , god knows , and your words testifie , that it is not the calling or the office of a bishop , that is offensive ; it is b their honour , and their wealth , which you aim at ; c these , with their revenues must be shared amongst you of the presbyterian faction ; and then all shall be well . till then we must look for nothing but fire and sword . hence it evidently appears , that neither episcopacy , nor the kings dissent , but your ambition and avarice have been the true cause of these distractions and combustions . d such a sedition as this there was in the time of moses about the priesthood ; because every man might not sacrifice , as , when , and where he pleased . because corah might not wear a miter , and go into the most holy place , as well as aaron . and yet who dares say , that the priestood was the cause of those uproars ? . that insurrection was against moses and aaron , against prince and priest : but against the prince for the priests sake ; because the prince would not endure , that every one should meddle with the priests office , or strip him of his means and honour . that conspiracie was linsie-woolsie , loomed up of clergie and laitie . korah , the son of levi was the ring-leader ; and c with him two hundreth and fiftie of his own tribe . to these were joyned f dathan and abiram , great princes , and men of renown ; such as were eminent in blood , and of the tribe of reuben . and was not the crie the same then , that is now ? g moses and aaron , prince and priest , ye take too much upon you , seeing all the congregation is holy , every one of them , and the lord is among them ; wherfore then lift ye your selves above the congregation of the lord ? the prince and priest did but their duty ; and yet are obbraided with pride . god raised them to their places ; and they are charged to raise themselves . but moses justly retorts upon them , what they had falsly cast upon him ; h ye take too much upon you , ye sons of levi. what ? i is it not enough for you , that god hath separated you from the multitude , that he hath taken you neer himself , to do the service of the lords tabernacle , but you must have the priests office ? but you must be k offering incense , as well as the high priest ? the priest of the second order would needs be equall with the chief priest , the priest of the first order . and is it not so now ? have we not just cause to say to you , ye take too much upon you , ye presbyters , ye sons of bishops . what ? is it not enough for you , that god hath separated you from the multitude , that he hath taken you neer himself , to do the service of the lords house , and to administer the sacraments ; but you must have the bishops office ? but you must be giving orders , as well as the bishop ? surely this is to assume that power to your selves , which god never committed to any presbyter , while a presbyter . . last of all , i cannot but observe , that when the lord had punished these schismaticall and seditious persons , l the tumult ariseth afresh against moses and aaron ; they cry out upon them as m murderers , as if these two had slain the people of the lord : for thus they call that factious and damnable crue . but the lord decided the controversie , and shewed manifestly , who were his ; first n by consuming the mutineers with the plague ; and secondly , by causing o aarons rod , when it seemed to be quite dead , to revive , even to bud , and blossom , and bear fruit in the tabernacle . p thus the mouthes of the rebellious children were stopped , and gods ordinance justified . q oh , that salvation were given unto israel out of sion : oh , that the lord would deliver his people out of captivity . oh , that we might see aarons rod once more bud , and blossom , and bring forth almonds . r then should jacob rejoyce , and israel should be right glad . chap. xvii . whether there be two supremacies in this kingdom . . in this treatise ſ you blame those , that seem to set up two supremacies ; and yet you cannot see the same beam in your own eye . you are of kin , sure , to those lamiae , those witches , that were blind at home , but quick-sighted abroad . thou , that findest fault with another , doest the same thing . for do not you say plainly , that t there 's a supremacie in the king , and a supremacy in the parliament ? i hope , you know your own language . clodius accusat . it is an usuall thing for your confederacie , to charge the king and his good subjects with that , which your selves are either guilty of , or intend to induce . . what , two supremacies , two superlatives , at the same time , in the same kingdom ? is this possible ? what , because there is summus and supremus ; because there are two superlatives of the same word , shall we therefore have two supremacies in the same realm ? is not this flatly against the oath of supremacy ? wherein you , and i , and your great patriots , have sworn , that the kings highnesse is the onely supreme governour of this realme , and of all other his highnesse dominions and countreys . but the king hath been so long out of your eye , that he is now out of your minde , and the parliament shall at least be his corrivall in the supremacy . take heed , take heed of perjury . i can tell you of severall acts of parliament since the reformation , that u lay a penaltie of fourty pounds , upon every particular perjurie . if his majestie had all these forfeitures , they would satisfie his debts , and make him a glorious king after all these pressures . . but you clip his majesties wings , though ye make him flie ; and tell us , as x you conceive , that the supremum jus dominii , the supreme right of dominion , which is above all laws , is not in the king. to say it is in him , is in this , in our state a manifest error . why , what 's become of the oath of supremacy ? have we forgot that ? was not that provided for this state ? in our state this is no error ; in yours it may be ; or else you are in a manifest error . certainly the members have sworn , that the king is the only supreme governour of this realm , or state. and that he is so , as well in all spirituall or ecclesiasticall things , or causes , as temporall . if he be the onely supreme , how shall we find another supreme , or an equall to him within his own dominions ? if he be so in all things and causes both ecclesiasticall and temporall , what thing or cause is there , wherein he is not the onely supreme ; or wherein he hath any other supreme joyned to him ? for certain , these particles onely and all , are exclusive of any copartner . . but you will chalk out a way , whereby to elude , or avoid this oath , and the restrictions therein . there 's a supreme parliament , as well as a supreme king. or , a supremacy is in the parliament , and a supremacy in the king. an excellent arithmetician , he hath learned to multiply ; of one , and one onely , he hath made two . thus have they raised division out of unity : and from hence are these distractions and divisions , which are so repugnant to the weal of the people . this is one of their new lights , which is borrowed from their multiplying glasse , that makes a molehill as bigge as a mountain , and a spider as large as a sea-crab . but when the multiplying glasse is layed aside , the spider will be but a spider . . well , let us see , how you make good this twofold supremacy . y the supremacy , or the supremum jus dominii , that is over all laws , figere or refigere , to make , or disanull them at pleasure , is neither in the king , nor in the houses apart , but in both conjoyned . here then we are fallen back to one supremacy . and this supremacy is not the kings onely ; but it is the parliaments , as well as his . this is to skip from monarchy to aristocracy . kingdoms indure no corrivals ; and z kings have no peers . but this man hath found one thing , wherein the king hath peers ; and consequently is not the onely supreme governour of this realm . strange , how that parliament , and all since that time have been so mistaken , as not to see their own right , but to ascribe all to the king ; and that in a point of so high concernment . surely they wanted this young preacher , to bring them in a new light . but i beleeve , it will appeare , that the supremacie over all laws to make , or disanull them , is in the king alone , at the petition of both houses : and that those parliaments knew full well . . for satisfaction in this point i shall observe , what scriptures , fathers , and some modern writers have resolved concerning kings . s. petter plainly and fully a ascribes supremacy to the king. submit your selves ( saith he ) to every ordinance of man for the lords sake : whether it be to the king , as supreme ; or unto governors , as unto them , that are sent by him . kings are sent by god ; to them therfore we submit for the lords sake . all other civill governours are sent by the king ; to them therefore we submit for the kings sake , that sent them . answerable hereunto are those passages in tertullian , that b the emperor is homo a deo secundus , & solo deo minor , c in dei solius potestate , a quo secundus , post quem primus , the man second to god , and lesse then god onely . that he is in the power , or under the command of god onely ; from whom he is the second , and after whom he is the first . optatus saies as much ; d super imperatorem non est nisi solus deus , qui fecit imperatorem ; there is none above the emperor , but god alone ; who made him emperor . and what the emperor was in the empire ; the same is the king of england within his own dominions . for e the crown of england hath been so free at all times , that it hath been in subjection to no realm , but immediately subject to god , and to none other . hence is it called f an empire ; and g the imperiall crown of this realm . . the greeke commentators are so full for obedience to kings , that h they will not yeeld , that an apostle may be freed from this subjection . this doctrine s. paul justifies ; i i stand ( saith he ) at caesars judgment seat , where i ought to be judged . and after this appeal he resolves , that k no man , not the president himself , may judge him , or deliver him to be judged by any other . nay after this the president himself might not release him . so king agrippa , l had not this man appealed to caesar , he might have been set at liberty . are not these strong evidences of the kings supremacy ? that learned grotius gives a sure rule , whereby to know , on whom the supremacy is settled . m that ( saith he ) is the supreme civill power , cujus actus alterius juri non subsunt , whose actions are not subject to any other mans censure , or law. but such is the king , n qui sub nullo alio , sed sub solo deo agit , who lives in subjection to none , but to god onely . for o who may say unto him , what doest thou ? when therefore david had sinned , he cries out unto the lord , p in te solum peccavi , against thee onely have i sinned , thou onely canst call me to account hence is that resolution of all the learned of this church , in the time of king henry viii . among whom were bishop carnmer , and bishop latymer , q although princes do otherwise , then they ought to do , yet god hath assigned no judges over them in this world , but will have the judgement of them reserved to himself . and the judgement of the great lawyers in france is this , r rex solus ▪ the king onely is the supreme lord of all the subjects , aswell lay , as ecclesiasticall , within his own dominions . ſ all other men live under judgment ; & cum deliquerint , peccant deo , peccant & legibus mundi ; and when they offend , they sinne against god , and against the laws of the land. . but i know , you relye more upon the laws of this land , then upon the laws of god ; and upon our lawyers , rather then the fathers , and out best divines . i shall therefore transgresse my profession . & shew you , what their opinion is . t this realme ( say the statutes ) is an empire , whereof the king is the supreme head ; and consisteth of the spiritualty and tempora●ty , over which the king hath whole power , and jurisdiction . are you of this realm , or are you not ? i●●on be , then are you either of the spiritualty or tempora●ty and if of either , then wholly under the kings power the whole power is his ; why seek you to rob him of it ? of this realme the king not the parliament , is the supreme head : one head not two . he that makes two supremacies , makes a bul ; and he that se●● two heads upon one body , frames a monster . . indeed they are so far from having any supremacy , that they are subjects as well in , as out of parliament . u when king edward the confessor had all the earles and barons of the kingdome assembled in parliament , he cals them all , his leige men my lords , you that are my leige men. perchance you may say , the king calls them so , but that makes them not so . you shall therefore have their own acknowledgement , in parliament , thus . x we your most loving , faithfull , and obedient subjects , representing the three estates of your realme of england . thus the whole parliament united into one body . false therefore is that proposition , that the king is major singulis , sed minor universis , greater then any , and lesse then all the inhabitants of this realme . for here the representative body of the three estates of this kingdome , assembled in parliament , in their highest capacitie , acknowledge themselves to be the queens subjects , and her most obedient subjects ; because to her , they thus assembled , did justly owe both subjection , and obedience ; which none that are supreme , can owe. and these are due to his majestie & à singulis , & ab universis , from one , and all ; from every one singly , and from all joyntly . . secondly , when they are assembled in parliament , they petition , as well as out of parliament . this is evident by the acts themselves ; wherein we read , that y our soveraigne lord the king , by the assent aforesaid , and at the praier of his commons . the same words are repeated hen. . c. & . and in queen elizabeths time , the parliament humble themselves in this manner , z that it may please your highnesse ▪ that it may be enacted , &c. i might come down lower , but i shall satisfie my selfe with sir edward cokes report , b who assures us , that in ancient times all acts of parliament were in forme of petitions . mr. geree himselfe acknowledgeth , they should be so now . c the king ( saith he ) may passe a bill for the abolition of episcopacy , when his houses of parliament think it convenient , and petition for it . either then the houses have no supremacy , o● else they humble themselves too low , when they petition his majestie . but this supremacy of parliament is one of the new lights , that were lately wafted into this land in a scottish cookboate . . thirdly , what supremacy can there be in those , that may not lawfully convene , or consult , till the king summon them ; and must dissolve and depart , when the king command ▪ the writ it self runs thus , d prelatis & magnatibus nostris , quos vocari fecimus . to the prelates . and our nobles . whom we have caused to be called . and e sir robert cotton , out of elie register , tels us that parliaments were assembled at first as now , edicto principis ( not at their own , but ) at the kings pleasure . and sir edward coke assures me , that f none can begin , continue , or dissolve the parliament , but by the kings authority . and let me tell you , that if his majestie shall withdraw himself from parliament , it is not for your great masters to inforce him to return , but to g pray his presence , and to inform his majestie , that if he forbear his presence among them fourty dayes , that then by an ancient statute , they may return absque domigerio regis , to their severall homes . this is all they ought , or may do . . fourthly , whereas , according to your words , h the parliament is to regulate all other courts ; the court of parliament is to be regulated by the king. for the time , that is already manifested , to be at his majesties pleasure . and for the matter , that is prescribed , and limited by the king ; i super praemissis tractare , to consult and advise upon such things , as the king nominates , and prescribes . and if credit may be given to iohn speede , he tells us , that k the great lawyers judgments , in king richard ii. time , concerning orderly proceedings in parliaments , run thus . that after the cause of such assembly is by the kings commandement there declared , such articles , as by the king are limited for the lords and commons to proceed in , are first to be handled . but if any should proceed vpon other articles , and refvse to proceed vpon those limited by the king , till the king had first answered their proposals , contrary to the kings command ; such doing herein contrary to the rule of the king , are to be punished astraitors . and he cites the law books for what he saies . truly i am the rather induced to beleeve , what speed delivers , because sir edward coke gives us the reason , why , and how far forth , the king relies upon his parliaments . l the king ( saith he ) in all his weighty affairs used the advice of his lords and commons ; so great a trust and confidence he had in them . alwaies provided , that both the lords and commons keep them within the circle of the law and custom of the parliament . the reason , why the king useth their advice , is because he hath a great trust and confidence in them . but alwaies provided that they keepe themselves within the circle of the law , and custome of parliament . but how if they deceive the kings trust , and abuse his confidence ? how if they break the lawfull circle , and transgresse the customs of parliament ? how then ? what speede hath recorded , i have shewn you . but what the king may do in this case , i shall leave to the masters of the law to determine . . last of all , the king regulates their consultations . for in his breast it is , whether their bills shall become laws , or no. observe ; though the advice and assent be theirs , yet the power of ordaining , establishing , and enacting , is in the soveraigne . the statute books shall be my witnesses . m the king by the advice , assent , and authority aforesaid , hath ordeined and established . and again , n be it enacted by the queens most excellent majestie , with the assent of the lords spirituall , and temporall , and the commons , &c. hence is it , that they are called the kings laws . and o the king is called the head of the law ; because from him it is derived ; from him the law receives both life and force . p his breast is the shrine , or deske , wherein all the laws are stored up , and preserved . if any man make question of this , present experience will satisfie him . for do not the houses at this day petition his majestie , to make that a law which they have voted ? take their own words in that high message sent to holdenby house in march last . we the lords and commons , assembled in the parliament of england , &c. do humbly present unto your majestie the humble desires and propositions , agreed upon by the parliaments of both kingdoms respectively . vnto which we do pray your majesties assent . and that they , and all such bills , as shall be tendered to your majestie in pursuance of them , or any of them , may be established and enacted for statutes and acts of parliament , by your majesties royall assent . which words , though very high , do manifest , that there is neither majesty , nor supremacy , nor power in this , or any other parliament , to make , or repeale laws . it is at the kings pleasure to establish and enact them for laws and statutes , or not . this our neighbour scotland sees , and confesseth that regall power and authority is chiefly in making and enacting laws . declarat . of the kingd . of scotland . p. . . from hence it appears , first , that there is no supremacy in the parliament , without the king. secondly ; that the supremum jus dominii , the supreme right of dominion , which is over laws , to establish or disanull them , is in the king alone . for a bill not established , is of no force , it is no law. ly , that q the king is the supreme magistrate ( as you are pleased to call him ) from whom all power of execution of laws is legally derived . and ly , if the power of execution be derived from the king , much more is the power to regulate . for he , that gives them power by his commission , to put the laws in execution , he gives them rules in the same commission , whereby they must be guided ; and sets them bounds , which they may not passe . if they transgresse either , the king hath a legall power to revoke their commissions , and to dispose of them , to whom , and when , he pleaseth . hence is it , that all courts , and the judges of those courts , are called the kings courts , and the kings ministers of justice . and when we are summoned to appear in any court of justice , the processe runs coram domino rege , before our lord the king : because the kings person and power is there represented . and though his majestie be over-born , and against all law and reason kept from his courts of justice , yet in all writs you are fain to abuse his name ; though he be no way accessary to these lawlesse , and illegall proceedings . how these courts have been regulated , since his majesties forced departure , this kingdom is very sensible , and laments to consider it ; god amend it . . upon these grounds i argue thus . they , that are subjects ; they , that are suppliants ; they , that owe obedience to an higher ; they , that cannot lawfully convene , or consult , till they be called by another ; they , that must dissolve their meeting at anothers command ; they , that are to be regulated by another ; they , that can onely advise , perswade , entreat , but not enact a law , have no supremacy . but the whole parliament sever'd from the king , are subjects , are suppliants ; they owe obedience to an higher ; they cannot lawfully convene , or consult , till they be called by his majestie ; at his command , they are to dissolve their meeting ; by him they are to be regulated ; and q without him they cannot enact a law. the major is evident , to every intelligent eye . the minor is demonstrated , sect. . . . . . . . . i must therefore upon these premises necessarily conclude , that the parliament , in that sense you take it , hath no supremacy . . that nothing may be wanting , i shall give you the resolution of our sages at law , concerning the kings unseparable and incommunicable supremacy ; that so all mouthes may be stopped . bractons resolution is this , r rex habet potestatem & jurisdictionem super omnes , qui inregno suo sunt . the king hath power and jurisdiction over all , within his own kingdom . plowden saith as much ; ſ the king hath the sole government of his subjects . here is no man , no societie of men exempted ; all under the king , and solely under the king. where then is the parliaments supremacy ? not in this kingdom ; it must be looked for some where else . . secondly , t ea , quae sunt jurisdictionis & pacis ad nullum pertinent nisi ad regiam dignitatem : those things , which concerne jurisdiction and peace , belong to none but onely to the royall dignity . u the same he affirmes of restraint , and punishment . these then belong not to the parliament ; since that cannot chalenge royall dignity . where then is their supreme power ? all power almost consists in jurisdiction , ordering of peace , and punishing offenders . and all these are flowers of the crown . yea , x the power of the militia , of eoyning of mony , of making leagues with forreigne princes ; the power of pardoning , of making of officers , &c. all kings had them , the said powers have no beginning . if then all these and many more are peculiar to soveraignty , what is left for the parliament ? why surely if you will , to be the kings supreme or chief councell , and his capitall court. this they are ; and this is an high honour to them being rightly used . . thirdly , y omnis sub rege , & ipse sub nullo ; every one is under the king ; but the king is under none , but god onely . the supremacy then must needs be in the king ; who is superior to all but the god of heaven . and over the supreme there can be no earthly superior . to admit a comparative above the superlative in the same kinde , is a solecisme not onely in grammar , but in reason , and religion . yet , though no superior , there may perchance be an equall to this supreme . there may so ; but not within his own dominions . z rex enim non habet parem in regno suo ; a the king ( saith the statute ) hath no peer in his land. and if justice jenkins may be heard , he tels us , that b the houses in parliament confesse , the king to be above the representative body of the realm . they are not therefore his equals ; and so have no supremacy . when i can be perswaded , that any , or all the members of the body are equall to the head , then i shall be apt to beleeve , that there may be two supremacies in a kingdom . but i am confident , that c a wife may as safely admit of two husbands , as a kingdom of two supremes . for d the king is sponsus regni , that husband , who by a ring is espoused to this realm at his coronation . but a ring is superstitious , and husbands are grown out of date . the onely thing in request is liberty , to take or leave what and whom we please . . but e the parliament is the supreme court , by which all other courts are to be regulated : what say we to that ? this i say , that the parliament is f curia capitalis , the supreme court of this kingdom : and yet his court it is , whose courts the rest are . it is therefore called g curia regis , and h magnum concilium regis , the kings court , the kings great councell : yea and the kings parliament . sir rob. cotton justifies it from the parliament rowles . i henry iv. began his first parliament . novemb. . k the king began his second parliament jan. . and of henry vii . thus : l it is no doubt , but he would have been found as frequent in his great councell of parliament , as he was in the starre-chamber . and this very parliament , how oft have they called themselves , the kings great councell ? they are so , and they are no more . but why am i so carefull to heap up instances ? your self call it . his , the kings , parliament , p. . and his houses of parliament , p. . . if then in your sense , we take the houses without the king , there is no supremacy in them , either severally , or joyntly : since they are but subjects , and the representative body of subjects . and under this consideration they cannot regulate other courts , unlesse the king give them power to do so . but take the houses with the king , and then it is most true , that there is a supremacy in the parliament ; and that it hath power to regulate all other courts . but this supremacy it hath by , and from the king ; and from no other . we therefore professe with that learned mr of the law , that m the parliament is the highest , and most honorable and absolute court of justice of england , consisting of the king , the lords of parliament , and the commons . the lords are here divided into two sorts , viz. spirituall and temporall . when such an assembly meets , and each house and the members thereof keep themselves within their proper limits , i dare be bold to say , that this court is assembled as it ought , n for provision for support of the state in men and money ; and well ordering of the church and common-wealth ; and determining of such causes , which ordinary courts nesciebant judicare , were not skilfull to determine . o these are the causes of such assemblies . . but truly , when they are thus assembled , i do not conceive , that they have power to p make or disanull all laws at pleasure ; but upon just and necessary occasion . for there is great danger in altering laws without urgent cause . innovation in government makes an alteration in state : & sudden alterations are not for the safety either of bodies naturall , or bodies politicke . observe , what the mirror of his time k. iames speaks : q we are not ignorant of the inconveniences , that do arise in government , by admitting innovasion in things once settled by mature deliberation : and r how necessary it is to use constancy in the upholding of the publik determinations of state. for that such is the unquietnesse and unstedfastnesse of some dispositions affecting every yeer new formes of things , as if they should be followed in their unconstancy , would make all actions of state ridiculous and contemptible . whereas the stedfast maintaining of things by good advice established , is the weale of all common-wealths . there is often danger , seldom pleasure in the change of laws . truly since the laws-have been neglected , and varietie of ordinances have supplied their roome , ſ we have been fed with the bread of tears , we have had plentiousnesse of tears to drinke . we are become a very striffe unto our neighbours ; and our enemies laugh us to scorne . . that the king in parliament doth usually make or alter laws , as the necessity of the times , and common good of his subjects require , is no rare thing . yet this ought to be done with much care and deliberation ; that so nothing be enacted , which may be justly greivous or destructive to his leige people . sithence , according to your determination , t he cannot lawfully make any ingagement to any , against the laws , and legall rights of others . your reason is because , u that were not cedere jure suo , sed alieno , a parting with his own , but with other mens rights . the same reason will hold against the parliament . suppose we should grant , what we may not , that the king and parliament are equals ; it follows necessarily , that whatsoever is unlawfull for one , is unlawfull for any other of the same ranke and power . if then it be not lawfull for the king , neither is it lawfull for his great councell , to take away the legall rights of others against law. and therefore not the legall rights of bishops , deanes and chapters , or any other of the clergie . for by the laws of the land , we have as firme an interest , and as true a freehold in those possessions , wherein to we are admitted , or inducted , as any other of his majesties subjects have in theirs . boast not of your power ; x power must attend upon justice , not go before it , nor over-rule it . i● justice take place , it is a judiciall , a just power ; but if power over sway justice , the government proves tyrannicall . . as for the power of making laws , we must know , that y by the common law , which is guided by the light of nature , and the word of god , that power is acknowledged to be in the king. who is leg●●us superior , as * fitz harbert speaks , above the law. but the soveraignes of this realme to reitifie the tender care they have of their peoples welfare , and the desire they have to injoy their love , have so far condescended in the stature law , that they will not henceforth do so without the advice & assent of the houses . this is not to give them a supremacie , but to admit them to advice . this is the way to win the most refractary , to submit to those laws , whereto they have given consent either in person , or by proxy . besides , z what is concluded on with good advice , by common consent , and hath the opprobation of diverse wise , learned , and religious persons , gives better satisfaction to all in generall , then what is done by one alone , be it never so well done . and yet to this day the power of ordeining , establishing and enacting laws , is reserved wholly to the crowne . most of these statute laws are as so many royall legacies bequeathed to this nation , by the severall soveraignes and fathers of this countrey . a not a liberty or priviledge , b not any land or tenement , but is originally derived from the crowne . such hath been the goodnesse and bounty of our princes to us their unworthy subjects . all we have , is from them : and now we take all from them . is this gratitude ? we serve god and the king alike ; we are resolved to seize upon all , that is called sacred . and i have learned , that not onely c the kings house , but d his very lands are called in law patrimonium sacrum , the holy patrimony . is not this that sacra fames , that sacred hunger , which is so greedy of all that is called sacred ? . brand not us , poore clergie-men , with foule and fained aspersions ; delude not the people with false & forged suggestions . e whose legall priviledges , or rights have we invaded , or sought after ? when did we ever desire , or perswade his majestie , to do the least injurie to people , or parliament ? your own conscience clears us in the generall . and your own profession is , that f you cannot but have a better conceit of the major part of the clergie , at this time , that they will not be so tenacious of their wealth and honour , as t● let the crowne run an hazard . if then we will , and have parted with that , which is justly ours , rather then in the least manner we would prejudice the king , or wrong our own consciences ; certainly we cannot perswade the king g to make any ingagement to us , against the laws , and legall rights of others . if any particular person have offended in this kind , we make no apologie for him : upon just proofe let him have a legall censure . this kingdom cannot but take notice , that we have been so far from incroaching upon others , that we have parted with u● own rights , though not with gods. we have deserted all we had , to preserve a good conscience . this is truly cedere jure suo , to part with our own , that we may not faile that trust , which is committed to us . we justifie gods right , and lose our own . . we confesse , that h the king is bound to maintain the legall priviledges of people and parliament ; but not so , as to destroy gods rights , or the priviledges of his ministers . that be farre from him . i suum cuique , the true princely justice is , to be just to god and man ; to give god what is his , and impartially to his subjects , what is theirs , as also what truly belongs to them in their severall places and professions . his majestie knows full well , that the liberties of the subject , the priviledges of parliament , and rights of the clergie , have long consisted and prospered together . take away the vine , and the elme will beare no fruit ; take away the elme , and the vine will fall to the ground , and be trod to durt . . that k the king hath been alwaies ready to confirme needfull ( not wanton , not malicious , not destructive ) bills , cannot be denyed by any of his impartiall & conscionable subjects . the quarrell raised against him is , because he will not suffer gods inheritance , and the churches patrimony to be devoured ; because he will not endure gods service , and all religion to be trampled on ; because he end eavours to releive his poore people the clergie , against whatsoever greivance they suffer , or threatned to be enforced upon them . the same favour he alwaies hath , and is at this time forward to afford to all his good people , and loyall subjects . yea , even to those , that are neither good , nor loyall . . but before i take my leave of your case of conscience , i shall resolve you , what a pious designe you have ventered on , and what a rock you have run your self upon . you will , i hope like the better of it , because it comes from that law , you most delight in . the statute saith , l when a man secular or religious slayeth his prelate ; to whom he oweth faith and obedience , it is treason . if then it be treason to slay the prelate , what sin is it to murder prelacy ? certainly by how much the sin is greater to destroy the species , all mankind , then one particular man ; by so much is the treason more heinous more abominable to kill episcopacy , then any one bishop whatsoever . and yet this you have endeavoured to the utmost of your power . for this i shall leave you to the law , and to those , m whom the king shall send for the punishment of evill doers . pray we therefore for the safety of our soveraigne , and that he may with speed be restored to his throne ; for these times have made us sensible with rabbi chanina , that n were it not for fear of him , alter alterum vivus devoraret , one would devoure another quicke . . o thus i think , by this time , i may safely conclude , that it is sufficiently cleared , that neither as a king , nor as a christian , may his majestie in justice , or conscience , ingage himselfe , or yeeld consent either to the extirpation of episcopacy out of this church of england , or to the abrogation of the just priviledges of his clergie , or to the alienation of their lands . since by your confession , p he cannot lawfully make any ingagement to any , against the laws and legall rights of others . and the king is so just ; that he will never do , what he cannot lawfully do . observe the plagues of such men , as are never touched with the miseries of others . they commonly fall under the same judgment , which others unpittied have tasted before . d. corn. burges . fire of the sanct. p. . . finis . errata . pag. . l. melsalinus , r. messalinus . p. . l. . cardiner r. gardiner . p. . l. . let , r. set . p. . l. . perpetull , r perpetuall . p. . l . cut off . r. cast off p. . l. teneatur , r. tenetur ib. l. possit . r. posse . ib. in marg . l quisquis r. quisque p. l. . are you of r. you are of . ib l. . nation r. nation into ib l. ● disolate . r. desolate . p. l . viii . r. vii . p l ▪ o rives r river . p. . l. depends , r. depend . ib. l. . obstinentis r. obtinentis . p. in marg . l. concessimo , r. concessimus . p . l. nlt. distructive , r. destructive , p. . l. . not upon , r. not set upon . p l. . abolishet , r. abolished . p. . l . overnor , r. governor . p. l. . changing terme , r. changing the terme . ib , l . . and the ministerial . p. ● . l. . yet r. that p. l ult ttle , r. little . p l. . distroied , r destroyed . p. ●● . l. penult . regular , r. regulate p. . l. . the justice , r. the justices . p. l. . after , r. alter . p . in marg . l. . other , r. others , notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a i. d. p. . psal . . . c sam ● . . d psa● . . e . reg. . . . f the fire of the sanctuary p. ● . g ib. p. . h nathan ward p. ●lt . i a● ▪ . . k ib v. . l ib. v. . m ib ▪ v. . notes for div a -e episcopus . notes for div a -e a i. g. p. . b mr. challenor● speech . c i g p. . d s. luk. . . e i● . v. . . f ex. . . g ex. . . h that such an union is ●●n●●p●●si●i●e ●●p●●si●i●e , 〈…〉 the king condescend in the point of episcopacy l. g. p. . i for the king to condescend renitente conscientiâ , though it might gratifie us , it would be sinfull to himself . i. g. p. . k i. g. p. . l the oath taken at the kings coronation hath been prest by some learned pens with that probability , &c. i. g. p. . m neither have they that i know , received an● satisfactory answer in print i g p. . n it may ●e a work worthy some pains to resolve this case ▪ and clear your obj●ctions , that while they stand unanswered , cast an ill reflect on both upon the king in condescending to abrogate episcopacy , and the parliament , in pressing him to it . i. g p. . o the bond of the k●ngs oath may be taken off two waies either by clearing the unlawfulnesse of it i. g. p. . p though it be granted , that episcopacy is lawfull ▪ yet notwithstanding that his oath , the king without impeachment may consent to the abrogation of episcopacy i g. p. . a it was vinculum iniquitatis , and so void the fi●st day : for qui jurat in iniquum obligatur in contrarium , ● . g p. . b i. g. p. . c i. g p. . d s pet. . , . e i. g. p. . f solemn league and covenant . ● . g. p. . h ier. . . i s. pet . . * as scripture is the rule of church ▪ government ▪ so christ is the sole root and fountain wh●nce it originally flows i. d. p. k ambr. de dignit sacerd c. . l hieron . in mat. . . m gen●ad apud balsam . p. . n s ioh . . o hilar in mat. can p cyril in io. l. c. . q hieron i● gal. . ● . r calvin in cor . . ſ wal ▪ messal . p. . t theo in phi. lip . . k ignat ad eph. l theodoret ▪ in tim. . m walo . messal . p ● . n i● p. . o timoth●m apostoli munere & officio functus est ib p . . p ib. p. . . q smect . answ . to the remonst . p. . & . r epaphroditus by s ●au●●● ●● called the apostle of the p●●lippians , b●caus● h● had sent him to the philippians to confirm their church , and therein to ordain them ●resbyters and bishops walo . messal p. . ſ tit. . ● . t ephes . cor. . x s. luk. . cor. . , . y ● joh. . . z ordinance for ordinat . p . a ib. p ▪ . b i. g. p. . c psal . d s. jude v. ▪ e i. g p . f i. g p . g i g. p . h i. ● ▪ ● ▪ ● ▪ i ordinance for ordinat . p . k i. g. p. . l rom. . . m thou couldst have no power at all , ag●●nst me , except it were given thee from above s. jo. . . n ier. . . o ier. . . p prov. . . q ier. . . r ier. . . ſ reg. . . . t ib. v. . u tim. . . x gal ▪ . . y tim. ▪ . &c. z i. g. p. . a ib b act . . c act ▪ . . d presbyters are by christs warrant in scripture indued with power to rule in their own congregations , as well as to preach . see tim. . & . . heb. . ▪ thes . . . i g. p. . e tim. . . f tim. . . g ib. v. . h i. d. p. ● ▪ i tim. ▪ ▪ k tim. ▪ ● ▪ l heb. . . m ib n c●nt . . o episcopus est pres●yt●●is pr●positus cypr ep . p cor ● . . philip. . ▪ q tim . . tit ▪ . . r tim. . . t it . . & . . ſ tim . . t tim. . . u tit. . . x tit. . . y tim . . . z beza & piscat . in loc . a si qui cum episcōp● non sunt , in ecclesid non sunt ▪ cypr. ep . ▪ n. . b thes . . ● . c hilar. dial. rom. in loc . apud ambros . d theodoret ▪ in ●he● . . . e calvin in loc . f caluin i●stit . ● . ● . c. . sect. . g as prelacy stood in ●ngl●nd , the presbyters were ●x●●●●ed from all soc●●tie in rule . i. g p. . h which was much more preiudiciall to the dignity & lioerty of the ministery , the presbyters w●re subiected to a lay chancelor . i. g. p. . i the clergie & their priviledge● are subiect to the parliament . i. g. p. . k greg naz. orat . . ● . l an● was not here ●●urpation against gods direction ? i. g. p. . m i. g. p. . n though this way o● i●validating the k●●gs oath be most satisfactory to some , i. g. p. . o tim. . . p tim ● . q gen. no●e in loc . r yet to those that are not onvin●ed of the unlawfulnesse of ep●scopacy , it will not hol● . i. g. p. ● z it would cast the res●lution of th●s ●ou●t a●out the oa●h , upon another qu●stion touc●●●g the l●wfulnesse of episcopac● , which is a lar●er feild . i. g p. . a i. g. p. . . b i sh●ll endeav●u● to shew , that though for argument s●ke , it be grant●● , that episcopacy●e ●e lawfull i g. p . c i. g. p. . d i. g. p. . e . s. joh. . f ier , . , . g ib. v. . h ib. v. . i calvin in amos . . k aug. ep . . l nunc malori libertate & fiduciâ veritatem profitemur : ne al●oqui per ●miditatem hâc poenâ mulctemur , ut deo minimè placeamus greg. naz. orat. n. . m the protestation . n art . o viii elis . . p xiii . elis . ● . q act. . . r rom. . . ſ s. joh. ● . . t artic. . u rom. . . x gal . . y act. . . z s. mat. . . a com : prayer book , at the communion . b s ioh. . . c s. matt. . . d act . . . e tim . . f rom. , . g heb. . . h exod. . . exod. . . &c. i levit. . . k psal . . . l ier. . . m zanch. n i. d. p . o hug. grotius de jure belli . l. . c. . sect. . & . p statim posttempora apostolorum , aut etiam eorum tempore , constitutum est , ut in unâ uroe unus inter caeteros presbyteros episcopus vocaretur , qui in suos collegat hateret pr●●minentiam pet. molin de munere past . p. . q zanch. de verâ reformand● eccles ratione . thes . . r ib. thes . . sect. pono . ſ jurisdictionem ●otsm , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reddo episconis . melane . ad ioach. carner ● ep . . t io. u io. ep . x ib. y ib. ep . . z ib. a ib. b i. d. passim . c i. d. pre●at . sect. the imputation . d ib. e p. melane . apo● . confes . aug cap. de ord eccles . f politiam canonicam non reprehendimus . ●b . c. de ●otest eccles . g ib. de ord . eccl. h ib. de potest . eccles . i veteres ho● saepe habent , non differte aliâre ab episcopo presbyterum , nisi quia ordinandi potestatem non habet . calv. instit . l . sect. . k epipha . haer . . l vbi distingui ordines & gra●us caepti sunt , atque episcop 〈…〉 exit it pr●●ly 〈…〉 , tum ordinatio non potuit esse utriusque commnois . wal. messal p. . m s luk . . n qui apostoli vocabantur duo rum generum fuere , primi & secundi . primi à christo missioné suam acceperunt , immediatè ab ipso missi secundi ab ipsis aposto lis walo messal . p ● . o ephes . . apoc. . p ● cor . . &c. ● . q phil. . r ● cor. . . ſ gal. . . t walo messal . p. . . . &c. u ib. p. . x eph . . y ib. v. z col. . . a s mat. . . b i. d. p. . . . c calv. in ep . ded. ad edvard ▪ somerseti ducem . d tim . . e tim. o. . . f calvin arg in . & . ad tim. g beza in tim. . . h walo messal . p. ● . i calvin . in tim. . . k tit. . . l ib. m ad philippenses eum misit , ad ecclesi●m eorum confirm and am , & constituendos in eâ presbyteros & episcopos . walo messal . p. . n chrysost . in philip. . . o i. g. p. . p i. g. p. . q ib : r ie● . . ſ hoc jus ipsum postulat , quo quisque tenetur . zanch. in praecept . de juramento . thes . sect. actionem . t ib , sect. quid fit . u ib. thes . sect. quid. sit . x philo iud de special . leg ● . y quid i●●â caecitate tenebrosius , ad obtinendam inanissimam gloriam , errorem hominis aucupari , & deum testē in corde contemnere ? quasi verò ullo modo comparan●u● sit error illius , qui te bonum putat eirori tuo qui homini de 〈◊〉 bono placere stu●●s , de 〈…〉 displices deo aug. in gal c. . z gravius est peccatum , facere contra publicum s●●enne jusju andum , quàm contra privatum . zanch. in praecept . thes . sect. actionem . a jer. . . b omnino juramentum quisquis suum . sine ullo prorsus dot● , aut de●raudatione , ●u●● gentium legeque dei , ipsis etiam hostibus , & latronibus fervare teneatur : eosque à nemine hominum ta●i i●r●méto lib rari possit . zanch in , praecept . thes . . c gen. . . d levit. . . e s. matth. . . f exod. . . g mal. . . h s. isa . . . i zech. . . k levit. . . l hos . . . m zech. . . n ecclus. . . o chron , . . p reg. . . . q zanch. in . praecept de juramento thes . . sect. prima igitur . r nihil judicandus est dicere , qui dicit aliquae iustae esse mendacia , nisi aliqua iusta esse peccata , ac per hoc aliqua iusta esse , quae iniusta sunt . quo quid ab surdius dici potest ? aug. cont . mend . c. . i g. p. . t i. g. p. . u es . . x num. . . y sam. . . reg. 〈…〉 &c ▪ a concil . chalced . can . . b c. . c ministris carere non potest ecclesia , qui externas res administrent , ver●um & sacramenta . zanc. in . praecept . de minist eccles . . . sect ontavo . d act. . e ● . joh. . . f s. ioh. . . g neque vel solis lumen ac calor , velcibus ac potus tam sun ▪ prae send v●tae foven dae ac sustinendae necessari● , quam est conserv●ndae 〈…〉 rris ecclesiae postolicum , ac 〈…〉 storale munus . calvin . instit . l. . ▪ , sect. . h cypr. ep . . n. . i ib. k i. g. p. . ib. ● m i propose to consideration , whether the in tention of this oath be not only against a ty●●nnous invasion on the rights of the clergie : not against an o●derly alteration of them , if any prove inconvenient , and to protect them against violence , not against ●egall wayes of change . i. g. p. . n aug. ep . . o aug ep . . p c. quacunque . quaest . . q euseb hist . l . c. . r iren. l. . c. . ſ sulpit. sever. hist . l. . t hierom. ep . . c. . u perjurare fidem , mentiri , nobile factum : prodere vel dominos , actio digna viris . rog. hove . in r. steph. p. x i. g. p ▪ . . y sir ed : coke in litleton ▪ ● . . sect. . z this is as much , a 〈…〉 rationall for a king to underta●● & th r● . f 〈…〉 in ●●g●● reason the oat● should have no other ●●n●e i g p. . a this oath to the clergie , must not be intended in a sense inconsistent with the kings oath to the people , first taken for their protection in their laws , and liberties . i. g. p . b s. mat. . . c rom . d ib. v. . e lex divina sicut deo●●rtur ●●rtur , ita à solo also tolli , aut abroga●i po●est lex autem human● sicut per hominem con●tituitur , ita ab homine tolls , aut abroga●i potest . franc. à v●ctor . relect n . f tho. . ● . ● . . . g tho. ib. h i ▪ b. i gul. ockam de jurisdic . in causis matrimon . k fitzherbert . nat . brev . tit . protection . p. . l gal. . . m rom. . . n for then the latter oath would be a present breach of the former , and so unlawfull . i. g. p. . o ib. p eccles . . . q ib. v. . r lex terrae . p. & . ſ eccles . . . t gen. note in loc . u i●c . . x lexterrae , p. y i d. p. . z i. g. p. . a ib. b deut . . exod. . . d num. . . e iosh . . . f ib. v. . g iosh . . . h gen. . . i exod. . . k levit. . . l ib. v , . m ib. v. . . n ib. v . o rom. . . p reg . . q chron. . . . r reg. . . ſ tim. . . t tit. . . u s. pet. . . x s. mat . . y bp. la●yme● ser. before k. edw : vi. z sir edw : coke reports , d . part . levesque de winchesters case . fol. . a i. g. p. . b ib. c the kings oath taken at coronation i. g. p . d the kings oath to the people , first taken for their protection ▪ &c. i ▪ g. p. . e mag. charta ●● these words are added to avoid all scruples that this great parliamentary charter might live , and take effect in all successions of age● for ever . sir ed coke in loc . g sir edw coke proeme to magna charta . h ib. i ib. k sir ed coke in mag. chart c. . l mag cha c. . m ib. c. . n sir ed. coke in mag. chart. c. ▪ sect. et habe . bunt . o sir ed. coke in litleton l. , sect. . p ib. in sect. q ib. in sect. . r nullu● ali●● praeter regem potest episcopo demandare inquisitionem ●●ciendā . bract. l. ● . ● . ſ sir ed. coke in mag chart c. . sect e● habeat . t sir ed coke instit part l c . sect o● what persons . u mag. cha. c . x sir ed coke proeme in mag. chart. y he cannot afterwards in●age himsel● to any particular estate to exempt it fr● this power : for by that oath at least cessit ●●re suo i g p ▪ z conce●●imo deo , quod ecclesi● a●glicana libera ●it mag. cha. c. . a sir ed. coke proem . in mag. chart. b i. g. p. . c s. pet. . . . d lex terrae . p. . e ib. . f i hope they will not now claim an exemption from secular power . i. g. p. . g cor. . . h es . . . i meaning , that kings converted to the gospel , shall bestow their power and authoritie , for the preservation of the church gen note in is . . . k but if the● be under parliamentary power , how can it ●ationally be conceived to be th 〈…〉 meaning of the kings oath to pr●s●rve the privi●edges of the c●er●● against that power to which they are legally subject ? i. g. p. . l canons eccles . ●an . . m eliz. . n ib. o can eccles . can . . p eliz . q or how were the oath in that sens● consistent with the p●ivil●●●e of the nation ▪ formerly ●●orn to ●y the king. i. g. p. . r thou shalt count the priests holy , and reverence them . gen. note in levit. . . ſ if the oath had such a sense in the times of popery , when the clergy were a distinct corporation , yet when that exemption was abolisht , as a branch of antichristian usurpation , the change of their condition must needs change the intention of the oath . i. g p. . z b● . latymers serm. before k. edw. vi. march ▪ . a ecclesia est infra aetatem , & in custodiâ domini regis , qui tenetur jura & haereditates suas manu tenere , & defendere . sir ed : coke in mag , chart. c b ib. c vnlesse they will say , that the crown stands still ingaged to them , to maintain such priviledge● , as by act of parliament were long since abolisht : which is to make his oath to them contariant to that taken before , for the maintenance of the laws . i. g. p. . d gen. . ▪ e it ▪ s apparent then , to make the intention of the oath to be against legall alteration of their priviledges by parliamēt , makes it unlawfull , and so not obligatory . and if it be not intended against legall alteration , the king may passe a bill for the abolition of episcopacy when his houses of parliament think it convenient , and petition for it , without violation of his oath ▪ i. g. p. . g i. g. p. . h ib. p. . i ib. p. . k he that hath power to consent hath power also to dissent . l cor. . . m lex terrae , p. , . n i. g. p. . o ib. p ib. q prov. . . cujus iussu nascuntur homines , huius iussu & reges constituuntur . iren. l. . p. . r chron. ▪ . ſ ib. t i. g. p. . u rom. . . x ib. y s. pet. . , z magistratibus ex animo de●erendus est honor , 〈…〉 etiam tyrannis . beza in act. . a psal . . . b i. g. p. . c ib. d the king is sworn to maintain the laws of the land in force at his coronation yet no man questions , & the constant practise shews , that it is not unlawfull after to abrogateany upon the motion , or with the consent of his parliament . i. g p. * declarat . of the kingd . of scotland . p. . e eccles . . f ib. g lex terrae , p. h sir ed. coke in litleton , l. . sect. . i i. g. p. . k ib. p. . l sir ed : coke in litleton , l. . sect. . m s pet. . . n rom. . . o gen. . . p ib. v , . . q ib. v. . r gen . . ſ ib. v ▪ . t ib. v ▪ ▪ & . u lex terrae , p. x s. pet. ▪ , . y i. g. p. . z ib. a prov. . . b cor. . . c s. matth. . ● . d christ is the head of his body , the church . col. . . . e s. joh. . . f rom. . . g cor . . &c. cor. &c. cor. . . . h i. g. p. . i ib. p. . . k ib. p. . l ib. m i. g. p. . n i. g. p. . o iust●s est animus qui scientia atque ratione , in vitâ ac moribus ▪ sua cui . que distribuit . aug. de trin ▪ l. . c. . p rom. . . q ea , quae contra legem dei fiunt , ju●ta esse non poss●nt . ●ug cont mendac . c. . r i. g p. . ſ i. g. p. . t sir ed. coke in litleton , l. . sect. . u lex terrae , p. x it is no statute , if the king assent not to it : and he may disassent . lex terrae p. . y cor. . . z ib. v. . a ib. v. . b ib. v. . c ib. v. . d ib. v. . e cor. . . f aug. in reg. . g the ancient rights , laws , and liberties , are the birthright of the subiects of this land. declarat . parl. july . p. . h cor. . i i. g. p . k i. g p. . l this distinction of the clergie from the laity , that they should be a distinct province of themselves , being a branch of popery , s with it quite extinguisht . i. g. p. . m es . . n psal . . &c. o isa . . . p ib. q gen. note in loc . r isa . . . ſ gen. note in loc . t heb. do . . u i. g ▪ p . x thou which teachest another , teachest thou not thy self ? thou , that preachest , a man should not steal , doest thou steal ? rom. . . y tit. . . z rom. . . a act. . . b gal. . . c cor. . . and . . . ● . d act. . . ● . rom. . . act. . . g s. matt. . . &c. s. m at . . s. ioh. . . k iud. . . l eliz. . m i. g. p. . n numb . . . & . . o heb. . . p occumen . in loc . q i. g. p. . r ib. p. . ſ moses tribum levi , à communione populi segregavit . joseph . antiq. l. c. . t deut. . . num. . . u num. . . . num ● . . &c. x num. . . y num. . . z gen. . . a vndoubtedly that privilege was abolisht , that any society should be exempt from secular power : for that were to set up supremacies● g p. . b ib. p. . c tertul ad scap. c. . d bracton . temps h. . l. . c. . sect. . sir ed● : coke in litleton la. sect. . e . ed. . . f sir ed. coke in litleton , l. . sect. . g ib. h cod. asric . can . . i tim. . ● . k ib. v. . tit. . . l tim. . , . . m beza & piscat . in loc . n tim. . . &c. o tit. . ▪ p piscat . in loc . q sir ed. coke in litletop , l. . sect. . r ib. ſ ib. sect. . t and why may not the great revenues of the bishops b● divided , to maintain a preaching minister● ▪ and their iurisdiction also , for the better over sight and censure of manners ? i. g. p. ● . u cyp ep . . n. x quod non peri●●ium metuere debemus , de ●ffenlâ domini , quando aliqui de presbyteris ●ec evangelii , ●ec loci sui memores , sed neque suturum domini judicium , neque nunc sibi praepositum episcopum cogitantes , quod nu●quam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est , cum contemptu & contume●ià praepositi totum sibi vendicent ? atque utinam non prostratâ fratrum nostrorum salute sibi omnia vindicarent cyrp ep . . y ignat ad philadelph p . z gen. . . a gen. . b ib. & v. . c ezra . . d mac. . . e ib. v. . f ib v. . g ib. v. . h ib v. . i heb. . . k ecclus . . l exod. . . m ecclus. . . n ex. . . . o ecclus. ● . . p philo iud. de vitâ mosis . q ib. r es . . s● soli episcopi & presbyteri propri● jam vocantur in ecclesiâ sacerdotes . aug. de civit . dei. l. . c. . t psal . . . u rom. . x s. mat. . s. luk. . . y gal. . . z ib. v ▪ . a act. . . . b s. ioh. . . c act. . . d tim. . . e primas . in th ● . ● f cor . . g theod. in loc . h philip. . . i ruffin hist . l. . c. . k theod. hist . l . c. . l euseb . de vi●â constant . mag. l . c. . m gelas . cyzie . l. . c. . n ruffin . hist . l . c. . o euseb de vitâ constant . m. l . c. . p theodoret. hist . l. . c. . q euseb . de vitâ constant m. l. . c. . r ius graeco-rom●tom . . lib. leonis & constant tit. . n . ſ reg. ● . . &c. . . t gen note in reg. . . u ib. x immunities arising from the error of the times , not the tenure of scripture . i. g. p . y one of the privileges of the clergie was for the bishops to sit and vote in the house of peers . yet that is abolish● as incongruous to their calling i. g. p. . z lex terrae p. a sir ed. coke in litleton , l . sect. . b omne factum , si rectè factum non est , peccatum est , nec rectè factum esse ullo modo potest , quod non à rectâ ratione proficiscitur . aug. de util . credendi . c. . c gu●d . pancirol . de magistrat ▪ municipal . c. . d ib. c. ● . e ●useb . de vitâ constant . m. l. . c f psal . . . g psal . ● ● . h exod. . . . &c. i . reg. . . k iustice ienkins inconven . p. . l ib. m ib. n ib. p. . o exod. . . p sit ed. coke instit . part . c . sect. of what persons . q mag , charta . c. . r s. mat. . . ſ rom. . . t gal. . . u ib. x rom. . . y s. mat. . . z defensionem ecclesiae anglic●●ae , that is gone . just ienkins inconven . p. . a sir ed coke instit . part . c. . sect. the matters . b iustice ienkins inconvenien p. . c ib. p. . d chron. . . e ib. v. . f sam. . vzzah died before the ark , for usurping that , which did ▪ not appertain to his vocation● for this charge was given to the priests , gen. note in chron . g mai. . h numb . . i chron. . . k ib. l ib. m chron. . . n ib. v. . o ib. ● . . p ib. v. ● . q num. . . r chron. . . ſ chron. . . t sir id coke inssit . part . . c. . sect. the matters . u ib. x iust . ienkins inconven . p ▪ y iust ienkins inconven . p ● . instit . ●●● . ▪ c . sect of what persons ▪ z sir ed. coke ib. a . cor. . . b s. p●● . ▪ . c lex terrae p. d sir ed coke instit . part . ● c. . sect. of what persons . f beda eccles ▪ hist l. . c. . g bafil . m. ●p . ● . h rog. hoveden . in hen. ● . p ▪ . i confer . at hampt . court p. . & . k reg. . . l tim. : . m occumen . in ioc. n ● ed. c. . & . ed. . c. . o hos . . p gen. note in ioc. q hos . . . r and then why may not the removall of their ecclesiasticall iurisdiction be consented to , as well , if it prove inconvenient & prejudiciall to the church . i. g. p. . ſ the abolition of the one , is no more against the oath then of the other . i. g. p. . t i. g. p. . u in all which respects the oath was invalid ▪ being vinculum iniquitatis . i. g. p. . x ib. p. . y ib. p. . z ib. p. . a ib. b ib. c act. . . d i. g. p . e ib. f s mat ▪ ● . g i. g. p. . h ib. i ib. k ib. l ib. m ib. n ib. o ib. p. . p haereticus est , ut mea fe●t opinio , qui alicuius temporalis commodi & maximè gloriae principatusque sui gratiâ , falsas ac novas opiniones vel gignit , vel sequitur . aug deutil ▪ credend . c. . q i. g. p. ● . r ib. ſ princeps supra legem divinam non est , positailla quippe ab eo est , qui supra ipsum est : neque supra naturalem , quae aboleri non potest nisi cum naturâ ipsâ . io. be daeus de jure regio c. . t lex terrae p. . u . joh. . x i. g. p. . * all kings by the royall office , and oath of coronation , are obliged to protect their laws and subjects . declarat of the kingd . of scotland . p. y i. d. p. . z calv. lex jutid . in verbo ius . a i. g. p. . b ingagements to a societie to maintain their rights , indulged for the personall worth of present incumbents , or to promote the usefulnesse of the office : if in their matters they prove prejudiciall to the office , or the succeeding officers by their ill demeanour forfeit them , their ingagement becomes alterable . i g p. . c reg . . d ib. v. ● . e gen. ● . . f lactan. instit . l. . c. . g vbi iusticia ve ra non est , nec ius potest esse . quod enim iure fit , iustè sit . quod autem fi●imustè , nec ●●re fieri potest . aug. de civit . dei. l. . c. . r see c. . sect . ſ aug. de civit. dei. l. . c. . t aug de civit . dei l . c. . u ib. x aug. ib. l. . c. . y i. g. p. . z of the later sort , is this ingagement to the english clergy . ib. a ezra , . b ib. v. . . c ezra . , . d ib. v. . e ib. v. . f ezra . . g ezra . . h ib. i i. g. p. . k cap. . . l act. . . m ib. v. . n there 's no injustice done to make a law to overrule or alter this ingagement . i. g. p. . ● sam. . . . p there 's no question of power in the parliament , to overrule it . i. g. p. . q reg. . . r the ingagement were gone in law , though not in equity . the order would be valid in law , though injurious . i. g. p. . ſ ib. t ib. u aug. in psal . . . x tho. . ● . q. . . m . y i. d. p. . z aug. in psal . ● . . a ib. b the kings oath is against acting or suffering a tyrannous invasion on laws and rights , not against a parliamentary alt●ration . i. g ▪ p. c so if there be no injury , the king and parliament may cancel any obligation . i. g p. . d ib. e ib. f where there is forfeiture by miscarriage , or the privilege indulged to a ministery , proves preiudiciall : the abrogation will be just . ib. g cor. . . h ib. v. . & rom. . . i if we have sowen unto you spirituall things , is it a great thing , if we shall reap ▪ your carnall things ? cor. . . k act. . & thes . . . thes . . . l cor. . . m cor. . . n thes . . . o cor. . . p the privilege indulged to a ministery ( which ought to hold nothing but for publick good ) proves predudiciall . i. g. p. . q ● . d. p. . &c. r mag ▪ char. c. . ſ rog hoveden in hen. . p. . t ib. u prefat . de non temerand . eccles . x i hope , they will not be so tenacious of their wealth and honor , as to let the crown run an hazard , rather then lay down their miters , and indanger the whole land to be brought to nothing , rather then themselves to moderation i g. p. . a in cod. edgar● apud selden . in notis . ad eadmer . p . n. . b ersi abbas , vel fratrum aliquis , incitante daemone , reatus quippiam contraxerit ; quia deus , qui hanc privilegii largifluam donationem locumque cum universâ monachorum familiâ , ruraque omnia sa●io subiecta coenobio possidet , nunquam rea●um commisit , nec ullo unquam tempore committet . sit igitur prae●ata libertas aet●rn● , quia deus libertatis possessor aeternus est . ib. c act ▪ . . y take it at the worst , it is but for the king to get the clergies consent i. g. p. . z no injurie done to him , that consents . a jonah . . b ambros . orat . in auxent . de basil . tradend . ep . l . c tradere bafilicam non possum , sed pugnare non debeo . ambros , ep . . d ambros . orat . in auxent . de basil . tradend . e act. . . &c. f ib. v. . g s. mat. . . h s. luk. . . i i. g. p. . k ib. l s. luk. . . m to abolish prelacy , and seize the revenues of prelates , to private , or civill interest , undoubtedly could neither want stain , nor guilt , such kind of impropriation as happened in the dayes of h. . was cried out of , all the christian world over . i. g. p. . n ib. o who knows not the great defect amongst us , of congruous maintenance for ▪ parcchiali pastors , by whom the work of the ministery is chiefly to be performed , i. g. p. . p c. . & . q if those large revenues of the prelates were diverted ●o supply with sufficient maintenance all the defective parishes in england , there would ●e no danger of sacrileg● i. g. p. . * numb . . . r levit. . . ſ gen. note in levit. . ● . t caiet , in levit. . . u jos . . . x ib. v. . y i. g. p. . z euseb . hist . l. . c. . sozom l . c. . a euseb . hist . l. . c. . b cypr ep . . . c mat westminst . an dom . d possed , de vitâ . august c . e aug ep . . f aug. ep . . g possid . de vitâ august . c. . h ib c. . i ib. c. . concil . antioch . can . . k cypr. ep . . & concil . chalced. can . . * concil . anti. och . can . . l concil . ancyr . can . . m act. . . . . & . ● . n act . . o ib. p tim. . . q cor. ● . . r tim . . ſ tim. . . t tim. . . . u cor. . . x joh. . y possid . de virâ august , c. . z i. g. p. . a ib. b prefat . de non temerand . eccles . c i. g p. . d i. g. p. . e ib. f deut. . . g theod. hist . l. . c. . h ignat. ad rom. p. . hieron . damas . ep . . . basil . m. ep . . cypr. ep . n. . & ep . . n. . i concil . antioch can . . . christ . justellus in cod . eccles . univer . can . . k tit. . . l that , by , or for which , any thing is made so , is more so . m solemn league and coven . n. . n i. g. p. . o sol. league & coven . n. . p i. d. q tit. . . r cypr. ep . . n. . ſ ephes . . . t cypr. ep . . n. . u prov. . . x concil . chalced . can . y a work , for which following generations should not need to pity the king , as put upon it by misfortune : but rise up , and call him blessed , whose many other disasters ended in so good , and so usefull a work . i. g. p . z sam. . . a ib. ● . . b you see the ingagement put upon the king , is but to his power : as every good king ought inright to protect and defend the bishops & churches under their government . i. g p c isa . . d i answer from the expressions in the oath it self , a● they are set down by the same author . i. g. p. . e sir ed. coke proem . in mag. chart. f psal . . . g ib. v. . h such power is no further , then he can do it , without sinning against god , and being injurious to the rest of his people . i. g. p. . i rom. . . . k when he hath interposed his authority for them , and put forth all the power he hath to preserve them : he hath gone to the extent of his power , and as far as good kings are bound in right . i. g. p. . l confer . at hampt . court. p. . m s. mat. . . n if after all this he must let them fall , or support them with the blood of his good subjects . i. g. p. . o and those unwilling too , to ingage their liues for the other privileges . i. g. p. . p jud. . . q nehem. . . . . r cor. . . ſ iud. . . t ib. v. . u mag. charta c. . x i. g. p. . ● y . ed. . * concil . chalced . can . . z statut. de provisor . . ed. . a stat. of the clergy . . ed. . b mag. charta . c. . c ib. d i. g. p. . e that were to be cruel to many thousand , to be indulgent to a few , i. g. p. . f i. g. p. . g i think , none will affirm it . i. g. p. . h mag. charta , c. . . i sir ed coke in litleton . l. . sect. . k sir ed coke in mag. chart. c. . l statute of armour . . ed. . & . eliz. . m such is the case with the king in this particular . i. g. p. . n i. g. p. . o if the king should be peremptory in deniall , what help would this be to them ? such peremptorinesse in this circumstance might in danger his crown , not save their mitres . i. g. p. . p s mat. . . q hebr. . . r vsque adeò peccatum voluntarium malum est , ut nullo modo sit peccatum , si non sit voluntarium . aug. de vera relig c. . ſ deut. . t ib. v. . t though it be in his power to deny assent to their abolition , in a naturall sense , because voluntas nonpotest cog● ; yet it is not in his power in a morall sense , because he cannot now deny consent without sin . i. g. p. . u aug. de fide cont , manish c. . x hoc habemus in potestate , quod cum volumus , possumus . aug. cont maximin . l. . c. . * far are we from taking away his negative voice . exact collect , of remonst , & declarat , p. . x i. g. p. . y rom. . . * declarat . of the kingd . of scotland . p. . z lexterrae . p. . a ib , p. . b i hope they will not be so tenacious of their wealth and honour , as to let the crown run an hazard , and indanger the whole land. i. g. p. , c that the revenues be divided to maintain a preaching ministery . i g. p. . d num. . . c num. , . . . f ib. v . g ib. v. . h ib. v. . i ib. v. . . k ib. v. . l ib. v. . m ib. v. . n ib. v. . o numb . . p ib. v. . q psal . . r ib. v. . ſ that was to set up t●o supremacies . i , g. p. . t i. g. p. . u eliz. . &c. x that the supremum jus dominii , even that , which is above all laws , is in the king , which , under favour , i conceive , in our state is a manifest error . i. g. p. . y i. g. p. . z rex non parē habet in regno suo . bract. temps . el. . l. . c. . sect. . a . s. pet . . . b tertul. ad scap. c. . c tertul. apol. c. . d optat. l. . e . rich. . . f . hen. . . & . eliz. . g . eliz. . h chrysost . theodoret . theophilact . occum . in rom. . . i act. . . k ib. v. . l act. . . m hug grot. de jure belli l. c. . sect . n atnob . in psal . . . o eccles . . . p psal . . q instit . of a christ man fol . the supreme and soveraigne prince hath none between him and god , representing the person of god , executing his office , and in this respect bearing his name : to whom onely he is accountable dr. corn burgesse , fire of the sanct. p. . r rex solus , omnium subditorū , tam laicorum , quam ecclesiasticorum , in suis ditionibus supremus est dominus commo fact . & postulat ●●g . cogni p ſ arnob. in psal . . t . hen. . . & eliz. . u sir rob. cotton . p . x . eliz. . y . ri● . . . z . eliz. . b sir ed coke instit . l . c . sect. the severall forms c i. g. p. . d rot. clausa . an. . hen. . e sir rob cotton , p. , f sir ed. coke in litleton , l sect. . g sir rob. cotton p. . h i. g. p. . i rot. claus . an. . hen. . k speed in ric. , c. . n. . l sir ed. coke in sti●l c. ● . sect how parliaments succeed . m . ed. . . & . men. . . ▪ n eliz. ▪ & . eliz . o sir fd. coke in litleton , l. . sect. . p praesumitur rex habere omnia jurain scrinio pectoris sui . ib. q i. g. p. . q the houses of parliament without the king cannot enact any laws . declarat ▪ of the kingd . of scotland p . r bract. temps . h. . l. . c. . sect. . ſ ●lowd ▪ . . t bract ib. u ib. x lex . terrae : p. . y bract. temps . h. . l. . c. . sect. . z ib. a ed. . . b lex terrae p. . c nee regna socium ferre nec tedae queunt . d sir ed coke reports , part . . magd. college case . e i. g. p. . f sir rob. cotton . p . g ib. h sir ed coke in litleton , l . sect. . i sir rob. cotton p. . k ib. p. . l ib p. . m sir ed coke in litleton , l. . sect. . n sir rob. cotton p , . o ib. p the supremum jus dominis , that is over all laws , to make or disanull them at pleasure , is neither in the king , nor in the houses aparti but in both conjoyned . i. g. p. . q in his proclamation before the book of common prayer . r illud exploratissimum est , leges patrias aut mutare , aut ad earum obsequium sese non accommoda ▪ re , negotium semper cum periculo fuisse conjuncti●simum . smith , de repub. anglorum l. . c. . ſ psal . . . . t i. g. p. . u ib. x potentia sequi debet ●u●●ti●m , no● praeire augde trin l. ●● . c. . y the forms or acts of parliament sometimes beein with concessimus , or statuit rex and of latter times laws and statutes begin , as deinz enacted by the king , &c declarat . of the kingd of scot and , p. . * nat brev. tit . pro●ection fol z p●u●imum ●acit ad populum corrigendum multorum in unâ re sententia atque consensus . hieron . in gal. . . a sir ed : coke in mag chart. c. . b sir ed. coke in litleton , l. . sect. . c notit ▪ imperii orient . c. . d lex terrae . p. . e this oath to the clergy , cannot ingage him against the legall privileges of the people , or parliament i. g. p. . f i. g p. . . g ib. p. . h i. g. p. . i rom. . k one of which is to be ready , by confirming needfull bills to relieve thē against whatsoever grievance they suffer from any . i. g. p. . l ed. . . m . s. ●et . . . n apud jo. coch in notis ad maccoth c. . n. . o thus i think the case is sufficiently cleared , that notwithstanding the kings oath to the clergie at his coronation , he may consent to the extirpation of prelaey out of the church of england . i. g. p. p ib. p. . de non temerandis ecclesiis a tract of the rights and respect due vnto churches. written to a gentleman, who hauing an appropriate parsonage, imploied the church to prophane vses, and left the parishioners vncertainely prouided of diuine seruice, in a parish neere there adioyning. by sr. henry spelman knight. spelman, henry, sir, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) de non temerandis ecclesiis a tract of the rights and respect due vnto churches. written to a gentleman, who hauing an appropriate parsonage, imploied the church to prophane vses, and left the parishioners vncertainely prouided of diuine seruice, in a parish neere there adioyning. by sr. henry spelman knight. spelman, henry, sir, ?- . the second edition enlarged with an appendix. [ ], p. printed by iohn beale, and are to be sold by william welby, at london : . on title page edition statement is printed after "adioyning". the second edition of stc , published in . another issue of stc . with cancel title page--cf. stc. errata on verso of a . some print show-through; pages - and - stained. page -end from cambridge university library copy spliced at end. reproduction of the original in the union theological seminary (new york, n.y.). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -- early works to . church property -- england -- early works to . secularization -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion de non temerandis ecclesiis . a tract of the rights and respect dve vnto churches . written to a gentleman , who hauing an appropriate parsonage , imploied the church to prophane vses , and left the parishioners vncertainely prouided of diuine seruice , in a parish neere there adioyning . the second edition enlarged with an appendix . by sr. henry spelman knight . at london imprinted by iohn beale , and are to be sold by william welby . . deo & ecclesiae . act. . . some were perswaded with the things that were spoken , and some beleeued not . the printer to the reader . this small tract , now aboue two yeeres past , was by mee printed for that worthy knight the authour thereof , with no intent to haue it published : and being hitherto by me suppressed from reprinting here at home ; i find it to bee of late time printed in scotland ( contrary both to the authours and my expectation ) and dedicated by another man to the bishops and cleargy there , and so made more publike , being of it selfe priuate , then was first intended : which ( i suppose ) had the author knowen , or once misdoubted the sequell , instead of de non temerandis ecclesiis , hee would haue studied another title , de non temerandis scriptis alienis : that his writings might not be impropriated , when benefices are made proper . wherefore finding many st●ps in 〈◊〉 from his copie , i haue ( as well in the right of the authour as of my selfe to whom the right of the sole printing belonged ) caused it to be reprinted . and though at th● time of the putting it to the presse , i could not con●erre with the author , he being then in the countrey , yet hath it pleased him since his comming home , to adde something more vnto it , as his leasure would permit him ; which i haue annexed to the end therof . and thus haue i attempted to make a priuate worke publike , lest the faults of other men , should vniustly he cast vpon him , that deserued so well in so rare an argument . farewell . to the reader . al the vessels of the kings house , are not gold , or , siluer , or for vses of honour . some be common stuffe , & for meane seruices : yet profitable . of the first sort , i am sure this tract is not . whether of the other or no ; i leaue that to thy iudgemēt . to deale plainly ; my selfe haue no great opinion of it ; as finding mine owne imperfections and writing it only vpon a priuat occasion to a priuat friend , without curious obseruation of matter or method . but hauing also written a greater worke ( much of the same argument ) and intending to publish , or suppresse it , as i see cause : i thought it not vnfit ( vpon some encouragement ) to send this forth ( like a pinnesse or post of aduice ) to make a discovery of the coast , before i aduenture my greater ship. if i receiue good aduertisement , i shal grow the bolder . howsoeuer , take this i pray thee , as it is : and let my zeale to the cause , excuse mee in medling with matters beyond my strength . h. s. a letter , shewing the occasion of this treatise . to the worshipful his most louing vnckle , fr : sa . &c. my good vncle , the speeches that past casually betweene vs at our last parting , haue runne often since in my minde ; and so ( perhaps ) haue they done in yours . you complained ( as god would haue it ) that you were much crost in the building you were in hand with , vpon a peece of gleabe of your appropriate parsonage at congham . i answered , that i thought god was not pleased with it , insomuch as it tended to the defrauding of the church , adding ( amongst some other words ) that i held it vtterly vnlawfull to keepe appropriate parsonages from the church , &c. but our talke proceeding , i perceiued that as god had alwaies his portion in your hart , so in this , though it concerned your profit , you seemed tractable . it much reioyced mee , and therefore apprehending the occasion , i will be bold to adde a continuance to that happy motion : ( so i trust , both you and i , shall haue cause to terme it ) and besides , to giue you some tribute of the loue and duty i long haue ought you . therefore ( good vncle ) as your heart hath happily conceiued these blessed sparks , so in the name and blessing of god , cherish and enflame them . no doubt they are kindled from heauen , like the fire of the altar , and are sent vnto you from god himselfe , to bee a light to you in your old daies ( when your bodily eies faile you ) to guide your feete into the way of peace , that is , the way & place from whence they came . so alwaies i pray for you , and rest , westmin . aug. . . your louing and faithfull nephew , henry spelman . errata . pag. ● . line . read , all his goods . p. . . r. concurre . p. l. . r. therefore he that inlarged the termes of the law ( first set forth by iohn rassall ) also . p ▪ . l. . r. supple . p. , ● . . . 〈…〉 p. . l. . r. kings edition . de non temerandis ecclesiis . of the rights and respect due vnto the church . in somuch as the rights & duties that belong to our churches are in effect contained vnder the name of a rectory or parsonage : i wil first define , what i conceiue a rectory or parsonage to be , according to the vsuall forme and manner thereof . a rectory or parsonage , is a a spirituall liuing , composed of land , tythe , and other b oblations of the people , c separate or dedicate to god in any congregation , for the d seruice of his church there , and for the maintenance of the gouernour or minister thereof , to whose charge the same is committed . by this definitiō it appears , that the ordinary liuing or reuenew of a parsonage , is of sorts : the one in land , cōmonly called the glebe : another in tithe , which is a set and regular part of our goods rendered to god. the third , in other offrings and oblations bestowed vpon god and his church , by the people , either in such arbitrable proportion as their owne deuotion moueth them , or as the lawes or customes of particular places doe require them . though i inuert order a little , i will first speake of tithes , because it is gods ancient demain , and the nobler part of this his inheritance , founded primar●ly , vpon the lawe of nature , ( as the other bee also after their manner . ) for the lawe of nature teacheth vs that god is to bee honoured : and that the honour due vnto him , cannot bee performed without ministers , nor the ministers attende their function without maintenance . and therefore seeing god is the supreame lord and possessor of all , and giueth all things vnto vs that we are maintained with , it is our duty , both in point of iustice and gratuity , to render something backe againe vnto him , as acknowledging this his supremacie and bounty ; as honouring him for his goodnesse ; as a testimony of the worship , loue , and seruice we owe him ; and lastly , as a meanes whereby these duties and seruices may be performed to him . this , i say , the verie lawe of nature teacheth vs to doe : and this the lawe of god requireth also at our hands : but what the set portion of our goods should bee , that thus wee ought to render backe vnto god , i cannot say the lawe of a nature hath determined that . but the wisdome of all the nations of the world , the practise of all ages , the example of the patriarches b abraham and c iacob , the d approbation and commandement of almighty god himselfe , and the constant e resolution of his chvrch vniuersally , hath taught & prescribed vs to render vnto him the tenth part : and that this tenth part or tithe , being thus assigned vnto him , leaueth now to be of the nature of the other nine parts ( which are giuen vs for our worldly necessities ) and becommeth as a thing dedicate & appropriate vnto god. for it is said , leuit. . . all the tythe of the land , both of the seed of the ground , and of the fruit of the trees , is the lords : yea more then so , it is holy vnto the lord. and againe ( verse . ) euerie tithe of bullocke , and sheep , and of all that goeth vnder the rodde , the tenth shall bee holy vnto the lord. he saith , holy vnto the lord ; not that they were like the sanctified things of the temple , which none might touch but the annointed priests ) but holy and seperate from the vse and iniurie of secular persons , and to bee disposed onely , to and for the peculiar seruice and peculiar seruants of god. and therefore in the . verse , it is said , to be seperate from the common vse , because it is separate , and set apart vnto the lord. but some happily will say , that this vse of tithing rises out of the leuiticall lawe , and so ended with it . i answere , that it was receiued and practised by abraham , and a iacob diuers hundred yeeres before it came to the leuites . for it is said that abraham gaue tithe to melchisedeck , gen. . . and that leuy himselfe paid tythe also in the loines of abraham , heb. . . melchisedecke was the image of chrst , and his church ; abraham of the congregation of the faithful . therfore though leuy receiued tithes afterward , by a particular grant from god , for the time : yet now hee paide them generally with the congregation , in the loines of abram vnto the priesthood of christ , heere personated by melchisedeck : which being perpetual , & an image of this of the gospell , may well note vnto vs , that this dutie of tythe , ought also to bee perpetuall . and therfore b chrysostome saith : that abraham heerein was ovr tutor : not the tutor of the iewes . and in somuch as abraham paid it not to a priest that offered a leuiticall sacrifice of bullocks and goates : but to him that gaue the elements of the sacrament of the gospell , c bread and wine : it may also well intimate vnto vs , to what kinde of priest we are to pay our tithes : namely , to him that ministreth vnto vs the sacrament of bread and wine , which are onely those of the gospell , and not the leuiricall priests . so that our tythe paide in this kinde , cannot bee said leuiticall : as also for that the leuitical tythes , were onely of things d renewing and increasing : whereas abraham and iacob paid them of all : as if they had followed the cōmandement of the apostle ; let him that is taught in the word , make him that hath taught him part taker of c al. gal ▪ . . god also requireth this dutie of tythe by his owne mouth , as of olde belonging vnto him , before the leuites were called to the seruice of the tabernacle : and before they were named in scripture . for they are not named till exodus . . . and it is said in exodus . . thine bundance of thy liquor shalt thou not keepe backe : meaning tithes and first fruits , and therfore ierome doubteth not so to translate it ; thy tithes and first fruits shalt thou not keepe backe . and in this manner of speech , the word keepe backe , sheweth that it was a thing formerlie due vnto god : for wee cannot say , that any thing is kept backe , or with-holden that was not due before . therefore wee finde no originall commondement of giuing tithe vnto god : but vpon the first mentioning of them in leuiticus , they are positiuely declared to bee his , as a part of his crowne , and ancient demaine ; for it is there said , cap. . . all the tithe of the land is the lords . and moses commandeth not the people a new thing : but declareth the right that of olde belonged to god : namely , that all the tithes of the land was his . other phrases of scripture doe confirme this ; for afterward when tithes came to be assigned to the leuites : god doth not say , the children of israel shal giue their tithes to the leuites ▪ but he saith , behold i haue giuen them to the leuites . and continuing this his claime vnto them , against those that many hundred yeeres after disseised him of them : hee complaineth , malachy . . . that they that withheld their tyths from the leuites , spoiled him himselfe . but hauing handled this argument more largely in a greater worke : i will heare close it vp with opposing against these kindes of aduersaries , not onely the reuerend authority of of those ancient and most honourable pillars of the church . ss . a ambrose , b augustine , c hierome , and d chysostome , ( who though they runne violently with saint paul , against such ceremonies , as they conceiued to to be leuiticall ; yet when they come to speake of tithes , admit , maintaine , and command the vse thereof : ) but also the resolution of many ancient e counsels and a multitude of other f fathers & doctors of the church in their seu●rall ages : all of them concurring in opinion , that tithes belong iustly vnto god ; and many of them commanding all men euen vpon perill of their soules not to withholde them : which argument s. augustin himselfe pathetically maintaineth , in a particular sermon of his to this purpose . and though it be a great question among the learned , whether they bee du● in queta parte , iure diuino ( which requireth a larger discourse ) yet i neuer read of many that impugned them absolutely . lieutardus , who liued about yeeres after christ , taught the payment of them to bee superfluous and idle , and then growing desperate , drowned himselfe , as it were to giue vs a badge of this doctrine . touching oblations and offrings . the fathers vnder a this name accounted all things , that were giuē or dedicated to the seruice of god. and in the first ages of christiā religiō ( after the great persecutions ) the church by this meanes began so to abound in riches , that the good emperours b themselues , were constrained to make laws ( not vnlike our statutes of mortemaine ) to restrain the excesse thereof : for feare of impouerishing their temporall estate in those daies , many churches had treasuries for keeping these oblations ( as the storehouses at hierusalem , appointed by c hezechias , for the temple ) but the succeeding ages , contracted them into chests : and in these later times , the parsons pocket may well enough containe them . i shall not neede . therefore , to spend many words in a small matter : for all the oblations now in vse , are in effect the two-peny easter offrings , and a fewe other such like : which because the owners of appropriate parsonages shall not ignorantly conuert vnto their owne benefit : i will shewe them why they were paied , and why they haue them . saint paul ordained in the churches of galatia & corinth , that euery one vpō the lords day should yeeld somewhat to god for the saints . , cor. . ● ▪ ● but this ( being once a weeek ) came too thick & too often about . therfore in d tertullians time the vse was to doe it monthly , and ( at last ) at pleasure . but it was euer the ancient vse of the primitiue church ( as appeareth by e justin & cyprian ) that al● that come to the holy communion , did according to their abilities , offer something of their substance to god , for charitable vses and maintenance of the ministers . therefore f cyprian sharply taxeth a rich matron , that receiued the communion , and offered nothing . locuples & diues & dominicum celebrare te credis , quae g corban omnino non respicis &c. what ? ( saith hee ) art thou able and rich ? and dost thou thinke that thou celebratest the lords supper , which bringest nothing to the treasurie ? so ( irenaeus saith ) h that it was the vse of the church through the world in his time , and receiued from the apostles ; to offer something of the blessings that they liued by , as the first fruits thereof , to him that gaue these things vnto them . which i zanchius vnderstandeth to bee meant of offrings at the communion : giuen to holy vses , and for reliefe of the poore of the church : commending it for an excellent custome , and complaining that it is now discontinued . but to this end , and in imitation hereof , are our easter and communion offrings ( as also those , at , & for christnings , burials , &c. which i will not now speake further of ) at this day made , and therefore let proprietaries consider with what conscience they can swallow and digest them . touching the land , glebe , and howses , belonging to parsonages ( which i would haue called gods fixt inheritance , but that i see it is moueable : ) i cannot say that they are gods ancient demaines , in the same forme that tithes are , and as our clergie enioieth them , but the warrant and ground thereof , riseth out of the word of god , who not onely gaue vs a president thereof , whē hee appointed cities for the leuites to dwel in , with a conuenient circuit of fields for the maintenance of their cattell , num. . , &c. but commanded also the children of israel ( and in them all the nations of the world : ) that in diuision of their land , they should offer an oblation to the lord , an holy portion of the land for the priest to dwell on , and to build the house of god vpon : ezeck . , & . so that the houses and lands that our ancestors haue dedicated to god in this manner , for the churches and ministers of this time : are now also his right and iust inheritance , as well as those which the israelites assigned for the house of god , and leuites of that time ▪ and commeth vpon the same reason and in lieu thereof . but because it is vncertain when and how they were brought into the church , i will say something touching that point . in the time of the apostles the vse was ( as appeareth acts . . & acts . , & . ) to sell their lands , and bring the money only , to the apostles . for the church being then in persecution , and the apostles not to remaine in any particular place , but to wander all ouer the world , for preaching the gospell : they could not possesse immoueable inheritances : and therefore receiued onely the money they were sold for , distributing it as occasion serued . but after when the church obtained a little rest , & began to be settled : a it found much casualty in pecuniary contributions , and chused therefore rather to retaine the lands themselues , giuen for the maintenance of gods priests and ministers : then ( by suffering the same to be sold ) to furnish the time present with abundance , and leaue the future time to hazard and vncertainety . heereupon the fathers in the b primitiue church , as well before constantine ( as appeareth by his owne edicts , and by c origen d eusebius , and the epistles of e pius , and f vrban ) as after : began to accept & retaine the lands thus giuen , and to leaue them ouer to their successors for a perpetual dowry of the church . and this vpon experiēce was found to be so godly and worthy a course , that it not onely receiued the applause of all succeeding ages : but commendeth for euer vnto vs their temperance , in desiring no more then for present necessity , their zeal in prouiding for posterity , and their great wisdome , ( or rather , propheticall spirit ) which fore-sawe so long before hand that , deuotion though it were 〈◊〉 at one time hot & feruent , yet , at another it might be cold enough : and therefore when time serued , they would by this meanes prouide that the church for euer , should haue of her own , to maintaine her selfe wi●hall . vpon this ensued many godly prouisiōs for endowment of churches , and for annexing their liuings so vnto them , as neither the variety of time , nor the impiety of man ( if it were possible ) should euer haue diuorced them ; as appeareth by a multitude of ancient councels , canons , statutes , and decrees of the g church , h emperours , and i princes , to that purpose . therefore whilest the world burned so with that sacred fire of deuotion , towards the aduancement of the glory of god : that euery man desired to sanctifie his hand , in the building of churches , lest such holy monuments for want of due maintenance , should ( in proces of time ) becom , either contēptible , or vnprofitable . it was at length ordained , in k aurel. concil . . ( an. . ) cap. . and l concil . valentin . ( an. . ) cap. . that , whosoeuer builded a church , should assigne vnto it a * plough-land , furnished for the maintenance of the parson thereof . by vertue of these councels ( as i take it ) were the founders of churches in france first compelled to assure liuings to those churches . and it was also prouided by the third councel of m tolledo in spaine , that no bishop might consecrate any church , till sufficient maintenance ( which n chrysostome calleth the dowry of the bride ) were assigned to it . but because these were forraigne , and prouinciall councels , not generall : they bound not our countrey , otherwise then by doctrin and example . therefore it was heere decreed afterward , to the same effect in a o synod at london vnder anselme arch-bishop of canterbury , anno domini . h. . . and though the lawes of our church began then first ( as farre as i yet can finde ) to constrain our country-men to giue endowments to the churches that they builded ; yet we were taught before ( by the custome and example of our precedent auncestors , as well , as by our dutie , out of the word of god , to do the same ▪ as appeareth by many presidents , whereof i will onely alleadge one , ( but aboue others , that most famous ) of * ethelwulphvs king of west-saxony , who ( in the yeere of our lord ) as p ingulphus saxo , and q simeon dumelmens . report , by the aduice and agreement of all his bishops and nobility : gaue , not onely the tithe of the goods , but the r tenth part of the land through his kingdome for euer , to god and the churches , free from all secular seruices , taxations , and impositions whatsoeuer . in which kind of religious magnificence , as our succeeding kings haue also abounded : so haue they from s time to time , as well by parliament lawes , as by their royall charters , confirmed these and other the rights of the church , with many solemne t vows and impreceations against all that should euer attempt to violate the same . therefore if these things had not bin primarily due vnto god by the rule of his word , yet are they now his , and seperate from vs , by the voluntary gift and dedication of our ancient kings and predecessours : as was the u tribute of a third part of a shekell , which nehemiah and the iews , out of their free bountie , couenanted yeerely to giue vnto god for the seruice of his house . for , as saint peter x saith to ananias : whilest these things remained , they appertained vnto vs , and were in our owne power ▪ but now , when wee haue not onely vowed them , but deliuered them ouer into the hands and possession of almighty god ( and that , not for superstitious and idle orders , but meerly for the maintenāce of his publike diuine worship , & the ministers thereof ( they are not now arbitrable , nor to be reuoked by vs , to the detriment of the church . churches being erected and endowed : they and their liuings , were ( as i say ) dedicated vnto god. first , by the solemne vowe and oblation of the founders : then by the solemne act of the bishoppe , who to seperate these things from secular & prophane imployments , not onely ratified the vow and oblation of the patron or founders : but consecrated also the church it self : vsing therein great deuotion , many blessings , praiers , works of charity , and some ceremony , for sanctifying the same to diuine vses . therefore also haue the ancient a councels added many fearefull curses against all such as should either violate it , or the rights thereof . this consecration , master a perkins calleth a dedication , but confesseth it to haue beene in vse in this manner , about the yeere of christ . ( which is within the time of the primitiue church ) onely he admitteth not , that it was then performed with ceremony and the signe of the crosse ; which heere i will not stand vppon , nor to shew the greater antiquity thereof , ( though i thinke it may well bee prooued . ) for athanasius being in those daies accused by the arians , of ministring the communion in a church not consecrated , excused himselfe to haue done it vpon necessity . and a theodoret reporteth , that constantine ( then likewise ) cōmanded , all those that were at the councel of fyrus , should come to * aelia : and that others should be assembled from all parts , for * consecration of the churches , builded by him . which sheweth it to be so notorious and generall an vse at that time , and to haue such vniuersal approbation ; as it could not , but haue a roote also from elder ages , though there cannot be many presidents found thereof , for that the christians being then in persecution , might hardly build , or dedicate any churches , but were constrained to vse priuat houses , and solitary places for their assemblies . yet , euen those houses , hadde ( as it seemeth ) some consecration , for they were most commonly called * aedes sacrae , holy houses , & haue left that name , ( to this day ) amongst vs , for our churches , as a testimony of their sanctification , whereof i shal speake more anon . * eusebius also saith : that insomuch as the holy houses and temples of that time , were thus dedicated and consecrated vnto god , the vniuersall lord of all : therefore they receiued his name , & were called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( in lattin , dominica ) the lords houses : which name , saith he , was not imporsed . vpon them by man : but by himselfe onely , that is lord of all . of this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , commeth the saxon word cyric or kyrk : and ( by adding a double aspiration to it ) our vsuall word chyrch or church , as it were to put vs euer in mind , whose these houses are : namely , the lords houses : like that , which iacob dedicating vnto god , called ( bethel : ) that is , the house of god. but both church and church-liuings were thus solemnely deliuered into gods possession ; and therefore all ages , councels and fathers ( that euer i yet haue met with ) account them holy and inuiolable things . and hereupon they are termed , patrimonium christi , dos ecclesiae , dos sponsae christi , and sacrata possessio , or praedium sanctum . for , euery thing that a man doth separate vnto the lord from the common vse , whether it be man , or beast , or land of his inheritance , it is holy to the lord : leuit. . . and in what sort i vnderstand the word holy , i haue before declared . as then the law of nature , primarily taught all nations in the world to giue these things vnto god ▪ so the very same law , also taught them that it was sacriledge and impiety to pull them backe againe : yea , the very heathē , counted the things thus seuered vnto their gods : to be sancta & inuiolanda . and saint augustine expoundeth , sanctum illud esse , quod violare nefas est . it is execrable wickednes , to violate that that is holy . pharo would not abridge the priests of thei● diet , or land : no not in the great famin . the very barbarous nations of the world , euen by the instinct of nature , abhorred this impietie diodorus siculus noteth of the gaules , that though they were a people , aboue all others most couetous of gold : yet hauing aboundance thereof , scattered in all parts of their temples , to the honour of their gods : none was found so wicked amongst them , as to meddle with any of it . i could alledge a multitude of heathen stories to this purpose . but i will not weaue the wollen yearne of the gentiles , into the fine linnen garments of the christians ; i meane , i will not mingle profane arguments , in a discourse of christian piety for the sheep that are of the fold of christ , are tied onely to heare his voice , and to follow that , which if they doe not , they are thereby knowne to bee goats , and not of his fold . the cause why i touched vppon this one heathen example , is to aggrauate the manifold sins of vs christians , in this point . for if they that knew not god , were so zealous of the glory of their idols : how much more is it to our condemnation , if wee that know him , doe lesse regard him ? if it goe hard with tyrus and sydon in the day of iudgement that sinned ignorantly ; how much harder will it bee with corasin and bethsaida that sin presumptuously : especially with capernaum that despiseth her lord god and master , iesus christ him . selfe ? what is to despise him ; if to robbe him of his honor , be not despise him ? or what is to rob him of honour , if to take from him the things giuen him for maintenance thereof , bee not to rob him ? therefore when the children of israel withheld their tithes & offerings from the leuites , hee crieth out in malachy . . that himselfe was robbed and spoiled : and was so highly offended therewith , that hee cursed the whole nation for it . and to make this sin appeare the more monstrous , he conuinceth the offenders therein : not onely to bee violaters of his legall ordinances , but euen of the very lawe of nature , written in the heart of euery man. for , saith he , will any man spoile his gods ? as if hee should say : can such a man bee found as will , or dares commit that sinne , that all the nations of the world , euen by the instinct of nature , account to bee so horrible and impious ? to spoile his gods : what his owne gods ? some were found , that now and then aduentured to spoile the gods of other nations ( yet not without punishment ) but fewe or none that i reade of ( till these latter daies ) that spoiled their owne gods , in apparent and ouert manner , as the lawyers terme it . i count it not ouert and apparant , when we doe as ananias and saphira did : pinch & detract from god , somewhat of that we vowed to giue : nor , when we doe as the children of israel heere did ; withhold that which wee ought to pay out of our own goods ( yet both these were heinous sinners , and dreadfully punished . ) but i call it ouert & apparant , when we throw our selues into a more dangerous sinne , by inuading openly the deuotions of other men , and taking that from god and from his church , ( as athalia did ) which wee neuer gaue vnto it , euen the lands and liuings thereof : yea , the churches themselues . doubtlesse we haue much to feare in this point : for as it is a transcendent sinne ; so dauid labouring to match it with a transcendent punishment , bestoweth a whole psalme , ( viz. the * . ) in inueying particularly against these kind of sinners ▪ such ( expresly ) as would take to themselues the houses of god in possession ; for that onely is the very center of the psalme , and therein do all the lines and proiections of the prophets inuectiues , incurre . first hee maketh a flat opposition between god and them : and therefore calleth them his enemies . then he describeth the nature of these kinde of enemies : namely , that they are murmuring enemies , as grudging , and enuying at the prosperity of the church : malicious enemies : as hating , or hurting the seruice of god. proud enemies , as lifting vp their heads against god : ver . . craftie enemies ; as imagining how to beguile the church . conspiring enemies ; as taking counsell together against gods secret ones ( as the prophet calleth them ) that is , gods seruants & ministers : ver . . and lastly , confederate enemies : as cōbining them selues one by example of another , to perseuere in their course of wronging and violating the church : vers . . yet for all this , those against whom the prophet thus enueigheth , did not that they desired ▪ they discouered their malitious purpose by word of mouth , saying : let vs take to our selues the houses of god in possession . but they onely said it , they did it not . their will was good , but their power failed . our will and power haue both preuailed : for wee haue got the houses of god into our possession : his churches , his lands , his offerings , his holy rights . we haue gotten them , and led them away captiue , bound in cheines of yron : that is , so conueied and assured vnto vs , by deed , by fine , by act of parliament , as if they neuer should returne again vnto the church . but heare what dauid saith to those of his time . mark how he praieth for them . marke what strange and exquisite punishments he designeth to them : and that in as many seuerall all sorts , as there are seuerall branches in this kind of sinne . first , hee praieth , that god would deale with them , as hee did with the madianites : vers . . that is , that as geaeon by trumpets and lampes , strooke such a terrour in the night time , into the hearts of the madianites , that the whole army fell into confusion , drew their swords one vpon another , were discomfited and thousand of them slaine . so that god by his trumpets , the preachers of his word , by his lamps , which is , the light of the gospell , would confound in like manner , the enemies and spoilers of his church , that sleepe in the night of their sinne : and that hee would make them like oreb , and zeb , like zeba and salmana : verse . all which were strangely ouerthrowne , died violent deaths , and beeing glorious princes of their nations , became like the filthy & lothsome dung of the earth : vers . . and iudges ● . . and . . but doth the prophet stay here ? no , he goeth on with them : o my god , saith he , make them like a wheele . vers . . that is , wauering and vnstable in their actions : so as they may neuer bring their purposes to an end . yea , make them abiect and contemptible ; like the chaffe that the wind scattereth from the face of the earth : vers . . well , is hee now satisfied ? no. all this doth but whet his spirits to sharper imprecations . he now desireth that the very floudgates of gods wrath may be broken open vpon them ; and that the tempest of his indignation may rage at full against them : now he crieth out to god to consume them without mercy , yea and that in two terrible manners . one naturally , as the fire burneth vp the wood . the other miraculously , as the flame censumeth the mountaines : vers . . persecute them euen so , ( saith hee ) with thy tempest , and make them afraid with thy storme . make their faces ashamed , o lord , that they may seeke thy name . let them be confounded and vexed euer more and more , let them bee put to shame and perish : vers . , , . how should the wit of man discouer and prosecute a sin in more vehement and horrible manner ? or , what shall make vs to abstaine from such haughty sinnes ? if all this preuaile not . well , if to take the houses of god into possession , bee thus ? take them that will for mee . you see how dauid in this his sacred fury , was admirably caried against this sinne . well therefore might hee say : the zeale of thine house hath eaten me vp : psal. . . yet , he spake it not of himselfe alone : but in the person also of our sauiour iesus christ ; who in prosecution of dauids zeale , did that in this case ; that hee neuer did at any time else in all his life . in all other cases he shewed himselfe like the pascall lambe , that euery body did eat and deuour● at pleasure ; and like the sheep that was dumbe before the shearer , euen when his very life was taken from him . but when he saw the golden fleece to be taken from the house of god : that is , when hee saw the church his beloued spouse , depriued and spoiled of the honour , reuerence , dutie and ornament , that belonged to her : then , as dauid did , he groweth into a sacred fury ; hee leaueth the mildnesse of the pascall lambe , and taketh vppon him the fiercenesse of the lion of iuda . then he beginneth to bestir him , and to lay about him . he whippeth out them that prophaned it ; driueth out their sheep & their oxen , though they were for the sacrifice : and ouerthroweth the table of the mony changers : iohn . . he would by no meanes indure such trumtrumpery to bee in his fathers house , nor his fathers house to made an house of merchandise : but , much lesse then , that merchandise should be made of his fathers house it selfe . o fearefull and most inhumane sinne , horresco referrens . but ere i depart from this place of scripture ; let me note one thing more out of it , for the greater reuerence of churches : that although our lord bee heer said , to haue cast these things out of the temple ; yet , in truth , they were not in the temple it selfe , but in the outward court or yard thereof . for within the inward parts of the temple , ( namely , the first , and second tabernacles ) did no man enter , but the leuite priests : and of them also , none into the second tabernacle , but the high priest. therefore , although our sauiour christ , were a priest for euer after the order of melchisedeck : yet because hee was not a priest of leuy : but of the tribe of juda ( of which tribe moses spake nothing touching the priesthood : heb. . . ) i take it , that a he neuer came within these parts of the temple : nor where the sacrifice was , but frequēted only b atrium populi , the outward court from the temple . for into this only , the c people resorted : to worship , pray , and heare the word of god expounded , not pressing further towards the temple : and in the middest whereof ( the d brasen stage which salomon praied vpon ) was erected . yet , this very place , this court , or outward yard , would not our sauiour permit to be prophaned ; neither with market matters , nor with carrying so much as a burthen or vessell through it : mark. . : for though it were not so leuetically holy , as the temple : yet it was dedicated to god , with the temple : and taken often in the new testament , for the temple : as in the places before alledged : and acts . , . by which reason the very church-yards themselues ( being dedicated with the churches , and the principall soile thereof : as an old statute witnesseth ) seeme also to haue in them a certaine kind of sanctification : and are not therefore to bee abused to secular and base imployments : as not onely the ancient fathers , by the canons of the church : but the present lawes of the land , haue well prouided for them . but some will say , that the sanctification of the temple was leuiticall , and therefore abolished , and not to bee applied to our churches . i answere , the temple was sanctified lished : or remaineth to our churches . vnto three functions ; which also had three seuerall places assigned to them . the first , belonged to the diuine presence ; & had the custody of y● holiest types thereof ; the oracle , the arke , the mercy-seat , &c. and was therefore called sanctum sanctorum , or the holiest of all . the second , was for ceremoniall worship & attonement : namely , by sacrifice , oblations , and other leuiticall rites : the place thereof being the the sanctuary , ( wherein were the holy vessels ) and the court of priests , wherein the altar of burnt sacrifice did stand . the third , was for simple worshippe , praier , and doctrine ( without any pompe or ceremony : ) and the place of this , was the outward court , ( called , * atrium populi , and * salomons porich ; ) which therefore had in it no ceremoniall implement at all . the two first of these functions , with the places belonging to them ; were indeed particularly appropriate to the law. for , they were ceremoniall , mysticall , secret , leuiticall , iudaicall , and temporall-ceremoniall , as celebrated with much worldly pompe . mysticall , as figurating some spirituall things . secret ; as either performed behinde the veile or curtaine : or else sequestred & romote from the people . leuiticall ; as committed only to the administration ; of that tribe ▪ iudaicall ; as ordained onely for the saluation of that people . and temporall ; as instituted onely for a season , and not to continue . but the sanctification , of the third function , and of the place thereto appointed , was directly contrary in al the points alledged to the former two . first ( as i said before ) it was for simple worship , praier , and doctrine which were there to be performed and deliuered in all sinceritie , without any ceremony or ceremoniall implement vsed therein . secondly , there was no matter of mystery therein to be seene ▪ but whatsoeuer was mysticall in the law , or the prophets , was there expounded . thirdly , nothing there , was hidden or secret from the people , but acted wholly without the veile , and publikely for euery man. fourthly , it was not appropriate to the leuites , but common alike to all the tribes . fifthly , not ordained for the iewes particularly , but for all nations in generall . and lastly , not to endure for a time , ( as those other two of the law ) but to continue for euer : euen after the gentiles were called as well as the iewes : that is , during the time of the gospell , as well as the law. therefore , saith god , by isaias the prophet , cap. . . my house shall bee called an house of praier , to all nations . hee said not , an house of sacrifice to all nations : for the sacrifice ended , before the calling of the gentiles , and so they could haue no part thereof . nor an house of praier for the jewes onely , for then had the gentiles ( when they were called ) been likewise excluded . but an house of praier to all nations , that is , iewes and gentiles indifferētly : which therefore , must haue relation to the times of the gospel . and consequently , the sanctification of that house , and of that function , is also a sanctification of the churches of the gospel . we read not therefore , that christ reformed any thing in the other two functions of the temple ; for they were now , as at an end . but because this third function was for euer to continue to his church : therefore hee purgeth it of that that prophaned it ; restoreth it ( as hee did mariage ) to the originall sanctitie : and that the future world ( which was the time of the gospell ) might better obserue it , then the precedent , and time of the law had done ; hee reporteth , and confirmeth the decree , whereby it was sanctified : it is written , saith he , ( as producing the record and wordes of the foundation ) my house shall bee called an house of praier to all people . hee saith , my house , as excluding all other , from hauing any property therein ; for , god will bee ioynt-tenant with no man. and it shall bee , an house of praier for all people : that is , publike foreuer ; not priuate , nor appropriate to any ▪ nor a denne of theeues ; that is , no place of merchandise , or secular businesse , as saint i●rome expoundeth it . it must not be an impropriation ; no man can , or may hold it in that kind . the time also when our sauiour pronounced these words is much to the purpose as it seemeth to mee . for it was after he had turned out the oxen & doues ; that is , the things for the sacrifice . as though , hee thereby taught vs , that when the sacrificall function of the temple was ended : yet the sanctification thereof , to bee an house of prayer , for euer remained . this doctrine of our sauiour , is continued vnto vs by saint paul : who , seeing the corinthians to profane the church with eating and drinking in it ▪ though much good might follow thereby , ( being orderly done ) as the encreasing of amity , and the reliefe of the poore ; yet because it was against the reuerence of the place : hee not onely reproueth them for it , demanding if they had not houses to eat and drinke in at home , but skaring them also ( by shewing the daunger they were falling into ) hee speaketh to them as with admiration : despise ye the church of god ? as if hee should say , is your religion now come vnto that ? or is that your religion , to despise the place that god hath sanctified vnto himselfe ; by making it , as saint ierome saith , triclineum epularum , a banqueting house . god wondered in malachy , that any should spoile their gods . and the holy ghost heere wondereth , that any should despise the materiall church : for so saint ierome expoundeth it . thus both of them wonder at one & the same thing : that any man should be so irreligious , as to profane the reuerence due vnto god , and that that is his . so precise therefore were the ancient fathers in this point , that , that meeke saint of god , saint augustine , would by no meanes endure that any should vse clamors , or dācing within the vi●● of the church . yea , hee termeth them , miserable and wretched men that did it and denounceth against them , that if such came christians to the church , they went pagans home . but when the church it selfe came to be abused ! oh , how saint ambrose taketh it , euen against the emperour himselfe , great valentinian that required it for an arian : o ( saith hee ) let him aske that is mine , my lands , my goods , and whatsoeuer i possesse , i will not deny them ; yet are they not mine , but belong to the poore . verum ea quae diuina sunt , &c. saith hee , but those things that are gods , are not subiect to the authoritie of the emperour . if my lands ( i say ) be desired , enter them a gods name ; if my body , i will carry it him ; if hee will haue mee to prison , yea , vnto death , it pleaseth mee well , i will not defend my selfe with multitude of people , neither will i flie to the altar , desiring my life , but with all my heart will die for the altars . and after , in speaking of the impious souldiers : o that god ( saith hee ) would turne their hands from violating the church , and then let them turne all their weapons vpon mee , and take their fill of my bloud . and many such excellent speeches he hath for the sanctity of the church , and of the reuerēce due vnto it , in his oration , de basilicis tradendis . my purpose is to bee short ; i will not therefore now enter any further into the authorities of the fathers : or meddle with the councels and ancient canons of the church which abound so in this kind of zeale , and haue established it ( against the eustathians , m●ssalians , and fraticelli , * heretikes : and all other the enemies thereof ) with so many examples , admonitions , exhortations , precepts , threatnings , curses , and excommunications : as it requireth a booke alone to repeat them . it seemeth a small thing to daunce in the church-yard , or to eate and drinke in the church . but sanctification ( saith ierome speaking on this matter ) consisteth also euen in the small things . therefore ecclesiasticus aduiseth vs , that we giue not the water passage , no not in a little . for he that oponeth the waters but a little , knoweth not how great a breach they will make at length . so is it to make an entrance into sin , or to breake the reuerence of holy things in trifles . therefore god punished seuerely the petty offenders in this kind : not corah onely and his company , that inuaded the high function of the priesthood : but euen him that gathered the stickes on the sabath day : numb . . . and poore vzzah himselfe ( whom dauid so much lamented ) that did , as it were , but stay the arke from shaking , ( . sam. . . and . chron. . . ) and yet died for it , because his hand was not sanctified to that purpose . i conclude this point with the saying of salomon , pro. . . ( and let al men consider it : ) it is a snare for a man to deuoure that which is sanctified , and after the vowes , to enquire . a snare hath three properties . first , to catch suddenly . secondly , to hold surely . thirdly , to destroy certainly . so was vzza taken ere hee was aware : hee did but touch the arke , and presently hee was catcht . king vzziah did but meddle with the incense , and presently the leprosie was on his face : . chron. . . jeroboam did but stretch out his hand against the prophet , and presently it withered : . king. . . and as a man falleth suddenly into it : so is it as hard to get out . vzza died in it presently . vzziah languished in it all his life , and then died in it also , corah , dathan , and abiram , were no sooner caught in this snare , but it held them so surely , as when all israel else fled and escaped ; they , & their companions ( most miserable men ) were detained in it , to their notorious destruction . i might heere take iust occasion to remember what hath happened to many in this kingdom , that became vnfortunate after they medled with churches , and church-liuings . but i will run into no particularities . let those men , and those families , which are vnfortunate ( as wee terme them ) consider , whether themselues , their fathers , or some of their ancestors , haue not been fettered in this snare . and let the proprietaries of parsonages also well consider these things . for , if vzza died , that did but touch the arke to saue it : what shal become of them that stretch out their hands against churches to destroy them ? if the sticke-gatherer was stoned , for so small a prophanation of the sabbath ; what shall they looke for , that by destroying the churches , destroy also the sabbath it selfe , ( in a manner ) as taking away the place appointed to the publike sanctification thereof . and if corah , dathan and abiram , offended so hainously , in medling with the things of the leuiticall priesthood , though they imployed them to the seruice of god : what haue they to feare , that vsurpe the things of the gospel , & peruert thē wholly to their owne vse , from the seruice of god ? yea , that pollute his churches and houses of prayer to seruile & base offices : leauing the parishioners vncertenly prouided of diuine seruice , to the destructiō both of the priesthood it selfe , and of the seruice of god in generall . but they will comfort themselues with this : that though the churches bee sanctified to some purpose , yet the sanctity thereof differeth from leuiticall sanctification : and that god doth not now kil any from heauen , for prophaning the things of the gospel , as he did then , for prophaning the things of the law ▪ i answer : the sanctity in deed of the one , differeth from the sanctity of the other . for the leuiticall things were sanctified by the hand of man , to be matter of ceremony ; but the churches of the gospel , are sanctified by our sauiour himselfe , to be houses of prayer . not that prayer is to be vsed onely in these places but that these places are onely to be vsed for prayer . and wee must not presume that god sleepeth because hee punisheth not ( now as he did of old ) the cōtemners of his worship ▪ for as the law consisted in visible & temporal things , so the punishments therin , were for the most part visible and temporal . but the gospel concerneth things inuisible and eternall , and therefore the punishments assigned therein , are for the most part , inuisible & eternall . they haue also another comfort , and that is , that though these things were once spirituall , now they are made temporall by the lawes of dissolution ; and especially , by the stat. of . h. . cap. . it is true that those statutes apply diuers law-termes vnto these things that properly belong to temporall inheritances : and that the statute of . h. . hath made them demandable by originall writs , & hath giuen certain real actions , & other courses for recouering & conueying of them in temporall courts : because lay-men could not in former times haue sued for things of this nature in any court of the kingdom . but this prooueth not the things themselues to bee therefore temporall , ( no more then that an english man is a frenchman , because he saileth in a french bottome . ) for vpon the same reason ; the statute giueth also other actions ( for recouering of tithes and offerings withholden , &c. ) in the courts spiritual . they then that out of the one part of the statute wil haue them temporall , are by the other part in forced to confesse them still spirituall , and so to make them like a centaure : prolem biformem . it were very hard ( in my vnderstanding ) to ground a point of so great consequence , vpon subtiltie of words , and ambiguous implications , without any expresse letter of law to that purpose , especially , to make the houses and offerings of god , temporall inheritances . but i see it is a law question in my lord a dier , whether tithes be made lay or temporal by any words in those statutes . and therefore i must leaue this point to my masters of the law , who haue the key of this knowledge onely in their owne custody . yet i thinke i may bee so bold , as to say thus much out of their owne b bookes , that a statute , directly against the law of god , is void . if then tithes be things spirituall , and due de iure diuino , as many great c clarks , doctors , fathers , some councels , and ( that euer honorable iudge and oracle of law ) my lord coke himselfe in the second part of his d reports affirme them to be : i cānot see how humane laws should make them temporal . of the same nature therfore that originally they were of , of the same nature do i still hold them to cōtinue : for manēte subiecto , manet cōsecratio , manet dedicatio . time , place , and persons , do not change them , as i take it , in this case . c nabuchodonozor took the holy vessels of the temple , hee caried them to babylon , hee kept them there all his life , and at last left them to his ●onne and grandchildren : but all this while , the vessels still remained holy . yea , though they were comne into the hands of those that were not tied to the ceremonies of the law , and at length into the hands of them that had them by a lawfull succession from their fathers and grandfathers : yet as soone as they beganne to abuse them to prophane vses ; that very night balshazzer himselfe died for it , the line of nabuchodonozor ( that tooke them from the temple ) was extinct , and the kingdome translated to another nation : dan. . . happily also , lay approprietaties comfort themselues , that they may hold these things by example of colleges , deanes and chapters , bishops of the land , and of diuers of our late kings & princes . before i speake to this point , i take it by protestation , that i haue no heart to make an apology for it . for i wish that euery man might drinke the water of his owne well , eate the milke of his own flock , and liue by the fruit of his owne vineyard . i meane , that euery member might attract no other nutriment , but that which is proper to it selfe . yet are they greatly deceiued , that draw any iuce of encouragement from these examples . for all these are either the seminaries of the church , or the husbandmen of the church , or the fathers and nurses of the church : all de familia ecclesiae , and consequently , belonging to the care of the church , and ought therfore to be susteined by it : for saint paul saith . hee that prouideth not for his owne , and namely for them of his household , he denieth the faith , and is worse then an infidell : . tim. . . a therefore before the statutes of suppression of abbies , those that were not meerely ecclesiasticall persons , yet if they were mixt , or had ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , they might by the lawes of the land , participate ecclesiasticall liuings , and b tithes particularly . and this seemeth to take some ground out of the word of god. for the prouinciall leuites ( as i may terme them ) whom c dauid seuered frō the temple , and placed abroad in the countrey to be rulers of the people , in matters pertaining to god , and the kings businesse , ( that is , spiritually and temporally : ) had their portions of tithes notwithstanding , as well as the other leuites that ministred in the temple . now , that the king is b persona mixta , endowed aswell with ecclesiasticall authority , as with temporall : is not only a sollid position of the common law of the land , but confirmed vnto vs by the continuall practise of our ancient kings , euer since , and before the conquest , euen in hottest times of popish feruency . for this cause at their coronations , they are not onely crowned with the diadem of the kingdome , and girt with the sword of iustice , to signifie their temporal authority , but are anointed also with the c oile of priesthood , and clothed , stola sacer dotali , and veste d dalmatica , to demōstrate this their ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , whereby the king is said in the law to be supremus ordinarius , and in regard thereof , amongst other ecclesiasticall rights , and prerogatiues belonging vnto him , is to haue al the e tithes ( through the kingdome ) in places that are out of any parish , for some such there be , and namely , diuers f forrests . but for all this : o! that his maiestie would bee pleased to remember syon in this point . i grow too tedious , yet before i close vp this discourse , let mee say one thing more to the aproprietaries of churches , that happily , they hitherto haue not dreamed of . and that is , that by hauing these parsonages , they are charged with cure of soules , and make themselues subiect to the burthen that lieth so heauily vpon the head of euery minister : to see the seruice of god performed , the people instructed , and the poore relieued . for to these three ends and the maintenance of ministers , were parsonages instituted , as not onely the canons of the church , but the bookes of the law , and particularly the statutes of . r. . cap. . and . h. . ca. . doe manifestly testifie . and no man may haue them but to these purposes , neither were they oth●rwise in the hands of monasticall pe●sons , nor otherwise giuen to the king by the statute of dissolution , then a in as large and ample manner , as the gouernors of th●se religious houses had them , nor by him conueied otherwise to the subiects . for , nemo potest plus iuris in aliam transferre , quam ipse habet : no man may grant a greater right vnto another , then hee hath himselfe . and therefore , goe where they will , transeunt cum onere , they carry their charge with them . vpon these reasons proprietaries are still saide to bee b parsons of their churches , and vppon the matter , are as the incumbents c thereof , and the churches by reason of this their incumbencie , are full and not void . for otherwise the d bishop might collate , or the king present a clarke ( as to other churches ) as it seemeth by the argumēts of the iudges in the case between grendon & the bishop of lincolne in mr plowdens coment . where it is also shewed , that the incumbencie is a * spirituall function , and ought not to be conferred vppon any but spirituall persons , and such as may themselues doe the diuine seruice , and minister the sacraments . therefore , dier , l. chiefe iustice of the common pleas , there said , that it was an horrible thing , when these appropriations were made to prioresses and houses of nunnes , because that ( although they were religious persons , yet they could not minister the sacraments and diuine seruice . implying by this speech of his , that it was much more horrible for lay-men to hold them , that neither could doe these holy rites , nor were so much as spirituall persons to giue them colour ●or holding of spirituall things . therefore seriant * rastal , also termeth it a wicked thing , complaining ( in his time ) that it continued so long , to the hind●r●nce ( he saith ) of learning , the impouerishing of the ministry , and to the infamy of the gospell , and professors thereof . my lord coke also in the second part of his reports , saith , that it is recorded in history , that there were ( amongst other ) two grieuous persecutions , the one , vnder dioclesian ; the other vnder julian , named the apostata : for it is recorded , that the a one of them intending to haue rooted out all the professors and preachers of the word of god , occidit omnes presbyteros . but this notwithstanding , religion flourished for sanguis martyrum est semen ecclesiae : the bloud of the martyrs is the seed of the church ; and this was a cruel and grieuous persecution : but the persecution vnder the b other , was more grieuous and dangerous , quia ( as the history saith ) ipse occidit presbyrerium . he destroied the very order of priesthood . for hee robbed the church , and spoiled spirituall persons of their reuenues , and tooke all things from them whereof they should liue . and vpon this , in short time , insued great ignorance of true religion , and the seruice of god , and thereby great decay of christian profession . for none wil apply themselues or their sons , or any other that they haue in charge , to the study of diuinitie , when after long and painfull study , they shall haue nothing whereupon to liue . thus farre my lord coke . i alledge these legall authorities , and leaue diuinity , because the approprietaries of parsonages ( which shield themselues vnder the target of the law ) may see the opinion of the great lawyers of our owne time and religion , and what the bookes of the lawe haue of this matter , to the end , that we should not hang our consciences vpon so dangerous a pinne , nor put too great confidence in the equity of lawes , which we daily see , are full of imperfection , often amended , often altered , and often repealed . o how lamentable then is the case of a poore proprietary , that dying , thinketh of no other account , but of that touching his lay vocation , and then comming before the iudgment seate of almighty god , must answer also for this c spirituall function . first why he medled with it , not being called vnto it . then , why ( * medling with it ) he did not the duety that belonged vnto it , in seeing the church carefully serued , the minister thereof sufficientlie mainetained , and the poore of the parish faithfully releeued . this i say , is the vse whereto parsonages were giuen , and of this vse wee had notice before we purchased them : and therefore , ( not onely by the lawes of god and the church , but by the lawe of the land , and the rules of the chancery , at this day obserued in other cases ) wee ought onely to hold them to this vse , and no other . it is not then a work of bounty and beneuolence to restore these appropriations to the church , but of duety and necessity so to doe . it is a worke of duty to giue that vnto god that is gods , mat. . . and it is a worke of necessity towards the obtaining remission of these sinnes . for saint augustine saith , non remittetur peccatum , nisi restituatur ablatum cum restitut potest : the sinne shall not be forgiuen , without restoring of that which is taken away , if it may be restored . it is duety , iustice , and necessity , to giue them backe vnto god. for if judas ( who was the first president of this sinne ) were a thiefe , as the holy ghost termeth him , for imbeasiling that which was committed vnto him for the maintenance of christ and his disciples , that is of the church : by the same reason , must it also be the euery to withhold these things which were giuen for the maintenāce of the church and ministers of christ. and herein it is a degree aboue that sinne of iudas , as robbery is aboue theft : for iudas onely detained the money ( deliuered vnto him ) closely and secretly ; but wee and our fathers , haue inuaded church-liuings , and taken them ( as it were by assault ) euen from the sacred body and person of the church . it is a great sinne to steale from our neighbour ; much greater ( euer● sacriledge ) to steale from god. if it were so hainous a fact in ananias to withholde part of his owne goods , which he pretended hee would giue vnto god , how much more is it in vs , presumptuously to reaue that from god , that others haue alreadie dedicated and deliuered vnto him . salomon saith ; hee that robbeth his father and his mother , and saith , it is no sinne , is the companion of [ a murtherer , or ] him that destroieth . but he that purloineth the things of god , robbeth his father , and he that purloineth the things of the church , robbeth his mother . and therefore that man is a companion of the destroier . the * fathers , the doctors , many great councels , and ancient lawes of the church , command , that things taken from the church , should be restored . and the church by her a ● preachers and ministers continually entreateth , vrgeth , and requireth all men to doe it . they therefore that doe it not , they refuse to heare the church : and then our saour christ , by his owne mouth , denounceth them b to bee as heathens and publicans , that is , excommunicate and prophane persons . if he refuseth ( saith our sauiour ) to heare the church also , let him be vnto thee as a heathen man , and a public in . mat. . . it is a fearefull thing not to heare the c church , but much more , not to heare christ himselfe . christ hath giuen vs a perpetuall lawe and commandement , touching things belonging to god : that wee should giue them to god. if we breake this law , we breake a greater lawe then that of the medes and the a persians : and therefore marke what the holy ghost concludeth vpon vs ; euery person that shall not heare this prophet ( christ iesus ) shall bee destroied out of the people . act. . . to conclude then , as the philistims made hast to send home the b arke of god ; and the aegyptians to ridde themselues of the c people of god : so let vs ply our selues to render vnto god his lands and possessions with all speed . otherwise , as he strucke the philistims with emrods secretly , and the aegyptians with manifold scourges openly ; so onely himselfe knoweth , what hee hath determined against vs. and thus i end , with the saying of the blessed saint cypryan , nec teneri iam , nec amari patrimonium debet , quo quis & deceptus , & victus est . wee must now neither hold that patrimony , or liuing , ( no ) nor so much as take pleasure therein , whereby a man is entrapped and brought to destruction . and with that other of the noble saint augustine ; with what face canst thou expect an inheritance from christ in heauen , that defraudest christ in thy inheritance heere on earth ? therefore giue vnto caesar the things that are caesars , and vnto god the things that are gods. ❧ an epilogue . pardon mee good reader , though i haue neither satisfied thee , nor my selfe , in this little discourse . it is hard to bring a great vessell into a small creeke , an argument of many heads and branches , of much weight , variety and difficulty , into a fewe pages . it may bee thou thinkest the volume bigge enough for the successe that bookes of this nature are like to haue . i reiect not thy iudgement , yet would i not haue others thereby discouraged from pursuing this cause : for though peter fished all night and got nothing , yet hee made a great draught vnlooked for ) in the morning . hee that directed that net , giue a blessing to all our labours . for my owne part ( if i catch but one fish ) i shall thinke mine well bestowed . howsoeuer , it shall content me , and i thanke god for it , that he hath girded mee with so much strength as to strike one stroke ( though a weake one ) in his battell , and to cast one stone ( though a small one ) against the aduersaries of his church . some will say , i haue vsed too much salt and vineger in this discourse ; and that i haue bent the great altillery of gods iudgements and threatnings , vpon a piece of too light importance . i would the consciences of men were such , as oyle and butter might supply them . but i see they are for the most part ouergrowne with so hard a carnosity , as it requireth strong and potent corasiues to make an entrance into them . a preacher may shake them now and then with a sermon , as paul did faelix : but when the thunder and lightning are ceased , they are ( like pharaoh ) still where they were . yea some haue conscientas cauteriatas , as the apostle termeth them , censciences ●eared with an hot iron : so stupified , that dead lazarus may be raised , before they can bee moued . but god knoweth the heart of man , and bringeth water out of the hard rocke ; therefore though i haue spoken this ( as being iealous of the cause , ) yet in charity i will hope better euen of the hardest of them . onely let no man thinke it a light sinne , to keepe open the passage whereby the * wilde bore ( of barbarisme ) enters the lords vineyard , and whereby god is depriued of the honour due to his name . now at the parting , it may be thou desirest to know what successe this my labour had with the gentleman to whom i sent i● . in truth neither that i desired , nor that which i promised vnto my selfe . for ( so it pleased go● ) that euen the very day , the messenger brought it into norfolke , the party died . otherwise i wel l●oped , not to haue shot this arrow in vaine . but because it then missed the marke at which it was sent , ( and many thought not fit to loose it ; ) i haue now let it flie againe at randome with some notes and alterations , as the difference betweene priuate and publike things requireth : but still desiring that i might further haue shewed my mind in many passages hereof , ( and particularly touching tithes in quoto , and such parsonages as haue vicarage● well endowed ) which without making it almost a new worke , i could not doe ; and therefore resting vpon thy curieous interpretation , i leaue it to thee , ( for this time ) as it is . a sermon of st. augustines touching rendring of tithes . the occasion of this sermon or homily , was ministred vnto him by the time of the yeere , it being the . sunday after trinity , that is about the beginning of haruest . the scripture that he sitteth vnto it , is the . of luke . where the pharesie boasteth of his precise iustice in payment of tithes . it is the . sermon de tenipore : extant in the tenth tome of his works , and there extituled : de reddendis decimis . by the mercy of christ ( most beloued brethren : ) the daies are now at hand , wherein we are to reape the f●uits of the earth ▪ and therefore giuing thanks to god that bestoweth them , let vs bee mindfull to offer , or rather to render backe vnto him the tithes thereof . for god , that vouchsafeth to giue vs the whole , vouchsafeth also to require backe againe the tenth , not for his owne , but for our benefit doubtlesse . for so hath hee promised by his prophet , saying : * bring all the tithe into my barnes , that there may bee meate in my house ; and trie mee , saith the lord , in this point , if i open not the windowes of heauen vnto you , and giue you fruit without measure . lo , wee haue proued how tithes are more profitable vnto vs , then to god. o foolish men ! what hurt doth god command , that he should not deserue to bee heard ? for he saith thus : the first fruits of thy treshing floore , and of thy wine-presse thou shalt not delay to offer vnto mee . if it be a sinne , to delay the giuing : how much worse is it , not to giue at all ? and againe , he saith , honour thy lord thy god with thy iust labours , and offer vnto him of the fruits of thy righteousnesse , that thy barnes may bee filled with wheat , and thy presses abound with wine . thou doest not this , for god a mercy , that by and by shalt receiue it againe with manifold increase . perhaps thou wilt aske , who shall haue profit by that , which god receiueth , to giue presently backe againe ? and also thou wilt aske , who shall haue profit by that which is giuen to the poore ? if thou beleeuest , thy selfe shall haue profit by it , but if thou doubtest , then thou hast lost it . tithes ( deare brethren ) are a tribute due vnto the needy s●ules . giue therefore this tribute vnto the poore , offer this sacrifice vnto the priests . if thou hast no tithes of earthly fruits : yet whatsoeuer the husbandman hath , whatsoeuer ar● sustaineth thee , it is gods , and he requires tithe , out of whatsoeuer thou liuest by : whether it be warfare , or traffike , or any other trade , giue him the tithe . some things we must pay for the ground we liue on , and something for the vse of our life it selfe . yeeld it therefore vnto him ( o man ) in regard of that which thou possessest : yeeld it ( i say ) vnto him , because he hath giuen thee thy birth : for thus saith the lord : euery man shall giue the redemption of his soule , & there shal not bee amongst them any diseases or mishaps . behold , thou hast in the holy scriptures the cautions of the lord , vpon which hee hath promised thee , that if thou giue him thy tith , thou shalt not onely receiue aboundance of fruites , but health also of body . thy barnes ( saith he ) shall be filled with wheate , and thy presses shall abound with wine , and there shall bee in them , neither diseases nor mishaps . seeing then , by payment of tithes , thou maiest gaine to thy selfe , both earthly and heauenly rewards : why doest thou defraude thy selfe of both these blessings together ? heare therefore , ( o thou zeale-lesse mortality ) thou knowest , that all things that thou vsest are the lords , and canst thou finde in thy heart , to lend him ( that made all things ) nothing backe of his owne ? the lord god needeth not any thing , neither demandeth he a reward of thee , but honour ; he vrgeth thee not to render any thing that is thine , and not his . it pleaseth him to require the first fruits , and the tithes of thy goods , & canst thou denie them , ( o couetous wretch ? ) what wouldst thou doe , if he tooke all the nine parts to himselfe , and left thee the tenth onely ? and this in trueth hee doth , when by with-holding his blessing of raine , the drought maketh thy thirsty haruest to wither away : and when thy fruit , and thy vineyard , are strucken with haile , or blasted with frost , where now is the plenty that thou so couetously didst reckon vpon ? the nine parts are taken from thee , because thou wouldst not giue him the tenth . that remaines onely , that thou refusest to giue , though the lord required it . for this is a most iust course , that the lord holdeth , if thou wilt not giue him the tenth , he will turne thee to the tenth . for it is written , saith the lord , insomuch as the tithe of your ground , the first fruits of your land ; are with you : i haue seene it , but you thought to deceiue me : hauocke and spoile shall bee in your treasurie , and in your houses . thus thou shalt giue that to the vnmercifull souldier , which thou wouldest not giue to the priest. the lord almighty also saith : turne vnto me , that i may open vnto you the windowes of heauen , and that i may poure downe my blessing vpon you ; and i will not destory the fruit of your land , neither shall the vines of your field [ or the trees of your orchards ] wither away , [ or be blasted ] and all nations shall say , that you are a blessed people . god is alwaies ready to giue his blessings . but the peruersenesse of man alwaies hindreth him . for hee would haue god giue him all things , and he will offer vnto god nothing , of that whereof himselfe seemeth to bee the owner . * what if god should say ? the man that i made , is mine ; the ground that thou tillest , is mine ; the seed that thou sowest , is mine ; the cattell that thou weariest in thy worke are mine ; the showers , the raine , and the gentle winds are mine ; the heat of the sunne , is mine ; and since all the elements whereby thou liuest , are mine ; thou that lendest onely thy hand , deseruest onely the tithe , or tenth part . yet because almighty god doth mercifully feede vs , hee bestoweth vpon the labourer a most liberall reward for his paines , and reseruing onely the tenth part vnto himselfe , hath forgiuen vs all the rest . ingratefull and perfidious deceiuer , i speake to thee in the word of the lord. behold the yeere is now ended : giue vnto the lord ( that giueth the raine ) his reward . redeeme thy selfe , o man , whilest thou liuest . redeeme thou thy selfe whilst thou maiest . redeeme thy selfe ( i say ) whilest thou hast wherewith in thy hands . redeeme thy selfe , lest it greedy death preuent thee , thou then lose both life and reward together . thou hast no reason , to commit this matter ouer to thy wife , who happily will haue another husband . neither hast thou ( o woman ) any reason to leaue this to thy husband , for his minde is on another wife . it is in vaine , to tie thy parents , or thy kinsfolke , to haue care hereof : no man after thy death , surely shall redeeme thee , because in thy life , thou wouldest not redeeme thy selfe . now then , cast the burthen of couetousnesse from thy shoulders , despise that cruell lady , who pressing thee downe with her intollerable yoake , suffereth thee not to receiue the yoake of christ for as the yoake of couetousnesse , presseth men downe vnto hell , so the yoake of christ raiseth men vp vnto heauen . for tithes are required as a debt , and hee that will not giue them , inuadeth an other mans goods . and let him locke to it , for how many men soeuer die for hunger in the place where he liueth ( not paying his tithes ) of the murthering of so many men , shall he appeare guilty before the tribunall seate of the eternal iudge , because he kept that backe to his owne vse , that was committed to him by the lord for the poore . he therefore that either desireth to gaine a reward , or to * obtaine a remission of his sins , let him pay his tithe , and bee carefull to giue almes to the poore , out of the other nine parts : but so notwithstanding , that whatsoeuer remaineth ouer and aboue moderate diet , and conuenient apparrell , bee not bestowed in riot and carnall pleasure , but laied vp in the treasurie of heauen , by way of almes to the poore . for whatsoeuer god hath giuen vs more then wee haue neede of , he hath not giuen it vnto vs particularly , but hath committed it ouer vnto vs to bee distributed vnto others : which if wee dispose not accordingly , wee spoile and rob them thereof . thus farre s. augustine . erasmus in a generall censure of these sermons de tempore , noteth many of them not to bee saint augustines : so also doth master perkins , and diuers other learned men , who hauing examined them all all particularly , and with great aduisement , reiecting those that appeared to bee adulterat or suspected , admit this notwithstanding as vndoubted . and although bellarmine seemeth to make a little question of it , yet hee concludeth it to bee , without doubt , an excellent worke : and either * saint augustines owne , or some other ancient fathers . but hee saith , that many things are cited out of it as out of augustine in decret . . qo . and to cleare the matter further , i finde that some parts heereof are alleadged vnder the name of augustine , in concil . triburiens . ( which was in the yeere of our lord ) cap. . and twenty yeere before that also , in concil . moguntin . . cap. . so that antiquitie it selfe , and diuers councels , accept it for augustines . i will not recite a great discourse to the effect of this sermon amongst the workes of augustine in the treatise de rectitudine christiane religionis ; because erasmus iudgeth that treatise not to bee augustines . yet seemeth it likewise to be some excellent mans , and of great antiquity . but if thou wouldst heare more what augustine saith vnto thee of this matter , take this for a farewell ; maiores nostri ideo copijs omnibus abundabant , quia deo decimus dabant , & caesuri censum reddebant : modo autem quia descessit deuotio dei , accessit indictio fisci . noluimus partiri cum deo decimas , modo autem totum tollitur . hoc tollit siscus , quod non accipit christus . an appendix by the author . i haue beene often sollicited within these two yeeres , both to reimprint this little treatise , and also to publish a greater worke much of the same argument . some especiall reasons haue made mee vnwilling to doe either . not that i doe , aut clypeum abijcere , aut causam deserere : but i finde my arme too feeble for so great an attempt ▪ and in matters of such weight and consequence , a better opportunity is to be expected , then is yet afforded . i desire therefore not to be hastned herein , though hee that published my booke in scotland ( out of his zeale to the cause ) taketh that for one of his motiues . when i did first let it goe forth : i did it only in couert manner : not thinking it worthy of the broad eye of the world , nor holding it fit to haue that which was done in a corner , preached vppon the house top : or that which passed priuatly betweene me and my friend , to flie ( in this sort , at once ) to both the poles of the monarchy . hereupon i hitherto by entreaty with held it from a reimpression : but i being in the countrey : and it being now to me as ●lius emancipatus , and out of my power : the printer hath taken aduantage of his liberty , and in my absence printed it againe with the former infirmities i wish , since it must needes be thus : that i had ouer run it with a new hand : aswell to explane it in some things , as to helpe and fortifie it in other . for the argument hath many aduersaries , not of the laity onely : but amongst the church-men themselues . all are not pleased with this forme of * maintenance : other are not satisfied how it is due . some also conceiue scriptures in this manner , some in that : and where one is best pleased , there another findeth most exception . thus he that commeth vpon the stage , is the obiect and subiect of euery mans opinion . yet must i herein confesse my selfe beholden vnto many : for i vnderstand this small essay hath giuen them good liking ▪ to satisfie all i labour not : but to the worthier sort i would performe what i could . being therefore enformed ( about a yeare almost since ) that some particular diuines of learning and iudgement , ( conceiuing well of my booke , ) supposed that i had departed from the ancient and moderne interpreters in applying the . verse of the . psalme . onely to the sanctified things of the iewes which ( they said ) was spoken of all their houses and cities in generall . i did then vnto them ( as i thought it fit ) reddere rationem & fidei & facti . and in like manner ( because the booke goeth forth againe vpon a new aduenture , and may encounter with the like obiections , ) i held it now as necessary to adde something vnto it in that point being so materiall yet must i signifie vnto you , that they which tooke that exception , accounted both my argument and whole discourse the stronger ( notwithstanding ) ex consequente : as namely , that if it were so heinous a sinne to inuade the temporall things of the iewes , much more must it needes bee to inuade the spirituall . so that no man is either freed or cased by this suggestion , but rather the more ensnared and ouerwhelmed . neuerthelesse ( i vnderstand ) that which followeth , hath cleared this point vnto them : and i hope so shall it also do● vnto others ( which separate not themselues from our church ) if cause require . i am not ignorant that many moderne and some ancient interpreters vnderstand the body of the psalme , of the taking of the houses and cites of the iewes in generall , not onely of the temple and synagogues , nor onely of the cities of the leuites : for the very historicall texture of the psalme discouers as much . but that branch of it , where on 〈◊〉 i fastened my anchor , and where i chiefly insisted , namely the verse , touching the taking of the houses of god in possession , ( which indeed is the center of the psalme : what interpretation soeuer it receiueth ) most of them interpret it primarily and positiuely for the temple 〈◊〉 . holy things , then per translationem for hierusalem , and by consequence , for all iudea , ( and the people of god ) in respect that they were there planted . for though wee following genebr●d , caluin and arias montanus , translate it litterally , take the houses of god in possession ; yet the septuagints & greekes interpret it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and hierome in the latin vulgar accordingly ▪ sanctuarium dei : in his other translation called haebraeica veritas , ( which also agreeth with that elder , cited by lucius in the primer ages of the church ) pulchritudine●● dei : pellican , electissima : all of them by such denominations , as are most proper to the temple & holy things . and therefore the church in all former ages and for the most part yet also beyond the seas , euen in the reformed parts of germany , retaineth that interpretation of sanctuarium dei , as best agreeing with the intent of the hebrew , which hierome in the preface to his translation professeth confidently ( by many witnesses ) that he hath changed in nothing . i alleage all this , but to 〈◊〉 , that by what variety of words soeuer , the translators expresse the originall hebrew , yet they all concu●re with this as the fountaine and st●n●ard ; that prima intentione , it 〈…〉 the holy things , though in ●ecun●d it bee caried vnto temporall . our selues also in our owne english translation , vnderstand the houses of god , for places dedicated to the seruice of god. and therefore in the . verse of the . psalme , where our church-psalter saith , burnt vp all the houses of god in the land : the geneua and the kings addition report it , burnt vp al the synagogues of god in the land. so likewise in the . verse of the . psal. the dwellings of god are expresly spoken of his tabernacles , and holy habitations , not of his temporall . yet doe i not deny ; but ( as i say ) secunda intentione , the words sanctuarium , or houses of god , in the . psalme are truely carried to all iudea and the people of god , howbeit hierome noteth expresly no such matter vpon it : neither could augustine find it in the litterall or historicall sence of the text : and therefore he deduceth it to the people of god by way of tropology , vsing the metaphor of saint paul. . cor. . sanctuarium : ( saith he ) templum dei sanctum est : quod estis vos . and lyra accordingly , sanctuarium : id est ( saith he ) hierusalem , in qua erat templum dei : & per consequens : terram iudea , cuius metropolis erat hierusalem . arnobius likewise of the ancient , taketh it first for the temple & holy vessell : then extensiuely , for the people and land of israel . as for cyprian , origen , tertullian , ambrose , chrysostome , gregory , they meddle not with it , that i can finde , nor hierome otherwise then as i haue mentioned . but admit that at this day most doe expound it for the temporalties of the iews , aswell as for their leuiticall and sanctified things : what doth this contradict my application of this psalme against spoilers of churches ? or wherein is my errour ? i affirme the genus vpon one of the membra diuidentia , and they vpon both . i vpon one not exclusiue , and they vppon both copulatiue . doe not they then themselues affirme my assertion ? let schoolemen be iudges . yea doe they not iustifie and enforce it ? for if god loueth the gates of syon , more then all the dwellings of iacob , psal. . . that is , the outward and petty things of his church , more then a●l the stately temporalties of his lay people , yea , if he loueth iacob but for sion , that is , the people but for the church : then ex necessario to consequente , when the prophet denounceth such heauy things against them , that menaced gods , lay people , and their possessions , how much the rather , doth hee it against such as with greater fury and impiety afflict his more peculiar and chosen seruants , his cleargy , his leuites , his first borne ? against these i say , that forbeare not to violate the things more deare vnto him : his temple , his oracle , his holy mysteries , that is , things belonging to his honour and diuine seruice , things and meanes , ordained to the propagation of his blessed word ? for this is the consequence of destroying our churches : this killeth the bird in the shel : and to a person offending in this nature , wrote i my booke . by like reason , it may also be said ; that this psalme was framed against heathens and infidels , ( which in open hostility assailed the church & people of god with fire and sword ) not against such as be our owne brethren , & of the family of the church , though ( in some sort ) they doe iniury vnto it . i answere that the ammonites and moabites were also of the kindred of israel : yea , the edomites , and ismalites , of the linage of abraham , aswell as the israelites themselues : yet when they ioined with them that sought the destruction of the church ; the curses of the pr●prophet went as freely and as fiercely against them as the rest . so if our church be spoiled by her brethren , her children , or kindred , the sentence is all one against them , as against heathen and infidels , yea , and that also more iustly and deseruedly by the iudgement of the prophet , who accounteth the treachery of a familiar friend much more intollerable then the violence of an open enemy . psalm . . . but say i haue erred ( which indeed is too common with mee though it be humanum ) and doth the more easily befall mee , hauing saluted the schoole of diuinity , onely a longe and a limine : i am therefore readie with augustine to put it amongst my retractations , if there be cause why ? yet ( as he said of romulus ) sed tamen errorē quo tu●atur habet . for i am not the author of this expositiō , neither is it my own weapon but borrowed , and put into my hand by others of elder time . i confesse that as they which go to battell , whet their swordes , and bend their bowes : so i sharpened both the edge and the point of it to my purpose . for all spirits are not cast out by ordinarie power , nor all humors perswaded by ordinary reason . knowing therefore what was necessary in particular for the party to whom i wrot , i applied my selfe , and my pen to that particular necessity : yet , not with zidkiah to seduce him by vntruthes , but as a faithfull michaiah to leaue nothing vntold that belonged to his danger . see then what i haue to defend my selfe withall , both of ancient & later fathers & doct rs● of the church : the first application ( as i take it ) that euer was made of this psalme , was ( only to the purpose i alleadge it ) by ●ucius a deuout bishop of rome , in the bloody age of the primitiue church , about . yeeres after christ : of whom ( to let passe cyprian ) bale , a man of our owne , giueth this testimony ; that hee was a faithfull seruant in the lords house , — and enriched his church with healthfull doctrine , and afterward being purified in the lambes blood , hee pierced the heauenly paradice , being put to death at valentinians commandement , anno . this lucius ( as i noted in the margent of my booke , pag. . ) in an epistle of his to the bishops of gallia and spaine : hauing determined many things touching the church , & somewhat also against spoilers and defrauders thereof ( concluding them by the example of iudas to bee thieues and sacrilegious persons ) hee proceedeth with them in this manner : de talibus , id est ( saith hee ) qui facultates ecclesiae rapiunt , fraudant , & auferunt : dominus comminans omnibus per prophetam loquitur dicens : deus ne taceas tibi : ne sileas , &c. reciting the whole . psalme euery word , as you may see . tom. . concil : of binn●us edition . pa. . col . . i tooke this reuerend father and great doctor of the church , liuing in the purity of religion , in the times of persecution , and so neere the ages of the apostles , to be a faithfull direction to my penne . yet , lest hee should seeme like a sparrow alone on the house top , i will shew you the opinion of others in the after ages . petrus damianus a cardinall , whilest that title was rather a name of ministry then of dignity , and long before it became mounted and purpurate , a starre of his time , now almost . yeers old , vnderstandeth this psalm also of church possessions , & dignities , & out of it doth vehemētly confute the chaplains of duke gothi●red , which held it no s●mony to buy bishoprickes and priests places , so they paid nothing for the imposition of hands ( an opinion too common at this day ) and hee applieth against them the interpretation of the names of the heathen princes there mentioned , and concludeth them to be haereditario quodam iure sanctuarij possessores , as you may see in his speculo mor. l. . ep. . ad capellan . gothif . rupertus who flourished about . yeeres since ; expoundeth it contra omnes ecclesiae hostes , falsos christianos , haereticos , &c. great hugo cardinali● , the first postillator of the bible , ( who flourished anno . a little also , before that order was distinguished with the horse and red hat , and a man to whom all the preachers of christendome are more beholden , then many of them are aware : for much of that good iuce that sweetneth the expositions they read , dropt from his penne , though now like riuers falling into other channels , it hath lost his name ) in his worthy comment vpon the psalter , applieth the wordes , haereditate possideamus sanctuarium dei , against those that ambitiously seeke church-liuings and dignities , dispiersing the curses of this psalme , as well among the great men of the cleargy as them of the laity , which by threatning or fauour obtaine ecclesiastical promotions : and particularly against such men of the church , as conferre prebends and dignities vpon their nephewes and kindred , building ( as he saith ) sion in ( their ) bloud , and ierusalem in in●quity . neither spareth hee the popes themselues , but chargeth them also that they possesse gods sanctuary , by way of inheritance , in that they keepe the succession of the papacy among such as bee onely of the romane nation . and much more to this purpose , which were here too long to recite : but ( concluding that the prophet hath leuelled at them all in this psalme ) he saith , de omnibus istis sequitur : deus meus pone eos vt retam , &c. ioannes vitalis , who liued aboue . yeeres since , ( and for his fame , and learning , was also called to bee a cardinal , ere that this dignity was yet at the highest pitch ) vehemently enceth this psalme against the great men that prey vpon the church , applying the interpretation of the names therein mentioned very bitterly vnto them . and saith further , that they possesse the sanctuary of god by inheritance , which enter into it vnworthily , or in succession to their vnckles , nephewes , and parents , and they also which giue benefices in that manner , wasting thereby as it were christs hereditary patrimony ; with much more to this effect , speculo moral : tit . principes saeculares . fol. . d. nicolaus de lyra , who flourished about the same time ; our owne country-man , ( though of iewish parents ) a starre also in that age , of the first magnitude , for his learning ; and exquisit aboue all in the hebrew , ( it being his mother tongue , and eleborate by him ) whose iudgemēt i the rather esteeme , for that luther loued him , and preferred him aboue all interpreters , as luther himselfe testifieth in the . and . chap. of genesis . he ( i say , as before i haue noted ) expoundeth it : first , and properly for the temple ( vnder which i vnderstand all things dedicated vnto god ) then for ierusalem , because ( saith he ) the temple was there : and lastly by consequence ( for that is his owne word ) for the land of iudea , whose chiefe city ierusalem was . so that he maketh the temple and things belonging to god , to be the maine part whereat the prophet aimeth , and the city and countrey to follow , but by inference and implication . come to the later writers , genebrard noteth vpon sanctuarium dei ; that the hebrew word is , habitacula , and for the postill , faith ; generaliter de diuinis omnibus templis , vrbibus locis & oppidis populi dei . so that if hee had been questioned further ; how he vnderstood habitacula , specialiter , it is then like hee would haue answered , de diuinis omnibus templis tantum : that is , onely of churches . but be it as it is , he setteth them in the first place , as the proper signification , and the rest in cons●quence , as analogicall , according to augustine & our countrey-man ly●anus . as for luther , he expoundeth not this psalme himselfe , that i can finde ; but you see what hee attributeth to lyras iudgement . pellican a great hebritian , translateth it possideamus nobis alectissima dei , and expoundeth it in like manner as before , templum ciuitatem vasa populum dei . pomeranus interpreteth it of them that did seeke to make themselues lords and heires of the temple . to conclude , because the newest thing● are most acceptable with many . the last man that hath written vpon the psalter , lorinus a iesuit , ( and therefore i will not presse his authority ) yet to doe him right , very well esteemed amongst great clarks of our owne church for much good learning ( though in matters of controuersie , full enough of romish leuin ) reciteth some-what more briefly the former interpretations of petrus damianus , hugo cardinalis and iohn vitalis , and approuing those their applications , putteth them still on into the world , as truly consonant to the tenor of the psalme , which notwithstanding i doubt not hath also many other expositions , as herbes haue vsually diuers vertues and operations . but thus the eldest and newest expositors are wholly for mee , many also ( & of the best of thē ) of the middle ages , none that i know against me . for although musculus , bucer , caluin , marlorat , mollerus , expound this psalme historically of the countrey and nation of the iewes , yet when then apply it to the church of christ ( as otherwise there were no vse of it ) they make that application by way of figure & analogy ; and then is there no cause to raise an antithesis , or contrariety betweene them and me . for to reconcile the matter , s. ierome in his entrance into the exposition of this psalme , telleth vs , that wee may expound it figuratiuely of the church ( which i vnderstand in matters of action , gouernement , doctrine ) or historically of the people of the iewes and nations about them . and though caluin himselfe pursueth for the most part the historicall interpretation , yet when he commeth to the . verse , he faith ; i terum accusat profanos homines sacrilegij , quod praedateria licentia inuolant in ipsam dei haereditatem . thus much , and too much touching this point . as it is saide in the end of the machabees : if i haue done well and as the story required , it is the thing that i desired : but if i haue spoken slenderly and barely , it is that i could . let no man therefore rely vpon me , but learn of them that are bound to teach ; for the priest slips should preserue knowledge , and they should seek the law at his mouth : for he is the messenger of the lord of hosts . mal. . ● other things there be , wherein i would willingly haue enlarged my self a little : but as popilius in liuy discribing a circle about antiochus enforced him to answere before hee stept out of it . so the printer ( hauing printed al to the last sheet before i knew it ) restraineth me , ad articulum temporis , within which accordingly i must needs end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a rectory what it is . a plowd . comment in quare impedit per grendō , &c. b oblatio est omne quod exhibetur in cultu dei , tho. aq. . q. . . . &c. and vrban in his epist. tome . concil . and lands are so termed , ezek. . . and tithes , numb : . . so also the canonists & ciuilians expound them , concil . aurel. ca. . burcha . lib. . ca. . & . et lex . iurid . in verb. oblatio . c leuit. . . d touching diuine worship and works of charity . tithes how due . gen. . . a yet there bee diuers naturall reasons that commend this number ( for this purpose ) aboue other . b gen. . . c gen. . . d leuitticus . . and . deut. . , & . mallachy . . e declared by the fathers and counsels . tithes originally not leuiticall . a iacob voweth to giue tithes gen. . . and ioseph sheweth he performeth his vow . antiquit . lib. . cap. . b hom. . in gen. c the scripture onely mentioneth bread and wine to be giuen by melchisedeck to abraham : but iosephus sheweth , that hee gaue him also diuers other rich gifts . antiquit. lib. . cap. . d leuit. . , & ● . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . num. . , , & . a ambros. in serm. quadrages . b august . in serm. de temp . ● . & alias . c hieron . in mala. . d chrysost. in epist. ad heb. hom. . & hom. . in . gen. e roman . concil . . aurelian . . tarracon . sub horm . mediomatricis . toletanum agrippin . cap. . hispalens . mont●s . concus . . valentinum sub leone rothomag . cap . cauall●n cap. ● . maguntin . cap. . f origen , tertullian , cyprian , gregory , &c. see this sermon in the end of this booke . glaber . hist. lib. ▪ ca. . of oblations & offerings . a vrban . epist. circiter anno. christi . b constantine & valentinian made lawes that rich men which were able to support the charges of the common-wealth : should not be admitted into religious houses ▪ because their poss●ssions and goods were thereby a mortized . c chron. . . d tertullian in apologetico . e iustinius in apol. . hist. ecles . f sermone , de eleemosymis . g hee calleth the treasury corban , of that at the temple of hierusalem . h noui testamenti nouam docuit ( filz . christ●us ) oblationem : quam ecclesia ab apostolis accipiens in vniuerso mundo offert deo : ei qui alimenta nobis prestat . primitias suorum muncrum in nouo testamento . i vide zanchium lib. . de culm dei externo . of glebe land , and houses belonging to parsonages how lands came to the churches . a it appeareth by the epistles of pius and vrban who liued about the yeere of christ . that the church of rome had then begū to retain lands in this māner vpō this reason , & it may well be , for that origen & eusebius shew , that churches had then possessions . b edicta constantini & lucinij impp. eus. lib. . ca. . c origen speaketh of rents of the church : hom. in mat. d eusebius of an house belonging to the church of antioche that paulus samosatenus in the time of aurelianus the emperour ( about yeeres before constantine ) wrongfully inuaded : lib. . cap. . e & f read the note ( a ) next afote . g synod . roman . sub symacho . . episcoporū circiter an. christ. . tota contra inuasores ecclesiarū . concil . aurelianens . . ann. . c. . & . conc. meldeus . ca. . burch . lib. . cap. . concil . gangrens . cap. . bur. lib. . cap. . concil . mogunt . cap. . . . & plurima alia . h see the two edicts of constantine and licinius empp. euseb. lib. . cap. . and the lawes of constant : theodos : iust : carol : magn : and many other . i to passe ouer forraigne princes , our own in former times haue almost successiuely confirmed them . k si quis in agro suo , aut habet , aut postulat habore dioecefim primum & terras ei deputet sufficienter , & clericos : qui ibidem sua officia impleant , vt sacratis locis reuerentia condigna tribuatur . aur. conc. c. . in conc. tom. . vbi nota quod dioecesis accipitur pro libertate condendi oratoria vel ecclesias , itaque in argumēto huius capituli oratorium exponitur . l tom. concil . . * coloniam vestitam . m concil . tolet. . cap. . n chrysost. hom . in acta . o syn. lond. ca. . antiq . britan. ca. . * alias adulphus : p i●gulf . in hist. croil . q sim. dumelm . cita . antiquit. brit. cap. r deciviam mansionem vbi mininum sit . s as appeareth in their seuerall lawes , and namely times in edw. . raigne . t see the stat. of . edw. . in rastals abridgment tit . confirmat . . and sententia lata sup●r chartas . and pupilla ocult par . . c. . u nelis . . . x acts. . . churches and their liuings dedicate to god. a see the . syn. rom. of bishops ( aboue yeers since ) wholly against violaters of churches & church-rights . and see many other to this purpose . burchar . lib. . a demonst. problem . tit . templum sect . . in epist. ad constant. imp. a histor. suae lib. . c. . & sozom . lib. . cap. . niceph . lib. . cap. . hist. triper . li . fol. ▪ * hierusalem . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. consecrare . * euseb. 〈◊〉 orat . de laudib . constant . ibideus . gen. . . chrys. hom . . in act. concil . mogunt . ca. . holy rights and temples how respected by heathens . gen. . . biblioth . hist. lib. . iohn . . how fearefull a thing it is to violate the church . . chron. . vers . . dauids zeal for the house of god. * this psalme is alledged to this purpose by lucius ( who was martyred about an. chr. . ) in his epistle to the bishops of gallia and spaine . tom. concil . . the zeale of our sauiour to the house of god. and of the parts of the temple . mat. . mar. . . luke . . . num. . . ebr. . , , , , &c. a christ came to fulfill the law , & not to break it . therefore ( doubtles ) he obserued the rules thereof , and the quality of his tribe . b see the forme of the temple in arias montaiu : antiquitat . iudaic. lib. aricl . and in the geneua bible , . king. cap. . and marke well both it , and the notes vpon it ; for i find them ( aboue others ) most agreeable to the scriptures , and rely not vpon the figure of the temple in adricomues , without good examination ; for i perceiue he hath misplaced somethings therein . c see the note ( a ) among the notes aforesaid . d . chron. . . stat. ne rectores prosternant arbores in cimiterio . more of that matter : and how farre the sanctification of the temple is abo . * . chr. . . & . . * acts . . saint paul maintaineth the reuerence of the church . cor. . . coment . in . cor. . the zeale of some of the fathers to the church . serm. de temp . tom . . ● ad marcellinam sororem : epist. . in fine eiusdem epist. * heretikes which contemned churches . sacriledge not to be suffered in the least things . coment . in . cor. . . tom . . eccles. . . an admonition to them that meddle with holy things . a surmise answered . another surmise answered . dissero non assero . a term. pas. an. . edw. . assise fol. . b. b doct. & stud. cap. . c see aug. ser. . de temp. hostiens . and most canonists . concil . montisc . . cap. . concil . mogunt cap. . alias , &c. d dismes font choses spiritual , & due de iure diuino . le euesque de winch. case fol. . c nescio quo fato sit ; vt eodem t●mporis periodo ( viz. an . ) post ereptas per nabuc & h. . res templorum : stirps vtris que regia extincta sit , imperium sublatum , & ad aliā gentem deuolutum . vlterius igitur speremus . cyrum nostrum iacobum regem ( qui sceptra dissidentia . compescuit ) restitutionis etiam munus aliquando aggressurum . a third surmise answered . a al church reuenues were at first paid to bishops , and by them distributed to the priests , poore , &c. after the bishops were to haue a fourth part of all tithes . per concil . aurelian . mogunt . tribur . hanet : &c. et per conc. tarracon . the third part . b plowd . in quare impper grend . l. coke report . part . . fol. . c . chr. . . & . b see plowden in quar. imp. per grendon . et lo. coke de iure regis eccles. part . c reges sacro oleo vncti , sunt spiritualis iurisdictionis capaces . ed. . tit . aide de roy . ex dom. coke repor . part . . d dalmatia est vestis , qua modo vtuntur omnes diaconi ex cons●etudine in s●lennitatibus . vt . distin . de ieiun●o . antiquitus tamen , siue concessione papae , nec episcopis , nec diaconis licebat vti hac veste . distinct. . cap. omnes filius . prateus . e edw. . lib. assis. plac . . l. coke par . . fol. . a. f as inglewood , &c. vt patet an . . edw. . inter petitiones coram dūo rege ad parliamentum . the danger that proprietaries of parsonages stand in . a see the extent of these words in l. coke , part . . fol. . and note also that parsonages appropriate , are not mentioned in that statute of . h . and the word ( tithes ) there seemeth to be meant of tithes belonging to the bodies of the monasteries ▪ not of parsonage tithes . ideo quare how the king had them before the statute of . regni sui . b parson impersonee . c for the monastical persons and prioresses themselues that could not performe the diuine seruice , were notwithstanding the incumbents of their churches : and lay approptietaries claiming vnder their right , ought also to bee subject to the same burthens . d there is yet no expresse law made to take away the bishops iurisdictions ouer churches appropriate , ( that i can finde . ) ideo quaere how it extendeth . * see dier trin. . h. . fol. . pl. . * termes of the law in verbo appropriation . leuesque de winchesters case , fol. b. a diocles. vide euseb. hist. ecclis . lib . cap. . niceph. l. . cap. . b iuli. vide theod. hist. lib. . cap. . & niceph. lib. cap. c it is said in my l. dier in the case of a common person , that the seruice or a cure is a spirituall administration , and cannot be leased , and that the seruice is not issuing ou● of the personage , but annext vnto the person . . h. . fol. . b. pla . . * proprietaries which haue vicars endowed , thinke themselues thereby discharged : but though the vicar be the parsons deputy to doe the diuine seruice , yet a superiour care thereof resteth still vpon the parson himsel●e , and the surplusage of the profits belongeth to the poore , as appeareth by the whole body of fathers , doctors , counsels , &c. that it is not beneuolence but duety to restore church . liuings . ad mace donium epist. . tom . . iob. . . pro. . . * synod . ● . rom. . epis● o● . an ● . co●c . val. an. . ca. . con. rom. . episc. anno conc. rom. . anno ● . conc. pa●en● . an. . . conc. ox●n . gene . ang. anno . a a strange change : the israelites gaue their owne goods so abundantly to the seruice of god , that moses was forced to restraine them by proclamation : exod , . ● . but now nothing can moue vs to giue god that which is his already . b qui sub . nomine sidelium , agunt operai● fidelium . hieron . ibid. c we think the church doth not command it till we make a parliament law for it , but the law is made already by christ himselfe . a dan. . . the conclusion . b . sa. . ▪ c ex. . cypr. ser. . de laps . in fine . lib. de her. ●it . per isid. mar. . notes for div a -e . vlt. vers . . act. . . ● . tim. . ● * psal. . . psal. . august . . notes for div a -e decret . quae. . cap. decima . where you may see a great part of this sermon cited for augustines . * mala. . . exod. ● . ● . quae. . ca. decima . prou. . . exo. . pro. . . . quae. ● ca. decima . . quae. . ca. decimae . mal. . . * this place is cited as out of augustine cons. triburies . ca. . an. & before that in concil . mogunt . pri . c. an. . . quae . ca. decimae . * pr●mereri . * forte non est augustini iste sermo tamen insignis est sine dubio & antiqui alicuius atris , nam inde tanquam ex augustino multa sunt adscripta in decret . . q . bellarm lib. de clericis cap. . homil . ex lib. . ham ▪ com . . notes for div a -e in his epist . dodicat●ry . * tithes r. ● . epist. l. . epist. ● . see 〈◊〉 page . the works of mr. richard hooker (that learned and judicious divine), in eight books of ecclesiastical polity compleated out of his own manuscripts, never before published : with an account of his life and death ... ecclesiastical polity hooker, richard, or - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the works of mr. richard hooker (that learned and judicious divine), in eight books of ecclesiastical polity compleated out of his own manuscripts, never before published : with an account of his life and death ... ecclesiastical polity hooker, richard, or - . gauden, john, - . walton, izaak, - . travers, walter, or - . supplication made to the councel. [ ], , [ ], [i.e. ] p. : port. printed by thomas newcomb for andrew crook ..., london : . title on added t.p. engraved (with architectural border): of the lawes of ecclesiastical politie / by richard hooker. london : printed for andrew crooke, . frontispiece is an engraved portrait of richard hooker. this ed. is edited by john gauden; the account of the life of richard hooker is by izaak walton. cf. dnb. marginal notes. "a supplication made to the councel by master walter travers": p. - . imperfect: between p. and of the first group of pagings are pages which belong in the unnumbered pages introductory to the main work. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hooker, richard, or - . church of england -- apologetic works. ecclesiastical law -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . sermons, english -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion svnt meliora mihi richardvs hooker exoniensis scholaris sociusque collegij corp. chrisli oxon̄ : deinde londi : templi interioris in sacris magister rectorque huius ecelesiae ▪ scripsit octo libros politiae ecclesiasticae angelicanae , quorum tres desiderantur : obijt ; an̄ : dō : m.dc. iii. aetat : suae l. posuit hoc pijssimo viro monumentum ano. dō : m. dc . xxx . v . guli : comper armiger . in christo iesu quem genuit per evangelium . corinth : . . of the lawes of ecclesiastical politie . eight bookes by richard hooker . london printed for andrew crooke at the greene dragon in s pauls church-yard . . the works of mr. richard hooker , ( that learned and judicious divine ) in eight books of ecclesiastical polity , compleated out of his own manuscrips ; never before published . with an account of his life and death . dedicated to the kings most excellency majesty , charles iid. by whose royal father ( near his martyrdom ) the former five books ( then onely extant ) were commended to his dear children , as an excellent means to satisfie private scruples , and settle the publick peace of this church and kingdom . jam . . . the wisdom from above , is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good works , without partiality and hypocrisie . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plat. multitadio investiganda verilalis ad proximos divertunt errores . min. fel. london : printed by thomas newcomb for andrew crook , at the green-dragon in st. pauls church-yard . . to the kings most excellent majesty charles ii d , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. most gracious soveraign , although i know how little leisure great kings have to read large books , or indeed any , save onely gods , ( the study , belief and obedience of which , is precisely commanded , even to kings , deut. . , . and from which , whatever wholly diverts them , will hazard to damn them ; there being no affairs of so great importance , as their serving god , and saving their own souls ; nor any precepts so wise , just , holy , and safe , as those of the divine oracles ; nor any empire so glorious , as that by which kings being subject to gods law , have dominion over themselves , and so best deserve and exercise it over their subjects . ) yet having lived to see the wonderful and happy restauration of your majesty to your rightful kingdoms , and of this reformed church to its just rights , primitive order , and pristine constitution , by your majesties prudent care , and imparallel'd bounty , i know not what to present more worthy of your majesties acceptance , and my duty , then these elaborate and seasonable works of the famous and prudent mr. richard hooker , now augmented , and i hope compleated with the three last books , so much desired , and so long concealed . the publishing of which volume so intire , and thus presenting it to your majesty , seems to be a blessing and honor reserved by gods providence , to add a further lusture to your majesties glorious name , and happy reign , whose transcendent favor , justice , merit , and munificence to the long afflicted church of england , is a subject no less worthy of admirasion then gratitude to all posterity . and of all things ( next gods grace ) not to be abused or turned into wantonness by any of your majesties clergy , who are highly obliged beyond all other subjects to piety , loyalty , and industry . i shall need nothing more to ingratiate this incomparable piece to your majesties acceptance , and all the english worlds , then those high commendations it hath ever had , as from all prudent , peaceable , and impartial readers , so especially from your majesties royal father , who a few days before he was crowned with martyrdom , commended to his dearest children , the diligent reading of mr. hookers ecclesiastical polity , even next the bible ; as an excellent means to settle them in the truth of religion , and in the peace of this church , as much christian , and as well reformed as any under heaven : as if god had reserved this signal honor to be done by the best of kings , and greatest sufferers for this church , to him who was one of the best writers , and ablest defenders of it . to this compleated edition , is added such particular accounts as could be got of the authors person , education , temper , manners , fortunes , life , and death , which is now done with much exactness and proportion : that hereby your majesty , and all the world , may see what sort of men are fittest for church-work ( which like the building of solomons temple , is best carried on with most evenness of iudgement , and least noise of passion . ) also what manner of man he was , to whom we all ow this noble work , and durable defence . which is indeed at once ( as the tongues of eloquent princes are to themselves , and their subjects ) both a treasury and an armory , to inrich their friends , and defend them against the enemies of the church of england : arare composition of unpassionate reason , and unpartial religion ; the mature product of a indicious scholar , a loyal subject , an humble preacher , and a most eloquent writer : the very abstract and quintessence of laws humane and divine ; a summary of the grounds , rules , and proportions of true polity in church and state : vpon which clear , solid and safe foundations , the good order , peace , and government of this church was anciently setled , and on which , while it stands firm , it will be flourishing . all other popular and specious pretensions being found by late sad experiences , to be as novel and unfit , so factious and fallacious , yea , dangerous and destructive to the peace and prosperity of this church and kingdom , whose inseparable happiness and interests are bound up in monarchy and episcopacy . the politick and visible managing of both which , god hath now graciously restored and committed to your majesties soveraign wisdom and authority , after the many and long tragedies suffered from those club masters and tub-ministers , who sought not fairly to obtain reformation of what might seem amiss , but violently and wholly to overthrow the ancient and goodly fabrick of this church and kingdom . for finding themselves not able in many years to answer this one book , long ago written in defence of the truth , order , government , authority , and liberty ( in things indifferent ) of this reformed church , agreeable to right reason , and true religion ( which makes this well tempered peice , a file capable to break the teeth of any that venture to bite it ; ) they conspired at last to betake themselves to arms , to kindle those horrid fires of civil wars , which this wise author foresaw , and foretold in his admirable preface , would follow those sparks , and that smoak which he saw rise in his days : so that from impertinent disputes ( seconded with scurrilous pamphlets ) they fled to tumults , sedition , rebellion , sacriledge , parricide , yea , regicide ; counsels weapons , and practices , certainly , no way becoming the hearts and hands of christian subjects , nor ever sanctified by christ for his service , or his churches good . what now remains , but your majesties perfecting and preserving that ( in this church ) which you have with much prudence and tenderness , so happily begun and prosecuted , with more zeal then the establishment of your own throne . the still crazy church of england , together with this book ( its great and impregnable shield ) do further need , and humbly implore your majesties royal protection under god : nor can your majesty by any generous instance and perseverance ( most worthy of a christian king ) more express that pious and grateful sense which god and all good men expect from your majesty , as some retribution for his many miraculous mercies to your self , then in a wise , speedy , and happy setling of our religious peace , with the least grievance , and most satisfaction to all your good subjects ; sacred order and uniformity being the centre and circumference of our civil tranquillity : sedition naturally rising out of schism , and rebellion out of faction ; the onely cure and antidote against both , are good laws and canons , first wisely made , with all christian moderation , and seasonable charity ; next , duly executed with iustice and impartiality ; which sober severity , is indeed the greatest charity to the publique . whose verity , vnity , sanctity and solemnity in religious concernments , being once duly established , must not be shaken or sacrificed to any private varieties and extravagancies . where the internals of doctrines , morality , mysteries , and evangelical duties , being ( as they are in the church of england ) sound and sacred , the externals of decent forms , circumstances , rites and ceremonies , being subordinate and servient to the main , cannot be either evil or unsafe , neither offensive to god nor good christians . for the attaining of which blessed ends of piety and peace , that the sacred sun and shield of the divine grace and power directing and protecting , may ever shine upon your majesties person and family , counsels and power , is the humble prayer of your sacred majesties most loyal subject , and devoted servant , ioh. exon . to the reader . i think it necessary to inform my reader that doctor gauden ( the late bishop of worcester ) hath also lately wrote and publisht the life of master hooker ; and though this be not writ by design to oppose what he hath truly written ; yet , i am put upon a neccessity to say , that in it there be many material mistakes , and more omissions . i conceive some of his mistakes did proceed from a belief in master thomas fuller , who had too hastily published what be hath since most ingenuously retracted . and for the bishops omissions , i suppose his more weighty business and want of time , made him pass over many things without that due examination , which my better leisure , my diligence , and my accidental advantages , have made known unto me . and now for my self , i can say , i hope , or rather know , there are no material mistakes in what i here present to you , that shall become my reader . little things that i have received by tradition ( to which there may be too much and too little faith given ) i will not at this distance of time undertake to justifie ; for , though i have used great diligence , and compared relations and circumstances , and probable results and expressions : yet , i shall not impose my belief upon my reader ; i shall rather leave him at liberty : but , if there shall appear any material ommission , i desire every lover of truth and the memory of master hooker , that it may be made known unto me . and , to incline him to it , i here promise to acknowledge and rectifie any such mistake in a second impression , which the printer says he hopes for ; and by this means my weak ( but faithful ) endeavours may become a better monument , and in some degree more worthy the memory of this venerable man. i confess , that when i consider the great learning and vertue of master hooker , and what satisfaction and advantages many eminent scholars and admirers of him have had by his labours : i do not a little wonder that in sixty years no man did undertake to tell posterity of the excellencies of his life and learning , and the accidents of both ; and sometimes wonder more at my self , that i have been perswaded to it ; and indeed i do not easily pronounce my own pardon , nor expect that my reader shall , unless my introduction shall prove my apology , to which i refer him . the copy of a letter writ to mr. walton , by dr. king , lord bishop of chichester . honest isaac , though a familiarity of forty years continuance , and the constant experience of your love , even in the worst times , be sufficient to indear our friendship : yet , i must confess my affection much improved , not onely by evidences of private respect to those very many that know and love you , but by your new demonstration of a publick spirit , testified in a diligent , true , and useful collection of so many material passages as you have now afforded me in the life of venerable mr. hooker ; of which , since desired by such a friend as yourself , i shall not deny to give the testimony of what i know concerning him and his learned books ; but shall first here take a fair occasion to tell you , that you have been happy in chusing to write the lives of three such persons , as posterity hath just cause to honour ; which they will do the more for the true relation of them by your happy pen : of all which i shall give you my unfeigned censure . i shall begin with my most dear and incomparable friend dr. donne , late dean of st. pauls church , who not only trusted me as his executor , but three days before his death delivered into my hands those excellent sermons of his which are now made publick : professing before dr. winniff , dr. montford , and i think your self then present at his bed-side , that it was by my restless importunity that he had prepared them for the press ; together with which ( as his best legacy ) he gave me all his sermon-notes , and his other papers , containing an extract of near fifteen hundred authors . how these were got out of my hands , you , who were the messenger for them , and how lost both to me and your self , is not now seasonable to complain : but , since they did miscarry , i am glad that the general demonstration of his worth was so fairly preserved , and represented to the world by your pen in the history of his life ; indeed so well , that beside others , the best critick of our later time ( mr. iohn hales of eaton colledge ) affirm'd to me , he had not seen a life written with more advantage to the subject , or more reputation to the writer , than that of dr. donnes . after the performance of this task for dr. donne , you undertook the like office for our friend sir henry wolton , betwixt which two there was a friendship begun in oxford , continued in their various travels , and more confirm'd in the religious friendship of age : and doubtless this excellent person had writ the life of dr. donne , if death had not prevented him ; by which means , his and your pre-collections for that work , fell to the happy manage of your pen : a work , which you would have declin'd , if imperious perswasions had not been stronger then your modest resolutions against it . and i am thus far glad , that the first life was so impos'd upon you , because it gave an unadvoidable cause of writing the second ; if not , 't is too probable we had wanted both , which had been a prejudice to all lovers of honor and ingenuous learning . and let me not leave my friend sir henry without this testimony added to yours , that he was a man of as florid a wit , and elegant a pen , as any former , or ours , which in that kinde is a most excellent age , hath ever produced . and now having made this voluntary observation of our two deceased friends , i proceed to satisfie your desire concerning what i know and believe of the ever-memorable mr. hooker , who was schismaticorum malleius , so great a champion for the church of englands rights , against the factious torrent of separatists that then ran high against church-discipline , and in his unanswerable books continues still to be so against the unquiet disciples of their schism , which now under other names carry on their design ; and who ( as the proper heirs of their irrational zeal ) would again rake into the scarce-closed wounds of a newly bleeding state and church . and first , though i dare not say i knew mr. hooker ; yet , as our ecclesiastical history reports to the honor of igna●ius , that he lived in the time of st. iohn , and had seen him in his childhood ; so i also joy , that in my minority i have often seen mr. hooker with my father , then lord bishop of london , from whom , and others at that time , i have heard most of the material passages which you relate in the history of his life ; and , from my father received such a character of his learning , humility , and other vertues , that like jewels of unvaluable price , they still cast such a lustre as envy or the rust of time shall never darken . from my father i have also heard all the circumstances of the plot to defame him ; and how sir edwin sandys outwitted his accusers , and gained their confession ; and could give an account of each particular of that plot , by that i judge it fitter to be forgotten , and rot in the same grave with the malicious authors . i may not omit to declare , that my fathers knowledge of mr. hooker was occasioned by the learned dr. iohn spencer , who after the death of mr. hooker , was so careful to preserve his unvaluable sixth , seventh , and eighth books of ecclesiastical politt , and his other writings , that he procured henry iackson , then of corpus-christi colledge , to transcribe for him all mr. hookers remaining written papers , many of which were imperfect ; for his study had been rifled or worse used by mr. clark , and another of principles too like his : but as these papers were , they were endeavored to be compleated by his dear friend dr. spencer , who bequeathed them as a precious legacy to my father ; after whose death they rested in my hand , till dr. abbot , then archbishop of canterbury , commanded them out of my custody , authorising dr. iohn barkham , ( his lordships chaplain ) to require and bring them to him to lambeth : at which time i have heard they were put into the bishops library , and that they remained there till the martyrdom of archbishop laud , and were then by the brethren of that faction given with the library to hugh peters , as a reward for his remarkable service in those sad times of the churches confusion : and though they could hardly fall into a fouler hand , yet there wanted not other endeavors to corrupt and make them speak that language , for which the faction then fought ; which was , to subject the soveraign power to the people . i need not strive to vindicate mr. hooker in this particular ; his known loyalty to his prince whilst he lived , the sorrow expressed by king iames for his death ; the value our late soveraign ( of ever-blessed memory ) put upon his works , & now the singular character of his worth given by you in the passages of his life , ( especially in your appendix to it ) do sufficiently clear him from that imputation : and i am glad you mention how much value robert stapleton , pope clement the eighth , and other eminent men of the romish perswasion , have put upon his books , having been told the same in my youth by persons of worth that have travelled italy . lastly , i must again congratulate this undertaking of yours , as now more proper to you then any other person , by reason of your long knowledge and alliance to the worthy family of the cranmers ( my old friends also ) who have been men of noted wisdom , especially mr. george cranmer , whose prudence added to that of sir edwin sandys , proved very useful in the compleating of mr. hookers matchless books ; one of their letters i herewith send you to make use of , if you think fit . and let me say further , you merit much from many of mr. hookers best friends then living ; namely , from the ever-renowned archb. whitgist , of whose imcomparable worth , with the character of the times , you have given us a more short and significant account then i have received from any other pen. you have done much for sir henry savile , his contemporary and familiar friend ; amongst the surviving monuments of whose learning ( give me leave to tell you so ) two are omitted ; his edition of euclid , but especially his translation of king iames his apology for the oath of allegeance , into elegant latine : which flying in that dress as far as rome , was by the pope and conclave sent unto franciscus snarez to salamanca ( he then residing there as president of that colledge ) with a command to answer it . when he had perfected the work ( which he calls defensio fidei catholica , ) it was transmitted to rome for a view of the inquisitors ; who according to their custom blotted out what they pleased , and ( as mr. hooker hath been used since his death ) added whatsoever might advance the popes supremacy , or carry on their own interest , commonly coupling together dep●nere & occidere , the deposing and killing of princes : which cruel and unchristian language mr. iohn salikell ( his amanuensis , when he wrote at salamanca , but since a convert , living long in my fathers-house ) often professed , the good old man ( whose piety and charity mr. salikell magnified much ) not onely disavowed , but detested . not to trouble you further , your reader ( if according to your desire my approbation of your work carries any weight ) will finde many just reasons to thank you for it ; and for this circumstance here mentioned ( not known to many ) may happily apprehend one to thank him , who is , chichester novemb. . . sir , your ever-faithful and affectionate old friend , henry chichester . the life of mr. richard hooker . the introduction . i have been perswaded by a friend , that i ought to obey , to write , the life of richard hooker , the happy author of five ( if not more ) of the eight learned books of the laws of ecclesiastical polity . and though i have undertaken it , yet it hath been with some unwillingness , foreseeing that it must prove to me , and especially at this time of my age , a work of much labor to enquire , consider , research , and determine what a needful to be known concerning him . for i knew him not in his life , and must therefore not onely look back to his death , ( now sixty four years past ) but almost fifty years beyond that , even to his childhood and youth , and gather thence such observations and prognosticks , as may at least adorn , if not prove necessary for the compleating of what i have undertaken . this trouble i foresee , and foresee also ; that it is impossible to escape censures ; against which i will not hope my well-meaning and diligence can protect me , ( for i consider the age in which i live ) and shall therefore but intreat of my reader a suspension of them , till i have made known unto him some reasons , which i my self would now fain believe , do make me in some measure fit for this undertaking : and if these reasons shall not acquit me from all censures , they may at least abate of their severity ; and this is all i can probably hope for . my reasons follow . about forty years past ( for i am now in the seventieth of my age ) i began a happy affinity with william cranmer , ( now with god ) grand nephew unto the great archbishop of that name ; a family of noted prudence and resolution ; with him and two of his sisters i had an entire and free friendship : one of them was the wife of dr. spencer , a bosom-friend , and sometime compupil with mr. hooker in corpus-christi colledge in oxford , and after president of the same . i name them here , for that i shall have occasion to mention them in this following discourse ; as also george cranmer their brother , of whose useful abilities my reader may have a more authentick testimony then my pen can purchase for him , by that of our learned cambden and others . this william cranmer and his two forenamed sisters , had some affinity , and a most familiar friendship with mr. hooker , and had had some part of their education with him in his house , when he was parson of bishops-born near cantebury ; in which city their good father then lived . they had ( i say ) a great part of their education with him , as my self since that time , a happy cohabitation with them ; and having some years before read part of mr. hookers works with great liking and satisfaction , my affection on to them , made me a diligent inquisitor into many things that concerned him ; as namely , of his person , his nature , the management of his time , his wife , his family , and the fortune of him and his . which inquiry hath given me much advantage in the knowledge of what is now under my consideration and intended for the satisfaction of my reader . i had also a friendship with the reverend dr. usher , the late learned archbishop of armagh ; and with dr. morton , the late learned and charitable bishop of durham ; as also with the learned john hales of eaton colledge ; and with them also ( who loved the very name of mr. hooker ) i have had many discourses concerning him ; and from them , and many others that have now put off mortality , i might have had more informations , if i could then have admitted a thought of any fitness for what by perswasion i have now undertaken . but , though that full harvest be irrecoverably lost , yet my memory hath preserved some gleanings , and my diligence made such additions to them , as i hope will prove useful to the compleating of what i intend . in the discovery of which i shall be faithful , and with this assurance put a period to my introduction . the life it is not to be doubted , but that richard hooker was born within the precincts , or in the city of exeter . a city which may justly boast that it was the birth-place of him and sir thomas bodley ; as indeed the county may in which it stands , that it hath furnished this nation with bishop iewel , sir francis drake , sir walter raleigh , and many others memorable for their valor and learning . he was born about the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred fifty and three ; and of parents , that were not so remarkable for their extraction or riches , as for their vertue and industry , and gods blessing upon both : by which they were enabled to educate their children in some degree of learning , of which , our richard hooker may appear to be one fair testimony : and that nature is not so partial , as always to give the great blessings of wisdom and learning , and with them the greater blessings of vertue and government , to those onely that are of a more high and honorable birth . his complexion ( if we may guess by him at the age of forty ) was sanguine , with a mixture of choler ; and yet his motion was slow even in his youth , and so was his speech , never expressing an earnestness in either of them , but a gravity suitable to the aged . and it is observe ( so far as inquiry is able to look back at this distance of time ) that at his being a school-boy , he was an early questionist , quietly inquisitive , why this was , and that was not , to be remembred ? why this was granted , and that denied ? this being mixt with a remarkable modesty , and a sweet serene quietness of nature ; and with them a quick apprehension of many perplext parts of learning , imposed then upon him as a scholar , made his master and others to believe him to have an inward blessed divine light , and therefore to consider him to a little wonder . for in that , children were less pregnant , less confident , and more malleable , then in this wiser , but not better age. this meekness and conjuncture of knowledge , with modesty in his conversation , being observed by his school-master , caused him to perswade his parents ( who intended him for an apprentice ) to continue him at school till he could finde out some means , by perswading his rich uncle , or some other charitable person , to ease them of a part of their care and charge : assuring them , that their son was so enriched with the blessings of nature and grace , that god seemed to single him out as a special instrument of his glory . and the good man told them also , that he would double his diligence in instructing him , and would neither expect not receive any other reward , then the content of so hopeful and happy an imployment . this was not unwelcome news , and especially to this mother , to whom he was a dutiful and dear childe ; and all parties were so pleased with this proposal , that it was resolved so it should be . and in the mean time his parents and master laid a foundation for his future happiness , by instilling into his soul the seeds of piety . those consciencious principles of loving and fearing god ; of an early belief , that he knows the very secrets of our souls ; that he punisheth our vices , and rewards our innocence ; that we should be free from hypocrisie , and appear to man , what we are to god , because first or last the crafty man is catcht in his own snare . these seeds of piety were so seasonably planted , and so continually watered with the daily dew of gods blessed spirit , that his infant-vertues grew into such holy habits , as did make him grow daily into more and more favor , both with god and man ; which with the great learning that he did attain to , hath made richard hooker honored in this , and will continue him to be so to succeeding generations . this good school-master , whose name i am not able to recover , ( and am sorry , for that i would have given him a better memorial in this humble monument , dedicated to the memory of his scholar ) was very sollicitous with iohn hooker , then chamberlain of exeter , and uncle to our richard , to take his nephew into his care , and to maintain him for one year in the university , and in the mean time to use his endeavors to procure an admission for him into some colledge ; still urging and assuring him that his charge would not continue long ; for the lads learning and manners were both so remarkable , that they must of necessity be taken notice of ; and that god would provide him some second patron , that would free him and his parents from their future care and charge . these reasons , with the affectionate rhetorick of his good master , and gods blessing upon both , procured from his uncle a faithful promise that he would take him into his care and charge before the expiration of the year following , which was performed . this promise was made about the fourth year of the reign of queen mary ; and the learned iohn iewel ( after bishop of salisbury ) having been in the first of this queens reign expelled out of corpus-christi colledge in oxford , ( of which he was a fellow ) for adhering to the truth of those principles of religion , to which he had assented in the days of her brother and predecessor , edward the sixth ; and he having now a just cause to fear a more heavy punishment then expulsion , was forced by forsaking this , to seek safety in another nation , and with that safety the enjoyment of that doctrine and worship for which he suffered . but the cloud of that persecution and fear ending with the life of queen mary , the affairs of the church and state did then look more clear and comfortable ; so that he , and many others of the same judgment , made a happy return into england about the first of queen elizabeth ; in which year , this iohn iewel was sent a commissioner or visitor of the churches of the western parts of this kingdom , and especially of those in devonshire , in which county he was born ; and then , and there he contracted a friendship with iohn hooker , the uncle of our richard. in the third year of her reign , this iohn iewel was made bishop of salisbury ; and there being always observed in him a willingness to do good and oblige his friends , and now a power added to it : iohn hooker gave him a visit in salisbury , and besought him for charities sake to look favorably upon a poor nephew of his , whom nature had fitted for a scholar ; but the estate of his parents was so narrow , that they were unable to give him the advantage of learning ; and that the bishop would therefore become his patron , and prevent him from being a tradesman ; for he was a boy of remarkable hopes . and though the bishop knew men do not usually look with an indifferent eye upon their own children and relations , yet he assented so far to iohn hooker , that he appointed the boy and his school-master should attend him about easter next following at that place ; which was done accordingly : and then after some questions and observations of the boys learning , and gravity , and behavior , the bishop gave his school-master a reward , and took order for an annual pension for the boys parents , promising also to take him into his care for a future preferment ; which was performed . for , about the fourteenth year of his age , which was anno . he was by the bishop appointed to remove to oxford , and there to attend dr. cole , then president of corpus-christi colledge : which he did , and dr. cole had ( according to a promise made to the bishop ) provided for him both a tutor ( which was said to be the learned dr. iohn reynolds ) and a clerks place in that colledge : which place , though it were not a full maintenance , yet with the contribution of his uncle , and the continued pension of his patron , the good bishop , gave him a comfortable subsistence . and in this condition he continued unto the eighteenth year of his age , still increasing in learning and prudence , and so much in humility and piety , that he seemed to be filled with the holy ghost , and even like st. iohn baptist , to be sanctified from his mothers womb , who did often bless the day in which she bare him . about this time of his age , he fell into a dangerous sickness , which lasted two moneths : all which time , his mother having notice of it , did in her hourly prayers as earnestly beg his life of god , as the mother of st. augustine did , that he might become a true christian : and their prayers were both so heard , as to be granted . which mr. hooker would often mention with much joy , and pray that he might never live to occasion any sorrow to so good & mother , whom he would often say , he loved so dearly , that he would endeavor to be good , even as much for her sake , as for his own . as soon as he was perfectly recovered from this sickness , he took a journey from oxford to exeter , to satisfie and see his good mother , being accompanied with a countreyman and companion of his own colledge , and both on foot ; which was then either more in fashion , or want of money , or their humility made it so : but on foot they went , and took salisbury in their way , purposely to see the good bishop , who made mr. hooker and his companion dine with him at his own table ; which mr. hooker boasted of with much joy and gratitude when he saw his mother and friends : and at the bishops parting with him , the bishop gave him good counsel , and his benediction , but forgot to give him money ; which when the bishop had considered , he sent a servant in all hasle to call richard back to him : and at richards return , the bishop said to him , richard , i sent for you back to lend you a horse which hath carried me many & mile , and i thank god with much ease . and presently delivered into his hand a walking-staff , with which he professed he had travelled through many parts of germany . and he said , richard , i do not give , but lend you my horse ; be sure you be honest , and bring my horse back to me at your return this way to oxford . and i do now give you ten groats to bear your charges to exeter ; and here is ten groats more , which i charge you to deliver to your mother , and tell her , i send her a bishops benediction with it , and beg the continuance of her prayers for me . and if you bring my horse back to me , i will give you ten groats more to carry you on foot to the colledge : and so god bless you , good richard. and this , you may believe , was performed by both parties . but alas ! the next news that followed mr. hooker to oxford was , that his learned and charitable patron had changed this for a better life . which may be believed , for that as he lived , so he died , in devout meditation and prayer ; and in both so zealously , that it became a religious question , whether his last ejaculations , or his soul , did first enter into heaven ? and now mr. hooker became a man of sorrow and fear : of sorrow , for the loss of so dear and comfortable a patron ; and of fear , for his future subsistence . but dr. cole raised his spirits from this dejection , by bidding him go cheerfully to his studies , and assuring him he should neither want food not rayment , ( which was the utmost of his hopes ) for he would become his patron . and so he was for about nine moneths , or not much longer ; for about that time this following accident did befal mr. hooker . edwin sandys ( then bishop of london , and after archbishop of york ) had also been in the days of queen mary forced , by forsaking this , to seek safety in another nation ; where for many years , bishop iewel and he were companions at bed and board in germany ; and , where in this their exile , they did often eat the bread of sorrow , and by that means they there began such a friendship , as time did not blot out , but lasted till the death of bishop iewel , which was one thousand five hundred seventy and one . a little before which time the two bishops meeting , iewel began a story of his richard hooker , and in it gave such a character of his learning and manners , that though bishop sandys was educated in cambridge , where he had obliged , and had many friends : yet his resolution was , that his son edwin should be sent to corpus-christi colledge in oxford , and by all means be pupil to mr. hooker , though his son edwin was then almost of the same age : for the bishop said , i will have a tutor for my son , that shall teach him learning by instruction , and vertue by example ; and my greatest care shall be of the last , and ( god willing ) this richard hooker shall be the man , into whose hands i will commit my edwin . and the bishop did so about twelve moneths after this resolution . and doubtless , as to these two , a better choice could not be made : for , mr. hooker was now in the nineteenth year of his age ; had spent five in the university , and had by a constant unwearied diligence , attained unto a perfection in all the learned languages : by the help of which , as excellent tutor , and his unintermitted study , he had made the subtilty of all the arts easie and familiar to himself , and useful for the discovery of such learning as lay hid from common searchers . so that by these added to his great reason , and his industry added to both , he did not onely know more of causes and effects ; but what he knew , he knew better then other men . and with this knowledge he had a most blessed and clear method of demonstrating what he knew , to the great advantage of all his pupils , ( which in time were many ) but especially to his two first , his dear edwin sandys , and his as dear george cranmer , of which there will be a fair testimony in the ensuing relation . this for his learning . and for his behavior , amongst other testimonies , this still remains of him , that in four years he was but twice absent from the chappel prayers ; and that his behavior there was such as shewed an awful reverence of that god which he then worshipped and prayed to ; giving all outward testimonies that his affections were set on heavenly things . this was his behavior towards god ; and for that to man , it is observable , that he was never known to be angry , or passionate , or extream in any of his desires ; never heard to repine or dispute with providence , but by a quiet gentle submission and resignation of his will to the wisdom of his creator bore the burthen of the day with patience ; never heard to utter to an uncomly word : and by this and a grave behavior , which is a divine charm , hebegot an early reverence unto his person , even from those that at other rimes , and in other companies , took a liberty to cast off that strictness of behavior and discourse that is required in a collegiate life . and when he took any liberty to be pleasant , his wit was never blemished with scoffing , or the utterance of any conceit that bordered upon , or might beget a thought of loosness in his hearers . thus innocent and exemplary was his behavior in his colledge ; and thus this good man continued till his death ; still increasing in learning , in patience , and piety . in this nineteenth year of his age , he was chosen , december . . to be one of the twenty scholars of the foundation ; being elected and admitted as born in devonshire , ( out of which county a certain number are to be elected in vacancies by the founders statutes . ) and now he was much encouraged ; for now he was perfectly incorporated into this beloved colledge , which was then noted for an eminent library , strict students , and remarkable schollars . and indeed it may glory , that it had bishop iewel , doctor iohn reynolds , and doctor thomas iackson , of that foundation . the first , famous by his learned apology for the church of england , and his defence of it against harding . the second , for the learned and wise menage of a publick dispute with iohn hart , of the roman perswasion , about the head and faith of the church , then printed by consent of both parties . and the third , for his most excellent exposition of the creed , and for his other treatises ; all such as have given greatest satisfaction to men of the greatest learning . nor was this man more eminent for his learning , then for his strict and pious life , testified by his abundant love and charity to all men. in the year . february . mr. hookers grace was given him for inceptor of arts ; doctor herbert westphaling , a man of noted learning , being then vice-chancellor , and the act following he was compleated master , which was anno . his patron doctor cole being that year vice-chancellor , and his dear friend henry savil of merton colledge , then one of the proctors . it was that henry savil , that was after sir henry savil , warden of merton colledge , and provost of eaton : he which founded in oxford two famous lectures , and endowed them with liberal maintenance . it was that sir henry savil that translated and enlightned the history of cornelim tacitus , with a most excellent comment ; and , enriched the world by his laborious and chargeable collecting the scattered pieces of st. chrysostome , and the publication of them in one entire body in greek ; in which language he was a most judicious critick . it was this sir henry savil that had the happiness to be a contemporary , and a most familiar friend to our richard hooker , and let posterity know it . and in this year of . he was chosen fellow of the colledge : happy also in being the contemporary and friend of dr. iohn reynolds , of whom i have lately spoken , and of dr. spencer ; both which were after , and successively , made presidents of his colledge : men of great learning and merit , and famous in their generations . nor was mr. hooker more happy in his contemporaries of his time and colledge , then in the pupillage and friendship of his edwin sandys and george cranmer , of whom my reader may note , that this edwin sandys was after sir edwin sandys . and as famous for his speculum europe , as his brother george for making posterity beholden to his pen by a learned relation and comment on his dangerous and remarkable travels ; and for his harmonious translation of the psalms of david , the book of iob , and other poetical parts of holy writ , into most high and elegant verse . and for cranmer , his other pupil , i shall refer my reader to the printed testimonies of our learned master cambden , the lord tottenes , fines , morison , and others . this cranmer , whose christen name was george , was a gentleman of singular hopes , the eldest son of thomas cranmer , son of edward cranmer , the archbishops brother : he spent much of his youth in corpus-christi colledge in oxford , where he continued master of arts for many years before he removed , and then betook himself to travel , accompanying that worthy gentleman sir edwin sandys into france , germany , and italy , for the space of three years ; and , after their happy return , he betook himself to an imployment under secretary davison : after whose fall , he wen : in place of secretary with sir henry killigrew in his embassage into france ; and after his death , he was sought after by the most noble lord mount-joy , with whom he went into ireland , where he remained , until in a battel against the rebels near carlingford , an unfortunate wound put an end both to his life , and the great hopes that were conceived of him . betwixt mr. hooker , and these his two pupils , there was a sacred friendship ; a friendship made up of religious principles , which increased daily by a similitude of inclinations to the same recreations and studies ; a friendship elemented in youth , and in an university , free from self-ends , which the friendships of age , usually are not . in this sweet , this blessed , this spiritual amity they went on for many years : and , as the holy prophet saith , so they took sweet counsel together , and walked in the house of god as friends . by which means they improved it to such a degree of amity , as bordered upon heaven ; a friendship so sacred , that when it ended in this world , it began in the next , where it shall have no end . and , though this world cannot give any degree of pleasure equal to such a friendship ; yet obedience to parents , and a desire to know the affairs , and manners , and laws , and learning of other nations , that they might thereby become the more serviceable unto their own , made them put off their gowns and leave mr. hooker to his colledge : where he was daily more assiduous in his studies , still enriching his quiet and capacious soul with the precious learning of the philosophers , casuists , and schoolmen ; and with them the foundation and reason of all laws , both sacred and civil ; and with such other learning as lay most remote from the track of common studies . and as he was diligent in these ; so , he seemed restless in searching the scope and intention of gods spirit revealed to mankinde in the sacred scripture : for the understanding of which , he seemed to be assisted by the same spirit with which they were written : he that regardeth truth in the inward parts , making him to understand wisdom secretly . and the good man would often say , the scripture was not writ to beget pride and disputations , and opposition to government ; but moderation , and charity , and humility , and obedience , and peace , and piety in mankinde ; of which , no good man did ever repent himself upon his death-bed . and that this was really his judgment , did appear in his future writings , and in all the actions of his life . nor was this excellent man a stranger to the more light and aery parts of learning , as musick and poetry ; all which he had digested , and made useful : and of all which , the reader will have a fair testimony in what follows . thus he continued his studies in all quietness for the space of three or more years ; about which time he entered into sacred orders , and was made both deacon and priest ; and not long after , in obedience to the colledge statutes , he was to preach either at st. peters , oxford , or at st. pauls cross , london , and the last fell to his allotment . in order to which sermon , to london he came , and immediately to the shunamites house ; which is a house so called , for that : besides the stipend paid the preacher , there is provision made also for his lodging and diet two days before , and one day after his sermon . this house was then kept by iohn churchman , sometimes a draper of good note in watling street , upon whom , after many years of plenty , poverty had at last come like an armed man , and brought him into a necessitous condition : which , though it be a punishment , is not always an argument of gods disfavor , for he was a vertuous man : i shall not yet give the like testimony of his wife , but leave the reader to judge by what follows . but to this house mr. hooker came so wet , so weary , and weather-beaten , that he was never known to express more passion , then against a friend that disswaded him from footing it to london , and for hiring him no easier an horse , ( supposing the horse trotted when he did not ; ) and at this time also , such a faintness and fear possest him , that he would not be perswaded two days quietness , or any other means could be used to make him able to preach his sundays s●rmon ; but a warm bed , and rest , and drink proper for a cold given him by mistress churchman , and her diligent attendance added unto it , enabled him to perform the office of the day , which was in or about the year one thousand five hundred eighty and one . and in this first publick appearance to the world , he was not so happy as to be free from exceptions against a point of doctrine delivered in his sermon , which was , that in god there were two wills ; an antecedent , and a consequent will : his first will , that all mankinde should be saved ; but his second will was , that those onely should be saved , that did live answerable to that degree of grace which he had offered or afforded them . this seemed to cross a late opinion of mr. : alvins , and then taken for granted by many that had not a capacity to examine it , as it had been by him , and hath been since by dr. iackson , dr. hammond , and others of great learning , who believe that a contrary opinion trenches upon the honor and justice of our merciful god. how he justified this , i will not undertake to declare ; but it was not excepted against ( as mr. hooker declares in an occasional answer to mr. travers ) by iohn elmer , then bishop of london ; at this time one of his auditors , and at last one of his advocates too , when mr. hooker was accused for it . but the justifying of this doctrine did not prove of so bad consequence , as the kindness of mistress churchmans curing him of his late distemper and cold ; for that was so gratefully apprehended by mr. hooker , that he thought himself bound in conscience to belive all that she said : so that the good man came to be perswaded by her , that he was a man of a tender constitution ; and , that it was best for him to have a wife , that might prove a nurse to him ; such an one as might both prolong his life , and make it more comfortable ; and such a one , she could and would provide for him , if he thought fit to marry . and he not considering , that the children of this world are wiser in their generation then the children of light : but , like a true nathaniel , fearing no guile , because he meant none ; did give her such a power as eleazar was trusted with , when he was sent to chuse a wife for isaac ; for even so he trusted her to chuse for him : promising upon a fair summons to return to london , and accept of her choice ; and he did so in that , or the year following . now , the wife provided for him was her daughter ioan , who brought him neither beauty nor portion ; and , for her conditions , they were too like that wife 's , which is by solomon compared to a dripping house : so that he had no reason to rejoyce in the wife of his youth , but rather to say with the holy prophet , w● is me that i am constrained to have my habitation in the tents of kedar ! this choice of mr. hookers ( if it were his choice ) may be wondered at ; but let us consider that the prophet ezekiel says , there is a wheel within a wheel ; a secret sacred wheel of providence ( especially in marriages ) guided by his hand that allows not the race to the swift , nor bread to the wise , not good wives to good men : and he that can bring good out of evil , ( for mortals are blinde to such reasons ) onely knows why this blessing was denied to patient iob , and ( as some think ) to meek moses , and to our as meek and patient mr. hooker . but so it was ; and let the reader cease to wonder , for affliction is a divine diet ; which though it be not pleasing to mankinde , yet almighty god hath often , very often , imposed it as good , though bitter physick to those children whose souls are dearest to him . and by this means the good man was drawn from the tranquillity of his colledge : from that garden of piety , of pleasure , of peace , and a sweet conversation , into the thorny wilderness of a busie world ; into those corroding cares that attend a married priest , and a countrey-parsonage ; which was draiton beauchamp in buckinghamshire , ( not far from alesbury , and in the diocess of lincoln ; ) to which he was presented by iohn cheny esquire ( then patron of it ) the nineth of december , . where he behaved himself so , as to give no occasion of evil , but ( as st. paul adviseth a minister of god ) in much patience , in afflictions , in anguishes , in necessities , in poverty , and no doubt in long-suffering ; yet troubling no man with his discontents and wants . and in this condition he continued about a year ; in which time his two pupils , edwin sandys , and george cranmer , were returned from travel , and took a journey to draiton to see their tutor ; where they found him with a book in his hand ( it was the odes of horace ) he being then tending his small allotment of sheep in a common field ; which he told his pupils he was forced to do , for that his servant was then gone home to dine , and assist his wife to do some necessary houshould business . when his servant returned and released him , his two pupils attended him unto his house , where their best entertainment was his quiet company , which was presently denied them , for , richard was called to rock the cradle ; and the rest of their welcome was so like this , that they staid but till next morning , which was time enough to discover and pitty their tutors condition : and having in that time remembred and paraphrased on many of the innocent recreations of their younger days , and by other such like diversions , given him as much present pleasure as their acceptable company and discourse could afford him , they were forced to leave him to the company of his wife , and seek themselves a quieter lodging . but at their parting from him , mr. cranmer said , good tutor , i am sorry your lot is faln in no better ground , as to your parsonage : and more sorry your wife proves not a more comfortable companion after you have wearied your thoughts in your restless studies . to whom the good man replied , my dear george , if saints have usually a double share in the miseries of this life , i that am none , ought not to repine at what my wise creator hath appointed for me ; but labor , as indeed i do daily , to submit to his will , and possess my soul in patience and peace . at their return to london , edwin sandys acquaints his father , then bishop of london , and after archbishop of york , with his tutors sad condition , and sollicites for his removal to some benefice that might give him a more comfortable subsistence : which his father did most willingly grant him , when it should next fall into his power . and not long after this time , which was in the year one thousand five hundred eighty and five , mr. alvy ( master of the temple ) died , who was a man of a strict life , of great learning , and of so venerable behavior , as to gain such a degree of love and reverence from all men that knew him , that he was generally known by the name of father alvy . at the temple reading , next after the death of this father alvy , the archbishop of york being then at dinner with the judges ; the reader and benchers of that society , he met there with a condolement for the death of father alvy , an high commendation of his saint-like life , and of his great merit both to god and man : and as they bewail'd his death , so they wisht for a like pattern of virtue and learning to succeed him . and here came in a fair occasion for the bishop to commend mr. hooker to father alvies place , which he did with so effectual an earnestness , and that seconded with so many other testimonies of his worth , that mr. hooker was sent for from draiton beauchamp to london , and there the mastership of the temple proposed unto him by the bishop , as a greater freedom from his country cares , the advantage of a better society , and a more liberal pension than his parsonage did afford him . but these reasons were not powerful enough to incline him to a willing acceptance of it : his wish was rather to gain a better country living , where he might be free from noise , ( so he exprest the desire of his heart ) and eat that bread which he might more properly call his own , in privacy and quietness . but , notwithstanding this aversness , he was at last perswaded to accept of the bishops proposal ; and was by * patent for life made master of the temple the th of march , . he being then in the th year of his age. and here i shall make a stop ; and , that the reader may the better judge of what follows , give him a character of the times , and temper of the people of this nation , when mr. hooker had his admission into this place . a place which he accepted , rather than desired ; and yet here he promised himself a virtuous quietness : that blessed tranquillity which he always prayed and laboured for ; that so he might in peace bring forth the fruits of peace , and glorifie god by uninterrupted prayers and praises : for this he always thirsted ; and yet this was denied him . for his admission into this place was the very beginning of those oppositions and anxieties , which till then this good man was a stranger to , and of which the reader may guess by what follows . in this character of the times , i shall , by the readers favour , and for his information , look so far back as to the beginning of the reign of queen elizabeth ; a time in which the many pretended titles to the crown , the frequent treasons , the doubts of her successour , the late civil war , and the sharp persecution that had raged to the effusion of so much blood in the reign of queen mary , were fresh in the memory of all men ; and these begot fears in the most pious and wisest of this nation , least the like days should return again to them or their present posterity . the apprehension of which dangers begot an earnest desire of a settlement in the church and state ; believing there was no other probable way left to make them sit quietly under their own vines and fig-trees , and enjoy the desired fruit of their labours . but time , and peace , and plenty , begot self-ends ; and those begot animosities , envy , opposition , and unthankfulness for those blessings for which they lately thirsted : being then the very utmost of their desires , and even beyond their hopes . this was the temper of the times in the beginning of her reign ; and thus it continued too long : for those very people that had enjoyed the desires of their hearts in a reformation from the church of rome , became at last so like the grave , as never to be satisfied ; but were still thirsting for more and more : neglecting to pay that obedience to government , and perform those vows to god , which they made in their days of adversities and fear : so that in short time theree appeared thre several interests , each of them fearless and restless in the prosecution of their designs ; they may for distinction be called , the active romanists , the restless non-conformists ( of which there were many sorts ) and the passive peaceable protestant , the counsels of the first considered and resolved on in rome : the second in scotland , in geneva , and in divers selected , secret , dangerous conventicles , both there , and within the bosom of our own nation : the third pleaded and defended their cause by establisht laws , both ecclesiastical and civil ; and if they were active , it was to prevent the other two from destroying what was by those known laws happily establisht to them and their posterity . i shall forbear to mention the very many and as dangerous plots of the romanists against the church and state : because , what is principally intended in this digression , is an account of the opinions and activity of the non-conformists ; against whose judgement and practice , mr. hooker became at last , but most unwillingly , to be ingaged in a book-war ; a war which he maintained not as against an enemy , but with the spirit of meekness and reason . in which number of non-conformists , though some might be sincere and well-meaning men , whose indiscreet zeal might be so like charity , as thereby to cover a multitude of errors , yet of this party there were many that were possest with an high degree of spiritual wickedness ; i mean with an innate restles radical pride and malice ; i mean not those lesser sins that are more visible and more properly carnal , and sins against a mans self , as gluttony , and drunkenness , and the like , ( from which good lord deliver us ; ) but sins of an higher nature ; because more unlike to the nature of god , which is love , and mercy , and peace ; and more like the devil : ( who is not a glutton nor can be drunk ; and yet , is a devil : ) those wickednesses of malice , and revenge , and opposition , and a complacence in working and beholding confusion ) which are more properly his work , who is the enemy and disturber of mankind , and greater sins , though many will not believe it ) men whom a furious zeal and prejudice had blinded , and made incapable of hearing reason , or adhearing to the ways of peace ; men whom pride and self-conceit had made to overvalue their own wisdom , and become pertinacious , and to hold foolish and unmannerly disputes against those men which they ought to reverence , and those laws which they ought to obey ; men that laboured and joyed to speak evil of government , and then to be the authors of confusion ( of confusion as it is confusion : ) whom company , and conversation , and custom had blinded , and made insensible that these were errours : and at last became so restless , and so hardened in their opinions , that like those which perisht in the gain-saying of core , so these dyed without repenting these spiritual wickednesses , of which coppinger and hacket , and their adherents are too sad testimonies . and in these times which tended thus to co●fusion , there were also many others that pretended a tenderness of conscience , refusing to submit to ceremonies , or to take an oath before a lawful magistrate : and yet these very m●n did in their secret conventicles , covenant and swear to each other , to be assiduous and faithful in using their best endeavours to set up a church government that they had not agreed on . to which end , there was many select parties that wandered up and down , and were active in sowing discontents and sedition , by venemous and secret murmurings , and a dispersion of scurrilous pamphlets and libels against the church and state ; but especially against the bishops : by which means , together with very bold , and as indiscreet sermons , the common people became so phanatick , as st. peter observed , there were in his time , some that wrested the scripture to their own destruction : so by these men , and this means many came to believe the bishops to be antichrist , and the onely obstructers of gods discipline ; and many of them were at last given over to such desperate delusions , as to find out a text in the revelation of st. iohn , that antichrist was to be overcome by the sword , which they were very ready to take into their hands . so that those very men , that began with tender meek petitions , proceeded to print publick admonitions ; and then to satyrical remonstrances ; and at last , ( having like david numbred who was not , and who was , for their cause , ) they got a supposed certainty of so great a party , that they durst threaten first the bishops , and not long after , both the queen and parliament ; to all which they were secretly encouraged by the earl of leicester , then in great favour with her majestie , and the reputed cherisher and patron-general of these pretenders to tenderness of conscience ; whom he used as a sacreligious snare to further his design , which was by their means to bring such an odium upon the bishops , as to procure an alienation of their lands , and a large proportion of them for himself : which avaritious desire had at last so blinded his reason , that his ambitious and greedy hopes had almost flattered him into present possession of lambeth-house . and to thse strange and dangerous undertakings , the non-conformists of this nation were much encouraged and heightened by a correspondence and confederacy with that brotherhood in scotland ; so that here they became so bold , that one told the queen openly in a * sermon , she was like an untamed heyfer , that would not be ruled by gods people , but obstructed his discipline . and in scotland they were more confident , for there † they declared her an atheist , and grew to such an height , as not to be accountable for any thing spoken against her ; no nor for treason against their own king , if spoken in the pulpit : shewing at last such a disobedience even to him , that his mother being in england , and then in distress , and in prison , and in danger of death , the church denied the king their prayers for her ; and at another time , when he had appointed a day of feasting , their church declared for a general fast , in opposition to his authority . to this height they were grown in both nations , and by these means there was distill'd into the mindes of the common people such other venemous and turbulent principles , as were inconsistent with the safety of the church and state : and these , vented so daringly , that beside the loss of life and limbs , the church and state were both forced to use such other severities as will not admit of an excuse , if it had not been to prevent confusion , and the perilous consequences of it ; which without such prevention , would in short time have brought unavoidable ruine and misery to this numerous nation . these errors and animosities were so remarkable , that they begot wonder in an ingenious italian , who being about this time come newly into this nation , writ scoffingly to a friend in his own countrey ; that the common people of england were wiser then the wisest of his nation ; for here the very women and shop-keepers were able to judge of predestination , and determine what laws were fit to be made concerning church government ; then , what were fit to be obeyed or abolished . that they were more able ( or at least thought so ) to raise and determine perplex'd cases of conscience , then the most learned colledges in italy . that men of the slightest learning , and the most ignorant of the common people , were mad for a new , or super - or re-reformation of religion ; and that in this they appeared like that man , who would never cease to whet , and whet his knife , till there was no steel left to make it useful . and he concluded his letter with this observation , that those very men that were most busie in oppositions , and disputations , and controversies , and finding out the faults of their governors , had usually the least of humility and mortification , or of the power of godliness . and to heighten all these discontents and dangers , there was also sprung up a generation of godless-men ; men that had so long given way to their own lusts and delusions ; and , had so often , and so highly opposed the blessed motions of his blessed spirit , and the inward light of their own consciences , that they had thereby sinned themselves to a belief of what they would , but were not able to believe : into a belief , which is repugnant even to humane nature ( for the heathens believe there are many gods ; ) but these had sinned themselves into a belief , that there is no god : and so finding nothing in themselves , but what is worse then nothing , began to wish what they were not able to hope for , that they should be like the beasts that perish ; and , in wicked company ( which is the atheists sanctuary ) were so bold as to say so : though the worst of mankinde , when he is left alone at midnight , may wish , but cannot then think it . into this wretched , this reprobate condition , many had then sinned themselves . and now ! when the church was pestered with them , and with all these other irregularities ; when her lands were in danger of alienation , her power at least neglected , and her peace torn to pieces by several schisms , and such heresies as do usually attend that sin : when the common people seemed ambitious of doing those very things which were attended with most dangers , that thereby they might be punished , and then applauded and pittied : when they called the spirit of opposition a tender conscience , and complained of persecution , because they wanted power to persecute others : when the giddy multitude raged , and became restless to finde out misery for themselves and others ; and the r●●ble would herd themselves together , and endeavor to govern and act in spight of authority . in this extremity , fear , and danger of the church and state , when to suppress the growing evils of both , they needed a man of prudence and pi●ty , and of an high and fearless fortitude ; they were blest in all by iohn whitgift , his being made archbishop of canterbury ; of whom ingenious sir henry wot●on ( that knew him well ) hath left this true character , that he was a man of a reverend and sacred memory ; and of the premitive temper : a man of such a temper , as when the church by lowliness of spirit did flourish in highest examples of vertue . and though i dare not undertake to add to his character , yet i shall neither do right to this discourse , nor to my reader , if i forbear to give him a further and short account of the life and manners of this excellent man ; and it shall be short , for i long to end this digression , that i may lead my reader back to mr. hooker , where we left him at the temple . iohn whitgift was born in the county of lincoln , of a family that was ancient , and noted to be prudent and affable , and gentile by nature : he was educated in cambridge ; much of his learning was acquired in pembroke-hall ( where mr. bradford the martyr was his tutor : ) from thence he was remov'd to peter-house ; from thence to be master of pembroke-hall ; and from thence to the mastership of trinity colledge . about which time the queen made him her chaplain ; and not long after prebend of ely , and then dean of lincoln ; and having for many years past looked upon him with much reverence and favor , gave him a fair testimony of both , by giving him the bishoprick of worcester , and ( which was not a usual favor ) forgiving him his first-fruits ; then by constituting him vice-president of the principality of wales . and having for several years experimented his wisdom , his justice , and moderation in the menage of her affairs , in both these places , she in the twenty sixth of her reign , made him archbishop of canterbury ; and not long after , of her privy council ; and trusted him to menage all her ecclesiastical affairs and preferments . in all which removes , he was like the ark , which left a blessing upon the place where it rested , and in all his imployments , was like iehoida , that did good unto israel . these were the steps of this bishops ascension to this place of dignity and cares ; in which place ( to speak mr. cambdens very words in his annals ) he devoutly consecrated both his whole life to god , and bit painful labors to the good of his church . and yet in this place he met with many oppositions in the regulation of church affairs , which were much disordered at his entrance , by reason of the age and remisness of bishop grindal ( his immediate predecessor ) the activity of the non-conformists , and their cheif assistant , the earl of leicester ; and indeed , by too many others of the like sacrilegious principles . with these he was to encounter ; and though he wanted neither courage nor a good cause , yet he foresaw , that without a great measure of the queens favor , it was impossible to stand in the breach that was made into the lands and immunities of the church , or to maintain the remaining rights of it . and therefore by justifiable sacred insinuations , such as st. paul to agrippa , ( agrippa believest thou ? i know thou believest ) he wrought himself into so great a degree of favor with her , as by his pious use of it , hath got both of them a greater degree of fame in this world , and of glory in that , into which they are now entred . his merits to the queen , and her favors to him were such , that she called him her little black husband , and called his servants her servants : and she saw so visible and blessed a sincerity shine in all his cares and endeavors for the churches , and for her good , that she was supposed to trust him with the very secrets of her soul , and to make him her confessor : of which she gave many fair testimonies ; and of which , one was , that she would never eat flesh in lent without obtaining a licence from her little black husband : and would often say , she pio●●ed him , because she trusted him , and had eased her-self by laying the burthen of all her clergy-cares upon his shoulders , which she was certain he managed with prudence and piety . i shall not keep my self within the promised rules of brevity in this account of his interest with her majesty , and his care of the churches rights , if in this digression i should enlarge to particulars● and therefore my desire is , that one example may serve for a testimony of both . and that the reader may the better understand it , he may take notice , that not many years before his being made archbishop , there passed an act or acts of parliament intending the better preservation of church lands , by recalling a power which was vested in others to sell or lease them , by lodging and trusting the future care and protection of them onely in the crown : and amongst many that made a bad use of this power or trust of the queens , the earl of leicester was one ; and the good bishop having by his interest with her majesty put a stop to the earls sacrilegious designs , they two fell to an open opposition before her ; after which they both quitted the room , nor friends in appearance . but the bishop made a sudden and a seasonable return to her majesty , ( for he found her alone ) and spake to her with great humility and reverence , and to this purpose . i beseech your majesty to hear me with patience , and to believe that yours and the churches safety are dearer to me than my life , but my conscience dearer than both : and therefore give me leave to do my duty , and tell you that princes are deputed nursing fathers of the church , and owe it a protection ; and therefore god forbid that you should be so much as passive in her ruines , when you may prevent it ; or that i should-behold it without horrour and detestation ; or should forbear to tell your majesty of the sin and danger . and though you and my self are born in an age of frailties , when the primitive piety and care of the churches lands and immunities are much decayed ; yes ( madam ) let me beg that you will but first consider , and then you will believe there are such sins at prophaneness and sacriledge ; for if there were not ? they could not have names in holy writ : and particularly in the new-testament . and i beseech you to consider , that though our saviour said , he judged no man ; and to testifie it , would not judge nor divide the inheritance betwixt the two brethren , nor would judge the woman taken in adultery ; yet , in this point of the churches rights , he was so zealous , that he made himself both the accuser , and the iudge , and the executioner to punish these sins ; witnessed , in that he himself made the whip to drive the prophaners out of the temple ; overthrew the tables of the money-changers , and drove them out of it . and consider that it was s. paul that said to those christians of his time that were offended with idolatry , yet thou that abhorrest idols , dost thou commit sacriledge ? supposing i think sacriledge to be the greater sin . this may occasion your majesty to consider that there is such a sin as sacriledge ; and to incline you to prevent the curse that will follow it ; i beseech you also , to consider that constantine the first christian emperor , and helena his mother ; that king edgar , and edward the confessor , and indeed many others of your predecessors , and many private christians , have also given to god and to his church , much land , and many immunities , which they might have given to those of their own families , and did not ; but gave them as an absolute right and sacrifice to god : and with these immunities and lands they have entailed a curse upon the alienators of them ; god prevent your majesty from being liable to that curse . and , to make you that are trusted with their preservation , the better to understand the danger of it ; i beseech you forget not , that , besides these curses , the churches land and power have been also endeavoured to be preserved , as far as humane reason and the law of this nation have been able to preserve them , by an immediate and most sacred obligation on the consciences of the princes of this realm . for they that consult magna charta shall find , that as all your predecessours were at their coronation , so you also were sworn before all the nobility and bishops then present , and in the presence of god , and in his stead to him that anointed you , to maintain the church lands , and the rights belonging to it ; and this testified openly at the holy altar , by laying your hands on the bible then lying upon it . and not only magna charta , but many modern statutes have denounced a curse upon those that break magna charta . and now what account can be given for the breach of this oath at the last great day , either by your majesty , or by me , if it be wilfully , or but negligently violated , i know not . and therefore , good madam , let not the late lords exceptions against the failings of some few clergie-men , prevail with you to punish posterity , for the errors of this present age ; let particular men suffer for their particular errors , but let god and his church have their right ; and though i pretend not to prophesy , yet i big posterity to take notice of what is already become visible in many families ; that church-land added to an ancient inheritance , hath proved like a moth fretting a garment , and secretly consumed both : or like the eagle that stole a coal from the altar , and thereby set her nest on fire , which consumed both her young eagles , and her self that stole it . and , though i shall forbear to speak reproachfully of your father : yet , i beg you to take notice , that a part of the churches rights , added to the vast treasure left him by his father , hath been conceived to bring an unavoidable consumption upon both , notwithstanding all his diligence to preserve it . and consider , that after the violation of those laws , to which he had sworn in magna charta , god did so far deny him his restraining grace , that be fell into greater sins then i am willing to mention . madam , religion is the foundation and cement of humane societies : and , when they that serve at gods altar shall be exposed to poverty ? then religion it self will be exposed to scorn , and become contemptible ; as you may already observe in too many poor vicaridges in this nation . and therefore , as you are by a late act or acts entrusted with a great power to preserve or waste the churches lands ; yet , dispose of them for iesus sake as the donors intended : let neither falshood nor flattery beguile you to do otherwise , and put a stop ( i beseech you ) to the approaching ruines of gods church , as you expect comfort at the last great day ; for kings must be judged . pardon this affectionate plainness , my most dear soveraign , and let me beg to be still continued in your favor ; and the lord still continue you in his . the queens patient hearing this affectionate speech ; and her future care to preserve the churches rights , which till then had been neglected , may appear a fair testimony , that he made hers and the churches good , the cheifest of his cares , and that she also thought so . and of this , there were such daily testimonies given , as begot betwixt them so mutual a joy and confidence , that they seemed born to believe and do good to each other : she not doubting his piety to be more then all his opposers , which were many , and those powerful too ; nor his prudence equal to the cheifest of her council , who were then as remarkable for active wisdom , as those dangerous times did require , or this nation did everenjoy . and in this condition he continued twenty years ; in which time he saw some flowings , but many more ebbings of her favor towards all men that opposed him , especially the earl of leicester : so that god seemed still to keep him in her favor , that he might preserve the remaining church lands and immunities from sacrilegious alienations . and this good man deserved all the honor and power with which she trusted him ; for he was a pious man , and naturally of noble and grateful principles : he eased her of all her church cares by his wise menage of them ; he gave her faithful and prudent counsels in all the extremities and dangers of her temporal affairs , which were very many ; he lived to be the cheif comfort of her life in her declining age ; to be then most frequently with her , and her assistant at her private devotions ; to be the greatest comfort of her soul upon her death-bed ; to be present at the expiration of her last breath ; and to behold the closing of those eyes that had long looked upon him with reverence and affection . and let this also be added , that he was the chief mourner at her sad funeral ; nor let this be forgotten , that within a few hours after her death , he was the happy proclaimer that king iames ( her peaceful successor ) was heir to the crown . let me beg of my reader , that he allow me to say a little , and but a little more of this good bishop , and i shall then presently lead him back to mr. hooker ; and , because i would hasten , i will mention but one part of the bishops charity and humility ; but this of both . he built a large alms-house near to his own palace at croydon in surrey , and endowed it with maintenance for a master and twenty eight poor men and women ; which he visited so often , that he knew their names and dispositions ; and was so truly humble , that he called them brothers and sisters : and whensoever the queen descended to that lowliness to dine with him at his palace in lambeth , ( which was very often ) he would usually the next day shew the like lowliness to his poor brothers and sisters at croydon , and dine with them at his hospital ; at which time , you may believe there was joy at the table . and at this place he built also a fair free-school , with a good accommodation and maintenance for the master and scholars . which gave just occasion for boyse sisi , then ambassador for the french king , and resident here , at the bishops death , to say , the bishop had published many learned books , but a free-school to train up youth , and an hospital to lodge and maintain aged and poor people ; were the best evidences of christian learning that a bishop could leave to posterity . this good bishop lived to see king iames settled in peace , and then fell sick at lambeth ; of which , the king having notice , went to visit him , and found him in his bed in a declining condition , and very weak ; and after some short discourse , the king assured him , he had a great affection for him , and high value for his prudence and vertues , which were so useful for the church , that he would earnestly beg his life of god. to which he replied , pro ecclesi● dei , pro ecclesiâ dei : which were the last words he ever spake ; therein testifying , that as in his life , so at his death , his chiefest care was of gods church . this iohn whitgift was made archbishop in the year one thousand five hundred eighty and three . in which busie place , he continued twenty years and some moneths , and in which time , you may believe he had many tryals of his courage and patience ; but his motto was , vincit , qui patitur : and he made it good . many of his many tryals were occasioned by the then powerful earl of leicester , who did still ( but secretly ) raise and cherish a faction of non-conformists to oppose him ; especially one thomas cartwright , a man of noted learning ; sometime contemporary with the bishop in cambridge , and of the same colledge , of which the bishop had been master : in which place there began some emulations , ( the particulars i forbear ) and at last open and high oppositions betwixt them ; and , in which you may believe mr. cartwright was most faulty , if his expulsion out of the university can incline you to it . and in this discontent , after the earls death ( which was one thousand five hundred eighty and eight ) mr. cartwright appeared a cheif cherisher of a party that were for the geneva church-government ; and to effect it , he ran himself into many dangers , both of liberty and life ; appearing at last to justifie himself and his party in many remonstrances , which he caused to be printed ; and to which , the bishop made a first answer , and cartwright replied upon him ; and then the bishop having rejoyned to his reply , mr. cartwright either was , or was perswaded to be satisfied ; for , he wrote no more , but left the reader to be judge which had maintained their cause with most charity and reason . after some silence , mr. cartwright received from the bishop many personal favors , and retired himself to a more private living , which was at warwick , where he was made master of an hospital , and lived quietly , and grew rich ; and , where the bishop gave him a licence to preach , upon promise not to meddle with controversies , but incline his hearers to piety and moderation : and this promise he kept during his life , which ended one thousand six hundred and two , the bishop surviving him but one year , each ending his days in perfect charity with the other . and now after this long digression made for the information of my reader concerning what follows , i bring him back to venerable mr. hooker , where we left him in the temple , and where we shall finde him as deeply engaged in a controversie with walter travers , a friend and favorite of mr. cartwrights , as the bishop had ever been with mr. cartwright himself ; and of which , i shall proceed to give this following account . and first this ; that though the pens of mr. cartwright and the bishop were now at rest , yet there was sprung up a new generation of restless men , that by company and clamors became possest of a faith which they ought to have kept to themselves , but could not : men that were become positive in asserting , that a papist cannot be saved : insomuch , that about this time , at the execution of the queen of scots , the bishop that preached her funeral sermon ( which was dr. howland , then bishop of peterborough ) was reviled for not being positive for her damnation . and beside this boldness of their becoming gods , so far as to set limits to his mercies ; there was not onely martin mar-prelate , but other venemous books daily printed and dispersed : books that were so absurd and scurrilous , that the graver divines disdained them an answer . and yet these were grown into high esteem with the common people , till tom nash appeared against them all , who was a man of a sharp wit , and the master of a scoffing satyrical merry pen , which he imployed to discover the absurdities of those blinde malicious sensless pamphlets , and sermons as sensless as they . nash his answers being like his books , which bore these titles , an almond for parro● . a fig for my god-son . come crack me this nut , and the like : so that his merry wit made such a discovery of their absurdities , as ( which is strange ) he put a greater stop to these malicious pamphlets , then a much wiser-man had been able . and now the reader is to take notice , that at the death of father alay , who was master of the temple , this walter travers was lecturer there for the evening sermons , which he preached with great approbation , especially of the younger gentlemen of that society ; and for the most part approved by mr. hooker himself , in the midst of their oppositions . for he continued lecturer a part of his time ; mr. travers being indeed a man of competent learning , of a winning behavior , and of a blameless life . but he had taken orders by the presbytery in antwerp , and if in any thing he was transported , it was in an extream desire to set up that government in this nation : for the promoting of which , he had a correspondence with theodore beza at geneva , and others in scotland ; and was one of the cheifest assistants to mr. cartwright in that design . mr. travers had also a particular hope to set up this government in the temple , and to that end , used his endeavors to be master of it ; and his being disappointed by mr. hookers admittance , proved some occasion of opposition betwixt them in their sermons . many of which were concerning the doctrine , discipline , and ceremonies of this church ; insomuch , that as st. paul withstood st. peter to his face , so did they . for as one hath pleasantly exprest it , the forenoon sermon spake canterbury ; and the afternoons , geneva . in these sermons there was little of bitterness , but each party brought all the reasons he was able , to prove his adversaries opinion erroneous . and thus it continued a long time , till the oppositions became so high , and the consequences so dangerous , especially in that place , that the prudent archbishop put a stop to mr. travers his preaching , by a positive prohibition ; against which mr. travers appealed and petitioned her majesty and her privy council to have it recalled , where he met with many assisting powerful friends ; but they were not able to prevail with or against the archbishop , whom the queen had intrusted with all church power ; and he had received so fair a testimony of mr. hookers principles and of his learning and moderation , that he withstood all sollicitations . but the denying this petition of mr. travers was unpleasant to divers of his party , and the reasonableness of it became at last to be so magnified by them and many others , as never to be answered : so that intending the bishops and mr. hookers disgrace , they procured it to be privately printed and scattered abroad ; and then mr. hooker was forced to appear as publickly , and print an answer to it , which he did , and dedicated it to the archbishop ; and it proved so full an answer , to have in it so much of clear reason , and writ with so much meekness and majesty of style , that the bishop began to wonder at the man , to rejoyce that he had appeared in his cause , and disdained not earnestly to beg his friendship ; even a familiar friendship with a man of so much quiet learnning and humility . to enumerate the many particular points , in which mr. hooker and mr. travers dissented ( all or most of which i have seen written ) would prove at least tedious ; and therefore i shall impose upon my reason no more then two , which shall immediately follow ; and by which , he may judge of the rest . mr. travers excepted against mr. hooker , for that in one of his sermons be declared , that the assurance of what we believe by the word of god , is not to us so certain as that which we perceive by sense . and mr. hooker confesseth he said so , and endeavors to justifie it by the reasons following . first , i taught , that the things which god promises in his word , are surer to us then what we touch , handle , or see : but are we so sure and certain of them ? if we be , why doth god so often prove his promises to us as he doth , by arguments drawn from our sensible experience ? for we must be surer of the proof , then of the things proved ; otherwise it is no proof . for example , how is it that many men looking on the moon at the sametime , every one knoweth it to be the moon as certainly as the other doth ? but many believing one and the same promise , have not all one and the same fulness of perswassion . for how falleth it out , that men being assured of any thing by sense , can be no surer of it then they are ; when at the strongest in faith that liveth upon the earth , hath always need to labor , strive , and pray , that his assurance concerning heavenly and spiritual things , may grow , increase , and be augmented ? the sermon that gave him the cause of this his justification , makes the case more plain , by declaring , that there is besides this certainly of evidence , a certainty of adherence . in which , having most excellently demonstrated what the certainty of adherence is , he makes this comfortable use of it : comfortable ( he says ) as to weak believers , who suppose themselves to be faithless , not to believe , when notwithstanding they have their adherence ; the holy spirit hath his private operations , and worketh secretly in them , and effectually too , though they want the inward testimony of it . tell this to a man that hath a minde too much dejected by a sad sense of his sin ; to one that by a too severe judging of himself , concludes that he wants faith , because he wants the comfortable assurance of it ; and his answer will be , do not perswade me against my knowledge , against what i finde and feel in my self : i do not , i know i do not believe . ( mr. hookers own words follow ) well then , to favor such men a little in their weakness , let that be granted which they do imagine ; be it , that they adhere not to gods promises , but are faithless , and without belief : but are they not grieved for their unbelief ? they confess they are ; do they not wish it might , and also strive that it may be otherways ? we know they do . whence cometh this , but from a secret love and liking , that they have of those things believed ? for , no man can love those things which in his own opinion are not ; and , if they think those things to be , which they shew they love , when they desire to believe them ; then must it be , that by desiring to believe , they prove themselves true believers : for , without faith no man thinketh that things believed are : which argument all the subtilties of infernal powers will never be able to dissolve . this is an abridgment of part of the reasons he gives for his justification of this his opinion , for which he was excepted against by mr. travers . mr. hooker was also accused by mr. travers , for that he in one of his sermons had declared , that he doubted not but that god was merciful to save many of our forefathers living heretofore in popish superstition , for as much as they sinned ignorantly : and mr. hooker in his answer professeth it to be his judgment , and declares his reasons for this charitable opinion to be as followeth . but first he states the question about iustification and works , and how the foundation of faith is overthrown ; and then he proceeds to discover that way which natural men and some others have mistaken to be the way by which they hope to attain true and everlasting happiness : and having discovered the mistaken , he proceeds to direct to that true way , by which , and no other , everlasting life and blessedness is attainable . and , these two ways he demonstrates thus , ( they be his own words that follow ) that , the way of nature ; this , the way of grace ; the end of that way , salvation merited , presupposing the righteousness of mens works : their righteousness , a natural ability to do them ; that ability , the goodness of god which created them in such perfection . but the end of this way , salvation bestowed upon men as a gift : presupposing not their righteousness , but the forgiveness of their unrighteousness , iustification ; their iustification , not their natural ability to do good , but their hearty sorrow for not doing ; and unfeigned belief in him , for whose sake not doers are accepted , which is their vocation ; their vocation , the election of god , taking them out of the number of lost children ; their election , a mediator in whom to be elect : this mediation inexplicable mercy , this mercy , supposing their misery for whom be vouchsafed to die , and make himself a mediator . and he also declareth , there is no meritorious cause for our iustification , but christ ; no effectual , but his mercy ; and says also , we deny the grace of our lord iesus christ , we abuse , disannul , and annihilate the benefit of his passion , if by a proud imagination we believe we can merit everlasting life , or can be worthy of it . this belief ( he declareth ) is to destroy the very essence of our justification , and he makes all opinions that border upon this , to be very dangerous . tet nevertheless , ( and for this he was accused ) considering how many vertuous and just men , how many saints and martyrs have had their dangerous opinions , amongst which this was one , that they hoped to make god some part of amends , by voluntary punishments which they laid upon themselves : because by this , or the like erroneous opinions which do by consequene overthrow the merits of christ , shall man be so bold as to write on their graves , such men are damned , there is for them no salvation ! st. austin says , errare possum , hareticus esse nolo , and except we put a difference betwixt them that erre ignorantly , and them that obstinately persist in it , how is it possible that any man should hope to be saved ? give me a pope or a cardinal , whom great afflictions have made to know himself , whose heart god hath touched with true sorrow for all his sins , and filled with a love of christ and his gospel ; whose eyes are willingly open to see the truth , and his mouth ready to renounce all error , this one opinion of merit excepted , which he thinketh god will require at his hands ; and because he wanteth , trembleth , and is discouraged , and yet can say , lord , cleanse me from all my secret sins ! shall i think because of this , or a like error , such men touch not so much as the hem of christs garment ? if they do , wherefore should i doubt , but that vertue may proceed from christ to save them ? no , i will not be afraid to say to such a one , you erre in your opinion , but be of good comfort , you have to do with a merciful god , who will make the best of that little which you hold well , and not with a captions sophister , who gathereth the worst out of every thing in which you are mistaken . but it will be said , the admittance of merit in any degree , overthroweth the foundation , excladeth from the hope of mercy , from all possibility of salvation . ( and now mr. hookers own words follow . ) what though they hold the truth sincerely in all other parts of christian faith ? although they have in some measure all the vertues and graces of the spirit ? although they have all other tokens of gods children in them ? although they be far from having any proud opinion , that they shall be saved by the worthiness of their deeds ? although the onely thing that troubleth and molesteth them , be a little too much dejection , somewhat too great a fire arising from an erronious conceit . that god will require a worthiness in them , which they are grieved to finde wanting in themselves ? although they be not obstinate in this opinion ? although they be willing , and would be glad to forsake it , if any one reason were brought sufficient to disprove it ? although the onely cause why they do not forsake it ere they die , be their ignorance of that means by which it might be disproved ? although the cause why the ignorance in this point is not removed , be the want of knowledge in such as should be able , and are not to remove it ? let me die ( says mr. hooker ) if it be ever proved , that simply an error doth exclude a pope or cardinal in such a case utterly from hope of life . surely i must confess . that if it be an error to think that god may be merciful to save men , even when they err ; my greatest comfort is , my error : were it not for the love i bear to this error , i would never wish to speak or to live . i was willing to take notice of these two points , as supposing them to be very material ; and that as they are thus contracted , they may prove useful to my reader ; as also for that the answers be arguments of mr. hookers great and clear reason , and equal charity . other exceptions were also made against him , as , that he prayed before , and not after his sermons ; that in his prayers be named bishops , that be kneeled , both when he prayed , and he when he received the sacrament ; and ( says mr. hooker in his defence ) other exceptions so like these , as but to name , i should have thought a greater fault then to commit them . and 't is not unworthy the noting , that in the menage of so great a controversie , a sharper reproof then this , and one like it , did never fall from the happy pen of this humble man. that like it , was upon a like occasion of exceptious , to which his answer was , your next argument consists of railing and of reasons ; to your railing i say nothing , to your reasons i say what follows . and i am glad of this fair occasion , to testifie the dove-like temper of this meek , this matchless man ; and doubtless , it almighty god had blest the dissenters from the ceremonies and discipline of this church , with a like measure of wisdom and humility , instead of their pertinacious zeal , then obedience and truth had kissed each other , then peace and piety had flourished in our nation , and this church and state had been blest like ierusalem , that is at unity with it self ; but that can never be expected , till god shall bless the common people with a belief , that schism is a sin , and that there may be offences taken which are not given ; and that laws are not made for private men to dispute , but to obey . and this also maybe worthy of noting , that these exceptions of mr. travers against mr. hooker , were the cause of his transcribing several of his sermons , which we now see printed with his books ; of his answer to mr. travers his supplication ; and of his most learned and useful discourse of iustification , of faith , and works ; and by their transcription , they fell into the hands of others , that have preserved them from being lost , as too many of his other matchless writings have been ; and from these i have gathered many observations in this discourse of his life . after the publication of his answer to the petition of mr. travers , mr. hooker grew daily into greater repute with the most learned and wise of the nation ; but it had a contrary effect in very many of the temple that were zealous for mr. travers , and for his church discipline ; insomuch , that though mr. travers left the place , yet the seeds of discontent could not be rooted out of that society , by the great reason , and as great meekness of this humble man : for though the cheif benchers gave him much reverence and incouragement , yet he there met with many neglects and oppositions-by-those of mr. travers judgment ; insomuch , that it turned to his extream grief : and that he might unbeguile and win them , he designed to write a deliberate sober treatise of the churches power to make cannons for the use of ceremonies , and by law to impose an obedience to them , as upon her children ; and this he proposed to do in eight books of the laws of ecclesiastical polity ; intending therein to shew such arguments , as should force an assent from all men , if reason , delivered in sweet language , and void of any provocation , were able to do it : and that he might prevent all prejudice , he wrote before it a large preface or epistle to the dissenting brethren , wherein there were such bowels of love , and such a commixture of that love with reason , as was never exceeded but in holy writ ; and particularly , by that of st. paul to his dear brother and fellow-laborer philemon : then which , none ever was more like this epistle of mr. hookers . so that his dear friend and companion in his studies , doctor spencer , might after his death justly say , what admirable height of learning , and depth of iudgment , dwelt in the lowly minde of this truly humble man , great in all wise mens eyes except his own : with what gravity and majesty of speech his tongue and pen uttered heavenly mysteries ; whose eyes in the humility of his heart , were always cast down to the ground : how all things that proceeded from him , were breathed as from the spirit of love ; as , if he , like the bird of the holy ghost , the dove , had wanted gall : let those that knew him not in his person , judge by these living images of his soul , his writings . the foundation of these books was laid in the temple ; but he found it no fit place to finish what he had there designed ; and therefore solicited the archbishop for a remove , to whom he spake to this purpose ; my lord , when i lost the freedom of my cell , which was my colledge ; yet , i found some degree of it in my quiet countrey personage : but i am weary of the noise and oppositions of this place ; and indeed , god and nature did not intend me for contentions , but for study and quietness . and , my lord , my particular contests here with mr. travers , have prov'd the more unpleasant to me , because i believe him to be a good man ; and that beliefe hath occasioned me to examine mine own conscience concerning his opinions ; and , to satisfie that , i have consulted the holy scripture , and other laws , both humane and divine , whether the the conscience of him , and others of his iudgment , ought to be so far complied with us , as to alter our frame of church-government , our manner of gods worship , our praising and praying to him , and , our establishe ceremonies , as often as their tender consciences shall require us . and , in this examination , i have not onely satisfied my self ; but have begun a treatise , in which i intend the satisfaction of others , by a demonstration of the reasonableness of our laws of ecclesiastical policy ; and therein laid a hopeful foundation for the churches peace ; and , so as not to provoke your adversarie mr. cartwright , nor mr. travers , whom i take to be mine ( but not my enemy ) god knows this to be my meaning . to which end , i have searched many books , and spent many thoughtful hours ; and i hope not in vain ; for i write to reasonable men . but , my lord , i shall never be able to finish what i have begun , unless i be remov'd into some quiet countrey parsenage , where i may see gods blessings spring out of my mother earth , and eat mine own bread in peace and privaty . a place where i may without disturbance , meditate my approaching mortality , and that great account , which all flesh must at the great day , give to the god of all spirits . this is my design ; and , as these are the desires of my heart , so they shall by gods assistance be the constant indevors of the uncertain remainder of my life . and therefore if your grace can think me and my poor labors , worthy such a favour ? let me beg it , that i may perfect what i have begun : which is a blessing i cannot hope for in this place . about the time of this request to the bishop , the parsonage or rectory of boscom , in the diocess of sarum , and six miles from that city , became void . the bishop of sarum is patron of it , but in the vacancy of that see ( which was three years betwixt the death of bishop peirce , and bishop caldwells admission into it ) the disposal of that and all benefices belonging to it , during the time of this said vacancy , came to be disposed of by the archbishop of canterbury ; and he presented richard hooker to it in the year . and richard hooker was also in this said year instituted , ( iuly . ) to be a minor prebend of salisbury , the corps to it being nether-havin , about ten miles from that city ; which prebend was of no great value , but intended chiefly to make him capable of a better preferment in that church . in this boscum he continued till he had finished four of his eight proposed books of the laws of ecclesiastical polity , and these were enter'd into the register book in stationers-hall the th of march . but not printed till the year . and then with the beforementioned large and affectionate preface , which he directs to them that seek ( as they term it ) the reformation of the laws and orders ecclesiastical in the church of england ; of which books i shall yet say nothing more , but that he continued his laborious diligence to finish the remaining four during his life ( of all which more properly hereafter ) but at boscum he finisht and publisht but only the first four , being then in the year of his age. he left boscum in the year . by a surrender of it into the hands of bishop caldwell , and he presented benjamin russel , who was instituted into it , of iune , in the same year . the parsonage of bishops borne in kent , three miles from canterbury , is in that archbishops gift , but in the latter end of the year . doctor william redman the rector of it was made bishop of norwich , by which means the power of presenting to it was pro ca vice in the queen ; and she presented richard hooker , whom she loved well , to this good living of borne the of iuly . in which living he continued till his death , without any addition of dignity or profit . and now having brought our richard hooker from his birth-place , to this where he found a grave , i shall only give some account of his books , and of his behaviour in this parsonage of borne , and then give a rest both to my self and my reader . his first four books and large epistle have been declared to be printed at his being at boscum , anno . next i am to tell that at the end of these four books there is printed this advertisement to the reader ; i have for some causes thought it at this time more fit to let go these first four books by themselves , than to stay both them and the rest , till the whole might together be published . such generalities of the cause in question as are here handled , it will be perhaps not amiss to consider apart , by way of introduction unto the books that are to follow concerning particulars ; in the mean time the reader is requested to mend the printers errors , as noted underneath . and i am next to declare that his fifth book ( which is larger than his first four ) was first also printed by it self anno . and dedicated to his patron ( for till them he chose none ) the archbishop . these books were read with an admiration of their excellency in this , and their just same spread it self into forain nations . and i have been told more than forty years past , that cardinal alen , or learned doctor stapleton ( both english men , and in italy when mr. hookers four books were first printed ) meeting with this general fame of them , were desirous to read an author , that both the reformed and the learned of their own church did so much magnifie , and therefore caused them to be sent for ; and , after reading them , boasted to the pope ( which then was clement the eighth ) that though he had lately said he never met with an english book whose writer deserved the name of an author ; yet there now appear'd a wonder to them , and it would be so to his holiness , if it were in latin ; for a poor obscure english priest had writ four such books of laws , and church polity , and in a style that exprest so grave and such humble majesty with clear demonstration of reason , that in all their readings they had not met with any that exceeded him ; and this begot in the pope an earnest desire that doctor stapleton should bring the said four books , and looking on the english ; read a part of them to him in latin , which doctor stapleton did , to the end of the first book ; at the conclusion of which , the pope spake to this purpose ; there is no learning that this man hath not searcht into , nothing too hard for his understanding : this man indeed deserves the name of an author ; his books will get reverence by age , for there is in them such seeds of eternity , that if the rest be like this , they shall last till the last fire shall consume all learning . not was this high , the only testimony and commendations given to his books ; for at the first coming of king iames into this kingdom , he inquired of the archbishop whi●gift for his friend mr. hooker that writ the books of church polity ; to which the answer was , that he dyed a year before queen elizabeth , who received the sad news of his death with very much sorrow ; to which the king replyed , and i receive it with no less , that i shall want the desired happiness of seeing and discoursing with that man , from whose books i have received such satisfaction : indeed my lord , i have received more satisfaction in reading a leaf , or paragraph in mr. hooker , thought it were but about the fashion of churches , or church musick , or the like , but especially of the sacraments , then i have had in the reading particular large treatises written but of one of those subjects by others , though very learned men ; and , i observe there is in mr. hooker no affected language ; but a grave comprehensive , cleer manifestation of reason ; and that back't with the authority of the scripture , the fathers and schoolmen , and with all law both sacred and civil . and , though many others write well , yet in the next age they will be forgotten ; but doubtless there is in every page of mr. hookers book , the picture of a divine soul , such pictures of truth and reason , and drawn in so sacred colours , that they shall never fade , but give an immortal memory to the author . and it is so truly true , that the king thought what he spake ; that , as the most learned of the nation have and still do mention mr. hooker with reverence : so he also , did never mention him but with the epithite of learned , or iudicious , or reverend , or venerable mr. hooker . nor did his son our late king charles the first , ever mention him but with the same reverence , enjoyning his son our now gracious king , to be studious in m. hookers books . and our learned antiquary mr. cambden * mentioning the death , the modesty , and other vertues of mr. hooker , and magnifying his books , wisht , that for the honour of this , and benefit of other nations , they were turn'd into the universal language . which work though undertaken by many , yet they have been weary and forsaken it ; but the reader may now expect it , having been long since begun , and lately finisht , by the happy pen of doctor earl , now lord bishop of salisbury , of whom i may justly say ( and let it not offend him , because it is such a truth as ought not to be conceal'd from posterity , or those that now live and yet know him not ) that since mr. hooker died , none have liv'd whom god hath blest with more innocent wisdom ; more sanctified learning , or a more pious , peaceable , primitive temper : so that this excellent person seems to be only like himself and our venerable richard hooker ; and only fit to make the learned of all nations happy in knowing what hath been too long confin'd to the language of our little island . there might be many more and just occasions taken to speak of his books , which none ever did or can commend too much ; but i decline them , and hasten to an account of his christian behaviour and death at borne , in which place he continued his customary rules of mortification and self-denyal ; was much in fasting , frequent in meditation and prayers , injoying those blessed returns , which only men of strict lives feel and know ; and of which men of loose and godless lives cannot be made sensible ; for spiritual things are spiritually discerned . at his entrance into this place , his friendship was much sought for by doctor hadrian saravia , then one of the prebends of canterbury , a german by birth , and sometimes a pastor both in flanders and holland , where he had studied and well considered the controverted points concerning episcopacy and sacriledge , and in england had a just occasion to declare his judgement concerning both , unto his brethren ministers of the low countryes , which was excepted against by theodor beza and others ; against whose exceptions he rejoyned , and thereby became the happy author of many learned tracts , writ in latin , especially of three ; one of the degrees of ministers , and of the bishops superiority above the presbytery ; a second against sacriledge ; and a third of christian obedience to princes ; the last being occasioned by gretzerus the jesuit . and it is observable , that when in a time of church tumults , beza gave his reasons to the chancellor of scotland , for the abrogation of episcopacy in that nation , partly by letters , and more fully in a treatise of a three-fold episcopacy ( which he calls divine , humane , and satanical ) this doctor saravia had by the help of bishop whitgift made such an early discovery of their intentions , that he had almost as soon answered that treatise as it became publique ; and therein discovered how beza's opinion did contradict that of calvins , and his adherents ; leaving them to interfere with themselves in point of episcopacy ; but of these tracts it will not concern me to say more , than that they were most of them dedicated to his and the church of englands watchful patron iohn whitgift the archbishop ; and printed about the year in which mr. hooker also appeared first to the world in the publication of his four books of ecclesiastical polity . this friendship being sought for by this learned doctor , you may believe was not denied by mr. hooker , who was by fortune so like him as to be engaged against mr. travers , mr. cartwright , and others of their judgment in a controversie too like doctor saravia's ; so that in this year of . and in this place of borne , these two excellent persons began a holy friendship , increasing dayly to so high and mutual affections , that their two wills seemed to be but one and the same , and designs both for the glory of god , and peace of the church ; still assisting and improving each others vertues , and the desired comforts of a peaceable piety ; which i have willingly mentioned , because it gives a foundation to some things that follow . this parsonage of borne , is from canterbury three miles , and near to the common road that leads from that city to dover ; in which parsonage mr. hooker had not been twelve moneths , but his books , and the innocency and sanctity of his life became so remarkable , that many turn'd out of the road , and others ( scholars especially ) went purposely to see the man , whose life and learning were so much admired ; and alas , as our saviour said of st. iohn baptist , what went they out to see ! a man cloathed in purple and fine linen ? no indeed ; but an obscure harmless man ; a man in poor clothes , his loynes usually girt in a course gown or canonical coat ; of a mean stature , and stooping , and yet more lowly in the thoughts of his soul ; his body worn out , not with age , but study and holy mortifications ; his face full of heat-pimples , begot by his unactivity and sedentary life . and to this true character of his person , let me add this of his disposition and behaviour ; god and nature blest him with so blessed a hashfulness , that as in his younger days , his pupils might easily look him out of countenance ; so neither then , nor in his age , did he ever willingly look any man in the face : and was of so mild and humble a nature , that his poor parish clark and he did never talk but with both their hats on , or both off at the same time ; and to this may be added , that though he was not purblind ; yet , he was short or weak-sighted ; and where be fixt his eyes at the beginning of his sermon , there they continued till it was ended ; and the reader has a liberty to believe that his modesty and dim sight were some of the reasons why he trusted mistris churchman to choose a wife for him . this parish clark lived till the third or fourth year of the late long parliament ; betwixt which time and mr. hookers death , there had come many to see the place of his burial , and the monument dedicated to his memory by sir william cooper , ( who still lives ) and the poor clark had many rewards for shewing mr. hookers grave-place , and his said monument , and did always hear mr. hooker mentioned with commendations and reverence ; to all which he added his own knowledge and observations of his humility and holiness : in all which discourses , the poor man was still more confirm'd in his opinion of mr. hookers vertues and learning ; but it so fell out , that about the said third or fourth year of the long parliament , the present parson of borne was sequestred ( you may guess why ) and a genevian minister put into his good living . this , and other like sequestrations , made the clerk express himself in a wonder , and say , they had sequestred so many good men , that he doubted if his good master mr. hooker had lived till now , they would have sequestred him too . it was not long before this intruding minister had made a party in and about the said parish , that were desirous to receive the sacrament as in geneva ; to which end , the day was appointed for a select company , and forms and stools set about the altar or communion table for them to sit and eat and drink ; but when they went about this work , there was a want of some joynd-stools , which the minister sent the clerk to fetch , and then to fetch cushions . when the clerk saw them begin to sit down , he began to wonder ; but the minister bade him cease wondering , and lock the church door : to whom he replied , pray take you the keys and lock me out , i will never come more into this church ; for all men will say my master hooker was a good man , and a good scholar , and i am sure it was not used to be thus in his days : and report says , the old man went presently home , and died ; i do not say died immediately , but within a few days after . but let us leave this grateful clerk in his quiet grave , and return to mr. hooker himself , continuing our observations of his christian behavior in this place , where he gave a holy valediction to all the pleasures and allurements of earth ; possessing his soul in a vertuous quietness , which he maintained by constant study , prayers , and meditations : his use was to preach once every sunday , and he or his curate to catechize after the second lesson in the evening prayer : his sermons were neither long nor earnest , but uttered with a grave zeal , and an humble voice : his eyes always fixt on one place , to prevent his imagination from wandring ; insomuch , that he seem'd to study as he spake ; the design of his sermons ( as indeed of all his discourses ) was to shew reasons for what he spake : and with these reasons such a kinde of rhetorick , as did rather convince and perswade , then frighten men into piety . studying not so much for matter ( which he never wanted ) as for apt illustrations to inform and teach his unlearned hearers by familiar examples , and then make them better by convincing applications ; never laboring by hard words , and then by needless distinctions and subdistinctions to amuse his hearers , and get glory to himself : but glory onely to god. which intention he would often say , was as discernable in a preacher , as an artificial from a natural beauty . he never failed the sunday before every ember week , to give notice of it to his parishioners , perswading them both to fast , and then to double their devotions for a learned and pious clergy , but especially for the last ; saying often , that the life of a pious clergy-man was visible rhetorick , and so convincing , that the most godless men ( though they would not deny themselves the enjoyment of their present lusts ) did get secretly wish themselves like those of the strictest lives . and to what he perswaded others , he added his own example of fasting and prayer ; and did usually every ember week , take from the parish clerk the key of the church door ; into which place he retired every day , and lockt himself up for many hours ; and did the like most fridays , and other days of fasting . he would by no means omit the customary time of procession , perswading all , both rich and poor , if they desired the preservation of love , and their parish rights and liberties , to accompany him in his perambulation , and most did so : in which perambulation , he would usually express more pleasant discourse then at other times , and would then always drop some loving and facetious observations to be remembred against the next year , especially by the boys and young people ; still inclining them , and all his present parishioners , to meekness and mutual kindnesses and love ; because love thinks not evil , but covers a multitude of infirmities . he was diligent to enquire who of his parish were sick , or any way distressed , and would often visit them unsent for ; supposing , that the fittest time to discover those errors , to which health and prosperity had blinded them : and having by pious reasons and prayers , molded them into holy resolutions for the time to come , he would incline them to confession , and bewailing their sins , with purpose to forsake them , and then to receive the communion , both as a strengthning of those holy resolutions ; and as a seal betwixt god and them of his mercies to their souls , in case that present sickness did put a period to their lives . and as he was thus watchful and charitable to the sick , so he was as diligent to prevent law-sutes , still urging his parishioners and neighbors , to bear with each others infirmities , and live in love , because ( as st. iohn says ) he that lives in love , lives in god , for god is love. and to maintain this holy fire of love , constantly burning on the altar , of a pure heart , his advice was to watch and pray , and always keep themselves fit to receive the communion , and then to receive it often ; for it was both a confirming , and a strengthning of their graces . this was his advice ; and at his entrance or departure out of any house , he would usually speak to the whole family , and bless them by name ; insomuch , that as he seem'd in his youth to be taught of god , so he seem'd in this place to teach his precepts , as enoch did by walking with him , in all holiness and humility , making each day a step towards a blessed eternity . and though in this weak and declining age of the world , such examples are become barren , and almost incredible ; yet let his memory be blest with this true recordation , because , he that praises richard hooker , praises god , who hath given such gifts to men ; and let this humble and affectionate relation of him , become such a pattern as may invite posterity to imitate his vertues . this was his constant behavior at borne ; thus as enoch , so he walked with god ; thus did he tread in the footsteps of primitive piety ; and yet , as that great example of meekness and purity , even our blessed iesus was not free from false accusations , no more was this disciple of his . this most humble , most innocent holy man ; his was a slander parallel to that of chaste susannaes by the wicked elders ; or that against st. athanasius , as it is recorded in his life ( for that holy man had heretical enemies ) and which this age calls trepanning . the particulars need not a repetition , and that it was false , needs no other testimony then the publick punishment of his accusers , and their open confession of his innocency : 't was said , that the accusation was contrived by a dissenting brother , one that indur'd not church ceremonies , hating him for his books sake , which he was not able to answer ; and his name hath been told me : but i have not so much confidence in the relation , as to make my pen fix a scandal on him to posterity ; i shall rather leave it doubtful till the great day of revelation . but this is certain , that he lay under the great charge , and the anxiety of this accusation , and kept it secret to himself for many moneths : and , being a helpless man , had lain longer under this heavy burthen , but that the protector of the innocent gave such an accidental occasion as forced him to make it known to his two dear friends , edwin sandys and george cranmer , who were so sensible of their tutors sufferings , that they gave themselves no rest , till by their disquisitions and diligence they had found out the fraud , and brought him the welcome news , that his accusers did confess they had wrong'd him , and begg'd his pardon : to which the good mans reply was to this purpose , the lord forgive them ; and , the lord bless you for this comfortable news . now i have a just occasion to say with solomon , friends are born for the days of adversity , and such you have prov'd to me : and to my god i say , as did the mother of st. john baptist , thus hath the lord dealt with me , in the day wherein he looked upon me , to take away my reproach among men . and , o my god , neither my life , nor my reputation , are safe in mine own keeping , but in thine , who didst take care of me , when i yet hanged upon my mothers brest . blessed are they that put their trust in thee , o lord ; for , when false witnesses were risen up against me ; when shame was ready to cover my face ; when i was bowed down with an horrible dread , and went mourning all the day long ; when my nights were restless , and my sleeps broken with a fear worse then death ; when my soul thirsted for a deliverance , as the hart panteth after the rivers of waters : then , thou lord , didst bear my complaints , pitty my condition , and art new become my deliverer ; and as long as i live i will hold up my hands in this manner , and magnifie thy mercies , who didst not give me over as a prey to mine enemies . o blessed are they that put their trust in thee ; and no prosperity shall make me forget those days of sorrow , or to perform those vows that i have made to thee in the days of my fears and affliction ; for with such sacrifices , thou , o god , art well pleased ; and i will pay them . thus did the joy and gratitude of this good mans heart break forth ; and 't is observable , that as the invitation to this slander was his meek behavior and dove like simplicity , for which he was remarkable ; so his christian charity ought to be imitated : for , though the spirit of revenge is so pleasing to mankinde , that it is never conquered but by a supernatural grace , being indeed so deeply rooted in humane nature , that to prevent the excesses of it ( for men would not know moderation ) almighty god allows not any degree of it to any man , but says , vengeance is mine . and , though this be said by god himself , yet this revenge is so pleasing , that man is hardly perswaded to submit the menage of it to the time , and justice , and wisdom of his creator , but would hasten to be his own executioner of it . and yet nevertheless , if any man ever did wholly decline , and leave this pleasing passion to the time and measure of god alone , it was this richard hooker of whom i write : for when his slanderers were to suffer , he labored to procure their pardon ; and , when that was denied him , his reply was , that however he would fast and pray , that god would give them repentance and patience to undergo their punishment . and his prayers were so for returned into his own bosom , that the first was granted , if we may believe a penitent behavior , and an open confession . and 't is observable , that after this time he would often say to dr. saravia , o with what quietness , did i enjoy my soul after i was free from the fears of my slander ! and how much more after a conflict and victory ever my desires of revenge ! in the year one thousand six hundred , and of his age forty six , he fell into a long and sharp sickness , occasioned by a cold taken in his passage betwixt london and gravesend , from the malignity of which , he was never recovered ; for , till his death he was not free from thoughtful days , and restless nights ; but a submission to his will that makes the sick mans bed easie , by giving rest to his soul , made his very languishment comfortable : and yet all this time he was solicitous in his study , and said often to dr. saravia , ( who saw him daily , and was the cheif● comfort of his life ) that he did not beg a long life of god for any other reason , but to live to finish his three remaining books of polity ; and then , lord , let thy servant depart in peace , which was his usual expression . and god heard his prayers , though he denied the church the benefit of them as compleated by himself ; and 't is thought he hastned his own death , by hastning to give life to his books . but this is certain , that the nearer he was to his death , the more he grew in humility , in holy thoughts and resolutions . about a moneth before his death , this good man , that never knew , or at least , never consider'd the pleasures of the palate , became first to lose his appetite , then to have an aversness to all food ; insomuch , that he seem'd to live some intermitted weeks by the smell of meat onely ; and yet still studied and writ . and now his guardian angel seem'd to foretel him , that his years were past away as a shadow , bidding him prepare to follow the generation of his fathers , for the day of his dissolution drew near ; for which his vigorous soul appear'd to thirst . in this time of his sickness , and not many days before his death , his house was robb'd ; of which , he having notice , his question was , are my books and written papers safe ? and being answered , that they were . his reply was , then it matters not , for no other loss can trouble me . about one day before his death , dr. saravia , who knew the very secrets of his soul ( for they were supposed to be confessors to each other ) came to him , and after a conference of the benefit , the necessity , and safety of the churches absolution , it was resolved the doctor should give him both that and the sacrament the day following . to which end the doctor came , and after a short retirement and privacy , they return'd to the company ; and then the doctor gave him and some of those friends that were with him , the blessed sacrament of the body and blood of our jesus . which being performed , the doctor thought he saw a reverend gaity and joy in his face ; but it lasted not long ; for his bodily infirmities did return suddenly , and became more visible , insomuch , that the doctor apprehended death ready to seise him : yet , after some amendment , left him at night , with a promise to return early the day following , which he did , and then found him better in appearance , deep in contemplation , and not inclinable to discourse ; which gave the doctor occasion to require his present thoughts : to which he replied , that he was meditating the number and nature of angels , and their blessed obedience and order , without which , peace could not be in heaven ; and oh that it might be so on earth . after which words , he said , i have lived to see this world is made up of perturbations , and i have been long preparing to leave it , and gathering comfort for the dreadful hour of making my account with god , which i now apprehend to be near : and though i have by his grace lov'd him in my youth , and fear'd him in mine age , and labor'd to have a conscience void of offence to him , and to all men ; yet , if thou , o lord , be extream to mark what i have done amiss , who can abide it ? and therefore , where i have failed , lord shew mercy to me ; for i plead not my righteousness , but the forgiveness of my unrighteousness , for his merits who died to purchase a pardon for penitent sinners . and since i ow thee a death , lord let it not be terrible , and then take thine own time , i submit to it : let not mine , o lord , but let thy will be done . with which expression he fell into a dangerous slumber , dangerous as to his recovery ; yet recover he did , but it was to speak onely these few words , good doctor , god hath heard my daily petitions ; for i am at peace with all men , and he is at peace with me ; and from which blessed assurance i feel that inward joy , which this world can neither give nor take from me . more he would have spoken , but his spirits failed him ; and , after a short conflict betwixt nature and death , a quiet sigh put a period to his last breath , and so he fell asleep . and here i draw his curtain , till with the most glorious company of the patriarks and apostles ; the most noble army of martyrs and confessors , this most learned , most humble , holy man , shall also awake to receive an eternal tranquillity , and with it a greater degree of glory then common christians shall be made partakers of ; in the mean time , bless , o lord , lord bless his brethren , the clergy of this nation with ardent desires , and effectual endeavors to attain , if not to his great learning , yet to his remarkable meekness , his godly simplicity , and his christian moderation : for these are praise-worthy ; these bring peace at the last : and let the labors of his life , his most excellent writings be bless with what he designed when he undertook them : which was glory to thee , o god on high , peace in thy church , and good will to mankinde . amen , amen . an appendix to the life of mr. richard hooker . and now having by a long and laborious search satisfied my self , and i hope my reader by imparting to him the true relation of mr. hookers life : i am desirous also to acquaint him with some observations that relate to it ; and , which could not properly fall to be spoken till after his death , of which my reader may expect a brief and true account in the following appendix . and first it is not to be doubted but that he died in the forty-seventh , if not in the forty-sixth year of his age ; which i mention , because many have believed him to be more aged ; but i have so examined it , as to be confident , i mistake not ; and for the year of his death , mr. cambden , who in his annals of queen elizabeth . mentions him with a high commendation of his life and learning , declares him to die in the year . and yet in that inscription of his monument set up at the charge of sir william cooper in borne church , where mr. hooker was buried , his death is said to be in anno . but doubtless both mistaken ; for i have it attested under the hand of william somner the archbishops register for the province of canterbury , that richard hookers will bears date october the . in anno . and that it was prov'd the third of december following . and this attested also that at his death he left four daughters , alice , cicily , iane , and margaret , that he gave to each of them a hundred pound , that he left ione his wife his sole executrix , and that by his inventory his estate ( a great part of it being in books ) came to l . . d . which was much more than he thought himself worth ; and , which was not got by his care , much less by the good huswifery of his wife , but saved by his trusty servant thomas lane , that was wiser than his master in getting money for him , and more frugal than his mistress in keeping it ; of which will i shall say no more , but that his dear friend thomas , the father of george cranmer , of whom i have spoken , and shall have occasion to say more , was one of the witnesses to it . one of his elder daughters was married to one chalinor , sometime a schoolmaster in chichester , & both dead long since , margaret his youngest daughter was married unto ezekiel chark , batchelor in divinity , and rector of s. nicholas in harbledown near canterbury , who● died about years past , and had a son ezekiel , now living , and in sacred orders , being at this time rector of waldron in sussex , she left also a daughter , with both whom i have spoken not many months past , and find her to be a widow in a condition that wants not , but far from abounding ; and these two attested unto me , that richard hooker their grandfather had a sister , by name elizabeth harvey , that liv'd to the age of , years , and died in the moneth of september , . for his other two daughters i can learn little certainty , but have heard they both died before they were marriageable ; and for his wife , she was so unlike iepthaes daughter , that she staid not a comely time to bewail her widdow-hood ; nor liv'd long enough to repent her second marriage , for which doubtless she would have found cause , if there had been but four months betwixt mr. hookers and her death . but she is dead , and let her other infirmities be buried with her . thus much briefly for his age , the year of his death , his estate , his wife , and his children . i am next to speak of his books , concerning which i shall have a necessity of being longer , or shall neither do right to my self of my reader , which is chiefly intended in this appendix . i have declared in his life , that he proposed eight books , and that his first four were printed anno . and his fifth book first printed , and alone , anno . and that he liv'd to finish the remaining three of the proposed eight ; but , whether we have the last three as finisht by himself , is a just and material question ; concerning which i do declare , that i have been told almost forty years past , by one that very well knew mr. hooker , and the affaires of his family , that about a moneth after the death of mr. hooker , bishop whitgist , then archbishop of canterbury , sent one of his chaplains to enquire of mrs. hooker , for the three remaining books of polity , writ by her husband ; of which , she would not , or could not give any account ; and i have been told that about three moneths after the bishop procured her to be sent for to london , and then by his procurement she was to be examined , by some of her majesties council , concerning the disposal of those books : but by way of preparation for the next days examination , the bishop invited her to lambeth , and , after some friendly questions , she confessed to him , that one mr. charke and another minister that dwelt near canterbury , came to her , and desired that they might go into her husbands study , and look upon some of his writings ; and that there they two burnt and tore many of them , assuring her that they were writings not fit to be seen , and that she knew nothing more concerning them . her lodging was then in kingstreet in westminster , where she was sound next morning dead in her bed , and her new husband suspected and questioned for it ; but was declared innocent of her death . and i declare also , that doctor iohn spencer ( mentioned in the life of mr. hooker ) who was of mr. hookers colledge , and of his time there , and betwixt whom there was so friendly a friendship , that they continually advised together in all their studies , and particularly in what concern'd these books of polity : this doctor spencer , the three perfect books being lost , had delivered into his hands ( i think by bishop whitgift ) the imperfect books , or first rough draughts of them , to be made as perfect as they might be , by him , who both knew mr. hookers hand-writing , and was best acquainted with his intentions . and a fair testimony of this may appear by an epistle first and usually printed before mr. hookers five books ( but omitted , i know not why , in the last impression of the eight printed together in anno . in which the publishers seem to impose the three doubtful , as the undoubted books of mr. hooker ) with these two letters i.s. at the end of the said epistle , which was meant for this iohn spencer ; in which epistle the reader may find these very words , which may give some authority to what i have here written . and though mr. hooker hastened his own death by hastening to give life to his books , yet he held out with his eyes to behold these benjamins , these sons of his right hand , though to him they prov'd benonics , sons of pain and sorrow : but , some evil disposed minds , whether of malice , or covetousness , or wicked blind zeal , it is uncertain , as soon as they were born and their fathers dead , smother'd them , and , by conveying the perfect copies , left unto us nothing but the old imperfect mangled droughts dismembred into pieces ; no favour , no grace , not the shadow of themselves remaining in them ; had the father lived to behold them thus defaced , he might rightly have named them benonies , the sons of sorrow ; but being the learned will not suffer them to die and be buried , it is intended the world shall see them as they are : the learned will find in them some shadows and resemblances of their fathers face . god grant , that as they were with their brethren dedicated to the church for messengers of peace ; so , in the strength of the little breath of life that remaineth in them , they may prosper in their work , and that by satisfying the doubts of such as are willing to learn , they may help to give an end to the calamities of these our civil wars . i. s. and next the reader may note , that this epistle of doctor spencers was writ , and first printed within four years after the death of mr. hooker , in which time , all diligent search had been made for the perfect copies ; and then granted not recoverable , and therefore indeavoured to be compleated out of mr. hookers rough draughts , as is exprest by the said doctor spencer , since whose death it is now fifty years . and i do profess by the faith of a christian , that doctor spencers wife ( who was my aunt , and sister to george cranmer of whom i have spoken ) told me forty years since , in these , or in words to this purpose , that her husband had made up or finisht mr. hookers last three books ; and that upon her husbands death-bed , or in his last sickness , he gave them into her hand , with a charge they should not be seen by any man , but be by her delivered into the hands of the then archbishop of canterbury , which was doctor abbot , or unto doctor king , bishop of london , and that she did as he injoyn'd her . i do conceive , that from doctor spencers and no other copy , there have been divers transcripts , and wereto be found in several places , as namely in sir thomas bodlies library , in that of doctor andrews late bishop of winton , in the late lord conwayes , in the archbishop of canterburies , and in the bishop of armaghs , and in many others , and most of these pretended to be the authors own hand , but much disagreeing , being indeed altered and diminisht as men have thought fittest to make mr. hookers judgment suit with their fancies ; or give authority to their corrupt designs ; and for proof of a part of this , take these following testimonies . doctor barnard , sometime chaplain to doctor usher late lord archbishop of armagh , hath declar'd in a late book called clavi trabales , printed by richard hodgkinson , anno . that in his search and examination of the said bishops manuscripts , he there found the three written books , which were the supposed sixth , seventh , and eighth of mr. hookers books of ecclesiastical polity ; and , that in the said three books ( now printed as mr. hookers ) there are so many omissions that they amount to many paragraphs ; and , which cause many incoherencies ; the omissions are by him set down at large in the said printed book , to which i refer the reader for the whole ; but think fit in this place to insert this following short part of them . first , as there could be in natural bodies no motion of any thing , unless there were some first which moved all things , and continued unmoveable ; even so in politick societies , there must be some unpunishable , or else no man shall suffer punishment ; for , sith punishments proceed always from superiors to whom the administration of iustice belongeth , which administration must have necessarily a fountain that deriveth it to all others , and receiveth not from any , ( because otherwise the course of iustice should go infinitely in a circle , every superiour having his superiour without end , which cannot be ; ) therefore , a well spring , it followeth , there is , a supreme head of iustice whereunto all are subject , but it self in subjection to none . which kinde of preheminency if some ought to have in a kingdom , who but the king shall have it ? kings therefore , or no man can have lawfull power to iudge . if private men offend , there is the magistrate over them which iudgeth ; if magistrates , they have their prince ; if princes , there is heaven a tribunal , before which they shall appear : on earth they are not accomptable to any . here says the doctor , it breaks off abruptly . and i have these words also attested under the hand of mr. fabian phillips a man of note for his useful books . i will make oath if i shall be required , that doctor sanderson the late bishop of lincoln did a little before his death affirm to me he had seen a manuscript , affirmed to him to be the hand-writing of mr. richard hooker , in which there was no mention made of the king or supreme governors being accomptable to the people ; this i will make oath that that good man attested to me . fabian phillips . so that there appears to be both omissions and additions in the said last three printed books ; and this may probably be one reason why doctor sanderson , the said learned bishop ( whose writings are so highly and justly valued ) gave a strict charge near the time of his death , or in his last will , that nothing of his that was not already printed , should be printed after his death . it is well known how high a value our learned king iames put upon the books writ by mr. hooker , as also that our late king charls ( the martyr for the church ) valued them the second of all books , testified by his commending them to the reading of his son charls that now is our gratious king ; and you may suppose that this charls the first was not a stranger to the pretended three books , because in a discourse with the lord say , when the said lord required the king to grant the truth of his argument , because it was the judgement of mr. hooker , ( quoting him in one of the three written books , ) the king replyed , they were not allowed to be mr , hookers books ; but , however he would allow them to be mr. hookers , and consent to what his lordship proposed to prove out of those doubtful books if he would but consent to the iudgment of mr. hooker in the other five that were the undoubted books of mr. hooker . in this relation concerning these three doubtful books of mr. hookers , my purpose was to enquire , then set down what i observ'd and know , which i have done , not as an engaged person , but indifferently , and now leave my reader to give sentence , for their legitimation , as to himself , but so , as to leave others the same liberty of believing , or disbelieving them to be mr. hookers ; and 't is observable , that as mr. hooker advis'd with doctor spencer , in the design and manage of these books , so also , and chiefly with this dear pupil george cranmer ( whose sister was the wife of doctor spencer ) of which this following letter may be a testimony ; and doth also give authority to some things mentioned both in this appendix , and in the life of mr. hooker ; and , is therefore added . george cranmers letter unto mr. richard hooker . february . what posterity is likely to judge of these matters concerning church discipline , we may the better conjecture , if we call to mind what our own age , within few years , upon better experience , hath already judged concerning the same . it may be remembred , that at first the greatest part of the learned in the land were either eagerly affected , or favourably inclined that way . the books then written for the most part savoured of the disciplinary stile : it sounded everywhere in pulpits , and in common phrase of mens speech : the contrary part began to fear they had taken a wrong course ; many which impugned the discipline , yet so impugned it , not as not being the better form of government , but as not being so convenient for our state , in regard of dangerous innovations thereby like to grow ; * one man alone there was , to speak of , ( whom let no suspition of flattery deprive of his deserved commendation , ) w●o in the defiance of the one part , and courage of the other , stood in the gap , and gave others respite to prepare themselves to the defence , which by the sudden eagerness and violence of their adversaries had otherwise been prevented ; wherein god hath made good unto him his own impress , vincit qui patitur ; for what contumelious indignities he hath at their hands sustained , the world is witness , and what reward of honour above his adversaries god hath bestowed upon him , themselves ( though nothing glad thereof ) must needs confess . now of late years the heat of men towards the discipline is greatly decayed , their judgements begin to sway on the other side : the learned have weighed it , and found it light ; wise men conceive some fear , left it prove not only not the best kind of government , but the very bane and destruction of all government . the cause of this change in mens opinions may be drawn from the general nature of error , disguised and cloathed with the name of truth ; which is mightily and violently to possess men at first , but afterwards , the weakness thereof being by time discovered , to lose that reputation , which before it had gained ; as by the outside of an house the passers by are oftentimes deceived , till they see the conveniencie of the rooms within : so by the very name of discipline and reformation , men were drawn at first to cast a fancy towards it , but now they have not contented themselves only to pass by and behold afar off the fore-front of this reformed house ; they have entred in , even at the special request of master-workmen and chief builders thereof ; they have perused the roomes , the lights , the conveniencies , they find them not answerable to that report which was made of them . nor to that opinion which upon report they had conceived : so as now the discipline which at first triumphed over all , being unmasked , beginneth to droop and hang down her head . this cause of change in opinion concerning the discipline , is proper to the learned , or to such as by them have been instructed ; another cause there is more open , and more apparent to the view of all , namely , the course of practice , which the reformers have had with us from the beginning ; the first degree was only some small difference about cap and surplice , but not such as either bred division in the church , or tended to the ruine of the government established . this was peaceable ; the next degree more stirring . admonitions were directed to the parliament in peremptory sort against our whole form of regiment ; in defence of them , volumes were published in english , and in latin ; yet this was no more than writing , devices were set on foot to erect the practice of the discipline without authority : yet herein some regard of modesty , some moderation was used ; behold , at length it brake forth into open outrage , first in writing by martin , in whose kind of dealing these things may be observed ; first that whereas t. c. and others his great masters had alwayes before set out the discipline as a queen , and as the daughter of god ; he contrariwise , to make her more acceptable to the people , brought her forth as a vice upon the stage . : this conceit of his was grounded ( as may be supposed ) upon this rare polity , that seeing the discipline was by writing refuted , in parliament rejected , in secret corners hunted out and decried , it was imagined that by open rayling ( which to the vulgar is commonly most plausible ) the state ecclesiastical might have been drawn into such contempt and hatred , as the overthrow thereof should have been most grateful to all men , and in manner desired of the common people . . it may be noted ( and this i know my self to be true ) how some of them , although they could not for shame approve so lewd an action , yet were content to lay hold on it to the advancement of their cause , acknowledging therein the secret judgements of god against the bishops , and hoping that some good might be wrought thereby for his church , as indeed there was , though not according to their construction . for . contrary to their expectation , that railing spirit did not only not further , but extremely disgrace and prejudice their cause , when it was once perceived from how low degrees of contradiction , at first , to what outrage of contumely and slander they were at length proceeded ; and were also likely further to proceed . a further degree of outrage was in fact ; certain * prophets did arise , who deeming it not possible that god should suffer that to be undone , which they did so fiercely desire to have done , namely , that his holy saints , the favourers and fathers of the discipline , should be enlarged , and delivered from persecution ; and seeing no means of deliverance ordinary , were fain to perswade themselves that god must needs raise some extraordinary means ; and being perswaded of none so well as of themselves , they forthwith must need she the instruments of this great work . hereupon they framed unto themselves an assured hope that upon their preaching out of a pease cart , all the multitude would have presently joyned unto them , and in amazement of mind have asked them , viri sratres , quid agimus ? whereunto it is likely they would have returned an answer far unlike to that of st. peter , such and such are men unworthy to govern , pluck them down ; such and such are the dear children of god , let them be advanced . of two of these men , it is meet to speak with all commiseration , yet so that others by their example may receive instruction , and withall some light may appear , what stirring affections the discipline is like to inspire , if it light upon apt and prepared minds . now if any man doubt of what society they were , or if the reformers disclaim them , pretending that by them they were condemned , let these points be considered . . whose associates were they before they entered into this frantick passion ; whose sermons did they frequent ? whom did they admire ? . even when they were entering into it , whose advice did they require ? and when they were in , whose approbation ? whom advertised they of their purpose ? whose assistance by prayers did they request ? but we deal injuriously with them to lay this to their charge ; for they reproved and condemned it . how ? did they disclose it to the magistrate , that it might be suppressed ? or were they not rather content to stand aloof off , and see the end of it , and loth to quench the spirit ? no doubt these mad practitioners were of their society with whom before , and in the practice of their madness they had most affinity . hereof , read doctor bancrofts book . a third inducement may be to dislike of the discipline , if we consider not only how far the reformers themselves have proceeded , but what others upon their foundations have built . here come the brownists in the first rank , their lineal descendants , who have seised upon a number of strange opinions ; whereof , although their ancestors , the reformers , were never actually possessed , yet by right and interest from them derived , the brownists and barrowists have taken possession of them : for if the positions of the reformers be true , i cannot see how the main and general conclusions of brownism should be false ; for upon these two points , as i conceive , they stand . . that because we have no church , they are to sever themselves from us . . that without civil authority , they are to erect a church of their own . and if the former of these be true , the latter , i suppose , will follow : for if above all things , men be to regard their salvation ; and if out of the church , there be no salvation ; it followeth , that if we have no church , we have no means of salvation : and therefore separation from us , in that respect , is both lawful and necessary . as also , that men so separated from the false and counterfeit church , are to associate themselves unto some church ; not to ours ; to the popish much less ; therefore to one of their own making . now the ground of all these inferences being this , [ that in our church , there is no means of salvation ] is out of the reformers principles most clearly to be proved . for wheresoever any matter of faith unto salvation necessary is denied , there can be no means of salvation : but in the church of england , the discipline by them accounted a matter of faith , and necessary to salvation , is not onely denied , but impugned , and the professors thereof oppressed . ergo. again , ( but this reason perhaps is weak ) every true church of christ acknowledgeth the whole gospel of christ : the discipline , in their opinion , is a part of the gospel , and yet by our church resisted . ergo. again , the discipline is essentially united to the church : by which term essentially , they must mean either an essential part , or an essential property . both which ways it must needs be , that where that essential discipline is not , neither is there any church . if therefore between them , and the brownists , there should be appointed a solemn disputation , whereof with us they have been oftentimes so earnest challengers : it doth not yet appear what other answer they could possibly frame to these and the like arguments , wherewith they might be pressed , but fairly to deny the conclusion ( for all premises are their own ) or rather ingenuously to reverse their own principles before laid , whereon so soul absurdities have been so firmly built . what further proofs you can bring out of their high words , magnifying the discipline , i leave to your better remembrance : but above all points , i am desirous this one should be strongly inforced against them , because it wringeth them most of all , and is of all others ( for ought i see ) the most unanswerable ; you may notwithstanding say , that you would be heartily glad these their positions might so be salved , as the brownists might not appear to have issued out of their loyns ; but until that be done , they must give us leave to think that they have cast the seed whereout these tares are grown . another sort of men there are , which have been content to run on with the reformers for a time , and to make them poor instruments of their own designs . these are a sort of godless politicks , who perceiving the plot of discipline to consist of these two parts , the overthrow of episcopal , and erection of presbyterial authority ; and that this latter can take no place till the former be remov'd , are content to joyn with them in the destructive part of discipline , bearing them in hand , that in the other also , they shall finde them as ready . but when time shall come , it may be they would be as loth to be yoaked with that kinde of regiment , as now they are willing to be released from this . these mens ends in all their actions ; is distraction ; their pretence and colour , reformation . those things which under this colour they have effected to their own good , are , . by maintaining a contrary faction , they have kept the clergy always in aw ; and thereby made them more pliable and willing to buy their peace . . by maintaining an opinion of equality among ministers , they have made way to their own purposes for devouring cathedral churches , and bishops livings . . by exclaiming against abuses in the church , they have carried their own corrupt dealings in the civil state more covertly ; for such is the nature of the multitude , they are not able to apprehend many things at once , so as being possessed with a dislike or liking of any one thing , many other , in the meantime , may escape them , without being perceived . . they have sought to disgrace the clergy , in entertaining a conceit in mens minds , and confirming it by continual practice , that men of learning , and specially of the clergy , which are imployed in the chiefest kinde of learning , are not to be admitted , of sparingly admitted to matters of state ; contrary to the practice of all well-governed commonwealths , and of our own , till these late years . a third sort of men there are , though not descended from the reformers , yet in part raised and greatly strengthned by them , namely , the cursed crew of atheists . this also is one of those points which i am desirous you should handle most effectually , and strain your self therein to all points of motion and affection , as in that of the brownists , to all strength and sinews of reason . this is a sort most damnable , and yet by the general suspition of the world at this day most common . the causes of it , which are in the parties themselves , although you handle in the beginning of the fift book , yet here again they may be touched ; but the occasions of help and furtherance , which by the reformers have been yielded unto them , are , as i conceive , two , senseless preaching , and disgracing of the ministry : for how should not men dare to impugn that , which neither by force of reason , nor by authority of persons is maintained ? but in the parties themselves , these two causes . i conceive of atheism , . more abundance of wit then judgment , and of witty then judicious learning , whereby they are more inclined to contradict any thing , then willing to be informed of the truth . they are not therefore men of sound learning for the most part , but smatterers ; neither is their kinde of dispute so much by force argument , as by scoffing : which humor of scoffing , and turning matters most serious into merriment , is now become so common , as we are not to marvel what the prophet means by the ●eat of scorners , nor what the apostles by foretelling of scorners to come ; our own age hath verified their speech unto us ; which also may be an argument against these scoffers and atheists themselves , seeing it hath been so many ages ago foretold , that such men the latter days of the world should afford , which could not be done by any other spirit , save that whereunto things future and present are alike . and even for the main question of the resurrection , whereat they stick so mightily , was it not plainly foretold , that men should in the latter times say , where is the promise of his coming ? against the creation , the ark , and divers other points , exceptions are said to be taken ; the ground whereof is superfluity of wit , without ground of learning and judgment . a second cause of atheism , is sensuality ; which maketh men desirous to remove all stops and impediments of their wicked life ; amongst which , because religion is the chiefest , so as neither in this life without shame they can persist therein , nor ( if that be true ) without torment in the life to come ; they whet their wits to annihilate the joys of heaven , wherein they see ( if any such be ) they can have no part ; and likewise the pains of hell , wherein their portion must needs be very great . they labor therefore , not that they may not deserve those pains , but that deserving them , there may be no such pains to seize upon them : but what conceit can be imagined more base , then that man should strive to perswade himself , even against the secret instinct ( no doubt ) of his own minde , that his soul is as the soul of a beast , mortal and corruptible with the body ? against which barbarous opinion , their own atheism is a very strong argument ; for were not the soul a nature separable from the body , how could it enter into discourse of things meerly spiritual , and nothing at all pertaining to the body ? surely , the soul were not able to conceive any thing of heaven , no nor so much as to dispute against heaven , and against god , if there were nor in it somewhat heavenly , and derived from god. the last which have received strength and encouragement from the reformers , are papists ; against whom , although they are most bitter enemies , yet unwittingly they have given them great advantage . for what can any enemy rather desire , then the breach and dissention of those which are confederates against him ? wherein they are to remember , that if our communion with papists in some few ceremonies do so much strengthen them , as is pretended , how much more doth this division and rent among our selves , especially seeing it is maintained to be , not in light matters onely , but even in matter of faith and salvation ? which over-reaching speech of theirs , because it is so open to advantage for the barrowist and the papist , we are to wish and hope for , that they will acknowledge it to have been spoken rather in heat of affection , then with soundness of judgment ; and that through their exceeding love that creature of discipline which themselves have bred , nourished , and maintained , their mouth in commendation of her , did soon overflow . from hence you may proceed ( but the means of connexion i leave to your self ) to another discourse , which i think very meet to be handled , either here or els where at large ; the parts whereof may be these . . that in this cause between them and us , men are to sever the proper and essential points in controversie , from those which are accidental . the most essential and proper are these two ; overthrow of episcopal , erection of presbyterial authority . but in these two points whosoever joyneth with them , is a counted of their number ; whosoever in all other points agreeth with them , yet thinketh the authority of bishops not unlawful , and of elders not necessary , may justly be severed from their retinue . those things therefore which either in the persons , or in the laws and orders themselves are faulty , may be complained on , acknowledged , and amended ; yet they no whit the nearer their main purpose : for what if all errors by them supposed in our liturgy were amended , even according to their own hearts desire ; if non-residence , pluralities , and the like , were utterly taken away ; are their lay-elders therefore presently authorised , or their soveraign ecclesiastical iurisdiction established ? but even in their complaining against the outward and accidental matters in church-government , they are many ways faulty . . in their end which they propose to themselves . for in declaiming against abuses , their meaning is not to have them redressed , but by disgracing the present state to make way for their own discipline . as therefore in venice , if any senator should discourse against the power of their senate , as being either too soveraign or too weak in government , with purpose to draw their authority to a moderation , it might well be suffered ; but not so , if it should appear he spake with purpose to induce another state by depraving the present : so in all causes belonging either to church or commonwealth , we are to have regard , what minde the complaining part doth bear , whether of amendment or innovation , and accordingly , either to suffer or suppress it . their objection therefore is frivolous , why may not men speak against abuses ? yes ; but with desire to cure the part affected , not to destroy the whole . . a second fault is in their manner of complaining , not onely because it is for the most part in bitter and reproachful terms , but also it is to the common people , who are iudges incompetent and insufficient , both to determine any thing amiss ; and for want of skill and authority , to amend it . which also discovereth their intent and purpose to be rather destructive then corrective . . thirdly , those very exceptions which they take , are frivolous and impertinent . some things indeed they accuse as impious , which if they may appear to be such , god forbid they should be maintained . against the rest it is onely alleged , that they are idle ceremonies without use , and that better and more profitable might be devised ; wherein they are doubly deceiv'd : for neither is it a sufficient plea to say , this must give place , because a better may be devised ; because in our judgments of better and worse , we oftentimes conceive amiss , when we compare those things which are in device , with those which are in practice : for the imperfections of the one are hid , till by time and tryal they be discovered ; the others are already manifest and open to all . but last of all , ( which is a point in my opinion of great regard , and which i am desirous to have enlarg'd ) they do not see that for the most part when they strike at the state ecclesiastical , they secretly wound the civil state : for personal faults , what can be said against the church , which may not also agree to the commonwealth ? in both statesmen have always been , and will be always , men , sometimes blinded with error , most commonly perverted by passions : many unworthy have been and are advanced in both , many worthy not regarded . and as for abuses which they pretend to be in the laws themselves , when they inveigh against non-residence , do they take it a matter lawful or expedient in the civil state , for a man to have a great and gainful office in the north , himself continually remaining in the south ? he that hath an office , let him attend his office. when they condemn plurality of livings spiritual to the pit of hell ; what think they of infinite of temporal promotions ? by the great philosopher , pol. lib. . cap. . it is forbidden as a thing most dangerous to commonwealths , that by the same man many great offices should be exercised . when they deride our ceremonies as vain and frivolous , were it hard to apply their exceptions , even to those civil ceremonies which at the coronation , in parliament , and all courts of iustice are used ? were it hard to argue , even against circumcision , the ordinance of god , as being a cruel ceremony ? against the passover , as being ridiculous , should be gi●t , a staff in their hand , to eat a lamb ? to conclude : you may exhort the clergy , ( or , what if you direct your conclusion not to the clergy in general , but onely to the learned in or of both universities ? ) you may exhort them to a due consideration of all things , and to a right esteem and valuing of each thing in that degree wherein it ought to stand : for it oftentimes falleth out , that what men have either devised themselves , or greatly delighted in ; the price and the excellency thereof , they do admire above desert . the chiefest labor of a christian should be know ; of a minister , to preach christ crucified : in regard whereof , not onely worldly things , but things otherwise precious , even the discipline it self , is vile and base . whereas now , by the heat of contention and violence of affection , the zeal of men towards the one , hath greatly decayed their love to the other . hereunto therefore they are to be exhorted , to preach christ crucified , the mortification of the flesh , the renewing of the spirit ; not those things which in time of strife seem precious , but ( passions being allayed ) are vain and childish . geo. cranmer . this epitaph was long since presented to the world in memory of mr. hooker , by sir william cooper , who also built him a fair monument in borne-church , and acknowledges him to have been his spiritual father . though nothing can be spoke worthy his fame , or the remembrance of that precious name , iudicious hooker ; though this cost be spent on him , that hath a lasting monument in his own books ; yet , ought we to express , if not his worth , yet oue respectfulness . church ceremonies he maintaiu'd : then why without all ceremony should he die . was it because his life and death should be both equal patterns of humility ; or , that perhaps this onely glorious one was above all , to ask , why had he none : yet he that lay so long obscurely low , doth now preferr'd to greater honors go . ambitious men , learn hence to be more wise ; humility is the true way to rise : and god in me this lesson did inspire , to bid this humble man , friend sit up higher . to the most reverend father in god , my very good lord , the lord archbishop of canterbury his grace , primate and metropolitan of all england . most reverend in christ , the long continued , and more then ordinary favor , which hither to your grace hath been pleased to shew towards me , may justly claim at my hands some thankful acknowledgment thereof . in which consideration , as also for that i embrace willingly the ancient received course , and conveniency of that discipline , which teacheth inferior degrees and orders in the church of god , to submit their writings to the same authority , from which their allowable dealings whatsoever , in such affairs , must receive approbation , i nothing fear but that your accustomed clemency will take in good worth , the offer of these my simple and mean labors , bestowed for the necessary justification of laws heretofore made questionable , because , as i take it , they were not perfectly understood : for surely , i cannot finde any great cause of just complaint , that good laws have so much been wanting unto us , as we to them . to seek reformation of evil laws , is a commendable endeavor ; but for us the more necessary , is a speedy redress of our selves . we have on all sides lost much of our first fervency towards god ; and therefore concerning our own degenerated ways , we have reason to exhort with st. gregory , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let us return again unto that which we sometime were ; but touching the exchange of laws in practice , with laws in device , which , they say , are better for the state of the church , if they might take place , the farther we examine them , the greater cause we finde to conclude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , although we continue the same we are , the harm is not great . these fervent reprehenders of things established by publick authority , are always confident and bold spirited men . but their confidence for the most part riseth from too much credit given to their own wits , for which cause they are seldom free from error . the errors which we seek to reform in this kinde of men , are such as both received at your own hands their first wound , and from that time to this present , have been proceeded in with that moderation , which useth by patience to suppress boldness , and to make them conquer that suffer . wherein considering the nature and kinde of these controversies , the dangerous sequels whereunto they were likely to grow , and how many ways we have been thereby taught wisdom , i may boldly aver concerning the first , that as the weightiest conflicts the church hath had , were those which touched the head , the person of our savior christ ; and the next of importance , those questions which are at this day between us and the church of rome , about the actions of the body of the church of god ; so these which have lastly sprung up from complements , rites , and ceremonies of church actions , are in truth , for the greatest part , such silly things , that very easiness doth make them hard to be disputed of in serious manner . which also may seem to be the cause , why divers of the reverend prelacy , and other most judicious men , have especially bestowed their pains about the matter of jurisdiction . notwithstanding , led by your graces example , my self have thought it convenient to wade through the whole cause , following that method which searcheth the truth by the causes of truth . now if any marvel , how a thing in it self so weak , could import any great danger , they must consider not so much how small the spark is that flieth up , as how apt things about it , are to take fire . bodies politick being subject as much as natural , to dissolution , by divers means ; there are undoubtedly more estates overthrown through diseases , bred within themselves , then through violence from abroad ; because our manner is always to cast a doubtful and a more suspicious eye towards that ; over which we know we have least power : and therefore , the fear of external dangers , causeth forces at home to be the more united . it is to all sorts a kinde of bridle , it maketh vertuous mindes watchful , it holdeth contrary dispositions in suspense , and it setteth those wits on work in better things , which could be else imployed in worse ; whereas on the other side , domestical evils , for that we think we can master them at all times , are often permitted to run on forward , till it be too late to recal them . in the mean while , the commonwealth is not onely through unsoundness so far impaired , as those evils chance to prevail ; but farther also , through opposition arising between the unsound parts and the sound , where each endeavoreth to draw evermore contrary ways , till destruction in the end , bring the whole to ruine . to reckon up how many causes there are , by force whereof divisions may grow in a commonwealth , is not here necessary . such as rise from variety in matter of religion , are not onely the farthest spred , because in religion all men presume themselves interessed alike , but they are also for the most part , hotlier prosecuted and pursued then other strifes ; for as much as coldness , which in other contentions , may be thought to proceed from moderation , is not in these so favorably construed . the part which in this present quarrel , striveth against the current and stream of laws , was a long while nothing feared , the wisest contented not to call to minde how errors have their effect , many times not proportioned to that little appearance of reason , whereupon they would seem built , but rather to the vehement affection or fancy which is cast towards them , and proceedeth from other causes . for there are divers motives drawing men to favor mightily those opinions , wherein their perswasions are but weakly setled ; and if the passions of the minde be strong , they easily sophisticate the understanding , they make it apt to believe upon very slender warrant , and to imagine infallible truth , where scarce any probable shew appeareth . thus were those poor seduced creatures , hacquet and his other two adherents , whom i can neither speak nor think of , but with much commisseration and pity . thus were they trained by fair ways first , accompting their own extraordinary love to his discipline , a token of gods more then ordinary love towards them . from hence they grew to a strong conceit , that god which had moved them to love his discipline , more then the common sort of men did , might have a purpose by their means to bring a wonderful work to pass , beyond all mens expectation ; for the advancement of the throne of discipline by some tragical execution , with the particularities , whereof it was not safe for their friends to be made acquainted ; of whom , they did therefore but covertly demand , what they thought of extraordinary motions of the spirit in these days ; and withal request to be commended unto god by their prayers , whatsoever should be undertaken by men of god , in meer zeal to his glory , and the good of his distressed church . with this unusual and strange course they went on forward , till god , in whose heaviest worldly judgments , i nothing doubt , but that there may lie hidden mercy , gave them over their own inventions , and left them made , in the end , an example for head-strong and inconsiderate zeal , no less fearful then achitophel , for proud and irreligious wisdom . if a spark of error have thus far prevailed , falling even where the wood was green , and farthest off , to all mens thinking , from any inclination unto furious attempts , must not the peril thereof , be greater in men whose mindes are of themselves as dry sewel , apt beforehand unto tumults , seditions , and broyls ? but by this we see in a cause of religion , to how desperate adventures , men will strain themselves for relief of their own part , having law and authority against them . furthermore , let not any man think , that in such divisions , either part can free it self from inconveniencies , sustained not onely through a kinde of truce ; which vertue on both sides , doth make with vice , during war between truth and error ; but also , in that there are hereby so fit occasions ministred for men to purchase to themselves welwillers by the colour , under which they oftentimes prosecute quarrels of envy or inveterate malice , and especially , because contentions were as yet never able to prevent two evils : the one a mutual exchange of unseemly and unjust disgraces , offered by men , whose tongues and passions are out of rule ; the other , a common hazard of both , to be made a prey by such as study how to work upon all occurents , with most advantage in private . i deny not therefore , but that our antagonists in these controversies , may peradventure have met with some , not unlike to ithacius , who mightily bending himself by all means against the heresie of priscillian , ( the hatred of which one evil , was all the vertue he had ) became so wise in the end , that every man , careful of vertuous conversations , studious of scripture , and given unto any abstinence in diet , was set down in his kalender of suspected priscillianists , for whom it should be expedient to approve their soundness of faith , by a more licencious and loose behavior . such proctors and patrons the truth might spare : yet is not their grossness so intolerable , as on the contrary side , the scurrilous and more then satyrical immodesty of martinism ; the first published schedules whereof , being brought to the hands of a grave and a very honorable knight , with signification given , that the book would refresh his spirits , he took it , saw what the title was , read over an unsavory sentence or two , and delivered back the libel with this answer . i am sorry you are of the minde to be solaced with these sports , and sorrier you have herein thought mine affection to be like your own . but as these sores on all hands lie open , so the deepest wounds of the church of god , have been more softly and closely given . it being perceived , that the plot of discipline did not onely bend it self to reform ceremonies , but seek farther to erect a popular authority of elders , and to take away episcopal jurisdiction , together with all other ornaments and means , whereby any difference or inequality is upheld in the ecclesiastical order ; towards this destructive part , they have found many helping hands , divers although peradventure not willing to be yoked with elderships , yet contented ( for what intent god doth know ) to uphold opposition against bishops , not without greater hurt to the course of their whole proceedings in the business of god and her majesties service , then otherwise much more weighty adversaries had been able by their own power to have brought to pass . men are naturally better contented to have their commendable actions supprest , then the contrary much divulged . and because the wits of the multitude are such , that many things they cannot lay hold on at once , but being possest with some notable either dislike or liking of any one thing whatsoever , sundry other in the mean time may escape them unperceived : therefore if men desirous to have their vertues noted , do in this respect grieve at the same of others , whose glory obscureth and darkness theirs , it cannot be chosen , but that when the ears of the people are thus continually beaten with exclamations against abuses in the church ; these tunes come always most acceptable to them , whose odious and corrupt dealings in secular affairs , both pass by that mean the more covertly ; and whatsoever happen , do also the least feel that scourge of vulgar imputation , which notwithstanding they most deserve . all this considered , as behoveth , the sequel of duty on our part , is onely that which our lord and saviour requireth , harmless discretion , the wisdom of serpents tempered with the innocent meekness of doves : for this world will teach them wisdom , that have capacity to apprehend it . our wisdom in this case must be such , as doth not propose to it self 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our own particular , the partial and immoderate desire whereof , poysoneth wheresoever it taketh place : but the scope and mark which we are to aim at , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the publick and common good of all ; for the easier procurement whereof , our diligence must search out all helps and furtherances of direction , which scriptures , counsels , fathers , histories , the laws and practices of all churches , the mutual conference of all mens collections and observations may afford : our industry must even anatomize every particle of that body , which we are to uphold sound ; and because , be it never so true which we teach the world to believe , yet if once their affections begin to be alienated , a small thing perswadeth them to change their opinions , it behoveth , that we vigilantly note and prevent by all means those evils , whereby the hearts of men are lost ; which evils for the most part being personal , do arm in such sort the adversaries of god and his church against us , that if through our too much neglect and security the same should run on , soon might we feel our estate brought to those lamentable terms , whereof this hard and heavy sentence was by one of the ancients uttered upon like occasions . dolens dico , gemens denuncio , sacerdotium quod apud nos intus cecidit , foris diu stare non poterit . but the gracious providence of almighty god hath , i trust , put these thorns of contradiction in our sides , lest that should steal upon the church in a slumber , which now , i doubt not , but through his assistance , may be turned away from us , bending thereunto our selves with constancy , constancy in labor to do all men good , constancy in prayer unto god for all men ; her especially , whose sacred power matched with incomparable goodness of nature , hath hitherto been gods most happy instrument , by him miraculously kept for works of so miraculous preservation and safety unto others ; that as , by the sword of god and gedeon , was sometime the cry of the people of israel , so it might deservedly be at this day the joyful song of innumerable multitudes , yea , the emblem of some estates and dominions in the world , and ( which must be eternally confest even with tears of thankfulness ) the true inscription , stile , or title of all churches as yet standing within this realm , by the goodness of almighty god , and his servant elizabeth , we are● that god , who is able to make mortality immortal , give her such future continuance as may be no less glorious unto all posterity , then the days of her regiment past have been happy unto our selves ; and for his most dear anointeds sake , grant them all prosperity , whose labors , cares , and counsels , unfeignedly are referred to her endless welfare , through his unspeakable mercy , unto whom we all owe everlasting praise . in which desire i will here rest , humbly beseeching your grace , to pardon my great boldness , and god to multiply his blessings upon them that fear his name . your graces in all duty , richard hooker . a preface to them that seek ( as they term it ) the reformation of laws and orders ecclesiastical , in the church of england . though for no other cause , yet for this , that posterity may know we have not loosly through silence , permitted things to pass away as in a dream , there shall be for mens information extant thus much concerning the present state of the church of god , established amongst us , and their careful endeavor which would have uphold the same . at your hands , beloved in our lord and saviour iesus christ , ( for in him the love which we bear unto all that would but seem to be born of him , it is not the sea of your gall and bitterness that shall ever drown ) i have no great cause to look for other , then the self-same portion and lot , which your manner hath been hitherto to lay on them that concur not in opinion and sentence with you . but our hope it , that the god of peace shall ( notwithstanding mans nature ; too impatical of contumelious malediction ) enable us quietly , and even gladly to suffer all things for that work sake , which we covet to perform . the wonderful seal and fervor wherewith ye have with stood the received orders of this church , was the first thing which caused me to enter into consideration , whether ( as all your published books and writings peremptorily maintain ) every christian man fearing god , stand bound to joyn with you for the furtherance of that which ye term the lords discipline . wherein i must plainly confess unto you , that before i examined your sundry declarations in that behalf , it could not settle in my head to think , but that undoubtedly such numbers of otherwise right well-affected and most religiously enclined minds , had some marvellous reasonable enducements which led them with so great earnestness that way , but when once , as near as my slender ability would serve , i had with travel and care performed that part of the apostles advice and counsel in such cases , whereby be willeth to try all things , and was come at the length so far , that there remained only the other clause to be satisfied , wherein he concludeth , that what good is , must be held : there was in my poor understanding no remedy , but to set down this as my final resolute perswasion . surely , the present form of church government , which the laws of this land have established , is such , as no law of god , nor reason of man hath hitherto been alledged of force , sufficient to prove they do ill , who to the uttermost of their power , withstand the alteration thereof . contrariwise , the other , which instead of it , we are required to accept , is onely by error and misconceipt , named the ordinance of jesus christ , no one proof as yet brought forth , whereby it may clearly appear to be so in very deed . the explication of which two things , i have here thought good to offer into your own hands ; heartily beseeching you , even by the meekness of iesus christ , whom i trust ye love , that , as ye tender the peace and quietness of this church , if there be in you that gracious humility which hath ever been the crown and glory of a christianly disposed minde : if your own souls , hearts , and consciences , ( the sound integrity whereof can but hardly stand with the refusal of truth in personal respects ) be , as i doubt not , but they are things most dear and precious unto you : let not the faith which ye have in our lord jesus christ , be blemished with partialities , regard not who it is which speaketh , but weigh onely what is spoken . think not that ye read the words of one who bendeth himself as an adversary against the truth , which ye have already embraced , but the words of one , who desireth even to embrace together with you the self same truth , if it be the truth ; and for that cause ( for no other , god he knoweth ) hath undertaken the burthensom labor of this painful kinde of conference . for the plainer access whereunto , let it be lawful for me to rip up the very bottom , how , and by whom your discipline was planted , at such time as this age we live in , began to make first tryal thereof . . a founder it had , whom , for mine own part , i think incomparably the wisest man that ever the french church did injoy , since the hour it injoyed him , his bringing up was in the study of the civil law. divine knowledge he gathered not by hearing or reading so much , as by teaching others . for though thousands were debters to him , as touching knowledge in that kinde , yet be to none but onely to god , the author of that most blessed fountain the book of life , and of the admirable dexterity of wit , together with the helps of other learning which were his guides ; till being occasioned to leave france , he sell at the length upon geneva . which city , the bishop and clergy thereof , had a little before ( as some affirm ) forsaken , being of likelihood frighted with the peoples sudden attempt for abolishment of popish religion ; the event of which enterprize , they thought it not safe for themselves to wait for in that place . at the coming of calvin thither , the form of their civil regiment was popular , as it continueth at this day : neither king , nor duke , nor nobleman of any authority or power over them , but officers chosen by the people out of themselves , to order all things with publick consent . for spiritual government , they had no laws at all agreed upon , but did what the pastors of their souls , by perswasion , could win them unto . calvin being admitted one of their preachers and a divinity-reader amongst them , considered how dangerous it was , that the whole estate of that church should hang still on so slender a thred , as the liking of an ignorant multitude is , if it have power to change whatsoever it self listeth . wherefore taking unto him two of the other ministers , for more countenance of the action ( albeit the rest were all against it ) they moved , and in the end perswaded , with much ado , the people to binde themselves by solemn oath , first , never to admit the papecy amongst them again ; and secondly , to live in obedience unto such orders concerning the exercise of their religion , and the form of their ecclesiastical government , as those their true and faithful ministers of gods word had agreeably to scripture set down for that end and purpose . when these things began to be put in ure , the people also ( what causes moving them thereunto , themselves best know ) began to repent them of that they had done , and irefully to champ upon the bit they had taken into their mouths , the rather , for that they grew by means of this innovation into dislike with some churches near about them , the benefit of whose good friendship , their state could not well lack . it was the manner of those times , ( whether through mens desire , to enjoy alone the glory of their own enterprises , or else , because the quickness of their occasions required present dispatch ; ) so it was , that every particular church did that within it self , which some few of their own thought good , by whom the rest were all directed . such number of churches then being , though free within themselves , yet small common conference before-hand might have eased them of much after trouble . but a great inconvenience it bred , that every later endeavored to be certain degrees more removed from conformity with the church of rome , then the rest before had been ; whereupon grew marvellous great dissimilitudes , and by reason thereof , jealousies , heart-burnings , jars , and discords amongst them . which notwithstanding might have easily been prevented , if the orders which each church did think fit and convenient for it self , had not so peremptorily been established under that high commanding form , which rendred them unto the people , as things everlastingly required by the law of the lord of lords , against whose statutes there is no exception to be taken . for by this mean it came to pass , that one church could not but accuse and condemn another of disobedience to the will of christ , in those things where manifest difference was between them ; whereas the self-same orders allowed , but yet established in more wary and suspence manner , as bring to stand in force till god should give the opportunity of some general conference , what might be best for every of them afterwards to do : this , i say , had both prevented all occasion of just dislike which others might take , and reserved a greater liberty unto the authors themselves , of entring into farther consultation afterwards . which though never so necessary , they could not easily now admit , without some fear of derogation from their credit : and therefore that which once they had done ; they became for ever after resolute to maintain . calvin therefore , and the other two his associates , stifly refusing to administer the holy communion to such as would not quietly , without contradiction and murmur , submit themselves unto the orders which their solemn oath had bound them to obey , were in that quarrel , banished the town , a few years after ( such was the levity of that people ) the places of one or two of their ministers being faln void , they were not before so willing to be rid of their learned pastor , as now importunate to obtain him again from them who had given him entertainment , and which were loth to part with him , had not unresistable earnestness been used . one of the town-ministers that saw in what manner the people were bent for the revocation of calvin , gave him notice of their affection in this sort . the senate of two hundred being assembled , they all crave calvin . the next day a general convocation , they cry in like sort again all : we will have calvin , that good and learned man , christs minister . this , saith he , when i understood , i could not chuse but praise god ; nor was i able to judge otherwise , then that this was the lords doing , and that it was marvellous in our eyes ; and that the stone which the builders refused , was now made the head of the corner . the other two whom they had thrown out ( together with calvin ) they were content should enjoy their exile . many causes might lead them to be more desirous of him . first , it is yielding unto them in one thing , might happily put them in hope , that time would breed the like easiness of condescending further unto them : for in his absence be had perswaded them , with whom he was able to prevail ; that albeit , himself did better like of common bread to be used in the eucharist , yet the other they rather should accept , then cause any trouble in the church about it . again , they saw that the name of calvin waxed every day greater abroad , and that together with his fame , their infamy was spred , who had so rashly and childishly ejected him . besides , it was not unlikely , but that his credit in the world , might many ways stand the poor town in great stead : as the truth is , their ministers foreign estimation hitherto hath been the best stake in their hedge . but whatsoever secret respects were likely to move them , for contenting of their mindes , calvin returned ( as it had been another tully ) to his old home . he ripely considered how gross a thing it were for men of his quality , wise and grave men , to live with such a multitude , and to be tenants at will under them ; as their ministers , both himself and others had been . for the remedy of which inconvenience , he gave them plainly to understand , that if he did become their teacher again , they must be content to admit a compleat form of discipline , which both they and also their pastors , should now be solemnly sworn to observe for ever after : of which discipline , the main and principal parts were these . a standing ecclesiastical court to be established : perpetual iudges in that court to be their ministers ; others of the people annually chosen ( twice so many in number as they ) to be iudges together with them in the same court. these two sorts , to have the care of all mens manners , power of determining of all kinde of ecclesiastical causes , and authority to convent , to controll , to punish , as far as with excommunication , whom soever they should think worthy , none either small or great excepted . this device , i see not , how the wisest at that time living , could have bettered , if we duly consider what the present state of geneva did then require : for their bishop and his clergy being ( as it is said ) departed from them by moon-light ; or howsoever , being departed , to chuse in his room any other bishop , had been a thing altogether impossible : and for their ministers to seek , that themselves alone might have coercive power over the whole church , would perhaps have been hardly construed at that time . but when so frank an offer was made ; that for every one minister , there should be two of the people to sit and give voice in the ecclesiastical consistory , what inconvenience could they easily finde which themselves might not be able always to remedy ? howbeit ( as ever more the simpler sort are , even when they see no apparent cause , jealous , notwithstanding , over the secret intents and purposes of wiser men ) this proposition of his did somewhat trouble them . of the ministers , themselves which had staid behinde in the city when calvin was gone , some , upon knowledge of the peoples earnest intent to recal him to his place again , had beforehand written their letters of submission , and assured him of their alle●giance for ever after , if it should like him to hearken unto that publick suit : but yet misdoubting what might happen , if this discipline did go forward , they objected against it , the example of other reformed churches , living quietly and orderly without it . some of the chiefest place and countenance amongst the laity , professed with greater stomach their judgments , that such a discipline was little better then popish tyranny , disguised and tendered unto them under a new form. this sort , it may be , had some fear that the filling up of the seats in the consistory with so great a member of laymen ; was but to please the mindes of the people , to the end , they might think their own sway somewhat , but when things came to tryal of practice , their pastors learning , would be at all times of force to over-perswade simple men , who knowing the time of their own presidentship to be but short , would always stand in fear of their ministers perpetual authority . and among the ministers themselves , one being so far in estimation above the rest , the voices of the rest were likely to be given for the most part respectively with a kinde of secret dependency and aw : so that in shew , a marvellous indifferently composed senate , ecclesiastical was to govern ; but in effect one onely man should , as the spirit and soul of the residue , do all in all . but what did these vain surmises boot ? brought they were now to so strait an issue , that of two things , they must chuse one : namely , whether they would to their endless disgrace , with ridiculous lightness dismiss him , whose restitution they had in so impotent manner desired , or else condescend unto that demand , wherein he was resolute , either to have it , or to leave them . they thought it better to be somewhat hardly yoked at home , then for ever abroad discredited . wherefore , in the end , those orders were on all sides assented unto , with no less alacrity of minde , then cities unable to hold out longer , are wont to shew when they take conditions , such as liketh him to offer them , which hath them in the narrow streights of advantage . not many years were over passed , before these twice-sworn men adventured to give their last and hottest assault to the fortress of the same discipline , childishly granting by common consent of their whole senate , and that under their town-seal , a relaxation to one bertelier , whom the eldership had excommunicated : further also decreeing , with strange absurdity , that to the same senate , it should belong to give final judgment in matter of excommunication , and to absolve whom it pleased them ; clean contrary to their own former deeds and oaths . the report of which decree , being fortwith brought unto calvin ; before ( saith he ) this decree take place , either my blood or banishment shall sign it . again , two days before the communion should be celebrated , this speech was publickly to like effect . kill me , if ever this hand do teach forth the things that are holy , to them whom the church hath judged despisers . whereupon , for fear of tumult , the forenamed bertelier was by his friends advised for that time , not to use the liberty granted him by the senate , nor to present himself in the church , till they saw somewhat further what would ensue . after the communion quietly ministred , and some likelihood of peaceable ending of these troubles , without any more a●● ; that very day in the afternoon , besides all mens expectation , concluding his ordinary sermon , he telleth them , that because he neither had learned nor taught to strive with such as are in authority ; therefore ( saith he ) the case so standing , as now it doth , let me use these words of the apostle unto you . i commend you unto god , and the word of his grace ; and so bad them heartily adieu . it sometimes cometh to pass , that the readiest way which a wise man hath to conquer , is to flie . this voluntary and unexpected mention of sudden departure , caused presently the senate ( for according to their wonted manner , they still continued onely constant in unconstancy ) to gather themselves together , and for a time to suspend their own decree , leaving things to proceed as before , till they had heard the judgment of four helvetian cities , concerning the matter which was in strife . this to have done at the first , before they gave assent unto any order , had shewed some wit and discretion in them ; but now to do it , was as much as to say in effect , that they would play their parts on a stage . calvin therefore dispatcheth with all expedition his letters unto some principal pastor in every of those cities , craving earnestly at their hands , to respect this cause as a thing whereupon the whole state of religion and piety in that church did so much depend : that god and all good men , were now inevitably certain to be trampled under foot , unless those four cities by their good means , might be brought to give sentence with the ministers of geneva , when the cause should be brought before them ; yea , so to give it , that two things it might effectually contain : the one an absolute approbation of the discipline of geneva , as consonant unto the word of god , without any cautions , qualifications , ifs , or ands ; the other , an earnest admonition not to innovate or charge the same . his vehement request herein , as touching both points , was satisfied . for albeit , the said helvetian churches did never as yet observe that discipline , nevertheless the senate of geneva having required their judgment concerning , these three questions : first , after what manner , by gods commandment , according to the scripture , and unspotted religion , excommunication is to be exercised : secondly , whether it may not be exercised some other way , then by the consistory ? thirdly , what the use of their churches was to do in this case ? answer was returned from the said churches , that they had heard already of those consistorial laws , and did acknowledge them to be godly ordinances , drawing towards the prescript of the word of god ; for which cause that they did not think it good for the church of geneva , by innovation to change the same , but rather to keep them as they were , which answer , although not answering unto the former demands , but respecting what mr. calvin had judged requisite for them to answer , was notwithstanding accepted without any further reply ; in as much as they plainly saw , that when stomach doth strive with wit , the match is not equal ; and so the heat of their former contentions began to slake . the present inhabitants of geneva , i hope , will not take it in evil part , that the faultiness of their people heretofore , is by us so far forth laid open , as their own learned guides and pastors have thought necessary to discover it unto the world. for out of their books and writings it is , that i have collected this whole narration , to the end , it might thereby appear in what sort amongst them , that discipline was planted , for which so much contention is raised amongst our selves . the reasons which moved calvin herein to be so earnest , was , as beza himself testifieth : for that he saw how needful these bridles were to be put in the jaws of that city . that which by wisdom he saw to be requisite for that people , was by as great wisdom compassed : but wise men are men , and the truth is truth . that which calvin did for establishment of his discipline , seemeth more commendable then that which he taught for the countenancing of it established . nature worketh in us all , a love to our own counsels : the contradiction of others is a fan to inflame that love . our love set on fire to maintain that which once we have done , sharpneth the wit to dispute , to argue , and by all means to reason for it . wherfore a marvel it were , if a man of so great capacity , having such incitements to make him desirous of all kinde of furtherances unto his cause , could espie in the whole scripture of god , nothing which might breed at the least a probable opinion of likelihood , that divine authority it self was the same way somewhat inclinable . and all which the wit even of calvin was able from thence to draw , by sifting the very utmost sentence and syllable ; is no more then , that certain speeches there are , which to him did seem to intimate ; that all christian churches ought to have their elderships endued with power of excommunication ; and that a part of those elderships every where , should be chosen out from amongst the laity , after that form which himself had framed geneva unto . but what argument are ye able to shew , whereby it was ever proved by calvin , that any one sentence of scripture doth necessarily inforce these things , or the rest wherein your opinion concurreth with his against the orders of your own church ? we should be injurious unto vertue it self , if we did derogate from them whom their industry hath made great . two things of principal moment there are , which have deservedly procured him honor throughout the world : the one his exceeding pains in composing the institution of christian religion ; the other , his no less industrious travels for exposition of holy scripture , according unto the same institutions . in which two things , whosoever they were that after him bestowed their labor , he gained the advantage of prejudice against them , if they gainsaid , and of glory above them , if they consented . his writings , published after the question about that discipline , was once begun , omit not any the least occasion of extolling the use , and singular necessity thereof . of what account the master of sentences was in the church of rome , the same and more amongst the preachers of reformed churches , calvin had purchased : so that the perfectest divines were judged they , which were skilfullest in calvins writings . his books almost the very canon to judge both doctrine and discipline by : french churches , both under others abroad , and at home in their own countrey , all cast according unto that mold which calvin had made . the church of scotland in erecting the fabrick of their reformation , took the self-same pattern ; till at lenght the discipline which was at the first so weak , that without the staff of their approbation , who were not subject unto it themselves , it had not brought others under subjection , began now to challenge universal obedience , and to enter into open conflict with those very churches , which in desperate extremity had been relievers of it . to one of those churches which lived in most peaceable sort , and abounded as well with men for their learning in other professions singular , as also with divines , whose equals were not elswhere to be found , a church ordered by gualters discipline , and not by that which geneva adoreth . unto this church of heidelburgh , there cometh one who craving leave to dispute publickly , defendeth with open disdain of their government ; that to a minister , with his eldership , power is given by the law of god to excommunicate whomsoever , yea , even kings and princes themselves . here were the seeds sown of that controversie which sprang up between beza and erastus , about the matter of excommunication , whether there ought to be in all churches an eldership , having power to excommunicate , and a part of that eldership to be of necessity certain , chosen out from amongst the laity for that purpose . in which disputation they have , as to me it seemeth , divided very equally the truth between them : beza most truly maintaining the necessity of excommunication ; erastus as truly , the non-necessity of lay-elders to be ministers thereof . amongst our selves , there was in king edwards days some question moved , by reason of a few mens scrupulosity , touching certain things . and beyond seas , of them which fled in the days of queen mary ; some contenting themselves abroad , with the use of their own service book , at home authorized before their departure out of the realm ; others liking better the common prayer book of the church of geneva translated : those smaller contentions before begun , were by this me an somewhat increased . under the happy reign of her majesty , which now is , the greatest matter a while contended for , was the wearing of the cap and surpless , till there came admonitions directed unto the high court of parliament , by men who concealing their names , thought it glory enough to discover their mindes and affections , which now were universally bent even against all the orders and laws , wherein this church is found uncomformable to the platform of geneva . concerning the defender of which admonitions , all that i mean to say , is but this . there will come a time , when three words uttered with charity and meekness , shall receive a far more blessed reward , then three thousand volumns written with disdainful sharpness of wit. but the manner of mens writings must not alienate our hearts from the truth , if it appear they have the truth , as the followers of the same defender do think he hath ; and in that perswasion they follow him , no otherwise then himself doth calvin , beza , and others ; with the like perswasion that they in this cause had the truth . we being as fully perswaded otherwise , it resteth , that some kinde of tryal be used to finde out which part is in error . . the first mean whereby nature teacheth men to judge good from evil , as well in laws , as in other things , is the force of their own discretion : hereunto therefore st. paul referreth oftentimes his own speech , to be considered of by them that heard him . i speak as to them which have understanding , judge ye what i say . again afterward , judge in your selves , is it comly that a woman pray uncovered ? the exercise of this kinde of judgment , our saviour requireth in the iews . in them of berea the scripture commendeth it . finally , whatsoever we do , if our own secret judgment consent not unto it as fit and good to be done , the doing of it to us is sin , although the thing it self be allowable . st. pauls rule therefore generally is , let every man in his own minde be fully perswaded of that thing which he either alloweth or doth . some things are so familiar and plain , that truth from falshood , and good from evil , is most easily discerned in them , even by men of no deep capacity . and of that nature , for the most part , are things absolutely unto all mens salvation necessary , either to he held or denied , either to be done or avoided . for which cause st. augustine acknowledgeth , that they are not onely set down , but also plainly set down in scripture : so that he which heareth or readeth , may without any great difficulty understand . other things also there are belonging ( though in a lower degree of importance ) unto the offices of christian men . which because they are more obscure , more intricate and hard to be judged of , therefore god hath appointed some to spend their whole time principally in the study of things divine , to the end , that in these more doubtful cases , their understanding might be a light to direct others . if the understanding power or faculty of the soul , be ( saith the grand physitian ) like unto bodily sight , not of equal sharpness in all : what can be more convenient then that ; even as the dark-sighted man is directed by the clear about things visible ; so likewise in matters of deeper discourse , the wise in heart do shew the simple where his way lieth ? in our doubtful cases of law , what man is there , who seeth not how requisite it is , that professors of skill in that faculty , be our directors ? so it is in all other kindes of knowledge . and even in this kinde likewise , the lord hath himself appointed , that the priests lips should preserve knowledge , and that other men should seek the truth at his mouth , because he is the messenger of the lord of hosts . gregory nazianzen , offended at the peoples too great presumption in controlling the judgment of them , to whom in such cases they should have rather submitted their own , seeketh by earnest entreaty to stay them within their bounds . presume not ye that are sheep , to make your selves guides of them that should guide you ; neither seek ye to overslip the fold which they about you have pitched . it sufficeth for your part , if ye can well frame your selves to be ordered . take not upon you to judge your selves , nor to make them subject to your laws , who should be a law to you ; for god is not a god of sedition and confusion , but of order and of peace . but ye will say , that if the guides of the people be blinde , the common sort of men must not close up their own eyes , and be led by the conduct of such : if the priest be partial in the law , the flock must not therefore depart from the ways of sincere truth , and in simplicity yield to be followers of him for his place sake and office over them . which thing , though in it self most true , is in your defence notwithstanding weak ; because the matter wherein ye think that ye see and imagine that your ways are sincere , is of far deeper consideration then any one amongst five hundred of you conceiveth . let the vulgar sort among you know , that there is not the least branch of the cause , wherein they are so resolute , but to the tryal of it , a great deal more appertaineth , then their conceit doth reach unto . i write not this in disgrace of the simplest that way given , but i would gladly they knew the nature of that cause wherein they think themselves throughly instructed , and are not ; by means whereof they daily run themselves , without feeling their own hazzard , upon the dint of the apostles sentence against evil speakers , as touching things wherein they are ignorant . if it be granted a thing unlawful for private men , not called unto publick consultation , to dispute which is the best state of civil policy ( with a desire of bringing in some other kinde , them that under which they already live , for of such disputes , i take it , his meaning was . ) if it be a thing confest , that of such questions they cannot determine without rashness , in as much as a great part of them consisteth in special circumstances , and for one kinde as many reasons may be brought as for another : is there any reason in the world , why they should better judge what kinde of regiment ecclesiastical is the fittest ? for in the civil state more insight , and in those affairs more experience , a great deal , must needs be granted them , then in this they can possibly have . when they which write in defence of your discipline , and commend it unto the highest , not in the least cunning manner , are forced notwithstanding to acknowledge , that with whom the truth is , they know not ; they are not certain , what certainly or knowledge can the multitude have thereof . weigh what doth move the common sort so much to favor this innovation , and it shall soon appear unto you , that the force of particular reasons , which for your several opinions are alleaged , is a thing whereof the multitude never did , nor could so consider as to be therewith wholly carried ; but certain general inducements are used to make saleable your cause in gross : and when once men have cast a fancy towards it , any slight declaration of specialties will serve to lead forward mens inclineable and prepared mindes . the method of winning the peoples affection unto a general liking of the cause ( for so ye term it ) hath been this . first , in the hearing of the multitude , the faults especially of higher callings are ripped up with marvellous exceeding severity and sharpness of reproof ; which being oftentimes dont , begetteth a great good opinion of integrity , zeal and holiness , to such constant reprovers of sin , as by likelihood would never be so much offended at that which is evil , unless themselves were singularly good . the next thing hereunto is , to impute all faults and corruptions , wherewith the world aboundeth , unto the kinde of ecclesiastical government established . wherein , as before by reproving faults , they purchased unto themselves , with the multitude , a name to be vertuous ; so by finding out this kinde of cause , they obtain to be judged wise above others , whereas in truth unto the form even of iewish government , which the lord himself ( they all confess ) did establish , with like shew of reason they might impute those faults which the prophets condemn in the governors of that commonwealth ; as to the english kinde of regiment ecclesiastical ( whereof also god himself , though in another sort , is author , ) the stains and blemishes found in our state ; which springing from the root of humane frailty and corruption , not onely are , but have been always more or less , yea , and ( for any thing we know to the contrary ) will be till the worlds end complained of , what form of government soever take place . having gotten thus much sway in the hearts of men , a third step is to propose their own form of church government , as the onely soveraign remedy of all evils ; and to adorn it with all the glorious titles that may be . and the nature , as of men that have sick bodies , so likewise of the people in the crazedness of their mindes , possest with dislike and discontentment at things present , is to imagine , that any thing ( the vertue whereof they hear commended ) would help them ; but that most , which they least have tryed . the fourth degree of inducements , is by fashioning the very notions and conceits of mens mindes in such sort , that when they read the scripture , they may think that every thing soundeth towards the advancement of that discipline , and to the utter disgrace of the contrary . pythagoras , by bringing up his schollars in speculative knowledge of numbers , made their conceipts therein so strong , that when they came to the contemplation of things natural , they imagined that in every particular thing , they even beheld , as it were , with their eyes , how the elements of number gave essence and being to the works of nature : a thing in reason impossible , which notwithstanding through their misfashioned preconceit , appeared unto them no less certain , then if nature had written it in the very foreheads of all the creatures of god. when they of the family of love have it once in their heads , that christ doth not signifie any one person , but a quality whereof many are partakers ; that to be raised , is nothing else but to be regenerated , or endued with the said quality ; and that when separation of them , which have if from them , which have it not , is here made , this is judgment : how plainly do they imagine , that the scripture every where speaketh in the favor of that sect ? and assuredly , the very cause which maketh the simple and ignorant to think , they even see how the word of god runneth currantly on your side , is , that their mindes are forestalled , and their conceits perverted beforehand , by being taught , that an elder doth signifie a lay-man , admitted onely to the office of rule or government in the church ; a doctor , one which may onely teach , and neither preach nor administer the sacraments ; a deacon , one which hath charge of the alms-box , and of nothing else : that the scepter , the rod , the throne and kingdom of christ , art a form of regiment , onely by pastors , elders , doctors , and deacons ; that by mystical resemblance , mount sion and jerusalem are the churches which admit ; samaria and babylon , the churches which oppugne the said form of regiment . and in like sort , they are taught to apply all things spoken of repairing the walls and decayed parts of the city and temple of god , by esdras , nehemias , and the rest : as if purposely the holy ghost had therein meant to fore-signifie , what the authors of admonitions to the parliament , of supplications to the council , of petitions to her majesty , and of such other-like writs , should either do or suffer in behalf of this their cause . from hence they proceed to an higher point , which is the perswading of men credulous and over-capable of such pleasing errors , that it is the special illumination of the holy ghost , whereby they discern those things in the word , which others reading , yet discern them not . dearly beloved , saith st. john , give not credit unto every spirit . there are but two ways whereby the spirit leadeth men into all truth ; the one extraordinary , the other common ; the one belonging but unto some few , the other extending it self unto all that are of god ; the one , that which we call by a special divine excellency , revelation ; the other , reason . if the spirit by such revelation , have discovered unto them the secrets of that discipline out of scripture , they must profess themselves to be all ( even men , women , and children , ) prophets : or if reason be the hand which the spirit hath led them by ; for as much as perswasions grounded upon reason , are either weaker or stronger , according to the force of those reasons , whereupon the same are grounded , they must every of them , from the greatest to the least , be able for every several article , to shew some special reason , as strong as their perswasion therein is earnest : otherwise how can it be , but that some other sinews there are , from which that everplus of strength in perswasion doth arise ? most sure it is , that when mens affections do frame their opinions , they are in defence of error more earnest a great deal , then ( for the most part ) sound believers in the maintenance of truth , apprehended according to the nature of that evidence which scripture yieldeth : which being in some things plain , as in the principles of christian doctrine ; in some things , as in these matters of discipline , more dark and doubtful , frameth correspondently that inward assent which gods most gracious spirit worketh by it , as by his effectual instrument . it is not therefore the servent earnestness of their perswasion , but the soundness of those reasons , whereupon the same is built , which must declare their opinions in these things , to have been wrought by the holy ghost , and not by the fraud of that evil spirit which is even in his illusions strong . after that the fancy of the common sort hath once thorowly apprehended the spirit to be author of their perswasions , concerning discipline , then is instilled into their hearts ; that the same spirit , leading men into this opinion , doth thereby seal them to be gods children ; and that as the state of the times now standeth , the most special taken to know them that are gods own from others , is an earnest affection that way . this hath bred high terms of separation between such , and the rest of the world ; whereby the one sort are named the brethren , the godly , and so forth ; the other , worldlings , time-servers , pleasers of men , not of god , with such like . from hence , they are easily drawn on to think it exceeding necessary ; for fear of quenching that good spirit , to use all means whereby the same may be both strengthned in themselves ; and made manifest unto others . this maketh them diligent bearers of such as are known that way to incline ; this maketh them eager to take and seek all occasions of secret conference with such ; this maketh them glad to use such as counsellors and directors in all their dealings , which are of weight , as contracts , testaments , and the like ; this maketh them , through an unweariable desire of receiving instruction from the masters of that company , to cast off the care of those very affairs which do most concern their estate , and to think that then they are like unto mary , commendable for making choice of the better part . finally , this is it which maketh them willing to charge , yea , oftentimes even to over-charge themselves , for such mens sustenance and relief , least their zeal to the cause should any way be unwitnessed . for what is it , which poor beguiled souls , will not do through so powerful incitements ? in which respect it is also noted , that most labor hath been bestowed to win , and retain towards this cause , them whose judgments are commonly weakest by reason of their sex . and although not women loaden with sins , as the apostle st. paul speaketh , but ( as we verily esteem of them for the most part ) women propense and inclinable to holiness , be otherwise edified in good things , rather then carried away as captives into any kinde of sin and evil , by such as enter into their houses with purpose to plant there a zeal , and a love towards this kinde of discipline ; yet some occasion is hereby ministred for men , to think , that if the cause which is thus furthered , did gain by the soundness of proof , whereupon it doth build it self , it would not most busily endeavor to prevail , where least ability of judgment is : and therefore that this so eminent industry in making proselytes , more of that sex then of the other ; groweth for that they are deemed apter to serve as instruments and helps in the cause . apter they are through the eagerness of their affection , that maketh them which way soever they take , diligent in drawing their husbands , children , servants , friends and allies , the same way : apter through that natural inclination unto pity , which breedeth in them a greater readiness then in men , to be bountiful towards their preachers , who suffer want : apter through sundry opportunities , which they especially have , to procure encouragements for their brethren . finally , apter through a singular delight which they take , in giving very large and particular intelligence , how all near about them stand affected , as concerning the same cause . but be they women , or be they men , if once they have tasted of that cup , let any man of contrary opinion , open his mouth to perswade them , they close up their ears ; his reasons they weigh not , all is answered with rehearsal of the words of john , we are of god ; he that knoweth god , heareth us . as for the rest , ye are of the world ; for this worlds pomp and vanity it is that ye speak , and the world whose ye are , heareth you . which cloke sitteth no less fit o● the lack of their cause , then of the anabaptists ; when the dignity , authority and honor of gods magistrates is upheld against them . shew these eagerly-affected men their inability to judge of such matters ; their answer is , god hath chosen the simple . convince them of folly , and that so plainly , that very children upbraid them with it ; they have their bucklers of like defence . christs own apostle was accounted mad : the best men evermore by the sentence of the world , have been judged to be out of their right mindes . when instruction doth them no good , let them feel but the least degree of most mercifully tempered severity , they fasten on the head of the lords vicegerents here on earth , whatsoever they any where finde uttered against the cruelty of blood-thirsty men ; and to themselves they draw all the sentences which scripture hath in the favor of innocency persecuted for the truth ; yea , they are of their due and deserved sufferings , no less proud then those ancient disturbers , to whom st. augustine writeth , saying . martyrs , rightly so named , are they not which suffer for their disorder , and for the ungodly breach they have made of christian unity ; but which , for righteousness sake are persecuted : for agar also suffered persecution at the hands of sara ; wherein , she which did impose , was holy , and she unrighteous which did bear the burthen . in like sort , with the theeves was the lord himself crucified , but they who were matcht in the pain which they suffered , were in the cause of their sufferings dis-joyned . if that must needs be the true church which doth endure persecution , and not that which persecuteth , let them ask of the apostle , what church sara did represent , when she held her maid in affliction : for even our mother which is free , the heavenly ierusalem ; that is to say , the true church of god , was , as he doth affirm , prefigured in that very woman , by whom the bond-maid was so sharply handled . although , if all things be throughly skanned , she did in truth more persecute sara by proud resistance , then sara her , by severity of punishment . these are the paths wherein ye have walked , that are of the ordinary sort of men ; these are the very steps ye have trodden , and the manifest degrees whereby ye are of your guides and directors trained up in that school : a custom of inuring your ears with reproof of faults , especially in your governors ; and use to attribute those faults to the kinde of spiritual regiment , under which ye live ; boldness in warranting the force of their discipline , for the cure of all such evils ; a slight of framing your conceits , to imagine , that scripture every where favoreth that discipline ; perswasion that the cause , why ye finde it in scripture , is the illumination of the spirit ; that the same spirit is a seal unto you of your nearness unto god ; that ye are by all means to nourish and witness it in your selves , and to strengthen on every side your mindes against whatsoever might be of force to withdraw you from it . . wherefore to come unto you , whose judgment is a lanthorn of direction for all the rest , you that frame thus the peoples hearts , not altogether ( as i willingly perswade my self ) of a politick intent or purpose , but your selves being first over-borne with the weight of greater mens judgments ; on your shoulders is laid the burthen of upholding the cause by argument . for which purpose , sentences out of the word of god , ye alledge divers ; but so , that when the same are aiscust , thus it always in a manner falleth out , that what things by vertue thereof ye urge upon us , as altogether necessary , are found to be thence collected onely by poor and marvellous slight conjectures . i need not give instance in any one sentence so alledged , for that i think the instance in any alledged , otherwise a thing not easie to be given . a very strange thing , sure it were , that such a discipline as ye speak of , should be taught by christ and his apostles in the word of god , and no church ever have found it out , nor received it till this present time : contrariwise , the government against which ye bend your selves , be observed every where throughout all generations and ages of the christian world , no church ever perceiving the word of god to be against it . we require you to finde out but one church upon the face of the whole earth , that hath been ordered by your discipline , or hath not been ordered by ours , that is to say , by episcopal regiment , sithence the time that the blessed apostles were here conversant . many things out of antiquity ye bring , as if the purest times of the church had observed the self-same orders which you require ; and as though your desire were , that the churches of old should be patterns for us to follow , and even glasses , wherein we might see the practice of that , which by you is gathered out of scripture . but the truth is , ye mean nothing less . all this is done for fashion sake onely ; for ye complain of in as of an injury , that men should be willed to seek for examples and patterns of government in any of those times that have been before , ye plainly hold , that from the very apostles times till this present age wherein your selves imagine ye have sound out aright pattern of sound discipline , there never was any time safe to be followed ; which thing ye thus endeavor to prove . out of egesippus , ye say , that eusebius writeth , how although as long as the apostles lived , the church did remain a pure virgin ; yet after the death of the apostles , and after they were once gone , whom god vouchsafed to make hearers of the divine wisdom with their own ears , the placing of wicked errors began to come into the church . clement also in a certain place , to confirm , that there was corruption of doctrine immediately after the apostles times , alledgeth the proverb , that there are few sons like their fathers , socrates saith of the church of rome and alexandria , the most famous churches in the apostles times , that about the year . the roman and alexandrian bishops leaving the sacred function , were degenerate to a secular rule or dominion . hereupon ye conclude , that it is not safe to fetch our government from any other then the apostles times . wherein by the way it may be noted , that in proposing the apostles times as a pattern for the church to follow , though the desire of you all be one , the drift and purpose of you all is not one . the chiefest thing which lay-reformers yawn for , is , that the clergy may through conformity in state and condition , be apostolical , poor as the apostles of christ were poor . in which one circumstance , if they imagine so great perfection , they must think that church which hath such store of mendicant fryers , a church in that respect most happy . were it for the glory of god , and the good of his church indeed , that the clergy should be left even as bare as the apostles ; when they had neither staff nor scrip ; that god , which should lay upon them the condition of his apostles ; would i hope , endue them with the self-same affection which was in that holy apostle , whose words concerning his own right-vertuous contentment of heart , as well how to want , as how to abound , are a most fit episcopal emprese . the church of christ is a body mystical . a body cannot stand , unless the parts thereof be proportionable : let it therefore be required on both parts , at the hands of the clergy , to be in meanness of state like the apostles ; at the hands of the laity , to be as they were who lived under the apostles . and in this reformation there will be , though little wisdom , yet some indifferency : but your reformation , which are of the clergy ( if yet it displease you not , that i should say ye are of the clergy ) seemeth to aim at a broader mark . te think , that he which will perfectly reform , must bring the form of church-discipline unto the state which then it was at . a thing neither possible , nor certain , nor absolutely convenient . concerning the first , what was used in the apostles times , the scripture fully declareth not ; so that making their times the rule and canon of church polity , ye make a rule , which being not possible to be fully known , is as impossible to be kept . again , sith the later , even of the apostles own times , had that which in the former , was not thought upon ; in this general proposing of the apostles times , there is no certainty which should be followed , especially seeing that ye give us great cause to doubt how far ye allow those times . for albeit , the lover of antichristian building were not , ye say , as then set up , yet the foundations thereof were secretly , and under the ground , laid in the apostles times : so that all other times , ye plainly reject ; and the apostles own times , ye approve with marvellous great suspition , leaving it intricate and doubtful , wherein we are to keep our selves unto the pattern of their times . thirdly , whereas it is the error of the common multitude , to consider onely what hath been of old , and if the same were well , to see whether still it continue ; if not , to condemn that presently , which is , and never to search upon what ground or consideration the change might grow . such rudeness cannot be in you so well born with , whom learning and iudgment hath enabled much more soundly to discern how far the times of the church , and the orders thereof , may alter without offence . true it is , the ancienter a , the better ceremonies of religion , are : howbeit , not absolutely true , and without exception ; but true , onely so far forth as those different ages do agree in the state of those things , for which , at the first those rites , orders , and ceremonies , were instituted . in the apostl●s times , that was harmless , which being now revived , would be scandalous ; as their oscula sancta . b those feasts of charity , which being instituted by the apostles , were retained in the church long after , are not now thought any where needful . what man is there of understanding , unto whom it is not manifest , how the way of providing for the clergy by tithes , the device of alms-houses for the poor , the sorting out of the people into their several pariso●s ; together with sunury other things which the apostles times could not have , ( being now established ) are much more convenient and fit for the church of christ , then if the same should be taken away for conformities sake , with the antientest and first times ? the orders therefore which were observed in the apostles times , are not to be urged as a rule universally , either sufficient or necessary . if they be , nevertheless on your part , it still remaineth to be better proved . that the form of discipline , which ye intitle apostolical , was in the apostles time exercised : for of this very thing ye fail , even touching that which ye make most account of , as being matter of substance in discipline , i mean , the power of your lay-elders , and the difference of your doctors from the pastors in all churches . so that in faith , we may be bold to conclude , that besides these last times , which for insolency , pride , and egregious contempt of all good order , are the worst ; there are none wherein ye can truly affirm , that the compleat form of your discipline , or the substance thereof was practised . c the evidence therefore of antiquity failing you , ye flie to the judgments of such learned men , as seem by their writings , to be of opinion , that all christian churches should receive your discipline , and abandon ours . wherein , as ye heap up the names of a number of men , not unworthy to be had in honor ; so there are a number , whom when ye mention , although it serve ye to purpose , with the ignorant and vulgar sort , who measure by tale , and not by weight ; yet surely , they who know what quality and value the men are of , will think ye draw very near the dregs . but were they all of as great account as the best and chiefest amongst them , with us notwithstanding neither are they , neither ought they to be of such reckoning , that their opinion or conjecture , should cause the laws of the church of england to give place ; much less when they neither do all agree in that opinion , and of them which are at agreement , the most part through a courteous enducement , have followed one man as their guide ; finally , that one therein not unlikely to have swerved . if any chance to say , it is probable that in the apostles times there were lay-elders , or not to mislike the continuance of them in the church ; or to affirm , that bishops at the first were a name , but not a power distinct from presbyters ; or to speak any thing in praise of those churches which are without episcopal regiment ; or to reprove the fault of such as abuse that calling . all these ye register for men , perswaded as you are , that every christian church standeth bound by the law of god to put down bishops , and in their rooms to erect an eldership so authorized as you would have it for the government of each parish . deceived greatly they are therefore , who think that all they whose names are cited amongst the favorers of this cause , are on any such verdict agreed . yet touching some material points of your discipline , a kinde of agreement we grant there is amongst many divines of reformed churches abroad . for first , to do as the church of geneva did , the learned in some other churches must needs be the more willing , who having used in like manner , not the slow and tedious help of proceeding by publick authority ; but the peoples more quick endeavor for alteration , in such an exigent i see not well , how they could have staid to deliberate about any other regiment , then that which already was devised to their hands ; that which in like case had been taken , that which was easiest to be established without delay , that which was likeliest to content the people by reason of some kinde of sway which it giveth them . when therefore the example of one church , was thus at the first almost through a kinde of constraint or necessity followed by many , their concurrence in perswasion about some material points belonging to the same polity is not strange . for we are not to marvel greatly , if they which have all done the same thing , do easily embrace the same opinion as concerning their own doings : besides , mark i beseech you , that which galen in matter of philosophy noteth ; for the like falleth out , even in questions of higher knowledge . it fareth many times with mens opinions , as with rumors and reports . that which a credible person telleth , is easily thought probable by such as are well perswaded of him : but if two , or three , or four , agree all in the same tale , they judge it then to be out of controversie , and so are many times overtaken for want of due consideration , either some common cause leading them all into error , or one mans oversight , deceiving many through their too much credulity and easiness of belief . though ten persons be brought to give testimony in any cause , yet if the knowledge they have of the thing whereunto they come as witnesses , appear to have grown from some one amongst them , and to have spred it self from hand to hand , they all are in force but as one testimony ; nor is it otherwise here , where the daughter churches do speak their mothers dialect ; here , where so many sing one song , by reason that he is the guide of the quire , concerning whose deserved authority , amongst even the gravest divines , we have already spoken at large . will ye ask what should move those many learned , to be followers of one mans judgment ; no necessity of argument forcing them thereunto ? your demand is answered by your selves . loth ye are to think that they whom ye judge to have attained , as sound knowledge in all points of doctrine , as any since the apostles time , should mistake in discipline . such is naturally our affection , that whom in great things we mightily admire ; in them , we are not perswaded willingly that any thing should be amiss . the reason whereof is , for that as dead flies putrifie the ointment of the apothecary , so a little folly him that is in estimation for wisdom . this in every profession , hath too much authorized the judgment of a few : this with germans hath caused luther , and with many other churches , calvin , to prevail in all things . yet are we not able to define , whether the wisdom of that god ( who setteth before us in holy scripture , so many admirable patterns of vertue , and no one of them , without somewhat noted , wherein they were culpable ; to the end , that to him alone it might always be acknowledged , thou onely art holy , thou onely art just ) might not permit those worthy vessels of his glory , to be in some things blemished with the stain of humane frailty ; even for this cause , lest we should esteem of any man above that which behoveth . . notwithstanding , as though ye were able to say a great deal more then hitherto your books have revealed to the world , earnest challengers ye are of tryal by some publick disputation ; wherein , if the thing ye crave , be no more then onely leave to dispute openly about those matters that are inquestion , the schools in universities ( for any thing i know ) are open unto you : they have their yearly acts and commencements , besides other disputations , both ordinary and upon occasion , wherein the several parts of our own ecclesiastical discipline are oftentimes offered unto that kinde of examination ; the learnedst of you have been of late years , noted seldom or never absent from thence , at the time of those great assemblies ; and the favor of proposing there in convenient sort whatsoever ye can object ( which thing , my self have known them to grant of scholastical courtesie unto strangers ) neither hath ( as i think ) nor ever will ( i presume ) be denied you . if your suit be to have some great extraordinary confluence , in expectation whereof , the laws that already are , should sleep and have no power over you ; till in the hearing of thousands , ye all did acknowledge your error , and renounce the further prosecution of your cause : haply , they whose authority is required unto the satisfying of your demand , do think it both dangerous to admit such concourse of divided mindes , and unmeet that laws , which being once solemnly established , are to exact obedience of all men , and to constrain thereunto ; should so far stoop , as to hold themselves in suspence from taking any effect upon you , till some disputer can perswade you to be obedient . a law is the deed of the whole body politick , whereof if ye judge your selves to be any part , then is the law even your deed also . and were it reason , in things of this quality , to give men audience , pleading for the overthrow of that which their own very deed hath ratified ? laws that have been approved , may be ( no man doubteth ) again repealed , and to that end also disputed against , by the authors thereof themselves : but this is when the whole doth deliberate what laws each part shall observe , and not when a part refuseth the laws which the whole hath orderly agreed upon . notwithstanding , for as much as the cause we maintain , is ( god be thanked ) such as needeth not to shun any tryal , might it please them on whose approbation the matter dependeth ; to condescend so far unto you in this behalf , i wish heartily that proof were made even by solemn conference in orderly and quiet sort ; whether you would your selves be satisfied , or else could by satisfying others , draw them to your party . provided alway , first , in as much as ye go about to destroy a thing which is in force , and to draw in that which hath not as yet been received ; to impose on us that which we think not our selves bound unto , and to overthrow those things whereof we are possessed ; that therefore ye are not to claim in any conference , other then the plaintiffs or opponents part , which must consist altogether in proof and confirmation of two things : the one , that our orders by you condemned , we ought to abolish ; the other , that yours , we are bound to accept in the stead thereof . secondly , because the questions in controversie between us , are many , if once we descend into particulars : that for the easier and more orderly proceeding therein , the most general be first discussed ; nor any question left off , nor in each question the prosecution of any one argument given over , and another taken in hand , till the issue whereunto , by replies and answers , both parts are come , be collected , read , and acknowledged , as well on the one side as on the other , to be the plain conclusion which they are grown unto . thirdly , for avoiding of the manifold inconveniences whereunto ordinary and extemporal disputes are subject , as also because , if ye should singly dispute one by one , as every mans own wit did best serve , it might be conceived by the rest , that haply some other would have done more ; the chiefest of you do all agree in this action , that when ye shall then chuse your speaker , by him that which is publickly brought into disputation , be acknowledged by all your consents , not to be his allegation , but yours ; such as ye all are agreed upon , and have required him to deliver in all your names : the true copy whereof being taken by a notary , that a reasonable time be allowed for return of answer unto you in the like form . fourthly , whereas a number of conferences have been had in other causes with the less effectual success , by reason of partial and untrue reports , published afterwards unto the world : that to prevent this evil , there be at the first a solemn declaration ; made on both parts of their agreement , to have that very book and no other , set abroad , wherein their present authorized notaries do write those things fully and onely ; which being written , and there read , are by their own open testimony , acknowledged to be their own . other circumstances hereunto belonging , whether for the choice of time , place , and language , or for prevention of impertinent and needless speech , or to any end and purpose else , they may be thought on when occasion serveth . in this sort , to broach my private conceit for the ordering of a publick action , i should be loth , ( albeit , i do it not otherwise then under correction of them , whose gravity and wisdom ought in such cases to over-rule ) but that so venturous boldness , i see is a thing now general , and am thereby of good hope , that where all men are licenced to offend , no man will shew himself a sharp accuser . . what success god may give unto any such kinde of conference or disputation , we cannot tell : but of this we are right sure , that nature , scripture , and experience it self , have all taught the world to seek for the ending of contentions , by submitting itself into some judicial and definitive sentence , whereunto neither part that contendeth may under any pretence or colour refuse to stand : this must needs be effectual and strong ; as for other means without this , they seldom prevail ; i would therefore know , whether for the ending of these irksome strifes , wherein you and your followers do stand thus formally divided against the authorized guides of this church , and the rest of the people subject unto their charge ; whether , i say , ye be content to refer your cause to any other higher judgment then your own , or else intend to persist , and proceed as ye have begun , till your selves can be perswaded to condemn your selves ? if your determination be this , we can be but sorry that ye should deserve to be reckoned with such , of whom god himself pronounceth , the way of peace they have not known . ways of peaceable conclusion , there are but these two certain ; the one a sentence of iudicial decision given by authority thereto appointed within our selves ; the other , the like kinde of sentence given by a more universal authority . the former of which two ways , god himself in the law prescribeth , and his spirit it was which directed the very first christian churches in the world to use the latter . the ordinance of god in the law , was this . if there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment , between blood and blood , between plea , &c. then shalt thou arise , and go up unto the place which the lord thy god shall chuse ; and thou shalt come unto the priests of the levites , and unto the judge that shall be in those days , and ask , and they shall shew thee the sentence of judgment ; and thou shalt do according to that thing which they of that place which the lord hath chosen , shew thee ; and thou shalt observe to do according to all that they inform thee : according to the law which they shall teach thee , and according to the judgment which they shall tell thee , shalt thou do ; thou shalt not decline from the thing which they shall shew thee , to the right hand , nor to the left . and that man that will do presumptuously , not hearkning unto the priest ( that standeth before the lord thy god to manister there ) or unto the judge , that man shall die , and thou shalt take away evil from israel . when there grew in the church of christ , a question , whether the genti'es believing might be saved , although they were not circumcised after the manner of moses , nor did observe the rest of those legal rites and ceremonies whereunto the jews were bound . after great dissention and disputation about it , their conclusion in the end was , to have it determined by sentence at jerusalem ; which was accordingly done in a council there assem●led for the same purpose . are ye able to alledge any just and sufficient cause , wherefore absolutely ye should not condescend in this controversie , to have your judgments over-ruled by some such definitive sentence ; whether it fall out to be given with , or against you , that so these redious contentions may cease ? te will perhaps make answer , that being perswaded already , as touching the truth of your cause , ye are not to hearken unto any sentence , no not , though angels should define otherwise , as the blessed apostles own example teacheth . again , that men , yea , councils , may err , and that unless the judgment given , do satisfie your mindes , unless it be such as ye can , by no further argument oppugn ; in a word , unless you perceive and acknowledge it your selves consonant with gods word , to stand unto it , not allowing it , were to sin against your own consciences . but consider , i beseech you , first , as touching the apostle , how that wherein be was so resolute and peremptory , our lord iesus christ made manifest unto him , even by intuitive revelation , wherein there was no possibility of error : that which you are perswaded of , ye have it no otherwise then by your own onely probable collection ; and therefore such bold asseverations as in him were admirable , should in your months but argue rashness . god was not ignorant , that the priests and iudges , whose sentence in matters of controversie he ordained should stand , both might and oftentimes would be deceived in their judgment . howbeit , better it was in the eye of his understanding , that sometime an erronious sentence definitive should prevail , till the same authority perceiving such oversight , might afterwards correct or reverse it , then that strifes should have respite to grow , and not come speedily unto some end : neither wish we , that men should do any thing which in their hearts they are perswaded they ought not to do ; but this perswasion ought ( we say ) to be fully setled in their hearts , that in litigious and controversed causes of such quality , the will of god is to have them to do whatsoever the sentence of judicial and final decision shall determine , yea , though it seem in their private opinion to swarve utterly from that which is right ; as no doubt , many times the sentence amongst the iews , did seem unto one part or other contending : and yet in this case , god did then allow them to do that which in their private judgment it seemed ( yea , and perhaps truly seemed ) that the law did disallow . for if god be not the author of confusion , but of peace , then can he not be the author of our refusal , but of our contentment , to stand unto some definitive sentence ; without which , almost impossible it is , that either we should avoid confusion , or ever hope to attain peace . to small purpose , had the council of jerusalem been assembled , if one : their determination being set down , men might afterwards have defended their former opinions . when therefore they had given their definitive sentence , all controverso● was at an end : things were disputed before they came to be determined ; men afterwards were not to dispute any longer , but to obey . the sentence of iudgment finished their strife , which their disputes before judgment , could not do . this was ground sufficient for any reasonable mans conscience to build the duty of obedience upon , whatsoever his own opinion were as touching the matter before in question . so full of wilfulness and self-liking , is our nature , that without some definitive sentence , which being given , may stand , and a necessity of silence on both sides afterward imposed ; small hope there is , that strifes thus for prosecuted , will in short time quietly end . now it were in vain to ask you , whether ye could be content that the sentence of any court already erected , should be so far authorized , as that among the iews established by god himself , for the determining of all controversies . that man which will do presumptuously , not hearkning unto the priest that standeth before the lord to minister there ; nor unto the judge , let him die . ye have given us already to understand what your opinion is in part , concerning her sacred majesties court of high commission : the nature whereof is , the same with that amongst the iews , albeit the power be not so great . the other way , happily may like you better , because master beza in his last book , save one , written about these matters , professeth himself to be now weary of such combats and encounters , whether by word or writing , in as much as he findeth that controversies thereby are made but brawls : and therefore wisheth that in some common lawful assembly of churches , all these strifes may at once be decided . shall there be then in the mean while no doings ? yes , there are the weightier matters of the law , judgment , and mercy and fidelity . these things we ought to do ; and these things , while we contend about less , we leave undone . happier are they , whom the lord , when he cometh , shall finde doing in these things , then disputing about doctors , elders , and deacons : or if there be no remedy , but somewhat needs ye must do , which may tend to the setting forward of your discipline ; do that which wisemen , who think some statute of the realm more fit to be repealed then to stand in force , are accustomed to do , before they come to parliament , where the place of enacting is ; that is to say , spend the time in re-examining more duly your cause , and in more throughly considering of that which ye labor to overthrow : as for the orders which are established , sith equity and reason , the law of nature , god and man , do all favor that which is in being ; till orderly iudgment of decision be given against it , it is but iustice to exact of you , and perversness in you , it should be to deny thereunto your willing obedience . not that i judge it a thing allowable for men to observe those laws , which its their hearts , they are stredfastly perswaded to be against the law of god : but your perswasion in this case ; ye are all bound for the time to suspend , and in otherwise doing , ye offend against god , by troubling his church without any just or necessary cause . be it that there are some reasons inducing you to think hardly of our laws : are those reasons demonstrative , are they necessary , or but meer probabilities onely ? an argument necessary and demonstrative is such , as being proposed unto any man , and understood ; she minde cannot chase , but invardly assent ; any one such reason dischargeth , i grant the gonscience , and setteth it at full liberty . for the publick approbation given by the body of this whole church , unto those things which are established , doth make it but probable , that they are good ; and therefore unto a necessary proofe that they are not good , it must give place : but if the skilfullest amongst you can shew , that all the books ye have hitherto written , be able to afford any one argument of this nature , let the instance be given . as for probabilities , what thing was there ever set down so agreeable with sound reason , but some probable shew against it might be made ? it is meet , that when publickly things are received , and have taken place ; general obedience thereunto should cease to be exacted , in case , this or that private person , led with some probable conceit , should make open protostation , peter or john disallow them , and pronounce them naught . in which case your answer will be , that concerning the laws of our church ; they are not onely condemned in the opinion of a private man , but of thousands , year and even of those amongst which divers are in publick charge and authority . at though when publick consent of the whole hath established any thing , every mans judgment being thereunto compared , were not private , howsoever his calling be to some kinde of publick charge . so that of peace and quietness , there is not any way possible , unless the probable voice of every intire society or body politick , over-rule all private of like nature in the same body : which thing effectually proveth , that god being author of peace ; and not of confusion in the church ; must needs be author of those mens peaceable resolutions , who concerning these things , have determined with themselves , to think and do as the church , they are of decreeth , till they see necessary cause enforcing them to the contrary . . nor is mine own intent , any other in these several books of discourse , then to make it appear unto you ; that for the ecclesiastical laws of this land , we are led by great reason to observe them , and ye by no necessity bound to impugne them . it is no part of my secret meaning , to draw you hereby into hatred , or to set upon the face of this cause any fairer gloss , then the naked truth doth afford ; but my whole endeavor is to resolve the conscience , and to shew , as near as i can , what in this controversie , the heart is to think , if it will follow the light of sound and sincere judgment , without either cloud of prejudice , or mist of passionate affection . wherefore , seeing that laws and ordinances in particular , whether such as we observe , or such as your selves would have established ; when the minde doth sift and examine them , it must needs have often recourse to a number of doubts and questions , about the nature , kindes , and qualities of laws in general ; whereof , unless it be throughly informed , there will appear no certainty to stay our perswasion upon : i have for that cause set down in the first place , an introduction on both sides needful to be considered ; declaring therein , what law is , how different kindes of laws there are , and what force they are of , according unto each kinde . this done , because ye suppose the laws , for which ye strive , are found in scripture ; but those not , against which we strive : and upon this surmise , are drawn to hold it , as the very main pillar of your whole cause , that scripture ought to be the onely rule of all our actions ; and consequently , that the church orders which we observe , being not commanded in scripture , are offensive and displeasant unto god. i have spent the second book in sifting of this point , which standeth with you for the first and chiefest principle whereon ye build . whereunto the next in degree is , that as god will have always a church upon earth , while the world doth continue , and that church stand in need of government ; of which government , it behoveth himself to be , both the author and teacher : so it cannot stand with duty , that man should ever presume in any wise to change and alter the same ; and therefore . that in scripture there must of necessity be found some particular form of ecclesiastical polity , the laws whereof , admit not any kinde of alteration . the first three books being thus ended , the fourth proceedeth from the general grounds and foundations of your cause , unto your general accusations against us , as having in the orders of our church ( for so you pretend ) corrupted the right form of church polity with manifold popish rites and ceremonies , which certain reformed churches have banished from amongst them , and have thereby given us such example as ( you think ) we ought to follow . this your assertion hath herein drawn us to make search , whether these be just exceptions against the customs of our church , when ye plead , that they are the same which the church of rome hath , or that they are not the same which some other reformed churches have devised . of those four books which remain , and are bestowed about the specialties of that cause which little in controversie , the first examineth the causes by you alledged ; wherefore the publick duties of christian religion , as our prayers , our sacraments , and the rest , should not be ordered in such sort , as with us they are ; nor that power whereby the persons of men are consecrated unto the ministry , be disposed of in such manner as the laws of this church do allow . the second and third , are concerning the power of iurisdiction ; the one , whether laymen , such as your governing elders are , ought in all congregations for ever , to be invested with that power ? the other , whether bishops may have that power over other pastors , and therewithal , that honor which with us they have ? and because , besides the power of order , which all consecrated persons have , and the power of iurisdiction , which neither they all , nor they onely have : there is a third power , a power of ecclesiastical dominion , communicable , as we think , unto persons not ecclesiastical , and most fit to be restrained unto the prince our soveraign commander over the whole body politick . the eighth book we have allotted unto this question , and have sifted therein your objections against those preeminences royal which thereunto appertain . thus have i laid before you the brief of these my travels ; and presented under your view , the limbs of that cause litigious between us ; the whole intire body whereof , being thus compact , it shall be no troublesome thing for any man to finde each particular controversies resting place , and the coherance it hath with those things , either , on which it dependeth , or which depend on it . . the case so standing therefore , my brethren , as it doth , the wisdom of governors ye must not blame , in that they further also forecasting the manifold strange and dangerous innovations , which are more then likely to follow , if your discipline should take place , have for that cause thought it hitherto a part of their duty to withstand your endeavors that way : the rather , for that they have seen already some small beginnings of the fruits thereof , in them , who concurring with you in judgment about the necessity of that discipline , have adventured without more ado , to separate themselves from the rest of the church , and to put your speculations in execution . these mens hastiness , the warier sort of you doth not commend ; ye wish they had held themselves longer in , and not so dangerously flown abroad before the feathers of the cause had been grown ; their error with merciful terms ye reprove , naming them in great commiseration of minds your poor brethren . they on the contrary side , more bitterly accuse you as their false brethren , and against you they plead , saying , from your brests it is , that we have sucked those things , which when ye delivered unto us , ye termed that heavenly , sincere , and wholesom milk of gods word ; howsoever ye now abhor as poyson , that which the vertue thereof hath wrought and brought forth in us . ye sometime our companions , guides , and familiars , with whom we have had most sweet consultations , are now become our professed adversaries , because we think the statute-congregation in england , to be no true christian churches ; because we have severed our selves from them , and because without their leave or licence , that are in civil authority , we have secretly framed our own churches according to the platform of the word of god : for of that point between you and us , there is no controversie . also , what would ye have us to do ? at such time as ye were content to accept us in the number of your own , your teaching we heard , weread your writings : and though we would , yet able we are not to forget , with what zeal ye have ever profest , that in the english congregations ( for so many of them as be ordered according unto their own laws , ) the very publick service of god is fraught , as touching matter , with heaps of intolerable pollutions , and as concerning form , borrowed from the shop of antichrist ; hateful both ways in the eyes of the most holy ; the kinde of their government , by bishops and archbishops , antichristian ; that discipline which christ hath essentially tied , that is to say , so united unto his church , that we cannot account it really to be his church which hath not in it the same discipline , that very discipline no less there despised , then in the highest throne of antichrist . all such parts of the word of god , as do any way concern that discipline , no less unsoundly taught and interpreted by all authorized english pastors , then by antichrists factors themselves : at baptism , crossing ; at the supper of the lord. kneeling ; at both , a number of other the most notorious badges of antichristian recognisance , usual . being moved with these and the like , your effectual discourses , whereunto we gave most attentive ear , till they entred even into our souls , and were as fire within our bosoms ; we thought we might hereof be bold to conclude , that sith no such antichristian synagogue may be accounted a true church of christ , ye by accusing all congregations ordered according to the laws of england as antichristian , did mean to condemn those congregations , as not being any of them worthy the name of a true christian church . ye tell us now , it is not your meaning : but what meant your often threatnings of them , who professing themselves the inhabitants of mount sion , were too loth to depart wholly as they should out of babylon ? whereat , our hearts being fearfully troubled , we durst not , we durst not continue longer so near her confines , lest her plagues might suddenly overtake us , before we did cease to be partakers with her sins ; for so we could not chuse , but acknowledge with grief , that we were , when they doing evil , we by our presence in their assemblies , seemed to like thereof ; or at leastwise , not so earnestly to dislike , as became men heartily zealous of gods glory . for adventuring to erect the discipline of christ , without the leave of the christian magistrate , haply ye may condemn us as fools , in that we hazard thereby our estates and persons , further then you which are that way more wise think necessary : but of any offence or sin therein committed against god , with what conscience can you accuse us , when your own positions are , that the things we observe , should every of them be dearer unto us , then ten thousand lives ; that they are the peremptory commandments of god ; that no mortal man can dispense with them ; and that the magistrate grievously sinneth , in not constraining thereunto ? will ye blame any man for doing that of his own accord , which all men should be compelled to do that are not willing of themselves ? when god commandeth , shall we answer , that we will obey , if so be cesar will grant us leave ? is discipline an ecclesiastical matter , or a civil ? if an ecclesiastical , is must of necessity belong to the duty of the minister ; and the minister ( ye say ) holdeth all his authority of doing whatsoever belongeth unto the spiritual charge of the house of god , even immediately from god himself , without dependency upon any magistrate . whereupon it followeth , as we suppose , that the hearts of the people being willing to be under the scepter of christ , the minister of god , into whose hands the lord himself hath put that scepter , is without all excuse , if thereby he guide them not . nor do we finde , that hitherto greatly ye have disliked those churches abroad , where the people with direction of their godly ministers , have even against the will of the magistrate , brought in either the doctrine or discipline of iesus christ : for which cause , we must now think the very same thing of you , which our saviour did sometime utter concerning false-hearted scribes and pharisees , they say , and do not . thus the foolish barrowist deriveth his schism by way of conclusion , as to him it seemeth , directly and plainly out of your principles . him therefore we leave to be satisfied by you , from whom he hath sprung : and if such , by your own acknowledgment , be persons dangerous , although as yet the alterations which they have made , are of small and tender growth ; the changes likely to ensue , throughout all states and vocations within this land , in case your desire should take place , must be thought upon . first , concerning the supream power of the highest , they are no small prerogatives , which now thereunto belonging , the form of your discipline will constrain it to resign ; as in the last book of this treatise we have shewed at large . again , it may justly be feared , whether our english nobility , when the matter came in tryal , would contentedly suffer themselves to be always at the call , and to stand to the sentence of a number of mean persons , assisted with the presence of their poor teacher ; a man ( as sometimes it hapneth ) though better able to speak , yet little or no whit apter to judge , then the rest : from whom , be their dealings never so absurd ( unless it be by way of complaint to a synod ) no appeal may be made unto any one of higher power ; is as much as the order of your discipline admitteth no standing in equality of courts , no spiritual iudge to have any ordinary superior on earth , but as many supremacies as there are parishes and several congregations . neither is it altogether without cause , that so many do fear the overthrow of all learning , as a threatned sequel of this your intended discipline : for if the worlds preservation depend upon the multitude of the wise ; and of that sort , the number hereafter be not likely to wax over-great , when ( that therewith the son of syrach professeth himself at the heart grived ) men of understanding are already so little set by : how should their mindes , whom the love of so precious a iewel filleth with secret jealousie , even in regard of the lest things which may any way hinder the flourishing estate thereof , chuse but misdoubt lest this discipline , which always you match with divine doctrine , as her natural and true sister , be found unto all kindes of knowledge a step-mother ; seeing that the greatest worldly hopes , which are proposed unto the chiefest kinde of learning , ye seek utterly to extirpate as weeds ; and have grounded your platform on such propositions , as do after a sort undermine those most renowned habitations , where , through the goodness of almighty god , all commendable arts and sciences , are with exceeding great industry hitherto ( and so may they for ever continue ) studied , proceeded in , and profest ? to charge you , as purposely bent to the overthrow of that , wherein so many of you have attained no small perfection , were injurious . onely therefore , i wish , that your selves did well consider , how opposite certain of your positions are unto the state of collegiate societies , whereon the two universities consist . those degrees which their statutes binde them to take , are by your laws taken away , your selves who have sought them , ye so excuse ; as that ye would have men to think ye judge them not allowable , but tolerable onely : and to be borne with , for some help which ye finde in them unto the furtherance of your purposes , till the corrupt estate of the church may be better reformed . your laws forbidding ecclesiastical persons utterly the exercise of civil power , must needs deprive the heads and masters in the same colledges of all such authority as now they exercise , either at home , by punishing the faults of those , who not as children to their parents by the law of nature , but altogether by civil authority are subject unto them ; or abroad , by keeping courts amongst their tenants . your laws making permanent inequality amongst ministers , a thing repugnant to the word of god , enforce those colledges , the seniors whereof are all , or any part of them , ministers under the government of a master in the same vocation , to chuse , as oft as they meet together , a new president . for if so ye judge it necessary to do in synods , for the avoiding of permanent inequality amongst ministers ; the same cause must needs , even in these collegiate assemblies , enforce the like : except peradventure ye mean to avoid all such absurdities , by dissolving those corporations , and by bringing the universities unto the form of the school of geneva ; which thing men the rather are inclined to look for ; in as much as the ministery , wherein to their founders , with singular providence , have by the same statutes appointed them necessarily to enter at a certain time , your laws binde them much more necessarily to forbear , till some parish abroad call for them . your opinion concerning the law civil , is that the knowledge thereof might be spared , as a thing which this land doth not need . professors in that kinde being few , ye are the bolder to spurn at them , and not to dissemble your mindes , as concerning their removal : in whose studies , although my self have not much been conversant , nevertheless exceeding great cause , i see , there is to wish , that thereunto more encouragement were given , as well for the singular treasures of wisdom therein contained , as also for the great use we have thereof , both in decision of certain kindes of causes arising daily within our selves , and especially for commerce with nations abroad , whereunto that knowledge is most requisite . the reasons wherewith ye would perswade , that scripture is the onely rule to frame all our actions by , are in every respect as effectual for proof , that the same it the onely law whereby to determine all our civil controversies . and then what doth let ; but that as those men may have their desire , who frankly broach it already , that the work of reformation will never be perfect , till the law of iesus christ be received alone ; so pleaders and counsellors may bring their books of the common law , and bestow them as the students of curious and needless arts did theirs in the apostles time ? i leave them to scan , how for thosewords of yours may reach , wherein ye declare ; that where as now many houses lie waste through inordinate suits of law , this one thing will shew the excellency of discipline for the wealth of the realm , and quiet of subjects ; that the church is to censure such a party , who is apparently troublesome and contentious , and without reasonable cause , upon a meer will and stomach , doth vex and molest his brother , and trouble the country . for mine own part , i do not see , but that it might very well agree with your principles , if your discipline were fully planted , even to send out your writs of surcease unto all courts of england besides , for the most things handled in them . a great deal further i might proceed , and descend lower ; but for as much as against all these and the like difficulties , your answer is , that we ought to search what things are consonant to gods will ; not which be most for our own ease ; and therefore that your discipline being ( for such is your error ) the absolute commandment of almighty god , it must be received , although the world by receiving it , should be clean turned upside down : herein lieth the greatest danger of all . for whereas the name of divine authority , is used to countenance these things , which are not the commandments of god , but your own erroneous collections ; on him ye must father whatsoever ye shall afterwards be led , either to do in withstanding the adversaries of your cause , or to think in maintenance of your doings . and what this may be , god doth know . in such kindes of error , the minde once imagining it self to seek the execution of gods will , laboreth forthwith to remove both things and persons , which any way hinder it from taking place ; and in such cases , if any strange or new thing seem requisite to be done , a strange and new opinion , concerning the lawfulness thereof , is withal received and broached under countenance of divine authority . one example herein may serve for many , to shew , that false opinions touching the will of god to have things done , are wont to bring forth mighty and violent practices against the hinderances of them ; and those practices new opinions more pernicious then the first , yea , most extreamly sometimes opposite to that which the first did seem to intend . where the people took upon them the reformation of the church , by casting out popish superstition , they having received from their pastors a general instruction , that whatsoever the heavenly father hath not planted , must be rootod out ; proceeded in some foreign places so far , that down went oratories , and the very temples of god themselves : for as they chanced to take the compass of their commission stricter or larger , so their dealings were accordingly more or less moderate . amongst others , there sprang up presently one kinde of men , with whose zeal and forwardness , the rest being compared , were thought to be marvellous cold and dull . these grounding themselves on rules more general ; that whatsoever the law of christ commandeth not , thereof antichrist is the author ; and that whatsoever antichrist , or his adherents did in the world , the true professors of christ are to undo ; found out many things more then others had done , the extirpation whereof was in their conceit , as necessary as of any thing before removed . hereupon they secretly made their doleful complaints every where as they went , that albeit the world did begin to profess some dislike of that which was evil in the kingdom of darkness , yet fruits worthy of a true-repentance were not seen ; and that if men did repent as they ought , they must endeavor to purge the truth of all manner evil , to the end , there might follow a new world afterward , wherein righteousness onely should dwell . private repentance they said , ●●st appear by every mans fashioning his own life , contrary unto the custom and orders of this present world , both in greater things and in less . to this purpose , they had always in their mouths , those greater things , charity , faith , the true fear of god , the cross , the mortification of the flesh . all their exhortations were to set light of the things in this world , to account riches and honors vanity , and in taken thereof , not onely to seek neither ; but if men were possessors of both , even to cast away the one , and resign the other , that all men might see their unfeigned conversion unto christ. they were sollicitors of men to fasts , to often meditations of heavenly things , and as it were conferences in secret with god by prayers , not framed according to the frozen manner of the world , but expressing such fervent desires as might even force god to hea●ken unto them . where they found men in diet , attire , furniture of house , or any other way observers of civility , and decent order , such they reproved as being carnally and earthly minded . every word otherwise then severely and sadly uttered , seemed to pierce like a sword theron them . if any man were pleasant , their manner was presently with sighs to repeat those words of our saviour christ , wo be to you which now laugh , for ye shall lament . so great was their delight to be always in trouble , that such as did quietly lead their lives , they judged of all other men to be in most dangerous case . they so much affected to cross the ordinary custom in every thing , that when other mens use was to put on better attire , they would be sure to shew themselves openly abroad in worses : the ordinary names of the days in the week , they thought it a kinde of prophaneness to use , and therefore accustomed themselves to make no other distinction , then by numbers , the first , second , third day . from this they proceeded unto publick reformation , first ecclesiastical , and then civil . touching the former , they boldly avouched , that themselves onely had the truth , which thing upon peril of their lives , they would at all times defend ; and that since the apostles lived , the same was never before in all points sincerely taught . wherefore , that things might again be brought to that ancient integrity which iesus christ by his word requireth , they began to controll the ministers of the gospel , for attributing so much force and vertue unto the scriptures of god read , whereas the truth was , that when the word is said to engender faith in the heart ; and to convert the soul of man , or to work any such spiritual divine effect , these speeches are not thereunto appliable as it is read or preached , but as it is ingrafted in us by the power of the holy ghost , opening the eyes of our understanding , and so revealing the mysteries of god , according to that which jeremy promised before should be , saying , i will put my law in their inward parts , and i will write it in their hearts . the book of god they notwithstanding for the most part so admired , that other disputation against their opinions then onely by allegation of scripture they would not hear ; besides it , they thought no other writings in the world should be studied ; in so much , as one of their great prophets exhorting them to cast away all respects unto humane writings , so far to his motion they condescended , that as many as had any books , save the holy bible in their custody , they brought and set them publickly on fire . when they and their bibles were alone together , what strange phantastical opinion soever at any time entred into their heads , their use was to think the spirit taught it them . their phrensies concerning our saviours incarnation , the state of souls departed , and such like , are things needless to be rehearsed . and for as much as they were of the same suit with those of whom the apostle speaketh , saying , they are still learning , but never attain to the knowledge of truth , it was no marvel to see them every day broach some new thing , not heard of before . which restless levity they did interpret to be their growing to spiritual perfection , and a proceeding from faith to faith. the differences amongst them grew by this mean in a manner infinite , so that scarcely was there found any one of them , the forge of whose brain was not possest with some special mystery . whereupon although their mutual contentions were most fiercely prosecuted amongst themselves yet when they came to defend the cause common to them all against the adversaries of their faction , they had ways to lick one another whole , the sounder in his own perswasion excusing the dear brethren , which were not so far enlightned , and professing a charitable hope of the mercy of god towards them , notwithstanding their swerving from him in some things . their own ministers they highly magnified , as men whose vocation was from god : the rest their manner was to term disdainfully scribes and pharisees , to account their calling an humane creature , and to detain the people as much as might be from hearing them . as touching sacraments , baptism administred in the church of rome , they judged to be but an execrable mockery and no baptism ; both because the ministers thereof in the papacy are wicked idolaters , lewd persons , thieves , and murderers , cursed creatures , ignorant beasts , and also for that to baptize , is a proper action belonging unto none but the church of christ , whereas rome is antichrists synagogue . the custom of using god-fathers and god-mothers at christnings , they scorned . baptism of infants , although confest by themselves , to have been continued even sithence the very apostles own times , yet they altogether condemned , partly , because sundry errors are of no less antiquity ; and partly , for that there is no commandment in the gospel of christ , which saith , baptize infants ; but he contrariwise in saying , go preach and baptize , doth appoint , that the minister of baptism shall in that action first administer doctrine , and then baptism ; as also in saying , whosoever doth believe and is baptized , be appointeth , that the party to whom baptism is administred , shall first believe , and then be baptized ; to the end , that believing may go before this sacrament in the receiver , no otherwise then preaching in the giver , sith equally in both , the law of christ declareth , not onely what things are required , but also in what order they are required . the eucharist they received ( pretending our lord and saviour example ) after supper : and for avoiding all those impieties which have been grounded upon the mystical words of christ , this is my body . this is my blood ; they thought it not safe to mention either body or blood in that sacrament , but rather to abrogate both , and to use no words but these , take , eat , declare the death of our lord. drink , shew forth our lords death . in rites and ceremonies , their profession was hatred of all conformity with the church of rome : for which cause , they would rather endure any torment , then observe the solemn festivals which others did , in as much as antichrist ( they said ) was the first inventer of them . the pretended end of their civil reformation , was , that christ might have dominion over all ; that all crowns and scepters might be thrown down at his feet ; that no other might raign over christian men , but he ; no regiment keep them in aw , but his discipline ; amongst them no sword at all be carried besides his , the sword of spiritual excommunication . for this cause they labored with all their might , in over-turning the seats of magistracy , because christ hath said , kings of nations ; in abolishing the execution iustice , because christ hath said , resist not evil ; in forbidding oaths , the necessary means of iudicial tryal , because christ hath said , swear not at all : finally , in bringing in community of goods , because christ by his apostles hath given the world such example , to the end , that men might excel one another , not in wealth , the pillar of secular authority , but in vertue . these men at the first were onely pitied in their error , and not much withstood by any , the great humility , zeal , and devotion , which appeared to be in them , was in all mens opinion a pledge of their harmless meaning . the hardest that men of sound understanding conceived of them , was but this , o quam honestâ voluntate miseri errant ? with how good a meaning these poor souls do evil ? luther made request unto frederick , duke of saxony , that within his dominion they might be favorably dealt with and spared , for that ( their error exempted ) they seemed otherwise right good men . by means of which merciful toleration they gathered strength , much more then was safe for the state of the commonwealth wherein they lived . they had their secret corner-meetings and assemblies in the night , the people flocked unto them by thousands . the means whereby they both allured and retained so great multitudes , were most effectual ; first , a wonderful shew of zeal towards god , wherewith they seemed to be even rapt in every thing they spake : secondly , an hatred of sin , and a singular love of integrity , which men did think to be much more then ordinary in them , by reason of the custom which they had to fill the ears of the people with invectives against their authorized guides , as well spiritual as civil : thirdly , the bountiful relief wherewith they eased the broken estate of such needy creatures , as were in that respcit the more apt to be drawn away . fourthly , a tender compassion which they were thought to take upon the miseries of the common sort , over whose heads their manner was even to pour down showres of tears in complaining , that no respect was had unto them , that their goods were devoured by wicked cormorants , their persons had in contempt , all liberty , both temporal and spiritual , taken from them ; that it was high time for god now to hear their groans , and to send them deliverance . lastly , a cunning slight which they had to stroke and smoothe up the mindes of their followers , as well by appropriating unto them all the favorable titles , the good words , and the gracious promises in scripture ; as also by casting the contrary always on the heads of such as were severed from that retinue . whereupon , the peoples common aeclamation unto such deceivers was : these are verily the men of god , these are his true and sincere prophets . if any such prophet or man of god , did suffer by order of law , condign and deserved punishment , were it for fellony , rebellion , murder ; or what else ; that people ( so strangely were their hearts inchanted ) as though blessed st. stephen had been again martyred , did lament , that god took away his most dear servants from them . in all these things being fully perswaded , that what they did , it was obedience to the will of god , and that all men should do the like ; there remained after speculation , practice , whereby the whole world thereunto ( if it were possible ) might be framed . this they saw could not be done , but with mighty opposition and resistence ; against which , to strengthen themselves , they secretly entred into a league of association . and peradventure considering , that although they were many , yet long wars would in time waste them out ; they began to think , whether it might not be , that god would have them do for their speedy and mighty increase , the same which sometime gods own chosen people , the people of israel did . glad and fain they were to have it so ; which very desire was it self apt to breed b●th an opinion of possibility , and a willingness to gather arguments of likelihood , that so god himself would have it . nothing more clear unto their seeming , then that a new jerusalem being often spoken of in scipture , they undoubtedly were themselves that new jerusalem , and the old did by way of a certain fegurative resemblance signifie what they should both be , and do . here they drew in a sea of matter , by amplifying all things unto their own company , which are any where spoken concerning divine favors and benefits bestowed upon the old commonwealth of israel ; concluding , that as israel was delivered out of egypt , so they spiritually out of the egypt of this worlds servile thraldom unto sin and superstition : as israel was to root out the idolatrous nations , and to plant instead of them , a people which feared god ; so the same lords good will and pleasure was now , that these new israelites should under the conduct of other joshua's sampsons , and gideons , perform a work no less miraculous in casting out violently the wicked from the earth , and establishing the kingdom of christ with perfect liberty : and therefore , as the cause why the children of israel took unto one man many wives , might be , lest the casualties of war should any way hinder the promise of god concerning their multitude , from taking effect in them ; so it was not unlike that , for the necessary propagation of christs kingdom under the gospel , the lord was content to allow as much . now whatsoever they did in such sort collect out of scripture , when they came to justifie or perswade it unto others , all was the heavenly fathers appointment , his commandment , his will and charge . which thing is the very point , in regard whereof , i have gathered his declaration . for my purpose herein is to shew , that when the mindes of men are once erroneously perswaded , that it is the will of god to have those things done which they fancy ; then opinions are as thorns in their sides , never suffering them to take rest till they have brought their speculations into practise . the lets and impediments of which practice , their restless desire and study to remove , leadeth them every day forth by the hand into other more dangerous opinions , sometimes quite and clean contrary to their first pretended meanings . so as what will grow out of such errors as go masked under the cl●ak of divine authority , impossible it is , that ever the wit of man should imagine , till time have brought forth the fruits of them : for which cause , it behoveth wisdom to fear the sequels thereof , even beyond all apparent cause of fear . these men , in whose mouths at the first , sounded nothing but onely mortification of the flesh , were come at the lenght , to think they might lawfully have their six or seven wives apiece : they which at the first , thought iudgment and iustice it self to be merciless cruelty ; accounted at the length , their own hands sanctified with being imbrued in christian blood : they who at the first were wont to beat down all dominion , and to urge against poor constables , kings of nations ; had at the length , both consuls and kings of their own erection amongst themselves : finally , they which could not brook at the first , that any man should seek , no not by law , the recovery of goods injuriously taken or withheld from him , were grown at the last to think they could not offer unto god more acceptable sacrifice , then by turning their adversaries clean out of house and home , and by enriching themselves with all kinde of spoil and pillage . which thing being laid to their charge , they had in a readiness their answer , that now the time was come , when , according to our saviours promise , the meek ones must inherit the earth ; and that their title hereunto was the same which the righteous israelites had unto the goods of the wicked egyptians . wherefore sith the world hath had in these men so fresh experience , how dangerous such active errors are , it must not offend you , though touching the sequel of your present misperswasions , much more be doubted , then your own intents and purposes do haply aim at . and yet your words already are somewhat , when ye affirm , that your pastors , doctors , elders , and deacons , ought to be in this church of england , whether her majesty and our state will , or no : when for the animating of your confederates , ye publish the musters which ye have made of your own bands , and proclaim them to amount to i know not how many thousands ; when ye threaten , that sith neither your suits to the parliament , nor supplications to our convocation-house ; neither your defences by writing , nor challenges of disputation in behalf of that cause , are able to prevail , we must blame our selves , if to bring in discipline , some such means hereafter be used , as shall cause all our hearts to ake . that things doubtful , are to be construed in the better part , is a principle not safe to be followed in matters concerning the publick state of a commonweal . but howsoever these and the like speeches , be accounted as arrows idlely shot at random , without either eye had to any mark , or regard to their lighting place ; hath not your longing desire for the practice of your discipline , brought the matter already unto this demurrer amongst you ; whether the people and their godly pastors , that way affected , ought not to make separation from the rest , and to begin the exercise of discipline , without the license of civil powers , which license they have sought for , and are not heard ? upon which question , as ye have now divided your selves , the warier sort of you taking the one part , and the forwarder in zeal , the other ; so in case these earnest ones should prevail , what other sequel can any wise man imagine but this , that having first resolved that attempts for discipline without superiors are lawful , it will follow in the next place to be disputed . what may be attempted against superiors , which will not have the scepter of that discipline to rule over them ? yea , even by you which have staid your selves from running head-long with the other sort , somewhat notwithstanding there hath been done without the leave or liking of your lawful superiors , for the exercise of a part of your discipline amongst the clergy thereunto addicted . and lest examination of principal parties therein should bring those things to light , which might hinder and let your proceedings ; behold , for a bar against that impediment , one opinion ye have newly added unto the rest , even upon this occasion , an opinion to exempt you from taking oaths , which may turn to the molestation of your brethren in that cause . the next neighbor opinions whereunto , when occasion requireth , may follow for dispensation with oaths already taken , if they afterwards be found to import a necessity of detecting ought which may bring such good men into trouble or damage , whatsoever the cause be . o merciful god , what mans wit is there able to sound the depth of those dangerous and fearful evils , whereinto our weak and impotent nature is inclineable to sink it self , rather the● to shew an acknowledgment of error in that which once we have unadvisedly taken upon us to defend , against the stream , as it were , of a contrary publick resolution ! wherefore , if we any thing respect their error , who being perswaded , even as ye are , have gone further upon that perswasion then ye allow , if we regard the present state of the highest governor placed over us , if the quality and disposition of our nobles , if the orders and laws of our famous universities , if the profession of the civil , or the practice of the common law amongst us , if the mischiefs whereinto , even before our eyes , so many others have faln head-long from no less plausible and fair beginnings then yours are : there is in every of these considerations most just cause to fear , lest our hastiness to embrace a thing of so perilous consequence , should cause posterity to feel those evils , which as yet are more easie for us to prevent , then they would be for them to remedy . . the best and safest way for you therefore , my dear brethren , is , to call your deeds past to a new reckoning , to re-examine the cause ye have taken in hand , and to try it even point by point , argument by argument , with all the diligent exactness ye can , to lay aside the gall of that bitterness wherein your mindes have hitherto ever-abounded , and with meekness to search the truth . think ye are men , deem it not impossible for you to err ; sift unpartially your own hearts , whether it be force of reason , or vehemency of affection , which hath bred , and still doth feed these opinions in you . if truth do any where manifest it self , seek not to smother it with glo●ing delusion , acknowledge the greatness thereof , and think it your best victory , when the same doth prevail over you● that ye have been earnest in speaking or writing again and again the contrary way , should be noblemish or discredit at all unto you . amongst so many so huge volumes , as the infinite pains of st. augustine have brought forth , what one hath gotten him greater love , commendation , and honor , then the book wherein he carefully collecteth his own over-sights , and sincerely condemneth them ? many speeches there are of jobs , whereby his wisdom and other vertues may appear ; but the glory of an ingenuous minde he hath purchased by these words onely , behold , i will lay mine hand on my mouth , i have spoken once , yet will i not therefore maintain argument ; yea , twice , howbeit for that cause further i will not proceed . far more comfort it were for us ( so small is the joy we take in these strises ) to labor under the same yoke , as men that look for the same eternal reward of their labors , to be enjoyned with you in bands of indissoluble love and amity , to live as if our persons being many , our souls were but one , rather than in such dismembred sort , to spend our few and wretched days in a tedious prosecuting of wearisome contentions ; the end whereof , if they have not some speedy end , will be heavy , even on both sides . brought already we are , even to that estate which gregory nazianzen mournfully describeth , saying , my minde leadeth me ( sith there is no other remedy ) to flie and to convey my self into some corner out of sight , where i may scape from this cloudy tempest of maliciousness , whereby all parts are entred into a deadly war amongst themselves , and that little remnant of love which was , is now consumed to nothing . the onely godliness we glory in , is to finde out somewhat whereby we may judge others to be ungodly . each others faults we observe , as matter of exprobration , and not of grief . by these means we are grown hateful in the eyes of the heathens themselves , and ( which woundeth us the more deeply ) able we are not to deny , but that we have deserved their hatred : with the better sort of our own , our fame and credit is clean lost . the less we are to marvel , if they judge vilely of us , who although we did well , would hardly allow thereof . on our backs they also build that are leud , and what we object one against another , the same they use , to the utter scorn and disgrace of us all . this we have gained by our mutual home-dissentions : this we are worthily rewarded with , which are more forward to strive , then becometh men of vertuous and milde disposition . but our trust in the almighty is , that with us contentions are now at the highest flote , and that the day will come ( for what cause of despair is there ? ) when the passions of former enmity being allayed , we shall with ten times redoubled tokens of our unfeignedly reconciled love , shew our selves each towards other the same , which joseph and the brethren of joseph were at the time of their enterview in egypt . our comfortable expectation and most thirsty desire whereof , what man soever amongst you shall any way help to satisfie , ( as we truly hope , there is no one amongst you , but some way or other will. ) the blessings of the god of peace , both in this world , and in the world to come , be upon him more then the stars of the firmament in number . what things are handled in the following books . book i. concerning laws in general . book ii. of the use of divine law contained in scripture ; whether that be the onely law which ought to serve for our direction in all things without exception ? book iii. of laws concerning ecclesiastical polity : whether the form thereof be in scripture so set down , that no addition or charge is lawful ? book iv. of general exceptions taken against the laws of our polity , as being popish , and banished out of certain reformed churches . book v. of our laws that concern the publick religious duties of the church , and the manner of bestowing that power of order , which enableth men in sundry degrees and callings to execute the same . book vi. of the power of iurisdiction , which the reformed platform claimeth unto lay-elders , with others . book vii . of the power of iurisdiction , and the honor which is annexed thereunto in bishops . book viii . of the power of ecclesiastical dominion or supream authority , which with us the highest governor or prince hath , as well in regard of domestical iurisdictions , as of that other foreignly claimed by the bishop of rome . of the laws of ecclesiastical polity . book i. concerning laws , and their several kindes in general . the matter contained in this first book . . the cause of writing this general discourse concerning laws . . of that law which god from before the beginning hath set for himself , to do all things by . . the law which natural agents observe , and their necessary manner of keeping it . . the law which the angels of god obey . . the law whereby man is in his actions directed to the imitation of god. . mens first beginning to understand that law. . of mans will , which is the first thing that laws of action are made to guide . . of the natural finding out of laws by the light of reason , to guide the will unto that which is good . . of the benefit of keeping that law which reason teacheth . . how reason doth lead men unto the making of humane laws , whereby politick societies are governed , and to agreement about laws , whereby the fellowship or communion of independent societies stanoeth . . wherefore god hath by scripture further made known such supernatural laws● as do serve for mens direction . . the cause why so many natural or rational laws are set down in holy scripture . . the benefit of having divine laws written . . the sufficiency of scripture unto the end for which it was instituted . . of laws positive contained in scripture ; the mutability of certain of them , and the general use of scripture . . a conclusion , shewing how all this belongeth to the cause in question . he that goeth about to perswade a multitude , that they are not so well-governed as they ought to be ; shall never want attentive and favorable . hearers ; because they know the manifold defects whereunto every kinde of regiment is subject ; but the secret lets and difficulties , which in publick proceedings , are innumerable and inevitable , they have not ordinarily the judgment to consider . and because such as openly reprove supposed disorders of state , are taken for principal friends to the common benefit of all , and for men that carry singular freedom of minde : under this fair and plausible colour whatsoever they utter , passeth for good and currant . that which wanteth in the weight of their speech , is supplied by the aptness of mens mindes to accept and believe it . whereas on the other side , if we maintain things that are established , we have not onely to strive with a number of heavy prejudices , deeply rooted in the hearts of men , who think that herein we serve the time , and speak in favor of the present state , because thereby we either hold or seek preferment ; but also to bear such exceptions as mindes so avetted before-hand , usually take against that which they are loth should be poured into them . albeit therefore , much of that we are to speak in this present cause , may seem to a number perhaps tedious , perhaps obscure , dark , and intricate , ( for many talk of the truth , which never sounded the depth from whence it springeth : and therefore when they are led thereunto , they are soon weary , as men drawn from those beaten paths wherewith they have been inured ; ) yet this may not so far prevail , as to cut off that which the matter it self requireth , howsoever the nice humor of some be therewith pleased , or no. they unto whom we shall seem tedious , are in no wise injured by us , because it is in their own hands to spare that labor which they are not willing to endure . and if any complain of obscurity , they must consider , that in these matters it cometh no otherwise to pass , then in sundry the works both of art , and also of nature , where that which hath greatest force in the very things we see , is notwithstanding itself oftentimes not seen . the stateliness of houses , the goodliness of trees , when we behold them delighteth the eye ; but that foundation which beareth up the one , that root which ministreth unto the other nourishment and life , is in the bosome of the earth concealed ; and if there be occasion at any time to search into it , such labor is then more necessary then pleasant , both to them which undertake it , and for the lookers on . in like manner , the use and benefit of good laws , all that live under them , may enjoy with delight and comfort , albeit the grounds and first original causes from whence they have sprung , be unknown , as to the greatest part of men they are . but when they who withdraw their obedience , pretend , that the laws which they should obey , are corrupt and vicious : for better examination of their quality , it behoveth the very foundation and root , the highest well-spring and fountain of them to be discovered . which because we are not oftentimes accustomed to do , when we do it , the pains we take are more needful a great deal then acceptable , and the matters which we handle , seem by reason of newness , ( till the minde grow better acquainted with them ) dark , intricate , and unfamiliar . for as much help whereof as may be in this case , i have endeavored throughout the body of this whole discourse , that every former part might give strength unto all that follow , and every latter bring some light unto all before : so that if the judgments of men do but hold themselves in suspence , as touching these first more general meditations , till in order they have perused the rest that ensue ; what may seem dark at the first , will afterwards be found more plain , even as the latter particular decisions will appear , i doubt not , more strong , when the other have been read before . the laws of the church , whereby for so many ages together we have been guided in the exercise of christian religion , and the service of the true god , our rites , customs , and orders of ecclesiastical government , are called in question : we are accused as men that will not have christ jesus to rule over them ; but have wilfully cast his statutes behinde their backs , hating to be reformed and made subject unto the scepter of his discipline . behold therefore , we offer the laws whereby we live , unto the general tryal and judgment of the whole world ; heartily beseeching almighty god , whom we desire to serve according to his own will , that both we and others ( all kinde of partial affection being clean laid aside ) may have eyes to see , and hearts to embrace the things that in his sight are most acceptable . and because the point , about which we strive , is the quality of our laws , our first entrance hereinto cannot better be made , then with consideration of the nature of law in general , and of that law which giveth life unto all the rest which are commendable , just , and good , namely , the law whereby the eternal himself doth work . proceeding from hence to the law , first of nature , then of scripture , we shall have the easier access unto those things which come after to be debated , concerning the particular cause and question which we have in hand . . all things that are , have some operation not violent or casual : neither doth any thing ever begin to exercise the same , without some fore-conceived end for which it worketh . and the end which it worketh for , is not obtained , unless the work be also fit to obtain it by ; for unto every end , every operation will not serve : that which doth assign unto each thing the kinde , that which doth moderate the force and power , that which doth appoint the form and measure of working , the same we term a law : so that no certain end could ever be attained , unless the actions whereby it is attained , were regular ; that is to say , made suitable , fit , and correspondent unto their end , by some canon rule or law. which thing doth first take place in the works , even of god himself . all things therefore do work after a sort , according to law ; all other things according to a law , whereof some superiors unto whom they are subject , is author ; onely the works and operations of god , have him both for their worker , and for the law whereby they are wrought . the being of god , is a kinde of law to his working ; for that perfection which god is , giveth perfection to that he doth . those natural , necessary , and internal operations of god , the generation of the son , the proceeding of the spirit , are without the compass of my present intent ; which is to touch onely such operations as have their beginning and being by a voluntary purpose , wherewith god hath eternally decreed , when , and how they should be ; which eternal decree is that we term an eternal law. dangerous it were for the feeble brain of man , to wade far into the doings of the most high ; whom although to know be life , and joy to make mention of his name ; yet our soundest knowledge is , to know , that we know him not as indeed he is , neither can know him ; and our safest eloquence concerning him , is our silence , when we confess without confession , that his glory is inexplicable , his greatness above our capacity and reach . he is above , and we upon earth ; therefore it behoveth our words to be wary and few . our god is one , or rather very oneness , and meer unity , having nothing but it self in it self , and not consisting ( as all things do besides god ) of many things . in which essential unity of god , a trinity personal nevertheless subsisteth , after a manner far exceeding the possibility of mans conceit . the works which outwardly are of god , they are in such sort of him being one , that each person hath in them somewhat peculiar and proper . for being three , and they all subsisting in the essence of one deity , from the father , by the son , through the spirit , all things are . that which the son doth hear of the father , and which the spirit doth receive of the father and the son , the same we have at the hands of the spirit , as being the last ; and therefore the nearest unto us in order , although in power the same with one second and the first . the wise and learned among the very heathens themselves , have all acknowledged some first cause , whereupon originally the being of all things dependeth . neither have they otherwise spoken of that cause then as an agent , which knowing what and why it worketh , observeth in working a most exact order or law. thus much is signified by that which homer mentioneth , a , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus much acknowledged by mercurius trismegistus , b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus much confest by anaxagoras and plato , terming the maker of the world , an intellectual worker . finally , the stoiks , although imagining the first cause of all things to be fire , held nevertheless , that the same fire having art , did c o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they all confess therefore , in the working of that first cause , that counsel is used , reason followed , a way observed , that is to say , constant order and law is kept , whereof it self must needs be author unto it self : otherwise it should have some worthier and higher to direct it , and so could not it self be the first , being the first , it can have no other then it self to be the author of that law , which it willingly worketh by . god therefore is a law both to himself , and to all other things besides . to himself , he is a law in all those things whereof our saviour speaks , saying , my father worketh as yet , so i. god worketh nothing without cause . all those things which are done by him , have some end , for which they are done ; and the end for which they are done , is a reason of his will to do them . his will had not inclined to create woman , but that he saw it could not be well , if she were not created . non est bonum , it is not good man should be alone ; therefore let us make an helper for him . that and nothing else is done by god , which to leave undone , were not so good . if therefore it be demanded , why god having power and ability infinite , the effects notwithstanding of that power are all so limited , as we see they are : the reason hereof is , the end which he hath proposed , and the law whereby his wisdom hath stinted the effects of his power in such sort , that it doth not work infinitely , but correspondently unto that end for which it worketh , even all things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in most decent and comely sort , all things in measure , number , and weight . the general end of gods external working , is the exercise of his most glorious and most abundant vertue . which abundance doth shew it self in variety , and for that cause this variety is oftentimes in scripture exprest by the name of riches . the lord hath made all things for his own sake . not that any thing is made to be beneficial unto him , but all things for him to shew beneficence and grace in them . the particular drift of every act proceeding externally from god , we are not able to discern , and therefore cannot always give the proper and certain reason of his works . howbeit undoubtedly , a proper and certain reason there is of every finite work of god , in as much as there is a law imposed upon it ; which if there were not , it should be infinite , even as the worker himself is . they err therefore , who think that of the will of god to do this or that , there is no reason besides his will. many times no reason known to us ; but that there is no reason thereof , i judge it most unreasonable to imagine , in as much as he worketh all things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not onely according to his own will , but the counsel of his own will. and whatsoever is done with counsel or wise resolution , hath of necessity some reason why it should be done , albeit that reason be to us in some things so secret , that it forceth the wit of man to stand , as the blessed apostle himself doth , amazed thereat , o the depth of the riches , both of the wisdom and knowledge of god. how unsearchable are his iudgments , &c. that law eternal which god himself hath made to himself , and thereby worketh all things , whereof he is the cause and author ; that law in the admirable frame whereof shineth with most perfect beauey , the countenance of that wisdom which hath testified concerning her self , the lord possessed me in the beginning of his way , even before his works of old , i was set up : that law which hath been the pattern to make , and is the card to guide the world by ; that law which hath been of god , and with god everlastingly ; that law , the author and observer whereof is , one onely god , to be blessed for ever ; how should either men or angels be able perfectly to behold ? the book of this law , we are neither able nor worthy to open and look into . that little thereof , which we darkly apprehend , we admire ; the rest , with religious ignorance , we humbly and meekly adore . seeing therefore , that according to this law he worketh , of whom , through whom , and for whom , are all things ; although there seem unto us confusion and disorder in the affairs of this present world● tamen quoniam bonus mundum rector temperat , recte fieri cuncta ne dubites . let no man doubt , but that every thing is well done , because the world is rule by so good a guide , as transgresseth not his own law ; then which , nothing can be more absolute , perfect , and just . the law whereby he worketh , is eternal , and therefore can have no shew or colour of mutability : for which cause , a part of that law being opened in the promises which god hath made ( because his promises are nothing else but declarations , what god will do for the good of men ) touching those promises the apostle hath witnessed , that god may as possibly deny himself , and not be god , as fail to perform them . and concerning the counsel of god , he termeth it likewise a thing unchangeable ; the counsel of god , and that law of god , whereof now we speak , being one . nor is the freedom of the will of god , any whit abated , let , or hindred , by means of this ; because the imposition of this law upon himself , is his own free and voluntary act . this law therefore , we may name eternal , being that order which god before all ages hath fet down with himself , for himself to do all things by . . i am not ignorant , that by law eternal , the learned for the most part do understand the order , not which god hath eternally purposed himself in all his works to observe , but rather that , which with himself he hath set down as expedient to be kept by all his creatures , according to the several conditions wherewith he hath endued them . they who thus are accustomed to speak , apply the name of law unto that onely rule of working , which superior authority imposeth ; whereas we somewhat more enlarging the sense thereof , term any kinde of rule or canon whereby actions are framed , a law. now that law , which as it is laid up in the bosom of god , they call eternal , receiveth according unto the different kinde of things which are subject unto it , different and sundry kindes of names . that part of it , which ordereth natural agents , we call usually natures law ; that which angels do clearly behold , and without any swerving observe , is a law celestial and heavenly ; the law of reason , that which bindeth creatures reasonable in this world , and with which by reason they most plainly perceive themselves bound ; that which bindeth them , and is not known but by special revelation from god , divine law. humane law , that which out of the law , either of reason , or of god , men probably gathering to be expedient , they make it a law. all things therefore , which are as they ought to be , are conformed unto this second law eternal ; and even those things , which to this eternal law are not conformable , are notwithstanding in some sort ordered by the first eternal law. for what good or evil is there under the sun ; what action correspondent or repugnant unto the law which god hath imposed upon his creatures , but in , or upon it , god doth work according to the law which himself hath eternally purposed to keep ; that is to say , the first eternal law ? so that a twofold law eternal being thus made , it is not hard to conceive how they both take place in d all things . wherefore to come to the law of nature , albeit thereby we sometimes mean that manner of working which god hath set for each created thing to keep ; yet for as much as those things are termed most properly natural agents , which keep the law of their kinde unwittingly , as the heavens and elements of the world , which can do no otherwise then they do : and for as much as we give unto intellectual natures , the name of voluntary agents , that so we may distinguish them from the other , expedient it will be , that wesever the law of nature observed by the one , from that which the other is tied unto . touching the former , their strict keeping of one tenure , statute , and law is spoken of by all , but hath in it more then men have as yet attained to know , or perhaps ever shall attain , seeing the travel of wading herein , is given of god to the sons of men ; that perceiving how much the least thing in the world hath in it , more then the wisest are able to reach unto , the may by this means learn humility . moses , in describing the work of creation , attributeth speech unto god : god said , let there be light : let there be a firmament : let the waters under the heavens be gathered together into one place : let the earth bring forth : let there be lights in the firmament of heaven . was this onely the intent of moses , to signifie the infinite greatness of gods power , by the easiness of his accomplishing such effects , without travel , pain , or labor ? surely , it seemeth that moses had herein , besides this , a further purpose , ' namely , first , to teach that god did not work as a necessary , but a voluntary agent , intending beforehand ; and decreeing with himself , that which did outwardly proceed from him . secondly , to shew that god did then institute a law natural to be observed by creatures ; and therefore according to the manner of laws , the institution thereof is described , as being established by solemn injunction . his commanding those things to be which are , and to be in such sort as they are , to keep that tenure and course which they do , importeth the establishment of natures law. this worlds first creation , and the preservation since of things created , what is it , but onely so far forth a manifestation by execution , what the eternal law of god is concerning things natural ? and as it cometh to pass in a kingdom rightly ordered , that after a law is once published , it presently takes effect far and wide , all states framing themselves thereunto ; even so let us think it fareth in the natural course of the world : since the time that god did first proclaim the edicts of his law upon it , heaven and earth have hearkned unto his voice , and their labor hath been to do his will : he made a law for the rain ; he gave his decree unto the sea , that the waters should not pass his commandment . now , if nature should intermit her course , and leave altogether , though it were but for a while , the observation of her own laws ; if those principal and mother elements of the world , whereof all things in this lower world are made , should lose the qualities which now they have ; if the frame of that heavenly arch erected over our heads , should loosen and dissolve it self ; if celestial spheres should forget their wonted motions , and by irregular volubility turn themselves any way as it might happen ; if the prince of the lights of heaven , which now as a gyant doth run his unwearied course ; should , as it were , through a languishing faintness , begin to stand , and to rest himself ; if the moon should wander from her beaten way , the times and seasons of the year blend themselves , by disordered and confused mixture , the winds breathe out their last gasp , the clouds yield no rain , the earth be defeated of heavenly influence , the fruits of the earth pine away , as children at the withered brests of their mother , no longerable to yield them relief : what would become of man himself , whom these things now do all serve ? see we not plainly , that obedience of creatures unto the law of nature , is the stay of the whole world ? notwithstanding , with nature it cometh sometimes to pass , as with art . let phidias have rude and obstinate stuff to carve , though his art do that it should , his work will lack that beauty which otherwise in fitter matter it might have had . he that striketh an instrument with skill , may cause notwithstanding a very unpleasant sound , if the string whereon he striketh , chance to be uncapable of harmony . in the matter whereof things natural consist , that of theophrastus takes place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much of it is oftentimes such , as will by no means yield to receive that impression which were best and most perfect . which defect in the matter of things natural , they who gave themselves unto the contemplation of nature amongst the heathen , observed often : but the true original cause thereof , divine malediction , laid for the sin of man upon these creatures , which god had made for the use of man ; this being an article of that saving truth which god hath revealed unto his church , was above thereach of their meerly natural capacity and understanding . but howsoever , these swervings are now and then incident into the course of nature ; nevertheless , so constantly the laws of nature , are by natural agents observed , that no man denieth , but those things which nature worketh , are wrought either always , or for the most part , after one and the same manner . if here it be demanded , what that is which keepeth nature in obedience to her own law , we must have recourse to that higher law , whereof we have already spoken ; and because all other laws do thereon depend , from thence we must borrow so much as shall need for brief resolution in this point . although we are not of opinion therefore , as some are , that nature in working , hath before her certain exemplary draughts or patterns , which subsisting in the bosom of the highest , and being thence discovered , she fixeth her eye upon them , as travellers by sea upon the pole-star of the world , and that according thereunto she guideth her hand to work by imitation : although we rather embrace the oracle of hippocrates . that each thing , both in small and in great , fulfilleth the task which destiny hath set down . and concerning the manner of excecuting and fulfilling the same , what they do , they know not , yet is it in shew and appearance , as though they did know what they do ; and the truth is , they do not discern the things which they look on : nevertheless , for as much as the works of nature are no less exact , then if she did both behold and study how to express some absolute shape or mirror always present before her ; yea , such her dexterity and skill appeareth , that no intellectual creature in the world were able by capacity , to do that which nature doth without capacity and knowledge , it cannot be , but nature hath some directer of infinite knowledge to guide her in all her ways . who the guide of nature , but onely the god of nature ? in him we live , move , and are . those things which nature is said to do , are by divine art performed , using nature as an instrument ; nor is there any such art or knowledge divine in nature her self working , but in the guide of natures work . whereas therefore things natural , which are not in the number of voluntary agents ( for of such onely we now speak , and of no other ) do so necessarily observe their certain laws , that as long as they keep those e forms which give them their being , they cannot possibly be apt or inclinable to do otherwise then they do ; seeing the kindes of their operations are both constantly and exactly framed , according to the several ends for which they serve , they themselves , in the mean while , though doing that which is fit , yet knowing neither what they do , nor why : it followeth , that all which they do in this sort , proceedeth originally from some such agent , as knoweth , appointeth , holdeth up , and even actually frameth the same . the manner of this divine efficiency being far above us , we are no more able to conceive by our reason , then creatures unreasonable by their sense , are able to apprehend after what manner we dispose and order the course of our affairs . onely thus much is discerned , that the natural generation and process of all things , receiveth order of proceeding from the setled stability of divine understanding . this appointeth unto them their kindes of working , the disposition whereof , in the purity of gods own knowledge and will , is rightly termed by the name of providence . the same being referred unto the things themselves here disposed by it , was wont by the ancient to be called natural destiny . that law , the performance whereof we behold in things natural , is as it were an authentical , or an original draught , written in the bosom of god himself ; whose spirit being to execute the same , useth every particular nature , every meer natural agent , onely as an instrument created at the beginning , and ever since the beginning , used to work his own will and pleasure withal . nature therefore , is nothing else but gods instrument : in the course whereof , dionysius perceiving some sudden disturbance , is said to have cryed out , aut dens natura patitur , aut mundi machina dissolvitur ; either god doth suffer impediment , and is by a greater then himself hindred ; or if that be impossible , then hath he determined to make a present dissolution of the world , the execution of that law beginning now to stand still , without which the world cannot stand . this workman , whose servitor nature is , being in truth but onely one , the heathens imagining to be moe , gave him in the skie , the name of iupiter , in the air , the name of iune , in the water , the name of neptune , in the earth , the name of vesla , and sometimes of ceres ; the name of apollo in the sun , in the moon , the name of diana , the name of aeolus , and divers other in the winds ; and to conclude , even so many guides of nature they dreamed of , as they saw there were kindes of things natural in the world. these they honored , as having power to work or cease accordingly as men deseived of them : but unto us , there is one onely guide of all agents natural , and he both the creator and the worker of all in all , alone to be blessed , adored , and honored by all forever . that which hitherto hath been spoken , concerneth natural agents considered in themselves : but we must further remember also ( which thing to touch , in a word , shall suffice , ) that as in this respect they have their law , which law directeth them in the means whereby they tend to their own perfection ; so likewise another law there is , which toucheth them as they are sociable parts united into one body : a law which bindeth them each to serve unto others good , and all to prefer the good of the whole , before whatsoever their own particular , as we plainly see they do , when things natural in that regard , forget their ordinary natural wont : that which is heavy , mounting sometime upwards of its own accord , and forsaking the centre of the earth , which to it self is most natural , even as if it did hear it self commanded to let go the good it privately wisheth , and to relieve the present distress of nature in common . . but now that we may lift up our eyes ( as it were ) from the tootstool to the throne of god , and leaving these natural , consider a little the state of heavenly and divine creatures : touching angels , which are spirits immaterial and intellectual , the glorious inhabitants of those sacred palaces , where nothing but light and blessed immortality , no shadow of matter for tears , discontentments , griefs , and uncomfortable passions to work upon ; but all joy , tranquillity , and peace , even for ever and ever doth dwell . as in number and order they are huge , mighty , and royal armies , so likewise in perfection of obedience unto that law , which the highest , whom they adore , love , and imitate , hath imposed upon them . such observants they are thereof , that our saviour himself being to set down the perfect idea of that which we are to pray and wish for on earth , did not teach to pray or wish for more , then onely that here it might be with us , as with them it is in heaven . god which moveth meer natural agents as an efficient onely , doth otherwise move intellectual creatures , and especially his holy angels : for beholding the face of god , in admiration of so great excellency , they all adore him ; and being rapt with the love of his beauty , they cleave inseparably for ever unto him , desire to resemble him in goodness , maketh them unwearable , and even unsatiable in their longing , to do by all means , all manner of good unto all the creatures of god , but especially unto the children of men. in the countenance of whose nature looking downward , they behold themselves beneath themselves , even as upward in god , beneath whom themselves are , they see that character which is no where but in themselves and us , resembled . thus far even the painims have approached ; thus far they have seen into the doings of the angels of god ; orpheus confessing , that the fiery throne of god is attended on by those most industrious angels , careful how all things are performed amongst men , and the mirror of humane wisdom plainly teaching , that god moveth angels , even as that thing doth stir mans heart , which is thereunto presented amiable . angelical actions may therefore be reduced unto these three general kindes . first , most delectable love arising from the visible apprehension of the purity , glory , and beauty of god invisible , saving onely unto spirits that are pure : secondly , adoration , grounded upon the evidence of the greatness of god , on whom they see how all things depend : thirdly , imitation , bred by the presence of his exemplary goodness , who ceaseth nor before them daily to fill heaven and earth with the rich treasures of most free and undeserved grace . of angels , we are not to consider onely what they are , and do , in regard of their own being , but that also which concerneth them as they are linked into a kinde of corporation amongst themselves , and of society or fellowship with men . consider angels , each of them severally in himself , and their law is that which the prophet david mentioneth , all ye his angels praise him . consider the angels of god associated , and their law is that which disposeth them as an army , one in order and degree above another . consider finally the angels , as having with us that communion which the apostle to the hebrews noteth ; and in regard whereof , angels have not disdained to profess themselves our fellow servants . from hence there springeth up a third law , which bindeth them to works of ministerial employment : every of which their several functions , are by them performed with joy . a part of the angels of god notwithstanding ( we know ) have faln , and that their fall hath been through the voluntary breach of that law , which did require at their hands continuance in the exercise of their high and admirable vertue . impossible it was , that ever their will should change or encline to remit any part of their duty , without some object having force to avert their conceit from god , and to draw it another way ; and that before they attained that high perfection of bliss , wherein now the elect angels are without possibility of falling . of any thing more then of god , they could not by any means like , as long as whatsoever they knew besides god , they apprehended it not in it self , without dependency upon god ; because so long , god must needs seem infinitely better then any thing which they so could apprehend . things beneath them , could not in such sort be presented unto their eyes , but that therein they must needs see always , how those things did depend on god. it seemeth therefore , that there was no other way for angels to sin , but by reflex of their understanding upon themselves ; when being held with admiration of their own sublimity and honor , the memory of their subordination unto god , and their dependency on him was drowned in this conceit , whereupon their adoration , love , and imitation of god , could not chuse but be also interrupted . the fall of angels therefore , was pride : since their fall , their practices have been the clean contrary unto those beforementioned ; for being dispersed , some in the air , some on the earth , some in the water ; some amongst the minerals , dens , and caves that are under the earth , they have , by all means , labored to effect an universal rebellion against the laws , and as far as its them lieth , utter destruction of the works of god. these wicked spirits , the heathens honored instead of gods , both generally under the name of dii inferi , gods infernal ; and particularly , some in oracles , some in idols , some as houshold gods , some as nymphs : in a word , no foul and wicked spirit , which was not one way or other honored of men as god , till such time as light appeared in the world , and dissolved the works of the devil . thus much therefore may suffice for angels , the next unto whom in degree are men. . god alone excepted , who actually and everlastingly is , whatsoever he may be , and which cannot hereafter be , that which now he is not ; all other things besides , are somewhat in possibility , which as yet they are not in act . and for this cause , there is in all things an appetite or desire , whereby they incline to something which they may be ; and when they are it , they shall be perfecter then now they are . all which perfections are contained under the general name of goodness . and because there is not in the world any thing whereby another may not some way be made the perfecter , therefore all things that are , are good . again , sith there can be no goodness desired , which proceedeth not from god himself , as from the supream cause of all things ; and every effect doth after a sort contain , at leastwise resemble the cause from which it proceedeth : all things in the world are said , in some sort , to seek the highest , and to cover more or less the participation of god himself ; yet this doth no where so much appear , as it doth in man , because there are so many kindes of perfections which man seeketh ! the first degree of goodness , is , that general perfection which all things do seek , in desiring the continuance of their being ; all things therefore coveting , as much as may be , to be like unto god in being ever , that which cannot hereunto attain personally , doth seek to continue it self another way ; that is , by off-spring and propagation . the next degree of goodness is , that which each thing coveteth , by affecting resemblance with god , in the constancy and excellency of those operations which belong unto their kinde ! the immutability of god they strive unto , by working either always , or for the most part , after one and the same manner ; his absolute exactness they imitate , by tending unto that which is most exquisite in every particular . hence have risen a number of axioms in philosophy ; shewing , how the works of nature do always aim at that which cannot be bettered . these two kindes of goodness rehearsed , are so nearly united to the things themselves which desire them , that we scarcely perceive the appetite to stir in reaching forth her hand towards them . but the desire of those perfections which grow externally , is more apparent , especially of such as are not expresly desired , unless they be first known , or such as are not for any other cause , then for knowledge it self desired . concerning perfections in this kinde , that by proceeding in the knowledge of truth , and by growing in the exercise of vertue , man , amongst the creatures of this inferior world , aspireth to the greatest conformity with god : this is not onely known unto us , whom he himself hath so instructed , but even they do acknowledge , who amongst men are not judged the nearest unto him . with plato , what one thing more usual , then to excite men unto the love of wisdom , by shewing , how much wise men are thereby exalted above men ; how knowledge doth raise them up into heaven ; how it maketh them , though not gods , yet ●as gods , high , admirable , and divine ? and mercurius trismegistus speaking of the vertues of a righteous soul , such spirits ( saith he ) are never slayed with praising and speaking well of all men , with doing good unto every one by word and deed , because they study to frame themselves according to the pattern of the father of spirits . . in the matter of knowledge , there is between the angels of god , and the children of men this difference : angels already have full and compleat knowledge in the highest degree that can be imparted unto them : men , if we view them in their spring , are at the first without understanding or knowledge at all . nevertheless , from this utter vacuity they grow by degrees , till they come at length to be even as the angels themselves are . that which agreeth to the one now , the other shall attain unto in the end , they are not so far disjoyned and severed , but that they comest length to meet . the soul of man being therefore at the first as a book , wherein nothing is , and yet all things may be imprinted ; we are to search by what steps and degrees it riseth unto perfection of knowledge . unto that which hath been already set down , concerning natural agents , this we must add , that albeit therein we have comprised as well creatures living , as void of life , if they be in degree of nature beneath men ; nevertheless , a difference we must observe between those natural agents that work altogether unwittingly ; and those which have , though weak , yet some understanding what they do , as fishes , fowls , and beasts , have . beasts are in sensible capacity as ripe , even as men themselves , perhaps more ripe . for as stones , though in dignity of nature , inferior unto plants , yet exceed them in firmness of strength , or durability of being , and plants , though beneath the excellency of creatures endued with sense , yet exceed them in the faculty of vegetation , and of fertility : so beasts , though otherwise behinde men , may notwithstanding in actions of sense and fancy go beyond them , because the endeavors of nature , when it hath an higher perfection to seek , are in lower the more remiss , not esteeming thereof so much as those things do , which have no better proposed unto them . the soul of man therefore , being capable of a more divine perfection , hath ( besides the faculties of growing unto sensible knowledge , which is common unto us with beasts ) a further hability , whereof in them there is no shew at all , the ability of reaching * higher then unto sensible things : till we grow to some ripeness of years , the soul of man doth onely store it self with conceits of things of inferior and more open quality , which afterwards do serve as instruments unto that which is greater ; in the mean while , above the reach of meaner creatures is ascendeth not . when once it comprehendeth any thing above this , as the differences of time , affirmations , negations , and contradiction in speech , we then count it to have some use of natural reason . whereunto , if afterwards there might be added the right helps of true art and learning ( which helps , i must plainly confess , this age of the world , carrying the name of a learned age , doth neither much know , not greatly regard ) there would undoubtedly be almost as great difference in maturity of judgment between men therewith inured , and that which now men are , as between men that are now , and innocents . which speech , if any condemn , as being over hyperbolical , let them consider but this one thing : no art is at the first finding out so perfect , as industry may aftermake it ; yet the very first man , that to any purpose knew the way we speak of , and followed it , hath alone thereby performed more , very near , in all parts of natural knowledge , then sithence in any one part thereof the whole world besides hath done : in the poverty of that other new devised aid , two things there are notwithstanding singular . of marvellous quick dispatch it is , and doth shew them that have it , as much almost in three days , as if it had dwelt threescore years with them . again , because the curiosity of mans wit doth many times with perswade farther in the search of things , then were convenient , the same is thereby restrained unto such generalities , as every where offering themselves , are apparent unto men of the weakest conceit that need be : so as following the rules and precepts thereof , we may finde it to be an art , which teacheth the way of speedy discourse , and restraineth the minde of man , that it may not wax overwise . education and instruction are the means , the one by use , the other by precept , to make our natural faculty of reason , both the better , and the sooner able to judge rightly between truth and error , good and evil. but at what time a man may be said to have attained so far forth the use of reason , as sufficeth to make him capable of those laws , whereby he is then bound to guide his actions : this is a great deal more easie for common sense to discern , then for any man by skill and learning to determine ; even as it is not in philosophers , who best know the nature both of fire and gold , to teach what degree of the one , will serve to purifie the other , so well as the artizan ( which doth this by fire ) discerneth by sense , when the fire hath that degree of heat which sufficeth for his purpose . . by reason , man attaineth unto the knowledge of things that are , and are not sensible ; it resteth therefore , that we search how man attaineth unto the knowledge of such things unsensible , as are to be known , that they may be done . seeing them that nothing can move , unless there be some end , the desire whereof provoketh unto motion : how should that divine power of the soul , that spirit of our minde , as the apostle termeth it , ever stir it self unto action , unless it have also the like spur : the end for which we are moved to work , is sometimes the goodness which we conceive of the very working it self , without any further respect at all ; and the cause that procureth action , is the meer desire of action , no other good besides being thereby intended . of certain turbulent wits , it is said , illis quieta movere magna merces videbatur . they thought the very disturbance of things established , an hire sufficient to set them on work : sometimes that which we do , is referred to a further end , without the desire whereof , we would leave the same undone , as in their actions that gave alms , to purchase thereby the praise of men . man in perfection of nature , being made according to the likeness of his maker , resembleth him also in the manner of working ; so that whatsoever we work as men , the same we do wittingly work , and freely : neither are we , according to the manner of natural agents , any way so tied , but that it is in our power to leave the things we do undone . the good which either is gotten by doing , or which consisteth in the very doing it self , causeth not action , unless apprehending it as good , we so like and desire it . that we do unto any such end , the same we chuse and prefer before the leaving of it undone . choice there is not , unless the thing which we take , be so in our power , that we might have refused and left it . if fire consume the stubble , it chuseth not so to do , because the nature thereof is such , that it can do no other : to chuse , is to will one thing before another ; and to will , is to bend our souls to the having or doing of that which they see to be good . goodness is seen with the eye of the understanding , and the light of that eye , is reason : so that two principal fountains there are of humane action , knowledge and will ; which will , in things tending towards any end , is termed choice . concerning knowledge ; behold , saith moses , i have set before you this day , good end evil , life and death . concerning will , he addeth immediately chuse life ; that is to say , the things that tend unto life , them chuse : but of one thing we must have special care , as being a matter of no small moment , and that is , how the will properly and strictly taken , as it is of things which are referred unto the end that man desireth , differeth greatly from that inferior natural desire , which we call appetite . the object of appetite is , whatsoever sensible good may be wished for ; the object of will is , that good which reason doth lead us to seek . affections , as joy , and grief , and fear , and anger , with such like , being , as it were , the sundry fashions and forms of appetite , can neither rise at the conceit of a thing indifferent , nor yet chuse but rise at the sight of some things . wherefore it is not altogether in our power , whether we will be stirred with affections , or no. whereas actions which issue from the disposition of the will , are in the power thereof to be performed or stayed . finally , appetite is the wills sollicitor , and the will is appetites controuler ; what we covet according to the one , by the other we often reject : neither is any other desire termed properly will , but that where reason and understanding , or the shew of reason , prescribeth the thing desired . it may be therefore a question , whether those operations of men are to be counted voluntary , wherein that good which is sensible , provoketh appetite , and appetite causeth action , reason being never called to counsel ; as when we eat or drink , or betake ourselves unto rest , and such like . the truth is , that such actions in men having attained to the use of reason , are voluntary : for as the authority of higher powers , bath force even in those things which are done without their privity , and are of so mean reckoning , that to acquaint them therewith it needeth not : in like sort , voluntarily we are said to do that also , which the will , if it listed , might hinder from being done , although about the doing thereof , we do not expresly use our reason or understanding , and so immediately apply our wills thereunto . in cases therefore of such facility , the will doth yield her assent , as it were , with a kinde of silence , by not dissenting ; in which respect , her force is not so apparent , as in express mandates or prohibitions , especially upon advice and consultation going before . where understanding therefore needeth in those things , reason is the director of mans will , by discovering in action what is good : for the laws of weldoing , are the dictates of right reason . children which are not as yet come unto those years whereat they may have , again , innocents , which are excluded by natural defect from ever having ; thirdly , mad-men , which for the present cannot possibly have the use of right reason to guide themselves , have for their guide the reason that guideth other men , which are tutors over them , to seek and to procure their good for them . in the rest , there is that light of reason , whereby good may be known from evil ; and which discovering the same rightly , is termed right . the will notwithstanding , doth not incline to have , or do that which reason teacheth to be good , unless the same do also teach it to be possible . for albeit the appetite , being more general , may wish any thing which seemeth good , be it never so impossible ; yet for such things , the reasonable will of man doth never seek . let reason teach impossibility in any thing , and the will of man doth let it go , a thing impossible it doth not affect , the impossibility thereof being manifest . there is in the will of man , naturally that freedom , whereby it is apt to take or refuse any particular object whatsoever , being presented unto it . whereupon it followeth , that there is no particular object so good , but it may have the shew of some difficulty or unpleasant quality annexed to it● in respect whereof , the will may shrink and decline it : contrariwise ( for so things are blended ) there is no particular evil which hath not some appearance of goodness whereby to in●inuate it self : for evil , as evil , cannot be desired ; if that be desired which is evil , the cause is the goodness which is , or seemeth to be joyned with it . goodness doth not move by being , but by being apparent ; and therefore many things are neglected , which are most precious , onely because the value of them lieth hid . sensible goodness is most apparent , neer , and present ; which causeth the appetite to be therewith strongly provoked . now pursuit and refusal in the will do follow , the one the affirmation , the other the negation of goodness ; which the understanding apprehendeth , grounding it self upon sease , unless some higher reason do chance to teach the contraty . and if reason have taught it rightly to be good , yet not so apparently , that the minde receiveth it with utter impossibility of being otherwise ; still there is place left for the will to take or leave . whereas therefore , amongst so many things as are to be done , there are so few , the goodness whereof , reason in such sort doth , or easily can discover , we are not to marvel at the choice of evil , even then when the contrary is probably known . hereby it cometh to pass , that custom inuring the minde by long practice , and so leaving there a sensible impression , prevaileth more then reasonable perswasion what way soever . reason therefore may rightly discern the thing which is good , and yet the will of man not incline it self thereunto , as oft as the prejudice of sensible experience doth oversway : nor let any man think , that this doth make any thing for the just excuse of iniquity ; for there was never sin committed , wherein a less good was not preferred before a greater , and that wilfully ; which cannot be done without the singular disgrace of nature , and the utter disturbance of that divine order , whereby the preheminence of chiefest acceptation , is by the best things worthily challenged . there is not that good which concerneth us , but it hath evidence enough for it self , if reason were diligent to search it out . through neglect thereof , abused we are with the shew of that which is not ; sometimes the subrilty of satan enveighling us , as it did ev● a ; sometimes the hastiness of our wills preventing the more considerate advice of sound reason , as in the b apostles , when they no sooner saw what they liked not , but they forthwith were desirous of fire from heaven ; sometimes the very custom of evil making the heart obdurate against whatsoever instructions to the contrary , as in them , over whom our saviour spake weeping , c o ierusalem , how often , and thou wouldst not ? still therefore that wherewith we stand blameable , and can no way excuse it , is , in doing evil , we prefer a less good before a greater , the greatness whereof is by reason investigable , and may be known . the search of knowledge is a thing painful ; and the painfulness of knowledge , is that which maketh the will so hardly inclinable thereunto . the root hereof , divine malediction ; whereby the * instruments being weakned , wherewithal , the soul ( especially in reasoning ) doth work , it prefereth rest in ignorance , before wearisome labor to know : for a spur of diligence therefore , we have a natural thirst after knowledge ingrafted in us . but by reason of that original weakness in the instruments , without which , the understanding part is not able in this world by discourse to work , the very conceit of painfulness is as a bridle to stay us . for which cause the apostle , who knew right well , that the weariness of the flesh is an heavy clog to the will , striketh mightily upon this key , awake thou that sleepest , cast off all which presseth down ; watch , labor , strive to go forward , and to grow in knowledge . . wherefore to return to our former intent of discovering the natural way , whereby rules have been found out concerning that goodness wherewith the will of man ought to be moved in humane actions ; as every thing naturally and necessarily doth desire the utmost good and greatest perfection , whereof nature hath made it capable , even so man. our felicity therefore being the object and accomplishment of our desire , we cannot chuse but wish and cover it . all particular things which are subject unto action , the will doth so far forth incline unto , as reason judgeth them the better for us , and consequently the more available to our bliss . if reason err , we fall into evil , and are so far forth deprived of the general perfection we seek . seeing therefore , that for the framing of mens actions , the knowledge of good from evil is necessary , it onely resteth , that we search how this may be had : neither must we suppose , that there needeth one rule to know the good , and another the evil by . for he that knoweth what is straight , doth even thereby discern what is crooked , because the absence of straightness in bodies capable thereof , is crookedness . goodness in actions is like unto straightness , wherefore that which is done well , we term right : for as the straight way is most acceptable to him that travelleth , because by it he cometh soonest to his journeys end ; so in action , that which doth lie the evenest between us and the end we desire , must needs be the fittest for our use . besides which fitness for use , there is also in rectitude , beauty ; as contrariwise in obliquity , deformity . and that which is good in the actions of men , doth not onely delight as profitable , but as amiable also . in which consideration , the grecians most divinely have given to the active perfection of men , a name expressing both beauty and goodness ; because goodness in ordinary speech , is for the most part applied onely to that which is beneficial : but we in the name of goodness , do here imply both . and of discerning goodness , there are but these two ways ; the one , the knowledge of the causes whereby it is made such ; the other , the observation of those signs and tokens , which being annexed always unto goodness , argue , that where they are found , there also goodness is , although we know not the cause by force whereof it is there . the former of these , is the most sure and infallible way , but so hard , that all shun it , and had rather walk as men do in the dark , by hap-hazard , then tread so long and intricate mazes for knowledge sake . as therefore physitians are many times forced to leave such methods of curing , as themselves know to be the fittest , and being over-ruled by their patients impatiency , are fain to try the best they can , in taking that way of cure , which the cured will yield unto : in like sort , considering how the case doth stand with this present age full of tongue , and weak of brain , behold we yield to the stream thereof ; into the causes of goodness we will not make any curious or deep inquiry ; to touch them now and then it shall be sufficient , when they are so near at hand , that easily they may be conceived without any far removed discourse : that way we are contented to prove , which being the worse in it self , is notwithstanding now by reason of common imbecillity , the fitter and likelier to be brooked . signs and tokens to know good by , are of sundry kindes ; some more certain , and some less : the most certain token of evident goodness is , if the general perswasion of all men do so account it . and therefore a common received error , is never utterly overthrown , till such times as we go from signs unto causes , and shew some manifest root or fountain thereof common unto all , whereby it may clearly appear how it hath come to pass , that so many have been overseen . in which case , surmises and slight probabilities will not serve , because the universal consent of men , is the perfectest and strongest in this kinde , which comprehendeth onely the signs and tokens of goodness . things casual do vary , and that which a man doth but chance to think well of , cannot still have the like hap . wherefore although we know not the cause , yet thus much we may know , that some necessary cause there is , whensoever the judgments of all men generally , or for the most part , run one and the same way , especially in matters of that discourse : for of things necessarily and naturally done , there is no more affirmed but this . a they keep either always , or for the most part , one tenure . the general and perpetual voice of men is , as the sentence of god himself . b for that which all men have at all times learned , nature her self must needs have taught ; and god being the author of nature , her voice is but his instrument . by her , from him , we receive whatsoever in such sort we learn. infinite duties there are , the goodness whereof is by this rule sufficiently manifested , although we had no other warrant besides to approve them . the apostle st. paul having speech concerning the heathen , saith of them , c they are a law unto themselves . his meaning is , that by force of the light of reason , wherewith god illuminateth every one which cometh into the world , men being enabled to know truth from falshood , and good from evil , do thereby learn in many things what the will of god is , which will himself not revealing by any extraordinary means unto them ; but they by natural discourse attaining the knowledge thereof , seem the makers of those laws which indeed are his , and they but onely the finders of them out . a law therefore generally taken , is a directive rule unto goodness of operation . the rule of divine operations outward , is the definitive appointment of gods own wisdom set down within himself . the rule of natural agents that work by simple necessity , is the determination of the wisdom of god , known to god himself , the principal director of them , but not unto them that are directed to execute the same . the rule of natural agents which work after a sort of their own accord , as the beasts do , is the judgment of common sense or fancy , concerning the sensible goodness of those objects wherewith they are moved . the rule of ghostly or immaterial natures , as spirits and angels , is their intuitive intellectual judgment concerning the amiable beauty and high goodness of that object which with unspeakble joy and delight doth set them on work . the rule of voluntary agents on earth , is the sentence that reason giveth concerning the goodness of those things which they are to do : and the sentences which reason giveth , are some more , some less general , before it come to define in particular actions , what is good . the main principles of reason , are in themselves apparent . for to make nothing evident of it self unto mans understanding , were to take away all possibility of knowing any thing . and herein that of theophrastus is true , they that seek a reason of all things , do utterly overthrow reason . in every kinde of knowledge , some such grounds there are , as that being proposed , the minde doth presently embrace them as tree from all possibility of error , clear and manifest without proof . in which kinde , axioms or principles more general , are such as this , that the greater good is to be chosen before the less . if therefore it should be demanded , what reason there is , why the will of man , which doth necessarily shun harm , and covet whatsoever is pleasant and sweet , should be commanded to count the pleasures of sin , gall , and notwithstanding the bitter accidents wherewith vertuous actions are compast , yet still to rejoyce and delight in them : surely this could never stand with reason ; but that wisdom thus prescribing , groundeth her laws upon an infallible rule of comparison , which is , that small difficulties , when exceeding great good is sure to ensue ; and on the other side momentany benefits , when the hurt which they draw after them , is unspeakable , are not at all to be respected . this rule is the ground whereupon the wisdom of the apostle buildeth a law , enjoyning patience unto himself , the present lightness of our affliction worketh unto us , even with abundance upon abundance , an eternal weight of glory ; while we look not on the things which are seen , but on the things which are not seen : for the things which are seen , are temporal ; but the things which are not seen , are eternal . therefore christianity to be embraced , whatsoever calamities in those times it was accompanied withal . upon the same ground our saviour proveth the law most reasonable , that doth forbid those crimes , which men for gains sake fall into . for a man to win the world , if it be with the loss of his soul , what benefit or good is it ? axioms less general , yet so manifest , that they need no farther proof , are such as these , god to be worshipped ; parents to be honored ; others to be used by us , as we our selves would be by them . such things , as soon as they are alledged , all men acknowledge to be good ; they require no proof or further discourse to be assured of their goodness . notwithstanding whatsoever such principle there is , it was at the first found out by discourse , and drawn from out of the very bowels of heaven and earth : for we are to note , that things in the world are to us discernable , not onely so far forth as serveth for our vital preservation , but further also in a twofold higher respect . for first , if all other uses were utterly taken away ; yet the minde of man being by nature speculative and delighted with contemplation in it self , they were to be known even for meer knowledge and understandings sake . yea further , besides this , the knowledge of every the least thing in the world , hath in it a second peculiar benefit unto us , in as much as it serveth to minister rules , canons , and laws for men to direct those actions by , which we properly term humane . this did the very heathens themselves obscurely insinuate , by making themis , which we call ius or right , to be the daughter of heaven and earth . we know things either as they are in themselves , or as they are in mutual relation one to another . the knowledge of that which man is in reference unto himself , and other things in relation unto man , i may justly term the mother of all those principles , which are as it were edicts , statutes , and decrees , in that law of nature , whereby humane actions are framed . first therefore , having observed that the best things where they are not hindred , do still produce the best operations ; ( for which cause , where many things are to concur unto one effect , the best is in all congruity of reason to guide the residue , that it prevailing most , the work principally done by it , may have greatest perfection ; ) when hereupon we come to observe in our selves , of what excellency our souls are , in comparison of our bodies , and the divine part in relation unto the baser of , our souls ; seeing that all these concur in producing humane actions , it cannot be well , unless the chiefest do command and direct the rest . the soul then ought to conduct the body , and the spirit of our mindes , the soul. this is therefore the first law , whereby the highest power of the minde requireth general obedience at the hands of all the rest , concurring with it unto action . touching the several grand mandates , which being imposed by the understanding faculty of the minde , must be obeyed by the will of man , they are by the same method found out , whether they import our duty towards god , or towards man. touching the one , i may not here stand to open , by what degrees of discourse the mindes even of meer natural men , have attained to know , not onely that there is a god , but also what power , force , wisdom , and other properties that god hath , and how all things depend on him . this being therefore presupposed , from that known relation which god hath unto us a as unto children , and unto all good things as unto effects , whereof himself is the b principal cause , these axioms and laws natural concerning our duty have arisen . c that in all things we go about , his aid is by prayer to be craved : d that be cannot have sufficient honor done unto him , but the uttermost of that we can do to honor him , we must ; which is in effect the same that we read , e thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart , with all thy soul , and with all thy minde . which law our saviour doth term f the first , and the great commandment . touching the next , which as our saviour addeth , as like unto this ( he meaneth in amplitude and largeness , in as much as it is the root out of which all laws of duty to men-ward have grown , as out of the former all offices of religion towards god ) the like natural enducement hath brought men to know , that it is their duty no less to love others then themselves . for seeing those things which are equal , must needs all have one measure ; if i cannot but wish to receive all good , even as much at every mans hand , as any man can wish unto his own soul , how should i look to have any part of my desire herein satisfied , unless my self be careful to satisfie the like desire , which is undoubtedly in other men , we all being of one and the same nature ? to have any thing offered them repugnant to this desire , must needs in all respects grieve them as much as me : so that if i do harm , i must look to suffer ; there being no reason that others should shew greater measure of love to me , then they have by me shewed unto them . my desire therefore to be loved of my equals in nature , as much as possible may be , imposeth upon me a natural duty of bearing to them-ward fully the like affection . from which relation of equality between our selves , and them that are as our selves , what several rules and canons natural reason hath drawn for direction of life , no man is ignorant ; as namely , g that because we would take no harm , we must therefore do none ; that sith we would not be in any thing extreamly dealt with , we must our selves avoid all extremity in our dealings ; that from all violence and wrong we are utterly to abstain , with such like ; which further to wade in , would be tedious , and to our present purpose not altogether so necessary , seeing that on these two general heads already mentioned , all other specialities are dependent . wherefore the natural measure whereby to judge our doings , is the sentence of reason , determining and setting down what is good to be done . which sentence is either mandatory , shewing what must be done ; or else permissive , declaring onely what may be done ; or thirdly , admonitory , opening what is the most convenient for us to do . the first taketh place , where the comparison doth stand altogether between doing , and not doing of one thing , which in it self is absolutely good or evil ; as it had been for ioseph to yield , or not to yield , to the impotent desire of his leud mistress , the one evil , the other good simply . the second is , when of divers things evil , all being not evitable , we are permitted to take one ; which one , saving onely in case of so great urgency , were not otherwise to be taken ; as in the matter of divorce amongst the jews . the last , when of divers things good , one is principal and most eminent ; as in their act who sold their possessions , and laid the price at the apostles feet ; which possessions they might have retained unto themselves without sin : again , in the apostle st. pauls own choice , to maintain himself by his own labor ; whereas in living by the churches maintenance , as others did , there had been no offence committed . in goodness therefore , there is a latitude or extent , whereby it cometh to pass , that even of good actions , some are better then other some ; whereas otherwise one man could not excel another , but all should be either absolutely good , as hitting jump that indivisible point or centre wherein goodness consisteth ; or else missing it , they should be excluded out of the number of well-doers . degrees of well-doing there could be none , except perhaps in the seldomness and oftenness of doing well : but the nature of goodness being thus ample , a law is properly that which reason in such sort defineth to be good , that it must be done . and the law of reason or humane nature is that , which men by discourse of natural reason , have rightly found out themselves to be all for ever bound unto in their actions . laws of reason have these marks to be known by : such as keep them , resemble most lively in their voluntary actions , that very manner of working which nature her self doth necessarily observe in the course of the whole world. the works of nature are all behoveful , beautiful , without superfluity or defect ; even so theirs , if they be framed according to that which the law of reason teacheth . secondly , those laws are investigable by reason , without the help of revelation , supernatural and divine . finally , in such sort they are investigable , that the knowledge of them is general , the world hath always been acquainted with them , according to that which one in sophocles observeth , concerning a branch of this law. it is no childe of two days , or yesterdays birth , but hath been no man knoweth how long sithence . it is not agreed upon by one , or two , or few , but by all ; which we may not so understand , as if every particular man in the whole world did know and confess whatsoever the law of reason doth contain : but this law is such , that being proposed , no man can reject it as unreasonable and unjust . again , there is nothing in it ; but any man ( having natural perfection of wit , and ripeness of judgment ) may by labor and travel finde out . and to conclude principles , the general thereof are such , as it is not easie to finde men ignorant of them . law rational therefore , which men commonly use to call the law of nature , meaning thereby the law which humane nature knoweth it self in reason universally bound unto , which also for that cause may be termed most fitly , the law of reason ; this law , i say , comprehendeth all those things , which men by the light of their natural understanding evidently know , or at leastwise may know , to be beseeming or unbeseeming , vertuous or vicious , good or evil for them to do . now , although it be true , which some have said , that whatsoever is done amiss , the law of nature and reason thereby is transgrest , because even those offences which are by their special qualities , breaches of supernatural laws , do also , for that they are generally evil , violate in general that principle of reason , which willeth universally to flie from evil ; yet do we not therefore so far extend the law of reason , as to contain in it all manner of laws whereunto reasonable creatures are bound , but ( as hath been shewed ) we restrain it to those onely duties , which all men by force of natural wit , either do , or might understand to be such duties as concern all men . certain half-waking men there are ( as st. augustine noteth ) who neither altogether asleep in f●lly , nor yet throughly awake in the light of true understanding , have thought that there is not at all any thing just and righteous in it self ; but look wherewith nations are inured , the same they take to be right and just . whereupon their conclusion is , that seeing each sort of people hath a different kinde of right from other , and that which is right of it's own nature , must be every where one and the same ; therefore in it self there is nothing right . these good folks ( saith he , that i may not trouble their wits with the rehearsal of too many things ) have not looked so far into the world as to perceive that , do as thou wouldst be done unto , is a sentence which all nations under heaven are agreed upon . refer this sentence to the love of god , and it extinguisheth all heinous crimes : refer it to the love of thy neighbor , and all grievous wrongs it banisheth out of the world. wherefore , as touching the law of reason , this was ( it seemeth ) st. augustines judgment ; namely , that there are in it some things which stand as principles universally agreed upon ; and that out of those principles , which are in themselves evident , the greatest moral duties we ow towards god or man , may without any great difficulty be concluded . if then it be here demanded , by what means it should come to pass ( the greatest part of the law moral being so easie for all men to know ) that so many thousands of men notwithstanding have been ignorant , even of principal moral duties , not imagining the breach of them to be sin : i deny not , but leud and wicked custom , beginning perhaps at the first amongst few , afterwards spreading into greater multitudes , and so continuing from time to time , may be of force even in plain things , to smother the light of natural understanding , because men will not bend their wits to examine , whether things wherewith they have been accustomed , be good or evil . for examples sake , that grosser kinde of heathenish idolatry , whereby they worshipped the very works of their own hands , was an absurdity to reason so palpable , that the prophet david comparing idols and idolaters together , maketh almost no odds between them , but the one in a manner , as much without wit and sense as the other ; they that make them , are like unto them , and so are all that trust in them . that wherein an idolater doth seem so absurd and foolish , is by the wiseman thus exprest , he is not ashamed to speakunto that which hath no life : he calleth on him that is weak , for health : he prayeth for life unto him which in dead ; of him , which hath no experience , he requireth help : for his journey , he sueth to him which is not able to go : for gain , and work , and success in his affairs , he seeketh furtherance of him that hath no manner of power . the cause of which sensless stupidity , is afterwards imputed to custom . when a father mourned grievously for his son that was taken away suddenly , he made an image for him that was once dead , whom now he worshipped as a god , ordaining to his servants ceremonies and sacrifices . thus by process of time this wicked custom prevailed , and was kept as a law ; the authority of rulers , the ambition of craftsmen , and such like means , thrusting forward the ignorant , and encreasing their superstition . unto this which the wiseman hath spoken , somewhat besides may be added . for whatsoever we have hitherto taught , or shall hereafter , concerning the force of mans natural understanding , this we always desire withal to be understood , that there is no kinde of faculty or power in man , or any other creature , which can rightly perform the functions allotted to it , without perpetual aid and concurrence of that supream cause of all things . the benefit whereof , as oft as we cause god in his justice to withdraw , there can no other thing follow then that which the apostle noteth , even men endued with the light of reason , to walk notwithstanding in the vanity of their minde , having their cogitations darkned , and being strangers from the life of god , through the ignorance which is in them , because of the hardness of their hearts . and this cause is mentioned by the prophet isaiah , speaking of the ignorance of idolaters , who see not how the manifest law of reason condemneth their gross iniquity and sui ; they have not in them , saith he , so much wit as to think , shall i bow to the stock of a tree ? all knowledge and understanding is taken from them ; for god hath shut their eyes , that they cannot see . that which we say in this case of idolatry , serveth for all other things , wherein the like kinde of general blindness hath prevailed against the manifest laws of reason . within the compass of which laws , we do not onely comprehend whatsoever may be easily known to belong to the duty of all men ; but even whatsoever may possibly be known to be of that quality ; so that the same be by necessary consequence deduced out of clear and manifest principles . for if once we descend unto probable collections what is convenient formen , we are then in the territory where free and arbitrary determinations , the territory where humane laws take place , which laws are after to be considered . . now the due observation of this law which reason teacheth us , cannot but be effectual unto their great good that observe the same . for we see the whole world , and each part thereof so compacted , that as long as each thing performeth onely that work which is natural unto it , it thereby preserveth both other things , and also it self . contrariwise , let any principal thing , as the sun , the moon , any one of the heavens or elements , but once cease , or fail , or swerve ; and who doth not easily conceive , that the sequel thereof would be ruine both to it self , and whatsoever dependeth on it ? and is it possible , that man being not onely the noblest creature in the world , but even a very world in himself , his transgressing the law of his nature should draw no manner of harm after it ? yes , tribulation and anguish unto every soul that doth evil . good doth follow unto all things by observing the course of their nature , and on the contrary side evil , by not observing it ; but not unto natural agents that good which we call reward , not that evil which we properly term punishment . the reason whereof is , because amongst creatures in this world , onely mans observation of the law of his nature is righteousness , onely mans transgression sin. and the reason of this is , the difference in his manner of observing or transgressing the law of his nature . he doth not otherwise then voluntarily the one , or the other . what we do against our wills , or constrainedly , we are not properly said to do it ; because the motive cause of doing it , is not in our selves , but carrieth us ; as if the wind should drive a feather in the air , we no whit furthering that whereby we are driven . in such cases therefore the evil which is done , moveth compassion ; men are pittied for it , as being rather miserable in such respect then culpable . some things are likewise done by man , though not through outward force and impulsion , though not against , yet without their wills ; as in alienation of minde , or any the like inevitable utter absence of wit and judgment . for which cause , no man did ever think the hurtful actions of furious men and innocents to be punishable . again , some things we do neither against nor without , and yet not simply and meerly with our wills ; but with our wills in such sort moved , that albeit there be no impossibility but that we might , nevertheless we are not so easily able to do otherwise . in this consideration , one evil deed is made more pardonable then another . finally , that which we do being evil , is notwithstanding by so much more pardonable , by how much the exigence of so doing , or the difficulty of doing otherwise , is greater ; unless this necessity or difficulty have originally risen from our selves . it is no excuse therefore unto him , who being drunk committeth incest , and alledgeth , that his wits were not his own ; in as much as himself might have chosen , whether his wits should by that mean have been taken from him . now rewards and punishments do always presuppose some thing willingly done well or ill ; without which respect , though we may sometimes receive good or harm , yet then the one is onely a benefit , and not a reward ; the other simply an hurt , not a punishment . from the sundry dispositions of mans will , which is the root of all his actions , there groweth variety in the sequel of rewards and punishments , which are by these and the like rules measured : take away the will , and all acts are equal : that which we do not , and would do , is commonly accepted as done . by these and the like rules , mens actions are determined of , and judged , whether they be in their own nature , rewardable or punishable . rewards and punishments are not received , but at the hands of such as being above us , have power to examine and judge our deeds . how men come to have this authority one over another in external actions , we shall more diligently examine in that which followeth . but for this present , so much all do acknowledge , that sith every mans heart and conscience doth in good or evil , even secretly committed and known to none but it self , either like or disallow it self , and accordingly either rejoyce , very nature exulting , as it were , in certain hope of reward , or else grieve as it were , in a sense of future punishment ; neither of which can in this case be looked for from any other , saving onely from him who discerneth and judgeth the very secrets of all hearts : therefore he is the onely rewarder and revenger of all such actions ; although not of such actions onely , but of all , whereby the law of nature is broken , whereof himself is author . for which cause , the roman laws , called the laws of the twelve tables , requiring offices of inward affection , which the eye of man cannot reach unto , threaten the neglecters of them with none but divine punishment . . that which hitherto we have set down , is ( i hope ) sufficient to shew their brutishness , which imagine that religion and vertue are onely as men will account of them ; that we might make as much account , if we would , of the contrary , without any harm unto our selves , and that in nature they are as indifferent one as the other . we see then how nature it self reacheth laws and statutes to live by . the laws which have been hitherto mentioned , do binde men absolutely , even as they are men , although they have never any setled fellowship , never any solemn agreement amongst themselves what to do , or not to do . but forasmuch as we are not by our selves sufficient to furnish our selves with competent store of things needful for such a life as our nature doth desire , a life fit for the dignity of man : therefore to supply those defects and imperfections which are in us living single and solely by our selves , we are naturally enduced to seek communion and fellowship with others . this was the cause of mens uniting themselves at the first in politick societies , which societies could not be without government , nor government without a distinct kinde of law from that which hath been already declared . two foundations there are which beat up publick societies ; the one , a natural inclination , whereby all men desire sociable life and fellowship ; the other , an order expresly or secretly agreed upon , touching the manner of their union in living together . the latter is that which we call the law of a commonweal , the very soul of a politick body , the parts whereof are by law animated , held together , and set on work in such actions as the common good requireth . laws politick , ordained for external order and regiment amongst men , are never framed as they should be , unless presuming the will of man to be inwardly obstinate , rebellious , and averse from all obedience unto the sacred laws of his nature : in a word , unless presuming man to be in regard of his depraved minde , little better then a wilde beast , they do accordingly provide notwithstanding so to frame his outward actions , that they be no hindrance unto the common good , for which societies are instituted ; unless they do this , they are not perfect . it resteth therefore , that we consider how nature findeth out such laws of government , as serve to direct even nature depraved to a right end . all men desire to lead in this world an happy life : the life is led most happily , wherein all vertue is exercised without impediment or let . the apostle in exhorting men to contentment , although they have in this world no more then very bare food and rayment , giveth us thereby to understand , that those are even the lowest of things necessary , that if we should be stripped of all those things , without which we might possibly be , yet these must be left ; that destitution in these , is such an impediment , as till it be removed , suffereth not the minde of man to admit any other care . for this cause first , god assigned adam maintenance of life , and then appointed him a law to observe : for this cause after men began to grow to a number ; the first thing we read they gave themselves unto , was the tilling of the earth , and the feeding of cattle . having by this mean whereon to live , the principal actions of their life afterward , are noted by the exercise of their religion . true it is , that the kingdom of god must be the first thing in our purposes and desires . but in as much as a righteous life presupposeth life , in as much as to live vertuously , it is impossible except we live : therefore the first impediment , which naturally we endeavor to remove , is penury and want of things , without which we cannot live . unto life many implements are necessary ; mo , if we seek ( as all men naturally do ) such a life as hath in it joy , comfort , delight , and pleasure . to this end we see how quickly sundry arts mechanical were found out in the very prime of the world. as things of greatest necessity are always first provided for , so things of greatest dignity are most accounted of by all such as judge rightly . although therefore riches be a thing which every man wisheth , yet no man of judgment can esteem it better to be rich , then wise , vertuous , and religious . if we be both , or either of these , it is not because we are so born : for into the world we come as empty of the one , as of the other , as naked in minde as we are in body . both which necessities of man had at the first no other helps and supplies , then onely domestical ; such as that which the prophet implieth , saying , can a mother forget her childe ? such as that which the apostle mentioneth , saying , he that careth not for his own , is worse then an infidel : such as that concerning abraham , abraham will command his sons and his houshold after him , that they keep the way of the lord. but neither that which we learn of our selves , nor that which others teach us , can prevail , where wickedness and malice have taken deep root . if therefore , when there was but as yet one onely family in the world , no means of instruction , humane or divine , could prevent effusion of blood : how could it be chosen , but that when families were multiplied and encreased upon earth ; after separation , each providing for it self , envy , strife , contention , and violence , must grow amongst them ? for hath not nature furnished man with wit and valor , and as it were with armor , which may be used as well unto extream evil as good ? yea , were they not used by the rest of the world unto evil ? unto the contrary onely , by seth , enoch , and those few the rest in that line ? we all make complaint of the iniquity of our times ; not unjustly , for the days are evil . but compare them with those times wherein there were no civil societies , with those times therein there was as yet no manner of publick regiment established , with those times wherein there were not above eight righteous persons living upon the face of the earth : and we have surely good cause to think , that god hath blessed us exceedingly , and hath made us behold most happy days . to take away all such mutual grievances , injuries , and wrongs , there was no way but onely by growing unto composition and agreement amongst themselves , by ordaining some kinde of government publick , and by yielding themselves subject thereunto ; that unto whom they granted authority to rule and govern , by them the peace , tranquillity , and happy estate of the rest might be procured . men always knew , that when force and injury was offered , they might be defenders of themselves ; they knew that howsoever men may seek their own commodity , yet if this were done with injury unto others , it was not to be suffered , but by all men , and by all good means to be withstood : finally , they knew that no man might in reason take upon him to determine his own right , and according to his own determination proceed in maintenance thereof , in as much as every man is towards himself and them whom he greatly affecteth partial : and therefore that strifes and troubles would be endless , except they gave their common consent , all to be ordered by some whom they should agree upon . without which consent , there were no reason that one man should take upon him to be lord or judge over another , because , although there be according to the opinion of some very great and judicious men , a kinde of natural right in the noble , wise , and vertuous , to govern them which are of servile disposition ; nevertheless for manifestation of this their right , and mens more peaceable contentment on both sides , the assent of them whom are to be governed , seemeth necessary . to fathers within their private families , nature hath given a supream power ; for which cause we see throughout the world , even from the first foundation thereof , all men have ever been taken as lords and lawful kings in their own houses . howbeit , over a whole grand multitude , having no such dependency upon any one , and consisting of so many families , as every politick society in the world doth ; impossible it is , that any should have compleat lawful power , but by consent of men , or immediate appointment of god , because not having the natural superiority of fathers , their power must needs be either usurped , and then unlawful ; or if lawful , then either granted or consented unto by them , over whom they exercise the same , or else given extraordinarily from god , unto whom all the world is subject . it is no improbable opinion therefore which the arch-philosopher was of , that as the chiefest person in every houshold , was always as it were a king , so when numbers of housholds joyned themselves in civil societies together , kings were the first kinde of governors amongst them . which is also ( as it seemeth ) the reason , why the name of father continued still in them , who of fathers were made rulers ; as also the ancient custom of governors to do as melchisedec , and being kings to exercise the office of priests , which fathers did at the first , grew perhaps by the same occasion : howbeit , not this the onely kinde of regiment that hath been received in the world. the inconveniences of one kinde , have caused sundry other to be devised : so that in a word , all publick regiment , of what kinde soever , seemeth evidently to have risen from deliberate advice , consultation , and composition between men , judging it convenient and behoveful ; there being no impossibility in nature considered by it self , but that men might have lived without any publick regiment . howbeit , the corruption of our nature being presupposed , we may not deny , but that the law of nature doth now require of necessity some kinde of regiment ; so that to bring things unto the first course they were in , and utterly to take away all kinde of publick government in the world , were apparently to overturn the whole world. the case of mans nature standing therefore as it doth , some kinde of regiment the law of nature doth require ; yet the kindes thereof being many , nature tieth not to any one , but leaveth the choice as a thing arbitrary . at the first , when some certain kinde of regiment was once approved , it may be that nothing was then further thought upon for the manner of governing , but all permitted unto their wisdom and discretion which were to rule ; a till by experience they found this for all parts very inconvenient , so as the thing which they had devised for a remedy , did indeed but increase the sore which it should have cured . they saw that to live by one mans will , became the cause of all mens misery . this constrained them to come unto laws , wherein all men might see their duties beforehand , and know the penalties of transgressing them . b if things be simply good or evil , and withal universally so acknowledged , there needs no new law to be made for such things . the first kinde therefore of things appointed by laws humane , containeth whatsoever being in it self naturally good or evil , is notwithstanding more secret then that it can be discerned by every mans present conceit , without some deeper discourse and judgment . in which discourse , because there is difficulty and possibility many ways to err , unless such things were set down by laws , many would be ignorant of their duties , which now are not ; and many that know what they should do , would nevertheless dissemble it , and to excuse themselves , pretend ignorance and simplicity , which now they cannot . and because the greatest part of men , are such as prefer their own private good before all things ; even that good which is sensual , before whatsoever is most divine : and for that the labor of doing good , together with the pleasure arising from the contrary , doth make men for the most part slower to the one , and proner to the other , then that duty prescribed then by law , can prevail sufficiently with them . therefore unto laws that men do make for the benefit of men , it hath seemed always needful to add rewards , which may more allure unto good , then any hardness deterreth from it ; and punishments , which may more deter from evil , then any sweetness thereto allureth . wherein as the generality is natural , vertue rewardable , and vice punishable ; so the particular determination of the reward or punishment , belongeth unto them by whom laws are made . theft is naturally punishable , but the kinde of punishment is positive ; and such lawful , as men shall think with discretion convenient by law to appoint . in laws , that which is natural , bindeth universally ; that which is positive , not so . to let go those kinde of positive laws which men impose upon themselves , as by vow unto god , contract with men , or such like ; somewhat it will make unto our purpose , a little more fully to consider , what things are incident unto the making of the positive laws for the government of them that live united in publick society . laws do not onely teach what is good , but they enjoyn it , they have in them a certain constraining force ; and to constrain men unto any thing inconvenient , doth seem unreasonable . most requisite therefore it is , that to devise laws which all men shall be forced to obey , none but wisemen be admitted . laws are matters of principal consequence ; men of common capacity , and but ordinary judgment , are not able ( for how should they ? ) to discern what things are fittest for each kinde and state of regiment . we cannot be ignorant how much our obedience unto laws , dependeth upon this point . let a man , though never so justly , oppose himself unto them that are disordered in their ways , and what one among them commonly doth not stomach at such contradiction , storm at reproof , and hate such as would reform them ? notwithstanding , even they which brook it worst , that men should tell them of their duties , when they are told the same by a law , think very well and reasonably of it . for why ? they presume that the law doth speak with all indifferency ; that the law hath no side respect to their persons ; that the law is as it were an oracle proceeding from wisdom and understanding . howbeit , laws do not take their constraining force from the quality of such as devise them , but from that power which doth give them the strength of laws . that which we spake before concerning the power of government , must here be applied unto the power of making laws whereby to govern , which power god hath over all , and by the natural law , whereunto he hath made all subject , the lawful power of making laws , to command whole politick societies of men , belongeth so properly unto the same entire societies , that for any prince or potentate , of what kinde soever upon earth , to exercise the same of himself , and not either by express commission immediately and personally received from god , or else by authority derived at the first from their consent upon whose persons they impose laws , it is no better then meer tyranny . laws they are not therefore which publick approbation hath not made so : but approbation not onely they give who personally declare their assent , by voice , sign , or act ; but also when others do it in their names , by right originally , at the least , derived from them . as in parliaments , councils , and the like assemblies , although we be not personally our selves present , notwithstanding our assent is by reason of other agents there in our behalf . and what we do by others , no reason but that it should stand as our deed , no less effectually to binde us , then if our selves had done it in person . in many things assent is given , they that give it , not imagining they do so , because the manner of their assenting is not apparent . as for example , when an absolute monarch commandeth his subjects that which seemeth good in his own discretion ; hath not his edict the force of a law , whether they approve or dislike it ? again , that which hath been received long sithence , and is by custom now established , we keep as a law which we may not transgress ; yet , what consent was ever thereunto sought or required at our hands ? of this point therefore we are to note , that sith men naturally have no full and perfect power to command whole politick multitudes of men ; therefore utterly without our consent , we could in such sort be at no mans commandment living . and to be commanded , we do consent , when that society whereof we are part , hath at any time before consented , without revoking the same after by the like universal agreement . wherefore , as any mans deed past is good as long as himself continueth ; so the act of a publick society of men done five hundred years sithence , standeth as theirs , who presently are of the same societies , because corporations are immortal ; we were then alive in our predecessors , and they in their successors do live still . laws therefore humane of what kinde soever , are available by consent . if here it be demanded how it cometh to pass , that this being common unto all laws which are made , there should be found even in good laws so great variety as there is ; we must note the reason hereof to be , the sundry particular ends whereunto the different disposition of that subject or matter for which laws are provided , causeth them to have a special respect in making laws . a law there is mentioned amongst the grecians , whereof pillacus is reported to have been author ; and by that law it was agreed , that he which being overcome with drink , did then strike any man , should suffer punishment double as much , as if he had done the same being sober . no man could ever have thought this reasonable , that had intended thereby onely to punish the injury committed , according to the gravity of the fact : for who knoweth not , that harm advisedly done , is naturally less pardonable , and therefore worthy of sharper punishment : but for as much as none did so usually this way offend as men in that case , which they wittingly fell into , even because they would be so much the more freely outragious : it was for their publick good where such disorder was grown , to frame a positive law for remedy thereof accordingly . to this appertain those known laws of making laws ; as that law-makers must have an eye to that place where , and to the men amongst whom ; that one kinde of laws cannot serve for all kinde of regiment ; that where the multitude beareth sway , laws that shall tend unto the preservation of that state , must make common smaller offices to go by lot , for fear of strife and division likely to arise ; by reason that ordinary qualities sufficing for discharge of such offices , they could not but by many be desired , and so with danger contended for , and not missed without grudge and discontentment ; whereas at an uncertain lot , none can finde themselves grieved , on whomsoever it lighteth . contrariwise the greatest , whereof but few are capable , to pass by popular election , that neither the people may envy such as have those honors , in as much as themselves bestow them , and that the chiefest may be kindled with desire , to exercise all parts of rare and beneficial vertue ; knowing they shall not lose their labor by growing in fame and estimation amongst the people . if the helm of chief government be in the hands of a few of the wealthiest , that then laws providing for continuance thereof , must make the punishment of contumely , and wrong offered unto any of the common sort , sharp and grievous ; that so the evil may be prevented , whereby the rich are most likely to bring themselves into hatred with the people , who are not wont to take so great offence , when they are excluded from honors and offices , as when their persons are contumeliously trodden upon . in other kindes of regiment , the like is observed concerning the difference of positive laws , which to be everywhere the same , is impossible , and against their nature . now as the learned in the laws of this land observe , that our statutes sometimes are onely the affirmation or ratification of that which by common law was held before ; so here it is not to be omitted , that generally all laws humane , which are made for the ordering of politick societies , be either such as establish some duty , whereunto all men by the law of reason did before stand bound ; or else such as make that a duty now , which before was none : the one sort we may for distinction sake call mixedly , and the other meerly humane . that which plain or necessary reason bindeth men unto , may be in sundry considerations expedient to be ratified by humane law. for example , if confusion of blood in marriage , the liberty of having many wives at once , or any other the like corrupt and unreasonable custom doth happen to have prevailed far , and to have gotten the upper hand of right reason with the greatest part ; so that no way is left to rectifie such foul disorder , without prescribing by law the same things which reason necessarily doth enforce , but is not perceived that so it doth ; or if many be grown unto that which the apostle did lament in some , concerning whom he writeth , saying , that even what things they naturally know , in those very things , as beasts void of reason , they corrupted themselves : or if there be no such special accident , yet for as much as the common sort are led by the sway of their sensual desires ; and therefore do more shun sin for the sensible evils which follow it amongst men , then for any kinde of sentence which reason doth pronounce against it . this very thing is cause sufficient , why duties belonging unto each kinde of vertue , albeit the law of reason teach them , should notwithstanding be prescribed even by humane law. which law in this case we term mixt , because the matter whereunto it bindeth , is the same which reason necessarily doth require at our hands , and from the law of reason it differeth in the manner of binding onely . for whereas men before stood bound in conscience to do as the law of reason teacheth ; they are now by vertue of humane law become constrainable , and if they outwardly transgress , punishable . as for laws which are meerly humane , the matter of them is any thing , which reason doth but probably teach to be fit and convenient ; so that till such time as law hath passed amongst men about it , of it self it bindeth no man. one example whereof may be this , lands are by humane law in some places , after the owners decease , divided unto all his children ; in some , all descendeth to the eldest son. if the law of reason did necessarily require but the one of these two to be done , they which by law have received the other , should be subject to that heavy sentence which denounceth against all that decree wicked , unjust , and unreasonable things , wo. whereas now , which soever be received , there is no law of reason transgrest ; because there is probable reason why either of them may be expedient , and for either of them more then probable reason there is not to be found . laws , whether mixtly , or meerly humane , are made by politick societies ; some onely , as those societies are civilly united ; some , as they are spiritually joyned , and make such a body as we call the church . of laws humane in this latter kinde , we are to speak in the third book following : let it therefore suffice thus far to have touched the force wherewith almighty god hath graciously endued our nature , and thereby enabled the same to finde●out both those laws which all men generally are for ever bound to observe ; and also such as are most fit for their behoof , who lead their lives in any ordered state of government . now besides that law which simply concerneth men , as men ; and that which belongeth unto them , as they are men linked with others in some form of politick society , there is a third kinde of law which toucheth all such several bodies politick , so far forth as one of them hath publick commerce with another . and this third is , the law of nations . between men and beasts , there is no possibility or sociable communion , because the welspring of that communion is a natural delight which man hath to transfuse from himself into others , and to receive from others into himself , especially those things wherein the excellency of this kinde doth most consist . the chiefest instrument of humane communion therefore is speech , because thereby we impart mutually one to another , the conceits of our reasonable understanding . and for that cause , seeing beasts are not hereof capable , for as much as with them we can use no such conference , they being in degree , although above other creatures on earth , to whom nature hath denied sense , yet lower then to be sociable companions of man , to whom nature hath given reason : it is of adam said , that amongst the beasts , he sound not for himself any meet companion . civil society doth more content the nature of man , then any private kinde of solitary living ; because in society , this good of mutual participation is so much larger then otherwise . herewith notwithstanding we are not satisfied , but we covet ( if it might be ) to have a kinde of society and fellowship , even with all mankinde . which thing socrates intending to signifie , professed himself a citizen ; not of this or that commonwealth , but of the world. and an effect of that very natural desire in us , ( a manifest token , that we wish after a sort an universal fellowship with all men ) appeareth by the wonderful delight men have , some to visit foreign countreys , some to discover nations not heard of in former ages ; we all to know the affairs and dealings of other people , yea , to be in league of amity with them . and this not onely for trafficks sake , or , to the end , that when many are confederated , each may make other the more strong ; but for such cause also , as moved the queen of sheba to visit solomon ; and in a word , because nature doth presume , that how many men there are in the world , so many gods , as it were , there are ; or at leastwise such they should be towards men. touching laws which are to serve men in this behalf ; even as those laws of reason , which ( man retaining his original integrity ) had been sufficient to direct each particular person in all his affairs and duties , are not sufficient , but require the access of other laws now , that man and his off-spring are grown thus corrupt and sinful . again , as those laws of polity and regiment , which would have served men living in publick society together , with that harmless disposition , which then they should have had , are not able now to serve , when mens iniquity is so hardly restrained within any tolerable bounds : in like manner , the national laws of natural commerce between societies of that former and better quality might have been other then now , when nations are so prone to offer violence , injury , and wrong . hereupon hath grown in every of these three kindes , that distinction between primary and secondary laws ; the one grounded upon sincere , the other built upon depraved nature . primary laws of nations are such as concern embassage , such as belong to the courteous entertainment of foreigners and strangers , such as serve for commodious traffick , and the like . secondary laws in the same kinde , are such as this present unquiet world is most familiarly acquainted with ; i mean laws of arms , which yet are much better known then kept . but what matter the law of nations doth contain , i omit to search . the strength and vertue of that law is such , that no particular nation can lawfully prejudice the same by any their several laws and ordinances , more then a man by his private resolutions the law of the whole commonwealth or state wherein he liveth . for as civil law being the act of a whole body politick , doth therefore over-rule each several part of the same body ; so there is no reason , that any one commonwealth of it self , should to the prejudice of another , anaihilate that whereupon the whole world hath agreed . for which cause , the lacedemonians forbidding all access of strangers into their coasts , are in that respect both by josephus and theodores deservedly blamed , as being enemies to that hospitality , which for common humanities sake , all the nations on earth should embrace . now as there is great cause of communion , and consequently of laws , for the maintenance of communion amongst nations : so amongst nations christian , the like in regard even of christianity , hath been always judged needful . and in this kinde of correspondence amongst nations , the force of general councils doth stand . for as one and the same law divine , whereof in the next place we are to speak , is unto all christian churches a rule for the chiefest things ; by means whereof they all in that respect make one church , as having all but one lord , one faith , and one baptism : so the urgent necessity of mutual communion for preservation of our unity in these things ; as also for order in some other things convenient to be every where uniformly kept , maketh it requisite , that the church of god here on earth , have her laws of spiritual commerce between christian nations : laws , by vertue whereof all churches may enjoy freely the use of those reverend , religious and sacred consultations , which are termed councils general . a thing whereof gods own blessed spirit was the author , a thing practised by the holy apostles themselves , a thing always afterwards kept and observed throughout the world ; a thing never otherwise , then most highly esteemed of , till pride , ambition , and tyranny began by factious and vile endeavors , to abuse that divine invention , unto the furtherance of wicked purposes . but as the just authority of civil courts and parliaments is not therefore to be abolished , because sometimes there is cunning used to frame them according to the private intents of men over-potent in the commonwealth : so the grievous abuse which hath been of councils , should rather cause men to study how so gracious a thing may again be reduced to that first perfection , then in regard of stains and blemishes sithence growing , be held for ever in extream disgrace . to speak of this matter as the cause requireth , would require very long discourse . all i will presently say , is this , whether it be for the finding out of any thing whereunto divine law bindeth us ; but yet in such sort , that men are not thereof on all sides resolved ; or for the setting down of some uniform judgment to stand touching such things , as being neither way matters of necessity , are notwithstanding offensive and scandalous , when there is open opposition about them : be it for the ending of strifes , touching matters of christian belief , wherein the one part may seem to have probable cause of dissenting from the other ; or be it concerning matters of policy , order , and regiment in the church ; i nothing doubt but that christian men should much better frame themselves to those heavenly precepts , which our lord and saviour , with so great instancy gave , as concerning peace and unity , if we did all concur in desire to have the use of ancient councils again renewed , rather then these proceedings continued , which either make all contentions endless , or bring them to one onely determination , and that of all other the worst , which is by sword. it followeth therefore , that a new foundation being laid , we now adjoyn hereunto that which cometh in the next place to be spoken of ; namely , wherefore god hath himself by scripture , made known such laws as serve for direction of men. . all things ( god onely accepted ) besides the nature which they have in themselves , receive externally some perfection from other things , as hath been shewed . in so much , as there is in the whole world no one thing great or small , but either in respect of knowledge or of use , it may unto our perfection add somewhat . and whatsoever such perfection there is , which our nature may acquire , the same we properly term our good , our soveraign good or blessedness ; that wherein the highest degree of all our perfection consisteth , that which being once attained unto , there can rest nothing further to be desired ; and therefore with it our souls are fully content and satisfied , in that they have , they rejoyce , and thirst for no more : wherefore of good things desired , some are such , that for themselves , we cover them not , but onely because they serve as instruments unto that for which we are to seek : of this sort , are riches : another kinde there is , which although we desire for it self , as health , and vertue , and knowledge ; nevertheless , they are not the last mark whereat we aim , but have their further end whereunto they are referred : so as in them we are not satisfied , as having attained the utmost we may , but our desires do still proceed . these things are linked , and as it were chained one to another . we labor to eat , and we eat to live , and we live to do good , and the good which we do , is as seed sown with reference unto a future harvest . but we must come at the length to some pause : for if every thing were to be desired for some other without any stint , there could be no certain end proposed unto our actions , we should go on we know not whither ; yea , whatsoever we do , were in vain , or rather nothing at all were possible to be done . for as to take away the first efficient of our being , were to annihilate utterly our persons ; so we cannot remove the last final cause of our working , but we shall cause whatsoever we work to cease . therefore something there must be desired for it self simply , and for no other : that is , simply for it self desirable , unto the nature whereof it is opposite and repugnant to be desired , with relation unto any other . the ox and the ass desire their food , neither propose they unto themselves any end wherefore ; so that of them , this is desired for it self . but why ? by reason of their imperfection , which cannot otherwise desire it ; whereas that which is desired simply for it self , the excellency thereof is such as permitteth it not in any sort to be referred unto a further end . now that which man doth desire with reference to a further end , the same he desireth in such measure as is unto that end convenient ; but what he covereth as good in it self , towards that his desire is ever infinite . so that unless the last good of all which is desired altogether for it self , be also infinite ; we do evil in making it our end , even as they who placed their felicity in wealth , or honor , or pleasure , or any thing here attained , because in desiring any thing as our final perfection , which is not so , we do amiss . nothing may be infinitely desired , but that good which indeed is infinite : for the better , the more desireable ; that therefore most desireable , wherein there is infinity of goodness : so that if any thing desireable may be infinite , that must needs be the highest of all things that are desired . no good is infinite , but onely god ; therefore he is our felicity and bliss ; moreover , desire tendeth unto union with that it desireth . if then in him we be blessed , it is by force of participation and conjunction with him . again , it is not the possession of any good thing , can make them happy which have it , unless they enjoy the things wherewith they are possessed . then are we happy therefore , when fully we enjoy god , as an object wherein the powers of our souls are satisfied , even with everlasting delight : so that although we be men , yet by being unto god united , we live as it were the life of god. happiness therefore is that estate whereby we attain , so far as possibly may be attained , the full possession of that which simply for it self is to be desired , and containeth in it after an eminent sort , the contentation of our desires , the highest degree of all our perfection . of such perfection , capable we are not in this life : for while we are in the world , we are subject unto sundry * imperfections , grief of body , defects of minde ; yea , the best things we do , are painful , and the exercise of them grievous , being continued without intermission ; so as in those very actions , whereby we are especial'y perfected in this life , we are not able to persist ; forced we are with very weariness , and that often , to interrupt them : which rediousness , cannot fall into those operations that are in the state of bliss , when our union with god is compleat . compleat union with him , must be according unto every power and faculty of our mindes , apt to receive so glorious an object . capable we are of god , both by understanding and will : by understanding , as he is that soveraign truth , which comprehends the rich treasures of all wisdom : by will , as he is that sea of goodness , whereof , whoso tasteth , shall thirst no more . as the will doth now work upon that object by desire , which is as it were a motion towards the end as yet unobtained , so likewise upon the same hereafter received , it shall work also by love . appetitus inhiantis fit amor fruentis , saith st. augustine . the longing disposition of them that thirst , is changed into the sweet affection of them that taste , and are replenished . whereas we now love the thing that is good , but good especially , in respect of benefit unto us ; we shall then love the thing that is good , onely or principally for the goodness of beauty in it self . the soul being in this sort , as it is active , perfected by love of that infinite good , shall , as it is receptive , be also perfected with those supernatural passions of joy , peace , and delight : all this endless and everlasting . which perpetuity , in regard whereof our blessedness is termed a crown which withereth not , doth neither depend upon the nature of the thing it self , nor proceed from any natural necessity that our souls should so exercise themselves for ever in beholding and loving god , but from the will of god , which doth both freely perfect our nature in so high a degree , and continue it so perfected . under man , no creature in the world is capable of felicity and bliss : first , because their chiefest perfection consisteth in that which is best for them , but not in that which is simply best , as ours doth . secondly , because whatsoever external perfection they tend unto , it is not better then themselves , as ours is . how just occasion have we therefore even in this respect with the prophet to admire the goodness of god : lord , what is man that thou shouldst exalt him above the works of thy hands , so far as to make thy self the inheritance of his rest , and the substance of his felicity ! now , if men had not naturally this desire to be happy , how were it possible that all men should have it ? all men have : therefore this desire in man is natural . it is not in our power not to do the same , how should it then be in our power to do it coldly or remisly ? so that our desire being natural , is also in that degree of earnestness whereunto nothing can be added . and is it probable that god should frame the hearts of all men so desirous of that which no man may obtain ? it is an axiom of nature , that natural desire cannot utterly be frustrate . this desire of ours being natural , should be frustrate , if that which may satisfie the same , were a thing impossible for man to aspire unto . man doth seek a tripple perfection ; first , a sensual , consisting in those things which very life it self requireth , either as necessary supplements , or as beauties and ornaments thereof ; then an intellectual , consisting in those things which none underneath man , is either capable of , or acquainted with ; lastly , a spiritual and divine , consisting in those things whereunto we tend by supernatural means here , but cannot here attain unto them . they that make the first of these three , the scope of their whole life , are said by the apostle to have no god , but onely their belly , to be earthly-minded men . unto the second they bend themselves , who seek especially to excel in all such knowledge and vertue as doth most commend men. to this branch belongeth the law of moral and civil perfection : that there is somewhat higher then either of these two , no other proof doth need then the very process of mans desire , which being natural , should be frustrate , if there were not some farther thing wherein it might rest at the length concented , which in the former it cannot do . for man doth not seem to rest satisfied , either with fruition of that wherewith his life is preserved , or with performance of such actions as advance him most deservedly in estimation ; but doth further covet , yea , oftentimes manifestly pursue with great sedulity and earnestness , that which cannot stand him in any stead for vital use ; that which exceedeth the reach of sense , yea , somewhat above capacity of reason , somewhat divine and heavenly , which with hidden exultation , it rather surmiseth then conceiveth ; somewhat it seeketh , and what that is directly , it knoweth not ; yet very intentive desire thereof doth so incite it , that all other known delights and pleasures are laid aside , they give place to the search of this but onely suspected desire . if the soul of man did serve onely to give him being in this life , then things appertaining unto this life , would content him , as we see they do other creatures ; which creatures enjoying what they live by , seek no further , but in his contentation do shew a kinde of acknowledgment , that there is no higher good which doth any way belong unto them . with us it is otherwise : for although the beauties , riches , honors , sciences , vertues , and perfections of all men living , were in the present possession of one ; yet somewhat beyond and above all this , there would still be sought and earnestly thirsted for . so that nature , even in this life , doth plainly claim and call for a more divine perfection , then either of these two that have been mentioned . this last and highest estate of perfection , whereof we speak , is received of men in the nature of a a reward . rewards do always presuppose such duties performed as are rewardable : our natural means therefore unto blessedness , are our works ; nor is it possible that nature should ever finde any other way to salvation , then onely this . but examine the works which we do , and since the first foundation of the world , what one can say , my ways are pure ? seeing then all flesh is guilty of that for which god hath threatned eternally to punish , what possibility is there this way to be saved ? there resteth therefore , either no way unto salvation , or if any , then surely a way which is supernatural , a way which could never have entred into the heart of man , as much as once to conceive or imagine , if god himself had not revealed it extraordinarily : for which cause , we term it the mystery or secret way of salvation . and therefore , st. ambrose in this matter appealeth justly from man to god , b caeli mysterium doceat me deus qui condidit , non homo qui seipsum ignoravit : let god himself that made me , let not man that knows not himself , be my instructer concerning the mystical way to heaven . c when men of excellent wit ( saith lactantius ) had wholly betaken themselves unto study , after farewel bidden unto all kinde , as well of private as publick action , they spared no labor that might be spent in the search of truth ; holding it a thing of much more price , to seek and to finde out the reason of all affairs , as well divine as humane , then to stick fast in the toil of piling up riches , and gathering together heaps of honors . howbeit , they both did fail of their purpose , and got not so much as to quit their charges ; because truth , which is the secret of the most high god , whose proper handy-work all things are , cannot be compassed with that wit and those senses which are our own . for god and man should be very near neighbors , if mans cogitations were able to take a survey of the counsels and appointments of that majesty everlasting . which being utterly impossible , that the eye of man by it self should look into the bosom of divine reason : god did not suffer him , being desirous of the light of wisdom , to stray any longer up and down ; and with bootless expence of travel , to w●nder in darkness that had no passage to get out by . his eyes at the length god did open , and bestow upon him the knowledge of the truth by way of donative , to the end that man might both be clearly convicted of folly ; and being through error out of the way , have the path that leadeth unto immortality laid plain before him . thus far lactantius firmianus , to shew , that god himself is the teacher of the truth , whereby is made known the supernatural way of salvation , and law for them to live in that shall be saved . in the natural path of everlasting life , the first beginning is that ability of doing good , which god in the day of mans creation endued him with ; from hence obedience unto the will of his creator , absolute righteousness and integrity in all his actions ; and last of all , the justice of god rewarding the worthiness of his de●●●ts with the crown of eternal glory . had adam continued in his first estate , this had been the way of life unto him and all his posterity . whereas i confess notwithstanding , with the d wittiest of the school-divines , that if we speak of strict justice , god could no way have been bound to requite mans labors in so large and ample manner as humane felicity doth import ; in as much as the dignity of this exceedeth so far the others value . but be it , that god of his great liberality had determined in lieu of mans endeavors to bestow the same , by the rule of that justice which best beseemeth him , namely , the justice of one that requireth nothing mincingly , but all with pressed , and heaped , and even over-enlarged measure ; yet could it never hereupon necessarily be gathered , that such justice should add to the nature of that reward , the property of everlasting continuance ; sith possession of bliss , though it should be but for a moment , were an abundant retribution . but we are not now to enter into this consideration , how gracious and bountiful our good god might still appear in so rewarding the sons of men , albeit they should exactly perform whatsoever duty their nature bindeth them unto . howsoever god did propose this reward , we that were to be rewarded , must have done that which is required at our hands ; we failing in the one , it were in nature an impossibility that the other should be looked for . the light of nature is never able to finde out any way of obtaining the reward of bliss , but by performing exactly the duties and works of righteousness . from salvation therefore and life , all flesh being excluded this way , behold how the wisdom of god hath revealed a way mystical and supernatural , away directing unto the same end of life , by a course which groundeth it self upon the guiltiness of sin , and through sin , desert of condemnation and death . for in this way , the first thing is the tender compassion of god , respecting us drowned and swallowed up in misery : the next is redemption out of the same , by the precious death and merit of a mighty saviour , which hath witnessed of himself , saying , i am the way , the way that leadeth us from misery into bliss . this supernatural way had god in himself prepared before all worlds . the way of supernatural duty which to us he hath prescribed , our saviour in the gospel of st. iohn doth note , terming it by an excellency , the work of god : this is the work of god , that ye believe in him whom he hath sent . not that god doth require nothing unto happiness at the hands of men , saving onely a naked belief ( for hope and charity we may not exclude ; ) but that without belief , all other things are as nothing , and it the ground of those other divine vertues . concerning faith , the principal object whereof is , that eternal verity which hath discovered the treasures of hidden wisdom in christ. concerning hope , the highest object whereof , is that everlasting goodness which in christ doth quicken the dead . concerning charity , the final object whereof is , that incomprehensible beauty which shineth in the countenance of christ the son of the living god. concerning these vertues , the first of which beginning here with a weak apprehension of things not seen , endeth with the intuitive vision of god in the world to come ; the second beginning here with a trembling expectation of things far removed , and as yet but onely heard of , endeth with real and actual fruition of that which no tongue can express ; the third beginning herewith a weak in inclination of heart towards him , unto whom we are not able to approach , endeth with endless union ; the mystery whereof is higher then the reach of the thoughts of men. concerning that faith , hope , and charity , without which there can be no salvation ; was there ever any mention made saving onely in that law which god himself hath from heaven revealed ? there is not in the world a syllable muttered with certain truth concerning any of these three , more then hath been supernaturally received from the mouth of the eternal god. laws therefore concerning these things are supernatural , both in respect of the manner of delivering them , which is divine ; and also in regard of the things delivered , which are such as have not in nature any cause from which they flow , but were by the voluntary appointment of god ordained , besides the course of nature , to rectifie natures obliquity withal . . when supernatural duties are necessarily exacted , natural are not rejected as needless . the law of god therefore is , though principally delivered for instruction in the one , yet fraught with precepts of the other also : the scripture is fraught even with laws of nature , insomuch that * gratian defining natural right ( whereby is meant the right , which exacteth those general duties the concern men naturally , even as they are men ) termeth natural right , that which the books of the law and the gospel do contain . neither is it vain , that the scripture aboundeth with so great store of laws in this kinde : for they are either such as we of our selves could not easily have found out , and then the benefit is not small , to have them readily set down to our hands ; or if they be so clear and manifest , that no man endued with reason can lightly be ignorant of them , yet the spirit , as it were , borrowing them from the school of nature , as serving to prove things less manifest , and to enduce a perswasion of somewhat which were in it self more hard and dark , unless it should in such fo●● be cleared , the very applying of them unto cases particular , is not without most singular use and profit many ways for mens instruction . besides , be they plain of themselves or obscure , the evidence of gods own testimony added unto the natural assent of reason , concerning the certainty of them , doth not a little comfort and confirm the same . wherefore , in as much as our actions are conversant about things beset with many circumstances , which cause men of sundry wits , to be also of sundry judgments concerning that which ought to be done : requisit it cannot but seem the rule of divine law should herein help our imbecillity , that we might the more infallibly understand what is good , and what evil . the first principles of the law of nature are easie ; hard it were to finde men ignorant of them : but concerning the duty which natures law doth require at the hands of men in a number of things particular , so * far hath the natural understanding even of sundry whole nations been darkned , that they have not discerned , no , not gross iniquity to be sin . again , being so prone as weare ●o fawn upon our selves , and to be ignorant as much as may be of our own deformities , without the feeling sense whereof we are most wretched ; even so much the more , because not knowing them , we cannot as much as desire to have them taken away : how should our festered sores be cured , but that god hath delivered a law as sharp as the two-edged sword , piercing the very closest and most unsearchable corners of the heart , which the law of nature can hardly , humane laws by no means possibly reach unto ? hereby we know even secret concupiscence to be sin , and are made fearful to offend , though it be but in a wandring cogitation . finally , of those things which are for direction of all the parts of our life needful , and not impossible to be discerned by the light of nature it self ; are there not many which few mens natural capacity , and some which no mans hath been able to finde out ? they are , saith st. augustine , but a few , and they endued with great ripeness of wit and judgment , free from all such affairs as might trouble their meditations , instructed in the sharpest and the subtilest points of learning , who have , and that very hardly , been able to finde out but onely the immortality of the soul. the resurrection of the flesh , what man did ever at any time dream of , having not heard it otherwise , then from the school of nature ? whereby it appeareth , how much we are bound to yield unto our creator , the father of all mercy , eternal thanks , for that he hath delivered his law unto the world ? a law wherein so many things are laid open , clear , and manifest ; as a light , which otherwise would have been buried in darkness , not without the hazard ; or rather not with the hazard , but with the certain loss of infinite thousands of souls , most undoubtedly now saved . we see therefore that our soveraign good is desired naturally , that god the author of that natural desire , had appointed natural means whereby to fulfil it ; that man having utterly disabled his nature unto those means , hath had other revealed from god , and hath received from heaven a law to teach him , how that which is desired naturally , must now supernaturally be attained . finally , we see , that because those latter exclude not the former quite and clean as unnecessary , therefore together with such supernatural duties as could not possibly have been otherwise known to the world , the same law that teacheth them , teacheth also with them such natural duties , as could not by light of nature easily have been known . . in the first age of the world , god gave laws unto our fathers , and by reason of the number of their days , their memories served in stead of books ; whereof the manifold imperfections and defects being known to god , he mercifully relieved the same , by often putting then in minde of that whereof it behoved them to be specially mindful . in which respect , we see how many times one thing hath been iterated unto sundry , even of the best and wisest amongst them . after that the lives of men were shortned , means more durable to preserve the laws of god from oblivion and corruption grew in use , not without precise direction from god himself . first therefore of moses it is said , that he wrote all the words of god ; not by his own private motion and device : for god taketh this act to himself , i have written . furthermore , were not the prophets following , commanded also to do the like ? unto the holy evangelist st. iohn , how often express charge is given , scribe , write these things ? concerning the rest of our lords disciples , the words of st. augustine are , quidquid ille de suis factis & dictis nos legere voluit , hoc scribendum illis tanquam suis manibus imperavit . now although we do not deny it to be a matter meerly accidental unto the law of god to be written ; although writing be not that which addeth authority and strength thereunto : finally , though his laws do require at our hands the same obedience , howsoever they be delivered ; his providence notwithstanding , which hath made principal choice of this way to deliver them , who seeth not what cause we have to admire and magnifie ? the singular benefit that hath grown unto the world by receiving the laws of god , even by his own appointment committed unto writing , we are not able to esteem as the value thereof deserveth . when the question therefore is , whether we be now to seek for any revealed law of god , otherwhere then onely in the sacred scripture ; whether we do now stand bound in the sight of god to yield to traditions urged by the church of rome , the same obedience and reverence we do to his written law , honoring equally , and adoring both as divine ? our answer is , no. they that so earnestly plead for the authority of tradition , as if nothing were more safely conveyed , then that which spreadeth it self by report , and descendeth by relation of former generations , unto the ages that succeed , are not all of them ( surely a miracle it were , if they should be ) so simple , as thus to perswade themselves ; howsoever , if the simple were so perswaded , they could be content perhaps very well to enjoy the benefit , as they account it , of that common error . what hazard the truth is in , when it passeth through the hands of report , how maimed and deformed it becometh ; they are not , they cannot possibly be ignorant . let them that are indeed of this minde , consider but onely that little of things divine , which the * heathen have in such sort received . how miserable had the state of the church of god been long ere this , if wanting the sacred scripture , we had no record of his laws , but onely the memory of man , receiving the same by report and relation from his predecessors ? by scripture , it hath in the wisdom of god , seemed meet to deliver unto the world much , but personally expedient to be practised of certain men ; many deep and profound points of doctrine , as being the main original ground whereupon the precepts of duty depend ; many prophecies , the clear performance whereof might confirm the world in belief of things unseen ; many histories to serve as looking-glasses to behold the mercy , the truth , the righteousness of god towards all that faithfully serve , obey and honor him ; yea , many intire meditations of piety , to be as patterns and precedents in cases of like nature ; many things needful for explication , many for application unto particular occasions , such as the providence of god from time to time hath taken , to have the several books of his holy ordinance written . be it then , that together with the principal necessary laws of god , there are sundry other things written , whereof we might haply be ignorant , and yet be saved : what ? shall we hereupon think them needless ? shall we esteem them as riotous branches , wherewith we sometimes behold most pleasant vines overgrown ? surely , no more then we judge our hands or our eyes superfluous , or what part soever ; which if our bodies did want , we might notwithstanding any such defect , retain still the compleat being of men. as therefore a compleat man is neither destitute of any part necessary , and hath some parts , whereof , though the want could not deprive him of his essence , yet to have them , standeth him in singular stead in respect of the special uses for which they serve : in like sort , all those writings which contain in them the law of god , all those venerable books of scripture , all those sacred tomes and volumes of holy writ ; they are with such absolute perfection framed , that in them there neither wanteth any thing , the lack whereof might deprive us of life ; nor any thing in such wise aboundeth , that as being superfluous , unfruitful , and altogether needless , we should think it no loss or danger at all , if we did want it . . although the scripture of god therefore be stored with infinite variety of matter in all kindes , although it abound with all sorts of laws , yet the principal intent of scripture is to deliver the laws of duties supernatural . oftentimes it hath been in very solemn manner disputed , whether all things necessary unto salvation , be necessarily set down in the holy scriptures , if we define that necessary unto salvation , whereby the way to salvation is in any sort made more plain , apparent and easie to be known ; then is there no part of true philosophy , no art of account , no kinde of science , rightly so called , but the scripture must contain it . if onely those things be necessary , as surely none else are , without the knowledge and practise whereof , it is not the will and pleasure of god to make any ordinary grant of salvation ; it may be notwithstanding , and oftentimes hath been demanded , how the books of holy scripture contain in them all necessary things , when of things necessary the very chief is to know what books we are bound to esteem holy ; which point is confest impossible for the scripture it self to teach . whereunto we may answer with truth , that there is not in the world any art or science , which proposing unto it self an end ( as every one doth some end or other ) hath been therefore thought defective , if it have not delivered simply whatsoever is needful to the same end ; but all kindes of knowledge have their certain bounds and limits ; each of them presupposeth many necessary things learned in other sciences , and known beforehand . he that should take upon him to teach men how to be eloquent in pleading causes , must needs deliver unto them whatsoever precepts are requisite unto that end ; otherwise he doth not the thing which he taketh upon him . seeing then no man can plead eloquently , unless he be able first to speak ; it followeth , that ability of speech is in this case a thing most necessary . notwithstanding every man would think it ridiculous , that he which undertaketh by writing to instruct an orator , should therefore deliver all the precepts of grammar ; because his profession is to deliver precepts necessary unto eloquent speech ; yet so , that they which are to receive them be taught beforehand , so much of that which is thereunto necessary , as comprehendeth the skill of speaking . in like sort , albeit scripture do profess to contain in it all things which are necessary unto salvation ; yet the meaning cannot be simply of all things which are necessary , but all things that are necessary in some certain kinde or form ; as all things that are necessary , and either could not at all , or could not easily be known by the light of natural discourse ; all things which are necessary to be known , that we may be saved ; but known with presupposal of knowledge , concerning certain principles , whereof it receiveth us already perswaded , and then instructeth us in all the residue that are necessary : in the number of these principles , one is the sacred authority of scripture . being therefore perswaded by other means , that these scriptures are the oracles of god , themselves do then teach us the rest , and lay before us all the duties which god requireth at our hands , as necessary unto salvation . further , there hath been some doubt likewise , whether containing in scripture , do import express setting down in plain terms , or else comprehending in such sort , that by reason we may from thence conclude all things which are necessary . against the former of these two constructions , instance hath sundry ways been given . for our belief in the trinity , the co-eternity of the son of god with his father , the proceeding of the spirit from the father and the son , the duty of baptizing infants : these , with such other principal points , the necessity whereof is by none denied , are notwithstanding in scripture no where to be found by express literal mention , onely deduced they are out of scripture by collection . this kinde of comprehension in scripture , being therefore received , still there is no doubt , how far we are to proceed by collection , before the full and compleat measure of things necessary be made up . for let us not think , that as long as the world doth endure , the wit of man shall be able to sound the bottom of that which may be concluded out of the scripture ; especially , if things contained by collection do so far extend , as to draw in whatsoever may be at any time out of scripture , but probably and conjecturally surmized . but let necessary collection be made requisite , and we may boldly deny , that of all those things which at this day are with so great necessity urged upon this church , under the name of reformed church discipline , there is any one which their books hitherto have made manifest to be contained in the scripture . let them , if they can , alledge but one properly belonging to their cause , and not common to them and us , and shew the deduction thereof out of scripture to be necessary . it hath been already shewed , how all things necessary unto salvation , in such sort as before we have maintained , must needs be possible for men to know ; and that many things are in such sort necessary , the knowledge whereof is by the light of nature impossible to be attained . whereupon it followeth , that either all flesh is excluded from possibility of salvation , which to think were most barbarous ; or else , that god hath by supernatural means revealed the way of life so far forth as doth suffice . for this cause , god hath so many times and ways spoken to the sons of men : neither hath he by speech onely , but by writing also instructed and taught his church . the cause of writing hath been , to the end that things by him revealed unto the world , might have the longer continuance , and the greater certainty of assurance ; by how much that which standeth on record , hath in both those respects preheminence above that which passeth from hand to hand , and hath no pens , but the tongues ; no book , but the ears of men to record it . the several books of scripture having had each some several occasion and particular purpose , which caused them to be written ; the contents thereof , are according to the exigence of that special end whereunto they are intended . hereupon it groweth , that every book of holy scripture doth take out of all kindes of truth , a natural , b historical , c foreign , d supernatural , so much as the matter handled requireth . now for as much as there have been reasons alledged sufficient to conclude , that all things necessary unto salvation must be made known , and that god himself hath therefore revealed his will , because otherwise men could not have known so much as is necessary : his surceasing to speak to the world , since the publishing of the gospel of jesus christ , and the delivery of the same in writing , is unto us a manifest token that the way of salvation is now sufficiently opened , and that we need no other means for our full instruction , then god hath already furnished us withal . the main drift of the whole new testament , is that which st. iohn setteth down as the purpose of his own history , these things are written , that ye might believe , that iesus is christ the son of god , and that in believing , ye might have life through his name . the drift of the old , that which the apostle mentioneth to timothy , the holy scriptures are able to make thee wise unto salvation . so that the general end , both of old and new , is one ; the difference between them consisting in this , that the old did make wise by teaching salvation through christ that should come ; the new , by teaching that christ the saviour is come ; and that jesus whom the jews did crucifie , and whom god did raise again from the dead , is he . when the apostle therefore affirmeth unto timothy , that the old was able to make him wise to salvation , it was not his meaning , that the old alone can do this unto us , which live sithence the publication of the new. for he speaketh with presupposal of the doctrine of christ , known also unto timothy ; and therefore first it is said , continue thou in those things which thou hast learned , and art perswaded , knowing of whom thou hast been taught them . again , those scriptures he granteth , were able to make him wise to salvation ; but he addeth , through the faith which is in christ. wherefore without the doctrine of the new testament , teaching that christ hath wrought the redemption of the world ; which redemption the old did foreshew he should work ; it is not the former alone , which can on our behalf , perform so much as the apostle doth avouch , who presupposeth this , when he magnifieth that so highly . and as his words concerning the books of ancient scripture , do not take place , but with presupposal of the gospel of christ embraced ; so our own words also , when we extol the compleat sufficiency of the whole intire body of the scripture , must in like sort be understood with this caution , that the benefit of natures light be not thought excluded as unnecessary , because the necessity of a diviner light is magnified . there is in scripture therefore no defect , but that any man , what place or cailing soever he hold in the church of god , may have thereby the light of his natural understanding so perfected , that the one being relieved by the other , there can want no part of needful instruction unto any good work which god himself requireth , be it natural , or supernatural , belonging simply unto men , as men ; or unto men , as they are united in whatsoever kinde of society . it sufficeth therefore , that nature and scripture do serve in such full sort , that they both joyntly , and not severally either of thou , be so compleat , that unto everlasting felicity , we need not the knowlegde of any thing more then these two may easily furnish our mindes with on all sides : and therefore they which adde traditions , as a part of supernatural necessary truth , have not the truth , but are in error : for they onely plead , that whatsoever god revealeth as necessary for all christian men to do or believe , the same we ought to embrace , whether we have received it by writing or otherwise , which no man denieth ; when that which they should confirm , who claim so great reverence unto traditions , is , that the same traditions are necessarily to be acknowledged divine and holy . for we do not reject them onely , because they are not in the scripture , but because they are neither in scripture , nor can otherwise sufficiently by any reason be proved to be a god. that which is of god , and may be evidently proved to be so , we deny not but it hath in his kinde , although unwritten , yet the self same force and authority with the written laws of god. it is by ours acknowledged , that the apostles did in every church institute and ordain some rites and customs , serving for the seemliness of church regiment ; which rites and customs they have not committed unto writing . those rites and customs being known to be apostolical , and having the nature of things changeable , were no less to be accounted of in the church , then other things of the like degree ; that is to say , capable in like sort of alteration , although set down in the apostles writings . for both being known to be apostolical , it is not the manner of delivering them unto the church , but the author from whom they proceed , which doth give them their force and credit . . laws being imposed either by each man upon himself , or by a publick society , upon the particulars thereof ; or by all the nations of men , upon every several society ; or by the lord himself , upon any or every of these : there is not amongst these four kindes any one , but containeth sundry both natural and positive laws . impossible it is , but that they should fall into a number of gross errors , who onely take such laws for positive , as have been made or invented of men ; and holding this position , hold also , that all positive , and none but positive laws are mutable . laws natural do always binde ; laws positive not so , but onely after they have been expresly and wittingly imposed . laws positive there are in every of those kindes beforementioned . as in the first kinde , the promises which we have past unto men , and the vows we have made unto god ; for these ar● laws which we tie our selves unto , and till we have so tied our selves , they binde us not . laws positive in the second kinde , are such as the civil constitutions peculiar unto each particular commonweal . in the third kinde , the law of heraldry in war , is positive : and in the last , all the judicials which god gave unto the people of israel to observe . and although no laws but positive , be mutable ; yet all are not mutable , which be positive . positive laws are either permanent , or else changeable , according as the matter it self is , concerning which they were first made . whether god or man be the maker of them , alteration they so far forth admit , as the matter doth exact laws that concern supernatural duties , are all positive ; and either concern men supernaturally , as men , or else as parts of a supernatural society ; which society we call the church . to concern men as men supernaturally , is to concern them as duties , which belong of necessity to all , and yet could not have been known by any to belong unto them , unless god had opened them himself ; in as much as they do not depend upon any natural ground at all , out of which they may be deduced , but are appointed of god to supply the defect of those natural ways of salvation , by which we are not now able to attain thereunto . the church being a supernatural society , doth differ from natural societies in this , that the persons unto whom we associate our selves , in the one , are men , simply considered as men : but they to whom we be joyned in the other , are god , angels , and holy men. again , the church being hoth a society , and a society supernatural : although as it is a society , it have the self same original grounds which other politick societies have , namely , the natural inclination which all men have unto sociable life , and consent to some certain bond of association ; which bond is the law that appointeth what kinde of order they shall be associated in : yet unto the church , as it is a society supernatural , this is peculiar ; that part of the bond of their association which belongs to the church of god , must be a law supernatural , which god himself hath revealed , concerning that kinde of worship which his people shall do unto him . the substance of the service of god therefore , so far forth as it hath in it any thing more then the law of reason doth reach , may not be invented of men , as it is amongst the heathens ; but must be received from god himself , as always it hath been in the church , saving onely when the church hath been forgetful of her duty . wherefore to end with a general rule concerning all the laws which god hath tied men unto : those laws divine that belong , whether naturally or supernaturally , either to men as men , or to men as they live in politick society , or to men as they are of that politick society which is the church , without any further respect had unto any such variable accident ; as the estate of men , and of societies of men , and of the church it self in this world is subject unto ; all laws that so belong unto men , they belong for ever , yea , although they be positive laws , unless being positive , god himself which made them , alter them . the reason is , because the subject or matter of laws in general , is thus far forth constant : which matter is that for the ordering whereof laws were instituted , and being instituted , are not changeable without cause : neither can they have cause of change , when that which gave them their first institution , remaineth for ever one and the same . on the other side , laws that were made for men , or societies , or churches , in regard of their being such , as they do not always continue , but may perhaps be clean otherwise awhile after , and so may require to be otherwise ordered then before ; the laws of god himself , which are of this nature , no man endued with common sense , will ever deny to be of a different constitution from the former , in respect of the ones constancy , and the mutability of the other . and this doth seem to have been the very cause why st. iohn doth so peculiarly term the doctrine that teacheth salvation by jesus christ , evangelium aeternum , an eternal gospel ; because there can be no reason wherefore the publishing thereof should be taken away , and any other instead of it proclaimed , as long as the world doth continue : whereas the whole law of rites and ceremonies , although delivered with so great solemnity , is notwithstanding clean abrogated , in as much as it had but temporary cause of gods ordaining it . but that we may at the length conclude this first general introduction unto the nature and original birth , as of all other laws , so likewise of those which the sacred scripture containeth ; concerning the author whereof , even infidels have confessed , that he can neither err nor deceive : albeit , about things easie and manifest unto all men by common sense , there needeth no higher consultation , because as a man whose wisdom is in weighty affairs admired , would take it in some disdain to have his counsel solemnly asked about a toy ; so the meanness of some things is such , that to search the scripture of god for the ordering of them , were to derogate from the reverend authority and dignity of the scripture , no less then they do by whom scriptures are in ordinary talk very idly applied unto vain and childish trifles ; yet better it were to be superstitious , then prophane : to take from thence our direction , even in all things great or small , then to wade through matters of principal weight and moment , without ever caring what the law of god hath , either for or against our designs . concerning the custom of the very paynims , thus much strabo witnesseth , a men that are civil , do lead their lives after one common law , appointing them what to do . for that otherwise a multitude should with harmony amongst themselves , concur in the doing of onething , ( for this is civilly to live ) or that they should in any sort manage community of life , it is not possible . now laws or statutes are of two sorts : for they are either received from gods , or else from men. and our ancient predecessors did surely most honor and reverence that which was from the gods : for which cause , consultation with oracles , was a thing very usual and frequent in their times . did they make so much account of the voice of their gods , which in truth were no gods ; and shall we neglect the precious benefit of conference with those oracles of the true and living god , whereof so great store is left to the church , and whereunto there is so free , so plain , and so easie access for all men ? b by thy commandments ( this was davids confession unto god ) thou hast made me wiser then mine enemies : again , i have had more understanding then all my teachers , because thy testimonies are my meditations . what pains would not they have bestowed in the study of these books , who travelled sea and land to gain the treasure of some few days talk with men , whose wisdom the world did make any reckoning of ? c that little which some of the heathens did chance to hear , concerning such matter as the sacred scripture plentifully containeth , they did in wonderful sort affect ; their speeches , as oft as they make mention thereof , are strange , and such as themselves could not utter as they did other things : but still acknowledged that their wits , which did every where else conquer hardness , were with profoundness here over-matched . wherefore seeing that god hath endued us with sense , to the end that we might perceive such things as this present life doth need ; and with reason , left that which sense cannot reach unto , being both now , and also in regard of a future estate hereafter necessary to be known , should lie obscure : finally , with the heavenly support of prophetical revelation , which doth open those hidden mysteries that reason could never have been able to finde out , or to have known the necessity of them unto our everlasting good : use we the precious gifts of god , unto his glory and honor that gave them , seeking by all means to know what the will of our god is , what righteous before him , in his sight what holy , perfect , and good , that we may truly and faithfully do it . . thus far therefore we have endeavored in part to open , of what nature and force laws are , according unto their several kindes : the law which god with himself hath eternally set down to follow in his own works : the law which he hath made for his creatures to keep : the law of natural and necessary agents : the law which angels in heaven obey : the law whereunto by the light of reason , men finde themselves bound , in that they are men : the law which they make by composition for multitudes and politick societies of men to be guided by : the law which belongeth unto each nation : the law that concerneth the fellowship of all : and lastly , the law which god himself hath supernaturally revealed . it might peradventure have been more popular and more plausible to vulgar ears , if this first discourse had been spent in extolling the force of laws , in shewing the great necessity of them when they are good , and in aggravating their offence , by whom publick laws are injuriously traduced . but for as much as with such kinde of matter the passions of men are rather stirred one way or other , then their knowledge any way set forward unto the tryal of that whereof there is doubt made : i have therefore turned aside from that beaten path , and chosen , though a less easie , yet a more profitable way , in regard of the end we propose . lest therefore any man should marvel whereunto all these things tend● the drift and purpose of all , is this , even to shew in what manner , as every good and perfect gift , so this very gift of good and perfect laws is derived from the father of lights , to teach men a reason why just and reasonable laws are of so great force , of so great use in the world ; and to inform their m●ndes with some method of reducing the laws , whereof there is present controversie unto their first original causes , that so it may be in every particular ordinance thereby the better discerned , whether the same be reasonable , just , and righteous , or no. is there any thing which can either be thorowly understood , or soundly judged of , till the very first causes and principles from which originally it springeth , be made manifest ? if all parts of knowledge have been thought by wise men to be then most orderly delivered and proceeded in , when they are drawn to their first original ; seeing that our whole question concerneth the quality of ecclesiastical laws , let it not seem a labor superfluous , that in the entrance thereunto , all these several kindes of laws have been considered ; in as much as they all concur as principles , they all have their forcible operations therein , although not all in like aprent and manifest manner : by means whereof it cometh to pass , that the force which they have , is not observed of many . easier a great deal it is for men by law , to be taught what they ought to do , then instructed how to judge as they should do of law ; the one being a thing which belongeth generally unto all ; the other , such as none but the wiser and more judicious sort can perform . yea , the wisest are always touching this point , the readiest to acknowledge , that soundly to judge of a law , is the weightiest thing which any man can take upon him . but if we will give judgment of the laws under which we live ; first , let that law eternal be always before our eyes , as being of principal force and moment to breed in religious mindes a dutiful estimation of all laws , the use and benefit whereof we see ; because there can be no doubt , but that laws apparently good , are ( as it were ) things copied out of the very tables of that high everlasting law , even as the book of that law hath said concerning it self , by me kings reign , and by me princes decree iustice. not as if men did behold that book , and accordingly frame their laws ; but because it worketh in them , because it discovereth , and ( as it were ) readeth it self to the world by them , when the laws which they make are righteous . furthermore , although we perceive not the goodness of laws made ; nevertheless , sith things in themselves may have that which we peradventure discern not : should not this breed a fear into our hearts , how we speak or judge in the worse part concerning that , the unadvised disgrace whereof may be no mean dishonor to him , towards whom we profess all submission and aw ? surely there must be very manifest iniquity in laws , against which we shall be able to justifie our contumelious invectives . the chiefest root whereof , when we use them without cause , is ignorance , how laws inferior are derived from that supream or highest law. the first that receive impression from thence , are natural agents . the law of whose operations might be haply thought less pertinent , when the question is about laws for humane actions , but that in those very actions which most spiritually and supernaturally concern men , the rules and axioms of natural operations have their force . what can be more immediate to our salvation , then our perswasion concerning the law of christ towards his church ? what greater assurance of love towards his church , then the knowledge of that mystical union , whereby the church is become as near unto christ , as any one part of his flesh is unto other ? that the church being in such sort his , he must needs protect it ; what proof more strong , then if a manifest law so require , which law it is not possible for christ to violate ? and what other law doth the apostle for this alledge , but such as is both common unto christ with us , and unto us with other things natural . no man hateth his own flesh , but doth love and cherish it ? the axioms of that law therefore , whereby natural agents are guided , have their use in the moral , yea , even in the spiritual actions of men , and consequently in all laws belonging unto men howsoever . neither are the angels themselves so far severed from us in their kinde and manner of working , but that between the law of their heavenly operations , and the actions of men in this our state of mortality , such correspondence there is , as maketh it expedient to know in some sort the one , for the others more perfect direction . would angels acknowledge themselves fellow-servants with the sons of men , but that both having one lord , there must be some kinde of law which is one and the same to both , whereunto their obedience being perfecter , is to our weaker , both a pattern and a spur ? or would the apostles , speaking of that which belongeth unto saints , as they are linked together in the bond of spiritual society , so often make mention how angels are therewith delighted ; if in things publickly done by the church , we are not somewhat to respect what the angels of heaven do ? yea , so far hath the apostle st. paul proceeded , as to signifie that even about the outward orders of the church , which serve but for comeliness , some regard is to be had of angels ; who best like us when we are most like unto them in all parts of decent demeanor . so that the law of angels we cannot judge altogether impertinent unto the affairs of the church of god. our largeness of speech , how men do finde out what things reason bindeth them of necessity to observe , and what it guideth them to chuse in things which are left as arbitary , the care we have had to declare the different nature of laws which severally concern all men , from such as belong unto men , either civilly or spiritually associated ; such as pertain to the fellowship which nations , or which christian nations have amongst themselves ; and in the last place , such as concerning every or any of these god himself hath revealed by his holy word ; all serveth but to make manifest , that as the actions of men are of sundry distinct kindes , so the laws thereof must accordingly be distinguished . there are in men operations , some natural , some rational , some supernatural , some politick , some finally ecclesiastical : which if we measure not each by his own proper law , whereas the things themselves are so different , there will be in our understanding and judgment of them , confusion . as that first error sheweth whereon our opposites in this cause have grounded themselves : for as they rightly maintain , that god must be glorified in all things , and that the actions of men cannot tend unto his glory , unless they be framed after his law : so it is their error , to think that the onely law which god hath appointed unto men in that behalf , is the sacred scripture . by that which we work naturally , as when we breath , sleep , move , we set forth the glory of god as natural agents do , albeit we have no express purpose to make that our end , nor any advised determination therein to follow a law , but do that we do ( for the most part ) not as much as thinking thereon . in reasonable and moral actions , another law taketh place ; a law by the observation whereof we glorifie god in such sort , as no creature else under man is able to do ; because other creatures have not judgment to examine the quality of that which is done by them ; and therefore in that they do , they neither can accuse not approve themselves . men do both , as the apostle teacheth ; yea , those men which have no written law of god to shew what is good or evil , carry written in their hearts the universal law of mankinde , the law of reason , whereby they judge as by a rule which god hath given unto all men for that purpose . the law of reason doth somewhat direct men how to honor god as their creator ; but how to glorifie god in such sort as is required , to the end , he may be an everlasting saviour ; this we are taught by divine law , which law both ascertaineth the truth , and supplieth unto us the want of that other law. so that in moral actions , divine law helpeth exceedingly the law of reason to guide mans life ; but in supernatural , it alone guideth , proceed we further , let us place man in some publick society with others , whether civil or spiritual ; and in this case there is no remedy , but we must add yet a further law. for although , even here likewise , the laws of nature and reason be of necessary use ; yet somewhat over and besides them is necessary , namely , humane and positive law , together with that law which is of commerce between grand societies , the law of nations , and of nations christian. for which cause , the law of god hath likewise said , let every soul be subject to the higher powers . the publick power of all societies , is above every soul contained in the same societies . and the principal use of that power is to give laws unto all that are under it ; which laws in such case we must obey , unless there be reason shewed , which may necessarily inforce , that the law of reason , or of god , doth enjoyn the contrary : because except our own private , and but probable resolutions , be by the law of publick determinations over-ruled , we take away all possibility of sociable life in the world. a plainer example whereof , then our selves , we cannot have . how cometh it to pass , that we are at this present day so rent with mutual contentions , and that the church is so much troubled about the polity of the church ? no doubt , if men had been willing to learn how many laws their actions in this life , are subject unto , and what the true force of each law is , all these controversies might have died the very day they were first brought forth . it is both commonly said , and truly , that the best men otherwise are not always the best in regard of society . the reason whereof is , for that the law of mens actions is one , if they be respected onely as men ; and another , when they are considered as parts of a politick body . many men there are , then whom nothing is more commendable when they are singled : and yet in society with others , none less fit to answer the duties which are looked for at their hands . yea , i am perswaded , that of them , with whom in this cause we strive , there are whose betters among men would be hardly found , if they did not live amongst men , but in some wilderness by themselves . the cause of which , their disposition so unframable unto societies wherein their live , is , for that they discern not aright , what place and force these several kindes of laws ought to have in all their actions . is there question either concerning the regiment of the church in general , or about conformity between one church and another , or of ceremonies , offices , powers , jurisdictions in our own church ? of all these things , they judge by that rule which they frame to themselves with some shew of probability ; and what seemeth in that sort convenient , the same they think themselves bound to practice , the same by all means they labor mightily to uphold ; whatsoever any law of man to the contrary hath determined , they weigh it not . thus by following the law of private reason , where the law of publick should take place , they breed disturbance . for the better inuring therefore of mens mindes with the true distinction of laws , and of their several force , according to the different kinde and quality of our actions , it shall not peradventure be amiss to shew in some one example , how they all take place . to seek no further , let but that be considered , then which there is not any thing more familiar unto us , our food . what things are food , and what are not , we judge naturally by sense , neither need we any other law to be our directer in that behalf , then the self-same which is common unto us with beasts . but when we come to consider of food , as of a benefit which god of his bounteous goodness hath provided for all things living ; the law of reason doth here require the duty of thankfulness at our hands towards him , at whose hands we have it . and lest appetite in the use of food , should lead us beyond that which is meet , we ow in this case obedience to that law of reason , which teacheth mediocrity in meats and drinks . the same things divine law teacheth also , as at large we have shewed it , doth all parts of moral duty , whereunto we all of necessity stand bound , in regard of the life to come . but of certain lendes of food the jews sometime had , and we our selves likewise have a mystical , religious , and supernatural use ; they of their paschal lamb and oblations ; we of our bread and wine in the eucharist : which use none but divine law could institute . now as we live in civil society , the state of the commonwealth wherein we live , both may and doth require certain laws concerning food ; which laws , saving onely that we are members of the commonwealth , where they are of force , we should not need to respect as rules of action ; whereas now in their place and kinde , they must be respected and obeyed . yea , the self-same matter is also a subject wherein sometime ecclesiastical laws have place ; so that unless we will be authors of confusion in the church , our private discretion , which otherwise might guide us a contrary way ; must here submit it self to be that way guided , which the publick judgment of the church hath thought better . in which case , that of zonaras concerning fasts may be remembred . fastings are good , but let good things be done in good and convenient manner . he that transgresseth in his fasting the orders of the holy fathers , the positive laws of the church of christ , must be plainly told , that good things do lose the grace of their goodness , when in good sort they are not performed . and as here mens private fancies must give place to the higher judgment of that church , which is in authority a mother over them : so the very actions of whole churches have , in regard of commerce and fellowship with other churches , been subject to laws concerning food , the contrary unto which laws had else been thought more convenient for them to observe ; as by that order of abstinence from strangled and blood may appear ; an order grounded upon that fellowship which the churches of the gentiles had with the jews . thus we see how even one and the self-same thing is under divers considerations conveyed through many laws ; and that to measure by any one kinde of law all the actions of men , were to confound the admirable order wherein god hath disposed all laws , each as in nature , so in degree , distinct from other . wherefore that here we may briefly end , of law there can be no less acknowledge , then that her seat is the bosom of god , her voice the harmony of the world : all things in heaven and earth do her homage , the very least as feeling her care , and the greatest as not exempted from her power : both angels , and men , and creatures of what condition soever , though each in different sort and manner , yet all with uniform consent , admiring her as the mother of their peace and joy. of the laws of ecclesiastical polity . book ii. concerning their first position who urge reformation in the church of england : namely , that scripture is the only rule of all things , which in this life may be done be men . the matter contained in this second book . . an answer to their first proof brought out of scripture , prov. . . . to their second , cor. . . . to their third , tim. . . . to their fourth , rom. . . . to their proofs out of fathers , who dispute negatively from the authority of holy scripture . . to their proof by the scriptures custom of disputing from divine authority negatively . . an examination of their opinion concerning the force of arguments taken from humane authority for the ordering of mens actions and perswasions . . a declaration what the truth is in this matter . as that which in the title hath been proposed for the matter whereof we treat is only the ecclesiastical law whereby we are governed ; so neither is it my purpose to maintain any other thing , then that which therein truth and reason shall approve . for concerning the dealings of men , who administer government , and unto whom the execution of that law belongeth , they have their judge who sitteth in heaven , and before whose tribunal seat they are accountable for whatsoever abuse or corruption , which ( being worthily misliked in this church ) the want either of care or of conscience in them hath bred . we are no patrons of those things therefore ; the best defence whereof is speedy redress and amendment . that which is of god we defend , to the uttermost of that ability which he hath given : that which is otherwise , let it wither even in the root from whence it hath sprung . wherefore all these abuses being severed and set apart , which use from the corruption of men , and not from the laws themselves : come we to those things which in the very whole entire form of our church-polity have been ( as we perswade our selves ) injuriously blamed by them who indeavour to overthrow the same , and instead thereof to establish a much worse , onely through a strong misconceit they have , that the same is grounded on divine authority . now , whether it be that through an earnest longing desire to see things brought to a peaceable end ; i do but imagine the matters whereof we contend , to be fewer then indeed they are ; or else for that in truth they are fewer when they come to be discust by reason , then otherwise they seem when by heat of contention they are divided into many slips , and of every branch an heap is made : surely , as now we have drawn them together , choosing out those things which are requisite to be severally all discust , and omitting such mean specialities as are likely ( without any great labour ) to fall afterwards of themselves ; i know no cause why either the number or the length of these controversies should diminish our hope of seeing them end with concond and love on all sides ; which of his infinite love and goodness , the father of all peace and unity grant . unto which scope that our endeavour may the more directly tend , it seemeth fittest that first those things be examined , which are as seeds from whence the rest that ensue have grown . and of such the most general is , that , wherewith we are here to make our entrance : a question not moved ( i think ) any where in other churches , and therefore in ours the more likely to be soon ( i trust ) determined : the rather for that it hath grown from no other root then only a desire to enlarge the necessary use of the word of god ; which desire hath begotten an error inlarging it further then ( as we are perswaded ) soundness of truth will bear . for whereas god hath left sundry kindes of laws unto men , and by all those laws the actions of men are in some sort directed : they hold that one only law , the scripture , must be the rule to direct in all things , even so far as to the taking up of a rush or straw . about which point there should not need any question to grow , and that which is grown might presently end , if they did yield but to these two restraints : the first is , not to extend the actions whereof they speak , so low as that instance doth import , of taking up a straw , but rather keep themselves at the least within the compass of moral actions , actions which have in them vice of vertue : the second , not to exact at our hands for every action the knowledge of some place of scripture , out of which we stand bound to deduce it , as by divers testimonies they seek to enforce ; but rather as the truth is , so to acknowledge , that it sufficeth if such actions be framed according to the law of reason ; the general axiomes , rules and principles of which law , being so frequent in holy scripture , there is no let but in that regard , even out of scripture such duties may be deduced by some kind of consequence ( as by long circuit of deduction it may be that even all truth , out of any truth , may be concluded ) howbeit no man bound in such sort to deduce all his actions out of scripture , as if either the place be to him unknown whereon they may be concluded , or the reference unto that place not presently considered of , the action shall in that respect be condemned as unlawful . in this we dissent , and this we are presently to examine . . in all parts of knowledge rightly so termed , things most general are most strong ; thus it must be , inasmuch as the certainty of our perswasion touching particulars , dependeth altogether upon the credit of those generalities out of which they grow . albeit therefore every cause admit not such infallible evidence of proof , as leaveth no possibility of doubt or scruple behinde it ; yet they who claim the general assent of the whole world unto that which they teach , and do not fear to give very hard and heavy sentence upon as many as refuse to embrace the same , must have special regard that their first foundations and grounds be more then slender probabilities . this whole question which hath been moved about the kinde of church regiment , we could not but for our own resolution sake , endeavour to unrip and sist ; following therein as near as we might , the conduct or that judicial method which serveth best for invention of truth . by means whereof , having found this the head theorem of all their discourses , who plead for the change of ecclesiastical government in england , namely , that the scripture of god is in such sort the rule of humane actions , that simply whatsoever we do , and are not by it directed thereunto , the same is sin ; we hold it necessary that the proofs hereof be weighed : be they of weight sufficient or otherwise , it is not ours to judge and determine ; onely what difficulties there are , which as yet with-hold our assent , till we be further and better satisfied , i hope , no indifferent amongst them will scorn or refuse to hear . first , therefore whereas they alledge , that wisdom doth teach men every good way ; and have thereupon inferred , that no way is good in any kinde of action , unless wisdom do by scripture lead unto it : see they not plainly how they restrain the manifold ways which wisdom hath to teach men by , unto one onely way of teaching , which is by scripture ? the bounds of wisdom are large ; and within them much is contained . wisdom was adams instructor in paradise : wisdom endued the fathers who lived before the law , with the knowledge of holy things ; by the wisdom of the law of god. david attained to excel others in understanding ; and solomon likewise to excel david , by the self-same wisedome of god , teaching him many things besides the law. the ways of well-doing are in number even as many , as are the kindes of voluntary actions : so that whatsoever we do in this world , and may do it ill , we shew our selves therein by well-doing to be wise . now if wisdom did teach men by scripture not only all the ways that are right and good in some certain kinde , according to that of a s. paul , concerning the use of scripture ; but did simply without any manner of exception , restraint , or distinction , teach every way of doing well : there is no art but scripture should teach it , because every art doth teach the way how to do something or other well : to teach men therefore wisdom professeth , and to teach them every good way : but not every good way by one way of teaching . whatsoever either men on earth , or the angels of heaven do know , it is as a drop of that unemptiable fountain of wisdom ; which wisdom , hath diversly imparted her treasures unto the world. as her ways are of sundry kinds , so her manner of teaching is not meerly one and the same . some things she openeth by the sacred books of scripture ; some things by the glorious works of nature : with some things she inspireth them from above by spiritual influence ; in some things she leadeth and traineth them onely by worldly experience and practice . we may not so in any one special kinde admire her , that we disgrace her in any other ; but let all her ways be according unto their place and degree adored . . that all things be done to the glory of god , the blessed apostle ( it is true ) exhorteth . the glory of god is the admirable excellency of that vertue divine , which being made manifest , causeth men and angels to extol his greatness , and in regard thereof to fear him . by being glorified , it is not meant , that he doth receive any augmentation of glory at our hands ; but his name we glorifie , when we testifie our acknowledgement of his glory . which albeit we most effectually do by the vertue of obedience ; nevertheless it may be perhaps a question , whether s. paul did mean that we sin as oft as ever we go about any thing , without an express intent and purpose to obey god therein . he saith of himself , i do in all things please all men , seeking not mine own commodity , but rather the good of many , that they may be saved . shall it hereupon be thought , that st. paul did not move either hand or foot , but with express intent even thereby to further the common salvation of men ? we move , we sleep , we take the cup at the hand of our friend , a number of things we oftentimes do , only to satisfie some natural desire , without present , express and actual reference unto any commandment of god. unto his glory even these things are done which we naturally perform , and not only that which morally and spiritually we do . for by every effect proceeding from the most concealed instincts of nature , his power is made manifest . but it doth not therefore follow , that of necessity we shall sin , unless we expresly intend this in every such particular . but be it a thing which requireth no more then onely our general presupposed willingness to please god in all things , or be it a matter wherein we cannot so glorifie the name of god as we should , without an actual intent to do him in that particular some special obedience ; yet for any thing there is in this sentence alledged to the contrary , god may be glorified by obedience , and obeyed by performance of his will , and his will be performed with an actual intelligent desire to fulfil that law which maketh known what his will is , although no special clause or sentence of scripture be in every such action set before mens eyes to warrant it . for scripture is not the onely law whereby . god hath opened his will touching all things that may be done ; but there are other kinde of laws which notifie the will of god , as in the former book hath been proved at large : nor is there any law of god , whereunto he doth not account our obedience his glory . do therefore all things unto the glory of god , ( saith the apostle ) be inoffensive both to the iews and grecians , and the church of god ; even as i please all then in all things , not seeking mine own commodity , but manies , that they may be saved . in the least thing done disobediently towards god , or offensively against the good of men , whose benefit we ought to seek for as for our own , we plainly shew that we do not acknowledge god to be such as indeed he is , and consequently that we glorifie him not . this the blessed apostle teacheth ; but doth any apostle teach that we cannot glorifie god otherwise then onely in doing what we finde that god in scripture commandeth us to do ? the churches dispersed amongst the heathen in the east part of the world , are by the apostle s. peter exhorted , to have their conversation honest amongst the gentiles , that they which spake evil of them as of evil doers , might by the good works which they should see , glorifie god in the day of visitation . as long as that which christians did was good , and no way subject unto just reproof , their vertuous conversation was a mean to work the heathens conversion unto christ. seeing therefore this had been a thing altogether impossible , but that infidels themselves did discents , in matters of life and conversation , when believers did well , and when otherwise ; when they glorified their heavenly father , and when not : it followeth , that somethings wherein god is glorified , may be some other way known then onely but the sacred scripture , of which scripture the gentiles being utterly ignorant , did notwithstanding judge rightly of the quality of christian mens actions . most certain it is , that nothing but onely sin doth dishonoar god. so that to glorifie him in all things , is to do nothing whereby the name of god may be blasphemed ; nothing whereby the salvation of jew or grecian , or any in the church of christ may be let or hindred ; nothing whereby his law is transgrest . but the question is , whether only scripture do shew whatsoever god is glorified in . . and though meats and drinks be said to be sanctified by the word of god , and by prayer , yet neither is this a reason sufficient to prove , that by scripture we must of necessity be directed , in every light and common thing , which is incident unto any part of mans life . onely it sheweth that unto us the word , that is to say , the gospel of christ , having not delivered any such difference of things clean and unclean as the law of moses did unto the jews , there is no cause but that we may use indifferently all things , as long as we do not ( like swine ) take the benefit of them without a thankful acknowledgement of his liberality and goodness , by whose providence they are enjoyed . and therefore the apostle gave warning beforeshifhed to that need of such as should enjoyed to abstain from meats , which god hath streased to be received will thanksgiving , by them which believe and know the truth . for every creature of god in good , and nothing to be refused , if it be received with thanksgiving ; because it sanctified by the word of god and prayer . the gospel , by not malling many things unclean ! as the law did , hath sanctified those things generally to asked which particularly each man unto himself must sanctifie by a reverend and holy the ●● which will hardly be down so far as to serve their purpose , who have imagined the world in such sort to sanctifie all things , that neither food saw he tastest , nor principle on , nor in the world any thing done , but this deed must needs be sin in them which do not first know it appointed unto them by scripture before they do it . . but to come unto that which of all other things in scripture is most stood upon that place of s. paul they say , is of all other most clear , where speaking of those things which are called indifferent , in the end he concludeth , that whatsoever is not of faith , of sin his faith is not but th respect of the word of god therefore whatsoever is not done by the word of god , is sin . whereunto the answer , that albest the name of faith being properly and strictly taken , it must needs have reference unto some uttered word , as the object of belief : nevertheless , sith the ground of credit is the credibility of things credited ; and things are made credible , either by the known condition and quality of the utterer , or by the manifest likelihood of truth , which they have in themselves ; hereupon it riseth , that whatsoever we are perswaded of , the same we are generally said to believe . in which generality the object of faith may not so narrowly be restrained , as if the same did extend no further then to the only scriptures of god. though ( saith our saviour ) ye believe not me , believe my works , that ye may know and believe that the father is in me , and i in him . the other disciples said unto thomas , we have seen the lord ; but his answer unto them was , except i see in his hands the print of the nails , and put my finger into them , i will not believe . can there be any thing more plain , then that which by these two sentences appeareth ? namely , that there may be a certain belief grounded upon other assurance then scripture ; any thing more clear , then that we are said not only to believe the things which we know by anothers relation , but even whatsoever we are certainly perswaded of , whether it be by reason , or by sense ? forasmuch therefore as ( a ) it is granted that s. paul doth mean nothing ; else by faith , but onely a full perswasion that that which we do it well done ; against which kinde of faith or perswasion , as s. paul doth count it sin to enterprize any thing , ( b ) so likewise some of the very heathen have taught , as tully , that nothing ought to be done whereof thou doubtest , whether it be right or wrong ; whereby it appeareth that even those which had no knowledge of the word of god , did see much of the equity of this which the apostle requireth of a christian man ; i hope we shall not seen altogether unnecessarily to doubt of the soundness of their opinion , who think simply that nothing but onely the word of god , can give us assurance in any thing we are to do , and resolve us that we do well . for might not the jews have been fully perswaded that they did well to think ( if they had so thought ) that in christ god the father was , although the only ground of this , their faith , had been the wonderful works they saw him do ? might not , yea , did not thomas fully in the end perswade himself , that he did well to think that body which now was raised , to be the same which had been crucified ? that which gave thomas this assurance was his sense ; thomas ; because thou hast seen , thou believest , saith our saviour . what scripture had tully for his assurance ? yet i nothing doubt , but that they who alledge him think he did well to set down in writing , a thing so consonarie unto truth . finally , we all believe that the scriptures of god are sacred , and that they have proceeded from god , our selves we assure that we do right well in so believing . we have for this point a demoustration sound and infallible . but it is not the word of god which doth or possibly can assure us , that we do well to think it his word . for if any one book of scripture did give testimony to all , yet sell that scripture which giveth credit to the rest , would require another scripture to give credit unto it neither could we ever come unto any pause whereon to rest our assurance this way : so that unless beside scripture , there were something which might assure us that we do well , we could nor think we do well ; no , not in being assured that scripture is a sacred and holy rule of well-doing . on which determination we , might be contented to stay our selves , without further proceeding herein , but that we are drawn on into a larger speech , by reason of their so great earnestness , who beat more , and more upon these last alledged words , as being of all other most pregnant . whereas , therefore they still argue , that wheresoever faith is wanting , there is sin ; and in every action not commanded , faith is wanting ; ergo , in every action not commanded , there is sin : i would demand of them ; first , forasmuch , as the nature of things indifferent , is neither to be commanded , nor forbidden , but left free and arbitrary ; how there can be any thing indifferent , i● for want of faith , sin be committed , when any thing not commanded is done . so that of necessity they must adde somewhat , and at least wise thus , set it down : in every action not commanded of god , or permitted with approbation , faith is wanting , and for want of faith there is sin . the next thing we are to enquire is , what those things be which god permitteth with approbation , and how we may know them to be so permitted ? when there are unto one end sundry means ; as for example , for the sustenance of our bodies many kindes of food , many sorts of raiment to cloath our nakedness , and so in other things of like condition : here the end it self being necessary , but not so any one mean thereunto ; necessary that our bodies should he both fed and cloathed , howbeit no one kinde of food or raiment necessary ; therefore we hold these things free in their own nature and indifferent . the choice is left to our own discretion , except a principal bond of some higher duty remove the indifferency that such things have in themselves . their indifferency is removed , if either we take away our own liberty , as ananias did , for whom to have sold or held his possessions it was indifferent , till his solemn vow and promise into god had strictly bound him one only way : or if god himself have precisely abridged the same , by restraining us unto , or by barring us from some one or more things of many , which otherwise were in themselves altogether indifferent . many fashions of priestly attire there were , whereof aaron and his sons might have had their free choice without sin , but that god expresly tied them unto one . all meats indifferent unto the jew , were it not that god by name excepted some , as swines flesh . impossible therefore it is we should otherwise think , then that what things god doth neither command nor forbid , the same he permitteth with approbation either to be done or left undone . all things are lawful unto me , saith the apostle , speaking as it seemeth , in the person of the christian gentile , for maintenance of liberty in things indifferent : whereunto his answer is , that nevertheless , all things are not expedient ; in things indifferent there is a choice , they are not always equally expedient . now in things although not commanded of god , yet lawfull , because they are permitted , the question is , what light shall shew us the conveniency which one hath above another ? for answer , their final determination is , that whereas the heathen did send men for the difference of good and evil to the light of reason , in such things the apostle sendeth us to the school of christ in his word , which onely is able through faith to give us assurance and resolution in our doings . which word onely , is utterly without possibility of ever being proved . for what if it were true concerning things indifferent , that unless the word of the lord had determined of the free use of them , there could have been no lawful use of them at all ; which notwithstanding is untrue ; because it is not the scriptures setting down such things as indifferent , but their not setting down as necessary , that doth make them to be indifferent ; yet this to our present purpose serveth nothing at all . we enquire not now , whether any thing be free to be used , which scripture hath nor set down as free ? but concerning things known and acknowledged to be indifferent , whether particularly in chusing any one of them before another , we sin , if any thing but scripture direct us into this our choice . when many meats are set before me , all are indifferent , none unlawful ; i take one as most convenient . if scripture require me so to do , then is not the thing indifferent , because i must do what scripture requireth . they are all indifferent ; i might take any , scripture doth not require of me to make any special choice of one : i do notwithstanding make choice of one , my discretion teaching me so to do . a hard case , that hereupon i should be justly condemned of sin . not let any man think that following the judgement of natural discretion in such cases , we can have no assurance that we please god. for to the author and god of our nature , how shall any operation proceeding in natural sort , he in that respect unacceptable ? the nature which himself hath given to work by , he cannot but be delighted with , when we exercise the same any way without commandment of his to the contrary . my desire is , to make this cause so manifest , that if it were possible , no doubt or scruple concerning the same , might remain in any mans cogitation . some truths there are , the verity whereof time doth alter : as it is now true that christ is risen from the dead ; which thing was not true at such time as christ was living on earth , and had not suffered . it would be known therefore , whether this which , they teach concerning the sinful stain of all actions not commanded of god , be a truth that doth now appertain unto us onely , or a perpetual truth , in such sort that from the first beginning of the world , unto the last consummation thereof , it neither hath been , nor can be otherwise . i see not how they can restrain this unto any particular time , how they can think it true now , and not always true , that in every action not commanced there is for want of faith sin . then let them cast back their eyes unto former generations of men , and mark what was done in the prime of the world : seth , enoch , noah , sem , abraham , iob , and the rest that lived before any syllable of the law of god was written , did they not sin as much as we do in every action not commanded ? that which god is unto us by his sacred word , the same he was unto them by such like means as eliphaz in iob describeth . if therefore we sin in every action which the scripture commandeth us not , it followeth that they did the like in all such actions as were not by revelation from heaven exacted at their hands : unless god from heaven did by vision still shew them what to do , they might do nothing ; not eat , not drink , not sleep , not move . yea , but even as in darkness , candle light may serve to guide mens steps , which to use in the day were madness ; so when god had once delivered his law in writing , it may be , they are of opinion , that then it must needs be sin for men to do any thing , which was not there commanded them to do , whatsoever they might do before . let this be granted , and it shall hereupon plainly ensue , either that the light of scripture once shining in the world , all other light of nature is therewith in such sort drowned , that now we need it not , neither may we longer use it ; or if it stand us in any stead , yet , as aristotle speaketh of men whom nature hath framed for the state of servitude , saying , they have reason so far forth as to conceive when others direct them , but little or none in directing themselves by themselves ; so likewise our natural capacity and judgement must serve us onely for the right understanding of that which the sacred scripture teacheth . had the prophets who succeeded moses , or the blessed apostles which followed them , been setled in this perswasion , never would they have taken so great pains in gathering together natural arguments , thereby to teach the faithful their duties . to use unto them any other motive then scriptures est , thou it is written , had been to teach them other grounds of their actions then scripture ; which i grant , they alledge commonly , but not onely . onely scripture they should have alledged , had they been thus perswaded , that so far forth we do sin , as we do any thing otherwise directed then by scripture . s. augustine was resolute in points of christianity to credit none , how godly and learned soever he were , unless he confirmed his sentence by the scriptures , or by some reason not contrary to them . let them therefore with s. augustine reject and condemn that which is not grounded either on the scripture , or on some reason not contrary to scripture , and we are ready to give them our hands in token of friendly consent with them . . but against this it may be objected , and is , that the fathers do nothing more usually in their books , then draw arguments from the scripture negatively in reproof of that which is evil ; scriptures teach it not , avoid it therefore : these disputes with the fathers are ordinary , neither is it hard to shew that the prophets themselves have so reasoned . which arguments being sound and good , it should seem that it cannot be unsound or evil to hold still the same asserrion , against which hitherto we have disputed . for if it stand with reason thus to argue , such a thing is not taught us in scripture , therefore we may not receive or allow it : how should it seem unreasonable to think , that whatsoever we may lawfully do , the scripture by commanding it must make it lawful ? but how far such arguments do reach , it shall the better appear by considering the matter wherein they have been urged . first therefore this we constantly deny , that of so many testimonies as they are able to produce for the strength of negative arguments , any one doth generally ( which is the point in question ) condemn either all opinions as false , or all actions as unlawful , which the scripture teacheth us not . the most that can be collected out of them is onely , that in some cases a negative . argument taken from scripture is strong , whereof no man endued with judgement can doubt . but doth the strength of some negative argument prove this kinde of negative argument strong , by force whereof , all things are denied which scripture affirmeth not , or all things which scripture prescribeth not condemned ? the question between us is concerning matter of action , what things are lawful , or unlawful for men to do . the sentences alledged out of the fathers , are as peremptory , and as large in every respect for matter of opinion , as of action ; which argueth that in truth they never meant any otherwise to tie the one then the other unto scripture , both being thereunto equally tied , as far as each is required in the same kinde of necessity unto salvation . if therefore it be not unlawful to know , and with full perswasion to believe much more then scripture alone doth teach ; if it be against all sense and reason to condemn the knowledge of so many arts and sciences as are otherwise learned then in holy scripture , notwithstanding the manifest speeches of ancient catholick fathers which seem to close up within the bosom thereof all manner good and lawful knowledge ; wheresore should their words be thought more effectual to shew that we may not in deeds and practice , then they are to prove that in speculation and knowledge , we ought not to go any further then the scripture ? which scripture being given to teach matters of belief , no less then of action ; the fathers must needs be , and are even as plain against credit , besides the relation , as against practice , without the injunction of the scripture . s. augustine hath said , whether it be question of christ , or whether it be question of his church , or of what thing soever the question be : i say not , if we , but if an angel from heaven shall tell us any thing beside that you have received in the scripture under the law and the gospel , let him be accursed . in like sort tertallian , we may not give our selves this liberty to bring in any thing of our will , , nor chuse any thing that other men bring in of their will ; we have the apostles themselves for authors , which themselves brought nothing of their own will ; but the discipline which they received of christ , they delivered faithfully unto the people ; in which place the name of discipline importeth not , as they who alledge it would fain have it construed , but as any man who noteth the circumstance of the place , and the occasion of uttering the words , will easily acknowledge , even the self-same thing it signifieth , which the name of doctrine doth ; and as well might the one as the other there have been used . to help them farther , doth not s. ierome , after the self-same manner dispute . we believe it not , because we read it not : yea , we ought not so much as to know the things which the book of the law containeth not , saith s. hilary . shall we hereupon then conclude , that we may not take knowledge of , or give credit unto any thing which sense , or experience , or report , or art doth propose , unless we finde the same in scripture ? no , it is too plain that so far to extend their speeches , is to wrest them against their true intent and meaning . to urge any thing upon the church , requiring thereunto that religious assent of christian belief , wherewith the words of the holy prophets are received ; to urge any thing as part of that supernatural and celestially revealed truth which god hath taught , and not to shew it in scripture , this did the ancient fathers evermore think unlawful , impious execrable . and thus as their speeches were meant , so by us they must be restrained . as for those alledged words of cyprian , the christian religion shall finde , that out of this scripture rules of all doctrines have sprung , and that from hence doth spring , and hither doth return whatsoever the ecclesiastical discipline doth contain . surely this place would never have been brought forth in this cause , if it had been but once read over in the author himself , out of whom it is cited . for the words are uttered concerning that one principal commandment of love ; in the honour whereof hespeaketh after this sort ; surely this commandment containeth the law and the prophets , and in this one word is the abridgement of all the volumes of scripture : this nature , and reason , and the authority of thy word , o lord , doth proclaim ; this we have heard out of thy month ; herein the perfection of all religion doth consist . this is the first commandment and the last : this being written in the book of life , is ( as it were ) an everlasting lesson both to men and angels . let christian religion read this one word , and meditate upon this commandment , and out of this scriptrue it shall finde the rules of all learning to have spring , and from hence to have risen , and hither to return , whatsoever the ecclesiastical discipline containeth ; and that in all things it is vain and bootless which charity confirmeth not . was this a sentence ( trow you ) of so great force to prove that scripture is the onely rule of all the actions of men ? might they not hereby even as well prove , that one commandment of scripture is the onely rule of all things , and so exclude the rest of the scripture , as now they do all means besides scripture ? but thus it fareth , when too much desire of contradiction causeth our speech rather to pass by number , then to stay for weight . well , but tertullian doth in this case speak yet more plainly : the scripture ( saith he ) denieth what it noteth not : which are indeed the words of tertullian . but what ? the scripture reckoneth up the kings of israel , and amongst those kings , david ; the scripture reckoneth up the sons of david , and amongst those sons , solomon . to prove that amongst the kings of israel , there was no david but only one ; no solomon but one in the sons of david , tertullians argument will fitly prove . for inasmuch as the scripture did propose to reckon up all ; if there were moe , it would haue named them . in this case the scripture doth deny the thing it noteth not . howbeit i could not but think that man to do me some piece of manifest injury , which would hereby fasten upon me a general opinion , as if i did think the scripture to deny the very reign of king henry the eighth , because it no where noteth that any such king did reign . tertullians speech is probable concerning such matter as he there speaketh of . there was , saith tertullian , no second lamech , like to him that had two wives ; the scripture denieth what it noteth not . as therefore it noteth one such to have been in that age of the world ; so had there been moe , it would by likelihood as well have noted many as one . what infer we now hereupon ? there was no second lamech ; the scripture denieth what it noteth not . were it consonant unto reason to divorce these two sentences , the former of which doth shew how the latter is retrained , and not marking the former , to conclude by the latter of them , that simply whatsoever any man at this day doth think true , is by the scripture denied , unless it be there affirmed to be true ? i wonder that a case so weak and feeble hath been so much persisted in . but to come unto those their sentences , wherein matters of action are more apparently touched , the name of tertullian is as before , so here again pretended ; who writing unto his wife two books , and exhorting her in the one to live a widow , in case god before her should take him unto his mercy ; and in the other , if she did marry , yet not to joyn her self to an infidel , as in those times some widows christian had done for the advancement of their estate in this present world ; he urgeth very earnestly s. pauls words , onely in the lord : whereupon he demandeth of them that think they may do the contrary , what scripture they can shew where god hath dispenced and granted license to do against that which the blessed apostle so strictly doth enjoyn ? and because in defence it might perhaps be replied , seeing god doth will that couples which are married when both are infidels , if either party chance to be after converted unto christianity , this should not make separation between them , as long as the unconverted was willing to retain the other on whom the grace of christ had shined ; wherefore then should that let the making of marriage , which doth not dissolve marriage being made ? after great reasons shewed why god doth in converts being married , allow continuance with infidels , and yet disallow that the faithful when they are free should enter into bonds of wedlock with such , concludeth in the end concerning those women that so marry , they that please not the lord , do even thereby offend the lord ; they do even thereby throw themselves into evil ; that is to say , while they please him not by manying in him , they do that whereby they incur his displeasure ; they make an offer of themselves into the service of that enemy with whose servants they link themselves in so near a bond . what one syllable is there in all this , prejudicial any way to that which we hold ? for the words of tertullian as they are by them alledged , are two ways mis-understood ; both in the former part , where that is extended generally to all things in the neuter gender , which he speaketh in the feminine gender of womens persons ; and in the latter , where , received with hurt , is put instead of willful incurring that which is evil . and so in sum , tertullian doth neither mean nor say as is pretended , whatsoever pleaseth not the lord , displeaseth him ; and with hurt it received ; but , those women that please not the lord by their kinde of marrying , do even thereby offend the lord , they do even thereby throw themselves into evil : somewhat more shew there is in a second place of tertullian , which notwithstanding when we have , examined it will be found as the rest are . the roman emperors custom was at certain solemn times to bestow on his souldiers a donative ; which donative they received , wearing garlands upon their heads . there were in the time of the emperors severus and antoninus , many who being souldiers had been converted unto christ , and notwithstanding continued still in that military course of life . in which number , one man there was amongst all the rest , who at such a time coming to the tribune of the army to receive his donative , came but with a garland in his hand , and not in such sort as others did . the tribune offended hereat , demanded what this great singularity would mean : to whom the souldier , christianus sum , i am a christian. many there were so besides him , which yet did otherwise at that time , whereupon grew a question , whether a christian souldier might herein do as the unchristian did , and wear as they wore . many of them which were very sound in christian belief , did rather commend the zeal of this man , then approve his action . tertullian was at the same time a moutanist , and an enemy unto the church for condemning that prophetical spirit , which montanus and his followers did boast they had received ; as it in them christ had performed his last promise ; as if to them he had sent the spirit that should be their perfecter and final instructer in the mysteries of christian truth . which exulceration of mind made him apt to take all occasions of contradiction . wherefore in honour of that action , and to gall their mindes who did not so much commend it , he wrote his book de corona militis , not dissembling the stomach wherewith he wrote it . for the first man he commended as one more constant then the rest of his brethren , who presumed , saith he , that they might well enough serve two lords . afterwards choler somewhat rising within him , he addeth , it doth even remain that they should also devise how to rid themselves of his martyrdom , towards the prophecies of whose holy spirit they have already shewed their disdain . they mutter that their good and long peace it now in hazard . i doubt not but serue of them send the scriptures before , truss up bag and baggage , make themselves in a readiness , that they may fly from city to city ; for that is the only point of the gospel , which they are careful not to forget . i know even their pastors very well what men they are ; in peace lions , harts in time of trouble and fear : now these men , saith tertullian , they must be answered , where do we finde it written in scripture , that a christian man may not wear a garland ● and as mens speeches uttered in heat of distempered affection , have oftentimes much more eagerness then weight ; so he that shall mark the proofs alledge , and the answers to things objected in that book , will now and then perhaps espy the like imbecillity . such is that argument whereby they that wore on their heads garlands , are charged as transgressors of natures law , and guilty of sacriledge against god the lord o : nature inasmuch as flowers in such sort worn , can neither be smelt no● seen well by those that wear them : and god made flowers sweet and beautiful , that being seen and smelt unto , they might so delight . neither doth tertullian bewray this weakness in striking only , but also in repelling their strokes with whom he contendeth . they ask , saith he , what scripture is there which doth teach that we should not be crowned ? and what scripture is there which doth teach that we should ? for in requiring on the contrary part the aid of scripture , they do give sentence beforehand that their part ought also by scripture to be aided : which answer is of no great force . there is no necessity , that if i confess i ought not to do that which the scripture forbiddeth me , i should thereby acknowledge my self bound to do nothing which the scripture commandeth me not . for many inducements beside scripture may lead me to that , which if scripture be against , they all give place , and are of no value ; yet otherwise are strong and effectual perswade . which thing himself well enough understanding , and being not ignorant that scripture in many things doth neither command nor forbid , but use silence ; his resolution in fine , is , that in the church a number of things are strictly observed , whereof no law of scripture maketh mention one way or other ; that of things once received and confirmed by use , long usage is a law sufficient ; that in civil affairs , when there is no other law , custom it self doth stand for law , that inasmuch as law doth stand upon reason , to alledge reason serveth as well as to cite scripture ; that whatsoever is reasonable , the same is lawful , whosoever is the author of it ; that the authority of custom is great , finally , that the custom of christians was then , and had been a long time , not to wear garlands , and therefore that undoubtedly they did offend , who presumed to violate such a custom , by not observing that thing , the very inveterate observation whereof was a law sufficient to binde all men to observe it , unless they could shew some higher law , some law of scripture to the contrary . this presupposed , it may stand then very well with strength and soundness of reason , even thus to answer , whereas they ask what scripture forbiddeth them to wear a garland ? we are in this case rather to demand , what scripture commandeth them ? they cannot here alledge , that that is permitted which is not forbidden them : no , that is forbidden them which is not permitted . for long received custom forbidding them to do as they did ( if so be it did forbid them ) there was no excuse in the world to justifie their act , unless in the scripture they could shew some law that did license them thus to break a received custom . now whereas in all the books of tertullian besides , there is not so much found as in that one , to prove not only that we may do , but that we ought to do sundry things which the scripture commandeth not ; out of that very book these sentences are brought to make us believe that tertullian was of a clean contrary mind . we cannot therefore hereupon yield ; we cannot grant , that hereby is made manifest the argument of scripture negative to be of force , not only in doctrine and ecclesiastical discipline , but even in matters arbitrary . for tertullian doth plainly hold even in that book , that neither the matter which he entreateth of was arbitrary , but necessary , inasmuch as the received custom of the church did tie and binde them not to wear garlands as the heathens did ; yea , and further also he reckoneth up particularly a number of things whereof he expresly concludeth , haram & aliaram ejusmodi disciplinarum si legem expostules scripturarum , nullam invenies ; which is as much as if he had said in express words , many things thereare which concern the discipline of the church , and the duties of men , which to abrogate and take away , the scriptures negatively urged may not in any case perswade us , but they must be observed , yea , although no scripture be found which requireth any such thing . tertullian therefore undoubtedly doth not in this book shew himself to be of the same minde with them , by whom his name is pretended . . but first the sacred scriptures themselves afford oftentimes such arguments as are taken from divine authority both one way and other ; the lord hath commanded , therefore it must be : and again , in like sort , he hath not , therefore it must not be ; some certainty concerning this point seemeth requisite to be set down : god himself can neither possibly err , nor lead into error . for this cause his testimonies , whatsoever he affirmeth , are always truth , and most infallible certainty . yea , further , because the things that proceed from him are perfect without any manner of defect or maim ; it cannot be but that the words of his mouth are absolute , and lack nothing which they should have , for performance of that thing whereunto they tend . whereupon it followeth , that the end being known whereunto he directeth his speech , the argument negatively is evermore strong and forcible , concerning those things that are apparently requisite unto the same end . as for example , god intending to set down sundry times that which in angels is most excellent , hath not any where spoken so highly of them as he hath of our lord and saviour jesus christ ; therefore they are not in dignity equal unto him . it is the apostle s. pauls argument . the purpose of god was to teach his people , both unto whom they should offer sacrifice , and what sacrifice was to be offered . to burn their sons in fire unto baal he did not command them , he spake no such thing , neither came it into his minde : therefore this they ought not to have done . which argument the prophet jeremy useth more then once , as being so effectual and strong , that although the thing he reproveth were not only not commanded , but forbidden them , and that expresly ; yet the prophet chooseth rather to charge them with the fault of making a law unto themselves , than the crime of transgressing a law which god had made . for when the lord had once himself pecisely set down a form of executing that wherein we are to serve him , the fault appeareth greater to do that which we are not , then not to do that which we are commanded . in this we seem to charge the law of god with hardness onely , in that with foolishness ; in this we shew our selves weak and unapt to be doers of his will , in that we take upon us to be controllers of his wisdom : in this we fail to perform the thing which god seeth meet , convenient , and good , in that we presume to see what is meet and convenient better then god himself . in those actions therefore , the whole form whereof god hath of purpose set down to be observed , we may not otherwise do then exactly , as he hath prescribed : in such things negative arguments are strong . again , with a negative argument david is pressed concerning the purpose he had to build a temple unto the lord : thus saith the lord , thou shalt not build me an house to dwell in . wheresoever i have walked with all israel , spake i one word to any of the iudges of israel , whom i commanded to feed my people , saying , why have ye not built me an house ? the jews urged with a negative argument touching the aid which they sought at the hands of the king of egypt ; we to those rebellious children ( saith the lord ) which walk forth to go down into egypt , and have not asked counsel at my mouth , to strengthen themselves with the strength of pharaoh . finally , the league of ioshua with the gibeonites is likewise with a negative argument touched . it was not as it should be : and why ? the lord gave them not that advice : they sought not counsel at the mouth of the lord. by the vertue of which examples , if any man should suppose the force of negative arguments approved , when they are taken from scripture , in such sort as we in this question are pressed therewith , they greatly deceive themselves . for unto which of all these was it said , that they had done amiss in purposing to do , or in doing any thing at all which the scripture commanded them not ? our question is , whether all be sin which is done without direction by scripture , and not , whether the israelites did at any time amiss by following their own mindes , without asking counsel of god. no , it was that peoples singular priviledge , a favour which god vouchsafed them above the rest of the world , that in the affairs of their estate , which were not determinable one way or other by the scripture , himself gave them extraordinary direction and counsel , as oft as they sought it at his hands . thus god did first by speech unto noses , after by urim and thummim unto priests ; lastly , by dreams and visions unto prophets , from whom in such cases they were to receive the answer of god. concerning ioshua therefore , thus spake the lord unto moses saying , he shall stand before eleazer the priest , who shall ask counsel for him by the judgement of urim before the lord : whereof had ioshua been mindeful , the fraud of the gibeonites could not so smoothly have past unespied till there was no help . the jews had prophets to have resolved them from the mouth of god himself whether egyptian aids should profit them , yea , or no : but they thought themselves wise enough , and him unworthy to be of their counsel . in this respect therefore was their reproof , though sharp , yet just , albeit there had been no charge precisely given them that they should always take heed of egypt . but as for david , to think that he did evil in determining to build god a temple , because there was in scripture no commandment that he should build it , were very injurious : the purpose of his heart was religious and godly , the act most worthy of honour and renown ; neither could nathan chuse but admire his vertuous intent , exhort him to go forward , and beseech god to prosper him therein . put god saw the endless troubles which david should be subject unto , during the whole time of his regiment , and therefore gave charge to defer so good a work till the days of tranquillity and peace , wherein it might without interruption be performed . david supposed that it could not stand with the duty which he owed unto god , to set himself in an house of cedar-trees , and to behold the ark of the lords covenant unsetled . this opinion the lord abateth , by causing nathan to shew him plainly , that it should be no more imputed unto him for a fault , then it had been unto the judges of israel before him , his case being the same which theirs was , their times not more unquiet then his , nor more unfit for such an action . wherefore concerning the force of negative arguments so taken from the authority of scripture , as by us they are denied , there is in all this less then nothing . and touching that which unto this purpose is borrowed from the controversies sometimes handled between mr. harding and the worthiest divine that christendom hath bred for the space of some hundreds of years , who being brought up together in one university , it fell out in them which was spoken of two others , a they learned in the same , that which in contrary camps they did practice . of these two the one objecting that with us arguments taken from authority negatively are over common , the bishops answer hereunto is , that this kinde of argument is thought to be good , whensoever proof is taken of gods word ; and is used not onely by in , but also by s. paul , and by many of the catholick fathers , s. paul saith , god said not unto abraham , in thy seeds all the nations of the earth shall be blessed ; but , in thy seed , which is christ ; and thereof he thought he made a good argument . likewise , saith origen , the bread which the lord gave unto his disciples , saying unto them , take and eat , be deferred not , nor commanded to be reserved till the next day . such , arguments origen and other learned fathers thought to stand for good , whatsoever misliking mr. harding hath sound in them . this kinde of proof is thought to hold in gods commandments , for that they be full and perfect : and god hath specially charged us , that we should neither put to them , nor take from them : and therefore it seemeth good unto them that have learned of christ. unus est magister vester christus , and have heard the voice of god the father from heaven , ipsum audite . but unto them that add to the word of god what them listeth , and make gods will subject unto their will , and break gods commandments for their own traditions sake , unto them it seemeth not good . again , the english apologie alledging the example of the greeks , how they have neither private masses , nor mangled sacraments , nor purgatories , nor pardons ; it pleaseth mr. harding to jest out the matter , to use the help of his wits where strength of truth failed him , and to answer with scoffing at negatives . the bishops defence in this case is , the ancient learned fathers having to deal with politick hereticks , that in defence of their errors avouched the judgement of all the old bishops and doctors that had been before them , and the general consent of the primitive and whole universal church , and that with as good regard of truth , and as faithfully as you do now ; the better to discover the shameless boldness , and nakedness of their doctrine , were oftentimes likewise forced to use the negative , and so to drive the same hereticks , as we do you , to prove their affirmatives , which thing to do it was never possible . the ancient father iraeneus thus stayed himself , as we do , by the negative . hoc neq . prophetae praedicaverunt , neque dominus docuit , neque apostoli tradiderunt ; this thing neither did the prophets publish , nor our lord teach , nor the apostles deliver . by a like negative chrysostome saith , this tree neither paul planted , nor apollos watered , nor god increased . in like sort leo saith , what needeth it to believe that thing that neither the law hath taught , nor the prophets have spoken , nor the gospel hath preached , nor the apostles have delivered ? and again , how are the new devices brought in that our fathers never knew ? s. augustine having reckoned up a great number of the bishops of rome , by a general negative saith thus , in all this order of succession of bishops , there is not one bishop found that was a donatist . s. gregory being himself a bishop of rome , and writing against the title of universal bishop , saith thus , none of all my predecessors ever consented to use this ungodly title ; no bishop of rome ever took upon him this name of singularity . by such negatives , mr. harding , we reprove the vanity and novelty of your religion ; we tell you , none of the catholick , ancient , learned father , either greek or latine , ever used either your private mass , or your half communion , or your barbarous unknown prayers . paul never planted them , apollos , never watered them , god never encreased them ; they are of your selves , they are not of god. in all this there is not a syllable which any way crosseth us . for concerning arguments negative taken from humane authority , they are here proved to be in some cases very strong and forcible . they are not in our estimation idle reproofs , when the authors of needless innovations are opposed with such negatives , as that of leo , how are these new devices brought in which our fathers never knew ? when their grave and reverend superiors do reckon up unto them , as augustin did to the donatists , large catalogues of fathers , wondred at for their wisdom piety and learning , amongst whom for so many ages before us , no one did ever so think of the churches affairs , as now the world doth begin to be perswaded ; surely by us they are not taught to take exception hereat , because such arguments are negative . much less when the like are taken from the sacred authority of scripture , if the matter it self do bear them . for in truth the question is not , whether an argument from scripture negatively may be good , but whether it be so generally good , that in all actions men may urge it ? the fathers , i grant , do use very general and large terms , even as hiero the king did in speaking of archimedes , from henceforward whatsoever archimedes speaketh , it must be believed . his meaning was not that archimedes could simply in nothing be deceived , but that he had in such fort approved his skill , that he seemed worthy of credit for ever after in matters appertaining unto the science he was skilful in . in speaking thus largely it is presumed , that mens speeches will be taken according to the matter whereof they speak . let any man therefore that carrieth indifferency of judgement , peruse the bishops speeches , and consider well of those negatives concerning scripture , which he produceth out of irenaeus chrysostome and leo , which three are chosen from among the residue , because the sentences of the others ( even as one of theirs also ) do make for defence of negative argments taken from humane authority , and not from divine onely . they mention no more restraint in the one then in the other : yet i think themselves will not hereby judge , that the fathers took both to be strong , without restraint unto any special kind of matter , wherein they held such argument forcible . nor doth the bishop either say or prove any more , then that an argument in some kinds of matter may be good , although taken negatively from scripture . . an earnest desire to draw all things unto the determination of bare and naked scripture , hath caused here much pains to be taken in abating the estimation and credit of man. which if we labour to maintain as far as truth and reason will bear , let not any think that we travel about a matter not greatly needful . for the scope of all their pleading against mans authority , is to overthrow such orders , laws , and constitutions in the church , as depending thereupon , if they should therefore be taken away , would peradventure leave neither face nor memory of church to continue long in the world , the world especially being such as now it is . that which they have in this case spoken , i would for brevity sake let pass , but that the drist of their speech being so dangerous , then words are not to be neglected . wherefore to say that simply an argument taken from mans authority , doth hold no way , neither affirmatively nor negatively , is hard . by a mans authority we here understand the force which his word hath for the assurance of anothers mind that buildeth upon it ; as the apostle somewhat did upon their report of the house of chloe , and the samaritans in a matter of far greater moment , upon the report of a simple woman . for so it is said in s. iohns gospel , many of the samaritans of that city believed in him for the saying of the woman , which testified , he hath told me all things that ever i did . the strength of mans authority is affirmatively such , that the weightiest affairs in the world depend thereon , in judgement and justice are not hereupon proceedings grounded ? saith not the law , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word shall be confirmed ? this the law of god would not say , if there were in a mans testimony no force at all to prove any thing . and if it be admitted that in matter of fact , there is some credit to be given to the testimony of man , but not in matter of opinion and judgment , we see the contrary both acknowledged and universally practised also throughout the world . the sentences of wise and expert men were never but highly esteemed . let the title of a mans right be called in question , are we not bold to relie and build upon the judgement of such as are famous for their skill in the laws of this land ? in matter of state , the weight many times of some one mans authority is thought reason sufficient even to sway over whole nations . and this is not only with the simple sort , but the learneder and wiser we are , the more such arguments in some cases prevail with us . the reason why the simpler sort are moved with authority , is the conscience of their own ignorance ; whereby it cometh to pass , that having learned men in admiration , they rather fear to dislike them , then know wherefore , they should allow and follow their judgements . contrariwise with them that are skilful , authority is much more strong and forcible ; because they only are able to discern how just cause there is why to some mens authority , so much should be attributed . for which cause the name of hippocrates ( no doubt ) were more effectual to perswade even such men as galen himself , then to move a silly emperick . so that the very self-same argument in this kind which doth but induce the vulgar sort to like , may constrain the wiser to yield . and therefore not orators only with the people , but even the very profoundest disputers in all faculties have hereby often with the best learned prevailed most . as for arguments taken from humane authority , and that negatively , for example sake , if we should think the assembling of the people of god together by the sound of a bell , the presenting of infants at the holy font , by such as we commonly call their godfathers , or any other the like received custom to be impious , because some men of whom we think very reverently , have in their books and writings no where mentioned or taught that such things should be in the church , this reasoning were subject unto just reproof ; it were but feeble , weak , and unsound . notwithstanding even negatively an argument from humane authority may be strong ; as namely thus : the chronicles of england mention no more then only six kings bearing the name of edward , since the time of the last conquest ; therefore it cannot be there should be more . so that if the question be of the authority of a mans testimony , we cannot simply avouch , either that affirmatively , it doth not any way hold , or that it hath only force to induce the simpler sort , and not to constrain men of understanding and ripe judgement to yield assent , or that negatively it hath in it no strength at all . for unto every of these the contrary of most plain . neither doth that which is alledged concerning the infirmity of men , overthrow or disprove this . men are blinded with ignorance and error ; many things escape them , and in many things they may be deceived ; yea , those things which they do know , they may either forget , or upon sundry indirect considerations let pass , and although themselves do not erre , yet may they through malice or vanity , even of purpose deceive others . howbeit , infinite cases there are wherein all these impediments and lets are so manifestly excluded , that there is no shew or colour whereby any such exception may be taken , but that the testimony of man will stand as a ground of infallible assurance . that there is a city of rome , that pins quintus and gregory the thirteenth , and others have been popes of rome , i suppose we are certainly enough perswaded . the ground of our perswasion , who never saw the place nor persons before named , can be nothing but mans testimony . will any man here notwithstanding alledge those mentioned humane infirmities as reasons , why these things should be mistrusted or doubted of ? yea , that which is more , utterly to infringe the force and strength of mans testimony , were to shake the very fortress of gods truth . for whatsoever we believe concerning salvation by christ , although the scripture be therein the ground of our belief , yet the authority of man is , if we mark it , the key which openeth the door of entrance into the knowledge of the scripture . the scripture doth not teach us the things that are of god , unless we did credit men who have taught us that the words of scripture do signifie those things . some way therefore , notwithstanding mans infirmity , yet his authority may inforce assent . upon better advice and deliberation so much is perceived , and at the length confest , that arguments taken from the authority of men , may not only so far forth as hath been declared , but further also be of some force in humane sciences ; which force be it never so small , doth shew that they are not utterly naught . but in matters divine it is still maintained stifly that they have no manner force at all . howbeit , the very self same reason , which causeth to yield that they are of some force in the one , will at the length constrain also to acknowledge that they are not in the other altogether unforcible . for it the natural strength of mans wit may by experience and stucie attain unto such ripeness in the knowledge of things humane , that men in this respect may presume to build somewhat upon their judgement ; what reason have we to think but that even in matters divine , the like wits furnisht with necessary helps , exercised in scripture with like diligence , and assisted with the grace of almighty god , may grow unto so much perfection of knowledge , that men shall have just cause , when any thing pertinent unto faith and religion is doubted of , the more willingly to encline their mindes towards that which the sentence of so grave , wise , and learned in that faculty shall judge most sound ? for the controversie is of the weight of such mens judgements . let it therefore be suspected , let it be taken as gross , corrupt , repugnant unto the truth , whatsoever concerning things divine above nature shall at any time be spoken as out of the mouths of meer natural men , which have not the eyes wherewith heavenly things are discerned : for this we contend not . but whom god hath endued with principal gifts to aspire unto knowledge by ; whose exercises , labours , and divine studies he hath so blest , that the world for their great and rate skill that way hath them in singular admiration ; may we reject even their judgement likewise , as being utterly of no moment ? for mine own part , i dare not so lightly esteem of the church , and of the principal pillars therein . the truth is , that the minde of man desireth evermore to know the truth , according to the most infallible certainty which the nature of things can yield . the greatest assurance generally with all men , is that which we have by plain aspect and intuitive beholding . where we cannot attain unto this there● what appeareth to be true , by strong and invincible demonstration , such as wherein it is not by any way possible to be deceived , thereunto the minde doth necessarily assent , neither is it in the choice thereof to do otherwise . and in case these both do fail , then which way greatest probability leadeth , thither the minde doth evermore incline . scripture with christian men being received as the word of god ; that for which we have probable , yea , that which we have necessary reason for , yea , that which we see with out eyes , is not thought so sure as that which the scripture of god teacheth ; because we hold that his speech revealeth there what himself seeth , and therefore the strongest proof of all , and the most necessarily assented unto by us ( which do thus receive the scripture ) is the scripture . now it is not required , nor can be exacted at our hands , that we should yield unto any thing other assent , then such as doth answer the evidence which is to be had of that we assent unto . for which cause even in matters divine , concerning some things we may lawfuly doubt and suspend our judgement , enclining neither to one side or other ; as namely , touching the time of the fall both of man and angels ; of some things we may very well retain an opinion that they are probable and not unlikely to be true , as when we hold that men have their souls rather by creation then propagation , or that the mother of our lord lived always in the state of virginity as well after his birth as before ( for of these two , the one , her virginity before , is a thing which of necessity we must believe ; the other , her continuance in the same state always , hath more likelihood of truth then the contrary ; ) finally , in all things then are our consciences best resolved , and in a most agreeable sore unto god and nature setled , when they are so far perswaded as those grounds of ●erswasion which are to be had will bear . which thing i do so much the rather set down , for that i see how a number of souls are , for want of right information in this point , oftentimes grievously vexed . when bare and unbuilded conclusions are put into their mindes , they finding not themselves to have thereof any great certainty , imagine that this proceedeth only from lack of faith , and that the spirit god doth not work in them , as it doth in true believers ; by this means their hearts are much troubled , they fall into anquish and perplexity : whereas the truth is , that how bold and confident soever we may be in words , when it cometh to the point of trial , such as the evidence is , which the truth hath either in it self , or through proof , such is the hearts assent thereunto ; neither can it be stronger , being grounded as it should be . i grant that proof derived from the authority of mans judgement , is not able to work that assurance which doth grow by a stronger proof ; and therefore although ten thousand general councils would set down one and the same definitive sentence concerning any point of religion whatsoever , yet one demonstrative reason alledged , or one manifest testimony cited from the mouth of god himself to the contrary , could not choose but over-weigh them all ; inasmuch as for them to have been deceived , it is not impossible ; it is , that demonstrative reason or testimony divine should deceive . howbeit , in defect of proof infallible , because the minde doth rather follow probable perswasions , then approve the things that have in them no likelihood of truth at all ; surely if a question concerning matter of doctrine were proposed , and on the one side no kinde of proof appearing , there should on the other be alledged and shewed that so a number of the learnedest divines in the world have ever thought ; although it did not appear what reason or what scripture led them to be of that judgement , yet to their very bare judgement somewhat a reasonable man would attribute , notwithstanding the common imbecillities which are incident unto our nature . and whereas it is thought , that especially with the church , and those that are called , and perswaded of the authority of the word of god , mans authority with them especially should not prevail ; it must and doth prevail even with them , yea , with them especially as far as equity requireth , and farther we maintain it not . for men to be tied and led by authority , as it were with a kind of captivity of judgement , and though there be reason to the contrary not to listen unto it , but to follow like beasts the first in the herd , they know not , nor care not whither , this were brutish . again , that authority of men should prevail with men either against or above reason , is no part of our belief . companies of learned men , be they never so great and reverend are to yield unto reason , the weight whereof is no whit prejudiced by the simplicity of his person which doth alledge it , but being found to be sound and good , the bare opinion of men to the contrary , must of necessity stoop and give place . irenaeus writing against marcion , which held one god author of the old-testament , and another of the new ; to prove that the apostles preached the same god which was known before to the jews , he copiously alledgeth sundry their sermons and speeches uttered concerning that matter , and recorded in scripture . and lest any should be wearied with such store of allegations , in the end he concludeth , . while we labour for these demonstrations out of scripture , and do summarily , declare the things which many ways have been spoken , be contented quietly to hear , and do not think my speech redious : quoniam oftensiones quae sunt in scripturis , non possunt oftendi nisi ex ipsis scripturis ; because demonstrations that art in scripture may not otherwise be shewed , then by citing them out of the scriptures themselves where they are . which words make so little unto the purpose , that they seem , as it were offended at him which hath called them thus solemnly forth to say nothing . and concerning the verdict of s. ierome , if no man , be he never so well learned , have after the apostles authority to publish new doctrine as from heaven , and to require the worlds assent as unto truth received by prophetical revelation ; doth this prejudice the credit of learned mens judgements in opening that truth , which by being conversant in the apostles writings , they have themselves from thence learned ? s. a●gustine exhorteth not to hear men , but to hearken what god speaketh . his purpose is not ( i think ) that was we should stop our ears against his own exhortation , and therefore he cannot mean simply that audience should altogether be denied unto men ; but either that if men speak one thing , and god himself teach another , then he , not they , to be obeyed ; or if they both speak the same thing , yet then also mans speech unworthy of hearing , not simply , but in comparison of that which proceedeth from the mouth of god. yea , but we doubt what the will of god is . are we in this case forbidden to hear what men of judgement think it to be ? if not , then this allegation also might very well have been spared . in that ancient strife which was between the catholick fathers and arrians , donatists , and others , of like perverse and froward disposition , as long as to fathers or councils alledged on the one side , the like by the contrary side were opposed , impossible it was that ever the question should by this mean grow unto any issue or end . the scripture they both believed ; the scripture they knew could not give sentence on both sides ; by scripture the controversie between them was such as might be determined . in this case what madness was it with such kindes of proofs to nourish their contention , when there were such effectual means to end all controversie that was between them ? hereby therefore it doth not as yet appear that an argument of authority of man affirmatively , is in matters divine nothing worth . which opinion being once inserted into the mindes of the vulgar sort , what it may grow unto god knoweth . thus much we see , it hath already made thousands so headstrong , even in gross and palpable errors , that a man whose capacity will scarce serve him to utter five words in sensible manner , blusheth not in any doubt concerning matter of scripture to think his own bare yea , as good as the nay of all the wise , grave and learned judgements that are in the whole world : which insolency must be represt , or it will be the very bane of christian religion . our lords disciples marking what speech he uttered unto them , and at the same time calling to minde a common opinion held by the scribes , between which opinion and the words of their master , it seemed unto them that there was some contradiction , which they could not themselves answer , with full satisfaction of their own mindes ; the doubt they propose to our saviour , saying , why then say the scribes that elias must first come ? they knew that the scribes did err greatly , and that many ways even in matters of their own profession . they notwithstanding thought the judgement of the very scribes in matters divine to be of some value ; some probability they thought there was that elias should come , inasmuch as the scribes said it . now no truth can contradict any truth ; desirous therefore they were to be taught , how both might stand together ; that which they knew could not be false , because christ spake it ; and this which to them did seen true , only because the scribes had said it . for the scripture from whence the scribes did gather it , w● not then in their heads . we do not finde that our saviour reproved them of error , for thinking the judgement of the scribes to be worth the objecting , for esteeming it to be of any moment or value , in matters concerning god. we cannot therefore be perswaded that the will of god is , we should so far reject the authority of men , as to reckon it nothing . no , it may be a question , whether they that urge us unto this be themselves so perswaded indeed . men do sometimes bewray that by deeds , which to confess they are hardly drawn . mark then if this be not general with all men for the most part . when the judgements of learned men are alledged against them , what do they but either elevate their credit , or oppose unto them the judgements of others as learned ? which thing doth argue that all men acknowledge in them some force and weight , for which they are loth the cause they maintain should be so much weakned , as their testimony is available . again , what reason is there why alledging testimonies as proofs , men give them some title of credit , honour and estimation whom they alledge , unless beforehand it be sufficiently known who they are ? what reason hereof but onely a common engrafted perswasion , that in some men there may be found such qualities as are able to countervail those exceptions which might be taken against them , and that such mens authority is not lightly to be shaken off ? shall i add further , that the force of arguments drawn from the authority of scripture it self , as scriptures commonly are alledged , shall ( being sifted ) be ●ound to depend upon the strength of this so much despised and debased authority of man ? surely it doth , and that oftner then we are aware of . for although scripture be of god , and therefore the proof which is taken from thence , must needs be of all other most invincible ; yet this strength at hath not , unless it avouch the self-same thing , for which it is brought . if there be either undeniable apparence that so it doth , or reason such as cannot deceive , then scripture-proof ( no doubt ) in strength and value exceedeth all . but for the most part , even such as are readiest to cite for one thing five hundred sentences of holy scripture ; what warrant have they , that any one of them doth mean the thing for which it is alledged ? is not their surest ground most commonly , either some probable conjecture of their own , or the judgment of others taking those scriptures as they do ? which notwithstanding to mean otherwise then they take them , it is not still altogether impossible . so that now and then they ground themselves on humane authority , even when they most pretend divine . thus it fareth even clean throughout the whole controversie about that discipline which is so earnestly urged and labored for . scriptures are plentifully alledged to prove that the whole christian world for ever ought to embrace it . hereupon men term it , the discipline of god. howbeit , examine , sist , and resolve their alledged proofs , till you come to the very root from whence they spring , the heart wherein their strength lieth ; and it shall clearly appear unto any man of judgment , that the most which can be inferred upon such plenty of divine testimonies is onely this , that some things which they maintain as far as some men can probably conjecture , do seem to have been out of scripture not absurdly gathered . is this a warrant sufficient for any mans conscience to build such proceedings upon , as have been , and are put in ure for the establishment of that cause ? but to conclude , i would gladly understand how it cometh to pass , that they which so peremptorily do maintain that humane authority is nothing worth , are in the cause which they favor so careful to have the common sort of men perswaded , that the wisest , the godliest , and the best learned in all christendom are that way given , seeing they judge this to make nothing in the world for them ? again , how cometh it to pass , they cannot abide that authority should be alledged on the other side , if there be no force at all in authorities on one side or other ? wherefore labor they to strip their adversaries of such furniture as doth not help ? why take they such needless pains to furnish also their own cause with the like ? if it be void and to no purpose , that the names of men are so frequent in their books , what did move them to bring them in , or doth to suffer them there remaining ? ignorant i am not how this is salved , they do it but after the truth made manifest , first by reason , or by scripture : they do it not , but to controul the enemies of truth , who bear themselves bold upon humane authority , making not for them , but against them rather . which answers are nothing : for in what place , or upon what consideration soever it be they do it , were it in their own opinion of no force being done , they would undoubtedly refrain to do it . . but to the end it may more plainly appear , what we are to judge of their sentences , and of the cause it self wherein they are alledged ; first , it may not well be denied , that all actions of men endued with the use of reason , are generally either good or evil . for although it be granted , that no action is properly termed good or evil , unless it be voluntarily ; yet this can be no let to our former assertion , that all actions of men endued with the use of reason , are generally either good or evil ; because even those things are done voluntarily by us , which other creatures do naturally , in as much as we might stay our doing of them if we would . beasts naturally do take their food and rest , when it offereth it self unto them . if men did so too , and could not do otherwise of themselves , there were no place for any such reproof as that of our saviour christ unto his disciples , could ye not watch with me one hour ? that which is voluntarily performed in things tending to the end , if it be well done , must needs be done with deliberate consideration of some reasonable cause , wherefore we rather should do it then not . whereupon it seemeth , that in such actions onely those are said to be good or evil , which are capable of deliberation : so that many things being hourly done by men , wherein they need nor use with themselves any manner of consultation at all , it may perhaps hereby seem that well or ill doing belongeth onely to our weightier affairs , and to those deeds which are of so great importance that they require advice . but thus to determine were perillous , and peradventure un●ound also . i do rather incline to think , that seeing all the unforced actions of men are voluntary ; and all voluntary actions tending to the end have choice ; and all choice presupposeth the knowledge of some cause wherefore we make it ; where the reasonable cause of such actions so readily offereth it self , that it needeth not be sought for ; in those things though we do not deliberate , yet they are of their nature apt to be deliberated on , in regard of the will which may encline either way , and would not any one way bend it self , if there were not some apparent motive to lead it . deliberation actual we use , when there is doubt what we should encline our wills unto . where no doubt is , deliberation is not excluded as unpertinent unto the thing , but as needless in regard of the agent , which seeth already what to resolve upon . it hath no apparent absurdity therefore in it to think , that all actions of men endued with the use of reason , are generally either good or evil . whatsoever is good , the same is also approved of god ; and according unto the sundry degrees of goodness , the kinds of divine approbation are in like sort multiplied . some things are good , yet in so mean a degree of goodness , that men are onely not disproved nor disallowed of god for them . no man hateth his own flesh . if ye do good unto them that do so to you , the very publicans themselves do as much : they are worse then infidels that have no care to provide for their own . in actions of this sort , the very light of nature alone may discover that which is so farre forth in the sight of god allowable . some things in such sort are allowed , that they be also required as necessary unto salvation , by way of direct , immediate and proper necessity final ; so that without performance of them we cannot by ordinary course be saved , nor by any means be excluded from life observing them . in actions of this kind our chiefest direction is from scripture ; for nature is no sufficient teacher what we should do that we may attain unto life everlasting . the unsufficiency of the light of nature , is by the light of scripture so fully and so perfectly herein supplied , that further light then this hath added , there doth not need unto that end . finally , some things although not so required of necessity , that to leave them undone excludeth from salvation , are notwithstanding of so great dignity and acceptation with god , that most ample reward in heaven is laid up for them . hereof we have no commandment either in nature or scripture which doth exact them at our hands ; yet those motives these are in both , which draw most effectually our minds unto them : in this kind there is not the least action , but it doth somewhat make to the accessory augmentation of our bliss . for which cause our saviour doth plainly witness , that there shall not be as much as a cup of cold water bestowed for his sake without reward . hereupon dependeth whatsoever difference there is between the states of saints in glory : hither we refer whatsoever belongeth unto the highest perfection of man by way of service towards god : hereunto that servour and first love of christians did bend it self , causing them to sell their possessions , and lay down the price at the blessed apostles feet . hereat s. paul undoubtedly did aim , in so far abridging his own liberty ; and exceeding that which the bond of necessary and enjoyned duty tied him unto . wherefore seeing that in all these several kinds of actions , there can be nothing possibly evil which god approveth ; and that he approveth much more then he doth command ; and that his very commandments in some kinde , as namely , his pr●cepts comprehended in the law of nature , may be otherwise known the● onely by scripture ; and that to do them , howsoever we know them , must needs he acceptable in his sight : let them with whom we have hitherto disputee , consider well , how it can stand with reason to make the bare mandate of sacred scripture the onely rule of all good and evil in the actions of mortal men . the testimonies of god are true , the testimonies of god are perfect , the testimonies of god are all-sufficient unto that end for which they were given . therefore accordingly we do receive them , we do not think that in them god hath omitted any thing needful unto his purpose , and left his intent to be accomplished by our devisings . what the scripture purposeth , the same in all points it doth perform . howbeit , that here we swerve not in judgement , one thing especially we must observe , namely , that the absolute perfection of scripture is seen by relation unto that end whereto it tendeth . and even hereby it cometh to pass , the first such as imagine the general and main drift of the body of sacred scripture not to be so large as it is , nor that god did thereby intend to deliver , as in truth he doth , a full instruction in all things unto salvation necessary , the knowledge whereof man by nature could not otherwise in this life attain unto : they are by this very mean induced , either still to look for new revelations from heaven , or else dangerously to add to the word of god uncertain tradition , that so the doctrine of mans salvation may be compleat ; which doctrine we constantly hold in all respects without any such thing added to be so compleat , that we utterly refuse as much as once to acquaint our selves with any thing further . whatsoever , to make up the doctrine of mans salvation , is added as in supply of the scriptures unsufficiency , we reject it : scripture purposing this , hath perfectly and fully done it . again , the scope and purpose of god in delivering the holy scripture , such as do take more largely then behoveth , they on the contrary side racking and stretching it further then by him was meant , are drawn into sundry as great inconveniences . these pretending the scriptures perfection , infer thereupon , that in scripture all things lawful to be done must needs be contained . we count those things perfect which want nothing requisite for the end whereto they were instituted : as therefore god created every part and particle of man exactly perfect , that is to say , in all points sufficient unto that use for which he appointed it ; so the scripture , yea , every sentence thereof is perfect , and wanteth nothing requisite unto that purpose for which god delivered the same . so that if hereupon we conclude , that because the scripture is perfect , therefore all things lawful to be done are comprehended in the scripture ; we may even as well conclude so of every sentence , as of the whole sum and body thereof , unless we first of all prove that it was the drift , scope and purpose of almighty god in holy scripture , to comprize all things which man may practise . but admit this , and mark , i beseech you , what would follow . god in delivering scripture to his church , should clean have abrogated amongst them the law of nature , which is an infallible knowledge imprinted in the minds of all the children of men , whereby both general principles for directing of humane actions are comprehended , and conclusions derived from them ; upon which conclusions groweth in particularity the choice of good and evil in the daily affairs of this life . admit this , and what shall the scripture be but a snare and a torment to weak consciences , filling them with infinite perplexities , scrupulosities , doubts insoluble , and extreme despairs ? not that the scripture it self doth cause any such thing ( for it tendeth to the clean contrary , and the fruit thereof is resolute assurance and certainty in that it teacheth : ) but the necessities of this life urging men to do that which the light of nature , common discretion , and judgement of it self directeth them unto ; on the other side , this doctrine teaching them that so to do were so sin against their own souls , and that they put forth their hands to iniquity , whatsoever they go about , and have not first the sacred scripture of god for direction ; how can it chuse but bring the simple a thousand times to their wits end , how can it chuse but vex and amaze them ? for in every action of common life to since out some se●tence clearly and infallibly setting before our eyes what we ought to do ( seem we in scripture never so expert ) would trouble us more then we are aware . in weak and tender minds we little know what misery this strict opinion would breed , besides the stops it would make in the whole course of all mens lives and actions ; make all things sin which we do by direction of natures light , and by the rule of common discretion without thinking at all upon scripture . admit this position , and parents shall cause their children to sin , as oft as they cause them to do any thing before they come to years of capacity and be ripe for knowledge in the scripture . admit this , and it shall not be with masters as it was with him him in the gospel ; but servants being commanded to go , shall stand still , till they have errand warranted unto them by scripture . which as it standeth with christian duty in some cases , so in common affairs to require it , were most unfit . two opinions therefore there are concerning sufficiency of holy scripture , each extreamly opposit unto the other , and both repugnant unto truth . the schools of rome teach scripture to be unsufficient , as if , except traditions were added , it did not contain all revealed and supernatural truth , which absolutely is necessary for the children of men in this life to know , that they may in the next be saved . others justly condemning this opinion , grow likewise unto a dangerous extremity , as if scripture did not only contain all things in that kinde necessary , but all things simply , and in such sort , that to do any thing according to any other law , were not only unnecessary , but even opposite unto salvation , unlawful and sinful . whatsoever is spoken of god , or things appertaining to god , otherwise then as the truth is , though it seem an honour , it is an injury . and as incredible praises given unto men , do often abate and impair the credit of their deserved commendation ; so we must likewise take great heed , lest in attributing unto scripture more then it can have , the incredibility of that , do cause even those things which indeed it hath most abundantly , to be less reverendly esteemed . i therefore leave it to themselves to consider , whether they have in this first point overshot themselves , or not ; which , god doth know , is quickly done , even when our meaning is most sincere , as i am verily perswaded , theirs in this case was . of the laws of ecclesiastical polity . book iii. concerning their second assertion , that in scripture there must be of necessity contained a form of church polity , the laws whereof may in no wise be altered . the matter contained in this third book . . what the church is , and in what respect laws of polity are thereunto necessarily required . . whether it be necessary that some particular form of church polity be set down in scripture , sith the things that belong particularly to any such form are not of necessity to salvation . . that matters of church polity are different from matters of faith and salvation , and that they themselves so teach , which are out reprovers for so teaching . . that hereby we take not from scripture any thing , which thereunto with the soundness of truth may be given . . their meaning who first urged against the polity of the church of england , that nothing ought to be established in the church more then is commanded by the word of god. . how great injury men by so thinking should offer unto all the churches of god. . a shift notwithstanding to maintain it , by interpreting commanded , as though it were meant that greater things onely ought to be found set down in scripture particularly , and lesser framed by the general rules of scripture . . another device to defend the same , by expounding commanded , as if it did signifie grounded as scripture , and were opposed to things sound out by the light of natural reason onely . . how laws for the polity of the church may be made by the advise of men , and how those being nor repugnant to the word of god , are approved in his sight . . the neither gods being the author of laws , nor yet his committing of them to scripture , is any reason sufficient to prove that they admit no addition or change . . whether christ must needs intend laws unchangeable altogether , or have forbidden any where to make any other law then himself did deliver . albeit the substance of those controversies whereinto we have begun to wade , be rather of outward things appertaining to the church of christ , then of any thing wherein the nature and being of the church consisteth : yet because the subject or matter which this position concerneth , is , a forms of church government , or church-polity ; it therefore behoveth us so far forth to consider the nature of the church , as is requisite for mens more clear and plain understanding , in what respect laws of polity or government are necessary thereunto . that church of christ , which we properly term his body mystical , can be but one ; neither can that one be sensibly discerned by any man , inasmuch as the parts thereof are some in heaven already with christ , and the rest that are on earth ( albeit their natural persons be visible ) we do not discern under this property whereby they are truly and infallibly of that body . only our minds by intellectual conceit are able to apprehend , that such a real body there is , a body collective , because it containeth an huge multitude ; a body mystical , because the mystery of their conjunction is removed altogether from sense . whatsoever we read in scripture , concerning the endless love , and the saving mercy , which god sheweth towards his church , the only proper subject thereof is this church . concerning this flock it is that our lord and saviour hath promised , i give unto them eternal life , and they shall never perish , neither shall any pluck them out of my hands . they who are of this society have such marks and notes of distinction from all others , as are not objects unto our sense ; only unto god who seeth their hearts , and understandeth all their secret cogitations , unto him they are clear and manifest . all men knew nathaniel to be an israelite . but our saviour piercing deeper , giveth further testimony of him then men could have done with such certainty as he did , behold indeed an israelite , in whom there is no guile . if we profess as peter did , that we love the lord , and profess it in the hearing of men ; charity is prone to believe all things , and therefore charitablemen are likely to think we do so , as long as they see no proof to the contrary . but that our love is sound and sincere , that it cometh from a pure heart , a good conscience , and a faith unfeigned , who can pronounce , saving only the searcher of all mens hearts , who alone intuitively doth known in this kind who are his ? and as those everlasting promises of love , mercy , and blessedness , belong to the mystical church ; even so on the other side , when we read of any duty which the church of god is bound unto , the church whom this doth concern is a sensible known company . and this visible church in like sort is but one , continued from the first beginning of the world to the last end . which company being divided into two moyeties , the one before the other since the coming of christ , that part which since the coming of christ , partly hath embraced , and partly shall hereafter embrace the christian religion , we term as by a more proper name the church of christ. and therefore the apostle affirmeth plainly of all men christian , that be they jew or gentiles , bond or free , they are all incorporated into one company , they all make but ( a ) one body . the unity of which visible body and church of christ , consisteth in that uniformity which all several persons thereunto belonging have , by reason of that one lord , whose servants they all profess themselves ; that one faith which they all acknowledge , that one baptism , wherewith they are all initiated . the visible church of jesus christ is therefore one , in outward profession of those things which supernaturally appertain to the very essence of christianity , and are necessarily required in every particular christian man. let all the house of israel know for certainty , saith peter , that god hath made him both lord and christ , even this iesus whom ye have crucified . christians therefore they are not , which call not him their master and lord. and from hence it came , that first at antioch , and afterward throughout the whole world , all that were of the church visible were called christians , even amongst the heathen : which name unto them was precious and glorious ; but in the estimation of the rest of the world , even christ jesus himself was ( b execrable , for whose sake all men were so likewise which did acknowledge him to be their lord. this himself did foresee , and therefore armed his church to the end they might sustain it without discomfort . all these things they will do unto you for my names sake ; yea , the time shall come , that whosoever killeth you will think that he doth god good service . these things i tell you , that when the hour shall come ye may then call to minde how i told you before-hand of them . but our naming of jesus christ the lord is not enough to prove us christians , unless we also embrace that faith which christ hath published unto the world. to shew that the angel of pergamus continued in christianity , behold how the spirit of christ speaketh , thou keepest my name , and thou hast not denied my faith. concerning which faith , the rule thereof , saith tertullian , is one alone , immoveable , and no way possible to be better framed anew . what rule that is he sheweth by rehearsing those few articles of christian belief . and before tertullian , irency ; the church though scattered through the whole world , unto the uttermost borders of the earth , hath from the apostles and their disciples received belief . the parts of which belief , he also reciteth in substance the very same with tertullian , and thereupon inferreth , this faith the church being spread far and wide , preserveth as if one house did contain them : these things it equally embraceth , as though it had even one soul , one heart , and no more : it publisheth , teacheth , and delivereth these things with uniform consent , as if god had given it lut one onely tongue wherewith to speak . he which amongst the guides of the church is best able to speak , uttereth no more then this ; and less then this , the most simple do not utter , when they make profession of their faith. now although we know the christian faith , and allow of it , yet in this respect we are but entring ; entred we are not into the visible church , before our admittance by the door of baptism . wherefore immediately upon the acknowledgment of christian faith , the eunuch ( we see , was baptized by philip , paul by ananias , by peter a huge multitude containing three thousand souls ; which being once baptized , were reckoned in the number of souls added to the visible church . as for those vertues that belong unto moral righteousness , and honesty of life , we do not mention them , because they are not proper unto christian men , as they are christian , but do concern them as they are men. true it is , the want of these vertues excludeth from salvation . so doth much more the absence of inward belief of heart ; so doth despair and lack of hope ; so emptiness of christian love and charity . but we speak now of the visible church , whose children are signed with this mark , one lord , one faith , one baptism . in whomsoever these things are , the church doth acknowledge them for her children ; them onely she holdeth for aliens and strangers , in whom these things are not found . for want of these it is , that saracens , jews , and infidels , are excluded out of the bounds of the church : others we may not deny to be of the visible church , as long as these things are not wanting in them . for apparent it is , that all men are of necessity either christians , or not christians . if by external profession they be christians , then are they of the visible church of christ ; and christians by external profession they are all , whose mark of recognisance hath in it those things which we have mentioned , yea , although they be impious idolaters , wicked hereticks , persons excommunicable , yea , and cast out for notorious improbity . such withal we deny not to be the imps and limbs of satan , even as long as they continue such . is it then possible , that the self-same men should belong both to the synagogue of satan , and to the church of jesus christ ? unto that church which is his mystical body , not possible● because that body consisteth of none but onely true israelites , true sons of abraham , true servants and saints of god. howbeit of the visible body and church of jesus christ , those may be , and oftentimes are , in respect of the main parts of their outward profession , who inregard of their inward disposition of minde , yea , of external conversation , yea , even of some parts of their very profession , are most worthily both hateful in the sight of god himself , and in the eyes of the sounder part of the visible church , most execrable . our saviour therefore compareth the kingdom of heaven to a net , whereunto all which cometh , neither is , nor seemeth fish : his church he compareth unto a field , where tares manifestly known end seen by all men , do grow intermingled with good corn ; and even so shall continue till the final consummation of the world. god hath had ever , and ever shall have some church visible upon earth . when the people of god whorshipped the calf in the wilderness ; when they adored the brazen serpent ; when they served the gods of nations ; when they bowed their knees to baal ; when they burnt incense and offered sacrifice unto idols : true it is , the wrath of god was most fiercely inflamed against them , their prophets justly condemned them , as an adulterous seed and a wicked generation of miscreants , which had forsaken the living god ; and of him were likewise forsaken , in respect of that singular mercy wherewith he kindly and lovingly embraceth his faithful children . howbeit retaining the law of god , and the holy seal of his covenant , the sheep of his visible flock they continued even in the depth of their disobedience and rebellion . wherefore not onely amongst them god always had his church , because he had thousands which never bowed their knees to baal ; but whose knees were bowed unto baal , even they were also of the visible church of god. nor did the prophet so complain , as if that church had been quite and clean extinguished ; but he took it as though there had not been remaining in the world any besides himself , that carcied a true and an upright heart towards god , with care to serve him according unto his holy will , for lack of diligent observing the difference , first , between the church of god , mystical and visible , then between the visible sound and corrupted , sometimes more , sometimes less ; the oversights are neither few nor light , that have been committed . this deceiveth them , and nothing else , who think that in the time of the first world , the family of noah did contain all that were of the visible church of god. from hence it grew , and from no other cause in the world , that the affrican bishops in the council of carthage , knowing how the administration of baptism belongeth onely to the church of christ ; and supposing that hereticks , which were apparently severed from the sound believing church , could not possibly be of the church of jesus christ ; thought it utterly against reason , that baptism administred by men of co●●upt belief , should be accounted as a sacrament . and therefore in maintenance of rebaptization , their arguments are built upon the sore-alledged ground , that hereticks are not at all any part of the church of christ. our saviour founded his church on a rock , and not upon heresie ; power of baptizing he gave to his apostles , unto hereticks he gave it not . wherefore they that are without the church , and oppose themselves against christ , do but scatter his sheep and flock . without the church , baptize they cannot . again , are hereticks christians , or are they not ? if they be christians , wherefore remain they not in gods church ? if they be no christians , how make they christians ? or to what purpose shall those words of the lord serve ? he which is not with me , is against me : and , he which gathereth not with me , scaltereth . wherefore evident it is , that upon misbegotten children , and the brood of antichrist , without rebaptization the holy ghost cannot descend . but none in this case so earnest as cyprian : i know no baptism but one , and that in church onely ; none without the church , where he that doth cast out the devil , hath the devil : he doth examine about belief , whose lips and words do breathe forth a canker : the faithless doth offer the articles of faith , a wicked creature forgiveth wickedness ; in the name of christ , antichrist signeth ; he which is cursed of god , blesseth ; a dead carrion promiseth life ; a man unpeaceable , giveth peace ; a blasphemer calleth upon the name of god ; a prophane person doth exercise priesthood ; a sacrilegious wretch doth prepare the altar ; and in the neck of all these that evil also cometh , the eucharist , a very bishop of the devil doth presume to consecrate . all this was true , but not sufficient to prove , that hereticks were in no sort any part of the visible church of christ , and consequently their baptism no baptism . this opinion therefore was afterwards both condemned by a better advised council , and also revoked by the chiefest of the authors thereof themselves . what is it but onely the self-same error and misconceit , wherewith others being at this day likewise possest ; they ask us where our church did lurk , in what cave of the earth it slept for so many hundreds of years together ; before the bath of martin luther ? as if we were of opinion , that luther did erect a new church of christ. no , the church of christ which was from the beginning , is , and continueth unto the end . of which church , all parts have not been always equally sincere and sound . in the days of abia , it plainly appeareth , that iudah was by many degrees more free from pollution then israel , as that solemn oration sheweth ; wherein he pleadeth for the one against the other in this wise . o ieroboam , and all israel , hear you me : have ye not driven away the priests of the lord , the sons of aaron , and the levites , and have made you priests like the people of nations ? whosoever cometh to consecrate with a young bullock , and seven rams , the same may be a priest of them that are no gods . but we belong unto the lord our god , and have not forsaken him ; and the priests the sons of aaron minister unto the lord every morning , and every evening , burnt-offerings , and sweet incense ; and the bread is set in order upon the pure table , and the candlestick of gold with the lamps thereof , to burn every evening ; for we keep the watch of the lord o●r god , but ye have for saken him . in st. pauls time , the integrity of rome was famous ; corinth many ways reproved ; they of galatia much more out of square . in st. iohns time , ephesus and smyrna in far better state then thyatira and pergamus were . we hope therefore , that to reform our selves , if at any time we have done amiss , is not to sever our selves from the church we were of before . in the church we were , and we are so still . other diffcrence between our estate before and now , we know none , but onely such as we see in iudah ; which having sometime been idolatrous , became afterwards more soundly religious , by renouncing idolatry and superstition . if ephraim be joyned to idols , the counsel of the prophet is , let him alone . if israel play the harlot , let not judah sin . if it seem evil unto you , saith ioshua , to serve the lord , chuse you this day whom you will serve ; whether the gods whom your fathers served beyond the flood , or the gods of the amorites , in whose land ye dwell : but i and mine house will serve the lord. the indisposition therefore of the church of rome to reform her self , must be no stay unto us from performing our duty to god ; even as desire of retaining conformity with them , could be no excuse , if we did not perform that duty . notwithstanding so far as lawfully we may , we have held and do hold fellowship with them . for even as the apostle doth say of israel , that they are in one respect enemies , but in another beloved of god : in like sort with rome , we dare not communicate concerning sundry her gross and grievous abominations ; yet touching those main parts of christian truth wherein they constantly still persist , we gladly acknowledge them to be of the family of jesus christ ; and our hearty prayer unto god almighty is , that being conjoyned so far forth with them , they may at the length ( if it be his will ) so yield to frame and reform themselves , that no distraction remain in any thing , but that we all may with one heart and one mouth , glorifie god the father of our lord and saviour , whose church we are . as there are which make the church of rome utterly no church at all , by reason of so many , so grievous errors in their doctrines : so we have them amongst us , who under pretence of imagined corruptions in our discipline , do give even as hard a judgment of the church of england it self . but whatsoever either the one sort or the other teach , we must acknowledge even hereticks themselves to be , though a maimed part , yet a part of the visible church . if an infidel should pursue to death an heretick professing christianity , onely for christian profession sake , could we deny unto him the honor of martyrdom ? yet this honor all men know to be proper unto the church . hereticks therefore are not utterly cut off from the visible church of christ. if the fathers do any where , as oftentimes they do , make the true visible church of christ , and heterical companies opposite ; they are to be construed as separating hereticks , not altogether from the company of believers , but from the fellowship of sound believers . for whereprofest unbelief is , there can be no visible church of christ ; there may be , where sound belief wanteth . infidels being clean without the church , deny directly , and utterly reject the very principles of christianity ; which hereticks embrace , and err onely by misconstruction : whereupon their opinions , although repugnant indeed to the principles of christian faith , are notwithstanding by them held otherwise , and maintained as most consonant thereunto . wherefore being christians in regard of the general truth of christ which they openly profess ; yet they are by the fathers every where spoken of , as men clean excluded out of the right believing church , by reason of their particular errors , for which all that are of a sound belief must needs condemn them . in this consideration , the answer of calvin unto farell , concerning the children of popish parents doth seem crazed . whereas , saith he , you ask our judgment about a matter , whereof there is doubt amongst you , whether ministers of our order , professing the pure doctrine of the gospel , may lawfully admit unto baptism an infant whose father is a stranger unto our churches , and whose mother hath salm from us unto the papacy , so that both the parents are popish . thus we have thought good to answer ; namely , that it is an absurd thing for us to baptize them which cannot be reckoned members of our body . and sith papists children are such , we see not how it should be lawful to minister baptism unto them . sounder a great deal is the answer of the ecclesiastical colledge of geneva unto knox , who having signified unto them , that himself did not think it lawful to baptize bastards , or the children of idolaters ( he meaneth papists ) or of persons excommunicate , till either the parents had by repentance submitted themselves unto the church , or else their children being grown unto the years of understanding , should come and sue for their own baptism . for thus thinking , saith he , i am thought to be over severe , and that not onely by them which are popish ; but even in their judgments also who think themselves maintainers of the truth . master knox's oversight herein they controuled . their sentence was , wheresoever the profession of christianity hath not utterly perished and been extinct , infants are beguiled of their right , if the common seal be denied them . which conclusion in it self is sound , although it seemeth the ground is but weak whereupon they build it : for the reason which they yield of their sentence , is this ; the promise which god doth make to the faithful concerning their seed , reacheth unto a thousand generations ; it resteth not onely in the first degree of descent . infants therefore whose great grandfathers have been holy and godly , do in that respect belong to the body of the church , although the fathers and grandfathers of whom they descend , have been apostates : because the tenure of the grace of god which did adopt them three hundred years ago , and more in their ancient predecessors , cannot with justice be defeated and broken off by their parents impiety coming between . by which reason of theirs , although it seem that all the world may be baptized , in as much as no man living is a thousand descents removed from adam himself ; yet we mean not at this time , either to uphold , or to overthrow it ; onely their alledged conclusion we embrace , so it be construed in this sort : that for as much as men remain in the visible church , till they utterly renounce the profession of christianity , we may not deny unto infants their right , by withholding from them the publick sign of holy baptism , if they be born where the outward acknowledgment of christianity is not clean gone and extinguished . for being in such sort born , their parents are within the church , and therefore their birth doth give them interest and right in baptism . albeit not every error and fault , yet heresies and crimes which are not actually repented of , and forsaken , exclude quite and clean from that salvation which belongeth unto the mystical body of christ ; yea , they also make a separation from the visible sound church of christ ; altogether from the visible church , neither the one nor the other doth sever . as for the act of excommunication , it neither shutteth out from the mystical , nor clean from the visible ; but onely from fellowship with the visible in holy duties . with what congruity then doth the church of rome deny , that her enemies , whom she holdeth always for hereticks , do at all appertain to the church of christ ; when her own do freely grant , that albeit the pope ( as they say ) cannot teach heresie , nor propound error , he may notwithstanding himself worship idols , think amiss concerning matters of faith , yea , give himself unto acts diabolical , even being pope ? how exclude they us from being any part of the church of christ , under the colour and pretence of heresie , when they cannot but grant it possible , even for him to be as touching his own personal perswasion heretical , who in their opinion not onely is of the church , but holdeth the chiefest place of authority over the same ? but of these things we are not now to dispute . that which already we have set down , is for our present purpose sufficient . by the church therefore , in this question , we understand no other then onely the visible church . for preservation of christianity there is not any thing more needful , then that such as are of the visible church , have mutual fellowship and society one with another . in which consideration , as the main body of the sea being one , yet within divers precincts hath divers names ; so the catholick church is in like sort divided into a number of distinct societies , every of which is termed a church within it self . in this sense the church is always a visible society of men ; not an assembly , but a society . for although the name of the church be given unto christian assemblies , although any number of christian men congregated , may be termed by the name of a church , yet assemblies properly are rather things that belong to a church . men are assembled for performance of publick actions ; which actions being ended , the assembly dissolveth it self , and is no longer in being ; whereas the church which was assembled , doth no less continue afterwards , then before . where but three are , and they of the laity also , saith tertullian , yet there is a church ; that is to say , a christian assembly . but a church , as now we are to understand it , is a society , that is , a number of men belonging unto some christian fellowship , the place and limits whereof are certain . that wherein they have communion , is the publick exercise of such duties as those mentioned in the apostles acts , instruction , breaking of bread , and prayer . as therefore they that are of the mystical body of christ , have those inward graces and vertues , whereby they differ from all others which are not of the same body : again , whosoever appertain to the visible body of the church , they have also the notes of external profession , whereby the world knoweth what they are : after the same manner , even the several societies of christian men , unto every of which the name of a church is given , with addition betokening severally , as the church of rome , corinth , ephesus , england , and so the rest , must be endued with correspondent general properties belonging unto them , as they are publick christian societies . and of such properties common unto all societies christian , it may not be denied , that one of the very cheifest is ecclesiastical polity . which word i therefore the rather use , because the name of government , as commonly men understand it in ordinary speech , doth not comprise the largeness of that whereunto in this question it is applied . for when we speak of government , what doth the greatest part conceive thereby , but onely the exercise of superiority peculiar unto rulers and guides of others ? to our purpose therefore the name of church-polity will better serve , because it containeth both government , and also whatsoever besides belongeth to the ordering of the church in publick . neither is any thing in this degree more necessary then church-polity , which is a form of ordering the publick spiritual affairs of the church of god. . but we must note , that he which affirmeth speech to be necessary amongst all men throughout the world , doth not thereby import , that all men must necessarily speak one kinde of language ; even so the necessity of polity , and regiment in all churches may be held , without holding any one certain form to be necessary in them all , nor is it possible that any form of polity , much less of polity ecclesiastical , should be good , unless god himself be author of it . those things that are not of god ( saith tertullian ) they can have no other then gods adversary for their author . be it whatsoever in the church of god , if it be not of god , we hate it . of god it must be ; either as those things sometimes were , which god supernaturally revealed , and so delivered them unto moses for government of the commonwealth of israel ; or else as those things which men finde out by help of that light , which god hath given them unto that end . the very law of nature it self , which no man can deny but god hath instituted , is not of god , unless that be of god , whereof god is the author as well this latter way as the former . but forasmuch as no form of church-polity is thought by them to be lawful , or to be of god , unless god be so the author of it , that it be also set down in scripture , they should tell us plainly , whether their meaning be that it must be there set down in whole , or in part . for if wholly , let them shew what one form of polity ever was so . their own to be so taken out of scripture , they will not affirm ; neither deny they that in part , even this which they so much oppugn is also from thence taken . again , they should tell us , whether onely that be taken out of scripture , which is actually and particularly there set down ; or else that also , which the general principles and rules of scripture potentially contain . the one way they cannot so much as pretend , that all the parts of their own discipline are in scripture ; and the other way their mouths are stopped , when they would plead against all other forms besides their own ; seeing the general principles are such , as do not particularly prescribe any one , but sundry may equally be consonant unto the general axioms of the scripture . but to give them some larger scope , and not to close them up in these streights : let their allegations be considered , wherewith they earnestly bend themselves against all , which deny it necessary that any one compleat form of church-polity should be in scripture . first therefore , whereas it hath been told them , that matters of faith , and in general , matters necessary unto salvation , are of a different nature from ceremonies , order , and the kinde of church government ; and that the one is necessary to be expresly contained in the word of god , or else manifestly collected out of the same , the other not so ; that it is necessary not to receive the one , unless there be something in scripture for them ; the other free , if nothing against them may thence be alledged . although there do not appear any just or reasonable cause to reject or dislike of this ; nevertheless , as it is not easie to speak to the contentation of mindes exulcerated in themselves , but that somewhat there will be always which displeaseth ; so herein for two things we are reproved . * the first is , misdistinguishing , because matters of discipline and church-government are ( as they say ) matters necessary to salvation , and of faith , whereas we put a difference betwixt the one and the other . our second fault is injurious dealing with the scripture of god , as if it contained onely the principal points of religion , some rude and unfashioned matter of building the church , but had lest out that which belongeth unto the form and fashion of it ; as if there were in the scripture no more then onely to cover the churches nakedness , and not chains , bracelets , rings , jewels to adorn her ; sufficient to quench her thirst , to kill her hunger , but not to minister a more liberal , and ( as it were ) a more delicous and dainty diet . in which case our apology shall not need to be very long . . the mixture of those things by speech , which by nature are divided , is the mother of all error . to take away therefore that error which confusion breedeth , distinction is requisite . rightly to distinguish , is by conceit of minde to sever things different in nature , and to discern wherein they differ . so that if we imagine a difference where there is none , because we distinguish where we should not , it may not be denied that we misdistinguish . the only trial whether we do so , yea or no , dependeth upon comparison between our conceit , and the nature of things conceived . touching matters belonging to the church of christ , this we conceive , that they are not of one sute . some things are meerly of faith , which things it doth suffice , that we know and believe ; some things not onely to be known , but done , because they concern the actions of men . articles about the trinity , are matters of meer faith , and must be believed . precepts concerning the works of charity , are matters of action ; which to know , unless they be practised , is not enough . this being so clear to all mens understanding , i somewhat marvel that they especially should think it absurd to oppose church government , a plain matter of action , unto matters of faith , who know that themselves divide the gospel into doctrine and discipline . for if matters of discipline be rightly by them distinguished from matters of doctrine , why not matters of government by us as reasonably set against matters of faith ? do not they under doctrine comprehend the same , which we intend by matters of faith ? do not they under discipline , comprise the regiment of the church ? when they blame that in us , which themselves follow , they give men great cause to doubt , that some other thing then judgment doth guide their speech . what the church of god standeth bound to know or do , the same in part nature teacheth . and because nature can teach them but onely in part , neither so fully as is requisite for mans salvation ; not so easily , as to make the way plain and expedite enough , that many may come to the knowledge of it , and so be saved ; therefore in scripture hath god both collected the most necessary things , that the school of nature teacheth unto that end ; and revealeth also whatsoever we neither could with safety be ignorant of , nor at all be instructed in , but by supernatural revelation from him . so that scripture containing all things that are in this kinde any way needful for the church , and the principal of the other sort : this is the next thing wherewith we are charged as with an error . we teach , that whatsoever is unto salvation termed necessary by way of excellency ; whatsoever it standeth all men upon to know or do , that they may be saved ; whatsoever there is , whereof it may truly be said , this not to believe , is eternal death and damnation ; or , this every soul that will live , must duly observe : of which sort the articles of christian faith , and the sacraments of the church of christ are . all such things , if scripture did not comprehend , the church of god should not be able to measure out the length and the breadth of that way wherein for ever she is to walk : hereticks and schismaticks never ceasing , some to abridge , some to enlarge , all to pervert and obscure the same . but as for those things that are accessary hereunto , those things that so belong to the way of salvation , as to alter them , is no otherwise to change that way , then a path is changed by altering onely the uppermost face thereof ; which be it laid with gravel , or set with grass , or paved with stones , remaineth still the same path : in such things , because discretion may teach the church what is convenient , we hold not the church further tied herein unto scripture , then that against scripture nothing be admitted in the church , lest that path which ought always to be kept even , do thereby come to be overgrown with brambles and thorns . if this be unfound , wherein doth the point of unsoundness lie ? is it not that we make some things necessary , some things accessory and appendent onely ? for our lord and saviour himself doth make that difference , by terming judgment , and mercy , and fidelity , with other things of like nature , the greater and weightier matters of the law. is it then in that we account ceremonies , ( wherein we do not comprise sacraments , or any other the like substantial duties in the exercise of religion , but onely such external rites as are usually annexed unto church actions ) is it an oversight , that we reckon these things and * matters of government in the number of things accessory , not things necessary in such sort as hath been declared ? let them which therefore think as blameable , consider well their own words . do they not plainly compare the one unto garments , which cover the body of the church ; the other unto rings , bracelets , and jewels , that onely adorn it ? the one to that food which the church doth live by , the other to that which maketh her diet liberal , dainty , and more delicious ? is dainty fare a thing necessary to the sustenance , or to the cloathing of the body rich attire ? if not , how can they urge the necessity of that which themselves resemble by things not necessary ? or by what construction shall any man living be able to make those comparisons true , holding that distinction untrue , which putteth a difference between things of external regiment in the church , and things necessary unto salvation ? . now as it can be to nature no injury , that of her we say the same which diligent beholders of her works have observed ; namely , that she provideth for all living creatures nourishment which may suffice ; that she bringeth forth no kinde of creature whereto she is wanting in that which is needful : although we do not so far magnifie her exceeding bounty , as to affirm , that she bringeth into the world the sons of men adorned with gorgeous attire , or maketh costly buildings to spring up out of the earth for them : so i trust that to mention what the scripture of god leaveth unto the churches discretion in some things , is not in any thing to impair the honor which the church of god yieldeth to the sacred scriptures perfection . wherein seeing that no more is by us maintained , then onely that scripture must needs teach the church whatsoever is in such sort necessary , as hath been set down ; and that it is no more disgrace for scripture to have left a number of other things free to be ordered at the discretion of the church , then for nature to have lest it unto the wit of man to devise his own attire , and not to look for it as the beasts of the field have theirs . if neither this can import , nor any other proof sufficient be brought forth , that we either will at any time , or ever did affirm the sacred scripture to comprehend no more then onely those bare necessaries ; if we acknowledge that as well for particular application to special occasions , as also in other manifold respects , infinite treasures of wisdom are over and besides abundantly to be found in the holy scripture ; yea , that scarcely there is any noble part of knowledge , worthy the minde of man , but from thence it may have some direction and light ; yea , that although there be no necessity it should of purpose prescribe any one particular form of church-government ; yet touching the manner of governing in general , the precepts that scripture setteth down are not few , and the examples many which it proposeth for all church-governors , even in particularities to follow ; yea , that those things , finally , which are of principal weight in the very particular form of church-polity ( although not that form which they imagine , but that which we against them uphold ) are in the self-same scriptures contained : if all this be willingly granted by us , which are accused to pin the word of god in so narrow room , as that it should be able to direct us but in principal points of our religion ; or as though the substance of religion , or some rude and unfashioned matter of building the church were uttered in them , and those things left out that should pertain to the form and fashion of it : let the cause of the accused , be referred to the accusers own conscience , and let that judge whether this accusation be deserved where it hath been laid . . but so easie it is for every man living to err , and so hard to wrest from any mans mouth the plain acknowledgment of error , that what hath been once inconsiderately defended , the same is commonly persisted in , as long as wit by whetting it self , is able to finde out any shift , be it never so sleight , whereby to escape out of the hands of present contradiction . so that it cometh herein to pass with men unadvisedly faln into error , as with them whose state hath no ground to uphold it , but onely the help which by subtil conveyance they draw out of casual events arising from day to day , till at length they be clean spent . they which first gave out , that nothing ought to be established in the church , which is not commanded by the word of god , thought this principle plainly warranted by the manifest words of the law , ye shall put nothing unto the word which i command you , neither shall ye take ought therefrom , that ye may keep the commandments of the lord your god , which i command you . wherefore having an eye to a number of rites and orders in the church of england , as marrying with a ring , crossing in the one sacrament , kneeling at the other , observing of festival days more then onely that which is called the lords day , enjoyning abstinence at certain times from some kindes of meat , churching of women after childe-birth , degrees taken by divines in universities , sundry church offices , dignities , and callings ; for which they found no commandment in the holy scripture , they thought by the one onely stroke of that axiom to have cut them off . but that which they took for an oracle , being sifted , was repeal'd . true it is concerning the word of god , whether it be by misconstruction of the sense , or by falsification of the words , wittingly to endeavor that any thing may seem divine which is not , or any thing not seem which is , were plainly to abuse , and even to falsifie divine evidence ; which injury offered but unto men , is most worthily counted heinous . which point i wish they did well observe , with whom nothing is more familiar then to plead in these causes , the law of god , the word of the lord : who notwithstanding , when they come to alledge what word , and what law they mean , their common ordinary practice is , to quote by-speeches in some historical narration , or other , and to urge them as if they were written in most exact form of law. what is to add to the law of god , if this be not ? when that which the word of god doth but deliver historically , we construe without any warrant , as if it were legally meant , and so urge it further then we can prove that it was intended ; do we not add to the laws of god , and make them in number seem more then they are ? it standeth us upon to be careful in this case . for the sentence of god is heavy against them , that wittingly shall presume thus to use the scripture . . but let that which they do hereby intend be granted them ; let it once stand as consonant to reason , that because we are forbidden to add to the law of god any thing , or to take ought from it ; therefore we may not for matters of the church , make any law more then is already set down in scripture : who seeth not what sentence it shall enforce us to give against all churches in the world , in as much as there is not one , but hath had many things established in it , which though the scripture did never command , yet for us to condemn were rashness ? let the church of god , even in the time of our saviour christ serve for example unto all the rest . in their domestical celebration of the passover , which supper they divided ( as it were ) into two courses ; what scripture did give commandment , that between the first and the second ; he that was chief , should put off the residue of his garments , and keeping on his feast-robe onely , wash the feet of them that were with him ? what scripture did command them never to lift up their hands unwashe in prayer unto god , which custom aristaus ( be the credit of the author more or less ) sheweth wherefore they did so religiously observe ? what scripture did command the jews every festival day to fast till the sixth hour ? the custom both mentioned by iosephus in the history of his own life , and by the words of peter signified . tedious it were to rip up all such things , as were in that church established , yea , by christ himself , and by his apostles observed , though not commanded any where in scripture . . well , yet a gloss there is to colour that paradox , and notwithstanding all this ; still to make it appear in shew not to be altogether unreasonable : and therefore till further reply come , the cause is held by a feeble distinction ; that the commandments of god being either general or special , although there be no express word for every thing in specialty , yet there are general commandments for all things , to the end , that even such cases as are not in scripture particularly mentioned , might not be left to any to order at their pleasure , onely with caution , that nothing be done against the word of god ; and that for this cause the apostle hath set down in scripture four general rules , requiring such things alone to be received in the church , as do best and nearest agree with the same rules , that so all things in the church may be appointed , not onely not against , but by and according to the word of god. the rules are these , nothing scandalous or offensive unto any , especially unto the church of god ; all things in order and with seemliness ; all unto edification ; finally , all to the glory of god. of which kinde , how many might be gathered out of the scripture , if it were necessary to take so much pains ? which rules they that urge , minding thereby to prove , that nothing may be done in the church , but what scripture commandeth , must needs hold that they tie the church of christ no otherwise , then onely because we finde them there set down by the finger of the holy ghost . so that unless the apostle by writing had delivered those rules to the church , we should by observing them , have sinned , as now by not observing them . in the church of the jews , is it not granted , that the appointment of the hour for daily sacrifices ; the building of synagogues throughout the land , to hear the word of god , and to pray in , when they came not up to ierusalem ; the erecting of pulpits and chairs to teach in ; the order of burial ; the rites of marriage , with such like , being matters appertaining to the church ; yet are not any where prescribed in the law , but were by the churches discretion instituted ? what then shall we think ? did they hereby add to the law , and so displease god by that which they did ? none so hardly perswaded of them . doth their law deliver unto them the self-same general rules of the apostle , that framing thereby their orders , they might in that respect clear themselves from doing amiss ? st. paul would then of likelihood have cited them out of the law , which we see he doth not . the truth is , they are rules and canons of that law which is written in all mens hearts ; the church had for ever no less then now stood bound to observe them , whether the apostle had mentioned them , or no. seeing therefore those canons do binde as they are edicts of nature , which the jews observing as yet unwritten , and thereby framing such church orders as in their law were not prescribed , are notwithstanding in that respect unculpable : it followeth , that sundry things may be lawfully done in the church , so as they be not done against the scripture , although no scripture do command them ; but the church onely following the light of reason , judge them to be in discretion meet . secondly , unto our purpose , and for the question in hand , whether the commandments of god in scripture , be general or special , it skilleth not ? for if being particularly applied , they have in regard of such particulars , a force constraining us to take some one certain thing of many , and to leave the rest ; whereby it would come to pass , that any other particular , but that one being established , the general rules themselves in that case would be broken ; then is it utterly impossible , that god should leave any thing great or small free for the church to establish , or not . thirdly , if so be they shall grant , as they cannot otherwise do , that these rules are no such laws as require any one particular thing to be done , but serve rather to direct the church in all things which she doth ; so that free and lawful it is to devise any ceremony , to receive any order , and to authorise any kinde of regiment , no special commandment being thereby violated ; and the same being thought such by them to whom the judgment thereof appertaineth ; as that it is not scandalous , but decent , tending unto edification , and setting forth the glory of god ; that is to say , agreeable unto the general rules of holy scripture ; this doth them no good in the world , for the furtherance of their purpose . that which should make for them , must prove , that men ought not to make laws for church regiment , but onely keep those laws which in scripture they finde made . the plain intent of the books of ecclesiastical discipline is to shew , that men may not devise laws of church government ; but are bound for ever to use and to execute onely those , which god himself hath already devised and delivered in the scripture . the self-same drift the admonitioners also had , in urging , that nothing ought to be done in the church , according unto any law of mans devising , but all according to that which god in his word hath commanded . which not remembring , they gather out of scripture general rules to be followed in making laws ; and so in effect they plainly grant , that we our selves may lawfully make laws for the church , and are not bound out of scripture onely to take laws already made , as they meant who first alledged that principle whereof we speak . one particular plat-form it is which they respected , and which they labored thereby to force upon all churches ; whereas these general rules do not let , but that there may well enough be sundry . it is the particular order established in the church of england , which thereby they did intend to alter , as being not commanded of god ; whereas unto those general rules they know , we do not defend , that we may hold any thing unconformable . obscure it is not what meaning they had , who first gave out that grand axiom ; and according unto that meaning , it doth prevail far and wide with the favorers of that part . demand of them , wherefore they conform not themselves unto the order of our church ? and in every particular , their answer for the most part is , we finde no such thing commanded in the word . whereby they plainly require some special commandment for that which is exacted at their hands ; neither are they content to have matters of the church examined by general rules and canons . as therefore in controversies between us and the church of rome , that which they practise , is many times even according to the very grossness of that which the vulgar sort conceiveth ; when that which they teach , to maintain it , is so nice and subtil , that hold can very hardly be taken thereupon : in which cases we should do the church of god small benefit , by disputing with them according unto the finest points of their dark conveyances , and suffering that sense of their doctrine to go uncontrouled , wherein by the common sort , it is ordinarily received and practised . so considering what disturbance hath grown in the church amongst our selves , and how the authors thereof do commonly build altogether on this as a sure foundation , nothing ought to be established in the church , which in the word of god is not commanded : were it reason , that we should suffer the same to pass without controulment , in that current meaning whereby every where it prevaileth , and stay till some strange construction were made thereof , which no man would lightly have thought on , but being driven thereunto for a shift ? . the last refuge in maintaining this position , is thus to construe it , nothing ought to be established in the church , but that which is commanded in the word of god ; that is to say , all church orders must be grounded upon the word of god , in such sort grounded upon the word , not , that being sound out by some star , or light of reason , or learning , or other help , they may be received , so they be not against the word of god , but according at leastwise unto the general rules of scripture they must be made . which is in effect as much as to say , we know not what to say wel in defence of this position : and therefore lest we should say it is false , there is no remedy but to say , that in some sense or other it may be true , if we could tell how . first , that scholy had need of a very favorable reader , and a tractable , that should think it plain construction , when to be commanded in the word , and grounded upon the word , are made all one . if when a man may live in the state of matrimony , seeking that good thereby which nature principally desireth , he make rather choice of a contrary life in regard of st. pauls judgment * : that which he doth , is manifestly grounded upon the word of god , yet not commanded in his word , because without breach of any commandment he might do otherwise . secondly , whereas no man in justice and reason , can be reproved for those actions which are framed according unto that known will of god , whereby they are to be judged , and the will of god which we are to judge our actions by , no sound divine in the world ever denied to be in part made manifest even by the light of nature , and not by scripture alone : if the church being directed by the former of these two ( which god hath given , who gave the other , that man might in different sort be guided by them both ) if the church , i say , do approve and establish that which thereby it judgeth meet , and sindeth not repugnant to any word or syllable of holy scripture , who shall warrant our presumptuous boldness , controuling herein the church of christ ? but so it is , the name of the light of nature is made hateful with men , the star of reason and learning , and all other such like helps , beginneth no otherwise to be thought of , then if it were an unlucky comet ; or as if god had so accursed it , that it should never shine or give light in things concerning our duty any way towards him , but be esteemed as that star in the revelation , called wormword ; which being faln from heaven , maketh rivers and waters in which it falleth , so bitter , that men tasting them , die thereof . a number there are , who think they cannot admire as they ought , the power and authority of the word of god , if in things divine they should attribute any force to mans reason . for which cause they never use reason so willingly as to disgrace reason . their usual and common discourses are unto this effect . first , the natural man perceiveth not the things of the spirit of god : for they are foolishness unto him , neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned . secondly , it is not for nothing that st. paul giveth charge to beware of philosophy , that is to say , such knowledge as men by natural reason attain unto . thirdly , consider them that have from time to time opposed themselves against the gospel of christ , and most troubled the church with heresie . have they not always been great admirers of humane reason ? hath their deep and profound skill in secular learning , made them the more obedient to the truth , and not armed them rather against it ? fourthly , they that fear god will remember how heavy his sentences are in this case : i will destroy the wisdom of the wise , and will cast away the understanding of the prudent . where is the wise ? where is the scribe ? where is the disputer of this world ? hath not god made the wisdom of this world foolishness ? seeing the world by wisdom know not god : in the wisdom of god , it pleased god by the foolishness of preaching to save believers . fifthly , the word of god in it self is absolute , exact , and perfect . the word of god is a two-edged sword ; as for the weapons of natural reason , they are as the armor of saul , rather cumbersome about the soldier of christ , then needful . they are not of force to do that , which the apostles of christ did by the power of the holy ghost , my preaching , therefore saith paul , hath not been in the inticing speech of mans wisdom , but in plain evidence of the spirit of power ; that your faith might not be in the wisdom of men , but in the power of god. sixthly , if i believe the gospel , there needeth no reasoning about it to perswade me : if i do not believe , it must be the spirit of god , and not the reason of man that shall convert my heart unto him . by these and the like disputes , an opinion hath spred it self very far in the world ; as if the way to be ripe in faith , were to be raw in wit and judgment ; as if reason were an enemy unto religion , childish simplicity the mother of ghostly and divine wisdom . the cause why such declamations prevail so greatly , is , for that men suffer themselves in two respects to be deluded ; one is , that the wisdom of man being debased , either in comparison with that of god , or in regard of some special thing , exceeding the reach and compass thereof , it seemeth to them ( not marking so much ) as if simply it were condemned ; another , that learning , knowledge , or wisdom , falsly so termed , usurping a name whereof they are not worthy ; and being under that name controuled , their reproof is by so much the more easily misapplied , and through equivocation , wrested against those things , whereunto so precious names do properly and of right belong . this duly observed , doth to the former allegations it self make sufficient answer . howbeit , for all mens plainer and fuller satisfaction ; first , concerning the inability of reason , to search out , and to judge of things divine , if they be such as those properties of god , and those duties of men towards him , which may be conceived by attentive consideration of heaven and earth ; we know that of meer natural men , the apostle testifieth , how they knew both god , and the law of god. other things of god there be , which are neither so found , nor though they be shewed , can ever be approved without the special operation of gods good grace and spirit . of such things sometime spake the apostle st. paul , declaring how christ had called him to be a witness of his death and resurrection from the dead , according to that which the prophets and moses had foreshewed . festus , a meer natural man , an infidel , a roman ; one whose ears were unacquainted with such matter , heard him , but could not reach unto that whereof he spake ; the suffering , and the rising of christ from the dead , he rejected as idle superstitious fancies , not worth the hearing . the apostle that knew them by the spirit , and spake of them with power of the holy ghost , seemed in his eyes but learnedly mad . which example maketh manifest what elswhere the same apostle teacheth , namely , that nature hath need of grace , whereunto i hope we are not opposit , by holding , that grace hath use of nature . secondly , philosophy we are warned to take heed of ; not that philosophy , which is true and sound knowledge , attained by natural discourse of reason ; but that philosophy , which to bolster heresie or error , casteth a fraudulent shew of reason upon things which are indeed unreasonable ; and by that mean , as by a stratagem , spoileth the simple which are not able to withstand such cunning . take heed lest any spoil you through philosophy , and vain deceit . he that exhorteth to beware of an enemies policy , doth not give counsel to be impolitick ; but rather to use all prudent foresight and circumspection , lest our simplicity be over-reached by cunning sleights . the way not to be inveighled by them that are so guileful through skill , is throughly to be instructed in that which maketh skilful against guile , and to be armed with that true and sincere philosophy , which doth teach against that deceitful and vain , which spoileth . thirdly , but many great philosophers have been very unsound in belief ; and many sound in belief , have been also great philosophers . could secular knowledge bring the one sort unto the love of christian faith ? nor christian faith , the other sort out of love with secular knowledge . the harm that hereticks did , they did it unto such as were unable to discern between sound and deceitful reasoning ; and the remedy against it , was ever the skill which the ancient fathers had to discry and discover such deceit . insomuch , that cresconius the heretick complained greatly of st. augustine , as being too full of logical subtilties . heresie prevaileth onely by a counterfeit shew of reason ; whereby notwithstanding it becometh invincible , unless it be convicted of fraud by manifest remonstrance , clearly true , and unable to be withstood . when therefore the apostle requireth hability to convict hereticks , can we think he judgeth it a thing unlawful , and not rather needful to use the principal instrument of their conviction , the light of reason ? it may not be denied , but that in the fathers writings , there are sundry sharp invectives against hereticks , even for their very philosophical reasonings . the cause whereof tertullian confesseth , not to have been any dislike conceived against the kinde of such reasonings , but the end . we may ( saith he ) even in matters of god , be made wiser by reasons drawn from the publick perswasions which are grafted in mens mindes ; so they be used to further the truth , not to bolster error , so they make with , not against that which god hath determined . for there are some things even known by nature , as the immortality of the soul to many , our god unto all . i will therefore my self also , use the sentence of some such as plato , pronouncing every soul immortal . i my self too will use the secret acknowledgment of the communalty , bearing record of the god of gods : but when i hear men alledge , that which is dead , is dead ; and , while thou art alive , be alive ; and , after death an end of all , even of death it self : then will i call to minde both , that the heart of the people with god is accounted dust , and that the very wisdom of the world , is pronounced folly. if then an heretick flie also unto such vicious , popular , and secular conceits , my answer unto him shall be ; thou heretick , avoid the heathen , although in this ye be one , that ye both belie god ; yet thou that dost his under the name of christ , differest from the heathen , in that thou seemest to thy self a christian. leave him therefore his conceits , seeing that neither will be learn thine . why dost thou , having sight , trust to a blind guide ? thou which hast put on christ , take raiment of him that is naked ? if the apostle have armed thee , why dost thou borrow a strangers shield ? let him rather learn of thee to acknowledge , then thou of him to renounce the resurrection of the flesh. in a word , the catholick fathers did good unto all by that knowledge , whereby hereticks hindering the truth in many , might have furthered therewith themselves ; but that obstinately following their own ambitious , or otherwise corrupted affections , instead of framing their wills to maintain that which reason taught , they bent their wits to finde how reason might seem to teach that which their wills were set to maintain . for which cause the apostle saith of them justly , that they are for the most part 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , men condemned even in , and of themselves . for though they be not all perswaded , that it is truth which they withstand ; yet that to be error which they uphold , they might undoubtedly the sooner a great deal attain to know , but that their study is more to defend what once they have stood in , then to finde out sincerely and simply , what truth they ought to persist in for ever . fourthly , there is in the world no kinde of knowledge , whereby any part of truth is seen , but we justly account it precious ; yea , that principal truth , in comparison whereof , all other knowledge is vile , may receive from it some kinde of light ; whether it be that egyptian and caldean wisdom , mathematical , wherewith moses and daniel were furnished ; or that natural , moral , and civil wisdom wherewith solomon excelled all men ; or that rational and oratorial wisdom of the grecians , which the apostle st. paul brought from tarsus ; or that judaical , which he learned in ierusalem , sitting at the feet of gamaliel : to detract from the dignity thereof , were to injure even god himself , who being that light which none can approach unto , hath sent out these lights whereof we are capable , even as so many sparkles resembling the bright fountain from which they rise . but there are that bear the title of wisemen , and scribes , and great disputers of the world , and are nothing indeed less then what in shew they most appear . these being wholy addicted unto their own wills , use their wit , their learning , and all the wisdom they have , to maintain that which their obstinate hearts are delighted with , esteeming in the frantick error of their mindes , the greatest madness in the world to be wisdom , and the highest wisdom foolishness . such were both jews and grecians which professed , the one sort legal , and the other secular skill , neither enduring to be taught the mystery of christ : unto the glory of whose most blessed name , who so study to use both their reason , and all other gifts , as well which nature , as which grace hath endued them with ; let them never doubt , but that the same god , who is to destroy and confound utterly that wisdom falsly so named in others , doth make reckoning of them as of true scribes ; scribes by wisdom instructed to the kingdom of heaven ; scribes against that kingdom , hardned in a vain opinion of wisdom ; which in the end being proved folly , must needs perish ; true understanding , knowledge , judgment , and reason , continuing for evermore . fifthly , unto the word of god , being in respect of that end for which god ordained it , perfect , exact , and absolute in it self , we do not add reason as a supplement of any maim or defect therein , but as a necessary instrument , without which , we could not reap by the scriptures perfection , that fruit and benefit which it yieldeth . the word of god is a two-edged sword , put in the hands of reasonable men ; and reason as the weapon that flew goliah , if they be as david was that use it . touching the apostles , he which gave them from above such power for miraculous confirmation of that which they taught , endued them also with wisdom from above , to teach that which they so did confirm . our saviour made choice of twelve simple and unlearned men , that the greater their lack of natural wisdom was , the more admirable that might appear which god supernaturally endued them with from heaven . such therefore as knew the poor and silly estate wherein they had lived , could not but wonder to hear the wisdom of their speech , and be so much the more attentive unto their teaching . they studied for no tongue they spake withal ; of themselves they were rude , and knew not so much as how to premeditate ; the spirit gave them speech and cloquent utterance : but because with st. paul it was otherwise , then with the rest , in as much as he never conversed with christ upon earth as they did ; and his education had been scholastical altogether , which theirs was not : hereby occasion was taken by certain malignants , secretly to undermine his great authority in the church of christ , as though the gospel had been taught him by others , then by christ himself , and as if the cause of the gentiles conversion and belief , through his means , had been the learning and skill which he had by being conversant in their books , which thing made them so willing to hear him , and him so able to perswade them ; whereas the rest of the apostles prevailed , because god was with them , and by a miracle from heaven confirmed his word in their mouths . they were mighty in deeds : as for him , being absent , his writings had some force ; in presence , his power not like unto theirs . in sum , concerning his preaching , their very by-word was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , addle speech , empty talk . his writings full of great words , but in the power of miraculous operations ; his presence , not like the rest of the apostles . hereupon it ariseth , that st. paul was so often driven to make his apologies . hereupon it ariseth , that whatsoever time he had spent in the study of humane learning , he maketh earnest protestation to them of corinth , that the gospel which he had preached amongst them , did not by other means prevail with them , then with others the same gospel taught by the rest of the apostles of christ. my preaching , saith he , hath not been in the perswasive speeches of humane wisdom , but in demonstration of the spirit and of power ; that your faith may not be in the wisdom of men , but in the power of god. what is it which the apostle doth here deny ? is it denied that his speech amongst them had been perswasive ? no ; for of him the sacred history plainly restifieth , that for the space of a year and a half , he spake in their synagogue every sabbath , and perswaded both jews and grecians . how then is the speech of men made perswasive ? surely there can be but two ways to bring this to pass , the one humane , the other divine . either st. paul did onely by art and natural industry cause his own speech to be credited ; or else god by miracle did authorise it , and so bring credit thereunto , as to the speech of the rest of the apostles . of which two , the former he utterly denieth . for why ? if the preaching of the rest had been effectual by miracle , his onely by force of his own learning ; so great inequality between him and the other apostles in this thing , had been enough to subvert their faith. for might they not with reason have thought , that if he were sent of god , as well as they , god would not have furnished them and not him , with the power of the holy ghost ? might not a great part of them , being simple haply have feared , lest their assent had been cunningly gotten unto his doctrine , rather through the weakness of their own wits , then the certainty of that truth which he had taught them ? how unequal had it been , that all believers through the preaching of other apostles , should have their faith strongly built upon the evidence of gods own miraculous approbation ; and they whom he had converted , should have their perswasion built onely upon his skill and wisdom who perswaded them ? as therefore calling from men may authorise us to teach , although it could not authorise him to teach as other apostles did : so although the wisdom of man had not been sufficient to enable him such a teacher as the rest of the apostles were , unless gods miracles had strengthned both the one and the others doctrine ; yet unto our ability , both of teaching and learning the truth of christ , as we are but meer christian men , it is not a little which the wisdom of man may add . sixthly , yea , whatsoever our hearts be to god and to his truth , believe we , or be we as yet faithless , for our conversion or confirmation , the force of natural reason is great . the force whereof unto those effects , is nothing without grace . what then ? to our purpose it is sufficient , that whosoever doth serve , honor , and obey god , whosoever believeth in him ; that man would no more do this then innocents and infants do , but for the light of natural reason that shineth in him , and maketh him apt to apprehend those things of god , which being by grace discovered , are effectual to perswade reasonable mindes , and none other , that honor , obedience , and credit , belong aright unto god. no man cometh unto god to offer him sacrifice , to pour out supplications and prayers before him , or to do him any service , which doth not first believe him both to be , and to be a rewarder of them who in such sort seek unto him . let men be taught this either by revelation from heaven , or by instruction upon earth ; by labor , study , and meditation , or by the onely secret inspiration of the holy ghost ; whatsoever the mean be they know it by , if the knowledge thereof were possible without discourse of natural reason ; why should none be found capable thereof but onely men , nor men till such time as they come unto ripe and full ability to work by reasonable understanding ? the whole drift of the scripture of god , what is it , but onely to teach theology ? theology , what is it , but the science of things divine ? what science an be attained unto , without the help of natural discourse and reason ? iudge you of that which i speak , saith the apostle . in vain it were to speak any thing of god , but that by reason . men are able somewhat to judge of that they hear , and by discourse to discern how consonant it is to truth . scripture indeed teacheth things above nature , things which our reason by it self could not reach unto . yet those things also we believe . knowing by reason , that the scripture is the word of god. in the presence of festus , a roman , and of king agrippa , a jew , st. paul omitting the one , who neither knew the jews religion , not the books whereby they were taught it , speaks unto the other of things foreshewed by moses , and the prophets , and performed in jesus christ , intending thereby to prove himself so unjustly accused , that unless his judges did condemn both moses and the prophets , him they could not chuse but acquit , who taught onely that fulfilled , which they so long since had foretold . his cause was easie to be discerned ; what was done , their eyes were witnesses ; what moses and the prophets did speak , their books could quickly shew : it was no hard thing for him to compare them , which knew the one , and believed the other . king agrippa , believest thou the prophets ? i know thou dost . the question is , how the books of the prophets came to be credited of king agrippa . for what with him did authorise the prophets , the like with us doth cause the rest of the scripture of god to be of credit . because we maintain , that in scripture we are taught all things necessary unto salvation ; hereupon very childishly it is by some demanded , what scripture can teach us the sacred authority of the scripture , upon the knowledge whereof our whole faith and salvation dependeth ? as though there were any kinde of science in the world , which leadeth men unto knowledge , without presupposing a number of things already known . no science doth make known the first principles whereon it buildeth ; but they are always either taken as plain and manifest in themselves , or as proved and granted already , some former knowledge having made them evident . scripture teacheth all supernaturally revealed truth ; without the knowledge whereof , salvation cannot be attained . the main principal whereupon , our belief of all things therein contained , dependeth , is , that the scriptures are the oracles of god himself . this in it self we cannot say is evident . for then all men that hear it , would acknowledge it in heart , as they do when they hear that every whole is more then any part of that whole , because this in it self is evident . the other we know , that all do not acknowledge when they hear it . there must be therefore some former knowledge presupposed , which doth herein assure the hearts of all believers . scripture teacheth us that saving truth which god hath discovered unto the world by revelation ; and it presumeth us taught otherwise , that it self is divine and sacred . the question then being , by what means we are taught this : some answer , that to learn it we have no other way then onely tradition ; as namely , that so we believe , because both we from our predecessors , and they from theirs have so received . but is this enough ? that which all mens experience teacheth them , may not in any wise be denied . and by experience we all know , that the first outward motive leading men so to esteem of the scripture , is the authority of gods church . for when we know the whole church of god hath that opinion of the scripture , we judge it even at the first an impudent thing for any man bred and brought up in the church , to be of a contrary minde without cause . afterwards the more we bestow our labor in reading or hearing the mysteries thereof , the more we finde that the thing it self doth answer our received opinion concerning it . so that the former enducement prevailing somewhat with us before , doth now much more prevail , when the very thing hath ministred further reason . if infidels or atheists chance at any time to call it in question , this giveth us occasion to sift what reason there is , whereby the testimony of the church concerning scripture , and our own perswasion which scripture it self hath confirmed , may be proved a truth infallible . in which case the ancient fathers being often constrained to shew , what warrant they had so much to relie upon the scriptures , endeavored still to maintain the authority of the books of god by arguments , such as unbelievers themselves must needs think reasonable , if they judged thereof as they should . neither is it a thing impossible , or greatly heard , even by such kinde of proofs so to manifest and clear that point , that no man living shall be able to deny it , without denying some apparent principle , such as all men acknowledge to be true . wherefore if i believe the gospel , yet is reason of singular use , for that it confirmeth me in this my belief the more : if i do not as yet believe , nevertheless to bring me into the number of believers , except reason did somewhat help , and were an instrument which god doth use unto such purposes , what should it boot to dispute with infidels , or godless persons for their conversion and perswasion in that point ? neither can i think that , when grave and learned men do sometime hold , that of this principle there is no proof but by the testimony of the spirit , which assureth our hearts therein , it is their meaning to exclude utterly all force which any kinde of reason may have in that behalf ; but i rather incline to interpret such their speeches , as if they had more expresly set down , that other motives and enducements , be they never so strong and consonant unto reason , are notwithstanding ineffectual of themselves to work faith concerning this principle , if the special grace of the holy ghost concur not to the enlightning of our mindes . for otherwise , i doubt not but men of wisdom and judgment will grant , that the church in this point especially is furnished with reason , to stop the mouths of her impious adversaries ; and that , as it were altogether bootless to alledge against them , what the spirit hath taught us , so likewise , that even to our own selves it needeth caution and explication , how the testimony of the spirit may be discerned , by what means it may be known , lest men think that the spirit of god doth testifie those things which the spirit of error suggesteth . the operations of the spirit , especially these ordinary which be common unto all true christian men , are , as we know , things secret and undiscernable even to the very soul where they are , because their nature is of another , and an higher kinde , then that they can be by us perceived in this life . wherefore albeit the spirit lead us into all truth , and direct us in all goodness ; yet because these workings of the spirit in us , are so privy and secret , we theresore stand on a plainer ground , when we gather by reason from the quality of things believed or done , that the spirit of god hath directed us in both , then if we settle our selves to believe , or to do any certain particular thing , as being moved thereto by the spirit . but of this enough . to go from the books of scripture , to the sense and meaning thereof , because the sentences which are by the apostles recited out of the psalms , to prove the resurrection of jesus christ , did not prove it , if so be the prophet david meant them of himself : this exposition therefore they plainly disprove , and shew by manifest reason , that of david the words of david could not possibly be meant . exclude the use of natural reasoning about the sense of holy scripture , concerning the articles of our faith , and then that the scripture doth concern the articles of our faith , who can assure us ? that which by right exposition buildeth up christian faith , being misconstrued breedeth error ; between true and false construction , the difference reason must shew . can christian men perform that which peter requireth at their hands ? is it possible they should both believe , and be able without the use of reason , to render a reason of their belief , a reason sound and sufficient to answer them that demand it , be they of the same faith with us , or enemies thereunto ? may we cause our faith without reason , to appear reasonable in the eyes of men ? this being required even of learners in the school of christ , the duty of their teachers in bringing them unto such ripeness , must needs be somewhat more then onely to read the sentences of scripture , and then paraphrastically to scholy them , to vary them with sundry forms of speech , without arguing or disputing about any thing which they contain . this method of teaching , may commend it self unto the world , by that easiness and facility which is in it ; but a law or a pattern it is not , as some do imagine , for all men to follow , that will do good in the church of christ. our lord and saviour himself did hope by disputation to do some good , yea , by disputation not onely of , but against the truth , albeit with purpose for the truth . that christ should be the son of david , was truth , yet against this truth , our lord in the gospel objecteth , if christ be the son of david , how doth david call him lord ? there is as yet no way known how to dispute , or to determine of things disputed , without the use of natural reason . if we please to adde unto christ their example , who followed him as near in all things as they could , the sermon of paul and barnabas , set down in the acts , where the people would have offered unto them sacrifice ; in that sermon , what is there , but onely natural reason to disprove their act ? o men , why do ye these things ? we are men even , subject to the self-same passions with you : we preach unto you to leave these vanities , and to turn to the living god , the god that hath not left himself without witness , in that he hath done good to the world , giving rain and fruitful seasons , filling our hearts with joy and gladness . neither did they onely use reason in winning such unto a christian belief , as were yet thereto unconverted , but with believers themselves they followed the self-same course . in that great and solemn assembly of believing jews , how doth peter prove , that the gentiles were partakers of the grace of god , as well as they , but by reason drawn from those effects , which were apparently known amongst them ? god which knoweth the hearts , hath born them witness in giving unto them the holy ghost as unto you . the light therefore , which the star of natural reason and wisdom casteth , is too bright to be obscured by the mist of a word or two , uttered to diminish that opinion which justly hath been received concerning the force and vertue thereof , even in matters that touch most nearly the principal duties of men , and the glory of the eternal god. in all which hitherto hath been spoken , touching the force and use of mans reason in things divine , i must crave , that i be not so understood or construed , as if any such thing , by vertue thereof , could be done without the aid and assistance of gods most blessed spirit . the thing we have handled according to the question moved about it ; which question is , whether the light of reason be so pernicious , that in devising laws for the church , men ought not by it to search what may be fit and convenient ? for this cause therefore we have endeavored to make it appear , how in the nature of reason it self , there is no impediment , but that the self-same spirit which revealeth the things that god hath set down in his law , may also be thought to aid and direct men in finding out by the light of reason , what laws are expedient to be made for the guiding of his church , over and besides them that are in scripture . herein therefore we agree with those men , by whom humane laws are defined to be ordinances , which such as have lawful authority given them for that purpose , do probably draw from the laws of nature and god , by discourse of reason , aided with the influence of divine grace : and for that cause , it is not said amiss touching ecclesiastical canons , that by instinct of the holy ghost they have been made , and consecrated by the reverend acceptation of the world. . laws for the church are not made as they should be , unless the makers follow such direction as they ought to be guided by : wherein that scripture standeth not the church of god in any stead , or serveth nothing at all to direct , but may be let pass as needless to be consulted with , we judge it prophane , impious , and irreligious to think . for although it were in vain to make laws which the scripture hath already made , because what we are already there commanded to do , on our parts there resteth nothing but onely that it be executed ; yet because both in that which we are commanded , it concerneth the duty of the church by law to provide , that the loosness and slackness of men may not cause the commandments of god to be unexecuted ; and a number of things there are , for which the scripture hath not provided by any law , but left them unto the careful discretion of the church ; we are to search how the church in these cases may be well directed , to make that provision by laws which is most convenient and fit . and what is so in these cases , partly scripture , and partly reason must teach to discern . scripture comprehending examples and laws ; laws , some natural , and some positive ; examples neither are there for all cases which require laws to be made , and when they are , they can but direct as precedents onely . natural laws direct in such sort , that in all things we must for ever do according unto them ; positive so , that against them , in no case , we may do any thing , as long as the will of god is , that they should remain in force . howbeit , when scripture doth yield us precedents , how far forth they are to be followed ; when it giveth natural laws , what particular order is thereunto most agreeable ; when positive , which way to make laws unrepugnant unto them ; yea , though all these should want , yet what kinde of ordinances would be most for that good of the church which is aimed at , all this must be by reason found out . and therefore , to refuse the conduct of the light of nature , saith st. augustine , is not folly alone , but accompanied with impiety . the greatest amongst the school divines studying how to set down by exact definition , the nature of an humane law , ( of which nature all the churches constitutions are ) found not which way better to do it , then in these words : out of the precepts of the law of nature , as out of certain common and undemonstrable principles , mans reason doth necessarily proceed unto certain more particular determinations : which particular determinations being found out according unto the reason of man , they have the names of humane laws , so that such other conditions be therein kept as the making of laws doth require , that is , if they whose authority is thereunto required , do establish and publish them as laws . and the truth is , that all our controversie in this cause concerning the orders of the church , is , what particulars the church may appoint . that which doth finde them out , is the force of mans reason . that which doth guide and direct his reason , is first , the general law of nature ; which law of nature , and the moral law of scripture , are in the substance of law all one . but because there are also in scripture a number of laws particular and positive , which being in force , may not by any law of man be violated , we are in making laws to have thereunto an especial eye . as for example , it might perhaps seem reasonable unto the church of god , following the general laws concerning the nature of marriage , to ordain in particular that cosin-germans shall not marry . which law notwithstanding ought not to be received in the church , if there should be in the scripture a law particular to the contrary , forbidding utterly the bonds of marriage to be so far forth abridged . the same thomas therefore , whose definition of humane laws we mentioned before , doth add thereunto this caution concerning the rule and canon whereby to make them : humane laws are measures in respect of men , whose actions they must direct ; howbeit such measures they are , as have also their higher rules to be measured by , which rules are two , the law of god , and the law of nature . so that laws humane must be made according to the general laws of nature , and without contradiction unto any positive law in scripture ; otherwise they are ill made . unto laws thus made and received by a whole church , they which live within the bosom of that church , must not think it a matter indifferent , either to yield , or not to yield obedience . is it a small offence to despise the church of god ? my son keep thy fathers commandment , saith solomon , and forget not thy mothers instruction , binde them both always about thine heart . it doth not stand with the duty which we ow to our heavenly father , that to the ordinances of our mother the church , we should shew our selves disobedient . let us not say we keep the commandments of the one , when we break the law of the other : for unless we observe both , we obey neither . and what doth let , but that we may observe both , when they are not the one to the other in any sort repugnant ? for of such laws onely we speak , as being made in form and manner already declared , can have in them no contradiction unto the laws of almighty god. yea , that which is more , the laws thus made , god himself doth in such sort authorize ; that to despise them , is to despise in them him . it is a loose and licentious opinion which the anabaptists have embraced , holding , that a christian mans liberty is lost , and the soul which christ hath redeemed unto himself , injuriously drawn into servitude under the yoke of humane power , if any law be now imposed besides the gospel of jesus christ : in obedience whereunto the spirit of god , and not the constraint of man is to lead us , according to that of the blessed apostle , such as are led by the spirit of god , are the sons of god , and not such as live in thraldom unto men . their judgment is therefore , that the church of christ should admit no law-makers , but the evangelists . the author of that which causeth another thing to be , is author of that thing also which thereby is caused . the light of natural understanding , wit , and reason , is from god ; he it is which thereby doth illuminate every man entring into the world. if there proceed from us any thing afterwards corrupt and naught , the mother thereof is our own darkness , neither doth it proceed from any such cause whereof god is the author . he is the author of all that we think or do , by vertue of that light which himself hath given . and therefore the laws which the very heathens did gather to direct their actions by , so far forth as they proceed from the light of nature , god himself doth acknowledge to have proceeded even from himself , and that he was the writer of them in the tables of their hearts . how much more then is he the author of those laws which have been made by his saints , endued further with the heavenly grace of his spirit , and directed as much as might be with such instructions as his sacred word doth yield ? surely , if we have unto those laws , that dutiful regard which their dignity doth require , it will not greatly need , that we should be exhorted to live in obedience unto them . i● they have god himself for their author , contempt which is offered unto them cannot chuse but redound unto him . the safest , and unto god the most acceptable way of framing our lives therefore , is with all humility , lowliness , and singleness of heart , to study which way our willing obedience , both unto god and man , may be yielded , even to the utmost of that which is due . . touching the mutability of laws that concern the regiment and polity of the church , changed they are , when either altogether abrogated , or in part repealed , or augmented with farther additions . wherein we are to note , that this question about the changing of laws , concerneth onely such laws as are positive , and do make that now good or evil , by being commanded or forbidden , which otherwise of it self were not simply , the one or the other . unto such laws it is expresly sometimes added , how long they are to continue in force . if this be no where exprest , then have we no light to direct our judgments , concerning the changeableness or immutability of them , but by considering the nature and quality of such laws . the nature of every law must be judged of by the end for which it was made , and by the aptness of things therein prescribed unto the same end . it may so fall out , that the reason why some laws of god were given , is neither opened , nor possible to be gathered by the wit of man. as why god should forbid adam that one tree , there was no way for adam ever to have certainly understood . and at adams ignorance of this point satan took advantage , urging the more securely a false cause , because the true was unto adam unknown . why the jews were forbidden to plough their ground with an ox and an ass ; why to cloath themselves with mingled attire of wooll and linnen , it was both unto them , and to us it remaineth obscure . such laws perhaps cannot be abrogated , saving onely by whom they were made ; because the intent of them being known unto none but the author , he alone can judge how long it is requisite they should endure . but if the reason why things were instituted may be known , and being known , do appear manifestly to be of perpetual necessity ; then are those things also perpetual , unless they cease to be effectual unto that purpose , for which they were at the first instituted . because when a thing doth cease to be available unto the end which gave it being , the continuance of it must then of necessity appear superfluous . and of this we cannot be ignorant , how sometimes that hath done great good which afterwards when time hath changed the ancient course of things , doth grow to be either very hurtful , or not so greatly profitable and necessary . if therefore , the end for which a law provideth , be perpetually necessary , and the way whereby it provideth perpetually also most apt , no doubt but that every such law ought for ever to remain unchangeable . whether god be the author of laws , by authorising that power of men whereby they are made , or by delivering them made immediately from himself , by word onely , or in writing also , or howsoever ; notwithstanding the authority of their maker , the mutability of that end for which they are made , maketh them also changeable . the law of ceremonies came from god. moses had commandment to commit it unto the sacred records of scripture , where it continueth even unto this very day and hour , in force still as the jew surmiseth , because god himself was author of it ; and for us to abolish what he hath established , were presumption most intolerable . but ( that which they in the blindness of their obdurate hearts are not able to discern ) sith the end for which that law was ordained , is now fulfilled , past , and gone ; how should it but cease any longer to be , which hath no longer any cause of being in force as before ? that which necessity of some special time doth cause to be enjoyned , bindeth no longer , then during that time , but doth afterward become free . which thing is also plain , even by that law which the apostles assembled at the council of ierusalem , did from thence deliver unto the church of christ ; the preface whereof to authorise it , was , to the holy ghost , and to us it hath seemed good : which style they did not use as matching themselves in power with the holy ghost , but as testifying the holy ghost to be the author , and themselves , but onely utterers of that decree . this law therefore to haue proceeded from god as the author thereof , no faithful man will deny . it was of god , not onely because god gave them the power whereby they might make laws , but for that it proceeded even from the holy motion and suggestion of that secret divine spirit , whose sentence they did but onely pronounce . notwithstanding , as the law of ceremonies delivered unto the jews , so this very law which the gentiles received from the mouth of the holy ghost , is in like respect abrogated by decease of the end for which it was given . but such as do not stick at this point , such as grant that what hath been instituted upon any special cause , needeth not to be observed , that cause ceasing , do notwithstanding herein fail ; they judge the laws of god onely by the author and main end for which they were made , so that for us to change that which he hath established , they hold it execrable pride and presumption , if so be the end and purpose for which god by that mean provideth , be permanent . and upon this they ground those ample disputes concerning orders and offices , which being by him appointed for the government of his church , if it be necessary always that the church of christ be governed , then doth the end for which god provided , remain still ; and therefore in those means which he by law did establish as being fittest unto that end , for us to alter any thing , is to lift up our selves against god , and as it were to countermand him . wherein they mark not , that laws are instruments to rule by , and that instruments are not onely to be framed according unto the general end for which they are provided , but even according unto that very particular which riseth out of the matter whereon they have to work . the end wherefore laws were made may be permanent , and those laws nevertheless require some alteration , if there be any unfitness in the means which they prescribe as tending unto that end and purpose . as for example , a law that to bridle theft , doth punish theeves with a quadruple restitution , hath an end which will continue as long as the world it self continueth . theft will be always , and will always need to be bridled . but that the mean which this law provideth for that end , namely , the punishment of quadruple restitution , that this will be always sufficient to bridle and restrain that kinde of enormity , no man can warrant . insufficiency of laws doth sometimes come by want of judgment in the makers . which cause cannot fall into any law termed properly and immediately divine , as it may and doth into humane laws often . but that which hath been once most sufficient , may wax otherwise by alteration of time and place ; that punishment which hath been sometimes forcible to bridle sin , may grow afterwards too week and feeble . in a word , we plainly perceive by the difference of those three laws which the jews received at the hands of god , the moral , ceremonial , and judicial , that if the end for which , and the matter according whereunto god maketh his laws , continue always one and the same , his laws also do the like , for which cause the moral law cannot be altered . secondly , that whether the matter whereon laws are made , continue or continue not , if their end have once ceased , they cease also to be of force ; as in the law ceremonial it fareth . finally , that albeit the end continue , as in that law of theft specified , and in a great part of those ancient judicials it doth ; yet for as much as there is not in all respects the same subject or matter remaining , for which they were first instituted , even this is sufficient cause of change . and therefore laws , though both ordained of god himself , and the end for which they were ordained , continuing , may notwithstanding cease , it by alteration of persons or times , they be found unsufficient to attain unto that end . in which respect , why may we not presume , that god doth even call for such change or alteration , as the very condition of things themselves doth make necessary ? they which do therefore plead the authority of the law-maker , as an argument wherefore it should not be lawful to change that which he hath instituted , and will have this the cause why all the ordinances of our saviour are immutable ; they which urge the wisdom of god as a proof , that whatsoever laws he hath made , they ought to stand , unless himself from heaven proclaim them disannulled , because it is not in man to correct the ordinance of god ; may know , if it please them to take notice thereof , that we are far from presuming to think that men can better any thing which god hath done , even as we are from thinking that men should presume to undo some things of men , which god doth know they cannot better . god never ordained any thing that could be bettered . yet many things he hath , that have been changed , and that for the better . that which succeedeth as better now when change is requisite , had been worse , when that which now is changed was instituted . otherwise god had not then left this to chuse that , neither would now reject that to chuse this , were it not for some new-grown occasion , making that which hath been betterworse . in this case therefore men do not presume to change gods ordinance , but they yield thereunto , requiring it self to be changed . against this it is objected , that to abrogate or innovate the gospel of christ , if men or angels should attempt , it were most heinous and cursed sacriledge . and the gospel , as they say , containeth not onely doctrine instructing men how they should believe , but also precepts concerning the regiment of the church . discipline therefore is a part of the gospel , and god being the author of the whole gospel , as well of discipline as of doctrine , it cannot be but that both of them have a common cause . so that as we are to believe for ever the articles of evangelical doctrine , so the precepts of discipline we are in like sort bound for ever to observe . touching points of doctrine , as for example , the unity of god , the trinity of persons , salvation by christ , the resurrection of the body , life everlasting , the judgment to come , and such like , they have been since the first hour that there was a church in the world , and till the last they must be believed : but as for matters of regiment , they are for the most part of another nature . to make new articles of faith and doctrine , no man thinketh it lawful ; new laws of government , what commonwealth or church is there which maketh not either at one time or another ? the rule of faith , saith tertullian , is but one , and that alone immoveable , and impossible to be framed or cast a new . the law of outward order and polity not so . there is no reason in the world wherefore we should esteem it as necessary always to do , as always to believe the same things ; seeing every man knoweth , that the matter of faith is constant , the matter contrariwise of action daily changeable , especially the matter of action belonging unto church polity . neither can i finde that men of soundest judgment have any otherwise taught , then that articles of belief , and things which all men must of necessity do , to the end they may be saved , are either expresly set down in scripture , or else plainly thereby to be gathered . but touching things which belong to discipline and outward polity , the church hath authority to make canons , laws and decrees , even as we read , that in the apostles times it did . which kinde of laws ( for as much as they are not in themselves necessary to salvation ) may after they are made , be also changed as the difference of times or places shall require . yea , it is not denied , i am sure , by themselves , that certain things in discipline are of that nature , as they may be varied by times , places , persons , and other the like circumstances . whereupon i demand , are those changeable points of discipline commanded in the word of god , or no ? if they be not commanded , and yet may be received in the church , how can their former position stand , condemning all things in the church , which in the word are not commanded ? if they be commanded , and yet may suffer change : how can this latter stand , affirming all things immutable which are commanded of god ? their distinction touching matters of substance and of circumstance , though true , will not serve . for be they great things , or be they small , if god have commanded them in the gospel , and his commanding them in the gospel do make them unchangeable , there is no reason we should more change the one , then we may the other . if the authority of the maker do prove unchangeableness in the laws which god hath made , then must all laws which he hath made , be necessarily for ever permanent , though they be out of circumstance onely , and not of substance . i therefore conclude , that neither gods being author of laws for government of his church , nor his committing them unto scripture , is any reason sufficient , wherefore all churches should for ever be bound to keep them without change . but of one thing we are here to give them warning by the way : for whereas in this discourse , we have oftentimes profest , that many parts of discipline or church polity are delivered in scripture , they may perhaps imagine that we are driven to confess their discipline to be delivered in scripture ; and that having no other means to avoid it , we are in fain to argue for the changeableness of laws ordained even by god himself , as if otherwise theirs of necessity should take place , and that under which we live be abandoned . there is no remedy therefore , but to abate this error in them , and directly to let them know , that if they fall into any such conceit , they do but a little flatter their own cause . as for us , we think in no respect so highly of it . our perswasion is , that no age ever had knowledge of it , but onely ours ; that they which defend it , devised it ; that neither christ nor his apostles , at any time taught it , but the contrary . if therefore we did seek to maintain that which most advantageth our own cause , the very best way for us , and the strongest against them , were to hold even as they do , that in scripture there must needs be found some particular form of church polity which god hath instituted , and which * for that very cause belongeth to all churches , to all times . but with any such partial eye to respect our selves , and by cunning , to make those things seem the truest , which are the fittest to serve our purpose , is a thing which we neither like nor mean to follow . wherefore , that which we take to be generally true concerning the mutability of laws , the same we have plainly delivered , as being perswaded of nothing more then we are of this ; * that whether it be in matter of speculation or of practice , no untruth can possibly avail the patron and defender long , and that things most truly , are like most behovefully spoken . . this we hold and grant for truth , that those very laws which of their own nature are changeable , be notwithstanding uncapable of change , is he which gave them , being of authority so to do , forbid absolutely to change them ; neither may they admit alteration against the will of such a law-maker . albeit therefore we do not finde any cause , why of right there should be necessarily an immutable form set down in holy scripture ; nevertheless , if indeed there have been at any time a church polity so set down , the change whereof the sacred scripture doth forbid ; surely for men to alter those laws which god for perpetuity hath established , were presumption most intolerable . to prove therefore , that the will of christ was to establish laws so permanent and immutable , that in any sort to alter them , cannot but highly offend god. thus they reason ; first , a if moses being but a servant in the house of god , did therein establish laws of government for a perpetuity ; laws , which they that were of the houshold , might not alter : shall we admit into our thoughts , that the son of god hath in providing for this his houshold , declared himself less faithful then moses ; moses delivering unto the jews such laws as were durable , if those be changeable which christ hath delivered unto us , we are not able to avoid it , but ( that which to think were heinous impiety ) we of necessity must confess , even the son of god himself to have been less faithful then moses ? which argument shall need no touchstone to try it by , but some other of the like making . moses erected in the wilderness a tabernacle , which was moveable from place to place : solomon a sumptuous and stately temple , which was not moveable ; therefore solomon was faithfuller then moses , which no man endued with reason will think . and yet by this reason it doth plainly follow . he that will see how faithful the one or other was , must compare the things which they both did , unto the charge which god gave each of them . the apostle in making comparison between our saviour and moses , attributeth faithfulness unto both , and maketh this difference between them ; moses in , but christ over the house of god ; moses in that house which was his by charge and commission , though to govern it , yet to govern it as a servant ; but christ over this house , as being his own intire possession . our lord and saviour doth make protestation , b i have given unto them the words which thou gavest me . faithful therefore he was , and concealed not any part of his fathers will. but did any part of that will require the immutability of laws concerning church polity ? they answer , yea ; for else god should less favor us then the jews . god would not have their churches guided by any laws but his own . and seeing this did so continue even till christ ; now to ease god of that care , or rather to deprive the church of his patronage , what reason have we ? surely none , to derogate any thing from the ancient love which god hath borne to his church . an heathen philosopher there is , who considering how many things beasts have , which men have not , how naked in comparison of them , how impotent , and how much less able we are to shift for our selves a long time after we enter into this world , repiningly concluded hereupon , that nature being a careful mother for them , is towards us a hard-hearted step-dame . no , we may not measure the affection of our gracious god towards his by such differences . for even herein shineth his wisdom , that though the ways of his providence be many , yet the end which he bringeth all at the length unto , is one and the self-same . but if such kinde of reasoning were good , might we not even as directly conclude the very same , concerning laws of secular regiment ? their own words are these ; c in the ancient church of the iews , god did command , and moses commit unto writing , all things pertinent , as well to the civil as to the ecclesiastical state. god gave them laws of civil regiment , and would not permit their commonweal to be governed by any other laws then his own . doth god less regard our temporal estate in this world , or provide for it worse then theirs ? to us notwithstanding , he hath not as to them , delivered any particular form of temporal regiment , unless perhaps , we think as some do , that the grafting of the gentiles , and their incorporating into israel , doth import , that we ought to be subject unto the rites and laws of their whole polity . we see then how weak such disputes are , and how smally they make to this purpose . that christ did not mean to set down particular positive laws for all things , in such sort as moses did , the very different manner of delivering the laws of moses , and the laws of christ , doth plainly shew . moses had commandment to gather the ordinances of god together distinctly , and orderly to set them down according unto their several kindes , for each publick duty and office , the laws that belong thereto , as appeareth in the books themselves written of purpose for that end . contrariwise the laws of christ , we finde rather mentioned by occasion in the writings of the apostles , then any solemn thing directly written to comprehend them in legal sort . again , the positive laws which moses gave , they were given for the greatest part , with restraint to the land of iury : behold , saith moses , i have taught you ordinances and laws , as the lord my god commanded me , that ye should do so even within the land whither ye go to possess it . which laws and ordinances positive , he plainly distinguished afterward from the laws of the two tables which were moral . the lord spake unto you out of the midst of the fire ; ye heard the voice of the words , but saw no similitude , onely a voice . then he declared unto you his covenant which he commanded you to do , the ten commandments , and wrote them upon two tables of stone . and the lord commanded me that same time , that i should teach you ordinances and laws which ye should observe in the land , whither ye go to possess it . the same difference is again set down in the next chapter following . for rehearsal being made of the ten commandments , it followeth immediately . these words the lord spake unto all your multitude in the mount , out of the midst of the fire , the cloud and the darkness , with a great voice , and added no more , and wrote them upon two tables of stone , and delivered them unto me . but concerning other laws , the people give their consent to receive them at the hands of moses . go thou nearer , and hear all that the lord our god saith , and declare thou unto us all that the lord our god saith unto thee , and we will hear it , and do it . the peoples alacrity herein god highly commendeth with most effectual and hearty speech ; i have heard the voice of the words of this people ; they have spoken well . o that there were such an heart in them to fear me , and to keep all my commandments always , that it might go well with them , and with their children for ever ! go , say unto them , return you to your tents : but stand thou here with me , and i will tell thee all the commandments and the ordinances , and the laws which thou shalt teach them , that they may do them in the land which i have given them to possess . from this latter kinde the former are plainly distinguished in many things . they were not both at one time delivered , neither both after one sort , nor to one end . the former uttered by the voice of god himself in the hearing of six hundred thousand men ; the former written with the finger of god ; the former termed by the name of a covenant ; the former given to be kept without either mention of time how long , or of place where . on the other side , the latter given after , and neither written by god himself , nor given unto the whole multitude immediately from god , but unto moses , and from him to them both by word and writing ; finally , the latter termed ceremonies , judgments , ordinances , but no where covenants . the observation of the latter restrained unto the land where god would establish them to inhabite . the laws positive are not framed without regard had to the place and persons , for the which they are made . if therefore almighty god in framing their laws , had an eye unto the nature of that people , and to the countrey where they were to dwell ; if these peculiar and proper considerations were respected in the making of their laws , and must be also regarded in the positive laws of all other nations besides ; then seeing that nations are not all alike , surely the giving of one kinde of positive laws unto one onely people , without any liberty to alter them , is but a slender proof , that therefore one kinde should in like sort be given to serve everlastingly for all . but that which most of all maketh for the clearing of this point , is , * that the jews who had laws , so particularly determining and so fully instructing them in all affairs what to do , were notwithstanding continually inured with causes exorbitant , and such as their laws had not provided for . and in this point much more is granted us then we ask , namely , that for one thing which we have left to the order of the church , they had twenty which were undecided by the express word of god ; and that as their ceremonies and sacraments were multiplied above ours , even so grew the number of those cases which were not determined by any express word . so that if we may devise one law , they by this reason might devise twenty ; and if their devising so many , were not forbidden , shall their example prove us forbidden to devise as much as one law for the ordering of the church ? we might not devise , no not one , if their example did prove , that our saviour hath utterly forbidden all alteration of his laws , in as much as there can be no law devised ; but needs it must either take away from his , or add thereunto more or less , and so make some kinde of alteration : but of this so large a grant , we are content not to take advantage . men are oftentimes in a sudden passion more liberal , then they would be , if they had leisure to take advice : and therefore so bountiful words of course and frank speeches , we are contented to let pass , without turning them to advantage with too much rigor . it may be they had rather be listned unto , when they commend the kings of israel , which attempted nothing in the government of the church , without the express word of god ; and when they urge , that god left nothing in his word undescribed , whether it concerned the worship of god , or outward polity , nothing unset down , and therefore charged them strictly to keep themselves unto that , without any alteration . howbeit seeing it cannot be denied , but that many things there did belong unto the course of their publick affairs , wherein they had no express word at all , to shew precisely what they should do ; the difference between their condition and ours in these cases , will bring some light unto the truth of this present controversie . before the fact of the son of shelomith , there was no law which did appoint any certain punishment for blasphemers : that wretched creature being therefore deprehended in that impiety , was held in ward , till the minde of the lord was known concerning his case . the like practice is also mentioned upon occasion of a breach of the sabbath day . they finde a poor silly creature gathering sticks in the wilderness ; they bring him unto moses and aaron , and all the congregation ; they lay him in hold , because it was not declared what should be done with him , till god had said unto moses , this man shall die the death . the law requireth to keep the sabbath day ; but for the breach of the sabbath what punishment should be inflicted , it did not appoint . such occasions as these , are rare : and for such things as do fall scarce once in many ages of men , it did suffice to take such order as was requisite when they fell . but if the case were such , as being not already determined by law , were notwithstanding likely oftentimes to come into question , it gave occasion of adding laws that were not before . thus it fell out in the case of those men polluted , and of the daughters of zelophehad , whose causes moses having brought before the lord , received laws to serve for the like in time to come . the jews to this end had the oracle of god , they had the prophets . and by such means , god himself instructed them from heaven , what to do in all things that did greatly concern their state , and were not already set down in the law. shall we then hereupon argue even against our own experience and knowledge ? shall we seek to perswade men , that of necessity it is with us , as it was with them , that because god is ours in all respects , as much as theirs , therefore either no such way of direction hath been at any time ; or if it hath been , it doth still continue in the church ; or if the same do not continue , that yet it must be at the least supplied by some such mean as pleaseth us to account of equal force ? a more dutiful and religious way for us , were to admire the wisdom of god , which shineth in the beautiful variety of all things ? but most in the manifold and yet harmonious dissimilitude of those ways , whereby his church upon earth is guided from age to age throughout all generations of men. the jews were necessarily to continue till the coming of christ in the flesh , and the gathering of nations unto him . so much the promise made unto abraham did import . so much the prophesie of iacob at the hour of his death did foreshew . upon the safety therefore of their very outward state and condition for so long , the after good of the whole world , and the salvation of all did depend . unto their so long safety , for two things it was necessary to provide , namely , the preservation of their state against foreign resistance , and the continuance of their peace within themselves . touching the one , as they received the promise of god to be the rock of their defence , against which , who so did violently rush , should but bruise and batter themselves ; so likewise they had his commandment in all their affairs that way , to seek direction and counsel from him . mens consultations are always perillous . and it falleth out many times , that after long deliberation , those things are by their wit even resolved on , which by trial are found most opposite to publick safety . it is no impossible thing for states , be they never so well established , yet by over-sight in some one act or treaty between them , and their potent opposites , utterly to cast away themselves for ever . wherefore lest it should so fall out to them , upon whom so much did depend ; they were not permitted to enter into war , not conclude any league of peace , nor to wade through any act of moment between them and foreign states , unless the oracle of god , or his prophets , were first consulted with . and lest domestical disturbance should waste them within themselves , because there was nothing unto this purpose more effectual , then if the authority of their laws and governors were such , as none might presume to take exception against it , or to shew disobedience unto it , without incurring the hatred and detestation of all men that had any spark of the fear of god ; therefore he gave them even their positive laws from heaven , and as oft as occasion required , chose in like sort rulers also to lead and govern them . notwithstanding some desperately impious there were , which adventured to try what harm it could bring upon them , if they did attempt to be authors of confusion , and to resist both governors and laws . against such monsters god maintained his own , by fearful execution of extraordinary judgment upon them . by which means it came to pass , that although they were a people infested and mightily hated of all others throughout the world , although by nature hard-hearted , querulous , wrathful , and impatient of rest and quietness ; yet was there nothing of force , either one way or other , to work the ruine and subversion of their state , till the time before mentioned was expired . thus we see that there was no cause of dissimilitude in these things , between that one onely people before christ , and the kingdoms of the world since . and whereas it is further alledged , that albeit in civil matters and things pertaining to this present life , god hath used a greater particularity with them , then amongst us , framing laws according to the quality of that people and countrey ; yet the leaving of us at greater liberty in things civil , is so far from proving the like liberty in things pertaining to the kingdom of heaven , that it rather proves a straiter bond . for even as when the lord would have his favor more appear by temporal blessings of this life , towards the people under the law , then towards us , he gave also politick laws most exactly , whereby they might both most easily come into , and most stedfastly remain in possession of those earthly benefits : even so at this time , wherein he would not have his favor so much esteemed by those outward commodities , it is required , that as his care inprescribing laws for that purpose hath somewhat faln , in leaving them to mens consultations , which may be deceived ; so his care for conduct and government of the life to come , should ( if it were possible ) rise , in leaving less to the order of men then in times past . these are but weak and feeble disputes for the inference of that conclusion which is intended . for saving onely in such consideration as hath been shewed , there is no cause wherefore we should think god more desirous to manifest his savor by temporal blessings towards them , then towards us . godliness had unto them , and it hath also unto us , the promises both of this life , and the life to come . that the care of god hath faln in earthly things , and therefore should rise as much in heavenly ; that more is left unto mens consultations in the one , and therefore less must be granted in the other ; that god having used a greater particularity with them then with us , for matters pertaining unto this life , is to make us amends by the more exact delivery of laws for government of the life to come . these are proportions , whereof if there be any rule , we must plainly confess that which truth is , we know it not . god which spake unto them by his prophets , hath unto us by his onely begotten son ; those mysteries of grace and salvation which were but darkly disclosed unto them , have unto us more clearly shined . such differences between them and us , the apostles of christ have well acquainted us withal . but as for matter belonging to the outward conduct or government of the church ; seeing that even in sense it is manifest , that our lord and saviour hath not by positive laws descended so far into particularities with us , as moses with them ; neither doth by extraordinary means , oracles , and prophets , direct us , as them he did , in those things which rising daily by new occasions , are of necessity to be provided for ; doth it not hereupon rather follow , that although not to them , yet to us there should be freedom and liberty granted to make laws ? yea , but the apostle st. paul doth fearfully charge timothy , beforepontius pilate , to keep what was commanded him , safe and sound till the appearance of our lord iesus christ. this doth exclude all liberty or changing the laws of christ , whether by abrogation or addition , or howsoever : for in timothy the whole church of christ receiveth charge concerning her duty . and that charge is to keep the apostles commandment ; and his commandment did contain the laws that concerned church government : and those laws he straightly requireth to be observed without breach or blame , till the appearance of our lord jesus christ. in scripture we grant every one mans lesson , to be the common instruction of all men , so far forth as their cases are like , and that religiously to keep the apostles commandments in whatsoever they may concern us , we all stand bound . but touching that commandment which timothy was charged with , we swerve undoubtedly from the apostles precise meaning , if we extend it so largely that the arms thereof shall reach unto all things which were commanded him by the apostle . the very words themselves do restrain themselves unto some special commandment among many . and therefore it is not said , keep the ordinances , laws , and constitutions which thou hast received ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that great commandment , which doth principally concern thee and thy calling : that commandment which christ did so often inculcate unto peter ; that commandment unto the careful discharge whereof they of ephesus are exhorted , attend to your selves , and to all the flock , wherein the holy ghost hath placed you bishops , to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased by his own blood : finally , that commandment which unto the same timothy is by the same apostle , even in the same form and manner afterwards again urged , i charge thee in the sight of god and the lord iesus christ , which will judge the quick and dead at his appearance , and in his kingdom , preach the word of god. when timothy was instituted in that office , then was the credit and trust of this duty committed unto his faithful care . the doctrine of the gospel was then given him , as the precious talent or treasure of iesus christ ; then received he for performance of this duty , the special gift of the holy ghost . to keep this commandment immaculate and blameless , was to teach the gospel of christ without mixture of corrupt and unsound doctrine ; such as a number , even in those times , intermingled with the mysteries of christian belief . till the appearance of christ to keep it so , doth not import the time wherein it should be kept , but rather the time whereunto the final reward for keeping it was reserved ; according to that of st. paul concerning himself , i have kept the faith ; for the residue , there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness , which the lord the righteous iudge , shall in that day render unto me . if they that labor in this harvest , should respect but the present fruit of their painful travel , a poor encouragement it were unto them , to continue therein all the days of their life . but their reward is great in heaven ; the crown of righteousness which shall be given them in that day , is honorable . the fruit of their industry then shall they reap with full contentment and satisfaction , but not till then . wherein the greatness of their reward is abundantly sufficient to countervail the tediousness of their expectation . wherefore till then , they that are in labor , must rest in hope . o timothy , keep that which is committed unto thy charge ; that great commandment which thou hast received , keep , till the appearance of our lord jesus christ. in which sense , although we judge the apostles words to have been uttered ; yet hereunto we do not require them to yield , that think any other construction more sound . if therefore it be rejected , and theirs esteemed more probable , which hold , that the last words do import perpetual observation of the apostles commandment , imposed necessarily for ever upon the militant church of christ : let them withal consider , that then his commandment cannot so largely be taken , to comprehend whatsoever the apostle did command timothy . for themselves do not all binde the church unto some things , whereof timothy received charge , as namely , unto that precept concerning the choice of widows . so as they cannot hereby maintain , that all things positively commanded concerning the affairs of the church , were commanded for perpetuity . and we do not deny that certain things were commanded to be , though positive , yet perpetual in the church . they should not therefore urge against us places that seem to forbid change , but rather such as set down some measure of alteration ; which measure , if we have exceeded , then might they therewith charge us justly : whereas now they themselves both granting , and also using liberty to change , cannot in reason dispute absolutely against all change . christ delivered no inconvenient , or unmeet laws : sundry of ours they hold inconvenient . therefore such laws they cannot possibly hold to be christs . being not his , they must of necessity grant them added unto his . yet certain of those very laws so added , they themselves do not judge unlawful ; as they plainly confess , both in matter of prescript attire , and of rites appertaining to burial . their own protestations are , that they plead against the inconvenience , not the unlawfulness of popish apparel ; and against the inconvenience , not the unlawfulness of ceremonies in burial . therefore they hold it a thing not unlawful to add to the laws of jesus christ ; and so consequently they yield , that no law of christ forbiddeth addition unto church laws . the judgment of calvin being alledged against them , to whom , of all men , they attribute most ; whereas his words be plain , that for ceremonies and external discipline , the church hath power to make laws : the answer which hereunto they make , is , that indefinitely the speech is true , and that so it was meant by him ; namely , that some things belonging unto external discipline and ceremonies , are in the power and arbitrement of the church ; but neither was it meant , neither is it true generally , that all external discipline , and all ceremonies , are left to the order of the church , in as much as the sacraments of baptism , and the supper of the lord are ceremonies , which yet the church may not therefore abrogate . again , excommunication is a part of external discipline , which might also be cast away ; if all external discipline were arbitrary , and in the choice of the church . by which their answer it doth appear , that touching the names of ceremony and external discipline , they gladly would have us so understood , as if we did herein contain a great deal more then we do . the fault which we finde with them , is , that they over-much abridge the church of her power in these things . whereupon they recharge us , as if in these things we gave the church a liberty , which hath no limits or bounds ; as if all things which the name of discipline containeth , were at the churches free choice . so that we might either have church governors and government , or want them ; either retain or reject church censures as we lift . they wonder at us as at men which think it so indifferent what the church doth in matter of ceremonies , that it may be feared lest we judge the very sacraments themselves to be held at the churches pleasure . no , the name of ceremonies we do not use in so large a meaning , as to bring sacraments within the compass and reach thereof ; although things belonging unto the outward form and seemly administration of them , are contained in that name , even as we use it . for the name of ceremonies we use as they themselves do , when they speak after this sort : the doctrine and discipline of the church , as the weightiest things , ought especially to be looked unto ; but the ceremonies also , as mint and cummin , ought not to be neglected . besides , in the matter of external discipline , or regiment it self , we do not deny but there are some things whereto the church is bound till the worlds end . so as the question is onely , how far the bounds of the churches liberty do reach . we hold , that the power which the church hath lawfully to make laws and orders for it self , doth extend unto sundry things of ecclesiastical jurisdiction , and such other matters , whereto their opinion is , that the churches authority and power doth not reach . whereas therefore in disputing against us about this point , they take their compass a great deal wider then the truth of things can afford , producing reasons and arguments by way of generality , to prove , that christ hath set down all things belonging any way unto the form of ordering his church , and hath obsolutely forbidden change by addition or diminution , great or small ( for so their manner of disputing is : ) we are constrained to make our defence , by shewing , that christ hath not deprived his church so far of all liberty , in making orders and laws for it self , and that they themselves do not think he hath so done . for are they able to shew that all particular customs , rites , and orders of reformed churches , have been appointed by christ himself ? no ; they grant , that in matter of circumstance they alter that which they have received ; but in things of substance , they keep the laws of christ without change . if we say the same in our own behalf ( which surely we may do with a great deal more truth ) then must they cancel all that hath been before alledged , and begin to enquire afresh , whether we retain the laws that christ hath delivered concerning matters of substance , yea , or no. for our constant perswasion in this point is as theirs , that we have no where altered the laws of christ , further then in such particularities onely , as have the nature of things changeable according to the difference of times , places , persons , and other the like circumstances . christ hath commanded prayers to be made , sacraments to be ministred , his church to be carefully taught and guided . concerning every of these , somewhat christ hath commanded , which must be kept till the worlds end . on the contrary side , in every of them , somewhat there may be added , as the church shall judge it expedient . so that if they will speak to purpose , all which hitherto hath been disputed of , they must give over , and stand upon such particulars onely , as they can shew we have either added or abrogated , otherwise then we ought in the matter of church poli●y . whatsoever christ hath commanded for ever to be kept in his church , the same we take not upon us to abrogate ; and whatsoever our laws have thereunto added besides , of such quality we hope it is , as no law of christ doth any where condemn . wherefore , that all may be laid together , and gathered into a narrow room . first , so far forth as the church is the mystical body of christ , and his invisible spouse , it needeth no external polity . that very part of the law divine , which teacheth faith and works of righteousness , is it self alone sufficient for the church of god in that respect . but as the church is a visible society , and body politick , laws of polity it cannot want . secondly , whereas therefore is cometh in the second place to be enquired , what laws are fitest and best for the church ; they who first embraced that rigorous and strict opinion , which depriveth the church of liberty , to make any kinde of law for her self , inclined ( as it should seem ) thereunto ; for that they imagined all things which the church doth without commandment of holy scripture , subject to that reproof which the scripture it self useth in certain cases , when divine authority ought alone to be followed . hereupon they thought it enough for the cancelling of any kinde of order whatsoever to say , the word of god teacheth it not , it is a device of the brain of man , away with it therefore out of the church . st. augustine was of another minde , who speaking of fasts on the sunday , saith , that he which would chuse out that day to fast on , should give thereby no small offence to the church of god , which had received a contrary custom . for in these things , whereof the scripture appointeth no certainty , the use of the people of god , or the ordinances of our fathers , must serve for a law. in which case , if we will dispute , and condemn one sort by anothers custom , it will be but matter of endless contention ; where , for as much as the labor of reasoning , shall hardly be at into mens heads any certain or necessary truth , surely it standeth us upon to take heed , lest with the tempest of strife , the brightness of charity and love be darkned . if all things must be commanded of god , which may be practised of his church , i would know what commandment the gileadites had to erect that altar which is spoken of in the book of ioshua . did not congruity of reason enduce them thereunto , and suffice for defence of their fact ? i would know what commandment the women of israel had yearly to mourn and lament in the memory of ieph●hahs daughter ; what commandment the iews had to celebrate their feast of dedication never spoken of in the law , yet solemnized even by our saviour himself ; what commandment , finally , they had for the ceremony of odors used about the bodies of the dead , after which custom notwithstanding sith it was their custom ) our lord was contented , that his own most precious body should be intombed . wherefore to reject all orders of the church which men have established , is to think worse of the laws of men in this respect , then either the judgment of wise men alloweth , or the law of god it self will bear . howbeit , they which had once taken upon them to condemn all things done in the church , and not commanded of god to be done , saw it was necessary for them ( continuing in defence of this their opinion ) to hold , that needs there must be in scripture set down a compleat particular form of church polity , a form prescribing how all the affairs of the church must be ordered , a form in no respect lawful to be altered by mortal men. for reformation of which over-sight and error in them , there were that thought it a part of christian love and charity to instruct them better , and to open unto them the difference between matters of perpetual necessity to all mens salvation , and matters of ecclesiastical polity : the one both fully and plainly taught in holy scripture ; the other not necessary to be in such sort there prescribed : the one not capable of any diminution or augmentation at all by men , the other apt to admit both . hereupon the authors of the former opinion were presently seconded by other wittier and better learned , who being loth that the form of church polity which they sought to bring in , should be otherwise then in the highest degree accounted of , took first an exception against the difference between church polity and matters of necessity to salvation . secondly , against the restraint of scripture , which ( they say ) receiveth injury at our hands , when we teach that it teacheth not as well matters of polity , as of faith and salvation . thirdly , constrained thereby we have been therefore , both to maintain that distinction , as a thing not onely true in it self , but by them likewise so acknowledged , though unawares . fourthly , and to make manifest that from scripture , we offer not to derogate the least thing that truth thereunto doth claim , in as much as by us it is willingly confest , that the scripture of god is a store-house abounding with inestimable treasures of wisdom and knowledge in many kindes , over and above things in this one kinde barely necessary ; yea , even that matters of ecclesiastical polity are not therein omitted , but taught also , albeit not so taught as those other things before mentioned . for so perfectly are those things taught , that nothing ever can need to be added , nothing ever cease to be necessary : these on the contrary side , as being of a far other nature and quality , not so strictly nor everlastingly commanded in scripture ; but that unto the compleat form of church polity , much may be requisite , which the scripture teacheth not ; and much which it hath taught , become unrequisite , sometime because we need not use it , sometimes also because we cannot . in which respect , for mine own part , although i see that certain reformed churches , the scotish especially and french , have not that which best agreeth with the sacred scripture , i mean the government that is by bishops , in as much as both those churches are faln under a different kinde of regiment ; which to remedy it , is for the one altogether too late , and too soon for the other , during their present affliction and trouble : this their defect and imperfection i had rather lament in such a case then exagitate , considering that men oftentimes without any fault of their own , may be driven to want that kinde of polity or regiment which is best ; and to content themselves with that , weich either the irremediable error of former times , or the necessity of the present hath cast upon them . fifthly , now , because that position first mentioned , which holdeth it necessary that all things which the church may lawfully do in her own regiment be commanded in holy scripture , hath by the latter defenders thereof been greatly qualified ; who , though perceiving it to be over-extream , are notwithstanding loth to acknowledge any oversight therein , and therefore labor what they may to salve it up by construction ; we have for the more perspicuity delivered what was thereby meant at the first . sixthly , how injurious a thing it were unto all the churches of god for men to hold it in that meaning . seventhly , and how unperfect their interpretations are , who so much labor to help it , either by dividing commandments of scripture into two kindes , and so defending , that all things must be commanded , if not in special , yet in general precepts . eightly , or by taking it as meant , that in case the church do devise any new order , she ought therein to follow the direction of scripture onely , and not any star-light of mans reason . ninethly , both which evasions being cut off , we have in the next place declared after what sort the church may lawfully frame to her self laws of polity , and in what reckoning such positive laws both are with god , and should be with men. tenthly , furthermore , because to abridge the liberty of the church in this behalf , it hath been made a thing very odious , that when god himself hath devised some certain laws , and committed them to sacred scripture , man by abrogation , addition , or any way , should presume to alter and change them ; it was of necessity to be examined , whether the authority of god in making , or his care in committing those his laws unto scripture , be sufficient arguments to prove , that god doth in no case allow they should suffer any such kinde of change . eleventhly , the last refuge for proof , that divine laws of christian church polity may not be altered , by extinguishment of any old , or addition of new in that kinde , is partly a marvellous strange discourse , that christ ( unless he would shew himself not so faithful as moses , or not * so wise as lycurgus and solon ) must needs have set down in holy scripture , some certain , compleat , and unchangeable form of polity ; and partly a coloured shew of some evidence , where change of that sort of laws may seem expresly forbidden , although in truth nothing less be done . i might have added hereunto their more familiar and popular disputes , as , the church is a city , yea , the city of the great king , and the life of a city , is polity : the church is the house of the living god ; and what house can there be without some order for the government of it ? in the royal house of a prince , there must be officers for government , such as not any servant in the house but the prince , whose the house is , shall judge convenient : so the house of god must have orders for the government of it , such as not any of the houshold , but god himself hath appointed . it cannot stand with the love and wisdom of god , to leave such order untaken , as is necessary for the due government of his church . the numbers , degrees , orders , and attire of solomons servants , did shew his wisdom ; therefore he which is greater then solomon , hath not failed to leave in his house such orders for government thereof , as may serve to be as a looking-glass for his providence , care , and wisdom to be seen in . that little spark of the light of nature which remaineth in us , may serve us for the affairs of this life : but as in all other matters concerning the kingdom of heaven , so principally in this which concerneth the very government of that kingdom , needful it is we should be taught of god. as long as men are perswaded of any order , that it is onely of men , they presume of their own understanding , and they think to devise another , not onely as good , but better then that which they have received . by severity of punishment , this presumption and curiosity may be restrained . but that cannot work such chearful obedience as is yielded , where the conscience hath respect to god as the author of laws and orders . this was it which countenanced the laws of moses , made concerning outward polity for the administration of holy things . the like some law-givers of the heathens did pretend , but falsly ; yet wisely discerning the use of this perswasion . for the better obedience sake therefore it was expedient , that god should be author of the polity of his church . but to what issue doth all this come ? a man would think that they which hold out with such discourses , were of nothing more fully perswaded then of this , that the scripture hath set down a compleat form of church polity , universal , perpetual , altogether unchangeable . for so it would follow , if the premises were sound and strong to such effect as is pretended . notwithstanding , they which have thus formally maintained argument in defence of the first oversight , are by the very evidence of truth , themselves constrained to make this in effect their conclusion , that the scripture of god hath many things concerning church polity ; that of those many , some are of greater weight , some of less ; that what hath been urged as touching immutability of laws , it extendeth in truth no further then onely to laws wherein things of greater moment are prescribed . now these things of greater moment , what are they ? forsooth , doctors , pastors , lay-elders , elderships compounded of these three : synods , consisting of many elderships , deacons , women church-servants , or widows ; free consent of the people unto actions of greatest moment , after they be by churches or synods orderly resolved . all this form of polity ( if yet we may term that a form of building , when men have laid a few rafters together , and those not all of the foundest neither ) but howsoever , all this form they conclude is prescribed in such sort , that to adde to it any thing as of like importance ( for so i think they mean ) or to abrogate of it any thing at all , is unlawful . in which resolution , if they will firmly and constantly persist , i see not but that concerning the points which hitherto have been disputed of , they must agree , that they have molested the church with needless opposition ; and henceforward , as we said before , betake themselves wholly unto the tryal of particulars , whether every of those things which they esteem as principal , be either so esteemed of , or at all established for perpetuity in holy scripture ; and whether any particular thing in our church polity be received other then the scripture alloweth of , either in greater things , or in smaller . the matters wherein church polity is conversant , are the publick religious duties of the church , as the administration of the word and sacraments , prayers , spiritual censures , and the like . to these the church standeth always bound . laws of polity , are laws which appoint in what manner these duties shall be performed . in performance whereof , because all that are of the church cannot joyntly and equally work , the first thing in polity required , is , a difference of persons in the church , without which difference those functions cannot in orderly sort be executed . hereupon we hold , that gods clergy are a state , which hath been and will be , as long as there is a church upon earth , necessarily by the plain word of god himself ; a state whereunto the rest of gods people must be subject , as touching things that appertain to their souls health . for where polity is , it cannot but appoint some to be leaders of others , and some to be led by others . if the blinde lead the blinde , they both perish . it is with the clergy , if their persons be respected , even as it is with other men ; their quality many times far beneath that which the dignity of their place requireth . howbeit , according to the order of polity , they being the lights of the world , others ( though better and wiser ) must that way be subject unto them . again , for as much as where the clergy are any great multitude , order doth necessarily require that by degrees they be distinguished ; we hold , there have ever been , and ever ought to be in such case , at leastwise , two sorts of ecclesiastical persons , the one subordinate unto the other ; as to the apostles in the beginning , and to the bishops always since , we finde plainly both in scripture , and in all ecclesiastical records , other ministers of the word and sacraments have been . moreover , it cannot enter into any mans conceit to think it lawful , that every man which listeth , should take upon him charge in the church ; and therefore a solemn admittance is of such necessity , that without it there can be no church polity . a number of particularities there are , which make for the more convenient being of these principal and perpetual parts in ecclesiastical polity , but yet are not of such constant use and necessity in gods church . of this kinde are , times and places appointed for the exercise of religion ; specialties belonging to the publick solemnity of the word , the sacraments and prayer ; the enlargement or abridgement of functions ministerial , depending upon those two principals beforementioned . to conclude , even whatsoever doth by way of formality and circumstance concern any publick action of the church . now although that which the scripture hath of things in the former kinde be for ever permanent ; yet in the latter , both much of that which the scripture teacheth , is not always needful ; and much the church of god shall always need which the scripture teacheth not . so as the form of polity by them set down for perpetuity , is three ways faulty . faulty in omitting some things which in scripture are of that nature , as namely , the difference that ought to be of pastors , when they grow to any great multitude : faulty in requiring doctors , deacons , widows , and such like , as things of perpetual necessity by the law of god , which in truth are nothing less : faulty also in urging some things by scripture immutable ; as their lay-elders , which the scripture neither maketh immutable , nor at all teacheth , for any thing either we can as yet finde , or they have hitherto been able to prove . but hereof more in the books that follow . as for those marvellous discourses , whereby they adventure to argue , that god must needs have done the thing which they imagine was to be done : i must confess , i have often wondred at their exceeding boldness herein . when the question is , whether god have delivered in scripture ( as they affirm he hath ) a compleat particular immutable form of church polity ; why take they that other , both presumptuous and superfluous labor , to prove he should have done it ; there being no way in this case to prove the deed of god , saving onely by producing that evidence wherein he hath done it ? but if there be no such thing apparent upon record , they do as if one should demand a legacy by force and vertue of some written testament , wherein there being no such thing specified , he pleadeth , that there it must needs be , and bringeth arguments from the love or good will which always the testator bore him , imagining , that these or the like proofs will convict a testament to have that in it , which other men can no where by reading finde . in matters which concern the actions of god , the most dutiful way on our part , is to search what god hath done , and with meekness to admire that , rather then to dispute what he in congruity of reason ought to do . the ways which he hath whereby to do all things for the greatest good of his church , are more in number then we can search , other in nature , then that we should presume to determine which of many should be the fittest for him to chuse , till such time as we see he hath chosen of many some one ; which one , we then may boldly conclude to be the fittest , because he hath taken it before the rest . when we do otherwise , surely we exceed our bounds ; who , and where weare , we forget . and therefore needful it is , that our pride in such cases be contrould , and our disputes beaten back with those demands of the blessed apostle , how unsearchable are his iudgments , and his ways past finding out ? who hath known the minde of the lord , or who was his counsellor ? of the laws of ecclesiastical polity . book iv. concerning their third assertion , that our form of church-politie is corrupted with popish orders , rites , and ceremonies , banished out of certain reformed churches , whose example therein we ought to have followed . the matter contained in this fourth book . . how great use ceremonies have in the church . . the first thing they blame in the kinde of our ceremonies , is , that we have not in them ancient apostolical simplicity , but a greater pomp and stateliness . . the second , that so many of them are the same which the church of rome useth , and the reasons which they bring to prove them for that cause blame-worthy . . how when they go about to expound what popish ceremonies they mean , they contradict their own argument against popish ceremonies . . an answer to the argument , whereby they would prove , that sith we allow the customs of our fathers to be followed , we therefore may not allow such customs as the church of rome hath , because we cannot account of them which are in that church as of our fathers . . to their allegation , that the course of gods own wisdom doth make against our conformity with the church of rome in such things . . to the example of the eldest church which they bring for the same purpose . . that it is not our best politie ( as they pretend it is ) for establishment of sound religion , to h●ve in these things no agreement with the church of rome being unsound . . that neither the papists upbraiding us as furnished out of their store , nor any hope which in that respect they are said to conceive , doth make any more against our ceremonies then the former allegations have done . . the grief , which they say , godly brethren conceive , at such ceremonies as we have c●●●men with the church of rome . . the third thing , for which they reprove a great part of our ceremonies is , for that as we have them from the church of rome , so that church had them from the jews . . the fourth , for that sundry of them have been ( they say ) abused unto i●●aery , and ar● by that mean become scandalous . . the fifth , for that we retain them still , notwithstanding the example of certain churches reformed before us , which have cast them out . . a declaration of the proceedings of the church of england , ●or the establisement of things as they are . such was the ancient simplicity and softness of spirit , which sometimes prevailed in the world , that they whose words were even as oracles amongst men , seemed evermore loth to give sentence against any thing publiquely received in the church of god , except it were wonderful apparently evil ; for that they did not so much encline to that seventy , which delighteth to reprove the least things in seeth amiss ; as to that charity , which is unwilling to behold any thing that duty bindeth it to reprove . the state of this present age , wherein zeal hath drowned charity , and skill meekness , will not now suffer any man to marvel , whatsoever he shall hear reproved , by whomsoever . those rites and ceremonies of the church therefore , which are the self-same now , that they were , when holy and vertuous men maintained them against profane and deriding adversaries , her own children have at this day in de●ision . whether justly or no , it shall then appear , when all things are heard , which they have to alledge against the outward received orders of this church . which inasmuch as themselves do compare unto mint and cummin , granting them to be no part of those things , which in the matter of polity are weightier , we hope that for small things their strife will neither be earnest no● long . the fifting of that which is objected against the orders of the church in particular , doth not belong unto this place . here we are to discuss onely those general exceptions , which have been taken at any time against them . first , therefore to the end that their nature and use , whereunto they serve may plainly appear , and so afterwards their quality the better be discerned ; we are to note , that in every grand or main publique duty , which god requireth at the hands of his church , there is , besides that matter and form wherein the essence thereof consisteth , a certain outward fashion , whereby the same is in decent sort administred . the substance of all religious actions is delivered from god himself in few words . for example sake in the sacraments , unto the element let the word be added ; and they both do make a sacrament , saith s. augustine . baptism is given by the element of water , and that prescript form of words , which the church of christ doth use ; the sacrament of the body and blood of christ is administred in the elements of bread and wine , if those mystical words be added thereunto . but the due and decent form of administring those holy sacraments , doth require a great deal more . the end which is aimed at in setting down the outward form of all religious actions , is the edification of the church . now men are edified , when either their understanding is taught somewhat whereof in such actions it behoveth all men to consider , or when their hearts are moved with any affection suitable thereunto ; when their mindes are in any sort stirred up unto that reverence , devotion , attention , and due regard , which in those cases seemeth requisite . because therefore unto this purpose not onely speech , but sundry sensible means besides have always been thought necessary , and especially those means which being object to the eye , the liveliest and the most apprehensive sense of all other , have in that respect seemed the sittest to make a deep and strong impression ; from hence have risen not only a number of prayers , readings , questionings , exhortings , but even of visible signs also , which being used in perfomance of holy actions , are undoubtedly most effectual to open such matter , as men when they know and remember carefully , must needs be a great deal the better informed to what effect such duties serve . we must not think but that there is some ground of reason even in nature , whereby it cometh to pass , that no nation under heaven either doth or ever did suffer publike actions which are of weight , whether they be civil and temporal , or else spiritual and sacred , to pass without some visible solemnity : the very strangeness whereof , and difference from that which is common doth cause popular eyes to observe and to mark the same . words , both because they are common , and do not so strongly move the phansie of man , are for the most part but slightly heard ; and therefore with singular wisdom it hath been provided , that the deeds of men which are made in the presence of witnesses , should pass not only with words , but also with certain sensible actions , the memory whereof is far more easie and durable then the memory of speech can be . the things which so long experience of all ages hath confirmed and made profitable , let not us presume to condemn as follies and toys , because we sometimes know not the cause and reason of them . a wit disposed to scorn whatsoever it doth not conceive , might ask wherefore abraham should say to his servant , put thy hand under my thigh , and swear : was it not sufficient for his servant to shew the religion of an oath , by naming the lord god of heaven and earth , unless that strange ceremony were added ? in contracts , bargains and conveyances , a mans word is a token sufficient to express his will. yet this was the ancient manner in israel concerning redeeming and exchanging , to establish all things ; a man did pluck off his shoe , and gave it to his neighbour ; and this was a sure witness in israel . amongst the romans in their making of a bondman free , was it not wondred wherefore so great a do should be made ? the master to present his slave in some court , to take him by the hand , and not only to say in the hearing of the publike magistrate , i will that this man become free ; but after these solemn words uttered , to strike him on the cheek , to turn him round , the hair of his head to be shaved off , the magistrate to touch him thrice with a rod , in the end a cap and a white garment to be given him : to what purpose all this circumstance ? among the hebrews how strange and in outward appearance almost against reason , that he which was minded to make himself a perpetual servant , should not only testifie so much in the presence of the judge , but for a visible token thereof have also his ear bored thorow with an awl ? it were an infinite labour to prosecute these things so far as they might be exemplified both in civil and religious actions . for in both they have their necessary use and force . a these sensible things which religion hath allowed , are resemblances framed according to things spiritually understood , whereunto they serve as a hand to lead , and a way to direct . and whereas it may peradventure be objected , that to add to religious duties , such rites and ceremonies as are significant , is to institute new sacraments : sure i am they will not say , that numa pompilius did ordain a sacrament ; a significant ceremony he did ordain , in commanding the priests b to execute the work of their divine service with their hands as far as to the fingers covered ; thereby signifying that fidelity must be defended , and that mens right hands are the sacred seat thereof . again , we are also to put them in minde , that themselves do not hold all significant ceremonies , for sacraments , inasmuch as imposition of hands they deny to be a sacrament , and yet they give thereunto a forcible signification . for concerning it their words are these , c the party ordained by this ceremony , was put in minde of his separation to the work of the lord , that remembring himself to be taken as it were with the hand of god from amongst others , this might teach him not to account himself now his own , nor to do what himself listeth ; but to consider that god hath set him about a work , which if he will discharge and accomplish , he may at the hands of god assure himself of reward ; and , if otherwise , of revenge . touching significant ceremonies , some of them are sacraments , some as sacaments onely . sacraments are those , which are signs and tokens of some general promised grace , which always really descendeth from god unto the soul that duly receiveth them : other significant tokens are only as sacraments , yet no sacraments : which is not our distinction , but theirs . for concerning the apostles imposition of hands , these are their own words , magnum signum hoc & quasi sacramentum usurparunt ; they used this sign , or as it were sacrament . concerning rites and ceremonies , there may be fault , either in the kinde or in , the number and multitude of them . the first thing blamed about the kinde of ours , is , that in many things we have departed from the ancient simplicity of christ and his apostles ; we have imbraced more outward stateliness , we have those orders in the exercise of religion , which they who best pleased god , and served him most devoutly never had . for it is out of doubt , that the first state of things was best , that in the prime of christian religion faith was foundest , the scriptures of god were then best understood by all men , all parts of godliness did then most abound ; and therefore it must needs follow , that customs , laws , and ordinances devised since , are not so good for the church of christ ; but the best way is to cut off later inventions , and to reduce things unto the ancient state wherein at the first they were . which rule or canon we hold to be either uncertain , or at least wise unsufficient , if not both . for in case it be certain , hard it cannot be for them to shew us , where we shall find it so exactly set down , that we may say without all controversie , these were the orders of the apostles times , these wholly and onely , neither fewer nor more then these . true it is that many things of this nature be alluded unto , yea many things declared , and many things necessariy collected out of the apostles writings . but is it necessary that all the orders of the church which were then in use , should be contained in their books ? surely no. for if the tenor of their writings be well observed , it shall unto any man easily appear , that no more of them are there touched , then were needfull to be spoken of sometimes by one occasion , and sometimes by another . will they allow then of any other records besides ? well assured i am they are far enough from acknowledging that the church ought to keep any thing as apostolical , which is not found in the apostles writings , in what other records soever it be found . and therefore whereas st. augustine affirmeth , that those things which the whole church of christ doth hold , may well be thought to be apostolical , although they be not found written ; this his judgement they utterly condemn . i will not here stand in defence of s. augustines opinion , which is , that such things are indeed apostolical ; but yet with this exception , unless the decree of some general councel have haply caused them to be received ; for of positive laws and orders received throughout the whole christian world , s. augustine could imagine no other fountain save these two . but to let pass s. augustine , they who condemn him herein , must needs confess it a very uncertain thing what the orders of the church were in the apostles times , seeing the scriptures doe not mention them all , and other records thereof besides they utterly reject . so that in tying the church to the orders of the apostles times , they tye it to a marvellous uncertain rule ; unless they require the observation of no orders but only those which are known to be apostolical by the apostles own writings . but then is not this their rule of such sufficiency , that we should use it as a touchstone to try the orders of the church by for ever ? our end ought always to be the same ; our ways and means thereunto not so . the glory of god , and the good of the church was the thing which the apostles aimed at , and therefore ought to be the mark whereat we also level . but seeing those rites and orders may be at one time more , which at another are less available unto that purpose : what reason is there in these things to urge the state of our only age , as a pattern for all to follow ? it is not , i am right sure , their meaning , that we should now assemble our people to serve god in close and secret meetings ; or that common brooks or rivers should be used for places of baptism ; or that the eucharist should be ministred after meat ; or that the custom of church-feasting should be renewed : or that all kind of standing provision for the ministry should be utterly taken away , and their estate made again dependent upon the voluntary devotion of men . in these things they easily perceive how unfit that were for the present , which was for the first age convenient enough . the faith , zeal , and godliness of former times is worthily had in honour ; but doth this prove that the orders of the church of christ must be still the self-same with theirs , that nothing may be which was not then , or that nothing which then was may lawfully since have ceased ? they who recall the church unto that which was at the first , must necessarily set bounds and limits unto their speeches . if any thing have been received repugnant unto that which was first delivered , the first things in this case must stand , the last give place unto them . but where difference is without repugnancy , that which hath been can be no prejudice to that which is . let the state of the people of god when they were in the house of bondage , and their manner of serving god in a strange land , be compared with that which canaan and ierusalem did afford , and who seeth not what huge difference there was between them ? in egypt it may be , they were right glad to take some corner of a poor cottage , and there to serve god upon their knees , peradventure covered in dust and straw sometimes . neither were they therefore the less accepted of god ; but he was with them in all their afflictions , and at the length by working of their admirable deliverance , did testifie that they served him not in vain . notwithstanding in the very desert they are no sooner possest of some little thing of their own , but a tabernacle is required at their hands . being planted in the land of canaan , and having david to be their king , when the lord had given him rest from all his enemies , it grieved his religious mind to consider the growth of his own estate and dignity , the affairs of religion continuing still in the former manner : behold , now i dwell in the house of cedar trees , and the ark of god remaineth still within curtains . what he did purpose , it was the pleasure of god that solomon his son should perform , and perform it in manner suitable unto their present , not their antient estate and condition . for which cause solomon writeth unto the king of tyrus : the house which i build is great and wonderful ; for great is our god above all gods . whereby it clearly appeareth , that the orders of the church of god may be acceptable unto him , as well being framed suitable to the greatness and dignity of latter , as when they keep the reverend simplicity o● antienter times . such dissimilitude therefore between us and the apostles of christ , in the order of some outward things , is no argument of default . . yea , but we have framed our selves to the customs of the church of rome , our orders and ceremonies are papistical . it is espyed that our church-founders were not so-careful as in this matter they should have been , but contented themselves with such discipline as they took from the church of rome . their error we ought to reform by abolishing all popish orders . there must be no communion nor fellowship with papists , neither in doctrine , ceremonies , nor government . it is not enough that we are divided from the church of rome by the single wall of doctrine , retaining as we do part of their ceremonies , and almost their whole government : but government or ceremonies , or whatsoever it be which is popish , away with it . this is the thing they require in us , the uttter relinquishment of all things popish . wherein , to the end we may answer them according to their plain direct meaning , and not take advantage of doubtful speech , whereby controversies grow always endless ; their main position being this , that nothing should be plac'd in the church , but what god in his word hath commanded , they must of necessity hold all for popish , which the church of rome hath over & besides this . by popish orders , ceremonies , and government they must therfore mean in every of these so much , as the church of rome hath embraced without commandment of gods word : so that whatsoever such thing we have , if the church of rome hath it also , it goeth under the name of those thing that are popish , yea , although it be lawful , although agreeable to the word of god. for so they plainly affirm , saying : although the forms and ceremonies which they ( the church of rome ) used were not unlawful , and that they contained nothing which is not agreeable to the word of god , yet notwithstanding neither the word of god , nor reason , nor the examples of the eldest churches , both iewish and christian , do permit us to use the same forms and ceremonies , being neither commanded of god , neither such as there may not as good as they , and rather better be established . the question therefore is , whether we may sollow the church of rome in those orders , rites and ceremonies , wherein we do not think them blameable , or else ought to devise others , and to have no conformity with them , no not so much as in these things ? in this sense and construction therefore as they affirm , so we deny , that whatsoever is popish we ought to abrogate . their arguments to prove that generally all popish orders and ceremonies ought to be clean abolished , are in sum these : first , whereas we allow the judgment of s. augustine , that touching those things of this kind which are not commanded or sorbidden in the scripture , we are to observe the custom of the people of god , and the decrees of our forefathers : how can we retain the customs and constitutions of the papists in such things , who were neither the people of god nor our forefathers ? secondly , although the forms and ceremonies of the church of rome were not unlawful , neither did contain any thing which is not agreeable to the word of god , yet neither the word of god , nor the example o● the eldest churches of god , nor reason , do permit us to use the same , they being hereticks and so near about us , and their orders being neither commanded of god , not yet such , but that as good or rather better may be established . it is against the word of god , to have conformity with the church of rome in such things , as appeareth , in that the wisdom of god hath thought it a good way to keep his people from infection o● idolaty and superstition by severing them from idolaters in outward ceremonies , and therefore hath forbidden them to do things which are in themselves very lawful to be done . and ●urther , where as the lord was careful to sever them by ceremonies from other nations , yet was he not so careful to sever them from any , as from the egyptians amongst whom they lived , and from those nations which were next neighbours to them , because from them was the greatest fear of infection . so that following the course which the wisdom of god doth teach , it were more safe for us to conform our indifferent ceremonies to the turks which are far off , then to the papists which are so near . touching the example of the eldest churches of god , in one councel it was decreed , that christians should not deck their houses with bay-leaves and green boughs , because the pagans did use so to do ; and that they should not rest from their labours those days that the pagans did , that they should not keep the first day of every month as they did . another council decreed that christians should not celebrate feasts on the birth-dayes of the martyrs , because it was the manner of the heathen . o , saith tertullian , better is the religion of the heathen : for they use no solemnity of the christians , neither the lords day , neither the pentecost , and if they knew them , they would have nothing to do with them : for they would be afraid lest they should seem christians : but we are not afraid to be called heathens . the same tertullian would not have christians to sit after they had payed , because the idolaters did so . whereby it appeareth , that both of particular men and of counsels , in making or abolishing of ceremonies , heed had been taken that the christians should not be like the idolaters , no not in those things which of themselves are most indifferent to be used or not used . the same conformity is not lesse opposite unto reason , first inasmuch as contraries must be cured by their contraries , and therefore popery being antichristianity , is not healed but by establishment of orders thereunto opposite . the way to bring a drunken man to sobriety , it to carry him as far from excess of drink as may be . to rectifie a crooked stick , we bend it on the contrary side , as far as it was at the first on that side from whence we draw it : and so it cometh in the end to a middle between both , which is perfect straightness . utter inconformity therefore with the church of rome in these things , is the best and surest policy which the church can use . while we use their ceremonies , they take occasion to blaspheme , saying that our religion cannot stand by it self , unless it lean upon the staff of their ceremonies . a they hereby conceive great hope of having the rest of their popery in the end , which hope causeth them to be more frozen in their wickedness . neither is it without cause that they have this hope , considering that which m. bucer noteth upon the eighteenth of s. matthew , that where these things have been left , popery hath returned ; but on the other part , in places which have been cleansed of these things , it hath not yet been seen that it hath had any entrance . b none make such clamours for these ceremonies , as the papists , and those whom they suborn ; a manifest token how much they triumph and joy in these things . they breed grief of minde in a number that are godly minded , and have antichristianity in such detestation , that their minds are martyred with the very sight of them in the church . such godly brethren we ought not thus to grieve with unprofitable ceremonies , yea ceremonies wherein there is not only no profit , but also danger of great hurt that may grow to the church by infection , which popish ceremonies are means to breed . this in effect is the sum and substance of that which they bring by way of opposition against those orders which we have common with the church of rome ; these are the reasons wherewith they would prove our ceremonies in that respect worthy of blame . . before we answer unto these things , we are to cut off that , whereunto they from whom these objections proceed , do oftentimes fly for defence and succour , when the force and strength of their argument is elided . for the ceremonies in use amongst us , being in no other respect retained , saving onely for that to retain them is to our seeming , good and profitable , yea so profitable and so good , that if we had either simply taken them clean away , or else removed them so as to place in their stead others , we had done worse : the plain and direct way against us herein had been onely to prove , that all such ceremonies as they require to be abolished , are retained by us to the hurt of the church , or with lesse benefit then the abolishment of them would bring . but forasmuch as they saw how hardly they should be able to perform this ; they took a more compendious way , traducing the ceremonies of our church under the name of being popish . the cause why this way seemed better unto them , was , for that the name of popery is more odious then very paganism amongst divers of the more simple sort ; so whatsoever they hear named popish , they presently conceive deep hatred against it , imagining there can be nothing contained in that name , but needs it must be exceeding detestable . the ears of the people they have therefore filled with strong clamours . the church of england is fraught with popish ceremonies : they that favour the cause of reformation , maintain nothing but the sincerity of the gospel of jesus christ : all such as withstand them , fight for the laws of his sworn enemy , uphold the filthy reliques of antichrist ; and are defenders of that which is popish . these are the notes wherewith are drawn from the hearts of the multitude so many sighs ; with these tunes their minds are exasperated against the lawful guides and governours of their souls ; these are the voices that fill them with general discontentment , as though the bosom of that famous church wherein they live , were more noysom then any dungeon . but when the authors of so scandalous incantations are examined and called to account , how can they justifie such their dealings ; when they are urged directly to answer , whether it be lawful for us to use any such ceremonies as the church of rome useth , although the same be not commanded in the word of god ; being driven to see that the use of some such ceremonies must of necessity be granted lawful , they go about to make us believe that they are just of the same opinion , and that they only think such ceremonies are not to be used when they are unprofitable , or when as good or better may be established . which answer is both idle in regard of us , and also repugnant to themselves . it is , in regard of us , very vain to make this answer , because they know that what ceremonies we retain common unto the church of rome , we therefore retain them , for that we judge them to be profitable , and to be such that others instead of them would be worse . so that when they say that we ought to abrogate such romish ceremonies as are unprofitable , or else might have other more profitable in their stead , they trisle and they beat the air about nothing which toucheth us , unless they mean that we ought to abrogate all romish ceremonies , which in their judgment have either no use , or less use than some other might have . but then must they shew some commission , whereby they are authorized to sit as judges , and we required to take their judgment for good in this case . otherwise , their sentences will not be greatly regarded , when they oppose their me thinketh , unto the orders of the church of england : as in the question about surplesses one of them doth ; if we look to the colour , black methinks is the more decent ; if to the form , a garment down to the foot hath a great deal more comeliness in it . if they think that we ought to prove the ceremonies commodious which we have retained , they do in this point very greatly deceive themselves . for in all right and equity , that which the church hath received and held so long for good , that which publike approbation hath ratified , must carry the benefit of presumption with it to be accounted meet and convenient . they which have stood up as yesterday to challenge it of defect , must prove their challenge . if we being defendents do answer , that the ceremonies in question , are godly , comely , decent , profitable for the church ; their reply is childish and unorderly to say , that we demand the thing in question , and shew the poverty of our cause , the goodness whereof we are fain to beg that our adversaries would grant . for on our part this must be the answer , which orderly proceeding doth require . the burden of proving doth rest on them . in them it is frivolous to say , we ought not to use bad ceremonies of the church of rome , and presume all such bad , as it pleaseth themselves to dislike , unless we can perswade them the contrary . besides , they are herein opposite also to themselves . for what one thing is so common with them , as to use the custome of the church of rome for an argument to prove , that such and such ceremonies cannot be good and profitable for us , inasmuch as that church useth them ? which usual kind of disputing , sheweth that they do not disallow onely those romish ceremonies which are unprofitable , but count all unprofitable , which are romish , that is to say , which have been devised by the church of rome , or which are used in that church , and not prescribed in the word of god. for this is the onely limitation which they can use sutable unto their other positions . and therefore the cause which they yield , why they hold it lawful to retain in doctrine and in discipline some things as good , which yet are common to the church of rome , is , for that those good things are perpetual commandments , in whose place no other can come : but ceremonies are changeable . so that their judgement in truth , is , that whatsoever by the word of god is not changeable in the church of rome , that churches using is a cause why reformed churches ought to change it , and not to think it good or profitable . and lest we seem to father any thing upon them more then is properly their own , let them read even their own words , where they complain , that we are thus constrained to be like unto the papists in any their ceremonies ; yea , they urge that this cause , although it were alone , ought to move them to whom that belongeth , to do them away , forasmuch as they are their ceremonies ; and that the bishop of salisbury , doth justifie this their complaint . the clause is untrue which they add concerning the bishop of salisbury ; but the sentence doth shew , that we do them no wrong in setting down the state of the question between us thus : whether we ought to abolish out of the church of england , all such orders , rites , and ceremonies as are established in the church of rome , and are not prescribed in the word of god. for the affirmative whereof we are now to answer such proofs of theirs as have been before alledged . . let the church of rome be what it will , let them that are of it be the people of god , and our fathers in the christian faith , or let them be otherwise ; hold them for catholicks , or hold them for hereticks , it is not a thing either one way or other in this present question greatly material . our conformity with them in such things as have been proposed , is not proved as yet unlawful by all this . s. augustine hath said , yea and we have allowed his saying , that the custome of the people of god , and the decrees of our forefathers are to be kept , touching those things whereof the scripture hath neither one way nor other given us any charge . what then ? doth it here therefore follow , that they , being neither the people of god , nor our forefathers , are for that cause in nothing to be followed ? this consequent were good , if so be it were granted , that only the custom of the people of god , and the decrees of our forefathers are in such case to be observed . but then should no other kind of latter laws in the church be good , which were a gross absurdity to think . s. augustines speech therefore doth import , that where we have no divine precept , if yet we have the custom of the people of god , or a decree of our forefathers , this is a law and must be kept . notwithstanding it is not denied , but that we lawfully may observe the positive constitutions of our own churches , although the same were but yesterday made by our selves alone . nor is there any thing in this to prove , that the church of england might not by law receive orders , rites , or customs from the church of rome , although they were neither the people of god , nor yet our forefathers . how much lesse , when we have received from them nothing but that which they did themselves receive from such , as we cannot deny to have been the people of god , yea such as either we must acknowledge for our own forefathers , or else disdain the race of christ ? . the rites and orders wherein we follow the church of rome , are of no other kind that such as the church of geneva it self doth follow them in . we follow the church of rome in mo things ; yet they in some things of the same nature about which our present controversie is : so that the difference is not in the kind , but in the number of rites onely , wherein they and we do follow the church of rome . the use of wafer-cakes , the custom of godfathers and godmothers in baptism , are things not commanded nor forbidden in the scripture , things which have been of old , and are retained in the church of rome , even at this very hour . is conformity with rome in such things a blemish unto the church of england , and unto churches abroad an ornament ? let them , if not for the reverence they owe unto this church , in the bowels whereof they have received i trust that precious and blessed vigor , which shall quicken them ●● eternal life ; yet at the least wise for the singular affection which they do bear towards others , take heed how they strike , lest they wound whom they would not . for undoubtedly it cutteth deeper then they are aware of , when they plead that even such ceremonies of the church of rome , as contain in them nothing which is not of it self agreeable to the word of god , ought nevertheless to be abolished , and that neither the word of god , nor reason , nor the examples of the eldest churches , do permit the church of rome to be therein followed . hereticks they are , and they are our neighbours . by us and amongst us , they lead their lives . but what then ? therefore is no ceremony of theirs lawful for us to use ? we must yield and will , that none are lawful if god himself be a precedent against the use of any . but how appeareth it that god is so ? hereby , they say , it doth appear , in that god severed his people from the heathens , but specially from the egyptians , and such nations as were neerest neighbours unto them , by forbidding them to do those things , which were in themselves very lawful to be done , yea very profitable some , and incommodious to be sorburn ; such things it pleased god to forbid them , only because those heathens did them , with whom conformity in the same thing might have bred infection . thus in shaving , cutting , apparel-wearing , yea in sundry kinds of meats also , swines-flesh , conies , and such like , they were forbidden to do so and so , because the gentiles did so . and the end why god forbade them such things , wa● , to sever them , for fear of infection , by a great and an high wall from other nations , as s. paul teacheth . the cause of more careful separation from the nearest nations , was , the greatness of danger to be especially by them infected . now , papists are to us as those nations were unto israel . therefore if the wisdom of god be our guide , we cannot allow conformity with them , no not in any such indifferent ceremonies . our direct answer hereunto is , that for any thing here alleadged we may still doubt , whether the lord in such indifferent ceremonies as those whereof we dispute , did frame his people of set purpose unto any utter dissimilitude , either with egyptians , or with any other nation else . and if god did not forbid them all such indifferent ceremonies , then our conformity with the church of rome in some such is not hitherto as yet disproved , although papists were unto us as those heathens were unto israel . after the doings of the land of egypt , wherein you dwelt , ye shall not do , saith the lord ; and after the manner of the land of canaan , whither i will bring you , shall ye not do , neither walk in their ordinances : do after my judgements , and keep my ordinances to walk therein ; i am the lord your god. the speech is indefinite , ye shall not be like them : it is not general , ye shall not be like them in anything , or like unto them in any thing indifferent , or like unto them in any indifferent ceremony of theirs . seeing therefore it is not set down how far the bounds of his speech concerning dissimilitude should reach , how can any man assure us , that it extendeth farther than to those things only wherein the nations there mentioned were idolatrous , or did against that which the law of god commandeth ? nay , doth it not seem a thing very probable , that god doth purposely add , do after my judgement , as giving thereby to understand that his meaning in the former sentence was but to bar similitude in such things as were repugnant unto the ordinances , laws , and statutes , which he had given ? egyptians and canaanites are for example sake named unto them , because the customs of the one they had been , and of the other they should be best acquainted with . but that wherein they might not be like unto either of them , was such peradventure as had been no whit less unlawfull , although those nations had never been . so that there is no necessity to think that god for fear of infection by reason of nearness , forbad them to be like unto the canaanites or the egyptians , in those things which otherwise had been lawful enough . for i would know what one thing was in those nations , and is here forbidden , being indifferent in it self , yet forbidden only because they used it ? in the laws of israel we find it written , ye shall not cut round the corners of your heads , neither shalt thou tear the tafis of thy board . these things were usual amongst those nations , and in themselves they are indifferent . but are they indifferent being used as signs of immoderate and hopeless lamentation for the dead ? in this sense it is that the law forbiddeth them . for which cause the very next words following are , ye shall not cut your flesh for the dead , nor make any print of a mark upon you , i am the lord. the like in leviticus , where speech is of mourning for the dead , they shall not make bald parts upon their head , nor shave off the locks of their beard , nor make any cutting in their flesh. again , in deut. ye are the children of the lord your god ; ye shall not cut your selves , nor make you baldness between your eyes for the dead . what is this but in effect the same which the apostle doth more plainly express , saying , sorrow not as they do who have no hope ? the very light of nature it self was able to see herein a fault ; that which those nations did use , having been also in use with others , the ancient roman laws do forbid . that shaving therefore and cutting which the law doth mention , was not a matter in it self indifferent , and forbidden only because it was in use amongst such idolaters as were neighbours to the people of god ; but to use it had a been crime , though no other people or nation under heaven should have done it saving only themselves . as for those laws concerning attires , there shall no garment of linnen and vvollen come upon thee ; as also those touching food and diet , wherein swines-flesh together with sundry other meats are forbidden , the use of these things had been indeed of it self harmless and indifferent : so that hereby it doth appear , how the law of god forbad in some special consideration , such things as were lawful enough in themselves . but yet even here they likewise fail of that they intend . for it doth not appear that the consideration in regard whereof the law forbiddeth these things , was because those nations did use them . likely enough it is that the canaanites used to feed as well on sheep as on swines-flesh ; and therefore if the forbidding of the latter had no other reason then dissimilitude with that people , they which of their own heads alledge this for reason , can shew i think some reason more then we are able to find , why the former was not also forbidden . might there not be some other mystery in this prohibition then they think of ? yes , some other mystery there was in it by all likely-hood . for what reason is there , which should but induce , and therefore much less inforce us to think , that care of dissimilitude between the people of god and the heathen nations about them , was any more the cause of forbidding them to put on garments of sundry stuff , then of charging the● withal not to sow their fields with meslin ; or that this was any more the cause of forbidding them to eat swines-flesh , than of charging them withal not to eat the flesh of eagles , hawks , and the like , wherefore although the church of rome were to us , as to israel the egyptians and canaanites were of old ; yet doth it not follow that the wisdom of god without respect doth teach us to erect between us and them a partition wall of difference , in such things indifferent as have been hitherto disputed of . . neither is the example of the eldest churches a whit more available to this purpose . notwithstanding some fault undoubtedly there is in the very resemblance of idolaters . were it not some kind of blemish to be like unto infidels and heathens , it would not so usually be objected ; men would not think it any advantage in the causes of religion , to be able therewith justly to charge their adversaries as they do . wherefore to the end that it may a little more plainly appear , what force this hath , and how far the same extendeth , we are to note how all men are naturally desirous , that they may seem neither to judge , nor to do amiss , because every error and offence is a stain to the beauty of nature , for which cause it blusheth thereat , but glorieth in the contrary ; from whence it riseth , that they which disgrace or depress the credit of others , do it either in both or in one of these . to have been in either directed by a weak and unperfect rule , argueth imbecillity and imperfection . men being either led by reason , or by imitation of other mens examples ; if their persons be odious whose example we chuse to follow , as namely , if we frame our opinions to that which condemned hereticks think , or direct our actions according to that which is practised and done by them ; it lyes as an heavy prejudice against us , unless somewhat mightier then their bare example , did move us to think or do the same things with them . christian men therefore having besides the common light of all men , so great help of heavenly direction from above , together with the lamps of so bright examples at the church of god doth yield , it cannot but worthily seem reproachful for us , to leave both the one and the other , to become disciples unto the most hateful sort that live , to do as they do , only because we see their example before us , and have delight to follow it . thus we may therefore safely conclude , that it is not evil simply to concur with the heathens either in opinion or in action : and that conformity with them is only then a disgrace , when either we follow them in that they think and do amiss , or follow them generally in that they do , without other reason than only the liking we have to the pattern of their example : which liking doth intimate a more universal approbation of them than is allowable . faustus the manichee therefore objecting against the jews , that they forsook the idols of the gentiles ; but their temples , and oblations , and altars , and priest hoods and all kind of ministry of holy things , they exercised even as the gentiles did , yea more superstituosly a great deal ; against the catholick christians likewise , that between them and the heathens there was in many things little difference ; from them ( saith faustus ) ye have learned to hold that one only god is the author of all , their sacrifices you have turned in feasts of charity , their idols into martyrs , whom ye honour with the like religious offices unto theirs ; the ghosts of the dead ye appease with wine and delicates , the festival days of the nations ye celebrate together with them , and of their kind of life ye have utterly changed nothing . s. augustines defence in behalf of both , is , that touching the matters of action , jews and catholick christians were free from the gentiles faultiness , even in those things which were objected as tokens of their agreement with the gentiles , and concerning their consent in opinion , they did not hold the same with the gentiles , because gentiles had so taught , but because heaven and earth had so witnessed the same to be truth , that neither the one sort could erre in being fully perswaded thereof , nor the other but erre in case they should not consent with them . in things of their own nature indifferent , if either councils or particular men have at any time with sound judgement misliked conformity between the church of god and infidels , the cause thereof hath been somewhat else then onely affectation of dissimilitude . they saw it necessary so to do , in respect of some special accident , which the church being not alway subject unto , hath not still cause to do the like . for example , in the dangerous days of tryal , wherein there was no way for the truth of jesus christ to triumph over infidelity , but through the constancy of his saints , whom yet a natural desire to save themselves from the flame might peradventure cause to joyn with pagans in external customs , too far using the same as a cloak to conceal themselves in , and a mist to darken the eyes of insidels withal : for remedy hereof those laws it might be were provided , which forbad that christians should deck their houses with boughs , as the pagans did use to do , or rest those festival days whereon the pagans rested , or celebrate such feasts as were , though not heathenish , yet such that the simpler sort of heathens might be beguiled in so thinking them . as for tertullians judgment concerning the rites and orders of the church ; no man , having judgment , can be ignorant how just exceptions may be taken against it . his opinion touching the catholick church was as un-indifferent , as touching our church the opinion of them that favour this pretended reformation is . he judged all them who did not montanize , to be but carnally minded ; he judged them still over-abjectly to fawn upon the heathens , and to curry favour with in●idels ; which as the catholick church did well provide that they might not do indeed , so tertullian over-often through discontentment carpeth injuriously at them , as though they did it even when they were free from such meaning . but if it were so that either the judgment of those councils before alledged , or of tertullian himself against the christians , are in no such consideration to be understood as we have mentioned ; if it were so , that men are condemned as well of the one as of the other , only for using the ceremonies of a religion contrary unto their own , and that this cause is such as ought to prevail no less with us than with them ; shall it not follow , that seeing there is still between our religion and paganism the self-same contrariety , therefore we are still no less rebukeable , if we now deck our houses with boughs , or send new-years gifts unto our friends , or seast on those days which the gentiles then did , or sit after prayer as they were accustomed ? for so they infer upon the premises , that as great difference as commodiously may be , there should be in all outward ceremonies between the people of god , and them which are not his people . again , they teach as hath been declared , that there is not as great a difference as may be between them , except the one do avoid whatsoever rites and ceremonies uncommanded of god the other doth embrace . so that generally they teach , that the very difference of spiritual condition it self between the servants of christ and others , requireth such difference in ceremonies between them , although the one be never so far disjoyned in time or place from the other . but in case the people of god and belial do chance to be neighbours ; then as the danger of infection is greater , so the same difference they say , is thereby made more necessary . in this respect as the jews were severed from the heathen , so most especially from the heathen nearest them . and in the same respect we , which ought to differ howsoever from the church of rome , are now , they say , by reason of our nearness more bound to differ from them in ceremonies then from turks . a strange kind of speech unto christianeus , and such , as i hope , they themselves do acknowledge unadvisedly uttered . we are not so much to fear infection from turks as from papists . what of that ? we must remember that by conforming rather our selves in that respect to turks , we should be spreaders of a worse infection into others , then any we are likely to draw from papists by our conformity with them in ceremonies . if they did ●ate , as turks do , the christian ; or as canaanites did of old the jewish religion even in gross ; the circumstance of local nearness in them unto us , might haply inforce in us a duty of greater separation from them then from those other mentioned . but forasmuch as papists are so much in christ nearer unto us then turks , is there any reasonable man , now you , but will judge it meeter that our ceremonies of christian religion should be popish , then turkish or heathenish ? especially considering that we were not brought to dwell amongst them ( as israel in canaan ) having not been of them . for even a very part of them we were . and when god did by his good spirit put it into our hearts , first to reform our selves ( whence grew our separation ) and then by all good means to seek also their reformation ; had we not onely cut off their corruptions , but also estranged our selves from them in things indifferent ; who seeth not how greatly prejudicial this might have been to so good a cause , and what occasion it had given them to think ( to their greater obduration in evil ) that through a froward or wanton desire of innovation , we did unconstrainedly those things for which conscience was pretended ? howsoever the case doth stand , as iuda had been rather to choose conformity in things indifferent with israel , when they were neerest opposites , then with the farthest removed pagans : so we in like cases , much rather with papists than with turks . i might add further for a more full and complete answer , so much concerning the large odds between the case of the eldest churches inregard of those heathens , and ours in respect of the church of rome , that very cavillation it self should be satisfied , and have no shift to fly unto . . but that no one thing may detain us over-long , i return to their reasons against our conformity with that church . that extreme dissimilitude which they urge upon us , is now commended as our best and safest policy for establishment of sound religion . the ground of which politick position is , that evils must be cured by their contraries ; and therefore the cure of the church infected with the poyson of antichristianity , must be done by that which is thereunto as contrary as may be . a medled estate of the orders of the gospel , and the ceremonies of popery , is not the best way to banish popery . we are contrariwise of opinion , that he which will perfectly recover a sick , and restore a diseased body unto health , must not endeavour so much to bring it to a state of simple contrariety , as of fit proportion in cont●ariety unto those evils which are to be cured . he that will take away extreme heat , by setting the body in extremity of cold , shall undoubtedly remove the disease , but together with it the diseased too . the first thing therefore in skilful cures , is the knowledge of the part affected ; the next is of the evil which doth affect it ; the last is not onely of the kind , but also of the measure of contrary things whereby to remove it . they which measure religion by dislike of the church of rome , think every man so much the more sound , by how much he can make the corruptions thereof to seem more large . and therefore some there are , namely the arrians in reformed churches of poland , which imagine the canker to have eaten so far into the very bones and marrow of the church of rome , as if it had not so much as a sound belief ; no , not concerning god himself , but that the very belief of the trinity , were a part of antichristian corruption ; and that the wonderful providence of god did bring to pass , that the bishop of the see of rome should be famous for his tripple crown ; a sensible mark whereby the world might know him to be that mystical beast spoken of in the revelation , to be that great and notorious antichrist in no one respect so much as in this , that he maintaineth the doctrine of the trinity . wisdom therefore and skill is requisite to know , what parts are sound in that church , and what corrupted . neither is it to all men apparent , which complain of unsound parts , with what kind of unsoundness every such part is possessed . they can say , that in doctrine , in discipline , in prayers , in sacraments , the church of rome hath ( as it hath indeed ) very foul and gross corruptions : the nature whereof notwithstanding because they have not for the most part exact skill and knowledge to discern , they think that amiss many times which is not , and the salve of reformation they mightily call for ; but where and what the sores are which need it , as they wot full little , so they think it not greatly material to search ; such mens contentment must be wrought by stratagem : the usual method of art is not for them . but with those that profess more than ordinary and common knowledge of good from evil , with them that are able to put a difference between things naught , and things indifferent in the church of rome , we are yet at controversie about the manner of removing that which is naught : whether it may not be perfectly helpt , unless that also which is indifferent be cut off with it , so far till no rite or ceremony remain which the church of rome hath , being not found in the word of god. if we think this too extreme , they reply , that to draw men from great excess , it not amiss though we use them unto somewhat less then is competent ; and that a crooked stick is not straightned , unless it be bent as far on the clean contrary side , that so it may settle it self at the length in a middle estate of evenness between both . but how can these comparisons stand them in any stead ? when they urge us to extreme opposition against the church of rome , do they mean we should be drawn unto it only for a time , and afterwards return to a mediocrity ? or was it the purpose of those reformed churches , which utterly abolished all popish ceremonies , to come in the end back again to the middle point of evenness , and moderation ? then have we conceived amiss of their meaning . for we have always thought their opinion to be , that utter inconformity with the church of rome , was not an extremity whereunto we should be drawn for a time ; but the very mediocrity it self wherein they meant we should ever continue . now by these comparisons it seemeth clean contrary , that howsoever they have bent themselves at first to an extreme contrariety against the romish church , yet therein they will continue no longer , then onely till such time as some more moderate course for establishment of the church may be concluded . yea , albeit this were not at the first their intent , yet surely now there is great cause to lead them unto it . they have seen that experience of the former policy ; which may cause the authors of it to hang down their heads . when germany had stricken off that which appeared corrupt in the doctrine of the church of rome , but seemed nevertheless in discipline still to retain therewith very great conformity : france , by that rule of policy , which hath been before mentioned , took away the popish orders which germany did retain . but process of time hath brought more light into the world ; whereby men perceiving that they of the religion in france , have also retained some orders which were before in the church of rome , and are not commanded in the word of god ; there hath arisen a sect in england , which following still the very self-same rule of policy , seeketh to reform even the french reformation , and purge out from thence also dregs of popery . these have not taken as yet such root that they are able to establish any thing . but if they had , what would spring out of their stock , and how far the unquiet wit of man might be carried with rules of such policy , god doth know . the trial which we have lived to see , may somewhat teach us what posterity is to fear . but our lord , of his infinite mercy , avert whatsoever evil our swervings on the one hand , or on the other may threaten unto the state of his church . . that the church of rome doth hereby take occasion to blaspheme , and to say our religion is not able to stand of it self , unless it lean upon the staff of their ceremonies , is not a matter of so great moment , that it did need to be objected , or doth deserve to receive answer . the name of blasphemy in this place , is like the shoo of hercules on a childs foot . if the church of rome do use any such kind of silly exprobration , it is no such ugly thing to the eat , that we should think the honour and credit of our religion to receive thereby any great wound . they which hereof make so perillous a matter , do seem to imagine , that we have erected of late a frame of some new religion ; the furniture whereof we should not have borrowed from our enemies , lest they relieving us , might afterwards laugh and gibe at our poverty : whereas in truth the ceremonies which we have taken from such as were before us , are not things that belong to this or that sect , but they are the ancient rites and customs of the church of christ ; whereof our selves being a part , we have the self-same interest in them which our fathers before us had , from whom the same are descended unto us . again , in case we had been so much beholden privately unto them , doth the reputation of one church stand by saying unto another , i need thee not ? if some should be so vain and impotent , as to mar a benefit with reproachful upbraiding , where at the least they suppose themselves to have bestowed some good turn ; yet surely a wise bodies part it were not , ●o put out his fire , because his fond and foolish neighbour , from whom he borrowed peradventure wherewith to kindle it , might haply cast him therewith in the teeth , saying , were it not for me thou wouldest freez , and not be able to heat thy self . as for that other argument derived from the secret affection of papists , with whom our conformity in certain ceremonies is said to put them in great hope , that their whole religion in time will have re-entrance ; and therefore none are so clamorous amongst us for the observation of these ceremonies , as papists and such as papists suborn to speak for them : whereby it clearly appeareth how much they rejoyce , how much they triumph in these thi●… our answer hereunto is still the same , that the benefit we have by such ceremon●… over-weigheth even this also . no man that is not exceeding partial can well d●… , but that there is most just cause wherefore we should be offended greatly at the church of rome . notwithstanding at such times as we are to deliberate for our selves , the freer our minds are from all cistempered affections , the sounder and better is our judgement . when we are in a fretting mood at the church of rome , and with that angry disposition enter into any cogitation of the orders and rites of our church ; taking particular survey of them , we are sure to have always one eye fixed upon the countenance of our enemies , and according to the blithe or heavy aspect thereof , our other eye sheweth some other suitable token either of dislike or approbation towards our own orders . for the rule of our judgement in such case being only that of homer , this is the thing which our enemies would have ; what they seem contented with , even for that very cause we reject ; and there is nothing but it pleaseth as much the better , if we espy that is galleth them . miserable were the state and condition of that church , the weighty affairs whereof should be ordered by those deliberations wherein such an humour as this were predominant . we have most heartily to thank god therefore , that they amongst us , to whom the first consultations of causes of this kind fell , were men , which aiming at another mark , namely , the glory of god and the good of this his church , took that which they judged thereunto necessary , not rejecting any good or convenient thing , only because the church of rome might perhaps like it . if we have that which is meet and right , although they be glad , we are not to envy them this their solace ; we do not think it a duty of ours , to be in every such thing their tormentors . and wherein it is said , that popery for want of this utter extirpation hath in some places takenroot and flourished again , but hath not been able to re-establish it self in any place , after provision made against it by utter evacuation of all romish ceremonies , and therefore as long as we hold any thing like unto them , we put them in some more hope , than if all were taken away , as we deny not but this may be true ; so being of two evils to choose the less , we hold it better that the friends and favourers of the church of rome , should be in some kind of hope to have a corrupt religion restored , then both we and they conceive just fear , lest under colour of rooting out popery , the most effectual means to bear up the state of religion be removed , and so a way made either for paganism , or for extreme barbarity to enter . if desire of weakning the hope of others should turn us away from the course we have taken ; how much more the care of preventing our own fear , with-hold us from that we are urged unto ? especially seeing that our own fear we know , but we are not so certain what hope the rites and orders of our church have bred in the hearts of others . fort it is no sufficient argument therefore to say , that in maintaining and urging these ceremonies , none are so clamorous as papists , and they whom papists suborn ; this speech being more hard to justifie than the former , and so their proof more doubtfull then the thing it self , which they prove . he that were certain that this is true , must have marked who they be that speak for ceremonies , he must have noted , who amongst them doth speak oftenest , or is most earnest , he must have been both acquainted thorowly with the religion of such , and also privy to what conferences or compacts are passed in secret between them and others ; which kind of notice are not wont to be vulgar and common . yet they which alleadge this , would have it taken as a thing that needeth no proof , a thing which all men know and see . and if so be it were granted them as true , what gain they by it ? sundry of them that be popish , are eager in maintenance of ceremonies . is it so strange a matter to find a good thing furthered by ill men of a smister intent and purpose , whose forwardness is not therefore a bridle to such as favour the same cause with a better and sincerer meaning ? they that seek , as they say , the removing of all popish orders out of the church , and reckon the state of bishops in the number of those orders , do ( i doubt not ) presume that the cause which they prosecute , is holy . notwithstanding it is their own ingenuous acknowledgement , that even this very cause which they term so often by an excellency , the lords cause , is , gratissima , most acceptable unto some which hope for prey and spoyl by it , and that our age hath store of such , and that such are the very sectaries of dionysius the famous atheist . now if hereupon we should upbraid them with irreligious , as they do us with superstitious favourers ; if we should follow them in their own kind of pleading , and say , that the most clamorous for this pretended reformation , are either atheists or else proctors suborned by atheists ; the answer which herein they would make unto us , let them apply unto themselves , and there an end . for they must not forbid us to presume our cause in defence of our church-orders to be as good as theirs against them , till the contrary be made manifest to the world. . in the mean while sorry we are , that any good and godly mind should be grieved with that which is done . but to remedy their grief , lyeth not so much in us as in themselves . they do not wish to be made glad with the hurt of the church : and to remove all out of the church , whereat they shew themselves to be sorrowful , would be , as we are perswaded , hurtful , if not pernicious thereunto . till they be able to perswade the contrary , they must and will , i doubt not , find out some other good mean to chear up themselves . amongst which means the example of geneva may serve for one . have not they the old popish custom of using god-fathers and god-mothers in baptism ? the old popish custom of administring the blessed sacrament of the holy eucharist with wafer-cakes ? these things then the godly there can digest . wherefore should not the godly here learn to do the like , both in them , and in therest of the like nature ? some further mean peradventure it might be to asswage their grief , if so be they did consider the revenge they take on them , which have been , as they interpret it , the workers of their continuance in so great grief so long . for if the maintenance of ceremonies be a corrosive to such as oppugn them ; undoubtedly to such as maintain them , it can be no great pleasure , when they behold how that which they reverence is oppugned . and therefore they that judge themselves martyrs , when they are grieved , should think withal what they are whom they grieve . for we are still to put them in mind , that the cause doth make no difference , for that it must be presumed as good at the least on our part as on theirs , till it be in the end decided , who have stood for truth , and who for error , so that till then the most effectual medicine , and withal the most sound , to ease their grief , must not be ( in our opinion ) the taking away of those things whereat they are grieved , but the altering of that perswasion which they have concerning the same . for this we therefore both pray and labour ; the more because we are also perswaded , that it is but conceit in them to think , that those romish ceremonies , whereof we have hitherto spoken , are like leprous clothes , infectious to the church ; or like soft and gentle poysons , the venom whereof being insensibly penicious , worketh death , and yet is never felt working . thus they say : but because they say it only , and the world hath not as yet had so great experience of their art , in curing the diseases of the church , that the bare authority of their word should perswade in a cause so weighty , they may not think much if it be required at their hands to shew ; first , by what means so deadly infection can grow from similitude between us and the church of rome , in these things indifferent : secondly , for that it were infinite , if the church should provide against every such evil as may come to pass , it is not sufficient that they shew possibilitie of dangerous event , unless there appear some likely-hood also of the same to follow in us , except we prevent it . nor is this enough , unless it be moreover made plain , that there is no good and sufficient way of prevention , but by evacuating clean , and by emprying the church of every such rite and ceremony , as is presently called in question . till this be done , their good affection towards the safety of the church is acceptable , but the way they prescribe us to preserve it by , must rest in suspense . and lest hereat they take occasion to turn upon us the speech of the prophet ieremy used against babylon , rebold we have done our endeavour to cure the discases of babylon , but she through her wilfulness doth rest uncured : let them consider into what straits the church might drive it self , in being guided by this their counsel . their axiom is , that the sound believing church of jesus christ , may not be like heretical churches in any of those indifferent things , which men make choyce of , and do not take by prescript appointment of the word of god. in the word of god the use of bread is prescribed , as a thing without which the eucharist may not be celebrated : but as for the kind of bread , it is not denyed to be a thing indifferent . being indifferent of it self , we are by this axiom of theirs to avoid the use of unleavened bread in their sacrament , because such bread the church of rome being heretical useth . but doth not the self-same axiom bar us even from leavened bread also , which the church of the grecians useth , the opinions whereof are in a number of things the same , for which we condemn the church of rome ; and in some things erroneous , where the church of rome is acknowledged to be found ; as namely in the article of the holy ghosts proceeding ? and lest here they should say that because the greek church is farther off , and the church of rome nearer , we are in that respect rather to use that which the church of rome useth not ; let them imagine a reformed church in the city of venice , where a greek church and popish both are . and when both these are equally near , let them consider what the third shall do . without leavened or unleavened bread , it can have no sacrament : the word of god doth tye it to neither ; and their axiom doth exclude it from both . if this constrain them , as it must , to grant that their axiom is not to take any place , save in those things only where the church hath larger scope ; it resteth that they search out some stronger reason then they have as yet alledged ; otherwise they constrain not us to think that the church is tyed unto any such rule axiom , not then when she hath the widest field to walk in , and the greate : store of choyce . . against such ceremonies generally as are the same in the church of england and of rome , we see what hath been hitherto alledged . albeit therefore we do not find the one churches having of such things , to be sufficient cause why the other should not have them : nevertheless in case it may be proved , that amongst the number of rites and orders common unto both , there are particulars , the use whereof is utterly unlawful , in regard of some special bad and noysom quality ; there is no doubt but we ought to relinquish such rites and orders , what freedom soever we have to retain the other still . as therefore we have heard their general exception against all those things , which being not commanded in the word of god , were first received in the church of rome , and from thence have been derived into ours , so it followeth that now we proceed unto certain kinds of them , as being excepted against , not only for that they are in the church of rome , but are besides either iewish or abused unto idolatry , and so grown scandalous . the church of rome they say , being ashamed of the simplicity of the gospel , did almost out of all religions take whatsoever had any fair and gorgeous shew , borrowing in that respect from the jews sundry of their abolished ceremonies . thus by foolish and tidiculous imitation , all their massing furniture almost they took from the law , lest having an altar and a priest , they should want vestments for their stage ; so that whatsoever we have in common with the church of rome , if the same be of this kind , we ought to remove it . constantine the emperor speaking of the keeping of the feast of easter , saith , that it is an unworthy thing to have any thing common with that most spiteful company of the iews . and a little after he saith , that it is most absurd and against reason , that the iews should vann● and glory that the christians could not keep those things without their doctrine . and in another place it is said after this sort ; it is convenient so to order the matter , that we have nothing common with that nation . this councel of laodicea , which was afterward confirmed by the first general councel , decreed that the christians should not take anleavened briad of the iews , or communicate with their impiety . for the easier manifestation of truth in this point , two things there are which must be considered , namely the causes wherefore the church should decline from iewish ceremonies ; and how far it ought so to do . one cause is , that the jews were the deadliest and spitefullest enemies of christianity that were in the world , and in this respect their orders so far forth to be shunned , as we have already set down in handling the matter of heathenish ceremonies . for no enemies being so venemous against christ as jews , they were of all other , most odious , and by that mean , least to be used as ●it church patterns for imitation . another cause is , the solemn abrogation of the jews ordinances ; which ordinances , for us to resume , were to chock our lord himself which hath disannulled them . but how far this second cause doth extend , it is not on all sides , fully agreed upon . and touching those things whereunto it reacheth not , although there be small cause , wherefore the church should frame it self to the jews example , in respect of their persons which are most hateful ; yet god himself having been the author of their laws , herein they are ( notwithstanding the former consideration ) still worthy to be honored , and to be followed above others , as much as the state of things will bear . jewish ordinances had some things natural , and of the perperuity of those things no man doubteth . that which was positive , we likewise know to have been by the coming of christ , partly necessary not to be kept , and partly indifferent to be kept , or not . of the former kinde , circumcision and sacrifice were . for this point , stephen was accused , and the evidence which his accusers brought against him in judgment , was , this man ceaseth not to speak blasphemous words against this holy place , and the law ; for we have heard him say , that this iesus of nazareth , shall destroy this place , and shall change the ordinances that moses gave us . true it is , that this doctrine was then taught , which unbelievers condemning for blasphemy , did therein commit that which they did condemn . the apostles notwithstanding , from whom stephen had received it , did not so ●each the abrogation , no not of those things which were necessarily to cease , but that even the jews , being christian , might for a time continue in them . and therefore in ierusalem , the first christian bishop not circumcised , was mark ; and he not bishop till the days of adrian the emperor ; after the overthrow of ierusalem , there having been fifteen bishops before him , which were all of the circumcision . the christian jews did think at the first , not onely themselves , but the christian gentiles also bound , and that necessarily , to observe the whole law. there went forth certain of the sect of pharisees which did believe ; and they , coming unto antioch , taught , that it was necessary for the gentiles to be circumcised , and to keep the law of moses . whereupon there grew dissention , paul and barnabas disputing against them . the determination of the council held at ierusalem , concerning this matter , was finally this ; touching the gentiles which believe , we have written and determined , that they observe no such thing : their protestation by letters , is , for as much as we have heard , that certain which departed from us , have troubled you with words , and cumbred your mindes , saying , ye must be circumcised and keep the law ; know , that we gave them no such commandment . paul therefore continued still teaching the gentiles , not onely that they were not bound to observe the laws of moses , but that the observation of those laws which were necessarily to be abrogated , was in them altogether unlawful . in which point , his doctrine was mis-reported , as though he had every where preached this , not onely concerning the gentiles , but also touching the jews . wherefore coming unto iames , and the rest of the clergy at ierusalem , they told him plainly of it , saying , thou seest , brother , how many thousand iews there are which believe , and they are all zealous of the law. now they are informed of thee , that thou reachest all the iews which are amongst the gentiles , to forsake moses , and sayest , that they ought not to circumcise their children , neither to live after the customs . and hereupon they gave him counsel to make it apparent in the eyes of all men , that those flying reports were untrue , and they himself being a jew , kept the law , even as they did . in some things therefore we see the apostles did teach , that there ought not to be conformity between the christian jews and gentiles . how many things this law of inconformity did comprehend , there is no need we should stand to examine . this general is true , that the gentiles were not made conformable unto the jews , in that which was necessarily to cease at the coming of christ. touching things positive , which might either cease or continue as occasion should require , the apostles tendring the zeal of the jews , thought it necessary to binde even the gentiles for a time , to abstain as the jews did , from things offered unto idols , from blood , from strangled . these decrees were every where delivered unto the gentiles , to be straightly observed and kept . in the other matters where the gentiles were free , and the jews in their own opinion , still tied , the apostles doctrine unto the jews , was , condemn not the gentile ; unto the gentile , despise not the iew : the one sort , they warned to take heed , that scrupulosity did not make them rigorous , in giving unadvised sentence against their brethren which were free ; the other , that they did not become scandalous , by abusing their liberty and freedom to the offence of their weak brethren which were scrupulous . from hence therefore , two conclusions there are , which may evidently be drawn ; the first , that whatsoever conformity of positive laws , the apostles did bring in between the churches of jews and gentiles , it was in those things onely , which might either cease or continue a shorter or a longer time , as occasion did most require ; the second , that they did not impose upon the churches of the gentiles , any part of the jews ordinances with bond of necessary and perpetual observation ( as we all , both by doctrine and practice , acknowledge ) but onely in respect of the conveniency and fitness for the present state of the church , as then it stood . the words of the councils decree , concerning the gentiles , are , it seemed good to the holy ghost , and to us , to lay upon you no more burden , saving onely these things of necessity ; abstinence from idol-off rings , from strangled , and blood , and from fornication . so that in other things positive , which the coming of christ did not necessarily extinguish , the gentiles were left altogether free . neither ought it to seem unreasonable , that the gentiles should necessarily be bound and tied to jewish ordinances , so far forth as that decree importeth . for to the jew , who knew , that their difference from other nations , which were aliens and strangers from god , did especially consist in this , that gods people had positive ordinances given to them of god himself ; it seemed marvellous hard , that the christian gentiles should be incorporated into the same commonwealth with gods own chosen people , and be subject to no part of his statues , more then onely the law of nature , which heathens count themselves bound unto . it was an opinion constantly received amongst the jews , that god did deliver unto the sons of noah seven precepts : namely , to live in some form of regiment under ; first , publick laws : secondly , to serve and call upon the name of god : thirdly , to shun idolatry : fourthly , not to suffer effusion of the blood : fifthly , to abhor all unclean knowledge in the flesh : sixthly , to commit no rapine : seventhly , and finally , not to eat of any living creature , whereof the blood was t first let out . if therefore the gentiles would be exempted from the law of moses , yet it might seem hard , they should also cast off , even those things positive which were observed before moses , and which were not of the same kinde with laws that were necessarily to cease . and peradventure hereupon , the council saw it expedient to determine , that the gentiles should according unto the third , the seventh , and the fifth of those precepts , abstain from things sacrificed unto idols , from strangled and blood , and from fornication . the rest , the gentiles did of their own accord observe , nature leading them thereunto . and did not nature also teach them to abstain from fornication● no doubt it did . neither can we with reason think , that as the former two are positive ; so likewise this , being meant as the apostle doth otherwise usually understand it . but very marriage , within a number of degrees , being not onely by the law of moses , but also by the law of the sons of noah ( for so they took it ) an unlawful discovery of nakedness : this discovery of nakedness by unlawful marriages , such as moses in the law reckoneth up , i think it for mine own part more probable to have been meant in the words of that canon , then fornication according unto the scase of the law of nature . words must be taken , according to the matter whereof they are uttered . the apostles command to abstain from blood. construe this according to the law of nature , and it will seem that homicide onely is forbidden . but construe it in reference to the law of the jews , about which the question was , and it shall easily appear to have a clean other sense , and in any mans judgment , a truer , when we expound it of eating , and not of shedding blood : so it we speak of fornication , he that knoweth no law , but onely the law of nature , must needs make thereof a narrower construction , then he which measureth the same by a law , wherein sundry kindes , even of conjugal copulation are prohibited as impure , unclean , unhonest . st. paul himself doth term incestuous marriage , fornication . if any do rather think , that the christian gentiles themselves , through the loose and corrupt custom of those times , took simple fornication for no sin , and were in that respect offensive unto believing jews , which by the law had been better taught ; our proposing of another conjecture , is unto theirs no prejudice . some things therefore we see there were , wherein the gentiles were forbidden to be like unto the jews ; some things wherein they were commanded not to be unlike . again , some things also there were , wherein no law of god did let , but that they might be either like or unlike ; as occasion should require . and unto this purpose leo saith , apostolical ordinance ( beloved ) knowing that our lord iesus christ came not into this world to undo the law , hath in such sort distinguished the mysteries of the old testament , that certain of them it hath chosen one to benefit evangelical knowledge withal , and for that purpose appointed , that those things which before were iewish , might now be christian customs . the cause why the apostles did thus conform the christians as much as might be , according to the pattern of the jews , was to rein them in by this mean the more , and to make them cleave the better . the church of christ , hath had in no one thing , so many and so contrary occasions of dealing , as about judaism ; some having thought the whole jewish law wicked and damnable in it self ; some not condemning it as the former sort absolutely , have notwithstanding judged it , either sooner necessary to be abrogated , or further unlawful to be observed then truth can bear ; some of scrupulous simplicity urging perpetual and universal observation of the law of moses necessary , as the christian jews at the first in the apostles times ; some as hereticks , holding the same no less even after the contrary determination set down by consent of the church at ierusalem ; finally , some being herein resolute through meer infidelity ; and with open profest enmity against christ , as unbelieving jews . to controul slanderers of the law and prophets , such as marcionites and manichees were , the church in her liturgies hath intermingled with readings out of the new testament , lessons taken out of the law and prophets ; whereunto tertullian alluding , saith of the church of christ , it intermingleth with evangelical and apostolical writings , the law and the prophets ; and from thence it drinketh in that faith which with water is sealeth , cloatheth with the spirit , nourisheth with eucharist , with martyrdom setteth forward . they would have wondred in those times to hear , that any man being not as favorer of heresie , should term this by way of disdain , mangling of the gospels and epistles . they which honor the law as an image of the wisdom of god himself , are notwithstanding to know that the same had an end in christ. but what ? was the law so abolished with christ , that after his ascension the office of priests , became immediately wicked , and the very name hateful , as importing the exercise of an ungodly function ? no , as long as the glory of the temple continued , and till the time of that final desolation was accomplished , the very christian jews did continue with their sacrifices , and other parts of legal service . that very law therefore which our saviour was to abolish , did not so soon become unlawful to be observed as some imagine ; nor was it afterward unlawful so far , that the very name of altar , of priests , of sacrifice it self , should be banished out of the world. for though god do now hate sacrifice , whether it be heathenish or jewish , so that we cannot have the same things which they had , but with impiety ; yet unless there be some greater let then the onely evacuation of the law of moses , the names themselves may ( i hope ) be retained without sin , in respect of that proportion , which things established by our saviour have unto them which by him are abrogated . and so throughout all the writings of the ancient fathers , we see that the words which were , do continue ; the onely difference it , that whereas before they had a literal , they now have a metaphorical use ; and are as so many notes of remembrance unto us , that what they did signifie in the letter , is accomplished in the truth . and as no man can deprive the church of this liberty , to use names whereunto the law was accustomed ; so neither are we generally forbidden the use of things which the law hath , though it neither command us any particularity , as it did the jews a number ; and the weightiest which it did command them , are unto us in the gospel prohibited . touching such , as through simplicity of error , did urge universal and perpetual observation of the law of moses at the first , we have spoken already . against jewish hereticks and false apostles teaching afterwards the self-same , st. paul in every epistle commonly either disputeth or giveth warning . jews that were zealous for the law but withal infidels in respect of christianity , and to the name of jesus christ most spightful enemies , did while they flourished , no less persecute the church then heathens ; and after their estate was overthrown , they were not that way so much to be feared . howbeit , because they had their synagogues in every famous city almost throughout the world. and by that means great opportunity to withdraw from the christian faith , which to do , they spared no labor ; this gave the church occasion to make sundry laws against them . as , in the council of laodicea , the festival presents which iews or hereticks use to send , must not be received , nor holidays solemnized in their company . again , from the iews , men ought not to receive their unlevened [ bread ] nor to communicate with their impieties . which council was afterwards indeed confirmed by the sixth general council . but what was the true sense or meaning , both of the one , and the other ? were christians here forbidden to communicate in unleavened bread , because the jews did so , being enemies of the church ? he which attentively shall weigh the words , will suspect that they rather forbid communion with jews , then imitation of them ; much more , if with these two decrees be compared a third in the council of constantinople : let no man , either of the clergy or laity , eat the unleavened of the iews , nor enter into any familiarity with them , nor send for them in sickness , nor take physick at their hands , nor as much as go into the ●ath with them . if any do otherwise , being a clergy-man , let him be deposed ; if being a lay-person , let excommunication be his punishment . if these canons were any argument , that they which made them , did utterly condemn similitude between the christians and jews , in things indifferent appertaining unto religion , either because the jews were enemies unto the church , or else for that their ceremonies were abrogated ; these reasons had been as strong and effectual against their keeping the feast of easter on the same day the jews kept theirs , and not according to the custom of the west church . for so they did from the first beginning till constantine's time . for in these two things , the east and west churches did interchangeably both confront the jews , and concur with them ; the west church using unleavened bread , as the jews in their passover did , but differing from them in the day whereon they kept the feast of easter ; contrariwise , the east church celebrating the feast of easter on the same day with the jews , but not using the same kinde of bread which they did . now ● so be the east church in using leavened bread had done well , either for that the jews were enemies to the church , or because jewish ceremonies were abrogated ; how should we think but that victor , the bishop of rome , ( whom all judicious men do in that behalf disallow ) did well to be so vehement and fierce in drawing them to the like dissimilitude for the feast of easter ? again , if the west churches had in either of those two respects affected dissimilitude with the jews in the feast of easter , what reason had they to draw the eastern church herein unto them , which reason did not enforce them to frame themselves unto it in the ceremony of leavened bread ? difference in rites should breed no controversie , between one church and another ; but if controversie be once bred , it must be ended . the feast of easter being therefore litigious in the days of constantine , who honored of all other churches most , the church of rome ; which church was the mother , from whose brests he had drawn that food which gave him nourishment to eternal life ; fith agreement was necessary , and yet impossible , unless the one part were yielded unto ; his desire was , that of the two , the eastern church should rather yield . and to this end he useth sundry perswasive speeches . when stephen , bishop of rome , going about to shew what the catholick church should do , had alledged what the hereticks themselves did , namely , that they received such as came unto them ; and offered not to baptize them anew ; st. cyprian , being of a contrary minde to him , about the matter at that time in question , which was , whether hereticks converted , ought to be rebaptized , yea , or no ; answered the allegation of pope stephen with exceeding great stomach , saying , to this degree of wretchedness , the church of god , and spouse of christ is now come , that her ways she frameth to the example of hereticks ; that to celebrate the sacraments , which heavenly instruction hath delivered , light it self doth borrow from darkness , and christians do that which antichrists do . now albeit constantine have done that , to further a better cause , which cyprian did to countenance a worse , namely , the rebaptization of hereticks ; and have taken advantage at the odiousness of the jews , as cyprian of hereticks , because the eastern church kept their feast of easter , always the fourteenth day of the moneth , as the jews did , what day of the week soever it fell ; or howsoever constantine did take occasion in the handling of that cause , to say , * it is unworthy to have any thing common with that spightful nation of the iews : shall every motive argument used in such kinde of conferences , be made a rule for others still to conclude the like by , concerning all things of like nature , when as probable enducements may lead them to the contrary ? let both this and other allegations suitable unto it , cease to bark any longer idly against that truth , the course and passage whereof , it is not in them to hinder . . but the weightiest exception , and of all the most worthy to be respected , is against such kinde of ceremonies , as have been so grosly and shamefully abused in the church of rome , that were they remain they are scandalous , yea , they cannot chuse but be stumbling blocks , and grievous causes of offence . concerning this point therefore we are first to note , what properly it is , to be scandalous or offensive . secondly , what kinde of ceremonies are such . and thirdly , when they are necessarily for remedy thereof , to be taken away , and when not . the common conceit of the vulgar sort is , whensoever they see any thing which they mislike and are angry at , to think that every such thing is scandalous , and that themselves in this case are the men concerning whom our saviour spake in so fearful manner , saying , whosoever shall scandalize or offend any one of these little ones which believe in me , ( that is , as they construe it , whosoever shall anger the meanest and simplest artizan which carrieth a good minde , by not removing out of the church , such rites and ceremonies as displease him ) better he were drowned in the bottom of the sea. but hard were the case of the church of christ , if this were to scandalize . men are scandalized when they are moved , led , and provoked unto sin . at good things evil men may take occasion to do evil ; and so christ himself was a rock of offence in israel , they taking occasion at his poor estate , and at the ignominy of his cross , to think him unworthy the name of that great and glorious mesias , whom the prophets describe in such ample and stately terms . but that which we therefore term offensive , because it inviteth men to offend , and by a dumb kinde of provocation , encourageth , moveth , or any way leadeth unto sin , must of necessity be acknowledged actively scandalous . now some things are so even by their very essence and nature , so that wheresoever they be found , they are not , neither can be without this force of provocation unto evil ; of which kinde , all examples of sin and wickedness are . thus david was scandalous , in that bloody act , whereby he caused the enemies of god to be blasphemous : thus the whole state of israel was scandalous ; when their publick disorders caused the name of god to be ill spoken of amongst the nations : it is of this kinde that tertullian meaneth : offence or scandal , if i be not deceived , saith he , is when the example not of a good , but of an evil thing , doth set men forward to ●●● sin . good things can scandalize none , save onely evil mindes : good things have no scandalizing nature in them . yet that which is of it own nature , either good , or at least not evil ; may by some accident become scandalous at certain times , and in certain places , and to certain men ; the open use thereof , nevertheless , being otherwise without danger . the very nature of some rites and ceremonies therefore is scandalous , as it was in a number of those which the manichees did use , and is in all such as the law of god doth forbid . some are offensive onely through the agreement of men to use them unto evil , and not else ; as the most of those things indifferent , which the heathens did to the service of their false gods ; which another , in heart condemning their idolatry , could not do with them in shew and token of approbation , without being guilty of scandal given . ceremonies of this kinde , are either devised at the first unto evil ; as the eunomian hereticks in dishonor of the blessed trinity , brought in the laying on of water but once , to cross the custom of the church , which in baptism did it thrice : or else having had a profitable use , they are afterwards interpreted and wrested to the contrary ; as those hereticks which held the trinity to be three distinct , not persons , but natures , abused the ceremony of three times laying on water in baptism , unto the strengthning of their heresie . the element of water is in baptism necessary ; once to lay it on , or twice , is indifferent . for which cause , gregory making mention thereof , saith , to dive an insant , either thrice , or but once in baptism , can be no way a thing reproveable ; seeing that both in three times washing , the trinity of persons ; and in one , the unity of the godhead may be signified . so that of these two ceremonies , neither being hurtful in it self , both may serve unto good purpose ; yet one was devised , and the other converted unto evil . now whereas in the church of rome , certain ceremonies are said to have been shamefully abused unto evil , as the ceremony of crossing at baptism , of kneeling at the eucharist , of using wafer-cakes , and such like ; the question is , whether for remedy of that evil , wherein such ceremonies have been scandalous , and perhaps may be still unto some , even amongst ourselves , whom the presence and sight of them may confirm in that ●ormer error , whereto they served in times past , they are of necessity to be removed . are these , or any other ceremonies we have common with the church of rome , scandalous and wicked in their very nature ? this no man objecteth . are any such as have been polluted from their very birth , and instituted , even at the first , unto that thing which is evil ? that which hath been ordained impiously at the first , may wear out that impiety in tract of time ; and then , what doth let , but that the use thereof may stand without offence ? the names of our moneths and of our days , we are not ignorant from whence they came , and with what dishonor unto god , they are said to have been devised at the first . what could be spoken against any thing more effectual to stir hatred , then that which sometime the antient fathers in this case speak ? yet those very names are at this day in use throughout christendom , without hurt or scandal to any . clear and manifest it is , that things devised by hereticks , yea , devised of a very heretical purpose , even against religion , and at their first devising worthy to have been withstood , may in time grow meet to be kept ; as that custom , the inventers whereof were the eunomian hereticks . so that customs once established and confirmed by long use , being presently without harm , are not in regard of their corrupt original to be held scandalous . but concerning those our ceremonies which they reckon for most popish , they are not able to avouch that any of them was otherwise instituted , then unto good ; yea , so used at the first . it followeth then , that they all are such as having served to good purpose , were afterwards converted unto the contrary . and sith it is not so much as objected against us , that we retain together with them , the evil wherewith they have been infected in the church of rome : i would demand , who they are whom we scandalize , by using harmless things unto that good end , for which they were first instituted . amongst our selves that agree in the approbation of this kinde of good use , no man will say , that one of us is offensive and scandalous unto another . as for the favorers of the church of rome , they know how far we herein differ and dissent from them ; which thing neither we conceal , and they by their publick writings also profess daily , how much it grieveth them : so that of them , there will not many rise up against us , as witnesses unto the inditement of scandal , whereby we might be condemned and cast , as having strengthned them in that evil , wherewith they pollute themselves in the use of the same ceremonies . and concerning such as withstand the church of england herein , and hate it because it doth not sufficiently seem to hate rome ; they ( i hope ) are far enough from being by this mean drawn to any kinde of popish error . the multitude therefore of them , unto whom we are scandalous through the use of abused ceremonies , is not so apparent , that it can justly be said in general of any one sort of men or other , we cause them to offend . if it be so , that now or then some few are espied , who having been accustomed heretofore to the rites and ceremonies of the church of rome , are not so scoured of their former rust , as to forsake their antient perswasion which they have had , howsoever they frame themselves to outward obedience of laws and orders ; because such may misconster the meaning of our ceremonies , and so take them , as though they were in every sort the same they have been , shall this be thought a reason sufficient whereon to conclude , that some law must necessarily be made to abolish all such ceremonies ? they answer , that there is no law of god which doth binde us to retain them . and st. pauls rule is , that in those things from which without hurt we may lawfully abstain , we should frame the usage of our liberty , with regard to the weakness and imbecillity of our brethren . wherefore unto them which stood upon their own defence , saying , all things are lawful unto me ; he replieth , but all things are not expedient in regard of others . all things are clean , all meats are lawful ; but evil unto that man that eateth offensively . if for thy meats sake , thy brother be grieved , thou walkest no longer according to charity . destroy not him with thy meat , for whom christ died . dissolve not for foods sake the work of god. we that are strong , must bear the imbecillity of the impotent , and not please ourselves . it was a weakness in the christian jews , and a maim of judgment in them , that they thought the gentiles polluted by the eating of those meats , which themselves were afraid to touch , for fear of transgressing the law of moses ; yea , hereat their hearts did so much rise , that the apostle had just cause to fear , lest they would rather forsake christianity , then endure any fellowship with such , as made no conscience of that which was unto them abominable . and for this cause mention is made of destroying the weak by meats , and of dissolving the work of god , which was his church , a part of the living stones whereof , were believing jews . now those weak brethren before mentioned are said to be as the jews were , and our ceremonies which have been abused in the church of rome , to be as the scandalous meats , from which the gentiles are exhorted to abstain in the presence of jews , for fear of averting them from christian faith. therefore as charity did binde them to refrain from that , for their brethrens sake , which otherwise was lawful enough for them ; so it bindeth us for our brethrens sake likewise , to abolish such ceremonies , although we might lawfully else retain them . but between these two cases there are great odds . for neither are our weak brethren as the jews , nor the ceremonies which we use as the meats which the gentiles used . the jews were known to be generally weak in that respect ; whereas contrariwise the imbecillity of ours is not common unto so many , that we can take any such certain notice of them . it is a chance , if here and there some one be found ; and therefore seeing we may presume men commonly otherwise , there is no necessity , that our practice should frame it self , by that which the apostle doth prescribe to the gentiles . again , their use of meats was not like unto our ceremonies ; that being a matter of private action in common life , where every man was free to order that which himself did ; but this a publick constitution for the ordering of the church : and we are not to look , that the church should change her publick laws and ordinances , made according to that which is judged ordinarily and commonly fittest for the whole , although it chance that for some particular men , the same be found inconvenient , especially when there may be other remedy also against the sores of particular incoveniences . in this case therefore , where any private harm doth grow , we are not to reject instruction , as being an unmeet plaister to apply unto it ; neither can we say , that he which appointeth teachers for physicians in this kinde of evil , is , as if a man would set one to watch a childe all day long , lest he should hurt himself with a knife , whereas by taking away the knife from him , the danger is avoided , and the service of the man better employed . for a knife may be taken from a childe , without depriving them of the benefit thereof which have years and discretion to use it . but the ceremonies which children do abuse , if we remove quite and clean , as it is by some required that we should ; then are they not taken from children onely , but from others also ; which is as though , because children may perhaps hurt themselves with knives , we should conclude , that therefore the use of knives is to be taken quite and clean even from men also . those particular ceremonies which they pretend to be so scandalous , we shall in the next book have occasion more throughly to sift , where other things also traduced in the publick duties of the church , whereunto each of these appertaineth , are together with these to be touched , and such reasons to be examined as have at any time been brought , either against the one , or the other . * in the mean while , against the conveniency of curing such evils by instruction , strange it is , that they should object the multitude of other necessary matters , wherein preachers may better bestow their time , then in giving men warning not to abuse ceremonies : a wonder it is , that they should object this , which have so many years together , troubled the church with quarrels , concerning these things ; and are even to this very hour so earnest in them , that if they write or speak publickly but five words , one of them is lightly about the dangerous estate of the church of england , in respect of abused ceremonies . how much happier had it been for this whole church , if they which have raised contention therein , about the abuse of rites and ceremonies , had considered in due time that there is indeed store of matters , fitter and better a great deal , for teachers to spend time and labor in ? it is through their importunate and vehement asteve●ations , more then through any such experience which we have had of our own . that we are enforced to think it possible for one or other , now and then , at leastwise , in the prime of the reformation of our church , to have stumbled at some kinde of ceremonies . wherein , for as much as we are contented to take this upon their credit , and to think it may be ; sith also , they further pretend the same to be so dangerous a snare to their souls , that are at any time taken therein ; they must give our teachers leave , for the saving of those souls ( be they never so few ) to intermingle sometime with other more necessary things , admonition concerning these not unnecessary . wherein they should in reason more easily yield this leave , considering , that hereunto we shall not need to use the hundredth part of that time , which themselves think very needful to bestow , in making most bitter invectives against the ceremonies of the church . . but to come to the last point of all ; the church of england is grievously charged with forgetfulness of her duty , which duty had been to traine her self unto the pattern of their example , that went before her in the work of reformation . a for as the churches of christ ought to be most unlike the synagogue of antichrist in their indifferent ceremonies ; so they ought to be most like one unto another , and for preservation of unity , to have as much as possible may be , all the same ceremonies . and therefore st. paul to establish this order in the church of corinth b , that they should make their gatherings for the poor upon the first day of the sabbath ( which is our sunday ) alledgeth this for a reason , that he had so ordained in other churches . again , as children of one father , and servants of one family ; so all churches should not onely have one diet , in that they have one word , but also wear , as it were , one livery in using the same ceremonies . thirdly , c this rule did the great council of nice follow , when it ordained , that where certain at the feast of pentecost did pray kneeling , they should pray standing : the reason whereof is added , which is , that one custom ought to be kept throughout all churches . it is true , that the diversity of ceremonies ought not to cause the churches to dissent out with another : but yet it maketh most to the avoiding of dissention , that there be amongst them an unity , not onely in doctrine , but also in ceremonies . d and therefore our form of service is to be amended , not onely for that it cometh too near that of the papists , but also because it is so different from that of the reformed churches . being asked to what churches ours should conform it self ? and why other reformed churches should not as well frame themselves to ours ? their answer is , that if there be any ceremonies which we have better then others , they ought to frame themselves to us : if they have better then we , then we ought to frame ourselves to them : if the ceremonies be alike commodious , tha latter churches should conform themselves to the first , as the younger daughter to the elder . e for as st. paul in the members , where all other things are equal , noteth it for a mark of honor above the rest , that one is called before another to the gospel ; so is it , for the same cause , amongst the churches . f and in this respect he pincheth the corinths , that not being the first which received the gospel , yet they would have their several manners from other churches . moreover , where the ceremonies are alike commodious , the fewer ought to conform themselves unto the moe . for as much therefore as all the churches ( so far as they know which plead after this manner ) of our confession in doctrine , agree in the abrogation of divers things which we retain : our church ought , either to shew that they have done evil , or else she is found to be in fault that doth not conform her self in that , which she cannot deny to be well abrogated . in this axiom , that preservation of peace and unity amongst christian churches should be by all good means procured , we joyn most willingly and gladly with them . neither deny we , but that , to the avoiding of dissention , it availeth much , that there be amongst them an unity as well in ceremonies as in doctrine . the onely doubt is , about the manner of their unity ; how far churches are bound to be uniform in their ceremonies , and what way they ought to take for that purpose . touching the one , the rule which they have set down , is , that in ceremonies indifferent , all churches ought to be , one of them unto another , as like as possibly they may be . which possibly , we cannot otherwise conster , then that it doth require them to be , even as like as they may be , without breaking any positive ordinance of god. for the ceremonies whereof we speak , being matter of positive law ; they are indifferent , if god have neither himself commanded nor forbidden them , but left them unto the churches discretion ; so that if as great uniformity be required as is possible in these things , seeing that the law of god forbiddeth not any one of them ; it followeth , that from the greatest unto the least , they must be in every christian church the same , except meer impossibility of so having it , be the hindrance . to us this opinion seemeth over-extream and violent : we rather incline to think it a just and reasonable cause for any church , the state whereof is free and independent ; if in these things it differ from other churches , onely for that it doth not judge it so fit and expedient , to be framed therein by the pattern of their example , as to be otherwise framed then they . that of gregory unto leander , is a charitable speech , and a peaceable ; in una side , nil officit ecclesiae sancta consuetudo diversa . where the faith of the holy church is one , a difference in customs of the church doth no harm . that of st. augustine to cassulanus , is somewhat particular , and toucheth , what kinde of ceremonies they are , wherein one church may vary from the example of another , without hurt . let the faith of the whole church , how wide soever it hath spred it self , be always one , although the unity of belief be famous for variety of certain ordinances , whereby that which is rightly believed , suffereth no kinde of let or impediment . calvin goeth further , as concerning rites in particular , let the sentence of augustine take place , which leaveth it free unto all churches to receive their own custom . yea , sometime it profiteth , and is expedient that there be difference , lest men should think that religion is tyed to outward ceremonies . always provided , that there be not any emulation , nor that churches , delighted with novelty , affect to have that which others have not . they which grant it true , that the diversity of ceremonies in this kinde , ought not to cause dissension in churches , must either acknowledge , that they grant in effect nothing by these words ; or , if any thing be granted , there must as much be yielded unto , as we affirm against their former strict assertion . for , if churches be urged by way of duty , to take such ceremonies as they like not of , how can dissension be avoided ? will they say , that there ought to be no dissension , because such as are urged , ought to like of that whereunto they are urged ? if they say this , they say just nothing . for how should any church like to be urged of duty , by such as have no authority or power over it , unto those things which being indifferent , it is not of duty bound unto them ? is it their meaning , that there ought to be no dissension , because , that which churches are not bound unto , no man ought by way of duty to urge upon them ? and if any man do , he standeth in the sight both of god and men most justly blameable , as a needless disturber of the peace of gods church , and an author of dissension . in saying this , they both condemn their own practice , when they press the church of england with so strict a bond of duty in these things ; and they overthrow the ground of their practice , which is , that there ought to be in all kinde of ceremonies uniformity , unless impossibility hinder it . for proof whereof , it is not enough to alledge what st. paul did about the matter of collections , or what noblemen do in the liveries of their servants , or what the council of nice did for standing in time of prayer on certain days : because , though st. paul did will them of the church of corinth a , every man to lay up somewhat by him upon the sunday , and to reserve it in store , till himself did come thither , to send it unto the church of ierusalem for relief of the poor there ; signifying withal , that he had taken the like order with the churches of galatia ; yet the reason which he yieldeth of this order taken , both in the one place and the other , sheweth the least part of his meaning to have been that , whereunto his words are writhed . b concerning collection for the saints ( he meaneth them of ierusalem ) as i have given order to the church of galatia , so likewise do ye ( saith the apostle , ) that is , in every first day of the week , let each of you lay aside by himself ; and reserve according to that which god hath blessed him with , that when i come , collections be not then to make ; and that when i am come , whom you shall chuse , them i may forthwith send away by letters , to carry your beneficence unto jerusalem . out of which words , to conclude the duty of uniformity throughout all churches in all manner of indifferent ceremonies , will be very hard , and therefore best to give it over . but perhaps they are by so much the more loth to forsake this argument , for that it hath , though nothing else , yet the name of scripture , to give it some kinde of countenance more then the pretext of livery-coats affordeth them . for neither is it any mans duty to cloath all his children , or all his servants with one weed ; nor theirs to cloath themselves so , if it were left to their own judgments , as these ceremonies are left of god , to the judgment of the church . and seeing churches are rather in this case like divers families , then like divers servants of one family , because every church , the state whereof is independent upon any other , hath authority to appoint orders for it self in things indifferent ; therefore of the two , we may rather infer , that as one family is not abridged of liberty to be cloathed in friers gray , for that another doth wear clay colour ; so neither are all churches bound to the self-same indifferent ceremonies which it liketh sundry to use . as for that canon in the council of nice , let them but read it , and weigh it well . the ancient use of the church throughout all christendom , was , for fifty days after easter ( which fifty days were called pentecost , though most commonly the last day of them , which is whitsunday , he so called ) in like sort , on all sundays throughout the whole year , their manner was to stand at prayer : whereupon their meetings unto that purpose on those days , had the name of stations given them . of which custom tertullian speaketh in this wise , it is not with us thought sit , either to fast on the lords day , or to pray kneeling . the same immunity from fasting and kneeling , we keep all the time which is between the feasts of easter and pentecost . this being therefore an order generally received in the church ; when some began to be singular and different from all others , and that in a ceremony which was then judged very convenient for the whole church , even by the whole , those few excepted which break out of the common pale ; the council of nice thought good to enclose them again with the rest , by a law made in this sort : because there are certain which will needs kneel at the time of prayer on the lords day , and in the fifty days after easter ; the holy synod judging it meet , that a convenient custom be observed throughout all churches , hath decreed , that standing we make our prayers to the lord. whereby it plainly appeareth , that in things indifferent , what the whole church doth think convenient for the whole , the same if any part do wilfully violate , it may be reformed and inraised again by that general authority whereunto each particular is subject , and that the spirit of singularity in a few , ought to give place unto publick judgment ; this doth clearly enough appear , but not that all christian churches are bound in every indifferent ceremony to be uniform ; because where the whole church hath not tyed the parts unto one and the same thing , they being therein left each to their own choice , may either do as others do , or else otherwise , without any breach of duty at all . concerning those indifferent things , wherein it hath been heretofore thought good , that all christian churches should be uniform , the way which they now conceive to bring this to pass was then never thought on . for till now it hath been judged , that seeing the law of god doth not prescribe all particular ceremonies which the church of christ may use , and in so great variety of them as may be found out ; it is not possible , that the law of nature and reason should direct all churches unto the same things , each deliberating by it self , what is most convenient : the way to establish the same things indifferent throughout them all , must needs be the judgment of some judicial authority drawn into one onely sentence , which may be a rule for every particular to follow . and because such authority over all churches , is too much to be granted unto any one mortal man ; there yet remaineth that which hath been always followed , as the best , the safest , the most sincere and reasonable way ; namely , the verdict of the whole church orderly taken , and set down in the assembly of some general council . but to maintain , that all christian churches ought for unities sake to be uniform in all ceremonies , and then to teach , that the way of bringing this to pass , must be by mutual imitation , so that where we have better ceremonies then others , they shall be bound to follow us , and we them , where theirs are better : how should we think it agreeable and consonant unto reason ? for sith in things of this nature , there is such variety of particular inducements , whereby one church may be led to think that better , which another church led by other inducements judgeth to be worse : ( for example , the east church did think it better to keep easter day after the manner of the jews ; the west church better to do otherwise ; the greek church judgeth it worse to use unleavened bread in the eucharist , the latine church leavened : one church esteemeth it not so good , to receive the eucharist sitting as standing , another church not so good standing as sitting , there being on the one side probable motives , as well as on the other ) unless they add somewhat else , to define more certainly what ceremonies shall stand for best , in such sort , that all churches in the world shall know them to be the best , and so know them , that there may not remain any question about this point , we are not a whit the nearer for that they have hitherto said , they themselves although resolved in their own judgments what ceremonies are best , foreseeing that such as they are addicted unto , be not all so clearly and so incomparably best ; but others there are , or may be , at leastwise , when all things are well considered , as good ; knew not which way smoothly to rid their hands of this matter , without providing some more certain rule to be followed for establishment of uniformity in ceremonies , when there are divers kindes of equal goodness : and therefore in this case they say , that the latter churches , and the fewer , should conform themselves unto the elder , and the moe . hereupon they conclude , that for as much as all the reformed churches ( so far as they know ) which are of our confession in doctrine , have agreed already in the abrogation of divers things which we retain : our church ought either to shew , that they have done evil , or else she is found to be in fault for not conforming her self to those churches , in that which she cannot deny to be in them well abrogated . for the authority of the first churches , ( and those they account to be the first in this cause which were first reformed ) they bring the comparison of younger daughters conforming themselves in attire to the example of their elder sisters ; wherein there is just as much strength of reason , as in the livery coats beforementioned . st. paul , they say , noteth it for a mark of special honor , that epanetus was the first man in all athaia , which did embrace the christian faith ; after the same sort , he toucheth it also as a special preheminence of iunius and andronicus , that in christianity they were his ancients . the corinthians he pincheth with this demand , hath the word of god gone out from you , or hath it lighted on you alone ? but what of all this ? if any man should think that alacrity and forwardness in good things , doth add nothing unto mens commendation ; the two former speeches of st. paul might lead him to reform his judgment . in like sort to take down the stomach of proud conceited men , that glory , as though they were able to set all others to school , there can be nothing more fit , then some such words as the apostles third sentence doth contain ; wherein he teacheth the church of corinth to know , that there was no such great odds between them , and the rest of their brethren , that they should think themselves to be gold , and the rest to be but copper . he therefore useth speech unto them to this effect : men instructed in the knowledge of iesus christ there both were before you , and are besides you in the world ; ye neither are the fountain from which first , nor yet the river into which alone , the word hath flowed . but although as epanetus was the first man in all achaia , so corinth had been the first church in the whole world that received christ ; the apostle doth not shew , that in any kinde of things indifferent whatsoever , this should have made their example a law unto all others . indeed , the example of sundry churches for approbation of one thing doth sway much ; but yet still as having the force of an example onely , and not of a law. they are effectual to move any church , unless some greater thing do hinder ; but they binde none , no not , though they be many ; saving onely when they are the major part of a general assembly , and then their voices being more in number , must over-sway their judgments who are fewer , because in such cases the greater half is the whole . but as they stand out single , each of them by it self , their number can purchase them no such authority , that the rest of the churches being fewer , should be therefore bound to follow them , and to relinguish as good ceremonies as theirs for theirs . whereas therefore it is concluded out of these so weak premisses , that the retaining of divers things in the church of england , which other reformed churches have cast out , must needs argue that we do not well , unless we can shew that they have done ill , what needed this wrest to draw out from us an accusation of forein churches ? it is not proved as yet , that if they have done well , our duty is to follow them ; and to forsake our own course , because it differeth from theirs , although indeed it be as well for us every way , as theirs for them . and if the proofs alledged for confirmation hereof had been sound , yet seeing they lead no further then onely to shew , that where we can have no better ceremonies , theirs must be taken ; as they cannot with modesty think themselves to have found out absolutely the best , which the wit of men may devise ; so liking their own somewhat better then other mens , even because they are their own , they must in equity allow us to be like unto them in this affection : which if they do , they ease us of that uncourteous burden , whereby we are charged , either to condemn them , or else to follow them . they grant we need not follow them , if our own ways already be better . and if our own be but equal , the law of common indulgence alloweth us to think them , at the least , half a thought the better , because they are our own , which we may very well do , and never draw any inditement at all against theirs , but think commendably even of them also . . to leave reformed churches therefore , and their actions , for him to judge of , in whose sight they are , as they are , and our desire is , that they may even in his sight , be found such , as we ought to endeavor by all means , that our own may likewise be : somewhat we are enforced to speak by way of simple declaration , concerning the proceedings of the church of england in these affairs , to the end , that men whose mindes are free from those partial constructions , whereby the onely name of difference from some other churches , is thought cause sufficient to condemn ours , may the better discern , whether that we have done , be reasonable , yea or no. the church of england being to alter her received laws , concerning such orders , rites , and ceremonies , as had been in former times an hinderance unto piety and religious service of god , was to enter into consideration first , that the change of laws , especially concerning matter of religion , must be warily proceeded in . laws , as all other things humane , are many times full of imperfection , and that which is supposed behoveful unto men , proveth oftentimes most pernicious . the wisdom which is learned by tract of time , findeth the laws that have been in former ages established , needful in latter to be abrogated . besides , that which sometime is expedient , doth not always so continue ; and the number of needless laws unabolished , doth weaken the force of them that are necessary . but true withal it is , that alteration , though it be from worse to better , hath in it inconveniences , and those weighty ; unless it bein such laws as have been made upon special occasions , which occasions ceasing , laws of that kinde do abrogate themselves . but when we abrogate a law , as being ill made , the whole cause for which it was made still remaining ; do we not herein revoke our very own deed , and upbraid our selves with folly , yea , all that were makers of it , with oversight and with error ? further , if it be a law which the custom and continual practice of many ages or years , hath consumed in the mindes of men ; to alter it , must needs be troublesome and scandalous . it amazeth them , it causeth them to stand in doubt , whether any thing be in it self by nature , either good or evil ; and not all things rather such as men at this or that time agree to account of them , when they behold even those things disproved , disannulled , rejected , which use had made in a manner natural . what have we to induce men unto the willing obedience and observation of laws , but the weight of so many mens judgments , as have with deliberate advice assented thereunto ; the weight of that long experience , which the world hath had thereof , with consent and good liking ? so that to change any such law , must needs with the common sort impair and weaken the force of those grounds , whereby all laws are made effectual . notwithstanding , we do not deny alteration of laws to be sometimes a thing necessary ; as when they are unnatural , or impious , or otherwise hurtful unto the publick community of men , and against that good for which humane societies were instituted . when the apostles of our lord and saviour were ordained to alter the laws of heatherish religion , received throughout the whole world ; chosen i grant , they were ( paul excepted ) the rest ignorant , poor , simple , unschooled altogether , and unlettered men ; howbeit , extraordinarily endued with ghostly wisdom from above , before they ever undertook this enterprise , yea , their authority confirmed by miracle , to the end ; it might plainly appear , that they were the lords ambassadors , unto whose soveraign power for all flesh to stoop , for all the kingdoms of the earth to yield themselves willingly conformable in whatsoever should be required , it was their duty . in this case therefore , their oppositions in maintenance of publick superstition against apostolick endeavors , as that they might not condemn the ways of their ancient predecessors , that they must keep religiones traditas , the rites which from age to age had descended , that the ceremonies of religion had been ever accounted by so much holier as elder ; these , and the like allegations in this case , were vain and frivolous . not to stay longer therefore in speech concerning this point , we will conclude , that as the change of such laws , as have been specified is necessary , so the evidence , that they are such , must be great . if we have neither voice from heaven , that so pronounceth of them ; neither sentence of men grounded upon such manifest and clear proof , that they in whose hands it is to alter them , may likewise infallibly even in heart and conscience judge them so , upon necessity to urge alteration , is to trouble and disturb without necessity . as for arbitrary alterations ; when laws in themselves not simply bad or unmeet , are changed for better and more expedient , if the benefit of that which is newly better devised , be but small , sith the custom of easiness to alter and change , is so evil , no doubt , but to bear a tolerable sore , is better then to venter on a dangerous remedy . which being generally thought upon , as a matter that touched nearly their whole enterprize , whereas change was notwithstanding concluded necessary , in regard of the great hurt which the church did receive by a number of things then in use , whereupon a great deal of that which had been , was now to be taken away and removed out of the church ; yet sith there are divers ways of abrogating things established , they saw it best to cut off presently such things , as might in that sort be extinguished without danger , leaving the rest to be abolished by disusage through tract of time . and as this was done for the manner of abrogation ; so touching the stint or measure thereof , rites and ceremonies , and other external things of like nature being hurtful unto the church , either in respect of their quality , or in regard of their number ; in the former , there could be no doubt or difficulty , what should be done ; their deliberation in the latter was more hard . and therefore in as much as they did resolve to remove onely such things of that kinde as the church might best spare , retaining the residue , their whole counsel is in this point utterly condemned , as having either proceeded from the blindness of those times , or from negligence , or from desire of honor and glory , or from an erroneous opinion , that such things might be tolerated for a while ; or if it did proceed ( as they which would seem most favorable , are content to think it possible ) from a purpose , partly the easilier to draw papists unto the gospel , by keeping so many orders still the same with theirs , and partly to redeem peace thereby , the breach whereof they might fear , would ensue upon more thorow alteration ; or howsoever it came to pass , the thing they did is judged evil . but such is the lot of all that deal in publick affairs , whether of church or commonwealth , that which men list to surmise of their doings , being it good or ill , they must beforehand , patiently aim their mindes to endure . wherefore to let go private surmises , whereby the thing in it self is not made , either better or worse ; if just and allowable reasons might lead them to do as they did , then are all these censures frustrate . touching ceremonies harmless therefore in themselves , and hurtful onely in respect of number : was it amiss to decree , that those things which were least needful , and newliest come , should be the first that were taken away ; as in the abrogating of a number of saints days , and of other the like custom it appeareth they did , till afterwards the form of common prayer being perfected , articles of sound religion and discipline agreed upon , catechisms framed for the needful instruction of youth , churches purged of things that indeed were but thensom to the people , or to the simple offensive and scandalous , all was brought at the length unto that wherein now we stand ? or was it amiss , that having this way eased the church , as they thought of superfluity , they went not on till they had plucked up even those things also , which had taken a great deal stronger and deeper root , those things , which to abrogate without constraint of manifest harm thereby arising , had been to alter unnecessarily ( in their judgments ) the antient received custom of the whole church , the universal practice of the people of god , and those very decrees of our fathers , which were not onely set down by agreement of general councils , but had accordingly been put in ure , and so continued in use till that very time present ? true it is , that neither councils nor customs , be they never so ancient and so general , can let the church from taking away that thing which is hurtful to be retained . where things have been instituted , which being convenient and good at the first , do afterward in process of time wax otherwise ; we make no doubt , but they may be altered , yea , though councils or customs general have received them . and therefore it is but a needless kinde of opposition which they make , who thus dispute , if in those things which are not expressed in the scripture , that is to be observed of the church , which is the custom of the people of god , and decree of our forefathers ; then how can these things at any time be varied , which heretofore have been once ordained in such sort ? whereto we say , that things so ordained are to be kept , howbeit not necessarily , any longer then till there grow some urgent cause to ordain the contrary . for there is not any positive law of men , whether it be general or particular , received by formal express consent , as in councils ; or by secret approbation , as in customs it cometh to pass ; but the same may be taken away if occasion serve . even as we all know , that many things generally kept heretofore , are now in like sort generally unkept and abolished every where . nothwithstanding till such things be abolished , what exception can there be taken against the judgment of st. augustine , who saith , that of things harmless , whatsoever there is which the whole church doth observe throughout the world , to argue for any mans immunity from observing the same , it were a point of most insolent madness ? and surely , odious it must needs have been for one christian church , to abolish that which all had received and held for the space of many ages , and that without any detriment unto religion , so manifest , and so great , as might in the eyes of unpartial men , appear sufficient to clear them from all blame of rash and inconsiderate proceeding , if in servor of zeal they had removed such things . whereas contrariwise so reasonable moderation herein used , hath freed us from being deservedly subject unto that bitter kinde of obloquy , whereby as the church of rome doth under the colour of love towards those things which be harmless , maintain extreamly most hurtful corruptions ; so we peradventure might be upbraided , that under colour of hatred towards those things that are corrupt , we are on the other side as extream , even against most harmless ordinances ; and as they are obstinate to retain that , which no man of any conscience is able well to defend : so we might be reckoned fierce and violent , to tear away that which if our own mouths did condemn , our consciences would storm and repine thereat . the romans having banished tarquinius the proud , and taken a solemn oath , that they never would permit any man more to reign , could not herewith content themselves , or think that tyranny was throughly extinguished , till they had driven one of their consuls to depart the city , against whom they found not in the world what to object saving onely that his name was tarquine , and that the commonwealth could not seem to have recovered perfect freedom , as long as a man of so dangerous a name was left remaining . for the church of england to have done the like , in casting out papal tyranny and superstition , to have shewed greater willingness of accepting the very ceremonies of the turk , christs professed enemy , then of the most indifferent things which the church of rome approveth : to have left not so much as the names which the church of rome doth give unto things innocent : to have ejected whatsoever that church doth make account of , be it never so harmless in it self , and of never so ancient continuance , without any other crime to charge it with , then onely that it hath been the hap thereof to be used by the church of rome , and not to be commanded in the word of god. this kinde of proceeding might happily have pleased some few men , who having begun such a course themselves , must needs be glad to see their example followed by us . but the almighty which giveth wisdom , and inspireth with right understanding whomsoever it pleaseth him , he foreseeing that which mans wit had never been able to reach unto ; namely , what tragedies the attempt of so extream alteration would raise in some parts of the christian world , did for the endless good of his church ( as we cannot chuse but interpret it ) use the bridle of his provident restraining hand , to stay those eager affections in some , and to settle their resolution upon a course more calm and moderate ; lest as in other most ample and heretofore most flourishing dominions it hath since faln out , so likewise , if in ours it had come to pass , that the adverse part being enraged , and betaking it self to such practices , as men are commonly wont to embrace , when they behold things brought to desperate extremities , and no hope left to see any other end , them onely the utter oppression and clean extinguishment of one side : by this mean christendom flaming in all parts of greatest importance at once , they all had wanted that comfort of mutual relief , whereby they are now for the time sustained ( and not the least by this our church , which they so much impeach ) till mutual combustions , bloodsheds and wastes ( because no other enducements will serve ) may enforce them through very faintness , after the experience of so endless miseries , to enter on all sides at the length into some such consultation , as may tend to the best re-establishment of the whole church of jesus christ , to the singular good whereof , it cannot but serve as a profitable direction , to teach men what is most likely to prove available , when they shall quietly consider the tryal that hath been thus long had of both kindes of reformation ; as well this moderate kinde which the church of england hath taken , as that other more extream and rigorous , which certain churches elswhere have better liked . in the mean while it may be , that suspence of judgment and exercise of charity were safer and seemlier for christian men , then the hot pursuit of these controversies , wherein they that are more fervent to dispute , be not always the most able to determine . but who are on his side , and who against him , our lord in his good time shall reveal . and sith thus far we have proceeded in opening the things that have been done , let not the principal doers themselves be forgotten . when the ruines of the house of god ( that house which consisting of religious souls , is most immediately the precious temple of the holy ghost ) were become not in his sight alone , but in the eyes of the whole world so exceeding great , that very superstition began even to feel it self too far grown ; the first that with us made way to repair the decays thereof , by beheading superstition , was king henry the eighth , the son and successor of which famous king , as we know , was edward the saint : in whom ( for so , by the event we may gather ) it pleased god righteous and just to let england see , what a blessing sin and iniquity would not suffer it to enjoy . howbeit , that which the wiseman hath said concerning enoch ( whose days were , though many in respect of ours , yet scarce , as three to nine in comparison of theirs with whom he lived ) the same to that admirable childe most worthily may be applied , though he departed this world soon yet fulfilled be much time . but what ensued ? that work , which the one in such sort had begun , and the other so far proceeded in , was in short space so overthrown , as if almost it had never been : till such time as that god , whose property is to shew his mercies then greatest when they are nearest to be utterly despaired of , caused in the depth of discomfort and darkness a most glorious star to arise , and on her head setled the crown , whom himself had kept as a lamb from the slaughter of those bloody times , that the experience of his goodness in her own deliverance , might cause her merciful disposition , to take so much the more delight , in saving others , whom the like necessity should press . what in this behalf hath been done towards nations abroad , the parts of christendom most afflicted can best testifie . that which especially concerneth our selves in the present matter we treat of , is , the state of reformed religion , a thing at her coming to the crown , even raised , as it were , by miracle from the dead ; a thing which we so little hoped to see , that even they which beheld it done , searcely believed their own senses at the first beholding . yet being then brought to pass , thus many years it hath continued standing by no other wordly mean , but that one onely hand which erected it , that hand , which as no kinde of imminent danger could cause at the first to withhold it self ; so neither have the practises , so many , so bloody , following since , been ever able to make weary . nor can we say in this case so justly , that aaron and hur , the ecclesiastical and civil states , have sustained the hand which did lift it self to heaven for them ; as that heaven it self hath by this hand sustained them , no aid or help having thereunto been ministred for performance of the work of reformation , other then such kinde of help or aid , as the angel in the prophet zechariah speaketh of , saying , neither by an army , nor strength , but by my spirit , saith the lord of hosts . which grace and favor of divine assistance , having not in one thing or two , shewed it self , nor for some few days or years appeared , but in such sort so long continued , our manifold sins and transgressions striving to the contrary ; what can we less thereupon conclude , then that god would at leastwise by tract of time teach the world , that the thing which he blesseth , defendeth , keepeth so strangely , cannot chuse but be of him ? wherefore , if any refuse to believe us disputing for the verity of religion established , let then believe god himself thus miraculously working for it , and with life , even for ever and ever , unto that glorious and sacred instrument whereby he worketh . of the laws of ecclesiastical polity . book v. concerning their fourth assertion , that touching several publick duties of christian religion , there is amongst us much superstition retained in them ; and concerning persons , which for performance of those duties are endued with the power of ecclesiastical order , our laws and proceedings according thereunto , are many ways herein also corrupted . the matter contained in this fifth book . . true religion is the root of all true vertues , and the stay of all well-ordered commonwealths . . the must extream opposite to true religion , is affected atheism . . of superstition , and the rest thereof , either misguided zeal , or ignorant fear of divine glory . . of the redress of superstition in gods church , and concerning the question of this book . . four general propositions demanding that which may reasonably be granted , concerning matters of outward form in the exercise of true religion . and fifthly , of a rule and safe not reasonable in these cases . . the first proposition touching iudgment , what things are convenient in the outward publick ordering of church affairs . . the second proposition . . the third proposition . . the fourth proposition . . the rule of mens private spirit , not safe in these cases to be followed . . plans for the publick service of god. . the solemnity of erecting churches , condemned ; the hallowing and dedicating of them , scanned by the adversary . . of the names , whereby we distinguish our churches . . of the fashion of our churches . . the sumptuousness of churches . . what holiness and vertue we ascribe to the church , more than other places . . their pretence that would have churches utterly vazed . . of publick teaching or preaching , and the first kinde thereof , catechizing . . of preaching , by reading publickly the books of holy scripture , and concerning supposed untruths in those translations of scripture , which we allow to be read ; as also of the choice which we make in reading . . of preaching by the publick reading of other prositable instructions ; and concerning books ap●cryphal . . of preaching by sermons , and whether sermons be the onely ordinary way of teaching , whereby man are brought to the saving knowledge of gods truth . . what they attribute to sermons onely , and what we to reading also . . of prayer . . of publick prayer . . of the form of common prayer . . of them which like not to have any set form of common prayer . . of them , who allowing a set form of prayer , yet allow not ours . . the form of our liturgy too near the papists , too far different from that of other reformed churches as they pretend . . attire belonging to the service of god. . of gesture in praying , and of different places chosen to that purpose . . easiness of praying after our form. . the length of our service . . instead of such prayers as the primitive churches have used , and those that be reformed now use ; we have ( they say ) divers short cuts or shreaddings , rather wishes them prayers . . lessons intermingled with our prayers . . the number of our prayers for earthly things , and our oft rehearsing of the lords prayer . . the people saying after the minister . . our manner of reading the psalms , otherwise then the rest of the scripture . . of musick with psalms . . of singing or saying psalms , and other parts of common prayer , wherein the people and the minister answer one another by course . . of magnificat , benedictus , and nune dimittis . . of the litany . . of athanasus creed , and gloria patri . . our want of particular thanksgiving . . in some things the matter of our prayer , as they affirm , is unsound . . when thou hast overcome the sharpness of death , thou didst open the kingdom of heaven unto all believers . . touching prayer for deliverance from sudden death . . prayer for these things which we for our worthiness , dare not ask ; god , for the worthiness of his sin , would vouchsafe to grant . . prayer to be evermore delivered from all adversity . . prayer that all men may finde mercy , and if the will of god , that all men might be saved . . of the name , the author , and the force of sacraments , which force consisteth in this . that god hath ordained them as means to make us partakers of him in christ , and of life through christ. . that god is in christ by the personal incarnation of the son , who is very god. . the misinterpretations which heresit hath made of the manner , how god and man are united in one christ. . that by the union of the one with the other nature in christ , there groweth neither gain nor loss of essential properties to either . . what christ hath obtained according to the flesh , by the union of his flesh with d●iey . . of the personal presence of christ every where , and in what sense it may be granted , he is every where present according to the flesh. . the union or mutual participation , which is between christ and the church of christ , in this present world. . the necessity of sacrament unto the participation of christ. . the substance of baptism , the rites or solemnities thereunto belonging ; and that the substance thereof being kept , other things in baptism may give place to necessity . . the ground in scripture , whereupon a necessity of outward baptism hath been built . . what kinde of necessity in outward baptism hath been gathered by the words of our saviour christ : and what the true necessity thereof indeed is . . what things in baptism have been dispensed with by the father , respecting necessity . . whether baptism by women , be true baptism , good , and affected to them that receive it . . of interrogatories in baptism , touching faith , and the purpose of a christian life . . interrogatories proposed unto infants in baptism , and answered , a● in their names by god-fathers . . of the cross in baptism . . of confirmation after baptism . . of the sacrament of the body and blood of christ. . of faults noted in the form of administring that holy sacrament . . of festival days , and the natural ceases of their convenient institution . . the manner of celebrating festival days . . exceptious against our keeping of other festival days , besides the sabbath . . of days appointed , as well for ordinary as for extraordinary fasts in the church of god. . the celebration of matrimony . . the churching of woman . . the rites of burial . . of the nature of that ministry , which serveth for performance of divine duties in the church of god , and how happiness , not eternal onely , but also temporal , doth depend upon it . . of power given unto men , to execute that heavenly office , of the gift of the holy ghost is ordination : and whether conveniently the power of order may be sought or sued for . . of degrees , whereby the power of order is distinguished , and concerning the attire of ministers . . of oblations , foundations , endowments , tithes , all intended for perpetuity of religion ; which purpose being chiefly fulfilled by the clerg●es certain and sufficient maintenance , must needs by alienation of church-livings be made frustrate . . of ordinatious lawful without title , and without any popular election precedent , but in no case without regard of due information what their quality is that enter into holy orders . . of the learning that should be in ministers , their residence , and the number of their livings . few there are of so weak capacity , but publick evils they easily espie ; fewer so patient , as not to complain , when the grievous inconveniences thereof , work sensible smart . howbeit to see wherein the harm which they feel consisteth , the seeds from which it sprang , and the method of curing it , belongeth to a skill , the study whereof is so full of toyl , and the practise so beset with difficulties ; that wary and respective men had rather seek quietly their own , and wish that the world may go well , so it be not long of them , them with pain and hazard , make themselves advisers for the common good . we which thought it at the very first a sign of cold affection towards the church of god , to prefer private case before the labor of appeasing publick disturbance , must now of necessity refer events to the gracious providence of almighty god , and in discharge of our duty towards him , proceed with the plain and unpartial defence of a common cause . wherein our endeavor is not so much to overthrow them with whom we conted , as to yield them just and reasonable causes of those things , which for want of due consideration heretofore , they misconceived , accusing laws for mens over-sights , importing evils grown through personal defects , unto that which is not evil , framing unto some sores unwholsome plaisters , and applying othersome where no sore is . to make therefore our beginning that , which to both parts is most acceptable , we agree , that pure and unstained religion ought to be the highest of all cares appertaining to publick regiment ; as well in regard of that a aid and protection , which they , who faithfully serve god , confess they receive at his merciful hands ; as also for the force which religion hath to qualifie all sorts of men , and to make them in publick affairs the more serviceable : governors , the apter to rule with conscience ; inferiors , for conscience sake the willinger to obey . it is no peculiar conceit , but a matter of sound consequence , that all duties are by so much the better performed , by how much the men are more religious , from whose abilities the same proceed . for if b the course of politick affairs , cannot in any good sort go forward without fit instruments , and that which sitteth them , be their vertues : let polity acknowledge it self indebted to religion , godliness being the chiefest top and well-spring of all true vertues , even as god is of all good things . so natural is the union of religion with justice , that we may boldly deem there is neither , where both are not . for how should they be unseignedly just , whom religion doth not cause to be such ; or they religious , which are not found such by the proof of their just actions c if they , which employ their labor and travel about the publick administration of justice , follow it onely as a trade , with unquenchable and unconscionable thirst of gain , being not in heart perswaded that . d justice is gods own work , and themselves his agents in this business ; the sentence of right , gods own verdict , and themselves his priests to deliver it ; formalities of justice do but serve to smother right , and that which was necessarily ordained for the common good , is through shameful abuse made the cause of common misery . the same piety , which maketh them that are in authority , desirous to please and resemble god by justice , inflameth every way , men of action , with zeal to do good ( as far as their place will permit ) unto all . for that they know , is most noble and divine . whereby , if no natural nor casual inability cross their desires , they always delighting to inure themselves with actions most beneficial to others , cannot but gather great experience , and through experience , the more wisdom ; because conscience , and the fear of swerving from that which is right , maketh them diligent observers of circumstances , the loose regard whereof is the nurse of vulgar folly , no less then solomons attention thereunto , was of natural furtherances , the most effectual to make him eminent above others . for he gave good heed , and pierced every thing to the very ground , and by that means became the author of many parables . concerning fortitude , sith evils great and unexpected ( the true touchstone of constant mindes ) do cause oftentimes even them to think upon divine power with fearfullest suspitions , which have been otherwise the most secure despisers thereof , how should we look for any constant resolution of minde , in such cases , saving onely where unfeigned affection to god-ward , hath bred the most assured confidence to be assisted by his hand ? for proof whereof , let but the acts of the ancient jews be indifferently weighed , from whose magnanimity , in causes of most extream hazard , those strange and unwonted resolutions have grown ; which for all circumstances , no people under the roof of heaven did ever hitherto match . and that which did always animate them , was their meer religion . without which , if so be it were possible , that all other ornaments of minde might be had in their full perfection , nevertheless , the minde that should possess them , divorced from piety , could be but a spectacle of commiseration ; even as that body is , which adorned with sundry other admirable beauties , wanteth eye-sight , the chiefest grace that nature hath in that kinde to bestow . they which commend so much the felicity of that innocent world , wherein it is said , that men of their own accord did embrace fidelity and honesty , not for fear of the magistrate , or because revenge was before their eyes ● if at any time they should do otherwise , but that which held the people in aw was the shame of ill-doing , the love of equity , and right it self , a bar against all oppressions , which greatness of power causeth : they which describe unto us any such estate of happiness amongst men , though they speak not of religion , do notwithstanding declare that which is in truth her onely working . for if religion did possess sincerely and sufficiently the hearts of all men , there would need no other restraint from evil . this doth not onely give life and perfection to all endeavors wherewith it concurreth ; but what event soever ensues , it breedeth , if not joy and gladness always , yet always patience , satisfaction , and reasonable contentment of minde . whereupon it hath been set down as an axiom of good experience , that all things religiously taken in hand , are prosperously ended : because , whether men in the end have that which religion did allow them to desire , or that which it teacheth them contentedly to suffer , they are in neither event unfortunate . but lest any man should here conceive , that it greatly skilleth not of what sort our religion be , in as much as heathens , turks , and infidels , impute to religion a great part of the same effects , which our selves ascribe hereunto , they having ours in the same detestation that we theirs : it shall be requisite to observe well , how far forth there may be agreement in the effects of different religions . first , by the bitter strife which riseth oftentimes from small differences in this behalf , and is by so much always greater , as the matters is of more importance ; we see a general agreement in the secret opinion of men , that every man ought to embrace the religion which is true ; and to shun , as hurtful , whatsoever dissenteth from it , but that most , which doth farthest dissent . the generality of which perswasion argueth , that god hath imprinted it by nature , to the end it might be a spur to our industry , in searching and maintaining that religion , from which as to swerve in the least points , is error ; so the capital enemies thereof , god hateth as his deadly foes , aliens , and without repentance , children of endless perdition . such therefore , touching mans immortal state after this life , are not likely to reap benefit by their religion , but to look for the clean contrary , in regard of so important contrariety between it and the true religion . nevertheless , in as much as the errors of the most seduced this way have been mixed with some truths , we are not to marvel , that although the one did turn to their endless wo and confusion , yet the other had many notable effects , as touching the affairs of this present life . there were in these quarters of the world , sixteen hundred years ago , certain speculative men , whose authority disposed the whole religion of those times . by their means it became a received opinion , that the souls of men departing this life , do slit out of one body into some other . which opinion , though false , yet entwined with a true , that the souls of men do never perish , abated the fear of death in them which were so resolved , and gave them courage unto all adventures . the romans had a vain superstitious custom , in most of their enterprises , to conjecture before hand of the event , by certain tokens which they noted in birds , or in the intrails of beasts , or by other the like frivolous divinations . from whence notwithstanding as oft as they could receive any sign , which they took to be favorable , it gave them such hope , as if their gods had made them more then half a promise of prosperous success . which many times was the greatest cause that they did prevail , especially being men of their own natural inclination , hopeful and strongly conceited , whatsoever they took in hand . but could their fond superstition have furthered so great attempts , without the mixture of a true perswasion , concerning the unresistable force of divine power ? upon the wilful violation of oaths , execrable blasphemies , and like contempts , offered by deriders of religion , even unto false gods , fearful tokens of divine revenge have been know to follow . which occurrents the devouter sort did take for manifest arguments , that the gods whom they worshipped , were of power to reward such as sought unto them , and would plague those that feared them not . in this they erred . for ( as the wise man rightly noteth conning such ) it was not the power of them by whom they sware , but the vengeance of them that sinned , which punished the offences of the ungodly . it was their hurt untruly to attribute so great power unto false gods . yet the right conceit which they had , that to perjury vengeance is due , was not without good effect , as touching the course of their lives , who feared the wilful violation of oaths in that respect . and whereas we read so many of them so much commended , some for their milde and merciful disposition , some for their vertuous severity , some for integrity of life , all these were the fruits of true and infallible principles delivered unto us in the world of god , as the axioms of our religion , which being imprinted by the god of nature in their hearts also , and taking better root in some them in most others , grew , though not from , yet with and amidst the heaps of manifold repugnant errors ; which errors of corrupt religion , had also their suitable effects in the lives of the self-same parties . without all controversie , the purer and perfecter our religion is , the worthier effects it hath in them , who stedfastly and sincerely embraceit , in others not . they that love the religion which they prosess , may have failed in choice , but yet they are sure to reap what benefit the same is able to afford , whereas the best and foundest professed by them that bear it not the like affection , yieldeth them , retaining it in that sort , no benefit . david was a man after gods own heart , so termed , because his affection was hearty towards god. beholding the like disposition in , them which lived under him , it was his prayer to almighty god , o keep this for ever in the purpose , and thoughts of the heart of this people . but when , after that david had ended his days in peace , they who succeeded him in place , for the most part followed him not in quality , when their kings ( some few excepted ) to better their worldly estate ( as they thought ) left their own , and their peoples ghostly condition uncared for , by woful experience they both did learn , that to forsake the true god of heaven , is to fall into all such evils upon the face of the earth , as men either destitute of grace divine , may commit , or unprotected from above , endure . seeing therefore it doth thus appear , that the safety of all estates dependeth upon religion ; that religion unfeignedly loved , perfecteth mens abilities unto all kindes of vertuous services in the commonwealth ; that mens desire in general is to hold no religion , but the true ; and that whatsoever good effects do grow out of their religion , who embrace instead of the true , a false , the roots thereof are certain sparks of the light of truth , intermingled with the darkness of error ; because no religion can wholly and onely consist of untruths , we have reason to think , that all true vertues are to honor true religion as their parent , and all well ordered commonweals to love her as their chiefest stay . . they of whom god is altogether unapprehended , are but few in number , and for grosness of wit such , that they hardly and scarcely seem to hold the place of humane being . these we should judge to be of all others most miserable , but that a wretcheder sort there are , on whom , whereas nature hath bestowed riper capacity , their evil disposition seriously goeth about therewith to apprehend god , as being not god. whereby it cometh to pass , that of these two sorts of men , both godless ; the one having utterly no knowledge of god , the other study how to perswade themselves that there is no such thing to be known . the fountain and well-spring of which impiety , is a resolved purpose of minde , to reap in this world , what sensual profit or pleasure soever the world yieldeth , and not to be barred from any whatsoever means available thereunto . and that is the very radical cause of their atheism , no man ( i think ) will doubt , which considereth what pains they take to destroy those principal spurs and motives unto all vertue , the creation of the world , the providence of god , the resurrection of the dead , the joys of the kingdom of heaven , and the endless pains of the wicked , yea , above all things , the authority of the scripture , because on these points it evermore beateth , and the souls immortality , which granted , draweth easily after it the rest , as a voluntary train . is it not wonderful , that base desires should so extinguish in men the sense of their own excellency● as to make them willing that their souls should be like to the souls of beasts , mortal and corruptible with their bodies , till some admirable or unusual accident happen ( as it hath in some ) to work the beginning of a better alteration in their mindes , disputation about the knowledge of god with such kinde of persons commonly prevaileth little . for how should the brightness of wisdom shine , where the windows of the soul are of very se● purpose closed ? true religion hath many things in it , the only mention whereof galleth and troubleth their mindes . being therefore loth , that enquiry into such matters should breed a perswasion in the end contrary unto that they embrace , it is their endeavor to banish , as much as in them lyeth , quite and clean from their cogitation whatsoever may sound that way . but it cometh many times to pass ( which is their torment ) that the thing they shun doth follow them ; truth , as it were , even obtruding it self into their knowledge , and not permitting them to be so ignorant as they would be . whereupon , inasmuch as the nature of man is unwilling to continue doing that wherein it shall alwaies condemn it selfe , they continuing still obstinate , to follow the course which they have begun , are driven to devise all the shifts that wit can invent for the smothering of this light , all that may but with any the least shew of possibility stay their mindes from thinking that true , which they heartily wish were false , but cannot think it so , without some scruple and fear of the contrary . now because that judicious learning , for which we commend most worthily the ancient sages of the world , doth not in this case serve the turn , these trenchermates ( for such the most of them be ) frame to themselves a way more pleasant , a new method they have of turning things that are serious into mockerie , an art of contradiction by way of scorn , a learning wherewith we were long sithence forewarned , that the miserable times whereinto we are fallen should abound . this they study , this they practise , this they grace with a wanton superfluity of wit , too much insulting over the patience of more vertuously disposed mindes . for towards these so forlom creatures we are ( it must be confest ) too patient . in zeal to the glory of god , babylon hath exceeded sion . we want that decree of nebuchodonosor , the fury of this wicked brood hath the reins too much at liberty , their tongues walk at large , the spit-venom of their poisoned hearts breaketh out to the annoyance of others , what their untamed lust suggesteth , the same their licentious mouths do every where set abroach . with our contentions their irreligious humor also is much strengthned . nothing pleaseth them better , than these manifold oppositions about the matter of religion , as well for that they have hereby the more opportunity to learn on one side how another may be oppugned , and so to weaken the credit of all unto themselves ; as also because by this not pursuit of lower controversies amongst men professing religion , and agreeing in the principal foundations thereof , they conceive hope that about the higher principles themselves time will cause alteration to grow . for which purpose , when they see occasion , they stick not sometime in other mens persons , yea , sometime without any vizard at all , directly to try , what the most religious are able to say in defence of the highest points , whereupon all religion dependeth . now for the most part it so falleth out , touching things which generally are received , that although in themselves they be most certain ; yet because men presume them granted of all , we are hardliest able to bring such proof of their certainty as may satisfie gain-sayers , when suddenly and besides expectation they require the same at our hands . which impreparation and unreadiness when they finde in us , they turn it to the soothing up of themselves in that cursed fansie , whereby they would fain believe that the hearty devotion of such as indeed fear god , is nothing else but a kinde of harmless error , bred and confirmed in them by the sleights of wiser men . for a politick use of religion they see there is , and by it they would also gather that religion it self is a meer politick device , forged purposely to serve for that use . men fearing god , are thereby a great deal more effectually , then by positive laws , restrained from doing evil ; in as much as those laws have no farther power then over our outward actions onely , whereas unto mens inward cogitations , unto the privy intents and motions of their hearts , religion serveth for a bridle . what more savage , wilde , and cruel then man , if he see himself able either by fraud to over-teach , or by power to over-bear the laws whereunto he should he subject ? wherefore in so great boldness to offend , it behoveth that the world should be held in aw , not by a vain surmise , but a true apprehension of somewhat , which no man may think himself able to withstand . this is the politick use of religion . in which respect , there are of these wise malignants , some who have vouchsafed it their marvellous favorable countenance and speech , very gravely affirming , that religion honored , addeth greatness ; and contemned , bringeth ruine unto commonwea●s : that princes and states which will continue , are above all things to uphold the reverend regard of religion , and to provide for the same , by all means , in the making of their laws . but when they should define what means are best for that purpose , behold , they extol the wisdom of paganisin , they give it out as a mystical precept of great importance , that princes , and such as are under them in most authority or credit with the people , should take all occasions of rare events , and from what cause soever the same do proceed , yet wrest them to the strengthning of their religion , and not make it nice for so good a purpose to use , if need be , plain forgeries . thus while they study to bring to pass , that religion may seem but a matter made , they lose themselves in the very maze of their own discourses , as if reason did even purposely forsake them , who of purpose forsake god , the author thereof : for surely , a strange kinde of madness it is , that those men , who though they be void of piety , yet , because they have wit , cannot chuse but know , that treachery , guile , an deceit , are things which may for a while , but do not use long to go unespied , should teach , that the greatest honor to a state , is perpetuity ; and grant , that alterations in the service of god , for that they impair the credit of religion , are therefore perilous in commonweals , which have no continuance longer then religion hath all reverence done unto it , and withal acknowledge ( for so they do ) that when people began to espie the falshood of oracles , whereupon all gentilism was built , their hearts were utterly averted from it ; and notwithstanding counsel , princes , in sober earnest , for the strengthning of their states , to maintain religion , and for the maintenance of religion , not to make choice of that which is true , but to authorise that they make choice of , by those false and fraudulent means , which in the end , must needs overthrow it . such are the counsels of men godless , when they would shew themselves politick devisers , able to create god in man by art . . wherefore to let go this exec●able crew , and to come to extremities on the contrary hand , two affections there are , the forces whereof , as they bear the greater or lesser sway in mans heart , frame accordingly to the stamp and character of his religion , the one zeal , the other fear . zeal , unless it be rightly guided , when it endeavoreth most busily to please god , forceth upon him those unseasonable offices which please him not . for which cause , if they who this way swerve , be compared with such sincere , found , and discreet , as abraham was in matter of religion ; the service of the one , is like unto slattery ; the other , like the faithful sedulity of friendship . zeal , except it be ordered aright , when it bendeth it self unto conflict with all things , either in deed , or but imagined to be opposite unto religion , useth the razor many times with such eagerness , that the very life of religion it self is thereby hazarded , through hatred of tares , the corn in the field of god is plucked up . so that , zeal needeth both ways a sober guide , fear , on the other side , if it have not the light of true understanding concerning god , wherewith to be moderated , breedeth likewise superstition . it is therefore dangerous , that in things divine , we should work too much upon the spur , either of zeal or fear . fear is a good solicitor to devotion . howbeit , sith fear in this kinde doth grow from an apprehension , of deity endued with irresistable power to hurt , and is of all affections ( anger excepted ) the unaptest to admit any conference with reason , for which cause the wise man doth say of fear , that it is a betrayer of the forces of reasonable understanding ; therefore , except men know beforehand what manner of service pleaseth god , while they are fearful , they try all things which fancy offereth . many there are who never think on god , but when they are in extremity of fear ; and then because , what to think , or what to do , they are uncertain , perplexity not suffering them to be idle , they think and do , as it were in a phrensie , they know not what . superstition neither knoweth the right kinde , nor observeth the due measure of actions belonging to the service of god , but is always joyned with a wrong opinion touching things divine . superstition is , when things are either abhorred or observed , with a zealous or fearful , but erroneous relation to god. by means whereof , the superstitious do sometimes serve , though the true god , yet with needless offices , and defraud him of duties necessary ; sometime load others then him with such honors as properly are his . the one , their over sight who miss in the choice of that wherewith they are affected ; the other , theirs who fail in the election of him towards whom they shew their devotion : this , the crime of idolatry ; that , the fault of voluntary , either niceness or superfluity in religion . the christian world it self being divided into two grand parts , it appeareth by the general view of both , that with master of heresie the west hath been often and much troubled ; but the east part never quiet , till the deluge of misery , wherein now they are , overwhelmed them . the chiefest cause whereof doth seem to have lien in the restless wits of the grecians , evermore proud of their own curious and subtile inventions ; which when at any time they had contrived ; the great facility of their language served them readily to make all things fair and plausible to mens understanding . those grand heretical impieties therefore , which most highly and immediately touched god , and the glorious trinity , were all in a manner the monsters of the east . the west bred fewer a great deal , and those commonly of a lower nature , such as more nearly and directly concerned rather men then god , the latines being always to capital heresies less inclined , yet unto gross superstition more . superstition , such as that of the pharisees was , by whom divine things indeed were less , because other things were more divinely esteemed of , then reason would ; the superstition that riseth voluntarily , and by degrees , which are hardly discerned , mingling it self with the rites , even of very divine service , done to the onely true god , must be considered of , as a creeping and incroaching evil ; an evil , the first beginnings whereof are commonly harmless , so that it proveth onely then to be an evil , when some farther accident doth grow unto it , or it self come unto farther growth . for in the church of god , sometimes it cometh to pass , as in over-battle grounds , the fertile disposition whereof is good ; yet because it exceedeth due proportion , it bringeth forth abundantly , through too much rankness , things less profitable ; whereby , that which principally it should yield , being either prevented in place , or defrauded of nourishment , faileth . this ( if so large a discourse were necessary ) might be exemplified even by heaps of rites and customs , now superstitious in the greatest part of the christian world ; which in their first original beginnings , when the strength of vertuous , devout , or charitable affection bloomed them , no man could justly have condemned as evil . . but howsoever superstition doth grow ; that wherein unsounder times have done amiss , the better ages ensuing must rectifie as they may . i now come therefore to those accusations brought against us by pretenders of reformation ; the first in the rank whereof , is such , that if so be the church of england did at this day , therewith as justly deserve to be touched as they in this cause have imagined it doth ; rather would i exhort all sorts to seek pardon , even with tears , at the hands of god , then meditate words of defence for our doings , to the end , that men might think favorably of them . for as the case of this world , especially now , doth stand , what other stay or succor have we to lean unto , saving the testimony of our conscience , and the comfort we take in this , that we serve the living god ( as near as our wits can reach unto the knowledge thereof ) even according to his own will , and do therefore trust , that his mercy shall be our safeguard against those enraged powers abroad , which principally in that respect are become our enemies ? but , sith no man can do ill with a good conscience , the consolation which we herein seem to finde , is but a meer deceitful pleasing of our selves in errour , which at the length must needs turn to our greater grief , if that which we do to please god most , be for the manifold defects thereof offensive unto him . for so it is judged , our prayers , our sacraments , our fasts , our times and places of publick meeting together for the worship and service of god ; our marriages , our burials , our functions , elections , and ordinations ecclesiastical , almost whatsoever we do in the exercise of our religion according to laws for that purpose established , all things are some way or other thought faulty , all things stained with superstition . now , although it may be the wiser sort of men are not greatly moved hereat , considering how subject the very best things have been always unto cavil , when wits possessed either with disdain or dislike thereof , have set them up as their mark to shoot at : safe notwithstanding it were not , therefore to neglect the danger which from hence may grow , and that especially in regard of them , who desiring to serve god as they ought , but being not so skilful as in every point to unwinde themselves where the shares of glosing speech do lye to intangle them , are in minde not a little troubled , when they hear so bitter invectives against that which this church hath taught them to reverence as holy , to approve as lawful , and to observe as behoveful , for the exercise of christian duty . it seemeth therefore , at least for their sakes , very meet , that such as blame us in this behalf , be directly answered , and they which follow us , informed plainly in the reasons of that we do . on both sides , the end intended between us , is to have laws and ordinances , such as may rightly serve to abolish superstition , and to establish the service of god with all things thereunto appertaining , in some perfect form . there is an inward ( a ) reasonable , and there is a ( b ) solemn outward serviceable worship , belonging unto god. of the former kinde are all manner of vertuous duties , that each man in reason and conscience to god-ward oweth . solemn and serviceable worship we name for distinction sake , whatsoever belongeth to the church or publick society of god by way of external adoration . it is the later of these two , whereupon our present question groweth . again , this later being ordered , partly , and as touching principal matters , by none but precepts divine only ; partly , and as concerning things of inferiour regard , by ordinances as well human as divine , about the substance of religion , wherein gods only law must be kept , there is here no controversie : the crime now intended against us is , that our laws have not ordered those inferiour things as behoveth , and that our customs are either superstitious , or otherwise amiss , whether we respect the exercise of publick duties in religion , or the functions of persons authorised thereunto . . it is with teachers of mathematical sciences usual , for us in this present question necessary , to lay down first certain reasonable demands , which in most particulars following are to serve as principles whereby to work , and therefore must be before-hand considered . the men whom we labour to inform in the truth , perceive that so to proceed is requisite . for to this end they also propose , touching customs and rites indifferent , their general axioms , some of them subject unto just exceptions , and , as we think , more meet by them to be farther considered , than assented unto by us . as that , in outward things belonging to the service of god , reformed churches ought by all means to shun conformity with the church of rome ; that , the first reformed should be a pattern whereunto all that come after , might to conform themselves ; that , sound religion may not use the things , which being not commanded of god , have been either devised or abused unto superstition . these and the rest of the same consort we have in the book going before examined . other canons they alledge , and rules not unworthy of approbation ; as , that in all such things the glory of god , and the edification or ghostly good of his people must be sought ; that nothing should be undecently or murderly done . but forasmuch as all the difficulty is , in discerning what things do glorifie god , and edifie his church , what not ; when we should think them decent and fit , when otherwise : because these rules being too general , come not near enough unto the matter which we have in hand ; and the former principles being nearer the purpose , are too far from truth ; we must propose unto all men certain petitions incident and very material in causes of this nature , such as no man of moderate judgment hath cause to think unjust or unreasonable . . the first thing therefore which is of force to cause approbation with good conscience towards such customs or rites , as publickly are established , is , when there ariseth from the due consideration of those customs and rites in themselves apparent reason , although not alwayes to prove them better than any other that might possibly be devised , ( for who did ever require this in man's ordinances ? ) yet competent to shew their conveniency and fitness , in regard of the use for which they should serve . now touching the nature of religious services , and the manner of their due performance , thus much generally we know to be most clear , that whereas the greatness and dignity of all manner of actions is measured by the worthiness of the subject from which they proceed , and of the object whereabout they are conversant , we must of necessity in both respects acknowledge , that this present world affordeth not any thing comparable unto the publick duties of religion . for if the best things have the perfectest and best operations ; it will follow , that seeing man is the worthiest creature upon earth , and every society of men more worthy than any man ; and of societies that most excellent which we call the church ; there can be in this world no work performed equal to the exercise of true religion , the proper operation of the church of god. again , forasmuch as religion worketh upon him , who in majesty and power is infinite , as we ought we account not of it , unless we esteem it even according to that very height of excellency which our hearts conceive , when divine sublimity it self is rightly considered . in the powers and faculties of our souls god requireth the uttermost which our unfeigned affection towards him is able to yield : so that if we affect him not farr above and before all things , our religion hath not that inward perfection which it should have , neither do we indeed worship him as our god. that which inwardly each man should be , the church outwardly ought to testifie . and therefore the duties of our religion which are seen , must be such as that affection which is unseen ought to be signs must resemble the things they signifie . if religion bear the greatest sway in our hearts , our outward religious duties must shew it as farr as the church hath outward ability . duties of religion , performed by whole societies of men , ought to have in them , according to our power , a sensible excellency , correspondent to the majesty of him whom we worship . yea , then are the publick duties of religion best ordered , when the militant church doth resemble by sensible means , as it may in such cases , that hidden dignity and glory wherewith the church triumphant in heaven is beautified . howbeit , even as the very heat of the sun it self , which is the life of the whole world , was to the people of god in the desert a grievous annoyance , for ease whereof his extraordinary providence ordained a cloudy pillar to over-shadow them : so things of general use and benefit ( for in this world , what is so perfect , that no inconvenience doth ever follow it● ) may by some accident be incommodious to a few . in which case , for such private evils , remedies thereare of like condition , though publick ordinances wherein the common good is respected , be not stirred . let our first demand be therefore , that in the external form of religion such things as are apparently , or can be sufficiently proved effectual and generally fit to setforward godliness , either as betokening the greatness of god , or as beseeming the dignity of religion , or as concurring with celestial impressions in the mindes of men , may be reverently thought of ; some few , rare , casual , and tollerable , or otherwise curable inconveniences notwithstanding . . neither may we in this case lightly esteem what hath been allowed as fit in the judgment of antiquity , and by the long continued practise of the whole church ; from which unnecessarily to swerve , experience never as yet hath found it safe . for wisdom's sake we reverence them no less that are young , or not much less , then if they were stricken in years . and therefore of such it is rightly said , that the ripeness of understanding is gray hair , and their vertues old age. but because wisdom and youth are seldom joyned in one , and the ordinary course of the world is more according to iob's observation , who giveth men advice to seek wisdom amongst the antient , and in the length of dayes understanding ; therefore if the comparison do stand between man and man , which shall hearken unto other , sith the aged for the most part are best experienced , least subject to rash and unadvised passions , it hath been ever judged reasonable , that their sentence in matter of counsel should be better trusted , and more relyed upon than other mens . the goodness of god having furnished men with two chief instruments , both necessary for this life , hands to execute , and a mind to devise great things ; the one is not profitable longer than the vigour of youth doth strengthen it ; nor the other greatly , till age and experience have brought it to perfection . in whom therefore time hath not perfected knowledge , such must be contented to follow them in whom it hath . for this cause none is more attentively heard , than they whose speeches are , as davids were , i have been young , and now am old , much i have seen and observed in the world. sharp and subtile discourses of wit procure many times very great applause ; but being laid in the ballance with that which the habit of sound experience plainly delivereth , they are over-weighed . god may endue men extraordinarily with understanding as it pleaseth him : but let no man presuming thereupon neglect the instructions , or despite the ordinances of his elders , sith he , whose gift wisdom is , hath said , ask thy father , and he will shew thee , thine antients , and they shall tell thee . it is therefore the voyce both of god and nature , not of learning only , that , especially in matters of action and policy , the sentences and judgements of men experienced , aged and wise , yea though they speak without any proof or demonstration , are no less to be hearkned unto , than as being demonstrations in themselves , because such mens long observation is as an eye , wherewith they presently and plainly behold those principles which sway over all actions . whereby we are taught both the cause wherefore wise-mens judgments should be credited , and the mean how to use their judgments to the increase of our own wisdom . that which sheweth them to be wise , is , the gathering of principles out of their own particular experiments . and the framing of our particular experiments according to the rule of their principles , shall make us such as they are . if therefore , even at the first , so great account should be made of wise mens counsels touching things that are publickly done ; as time shall add thereunto continuance and approbation of succeeding ages , their credit and authority must needs be greater . they which do nothing but that which men of account did before them , are , although they do amiss , a yet the less faulty , because they are not the authors of harm . and doing well , their actions are freed from prejudice and novelty . to the best and wisest , while they live , the world is continually a froward opposite , a curious observer of their defects and imperfections ; their vertues , it afterwards as much admireth . and ●or this cause many times that which most deserveth approbation , would hardly be able to finde favour , if they which propose it , were not content to profess themselves therein scholars and followers of the antients . for the world will not endure to hear that we are wiser than any have been which went before . in which consideration there is cause why we should be slow and unwilling to change , without very urgent necessity , the antient ordinances , rites , and long approved customs of our venerable predecessors . the love of things antient doth argue ( b ) stayedness , but levity and want of experience maketh apt auto innovations . that which wisdom did first begin , and hath been with good men long continued , challengeth allowance of them that succeed , although it plead for it self nothing . that which is new , if it promise not much , doth fear condemnation before tryal ; till tryal , no man doth acquit or trust it , what good soever it pretend and promise . so that in this kinde , there are few things known to be good , till such time as they grow to be antient , the vain pretence of those glorious names , where they could not be with any truth , neither in reason ought to have been so much alledged , hath wrought such a prejudice against them in the mindes of the common sort , as if they had utterly no force at all ; whereas ( especially for these observances which concern our present question ) antiquity , custom , and consent in the church of god , making with the which law doth establish , are themselves most sufficient reasons to uphold the same , unless some notable publick inconvenience inforce the contrary . for a small thing in the eye of law is as nothing . we are therefore bold to make our second petition this , that in things , the fitness whereof is not of it self apparent , nor easie to be made snfficiently manifest unto all , yet the judgment of antiquity concurring with that which is received , may induce them to think it not unfit , who are not able to alledge any known weighty inconvenience which it hath , or to take any strong exception against it . . all things cannot be of antient continuance ; which are expedient and needful for the ordering of spiritual affairs : but the church being a body which dieth not , hath always power , as occasion requireth , no less to ordain that which never was , than to ratifie what hath been before . to prescribe the order of doing in all things , is a peculiar prerogative which wisdom hath , as a queen or soveraign commandress over other vertues . this in every several man's actions of common life appertaineth unto morall ; in publick and politick secular affairs unto civil wisdom . in like manner , to devise any certain form for the outward administration of publick duties in the service of god , or things belonging thereunto , and to find out the most convenient for that use , is a point of wisdom ecclesiastical . it is not for a man , which doth know , or should know what order is , and what peaceable government requireth , to ask , why we should hang our iudgment upon the churches sleeve , and , why in matters of order , more than in matters of doctrine . the church hath authority to establish that for an order at one time , which at another time it may abolish , and in both do well : but , that which in doctrine the church doth now deliver rightly as a truth , no man will say that it may hereafter recall , and as rightly avouch the contrary . laws touching matter of order are changeable , by the power of the church ; articles concerning doctrine , not so . we read often in the writings of catholick and holy men rouching matters of doctrine , this we believe , this we bold , this the prophets and evangelists have declared , this the apostles have delivered , this martyrs have sealed with their blood , and confessed in the midst of torments , to this we cleave , as to the anchor of our souls , against this , though an angel from heaven should preach unto us , we would not believe . but , did we ever in any of them read touching matters of mere comcliness , order , and decency , neither commanded nor prohibited by any prophet , any evangelist , any apostle , although the church wherein we live do ordain them to be kept , although they be never so generally observed , though all the churches in the world should command them , though angels from heaven should require our subjection thereunto : i would hold him accursed that doth obey ? be it in matter of the one kind or of the other , what scripture doth plainly deliver , to that the first place both of credit and obedience is due ; the next whereunto is , whatsoever any man can necessarily conclude by force of reason ; after these , the voyce of the church succeedeth . that which the church by her ecclesiastical authority shall probably think and define to be true or good , must in congruity of reason over-rule all other inferiour judgements whatsoever . to them which ask , why we thus hang our judgment on the churches sleeve , i answer with solomon , because ( a ) two are better than one. yea simply ( saith ( b ) basil ) and universally , whether it be in works of nature , or of voluntary choice and counsel , i see not any thing done as it should be , is it be wrought by an agent singling it self from consorts . the jews have a sentence of good advice , ( c ) take not upon thee to be a iudge alone , there is no sole iudge but one only ; say not to others , receive my sentence , when their authority is above thine . the bare consent of the whole church should it self in these things stop their mouths , who living under it , dare presume to bark against it . there is ( saith ( d ) cassianus ) no place of audience left for them , by whom obedience is not yielded to that which all have agreed upon . might we not think it more than wonderful , that nature should in all communities appoint a predominant judgment to sway and over-rule in so many things ; or that god himself should allow so much authority and power unto every poor family , for the ordering of all which are in it ; and the city of the living god , which is his church , be able neither to command , nor yet to forbid any thing , which the meanest shall in that respect , and for her sole authorities sake be bound to obey ? we cannot hide or dissemble that evil , the grievous inconvenience whereof we feel . our dislike of them , by whom too much heretofore hath been attributed unto the church , is grown to an error on the contrary hand , so that now from the church of god too much is derogated . by which removal of one extremity with another , the world seeking to procure a remedy , hath purchased a meer exchange of the evil which before was felt . suppose we , that the sacred word of god can at their hands receive due honour , by whose incitement the holy ordinances of the church endure every where open contempt ? no , it is not possible they should observe as they ought the one , who from the other withdraw unnecessarily their own , or their brethrens obedience . surely the church of god in this business is neither of capacity , i trust , so weak , no● so unstrengthened , i know , with authority from above ; but that her laws may exact obedience at the hands of her own children , and injoyn gain-sayers silence , giving them roundly to understand , that where our duty is submission , weak oppositions betoken pride . we therefore crave , thirdly , to have it granted , that where neither the evidence of any law divine , nor the strength of any invincible argument otherwise found out by the light of reason , not any notable publick inconvenience doth make against that which our own laws ecclesiastical have , although but newly instituted , for the ordering of these affairs , the very authority of the church it self , at the least in such cases , may give so much credit to her own laws , as to make their sentence touching fitness and conveniency , weightier than any bare or naked conceit to the contrary ; especially in them , who can owe no less than childe-like obedience to her that hath more than motherly power . . there are antient ordinances , laws ( which on all sides are allowed to be just and good , yea divine and apostolick constitutions ) which the church , it may be , doth not always keep , nor always justly deserve blame in that respect . for in evils that cannot be removed● without the manifest danger of greater to succeed in their rooms ; wisdom ( of necessity ) must give place to necessity . all it can do in those cases , is , to devise , how that , which must be endured , may be mitigated , and the inconveniences thereof countervailed as neer as may be ; that when the best things are not possible , the best may be made of those that are . nature , than which there is nothing more constant , nothing more uniform in all her ways , doth notwithstanding stay her hand , yea , and change her course , when that , which god by creation did command , he doth at any time by necessity countermand . it hath therefore pleased himself sometime to unloose the very tongues even of dumb creatures , and to teach them to plead this in their own defence , lest the cruelty of man should persist to afflict them for not keeping their wonted course , when some invincible impediment hath hindred . if we leave nature , and look into art , the work-man hath in his heart a purpose , he carrieth in mind the whole form which his work should have ; there wanteth not him skill and desire to bring his labour to the best effect , only the matter which he hath to work on is unframable . this necessity excuseth him ; so that nothing is derogated from his credit , although much of his work 's perfection be found wanting . touching actions of common life , there is not any defence more favourably heard than theirs , who alledge sincerely for themselves . that they did as necessity constrained them . for when the mind is rightly ordered and affected as it should be , in case some external impediment crossing well-advised desires , shall potently draw men to leave what they principally wish , and to take a course which they would not , if their choyce were free ; what necessity forceth men unto , the same in this case it maintaineth , as long as nothing is committed simply in it self evil , nothing absolutely sinful or wicked , nothing repugnant to that immetable law , whereby , whatsoever is condemned as evil , can never any way be made good. the casting away of things profitable for the sustenance of man's life , is an unthankful abuse of the fruits of god's good providence towards mankind . which consideration , for all that , did not hinder saint paul from throwing corn into the sea , when care of saving mens lives made it necessary , to loose that which else had been better saved . neither was this to do evil , to the end that good might come of it ; for of two such evils , being not both evitable , the choyce of the less is not evil. and evils must be in our constructions judged inevitable , if there be no apparent ordinary way to avoid them ; because , where counsel and advice bear rule , of god's extraordinary power , without extraordinary warrant , we cannot presume . in civil affairs , to declare what sway necessity hath ever been accustomed to bear , were labour infinite . the laws of all states and kingdoms in the world have scarcely of any thing more common use : should then only the church shew it self inhuman and stern , absolutely urging a rigorous observation of spiritual ordinances , without relaxation or exception , what necessity soever happen ? we know the contrary practise to have been commended by him , upon the warrant of whose judgement the church , most of all delighted with merciful and moderate courses , doth the ostner condescend unto like equity , permitting in cases of necessity that , which otherwise it disalloweth and forbiddeth . cases of necessity being sometime but urgent , sometime extream , the consideration of publick utility is with very good advice judged at the least equivalent with the easier kinde of necessity . now that which causeth numbers to storm against some necessary tolerations , which they should rather let pass with silence , considering that in polity , as well ecclesiastical as civil , there are and will be always evils , which no art of man can cure , breaches and leaks moe than man's wit hath hands to stop ; that which maketh odious unto them many things , wherein notwithstanding the truth is , that very just regard hath been had of the publick good ; that which in a great part of the weightiest causes belonging to this present controversie , hath insnared the judgments both of sundry good , and of some well learned men , is the manifest truth of certain general principles , whereupon the ordinances that serve for usual practise in the church of god are grounded . which principles men knowing to be most sound , and that the ordinary practise accordingly framed is good , whatsoever is over and besides that ordinary , the same they judge repugnant to those true principles . the cause of which error is ignorance , what restraints and limitations all such principles have , in regard of so manifold varieties , as the matter whereunto they are applyable , doth commonly afford . these varieties are not known but by much experience , from whence to draw the true bounds of all principles , to discern how farr forth they take effect , to see where and why they fail , to apprehend by what degrees and means they lead to the practise of things in show , though not indeed repugnant and contrary one to another , requireth more sharpness of wit , more intricate circuitions of discourse , more industry and depth of judgment , than common ability doth yield . so that general rules , til their limits be fully known , ( especially in matter of publick and ecclesiastical affairs ) are , by reason of the manifold secret exceptions which lye hidden in them , no other to the eye of man's understanding , than cloudy mists cast before the eye of common sense . they that walk in darkness know not whither they go . and even as little is their certainty , whose opinions generalities only do guide . with gross and popular capacities nothing doth more prevail , than unlimited generalities , because of their plainness at the first fights nothing less with men of exact judgment , because such rules are not safe to be trusted over-farr . general laws are like general rules of physick , according whereunto , as no wise man will desire himself to be cured , if there be joyned with his disease some special accident , in regard whereof that whereby others in the same insirmity , but without the like accident , recover health , would be to him either hurtful , or at the least unprofitable : so we must not , under a colourable commendation of holy ordinances in the church , and of reasonable causes whereupon they have been grounded for the common good , imagine that all men's cases ought to have one measure . not without singular wisdom therefore it hath been provided , that as the ordinary course of common affairs is disposed of by general laws , so likewise mens rarer incident necessities and utilities should be with special equity considered . from hence it is , that so many priviledges , immunities , exceptions , and dispensations have been always with great equity and reason granted , not to turn the edge of justice , not to make void at certain times , and in certain men , through meer voluntary grace or benevolence , that which continually and universally should be of force ( as some men understand it ) but in very truth to practise general laws according to their right meaning . we see in contracts , and other dealings which daily pass between man and man , that , to the utter undoing of some , many things by strictness of law may be done , which equity and honest meaning forbiddeth . not that the law is unjust , but unperfect ; nor equity against , but above the law ; binding mens consciences in things which law cannot reach unto . will any man say , that the vertue of private equity is opposite and repugnant to that law , the silence whereof it supplieth in all such private dealing ? no more is publick equity against the law of publick affaires ; albeit the one permit unto some , in special considerations , that which the other , agreeably with general rules of justice , doth in general sort forbid . for , sith all good laws are the voyces of right reason , which is the instrument wherewith god will have the world guided ; and impossible it is , that right should withstand right ; it must follow , that principles and rules of justice , be they never so generally uttered , do no less effectually intend , then if they did plainly express an exception of all particulars , wherein their literal practise might any way prejudice equity . and because it is natural unto all men to wish their own extraordinary benefit , when they think they have reasonable inducements so to do ; and no man can be presumed a competent judge what equity doth require in his own case : the likeliest mean whereby the wit of man can provide , that he which useth the benefit of any special benignity above the common course of others , may enjoy it with good conscience , and not against the true purpose of laws , which in outward shew are contrary , must needs be to arm with authority some fit both for quality and place to administer that , which in every such particular shall appear agreeable with equity : wherein , as it cannot be denyed , but that sometimes the practise of such jurisdiction may swarve through errour even into the very best , and for other respects , where less integrity is . so the watchfullest observers of inconveniences that way growing , and the readiest to urge them in disgrace of authorized proceedings , do very well know , that the disposition of these things resteth not now in the hands of popes , who live in no worldly awe or subjection , but is committed to them whom law may at all times bridle , and superiour power controll ; yea to them also in such sort , that law it self hath set down , to what persons , in what causes , with what circumstances , almost every faculty or favour shall be granted , leaving in a manner nothing unto them , more than only to deliver what is already given by law. which maketh it by many degrees less reasonable , that under pretence of inconveniences so easily stopped , if any did grow , and so well prevented , that none may , men should be altogether barred of the liberty that law with equity and reason granteth . these things therefore considered , we lastly require , that it may not seem hard , if in cases of necessity , or for common utilities sake , certain profitable ordinances sometimes be released , rather than all men , always , strictly bound to the general rigor thereof . . now where the word of god leaveth the church to make choyce of her own ordinances , if against those things which have been received with great reason , or against that which the antient practise of the church hath continued time out of mind , or against such ordinances as the power and authority of that church under which we live hath in it self devised , for the publick good , or against the discretion of the church in mitigating sometimes with favourable equity , that rigour which otherwise the literal generality of ecclesiastical laws hath judged to be more convenient and meet , if against all this it should be free for men to reprove , to disgrace , to reject at their own liberty what they see done and practised according to order set down ; if in so great varietie of ways , as the wit of man is easily able to finde out towards any purpose ; and in so great liking as all men especially have unto those inventions , whereby some one shall seem to have been more inlightned from above than many thousands , the church did give every man licence to follow what himself imagineth that gods spirit doth reveal unto him , or what he supposeth that god is likely to have revealed to some special person , whose vertues deserve to be highly esteemed . what other effect could hereupon ensue , but the utter confusion of his church , under pretence of being taught , led , and guided by his spirit ? the gifts and graces whereof do so naturally all tend unto common peace , that where such singularity is , they , whose hearts it possesseth , ought to suspect it the more , in as much as if it did come of god , and should for that cause prevail with others , the same god which revealeth it to them , would also give them power of confirming it unto others , either with miraculous operation , or with strong and invincible remonstrance of sound reason , such as whereby it might appear that god would indeed have all mens judgments give place unto it ; whereas now the errour and unsufficience of their arguments doth make it on the contrary side against them a strong presumption , that god hath not moved their hearts to think such things , as he hath not enabled them to prove . and so from rules of general direction it resteth , that now we descend to a more distinct explication of particulars , wherein those rules have their special efficacy . . solemne duties of publick service to be done unto god , must have their places set and prepared in such sort , as beseemeth actions of that regard . adam , even during the space of his small continuance in paradise , had ( a ) where to present himself before the lord. adam's sons had out of paradise in like sort ( b ) whither to bring their sacrifices . the patriarks used ( c ) altars , and ( d ) mountains , and ( e ) groves , to the self-same purpose . in the vast wilderness , when the people of god had themselves no settled habitation , yet a movable ( f ) tabernacle they were commanded of god to make . the like charge was given them against the time they should come to settle themselves in the land which had been promised unto their fathers , ( g ) te shall seek that place which the lord your god shall chuse . when god had chosen ierusalem , and in ierusalem mount ( h ) moriah there to have his standing habitation made , it was in the chiefest of ( i ) davids desires to have performed so good a work . his grief was no less , that he could not have the honour to builde god a temple , than their anger is at this day , who bite asunder their own tongues with very wrath , that they have not as yet the power to pull down the temples which they never built , and to level them with the ground . it was no mean thing which he purposed . to perform a work so majestical and stately was no small charge . therefore he incited all men unto bountiful contribution , and procured towards it with all his power , gold , silver , brass , iron , wood , precious stones , in great abundance . yea moreover , because i have ( saith david ) a joy in the house of my god , i have of my own gold and silver , besides all that i have prepared for the house of the sanctuary , given to the house of my god three thousand talents of gold , even the gold of ophir , seven thousand talents of fined silver . after the overthrow of this first house of god , a second was instead thereof erected , but with so great odds , that they went which had seen the former , and beheld how much this later came behinde it , the beauty whereof notwithstanding was such , that even this was also the wonder of the whole world. besides which temple , there were both in other parts of the land , and even in ierusalem , by process of time , no small number of synagogues for men to resort unto . our saviour himself , and after him the apostles frequented both the one and the other . the church of christ which was in ierusalem , and held that profession which had not the publick allowance and countenance of authority , could not so long use the exercise of christian religion but in private only . so that as jews they had access to the temple and synagogues , where god was served after the custom of the law , but for that which they did as christians , they were of necessity forced other where to assemble themselves . and as god gave increase to his church , they sought out both there and abroad for that purpose not the fittest ( for so the times would not suffer them to do ) but the safest places they could . in process of time , some while● by sufferance , some whiles by special leave and favour , they began to erect to themselves oratories , not in any sumptuous or stately manner ; which neither was possible , by reason of the poor estate of the church , and had been perilous in regard of the world's envy towards them . at length , when it pleased god to raise up kings and emperours favouring sincerely the christian truth , that which the church before either could not , or durst not do , was with all alacrity performed . temples were in all places erected , no cost was spared , nothing judged too dear which that way should be spent . the whole world did seem to exult , that it had occasion of pouring out gifts to so blessed a purpose . that chearful devotion which david this way did exceedingly delight to behold , and wish that the same in the jewish people might be perpetual , was then in christian people every where to be seen . their actions , till this day always accustomed to be spoken of with great honour , are now called openly into question . they , and as many as have been followers of their example in that thing ; we especially that worship god , either in temples which their hands made , or which other men sithence have framed by the like pattern , are in that respect charged no less then with the sin of idolatry . our churches in the foam of that good spirit , which directeth such fiery tongues , they term spitefully the temples of baal , idle synagogues , abominable styes . . wherein the first thing which moveth them thus to cast up their poysons , are certain solemnities usual at the first erection of churches . now although the same should be blame-worthy , yet this age ( thanks be to god ) hath reasonably well for-born to incurr the danger of any such blame . it cannot be laid unto many mens charge at this day living , either that they have been so curious , as to trouble the bishops with placing the first stone in the churches they built ; or so scrupulous , as after the erection of them , to make any great ado for their dedication . in which kind notwithstanding as we do neither allow unmeet , nor purpose the stiff defence of any unnecessary , custom heretofore received , so we know no reason wherefore churches should be the worse , if at the first erecting of them , at the making of them publick , at the time when they are delivered , as it were , into god's own possession , and when the use whereunto they shall ever serve is established , ceremonies sit to betoken such intents , and to accompany such actions be usual , as ( a ) in the purest times they have been . when ( b ) constantine had finished an house for the service of god at ierusalem , the dedication he judged a matter not unworthy , about the solemn performance whereof , the greatest part of the bishops in christendom should meet together . which thing they did at the emperors motion , each most willingly setting forth that action to their power , some with orations , some with sermons , some with the sacrifice of prayers unto god for the peace of the world , for the churches safety , for the emperour 's and his childrens good . ( c ) by athanasius the like is recorded concerning a bishop of alexandria , in a work of the like devout magnificence . so that whether emperours or bishops in those days were church-founders , the solemn dedication of churches they thought not to be a work in it self either vain , or superstitious . can we judge it a thing seemly for any man to go about the building of an house to the god of heaven with no other appearance , than if his end were to rear up a kitchen , or parlour , for his own use ? or when a work of such nature is finished , remaineth there nothing but presently to use it ; and so an end ? it behoveth that the place where god shall be served by the whole church , be a publick place , for the avoiding of privy conventicles , which , covered with pretence of religion , may serve unto dangerous practises . yea , though such assemblies be had indeed for religions sake ; hurtful nevertheless they may easily prove , as well in regard of their fitness to serve the turn of hereticks , and such as privily will soonest adventure to instill their poyson into mens minds ; as also for the occasion , which thereby is given to malicious persons , both of suspecting , and of traducing with more colourable shew those actions , which in themselves being holy , should be so ordered , that no man might probably otherwise think of them . which considerations have by so much the greater waight , for that of these inconveniences the church heretofore had so plain experience when christian men were driven to use secret meetings , because the liberty of publick places was not granted them . there are which hold , that the presence of a christian multitude , and the duties of religion performed amongst them , do make the place of their assembly publick ; even as the presence of the king and his retinue maketh any mans house a court. but this i take to be an errour , in as much as the only thing which maketh any place publick , is the publick assignment thereof unto such duties . as for the multitude there assembled , or the duties which they perform , it doth not appear how either should be of force to insuse any such prerogative . not doth the solemn dedication of churches serve only to make them publick , but farther also to surrender up that right which otherwise their founders might have in them , and to make god himself their owner . for which cause , at the erection and consecration as well of the tabernacle , as of the temple , it pleased the almighty to give a manifest sign that he took possession of both . finally , it not fi●th in solemn manner the holy and religious use whereunto it is intended such houses shall be put . these things the wisdom of solomon did not account superfluous . he knew how easily that which was meant should be holy and sacred , might be drawn from the use whereunto it was first provided ; he knew how bold men are to take even from god himself , how hardly that house would be kept from impious profanation , he knew ; and right wisely therefore endeavoured by such solemnities to leave in the minds of men that impression , which might somewhat restrain their boldness , and nourish a reverend affection towards the house of god. for which cause when the first house was destroyed , and a new in the stead thereof erected by the children of israel after their return from captivity , they kept the dedication even of this house also with joy . the argument which our saviour useth against prophaners of the temple , he taketh from the use whereunto it was with solemnity consecrated . and as the prophet ieremy forbiddeth the carrying of burdens on the sabbath , because that was a sanctified day : so because the temple was a place sanctified , our lord would not suffer , no not the carriage of a vessel through the temple : these two commandements therefore are in the law conjoyned , ye shall keep my sabbaths , and reverence my santuary . out of those the apostles words , have ye not houses to eat and drink in ? albeit temples , such as now , were not then erected for that exercise of christian religion , it hath been nevertheless not absurdly conceived , that he teacheth what difference should be made between house and house , that what is fit for the dwelling place of god , and what for mans habitation be sheweth● requireth that christian men at their own home take common food , and in the house of the lord none but that food which is heavenly ; he instructeth them , that as in the one place they use to refresh their bodies , so they may in the other learn to seek the nourishment of their souls ; and as there they sustain temporal life , so here they would learn to make provision for eternal . christ could not suffer that the temple should serve for a place of mart , not the apostle of christ , that the church should be made an inne . when therefore we sanctifie or hallow churches , that which we do as ooly to testifie that we make them places of publick resort , that we invest god himself with them , that we sever them from common uses . in which action , other solemnities than such as are decent and fit for that purpose we approve none . indeed we condemn not all as unmeet , the like whereunto have either been devised or used haply amongst idolaters . for why should conformity with them in matter of opinion be lawful , when they think that which is true , if in action , when they do that which is meet , it be uot lawful to be like unto them ? are we to forsake any true opinion , because idolaters have maintained it ? or to shun any requisite action , only because we have in the practise thereof been prevented by idolaters . it is no impossible thing , but that sometimes they may judge as tightly what is decent about such external affairs of god , as in greater things what is true . not therefore whatsoever idolaters have either thought or done , but let whatsoever they have either thought or done idolatrously , be so far forth abhorred . for of that which is good even in evil things , god is author . . touching the names of angels and saints , whereby the most of our churches are called ; as the custome of so naming them is very antient , so neither was the cause thereof at the first , nor is the use and continuance with us at this present hurtful . that churches were consecrated unto none but the lord only , the very general name it self doth sufficiently shew , is as much as by plain grammatical construction , church doth signifie no other thing than the lords house . and because the multitude , as of persons , so of things particular causeth variety of proper names to be devised for distinction sake , founders of churches did herein that which best liked their own conceit at the present time ; yet each intending , that as oft as those buildings came to be mentioned , the name should put men in mind of some memorable thing or person . thus therefore it cometh to pass , that all churches have had their names , (h) some as memorials of peace , some of wisdom , some in memory of the trinity it self , some of christ under sundry titles ; of the blessed virgin not a few , many of one apostle , saint , or martyr , many of all . in which respect their commendable purpose being not of every one understood , they have been in latter ages , construed as though they had superstitiously meant , either that those places which where denominated of angels and saints , should serve for the worship of so glorious creatures , or else those glorified creatures , for defence , protection , and patronage of such places . a thing which the antients do utterly disclaim . to them saith st. augustine , appoint no churches , because they are not to us as gods. again , the nations to their gods erected temples , we not temples unto our martyrs as unto gods , but memorials as unto dead men , whose spirits with god are still living . divers considerations there are , for which christian churches might first take their names of saints : as either because by the ministry of saints it pleased god there to shew some rare effect of his power ; or else in regard of death , which those saints having suffered for the testimony of jesus christ , did thereby make the places where they dyed vénerable ; or thirdly , for that it liked good and vertuous men to give such occasion of mentioning them often , to the end that the naming of their persons might cause enquiry to be made , and meditation to be had of their vertues . wherefore , seeing that we cannot justly account it superstition , to give unto churches those sore-reheased names , as memorials either of holy persons or things ; if it be plain that their founders did with such meaning name thém , shall not we , in otherwise taking them , offer them injury ? or if it be obscure or uncertain what they meant , yet this construction being more favourable , charity ( i hope ) constraineth no man which standeth doubtful of their minds , to lean to the hardest and worst interpretation that their words can carry . yea , although it were clear , that they all ( for the error of some is manifest in this behalf ) had therein a supertitious intent , wherefore should their fault prejudice us , who ( as all men know ) do use by way of mere distinction the names which they of superstition gave ? in the use of those names whereby we distinguish both days and months , are we culpable of superstition , because they were , who first invented them ? the sign castor and pallux superstitiously given unto that ship wherein the apostle sailed , polluteth not the evangelists pen , who thereby doth but distinguish that ship from others . if to daniel there had been given no other name , but only beltisbazzar , given him in honour of the babylonian idol belti , should their idolatry , which were the authors of that name , cleave unto every man which had so termed him by way of personal difference only ? were it not to satisfie the minds of the simpler sort of men , these nice curiosities are not worthy the labour which we bestow to answer them . . the like unto this is a fancy , which they have against the fashion of our churches , as being framed according to the pattern of the jewish temple . a fault no less grievous , if so be it were true , than if some king should build his mansion-house by the model of solomons palace . so far forth as our churches and their temple have one end , what should lett , but that they may lawfully have one from ? the temple was for sacrifice , and therefore had rooms to that purpose , such as ours have none . our churches are places provided , that the people might there assemble themselves in due and decent manner , according to their several degrees and orders . which thing being common unto us with jews , we have in this respect our churches divided by certain partitions , although not so many in number as theirs . they had their several for heathen nations , their several for the people of their own nation , their several for men , their several for women , their several for their priests , and for the high priest alone their several . there being in ours for local distinction between the clergy and the rest ( which yet we do not with any great strictness or curiosity observe neither ) but one partition , the cause whereof at the first ( as it seemeth ) was , that as many as were capable of the holy mysteries , might there assemble themselves , and no other creep in amongst them ; this is now made a matter so hainous , as if our religion thereby were become even plain judaism , and as though we retained a most holy place , whereinto there might not any but the high priest alone enter , accouling to the custome of the jews . . some it highly displeaseth , that so great expences this way are imployed : the mother of such magnificence ( they think ) is but only a proud ambitious desire to be spoken of far and pride . suppose we that god himself delighteth to dwell sumptuously ? or taketh pleasure in chargeable p●mp ? no ; then was the lord most acceptably served , when his temples were rooms borrowed within the houses of poor men . this was suitable unto the nakedness of iesus christ , and the simplicity of his gospel . what thoughts or cogitations they had which were authors of those things , the use and benefit whereof hath descended unto our selves , as we do not know , so we need not search . it commeth ( we grant ) may times to pass , that the works of men being the same , their drifts and purposes therein are divers . the charge of herod about the temple of god was ambitious ; yet solomon's vertuous , constantine's holy . but howsoever their hearts are disposed by whom any such thing is done in the world , shall we think that it baneth the work which they leave behind them , or taken away from others the use and benefit thereof ? touching god himself , hath he any where revealed , that it is his delight to dwell beggerly ? and that he taketh no pleasure to be worshipped , saving only in poor cottages ? even then was the lord at acceptably honoured of his people as ever , when the statelyest places and things in the whole world were sought out to adorn his temple . this is most suitable , decent , and fit for the greatness of jesus christ , for the sublimity of his gospel , except we think of christ and his gospel as ( a ) the officers of iulian did . as therefore the son of syrach giveth verdict concerning those things , which god hath wrought , ( b ) a man need not say , this is worse than that , this more acceptable to god , that less ; for in their season they are all worthy praise : the like we may also conclude , as touching these two so contrary ways of providing , in meaner or in costlier sort , for the honour of almighty god , a man need not say , this is worse than that , this more acceptable to god , that less ; for with him they are in their season both allowable ; the one , when the state of the church is poor ; the other , when god hath enriched it with plenty . when they , which had seen the beauty of the first temple , built by solomon in the days of his great prosperity and peace , beheld how farr it excelled the second , which had not builders of like ability , the tears of their grieved eyes the prophets ( c ) endeavoured with comforts to wipe away . whereas if the house of god were by so much the more perfect , by how much the glory thereof is less , they should have done better to rejoyce than weep , their prophets better to reprove than comfort . it being objected against the church in the times of universal persecution , that her service done to god was not solemnly performed in temples fit for the honour of divine majesty , their most convenient answer was , that ( d ) the best temples which we can dedicate to god , are our sanctified souls and bodies . whereby it plainly appeareth , how the fathers , when they were upbraided with that defect , comforted themselves with the meditation of gods most gracious and merciful nature , who did not therefore the less accept of their hearty affection and zeal rather , than took any great delight , or imagined any high perfection in such their want of external ornaments , which when they wanted , the cause was their only lack of ability ; ability serving , they wanted them not . before the emperour constantines time , under severus , gardian , philip , and galienus , the state of christian affairs being tolerable , the sonner buildings which were but of mean and small estate contented them not ; spacious and ample churches they erected throughout every city . no envy was able to be their hindrance , no practise of satan or fraud of men available against their proceedings herein , while they continued as yet worthy to feel the aide of the arm of god extended over them for their safety . these churches dioclesian caused by solemn edict to be afterwards overthrown . maximinus with like authority giving leave to erect them , the hearts of all men were even rapt with divine joy , to see those places , which tyrannous impiety had laid waste , recovered , as it were , out of mortal calamity , churches reared up to an height immeasurable , and adorned with far more beauty in their restauration than their founders before had given them . whereby we see , how most christian minds stood then affected , we see how joyful they were to behold the sumptuous stateliness of houses built unto gods glory . if we should , over and besides this , alledge the care which was had , that all things about the tabernacle of moses might be as beautiful , gorgeous , and rich , as art could make them ; or what travel and cost was bestowed , that the goodliness of the temple might be a spectacle of admiration to all the world ; this , they will say , was figurative , and served by gods appointment but for a time , to shadow out the true everlasting glory of a more divine sanctuary ; whereinto christ being long fithence entred , it seemeth that all those curious exornations should rather cease . which thing we also our selves would grant , if the use thereof had been meetly and only mystical . but , sith the prophet david doth mention a natural conveniency which such kind of bounteous expences have , as well for that we do thereby give unto god a testimony of our chearful affection , which thinketh nothing too dear to be bestowed about the furniture of his service , as also because it serveth to the world for a witness of his almightiness , whom we outwardly honour with the chiefest of outward things , as being of all things himself incomparably the greatest . besides , were it not also strange , if god should have made such store of glorious creatures on earth , and leave them all to be consumed in secular vanity , allowing none but the baser sort to be imployed in his own service ? to set forth the majesty of kings , his vicegerents in this world , the most gorgeous and rare treasures which the world hath , are procured . we think , belike , that he will accept what the meanest of them would disdain . if there be great care to build and beautifie these corruptible sanctuaries , little or none , that the living temples of the holy ghost , the dearly redeemed souls of the people of god may be edified ; huge expences upon timber and stone , but towards the relief of the poor , small devotion ; cost this way infinite , and in the mean while charity cold : we have in such case just occasion to make complaint as saint ierom did , the walls of the church there are ●now contented to build , and to underset it with goodly pillars , the marbles are polished , the roofs shine with gold , the altar hath precious stones to adorn it ; and of christs ministers no choyce at all . the same ierom , both in that place and elsewhere , debaseth with like intent the glory of such magnificence ( a thing whereunto mens affections in those times needed no spu●r ) thereby to extoll the necessity sometimes of charity and alms , sometimes of other the most principal duties belonging unto christian men ; which duties were neither so highly esteemed as they ought , and being compared with that in question , the directest sentence we can give of them both , as unto me it seemeth , is this , god who requireth the one as necessary , accepteth the other also as being an honourable work . . our opinion concerning the force and vertue which such places have , is , i trust , without any blemish or stain of heresie . churches receive , as every thing else , their chief perfection from the end whereunto they serve . which end being the publick worship of god , they are , in this consideration , houses of greater dignity , than any provided for meaner purposes . for which cause they seem after a sort even to mourn , as being injured and defrauded of their right , when places , not sanctified as they are , prevent them unnecessarily in that preheminence and honour . whereby also it doth come to pass , that the service of god hath not then it self such perfection of grace and comeliness , as when the dignity of place which it wisheth for doth concurr . again , albeit the true worship of god be to god in it self acceptable , who respecteth not so much in what place , as with what affection he is served ; and therefore moses in the midst of the sea , iob on the dunghil , ezechias in bed , ieremy in mire , ionas in the whale , daniel in the den , the children in the furnace , the thief on the cross , peter and paul in prison , calling unto god , were heard , as s. basil noteth : manifest notwithstanding it is , that the very majesty and holyness of the place where god is worshipped , hath in regard of us great vertue , force and efficacy , for that it serveth as a sensible help to stirr up devotion , and in that respect , no doubt , bettereth even our holiest and best actions in this kind . as therefore we every where exhort all men to worship god ; even so , for performance of this service by the people of god assembled , we think not any place so good as the church , neither any exhortation so sit as that of david , o worship the lord in the beauty of holiness . . for of our churches thus it becometh us to esteem , howsoever others rapt with the pang of a furious zeal , do pour out against them devout blasphemies , crying , ( a ) down with them , down with them , even to the very ground ; for to idolatry they have been abused . and the places where idols have been worshipped , are by ( b ) the law of god devote to utter destruction . for extentions of which law , the ( c ) kings that were godly , as asa , jehosaphat , ezechia , josia , destroyed all the high places , altars , and groves , which had been erected in juda and israel . he that said , thou shalt have no other gods before my face , hath likewise said , thou shalt utterly deface and destroy all these synagogues and places where such idols have been worshipped . this law containeth the temporal punishment which god hath set down , and willeth that men execute , for the breach of the other law. they which spare them therefore , do but reserve , as the hypocrite saul did , exterable things , to worship god withall . the truth is , that as no man serveth god , and loveth him not ; so neither can any man sincerely love god , and not extreamly abhor that sin , which is the highest degree of treason against the supream guide and monarch of the whole world , with whose divine authority and power it investeth others . by means whereof the state of idolaters is two wayes miserable . first , in that which they worship , ( a ) they find no succour ; and secondly , at his hands whom they ought to serve , there is no other thing to be looked for , but the effects of most just displeasure , the ( b ) withdrawing of grace , ( c ) dereliction in this world , and in the world to come ( d ) confusion . ( e ) paul and barnabas , when infidels admiring their vertues went about to sacrifice unto them , rent their garments in token of horrour , and , as frighted persons , run crying thorow the press of the people , o men , wherefore doy● these things ? they knew the force of that dreadful ( f ) curse whereunto idolatry maketh subject . nor is there cause why the guilty sustaining the same , should grudge or complain of injustice . for , whatsoever evil befalleth in that respect , ( g ) themselves have made themselves worthy to suffer it . as for those things either whereon , or else wherewith superstition worketh , polluted they are by such abuse , and deprived of that dignity which their nature delighteth in . for there is nothing which doth not grieve , and , as it were , even loath it self , whensoever iniquity causeth it to serve unto vile purposes idolatry therefore maketh , whatsoever it toucheth , the worse . howbeit sith creatures which have no understanding can shew no will ; and where no will is , there is no sin ; and only that which sinneth , is subject to punishment ; which way should any such creature be punishable by the law of god ? there may be cause sometime to abolish or to extiguish them , but surely , never by way of punishment to the things themselves . yea farther , howsoever the law of moses did punish idolaters , we find not that god hath appointed for us any definite or certain temporal judgment , which the christian magistrate is of necessity for ever bound to execute upon offenders in that kind , much less upon things that way abused as mere instruments . for what god did command touching canaan , the same concerneth not us any otherwise than only as a fearful pattern of his just displeasure and wrath against sinful nations . it teacheth us , how god thought good to plague and afflict them ; it doth not appoint in what form and manner we ought to punish the sin of idolaty in all others . unless they will say , that because the israelites were commanded to make no covenant with the people of that land , therefore leagues and truces made between superstitious persons , and such as serve god aright , are unlawful altogether ; or , because god commanded the israelites to smite the inhabitants of canaan , and to root them out , that therefore reformed churches are bound to put all others to the edge of the sword . now whereas commandment was also given to destroy all places where the canaanites had served their gods , and not to convert any one of them to the honour of the true god : this precept had reference unto a special intent and purpose , which was , that there should be but one only place in the whole land , whereunto the people might bring such offerings , gifts , and sacrifices , as their levitical law did require . by which law , severe charge was given them in that respect , not to convert those places to the worship of the living god , where nations before them had served idols , but to seek the place which the lord their god should chuse out of all their tribes . besides , it is reason we should likewise consider how great a difference there is between their proceedings , who erect a new common-wealth , which is to have neither people nor law , neither regiment nor religion the same that was , and theirs , who only reform a decayed estate , by reducing it to that perfection from which it hath swarved . in this case we are to retain as much , in the other as little of former things as we may . sith therefore examples have not generally the force of laws which all men ought to keep , but of counsels only and perswasions not amiss to be followed by them whose case is the like , surely where cases are so unlike as theirs and ours , i see not how that which they did , should induce , much less any way enforce us to the same practise , especially considering that groves and hill-altars were , while they did remain , both dangerous in regard of the secret access , which people , superstitiously given , might have always thereunto with ease ; neither could they remaining serve with any fitness unto better purpose : whereas our temples ( their former abuse being by order of law removed ) are not only free from such peril , but withall so conveniently framed for the people of god to serve and honour him therein ; that no man beholding them , can chuse but think it exceeding great pity they should be ever any otherwise employed . yea but the cattel of amalek ( you will say ) were fit for sacrifice ; and this was the very conceit which sometime deceived soul. it was so . nor do i any thing doubt , but that saul upon this conceit might even lawfully have offered to god those reserved spoyls , had not the lord in that particular case given special charge to the contrary . and therefore notwithstanding the commandement of israel to destroy canaanites , idolaters may be converied and live : so the temples which have served idolatry as instruments , may be sanctified again and continue , albeit , to israel commandement have been given that they should destroy all idolatrous places in their lead ; and to the good kings of israel commendation for fulfilling , to the evil for disobeying the same commandement , sometimes punishment , always sharp and severe reproof hath even from the lord himself befallen . thus much it may suffice to have written in defence of those christian oratories , the overthrow and ruine whereof is desired , not now by infidels , pagans , or turks , but by a special refined sect of christian believers ; pretending themselves exceedingly grieved at our solemnities in erecting churches , at the names which we suffer them to hold , at their form and fashion , at the stateliness of them and costliness , at the opinion which we have of them , and at the manifold supertitious abuses whereunto they have been put . . places of publick resort being thus provided for , our repair thither is especially for mutual conference , and as it were commerce to be had between god and us . because therefore want ( a ) of the knowledge of god is the cause of all iniquity amongst men , as contrariwise , the ground of all our happiness , and the seed of whatsoever perfect vertue groweth from us , is a right opinion touching things divine , this kind of knowledge we may justly set down for the first and chiefest thing which god imparteth unto his people , and our duty of receiving this at his merciful hands , for the first of those religious offices wherewith we publickly honour him on earth . for the instruction therefore of all sorts of men to eternal life , it is necessary , that the sacred and saving truth of god be openly published unto them . which open publication of heavenly mysteries , is by an excellency termed preaching . for otherwise there is not any thing publickly notified , but we may in that respect , rightly and properly say it is preached . so that when the school of god doth use it as a word of art , we are accordingly to understand it with restraint to such special matter as that school is accustomed to publish . we find not in the world any people that have lived altogether without religion . and yet this duty of religion , which provideth that publickly all sorts of men may be instructed in the fear of god , is to the church of god , and hath been always so peculiar , that none of the heathens , how curious soever in searching out all kinds of outward ceremonies like to ours , could ever once so much as endeavour to resemble herein the churches care for the endless good of her children . ways of teaching there have been sundry always usual in gods church . for the first introduction of youth , to the knowledge of god , the jews even till this day have their catechisms . with religion it fareth as with other sciences , the first delivery of the elements thereof must , for like consideration , ( b ) be framed according to the weak and slender capacity of young beginners : unto which manner of teaching principles in christianity , the apostle in the sixth to the hebrews is himself understood to allude . for this cause therefore , as the decalogue of moses declareth summarily those things which we ought to do ; the prayer of our lord , whatsoever we should request or desire : so either by the apostles , or at the least-wise out of their writings , we have the substance of christian belief compendiously drawn into few and short articles , to the end that the weakness of no mans wit might either hinder altogether the knowledge , or excuse the utter ignorance of needful things . such as were trained up in these rudiments , and were so made fit to be afterward by baptism received into the church , the fathers usually in their writings do term hearers ; as having no farther communion or fellowship with the church , than only this , that they were admitted to hear the principles of christian faith made plain unto them . catechizing may be in schools , it may be in private families ; but when we make it a kind of preaching , we mean always the publick performance thereof in the open hearing of men , because things are preached not in that they are taught , but in that they are published . . moses and the prophets , christ and his apostles , were in their times all preachers of gods truth ; some by word , some by writing , some by both . this they did partly as faithful witnesses , making meer relation what god himself had revealed unto them ; and partly as careful expounders , teachers , perswaders thereof . the church in like case preacheth still , first publishing by way of testimony or relation , the truth which from them she hath received , even in such sort as it was received , written in the sacred volumes of scripture ; secondly , by way of explication , discovering the mysteries which lye hid therein . the church as a witness , preacheth his meer revealed truth , by reading publickly the sacred scripture . so that a second kind of preaching is the reading of holy writ . for thus we may the boldlier speak , being strengthened ( a ) with the examples of so reverend a prelate as saith , that moses from the time of antient generations and ages long since past , had amongst the cities of the very gentiles them that preached him , in that he was read every sabbath day . for so of necessity it must be meant , in as much as we know , that the jews have alwayes had their weekly readings of the law of moses ; but that they always had in like manner their weekly sermons upon some part of the law of moses , we no where find . howbeit still we must here remember , that the church ; by her publick reading of the book of god , preacheth only as a witness . now the principal thing required in a witness , is fidelity . wherefore as we cannot excuse that church , which either through corrupt translations of scripture , delivereth , instead of divine speeches , any thing repugnant unto that which god speaketh ; or , through falsified additions , proposeth that to the people of god as scripture , which is in truth no scripture : so the blame , which in both these respects hath been laid upon the church of england , is surely altogether without cause . touching translations of holy scripture , albeit we may not disallow of their painful travels herein , who strictly have tyed themselves to the very original letter ; yet the judgment of the church , as we see by the practise of all nations , greeks , latines , persians , syrians , aethiopians , arabians , hath been ever , that the fittest for publick audience are such , as following a middle course between the rigor of literal translators , and the liberty of paraphrasts , do with greatest shortness and plainness deliver the meaning of the holy ghost . which being a labour of so great difficulty , the exact performance thereof we may rather wish than look for . so that , except between the words of translation and the mind of scripture it self , there be contradiction , every little difference should not seem an intolerable blemish necessarily to be spunged out . whereas therefore the prophet david in a certain psalm doth say concerning moses and aaron , that they were obedient to the word of god , and in the self-same place ●or allowed translation saith , they were not obedient , we are for this cause challenged as manifest gain-sayers of scripture , even in that which we read for scripture unto the people . but for as much as words are resemblances of that which the mind of the speaker conceiveth , and conceits are images representing that which is spoken of ; it followeth that they who will judge of words , should have recourse to the things themselves from whence they rise . in setting down that miracle , at the sight whereof peter fell down astonished before the feet of jesus , and cryed , depart , lord , i am a sinner , the ( k ) evangelist st. luke saith , the store of the fish which they took was such , that the net they took it in brake , and the ships which they loaded therewith sunk ; ( l ) st. iohn recording the like miracle , saith , that albeit the fishes in number were so many , yet the net with so great a weight was not broken . suppose they had written both of one miracle . although there be in their words a manifest shew of jar ; yet none , if we look upon the difference of matter , with regard whereunto they might both have spoken even of one miracle , the very same which they spake of divers , the one intending thereby to signifie that the greatness of the burden exceeded the natural ability of the instruments which they had to bear it ; the other , that the weakness thereof was supported by a supernatural and miraculous addition of strength . the nets , as touching themselves , brake , but through the power o● god they held . are not the words of the a ) prophet micheas touching bethleem , thou bethleem the least ? and doth not the very ( b evangelist translate these words , thou bethleem not the least ? the one regarding the quantity of the place , the other the dignity . micheas attributeth unto it smallness , in respect of circuit ; matthew greatness , in regard of honor and estimation , by being the native soyle of our lord and saviour christ. sith therefore speeches , which gain-say one another , must of necessity be applyed both unto one and the self-same subject ; sith they must also the one affirm , the other deny the self-same thing : what necessity of contradiction can there be between the letter of the prophet david , and our authorised translation thereof , if he understanding moses and aaron do say , they were not disobedient ; we applying our speech to pharaoh and the aegyptians , do say of them , they were not obedient ? or ( which the matter it self will easily enough likewise suffer ) if the aegyptians being meant by both , it be said that they in regard of c their offer to let go the people , when they saw the fearful darkness , disobeyed not the word of the lord ; and yet that they did not obey his word , in as much as the sheep and cattel at the self-same time they with-held . of both translations , the better i willingly acknowledge that which cometh nearer to the very letter of the original verity : yet so , that the other may likewise safely enough be read , without any per●l at all of gain-saying , as much as the least jot or syllable of god's most sacred and precious truth . which truth , as in this we do not violate , so neither is the same gain-sayed or crost , no not in those very preambles placed before certain readings , wherein the steps of the latin service-book have been somewhat too nearly followed . as when we say , christ spake ( d ) to his disciples , that which the gospel declareth he spake ( e ) unto the pharises . for doth the gospel affirm , he spake to the pharisees only ? doth it mean that they , and besides them , no man else was at that time spoken unto by our saviour christ ? if not , then is there in this diversity no contrariety . i suppose it somewhat probable , that st. iohn and st. matthew , which have recorded those sermons , heard them , and being hearers , did think themselves as wel respected as the pharisees in that which their lord and master taught , concerning the pastoral care he had over his own flock , and his offer of grace made to the whole world , which things are the matter whereof he treateth in those sermons . wherefore as yet there is nothing found , wherein we read for the word of god that which may be condemned as repugnant unto his word . furthermore , somewhat they are displeased , in that we follow not the method of reading , which f in their judgement is most commendable , the method used in some foreign churches , where scriptures are read before the time of divine service , and without either choyce or stint appointed by any determinate order , nevertheless , till such time as they shall vouchsafe us some just and sufficient reason to the contrary , we must by their patience , if not allowance , retain the g antient received custom which we now observe . for with us the reading of the scripture in the church is a part of our church-liturgy , a special portion of the service which we do to god , and not an exercise to spend the time when one doth wait for anothers coming , till the assembly of them which shall afterwards worship him be comple● . wherefore , as the form of our publick service is not voluntary , so neither are the parts thereof left uncertain , but they are all set down in such order , and with such choyce , as hath in the wisdom of the church seemed best to concur as well with the special occasions , as with the general purpose which we have to glorifie god. . other publick readings there are of books and writings not canonical , whereby the church doth also preach , or openly make known , the doctrine of vertuous conversation ; whereupon , besides those things , in regard whereof we are thought to read the scriptures of god amiss , it is thought amiss , that we read in our churches any thing at all besides the scriptures . to exclude the reading of any such profitable instruction , as the church hath devised for the better understanding of scripture , or for the easier trayning up of the people in holiness and righteousness of life , they a plead , that god in the law would have nothing brought into the temple , neither besomes , nor flesh-hooks , nor trumpets , but those only which were sanctified , that for the expounding of darker places , we ought to follow the jews * polity , who under antiochus , where they had not the commodity of sermons , appointed always at their meetings somewhat out of the prophets to be read together with the law , and so by the one made the other plainer to be understood ; that before and after our saviours comming they neither read onkelos nor ionathan's paraphrase , though having both , but contented themselves b with the reading only of scriptures , that if in the primitive church there had been any thing read besides the monuments of the prophets and apostles , ( c iustin martyr and origen , who mention these , would have spoken of the other likewise ; that ( d the most antient and best councels forbid any thing to be read in churches , saving canonical scripture onely ; that when e other things were afterwards permitted f fault was found with it , it succeeded but ill , the bible it self was thereby in time quite and clean thrust out . which arguments , if they be only brought in token of the authors good-will and meaning towards the cause which they would set forward , must accordingly be accepted of by them , who already are perswaded the same way . but if their drift and purpose be to perswade others , it would be demanded , by what rule the legal hallowing of besomes and flesh-hooks must needs exclude all other readings in the church save scripture . things sanctified were thereby in such sort appropriated unto god , as that they might never afterwards again be made common . for which cause , the lord , to sign and mark them as his own , g appointed oyle of holy oyntment , the like whereunto it was not lawful to make for ordinary and daily uses . thus the h anoynting of aaron and his sons tyed them to the office of the priest-hood for ever ; the anoynting not of those silver trumpets ( which i moses as well for secular as sacred uses was commanded to make , not to sanctifie ) but the unction of the k tabernacle , the table , the laver , the altar of god , with all the instruments appertaining thereunto , this made them for ever holy unto him , in whose service they were imployed . but what of this ? doth it hereupon follow , that all things now in the church , from the greatest to the least , are unholy , which the lord hath not himself precisely instituted ? for so l those rudiments , they say , do import . then is there nothing holy , which the church by her authority hath appointed ; and consequently all positive ordinances that ever were made by ecclesiastical power , touching spiritual affairs , are prophane , they are unholy . i would not with them to undertake a work so desperate as to prove , that for the peoples instruction no kinde of reading is good , but only that which the jews devised under antiochus , although , even that he also mistaken . for according to m elius the levite ( out of whom it doth seem borrowed ) the thing which antiochus forbad , was the publick reading of the law , and not sermons upon the law. neither did the jews read a portion of the prophets together with the law , to serve for an interpretation thereof , because sermons were not permitted them ; but , instead of the law , which they might not read openly , they read of the prophets that , which in likeness of matter came nearest to each section of their law. whereupon , when afterwards the liberty of reading the law n was restored , the self-same custom o as touching the prophets did continue still . if neither the jews have used publickly to read their paraphrasts , nor p the primitive church for a long time any other writings than scripture , except the cause of their not doing it , were some law of god , or reason forbidding them to do that which we do , why should the latter ages of the church be deprived of the liberty the former had ? are we bound while the world standeth , to put nothing in practice , but onely that which was at the very first ? concerning the council of laodicea , is it forbiddeth the reading of those things which are not canonical , so it maketh some things not canonical which are . their judgment in this we may not , and in that we need not follow . we have by thus many years experience found , that exceeding great good , not incumbred with any notable inconvenience , hath grown by the custome which we now observe . as for the harm whereof judicious men have complained in former times ; it came not of this , that other things were read besides the scripture , but that so evil choyce was made . with us there is never any time bestowed in divine service , without the reading of a great part of the holy scripture , which we acount a thing most necessary . we dare not admit any such form of liturgy , as either appointeth no scripture at all , or very little to be read in the church . and therefore the thrusting of the bible out of the house of god , is rather there to be feared , where men esteem it a matter a so indifferent , whether the same be by solemn appointment read publickly , or not read , the bare text excepted , which the preacher haply chuseth out to expound . but let us here consider what the practise of our fathers before us hath been , and how far-forth the same may be followed . we find , that in ancient times there was publickly read first the b scripture , as namely , something out of the books of the c prophets of god , which were of old , something out of d the apostles writings , and lastly out of the holy e evangelists , some things which touched the person of our lord jesus christ himself . the cause of their reading first the old testament , then the new , and always somewhat out of both , is most likely to have been that which iustin martyr and saint august . observe in comparing the two testaments . the apostles ( saith the one ) hath taught us as themselves did learn , first the precepts of the law , and then the gospels . for what else is the law , but the gospel foreshewed ? what other the gospel , than the law fulfilled ? in like sort the other , what the old testament hath , the very same the new containeth ; but that which lyeth there at under a shadow , in here brought forth into the open sun. things there prefigured , are here performed . again , in the old testament there is a close comprehension of the new ; in the new , an open discovery of the old. to be short , the method of their publick readings either purposely did tend , or at the least-wise doth fitly serve , that from smaller things the mindes of the hearers , may go forward to the knowledge of greater , and by degrees climbe up from the lowest to the highest things . now , besides the scripture , the books which they called ecclesiastical , were thought not unworthy sometime to be brought into publick audience , and with that name they intituled the books which we term apocryphal . under the self-same name they also comprised certain , no otherwise annexed unto the new , than the former unto the old testament , as a book of hermes , epistles of clement , and the like . according therefore to the phrase of antiquity , these we may term the new , and the other the old ecclesiastical books or writings . for we being directed by a sentence ( i suppose ) of saint ierom , who saith , that all writings not canonical are apocryphal , use not now the title apocryphal , as the rest of the fathers ordinarily have done , whose custom is so to name for the most part only , such as might not publickly be read or divulged . ruffinus therefore having rehearsed the self-same books of canonical scripture , which with us are held to be alone canonical , addeth immediately , by way of caution , we must know that other books there are also , which our fore-fathers have used to name not canonical , but ecclesiastical books , as the book of wisdom , ecclesiasticus , toby , judith , the macchabees , in the old testament ; in the new , the book of hermes , and such others : all which books and writings they willed to be read in churches , but not to be alleadged , as if their authority did binde us to build upon them our faith. other writings they named apocryphal , which they would not have read in churches . these things delivered unto us from the fathers , we have in this place thought good to set down . so far ruffinus . he which considereth notwithstanding what store of false and forged writings , dangerous unto christian belief , and yet bearing a glorious inscriptions , began soon upon the apostles times to be admitted into the church , and to be honoured as if they had been indeed apostolick , shall easily perceive what cause the provincial synod of b laodicea might have as then to prevent , especially the danger of books made newly ecclesiastical , and , for feat of the fraud of hereticks , to provide , that such publick readings might be altogether taken out of canonical scripture . which ordinance , respecting but that abuse which grew through the intermingling of lessons human with sacred at such time as the one both affected the credit , and usurped the name of the other ( as by the canon of c a later council providing remedy for the self-same evil , and yet allowing the old ecclesiastical books to be read , it doth more plainly and clearly appear ) neither can be construed , nor should be urged utterly to prejudice our use of those old ecclesiastical writings ; much less of homilies , which were a third kinde of readings usual in former times , a most commendable institution , as well then d to supply the casual , as now the necessary defect of sermons . in the heat of general persecution whereunto christian belief was subject , upon the first promulgation thereof throughout the world , it much confirmed the courage and constancy of weaker mindes , when publick relation was made unto them , after what manner god had been glorified through the sufferings of martyrs , famous amongst them for holiness during life , and at the time of their death admirable in all mens eyes , through miraculous evidence of grace divine assisting them from above . for which cause the vertues of some being thought expedient to be annually had in remembrance above the rest , this brought in e a fouth kinde of publick reading , whereby the lives of such saints and martyrs had at the time of their yearly memorials , solemn recognition in the church of god. the fond imitation of which laudible custom being in later ages resumed , where there was neither the like cause to do as the fathers before had done ; nor any care , conscience , or wit , in such as undertook to perform that work , some brainless men have by great labour and travel brought to pass , that the church is now ashamed of nothing more than of saints . if therefore pope f gelasim did , so long sithence , see those defects of judgment even then , for which the reading of the acts of martyrs should be , and was at that time , forborn in the church of rome ; we are not to marvail , that afterwards legends being grown in a manner to be nothing else but heaps of frivolous and scandalous vanities , they have been even with disdain thrown out , the g very nests which bred them abhorring them . we are not therefore to except only scripture , and to make confusedly all the residue of one sute , as if they , who abolish legends could not without incongruity retain in the church either homilies , or those old ecclesiastical books : which books in case my self did think , as some others do , safer and better to be left publickly unread ; nevertheless as in other things of like nature , even so in this , h my private judgement i should be loath to oppose against the force of their reverend authority , who rather considering the divine excellency of some things in all , and of all things in certain of those apocrypha which we publickly read , have thought-it better to let them stand as a lift or marginal border unto the old testament , and , though with divine , yet as human compositions , to grant at the least unto certain of them publick audience in the house of god. for in as much as the due estimation of heavenly truth dependeth wholly upon the known and approved authority of those famous oracles of god , it greatly behoveth the church to have always most especial care , lest through confused mixture at any time human usurp the room and title of divine writings . wherefore albeit for the peoples more plain instruction ( as the antient use hath been ) we read in our churches certain books , besides the scripture , yet as the scripture we read them not . all men know our professed opinion touching the difference whereby we sever them from the scripture . and if any where it be suspected that some one or other will haply mistake a thing so manifest in every man's eye , there is no lett , but that as often as those books are read , and need so requireth , the style of their difference may expresly be mentioned , to barr even all possiblity of error . it being then known , that we hold not the apocrypha for sacred ( as we do the holy scripture ) but for human compositions , the subject whereof are sundry divine matters ; let there be reason shewed , why to read any part of them publickly , it should be unlawful or hurtful unto the church of god. i hear it said , that many things in them are very frivolous , and unworthy of publick audience ; yea , many contrary , plainly contrary , to the holy scripture . which hitherto is neither sufficiently proved by him who saith it , and , if the proofs thereof were strong , yet the very allegation it self is weak . let us therefore suppose ( for i will not demand to what purpose it is , that against our custom of reading books not canonical , they bring exceptions of matter in those books which we never use to read ) suppose ( i say ) that what faults soever they have observed throughout the passages of all those books , the same in every respect were such as neither could be construed , nor ought to be censured otherwise , than even as themselves pretend : yet as men , through too much haste , oftentimes forget the errand whereabout they should go ; so here it appeareth , that an eager desire to take together whatsoever might prejudice or any way hinder the credit of apocryphal books , hath caused the collector's pen so to run as it were on wheels , that the minde which should guide it , had no leisure to think , whether that which might haply serve to with-hold from giving them the authority which belongeth unto sacred scripture , and to cut them off from the canon , would as effectually serve to shut them altogether out of the church , and to withdraw from granting unto them that publick use , wherein they are only held as profitable for instruction . is it not acknowledged , that those books are holy , that they are ecclesiastical and sacred , that to term them divine , as being for their excellency next unto them which are properly so termed , is no way to honour them above desert ; yea , even that the whole church of christ , as well at the first as sithence hath most worthily approved their fitness for the publick informations of life and manners : is not thus much , i say , acknowledged , and that by them , who notwithstanding receive not the same for any part of canonical scripture , by them who deny not but that they are faulty , by them who are ready enough to give instances , wherein they seem to contain matter scarce agreeable with holy scripture ? so little doth such their supposed faultiness in moderate mens judgments inforce the removal of them out of the house of god , that still they are judged to retain worthily those very titles of commendation , than which , there cannot greater be given to writings , the authors whereof are men. as in truth , if the scripture it self , ascribing to the persons of men righteousness , in regard of their manifold vertues , may not rightly be construed , as though it did thereby clear them , and make them quite free from all faults , no reason we should judge it absurd to commend their writings as reverend , holy , and sound , wherein there are so many singular perfections , only for that the exquisite wits of some few peradventure are able dispersedly here and there to finde now a word and then a sentence , which may be more probably suspected than easily cleared of error by as which have but conjectural knowledge of their meaning . against immodest invectives therefore whereby they are charged as being fraught with a outragious lyes , we doubt not but their more allowable censure will prevail , who without so passionate terms of disgrace , do note a difference great enough between apocryphal and other writings , a difference such as b iosephus and epiphanius observe : the one declaring , that amongst the jews , books written after the days of artaxerxe , were not of equal credit with them which had gone before , in as much as the jews sithence that time had not the like exact succession of prophets ; the c other acknowledging that they are profitable , although denying them to be divine , in such construction and sense as the scripture it self is so termed . with what intent they were first published , those words of the nephew of jesus do plainly enough signifie , after that my grand-father , jesus , had given himself to the reading of the law and the prophets , and other books of our fathers , and had gotten therein sufficient judgment , he purposed also to write something pertaining to learning and wisdom , to the intent , that they which were desirous to learn , and would give themselves to these things , might profit much more in living according to the law. their end in writing , and ours in reading them , is the same . the books of iudith , toby , baruch , wisdome , and ecclesiasticus we read , as serving most unto that end . the rest we leave unto men in private . neither can it be reasonably thought , because upon certain solemn occasions , some lessons are chosen out of those books , and of scripture it self some chapters not appointed to be read at all , that we thereby do offer disgrace to the word of god , or lift up the writings of men above it . for in such choice we do not think , but that fitness of speech may be more respected than worthyness . if in that which we use to read , there happen by the way any clause , sentence , or speech that soundeth towards error ; should the mixture of a little dross constrain the church to deprive herself of so much gold , rather than learn how by art and judgment to make separation of the one from the other ? to this effect very fitly , from the counsel that st. ierem giveth lata , of taking heed how she read the apocrypha , as also by the help of other learned men's judgments delivered in like case , we may take direction . but surely , the arguments that should binde us not to read them , or any part of them publickly at all , must be stronger than as yet we have heard any . . we marvel the less that our reading of books not canonical , is so much impugned , when so little is attributed unto the reading of canonical scripture it self ; that now it hath grown to be a question , whether the word of god be any ordinary mean to save the souls of men , in that it is either privately studied , or publickly read , and so made known ; or else only as the same is preached , that is to say , explained by a lively voyce , and applyed to the people's use , as the speaker in his wisdom thinketh meet . for this alone is it which they use to call preaching . the publick reading of the apocrypha they condemn altogether , as a thing effectual unto evil ; the bare reading in like sort of whatsoever , yea even of scriptures themselves , they mislike , as a thing uneffectual to do that good , which we are perswaded may grow by it . our desire is in this present controversie , as in the rest , not to be carried up and down with the waves of uncertain arguments , but rather positively to lead on the mindes of the simpler sort by plain and easie degrees , till the very nature of the thing it self do make manifest what is truth . first therefore , because whatsoever is spoken concerning the efficacy or necessity of god's word , the same they tye and restrain only unto sermons , howbeit not sermons read neither ( for such they also abhor in the church ) but sermons without book , sermons which spend their life in their birth , and may have publick audience but once : for this cause , to avoid ambiguities , wherewith they often intangle themselves , not marking what doth agree to the word of god in it self , and what in regard of outward accidents which may befall it , we are to know that the word of god is his heavenly truth , touching matters of eternal life revealed and uttered unto men , unto prophets and apostles by immediate divine inspiration , from them to us by their books and writings . we therefore have no word of god but the scripture . apostolick sermons were , unto such as heard them , his word , even as properly as to us their writings are . howbeit not so our own sermons , the exposition which our discourse of wit doth gather and minister out of the word of god. for which cause , in this present question we are , when we name the word of god , always to mean the scripture only . the end of the word of god is to save , and therefore we term it the word of life . the way for all men to be saved , is by the knowledge of that truth which the word hath taught . and sith eternal life is a thing of it self communicable unto all , it behooved that the word of god , the necessary mean thereunto , be so likewise . wherefore the word of life hath been always a treasure , though precious , yet easie , as well to attain , as to finde ; lest any man desirous of life should perish through the difficulty of the way . to this and the word of god no otherwise serveth , than only in the nature of a doctrinal instrument . it saveth , because it maketh wise unto salvation . wherefore the ignorant it saveth not , they which live by the word , must know it . and being it self the instrument which god hath purposely framed , thereby to work the knowledge of salvation in the hearts of men , what cause is there wherefore it should not of it self be acknowledged a most apt and a likely mean , to leave an apprehension of things divine in our understanding , and in the minde an assent thereunto ? for touching the one , sith god , who knoweth and discloseth best the rich tresures of his own wisdom , hath , by delivering his word , made choice of the scriptures , as the most effectual means , whereby those treasures might be imparted unto the world , it followeth , that no man's understanding the scripture must needs be even of it self , intended as a full and perfect discovery , sufficient to imprint in us the lively character of all things necessarily required for the attainment of eternal life . and concerning our assent to the mysteries of heavenly truth , seeing that the word of god , for the author's sake , hath credit with all that confess it ( as we all do ) to be his word , every proposition of holy scripture , every sentence being to us a principle ; if the principles of all kindes of knowledge else have that vertue in themselves , whereby they are able to procure our assent unto such conclusions , as the industry of right discourse doth gather from them ; we have no reason to think the principles of that truth , which tendeth unto man's everlasting happiness , less forcible than any other , when we know , that , of all other , they are for their certainty the most infallible . but as every thing of price , so this doth require travel . we bring not the knowledge of god with us into the world. and the less our own opportunity or ability is that way , the more we need the help of other men's judgments , to be our direction herein . nor doth any man ever believe , into whom the doctrin of belief is not instilled by instruction , some way received at the first from others . wherein whatsoever fit means there are to notifie the mysteries of the word of god , whether publickly ( which we call preaching ) or in private , howsoever , the word by every such mean even ordinarily doth save , and not only by being delivered unto men in sermons . sermons are not the only preaching which doth save souls . for , concerning the use and sense of this word preaching , which they shut up in so close a prison , although more than enough have already been spoken , to redeem the liberty thereof ; yet because they insist so much , and so proudly insult thereon , we must a little inure their ears with hearing , how others whom they more regard , are in this case accustomed to use the self-same language with us , whose manner of speech they deride . ( a ) iustin martyr doubteth not to tell the grecians , that even in certain of their writings the very judgment to come is preached , not the ( b ) council of vaeus to insinuate , that presbyters , absent through infirmity from their churches , might be said to preach by those deputies , who in their stead did but read homilies ; nor the ( c ) council of toledo , to call the usual publick reading of the gospels in the church , preaching , nor ( d ) others , long before these our days to write , that by him who but readeth a lesson in the solemn assembly as part of divine service , the very office of preaching is so far-forth executed . such kind of speeches were then familiar , those phrases seemed not to them absurd , they would have marvelled to hear the ( e ) out-cryes which we do , because we think , that the apostles in writing , and others in reading to the church those books which the apostles wrote , are neither untruly nor unfitly said to preach . for although mens tongues and their pens differ , yet to one and the self-same general , if not particular effect , they may both serve . it is no good argument , st. paul could not write with his tongue , therefore neither could he preach with his pen. for preaching is a general end whereunto writing and speaking do both serve . men speak not with the instruments of writing , neither write with the instruments of speech ; and yet things recorded with the one , and uttered with the other , may be ( f ) preached well enough with both . by their patience therefore be it spoken , the apostles preached as well when they wrote as when they spake the gospel of christ ; and our usual publick reading of the word of god for the peoples instruction , is preaching . nor about words would we ever contend , were not their purpose in so restraining the same , injurious to god's most sacred word and spirit . it is on both sides confest , that the word of god outwardly administred ( his ( g ) spirit inwardly concurring therewith ) converteth , edifieth , and saveth souls . now whereas the external administration of his word is as well by reading barely the scripture , as by explaining the same when sermons thereon be made ; in the one , they deny that the finger of god hath ordinarily certain principal operations , which we most stedfastly hold and believe that it hath in both . . so worthy a part of divine service we should greatly wrong , if we did not esteem preaching as the blessed ordinance of god , sermons as keyes to the kingdom of heaven , as wings to the soul , as spurrs to the good affections of man , unto the sound and healthy as food , as physick unto diseased mindes . wherefore how higly soever it may please them with words of truth to extoll sermons , they shall not herein offend us . we seek not to derogate from any thing which they can justly esteem , but our desire is to uphold the just estimation of that , from which it seemeth unto us they derogate more than becometh them . that which offendeth us , is , first , the great disgrace which they offer unto our custom of bare reading the word of god , and to his gracious spirit , the principal vertue whereof thereby manifesting it self , for the endless good of mens souls , even the vertue which it hath to convert , to edifie , to save souls ; this they mightily strive to obscure : and , secondly , the shifts wherewith they maintain their opinion of sermons , whereunto , while they labour to appropriate the saving power of the holy ghost , they separate from all apparent hope of life and salvation , thousands whom the goodness of almighty god doth not exclude . touching therefore the use of scripture even in that it is openly read , and the inestimable good which the church of god , by that very mean , hath reaped ; there was , we may very well think , some cause which moved the apostle saint paul to require , that those things which any one churches affairs gave particular occasion to write , might , for the instruction of all , be published , and that by reading . . when the very having of the books of god was a matter of no small charge and difficulty , in as much as they could not be had otherwise than only in written copies , it was the necessity not of preaching things agreeable with the word , but of reading the word it self at large to the people , which caused churches throughout the world to have publick care , that the sacred oracles of god being procured by common charge , might with great sedulity be kept both intire and sincere . if then we admire the providence of god in the same continuance of scripture , notwithstanding the violent endeavours of infidels to abolish , and the fraudulence of hereticks always to deprave the same , shall we set light by that custom of reading , from whence so precious a benefit hath grown ? . the voyce and testimony of the church acknowledging scripture to be the law of the living god , is for the truth and certainty thereof no mean evidence . for if with reason we may presume upon things which a few mens depositions do testifie , suppose we that the mindes of men are not both at their first access to the school of christ exceedingly moved , yea and for ever afterwards also confirmed much , when they consider the main consent of all the churches in the whole world witnessing the sacred authority of scriptures , ever sithence the first publication thereof , even till this present day and hour ? and that they all have always so testified , i see not how we should possibly wish a proof more palpable , than this manifest received , and every where continued custom of reading them publickly as the scriptures . the reading therefore of the word of god , as the use hath ever been , in open audience , is the plainest evidence we have of the churches assent and acknowledgement that it is his word . . a further commodity this custom hath , which is , to furnish the very simplest and rudest sort with such infallible axioms and precepts of sacred truth , delivered even in the very letter of the law of god , as may serve them for rules whereby to judge the better all other doctrins and instructions which they hear . for which end and purpose , i see not how , the scripture could be possibly made familiar unto all , unless far more should be read in the peoples hearing , than by a sermon can be opened . for whereas in a manner the whole book of god is by reading every year published , a small part thereof , in comparison of the whole , may hold very well the readiest interpreter of scripture occupied many years . . besides , wherefore should any man think , but that reading it self is one of the ordinary means , whereby it pleaseth god of his gracious goodness to instill that celestial verity , which being but so received is nevertheless effectual to save souls ? thus much therefore we ascribe to the reading of the word of god as the manner is in our churches . and because it were odious , if they on their part should altogether despise the same , they yield that reading may set forward , but not begin the work of salvation ; that a faith may be nourished therewith , but not bred ; that b herein mens attention to the scriptures , and their speculation of the creatures of god have like efficacy , both being of power to augment , but neither to effect belief without sermons ; that if c any believe by reading alone , we are to account it a miracle ; an extraordinary work of god. wherein that which they grant , we gladly accept at their hands , and with that patiently they would examine how little cause they have to deny that which as yet they grant not . the scripture witnesseth , that when the book of the law of god had been sometime missing , and was after found ; the king , which heard it but only read , tare his cloaths , and with tears confessed , great is the wrath of the lord upon us , because our fathers have not● kept his word , to do after all things which are written in this book . this doth argue , that by bare reading ( for of sermons at that time there is no mention ) true repentance may be wrought in the hearts of such as fear god , and yet incurr his displeasure , the deserved effect whereof is eternal death . so that their repentance ( although it be not their first entrance ) is notwithstanding the first step of their re-entrance into life , and may be in them wrought by the word , only read unto them . besides , it seemeth that god would have no man stand in doubt , but that the reading of scripture is effectual , as well to lay even the first foundation , as to adde degrees of farther perfection in the fear of god ; and therefore the law saith , thou shalt read this law before all israel , that men , women , and children may hear , yea , even that their children , which as yet have not known it , may hear it , and by hearing it so read , may learn to fear the lord. our lord and saviour was himself of opinion , that they which would not be drawn to amendment of life by the testimony which moses and the prophets have given , concerning the miseries that follow sinners after death , were not likely to be perswaded by other means , although god from the very dead should have raised them up preachers . many hear the books of god , and believe them not . howbeit , their unbelief in that case we may not impute unto any weakness or insufficiency in the mean which is used towards them , but to the wilful bent of their obstinate hearts against it . with mindes obdurate nothing prevaileth . as well they that preach , as they that read unto such , shall still have cause to complain with the prophets which were of old , who will give credit unto our teaching ? but with whom ordinary means will prevail , surely the power of the world of god , even without the help of interpreters in god's church , worketh mightily , not unto their confirmation alone which are converted , but also to their conversion which are not . it shall not boot them who derogate from reading , to excuse it , when they see no other remedy , as if their intent were only to deny , that aliens and strangers from the family of god are won , or that belief doth use to be wrought at the first in them , without sermons . for they know it is our custom of simple reading , not for conversion of infidels estranged from the house of god , but for instruction of men baptised , bred and brought up in the bosom of the church , which they despise as a thing uneffectual to save such souls . in such they imagine that god hath no ordinary mean to work faith without sermons . the reason , why no man can attain belief by the bare contemplation of heaven and earth , is , for that they neither are sufficient to give us as much as the least spark of light concerning the very principal mysteries of our faith ; and whatsoever we may learn by them , the same we can only attain to know , according to the manner of natural sciences , which meer discourse of wit and reason findeth out ; whereas the things which we properly believe , be only such , as are received upon the credit of divine testimony . seeing therefore , that he which considereth the creatures of god , findeth therein both these defects , and neither the one nor the other in scriptures , because he that readeth unto us the scriptures , delivereth all the mysteries of faith , and not any thing amongst them all more than the mouth of the lord doth warrant : it followeth in those own respects , that our consideration of creatures , and attention unto scriptures are not in themselves , and without-sermons , things of like disability to breed or beget faith. small cause also there is , why any man should greatly wonder as at an extraordinary work , if , without sermons , reading be sound to effect thus much . for i would know by some special instance , what one article of christian faith , or what duty required unto all mens salvation there is , which the very reading of the word of god is not apt to notifie . effects are miraculous and strange , when they grow by unlikely means . but , did we ever hear it accounted for a wonder , that he which doth read , should believe and live according to the will of almighty god ? reading doth convey to the minde that truth , without addition or diminution , which scripture hath derived from the holy ghost . and the end of all scripture is the same which saint iohn proposeth in the writing of that most divine gospel , namely faith , and through faith salvation . yea , all scripture is to this effect in it self available , as they which wrote it were perswaded ; unless we suppose , that the evangelists , or others , in speaking of their own intent to instruct and to save by writing , had a secret conceit which they never opened to any , a conceit that no man in the world should ever be that way the better for any sentence by them written , till such time as the same might chance to be preached upon , or alledged at the least in a sermon . otherwise , if he which writeth , doth that which is forceable in it self , how should he which readeth , be thought to do that which in it self is of no force to work belief , and to save believers ? now , although we have very just cause to stand in some jealousie and fear , lest by thus overvaluing their sermons , they make the price and estimation of scripture , otherwise notified , to fall : nevertheless , so impatient they are , that being but requested to let us know what causes they leave for mens incouragement to attend to the reading of the scripture , if sermons only be the power of god to save every one which believeth ; that which we move for our better learning and instruction-sake , turneth unto anger and choler in them , they grow altogether out of quietness with it , they answer fumingly , that they are ashamed to defile their pens with making answer to such idle questions : yet in this their mood they cast forth somewhat , wherewith under pain of greater displeasure we must rest contented . they tell us , the profit of reading is singular , in that it serveth for a preparative unto sermons ; it helpeth prettily towards the nourishment of faith , which sermons have once ingendred ; it is some stay to his minde which readeth the scripture , when he findeth the same things there which are taught in sermons , and thereby perceiveth how god doth concurr in opinion with the preacher ; besides , it keepeth sermons in memory , and doth in that respect , although not feed the soul of man , yet help the retentive force of that stomack of the minde , which receiveth ghostly ●ood at the preachers hands . but the principal cause of writing the gospel was , that it might be preached upon or interpreted by publick ministers , apt and authorized thereunto . is it credible that a superstitious conceit ( for it is no better ) concerning sermons , should in such sort both darken their eyes , and yet sharpen their wits withall , that the only true and weightly cause why scripture was written , the cause which in scripture is so often mentioned , the cause which all men have ever till this present day acknowledged , this they should clean exclude , as being no cause at all , and load us with so great store of strange concealed causes , which did never see light till now ? in which number the rest must needs be of moment , when the very chiefest cause of committing the sacred word of god unto books , is surmised to have been , lest the preacher should want a text whereupon to scholie . men of learning hold it for a slip in judgement , when offer is made to demonstrate that as proper to one thing , which reason findeth common unto moe . whereas therefore they take from all kindes of teachings , that which they attribute to sermons , it had been their part to yield directly some strong reason , why between sermons alone and faith , there should be ordinarily that coherence which causes have with their usual effects , why a christian man's belief should so naturally grow from sermons , and not possibly from any other kinde of teaching . in belief there being but these two operations , apprehension and assent . do only sermons cause belief , in that no other way is able to explain the mysteries of god , that the minde may rightly apprehend or conceive them as behooveth ? we all know , that many things are believed , although they be intricate , obscure , and dark , although they exceed the reach and capacity of our wits , yea although in this world they be no way possible to be understood . many things believed are likewise so plain , that every common person may therein be unto himself a sufficient expounder . finally , to explain even those things which need and admit explication , many other usual ways there are besides sermons . therefore sermons are not the only ordinary means whereby we first come to apprehend the mysterys of god. is it in regard then of sermons only , that apprehending the gospel of christ we yield thereunto our unfeigned assent , as to a thing infallibly true : they which rightly consider after what sort the heart of man hereunto is framed , must of necessity acknowledge , that who so assenteth to the words of eternal life , doth it in regard of his authority whose words they are . this is in man's conversion unto god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first step whereat his race towards heaven beginneth . unless therefore , clean contrary to our own experience , we shall think it a miracle if any man acknowledge the divine authority of the scripture , till some sermon have perswaded him thereunto , and that otherwise neither conversation in the bosome of the church , nor religious education , nor the reading of learned mens books , nor information received by conference , nor whatsoever pain and diligence in hearing , studying , meditating day and night on the law , is so far blest of god , as to work this effect in any man ; how would they have us to grant , that faith doth not come but only by heating sermons ? a fain they would have us to believe the apostle saint paul himself to be author of this their paradox , only because he hath said , that it pleaseth god by the b foolishness of preaching to save them which believe ; and again , c how shall they call on him in whom they have not believed ? how shall they believe in him of whom they have not heard ? how shall they hear without a preacher ? how shall men preach except they be sent ? to answer therefore both allegations at once ; the very substance of what they contain is in few but this . life and salvation god will have offered unto all ; his will is that gentiles should be saved as well as jews . salvation belongeth unto none but such as call upon the name of our lord iesus christ. which nations as yet unconverted neither do not possibly can do till they believe . what they are to believe , impossible it is they should know till they bear it . their hearing requireth our preaching unto them . d tertullian , to draw even painyms themselves unto christian belief , willeth the books of the old testament to be searched , which were at that time in ptolemics library . and if men did not lift to travel so far , though it were for their endless good , he addeth that in rome and other places the jews had synagogues , whereunto every one which would , might resort ; that this kinde of liberty they purchased by payment of a standing tribute ; that there they did openly e read the scriptures ; and whosoever will bear , ( saith tertullian ) he shall finde god ; whosoever will study to know , shall be also fain to believe . but sith there is no likelihood that ever voluntarily they will seek instruction at our hands , it remaineth that unless we will suffer them to perish , salvation it self must seek them , it behooveth god to send them preachers as he did his elect apostles throughout the world. there is a knowledge which god hath always revealed unto them in the works of nature . this they honour and esteem highly as profound wisdome ; howbeit this wisdome saveth them not . that which must save believers , is , the knowledge of the cross of christ , the only subject of all our preaching . and in their eyes what seemeth this but folly ? it pleaseth god by the foolishness of preaching to save . these words declare how admirable force those mysteries have , which the world do deride as follies ; they shew that the foolishness of the cross of christ is the wisdom of true believers ; they concern the object of our faith , the f matter preached of and believed in by christian men . this we know that the grecians or gentiles did account foolishness ; but that they did ever think it a fond or unlikely way to seek mens conversion by sermons , we have not heard . manifest therefore it is , that the apostle applying the name of foolishness in such sort as they did , must needs , by the foolishness of preaching , mean the doctrine of christ , which we learn that we may be saved , but that sermons are the only manner of teaching , whereby it pleaseth our lord to save , he could not mean. in like sort , where the same apostle proveth , that as well the sending of the apostles , as their preaching to the gentiles , was necessary , dare we affirm it was ever his meaning , that unto their salvation , who even from their tender infancy never knew any other faith or religion that only christian , no kinde of teaching can be available , saving that which was so needful for the first universal conversion of gentiles hating christianity ; neither the sending of any sort allowable in the one case , except only of such as had been in the other also most fit and worthy instruments ? belief in all sorts doth come by hearkning , and attending to the word of life . which word sometime proposeth and preacheth it self to the hearer ; sometime they deliver it , whom privately zeal and piety moveth to be instructors of others by conference ; sometime of them it is taught , whom the church hath called to the publick , either reading thereof , or interpreting . all these tend unto one effect , neither doth that which st. paul or other apostles teach , concerning the necessity of such teaching as theirs was , or of sending such as they were , for that purpose unto the gentiles , prejudice the efficacy of any other way of publick instruction , or inforce the utter disability of any other mens vocation thought requisite in this church for the saving of souls , where means more effectual are wanting . their only proper and direct proof of the thing in question had been to shew , in what sort , and how farr man's salvation doth necessarily depend upon the knowledge of the word of god ; what conditions , properties , and qualities there are , whereby sermons are distinguished from other kindes of administring the word unto that purpose ; and what special property or quality that is , which being no where found but in sermons , maketh them effectual to save souls , and leaveth all other doctrinal means besides destitute of vital efficacy . these pertinent instructions , whereby they might satisfie us , and obtain the cause it self for which they contend , these things which only would serve they leave , and ( which needeth not ) sometime they trouble themselves with fretting at the ignorance of such as withstand them in their opinion ; sometime they a fall upon their poor brethren which can but read , and against them they are bitterly eloquene . if we alledge what the scriptures themselves do usually speak for the saving force of the word of god , not with restraint to any one certain kinde of delivery , but howsoever the same shall chance to be made known , yet by one trick or other they always b restrain it unto sermons . our lord and saviour hath said , c search the scriptures , for in them ye think to have eternal life . but they tell us , he spake to the jews , which jews before had heard his sermons ; and that peradventure it was his minde they should search , not by reading , nor by hearing them read , but by attending , whensoever the scriptures should happen to be alledged in sermons . furthermore , having received apostolical doctrine , d the apostle saint paul hath taught us to esteem the same as the supream rule , whereby all other doctrines must for ever be examined . yea , but in as much as the apostle doth there speak of that he had preached , he flatly maketh ( as they strangely affirm ) his preachings or sermons the rule whereby to examine all . and then , i beseech you , what rule have we whereby to judge or examine any ? for , if sermons must be our rule , because the apostles sermons were so to their hearers ; then , sith we are not as they were , hearers of the apostles sermons , it resteth that either the sermons which we hear should be our rule , or ( that being absurd ) therewill ( which yet hath greater absurdity ) no rule at all be remaining for tryal , what doctrines now are corrupt , what consonant with heavenly truth . again , let the same apostle acknowledge all scripture profitable to teach , to improve , to correct , to instruct in righteousness ; still notwithstanding we erre , if hereby we presume to gather , that scripture read , will avail unto any one of all these uses ; they teach us the meaning of the words to be , that so much the scripture can do , if the minister that way apply it in his sermons , otherwise not . finally , they never hear sentence which mentioneth the word or scripture , but forthwith their glosses upon it are , the word preached , the scripture explained or delivered unto us in sermons . sermons they evermore understand to be that word of god , which alone hath vital operation ; the dangerous sequel of which construction i wish they did more attentively weigh . for , sith speech is the very image , whereby the minde and soul of the speaker conveyeth it self into the bolom of him which heareth , we cannot chuse but see great reason , wherefore the word that proceedeth from god , who is himself very truth and life , should be ( as the apostle to the hebrews noteth ) lively and mighty in operation , sharper than any two-edged sword. now , if in this and the like places we did conceive , that our own sermons are that strong and forcible word , should we not hereby impart even the most peculiar glory of the word of god , unto that which is not his word ? for , touching our sermons , that which giveth them their very being , is the wit of man , and therefore they oftentimes accordingly taste too much of that over-corrupt fountain from which they come . in our speech of most holy things , our most frail affections many times are bewrayed . wherefore when we read or recite the scripture , we then deliver to the people properly the word of god. as for our sermons , be they never so sound and perfect , his word they are not , as the sermons of the prophets were ; no , they are but ambiguously termed his word , because his word is commonly the subject whereof they treat , and must be the rule whereby they are framed . notwithstanding , by these , and the like shifts they derive unto sermons alone , whatsoever is generally spoken concerning the word . again , what seemeth to have been uttered concerning sermons , and their efficacy or necessity , in regard of divine matter , and must consequently be verified in sundry other kindes of teaching , if the matter be the same in all ; their use is to fasten every such speech unto that one only manner of teaching , which is by sermons , that still sermons may be all in all . a thus , because solomon declareth that the people decay or perish for want of knowledge , where b no prophecying at all is , they gather , that the hope of life and salvation is cut off , where preachers are not which prophecy by sermons , how many soever they be in number that read daily the word of god , and deliver , though in other sort , the self-same matter which sermons do . the people which have no way to come to the knowledge of god , no prophecying , no teaching , perish . but that they should of necessity perish , where any one way of knowledge lacketh , is more then the words of solomon import , c another usual point of their art in this present question , is to make very large and plentiful discourses , how christ is by sermons d lifted up higher , and made more e apparent to the eye of faith ; how the f savour of the word is more sweet being brayed , and more able to nourish being divided by preaching , then by only reading proposed ; how sermons are the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , and do open the scriptures , which being but read , remain in comparison still clasped ; how god g giveth richer increase of grace to the ground that is planted and watered by preaching , than by bare and simple reading . out of which premises declaring how attainment unto life is easier where sermons are , they conclude an h . impossibility thereof where sermons are not . alcidimas the sophister hath many arguments , to prove that voluntary and extemporal far excelleth premeditated speech . the like whereunto , and in part the same , are brought by them , who commend sermons , as having ( which all men , i think , will acknowledge ) sundry i peculiar and proper vertues , such as no other way of teaching besides hath . aptness to follow particular occasions presently growing , to put life into words by countenance , voyce and gesture , to prevail mightily in the sudden affections of men , this sermons may challenge . wherein notwithstanding so eminent properties whereof lessons are haply destitute , yet lessons being free from some inconveniences , whereunto sermons are more subject , they may in this respect no less take , then in other they must give the hand , which betokeneth preeminence . for there is nothing which is not some way excell'd , even by that which it doth excel . sermons therefore and lessons may each excell other in some respects , without any prejudice unto either , as touching that vital force which they both have in the work of our salvation . to which effect when we have endeavoured as much as in us doth lye , to finde out the strongest causes , wherefore they should imagine that reading is itself so unavailable ; the most we can learn at their hands , is , that sermons are the ordinance of god , the scriptures dark , and the labour of reading easie . first , therefore , as we know that god doth aide with his grace , and by his special providence evermore bless with happy success those things which himself appointeth ; so his church , we perswade our selves , he hath not in such sort given over to a reprobate sense , that whatsoever it deviseth for the good of the souls of men , the same he doth still accurse and make frustrate . or if he always did defeat the ordinances of his church , is not reading the ordinance of god ? wherefore then should we think that the force of his secret grace is accustomed to bless the labour of dividing his word , according unto each man's private discretion in publick sermons , and to withdraw it self from concurring with the publick delivery thereof by such selected portions of scriptures , as the whole church hath solemnly appointed to be read for the peoples good , either by ordinary course or otherwise , according to the exigence of special occasions ? reading ( saith a isidore ) is to the hearers no small edifying . to them whose b delight and meditation is in the law , seeing that happiness and bliss belongeth , it is not in us to deny them the benefit of heavenly grace . and i hope we may presume , that a rare thing it is not in the church of god , even for that very word which is read to be both presently their c joy , and afterwards their study that hear it . d s. augustin speaking of devout men , noteth , how they daily frequented the church , how attentive ear they gave unto the lessons and chapters read , how careful they were to remember the same , and to muse thereupon by themselves . e st. cyprian observeth . that reading was not without effect in the hearts of men . their joy and alacity was to him an argument , that there is in this ordinance a blessing , such as ordinarily doth accompany the administration of the word of life . it were much if there should be such a difference between the hearing of sermons preached , and of lessons read in the church , that he which presenteth himself at the one , and maketh his prayer with the prophet f david , teach me , o lord , the way of thy statutes , direct me in the path of thy commandments , might have the ground of usual experience wherupon to build his hope of prevailing with god , and obtaining the grace he seeketh , they contrariwise not so , who crave the like assistance of his spirit , when they give ear to the reading of the other . in this therefore preaching and reading are equal , that both are approved as his ordinances , both assisted with his grace . and if his grace do assist them both to the nourishment of faith already bred , we cannot , without some very manifest cause yielded , imagin that in breeding or begetting faith , his grace doth cleave to the one , and utterly forsake the other . touching hardness , which is the second pretended impediment , as against homilies , being plain and popular instructions , it is no bar , so neither doth it infringe the efficacy , no not of scriptures , although but read . the force of reading , how small soever they would have it , must of necessity be granted sufficient to notifie that which is plain or easie to be understood . and of things necessary to all mens salvation , we have been hitherto accustomed to hold ( especially sit hence the publishing of the gospel of jesus christ , whereby the simplest having now a key unto knowledge which the eunuch in the acts did want , our children may of themselves by reading understand that , which he without an interpreter could not ) they are in scripture plain and easie to be understood . as for those things which at the first are obscure and dark , when memory hath laid them up for a time , judgment afterwards growing explaineth them . scripture therefore is not so hard , but that the only reading thereof may give life unto willing hearers . the easie performance of which holy labour , is in like sort a very cold objection , to prejudice the vertue thereof . for what though an infidel ; yes , though a childe may be able to read ; there is no doubt , but the meanest and worst amongst the people under the law , had been as able as the priests themselves were to offer sacrifice . did this make sacrifice of no effect unto that purpose for which it was instituted ? in religion some duties are not commended so much by the hardness of their execution , as by the worthiness and dignity of that acceptation wherein they are held with god. we admire the goodness of god in nature , when we consider how he hath provided that things most needful to preserve this life , should be most prompt and easie for all living creatures to come by . is it not as evident a sign of his wonderful providence over us , when that food of eternal life , upon the utter want whereof our endless death and destruction necessarily ensueth , is prepared and always set in such a readiness , that those very means , than which nothing is more easie , may suffice to procure the same ? surely , if we perish , it is not the lack of scribes and learned expounders that can be out just excuse . the word which saveth our souls is near us , we need for knowledge but to read and live . the man which readeth the word of god , the word it self doth pronounce blessed , if he also observe the same . now all these things being well considered , it shall be no intricate matter for any man to judge with indifferency on which part the good of the church is most conveniently sought ; whether on ours , whose opinion is such as hath been shewed , or else on theirs , who leaving no ordinary way of salvation for them unto whom the word of god is but only read , do seldom name them but with great disdain and contempt who execute that service in the church of christ. by means whereof it hath come to pass , that churches , which cannot enjoy the benefit of usual preaching , are judged , as it were , even forsaken of god , forlorn , and without either hope or comfort : contrariwise , those places which every day for the most part are at sermons as the flowing sea , do both by their emptiness at times of reading , and by other apparent tokens shew , to the voice of the living god , this way sounding in the ears of men , a great deal less reverence then were meet . but if no other evil were known to grow thereby , who can chuse but think them cruel which doth hear them so boldly teach , that if god ( as to him there nothing impossible ) do haply save any such as continue where they have all other means of instruction , but are not taught by continual preaching , yet this is miraculous , and more than the fitness of so poor instruments can give any man cause to hope for ; that sacraments are not effectual to salvation , except men be instructed by preaching before they be made partakers of them ; yea , that both sacraments and prayers also , where sermons are not , do not only not feed , but are ordinarily to further condemnation ; what mans heart doth not rise at the mention of these things● it is true , that the weakness of our wits and the dulness of our affections do make us for the most part , even as our lords own disciples were for a certain time , hard and slow to believe what is written . for help whereof expositions and exhortations are needful , and that in the most effectual manner . the principal churches throughout the land , and no small part of the rest , being in this respect by the goodness of god so abundantly provided for , they which want the like furtherance unto knowledge , wherewith it were greatly to be desired that they also did abound , are yet , we hope , not left in so extream desticution , that justly any men should think the ordinary means of eternal life taken from them because their teaching is in publick for the most part but by reading . for which cause amongst whom there are not those helps that others have to set them forward in the way of life , such to dis-hearten with fearful sentences , as though their salvation could hardly be hoped for , is not in our understanding so consonant with christian charity . we hold it safer a great deal , and better to give them a incouragement ; to put them in minde , that it is not the deepness of their knowledge , but the b singleness of their belief which god accepteth ; that they which c hunger and thirst after righteousness , shall be satisfied ; that no d imbecillity of means can prejudice the truth of the promise of god herein ; that the weaker their helps are , the more their need is to sharpen the edge of their own e industry ; and that f painfulness by feeble meanes shall be able to gain that , which in the plenty of more forcible instruments is through sloth and negligence lost . as for the men , with whom we have thus fart taken pains to conferr , about the force of the word of god , either read by it self or opened in sermons ; their speeches concerning both the one and the other are in truth such , as might give us very just cause to think , that the reckoning is not great which they make of either . for howsoever they have been driven to devise some odde kinde of blinde uses , whereunto they may answer that reading doth serve , yet the reading of the word of god in publick more than their preachers bare text , who will not judge that they deem needless ? when if we chance at any time to term it necessary , as being a thing which god himself did institute amongst the jews for purposes that touch as well us as them , a thing which the apostles commend under the old , and ordain under the new testament ; a thing whereof the church of god hath ever sithence the first beginning reaped singular commodity ; a thing which without exceeding great detriment no church can omit , they only are the men that ever we heard of , by whom this hath been cross'd and gain-said ; they only the men which have given their peremptory sentence to the contrary : it is untrue , that simple reading is necessary in the church . and why untrue ? because , although it be very convenient which is used in some churches , where before preaching-time the church assembled hath the scriptures read in such order , that the whole canon thereof is oftentimes in one year run through : yet a number of churches which have no such order of simple reading , cannot be in this point charged with breach of gods commandement , which they might be if simple reading were necessary . a poor , a cold and an hungry cavil ! shall we therefore to please them change the word necessary , and say , that it hath been a commendable order , a custom very expedient , or an ordinance most profitable ( whereby they know right well that we mean exceedingly behoovful ) to read the word of god at large in the church , whether it be , as our manner is , or as theirs is whom they prefer before us ? it is not this that will content or satisfie their mindes . they have against it a marvellous deep and profound axiome , that two things to one and the same end cannot but very improperly be said most profitable . and therefore if preaching be most profitable to man's salvation , then is not reading ; if reading be , then preaching is not . are they resolved then at the leastwise , if preaching be the only ordinary mean whereby it pleaseth god to save our souls , what kinde of preaching it is which doth save ? understand they , how or in what respect there is that force or vertue in preaching ? we have reason wherefore to make these demands ; for that , although their pens run all upon preaching and sermons , yet when themselves do practise that whereof they write , they change their dialect , and those words they shun , as if there were in them some secret sting . it is not their phrase to say they preach , or to give to their own instructions and exhortations the name of sermons ; the pain they take themselves in this kinde is either opening or lecturing or reading , or exercising , but in no case preaching . a and in this present question , they also warily protest that what they ascribe to the vertue of preaching , they still mean it of good preaching : now one of them saith that a good sermon b must expound and apply a large portion of the text of scripture at one time . another giveth us to understand , that sound preaching c is not to do as one did at london , who spent most of his time in invectives against good men , and told his audience how the magistrate should have an eye to such as troubled the peace of the church . the d best of them hold it for no good preaching , when a man endeavoureth to make a glorious shew of eloquence and learning , rather than to apply himself to the capacity of the simple . but let them shape us out a good preacher by what pattern soever pleaseth them best , let them exclude and inclose whom they will with their definitions , we are not desirous to enter into any contention with them about this , or to abate the conceit they have of their own ways , so that when once we are agreed what sermons shall currently pass for good , we may at length understand from them , what that is in a good sermon which doth make it the word of life unto such as hear . if substance of matter , evidence of things , strength and validity of arguments and proofs , or if any other vertue else which words and sentences may contain ; of all this , what is there in the best sermons being uttered , which they lose by being read ? but they utterly deny that the reading either of scriptures , or homilies and sermons can ever by the ordinary grace of god save any soul. so that although we had all the sermons word for word which iames , paul , peter , and the rest of the apostles made , some one of which sermons was of power to convert thousands of the hearers unto christian faith ; yea , although we had all the instructions , exhortations , consolations which came from the gracious lips of our lord jesus christ himself , and should read them ten thousand times over , to faith and salvation no man could hereby hope to attain . whereupon it must of necessity follow , that the vigour and vital efficacy of sermons doth grow from certain accidents , which are not in them , but in their maker ; his vertue , his gesture , his countenance , his zeal , the motion of his body , and the inflexion of his voice , who first uttereth them as his own , is that which giveth them the form , the nature , the very essence of instruments available to eternal life . if they like neither that nor this , what remaineth but that their final conclusion be , sermons we know are the only ordinary means to salvation , but why or how we cannot tell ? wherefore to end this tedious controversie , wherein the too great importunity of our over-eager adversaries hath constrained us much longer to dwell , than the barrenness of so poor a cause could have seemed at the first likely either to require or to admit , if they which without partialities and passions are accustomed to weigh all things , and accordingly to give their sentence , shall here sit down to receive our audit , and to cast up the whole reckoning on both sides ; the sum which truth amounteth unto will appear to be but this , that as medicines provided of nature , and applyed by art for the benefit of bodily health , take effect sometime under and sometime above the natural proportion of their vertue , according as the minde and fancy of the patient doth more or less concurr with them : so , whether we barely read unto men the scriptures of god ; or by homilies concerning matter of belief and conversation seek to lay before them the duties which they owe unto god and man ; whether we deliver them books to read and consider of in private at their own best leasure , or call them to the hearing of sermons publickly in the house of god ; albeit every of these and the like unto these means do truly and daily effect that in the hearts of men for which they are each and all meant ; yet the operation which they have in common , being most sensible and most generally noted in one kinde above the rest , that one hath in some mens opinions drowned altogether the rest , and injuriously brought to pass that they have been thought not less effectual than the other , but without the other uneffectual to save souls . whereas the cause why sermons only are observed to prevail so much while all means else seem to sleep and do nothing , is in truth but that singular affection and attention which the people sheweth every where towards the one , and their cold disposition to the other ; the reason hereof being partly the art which our adversaries use for the credit of their sermons , to bring men out of conceit with all other teaching besides ; partly , a custom which men have to let those things carelesly pass by their ears which they have oftentimes heard before , or know they may hear again whenever it pleaseth themselves ; partly , the especial advantages which sermons naturally have to procure attention , both in that they come always new , and because by the hearer it is still presumed , that if they be let slip for the present , what good soever they contain , is lost , and that without all hope of recovery . this is the true cause of odds between sermons , and other kindes of wholesome instruction . as for the difference which hath been hitherto so much defended on the contrary side , making sermons the only ordinary means unto faith and eternal life , sith this hath neither evidence of truth ; nor proof sufficient to give it warrant , a cause of such quality may with fart better grace and conveniency aske that pardon which common humanity doth easily grant , than claim in challenging manner that assent which is as unwilling when reason guideth it to be yielded where it is not , as with-held where it is apparently due . all which notwithstanding , as we could greatly wish that the rigour of this their opinion were allayed and mittigated ; so , because we hold it the part of religious ingenuity to honour vertue in whomsoever , therefore it is our most hearty desire , and shall be always our prayer unto almighty god , that in the self-same fervent zeal wherewith they seem to effect the good of the souls of men ; and to thirst after nothing more than that all men might by all means be directed in the way of life , both they and we may constantly persist to the worlds end . for in this we are not their adversaries , though they in the other hitherto have been ours . . between the throne of god in heaven , and his church upon earth here militant , if it be so that angels have their continual intercourse , where should we finde the same more verified than in those two ghostly exercises , the one doctrine , the other prayer ? for what is the assembling of the church to learn , but the receiving of angels descended from above ? what to pray , but the sending of angels upwards ? his heavenly inspirations , and our holy desires are as so many angels of intercourse and commerce between god and us . as teaching bringeth us to know that god is our supream truth ; so prayer , testifieth that we acknowledge him our soveraign good. besides , sith on god , as the most high , all inferiour causes in the world are dependant ; and the higher any cause is , the more it coveteth to impart vertue unto things beneath it , how should any kinde of service we do or can do , finde greater acceptance than prayer , which sheweth our concurrence with him , in desiring that wherewith his very nature doth most delight ? is not the name of prayer usual to signifie even all the service that ever we do unto god ? and that for no other cause , as i suppose , but to shew that there is in religion no acceptable duty which devout invocation of the name of god doth not either presuppose or inferr . prayers are those a calves of mens lips ; those most gracious and sweet b odours ; those rich presents and gifts , which being c carried up into heaven , do best restifie our dutiful affection , and are , for the purchasing of all favour at the hands of god , the most undoubted means we can use . on others what more easily , and yet what more fruitfully bestowed than our prayers ? if we give counsel , they are the simpler onely that need it ; if almes , the poorer only are relieved ; but by prayer we do good to all . and whereas every other duty besides , is but to shew it self as time and opportunity require , for this all times are convenient : when we are not able to do any other things for mens behoof , when through maliciousness or unkindness they vouchsafe not to accept any other good at our hands , prayer is that which we always have in our power to bestow , and they never in theirs to refuse . wherefore god fotbid , saith samuel , speaking unto a most unthankful people , a people weary of the benefit of his most vertuous government over them , god forbid that i should sin against the lord , and cease to pray for you . it is the first thing wherewith a righteous life beginneth , and the last wherewith it doth end . the knowledge is small which we have on earth concerning things that are done in heaven . notwithstanding , thus much we know even of saints in heaven , that they pray . and therefore prayer being a work common to the church as well triumphant as militant , a work common unto men with angels , what should we think , but that so much of our lives is celestial and divine as we spend in the exercise of prayer ? for which cause we see that the most comfortable visitations , which god hath sent men from above , have taken especially the times of prayer as their most natural opportunities . . this holy and religious duty of service towards god concerneth us one way in that we are men , and another way in that we are joined as parts to that visible mystical body , which is his church . as men , we are at our own choice , both for time , and place , and form , according to the exigence of our own occasions in private : but the service , which we do as members of a publick body , is publick , and for that cause must needs be accompted by so much worthier than the other , as a whole society of such condition exceedeth the worth of any one . in which consideration unto christian assemblies , there are most special promises made . st. paul , though likely to prevail with god as much as any one , did notwithstanding think it much more , both for god's glory , and his own good , if prayers might be made and thanks yielded in his behalf by a number of men . the prince and people of niniveh , assembling themselves , as a main army of supplicants , it was not in the power of god to withstand them . i speak no otherwise concerning the force of publick prayer in the church of god , than before me tertullian hath done , we come by troops to the place of assembly , that being banded as it were together , we may be sapplicants enough to besiege god with , our prayers : these forces are unto him acceptable . when we publickly make our prayers , it cannot be but that we do it with much more comfort than in private , for that the things we aske publickly are approved as needful and good in the judgement of all , we hear them sought for and desired with common consent . again , thus much help and furtherance is more yielded , in that , if so be our zeal and devotion to god-ward be slack , the alacrity and fervour of others serveth as a present spurt . for even prayer it self ( saith saint basil ) when it hath not the consort of many voyces to strengthen it , is not it self . finally , the good which we do by publick prayer , is more than in private can be done , for that besides the benefit which is here , is no less procured to our selves , the whole church is much bettered by our good example ; and consequently whereas secret neglect of our duty in this kinde is but only our own hurt , one man's contempt of the common prayer of the church of god may be and oftentimes is most hurtful unto many . in which considerations the prophet david so often voweth unto god the sacrifice of prayse and thanksgiving in the congregation , so earnestlie exhorteth others to sing praises unto the lord in his courts , in his sanctuary , before the memorial of his holiness ; and so much complaineth of his own uncomfortable exile , wherein although he sustained many most grievous indignities , and indured the want of sundry both pleasures and honours before injoyed ; yet as if this one were his only grief , and the rest not felt , his speeches are all of the heavenly benefit of publick assemblies , and the happiness of such as had free access thereunto . . a great part of the cause , wherefore religious mindes are so inflamed with the love of publick devotion , is that vertue , force and efficacy , which by experience they finde that the very form and reverend solemnity of common prayer duly ordered hath , to help that imbecillity and weakness in us , by means whereof we are otherwise of our selves the less apt to perform unto god so heavenly a service , with such affection of heart , and disposition in the powers of our souls as is requisite . to this end therefore all things hereunto appertaining , have been ever thought convenient to be done with the most solemnity and majesty that the wisest could devise . it is not with publick as with private prayer . in this , rather secresie is commanded than outward shew , whereas that being the publick act of a whole society , requireth accordingly more care to be had of external appearance . the very assembling of men therefore unto this service hath been ever solemn . and concerning the place of assembly , although it serve for other uses as well as this , yet seeing that our lord himself hath to this , as to the chiefest of all other , plainly sanctified his own temple , by entituling it the house of prayer , what preeminence of dignity soever hath been either by the ordinance , or through the special favour and providence of god annexed unto his sanctuary , the principal cause thereof must needs be in regard of common prayer . for the honour and furtherance whereof , if it be as the gravest of the antient fathers seriously were perswaded , and do oftentimes plainly teach , affirming that the house of prayer is a court , beautified with the presence of celestial powers , that there we stand , we pray , we sound forth hymnes unto god , having his angels intermingled as our associates ; and that with reference hereunto the apostle doth require so great care to be had of decency for the angels sake ; how can we come to the house of prayer , and not be moved with the very glory of the place it self , so to frame our affections praying , as doth best beseem them , whose suits the almighty doth there sit to hear , and his angels attend to further ; when this was ingrafted in the mindes of men , there needed no penal statutes to draw them unto publick prayer . the warning sound was no sooner heard , but the churches were presently filled , the pavements covered with bodies prostrate , and washt with their tears of devout joy . and as the place of publick prayer is a circumstance in the outward form thereof , which hath moment to help devotion ; so the person much more with whom the people of god do joyn themselves in this action , as with him that standeth and speaketh in the presence of god for them . the authority of his place , the fervour of his zeal , the piety and gravity of his whole behaviour , must needs exceedingly both grace and set forward the service he doth . the authority of his calling is a furtherance , because if god have so farr received him into favour , as to impose upon him by the hands of men that office of blessing the people in his name , and making intercession to him in theirs ; which office he hath sanctified with his own most gracious promise , and ratified that promise by manifest actual performance thereof , when others before in like place have done the same , is not his very ordination a seal , as it were to us , that the self-same divine love which hath chosen the instrument to work with , will by that instrument effect the thing whereto he ordained it , in blessing his people , and accepting the prayers which his servant offereth up unto god for them ? it was in this respect a comfortable title which the antients used to give unto god's ministers , terming them usually god's most beloved , which were ordained to procure by their prayers his love and favour towards all . again , if there be not zeal and fervency in him which proposeth for the rest those sutes and supplications , which they by their joyful acclamations must ratifie ; if he praise not god with all his might , if he pour not out his soul in prayer ; if he take not their causes to heart , and speak not as moses , daniel , and ezra , did for their people ; how should there be but in them frozen coldness , when his affections seem benummed from whom theirs should take fire ? vertue and godliness of life are required at the hands of the minister of god , not only in that he is to teach and instruct the people , who for the most part are rather led away by the ill example , then directed aright by the wholesom instruction of them , whose life swarveth from the rule of their own doctrine ; but also much more in regard of this other part of his function ; whether we respect the weakness of the people , apt to loathe and abhorr the sanctuary , when they which perform the service thereof are such as the sonnes of heli were ; or else consider the inclination of god himself , who requireth the lifting up of pure hands in prayers , and hath given the world plainly to understand , that the wicked , although they cry , shall not be heard . they are not fit supplicants to seek his mercy on the behalf of others , whose own un-repented sins provoke his just indignation . let thy priests therefore , o lord , be evermore cloathed with righteousness , that thy saints may thereby with more devotion rejoice and sing . but of all helps for due performance of this service , the greatest is that very set and standing order it self , which , framed with common advice , hath both for matter and form prescribed whatsoever is herein publickly done . no doubt , from god it hath proceeded , and by us it must be acknowledged a work of singular care and providence , that the church hath evermore held a prescript form of common prayer , although not in all things every where the same , yet for the most part retaining still the same analogy . so that if the liturgies of all antient churches throughout the world be compared amongst themselves , it may be easily perceived they had all one original mold , and that the publick prayer of the people of god in churches throughly settled , did never use to be voluntary dictates , proceeding from any man's extemporal wit. to him which considereth the grievous and scandalous inconveniencies , whereunto they make themselves daily subject , with whom any blinde and secret corner is judged a fit house of common prayer ; the manifold confusions which they fall into , where every man 's private spirit and gift ( as they term it ) is the only bishop that ordaineth him to this ministry ; the irksome deformities whereby through endless and senseless effusions of indigested prayers , they oftentimes disgrace in most unsufferable manner , the worthiest part of christian duty towards god , who herein are subject to no certain order , but pray both what and how they list ; to him , i say , which weigheth duly all these things , the reasons cannot be obscure , why god doth in publick prayer so much respect the solemnitie of places where , the authority and calling of persons by whom , and the precise appointment even with what words or sentences his name should be called on amongst his people . . no man hath hitherto been so impious , as plainly and directly to condemn prayer . the best stratagem that satan hath , who knoweth his kingdom to be no one way more shaken , than by the publick devout prayers of god's church , is by traducing the form and manner of them , to bring them into contempt , and so to shake the force of all men's devotion towards them . from this , and from no other forge , hath proceeded a strange conceit , that to serve god with any set form of common prayer , is superstitious . as though god himself did not frame to his priests the very speech , wherewith they were charged to bless the people ; or as if our lord , even of purpose to prevent this fancy of extemporal and voluntary prayers , had not left us of his own framing one , which might both remain as a part of the church-liturgy , and serve as a pattern whereby to frame all other prayers with efficacy , yet without superfluity of words . if prayers were no otherwise accepted of god , then being conceived always new , according to the exigence of present occasions ; if it be right to judge him by our own bellies , and to imagine that he doth loath to have the self-same supplications often iterated , even as we do to be every day fed without alteration or change of diet ; if prayers he actions which ought to waste away themselves in the making ; if being made to remain that they may be resumed and used again as prayers , they be but instruments of superstition ; surely , we cannot excuse moses , who gave such occasion of scandal to the world , by not being contented to praise the name of almighty god , according to the usual naked simplicity of god's spirit , for that admirable victory given them against pharaoh , unless so dangerous a president were lest for the casting of prayers into certain poetical moulds , and for the framing of prayers which might be repeated often , although they never had again the same occasions which brought them forth at the first . for that very hymne of moses grew afterwards to be a part of the ordinary jewish liturgy ; not only that , but sundry other sithence invented . their books of common-prayer contained partly hymns taken out of thē holy scripture , partly benedictions , thanksgivings , supplications , penned by such as have been , from time to time , the governours of that synagogue . these they sorted into their several times and places , some to begin the service of god with , and some to end , some to go before , and some to follow , and some to be interlaced between the divine readings of the law and prophets . unto their custom of finishing the passeover with certain psalmes , there is not any thing more probable , then that the holy evangelist doth evidently allude , saying , that after the cup delivered by our saviour unto his apostles , a they sung , and went forth to the mount of olives . as the jews had their songs of moses , and david , and the rest ; so the church of christ from the very beginning hath both used the same , and besides them other also of like nature , the song of the virgin mary , the song of zachary , the song of simeon , such hymnes as the apostle doth often speak of , saying , i will pray and sing with the spirit . again , in psalms , hymnes , and songs , making melody unto the lord , and that heartily . hymnes and psalms are such kindes of prayer as are not wont to be conceived upon a sudden ; but are framed by meditation before hand , or else by prophetical illumination are inspired , as at that time it appeareth they were , when god by extraordinary gifts of the spirit , inabled men to all parts of service necessary for the edifying of his church . . now , albeit the admonitioners did seem at the first to allow no prescript form of prayer at all , but thought it the best that their minister should always be left at liberty to pray , as his own discretion did serve , yet because this opinion upon better advice they afterwards retracted , their defender and his associates have sithence proposed to the world a form , such as themselves like , and , to shew their dislike of ours , have taken against it those exceptions , which , whosoever doth measure by number , must needs be greatly out of love with a thing that hath so many faults ; whosoever by weight , cannot chuse but esteem very highly of that , wherein the wit of so scrupulous adversaries hath not hitherto observed any defect which themselves can seriously think to be of moment . gross errours and manifest impiety they grant we have taken away . yet a many things in it they say are amiss ; many instances they give of things in our common prayer , not agreeable as they pretend with the word of god. it hath in their eye too great affinity with the form of the church of rome ; it differeth too much from that which churches elsewhere reformed allow and observe ; our attire disgraceth it ; it is not orderly read nor gestured as beseemeth ; it requireth nothing to be done , which a childe may not lawfully do ; it hath a number of short cutts or shreddings , which may be better called wishes than prayers ; it intermingleth prayings and readings in such manner , as , if supplicants should use in proposing their sutes unto mortal princes , all the world would judge them madd ; it is too long , and by that mean abridgeth preaching ; it appointeth the people to say after the minister ; it spendeth time in singing and in reading the psalms by course , from side to side ; it useth the lord's prayer too oft , the songs of magnificat , benedictus , and nune dimittis , it might very well spare ; it hath the letany , the creed of athanasius , and gloria patri , which are superfluous ; it craveth earthly things too much ; for deliverance from those evils against which we pray , it giveth no thanks ; some things it asketh unseasonably , when they need not to be prayed for , as deliverance from thunder and tempest , when no danger is nigh ; some in too abject and diffident manner , as that god would give us that which we for our unworthiness dare not ask ; some which ought not to be desired , as the deliverance from sudden death , riddance from all adversity , and the extent of saving mercy towards all men . these and such like are the imperfections , whereby our form of common prayer is thought to swerve from the word of god. a great favourer of that part , but yet ( his errour that way excepted ) a learned , painful , a right vertuous and good man , did not fear sometime to undertake , against popish detractors , the general maintenance and defence of our whole church-service , as having in it nothing repugnant to the word of god. and even they which would file away most the largeness of that offer , do notwithstanding in more sparing terms acknowledge little less . for when those opposite judgements which never are wont to construe things doubtful to the better , those very tongues which are always prone to aggravate whatsoever hath but the least shew whereby it may be suspected to savour of , or to sound towards any evil , do by their own voluntary sentence clearly free us from gross errours , and from manifest impiety herein ; who would not judge us to be discharged of all blame , which are confest to have no great fault , even by their very word and testimony , in whose eyes no fault of ours hath ever hitherto been accustomed to seem small ? nevertheless , what they seem to offer us with the one hand , the same with the other they pull back again . they grant we erre not in palpable manner , weare not openly and notoriously impious ; yet errors we have , which the sharp insight of their wisest men do espy ; there is hidden impiety , which the profounder sort are able enough to disclose . their skilful ears perceive certain harsh and unpleasant discords in the sound of our common prayer , such as the rules of divine harmony , such as the laws of god cannot bear . . touching our conformity with the church of rome , as also of the difference between some reformed churches and ours , that which generally hath been already answered , may serve for answer to that exception , which in these two respects they take particularly against the form of our common prayer . to say , that in nothing they may be followed , which are of the church of rome , were violent and extream . some things they do , in that they are men , in that they are wise men , and christian men some things , some things in that they are men misled and blinded with errour . as farr as they follow reason and truth , we fear not to tread the self-same steps wherein they have gone , and to be their followers . where rome keepeth that which is antienter and better ; others whom we much more affect leaving it for newer , and changing it for worse ; we had rather follow the perfections of them whom we like not , than in defects resemble them whom we love . for although they profess they agree with us touching a prescript form of prayer to be used in the church ; yet in that very form which they say , is agreeable to gods word , and the use of reformed churches , they have by special protestation declared , that their meaning is not , it shall be prescribed as a thing whereunto they will tye their minister . it shall not ( they say ) be necessary for the minister daily to repeat all these things before mentioned , but beginning with some like confession , to proceed to the sermon ; which ended , he either useth the prayer for all states before mentioned , or else prayeth as the spirit of god shall move his heart . herein therefore we hold it much better , with the church of rome , to appoint a prescript form which every man shall be bound to observe , then with them to set down a kinde of direction , a form for men to use if they list , or otherwise to change as pleaseth themselves . furthermore , the church of rome hath rightly also considered , that publick prayer is a duty intire in it self , a duty requisite to be performed , much oftner than sermons can possibly be made . for which cause , as they , so we have likewise a publick form how to serve god both morning and evening , whether sermons may be had or no. on the contrary side , their form of reformed prayer sheweth only what shall be done upon the dayes appointed for the preaching of the word ; with what words the minister shall begin , when the hour appointed for sermon is come ; what shall be said or sung before sermon , and what after . so that according to this form of theirs , it must stand for a rule , no sermon , no service . which over-sight , occasioned the french spitefully to term religion that sort exercised , a meer preach . sundry other more particular defects there are , which i willingly forbear to rehearse ; in consideration whereof , we cannot be induced to prefert their reformed form of prayer before our own , what church soever we resemble therein . . the attire which the minister of god is by order to use at times of divine service , being but a matter of meer formality , yet such as for comeliness sake hath hitherto been judged by the wiser sort of men not unnecessary to concurr with other sensible notes , betokening the different kinde or quality of persons and actions whereto it is tyed ; as we think not ourselves the holier , because we use it , so neither should they with whom no such thing is in use , think us therefore unholy , because we submit our selves unto that , which in a matter so indifferent the wisdom of authority and law have thought comely . to solemn actions of royalty and justice , their suitable ornaments are a beauty . are they only in religion a stain ? divine religion , saith saint ierom ( he speaketh of the priestly attire of the law ) hath one kinde of habite wherein to minister before the lord , another for ordinary uses belonging unto common life . pelagius having carped at the curious neatness of men's apparel in those days , and through the sowreness of his disposition spoken somewhat too hardly thereof , affirming , that the glory of cloaths and ornaments was a thing contrary to god and godliness ; s. ierom , whose custom is not to pardon over-easily his adversaries , if any where they chance to trip , presseth him as thereby making all sorts of men in the world god's enemies . is it enmity with god ( saith he ) if i wear my coat somewhat handsome ? if a bishop , a priest , deacon , and the rest of the ecclesiastical order come to administer the usual sacrifice in a white garment , are they hereby god's adversaries ; clarks , monks , widows , virgins , take beed , it is dangerous for you to be otherwise seen than in soul and ragged cloaths . not to speak any thing of secular men , which have proclaimed to have war with god as oft as ever they put on precious and shining cloathes . by which words of ierome , we may take it at the least for a probable collection , that his meaning was to draw pelagius into hatred , as condemning by so general a speech even the neatness of that very garment it self , wherein the clergy did then use to administer publickly the holy sacrament of christ's most blessed body and blood ; for that they did then use some such ornament , the words of chrysostome give plain testimony , who speaking to the clergy of antioch , telleth them that if they did suffer notorious male●actors to come to the table of our lord , and not put them by , it would be as heavily revenged upon them , as if themselves had shed his blood , that for this purpose god had called them to the rooms which they held in the church of christ ; that this they should reckon was their dignity , this their safety , this their whole crown and glory ; and therefore this they should carefully intend , and not when the sacrament is administred , imagine themselves called only to walk up and down in a white and shining garment . now , whereas these speeches of ierome and chrysostom do seem plainly to allude unto such ministerial garments as were then in use ; to this they answer , that by ierom nothing can be gathered , but only that the ministers came to church in handsome holy-day apparel , and that himself did not think them bound by the law of god no go like slovens ; but the weed which we mean he defendeth not . that chrysostome meaneth the same which we defend , but seemeth rather to reprehend than allow it as we do . which answer wringeth out of ierome and chrysostome that which their words will not gladly yield . they both speak of the same persons , namely , the clergy ; and of their weed at the same time when they administer the blessed sacrament ; and of the self-same kinde of weed , a white garment , so far as we have wit to conceive ; and for any thing we are able to see , their manner of speech is not such as doth argue either the thing it self to be different whereof they speak , or their judgment concerning it different ; although the one do only maintain it against pelagius , as a thing not therefore unlawful , because it was fair or handsom , and the other make it a matter of small commendation in it self , if they which wear it , do nothing else but weare the robes which their place requireth . the honesty , dignity , and estimation of white apparel in the eastern part of the world , is a token of greater fitness for this sacred use , wherein it were not convenient that any thing basely thought of should be suffered . notwithstanding , i am not bent to stand stiffely upon these probabilities , that in ierom's and chrysostom's time any such attire was made several to this purpose . yet surely the words of solomon are very impertinent to prove it an ornament , therefore not several for the ministers to execute their ministry in , because men of credit and estimation wore their ordinary apparel white . for we know that when solomon wrote those words , the several apparel for the ministers of the law , to execute their ministry in , was such . the wise man which seared god from his heart , and honoured the service that was done unto him , could not mention so much as the garment of holiness , but with effectual signification of most singular reverence and love . were it not better that the love which men bear to god , should make the least things which are imployed in his service amiable , than that their over-scrupulous dislike of so mean a thing as a vestment , should from the very service of god with-draw their hearts and affections ? i term it rather a mean thing , a thing not much to be respected , because even they so account now of it , whose first disputations against it were such , as if religion had scarcely any thing of greater waight . their allegations were then , that if a man were assured to gain a thousand by doing that which may offend any one brother , or be unto him a cause of falling , he ought not to do it ; that this popish apparel , the surplice especially , hath been by papists abominably abused , that it hath been a mark and a very sacrament of abomination ; that remaining , it serveth as a monument of idolatry , and not only edifieth not , but , as a dangerous and scandalous ceremony doth exceeding much harm to them of whose good we are commanded to have regard , that it causeth men to perish , and make shipwrack of conscience , for so themselves profess they mean , when they say the weak are offended herewith ; that it hardneth papists , hindreth the weak from profiting in the knowledge of the gospel , grieveth godly mindes , and giveth them occasion to think hardly of their ministers ; that if the magistrates may command , or the church appoint rites and ceremonies , yet seeing our abstinence from things in their own nature indifferent , if the weak brother should be offended , is a flat commandement of the holy ghost , which no authority either of church or common-wealth can make void ; therefore neither may the one nor the other lawfully ordain this ceremony , which hath great incommodity and no profit , great offence and no edifying ; that by the law it should have been burnt and consumed with fire as a thing infected with leprosie ; that the example of ezekiah beating to powder the brazen serpent , and of paul abrogating those abused feasts of charity , inforceth upon us the duty of abolishing altogether a thing which hath been , and is so offensive ; finally , that god by his prophet hath given an express commandement , which in this case toucheth us , no less than of old it did the jews , ' ye shall pollute the covering of the images of silver , and the rich ornament of your images of gold , and cast them away as a stained ragg ; thou shalt say unto it , get thee hence . these , and such like , were their first discourses , touching that church-attire , which with us for the most part is usual in publick prayer ; our ecclesiastical laws so appointing , as well because it hath been of reasonable continuance , and by special choice was taken out of the number of those holy garments , which ( over and besides their mystical reference ) served for a comeliness b under the law , and is in the number of those ceremonies , which may with choice and discretion be used to that purpose in the church of christ ; as also for that it suiteth so fitly with that lightsom affection of c joy , wherein god delighteth when his saints praise him ; and so lively resembleth the glory of the saints in heaven , together with the beauty wherein angels have appeared unto men , that they which are to appear for men in the presence of god , as angels , if they were left to their own choice , and would chuse any , could not easily devise a garment of more decency for such a service . as for those fore-rehearsed vehement allegations against it , shall we give them credit , when the very authors from whom they came , confess they believe not their own sayings ? for when once they began to perceive how many , both of them in the two universities , and of others , who abroad having ecclesiastical charge , do favour mightily their cause , and by all means set it forward , might by persisting in the extremity of that opinion , hazard greatly their own estates , and so weaken that part which their places do now give them much opportunity to strengthen ; they asked counsel , as it seemed from some abroad , who wisely considered , that the body is of far more worth than the rayment . whereupon , for fear of dangerous inconveniences , it hath been thought good to adde , that sometimes authority must and may with good conscience be obeyed even where commandment is not given upon good ground ; that the duty of preaching is one of the absolute commandements of god , and therefore ought not to be forsaken ; for the bare inconveniency of a thing which in the own nature is indifferent ; that one of the foulest spots is the surplice , is the offence which is giveth in occasioning the weak to fall , and the wicked to be confirmed in their wickedness ; yet hereby there is no unlawfulness proved , but only an inconveniency , that such things should be established , howbeit no such inconveniency neither , as may not be born with ; that when god doth flatly command us to abstain from things is their own nature indifferent ; if they offend our weak brethren , his meaning is not we should obey his commandement herein , unless we may do it , and not leave undone that which the lord hath absolutely commanded . always provided , that whosoever will enjoy the benefit of this dispensation , to wear a scandalous badge of idolatry , rather than forsake his pastoral charge , do ( as occasion serveth ) teach nevertheless still the incommodity of the thing it self , admonish the weak brethren that they be not , and pray unto god so to strengthen them that they may not be offended thereat . so that whereas before , they which had authority to institute rites and ceremonies , were denyed to have power to institute this , it is now confest , that this they may also lawfully , but not so conveniently appoint ; they did well before , and as they ought , who had it in utter detestation and hatred as a thing abominable ; they now do well , which think it may be both born and used with a very good conscience ; before , he which by wearing it were sure to win thousands unto christ , ought not to do it if there were but one which might be offended ; now , though it be with the offence of thousands , yet it may be done rather than that should be given over , whereby notwithstanding we are not certain we shall gain one ; the examples of ezechias and of paul , the charge which was given to the jews by esay , the strict apostolical prohibition of things indifferent , whensoever they may be scandalous , were before so forcible laws against our ecclesiastical attire , as neither church nor common-wealth could possibly make void , which now one of far less authority than either , hath found how to frustrate by dispensing with the breach of inferiour commandments , to the end that the greater may be kept . but it booteth them not , thus to soder up a broken cause , whereof their first and last discourses will fall asunder , do what they can . let them ingenuously confess that their invectives were too bitter , their arguments too weak , the matter not so dangerous as they did imagin . if those alleged testimonies of scripture did indeed concern the matter , to such effect as was pretended , that which they should inferr were unlawfulness , because they were cited as prohibitions of that thing which indeed they concern . if they prove not our attire unlawful , because in truth they concern it not , it followeth that they prove not any thing against it , and consequently , not so much as uncomeliness or incoveniency . unless therefore they be able throughly to resolve themselves , that there is no one sentence in all the scriptures of god , which doth controul the wearing of it in such manner , and to such purpose , as the church of england alloweth ; unless they can fully rest and settle their mindes in this most sound perswasion , that they are not to make themselves the only competent judges of decency in these cases , and to despise the solemn judgement of the whole church , preferring before it their own conceit , grounded only upon uncertain suspicions and fears , whereof if there were at the first some probable cause , when things were but raw and tender , yet now very tract of time hath it self worn that out also ; unless , i say , thus resolved in minde they hold their pastoral charge with the comfort of a good conscience , no way grudging at that which they do , or doing that which they think themselves bound of duty to reprove , how should it possibly help or further them in their course , to take such occasions as they say are requisite to be taken , and in pensive manner to tell their audience ; brethren , our hearts desire is , that we might enjoy the full liberty of the gospel , as in other reformed churches they do elsewhere , upon whom the heavy hand of authority hath imposed no grievous burthen . but such is the misery of these our days , that so great happiness we cannot look to attain unto . were it so , that the equity of the law of moses could prevail , or the zeal of ezechias be found in the hearts of those guides and governours under whom we live ; or the voyce of god's own prophets be duly heard ; or the examples of the apostles of christ be followed ; yea , or their precepts be answered with full and perfect obedience : these abominable raggs , polluted garments , marks and sacraments of idolatry , which power , as you see , constraineth us to wear , and conscience to abhor , had long ere this day been removed both out of sight and out of memory . but , as now things stand , behold to what narrow streights we are driven ; on the one side , we fear the words of our saviour christ , woe be to them by whom scandal and offence cometh : on the other side , at the apostles speech we cannot but quake and tremble , if i preach not the gospel , woe be unto me . being thus hardly beset , we see not any other remedy , but to hazzard your souls the one way , that we may the other way endeavour to save them . touching the the offence of the weak therefore , we must adventure it . if they perish , they perish . our pastoral charge is god's most absolute commandment . rather than that shall be taken from us , we are resolved to take this filth , and to put it on , although we judge it to be so unfit and inconvenient , that as oft as ever we pray or preach so arrayed before you , we do as much as in us lyeth , to cast away your souls that are weak-minded , and to bring you unto endless perdition . but we beseech you , brethren , have a care of your own safety , take heed to your steps , that ye be not taken in those snares which we lay before you . and our prayer in your behalf to almighty god is , that the poyson which we offer you , may never have the power to do you harm . advice and counsel is best sought for at their hands , which either have no part at all in the cause whereof they instruct ; or else are so farr ingaged , that themselves are to bear the greatest adventure in the success of their own counsels . the one of which two considerations maketh men the less respective , and the other the more circumspect . those good and learned men which gave the first direction to this course , had reason to wish that their own proceedings at home might be favoured abroad also , and that the good affection of such as inclined towards them might be kept alive . but if themselves had gone under those sails which they require to be hoised up , if they had been themselves to execute their own theory in this church , i doubt not but castly they would have seen , being nearer at hand , that the way was not good which they took of advising men , first , to wear the apparel , that thereby they might be free to continue their preaching , and then , of requiring them so to preach as they might be sure they could not continue , except they imagine that laws which permit them not to do as they would , will endure them to speak as they list , even against that which themselves do by constraint of laws ; they would have easily seen that our people being accustomed to think evermore that thing evil which is publickly under any pretence reproved , and the men themselves worse which reprove it , and use it too ; it should be to little purpose for them to salve the wound , by making protestations in disgrace of their own actions , with plain acknowledgement that they are scandalous , or by using fair intreaty with the weak brethren , they would easily have seen how with us it cannot be endured , to hear a man openly profess that he putteth fire to his neighbors house , but yet so halloweth the same with prayer , that he hopeth it shall not burn . it had been therefore perhaps safer and better for ours to have observed s. basils advice , both in this and in all things of like nature : let him which approveth not his governours ordinances , either plainly ( but privately always ) shew his dislike of he have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , strong and invincible reason against them , according to the true will and meaning of scripture ; or else let him quietly with silence do what is enjoyned . obedience with profest unwillingness to obey , is no better than manifest disobedience . . having thus disputed , whether the surplice be a fit garment to be used in the service of god , the next question whereinto we are drawn , is , whether it be a thing allowable or no , that the minister should say service in the chancel , or ruin his face at any time from the people , or before service ended remove from the place where it was begun ? by them which trouble us with these doubts , we would more willingly be resolved of a greater doubt ; whether it be not a kinde of taking god's name in vain , to debase religion with such frivolous disputes , a sin to bestow time and labour about them ? things of so mean regard and quality , although necessary to be ordered , are notwithstanding very unsavory when they come to be disputed of ; because disputation presupposeth some difficulty in the matter which is argued , whereas in things of this nature they must be either very simple or very froward , who need to be taught by disputation what is meet . when we make profession of our faith , we stand ; when we acknowledge our sins , or seek unto god for favour , we fall down ; because the gesture of constancy becometh us best in the one , in the other the behavior of humility . some part of our liturgy consist in the reading of the word of god , and the proclaiming of his law , that the people may thereby learn what their duties are towards him ; some consist in words of praise and thanksgiving , whereby we acknowledge unto god what his blessings are towards us ; some are such as albeit they serve to singular good purpose , even when there is no communion administred ; nevertheless , being devised at the first for that purpose , are at the table of the lord for that cause also commonly read ; some are uttered as from the people , some as with them unto god , some as from god unto them , all as before his sight , whom we fear , and whose presence to offend with any the least unseemliness , we would be surely as loath as they , who most reprehend or deride that we do . now , because the gospels which are weekly read , do all historically declare something which our lord jesus christ himself either spake , did , or suffered in his own person , it hath been the custom of christian men then especially in token of the greater reverence to stand , to utter certain words of acclamation , and at the name of jesus to bow . which harmless ceremonies , as there is no man constrained to use ; so we know no reason wherefore any man should yet imagine it an unsufferable evil . it sheweth a reverend regard to the son of god above other messengers , although speaking as from god also . and against infidels , jews , arians , who derogate from the honor of jesus christ , such ceremonies are most profitable . as for any erroneous estimation , advancing the son above the father and the holy ghost , seeing that the truth of his equality with them , is a mystery so hard for the wits of mortal men to rise unto , of all heresies , that which may give him superiority above them , is least to befeared . but to let go this as a matter scarce worth the speaking of , whereas , if fault be in these things any where justly found , law hath referred the whole disposition and redress thereof to the ordinary of the place ; they which elsewhere complain , that disgrace and injury is offered even to the meanest parish minister , when the magistrate appointeth him what to wear , and leaveth not so small a matter as that to his own discretion , being presumed a man discreet , and trusted with the care of the peoples souls , do think the gravest prelates in the land no competent judges , to discern and appoint where it is fit for the minister to stand , or which way convenient to look praying . from their ordinary therefore they appeal to themselves , finding great fault that we neither reform the thing against the which they have so long since given sentence , nor yet make answer unto what they bring , which is , that saint luke , declaring how peter stood up in the middest of the disciples , did thereby deliver an unchangeable rule , that whatsoever is done in the church , ought to be done in the midst of the church ; and therefore not baptism to be administred in one place , marriage solemnized in another , the supper of the lord received in a third , in a fourth sermons , in a fifth prayers to be made ; that the custom which we use is levitical , absurd , and such as hindreth the understanding of the people ; that if it be meet for the minister , at some time to look towards the people , if the body of the church be a fit place for some part of divine service , it must needs follow that whensoever his face is turned any other way , or any thing done any other where , it hath absurdity . all these reasons , they say , have been brought , and were hitherto never answered , besides a number of metriments and jests unanswered likewise , wherewith they have pleasantly moved much laughter at our manner of serving god. such is their evil hap to play upon dull spirited men . we are still perswaded that a bare denyal is answer sufficient to things which meer fancy objecteth , and that the best apology to words of scorn and petulancy , is isaac's apology to his brother ismael , the apology which patience and silence maketh . our answer therefore to their reasons , is , no ; to their scoffs , nothing . . when they object that our book requireth nothing to be done , which a childe may not do as lawfully and as well as that man wherewith the book conteneth it self ; is it their meaning that the service of god ought to be a matter of great difficulty , a labour which requireth great learning and deep skill , or elsē that the book containing it should teach what men are fit to attend upon it , and forbid either men unlearned , or children , to be admitted thereunto ? in setting down the form of common-prayer , there was no need that the book should mention either the learning of a fit , or the unfitness of an ignorant minister , more than that he which describeth the manner how to pitch a field , should speak of moderation and sobriety in diet . and concerning the duty it self , although the hardness thereof be not such as needeth much art , yet surely they seem to be very farr carried besides themselves , to whom the dignity of publick prayer doth not discover somewhat more fitness in men of gravity and ripe discretion , than in children of ten years of age , for the decent discharge and performance of that office. it cannot be that they who speak thus , should thus judge . at the board and in private it very well becommeth children's innocency to pray , and their elders to say , amen . which being a part of their vertuous education , serveth greatly both to nourish in them the fear of god , and to put us in continual remembrance of that powerful grace which openeth the mouths of infants to sound his praise . but publick prayer , the service of god in the solemn assembly of saints , is a work , though easie , yet withal so weighty and of such respect , that the great facility thereof is but a slender argument to prove , it may be as well and as lawfully committed to children as to men of years , howsoever their ability of learning be but only to do that in decent order wherewith the book contenteth it self . the book requireth but orderly reading . as in truth , what should any prescript form of prayer framed to the minister's hand require , but only so to be read as behoveth ? we know that there are in the world certain voluntary over-seers of all books , whose censure in this respect would fall as sharp on us as it hath done on many others , if delivering but a form of prayer , we should either express or include an thing , more than doth properly concern prayer . the ministers greatness or meanness of knowledge to do other things , his aptness or insufficiency otherwise than by reading to instruct the flock , standeth in this place as a stranger , with whom our form of common-prayer hath nothing to do . wherein their exception against easiness , as if that did nourish ignorance , proceedeth altogether out of a needless jealousie ; i have often heard it inquired of by many , how it might be brought to pass that the church should every where have able preachers to instruct the people ; what impediments there are to hinder it , and which were the speediest way to remove them . in which consultation , the multitude of parishes , the paucity of schools , the manifold discouragements which are offered unto mens inclinations that way , the penury of the ecclesiastical estate , the irrecoverable loss of so many livings of principal value , clean taken away from the church long sithence by being appropriated , the daily bruises that spiritual promotions use to take by often falling , the want of somewhat in certain statutes which concern the state of the church , the too great facility of many bishops , the stony hardness of too many patrons hearts not touched with any feeling in this case : such things oftentimes are debated , and much thought upon by them that enter into any discourse concerning any defect of knowledge in the clergy . but whosoever be found guilty , the communion book hath surely deserved least to be called in question for this fault . if all the clergie were as learned as themselves are that most complain of ignorance in others , yet our book of prayer might remain the same ; and remaining the same it is , i see not how it can be a lett unto any man's skill in preaching . which thing we acknowledge to be god's good gift , howbeit no such necessarie element , that every act of religion should he thought imperfect and lame , wherein there is not somewhat exacted that none can discharge but an able preacher . . two faults there are , which our lord and saviour himself especially reproved in prayer , the one , when ostentation did cause it to be open ; the other , when superstition made it long . as therefore prayers the one way are faulty , not whensoever they be openly made , but when hypocrisie is the cause of open praying : so the length of prayer is likewise a fault , howbeit not simply , but where errour and superstition causeth more than convenient repetition or continuation of speech to be used . it is not , as some do imagine , ( saith saint augustine ) that long praying is that fault of much speaking in prayer which our saviour did reprove ; for then would not he himself in prayer have continued whole nights . use in prayer no vain superfluity of words , as the heathens doe , for they imagine that their much speaking will cause them to be heard : whereas in truth the thing which god doth regard is , how vertuous their mindes are , and not how copious their tongues in prayer ; how well they think , and not how long they talk , who come to present their supplications before him . notwithstanding for as much as in publick prayer we are not only to consider what is needful in respect of god , but there is also in men that which we must regard ; we somewhat the rather incline to length , lest over-quick dispatch of a duty so important should give the world occasion to deem , that the thing it self is but little accounted of , wherein but little time is bestowed . length thereof is a thing which the gravity and weight of such actions doth require . beside , this benefit also it hath , that they whom earnest letts and impediments do often hinder from being partakers of the whole , have yet through the length of divine service , opportunity sleft them , at the least , for access unto some reasonable part thereof . again , it should be considered , how it doth come to pass that we are so long . for if that very service of god in the jewish synagogues , which our lord did approve and sanctifie with the presence of his own person , had so large portions of the law and the prophets , together with so many prayers and psalms read day by day , as do equal in a manner the length of ours , and yet in that respect was never thought to deserve blame , is it now an offence , that the like measure of time is bestowed in the like manner ? peradventure the church had not now the leisure which it had then , or else those things whereupon so much time was then well spent , have sithence that lost their dignity and worth . if the reading of the law , the prophets and psalms , be a part of the service of god , as needful under christ as before , and the adding of the new testament , as profitable as the ordaining of the old to be read ; if therewith instead of jewish prayers it be also for the good of the church to annex that variety which the apostle doth commend ; seeing that the time which we spend is no more than the orderly performance of these things necessarily required , why are we thought to exceed in length ? words , be they never so few , are too many when they benefit not the hearer . but he which speaketh no more than edifieth , is undeservedly reprehended for much speaking . that as the devil under the colour of long prayer drave preaching out of the church heretofore , so we in appointing so long prayers and readings , whereby the less can be spent in preaching , maintain an unpreaching ministry , is neither advisedly nor truly spoken . they reprove long prayer , and yet acknowledge it to be in it self a thing commendable ; for so it must needs be , if the devil have used it as a colour to hide his malicious practises . when malice would work that which is evil , and in working avoid the suspition of any evil intent , the colour wherewith it overcasteth it self , is always a fair and plausible pretence of seeking to further that which is good . so that if we both retain that good which saran hath pretended to seek , and avoid the evil which his purpose was to effect , have we not better prevented his malice , than if , as he hath , under colour of long prayer , driven preaching out of the church , so we should take the quarrel of sermons in hand , and revenge their cause , by requital , thrusting prayer in a manner out of doors under colour of long preaching ? in case our prayers being made at their full length , did necessarily inforce sermons to be the shorter , yet neither were this to uphold and maintain an unpreaching ministery , unless we will say that those antient fathers , chrysostom , augustine , leo , and the rest , whose homilies in that consideration were shorter for the most part than our sermons are , did then not preach when their speeches were not long . the necessity of shortness causeth men to cut off impertinent discourses , and to comprize much matter in few words . but neither did it maintain inabilitie , not at all prevent opportunitie of preaching , as long as a competent time is granted for that purpose . an hour and an half is , they say , in reformed churches ordinarily thought reasonable , for their whole liturgy or service . do we then continue as ezra did in reading the law from morning till mid-day ? or , as the apostle saint paul did in prayer and preaching , till men through weariness be taken up dead at our feet ? the huge length whereof they make such complaint , is but this , that if our whole form of prayer be read , and besides an hour allowed for a sermon , we spend ordinarily in both more time than they do by half an hour . which half hour being such a matter , as the age of some , and infirmity of other some are not able to bear ; if we have any sense of the common imbecillity , if any care to preserve mens wits from being broken with the very bent of so long attention , if any love or desire to provide that things most holy be not with hazard of mens souls abhorr'd and loathed , this half-hours tediousness must be remedied , and that only by cutting off the greatest part of our common prayer . for no other remedie will serve to help so dangerous an inconvenience . . the brethren in aegypt ( saith st. augustin , epist. . ) are reported to have many prayers , but every of them very short , as if they were darts thrown out with a kinde of sudden quickness , lest that vigilant and erect attention of minde , which in prayer is very necessary , should be wasted or dulled through continuance , if their prayers were few and long . but that which st. augustine doth allow , they condemn . those prayers whereunto devout mindes have added a piercing kinde of brevity , as well in that respect which we have already mentioned , as also thereby the better to express that quick and speedy expedition , wherewith ardent affections , the very wings of prayer , are delighted to present our suits in heaven , even sooner than our tongues can devise to utter them ; they in their mood of contradiction spare not openly to deride , and that with so base terms as do very ill beseem men of their gravity . such speeches are scandalous , they savour not of god in him that useth them , and unto vertuously disposed mindes they are grievous corrosives . our case were miserable , if that wherewith we most endeavour to please god , were in his sight so vile and despicable , as mens disdainful speech would make it . . again , for as much as effectual prayer is joyned with a vehement intention of the inferiour powers of the soul , which cannot therein long continue without pain , it hath been therefore thought good so by turns to interpose still somewhat for the higher part of the minde , the understanding to work upon , that both being kept in continual exercise with variety , neither might feel any great wearinesse , and yet each be a spurre to other . for prayer kindleth our desire to behold god by speculation ; and the minde delighted with that contemplative sight of god , taketh every where new inflammations to pray , the riches of the mysteries of heavenly wisdom continually stirring up in us correspondent desires towards them . so that he which prayeth in due sort , is thereby made the more attentive to hear , and he which heareth , the more earnest to pray , for the time which we bestow as well in the one as the other . but for what cause soever we do it , this intermingling of lessons with prayers is * in their taste a thing as unsavoury , and as unseemly in their sight , as if the like should be done in suits and supplications before some mighty prince of the world. our speech to worldly superiours we frame in such sort as serveth best to inform and perswade the mindes of them , who otherwise neither could nor would greatly regard our necessities : whereas , because we know that god is indeed a king , but a great ; king who understandeth all things before-hand , which no other king besides doth , a king which needeth not to be informed what we lack , a king readier to grant than we to make our requests ; therefore in prayer we do not so much respect what precepts art delivereth touching the method of perswasive utterance in the presence of great men , as what doth most avail to our own edification in piety and godly zeal . if they on the contrary side do think that the same rules of decency which serve for things done unto terrene powers , should universally decide what is fit in the service of god , if it be their meaning to hold it for a maxim , that the church must deliver her publick supplications unto god in no other form of speech than such as were decent ; if suit should be made to the great turk , or some other monarch , let them apply their own rule unto their own form of common-prayer . suppose that the people of a whole town , with some chosen man before them , did continually twice or thrice in a week resort to their king , and every time they come , first acknowledge themselves guilty of rebellions and treasons , then sing a song , and after that explain some statute of the land to the standers by , and therein spend at the least an hour ; this done , turn themselves again to the king , and for every sort of his subjects crave somewhat of him ; at the length sing him another song , and so take their leave : might not the king well think , that either they knew not what they would have , or else that they were distracted in minde , or some other such like cause of the disorder of their supplication ? this form of suing unto kings were absurd : this form of praying unto god they allow . when god was served with legal sacrifices , such was the miserable and wretched disposition of some mens mindes , that the best of every thing they had being culled out for themselves , if there were in their flocks any poor starved or diseased thing not worth the keeping , they thought it good enough for the altar of god , pretending ( as wise hyprocrites do when they rob god to enrich themselves ) that the fatness of calves doth benefit him nothing ; to us the best things are most profitable , to him all as one , if the minde of the offerer be good , which is the only thing he respecteth . in reproof of which their devout fraud , the prophet malachy alledgeth , that gifts are offered unto god not as a supplys of his want indeed , but yet as testimonies of that affection wherewith we acknowledge and honour his greatness . for which cause , sith the greater they are whom we honour , the more regard we have to the quality and choice of those presents which we bring them for honor's sake ; it must needs follow that if we dare not disgrace our worldly superiours with offering unto them such reffuse as we bring unto god himself , we shew plainly that our acknowledgment of his greatnesse is but feigned , in heart we fear him not so much as we dread them . if ye offer the blinde for sacrifice , is it not evil ? offer it now unto thy prince ; will he be content or accept thy person , saith the lord of hosts ? cursed be the deceiver which hath in his flock a male , and having made a vow , sacrificeth unto the lord a corrupt thing : for i am a great king , saith the lord of hosts . should we hereupon frame a rule , that what form of speech or behaviour soever is fit for suiters in a prince's court , the same and no other beseemeth us in our prayers to almighty god. . but in vain we labour to perswade them that any thing can take away the tediousness of prayer , except it be brought to the very same both measure and form which themselves assign . whatsoever therefore our liturgy hath more than theirs , under one devised pretence or other they cut it off . we have of prayers for earthly things in their opinion too great a number ; so oft to rehearse the lords prayer in so small a time , is , as they think , a loss of time , the peoples praying after the minister , they say , both wasteth time , and also maketh an unpleasant sound ; the psalms they would not have to be made ( as they are ) a part of our common-prayer , nor to be sung or said by turns , nor such musick to be used with them ; those evangelical hymns they allow not to stand in our liturgy ; the letany , the creed of athanasius , the sentence of glory , wherewith we use to conclude psalms , these things they cancel , as having been instituted in regard of occasions peculiar to the times of old , and as being therefore now superfluous . touching prayers for things earthly , we ought not to think that the church hath set down so many of them without cause . they , peradventure , which finde this fault , are of the same affection with solomon ; so that if god should offer to grant the whatsoever they ask , they would neither crave riches , not length of dayes , not yet victory over their enemies , but only an understanding heart ; for which cause themselves having eagles wings , are offended to see others flye so near the ground . but the tender kindness of the church of god it very well beseemeth , to help the weaker sort , which are by so great oddes moe in number , although some few of the perfecter and stronger may be therewith for a time displeased . ignorant we are not , that of such as resorted to our saviour christ being present on earth , there came not any unto him with better success for the benefit of their souls everlasting happiness , than they whose bodily necessities gave them the first occasion to seek relief , when they saw willingness and ability of doing every way good unto all . the graces of the spirit are much more precious than worldly benefits ; our ghostly evils of greater importance than any harm which the body feeleth . therefore our desires to heaven-ward should both in measure and number no less exceed , than their glorious object doth every way excel in value . these things are true and plain in the eye of a perfect judgement . but yet it must be withal considered , that the greatest part of the world are they which be farthest from perfection . such being better able by sense to discern the wants of this present life , than by spiritual capacity to apprehend things above sense , which tend to their happiness in the world to come , are in that respect the more apt to apply their mindes even with hearty affection and zeal at the least unto those branches of publick prayer , wherein their own particular is moved . and by this mean there stealeth upon them a double benefit ; first because that good affection , which things of smaller account have once set on work , is by so much the more easily raised higher ; and secondly , in that the very custom of seeking so particular aide and relief at the hands of god , doth by a secret contradiction withdraw them from endeavouring to help themselves by those wicked shifts , which they know can never have his allowance , whose assistance their prayer seeketh . these multiplyed petitions of worldly things in prayer have therefore , besides their direct use , a service , whereby the church under-hand , through a kinde of heavenly fraud , taketh therewith the souls of men as with certain baits . if then their calculation be true ( for so they reckon ) that a full third of our prayers be allotted unto earthly benefits , for which our saviour in his platform hath appointed but one petition amongst seven , the difference is without any great disagreement ; we respecting what men are , and doing that which is meer in regard of the common imperfection , our lord contrariwise proposing the most absolute proportion that can be in mens desires , the very highest mark whereat we are able to aime . for which cause also our custom is both to place it in the front of our prayers as a guide , and to adde it in the end of some principal limbs or parts , as a complement which fully perfecteth whatsoever may be defective in the rest . twice we rehearse it ordinarily , and oftner as occasion requireth more solemnity or length in the form of divine service ; not mistrusting , till these new curiosities sprang up , that ever any man would think our labour herein mis-spent , the time wastfully consumed , and the office it self made worse , by so repeating that which otherwise would more hardly be made familiar to the simpler sort ; for the good of whose souls there is not in christian religion any thing of like continual use and force throughout every hour and moment of their whole lives . i mean not only because prayer , but because this very prayer is of such efficacy and necessity : for that our saviour did but set men a bare example how to contrive or devise prayers of their own , and no way binde them to use this , is no doubt as errour . iohn the baptist's disciples , which had been always brought up in the bosom of god's church from the time of their first infancy , till they came to the school of iohn , were not so brutish , that they could be ignorant how to call upon the name of god : but of their master they had received a form of prayer amongst themselves , which form none did use saving his disciples , so that by it as by a mark of special difference they were known from others . and of this the apostles having taken notice , they request that as iohn had taught his , so christ would likewise teach them to pray , tertullian and saint augustin do for that cause term it , orationem legitimam , the prayer which christ's own law hath tyed his church to use in the same prescript form of words wherewith he himself did deliver it : and therefore what part of the world soever we fall into , if christian religion have been there received , the ordinary use of this very prayer hath with equal continuance accompanied the same , as one of the principal and most material duties of honour done to jesus christ. seeing that we have ( saith saint cyprian ) an advocate with the father for our sins , when we that have sinned come to seek for pardon , let us alledge unto god the words which our advocate hath taught . for sith his promise is our plain warrant , that in his name what we aske we shall receive , must we not needs much the rather obtain that for which we sue , if not only his name do countenance , but also his speech present our requests ? though men should speak with the tongues of angels , yet words so pleasing to the ears of god , as those which the son of god himself hath composed , were not possible for men to frame . he therefore which made us to live , hath also taught us to pray , to the end that speaking unto the father in the sonn 's own prescript without scholy or gloss of ours , we may be sure that we utter nothing which god will either disallow or deny . other prayers we use may besides this , and this oftner than any other , although not tyed so to do by any commandement of scripture , yet moved with such considerations as have been before set down : the causeless dislike where of which others have conceived , is no sufficient reason for us , as much as once to forbear , in any place , a thing which uttered with true devotion and zeal of heart , affordeth to god himself that glory , that aide to the weakest sort of men , to the most perfect that solid comfort which is unspeakable . . with our lords prayer they would finde no fault , so that they might perswade us to use it before or other sermons only ( because so their manner is ) and not ( as all christian people have been of old accustomed ) insert it so often into the liturgy . but the peoples custom to repeat any thing after the minister , they utterly mislike . twice we appoint that the words which the minister first pronounceth , the whole congregation shall repeat after him . as first in the publick confession of sins , and again in rehearsal of our lord's prayer , presently after the blessed sacrament of his body and blood received . a thing no way offensive , no way unfit or unseemly to be done , although it had been so appointed ofner than with us it is . but surely , with so good reason , it standeth in those two places , that otherwise to order it were not , in all respects so well . could there be any thing devised better , then that we all at our first access unto god by prayer , should acknowledge meekly our sins , and that not onely in heart , but with tongue ; all which are present , being made ear-witnesses , even of every mans distinct and deliberate assent unto each particular branch of a common indictment drawn against our selves ? how were it possible , that the church should any way else with such ease and certainty provide , that none of her children may as adam dissemble that wretchedness , the penitent confession whereof is so necessary a preamble , especially to common prayer ? in like manner , if the church did ever devise a thing fit and convenient , what more then this , that when together we have all received those heavenly mysteries wherein christ imparteth himself unto us , and giveth visible testification of our blessed communion with him , we should in hatred of all heresies , factions , and schisms , the pastor as a leader , the people as willing followers of him step by step , declare openly our selves united as brethren in one , by offering up with all our hearts and tongues that most effectual supplication , wherein he unto whom we offer it , hath himself not onely comprehended all our necessities ; but in such sort also framed every petition , as might most naturally serve for many , and doth , though not always require , yet always import a multitude of speakers together ? for which cause communicants have ever used it , and we at that time by the form of our very utterance do shew we use it ; yea , every word and syllable of it , as communicants . in the rest we observe that custom whereunto st. paul alludeth , and whereof the fathers of the church in their writings , make often mention , to shew indefinitely what was done , but not universally to binde for ever , all prayers unto one onely fashion of utterance . the reasons which we have alledged , induce us to think it still a good work , which they in their pensive care for the well bestowing of time account waste . as for unpleasantness of sound , if it happen , the good of mens souls , doth either deceive our ears that we note it not , or arm them with patience to endure it . we are not so nice as to cast away a sharp knife , because the edge of it may sometimes grate . and such subtile opinions as few but utopians are likely to fall into , we in this climate do not greatly fear . . the complaint which they make about psalms and hymns , might as well be over-past without any answer , as it is without any cause brought forth . but our desire is to content them , if it may be , and to yield them a just reason , even of the least things wherein undeservedly they have but as much as dreamed or suspected that we do amiss . they seem sometimes so to speak as if greatly offended them , that such hymns and psalms as are scripture , should in common prayer be otherwise used , then the rest of the scripture is wont ; sometime displeased they are at the artificial musick which we adde unto psalms of this kinde , or of any other nature else ; sometime the plainest and the most intelligible rehearsal of them , yet they savor not , because it is done , by interlocution , and with a mutual return of sentences from side to side . they are not ignorant what difference there is between other parts of scripture and psalms . the choice and flower of * all things profitable in other books , the psalms do both more briefly contain , and more movingly also express , by reason of that poetical form wherewith they are written . the ancients when they speak of the book of psalms , use to fall into large discourses , shewing how this part above the rest doth of purpose set forth and celebrate all the considerations and operations which belong to god ; it magnifieth the holy meditations and actions of divine men ; it is of things heavenly an universal declaration , working in them , whose hearts god inspireth with the due consideration thereof , an habit or disposition of minde whereby they are made fit vessels both for receipt and for delivery of whatsoever spiritual perfection . what is there necessary for man to know , which the psalms are not able to teach ? they are to beginners an easie and familiar introduction , a mighty augmentation of all vertue and knowledge in such as are entred before , a strong confirmation to the most perfect amongst others . heroical magnanimity , exquisite justice , gave moderation , exact wisdom , repentance unfeigned , unwearied patience , the mysteries of god , the sufferings of christ , the terrors of wrath , the comforts of grace , the works of providence over this world , and the promised joys of that world which is to come , all good necessarily to be either known , or done , or had , this one celestial fountain yieldeth . let there be any grief or disease incident nuto the soul of man , any wound or sickness named , for which there is not in this treasure-house , a present comfortable remedy at all times ready to be found . hereof it is that we covet to make the psalms especially familiar unto all . this is the very cause , why we iterate the psalms oftner then any other part of scripture besides ; the cause wherefore we inure the people together with their minister , and not the minister alone , to read them as other parts of scripture he doth . . touching musical harmony , whether by instrument or by voice , it being but of high and low in sounds a due proportionable disposition , such notwithstanding is the force thereof , and so pleasing effects it hath in that very part of man which is most divine , that some have been thereby induced to think that the soul it self by nature is , or hath in it harmony . a thing which delighteth all ages , and beseemeth all states ; a thing as seasonable in grief as in joy ; as decent being added unto actions of greatest weight and solemnity , as being used when men most sequester themselves from action . the reason hereof is an admirable faculty which musick hath to express and represents to the minde , more inwardly then any other sensible mean , the very standing , rising , and falling , the very steps and inflections every way , the turns and varieties of all passions , whereunto the minde is subject ; yea , so to imitate them , that whether it resemble unto us the same state wherein our mindes already are , or a clean contrary , we are not more contentedly by the one confirmed , then changed and led away by the other . in harmony , the very image and character , even of vertue and vice is perceived , the minde delighted with their resemblances , and brought , by having them often iterated , into a love of the things themselves . for which cause there is nothing more contagious and pestilent then some kindes of harmony ; then some , nothing more strong and potent unto good . and that there is such a difference of one kinde from another , we need no proof but our own experience , in as much as we are at the hearing of some more inclined unto sorrow and heaviness , of some more mollified and softned in minde ; one kinde apter to stay and settle us , another to move and stir our affections : there is that draweth to a marvelous grave and sober mediocrity , there is also that carrieth as it were into extasies , filling the minde with an heavenly joy , and for the time , in a manner , severing it from the body : so that although we lay altogether aside the consideration of ditty or matter , the very harmony of sounds being framed in due sort , and carried from the ear to the spiritual faculties of our souls , is by a native puissance and efficacy greatly available to bring to a perfect temper whatsoever is there troubled , apt as well to quicken the spirits as to allay that which is too eager , sovereign against melancholly and despair , forcible to draw forth tears of devotion , if the minde be such as can yield them able , both to move and to moderate all affections . the prophet david having therefore singular knowledge , not in poetry alone , but in musick also , judged them both to be things most necessary for the house of god , left behinde him to that purpose , a number of divinely indited poems , and was farther the author of adding unto poetry , melody a publick prayer , melody both vocal and instrumental for the raising up of mens hearts , and the sweetning of their affections towards god. in which consideration , the church of christ doth likewise at this present day , retain it as an ornament to gods service , and an help to our own devotion . they which , under pretence of the law ceremonial abrogated require the abrogation of instrumental musick , approving nevertheless the use of vocal melody to remain , must shew some reason wherefore the one should be thought a legal ceremony , and not the other . in church musick curiosity and oftentation of art , wanton , or light , or unsuitable harmony , such as onely pleaseth the ear , and doth not naturally serve to the very kinde and degree of those impressions which the matter that goeth with it , leaveth , or is apt to leave in mens mindes , doth rather blemish and disgrace that we do , then adde either beauty or furtherance unto it . on the other side , these faults prevented , the force and efficacy of the thing it self , when it drowneth not utterly , but fitly suiteth with matter altogether sounding to the praise of god , is in truth most admirable , and doth much edifie , if not the understanding , because it teacheth not ; yet surely the affection , because therein it worketh much . they must have hearts very dry and tough , from whom the melody of psalms doth not sometime draw that wherein a minde religiously affected delighteth . be it as rabanus maurus observeth , that at the first the church in this exercise was more simple and plain then we are ; that their singing was little more then onely a melodious kinde of pronounciation ; that the custom which we now use , was not instituted so much for their cause which are spiritual , as to the end that into grosser and heavier mindes , whom bare words do not easily move , the sweetness of melody might make some entrance for good things . st. basil himself acknowledging as much , did not think that from such inventions , the least jot of estimation and credit thereby should be derogated : * for ( saith he ) whereas the holy spirit saw , that mankinde is unto virtue hardly drawn , and that righteousness is the less accounted of , by reason of the proveness of our affections to that which delighteth ; it pleased the wisdom of the same spirit to borrow from melody that pleasure , which mingled with heavenly mysteries , causeth the smoothness and softness of that which toucheth the ear , to convey , as it were , by stealth the treasure of good things into mans minde . to this purpose were those harmonious tunes of psalms divised for us ; that they which are either in years but young , or touching perfection of vertue , as yet not grown to ripeness , might , when they think they sing , learn. o the wise conceit of that heavenly teacher , which both by his skill found out a way , that doing those things wherein we delight , we may also learn that whereby we profit ! . and if the prophet david did think that the very meeting of men together , and their accompanying one another to the house of god , should make the bond of their love insoluble , and tie them in a league of inviolable amity , psal. . . how much more may we judge it reasonable to hope , that the like effects may grow in each of the people towards other , in them all towards their pastor , and in their pastor towards every of them ; between whom there daily and interchangeably pass in the hearing of god himself , and in the presence of his holy angels , so many heavenly acclamations , exultations , provocations , petitions , songs of comfort , psalms of praise and thanksgiving ; in all which particulars , as when the pastor maketh their sutes , and they with one voice testifie a general assent thereunto ; or when he joyfully beginneth , and they with like alacrity follow , dividing between them the sentences wherewith they strive , which shall most shew his own , and stir up others zeal , to the glory of that god , whose name they magnifie ; or when he proposeth unto god their necessities , and they their own requests for relief in every of them ; or when he lifteth up his voice like a trumpet , to proclaim unto them the laws of god , they adjoyning , though not as israel did , by way of generality a chearful promise , a all that the lord hath commanded , we will do ; yet that which god doth no less approve , that which favoreth more of meekness , that which testifieth rather a feeling knowledge of our common imbecillity , unto the several branches thereof , several lowly and humble requests for grace at the merciful hands of god , to perform the thing which is commanded ; or when they wish reciprocally each others ghostly happiness ; or when he by exhortation raiseth them up , and they by protestation of their readiness declare , be speaketh not in vain unto them . these interlocutory forms of speech , what are they else , but most effectual , partly testifications , and partly inflammations of all piety ? when , and how this custom of singing by course , came up in the church , it is not certainly known . b socrates maketh ignatius , the bishop of antioch , in syria , the first beginner thereof , even under the apostles themselves . but against socrates they set the authority of a theodoret , who draweth the original of it from antioch , as socrates doth ; howbeit ascribing the invention to others , flavian and diodore , men which constantly stood in defence of the apostolick faith , against the bishop of that church , leontius , a favorer of the arians . against both socrates and theodoret , b platina is brought as a witness , to testifie that damasus , bishop of rome , began it in his time . of the latine church , it may be true which platina saith . and therefore , the eldest of that church which maketh any mention thereof , is st. ambrose , c bishop of milan , at the same time when damasus was of rome . amongst the grecians , st. basil d having brought it into his church before they of neocaesarea used it , sabellius the heretick , and marcellus , took occasion thereat , to incense the churches against him , as being an author of new devices in the service of god. whereupon , to avoid the opinion of novelty and singularity , he alledgeth for that which he himself did , the example of the churches of egypt , lybia , thebes , palestina , tharabians , phoenicians , syrians , mesopotamians , and , in a manner , all that reverenced the custom of singing psalms together . if the syrians had it then before basil , antioch the mother church of those parts , must needs have used it before basil , and consequently before damasus . the question is then , how long before , and whether so long , that ignatius , or as ancient as ignatius , may be probably thought the first inventors . ignatius in trajans days suffered martyrdom . and of the churches in pontus and bithynia , to trajan the emperor , his own vicegerent , there affirmeth e , that the onely crime , he knew of them , was , they used to meet together at a certain day , and to praise christ with hymns as a god , secum invicem , one to another amongst themselves . which for any thing we know to the contrary , might be the self-same form which philo iudaeus expresseth , declaring how the essens were accustomed with hymns and psalms to honor god , sometime all exalting their voices together in one , and sometime one part answering another , wherein , as he thought , they swerved not much from the pattern of moses and miriam . whether ignatius did at any time hear the angels praising god after that sort , or no , what matter is it : if ignatius did not , yet one which must be with us of greater authority did . i saw the lord ( saith the prophet isaiah ) on an high throne , the seraphims stood upon it , one cryed to another , saying , holy , holy , holy , lord god of hosts , the whole world is full of his glory . but whosoever were the author , whatsoever the time , whencesoever the example of beginning this custom in the church of christ ; sith we are wont to suspect things onely before tryal , and afterwards either to approve them as good , or if we finde them evil , accordingly to judge of them ; their counsel must needs seem very unseasonable , who advise men now to suspect that wherewith the world hath had , by their own account , twelve hundred years acquaintance , and upwards , enough to take away suspition and jealousie . men know by this time , if ever they will know , whether it be good or evil which hath been so long retained . as for the devil , which way it should greatly benefit him to have this manner of singing psalms accounted an invention of ignatius , or an imitation of the angels of heaven , we do not well understand , but we very well see in them who thus plead , a wonderful celerity of discourse . for perceiving at the first , but onely some cause of suspition and fear , left it should be evil , they are presently in one and the self-same breath resolved , * that what beginning soever it had , there is no possibility it should be good . the potent arguments which did thus suddenly break in upon them , and overcome them , are ; first , that it is not unlawful for the people , all joyntly to praise god in singing of psalms . secondly , that they are not any where forbidden by the law of god , to sing every verse of the whole psalm , both with heart and voice , quite and clean throughout . thirdly , that it cannot be understood what is sung after our manner . of which three , for as much as lawfulness to sing one way , proveth not another way inconvenient ; the former two , are true allegations , but they lack strength to accomplish their desire ; the third so strong ; that it might perswade , if the truth thereof were not doubtful . and shall this inforce us to banish a thing which all christian churches in the world have received ; a thing which so many ages have held ; a thing which the most approved councils and laws have so oftentimes ratified ; a thing which was never sound to have any inconvenience in it ; a thing which always heretofore the best men , and wisest governors of gods people , did think they could never commend enough ; a thing which as basil was perswaded , did both strengthen the meditation of those holy words which were uttered in that sort , and serve also to make attentive , and to raise up the hearts of men ; a thing whereunto gods people of old , did resort with hope and thirst , that thereby , especially their souls , might be edified ; a thing which filleth the minde with comfort and heavenly delight , stirreth up flagrant desires and affections correspondent unto that which the words contain , allayeth all kinde of base and earthly cogitations , banisheth and driveth away those evil secret suggestions which our invisible enemy is always apt to minister , watereth the heart to the end it may fructifie , maketh the vertuous , in trouble , full of magnanimity and courage , serveth as a most approved remedy against all doleful and heavy accidents which befal men in this present life . to conclude , so fitly accordeth with the apostles own exhortation , speak to your selves in psalms and hymns , and spiritual songs , making melody , and singing to the lord in your hearts ; that surely , there is more cause to fear , lest the want thereof be a main , then the use a blemish to the service of god. it is not our meaning , that what we attribute unto the psalms , should be thought to depend altogether on that onely form of singing or reading them by course , as with us the manner is ; but the end of our speech is to shew , that because the fathers of the church , with whom the self-same custom was so many ages ago in use , have uttered all these things concerning the fruit which the church of god did then reap , observing that and no other form , it may be justly avouched , that we our selves retaining it ; an besides it also the other more newly and not unfruitfully devised , do neither want that good which the latter invention can afford , not lose any thing of that , for which the ancients so oft and so highly commend the former . let novelty therefore in this give over endless contradictions , and let ancient custom prevail . . we have already given cause sufficient for the great conveniency , and use of reading the psalms oftner then other scriptures . of reading or singing likewise magnificat , benedictus , and nunc dimittis , oftner then the rest of the psalms , the causes are no whit less reasonable ; so that if the one may very well monethly , the other may as well even daily be iterated . they are songs which concern us so much more then the songs of david , as the gospel toucheth us more then the law , the new testament then the old. and if the psalms for the excellency of their use , deserve to be oftner repeated then they are , but that the multitude of them permitteth not any ofther repetition , what disorder is it if these few evangelical hymns which are in no respect less worthy , and may be by reason of their paucity imprinted with much more ease in all mens memories , be for that cause every day rehearsed ? in our own behalf it is convenient and orderly enough , that both they and we make day by day prayers and supplications the very same ; why not as fit and convenient to magnifie the name of god day by day with certain the very self-same psalms of praise and thanksgiving ? either let them not allow the one , or else cease to reprove the other . for the ancient received use of intermingling hymns and psalms with divine readings , enough hath been written . and if any may fitly serve unto that purpose , how should it better have been devised , then that a competent number of the old being first read , these of the new should succeed in the place where now they are set ? in which place notwithstanding , there is joyned with benedictus , the hundredth psalm ; with magnifica● , the ninety eighth , the sixty seventh with nunc dimittis ; and in every of them , the choice left free for the minister to use indifferently the one , or the other . seeing therefore they pretend no quarrel at other psalms , which are in like manner appointed also to be daily read , why do these so much offend and displease their taste ? they are the first gratulations wherewith our lord and saviour was joyfully received at his entrance into the world , by such as in their hearts , arms , and very bowels embraced him ; being prophetical discoveries of christ already present , whose future coming , the other psalms did but fore-signifie , they are against the obstinate incredulity of the jews , the most luculent testimonies that christian religion hath ; yea , the onely sacred hymns they are , that christianity hath peculiar unto it self ; the other being songs too , of praise and thanksgiving , but songs wherewith as we serve god , so the jew likewise . and whereas they tell us , these songs were fit for that purpose , when simeon and zachary , and the blessed virgin uttered them , but cannot so be to us which have not received like benefit ; should they not remember how expresly hezekiah , amongst many other good things , is commended for this also , that the praises of god were through his appointment daily set forth , by using in publick divine service , the songs of david and asaph unto that very end ? either there wanted wise men to give hezekiah advice , and to inform him of that , which in his case was as true , as it is in ours , namely , that without some inconvenience and disorder , he could not appoint those psalms to be used as ordinary prayers , seeing what although they were songs of thanksgiving , such as david and asaph had special occasion to use , yet not so the whole church and people afterwards , whom like occasions did not befal ; or else hezekiah was perswaded as we are , that the praises of god in the mouths of his saints , are not so restrained to their own particular , but that others may both conveniently and fruitfully use them ; first , because the mystical communion of all faithful men is such as maketh every one to be interested in those precious blessings , which any one of them receiveth at gods hands : secondly , because when any thing is spoken to extol the goodness of god , whose mercy endureth for ever , albeit the very particular occasion whereupon it riseth , do come no more ; yet , the fountain continuing the same , and yielding other new effects which are but onely in some sort proportionable , a small resemblance between the benefits , which we and others have received , may serve to make the same words of praise and thanksgiving fit , though not equally in all circumstances fit for both ; a clear demonstration whereof , we have in all the ancient fathers commentaries and meditations upon the psalms . last of all , because even when there is not as much as the shew of any resemblance , nevertheless by often using their words in such manner , our mindes are daily more and more ensured with their affections . . the publick estate of the church of god amongst the jews , hath had many rare and extraordinary occurrents , which also were occasions of sundry a open solemnities and offices , whereby the people did with general consent make shew of correspondent affection towards god. the like duties appear usual in the ancient church of christ , by that which b tertullian speaketh of christian women themselves matching with infidels . she cannot content the lord with performance of his discipline , that hath at her side a vassal , whom satan hath made his vice-agent to cross whatsoever the faithful should do . if her presence be required at the time of station or standing prayer , he chargeth her at no time , but that to be with him in his baths ; if a fasting day come , he hath on that day a banquet to make , if there be cause for the church to go forth in solemn procession , his whole family have such business come upon them , that no one can be spared . these processions , as it seemeth , were first begun for the interring of holy martyrs , and the visiting of those places where they were intombed . which thing , the name it self applied by c heathens , unto the office of exequies , and partly the speeches of some of the ancients delivered concerning d christian processions , partly also the very dross which superstition thereunto added , i mean , the custom of invocating saints in processions , heretofore usual , do strongly insinuate . and as things invented to one purpose , are by use easily converted to more a , it grew , that supplications , with this solemnity for the appeasing of gods wrath , and the averting of publick evils , were of the greek church termed litanies , rogations of the latine b . to the people of vienna ( mamercus being their bishop above years after christ ) therebefel many things , the suddenness and strangeness whereof , so amazed the hearts of all men , that the city they began to forsake as a place which heaven did threaten with imminent ruine . it beseemed not the person of so grave a prelate to be either utterly without counsel , as the rest were , or in a common perplexity to shew himself alone secure . wherefore as many as remained , he earnestly exhorteth to prevent portended calamities , using those vertuous and holy means , wherewith others in like case have prevailed with god. to which purpose , he perfecteth the rogations or litanies before in use , and addeth unto them that which the present necessity required . their good success moved sidonius , bishop of averna , to use the same so-corrected rogations at such time , as he and his people were after afflicted with famine , and besieged with potent adversaries . for till the empty name of the empire came to be setled in charles the great , the fall of the romans huge dominion concurring with other universal evils , caused those times to be days of much affliction and trouble throughout the world. so that rogations or litanies were then the very strength , stay , and comfort of gods church . whereupon in the year five hundred and six , it was by the council of aurelia decreed , that the whole church should bestow yearly at the feast of pentecost , three days in that kinde of processionary service . about half an hundred years alter , to the end , that the latine churches , which all observed this custom , might not vary in the order and form of those great litanies which were so solemnly every where exercised , it was thought convenient by gregory the first , and the best of that name , to draw the flower of them all into one . but this iron began at length to gather rust ; which thing the synod of colen saw , and in part redrest within that province , neither denying the necessary use for which such litanies serve , wherein gods clemency and mercy is desired by publick suit , to the end , that plagues , destructions , calamities , famines , wars , and all other the like adversities , which for our manifold sins we have always cause to fear , may be turned away from us and prevented through his grace , not yet dissembling the great abuse whereunto as sundry other things , so this had grown by mens improbity and malice ; to whom , that which was devised for the appeasing of gods displeasure , gave opportunity of committing things which justly kindled his wrath . for remedy whereof it was then thought better , that these and all other supplications or processions should be no where used , but onely within the walls of the house of god , the place sanctified unto prayer . and by us not onely such inconveniences being remedied , but also whatsoever was otherwise amiss in form or matter , it now remaineth a work , the absolute perfection whereof upbraideth with error , or somewhat worse , them whom in all parts it doth not satisfie . as therefore litanies have been of longer continuance then that we should make either gregory or mamercus the author of them ; so they are of more permanent use , then that now the church should think it needeth them not . what dangers at any time are imminent , what evils hang over our heads , god doth know , and not we . we finde by daily experience , that those calamities may be nearest at hand , readiest to break in suddenly upon us , which we in regard of times or circumstances , may imagine to be farthest off . or if they do not indeed approach , yet such miseries as being present , all men are apt to bewail with tears , the wise by their prayers should rather prevent . finally , if we for our selves had a priviledge of immunity , doth not true christian charity require , that whatsoever any part of the world , yea , any one of all our brethren elswhere , doth either suffer or fear , the same we account as our own burthen ? what one petition is there found in the whole litany , whereof we shall ever be able at any time to say , that no man living needeth the grace or benefit therein craved at gods hands ? i am not able to express how much it doth grieve me , that things of principal excellency , should be thus bitten at , by men whom god hath endued with graces , both of wit and learning for better purposes . we have from the apostles of our lord jesus christ received that brief confession of faith , which hath been always a badge of the church , a mark whereby to discern christian men from infidels and jews , a this faith , received from the apostles and their disciples ( saith ireneus ) the church , though dispersed throughout the world , doth notwithstanding keep as safe , as if it dwels within the walls of some one house , and as uniformly hold , as if it had but one onely heart and soul ; this as consonantly it preacheth , teacheth , and delivereth , as if but one tongue did speak for all . at one sun shineth to the whole world ; so there is no faith but this one published , the brightness whereof must enlighten all that come to the knowledge of the truth . b this rule ( saith tertullian ) christ did institute , the stream and current of this rule hath gone as far , it hath continued as long as the very promulgation of the gospel . c under constantine the emperor , about three hundred years and upward after christ , arius a priest in the church of alexandria , a suttle-witted , and a marvellous fair-spoken man , but discontented , that one should be placed before him in honor , whose superior he thought himself in desert , became through envy and stomack , prone unto contradiction , and hold to broach at the length , that heresie wherein the deity of our lord jesus christ , contained , but not opened in the former creed , the coequality and coeternity of the son with the father was denied . being for this impiety deprived of his place by the bishop of the same church , the punishment which should have reformed him , did but increase his obstinacy , and give him occasion of laboring with greater earnestness elswhere , to intangle unwary mindes with the snares of his damnable opinion . arius in short time had won to himself , a number both of followers and of great defenders , whereupon much disquietness on all sides ensued . the emperor , to reduce the church of christ unto the unity of sound belief , when other means , whereof tryal was first made , took no effect , gathered that famous assembly of three hundred and eighteen bishops in the council of nice , where besides , order taken for many things which seemed to need redress , there was with common consent , for the setling of all mens mindes , that other confession of faith set down , which we call the nicene creed , whereunto the arians themselves which were present subscribed also ; not that they meant sincerely , and indeed to forsake their error , but onely to escape deprivation and exile , which they saw they could not avoid , openly persisting in their former opinions , when the greater part had concluded against them , and that with the emperors royal assent . reserving therefore themselves unto future opportunities , and knowing , that it would not boot them to stir again in a matter so composed , unless they could draw the emperor first , and by his means the chiefest bishops unto their part ; till constantines death , and somewhat after , they always professed love and zeal to the nicene faith , yet ceased not in the mean while to strengthen that part which in heart they favored , and to infest by all means , under colour of other quarrels , their greatest adversaries in this cause : amongst them athanasius especially , whom by the space of forty six years , from the time of his consecration , to succeed alexander , archbishop in the church of alexandria , till the last hour of his life in this world , they never suffered to enjoy the comfort of a peaceable day . the heart of constantine stoln from him . constantius constantines successor , his scourge and torment by all the ways that malice armed with soveraign authority could devise and use . under iulian no rest given him ; and in the days of valentinian , as little . crimes there were laid to his charge many , the least whereof , being just , had bereaved him of estimation and credit with men , while the world standeth . his judges evermore the self-same men by whom his accusers were suborned . yet the issue always on their part shame ; on his , triumph . those bishops and prelates , who should have accounted his cause theirs , and could not many of them , but with bleeding hearts , and with watred checks , behold a person of so great place and worth constrained to endure so soul indignities , were sure by bewraying their affection towards him , to bring upon themselves those molestations , whereby if they would not be drawn to seem his adversaries , yet others should be taught how unsafe it was to continue his friends . whereupon it came to pass in the end , that ( very few excepted ) all became subject to the sway of time ; other odds there was none amongst them , saving onely that some fell sooner away , some latter from the soundness of belief ; some were leaders in the host of impiety , and the rest as common soldiers , either yielding through fear , or brought under with penury , or by flattery ensnared , or else beguiled through simplicity , which is the fairest excuse that well may be made for them . yes , ( that which all men did wonder at ) osius the ancientest bishop that christendom then had , the most forward in defence of the catholick cause , and of the contrary part most feared ; that very osius , with whose hand the nicene creed it self was set down , and framed for the whole christian world to subscribe unto , so far yielded in the end , as even with the same hand to ratifie the arians confession , a thing which they neither hoped to see , nor the other part ever feared , till with amazement they saw it done . both were perswaded , that although there had been for osius no way , but either presently subscribe or die , his answer and choice would have been the same that eleazars was , it doth not become our age to dissemble , whereby many young persons might think , that osius in hundred years old and upward , were now gone to another religion ; and so through mine hypocrisie [ for a little time of transitory life ] they might be deceived by me , and i procure malediction and reproach to my old age . for though i were now delivered from the torments of men , yet could i not escape the hand of the almighty , neither alive nor dead . but such was the stream of those times , that all men gave place unto it , which we cannot but impute , partly , to their own over-sight . for at the first the emperor was theirs , the determination of the council of nice was for them , they had the arians hands to that council : so great advantages are never changed so far to the contrary , but by great error . it plainly appeareth , that the first thing which weakned them , was their security . such as they knew were in heart still affected towards arianism , they suffered by continual nearness to possess the mindes of the greatest about the emperor , which themselves might have done with very good acceptation , and neglected it . in constantines life time to have setled constantius the same way , had been a duty of good service towards god , a mean of peace and great quietness to the church of christ , a labor easie , and how likely we may conjecture , when after that so much pains was taken to instruct , and strengthen him in the contrary course , after that so much was done by himself to the furtherance of heresie , yet being touched in the end voluntarily with remorse , nothing more grieved him then the memory of former proceedings in the cause of religion , and that which he now foresaw in iulian , the next physician into whose hands the body that was thus distempered must fall . howbeit this we may somewhat excuse , in as much as every mans particular care to his own charge was such , as gave them no leisure to heed what others practised in princes courts . but of the two synods of arimine and selencia , what should we think ? constantius by the arians suggestion , had devised to assemble all the bishops of the whole world about this controversie ; but in two several places , the bishops of the west at arimine in italy , the eastern at selencia the same time . amongst them of the east there was no stop , they agreed without any great ado , gave their sentence against heresie , excommunicated some chief maintainers thereof , and sent the emperor word what was done . they had at arimine about four hundred which held the truth , scarce of the adverse part fourscore ; but these obstinate , and the other weary of contending with them : whereupon , by both it was resolved to send to the emperor , such as might inform him of the cause , and declare what hindred their peaceable agreement . there are chosen for the catholick side a , such men as had in them nothing to be noted but boldness , neither gravity , nor learning , nor wisdom . the arians for the credit of their faction , take the eldest , the best experienced , the most wary , and the longest practised veterans they had amongst them . the emperor conjecturing of the rest on either part , by the quality of them whom he saw , sent them speedily away , and with them a certain confession of faith b , ambiguously and subtilly drawn by the arians , whereunto unless they all subscribed , they should in no case be suffered to depart from the place where they were . at the length it was perceived , that there had not been in the catholicks , either at arimine , or at selencia , so much foresight , as to provide , that true intelligence might pass between them what was done , upon the advantage of which error , their adversaries abusing each with perswasion that other had yielded , suprized both . the emperor the more desirous and glad of such events , for that , besides all other things wherein they hindred themselves , the gall and bitterness of certain mens writings , who spared him little for honors sake , made him for their sakes the less inclinable to that truth which he himself should have honored and loved . onely in athanasius there was nothing observed throughout the course of that long tragedy , other then such as very well became a wise man to do , and a righteous to suffer . so that this was the plain condition of those times , the whole world against athanasius , and athanasius against it ; half an hundred of years spent in doubtful trial , which of the two in the end would prevail , the side which had all , or else the part which had no friend but god and death ; the one a defender of his innocency , the other a finisher of all his troubles . now although these contentions were cause of much evil , yet some good the church hath reaped by them , in that they occasioned the learned and sound in faith , to explain such things as heresie went about to deprave . and in this respect , the creed of athanasius , first exhibited unto iulius , bishop of rome , and afterwards ( as we may probably gather ) sent to the emperor iovinian , for his more full information concerning that truth which arianism so mightily did impugn , was both in the east and the west churches accepted as a treasure of inestimable price , by as many as had not given up even the very ghost of belief . then was the creed of athanasius written , howbeit not then so expedient to be publickly used as now in the church of god ; because while the heat of division lasteth , truth it self enduring opposition , doth not so quietly and currantly pass throughout all mens hands , neither can be of that account , which afterwards it hath , when the world once perceiveth the vertue thereof , not onely in it self , but also by the conquest which god hath given it over heresie . that which heresie did by sinister interpretations , go about to pervert in the first and most ancient apostolick creed , the same being by singular dexterity and plainness cleared from those heretical corruptions , partly by this creed of athanasius , written about the year three hundred and forty , and partly by that other set down in the synod of constantinople , forty years after , comprehending , together with the nicene creed , an addition of other articles which the nicene creed omitted , because the controversie then in hand needed no mention to be made of them . these catholick declarations of our belief delivered by them , which were so much nearer then we are unto the first publication thereof , and continuing needful for all men at all times to know , these confessions as testimonies of our continuance in the same faith to this present day , we rather use them any other gloss or paraphrased devised by our selves , which though it were to the same effect , notwithstanding could not be of the like authority and credit . for that of hilary unto st. augustine hath been ever , and is likely to be always true , your most religious wisdom knoweth how great their number is in the church of god , whom the very authority of mens names , doth keep in that opinion which they hold already , or draw unto that which they have not before held . touching the hymn of glory , out usual conclusion to psalms , the glory of all things is that , wherein their highest perfection doth consist ; and the glory of god , that divine excellency whereby he is eminent above all things , his omnipotent , infinite , and eternal being , which angels and glorified saints do intuitively behold ; we on earth apprehend principally by faith , in part also by that kinde of knowledge which groweth from experience of those effects , the greatness whereof exceedeth the powers and abilities of all creatures , both in heaven and earth . god is glorified , when such his excellency above all things , is with due admiration acknowledged . which dutiful acknowledgment of gods excellency by occasion of special effects , being the very proper subject , and almost the onely matter purposely treated of in all psalms , if that joyful hymn of glory have any use in the church of god , whose name we therewith extol and magnifie , can we place it more fitly then where now it serveth as a close or conclusion to psalms ? neither is the form thereof newly or unnecessarily invented . we must ( saith st. basil ) as we have received , even so baptize ; and as we baptize , even so believe ; and as we believe , even so give glory . baptizing , we use the name of the father , of the son , and of the holy ghost : confessing the christian faith , we declare our belief in the father , and in the son , and in the holy ghost : ascribing glory unto god , we give it to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the token of a true and sound understanding for matter of doctrine about the trinity , when , in ministring baptism , and making confession , and giving glory , there is a conjunction of all three , and no one of the three severed from the other two . against the arians , affirming the father to be greater then the son in honor , excellency , dignity , majesty , this form and manner of glorifying god was not at that time first begun , but received long before , and alledged at that time as an argument for the truth . if ( saith fabadius ) there be that inequality which they affirm , then do we every day blaspheme god , when , in thanksgivings and offerings of sacrifice , we acknowledge those thing ; common to the father and the son. the arians therefore , for that they perceived how this did prejudice their cause , altered the hymn of glory , whereupon ensued in the church of antioch , about the year three hundred forty nine , that jar which theodoret and sozomen mention . in their quires , while they praised god together , as the manner was , at the end of the psalms which they sung , it appeared what opinion every man held ; for as much as they glorified some the father , and the son , and the holy ghost ; some the father by the son , in the spirit ; the one sort thereby declaring themselves to embrase the sons equality with the father , as the council of nice had defined ; the other sort , against the council of nice , his inequality . leontiuos their bishop , although an enemy to the better part , yet wary and subtile , as in a manner all the heads of the arians faction were , could at no time be plainly heard to use either form , perhaps lest his open contradiction of them whom he favored not , might make them the more eager , and by that mean the less apt to be privately won ; or peradventure for that , though he joyned in opinion with that sort of arians , who denied the son to be equal with the father ; yet from them he dissented , which thought the father and the son , not onely unequal , but unlike , as aetuis did upon a frivolous and false surmise , that because the apostle hath said , one god of whom , one lord by whom , one spirit in whom , his different manner of speech doth argue a different nature and being in them , of whom he speaketh : ou● of which blinde collection , it seemeth that this their new devised form did first spring . but in truth , even that very form which the arians did then use ( saving that they chose it to serve as their special mark of recognisance , and gave it secretly within themselves a sinister construction ) hath not otherwise as much as the shew of any thing which soundeth towards impiety . for albeit , if we respect gods glory within it self , it be the equal right and possession of all three , and that without any odds , any difference ; yet , touching his manifestation thereof unto us by continual effects , and our perpetual acknowledgment thereof unto him likewise by vertuous offices , doth not every tongue both ways confess , that the brightness of his glory hath spred it self throughout the world by the ministery of his onely begotten son , and is in the manifold graces of the spirit every way marvellous ? again , that whatsoever we do to his glory , it is done in the power of the holy ghost , and made acceptable by the merit and mediation of jesus christ ? so that glory to the father and the son , or glory to the father by the son , saving onely where evil mindes do abuse and pervert most holy things , are not else the voices of error and schism , but of sound and sincere religion . it hath been the custom of the church of christ , to end sometimes prayers , and sermons always , with words of glory , wherein , as long as the blessed trinity had due honor , and till arianism had made it a matter of great sharpness and subtilty of wit , to be a sound believing christian ; men were not curious what syllables or particles of speech they used . upon which confidence and trust notwithstanding , when st. basil began to practise the like indifferency , and to conclude publick prayers , glorifying sometime the father , with the son , and the holy ghost ; sometime the father , by the son , in the spirit ; whereas long custom had enured them unto the former kindealone , by means whereof , the latter was new and strange in their ears : this needless experiment brought afterwards upon him a necessary labor of excusing himself to his friends , and maintaining his own act against them , who because the light of his candle too much drowned theirs , were glad to lay hold on so colorourable matter , and exceeding forward to traduce him as an author of suspicious innovation . how hath the world forsaken that course which it sometime held ? how are the judgments , hearts , and affections of men altered ? may we not wonder , that a man of st. basils authority and quality , an arch-prelate in the house of god , should have his name far and wide called in question , and be driven to his painful apologies , to write in his own defence whole volumes , and yet hardly to obtain with all his endeavor a pardon ; the crime laid against him , being but onely a change of some one or two syllables in their usual church liturgy ? it was thought in him an unpardonable offence to alter any thing ; in us as intolerable , that we suffer any thing to remain unaltered . the very creed of athanasius , and that sacred hymn of glory , then which , nothing doth sound more heavenly in the ears of faithful men , are now reckoned as superfluities , which we must in any case pare away , left we cloy god with too much service . is there in that confession of faith , any thing which doth not at all times edefie and instruct the attentive hearer ? or is our faith in the blessed trinity , a matter needless , to be so oftentimes mentioned and opened in the principal part of that duty which we ow to god , our publick prayer ? hath the church of christ from the first beginning , by a secret universal instinct of gods good spirit , always tied it self to end neither sermon , nor almost any speech of moment which hath concerned matters of god , without some special words of honor and glory to that trinity which we all adore ; and is the like conclusion of psalms , become now at length an eye-sore , or a galling to their ears that hear it ? those flames of arianism , they say , are quenched , which were the cause why the church devised in such sort to confess and praise the glorious deity of the son of god. seeing therefore the sore is whole , why retain we as yet the pla●ster ? when the cause , why any thing was ordained doth once cease , the thing it self should cease with it , that the church being eased of unprofitable labors , needful offices may the better be attended . for the doing of things unnecessary , is many times the cause why the most necessary are not done . but in this case so to reason , will not serve their turns . for first , the ground whereupon they build , is not certainly their own , but with special limitations . few things are so restrained to any one end or purpose , that the same being extinct , they should forthwith utterly become frustrate . wisdom may have framed one and the same thing to serve commodiously for divers ends , and of those ends , any one be sufficient cause for continuance , though the rest have ceased , even as the tongue , which nature hath given us , for an instrument of speech is not idle in dumb persons , because it also serveth for taste . again , if time have worn out , or any other mean altogether taken away , what was first intended ; uses , not thought upon before , may afterwards spring up , and be reasonable causes of retaining that which other considerations did formerly procure to be instituted . and it cometh sometime to pass , that a thing unnecessary in it self , as touching the whole direct purpose , whereto it was meant , or can be applied , doth notwithstanding appear convenient to be still held , even without use , lest by reason of that coherence which it hath with somewhat most necessary , the removal of the one , should indamage the other : and therefore men which have clean lost the possibility of sight , keep still their eyes nevertheless in the place where nature set them . as for these two branches whereof our question groweth , arianism was indeed some occasion of the one , but a cause of neither , much less the onely intire cause of both . for albeit , conflict with arians brought forth the occasion of writing that creed , which long after was made a part of the church liturgy , as hymns and sentences of glory were a part thereof before ; yet cause sufficient there is , why both should remain in use , the one as a most divine explication of the chiefest articles of our christian belief , the other as an heavenly acclamation of joyful applause to his praises in whom we believe ; neither the one , nor the other unworthy to he heard souncing as they are in the church of christ , whether arianism live or die . against which poyson likewise , if we think , that the church at this day needeth not those ancient preservatives , which ages before us were so glad to use , we deceive our selves greatly . the weeds of heresie being grown unto such ripeness as that was , do even in the very cutting down , scatter oftentimes those seeds which for a while lie unseen and buried in the earth , but afterward freshly spring up again no less pernicious them at the first . which thing they very well know , and i doubt not will easily confess , who live to their great , both toil and grief , where the blasphemies of arians , samosatenians , tritheits , eutychians , and maccdonians , are renewed by them , who to hatch their heresie , have chosen those churches as fittest nests where athanasius creed is not heard ; by them , i say , renewed , who following the course of extream reformation , were wont in the pride of their own proceedings to glory , that whereas luther did but blow away the roof , and zwinglius batter but the walls of popish superstition , the last and hardest work of all remained , which was , to raze up the very ground and foundation of popery , that doctrine concerning the deity of christ , which satanasius ( for so it pleased those impious forsaken miscreants to speak ) hath in this memorable creed explained , so manifestly true is , that which one of the ancients hath concerning arianism , mortuis authoribus hujus veneni , scelerata tamen eorum doctrina non moritur , the authors of this venom being dead and gone , their wicked doctrine notwithstanding continueth . . amongst the heaps of these excesses and superfluities , there is espied the want of a principal part of duty , there are no thanksgivings for the benefits , for which there are petitions in our book of prayer . this they have thought a point material to be objected . neither may we take it in evil part to be admonished , what special duties of thankfulness we ow to that merciful god , for whose unspeakable graces , the onely requital which we are able to make , is a true , hearty , and sincere acknowledgement , how precious we esteem such benefits received , and how infinite in goodness the author from whom they come . but that to every petition we make for things needful , there should be some answerable sentence of thanks provided particularly to follow such requests obtained ; either it is not a matter so requisite as they pretend ; or if it be , wherefore have they not then in such order framed their own book of common prayer ? why hath our lord and saviour taught us a form of prayer containing so many petitions of those things which we want , and not delivered in like sort , as many several forms of thanksgiving , to serve when any thing we pray for is granted ? what answer soever they can reasonably make unto these demands , the same shall discover unto them how causeless a censure it is , that there are not , in our book , thanksgivings for all the benefits forwhi●● there are petitions * . for concerning the blessings of god , whether they tend unto this life , or the life to come , there is great cause why we should delight more if giving thanks , then in making requests for them , in as much as the one hath pen●●veness and fear , the other always joy annexed ; the one belongeth unto them that seek , the other unto them that have found happiness ; they that pray , do but yet sow , they that give thanks , declare they have reaped . howbeit , because there are so many graces , whereof we stand in continual need , graces for which we may not cease daily and hourly to sue , graces which are in bestowing always , but never come to be sully had in this present life ; and therefore , when all things here have an end , endless thanks must have their beginning in a state , which bringeth the full and final satisfaction of all such perpetual desires : again , because our common necessities , and the lack which we all have , as well of ghostly as of earthly favors , is in each kinde so easily known ; but the gifts of god , according to those degrees and times which he in his secrets wisdom seeth meet , are so diversly bestowed , that it seldom appeareth what all receive , what all stand in need of it seldom lieth hid ; we are not to marvel , though the church do oftner concur in suits , then in thanks unto god for particular benefits . nevertheless , lest god should be any way unglorified , the greatest part of our daily service , they know , consisteth according to the ● blessed apostles own precise rule , in much variety of psalms and hymns , for no other purpose , but onely , that out of so plentiful a treasure , there might be for every mans heart no chuse out his own sacrifice , and to offer unto god by particular secret instinct , what fitteth best the often occasions which any several , either party or congregation , may seem to have . they that would clean take from us therefore , the daily use of the very best means we have to magnifie and praise the name of almighty god for his rich blessings , they that complain of out reading and singing so many psalms for so good an end ; they , i say , that finde fault with our store , should of all men be least willing to reprove our scarcity of thanksgivings . but because peradventure they see , it is not either generally fit or possible that churches should frame thanksgivings answerable to each petition , they shorten somewhat the reins of their censure , there are no forms of thanksgiving , they say , for release of those common calamities , from which we have petitions to be delivered . there are prayers set forth to be said in the common calamities and universal scourges of the realm , as plague , famine , &c. and indeed so it ought to be by the word of god. but as such prayers are needful , whereby we beg release from our distresses , so there ought to be as necessary prayers of thanksgiving , when we have received those things at the lords hand , which we asked in our prayers . as oft therefore , as any publick or universal scourge is removed , as oft as we are delivered from those , either imminent or present calamities , against the storm and tempest whereof we all instantly craved favor from above , let it be a question what we should render unto god for his blessings universally , sensibly , and extraordinarily bestowed . a prayer of three or four lines inserted into some part of our church liturgy ? no , we are not perswaded that when god doth in trouble injoyn us the duty of invocation , and promise us the benefit of deliverance , and profess , that the thing he expecteth after at our hands , is to glorifie him as our mighty and onely saviour , the church can discharge in manner convenient , a work of so great importance , by fore-ordaining some short collect wherein briefly to mention thanks . our custom therefore , whensoever so great occasions are incident , is by publick authority to appoint throughout all churches , set and solemn forms , as well of supplication , as of thanksgiving , the preparations and intended complements whereof may stir up the mindes of men in much more effectual sort , then if onely there should be added to the book of prayer , that which they require . but we err in thinking , that they require any such matter . for albeit their words to our understanding be very plain , that in our book there are prayers set forth to be said when common calamities are felt , as plague , famine , and such like ; again , that indeed so it ought to be by the word of god : that likewise there ought to be as necessary prayers of thanksgiving when we have received those things . finally , that the want of such forms of thanksgiving for the release from those common calamities from which we have petitions to be delivered , is the default of the book of common prayer : yet all this they mean , but only by way of supposition if express prayers against so many earthly miseries were convenient , that then indeed as many express and particular thanksgivings should be likewise necessary . seeing therefore we know that they hold the one superfluous , they would not have it so understood , as though their mindes were that any such addition to the book is needful , whatsoever they say for arguments sake concerning this pretented defect . the truth is , they wave in and out , no way sufficiently grounded , no way resolved what to think , speak , or write , more then onely that , because they have taken it upon them , they must ( no remedy now ) be opposite . . the last supposed fault concerneth some few things , the very matter whereof , is thought to be much amiss . in a song of praise to our lord jesus christ , we have these words , when thou hadst overcome the sharpness of death , tho● didst open the kingdom of heaven to all believers . which maketh some shew of giving countenance to their error , who think , that the faithful which departed this life before the coming of christ , were never till then made partakers of joy , but remained all in that place which they term the lake of the fathers . in our liturgy , request is made , that we may be preserved from sudden death . this seemeth frivolous , because the godly should always be prepared to die . request is made , that god would give those things , which we for our unworthiness , dare not ask . this , they say , carrieth with it the note of popish servile fear , and savoreth not of that confidence and reverent familiarity that the children of god have through christ , with their heavenly father . request is made , that we may evermore be defended from all adversity . for this there is no promise in scripture ; and therefore it is no prayer of faith , or of the which we can assure our selves , that we shall obtain it . finally , request is made , that god would have mercy upon all men . this is impossible , because some are the vessels of wrath , to whom god will never extend his mercy . . as christ hath purchased that heavenly kingdom , the last perfection whereof is , glory in the life to come , grace in this life , a preparation thereunto ; so the same he hath opened to the world in such sort , that whereas none can possibly without him attain salvation , by him all that believe , are saved . now whatsoever he did , or suffered , the end thereof was , to open the doors of the kingdom of heaven , which our iniquities had shut up . but because by ascending after that the sharpness of death was overcome , he took the very local possession of glory , and that to the use of all that are his , even as himself before had witnessed , i go to prepare a place for you . and again , whom thou hast given me , o father , i will that where i am , they be also with me , that my glory which thou hast given me , they may behold . it appeareth , that when christ did ascend , he then most liberally opened the kingdom of heaven , to the end , that with him , and by him , all believers might raign . in what estate the fathers rested which were dead before , it is not hereby either one way or other determined . all that we can rightly gather , is , that as touching their souls , what degree of joy or happiness soever it pleased god to bestow upon them , his ascension which succeeded , procured theirs , and theirs concerning the body , must needs be not onely of , but after his . as therefore helvidius , against whom st. ierome writeth , abused greatly those words of matthew , concerning ioseph , and the mother of our saviour christ , he knew her not till she had brought forth her first-born , thereby gathering against the honor of the blessed virgin , that a thing denied with special circumstance , doth import an opposite affirmation when once that circumstance is expired : after the self-same manner , it should be a weak collection , if whereas we say , that when christ had overcome the sharpness of death , he then opened the kingdom of heaven to all believers ; a thing in such sort affirmed with circumstance , were taken as insinuating an opposite denial before that circumstance be accomplished , and consequently , that because when the sharpness of death was overcome , he then opened heaven as well to believing gentiles as iews , heaven till then was no receptacle to the souls of either . wherefore , be the spirits of the just and righteous before christ , truly or falsly thought excluded out of heavenly joy , by that which we in the words alledged before , do attribute to christs ascension , there is to no such opinion , nor to the favorers thereof , any countenance at all given . we cannot better interpret the meaning of these words , then pope leo himself expoundeth them , whose speech concerning our lords ascension may serve instead of a marginal gloss , christs exaltation is our promotion ; and whither the glory of the head is already gone before , thither the hope of the ●ody also is to follow . for at this day , we have not onely the possession of paradise assured unto us , but in christ we have entred the highest of the heavens . his opening the kingdom of heaven , and his entrance thereinto , was not onely to his own use , but for the benefit of all believers . . our good or evil estate after death , dependeth most upon the quality of our lives . yet somewhat there is , why a vertuous minde should rather wish to depart this world with a kinde of treatable dissolution , then to be suddenly cut off in a moment ; rather to be taken then snatched away from the face of the earth . death is that which all men suffer . but not all men with one minde , neither all men in one manner . for being of necessity a thing common , it is through the manifold perswasions , dispositions , and occasions of men , with equal desert both of praise and dispraise , shunned by some , by others desired . so that absolutely we cannot discommend , we cannot absolutely approve , either willingness to live , or forwardness to die . and concerning the ways of death , albeit the choice thereof be onely in his hands , who alone hath power over all flesh , and unto whose appointment we ought with patience meekly to submit our selves ( for to be agents voluntarily in our own destruction , is against both god and nature ) yet there is no doubt , but in so great variety , our desires will and may lawfully prefer one kinde before another . is there any man of worth and vertue , although not instructed in the school of christ , or ever taught what the soundness of religion meaneth , that had not rather end the days of this transitory life , as cyrus in xenophon , or in plato , socrates , are described , then to sink down with them , of whom elihu hath said , momento moriuntur , there is scarce an instant between their flourishing , and their not being ? but let us which know what it is to die , as absalon , or ananias and saphira died ; let us beg of god , that when the hour of our rest is come , the patterns of our dissolution may be iacob , moses , iosoua , david ; who leisureably ending their lives in peace , prayed for the mercies of god to come upon their posterity ; replenished the hearts of the nearest unto them ; with words of memorable consolation ; strengthned in the fear of god , gave them wholesome instructions of life , and confirmed them in true religion ; in sum , taught the world no less vertuously how to die , then they had done before how to live . to such as judge things according to the sense of natural men , and ascend no higher , suddenness , because it shortneth their grief , should in reason be most acceptable . that which causeth bitterness in death , is the languishing attendance and expectation thereof , ere it come . and therefore tyrants use what art they can , to increase the slowness of death . quick riddance out of life , is often both requested and bestowed as a benefit . commonly therefore it is , for vertuous considerations , that wisdom so far prevaileth with men , as to make them desirous of slow and deliberate death against the stream of their sensual inclination , con●ent to endure the longer grief , and bodily pain , that the soul may have time to call it self to a just account of all things past , by means whereof , repentance is perfected , there is wherein to exercise patience , the joys of the kingdom of heaven have leisure to present themselves , the pleasures of sin and this worlds vanities , are censured with uncorrupt judgment , charity is free to make advised choice of the soyl wherein her last seed may most fruitfully be bestowed , the minde is at liberty to have due regard of that disposition of worldly things , which it can never afterwards alter ; and because the nearer we draw unto god , the more we are oftentimes enlightned with the shining beams of his glorious presence , as being then even almost in sight , a leisureable departure may in that case bring forth for the good of such as are present , that which shall cause them for ever after from the bottom of their hearts to pray , o let us die the death of the righteous , and let our last end be like theirs . all which benefits and opportunities are by sudden death prevented . and besides , for as much as death howsoever , is a general effect of the wrath of god against sin , and the suddenness thereof , a thing which hapneth but to few : the world in this respect feareth it the more as being subject to doubtful constructions , which as no man willingly would incur , so they whose happy estate after life , is of all mens the most certain , should especially wish , that no such accident in their death may give uncharitable mindes occasion of rash , sinister , and suspicious verdicts , whereunto they are over-prone : so that , whether evil men or good be respected , whether we regard our selves or others , to be preserved from sudden death , is a blessing of god. and our prayer against it , importeth a twofold desire ; first , that death when it cometh , may give us some convenient respight ; or secondly , if that be denied us of god , yet we may have wisdom to provide always beforehand ; that those evils overtake us not , which death unexpected doth use to bring upon careless men ; and that although it be sudden in it self , nevertheless in regard of our prepared mindes , it may not be sudden . . but is it credible , that the very acknowledgment of our own unworthiness to obtain , and in that respect our professed fearfulness to ask anything , otherwise then onely for his sake , to whom god can deny nothing , that this should be noted for a popish error ; that this should be termed baseness , abjection of minde , or servility , is it credible ? that which we for our unworthiness are afraid to crave , our prayer is , that god for the worthiness of his son , would notwithstanding vouchsafe to grant . may it please them to shew us which of these words it is , that carrieth the note of popish and servile fear ? in reference to other creatures of this inferior world , mans worth and excellency is admired . compared with god , the truest inscription wherewith we can circle so base a coyn , is , that of david * , universa vanitas est omnis homo ; whosoever hath the name of a mortal man , there is in him whatsoever the name of vanity doth comprehend . and therefore what we say of our own unworthiness , there is no doubt but truth will ratifie , alledged in prayer , it both becometh and behoveth saints . for as humility is in suiters a decent vertue ; so the testification thereof , by such effectual acknowledgments , not onely argueth a sound apprehension of his super-eminent glory and majesty before whom we stand , but putteth also into his hands , a kinde of pledge of bond for security against our unthankfulness , the very natural root whereof , is always either ignorance , dissimulation , or pride : ignorance , when we know not the author from whom our good cometh : dissimulation , when our hands are more open then our eyes ; upon that we receive : pride , when we think our selves worthy of that , which meer grace and undeserved mercy bestoweth . in prayer therefore , to abate so vain imaginations with the true conceit of unworthiness , is rather to prevent , then commit a fault . it being no error thus to think , no fault thus to speak of our selves when we pray ; is it a fault , that the consideration of our unworthiness ; maketh us fearful to open our mouths by way of suit ? while iob had prosperity , and lived in honor , men feared him for his authorities sake , and in token of their fear , when they saw him , they hid themselves . between elihis , and the rest of iobs familiars , the greatest disparity was but in years . and he , though riper then they in judgment , doing them reverence in regard of age , stood long * doubtful , and very loth to adventure upon speech in his elders hearing . if so small inequality between man and man , make their modesty a commendable vertue , who , respecting superiors as superiors , can neither speak nor stand before them without fear ; that the publican approacheth not more boldly to god ; that when christ in mercy draweth near to peter , he in humility and fear , craveth distance : that being to stand , to speak , to sue in the presence of so great majesty , we are afraid , let no man blame us . in which consideration notwithstanding , because to flie altogether from god , to despair that creatures unworthy shall be able to obtain any thing at his hands , and under that pretence , to surcease from prayers , as bootless or fruitless offices , were to him no less injurious , then pernicious to our own souls ; even that which we tremble to do we do , we ask those things which we dare not ask . the knowledge of our own unworthiness , is not without belief in the merits of christ. with that true fear which the one causeth , there is coupled true boldness ; and encouragement drawn from the other . the very silence which our unworthiness putteth us unto , doth it self make request for us , and that in the confidence of his grace . looking inward , we are stricken dumb ; looking upward , we speak and prevail . o happy mixture , wherein things contrary do so qualifie and correct the one the danger of the others excess , that neither boldness can make us presume , as long as we are kept under with the sense of our own wretchedness ; nor , while we trust in the mercy of god through jesus christ , fear be able to tyrannize over us ! as therefore our fear excludeth not that boldness * which becometh saints ; so if our familiarity with god , do not savor of this fear , it draweth too near that irreverend confidence , wherewith true humility can never stand . . touching continual deliverance in the world from all adversity , their conceit is , that we ought not to ask it of god by prayer ; for as much as in scripture there is no promise that we shall be evermore free from vexations , calamities , and troubles . mindes religiously affected , are wont in every thing of weight and moment , which they do or see , to examine according unto rules of piety , what dependency it hath on god , what reference to themselves , what coherence with any of those duties whereunto all things in the world should lead , and accordingly they frame the inward disposition of their mindes , sometime to admire god , sometimes to bless him , and give him thanks , sometime to exult in his love , sometime to implore his mercy . all which different elevations of spirit unto god , are contained in the name of prayer . every good and holy desire , though it lack the form , hath notwithstanding in it seft the substance , and with him the force of a prayer , who regardeth the very moanings , groans , and sighs of the heart of man. petitionary prayer belongeth onely to such as are in themselves impotent , and stand in need of relief from others . we thereby declare unto god , what our own desire is , that he by his power should effect . it presupposeth therefore in us , first , the want of that which we pray for : secondly , a feeling of that want : thirdly , an earnest willingness of minde to be eased therein : fourthly , a declaration of this our desire in the sight of god , not as if he should be otherwise ignorant of our necessities ; but because we this way shew that we honor him as our god , and are verily perswaded , that no good thing can come to pass , which he by his omnipotent power effecteth not . now because there is no mans prayer acceptable , whose person is odious ; neither any mans person gracious without faith ; it is of necessity required , that they which pray , do believe . the prayers which our lord and saviour made , were for his own worthiness accepted ; ours god accepteth not , but with this condition , if they be joyned with belief in christ. the prayers of the just are accepted always , but not always those things granted for which they pray : for in prayer , if faith and assurance to obtain , were both one and the same thing , seeing that the effect of not obtaining , is a plain testimony , that they which prayed , were not sure they should obtain ; it would follow , that their prayer being without certainty of the event , was also made unto god without faith , and consequently , that god abhorred it . which to think of so many prayers of saints , as we finde have failed in particular requests , how absurd were it ? his faithful people have this comfort , that whatsoever they rightly ask , the same ( no doubt , but ) they shall receive , so far as may stand with the glory of god , and their own everlasting good ; unto either of which two , it is no vertuous mans purpose to seek , or desire to obtain any thing prejudicial ; and therefore that clause which our lord and saviour in the prayer of his agony did express , we in petitions of like nature , do always imply , pater , si possibile est , if it may stand with thy will and pleasure . or if not , but that there be secret impediments and causes , in regard whereof , the thing we pray for , is denied us ; yet the prayer it self , which we make , is a pleasing sacrifice to god , who both accepteth and rewardeth it some other way . so that sinners , in very truth , are denied when they seem to prevail in their supplications , because it is not for their sakes , or to their good , that their sutes take place ; the faithful contrariwise , because it is for their good oftentimes that their petitions do not take place , prevail even then when they most seem denied . our lord god in anger hath granted some impenitent mens requests , as on the other side the apostles sute , he hath of ●avor and mercy not granted ( saith st. augustine . ) to think we may pray unto god for nothing , but what he hath promised in holy scripture , we shall obtain , is perhaps an error . for of prayer there are two uses . it serveth as a mean to procure those things which god hath promised , to grant when we ask ; and it serveth as a mean to express our lawful desires also towards that , which whether we shall have or no , we know not , till we see the event . things in themselves unholy or unseemly , we may not ask ; we may whatsoever , being not forbidden , either nature or grace shall reasonably move us to wish as importing the good of men ; albeit , god himself have no where by promise assured us of that particular which our prayer craveth . to pray for that , which is in it self , and of its own nature , apparently a thing impossible , were not convenient . wherefore , though men do without offence wish daily , that the affairs which with evil success are past , might have faln out much better , yet to pray that they may have been any other then they are , this being a manifest impossibilty in it self , the rules of religion do not permit . whereas contrariwise , when things of their own nature contingent and mutable , are by the secret determination of god , appointed one way , though we the other way make our prayers , and consequently ask those things of god , which are by this supposition impossible , we notwithstanding do not hereby in prayer , transgress our lawful bounds . that christ , as the onely begotten son of god , having no superior , and therefore owing honor unto none , neither standing in any need , should either give thanks , or make petition unto god , were most absurd . as man , what could beseem him better , whether we respect his affection to god-ward , or his own necessity , or his charity and love towards men ? some things he knew should come to pass , and notwithstanding prayed for them , because he also knew that the necessary means to effect them , were his prayers . as in the psalm it is said , ask of me , and i will give thee the heathen for thine inheritance , and the ends of the earth for thy possession . wherefore , that which here god promiseth his son , the same in the seventeenth of iohn he prayeth for , father , the hour is now come , glorifie thy son , that thy son also may glorifie thee , according as thou hast given him power over all flesh . but had christ the like promise , concerning the effect of every particular for which he prayed ? that which was not effected , could not be promised . and we know in what sort he prayed for removal of that bitter cup , which cup he tasted , notwithstanding his prayer . to shift off this example , they answer first , that as other children of god , so christ had a promise of deliverance , as far as the glory of god in the accomplishment of his vocation would suffer . and if we our selves have not also in that sort the promise of god to be evermore delivered from all adversity , what meaneth the sacred scripture to speak in so large terms , be obedient , and the lord thy god will make thee plenteous a in every work of thy hand , in the fruit of thy body , and in the fruit of thy cattel , and in the fruit of the land for thy wealth . again , keep his laws , and thou shalt be blest above all people , the lord shall take from the b all infirmities . the man whose delight is in the law of god , c whatsoever he doth , it shall prosper . for the ungodly there are great plagues remaining ; but whosoever putteth his trust in the lord , mercy imbraceth him d on every side . not onely that mercy which keepeth from being over-laid or opprest , but mercy which saveth from being touched with grievous miseries , mercy which turneth away the course of e the great water flouds , and permitteth them not to come near . nevertheless , because the prayer of christ did concern but one calamity , they are still bold to deny the lawfulness of our prayer for deliverance out of all , yea , though we pray with the same exception that he did . if such deliverance may stand with the pleasure of almighty god , and not otherwise . for they have , secondly , found out a rule , that prayer ought onely to be made for deliverance f from this or that particular adversity , whereof we know not , but upon the event , what the pleasure of god is . which quite overthroweth that other principle , wherein they require unto every prayer , which is of faith , an assurance to obtain the thing we pray for . at the first to pray against all adversity was unlawful , because we cannot assure our selves that this will be granted . now we have licence to pray against any particular adversity , and the reason given , because we know not but upon the event what god will do . if we know not what god will do , it followeth , that for any assurance we have , he may do otherwise then we pray , and we faithfully pray for that which we cannot assuredly presume that god will grant . seeing therefore neither of these two answers will serve the turn , they have a third , which is , that to pray in such sort , is but idly mispent labor , because god hath already revealed his will touching this request ; and we know , that the sute we make , is denied before we make it . which neither is true , and if it were , was christ ignorant what god had determined touching those things which himself should suffer ? to say , he knew not what weight of sufferances his heavenly father had measured unto him , is somewhat hard ; harder , that although he knew them , notwithstanding for the present time they were forgotten , through the force of these unspeakable pangs which he then was in . the one against the plain express words of the holy evangelist , he knew all things that should come upon him ; the other less credible , if any thing may be of less credit then what the scripture it self gain-sayeth . doth any of them which wrote his sufferings , make report that memory failed him ? is there in his words and speeches any sign of defect that way ? did not himself declare before , whatsoever was to happen in the course of that whole tragedy ? can we gather by any thing , after taken from his own mouth , either in the place of publick judgment , or upon the altar of the cross , that through the bruising of his body , some part of the treasures of his soul were scattered and slipt from him ? if that which was perfect both before and after , did fail at this onely middle instant , there must appear some manifest cause how it came to pass . true it is , that the pangs of his heaviness and grief were unspeakable ; and as true , that because the mindes of the afflicted , do never think they have fully conceived the weight or measure of their own wo , they use their affection as a whetstone , both to wit and memory ; these as nurses do feed grief , so that the weaker his conceit had been touching that which he was to suffer , the more it must needs in that hour have helped to the mitigation of his anguish . but his anguish we see was then at the very highest whereunto it could possibly rise ; which argueth his deep apprehension , even to the last drop of the gall which that cup contained , and of every circumstance wherein there was any force to augment heaviness ; but above all things , the resolute determination of god , and his own unchangeable purpose , which he at that time could not forget . to what intent then was his prayer , which plainly testifieth so great willingness to avoid death ? will , whether it be in god or man , belongeth to the essence or nature of both . the nature therefore of god being one , there are not in god divers wills , although the god-head be in divers persons , because the power of willing , is a natural , not a personal propriety . contrariwise , the person of our saviour christ being but one , there are in him two wills ; because two natures , the nature of god , and the nature of man , which both do imply this faculty and power . so that in christ there is a divine , and there is an humane will , otherwise he were not both god and man. hereupon the church hath of old condemned monothelites as hereticks , for holding , that christ had but one will. the works and operations of our saviours humane will , were all subject to the will of god , and framed according to his law , i desire to do thy will , o god , and thy law is within mine heart . now as mans will , so the will of christ hath two several kindes of operation , the one natural or necessary , whereby it desireth simply whatsoever is good in it self , and shunneth as generally all things which hurt ; the other deliberate , when we therefore embrace things as good , because the eye of understanding judgeth them good , to that ●●d which we simply desire . thus in it self we desire health , physick onely for healths sake . and in this sort special reason oftentimes causeth the will by choice to prefer one good thing before another , to leave one for anothers sake , to forgo meaner for the attainment of higher desires , which our saviour likewise did . these different inclinations of the will considered , the reason is easie , how in christ there might grow desires seeming , but being not indeed opposite , either the one of them unto the other , or either of them to the will of god. for let the manner of his speech be weighed , my soul is now troubled , and what should i say ? father , save me out of this hour . but yet for this very cause i am come into this hour . his purpose herein was most effectually to propose to the view of the whole world two contrary objects , the like whereunto in force and efficacy were never presented in that manner to any , but onely to the soul of christ. there was presented before his eyes in that fearful hour , on the one side gods heavy indignation and wrath towards mankinde , as yet unappeased , death as yet in full strength , hell as yet never mastered by any that came within the confines and bounds thereof , somewhat also peradventure more then is either possible or needful for the wit of man to finde out ; finally , himself flesh and blood a left alone to enter into conflict with all these : on the other side , a world to be saved by one , a pacification of wrath through the dignity of that sacrifice which should be offered , a conquest over death through the power of that deity , which would not suffer the tabernacle thereof to see corruption , and an utter disappointment of all the forces of infernal powers , through the purity of that soul which they should have in their hands , and not be able to touch . let no man marvel , that in this case the soul of christ was much troubled . for what could such apprehensions breed , but ( as their nature is ) inexplicable passions of minde , desires abhorring what they embrace , and embracing what they abhor ? in which agony , how should the tongue go about to express what the soul endured ? when the griefs of iob were exceeding great , his words accordingly to open them were many ; howbeit , still unto his seeming they were undiscovered : though my talk ( saith iob b ) be this day in bitterness , yet my plague is greater then my groaning . but here to what purpose should words serve , when nature hath more to declare then groans and strong cries , more then streams of bloody sweats , more then his doubled and tripled prayers can express , who thrice putting forth his hand to receive that cup , besides which , there was no other cause of his coming into the world , he thrice pulleth it back again , and as often even with tears of blood craveth , if it be possible , o father , or if not , even what thine own good pleasure is ; for whose sake the passion that hath in it a bitter , and a bloody conflict , even with wrath , and death , and hell , is most welcome . whereas therefore we finde in god a will resolved that christ shall suffer ; and in the humane will of christ two actual desires , the one avoiding , and the other accepting death ; is that desire which first declareth it self by prayer , against that wherewith he concludeth prayer , or either of them against his minde , to whom prayer in this case seeketh ? we may judge of these diversities in the will , by the like in the understanding . for as the intellectual part doth not cross it self , by conceiving man to be just and unjust , when it meaneth not the same man , nor by imagining the same man learned and unlearned , if learned in one skill , and in another kinde of learning unskilful , because the parts of every true opposition do always both concern the same subject , and have reference to the same thing , sith otherwise they are but in shew opposite , and not in truth : so the will about one and the same thing may in contrary respects have contrary inclinations , and that without contrariety . the minister of justice may , for publike example to others , virtuously will the execution of that party , whose pardon another for cousanguinities sake as virtuously may desire . consider death in it self , and nature teacheth christ to shun it . consider death as a mean to procure the salvation of the world , and mercy worketh in christ all willingness of minde towards it . therefore in these two desires , there can be no repugnant opposition . again , compare them with the will of god , and if any opposition be , it must be onely between his appointment of christs death , and the former desire which wisheth deliverance from death . but neither is this desire opposite to the will of god. the will of god was , that christ should suffer the pains of death . not so his will , as if the torment of innocency did in it self please and delight god ; but such was his will , in regard of the end whereunto it was necessary , that christ should suffer . the death of christ in it self therefore , god willeth not , which to the end we might thereby obtain life , he both alloweth and appointeth . in like manner , the son of man endureth willingly to that purpose those grievous pains● which simply not to have shunned had been against nature , and by consequent against god. i take it therefore to be an error , that christ either knew not what himself was to suffer , or else had forgotten the things he knew . the root of which error , was an over-restrained consideration of prayer , as though it had no other lawful use , but onely to serve for a chosen mean , whereby the will resolveth to seek that which the understanding certainly knoweth it shall obtain : whereas prayers , in truth , both unto are , and his were , as well sometime a presentation of meer desires , as a mean of procuring desired effects at the hands of god. we are therefore taught by his example , that the presence of dolorous and dreadful objects , even in mindes most perfect , may as clouds over-cast all sensible joy ; that no assurance touching future victories can make present conflicts so sweet and easie , but nature will shun and shrink from them ; nature will desire case and deliverance from oppressive burthens ; that the contrary determination of god is oftentimes against the effect of this desire , yet not against the affection it self , because it is naturally in us ; that in such case our prayers cannot serve us as means to obtain the thing we desire ; that notwithstanding they are unto god most acceptable sacrifices , because they testifie we desire nothing but at his hands , and our desires we submit with contentment to be over-ruled by his will ; and in general they are not repugnant unto the natural will of god , which wisheth to the works of his own hands , in that they are his own handy-work , all happiness , although perhaps for some special cause in our own particular , a contrary determination have seemed more convenient ; finally , that thus to propose our desires which cannot take such effects as we specifie , shall notwithstanding otherwise procure us his heavenly grace , even as this very prayer of christ obtained angels to be sent him , as comforters in his agony . and , according to this example , we are not afraid to present unto god our prayers for those things , which that he will perform unto us , we have no sure nor certain knowledge . st. pauls prayer for the church of corinth was , that they might not do any evil , although he knew that no man liveth which sinneth not , although he knew that in this life we always must pray , forgive us our sins . it is our frailty , that in many things we all do amiss ; but a vertue , that we would do amiss in nothing ; and a testimony of that vertue , when we pray , that what occasion of sin soever do offer it self , we may be strengthned from above to withstand it . they pray in vain to have sin pardoned , which seek not also to prevent sin by prayer , even every particular sin , by prayer against all sin , except men can name some transgression wherewith we ought to have truce . for in very deed , although we cannot be free from all sin collectively , in such sort that no part thereof , shall be found inherent in us , yet distributively , at the least , all great and grievous actual offences , as they offer themselves one by one , both may and ought to be by all means avoided . so that in this sense , to be preserved from all sin , is not impossible . finally , concerning deliverance it self from all adversity , we use not to say , men are in adversity whensoever they feel any small hinderance of their welfare in this world , but when some notable affliction or cross , some great calamity or trouble befalleth them . tribulation hath in it divers circumstances , the minde sundry faculties to apprehend them : it offereth sometime it self to the lower powers of the soul , as a most unpleasant spectacle ; to the higher sometimes , as drawing after it a train of dangerous inconveniences ; sometime as bringing with it remedies for the curing of sundry evils , as gods instrument of revenge and fury sometime ; sometime as a rod of his just , yet moderate , ire and displeasure ; sometime , as matter for them that spightfully hate us to exercise their poysoned malice ; sometime as a furnace of tryal for vertue to shew it self , and through conflict to obtain glory . which different contemplations of adversity , do work for the most part their answerable effects . adversity either apprehended by sense as a thing offensive and grievous to nature , or by reason conceived as a snare , an occasion of many mens falling from god , a sequel of gods indignation and wrath , a thing which satan desireth , and would be glad to behold ; tribulation thus considered being present causeth sorrow , and being imminent breedeth fear . for moderation of which two affections , growing from the very natural bitterness and gall of adversity , the scripture much alledgeth contrary fruits , which affliction likewise hath whensoever it falleth on them that are tractable , the grace of gods holy spirit concurring therewith . but when the apostle st. paul teacheth , that every one which will live godly in christ jesus , must suffer persecution , and , by many tribulations we must enter into the kingdom of heaven , because in a forest of many wolves , sheep cannot chuse bat feed in continual danger of life ; or when a st. iames exhorteth , to account it a matter of exceeding joy , when we fall into divers temptations , because by the tryal of faith , patience is brought forth ; was it , suppose we , their meaning to frustrate our lords admonition , pray that ye enter not into temptation ? when himself pronounceth them blessed that should for his names sake be subject to all kindes of ignominy and opprobrious malediction , was it his purpose that no man should ever pray with david b , lord , remove from me shame and contempt ? in those tribulations , saith st. augustine c , which may hurt as well as profit , we must say with the apostle , what we should ask as we ought , we know not ; yet because they are tough , because they are grievous , because the sense of our weakness flieth them , we pray according to the general desire of the will of man , that god would turn them away from us , owing in the mean while this devotion to the lord our god ; that if he remove them not , yet we do not therefore imagine our selves in his sight despised , but rather with godly sufferance of evils , expect greater good at his merciful hands . for thus is vertue in weakness perfected . to the flesh ( as the apostle himself granteth ) all affliction is naturally grievous . therefore nature which causeth to fear , teacheth to pray against all adversity . prosperity in regard of our corrupt inclination to abuse the blessings of almighty god , doth prove for the most part a thing dangerous to the souls of men. very ease it self , is death to the wicked , and the prosperity of fools slayeth them : their table is a snare , and their felicity their utter overthrow . few men there are , which long prosper and sin not . howbeit , even as these ill effects , although they be very usual and common , are no bar to the hearty prayers , whereby most vertuous mindes with peace and prosperity always where they love , because they consider , that this in it self is a thing naturally desired : so because all adversity is in it self against nature , what should hinder to pray against it , although the providence of god turn it often unto the great good of many men ? such prayers of the church to be delivered from all adversity , are no more repugnant to any reasonable disposition of mens mindes towards death , much less to that blessed patience and meek contentment which saints by heavenly inspiration have to endure , ( what cross or calamity soever it pleaseth god to lay upon them ) then our lord and saviours own prayer before his passion , was repugnant unto his most gracious resolution to die for the sins of the whole world. . in praying for deliverance from all adversity , we seek that which nature doth wish to it self ; but by intreating for mercy towards all , we declare that affection wherewith christian charity thirsteth after the good of the whole world , we discharge that duty which the * apostle himself doth impose on the church of christ , as a commendable office , a sacrifice acceptable in gods sight , a service according to his heart , whose desire is to have all men saved : a work most suitable with his purpose , who gave himself to be the price of redemption for all , and a forcible mean to procure the conversion of all such , as are not yet acquainted with the mysteries of that truth which must save their souls . against it , there is but the bare shew of this one impediment , that all mens salvation , and many mens eternal condemnation or death , are things , the one repugnant to the other ; that both cannot be brought to pass ; that we know there are vessels of wrath , to whom god will never extend mercy , and therefore that wittingly we ask an impossible thing to be had . the truth is , that as life and death , mercy and wrath , are matters of meer understanding or knowledge , all mens salvation , and some mens endless perdition are things so opposite , that whosoever doth affirm the one , must necessarily deny the order ; god himself cannot effect both , or determine , that both shall be . there is in the knowledge both of god and man , this certainty . that life and death have divided between them , the whole body of mankinde . what portion either of the two hath , god himself knoweth ; for us he hath left no sufficient means to comprehend , and for that cause neither given any leave to search in particular , who are infalliby the heirs of the kingdom of god , who cast-aways . howbeit , concerning the state of all men , with whom we live ( for onely of them our prayers are meant ) we may till the worlds end , for the present , always presume , that as far as in us there is power to discern what others are ; and as far as any duty of ours dependeth upon the notice of their condition in respect of god , the safest axioms for charity to rest it self upon , are these . he which believeth already , is ; and he which believeth not as yet , may be the childe of god. it becometh not us , during life , altogether to condemn any man , seeing that ( for any thing we know ) there is hope of every mans forgiveness ; the possibility of whose repentance , is not yet cut off by death . and therefore charity which hopeth all things , prayeth also for all men. wherefore to let go personal knowledge touching vessels of wrath and mercy , what they are inwardly in the sight of god , it skilleth not ; for us there is cause sufficient in all men , whereupon to ground our prayers unto god in their behalf . for whatsoever the minde of man apprehencieth as good , the will of charity and love , is to have it inlarged in the very uttermost extent , that all may enjoy it to whom it can any way add perfection . because therefore , the father a good thing doth reach , the nobler and worthier we reckon it ; our prayers for all mens good , no less then for our own , the apostle with very fit terms commendeth as being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a work commendable for the largeness of the affection from whence it springeth , even as theirs , which have requested at gods hands , the salvation of many , with the loss of their own souls , drowning , as it were , and over-whelming themselves in the abundance of their love towards others , is proposed as being in regard of the rareness of such affections 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , more then excellent . but this extraordinary height of desire after other mens salvation , is no common mark . the other is a duty which belongeth unto all , and prevaileth with god daily . for as it is in it self good , so god accepteth and taketh it in very good part , at the hands of faithful men . our prayers for all men do include , both them that shall finde mercy , and them also that shall finde none . for them that shall , no man will doubt but our prayers are both accepted and granted . touching them for whom we crave that mercy which is not to be obtained , let us not think that our saviour did mis-instruct his disciples , willing them to pray for the peace , even of such as should be uncapable of so great a blessing ; or that the prayers of the prophet ieremy offended god , because the answer of god was a resolute denial of favor to them , for whom supplication was made . and if any man doubt , how god should accept such prayers in case they be opposite to his will , or not grant them , if they be according unto that which himself willeth , our answer is , that such suits god accepteth , in that they are conformable unto his general inclination , which is , that all men might be saved ; yet always he granteth them not , for as much as there is in god sometimes a more private occasioned will , which determineth the contrary . so that the other being the rule of our actions , and not this ; our requests for things opposite to this will of god , are not therefore the less gracious in his sight . there is no doubt but we ought in all things to frame our wills to the will of god , and that otherwise in whatsoever we do , we sin . for of our selves , being so apt to err , the onely way which we have to streighten our paths , is by following the rule of his will , whose footsteps naturally are right . if the eye , the hand , or the foot , do that which the will commandeth , though they serve as instruments to sin , yet is sin the commanders fault , and not theirs , because nature hath absolutely , and without exception , made them subjects to the will of man , which is lord over them . as the body is subject to the will of man , so mans will to the will of god ; for so it behoveth , that the better should guide and command the worse . but because the subjection of the body to the will , is by natural necessity , the subjection of the will unto god voluntary ; we therefore stand in need of direction , after what sort our wills and desires may be rightly conformed to his . which is not done , by willing always the self-same thing that god intendeth . for it may chance , that his purpose is sometime the speedy death of them , whose long continuance in life if we should not wish we were unnatural . when the object or matter therefore of our desires is ( as in this case ) a thing both good of it self , and not forbidden of god ; when the end for which we desire it , is vertuous and apparently most holy ; when the root from which our affection towards it proceedeth , is charity , piety that which we do in declaring our desire by prayer ; yea , over and besides all this , sith we know , that to pray for all men living , is but to shew the same affection which towards every of them our lord jesus christ hath born , who knowing onely as god who are his , did as man taste death for the good of all men ; surely , to that will of god which ought to be , and is the known rule of all our actions , we do not herein oppose our selves , although his secret determination haply be against us ; which if we did understand , as we do not ; yet to rest contented with that which god will have done , is as much as he requireth at the hands of men . and concerning our selves , what we earnestly crave in this case , the same , as all things else that are of like condition , we meekly submit unto his most gracious will and pleasure . finally , as we have cause sufficient why to think the practice of our church allowable in this behalf , so neither is ours the first which hath been of that minde . for to end with the words of prosper * , this law of supplication for all men ( saith he ) the devout zeal of all priests , and of all faithful men , doth hold with such full agreement ; that there is not any part of all the world , where christian people do not use to pray in the same manner . the church every where maketh prayers unto god , not onely for saints , and such as already in christ are regenerate ; but for all infidels and enemies of the cross of iesus christ , for all idolaters , for all that persecute christ in his followers , for iews to whose blindness the light of the gospel doth not yet shine , for hereticks and schismaticks , who from the unity of faith and charity are estranged . and for such , what doth the church ask of god but this , that leaving their errors , they may be converted unto him , that faith and charity may be given them , and that out of the darkness of ignorance , they may come to the knowledge of his truth ? which because they cannot themselves do in their own behalf , as long as the sway of evil custom ever-beareth them , and the chains of satan detain them bound , neither are they able to break through those errors wherein they are so determinately setled , that they pay unto falsity , the whole sum of whatsoever love is owing unto gods truth . our lord merciful and just , requireth to have all men prayed for ; that when we behold innumerable multitudes drawn up from the depth of so bottomless evils ; we may not doubt , but ( in part ) god hath done the thing we requested ; nor despair , but that being thankful for them , towards whom already he hath shewed mercy ; the rest which are not as yet enlightned , shall before they pass out of life , be made partakers of the like grace . or if the grace of him which saveth [ for so we set is falleth out ] over-pass some , so that the prayer of the church for them be not received , this we may leave to the hidden iudgments of gods righteousness , and acknowledge that in this secret there is a gulf , which , whole we live , we shall never sound . . instruction and prayer , whereof we have hitherto spoken , are duties which serve as elements , parts , or principles to the rest that follow , in which number the sacraments of the church are chief . the church is to us , that very * mother of our new birth , in whose bowels we are all bred , at whose brests we receive nourishment . as many therefore as are apparently to our judgment born of god , they have the seed of their regeneration by the ministery of the church , which useth to that end and purpose , not onely the word , but the sacrament , both having generative force and vertue . as oft as we mention a sacrament properly understood ( for in the writings of the ancient fathers , all articles which are peculiar to christian faith , all duties of religion containing that which sense or natural reason cannot of it self discern , are most commonly named sacraments ) our restraint of the word to some few principal divine ceremonies , importeth in every such ceremony two things , the substance of the ceremony it self which is visible ; and , besides that , somewhat else more secret , in reference whereunto we conceive that ceremony to be a sacrament . for we all admire and honor the holy sacraments , not respecting so much the service which we do unto god in receiving them , as the dignity of that sacred and secret gift which we thereby receive from god. seeing that sacraments therefore consist altogether in relation to some such gift or grace supernatural , as onely god can bestow , how should any but the church administer those ceremonies as sacraments , which are not thought to be sacraments by any , but by the church ? there is in sacraments to be observed their force and their form of administration . upon their force , their necessity dependeth . so that how they are necessary we cannot discern , till we see how effectual they are . when sacraments are said to be visible signs of invisible grace , we thereby conceive how grace is indeed the very end for which these heavenly mysteries were instituted ; and besides sundry other properties observed in them , the matter whereof they consist , is such as signifieth , figureth , and representeth their end. but still their efficacy resteth obscure to our understanding , except we search somewhat more distinctly what grace in particular that is , whereunto they are referred , and what manner of operation they have towards it . the use of sacraments is , but onely in this life , yet so , that here they concern a far better life then this , and are for that cause accompanied with grace , which worketh salvation . sacraments are the powerful instruments of god to eternal life . for as our natural life consisteth in the union of the body with the soul ; so our life supernatural in the union of the soul with god. and for as much as there is no union of god with man , without that * mean between both , which is both , it seemeth requisite , that we first consider how god is in christ , then how christ is in us , and how the sacraments do serve to make us partakers of christ. in other things we may be more brief , but the weight of these requireth largeness . . the lord our god is but one god. in which indivisible unity notwithstanding , we adore the father , as being altogether of himself ; we glorifie that consubstantial word which is the son ; we bless and magnifie that co-essential spirit eternally proceeding from both , which is the holy ghost . seeing therefore the father is of none , the son is of the father , and the spirit is of both , they are by these their several properties really distinguishable each from other . for the substance of god , with this property to be of none , doth make the person of the father ; the very self-same substance in number with this property to be of the father , maketh the person of the son ; the same substance having added unto it , the property of proceeding from the other two , maketh the person of the holy ghost . so that in every person , there is implied both the substance of god , which is one ; and also , that property which causeth the same person really and truly to differ from the other two . every * person hath his own subsistence , which no other besides hath , although there be others besides that are of the same substance . as no man but peter can be the person which peter is , yet paul hath the self-same nature which peter hath . again , angels have every of them the nature of pure and invisible spirits , but every angel , is not that angel which appeared in a dream to ioseph . now when god became man , lest we should err in applying this to the person of the father , or of the spirit , st. peters confession unto christ was , thou art the son of the living god ; and st. iohns exposition thereof was made plain , that it is the word which was made flesh. a the father , and the holy ghost ( saith damascen ) have no communion with the incarnation of the word , otherwise then onely by approbation and assent . notwithstanding , for as much as the word and deity are one subject , we must beware we exclude not the nature of god from incarnation , and so make the son of god incarnate , not to be very god. for undoubtedly , b even the nature of god it self , in the onely person of the son , is incarnate , and hath taken to it self flesh. wherefore , incarnation may neither be granted to any person , but onely one , nor yet denied to that nature which is common unto all three . concerning the cause of which incomprehenble mystery , for as much as it seemeth a thing unconsonant , that the world should honor any other as the saviour , but him whom it honoreth as the creator of the world , and in the wisdom of god , it hath not been thought convenient to admit any way of saving man , but by man himself , though nothing should be spoken of the love and mercy of god towards man ; which this way are become such a spectacle , as neither men nor angels can behold without a kinde of heavenly astonishment , we may hereby perceive there is cause sufficient , why divine nature should assume humane , that so c god might be in christ , reconciling to himself the world. and if some cause be likewise required , why rather to this end and purpose the son , then either the father , or the holy ghost , should be made man , could we which are born the children of wrath , be adopted the sons of god , through grace , any other then by the natural son of god , being mediator between god and us ? it d became therefore him , by whom all things are to be the way of salvation to all , that the institution and restitution of the world might be both wrought by one hand . the worlds salvation was without the incarnation of the son of god , a thing impossible ; not simply impossible , but impossible , it being presupposed , that the will of god , was no otherwise to have it saved , then by the death of his own son. wherefore taking to himself our flesh , and by his incarnation , making it his own flesh , he had now of his own , although from us , what to offer unto god for us . and as christ took manhood , that by it he might be capable of death , whereunto he humbled himself ; so because manhood is the proper subject of compassion and feeling pity , which maketh the scepter of christs regency even in the kingdom of heaven be amiable ; he which without our nature could not on earth suffer for the sins of the world , doth now also by means thereof , both make intercession to god for sinners , and exercise domnion over all men with a true , a natural , and a sensible touch of mercy . . it is not in mans ability , either to express perfectly , or conceive the manner how this was brought to pass . but the strength of our faith is tried by those things wherein our wits and capacities are not strong . howbeit , because this divine mystery is more true then plain , divers having framed the same to their own conceits and fancies , are found in their expositions thereof more plain then true : in so much , that by the space of five hundred years after christ , the church was almost troubled with nothing else , saving onely with care and travel to preserve this article from the sinister construction of hereticks . whos 's first mists when the light of the nicene council had dispelled , it was not long ere macedonius transfered unto gods most holy spirit the same blasphemy , wherewith arius had already dishonored his co-eternally begotten son ; not long ere apollinarius began to pare away from christs humanity . in refutation of which impieties , when the fathers of the church , athanasius , basil , and the two gregories , had by their painful travels , sufficiently cleared the truth , no less for the deity of the holy ghost , then for the compleat humanity of christ , there followed hereupon a final conclusion , whereby those controversies , as also the rest which paul●n samosatenus , sabellius , phatinus , a●tius , ennomius , together with the whole swarm of pestilent demi-arians , had from time to time stirred up since the council of nice , were both privately , first at rome in a smaller synod , and then at constantinople in a general famous assembly brought to a peaceable and quiet end , sevenscore bishops and ten agreeing in that confession , which by them set down , remaineth at this present hour , a part of our church liturgy , a memorial of their fidelity and zeal , a soveraign preservative of gods people from the venemous infection of heresie . thus in christ the verity of god , and the compleat substance of man , were with full agreement established throughout the world , till such time as the heresie of nesterius broached it self , dividing christ into two persons , the son of god , and the son of man , the one a person begotten of god before all worlds , the other also a person born of the virgin mary , and in special favor chosen to be made intire to the son of god above all men , so that whosoever will honor god , must together honor christ , with whose person god hath vouchsafed to joyn himself in so high a degree of gracious respect and favor . but that the self-same person , which verily is man , should properly be god also , and that by reason not of two persons linked in amity , but of two natures , humane and divine , conjoyned in one and the same person , the god of glory may be said as well to have suffered death , as to have raised the dead from their graves ; the son of man as well to have made , as to have redeemed the world , nestorius in no case would admit . that which deceived him , was want of heed to the first beginning of that admirable combination of god with man. the word ( saith st. iohn ) was made flesh , and dwelt a in us . the evangelist useth the plural number , men for manhood , us for the nature whereof we consist , even as the apostle denying the assumption of angelical nature , saith likewise in the plural number , he took not b angels , but the seed of abraham . it pleased not the word or wisdom of god , to take to it self some one person amongst men , for then should that one have been advanced which was assumed , and no more ; but wisdom , to the end , she might save many , built her house of that nature which is common unto all , she made not this or that man her habitation , but dwelt in us . the seeds of herbs and plants at the first , are not in act , but in possibility , that which they afterwards grow to be . if the son of god had taken to himself a man now made , and already perfected , it would of necessity follow , that there are in christ two persons , the one assuming , and the other assumed , whereas the son of god did not assume a mans person into his own , but a mans nature to his own person , and therefore took semen , the seed of abraham , the very first original element of our nature , before it was come to have any personal humane subsistence . the flesh and the conjunction of the flesh with god , began both at one instant ; his making , and taking to himself our flesh , was but one act , so that in christ● there is no personal subsistence but one , and that from everlasting . by taking onely the nature of man , he still continueth one person , and changeth but the manner of his subsisting , which was before in the meer glory of the son of god , and is now in the habit of our flesh . for as much therefore as christ hath no personal subsistence but one , whereby we acknowledge him to have been eternally the son of god , we must of necessity apply to the person of the son of god , even that which is spoken of christ , according to his humane nature . for example , according to the flesh , he was born of the virgin mary , baptized of iohn in the river iordan , by pilate adjudged to die , and executed by the jews . we cannot say properly , that the virgin bore , or iohn did baptize , or pilate condemn , or the jews crucifie the nature of man , because these all are personal attributes ; his person is the subject which receiveth them , his nature that which maketh his person capable or apt to receive . if we should say , that the person of a man in our saviour christ was the subject of these things , this were plainly to intrap our selves in the very snare of the nestorians heresie , between whom , and the church of god , there was no difference , saving onely , that nestorius imagined in christ , as well a personal humane subsistence , as a divine ; the church acknowledging a substance , both divine and humane , but no other personal subsistence then divine , because the son of god took not to himself a mans person , but the nature onely of a man. christ is a person both divine and humane , howbeit not therefore two persons in one ; neither both these in one sense , but a person divine , because he is personally the son of god ; humane , because he hath really the nature of the children of men. in christ therefore god and man , there is ( saith paschasius ) a twofold substance , not a twofold person , because one person distinguisheth another , whereas one nature cannot in another become extinct . for the personal being , which the son of god already had , suffered not the substance to be personal which he took , although together with the nature which he had , the nature also which he took , continueth . whereupon it followeth against nestorius , that no person was born of the virgin but the son of god , no person but the son of god baptized , the son of god condemned , the son of god and no other person crucified ; which one onely point of christian belief , the infinite north of the son of god , is the very ground of all things believed concerning life and salvation , by that which christ either did or suffered as man in our behalf . but for as much as st. cyril , the chiefest of those two hundred bishops assembled in the council of ephesus , where the heresie of nestorius was condemned , had in his writings against the arians avouched , that the word or wisdom of god hath but one nature which is eternal , and whereunto he assumed flesh , ( for the arians were of opinion , that besides gods own eternal wisdom , there is a wisdom which god created before all things , to the end he might thereby create all things else ; and that this created wisdom was the word which took flesh. ) again , for as much as the same cyril had given instance in the body and the soul of man , no farther then onely to enforce by example against nestorius , that a visible , and an invisible , a mortal and an immortal substance , may united , make one person ; the words of cyril were in process of time so taken , as though it had been his drift to teach , that even as in us the body and the soul , so in christ , god and man , make but one nature . of which error , six hundred and thirty fathers in the council of chalcedon condemned eutiches . for as nestorius teaching rightly , that god and man are distinct natures , did thereupon mis-infer , that in christ those natures can by no conjunction make one person ; so eutiches , of ●ound belief as touching their true personal copulation , became unsound , by denying the difference which still continueth between the one and the other nature . we must therefore keep warily a middle course , shunning both that distraction of persons , wherein nestorius went awry ; and also this latter confusion of natures , which deceived eutiches . these natures from the moment of their first combination , have been and are for ever inseparable . for even when his soul forsook the tabernacle of his body , his deity forsook neither body nor soul. ● it had , then could we not truly hold , either that the person of christ was buried , or that the person of christ did raise up it self from the dead . for the body separated from the word , can in no true sense be termed the person of christ ; nor is it true , to say , that the son of god in raising up that body , did raise up himself , if the body were not both with him , and of him , even during the time it lay in the sepulchre . the like is also to be said of the soul , otherwise we are plainly and inevitably nestorians . the very person of christ therefore , for ever one and the self-same , was onely , touching bodily substance , concluded within the grave , his soul onely from thence severed ; but by personal union , his deity still inseparably joyned with both . . the sequel of which conjunction of natures in the person of christ , is no abolishment of natural properties appertaining to either substance , no transition or transmigration thereof , out of one substance into another : finally , no such mutual infusion , as really causeth the same natural operations or properties to be made common unto both substances ; but whatsoever is natural to deity , the same remaineth in christ uncommunicated unto his manhood , and whatsoever natural to manhood , his deity thereof is uncapable . the true properties and operations of his deity , are , to know that which is not possible for created natures to comprehend ; to be simply the highest cause of all things , the well-spring of immortality and life ; to have neither end nor beginning of days ; to be every where present , and inclosed no where ; to be subject to no alteration nor passion ; to produce of it self those effects , which cannot proceed but from infinite majesty and power . the true properties and operation of his manhood , are such as irenaus reckoneth up , if christ ( saith he ) had not taken flesh from the very earth , he would not have coveted those earthly nourishments , wherewith bodies which be taken from thence , are fed . this was the nature which felt hunger after long fasting , was desirous of rest after travel , testified compassion and love by tears , groaned in heaviness , and with extremity of grief , even melted away it self into bloody sweats . to christ we ascribe , both working of wonders , and suffering of pains ; we use concerning him , speeches as well of humility , as of divine glory ; but the one we apply unto that nature which he took of the virgin mary , the other to that which was in the beginning . we may not therefore imagine , that the properties of the weaker nature , have vanished with the presence of the more glorious , and have been therein swallowed up as in a gulf. we dare not in this point give ear to them , who over-boldly affirm , * that the nature which christ took weak and feeble from us , by being mingled with deity , became the same which deity is ; that the assumption of our substance unto his , was like the blending of a drop of vinegar with the huge ocean , wherein although it continue still , yet not with those properties which severed it hath ; because sithence the instant of their conjunction , all distinction and difference of the one from the other , is extinct ; and whatsoever we can now conceive of the son of god , is nothing else but meer deity : which words are so plain and direct for eutiches , that i stand in doubt , they are not his whose name they carry . sure i am , they are far from truth , and must of necessity give place to the better advised sentences of other men . he which in himself was appointed ( saith hilary ) a mediator to save his church , and for performance of that mystery of mediation between god and man , is become god and man , doth now being but one , consist of both those natures united , neither hath he , through the union of both , incurred the damage or loss of either , lest by being born a man , we should think he hath given over to be god ; or that , because he continued god , therefore he cannot be man also ; whereas the true belief which maketh a man happy , proclaimeth joyntly god and man , confesseth the word and flesh together . cyril more plainly , his two natures have knit themselves the one to the other , and are in that nearness , as uncapable of confusion , as of distraction . their coherence hath not taken away the difference between them , flesh is not become god , but doth still continue flesh , although it be now the flesh of god. tea , of each substance ( saith leo ) the properties are all preserved and kept safe . these two natures are as causes and original grounds of all things which christ hath done . wherefore some things he doth as god , because his deity alone is the well-spring from which they flow ; some things as man , because they issue from his meer humane nature ; some things joyntly as both god and man , because both natures concur as principles thereunto . for albeit , the properties of each nature do cleave onely to that nature whereof they are properties ; and therefore christ cannot naturally be as god , the same which he naturally is as man , yet both natures may very well concur unto one effect , and christ in that respect be truly said to work , both as god and as man , one and the self-same thing . let us therefore set it down for a rule or principle so necessary , as nothing more , to the plain deciding of all doubts and questions about the union of natures in christ , that of both natures there is a co-operation often , an association always , but never any mutual participation , whereby the properties of the one are infused into the other . which rule must serve for the better understanding of that which * damascene hath touching cross and circulatory speeches , wherein there are attributed to god such things as belong to manhood , and to man such as properly concern the deity of christ jesus , the cause whereof is the association of natures in one subject . a kinde of mutual commutation there is , whereby those concrete names , god and man , when we speak of christ , do take interchangeably one anothers room ; so that for truth of speech , it skilleth not whether we say , that the son of god hath created the world , and the son of man by his death hath saved it ; or else , that the son of man did create , and the son of god die to save the world. howbeit , as oft as we attribute to god what the manhood of christ claimeth , or to man what his deity hath right unto , we understand by the name of god , and the name of man , neither the one nor the other nature , but the whole person of christ , in whom both natures are when the apostle saith of the jews , that they crucified the lord of glory , and when the son of man , being on earth , affirmeth , that the son of man was in heaven at the same instant ; there is in these two speeches that mutual circulation before-mentioned . in the one , there is attributed to god , or the lord of glory , death , whereof divine nature is not capable ; in the other ubiquity unto man , which humane nature admitteth not . therefore by the lord of glory , we must needs understand the whole person of christ , who being lord of glory , was indeed crucified , but not in that nature , for which he is termed the lord of glory . in like manner , by the son of man , the whole person of christ must necessarily be meant , who being man upon earth , filled heaven with his glorious presence , but not according to that nature , for which the title of man is given him . without this caution , the fathers whose belief was sincere , and their meaning most sound , shall seem in their writings , one to deny what another constantly doth affirm . theodoret disputeth with great earnestness , that god cannot be said to suffer . but he thereby meaneth christs divine nature against apollinarius , which held even deity it self possible . cyril on the other side against nestorius , as much contendeth , that whosoever will deny very god to have suffered death , doth forsake the faith. which notwithstanding to hold , were heresie , if the name of god in this assertion did not import , as it doth , the person of christ , who being verily god , suffered death , but in the flesh , and not in that substance for which the name of god is given him . . if then both natures do remain with their properties in christ thus distinct , as hath been shewed , we are for our better understanding , what either nature receiveth from other , to note , that christ is by three degrees a receiver : first , in that he is the son of god : secondly , in that his humane nature hath had the honor of union with deity bestowed upon it : thirdly , in that by means thereof sundry eminent graces have flowed as effects from deity into that nature which is coupled with it . on christ therefore , is bestowed the gift of eternal generation , the gift of union , and the gift of unction . by the gift of eternal generation , christ hath received of the father one , and in number the a self-same substance , which the father hath of himself , unreceived from any other . for every b beginning is a father unto that which cometh of it , and every off-spring is a son unto that out of which it groweth . seeing therefore the father alone is originally that deity which christ d originally is not ( for christ is god e , by being of god , light f , by issuing out of light. ) it followeth hereupon . that whatsoever christ hath g common unto him with his heavenly father , the same of necessity must be given him , but naturally and h eternally given ; not bestowed by way of benevolence and favor , as the other gifts both are . and therefore i where the fathers give it out for a rule , that whatsoever christ is said in scripture to have received , the same we ought to apply onely to the manhood of christ : their assertion is true of all things which christ hath received by grace ; but to that which he hath received of the father , by eternal nativity or birth , it reacheth not . touching union of deity with manhood , it is by grace , because there can be no greater grace shewed towards man , then that god should vouchsafe to unite to mans nature , the person of his onely begotten son. because the father k loveth the son as man , he hath by uniting deity with manhood , given all things into his hands . it hath l pleased the father , that in him all fulness should dwell . the name which he hath above all names is m given him . as the father hath life in himself , the son in himself hath life also by the n gift of the father . the gift whereby god hath made christ a fountain of life , is , that o conjunction of the nature of god , with the nature of man , in the person of christ , p which gift ( saith christ to the woman of samaria ) if thou didst know , and in that respect understand , who it is which asketh water of thee , thou wouldst ask of him , that he might give thee living water . the union therefore of the flesh with deity , is to that flesh a gift of principal grace and favor . for by vertue of this grace , man is really made god , a creature is exalted above the dignity of all creatures , and hath all creatures else under it . this admirable union of god with man , can inforce in that higher nature no alteration , because unto god there is nothing more natural , then not to be subject to any change . neither is it a thing impossible , that the word being made flesh , should be that which it was not before , as touching the manner of subsistence , and yet continue in all qualities or properties of nature the same it was , because the incarnation of the son of god consisteth meerly in the union of natures , which union doth adde perfection to the weaker , to the nobler no alteration at all . if therefore it be demanded what the person of the son of god hath attained by assuming manhood ; surely , the whole sum of all , is this , to be as we are , truly , really , and naturally man , by means whereof he is made capable of meaner offices , then otherwise his person could have admitted , the onely gain he thereby purchased for himself , was to be capable of loss and detriment for the good of others . but may it rightly be said concerning the incarnation of jesus christ , that as our nature hath in no respect changed his , so from his to ours , as little alteration hath ensued ? the very cause of his taking upon him our nature , was to change it , to better the quality , and to advance the condition thereof , although in no sort to abolish the substance which he took ; nor to infuse into it the natural forces and properties of his deity . as therefore we have shewed , how the son of god by his incarnation hath changed the manner of that personal subsistence , which before was solitary , and is now in the association of flesh , no alteration thereby accruing to the nature of god ; so neither are the properties of mans nature , in the person of christ , by force and vertue of the same conjunction so much altered , as not to stay within those limits which our substance is bordered withal ; nor the state and quality of our substance so unaltered , but that there are in it many glorious effects proceeding from so near copulation with deity . god from us can receive nothing , we by him have obtained much . for albeit , the natural properties of deity be not communicable to mans nature , the supernatural gifts , graces , and effects thereof , are . the honor which our flesh hath by being the flesh of the son of god , is in many respects great . if we respect but that which is common unto us with him , the glory provided for him and his in the kingdom of heaven , his right and title thereunto , even in that he is man , differeth from other mens , because he is that man of whom god is himself a part . we have right to the same inheritance with christ , but not the same right which he hath ; his being such as we cannot reach , and ours such as he cannot stoop unto . furthermore , to be the way , the truth , and the life ; to be the wisdom , righteousness , sanctification , resurrection ; to be the peace of the whole world , the hope of the righteous , the heir of all things ; to be that supream head whereunto all power , both in heaven and in earth is given : these are not honors common unto christ , with other men ; they are titles above the dignity and worth of any which were but a meer man , yet true of christ , even in that he is man , but man with whom deity is personally joyned , and unto whom it hath added those excellencies which makes him more then worthy thereof . finally , sith god hath deified our nature , though not by turning it into himself , yet by making it his own inseparable habitation , we cannot now conceive , how god should without man , either a exercise divine power , or receive the glory of divine praise . for man is in b both an associate of deity . but to come to the grace of unction : did the parts of our nature , the soul and body of christ receive by the influence of deity , wherewith they were matcht , no ability of operations , no vertue , or quality above nature ? surely , as the sword which is made fiery , doth not onely cut by reason of the sharpness which simply it hath , but also burn by means of that heat which it hath from fire ; so , there is no doubt , but the deity of christ hath enabled that nature which it took of man , to do more then man in this world hath power to comprehend ; for as much as ( the bare essential properties of deity excepted ) he hath imparted unto it all things , he hath replenished it with all such perfections , as the same is any way apt to receive , at the least , according to the exigence of that oeconomy or service ; for which , it pleased him in love and mercy to be made man. for , as the parts , degrees , and offices of that mystical administration did require , which he voluntarily undertook , the beams of deity did in operation always accordingly , either restrain or enlarge themselves . from hence we may somewhat conjecture , how the powers of that soul are illuminated , which being so inward unto god , cannot chuse but be privy unto all things which god worketh , and must therefore of necessity be endued with knowledge , so far forth a universal ; though not with infinite knowledge , peculiar to deity itself . the soul of christ that saw , in this life , the face of god , was here , through so visible presence of deity , filled with all manner b of graces and vertues in that unmatchable degree of perfection ; for which , of him we read it written , that god with the oyl of gladness , anointed c him d above his e fellows . and as god hath in christ , unspeakably glorified the nobler , so likewise the meaner part of our nature , the very bodily substance of man. where also that must again be remembred , which we noted before , concerning the degrees of the influence of deity proportionable unto his own purposes , intents , and counsels . for in this respect his body , which by natural condition was corruptible , wanted the gift of everlasting immunity from death , passion , and dissolution , till god which gave it to be slain for sin , had for righteousness sake restored it to life , with certainty of endless continuance . yea , in this respect , the very glorified body of christ , retained in it the f skars and marks of former mortality . but shall we say , that in heaven his glorious body , by vertue of the same cause , hath now power to present it self in all places , and to be every where at once present ? we nothing doubt , but god hath many ways above the reach of our capacities , exalted that body which it hath pleased him to make his own , that body wherewith he hath saved the world , that body which hath been , and is the root of eternal life ; the instrument wherewith deity worketh , the sacrifice which taketh away sin , the price which hath ransomed souls from death , the leader of the whole army of bodies that shall rise again . for though it had a beginning from us , yet god hath given it vital efficacy , heaven hath endowed it with celestial power , that vertue it hath from above , in regard whereof , all the angels of heaven adore it . notwithstanding , a body still it continueth , a body consubstantial with our bodies , a body of the same , both nature and measure which it had on earth . to gather therefore into one sum , all that hitherto hath been spoken , touching this point , there are but four things which concur to make compleat the whole state of our lord jesus christ ; his deity , his manhood , the conjunction of both , and the distinction of the one from the other , being joyned in one . four principal heresies there are which have in those things withstood the truth . arians , by bending themselves against the deity of christ ; apollinarians , by maiming and misinterpreting that which belongeth to his humane nature ; nestorians , by renting christ asunder , and dividing him into two persons ; the followers of eutiches , by confounding in his person , those natures which they should distinguish . against these there have been four most famous ancient . general councils ; the council of nice , to define against arians , against apollinarians , the council of constantinople ; the council of ephesus against nestorians ; against eutichians , the calcedon council . in four words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , truly , perfectly , indivisibly , distinctly : the first , applied to his being god ; and the second , to his being man ; the third , to his being of both one ; and the fourth , to his still continuing in that one both . we may fully by way of abridgment , comprize whatsoever antiquity hath at large handled , either in declaration of christian belief , or in refutation of the soresaid heresies . within the compass of which four heads , i may truly affirm , that all heresies which touch but the person of jesus christ , ( whether they have risen in these latter days , or in any age heretofore , ) may be with great facility brought to confine themselves . we conclude therefore , that to save the world , it was of necessity the son of god should be thus incarnate , and that god should so be in christ , as hath been declared . . having thus far proceeded in speech concerning the person of jesus christ , his two natures , their conjunction , that which he either is , or doth in respect of both , and that which the one receiveth from the other ; sith god in christ is generally the medicine which doth cure the world , and christ in as is that receipt of the same medicine , whereby we are every one particularly cured : in as much as christs incarnation and passion , can be available to no mans good , which is not made partaker of christ , neither can we participate him without his presence ; we are briefly to consider how christ is present , to the end , it may thereby better appear , how we are made partakers of christ , both otherwise , and in the sacraments themselves . all things are in such sort divided , into finite and infinite , that no one substance , nature , or quality , can be possibly capable of both . the world and all things in the world , are stinted ; all effects that proceed from them ; all the powers and abilities whereby they work ; whatsoever they do , whatsoever they may , and whatsoever they are , is limited . which limitation of each creature , is both the perfection , and also the perservation thereof . measure , is that which perfecteth all things , because every thing is for some end ; neither can that thing be available to any end , which is not proportionable thereunto ; and to proportion as well excesses , as defects , are opposite . again , for as much as nothing doth perish , but onely through excess or defect of that , the due proportioned measure whereof doth give perfection , it followeth , that measure is likewise the preservation of all things . out of which premises , we may conclude , not onely , that nothing created , can possibly be unlimited , or can receive any such accident , quality , or property , as may really , make it infinite ( for then should it cease to be a creature ) but also , that every creatures limitation is according to his own kinde ; and therefore , as oft as we note in them any thing above their kinde , it argueth , that the same is not properly theirs , but groweth in them from a cause more powerful then they are . such as the substance of each thing is , such is also the presence thereof . impossible it is , that a god should withdraw his presence from any thing , because the very substance of god is infinite . he filleth heaven and earth ; although he take up no room in either , because his substance is immaterial , pure , and of us in this world so incomprehensible , that albeit b an part of us be ever absent from him , who is present whole unto every particular thing , yet his presence with us , we no way discern further , then onely that god is present ; which partly by reason , and more perfectly by faith , we know to be firm and certain . seeing therefore that presence every where is the sequel of an infinite and incomprehensible substance , ( for what can be every where , but that which can no where be comprehended ? ) to enquire , whether christ be every where , is to enquire of a natural property , a property that cleaveth to the deity of christ. which deity being common unto him with none , but onely the father , and the holy ghost , it followeth , that nothing of christ which is limited , that nothing created , that neither the soul nor the body of christ , and consequently , not christ as man , or christ according to his humane nature , can possibly be every where present , because those phrases of limitation and restraint , do either point out the principal subject whereunto every such attribute adhereth , or else they intimate the radical cause out of which it groweth . for example , when we say , that christ as man , or according to his humane nature , suffered death ; we show what nature was the proper subject of mortality : when we say , that as god , or according to his deity , he conquered death , we declare his deity to have been the cause , by force and vertue whereof , lie raised himself from the grave . but neither is the manhood of christ , that subject whereunto universal presence agreeth , neither is it the cause original , by force whereof his person is enabled to be everywhere present . wherefore christ is essentially present with all things , in that he is very god , but not present with all things as man , because manhood and the parts thereof , can neither be the cause , nor the true subject of such presence . notwithstanding , somewhat more plainly to shew a true immediate reason , wherefore the manhood of christ , can neither be every where present , nor cause the person of christ so to be , we acknowledge that of st. augustine concerning christ most true , c in that he is personally the word , he created all things ; in that he it naturally man , he himself is created of god ; and it doth not appear , that any one creature hath power to be present withall creatures . whereupon nevertheless it will not follow , that christ cannot therefore be thus present , because he is himself a creature ; for as much as onely infinite presence , is that which cannot possibly stand with the essence or being of any creature ; as for presence with all things that are , sith the whole race , mass , and body of them is finite , christ by being a creature , is not in that respect excluded from possibility of presence with them . that which excludeth him therefore , as man , from so great largeness of presence , is onely his being man , a creature of this particular kinde , whereunto the god of nature hath set those bounds of restraint and limitation , beyond which , to attribute unto it any thing more then a creature of that sort can admit , were to give it another nature , to make it a creature of some other kinde then in truth it is . furthermore , if christ , in that he is man , be every where present , seeing this cometh not by the nature of manhood it self , there is no other way how it should grow , but either by the grace of union with deity , or by the grace of unction received from deity . it hath been already sufficiently proved , that by force of union , the properties of both natures are imparted to the person onely , in whom they are , and not what belongeth to the one nature , really conveyed or translated into the other ; it hath been likewise proved , that natures united in christ , continue the very same which they are , where they are not united . and concerning the grace of unction , wherein are contained the gifts and vertues which christ as man hath above men , they make him really and habitually a man more excellent then we are , they take not from him the nature and substance that we have , they cause not his soul nor body to be of another kinde , then ours is . supernatural endowments , are an advancement , they are no extinguishment of that nature whereto they are given . the substance of the body of christ hath no presence , neither can have , but onely local . it was not therefore every where seen , nor did it every where suffer death , every where it could not be intombed , it is not every where now being exalted into heaven . there is no proof in the world strong to inforce , that christ had a true body , but by the true and natural properties of his body . amongst which properties , definite or local presence is chief , how it is true of christ ( saith tertullian ) that he died , was buried , and rose again , if christ had not that very flesh , the nature whereof is capable of these things , flesh mingled with blood , supported with bones , woven with sinews , embroidered with veins ? if his majestical body have now any such new property , by force whereof it may every where really , even in substance present it self , or may at once be in many places ; then hath the majesty of his estate extinguished the veri●y of his nature . make thou no doubt or question of it ( saith st. augustine ) but that the man christ iesus , is now in that very place from whence he shall come in the same form and substance of flesh , which he carried thither , and from which he hath not taken nature , but given thereunto immortality . according to this form , he spreadeth not out himself into all places : for it behoveth us to take great heed , lest while we go about to maintain the glorious deity of him , which is man , we leave him not the true bodily substance of a man. according to st. augustines opinion therefore , that majestical body which we make to be every where present , doth thereby cease to have the substance of a true body . to conclude , we hold it in regard of the fore-alleaged proofs , a most infallible truth , that christ as man , is not every where present . there are which think it as infallibly true , that christ is every where present as man , which peradventure in some sense may be well enough granted . his humane substance in it self , is naturally absent from the earth ; his soul and body not on earth , but in heaven onely : yet because this substance is inseparably joyned to that personal word , which by his very divine essence , is present with all things ; the nature which cannot have in it self universal presence , hath it after a sort , by being no where severed from that which every where is present . for in as much as that infinite word is not divisible into parts , it could not in part , but must needs be wholly incarnate , and consequently wheresoever the word is , it hath with it manhood , else should the word be in part , or somewhere god onely , and not man , which is impossible . for the person of christ is whole , perfect god , and perfect man , wheresoever ; although the parts of his manhood , being finite , and his deity infinite , we cannot say , that the whole of christ is simply every where , as we may say , that his deity is , and that his person is by force of deity . for , somewhat of the person of christ is not every where in that sort , namely , his manhood ; the onely conjunction whereof with deity is extended as far as deity , the actual position restrained and tied to a certain place ; yet presence by way of conjunction , is in some sort presence . again , as the manhood of christ may after a sort be every-where said to be present , because that person is every where present , from whose divine substance , manhood is no where severed : so the same universality of presence , may likewise seem in another respect appliable thereunto , namely , by cooperation with deity , and that in all things . the light created of god in the beginning , did first by it self illuminate the world ; but after that the sun and moon were created , the world sithence hath by them always enjoyed the same . and that deity of christ , which before our lords incarnation , wrought all things without man , doth now work nothing wherein the nature which it hath assumed , is either absent from it , or idle . christ as man , hath all power both in heaven and earth given him . he hath as man , not as god onely , supream dominion over quick and dead ; for so much his ascension into heaven , and his session at the right hand of god , do import . the son of god which did first humble himself , by taking our flesh upon him , descended afterwards much lower , and became according to the flesh obedient , so far as to suffer death , even the death of the cross for all men , because such was his fathers will. the former was an humiliation of deity , the later an humiliation of manhood ; for which cause there followed upon the latter an exaltation of that which was humbled : for with power he created the world , but restored it by obedience . in which obedience , as according to his manhood , he had glorified god on earth ; so god hath glorified in heaven , that nature which yielded him obedience ; and hath given unto christ , even in that he is man , such fulness of power over the whole world , that he which before fulfilled in the state of humility and patience , whatsoever god did require , doth now reign in glory till the time that all things be restored . he which came down from heaven , and descended into the lowest parts of the earth , is ascended far above all heavens ; that fitting at the right hand of god , he might from thence fill all things with the gracious and happy fruits of his saving presence . ascension into heaven , is a plain local translation of christ , according to his manhood , from the lower to the higher parts of the world. session at the right hand of god , is the actual exercise of that regency and dominion , wherein the manhood of christ is joyned , and matched with the deity of the son of god. not that his manhood was before without the possession of the same power , but because the full use thereof was suspended , till that humility which had been before as a vail to hide and conceal majesty , were laid aside . after his rising again from the dead , then did god set him at his right hand in heavenly places , far above all principality and power , and might , and domination , and every name that is named , not in this world onely , but also in that which is to come ; and hath put all things under his feet , and hath appointed him over all the head to the church , which is his body , the fulness of him that filleth all in all . the scepter of which spiritual regiment over us in this present world is at the length to be yielded up into the hands of the father which gave it ; that is to say , the use and exercise thereof shall cease , there being no longer on earth any militant church to govern . this government therefore he exerciseth both as god and as man ; as god , by essential presence with all things ; as man , by co-operation with that which essentially is present . touching the manner how he worketh as man in all things ; the principal powers of the soul of man , are the will and understanding , the one of which two in christ assenteth unto all things , and from the other nothing which deity doth work , is hid ; so that by knowledge and assent , the soul of christ is present with all things which the deity of christ worketh . and even the body of christ it self , although the definite limitation thereof be most sensible , doth notwithstanding admit in some sort a kinde of infinite and unlimited presence likewise . for his body being a part of that nature , which whole nature is presently joyned unto deity ; wheresoever deity is , it followeth , that his bodily substance hath every where a presence of true conjunction with deity . and for as much as it is , by vertue of that conjunction , made the body of the son of god , by whom also it was made a sacrifice for the sins of the whole world , this giveth it a presence of force and efficacy , throughout all generations of men. albeit therefore , nothing be actually infinite in substance , but god onely in that he is god , nevertheless , as every number is infinite by possibility of addition , and every line by possibility of extension infinite ; so there is no stint which can be set to the value or merit of the sacrificed body of christ , it hath no measured certainty of limits , bounds of efficacy unto life it knoweth none , but is also it self infinite in possibility of application . which things indifferently every way considered , that gracious promise of our lord and saviour jesus christ concerning presence with his to the very end of the world , i see no cause but that we may well and safely interpret he doth perform , both as god , by essential presence of deity , and as man , in that order , sense , and meaning , which hath been shewed . . we have hitherto spoken of the person and of the presence of christ. participation is that mutual inward hold which christ hath of us , and we of him , in such sort that each possesseth other by way of special interest , property , and inherent copulation . for plainer explication whereof , we may from that which hath been before sufficiently proved , assume to our purpose these two principles , that every original cause imparteth it self unto those things which come of it ; and whatsoever taketh being from any other , the same is after a sort in that which giveth it being . it followeth hereupon , that the son of god being light of light , must needs be also light in light. the persons of the godhead , by reason of the unity of their substance , do as necessarily remain one within another , as they are of necessity to be distinguished one from another , because two are the issue of one , and one the off-spring of the other two ; onely of three , one not growing out of any other . and sith they all are but one god in number , one indivisible essence or substance , their distinction cannot possibly admit separation . for how should that subsist solitarily by it self , which hath no substance , but individually the very same , whereby others subsist with it ; seeing that the multiplication of substances in particular , is necessarily required to make those things subsist apart , which have the self-same general nature , and the persons of that trinity , are not three particular substances , to whom one general nature is common , but three that subsist by one substance , which it self is particular ; yet they all three have it , and their several ways of having it , are that which maketh their personal distinction ? the father therefore is in the son , and the son in him ; they both in the spirit , and the spirit in both them . so that the fathers first off-spring which is the son , remaineth eternally in the father ; the father eternally also in the son , no way severed or divided , by reason of the sole and single unity of their substance . the son in the father , as light in that light out of which it floweth without separation ; the father in the son , as light in that light which it causeth , and leaveth not . and because in this respect his eternal being is of the father , which eternal being is his life , therefore he by the father liveth . again , sith all things do accordingly love their off-spring , as themselves are more or less contained in it , he which is thus the onely begotten , must needs be in this degree the onely beloved of the father . he therefore which is in the father , by eternal derivation of being and life from him , must needs be in him through an eternal affection of love . his incarnation causeth him also as man to be now in the father , and the father to be in him . for in that he is man , he receiveth life from the father , as from the fountain of that ever-living deity , which in the person of the word hath combined it self with manhood , and doth thereunto impart such life , as to no other creature besides him is communicated . in which consideration likewise , the love of the father towards him , is more then it can be towards any other ; neither can any attain unto that perfection of love , which he beareth towards his heavenly father . wherefore god is not so in any , nor any so in god as christ ; whether we consider him as the personal word of god , or as the natural son of man. all other things that are of god , have god in them , and he them in himself likewise . yet because their substance and his wholly differeth , their coherence and communion either with him or amongst themselves , is in no sort like unto that before mentioned . god hath his influence into the very essence of all things , without which influence of deity supporting them , their utter annihilation could not chuse but follow . of him all things have both received their first being , and their continuance to be that which they are . all things are therefore partakers of god , they are his off-spring , his influence is in them , and the personal wisdom of god is , for that very cause , said to excel in nimbleness or agility , to pierce into all intellectual , pure , and subtile spirits , to go through all , and to reach unto every thing which is . otherwise , how should the same wisdom be that which supporteth , beareth up , and sustaineth all ? whatsoever god doth work , the hands of all three persons are joyntly and equally in it , according to the order of that connexion , whereby they each depend upon other . and therefore albeit in that respect the father be first , the son next , the spirit last , and consequently nearest unto every effect which groweth from all three ; nevertheless , they all being of one essence , are likewise all of one efficacy . dare any man , unless he be ignorant altogether how inseparable the persons of the trinity are , perswade himself that every of them may have their sole and several possessions , or that we being not partakers of all , can have fellowship with any one ? the father as goodness , the son as wisdom , the holy ghost as power , do all concur in every particular , outwardly issuing from that one onely glorious deity which they all are . for that which moveth god to work , is goodness ; and that which ordereth his work , is wisdom ; and that which perfecteth his work , is power . all things which god in their times and seasons hath brought forth , were eternally and before all times in god , as a work unbegun is in the artificer , which afterward bringeth it unto effect . therefore whatsoever we do behold now in this present world , it was inwrapped within the bowels of divine mercy , written in the book of eternal wisdom , and held in the hands of omnipotent power , the first foundations of the world being as yet unlaid . so that all things which god hath made , are in that respect the off-spring of god , they are in him as effects in their highest cause ; he likewise actually is in them , the assistance and influence of his deity is their life . let hereunto saving efficacy be added , and it bringeth forth a special off-spring amongst men , containing them to whom god hath himself given the gracious and amiable name of sons . we are by nature the sons of adam . when god created adam , he created us ; and as many as are descended from adam , have in themselves the root , out of which they spring . the sons of god we neither are all , nor any one of us , otherwise then onely by grace and favor . the sons of god have gods own natural son , as a second adam from heaven , whose race and progeny they are by spiritual and heavenly birth . god therefore loving eternally his son , he must needs eternally in him , have loved and preferred before all others , them which are spiritually sithence descended and sprung out of him . these were in god as in their saviour , and not as in their creator onely . it was the purpose of his saving goodness , his saving wisdom , and his saving power , which inclined it self towards them . they which thus were in god eternally by their intended admission to life , have , by vocation or adoption , god actually now in them , as the artificer is in the work , which his hand doth presently frame . life as all other gifts and benefits , groweth originally from the father , and cometh not to us but by the son ; nor by the son to any of us in particular , but through the spirit . for this cause the apostle wisheth to the church of corinth , the grace of our lord jesus christ , and the love of god , and the fellowship of the holy ghost . which three st. peter comprehendeth in one , the participation of divine nature . we are therefore in god , through christ eternally , according to that intent and purpose , whereby we are chosen to be made his in this present world , before the world it self was made : we are in god , through the knowledge which is had of us , and the love which is born towards us from everlasting . but in god we actually are no longer then onely from the time of our actual adoption into the body of his true church , into the fellowship of his children . for his church he knoweth and loveth ; so that they which are in the church , are thereby known to be in him . our being in christ by eternal fore-knowledge saveth us not , without our actual and real adoption into the fellowship of his saints in this present world. for in him we actually are by our actual incorporation into that society which hath him for their head ; and doth make together with him one body , ( he and they in that respect having one name ) for which cause by vertue of this mystical conjunction , we are of him , and in him , even as though our very flesh and bones should be made continuate with his . we are in christ , because he knoweth and loveth us , even as parts of himself . no man actually is in him , but they in whom he actually is . for he which hath not the son of god , hath not life : i am the vine , and ye are the branches : he which abideth in me ; and i in him , the same bringeth forth much fruit ; but the branch severed from the vine , withereth . we are therefore adopted sons of god to eternal life , by participation of the onely begotten son of god , whose life is the well-spring and cause of ours . it is too cold an interpretation , whereby some men expound our being in christ to import nothing else , but onely , that the self-same nature which maketh us to be men , is in him , and maketh him man as we are . for what man in the world is there , which hath not so far forth communion with jesus christ ? it is not this that can sustain the weight of such sentences as speak of the mystery of our coherence with jesus christ. the church is in christ , as eve was in adam . yea , by grace we are every of us in christ , and in his church , and in his church , as by nature we were in those our first parents . god made eve of the rib of adam : and his church he frameth out of the very flesh , the very wounded and bleeding side of the son of man. his body crucified and his blood shed for the life of the world , are the true elements of that heavenly being , which maketh us such as himself is of whom we come . for which cause the words of adam may be fitly the words of christ concerning his church , flesh of my flesh , and bone of my bones ; a true nature extract out of my own body . so that in him , even according to his manhood , we , according to our heavenly being , are as branches in that root out of which they grow . to all things he is life , and to men light , as the son of god ; to the church , both life and light eternal , by being made the son of man for us , and by being in us a saviour , whether we respect him as god , or as man. adam is in us as an original cause of our nature , and of that corruption of nature which causeth death ; christ as the cause original of restauration to life . the person of adam is not in us , but his nature , and the corruption of his nature derived into all men by propagation ; christ having adams nature , as we have , but incorrupt , deriveth not nature but incorruption , and that immediately from his own person , into all that belong unto him . as therefore we are really partakers of the body of sin and death received from adam ; so except we be truly partakers of christ , and as really possessed of his spirit , all we speak of eternal life , is but a dream . that which quickneth us , is the spirit of the second adam , and his flesh that wherewith he quickneth . that which in him made our nature uncorrupt , was the union of his deity with our nature . and in that respect the sentence of death and condemnation , which onely taketh hold upon sinful flesh , could no way possibly extend unto him . this caused his voluntary death for others to prevail with god , and to have the force of an expiatory sacrifice . the blood of christ , as the apostle witnesseth , doth therefore take away sin , because through the eternal spirit , he offered himself unto god without spot . that which sanctified our nature in christ , that which made it a sacrifice available to take away sin , is the same which quickneth it , raised it out of the grave after death , and exalted it unto glory . seeing therefore that christ is in us as a quickning spirit , the first degree of communion with christ , must needs consist in the participation of his spirit , which cyprian in that respect well termeth germanissimam societatem , the highest and truest society that can be between man and him , which is both god and man in one . these things st. cyril duly considering , reproveth their speeches , which ●aught that onely the deity of christ , is the vine whereupon we by faith do depend as branches , and that neither his flesh not our bodies are comprised in this resemblance . for doth any man doubt , but that even from the flesh of christ , our very bodies do receive that life which shall make them glorious at the latter day ; and for which , they are already accounted parts of his blessed body ? our corruptible bodies could never live the life they shall live , were it not that here they are joyned with his body , which is incorruptible , and that his is in ours as a cause immortality , a cause by removing through the death and merit of his own flesh that which hindered the life of ours . christ is therefore , both as god and as man , that true vine whereof we both spiritually and corporally are branches . the mixture of his bodily substance with ours is a thing which the ancient fathers a disclaim . yet the mixture of his flesh with ours they b speak of , to signifie what our very bodies , through mystical conjunction , receive from that vital efficacy which we know to be in his ; and from bodily mixtures , they borrow divers similitudes , rather to declare the truth , then the manner of coherence between his sacred , and the sanctified bodies of saints . thus much no christian man will deny , that when christ sanctified his own flesh , giving as god , and taking as man the holy ghost , he did not this for himself onely , but for our sakes , that the grace of sanctification and life , which was first received in him , might pass from him to his whole race , as malediction came from adam unto all mankinde , howbeit , because the work of his spirit to those effects is in us prevented by sin and death , possessing us before ; it is necessity , that as well our present sanctification unto newness of life ; as the future of restauration of our bodies , should presuppose a participation of the grace , efficacy , merit , or vertue of his body and blood ; without which foundation first laid , there is no place for those other operations of the spirit of christ to ensue . so that christ imparteth plainly himself by degrees . i● pleaseth him in mercy , to account himself incompleat and maimed a without us . but most assured we are , that we all receive of his fulness , because he is in us as a moving and working cause ; from which , many blessed effects are really found to ensue , and that in sundry , both kindes and degrees , all tending to eternal happiness . it must be confest , that of christ , working as a creator , and a governor of the world by providence , all are partakers ; not all partakers of that grace , whereby he inhabiteth whom he saveth . again , as he dwelleth not by grace in all , so neither doth he equally work in all them in whom he dwelleth . b whence is it ( saith st. augustine ) that some be holier then others are , but because god doth dwell in some more plentifully then in others ? and because the divine substance of christ , is equally in all , his humane substance equally distant from all , it appeareth , that the participation of christ , wherein there are many degrees and differences , must needs consist in such effects , as being derived from both natures of christ really into us , are made our own ; and we by saving them in us , are truly said to have him from whom they come ; christ also more or less , to inhabit and impart himself , as the graces are fewer or more , greater or smaller , which really flow into us form christ. christ is whole with the whole church , and whole with every part of the church , as touching his person which can no way divide it self , or be possest by degrees and portions . but the participation of christ importeth , besides the presence of christs person , and besides the mystical copulation thereof , with the parts and members of his whole church , a true actual influence of grace whereby the life which we live according to godliness , is his ; and from him we receive those perfections wherein our eternal happiness consisteth . thus we participate christ , partly by imputation ; as when those things which he did , and suffered for us , are imputed unto us for righteousness : partly by habitual and real infusion , as when grace is inwardly bestowed while we are on earth , and afterwards more fully , both our souls and bodies make like unto his in glory . the first thing of his so infused into our hearts in this life , is the spirit of christ ; whereupon , because the rest , of what kinde soever , do all both necessarily depend and infallibly also easue ; therefore the apostles term it , sometime the seed of god , sometime the pledge of our heavenly inheritance , sometime the hansel or earnest of that which is to come . from hence it is , that they which belong to the mystical body of our saviour christ , and be in number as the stars of heaven , divided successively , by reason of their mortal condition , into many generations , are notwithstanding coupled every one to christ their head , and all unto every particular person amongst themselves , in as much as the same spirit , which anointed the blessed soul of our saviour christ , doth so formalize , unite , and actuate his whole race , as if both he and they , were so many limbs compacted into one body , by being quickned all with one and the same soul. that wherein we are partakers of jesus christ by imputation , agreeth equally unto all that have it . for it consisteth in such acts and deeds of his , as could not have longer continuance , then while they were in doing , nor at that very time belong unto any other , but to him from whom they come ; and therefore how men , either then , or before , or fithence , should be made partakers of them , there can be no way imagined , but onely by imputation . again , a deed must either not be imputed to any , but rest altogether in him , whose it is ; or if at all it be imputed , they which have it by imputation , must have it such as it is , whole . so that degrees being neither in the personal presence of christ , nor in the participation of those effects which are ours by imputation onely , it resteth , that we wholly apply them to the participation of christs infused grace ; although , even in this kinde also , the first beginning of life , the seed of god , the first-fruits of christs spirit , be without latitude . for we have hereby onely the being of the sons of god , in which number how far soever one may seem to excel another , yet touching this that all are sons , they are all equals , some happily better sons then the rest are , but none any more a son then another . thus therefore we see , how the father is in the son , and the son in the father ; how they both are in all things , and all things in them ; what communion christ hath with his church , how his church and every member thereof , is in him by original derivation , and he personally in them , by way of mystical association , wrought through the gift of the holy ghost , which they that are his , receive from him , and together with the same , what benefit soever the vital force of his body and blood may yield ; yea , by steps and degrees they receive the compleat measure of all such divine grace as doth sanctifie and save throughout , till the day of their final exaltation to a state of fellowship in glory with him , whose partakers they are now in those things that tend to glory . as for any mixture of the substance of his flesh with ours , the participation which we have of christ includeth no such kinde of gross surmise . . it greatly offendeth , that some , when they labor to shew the use of the holy sacraments , assign unto them no end but onely to teach the minde , by other seases , that which the word doth teach by hearing . whereupon how easily neglect and careless regard of so heavenly mysteries may follow , we see in part by some experience had of those men , with whom that opinion is most strong . for where the word of god may be heard , which teacheth with much more expedition , and more full explications , any thing we have to learn ; if all the benefit we reap by sacraments be instruction , they which at all times have opportunity of using the better mean to that purpose , will surely hold the worse in less estimation . and unto infants which are not capable of instruction , who would not think it a meer superfluity , that any sacrament is administred , if to administer the sacraments , be but to teach receivers what god doth for them ? there is of sacraments therefore , undoubtedly , some other more excellent and heavenly use . sacraments , by reason of their mixt nature , are more diversly interpreted and disputed of , then any other part of religion besides ; for that in so great store of properties belonging to the self-same thing , as every mans wit hath taken hold of some especial consideration above the rest , so they have accordingly seemed one to cross another , as touching their several opinions about the necessity of sacraments ; whereas in truth their disagreement is not great . for , let respect be had to the duty which every communicant doth undertake , and we may well determine concerning the use of sacraments , that they serve as bonds of obedience to god , strict obligations to the mutual exercise of christian charity , provocations to godliness , preservations from sin , memorials of the principal benefits of christ ; respect the time of their institution , and it thereby appeareth , that god hath annexed them for ever unto the new testament , as other rites were before with the old ; regard the weakness which is in us , and they are warrants for the more security of our belief : compare the receivers of then with such as receive them not , and sacraments are marks of distinction to separate gods own from strangers ; so that in all these respects , they are sound to be most necessary . but their chiefest force and vertue , consisteth not herein so much as in that they are heavenly ceremonies , which god hath sanctified and ordained to be administred in his church : first , as marks whereby to know when god doth impart the vital or saving grace of christ unto all that are capable thereof ; and secondly , as means conditional , which god requireth in them , unto whom he imparteth grace . for , sith god in himself is invisible , and cannot by us be discerned working ; therefore when it seemeth good in the eyes of his heavenly wisdom , that men for some special intent and purpose , should take notice of his glorious presence , he giveth them some plain and sensible token whereby to know what they cannot see . for moses to see god and live , was impossible ; yet moses by fire , knew where the glory of god extraordinarily was present . the angel , by whom god endued the waters of the pool , called bethesda , with supernatural vertue to heal , was not seen of any : yet the time of the angels presence known by the troubled motions of the waters themselves . the apostles by fiery tongues which they saw , were admonished when the spirit , which they could not behold , was upon them : in like manner it is with us . christ and his spirit with all their blessed effects , though entring into the soul of man , we are not able to apprehend or express how , do notwithstanding give notice of the times , when they use to make their access , because it pleaseth almighty god to communicate by sensible means those blessings which are incomprehensible . seeing therefore , that grace is a consequent of sacraments , a thing which accompanieth them as their end , a benefit which they have received from god himself , the author of sacraments , and not from any other natural or supernatural quality in them , it may be hereby both understood , that sacraments are necessary , and that the manner of their necessity to life supernatural , is not in all respects as food unto natural life , because they contain in themselves no vital force of efficacy ; they are not physical , but moral instruments of salvation , duties of service and worship ; which unless we perform as the author of grace requireth , they are unprofitable . for , all receive not the grace of god , which receive the sacraments of his grace . neither is it ordinarily his will to bestow the grace of sacraments on any , but by the sacraments ; which grace also , they that receive by sacraments or with sacraments , receive it from him , and not from them . for of sacraments , the very same is true which solomons wisdom observeth in the brazen serpent : a he that turned towards it , was not healed by the thing he saw , but by thee , o saviour of all , this is therefore the necessity of sacraments . that saving grace which christ originally is , or hath for the general good of his whole church , by sacraments he severally deriveth into every member thereof , sacraments serve as the instruments of god , to that end and purpose : moral instruments , the use whereof is in our own hands , the effect in his ; for the use , we have his express commandment ; for the effect , his conditional promise : so that without our obedience to the one , there is of the other no apparent assurance ; as contrariwise , where the signs and sacraments of his grace , are not either through contempt unreceived , or received with contempt , we are not to doubt , but that they really give what they promise , and are what they signifie . for we take not baptism , nor the eucharist , for bare resemblances or memorials of things absent , neither for naked signs and testimonies assuring us of grace received before , but ( as they are indeed and in verity ) for means effectual , whereby god , when we take the sacraments , delivereth into our hands that grace available unto eternal life , which grace the sacraments b represent or signifie . there have grown in the doctrine concerning sacraments many difficulties for want of distinct explication , what kinde or degree of grace doth belong unto each sacrament . for by this it hath come to pass , that the true immediate cause why baptism , and why the supper of our lord is necessary , few do rightly and distinctly consider . it cannot be denied , but sundry the same effects and benefits which grow unto men by the one sacrament , may rightly be attributed unto the other . yet then doth baptism challenge to it self but the inchoation of those graces , the consummation whereof dependeth on mysteries ensuing . we receive christ jesus in baptism once , as the first beginner ; in the eucharist often , as being by continual degrees , the finisher of our life . by baptism therefore , we receive christ jesus ; and from him that saving grace which is proper unto baptism . by the other sacrament we receive him also , imparting therein himself , and that grace which the eucharist properly bestoweth . so that each sacrament having both that which is general or common , and that also which is peculiar unto it self , we may hereby gather , that the participation of christ , which properly belongeth to any one sacrament , is not otherwise to be obtained , but by the sacrament whereunto it is proper . . now even as the soul doth organize the body , and give unto every member thereof , that substance , quantity , and shape which nature seeth most expedient ; so , the inward grace of sacraments may teach what serveth best for their outward form ; a thing in no part of christian religion , much less here , to be neglected . grace intended by sacraments , was a cause of the choice , and is a reason of the fitness of the elements themselves . furthermore , seeing that the grace which here we receive , doth no way depend upon the natural force of that which we presently behold , it was of necessity , that words of express declaration taken from the very mouth of our lord himself , should be added unto visible elements , that the one might infallibly teach what the other do most assuredly bring to pass . in writing and speaking of the blessed sacrament , we a use for the most part under the name of their substance , not onely to comprise that , whereof they outwardly and sensibly consist , but also the secret grace which they signifie and exhibit . this is the reason wherefore commonly in b definitions , whether they be framed larger to aug●ment , or stricter to abridge the number of sacraments , we finde grace expresly mentioned as their ●●●● essential form , elements as the matter whereunto that form doth adjoyn it s●● . but if that be separated , which is secret , and that considered alone , which is seen , as of necessity it must in all those speeches that make distinction of sacraments from sacramental grace ; the name of a sacrament , in such speeches , can imply no more then what the outward substance thereof doth comprehend . and to make compleat the outward substance of a sacrament , there is required an outward form , which form sacramental elements receive from sacramental words . hereupon it groweth , that c many times there are three things said to make up the substance of a sacrament ; namely , the grace which is thereby offered , the element which shadoweth or signifieth grace , and the word which expresseth what is done by the element . so that whether we consider the outward by it self alone , or both the outward and inward substance of any sacraments , there are in the one respect but two essential parts , and in the other but three that concur to give sacraments their full being . furthermore , because definitions are to express but the most immediate and nearest parts of nature , whereas other principles farther off , although not specified in defining , are notwithstanding in nature implied and presupposed , we must note , that in as much as sacraments are actions religious and mystical , which nature they have not unless they proceed from a serious meaning ; and what every mans private minde is , as we cannot know , so neither are we bound to examine : therefore always in these cases , the known intent of the church generally doth suffice ; and where the contrary is not d manifest , we may presume , that he which outwardly doth the work , hath inwardly the purpose of the church of god. concerning all other orders , rites , prayers , lessons , sermons , actions , and their circumstances whatsoever , they are to the outward substance of baptism but things accessory , which the wisdom of the church of christ is to order according to the exigence of that which is principal . again , considering that such ordinances have been made to adorn the sacrament , e not the sacrament to depend upon them ; seeing also , that they are not of the substance of baptism , and that baptism is far more necessary , then any such incident rite or solemnity ordained for the better administration thereof , f if the case be such as permitteth not baptism to have decent complements of baptism , better it were to enjoy the body without his furniture , then to wait for this , till the opportunity of that for which we desire it be lost . which premises standing , it seemeth to have been no absurd collection , that in cases of necessity , which will not suffer delay till baptism be administred , with usual solemnities , ( to speak the least ) it may be tolerably given without them , rather then any man without it should be suffered to depart this life . . they which deny that any such case of necessity can fall , in regard whereof the church should tolerate baptism without the decent rites and solemnities thereunto belonging , pretend , that such tolerations have risen from a false interpretaon which certain men have made of the scripture , grounding a necessity of external baptism , upon the words of our saviour christ : unless a man be born again of water , and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven . for by water and the spirit , we are in that place to understand ( as they imagine ) no more then if the spirit alone had been mentioned , and water not spoken of . which they think is plain , because elswhere it is not improbable , that the holy ghost and fire , do but signifie the holy ghost in operation resembling fire . whereupon they conclude , that seeing fire in one place may be , therefore water in another place is , but a metaphor : spirit , the interpretation thereof ; and so the words do onely mean , that unless a man be born again of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven . i hold it for a most infallible rule in expositions of sacred scripture , that were a literal construction will stand , the farthest from the letter is commonly the worst . there is nothing more dangerous then this licentious and deluding art , which changeth the meaning of words , as alchymy doth or would the substance of mettals , maketh of any thing what it listeth , and bringeth in the end all truth to nothing . or howsoever such voluntary exercise of wit might be born with , otherwise ; yet in places which usually serve , as this doth , concerning regeneration by water and the holy ghost , to be alledged for grounds and principles , less is permitted . to hide the general consent of antiquity , agreeing in the literal interpretation , they cunningly affirm , that certain have taken those words as meant of material water , when they know , that of all the ancients there is no one to be named , that ever did otherwise , either expound or alledge the place , then as implying external baptism . shall that which hath always a received this , and no other construction , be now disguised with a toy of novelty ? must we needs at the onely shew of a critical conceit , without any more deliberation , utterly condemn them of error , which will not admit that fire in the words iohn , is quenched with the name of the holy ghost ; or , with the name of the spirit , water dried up in the words of christ ? when the letter of the law hath two things plainly and expresly specified , water and the spirit ; water as a duty required on our parts , the spirit as a gift which god bestoweth : there is danger in presuming so to interpret it , at if the clause which concerneth our selves , were more then needeth . we may by such rate expositions , attain perhaps in the end to be thought witty , but with ill advice . finally , if at b the time , when that baptism which was meant by iohn , came to be really and truly performed by christ himself , we finde the apostles , that had been , as we are , before baptized , new baptized with the holy ghost ; and in this their latter baptism as well a c visible descent of fire , as a secret miraculous infusion of the spirit ; if on us he accomplish likewise the heavenly work of our new birth , not with the spirit alone , but with water thereunto adjoyned ; sith the faithfullest expounders of his words are his own deeds , let that which his hand hath manifestly wrought , declare what his speech did doubtfully utter . . to this they add . that as we err by following a wrong construction of the place before alledged ; so our second over-sight is , that we thereupon infer a necessity over-rigorous and extream . the true necessity of baptism , a sew propositions considered , will soon decide . all things which either are known a causes or set means , whereby any great good is usually procured , or men delivered from grievous evil , the same we must needs confess necessary . and if regeneration were not in this very sense a thing necessary to eternal life , would christ himself have taught nicodemus , that to see the kingdom of god is b impossible , saving onely for those men which are born from above ? his words following in the next sentence , are a proof sufficient , that to our regeneration , his spirit is no less c necessary , then regeneration it self necessary unto life . thirdly , unless as the spirit is a necessary inward cause ; so water were a necessary outward mean to our regeneration , what construction should we give unto those words wherein we are said to be new born , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , even of water ? why are we taught , that d with water , god doth purifie and cleanse his church ? wherefore do the apostles of christ term baptism e a bath of regeneration ? what purpose had they in giving men advice to receive outward baptism , and in perswading them , it did avail f to remission of sins ? if outward baptism were a cause in it self , possessed of that power , either natural or supernatural , without the present operation whereof no such effect could possibly grow ; it must then follow , that seeing effects do never prevent the necessary causes , out of which they spring , no man could ever receive grace before baptism : which being apparently both known , and also confest to be otherwise in many particulars , although in the rest we make not baptism a cause of grace ; yet the grace which is given them with their g baptism , doth so far forth depend on the very outward sacrament , that god will have it embraced , not onely as a sign or token what we receive ; but also as an instrument or mean whereby we receive grace , because baptism is a sacrament which god hath instituted in his church , to the end , that they which receive the same , might thereby be h incorporated into christ ; and so through his most precious merit obtain , as well that saving grace of imputation which taketh away j all former guiltiness , as also that k infused divine vertue of the holy ghost , which giveth to the powers of the soul their first disposition towards future newness of life . there are that elevate too much the ordinary and immediate means of life , relying wholly upon the bare conceit of that eternal election , which notwithstanding , includeth a subordination of means , without which , we are not actually brought to enjoy what god secretly did intend ; and therefore to build upon gods election , if we keep not our selves to the ways which he hath appointed for men to walk in , is but a self-deceiving vanity . when the apostle saw men called to the participation of jesus christ after the gospel of god embraced , and the sacrament of life received , he feareth not l then to put them in the number of elect saints ; he m then accounteth them delivered from death , and clean purged from all sin . till then , notwithstanding their preordination unto life , which none could know of , saving god ; what were they in the apostles own n account , but children of wrath , as well as others , plain aliens , altogether without hope , strangers , utterly without god in this present world ? so that by sacraments , and other sensible tokens of grace , we may boldy gather that he , whose mercy vouchsafeth now to bestow the means , hath also long sithence intended us that whereunto they lead . but let us never think i● safe to presume of our own last end , by bare conjectural collections of his first intent and purpose , the means failing that should come between . predestination bringeth not to life , without the grace of external o vocation , wherein our baptism is implied . for , as we are not naturally men without birth , so neither are we christian men in the eye of the church of god , but by new birth ; nor according to the manifest ordinary course of divine dispensation new born , but by that baptism which both declareth and maketh us christians . in which respect , we justly hold it to be the door of our actual entrance into gods house , the first apparent p beginning of life , a seal perhaps to the grace of election before received ; but to our sanctification here , a step that hath not any before it . there were of the old valentinian hereticks , some which had knowledge in such admiration , that to it they ascribed all , and so despised the sacraments of christ , pretending , that as ignorance had made us subject to all misery , so the full redemption of the inward man , and the work of our restauration , must needs belong unto r knowledge onely . they draw very near unto this error , who fixing wholly their mindes on the known necessity of faith , s imagine , that nothing but faith is necessary for the attainment of all grace . yet is it a branch of belief , that sacraments are in their place no less required then belief it self . for when our lord and saviour promiseth eternal life , is it any otherwise , then as he promised restitution of health unto naaman the syrian , namely , with this condition , t wash and be clean ? or as to them which were stung of serpents , health by u beholding the brazen serpent ? if christ himself which giveth salvation do x require baptism ; it is not for us that look for salvation , to sound and examine him , whether unbaptized men may be saved ; but seriously to y do that which is required , and religiously to fear the danger which may grow by the want thereof . had christ onely declared his will to have all men baptized , and not acquainted us with any cause why baptism is necessary , our ignorance in the reason of that he enjoyneth , might perhaps have hindered somewhat the forwardness of our obedience thereunto : whereas now being taught , that baptism is necessary to take away sin , how have we the fear of god in our hearts , if care of delivering mens souls from sin , do not move us to use all means for their baptism ? z pelagius which denied utterly the guilt of original sin , and in that respect , the necessity of baptism , did notwithstanding both baptize infants , and acknowledge their baptism necessary for entrance into the kingdom of god. now the law of christ , which in these considerations maketh baptism necessary , must be construed and understood according to rules of a natural equity . which rules , if they themselves did not follow in expounding the law of god , would they ever be able to prove , that b the scripture , in saying , whoso believeth not the gospel of christ , is condemned already ; meaneth this sentence of those which can hear the gospel , and have discretion when they hear to understand it ; neither ought it to be applied unto infants , deaf-men , and fools ? that which teacheth them thus to interpret the law of christ , is natural equity . and ( because equity so teacheth ) it is on all parts gladly confest , that there may be in divers cases life by vertue of inward baptism , even where outward is not found . so that if any question be made , it is but about the bounds and limits of this possibility . for example , to think that a man whose baptism the crown of martyrdom preventeth , doth lose , in that case , the happiness which so many thousands enjoy , that onely have had the grace to believe , and not the honor to seal the testimony thereof with death , were almost barbarous . again , when c some certain opinative men in st. bernards time began privately to hold that , because our lord hath said , unless a man be born again of water , therefore life , without either actual baptism , or martyrdom in stead of baptism , cannot possibly be obtained at the hands of god ; bernard considering , that the same equity which had moved them to think the necessity of baptism no bar against the happy estate of unbaptized martyrs , is as forcible for the warrant of their salvation , in whom , although there be not the sufferings of holy martyrs , there are the vertues which sanctified those sufferings , and made them precious in gods sight , professed himself an enemy to that severity and strictness which admitteth no exception but of martyrs onely . for , saith he , if a man desirous of baptism , be suddenly cut off by death , in whom there wanted neither sound faith , devout hope , not sincere charity ( god be merciful unto me , and pardon me if i err ) but verily of such a ones salvation , in whom there is no other defect besides his faultless lack of baptism ; despair i cannot , nor induce my minde to think his faith void , his hope confounded , and his charity faln to nothing , onely because he hath not that which not contempt but impossibility with-holdeth . tell me , i beseech you , ( saith ambrose ) what there is in any of us , more then to will , and to seek for our own good . they servant valentinian , o lord , did both . ( for valentinian the emperor died before his purpose to receive baptism could take effect . ) and is it possible , that he which had purposely thy spirit given him to desire grace , should not receive thy grace which that spirit did desire ? doth it move you , that the outward accustomed solemnities were not done ? at though converts that suffer martyrdom before baptism , did thereby forfeit their right to the crown of eternal glory in the kingdom of heaven . if the blood of martyrs in that case be their baptism , surely his religious desire of baptism standeth him in the same stead . it hath been therefore constantly held as well touching other believers , as martyrs , that baptism , taken away by necessity , is supplied by desire of baptism , because with equity this opinion doth best stand . touching infants which die unbaptized , sith they neither have the sacrament it self , nor any sense or conceit thereof , the judgment of many hath gone hard against them . but yet seeing grace is not absolutely tied unto sacraments ; and besides , such is the lenity of god , that unto things altogether impossible , he bindeth no man ; but , where we cannot do what is enjoyned us , accepteth our will to do in stead of the deed it self . again , for as much as there is in their christian parents , and in the church of god , a presumed desire , that the sacrament of baptism might be given them , yea , a purpose also that it shall be given ; remorse of equity hath moved divers of the a school-divines in these considerations , ingeuously to grant , that god , all-merciful to such as are not in themselves able to desire baptism , imputeth the secret desire that others have in their behalf , and accepteth the same as theirs , rather then casteth away their souls , for that which no man is able to help . and of the will of god to impart his grace unto infants without baptism , in that case , the very circumstance of their natural birth may serve as a just argument ; whereupon it is not to be misliked , that men in charitable presumption do gather a great likelihood of their salvation , to whom the benefit of christian parentage being given , the rest that should follow , is prevented by some such casualty , as man hath himself no power to avoid . for , we are plainly taught of god ; b that the seed of faithful parentage is holy from the very birth . which albeit , we may not so understand , as if the children of believing parents were without sin ; or grace , from baptized parents , derived by propagation ; or god , by covenant and promise , tied to save any in meer regard of their parents belief : yet seeing , that to all professors of the name of christ , this pre-eminence above infidels , is freely given ; the fruit of their bodies bringeth into the world with it , a present interest and right to those means wherewith the ordinance of christ is , that his church shall be sanctified ; it is not to be thought , that he which , as it were , from heaven , hath nominated and designed them unto holiness by special priviledge of their very birth , will himself deprive them of regeneration and inward grace , onely because necessity depriveth them of outward sacraments . in which case , it were the part of charity to hope , and to make men rather partial then cruel judges , if we had nor those fair apparancies which here we have . wherefore a necessity there is of receiving , and a necessity of administring the sacrament of baptism ; the one peradventure not so absolute as some have thought , but out of all peradventure the other more straight and narrow , then that the church which is by office a mother unto such as crave at her hands the sacred mystery of their new birth , should repel them ; and see them die unsatisfied of these their ghostly desires , rather then give them their souls rights , with omission of those things which serve c but onely for the more convenient and orderly administration thereof . for as on the one side we grant , that those sentences of holy scripture which make sacraments most necessary to eternal life , are no prejudice to their salvation , that want them by some inevitable necessity , and without any fault of their own : so it ought , in reason , to be likewise acknowledged , that for as much as our lord himself maketh baptism necessary , necessary whether we respect the good received by baptism , or the testimony thereby yielded unto god , of that humility and meek obedience , which reposing wholly it self on the absolute authority of his commandment , and on the truth of his heavenly promise , doubteth not but from creatures despicable in their own condition and substance , to obtain grace of inestimable value ; or rather not from them , but from him , yet by them , as by his appointed means . howsoever he , by the secret ways of his own incomprehensible mercy , may be thought to save without baptism ; this cleareth not the church from guiltiness of blood , if through her superstuous scrupulosity , lets and impediments of less regard should cause a grace of so great moment to be withheld , wherein our merciless strictness may be our own harm , although not theirs towards whom we shew it ; and we for the hardness of our hearts may perish , albeit they through gods unspeakable mercy do live . god which did not afflict that innocent , whose circumcision moses had over-long deferred , took revenge upon moses himself , for the injury which was done through so great neglect ; giving us thereby to understand , that they whom gods own mercy saveth without us , are on our parts notwithstanding , and as much as in us lieth , even destroyed ; when under unsufficient pretences , we defraud them of such ordinary outward helps , as we should exhibit . we have for baptism no day set , as the jews had for circumcision ; neither have we by the law of god , but onely by the churches discretion , a place thereunto appointed . baptism therefore , even in the meaning of the law of christ , belongeth unto infants capable thereof , from the * very instant of their birth . which if they have not howsoever , rather than lose it by being put off , because the time , the place , or some such like circumstance doth not solemnly enough concur , the church , as much as in her lieth , wilfully casteth away their souls . . the ancients , it may be , were too severe , and made the necessity of baptism more absolute then reason would , as touching infants . but will a any man say , that they , notwithstanding their too much rigor herein , did not in that respect sustain and tolerate defects of local , or of personal solemnities , belonging to the sacrament of baptism ? the apostles themselves did neither use nor appoint for baptism , any certain time . the church for general baptism heretofore , made choice of two chief days in the year ; the feast of easter , and the feast of pentecost . which custom , when certain churches in sicily began to violate without cause , they were by b leo , bishop of rome , advised , rather to conform themselves to the rest of the world in things so reasonable , then to offend mens mindes through needless singularity : howbeit , always providing , that nevertheless in apparent peril of death , danger of siege , streights of persecution , fear of shipwrack , and the like exigents ; no respect of times should cause this singular defence of true safety to be denied unto any . this of leo did but confirm that sentence , which c victor had many years before given , extending the same exception , as well unto places as times . that which st. augustine speaketh of women , hasting to bring their children to the church when they saw danger , is a weak proof , that when necessity did not leave them so much time , it was not then permitted them neither to make a church of their own home . which answer dischargeth likewise their example of a sick jew , carried in a bed to the place of baptism , and not baptized at home in private . the casue why such kinde of baptism barred men afterwards from entring into holy orders , the reason wherefore it was objected against novatian , in what respect , and how far forth it did disable , may be gathered by the twelfth canon , set down in the council of neocaesarea , after this manner . a man which hath been baptized in sickness , is not after to be ordained priest. for it may be thought , that such do rather at that time , because they see no other remedy , then of a voluntary minde , lay hold on the christian faith , unless their true and sincere meaning be made afterwards the more manifest , or else the scarcity of others inforce the church to admit them . they bring in iustinians imperial constitution , but to what purpose ? seeing it onely forbiddeth men to have the mysteries of god administred in their private chappels , lest under that pretence , hereticks should do secretly those things which were unlawful ? in which consideration he therefore commandeth , that if they would use those private oratories otherwise then onely for their private prayers , the bishop should appoint them a clerk , whom they might entertain for that purpose . this is plain by latter constitutions , made in the time of leo : it was thought good ( saith the emperor ) in their judgment which have gone before , that in private chappels none should celebrate the holy communion , but priests belonging unto greater churches . which order they took as it seemeth for the custody of religion , lest men should secretly receive from hereticks , in stead of the food , the ban : of their souls , pollution in place of expiation . again , whereas a sacred canon of the sixth reverend synod requireth baptism , as others have likewise the holy sacrifices and mysteries , to be celebrated onely in ●emples hallowed for publick use , and not in private oratories ; which strict decrees appear to have been made heretofore in regard of hereticks , which entred closely into such mens houses as favored their opinions , whom , under colour of performing with them such religious offices , they drew from the soundness of true religion : now that perverse opinions , through the grace of almighty god , are extinct and gone , the cause of former restraints being taken away we see no reason but that private oratories may hence forward enjoy that liberty , which to have granted them heretofore , had not been safe . in sum , all these things alledged are nothing , nor will it ever be proved while the world doth continue , but that the practice of the church in cases of extream necessity , hath made for private baptism always more then against it . yea , baptism by any man in the case of necessity , was the a voice of the whole world heretofore . neither is tertullian , epiphanius , augustine , or any other of the ancient against it . the boldness of such , as pretending teclaes example , took openly upon them both baptism , and all other publick functions of priesthood . tertullian severely controlleth , saying , b to give baptism is in truth the bishops right . after him it belongeth unto priests and deacons ; but not to them without authority from him received . for so the honor of the church requireth , which being kept , preserveth peace . were it not in this respect , the laity might do the same ; all sorts might give , even as all sorts receive . but because emulation is the mother of schisms , let it content thee ( which art of the order of lay-men ) to do it in necessity , when the state of time , or place , or person thereunto compelleth . for then is their boldness priviledged that help , when the circumstance of other mens dangers craveth it . what he granteth generally to lay-persons of the house of god , the same we cannot suppose he denieth to any sort or sex contained under that name , unless himself did restrain the limits of his own speech ; especially seeing that tertullians rule of interpretation is b elswhere , specialties are signified under that which is general , because they are therein comprehended . all which tertullian doth c deny , is , that women may be called to bear , or publickly take upon them to execute offices of ecclesiastical order , whereof none but men are capable . as for epiphanius , he striketh on the very self-same anvil with tertullian . and in necessity , if st. augustine alloweth as much unto laymen , as tertullian doth , his not mentioning of women , is but a slender proof that his meaning was to exclude women . finally , the council of carthage likewise , although it make no express submission , may be very well presumed willing to stoop , as other positive ordinances do , to the countermands of necessity . judge therefore what the antients would have thought , if in their days it had been heard , which is published in ours , d that because , the substance of the sacrament doth chiefly depend on the institution of god , which is the form , and as it were the life of the sacrament ; therefore first , if the whole institution be not kept , it is no sacrament ; and secondly , if baptism be private , his institution is broken , in as much as according to the orders which he hath set for baptism , it should be done in the congregation ; from whose ordinance in this point , we ought not to swerve , although we know that infants should be assuredly damned without baptism . o sir , you that would spurn thus at such , as in case of so dreadful extremity should lie prostrate before your feet ; you that would turn away your face from them at the hour of their most need ; you that would dam up your ears , and harden your hearts as iron , against the unresistable cries of supplicants , calling upon you for mercy with terms of such invocation , as that most dreadful perplexity might minister , if god by miracle did open the mouths of infants , to express their supposed necessity , should first imagine your self in their case , and them in yours . this done , let their supplications proceed out of your mouth , and your answer out of theirs . would you then contentedly hear , my son , the rites and solemnities of baptism must be kept ; we may not do ill , that good may come of it ; neither are souls to be delivered from eternal death and condemnation ; by breaking orders which christ hath set : would you in their case your self be shaken off with these answers , and not rather embrace , inclosed with both your arms , a sentence , which now is no gospel unto you , i will have mercy , and not sacrifice ? to acknowledge christs institution , the ground of both sacraments , i suppose , no christian man will refuse : for it giveth them their very nature , it appointeth the matter whereof they consist , the form of their administration it teacheth ; and it blesseth them with that grace , whereby to us they are both pledges and instruments of life . nevertheless , seeing christs institution containeth , besides that which maketh compleat the essence or nature , other things that onely are parts , as it were , of the furniture of sacraments ; the difference between these two must unfold that which the general terms of indefinite speech would confound . if the place appointed for baptism , be a part of christ institution , it is but his institution as sacrifice , baptism his institution as mercy : in this case , he which requireth both mercy and sacrifice , rejecteth his own institution of sacrifice , where the offering of sacrifice would hinde : mercy from being shewed : external circumstances even in the holiest and highest actions , are but the lesser things of the law , whereunto those actions themselves being compared , are the greater ; and therefore as the greater are of such importance , that they must be done ; so in that extremity before supposed if our account of the lesser which are not to be omitted , should cause omission of that which is more to be accounted of , were not this our strict obedience to christs institution touching mint and cummin , a disobedience to his institution concerning love ? but sith no institution of christ hath so strictly tied baptism to publick assemblies , as it hath done all men unto baptism ; away with these merciless and bloody sentences , let them never be found standing in the books and writings of a christian man ; they favor not of christ , nor of his most gracious and meek spirit , but under colour of exact obedience , they nourish cruelty and hardness of heart . . to leave private baptism therefore , and to come unto baptism by women , which they say a , is no more a sacrament , then any other ordinary washing or bathing of a mans body : the reason whereupon , they ground their opinion herein is such , as making baptism by women void , because women are no ministers in the chruch of god , must needs generally annihilate the baptism of all unto whom their conceit shall apply this exception , whether it be in regard of sex , of quality , of insufficiency , or whatsoever . for if want of calling do frustrate baptism , they that baptize without calling do nothing , be they women or men. to make women teachers in the house of god , were a gross absurdity , seeing the apostle hath said , b i permit not a woman to teach . and again , c let your women in churches be silent . those extraordinary gifts of speaking with tongues and prophecying , which god at that time did not onely bestow upon men , but on women also , made it the harder to hold them confined with private bounds . whereupon the apostles ordinance was necessary against womens public admission to teach . and because , when law hath begun some one thing or other well , it giveth good occasion , either to draw by judicious exposition out of the very law it self , or to annex to the law by authority and jurisdiction , things of like conveniency ; therefore clement extendeth this apostolick constitution to baptism . for ( saith he ) if we have denied them leave to teach , how should any man dispence with nature , and make them ministers of holy things ; seeing this unskilfulness is a part of the grecians impiety , which for the service of women-goddesses , have women-priests ? i somewhat marvel , that men which would not willingly be thought to speak or write , but with good conscience , dare hereupon openly avouch clement for a witness , that , as , when the church began not onely to decline , but to fall away from the sincerity of religion , it borrowed a number of other prophanations of the heathens ; so it borrowed this , and would needs have women-priests , as the heathens had ; and that this was one occasion of bringing ●p●ism by women into the church of god. is it not plain in their own eyes , that first by an evidence which forbiddeth women to be ministers of baptism , they endeavor to shew how women were admitted unto that function in the wain and declination of christian piety . secondly , that by an evidence , rejecting the heathens , and condemning them of impiety , they would prove such affection towards heathens , as ordereth the affairs of the church by the pattern of their example : and thirdly , that out of an evidence which nameth the heathens , as being in some part a reason why the church had no women-priests , they gather , the heathens to have been one of the first occasions why it had . so that throughout every branch of this testimony , their issue is , yea ; and their evidence directly no. but to womens baptism in private , by occasion of urgent necessity , the reasons that onely concern ordinary baptism in publick , are no just prejudice ; neither can we by force thereof , disprove the practice of those churches which ( necessity requiring ) allow baptism in private to be administred by women . we may not from laws that prohibite any thing with restraint , conclude absolute and unlimited prohibitions : although we deny not , but they which utterly forbid such baptism , may have perhaps wherewith to justifie their orders against it . for , even things lawful are a well prohibited , when there is fear left they make the way to unlawful more easie . and it may be , the liberty of baptism by women at such times , doth sometimes embolden the rasher sort to do it where no such necessity is . but whether of permission besides law , or in presumption against law they do it , is it thereby altogether frustrate , void , and as though it were never given ? they which have not at the first their right baptism , must of necessity be rebaptized , because the law of christ tieth all men to receive baptism . iteration of baptism once given , hath been always thought a manifest contempt of that ancient apostolick aphorism , b one lord , one faith , one baptism : baptism not onely one , in as much as it hath every where the same substance , and offereth unto all men the same grace ; but one also , for that it ought not to be received by any one man above once . we serve that lord which is but one , because no other can be joyned with him : we embrace that faith which is but one , because it admitteth no innovation : that baptism we receive which is but one , because it cannot be received often . for how should we practice iteration of baptism , and yet teach , that we are by baptism born anew : that by baptism we are admitted unto the heavenly society of saints , that those things be really and effectually done by baptism , which are no more possible to be often done , c then a man can naturally be often born , or civilly be often adopted into any ones stock and family ! this also is the cause , why they that present us unto baptism , are entituled for ever after , our parents in god ; and the reason why there we receive new names , in token , that by baptism we are made new creatures . as christ hath therefore died , and risen from the dead but once ; so that sacrament , which both extinguisheth in him our former sin , and beginneth in us a new condition of life , is by one onely actual administration for ever available , according to that in the nicene creed , i believe one baptism for ●emission of sins . and because second baptism was ever abhorred in the church of god , as a kinde of incestuous birth , they that iterate baptism , are driven under some pretence or other , to make the former baptism void . tertullian , the first that proposed to the church ; agrippinus the first in the church that accepted , and against the use of the church ; novatianus the first , that publickly began to practice rebaptization , did it therefore upon these two grounds ; a true perswasion , that baptism is necessary ; and a false , that the baptism which others administred was no baptism . novatianus his conceit was , that none can administer true baptism , but the true church of jesus christ ; that he and his followers alone , were the church ; and for the rest , he accounted then wicked and prophane persons , such as by baptism could cleanse no man , unless they first did purifie themselves , and reform the faults wherewith he charged them . at which time , st. cyprian with the greatest part of affrican bishops , because they likewise thought , that none but onely the true church of god can baptize ; and were of nothing more certainly perswaded , then that hereticks are as rotten branches cut off from the life and body of the true church , gathered hereby , that the church of god both may with good consideration , and ought to reverse that baptism which is given by hereticks . these held and practised their own opinion , yet with great protestations often made , that they neither loved awhit , the less , nor thought in any respect the worse of them that were of a contrary minde . in requital of which ingenuous moderation , the rest that withstood them , did it in peaceable sort , with very good regard had of them , as of men in error , but not in heresie . the bishop of rome against their novelties , upheld , as beseemed him , the ancient and true apostolick customs , till they which unadvisedly before had erred , became in a manner all a reconciled friends unto truth , and saw that heresie in the ministers of baptism , could no way evacuate the force thereof : b such heresie alone excepted , as by reason of unsoundness in the highest articles of christian faith , presumed to change , and by changing to main the substance , the form of baptism , in which respect , the church did neither simply disannul , nor absolutely ratifie baptism by hereticks . for the baptism which novarianists gave , stood firm , whereas they whom c samosotenians had baptized , were rebaptized . it was likewise ordered in the council of arles , d that if any arian did reconcile himself to the church , they should admit him without new baptism , unless by examination they found him not baptized in the name of the trinity . dionysius , bishop of alexandria e , maketh report , how there live under him a man of good reputation , and of very ancient continuance in that church , who being present at the rites of baptism , and observing with better consideration then ever before , what was there done , came , and with weeping submission craved of his bishop , not to deny him baptism , the due of all which profess christ , seeing it had been so long sithence his evil hap to be deceived by the fraud of hereticks , and at their hands ( which till now , he never throughly and duly weighed ) to take a baptism full fraught with blasphemous impieties ; a baptism in nothing like unto that which the true church of christ useth . the bishop was greatly moved thereat , yet durst not adventure to rebaptize , but did the best he could to put him in good comfort , using much perswasion with him not to trouble himself with things that were past and gone , nor after so long continuance in the fellowship of gods people , to call now in question his first entrance . the poor man that law himself in this sort answered , but not satisfied , spent afterwards his life in continual perplexity , whereof the bishop remained fearful to give release ; perhaps too fearful , if the baptism were such as his own declaration importeth . for that , the substance whereof was rotten at the very first , is never by tract of time able to recover soundness . and where true baptism was not before given , the case of rebaptization is clear . but by this it appeareth , that baptism is not void in regard of heresie ; and therefore much less through any other moral defect in the minister thereof . under which second pretence , do●atists notwithstanding , took upon them to make frustrate the churches baptism , and themselves to rebaptize their own sry . for whereas some forty years after the martyrdom of blessed cyprian , the emperor dioclesian began to persecute the church of christ ; and for the speedier abolishment of their religion , to burn up their sacred books ; there were in the church it self traditors , content to deliver up the books of god by composition , to the end , their own lives might be spared . which men growing thereby odious to the rest , whose constancy was greater ; it fortuned that after , when one caecilian was ordained bishop in the church of carthage , whom others endeavored in vain to defeat by excepting against him as a traditor , they whose accusations could not prevail , desperately joyned themselves in one , and made a bishop of their own crue , accounting from that day forward , their faction , the onely true and sincere church . the first bishop on that part , was majorinus , whose successor donatus , being the first that wrote in defence of their schism , the birds that were hatched before by others , have their names from him . arians and donatists began both about one time . which heresies according to the different strength of their own sinews , wrought as hope of success led them ; the one with the choicest wits , the other with the multitude , so far , that after long and troublesome experience , the perfectest view men could take or both , was hardly able to induce any certain determinate resolution , whether error may do more by the curious subtilty of sharp discourse , or else by the meer appearance of zeal and devout affection ; the latter of which two aids , gave donatists , beyond all mens expectation , as great a sway as ever any schism or heresie had within that reach of the christian world , where it bred and grew ; the rather perhaps , because the church which neither greatly feared them , and besides had necessary cause to bend it self against others that aimed directly at a far higher mark , the deity of christ , was contented to let donatists have their course , by the space of threescore years and above , even from ten years before constantine , till the time that optatus , bishop of nilevis , published his books against parmenian . during which term , and the space of that schisms continuance afterwards , they had , besides many other secular and worldly means to help them forward , these special advantages . first , the very occasion of their breach with the church of god , a just hatred and dislike of traditors , seemed plausible ; they easily perswaded their hearers , that such men could not be holy as held communion and fellowship with them that betrayed religion . again , when to dazle the eyes of the simple , and to prove , that it can be no church which is not holy , they had in shew and sound of words the glorious pretence of the creed apostolick , i believe the holy catholick church : we need not think it any strange thing that with the multitude they gain credit . and avouching that such as are not of the true church , can administer no true baptism , they had for this point whole volums of st. cyprians own writing , together with the judgment of divers affrican synods , whose sentence was the same with his . whereupon , the fathers were likewise in defence of their just cause very greatly prejudiced , both for that they could not inforce the duty of mens communion with a church , confest to be in many things blame-worthy , unless they should oftentimes seem to speak as half-defenders of the faults themselves , or at the least not so vehement accusers thereof , as their adversaries ; and to withstand it●ration of baptism , the other branch of the donatists heresie was impossible , without manifest and profest rejection of cyprian , whom the world universally did in his life time , admire as the greatest among prelates , and now honor as not the lowest in the kingdom of heaven . so true we finde it by experience of all ages in the church of god , that the teachers error is the peoples tryal , harder and heavier by so much to bear , as he is in worth and regard greater , that mis-perswadeth them . although there was odds between cyprians cause and theirs , he differing from others of sounder understanding in that point , but not dividing himself from the body of the church by schism , as did the donatists . for which cause , saith vincentius , of one and the same opinion we judge ( which may seem strange ) the authors catholick , and the followers heretical : we acquit the masters , and condemn the scholars ; they are heirs of heaven which have writen those books , the defenders whereof , are trodden down to the pit of hell. the invectives of catholick writers therefore against them , are sharp ; the words of * imperial edicts by honorius and theodosius , made to bridle them very bitter , the punishments severe in revenge of their folly . howbeit , for fear ( as we may conjecture ) lest much should be derogated from the baptism of the church , and baptism by donatists be more esteemed of then was meet ; if on the one side , that which hereticks had done ill , should stand as good ; on the other side , that be reversed which the catholick church , had well and religiously done ; divers better minded then advised men , thought it fittest to meet with this inconvenience , by rebaptising donatists , as well as they rebaptized catholicks . for stay whereof , the same emperors saw it meet to give their law a double edge , whereby it might equally , on both sides , cut off not onely hereticks which rebaptized , whom they could pervert ; but also catholick and christian priests which did the like unto such as before had taken baptism at the hands of hereticks , and were afterwards reconciled to the church of god. donatists were therefore , in process of time , though with much ado , wearied , and at the length worn out by the constancy of that truth which reacheth , that evil ministers of good things are as torches , a light to others , a waste to none but themselves onely ; and that the soulness of their hands , can neither any whit impair the vertue , nor stain the glory of the mysteries of christ. now that which was done amiss by vertuous and good men , as cyprian carried aside with hatred against heresie ; and was secondly followed by donatists , whom envy and rancor , covered with shew of godliness , made obstinate to cancel whatsoever the church did in the sacrament of baptism ; hath of latter days , in another respect , far different from both the former , been brought freshly again into practice . for the anabaptist rebaptizeth , because , in his estimation , the baptism of the church is frustrate , for that we give it unto infants which have not faith ; whereas , according unto christs institution , as they conceive it , true baptism should always presuppose actual belief in receivers , and is otherwise no baptism . of these three errors , there is not any but hath been able , at the least , to alledge in defence of it self , many fair probabilities . notwithstanding , sith the church of god hath hitherto always constantly maintained , that to rebaptize them which are known to have received true baptism is unlawful ; that if baptism seriously be administred in the same element , and with the same form of words which christs institution teacheth , there is no other defect in the world that can make it frustrate , or deprive it of the nature of a true sacrament : and lastly , that baptism is onely then to be re-adminstred , when the first delivery thereof is void , in regard of the fore-alledged imperfections , and no other : shall we now in the case of baptism , which having both for matter and form , the substance of christs institution , is by a fourth sort of men voided , for the onely defect of ecclesiastical authority in the minister , think it enough , that they blow away the force thereof , with the bare strength of their very breath , by saying , we take such baptism to be no more the sacrament of baptism , then any other ordinary bathing to be a sacrament ? it behoveth generally all sorts of men to keep themselves within the limits of their own vocation . and seeing god , from whom mers several degrees and pre-eminences do proceed , hath appointed them in his church , at whose hands his pleasure is , that we should receive both baptism , and all other publick medicinable helps of soul , perhaps thereby the more to settle our hearts in the love of our ghostly superiors , they have small cause to hope that with him their voluntary services will be accepted , who thrust themselves into functions , either above their capacity , or besides their place , and over-boldly intermeddle with duties , whereof no charge was ever give them , they that in any thing exceed the compass of their own order , do as much as in them lieth , to dissolve that order which is the harmony of gods church . suppose therefore , that in these and the like considerations , the law did utterly prohibite baptism to be administred by any other , then persons thereunto solemnly consecrated , what necessity soever happen ; are not * many things firm being done , although in part done otherwise then positive rigor and strictness did require ? nature , as much as is possible , inclineth unto validities and preservations . dissolutions and nullities of things done are not onely not favored , but hated , when other urged without cause , or extended beyond their reach : if therefore at any time it come to pass , that in reaching publickly or privately , in delivering this blessed sacrament of regeneration , some unsanctified hand , contrary to christs supposed ordinance , do intrude it self to execute that , whereunto the laws of god and his church have deputed others , which of these two opinions seemeth more agreeable with equity , outs that disallow what is done amiss , yet make not the force of the word and sacraments , much less their nature and very substance to depend on the ministers authority and calling , or else a theirs which defeat , disannul , and annihilate both , in respect of that one onely personal defect , there being not any law of god , which saith , that if the minister be incompetent , his word shall be no word , his baptism no baptism ? he which teacheth , and is not sent , loseth the reward , but yet retaineth the name of a teacher : his usurped actions have in him the same nature which they have in others , although they yield him not the same comfort . and if these two cases be peers , the case of doctrine , and the case of baptism both alike ; sith no defect in their vocation that teach the truth , is able to take away the benefit thereof from him which heareth , wherefore should the want of a lawful calling in them that baptize , make baptism to be vain ? b they grant , that the matter and the form in sacraments are the onely parts of substance , and that if these two be retained , albeit other things besides be used which are inconvenient , the sacrament notwithstanding is administred , but not sincerely . why persist they not in this opinion ? when by these fair speeches , they have put us in hope of agreement ? wherefore sup they ●up their words again , interlacing such frivolous interpretations and glosses as disgrace their sentence ? what should move them , having named the matter and the form of the sacrament , to give us presently warning , c that they mean by the form of the sacrament , the institution ; which exposition darkneth whatsoever was before plain ? for whereas in common understanding , that form , which added to the element , doth make a sacrament , and is of the outward substance thereof , containeth onely the words of usual application , they set it down ( lest common dictionaries should deceive us ) that the form doth signifie in their language , the institution ; which institution in truth , comprehendeth both form and matter . such are their fumbling shifts to inclose the ministers vocation within the compass of some essential part of the sacrament . a thing that can never stand with sound and sincere construction . for what if the d minister be no circumstance , but a subordinate efficient cause in the work of baptism ? what if the ministers vocation be a matter e of perpetual necessity , and not a ceremony variable as times and occasions require ? what if his calling be a principal part of the institution of christ ? doth it therefore follow , that the ministers authority is f of the substance of the sacrament , and as incident into the nature thereof , as the matter and the form it self , yea , more incident ? for whereas in case of necessity , the greatest amongst them professeth the change of the element of water lawful , and others which like not so well this opinion , could be better content , that voluntarily the words of christs institution were altered , and men baptized in the name of christ , without either mention made of the father , or of the holy ghost ; nevertheless , in denying that baptism administred by private persons ought to be reckoned of as a sacrament , they both agree . it may therefore please them both to consider , that baptism is an action in part moral , in part ecclesiastical , and in part mystical : moral , as being a duty which men perform towards god ; ecclesiastical , in that it belongeth unto gods church as a publick duty : finally , mystical , if we respect what god doth thereby intend to work . the greatest moral perfection of baptism consisteth in mens devout obedience to the law of god , which law requireth both the outward act or thing done , and also that religious affection which god doth so much regard , that without it , whatsoever we do , is ●tateful in his sight , who therefore is said to respect adverbs , more then verbs , because the end of his law , in appointing what we shall do , is our own perfection ; which perfection consisteth chiefly in the vertuous disposition of the minde , and approveth it self to him , not by doing , but by doing well . wherein appeareth also , the difference between humane and divine laws ; the one of which two are content with opus operatum , the other require opus operantis ; the one do but claim the deed , the other , especially the minde . so that according to laws , which principally respect the heart of men , works of religion being not religiously performed , cannot morally be perfect . baptism as an ecclesiastical work , is for the manner of performance , ordered by divers ecclesiastical laws , providing , that as the sacrament it self , is a gift of no mean worth ; so the ministery thereof , might in all circumstances , appear to be a function of no small regard . all that belongeth to the mystical perfection of baptism outwardly , is the element , the word , and the serious application of both , unto him which receiveth both ; whereunto , if we add that secret reference which this action hath to li●e and remission of sins , by vertue of christs own compact solemnly made with his church , to accomplish fully the sacrament of baptism , there is not any thing more required . now put the question , whether baptism , administred to infants , without my spiritual calling , be unto them both a true sacrament , and an effectual instrument of grace ; or else an act of no more account , then the ordinary washings are . the sum of all that can be said to defeat such baptism , is , that those things which have no being , can work nothing ; and that baptism , without the power of ordination , is , as a judgment without sufficient jurisdiction , void , frustrate , and of no effect . but to this we answer , that the fruit of baptism dependeth onely upon the covenant which god hath made : that god by covenant requireth in the elder sort , faith and baptism ; in children , the sacrament of baptism alone , whereunto he hath also given them right by special priviledge of birth , within the bosom of the holy church : that infants therefore , which have received baptism compleat , as touching the mystical perfection thereof , are by vertue of his own covenant and promise cleansed from all sin ; for as much as all other laws , concerning that which in baptism is either moral or ecclesiastical , do binde the church which giveth baptism , and not the infant which receiveth it of the church . so that if any thing be therein amiss , the harm which groweth by violation of holy ordinances , must altogether rest , where the bonds of such ordinances hold . for , that in actions of this nature , it fareth not as in jurisdictions , may somewhat appear by the very opinion which men have of them . the nullity of that which a judge doth by way of authority without authority , is known to all men , and agreed upon with full consent of the whole world , every man receiveth it as a general edict of nature ; whereas the nullity of baptism , in regard of the like defect , is onely a few mens new ungrounded , and as yet unapproved imagination . which difference of generality in mens perswasions on the one side , and their paucity whose conceit leadeth them the other way , hath risen from a difference easie to observe in the things themselves . the exercise of unauthorised jurisdiction is a grievance unto them that are under it , whereas they that without authority presume to baptize , offer nothing but that which to all men is good and acceptable . sacraments are food , and the ministers thereof , as parents , or as nurses ; at whose hands when there is necessity , but no possibility of receiving it , if that which they are not present to do in right of their office , be of pity and compassion done by others ; shall this be thought turn celestial bread into gravel , or the medicine of souls into poyson ? jurisdiction is a yoke , which law hath imposed on the necks of men in such sort , that they must endure it for the good of others , how contrary soever it be to their own particular appetites and inclinations : jurisdiction bridleth men against their wills ; that which a judge doth , prevails by vertue of his very power ; and therefore , not without great reason , except the law hath given him authority , whatsoever he doth , vanisheth . baptism on the other side , being a favor which it pleaseth god to bestow , a benefit of soul to us that receive it , and a grace , which they that deliver , are but as meer vessels , either appointed by others , or offered of their own accord to this service ; of which two , if they be the one , it is but their own honor , their own offence to be the other : can it possibly stand with * equity and right , that the faultiness of their presumption in giving baptism , should be able to prejudice us , who by taking baptism have no way offended ? i know there are many sentences found in the books and writings of the ancient fathers , to prove both ecclesiastical and also moral defects in the minister of baptism , a bar to the heavenly benefit thereof , which sentences we always so understand , as augustine understood in a case of like nature , the words of st. cyprian . when infants baptized , were , after their parents revolt , carried by them in arms to the stews of idols , those wretched creatures , as st. cyprian thought , were not onely their own ruine , but their childrens also : their children , whom this their apostasie prophaned , did lose what christian baptism had given them being newly born . they lost ( saith st. augustine ) the grace of baptism , if we consider to what their parents impiety did tend ; although the mercy of god preserved them , and will also in that dreadful day of account give them favorable audience , pleading in their own behalf : the harm of other mens perfidiousness , it lay not in us to avoid . after the same manner , whatsoever we read written , if it sound to the prejudice of baptism , through any either moral or ecclesiastical defect therein , we construe it , as equity and reason teacheth , with restraint to the offender onely ; which doth , as far as concerneth himself , and them which wittingly concur with him , make the sacrament of godfruitless . st. augustines doubtfulness , whether baptism by a lay man may stand , or ought to be readministred , should not be mentioned by them which presume to define peremptorily of that , wherein he was content to profess himself unresolved . albeit , in very truth , his opinion is plain enough ; but the manner of delivering his judgment being modest , they make of a vertue , an imbecillity , and impute his calmness of speech to an irresolution of minde . his disputation in that place , is against parmenian , which held , that a bishop , or a priest , if they fall into any heresie , do thereby lose the power which they had before to baptize ; and that therefore baptism by hereticks , is meerly void . for answer whereof , he first denieth , that heresie can more deprive men of power to baptize others , then it is of force to take from them their own baptism : and in the second place , he farther addeth , that if hereticks did lose the power which before was given them by ordination , and did therefore unlawfully usurp as oft as they took upon them to give the sacrament of baptism , it followeth not , that baptism , by them administred without authority , is no baptism . for then , what should we think of baptism by laymen , to whom authority was never given ? i doubt ( saith st. augustine ) whether any man which carrieth a vertuous and godly minde , will affirm , that the baptism which laymen do in case of necessity administer , should be iterated , for to do it unnecessarily , is to execute another mans office ; necessity urging , to do it is then either no fault at all ( much less so grievous a crime , that it should deserve to be termed by the name of sacriledge , ) or , if any , a very pardonable fault . but suppose it even of very purpose usurped and given unto any man , by every man that listeth ; yet that which is given , cannot possibly be denied to have been given , how truly soever we may say , it hath not been given lawfully . unlawful usurpation , a penitent affection must red●ess . if not , the thing that was given , shall remain to the hurt and detriment of him , which unlawfully either administred , or received the same ; yet so , that in this respect it ought not to be reputed , as if it had not at all been given . whereby we may plainly perceive , that st. augustine was not himself uncertain what to think , but doubtful , whether any well-minded man , in the whole world , could think otherwise then he did . their * argument taken from a stoin seal , may return to the place out of which they had it , for it helpeth their cause nothing . that which men give or grant to others , must appear to have proceeded of their own accord . this being manifest , their gifts and grants are thereby made effectual , both to bar themselves from revocation , and to assecure the right they have given . wherein , for further prevention of mischiefs that otherwise might grow by the malice , treachery , and fraud of men , it is both equal and meet , that the strength of mens deeds , and the instruments which declare the same , should strictly depend upon divers solemnities , whereof there cannot be the like reason in things that pass between god and us ; because sith we need not doubt , lest the treasures of his heavenly grace , should , without his consent , be past by forged conveyances ; nor lest he should deny at any time his own acts , and seek to revoke what hath been consented unto before : as there is no such fear of danger through deceit and falshood in this case , so neither hath the circumstance of mens persons that waight in baptism ; which for good and just considerations in the custody of seals of office , it ought to have . the grace of baptism cometh by donation from god alone : that god hath committed the ministery of baptism unto special men , it is for orders sake in his church , and not to the end , that their authority might give being , or add force to the sacrament it self . that infants have right to the sacrament in baptism , we all acknowledge . charge them we cannot , as guilful and wrongful possessors of that , whereunto they have right by the manifest will of the donor , and are not parties unto any defect or disorder in the manner of receiving the same . and if any such disorder be , we have sufficiently before declared , that delictum cum capite semper ambulat , mens own faults are their own harms . wherefore , to countervail this and the like mischosen resemblances , with that which more truly and plainly agreeth ; the ordinance of god , concerning their vocation that minister baptism , wherein the mystery of our regeneration is wrought , hath thereunto the same analogy , which laws of wedlock have to our first nativity and birth : so that if nature do effect procreation , notwithstanding the wicked violation and breach even of natures law , made that the entrance of all mankinde into this present world might be without blemish ; may we not justly presume , that grace doth accomplish the other , although there be faultiness in them that transgress the order which our lord jesus christ hath established in his church ? some light may be borrowed from circumcision , for explication of what is true in this question of baptism . seeing then , that even they which condemn zipporah the wife of moses , for taking upon her to circumcise her son , a thing necessary at that time for her to do , and as i think very hard to reprove in her , considering how moses , because himself had not done it sooner , was therefore stricken by the hand of god , neither could in that extremity perform the office ; whereupon , for the stay of gods indignation , there was no choice , but the action must needs fall into her hands ; whose fact therein , whether we interpret , as some have done , that being a midianite , and as yet not so throughly acquainted with the jewish rites , it much discontented her , to see her self , through her husbands oversight , in a matter of his own religion , brought unto these perplexities and straights ; that either she must now endure him perishing before her eyes , or else wound the flesh of her own childe ; which she could not do , but with seme indignation shewed , in that she fumingly , both threw down the foreskin at his feet , and upbraided him with the cruelty of his religion : or , if we better like to follow their more judicious exposition , which are not inclinable to think , that moses was matched like socrates , nor that circumcision could now in eleazar , be strange unto her , having had gersons her elder son before circumcised , nor that any occasion of ch●ler could rise from a spectacle of such misery , as doth a naturally move compassion , and not wrath ; nor that zipporah was so impious , as in the visible presence of gods deserved anger , to storm at the ordinance and law of god ; not that the words of the history it self , can inforce any such affection ; but do onely declare how after the act performed , she touched the feet of moses , saying , b sponsus tu mihi as sanguinum , thou art unto me an husband of blood ; which might be very well , the one done , and the other spoken , even out of the slowing abundance of commiseration and love , to signifie , with hands laid under his feet , that her tender affection towards him , had caused her thus to forget woman-hood , to lay all motherly affection aside , and to redeem her husband out of the hands of death , with effusion of blood : the sequel thereof , take it which way you will , is a plain argument , that god was satisfied with that she did , as may appeal by his own testimony , declaring , how there followed in the person of moses , present release of his grievous punishment upon her speedy discharge of that duty , which by him neglected , had offended god ; even , as after execution of justice by the hands of phineas , the plague was immediately taken away , which former impunity of sin had caused ; in which so manifest and plain cases , not to make that a reason of the event , which god himself hath set down as a reason , were falsly to accuse whom he doth justifie , and without any cause to traduce what we should allow ; yet seeing , they which will have it a breach of the law of god , for her to circumcise in that necessity , are not able to deny , but circumcision being in that very manner performed , was to the innocent childe which received it , true circumcision ; why should that defect , whereby circumcision was so little wealmed , be to baptism a deadly wound ? these premises therefore remaining , as hitherto they have been laid , because the commandment of our saviour christ , which committeth joyntly to publick ministers , both doctrine and baptism , doth no more , by linking them together , import , that the nature of the sacrament dependeth on the ministers authority and power to preach the word , then the force and vertue of the word doth on licence to give the sacrament ; and considering , that the work of external ministery in baptism , is onely a pre-eminence of honor , which they that take to themselves , and are not thereunto called as aaron was , do but themselves in their own persons , by means of such usurpation , incur the just blame of disobedience to the law of god ; father also , in as much as it standeth with no reason , that errors grounded on a wrong interpretation of other mens deeds , should make frustrate whatsoever is misconceived ; and that baptism by women , should cease to be baptism , as oft as any man will thereby gather , that children which die unbaptized are damned ; which opinion , if the act of baptism administred in such manner , did inforce , it might be sufficient cause of disliking the same , but none of defeating or making it altogether void : last of all , whereas general and full consent of the godly-learned in all ages , doth make for validity of baptism ; yea , albeit administred in private , and even by women ; which kinde of baptism , in case of necessity , divers reformed churches do both allow and defend ; some others which do not defend , tolerate ; few , in comparison , and they without any just cause , do utterly disannul and annihilate : surely , howsoever through defect on either side , the sacrament may be without fruit , as well in some cases to him which receiveth , as to him which giveth it ; yet no disability of either part can so far make it frustrate and without effect , as to deprive it of the very nature of true baptism , having all things else which the ordinance of christ requireth . whereupon we may consequently infer , that the administration of this , sacrament by private persons , be it lawful or unlawful , appeareth not as yet to be meerly void . . all that are of the race of christ , the scripture nameth them , children of the promise , which god hath made . the promise of eternal life , is the seed of the church of god. and because there is no attainment of life , but through the onely begotten son of god , nor by him otherwise then being such as the creed apostolick describeth ; it followeth , that the articles thereof , are principles necessary for all men to subscribe unto , whom by baptism the church receiveth into christs school . all points of christian doctrine are either demonstrable conclusions , or demonstrative principles . conclusions having strong and invincible proofs , as well in the school of jesus christ , as elswhere . and principles be grounds , which require no proof in any kinde of science , because it sufficeth , if either ther certainty be evident in it self , or evident by the light of some higher knowledge ; and in it self , such , as no mans knowledge is ever able to overthrow . now the principles whereupon we do build our souls , have their evidence where they had their original ; and as received from thence , we adore them , we hold them in reverend admiration , we neither argue nor dispute about them , we give unto them that assent which the oracles of god require . we are not therefore ashamed of the gospel of our lord jesus christ , because miscreants in scorn have upbraided us , that the highest point of our wisdom , is belief . that which is true , and neither can be disceined by sense , not concluded by meer natural principles , must have principles of revealed truth whereupon to build it self , and an habit of faith in us , wherewith principles of that kinde are apprehended . * the mysteries of our religion are above the reach of our understanding , above discourse of mans reason , above all that any creature can comprehend . therefore the first thing required of him , which standeth for admission into christs family , is belief . which belief consisteth not so much in knowledge , as in acknowledgment of all things that heavenly wisdom revealeth ; the affection of faith is above her reach , her love to god-ward above the comprehension which the hath of god. and because onely for believers all things may be done , he which is goodness it self , loveth them above all . deserve we then the love of god , because we believe in the son of god ? what more opposite then faith and pride ? when god had created all things , he looked upon them , and loved them , because they were all as himself had made them . so the true reason wherefore christ doth love believers , is , because their belief is the gift of god , a gift then which flesh and blood in this world cannot possibly receive a greater . and as to love them , of whom we receive good things , is duty , because they satisfie our desires in that which else we should want ; so to love them on whom we bestow , is nature , because in them we behold the effects of our own vertue . seeing therefore no religion enjoyeth sacraments , the signs of gods love , unless it have also that faith whereupon the sacraments are built , could there be any thing more convenient then that our first admittance to the actual receit of his grace in the sacrament of baptism , should be consecrated with profession of belief ; which is to the kingdom of god as a key , the want whereof excludeth infidels , both from that and from all other saving grace : we finde by experience , that although faith be an intellectual habit of the minde , and have her seat in the understanding , yet an evil moral disposition , obstinately wedded to the love of darkness , dampeth the very light of heavenly illumination , and permitteth not the minde to see what doth shine before it . men are lovers of pleasure , more then lovers of god. their assent to his saving truth , is many times with-held from it , not that the truth is too weak to perswade , but because the stream of corrupt affection carrieth them a clean contrary way . that the minde therefore may abide in the light of faith , there must abide in the will as constant a resolution to have no fellowship at all with the vanities and works of darkness . two covenants there are which christian men ( saith isidor ) do make in baptism , the one concerning relinquishment of satan , the other touching obedience to the faith of christ. in like sort st. ambrose , he which is baptized , forsaketh the intellectual pharaoh , the prince of this world , saying , abrenuncio ; thee , o satan , and thy angels , thy works and thy mandates , i forsake utterly . tertullian having speech of wicked spirits : these ( saith he ) are the angels which we in baptism renounce . a the declaration of iustin the martyr concerning baptism , sheweth how such as the church in those days did baptize , made profession of christian belief , and undertook to live accordingly . neither do i think it a matter easie for any man to prove , that ever baptism did use to be administred without interrogatories of these two kindes . whereunto b st. peter ( as it may be thought ) alluding , hath said , that the baptism which saveth us , is not ( as legal purifications were ) a cleansing of the flesh from outward impurity , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as interrogative tryal of a good conscience towards god. . now the fault which they finde with us concerning interrogatories , is , our moving of these questions unto infants which cannot answer them , and the answering of them by others as in their names . the anabaptist hath many pretences to scorn at the baptism of children : first , because the scriptures , he saith , do no where give commandment to baptize infants : secondly , for that , as there is no commandment , so neither any manifest example , shewing it to have been done either by christ , or his apostles : thirdly , in as much as the word preached , and the sacraments , must go together ; they which are not capable of the one , are no fit receivers of the other : last of all , sith the order of baptism continued from the first beginning , hath in it those things which are unfit to be applied unto sucking children ; it followeth in their conceit , that the baptism of such is no baptism , but plain mockery . they with whom we contend , are no enemies to the baptism of infants ; it is not their desire , that the church should hazard so many souls , by letting them run on till they come to ripeness of understanding , that so they may be converted , and then baptized , as infidels heretofore have been ; they bear not towards god so unthankful mindes , as not to acknowledge it even amongst the greatest of his endless mercies , that by making us his own possession so soon , many advantages which satan otherwise might take are prevented , and ( which should be esteemed a part of no small happiness ) the first thing whereof we have occasion to take notice , is , how much hath been done already to our great good , though altogether without our knowledge : the baptism of infants , they esteem as an ordinance which christ hath instituted , even in special love and favor to his own people : they deny not the practice thereof accordingly to have been kept , as derived from the hands , and continued from the days of the apostles themselves unto this present ; onely it pleaseth them not , that to infants there should be interrogatories proposed in baptism . this they condemn as foolish , toyish , and profane mockery : but are they able to shew , that ever the church of christ had any publick form of baptism without interrogatories ; or , that the church did ever use at the solemn baptism of infants , to omit those questions as needless in this case ? * ioniface , a bishop in st. augustines time , knowing , that the church did universally use this custom of baptising infants with interrogatories , was desirous to learn from st. augustine , the true cause and reason thereof . if ( saith he ) i should see before thee a young infant , and should ask of thee , whether that infant when he cometh unto riper age , will be honest and just , or no ; thou wouldst answer ( i know ) that to tell in these things what shall come to pass , is not in the power of mortal man. if i should ask , what good or evil such an infant thinketh ? thine answer hereunto must needs be again with the like uncertainty . if them neither canst promise for the time to come , nor for the present pronounce any thing in this case ; how is it , that when such are brought unto baptism , their parents there undertake what the childe shall afterwards do ? yea , they are not doubtful to say , it doth that which is impossible to be done by infants . at the least there is no man precisely able to affirm it done . vonchsafe me hereunto some short answer , such as not onely may press me with the bare authority of custom , but also instruct me in the cause thereof . touching which difficulty , whether it may truly be said for infants , at the time of their baptism , that they do believe ; the effect of st. angustines answer is , yea , but with this distinction , a present actual habit of faith there is not in them ; there is delivered unto them that sacrament , a part of the due celebration whereof consisting in answering to the articles of faith , because the habit of faith , which afterwards doth come with years , is but a farther building up of the same edifice , the first foundation whereof was laid by the sacrament of baptism . for that which there we professed without any understanding , when we afterwards come to acknowledge , do we any thing else , but onely bring unto ripeness , the very seed that was sown before ? we are then believers , because then we begun to be that which process of time doth make perfect . and till we come to actual belief , the very sacrament of faith is a shield as strong as after this the faith of the sacrament against all contrary internal powers . which , whosoever doth think impossible , is undoubtedly farther off from christian belief , though he be baptized , then are these innocents , which at their baptism , albeit they have no conceit cogitation of faith , are notwithstanding pure , and free from all opposite cogitations , whereas the other is not free . if therefore without any fear or scruple , we may account them , and term them believers onely for their outward professions sake , which inwardly are farther from faith then infants , why not infants much more at the time of their solemn initiation by baptism , the sacrament of faith , whereunto they not onely conceive nothing opposite , but have also that a grace given them , which is the first and most effectual cause out of which our belief groweth ? in sum , the whole church is a multitude of believers , all honored with that title , even hypocrites for their professions sake , as well as saints , because of their inward sincere perswasion , and infants as being in the first degree of their ghostly motions towards the actual habit of faith ; the first sort are faithful in the eye of the world ; the second faithful in the sight of god ; the last in the ready direct way to become both , if all things after be suitable to these their present beginnings . this ( saith st. augustine ) would not happily content such persons , as are uncapable or unquiet ; but to them which having knowledge , are not troublesome , it may suffice . wherein i have not for case of my self objected against you that custom onely , then which , nothing is more from ; but of a custom most profitable , i have done that little which i could , ●● yield you a reasonable cause . were st. augustine now living , there are which would tell him for his better instruction , that to say b of a childe , it is elect , and to say it , doth believe , are all one ; for which cause , sith no man is able precisely to affirm the one of any infant in particular , it followeth , that precisely and absolutely we ought not to say the other . which precise and absolute terms , are needless in this case . we speak of infants , as the rule of piety alloweth both to speak and think . they that can take to themselves , in ordinary talk , a charitable kinde of liberty to name men of their own sort , gods dear children ( notwithstanding the large reign of of hyprocrisie ) should not methinks be so strict and rigorous against the church for presuming as it doth , of a christian innocent . for when we know how christ is general hath said , that of such is the kingdom of heaven , which kingdom is the inheritance of gods elect ; and do withal behold , how his providence hath called them unto the first beginnings of eternal life , and presented them at the well-spring of new-birth , wherein original sin is purged ; besides which sin , there is no hinderance of their salvation known to us , as themselves will grant ; hard it were , that loving so many fair inducements whereupon to ground , we should not be thought to utter , at the least , a truth as probable and allowable in terming any such particular infant an elect babe , as in presuming c the like of others , whose safety nevertheless we are not absolutely able to warrant . if any troubled with these seruples , be onely for instructions sake , desirous to know yet some farther reason , why interrogatories should be ministred to infants in baptism , and be answered unto by others , as in their names ; they may consider , that baptism implieth a covenant or league between god and man , wherein as god doth bestow presently remission of sins and the holy ghost , hinding also himself to add in process of time , what grace soever shall be farther necessary for the attainment of everlasting life ; so every baptized soul receiving the same grace at the hands of god , tieth likewise it self for ever to the observation of his law , no less then the jews d by circumcision bound themselves to the law of moses . the law of christ requiring therefore faith and newness of life in all men , by vertue of the covenant which they make in baptism , is it toyish , that the church in baptism exacteth at every mans hands an express profession of faith , and an inevocable promise of obedience by way of e solemn stipulation ? that infants may contract and covenant with god , f the law is plain . neither is the reason of the law obscure : for sith it rendeth , we cannot sufficiently express how much , to their own good , and doth no way hurt or endanger them to begin the race of their lives herewith ; they are , as equity requireth , admitted hereunto , and in favor of their tender years , such formal complements of stipulation , as being requisite , are impossible by themselves in their own persons to be performed , leave is given , that they may & sufficiently discharge by others . albeit therefore , neither deaf , nor dumb men , neither surious persons , nor children , can receive any civil stipulation ; yet this kinde of ghostly stipulation they may through his indulgence , who respecting the singular benefit thereof ; accepteth children brought unto him for that end , entrech into articles of covenant with them , and in tender commiseration , granteth that other mens professions and promises in baptism made for them , shall avail no less , then if they had been themselves , able to have made their own . none more fit to undertake this office in their behalf , then such as present them unto baptism . a wrong conceit , that none may receive the sacrament of baptism , but they whose parents , at the least the one of them , are by the soundness of their religion , and by their vertuous demeanor , known to be men of god , hath caused some to repel children whosoever bring them , if their parents be mis-perswaded in religion , or sot other mis-deserts ex-communicated ; some likewise for that cause to withhold baptism , unless the father , albeit no such exception can justly be taken against him , do notwithstanding make profession of his faith , and avouch the childe to be his own . thus whereas god hath appointed them ministers of holy things , they make themselves inquisitors of mens persons , a great deal farther then need is . they should consider , that god hath ordained baptism in favor of mankinde . to restrain favors is an odious thing , to enlarge them , acceptable both to god and man : whereas therefore the civil law gave divers immunities to them which were fathers of three children , and had them living ; those immunities they held , although their children were all dead , if war had consumed them , because it seemed in that case not against reason , to repute them by a courteous construction of law as live men , in that the honor of their service done to the commonwealth would remain always . can it hurt us , in exhibiting the graces which god doth bestow on men ; or can it prejudice his glory , if the self-same equity guide and direct our hands ? when god made his covenant with such as had abraham to their father , was onely abrahams immediate issue , or onely his lineal posterity according to the flesh , included in that covenant ? were not proselytes as well as jews , always taken for the sons of abraham ? yea , because the very heads of families are fathers in some sort , as touching providence and care for the meanest that belong unto them ; the servants which abraham had bought with money , were as capable of circumcision , being newly born , as any natural childe that abraham himself begat . be it then , that baptism belongeth to none , but such as either believe presently , or else being infants , are the children of believing parents ; in case the church do bring children to the holy font , whose natural parents are either unknown , or known to be such as the church accurseth , but yet forgetteth not in that severity , to take compassion upon their off-spring , ( for it is the church which doth offer them to baptism by the ministry of presenters ) were it not against both equity and duty to refuse the mother of believers her self , and not to take her in this case for a faithful parent ? it is not the vertue of our fathers , nor the faith of any other that can give us the true holiness which we have by vertue of our new birth . yet even through the common faith and spirit of gods church ( a thing which no quality of parents can prejudice ) i say , through the faith of the church of god , undertaking the motherly care of oursouls , so far forth we may be , and are in our infancy sanctified , as to be thereby made sufficiently capable of baptism , and to be interessed in the rites of our new birth for their pieties sake that offer us thereunto . it cometh sometime to pass ( saith st. augustine ) that the children of bond-slaves are brought to baptism by their lord ; sometime the parents being dead , the friends alive undertake that office , sometime stangers or virgins consecrated unto god , which neither have , nor can have children of their own , take up infants in the open streets , and so offer them unto baptism , whom the cruelty of unnatural parents casteth out , and leaveth to the adventure of uncertain pity . as therefore he which did the part of a neighbor , was a neighbor to that wounded man whom the parable of the gospel describeth ; so they are fathers , although strangers , that bring infants to him which maketh them the sons of god. in the phrase of some kinde of men , they use to be termed witnesses , as if they came but to see and testifie what is done . it savoreth more of piety to give them their old accustomed name of fathers and mothers in god , whereby they are well put in minde what affection they ought to bear towards those innocents , for whose religious education , the church accepteth them as pledges . this therefore is their own duty : but because the answer which they make to the usual demands of stipulation proposed in baptism , is not their own ; the church doth best to receive it of them , in that form which best sheweth whose the act is . that which a guardian doth in the name of his guard or pupil , standeth by natural equity forcible for his benefit , though it be done without his knowledge . and shall we judge it a thing unreasonable , or in any respect unfit , that infants by words which others utter , should , though unwittingly , yet truly and forcibly , binde themselves to that whereby their estate is so assuredly bettered ? herewith nestorius a the heretick was charged , as having faln from his first profession , and broken the promise which he made to god in the arms of others . of such as profaned themselves , being christians , with irreligious delight in the ensigns of idolatry , heathenish spectacles , shows , and stage-plays , b tertullian to strike them the more deep , claimeth the promise which they made in baptism . why were they dumb , being thus challenged ? wherefore stood they not up to answer in their own defence , that such professions and promises made in their names , were frivolous ; that all which others undertook for them , was but mockery and profanation ? that which no heretick , no wicked liver , no impious despiset of god , no miscreant or malefactor , which had himself been baptized , was ever so desperate as to disgorge in contempt of so fruitfully received customs , is now their voice that restore , as they say , the ancient purity of religion . . in baptism many things of very ancient continuance are now quite and clean abolished ; for that the vertue and grace of this sacrament had been therewith over-shadowed , as fruit with too great abundance of leaves . notwithstanding to them , which think that always imperfect reformation , that doth but shear and not flea ; our retaining certain of those former rites , especially the dangerous sign of the cross , hath seemed almost an impardonable oversight . the cross ( they say ) sith it is but a meer invention of man , should not therefore at all have been added to the sacrament of baptism . to sign childrens foreheads with a cross , in token that hereafter they shall not be ashamed to make profession of the faith of christ , is to bring into the church a new word , whereas there ought to be no doctor heard in the church but our saviour christ. that reason which moved the fathers to use , should move us not to use the sign of the cross. they lived with heathens which had the cross of christ in contempt , we with such as adore the cross ; and therefore we ought to abandon it , even as , in like consideration , ezekias did of old the brazen serpent . these are the causes of displeasure conceived against the cross ; a ceremony , the use whereof hath been profitable , although we observe it not as the ordinance of god , but of men. for ( saith tertullian ) if of this and the like customs , thou shouldst require some commandment to be shewed thee out of scriptures , there is none found . what reason there is to justifie tradition , life , or custom in this behalf , either thou maist of thy self perceive , or else learn of some other that doth . lest therefore the name of tradition should be offensive to any , considering how far by some it hath been , and is abused , we mean by c traditions , or ordinances made in the prime of christian religion , established with that authority which christ hath left to his church for matters indifferent ; and in that consideration requisite to be observed , till like authority see just and reasonable cause to alter them . so that traditions ecclesiastical are not rudely and in gross to be shaken off , because the inventors of them were men . such as say , they allow no d invention of men to be mingled with the outward administration of sacraments ; and under that pretence , condemn our using the sign of the cross , have belike some special dispensation themselves to violate their own rules . for neither can they indeed decently , nor do they ever baptize any without manifest breach of this their profound axiom , that mens inventions should not be mingled with sacraments and institutions of god. they seem to like very well in baptism , the custom of god-fathers , because so generally the churches have received it . which custom , being of god no more instituted then the other ( howsoever they pretend the other hurtful , and this profitable ) it followeth , that even in their own opinion , if their words do shew their mindes , there is no necessity of stripping sacraments out of all such attire of ceremonies , as mans wisdom hath at any time cloathed them withal ; and consequently , that either they must reform their speech as over-general , or else condemn their own practice as unlawful . ceremonies have more in weight then in sight ; they work by commonness of use much , although in the several acts of their usage , we scarcely discern any good they do . and because the use which they have for the most part , is not perfectly understood , superstition is apt to impute unto them greater vertue then indeed they have . for prevention whereof , when we use this ceremony we always plainly express the end whereunto it serveth , namely , for a sign of remembrance to put us in minde of our duty . but by this mean , they say , we make it a great deal worse . for why ? seeing god hath no where commanded to draw two lines in token of the duty which we ow to christ , our practice with this exposition publisheth a new gospel , and causeth another word to have place in the church of christ , where no voice ought to be heard but his . by which good reason the authors of those grave admonitions to the parliament are well-holpen up , which held , that sitting at communions , betokeneth rest and full accomplishment of legal ceremonies in our saviour christ. for although it be the word of god , that such ceremonies are expired ; yet seeing it is not the word of god , that men to signifie so much should sit at the table of our lord ; these have their doom as well as others , guilty of a new devised gospel in the church of christ. which strange imagination is begotten of a special dislike they have to hear , that ceremonies now in use , should be thought significant ; whereas , in truth , such as are not significant must needs be vain . ceremonies destitute of signification , are no better then the idle gestures of men , whose broken wits are not masters of what they do . for if we look but into secular and civil complements , what other cause can there possibly be given why to omit them , where of course they are looked for ; for where they are not so due , to use them , bringeth mens secret intents often-times into great jealousie : i would know , i say , what reason we are able to yield , why things so light in their own nature should weigh in the opinions of men so much , saving onely in regard of that which they use to signifie or betoken ? doth not our lord jesus christ * himself impute the omission of some courteous ceremonies , even in domestical entertainment , to a colder degree of loving affection , and take the contrary in better part , not so much respecting what was less done , as what was signified less by the one , then by the other ? for , to that very end , he referreth in part those gracious expostulations , simon , seest thou this woman ? since i entred unto thine house , thou gavest me no water for my feet ; but she hath washed my seet with tears , and wiped them with the hairs of her head : thou gavest me no kiss , but this woman since the time i came in , hath not ceased to kiss my feet : mine head with oyl , thou didst not anoint , but this woman hath anointed my feet with oynment . wherefore as the usual dumb ceremonies of common life are in request or dislike , according to that they import ; even so religion , having likewise her silent rites , the chiefest rule whereby to judge of their quality , is that which they mean or betoken . for if they signifie good things ( as somewhat they must of necessity signifie , because it is of their very nature to be signs of intimation , presenting both themselves unto outward sense , and besides themselves some other thing , to the understanding of beholders ) unless they be either greatly mischosen to signifie the same , or else applied where that which they signifie , agreeth not , there is no cause of exception against them , as against evil and unlawful ceremonies , much less of excepting against them onely , in that they are not without sense . and if every religious ceremony which hath been invented of men , to signifie any thing that god himself alloweth , were the publication of another gospel in the church of christ ; seeing that no christian church in the world , is , or can be , without continual use of some ceremonies which men have instituted , and that to signifie good things ( unless they be vain and frivolous ceremonies ; ) it would follow , that the world hath no christian church which doth not daily proclaim new gospels ; a sequel , the manifest absurdity whereof argueth the rawness of that supposal , cut of which it groweth . now the a cause why antiquity did the more , in actions of common life , honor the ceremony of the cross , might be , for that they lived with infidels . but that which they did in the sacrament of baptism , was for the self-same good of believers which is thereby intended still . the cross is for us an admonition no less necessary then for them , to glory in the service of jesus christ , and not to hang down our heads as men ashamed thereof , although it procure us reproach and obloquy at the hands of this wretched world. shame , is a kinde of fear to incur disgrace and ignominy . now whereas some things are worthy of reproach , some things ignominious onely through a false opinion which men have conceived of them ; nature that generally feareth opprobtious reprehension , must by reason and religion , be b taught what it should be ashamed of , and what not . but be we never so well instructed what our duty is in this behalf , without some present admonition at the very instant of practise , what we know is many times not called to minde , till that be done whereupon our just confusion ensueth . to supply the absence of such , as that way might do us good , when they see us in danger of sliding ; there are c judicious and wise men which think , we may greatly relieve our selves by a bare imagined presence of some , whose authority we fear , and would be loath to offend , if indeed they were present with us . witnesses at hand , are a bridle unto many offences . let the minde have always some whom it feareth , some whose authority may keep even secret thoughts under aw . take cato or , if he be too harsh and rugged , chuse some other of a softer mettal , whose gravity of life and speech thou lovest , his minde and countenance carry with thee , set him always before thine eyes , either as a watch , or as a pattern . that which is crooked , we cannot streighten but by some such level . if men of so good experience and insight in the maims of our weak flesh , have thought these fancied remembrances available to awaken shamefastness , that so the boldness of sin may be staid ere it look abroad ; surely , the wisdom of the church of christ , which hath so that use , converted the ceremony of the cross in baptism , it is no christian mans part to despise ; especially seeing that by this mean , where nature doth earnestly import aid , religion yieldeth her that ready assistance , then which there can be no help more forcible , serving onely to relieve memory , and to bring to our cogitation , that which should most make ashamed of sin . the minde while we are in this present life d , whether it contemplate , meditate , deliberate , or howsoever exercise it self , worketh nothing without continual recourse unto imagination , the onely store-house of wit , and peculiar chair of memory . on this anvile it ceaseth not day and night to strike , by means whereof , as the pulse declareth how the heart doth work , so the very e thoughts and cogitations of mans minde , be they good or bad , do no where sooner bewray themselves , then through the crevesses of that wall wherewith nature hath compasied the cells and closets of fancy . in the forehead nothing more plain to be seen , then the fear of contumely and disgrace . for which cause , the scripture ( as with great probability it may be thought ) describeth them marked of god in the forehead , whom his mercy hath undertaken to keep from final confusion and shame . not that god doth set any corporal mark on his chosen , but to note , that he giveth his elect security of preservation from reproach , the fear whereof doth use shew it self in that part . shall i say , that the sign of the cross ( as we use it ) is in some sort a mean to work our a preservation from reproach ? surely , the minde which as yet hath not hardned it self in sin , is seldom provoked thereunto in any gross and grievous manner , but natures secret suggestion objected against it ignominy as a bar . which conceit being entred into that palace of mans fancy , the gates whereof , have imprinted in them that holy sign which bringeth fortwith to minde , whatsoever christ hath wrought , and we vowed against sin ; it cometh hereby to pass , that christian men never want a most effectual , though a silent teacher , to avoid whatsoever may deservedly procure shame . so that in things which we should be ashamed of , we are by the cross admonished faithfully of our duty , at the very moment when admonition doth most need . other things there are which deserve honor , and yet do purchase many times our disgrace in this present world , as of old , the very truth of religion it self , till god by his own out-stretched arm made the glory thereof to shine over all the earth . whereupon st. cyprian exhorting to ma●tyrdom in times of heathenish persecution and cruelty , thought it not vain to alledge unto them , with other arguments , the very ceremony of that cross whereof we speak . never let that hand offer sacrifice to idols , which hath already received the body of our saviour christ , and shall hereafter the crown of his glory ; arm your foreheads unto all boldness ● that the sign of god may be kept safe . again , when it pleased god , that the fury of their enemies being bridled , the church had some little rest and quietness , ( if so small a liberty , but onely to breathe between troubles , may be termed quietness and rest ) to such as fell not away from christ , through former persecutions , he giveth due and deserved praise in the self-same manner . you that were ready to endure imprisonment , and were resolute to suffer death ; you that have couragiously withstood the world , ye have made your selves both a glorious spectacle for god to behold , and a worthy example for the rest of your brethren to follow . those mouths which had sanctified themselves with food , coming down from heaven , leashed after christ own body and blood , to taste the poysoned and contagious scraps of idols ; those foreheads which the sign of god had purified , kept themselves to be crowned by him , the touch of the garlands of satan , they abhorred . thus was the memory of that sign which they had in baptism , a kinde of bar or prevention to keep them even from apostasie , whereunto the frailty of flesh and blood , over-much fearing to endure shame , might peradventure the more easily otherwise have drawn them . we have not now , through the gracious goodness of almighty god , those extream conflicts which our fathers had with blasphemous contumelies , every where offered to the name of christ , by such as professed themselves infidels and unbelievers . howbeit , unless we be strangers to the age wherein we live , or else in some partial respect , dissemblers of that we hourly both hear and see ; there is not the simplest of us , but knoweth with what disdain and scorn christ is dishonored far and wide . is there any burden in the world , more heavy to bear then contempt ? is there any contempt that grieveth as theirs doth , whose quality no way making them less worthy then others are , of reputation ; onely the service which they do to christ in the daily exercise of religion , treadeth them down ? doth any contumely , which we sustain for religion sake , pierce so deeply as that which would seem of meer conscience religiously spightful ? when they that honor god , are despised ; when the chiefest service of honor that man can do unto him , is the cause why they are despised ; when they which pretend to honor him , and that with greatest sincerity , do with more then heathenish petulancy trample under foot almost whatsoever , either we , or the whole church of god , by the space of so many ages , have been accustomed unto , for the comlier and better exercise of our religion , according to the soundest rules that wisdom directed by the word of god , and by long experience confirmed , hath been able with common advice , with much deliberation and exceeding great diligence , to comprehend ; when no man fighting under christs banner , can be always exempted from seeing , or sustaining those indignities ; the sting whereof not to feel , or feeling , not to be moved thereat , is a thing impossible to flesh and blood : if this be any object for patience to work on , the strictest bond that thereunto tieth us , is our vowed obedience to christ ; the solemnest vow that we ever made to obey christ , and to suffer willingly all reproaches for his sake , was made in baptism : and amongst other memorials to keep us mindful of that vow , we cannot think , that the sign which our new baptized fore-heads cïd there receive , is either unfit or unforcible ; the reasons hitherto alledged , being weighed with indifferent ballance . it is not ( you will say ) the cross in our fore-heads , but in our hearts the faith of christ , that ameth us with patience , constancy , and courage . which as we grant to be most true , so neither dare we despise , no not the meanest helps that serve , though it be but in the very lowest degree of furtherance , towards the highest services that god doth require at our hands . and if any man deny , that such ceremonies are available , at the least , as memorials of duty ; or do think that himself hath no need to be so put in minde , what our duties are ; it is but reasonable , that in the one , the publick experience of the world over-weigh some few mens perswasion ; and in the other , the rare perfection of a few condescend unto common imbecillity . seeing therefore , that in fear shame , which doth worthily follow sin , and to bear undeserved reproach constantly , is the general duty of all men professing christianity ; seeing also , that our weakness , while we are in this present world , doth need towards spiritual duties , the help even of corporal furtherance ; and that by reason of natural intercourse between the highest and the lowest powers of mans minde in all actions , his fancy or imagination , carrying in it that special note of remembrance , then which , there is nothing more forcible , where either too weak , or too strong a conceit of infamy and disgrace might do great harm , standeth always ready to put forth a kinde of necessary helping hand ; we are in that respect to acknowledge the a good and profitable use of this ceremony , and not to think it supersluous , that christ hath his mark applied b unto that part where bashfulness appeareth , in token that they which are christians should be at no time ashamed of his ignominy . but to prevent some inconveniencies which might ensue , if the over-ordinary use thereof ( as it fareth with such rites , when they are too common ) should cause it to be of less observation or regard , where it most availeth ; we neither omit it in that place , nor altogether make it so vulgar , as the custom heretofore hath been : although to condemn the whole church of god , when it most flourished in zeal and piety , to mark that age with the brand of error and superstition , onely because they had this ceremony more in use , then we now think needful ; boldly to affirm , that this their practice grew so soon , through a fearful malediction of god , upon the ceremony of the cross , as if we knew , that his purpose was thereby to make it manifest in all mens eyes , how execrable those things are in his sight which have proceeded from humane invention , is , as we take it , a censure of greater zeal then knowledge . men whose judgments in these cases are grown more moderate , although they retain not as we do the use of this ceremony , perceive notwithstanding very well , such censures to be out of square ; and do therefore not onely c acquit the fathers from superstition therein , but also think it sufficient to answer in excuse of themselves , d the ceremony which was but a thing indifferent even of old , we judge not at this day , a matter necessary for all christian men to observe . as for their last upshot of all towards this mark , they are of opinion , that if the ancient christians , to deliver the cross of christ from contempt , did well , and with good consideration , use often the sign of the cross , in testimony of their faith and profession , before infidels which upbraided them with christs sufferings ; now that we live with such as contrariwise adore the sign of the cross ( because contrary diseases should always have contrary remedies ) we ought to take away all use thereof . in which conceipt , they both ways greatly seduce themselves ; first , for that they imagine the fathers to have had no use of the cross , but with reference unto infidels , which mis-perswasion we have before discovered at large ; and secondly , by reason that they think there is not any other way besides universal extirpation to reform superstitious abuses of the cross. wherein , because there are that stand very much upon the example of ezechias , as if his breaking to pieces that serpent of brass , whereunto the children of israel had burnt incense , did enforce the utter abolition of this ceremony ; the fact of that vertuous prince , is by so much the more attentively to be considered . our lives in this world , are partly guided by rules , and partly directed by examples . to conclude , out of general rules and axioms , by discourse of wit , our duties in every particular action , is both troublesome , and many times so full of difficulty , that it maketh diliberations hard and tedious to the wisest men . whereupon we naturally all incline to observe examples , to mark what others have done before us , and in favor of our own ease , rather to follow them , then to enter into new consultation ; if in regard of their vertue and wisdom , we may but probably think they have waded without error . so that the willingness of men to be led by example of others , both discovereth and helpeth the imbecillity of our judgment . because it doth the one , therefore insolent and proud wits would always seem to be their own guides ; and , because it doth the other , we see how hardly the vulgar sort is drawn unto any thing , for which there are not as well examples as reasons alledged . reasons proving that which is more particular by things more general and farther from sense , are with the simpler sort of men less trusted , for that they doubt of their own judgment in those things ; but of examples which prove unto them , one doubtful particular by another , more familiarly and sensibly known , they easily perceive in themselves some better ability to judge . the force of examples therefore is great , when in matter of action , being doubtful what to do , we are informed what others have commendably done , whose deliberations were like . but whosoever doth perswade by example , must as well respect the fitness , as the goodness of that he alledgeth . to ezechias , god himself in this fact , giveth testimony of well-doing . so that nothing is here questionable , but onely whether the example alledged , be pertinent , pregnant , and strong . the serpent spoken of , was first erected for the extraordinary and miraculous cure of the israelites in the desart . this use having presently an end , when the cause , for which god ordained it , was once removed ; the thing it self they notwithstanding kept for a monument of gods mercy , as in like consideration they did the pot of manna , the rod of aaron , and the sword which david took from goliah . in process of time , they made of a monument of divine power a plain idol , they burnt incense before it contrary to the law of god , and did it the services of honor due unto god onely . which gross and grievous abuse , continued till ezekias restoring the purity of sound religion , destroyed utterly that which had been so long and so generally a snare unto them . it is not amiss , which the canon law hereupon concludeth , namely , that if our predecessors have done some things which at that time might be without fault , and afterward be turned to error and superstition ; we are taught by ezechias breaking the brazen serpent , that posterity may destroy them without any delay , and with great authority . but may it be simply and without exception hereby gathered , that posterity is bound to destroy whatsoever hath been , either at the first invented , or but afterwards turned to like superstition and error ? no , it cannot be . the serpent therefore , and the sign of the cross , although seeming equal in this point , that superstition hath abused both ; yet being herein also unequal , that neither they have been both subject to the like degree of abuse , nor were in hardness of redress alike , it may be , that even as the one for abuse was religiously taken away ; so now , when religion hath taken away abuse from the other ; we should by utter abolition thereof , deserve hardly his commendation , whose example there is offered us no such necessary cause to follow . for by the words of ezechias , in terming the serpent but a lump of brass , to shew , that the best thing in it now , was the metal or matter whereof is consisted ; we may probably conjecture , that the people whose error is therein controlled , had the self-same opinion of it , which the heathens had of idols , they thought that the power of deity was with it ; and when they saw it dissolved , haply they might , to comfort themselves , imagine as olympius the sophister did , beholding the dissipation of idols , shapes and counterseits they were , fashioned of matter subject unto corruption , therefore to grind them to dust was easie ; but those celestial powers which dwelt and resided in them , are ascended into heaven . some difference there is between these opinions of palpable idolatry , and that which the schools in speculation have boulted out concerning the cross. notwithstanding , for as much as the church of rome hath hitherto practised , and doth profess the same adoration to the sign of the cross , and neither less nor other , then is due unto christ himself ; howsoever they varnish and qualifie their sentence , pretending , that the cross , which to outward sense , presenteth visibly it self alone , is not by them apprehended alone , but hath , in their secret surmise or conceit , a reference to the person of our lord jesus christ ; so that the honor which they joyntly do to both , respecteth principally his person , and the cross but onely for his persons sake ; the people not accustomed to trouble their wits with so nice and subtle differences in the exercise of religion , are apparently no less ensnared by adoring the cross , then the jews by burning intense to the brazen serpent . it is by thomas ingenuously granted , that because unto reasonable creatures , a kinde of reverence is due for the excellency which is in them , and whereby they resemble god ; therefore , if reasonable creatures , angels , or men , should receive at our hands , holy and divine honor , as the sign of the cross doth at theirs , to pretend , that we honor not them alone , but we honor god with them ; would not serve the turn , neither would this be able to prevent the error of men , or cause them always to respect god in their adorations , and not to finish their intents in the object next before them . but unto this he addeth , that no such error can grow , by adoring in that sort a dead image , which every man knoweth to be void of excellency in it self , and therefore will easily conceive , that the honor done unto it , hath an higher reference . howbeit , seeing that we have by over-true experience , been taught how often , especially in these cases , the light even of common understanding faileth ; surely , their usual adoration of the cross is not hereby freed . for in actions of this kinde , we are more to respect , what the greatest part of men is commonly prone to conceive , then what some few mens wits may devise in construction of their own particular meanings . plain it is , that a false opinion of some personal divine excellency to be in those things , which either nature or art hath framed , causeth always religious adoration . and as plain , that the like adoration applied unto things sensible , argueth to vulgar capacities , yea , leaveth imprinted in them the very same opinion of deity , from whence all idolatrous worship groweth . yea , the meaner and baser a thing worshipped , is in it self , the more they incline to think , that every man which doth adore it , knoweth there is in it , or with it , a presence of divine power . be it therefore true , that crosses purposely framed or used for receipt of divine honor , be even as scandalous as the brazen serpent it self , where they are in such sort adored ; should we hereupon think our selves in the sight of god , and in conscience charged to abolish utterly the very ceremony of the cross , neither meant at the first , nor now converted unto any such offensive purpose ? did the jews which could never be perswaded to admit in the city of ierusalem , that a image of caesar which the romans were accustomed to b adore , make any scruple of caesars image in the coyn , which they knew very well that men were not wont to worship ? between the cross which superstition honoreth as christ , and that ceremony of the cross , which serveth onely for a sign of remembrance ; c there is as plain and as great a difference , as between those d brazen images which solomon made to beat up the cestern of the temple , and ( sith both were of like shape , but of unlike use ) e that which the israelites in the wilderness did adore ; or between the f altars which iosias destroyed , because they were instruments of meet idolatry , and g that which the tribe of reuben , with others erected near to the river iordan ; for which also they grew at the first into some dislike , and were by the rest of their brethren suspected , yea , hardly charged with open breach of the law of god , accused of backwardness in religion , up braiced bitterly with the fact of peor , and the odious example of athan ; as if the building of their altar in that place had given manifest shew of no better , then intended apostasie , till by a true declaration made in their own defence , it appeared , that such as misliked , mis-understood their enterprize , in as much as they had no intent to build any altar for sacrifice , which god would have no where offered saving in ierusalem onely , but to a far other end and purpose , which being opened , satisfied all parties , and so delivered them from causeless blame . in this particular , suppose the worst ; imagine that the immaterial ceremony of the cross , had been the subject of as gross pollution as any heathenish or prophane idol . if we think the example of ezechias a proof , that things which error and superstition hath abused , may in no consideration be tolerated , although we presently finde them not subject to so vile abuse , the plain example of ezechias proveth the contrary . the temples and idols , which under solomon had been of very purpose framed for the honor of foreign gods , ezechias destroyed not ; because they stood as forlorn things , and did now no harm , although formerly they had done harm . iosias , for some inconvenience afterwards , razed them up . yet to both , there is one commendation given , even from god himself , that touching matter of religion , they walked in the steps of david , and did no way displease god. perhaps it seemeth , that by force and vertue of this example , although it bare detestation and hatred of idolatry , all things which have been at any time worshipped , are not necessarily to be taken out of the world ; nevertheless , for remedy and prevention of so great offences , wisdom should judge it the safest course to remove altogether from the eyes of men , that which may put them in minde of evil . some kindes of evil , no doubt , there are very quick in working on those affections that most easily take fire , which evils should in that respect , no oftner then need requireth , be brought in presence of weak mindes . but neither is the cross any such evil , nor yet the brazen serpent it self so strongly poysoned , that our eyes , ears , and thoughts , ought to shun them both , for fear of some deadly harm to ensue , the onely representation thereof , by gesture , shape , sound , or such like significant means . and for mine own part , i most assuredly perswade my self , that had ezechias ( till the days of whose most vertuous reign , they ceased not continually to burn incense to the brazen serpent ) had he found the serpent , though sometime adored , yet at that time recovered from the evil of so gross abuse , and reduced to the same that was before in the time of david , at which time they esteemed it onely as a memorial , sign , or monument of gods miraculous goodness towards them , even as we in no other sort esteem the ceremony of the cross ; the due consideration of an use so harmless , common to both , might no less have wrought their equal preservation , then different occasions have procured , notwithstanding the ones extinguishment , the others lawful continuance . in all perswasions , which ground themselves upon example , we are not so much to respect what is done , as the causes and secret inducements leading thereunto . the question being therefore , whether this ceremony supposed to have been sometimes scandalous and offensive , ought for that cause to be now removed ; there is no reason we should forthwith yield our selves to be carried away with example , no not of them , whose acts , the highest judgment approveth for having reformed in that manner , any publick evil : but before we either attempt any thing , or resolve , the state and condition as well of our own affairs as theirs , whose example presseth us , is advisedly to be examined ; because some things are of their own nature scandalous , and cannot chuse but breed offence , as those sinks of execrable filth which iosias did overwhelm ; some things , albeit not by nature , and of themselves , are notwithstanding so generally turned to evil , by reason of an evil corrupt habit grown , and through long continuance incurably setled in the mindes of the greatest part , that no red●ess can be well hoped for , without removal of that wherein they have ruined themselves , which plainly was the state of the jewish people , and the cause why ezechias did with such sudden indignation destroy what he saw worshipped ; finally , some things are as the sign of the cross , though subject either almost or altogether to as great abuse , yet curable with more facility and ease . and to speak as the truth is , our very nature doth hardly yield to destroy that which may be fruitfully kept , and without any great difficulty , clean scouted from the rust of evil , which by some accident hath grown into it . wherefore to that which they build in this question upon the example of ezechias , let this suffice . when heathens despised christian religion , because of the sufferings of jesus christ , the fathers , to testifie how little such contumelies and contempts prevailed with them , chose rather the sign of the cross , then any other outward mark , whereby the world might most easily discern always what they were . on the contrary side now , whereas they which do all profess the christian religion , are divided amongst themselves ; and the fault of the one part is , that the zeal to the sufferings of christ , they admire too much , and over-superstitiously adore the visible sign of his cross ; if you ask , what w that mislike them should do , we are here advised to cure one contrary by another . which art or method , is not yet so current as they imagine . for if , as their practice for the most part sheweth , it be their meaning , that the scope and drift of reformation , when things are faulty , should be to settle the church in the contrary ; it standeth them upon , to beware of this rule , because seeing vices have not onely vertues , but other vices also in nature opposite unto them , it may be dangerous in these cases to seek , but that which we finde contrary to present evils . for in sores and sicknesses of the minde , we are not simply to measure good by distance from evil , because one vice may in some respect be more opposite to another , then either of them to that vertue which holdeth the mean between them both . liberality and covetousness , the one a vertue , and the other a vice , are not so contrary as the vices of covetousness and prodigality : religion and superstition have more affiance , though the one be light , and the other darkness ; then superstition and prophaneness , which both are vicious extremities . by means whereof it cometh also to pass , that the mean , which is vertue , seemeth in the eyes of each extream an extremity ; the liberal hearted man is by the opinion of the prodigal miserable , and by the judgment of the miserable lavish : impiety for the most part upbraideth religion as superstitious , which superstition often accuseth as impious ; both so conceiving thereof , because it doth seem more to participate each extream , then one extream doth another , and is by consequent less contrary to either of them , then they mutually between themselves . now , if he that seeketh to reform covetousness or superstition , should but labor to induce the contrary , it were but to draw men out of lime into cole-dust : so that their course , which will remedy the superstitious abuse of things profitable in the church , is not still to abolish utterly the use thereof , because not using at all , is most opposite to ill using ; but rather , if it may be , to bring them back to a right perfect and religious usage , which albeit less contrary to the present sore , is notwithstanding the better , and by many degrees the sounder way of recovery : and unto this effect , that very precedent it self , which they propose , may be best followed . for as the fathers , when the cross of christ was in utter contempt , did not superstitiously adore the same , but rather declare , that they so esteemed it as was meet ? in like manner where we finde the cross , to have that honor which is due to christ , is it not as lawful for us to retain it , in that estimation which it ought to have , and in that use which it had of old without offence , as by taking it clean away , so seem followers of their example ; which cure wilfully by abscission that which they might both preserve and heal ? touching therefore the sign and ceremony of the cross , we no way finde our selves bound to relinquish it ; neither because the first inventors thereof were but mortal men ; nor lest the sense and signification we give unto it , should burthen us as authors of a new gospel in the house of god ; not in respect of some cause which the fathers had more then we have to use the same ; nor finally , for any such offence or scandal , as heretofore it hath been subject unto by error , now reformed in the mindes of men. . the ancient custom of the church was , after they had baptized , to add thereunto imposition of hands , with effectual prayer for the * illumination of gods most holy spirit , to confirm and perfect that which the grace of the some spirit had already begun in baptism . for our means to obtain the graces which god doth bestow , are our prayers . our prayers to that intent , are available as well for others , as for ourselves . to pray for others , is to bless them , for whom we pray ; because prayer procureth the blessing of god upon them , especially the prayer of such as god either most respecteth for their piety and zeal that way , or else regardeth for that their place and calling bindeth them above others unto this duty , as it doth both natural and spiritual fathers . with prayers of spiritual and personal benediction , the manner hath been in all ages to use imposition of hands , as a ceremony betokening our restrained desires to the party , whom we present unto god by prayer . thus when israel blessed ephraim and manasses , iosephs sons , he imposed upon them his hands , and prayed ; god , in whose sight my fathers , abraham and isaac , did walk ; god which hath fed me all my life long unto this day , and the angel which hath delivered me from all evil , bless these children . the prophets which healed diseases by prayer , used therein the self-same ceremony . and therefore when elizeus willed naaman to wash himself seven times in iordan , for cure of his foul disease , it much offended him ; i thought ( saith he ) with my self , surely the man will come forth , and stand , and call upon the name of the lord his god , and put his hand on the place , to the end he may so heal the ●●eprosie . in consecrations and ordinations of men unto rooms of divine calling , the like was usually done from the time of moses to christ. their suits that came unto christ for help were also tendred oftentimes , and are expressed in such forms or phrases of speech , as shew , that he was himself an observer of the same custom : he which with imposition of hands and prayer , did so great works of mercy for restauration of bodily health , was worthily judged as able to effect the infusion of heavenly grace into them , whose age was not yet depraved with that malice , which might be supposed a bar to the goodness of god towards them . they brought him therefore young children to put his hands upon them , and pray . after the ascension of our lord and saviour jesus christ , that which he had begun , continued in the daily practice of his apostles , whose prayer and imposition of hands , were a mean whereby thousands became partakers of the wonderful gifts of god : the church had received from christ a promise , that such as believed in him , these signs and tokens should follow them , to cast one devils , to speak with tongues , to drive away serpents , to be free from the harm which any deadly poyson could work , and to cure diseases by imposition of hands . which power , common at the first , in a manner , unto all believers , all believers had not power to derive or communicate unto all other men ; but whosoever was the instrument of god to instruct , convert , and baptize them , the gift of miraculous operations by the power of the holy ghost they had not , but onely at the apostles own hands . for which cause simon magus perceiving that power to be in none but them , and presuming , that they which had it , might sell it , sought to purchase it of them with money . and , as miraculous graces of the spirit continued after the apostles times , for ( saith irenaus ) they which are truly his disciples , do in his name , and through grace received from him , such works for the benefit of other men , as every of them is by him enabled to work : some cast one devils , in so much , as they which are delivered from wicked spirits , have been thereby won unto christ , and do constantly persevere in the church , and society of faithful men : some excel in the knowledge of things to come , in the grace of visions from god , and the gift of prophetical prediction : some by laying on their hands , restore them to health , which are grievously afflicted with sickness ; yea , there are that of dead , have been made alive , and have afterwards many years conversed with us . what should i say ? the gifts are innumerable wherewith god hath inriched his church throughout the world , and by vertue whereof , in the name of christ crucified under pontius pilate , the church every day doth many wonders for the good of nations , neither fraudulently , nor in any respect of lucre and gain to her self , but as freely bestowing , as god on her hath bestowed his divine graces : so it no where appeareth , that ever any did by prayer and imposition of hands , sithence the apostles times , make others partakers of the like miraculous gifts and graces , as long as it pleased god to continue the same in his church , but onely bishops , the apostles successors , for a time , even in that power . st. augustine acknowledgeth , that such gifts were not permitted to last always , lest men should wax cold with the commonness of that , the strangeness whereof at the first inflamed them . which words of st. augustine , declaring how the vulgar use of these miracles was then expired , are no prejudice to the like extraordinary graces , more rarely observed in some , either then or of latter days . now whereas the successors , of the apostles had but onely for a time such power , as , by prayer and imposition of hands , to bestow the holy ghost ; the reason wherefore confirmation , nevertheless , by prayer and laying on of hands hath hitherto always continued , is for other very special benefits which the church thereby enjoyeth . the fathers every where impute unto it that gift or grace of the holy ghost , not which maketh us first christian men , but , when we are made such , assisteth us in all vertue , aimeth us against temptation and sin . for , after baptism administred , there followeth ( saith tertullian ) imposition of hands , with invocation and invitation of the holy ghost , which willingly cometh down from the father , to rest upon the purified and blessed bodies , as it were acknowledging the waters of baptism a fit seat. st. cyprian in more particular manner , alluding to that effect of the spirit , which here especially was respected . how great ( saith he ) is that power and force wherewith the minde is here ( he meaneth in baptism ) enabled , being not onely withdrawn from that pernicious hold which the world before had of it , nor onely so purified and made clean , that no stain or blemish of the enemies invasion doth remain ; but over and besides ( namely , through prayer and imposition of hands ) becometh yet greater , yet mightier in strength , so far as to raign with a kinde of imperial dominion , over the whole band of that roming and spoiling adversary . as much is signified by eusebius emissenus , saying , the holy ghost which descendeth with saving influence upon the waters of baptism , doth there give that fulness which sufficeth for innocenty , and afterwards exhibiteth in confirmation an augmentation of further grace . the fathers therefore being thus perswaded , held confirmation as an ordinance apostolick , always profitable in gods church , although not always accompanied with equal largeness of those external effects which gave it countenance at the first . the cause of severing confirmation from baptism ( for most commonly they went together ) was sometimes in the minister , which being of inferior degree , might baptize , but not confirm , as in their case it came to pass , whom peter and iohn did confirm , whereas philip had before baptized them ; and in theirs of whom st. ierome hath said , i deny not but the custom of the churches is , that the bishop should go abroad , and imposing his hands , pray for the gift of the holy ghost on them , whom presbyters and deacons far off , in lesser cities , have already ●aptized . which ancient custom of the church , st. cyprian groundeth upon the example or peter and iohn in the eighth of the acts , before alledged . the faithful in samaria ( saith he ) had already obtained baptism ; onely that which was wanting , peter and john supplied by prayer and imposition of hands , to the end , the holy ghost might be poured upon them . which also is done amongst our selves , when they which be already baptized , are brought to the prelates of the church , to obtain by their prayer and imposition of hands the holy ghost . by this it appeareth , that when the ministers of baptism were persons of inferior degree , the bishops did after confirm whom such had before baptized . sometimes they which by force of their ecclesiastical calling , might do as well the one as the other , were notwithstanding men whom heresie had dis-joyned from the fellowship of true believers . whereupon , when any man , by them baptized and confirmed , came afterwards to see and renounce their error , there grew in some churches very hot contention about the manner of admitting such into the bosome of the true church , as hath been declared already in the question of rebaptization . but the generally received custom was onely to admit them with imposition of hands and prayer . of which custom , while some imagined the reason to be , for that hereticks might give remission of sins by baptism , but not the spirit by imposition of hands , because themselves had not gods spirit , and that therefore their baptism might stand , but confirmation must be given again . the imbecillity of this ground , gave cyprian occasion to oppose himself against the practice of the church herein , laboring many ways to prove , that hereticks could do neither ; and consequently , that their baptism in all respects , was as frustrate as their chrism ; for the manner of those times was in confirming to use anointing . on the other side , against luciferians which ratified onely the baptism of hereticks , but disannulled their confirmations and consecrations , under pretence of the reason which hath been before specified , hereticks cannot give the holy ghost . st. ierome proveth at large , that if baptism by hereticks be granted available to remission of sins , which no man receiveth without the spirit , it must needs follow , that the reason taken from disability of bestowing the holy ghost , was no reason wherefore the church should admit converts with any new imposition of hands . notwithstanding , because it might be objected , that if the gift of the holy ghost do always joyn it self with true baptism , the church , which thinketh the bishops confirmation after others mens baptism needful for the obtaining of the holy ghost , should hold an error : saint ierome hereunto maketh answer , that the cause of this observation is not any absolute impossibility of receiving the holy ghost by the sacrament of baptism , unless a bishop add after it the imposition of hands , but rather a certain congruity and fitness to honor prelacy with such pre-eminences , because the safety of the church dependeth upon the dignity of her chief superiors , to whom , if some eminent offices of power above others should not be given , there would be in the church as many schisms as priests . by which answer , it appeareth his opinion was , that the holy ghost is received in baptism ; that confirmation is onely a sacramental complement ; that the reason why bishops alone did ordinarily confirm , was not because the benefit , grace , and dignity thereof , is greater then of baptism ; but rather , for that , by the sacrament of baptism , men being admitted into gods church , it was both reasonable and convenient , that if he baptize them not unto whom the chiefest authority and charge of their souls belongeth ; yet for honors sake , and in token of his spiritual superiority over them , because to bless , is an act of authority , the performance of this annexed ceremony should be sought for at his hands . now what effect their imposition of hands hath , either after baptism administred by hereticks or otherwise , st. ierome in that place hath made no mention , because all men understood that in converts it tendeth to the fruits of repentance , and craveth in behalf of the penitent , such grace as david , after his fall , desired at the hands of god ; in others , the fruit and benefit thereof is , that which hath been before shewed . finally , sometime the cause of severing confirmation from baptism , was in the parties that received baptism being infants , at which age they might be very well admitted to live in the family ; but because to fight in the army of god , to discharge the duties of a christian man , to bring forth the fruits , and to do the works of the holy ghost , their time of ability was not yet come , ( so that baptism were not deferred ) there could , by stay of their confirmation , no harm ensue , but rather good . for by this means it came to pass , that children in expectation thereof , were seasoned with the principles of true religion , before malice and corrupt examples depraved their mindes , a good foundation was laid betimes for direction of the course of their whole lives , the seed of the church of god was preserved sincere and sound , the prelates and fathers of gods family , to whom the cure of their souls belonged , saw by tryal and examination of them , a part of their own heavy burthen discharged , reaped comfort by beholding the first beginnings of true godliness in tender years , glorified him whose praise they found in the mouths of infants , and neglected not so fit opportunity of giving every one fatherly encouragement and exhortation . whereunto imposition of hands , and prayer being added , our warrant for the great good effect thereof , is the same which patriarks , prophets , priests , apostles , fathers , and men of god , have had for such their particular invocations and benedictions , as no man , i suppose , professing truth of religion , will easily think to have been without fruit. no , there is no cause we should doubt of the benefit ; but surely great cause to make complaint of the deep neglect of this christian duty , almost with all them , to whom by tight of their place and calling , the same belongeth . let them not take it in evil part , the thing is true , their small regard hereunto hath done harm in the church of god. that which * error rashly uttereth in disgrace of good things , may peradventure be sponged out , when the print of those evils , which are grown through neglect , will remain behinde . thus much therefore generally spoken , may serve for answer unto their demands , that require us to tell them , why there should be any such confirmation in the church , seeing we are not ignorant how earnestly they have protested against it ; and how directly ( although untruly , for so they are content to acknowledge ) it hath by some of them been said , to be first brought in by the seigned decretal epistles of the popes ; or , why it should not be utterly abolished , seeing that no one title thereof , can be once found in the whole scripture , except the epistle to the hebrews be scripture : and again , seeing that how free soever it be now from abuse , if we look back to the times past , which wise men do always more respect then the present , it hath been abused , and is found at the length no such profitable ceremony , as the whole silly church of christ , for the space of these sixteen hundred years , hath through want of experience imagined : last of all , seeing also , besides the cruelty which is shewed towards poor country people , who are fain sometimes to let their ploughs stand still , and with increble wearisome toyl of their feeble bodies , to wander over mountains and through woods ; it may be , now and then little less then a whole half score of miles for a bishops blessing , which if it were needful , might as well be done at home in their own parishes , rather then they is purchase it with so great loss and so intolerable pain . there are , they say , in confirmation , besides this , three terrible points . the first is , laying on of hands , with pretence , that the same is done to the example of the apostles , which is not onely , as they suppose , a manifest untruth ; ( for all the world doth know , that the apostles did never after baptism lay hands on any , and therefore saint luke which saith they did , was much deceived : ) but farther also , we thereby teach men to think imposition of hands a sacrament , belike , because it is a principle ingrafted by common light of nature in the mindes of men , that all things done by apostolick example , must needs be sacrament . the second high point of danger is , that by tying confirmation to the bishop alone , there is great cause of suspition given , to think that baptism is not so precious a thing as confirmation : for will any man think , that a velvet coat is of more price , then a linnen coyf , knowing the one to be an ordinary garment , the other an ornament which onely sergeants at law do wear ? finally , to draw to an end of perils , the last and the weightiest hazard is , where the book it self doth say , that children by imposition of hands and prayer , may receive strength against all temptation : which speech , as a two-edged sword , doth both ways dangerously wound ; partly because it ascribeth grace to imposition of hands , whereby we are able no more to assure our selves in the warrant of any promise from god , that his heavenly grace shall be given , then the apostle was , that himself should obtain grace by the bowing of his knees to god ; and partly , because by using the very word strength in this matter , a word so apt to spred infection , we maintain with popish evangelists , an old forlorn distinction of the holy ghost , bestowed upon christs apostles before his ascension into heaven , and augmented upon them afterwards ; a distinction of grace infused into christian men by degrees ; planted in them at the first by baptism , after cherished , watred , and ( be it spoken without offence ) strengthned as by other vertuous offices , which piety and true religion teacheth , even so by this very special benediction whereof we speak , the rite or ceremony of confirmation . . the grace which we have by the holy eucharist , doth not begin , but continue life . no man therefore receiveth this sacrament before baptism , because no dead thing is capable of nourishment . that which groweth , must of necessity first live . if our bodies did not daily waste , food to restore them , were a thing superfluous . and it may be , that the grace of baptism would serve to eternal life , were it not that the state of our spiritual being , is daily so much hindered and impaired after baptism . in that life therefore , where neither body nor soul can decay , our souls shall as little require this sacrament , as our bodies corporal nourishment . but as long as the days of our warfare last , during the time that we are both subject to diminution and capable of augmentation in grace , the words of our lord and saviour christ will remain forceable , except ye eat the flesh of the son of man , and drink his blood , ye have no life in you . life being therefore proposed unto all men as their end , they which by baptism have laid the foundation and attained the first beginning of a new life , have here their nourishment and food prescribed for continuance of life in them . such as will live the life of god , must eat the flesh and drink the blood of the son of man ; because this is a part of that diet , which if we want , we cannot live . whereas therefore in our infancy we are incorporated into christ , and by baptism receive the grace of his spirit , without any sense or feeling of the gift which god bestoweth ; in the eucharist , we so receive the gift of god , that we know by grace , what the grace is which god giveth us ; the degrees of our own increase , in holiness and vertue , we see and can judge of them ; we understand that the strength of our life begun in christ , is christ ; that his flesh is meat , and his blood drink , not by surmised imagination , but truly , even so truly , that through faith , we perceive in the body and blood sacramentally presented , the very taste of eternal life ; the grace of the sacrament , is here as the food which we eat and drink . this was it that some did exceedingly fear , lest zwinglius and occolampadius would bring to pass , that men should account of this sacrament , but onely as of a shadow , destitute , empty , and void of christ. but seeing , that by opening the several opinions which have been held , they are grown , for ought i can see , on all sides at the length to a general agreement , concerning that which alone is material , namely , the real participation of christ , and of life in his body and blood , by means of this sacrament ; wherefore should the world continue still distracted , and rent with so manifold contentions , when there remaineth now no controversie , saving onely about the subject where christ is ? yea , even in this point no side denieth , but that the soul of man is the receptacle of christs presence . whereby the question is yet driven to a narrower issue , nor doth any thing rest doubtful but this , whether when the sacrament is administred , christ be whole within man onely , or else his body and blood be also externally seated in the very consecrated elements themselves . which opinion they that defend , are driven either to consubstantiate and incorporate christ with elements sacramental , or to transubstantiate and change their substance into his ; and so the one to hold him really , but invisibly , moulded up with substance of those elements ; the other to hide him under the onely visible shew of bread and wine , the substance whereof , as they imagine , is abolished , and his succeeded in the same room . all things considered , and compared with that success , which truth hath hitherto had by so bitter conflicts with errors in this point , shall i wish that men would more give themselves to meditate with silence , what we have by the sacrament , and less to dispute of the manner how ? if any man suppose that this were too great stupidity and dulness , let us see whether the apostles of our lord themselves have not done the like . it appeareth by many examples , that they of their own disposition were very scrupulous and inquisitive , yea , in other cases of less importance , and less difficulty , always apt to move questions . how cometh it to pass , that so few words of so high a mystery being uttered , they receive with gladness the gift of christ , and make no shew of doubt or scruple ? the reason hereof , is not dark to them which have any thing at all observed how the powers of the minde are wont to stir , when that which we infinitely long for , presenteth it self above and besides expectation . curious and intricate speculations do hinder , they abate , they quench such inflamed motions of delight and joy , as divine graces use to raise when extraordinarily they are present . the minde therefore feeling present joy , is always marvellous unwilling to admit any other cogitation , and in that case , casteth off those disputes whereunto the intellectual part at other times easily draweth . a manifest effect whereof may be noted , if we compare with our lords disciples in the twentieth of iohn , the people that are said in the sixth of iohn , to have gone after him to capernaum . these leaving him on the one side the sea of tiberias , and finding him again as soon as themselves by ship were arrived on the contrary side , whither they knew that by ship he came not , and by land the journey was longer then according to the time he could have to travel , as they wondered ; so they asked also , rabbi , when camest thou hither ? the disciples , when christ appeared to them in far more strange and miraculous manner , moved no question , but rejoyced greatly in that they saw . for why ? the one sort beheld onely , that in christ , which they knew was more then natural , but yet their affection was not rapt therewith through any great extraordinary gladness ; the other , when they looked on christ , were not ignorant that they saw the well-spring of their own everlasting felicity ; the one , because they enjoyed not , disputed ; the other disputed not , because they enjoyed . if then the presence of christ with them , did so much move , judge what their thoughts and affections were at the time of this new presentation of christ ; not before their eyes , but within their souls . they had learned before , that his flesh and blood are the true cause of eternal life , that this they are not by the bate force of their own substance , but through the dignity and worth of his person , which offered them up by way of sacrifice , for the life of the whole world , and doth make them still effectual thereunto : finally , that to us they are life in particular , by being particularly received . thus much they knew , although as yet they understood not perfectly , to what effect or issue the same would come , till at the length , being assembled for no other cause which they could imagine , but to have eaten the passover onely that moses appointed ; when they saw their lord and master , with hands and eyes lifted up to heaven , first bless and consecrate , for the endless good of all generations till the worlds end , the chosen elements of bread and wine , which elements , made for ever the instruments of life by vertue of his divine benediction , they being the first that were commanded to receive from him , the first which were warranted by his promise , that not onely unto them at the present time , but to whomsoever , they and their successors after them , did duly administer the same , those mysteries should serve as conducts of life , and conveyances of his body and blood unto them : was it possible they should hear that voice , take , eat , this is my body ; drink ye all of this , this is my blood ? possible , that doing what was required , and believing what was promised , the same should have present effect in them , and not fill them with a kinde of fearful admiration at the heaven which they saw in themselves ? they had at that time a sea of comfort and joy to wade in , and we , by that which they did , are taught , that this heavenly food is given for the satisfying of our empty souls , and not for the exercising of our curious and subtile wits . if we doubt what those admirable words may import , let him be our teacher for the meaning of christ , to whom christ was himself a school-master , let our lords apostle be his interpreter , content we our selves with his explication ; my body , the communion of my body : my blood , the communion of my blood. is there any thing more expedite , clear , and easie , then that as christ is termed our life , because through him we obtain life ; so the parts of this sacrament are his body and blood , for that they are so to us ; who receiving them , receive that by them which they are termed ? the bread and cup are his body and blood , because they are causes instrumental , upon the receit whereof , the participation of his body and blood ensueth . for that which produceth any certain effect , is not vainly nor improperly said to be , that very effect whereunto it tendeth . every cause is in the effect which groweth from it . our souls and bodies quickned to eternal life , are effects ; the cause whereof , is the person of christ : his body and blood are the true well-spring , out of which , this life floweth . so that his body and blood are in that very subject whereunto they minister life : not onely by effect or operation , even as the influence of the heavens is in plants , beasts , men , and in every thing which they quicken ; but also by a far more divine and mystical kinde of union , which maketh us one with him , even as he and the father are one . the real presence of christs most blessed body and blood , is not therefore to be sought for in the sacrament , but in the worthy receiver of the sacrament . and with this the very order of our saviours words agreeth , first , take and eat ; then , this is my body which was broken for you : first , drink ye all of this ; then followeth , this is my blood of the new testament , which is shed for many for the remission of sins . i see not which way it should be gathered by the words of christ , when and where the bread , is his body , or the cup , his blood ; but onely in the very heart and soul of him which receiveth them . as for the sacraments , they really exhibite ; but , for ought we can gather out of that which is written of them , they are not really , nor do really contain in themselves , that grace , which with them , or by them , it pleaseth god to bestow . if on all sides it be confest , that the grace of baptism is poured into the soul of man ; that by water we receive it , although it be neither seated in the water , nor the water changed into it ; what should induce men to think , that the grace of the eucharist must needs be in the eucharist , before it can be in us that receive it ? the fruit of the eucharist is the participation of the body and blood of christ. there is no sentence of holy scripture which saith , that we cannot by this sacrament be made partakers of his body and blood , except they be first contained in the sacrament , or the sacrament converted into them . this is my body , and this is my blood , being words of promise , sith we all agree , that by the sacrament , christ doth really and truly in us , perform his promise ; why do we vainly trouble our selves with so fierce contentions , whether by consubstantiation , or else by transubstantiation the sacrament it self be first possessed with christ , or no ? a thing which no way can either further or hinder us , howsoever it stand , because our participation of christ in this sacrament , dependeth on the co-operation of his omnipotent power , which maketh it his body and blood to us ; whether with change or without alteration of the element , such as they imagine , we need not greatly to care or inquire . take therefore that wherein all agree , and then consider by it self , what cause , why the rest in question should not rather be left as superfluous , then urged as necessary . it is on all sides plainly confest , first , that this sacrament is a true and a real participation of christ , who thereby imparteth himself , even his whole intire person , as a mystical head , unto every soul that receiveth him , and that every such receiver doth thereby incorporate or unite himself unto christ as a mystical member of him , yea , of them also whom he acknowledgeth to be his own . secondly , that to whom the person of christ is thus communicated , to them he giveth by the same sacrament his holy spirit to sanctifie them , as it sanctifieth him which is their head. thirdly , that what merit , force , or vertue soever there is in his sacrificed body and blood , we freely , fully , and wholly have it by this sacrament . fourthly , that the effect thereof in us , is a real transmutation of our souls and bodies , from sin to righteousness , from death and corruption to immortality and life . fifthly , that because the sacrament being of it self , but a corruptible and earthly creature , must needs be thought an unlikely instrument to work so admirable effects in man ; we are therefore , to rest our selves altogether upon the strength of his glorious power , who is able , and will bring to pass , that the bread and cup which he giveth us , shall be truly the thing he promiseth . it seemeth therefore much amiss , that against them whom they term sacramentaries , so many invective discourses are made , all ranning upon two points , that the eucharist is not bare a sign or figure onely , and that the efficacy of his body and blood is not all we receive in this sacrament . for no man , having read their books and writings which are thus traduced , can be ignorant that both these assertions they plainly confess to be most true . they do not so interpret the words of christ , as if the name of his body did import but the figure of his body ; and to be , were onely to signifie his blood. they grant , that these holy mysteries received in due manner , do instrumentally both make us partakers of the grace of that body and blood which were given for the life of the world ; and besides , also impart unto us , even in true and real , though mystical manner , the very person of our lord himself , whole , perfect , and intire , as hath been shewed . now whereas all three opinions do thus far accord in one , that strong conceit which two of the three have imbraced , as touching a literal , corporal , and oral manducation of the very substance of his flesh and blood , is surely an opinion no where delivered in holy scripture , whereby they should think themselves bound to believe it , and ( to speak with the softest terms we can use ) greatly prejudiced in that , when some others did so conceive of eating his flesh , our saviour to abate that error in them , gave them directly to understand , how his flesh so eaten could profit them nothing , because the words which he spake were spirit ; that is to say , they had a reference to a mystical participation ; which mystical participation giveth life . wherein there is small appearance of likelihood , that his meaning should be onely to make them marcionites by inversion , and to teach them that , as marcion did think , christ seemed to be man , but was not ; so they contrariwise should believe . that christ in truth would so give them , as they thought , his flesh to eat ; but yet left the horror thereof should offend them , he would not seem to do that he did . when they which have this opinion of christ , in that blessed sacrament , go about to explain themselves , and to open after what manner things are brought to pass , the one sort lay the union of christs deity with his manhood , as their first foundation and ground : from thence they infer a power which the body of christ hath , thereby to present it self in all places ; out of which ubiquity of his body , they gather the presence thereof with that sanctified bread and wine of our lords table : the conjunction of his body and blood with those elements they use as an argument , to shew how the bread may as well in that respect be termed his body , because his body is therewith joyned , as the son of god may be named man , by reason , that god and man in the person of christ are united : to this they add , how the words of christ commanding us to eat , must needs import , that as he hath coupled the substance of his flesh , and the substance of bread together , so we together should receive both : which labyrinth , as the other sort doth justly shun , so the way which they take to the same in● is somewhat more short , but no whit more certain . for through gods omnipotent power , they imagine that transubstantiation followeth upon the words of consecration ; and , upon transubstantiation , the participation of christs both body and blood , in the onely shape of sacramental elements . so that they all three do plead gods omnipotency : sacramentaries , to that alteration , which the rest confess he accomplisheth ; the patrons of transubstantiation , over and besides that , to the change of one substance into another ; the followers of consubstantiation , to the kneading of both substances , as it were , into one lump : touching the sentence of antiquity in this cause ; first , for as much as they knew , that the force of this sacrament doth necessarily presuppose the verity of christs both body and blood , they used oftentimes the same as an argument to prove , that christ hath as truly the substance of man as of god , because here we receive christ , and those graces which flow from him , in that he is man. so that if he have no such being , neither can the sacrament have any such meaning , as we all confess it hath . thus a tertullian , thus b irenaeus , thus c theodoret disputeth . again , as evident it is how they teach , that christ is personally there present , yea present whole , albeit a part of christ be corporally absent from thence , that d christ assisting this heavenly banquet with his personal and true presence , e doth by his own divine power , add to the natural substance thereof , supernatural efficacy , which f addition to the nature of those consecrated elements , changeth them , and maketh them that unto us , which otherwise they could not be , that to us they are thereby made such instruments , as g mystically , yet truly ; invisibly , yet really ; work our communion or fellowship with the person of jesus christ , as well in that he is man as god , our participation also in the fruit , grace , and efficacy of his body and blood ; whereupon there ensueth a kinde of transubstantiation in us , a true h change , both of soul and body , an alteration from death to life . in a word , it appeareth not , that of all the ancient fathers of the chruch , any one did ever conceive or imagine other then onely a mystical participation of christs both body and blood in the sacrament , neither are their speeches concerning the change of the elements themselves , into the body and blood of christ such , that a man can thereby , in conscience , assure himself it was their meaning , to perswade the world , either of a corporal consubstantiation of christ , with those sanctified and blessed elements , before we receive them ; or of the like transubstantiation of them into the body and blood of christ. which both to our mystical communion with christ , are so unnecessary , that the fathers , who plainly hold but this mystical communion , cannot easily be thought to have meant any other change of sacramental elements , then that which the same spiritual communion did require them to hold . these things considered , how should that minde , which , loving truth , and seeking comfort out of holy mysteries , hath not perhaps the leisure , perhaps nor the wit nor capacity to tread out so endless mazes , as the intricate disputes of this cause have led men into , how should a vertuously disposed minde better resolve with it self then thus ? variety of iudgments and opinions argueth obscurity in those things whereabout they differ . but that which all parts receive for truth , that which every one having sifted , is by no one denied or doubted of , must needs be matter of infallible certainly . whereas therefore there are but three expositions made of , this is my body ; the first , this is in it self before participation really and truly the natural substance of my body , by reason of the coexistence which my omnipotent body hath with the sanctified element of bread , which is the lutherans interpretation . the second , this is in itself and before participation the very true and natural substance of my body , by force of that deity , which with the words of consecration , abolisheth the substance of bread , and substituteth in the place thereof my body , which is the popish construction . the last , this hallowed food , through concurrence of divine power , is in verity and truth , unto faithful receivers , instrumentally a cause of that mystical participation , whereby as i make my self wholly theirs ; so i give them in hand an actual possession of all such saving grace , as my sacrificed body can yield , and as their souls do presently need : this is to them , and in them , my body . of these three rehearsed interpretations , the last hath in it nothing but what the rest do all approve and acknowledge to be most true ; nothing but that which the words of christ are on all sides confest to inforce ; nothing but that which the church of god hath always thought necessary ; nothing but that which alone is sufficient for every christian man to believe , concerning the use and force of this sacrament : finally , nothing but that wherewith the writings of all antiquity are consonant , and all christian confessions agreeable . and as truth , in what kinde soever , is by no kinde of truth gain-said ; so the minde which resteth it self on this , it never troubled with those perplexities which the other do both finde , by means of so great contradiction between their opinions , and true principles of reason grounded upon experience , nature , and sense . which albeit , with boysterous courage and breath , they seem oftentimes to blow away ; yet whoso observeth , how again they labor and sweat by subtilty of wit , to make some shew of agreement between their peculiar conceits , and the general edicts of nature , must needs perceive they struggle with that which they cannot fully master . besides , sith of that which is proper to themselves , their discourses are hungry and unpleasant , full of tedious and irksome labor , heartless , and hitherto without fruit ; on the other side , read we them , or hear we others , be they of our own or of ancienter times , to what part soever they be thought to incline , touching that whereof there is controversie ; yet in this , where they all speak but one thing , their discourses are heavenly , their words sweet as the honey-comb , their tongues melodiously tuned instruments , their sentences meer consolation and ioy : are we not hereby almost , even with voice from heaven admonished , which we may safeliest cleave unto ? he which hath said of the one sacrament , wash and be clean , hath said concerning the other likewise , eat and live . if therefore without any such particular and solemn warrant as this is , that poor distressed woman coming unto christ for health , could so constantly resolve her self , may i but touch the skirt of his garment , i shall be whole , what moveth us to argue of the manner how life should come by bread ? our duty being here , but to take what is offered , and most assuredly to rest perswaded of this , that , can we but eat , we are safe ? when i behold with mine eyes , some small and scarce discernable grain or seed , whereof nature maketh a promise , that a tree shall come ; and when afterwards of that tree , any skilful artificer undertaketh to frame some exquisite and curious work , i look for the event , i move no question about performance , either of the one , or of the other . shall i simply credit nature in things natural ? shall i in things artificial , relie my self on art , never offering to make doubt ? and in that which is above , both art and nature refuse to believe the author of both , except he acquaint me with his ways , and lay the secret of his skill before me ? where god himself doth speak those things , which , either for height and sublimity of matter , or else for secresie of performance , we are not able to reach unto , as we may be ignorant without danger , so it can be no disgrace to confess we are ignorant . such as love piety will , as much as in them lieth , know all things that god commandeth , but especially the duties of service which they ow to god. as for his dark and hidden works , they prefer , as becometh them in such cases , simplicity of faith before that knowledge , which curiously sisting what it should adore , and disputing too boldly of that which the wit of man cannot search , chilleth for the most part all warmth of zeal , and bringeth soundness of belief many times into great hazard . let it therefore be sufficient for me , presenting my self at the lords table , to know what there i receive from him ; without searching or enquiring of the manner , how christ performeth his promise ? let disputes and questions , enemies to piety , abatements of true devotion , and hitherto , in this cause , but over-patiently heard , let them take their rest : let curious and sharp-witted men , beat their heads about what questions themselves will ; the very letter of the word of christ , giveth plain security , that these mysteries do , as nails , fasten us to his very cross , that by them we draw out , as touching efficacy , force , and vertue , even the blood of his goared side : in the wounds of our redeemer , we there dip our tongues , we are died red , both within and without ; our hunger is satisfied , and our thirst for ever quenched ; they are things wonderful which he feeleth , great which he seeth , and unheard of which he uttereth , whose soul it possest of this paschal lamb , and made joyful in the strength of this new wine : this bread hath in it more then the substance which our eyes behold ; this cup hallowed with solemn benediction , availeth to the endless life and welfare both of soul and body , in that it serveth as well for a medicine to heal our infirmities and purge our sins ; as for a sacrifice of thanksgiving : with touching it sanctifieth , it enlightneth with belief , it truly conformeth us unto the image of iesus christ. what these elements are in themselves , it skilleth not , it is enough , that to me which take them , they are the body and blood of christ ; his promise , in witness hereof sufficeth ; his word , he knoweth which way to accomplish ; why should any cogitation possess the minde of a faithful communicant , but this . o my god , thou art true ; o my soul , thou art happy ! thus therefore we see , that howsoever mens opinions do otherwise vary ; nevertheless , touching baptism and the supper of the lord , we may with consent of the whole christian world conclude they are necessary ; the one to initiate or begin , the other to consummate or make perfect our life in christ. . in administring the sacrament of the body and blood of christ ; the supposed faults of the church of england are not greatly material , and therefore it shall suffice to touch them in few words . the first is , that we do not use in a generality once for all to say to communicants , take , eat , and drink ; but unto every particular person , eat thou , drink thou , which is according to the popish manner , and not the form that our saviour did use . our second oversight is , by gesture . for in kneeling there hath been superstition ; sitting agreeth better to the action of a supper ; and our saviour using that which was most fit , did himself not kneel . a third accusation is , for not examining all communicants , whose knowledge in the mystery of the gospel , should that way be made manifest ; a thing every where , they say , used in the apostles times , because all things necessary were used ; and this in their opinion is necessary , yea , it is commanded , in as much as the levites are commanded to prepare the people for the passover ; and examination is a part of their preparation , our lords supper in place of the passover . the fourth thing misliked is , that , against the apostles prohibition● to have any familiarity at all with notorious offenders , papists being not of the church are admitted to our very communion , before they have by their religious and gospel-like behavior , purged themselves of that suspition of popery , which their former life hath caused . they are dogs , swine , unclean beasts , foreigners and strangers from the church of god ; and therefore ought not to be admitted , though they offer themselves . we are , fiftly , condemned , in as much as when there have been store of people to hear sermons and service in the church , we suffer the communion to be ministred to a few . it is not enough , that our book of common prayer hath godly exhortations to move all thereunto which are present . for it should not suffer a few to communicate , it should by ecclesiastical discipline , and civil punishment provide , that such as would withdraw themselves , might be brought to communicate , according both to the a law of god , and the ancient church canons . in the sixth and last place , cometh the enormity of imparting this sacrament privately unto the sick . thus far accused , we answer briefly to the first b that seeing god by sacraments , doth apply in particular unto every mans person , the grace which himself hath provided for the benefit of all mankinde ; there is no cause , why , administring the sacraments , we should forbear to express that in our forms of speech , which he by his word and gospel teacheth all to believe . in the one sacrament , i baptize thee , displeaseth them not . if ●at thou , in the other , offend them , their fancies are no rules for churches to follow . whether christ at his last supper did speak generally once to all , or to every one in particular , is a thing uncertain . his words are recorded in that form which serveth best for the setting down with historical brevity , what was spoken ; they are no manifest proof , that he spake but once unto all , which did then communicate , muchless , that we in speaking unto every communicant severally do amiss ; although it were clear , that we herein do otherwise then christ did . our imitation of him , consisteth not in tying scrupulously our selves unto his syllables , but rather in speaking by the heavenly direction of that inspired divine wisdom , which teacheth divers ways to one end ; and doth therein controul their boldness , by whom any profitable way is censured , as reprovable , onely under colour of some small difference from great examples going before ; to do throughout every the like circumstance , the same which christ did in this action , were by following his footsteps in that sort , to err more from the purpose he aimed at , then we now do by not following them with so nice and severe strictness . they little weigh with themselves , how dull , how heavy , and almost , how without sense , the greatest part of the common multitude every where is , who think it either unmeet or unnecessary to put them , even man by man , especially at that time , in minde whereabout they are . it is true , that in sermons we do not use to repeat our sentences severally to every particular he●er ; a strange madness it were , if we should . the softness of wax may induce a wise man to set his stamp or image therein ; it perswadeth no man , that because wooll hath the like quality , it may therefore receive the like impression . so the reason taken from the use of sacraments , in that they are instruments of grace , unto every particular man , may with good congruity , lead the church to frame accordingly her words in administration of sacraments , because they easily admit this form ; which being in sermons , a thing impossible , without apparent ridiculous absurdity , agreement of sacraments with sermons , in that which is alledged as a reasonable proof of conveniency for the one , proveth not the same allegation impertinent , because it doth not inforce the other to be administred in like sort . for equal principles do then avail unto equal conclusions , when the matter whereunto we apply them , is equal , and not else . our kneeling at communions , is the gesture of piety . if we did there present our selves , but to make some shew or dumb resemblance of a spiritual feast , it may be that sitting were the fitter ceremony ; but coming as receivers of inestimable grace at the hands of god , what doth better beseem our bodies at that hour , then to be sensible witnesses of mindes unfeignedly humbled ? our lord himself did that which custom and long usage had made fit ; we , that which fitness and great decency hath made usual . the tryal of our selves , before we eat of this bread , and drink of this cup , is by express commandment , every mans precise duty . as for necessity of calling others unto account besides our selves , albeit we be not thereunto drawn by any great strength which is in their arguments , who first press us with it , as a thing necessary , by affirming , that the apostles , did use it , and then prove a the apostles to have used it , by affirming it to be necessary : again , albeit we greatly muse how they can avouch , that god did command the levites to prepare their brethren against the feast of the passover , and that the examination of them , was a part of their preparation , when the place alledged to this purpose , doth but charge the levite , saying , make ready l●ahhechem for your brethren , to the end , they may do according to the word of the lord by moses . wherefore in the self-same place it followeth , how lambs , and kids , and sheep , and bullocks , were delivered unto the levites , and that thus the service was made ready : it followeth likewise , how the levites having in such sort provided for the people , they made provision for themselves , and for the priests , the sons of aaron : so that confidently from hence to conclude the necessity of examination , argueth their wonderful great forwardness in framing all things to serve their turn ; nevertheless , the examination of communicants when need requireth , for the profitable use it may have in such cases , we reject not . our fault in admitting popish communicants , is it in that we are b forbidden to eat , and therefore much more to communicate with notorious malefactors ? the name of a papist is not given unto any man for being a notorious malefactor . and the crime wherewith we are charged , is suffering of papists to communicate ; so that , be their life and conversation whatsoever in the fight of man , their popish opinions are in this case laid as bars and exceptions against them , yea , those opinions which they have held in former times , c although they now both profess by word , and offer to shew by fact the contrary . all this doth not justifie us , which ought not ( they say ) to admit them in any wise , till their gospel-like behavior have removed all suspition of popery from them , because papists are dogs , swine , beasts , foreigners and strangers from the house of god ; in a word , they are not of the church . what the terms of gospel-like behavior may include , is obscure and doubtful . but of the visible church of christ in this present world , from which they separate all papists , we are thus perswaded . church is a word which art hath devised , thereby to sever and distinguish that society of men , which professeth the true religion from the rest which profess it not . there have been in the world , from the very first foundation thereof , but three religions , paganism , which lived in the blindness of corrupt and depraved nature ; iudaism , embracing the law which reformed heathenish impiety , and taught salvation to be looked for through one , whom god in the last days would send and exalt to be lord of all . finally , christian belief , which yieldeth obedience to the gospel of jesus christ , and acknowledgeth him the saviour whom god did promise . seeing then that the church is a name , which art hath given to professors of true religion . as they which will define a man , are to pass by those qualities wherein one man doth excel another , and to take onely those essential properties , whereby a man doth differ from creatures of other kindes : so he that will teach what the church is , shall never rightly perform the work whereabout he goeth , till in matter of religion he touch that difference which severeth the churches religion from theirs who are not the church . religion being therefore a matter partly of contemplation , partly of action ; we must define the church , which is a religious society , by such differences as do properly explain the essence of such things , that is to say , by the object or matter whereabout the contemplations and actions of the church are properly conversant . for so all knowledges and all vertues are defined . whereupon , because the onely object which separateth ours from other religions , is jesus christ , in whom , none but the church doth believe ; and whom , none but the church doth worship ; we finde that accordingly the apostles do every where distinguish hereby the church from infidels and from jews , accounting them which call upon the name of our lord iesus christ to be his church . if we go lower , we shall but add unto this certain casual and variable accidents , which are not properly of the being , but make onely for the happier and better being of the church of god , either indeed , or in mens opinions and conceits . this is the error of all popish definitions that hitherto have been brought . they define not the church by that which the church essentially is , but by that wherein they imagine their own more perfect then the rest are . touching parts of eminency and perfection , parts likewise of imperfection and defect in the church of god , they are infinite , their degrees and differences no way possible to be drawn unto any certain account . there is not the least contention and variance , but it blemisheth somewhat the unity that ought to be in the church of christ , which notwithstanding may have not onely without offence or breach of concord , her manifold varieties in rites and ceremonies of religion , but also her strifes and contentions many times , and that about matters of no small importance ; yea , her schisms , factions , and such other evils whereunto the body of the church is subject , sound and sick , remaining both of the same body ; as long as both parts retain by outward profession , that vital substance of truth , which maketh christian religion to differ from theirs , which acknowledge not our lord jesus christ , the blessed saviour of mankinde , give no crecit to his glorious gospel , and have his sacraments , the seals of eternal life , in derision . now the priviledge of the visible church of god ( for of that we speak ) is to be herein like the ark of noah , that , for any thing we know to the contrary , all without it are lost sheep ; yet in this , was the ark of noah priviledged above the church , that whereas none of them which were in the one could perish , numbers in the other are cast away , because to eternal life our profession is not enough . many things exclude from the kingdom of god , although from the church they separate not . in the church there arise sundry grievous storms , by means whereof , whole kingdoms and nations professing christ , both have been heretofore , and are at this present day , divided about christ. during which divisions and contentions amongst men , albeit each part do justifie it self , yet the one of necessity must needs err , if there be any contradiction between them , be it great or little ; and what side soever it be that hath the truth , the same we must also acknowledge alone , to hold with the true church in that point , and consequently , reject the other as an enemy , in that case faln away from the true church . wherefore of hypocrites and dissemblers , whose profession at the first , was but onely from the teeth outward , when they afterwards took occasion to oppugne certain principal articles of faith , the apostles which defended the truth against them , pronounce them gone out from the fellowship of sound and sincere believers , when as yet the christian religion they had not utterly cast off . in like sense and meaning throughout all ages , hereticks have justly been hated , as branches cut off from the body of the true vine ; yet onely so far forth cut off , as they heresies have extended . both heresie , and many other crimes , which wholly sever from god , do sever from god the church of god in part onely . the mystery of piety , saith the apostle , is without peradventure great , god hath been manifested in the flesh , hath been justified in the spirit , hath been seen of angels , hath been preached to nations , hath been believed on in the world , hath been taken up into glory . the church a pillar and foundation of this truth , which no where is known or profest , but onely within the church , and they all of the church that profess it . in the mean while , it cannot be denied , that many profess this , who are not therefore cleared simply from all either faults or errors , which make separation between us and the well-spring of our happiness . idolatry severed of old , the israelites ; iniquity , those scribes and pharisees from god , who notwithstanding were a part of the seed of abraham , a part of that very seed which god did himself acknowledge to be his church . the church of god may therefore contain both them which indeed are not his , yet must be reputed his , by us that know not their inward thoughts ; and them , whose apparent wickedness testifieth even in the sight of the whole world , that god abhorreth them . for to this and no other purpose , are meant those parables , which our saviour in the gospel hath concerning mixture of vice with vertue , light with darkness , truth with error , as well and openly known and seen , as a cunningly cloaked mixture . that which separateth therefore utterly , that which cutteth off clean from the visible church of christ , is plain apostasie , direct denial , utter rejection of the whole christian faith , as far as the same is professedly different from infidelity . hereticks , as touching those points of doctrine wherein they fail : schismaticks , as touching the quarrels for which , or the duties wherein they divide themselves from their brethren : loose , licentious , and wicked persons , as touching their several offences or crimes , have all forsaken the true church of god ; the church which is sound and sincere in the doctrine that they corrupt ; the church that keepeth the bond of unity , which they violate ; the church that walketh in the laws of righteousness , which they transgress : this very true church of christ they have left , howbeit , not altogether left , nor forsaken simply the church ; upon the main . foundations whereof they continue built , notwithstanding these breaches whereby they are rent at the top asunder . now because for redress of professed errors , and open schisms , it is , and must be the churches care , that all may in outward conformity be one , as the laudable polity of former ages ; even so our own , to that end and purpose , hath established divers laws , the moderate severity whereof is a mean both to stay the rest , and to reclaim such as heretofore have been led awry . but seeing that the offices which laws require , are always definite , and when that they require is done , they go no farther , whereupon sundry ill-affected persons to save themselves from danger of laws , pretend obedience , albeit inwardly they carry still the same hearts which they did before ; by means whereof , it falleth out , that receiving unworthily the blessed sacrament at our hands , they eat and drink their own damnation : it is for remedy of this mischief * here determined , that whom the law of the realm doth punish unless they communicate , such if they offer to obey law , the church notwithstanding should not admit without probation before had of their gospel-like behavior . wherein they first set no time , how long this supposed probation must continue ; again , they nominate no certain judgment , the verdict whereof shall approve mens behavior to be gospel-like ; and , that which is most material , whereas they seek to make it more hard for dissemblers to be received into the church , then law and polity as yet hath done ; they make it in truth more easie for such kinde of persons , to winde themselves out of the law , and to continue the same they were . the law requireth at their hands , that duty which in conscience doth touch them nearest , because the greatest difference between us and them , is the sacrament of the body and blood of christ , whose name in the service of our communion , we celebrate with due honor , which they in the error of their mass prophane . as therefore on our part to hear mass , were an open departure from that sincere profession wherein we stand ; so if they on the other side , receive our communion , they give us the strongest pledge of fidelity that man can demand . what their hearts are , god doth know . but if they which minde treachery to god and man , shall once apprehend this advantage given them , whereby they may satisfie law , in pretending themselves conformable , ( for what can law with reason or justice require more ? ) and yet be sure the church will accept no such offer , till their gospel-like behavior be allowed , after that our own simplicity hath once thus fairly eased them from the sting of law ; it is to be thought they will learn the mystery of gospel-like behavior , when leisure serveth them . and so while without any cause , we fear to profane sacraments , we shall not onely defeat the purpose of most wholesome laws , but lose or wilfully hazard those souls ; from whom , the likeliest means of full and perfect recovery , are by our indiscretion with-held . for neither doth god thus binde us to dive into mens consciences , nor can their fraud and deceit hurt any man but themselves . to him they seem such as they are , but of us they must be taken for such as they seem . in the eye of god they are against christ , that are not truly and sincerely with him ; in our eyes , they must be received as with christ , that are not to outward shew against him . the case of impenitent and notorious sinners , is not like unto theirs , whose onely imperfection is error , severed from pertinacy ; error in appearance content to submit it self to better instruction ; error so far already cured , as to crave at our hands that sacrament , the hat●ed and utter refusal whereof , was the weightiest point wherein heretofore they swerved and went astray . in this case therefore , they cannot reasonably charge us with remiss dealing , or with carelesness to whom we impart the mysteries of christ ; but they have given us manifest occasion to think it requisit , that we earnestly advise rather , and exhort them to consider as they ought , their sundry over-sights ; first , in equalling undistinctly crimes with errors , as touching force to make uncapable of this sacrament : secondly , in suffering indignation at the faults of the church of rome , to blinde and with-hold their judgments from seeing that which withal they should acknowledge , concerning so much , nevertheless , still due to the same church , as to be held and reputed a part of the house of god , a limb of the visible church of christ : thirdly , in imposing upon the church a burthen , to enter farther into mens hearts , and to make a deeper search of their consciences , then any law of god , or reason of man inforceth : fourthly and lastly , in repelling under colour of longer tryal , such from the mysteries of heavenly grace , as are both capable thereof by the laws of god , for any thing we hear to the contrary ; and should , in divers considerations , be cherished according to the merciful examples and precepts , whereby the gospel of christ hath taught us towards such , to shew compassion , to receive them with lenity and all meekness ; if any thing be shaken in them , to strengthen it , not to quench with delays and jealousies , that feeble smoke of conformity which seemeth to breathe from them ; but to build wheresoever there is any foundation , to add perfection unto slender beginnings , and that as by other offices of piety , even so by this very food of life , which christ hath left in his church , not onely for preservation of strength , but also for relief of weakness : but to return to our own selves , in whom the next thing severely reproved , is the paucity of communicants . if they require at communions frequency , we wish the same , knowing how acceptable unto god such service is , when multitudes cheerfully concur unto it ; if they encourage men thereunto , we also ( themselves acknowledge it ) are not utterly forgetful to do the like ; if they require some publick coaction for remedy of that , wherein by milder and softer means , little good is done , they know our laws and statutes provided in that behalf , whereunto whatsoever convenient help may be added more by the wisdom of man , what cause have we given the world to think , that we are not ready to hearken to it , and to use any good means of sweet compulsion , to have this high and heavenly banquet largely furnished ? onely we cannot so far yield , as to judge it convenient , that the holy desire of a competent number should be unsatisfied , because the greater part is careless and undisposed to joyn with them . men should not ( they say ) be permitted a few by themselves to communicate , when so many are gone away , because this sacrament is a token of our conjunction with our brethren , and therefore by communicating apart from them , we make an apparent shew of distraction : i ask then , on which side unity is broken , whether on theirs that depart , or on theirs , who being left behinde , do communicate ? first , in the one it is not denied , but that they may have reasonable causes of departure , and that then even they are delivered from just blame . of such kinde of causes , two are allowed , namely , danger of impairing health , and necessary business requiring our presence otherwhere . and may not a third cause , which is unfitness at the present time , detain us as lawfully back , as either of these two ? true it is , that we cannot hereby altogether excuse our selves , for that we ought to prevent this , and do not : but if we have committed a fault in not preparing our mindes before , shall we therefore aggravate the same with a worse ; the crime of unworthy participation ? he that abstaineth , doth want for the time that grace and comfort which religious communicants have , but he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , receiveth death ; that which is life to others , turneth in him to poyson . notwithstanding , whatsoever be the cause , for which men abstain , were it reason that the fault of one part , should any way abridge their benefit that are not faulty ? there is in all the scripture of god , no one syllable which doth condemn communicating a t●ngst a few , when the rest are departed from them . as for the last thing , which is our imparting this sacrament privately unto the sick , whereas there have been of old ( they grant ) two kindes of necessity , wherein this sacrament might be privately administred ; of which two , the one being erroniously imagined , and the other ( they say ) continuing no longer in use , there remaineth unto us no necessity at all , for which , that custom should be retained . the falsly surmised necessity , is that , whereby some have thought all such excluded from possibility of salvation , as did depart this life , and never were made partakers of the holy eucharist . the other case of necessity was , when men which had faln in time of persecution , and had afterwards repented them , but were not as yet received again unto the fellowship of this communion , did at the hour of their death request it , that so they might rest with greater quietness and comfort of minde , being thereby assuted of departure , in unity of christs church ; which vertuous desire , the fathers did think it great impiety , not to satisfie . this was serapions case of necessity . serapion a faithful aged person , and always of very upright life , till fear of persecution in the end , caused him to shrink back ; after long sorrow for his scandalous offence , and sute oftentimes made to be pardoned of the church , fell at length into grievous sickness , and being ready to yield up the ghost , was then more instant then ever before to receive the sacrament . which sacrament was necessary in this case , not that serapion had been deprived of everlasting life without it , but that his end was thereby to him made the more comfortable . and do we think , that all cases of such necessity are clean vanished ? suppose that some have by mis-perswasion lived in schism , withdrawn themselves from holy and publick assemblies , hated the prayers , and loathed the sacraments of the church , falsly presuming them to be fraught with impious and antichristian corruptions : which error , the god of mercy and truth , opening at the length their eyes to see , they do not onely repent them of the evil which they have done , but also in token thereof , desire to receive comfort by that whereunto they have offered disgrace ( which may be the case of many poor seduced souls , even at this day . ) god forbid , we should think that the church doth sin , in permitting the wounds of such to be suppled with that oyl , which this gracious sacrament doth yield , and their bruised mindes not onely need but beg . there is nothing which the soul of man doth desire in that last hour so much , as comfort against the natural terrors of death , and other scruples of conscience , which commonly do then most trouble and perplex the weak ; towards whom , the very law of god doth exact at our hands , all the helps that christian lenity and indulgence can afford . our general consolation departing this life , is , the hope of that a glorious and blessed resurrection , which the apostle saint paul b nameth c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to note , that , as all men shall have their d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and be raised again from the dead ; so the just shall be taken up and exalted above the rest , whom the power of god doth but raise , and not exalt . this life , and this resurrection our lord jesus christ is , for all men , as touching the sufficiency of that he hath done ; but that which maketh us partakers thereof , is our particular communion with christ ; and this sacrament a principal mean , as well to strengthen the bond , as to multiply in us the fruits of the same communion : for which cause saint cyprian d termeth it a joyful solemnity of expedite and speedy resurrection ; ignatius e , a medicine which procureth immortality , and preventeth death ; irenaeus f , the nourishment of our bodies to eternal life , and their preservative from corruption . now because that sacrament , which at all times we may receive unto this effect , is then most acceptable and most fruitful , when any special extraordinary occasion , nearly , and presently urging , kindleth our desires towards it , their severity , who cleave unto that alone , which is generally fit to be done , and so make all mens conditions alike , may adde much affliction to divers troubled and grieved mindes , of whose particular estate particular respect being had , according to the charitable order of the church wherein we live , there ensueth unto god that glory , which his righteous saints comforted in their greatest distresses do yield ; and unto them which have their reasonable petitions satisfied , ●●●e same contentment , tranquillity and joy , that others before them , by means of like satisfaction , have reaped , and wherein we all are , or should be desirous , finally , to take our leave of the world , whensoever our own uncertain time of most assured departure shall come . concerning therefore both prayers and sacraments , together with our usual and received form of administering the same in the church of england , let thus much suffice . . as the substance of god alone is infinite , and hath no kinde of limitation ; so likewise his continuance is from everlasting to everlasting , and knoweth neither beginning nor end. which demonstrable conclusion being presupposed , it followeth necessarily , that , besides him , all things are finite , both in substance and in continuance . if in substance all things be finite , it cannot be , but that there are bounds without the compass whereof , their substance doth not extend ; if in continuance also limited , they all have , it cannot be denied , their set and their certain terms , before which they had no being at all . this is the reason , why first we do most admire those things which are greatest ; and secondly , those things which are ancientest , because the one are least distant from the infinite substance ; the other from the infinite continuance of god. out of this we gather , that onely god hath true immortality or eternity , that is to say , continuance wherein there groweth no difference by addition of hereafter unto now , whereas the noblest and perfectest of all things besides , have continually through continuance , the time of former continuance lengthned ; so that they could not heretofore be said to have continued so long as now , neither now so long as hereafter , gods own eternity , is the hand which leadeth angels in the course of their perpetuity ; their perpetuity the hand that draweth out celestial motion ; the line of which motion , and the thred of time , are spun together . now as nature bringeth forth time with motion , so we by motion have learned how to divide time , and by the smaller parts of time , both to measure the greater , and to know how long all things else endure . for , time , considered in it self , is but the flux of that very instant , wherein the motion of the heaven began ; being coupled with other things , it is the quantity of their continuance measured by the distance of two instants : as the time of a man , is a mans continuance from the instant of his first breath , till the instant of his last gasp . hereupon , some have defined time to be the measure of the motion of heaven ; because the first thing which time doth measure , is that motion wherewith it began , and by the help whereof it measureth other things ; as when the prophet david saith , that a mans continuance doth not commonly exceed threescore and ten years , he useth the help , both of motion and number , to measure time. they which make time an effect of motion , and motion to be in nature before time , ought to have considered with themselves , that albeit we should deny , as melissus did , all motion , we might notwithstanding acknowledge time , because time doth but signifie the quantity of continuance , which continuance may be in things that rest , and are never moved . besides , we may also consider in rest , both that which is past , and that which is present , and that which is future ; yea , farther , even length and shortness in every of these , although we never had conceit of motion . but to define , without motion , how long , or how short such continuance is , were impossible . so that herein we must of necessity use the benefit of years , days , hours , minutes , which all grow from celestial motion . again , for as much as that motion is circular , whereby we make our divisions of time , and the compass of that circuit such , that the heavens which are therein continually moved , and keep in their motions uniform celerity , must needs touch often the same points , they cannot chuse but bring unto us by equal distances , frequent returns of the same times . furthermore , whereas time is nothing but the meer quantity of that continuance which all things have , that are not as god is , without beginning , that which is proper unto all quantities agreeth also to this kinde ; so that time doth but measure other things , and neither worketh in them any real effect , nor is it self ever capable of any . and therefore when commonly we use to say , that time doth eat or fret out all things ; that time is the wisest thing in the world , because it bringeth forth all knowledge ; and that nothing is more foolish then time , which never holdeth any thing long , but whatsoever one day learneth , the same another day forgetteth again ; that some men see prosperous and happy days , and that some mens days are miserable : in all these , and the like speeches , that which is uttered of the time , is not verified of time it self ; but agreeth unto those things which are in time , and do by means of so near conjunction , either lay their burden upon the back , or set their crown upon the head of time. yea , the very opportunities which we ascribe to time , do in truth cleave to the things themselves , wherewith time is joyned : as for time , it neither causeth things , nor opportunities of things , although it comprize and contain both . all things whatsoever having their time , the works of god have always that time which is seasonablest and fittest for them . his works are , some ordinary , some more rare ; all worthy of observation , but not all of like necessity to be often remembred ; they all have their times , but they all do not adde the same estimation and glory to the times wherein they are . for as god by being every where , yet doth not give unto all places , one and the same degree of holiness ; so neither one and the same dignity to all times by working in all . for it all , either places or times were in respect of god alike ; wherefore was it said unto moses , by particular designation , that very place wherein thou standest , is holy ground ? why doth the prophet david chuse out of all the days of the year , but one , whereof he speaketh by way of principal admiration , this is the day the lord hath made ? no doubt , as gods extraordinary presence , hath hallowed and sanctified certain places , so they are his extraordinary works , that have truly and worthily advanced certain times ; for which cause , they ought to be with all men that honor god , more holy then other days . the wise man therefore compareth herein , not unfitly the times of god , with the persons of men . if any should ask how it cometh to pass , that one day doth excel another , seeing the light of all the days in the year proceedeth from one sun , to this he answereth , that the knowledge of the lord hath parted them asunder , he hath by them disposed the times and solemn feasts ; some he hath chosen out and sanctified , some he hath put among the days , to number : even as adam and all other men are of one substance , all created of the earth : but the lord hath divided them by great knowledge , and made their ways divers ; some he hath blessed and exalted , some he hath sanctified and appropriated unto himself , some he hath cursed , humbled , and put them out of their dignity . so that the cause being natural and necessary , for which there should be a difference in days , the solemn observation whereof , declareth religious thankfulness towards him , whose works of principal reckoning , we thereby admire and honor , it cometh next to be considered , what kindes of duties and services they are , wherewith such times should be kept holy . . the sanctification of days and times , is a token of that thankfulness , and a part of that publick honor which we ow to god for admirable benefits , whereof it doth not suffice , that we keep a secret kalender , taking thereby our private occasions as we lift our selves , to think how much god hath done for all men ; but the days which are chosen out to serve as publick memorials of such his mercies , ought to cloathed with those outward robes of holiness , whereby their difference from other days , may be made sensible . but because time in it self , as hath been already proved , can receive no alteration ; the hallowing of festival days , must consist in the shape or countenance , which we put upon the affairs that are incident into those days . this is the day which the lord hath made , saith the prophet david , let us rejoyce and be glad in it . so that generally offices and duties of a religious joy , are that wherein the hallowing of festival times consisteth . the most natural testimonies of our rejoycing in god , are first , his praises set forth with cheerful alacrity of minde : secondly , our comfort and delight expressed by a charitable largeness of somewhat more then common bounty : thirdly , sequestration from ordinary labors , the toyls and cares whereof are not meet to be companions of such gladness . festival solemnity therefore , is nothing but the due mixture , as it were , of these three elements , praise , bounty , and rest. touching praise , for as much as the jews , who alone knew the way how to magnifie god aright , did commonly ( as appeared by their wicked lives ) more of custom , and for fashion sake execute the services of their religion , then with hearty and true devotion ( which god especially requireth ) he therefore protesteth against their sabbaths and solemn days , as being therewith much offended . plentiful and liberal expence is required in them that abound , party as a sign of their own joy , in the goodness of god towards them , and partly as a mean , whereby to refresh those poor and needy , who being , especially at these times , made partakers of relaxation and joy with others , do the more religiously bless god , whose great mercies were a cause thereof , and the more contentedly endure the burthen of that hard estate wherein they continue . rest is the end of all motion , and the last perfection of all things that labor . labors in us are journeys , and even in them which feel no weariness by any work ; yet they are but ways whereby to come unto that which bringeth not happiness , till it do bring rest. for as long as any thing which we desire is unattained , we rest not . let us not here take rest for idleness . they are idle , whom the painfulness of action causeth to avoid those labors , whereunto both god and nature bindeth them ; they rest , which either cease from their work , when they have brought it unto perfection , of else give over a meaner labor , because a worthier and better is to be undertaken . god hath created nothing to be idle or ill employed . as therefore , man doth consist of different and distinct parts , every part endued with manifold abilities , which all have their several ends and actions thereunto referred ; so there is in this great variety of duties which belong to men , that dependency and other ; by means whereof , the lower sustaining always the more excellent , and the higher perfecting the more base ; they are in their times and seasons continued with most exquisite correspondence : labors of bodily and daily toyl , purchase freedom for actions of religious joy , which benefit these actions requite with the gift of desired rest : a thing most natural and fit to accompany the solemn festival duties of honor , which are done to god. for if those principal works of god , the memory whereof we use to celebrate at such times , be but certain tastes and ●●says , as it were , of that final benefit , wherein our perfect felicity and bliss lieth folded up , seeing that the presence of the one , doth direct our cogitations , thoughts and desires towards the other , it giveth surely a kinde of life , and addeth inwardly no small delight to those so comfortable expectations , when the very outward countenance of that we presently do , representeth after a sort that also whereunto we tend , as festival rest doth that celestial estate whereof the very heathens themselves which had not the means whereby to apprehend much , did notwithstanding imagine , that it needs must consist in rest , and have therefore taught , that above the highest moveable sphere , there is nothing which feeleth alteration , motion or change , but all things immutable , unsubject to passion , blest with eternal continuance in a life of the highest perfection , and of that compleat abundant sufficiency within it self , which no possibility of want , maim , or defect can touch . besides , whereas ordinary labors are both in themselves painful , and base in comparison of festival services done to god , doth not the natural difference between them , shew that the one , as it were , by way of submission and homage , should surrender themselves to the other , wherewith they can neither easily concur , because painfulness and joy are opposite , nor decently , because while the minde hath just occasion to make her abode in the house of gladness , the weed of ordinary toyl and travel , becometh her not ? wherefore , even nature hath taught the heathens , and god the jews , and christ us , first , that festival solemnities are a part of the publick exercise of religion : secondly , that praise , liberality , and rest , are as natural elements whereof solemnities consist . but these things the heathens converted to the honor of their false gods : and , as they failed in the end it self ; so neither could they discern rightly what form and measure religion therein should observe . whereupon , when the israelites impiously followed so corrupt example , they are in every degree noted to have done amiss ; their hymns of songs of praise , were idolatry , their bounty , excess ; and their rest , wantonness . therefore the law of god which appointed them days of solemnity , taught them likewise in what manner the same should be celebrated : according to the pattern of which institution , david establishing the state of religion , ordained praise to be given unto god in the sabbaths , moneths , and appointed times , as their custom had been always before the lord. now , besides the times which god himself in the law of moses particularly specified , there were , through the wisdom of the church , certain other devised by occasion of like occurents to those whereupon the former had risen ; as namely , that which mordecai and esther did first celebrate , in memory of the lords most wonderful protection , when haman had laid his inevitable plot , to mans thinking , for the utter extirpation of the jews even in one day . this they call the feast of lots , because haman had cast their life , and their death , as it were , upon the hazard of a lot. to this may be added , that other also of dedication , mentioned in the tenth of st. iohns gospel , the institution whereof is declared in the history of the maccabees . but for as much as their law by the coming of christ is changed , and we thereunto no way bound , st. paul , although it were not his purpose to favor invectives against the special sanctification of days and times to the service of god , and to the honor of jesus christ , doth notwithstanding bend his forces against that opinion , which imposed on the gentiles the yoke of jewish legal observations , as if the whole world ought for ever , and that upon pain of condemnation , to keep and observe the same . such as in this perswasion hallowed those jewish sabbaths , the apostle sharply reproveth , saying , ye observe days , and moneths , and times , and years ; i am in fear of you , lest i have bestowed upon you labor in vain . howbeit , so far off was tertullian from imagining how any man could possibly hereupon call in question such days as the church of christ doth observe , that the observation of these days , he useth for an argument whereby to prove , it could not be the apostles intent and meaning to condemn simply , all observing of such times , generally therefore touching feasts in the church of christ , they have that profitable use whereof saint augustine speaketh , by festival solemnities and set-days , we dedicate and sanctifie to god , the memory of his benefits , lest unthankful forgetfulness thereof , should creep upon us in course of time . and concerning particulars , their sabbath the church hath changed into our lords day , that is , as the one did continually bring to minde the former world finished by creation ; so the other might keep us in perpetual remembrance of a far better world , begun by him which came to restore all things , to make both heaven and earth new . for which cause they honored the last day , we the first , in every seven , throughout the year , the rest of the days and times which we celebrate , have relation all unto one head . we begin therefore our ecclesiastical year , with the glorious annuntiation of his birth , by angelical embassage . there being hereunto added , his blessed nativity it self ; the mystery of his legal circumcision , the testification of his true incarnation , by the purification of her , which brought him in the world , his resurrection , his ascension into heaven , the admirable sending down of his spirit upon his chosen , and ( which consequently ensued ) the notice of that incomprehensible trinity thereby given to the church of god. again , for as much as we know , that christ hath not onely been manifested great in himself , but great in other his saints also , the days of whose departure out of the world , are to the church of christ , as the birth and coronation days of kings or emperors ; therefore especial choice being made of the very flower of all occasions in this kinde , there are annual selected times to meditate of christ glorified in them , which had the honor to suffer for his sake , before they had age and ability to know him ; glorified in them , which knowing him as stephen , had the sight of that before death , whereinto so acceptable death did lead , glorified in those sages of the east , that came from far to adore him , and were conducted by strange light ; glorified in the second elias of the world , sent before him to prepare his way , glorified in every of those apostles , whom it pleased him to use as founders of his kingdom here ; glorified in the angels , as in michael , glorified in all those happy souls , that are already possessed of heaven . over and besides which number not great , the rest be but four other days heretofore annexed to the feast of easter and pentecost , by reason of general baptism , usual at those two feasts ; which also is the cause why they had not , as other days , any proper name given them . their first institution was therefore through necessity , and their present continuance is now for the greater honor of the principals , whereupon they still attend . if it be then demanded , whether we observe these times as being thereunto bound by force of divine law , or else by the onely positive ordinances of the church ; i answer to this , that the very law of nature it self , which all men confess to be gods law , requireth in general no less the sanctification of times , then of places , persons and things , unto gods honor . for which cause it hath pleased him heretofore , as of the rest ; so of times likewise , to exact some parts by way of perpetual homage , never to be dispensed withal , nor remitted : again to require some other parts of time with as strict exaction , but for less continuance ; and of the rest which were left arbibitrary , to accept what the church shall in due consideration consecrate voluntarily , unto like religious uses . of the first kinde , amongst the jews , was the sabbath-day ; of the second , those feasts which are appointed by the law of moses ; the feast of dedication , invented by the church , standeth in the number of the last kinde . the moral law requiring therefore a seventh part throughout the age of the whole world , to be that way employed , although with us the day be changed , in regard of a new revolution begun by our saviour christ ; yet the same proportion of time continueth which was before , because in reference to the benefit of creation , and now much more of renovation thereunto added by him which was prince of the world to come ; we are bound to accompt the sanctification of one day in seven , a duty which gods immutable law doth exact for ever . the rest , they say , we ought to abolish , because the continuance of them doth nourish wicked superstition in the mindes of men ; besides , they are all abused by papists , the enemies of god ; yea , certain of them , as easter and pentecost , even by the jews . . touching jews , their easter and pentecost have with ours as much affinity , as philip the apostle , with philip the macedonian king. as for imitation of papists , and the breeding of superstition , they are now become such common guests , that no man can think it discourteous to let them go as they came . the next is a rare observation and strange ; you shall finde , if you mark it ( as it doth deserve to be noted well ) that many thousands there are , who if they have vertuously during those times behaved themselves , if their devotion and zeal in prayer have been fervent , their attention to the word of god , such as all christian men should yield , imagine , that herein they have performed a good duty ; which notwithstanding to think , is a very dangerous : error , in as much as the apostle saint paul hath taught , that we ought not to keep our easter as the jews did for certain days ; but , in the unleavened bread of sincerity and of truth , to feast continually : whereas the restraint of easter to a certain number of days , causeth us to rest for a short space in that near consideration of our duties , which should be extended throughout the course of our whole lives , and so pulleth out of our mindes , the doctrine of christs gospel ●re we be aware . the doctrine of the gospel , which here they mean , or should mean , is , that christ having finished the law , there is no jewish paschal solemnity , nor abstinence from sour bread , now required at our hands ; there is no leaven which we are bound to cast out , but malice , sin , and wickedness ; no bread but the food of sincere truth , wherewith we are tied to celebrate our passover . and seeing no time of sin is granted us , neither any intermission of sound belief , it followeth , that this kinde of feasting ought to endure always . but how are standing festival solemnities against this ? that which the gospel of christ requireth , is the perpetuity of vertuous duties ; not perpetuity of exercise or action ; but disposition perpetual , and practice as oft as times and opportunities require . just , valiant , liberal , temperate , and holy men are they , which can whensoever they will , and will whensoever they ought , execute what their several perfections import . if vertues did always cease to be , when they cease to work , there should be nothing more pernicious to vertue then sleep : neither were it possible that men , as zachary and elizabeth , should in all the commandments of god , walk unreprovable ; or that the chain of our conversation should contain so many links of divine vertues , as the apostles in divers places have reckoned up ; if in the exercise of each vertue , perpetual continuance were exacted at our hands . seeing therefore all things are done in time , and many offices are not possible at one and the same time to be discharged ; duties of all forms must have necessarily their several successions and seasons : in which respect the school-men have well and soundly determined , that gods affirmative laws and precepts , the laws that enjoyn any actual duty , as prayer , alms , and the like , do binde us ad semper velle , but not ad semper agere ; we are tyed to iterate and resume them when need is , howbeit not to continue them without any intermission . feasts , whether god himself hath ordained them , or the church by that authority which god hath given , they are of religion such publick services , as neither can , nor ought to be continued otherwise then onely by iteration . which iteration is a most effectual mean to bring unto full maturity and growth those seeds of godliness , that these very men themselves do grant to be sown in the hearts of many thousands , during the while that such feasts are present . the constant habit of well-doing , is not gotten , without the custom of doing well , neither can vertue be made perfect , but by the manifold works of vertue often practised . before the powers of our mindes be brought unto some perfection , our first assays and offers towards vertue , must needs be raw ; yet commendable , because they tend unto ripeness . for which cause , and wisdom of god hath commanded , especially this circumstance amongst others in solemn feasts , that to children and novices in religion , they minister the first occasion to ask and enquire of god. whereupon , if there follow but so much piety as hath been mentioned , let the church learn to further imbecillity with prayer . preserve , lord , these good and gracious beginnings , that they suddenly dry not up like the morning dew , but may prosper and grow as the trees , which rivers of waters keep always flourishing . let all mens acclamations be , grace , grace unto it , as to that first laid corner stone in zerubbabels buildings . for who hath despised the day of those things which are small ? or , how dare we take upon us to condemn that very thing which voluntarily we grant , maketh as of nothing , somewhat ; seeing all we pretend against it , is onely , that as yet this somewhat , is not much ? the days of solemnity which are but few , cannot chuse but soon finish that outward exercise of godliness , which properly appertaineth to such times ; howbeit , mens inward disposition to vertue , they both augment for the present , and by their often returns , bring also the same at the length unto that perfection which we most desire . so that although by their necessary short continuance , they abridge the present exercise of piety in some kinde ; yet because by repetition they enlarge , strengthen , and confirm the habits of all vertue ; it remaineth , that we honor , observe and keep them as ordinances , many ways singularly profitable in gods church . this exception being taken against holidays , for that they restrain the praises of god unto certain times , another followeth condemning restraint of men , from their ordinary trades and labors at those times . * it is not ( they say ) in the power of the church to command rest , because god hath left it to all men at liberty , that if they think good to bestow six whole days in labor , they may ; neither is it more lawful for the church to abridge any man of that liberty which god hath granted , then to take away the yoke which god hath laid upon them , and to countermand what he doth expresly enjoyn . they deny not , but in times of publick calamity , that men may the better assemble themselves to fast and pray , the church , because it hath received commandment from god , to proclaim a prohibition from ordinary works , standeth bound to do it , as the jews afflicted did in babylon . but without some express commandment from god , there is no power , they say , under heaven , which may presume by any decree to restrain the liberty that god hath given . which opinion , albeit applied here no farther then to this present cause , shaketh universally the fabrick of government , tendeth to anarchy , and meer confusion , dissolveth families , dissipateth colledges , corporations , armies ; overthroweth kingdoms , churches , and whatsoever is now , through the providence of god , by authority and power upheld . for whereas god hath foreptized things of the greatest weight , and hath therein precisely defined , as well that which every man must perform , as that which no man may attempt , leaving all sorts of men in the rest , either to be guided by their own good discretion , if they be free from subjection to others , or else to be ordered by such commandments and laws , as proceed from those superiors under whom they live ; the patrons of liberty have here made solemn proclamation , that all such laws and commandments are void , in as much as every man is left to the freedom of his own minde , in such things as are not either exacted or prohibited by the law of god. and because , onely in these things , the positive precepts of men have place ; which precepts cannot possibly be given without some abridgment of their liberty , to whom they are given : therefore if the father command the son , or the husband the wife ; or the lord the servant , or the leader the soldier , or the prince the subject ; to go or stand , sleep or wake , at such times , as god himself in particular commandeth neither ; they are to stand in defence of the freedom which god hath granted , and to do as themselves list , knowing , that men may as lawfully command them things utterly forbidden by the law of god , as tye them to any thing which the law of god leaveth free . the plain contradictory whereunto is unfallibly certain . those things which the law of god leaveth arbitrary and at liberty , are all subject to the positive laws of men ; which laws for the common benefit , abridge particular mens liberty in such things , as far as the rules of equity will suffer . this we must either maintain , or else over-turn the world , and make every man his own commander . seeing then that labor and rest upon any one day of the six , throughout the year , are granted free by the law of god , how exempt we them from the force and power of ecclesiastical law , except we deprive the world of power , to make any ordinance or law at all ? besides , is it probable that god should not onely allow , but command concurrency of rest , with extraordinary occasions of doleful events , befalling ( peradventure ) some one certain church , or not extending unto many , and not as much as permit or licence the like ; when piety , triumphant with joy and gladness , maketh solemn commemoration of gods most rare and unwonted mercies , such especially as the whole race of mankinde doth or might participate ? of vacation from labor in times of sorrow , the onely cause is , for that the general publick prayers of the whole church , and our own private business , cannot both he followed at once ; whereas of rest in the famous solemnities of publick joy , there is both this consideration the same ; and also farther a kinde of natural repugnancy , which maketh labors ( as hath been proved ) much more unfit to accompany festival praises of god , then offices of humiliation and grief . again , if we sift what they bring for proof and approbation of rest with fasting , doth it not in all respects as fully warrant , and as strictly command rest , whensoever the church hath equal reason by feasts , and gladsome solemnities to testifie publick thankfulness towards god ? i would know some cause , why those words of the prophet ioel , sanctifie a fast , call a solemn assembly ; which words were uttered to the jews , in misery and great distress , should more binde the church to do at all times after the like , in their like perplexities , then the words of moses , to the same people , in a time of joyful deliverance from misery . remember this day , may warrant any annual celebration of benefits , no less importing the good of men ; and also justifie , as touching the manner and form thereof , what circumstance soever we imitate onely in respect of natural fitness or decency , without any jewish regard to ceremonies , such as were properly theirs , and are not by us expedient to be continued . according to the rule of which general directions , taken from the law of god , no less in the one , then the other , the practice of the church , commended unto us in holy scripture , doth not onely make for the justification of black and dismal days ( as one of the fathers termeth them ) but plainly offereth it self to be followed by such ordinances ( if occasion require ) as that which mordecai did sometimes devise , esther what lay in her power help forward , and the rest of the jews establish for perpetuity , namely , that the fourteenth and fifteenth days of the moneth adar , should be every year kept throughout all generations ; as days of feasting and joy , wherein they would rest from bodily labor , and what by gifts of charity bestowed upon the poor , what by other liberal signs of amity and love ; all restifie their thankful mindes towards god , which almost beyond possibility , had delivered them all , when they all were as men dead . but this decree , they say , was divine , not ecclesiastical , as may appear in that there is another decree in another book of scripture ; which decree is plain , no● to have proceeded from the churches authority , but from the mouth of the prophet onely ; and , as a poor simple man sometime was fully perswaded , that it pontius pilate had not been a saint , the apostles would never have suffered his name to stand in the creed ; so these men have a strong opinion , that because the book of esther is canonical , the decree of esther cannot be possibly ecclesiastical : if it were , they ask how the jews could binde themselves always to keep it , seeing ecclesiastical laws are mutable ? as though the purposes of men might never intend constancy in that , the nature whereof is subject to alteration . doth the scripture it self make mention of any divine commandment ? is the scripture witness of more , then onely that mordecai was the author of this custom , that by letters written to his brethren the jews , throughout all provinces under darius , the king of persia ; he gave them charge to celebrate yearly those two days , for perpetual remembrance of gods miraculous deliverance and mercy ; that the jews hereupon undertook to do it , and made it with general consent , an order for perpetnity ; that esther , secondly , by her letters confirmed the same which mordecai had before decreed ; and that finally , the ordinance was written to remain for ever upon record ? did not the jews , in provinces abroad , observe at the first the fourteenth day , the jews in susis the fifteenth ? were they not all reduced to an uniform order , by means of those two decrees , and so every where three days kept ; the first with fasting , in memory of danger ; the rest , in token of deliverance , as festival and joyful days ? was not the first of these three afterwards , the day of sorrow and heaviness , abrogated , when the same church saw it meet that a better day , a day in memory of like deliverance , out of the bloody hancs of nicanor , should succeed in the room thereof ? but for as much as there is no end of answering fruitless oppositions , let it suffice men of sober mindes , to know , that the law both of god and nature alloweth generally , days of rest and festival solemnity , to be observed by way of thankful and joyful remembrance , if such miraculous favors be shewed towards mankinde , as require the same ; that such graces , god hath bestowed upon his church , as well in latter , as in former times ; that in some particulars , when they have faln out , himself hath demanded his own honor , and in the rest , hath lest it to the wisdom of the church , directed by those precedents , and enlightned by other means , always to judge when the like is requisite . about questions therefore , concerning days and times , our manner is not to stand at bay with the church of god , demanding , wherefore the memory of a paul should be rather kept , then the memory of b daniel : we are content to imagine , it may be perhaps true , that the least in the kingdom of christ , is greater then the greatest of all the prophets of god that have gone before : we never yet saw cause to despair , but that the c simplest of the people might be taught the right construction of as great mysteries , as the d name of a saints day doth comprehend , although the times of the year go on in their wonted course : we had rather glorifie and bless god , for the fruit we daily behold , reaped by such ordinances , as his gracious spirit maketh the ripe wisdom of this national church to bring forth , then vainly boast of our own peculiar and private inventions , as if the skill of e profitable regiment had left her publick habitation , to dwell in retired manner with some few men of one livery : we make not our childish f appeals , sometimes from our own to forein churches , sometime from both unto churches ancienter then both are , in effect always from all others to our own selves ; but , as becometh them that follow with all humility the ways of peace , we honor , reverence , and obey , in the very next degree unto god , the voice of the church of god wherein we live . they , whose wits are too glorious to fall to so low an ebb ; they which have risen and swoln so high , that the walls of ordinary rivers are unable to keep them in ; they whose wanton contentions in the cause whereof we have spoken , do make all where they go , a sea , even they , at their highest float , are constrained both to see and g grant , - that what their fancy will not yield to like , their judgment cannot with reason condemn . such is evermore the final victory of all truth , that they which have not the hearts to love her , acknowledge , that to hate her , they have no cause . touching those festival days therefore which we now observe , their number being no way felt h discommodious to the commonwealth , and their grounds such as hitherto hath been shewed ; what remaineth , but to keep them throughout all generations holy , severed by manifest notes of difference from other times , adorned with that which most may betoken true , vertuous , and celestial joy ? to which intent , because surcease from labor is necessary , yet not so necessary , no not on the sabbath or seventh day , it self , but that rarer occasions in mens particular affairs , subject to manifest detriment unless they be presently followed , may with very good conscience draw them sometimes aside from the ordinary rule , considering the favorable dispensation which our lord and saviour groundeth on this axiom , man was not made for the sabbath , but the sabbath ordained for man ; so far forth as concerneth ceremonies annexed to the principal sanctification thereof , howsoever the rigor of the law of moses may be thought to import the contrary ; if we regard with what severity the violation of sabbaths hath been sometime punished , a thing perhaps the more requisite at that instant , both because the jews by reason of their long abode in a place of continual servile toil , could not suddenly be wained and drawn unto contrary offices , without some strong impression of terror ; and also for that there is nothing more needful , then to punish with extremity the first transgressions of those laws , that require a more exact observation for many ages to come ; therefore as the jews , superstitiously addicted to their sabbaths rest for a long time , not without danger to themselves , and a obloquy to their very law , did afterwards perceive and amend wisely their former error , not doubting , that bodily labors are made by b accessity venial , though otherwise especially on that day , rest be more convenient : so at all times , the voluntary scandalous contempt of that rest from labor , wherewith publiclkly god is served , we cannot too c severely correct and bridle . the emperor constantine d having with over-great facility licenced sundays labor in country villages , under that pretence , whereof there may justly no doubt sometime consideration be had , namely , left any thing which god by his providence hath bestowed , should miscarry , not being taken in due time , leo , which afterwards saw that this ground would not bear so general and large indulgence as had been granted , doth by a contrary edict , both reverse and severely censure his predecessors remissness , saying , e we ordain , according to the true meaning of the holy ghost , and of the apostles thereby directed , that on the sacred day , wherein our own integrity was restored , all do rest and surcease labor , that neither husband-man , nor other , on that day , put their hands to forbidden works . for if the iews did so much reverence their sabbath , which was but a shaddow of ours , are not we which inhabit the light and truth of grace , bound to honor that day which the lord himself hath honored , and hath therein delivered us both from dishonor and from death ? are we not bound to keep it singular and inviolble , well contenting our selves with so liberal a grant of the rest , and not incroaching upon that one day , which god hath chosen to his own honor ? were it not wretchless neglect of religion , to make that very day common , and to think we may do with it as with the rest ? imperial laws which had such care of hallowing , especially our lords day , did not omit to provide , that f other festival times might be kept with vacation from labor , whether they were days appointed on the sudden , as extraordinary occasions fell out , or days which were celebrated yearly , for politick and civil considerations ; or finally , such days as christian religion hath ordained in gods church . the joy that setteth aside labor , disperseth those things which labor gathereth . for gladness doth always rise from a kinde of fruition and happiness , which happiness banisheth the cogitation of all want , it needeth nothing but onely the bestowing of that it hath , in as much as the greatest felicity that felicity hath , is to spred and enlarge it self ; it cometh hereby to pass , that the first effect of joyfulness , is to rest , because it seeketh no more ; the next , because it aboundeth , to give . the root of both , is the glorious presence of that joy of minde , which riseth from the manifold considerations of gods unspeakable mercy , into which considerations we are led by occasion of sacred times . for , how could the jewish congregations of old , be put in minde by their weekly sabbaths , what the world reaped through his goodness , which did of nothing create the world ; by their yearly passover , what farewel they took of the land of egypt ; by their pentecost , what ordinances , laws , and statutes , their fathers received at the hands of god ; by their feast of tabernacles , with what protection they journeyed from place to place , through so many fears and hazards , during the tedious time of forty years travel in the wildeness ; by their annual solemnity of lots , how near the whole seed of israel was unto utter extirpation , when it pleased that great god which guideth all things in heaven and earth , so to change the counsels and purposes of men , that the same hand which had signed a decree in the opinion , both of them that granted , and of them that procured it , irrevocable , for the general massacre of man , woman , and childe , became the buckler of their preservation , that no one hair of their heads might be touched : the same days which had been set for the pouring out of so much innocent blood , were made the days of their execution , whose malice had contrived the plot thereof ; and the self-same persons that should have endured whatsoever violence and rage could offer , were employed in the just revenge of cruelty , to give unto blood-thirsty men the taste of their own cup ; or how can the church of christ now endure to be so much called on , and preached unto , by that which every a dominical day throughout the year , that which year by year so many festival times , b if not commanded by the apostles themselves , whose care at that time was of greater things , yet instituted , either by such c universal authority , as no men , or at the least such as we , with no reason , may despise , do as sometime the holy angels did from heaven , sing , d glory be unto god on high , peace on earth , towards men good will , ( for this in effect , is the very song that all christian feasts do apply as their several occasions require ) how should the days and times continually thus inculcate what god hath done , and we refuse to agnize the benefit of such remembrances ; that very benefit which caused moses to acknowledge those guides of day and night , the sun and moon which enlighten the world , not more profitable to nature , by giving all things life , then they are to the church of god , by occasion of the use they have , in regard of the appointed festival times ? that which the head of all philosophers hath said of women , if they be good , the half of the commonwealth is happy , wherein they are ; the same we may fitly apply to times : well to celebrate these religious and sacred days , is , to spend the flower of our time happily . they are the splendor and outward dignity of our religion , forcible witnesses of ancient truth , provocations to the exercises of all piety , shaddows of our endless felicity in heaven , on earth everlasting records and memorials , wherein they which cannot be drawn to hearken unto that we teach , may onely by looking upon that we do , in a manner read whatsoever we believe . . the matching of contrary things together , is a kinde of illustration to both . having therefore spoken thus much of festival days , the next that offer themselves to hand , are days of pensive humiliation and sorrow . fastings are either of mens own free and voluntary accord , as their particular devotion doth move them thereunto ; or else they are publickly enjoyned in the church , and required at the hands of all men . there are , which altogether disallow not the former kinde ; and the latter they greatly commend ; so that it be upon extraordinary , occasions onely , and after one certain manner exercised . but yearly or weekly fasts , such as ours in the church of england , they allow no farther , then as the temporal state of the land doth require the same , for the maintenance of sea-faring-men , and preservation of cattle , because the decay of the one , and the waste of the other , could not well be prevented but by a politick order , appointing some such usual change of diet as ours is . we are therefore the rather to make it manifest in all mens eyes , that set-times of fasting , appointed in spiritual considerations to be kept by all sorts of men , took not their beginning , either from montanus , or any other , whose heresies may prejudice the credit and due estimation thereof , but have their ground in the law of nature , are allowable in gods sight , were in all ages heretofore , and may till the worlds end be observed , not without singular use and benefit . much hurt hath grown to the church of god , through a false imagination , that fasting standeth men in no stead for any spiritual respect , but onely to take down the frankness of nature , and to tame the wildeness of flesh . whereupon the world being bold to surfeit , doth now blush to fast , supposing , that men when they fast , do rather bewray a disease , then exercise a vertue . i much wonder what they , who are thus perswaded , do think , what conceit they have concerning the fasts of the patriarks , the prophets , the apostles , our lord jesus christ himself . the affections of joy and grief are so knit unto all the actions of mans life , that whatsoever we can do , or may be done unto us , the sequel thereof is continually , the one or the other affection . wherefore considering , that they which grieve and joy as they ought , cannot possibly otherwise live then as they should , the church of christ , the most absolute and perfect school of all vertue , hath by the speciall direction of gods good spirit , hitherto always inured men from their infancy ; and partly with days of festival exercise , for the framing of the one affection ; partly with times of a contrary sort , for the perfecting of the other . howbeit , over and besides this , we must note , that as resting , so fasting likewise attendeth sometimes no less upon the actions of the higher , then upon the affections of the lower part of the minde . fasting , saith tertullian , is a work of reverence towards god. the end thereof , sometimes elevation of minde ; sometime the purpose thereof clean contrary . the cause why moses in the mount did so long fast , was meer divine speculation ; the cause why david , a humiliation . our life is b a mixture of good with evil . when we are partakers of good things , we joy , neither can we but grieve at the contrary . if that befal us which maketh glad , our festival solemnities declare our rejoycing to be in him , whose meer undeserved mercy is the author of all happiness ; if any thing be either imminent or present , which we shun , our watchings , fastings , cryes , and tears , are unfeigned testimonies , that our selves we condemn as the onely causes of our own misery , and do all acknowledge him no less inclinable , then able to save . and because as the memory of the one , though past , reneweth gladness ; so the other , called again to minde , doth make the wound of our just remorse to bleed anew ; which wound needeth often touching the more , for that we are generally more apt to kalendar saints , then sinners days , therefore there is in the church a care , not to iterate the one alone , but to have frequent repetition of the other . never to seek after god , saving onely when either the crib or the whip doth constrain , were brutish servility , and a great derogation to the worth of that which is most predominant in men , if sometime it had not a kinde of voluntary access to god , and of conference , as it were , with god ; all these inferior considerations laid aside . in which sequestration , for as much as c higher cogitations do naturally drown and bury all inferior cares , the minde may as well forget natural , both food and sleep , by being carried above it self with serious and heavenly meditation , as by being cast down with heaviness , drowned and swallowed up of sorrow . albeit therefore , concerning jewish abstinence from certain kindes of meats , as being unclean , the apostle doth reach , that the d kingdom of heaven is not meat nor drink , that food commendeth us not unto god , whether we take it , or abstain from it , that if we eat , we are not thereby the more acceptable in his sight , nor the less , if we eat not : his purpose notwithstanding was far from any intent to derogate from that fasting , which is no such scrupulous abstinence , as onely refuseth some kindes of meats and drinks , lest they make them unclean that taste them , but an abstinence whereby we either interrupt , or otherwise abridge the careof our bodily sustenance , to shew by this kinde of outward exercise , the serious intention of our mindes , fixed on heavenlier and better desires , the earnest hunger and thirst whereof , depriveth the body of those usual contentments , which otherwise are not denied unto it . these being in nature the first causes that induce fasting , the next thing which followeth to be considered , is the ancient practice thereof amongst the jews . touching whose private voluntary fasts , the precept which our saviour gave them , was , when ye fast , look not sour , as hypocrites : for they dis-figure their faces , that they might seem to men to fast . verily , i say unto you , they have their reward . when thou fastest , anoint thy head , and wash thy face , that thou seem not unto men to fast , but unto thy father which is in secret , and thy father which seeth in secret , will reward thee openly . our lord and saviour would not teach the manner of doing , much less propose a reward for doing that , which were not both holy and acceptable in gods sight . the pharisees weekly bound themselves unto double fasts , neither are they for this reproval . often fasting , which was a vertue in iohns disciples , could not in them of it self be a vice ; and therefore not the oftenness of their fasting , but their hypocrisie therein was blamed . of publick enjoyned fasts a , upon causes extraordinary , the examples in scripture are so far frequent , that they need no particular rehearsal . publick extraordinary fastings , were sometimes for b one onely day , sometimes for c three , sometimes for d seven . touching fasts not appointed for any such extraordinary causes , but either yearly , or monethly , or weekly observed and kept : first , upon the e nineth day of that moneth , the tenth whereof was the feast of expiation , they were commanded of god , that every soul , year by year , should afflict it self . their yearly fasts every fourth moneth , in regard of the city of ierusalem , entred by the enemy , every fifth , for the memory of the overthrow of their temple ; every seventh , for the treacherous destruction , and death of gedaliah , the very last stay which they had to lean unto in their greatest misery ; every tenth , in remembrance of the time when siege began first to be laid against them : all these not commanded by god himself , but ordained by a publick constitution of their own ; the prophet f zachary expresly toucheth . that st. ierome , following the tradition of the hebrews , doth make the first , a memorial of the breaking of those two tables , when moses descended from mount senai ; the second , a memorial as well of gods indignation , condemning them to forty years travel in the desart , as of his wrath , in permitting chaldeans to waste , burn and destroy their city ; the last , a memorial of heavy tydings , brought out of iury to ezekiel and the rest , which lived as captives in foreign parts ; the difference is not of any moment , considering , that each time of sorrow , is naturally evermore a register of all such grievous events as have hapned , either in , or near about the same time . to these i might add g sundry other fasts , above twenty in number , ordained amongst them by like occasions , and observed in like manner , besides their weekly abstinence , mundays and thursdays , throughout the whole year . when men fasted , it was not always after one and same sort ; but either by depriving themselves wholly of all food , during the time that their fasts continued , or by abating both the quantity and kinde of diet. we have of the one , a plain example in the ninivites fasting , and as plain a president for the other in the prophet daniel , i was ( saith he ) in heaviness for three weeks of days ; i eat no pleasant bread , neither tasted flash nor wine . their tables , when they gave themselves to fasting , had not that usual furniture of such dishes as do cherish blood with blood ; but h for food , they had bread ; for suppage , salt ; and for sawce , herbs . whereunto the apostle may be thought to allude saying , one believeth he may eat all things , another which is weak ( and maketh a conscience of keeping those customs which the jews observe ) eateth herbs . this austere repast they took in the evening , after abstinence the whole day : for , to forfeit a noons meal , and then to recompence themselves at night , was not their use . nor did they ever accustom themselves on sabbaths , or festivals days to fast . and yet it may be a question , whether in some sort they did not always fast the sabbath . their fastings were partly in token of penitency , humiliation , grief , and sorrow , partly in sign of devotion and reverence towards god. which second consideration ( i dare not peremptorily and boldy affirm any thing ) might induce to abstain till noon , as their manner was on fasting days , to do till night . may it not very well he thought , that hereunto the sacred a scripture doth give some secret kinde of testimony ? iosephus is plain , that the sixth hour ( the day they divided into twelve ) was wont on the sabbath , always to call them home unto meat . neither is it improbable , but that the b heathens did therefore so often upbraid them with fasting on that day . besides , they which found so great fault with our lords disciples , for rubbing a few ears of corn in their hands on the sabbath day , are not unlikely to have aimed also at the same mark . for neither was the bodily pain so great , that it should offend them in that respect , and the very manner of defence which our saviour there useth , is more direct and literal to justifie the breach of the jewish custom in fasting , then in working at that time . finally , the apostles afterwards themselves , when god first gave them the gift of tongues , whereas some in disdain and spight , termed grace , drunkenness , it being then the day of pentecost , and but onely a fourth part of the day spent , they use this as an argument against the other cavil , c these men , saith peter , are not drunk as you suppose , since as yet the third hour of the day is not over-past . howbeit , leaving this in suspence , as a thing not altogether certainly known , and to come from jews to christians , we finde that of private voluntarily fastings , the apostle saint paul speaketh d more then once . and ( saith tertullian ) they are sometime commanded throughout the church , ex aliqua sellicitudinis ecclesiastica causa , the care and fear of the church so requiring . it doth not appear , that the apostles ordained any set and certain days to be generally kept of all . notwithstanding , for as much as christ hath fore-signified , that wher . himself should be taken from them , his absence would soon make them apt to fast , it seemeth , that even as the first festival day appointed to be kept of the church , was the day of our lords return from the dead ; so the first sorrowful and mourning day , was , that which we now observe in memory of his departure o●t of this world. and because there could be no abatement of grief , till they saw him raised , whose death was the occasion of their heaviness ; therefore the day he lay in the sepulchre hath been also kept and observed as a weeping day . the custom of fasting these two days before easter , is undoubtedly most ancient ; in so much , that ignatius not thinking him a catholick christian man which did not abhor , and ( as the state of the church was then ) avoid fasting on the jews sabbath , doth notwithstanding except for ever , that one sabbath or saturday which falleth out to be the easter-eve , as with us it always doth , and did sometimes also with them which kept at that time their easter the fourteenth day of march , as the custom of the jews was . it came afterward to be an order , that even as the day of christs resurrection , so the other two , in memory of his death and burial , were weekly . but this , when saint ambrose lived , had not as yet taken place throughout all churches , no not in millan , where himself was bishop . and for that can●● , he saith , that although at rome he observed the saturdays fast , because such was then the custom in rome , nevertheless in his own church at home he did otherwise . the churches which did not observe that day , had another instead thereof , which was the wednesday , for that when they judged it meet to have weekly a day of humiliation , besides that whereon our saviour suffered death , it seemed best to make their choice of that day especially , whereon the jews are thought to have first contrived their treason together with iudas against christ. so that the instituting and ordaining both of these , and of all other times of like exercise , is as the church shall judge expedient for mens good . and concerning every christians mans duty herein , surely that which augustine and ambrose are before alledged to have done , is such , as all men favoring equity , must needs allow , and follow , if they affect peace . as for their specified errors , i will not in this place dispute , whether voluntarily fasting with a vertuous purpose of minde , be any medicinable remedy of evil , or a duty acceptable unto god , and in the world to come even rewardable , as other offices are which proceed from christian piety ; whether wilfully to break and despise the wholesome laws of the church herein , be a thing which offendeth god ; whether truly it may not be said , that penitent both weaping and fasting , are means to blot out sin , means whereby through gods unspeakable and undeserved mercy , we obtain or procure to our selves pardon ; which attainment unto any gracious benefit by him bestowed , the phrase of antiquity useth to express by the name of merit ; but if either saint augustine , or saint ambrose , have taught any wrong opinion , seeing they which reprove them are not altogether free from error ; i hope they will think it no error in us so to censure mens smaller faults , that their vertues be not thereby generally prejudiced . and if in churches abroad , where we are not subject to power or jurisdiction , discretion should teach us for peace and quietness sake , to frame our selves to other mens example , is it meet that at home where our freedom is less , our boldness should be more ? is it our duty to oppugn , in the churches whereof we are ministers , the rites and customs which in foreign churches piety and modesty did teach us , as strangers not to oppugn , but to keep without shew of contradiction or dislike ? why oppose they the name of a minister in this case , unto the state of a private man ? doth their order exempt them from obedience to laws ? that which their office and place requireth , is to shew themselves patterns of reverend subjection , not authors and masters of contempt towards ordinances , the strength whereof , when they seek to weaken , they do but in truth discover to the world their own imbecillities , which a great deal wiselier they might conceal . but the practice of the church of christ , we shall by so much the better , both understand and love , if to that which hitherto hath been spoken , there be somewhat added for more particular declaration , how hereticks have partly abused fasts , and partly bent themselves against the lawful use thereof in the church of god. whereas therefore ignatius hath said , if any keep sundays or saturdays fasts ( one onely saturday in the year excepted ) that man is no better then a murtherer of christ ; the cause of such his earnestness at that time , was the impiety of certain hereticks , which thought * that this world being corruptible , could not be made but a very evil author . and therefore as the jews did by the festival solemnity of their sabbath , rejoyce in the god that created the world , as in the author of all goodness ; so those hereticks in hatred of the maker of the world , sorrowed , wept , and fasted on that day , as being the birth-day of all evil . and as christian men of sound belief , did solemnize the sunday , in joyful memory of christs resurrection , so likewise at the self-same time such hereticks as denied his resurrection , did the contrary to them which held it : when the one sort rejoyced , the other fasted . against those hereticks which have urged perpetual abstinence from certain meats , as being in their very nature unclean , the church hath still bent herself as an enemy ; saint paul giving charge to take heed of them , which under any such opinion , should utterly forbid the use of meats or drinks . the apostles themselves forbad some , as the order taken at ierusalem declareth . but the cause of their so doing , we all know . again , when tertullian , together with such as were his followers , began to montanize , and pretending to perfect the severity of christian discipline , brought in sundry unaccustomed days of fasting , continued their fasts a great deal longer , and made them more rigorous then the use of the church had been ; the mindes of men being somewhat moved at so great , and so sudden novelty , the cause was presently inquired into . after notice taken how the montanists held these additions to be supplements of the gospel , whereunto the spirit of prophesie did now mean to put , as it were , the last hand , and was therefore newly descended upon montanus , whose orders all christian men were no less to obey , then the laws of the apostles themselves ; this abstinence the church abhorred likewise , and that justly . whereupon tertullian proclaiming even open war of the church , maintained montanism , wrote a book in defence of the new fast , and intituled the same ; a treatise of fasting against the opinion of the carnal sort . in which treatise nevertheless , because so much is sound and good , as doth either generally concern the use , or in particular , declare the custom of the churches fasting in those times , men are not to reject whatsoever is alledged out of that book , for confirmation of the truth . his error discloseth it self in those places , where he defendeth fasts to be duties necessary for the whole church of christ to observe as commanded by the holy ghost , and that with the same authority from whence all other apostolical ordinances came , both being the laws of god himself , without any other distinction or difference , saving onely , that he which before had declared his will by paul and peter , did now farther reveal the same by montanus also . against us ye pretend , saith tertullian , that the publick orders which christianity is bound to keep , were delivered at the first , and that no new thing is to be added thereunto . stand if you can upon this point ; for behold , i challenge you for fasting more then at easter your selves . but in fine ye answer , that these things are to be done as established by the voluntary appointment of men , and not by vertue or force of any divine commandment . well then ( he addeth ) ye have removed your first footing , and gone beyond that which was delivered , by doing more then was at the first imposed upon you . you say , you must do that which your own judgments have allowed : we require your obedience to that which god himself doth institute . is it not strange , that men to their own will , should yield that , which to gods commandment they will not grant ? shall the pleasure of men prevail more with you , then the power of god himself ? these places of tertullian for fasting , have worthily been put to silence . and as worthily aerius condemned for opposition against fasting . the one endeavored to bring in such fasts as the church ought not to receive ; the other , to overthrow such as already it had received and did observe : the one was plausible unto many , by seeming to hate carnal loosness , and riotous excess , much more then the rest of the world did ; the other drew hearers , by pretending the maintenance of christian liberty : the one thought his cause very strongly upheld by making invective declamations with a pale and a withered countenance against the church , by filling the ears of his starved hearers with speech suitable to such mens humors , and by telling them , no doubt , to their marvellous contentment and liking , our new prophesies are refused , they are despised . it is because montanus doth preach some other god , or dissolve the gospel of iesus christ , or overthrow any canon of faith and hope ? no , our crime is , we teach that men ought to fast more often then marry ; the best feast-maker is with them the perfectest saint , they are assuredly meer spirit ; and therefore these our corporal devotions please them not : thus the one for montanus and his superstition . the other in a clean contrary tune against the religion of the church . these set-fasts away with them , for they are iewish , and bring men under the yoke of servitude : if i will fast , let me chuse my time , that christian liberty be not abridged . hereupon their glory was to fast especially upon the sunday , because the order of the church was on that day not to fast. on church fasting days , and especially the week before easter , when with us ( saith epiphanius ) custom admitteth nothing but lying down upon the earth , abstinence from fleshly delights and pleasures , sorrowfulness , dry and unsavory diet , prayer , watching , fasting , all the medicines which holy affections can minister ; they are up be times to take in of the strongest for the belly ; and when their veins are well swoln , they make themselves mirth with laughter at this our service , wherein we are perswaded we please god. by this of epiphanius , it doth appear , not onely what fastings the church of christ in those times used , but also what other parts of discipline were together therewith in force , according to the ancient use and custom of bringing all men at certain times , to a due consideration , and an open humiliation of themselves . two kindes there were of publick penitency ; the one belonging to notorious offenders , whose open wickedness had been scandalous ; the other appertaining to the whole church , and unto every several person whom the same containeth . it will be answered . that touching this latter kinde , it may be exercised well enough by men in private . no doubt , but penitency is as prayer , a thing acceptable unto god , be it in publick or in secret . howbeit , as in the one , if men were wholly left to their own voluntary meditations in their closets , and not drawn by laws and orders unto the open assemblies of the church , that there they may joyn with others in prayer ; it may be soon conjectured , what christian devotion that way would come unto in a short time : even so in the other , we are by sufficient experience taught , how little it booreth , to tell men of washing away their sins with tears of repentance , and so to leave them altogether unto themselves . o lord , what heaps of grievous transgressions have we committed , the best , the perfectest , the most righteous amongst us all ; and yet clean pass them over unsorrowed fo● , and unrepented of , onely because the church hath forgotten utterly how to bestow her wonted times of discipline wherein the publick example of all was unto every particular person , a most effectual mean to put them often in minde , and even in a manner to draw them to that which now we all quite and clean forget , as if penitency were no part of a christian mans duty . again , besides our private offences which ought not thus loosly to be overslipt ; suppose we the body and corporation of the church so just , that at no time it needeth to shew it self openly cast down , in regard of those faults and transgressions ; which though they do not properly belong unto any one , had notwithstanding a special sacrifice appointed for them in the law of moses , and being common to the whole society which containeth all , must needs so far concern every man in particular , as at some time in solemn manner to require acknowledgment , with more then daily and ordinary testifications of grief . there could not hereunto a fitter preamble be devised , then that memorable commination set down in the book of common prayer , if our practice in the rest were suitable . the head already so well drawn , doth but wish a proportionable body , and by the preface to that very part of the english liturgy , it may appear , how at the first setting down thereof , no less was intended . for so we are to interpret the meaning of those words , wherein restitution of the primitive church discipline is greatly wished for , touching the manner of publick penance in time of lent. wherewith some being not much acquainted , but having framed in their mindes , the conceit of a new discipline , far unlike to that of old , they make themselves believe , it is undoubtedly this their discipline , which at the first was so much desired . they have long pretended , that the whole scripture is plain for them . if now the communion book make for them too ( i well think the one doth as much as the other ) it may be hoped , that being found such a well-willer unto their cause , they will more favor it then they have done . having therefore hitherto spoken , both of festival days , and so much of solemn fasts , as may reasonably serve to shew the ground thereof in the law of nature ; the practice partly appointed , and partly allowed of god in the jewish church , the like continued in the church of christ ; together with the sinister oppositions , either of hereticks erroneously abusing the same , or of others thereat quarrelling without cause , we will onely collect the chiefest points as well of resemblance , as of difference between them , and so end . first , in this they agree , that because nature is the general root of both ; therefore both have been always common to the church with infidels and heathen men . secondly , they also herein accord , that as oft as joy is the cause of the one , and grief the well-spring of the other , they are incompatible . a third degree of affinity between them , is , that neither being acceptable to god of it self , but both tokens of that which is acceptable , their approbation with him , must necessarily depend on that which they ought to import and signifie : so that if herein the minde dispose no it self aright , whether we a rest or b fast we offend . a fourth thing common unto them , is , that the greatest part of the world hath always grosly and palpably offended in both ; infidels , because they did all in relation to false gods ; godless , sensual , and careless mindes , for that there is in them no constant , true , and sincere affection towards those things which are pretended by such exercise ; yea , certain flattering over-sights there are , wherewith sundry , and they not of the worst sort , may be easily in these cases led awry , even through abundance of love and liking to that which must be imbraced by all means , but with caution , in as much as the very admiration of saints , whether we celebrate their glory , or follow them in humility ; whether we laugh or weep , mourn or rejoyce with them , is , ( as in all things , the affection of love ) apt to deceive ; and doth therefore need the more to be directed by a watchful guide , seeing there is manifestly both ways , even in them whom we honor , that which we are to observe and shun . the best have not still been sufficiently mindful , that gods very angels in heaven , are but angels ; and that bodily exercise , considered c in it self , is no great matter . finally , seeing that both are ordinances were devised for the good of man , and yet not man created purposely for them , as for d other offices of vertue , whereunto gods immutable law for ever tieth ; it is but equity to wish or admonish that , where , by uniform order , they are not as yet received , the example of e victors extremity in the one , and of f iohns disciples curiosity in the other , be not followed ; yea , where they are appointed by law , that notwithstanding we avoid judaism : and , as in festival days , mens necessities for matter of labour , so in times of fasting , regard be had to their imbecillities , lest they should suffer harm , doing good . thus therefore we see how these two customes are in divers respects equal . but of fasting the use and exercise , though less pleasant , is by so much more requisite than the other , as grief of necessity is a more familiar guest then the contrary passion of mind , albeit gladness to all men be naturally more welcome . for first , we our selves do many ●o things amiss than well , and the fruit of our own ill doing is remorse , because nature is conscious to it self that it should do the contrary . again , forasmuch as the world over-aboundeth with malice , and few are delighted in doing good unto other men ; there is no man so seldom crost as pleasured at the hands of others ; whereupon it cannot be chosen , but every mans woes must double in that respect the number and measure of his delights . besides , concerning the very choice which oftentimes we are to make , our corrupt inclination well considered , there is cause why our saviour should account them the happiest that do most mourn , and why solomon might judge it better to frequent mourning then feasting-houses ; not better simply and in it self ( for then would nature that way incline ) but in regard of us and our common weakness better . iob was not ignorant that his childrens banquets , though te●dīg to amity , needed sacrifice . neither doth any of us all need to be taught that in things which delight , we easily swerve from mediocrity , and are not easily led by a right direct line . on the other side , the sores and diseases of mind which inordinante pleasure breedeth , are by dolour and grief cured . for which cause as all offences use to seduce by pleasing , so all punishments endeavour by vexing to reform transgressions . we are of our own accord apt enough to give entertainment to things delectable , but patiently to lack what flesh and blood doth desire , and by vertue to forbear , what by nature we covet ; this no man attaineth unto , but with labour and long practice . from hence it riseth that , in former ages , abstinence and fasting more then ordinary was always a special branch of their praise , in whom it could be observed and known , were they such as continually gave themselves to austere life , of men that took often occasions in private vertuous respects to lay solomons counsel aside , eat thy bread with joy , and to be followers of davids example , which saith , i humbled my soul with fasting ; or but they who otherwise worthy of no great commendation , have made of hunger , some their gain , some their physick , some their art , that by mastering sensual appetites without constraint , they might grow able to endure hardness whensoever need should require : for the body accustomed to emptiness pineth not away so soon as having still used to fill it self . many singular effects there are which should make fasting even in publick considerations the rather to be accepted . for i presume we are not altogether without experience how great their advantage is in martial enterprizes , that lead armies of men trained in a school of abstinence . it is therefore noted at this day in some , that patience of hunger and thirst hath given them many victories ; in others , that because if they want , there is no man able to rule them , not they in plenty to moderate themselves ; he which can either bring them to hunger or overcharge them , is sure to make them their own overthrow . what nation soever doth feel these dangerous inconveniences , may know that sloth and fulness in peaceable times at home is the cause thereof , and the remedy a strict observation of that part of christian discipline , which teacheth men in practice of ghostly warfare against themselves , those things that afterwards may help them , justly assaulting or standing in lawful defence of themselves against others . the very purpose of the church of god , both in the number and in the order of her fasts , hath been not only to preserve thereby throughout all ages , the remembrance of miseries heretofore sustained , and of the causes in our selves out of which they have risen , that men considering the one , might fear the other the more , but farther also to temper the mind , lest contrary affections coming in place should make it too profuse and dissolute , in which respect it seemeth that fasts have been set as ushers of festival days , for prevention of those disorders , as much as might be ; wherein , notwithstanding , the world always will deserve , d as it hath done , blame ; because such evils being not possible to be rooted out , the most we can do , is in keeping them low ; and ( which is chiefly the fruit we look for ) to create in the minds of men a love towards a frugal and severe life , to undermine the palaces of wantonness , to plant parsimony as nature , where riotousness hath been studied ; to harden whom pleasure would melt ; and to help the tumours which always fulness breedeth , that children , as it were in the wool of their infancy dyed with hardness , may never afterwards change colour ; that the poor whose perpetual fasts are of necessity , may with better contentment endure the hunger which vertue causeth others so often to chuse , and by advice of religion it self so far to esteem above the contrary , that they which for the most part do lead sensual and easie lives ; they which , as the prophet david describeth them , are not plagued like other men , may by the publick spectacle of all be still put in mind what themselves are ; finally , that every man may be every mans daily guide and example , as well by fasting to declare humility , as by praise to express joy in the sight of god , although it have herein befallen the church , as sometimes david ; so that the speech of the one may be truly the voice of the other , my soul fasted , and even that was also turned to my reproof . . in this world there can be no society durable , otherwise then only by propagation . albeit therefore single life be a thing more angelical and divine , yet sith the replenishing first of earth with blessed inhabitants , and then of heaven with saints everlastingly praising god , did depend upon conjunction of man and woman , he which made all things compleat and perfect , saw it could not be good to leave men without any helper , unto the sore-alledged end : in things which some farther and doth cause to be desired , choice seeketh rather proportion , then absolute perfection of goodness . so that woman being created for mans sake to be his helper , in regard of the end before mentioned ; namely , the having and bringing up of children , whereunto it was not possible they could concur , unless there were subalternation between them , which subalternation is naturally grounded upon inequality , because things equall in every respect are never willingly directed one by another . woman therefore was even in her first estate framed by nature , not only after in time , but inferiour in excellency also unto man , howbeit in so due and sweet proportion , as being presented before our eyes , might be sooner perceived then defined . and even herein doth lie the reason why that kind of love which is the perfectest ground of wedlock is seldome able to yield any reason of it self . now , that which is born of man must be nourished with far more travel , as being of greater price in nature , and of slower pace to perfection , then the off-spring of any other creature besides . man and woman being therefore to joyn themselves for such a purpose , they were of necessity to be linked with some straight and insoluble knot . the bond of wedlock hath been always more or less esteemed of , as a thing religious and sacred . the title which the very heathens themselves do thereunto oftentimes give , a is , holy. those rites and orders which were instituted in the solemnization of marriage , the hebrews term by the name of conjugal b sanctification . amongst our selves , because sundry things appertaining unto the publick order of matrimony , are called in question by such as know not from whence those customs did first grow , to shew briefly some true and sufficient reason of them shall not be superfluous ; although we do not hereby intend , to yield so far unto enemies of all church-orders saving their own , as though every thing were unlawful , the true cause and reason whereof at the first might hardly perhaps be now rendred . wherefore , to begin with the times wherein the liberty of marriage is restrained ; there is , saith solomon , a time for all things ; a time to laugh , and a time to mourn . that duties belonging unto marriage , and offices appertaining to pennance , are things unsuitable and unfit to be matched together , the prophets and apostles themselves do witness . upon which ground , as we might right well think it marvellous absurd to see in a church a wedding on the day of a publick fast , so likewise in the self-same consideration , our predecessors thought it not amiss to take away the common liberty of marriages , during the time which was appointed for preparation unto , and for exercise of general humiliation by fasting and praying , weeping for sins . as for the delivering up of the woman either by her father , or by some other , we must note that in ancient times , a all women which had not husbands nor fathers to govern them , had their tutors , b without whose authority there was no act which they did , warrantable : and for this cause , they were in marriage , delivered unto their husbands by others . which custome retained , hath still this use , that it putteth women in mind of a duty , whereunto the very imbecillity of their nature and sex doth bind them ; namely , to be always directed , guided , and ordered by others , although our positive laws do not tie them now as pupils . the custome of laying down money seemeth to have been derived from the saxons , whose manner was to buy their wives . but , seeing there is not any great cause wherefore the memory of that custome should remain , it skilleth not much , although we suffer it to lie dead , even as we see it in a manner already worn out . the ring hath been always used as an especial pledge of faith and fidelity : nothing more fit to serve as a token of our purposed endless continuance in that which we never ought to revoke . this is the cause wherefore the heathens themselves did in such cases use the ring , whereunto tertullian alluding , saith ; that in ancient times , c no woman was permitted to wear gold , saving only upon one finger , which her husband had fastened unto himself , with that ring which was usually given for assurance of future marriage . the cause why the christians use it , as some of the fathers think , is d either to testifie mutual love , or rather to serve for a pledge of conjunction in heart and mind agreed upon between them . but what right and custome is there so harmless , wherein the wit of man bending it self to derision may not easily find out somewhat to scorn and jest at ? he that should have beheld the jews when they stood with e a four-cornered garment , spread over the heads of espoused couples , while their espousals were in making : he that should have beheld their f praying over a cup , and their delivering the same at the marriage-feast , with set forms of benediction , as the order amongst them was , might being lewdly affected , take thereat as just occasion of scornful cavil , as at the use of the ring in wedlock amongst christians . but of all things the most hardly taken , is the uttering of these words , with my body i thee worship ; in which words when once they are understood , there will appear as little cause as in the rest , for any wise man to be offended . first , therefore , inasmuch as unlawful copulation doth pollute and g dishonour both parties , this protestation that we do worship and honour another with our bodies , may import a denial of all such lets and impediments to our knowledge , as might cause any stain , blemish , or disgrace that way ; which kind of construction being probable , would easily approve that speech to a peaceable and quiet mind . secondly , in that the apostle doth so expresly affirm , that parties unmarried have not any longer entire power over themselves , but each hath interest in others person , it cannot be thought an absurd construction to say , that worshipping with the body , is the imparting of that interest in the body unto another , h which none before had , save only our selves . but if this were the natural meaning , the words should perhaps be as requisite to be used on the one side as on the other ; and therefore a third sense there is , which i rather rely upon . apparent it is , that the ancient difference between a lawful wife and a concubine was only in the different purpose of man betaking himself to the one or the other . if his purpose were only fellowship , there grew to the woman by this means no worship at all , but the contrary . in professing that his intent was to add by his person honour and worship unto hers , he took her plainly and cleerly to wife . this is it which the civil law doth mean , when it maketh a wife to differ from a concubine in i dignity ; a wife to be taken where j conjugal honour and affection do go before . the worship that grew unto her being taken with declaration of this intent , was , that her children became by this mean legitimate and free ; her self was made a mother over his family : last of all , she received such advancement of state , as things annexed unto his person might augment her with ; yea , a right of participation was thereby given her both in him , and even in all things which were his . this doth somewhat the more-plainly appear , by adding also that other clause , with all my worldy goods i thee endow . * the former branch having granted the principal , the latter granteth that which is annexed thereunto . to end the publick solemnity of marriage , with receiving the blessed sacrament , is a custom so religious , and so holy ; that , if the church of england be blameable in this respect , it is not for suffering it to be so much , but rather for not providing that it may be more put in me. the laws of romulus concerning marriage , are therefore extolled above the rest amongst the heathens which were before , in that they established the use of certain special solemnities , whereby the mindes of men were drawn to make the greater conscience of wedlock , and to esteem the bond thereof , a thing which could not be without impiety dissolved . if there be any thing in christian religion , strong and effectual to like purpose , it is the sacrament of the holy eucharist ; in regard of the force whereof , tertullian breaketh out into these words , concerning matrimony therewith sealed , unde sufficiam ad enarrandam faelicitatem ejus matrimonii quod ecclesia conciliat & confirmat oblatio ? i know not which way i should be able to shew the happiness of that wedlock , the knot whereof the church doth fasten , and the sacrament of the church confirm . touching marriage therefore , let thus much be sufficient . . the fruit of marriage , is birth ; and the companion of birth , travail ; the grief whereof being so extream , and the danger always so great : dare we open our mouths against the things that are holy , and presume to censure it , as a fault in the church of christ , that women after their deliverance , do publickly shew their thankful mindes unto god ? but behold , what reason there is against it ! fors●●th , if there should be solemn and express giving of thanks in the church for every benefit , either equal , or greater then this , which any singular person in the church doth receive ? we should not onely have no preaching of the word , nor ministring of the sacraments ; but we should not have so much leisure as to do any corporal or bodily work , but should be like those massilian hereticks which do nothing else but pray . surely , better a great deal to be like unto those hereticks which do nothing else but pray , then those which do nothing else but quarrel . their heads it might happily trouble somewhat more then as yet they are aware of , to finde out so many benefits greater then this , or equivalent thereunto ; for which , if so be our laws did require solemn and express thanksgivings in the church , the same were like to prove a thing so greatly cumbersome as is pretended . but if there be such store of mercies , even inestimable , poured every day upon thousands ( as indeed the earth is full of the blessings of the lord , which are day by day renewed without number , and above measure ) shall it not be lawful to cause solemn thanks to be given unto god for any benefit , then which greater , or whereunto equal are received , no law binding men in regard thereof to perform the like duty ? suppose that some bond there be , that tieth us at certain times to mention publickly the names of sundry our benefactors . some of them , it may be , are such , that a day would scarcely serve to reckon up together with them the catalogue of so many men besides , as we are either more , or equally beholden unto . because no law requireth this impossible labor at our hands , shall we therefore condemn that law , whereby the other being possible , and also dutiful , is enjoyned us ? so much we ow to the lord of heaven , that we can never sufficiently praise him , nor give him thanks for half those benefits , for which this sacrifice were most due . howbeit , god forbid , we should cease performing this duty , when publick order doth draw us unto it , when it may be so easily done , when it hath been so long executed by devout and vertuous people . god forbid , that being so many ways provoked in this case unto so good a duty , we should omit it , onely because there are other cases of like nature , wherein we cannot so conveniently , or at leastwise do not perform the same most vertuous office of piety . wherein we trust , that as the action it self pleaseth god , so the order and manner thereof , is not such as may justly offend any . it is but an over-flowing of gall , which causeth the womans absence from the church , during the time of her lying in , to be traduced and interpreted , as though she were so long judged unholy , and were thereby shut out , or sequestred from the house of god , according to the ancient levitical law. whereas the very canon law it self doth not so hold , but directly professeth the contrary a ; she is not barred from thence in such sort as they interpret it , nor in respect of any unholiness forbidden entrance into the church , although her abstaining from publick assembles , and her abode in separation for the time be most convenient b . to scoff at the manner of attire , then which , there could be nothing devised for such a time , more grave and decent , to make it a token of some folly committed ; for which , they are loth to shew their faces , argueth , that great divines are sometime more merry then wise . as for the women themselves , god accepting the service which they faithfully offer unto him , it is no great disgrace , though they suffer pleasant witted men , a little to intermingle with zeal , scorn . the name of oblations , applied not onely here to those small and petit payments which yet are a part of the ministers right , but also generally given unto all such allowances as serve for their needful maintenance , is both ancient and convenient . for as the life of the clergy is spent in the service of god , so it is sustained with his revenue . nothing therefore more proper then to give the name of oblations to such payments , in token that we offer unto him whatsoever his ministers receive . . but to leave this , there is a duty which the church doth ow to the faithful departed , wherein for as much as the church of england is said to do those things which are , though not unlawful , yet inconvenient ; because it appointeth a prescript form of service at burials , suffereth mourning apparel to be worn , and permitteth funeral sermons ; a word or two concerning this point will be necessary , although it be needless to dwell long upon it . the end of funeral duties is , first , to shew that love towards the party deceased , which nature requireth ; then to do him that honor which is fit both generally for man , and particularly for the quality of his person : last of all , to testifie the care which the church hath to comfort the living , and the hope which we all have concerning the resurrection of the dead . for signification of love towards them that are departed , mourning is not denied to be a thing convenient ; as in truth , the scripture every where doth approve lamentation made unto this end . the jews by our saviours tears therefore , gathered in this case , that his love towards lazatus was great . and that as mourning at such times is fit , so likewise , that there may be a kinde of attire suitable to a sorrowful affection , and convenient for mourners to wear ; how plainly doth davids example shew , who being in heaviness , went up to the mount with his head covered , and all the people that were with him in like sort ? white garments being fit to use at marriage feasts , and such other times of joy ; whereunto solomon alluding , when he requireth continual chearfulness of minde , speaketh in this sort , let thy garments be always white ? what doth hinder the contrary from being now as convenient in grief , as this heretofore in gladness hath been ? if there be no sorrow , they say , it is hypocritical to pretend it ; and if there be , to provoke it by wearing such attire , is dangerous . nay , if there be , to shew it is natural ; and if there be not , yet the signs are meet to shew what should be , especially , sith it doth not come oftentimes to pass , that men are fain to have their mourning gowns pulled off their backs , for fear of killing themselves with sorrow that way nourished . the honor generally due unto all men , maketh a decent interring of them to be convenient , even for very humanities sake . and therefore , so much as is mentioned in the burial of the widows son , the carrying of him forth upon a bier , and the accompanying of him to the earth , hath been used even amongst infidels ; all men accounting it a very extream destitution , not to have at the least this honor done them . some mans estate may require a great deal more , according as the fashion of the country where he dieth , doth afford . and unto this appertained the ancient use of the jews , to embalm the corps with sweet odors , and to adorn the sepulchres of certain . in regard of the quality of men , it hath been judged fit to commend them unto the world at their death , amongst the heathen in funeral orations , amongst the jews in sacred poems ; and why not in funeral sermons also amongst christians ? ●s it sufficeth , that the known benefit hereof doth countervail millions of such inconveniences as are therein surmised , although they were not surmised onely , but found therein . the life and the death of saints is precious in gods sight . let it not seem odious in our eyes , if both the one and the other he spoken of , then especially , when the present occasion doth make mens mindes the more capable of such speech . the care , no doubt , of the living , both to live and to die well must needs be somewhat increased , when they know that their departure shall not be folded up in silence , but the ears of many be made acquainted with it . moreover , when they hear how mercifully god hath dealt with their brethren in their last need , besides the praise which they give to god , and the joy which they have of should have by reason of their fellowship and communion with saints ; is not their hope also much confirmed against the day of their own dissolution ? again , the sound of these things doth not so pass the ears of them that are most loose and dissolute in life , but it causeth them one time or other to wish , o that i might die the death of the righteous , and that my end might be like this ! thus much peculiar good there doth grow at those times by speech concerning the dead , besides the benefit of publick instruction common unto funeral with other sermons . for the comfort of them whose mindes are through natural affection pensive in such cases , no man can justly mislike the custom which the jews had to end their burials with funeral banquets , in reference whereunto the prophet ieremy spake , concerning the people whom god had appointed unto a grievous manner of destruction , saying , that men should not give them the cup of consolation to drink for their father , or for their mother , because it should not be now with them , as in peaceable times with others , who bringing their ancestors unto the grave with weeping eyes , have notwithstanding means wherewith to be re-comforted . give wine , saith solomon , unto them that have grief of heart . surely , he that ministreth unto them comfortable speech , doth much more then give them wine . but the greatest thing of all other about this duty of christian burial , is an outward testification of the hope which we have touching the resurrection of the dead . for which purpose , let any man of reasonable judgment examine , whether it be more convenient for a company of men , as it were , in a dumb show , to bring a corse to the place of burial , there to leave it covered with earth , and so end , or else to have the exequies devoutly performed with solemn recital of such lectures , psalms , and prayers , as are purposely framed for the stirring up of mens mindes unto a careful consideration of their estate , both here and hereafter . whereas therefore it is objected , that neither the people of god under the law , nor the church in the apostles times , did use any form of service in burial of their dead ; and therefore , that this order is taken up without any good example or precedent followed therein : first , while the world doth stand , they shall never be able to prove , that all things which either the one or the other did use at burials , are set down in holy scripture , which doth not any where of purpose deliver the whole manner and form thereof , but toucheth onely sometime one thing , and sometime another which was in use , as special occasions require any of them to be either mentioned or insinuated . again , if it might be proved , that no such thing was usual amongst them , hath christ so deprived his church of judgment , that what rites and orders soever the latter ages thereof , have devised , the same must needs be inconvenient ? furthermore , that the jews before our saviours coming had any such form of service , although in scripture it be not affirmed ; yet neither is it there denied ( for , the ●orbidding of priests to be present at burials , letteth not but that others might discharge that duty , seeing all were not priests which had rooms of publick function in their synagogues ) and if any man be of opinion , that they had no such form of service ; thus much there is to make the contrary more probable . the jews at this day have , as appeareth is their form of funeral prayers , and in certain of their funeral sermons published ; neither are they so affected towards christians , as to borrow that order from us ; besides that , the form thereof is such as both in it sundry things , which the very words of the scripture it self doth seem to allude unto , us namely , after departure from the sepulchre unto the house whence the dead was brought , it sheweth the manner of their burial-feast , and a consolatory form of prayer , appointed for the master of the synagogue thereat to utter ; albeit i may not deny , but it hath also some things which are not perhaps so antsient as the law and the prophets . but whatsoever the jewes custom was before the dayes of our saviour christ , hath it once at any time been heard of , the either church or christian man of sound belief did ever judge this a thing unmeet , undecent , unfit for christianity , till these miserable daies , wherein , under the colour of removing superstitious abuses , the most effectual means , both to testifie and to strengthen true religion , are plucked at , and in some places even pulled up by the very roots● take away this which was ordained to shew at burials the peculiar hope of the church of god concerning the dead ; and in the manner of those dumb funerals , what one one thing is there whereby the world may perceive we are christian men ? . i come now unto that function which undertaketh the publick ministry of holy things , according to the laws of christian religion . and because the nature of things consisting , as this doth , in action , is known by the object whereabout they are conversant , and by the end or scope whereunto they are referred , we must know that the object of this function in both god and men ; god , in that he is publickly worshipped of his church ; and men , in that they are capable of happinesse , by means which christian discipline appointeth . so that the summe of our whole labour in this kinde , is to honour god , and to save men . for whether we severally take , and consider men one by one , or else gather them into one society and body , as it hath been before declared , that every man's religion is in him the well-spring of all other sound and sincere vertues , from whence both here in some sort , and hereafter more abundantly , their full joy and felicity ariseth ; because while they live , they are blessed of god , and when they dye , their works follow them : so at this present we must again call to minde how the very worldly peace and prosperity , the secular happinesse , the temporal and natural good estate both of all men , and of all dominions , hangeth chiefly upon religion , and doth evermore give plain testimony , that as well in this as in other considerations the priest is a pillar of that common-wealth , wherein he faithfully serveth god. for if these assertions be true , first , that nothing can be enjoyed in this present world against his will which hath made all things : secondly , that albeit god doth sometime permit the impious to have , yet impiety permitteth them not to enjoy , no not temporal blessings on earth : thirdly , that god hath appointed those blessings to attend as hand-maids upon religion : and fourthly , that without the work of the ministry , religion by no means can possibly continue , the use and benefit of that sacred function , even towards all mens worldly happiness , must needs be granted . now the a first being a theoreme both understood and confest by all , to labour in proof thereof were superfluous . the second perhaps may be called in question , except it be perfectly understood . by good things temporal therefore we mean length of daies , health of body , store of friends and well-willers , quietness ; prosperous success of those things we take in hand ; riches with fit opportunities to use them during life , reputation following us both alive and dead , children , or such as instead of children , we wish to leave successors and partakers of our happinesse . these things are naturally every man's desire , because they are good . and on whom god bestoweth the same , them we confesse he graciously blesseth ; of earthly blessings the meanest is wealth , reputation the chiefest . for which cause we esteem the gain of honour an ample recompence for the losse of all other worldly benefits . but for as much as in all this there is no certain perpetuity of goodnesse , nature hath taught to affect these things , not for their own sake , but with reference and relation to somewhat independently good , as is the exercise of vertue and speculation of truth . none , whose desires are rightly ordered , would wish to live , to breathe , and move , without performance of those actions which are beseeming man's excellency● wherefore having not how to employ it , we wax weary even of life it self . health is precious , because sickness doth breed that pain which disableth action . again , why do men delight so much in the multitude of friends ; but for that the actions of life , being many , do need many helping hands to further them ? between troublesome and quiet dayes we should make no difference , if the one did not hinder and interrupt , the other uphold our liberty of action . furthermore , if those things we do , succeed , it rejoyceth us not so much for the benefit we thereby reap , as in that it probably argueth our actions to have been orderly and well-guided . as for riches , to him which hath and doth nothing with them , they are a contumely . honour is commonly presumed a sign of more than ordinary vertue and merit , by means whereof when ambitious mindes thirst after it , their endeavours are testimonies how much it is in the eye of nature to possesse that body , the very shadow whereof is set at so high a rate . finally , such is the pleasure and comfort which we take in doing , that when life forsaketh us , still our desires to continue action , and to work ; though not by our selves , yet by them whom we leave behinde us , causeth us providently to resign into other mens hands , the helps we have gathered for that purpose , devising also the best we can to make them perpetual . it appeareth therefore , how all the parts of temporal felicity are only good in relation to that which riseth them as instruments , and that they are no such good as wherein a right desire doth ever stay or rest it self . now temporal blessings are enjoyed of those which have them , know them , esteem them according to that they are in their own nature . wherefore of the wicked whom god doth hate , his usual and ordinary speeches are ; that blood-thirsty and deceitful men shall not live out half their dayes ; that god shall cause a pestilence to cleave unto the wicked , and shall strike them with consuming grief , with feavers , burning diseases , and sores which are past cure ; that when the impious are fallen ; all men should tread them down , and none shew countenance of love towards them , as much as by pitying them in their misery ; that the sinnes of the ungodly shall be●eave them of peace ; that all counsels , complots , and practices against god shall come to nothing ; that the lot and inheritance of the unjust is beggery ; that the name of unrighteous persons shall purifie , and the posterity of robbers starve . if any think that iniquity and peace , sinne and prosperity can dwell together , they erre ; because they distinguish not aright between the matter , and that which giveth it the form of happinesse , between possession and fruition , between the having and the enjoying of good things . the impious cannot enjoy that they have , partly because they receive it not as at god's hands , which onely consideration maketh temporal blessings comfortable ; and partly because through errour , placing it above things of farr more price and worth , they turn that to poyson which might be food , they make their prosperitie their own snare ; in the nest of their highest growth they lay foolishly those egges , out of which their woful over-throw is afterwards hatcht . hereby it commeth to passe , that wise and judicious men observing the vain behaviour of such as are risen to unwonted greatnesse , have thereby been able to prognosticate their ruine . so that in very truth no impious or wicked man doth prosper on earth , but either sooner or later the world may perceive easily , how at such time as others thought them must fortunate , they had but only the good estate which fat oxen have above lean ; when they appeared to grow , their climbing was towards ruine . the gross and bestial conceit of them which want understanding , is onely , that the fullest bellies are happiest . therefore the greatest felicitie they wish to the common-wealth wherein they live , is that it may but abound and stand , that they which are riotous may have to pour out without stine ; that the poor may ●leep , and the rich feed them ; that nothing unpleasant may be commanded , nothing forbidden men which themselves have a lust to follow ; that kings may provide for the ease of their subjects , and not be too curious about their manners ; that wantonnesse , excesse , and lewdness of life may be left free ; and that no fault may be capital , besides dislike of things settled in so good terms . but be it farr from the just to dwell either in or near to the tents of these so miserable felicities . now whereas we thirdly affirm , that religion and the fear of god , as well induceth secular prosperitie as everlasting blisse in the world to come , this also is true . for otherwise godliness could not be said to have the promises of both lives ; to be that ample revenue , wherein there is always sufficiency ; and to carry with it a general discharge of want , even so general , that david himself should protest , he never saw the just forsaken . howbeit to this we must adde certain special limitations ; as first , that we do not forget how crazed and diseased mindes ( whereof our heavenly physician must judge ) receive oftentimes most benefit by being deprived of those things which are to others beneficially given , as appeareth in that which the wise-man hath noted concerning them whose lives god mercifully doth abridge , lest wickedness should alter their understanding ; again , that the measure of our outward prosperity be taken by proportion with that which every man's estate in this present life requireth . external abilities are instruments of action . it contenteth wise artificers to have their instruments proportionable to their work , rather fit for use , than huge and goodly to please the eye : seeing then the actions of a servant do not need that which may be necessary for men of calling and place in the world , neither men of inferiour condition many things which greater personages can hardly want , surely they are blessed in worldly respects , that have wherewith to perform , a sufficiently what their station and place asketh , though they have no more . for by reason of man's imbecility and proneness to elation of minde , b too high a flow of prosperity is dangerous , too low an ebbe again as dangerous ; for that the vertue of patience is rare , and the hand of necessity stronger , than ordinary vertue is able to withstand ; solomon's discreet and moderate desire we all know : give me , o lord , neither riches nor penury . men over-high exalted either in honor , or in power , or in nobility , or in wealth ; they likewise that are as much on the contrary hand sunk either with beggery , or through dejection , or by baseness , do not easily give ea● to reason ; but the one exceeding apt unto outrages , and the other unto petty mischiefs . for greatness delighteth to shew it self by effects of power , and baseness to help it self with shifts of malice . for which cause , a moderate , indifferent temper , between fulness of bread , and emptiness hath been evermore thought and found ( all circumstances duly considered ) the safest and happiest for all estates , even for kings and princes themselves . again , we are not to look , that these things should always concur , no not in them which are accounted happy , neither that the course of men's lives , or of publick affairs should continually be drawn out as an even thred ( for that the nature of things will not suffer ) but a just survey being made , as those particular men are worthily reputed good , whose vertues be great , and their faults tolerable ; so him we may register for a man fortunate , and that for a prosperous and happy state , which having flourished , doth not afterwards feel any tragical alteration , such as might cause them to be a spectacle of misery to others . besides , whereas true felicity consisteth in the highest operations of that nobler part or man , which sheweth sometime greatest perfection , not in using the benefits which delight nature , but in suffering what nature can hardless indure , there is no cause why either the loss of good , if it tend to the purchase of better , or why any misery , the issue whereof is their greater praise and honor that have sustained it , should be thought to impeach that temporal happiness , wherewith religion , we say , is accompanied , but yet in such measure , as the several degrees of men may require by a competent estimation , and unless the contrary do more advance , as it hath done those most heroical saints , whom afflictions have made glorious . in a word , not to whom no calamity falleth , but whom neither misery nor prosperity is able to move from a right minde , them we may truly pronounce fortunate , and whatsoever doth outwardly happen without that precedent improbity , for which it appeareth in the eyes of sound and unpartial judges to have proceeded from divine revenge , it passeth in the number of humane casualties whereunto we are all alike subject . no misery is reckoned more than common or humane , if god so dispose that we pass thorow it , and come safe so shore , even as contrariwise , men do not use to think those flourishing days happy , which do end with tears . it standeth therefore with these cautions firm and true , yea , ratified by all mens unfeigned confessions drawn from the very heart of experience , that whether we compare men of note in the world with others of like degree and state , or else the same men with themselves , whether we conferr one dominion with another , or else the different times of one and the same dominion , the manifest odds between their very outward condition , as long as they stedfastly were observed to honour god , and their success being faln from him , are remonstrances more than sufficient , how all our welfare even on earth dependeth wholly upon our religion . heathens were ignorant of true religion . yet such as that little was which they knew , it much impaired , or bettered alwaies their worldy affairs , as their love and zeal towards it did wain or grow . of the jews , did not even their most malicious and mortal adversaries all acknowledge , that to strive against them it was in vain , as long as their amity with god continued , that nothing could weaken them but apostasie ? in the whole course of their own proceedings , did they ever finde it otherwise , but that , during their faith and fidelity towards god , every man of them was in war as a thousand strong ; and as much as a grand senate for counsel in peaceable deliberations ; contrariwise , that if they swarved , as they often did , their wonted courage and magnanimity forsook them utterly , their soldiers and military men trembled at the sight of the naked sword ; when they entered into mutual conference , and sate in counsel for their own good , that which children might have seen , their gravest senators could not discern ; their prophets saw darkness instead of visions ; the wise and prudent were as men bewitcht , even that which they knew ( being such ) as might stand them in stead ) they had not the grace to utter , or if any thing were well proposed , it took no place , it entered not into the minds of the rest to approve and follow it , but as men confounded with strange and unusual ama●●ments of spirit , they attempted tumultuously they saw not what ; and , by the issues of all attempts , they found no certain conclusion but this , god and heaven are strong against as in all we do . the cause whereof was secret fear , which took heart and courage from them , and the cause of their fear , an inward guiltiness that they all had offered god such apparent wrongs as were not pardonable . but it may be , the case is now altogether changed , and that in christian religion there is not the like force towards temporal felicity . search the ancient records of time , look what hath happened by the space of these sixteen hundred years , see if all things to this effect be not inculent and clear ; yea , all things so manifest , that for evidence and proof herein ; we need not by uncertain dark conjectures surmise any to have been plagued of god for contempt , or blest in the course of faithful obedience towards true religion , more than onely them , whom we finde in that respect on the one side , guilty by their own confessions , and happy on the other side by all mens acknowledgement , who beholding that prosperous estate of such as are good and vertuous , impute boldly the same to god's most especial favour , but cannot in like manner pronounce , that whom he afflicteth above others , with them he hath cause to be more offended . for vertue is always plain to be seen , rareness causeth it to be observed , and goodness to be honoured with admiration . as for iniquity and sin , it lyeth , many times hid , and because we be all offenders , it becometh us not to incline towards hard and severe sentences touching others , unless their notorious wickedness did sensibly before proclaim that which afterwards came to pass . wherefore the sum of every christian man's duty is , to labour by all means towards that which other men seeing in us may justifie ; and what we our selves must accuse , if we fall into it , that by all means we can to avoid , considering especially , that as hitherto upon the church there never yet fell tempestuous storm , the vapours whereof were not first noted to rise from coldness in affection , and from backwardness is duties of service towards god , so if that which the tears of antiquity have untered concerning this point should be here set down , it were assuredly enough to soften and to mollifie an heart of steel . on the contrary part , although we confesse with saint augustine most willingly , that the chiefest happiness for which we have some christian kings in so great admiration above the rest , is not because of their long reign ; their calm and quiet departure out of this present life ; the settled establishment of their own flesh and blood , succeeding them in royalty and power ; the glorious overthrow of foreign enemies , or the wise prevention of inward danger , and so secret attempts at home ; all which solaces and comforts of this our unquiet life , it pleaseth god oftentimes to bestow on them which have no society or part in the joys of heaven , giving thereby to understand , that these in comparison are toys and trifles , farr under the value and price of that which is to be looked for at his hands : but in truth the reason wherefore we most extol their felicity , is , if so be they have virtuously reigned , if honour have not filled their hearts with pride , if the exercise of their power have been service and attendance upon the majestie of the most high , if they have feared him as their own inferiours and subjects have feared them , if they have loved neither pomp nor pleasure more than heaven , if revenge have slowly proceeded from then , and mercy willingly offered it self , if so they have tempered rigour with lenity , that neither extream severitie might utterly cutt them off in whom there was manifest hope of amendment , nor yet the easinesse of pardoning offences imbolden offenders ; if , knowing that whatsoever they do their potency may bear it out , they have been so much the more carefull are to do any thing but that which is commendable in the best , rather than usual with greatest personages ; if the true knowledge of themselves have humbled them in god's sight , no lesse than god in the eyes of men hath raised them up ; i say , albeit we reckon such to be the happiest of them that are mightiest in the world , and albeit those things alone are happiness , nevertheless , considering what force there is even in outward blessings , to comfort the mindes of the best disposed , and to give them the greater joy , when religion and peace , heavenly and earthly happiness are wreathed in one crown , as to the worthiest of christian princes it hath by the providence of the almighty hitherto befallen : let it not seem unto any man a needlesse and superfluous waste of labour ; that there hath been thus much spoken , to declare how in them especially it hath been so observed , and withal universally noted even from the highest to the very meanest , how this peculiar benefit , this singular grace and preheminence religion hath , that either it guardeth as an heavenly shield from all calamities , or else conducteth us safe through them , and permitteth them not to be mise●… it either giveth honours , promotions , and wealth , or else more benefit by wanting them than if we had them at will , it either filleth our houses with plenty of all good things ; or maketh a sallad of green herbs more sweet than all the sacrifices of the ungodly . our fourth proposition before set down was , that religion without the help of spiritual ministery is unable to plant it self , the fruits thereof not possible to grow of their own accord . which last assertion is herein as the first , that it needeth no farther confirmation : if it did , i could easily declare , how all things which are of god , he hath by wonderful art and wisdom sodered , as it were , together with the glue of mutual assistance , appointing the lowest to receive from the neerest to themselves , what the influence of the highest yieldeth . and therefore the church being the most absolute of all his works , was in reason to be also ordered with like harmony , that what he worketh , might no less in grace than in nature be effected by hands and instruments duly subordinated unto the power of his own spirit . a thing both needful for the humiliation of man , which would not willingly be debtor to any , but to himself ; and of no small effect to nourish that divine love , which now maketh each embrace other , not as men , but as angels of god : ministerial actions tending immediately unto god's honour , and man's happinesse , are either as contemplation , which helpeth forward the principal work of the ministery , or else they are parts of that principal work of administration it self , which work consisteth in doing the service of god's house , and in applying unto men the soveraign medicines of grace already spoken of the more largely , to the end it might thereby appear , that we a owe to the guides of our souls even as much as our souls are worth , although the debt of our temporal blessings should be stricken off . . the ministery of things divine is a function , which as god did himself institute , so neither may men undertake the same but by authoritie and power given them in lawful manner . that god , which is no way deficient or wanting unto man in necessaries , and hath therefore given us the light of his heavenly truth , because without that inestimable benefit we must needs have wandered is darkness , to out endless perdition and woe , hath in the like abundance of mercies ordained certain to attend upon the due execution of requisite parts and offices therein prescribed for the good of the whole world , which men , thereunto assigned , do hold their authoritie from him , whether they be such as himself immediately , or as the church in his name investeth ; it being neither possible for all , not for every men without distinction convenient to take upon him a charge of so great importance . they are therefore ministers of god , not onely by way of subordination as princes and civil magistrates , whose execution of judgement and justice the supream hand of divine providence doth uphold , but ministiers of god , as from whom their anthority is derived , and not from men . for in that they are christ's ambassadours , and his labourers , who should give them their commission , but he whose most inward affairs they mannage ? is not god alone the father of spirits ? are not souls the purchase of jesus christ ? what angel in heaven could have said to man , as our lord did unto peter , feed my sheep ? preach ? baptize ? do this in remembrance of me ? whose sins ye retain , they are retained , and their offences in heaven pardoned , whose faults you shall in earth forgive ? what think we ? are these terrestrial sounds , or else are they voices uttered out of the clouds above ? the power of the ministry of god translateth out of darknesse into glory ; it rayseth men from the earth , and bringeth god himself from heaven ; by blessing visible elements it maketh them invisible grace ; it giveth daily the holy ghost , it hath to dispose of that flesh which was given for the life of the world , and that blood which was poured out to redeem souls ; when it poureth malediction upon the heads of the wicked , they perish ; when it revoketh the same , they revive . o wreched blindnesse , if we admire not so great power ; more wretched if we consider it aright ; and notwithstanding imagine that any but god can bestow it ! to whom christ hath imparted power , both over that mystical body which is the societie of souls , and over that natural , which is himself for the knitting of both in one , ( a work which antiquitie doth call the making of christ's body the same power is in such not amiss both termed a kinde of mark or character , and acknowledged to be indelible . ministerial power is a mark of separation , because it severeth them that have it from other men , and maketh them a special order consecrated unto the service of the most high , in things wherewith others may not meddle . their difference therefore from other men , is in that they are a distinct order . so tertullian calleth them . and saint paul himself dividing the body of the church of christ into two moyeties , nameth the one part 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is as much as to say , the order of the laity , the opposite part whereunto we in like sort term the order of god's clergy ; and the spiritual power which he hath given them , the power of their order , so farr forth as the same consisteth in the bare execution of holy things , called properly the affairs of god. for of the power of their jurisdiction over mens persons we are to speak in the books following . they which have once received this power , may not think to put it off and on , like a cloak , as the weather serveth , to take it , reject and resume it as oft as themselves list ; of which prophane and impious contempt these latter times have yielded , as of all other kindes of iniquity and apostasie , strange examples : but let them know which put their hands unto this plough , that once consecrated unto god , they are made his peculiar inheritance for ever . suspensions may stop , and degradations utterly cut off the use or exercise of power before given , but voluntarily it is not in the power of man to separate and pull asunder what god by his authority coupleth . so that although there may be through mis-desert degradation , as there may be cause of just separation after matrimony ; yet if ( as sometime it doth ) restitution to former dignity , or reconciliation after breach doth happen , neither doth the one nor the other ever iterate the first knot . much less is it necessary , which some have urged , concerning the re-ordination of such , as others in times more corrupt did consecrate heretofore . which errour already quell'd by saint ierome , doth not now require any other refutation . examples i grant there are which make for restraint of those men from admittance again into rooms of spiritual function , whose fall by heresie , or want of constancy in professing the christian faith , hath been once a disgrace to their calling . nevertheless , as there is no law which bindeth , so there is no cause that should alwaies lead to shew one and the same severity towards persons culpable . goodnesse of nature it self more inclineth to clemency than rigour . and we in other mens offences do behold the plain image of our own imbecillity . besides also them that wander out of the way , a it cannot be unexpedient to win with all hopes of favour , left strictness used towards such as reclaim themselves should make others more obstinate in errour . wherefore b after that the church of alexandria had somewhat recovered it self from the tempests and storms of artianism , being in consultation about the re-establishment of that which by long disturbance had been greatly decayed and hindered , the ferventer sort gave quick sentence , that touching them which were of the clergy , and had stained themselves with heresie , there should be none so received into the church again , as to continue in the order of the clergy . the rest which considered how many mens cases it did concern , thought it much more safe and consonant to bend somewhat down towards them which were fallen , to shew severity upon a few of the chiefest leaders , and to offer to the rest a friendly reconciliation , without any other demand , saving onely the abjuration of their errour ; as in the gospel that wastful young man which returned home to his father's house , was with joy both admitted and honored , his elder brother hardly thought of for repining thereat ; neither commended so much for his own fidelity and vertue , as blamed for not embracing him freely , whose unexpected recovery ought to have blotted out all remembrance of misdemeanors and faults past . but of this sufficient . a thing much stumbled at in the manner of giving orders , is our using those memorable words of our lord and saviour christ receive the holy ghost . the holy ghost , they say , we cannot give , and therefore we a foolishly bid men receive it . wise-men , for their authorities sake , must have leave to befool them whom they are able to make wise by better instruction . notwithstanding , if it may please their wisdom , as well to hear what fools can say , as to control that which they doe , thus we have heard some wise-men teach , namely , that the b holy ghost may be used to signifie not the person alone , but the gift of the holy ghost ; and we know that spiritual gifts are not onely abilities to do things miraculous , as to speak with tongues which were never taught us , to cure diseases without art , and such like ; but also that the very authority and power which is given men in the church to be ministers of holy things , this is contained within the number of those gifts whereof the holy ghost is author ; and therefore he which giveth this power , may say without absurdity or folly , receive the holy ghost , such power as the spirit of christ hath endued his church withal , such power as neither prince not potentate , king nor caesar on earth can give . so that if men alone had devised this form of speech , thereby to expresse the heavenly well-spring of that power which ecclesiastical ordinations do bestow , it is not so foolish but that wise-men might bear with it . if then our lord and saviour himself have used the self-samen form of words , and that in the self-same kinde of action , although there be but the least shew of probability , yea , or any possibility , that his meaning might be the same which ours is , it should teach sober and grave men not to be too venturous in condemning that of folly , which is not impossible to have in it more profoundness of wisdom than flesh and blood should presume to control . our saviour after his resurrection from the dead , gave his apostles their commission , saying , all power is given me in heaven and in earth : go therefore and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , and the son , and the holy ghosts , teaching them to observe all things whatsoever i have commanded you . in sum , as my father sent me , so send i you . whereunto saint iohn doth adde farther , that having thus spoken he breathed on them and said , receive the holy ghost . by which words he must of likelyhood understand some gift of the spirit which was presently at that time bestowed upon them , as both the speech of actual delivery in saying receive , and the visible sign thereof , his breathing did shew . absurd it were to imagine our saviour did both to the ear , and also to the very eye , expresse a real donation , and they at that time receive nothing . it resteth then that we search what special grace they did at that time receive . touching miraculous power of the spirit , most apparent it is , that as then they received it not , but the promise thereof was to be shortly after performed . the words of saint luke concerning that power , are therefore set down with signification of the time to come , behold i will send the promise of my father upon you , but carry you in the city of ierusalem , untill ye be endued with power from on high . wherefore , undoubtedly , it was some other effect of the spirit , the holy ghost , in some other kinde which our saviour did then bestow . what other likelier than that which himself doth mention , as it should seem of purpose to take away all ambiguous constructions , and to declare that the holy ghost , which he then gave , was an holy and a ghostly authority , authority over the souls of men , authority , a part whereof consisteth in power to remit and retain sinnes ? receive the holy ghost ? whose sinnes server ye remit , they are remitted ; whose sinnes ye retain , they are retained . whereas therefore the other evangelists had set down , that christ did before his suffering promise to give his apostles the keys of the kingdom of heaven , and being risen from the dead , promised moreover at that time a miracolous power of the holy ghost : saint iohn addeth , that he also invested them even then with the power of the holy ghost for castigation and relaxation of sinne , wherein was fully accomplished that which the promise of the keys did import . seeing therefore that the same power is now given , why should the same form of words expressing it be thought foolish ? the cause why we breathe not as christ did on them unto whom he imparted power , is , for that neither spirit nor spiritual authority may be thought to proceed from us , who are but delegates of assigns to give men possession of his graces . now besides that the power and authority delivered with those words is it self 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a gracious donation which the spirit of god doth bestow , we may most assuredly perswade our selves , that the hand which imposeth upon us the function of our ministry , doth under the same form of words so tye it self thereunto , that he which receiveth the burthen , is thereby for ever warranted to have the spirit with him , and in him for his assistance , aid , countenance and support in whatsoever he faithfully doth to discharge duty . knowing therefore that when we take ordination , we also receive the presence of the holy ghost , partly to guide , direct , and strengthen us in all our wayes , and partly to assume unto it self for the more authority , those actions that appertain to our place and calling , can our ears admit such a speech uttered in the reverend performance of that solemnity ; or can we at any time renew the memory , and enter into serious cogitation thereof , but with much admiration and joy ? remove what these foolish words do imply , and what hath the ministry of god besides wherein to glory ? whereas now , forasmuch as the holy ghost , which our saviour in his first ordinations gave , doth no lesse concurr with spiritual vocations throughout all ages , than the spirit which god derived from moses to them that assisted him in his government , did descend from them to their successors in like authority and place , we have for the least and meanest duties , performed by vertue of ministerial power , that , to dignifie , grace , and authorize them , which no other offices on earth can challenge . whether we preach , pray , baptize , communicate , condemn , give absolution , or whatsoever , as disposers of god's mysteries ; ourwords , judgemnts , acts , and deeds are not ours , but the holy ghost's . enough if unfeigaedly and in heart we did believe it , enough to banish whatsoever may justly be thought corrupt , either in bestowing , or in using , or in esteeming the same otherwise than is meet . for prophanely to bestow , or loosely to use , or vilely to esteem of the holy ghost , we all in shew and profession abhor . now because the ministerie is an office of dignitie and honour , some are doubtful whether any man may seek for it without offence ; or , to speak more properly , doubtful they are not , but rather bold to accuse our discipline in this respect , as not only permitting , but requiring also ambitious suits , or other oblique waies or means whereby to obtain it . against this they plead , that our saviour did stay till his father sent him , and the apostles till he them , that the antient bishops in the church of christ were examples and patterns of the same modesty . whereupon in the end they insert , let see therefore at the length amend that custom of repairing from all parts unto the bishop at the day of ordination , and of seeking to obtain orders ; let the custom of bringing commendatory letters be removed ; let men keep themselves at home , expecting there the voyce of god , and the authority of such as may call them to undertake charge . thus severely they censure and control ambition , if it be ambition which they take upon them to reprehend . for of that there is cause to doubt . ambition , as we understand it , hath been accounted a vice which seeketh after honours inordinately , ambitious mindes esteeming it their greatest happiness to be admired , reverenced , and adored above others , use all means lawful and unlawful which may bring them to high rooms . but as for the power of order considered by it self , and as in this case it must be considered , such reputation it hath in the eye of this present world , that they which affect it , rather need encouragement to bear contempt , than deserve blame as men that carry aspiring mindes . the work whereunto this power serveth is commended , and the desire thereof allowed by the apostle for good . nevertheless because the burthen thereof is heavy , and the charge great , it commeth many times to pass , that the mindes even of virtuous men are drawn into clean contrary affections ; some in humility declining that by reason of hardness , which others in regard of goodness onely do with servent alacrity cover . so that there is not the least degree in this service , but it may be both in a reverence shunned , and of very devotion longed for . if then the desire thereof may be holy , religious , and good , may not the profession of that desire be so likewise ? we are not to think it so long good as it is dissembled , and evil if once we begin to open it . and allowing that it may be opened without ambition , what offence , i beseeth you , is there in opening it , there where it may be furthered and satisfied , in case they to whom it appertaineth think meet ? in vain are those desires allowed , the accomplishment whereof it is not lawful for men to seek . power therefore of ecclesiastical order may be desired , the desire thereof may be professed , they which profess themselves that way inclined , may endeavour to bring their desires to effect , and in all this no necessity of evil . is it the bringing of testimonial letters wherein so great obliquity consisteth ? what more simple , more plain , more harmless , more agreeable with the law of common humanity , than that men where they are not known , use for their easier access the credit of such as can best give testimony of them ? letters of any other construction our church-discipline alloweth not ; and these to allow , is neither to require ambitious saings ; not to approve any indirect or unlawful act . the prophet esay receiving his message at the hands of god , and his charge by heavenly vision , heard the voice of the lord , saying , whom shall i send , who shall go for us ? whereunto he recordeth his own answer , then i said , here lord i am , send me . which in effect is the rule and canon whereby touching this point the very order of the church is framed . the appointment of times for solemn ordination , is but the publick demand of the church in the name of the lord himself , whom shall i send , who shall go for us ? the confluence of men , whose inclinations are bent that way , is but the answer thereunto , whereby the labours of sundry being offered , the church hath freedom to take whom her agents in such case think meet and requisite . as for the example of our saviour christ who took not to himself this honour to be made our high priest , but received the same from him which said : thou art a priest for ever after the order of melchisedec , his waiting , and not attempting to execute the office till god saw convenient time , may serve in reproof of usurped honours , for as much as we ought not of our own accord to assume dignities , whereunto we are not called as christ was . but yet it should be withal considered , that a proud usurpation without any orderly calling is one thing , and another the bare declaration of willingness to obtain admittance ; which willingness of minde , i suppose , did not want in him whose answer was to the voice of his heavenly calling , behold i am come to do thy will. and had it been for him , as it is for us , expedient to receive his commission signed with the hands of men , to seek it , might better have beseemed his humility , than it doth our boldness , to reprehend them of pride and ambition , that make no worse kinde of suits than by letters of information . himself in calling his apostles prevented all cogitations of theirs that way , to the end it might truly be said of them , ye chose not me , but i of mine own voluntary motion made choice of you . which kinde of undesired nomination to ecclesiastical places hefell divers of the most famous amongst the antient fathers of the church in a clean contrary consideration . for our saviour's election respected not any merit or worth , but took them which were farthest off from likelihood of fitness ; that afterwards their supernatural ability and performance , beyond hope , might cause the greater admiration ; whereas in the other , mere admiration of their singular and rare vertues was the reason why honours were inforced upon them , which they of meekness and modesty did what they could to avoid . but did they ever judge it a thing unlawful to wish or desire the office , the onely charge and bare function of the ministery ? towards which labour , what doth the blessed apostle else but encourage , saying , he which desireth it , is desirius of a good work ? what doth he else by such sentences but stir , kindle and inflame ambition ; if i may term that desire ambition , which coveteth more to testifie love by painfulness in god's service , than to reap any other benefit ? although of the very honour it self , and of other emoluments annexed to such labours , for more encouragement of man's industry , we are not so to conceive neither ; as if no affection could be cast towards them without offence . onely as the wise-man giveth counsel : seek not to be made a iudge , lest thou be not able to take away iniquity , and lest thou fearing the person of the mighty , shouldest commit an offence against thine uprightness ; so it always behoveth men to take good heed , lest affection to that , which hath in it as well difficulty as goodness , sophisticate the true and sincere judgement which before-hand they ought to have of their own ability , for want whereof , many forward mindes have found in stead of contentment repentance . but for as much as hardness of things in themselves most excellent cooleth the fervency of mens desires , unless there be somewhat naturally acceptable to incite labour ( for both the method of speculative knowledge doth by things which we sensibly perceive conduct to that which is in nature more certain , though less sensible , and the method of vertuous actions is also to train beginners at the first by things acceptable unto the taste of natural appetite , till our mindes at the length be settled to embrace things precious in the eye of reason , merely and wholly for their own sakes ) howsoever inordinate desires do hereby take occasion to abuse the polity of god , and nature , either affecting without worth , or procuring by unseemly means that which was instituted , and should be reserved for better mindes to obtain by more approved courses , in which consideration the emperours anthemius and leo did worthily oppose against such ambitious practises that antient and famous constitution ; wherein they have these sentences : let not a prelate be ordained for reward or upon request , who should be so farr sequestred from all ambition , that they which advance him might be fain to search where he hideth himself , to entreat him drawing back , and to follow him till importunity have made him yield , let nothing promote him but his excuses to avoid the burthen , they are unworthy of that vocation which are not thereunto brought unwillingly ; notwithstanding , we ought not therefore with the odious name of ambition , to traduce and draw into hatred every poor request or suit wherein men may seem to affect honour , seeing that ambition and modesty do not always so much differ in the mark they shoot at , as in the manner of their prosecution . yea , even in this may be errour also , if we still imagine them least ambitious , which most forbear to stir either hand or foot towards their own preserments . for there are that make an idol of their great sufficiency , and because they surmise the place should be happy that might enjoy them , they walk every where like grave pageants , observing whether men do not wonder why so small account is made of so rare worthiness ; and in case any other man's advancement be mentioned , they either smile or blush at the marvellous folly of the world , which seeth not where dignities should offer themselves . seeing therefore that suits after spiritual functions may be as ambitiously forborn as prosecuted , it remaineth that the a everest line of moderation between both , is , neither to follow them , without conscience ; not of pride , to withdraw our selves utterly from them . * . it pleased almighty god to chuse to himself , for discharge of the b legal ministery , one onely tribe out of twelve others , the tribe of levi ; not all unto every divine service , but aaron and his sons to one charge ; the rest of that sanctified tribe to another . with what solemnities they were admitted into their functions , in what manner aaron and his successours the high-priests ascended every sabboth and festival day , offered , and ministred in the temple ; with what sin-offering once every year they reconciled first themselves and their own house , afterwards the people unto god , how they confessed all the iniquities of the children of israel , laid all their trespasses upon the head of a sacred goat , and so carried them one of the city ; how they purged the holy place from all uncleanness , with what reverence they entred within the vail , presented themselves before the mercy-seat , and consulted with the oracle of god : what service the other priests did continually in the holy place , how they ministred about the lamps , morning and evening , how every sabbath they placed on the table of the lord those twelve loaves with pure incense , in perpetual remembrance of that mercy which the fathers , the twelve tribes had found by the providence of god for their food , when hunger caused them to leave their natural soyl , and to seek for sustenance in egypt ; how they imployed themselves in sacrifice day by day ; finally , what offices the levites discharged , and what duties the rest did execute , it were a labour too long to enter into it , if i should collect that which scriptures and other antient records do mention . besides these , there were indifferently out of all tribes from time to time some call'd of god as prophets , fore-shewing them things to come , and giving them counsel in such particulars as they could not be directed in by the law ; some chosen men to read , study , and interpret the law of god , as the soones or scholars of the old prophets , in whose room afterwards scribes and expounders of the law succeeded . and , because where so great variety is , if there should be equality , confusion would follow , the levites were in all their service at the appointment and direction of the sons of aaron , or priests ; they subject to the principal guides and leaders of their own order ; and they all in obedience under the high priest. which difference doth also manifest it self in the very titles , that men for honours sake gave unto them , terming aaron and his successours , high or great ; the antients over the companies of priests , arch-priests , prophets , fathers , scribes and interpreters of the law , masters . touching the ministery of the gospel of jesus christ , the whole body of the church being divided into laity and clergy , the clergy are either presbyters or deacons . i rather term the one sort . presbyters than a priests , because in a matter of so small moment , i would not willingly offend their eares , to whom the name of priesthood is odious , though without cause . for as things are distinguished one from another by those true essential forms , which being really and actually in them , doe not onely give them the very last and highest degree of their natural perfection , but are also the knot , foundation and root whereupon all other inferiour perfections depend : so if they that first do impose names , did alwayes understand exactly the nature of that which they nominate , it may be that then , by hearing the termes of vulgar speech , we should still be taught what the things themselves most properly are . but because words have so many artificers by whom they are made , and the things whereunto we apply them are fraught with so many varieties , it is not always apparent , what the first inventers respected , much less what every man 's inward conceit is which useth their words . for any thing my self can discern herein , i suppose that they which have bent their study to search more diligently such matters , do , for the most part , finde that name 's advisedly given , had either regard unto that which is naturally most proper ; or if perhaps , to some other speciality , to that which is sensibly most eminent in the thing signified , and concerning popular use of words , that which the wisedom of their inventors did intend thereby , is not commonly thought of , but by the name the thing altogether conceived in gross , as may appear in that if you ask of the common sort what any certain word , for example , what a priest doth signifie , their manner is not to answer , a priest is a clergy-man which offereth sacrifice to god , but they shew some particular person , whom they use to call by that name . and if we lift to descend to grammar , we are told by masters in those schools , that the word priest hath his right place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in him whose meer function or charge is the service of god. howbeit , because the eminentest part both of heathenish and jewish service did consist in sacrifice , when learned-men declare what the word priest doth properly signifie , according to the minde of the first imposer of that name , their ordinary a schools do well expound it to imply sacrifice . seeing then that sacrifice is now no part of the church-ministry , how should the name of priesthood be thereunto rightly applyed ? surely even as saint paul applyeth the name of b flesh unto that very substance of fishes , which hath a proportionable correspondence to flesh , although it be in nature another thing . whereupon , when philosophers will speak warily , they c make a difference between flesh in one sort of living creatures , and that other substance in the rest which hath but a kinde of analogy to flesh : the apostle contrariwise having matter of greater importance whereof to speak , nameth indifferently both flesh. the fathers of the church of christ with like security of speech call usually the ministery of the gospel priesthood , d in regard of that which the gospel hath proportionable to antient sacrifices , namely , the communion of the blessed body and blood of christ , although it hath properly now no sacrifice . as for the people , when they hear the name , it draweth no more their mindes to any cogitation of sacrifice , than the name of a senator or of an alderman causeth them to think upon old age , or to imagine that every one so termed must needs be antient , because years were respected in the first nomination of both . wherefore , to pass by the name , let them use what dialect they will , whether we call it a priesthood , a presbytership , or a ministery , it skilleth not : although in truth the word presbyter doth seem more fit , and in propriety of speech more agreeable than priest with the drift of the whole gospel of jesus christ. for what are they that embrace the gospel but sons of god ? what are churches but his families ? seeing therefore we receive the adoption and state of sons by their ministery whom god hath chosen out for that purpose : seeing also that when we are the sons of god , our continuance is still under their care which were our progenitors , what better title could there be given them than the reverend name of presbyters , or fatherly guides ? the holy ghost throughout the body of the new testament , making so much mention of them , doth not any where call them priests . the prophet esay , i grant , doth , but in such sort as the antient fathers , by way of analogy . a presbyter , according to the proper meaning of the new testament , is he unto whom our saviour christ hath communicated the power of spiritual procreation . out of twelve patriarks issued the whole multitude of israel according to the flesh . and , according to the mystery of heavenly birth , our lord's apostles we all acknowledge to be the patriarks of his whole church . st. iohn therefore beheld sitting about the throne of god in heaven four and twenty presbyters , the one half fathers of the old , the other of the new ierusalem . in which respect the apostles likewise gave themselves the same title , albeit that name were not proper , but common unto then with others . for of presbyters , some were greater , some lesse in power , and that by our saviour's own appointment ; the greater they which received fulness of spiritual power , the less they to whom less was granted . the apostle's peculiar charge was to publish the gospel of christ unto all nations , and to deliver them his ordinances received by immediate revelation from himself . which preheminence excepted , to all other offices and duties incident unto their order , it was in them to ordain and consecrate whomsoever they thought meet , even as our saviour did himself assign seventy other of his own disciples , inferiour presbyters , whose commission to preach and baptize , was the same which the apostles had . whereas therefore we finde , that the very first sermon which the apostles did publickly make , was , the conversion of above three thousand souls , unto whom there were every day more and more added , they having no open place permitted them for the exercise of christian religion , think we that twelve were sufficient to teach and administer sacraments in so many private places , as so great a multitude of people did require ? this harvest , our saviour ( no doubt ) foreseeing , provided accordingly labourers for it before hand . by which means it came to : pass , that the growth of that church being so great and so sudden , they had notwithstanding in a readiness presbyters enough to furnish it . and therefore the history doth make no mention by what occasion presbyters were instituted in ierusalem , onely we read of things which they did , and how the like were made afterwards elsewhere . to these two degrees appointed of our lord and saviour christ , his apostles soon after annexed deacons : deacons therefore must know , saith cyprian , that our lord himself did elect apostles ; but deacons , after his ascension into heaven , the apostles ordained : deacons were stewards of the church , unto whom at the first was committed the distribution of church-goods , the care of providing therewith for the poor , and the charge to see that all things of expeace might be religiously and faithfully dealt in . a part also of their office , was attendance upon their presbyters at the time of divine service . for which cause ignatius , to set forth the dignity of their calling , saith , that they are in such case to the bishop , as if angelical powers did serve him . these onely being the uses for which deacons were first made , if the church have sithence extended their ministery further than the circuit of their labour at the first was drawn , we are not herein to think the ordinance of scripture violated , except there appear some prohibition , which hath abridged the church of that liberty . which i note chiefly , in regard of them to whom it seemeth a thing so monstrous , that deacons should sometime be licensed to preach , whose institution was at the first to another end . to charge them for this as men not contented with their own vocations , and as breakers into that which appertaineth unto others , is very hard . for when they are thereunto once admitted , it is part of their own vocation , it appertaineth now unto them as well as others ; neither is it intrusion for them to do it being in such sort called , but rather in us it were temerity to blame them for doing it . suppose we the office of teaching to be so repugnant unto the office of deaconship , that they cannot concurr in one and the same person ? what was there done in the church by deacons , which the apostles did not first discharge being teachers ? yea , but the apostles found the burthen of teaching so heavy , that they judged it meet to cutt off that other charge , and to have deacons which might undertake it . be it so . the multitude of christians increasing in ierusalem , and waxing great , it was too much for the apostles to teach , and to minister unto tables also . the former was not to be slacked , that this latter might be followed . therefore unto this they appointed others . whereupon we may rightly ground this axiom , that when the subject wherein one man's labours of sundry kindes are imployed , doth wax so great , that the same men are no longer able to manage it sufficiently as before , the most natural way to help this , is , by dividing their charge into slipes , and ordaining of under-officers ; as our saviour under twelve apostle , seventy presbyters , and the apostles by his example seven deacons to be under both . neither ought it to seem less reasonable , that when the same men are sufficient both to continue in that which they do , and also to undertake somewhat more , a combination be admitted in this case , as well as division in the former . we may not therefore disallow it in the church of geneva , that calvin and beza were made both pastors and readers in divinity , being men so able to discharge both . to say they did not content themselves with their pastoral vocations , but brake into that which belongeth to others ; to alledge against them , he that exhorteth on exhortation , as against us , he that distributeth in simplicity , is alledged in great dislike of granting licence for deacons to preach , were very hard . the antient custome of the church , was to yield the poor much relief , especially widows . but as poor people are always querulous and apt to think themselves less respected then they should be , we see that when the apostles did what they could without hindrance to their weightier business , yet there were which grudged that others had too much , and they too little , the grecian widows shorter commons than the hebrews . by means whereof the apostles saw it meet to ordain deacons . now tract of time having clean worn out those first occasions , for which the deaconship was then most necessary , it might the better be afterwards extended to other services , and so remain , as at this present day , a degree in the clergy of god which the apostles of christ did institute . that the first seven deacons were chosen out of the seventy disciples , is an errour in epiphanius . for to draw men from places of weightier , unto rooms of meaner labour , had not been fit . the apostles , to the end they might follow teaching with more freedom , committed the ministery of tables unto deacons . and shall we think they judged it expedient to chuse so many out of those seventy to be ministers unto tables , when christ himself had before made them teachers ? it appeareth therefore , how long these three degrees of ecclesiastical order have continued in the church of christ ; the highest and largest , that which the apostles , the next that which presbyters , and the lowest that which deacons had . touching prophets , they were such men as having otherwise learned the gospel , had from above bestowed upon them a special gift of expounding scriptures , and of foreshewing things to come . of this sort agabus was , and besides him in ierusalem sundry others , who notwithstanding are not therefore to be reckoned with the clergy , because no man's gifts or qualities can make him a minister of holy things , unless ordination do give him power . and we nowhere since prophets to have been made by ordination ; but all whom the church did ordain , where either to serve as presbyters or as deacons . evangelists were presbyters of principal sufficiency , whom the apostles sent abroad , and used as agents in ecclesiastical affairs wheresoever they saw need . they whom we finde to have been named in scripture , evangelists , a ananias , b apollos , c timothy , and others were thus employed . and concerning evangelists , afterwards in trajans dayes , the history ecclesiastical noteth that many of the apostle's disciples and scholars which were then alive , and did with singular love of wisdom affect the heavenly word of god , to shew their willing mindes in executing that which christ first of all requireth at the hands of men , they sold their possessions , gave them to the poor , and , betaking themselves to travel , undertook the labour of evangelists , that is , they painfully preached christ , and delivered the gospel to them , who as yet had never heard the doctrine of faith. finally , whom the apostle nameth pastors and teachers , what other were they than presbyters also , howbeit settled in some certain charge , and thereby differing from evangelists ? i beseech them therefore which have hitherto troubled the church with questions , about degrees and offices of ecclesiastical calling , because they principally ground themselves upon two places , that , all partiality laid aside , they would sincerely weigh and examine , whether they have not mis-interpreted both places , and all by surmising incompatible offices , where nothing is meant but sundry graces , gifts and abilities which christ bestowed . to them of corinth , his words are these , god placed in the church , first of all , some apostles ; secondly , prophets ; thirdly , teachers ; after them powers , then gifts of cures , aides governments , kindes of languages . are all apostles ? are all prophets ? are all teachers ? is there power in all ? have all grace to cure ? do all speak with tongues ? can all interpret ? but be you desirous of the better graces . they which plainly discern first , that some one general thing there is which the apostle doth here divide into all these branches , and do secondly conceive that general to be church-offices , besides a number of other difficulties , can by no means possibly deny but that many of these might concurr in one man , and peradventure , in some one all ; which mixture notwithstanding , their form of discipline doth most shun . on the other side , admit that communicants of special infused grace , for the benefit of members knit into one body , the church of christ , are here spoken of , which was in truth the plain drift of that whole discourse ; and see if every thing do not answer in due place with the fitness , which sheweth easily what is likeliest to have been meane . for why are apostles the first , but because unto them was granted the revelation of all truth from christ immediately ? why prophets the second , but because they had of some things knowledge in the same manner ? teachers the next , because whatsoever was known to them it came by hearing , yet god withal made them able to instruct , which every one could not do that was taught . after gifts of edification there follow general abilities to work things above nature , grace to cure men of bodily diseases , supplies against occurrent defects and impediments , dexterities to govern and direct by counsel ; finally , aptness to speak or interpret foreign tongues . which graces , not poured out equally , but diversly sorted and given , were a cause why not onely they all did furnish up the whole body , but each benefit and help other . again , the same apostle , other-where in like sort , to every one of us is given grace , according to the measure of the gift of christ. wherefore he saith , when he ascended up on high , he led captivity captive , and gave gifts unto men . he therefore gave some apostles , and some prophets , and some evangelists , and some pastors and teachers , for the gathering together of saints , for the work of the ministery , for the edification of the body of christ. in this place none but gifts of instruction are exprest . and because of teachers some were evangelists which neither had any part of their knowledge by revelation as the prophets , and yet in ability to teach were farr beyond other pastors , they are , as having received one way less than prophets , and another way more than teachers , set accordingly between both . for the apostle doth in neither place respect what any of them were by office or power given them through ordination , but what by grace they all had obtained through miraculous infusion of the holy ghost . for in christian religion , this being the ground of our whole belief , that the promises which god of old had made by his prophets concerning the wonderful gifts and graces of the holy ghost , wherewith the reign of the true messias should be made glorious , were immediately after our lord's ascension performed , there is no one thing whereof the apostles did take more often occasion to speak . out of men thus endued with gifts of the spirit upon their conversion to christian faith , the church had her ministers chosen , unto whom was given ecclesiastical power by ordination . now , because the apostle in reckoning degrees and varieties of grace , doth mention pastors and teachers , although he mention them not in respect of their ordination to exercise the ministery , but as examples of men especially enriched with the gifts of the holy ghost , divers learned and skilfull men have so taken it , as if those places did intend to teach what orders of ecclesiastical persons there ought to be in the church of christ , which thing we are not to learn from thence but out of other parts of holy scripture , whereby it clearly appeareth , that churches apostolick did know but three degrees in the power of ecclesiastical order ; at the first apostles , presbyters , and deacons ; afterwards in stead of apostles , bishops , concerning whose order we are to speak in the seventh book . there is an errour which beguileth many who doe much intangle both themselves and others by not distinguishing services , offices , and orders ecclesiastical : the first of which three , and in part the second may be executed by the laity ; whereas none have , or can have the third but the clergy . catechists , exorcists , readers , singers , and the rest of like sort , if the nature onely of their labours and pains be considered , may in that respect seem clergy-men , even as the fathers for that cause term them usually clerks ; as also in regard of the end whereunto they were trained up , which was to be ordered when years and experience should make them able . notwithstanding , in as much as they no way differed from others of the laity longer than during that work of service , which at any time they might give over , being thereunto but admitted , not tyed by irrevocable ordination , we finde them alwayes exactly severed from that body whereof those three before rehearsed orders alone are natural parts . touching widows , of whom some men are perswaded , that if such as saint paul describeth may be gotten , we ought to retain them in the church for ever . certain mean services there were of attendance ; as about women , at the time of their baptism , about the bodies of the sick and dead , about the necessities of travellers , way-faring men , and such like , wherein the church did commonly life them when need required , because they lived of the alms of the church , and were fittest for such purposes ; saint paul doth therefore , to avoid scandal , require that none but women well-experienced and vertuously given , neither any under threescore years of age should be admitted of that number . widows were never in the church so highly esteemed as virgins . but seeing neither of them did or could receive ordination , to make them ecclesiastical persons were absurd . the antientest therefore of the fathers mention those three degrees of ecclesiastical order specified , and no moe . when your captain ( saith tertullian ) that is to say , the deacons , presbyters , and bishops fly , who shall teach the laity , that they must be constant ? again , what should i mention lay-men ( saith optatus ) yea , or divers of the ministery it self ? to what purpose deacons , which are in the third , or presbyters in the second degree of priesthood , when the very heads and princes of all , even certain of the bishops themselves were content to redeem life with the loss of heaven ? heaps of allegations in a case so evident and plain are needless . i may securely therefore conclude , that there are at this day in the church of england , no other than the same degrees of ecclesiastical order , namely , bishops , presbyters , and deacons , which had their beginning from christ , and his blessed apostles themselves . as for deans , prebendaries , parsons , vicars , curates , arch-deacons , chancellours , officials , commissaries , and such other the like names , which being not found in holy scripture , we have been thereby through some mens errour thought to allow of ecclesiastical degress not known , nor ever heard of in the better ages of former times ; all these are in truth but titles of office , whereunto partly ecclesiastical persons , and partly others are in sundry forms and conditions admitted , as the state of the church doth need degrees of order , still continuing the same they were from the first beginning . now what habit or attire doth beseem each order to use in the course of common life , both for the gravity of his place , and for example-sake to other men , is a matter frivolous to be disputed of . a small measure of wisedom may serve to teach them how they should cutt their coats . but seeing all well-ordered polities have ever judged it meet and fit by certain special distinct ornaments to sever each sort of men from other when they are in publick , to the end that all may receive such complements of civil honour , as are due to their roomes and callings , even where their persons are not known , it argueth a disproportioned minde in them whom so decent orders displease . . we might somewhat marvel , what the apostle saint paul should mean to say that covetousness is idolatry , if the daily practise of men did not shew , that whereas nature requireth god to be honoured with wealth , we honour for the most part wealth as god. fain we would teach our selves to believe , that for worldly goods it sufficeth frugally and honestly to use them to our own benefit , without detriment and hurt of others ; or if we go a degree farther , and perhaps convert some small contemptible portion thereof to charitable uses , the whole duty which we owe unto god herein is fully satisfied . but for as much as we cannot rightly honour god , unless both our souls and bodies be sometime imployed meerly in his service ; again , sith we know that religion requireth at our hands the taking away of so great a part of the time of our lives quite and clean from our own business ; and the bestowing of the same in his ; suppose we that nothing of our wealth and substance is immediately due to god , but all our own to bestow and spend as our selves think meet ? are not our riches as well his , as the days of our life are his ? wherefore , unless with part we acknowledge his supream dominion , by whose benevolence we have the whole , how give we honour to whom honour belongeth , or how hath god the things that are god's ? i would know what nation in the world did ever honour god , and not think it a point of their duty to do him honour with their very goods . so that this we may boldly set down as a principle clear in nature , an axiom which ought not to be called in question , a truth manifest and infallible , that men are eternally bound to honour god with their substance , in token of thankful acknowledgement that all they have is from him . to honour him with our worldly goods , not only by spending them in lawful manner , and by using them without offence , but also by alienating from our selves some reasonable part or portion thereof , and by offering up the same to him as a sign that we gladly confess his sole and soveraign dominion over all , is a duty which all men are bound unto , and a part of that very worship of god ; which , as the law of god and nature it self requireth , so we are the rather to think all men no less strictly bound thereunto than to any other natural duty , in as much as the hearts of men do so cleave to these earthly things , so much admire them for the sway they have in the world , impute them so generally either to nature , or to chance , and fortune , so little think upon the grace and providence from which they come , that unless by a kinde of continual tribute we did acknowledge god's dominion , it may be doubted that short in time men would learn to forget whose tenants they are , and imagine that the world is their own absolute , free , and independent inheritance . now , concerning the kinde or quality of gifts which god receiveth in that sort , we are to consider them , partly as first they proceed from us , and partly as afterwards they are to serve for divine uses . in that they are testimonies of our affection towards god , there is no doubt , but such they should be as beseemeth most his glory to whom we offer them . in this respect the fatness of abel's sacrifice is commended ; the flower of all mens increase assigned to god by solomon ; the gifts and donations of the people rejected as oft as their cold affection to god-ward made their presents to be little worth . somewhat the heathens saw touching that which was herein fit , and therefore they unto their gods did not think they might consecrate any thing which was impure or unsound , or already given , or else not truly their own to give . again , in regard of use , forasmuch as we know that god hath himself no need of worldly commodities , but taketh them because it is our good to be so exercised , and with no other intent accepteth , them , but to have them used for the endless continuance of religion ; there is no place left of doubt or controversie , but that we in the choyce of our gifts , are to level at the same mark , and to frame our selves to his known intents and purposes . whether we give unto god therefore that which himself by commandment requireth ; or that which the publick consent of the church thinketh good to allot , or that which every man 's private devotion doth best like , in as much as the gift which we offer , proceedeth not only as a testimony of our affection towards god , but also as a mean to uphold religion , the exercise whereof cannot stand without the help of temporal commodities : if all men be taught of nature to wish , and , as much as in them lyeth , to procure the perpetuity of good things ; if for that very cause we honour and admire their wisdom , who having been founders of common-weals , could devise how to make the benefit they lest behind them durable ; if , especially in this respect , we prefer lycurgus before solon , and the spartan before the athenian polity , it must needs follow , that as we do unto god very acceptable service in honouring him with our substance , so our service that way is then most acceptable , when it tendeth to perpetuity . the first permanent donations of honour in this kinde are temples . which works do so much set forward the exercise of religion , that while the world was in love with religion , it gave to no sort greater reverence than to whom it could point and say , these are the men that have built us synagogues . but of churches we have spoken sufficiently heretofore . the next things to churches are the ornaments of churches , memorials which mens devotion hath added to remain in the treasure of god's house , not onely for uses wherein the exercise of religion presently needeth them , but also partly for supply of future casual necessities , whereunto the church is on earth subject , and partly to the end , that while they are kept they may continually serve as testimonies , giving all men to understand , that god hath in every age and nation , such as think it no burthen to honour him with their substance . the riches first of the tabernacle of god , and then of the temple of ierusalem , arising out of voluntary gifts and donations , were , as we commonly speak , a nemo scit , the value of them above that which any man would imagine . after that the tabernacle was made , furnished with all necessaries , and set up , although in the wilderness their ability could not possibly be great , the very metal of those vessels which the princes of the twelve tribes gave to god for their first presents , amounted even then to two thousand and four hundred shekels of silver , an hundred and twenty shekels of gold , every shekel weighing half an ounce . what was given to the temple which solomon erected , we may partly conjecture , when over and besides wood , marble , iron , brass , vestments , precious stones , and money ; the sum which david delivered into solomon's hands for that purpose , was of gold in mass eight thousand , and of silver seventeen thousand cichars , every cichar containing a thousand and eight hundred shekels , which riseth to nine hundred ounces in every one cichar : whereas the whole charge of the tabernacle did not amount unto thirty cichars . after their return out of babylon , they were not presently in case to make their second temple of equal magnificence and glory with that which the enemy had destroyed . notwithstanding what they could , they did . insomuch that , the building finished , there remained in the coffers of the church to uphold the fabrick thereof , six hundred and fifty cichars of silver , one hundred of gold. whereunto was added by nehemias of his own gift a thousand drams of gold , fifty vessels of silver , five hundred and thirty priests vestments ; by other the princes of the fathers twenty thousand drams of gold , two thousand and two hundred pieces of silver ; by the rest of the people twenty thousand of gold , two thousand of silver , threescore and seven attires of priests . and they furthermore bound themselves towards other charges to give by the pole in what part of the world soever they should dwell , the third of a shekel , that is to say , the sixth part of an ounce yearly . a this out of foreign provinces , they always sent in gold. whereof b nithridates is said to have taken up by the way before it could pass to ierusalem from asia , in one adventure eight hundred talents ; crassus after that to have borrowed of the temple it self eight thousand : at which time eleazar having both many other rich ornaments , and all the tapestry of the temple under his custody , thought it the safest way to grow unto some composition , and so to redeem the residue by parting with a certain beam of gold about seven hundred and an half in weight , a prey sufficient for one man , as he thought , who had never bargained with crassus till then , and therefore upon the confidence of a solemn oath that no more should be looked for , he simply delivered up a large morsel , whereby the value of that which remained was betrayed , and the whole lost . such being the casualties whereunto moveable treasures are subject , the law of moses did both require eight and twenty cities , together with their fields and whole territories in the land of iury , to be reserved for god himself ; and not onely provide for the liberty of farther additions , if men of their own accord should think good , but also for the safe preservation thereof unto all posterities , that no man's avarice or fraud , by defeating so vertuous intents , might discourage from like purposes . god's third indowment did therefore of old consist in lands . furthermore , some cause no doubt there is , why besides sundry other more rare donations of uncertain rate , the tenth should be thought a revenue so natural to be allotted out unto god. for of the spoils which abraham had taken in warr , he delivered unto melchisedeck the titles . the vow of iacob , at such time as he took his journey towards haran , was , if god will be with me , and will keep me in this voyage which i am to go , and will give me bread to eat , and cloaths to put on , so that i may return to my father's house in safety , then shall the lord be my god ; and this stone which i have set up as a pillar , the same shall be god's house , and of all thou shalt give me i will give unto thee the tythe . and as abraham gave voluntarily , as iacob vowed to give god tythes , so the law of moses did require at the hands of all men the self-same kinde of tribute , the tenth of their com , wine , oyl , fruit , cattel , and whatsoever increase his heavenly providence should send . in so much , that painims being herein followers of their steps , paid tythes likewise : imagine we that this was for no cause done , or that there was not some special inducements to judge the tenth of our worldly profits the most convenient for god's portion ? are not all things by him created in such sort , that the formes which give them their distinction are number , their operations measure , and their matter weight ? three being the mystical number of god's unsearchable perfection within himself ; seven the number whereby our own perfections , through grace , are most ordered ; and ten the number of nature's perfections ( for the beauty of nature , is order ; and the foundation of order , number ; and of number , ten the highest we can rise unto without iteration of numbers under it ) could nature better acknowledge the power of the god of nature , than by assigning unto him that quantity which is the continent of all she possesseth ? there are in philo the jew , many arguments to shew the great congruity and fitness of this number in things consecrated unto god. but because over-nice and curious speculations become not the earnestnesse of holy things , i omit what might be farther observed , as well out of others , as out of him , touching the quantity of this general sacred tribute ; whereby it commeth to passe , that the meanest and the very poorest amongst men , yielding unto god as much in proportion as the greatest , and many times in affection more , have this as a sensible token always assuring their mindes , that in his sight , from whom all good is expected , they are concerning acceptation , protection , divine priviledges and preheminencies whatsoever , equals and peers with them unto whom they are otherwise in earthly respects inferiours ; being furthermore well assured that the top as it were thus presented to god is neither lost , nor unfruitfully bestowed , but doth sanctifie to them again the whole mass , and that he by receiving a little undertaketh to bless all . in which consideration the jewes were accustomed to name their tithes , the b hedge of their riches . albeit a hedge do onely fence and preserve that which is contained , whereas their tithes and offerings did more , because they procured increase of the heap out of which they were taken . god demandeth no such debt for his own need , but for their onely benefit that owe it . wherefore detaining the same , they hurt not him whom they wrong ; and themselves whom they think they relieve , they wound ; except men will haply affirm , that god did by fair speeches , and large promises , delude the world in saying , bring ye all the tithes into the store-house , that there may be meat in mine house , ( deal truly , defraud not god of his due , but bring all ) and prove if i will not open unto you the windows of heaven , and powre down upon you an immeasurable blessing . that which saint , iames hath concerning the effect of our prayers unto god , is for the most part of like moment in our gifts : we pray and obtain not , because he which knoweth our hearts , doth know our desires are evil . in like manner we give , and we are not the more accepted , because he beholdeth how unwisely we spill our gifts in the bringing . it is to him which needeth nothing , all one whether any thing or nothing be given him . but for our own good , it always behoveth that whatsoever we offer up into his hands , we bring it seasoned with this cogitation , thou lord art worthy of all honour . with the church of christ touching these matters , it standeth as it did with the whole world before moses . whereupon for many years men being desirous to honour god in the same manner , as other vertuous and holy personages before had done , both during the time of their life , and , if farther ability did serve , by such devise as might cause their works of piety to remain always , it came by these means to pass that the church from time to time , had . treasure , proportionable unto the poorer or wealthier estate of christian men . and , assoon as the state of the church could admit thereof , they easily condescended to think it most natural and most fit , that god should receive , as before , of all men his antient accustomed revenues of tithes . thus therefore both god and nature have taught to convert things temporal to eternal uses , and to provide for the perpetuity of religion , even by that which is most transitory . for , to the end that , in worth and value , there might be no abatement of any thing once assigned to such purposes , the law requireth precisely the best of what we possesse ; and , to prevent all dammages by way of commutation , where in stead of natural commodities , or other rights , the price of them might be taken , the law of moses determined their rates , and the payments to be alwayes made by the sickle of the sanctuary , wherein there was great advantage of weight above the ordinary currant sickle . the truest and surest way for god to have alwayes his own , is by making him payment in kinde out of the very self-same riches , which through his gracious benediction the earth doth continually yield . this , where it may be without inconvenience , is for every man's conscience sake . that which commeth from god to us , by the natural course of his providence , which we know to be innocent and pure , is perhaps best accepted , because least spotted with the stain of unlawful , or indirect procurement . besides , whereas prices daily change , nature , which commonly is one , must needs be the most indifferent , and permanent standard between god and man. but the main foundation of all , whereupon the security of these things dependeth , as farr as any thing may be ascertained amongst men , is , that the title and right which man had in every of them before donation , doth by the act , and from the time of any such donation , dedication , or grant , remain the proper possession of god till the world's end , unless himself renounce or relinquish it . for if equity have taught us , that every one ought to enjoy his own ; that what is ours no other can alienate from us , but with our a own b deliberate consent , finally , that no man having past his consent or deed , may c change it to the prejudice of any other , should we perfume to deal with god worse than god hath allowed any man to deal with us ? albeit therefore we be now free from the law of moses , and consequently , not thereby bound to the payment of tithes ; yet because nature hath taught men to honour god with their substance , and scripture hath left us an example of that particular proportion , which for moral considerations hath been thought sittest by him whose wisedom could best judge ; furthermore , seeing that the church of christ hath long sithence entred into like obligation , it seemeth in these dayes a question altogether vain and superfluous , whether tithes be a matter of divine right : because howsoever at the first , it might have been thought doubtful , our case is clearly the same now with theirs , unto whom saint peter sometime spake , saying , while it was whole , it was whole thine . when our tithes might have probably seemed our own , we had colour of liberty to use them as we our selves saw good . but having made them his whose they are , let us be warned by other mens example what it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to wash or clip that come which hath on it the mark of god. for that all these are his possessions , and that he doth himself so reckon them , appeareth by the form of his own speeches . touching gifts and oblations , thou shalt give them me ; touching oratories and churches , my house shall be called the house of prayer ; touching tithes , will a man spoil god ? yet behold , even me your god ye have d spoiled , notwithstanding ye ask wherein , as though ye were ignorant , what injury there hath been offered in tithes : ye are heavily accursed , because with a kinde of publick consent ye have joyned your selves in one to rob me , imagining the commonness of your offence to be every man's particular justification ; touching lands , ye shall offer to the lord a sacred portion of ground , and that sacred portion shall belong to the priests . neither did god onely thus ordain amongst the jews , but the very purpose , intent , and meaning of all that have honoured him with their substance , was to invest him with the property of those benefits , the use whereof must needs be committed to the hands of men . in which respect the stile of antient grants and charters , is , we have given unto god both for us and our hews for ever , yea , we know , saith charles the great , that the goods of the church are the sacred indowments of god , to the lord our god we offer and dedicate whatsoever we deliver unto his church . whereupon the laws imperial doe likewise divide all things in such sort , that they make some to belong by right of nature indifferently unto every man , some to be the certain goods and possessions of common-weals , some to appertain unto several corporations or companies of men , some to be privately mens own in particular , and some to be separated quite e from all men ; which last branch comprizeth things sacred and holy , because thereof god alone is owner . the sequel of which received opinion , as well without as within the walls of the house of god touching such possessions as hath been ever , that there is not an act more honourable , than by all means to amplifie and to defend the patrimony of religion , not any more f impious and hateful , than to impair those possessions which men in former times , when they gave unto holy uses , were wont at the altar of god , and in presence of their ghostly superiours , to make , as they thought , inviolable , by words of fearful execration , saying , these things we offer to god , from whom if any take them away ( which we hope no man will attempt to do ) but if any shall , let his account be without favour in the last day , when he commeth to receive the doom which is due for sacriledge against that lord and god unto whom we dedicate the same . the best and most renowned prelates of the church of christ have in this consideration rather sustained the wrath , than yielded to satisfie the hard desire of their greatest commanders on earth , coveting with ill advice and counsel that which they willingly should have suffered god to enjoy . there are of martyrs , whom posterity doth much honour , for that having under their hands the custody of such g treasures , they could by vertuous delusion invent how to save them from prey , even when the safety of their own lives they gladly neglected ; as one , sometime an archdeacon under xistne the bishop of rome , did : whom when his judge understood to be one of the church-stewards , thirst of blood began to slake , and another humour to work , which first by a favourable countenance , and then by quiet speech did thus calmly disclose it self . you that profess the christian religion , make great complaint of the wonderful cruelty we shew towards you . neither peradventure altogether without cause . but for my self , i am farr from any such bloody purpose . ye are not so willing to love , as i unwilling that out of these lips should proceed any capital sentence against you . your bishops are said to have rich vessels of gold and silver , which they use in the exercise of their religion ; besides , the fame is , that numbers sell away their lands and livings , the huge prices whereof are brought to your church-coffers ; by which means the devotion , that maketh them and their whole posterity poor , must needs mightily enrich you , whose god we know was no coyner of money , but left behinde him many wholesome and good precepts , at namely , that caesar should have of you the things that are fit for , and due to caesar. his wars are costly and chargeable unto him . that which you suffer to rust in corners , the affairs of the common-wealth do need . your profession is not to make account of things transitory . and yet if ye can be contented but to forego that which ye care not for , i dare undertake to warrant you both safety of life , and freedom dom of using your conscience , a thing more acceptable to you than wealth . which sa it ' parley the happy martyr quietly hearing , and perceiving it necessary to make some shift for the safe concealment of that which being now desired was not unlikely to be more narrowly afterwards sought , he craved respite for three dayes , to gather the riches of the church together , in which space against the time the governour should come to the doors of the temple , bigg with hope to receive his prey , a miserable rank of poor , lame , and impotent persous was provided , their names delivered him up in writing as a true inventory of the churches goods , and some few words used to signifie how proud the church was of these treasures . if men did not naturally abhor sacriledge , to resist or to defeat so impious attempts would deserve small prayse . but such is the general detestation of rapine in this kinde , that whereas nothing doth either in peace or war more uphold men's reputation than prosperous success , because in common construction , unless notorious improbity be joyn'd with prosperity , it seemeth to argue favour with god ; they which once have stained their hands with these odious spoyls , do thereby fasten unto all their actions an eternal prejudice , in respect whereof , for that it passeth through the world as an undoubted rule and principle , that sacriledge is open defiance to god , whatsoever afterwards they undertake , if they prosper in it , men reckon it but dionysius his navigation , and if any thing befall them otherwise , it is not , as commonly : so in them ascribed to the great uncertainty of casual events , wherein the providence of god doth controul the purposes of men oftentimes ; much more for their good than if all things did answer fully their hearts desire , but the censure of the world is ever directly against them both a bitter and peremptoty . to make such actions therefore less odious , and to mitigate the envy of them , many colourable shifts and inventions have been used , as if the world did hate onely wolves , and think the fox a goodly creature . the b time it may be will come , when they that either violently have spoyled , or thus smoothly defrauded god , shall finde they did but deceive themselves . in the mean while there will be always some skilful persons , which can teach a way how to grinde treatably the church with jawes that shall scarce move , and yet devour in the end more than they that come ravening with open mouth , as if they would worry the whole in an instant ; others also , who having wastfully eaten out their own patrimony , would be glad to repair , if they might , their decayed estates , with the ruine they care not of what nor of whom , so the spoyl were theirs , whereof in some part if they happen to speed , yet commonly they are men born under that constellation which maketh them , i know not how , as unapt to enrich themselves , as they are ready to impoverish others ; it is their lot to sustain during life , both the misery of beggers , and the infamy of robbers . but though no other plague and revenge should follow sacrilegious violations of holy things , the natural secret disgrace and ignominy , the very turpitude of such actions in the eye of a wise understanding heart , is it self a heavy punishment . men of vertuous quality are by this sufficiently moved to beware how they answer and requite the mercies of god with injuries , whether openly or indirectly offered . i will not absolutely say concerning the goods of the church , that they may in no case be seized on by men , or that no obligation , commerce and bargain made between man and man , can never be of force to alienate the property which god hath in them . certain cases i grant there are , wherein it is not so dark what god himself doth warrant , but that we may safely presume him as willing to forego for our benefit , as alwayes to use and convert to our benefit whatsoever our religion hath honoured him withall . but surely under the name of that which may be , many things that should not be are often done . by means whereof the church most commonly for gold hath flanel ; and whereas the usual saw of old was glaucus his change , the proverb is now , a church-bargain . and for fear left covetousness alone should linger out the time too much , and not be able to make havock of the house of god with that expedition , which the mortal enemy thereof did vehemently wish , he hath by certain strong inchantments so deeply bewitcht religion it self , as to make it in the end an earnest sollicitour , and an eloquent perswader of sacriledge , urging confidently , that the very best service which men of power can do to christ , is without any more ceremony , to sweep all , and to leave the church as hare as in the day it was first born ; that fulness of bread having made the children of the houshold wanton , it is without any scruple to be taken away from them , and thrown to doggs ; that they which laid the prices of their lands as offerings at the apostles feet , did but sow the seeds of superstition ; that they which indowed churches with lands , poysoned religion ; that tythes and oblations are now in the sight of god as the sacrificed bloud of goats ; that if we give him our hearts and affections , our goods are better bestowed otherwise ; that polycarp's disciple should not have said , we offer unto god our goods as tokens of thankfulness for that we receive ; neither origen , he which worshippeth god , must by gifts and oblations acknowledge him the lord of all ; in a word , that to give unto god is errour ; reformation of errour , to take from the church that which the blindness of former ages did unwisely give : by these or the like suggestions , received with all joy , and with like sedulity practised in certain parts of the christian world , they have brought to passe , that as david doth say of man , so it is in hazard to be verified concerning the whole religion and service of god : the time thereof may peradventure fall out to be threescore and ten years , or if strength do serve unto fourscore , what followeth , is likely to be small joy for them whatsoever they be that behold it . thus have the best things been overthrown , not so much by puissance and might of adversaries , as through defect of counsel , in them that should have upheld and defended the same . . there are in a minister of god these four things to be considered , his ordination which giveth him power to meddle with things sacred , the charge or portion of the church allotted unto him for exercise of his office ; the performance of his duty , according to the exigence of his charge ; and lastly , the maintenance which in that respect he receiveth . all ecclesiastical lawes and canons which either concern the bestowing or the using of the power of ministerial order , have relation to these four . of the first we have spoken before at large . concerning the next , for more convenient discharge of eclcesiastical duties , as the body of the people must needs be severed by divers precincts , so the clergy likewise accordingly distributed . whereas therefore religion did first take place in cities , and in that respect was a cause why the name of pagans , which properly signifieth a countrey people , came to be used in common speech for the same that infidels and unbelievers were ; it followed thereupon that all such cities had their ecclesiastical colledges , consisting of deacons and of presbyters , whom first the apostles or their delegates the evangelists , did both ordain and govern . such were the colledges of ierusalem , antioch , ephesus , rome , corinth , and the rest , where the apostles are known to have planted our faith and religion . now because religion and the cure of souls was their general charge in common over all that were near about them , neither had any one presbyter his several cure apart , till evaristus bishop in the see of rome , about the year . began to assign precincts unto every church , or title , which the christians held , and to appoint unto each presbyter a certain compasse , whereof himself should take charge alone ; the commodiousnesse of this invention caused all parts of christendom to follow it , and at the length , amongst the rest our own churches , about the year . became divided in like manner . but other distinction of churches there doth not appear any in the apostles writings , save onely , according to those a cities wherein they planted the gospel of christ , and erected ecclesiastical colledges . wherefore to ordain b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 throughout every city , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 throughout every church , doe in them signifie the same thing . c churches then neither were , nor could be in so convenient sort limited as now they are ; first , by the bounds of each state , and then within each state by more particular precincts , till at the length we descend unto several congregations , termed parishes , with farr narrower restraint , than this name at the first was used . and from hence hath grown their errour , who , as oft as they read of the duty which ecclesiastical persons are now to perform towards the church , their manner is alwayes to understand by that church , some particular congregation , of parish church . they suppose that there should now be no man of ecclesiastical order , which is not tyed to some certain parish . because the names of all church-officers are words of relation , because a shepheard must have his flock , a teacher his scholars , a minister his company which he ministreth unto , therefore it seemeth a thing in their eyes absurd and unreasonable , that any man should be ordained a minister , otherwise , than onely for some particular congregation . perceive they not , how by this meane they make it unlawful for the church to imploy men at all , in converting nations ? for if so be the church may not lawfully admit to an ecclesiastical function , unlesse it tye the party admitted unto some particular parish , then surely a thanklesse labour it is , whereby men seek the conversion of infidels , which know not christ , and therefore cannot be as yet divided into their special congregations and flocks : but , to the end it may appear how much this one thing amongst many more hath been mistaken , there is first no precept , requiring that presbyters and deacons be made in such sort , and not otherwise . albeit therefore the apostles did make them in that order , yet is not their example such a law , as , without all exception , bindeth to make them in no other order but that . again , if we will consider that which the apostles themselves did , surely , no man can justly say , that herein we practise any thing repugnant to their example . for by them there was ordained onely in each christian city a colledge of presbyters and deacons to administer holy things . evaristus did a hundred years after the birth of our saviour christ begin the distinction of the church into parishes . presbyters and deacons having been ordained before to exercise ecclesiastical functions in the church of rome promiscuously , he was the first that tyed them each one to his own station . so that of the two , indefinite ordination of presbyters and deacons doth come more near the apostles example , and the tying of them to be made onely for particular congregations , may more justly ground it self upon the example of evaristus than of any apostle of christ. it hath been the opinion of wise and good men heretofore , that nothing was ever devised more singularly beneficial unto god's church , than this which our honourable predecessors have to their endless praise found out by the erecting of such houses of study , as those two most famous universities do contain , and by providing that choise wits , after reasonable time spent in contemplation , may at the length either enter into that holy vocation , for which they have been so long nourished and brought up , or else give place , and suffer others to succeed in their rooms , that so the church may be alwayes furnished with a number of men , whose ability being first known by publick tryal in church-labours there where men can best judge of them , their calling afterwards unto particular charge abroad may be accordingly . all this is frustrate , those worthy foundations we must dissolve , their whole device and religious purpose which did erect them is made void , their orders and statutes are to be cancelled and disannulled , in case the church be forbidden to grant any power of order , unless it be with restraint to the party ordained unto some particular parish or congregation . nay , might we not rather affirm of presbyters and of deacons , that the very nature of their ordination is unto necessary local restraint a thing opposite and repugnant ? the emperour iustinian doth say of tutors , certa rei vel causae tutor dari non potest , quia personae non causae vel rei tutor datur . he that should grant a tutorship , restraining his grant to some one certain thing or cause ; should do but idlely , because tutors are given for personal defence generally , and not for managing of a few particular things or causes . so he that ordaining a presbyter , or a deacon , should , in the form of ordination , restrain the one or the other to a certain place , might , with much more reason , be thought to use a vain and a frivolous addition , than they reasonably to require such local restraint , as a thing which must of necessity concurr evermore with all lawfull ordinations . presbyters and deacons are not by ordination consecrated unto places , but unto functions . in which respect , and in no other it is , that sith they are by vertue thereof bequeathed unto god , severed and sanctified to be imployed in his service , which is the highest advancement that mortal creatures on earth can be raised unto , the church of christ hath not been acquainted in former ages with any such propane and unnatural custom , as doth hallow men with ecclesiastical functions of order onely for a time , and then dismiss them again to the common affairs of the world. whereas , contrariwise , from the place or charge where that power hath been exercised , we may be by sundry good and lawful occasions translated , retaining nevertheless the self-same power which was first given . it is some grief to spend thus much labour in refuting a thing that hath so little ground to uphold it , especially sith they themselves that teach it doe not seem to give thereunto any great credit , if we may judge their mindes by their actions . there are amongst them that have done the work of ecclesiastical persons , sometime in the families of noblemen , sometime in much more publick and frequent congregations ; there are that have successively gone through perhaps seven or eight particular churches after this sort ; yea , some that at one and the same time have been , some which at this present hour are , in real obligation of ecclesiastical duty , and possession of commodity thereto belonging , even in sundry particular churches within the land ; some there are amongst them which will not so much abridge their liberty , as to be fastened or tyed unto any place ; some which have bound themselves to one place , onely for a time , and that time being once expired , have afterwards voluntarily given unto other places the like experience and tryal of them . all this i presume they would not doe , if their perswasion were as strict as their words pretend . but for the avoiding of these and such other the like confusisions as are incident unto the cause and question whereof we presently treat , there is not any thing more material , than first to separate exactly the nature of the ministery from the use and exercise thereof ; secondly , to know that the onely true and proper act of ordination is , to invest men with that power which doth make them ministers by consecrating their persons to god , and his service in holy things during term of life , whether they exercise that power or no ; thirdly , that to give them a title or charge where to use their ministery , concerneth not the making , but the placing of god's ministers ; and therefore the lawes which concern onely their election or admission unto place of charge , are not applyable to infringe any way their ordination ; fourthly , that as oft as any antient constitution , law , or cannon is alledged , concerning either ordinations or elections , we forget not to examine whether the present case be the same which the antient was , or else do contain some just reason for which it cannot admit altogether the same rules which former affairs of the church , now altered , did then require . in the question of making ministers without a title , which to doe , they say , is a thing unlawful , they should at the very first have considered what the name of title doth imply , and what affinity or coherence ordinations have with titles , which thing observed would plainly have shewed them their own errour . they are not ignorant , that when they speak of a title , they handle that which belongeth to the placing of a minister in some charge , that the place of charge wherein a minister doth execute his office , requireth some house of god for the people to resote unto , some definite number of souls unto whom he there administreth holy things , and some certain allowance whereby to sustain life , that the fathers at the first named oratories , and houses of prayer ; titles , thereby signifying how god was interessed in them , and held them as his own possessions ? but because they know that the church had ministers before christian temples and oratories were , therefore some of them understand by a title , a definite congregation of people onely , and so deny that any ordination is lawful which maketh ministers , that have no certain flock to attend : forgetting how the seventy whom christ himself did ordain ministers , had their calling in that manner , whereas yet no certain charge could be given them . others referring the name of a title , especially to the maintenance of the minister , infringe all ordinations made , except they which receive orders be first intituled to a competent ecclesiastical benefice , and ( which is most ridiculously strange ) except besides their present title to some such benefice , they have likewise some other title of annual rent or pension whereby they may he relieved , in case through infirmity , sickness , or other lawful impediment they grow unable to execute their ecclesiastical function . so that every man lawfully ordained must bring a bow which hath two strings , a title of present right , and another to provide for future possibility or chance . into these absurdities and follies they slide by mis-conceiving the true purpose of certain canons , which indeed have forbidden to ordain a minister without a title , not that simply it is unlawful so to ordain , but because it might grow to an inconvenience , if the church did not somewhat restrain that liberty . for , seeing they which have once received ordination ; cannot again return into the world , it behoveth them which ordain , to fore-see how such shall be afterwards able to live , lest their poverty and destitution should redound to the disgrace and discredit of their calling . which evil prevented , those very lawes which in that respect forbid , doe expresly admit ordinations to be made at large , and without title , namely , if the party so ordained have of his own for the sustenance of this life ; or if the bishop which giveth him orders will finde him competent allowance , till some place of ministration , from whence his maintenance may arise , be provided for him ; or if any other fit and sufficient means be had against the danger before mentioned . absolutely therefore it is not true , that any antient canon of the church which is , or ought to be with us in force , doth make ordinations at large unlawful , and , as the state of the church doth stand , they are most necessary . if there be any conscience in men ●ouching that which they write or speak , let them consider , as well what the present condition of all things doth now suffer , as what the ordinances of former ages did appoint , as well the weight of those causes , for which our affairs have altered , as the reasons in regard whereof our fathers and predecessours did sometime strictly and severely keep that , which for us to observe now , is neither meet nor alwayes possible . in this our present cause and controversie , whether any not having title of right to a benefice , may be lawfully ordained a minister , is it not manifest in the eyes of all men , that whereas the name of a benefice doth signifie some standing ecclesiastical revenue , taken out of the treasure of god , and allotted to a spiritual person , to the end he may use the same , and enjoy it as his own for term of life , unless his default cause deprivation ? the clergy for many years after christ had no other benefices , but onely their canonical portions , or monethly dividends allowed them according to their several degrees and qualities , out of the common stock of such gifts , oblations , and tythes , as the servour of christian piety did then yield . yea , that even when ministers had their churches and flocks assigned unto them in several ; yet for maintenance of life , their former kinde of allowance continued , till such time as bishops and churches cathedral being sufficiently endowed with lands , other presbyters enjoyed in stead of their first benefices , the tythes and profits of their own congregations whole to themselves ? is it not manifest , that in this realm , and so in other the like dominions , where the tenure of lands is altogether grounded on military laws , and held as in fee under princes which are not made heads of the people by force of voluntary election , but born the soveraign lords of those whole and intire territories , which territories their famous progenitours obtaining by way of conquest , retained what they would in their own hands , and divided the rest to others with reservation of soveraignty and capital interest ; the building of churches , and consequently the assigning of either parishes or benefices was a thing impossible without consent of such as were principal owners of land ; in which consideration , for their more encouragement hereunto , they which did so farr benefit the church , had by common consent granted ( as great equity and reason was ) a right for them and their heirs till the worlds end , to nominate in those benefices men whose quality the bishop allowing might admit them thereunto ? is it not manifest , that from hence inevitably such inequality of parishes hath grown , as causeth some through the multitude of people which have refort unto one church , to be more than any one man can welld , and some to be of that nature by reason of chappels annex'd , that they which are incumbents should wrong the church , if so be they had not certain stipendaries under them , because where the crops of the profit or benefice is but one , the title can be but one man 's , and yet the charge may require more ? not to mention therefore any other reason whereby it may clearly appear how expedient it is , and profitable for this church to admit ordinations without title , this little may suffice to declare , how impertinent their allegations against it are out of antient canons , how untrue their confident asseverations , that onely through negligence of popish prelates the custom of making such kinde of ministers hath prevailed in the church of rome against their canons , and that with us it is expresly against the laws of our own government , when a minister doth serve as a stipendary curate , which kinde of service neverthelesse the greatest rabbins of that part doe altogether follow . for howsoever they are loath peradventure to be named curates , stipendaries they are , and the labour they bestow is in other mens cures ; a thing not unlawfull for them to doe , yet unseemly for them to condemn which practise it . i might here discover the like over-sight throughout all their discourses , made in behalf of the peoples pretended right to elect their ministers before the bishop may lawfully ordain . but because we have otherwhere at large disputed of popular elections , and of the right of patronage , wherein is drowned whatsoever the people under any pretence of colour may seem to challenge about admission and choyce of the pastours that shall feed their souls , i cannot see what one duty there is which alwayes ought to goe before ordination , but onely care of the partie's worthinesse , as well for integrity and vertue , as knowledge , yea ; for vertue more : in as much as defect of knowledge may sundry wayes be supplyed , but the scandal of vicious and wicked life is a deadly evil . . the truth is , that of all things hitherto mentioned , the greatest is that threefold blott or blemish of notable ignorance , unconscionable absence from the cures whereof men have taken charge , and unsatiable hunting after spiritual preferments without either care or conscience of the publick good . whereof , to the end that we may consider as in gods own sight and presence with all uprightnesse , sincerity , and truth , let us particularly weigh and examine in every of them ; first , how farr forth they are reproveable by reasons and maxims of common right ; secondly , whether that which our laws do permit , be repugnant to those maxims , and with what equity we ought to judge of things practised in this case , neither on the one hand defending that which must be acknowledged out of square , nor on the other side condemning rashly whom we list , for whatsoever we disallow . touching arguments therefore , taken from the principles of common right , to prove that ministers should a be learned , that they ought to be b resident upon their livings , and that c more than one onely benefice or spiritual living may not be granted unto one man ; the first , because saint paul requireth in a minister ability to teach , to convince , to distribute the word rightly , because also the lord himself hath protested , they shall be no priests to him which have rejected knowledge , and because if the blince lead the blinde , they must both needs fall into the pit ; the second , because teachers are shepherds , whose flocks can be at no time secure from danger ; they are watchmen whom the enemy doth alwayes besiege , their labours in the word and sacraments admit no intermission ; their duty requireth instruction and conference with men in private ; they are the living oracles of god , to whom the people must resort for counsel ; they are commanded to be patterns of holiness , leaders , feeders , supervisors amongst their own ; it should be their grief , as it was the apostles , to be absent , though necessarily , from them over whom they have taken charge ; finally , the last , because plurality and residence are opposite , because the placing of one clark in two churches is a point of merchandize and filthy gain , because no man can serve two masters , because every one should remain in that vocation whereto he is called ; what conclude they of all this ? against ignorance , against non-residence , and against plurality of livings , is there any man so raw and dull , but that the volumes which have been written , both of old and of late , may make him in so plentiful a cause eloquent ? for if by that which is generally just and requisite , we measure what knowledge there should be in a minister of the gospel of christ ; the arguments which light of nature offereth ; the laws and statutes which scripture hath ; the canons that are taken out of antient synods ; the decrees , and constitutions of sincerest times ; the sentences of all antiquity ; and in a word , even every man's full consent and conscience is against ignorance in them that have charge and cure of souls . again , what availeth it if we be learned and not faithful ? or what benefit hath the church of christ , if there be in us sufficiency without endeavour or care to do that good which our place exacteth ? touching the pains and industry therefore , wherewith men are in conscience bound to attend the work of their heavenly calling , even as much as in them lyeth , bending thereunto their whole endeavour , without either fraud , sophistication , or guile ; i see not what more effectual obligation or bond of duty there should be urged , than their own onely vow and promise made unto god himself , at the time of their ordination . the work which they have undertaken requireth both care and fear . their sloth that negligently perform it maketh them subject to malediction . besides , we also know that the fruit of our pains in this function is life both to our selves and others . and doe we yet need incitements to labour ? shall we stop our ears both against those conjuring exhortations which apostles , and against the fearful comminations which prophets , have uttered out of the mouth of god ; the one for prevention , the other for reformation of our sluggishness in this behalf ? saint paul , attend to your selves , and to all the flock , whereof the holy ghost hath made you over-seers , to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with his own blood . again , i charge thee before god , and the lord iesus christ , which shall judge the quick and the dead at his comming , preach the word ; be instant . jeremiah , we unto the pastors that destroy and scatter the sheep of my pasture ; i will visit you for the wickedness of your works , saith the lord ; the remnant of my sheep , i will gather together out of all countries , and will bring them again so their solds , they shall grew and increase , and i will set up shepherds over them which shall feed them . ezekiel , should not the shepherds , should they not feed the flocks ? ye eat the fat , andye clothe your selves with the wool , but the weak ye have not strengthened , the sick ye have not cured , neither have ye bound up the broken , nor brought home again that which was driven away ; ye have not inquired after that which was lost , but with cruelty and rigour ye have ruled . and verse . wheresore , as i live , i will require , &c. nor let us think to excuse our selves , if haply we labour , though it be at random , and sit not altogether idle abroad . for we are bound to attend that part of the flock of christ , whereof the holy ghost hath made us over-seers . the residence of ministers upon their own peculiar charge , is by so much the rather necessary ; for that absenting themselves from the place where they ought to labour , they neither can do the good which is looked for at their hands , nor reap the comfort which sweetneth life to them that spend it in these cravels upon their own . for it is in this , as in all things else , which are through private interest dearer than what concerneth either others wholly , or us but in part , and according to the rate of a general regard . as for plurality , it hath not onely the same inconveniencies which are observed to grow by absence ; but over and besides , at the least in common construction , a shew of that worldly humour which men do think should not raign so high . now from hence their collections are , as followeth , first , a repugnancy or contradiction between the principles of common right , and that which our laws in special considerations have allowed : secondly , a nullitie or frustration of all such acts , as are by them supposed opposite to those principles , and invalidity in all ordinations of men unable to preach , and in all dispensations which mitigate the law of common right for the other two : and why so ? forsooth , because whatsoever we do in these three cases , and not by vertue of common-right , we must yield it of necessity done by warrant of peculiar right or priviledge . now a priviledge is said to be that , that for favour of certain persons commeth forth against common-right ; things prohibited are dispensed with , because things permitted are dispatched by common-right , but things forbidden require dispensations . by which descriptions of a priviledge and dispensation it is ( they say ) apparent , that a priviledge must licence and authorize the same , which the law against ignorance , non-residence , and plurality doth infringe ; and so be a law contrariant or repugnant to the law of nature , and the law of god , because all the reasons whereupon the positive law of man against these three was first established , are taken and drawn from the law of nature , and the law of god. for answer whereunto , we will but lead them to answer themselves . first therefore if they will grant ( as they must ) that all direct oppositions of speech require one and the self-same subject , to be meant on both parts where opposition is pretended , it will follow that either the maxims of common right do inforce the very same things not to be good which we say are good , grounding our selves on the reasons , by vertue whereof our priviledges are established ; or if the one doe not reach unto that particular subject for which the other have provided , then is there no contradiction between them . in all contradictions , if the one part be true , the other eternally must be false . and therefore if the principles of common right , do at any time truly inforce that particular not to be good , which priviledges make good , it argueth invincibly , that such priviledges have been grounded upon errour . but to say , that every priviledge is opposite unto the principles of common right , because it dispenseth with that which common right doth prohibite , hath gross absurdity . for the voyce of equity and justice is , that a general law doth never derogate from a special priviledge ; whereas if the one were contrariant to the other , a general law being in force should alwayes dissolve a priviledge . the reason why many are deceived by imagining that so it should doe , and why men of better insight conclude directly it should not , doth rest in the subject or matter it self , which matter indefinitely considered in laws of common right , is in priviledges considered as beset and limited with special circumstances , by means whereof to them which respect it , but by way of generality , it seemeth one and the same in both , although it be not the same , if once we descend to particular consideration thereof . precepts do alwayes propose perfection , not such as none can attain unto , for then in vain should we ask or require it at the hands of men , but such perfection as all men must aim at ; to the end that as largely as human providence and care can extend it , it may take place . moral laws are the rules of politick ; those politick , which are made to order the whole church of god , rules unto all particular churches ; and the laws of every particular church , rules unto every particular man , within the body of the same church ; now , because the higher we ascend in these rules , the further still we remove from those specialities , which being proper to the subject , whereupon our actions must work , are therefore chiefly considered by us , by them least thought upon that wade altogether in the two first kindes of general directions , their judgment cannot be exact and sound , concerning either laws of churches , or actions of men in particular , because they determine of effects by a part of the causes onely out of which they grow , they judge conclusions by demipremises and half-principles , they lay them in the balance stript from those necessary material circumstances which should give them weight , and by shew of falling uneven with the scale of most universal and abstracted rules , they pronounce that too light which is not , if they had the skill to weigh it . this is the reason why men altogether conversant in study do know how to teach , but not how to govern ; men experienced contrariwise govern well , yet know not which way to set down orderly the precepts and reasons of that they do . he that will therefore judge rightly of things done , must joyn with his forms and conceits of general speculation , the matter wherein our actions are conversant . for by this shall appear what equity there is in those priviledges and peculiar grants or favours , which otherwise will seem repugnant to justice , and because in themselves considered , they have a shew of repugnancy ; this deceiveth those great clerks , which hearing a priviledge defined to be an especial right brought in by their power and authority , that make it for some publick benefit against the general course of reason , are not able to comprehend how the word against doth import exception , without any opposition at all . for inasmuch as the hand of justice must distribute to every particular what is due , and judge what is due with respect had , no less of particular circumstances than of general rules and axioms ; it cannot fit all sorts with one measure , the wills , counsels , qualities and states of men being divers . for example , the law of common right bindeth all men to keep their promises , perform their compacts , and answer the faith they have given either for themselves , or others . notwithstanding he which bargaineth with one under years , can have no benefit by this allegation , because he bringeth it against a person which is exempt from the common rule . shall we then conclude , that thus to exempt certain men from the law of common right , is against god , against nature , against whatsoever may avail to strengthen and justifie that law before alledged , or else acknowledge ( as the truth is ) that special causes are to be ordered by special rules , that is men grown unto ripe age , disadvantage themselves by bargaining , yet what they have wittingly done , is strong , and in force against them , because they are able to dispose and manage their own affairs , whereas youth for lack of experience and judgement , being easily subject to circumvention , is therefore justly exempt from the law of common-right , whereunto the rest are justly subject . this plain inequality between men of years , and under years , is a cause why equity and justice cannot apply equally the same general rule to both , but ordereth the one by common right , and granteth to the other a special priviledge . priviledges are either transitory or permanent : transitory , such as serve onely some one turn , or at the most extend no farther than to this or that man , with the end of whose natural life they exp●e ; permanent , such as the use whereof doth continue still , for that they belong unto certain kindes of men and causes which never dye . of this nature are all immunities and preheminencies , which , for just considerations , one sort of men enjoyeth above another , both in the church and common-wealth , no man suspecting them of contrariety to any branch of those laws or reasons , whereupon the general right is grounded . now there being general laws and rules whereby it cannot be denied , but the church of god standeth bound to provide , that the ministry may be learned , that they which have charge may reside upon it , and that it may not be free for them in scandalous manner to multiply ecclesiastical livings ; it remaineth in the next place to be examined , what the laws of the church of england do admit , which may be thought repugnant to any thing hitherto alledged , and in what special consideration they seem to admit the same . considering therefore , that to furnish all places of cure in this realm , it is not an army of twelve thousand learned men that would suffice , nor two universities that can always furnish as many as decay in so great a number , nor a fourth part of the livings with cure , that when they fall are able to yield sufficient maintenance for learned men , is it not plain , that unless the greatest part of the people should be left utterly without the publick use and exercise of religion , there is no remedy but to take into the ecclesiastical order , a number of men meanly qualified in respect of learning ? for whatsoever we may imagine in our private closers , or talk for communication-sake at our boords , yea , or write in our books , through a notional conceit of things needful for performance of each man's duty , if once we come from the theory of learning , to take out so many learned men , let them be diligently viewed , out of whom the choice shall be made , and thereby an estimate made , what degree of skill we must either admit , or else leave numbers utterly destitute of guides ; and i doubt not but that men indued with sense of common equity , will soon discern , that , besides eminent and competent knowledge , we are to descend to a lower step , receiving knowledge in that degree which is but tolerable . when we commend any man for learning , our speech importeth him to be more than meanly qualified that way ; but when laws do require learning as a quality , which maketh capable of any function , our measure to judge a learned man by , must be some certain degree of learning , beneath which we can hold no man so qualified . and if every man that listeth may set that degree himself , how shall we ever know when laws are broken , when kept , seeing one man may think a lower degree sufficient , another may judge them unsufficient that are not qualified in some higher degree . wherefore of necessity either we must have some judge , in whose conscience they that are thought and pronounced sufficient , are to be so accepted and taken , or else the law it self is to set down the very lowest degree of fitness that shall be allowable in this kinde . so that the question doth grow to this issue . saint paul requireth learning in presbyters , yea such learning as doth inable them to exhort in doctrine which is sound , and to disprove them that gain-say it . what measure of ability in such things shall serve to make men capable of that kinde of office , he doth not himself precisely determine , but referreth it to the conscience of titus , and others , which had to deal in ordaining presbyters . we must therefore of necessity make this demand , whether the church , lacking such as the apostle would have chosen , may with good conscience take out of such as it hath in a meaner degree of fitness , them that may serve to perform the service of publick prayer , to minister the sacraments unto the people , to solemnize marriage , to visit the sick , and bury the dead , to instruct by reading , although by preaching they be not as yet so able to benefit and feed christ's flock . we constantly hold , that in this case the apostles law is not broken . herequireth more in presbyters than there is found in many whom the church of england alloweth . but no man being tyed unto impossibilities , to do that we cannot we are not bound . it is but a stratagem of theirs therefore , and a very indirect practise , when they publish large declamations to prove that learning is required in the ministry , and to make the silly people believe that the contrary is maintained by the bishops , and upheld by the laws of the land ; whereas the question in truth is not whether learning be required , but whether a church , wherein there is not sufficient store of learned men to furnish all congregations , should do better to let thousands of souls grow savage , to let them live without any publick service of god , to let their children dye unbaptised , to with-hold the benefit of the other sacrament from them , to let them depart this world like pagans , without any thing , so much as readd unto them , concerning the way of life , than , as it doth in this necessity , to make such presbyters as are so farr forth sufficient , although they want that ability of preaching which someothers have . in this point therefore we obey necessity , and of two evils we take the less ; in the rest a publick utility is sought , and in regard thereof some certain inconveniencies tolerated , because they are recompenced with greater good . the law giveth liberty of non-residence for a time to such as will live in universities , if they faithfully there labour to grow in knowledge , that so they may afterwards the more edifie and the better instruct their congregations . the church in their absence is not destitute , the peoples salvation not neglected for the present time , the time of their absence is in the intendment of law bestowed to the churches great advantage and benefit , those necessary helps are procured by it , which turn by many degrees more to the peoples comfort in time to come , than if their pastours had continually abidden with them . so that the law doth hereby provide in some part to remedy and help that evil which the former necessity hath imposed upon the church . for compare two men of equal meanness , the one perpetually resident , the other absent for a space , in such sort as the law permitteth . allot unto both some nine years continuance with cure of souls . and must not three years absence in all probability and likelihood make the one more profitable than the other unto god's church , by so much as the increase of his knowledge , gotten in those three years , may adde unto six years travel following ? for the greater ability there is added to the instrument , wherewith it pleaseth god to save souls , the more facility and expedition it hath to work that which is otherwise hardlier effected . as much may be said touching absence granted to them that attend in the families of bishops ; which schools of gravity , discretion , and wisedom , preparing men against the time that they come to reside abroad , are , in my poor opinion , even the fittest places that any ingenious minde can with to enter into , between departure from private study and access to a more publick charge of souls ; yea no less expedient , for men of the best sufficiency and most maturity in knowledge , than the very universities themselves are for the ripening of such as be raw . imployment in the families of noble-men , or in princes courts , hath another end , for which the self-same leave is given , not without great respect to the good of the whole church . for assuredly , whosoever doth well observe , how much all inferiour things depend upon the orderly courses and motions of those greater orbes , will hardly judge it either meet or good , that the angels assisting them should be driven to betake themselves unto other stations , although by nature they were not tyed where now they are , but had charge also elsewhere , as long as their absence from beneath might but tolerably be supplyed , and by descending their rooms above should become vacant . for we are not to dream in this case of any platform , which bringeth equally high and low unto parish churches , nor of any constraint to maintain at their own charge men sufficient for that purpose ; the one so repugnant to the majesty and greatness of english nobility , the other so improbable and unlikely to take effect , that they which mention either of both , seem not indeed to have conceived what either is . but the eye of law is the eye of god , it looketh into the hearts and secret dispositions of men , it beholdeth how far one star differeth from another in glory , and , as mens several degrees require , accordingly it guideth them ; granting unto principal personages priviledges correspondent to their high estates , and that not onely in civil , but even in spiritual affairs , to the end they may love that religion the more , which no way seeketh to make them vulgar , no way diminisheth their dignity and greatness , but to do them good doth them honour also , and by such extraordinary favours teacheth them to be in the church of god the same which the church of god esteemeth them , more worth than thousands . it appeareth therefore in what respect the laws of this realm have given liberty of non-residence to some , that their knowledge may be increased , and their labours by that mean be made afterwards the more profitable to others , left the houses of great-men should want that daily exercise of religion , wherein their example availeth as much , yea many times peradventure more than the laws themselves , with the common sort . a third thing respected both in permitting absence , and also in granting to some that liberty of addition or plurality , which necessarily inforceth their absence , is a meer both just and conscionable regard , that as men are in quality , and as their services are in weight for the publick good , so likewise their rewards and encouragements by special priviledge of law might somewhat declare how the state it self doth accept their pains , much abhorring from their bestial and savage rudeness , which think that oxen should onely labour , and asses feed . thus to readers in universities , whose very paper and book-expences , their antient allowances and stipends at this day do either not , or hardly sustain ; to governours of colledges , lest the great overplus of charges necessarily inforced upon them , by reason of their place , and very slenderly supplyed , by means of that change in the present condition of things , which their founders could not fore-see ; to men called away from their cures , and imployed in weightier business , either of the church or common-wealth , because to impose upon them a burthen which requireth their absence , and not to release them from the duty of residence , were a kinde of cruel and barbarous injustice ; to residents in cathedral churches , or upon dignities ecclesiastical , forasmuch as these being rooms of greater hospitality , places of more respect and consequence than the rest , they are the rather to be furnished with men of best quality , and the men for their qualities-sake , to be favoured above others : i say unto all these , in regard of their worth and merit , the law hath therefore given leave while themselves bear weightier burthens , to supply inferiour by deputation ; and in like consideration partly , partly also by way of honour to learning , nobility and authority permitteth , that men which have taken theological degrees in schools , the suffragans of bishops , the houshold-chaplains of men of honour , or in great offices , the brethren and sonnes of lords temporal , or of knights , if god shall move the hearts of such to enter at any time into holy orders , may obtain to themselves a faculty or licence to hold two ecclesiastical livings , though having cure ; any spiritual person of the queens councel , three such livings ; her chaplains , what number of promotions her self in her own princely wisedom thinketh good to bestow upon them . but , as it fareth in such cases , the gap which for just considerations we open unto some , letteth in others through corrupt practises , to whom such favours were neither meant , nor should be communicated . the greatness of the harvest , and the scarcity of able work-men hath made it necessary , that law should yield to admit numbers of men but slenderly and meanly qualified . hereupon , because whom all other worldly hopes have forsaken , they commonly reserve ministerial vocation , as their last and surest refuge ever open to forlorn men ; the church that should nourish them , whose service she needeth , hath obtruded upon her their service , that know not otherwise how to live and sustain themselves . these finding nothing more easie than means to procure the writing of a few lines to some one or other which hath authority ; and nothing more usual than too much facility in condescending unto such requests ; are often received into that vocation whereunto their unworthiness is no small disgrace . did any thing more aggravate the crime of ieroboams prophane apostasie , than that he chose to have his clergy the scum and reffuse of his whole land ; let no man spare to tell it them , they are not faithful towards god , that burthen wilfully his church with such swarms of unworthy creatures . i will not say of all degrees in the ministry , that which saint chrysostom doth of the highest , he that will undertake so weighty a charge , had need to be a man of great understanding , rarely assisted with divine grace , for integrity of manners , purity of life , and for all other vertues , to have in him more than a man ; but surely this i will say with chrysostom , we need not doubt whether god be highly displeased with us , or what the cause of his anger , is , if things of so great fear and holiness at are the least and lowest duties of his service , be thrown wilfully on them whose not onely mean , but bad and scandalous quality doth defile whatsoever they handle . these eye-sores and blemishes , in continual attendants about the service of god's sanctuary , do make them every day fewer that willingly resort unto it , till at length all affection and zeal towards god be extinct in them through a wearisom contempt of their persons , which for a time onely live by religion , and are for recompence , in fine , the death of the nurse that feedeth them . it is not obscure , how incommodious the church hath found both this abuse of the liberty , which law is enforced to grant ; and not onely this , but the like abuse of that favour also , which law in other considerations already mentioned , affordeth toucheth residence and plurality of spiritual livings . now that which is practised corruptly to the detriment and hurt of the church , against the purpose of those very laws , which notwithstanding are pretended in defence and justification thereof , we must needs acknowledge no less repugnant to the grounds and principles of common right , than the fraudulent proceedings of tyrants , to the principles of just soveraignty . howbeit not so those special priviledges which are but instruments wrested and forced to serve malice . there is in the patriark of heathen philosophers this precept , a let us husbandman nor no handy-craftsman be a priest. the reason whereupon he groundeth , is a maxim in the law of nature● it importeth greatly the good of all men that god be reverenced , with whose honour it standeth not that they which are publickly imployed in his service should live of base and manuary trades . now compare herewith the apostle's words , b ye know that these hands have ministred to my necessities , and them that are with me . what think we ? did the apostle any thing opposite herein , or repugnant to the rules and maxims of the law of nature ? the self-same reasons that accord his actions with the law of nature , shall declare our priviledges and his laws no less consonant . thus therefore we see , that although they urge very colourably the apostles own sentences , requiring that a minister should be able to divide rightly the word of god , that they who are placed in charge should attend unto it themselves , which in absence they cannot do , and that they which have divers cures must of necessity be absent from some , whereby the law apostolick seemeth apparently broken , which law requiring attendance cannot otherwise be understood , than so as to charge them with perpetual residence : again , though in every of these causes , they infinitely heap up the sentences of fathers , the decrees of popes , the antient edicts of imperial authority , our own national laws and ordinances prohibiting the same , and grounding evermore their prohibitions , partly on the laws of god , and partly on reasons drawn from the light of nature , yet hereby to gather and inferr contradiction between those laws which forbid indefinitely , and ours which in certain cases have allowed the ordaining of sundry ministers , whose sufficiency for learning is but mean ; again , the licensing of some to be absent from their flocks , and of others to hold more than one onely living which hath cure of souls , i say , to conclude repugnancy between these especial permissions , and the former general prohibitions , which set not down their own limits , is erroneous , and the manifest cause thereof ignorance in differences of matter which both sorts of law concern . if then the considerations be reasonable , just and good , whereupon we ground whatsoever our laws have by special right permitted ; if onely the effects of abused priviledges be repugnant to the maxims of common right , this main foundation of repugnancy being broken , whatsoever they have built thereupon falleth necessarily to the ground . whereas therefore , upon surmise , or vain supposal of opposition between our special , and the principles of common right , they gather that such as are with us ordained ministers , before they can preach , be neither lawfull , because the laws already mentioned forbid generally to create such , neither are they indeed ministers , although we commonly so name them , but whatsoever they execute by vertue of such their pretended vocation is void● that all our grants and tolerations , as well of this as the rest , are frustrate and of no effect ; the persons that enjoy them possess them wrongfully , and are deprivable at all hours ; finally , that other just and sufficient remedy of evils there can be none , besides the utter abrogations of these our mitigations , and the strict establishment of former ordinances to be absolutely executed whatsoever follow : albeit the answer already made in discovery of the weak and unsound foundation whereupon they have built these erroneous collections may be thought sufficient ; yet because our desire is rather to satisfie , if it be possible , than to shake them off , we are with very good will contented to declare the causes of all particulars more formally and largely than the equity of our own defence doth require . there is crept into the mindes of men , at this day , a secret pernicious and pestilent conceit , that the greatest perfection of a christian man doth consist in discovery of other mens faults , and in wit to discourse of our own profession . when the world most abounded with just , righteous and perfect men , their chiefest study was the exercise of piety , wherein for their safest direction , they reverently hearkened to the readings of the law of god , they kept in minde the oracles and aphorismes of wisdom , which tended unto vertuous life ; if any scruple of conscience did trouble them for matter of actions which they took in hand , nothing was attempted before counsel and advice were had , for fear left rashly they might offend . we are now more confident , not that our knowledge and judgement is riper , but because our desires are another way . their scope was obedience , ours is skill ; their endeavour was reformation of life , * our vertue nothing but to hear gladly the reproof of vice ; they in the practice of their religion wearied chiefly their knees and hands , we especially our ears and tongues . we are grown , as in many things else , so in this , to a kinde of intemperancy , which ( onely sermons excepted ) hath almost brought all other duties of religion out of taste . at the least they are not in that account and reputation which they should be . now , because men bring all religion in a manner to the onely office of hearing sermons , if it chance that they who are thus conceited do imbrace any special opinion different from other men , the sermons that relish not that opinion , can in no wise please their appetite . such therefore as preach unto them , but hit not the string they look for , are rejected as unprofitable ; the rest as unlawful , and indeed no ministers , if the faculty of sermons want . for why● a minister of the word should , they say , be able rightly to divide the word . which apostolick canon many think they do well observe , when in opening the sentences of holy scripture , they draw all things favourably spoken unto one side ; but whatsoever is reprehensive , severe , and sharp , they have others on the contrary part whom that must always concern , by which their over-partial and un-indifferent proceeding , while they thus labour amongst the people to divide the word , they make the word a mean to divide and distract the people . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to divide aright , doth note in the apostle's writings , soundness of doctrine onely ; and in meaning standeth opposite to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the broaching of new opinions against that which is received . for questionless the first things delivered to the church of christ , were pure and sincere truth . which whosoever did afterwards oppugn , could not chuse but divide the church into two moyeties ; in which division , such as taught what was first believed , held the truet part ; the contrary side , in that they were teachers of novelty , etred . for prevention of which evil there are in this church many singular and well devised remedies , as namely the use of subscribing to the articles of religion before admission of degrees to learning , or to any ecclesiastical living , the custom of reading the same articles , and of approving them in publick assemblies wheresoever men have benefices with cure of souls , the order of testifying under their hands allowance of the book of common-prayer , and the book of ordaining ministers ; finally , the discipline and moderate severity which is used either in other wise correcting or silencing them that trouble and disturb the church with doctrines which tend unto innovation ; it being better that the church should want altogether the benefit of such mens labours , than endure the mischief of their inconformity to good laws ; in which case , if any repine at the course and proceedings of justice , they must learn to content themselves with the answer of m. curius , which had sometime occasion to cutt off one from the body of the common-wealth : in whose behalf because it might have been pleaded that the party was a man serviceable , he therefore began his judicial sentence with this preamble , non esse open reip. to cive qui parers nescires ; the common-wealth needeth men of quality , yet never those men which have not learned how to obey . but the wayes which the church of england hath taken to provide that they who are teachers of others may do it soundly , that the purity and unity as well of antient discipline as doctrine may be upheld , that avoiding singularities , we may all glorifie god with one heart and one tongue , they of all men do least approve , that do most urge the apostle's rule and canon . for which cause they alledge it not so much to that purpose , as to prove that unpreaching ministers ( for so they term them ) can have no true nor lawful calling in the church of god. sainst augustine hath said of the will of man , that simply to will proceedeth from nature , but our well-willing is from grace . we say as much of the minister of god publickly to teach and instruct the church , is necessary in every ecclesiastical minister ; but ability to teach by sermons is a grace which god doth bestow on them whom he maketh sufficient for the commendable discharge of their duty . that therefore wherein a minister differeth from other christian men , is not as some have childishly imagined , the sound-preaching of the word of god , but as they are lawfully and truly governours to whom authority of regiment is given in the common-wealth , according to the order which polity hath set , so canonical ordination in the church of christ is that which maketh a lawful minister , as touching the validity of any act which appertaineth to that vocation . the cause why saint paul willed timothy not to be over-hasty in ordaining ministers , was ( as we very well may conjecture ) because imposition of hands doth consecrate and make them ministers , whether they have gifts and qualities fit for the laudable discharge of their duties or no. if want of learning and skill to preach did frustrate their vocation , ministers ordained before they be grown unto that maturity should receive new ordination , whensoever it chanceth that study and industry doth make them afterwards more able to perform the office ; than which what conceit can be more absurd ? was not saint augustine himself contented to admit an assistant in his own church , a man of small erudition , considering that what he wanted in knowledge was supplyed by those vertues which made his life a better orator , than more learning could make others whose conversation was less holy ? were the priests , fithence moses , all able and sufficient men , learnedly to interpret the law of god ? or was it ever imagined , that this defect should frustrate what they executed , and deprive them of right unto any thing they claimed by vertue of their priesthood ? surely , as in magistrates , the want of those gifts which their office ne●deth , is cause of just imputation of blame in them that wittingly chuse unsufficient and unfit men when they might do otherwise , and yet therefore is not their choyce void , nor every action of magistracy frustrate in that respect : so whether it were of necessity , or even of very carelesnesse , that men unable to preach should be taken in pastours rooms ; nevertheless , it seemeth to be an errour in them which think that the lack of any such perfection defeateth utterly their calling . to wish that all men were so qualified , as their places and dignities require , to hate all sinister and corrupt dealings which hereunto are any lett , to covet speedy redress of those things whatsoever , whereby the church sustaineth detriment , these good and vertuous desires cannot offend any but ungodly mindes . notwithstanding , some in the true vehemency , and others under the fair pretence of these desires , have adventured that which is strange , that which is violent and unjust . there are which in confidence of their general allegations concerning the knowledge , the residence and the single livings of ministers , presume not onely to annihilate the solemn ordinations of such as the church must of force admit , but also to urge a kinde of universal proscription against them , to set down articles , to draw commissions , and almost to name themselves of the quorum , for inquiry into mens estates and dealings , whom at their pleasure they would deprive and make obnoxious to what punishment themselves list , and that not for any violation of laws , either spiritual or civil , but because men have trusted the laws too farr , because they have held and enjoyed the liberty which law granteth , because they had not the wit to conceive as these men do , that laws were made to intrap the simple , by permitting those things in shew and appearance , which indeed should never take effect , for as much as they were but granted with a secret condition to be put in practice , if they should be profitable and agreeable with the word of god : which condition failing in all ministers that cannot preach , in all that are absent from their livings , and in all that have divers livings ( for so it must be presumed , though never as yet proved ) therefore as men which have broken the law of god and nature , they are depriveable at all hours . is this the justice of that discipline whereunto all christian churches must stoop and sabmit themselves ? is this the equity wherewith they labour to reform the world ? i will no way diminish the force of those arguments whereupon they ground . but if it please them to behold the visage of these collections in another glass , there are civil as well as ecclesiastical unsufficiencies , non residences , and pluralities● yea , the reasons which light of nature hath ministred against both , are of such affinity , that much less they cannot inforce in the one than in the other . when they that bear great offices be persons of mean worth , the contempt whereinto their authority groweth a weakneth the sinews of the whole state. notwithstanding , where many governours are needful , and they not many , whom their quality cannot commend , b the penury of worthier must needs make the meaner sort of men capable : cities , in the absence of their governours , are as ships wanting pilots at sea. but were it therefore c justice to punish whom superiour authority pleaseth to call from home , or alloweth to be employed elsewhere ? in committing d many offices to one man , there are apparently these inconveniencies ; the common wealth doth lose the benefit of serviceable men , which might be trained up in those rooms ; it is not easie for one man to discharge many mens duties well , in service of warfare and navigation , were it not the overthrow of whatsoever is undertaken , if one or two should ingrosse such offices , as being now divided into many hands , are discharged with admirable both perfection and expedition ? nevertheless , be it farr from the minde of any reasonable man to imagine , that in these considerations princes either ought of duty to revoke all such kinde of grants , though made with very special respect to the extraordinary merit of certain men , or might in honour demand of them the resignation of their offices , with speech to this or the like effect ; for as much as you a. b. by the space of many years , have done us that faithful service in most important affairs , for which we alwayes judging you worthy of much honour , have therefore committed unto you from time to time , very great and weighty offices , which hitherto you quietly enjoy : we are now given to understand , that certain grave and learned men have found in the books of antient philosophers , divers arguments drawn from the common light of nature , and declaring the wonderful discommodities which use to grow by dignities thou heaped together in one ; for which cause , at this present , moved in conscience and tender care for the publick good , we have summoned you hither , to dis-possess you of those places , and to depose you from those rooms , whereof indeed by vertue of our own grant , yet against reason , you are possessed . neither ought you , or any other to think us rash , light , or inconstant , in so doing : for we tell you plain , that herein we will both say and do that thing which the noble and wife emperour sometime both said and did , in a matter of fair less weight than this ; quod inconsultò semicus , consultò revocamus , that which we unadvisedly have done , we advisedly will revoke and undo . now for mine own part , the greatest harm i would wish them who think that this were consonant with equity and right , is , that they might but live where all things are with such kinde of justice ordered , till experience have taught them to see their errour . as for the last thing which is incident into the cause whereof we speak , namely , what course were the best and safest whereby to remedy such evils as the church of god may sustain , where the present liberty of law is turned to great abuse , some light we may receive from abroad , not unprofitable for direction of god's own sacred house and family . the romans being a people full of generosity , and by nature courteous , did no way more shew their gentle disposition , than by easie condescending to see their bond-men at liberty . which benefit in the happier and better times of the common-wealth , was bestowed for the most part as an ordinary reward of vertue , some few now and then also purchasing freedom with that which their just labours could gain , and their honest frugality save . but as the empire daily grew up , so the manners and conditions of men decayed , wealth was honoured , and vertue not cared for , neither did any thing seem opprobrious out of which there might arise commodity and profit , so that it could be no marvel in a state thus far degenerated , if when the more ingenious sort were become base , the baser laying aside all shame and face of honesty , did , some by robberies , burglaries , and prostitution of their bodies , gather wherewith to redeem liberty ; others obtain the same at the hands of their lords , by serving them as vile instruments in those attempts , which had been worthy to be revenged with ten thousand deaths . a learned , judicious , and polite historian , having mentioned so soul disorders , giveth his judgment and censure of them in this sort : such eye-sores in the common-wealth have occasioned many vertuous mindes to condemn altogether the custom of granting liberty to any bond-slave , for as much as it seemed a thing absurd , that a people which commands all the world should consist of so vile reffuse . but neither is this the onely customs wherein the profitable inventions of former are depraved by later ages ; and for my self i am not of their opinion that wish the abrogation of so grosly used customs , which abrogation might peradventure be cause of greater inconveniencies ensuing : but as much as may be i would rather advise that redress were sought , through the careful providence of chief rulers and over-seers of the common-wealth , by whom a yearly survey being made of all that are manumissed , they which seem worthy might be taken and divided into tribes with other citizens , the rest dispersed into colonies abroad , or otherwise disposed of , that the common-wealth might sustain neither harm nor disgrace by them . the ways to meet with disorders growing by abuse of laws , are not so intricate and secret , especially in our case , that men should need either much advertisement or long time for the search thereof . and if counsel to that purpose may seem needful , this church ( god be thanked ) is not destitute of men endued with ripe judgment , whensoever any such thing shall be thought necessary . for which end , at this present , to propose any special inventions of my own , might argue in a man of my place and calling more presumption perhaps than wit. i will therefore leave it intire unto graver consideration , ending now with request onely and most earnest sute ; first , that they which give ordination , would , as they tender the very honour of jesus christ , the safety of men , and the endless good of their own souls , take heed , lest unnecessarily , and through their default the church be found worse , or less furnished than it might be : secondly , that they which by right of patronage have power to present unto spiritual livings , and may in that respect much damnifie the church of god , would , for the ease of their own account in that dreadful day , somewhat consider what it is to betray for gain the souls which christ hath redeemed with blood , what to violate the sacred bond of fidelity and solemn promise , given at the first to god and his church by them , from whose original interest together with the self-same title of right , the same obligation of duty likewise is descended : thirdly , that they unto whom the granting of dispensations is committed , or which otherwise have any stroke in the disposition of such preferments as appertsin unto learned men , would bethink themselves what it is to respect any thing either above or besides merit , considering how hardly the world taketh it , when to men of commendable note and quality there is so little respect had , or so great unto them whose deserts are very mean , that nothing doth seem more strange than the one sort , because they are not accounted of , and the other because they are ; it being every man's hope and expectation in the church of god , especially that the onely purchace of greater rewards should be alwayes greater deserts , and that nothing should ever be able to plant a thorn where a vine ought to grow : fourthly , that honourable personages , and they , who by vertue of any principal office in the common-wealth are inabled to qualifie a certain number , and make them capable of favours or faculties above others , suffer not their names to be abused , contrary to the true intent and meaning of wholsom laws , by men in whom there is nothing notable besides covetousness and ambition : fifthly , that the graver and wiser sort in both universities , or whosoever they be , with whose approbation the marks and recognizances of all learning are bestowed , would think the apostle's caution against unadvised ordinations not impertinent or unnecessary to be born in minde , even when they grant those degrees of schools , which degrees are not gratia gratis data , kindnesses bestowed by way of humanity , but they are gratiae gratum sacientes , favours which always imply a testimony given to the church and common-wealth , concerning mens sufficiency for manners and knowledge ; a testimony , upon the credit whereof sundry statutes of the realm are built ; a testimony so far available , that nothing is more respected for the warrant of divers mens abilitie to serve in the affairs of the realm ; a testimony wherein if they violate that religion wherewith it ought to be always given , and thereby do induce into errour such as deem it a thing uncivil to call the credit thereof in question , let them look that god shall return back upon their heads , and cause them in the state of their own corporations to feel either one way or other the punishment of those harms , which the church through their negligence doth sustain in that behalf : finally , and to conclude , that they who enjoy the benefit of any special indulgence or favour which the laws permit , would as well remember what in duty towards the church , and in conscience towards god they ought to do , as what they may do by using of their own advantage whatsoever they see tolerated ; no man being ignorant that the cause why absence in some cases hath been yielded unto , and in equity thought sufferable , is the hope of greater fruit through industry elsewhere ; the reason likewise wherefore pluralities are allowed unto men of note , a very soveraign and special care , that as fathers in the antient world did declare the preheminence of priority in birth , by doubling the worldly portions of their first-born ; so the church by a course not unlike in assigning mens rewards , might testifie an estimation had proportionably of their vertues , according to the antient rule apostolick , they which excel in labour , ought to excel in honour ; and therefore unless they answer faithfully the expectation of the church herein , unless sincerely they bend their wits day and night , both to sow because they reap , and to sow so much more abundantly as they reap more abundantly than other men , whereunto by their very acceptance of such benignities they formally binde themselves ; let them be well assured that the honey which they eat with fraud shall turn in the end into true gall , for as much as laws are the sacred image of his wisedom who most severely punisheth those colourable and subtile crimes that seldome are taken within the walk of human justice : i therefore conclude , that the grounds and maxims of common right whereupon ordinations of ministers unable to preach , tolerations of absence from their cures , and the multiplications of their spiritual livings are disproved , do but indefinitely enforce them unlawful , not unlawful universally and without exception ; that the laws which indefinitely are against all these things , and the priviledges which make for them in certain cases are not the one repugnant to the other , that the laws of god and nature are violated through the effects of abused priviledges ; that neither our ordinations of men unable to make sermons , nor our dispensations for the rest , can be justly proved frustrate by vertue of any such surmised opposition between the special laws of this church which have permitted , and those general which are alledged to disprove the same ; that when priviledges by abuse are grown in commodious , there must be redress ; that for remedy of such evils , there is no necessity the church should abrogate either in whole or in part the specialties before mentioned ; and that the most to be desired were a voluntary reformation thereof on all hands which may give passage unto any abuse . of the laws of ecclesiastical polity . book vi. containing their fifth assertion , that our laws are corrupt and repugnant to the laws of god , in matter belonging to the power of ecclesiastical iurisdiction , in that we have not throughout all churches certain lay-elders established for the exercise of that power . the same men which in heat of contention , do hardly either speak or give ear to reason , being after sharp and bitter conflicts , retired to a calm remembrance of all their former proceedings ; the causes that brought them into quarrel , the course which their striving affections have followed , and the issue whereunto they are come , may peradventure as troubled wa●e●s , in small time of their own accord , by certain easie degrees settle themselves again ; and so recover that clearness of well advised judgment , whereby they shall stand at the length indifferent , both to yeild and admit any reasonable satisfaction , where before they could not endure with patience to be gain-said . neither will i despair of the like success in these unpleasant controversies touching ecclesiastical polity ; the time of silence , which both parts have willingly taken to breathe , seeming now as it were a pledge of all mens quiet contentment , to hear with more indifferency , the weightiest and last remains of that cause , jurisdiction , dignity , dominion ecclesiastical . for , let any man imagin , that the bare and naked difference of a few ceremonies , could either have kindled so much fire , or have caused it to flame so long ; but that the parties which herein laboured mightily for change and ( as they say ) for reformation , had somewhat more then this mark whereat to aim . having therefore drawn out a compleat form , as they suppose , of publick service to be done to god , and set down their plot for the office of the ministry in that behalf ; they very well knew , how little their labours so far forth bestowed , would avail them in the end , without a claim of jurisdiction to uphold the fabrick which they had erected ; and this neither , likely to be obtained , but by the strong hand of the people , not the people unlikely to favour it ; the more , if overture were made of their own interest , right , and title thereunto . whereupon there are many which have conjectured this to be the cause , why in all the projects of their discipline , ( it being manifest that their drift is , to wrest the key of spiritual authority out of the hands of former governours , and equally to possess therewith the pastors of all several congregations ) the people first for surer accomplishment , and then for better defence thereof , are pretended necessary actors in those things , whereunto their ability for the most part is as slender , as their title and challenge unjust . notwithstanding ( whether they saw it necessary for them to perswade the people , without whose help they could do nothing , or else ( which i rather think ) the affection which they bear towards this new form of government , made them to imagin it gods own ordinance , ) their doctrine is , that , by the law of god , there must be for ever in all congregations certain lay-elders , ministers of ecclesiastical jurisdiction , in as much as our lord and saviour by testament ( for so they presume ) hath left all ministers or pastors in the church executors equally to the whole power of spiritual jurisdiction , and with them hath joyned the people as colleagues . by maintenance of which assertion , there is unto that part apparently gained a twofold advantage , both because the people in this respect are much more easily drawn to favour it , as a matter of their own interest ; and for that , if they chance to be crossed by such as oppose against them , the colour of divine authority , assumed for the grace and countenance of that power in the vulgar sort , furnisheth their leaders with great abundance of matter behoveful of their encouragement , to proceed alwaies with hope of fortunate success in the end , considering their cause to be as , david's was , a just defence of power given them from above , and consequently their adversaries quarrel the same with saul's , by whom the ordinance of god was withstood . now , on the contrary side , if this their surmise prove false ; if such , as in justification whereof no evidence sufficient , either hath been or can be alledged ( as i hope it shall clearly appear after due examination and trial ) let them then consider whether those words of corah , dathan , and abiram , against moses , and against aaron , it is too much that ye take upon you , seeing all the congregation is holy , be not the very true abstract and abridgment of all their published admonitions , demonstrations , supplications , and treatises whatsoever , whereby they have laboured to void the rooms of their spiritual superiours before authorized , and to advance the new fancied scepter of lay presbyterial power . the nature of spiritual iurisdiction . but before there can be any setled determination , whether truth do rest on their part , or on ours , touching lay-elders ; we are to prepare the way thereunto , by explication of some things requisite and very needful to be considered , as first , how besides that spiritual power , which is of order , and was instituted for performance of those duties , whereof there hath been speech already had , there is in the church no less necessary , a second kind , which we call the power of jurisdiction . when the apostle doth speak of ruling the church of god , and of receiving accusations , his words have evident reference to the power of jurisdiction . our saviours words to the power of order , when he giveth his disciples charge , saying , preach , baptize : do this in remembrance of me . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist ad smyrn . a bishop saith , ( ignatius ) doth bear the image of god and of christ , of god in ruling , of christ in administring holy things : by this therefore we see a manifest difference acknowledged between the power of ecclesiastical order , and the power of jurisdiction ecclesiastical . the spiritual power of the church , being such as neither can be challenged by right of nature , nor could by humane authority be instituted , because the forces and effects thereof are supernatural and divine ; we are to make no doubt or question , but that from him which is the head , it hath descended unto us that are the body now invested therewith . he gave it for the benefit and good of souls , as a mean to keep them in the path which leadeth unto endless felicity , a bridle to hold them within their due and convenient bounds , and , if they do go astray , a forcible help to reclaim them : now although there be no kind of spiritual power , for which our lord iesus christ did not give both commission to exercise , and direction how to use the same , although his laws in that behalf recorded by the holy evangelists be the only ground and foundation , whereupon the practice of the church must sustain it self : yet , as all multitudes once grown to the form of societies are even thereby naturally warranted , to enforce upon their own subjects particularly those things , which publick wisdom shall judge expedient for the common good : so it were absurd to imagine the church it self , the most glorious amongst them , abridged of this liberty , or to think that no law , constitution or canon , can be further made , either for limitation or amplification , in the practice of our saviours ordinances whatsoever occasion be offered through variety of times , and things , during the state of this inconstant world , which bringeth forth daily such new evills , as must of necessity by new remedies be redrest , did both of old enforce our venerable predecessor , and will alwaies constrain others , sometime to make , sometime to abrogate , sometime to augment , and again to abridge sometime ; in sum , often to vary alter and change customs , incident unto the manner of exercising that power which doth it self continue alwaies one and the same : i therefore conclude , that spiritual authority is a power which christ hath given to be used over them which are subject unto it for the eternal good of their souls according to his own most sacred laws , and the wholsome positive constitutions of his church . in doctrine referred unto action and practice , as this is which concerns spiritual jurisdiction , the first sound and perfect understanding is the knowledge of the end , because thereby both use doth frame , and contemplation judge all things . of penitency , the chiefest end propounded by spiritual iurisdiction . two kinds of penitency , the one a private duty toward god , the other a duty of external discipline . of the vertue of repentance from which the former duty proceedeth : and of contrition the first part of that duty . seeing that the chiefest cause of spiritual jurisdiction is to provide for the health and safety of mens souls , by bringing them to see and repent their grievous offences committed against god , as also to reform all injuries offered with the breach of christian love and charity toward their brethren , in matters of ecclesiastical cognizance ; the use of this power , shall by so much the plainlier appear , if first the nature of repentance it self be known . we are by repentance to appease whom we offend by sin. for which cause , whereas all sin deprives us of the favour of almighty god , our way of reconciliation with him , is the inward secret repentance of the heart ; which inward repentance alone sufficeth , unless some special thing , in the quality of sin committed , or in the party that hath done amiss , require more . for besides our submission in gods sight , repentance must not only proceed to the private contentation of men , if the sin be a crime injurious ; but also farther , where the wholsome discipline of gods church exacteth a more exemplary and open satisfaction . now the church being satisfied with outward repentance , as god is with inward , it shall not be amiss , for more perspicuity to term this latter alwayes the vertue , that former the discipline of repentance ; which discipline hath two sorts of penitents to work upon , in as much as it hath been accustomed to lay the offices of repentance on some seeking , others shunning them , on some at their own voluntary request , on others altogether against their wills , as shall hereafter appear by store of ancient examples . repentance being therefore either in the sight of god alone , or else with the notice also of men : without the one , sometime throughly performed , by alwayes practised more or less ; in our daily devotions and prayers , we have no remedy for any fault . whereas the other is only required in sins of a certain degree and quality ; the one necessary for ever , the other so far forth as the laws and orders of gods church shall make it requisite . the nature parts , and effects of the one alwaies the same ; the other limitted , extended , and varied by infinite occasions . the vertue of repentance in the heart of man is gods handy-work , a fruit or effect of divine grace , which grace continually offereth it self , even unto them that have forsaken it , as may appear by the words of christ in st iohns revelation , i stand at the door and knock : nor doth he only knock without , but also within assist to open , whereby access and entrance is given to the heavenly presence , of that saving power , which maketh man a repaired temple for gods good spirit again to inhabit . and albeit the whole train of vertues which are implied in the name of grace , be infused at one instant ; yet because when they meet and concurr unto any effect in man , they have their distinct operations rising orderly one from another ; it is no unnecessary thing that we note the way or method of the holy ghost , in framing mans sinful heart to repentance : a work , the first foundation whereof is laid by opening and illuminating the eye of faith , because by faith are discovered the principles of this action , whereunto unless the understanding do first assent , there can follow in the will towards penitency no inclination at all : contrariwise , the resurrection of the dead , the judgement of the world to come , and the endless misery of sinners being apprehended , this worketh fear : such as theirs was , who feeling their own distress and perplexity in that passion , besought our lords apostles earnestly to give them counsel what they should do . for , fear is impotent and unable to advise it self ; yet this good it hath , that men are thereby made desirous to prevent , if possibly they may , whatsoever evil they dread ; the first thing that wrought the ninivites , repentance , was fear of destruction within fourty daies ; signes and miraculous works of god , being extraordinary representations of divine power , are commonly wont to stir any the most wicked with terrour , lest the same power should bend it self against them : and because tractable minds , though guilty of much sin , are hereby moved to forsake those evil waies which make his power in such sort their astonishment and fear ; therefore our saviour denounced his curse against corazin and bethsaida , saying , that if tyre and sidon had seen that which they did , those signes which prevailed little with the one , would have brought the others to repentance . as the like thereunto did in the men given to curious arts , of whom the apostolick history saith , that fear came upon them , and many which had followed vain sciences , burnt openly the very books out of which they had learned the same ; as fear of contumely and disgrace amongst men , together with other civil punishments , are a bridle to restrain from any hainous acts , whereinto mens outrage would otherwise break ; so the fear of divine revenge and punishment where it takes place , doth make men desirous to be rid likewise from that inward guiltiness of sin , wherein they would else securely continue . howbeit , when faith hath wrought a fear of the event of sin , yet repentance hereupon ensueth not , unless our belief conceive both the possibility and means to avert evil : the possibility , in as much as god is merciful , and most willing to have sin cured : the means , because he hath plainly taught what is requisite , and shall suffice unto that purpose . the nature of all wicked men , is , for fear of revenge to hate whom they most wrong ? the nature of hatred , to wish that destroyed which it cannot brook ; and from hence ariseth the furious endeavours of godless and obdurate sinners , to extinguish in themselves the opinion of god , because they would not have him to be , whom execution of endless wo doth not suffer them to love. every sin against god abateth , and continuance in sin extinguisheth , our love towards him : it was therefore said to the angel of ephesus having sinned , thou art fallen away from thy first love ; so that , as we never decay in love till we sin , in like sort neither can we possibly forsake sin , unless we first begin again to love . what is love towards god , but a desire of union with god ? and shall we imagine a sinner converting himself to god , in whom there is no desire of union with god presupposed ? i therefore conclude , that fear worketh no mans inclination to repentance , till somewhat else have wrought in us love also ; our love and desire of union with god ariseth from the strong conceipt which we have of his admirable goodness : the goodness of god , which particularly moveth unto repentance , is his mercy towards mankind , notwithstanding sin : for , let it once sink deeply into the mind of man , that howsoever we have injuried god , his very nature is averse from revenge , except unto sin we add obstinacy otherwise alwaies ready to accept our submission , as a full discharge or recompence for all wrongs ; and can we chuse but begin to love him whom we have offended , or can we but begin to grieve that we have offended him whom we love ? repentance considereth sin as a breach of the law of god , an act obnoxious to that revenge , which notwithstanding may be prevented , if we pacifie god in time . the root and beginning of penitency therefore , is the consideration of our own sin , as a cause which hath procured the wrath , and a subject which doth need the mercy of god : for unto mans understanding , there being presented , on the one side , tribulation and anguish upon every soul that doth evil : on the other , eternal life unto them which by continuance in well doing , seek glory , and honour , and immortality ; on the one hand a curse to the children of disobedience ; on the other , to lovers of righteousness , all grace and benediction : yet between these extreams , that eternal god from whose unspotted justice and undeserved mercy , the lot of each inheritance proceedeth , is so inclinable , rather to shew compassion then to take revenge , that all his speeches in holy scripture are almost nothing else but entreaties of men to prevent destruction by amendment of their wicked lives ; all the works of his providence little other then meer allurements of the just to continue stedfast , and of the unrighteous to change their course ; all his dealings and proceedings towards true converts , as have even filled the grave writings of holy men , with these and the like most sweet sentences : repentance ( if i may so speak ) stoppeth god in his way , when being provoked by crimes past , he cometh to revenge them with most just punishments ; yea , it tyeth , as it were , the hands of the avenger , and doth not suffer him to have his will. again , b the merciful eye of god towards men , hath no power to withstand penitency , at what time soever it comes in presence . and again , god doth not take it so in evil part , though we wound that which he hath required us to keep whole ; as that , after we have taken hurt , there should be in us no desire to receive his help . finally , lest i be carried too far in so large a sea , there was never any man condemned of god , but for neglect ; nor justified , except he had care of repentance . from these considerations , setting before our eyes our inexcusable , both unthankfulness in disobeying so merciful , foolishness in provoking so powerful a god ; there ariseth necessarily a pensive and corrosive desire that we had done otherwise ; a desire which suffereth us to foreslow no time , to feel no quietness within our selves , to take neither sleep nor food with contentment , never to give over supplications confessions , and other penitent duties , till the light of gods reconciled favour shine in our darkned soul. fulgentius asking the question , why davids confession should be held for effectual penitence , and not saul's ; answereth , that the one hated sin , the other feared only punishment in this world : sauls acknowledgement of sin , was fear ; david's , both fear and also love . this was the fountain of peters tears , this the life and spirit of davids eloquence , in those most admirable hymns intituled penitential , where the words of sorrow for sin , do melt the very bowels of god remitting it ; and the comforts of grace in remitting sin , carry him which sorrowed , rapt as it were into heaven , with extasies of joy and gladness . the first motive of the ninevites unto repentance ; was their belief in a sermon of fear , but the next and most immediate , an axiom of love , who can tell whether god will turn away his fierce wrath , that we perish not● no conclusion such as theirs , let every man turn from his evil way , but out of premisses such as theirs were , fear and love : wherefore the well-spring of repentance is faith ; first breeding fear , and then love , which love causes hope , hope resolution of attempt : i will go to my father , and say , i have sinned against heaven and against thee ; that is to say , i will do what the duty of a convert requireth . now in a penitent's or convert's duty , there are included ; first , the aversion of the will from sin ; secondly , the submission of our selves to god , by supplication and prayer ; thirdly , the purpose of a new life , testified with present works of amendment : which three things do very well seem to be comprised in one definition , by them which handle repentance , as a vertue that hateth , bewaileth , and sheweth a purpose to amend sin : we offend god in thought , word , and deed . to the first of which three , they make contrition ; to the second , confession ; and to the last , our works of satisfaction , answerable . contrition doth not here import those sudden pangs and convulsions of the mind , which cause sometimes the most forsaken of god , to retract their own doings ; it is no natural passion , or anguish , which riseth in us against our wills ; but a deliberate aversion of the will of man from sin , which being alwaies accompanied with grief ; and grief oftentimes partly with tears , partly with other external signs ; it hath been thought , that in these things , contrition doth chiefly consist : whereas the chiefest thing in contrition , is , that alteration whereby the will which was before delighted with sin , doth now abhorr and shun nothing more . but forasmuch as we cannot hate sin in our selves without heaviness and grief , that there should be in us a thing of such hatefull quality , the will averted from sin , must needs make the affection suitable ; yea , great reason why it should so do : for since the will by conceiving sin hath deprived the soul of life , and of life there is not recovery without repentance the death of sin ; repentance not able to kill sin , but by withdrawing the will from it , the will unpossible to be withdrawn , unless it concur with a contrary affection to that which accompanied it before in evill : is it not clear , that as an inordinate delight did first begin sin , so repentance must begin with a just sorrow , a sorrow of heart , and such a sorrow as renteth the heart ; neither a feigned nor sleight sorrow ; not feigned , blest it increase sin ; nor sleight , lest the pleasures of sin over-match it●●●ef wher ore of grace , the highest cause from which mans penitency doth proceed ; of faith , fear , love , hope , what force and efficiency they have in repentance ; of parts and duties thereunto belonging , comprehended in the schoolmens definitions ; finally , of the first among those duties , contrition , which disliketh and bewaileth iniquity , let this suffice . and because god will have offences by repentance , not only abhorred within our selves , but also with humble supplication displayed before him ; and a testimony of amendment to be given , even by present works , worthy repentance , in that they are contrary to those we renounce and disclaim : although the vertue of repentance do require , that her other two parts , consession and satisfaction should here follow ; yet seeing they belong as well to the discipline as to the vertue of repentance , and only differ for that in the one they are performed to man , in the other to god alone ; i had rather distinguish them in joynt-handling , then handle them apart , because in quality and manner of practise , they are distinct . of the discipline of repentance instituted by christ , practised by the fathers , converted by the school-men into a sacrament ; and of confession , that which belongeth to the vertue of repentance , that which was used among the iews , that which the papacy imagineth a sacrament , and that which antient discipline practised . . our lord and saviour in the sixteenth of st. matthews gospel , giveth his apostles , regiment in general over gods church . for they that have the keys of the kingdom of heaven , are thereby signified to be stewards of the house of god , under whom they guide , command , judge , and correct his family . the souls of men are gods treasure , committed to the trust and fidelity of such , as must render a strict account for the very least which is under their custody . god hath not invested them with power to make a revenue thereof ; but to use it for the good of them whom jesus christ hath most dearly bought . and because their office therein consisteth of sundry functions , some belonging to doctrine , some to discipline , all contained in the name of the keys , they have for matters of discipline , as well litigious as criminal , their courts and consistories erected by the heavenly authority of his most sacred voice , who hath said , dic ecclesia , tell the church ; against rebellious and con●umacious persons , which refuse to obey their sentence , armed they are with power to eject such out of the church , to deprive them of the honours , rights , and priviledges of christian men , to , make them as heathens and publicans , with whom society was hateful . furthermore , lest their acts should be slenderly accounted of , or had in contempt ; whether they admit to the fellowship of saints , or seclude from it , whether they bind offenders , or set them again at liberty , whether they remit , or retain sins , whatsoever is done by way of orderly and lawfull proceeding , the lord himself hath promised to ratifie . this is that grand original warrant , by force whereof the guides and prelates in gods church , first his apostles , and afterwards others following them successively , did both use and uphold that discipline , the end whereof is to heal mens consciences , to cure their sins , to reclaim offenders from iniquity , and to make them by repentance just . neither hath it of ancient time , for any other respect , been accustomed to bind by ecclesiastical censures , to retain so bound till tokens of manifest repentance appeared , and upon apparent repentance to release , saving only because this was received as a most expedient method for the cure of sin . the course of discipline in former ages reformed open transgressors , by putting them into offices of open penitence , especially confession , whereby they declared their own crimes in the hearing of the whole church , and were not from the time of their first convention capable of the holy mysteries of christ , till they had solemnly discharged this duty . offenders in secret knowing themselves altogether as unworthy to be admitted to the lords table , as the other which were with-held ; being also perswaded , that if the church did direct them in the offices of their penitency , and assist them with publique prayer , they should more easily obtain that they sought , than by trusting wholly to their own endeavours ; finally , having no impediment to stay them from it but bashfulness , which countervailed not the former inducements ; and besides , was greatly cased by the good construction , which the charity of those times gave to such actions , wherein mens piety and voluntary care to be reconciled to god , did purchase them much more love than their faults ( the testimonies of common frailty ) were able to procure disgrace , they made it not nice to use some one of the ministers of god , by whom the rest might take notice of their faults , prescribe them convenient remedies , and in the end after publick confession , all joyn in prayer unto god for them . the first beginner of this custom , had the more followers by means of that special favour which alwaies was with good consideration shewed towards voluntary penitents above the rest . but as professors of christian belief , grew more in number , so they waxed worse ; when kings and princes had submitted their dominions unto the scepter of jesus christ , by means whereof persecution ceasing , the church immediately became subject to those evills which peace and security bringeth forth ; there was not now that love which before kept all things in tune , but every where schisms , discords , dissentions amongst men. conventicles of hereticks , bent more vehemently against the sounder and better sort than very infidels and heathens themselves ; faults not corrected in charity , but noted with delight , and kept for malice to use when the deadliest opportunities should be offered . whereupon , forasmuch as publick confessions became dangerous and prejudicial to the safety of well-minded men , and in divers respects advantagious to the enemies of gods church ; it seemed first unto some , and afterwards generally requisite , that voluntary penitents should surcease from open confession . instead whereof , when once private and secret confession had taken place with the latins ; it continued as a profitable ordinance , till the lateran council had decreed , that all men once in a year at the least , should confess themselves to the priest. so that being a thing thus made both general and also necessary , the next degree of estimation whereunto it grew , was to be honoured and and lifted up to the nature of a sacrament● that as christ did institute baptism to give life , and the eucharist to nourish life , so penitence might be thought a sacrament , ordained to recover life , and confession a part of the sacrament . they define therefore their private penetency to be a sacrament of remitting sins after baptism : the vertue of repentance , a detestation of wickedness , with ful purpose to amend the same , and with hope to obtain pardon at gods hands . wheresoever the prophets cry repent , and in the gospel saint peter maketh the same exhortation to the jews , as yet unbaptized , they would have the vertue of repentance only to be understood , the sacrament , where he adviseth simon magus to repent , because the sin of simon magus was after baptism . now although they have onely external repentance for a sacrament , internal for a vertue ; yet make they sacramental repentance nevertheless to be composed of three parts , contrition , confession , and satisfaction ; which is absurd ; because contrition being an inward thing , belongeth to the vertue , and not to the sacrament of repentance , which must consist of external parts , if the nature thereof be external . besides , which is more absurd , they leave out absolution , whereas some of their school divines , handling penance in the nature of a sacrament and being not able to espie the least resemblance of a sacrament , save only in absolution ( for a sacrament by their doctrine must both signifie and also confer , or bestow some special divine grace ) resolved themselves , that the duties of the penitent could be but meer preparations to the sacrament , and that the sacrament it self was wholly in absolution . and albeit thomas with his followers have thought it safer , to maintain as well the services of the penitent , as the words of the minister , necessary unto the essence of their sacrament ; the services of the penitent , as a cause material ; the words of absolution , as a formal ; for that by them all things else are perfected to the taking away of sin : which opinion , now reigneth in all their schools , since the time that the councel of trent gave it solemn approbation , seeing they all make absolution , if not the whole essence , yet the very form whereunto they ascribe chiefly the whole force and operation of their sacrament ; surely to admit the matter as a part , and not to admit the form , hath small congruity with reason . again , for as much as a sacrament is compleat , having the matter and form which it ought , what should lead them to set down any other parts of sacramental repentance , then confession and absolution , as durandus hath done ? for touching satisfaction , the end thereof , as they understand it , is a further matter , which resteth after the sacrament administred , and therefore can be no part of the sacrament . will they draw in contrition with satisfaction , which are no parts , and exclude absolution ( a principal part , ) yea , the very complement , form and perfection of the rest as themselves account it ? but for their breach of precepts in art , it skilleth not , if their doctrine otherwise concerning penitency , and in penitency touching confession might be found true . we say , let no man look for pardon , which doth sin other and conceal sin , where , in duty , it should be revealed . the cause why god requireth confession to be made to him , is , that thereby testifying a deep hatred of our own iniquity , the only cause of his hatred and wrath towards us , we might because we are humble , be so much the more capable of that compassion and tender mercy , which knoweth not how to condemn sinners that condemn themselves . if it be our saviours own principle , that the conceipt we have of our debt forgiven , proportioneth our thankfulness and love to him , at whose hands we receive pardon ; doth not god fore-see , that they which with ill-advised modesty seek to hide their sin like adam , that they which rake it up under ashes , and confess it not , are very unlikely to requite with offices of love afterwards , the grace which they shew themselves unwilling to prize at the very time when they sue for it , in as much as their not confessing what crimes they have committed , is a plain signification how loth they are that the benefit of gods most gracious pardon should seem great . nothing more true , then that of tertullian . confession doth as much abate the weight of mens offences , as concealment doth make them heavier . for he which confesseth , hath a purpose to appease god ; he , a determination to persist and continue obstinate , which keeps them secret to himself st. chrysostome almost in the same words , wickedness is , by being acknowledged lessened , and doth but grow by being hid . if men having done amiss , let it slip , as though they knew no such matter , what is there to stay them from falling into one and the same evil ? to call our selves sinners availeth nothing , except we lay our faults in the ballance , and take the weight of them one by one . confess thy crimes to god , disclose thy transgressions before thy judge by way of humble supplication and suit , if not with tongue , at the least with heart , and in this sort seek mercy . a general perswasion that thou art a sinner , will neither so humble , nor bridle thy soul , as if the catalogue of thy sins examined severally , be continually kept in mind . this shall make thee lowly in thine own eyes ; this shall preserve thy feet from falling , and sharpen thy desires towards all good things . the mind , i know , doth hardly admit such unpleasant remembrances ; but we must force it , we must constrain it thereunto . it is safer now to be bitten with the memory , then hereafter with the torment of sin. the jews with whom no repentance for sin is available without confession , either conceived in mind or uttered ) which latter kind they call usually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confession delivered by word of mouth ) had first that general confession which once every year was made , both severally by each of the people for himself , upon the day of expiation , and by the priest for them all , on the day of expiation , the high priest maketh three express confessions , acknowledging unto god the manifold transgressions of the whole nation , his own personal offences likewise , together with the sins , as well of his family , as of the rest of his rank and order . they had again their voluntary confessions , at the times and seasons when men , bethinking themselves of their wicked conversation past , were resolved to change their course , the beginning of which alteration was still confession of sins . thirdly , over and besides these , the law imposed upon them also that special confession , which they in their book call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confession of that particular fault , for which we namely seek pardon at gods hands . the words of the law concerning confession in this kind are as followeth : when a man or woman shall commit any sin , that men commit , and transgress against the lord , their sin which they have done ( that is to say the very deed it self in particular ) they shall acknowledge . in leviticus after certain transgressions there mentioned , we read the like : when a man hath sinned in any one of these things , he shall then confess , how in that thing he hath offended . for such kind of special sins , they had also special sacrifices , wherein the manner was that the offender should lay his hands on the head of the sacrifice which he brought , and should there make . confession to god , saying , now , o lord , that i have offended , committed sin , and done wickedly in thy sight , this or this being my fault ; behold , i repent me , and am utterly ashamed of my doings ; my purpose is , never to return more to the same crime . none of them , whom either the house of judgement had condemned to die , or of them which are to be punished with stripes , can be clear by being executed or scourged , till they repent and confess their faults . finally there was no man amongst them at any time , either condemned to suffer death , or corrected , or chastized with stripes , none ever sick and near his end , but they called upon him to repent and confess his sins . of malefactors convict by witnesses , and thereupon either adjudged to die , or otherwise chastized , their custom was to exact , as ioshua did of achan , open confession , my son , now give glory to the lord god of israel , confess unto him , and declare unto me what thou hast committed , conceal it not from me , jos. . . concerning injuries and trespasses which happen between men , they highly commend such as will acknowledge before many . it is , in him which repenteth , accepted as an high sacrifice , if he will confess before many , make them acquainted with his over-sights , and reveal the transgressions which have passed between him and any of his brethren ; saying , i have verily offended this man , thus and thus i have done unto him , but behold i do now repent and am sorry . contariwise , whosoever is proud , and will not be known of his faults , but cloaketh them , is not yet come to perfect repentance ; for so it is written , he that hides his sins shall not prosper : which words of solomon they do not further extend , then only to sins committed against men , which are in that respect meet before men to be acknowledged particularly . but in sins between man and god , there is no necessity that man should himself make any such open and particular recital of them ; to god they are known , and of us it is required , that we cast not the memory of them carelesly and loosly behind our backs , but keep in mind as near as we can , both our own debt , and his grace which remitteth the same . wherefore to let pass jewish confession , and to come unto them which hold confession in the ear of the priest commanded ; yea , commanded in the nature of a sacrament , and thereby so necessary , that sin without it cannot be pardoned ; let them find such a commandment in holy scripture , and we ask no more . iohn the baptist was an extraordinary person , his birth , his actions of life , his office extraordinary , it is therefore recorded for the strangeness of the act , but not set down as an everlasting law for the world ; that to him ierusalem and all iudea made confession of their sins : besides , at the time of this confession , their pretended sacrament of repentance , as they grant , was not yet instituted , neither was it sin after baptism , which penitents did there confess ; when that which befel the seven sons of seeva , for using the name of our lord jesus christ in their conjurations , was notisied to jews and grecians in ephesus , it brought an universal fear upon them , insomuch that divers of them which had believed before , but not obeyed the laws of christ , as they should have done , being terrified by this example , came to the apostle , and confessed their wicked deeds . which good and vertuous act , no wise man , as i suppose , will disallow , but commend highly in them , whom gods good spirit shall move to do the like when need requireth . yet neither hath this example the force of any general commandment , or law to make it necessary for every man , to pour into the ears of the priest whatsoever hath been done amiss , or else to remain everlastingly culpable and guilty of sin ; in a word , it proveth confession practized as a vertuous act , but not commanded as a sacrament . now concerning st. iames his exhortation , whether the former branch be considered , which saith , is any sick among you ; let him call for the ancients of the church , and let them make their prayers for him ; or the latter , which stirreth up all christian men unto mutual acknowledment of faults amongst themselves ; lay open your minds , make your confessions one to another ; is it not plain , that the one hath relation to that gift of healing , which our saviour promised his church , saying , they shall lay their hands on the sick , and the sick shall recover health ? relation to that gift of healing , whereby the apostle imposed his hands on the father of publius , and made him miraculously a sound man ; relation finally to that gift of healing , which so long continued in practice after the apostles times , that whereas the novatianists denyed the power of the church of god , in curing sin after baptism , st. ambrose asked them again , why it might not as well prevail with god for spiritual , as far corporal and bodily health yea , wherefore ( saith he ) do ye your selves lay hands on the diseased and believe it to be a work of benediction or prayer , if haply the sick person be restored to his former safety ; and of the other member which toucheth mutual confession , do not some of themselves , as namely caje●an , deny , that any other confession is meant , then only that , which seeketh either association of prayers , or reconciliation , or pardon of wrongs ? is it not confessed by the greatest part of their own retinue , that we cannot certainly affirm sacramental confession to have been meant or spoken of in this place ? howbeit bellarmine , delighted to run a course by himself where colourable s●●ifts of wit will but make the way passable , standeth as formally for this place , and not less for that in st. iohn , than for this : st. iohn saith if we confess our sins , god is faithful and just to forgive our sins , and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness ; doth st. iohn say , if we confess to the priest , god is righteous to forgive ; and if not , that our sins are unpardonable ? no , but the titles of god just and righteous do import , that he pardoneth sin only for his promise sake ; and there is not ( they say ) any promise of forgiveness upon confession made to god without the priest ; not any promise , but with this condition , and yet this condition no where exprest . is it not strange that the scripture speaking so much of repentance , and of the several duties which appertain thereunto , should ever mean , and no where mention that one condition , without which all the rest is utterly of none effect ; or will they say , because our saviour hath said to his ministers , whose sins ye retain , &c. and because they can remit no more , than what the offenders have confest , that therefore by vertue of his promise , it standeth with the righteousness of god , to take away no mans sins , until by auricular confession they be opened unto the priest ? they are men that would seem to honour antiquity , and none more to depend upon the reverend judgement thereof . i dare boldly affirm , that for many hundred years after christ , the fathers held no such opinion ; they did not gather by our saviours words , any such necessity of seeking the priests absolution from sin , by secret and ( as they now term it ) sacramental confession : publick confession they thought necessary by way of discipline not private confession , as in the nature of a sacrament , necessary . for to begin with the purest times it is unto them which read and judge without partiality a thing most clear , that the ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or confession , defined by tertullian to be a discipline of humiliation , and submission , framing mens behaviour in such sort as may be fittest to move pity ; the confession which they use to speak of in the exercise of repentance , was made openly in the hearing of the whole both ecclesiastical consistory and assembly . this is the reason wherefore he perceiving , that divers were better content their sores should secretly fester , and eat inward , then be laid so open to the eyes of many , blameth greatly their unwise bashfulness , and to reform the same , perswadeth with them saying , amongst thy brethren and fellow servants , which are partakers with thee of one and the same nature , fear , joy , grief , sufferings ( for us was common lord and father , we have all received one spirit ) why shouldest thou not think with thy self , that they are but thine own self ? wherefore dost thou avoid them , as likely to insult over thee , whom thou knowest subject to the same haps ? at that which grieveth any one part , the whole body cannot rejoyce , it must needs be that the whole will labour and strive to help that wherewith a part of it self is molested . st. cyprian being grieved with the dealings of them , who in time of persecution had through fear betrayed their faith , and notwithstanding thought by shift to avoid in that case the necessary discipline of the church , wrote for their better instruction the book intituled de lapsis ; a treatise concerning such as had openly forsaken their religion , and yet were loth openly to confess their fault , in such manner as they should have done : in which book he compareth with this sort of men , certain others which had but a purpose only to have departed from the faith ; and yet could not quiet their minds , till this very secret and hidden fault was confest , how much both greater in faith ( saith st. cyprian ) and also as touching their fear , better , are those men , who although neither sacrifice , nor libel could be objected against them , yet because they thought to have done that which they should not , even this their intent they dolefully open unto gods priests ? they confess that whereof their conscience accuseth them , the burthen that presseth their minds they discover ; they foreslow not of smaller and slighter evils , to seek remedy : he saith they declared their fault , not to one only man in private , but revealed it to gods priests ; they confest it before the whole consistory of gods ministers . salvianus ( for i willingly embrace their conjecture , who ascribe those homilies to him which have hitherto by common error past under the counterfeit name of eusebius emesenus , ) i say , salvianus though coming long after cyprian in time , giveth nevertheless the same evidence for his truth , in a case very little different from that before alleadged ; his words are these , whereas ( most dearly beloved ) we see that pennance oftentimes is sought and sued for by holy souls , which even from their youth have bequeathed themselves a precious treasure unto god , let us know that the inspiration of gods good spirit moveth them so to do for the benefit of his church , and let such as are wounded , learn to enquire for that remedy , whereunto the very soundest do thus offer and obtrude as it were themselves , that if the vertuous do bewail● small offences , the others cease not to lament great . and surely , when a man that hath less need , performeth , sub oculis ecclesiae , in the view , sight , and beholding of the whole church , an office worthy of his faith and compunction for sin , the good which others thereby reap is his own harvest , the heap of his rewards groweth by that which another gaineth , and through a kind of spiritual usury from that amendment of life which others learn by him , there returneth lucre into his cossers . the same salvianus in another of his homilies , if faults haply be not great and grievous ( for example , if a man have offended in word , or in desire , worthy of reproof , if in the wantonness of his eye , or the vanity of his heart ) the stains of words and thoughts are by daily prayer to be cleansed , and by private compunction to be scoured out : but if any man examining inwardly his own conscience , have committed some high and capital offence , as if by hearing false witness , he have quelled and betrayed his faith , and by rashness of perjury have violated the sacred name of truth , if with the mire of lustful uncleanness he have sullied the veil of baptism , and the gorgeous robe of virginity ; if by being the cause of any mans death , he have been the death of the new man within himself , if by conference with southsayers , wizards , and charmers , he hath enthralled himself to satan ; these and such like committed crimes , cannot throughly be taken away with ordinary , moderate , and secret satisfaction ; but greater causes do require greater and sharper remedies , they need such remedies as are not only sharp , but solemn , open , and publick , again , let that soul ( saith he ) answer me , which through pernicious shame fastness it now so abasht to acknowledge his sin in conspectu fratrum , before his brethren , as he should have been abasht to commit the same , what will be do in the presence of that divine tribunal where he is to stand arraigned in the assembly of a glorious and celestial host ? i will hereunto adde but st. ambrose's testimony : for the places which i might alledge , are more then the cause it self needeth ; there are many ( saith he ) who , fearing the judgement that is to come , and feeling inward remorse of conscience , when they have offered themselves unto penitency , and are enjoyned what they shall do , give back for the only skar which they think that publick supplication will put them unto . he speaketh of them which sought voluntarily to be penanced ; and yet withdrew themselves from open confession , which they that were penitents for publick crimes could not possibly have done , and therefore it cannot be said , he meaneth any other then secret sinners in that place . gennadius a presbyter of marsiles in his book touching ecclesiastical assertions , maketh but two kinds of confession necessary , the one in private to god alone for smaller offences ; the other open , when crimes committed are hainous and great , although ( saith he ) a man be bitten with conscience of sin , let his will be from thenceforward to sin no more ; let him before he communicate , satisfie with tears and prayers , and then putting his trust in the mercy of almighty god ( whose want is , to yield godly confession ) let him boldly receive the sacrament . but i speak this of such as have not burthened themselves with capital sins . them i exhort to satisfie , first by publick penance , that so being reconciled by the sentence of the priest , they may communicate safely with others . thus still we hear of publick confessions , although the crimes themselves discovered were not publick ; we hear that the cause of such confessions was not the openness , but the greatness of mens offences ; finally , we hear that the same being now held by the church of rome to be sacramental , were the onely penitential confessions used in the church for a long time , and esteemed as necessary remedies against sin. they which will find auricular confessions in st. cyprian , therefore , must seek out some other passage , then that which bellarmine alledgeth , whereas in smaller faults which are not committed against the lord himself , there is a competent time assigned unto penitency ; and that confession is made , after that observation and tryal had been bad of the penitents behaviour , neither may any communicate till the bishop and clergy have laid their hands upon him ; how much more ought all things to be warily and stayedly observed , according to the discipline of the lord , in these most grievous , and extream crimes ? s. cyprians speech is against rashness in admitting idolaters to the holy communion , before they had shewed sufficient repentance , considering that other offenders were forced to stay out their time , and that they made not their publick confession , which was the last act of penitency , till their life and conversation had been seen into , not with the eye of auricular scrutiny , but of pastoral observation , according to that in the councel of nice , where thirteen years , being set for the penitency of certain offenders ; the severity of this degree is mitigated with special caution : that in all such cases , the mind of the penitent and the manner of his repentance is to be noted , that as many as with fear and tears , and meekness , and the exercise of good works , declared themselves to be converts indeed , and not in outward appearance only , towards them the bishop at his discretion might use more lenity . if the councel of nice suffice not , let gratian the founder of the canon law expound cyprian , who sheweth that the stine of time in penitency , is either to be abridged , or enlarged , as the penitents faith and behaviour shall give occasion ; i have easilier found out men ( saith s. ambrose ) able to keep themselves free from crimes , then conformable to the rules which in penitency they should observe . s. gregory bishop of nisse complaineth and enveigheth bitterly against them , who in the time of their penitency , lived even as they had done alwaies before ; their countenance as chearful , their attire is neat , their dyet as costly , and their sleep as secure as ever , their worldly business purposely followed , to exile pensive thoughts for their minds , repentance pretended but indeed nothing less express ; these were the inspections of life , whereunto st. cyprian alludeth ; as for auricular examinations he knew them not . were the fathers then without use of private confession as long as publick was in use ? i affirm no such thing , the first and ancientest that mentioneth this confession , is origen , by whom it may seem that men being loth to present rashly themselves and their faults unto the view of the whole church , thought it best to unfold first their minds to some one special man of the clergy , which might either help them himself , or referre them to an higher court if need were ; be therefore circumspect ( saith origen ) in making choice of the party , to whom thou meanest to confess thy sin ; know thy physitian before thou use him ; if he find thy malady , such as needeth to be made publick , that other may be the better by it , and thy self sonner helpt , his counsel must be obeyed . that which moved sinners thus voluntarily to detect themselves both in private and in publick , was fear to receive with other christian men , the mysteries of heavenly grace , till gods appointed stewards and ministers did judge them worthy : it is in this respect that st. ambrose findeth fault with certain men , which sought imposition of penance , and were not willing to wait their time , but would be presently admitted communicants . such people ( saith he ) do seek by so rash and preposterous desires , rather to bring the priest into bonds then to loose themselves : in this respect it is that s. augustine hath likewise said , when the wound of sin is so wide , and the disease so far gone that the medicinable body and blood of our lord may not be touched , men are by the bishops authority to sequester themselves from the altar , till such time as they have repented , and be after reconciled by the same authority . furthermore , because the knowledge how to handle our own sores , is no vulgar and common art , but we either carry towards our selves for the most part an over-soft and gentle hand , fearful of touching too near the quick ; or else , endeavouring not to be partial , we fall into timerous scrupulosities , and sometime into those extream discomforts of mind , from which we hardly do ever lift up our heads again , men thought it the safest way to disclose their secret faults , and to crave imposition of penance from them whom our lord jesus christ hath left in his church to be spiritual and ghostly physitians , the guides and pastors of redeemed souls , whose office doth not onely consist in generall perswasions unto amendment of life , but also , in the private particular cure of diseased minds . howsoever the novatianists presume to plead against the church ( saith salvianus ) that every man ought to be his own penitentiary , and that it is a part of our duty to exercise , but not of the churches authority to impose or prescribe repentance ; the truth is otherwise , the best and strongest of us may need in such cases , direction : what doth the church in giving penance , but shew the remedies which sin requireth ? or what do we in receiving the same but fulfill her precept ? what else but sue unto god with tears , and salts , that his merciful ears may be opened ? st. augustines exhortation is directly to the same purpose ; let every man whilst he hath time judge himself , and change his life of his own accord , and when this is resolved , let him from the disposers of the holy sacraments , learn in what manner be is to pacifie gods displeasure : but the greatest thing which made men forward and willing upon their knees to confess whatsoever they had committed against god , and in no wise to be with-held from the same , with any fear of disgrace , contempt , or obloquy , which might ensue , was , their servent desire to be helped and assisted with the prayers of gods saints . wherein , as st. iames doth exhort unto mutual confession , alledging this onely for a reason , that just mens devout prayers are of great avail with god ; so it hath been heretofore the use of penitents for that intent to unburthen their minds , even to private persons ; and to crave their prayers . whereunto , cassianus alluding , counselleth , that if men possest with dulness of spirit be themselves unapt to do that which is required , they should in meek affection seek health as the least by good and vertuous mens prayers unto god for them . and to the same effect gregory bishop of nisse , humble thy self , and take unto thee such of thy brethren as are of one mind , and do bear kind affection towards thee , that they may together mourn and labour for thy deliverance . show me thy bitter and abundant tears , that i may blend mine own with them . but because of all men there is or should be none in that respect more fit for troubled and distressed minds to repair unto , then gods ministers , he proceedeth further , make the priest , as a father , partaker of thine affliction and grief ; be bold to impart unto him the things that are most secret , he will have care both of thy safety , and of thy credit . confession ( saith leo ) is first to be offered to god , and then to the priest , as to one which maketh supplication for the sins of penitent offenders . suppose we , that men would ever have been easily drawn , much less of their own accord have come unto publick confession , whereby they know they should sound the trumpet of their own disgrace ; would they willingly have done this , which naturally all men are loth to do , but for the singular trust and confidence which they had in the publick prayers of gods church ? let thy mother the church weep for thee ( saith ambrose , ) let her wash and bathe thy faults with her tears : our lord doth love that many should become suppliant for one ; in like sort long before him , tertullian , some few assembled make a church ; and the church is as christ himself ; when thou dost therefore put forth thy hands to the knees of thy brethren , thou touchest christ ; it is christ unto whom thou art a supplicant ; so when they pour one tears over them , it is even christ that taketh compassion ; christ which prayeth when they pray : neither can that easily be denyed , for which the son is himself contented to become a suitor . whereas in these considerations therefore , voluntary penitents , had been long accustomed for great and grievous crimes , though secret , yet openly both to repent and confess as the canons of antient discipline required ; the greek church first , and in processe of time the latine altered this order , judging it sufficient and more convenient that such offenders should do penance and make confession in private onely . the cause why the latins did , leo declareth , saying , although the ripeness of faith be commendable , which for the fear of god doth not fear to incur shame before all men , yet because every ones crimes are not such , that it can be free and safe for them to make publication of all things , wherein repentance is necessary ; let a custome , so unfit to be kept , be abrogated , lest many forbear to use remedies of penitency , whilst they either blush or are afraid to acquaint their enemies with those acts for which the laws may take hold upon them . besides , it shall win the more repentance , if the consciences of sinners be not emptied into the peoples ears ; and to this only cause doth sozomen impure the change , which the grecians made , by ordaining throughout all churches certain penitentiaries to take the confessions , and appoint the penances of secret offenders . socrates , ( for this also may be true that more inducements then one , did set forward an alteration so generally made ) affirmeth the grecians ( and not unlikely ) to have specially respected therein the occasion , which the novatianists took at the multititude of publick penitents , to insult over the discipline of the church , against which they still cryed out , wheresoever they had time and place , he that sheweth sinners favour , doth but teach the innocent to sin : and therefore they themselves admitted no man to their communion upon any repentance , which once was known to have offended after baptism , making sinners thereby not the fewer , but the closer , and the more obdurate , how fair soever their pretence might seem . the grecians canon , for some one presbyter in every church to undertake the charge of penitency , and to receive their voluntary confessions , which had sinned after baptism ; continued in force for the space of above some hundred years , till nectarius , and the bishops of churches under him begun a second alteration , abolishing even that confession which their penitentiaries took in private . there came to the penitentiary of the church of constantinople , a certain gentlewoman , and to him she made particular confession of her faults committed after baptism , whom thereupon he advised to continue in fasting and prayer , that as with tongue she had acknowledged her sins , so there might appear likewise in her some work worthy of repentance : but the gentlewoman goeth forward , and detecteth her self of a crime , whereby they were forced to dis-robe an ecclesiastical person , that is , to degrade a deacon of the same church . when the matter by this mean came to publick notice , the people were in a kind of tumult offended , not onely at that which was done , but much more , because the church should thereby endure open infamy and scorn . the clergy was perplexed and altogether doubtfull what way to take , till one eudemon born in alexandria , but at that time a priest in the church of constantinople , considering that the causes of voluntary confession whether publick or private , was , especially to seek the churches ayd as hath been before declared , lest men should either not communicate with others , or wittingly hazard their souls , if so be they did communicate , and that the inconvenience which grew to the whole church was otherwise exceeding great , but especially grievous by means of so manifold offensive detections , which must needs be continually more , as the world did it self wax continually worse , for antiquity together with the gravity and severity thereof ( saith sozomen ) had already begun by little and little to degenerate into loose and careless living , whereas before offences were less , partly through bashfulness in them which open their own faults , and partly by means of their great austerity , which sate as judges in this business ; these things eudaemon having weighed with himself , resolved easily the mind of nectarius , that the penitentiaries office must be taken away , and for participation in gods holy mysteries every man be left to his own conscience , which was , as he thought , the onely means to free the church from danger of obloquie and disgrace . thus much ( saith socrates ) i am the bolder to relate , because i received it from eudaemons own mouth , to whom mine answer was at that time ; whether your counsel , sir , have been for the churches good , or otherwise , god knoweth . but i see , you have given occasion , whereby we shall not now any more reprehend one anothers faults , nor observe that apostolick precept , which saith , have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darknesse ; but rather be ye also reprovers of them . with socrates , sozomen both agreeth in the occasion of abolishing penitentiaries ; and moreover testifieth also , that in his time living with the younger theodosius ; the same abolition did still continue , and that the bishops had in a manner every where followed the example given them by nectarius . wherefore to implead the truth of this history , cardinal baronius alledgeeth , that socrates , sozomen , and eudaemon were all novatianists , and that they falsifie in saying , ( for so they report ) that as many as held the consubstantial being of christ , gave their assent to the abrogation of the forehearsed canon . the summe is , he would have it taken for a fable , and the world to be perswaded , that nectarius did never any such thing . why then should socrates first , and afterwards sozomen , publish it ? to please their pew-fellows , the disciples of novatien . a poor gratification , and they very silly friends , that would take lyes for good-turns : for the more acceptable the matter was , being deemed true , the lesse they must needs ( when they found the contrary ) either credit , or affect him which had deceived them . notwithstanding , we know that joy and gladness rising from false information , do not onely make men so forward to believe that which they first hear , but also apt to scholie upon it , and to report as true whatsoever they wish were true . but , so farr is socrates from any such purpose , that the fact of nectarius , which others did both like and follow , he doth disallow and reprove . his speech to eudemon before set down , is proof sufficient that he writeth nothing , but what was famously known to all , and what himself did wish had been otherwise . as for sozomen his correspondency with hereticks ; having shewed to what end the church did first ordain penitentiaries , he addeth immediately , that novatianists , which had no care of repentance , could have no need of this office. are these the words of a friend or enemy ? besides , in the entrace of that whole narration : not to sinne ( saith he ) at all , would require a nature more divine than ours is : but , god hath commanded to pardon sinners ; yea , although they transgresse and offend often . could there be any thing spoken more directly opposite to the doctrine of novatian ? eudaemon was presbyter under nectarius . to novatianists the emperour gave liberty of using their religion quietly by themselves , under a bishop of their own , even within the city , for that they stood with the church in defence of the catholick faith against all other hereticks besides . had therefore eudaemon favoured their heresie ; their camps were not pitched so farr off , but he might at all times have found easie accesse unto them . is there any man that hath lived with him , and hath touched him that way ? if not , why suspect we him more than nectarius ? their report touching grecian catholick bishops , who gave approbation to that which was done , and did also the like themselves in their own churches , we have no reason to discredit without some manifest and clear evidence brought against it . for of catholick bishops , no likelihood but that their greatest respect to nectarius , a man honored in those parts no lesse than the bishop of rome himself in the western churches , brought them both easily and speedily unto conformity with him , arrians , eunomians , apollinarians , and the rest that stood divided from the church , held their penitentiaries as before . novatianists from the beginning had never any , because their opinion touching penitency , was against the practice of the church therein , and a cause why they severed themselves from the church ; so that the very state of things , as they then stood , giveth great shew of probability to his speech , who hath affirmed , that they onely which held the sonne consubstantial with the father , and novatianists which joyned with them in the same opinion , had no penitentiaries in their churches ; the rest retained them . by this it appeareth therefore how baronius finding the relation plain , that nectarius did abolish even those private secret confessions which the people had been before accustomed to make to him that was penitentiary , laboureth what he may to discredit the authors of the report , and to leave it imprinted in mens mindes , that whereas nectarius did but abrogate publick confession , novatianists have maliciously forged the abolition of private , as if the oddes between these two were so great in the ballance of their judgement , which equally hated or contemned both ; or , as if it were not more clear than light , that the first alteration which established penitentiaries , took away the burthen of publick confession in that kinde of penitents ; and therefore the second must either abrogate private , or nothing . cardinal bellarmine therefore finding that against the writers of the history , it is but in vain to stand upon so doubtful terms , and exceptions , endeavoureth mightily to prove , even by their report , no other confession taken away then publick which penitentiaries used in private , to impose upon publick offenders ; for why ? it is ( saith he ) very certain that the name of penitents in the fathers writings signifieth onely publick penitents ; certain , that to hear the confessions of the rest now more than one could possibly have done ; certain , that sozomen , to shew how the latine church retained in his time what the greek had clean cast off , declareth the whole order of publick penitency used in the church of rome , but of private he maketh no mention . and , in these considerations , bellarmine will have it the meaning both of socrates and sozomen , that the former episcopal constitution , which first did erect penitentiaries , could not concern any other offenders , than such as publickly had sinned after baptisme . that onely they , were prohibited to come to the holy communion , except they did first in secret confesse all their sinnes to the penitentiary , by his appointment openly acknowledge their open crimes , and doe publick penance for them : that whereas before novatian's uprising , no man was constrainable to confesse publickly any sinne , this canon enforced publick offenders thereunto , till such time as nectarius thought good to extinguish the practice thereof . let us examine therefore these subtile and fine conjectures , whether they be able to hold the touch , it seemeth good ( saith socrates ) to put down the office of these priests which had charge of penitency ; what charge that was , the kindes of penitency then usual must make manifest . there is often speech in the fathers writings , in their books frequent mention of penitency ; exercised within the chambers of our heart , and seen of god , and not communicated to any other , the whole charge of which penitency is imposed of god , and doth rest upon the sinner himself . but if penitents in secret , being guilty of crimes whereby they knew they had made themselves unfit guests for the table of our lord , did seek direction for their better performance of that which should set them clear ; it was in this case the penitentiaries office to take their confessions , to advise them the best way he could for their souls good , to admonish them , to counsel them , but not to lay upon them more than private penance . as for notorious wicked persons , whose crimes were known , to convict , judge , and punish them , was the office of the ecclesiastical consistory ; penitentiaries had their institution to another end : but unlesse we imagine that the antient time knew no other repentance then publick , or that they had little occasion to speak of any other repentance , or else that in speaking thereof they used continually some other name , and not the name of repentance whereby to express private penitency , how standeth it with reason , that whensoever they write of penitents , it should be thought they meant only publick penitents ? the truth is , they handle all three kindes , but private and voluntary repentance much oftner , as being of farr more general use , whereas publick was but incident unto few , and not oftner than once incident unto any . howbeit , because they do not distinguish one kinde of penitency from another by difference of names , our safest way for construction , is , to follow circumstance of matter , which in this narration will not yield it self applyable onely unto publick penance , do what they can , that would so expound it . they boldly and confidently affirm , that , no man being compellable to confesse publickly any sinne before novatius time , the end of instituting penitentiaries afterwards in the church , was , that by them , men might be constrained unto publick confession . is there any record in the world which doth testifie this to be true ? there is that testifie the plain contrary ; for sozomen , declaring purposely the cause of their institution , saith , that whereas men openly craving pardon at god's hands ( for publick confession , the last act of penitency , was alwayes made in the form of a contrite prayer unto god , ) it could not be avoided , but they must withall confesse what their offences were ; this , is the opinion of their prelate , seemed , from the first beginning ( as we may probably think ) to be somewhat burthensome , that men , whose crimes were unknown , should blaze their own faults , as it were on the stage , acquainting all the people with whatsoever they had done amisse . and therefore to remedy this inconvenience , they laid the charge upon one onely priest , chosen out of such as were of best conversation , a silent and a discreet man , to whom they which had offended might resort , and lay open their lives . he , according to the quality of every one's transgressions , appointed what they should do or suffer , and left them to execute it upon themselves . can we wish a more direct and evident testimonie , that the office here spoken of , was to ease voluntary penitents from the burthen of publick confessions , and not to constrain notorious offenders thereunto ? that such offenders were not compellable to open confessions till novatian's time , that is to say , till after the dayes of persecution under decius the emperour , they , of all men , should not so peremptorily avouch ; which whom , if fabian bishop of rome , who suffered martyrdom in the first year of decius , be of any authority and credit , it must inforce them to reverse their sentence ; his words are so plain and clear against them . for such as commit those crimes , whereof the apostle hath said , they that do them shall never inherit the kingdom of heaven , must ( saith he ) be forced unto amendment , because they slipp down to hell , if ecclesiastical authority stay them not . their conceit of impossibility that one man should suffice to take the general charge of penitency in such a church as constantinople , hath risen from a meer erroneous supposal , that the antient manner of private confession was like the shrift at this day usual in the church of rome , which tyeth all men at one certain time to make confession , whereas confession was then neither looked for , till men did offer it , nor offered for the most part by any other , than such as were guilty of haynous transgressions , nor to them any time appointed for that purpose . finally , the drift which sozomen had in relating the discipline of rome , and the form of publick penitency there retained even till his time , is not to signifie that onely publick confession was abrogated by nectarius , but that the west or latin church held still one and the same order from the very beginning , and had not , as the greek , first cut off publick voluntary confession , by ordaining , and then private by removing penitentiaries . wherefore , to conclude , it standeth , i hope , very plain and clear , first against the one cardinal , that nectarius did truly abrogate confession in such sort as the ecclesiastical history hath reported ; and , secondly , as clear against them both , that it was not publick confession onely which nectarius did abolish . the paradox in maintenance whereof hessels wrote purposely a book touching this argument , to shew that nectarius did but put the penitentiary from his office , and not take away the office it self , is repugnant to the whole advice which eudaemon gave , of leaving the people from that time forward to their own consciences , repugnant to the conference between socrates and eudamon , wherein complaint is made of some inconvenience , which the want of the office would breed ; finally , repugnant to that which the history declareth concerning other churches which did as nectarius had done before them , not in deposing the same man ( for that was impossible ) but in removing the same office out of their churches , which nectarius had banished from his . for which cause , bellarmin doth well reject the opinion of hessels , howsoever it please pamelius to admire it as a wonderful happy invention . but in sum , they are all gravelled , no one of them able to go smoothly away , and to satisfie either others or himself , with his own conceit concerning nectarius . only in this they are stiff , that auricular confession nectarius did not abrogate , left if so much should be acknowledged , it might enforce them to grant , that the greek church at that time held not confession , as the latin now doth , to be the part of a sacrament instituted by our saviour jesus christ , which therefore the church till the worlds end hath no power to alter . yet seeing that as long as publick voluntary confession of private crimes did continue in either church ( as in the one it remained not much above . years , in the other about . ) the only acts of such repentance were ; first , the offender's intimation of those crimes to some one presbyter , for which imposition of penance was sought ; secondly , the undertaking of penance imposed by the bishop ; thirdly , after the same performed and ended , open confession to god in the hearing of the whole church ; whereupon , fourthly , ensued the prayer of the church ; fifthly , then the bishop's imposition of hands ; and so , sixthly , the parties reconciliation or restitution to his former right in the holy sacrament . i would gladly know of them which make onely private confession a part of their sacrament of penance , how it could be so in those times : for where the sacrament of penance is ministred , they hold that confession to be sacramental which he receiveth who must absolve ; whereas during the fore-rehearsed manner of penance , it can no where be shewed , that the priest to whom secret information was given , did reconcile , or absolve any : for , how could he ? when publick confession was to goe before reconciliation , and reconciliation likewise in publick thereupon to ensue ● so , that if they did account any confession sacramental , it was surely publicke , which is now abolish'd in the church of rome ; and as for that which the church of rome doth so esteem , the ancient neither had it in such estimation , nor thought it to be of so absolute necessity for the taking away of sinne : but , ( for any thing that i could ever observe out of them ) although not onely in crimes open and notorious , which made men unworthy and uncapable of holy mysteries , their discipline required , first publicke penance , and then granted that which saint hierona mentioneth , saying , the priest layeth his hand upon the penitent , and by invocation intreateth that the holy ghost may return to him again , and so after having enjoyned solemnly all the people to pray for him , reconcileth to the altar him who was delivered to satan for the destruction of his flesh , that his spirit might be safe in the day of the lord. although i say not onely in such offences being famously known to the world , but also if the same were committed secretly , it was the custom of those times , both that private intimation should be given , and publick confession made thereof ; in which respect whereas all men did willingly the one , but would as willingly have withdrawn themselves from the other , had they known how ; is it tolerable , ( saith saint ambrose ) that to sue to god thou shouldst be ashamed , which blushest not to seek and sue unto man ? should it grieve thee to be a suppliant to him , from whom thou canst not possibly hide thy self ; when to open thy sinnes to him , from whom , if thou wouldst , thou mightest conceal them , it doth not any thing at all trouble thee ? this thou art loath to do in the church , where , all being sinners , nothing is more opprobrious indeed than concealment of sinne , the most humble the best thought of , and the lowliest accounted the justest . all this notwithstanding , we should do them very great wrong , to father any such opinion upon them , as if they did teach it a thing impossible for any sinner to reconcile himself unto god , without confession unto the priest. would chrysostom thus perswaded have said , let the enquiry and punishment of thy offences be made in thine own thoughts , let the tribunal whereat thou arraignest thy self be without witness , let god , and only god , see thee and thy confession . would cassianus so believing have given counsel , that if any were withheld with bashfulness from discovering their faulis to men , they should be so much the more instant and constant in opening them by supplication to god himself , whose wont is to help without publication of mens shame , and not to upbraid them when he pardoneth ? finally , would prosper settled in this opinion have made it , as touching reconciliation to god , a matter indifferent , whether men of ecclesiastical order did detect their crimes by confession , or leaving the world ignorant thereof , would separate voluntarily themselves for a time from the altar ; though not in affection , yet in execution of their ministry , and so bewaile their corrupt life ? would he have willed them as he doth , to make hold of it , that the favour of god being either way recovered by fruits of forcible repentance , they should not only receive whatsoever they had lost by sinne , but also after this their new enfranchisement , aspire to the endless joyes of that supernal city ? to conclude , we every where finde the use of confession , especially publick , allowed of , and commended by the fathers ; but that extream and rigorous necessity of auricular and private confession , which is at this day so mightily upheld by the church of rome , we finde nor . first , it was not then the faith and doctrine of god's church , as of the papacy at this present . secondly , that the onely remedy for sinne after baptisme , is sacramental penitency . thirdly , that confession in secret , is an essential part thereof . fourthly , that god himself cannot now forgive sin without the priest. that , because forgivenesse at the hands of the priest must arise from confession in the offenders ; therefore to confesse unto him , is a matter of such necessity , as being not either in deed , or at the least in desire performed , excludeth utterly from all pardon , and must consequently in scripture be commanded , wheresoever any promise or forgivenesse is made . no , no ; these opinions have youth in their countenance , antiquity knew them not , it never thought nor dreamed of them . but to let passe the papacy . for as much as repentance doth import alteration within the minde of a sinful man , whereby , through the power of god's most gracious and blessed spirit , he seeth , and with unfeigned sorrow acknowledgeth former offences committed against god , hath them in utter detestation , seeketh pardon for them in such sort as a christian should doe , and with a resolute purpose settleth himself to avoid them , leading , as near as god shall assist him , for ever after an unspotted life ; and in the order ( which christian religion hath taught for procurement of god's mercy towards sinners ) confession is acknowledged a principal duty ; yea , in some cases , confesion to man , not to god onely ; it is not in reformed churches denied by the learneder sort of divines , but that even this confession , cleared from all errors , is both lawful and behoveful for gods people . confession by man being either private or publick , private confession to the minister alone touching secret crimes , or absolution thereupon ensuing , as the one , so the other is neither practised by the french discipline , nor used in any of those churches , which have been cast by the french mould . open confession to be made in the face of the whole congregation by notorious malefactors , they hold necessary ; howbeit not necessary towards the remission of sinnes : but only in some sort to content the church , and that one man's repentance may seem to strengthen many , which before have been weakned by one man's fall . saxonians and bohemians in their discipline constrain no man to open confession : their doctrine is , that whose faults have been publick , and thereby scandalous unto the world , such , when god giveth them the spirit of repentance , ought as solemnly to return , as they have openly gone astray . first , for the better testimony of their own unfeigned conversion unto god. secondly , the more to notifie their reconcilement unto the church . and lastly , that others may make benefit of their example . but concerning confession in private , the churches of germany , as well the rest as lutherans , agree , that all men should at certain times confesse their offences to god in the hearing of gods ministers , thereby to shew how their sinnes displease them , to receive instruction for the warier carriage of themselves hereafter , to be soundly resolved , if any scruple or snare of conscience do entangle their mindes , and which is most material , to the end that men may at gods hands seek every one his own particular pardon , through the power of those keys , which the minister of god using according to our blessed saviours institution in that case , it is their part to accept the benefit thereof , as gods most merciful ordinance for their good , and , without any distrust or doubt , to embrace joyfully his grace so given them , according to the word of our lord , which hath said , whose sinnes ye remit they are remitted . so that grounding upon this assured belief , they are to rest with mindes encouraged and perswaded concerning the forgiveness of all their sinnes , as out of christ's own word and power by the ministry of the keyes . it standeth with us in the church of england , as touching publick confession , thus : first , seeing day by day we in our church begin our publick prayers to almighty god , with publick acknowledgement of our sinnes , in which confession every man , prostrate as it were before his glorious majesty , cryeth against himself , and the minister with one sentence pronounceth universally all clear , whose acknowledgement so made hath proceeded from a true penitent minde ; what reason is there , every man should not , under the general terms of confession , represent to himself his own particulars whatsoever , and adjoyning thereunto that affection which a contrite spirit worketh , embrace to as full effect the words of divine grace , as if the same were severally and particularly uttered with addition of prayers , imposition of hands , or all the ceremonies and solemnities that might be used for the strengthening of men's affiance in god's peculiar mercy towards them ? such complements are helps to support our weaknesse , and not causes that serve to procare or produce his gifts , as david speaketh . the difference of general and particular formes in confession and absolution , is not so material , that any man's safety or ghostly good should depend upon it . and for private confession and absolution , it standeth thus with us : the minister's power to absolve is publickly taught and professed , the church not denyed to have authority either of abridging , or enlarging the use and exercise of that power ; upon the people no such necessity imposed of opening their trangression unto men , as if remission of sinnes otherwise were impossible , neither any such opinion had of the thing it self , as though it were either unlawfull or unprofitable , saving onely for these inconveniences , which the world hath by experience observed in it heretofore . and in regard thereof , the church of england hitherto hath thought it the safe way to referre men's hidden crimes unto god and themselves onely ; howbeit , not without special caution for the admonition of such as come to the holy sacrament , and for the comfort of such as are ready to depart the world. first , because there are but few that consider how much that part of divine service , which consists in partaking the holy eucharist , doth import their souls ; what they lose by neglect thereof , and what by devout practise they might attain unto : therefore , lest carelesnesse of general confession should , as commonly it doth , extinguish all remorse of mens particular enormous crimes , our custome ( whensoever men present themselves at the lords table ) is , solemnly to give themselves fearfull admonition , what woes are perpendicularly hanging over the heads of such as dare adventure to put forth their unworthy hands to those admirable mysteries of life , which have , by rare examples , been proved conduits of irremediable death to impenitent receivers ; whom therefore , as we repel being known , so being not known we cannot but terrifie . yet , with us , the ministers of god's most holy word and sacraments , being all put in trust with the custody and dispensation of those mysteries , wherein our communion is , and hath been ever , accounted the highest grace that men on earth are admitted unto ; have therefore all equally the same power to with-hold that sacred mystical food from notorious evil-livers , from such as have any way wronged their neighbours , and from parties , between whom there doth open hatred and malice appear , till the first sort have reformed their wicked lives , the second recompensed them unto whom they were injurious , and the last condescended unto some course of christian reconciliation , whereupon their mutual accord may ensue . in which cases for the first branch of wicked life ; and the last , which is open enmity ; there can arise no great difficultie about the exercise of his power : in the second , concerning wrongs , there may , if men shall presume to define or measure injuries , according to their own conceits , depraved oftentimes , as well by errour , as partialitie , and that no lesse to the minister himself , then in another of the people under him . the knowledge therefore which he taketh of wrongs must rise , as it doth in the other two , not from his own opinion , or conscience , but from the evidence of the fact which is committed ; yea , from such evidence as neither doth admit denyal nor defence . for if the offender , having either colour of law to uphold , or any other pretence , to excuse his own uncharitable and wrongful dealings , shall wilfully stand in defence thereof , it serveth as barr to the power of the minister in this kinde . because ( as it is observed by men of very good judgment in these affairs ) although in this sort our separating of them be not to strike them with the mortal wound of excommunication , but to stay them rather from running desperately head-long into their owne harm ; yet it is not in us , to sever from the holy communion , but such as are either found culpable by their own confession , or have been convicted in some publick , secular or ecclesiastical court. for , who is he , that dares take upon him to be any man 's both accuser and judge ? evil persons are not rashly , and ( as we lift ) to be thrust from communion with the church : insomuch that if we cannot proceed against them by any orderly course of judgement , they rather are to be suffered for the time then molested . many there are reclaimed , as peter ; many , as iudas known well enough , and yet tolerated ; many which must remain un-deseryed till the day of appearance , by whom the secret corners of darknesse shall be brought into open light. leaving therefore unto his judgement , them , whom we cannot stay from casting their own souls into so great hazard , we have in the other part of penitential jurisdiction , in our power and authoritie to release sinne , joy on all sides , without trouble or molestation unto any . and , if to give , be a thing more blessed than to receive , are we not infinitely happyer in being authorized to bestow the treasure of god , than when necessitie doth constrain to with-draw the same ? they which , during life and health , are never destitute of wayes to delude repentance , do notwithstanding oftentimes , when their last hour draweth on , both feel that sting , which before lay dead in them , and also thirst after such helps as have been alwayes , till then , unsavoury ; saint ambrose his wordstouching late repentance are somewhat hard , if a man be penitent , and receive absolution ( which cannot in that case be denyed him ) even at the very point of death , and so depart , i dare not affirm he goeth out of the world well ; i will counsel no man to trust to this , because i am loath to deceive any man , seeing i know not what to think of it . shall i iudge such a one a cast-away ? neither will i avouch him safe : all i am able to say , is , let his estate be left to the will and pleasure of almighty god : wilt thou be therefore delivered of all doubt ? repent while yet thou art healthy and strong : if thou defert it till time give no longer possibility of sinning , thou canst not be thought to have left sinne , but rather sinne to have forsaken thee . such admonitions may in their time and place be necessary , but in no wise prejudicial to the generality of god's own high and heavenly promise , whensoever a sinner doth repent from the bottom of his heart , i will put out all his iniquity . and of this , although it have pleased god not to leave to the world any multitude of examples , lest the carelesse should too farr presume , yet one he hath given , and that most memorable , to withhold from despair in the mercies of god , at what instant so ever man's unfeigned conversion be wrought . yea , because to countervail the fault of delay , there are in the latest repentance oftentimes the surest tokens of sincere dealing ; therefore upon special confession made to the minister of god , he presently absolveth in this case the sick party from all sinnes by that authority which jesus christ hath committed unto him , knowing that god respecteth not so much what time is spent , as what truth is shewed in repentance . in summe , when the offence doth stand onely between god and man's conscience , the counsel is good , which saint chrysostom giveth , i wish thee not to bewray thy self publickly , nor to accuse thy self before others , i wish thee to obey the prophet who saith , disclose thy way unto the lord , confesse thy sins before him ; tell thy sins to him that he may blot them out . if thou be abashed to tell unto any other , wherein thou hast offended , rehearse them every day between thee and thy soul. i wish thee not to confesse them to thy fellow-servant , who may upbraid thee with them ; tell them to god , who will cure them ; there is no need for thee in the presence of witnesses to acknowledge them ; let god alone see thee at thy confession ; i pray and beseech you , that you would more often than you do , confesse to god eternal , and reckoning up your trespasses , desire his pardon . i carry you not into a theatre or open court of many your fellow-servants , i seek not to detect your crimes before men ; disclose your conscience before god , unfold yourselves to him , lay forth your wounds before him the best physician that is , and desire of him salve for them . if hereupon it follow , as it did with david , i thought , i will confesse against my self my wickednesse unto thee o lord , and thou forgavest me the plague of my sinne , we have our desire , and there remaineth only thankfulnesse , accompanied with perpetuity of care to avoid that , which being not avoided , we know we cannot remedy without new perplexity and grief . contrariwise , if peace with god do not follow the pains we have taken in seeking afterit , if we continue disquieted , and not delivered from anguish , mistrusting whether that we do be sufficient ; it argueth that our soar doth exceed the power of our own skill , and that the wisedom of the pastor must binde up those parts , which being bruised , are not able to be recured of themselves . of satisfaction . there resteth now satisfaction only to be considered ; a point which the fathers do often touch , albeit they never aspire to such mysteries as the papacy hath found enwrapped within the folds , and plaits thereof . and it is happy for the church of god that we have the writings of the fathers , to shew what their meaning was . the name of satisfaction , as the antient fathers meant it , containeth whatsoever a penitent should do in the humbling himself unto god , and testifying by deeds of contrition , the same which confession in words pretendeth ; he which by repentance for sins ( saith tertullian , speaking of fickle-minded-men ) had a purpose to satisfie the lord , will now , by repenting his repentance , make satan satisfaction ; and be so much more hateful to god , as he is unto gods enemy more acceptable . is it not plain , that satisfaction doth here include the whole work of penitency , and that god is satisfied , when men are restored through sin into favour by repentance ? how canst thou ( saith chrysostom ) move god to pity thee ; when thou wilt not seem as much as to know that thou hast offended ? by appeasing , pacifying , and moving god to pity , saint chrysostom meaneth the very same with the latin fathers , when they speak of satisfying god. we feel ( saith cyprian ) the bitter smart of his rod and scourge , because there is in us neither care to please him with our good deeds , nor to satisfie him for our evil . again , let the eyes which have looked on idols , spunge out their unlawful acts with those sorrowful tears , which have power to satisfie god. the master of sentences alledgeth out of saint augustine , that which is plain enough to this purpose : three things there are in perfect penitency , compunction , confession , and satisfaction ; that as we three wayes offend god , namely in heart , word , and deed ; so by three duties we may satisfie god. satisfaction , as a part , comprehendeth only that which the papists meant by worthy of repentance ; and if we speak of the whole work of repentance it self , we may , in the phrase of antiquity , term it very well satisfaction . satisfaction is a work which justice requireth to be done for contentment of persons injured ▪ neither is it in the eye of justice a sufficient satisfaction , unless it fully equal the injury for which we satisfie . seeing then that sin against god eternal and infinite , must needs be an infinite wrong : justice , in regard thereof , doth necessarily exact an infinite recompence ; or else inflict upon the offender infinite punishment . now , because god was thus to be satisfied ; and man not able to make satisfaction , in such sort his unspeakable love and inclination to save mankinde from eternal death ordained in our behalf a mediatour to do that which had been for any other impossible : wherefore all sin is remitted in the only faith of christ's passion , and no man without belief thereof justified ; bonavent . in sentent . . dist . . . . faith alone maketh christ's satisfaction ours , howbeit that faith alone which after sinne maketh us by conversion his . for in as much as god will have the benefit of christ's satisfaction , both thankfully acknowledged , and duly esteemed , of all such as enjoy the same , he therefore imparteth so high a treasure unto no man , whose faith hath not made him willing , by repentance , to do even that which of it self , how unavailable soever , yet being required , and accepted with god , we are , in christ , thereby made capable , and sit vessels to receive the fruits of his satisfaction : yea , we so farr please and content god , that because when we have offended , he looketh but for repentance at our hands ; our repentance , and the works thereof , are therefore termed satisfactory , not for that so much is thereby done as the justice of god can exact , but because such actions of grief and humility in man after sinne , are illices divine misericordiae ( as tertullian speaketh of them ) they draw that pity of god's towards us , wherein he is for christ's sake contented , upon our submission , to pardon our rebellion against him ; and when that little which his law appointeth is faithfully executed , it pleaseth him in tender compassion and mercy to require no more . repentance is a name which noteth the habit and operation of a certain grace , or vertue in us : satisfaction , the effect which it hath , either with god or man. and it is not in this respect said amiss , that satisfaction importeth acceptation , reconciliation , and amity ; because that , through satisfaction on the one part made , and allowed on the other , they which before did reject are now content to receive , they to be won again which were lost , and they to love unto whom just cause of hatred was given . we satisfie therefore in doing that which is sufficient to this effect ; and they towards whom we do it are satisfied , if they accept it as sufficient , and require no more : otherwise we satisfie not , although we do satisfie : for so between man and man it oftentimes falleth out , but between man and god , never ; it is therefore true , that our lord jesus christ by one most precious and propitiatory sacrifice , which was his body , a gift of infinite worth , offered for the sins of the whole world , hath thereby once reconciled us to god , purchased his general free pardon , and turned divine indignation from mankinde . but we are not for that cause to think , any office of penitence , either needless or fruitless , on our own behalf . for then would not god require any such duties at our hands ; christ doth remain everlastingly a gracious intercessour , even for every particular penitent . let this assure us , that god , how highly soever displeased and incensed with our sins , is notwithstanding , for his sake , by our tears , pacified , taking that for satisfaction , which is due by us , because christ hath by his satisfaction made it acceptable . for , as he is the high priest of our salvation , so he hath made us priests likewise under him , to the end we might offer unto god praise and thankfulness while we continue in the way of life ; and when we sin , the satisfactory or propitiatory sacrifice of a broken and a contrite heart . there is not any thing that we do that could pacifie god , and clear us in his sight from sin , if the goodness and mercy of our lord jesus christ were not , whereas now beholding the poor offer of our religions endeavours , meekly to submit our selves as often as we have offended , he regardeth with infinite mercy those services which are as nothing , and with words of comfort reviveth our afflicted mindes , saying , it ● i , even i that taketh away thine iniquities for mine own sake . thus doth repentance satisfie god , changing his wrath and indignation unto mercy . anger and mercy are in us , passions ; but in him , not so . god ( saith saint basil ) is no wayes passionate , but because the punishments which his judgment doth inflict , are like effect of indignation severe and grievous to such as suffer them , therefore we term the revenge which he taketh upon sinners anger , and the withdrawing of his plagues , mercy . his wrath ( saith st. augustin ) is not as ours , the trouble of a minde disturbed and disquieted with things amiss , but a ralm , unpassionate , and just assignation of dreadful punishment to be their portion which have disobeyed ; his mercy a free determination of all felicity and happiness unto men , except their sins remain as a bar between it and them . so that when god doth cease to be angry with sinful men , when he receiveth them into favour , when he pardoneth their offences , and remembreth their iniquities no more , ( for all these signifie but one thing ) it must needs follow , that all punishments before due is revenge of sinne , whether they be temporal or eternal , are remitted . for how should god's indignation import only man's punishment , and yet some punishment remain unto them towards whom there is now in god no indignation remaining ? god ( saith tertullian ) takes penitency at mens hands ; and men at his , in lieu thereof , receive impunity ; which notwithstanding doth not prejudice the chastisements which god , after pardon , hath laid upon some offenders , as on a the people of israel , on b moses , on c miriam , on d david , either for their own e more sound amendment , or for f example unto others in this present world ( for in the world to come , punishments have unto these intents no use , the dead being not in case to be better by correction , nor to take warning by executions of god's justice there seen ) but assuredly to whomsoever he remitteth sinne , their very pardon is in it self a full , absolute , and perfect discharge for revengeful punishment , which god doth now here threaten , but with purpose of revocation if men repent , no where inflict but on them whom impenitency maketh obdurate . of the one therefore it is said , though i tell the wicked , thou shalt dye the death , yet if he turneth from his sinne , and do that which is lawful and right , he shall surely live and not dye . of the other , thou according to thine hardness , and heart that will not repent , treasurest up to thy self wrath against the day of wrath , and evident appearance of the judgement of god. if god be satisfied and do pardon sinne , our justification restored is as perfect as it was at the first bestowed : for so the prophet isaiah witnesseth , though your sinnes were as crimson , they shall be made as white as snow ; though they were as scarlet , they shall be as white as wool . and can we doubt concerning the punishment of revenge , which was due to sinne , but that if god be satisfied and have forgotten his wrath , it must be , even as saint augustine reasoneth , g what god hath covered , he will not observe , and what he observeth not , he will not punish . the truth of which doctrine is not to be shifted off by restraining it unto eternal punishment alone : for then would not david have said , they are blessed to whom god imputeth not sinne ; blessednesse having no part or fellowship at all with malediction : whereas to be subject to revenge for sinne , although the punishment be but temporal , is to be under the curse of the law , wherefore , as one and the same fire consumeth stubble and refineth gold , so if it please god to lay punishment on them whose sinnes he hath forgiven ; yet is not this done for any destructive end of wasting and eating them out , as in plagues inflicted upon the impenitent , neither is the punishment of the one as of the other proportioned by the greatness of sinne past , but according to that future purpose , whereunto the goodness of god referreth it , and wherein there is nothing meant to the sufferer , but furtherance of all happiness , now in grace , and hereafter in glory ; saint augustin , to stop the mouths of pelagians , arguing , that if god had imposed death upon adam , and adam's posterity , as a punishment of sinne , death should have ceased when god procured sinners their pardon ; answereth , first , it is no marvel , either that bodily death should not have hapned to the first man , unlesse he had first sinned , ( death as punishment following his sinne ) or that after sinne is forgiven , death notwithstanding befalleth the faithful ; to the end that the strength of righteousness might be exercised , by overcoming the fear thereof . so that justly god did inflict bodily death on man for committing sinne , and yet after sinne forgiven , took it not away , that his righteousness might still have whereby to be exercised . he fortifieth this with david's example , whose sinne he forgave , and yet afflicted him for exercise and tryal of his humility . briefly , a general axiome he hath for all such chastisements , before forgiveness , they are the punishment of sinners ; and after forgiveness , they are exercises and tryals of righteous men . which kinde of proceeding is so agreeable with god's nature and man's comfort , that it seemeth even injurious to both , if we should admit those surmised reservations of temporal wrath , in god appeased towards reconciled sinners . as a father he delights in his childrens conversion , neither doth he threaten the penitent with wrath , or them with punishment which already mourn ; but by promise assureth such of indulgence and mercy , yea , even of plenary pardon , which taketh away all , both faults and penalties : there being no reason , why we should think him the lesse just , because he sheweth him thus mercifull , when they , which before were obstinate , labour to appease his wrath with the pensive meditation of contrition , the meek humility which confession expresseth , and the deeds wherewith repentance declareth it self to be an amendment as well of the rotten fruit , as the dryed leaves , and withered root of the tree . for with these duties by us performed , and presented unto god in heaven by jesus christ , whose blood is a continual sacrifice of propitiation for us , we content , please , and satisfie god. repentance therefore , even the sole vertue of repentance , without either purpose of shrift or desire of absolution from the priest ; repentance the secret conversion of the heart , in that it consisteth of these three , and doth by these three pacifie god ; may be without hyperbolical terms most truly magnified , as a recovery of the soul of man from deadly sickness , a restitution of glorious light to his darkned minde , a comfortable reconciliation with god , aspiritual nativity , a rising from the dead , a day-spring from out the depth of obscurity , a redemption from more than the aegyptian thraldom , a grinding of the old adam even into dust and powder , a deliverance out of the prisons hell , a full restauration of the seat of grace , and throne of glory , a triumph over sin , and a saving victory . amongst the works of satisfaction , the most respected have been alwayes these three , prayers , fasts , and alms-deeds ; by prayers , we lift up our souls to him from whom sinne and iniquity hath withdrawn them ; by fasting , we reduce the body from thraldom under vain delights , and make it serviceable for parts of vertuous conversation ; by alms , we dedicate to charity those worldly goods and possessions , which unrighteousness doth neither get , nor bestow well : the first , a token of piety intended towards god ; the second , a pledge of moderation and sobriety in the carriage of our own persons ; the last , a testimony of our meaning to do good to all men . in which three , the apostle , by way of abridgement , comprehendeth whatsoever may appertain to sanctimony , holynesse , and good life : as contrariwise , the very masse of general corruption throughout the world , what is it but only forgetfulnesse of god , carnal pleasure , immoderate desire after worldly things , prophaness , licentiousnesse , covetousnesse ? all offices to repentance have these two properties ; there is in performance of them painfulnesse , and in their nature a contrarietie unto sinne . the one consideration , causeth them both in holy scripture and elsewhere to be termed judgement or revenges , taken voluntarily on our selves , and to be furthermore also preservatives from future evils , in as much as we commonly use to keep with the greater care that which with pain we have recovered . and they are in the other respect contrary to sinne committed : contrition , contrary to the pleasure ; confession , to the errour , which is the mother of sinne : and to the deeds of sinne , the works of satisfaction contrary , therefore they are the more effectual to cure the evil habit thereof : hereunto it was that saint cyprian referred his earnest and vehement exhortation , that they which had fallen , should be instant in prayer , reject bodily ornaments when once they had stripped themselves out of christ's attire , abhorr all food after satan's morsels tasted , follow works of righteousnesse , which wash away sinne ; and be plentiful in alms-deeds , wherewith souls are delivered from death . not , as if god did , according to the manner of corrupt iudges , take some money to abate so much in the punishment of malefactors . these duties must be offered ( saith salvianus ) not in confidence to redeem or buy out sinne , but as tokens of meek submission ; neither are they with god accepted , because of their value , but for the affections sake , which doth thereby shew it self . wherefore , concerning satisfaction made to god by christ onely , and of the manner how repentance generally , particularly also , how certain special works of penitency , both are by the fathers , in their ordinary phrase of speech , called satisfactory , and may be by us very well so acknowledged , enough hath been spoken . our offences sometimes are of such nature as requireth that particular men be satisfied , or else repentance to be utterly void , and of none effect . for , if either through open repine , or crooked fraud ; if through injurious , or unconscionable dealing a man have wittingly wronged others to enrich himself ; the first thing evermore in his case required ( ability serving ) is restitution . for let no man deceive himself , from such offences we are not discharged , neither can be , till recompence and restitution to man , accompany the penitent confession we have made to almighty god. in which case , the law of moses was direct and plain : if any sinne and commit a trespasse against the lord , and deny unto his neighbour that which was given him to keep , or that which was put unto him of trust ; or doth by robbery , or by violence oppress his neighbour ; or hath found that which was lost , and denyeth it , and swears falsly : for any of these things that a man doth wherein he sinneth , he that doth thus offend and trespasse , shall restore the robbery that he hath taken , or the thing he hath got by violence , or that which was delivered him to keep , or the lost thing which he found ; and for whatsoever he hath sworn falsly , adding perjury to injury , he shall both restore the whole sum , and shall adde thereunto a fift part more , and deliver it unto him , unto whom it belongeth , the same day wherein he offereth for his trespasse . now , because men are commonly over-slack to perform this duty , and do therefore deferr it sometime , till god have taken the party wronged out of the world ; the law providing that trespassers might not under such pretence gain the restitution which they ought to make , appointeth the kindred surviving to receive what the dead should , if they had continued . but ( saith moses ) if the party wronged have no kinsman to whom this dammage may be restored , it shall then be rendered to the lord himself for the priest's use . the whole order of proceeding herein , is in sundry traditional writings set down by their great interpreters and scribes , which taught them that a trespasse between a man and his neighbour , can never be forgiven till the offender have by restitution made recompence for wrongs done ; yea , they hold it necessary that he appease the party grieved by submitting himself unto him ; or , is that will not serve , by using the help and mediation of others , in this case ( say they ) for any man to shew himself unappeasable and cruel , were a sinne most grievous , considering that the people of god should be easie to relent , as joseph was towards his brethren ; finally , if so it fall out that the death of him which was injured , prevent his submission which did offend ; let him then ( for so they determine that he ought ) goe accompanied with ten others unto the sepulchre of the dead , and there make confession of the fault , saying , i have sinned against the lord god of israel , and against this man , to whom i have done such or such injury ; and if money be due , let it be restored to his heirs , or in case he have none known , leave it with the house of iudgement . that is to say , with the senators , ancients , and guides of israel . we hold not christian people tyed unto jewish orders , for the manner of restitution ; but surely , restitution we must hold necessary as well in our own repentance as theirs , for sinnes of wilful oppression and wrong . now , although it suffices , that the offices wherewith we pacifie god or private men , be secretly done ; yet in cases where the church must be also satisfied ; it was not to this end and purpose unnecessary , that the antient discipline did farther require outward signes of contrition to be shewed , confession of sinnes to be made openly , and those works to be apparent which served as testimonies for conversion before men . wherein , if either hypocrisie did at any time delude their judgment , they knew , that god is he whom maskes and mockeryes cannot blinde , that he which seeth mens hearts would judge them according unto his own evidence , and , as lord , correct the sentence of his servants , concerning matters beyond their reach ; or , if such as ought to have kept the rules of canonical satisfaction , would by sinister means and practises undermine the same , obtruding presumptuously themselves to the participation of christ's most sacred mysteries , before they were orderly re-admitted thereunto , the church for contempt of holy things , held them incapable of that grace , which god in the sacrament doth impart to devout communicants ; and no doubt but he himself did retain bound , whom the church in those cases refused to loose . the fathers , as may appear by sundry decrees and canons of the primitive church , were ( in matter specially of publick scandal ) provident , that too much facility of pardoning might not be shewed . he that casteth off his lawful wife ( saith saint basil ) and doth take another , it adjudged an adulterer by the verdict of our lord himself ; and by our fathers it is canonically ordained , that such for the space of a year shall mourn , for two years space hear , three years be prostrate , the seventh year assemble with the faithful in prayer , and after that be admitted to communicate , if with tears they bewail their fault . of them which had fallen from their faith in the time of emperour licinius , and were not thereunto forced by any extream usage , the nicene synod , under constantine ordained , that earnestly repenting , they should continue three years hearers , seven years be prostrate , and two years communicate with the people in prayer , before they came to receive the oblation . which rigour sometimes they tempered nevertheless with lenity , the self-same synod having likewise defined , that whatsoever the cause were , any man desirous at the time of departure out of this life to receive the eucharist , might ( with examination and tryal ) have it granted him by the bishop . yea , besides this case of special commiseration , there is a canon more large which giveth always liberty to abridge , or extend out the time , as the parties meek , or sturdy , disposition should require . by means of which discipline , the church having power to hold them many years in suspence , there was bred in the mindes of the penitents , through long and daily practise of submission , a contrary habit unto that which before had been their ruine , and for ever afterwards wariness not to fall into those snares , out of which they knew they could not easily winde themselves . notwithstanding , because there was likewise hope , and possibility of shortning the time , this made them in all the parts and offices of their repentance the more fervent . in the first station , while they onely beheld others passing towards the temple of god , whereunto for themselves to approach it was not lawful , they stood as miserable forlorn men , the very patterns of perplexity and woe . in the second , when they had the favour to wait at the doors of god , where the sound of his comfortable word might be heard , none received it with attention like to theirs : thirdly , being taken and admitted to the next degree of prostrates , at the feet , yet behinde the back of that angel representing god , whom the rest saw face to face ; their tears , and entreaties both of pastour and people were such as no man could resist . after the fourth step , which gave them liberty to hear and pray with the rest of the people , being so near the haven , no diligence was then flacked which might hasten admission to the heavenly table of christ , their last desire . it is not therefore a thing to be marvelled at , though saint cyprian took it in very ill part , when open back-sliders from the faith and sacred religion of christ , laboured by sinister practise to procure from imprisoned saints , those requests for present absolution , which the church could neither yield unto with safety of discipline , nor in honour of martyrdom easily deny . for , what would thereby ensue , they needed not to conjecture , when they saw how every man which came so commended to the church by letters , thought that now he needed not to crave , but might challenge of duty his peace , taking the matter very highly , if but any little forbearance , or small delay was used . he which is overthrown ( saith cyprian ) menaceth them that stand , the wounded them that were never toucht ; and because presently he hath not the body of our lord , in his foul imbrued hands , nor the blood within his polluted lips , the miscreant fumeth at god's priests ; such is thy madness , o thou furious man , thou art angry with him , which laboureth to turn away god's anger from thee ; him thou threatnest , which sueth unto god for grace , and mercy on thy behalf . touching martyrs , he answereth , that it ought not in this case to seem offensive , though they were denied , seeing god himself did refuse to yield to the piety of his own righteous saints , making suit for obdurate iews . as for the parties , in whose behalf such shifts were used , to have their desire , was , in very truth , the way to make them the more guilty : such peace granted contrary to the rigour of the gospel , contrary to the law of our lord and god , doth but under colour of merciful relaxation deceive sinners , and by soft handling destroy them , a grace dangerous for the giver ; and to him which receiveth it , nothing at all available . the patient expectation that bringeth health , is , by this means , not regarded ; recovery of soundness not sought for by the only medicine available , which is satisfaction penitency thrown out of men's hearts , the remembrance of that heaviest and last judgement clean banish'd ; the wounds of dying men , which should be healed , are covered , the stroke of death , which hath gone as deep as any bowels are to receive it , is over-cast with the sleight shew of a cloudy look . from the altar of satan to the holy table of the lord , men are not afraid to come ; even belching in a manner the sacrificed morsels they have eaten , yea , their jaws yet breathing out the irksome savour of their former contagious wickedness , they seize upon the blessed body of our lord , nothing terrified with that dreadful commination , which saith , whosoever eateth and drinketh unworthily , is guilty of the body and blood of christ. they vainly think it to be peace which is gotten before they be purged of their faults , before their crime be solemnly confest , before their conscience be cleared by the sacrifice and imposition of the priest's hands , and before they have pacified the indignation of god. why term they that a favour , which is an injury ? wherefore cloak they impiety with the name of charitable indulgence ? such facility giveth not , but rather taketh away peace , and is it self another fresh persecution or tryal , whereby that fraudulent enemy maketh a secret havock of such as before he had overthrown ; and now , to the end that he may clean swallow them , he casteth sorrow into a dead sleep , putteth grief to silence , wipeth away the memory of faults newly done , smothereth the sighs that should rise from a contrite spirit , dryeth up eyes which ought to send forth rivers of tears , and permitteth not god to be pacified withfull repentance , whom haynous and enormous crimes have displeased . by this then we see , that , in saint cyprian's judgement , all absolutions are void , frustrate , and of no effect , without sufficient repentance first shewed ; whereas contrariwise , if true and full satisfaction have gone before , the sentence of man here given is ratified of god in heaven , according to our saviours own sacred testimony , whose sins ye remit , they are remitted . by what works in the vertue , and by what in the discipline of repentance , we are said to satisfie either god or men , cannot now be thought obscure . as for the inventors of sacramental satisfaction , they have both altered the natural order heretofore kept in the church , by bringing in a strange preposterous course , to absolve before satisfaction be made , and moreover by this their misordered practise , are grown into sundry errours concerning the end whereunto it is referred . they imagine , beyond all conceit of antiquity , that when god doth remit sin , and the punishment eternal thereunto belonging , he reserveth the torments of hell-fire to be nevertheless endured for a time , either shorter or longer , according to the quality of men's crimes . yet so , that there is between god and man , a certain composition ( as it were ) or contract , by vertue whereof works assigned by the priest to be done after absolution shall satisfie god , as touching the punishment , which he otherwise would inflict for sin , pardoned and forgiven . now , because they cannot assure any man , that , if he performeth what the priest appointeth , it shall suffice ; this ( i say ) because they cannot do , in as much as the priest hath no power to determine or define of equivalency between sins and satisfactions ; and yet if a penitent depart this life , the debt of satisfaction being either in whole or in part un-discharged , they stedfastly hold , that the soul must remain in unspeakable torment till all be paid : therefore , for help and mittigation in this case , they advise men to set certain copes-mates on work , whose prayers and sacrifices may satisfie god for such souls as depart in debt . hence have arisen the infinite pensions of their priests , the building of so many altars and tombs , the enriching of so many churches with so many glorious costly gifts , the bequeathing of lands , and ample possessions to religious companies , even with utter forgetfulness of friends , parents , wife and children , all natural affection giving place unto that desire , which men , doubtful of their own estate , have to deliver their soals from torment after death . yet , behold even this being done , how farr forth it shall avail , they are not sure ; and therefore the last upshot unto all their former inventions , is , that as every action of christ , did both ment for himself , and satisfie partly for the eternal , and partly for the temporal punishment , due unto men for sin ; so his saints have obtained the like priviledge of grace , making every good work they do , not only meritorious in their own behalf , but satisfactory too for the benefit of others : or if , having at any time grievously sinned , they do more to satisfie god , then he in justice can exact , of look for at their hands ; the surplusage runneth to a common stock , out of which treasury , containing whatsoever christ did by way of satisfaction for temporal punishment , together with the satisfactory force which resideth in all the vertuous works of saints ; and in their satisfactions whatsoever doth abound , ( i say ) from hence they hold god satisfied for such arrerages as men behinde in accompt discharge not by other means ; and for disposition hereof , as it is their doctrine , that christ remitteth not eternal death without the priests absolution , so , without the grant of the pope , they cannot but teach it a like unpossible , that souls in hell should receive any temporal release of pain . the sacrament of pardon from him being to this effect no lesse necessary , than the priests absolution to the other . so that by this postem-gate commeth in the whole mark of papal indulgences , a gain unestimable to him , to others a spoyl , a scorn both to god and man. so many works of satisfaction pretended to be done by christ , by saints , and martyrs , so many vertuous acts possessed with satisfactory force and vertue ; so many supererogations in satisfying beyond the exigence of their own necessity ; and this that the pope might make a monopoly of all , turning all to his own gain , or at least to the gain of those which are his own . such facilitle they have to convert a pretended sacrament into a revenue . of absolution of penitents . sin is not helped but by being assecured of pardon : it resteth therefore to be considered what warrant we have concerning forgivenesse , when the sentence of man absolveth us from sinne committed against god. at the words of our saviour , saying to the sick of the palsey , son , thy sins are forgiven-thee , exception was taken by the scribes , who secretly reasoned against him , is any able to forgive sins , but only god ? whereupon they condemned his speech as blasphemy ; the rest which believed him to be a prophet sent from god , saw no cause wherefore he might not as lawfully say , and as truly , to whomsoever amongst them , god hath taken away thy sins , as nathan ( they all knew ) had used the very like speech ; to whom david did not therefore impute blasphemy , but imbraced , as became him , the words of truth , with joy and reverence . now there is no controversie , but , as god in that special case did authorize nathan , so christ more generally his apostles , and the ministers of his word , in his name to absolve sinners . their power being equal , all the difference between them can be but only in this , that whereas the one had prophetical evidence , the other have the certainty , partly of faith , and partly of human experience , whereupon to ground their sentence ; faith , to assure them of god's most graous pardon in heaven unto all penitents , and touching the sincerity of each particular parties repentance as much , as outward sensible tokens or signes can warrant . it is not to be marvelled that so great a difference appeareth between the doctrine of rome and ours , when we teach repentance . they imply in the name of repentance much more than we do ; we stand chiefly upon the due inward conversion of the heart , they more upon works of external shew ; we teach , above all things , that repentance which is one and the same from the beginning to the world's end ; they a sacramental penance , of their own devising and shaping : we labour to instruct men in such sort , that every soul which is wounded with sin , may learn the way how to cure it self ; they clean contrary would make all soars seem incurable , unless the priests have a hand in them . touching the force of whose absolution they strangely hold , that whatsoever the penitent doth , his contrition , confession , and satisfaction have no place of right to stand , as material parts in this sacrament , nor consequently any such force as to make them available for the taking away of sin , in that they proceed from the penitent himself , without the privity of the minister , but only , as they are enjoyned by the minister's authority and power . so that no contrition or grief of heart , till the priest exact it ; no acknowledgement of sins , but that which he doth demand ; no praying , no fasting , no alms , no recompence or restitution for whatsoever we have done , can help , except by him , it be first imposed . it is the chain of their own doctrine , no remedy for mortal sin committed after baptism , but the sacrament of penance only ; no sacrament of penance , if either matter or form be wanting ; no wayes to make those duties a material part of the sacrament , unless we consider them , as required and exacted by the priest. our lord and saviour , they say , hath ordained his priests , judges in such sort , that no man which sinneth after baptisme , can be reconciled unto god , but by their sentence . for why ? if there were any other way of reconciliation , the very promise of christ should be false in saying , whatsoever ye binde on earth , shall be bound in heaven , and whose sins soever ye retain , are retained . except therefore the priest be willing , god hath by promise hampred himself so , that it is not now in his own power to pardon any man. let him which is offended crave as the publican did , lord he thou merciful unto me a sinner ; let him , as david , make a thousand times his supplication , have mercy upon me , o god , according to thy loving kindness ; according to the multitude of thy compassions , put away mine iniquities . all this doth not help till such time as the pleasure of the priest be known , till he have signed us a pardon , and given us , our quietus est . god himself hath no answer to make but such as that of his angel unto lot , i can do nothing . it is true , that our saviour by these words , whose sins ye remit , they are remitted , did ordain judges over our sinful souls , gave them authority to absolve from sin , and promise to ratifie in heaven whatsoever they should do on earth , in execution of this their offices to the end that hereby , as well his ministers might take encouragement to do their duty with all faithfulness , as also his people admonition , gladly , with all reverence , to be ordered by them ; both parts knowing that the functions of the one towards the other have his perpetual assistance and approbation . howbeit all this , with two restraints , which every jurisdiction in the world hath ; the one , that the practice thereof proceed in due order ; the other , that it do not extend it self beyond due bounds , which bounds or limits have so confined penitential jurisdiction , that , although there be given unto it power of remitting sinne , yet not such soveraignty of power , that no sin should be pardonable in man without it : thus to enforce our saviour's words , is as though we should gather , that because , whatsoever ioseph did command in the land of pharaoh's grant is , it should be done ; therefore , he granteth that nothing should be done in the land of egypt , but what ioseph did command , and so consequently , by enabling his servant ioseph , to command under him , disableth himself to command any thing without ioseph . but by this we see how the papacy maketh all sin unpardonable , which hath not the priests absolution ; except peradventure in some extraordinary case , where albeit absolution be not had , yet it must be desired . what is then the force of absolution ? what is it which the act of absolution worketh in a sinful man ? doth it by any operation derived from it self alter the state of the soul ? doth it really take away sin , or but ascertain us of god's most gracious and merciful pardon ? the latter of which two is our assertion , the former theirs . at the words of our lord and saviour jesus christ , saying unto the sick of the palsie , son , thy sins are forgiven thee , the pharisees which knew him not to be son of the living god , took secret exception , and fell to reasoning with themselves against him : is any able to forgive sin but god only ? the sins ( saith st. cyprian ) that are committed against him , he alone hath power to forgive , which took upon him our sins , he which sorrowed and suffered for us , he whom the father delivered unto death for our offences . whereunto may be added that which clemens alexandrinus hath , our lord is profitable every way , every way beneficial , whether we respect him as man , or as god : as god forgiving , as man instructing and learning how to avoid sin. for it is i , even i that putteth away thine iniquities for mine own sake , and will not remember thy sins , saith the lord. now , albeit we willingly confess with saint cyprian , the sinnes which are committed against him , he only hath power to forgive , who hath taken upon him our sinnes , he which hath sorrowed and suffered for us , he , whom god hath given for our offences . yet neither did saint cyprian intend to deny the power of the minister , otherwise then if he presume beyond his commission to remit sinne , where god's own will is it should be retained ; for , against such ablutions he speaketh , ( which being granted to whom they ought to have been denyed , are of no validity ; ) and , if rightly it be considered , how higher causes in operation use to concur with inferiour means , his grace with our ministerie , god really performing the same , which man is authorized to act as in his name , there shall need for decision of this point no great labour . to remission of sins , there are two things necessary ; grace , as the only cause which taketh away iniquity , and repentance as a duty or condition required in us . to make repentance such as it should be , what doth god demand but inward sincerity , joyned with fit and convenient offices for that purpose , the one referred wholly to our own consciences , the other best discerned by them whom god hath appointed judges in this court. so that having first the promises of god for pardon generally unto all offenders penitent ; and particularly for our own unfeigned meaning , the unfallible testimony of a good conscience , the sentence of god's appointed officer and vicegerent to approve with unpartial judgement the quality of that we have done , and , as from his tribunal in that respect ; to assoil us of any crime : i see no cause but that by the rules of our faith and religion we may rest our selves very well assured touching god's most merciful pardon and grace , who , especially for the strengthening of weak , timerous and fearful mindes , hath so farr indued his church with power to absolve sinners . it pleaseth god that men sometimes should , by missing this help , perceive how much they stand bound to him for so precious a benefit enjoyed . and surely , so long as the world lived in any awe or fear of falling away from god , so dear were his ministers to the people , chiefly in this respect , that being through tyranny , and persecution deprived of pastors , the doleful rehearsal of their lost felicities hath not any one thing more eminent , than that sinners distrest should not now know , how or where to unlade their burthens . strange it were unto me , that the fathers , who so much every where extol the grace of jesus christ , in leaving unto his church this heavenly and divine power , should as men , whose simplicity had universally been abused , agree all to admire the magnifie and needless office. the sentence therefore of ministerial absolution hath two effects : touching sin , it only declareth us freed from the guiltiness thereof , and restored into god's favour ; but concerning right in sacred and divine mysteries , whereof , through sin we were made unworthy , as the power of the church did before effectually binde and retain us from access unto them , so , upon our apparent repentance , it truly restoreth our liberty , looseth and chains wherewith we were tyed , remitteth all whatsoever is past , and accepteth us no less returned than if we never had gone astray . for , in as much as the power which our saviour gave to his church , is of two kindes ; the one to be exercised over voluntary penitents only , the other over such as are to be brought to amendment by ecclesiastical censures , the words wherein he hath given this authority , must be so understood as the subject or matter whereupon it worketh , will permit . it doth not permit that in the former kinde , ( that is to say , in the use of power over voluntarie converts ) to binde or loose , remit or retain , should signifie any other , than only to pronounce of sinners according to that which may be gathered by outward signes ; because really to effect the removal or continuance of sinne in the soul of any offender , is no priestly act , but a work which farr exceedeth their ability . contrariwise , in the latter kinde of spiritual jurisdiction , which , by censures , constraineth men to amend their lives ; it is is true , that the minister of god doth then more declare and signifie what god hath wrought . and this power , true it is , that the church hath invested in it . howbeit , as other truths , so this hath by errour been oppugned and depraved , through abuse . the first of name , that openly in writing withstood the churches authority and power to remit sinne , was tertullian , after he had combined himself with montanists , drawn to the liking of their heresie , through the very sowreness of his own nature , which neither his incredible skill and knowledge otherwise , nor the doctrine of the gospel it self , could but so much alter , as to make him savour any thing , which carried with it the taste of lenity . a spunge steeped in worm-wood and gall , a man through too much severity merciless , and neither able to endure , nor to be endured of any . his book entituled concerning chastity , and written professedly against the discipline of the church , hath many fretful and angry sentences , declaring a minde very much offended with such as would not perswade themselves , that , of sins , some be pardonable by the keyes of the church , some uncapable of forgiveness ; that middle and moderate offences having received chastisement , may , by spiritual authority afterwards be remitted : but , greater transgressions must ( as touching indulgence ) be left to the only pleasure of almighty god in the world to come : that as idolatry and bloodshed , so likewise fornication and sinful lust , are of this nature ; that they , which so farr have fallen from god , ought to continue for ever after barred from access unto his sanctuary , condemned to perpetual profusion of tears , deprived of all expectation and hope to receive any thing at the churches hands , but publication of their shame . for , ( saith he ) who will fear to waste out that which he hopeth he may recover ? who will be careful for ever to hold that , which be knoweth cannot for ever be withheld from him ? he which slackneth the bridle to sinne , doth thereby give it even the spurr also . take away fear , and that which presently succeedeth in stead thereof , is licencious desire . greater offences therefore are punishable , but not pardonable by the church . if any prophet or apostle be found to have remitted such transgressions , they did it , not by the ordinary course of discipline , but by extraordinary power . for they also raised the dead , which none but god is able to do ; they restored the impotent and lame men , a work peculiar to jesus christ ; yea , that which christ would not do , because executions of such severity beseemed not him , who came to save and redeem the world by his sufferings , they , by their power , strook elymas and ananias , the one blinde , and the other dead . approve first your selves to be , as they were , apostles or prophets , and then take upon you to pardon all men . but , if the authority you have be only ministerial , and no way soveraign , over-reach not the limits which god hath set you ; know , that to pardon capital sin , is beyond your commission . howbeit , as oftentimes the vices of wicked men do cause other their commendable qualities to be abhorred , so the honour of great mens vertues is easily a cloak of their errours : in which respect , tertullian hath past with much less obloquy and reprehension than novatian ; who , broaching afterwards the same opinion , had not otherwise wherewith to countervail the offence he gave , and to procure it the like toleration . novatian , at the first , a stoical phylosopher ( which kinde of men hath alwayes accounted stupidity the highest top of wisdom , and commiseration the deadlyest sin ) became by institution and study the very same which the other had been before through a secret natural distemper upon his conversion to the christian faith , and recovery from sickness , which moved him to receive the sacrament of baptisme in his bed. the bishops , contrary to the canons of the church , would needs , in special love towards him , ordain him presbyter , which favour satisfied not him , who thought himself worthy of greater place and dignity . he closed therefore with a number of well-minded men , and not suspicious what his secret purposes were , and having made them sure unto him by fraud , procureth his own consecration to be their bishop . his prelacy now was able , as he thought , to countenance what he intended to publish , and therefore his letters went presently abroad to sundry churches , advising them never to admit to the fellowship of holy mysteryes , such as had , after baptisme , offered sacrifice to idols . there was present at the council of nice , together with other bishops , one acesius a novatianist , touching whose diversity in opinion from the church , the emperour desirous to hear some reason , asked of him certain questions : for answer whereunto , acesius weaveth out a long history of things that hapned in the persecution under decius ; and of men , which to savelife , forsook faith. but in the end was a certain bitter canon , framed in their own school , that men which fall into deadly sin after holy baptism , ought never to be again admitted to the communion of divine mysteries : that they are to be exhorted unto repentance ; howbeit not to be put in hope that pardon can be bad at the priest's hands ; but with god , which hath soveraign power and authority in himself to remit sins , it may be in the end they shall finde mercy : these followers of novatian , which gave themselves the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clean , pure and unspotted men , had one point of montanism more than their master did professe ; for amongst sinnes unpardonable , they reckoned second marriages , of which opinion tertullian making ( as his usual manner was ) a salt apology , such is ( saith he ) our stony hardness , that defaming our comforter with a kinde of enormity in discipline , we dam up the doors of the church , no less against twice-married men , then against adulterers , and fornicators . of this sort therefore it was ordained by the nycene synod , that , if any such did return to the catholick and apostolick unity , they should in writing binde themselves to observe the orders of the church , and communicate as well with them , which had been often married , or had fallen in time of persecution , as with other sort of christian people . but further to relate , or , at all to refel the errour of mis-believing men , concerning this point , is not now to our present purpose greatly necessary . the church may receive no small detriment by corrupt practice , even there where doctrine concerning the substance of things practised is free from any great or dangerous corruption . if therefore that which the papacy doth in matter of confessions and absolution , be offensive , if it palpably serve in the use of the keyes , howsoever , that , which it teacheth in general concerning the churches power to retain and forgive sinnes be admitted true , have they not on the one side as much whereat to be abasht , as on the other wherein to rejoyce ? they binde all men upon pain of everlasting condemnation and death , to make confessions to their ghostly fathers of every great offence they know , and can remember that they have committed against god. hath christ in his gospel so delivered the doctrine of repentance unto the world ? did his apostles so preach it to nations ? have the fathers so believed , or so taught ? surely novatian was not so merciless in depriving the church of power to absolve some certain offenders , as they in imposing upon all a necessity thus to confess . novatian would not deny but god might remit that which the church could not , whereas in the papacy it is maintained , that what we conceal from men , god himself shall never pardon . by which over-sight , as they have here surcharged the world with multitude , but much abated the weight of confessions , so the careless manner of their absolution , hath made discipline , for the most part , amongst them a bare formality : yea , rather a mean of emboldening unto vicious and wicked life , then either any help to prevent future , or medicine to remedy present evils in the soul of man. the fathers were slow , and alwayes fearful to absolve any before very manifest tokens given of a true penitent and contrite spirit . it was not their custom to remit sin first , and then to impose works of satisfaction , as the fashion of rome is now , in so much that this their preposterous course , and mis-ordered practises hath bred also in them an errour concerning the end and purpose of these works . for against the guiltiness of sin , and the danger of everlasting condemnation thereby incur●ed , confession and absolution succeeding the same , are , as they take it , a remedy sufficient : and therefore what their penitentiaries do think to enjoyn farther , whether it be a number of ave-maries dayly to be scored up , a journey of pilgrimage to be undertaken , some few dishes of ordinary diet to be exchanged , offerings to be made at the shrines of saints , or a little to be scraped off from mens superfluities for relief of poor people , all is in lieu or exchange with god , whose justice , notwithstanding our pardon , yet oweth us still some temporal punishment , either in this or in the life to come , except we quit it our selves here with works of the former kinde , and continued till the ballance of god's most strict severity shall finde the pains we have taken equivalent with the plagues which we should endure , or else the mercy of the pope relieve us . and at this postern-gate cometh in the whole mart of papal indulgences so infinitely strewed , that the pardon of sinne , which heretofore was obtained hardly , and by much suit , is , with them become now almost impossible to be escaped . to set down then the force of this sentence in absolving penitents ; there are in sinne these three things : the act which passeth away and vanisheth : the pollution wherewith it leaveth the soul defiled ; and the punishment whereunto they are made subject that have committed it . the act of sin , is every deed , word , and thought against the law of god. for sinne is the transgression of the law , and although the deed it self do not continue , yet is that bad quality permanent , whereby it maketh the soul unrighteous and deformed in god's sight . from the heart , come evil cogitations , murthers , adulteries , fornications , thefts , false testimonies , slanders ; these are things which defile a man. they do not only , as effects of impurity , argue the nest no be unclean , out of which they came , but as causes they strengthen that disposition unto wickedness , which brought them forth ; they are both fruits and seeds of uncleanness , they nourish the root out of which they grow , they breed that iniquity , which bred them . the blot therefore of sin abideth , though the act be transitory . and out of both ariseth a present debt , to endure what punishment soever the evil which we have done deserveth ; an obligation , in the chains whereof sinners , by the justice of almighty god , continue bound till repentance loose them . repent this thy wickedness ( saith peter ) unto simon magus , beseech god , that , if it be possible , the thought of thine heart may be pardoned ; for i see thou art in the gall of bitterness , and in the bond of iniquity . in like manner solomon : the wicked shall be held fast in the cords of his own sin . nor doth god only binde sinners hand and foot by the dreadful determination of his own unsearchable judgment against them ; but sometime also the church bindeth by the censures of her discipline : so that when offenders upon their repentance are , by the same discipline , absolved , the church looseth but her own bonds , the chains wherein she had tyed them before . the act of sin god alone remitteth in that his purpose is never to call it to account , or to lay it unto mens charge ; the stain he washeth out by the sanctifying grace of his spirit ; and concerning the punishment of sinne , as none else hath power to cast body and soul into hell fire , so none power to deliver either besides him . as for the ministerial sentence of private absolution , it can be no more than a declaration what god hath done ; it hath but the force of the prophet nathan's absolution , god hath taken away thy sin : than which construction , especially of words judicial , there is not any thing more vulgar . for example , the publicans are said in the gospel to have justified god , the jews in malachi to have blessed proud men , which sinne and prosper ; not that the one did make god righteous , or the other the wicked happy : but to bless , to justifie , and to absolve , are as commonly used for words of judgement , or declaration , as of true and real efficacy ; yea , even by the opinion of the master of sentences ; it may be soundly affirmed and thought that god alone doth remit and retain sinnes , although he have given power to the church to do both ; but he one way , and the church another . he only by himself forgiveth sinne , who cleanseth the soul from inward blemish , and looseth the debt of eternal death : so great a priviledge he hath not given unto his priests , who notwithstanding are authorized to loose and binde , that is to say , declare who are bound , and who are loosed . for albeit a man be already cleared before god , yet he is not in the church of god so taken , but by the vertue of the priests sentence ; who likewise may be said to binde by imposing satisfaction , and to loose by admitting to the holy communion . saint hierom also , whom the master of the sentences alledgeth for more countenance of his own opinion , doth no less plainly and directly affirm ; that as the priests of the law could only discern , and neither cause nor remove leprosies ; so the ministers of the gospel , when they retain or remit sin , do but in the one judge how long we continue guilty , and in the other declare when we are clear or free . for there is nothing more apparent , than that the discipline of repentance , both publick and private , was ordained as an outward mean to bring men to the vertue of inward conversion : so that when this by manifest tokens did seem effected , absolution ensuing ( which could not make ) served only to declare men innocent . but the cause wherefore they are so stiff , and have forsaken their own master in this point , is , for that they hold the private discipline of penitency to be a sacrament : absolution an external sign in this sacrament ; the signs external of all sacraments in the new testament , to be both causes of that which they signifie , and signs of that which they truly cause . to this opinion concerning sacraments , they are now tyed by expounding a canon in the florentine council , according to the former ecclesiastical invention received from thomas . for his device it was , that the mercy of god , which useth sacraments as instruments whereby to work , indueth them at the time of their administration with supernatural force and ability to induce grace into the souls of men ; even as the axe and saw doth seem to bring timber into that fashion which the minde of the artificer intendeth . his conceipt , scotus , occam , petrus alliacensis , with sundry others , do most earnestly and strongly impugn , shewing very good reason wherefore no sacrament of the new law can either by vertue which it self hath , or by force supernatural given it , be properly a cause to work grace ; but sacraments are therefore said to work or conferr grace , because the will of almighty god is , although not to give them such efficacy , yet himself to be present in the ministry of the working that effect , which proceedeth wholly from him , without any real operation of theirs such as can enter into men's souls . in which construction , seeing that our books and writings have made it known to the world how we joyn with them , it seemeth very hard and injurious dealing , that bellarmine throughout the whole course of his second book a de sacramentis in genere , should so boldly face down his adversaries , as if their opinion were , that sacraments are naked , empty , and ineffectual signes ; whererein there is no other force than only such , as in pictures to stir up the minde , that so by theory and speculation of things represented , faith may grow , finally , that all the operations which sacraments have , is a sensible and divine instruction . but had it pleased him , not to hud-wink his own knowledge , i nothing doubt but he fully saw how to answer himself ; it being a matter very strange and incredible , that one which with so great diligence hath winowed b his adversarys writings , should be ignorant of their minds . for , even as in the person of our lord jesus christ , both god and man , when his human nature is by it self considered , we may not attribute that unto him , which we do and must ascribe as oft as respect is had unto both natures combined ; so because in sacraments there are two things distinctly to be considered , the outward sign , and the secret concurrence of gods most blessed spirit , in which respect our saviour hath taught that water and the holy ghost are combined , to work the mysterie of new birth ; sacraments therefore , as signs , have only those effects before mentioned : but of sacraments , in that by god's own will and ordinance they are signs assisted alwayes with the power of the holy ghost , we acknowledge whatsoever either the places of the scripture , or the authority of councels and fathers , or the proofs and arguments of reason which he alledgeth , can shew to be wrought by them . the elements and words have power of infallible signification , for which they are called seals of god's truth ; the spirit affixed unto those elements and words , power of operation within the soul , most admirable , divine , and impossible to be exprest . for so god hath instituted and ordained that , together with due administration and receit of sacramental signs , there shall proceed from himself , grace effectual , to sanctifie , to cure , to comfort , and whatsoever else is for the good of the souls of men. howbeit this opinion c thomas rejecteth , under pretence that it maketh sacramental words and elements to be in themselves no more than signes , whereas they ought to be held , as causes of that they signifie . he therefore reformeth it with this addition , that the very sensible parts of the sacraments do instrumentally effect and produce , not grace , ( for the schoolmen both of these times , and long after , did , for the most part , maintain it untrue , and some of them unpossible , that sanctifying grace should efficiently proceed but from god alone , and that by immediate creation , as the substance of the soul doth ) but the phantasie which thomas had , was , that sensible things , through christ's and the priest's benediction , receive a certain supernatural transitory force , which leaveth behinde it a kinde of preparative quality or beauty within the soul , whereupon immediately from god doth ensue the grace that justifieth . now they which pretend to follow thomas , differ from him in two points : for first , they make grace an immediate effect of the outward signe , which he for the dignity and excellency thereof was afraid to do . secondly , whereas he , to produce but a preparative quality in the soul , did imagine god to create in the instrument , a supernatural gift , or hability ; they confesse , that nothing is created , infused , or any way inherent , either in the word , or in the elements ; nothing that giveth them instrumental efficacy , but gods mere motion , or application . are they able to explain unto us , or themselves to conceive , what they mean when they thus speak ? for example , let them teach us , in the sacrament of baptisme , what it is for water to be moved , till it bring forth grace . the application thereof by the minister is plain to sense ; the force which it hath in the minde , as a moral instrument of information , or instruction , we know by reason : and by faith , we understand how god doth assist it with his spirit ; whereupon ensueth the grace which saint cyprian did in himself observe , saying , after the bathe of regeneration , having scowred out the stained foulnesse of former life , supernatural light had entrance into the breast which was purified and cleansed for it : after that a second nativity had made another man , by inward receipt of the spirit from heaven ; things doubtful began in marvellous manner to appear certain , that to be open which lay hid , darknesse to shine like the clear light , former hardnesse to be made facility , impossibility casinesse : insomuch as it might be discerned how that was earthly , which before had been carnally bred and lived , given over unto sinnes ; that now god's own , which the holy ghost did quicken . our opinion is therefore plain unto every man's understanding . we take it for a very good speech which bonaventure hath uttered in saying : heed must be taken that while we assigne too much to the bodily signes in way of their commendation , we withdraw not the honour which is due to the cause which worketh in them , and the soul which receiveth them : whereunto we conformably teach , that the outward signe applyed , hath of it self no natural efficacy towards grace , neither doth god put into it any supernatural inherent vertue : and , as i think , we thus farre avouch no more than they themselves confesse to be very true . if any thing displease them , it is because we adde to these premises another assertion ; that , with the outward signe , god joyneth his holy spirit ; and so the whole instrument of god bringeth that to passe , whereunto the baser and meaner part could not extend . as for operations through the motions of signes , they are dark , intricate and obscure ; perhaps possible , howbeit , not proved either true or likely , by alledging that the touch of our saviour's garment restored health , clay sight when he applyed it . although ten thousand such examples should be brought , they overthrow not this one principle ; that , where the instrument is without inherent , the effect must necessarily proceed from the onely agents adherent power . it passeth a man's conceit how water should be carried into the soul with any force of divine motion , or grace proceed but merely from the influence of god's spirit : notwithstanding , if god himself teach his church in this case to believe that which he hath not given us capacity to comprehend , how incredible soever it may seem , yet our wits should submit themselves , and reason give place unto faith therein . but they yield it , to be no question of faith , how grace doth proceed from sacraments ; if in general they be acknowledged true instrumental causes , by the ministry whereof men receive divine grace : and that they which impute grace to the onely operation of god himself , concurring with the external sign , do no lesse acknowledge the true efficacy of the sacrament , then they that ascribe the same to the quality of the sign applyed , or to the motion of god applying , and so farr carrying it , till grace be not created but extracted , out of the natural possibility of the soul. neverthelesse this last philosophical imagination ( if i may call it philosophical , which useth the terms , but overthroweth the rules of philosophy , and hath no article of faith to support it ; but whatsoever it be ) they follow it in a manner all , they cast off the first opinion , wherein is most perspicuity and strongest evidence of certain truth . the councel of florence and trent defining , that sacraments contain and conferr grace , the sense whereof ( if it liked them ) might so easily conform it self with the same opinion which they drew without any just cause quite and clean the other way , making grace the issue of bare words , in such sacraments as they have framed destitute of any visible element , and holding it the off-spring as well of elements as of words , in those sacraments where both are ; but in no sacrament acknowledging grace to be the fruit of the holy ghost working with the outward signe , and not by it , in such sort , as thomas himself teacheth ; that the apostles imposition of hands caused not the comming of the holy ghost , which notwithstanding was bestowed together with the exercise of that ceremony ; yea , by it , ( saith the evangelist ) to wit , as by a mean , which came between the true agent and the effect , but not otherwise . many of the antient fathers , presupposing that the faithful before christ had not till the time of his comming , that perfect life and salvation which they looked for , and we possesse , thought likewise their sacraments to be but prefigurations of that which ours , in present , do exhibit : for which cause the florentine councel , comparing the one with the other , saith , that the old did onely shadow grace , which was afterward to be given through the passion of iesus christ. but the after-wit of latter daies hath found out another more exquisite distinction . that evangelical sacraments are causes to effect grace , through motions of signes legal , according to the same signification and sense wherein evangelical sacraments are held by us to be god's instruments for that purpose . for howsoever bellarmine hath shrunk up the lutherans sinews , and cut off our doctrine by the skirts ; allen , although he terms us hereticks , according to the usual bitter venom of his first style , doth yet ingenuously confess , that the old . school-mens doctrine and ours is one concerning sacramental efficacy , derived from god himself assisting by promise those outward signes of elements and words , out of which their school-men of the newer mint , are so desirous to hatch grace . where god doth work and use these outward means , wherein he neither findeth nor planteth force and aptnesse towards his intended purpose ; such means are but signes to bring men to the consideration of his omnipotent power , which , without the use of things sensible , would not be marked . at the time therefore when he giveth his heavenly grace , he applyeth , by the hands of his ministers , that which betokeneth the same ; nor only betokeneth , but , being also accompanied for ever with such power as doth truly work , is in that respect , termed god's instrument , a true efficient cause of grace ; a cause not in it self , but onely by connexion of that which is in it self a cause , namely , god's own strength and power . sacraments , that is to say , the outward signes in sacraments , work nothing till they be blessed and sanctified by god. but what is god's heavenly benediction and sanctification , saving onely the association of his spirit ? shall we say that sacraments are like magical signes , if thus they have their effect ? is it magick for god to manifest by things sensible what he doth , and to do by his most glorious spirit really , what he manifesteth in his sacraments ? the delivery and administration whereof , remaineth in the hands of mortal men , by whom , as by personal instruments , god doth apply signes , and with signes inseparably joyn his spirit , and through the power of his spirit work grace . the first is by way of concomitance and consequence to deliver the rest also that either accompany , or ensue . it is not here , as in cases of mutual commerce , where divers persons have divers acts to be performed in their own behalf ; a creditor to shew his bill , and a debtor to pay his money . but god and man doe here meet in one action upon a third , in whom , as it is the work of god to create grace , so it is his work by the hand of the ministry to apply a sign which should betoken , and his work to annex that spirit which shall effect it . the action therefore is but one , god the author thereof , and man a co-partner , by him assigned to work for , with , and under him . god the giver of grace , by the outward ministery of man , so farr forth as he authorizeth man to apply the sacraments of grace in the soul , which he alone worketh , without either instrument or co-agent . whereas therefore with us the remission of sinne is ascribed unto god , as a thing which proceedeth from him only , and presently followeth upon the vertue of true repentance appearing in man ; that which we attribute to the vertue , they do not only impute to the sacrament of repentance ; but , having made repentance a sacrament , and thinking of sacraments as they do , they are enforced to make the ministry of the priests , and their absolution a cause of that which the sole omnipotency of god worketh . and yet for my own part , i am not able well to conceive how their doctrine , that human absolution is really a cause out of which our deliverance from sinne doth ensue , can cleave with the council of trent , defining , that contrition perfected with charity doth at all times it self reconcile offenders to god , before they come to receive actually the sacrament of penance . how it can stand with those discourses of the learned rabbies , which grant , that whosoever turneth unto god with his whole heart , hath immediately his sinnes taken away ; that if a man he truly converted , his pardon can neither be denyed nor delayed ; it doth not stay for the priest's absolution , but presently followeth : surely , if every contrite sinner , in whom there is charity , and a sincere conversion of heart , have remission of sinnes given him , before he seek it at the priest's hands ; if reconciliation to god be a present and immediate sequel upon every such conversion or change : it must of necessity follow , seeing no man can be a true penitent or contrite , which doth not both love god , and sincerely abhor sinne , that therefore they all before absolution attain forgivenesse ; whereunto notwithstanding absolution is pretended a cause so necessary , that sinne , without it , except in some rare extraordinary case , cannot possibly be remitted . shall absolution be a cause producing and working that effect , which is alwayes brought forth without it , and had , before absolution be thought of ? but when they which are thus before-hand pardoned of god , shall come to be also assoiled by the priest , i would know what force his absolution hath in this case ? are they able to say here that the priest doth remit any thing ? yet , when any of ours ascribeth the work of remission to god , and interpreteth the priests sentence to be but a solemn declaration of that which god himself hath already performed , they scorn at it ; they urge against it , that , if this were true , our saviour christ should rather have said , what is loosed in heaven , ye shall loose on earth , then as he doth , whatsoever ye loose on earth , shall in heaven be loosed . as if he were to learn of us how to place his words , and not we to crave rather of him a sound and right understanding , lest to his dishonour and our own hurt we mis-expound them . it sufficeth , i think , both against their constructions to have proved that they ground an untruth on his speech ; and , in behalf of our own , that his words without any such transposition , do very well admit the sense we give them ; which is , that he taketh to himself the lawfull proceedings of authority in his name , and that the act of spiritual authority in this case , is by sentence to acquit or pronounce them free from sinne , whom they judge to be sincerely and truly penitent ; which interpretation they themselves do acknowledge , though not sufficient , yet very true . absolution , they say , declareth indeed ; but this is not all , for it likewise maketh innocent ; which addition , being an untruth proved , our truth granted , hath , i hope , sufficiency without it ; and consequently our opinion therein , neither to be challenged as untrue , nor as unsufficient . to rid themselves out of these bryars , and to make remission of sinnes an effect of absolution , notwithstanding that which hitherto hath been said , they have two shifts : at first , that in many penitents , there is but attrition of heart , which attrition they define to be grief proceeding from fear without love ; and to these , they say , absolution doth give that contrition whereby men are really purged from sinne. secondly , that even where contrition or inward repentance doth cleanse without absolution ; the reason why it commeth so to passe , is , because such contrites intend and desire absolution , though they have it not . which two things granted : the one , that absolution given , maketh them contrite that are not ; the other , even in them which are contrite , the cause why god remitteth sinne , is the purpose or desire they have to receive absolution : we are not to stand against a sequel so clear and manifest as this , that alwayes remission of sinne proceedeth from absolution either had or desired . but should a reasonable man give credit to their bare conceit , and because their positions have driven them to imagine absolving of unsufficiently-disposed penitents , to be a real creating of further vertue in them , must all other men think it due ? let them cancel hence forward and blot out of all their books , those old cautions touching necessity of wisdome , lest priests should inconsiderately absolve any man , in whom there were not apparent tokens of true repentance ; which to do , was , in saint cyprians judgement , pestilent deceit and flattery , not only not available , but hurtful to them that had transgrest ; a frivolous , frustrate , and false peace , such as caused the unrighteous to trust to a lye , and destroyed them unto whom it promised safety . what needeth observation , whether penitents have worthiness , and bring contrition , if the words of absolution do infuse contrition ? have they born us all this while in hand , that contrition is a part of the matter of their sacrament ; a condition or preparation of the minde towards grace to be received by absolution in the form of their sacrament ? and must we now believe , that the form doth give the matter ? that absolution bestoweth contrition , and that the words do make presently of saul , david ; of iudas , peter ? for what was the penitency of saul and iudas , but plain attrition ; horrour of sinne through fear of punishment , without any long sense , or taste of god's mercy ? their other fiction , imputing remission of sinne to desire of absolution from the priest , even in them which are truly contrite , is an evasion somewhat more witty , but no whit more possible for them to prove . belief of the world and judgement to come , faith in the promises , and sufferings of christ for mankinde , fear of his majestie , love of his mercy , grief for sin , hope for pardon , suit for grace ; these we know to be the elements of true contrition : suppose that , besides all this , god did also command that every penitent should seek his absolution at the priests hands ; where so many causes are concurring unto one effect , have they any reason to impute the whole effect unto one ; any reason in the choyse of that one to pass by faith , fear , love , humility , hope , prayer , whatsoever else , and to enthronize above them all , a desire of absolution from the priest , as if in the whole work of man's repentance , god did regard and accept nothing but for and in consideration of this ? why do the tridentine council impute it to charity , that contrites are reconciled in gods sight , before they receive the sacrament of penance , if desired absolution be the true cause ? but let this passe how it will ; seeing the question is not , what vertue god may accept in penitent sinners , but what grace absolution actually given doth really bestow upon them . if it were , as they would have it , that god regarding the humiliation of a contrite spirit , because there is joyned therewith a lowly desire of the sacrament of priestly absolution , pardoneth immediately , and forgiveth all offences : doth this any thing help to prove , that absolution received afterward from the priest , can more than declare him already pardoned which did desire it ? to desire absolution , presupposing it commanded , is obedience : and obedience in that case is a branch of the vertue of repentance , which vertue being thereby made effectual to the taking away of sinnes without the sacrament of repentance , is it not an argument , that the sacrament of absolution hath here no efficacy , but the virtue of contrition worketh all ? for how should any effect ensue from causes which actually are not ? the sacrament must be applyed wheresoever any grace doth proceed from it . so that where it is but desired only , whatsoever may follow upon gods acceptation of this desire , the sacrament , afterwards received , can be no cause thereof . therefore the further we wade , the better we see it still appears , that the priest doth never in absolution , no not so much as by way of service and ministry , really either forgive them , take away the uncleanness , or remove the punishment of sinne ; but if the party penitent come contrite , he hath , by their own grant . absolution before absolution ; if not contrite , although the priest should seem a thousand times to absolve him , all were in vain . for which cause , the antients and better sort of their school divines , abulensis , alexander hales , and bonaventurt , ascribe the real abolition of sinne , and eternal punishment , to the mere pardon of almighty god , without dependency upon the priests . absolution , as a cause to effect the same . his absolution hath in their doctrine certain other effects specified , but this denyed . wherefore having hitherto spoken of the vertue of repentance required ; of the discipline of repentance which christ did establish ; and of the sacrament of repentance invented sithence , against the pretended force of humane absolution in sacramental penitency ; let it suffice thus far to have shewed how god alone doth truly give , the vertue of repentance alone procure , and private ministerial absolution but declare , remission of sinnes . now the last and sometimes hardest to be satisfied by repentance , are our mindes ; and our mindes we have then satisfied , when the conscience is of guilty become clear . for , as long as we are in our selves privy to our own most hainous crimes , but without sense of god's mercy and grace towards us , unlesse the heart be either brutish for want of knowledge , or altogether hardned by wilful atheisme ; the remorse of sinne is in it , as the deadly sting of a serpent . which point since very infidels and heathens have observed in the nature of sinne , ( for the disease they felt , though they knew no remedy to help it ) we are not rashly to despise those sentences , which are the testimonies of their experience touching this point . they knew that the eye of a man 's own conscience is more to be feared by evil doers , than the presence of a thousand witnesses , in as much as the mouths of other accusers are many wayes stopt , the ears of the accused not alwayes subject to glowing with contumely and exprobation ; whereas a guilty minde being forced to be still both a martyr and a tyrant it self , must of necessity endure perpetual anguish and grief ; for , as the body is rent with stripes , so the minde with guiltiness of cruelty , lust , and wicked resolutions . which furies brought the emperour tyberius sometimes into such perplexity , that writing to the senate , his wonted art of dissimulation failed him utterly in this case ; and whereas it had been ever his peculiar delight so to speak that no man might be able to sound his meaning , he had not the power to conceal what he felt through the secret scourge of an evil conscience , though no necessity did now enforce him to disclose the same . what to write , or how to write , at this present , if i know ( saith tyberius ) let the gods and goddesses , who thus continually eat me , only be worse to me than they are . it was not his imperial dignity and power , that could provide a way to protect him against himself ; the fears and suspitions which improbity had bred , being strengthned by every occasion , and those vertues clean banished , which are the only foundation of sound tranquility of minde . for which cause , it hath been truly said , and agreeably with all mens experience , that if the vertuous did excel in no other priviledge , yet farr happier they are than the contrary sort of men , for that their hopes be alwayes better . neither are we to marvel , that these things , known unto all , do stay so few from being authors of their own woe . for we see by the antient example of ioseph's unkinde brethren , how it commeth to remembrance easily when crimes are once past , what the difference is of good from evil , and of right from wrong : but such consideration when they should have prevented sinne , were over-match'd by inordinate desires . are we not bound then with all thankfulnesse to acknowledge his infinite goodnesse and mercy , which hath revealed unto us the way how to rid our selves of these mazes ; the way how to shake off that yoke , which no flesh is able to bear ; the way how to change most grisly horror into a comfortable apprehension of heavenly joy ? whereunto there are many which labour with so much the greater difficultie , because imbecillity of minde doth not suffer them to censure rightly their own doings : some , fearful lest the enormity of their crimes be so unpardonable that no repentance can do them good ; some , lest the imperfection of their repentance make it uneffectual to the taking away of sinne , the one drive all things to this issue , whether they be not men that have sinned against the holy ghost ; the other to this , what repentance is sufficient to clear sinners , and to assure them that they are delivered . such as by error charge themselves of unpardonable sinne , must think , it may be , they deem that unpardonable , which is not . our saviour speaketh indeed of blasphemy which shall never be forgiven : but have they any sure and infallible knowledge what that blasphemy is ? if not , why are they unjust and cruel to their own souls , imagining certainty of guiltiness in a crime , concerning the very nature whereof they are uncertain : for mine own part , although where this blasphemy is mentioned , the cause why our saviour spake thereof , was , the pharisees blasphemy , which was not afraid to say , he had an unclean spirit , and did cast out spirits by the power of beelzebub ; neverthelesse i dare not precisely deny , but that even the pharisees themselves might have repented and been forgiven , and that our lord jesus christ peradventure might but take occasion at their blasphemy , which , as yet , was pardonable , to tell them further of an unpardonable blasphemy , whereinto he foresaw that the jews would fall . for it is plain , that many thousands , at the first , professing christian religion , became afterwards wilful apostates , moved with no other cause of revolt , but mere indignation that the gentiles should enjoy the benefit of the gospel as much as they , and yet not be burthened with the yoke of moses his law. the apostles , by preaching , had won them to christ , in whose name they embraced , with great alacrity , the full remission of their former sinnes and iniquities ; they received by the imposition of the apostles hands , that grace and power of the holy ghost whereby they cured diseases , prophecyed , spake with tongues ; and yet in the end , after all this they fell utterly away , renounced the mysteries of christian faith , blasphemed in their formal abjurations that most glorious and blessed spirit , the gifts whereof themselves had possest ; and by this means sunk their souls in the gulf of that unpardonable sinne ; whereof , as our lord jesus christ had told them before hand , so the apostle at the first appearance of such their revolt , putteth them in minde again , that falling now to their former blasphemies , their salvation was irrecoverably gone : it was for them in this case impossible to be renewed by any repentance ; because they were now in the state of satan and his angels ; the judge of quick and dead had passed his irrevocable sentence against them . so great difference there is between infidels unconverted , and backsliders in this manner fallen away , that always we have hope to reclaim the one , which only hate whom they never knew ; but to the other which know and blaspheme , to them that with more than infernal malice accurse both the seen brightnesse of glory which is in him , and in themselves the tasted goodness of divine grace , as those execrable miscreants did , who first received in extraordinary miraculous manner , and then , in outragious sort blasphemed the holy ghost , abusing both it and the whole religion , which god , by it , did confirm and magnifie ; to such as wilfully thus sinne , after so great light of the truth , and gifts of the spirit , there remaineth justly no fruit or benefit to be expected by christ's sacrifice . for all other offenders , without exception or stint , whether they be strangers that seek accesse , or followers that will make return unto god ; upon the tender of their repentance , the grant of his grace standeth everlastingly signed with his blood in the book of eternal life . that which , in this case over-terrifieth fearful souls , is , a mis-conceit whereby they imagine every act which they doe , knowing that they doe amisse , and every wilful breach or transgression of god's law , to be mere sinne against the holy ghost , forgetting that the law of moses it self ordained sacrifices of expiation , as well for faults presumptuously committed , as things wherein men offend by errour . now , there are on the contrary side others , who , doubting not of god's mercy towards all that perfectly repent , remain notwithstanding scrupulous and troubled with continual fear , lest defects in their own repentance be a barr against them . these cast themselves into very great , and peradventure needlesse agonies through mis-construction of things spoken about proportioning our griefs to our sinnes , for which they never think they have wept and mourned enough ; yea , if they have not alwayes a stream of tears at command , they take it for a heart congealed and hardned in sinne ; when to keep the wound of contrition bleeding , they unfold the circumstances of their transgressions , and endeavour to leave nothing which may be heavy against themselves . yet , do what they can , they are still fearful , lest herein also they do not that which they ought and might . come to prayer , their coldnesse taketh all heart and courage from them with fasting ; albeit their flesh should be withered , and their blood clean dryed up , would they ever the lesse object , what is this to david's humiliation ? wherein notwithstanding there was not any thing more than necessary . in works of charity and alms-deed ; it is not all the world can perswade them they did ever reach the poor bounty of the widdow's two mites , or by many millions of leagues come near to the mark which cornelius touched ; so farr they are off from the proud surmise of any penitential supererrogation in miserable wretched wormes of the earth . notwithstanding , for as much as they wrong themselves with over-rigorous and extreme exactions , by means whereof they fall sometimes into such perplexities as can hardly be allayed ; it hath therefore pleased almighty god , in tender commiseration over these imbecillities of men , to ordain for their spiritual and ghostly comfort , consecrated persons , which by sentence of power and authority given from above , may , as it were , out of his very mouth ascertain timerous and doubtful mindes in their own particular , ease them of all their scrupulosities , leave them settled in peace , and satisfied touching the mercy of god towards them . to use the benefit of this help for the better satisfaction in such cases , is so natural , that it can be forbidden no man ; but yet not so necessary , that all men should be in case to need it . they me , of the two , the happier therefore that can content and satisfie themselves , by judging discreetly what they perform , and soundly what god doth require of them . for having that which is most material , the substance of penitency rightly bred , touching signes and tokens thereof , we may affirm that they do boldly , which imagine for every offence a certain proportionable degree in the passions and griefs of minde , whereunto whosoever aspireth not , repenteth in vain . that , to frustrate mens confession and considerations of sinne , except every circumstance which may aggravate the same , be unript and laid in the ballance , is a mercilesse extremity , although it be true , that , as near as we can , such wounds must be searched to the very bottom . last of all , to set down the like stint , and to shut up the doors of mercy against penitents which come short thereof in the devotion of their prayers , in the continuance of their falls , in the largeness and bounty of their almes , or in the course of any other such like duties , is more than god himself hath thought meet , and consequently more than mortal men should presume to do . that which god doth chiefly respect in mens penitency is their hearts : the heart is it which maketh repentance sincere , sincerity that which findeth favour in god's sight , and the favour of god that which supplyeth by gracious acceptation whatsoever may seem defective in the faithful , hearty , and true offices of his servants . take it ( saith chrysostome ) upon my credit , such is god's merciful inclination towards men , that repentance offered with a single and sincere minde , he never refuseth , no , not although we be come to the very top of iniquity . if there be a will and desire to return , he receiveth , imbraceth , and omitteth nothing which may restore us to former happiness ; yea , that which is yet above all the rest , albeit we cannot in the duty of satisfying him , attain what we ought , and would , but come farre behinde our mark , he taketh neverthelesse in good worth that little which we doe ; be it never so mean , we lose not our labour therein . the least and lowest step of repentance in saint chrysostome's judgement severeth and setteth us above them that perish in their sinne ; i therefore will end with saint augustine's conclusion : lord , in thy booke and volume of life all shall be written , as well the least of thy saints , as the chiefest . let not therefore the unperfect fear ; let them onely proceed and go forward . of the laws of ecclesiastical polity . book vii . their sixth assertion , that there ought not to be in the church , bishops indued with such authority and honour as ours are . the matter contained in this seventh book . . the state of bishops although sometime oppugned and that by such as therein would most seems to please god , yet by his providence upheld hitherto , whose glory it is to maintain that whereof himself is the author . . what a bishop is , what his name doth import , and what doth belong unto his office as he is a bishop . . in bishops two things traduced ; of which two , the one their authority , and in is the first thing condemned , their superiority over other ministers : what kinde of superiority in ministers it ●● which the one part holdeth , and the other denieth lawful . . from whence it hath grown that the church is governed by bishops . . the time and cause of instituting every where bishops with restraint . . what manner of power bishops from the first beginning have had . . after what sort bishops , together with presbyters have used to govern the churches which were under them . . how far the power of bishops hath reached from the beginning in respect of territory , or local compass . . in what respects episcopal regiment hath been gainsaid of old by aerius . . in what respect episcopal regiment is gainsaid by the authors of pretended reformation at this day . . their arguments in disgrace of regiment by bishops , as being a meer invention of man , and not found in scripture , answered . . their arguments to prove there was no necessity of instituting bishops in the church . . the fore-alleadged arguments , answered . . an answer unto those things which are objected concerning the difference between that power which bishops now have , and that which ancient bishops had , more then other presbyters . . concerning the civil power and authority which our bishops have . . the arguments answered , whereby they would prove that the law of god , and the judgement of the best in all ages condemneth the ruling superiority of our minister over another . . the second malicious thing wherein the state of bishops suffereth oblaquy , is their honour . . what good doth publickly grow from the prelacy . . what kinds of honor be due unto bishops . . honor in title , place , ornament , attendance , and priviledge . . honor by endowment with lands and livings . . that of ecclessiastical goods , and consequently of the lands and livings which bishops enjoy , the propriety belongs unto god alone . . that ecclesiastical persons are receivers of gods rents , and that the honour of prelates , is to be thereof his chief receivers , not without liberty from him granted of converting the same unto their own use , even in large manner . . that for their unworthiness to deprive both them and their successors of such goods , and to convey the same unto men of secular callings , now extream sacrilegious injustice . i. i have heard that a famous kingdom in the world being sollicited to reform such disorders as all men saw the church exceedingly burthened with , when of each degree great multitudes thereunto inclined , and the number of them did every day so encrease that this intended work was likely to take no other effect then all good men did wish and labour for : a principal actor herein ( for zeal and boldness of spirit ) thought it good to shew them betimes what it was which must be effected , or else that there could be no work of perfect reformation accomplished . to this purpose , in a solemn sermon , and in a great assembly he described unto them the present quality of their publick estate , by the parable of a tree , huge and goodly to look upon , but without that fruit which it should and might bring forth ; affirming that the only way of redress was a full and perfect establishment of christs discipline ( for so their manner is to entitle a thing hammered out upon the forge of their own invention ) and that to make way of entrance for it , there must be three great limbs cut off from the body of that stately tree of the kingdom : those three limbs were three sorts of men ; nobles , whose high estate would make them otherwise disdain to put their necks under that yoke : lawyers , whose courts being not pulled down , the new church consistories were not like to flourish : finally , prelates , whose ancient dignity , and the simplicity of their intended church-discipline , could not possibly stand together . the proposition of which device being plausible to active spirits , restless through desire of innovation , whom commonly nothing doth more offend then a change which goeth fearfully on by slow and suspicious paces ; the heavier and more experienced sort began presently thereat to pull back their feet again , and exceedingly to fear the stratagem of reformation for ever after . whereupon ensued those extream conflicts of the one part with the other , which continuing and encreasing to this very day , have now made the state of that flourishing kingdom even such , as whereunto we may most fitly apply those words of the prophet ieremiah , thy breach is great like the sea , who can heal thee ? whether this were done in truth , according to the constant affirmation of some avouching the same , i take not upon me to examine ; that which i note therein is , how with us that policie hath been corrected . for to the authors of pretended reformation with us , it hath not seemed expedient to offer the edge of the axe unto all three boughs at once , but rather to single them , and strike at the weakest first , making show that the lop of that one shall draw the more abundance of sap to the other two , that they may thereby the better prosper . all prosperity , felicity and peace we wish multiplied on each estate , as far as their own hearts desire is : but let men know that there is a god , whose eye beholdeth them in all their ways ; a god , the usual and ordinary course of whose justice , is to return upon the head of malice the same devices which it contriveth against others the foul practices which have been used for the overthrow of bishops , may perhaps wax bold in process of time to give the like assault even there , from whence at this present they are most seconded . nor let it over-dismay them who suffer such things at the hands of this most unkind world , to see that heavenly estate and dignity thus conculcated , in regard whereof so many their predecessors were no less esteemed then if they had not been men but angels amongst men . with former bishops it was as with iob in the days of that prosperity , which at large he describeth , saying , unto me men gave ea● , they waited and held their tongue at my counsel , after my words they replied not , i appointed out their way and did sit as chief , i dwelt as it had been a king in an army . at this day , the case is otherwise with them ; and yet no otherwise then with the self same iob at what time the alteration of his estate wrested these contrary speeches from him , but now they that are younger then i mock at me , the children of fools , and off-spring of slaves , creatures more base then the earth they tread on ; such as if they did show their heads , young and old would shout at them and chase them through the streets with a cry , their song i am , i am a theam for them to talk on . an injury less grievous if it were not offered by them whom satan hath through his fraud and subtilty so far beguiled as to make them imagine herein they do unto god a part of most faithful service . whereas the lord in truth , whom they serve herein , is , as st. cyprian telleth them , like , not christ ( for he it is that doth appoint and protect bishops ) but rather christs adversary and enemy of his church . a thousand five hundred years and upward the church of christ hath now continued under the sacred regiment of bishops . neither for so long hath christianity been ever planted in any kingdom throughout the world but with this kind of government alone ; which to have been ordained of god , i am , for mine own part , even as resolutely perswaded , as that any other kind of government in the world whatsoever is of god. in this realm of england , before normans , yea before saxons , there being christians , the chief pastors of their souls were bishops . this order from about the first establishment of christian religion which was publiquely begun through the vertuous disposition of king lucius not fully two hundred years after christ , continued till the coming in of the saxons ; by whom paganism being every where else replanted , only one part of the island , whereinto the ancient , natural inhabitants the britains were driven , retained constantly the faith of christ , together with the same form of spiritual regiment , which their fathers had before received . wherefore in the histories of the church we find very ancient mention made of our own bishops . at the council of ariminum about the year britain had three of her bishops present . at the arrival of augustine the monk , whom gregory sent hither to reclaim the saxons from gentility about six hundred years after christ , the britains he found observers still of the self same government by bishops over the rest of the clergy ; under this form christianity took root again , where it had been exiled . under the self same form it remained till the days of the a norman conqueror . by him and his successors thereunto b sworn , it hath from that time till now , by the space of above five hundred years more been upheld . o nation utterly without knowledge , without sense ! we are not through error of mind deceived , but some wicked thing hath undoubtedly bewitched us , if we forsake that government , the use whereof universal experience hath for so many years approved , and betake our selves unto a regiment , neither appointed of god himself , as they who favour it pretend , nor till yesterday ever heard of among men . by the jews festus was much complained of , as being a governor marvellous corrupt , and almost intolerable : such notwithstanding were they who came after him , that men which thought the publique condition most afflicted under festur . began to wish they had him again , and to esteem him a ruler commendable . great things are hoped for at the hands of these new presidents , whom reformation would bring in : notwithstanding the time may come , when bishops , whose regiment doth now seem a yoke so heavy to bear , will be longed for again even by them that are the readiest to have it taken from off their necks . but in the hands of divine providence we leave the ordering of all such events ; and come now to the question it self which is raised concerning bishops . for the better understanding whereof we must before hand set down what is meant , when in this question we name a bishop . ii. for whatsoever we bring from antiquity by way of defence in this cause of bishops , it is cast off as impertinent matter , all is wiped away with an odd kind of shifting answer , that the bishops which now are , be not like unto them which were . we therefore beseech all indifferent judges to weigh sincerely with themselves how the case doth stand . if it should be at this day a controversie whether kingly regiment were lawful or no , peradventure in defence thereof , the long continuance which it hath had sithence the first beginning might be alleadged , mention perhaps might be made what kings there were of old even in abrahams time , what soveraign princes both before and after . suppose that herein some man purposely bending his wit against sovereignty , should think to elude all such allegations by making ample discovery through a number of particularities , wherein the kings that are , do differ from those that have been , and should therefore in the end conclude , that such ancient examples are no convenient proofs of that royalty which is now in use . surely for decision of truth in this case there were no remedy , but only to shew the nature of sovereignty , to sever it from accidental properties , to make it clear that ancient and present regality are one and the same in substance , how great odds soever otherwise may seem to be between them . in like manner , whereas a question of late hath grown , whether ecclesiastical regiment by bishops be lawful in the church of christ or no : in which question , they that hold the negative , being pressed with that generally received order , according whereunto the most renowned lights of the christian world , have governed the same in every age as bishops ; seeing their manner is to reply , that such bishops as those ancient were , ours are not ; there is no remedy but to shew , that to be a bishop is now the self same thing which it hath been ; that one definition agreeth fully and truly as well to those elder , as to these latter bishops . sundry dissimilitudes we grant there are , which notwithstanding are not such that they cause any equivocation in the name , whereby we should think a bishop in those times to have had a clean other definition then doth rightly agree unto bishops as they are now : many things there are in the state of bishops , which the times have changed ; many a parsonage at this day is larger then some ancient bishopricks were ; many an antient bishop poorer then at this day sundry under them in degree . the simple hereupon , lacking judgement and knowledge to discern between the nature of things which changeth not , and these outward variable accidents , are made beleeve that a bishop heretofore and now are things in their very nature so distinct that they cannot be judged the same . yet to men that have any part of skill , what more evident and plain in bishops , then that augmentation or diminution in their precincts , allowances , priviledges , and such like , do make a difference indeed , but no essential difference between one bishop and another ? as for those things in regard whereof we use properly to term them bishops ; those things whereby they essentially differ from other pastors , those things which the natural definition of a bishop must contain , what one of them is there more or less appliable unto bishops now than of old ? the name bishop hath been borrowed from the a grecians , with whom it signifieth , one which hath principal charge to guide and oversee others . the same word in ecclesiastical writings being applied unto church-governors , at the first unto b all and not unto the chiefest only , grew in short time peculiar and proper to signifie such episcopal authority alone , as the chiefest governors exercised over the rest ; for with all names this is usual , that , in as much as they are not given till the things whereunto they are given , have bin sometime first observed ; therefore generally , things are antienter then the names whereby they are called . again , sith the first things that grow into general observation ; and do thereby give men occasion to find names for them , are those which being in many subjects , are thereby the easier , the oftner , and the more universally noted ; it followeth , that names imposed to signifie common qualities or operations are ancienter , then is the restraint of those names , to note an excellency of such qualities or operations in some one or few amongst others . for example , the name disciple being invented to signifie generally a learner , it cannot choose but in that signification be more ancient then when it signifieth , as it were by a kind of appropriation , those learners who being taught of christ were in that respect termed disciples by an excellency . the like is to be seen in the name apostle , the use whereof to signifie a messenger , must needs be more ancient then that use which restraineth it unto messengers sent concerning evangelical affairs ; yea this use more ancient then that whereby the same word is yet restrained farther to signifie only those whom our saviour himself immediately did send . after the same manner the title or name of a bishop having been used of old to signifie both an ecclesiastical overseer in general , and more particularly also a principal ecclesiastical overseer ; it followeth , that this latter restrained signification is not so ancient as the former , being more common : yet because the things themselves are always ancienter then their names ; therefore that thing which the restrained use of the word doth import , is likewise ancienter then the restraint of the word is ; and consequently that power of chief ecclesiastical overseers , which the term of a bishop importeth , was before the restrained use of the name which doth import it . wherefore a lame and an impotent kind of reasoning it is , when men go about to prove that in the apostles times there was no such thing as the restrained name of a bishop doth now signifie ; because in their writings there is found no restraint of that name , but only a general use whereby it reacheth unto all spiritual governors and overseers . but to let go the name , and to come to the very nature of that thing which is thereby signified in all kindes of regiment whether ecclesiastical or civil : as there are sundry operations publique , so likewise great inequality there is in the same operations , some being of principal respect , and therefore not fit to be dealt in by every one to whom publique actions , and those of good importance , are notwithstanding well and ●itly enough committed . from hence have grown those different degrees of magistrates or publique persons , even ecclesiastical as well as civil . amongst ecclesiastical persons therefore bishops being chief ones , a bishops function must be defined by that wherein his chiefty consisteth . a bishop is a minister of god , unto whom with permanent continuance , there is given not only power of administring the word and sacraments , which power other presbyrers have ; but also a further power to ordain ecclesiastical persons , and a power of chiefty in government over presbyters as well as lay men , a power to be by way of jurisdiction a pastor even to pastors themselves . so that this office , as he is a presbyter or pastor , consisteth in those things which are common unto him with other pastors , as in ministring the word and sacraments : but those things incident unto his office , which do properly make him a bishop , cannot be common unto him with other pastors . now even as pastors , so likewise bishops being principal pastors , are either at large or else with restraint . at large , when the subject of their regiment is indefinite , and not tyed to any certain place : bishops with restraint , are they whose regiment over the church is contained within some definite , local compass , beyond which compass their jurisdiction reacheth not . such therefore we always mean when we speak of that regiment by bishops which we hold a thing most lawful , divine and holy in the church of christ. iii. in our present regiment by bishops two things there are complained of , the one their great authority , and the other their great honor. touching the authority of our bishops , the first thing which therein displeaseth their adversaries , is the superiority which bishops have over other ministers . they which cannot brook the superiority which bishops have , do notwithstanding themselves admit that some kind of difference and inequality there may be lawfully amongst ministers : inequality as touching gifts and graces they grant , because this is so plain that no mist in the world can be cast before mens eyes so thick , but that they needs must discern thorow it , that one minister of the gospel may be more learneder , holier , and wiser , better able to instruct , more apt to rule and guide them then another : unless thus much were confest , those men should lose their fame and glory whom they themselves do entitle the lights and grand worthies of this present age . again , a priority of order they deny not , but that there may be ; yea such a priority as maketh one man amongst many a principal actor in those things whereunto sundry of them must necessarily concur , so that the same be admitted only during the time of such actions and no longer ; that is to say just so much superiority , and neither more nor less may be liked of , then it hath pleased them in their own kind of regiment to set down . the inequality which they complain of , is , that one minister of the word and sacraments should have a permanent superiority above another , or in any sort a superiority of power mandatory , judicial and coercive over other ministers . by us , on the contrary side , inequality , even such inequality as unto bishops being ministers of the word and sacraments granteth a superiority permanent above ministers , yea a permanent superiority of power mandatory , judicial and coercive over them , is maintained a thing allowable , lawful and good . for , superiority of power may be either above them or upon them , in regard of whom it is termed superiority . one pastor hath superiority of power above another , when either some are authorised to do things worthier then are permitted unto all , some are preferred to be principal agents , the rest agents with dependency and subordination . the former of these two kinds of superiority is such as the high-priest had above other priests of the law , in being appointed to enter once a year the holy place , which the rest of the priests might not do . the latter superiority such as presidents have in those actions which are done by others with them , they nevertheless being principal and chief therein . one pastor hath superiority of power , not only above but upon another , when some are subject unto others commandment and judicial controlment , by vertue of publique jurisdiction . superiority in this last kinde is utterly denied , to be allowable ; in the rest it is only denied that the lasting continuance and settled permanency thereof is lawful . so that if we prove at all the lawfulness of superiority in this last kind , where the same is simply denied , and of permanent superiority in the rest where some kind of superiority is granted , but with restraint to the term and continuance of certain actions , with which the same must , as they say , expire and cease ; if we can show these two things maintainable , we bear up sufficiently that which the adverse party endeavoureth to overthrow . our desire therefore is , that this issue may be strictly observed , and those things accordingly judged of , which we are to alleadge . this we boldly therefore set down , as a most infallible truth , that the church of christ is at this day lawfully , and so hath been sit hence the first beginning , governed by bishops , having permanent superiority , and ruling power over other ministers of the word and sacraments . for the plainer explication whereof , let us briefly declare first , the birth and original of the same power , whence and by what occasion it grew . secondly , what manner of power antiquity doth witness bishops to have had more then presbyters which were no bishops . thirdly , after what sort bishops together with presbyters have used to govern the churches under them , according to the like testimonial evidence of antiquity . fourthly , how far the same episcopal power hath usually extended , unto what number of persons it hath reached , what bounds and limits of place it hath had . this done , we may afterwards descend unto those by whom the same either hath been heretofore , or is at this present hour gainsaid . iv. the first bishops in the church of christ were his blessed apostles , for the office whereunto matthias was chosen the sacred history doth term ' e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an episcopal office. which being spoken expresly of one , agreeth no less unto them all then unto him . for which cause st. cyprian speaking generally of them all doth call them bishops . they which were termed apostles , as being sent of christ to publish his gospel throughout the world , and were named likewise bishops , in that the care of government was also committed unto them , did no less perform the offices of their episcopal authority by governing , then of their apostolical by teaching . the word ' e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expressing that part of their office which did consist in regiment , proveth not ( i grant ) their chiefty in regiment over others , because as then that name was common unto the function of their inferiors , and not peculiar unto theirs . but the history of their actions sheweth plainly enough how the thing it self which that name appropriated importeth , that is to say , even such spiritual chiefty as we have already defined to be properly episcopal , was in the holy apostles of christ. bishops therefore they were at large . but was it lawful for any of them to be a bishop with restraint ? true it is their charge was indefinite , yet so , that in case they did all , whether severally or joyntly discharge the office of proclaiming every where the gospel , and of guiding the church of christ , none of them casting off his part in their burthen which was laid upon them ; there doth appear no impediment but that they having received their common charge indefinitely might in the execution thereof notwithstanding restrain themselves , or at leastwise be restrained by the after commandment of the spirit , without contradiction or repugnancy unto that charge more indefinite and general before given them ; especially if it seemed at any time requisite , and for the greater good of the church , that they should in such sort tye themselves unto some special part of the flock of jesus christ , guiding the same in several as bishops . for first , notwithstanding our saviours commandment unto them all to go and preach unto all nations . yet some restraint we see there was made , when by agreement between paul and peter moved with those effects of their labours which the providence of god brought forth ; the one betook himself unto the gentiles , the other unto the jews , for the exercise of that office of every where preaching . a further restraint of their apostolical labours as yet there was also made , when they divided themselves into several parts of the world , a iohn for his charge taking asia , and so the residue other quarters to labour in . if nevertheless it seem very hard that we should admit a restraint so particular , as after that general charge received , to make any apostle notwithstanding the bishop of some one church , what think we of the bishop of ierusalem , b iames , whose consecration unto that mother see of the world , because it was not meet that it should at any time be left void of some apostle doth seem to have been the very cause of st. pauls miraculous vocation to make up the c number of the twelve again , for the gathering of nations abroad , even as the d martyrdom of the other iames the reason why barnabas in his stead was called . finally , apostles whether they did settle in any one certain place● as iames , or else did otherwise as the apostle paul ; episcopal authority either at large or either restraint they had and exercised : their episcopal power they sometimes gave unto others to exercise as agents only in their stead , and as it were by commission from them . thus e titus , and thus timothy at the first , though f afterwards indued with apostolical power of their own . for in process of time the apostles gave episcopal authority , and that to continue always with them which had it . we are able to number up them , g saith irenaus , who by the apostles were made bishops . in rome he affirmeth that the apostles themselves made linus the first bishop . again of polycarp he saith likewise , that the apostles made him bishop of the church of smyrna . h of antioch they made evodius bishop as ignatius witnesseth , exhorting that church to tread in his holy steps , and to follow his vertuous example . the apostles therefore were the first which had such authority , and all others who have it after them in orderly sort are their lawful successors , whether they succeed in any particular church , where before them some apostle hath been seated , as simon succeeded iames in ierusalem ; or else be otherwise endued with the same kind of bishoply power , although it be not where any apostle before hath been . for to succeed them , is after them to have that episcopal kind of power which was first given to them . all bishops are , saith ierome , the apostles successors , in like sort cyprian doth term bishops , prepositos qui apostolis vicaria ordinatione succedunt . from hence it may happily seem to have grown , that they whom now we call bishops * were usually termed at the first apostles , and so did carry their very names in whose rooms of spiritual authority they succeeded , such as deny apostles to have a any successors at all in the office of their apostleship , may hold that opinion without contradiction to this of ours , if they well explain themselves in declaring what truly and properly apostleship is : in some things every presbyter , in some things lonely bishops , in some things neither the one nor the other are the apostles successors . the apostles were sent as special chosen b eye-witnesses of jesus christ , from whom c immediately they received their whole embassage , and their commission to be the principal d first founders of an house of god consisting as well of e gentiles as of jews : in this there are not after them any other like unto them , and yet the apostles have now their successors upon earth their true successors , if not in the largeness , surely in the kind of that episcopal function , whereby they had power to sit as spiritual ordinary judges , both over laity and over clergy where churches christian were established . v. the apostles of our lord did , according unto those directions which were given them from above , erect churches in all such cities as received the word of truth , the gospel of god : all churches by them erected , received from them the same faith , the same sacraments , the same form of publick regiment . the form of regiment by them established at first was , that the laity of people should be subject unto a colledge of ecclesiastical persons , which were in every such city appointed for that purpose . these in their writings they term sometime presbyters , sometime bishops . to take one church out of a number for a patern what the rest were , the presbyters of ephesus , as it is in the history of their departure from the apostle paul at miletum , are said to have wept abundantly all , which speech doth shew them to have been many . and by the apostles exhortation it may appear , that they had not each his several flock to feed , but were in common appointed to feed that one flock the church of ephesus ; for which cause the phrase of his speech is this , attendite gregi . look all to that one flock over which the holy ghost hath made you bishops . these persons ecclesiastical being termed as then , presbyters and bishops both , were all subject unto paul as to an higher governor appointed of god to be over them . but for as much as the apostles could not themselves be present in all churches , and as the apostles st. paul foretold the presbyters of the ephesians that there would rise up from amongst their own selves , men speaking perverse things to draw disciples after them ; there did grow in short time amongst the governors of each church , those emulations , strifes , and contentions , whereof there could be no sufficient remedy provided , except , according unto the order of ierusalem already begun , some one were indued with episcopal ! authority over the rest , which one being resident might keep them in order , and have preheminence or principality in those things , wherein the equality of many agents was the cause of disorder and trouble . this one president or governour , amongst the rest had his known authority established along time before that settled difference of name , and title took place , whereby such alone were named bishops . and therefore in the book of s. iohns revelation we find that they are entituled angels . it will perhaps be answered , that the angels of those churches were onely in every church a minister sacraments : but then we ask , is it probable that in every of these churches , even in ephesus it self , where wany such ministers were long before ; as hath been proved , there was but one such when iohn directed his speech to the angel of that church ? if there were many , surely st. iohn in naming but only one of them an angel , did behold in that one somewhat above the rest . nor was this order peculiar unto some few churches , but the whole world universally became subject thereunto ; insomuch as they did not account it to be a church , which was not subject unto a bishop . it was the general received perswasion of the ancient christian world , that ecclesia est in episcopo , the outward being of a church consisteth in the having of a bishop : that where colledges of presbyters were , there was at the first , equality amongst them , s. ierome thinketh it a matter clear ; but when the rest were thus equal , so that no one of them could command any other as inferior unto him , they all were controlable by the apostles , who had that episcopal authority abiding at the first in themselves , which they afterwards derived unto others . the cause wherefore they under themselves appointed such bishops as were not every whereat the first , is said to have been those strifes and contentions ; for remedy whereof , whether the apostles alone did conclude of such a regiment , or else they together with the whole church judging it a fit and a needfull policy , did agree to receive it for a custom ; no doubt but being established by them on whom the holy ghost was powred in so abundant measure for the ordering of christs church , it had either divine appointment beforehand , or divine approbation afterwards , and is in that respect to be acknowledged the ordinance of god , no less then that ancient jewish regiment , whereof though iethro were the deviser , yet after that god had allowed it , all men were subject unto it , as to the polity of god , and not of iethro . that so the ancient fathers did think of episcopal regiment , that they held this order as a thing received from the blessed apostles themselves , and authorized even from heaven , we may perhaps more easily prove , then obtain that they all shall grant it w●o see it proved . st. augustine setteth it down for a principle , that whatsoever positive order the whole church every where doth observe , the same it must needs have received from the very apostles themselves , unless perhaps some general councel were the authors of it . and he saw that the ruling superiority of bishops was a thing universally established not by the force of any councel , ( for councels do all presuppose bishops , nor can there any councel be named so ancient , either general , or as much as provincial , sithence the apostles own times , but we can shew that bishops had their authority before it , and not from it . ) wherefore st. augustine knowing this , could not chuse but reverence the authority of bishops , as a thing to him apparently and most clearly apostolical . but it will be perhaps objected that regiment by bishops was not so universal nor ancient as we pretend ; and that an argument hereof may be ieroms own testimony , who living at the very same time with st. augustine , noteth this kind of regiment as being no where antient , saving onely in alexandria ; his words are these , it was for a remedy of schism that one was afterwards chosen to be placed above the rest , lest every mans pulling unto himself , should rend asunder the church of christ. for ( that which also may serve for an argument or taken hereof ) at alexandria from mark the evangelist , unto heraclas and dionysius , the presbyters always chose one of themselves , whom they placed in higher degree , and gave unto him the title of bishop . now st. ierom they say would never have picked out that one church from amongst so many , and have noted that in it there had been bishops from the time that st. mark lived , if so be the self same order were of like antiquity every where ; his words therefore must be thus scholied ; in the church of alexandria , presbyters indeed had even from the time of st. mark the evangelist , always a bishop to rule over them for a remedy against divisions , factions , and schisms . not so in other churches , neither in that very church any longer then usque ad heraclam & dionysium , till heraclas and his successor dionysius were bishops . but this construction doth bereave the words construed , partly of wit , and partly of truth ; it maketh them both absurd and false . for if the meaning be that episcopal government in that church was then expired , it must have expired with the end of some one , and not of two several bishops days , unless perhaps it fell sick under heraclas , and with dionysius gave up the ghost . besides , it is clearly untrue that the presbyters of that church did then cease to be under a bishop . who doth not know that after dionysius , maximus was bishop of alexandria , after him theonas , after him peter , after him achillas , after him alexander , of whom socrates in this sort writeth ; it fortuned on a certain time that this alexander in the presence of the presbyters which were under him , and of the rest of the clergy there , discoursed somewhat curiously and subtilly of the holy trinity , bringing high philosophical proofs , that there is in the trinity an unity . whereupon arius one of the presbyters which were placed in that degree under alexander , opposed eagerly himself against those things which were uttered by the bishop . so that thus long bishops continued even in the church of alexandria . nor did their regiment here cease , but these also had others their successors till st. ieroms own time , who living long after heraclas and dionysius had ended their days , did not yet live himself to see the presbyters of alexandria , othewise then subject unto a bishop . so that we cannot , with any truth , so interpret his words as to mean , that in the church of alexandria there had been bishops indued with superiority over presbyters from st. marks time , only till the time of heraclas and of dionysius ; wherefore that st. ierom may receive a more probable interpretation then this , we answer , that generally , o● regiment by bishops , and what term of continuance it had in the church of alexandria , it was no part of his mind to speak , but to note one onely circumstance belonging to the manner of their election , which circumstance is , that in alexandria they used to chuse their bishops altogether out of the colledge of their own presbyters , and neither from abroad nor out of any other inferior order of the clergy , whereas oftentimes a elsewhere the use was to chuse as well from abroad as at home , as well inferior unto presbyters , as presbyters when they saw occasion , this custome , saith he , the church of alexandria did always keep , till in heraclas and dionysius , they began to do otherwise . these two were the very first not chose out of their colledge of presbyters . the drift and purpose of s. ieroms speech doth plainly show what his meaning was ; for whereas some did over-extol the office of the deacon in the church of rome ; where deacons being grown great , through wealth , challenged place above presbyters : s. ierome , to abate this insolency , writing to evagrius , diminisheth by all means the deacons estimation , and lifteth up presbyters as far as possible the truth might bear . an attendant , saith he , upon tables and widows proudly to exalt himself above them , at whose prayers is made the body and blood of christ ; above them , between whom and bishops there was at the first for a time no difference neither in authority nor in title . and whereas after schisms and contentions made it necessary that some one should be placed over them , by which occasion the title of bishop became proper unto that one , yet was that one chosen out of the presbyters , as being the chiefest , the highest , the worthiest degree of the clergie , and not out of deacons ; in which consideration also it seemeth that in alexandria even from st. mark to heraclas and dionysius bishops there , the presbyters evermore have chosen one of themselves , and not a deacon at any time to be their bishop . nor let any man think that christ hath one church in rome , and another in the rest of the world ; that in rome he alloweth deacons to be honoured above presbyters , and otherwhere will have them to be in the next degree to the bishop . if it be deemed that abroad where bishops are poorer , the presbyters under them may be the next unto them in honour ; but at rome where the bishop hath amplereven●es , the deacons whose estate is nearest for wealth , may be also for estimation the next unto him : we must know that ; a bishop in the meanest city is no less a bishop then he who is seated in the greatest ; the countenance of a rich , and the meanness of a poor estate doth make no odds between bishops ; and therefore if a presbyter at engubium be the next in degree to a bishop , surely , even at rome it ought in reason to be so likewise ; and not a deacon for wealths sake only to be above , who by order should be , and elsewhere is , underneath a presbyter . but ye will say that according to the custom of rome a deacon presenteth unto the bishop him which standeth to be ordained presbyter ; and upon the deacons testimony given concerning his fitness , he receiveth at the bishops hands oraïnation : so that in rome the deacon having this special preheminence , the presbyter ought there to give place unto him . wherefore is the custom of one city brought against the practice of the whole world ? the pancity of deacons in the church of rome hath gotten the credit , as unto presbyters their multitude hath been cause of contempt : howbeit even in the church of rome , presbyters sit and deacons stand : an argument as strong against the superiority of deacons , as the fore-alleadged reason doth seem for it . besides , whosoever is promoted must needs be raised from a lower degree to an higher ; wherefore either let him which is presbyter be made a deacon , that so the deacon may appear to be the greater ; or if of deacons presbyters be made , let them know themselves to be in regard of deacons , though below in gain , yet above in office. and to the end we may understand that those apostolical orders are taken out of the old testament , what aaron and his sons and the levites were in the temple , the same in the church may ● bishops and presbyters and deacons challenge unto themselves . this is the very drift and substance , this the true construction and sense of st. ieroms whole discourse in that epistle : which i have therefore endeavoured the more at large to explain , because no one thing is less effectual or more usual to be alledged against the antient authority of bishops ; concerning whose government st. ieroms own words otherwhere are sufficient to show his opinion , that this order was not only in alexandria so ancient , but even an ancient in other churches . we have before alledged his testimony touching iames the bishop of ierusalem . as for bishops in other churches , on the first of the epistle to titus thus he speaketh , till through instinct of the devil there grew in the church factions , and among the people it began to be profest ; i am of paul , i of apollos , and i of cephas , churches were governed by the common advice of presbyters ; but when every one began to reckon those whom himself had baptized , his own and not christs , it was decreed in the whole world that one chosen out of the presbyters should be placed above the rest , to whom all care of the church should belong , and so the seeds of schism be removed . if it be so , that by st. ieroms own confession this order was not then begun when people in the apostles absence began to be divided into factions by their teachers ; and to rehearse , i am of paul , but that even at the very first appointment thereof was agreed upon and received throughout the world ; how shall a man be perswaded that the same ierom thought it so ancient no-where saving in alexandria , one only church of the whole world ; a sentence there is indeed of st. ieroms which bring not throughly considered and weighed may cause his meaning so to be taken , as if he judged episcopal regiment to have been the churches invention long after , and not the apostles own institution ; as namely , when he admonisheth bishops in this manner ; as therefore presbyters do know that the custom of the church makes them subject to the bishop which is set over them ; so let a bishops know that , custom rather then the truth of any ordinance of the lord , maketh them greater then the rest , and that with common advice they ought to govern the church . to clear the sense of these words therefore , as we have done already the former : laws which the church from the beginning universally hath observed were some delivered by christ himself , with a charge to keep them till the worlds end , as the law of baptizing and administring the holy eucharist ; some brought in afterwards by the apostles , yet not without the special direction of the holy ghost , as occasions did arise . of this sort are those apostolical orders and laws whereby deacons , widows , virgins were first appointed in the church , this answer to saint ierom , seemeth dangerous , i have qualified it as i may , by addition of some words of restraint ; yet i satisfie not may self , in my judgment it would be altered . now whereas jerom doth term the government of bishops by restraint , an apostolical tradition , acknowledging thereby the same to have been of the apostles own institution , it may be demanded , how these two will stand together ; namely , that the apostles by divine instinct , should be as jerom confesseth the authors of that regiment , and yet the custome of the church he accompted ( for so by jerom it may seem to be in this place accompted ) the chiefest prop that upholdeth the same ? to this we answer , that for as much as the whole body of the church , hath power to alter with general consent and upon necessary occasions , even the positive law of the apostles , if there be no commandment to the contrary , and it manifestly appears to her , that change of times have clearly taken away the very reason of gods first institution , as by sundry examples may be most clearly proved ; what laws the universal church might change , and doth not ; if they have long continued without any alteration ; it seemeth that st. jerom ascribeth the continuance of such positive laws , though instituted by god himself , to the judgemement of the church . for they which might abrogate a law and do not , are properly said to uphold , to establish it , and to give it being . the regiment therefore whereof jerom speaketh being positive , and consequently not absolutely necessary , but of a changeable nature , because there is no divine voice which in express words forbiddeth it to be changed ; he might imagine both that it came by the apostles by very divine appointment at the first , and notwithstanding be after a sort , said to stand in force , rather by the custome of the church , choosing to continue in it , than by the necessary constraint of any commandment from the word , requiring perpetual continuance thereof . so that st. ieroms admonition is reasonable , sensible , and plain , being contrived to this effect ; the ruling superiority of one bishop over many presbyters , in each church , is an order descended from christ to the apostles , who were themselves bishops at large , and from the apostles to those whom they in their steads appointed bishops over particular countries and cities , and even from those antient times universally established , thus many years it hath continued throughout the world ; for which cause presbyters must not grudg to continue subject unto their bishops , unless they will proudly oppose themselves against that which god himself ordained by his apostles ; and the whole church of christ approveth and judgeth most convenient . on the other side bishops albeit they may avouch , with conformity of truth , that their authority had thus descended even from the very apostles themselves , yet the absolute and everlasting continuance of it , they cannot say that any commandment of the lord doth injoyn ; and therefore must acknowledge that the church hath power by universal consent upon urgent cause to take it away , if thereunto she be constrained through the proud , tyrannical , and unreformable dealings of her bishops , whose regiment she hath thus long delighted in , because she hath found it good and requisite to be so governed . wherefore lest bishops forget themselves , as if none on earth had authority to touch their states , let them continually bear in mind , that it is rather the force of custom , whereby the church having so long found it good to continue under the regiment of her vertuous bishops , doth still uphold , maintain , and honour them in that respect , than that any such true and heavenly law can be showed , by the evidence whereof it may of a truth appear that the lord himself hath appointed presbyters for ever to be under the regiment of bishops , in what sort soever they behave themselves ; let this consideration be a bridle unto them , let it teach them not to disdain the advice of their presbyters , but to use their authority with so much the greater humility and moderation , as a sword which the church hath power to take from them . in all this there is no le●● why s. ierom might not think the authors of episcopal regiment to have been the very blessed apostles themselves , directed therein by the special mution of the holy ghost , which the ancients all before , and besides him and himself also elsewhere , being known to hold , we are not , without better evidence then this , to think him in judgement divided both from himself and from them . another argument that the regiment of churches by one bishop over many presbyters , hath been always held apostolical , may be this . we find that throughout all those cities where the apostles did plant christianity , the history of times hath noted succession of pastors in the seat of one , not of many ( there being in every such church evermore many pastors ) and the first one in every rank of succession we find to have been , if not some apostle , yet some apostles disciple . by epiphanius the bishops of ierusalem are reckoned down from iames to hilarion then bishop . of them which boasted that they held the same things which they received of such as lived with the apostles themselves , tertullian speaketh after this sort , let them therefore shew the beginnings of their churches , let them recite their bishops one by one , each in such sort succeeding other , that the first bishop of them have had , for his author and predecessour , some apostle , or at least some apostolical person , who persevered with the apostles . for so apostolical churches are wont to bring forth the evidence of their estates . so doth the church of smyrna , having polycarp whom iohn did consecrate . catalogues of bishops in a number of other churches ( bishops and succeeding one another ) from the very apostles times are by eusebius and socrates collected , whereby it appeareth so clear , as nothing in the world more , that under them and by their appointment this order began , which maketh many presbyters subject unto the regiment of some one bishop . for as in rome while the civil ordering of the common-wealth , was joyntly and equally in the hands of two consuls , historical records concerning them , did evermore mention them both , and note which two as collegues succeeded from time to time ; so , there is no doubt but ecclesiastical antiquity had done the very like , had not one pastors place and calling been always so eminent above the rest in the same church . and what need we to seek far for proofs that the apostles who began this order of regiment by bishops , did it not but by divine instinct , when without such direction things of far less weight and moment they attemdted not ? paul and barnabas did not open their mouths to the gentiles , till the spirit had said , separate me paul and barnabas for the work whereunto i have sent them . the eunuch by philip was neither baptized nor instructed before the angel of god was sent to give him notice that so it pleased the most high. in asia , paul and the rest were silent , because the spirit forbad them to speak , when they intended to have seen bythinia they stayed their journey , the spirit not giving them leave to go . before timothy was imployed in those episcopal affairs of the church , about which the apostle st. paul used him , the holy ghost gave special charge for his ordination , and prophetical intelligence more then once , what success the same would have . and shall we think that iames was made bishop of ierusalem , evodius bishop of the church of antioch , the angels in the churches of asia bishops , that bishops every where were appointed to take away factions , contentions and schisms , without some like divine instigation and direction of the holy ghost ? wherefore let us not fear to be herein bold and peremptory , that , if any thing in the churches government , surely the first institution of bishops was from heaven , was even of god ; the holy ghost was the author of it . vi. a bishops , saith st. augustine , is a presbyter's superior : but the question is now , wherein that superiority did consist . the bishops pre-eminence we say therefore was twofold . first , he excelled in latitude of the power of order , secondly in that kind of power which belongeth unto iurisdiction . priests in the law had authority and power to do greater things then levites , the high priest greater then inferiour priests might do , therefore levites were beneath priests , and priests inferior to the high priest , by reason of the very degree of dignity , and of worthiness in the nature of those functions which they did execute ; and not only , for that the one had power to command and controul the other , in like sort , presbyters having a weightier and a worthier charge then deacons had , the deacon was in this sort the presbyters inferior , and where we say that a bishop was likewise ever accompted a presbyters superior , even according unto his very power of order , we must of necessity declare what principal duties belonging unto that kind of power a bishop might perform , and not a presbyter . the custom of the primitive church in consecrating holy virgins , and widows , unto the service of god and his church , is a thing not obscure , but easie to be known , both by that which st. paul himself concerning them hath , and by the latter consonant evidence of other mens writings . now a part of the pre-eminence which bishops had in their power of order , was , that by them onely such were consecrated . again , the power of ordaining both deacons and presbyters , the power to give the power of order unto others , this also hath been always peculiar unto bishops . it hath not been heard of , that inferiour presbyters were ever authorized to ordein . and concerning ordination so great force and dignity it hath , that whereas presbyters by such power as they have received for administration of the sacraments , are able only to beget children unto god ; bishops having power to ordain , do by vertue thereof create fathers to the people of god , as epiphanius fitly disputeth . there are which hold that between a bishop and a presbyter , touching power of order , there is no difference : the reason of which conceipt is for that they see presbyters no less then bishops , authorized to offer up the prayers of the church , to preach the gospel , to baptize , to administer the holy eucharist ; but they considered not with all , as they should , that the presbyters authority to do these things is derived from the bishops which doth ordain him thereunto , so that even in those things which are common unto both , yet the power of the one , is as it were a certain light borrowed from the others lamp . the apostles being bishops at large , ●deined every where presbyters . titus and timothy having received episcopal power , as apostolique embassadors or legates , the one in greece , the other in ephesus , they both did , by vertue thereof , likewise ordein throughout all churches deacons and presbyters within the circuits allotted unto them . as for bishops by restraint , their power this way incommunicable unto presbyters , which of the ancients do not acknowledge ? i make not confirmation any part of that power which hath always belonged only unto bishops ; because in some places the custom was , that presbyters might also confirm in the absence of a bishop ; albeit for the most part , none but onely bishops were thereof the allowed ministers . here it will be perhaps objected that the power of ordination it self was not every where peculiar and proper unto bishops , as may be seen by council of carthage , which sheweth their churches order to have been , that presbyters should together with the bishop lay hands upon the ordained . but the answer hereunto is easie , for doth it hereupon follow that the power of ordination was not principally and originally in the bishop ? our saviour hath said unto his apostles , with me ye shall sit and judge the twelve tribes of israel ; yet we know that to him alone it belongeth to judge the world , and that to him all judgement is given . with us even at this day presbyters are licensed to do as much as that council speaketh of , if any be present . yet will not any man thereby conclude that in this church others than bishops are allowed to ordain : the association of presbyters is no sufficient proof that the power of ordination is in them ; but rather that it never was in them , we may hereby understand , for that no man is able to shew either deacon or presbyter ordained by presbyters only , and his ordination accounted lawful in any ancient part of the church ; every where examples being found both of deacons and of presbyters ordained by bishops alone oftentimes , neither ever in that respect thought unsufficient . touching that other chiefty , which is of jurisdiction ; amongst the jews he which was highest through the worthiness of peculiar duties incident into his function in the legal service of god , did bear alwaies in ecclesiastical jurisdiction the chiefest sway . as long as the glory of the temple of god did last , there were in it sundry orders of men consecrated unto the service thereof ; one sort of them inferior unto another in dignity and degree ; the nathiners subordinate unto the levites , the levites unto the priests , the rest of the priests to those twenty four which were chief priests , and they all to the high priest. if any man surmise that the difference between them was only by distinction in the former kind of power , and not in this latter of jurisdiction , are not the words of the law manifest which make eleazer the son of aaron the priest chief captain of the levites , and overseer of them , unto whom the charge of the sanctuary was committed ? again at the commandment of aaron and his sons , are not the gersonites themselves required to do all their service in the whole charge belonging unto the gersonites being inferiour priests as aaron and his sons were high priests ? did not iehoshaphat appoint amarias the priest to be chief over them who were judges for the cause of the lord in ierusalem ? priests , saith josephus , worship god continually , and the eldest of the stock are governours over the rest . he doth sacrifice unto god before others , he hath care of the laws , judgeth controversies , correcteth offenders , and whosoever obeyeth him not is convict of impiety against god. but unto this they answer , that the reason thereof was because the high-priest did prefigure christ , and represent to the people that chiefty of our saviour which was to come ; so that christ being now come there is no cause why such preheminence should be given unto any one . which fancy pleaseth so well the humour of all sorts of rebellions spirits that they all seek to shroud themselves under it . tell the anabaptist , which holdeth the use of the sword unlawful for a christian man , that god himself did allow his people to make wars ; they have their answer round and ready , those ancient wars were figures of the spiritual wars of christ. tell the barrowist what sway david , and others the kings of israel , did bear in the ordering of spiritual affairs , the same answer again serveth , namely , that david and the rest of the kings of israel prefigured christ. tell the martinist of the high-priests great authority and jurisdiction amongst the jews , what other thing doth serve this turn but the self-same shift ; by the power of the high-priest the universal supreme authority of our lord iesus christ was shadowed . the thing is true , that indeed high-priests were figures of christ , yet this was in things belonging unto their power of order ; they figured christ by entring into the holy place , by offering for the sins of all the people once a year , and by other the like duties : but , that to govern and to maintain order amongst those that were subject to them , is an office figurative and abrogated by christs coming in the ministry ; that their exercise of jurisdiction was figurative , yea figurative in such sort , that it had no other cause of being instituted , but only to serve as a representation of somewhat to come , and that herein the church of christ ought not to follow them ; this article is such as must be confirmed , if any way by miracle , otherwise it will hardly enter into the heads of reasonable men , why the high-priest should more figure christ in being a judge then in being whatsoever he might be besides . st. cyprian deemed it no wresting of scripture to challenge as much for christian bishops , as was given to the high-priest among the jews , and to urge the law of moses as being most effectual to prove it . st. ierom likewise thought it an argument sufficient to ground the authority of bishops upon . to the end , saith he , we may understand apostolical traditions to have been taken from the old testament , that which aaron , and his sons , and the levites were in the temple ; bishops and presbyters and deacons in the church may lawfully challenge to themselves , in the office of a bishop ignatius observeth these two functions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning the one such is the prehemince of a bishop , that he only hath the heavenly mysteries of god committed originally unto him , so that otherwise than by his ordination , and by authority received from him , others besides him are not licensed therein to deal as ordinary ministers of gods church . and touching the other part of their sacred function , wherein the power of their jurisdiction doth appear first how the apostles themselves , and secondly how titus and timothy had rule and jurisdiction over presbyters , no man is ignorant . and had not christian bishops afterward the like power ? ignatius bishop of antioch being ready by blessed martyrdom to end his life , writeth unto his presbyters , the pastors under him , in this sort . o● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the death of fabian bishop of rome , there growing some trouble about the receiving of such persons into the church as had fallen away in persecution , and did now repent their fall ; the presbyters and deacons of the same church advertised st. cyprian thereof , signifying that they must of necessity defer to deal in that cause till god did send them a new bishop which might moderate all things . much we read of extraodinary fasting usually in the church . and in this appeareth also somewhat concerning the chiefty of bishops . the custome is , saith tertullian that bishops do appoint when the people shall all fast . yea , it is not a matter left to our own free choice whether bishops shall rule or no , but the will of our lord and saviour is , saith cyprian , that every act of the church , be governed by her bishops . an argument it is of the bishops high preheminence , rule , and government over all the rest of the clergy , even that the sword of persecution did strike , especially , always at the bishop as at the head , the rest by reason of their lower estate , being more secure , as the self-same cyprian noteth ; the very manner of whose speech unto his own , both deacons and presbyters who remained safe , when himself then bishop was driven into exile , argueth likewise his eminent authority and rule over them , by these letters , saith he , i both exhort and command that ye whose presence there is not envied at , nor so much beset with dangers , supply my room in doing those things which the exercise of religion doth require . unto the same purpose serve most directly , those comparisons , than which nothing is more familiar in the books of the ancient fathers , who as oft as they speak of the several degrees in gods clergy , if they chance to compare presbyters with levitical priests of the law ; the bishop a they compare unto aaron the high priest ; if they compare the one with the apostles , the other they compare ( although in a lower proportion ) sometime b to christ , and sometime to god himself , evermore shewing that they placed the bishop in an eminent degree of ruling authority and power above other presbyters . c ignatius comparing bishops with deacons , and with such ministers of the word and sacraments as were but presbyters , and had no authority over presbyters ; what is saith he , the bishop but one which hath all principality and power over all , so far forth as man may have it , being to his power , a follower even of gods own christ ; mr. d calvin himself , though an enemy unto regiment by bishops , doth notwithstanding confess , that in old time the ministers which had charge to teach , chose of their company one in every city , to whom they appropriated the title of bishop , lest equality should bread dissention , he addeth farther , that look what duty the roman consuls did execute in proposing matters unto the senate , in asking their opinions , in directing them by advice , admonition , exhortation , in guiding actions by their authority , and in seeing that performed which was with common consent agreed on , the like charge had the bishop in the assembly of other ministers . thus much calvin being forced by the evidence of truth to grant , doth yet deny the bishops to have been so in authority at the first as to bear rule over other ministers . wherein what rule he doth mean i know not . but if the bishops were so farr in dignity , above other ministers , as the consuls of rome , for their year above other senators , it is as much as we require . and undoubtedly , if as the consuls of rome , so the bishops in the church of christ had such authority , as both to direct other ministers , and to see that every of them should observe t●at which their common consent had agreed on , how this could be done by the bishop not bearing rule over them , for mine own part i must acknowledge that my poor concept is not able to comprehend . one objection there is of some force to make against that which we have hither to endeavoured to prove , if they mistake it not who alledge it . st. ierom comparing other presbyters with him , unto whom the name of bishop was t●en appropriate , asketh , what a bishop by vertue of his place and calling may do more then a presbyter , except it be only to ordain ? in like sort chrysostome having moved a question , wherefore , st. paul should give timothy precept concerning the quality of bishops , and descend from them to deacons , omiting the order of presbyters between , he maketh thereunto this answer , what things he spake concerning bishops , the same are also meet for presbyters , whom bishops seem not to excell in any thing but only in the power of ordination . wherefore seeing this doth import no ruling superiority , it follows that bishops were as then no rulers over that part of the clergy of god. whereunto we answer that both s. ierom and s. chrysostom had in those their speeches an eye no farther then only to that function , for which presbyters and bishops were consecrated unto god. now we know that their consecration had reference to nothing but only that which they did by force and vertue of the power of order , wherein fithe bishops received their charge , only by that one degree to speak of , more ample then presbyters did theirs , it might be well enough said that presbyters were that way authorized to do , in a manner , even as much as bishops could do , if we consider what each of them did by vertue of solemn consecration ; for as concerning power of regiment and jurisdiction , it was a thing withal added unto bishops for the necessary use of such certain persons and people , as should be thereunto subject in those particular churches whereof they were bishops , and belonged to them only , as bishops of such or such a church ; whereas the other kind of power had relation indefinitely unto any of the whole society of christian men , on whom they should chance to exercise the same , and belonged to them absolutely , as they were bishops wheresoever they live . st. ieroms conclusion thereof is , that seeing in the one kind of power , there is no greater difference between a presbyter and a bishop , bishops should not because of their preeminence in the other , too much lift up themselves , above the presbyters under them . st. chrysostom's collection , that whereas the apostle doth set down the qualities , whereof regard should be had in the consecration of bishops , there was no need to make a several discourse how presbyters ought to be qualified when they are ordained ; because there being so little difference in the functions , whereunto the one and the other receive ordination , the same precepts might well serve for both ; at least-wise by the vertues required in the greater , what should need in the less might be easily understood . as for the difference of jurisdiction , the truth is the apostles yet living , and themselves where they were resident , exercising the jurisdiction in their own persons , it was not every where established in bishops . when the apostles prescribed those laws , and when chysostom thus spake concerning them , it was not by him at all respected , but his eye was the same way with ieroms ; his cogitation was w●olly fixed on that power which by consecration is given to bishops , more then to presbyters , and not on that which they have over presbyters by force of their particular accessory jurisdiction . wherein if any man suppose that ierom and chrysostom knew no difference at all between a presbyter and a bishop , let him weigh but one or two of their sentences . the pride of insolent bishops , hath not a sharper enemy then ierom , for which cause he taketh often occasions most severely to inveigh against them , sometimes for a shewing disdain and contempt of the clergy under them ; sometimes for not a suffering themselves to be told of their faults , and admonished of their duty by inferiours ; sometime for not b admitting their presbyters to teach , if so be themselves were in presence ; sometimes for not vouc●●sasing to use any conference with them , or to take any counsel of them . howbeit never doth he , in such wise , bend himself against their disorders , as to deny their rule and authority over presbyters : of vigilantius being a presbyter he thus writeth , c miror sanctum episcopum in cujus parochia presbyter esse dicitur , acquiescere surori ejus , & non virga apostolica virgaque ferrea confringere vas inutile . i marvel that the holy bishop under whom vigilantius is said to be a presbyter , doth yield to his fury , and not break that unprofitable vessel with his apostolick and iron rod. with this agreeth most fitly the grave advice he giveth to d nepotian , be thou subject unto thy bishop , and receive him as the father of thy soul. this also i say , that bishops should know themselves to be priests , and not lords , that they ought to honour the clergy as becometh the clergy to be honoured , to the end their clergy may yield them the honour which , as bishops , they ought to have : that of the orator domitius is famous , wherefore should i esteem of thee as of a prince , when thou makest not of me that reckoning which should in reason be made of a senator ? let us know the bishop and his presbyters to be the same which aaron sometimes and his sons were . finally , writing against the hereticks which were name luciferians , the very safety of the church , saith he , dependeth on the dignity of the chief priest , to whom , unless men grant an exceeding and an eminent power , there will grow in churches even as many schisms as there are persons which have authority . touching chrysostom , to shew that by him there was also acknowledged a ruling superiority of bishops over presbyters , both then usual , and in no respect unlawful : what need we alledge his words and sentences , when the history of his own episcopal actions in that very kinde , is till this day extant for all men to read that will ? for st. chrysostom of a presbyter in antioch , grew to be afterwards bishop of constantinople , and in process of time when the emperors heavy displeasure had , through the practise of a powerful faction against him , effected his banishment ; innocent the bishop of rome understanding thereof wrote his letters unto the clergy of that church , that no successour ought to be chosen in chrysostom's room : nec ejus clerum alii parere pontisici , nor his clergy obey any other bishop than him . a fond kinde of speech if so be there had been , as then , in bishops no ruling superiority over presbyters . when two of chrysostom's presbyters had joyned themselves to the faction of his mortal enemy theophilus , patriarch in the church of alexandria ; the same theophilus and other bishops which were of his conventicle , having sent those two amongst others to cite chrysostom their lawful bishop , and to bring him into publick judgement , he taketh against this one thing special exception , as being contrary to all order , that those presbyters should come as messengers , and call him to judgment who were a part of that clergy , whereof himself was ruler and judge . so that bishops to have had in those times a ruling superiority over presbyters , neither could ierom nor chrysostom be ignorant ; and therefore , hereupon it were superfluous that we should any longer stand . vii . touching the next point , how bishops , together with presbyters have used to govern the churches which were under them : it is by zonaras somewhat plainly and at large declared , that the bishop had his seat on high in the church above the residue which were present ; that a number of presbyters did alwayes there assist him ; and that in the oversight of the poeple those presbyters were * after a sort the bishops coadjutors . the bishops and presbyters , who , together with him , governed the church , are , for the most part , by ignatius joyntly mentioned . in the epistle to them of trallis , he saith of presbyters , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , counsellors and assistants of the bishop , and concludeth in the end , he that should disobey these , were a plain athe●t , and an irreligious person , and one that did set christ himself and his own ordinances at nought . which orders making presbyters or priests the bishop's assistants doth not import that they were of equal authority with him , but rather so adjoyned that they also were subject , as hath been proved . in the writings of saint cyprian nothing is more usual , than to make mention of the colledge of presbyters subject unto the bishop ; although in handling the common affairs of the church they assisted him . but of all other places which open the antient order of episcopal presbyters , the most clear is that epistle of cyprian unto cernelius , concerning certain novatian heretiques , received again upon their conversion into the unity of the church : after that urbanus and sidonius , confessors , had come and signified unto our presbyters , that maximus , a consessor and presbyter , did , together with them , desire to return into the church , it seemed meet to hear from their own mouths and confessions that which by message they had delivered . when they were come , and had been called to account by the presbyters touching those things they had committed ; their answer was ; that they had been deceived ; and did request that such things as there they were charged with might be forgotten . it being brought unto me what was done , i took order that the presbytery might be assembled . there were also present five bishops , that , upon setled advice , it might be , with consent of all , determined what should be done about their persons . thus farr st. cyprian . wherein it may be , peradventure , demanded , whether he , and other bishops , did thus proceed with advice of their presbyters in all such publick affairs or the church , as being thereunto bound by ecclesiastical canons ; or else that they voluntarily so did , becuase they judged it in discretion as then most convenient . surely the words of cyprian are plain , that of his own accord he chose this way of proceeding . unto that , saith he , which donatus , and fortunatus , and novatus , and gordius our compresbyters have written , i could , by my self alone , make no answer , forasmuch as at the very first entrance into my bishoprick i resolutely determined not to do any thing of mine own private judgment , without your counsel , and the peoples consent . the reason whereof he rendreth in the same epistle , saying , when , by the grace of god , my self shall come unto you ( for st. cyprian was now in exile ) of things which either have been , or must to done , we will consider , sicut honor mutous poseit , as the law of courtesie which one doth owe to another of us , requireth . and at this very mark doth st. ierom evermore aim , in telling bishops , that presbyters were at the first their equals , that , in some churches , for a long time no bishop was made , but only such as the presbyters did chuse out amongst themselves , and therefore no cause why the bishop should disdain to consult with them , and in weighty affairs of the church to use their advice , sometime to countenance their own actions , or to repress the boldness of proud and insolent spirits , that which bishops had in themselves sufficient authority and power to have done , notwithstanding they would not do alone , but craved therein the aid and assistance of other bishops , as in the case of those novatian hereticks , before alledged , cyprian himself did . and in cyprian we finde of others the like practise . ragatian , a bishop , having been used contumelously by a deacon of his own church , wrote thereof his complaint unto cyprian and other bishops . in which case their answer was , that although , in his own cause , he did of humility rather shew his grievance , than himself take revenge , which , by the rigor of his apostolical office , and the authority of his chair , he might have presently done , without any further delay : yet if the party should do again , as before their judgements were , fungaris circa ●um potestate honoris tui , & cum vel deponas vel abstineas : use on him that power which the honour of thy place giveth thee , either to depose him , or exclude him from access unto holy things . the bishop , for his assistance and ease , had under him , to guide and direct deacons in their charge , his archdeacon , so termed in respect of care over deacons , albeit himself were not deacon but presbyter ; for the guidance of presbyters in their function , the bishop had likewise under him one of the self-same order with them , but above them an authority , one whom the antients termed usually an * arch-presbyter , weat this day name him dean . for , most certain truth it is , that churches-cathedral , and the bishops of them are as glasses , wherein the face and very countenance of apostolical antiquity remaineth even as yet to be seen , notwithstanding the alterations which tract of time , and the course of the world hath brought . for defence and maintenance of them we are most earnestly bound to strive , even as the jews were for their temple , and the high-priest of god therein : the overthrow and ruine of the one , if ever the sacrilegious avarice of atheists should prevail so farr , which god of his infinite mercy forbid , ought no otherwise to move us than the people of god were moved , when having beheld the sack and combustion of his sanctuary in most lamentable manner flaming before their eyes , they uttered from the bottom of their grieved spirits those voyces of doleful supplication , exsurge domine & miserearis sion , serve tui diligunt lapides ejus , pulver is ejus miseret cos . viii . how farr the power which bishops had did reach , what number of persons was subject unto them at the first , and how large their territories were , it is not for the question we have in hand , a thing very greatly material to know : for if we prove that bishops have lawfully of old ruled over other ministers , it is enough , how few soever those ministers have been , how small soever the circuit of place which hath contained them . yet hereof somewhat , to the end we may so farr forth illustrate church-antiquities ; a law imperial there is , which sheweth that there was great care had to provide for every christian city bi●hop as near as might be , and that each city had some territory belonging unto it , which territory was also under the bishop of the same city ; that , because it was not universally thus , but in some countrys , one bishop had subject unto him many cities and their territories ; the law which provided for establishment of the other orders , should not prejudice those churches wherein this contrary custom had before prevailed . unto the bishop of every such city , not only the presbyters of the same city , but also of the territory thereunto belonging , were from the first beginning subject . for we must note that when as yet there were in cities no parish churches , but only colledges of presbyters under their bis●ops regiment , yet smaller congregations and churches there were even then abroad , in which churches there was but some one only presbyter to perform amongst them divine duties . towns and villages abroad receiving the faith of christ from cities whereunto they were adjacent , did as spiritual and heavenly colonies by their subjection , honour those antient mother churches , out of which they grew . and in the christian cities themselves , when the mighty increase of believers made it necessary to have them divided into certain several companies , and over every of those companies one only pastor to be appointed for the ministry of holy things ; between the first , and the rest after it , there could not be but a natural inequality , even as between the temple and synagogues in ierusalem . the clergy of cities were termed urbici , to shew a difference between them and the clergies of townes , of villages , of castles abroad . and how many soever these parishes or congregations were in number , which did depend on any one principal city-church , unto the bishop of that one church , they , and their several sole presbyters were all subject . for , if so be , as some imagine , every petty congregation or hamlet had had his own particular bishop , what sense could there be in those words of ierom , concerning castles , villages , and other places abroad , which having onely presbyters , to teach them , and to minister unto them the sacraments , were resorted unto by bishops for the administration of that wherewith their presbyters were not licensed to meddle . to note a difference of that one church where the bishop hath his seat , and the rest which depend upon it , that one hath usually been termed cathedral , according to the same sense wherein ignatius , speaking of the church of antioch , termeth it his throne : and cyprian making mention of euarist●s who had been bishop and was now depo●ed , termeth him . cathedrae ext●rrem , one that was thrust besides his chair . the church where the bishop is set with his colledge of presbyters about him , we call a see ; the local compass of his authority we term a diocess . unto a bishop within the compass of his own , both see and diocess , it hath , by right of his place , evermore appertained * to ordain presbyters ; to make deacons , and with judgement , to dispose of all things of weight . the apostle st. paul had episcopal authority , but so at large , that we cannot assign unto him any one certain diocess . his a positive orders and constitutions , churches every where did obey . yea , a charge and care , saith he , i b have even of all the churches . the walks of titus and timothy was limited within the bounds of a narrow precinct . as for other bishops , that which chrysostom hath concerning them , if they be evil , could not po●●ibly agre● unto them , unless their authority had reached farther than to some one only congregation . the danger being so great , at it is , to him that scandalizeth one soul , what shall he , saith chrisostom , speaking of a bishop , what shall he deserve , by whom so many souls , yea , even whole cities and peoples , men , women , and children , citizens , peasants , inhabitants , both of his own city , and of other towns subject unto it , are offended ? a thing so unusual it was for a bishop not to have ample jurisdiction , that theophilus , patriark of alexandria , for making one a bishop of a small town , is noted a proud despiser of the commendable orders of the church with this censure , such novelties theophilus presumed every where to begin , taking upon him , as it had been , another moses . whereby is discovered also their errour , who think , that such as in ecclesi●stical writings they finde termed chorepiscopos , were the same in the country , which the bishop was in the city : whereas the old chorepiscopi are they , that were appointed of the bishops to have , as his vicegerents , some over-sight of those churches abroad , which were subject unto his see : in which churches they had also power to make sub-deacons , readers , and such like petty church-officers . with which power so st●nted , they not contenting themselves , but adventuring at the length , to or●●in even deacons and presbyters also , as the bishop himself did , their presumption herein was controlled and stayed by the antient edict of councils . for example , that of antioch , it hath seemed good to the holy synod that such in towns and countrys as are called chorepiscopi do know their limits , and govern the churches under them , contenting themselves with the charge thereof , and with authority to make readers , sub-deacons , exorcists , and to be leaders or guiders of them , but not to meddle with the ordination either of a presbyter or of a deacon , without the bishop of that city , whereunto the chorepiscopus , and his territory also , is subject . the same synod appointeth likewise that those chorepiscopi shall be made by none but the bishop of that city ; under which they are . much might hereunto be added , if it were further needful to prove , that the local compass of a bishop's authority and power was never so straightly lifted , as some men would have the world to imagine . but to go forward ; degrees of these are , and have been of old , even amongst bishops also themselves : one sort of bishops being superiours unto presbyters only , another sort having preheminence also above bishops . it cometh here to be considered in what respect inequality of bishops was thought , at the first , a thing expedient for the church , and what odds there hath been between them , by how much the power of one hath been larger , higher , and greater then of another . touching the causes for which it hath been este●med meet , that bishops themselves should not every way be equals ; they are the same for which the wisdom both of god and man , hath evermore approved it as most requisite , that where many governours must of necessity concurr , for the ordering of the same affairs , of what nature soever they be , one should have some kinde of sway or stroke more than all the residue . for where number is , there must be order , or else of force there will be confusion . let there be divers agents , of whom each hath his private inducements , with resolute pu●pose to follow them , ( as each may have ; ) unless in this case some had preheminence above the rest , a chance it were , if ever any thing should be either began , proceeded in , or brought unto any conclusion by them ; deliberations and counsels would seldom go forward , their meetings would alwayes be in danger to break up with jarrs and contradictions . in an army a number of captains , all of equal power , without some higher to over-sway them ; what good would they do ? in all nations where a number are to draw any one way , there must be some one principal mover . let the practise of our very adversaries themselves herein be considere● ; are the presbyters able to determine of church-affairs , unless their pastors do strike the chiefest stroke and have power above the rest ? can their pastoral synod do any thing , unless they have some president amongst them ? in synods , they are forced to give one pastor preheminence and superiority above the rest . but they answer , that he , who being a pastor according to the order of their discipline , is , for the time , some little deal mightier than his brethren , doth not continue so longer than only during the synod . which answer serveth not to help them out of the bryars : for , by their practise , they confirm our principle , touching the necessity of one man's preheminence wheresoever a concurrency of many is required unto any one solemn action ; this nature teacheth , and this they cannot chuse but acknowledge . as for the change of his person to whom they give this preheminence , if they think it expedient to make for every synod a new superiour , there is no law of god which bindeth them so to do , neither any that telleth them , that they might suffer one and the same man being made president , even to continue so during life ; and to leave his preheminence unto his successours after him , as , by the antient order of the church , archbishops , presidents amongst bishops , have used to do . the ground therefore of their preheminence above bishops , is the necessity of often concurrency of many bishops about the publick affairs of the church , as consecrations of bishops , consultations of remedy of general disorders , audience judicial , when the actions of any bishop should be called in question , or appeals are made from his sentence by such as think themselves wronged . these , and the like affairs usually requiring , that many bishops should orderly assemble , begin , and conclude somewhat ; it hath seemed , in the eyes of reverend antiquity , a thing most requisite , that the church should not only have bishops , but , even amongst bishops , some to be in authority chiefest . unto which purpose , the very state of the whole world , immediately before christianity took place , doth seem , by the special providence of god to have been prepared : for we must know , that the countrys where the gospel was first planted , were , for the most part , subject to the roman empire . the romans use was commonly , when , by warr they had subdued foreign nations , to make them provinces , that is , to place over them roman governors , such as might order them according to the laws and customs of rome . and , to the end that all things might be the more easily and orderly done , a whole country being divided into sundry parts , there was in each part some one city , whereinto they about did resort for justice . every such part was termed a a diocess . howbeit , the name diocess is sometime so generally taken , that it containeth not only mo such parts of a province , but even moe provinces also than one ; as , the diocess of asia contained eight ; the diocess of africa seven . touching diocesses according unto a stricter sense , whereby they are taken for a part of a province , the words of livy do plainly shew , what orders the romans did observe in them . for at what time they had brought the macedonians into subjection , the roman governor , by order from the senat of rome , gave charge that macedonia should be divided into four regions or diocesses . capita regionum ubi concilia fierent primae sedis amphipolim , secundae thessalonicen , tertiae pellam , quartae pelagoniam fecit . eo , concilia sua cujusque regionis indici , pecuniam conferri , ibi magistratus creari jussit . this being before the dayes of the emperors , by their appointment thessalonica was afterwards the chiefest , and in it the highest governor of macedonia had his seat : whereupon the other three dioceses were in that respect inferiour unto it , as daughters unto a mother city ; for not unto every town of justice was that title given , but was peculiar unto those cities wherein principal courts were kept . thus in macedonia , the mother city was thessalonica : in asia , b ephesus ; in africa , carthage ; for so c iustinian in his time made it . the governors , officers , and inhabitants of those mother-cities were termed for difference-sake metropolites , that is to say , mother-city-men ; than which , nothing could possibly have been devised more fit to suit with the nature of that form of spiritual regiment , under which afterwards the church should live . wherefore if the prophet saw cause to acknowledge unto the lord , that the light of his gracious providence did shine no where more apparently to the eye , than in preparing the land of canaan to be a receptacle for that church which was of old , d thou hast brought a vine out of egypt , thou hast cast out the heathen and planted it , thou madest room for it , and when it had taken root it filled the land. how much more ought we to wonder at the handy-work of almighty god , who , to settle the kingdom of his dear son , did not cast out any one people , but directed in such sort the politick councils of them who ruled farr and wide overall , that they throughout all nations , people , and countries upon earth , should unwittingly prepare the field wherein the vine which god did intend , that is to say , the church of his dearly beloved son , was to take root . for unto nothing else can we attribute it , saving only unto the very incomprehensible force of divine providence , that the world was in so marvellous sit sort divided , levelled , and laid out before hand ? whose work could it be but his alone to make such provision for the direct implantation of his church ? wherefore inequality of bishops being found a thing convenient for the church of god , in such consideration as hath been shewed ; when it came secondly in question , which bishops should be higher and which lower , it seemed herein not to the civil monarch only , but to the most , expedient that the dignity and celebrity of mother-cities should be respected . they which dream , that , if civil authority had not given such preheminence unto one city more than another , there had never grown an inequality among bishops , are deceived ; superiority of one bishop over another would be requisite in the church , although that civil distinction were abolished ; other causes having made it necessary , even amongst bishops , to have some in degree higher than the rest , the civil dignity of place was considered only as a reason wherefore this bishop should be preferred before that : which deliberation had been likely enough to have raised no small trouble , but that such was the circumstance of place , as being followed in that choyce , besides the manifest conveniency thereof , took away all show of partiality , prevented secret emulations , and gave no man occasion to think his person disgraced in that another was preferred before him . thus we see upon what occasion metropolitan bishops became archbishops . now , while the whole christian world , in a manner , still continued under one civil government , there being oftentimes within some one more large territory , divers and sundry mother-churches , the metropolitans whereof were archbishops , as for order's sake , it grew hereupon expedient , there should be a difference also amongst them ; so no way seemed , in those times , more fit , than to give preheminence unto them whose metropolitan sees were of special desert or dignity : for which cause these , as being bishops in the chiefest mother-churches were termed primates , and , at the length , by way of excellency , patriarks . for , ignorant we are not , how sometimes the title of patriark is generally given to all metropolitan bishops . they are mightily therefore to blame which are so bold and confident , as to affirm , that , for the space of above four hundred and thirty years after christ , all metropolitan bishops were in every respect equals , till the second council of constantinople exalted certain metropolitans above the rest . true it is , they were equals as touching the exercise of spiritual power within their dioceses , when they dealt with their own flock . for what is it that one of them might do within the compass of his own precinct , but another within his might do the same ? but that there was no subordination at all , of one of them unto another ; that when they all , or sundry of them , were to deal in the same causes , there was no difference of first and second in degree , no distinction of higher and lower in authority acknowledged amongst them , is most untrue . the great council of nice , was after our saviour christ but three hundred twenty four years , and in that council , certain metropolitans are said even then to have had antient preheminence and dignity above the rest , namely , the primate of alexandria , of rome , and of antioch . threescore years after this , there were synods under the emperour theodosius , which synod was the first at constantinople , whereat one hundred and fifty bishops were assembled : at which council it was decreed , that the bishop of constantinople should not only be added unto the forme : primates , but also that his place should be second amongst them , the next to the bishop of rome in dignity . the same decree again renewed concerning constantinople , and the reason thereof laid open in the council of chalcedon . at the length came that second of constantinople , whereat were six hundred and thirty bishops for a third confirmation thereof . laws imperial there are likewise extant to the same effect . herewith the bishop of constantinople being over-much puffed up , not only could not endure that see to be in estimation higher , whereunto his own had preferment to be the next , but he challenged more than ever any christian bishop in the world before either had , or with reason could have . what he challenged , and was therein as then refused by the bishop of rome ; the same , the bishop of rome in process of time obtained for himself , and having gotten it by bad means , hath both up-held and augmented it , and upholdeth it by acts and practises much worse . but primates , according to their first institution , were all in relation unto archbishops , the same by prerogative , which archbishops were , being compared unto bishops . before the council of nice , albeit there were both metropolitans and primates , yet could not this be a means forcible enough to procure the peace of the church ; but all things were wonderful tumultuous and troublesome , by reason of one special practise common unto the heretiques of those times , which was , that when they had been condemned and cast out of the church by the sentence of their own bishops , they , contrary to the antient received orders of the church , had a custom to wander up and down , and to insinuate themselves into favour where they were not known ; imagining themselves to be safe enough , and not to be clean cut off from the body of the church , if they could any where finde a bishop which was content to communicate with them : whereupon ensued , as in that case there needs must , every day quarrels and jarrs unappeasable amongst bishops . the nicene council , for redress hereof , considered the bounds of every archbishop's ecclesiastical jurisdictions , what they had been in former times ; and accordingly appointed unto each grand part of the christian world some one primate , from whose judgement no man living within his territory might appeal , unless it were to a council general of all bishops . the drift and purport of which order was , that neither any man opprest by his own particular bishop might be destitute of a remedy , through appeal unto the more indifferent sentence of some other ordinary judge , not yet every man be lest at such liberty as before , to shift himself out of their hands ; for whom it was most meet to have the hearing and determining of his cause . the evil , for remedy whereof this order was taken , annoyed at that present , especially the church of alexandria in egypt , where arianism begun . for which cause the state of that church is in the nicene canons concerning this matter mentioned before the rest . the words of their sacred edict are these , let those customs remain in force , which have been of old the customs of egypt and libya , and pentapolis ; by which customs the bishop of alexandria hath authority over all these ; the rather , for that this hath also been the use of the bishop of rome , yea , the same hath been kept in antioch , and in other provinces . now , because the custom likewise had been , that great honour should be done to the bishop of alia or ierusalem ; therefore , lest their decree concerning the primate of antioch , should any whit prejudice the dignity and honour of that see , special provision is made , that although it were inferior in degree , not only unto antioch the chief of the east , but even unto cesaria too ; yet such preheminence it should retain as belonged to a mother-city , and enjoy whatsoever special prerogative or priviledge it had besides . let men therefore hereby judge of what continuance this order which upholdeth degrees of bishops must needs have been , when a general council of three hundred and eighteen bishops , living themselves within three hundred years after christ , doth reverence the same for antiquity's sake , as a thing which had been even then of old observed in the most renowned parts of the christian world. wherefore needless altogether are those vain and wanton demands , no mention of an archbishop in theophilus bishop of antioch ? none in ignatius ? none in clemens of alexandria ? none in iustin martyr , ireneus , tertullian , cyprian ? none in all those old historiographers , out of which eusebius gathereth his story ? none till the time of the council of nice three hundred and twenty years after christ ? as if the mention , which is thereof made in that very council , where so many bishops acknowledge archiepiscopal dignity even then antient , were not of farr more weight and value , than if every of those fathers had written large discourses thereof . but what is it which they will blush at , who dare so confidently set it down , that in the councel of nice some bishops being termed metropolitans , no more difference is thereby meant to have been between one bishop and another , than is shewed between one minister and another , when we say such a one is a minister in the city of london , and such a one a minister in the town of newington . so that , to be termed a metropolitan bishop did , in their conceit , import no more preheminence above other bishops , than we mean , that a girdler hath over others of the same trade , if we term him which doth inhabit some mother-city for difference-sake a metropolitan girdler . but the truth is too manifest to be eluded ; a bishop at that time had power in his own diocess over all other ministers there , and a metropolitan bishop sundry preheminences above other bishops , one of which preheminences was , in the ordination of bishops , to have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief power of ordering all things done . which preheminence that council it self doth mention , as also a greater belonging unto the patriark or primate of alexandria , concerning whom , it is there likewise said , that to him did belong 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , authority and power over all egypt , pentapolis , and libya : within which compass sundry metropolitan sees to have been , there is no man ignorant , which in those antiquities have any knowledge . certain prerogatives there are wherein metropolitans excelled other bishops , certain also wherein primates excelled other metropolitans . archiepiscopal or metropolitan prerogatives are those mentioned in the old imperial constitutions , to a convocate the holy bishops under them , within the compass of their own provinces , when need required their meeting together for inquisition and redress of publick disorders ; b to grant unto bishops under them , leave and faculty of absence from their own dioceses , when it seemed necessary that they should otherwhere converse for some reasonable while ; c to give notice unto bishops under them , of things commanded by supream authority ; d to have the hearing and first determining of such causes as any man had against a bishop ; e to receive the appeals of the inferiour clergy , in case they found themselves over-born by the bishop , their immediate judge . and , lest haply it should be imagined , that canons ecclesiastical we want to make the self-same thing manifest : in the council of antioch it was thus decreed , f the bishop in every province must know , that he which is bishop in the mother-city , hath not only charge of his own parish or diocess , but even of the whole province also . again , it hath seemed good , that other bishops , without him , should do nothing more than only that which concerneth each one's parish , and the places underneath it . further , by the self-same council all councils provincial are reckoned void and frustrate , unless the bishop of the mother-city within that province , where such councils should be , were present at them . so that the want of his presence , and , in canons for church-government , want of his approbation also , did disannul them . not so the want of any others . finally , concerning election of bishops , the council of nice hath this general rule , that the chief ordering of all things here , is in every province committed to the metropolitan . touching them , who , amongst metropolitan , were also primates , and had of sundry united provinces , the chiefest metropolitan see , of such that canon , in the council of carthage , was eminent , whereby a bishop is forbidden to go beyond seas , without the license of the highest chair within the same bishop's own country ; and of such which beareth the name of apostolical , is that antient canon likewise , which chargeth the bishops of each nation to know him which is first amongst them , and to esteem of him as an head , and to do no extraordinary thing but with his leave . the chief primates of the christian world , were the bishop of rome , alexandria , and antioch . to whom the bishop of constantinople , being afterwards added , saint chrysostom the bishop of that see , is in that respect said , to have had the care and charge● not only of the city of constantinople , sed etiam totius thracia que sex praefecturis est divisa , & asiaetolius quae ab undecim praesidebus regitur . the rest of the east was under antioch , the south under alexandria , and the west under rome . whereas therefore iohn the bishop of ierusalem being noted of heresie , had written an apology for himself unto the bishop of alexandria , named theophilus ; saint ierom reproveth his breach of the order of the church herein , saying , tu qui regular quaris ecclesiasticas , & nicend concilii canonibus uteris , responde mihi , ad alexandrinum episcopum palastina quid pertinet ? nifallor , hoc ibi deçernitur at palaeslinae metropolie casarea sit , & totius orientis antiochia . aut igitur ad caesariensem episcopuna referre debueras , aut siprocul expetendum judiciam erat , antiochiam potius litera dirigenda . thus much concerning that local compass which was antiently set out to bishops ; within the bounds and limits whereof we finde , that they did accordingly exercise that episcopal authority and power which they had over the church of christ. ix . the first whom we read to have bent themselves against the superiority of bishops , were aerius and his followers . aerius seeking to be made a bishop , could not brook that eustathius was thereunto preferred before him . whereas therefore he saw himself unable to rise to that greatness which his ambitious pride did affect , his way of revenge was , to try what wit being sharpned with envy and malice could do , in raising a new seditious opinion , that the superiority which bishops had , was a thing which they should not have ; that a bishop might not ordain ; and that a bishop ought not any way to be distinguished from a presbyter : for so doth st. augustin deliver the opinion of aerius : epiphanius not so plainly , nor so directly , but after a more rhetorical sort . his speech was rather furious than convenient for man to use , what is , saith he , a bishop more than a presbyter ? the one doth differ from the other nothing . for their order as one , their honour one , one their dignity . a bishop imposeth his hands , so doth a presbyter . a bishop baptizeth , the like doth a presbyter . the bishop is a minister of divine service , a presbyter is the same . the bishop sitteth as a iudge in a throne , even the presbyter fitteth also . a presbyter therefore doing thus far the self-same thing which a bishop did , it was by aerius inforced , that they ought not in any thing to differ . are we to think aerius had wrong in being judged an heretick for holding this opinion ? surely if heresie be an error , falsely fathered upon scriptures , but indeed repugnant to the truth of the word of god , and by the consent of the universal church , in the councils ; or in her contrary uniform practice throughout the whole world , declared to be such , and the opinion of aerius in this point be a plain error of that nature , there is no remedy ; but aerius so schismatically , and stifly maintaining it , must even stand where epiphanius and augustin have placed him . an error repugnant unto the truth of the word of god is held by them whosoever they be , that stand in defence of any conclusion drawn erroneously out of scripture , and untruely thereon fathered . the opinion of aerius therefore being falsely collected out of scripture , must needs be acknowledged an error repugnant unto the truth of the word of god. his opinion was , that there ought not to be any difference between a bishop and a presbyter . his grounds and reasons for this opinion , were sentences of scripture . under pretence of which sentences , whereby it seemed that bishops and presbyters at the first did not differ , it was concluded by aerius , that the church did ill in permitting any difference to be made . the answer which epiphanius maketh unto some part of the proofs by aerius alleged , was not greatly studied or labored ; for through a contempt of so base an error , for this himself did perceive and profess , yieldeth he thereof expresly this reason ; men that have wit do evidently see , that all this is meer foolishness . but how vain and ridiculous soever his opinion seemed unto wise men ; with it aerius deceived many , for which cause somewhat was convenient to be said against it . and in that very extemporal slightness which epiphanius there useth , albeit the answer made to aerius be a in part but raw , yet ought not hereby the truth to finde any less favour than in other causes it doth , where we do not therefore judge heresie to have the better , because now and then it alledgeth that for it self , which defenders of truth do not always so fully answer . let it therefore suffice , that aerius did bring nothing unanswerable . the weak solutions which the one doth give , are to us no prejudice against the cause , as long as the others oppositions are of no greater strength and validity . did not aerius , trow you , deserve to be esteemed as a new apollos , mighty and powerful in the word , which could for maintenance of his cause , bring forth so plain divine authorities , to prove by the apostles own writings , that bishops ought not in any thing to differ from other presbyters ? for example , where it is said that presbyters made timothy bishop , is it not clear , that a bishop should not differ from a presbyter , by having power of ordination ? again , if a bishop might by order be distinguished from a presbyter , would the apostle have given , b as he doth unto presbyters , the title of bishops ? these were the invincible demonstrations wherewith aerius did so fiercely assault bishops . but the sentence of aerius perhaps was only , that the difference between a bishop and a presbyter , hath grown by the order and custom of the church , the word of god not appointing that any such difference should be . well , let aerius then finde the favour to have his sentence so construed ; yet his fault in condemning the order of the church , his not submitting himself unto that order , the schism which he caused in the church about it , who can excuse ? no , the truth is , that these things did even necessarily ensue , by force of the very opinion which he and his followers did hold . his conclusion was , that there ought to be no difference between a presbyter and a bishop . his proofs , those scripture-sentences which make mention of bishops and presbyters , without any such distinction or difference . so that if between his conclusion and the proofs whereby he laboured to strengthen the same , there be any shew of coherence at all , we must of necessity confess , that when aerius did plead , there is by the word of god no difference between a presbyter , and a bishop ; his meaning was , not only that the word of god it self appointeth nor , but that it enforceth on us the duty of not appointing , nor allowing , that any such difference should be made . x. and of the self-same minde are the enemies of government by bishops , even at this present day . they hold , as aerius did , that if christ and his apostles were obeyed , a bishop should not be permitted to ordain : that between a presbyter and a bishop the word of god alloweth not any inequality or difference to be made ; that their order , their authority , their power ought to be one ; that it is but by usurpation and corruption , that the one sort are suffered to have rule of the other , or to be any way superiour unto them . which opinion having now so many defenders , shall never be able while the world doth stand , to finde in some , believing antiquity , as much as one which hath given it countenance , or born any friendly affection towards it . touching these men therefore , whose desire is to have all equal , three ways there are , whereby they usually oppugn the received order of the church of christ. first , by disgracing the inequality of pastors , as a new and meer human invention , a thing which was never drawn our of scripture , where all pastors are found ( they say ) to have one and the same power , both of order and jurisdiction . secondly , by gathering together the differences between that power which we give to bishops , and that which was given them of old in the church : so that , albeit even the antient took more than was warrantable , yet so farr they swerved not as ours have done . thirdly , by endeavouring to prove , that the scripture directly forbiddeth , and that the judgement of the wisest , the holyest , the best in all ages , condemneth utterly the inequality which we allow . xi . that inequality of pastors is a meer humane invention , a thing not found in the word of god , they prove thus : . all the places of scripture where the word bishop is used , or any other derived of that name , signifie an oversight in respect of some particular congregation only , and never in regard of pastors committed unto his oversight . for which cause the names of bishops , and presbyters , or pastoral elders , are used indifferently , to signifie one and the self-same thing . which so indifferent and common use of these words , for one and the self-same office , so constantly and perpetually in all places , declareth , that the word bishop in the apostles writing , importeth not a pastor of higher power and authoritie over other pastors . . all pastors are called to their office by the same means of proceeding ; the scripture maketh no difference in the manner of their tryal , election , ordination : which proveth their office and power to be by scripture all one . . the apostles were all of equal power , and all pastors do alike succeed the apostles in their ministery and power , the commission and authority whereby they succeed , bring in scripture but one and the same that was committed to the apostles , without any difference of committing to one pastor more , or to another less . . the power of the censures and keyes of the church , and of ordaining and ordering ministers ( in which two points especially this superiority is challenged ) is not committed to any one pastor of the church , more than to another , but the same is committed as a thing to be carried equally in the guidance of the church . whereby it appeareth , that scripture maketh all pastors , not only in the ministery of the word and sacraments , but also in all ecclesiastical iurisdiction and authority , equal . . the council of nice doth attribute this difference , not unto any ordination of god , but to an antient custom used in former times , which judgement is also followed afterward by other councils , concil , antioch . cap. . . upon these premises , their summary collection and conclusion is , that the ministery of the gospel , and the functions thereof , ought to be from heaven and of god , joh. i. . that if they be of god , and from heaven , then are they set down in the word of god ; that if they be not in the word of god ( as by the premises it doth appear ( they say ) that our kinds of bishops are not ) it followeth , they are invented by the brain of men , and are of the earth and that consequently they can do no good in the church of christ but harm . our answer hereunto is , first , that their proofs are unavailable to shew , that scripture affordeth no evidence for the inequality of pastors . secondly , that , albeit the scripture did no way insinuate the same to be god's ordinance , and the apostles to have brought it in , albeit the church were acknowledged by all men to have been the first beginner thereof , a long time after the apostles were gone ; yet is not the authority of bishops hereby disannulled , it is not hereby proved unfit , or unprofitable for the church . . that the word of god doth acknowledge no inequality of power amongst pastors of the church , neither doth it appear by the signification of this word bishop , nor by the indifferent use thereof . for , concerning signification , first it is clearly untrue , that no other thing is thereby signified , but only an oversight in respect of a particular church and congregation . for , i beseech you , of what parish , or particular congregation was matthias bishop ? his office scripture doth term episcopal : which being no other than was common unto all the apostles of christ ; forasmuch as in that number there is not any to whom the oversight of many pastors did not belong , by force and vertue of that office ; it followeth , that the very word doth sometimes , even in scripture , signifie oversight , such as includeth charge over pastors themselves . and if we look to the use of the word , being applyed with reference unto some one church , as ephesus , philippi , and such like , albeit the guides of those churches be interchangeably in scripture termed sometime bishops , sometime presbyters , to signifie men having oversight and charge , without relation at all unto other than the , christian laity alone , yet this doth not hinder , but that scripture may in some place have other names , whereby certain of those presbyters or bishops , are noted to have the oversight and charge of pastors , as out of all peradventure they had , whom st. iohn doth intitle angels . . as for those things which the apostle hath set down concerning tryal , election , and ordination of pastors , that he maketh no difference in the manner of their calling , this also is but a silly argument to prove their office and their power equal by the scripture . the form of admitting each sort unto their offices , needed no particular instruction : there was no fear , but that such matters of course would easily enough be observed . the apostle therefore toucheth those things wherein judgement , wisdom , and conscience is required , he carefully admonisheth of what quality ecclesiastical persons should be , that their dealing might not be scandalous in the church . and forasmuch as those things are general , we see that of deacons there are delivered , in a manner , the self-same precepts , which are given concerning pastors , so farr as concerneth their tryal , election , and ordination . yet who doth hereby collect , that scripture maketh deacons and pastors equal ? if notwithstanding it be yet demanded , wherefore he which teatcheth what kinde of persons deacons and presbyters should be , hath nothing in particular about the quality of chief presbyters , whom we call bishops ? i answer briefly , that there it was no fit place for any such discourse to be made , inasmuch as the apostle wrote unto timothy and titus , who having by commission episcopal authority , were to exercise the same in ordaining , not bishops ( the apostles themselves yet living , and retaining that power in their own hands ) but presbyters , such as the apostles at the first did create throughout all churches . bishops by restraint ( only iames at ierusalem excepted ) were not yet in being . . about equality amongst the apostles , there is by us no controversie moved . if in the rooms of the apostles , which were of equal authority , all pastors do by scripture succeed alike , where shall we finde a commission in scripture which they speak of , which appointed all to succeed in the self-same equality of power , except that commission which doth authorize to preach and baptise , should be alledged , which maketh nothing to the purpose ; for in such things , all pastors are still equal : we must , i fear me , wait very long before any other will be shewed . for howsoever the apostles were equals amongst themselves , all other pastors were not equals with the apostles while they lived , neither are they any where appointed to be afterward each others equals . apostles had , as we know , authority over all such as were no apostles ; by force of which their authority , they might both command and judge . it was for the singular good and benefit of those disciples whom christ left behinde him , and of the pastors which were afterwards chosen ; for the great good , i say , of all sorts , that the apostles were in power above them . every day brought forth somewhat wherein they saw by experience , how much it stood them in stead to be under controulment of those superiours and higher governours of gods house . was it a thing so behoveful , that pastors should be subject unto pastors in the apostles own times ? and is there any commandment that this subjection should cease with them ? and that the pastors of the succeeding ages should be all equals ? no , no , this strange and absurd conceit of equality amongst pastors ( the mother of schism , and of confusion ) is but a dream newly brought forth , and seen never in the church before . . power of censure and ordination appeareth even by scripture marvellous probable , to have been derived from christ to his church , without this surmised equality in them to whom he hath committed the same . for i would know , whether timothy and titus were commanded by saint paul to do any thing , more than christ hath authorized pastors to do ; and to the one it is scripture which saith , against a presbyter receive thou no accusation , saving under two or three witnesses : scripture which likewise hath said to the other , for this very cause left i thee in crete , that thou shouldst redress the things that remain , and shouldst ordain presbyters in every city , as i appointed thee . in the former place the power of censure is spoken of , and the power of ordination in the latter . will they say that every pastor there was equal to timothy , and titus in these things ? if they do , the apostle himself is against it , who saith , that , of their two very persons , he had made choyse , and appointed in those places them , for performances of those duties , whereas , if the same had belonged unto others , no less than to them , and not principally unto them above others , it had been fit for the apostle accordingly to have directed his letters concerning these things in general unto them all which had equal interest in them ; even as it had been likewise fit to have written those epistles in saint iohn's revelation , unto whole ecclesiastical senates , rather than only unto the angels of each church , had not some one been above the rest in authority , to order the affairs of the church . scripture therefore doth most probably make for the inequality of pastors , even in all ecclesiastical affairs , and by very express mention , as well in censures as ordinations . . in the nicene council there are consumed certain prerogatives and dignities belonging unto primates or archbishops , and of them it is said , that the antient custom of the church , had been to give them such preheminence , but no syllable whereby any man should conjecture , that those fathers did not honor the superiority which bishops had over other pastors , only upon antient custom , and not as a true apostolical heavenly and divine ordinance . . now , although we should leave the general received perswasion , held from the first beginning , that the apostles themselves left bishops invested with power above other pastors ; although i say , we should give over this opinion , and imbrace that other conjecture , which so many have thought good to follow , and which my self did sometimes judge a great deal more probable than now i do , meerly that after the apostles were deceased , churches did agree amongst themselves , for preservation of peace and order , to make one presbyter in each city , chief over the rest , and to translate into him that power , by force and vertue whereof the apostles , while they were alive , did preserve and uphold order in the church , exercising spiritual jurisdiction , partly by themselves , and partly by evangelists , because they could not always every where themselves be present : this order taken by the church it self ( for so let us suppose , that the apostles did neither by word nor deed appoint it ) were notwithstanding more warrantable , than that it should give place and be abrogated , because the ministry of the gospel , and the functions thereof , ought to be from heaven . there came chief priests and elders unto our saviour christ as he was teaching in the temple , and the question which they moved unto him was this , by what authority dost thou these things , and who gave thee this authority ? their question he repelled with a counter-demand , the baptism of john whence was it , from heaven , or of men ? hereat they paused , secretly disputing within themselves , if we shall say from heaven , he will ask , wherefore did ye not then believe him ? and if we say of men , we fear the people , for all hold iohn a prophet . what is it now which hereupon these men would infer ? that all-functions ecclesiastical , ought in such sort to be from heaven , as the function of iohn was i no such matter here contained . nay , doth not the contrary rather appear most plainly by that which is here set down ? for when our saviour doth ask concerning the baptism , that is to say , the whole spiritual function of iohn , whether it were from heaven or of men , he giveth clearly to understand that men give authority unto some , and some god himself from heaven doth authorize . nor is it said , or in any sort signified , that none have lawful authority which have it not in such manner as iohn , from heaven . again , when the priests and elders were loth to say , that iohn had his calling from men , the reason was not because they thought that so iohn should not have had any good or lawful calling , but because they saw , that by this means they should somewhat embase the calling of iohn , whom all men knew to have been sent from god , according to the manner of prophets , by a meer celestial vocation . so that out of the evidence here alledged , these things we may directly conclude , first , that who so doth exercise any kinde of function in the church , he cannot lawfully so do , except authority be given him ; secondly , that if authority be not given him from men , as the authority of teaching was given unto scribes and pharisees , it must be given him from heaven , as authority was given unto christ , elias , iohn baptist , and the prophets . for these two only wayes there are to have authority . but a strange conclusion it is , god himself did from heaven authorize iohn to bear witness of the light , to prepare a way for the promised messiah , to publish the nearness of the kingdom of god , to preach repentance , and to baptise ( for by this part which was in the function of iohn most noted , all the rest are together signified ; ) therefore the church of god hath no power upon new occurences to appoint , to ordain an ecclesiastical function , as moses did upon iethroe's advice devise a civil . all things we grant which are in the church ought to be of god. but , for as much as they may be two wayes accounted such : one , if they be of his own institution , and not of ours ; another if they be of ours , and yet with his approbation , this latter way there is no impediment , but that the same thing which is of men , may be also justly and truly said to be of god , the same thing from heaven which is from earth . of all good things god himself is author , and consequently an approver of them . the rule to discern when the actions of men are good , when they are such as they ought to be , is more ample and large than the law which god hath set particular down in his holy word , the scripture is but a part of that rule as hath been heretofore at large declared . if therefore all things be of god which are well done ; and if all things be well done , which are according unto the rule of well doing ; and if the rule of well-doing be more ample than the scripture ; what necessity is there , that every thing which is of god , should be set down in holy scripture ? true it is in things of some one kinde , true it is , that what we are now of necessity for ever bound to believe or observe in the special mysteries of salvation , scripture must needs give notice of it unto the world ; yet true it cannot be , touching all things that are of god. sufficient it is for the proof of lawfulness in any thing done , if we canshew that god approved it . and of his approbation , the evidence is sufficient , if either himself have by revelation in his word warranted it , or we by some discourse of reason , finde it good of it self , and unrepugnant unto any of his revealed laws and ordinances . wherefore injurious we are unto god , the author and giver of human capacity , judgement and wit , when , because of some things wherein he precisely forbiddeth men to use their own inventions , we take occasion to dis-authorize and disgrace the works which he doth produce by the hand , either of nature or of grace in them . we offer contumely , even unto him , when we scornfully reject what we lift without any other exception than this , the brain of man hath devised it . whether we look into the church or common-weal , as well in the one as in the other , both the ordination of officers , and the very institution of their offices may be truly derived from god , and approved of him , although they be not always of him in such sort as those things are which are in scripture . doth not the apostle term the law of nature even as the evangelist doth the law of scripture , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god's own righteous ordinance ? the law of nature then being his law , that must needs be of him which it hath directed men unto . great odds , i grant , there is between things devised by men , although agreeable with the law of nature , and things is scripture set down by the finger of the holy ghost . howbeit the dignity of these is no hinderance , but that those be also reverently accounted of in their place . thus much they very well saw , who although not living themselves under this kinde of church polity , yet being , through some experience , more moderate , grave and circumspect in their judgment , have given hereof their sounder and better advised sentence . that which the holy fathers ( saith zanchius ) have by common consent , without contradiction of scripture , received ; for my part , i neither will , nor dare with good conscience disallow . and what more certain , than that the ordering of ecclesiastical persons , one in authority above another , was received into the church by the common consent of the christian world. what am i , that i should take upon me to control the whole church of christ in that which is so well known to have been lawfully , religiously , and to notable purpose instituted ? calvin maketh mention even of primates that have authority above bishops , it was , saith he , the institution of the antient church , to the end that the bishops might by this bond of concord , continue the faster linked amongst themselves . and , lest any man should think that as well he might allow the papacy it self ; to prevent this he addeth , aliud est moderatum gerere & honorem , quàmtotum terraram orbem immenso imperio complecti . these things standing as they do , we may conclude , that , albeit the offices which bishops execute , had been committed unto them only by the church , and that the superiority which they have over other pastors , were not first by christ himself given to the apostles , and from them descended to others , but afterwards in such consideration brought in and agreed upon , as is pretended , yet could not this be a just or lawful exception against it . xii . but they will say , there was no necessity of instituting bishops , the church might have stood well enough without them , they are as those supersluous things , which neither while they continue do good , nor do harm when they are removed , because there is not any profitable use whereunto they should serve . for first , in the primitive church their pastors were all equal , the bishops of those dayes were the very same which pastors of parish churches at this day are , with us , no one at commandment or controulment by any others authority amongst them . the church therefore may stand and flourish without bishops : if they be necessary , wherefore were they not sooner instituted ? . again , if any such thing were needful for the church , christ would have set it down in scripture , as he did all kinde of officers needful for iewish regiment . he which prescribed unto the iews so particularly the least thing pertinent unto their temple , would not have left so weighty offices undetermined of in scripture , but that he knew the church could never have any profitable use of them . furthermore , it is the judgement of cyprian , that equity requireth every man's cause to be heard , where the fault he is charged with was committed . and the reason he alledgeth is , for asmuch as there they may have both accusers and witnesses in their cause . sith therefore every man's cause is neceiest to be handled at home by the iudges of his own parish , to what purpose serveth their device , which have appointed bishops unto whom such causes may be brought , and archbishops to whom they may be also from thence removed ? xiii . what things have necessary use in the church , they of all others are the most unfit to judge , who bend themselves purposely against whatsoever the church useth , except it pleasie themselves to give it the grace and countenance of their favourable approbation ; which they willingly do not yield unto any part of church-policy , in the forehead whereof there is not the mark of that new devised stamp . but howsoever men like or dislike , whether they judge things necessary or needless in the house of god , a conscience they should have touching that which they boldly affirm or deny . . in the primitive church no bishops , no pastor having power over other pastors , but all equals , every man supreme commander and ruler within the kingdom of his own congregation or parish ? the bishops that are spoken of in the time of the primitive church , all such as persons or rectors of parishes are with in ? it thus it have been in the prime of the church , the question is , how farr they will have that prime to extend ? and where the latter spring of that ne●-supposed disorder to begin ? that primitive church wherein they hold that amongst the fathers , all which had pastoral charge were equal , they must of necessity so farr enlarge , as to contain some hundred of years , because for proof hereof they alledge boldly and confidently saint cyprian , who suffered martyrdom about two hundred and threescore years after our blessed lord's incarnation . a bishop , they say , such as cyprian doth speak of , had only a church or congregation , such as they ministers and pastors with us , which are appointed unto several towns. every bishop in cyprian's time was pastor of one only congregation , assembled in one place to be taught of one man. a thing impertiment , although it were true . for the question is about personal inequality amongst governors of the church . now to shew there was no such thing in the church at such time as cyprian lived , what bring they forth ? forsooth , that bishops had then but a small circuit of place for the exercise of their authority . be it supposed , that no one bishop had more than one only town to govern , one only congregation to rule : doth it by cyprian appear , that in any such town of congregation , being under the cure and charge of someone bishops , there were not , besides that one bishop , others also ministers of the word and sacraments , yet subject to the power of the same bishop ? if this appear not , how can cyprian be alledged for a witness , that in those times there were no bishops which did differ from other ministers , as being above them in degree of ecclesiastical power ? but a gross and a palpable untruth it is , that bishops with cyprian , were as ministers are with us in parish-churches ; and that each of them did guide some parish without any other pastors under him . st. cyprian's own person may serve for a manifest disproof hereof . pomius being deacon under cyprian noteth , that his admirable vertues caused him to be bishop with the soonest ; which advancement therefore himself endeavoured for a while to avoid . it seemed in his own eyes too soon for him to take the title of so great honor , in regard whereof a bishop is tenned pourisex , sacerdos , antistes dei. yet such was his quality , that whereas others did hardly perform that duty , whereunto the discipline of their order , togetherwith the religion of the oath they took at their entrance into the office even constrained them ; him the chair did not make , but receive such a one , as behoved that a bishop should be . but soon after followed that prescription , whereby being driven into exile , and continuing in that estate for the space of some two years , he ceased not by letters to deal with his clergy , and to direct them about the publick affairs of the church . they unto whom those * epistles were written , he commonly entituleth the presbyters and deacons of that church . if any man doubt , whether those presbyters of carthage were ministers of the word and sacraments or no , let him , consider but that one only place of cyprian , where he giveth them this careful advice , how to deal with circumspection in the perilous times of the church , that neither they which were for the truths sake imprisoned , might want those ghostly comforts which they ought to have , nor the church by ministring the same unto them , incurr unnecessary danger and peril . in which epistle it doth expresly appear , that the presbyters of whom he speaketh , did offer , that is to say , administer the eucharist ; and that many there were of them in the church of carthage , so as they might have every day change for performance of that duty . nor will any man of sound judgement i think deny , that cyprian was in authority and power above the clergy of that church , above those presbyters unto whom he gave direction . it is apparently therefore untrue , that in cyprian's time , ministers of the word and sacraments were all equal , and that no one of them had either title more excellent than the rest , or authority and government over the rest , cyprian bishop of carthage , was clearly superiour unto all other ministers there : yea , cyprian was , by reason of the dignity of his see an archbishop , and so consequently superiour unto bishops . bishops , we say , there have been alwayes , even as long as the church of christ it self hath been . the apostles who planted it , did themselves rule as bishops over it , neither could they so well have kept things in order during their own times , but that episcopal authority was given them from above , to exercise far and wice over all other guides and pastors of god's church . the church indeed for a time continued without bishops by restraint , every where established in christian cities . but shall we thereby conclude , that the church hath no use of them , that without them it may stand and flourish ? no , the cause wherefore they were so soon universally appointed was , for that it plainly appeared , that , without them , the church could not have continued long . it was by the special providence of god no doubt so disposed , that the evil whereof this did serve for remedy , might first be felt , and so the reverend authority of bishops be made by so much the more effectual , when our general experience had taught men what it was for churches to want them . good laws are never esteemed so good , not acknowledged so necessary , as when precedent crimes are as seeds out of which they grow . episcopal authority was even in a manner sanctified unto the church of christ , by that little bitter experience which it first had of the pestilent evil of schismes . again , when this very thing was proposed as a remedy , yet a more suspicions and fearful acceptance it must needs have found , if the self-same provident wisdom of almighty god , had not also given before-hand sufficient tryal thereof in the regiment of ierusalem , a mother-church , which having received the same order even at the first , was by it most peaceably governed , when other churches without it had trouble . so that by all means , the necessary use of episcopal government is confirmed , yea strengthened it is and ratified , even by the not establishment thereof in all churches every where at the first . . when they further dispute , that if any such thing were usedful , christ would in scripture have set down particular statutes and laws , appointing that bishops should be made , and prescribing in what order , even as the law doth for all kinde of officers which were needful in the iewish regiment ; might not a man that would bend his wit to maintain the fury of the petrobrusian hereticks , in pulling down oratories , use the self-same argument , with as much countenance of reason ? if it were needful that we should assemble our selves in churches , would that god which taught the iews so exactly the frame of their sumptuous temple , leave us no particular instructions in writing , no not so much at which way to lay any one stone ? surely such kinde of argumentation doth not so strengthen the sinews of their cause , as weaken the credit of their judgement which are led therewith . . and whereas thirdly , in disproof of that use which episcopal authority hath in judgement of spiritual causes , they bring forth the verdict of cyprian , who saith , that equity requireth every man's cause to be heard , where the fault he was charged with was committed , forasmuch as there they may have both accusers and witnesses in the cause : this argument grounding it self on principles no lesse true in civil , than in ecclesiastical causes , unless it be qualified with some exceptions or limitations , over-turneth the highest tribunal seats both in church and common-wealth , it taketh utterly away all appeals , it secretly condemneth even the blessed apostle himself , as having transgressed the law of equity , by his appeal from the court of iudea , unto those higher which were in rome . the generality of such kinde of axioms deceiveth , unless it be construed with such cautions as the matter whereunto they are applyable doth require . an usual and ordinary transportation of causes out of africa into italy , out of one kingdom into another , as discontented persons list , which was the thing which cyprian disalloweth , may be unequal and unmeet ; and yet not therefore a thing unnecessary to have the courts erectted in higher places , and judgement committed unto greater persons , to whom the meaner may bring their causes either by way of appeal ot otherwise , to be determined according to the order of justice ; which hath been always observed every where in civil states , and is no less requisite also for the state of the church of god. the reasons which teach it to be expedient for the one , will shew it to be for the other , at leastwise , not unnecessary . inequality of pastors is an ordinance both divine and profitable : their exceptions against it in these two respects we have shewed to be altogether causless , unreasonable , and unjust . xiv . the next thing which they upbraid us with , is the difference between that inequality of pastors which hath been of old , and which now is : for at length they grant , that the superiority of bishops and of arch-bishops is somewhat antient , but no such kinde of superiority as ours have . by the laws of our discipline a bishop may ordain without asking the peoples consent , a bishop may excommunicate and release alone , a bishop may imprison , a bishop may bear civil office in the realm , a bishop may be a counsellor of state ; these thing antient bishops neither did nor might do . be it granted , that ordinarily neither in elections nor deprivations , neither in excommunicating , nor in releasing the excommunicate ; in none of the weighty affairs of government , bishops of old were wont to do any thing without consultation with their clergy , and consent of the people under them . be it granted , that the same bishops did neither touch any man with corporal punishment , nor meddle with secular affairs and offices , the whole clergy of god being then tyed by the strict and severe canons of the church , to use no other than ghostly power , to attend no other business than heavenly . tarquinius was in the roman common-wealth deservedly hated , of whose unorderly proceedings the history speaketh thus , hic regum primus traditum à prioribus morem de omnibus senatum consulendi solvit ; domesticis consillis rempub. administravit , bellum , pacem , foedera , societates , perse ipsum cum quibus voluit injussu populi ac senatus , fecit diremitque . against bishops the like is objected , that they are invaders of other mens right , and by intolerable usurpation take upon them to do that alone , wherein antient laws have appointed , that others , not they onely , should bear sway . let the case of bishops he put , not in such sort as it is , but even as their very heavyest adversaries would devise it : suppose that bishops at the first had encroached upon the church , that by sleights and cunning practises they had appropriated ecclesiastical , as augustus did imperial , power ; that they had taken the advantage of mens inclinable affections , which did not suffer them for revenue-sake to be suspected of ambition ; that in the mean while their usurpation had gone forward by certain easie and unsensible degrees , that being not discerned in the growth , when it was thus farr grown , as we now see it hath proceeded , the world at length perceiving there was just cause of complaint , but no place of remedy left , had assented unto it by a general secret agreement to bear it now as an helpless evil : all this supposed for certain and true , yet surely a thing of this nature , as for the superiour to do that alone , unto which of right the consent of some other inferiours should have been required by them ; though it had an indirect entrance at the first , must needs through continuance of so many ages as this hath stood be made now a thing more natural to the church , than that it should be opprest with the mention of contrary orders worn so many ages since quite and clean out of ure . but with bishops the case is otherwise ; for in doing that by themselves , which others together with them have been accustomed to do , they do not any thing , but that whereunto they have been , upon just occasion authorized by orderly means . all things natural , have in them naturally , more or less , the power of providing for their own safety : and , as each particular man hath this power , so every politick society of men must needs have the same , that thereby the whole may provide for the good of all parts therein . for other benefit we have not any , by sorting our selves into politick societies , saving only that by this mean each part hath that relief , which the vertue of the whole is able to yield it . the church therefore being a politick society or body , cannot possibly want the power of providing for it self : and the chiefest part of that power consisteth in the authority of making laws . now , forasmuch as corporations are perpetual , the laws of the antienter church cannot chuse but binde the latter , while they are in force . but we must note withal , that , because the body of the church continueth the same , it hath the same authority still , and may abrogate old laws , or make new , as need shall require . wherefore vainly are the antient canons and constitutions objected as laws , when once they are either let secretly to dye by dis-usage , or are openly abrogated by contrary laws . the antient had cause to do no otherwise than they did ; and yet so strictly they judged not themselves in conscience bound to observe those orders , but that in sundry cases they easily dispensed therewith , which i suppose they would never have done , had they esteemed them as things whereunto everlasting , immutable , and undispensible observation did belong . the bishop usually promoted none , which were not first allowed as fit , by conference had with the rest of his clergy , and with the people : notwithstanding , in the case of aurelius , saint cyprian did otherwise . in matters of deliberation and counsel , for disposing of that which belongeth generally to the whole body of the church , or which being more particular , is nevertheless of so great consequence , that it needeth the force of many judgements conferred ; in such things the common saying must necessarily take place , an eye cannot see that which eyes can . as for clerical ordinations , there are no such reasons alledged against the order which is , but that it may be esteemed as good in every respect , as that which hath been ; and , in some considerations , better , at leastwise ( which is sufficient to our purpose ) it may be held in the church of christ , without transgressing any law , either antient or late , divine or human. which we ought to observe and keep . the form of making ecclesiastical officers , hath sundry parts , neither are they all of equal moment . when deacons having not been before in the church of christ , the apostles saw it needful to have such ordained : they , first , assemble the multitude , and shew them how needful it is that deacons be made . secondly , they name unto them what number they judge convenient , what quality the men must be of , and to the people they commit the care of finding such out . thirdly , the people hereunto assenting , make their choyce of stephen and the rest ; those chosen men they bring and present before the apostles : howbeit , all this doth not endue them with any ecclesiastical power . but when so much was done , the apostles finding no cause to take exception , did with prayer and imposition of hands , make them deacons . this was it which gave them their very being , all other things besides were only preparations unto this . touching the form of making presbyters , although it be not wholly of purpose anywhere set down in the apostles writings , yet sundry speeches there are , which insinuate the chiefest things that belong unto that action : as when paul and barnabas are said to have fasted , prayed , and made presbyters : when timothy is willed to lay hands suddenly on no man , for fear of participating with other mens sins . for this cause the order of the primitive church was , between choyce and ordination to have some space for such probation and tryal as the apostle doth mention in deacons , saying , let them first be proved , and then minister , if so be they be found blameless . alexander severus beholding in his time how careful the church of christ was , especially for this point ; how , after the choyce of their pastors , they used to publish the names of the parties chosen , and not to give them the final act of approbation , till they saw whether any lett or impediment would be alledged ; he gave commandment , that the like should also be done in his own imperial elections , adding this as a reason wherefore he so required , namely , for that both christians and iews being so wary about the ordination of their priests , it seemed very unequal for him not to be in like sort circumspect , to whom he committed the government of provinces , containing power over mens both estates and lives . this the canon law it self doth provide for , requiring before ordination scrutiny : let them diligently be examined three dayes together before the sabbath , and on the sabbath let them be presented unto the bishop . and even this in effect also is the very use of the church of england , at all solemne ordaining of ministers ; and if all ordaining were solemne , i must confesse it were much the better . the pretended disorder of the church of england is , that bishops ordain them , to whose election the people give no voyces , and so the bishops make them alone , that is to say , they give ordination without popular election going before , which antient bishops neither did nor might do . now in very truth , if the multitude have hereunto a right , which right can never be translated from them for any cause , then is there no remedy but we must yield , that unto the lawful making of ministers , the voyce of the people is required ; and that , according to the adverse parties assertion , such as make ministers without asking the peoples consent , do but exercise a certain tyranny . at the first erection of the common-weals of rome , the people ( for so it was then fittest ) determined of all affairs : afterwards , this growing troublesome , their senators did that for them , which themselves before had done : in the end all came to one man's hands , and the emperour alone was instead of many senators . in these things , the experience of time may breed both civil and ecclesiastical change from that which hath been before received , neither do latter things always violently exclude former , but the one grawing less convenient then it hath been , giveth place to that which is now become more . that which was fit for the people themselves to do at the first , might afterwards be more convenient for them to do by some other : which other is not thereby proved a tyrant , because he alone doth that which a multitude were wont to do , unless by violence he take that authority upon him , against the order of law , and without any publick appointment ; as with us , if any did , it should ( i suppose ) not long be safe for him so to do . this answer ( i hope ) will seem to be so much the more reasonable , in that themselves , who stand against us , have furnish'd us , therewith , for , whereas against the making of ministers by bishops alone , their use hath been to object , what sway the people did bear when stephen and rest were ordained deacons : they begin to espy how their own plat-form swerveth not a little from that example wherewith they controul the practices of others . for , touching the form of the peoples concurrence in that action , they observe it not ; no , they plainly profess , that they are not in this point bound to be followers of the apostles . the apostles ordained whom the people had first chosen . they hold , that their ecclesiastical senate ought both to choose , and also to ordain . do not themselves then take away that which the apostles gave the people , namely , the priviledge of chusing ecclesiastical officers ? they do . but behold in what sort they answer it . by the sixth and the fourteenth of the acts ( say they ) it doth appear , that the people had the chiefest power of chusing . howbeit that , as unto me it seemeth , was dine upon special cause , which doth not so much concern us , neither ought it to be drawn unto the ordinary and perpetual form of governing the church : for , as in establishing common-weals , not only if they be popular , but even being such as are ordered by the power of a few the chiefest , or as by the sole authority of one till the same he established , the whole sway is in the peoples hands , who voluntarily appoint those magistrates by whose authority they may be governed ; so that afterward not the multitude it self , but those magistrates which were chosen by the multitude , have the ordering of publick affairs : after the self-same manner is fared in establishing also the church : when there was not as yet any placed over the people , all authority was in them all ; but when they all had chosen certain to whom the regiment of the church was committed , this power is not now any longer in the hands of the whole multitude , but wholly in theirs who are appointed guides of the church . besides , in the choyce of deacons , there was also another special cause wherefore the whole church as that time should chuse them . for inasmuch as the grecians murmured against the hebrews , and complained , that in the duly distribution which was made for relief of the poor , they were not indifferently respected , nor such regard had of their widows as was meet ; this made it necessary that they all should have to deal in the choyce of those unto whom that care was afterwards to be committed , to the end that all occasion of jealousies and complaints might be removed . wherefore that which was done by the people for certain causes , before the church was sully settled , may not be drawn out , and applyed unto a constant and perpetual form of ordering the church . let them cast the discipline of the church of england into the same scales where they weigh their own , let them give us the same measure which here they take , and our strifes shall soon be brought to a quiet end . when they urge the apostles as precedents ; when they condemn us of tyranny , because we do not , in making ministers , the same which the apostles did ; when they plead , that with us one alone doth ordain , and that our ordinations are without the peoples knowledge , contrary to that example which the blessed apostles gave : we do not request at their hands allowance as much as of one word we speak in our own defence , if that which we speak be of our own : but that which themselves speak , they must be content to listen unto . to exempt themselves from being over-farr prest with the apostles example , they can answer , that which was done by the people once upon special causes , when the church was not yet established , is not to be made a rule for the constant and continual ordering of the church . in defence of their own election , although they do not therein depend on the people so much as the apostles in the choyce of deacons , they think it a very sufficient apology , that there were special considerations why deacons at that time should be chosen by the whole church , but not so now . in excuse of dissimilitudes between their own and the apostles discipline , they are contented to use this answer , that many things were done in the apostles times , before the settling of the church , which afterward the church was not tyed to observe . for countenance of their own proceedings , wherein their governors do more than the apostles , and their people less than under the apostles the first churches are found to have done , at the making of ecclesiastical officers , they deem it a marvellous reasonable kinde of pleading to say , that even as in common-wealt , when the multitude have once chosen many , or one to rule over them , the right which was at the first in the whole body of the people , is now derived into those many , or that one which it so chosen ; and that this being done , it is not the whole multitude , to whom the administration of such publick affairs any longer appertaineth , but that which they did , their rulers may now do lawfully without them : after the self-same manner it slandeth with the church also . how easie and plain might we make our defence ? how clear and allowable even unto them , it we could but obtain of them to admit the same things consonant unto equity in our mouths , which they require to be so taken from their own ? if that which is truth , being uttered in maintenance of scotland and geneva , do not cease to be truth when the church of england once alledgeth it ; this great crime of tyranny wherewith we are charged , hath a plain and an easie defence ? yea , but we do not at all aske the peoples approbation , which they do , whereby they shew themselves more indifferent and more free from taking away the peoples right . indeed , when their lay-elders have chosen whom they think good , the peoples consent thereunto is asked , and , if they give their approbation , the thing standeth warranted for sound and good . but if not , is the former choyce overthrown ? no , but the people is to yield to reason ; and , if they which have made the choyce , do so like the poeples reason , as to reverse their own deed at the hearing of it , then a new election to be made ; otherwise the former to stand , notwithstanding the peoples negative and dislike . what is this else but to deal with the people , as those nurses do with infants , whose mouths they besmear with the backside of the spoon , as though they had fed them , when they themselves devour the food . they cry in the ears of the people , that all mens consent should be had unto that which concerns all ; they make the people believe we wrong them , and deprive them of their right in making ministers , whereas , with us , the people have commonly farr more sway and force then with them . for inasmuch as there are but two main things observed in every ecclesiastical function , power to exercise the duty it self , and some charge of people whereon to exercise the same ; the former of these is received at the hands of the whole visible catholick church : for it is not any one particular multitude that can give power , the force whereof may reach farr and wide indefinitely , as the power of order doth , which whoso hath once received , there is no action which belongeth thereunto , but he may exercise effectually the same in any part of the world , without iterated ordination . they whom the whole church hath from the beginning used as her agents , in conferring this power , are not either one or mo● of the laity , and therefore it hath not been heard of , that ever any such were allowed to ordain ministers : onely persons ecclesiastical , and they , in place of calling , superiours both unto deacons , and unto presbyters ; only such persons ecclesiastical have been authorized to ordain both , and to give them the power of order , in the name of the whole church . such were the apostles , such was timothy , such was titus , such are bishops . not that there is between these no difference , but that they all agree in preheminence of place above both presbyters and deacons , whom they otherwise might not ordain . now whereas hereupon some do inferr , that no ordination can stand , but only such as is made by bishops , which have had their ordination likewise by other bishops before them , till we come to the very apostles of christ themselves . in which respect it was demanded of beza at poissie , by what authority he could administer the holy sacraments , being not thereunto ordained by any other than calvin , or by such as to whom the power of ordination did not belong , according to the antient orders and customs of the church , sith calvin , and they who joyned with him in that action , were no bishops : and athanasius maintaineth the fact of macarius a presbyter , which overthrew the holy table , whereat one ischyras would have ministred the blessed sacrament , having not been consecrated thereunto by laying on of some bishops hands , according to the ecclesiastical canons , as also epiphanius inveigheth sharply against divers for doing the like , when they had not episcopal ordination . to this we answer . that there may be sometimes very just and sufficient reason to allow ordination made without a bishop . the whole church visible being the true original subject of all power , it hath not ordinarily allowed any other than bishops alone to ordain : howbeit , as the ordinary course is ordinarily in all things to be observed , so it may be in some cases not unnecessary that we decline from the ordinary wayes . men may be extraordinarily , yet allowably , two wayes admitted unto spiritual functions in the church . one is , when god himself doth of himself raise up any , whose labour be useth without requiring that men should authorize them . but then he doth ratifie their calling by manifest signes and tokens himself from heaven . and thus even such as believed not our saviours teaching , did yet acknowledge him a lawful teacher sent from god : thou art a teacher sent from god , otherwise none could do those things which thou dost . luther did but reasonably therefore , in declaring that the senate of mulheuse should do well to ask of muncer , from whence he received power to teach ? who it was that had called him ? and if his answer were , that god had given him his charge , then to require at his hands some evident sign thereof for men's satisfaction ; because so god is wont , when he himself is the author of any extraordinary calling . another extraordinary kinde of vocation is , when the exigence of necessity doth constrain to leave the usual wayes of the church , which otherwise we would willingly keep : where the church must needs have some ordained , and neither hath , nor can have possibly a bishop to ordain ; in case of such necessity , the ordinary institution of god hath given oftentimes , and may give , place . and therefore we are not , simply without exception , to urge a lineal descent of power from the apostles by continued succession of bishops in every effectual ordination . these cases of inevitable necessity excepted , none may ordain but only bishops : by the imposition of their hands it is , that the church giveth power of order , both unto presbyters and deacons . now , when that power so received is once to have any certain subject whereon it may work , and whereunto it is to be tyed , here cometh in the peoples consent , and not before . the power of order i may lawfully receive , without asking leave of any multitude ; but that power i cannot exercise upon any one certain people utterly against their wills ; neither is there in the church of england any man , by order of law , possessed with pastoral charge over any parish , but the people in effect do chuse him thereunto . for , albeit they chuse not by giving every man personally his particular voyce , yet can they not say , that they have their pastors violently obtruded upon them , in as much as their antient and original interest therein , hath been by orderly means derived into the patron who chuseth for them . and if any man be desirous to know how petrons came to have such interest , we are to consider , that at the first erection of churches , it seemed but reasonable in the eyes of the whole christian world , to pass that right to them and their successors , on whose soyl , and at whose charge the same were founded . this all men gladly and willingly did , both in honor of so great piety , and for encouragement of many others unto the like , who peradventure else , would have been as slow to erect churches , or to endow them , as we are forward both to spoyl them , and to pull them down . it s no true assertion therefore , in such sort as the pretended reformers mean it , that all ministers of god's word ought to be made by consent of many , that is to say , by the peoples saffrages ; that antient bishops neither did nor might or dain otherwise ; and that ours do herein usurp a farr greater power than was , or then lawfully could have been granted unto bishops which were of old . furthermore , as touching spiritual jurisdiction , our bishops , they say , do that which of all things is most intollerable , and which the antient never did , our bishops excommunicate and release alone , whereas the censures of the church neither ought , nor were want to be administred otherwise , then by consent of many . their meaning here when they speak of many , is not as before it was : when they hold that ministers should be made with consent of many , they understand by many , the multitude , or common people ; but in requiring that many should evermore joyn with the bishop in the administration of church-censures , they mean by many , a few lay-elders , chosen out of the rest of the people to that purpose , this , they say , is ratified by antient councils , by antient bishops this was practised . and the reason hereof , as beza supposeth , was , because if the power of ecclesiastical censures did belong unto any one , there would this great inconvenience follow ; ecclesiastical regiment should be changed into mere tyranny , or else into a civil royalty : therefore no one , either bishop or presbyter , should or can alone exercise that power , but with his ecclesiastical consist●ry he ought to do it , as may appear by the old discipline . and is it possible , that one so grave and judicious should think it in earnest tyranny for a bishop to excommunicate , whom law and order hath authorized so to do ? or be perswaded , that ecclesiast●cal regiment degenerateth into civil regality , when one is allowed to do that which hath been at any time the deed of moe ? surely , farr meaner-witted men than the world accounteth mr. reza , do easily perceive , that tyranny is power violently exercised against order , against law ; and that the difference of these two regiments , ecclesiastical and civil , consisteth in the matter about which the actions of each are conversant ; and not in this , that civil royalty admitteth but one , ecclesiastical government requireth many supreme correctors . which allegation , were it true , would prove no more than only , that some certain number is necessary for the assistance of the bishop : but that a number of such as they do require is necessary , how doth it prove ? wherefore albeit bishops should now do the very same which the antients did , using the colledge of presbyters under them as their assistants , when they administer church-censures , yet should they still swerve utterly from that which these men so busily labour for , because the agents whom they require to assist in those cases , are a sort of lay-elders , such as no antient bishop ever was assisted with . shall these fruitless jarrs and janglings never cease ? shall we never see end of them ? how much happier were the world if those eager task-masters , whose eyes are so curious and sharp in discerning what should be done by many , and what by few , were all changed into painful doers of that which every good christian man ought either only or chiefly to do , and to be found therein doing when that great and glorious judge of all mens both deeds and words shall appear ? in the mean while , be it one that hath this charge , or be they many that be his assistants , let there be careful provision that justice may be administred , and in this shall our god be glorified more than by such contentious disputes . xv. of which nature that also is , wherein bishops are , over and besides all this , accused to have much more excessive power than the antient , in as much as unto their ecclesiastical authority , the civil magistrate for the better repressing of such as contemn ecclesiastical censures , hath for divers ages annexed civil . the crime of bishops herein is divided into these two several branches , the one that in causes ecclesiastical , they strike with the sword of secular punishments ; the other , that offices are granted them , by vertue whereof they meddle with civil affairs . touching the one , it reacheth no farther than only unto restraint of liberty by imprisonment ( which yet is not done but by the laws of the land , and by vertue of authority derived from the prince . ) a thing which being allowable in priests amongst the jews , must needs have received some strange alteration in nature since , if it be now so pernicious and venomous to be coupled with a spiritual vocation in any man which beareth office in the church of christ. shemaia writing to the colledge of priests which were in ierusalem , and to z●phania the principal of them , told them they were appointed of god , that they might be officers in the house of the lord , for every man which raved , and did make himselfe a prophet , to the end that they might by the force of this their authority put such in prison , and in the stocks . his malice is reproved , for that he provoketh them to shew their power against the innocent . but surely , when any man justly punishable had been brought before them , it could be no unjust thing for them even in such sort then to have punished . as for offices , by vertue whereof bishops have to deal in civil affairs , we must consider that civil affairs are of divers kindes● and as they be not all fit for ecclesiastical persons to meddle with , so neither is it necessary , nor at this day haply convenient , that from meddling with any such thing at all they all should without exception be secluded . i will therefore set down some few causes , wherein it cannot but clearly appear unto reasonable men , that civil and ecclesiastical functions may be lawfully united in one and the same person . first therefore , in case a christian society be planted amongst their professed enemies , or by toleration do live under some certain state whereinto they are not incorporated , whom shall we judge the meetest men to have the hearing and determining of such mere civil controversies as are every day wont to grow between man and man ? such being the state of the church of corinth , the apostle giveth them this direction , dare any of you , having business against another be judged by the unjust , and not under saints ? do ye not know that the saints shall judge the world ? if the world then shall be judged by you , are ye unworthy to judge the smallest matters ? know ye not that we shall judge the angels ? how much more things that appertain to this life ? if then ye have judgement of things pertaining to this life , set up them which are least esteemed in the church . i speak it to your shame ; is it so , that there is not a wise man amongst you ? us not one that can judge between his brethren , but a brother goeth to law with a brother , and that under the infidels ? now therefore there is utterly a fault among you , because ye go to law one with another ; why rather suffer ye not wrong , why rather sustain ye not harm ? in which speech there are these degrees ; better to suffer and to put up injuries , than to contend ; better to end contention by arbitrement , then by judgement ; better by judgement before the wisest of their own , than before the simpler ; better before the simplest of their own , than the wisest of them without : so that if judgement of secular affairs should be committed unto wise men , unto men of chiefest credit and account amongst them , when the pastors of their souls are such , who more fit to be also their judges for the ending of strikes ? the wisest in things divine , may be also in things humane the most skilful . at leastwise they are by likelihood commonly more able to know right from wrong than the common un-lettered sort . and what st. augustin did hereby gather , his own words do sufficiently show . i call god to witness upon my soul , saith he , that according to the order which is kept in well-ordered monasteries , i could wish to have every day my hours of labouring with my hands , my hours of reading and of praying , rather than to endure these most tumultuous perplexities of other men's causes , which i am forced to bear while i travel in secular businesses , either by judging to discuss them , or to cut them off by intreaty : unto which toyles that apostle , who himself sustained them not , for any thing we read , hath notwithstanding ●yed us not of his own accord , but being thereunto directed by that spirit which speaks in him . his own apostleship , which drew him to travel up and down , suffered him not to be any where settled for this purpose ; wherefore the wise , faithful and holy men which were seated here and there , and not them which travelled up and down to preach , he made examiners of such businesses . whereupon of him it is no where written , that he had leisure to attend these things , from which we cannot excuse our selves although we be simple , because even such he requireth , if wise men cannot be had , rather than that the affairs of christians should be brought into publick judgement . howbeit , not without comfort in our lord are these travels undertaken by us , for the hopes sake of eternal life , to the end that with patience we may reap fruit . so farr is saint augustin from thinking it unlawful for pastors in such sort to judge civil causes , that he plainly collecteth out of the apostles words , a necessity to undertake that duty ; yea himself he comforteth with the hope of a blessed reward , in lieu of travel that way sustained . again , even where whole christian kingdoms are , how troublesome were it for universities , and other greater collegiate societies , erected to serve as nurseries unto the church of christ , if every thing which civilly doth concern them were to be carried from their own peculiar governors , because for the most part they are ( as fittest it is they should be ) persons ecclesiastical calling ? it was by the wisdom of our famous predecessors foreseen how unfit this would be , and hereupon provided by grant of special charters , that it might be , as now it is in the universities , where their vice-chancellors , being for the most part professors of divinity , are nevertheless civil judges over them in the most of their ordinary causes . and to go yet some degrees further , a thing impossible it is not , neither altogether unusual , for some who are of royal blood to be consecrated unto the ministry of jesus christ , and so to be nurses of god's church , not only as the prophet did fore-tell , but also as the apostle saint paul was . now in case the crown should by this mean descend unto such persons , perhaps when they are the very last , or perhaps the very best of their race , so that a greater benefit they are not able to bestow upon a kingdom , than by accepting their right therein ; shall the sanctity of their order deprive them of that honour whereunto they have right by blood ? or shall it be a barr to shut out the publick good that may grow by their vertuous regiment ? if not , then must they cast off the office which they received by divine imposition of hands ; or , if they carry a more religious opinion concerning that heavenly function , it followeth , that being invested as well with the one as the other , they remain god's lawfully anointed both ways . with men of skill and mature judgement there is of this so little doubt , that concerning such as at this day are under the archbishops of ments , colen , and travers , being both archbishops and princes of the empire ; yea such as live within the popes own civil territories , there is no cause why any should deny to yield them civil obedience in any thing which they command , not repugnant to christian piety ; yea even that civilly , for such as are under them , not to obey them , were the part of seditious persons : howbeit for persons ecclesiastical , thus to exercise civil dominion of their own , is more than when they onely sustain some publick office , or deal in some business civil , being thereunto even by supream authority required . as nature doth not any thing in vain , so neither grace : wherefore , if it please god to bless some principal attendants on his own sanctuary , and to endue them with extraordinary parts of excellency , some in one kinde , some in another , surely a great derogation it were to the very honour of him who bestowed so precious graces , except they on whom he hath bestowed them should accordingly be imployed , that the fruit of those heavenly gifts might extend it self unto the body of the common-wealth wherein they live ; which being of purpose instituted ( for so all common-wealths are ) to the end , that all might enjoy whatsoever good it pleaseth the almighty to endue each one with , must needs suffer loss , when it hath not the gain which eminent civil hability in ecclesiastical persons is now and then found apt to afford . shall we then discommend the people of milan for using ambrose their bishop as an ambassadour about their publick and politick affairs ; the jews for electing their priests sometimes to be leaders in warr ; david for making the high priest his chiefest counsellour of state , finally , all christian kings and princes which have appointed unto like services , bishops , or other of the clergy under them ? no! they have done in this respect that which most sincere and religious wisdom alloweth . neither is it allowable only , when either a kinde of necessity doth cast civil offices upon them , or when they are thereunto preferred in regard of some extraordinary fitness , but further also , when there are even of right annexed unto some of their places , or of course imposed upon certain of their persons , functions of dignity and account in the common-wealth ; albeit no other consideration be had therein save this , that their credit and countenance may by such means be augmented . a thing , if ever to be respected , surely most of all now , when god himself is for his own sake generally no where honoured , religion almost no where , no where religiously adored , the ministry of the word and sacraments of christ a very cause of disgrace in the eyes both of high and low , where it hath not somewhat besides it self to be countenanced with . for unto this very pass things are come , that the glory of god is constrained even to stand upon borrowed credit , which yet were somewhat the more tolerable , if there were not that disswade to lead i● him . no practise so vile , but pretended holynesse is made sometimes a cloak to hide it . the french king philip valois in his time made an ordinance , that all prelates and bishops shu●●ld be clean excluded from parliaments , where the affairs of the kingdom were handled ; pretending that a king , with good conscience ; cannot draw pastors , having cure of souls , from so weighty a business ; to trouble their heads with consultations of state. but irreligious intents are not able to hide themselves , no not when holiness is made their cloak . this is plain and simple truth , that the counsels of wicked men hate always the presence of them , whose vertue , though it should not be able to prevail against their purposes , would notwithstanding be unto their minds a secret corrosive ; and therefore , till either by one shift or another they can bring all things to their own hands alone , they are not secure . ordinances holler and better there stand as yet in force by the grace of almighty god , and the works of his providence , amongst us . let not envy so far prevail , as to make us account that a blemish , which , if there be in us any spark of sound judgement , or of religious conscience , we must of necessity acknowledge to be one of the chiefest ornaments unto this land : by the antient laws whereof , the clergy being held for the chief of those three estates , which together make up the entire body of this common-wealth , under one supreme head and governour ; it hath all this time ever born a sway proportionable in the weighty affairs of the land , wise and vertuous kings condescending most willingly thereunto , even of reverence to the most high ; with the flower of whose sanctified inheritance , as it were with a kinde of divine presence , unless their chiefest civil assemblies were so farr forth beautified as might be without any notable impediment unto their heavenly f●nctions , they could not satisfie themselves as having showed towards god an affection most du●iful . thus , first , in defect of other civil magistrates ; secondly for the ease and quietness of scholastical societies ; thirdly , by way of political necessity ; fourthly , in regard of quality , care , and extraordinancy ; fifthly , for countenance into the ministry ; and lastly , even of devotion and reverence towards god himself , there may be admitted at leastwise in some particulars well and lawfully enough a conjunction of civil and ecclesiastical power ; except there be some such law or reason to the contrary , as may prove it to be a thing simply in it self naught . against it many things are objected , as first , that the matters which are noted in the holy scripture to have belonged unto the ordinary office of any minister of god's holy word and sacraments , are these which follow , with such like , and no other ; namely , the watch of the sanctuary , the business of god , the ministry of the word and sacraments , oversight of the house of god , watching over his flock , prophesie , prayer , dispensations of the mysteries of god , charge and care of mens souls . if a man would shew what the offices and duties of a chirurgion or physician are ; i suppose it were not his part , so much as to mention any thing belonging to the one or the other , in case either should be also a souldier or a merchant , or an house-keeper , or a magistrate ; because the functions of these are different from those of the former , albeit one and the same man may happily be both . the case is like , when the scripture teacheth what duties are required in an ecclesiastical minister , in describing of whose office , to touch any other thing than such as properly and directly toucheth his office that way , were impertinent . yea , but in the old testament the two powers civil and ecclesiastical were distinguished , not onely in nature , but also in person : the one committed unto moses , and the magistrates joyned with him ; the other to aaron , and his sons . jehosophat in his reformation doth not onely distinguish causes ecclesiastical from civil , and erecteth divers courts for them , but appointeth also divers iudges . with the jews these two powers were not so distinguished , but that sometimes they might and did conc●● in one and the same person . was not ely both priest and judge ? after their return from captivity , es●●as a priest , and the same their chief governour even in civil affairs also ? these men which urge the necessity of making always a personal distinction of these two powers , as if by iehosaphat's example the same person ought not to deal in both causes , yet are not scrupulous to make men of civil place and calling , presbyters and ministers of spiritual jurisdiction in their own spiritual consistories . if it be against the jewish precedents for us to give civil power unto such as have ecclesiastical ; is it not as much against the same for them to give ecclesiastical power unto such as have civil ? they will answer perhaps , that their position is onely against conjunction of ecclesiastical power of order , and the power of civil jurisdiction in one person . but this answer will not stand with their proofs , which make no less against the power of civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction in one person ; for of these two powers iehosaphat's example is : besides , the contrary example of heli and of ezra , by us alledged , do plainly shew , that , amongst the jewes , even the power of order ecclesiastical , and civil jurisdiction , were sometimes lawfully united in one and the same person , pressed further we are with our lord and saviour's example , who denyeth his kingdom to be of this wold , and therefore as not standing with his calling refused to be made a king , to give sentence in a criminal cause of adultery , and in a civil of dividing an inheritance . the jews , imagining that their messiah should be a potent monarch upon earth , no marvail , though when they did otherwise wonder at christ's greatness , they sought forthwith to have him invested with that kinde of dignity , to the end he might presently begin to reign . others of the jewes , which likewise had the same imagination of the messiah , and did somehat incline to think that peradventure this might be he , thought good to try whether he would take upon him that which he might do , being a king , such as they supposed their true messiah should be . but christ refused to be a king over them , because it was no part of the office of their messiah , as they did , falsely conceive ; and to intermeddle in those acts of civil judgement be refused also , because he had no such jurisdiction in that common-wealth , being , in regard of his civil person , a man of mean and low calling . as for repugnancy between ecclesiastical and civil power , or any inconvenience that these two powers should be united , it doth not appear , that this was the cause of his resistance either to reign or else to judge . what say we then to the blessed apostles , who teach , that souldiers intangle not themselves with the businesses of this life , but leave them , to the end they may please him who hath chosen them to serve ; and that so the good souldiers of christ ●ught to do . the apostles which taught this , did never take upon them any place or office of civil power . no : they gave over the ecclesiastical care of the poor , that they might wholly attend upon the word and prayer . st. paul indeed doth exhort timothy after this manner , suffer thou evil as a noble souldier of iesus christ : no man warring is entangled with the affairs of life , because he must serve such as have pressed him unto warfare . the sense and meaning whereof is plain , that souldiers may not be nice and tender , that they must be able to endure hardnesse , that no man betaking himself unto wars , continueth entangled with such kinde of businesses , as tend only unto the ease and quiet felicity of this life ; but if the service of him who hath taken them under his banner , require the hazard , yea , the losse of their lives , to please him● they must be content and willing with any difficulty , any peril , be it never so much against the natural desire which they have to live in safety . and at this point the clergy of god must always stand ; thus it behoveth them to be affected as oft as their lord and captain leadeth them into the field , whatsoever conflicts , perils or evils they are to endure . which duty being not such , but that therewith the civil dignities , which ecclesiastical persons amongst us do enjoy , may enough stand ; the exhortation of paul to timothy , is but a slender allegation against them . as well might we gather out of this place , that men having children or wives , are not fit to be ministers ( which also hath been collected , and that by sundry of the antient ) and that it is requisite the clergy be utterly forbidden marriage : for , as the burthen of civil regiment doth make them who bear it , the less able to attend their ecclesiastical charge ; even so saint paul doth say , that the married are careful for the world , the unmarried freer to give themselves wholly to the service of god , howbeit , both experience hath found it safer , that the clergy should bear the cares of honest marriage , than be subject to the inconveniencies which single life , imposed upon them , would draw after it ; and as many as are of sound judgement know it to be farr better for this present age , that the detriment be born , which haply may grow through the lessening of some few mens spiritual labours , than that the clergy and common-wealth should lack the benefit which both the one and the other may reap through their dealing in civil affairs . in which consideration , that men consecrated unto the spiritual service of god be licensed so farr forth to meddle with the secular affairs of the world , as doth seem for some special good cause requisite , and may be without any grievous prejudice unto the church ; surely , there is not in the apostles words , being rightly understood , any lett . that no apostle did ever bear office , may it not be a wonder , considering the great devotion of the age wherein they lived , and the zeal of herod , of nero the great commander of the known world , and of other kings of the earth , at that time to advance by all means christian religion ? their deriving unto others that smaller charge of distributing of the goods which were laid at their feet , and of making provision for the poor , which charge , being in part civil , themselves had before ( as i suppose , lawfully ) undertaken , and their following of that which was weightier , may serve as a marvellous good example , for the dividing of one man's office into divers slips , and the subordinating of inferiours to discharge some part of the same , when , by reason of multitude increasing , that labour waxeth great and troublesome , which before was easie and light : but very small force it hath to inferr a perpetual divorce between ecclesiastical and civil power in the same persons . the most that can be said in this case is , that sundry eminent canons , bearing the name of apostolical , and divers conncils likewise there are , which have forbidden the clergy to bear any secular office ; and have enjoyned them to attend altogether upon reading , preaching , and prayer : whereupon the most of the antient fathers , have shewed great dislikes that these two powers should be united in one person . for a full and final answer whereunto , i would first demand , whether commension and separation of these two powers , be a matter of mere positive law , or else a thing simply with or against the law immutable of god and nature ? that which is simply against this latter law , can at no time be allowable in any person , more than adultery , blasphemy . sacriledge , and the like . but conjunction of power ecclesiastical and civil , what law is there which hath not at some time or other allowed as a thing convenient and meet ? in the law of god we have examples sundry , whereby it doth most manifestly appear , how of him the same hath oftentime been approved . no kingdom or nation in the world , but hath been thereunto accustomed without inconvenience and hurt . in the prime of the world , kings and civil rulers were priests for the most part all . the a romans note it as a thing beneficial in their own common-wealth , and even to b them apparently forcible for the strengthening of the jewes regiment , under moses and samuel . i deny not , but sometime there may be , and hath been perhaps just cause to ordain otherwise . wherefore we are not to urge those things , which heretofore have been either ordered or done as thereby to prejudice those orders , which , upon contrary occasion , and the exigence of the present time , by like authority have been established . for , what is there which doth let , but that from contrary occasions , contrary laws may grow , and each he reasoned and disputed for by such as are subiect thereunto , during the time they are in force ; and yet neither so opposite to other , but that both may laudably continue , as long as the ages which keep them , do see no necessary cause which may draw them unto alteration ? wherefore in these things , canons , constitutions , and laws which have been at one time meet , do not prove that the church should alwayes be bound to follow them . ecclesiastical persons were by antient order forbidden to be executors of any man's testament , or to undertake the wardship of children . bishops , by the imperial law , are forbidden to bequeath by testament , or otherwise to alienate , any thing grown unto them after they were made bishops . is there no remedy but that these , or the like orders , must therefore every where still be observed ? the reason is not always evident , why former orders have been repealed , and other established in their room : herein therefore we must remember the axiom used in the civil laws , that the prince is alwayes presumed to do that with reason , which is not against reason being done , although no reason of his deed be exprest . which being in every respect as true of the church , and her divine authority in making laws , it should be some bridle unto those malepert and proud spirits , whose wits not conceiving the reason of laws that are established , they adore their own private fancy , as the supreme law of all , and accordingly take upon them to judge that whereby they should be judged . but why labour we thus in vain ? for even to change that which now is , and to establish instead thereof , that which themselves would acknowledge the very self-same which hath been , to what purpose were it , fith they protest , that they utterly condemn as well that which hath been , as that which is ; as well the antient , as the present superiority , authority , and power of ecclesiastical persons ? xvi . now where they lastly alledge , that the law of our lord iesus christ , and the judgement of the best in all ages , condemn all ruling superiority of ministers over ministers ; they are in this , as in the rest , more bold to affirm , than able to prove the things which they bring for support of their weak and feeble cause . the bearing of dominion , or the exercising of authority ( they say ) is this wherein the civil magistrate is severed from the ecclesiastical officer , according to the words of our lord and saviour , kings of nations bear rule over them , but it shall not be so with you : therefore bearing of dominion doth not agree to one minister over another . this place hath been , and still is , although most falsely , yet with farr greater shew and likelyhood of truth , brought forth by the anabaptists , to prove that the church of christ ought to have no civil magistrates , but be ordered only by christ. wherefore they urge the opposition between heathens , and them unto whom our saviour speaketh . for , fith the apostles were opposite to heathens , not in that they were apostles , but in that they were christians ; the anabaptists inference , is , that christ doth-here give a law , to be for ever observed by all true christian men , between whom and heathens there must be alwayes this difference , that whereas heathens have their kings and princes to rule , christians ought not in this thing to be like unto them . wherein their construction hath the more shew , because that which christ doth speak to his apostles , is not found alwayes agreeable unto them as apostles , or as pastors of mens souls , but oftentimes it toucheth them in generality , as they are christians ; so that christianity being common unto them with all believers , such specches must be so taken , that they may be applyed unto all , and not onely unto them , they which consent with us , in rejecting such collections as the anabaptist maketh with more probability , must give us leave to reject such as themselves have made with less : for a great deal less likely it is , that our lord should here establish an everlasting difference , not between his church and pagans , but between the pastors of his church and civil governours . for if herein they must always differ , that the one may not bear rule , the other may ; how did the apostles themselves observe this difference , the exercise of whose authority , both in commanding and in controuling others , the scripture hath made so manifest , that no gloss can over-shadow it ? again , it being , as they would have it , our saviour's purpose to withhold his apostles , and in them all other pastors from bearing rule , why should kingly dominion be mentioned , which occasions men to gather , that not all dominion and rule , but this one only form was prohibited , and that authority was permitted them , so it were not regal ? furthermore , in case it had been his purpose to withhold pastors altogether from bearing rule , why should kings of nations be mentioned , as if they were not forbidden to exercise , no not regal dominion it self , but only such regal dominion as heathen kings do exercise ? the very truth is , our lord and saviour did aim at a farr other mark than these men seem to observe . the end of his speech was to reform their particular mis-perswasion to whom he spake : and their mis-perswasion was , that which was also the common fancy of the jews at that time , that their lord being the messias of the world , should restore unto israel that kingdom , whereof the romans had as then bereaved them ; they imagined that he should not onely deliver the state of israel , but himself reign as king in the throne of david , with all secular pomp and dignity ; that he should subdue the rest of the world , and make ierusalem the seat of an universal monarchy . seeing therefore they had forsaken all to follow him , being now in so mean condition , they did not think , but that together with him , they also should rise in state ; that they should be the first , and the most advanced by him . of this conceit it came , that the mother of the sons of zebedee sued for her childrens preferment ; and of this conceit it grew , that the apostles began to question amongst themselves which of them should be greatest : and , in controulment of this conceit , it was , that our lord so plainly told them , that the thoughts of their hearts were vain . the kings of nations have indeed their large and ample dominions , they reign farr and wide , and their servants they advance unto honour in the world , they bestow upon them large and ample secular preferments , in which respect they are also termed many of them benefactors , because of the liberal hand which they use in rewarding such as have done them service : but , was it the meaning of the antient prophets of god , that the messias the king of israel should be like unto these kings , and his retinue grow in such sort as theirs ? wherefore ye are not to look for at my hands such preferment as kings of nations are wont to bestow upon their attendants , with you not so . your reward in heaven shall be most ample , on earth your chiefest honour must be to suffer persecution for righteousness sake ; submission , humility and meekness are things fitter for you to inure your mindes withall , than these aspiring cogitations ; if any amongst you be greater than other , let him shew himself greatest in being lowlyest ; let him be above them in being under them , even as a servant for their good . these are affections which you must put on ; as for degrees of preferment and honour in this world , if ye expect any such thing at my hands , ye deceive your selves , for in the world your portion is rather the clear contrary . wherefore they who alledge this place against episcopal authority abuse it , they many wayes deprave and wrest it , clear from the true understanding wherein our saviour himself did utter it . for first , whereas he by way of meer negation had said , with you it shall not be so , fore-telling them onely that it should not so come to pass , as they vainly surmised ; these men take his words in a plain nature of a prohibition , as if christ had thereby forbidden all inequality of ecclesiastical power . secondly , whereas he did but cut off their idle hope of secular advancements , all standing-superiority amongst persons ecclesiastical these men would rase off with the edge of his speech . thirdly , whereas he in abating their hope even of secular advancements spake but onely with relation unto himself , informing them that he would be no such munificent lord unto them in their temporal dignity and honour , as they did erroneously suppose ; so that any apostle might afterwards have grown by means of others to be even emperours of rome , for any thing in those words to the contrary ; these men removing quite and clean the hedge of all such restraints , enlarge so farr the bounds of his meaning , as if his very precise intent and purpose had been not to reform the error of his apostles , conceived as touching him , and to teach what himself would not be towards them ; but to prescribe a special law both to them and their successor for ever ; a law determining what they should not be in relation of one to another ; a law forbidding that any such title should be given to any minister as might import or argue in him a superiority over other ministers . being thus defeated of that succour which they thought their cause might have had out of the words of our saviour christ , they try their adventure in seeking , what aid man's testimony will yield them : cyptian objecteth it to florentinus as a proud thing , that by believing evil reports , and mis-judging of cyprian , he made himself bishop of a bishop , and iudge over him , whom god had for the time appointed to be iudge , lib. . ep. . the endeavour of godly men to strike at these insolent names , may appear in the council of carthage : where it was decreed , that the bishop of the chief see should not be entituled the exarch of priests , or the highest priest , or any other thing of like sense , but onely the bishop of the chiefest see ; whereby are shut out the name of archbishop , and all other such haughty titles . in these allegations it fareth , as in broken reports snatched out of the author's mouth , and broached before they be half either told on the one part , or on the other understood . the matter which cyprian complaineth of in florentinus was thus : novatus misliking the easiness of cyprian to admit men into the fellowship of believers , after they had fallen away from the bold and constant confession of christian faith , took thereby occasion to separate himself from the church ; and being united with certain excommunicate persons , they joyned their wits together , and drew out against cyprian their lawful bishop sundry grievous accusations , the crimes such , as being true , had made him uncapable of that office whereof he was six years as then possessed ; they went to rome , and to other places , accusing him every where as guilty of those faults , of which themselves had lewdly condemned him , pretending that twenty five african bishops ( a thing most false ) had heard and examined his cause in a solemn assembly , and that they all had given their sentence against him , holding his election by the canons of the church void . the same factious and seditious persons coming also unto florentinus , who was at that time a man imprisoned for the testimony of jesus christ , but yet a favourer of the error of novatus , their malicious accusations he over-willingly hearkned unto , gave them credit , concurred with them , and unto cyprian in fine wrote his letters against cyprian : which letters he justly taketh in marvellous evil part , and therefore severely controuleth his so great presumption in making himself a judge of a judge , and , as it were , a bishop's bishop , to receive accusations against him , as one that had been his ordinary . what heigth of pride is this , saith cyprian , what arrogancy of spirit , what a puffing up of minde , to call guides and priests to be examined and sifted before him ? so that unless we shall be cleared in your courts , and absolved by your sentence , behold for these six years space , neither shall the brotherhood have had a bishop , nor the people a guide , nor the flock a shepherd , nor the church a governor , nor christ a prelate , nor god a priest. this is the pride which cyprian condemneth in florentinus , and not the title or name of archbishop ; about which matter there was not at that time so much as the dream of any controversie at all between them . a silly collection it is , that because cyprian reproveth florentinus for lightness of belief , and presumptuous rashness of judgement , therefore he held the title of archbishop to be a vain and a proud name . archbishops were chief amongst bishops , yet archbishops had not over bishops that full authority which every bishop had over his own particular clergy : bishops were not subject unto their archbishop as an ordinary , by whom at all times they were to be judged , according to the manner of inferiour pastors , within the compass of each diocess . a bishop might suspend , excommunicate , depose such as were of his own clergy , without any other bishops assistants ; not so an archbishop the bishops that were in his own province , above whom divers prerogatives were given him , howbeit no such authority and power , as alone to be judge over them : for as a bishop could not be ordained , so neither might he be judged by any one only bishop , albeit that bishop were his metropolitan : wherefore cyprian , concerning the liberty and freedom which every bishop had , spake in the council of carthage , whereat fourscore and seven bishops were present , saying , it resteth that every of us declare , what we think of this matter , neither judging nor severing from the right of communion , any that shall think otherwise : for of us there is not any which maketh himself a bishop of bishops , or with tyrannical fear constraineth his collegues unto the necessity of obedience , inasmuch as every bishop , according to the reach of his liberty and power , hath his own free judgement , and can have no more another his iudge , than himself be iudge to another . whereby it appeareth , that , amongst the african bishops , none did use such authority over any as the bishop of rome did afterwards claim over all ; forcing upon them opinions by main and absolute power . wherefore unto the bishop of rome , the same cyprian also writeth concerning his opinion about baptism , these things we present unto your conscience , most dear brother , as well for common honours sake , as of single and sincere love , trusting that as you are truly your self religious and faithful , so those things which agree with religions and faith , will be acceptable unto you : howbeit we know , that what some have over-drunk in , they will not let go , neither easily change their minde , but with care of preserving whole amongst their brethren the bond of peace and concord , retaining still to themselves certain their own opinions wherewith they have been inuired : wherein we neither use force , nor prescribe a law unto any , knowing , that in the government of the church , every ruler hath his own voluntary free judgment , and of that which he doth shall render unto the lord himself an account . as for the council of carthage ; doth not the very first canon thereof establish with most effectual terms , all things which were before agreed on in the council of nice ? and , that the council of nice did ratifie the preheminence of metropolitan bishops , who is ignorant ? the name of an archbishop importeth only , a bishop having chiefty of certain prerogatives above his brethren of the same order . which thing , since the council of nice doth allow , it cannot be that the other of carthage should condemn it , inasmuch as this doth yield unto that a christian unrestrained approbation . the thing provided for by the synod of carthage , can be no other therefore , than only that the chiefest metropolitan , where many archbishops were within any greater province , should not be termed by those names , as to import the power of an ordinary jurisdiction , belonging in such degree and manner unto him , over the rest of the bishops and archbishops , as did belong unto every bishop over other pastors under him . but much more absurd it is to affirm , that both cyprian and the council of carthage condemn even such superiority also of bishops themselves , over pastors their inferiours , as the words of ignatius imply , in terming the bishop , a prince of priests , bishops to be termed arch-priests , in regard of their superiority over priests , is in the writings of the antient fathers a thing so usual and familiar , as almost no one thing more . at the council of nice , saith theodores , three hundred and eighteen arch-priests were present . were it the meaning of the council of carthage , that the title of chief-priest , and such like , ought not in any sort at all to be given unto any christian bishop , what excuse should we make for so many antient , both fathers , and synods of fathers , as have generally applyed the title of arch-priest unto every bishop's office ? high time i think it is , to give over the obstinate defence of this most miserable , forsaken cause ; in the favour whereof , neither god , nor , amongst so many wise and vertuous men as antiquity hath brought forth , any one can be found to have hitherto directly spoken . irksome confusion must of necessity be the end whereunto all such vain an ungrounded confidence doth bring , as hath nothing to bear it out , but only an excessive measure of bold and peremptory words , holpen by the start of a little time , before they came to be examined . in the writings of the antient fathers , there is not any thing with more serious asseveration inculcated , than that it is god which maketh bishops , that their authority hath divine allowance , that the bishop is the priest of god , that he is judge in christ's stead , that , according to god's own law , the whole christian fraternity standeth bound to obey him . of this there was not in the christian world of old any doubt or controversie made ; it was a thing universally every where agreed upon . what should move men to judge that now so unlawful and naught , which then was so reverently esteemed ? surely no other cause but this , men were in those times times meek , lowly , tractable , willing to live in dutiful aw and subjection unto the pastors of their souls : now , we imagin our selves so able every man to teach and direct all others , that none of us can brook it to have superiours ; and , for a mask to hide our pride , we pretend falsely the law of christ , as if we did seek the execution of his will , when in truth we labour for the meer satisfaction of our own against his . xvii . the chiefest cause of disdain and murmure against bishops in the church of england , is , that evil-affected eye wherewith the world looked upon them , since the time that irreligious prophaneness , beholding the due and just advancements of gods clergy hath under pretence of enmity unto ambition and pride , proceeded so farr , that the contumely of old offered unto aaron in the like quarrel , may seem very moderate and quiet dealing , if we compare it with the fury of our own times . the ground and original of both their proceedings , one and the same ; in declaration of their grievances they differ not ; the complaints as well of the one as the other are , wherefore lift ye up your selves thus farr above the congregation of the lord ? it is too much which you take upon you , too much power , and too much honour . wherefore , as we have shewed , that there is not in their power any thing unjust or unlawful , so it resteth that in their honour also the like be done . the labour we take unto this purpose is by so much the harder , in that we are forced to wraftle with the stream of obstinate affection , mightily carried by a wilful prejudice , the dominion whereof is so powerful over them in whom it reigneth , that it giveth them no leave , no not so much as patiently to hearken unto any speech which doth not profess to feed them in this their bitter humour . notwithstanding , for as much as i am perswaded , that against god they will not strive , if they perceive once that in truth it is he against whom they open their mouths , my hope is their own confession will be at the length , behold we have done exceeding foolishly , it was the lord , and we know it not , him in his ministers we have despised , we have in their honour impugned his . but the alteration of men's hearts must be his good and gracious work , whose most omnipotent power framed them . wherefore to come to our present purpose , honour is no where due , saving only unto such as have in them that whereby they are sound , or at the least presumed , voluntarily beneficial unto them of whom they are honoured . wheresoever nature seeth the countenance of a man , it still presumeth , that there is in him a minde willing to do good , if need require , inasmuch as by nature so it should be ; for which cause men unto men do honor , even for very humanity sake . and unto whom we deny all honor , we seem plainly to take from them all opinion of human dignity , to make no account or reckoning of them , to think them so utterly without vertue , as if no good thing in the world could be looked for at their hands . seeing therefore it seemeth hard , that we should so hardly think of any man , the precept of st. peter is , honor all men . which duty of every men towards all , doth vary according to the several degrees whereby they are more and less beneficial , whom we do honor . honor the physician , saith the wiseman . the reason why , because for necessities sake , god created him . again , thou shalt rise up before the beary head , and honor the person of the aged . the reason why , because the younger sort have great benefit by their gravity , experience and wisdom , for which cause , these things the wiseman termeth the crown or diadem of the aged . honor is due to parents : the reason why , because we have our beginning from them ; obey the father that hath begotten thee , the mother that bare thee despise thou nor . honor due unto kings and governors : the reason why , because god hath set them for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well , thus we see by every of these particulars , that there is always some kinde of vertue beneficial , wherein they excel , who receive honor ; and that degrees of honor are distinguished , according to the value of those effects which the same beneficial vertue doth produce . nor is honor only an inward estimation , whereby they are reverenced , and well thought of in the mindes of men ; but honor , whereof we now speak , is defined to be an external sign , by which we give a sensible testification , that we acknowledge the beneficial vertue of others . sarah honored her husband abraham ; this appeareth by the title she gave him . the brethren of ioseph did him honor in the land of egypt ; their lowly and humble gesture sheweth it . parents will hardly perswade themselves that this intentional honor , which reacheth no farther than to the inward conception only , is the honor which their children owe them . touching that honor which , mystically agreeing unto christ , was yielded literally and really unto solomon ; the words of the psalmist concerning it are , unto him they shall give of the gold of sheba , they shall pray for him continually , and daily bless him . weigh these things in themselves , titles , gestures , presents , other the like external signs wherein honor doth consist , and they are matters of no great moment . howbeit , take them away , let them cease to be required , and they are not things of small importance , which that surcease were likely to draw after it . let the lord maior of london , or any other unto whose office honor belongeth , be deprived but of that title which in itself is a matter of nothing ; and suppose we that it would be a small maim unto the credit , force , and countenance of his office ? it hath not without the singular wisdom of god been provided , that the ordinary outward tokens of honor should for the most part be in themselves things of mean account ; for to the end they might easily follow as faithful testimonies of that beneficial vertue whereunto they are due , it behoved them to be of such nature , that to himself no man might over-eagerly challenge them , without blushing ; not any man where they are due withhold them , but with manifest appearance of too great malice or pride . now , forasmuch as , according to the antient orders and customs of this land , as of the kingdom of israel , and of all christian kingdoms through the world , the next in degree of honor unto the chief soveraign , are , the chief prelates of god's church ; what the reason hereof may be ; it resteth next to be enquired . xviii . other reason there is not any , wherefore such honor hath been judged due , saving only that publick good which the prelates of god's clergy are authors of : for i would know , which of these things it is whereof we make any question , either that the favour of god is the chiefest pillar to bear up kingdoms and states ; or , that true religion publickly exercised , is the principal mean to retain the favour of god ; or , that the prelates of the church are they , without whom the exercise of true religion cannot well and long continue ? if these three be grented , then cannot the publick benefit of prelacy be dissembled . and of the first or second of these , i look not for any profest denyal : the world at this will blush , not to grant at the leastwise in word as much as a heathens themselves have of old with most earnest asseveration acknowledged , concerning the force of divine grace in upholding kingdoms . again , though his mercy doth so farr strive with mens ingratitude , that all kinde of publick iniquities deserving his indignation , their safety is , through his gracious providence , many times neverthelesse continued , to the end that amendment might , if it were possible , avert their envy : so that as well common-weals , as particular persons , both may and do endure much longer , when they are careful , as they should be , to use the most effectual means of procuring his favour , on whom their continuance principally dependeth : yet this point no man will stand to argue , no man will openly arm himself to enter into set disputation against the emperors theodosius and valentinian , for making unto their laws concerning religion , this preface , b decere arbitramur nostrum imperium , subditos nostros de religione commonefacere . ita enim & plenicrem adquiri dei ac salvatoris nostri iesu christi benignitatem possibile esse existimamus , si quando & nos pro viribus ipsi placere studuerimus , & nostros subditos ad eam rem instituerimus : or against the emperor iustinian , for that he also maketh the like profession , c per sanctissimas ecclessias & nostrum imperium sustineri , & communes res elementissimi dei gratia muniri , credimus . and in another place , d certissimè credemus , quia sacerdotum puritas & de●●●● & ad dominum deum salvatorem nostrum iesuis christum fervor , & ab ipsis missa perpetua preces , maltum favorem nostra reipublica & incrementum praebent . wherefore onely the last point is that which men will boldly require us to prove ; for no man feareth now to make it a question , whether the prelacy of the church be any thing available or no , to effect the good and long continuance of true religion ? amongst the principal blessings wherewith god enriched israel , the prophet in the psalm acknowledgeth especially this for one , thou didst lead thy people like sheep by the hands of moses and aaron . that which sheep are , if pastors be wanting ; the same are the people of god , if so be they want governors : and that which the principal civil governors are , in comparison of regents under them ; the same are the prelates of the church , being compared with the rest of god's clergy . wherefore inasmuch as amongst the jews , the benefit of civil government grew principally from moses , he being their principal civil governor ; even so the benefit of spiritual regiment grew from aaron principally , he being in the other kinde of their principal rector , although even herein subject to the soveraign dominion of moses . for which cause , these two alone are named as the heads and well-springs of all . as for the good which others did in service either of the common-wealth , or of the sanctuary , the chiefest glory thereof did belong to the chiefest governors of the one sort , and of the other , whose vigilant care and oversight kept them in their cue order . bishops are now , is high-priests were then , inregard of power over other priests , and in respect of subjection unto high-priests : what priests were then , the same now presbyters are , by way of their place under bishops : the ones authority therefore being so profitable , how should the others be thought unnecessary . is there any man professing , christian religion , which holdeth it not as a maxim , that the church of jesus christ did reap a singular benefit by apostolical regiment , not only for other respects , but even in regard of that prelacy , whereby they had and exercised power of jurisdiction over lower guides of the church ? preciates are herein the apostles successors , as hath been proved . thus we see , that prelacy must needs be acknowledged exceedingly beneficial in the church : and yet for more perspicuities sake , it shall not be pains superstuously taken , if the manner how be also declared at large . for this one thing , not understood by the vulgar sort , causeth all contempt to be offered unto higher powers , not only ecclesiastical , but civil : whom when proud men have disgraced , and are therefore reproved by such as carry some dutiful affection of minde , the usual apologies which they make for themselves , are these : what more vertue in these great ones , than in others ? we see no such eminent good which they do above other mon. we grant indeed , that the good which higher governors do , is not so immediate and near unto every of us , as many times the meane : labours of others under them , and this doth make it to be less esteemed . but we must note , that it is in this case , as in a ship ; he that fitteth at the stern is quiet , he moveth not , he seemeth in a manner to do little or nothing , in comparison of them that sweat about other toil , yet that which he doth is in value and force more than all the labours of the residue laid together . the influence of the heavens above , worketh infinitely more to our good , and yet appeareth not half so sensible as the force doth of things below . we consider not what it is which we reap by the authority of our chiefest spiritual governors , not are likely to enter into any consideration thereof , till we want them , and that is the cause why they are at our hands so unthankfully rewarded . authority is a constraining power ; which power were needless , if we were all such as we should be , willing to do the things we ought to do without constraint . but , because generally we are otherwise , therefore we all reap singular benefit by that authority which permitteth no men , though they would , to slack their duty . it doth not suffice , that the lord of an houshold appoint labourers what they should do , unless he set over them some chief workman to see they do it . constitutions and canons made for the ordering of church-affairs , are dead task-masters . the due execution of laws spiritual dependeth most upon the vigilant care of the chiefest spiritual governors , whose charge is to see that such laws be kept by the clergy and people under them : with those duties which the law of god , and the ecclesiastical canons require in the clergy , lay-governors , are neither for the most part so well acquainted , nor so deeply and nearly touched . requisite therefore it is , that ecclesiastical persons have authority in such things . which kinde of authority , maketh them that have it prelates . if then it be a thing confest , as by all good men it needs must be , to have prayers read in all churches , to have the sacraments of god administred , to have the mysteries of salvation painfully taught , to have god every where devoutly worshipped , and all this perpetually , and with quietness , bringeth unto the whole church , and unto every member thereof , inestimoble good ; how can that authority , which hath been proved the ordinance of god for preservation of these duties in the church , how can it choose but deserve to be held a thing publickly most beneficial ? it were to be wished , and is to be laboured for , as much as can be , that they who are set in such rooms , may be furnished with honourable qualities and graces , every way fit for their galling : but , be they otherwise , howsoever so long as they are in authority , all men reap some good by them , albeit not so much good , as if they were abler men . there is not any amongst us all , but is a great deal more apt to exact another man's duty , than the best of us is to discharge exactly his own , and therefore prelates , although neglecting many ways their duty unto god and men , do notwithstanding by their authority great good , in that they keep others at the leastwise in some awe under them . it is our duty therefore in this consideraton , to honor them that rule as prelates ; which office if they discharge well , the apostles own verdict is , that the honor they have , they be worthy of , yea , though it were double : and if their government be otherwise , the judgement of sage men hath ever been this , that albeit the dealings of governors be culpable , yet honourable they must be , in respect of that authority by which they govern . great caution must be used , that we neither be emboldned to follow them in evil , whom for authorities sake we honor ; nor induced in authority to dishonor them , whom as examples we may not follow . in a word , not to dislike sin , though it should be in the highest , were unrighteous meekness ; and proud righteousness it is to contemn or dishonor highness , though it should be in the sinfullest men that live . but so hard it is to obtain at our hands , especially as now things stand , the yielding of honor to whom honor in this case belongeth , that by a brief declaration only , what the duties of men are towards the principal guides and pastors of their souls , we cannot greatly hope to prevail , partly for the malice of their open adversaries , and partly for the cunning of such as in a sacrilegious intent work their dishonor under covert , by more mystical and secret means . wherefore requisite , and in a manner necessary it is , that by particular instances we make it even palpably manifest , what singular benefit and use publick , the nature of prelates is apt to yield . first , no man doubteth , but that unto the happy condition of common-weals , it is a principal help and furtherance , when in the eye of foreign states ; their estimation and credit is great . in which respect , the lord himself commending his own laws unto his people , mentioneth this as a thing not meanly to be accounted of , that their careful obedience yielded thereunto , should purchase them a great good opinion abroad , and make them every where famous for wisdom . fame and reputation groweth especially by the vertue , not of common ordinary persons , but of them which are in each estate most eminent , by occasion of their higher place and calling . the mean man's actions , be they good or evil , they reach not farr , they are not greatly enquired into , except perhaps by such as dwell at the next door ; whereas men of more ample dignity , are as cities on the tops of hills , their lives are viewed a farr off ; so that the more there are which observe aloof what they do , the greater glory by their well-doing they purchase , both unto god whom they serve , and to the state wherein they live . wherefore if the clergy be a beautifying unto the body of this common-weal in the eyes of foreign beholders ; and if in the clergy , the prelacy be most exposed unto the world's eye , what publick benefit doth grow from that order , in regard of reputation thereby gotten to the land from abroad , we may soon conjecture . amongst the jews ( their kings excepted , ) who so renowned throughout the world , as their high-priest ? who so much , or so often spoken of , as their prelates ? . which order is not for the present only the most in sight , but for that very cause also the most commended unto posterity : for if we search those records wherein there hath descended from age to age , whatsoever notice and intelligence we have of those things which were before us , is there any thing almost else , surely not any thing so much kept in memory , as the successions , doings , sufferings , and affairs of prelates . so that either there is not any publick use of that light which the church doth receive from antiquity ; or if this be absurd to think , then must we necessarily acknowledge our selves beholden more unto prelates , than unto others their inferiours , for that good of direction which ecclesiastical actions recorded do always bring . . but to call home our cogitations , and more inwardly to weigh with our selves , what principal commodity that order yieldeth , or at leastwise is of its own disposition and nature apt to yield ; kings and princes , partly for information of their own consciences , partly for instruction what they have to do in a number of most weighty affairs , intangled with the cause of religion , having , as all men know , so usual occasion of often consultations and conferences with their clergy ; suppose we , that no publick detriment would follow , upon the want of honorable personages ecclesiastical to be used in those cases ? it will be haply said , that the highest might learn to stoop , and not to disdain the advice of some circumspect , wise , and vertu●us minister of god ; albeit the ministery were nor by such degrees distinguished . what princes in that case might or should do , it is not material . such difference being presupposed therefore , as we have proved already to have been the ordinance of god , there is no judicious man will ever make any question or doubt , but that fit and direct it is , for the highest and chiefest order in god's clergy , to be imployed before others , about so near and necessary offices as the sacred estate of the greatest on earth doth require . for this cause ioshua had eliazer ; david , abiathar ; constantine , hosius bishop of cor●nba ; other emperors and kings their prelates , by whom in private ( for with princes this is the most effectual way of doing good ) to be adminished , counselled , comforted , and , if need were , reproved . whensoever sovereign rulers are willing to admit these so necessary private conferences for their spiritual and ghostly good , inasmuch as they do for the time while they take advice , grant a kinde of superiority unto them of whom they receive it , albeit haply they can be contented , even so farr to bend to the gravest and chiefest persons in the order of god's clergy , yet this of the very best being rarely and hardly obtained , now that there are whos 's greater and higher callings do somewhat more proportion them unto that ample conceit and spirit , wherewith the minde of so powerable persons we possessed ; what should we look for in case god himself not authorizing any by miraculous means , as of old he did his prophets , the equal meaness of all did leave , in respect of calling , no more place of decency for one , then for another to be admitted ? let unexperienced wits imagin what pleaseth them , in having to deal with so great personages , these personal differences are so necessary , that there must be regard had of them . . kingdoms being principally ( next unto god's almightiness , and the soveraignty of the highest under god ) upheld by wisdom ; and by valour , as by the chiefest human means to cause continuance in safety with honor ( for the labors of them who attend the service of god , we reckon as means divine , to procure our protection from heavens , ) from hence it riseth , that men excelling in either of these , or descending from such , as for excellency either way have been enobled , or possesing howsoever the rooms of such as should be in politick wisdom , or in martial prowess eminent , are had in singular recommendation . notwithstanding , because they are by the state of nobility great , but not thereby made inclinable to good things ; such they oftentimes prove even under the best princes ; as under david certain of the jewish nobility were . in polity and council the world had not achitophels equal , nor hell his equal in deadly malice . ioab the general of the host of israel , valiant , industrious , fortunate in warr ; but withal head-strong , cruel , treacherous , void of piety towards god ; in a word , so conditioned , that easie it is not to define , whether it were for david harder to miss the benefit of his war-like hability or to bear the enormity of his other crimes . as well for the cherishing of those vertues therefore , wherein if nobility do chance to flourish , they are both an ornament and a stay to the common-wealth wherein they live ; as also for the bridling of those disorders , which if they loosly run into , they are by reason of their greatness dangerous ; what help could thereever have been invented more divine , than the sorting of the clergy into such degrees , that the chiefest of the prelacy being matched in a kinde of equal yoke , as it were , with the higher , the next with the lower degree of nobility , the reverend authority of the one , might be to the other as a courteous bridle , a mean to keep them lovingly in aw that are exorbitant , and to correct such excesses in them , as whereunto their courage , state , and dignity maketh them over-prone ? o that there were for encouragement of prelates herein , that lactimation of all christian kings and princes towards them , which sometime a famous king of this land either had , or pretended to have , for the countenancing of a principal prelate under him , in the actions of spiritual authority . let my lord archbishop know , ( saith he ) that if a bishop , or earl , or any other great person , yea , if my own chosen son , shall presume to withstand , or to hinder his will and disposition , whereby he may be with-held from performing the work of the embass age committed unto him ; such a one shall finde , that of his contempt i will shew my self no less a persecutor and revenger , than if treason were committed against mine own very crown and dignity , sith therefore by the fathers and first founders of this common-weal , it hath , upon great experience and fore-cast , been judged most for the good of all sorts , that as the whole body politick wherein we live , should be for strengths sake a three-fold cable , consisting of the king as a supreme head over all , of peers and nobles under him , and of the people under them ; so likewise , that in this conjunction of states , the second wreath of that cable should , for important respects , consist , as well of lords spiritual as temporal : nobility and prelacy being by this mean twined together , how can it possibly be avoided , but that the tearing away of the one , must needs exceedingly weaken the other , and by consequent impair greatly the good of all ? . the force of which detriment there is no doubt , but that the common sort of men would feel to their helpless wo , how goodly a thing soever they now surmise it to be , that themselves and their godly teachers did all alone , without controulment of their prelate : for if the manifold jeopardies whereto a people destitute of pastors is subject , be unavoidable without government , and if the benefit of government , whether it be ecclesiastical or civil , do grow principally from them who are principal therein , as hath been proved out of the prophet , who albeit the people of israel had sundry inferior governors , ascribeth not unto them the publick benefit of government , but maketh mention of moses and aaron only , the chief prince , and chief prelate , because they were the well-spring of all the good which others under then did ; may we not boldly conclude , that to take from the people their prelate , is to leave them in effect without guides , at leastwise , without those guides which are the strongest hands that god doth direct them by ? then didst lead thy people like sheep , saith the prophet , by the hands of moses and aaron . if now there arise any matter of grievances between the pastor and the people that are under him , they have their ordinary , a judge indifferent to determine their causes , and to end their strife . but in case there were no such appointed to sit , and to hear both , what would then he end of their quarrels ? they will answer perhaps , that for purposes , their synids shall serve . which is , as if in the common-wealth , the higher magistrates being removed , every township should be a state , altogether free and independent ; and the controversies which they cannot end speedily within themselves , to the contentment of both parties , should be all determined by solemn parliaments . mercipul god! where is the light of wit and judgement , which this age doth so much vaunt of , and glory in , when unto these such odd imaginations , so great , not only assent , but also applause , is yielded ? . as for those in the clergy , whose place and calling is lower ; were i● not that their eyes are blinded , lest they should see the thing , that , of all others , is for their good most effectal , somewhat they might consider the benefit which they enjoy by having such in authority over them , as are of the self-same profession , society , and body with them ; such as have trodden the same steps before ; such as know by their own experience , the manifold intolerable contempts and indignities which faithful pastors , intermingled with the multitude , are constrained every day to suffer in the exercise of their spiritual charge and function , unless their superiours , taking their causes even to heart , be , by a kinde of sympathy , drawn to relieve and aid them in their vertuous proceedings , no less effectually , than loving parents their dear children . thus therefore prelacy being unto all sorts so beneficial , ought accordingly to receive honor at the hands of all : but we have just cause exceedingly to fear , that those miserable times of confusion are drawing on , wherein the people shall be oppressed one of another , inasmuch as already that which prepareth the way thereunto is come to pass , children presume against the antient , and the vile against the honorable : prelacy , the temperature of excesses in all estates , the glew and soder of the publick weal , the ligament which tieth and connecteth the limbs of this bodie politick each to other , hath instead of deserved honor , all extremity of disgrace ; the foolish every where plead , that unto the wise in heart they owe neither service , subjection , not honor . xix . now that we have laid open the causes for which honor is due unto prelates , the next thing we are to consider is , what kindes of honor be due . the good government either of the church , or the common-wealth , dependeth scarcely on any one external thing , so much as on the publick marks and tokens , whereby the estimation on that governours are in , is made manifest to the eyes of men . true it is , that governors are to be esteemed according to the excellency of their vertues ; the more vertous they are , the more they ought to be honored , if respect be had unto that which every man should voluntarily perform unto his superiors . but the question is now , of that honor which publick order doth appoint unto church-governors , in that they are governors ; the end whereof is , to give open sensible testimony , that the place which they hold is judged publickly in such degree beneficial , as the marks of their excellency , the honors appointed to be done unto them , do import . wherefore this honor we are to do them , without presuming our selves to examine how worthy they are ; and withdrawing it , if by us they be thought unworthy . it is a note of that publick judgement which is given of them ; and therefore not tolerable that men in private , should , by refusal to do them such honor , reverse as much as in them lyeth , the publick judgement . if it deserve so grievous punishment , when any particular person adventureth to deface those marks whereby is signified what value some small piece of coyn is publickly esteemed at ; is it sufferable that honors , the character of that estimation which publickly is had of publick estates and callings in the church , or common-wealth , should at every man's pleasure be cancelled ? let us not think that without most necessary cause , the same have been thought expedient . the first authors thereof were wise and judicious men ; they knew it a thing altogether impossible , for each particular in the multitude to judge what benefit doth grow unto them from their prelates , and thereunto uniformly to yield them convenient honor . wherefore that all sorts might be kept in obedience and awe , doing that unto their superiors of every degree , not which every man 's special fancy should think meet , but which being before-hand agreed upon as meet , by publick sentence and decision , might afterwards stand as a rule for each in particular to follow ; they found that nothing was more necessary , than to allet unto all degrees their certain honor , as marks of publick judgement , concerning the dignity of their places ; which mark , when the multitude should behold , they might be thereby given to know , that of such or such restimation their governors are , and in token thereof , do carry those notes of excellency . hence it groweth , that the different notes and signs of honor , do leave a correspondent impression in the mindes of common beholders . let the people be asked ; who are the chiefest in any kinde of calling ? who whost to be listned unto ? who of greatest account and reputation ? and see if the very discourse of their mindes , lead them not unto those sensible marks , according to the difference whereof they give their suitable judgement , esteeming them the worthiest persons who carry the principal note , and publick mark of worthiness . if therefore they see in other estates a number of tokens sensible , whereby testimony is given what account there is publickly made of them , but no such thing in the clergy ; what will they hereby , or what can they else conclude , but that where they behold this , surely in that common-wealth , religion , and they that are conversant about it , are not esteemed greatly beneficial ? whereupon in time , the open contempt of god and godliness must needs ensue : qui bona fide dcos colit , amat & sacerdotes , saith papenius . in vain doth that kingdom or common-wealth pretend zeal to the honor of god , which doth not provide that his clergy also may have honor . now if all that are imployed in the service of god , should have one kinde of honor , what more confused , absurd , and unseemly ? wherefore in the honor which hath been allotted unto god's clergy , we are to observe , how not only the kindes thereof , but also in every particular kinde , the degrees do differ . the honor which the clergy of god hath hitherto enjoyed , consisteth especially in prcheminence of title , place , ornament , attendance , priviledge , endowment . in every of which it hath been evermore judge meet , that there should be no small odds between prelates , and the inferior clergy . xx. concerning title , albeit even as under the law , all they whom god had sesevered to offer him sacrifice , were generally termed priests ; so likewise the name of pastor or presbyter , be now common unto all that serve him in the ministery of the gospel of jesus christ : yet both then and now , the higher orders as well of the one sort as of the other , have by one and the same congruity of reason , their different titles of honor , wherewith we since them in the phrase of ordinary speech exalted above others . thus the heads of the twenty four companies of priests , are in scripture termed arch-priests ; aaron and the successors of aaron being above those arch-priests ; themselves are in that respect further intituled , high ang great . after what sort antiquity hath used to stile christian bishops , and to yield them in that kinde honor more than were meet for inferior pastors ; i may the better omit to declare , both because others have sufficiently done it already , and , in so sleight a thing , it were but a loss of time to bestow further travel . the allegation of christ's prerogative to be named an arch-pastor simply , in regard of his absolute excellency over all ● is no impediment , but that the like title in an unlike signification , may be granted unto others besides him , to note a more limited superiority , whereof men are capable enough , without derogation from his glory , than which nothing is more soveraign . to quarrel at syllables , and to take so poor exceptions at the first four letters in the name of an archbishop , as if they were manifestly stollen goods , whereof restitutions ought to be made to the civil magistrate , toucheth no more the prelates that now are , than it doth the very blessed apostle , who giveth unto himself the title of an arch-builder . as for our saviours words , alledged against the stile of lordship and grace , we have before sufficiently opened how farr they are drawn from their natural meaning , to houlster up a cause which they nothing at all concern . bishop theodoret entituleth most honoarable . emperors writing unto bishops , have not disdained to give them their appellations of honor , your holiness , your blessedness , your amplitude , your highness , and the like : such as purposely have done otherwise , are noted of insolent singularity and pride . honor done by giving preheminence of place unto one sort before another , is for decency , order , and quietness-sake so needful , that both imperial laws and canons ecclesiastical , have made their special provisions for it . our saviour's invective against the vain affectation of superiority , whether in title , or in place , may not hinder these seemly differences usual in giving and taking honor , either according to the one , or the other . some thing there is even in the ornaments of honor also : otherwise idle it had been for the wiseman speaking of aaron , to stand so much upon the circumstance of his priestly attire , and to urge it as an argument of such dignity and greatness in him : an everlasting covenant god made with aaron , and gave him the priesthood among the people , and made him blessed through his comely ornament , and cloathed him with the garment of honor. the robes of a judge do not adde to his vertue ; the chiefest ornaments of kings is justice ; holiness and purity of conversation doth much more adorn a bishop , than his peculiar form of cloathing . notwithstanding , both judges , through the garments of judicial authority ; and through the ornaments of soveraignty , princes ; yea , bishops through the very attire of bishops , are made blessed , that is to say , marked and manifested they are to be such , as god hath poured his blessing upon , by advancing them above others , and placing them where they may do him principal good service . thus to be called is to be blessed , and therefore to be honored with the signs of such a calling , must needs be in part a blessing also ; for of good things , even the signs are good . of honor ; another part is attendancy ; and therefore in the visions of the glory of god , angels are spoken of as his attendants . in setting out the honor of that mystical queen , the prophet mentioneth the virgin-ladies which waited on her . amongst the tokens of solomons honourable condition , his servants and waiters , the sacred history omitteth not . this doth prove attendants a part of honor : but this as yet doth not shew with what attendancy prelates are to be honored . of the high-priests retinue amongst the jews , somewhat the gospel it self doth intimate : and , albeit our saviour came to minister , and not , as the jews did imagine their messias should , to be ministred unto in this world , yet attended on he was by his blessed apostles , who followed him not only as scholars , but even as servants about him . after that he had sent them , as himself was sent of god , in the midst of that hatred and extreme contempt which they sustained at the world's hands ; by saints and believers this part of honor was most plentifully done unto them . attendants they had provided in all places where they went ; which custom of the church was still continued in bishops , their successors , as by ignatius it is plain to be seen . and from hence no doubt , those acolyths took their beginning , of whom so frequent mention is made ; the bishops attendants ; his followers they were : in regard of which service , the name of acolythes seemeth plainly to have been given . the custom for bishops to be attended upon by many , is , as iustinian doth shew , antient : the affairs of regiment , wherein prelates are imployed , make it necessary that they always have many about them , whom they may command , although no such thing did by way of honor belong unto them . some mens judgement is , that if clerks , students , and religious persons were moe , common serving-men and lay-retainers fewer than they are in bishops palaces , the use , and the honor thereof would be much more suitable than now : but these things , concerning the number and quality of persons fit to attend on prelates , either for necessity , or for honors sake , are rather in particular discretion to be ordered , than to be argued of by disputes . as for the vain imagination of some , who teach the original hereof to have been a preposterous imagination of maximinus the emperor , who being addicted unto idolatry , chose of the choisest magistrates to be priests ; and , to the end they might be in great estimation , gave unto each of them a train of followers : and that christian emperors thinking the same would promote christianity , which promoted superstition , endeavoured to make their bishops encounter and match with those idolatrous priests ; such frivolous conceits having no other ground than conceit , we weigh not so much as to frame any answer unto them ; our declaration of the true original of antient attendancy on bishops being sufficient . now , if that which the light of sound reason doth teach to be sit , have , upon like inducements reasonable , allowable and good , approved it self in such wise as to be accepted , not only of us , but of pagans and infidels also ; doth conformity with them that are evil in that which is good , make that thing which is good , evil ? we have not herein followed the heathens , nor the heathens us , but both we end they one and the self-same divine rule , the light of a true and sound understanding , which sheweth what honor is fit for prelats , and what attendancy convenient to be a part of their honor . touching priviledges granted for honor's-sake , partly in general unto the clergy , and partly unto prelates the chiefest persons ecclesiastical in particular : of such quality and number they are , that to make but rehearsal of them , we scarce think it safe , left the very entrails of some of our godly brethren , as they term themselves , should thereat haply burst in sunder . xxi . and yet , of all these things rehearsed , it may be there never would have grown any question , had bishops been honored only thus farr forth . but the honoring of the clergy with wealth , this is in the eyes of them which pretend to seek nothing but mere reformation of abuses , a sin that can never be remitted . how soon , o how soon , might the church be perfect , even without any spot or wrinckle , if publick authority would at the length say amen , unto the holy and devout requests of those godly brethren , who as yet with out-stretched necks , groan in the pangs of their zeal to see the houses of bishops risted , and their so long desired livings gloriously divided amongst the righteous . but there is an impediment , a lett , which somewhat hindreth those good mens prayers from taking effect : they , in whose hands the soveraignty of power and dominion over the church doth rest , are perswaded there is a god ; for undoubtedly either the name of godhead is but a feigned thing ; or , if in heaven there be a god , the saerilegious intention of church-robbers , which lurketh under this plausible name of reformation , is in his sight a thousand times more hateful than the plain professed malice of those very miscreants , who threw their vomit in the open face of our blessed saviour . they are not words of perswasion by which true men can hold their own , when they are over-beset with thieves : and therefore to speak in this cause at all were but labor lost , saving only in respect of them , who being as yet un-joyned unto this conspiracy , may be haply somewhat stayed , when they shall know betimes , what it is to see thieves , and to run on with them , as the prophet in the psalm speaketh , when thou sawest a thief , then thou consentedst with him , and hast been partaker with adulterers . for the better information therefore of men which carry true , honest , and indifferent mindes , these things we will endeavour to make most clearly manifest : first , that in goods and livings of the church , none hath propriety but god himself . secondly , that the honor which the clergy therein hath , is to be , as it were god's receivers , the honor of prelates , to be his chief and principal receivers . thirdly , that from him they have right , not only to receive , but also to use such goods , the lower sort in smaller , and the higher in larger measure . fourthly , that in case they be thought , yea , or found to abuse the same , yet may not such honor be therefore lawfully taken from them , and be given away unto persons of other calling . xxii . possessions , lands , and livings spiritual , the wealth of the clergy , the goods of the church are in such sort the lords own , that man can challenge no propriety in them . his they are , and not ours ; all things are his , in that from him they have their being , a my corn , and my wine , and mine oyl , saith the lord. all things his , in that he hath absolute power to dispose of them at his pleasure . b mine , saith he , are the sheep and oxen of a thousand hills ? all things his , in that when we have them , we may say with iob , god hath given , and when we are deprived of them , the lord , whose they are , hath likewise taken them away again . but these sacred possessions are his by another tenure : his , because those men who first received them from him , have unto him returned them again , by way of religious gift , or oblation : c and in this respect it is , that the lord doth term those houses wherein such gifts and oblations were laid , his treasuries . the ground whereupon men have resigned their own interest in things temporal , and given over the same unto god , is that precept which solomon borroweth from the law of nature , honor the lord out of thy substance , and of the chiefest of all thy revenue : so shall thy barns be filled with plenty , and with new wine , the fat of thy press shall overflow : for although it be by one most fitly spoken against those superstitious persons , who only are scrupulous in external rites ; wilt thou win the favour of god ? he vertuous . they best worship him , that are his followers . it is not the bowing of your knees , but of your hearts ; it is not the number of your oblations , but the integrity of your lives ; not your incense , but your obedience , which god is delighted to be honored by : nevertheless , we must beware , lest simply understanding this , which comparatively is meant ; that is to say , whereas the meaning is , that god doth chiefly respect the inward disposition of the heart , we must take heed we do not hereupon so worship him in spirit , that outwardly we take all worship , reverence , and honor from him . our god will be glorified both of us himself , and for us by others : to others , because our hearts are known , and yet our example is required for their good ; therefore it is not sufficient to carry religion in our hearts , as fire is carried in flint-stones , but we are outwardly , visibly , apparently , to serve and honor the living god ; yea , to employ that way , as not only for our souls , but our bodies ; so not only our bodies , but our goods , yea , the choice , the flower , the chiefest of all thy revenue , saith solomon : if thou hast any thing in all thy possessions of more value and price than other , to what use shouldest thou convert it , rather than to this ? samuel was dear unto hannah his mother : the childe that hannah did so much esteem , she could not but greatly wish to advance ; and her religious conceit was , that the honoring of god with it , was the advancing of it unto honor . the chiefest of the off-spring of men are , the males which be first-born , and , for this cause , in the antient world , they all were by right of their birth priests of the most high. by these and the like precedents , it plainly enough appeareth , that in what heart soever doth dwell unseigned religion , in the same there resteth also a willingness to bestow upon god that soonest , which is most dear . amongst us the law is , that sith gold is the chiefest of mettals , if it be any where found in the bowels of the earth , it belongeth in right of honor , as all men know , to the king : whence hath this custom grown , but onely from a natural perswasion , whereby men judge it decent , for the highest persons alwayes to be honored with the choisest things ? if ye offer unto god the blinde , saith the prophet malachi , it is not evil ; if the lame and sick , it is good enough . present it unto thy prince , and see if he will content himself , or accept thy person , saith the lord of hosts . when abel presented god with an offering , it was the fattest of all the lambs in his whole flock ; he honored god not onely out of his substance , but out of the very chiefest therein , whereby we may somewhat judge , how religiously they stand affected towards god , who grudge that any thing worth the having should be his . long it were to reckon up particularly , what god was owner of under the law : for of this sort was all which they spent in legal sacrifices ; of this sort , their usual oblations and offerings ; of this sort , tythes and fust-fruits ; of this sort , that which by extraordinary occasions they vowed unto god ; of this sort , all that they gave to the building of the tabernacle ; of this sort , all that which was gathered amongst them for the erecting of the temple , and the a adorning of it erected ; of this sort , whatsoever their corban contained , wherein that blessed widow's deodate was laid up . now either this kinde of honor was prefiguratively altogether ceremonial , and then our saviour accepteth it not ; or , if we finde that to him also it hath been done , and that with divine approbation given for encouragement of the world , to shew , by such kinde of service , their dutiful hearts towards christ , there will be no place left for men to make any question at all , whether herein they do well or no. wherefore to descend from the synagogue unto the church of christ , albeit sacrifices , wherewith sometimes god was highly honored , be not accepted as heretofore at the hands of men : a yet , forasmuch as b honor god with thy riches is an edict of the inseparable law of nature , so far forth as men are therein required by such kinde of homage to testifie their thankful mindes , this sacrifice god doth accept still . wherefore , as it was said of christ , that all kings should worship him , and all nations do him service ; so this very● kinde of worship or service was likewise mentioned , lest we should think that our lord and saviour would allow of no such thing . the kings of tarshish , and of the isles shall bring presents , the kings of sheba and seba shall bring gifts . and , as it maketh not a little to the praise of those sages mentioned in the gospel , that the first amongst men which did solemnly honor our saviour on earth were they ; so it soundeth no less to the dignity of this particular kinde , that the rest by it were prevented ; they fell down and worshipped , and opened their treasures , and presented onto him gifts , gold , incense , and mirr● . of all those things which were done to the honor of christ in his life-time , there is not one whereof he spake in such sort , as when mary , to testifie the largeness of her affection , seemed to waste away a gift upon him , the price of which gift might , as they thought who saw it , much better have been spent in works of mercy towards the poor , verily , i say unto you , wheresoever this gospel shall be preached throughout all the world , there shall also this that she hath dont be spoken of , for memorial of her . of service to god , the best works are they which continue longest : and , for permanency , what like donation , whereby things are unto him for ever dedicated ? that the antient lands and livings of the church were all in such sort given into the hands of god by the just lords and owners of them , that unto him they passed over their whole interest and right therein , the form of sundry the said donations as yet extant , most plainly sheweth . and where time hath left no such evidence as now remaining to be seen , yet the same intention is presumed in all donors ; unless the contrary be apparent . but to the end it may yet more plainly appear unto all men under what title the several kinds of ecclesiastical possessions are held , our lord himself ( saith saint augustine ) had coffers to keep those things which the faithful offered unto him . then was the form of the church-treasury first instituted , to the end , that withal we might understand that in forbidding to be careful for to morrow , his purpose was not to bar his saints from keeping money , but to with-draw them from doing god service for wealth 's sake , and from for saking righteousness through fear of losing their wealth . the first gifts consecrated unto christ after his departure out of the world were summes of money , in process of time other moveables were added , and at length goods unmoveable , churches and oratories hallowed to the honor of his glorious name , houses and lands for perpetuity conveyed unto him , inheritance given to remain his as long as the world should endure . the apostles ( saith melchiades ) they foresaw that god would have his church amongst the gentiles , and for that cause in iudea they took no lands , but price of lands sold. this he conjectureth to have been the cause why the apostles did that which the history reporteth of them . the truth is , that so the state of those times did require , as well other where , as in iudea : wherefore when afterwards it did appear much more commodious for the church , to dedicate such inheritances ; then , the value and price of them being sold , the former custom was changed for this , as for the better . the devotion of constantine herein all the world , even till this very day , admireth : they that lived in the prime of the christian world , thought no testament christianly made , nor any thing therein well bequeathed , unless something were thereby added unto christ's patrimony : touching which men , what judgement the world doth now give , i know not ; perhaps we deem them to have been herein but blinde and superstitious persons . nay , we in these cogitations are blinde ; they contrariwise did with solomon plainly know and perswade themselves , that thus to diminish their wealth , was not to diminish , but to augment it ; according to that which god doth promise to his own people , by the prophet malachi , and which they by their own particular experience sound true : if wickliff therefore were of that opinion which his adversaries ascribe unto him ( whether truly , or of purpose to make him odious , i cannot tell , for in his writings i do not finde it ) namely , that constantine , and others following his steps did evil , as having no sufficient ground whereby they might gather , that such donations are acceptable to iesus christ , it was in wickless a palpable error . i will use but one onely argument to stand in the stead of many : iacob taking his journey unto haran , made in this sort his solemn vow , if god will be with me , and will keep me in this iourney which i go , and will give me bread to eat , and cloathes to put on , so that i come again to my fathers house in safety ; then shall the lord be my god , and this stone which i have set up a pillar shall be the house of god , and of all that thou shall give me , will i give the tenth unto thee . may a christian man desire as great things as iacob did at the hands of god ? may he desire them in as earliest manner ? may he promise as great thankfulness in acknowledging the goodness of god ? may he vow any certain kinde of publick acknowledgment before hand ; or , though he vow it not , perform it after , in such sort that men may see he is perswaded how the lord hath been his god ? are these particular kindes of testifying thankfulness to god , the erecting of oratories , the dedicating of lands and goods to maintain them , forbidden any where ? let any mortal man living shew but one reason , wherefore in this point to follow iacob's example , should not be a thing both acceptable unto god , and in the eyes of the world for ever most highly commendable ? concerning goods of this nature , goods whereof when we speak , we term them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the goods that are consecrated unto god ; and , as tertullian speaketh , deposit a pietatis , things which piety and devotion hath laid up , as it were in the bosom of god : touching such goods , the law civil following mere light of nature , defineth them to be no mans , because no mortal man , or community of men , hath right of propriety in them . xxiii . persons ecclesiastical are god's stewards , not onely for that he hath set them over his family , as the ministers of ghostly food ; but even for this very cause also , that they are to receive and dispose his temporal revenues , the gifts , and oblations which men bring him . of the jews it is plain , that their tyths they offered unto the lord , and those a offerings the lord bestowed upon the levites . when the levites gave the tenth of their tythes , this their gift the law doth term the lord's heave-offering , and b appoint that the high-priest should receive the same . c of spoils taken in war , that part which they were accustomed to separate unto god , they brought it before the priest of the lord , by whom it was laid up in the tabernacle of the congregation , for a memorial of their thankfulness towards god , and his goodness towards them , in fighting for them against their enemies . as therefore the apostle magnifieth the honor of melchisedec , in that he being an high-priest , did receive at the hands of abraham the tyths which abraham did honor god with : so it argueth in the apostles themselves great honor , that at their feet the price of those possessions was laid , which men thought good to bestow on christ. d st. paul commending the churches which were in macedonia , for their exceeding liberality this way , saith of them , e that he himself would bear record , they had declared their forward mindes , according to their power , yea , beyond their power , and had so much exceeded his expectation of them ; that they seemed as it were even to give away themselves first to the lord , saith the apostle , and then by the will of god unto us : to him , as the owner of such gifts ; to us , as his appointed receivers and dispensers . the gift of the church of antioch , bestowed unto the use of distressed brethren which were in iudea , paul and baruabar did deliver unto the presbyters of ierusalem ; and the head of those presbyters was iames , he therefore the chiefest disposer thereof . amongst those canons which are entituled apostolical , one is this , we appoint , that the bishop have care of these things which belong to the church ; the meaning is , of church-goods , as the reason following sheweth : for if the precious souls of men must be committed unto him of trust , much more it beloveth the charge of money to be given him , that by his authority the presbyters and deacons may administer all things to them that stand in need . so that he which hath done them the honor to be , as it were , his treasurers , hath left them also authority and power to use these his treasures , both otherwise , and for the maintenance even of their own estate ; the lower sort of the clergy , according unto a meaner ; the higher , after a larger proportion . the use of spiritual goods and possessions , hath been a matte● much disputed of , grievous complaints there are usually made against the evil and unlawful usage of them , but with no certain determination hitherto , on what things and persons ; with what proportion and measure they being bestowed , do retain their lawful use . some men condemn it as idle , superfluous , and altogether vain , that any part of the treasure of god should be spent upon costly ornaments , appertaining unto his service : who being best worshipped , when he is served in spirit and truth , hath not for want of pomp and magnificence , rejected at any time those who with faithful hearts have adored him . whereupon the hereticks , termed henriciani and petrobusiani , threw down temples and houses of prayer , erected with marvellous great charge , as being in that respect not fit for christ by us to be honored in . we deny not , but that they who sometime wandred as pilgrims on earth , and had no temples , but made caves and dens to pray in , did god such honor as was most acceptable in his sight ; god did not reject them for their poverty and nakedness sake : their sacraments were not abhorred for want of vessels of gold. howbeit , let them who thus delight to plead , answer me , when moses first , and afterwards david , exhorted the people of israel unto matter of charge about the service of god ; suppose we it had been allowable in them to have thus pleaded , our fathers in egypt served god devoutly , god war with them in all their afflictions , he heard their prayers , pitied their case , and delivered them from the tyranny of their oppressors ; what house , tabernacle , or temple had they ? such argumentations are childish and fond ; god doth not refuse to be honored at all , where there lacketh wealth ; but where abundance and store is , he there requireth the flower thereof , being bestowed on him , to be employed even unto the ornament of his service : in egypt the state of his people was servitude , and therefore his service was accordingly . in the defart they had no sooner ought of their own , but a tabernacle is required ; and in the land of canaan , a temple . in the eyes of david it seemed a thing not fit , a thing not decent , that himself should be more richly seated than god. but concerning the use of ecclesiastical goods bestowed this way , there is not so much contention amongst us , as what measure of allowance is fit for ecclesiastical persons to be maintained with . a better rule in this case to judge things by , we cannot possibly have , than the● wisdom of god himself ; by considering what he thought meet for each degree of the clergy to enjoy in time of the law ; what for levites , what for priests , and what for high-priests , somewhat we shall be the more able to discern rightly , what may be fit , convenient , and right for the christian clergy likewise . priests for their maintenance had those first-fruits of a cattel , b coin , wine , oyl , and c other commodities of the earth , which the jews were accustomed yearly to present god with . they had d the price which was appointed for men to pay in lieu of the first-born of their children , and the price of the first born also amongst cattel , which were unclean : they had the vowed e gifts of the people , or f the prices , if they were redeemable by the donors after vow , as some things were : they had the free , and un-vowed oblations of men : they had the remainder of things sacrificed : with tythes , the levites were maintained ; and with the tythe of their tythes , the high-priest . in a word , if the quality of that which god did assign to his clergy be considered , and their manner of receiving it , without labour , expence , or charge , it will appear , that the tribe of levi being but the twelfth part of israel , had in effect as good as four twelfth parts of all such goods as the holy land did yield : so that their worldly estate was four times as good as any other tribes in israel besides : but the high-priest's condition , how ample ? to whom belonged the tenth of all the tythe of this land , especially the law provicing also , that as the people did bring the best of all things unto the priests and levites , so the levite should deliver the choice and flower of all their commodities to the high-priest , and so his tenth-part by that mean be made the very best part amongst ten : by which proportion , if the levites were ordinarily in all not above thirty thousand men ( whereas when david numbred them , he found almost thirty eight thousand above the age of thirty years ) the high-priest after this very reckoning , had as much as three or four thousand others of the clergy to live upon . over and besides all this , lest the priests of egypt holding lands , should seem in that respect better provided for , than the priests of the true god , it pleased him further to appoint unto them forty and eight whole cities , with territories of land adjoyning , to hold as their own free inheritance for ever . for to the end they might have all kinde of encouragement , not onely to do what they ought , but to take pleasure in that they did : albeit they were expresly forbidden to have any part of the land of canaan laid out whole to themselves , by themselves , in such sort as the rest of the tribes had , forasmuch as the will of god was , rather that they should throughout all tribes be dispersed , for the easier access of the people unto knowledge : yet were they not barred altogether to hold land , nor yet otherwise the worse provided for , in respect of that former restraint ; for god by way of special preheminence , undertook to feed them at his own table , and out of his own proper treasury to maintain them , that want and penury they might never feel , except god himself did first receive injury . a thing most worthy our consideration , is the wisdom of god herein ; for the common sort being prone unto envy and murmur , little considereth of what necessity , use and importance , the sacred duties of the clergy are , and for that cause hardly yieldeth them any such honor , without repining and grudging thereat ; they cannot brook it , that when they have laboured , and come to reap , there should so great a portion go out of the fruit of their labours , and he yielded up unto such as sweat nor for it . but when the lord doth challenge this as his own due , and require it to be done by way of homage unto him , whose mere liberality and goodness had raised them from a poor and servile estate , to place them where they had all those ample and rich possessions , they must be worse than brute beasts , if they would storm at any thing which he did receive at their hands . and for him to bestow his own on his own servants ( which liberty is not denied unto the meanest of men ) what man liveth that can think it other than most reasonable ? wherefore no cause there was , why that which the clergy had , should in any man's eye seem too much , unless god himself were thought to be of an over-having disposition . this is the mark whereat all those speeches drive , levi hath no part nor inheritance with his brethren , the lord is his inheritance , again , to the tribe of levi , he gave no inheritance , the sacrifices of the lord god of israel an inheritance of levi ; again , the tyths of the which they shall offer as an offering unto the lord , i have given the levites for an inheritance ; and again , all the heave-offerings of the holy things which the children of israel shall offer unto the lord , i have given thee , and thy sons , and thy daughters with thee , to be a duty for ever ; it is a perpetual covenant of salt before the lord. now that , if such provision be possible to be made , the christian clergy ought not herein to be inferior unto the jewish , what sounder proof than the apostles own kinde of argument ? do ye not know , that they which minister about the holy things , eat of the things of the temple ? and they which partake of the altar are partakers with the altar ? so , ( even so , ) hath the lord ordained , that they which preach the gospel should live of the gospel . upon which words i thus conclude , that if the people of god do abound , and abounding can so farr forth finde in their hearts to shew themselves towards christ their saviour , thankful as to honor him with their riches ( which no law of god or nature forbiddeth ) no less than the antient jewish people did honor god ; the plain ordinance of christ appointeth as large , and as ample proportion out of his own treasure unto them that serve him in the gospel , as ever the priests of the law did enjoy ? what further proof can we desire ? it is the blessed apostles testimony , that even so the lord hath ordained . yea , i know not whether it be sound to interpret the apostle otherwise than that , whereas he judgeth the presbyters which rule well in the church of christ to be worthy of double honor , he means double unto that which the priests of the law received ; for if that ministry which was of the letter were so glorious , how shall not the ministry of the spirit be more glorious ? if the teachers of the law of moses , which god delivered written with letters in tables of stone , were thought worthy of so great honor , how shall not the teachers of the gospel of christ be in his sight most worthy , the holy ghost being sent from heaven to ingrave the gospel on their hearts who first taught it , and whose successors they that teach it at this day are ? so that according to the ordinance of god himself , their estate for worldly maintenance ought to be no worse than is granted unto other sorts of men , each according to that degree they were placed in . neither are we so to judge of their worldly condition , as if they were servants of men , and at mens hands did receive those earthly benefits by way of stipend in lieu of pains whereunto they are hired : nay that which is paid unto them is homage and tribute due unto the lord christ. his servants they are , and from him they receive such goods by way of stipend . not so from men : for at the hands of men , he himself being honored with such things , hath appointed his servants therewith according to their several degrees and places to be maintained . and for their greater encouragement who are his labourers he hath to their comfort assured them for ever , that they are , in his estimation , worthy the hire which he alloweth them ; and therefore if men should withdraw from him the store , which those his servants that labour in his work are maintained with , yet be in his word shall be found everlastingly true , their labour in the lord shall not be forgotten ; the hire he accounteth them worthy of , they shall surely have either one way or other answered . in the prime of the christian world , that which was brought and laid down at the apostles feet , they disposed of by distribution , according to the exigence of each man's need . neither can we think , that they , who , out of christ's treasury made provision for all others , were careless to furnish the clergy with all things fit and convenient for their estate : and as themselves were chiefest in place of authority , and calling , so no man doubteth , but that proportionably they had power to use the same for their own decent maintenance ▪ the apostles , with the rest of the clergy in ierusalem lived at that time according to the manner of a fellowship , or collegiate society maintaining themselves and the poor of the church with a common purse , the rest of the faithful keeping that purse continually stored . and in that sense it is , that the sacred history saith , all which believed were in one place , and had all things common . in the histories of the church , and in the writings of the antient fathers for some hundreds of years after , we finde no other way for the maintenance of the clergy but onely this , the treasury of jesus christ furnished through mens devotion , bestowing sometimes goods , sometimes lands that way , and out of his treasury the charge of the service of god was de●rayed , the bishop and the clergy under him maintained , the poor in their necessity ministred unto . for which purpose , every bishop had some one of the presbyters under him to be a treasurer of the church , to receive , keep , and deliver all ; which office in churches cathedral remaineth even till this day , albeit the use thereof be not altogether so large now as heretofore . the disposition of these goods was by the appointment of the bishop . wherefore b prosper speaking of the bishops care herein , saith , it was necessary for one to be troubled therewith , to the end that the rest under him might be freer to attend quietly their spiritual businesses . and left any man should imagine , that bishops by this means were hindred themselves from attending the service of god , even herein , saith he , they d● god service ; for if these things which are bestowed on the church be god's ; he doth the work of god , who , not of a covetous minde , but with purpose of most faithful administration , taketh care of things consecrated unto god. and forasmuch as the presbyters of every church could not all live with the bishop , partly for that their number was great , and partly because the people being once divided into parishes , such presbyters as had severally charge of them were by that mean more conveniently to live in the midst each of his own particular flock , therefore a competent number being fed at the same a table with the bishop , the rest had their whole allowance apart , which several allowances were called sportulae , and they who received them , sportulantes fratres . touching the bishop , as his place and estate was higher , so likewise the proportion of his charges about himself , being for that cause in all equity and reason greater ; yet , forasmuch as his stiat herein was no other than it pleased himself to set , the rest ( as the manner of inferiours is to think that they which are over them alwayes have too much ) grudged many times at the measure of the bishops private expence , perhaps not without cause : howsoever , by this occasion , there grew amongst them great heart-burning , quarrel and strife : where the bishops were found culpable , as eating too much beyond their tether , aud drawing more to their own private maintenance than the proportion of christ's patrimony being not greatly abundant could bear , sundry constitutions hereupon were made to moderate the same , according to the churches condition in those times . some before they were made bishops , having been owners of ample possessions , sold them , and gave them away to the poor : b thus did paulinus , hilary , cyprian , and sundry others . hereupon , they , who entring into the same spiritual and high function , held their secular possessions still , were hardly thought of : and even when the case was fully resolved , that so to do was not unlawful , yet it grew a question , whether they lawfully might then take any thing out of the publick treasury of christ ? a question , whether bishops , holding by civil title sufficient to live of their own , were bound in conscience to leave the goods of the church altogether to the use of others . of contentions about these matters there was no end , neither appeared there any possible way for quietness , otherwise than by making partition of church-revenues , according to the several ends and users for which they did serve , that so the bishops part might be certain . such partition being made , the bishop enjoyed his portion several to himself ; the rest of the clergy likewise theirs ; a third part was severed to the furnishing and upholding of the church ; a fourth to the erection and maintenance of houses wherein the poor might have relief . after which separation made , lands and livings began every day to be dedicated unto each use severally , by means whereof every of them became in short time much greater than they had been for worldly maintenance , the fervent devotion of men being glad that this new opportunity was given , of shewing zeal to the house of god in more certain order . by these things it plainly appeareth , what proportion of maintenance hath been ever thought reasonable for a bishop ; sith in that very partition agreed on , to bring him unto his certain stint , as much as allowed unto him alone , as unto all the clergy under him , namely , a fourtli part of the whole yearly rents and revenues of the church . nor is it likely , that , before those temporalities , which now are such eye-sores , were added unto the honour of bishops , their state was so mean , as some imagine : for if we had no other evidence than the covetous and ambitious humour of hereticks , whose impotent desires of aspiring thereunto , and extreme discontentment as oft as they were defeated , even this doth shew , that the state of bishops was not a few degrees advanced above the rest . wherefore of grand apostates which were in the very prime of the primitive church , thus lactantius above thirteen hundred years sithence , testified , men of a slippery saith they were , who feigning that they knew and worshipped god , but seeking onely that they might grow in wealth and honour , affected the place of the highest priesthood ; whereunto , when their betters were chosen before them , they thought it better to leave the church , and to draw their favourers with them , than to endure those men their governours , whom themselves desired to govern . now , whereas against the present estate of bishops , and the greatness of their port , and the largeness of their expences at this day , there is not any thing more commonly objected than those antient canons , whereby they are restrained unto a far more sparing life , their houses , their retinue , their diet limited within a farr more narrow compass than is now kept ; we must know , that those laws and orders were made , when bishops lived of the same purse , which served a well for a number of others , as them , and yet all at their disposing : so that convenient it was to provide , that there might be a moderate stint appointed to measure their expences by , lest others should be injured by their wastefulness . contrariwise , there is now no cause wherefore any such law should be urged , when bishops live onely of that which hath been peculiarly alloted unto them : they having therefore temporalities and other revenues to bestow for their own private use , according to that which their state requireth , and no other having with them any such common interest therein , their own discretion is to be their law for this matter ; neither are they to be pressed with the rigour of such antient canons as were framed for other times , much less so odiously to be upbraided with uncomformity unto the pattern of our lord and saviour's estate , in such circumstances as himself did never minde to require , that the rest of the world should of necessity be like him . thus against the wealth of the clergy , they alledge how meanly christ himself was provided for ; against bishops palaces , his want of a hole to hide his head in ; against the service done unto them , that he came to minister , not to be ministred unto in the world. which things , as they are not unfit to controul covetous , proud , or ambitious desires of the ministers of christ , and even of all christians , whatsoever they be ; and to teach men contentment of minde , how mean soever their estate is , considering that they are but servants to him , whose condition was farrmore abused than theirs is , or can be ; so to prove such difference in state between us and him unlawful , they are of no force or strength at all . if one convented before their consistories , when he standeth to make this answer , should break out into invectives against their authority , and tell them , that christ , when he was on earth , did not sit to judge , but stand to be judged ; would they hereupon think it requisite to dissolve their eldership , and to permit no tribunals , no judges at all , for fear of swerving from our saviour's example ? if those men , who have nothing in their mouths more usual , than the poverty of jesus christ and his apostles , alledge not this as iulian sometime did , beati panperes , unto christians , when his meaning was to spoyl them of that they had ; our hope is then , that as they seriously and sincerely wish , that our saviour christ in this point may be followed , and to that end onely propose his blessed example ; so , at our hands again , they will be content to hear with like willingness , the holy apostle's exhortation , made unto them of the laity also , be ye followers of us , even as we are of christ ; let us be your example , even as the lord iesus christ is ours , that we may all proceed by one and the same rule . xxiv . but beware we of following christ , as thieves follow true-men , to take their goods by violence from them . be it , that bishops were all unworthy , not onely of livings , but even of life , yet what hath our lord jesus christ deserved , for which men should judge him worthy to have the things that are his given away from him , unto others that have no right unto them ? for at this mark it is , that the head lay-reformers do all aim . must these unworthy prelates give place ; what then ? shall better succeed in their rooms ? is this desired , to the end that others may enjoy their honours , which shall doe christ more faithful service than they have done ? bishops are the worst men living upon earth ; therefore let their sanctified possessions be divided : amongst whom ? o blessed reformation ! o happy men , that put to their helping-hands for the furtherance of so good and glorious a work ! wherefore , albeit the whole world at this day do already perceive , and posterity be like hereafter a great deal more plainly to discern ; not that the clergy of god is thus heaved at , because they are wicked , but that means are vsed to put it into the heads of the simple multitude , that they are such indeed : to the end that those who thirst for the spoyl or spiritual possessions , may , till such time as they have their purpose , be thought to covet nothing but onely the just extinguishment of un-reformable persons ; so that in regard of such mens intentions , practices , and machinations against them , the part that suffereth these things , may most fitly pray with david , iudge thou me , o lord , according to my righteousness , and according unto mine innocency : o let the malice of the wicked come to an end , and be thou the guide of the just . notwithstanding , forasmuch as it doth not stand with christian humility otherwise to think , then that this violent outrage of men , is a rod in the ireful hands of the lord our god , the smart whereof we deserve to feel : let it not seem grievous in the eyes of my reverend l. l. the bishops , if to their good consideration i offer a view of those sores which are in the kind of their heavenly function , most apt to breed , and which being not in time cured , may procure at the length that which god of his infinite mercy avert . of bishops in his time st. ierome complaineth , that they took it in great disdain to have any fault , great or small found with them : epiphanius likewise before ierome , noteth their impatiency this way , to have been the very chuse of a schism in the church of christ ; at what time one audius , a man of great integrity of life , full of faith and zeal towards god , beholding those things which were corruptly done in the church , told the b b. and presbyters their faults in such sort as those men are wont , who love the truth from their hearts , and walk in the paths of a most exact life . whether it were covetousness , or sensuality in their lives ; absurdity or error in their teaching ; any breach of the laws and canons of the church wherein he espied them faulty , certain and sure they were to be thereof most plainly told . which thing , they whose dealings were justly culpable , could not bear ; but , instead of amending their faults , bent their hatred against him who sought their amendment , till at length they drove him by extremity of infestation , through weariness of striving against their injuries , to leave both them , and with them the church . amongst the manifold accusations , either generally intended against the bishops of this our church , or laid particularly to the charge of any of them , i cannot find that hitherto their spitefullest adversaries have been able to say justly , that any man for telling them their personal faults in good and christian sort , hath sustained in that respect much persecution . wherefore , notwithstanding mine own inferior estate and calling in gods church , the consideration whereof assureth me , that in this kind the sweetest sacrifice which i can offer unto christ , is meek obedience , reverence and aw unto the prelates which he hath placed in seats of higher authority over me , emboldned i am , so far as may conveniently stand with that duty of humble subjection , meekly to crave , my good l l. your favourable pardon , if it shall seem a fault thus far to presume ; or ▪ if otherwise , your wonted courteous acceptation . aeneid . l. . — sinite hat haud mollia fatu sublatis aperite dolis in government , be it of what kind soever , but especially if it be such kind of government as prelates have over the church , there is not one thing publiquely more hurtful then that an hard opinion should be conceived of governors at the first : and a good opinion how should the world ever conceive of them for their after-proceedings in regiment , whose first access and entrance thereunto , giveth just occasion to think them corrupt men , which fear not that god , in whose name they are to rule ? wherefore a scandalous thing it is to the church of god , and to the actors themselves dangerous , to have aspired unto rooms of prelacy by wicked means . we are not at this day troubled much with that tumultuous kind of ambition wherewith the elections of a damasus in s. ieromes age , and of b maximus in gregories time , and of others , were long sithence stained . our greatest fear is rather the evil which c leo and anthemius did by imperial constitution , endeavour as much as in them by to prevent . he which granteth , or he which receiveth the office and dignity of a bishop , otherwise then beseemeth a thing divine and most holy ; he which bestoweth and he which obteineth it after any other sort then were honest and lawful to use , if our lord jesus christ were present himself on earth to bestow it even with his own hands , sinneth a sin by so much more grievous then the sin of balshazar , by how much offices and functions heavenly are more precious then the meanest ornaments or implements which thereunto appertain . if it be , as the apostle saith , that the holy ghost doth make bishops , and that the whole action of making them is gods own deed , men being therein but his agents ; what spark of the fear of god can there possibly remain in their hearts , who representing the person of god in naming worthy men to ecclesiastial charge , do sell that which in his name they are to bestow , or who standing as it were at the throne of the living god do bargain for that which at his hands they are to receive ? wo worth such impious and irreligious prophanations . the church of christ hath been hereby made , not a den of thieves , but in a manner the very dwelling place of soul spirits ; for undoubtedly , such a number of them have been in all ages who thus have climbed into the seat of episcopal regiment . . men may by orderly means be invested with spiritual authority , and yet do harm by reason of ignorance how to use it to the good of the church . it is saith chrysostom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; a thing highly to be accompted of , but a hard thing to be that which a bishop should be . yea a hard and a toilsom thing it is , for a bishop to know the things that belong unto a bishop . a right good man may be a very unfit magistrate . and for discharge of a bishops office , to be well minded is not enough , no not to be well learned also . skill to instruct is a thing necessary , skill to govern much more necessary in a bishop . it is not safe for the church of christ , when pishops learn what belongeth unto government , as empericks learn physick by killing of the sick . bishops were wont to be men of great learning in the laws both civil and of the church ; and while they were so , the wisest men in the land for counsel and government were bishops . . know we never so well what belongeth unto a charge of so great moment , yet can we not therein proceed but with hazard of publique detriment , if we relye on our selves alone , and use not the benefit of conference with others . a singular mean to unity and concord amongst themselves , a marvellous help unto uniformity in their dealings , no small addition of weight and credit unto that which they do , a strong bridle unto such as watch for occasions to stir against them ; finally , a very great stay unto all that are under their government , it could not chuse but be soon found , if bishops did often and seriously use the help of mutual consultation , these three rehearsed are things onely preparatory unto the course of episcopal proceedings . but the hurt is more manifestly seen which doth grow to the church of god by faults inherent in their several actions , as when they carelesly ordein , when they institute negligently , when corruptly they bestow church-livings , benefices , prebends , and rooms especially of jurisdiction , when they visit for gain-sake , rather then with serious intent to do good , when their courts erected for the maintenance of good order are disordered ; when they regard not the clergy under them ; when neither clergy nor laity are kept in that aw for which this authority should serve ; when any thing appeareth in them rather then a fatherly affection towards the flock of christ when they have no respect to posterity ; and finally , when they neglect the true and requisite means whereby their authority should be upheld . surely the hurt which groweth out of these defects must needs be exceeding great . in a minister , ignorance and disability to teach is a maim , nor is it held a thing allowable to ordain such , were it not for the avoiding of a greater evil which the church must needs sustain , if in so great scarcity of able men , and unsufficiency of most parishes throughout the land to maintain them , both publick prayer and the administration of sacraments should rather want , then any man thereunto be admitted lacking dexterity and skill to perform that which otherwise was most requisite . wherefore the necessity of ordaining such , is no excuse for the rash and careless ordaining of every one that hath but a friend to bestow some two or three words of ordinary commendation in his behalf . by reason whereof the church groweth burdened with silly creatures more then need , whose noted baseness and insufficiency bringeth their very order it self into contempt . it may be that the fear of a quare impedit doth cause institutions to pass more easily then otherwise they would . and to speak plainly the very truth , it may be that writs of quare non impedit , were for these times most necessary in the others place : yet where law will not suffer men to follow their own judgment , to shew their judgment they are not hindred . and i doubt not but that even conscienceless and wicked patrons , of which sort the swarms are too great in the church of england , are the more imboldened to present unto bishops any reffuse , by finding so easie acceptation thereof . somewhat they might redress this sore , notwithstanding so strong impediments . if it did plainly appear that they took it indeed to heart , & were not in a manner contented with it . shall we look for care in admitting whom others present , if that which some of your selves confer , be at any time corruptly bestowed ? a foul and an ugly kind of deformity it hath , if a man do but think what it is for a bishop to draw commodity and gain from those things whereof he is left a free bestower , and that in trust , without any other obligation then his sacred order only , and that religious integrity which hath been presumed on in him . simoniacal corruption i may not for honors sake suspect to be amongst men of so great place . so often they do not , i trust , offend by sale ; as by unadvised gift of such preferments , wherein that ancient canon should specially be remembred , which forbiddeth a bishop to be led by humane affection , in bestowing the things of god. a fault no where so hurtful , as in bestowing places of jurisdiction , and in furnishing cathedral churches , the prebendaries and other dignities whereof are the very true successors of those ancient presbyters which were at the first as counsellers unto bishops . a foul abuse it is , that any one man should be loaded as some are with livings in this kind , yea some even of them who condemn utterly the granting of any two benefices unto the same man , whereas the other is in truth a matter of far greater sequel , as experience would soon shew , if churches cathedral being furnished with the residence of a competent number of vertuous , grave , wise and learned divines , the rest of the prebends of every such church were given within the diocess unto men of worthiest desert , for their better encouragement unto industry and travel ; unless it seem also convenient to extend the benefit of them unto the learned in universities , and men of special imployment otherwise in the affairs of the church of god. but howsoever , surely with the publick good of the church it will hardly stand , that in any one person such favours be more multiplied , then law permitteth , in those livings which are with cure. touching bishops visitations , the first institution of them was profitable , to the end that the state and condition of churches being known , there might be for evils growing convenient remedies provided in due time . the observation of church laws , the correction of faults in the service of god and manners of men , these are things that visitors should seek . when these things are inquired of formally , and but for custom sake , fees and pensions being the only thing which is sought , and little else done by visitations ; we are not to marvel if the baseness of the end doth make the action it self loathsom . the good which bishops may do not only by these visitations belonging ordinarily to their office , but also in respect of that power which the founders of colledges have given them of special trust , charging even fearfully their consciences therewith : the good i say which they might do by this their authority , both within their own diocess , and in the well-springs themselves , the universities , is plainly such as cannot chuse but add weight to their heavy accounts in that dreadful day , if they do it not . in their courts where nothing but singular integrity and justice should prevail , if palpable and gross corruptions be found , by reason of offices so often granted unto men who seek nothing but their own gain ; and make no account what disgrace doth grow by their unjust dealings unto them under whom they deal the evil hereof shall work more then they which procure it do perhaps imagine . at the hands of a bishop the first thing looked for , is a care of the clergy under him , a care that in doing good they may have whatsoever comforts and encouragements his countenance , authority , and place may yield . otherwise what heard shall they have to proceed in their painful course , all sorts of men besides being so ready to malign , despise , and every way oppress them ? let them find nothing but disdain in bishops ; in the enemies of present government , if that way lift to betake themselves , all kind of favourable and friendly help ; unto which part think we it likely that men having wit , courage , and stomack will incline ? as great a fault is the want of severity when need requireth , as of kindness and courtesie in bishops . but touching this , what with ill usage of their powe amongst the meaner and what with disuage amongst the higher sort , they are in the eyes of both sorts as bees have lost their sting . it is a long time sithence any great one hath felt , or almost any one much feared the edge of that ecclesiastical severity , which sometime held lords and dukes in a more religious aw then now the meanest are able to be kept . a bishop , in whom there did plainly appear the marks and tokens of a fatherly affection towards them are under his charge , what good might he do ten thousand ways more then any man knows how to set down ? but the souls of men are not loved ; that which christ shed his blood for , is not esteemed precious . this is the very root , the fountain of all negligence in church-government . most wretched are the terms of mens estate when once they are at a point of wrechlesness so extream , that thy bend not their wits any further than only to shift out the present time , never regarding what shall become of their successors after them . had our predecessors so loosely cast off from them all care and respect to posterity , a church christian there had no● been , about the regiment whereof we should need at this day to strive . it was the barbarous affection of nero , that the ruine of his own imperial seat he could have been well enough contented to see , in case he might also have seen it accompanied with the fall of the whole world : an affection not more intolerable then theirs , who care not to overthrow all posterity , so they may purchase a few days of ignominious safety unto themselves , and their present estates , if it may be termed a safety which tendeth so fast unto their very overthrow , that are the purchasers of it in so vile and base manner . men whom it standeth upon to uphold a reverend estimation of themselves in the minds of others , without which the very best things they do are hardly able to escape disgrace , must before it be over-late remember how much easier it is to retain credit once gotten , then to recover it being lost . the executors of bishops are sued if their mansion-house be suffered to go to decay : but whom shall their successors sue for the dilapidations which they make of that credit , the unrepaired diminutions whereof will in time bring to pass , that they which would most do good in that calling , shall not be able ; by reason of prejudice generally setled in the minds of all sorts against them . by what means their estimation hath hitherto decayed , it is no hard thing to discern . herod and archelaus are noted to have sought out purposely the dullest and most ignoble that could be found amongst the people , preferring such to the high-priests office , thereby to abate the great opinion which the multitude had of that order , and to procure a more expedite course for their own wicked counsels , whereunto they saw the high-priests were no small impediment , as long as the common sort did much depend upon them . it may be , there hath been partly some show and just suspition of like practice in some , in procuring the undeserved preferments of some unworthy persons , the very cause of whose advancement hath been principally their unworthiness to be advanced . but neither could this be done altogether without the inexcusable fault of some preferred before , and so oft we cannot imagine it to have been done , that either onely or chiefly from thence this decay of their estimation may be thought to grow . somewhat it is that the malice of their cunning adversaries , but much more which themselves have effected against themselves . a bishops estimation doth grow from the excellency of vertues suitable unto his place . unto the place of a bishop those high divine vertues are judged suitable , which vertues being not easily found in other sorts of greatmen , do make him appear so much the greater in whom they are found . devotion , and the feeling sense of religion are not usual in the noblest , wisest , and chiefest personages of state , by reason their wits are so much imployed another way , and their mindes so seldom conversant in heavenly things . if therefore wherein themselves are defective , they see that bishops do blessedly excel , it frameth secretly their-hearts to a stooping kinde of disposition , clean opposite to contempt : the very countenance of moses was glorious after that god had conferred with him . and where bishops are the powers and faculties of whose souls god hath possest , those very actions , the kind whereof is common unto them with other men , have notwithstanding in them a more high and heavenly form , which draweth correspondentestimation unto it , by vertue of that celestial impression , which deep meditation of holy things , and as it were conversation with god doth leave in their mindes . so that bishops which will be esteemed of as they ought , must frame themselves to that very pattern from whence those asian bishops unto whom st. iohn writeth were denominated , even so far forth as this our frailty will permit ; shine they must as angels of god in the midst of perverse men . they are not to look that the world should always carry the affection of constantine , to bury that which might derogate from them , and to cover their imbecillities . more then high time it is , that they bethink themselves of the apostles admonition ; attende tibi , have a vigilant eye to thy self . they erre if they do not perswade themselves that wheresoever they walk or sit , be it in their churches or in their consistories , abmad or at home , at their tables or in their closets , they are in the midst of snares laid for them : wherefore as they are with the prophet every one of them to make it their hourly prayer unto god , lead me , o lord , in thy righteousness , because of enemies ; so it is not safe for them , no not for a moment to slacken their industry in seeking every way that estimation which may further their labours unto the churches good . absurdity , though but in words , must needs he this way a maim , where nothing but wisdom , gravity , and , judgement is looked for . that which the son of syrach hath concerning the writings of the old sages , wise sentences are found in them ; should be the proper mark and character of bishops speeches ; whose lips , as doors , are not to be opened , but for egress of instruction and sound knowledge . if base servility and dejection of minde be ever espied in them , how should men esteem them as worthy the rooms of the great ambassadors of god ? a wretched desire to gain by bad and unseemly means , standeth not with a mean mans credit , much less with that reputation which fathers of the church should be in . but if besides all this , there be also coldness in works of piety and charity , utter contempt even of learning it self , no care to further it by any such helps as they easily might and ought to afford , no not as much as that due respect unto their very families about them , which all men that are of account do order as neer as they can in such sort , that no grievous offensive deformity be therein noted ; if there still continue in that most reverend order , such as by so many engines , work day and night to pull down the whole frame of their own estimation amongst men ; some of the rest secretly also permitting others their industrious opposites , every day more and more to seduce the multitude , how should the church of god hope for great good at their hands ? what we have spoken concerning these things , let not malicious accusers think themselves therewith justified ? no more then shimei was by his soveraigns most humble and meek acknowledgment even of that very crime which so impudent a caitiffs tongue upbraided him withal , the one in the virulent rancour of a canckred affection , took that delight for the present , which in the end did turn to his own more tormenting wo ; the other in the contrite patience even of deserved malediction , had yet this comfort , it may be the lord will look on mine affliction , and do we good for his cursing this day . as for us over whom christ hath placed them to be chiefest guides and pastors of our souls , our common fault is , that we look for much more in our governors then a tolerable sufficiency can yield , and bear much less , then humanity and reason do require we should . too much perfection over rigo●ously exacted in them , cannot but breed in us perpetual discontentment , and on both parts cause all things to be unpleasant . it is exceedingly worth the noting , which plato hath about the means whereby men fall into an utter dislike of all men with whom they converse : this sowreness of minde which maketh every mans dealings unsavoury in our taste , entereth by an unskilful over-weening , which at the first we have of one , and so of another , in whom we afterwards find our selves to have been deceived , they declaring themselves in the end to be frail men , whom we judged demi-gods : when we have oftentimes been thus begailed , and that far besides expectation , we grow at the length to this plain conclusion , that there is nothing at all sound in any man. which bitter conceit is unseemly , and plain to have risen from lack of mature judgment in humane affairs ; which i● so be we did handle with art , we would not enter into dealings with men , otherwise then being beforehand grounded in this perswasion , that the number of persons notably good or bad , is but very small ; that the most part of good have some evil , and of evil men , some good in them . so true our experience doth find those aphorisms of mercurius trismegistas ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to purge gooddness quite and clean from all mixture of evil here , is a thing impossible . again , to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when in this world we term a thing good , we cannot by exact construction have any other true meaning , then that the said thing so termed , is not noted to be a thing exceeding evil . and again , moros 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , amongst men , oesclapius , the name of that which is good we finde , but no where the very true thing it self . when we censure the deeds and dealings of our superiors , to bring with us a fore-conceit thus qualified , shall be as well on our part as theirs , a thing availeable unto quietness : but howsoever the case doth stand with mens either good or bad quality , the verdict which our lord and saviour hath given , should continue for ever sure , qua dei sunt , deo , let men bear the burthen of their own iniquity , as for those things which are gods , let not god be deprived of them . for if only to withold that which should be given , be no better then to rob god ? if to withdraw any mite of that which is but in purpose only bequeathed , though as yet undelivered into the sacred treasure of god , be a sin for which ananias and sapphyra felt so heavily the dreadful hand of divine revenge ; quite and clean to take that away which we never gave , and that after god hath for so many ages therewith been possessed , and that without any other shew of cause , saving only that it seemeth in their eyes who seek it , to be too much for them which have it in their hands , can we term it , or think it , less then most impious injustice , most hainous sacriledge ? such was the religious affection of ioseph , that it suffered him not to take that advantage , no not against the very idolatrous priests of egypt , which he took for the purchasing of other mens lands to the king ; but he considered , that albeit their idolatry deserved hatred , yet for the honors sake due unto priesthood , better it was the king himself should yield them relief in publique extremity , then permit that the same necessity should constrain also them to do as the rest of the people did . but , it may be , men have now found out , that god hath proposed , the christian clergy , as a prey for all men freely to seize upon ; that god hath left them as the fishes of the sea , which every man that lifteth to gather into his net may ; or that there is no god in heaven to pity them , and to regard the injuries which man doth lay upon them : yet the publique good of this church and commonwealth doth , i hope , weigh somewhat in the hearts of all honestly disposed men . unto the publique good , no one thing is more directly availeable , then that such as are in place , whether it be of civil , or of ecclesiastical authority , be so much the more largely furnished even with external helps and ornaments of this life , how much the more highly they are in power and calling advanced above others . for nature is not contented with bare sufficiency unto the sustenance of man , but doth evermore cover a decency proportionable unto the place which man hath in the body or society of others : for according unto the greatness of mens calling , the measure of all their actions doth grow in every mans secret expectation , so that great men do always know , that great things are at their hands expected . in a bishop great liberality , great hospitality , actions in every kinde great are looked for : and for actions which must be great , mean instruments will no●serve . men are but men , what room soever amongst men they hold : if therefore the measure of their worldly habilities be beneath that proportion which their calling doth make to be looked for at their hands , a stronger inducement it is then perhaps men are aware of , unto evil and corrupt dealings , for supply of that defect . for which cause , we must needs think it a thing necessary unto the common good of the church , that great jurisdiction being granted unto bishops over others , a state of wealth proportionable should likewise be provided for them : where wealth is had in so great admiration , as generally in this golden age it is , that without it angelical perfections are not able to deliver from extreme contempt , surely to make bishops poorer then they are , were to make them of less account and estimation then they should be . wherefore if detriment and dishonor do grow to religion , to god , to his church , when the publique account which is made of the chief of the clergy decayeth , how should it be , but in this respect , for the good of religion , of god , of his church , that the wealth of bishops be carefully preserved from further dimination ? the travels and crosses wherewith prelacy is never unaccompanied , they which feel them know how heavy , and how great they are . unless such difficulties therefore , annexed unto that estate , be tempered by co-annexing thereunto things esteemed of in this world , how should we hope that the minds of men , shunning naturally the burthens of each function , will be drawn to undertake the burthen of episcopal care and labour in the church of christ ? wherefore if long we desire to enjoy the peace , quietness , order and stability of religion , which predacy ( as hath been declared ) causeth , then must we necessarily , even in favour of the publique good , uphold those things , the hope whereof being taken away , it is not the meer goodness of the charge , and the divine acceptation thereof , that will be able to invite many thereunto . what shall become of that commonwealth or church in the end , which hath not the eye of learning to beautifie , guide , and direct it ? at the length , what shall become of that learning , which hath not wherewith any more to encourage her industrious followers ? and finally , what shall become of that courage to follow learning , which hath already so much failed through the onely diminution of her chiefest rewards , bishopricks ? surely , wheresoever this wicked intendment of overthrowing cathedral churches , or of taking away those livings , lands , and possessions , which bishops hitherto have enjoyed , shall once prevail , the hand maids attending thereupon will be paganism , and extreme barbarity . in the law of moses , how careful provision is made that goods of this kind might remain to the church for ever : ye shall not make common the holy things of the children of israel , lest ye dye , saith the lord. touching the fields annexed unto levitical cities , the law was plain , they might not be sold ; and the reason of the law , this , for it was their possession for ever . he which was lord and owner of it , his will and pleasure was , that from the levites it should never pass , to be enjoyned by any other . the lords own portion , without his own commission and grant , how should any man justly hold ? they which hold it by his appointment , had it plainly with this condition , they shall not sell of it , neither change it , nor alienate the first-fruits of the land ; for it is holy unto the lord. it falleth sometimes out , as the prophet habbakkuk noteth , that the very prey of savage beasts becometh dreadful unto themselves . it did so in iudas , achan , nebuchadnezzar ; their evil-purchased goods were their snare , and their prey their own terror : a thing no where so likely to follow , as in those goods and possessions , which being laid where they should not rest , have by the lords own testimony , his most bitter curse ; their undividable companion . these perswasions we use for other mens cause , not for theirs with whom god and religion are parts of the abrogated law of ceremonies . wherefore not to continue longer in the cure of a sore desperate , there was a time when the clergy had almost as little as these good people wish . but the kings of this realm and others , whom god had blest , considered devoutly with themselves , as david in like case sometimes had done , is it meet that we at the hands of god should enjoy all kindes of abundance , and gods clergy suffer want ? they considered that of solomon , honor god with thy substance , and the chiefest of all thy revenue , so shall thy barns be filled with corn , and thy vessels shall run over with new wine . they considered how the care which iehoshaphat had , in providing that the levites might have encouragement to do the work of the lord chearfully , was left of god as a fit pattern to be followed in the church for ever . they considered what promise our lord and saviour hath made unto them , at whose hands his prophets should receive but the least part of the meanest kind of friendliness , though it were but a draught of water : which promise seemeth not to be taken , as if christ had made them of any higher courtesie uncapable , and had promised reward not unto such as give them but that , but unto such as leave them but that . they considered how earnest the apostle is , that if the ministers of the law were so amply provided for , less care then ought not to be had of them , who under the gospel of jesus christ , possess correspondent rooms in the church . they considered how needful it is , that they who provoke all others unto works of mercy and charity , should especially have wherewith to be examples of such things , and by such meons to win them , with whom other means , without those , do commonly take very small effect . in these and the like considerations , the church-revenues were in ancient times augmented , our lord thereby performing manifestly the promise made to his servants , that they which did leave either father , or mother , or lands , or goods for his sake , should receive even in this world an hundred fold . for some hundreds of years together , they which joyned themselves to the church , were fain to relinquish all worldly emoluments , and to endure the hardness of an afflicted estate . afterward the lord gave rest to his church , kings and princes became as fathers thereunto , the hearts of all men inclined towards it , and by his providence there grew unto it every day earthly possessions in more and more abundance , till the greatness thereof bred envy , which no diminutions are able to satisfie : for , as those ancient nursing fathers thought they did never bestow enough ; even so in the eye of this present age as long as any thing remaineth , it seemeth to bee too much . our fathers we imitate inperversum , as tertullian speaketh ; like them we are , by being in equal degree the contrary unto that which they were . unto those earthly blessings which god as then did with so great abundance pour down upon the ecclesiastical state , we may in regard of most neer resemblance , apply the self same words which the prophet hath , god blessed them exceedingly ; and , by this very mean , turned the hearts of their own brethren to hate them , and to deal politiquely with his servants . computations are made , and there are huge sums set down for princes , to see how much they may amplifie and enlarge their own treasure ; how many publique burthens they may ease ; what present means they have to reward their servants about them , if they please but to grant their assent , and to accept of the spoil of bishops , by whom church-goods are but abused unto pomp and vanity . thus albeit they deal with one , whose princely vertue giveth them small hope to prevail in impious and sacrilegious motions ; yet shame they not to move her royal majesty even with a suit not much unlike unto that wherewith the jewish high-priest tried iudas , whom they sollicited unto treason against his master and proposed unto him a number of silver-pence in lien of so vertuous and honest a service . but her sacred majesty disposed to be always like her self , her heart so far estranged from willingness to gain by pillage of that estate , the only awe whereof under god she hath been unto this present hour as of all other parts of this noble common-wealth whereof she hath vowed her self a protector till the end of her days on earth , which , if nature could permit , we wish , as good cause we have , endless : this her gracious inclination is more then a seven times sealed warrant ; upon the same assurance whereof touching time and action , so dishonourable as this , we are on her part most secure , not doubting but that unto all posterity , it shall for ever appear , that from the first to the very last of her soveraign proceedings , there hath not been one authorized deed , other then consonant with that symmachus saith , fiscus bonitum principum , non sacer dotum damnis sed hastium spoliis angeatur ; consonant with that imperial law , ea qua ad be atissima ecclesia jur a p●rtinent , tanquam ipsam● sacro sanctam & religiosam ecclesiam intactu convenit vener abiliter a●stodiri ; ut ●ic●● ips●religionis & ●idei mater perpetua est , it a ej●● patrimonium jugiter servetur illas●● . as for the case of publique burthens , let any politirian living , make it appear , that by confiscation of bishops livings , and their utter dissolution at once , the common-wealth shall ever have half that relief and ease which it receiveth by their continuance as now they are , and it shall give us some cause to think , that albeit we sew they are implously and irreligiously minded , yet we may● esteem them at least to be tolerable common-wealths-men . but the case is too clear and manifest , the world doth but too plainly see it , that no one order of subjects whatsoever within this land doth bear the seventh part of that proportion which the clergy beareth in the burthens of the commonwealth ; no revenue of the crownlike unto it , either for certainty or for greatness . let the good which this way hath grown to the common-wealth by the dissolution of religious houses , teach men what ease unto publique burthens there is like to grow , by the overthrow of the clergy . my meaning is not hereby to make the state of bishopricks , and of those dissolved companies alike , the one no less unlawful to be removed then the other . for those religious persons were men which followed only a special kind of contemplative life in the commonwealth , they were properly no portion of gods clergy ( only such amongst them excepted , as were also priests ) their goods ( that excepted , which they unjustly held through the popes usurped power of appropriating ecclesiastical livings unto them ) may in part seem to be of the nature of civil possessions , held by other kinds of corporations such as the city of london hath divers . wherefore , as their institution was human , and their end for the most part superstitious , they had not therein meerly that holy and divine interest which belongeth unto bishops , who being imployed by christ in the principal service of his church , are receivers and disposers of his patrimony , as hath been showed , which whosoever shall with-hold or with-draw at any time from them , he undoubtedly robbeth god himself . if they abuse the goods of the church unto pomp and vanity , such faults we do not excuse in them . only we wish it to be considered whether such faults be verily in them , or else but objected against them by such as gape after spoil , and therefore are no competent judges what is moderate and what excessive in them , whom under this pretence they would spoil . but the accusation may be just . in plenty and fulness it may be we are of god more forgetful then were requisite . notwithstanding men should remember how not to the clergy alone it was said by moses in deuteronomy , necum manducaveris & biberis & domos optimas adisicaveris : if the remedy prescribed for this disease be good , let it unpartially be applied . interest reip , utre suâ quis que bene utatur . let all states be put to their moderate pensions , let their livings and lands be taken away from them whosoever they be , in whom such ample possessions are found to have been matters of grievous abuse : were this just ● would noble families think this reasonable ? the title which bishops have to their livings is as good as the title of any sort of men unto whatsoever we accompt to be most justly held by them ; yea , in this one thing , the claim of ● . b. hath preheminence above all secular titles of right , in that gods own interest in the tenure whereby they hold , even as also it was to the priests of the law an assurance of their spiritual goods and possessions , whereupon though they many times abused greatly the goods of the church , yet was not gods patrimony therefore taken away from them , and made saleable unto other tribes . to rob god , to ransack the church , to overthrow the whole order of christian bishops , and to turn them out of land and living , out of house and home , what man of common honesty can think it for any manner of abuse to be a remedy lawful or just ? we must confess that god is righteous in taking away that which men abuse : but doth that excuse the violence of thieves and robbers ? complain we will not , with s. ierom , that the hands of men are so straightly tyed , and their liberal minds so much bridled and held back from doing good by augmentation of the church-patrimony . for we confess that herein mediocrity may be and hath been sometime exceeded . there did want heretofore a moses to temper mens liberality , to say unto them who enriched the church , sufficit , stay your hands lest favour of zeal do cause you to empty your selves too far . it may be the largeness of mens hearts being then more moderate , had been after more dureable ; and one state by too much over-growing the rest , had not given occasion unto the rest to undermine it . that evil is now sufficiently cured : the church treasury , if then it were over-ful , hath since been reasonable well emptyed . that which moses spake unto givers , we must now inculcate unto takers away from the church , let there be some stay , some stint in spoiling . b if grape-gatherers came unto them , saith the prophet , would they not leave some remnant behind ? but it hath fared with the wealth of the church as with a tower which being built at the first with the highest , overthroweth if self after by its own greatness ; neither doth the ruine thereof cease , with the only fall of that , which hath exceeded mediocrity , but one part beareth down another , till the whole be laid prostrate . for although the state ecclesiastical , both others and even bishops themselves , be now fallen to so low an ebb , as all the world at this day doth see ; yet because there remaineth still somewhat which unsatiable minds can thirst for , therefore we seem not to have been hitherto sufficiently wronged . touching that which hath been taken from the church in appropriations known to amount to the value of one hundred twenty six thousand pounds yearly , we rest contentedly , and quietly without it , till it shall please god to touch the hearts of men , of their own voluntary accord to restore it to him again ; judging thereof no otherwise then some others did of those goods which were by sylla taken away from the citizens of rome , that albeit they were in truth malè capta , unconscionably taken away from the right owners at the first , nevertheless seeing that such as were after possessed of them held them not without some title , which law did after a sort make good , repetitio corum proculdubio labefaltabat compositam civitatem ; what hath been taken away as dedicated unto uses superstitious , and consequently not given unto god , or at the least-wise not so rightly given , we repine not thereat . that which hath gone by means secret and indirect , through corrupt compositions or compacts we cannot help . what the hardness of mens hearts doth make them loath to have exacted , though being due by law eventhereof the want we do also bear . out of that which after all these deductions cometh clearly unto our hands , i hope it will not be said that towards the publique charge , we disburse nothing . and , doth the residue seem yet excessive ? the ways whereby temporal men provide for themselves and their families , are fore-closed unto us . all that we have to sustain our miserable life with , is but a remnant of god's own treasure , so farr already diminished and clipt , that if there were any sense of common humanity left in this hard-hearted world , the improverished estate of the clergy of god , would at the length even of very commiseration be spared . the mean gentleman that hath but an hundred pound land to live on , would not be hasty to change his worldly estate and condition with many of these so over-abounding prelates ; a common artisan or tradesman of the city , with ordinary pastors of the church . it is our hard and heavy lot that , no other sort of men being grudged at how little benefit soever the publick weal reap by them , no state complained of for holding that which hath grown unto , them by lawful means , only the governors of our souls , they that study day and night so to guide us , that both in this world we may have comfort and in the world to come endless felicity and joy , ( for even such is the very scope of all their endeavours , this they wish , for this they labour , how hardly soever we use to construe of their incents , ) hard , that only they should be thus continually lifted at for possessing but that whereunto they have by law both of god and man most just title . if there should be no other remedy but that the violence of men , in the end must needs bereave them of all succour , further than the inclinations of others shall vouchsafe to cast upon them , as it were by way of alms for their relief but from to hour ; better they are not than their fathers , who have been contented with as hard a portion at the world's hands : let the light of the sun and moon , the common benefit of heaven and earth be taken away from ●● . if the question were , whether god should lose his glory , and the safety of his church be hazarded , or they relinquish the right and interest which they have in the things of this world. but fith the question in truth is , whether levi shall be deprived of the portion of god or no , to the end that simeon or reuben may devour it as their spoyl , the comfort of the one in sustaining the injuries which the other would offer , must be that prayer powred out by moses the prince of prophets , in most tender affection to levi , bless o lord his substance , accept than the work of his hands ; s●ite through the loyns of them that rise up against him , and of them which hate him , that they rise no more . of the laws of ecclesiastical polity . book viii . containing their seventh assertion , that to no civil prince or governor , there may be given such power of ecclesiastical dominion , as by the laws of this land belongeth unto the supreme regent thereof . we come now to the last thing whereof there is controversie moved namely , the power of supreme iurisdiction , which for distinction sake we call , the power of ecclesiastical dominion . it was not thought fit in the iews commonwealth , that the exercise of supremacy ecclesiastical should be denied unto him , to whom the exercise of chiefy civil did appertain ; and therefore their kings were invested with both . this power they gave into simon , when they consented that he should be their prince , not only to set men over their works , and countrey , and weapons , but also to provide for the holy things , and that he should be obeyed of every man , and that the writings of the country should be made in his name , and that it should not be lawful for any of the people , or priests , to withstand his words , or to call any congregation in the country without him . and if haply it be surmised , that thus much was given to simon , as being both prince and high-priest , which otherwise ( being their civil governor ) he could not lawfully have enjoyed ; we must note , that all this is no more then the ancient kings of that people had , being kings , and not priests . by this power , david , asa , iehoshaphat , iosiaes , and the rest , made those laws and orders which sacred history speaketh of , concerning matters of meer religion , the affairs of the temple , and service of god , finally , had it not been by the vertue of this power , how should it possibly have come to pass , that the piety or impiety of the kings did always accordingly change the publique face of religion , which things the prophets by themselves never did , nor at any time could hinde from being done : had the priests alone been possest of all power in spiritual affairs , how should any thing concerning matter of religion have been made but only by them ; in had it head been , & not in the king , to change the face of religion at any time , the altering of religion , the making of ecclesiastical laws , with other the like actions belonging unto the power of dominion , are still termed the deeds of the king ; to shew , that in him was placed the supremacy of power in this kinde over all , and that unto their priests the same was never committed , saving only at such times as the priests were also kings and princess over them . according to the pattern of which example , the like power in causes ecclesiastical is by the laws of this realm annexed unto the crown ; and there are which do imagine , that kings being meer lay-persons , do by this means exceed the lawful bounds of their callings ; which thing to the end that they may perswade , they first make a necessary separation perpetual and personal between the church and the common-wealth . secondly , they so tie all kind of power ecclesiastical unto the church , as if it were in every degree their only right , who are by proper spiritual functions termed church-governours , and might not unto christian princes in any wise appertain . to lurk under shifting ambignities , and equivocations of words in matter of principal weight , is childish . a church and a common-wealth , we grant , are things in nature one distinguished from the other : a common-wealth is one way , and a church an other way defined . in their opinions the church and common-wealth are corporations , not distinguished only in nature and definition , but in substance perpetually severed : so that they which are of the one , can neither appoint , nor execute , in whole nor in part , the duties which belong to them which are of the other , without open breach of the law of god which hath divided them ; and doth require , that so being divided , they should distinctly or severally work , as depending both upon god , and not hanging one upon the others approbation . for that which either hath to do , we say that the care of religion being common to all societies politique , such societies as do embrace the true religion have the name of the church given unto every one of them for distinction from the rest ; so that every body politique hath some religion , but the church that religion which is only true . truth of religion is the proper difference whereby a church is distinguished from other politique societies of men ; we here mean true religion in gross , and not according to every particular : for they which in some particular points of religion do sever from the truth , may nevertheless truly ( if we compare them to men of an heathenish religion ) be said to hold and profess that religion which is true , for which cause there being of old so many politique societies stablished through the world , only the common-wealth of israel , which had the truth of religion , was is that respect the church of god : and the church of jesus christ is every such politique society of men , as doth in religion hold that truth which is proper to christianity . as a politique society it doth maintain religion , as a church , that religion which god hath revealed by jesus christ ; with us , therefore , the name of a church importeth onely a society of men , first united into some publique form of regiment , and secondly distinguished from other societies by the exercise of religion , with them on the other side the name of the church in this present question , importeth not only a maltitude of men so united , and so distinguihed , but also further , the same divided necessarily and perpetually from the body of the common-wealth : so that even in such a politique society as consisteth of none but christians , yet the church and common-wealth are too corporations , independently subsisting by it self . we hold that seeing there is not any man of the church of england but the same man is also a member of the common-wealth ; nor any , member of the common-wealth , which is not also of the church of england . therefore as in a figure triangle , the base doth differ from the sides thereof , and yet one and the self same line is both a base and also a side ; aside simply , a base if it chance to be the bottom and under-lye the rest . so albeit , properties and actions of one do cause the name of a common-wealth ; qualities and functions of another sort , the name of the church to be given to a multitude ; yet one and the self-same multitude may in such sort be both . nay , it is so with us , that no person appertaining to the one , can be denied also to be of the other : contrariwise , unless they against us should hold that the church and the common-wealth are two , both distinct and separate societies ; of which two , one comprehendeth alwayes persons not belonging to the other , ( that which they do ) they could not conclude out of the difference between the church and the common-wealth , namely that the bishops may not meddle with the affairs of the common wealth , because they are governours of an other corporation , which is the church , nor kings , with making lawes for the church , because they have government not of this corporation , but of another divided from it , the common-wealth and the walls of separation between these two , must for ever be upheld : they hold the necessity of personal separation which clean excludeth the power of one mans dealing with both ; we of natural , but that one and the same person may in both bear principal sway . the causes of common received errors in this point seem to have been especially two : one , that they who embrace true religion , living in such common-wealths as are opposite thereunto ; and in other publike affairs , retaining civil communion with such as are constrained for the exercise of their religion , to have a several communion with those who are of the same religion with them . this was the state of the jewish church both in egypt and babylon , the state of christian churches a long time after christ. and in this case , because the proper affairs and actions of the church , as it is the church , hath no dependance on the laws , or upon the government of the civil state ; and opinion hath thereby grown , that even so it should be always ; this was it which deceived allen in the writing of his apology : the apostles ( saith he ) did govern the church in rome , when nero bare rule , even as at this day in all the churches dominions : the church hath a spiritual regiments without dependance and so ought she to have amongst heathens , or with christians . another occasion of which mis-conceit is , that things appertaining to religion are both distinguished from other affairs : and have always had in the church spiritual persons chosen to be exercised about them . by which distinction of spiritual affairs , and persons therein employed from temporal , the error of personal separation always necessary between the church and common-wealth hath strengthened it self . for of every politick society , that being true which aristotle saith , namely , that the scope thereof is not simply to live , nor the duty so much to provide for the life , as for means of living well : and that even as the soul is the worthier part of man , so humane societies are much more to care for that which tendeth properly to the souls estate , then for such temporal things which the life hath need of . other proof there needeth none to shew , that as by all men the kingdom of god is to be sought first , for so in all common-wealths things spiritual ought above temporal be sought for ; and of things spiritual , the chiefest is religion . for this cause , persons and things imployed peculiarly about the affairs of religion , are by an excellency termed spiritual . the heathens themselves had their spiritual laws , and causes , and affairs , always severed from their temporal ; neither did this make two independent estates among them , god by revealing true religion sioth make them that receive it his church . unto the iews he so revealed the truth of religion , that he gave them in special considerations , laws , not only for the administration of things spiritual , but also temporal . the lord himself appointing both the one and the other in that common-wealth , did not thereby distract it into several independent communities , but institute several functions of one and the self-same communitie : some reasons therefore must there be alledged why it should be otherwise in the church of christ. i shall not need to spend any great store of words in answering that which is brought out of the holy scripture to shew that secular and ecclesiastical affairs and offices are distinguished : neither that which hath been borrowed from antiquity , using by phrase of speech to oppose the common-weal to the church of christ ; neither yet their reasons which are wont to be brought forth as witnesses , that the church and common-weal were always distinct : for whether a church or common-weal do differ , in not the question we strive for ; but our controversie is , concerning the kind of distinction , whereby they are severed the one from the other ; whether as under heathen kings of the church did deal with her own affairs within her self , without depending at all upon any in civil authority ; and the common-weal in hers , altogether without the privity of the church : so it ought to continue still even in such common-weals as have now publikely embraced the truth of christian religion ; whether they ought evermore to be two societies in such sort , several and distinct : i ask therefore what society was that in rome , whereunto the apostle did give the name of the church of rome in his time ? if they answer ( as needs they must ) that the church of rome in those dayes was that whole society of men , which in rome professed the name of christ , and not that religion which the laws of the common-weal did then authorize ; we say as much , and therefore grant , that the common-weal of rome was one society , and the church of rome another , in such sort that there was between them no mutual dependance . but when whole rome became christian , when they all embraced the gospel , and made laws in defence thereof , if it be heid that the church and common-weal of rome did then remain as before ; there is no way how this could be possible , save only one , and that is , they must restrain the name of a church in a christian common-weal to the clergy , excluding all the rest of believers both prince and people ; for if all that believe be contained in the name of the church , how should the church remain by personal subsistence divided from the common-weal , when the whole common-weal doth believe ? the church and the common-weal are in this case therefore personally one society , which society being termed a common-weal as it liveth under whatsoever form of secular law and regiment , a church as it liveth under the spiritual law of christ , forsomuch as these two laws contain so many and different offices , there must of necessity be appointed in it some to one charge , and some to another , yet without dividing the whole , and making it two several impaled societies . the difference therefore either of affairs or offices ecclesiastical from secular , is no argument that the church and common-weal are always separate and independent , the one on the other ; which thing even allain himself considering somewhat better , doth in this point a little correct his former judgement before mentioned , and confesseth in his defence of english catholicks , that the power political hath her princes , laws , tribunals , the spiritual , her prelates , canons , councels , judgments , and those ( when the temporal princes were pagans ) wholly separate ; but in christian common-weals , joyned though not confounded : howbeit afterwards his former sting appeareth again ; for in a common-wealth he holdeth , that the church ought not to depend at all upon the authority of any civil person whatsoever , as in england he saith it doth . it will be objected , that the fathers do oftentimes mention the common-weal and the church of god , by way of opposition . can the same thing be opposed to it self ? if one and the same society be both church and common-wealth , what sense can there be in that speech ; that they suffer and flourish together ? what sense is that which maketh one thing to be adjudged to the church , and another to the common-weal ? finally , in that which putteth a difference between the causes of the province and the church , doth it not hereby appear , that the church and the common-weal , are things evermore personally separate ? no , it doth not hereby appear that there is not perpetually any such separation ; we speak of them as two , we may sever the rights and the causes of the one well enough from the other , in regard of that difference which we grant is between them , albeit we make no personal difference . for the truth is , that the church and the common-wealth , are names which import things really different : but those things are accidents , and such accidents as may and always should lovingly dwell together in one subject . wherefore the real difference between the accidents signified by these names , doth not prove different subjects for them always to reside in . for albeit the subjects wherein they be resident be sometimes different , as when the people of god have their residence among infidels . yet the nature of them is not such , but that their subject may be one , and therefore it is but a changeable accident , in those accidents they are to divers : there can be no errour in our conceit concerning this point , if we remember still what accident that is , for which a society hath the name of a common-wealth , and what accident that which doth cause it to be termed a church : a common-wealth we name it simply in regard of some regiment or policy under which men live ; a church for the truth of that religion which they pofess . now names betokening accidents inabstracted , betoken no● only the accidents themselves , but also together with them subjects whereunto they cleave . as when we name a school-master and a physitian , those names do not only betoken two accidents , teaching and curing , but also some person or persons in whom those accidents are . for there is no impediment but both may be in one man , as well as they are for the most part in divers . the common-weal and the church therefore being such names , they do not only betoken these accidents of civil government and christian religion , which we have mentioned , but also together with them such multitudes as are the subjects of those accidents ; again , their nature being such as they may well enough dwell together in one subject , it followeth that their names though always implying that difference of accidents that hath been set down , yet do not always imply different subjects also . when we oppose therefore the church and the common-wealth in christian society , we mean by the common-wealth that society with relation to all the publike affairs thereof , only the matter of true religion excepted ; by the church , the same society with only reference unto the matter of true religion , without any affairs● besides , when that society , which is both a church and a common-wealth , doth flourish in those things which belong unto it as a common-wealth , we then say , the common-wealth doth flourish ; when in both them , we then say , the church and common-wealth do flourish together . the prophet esay to note corruptions in the common-wealth complaineth , that where justice and judgement had lodged , now were murtherers ; princes were become companions of thieves , every one loved gifts , and rewards ; but the fatherless was not judged , neither did the widows cause come before them . to shew abuses in the church , malachy doth make his complaint , ye offer unclean bread upon mine altar . if ye offer the blind for sacrifice , it is not evill as ye think , if the lame and the sick , nothing is amiss . the treasure which david bestowed upon the temple , did argue the love which he bore unto the church : the pains which nehemiah took for building the walls of the citie , are tokens of his care for the common-wealth . causes of the common-wealth , or province , are such as gallio was content to be judge of . if it were a matter of wrong , or an evill deed ( o ye iews ) i would according to reason maintain you . causes of the church , are such as gallio there receiteth ; if it be a question of your law , look ye to it , i will be no judge thereof : in respect of this difference therefore the church and the common-wealth may in speech be compared or opposed aptly enough the one to the other ; yet this is no argument , that they are two independent societies . some other reasons there are which seem a little more neerly to make for the purpose , as long as they are but heard , and not sifted : for what though a man being severed by excommunication from the church be not thereby deprived of freedom in the city , or being there discommoned , is not therefore forthwith excommunicated and excluded the church ? what though the church be bound to receive them upon repentance , whom the common-weal may refuse again to admit ? if it chance the same man to be shut out of both , division of the church and common-weal which they contend for , will very hardly hereupon follow : for we must note , that members of a christian common-weal have a triple state ; a natural , a civil , and a spiritual : no mans natural estate is cut off otherwise then by that capital execution . after which , he that is none of the body of the common-wealth , doth not i think remain fit in the body of that visible church . and concerning mans civil estate , the same is subject partly to inferiour abatement of liberty , and partly to diminution in the highest degree , such as banishment is ; sith it casteth out quite and clean from the body of the common-weal , it must needs also consequently cast the banished party even out of the very church he was of before ; because that church and the common-weal he was of , were both one and the same society ; so that whatsoever doth utterly separate a mans person from the one , it separateth from the other also . as for such abatements of civil estate as take away only some priviledge , dignity or other benefit , which a man enjoyeth in the common-weal they reach only to our dealing with publike affairs , from which what may lett , but that men may be excluded , and thereunto restored again , without diminishing or augmenting the number of persons , in whom either church or common-wealth consisteth . he that by way of punishment loseth his voice in a publike election of magistrates , ceaseth not thereby to be a citizen ; a man dis-franchised may notwithstanding enjoy as a subject the common benefit of protection under laws and magistrates ; so that these inferiour diminutions which touch men civilly , but neither do clean extinguish their estates , as they belong to the common-wealth , nor impair a whit their condition as they are of the church of god ; these , i say , do clearly prove a difference of the one from the other , but such a difference as maketh nothing for their surmise of distracted societies . and concerning excommunication , it curreth off indeed from the church , and yet not from the commonwealth ; howbeit so , that the party excommunicate is not thereby severed from one body which subsisteth in it self , and retained by another in like sort subsisting ; but he which before had fellowship with that society whereof he was a member , as well touching things spiritual as civil , is now by force of excommunication , although not severed from the body in civil affairs , nevertheless for the time cut off from it as touching communion in those things which belong to the same body as it is the church : a man which having been both excommunicated by the church , and deprived of civil dignity in the common-wealth ; is upon his repentance necessarily reunited into the one , but not of necessity into the other . what then ? that which he is admitted unto , is a communion in things divine , whereof both parts are partakers ; that from which he is withheld , is the benefit of some humane previledge , or right , which other citizens happily enjoy . but are not these saints and citizens , one and the same people ? are they not one and the same society ? doth it hereby appear that the church which received an excommunicate , can have no dependency on any pers o which hath chief authority and power of these things in the commonwealth whereunto the same party is not admitted . wherefore to end this point , i conclude ; first , that under the dominions of infidels , the church of christ , and their common-wealth , were two societies independent . secondly , that in those common-wealths , where the bishop of rome beareth sway , one society is both the church and the common-wealth : but the bishop of rome doth divide the body into two divers bodies , and doth not suffer the church to depend upon the power of any civil prince and potenrate . thirdly , that within this realm of england , the case is neither as in the one , nor as in the other of the former two : but from the state of pagans we differ , in that with us one society is both the church and common-wealth , which with them it was not ; as also from the state of those nations which subjected themselves to the bishop of rome , in that our church hath dependance from the chief in our common-wealth , which it hath not when he is suffered to rule . in a word , our state is according to the pattern of gods own antient elect people , which people was not part of them the common-wealth , and part of them the church of god ; but the self-same people whole and entire were both under one chief governour , on whose supream authority they did all depend . now the drift of all that hath been alledged to prove perpetual separation and independency between the church and the commonwealth , is , that this being held necessary , it might consequently be thought fit , that in a christian kingdom , he whose power is greatest over the common-wealth , may not lawfully have supremacy of power also over the church , that is to say , so far as to order thereby and to dispose of spiritual affairs , so far as the highest uncommanded commander in them . whereupon it is grown a question , whether government ecclesiastical , and power of dominion in such degrees as the laws of this land do grant unto the soveraign governour thereof , may by the said supream governour lawfully be enjoy'd and held : for resolution wherein , we are , first , to define what the power of dominion is . secondly , then to shew by what right . thirdly , after what sort . fourthly , in what measure . fiftly in what inconveniency . according to whose example christian kings may have it . and when these generals are opened , to examine afterwards how lawful that is which we in regard of dominion do attribute unto our own : namely the title of headship over the church , so far as the bounds of this kingdom do reach . secondly , the prerogative of calling and dissolving great assemblies , about spiritual affairs publick . thirdly , the right of assenting unto all those orders concerning religion , which must after be in force as law. fourthly , the advancement of principal church-governours to their rooms of prelacy . fifthly , judicial authority higher then others are capable of . and sixthly , exemption from being punishable with such kind of censures as the platform of reformation doth teach , that they ought to be subject unto . what the power of dominion is . vvithout order there is no living in publick society , because the want thereof is the mother of confusion , whereupon division of necessity followeth ; and out of division , destruction . the apostle therefore giving instruction to publike societies , requireth that all things be orderly done : order can have no place in things , except it be settled amongst the persons that shall by office be conversant about them . and if things and persons be ordered , this doth imply that they are distinguished by degrees . for order is a gradual disposition : the whole world consisting of parts so many , so different , is by this only thing upheld ; he which framed them , hath set them in order : the very deity it self both keepeth and requireth for ever this to be kept as a law , that wheresoever there is a coagmentation of many , the lowest be knit unto the highest , by that which being interjacent , may cause each to cleave to the other , and so all to continue one . this order of things and persons in publike societies , is the work of policie , and the proper instrument thereof in every degree is power , power being that hability which we have of our selves , or receive from others for performance of any action . if the action which we have to perform be conversant about matters of meer religion , the power of performing it is then spiritual ; and if that power be such as hath not any other to over-rule it , we term it dominion , or power supream ; so far as the bounds thereof extend . when therefore christian kings are said to have spiritual dominion or supream power in ecclesiastical affairs and causes , the meaning is , that within their own precincts and territories , they have an authority and power to command even in matters of christian religion , and that there is no higher nor greater that can in those cases overcommand them , where they are placed to raign as kings . but withal we must likewise note that their power is termed supremacy , as being the highest , not simply without exception of any thing . for what man is so brain-sick , as not to except in such speeches god himself the king of all dominion ? who doubteth , but that the king who receiveth it , must hold it of , and order the law according to that old axiom , altribuat rex legi , quod lex attribuit es potestatem : and again , rex non debet esse sub homine , sed sub deo & lege . thirdly , whereas it is altogether without reason , that kings are judged to have by vertue of their dominion , although greater power then any , yet not than all the state of those societies conjoyned , wherein such soveraign rule is given them ; there is not any thing hereunto to the contrary by us affirmed , no not when we grant supream authority unto kings ; because supremacy is not otherwise intended or meant to exclude partly sorraign powers , and partly the power which belongeth in several unto others , contained as parts in that politick body over which those kings have supremacy ; where the king hath power of dominion , or supream power , there no forrain state , or potentate , no state or potentate domestical , whether it consisteth of one or many , can possibly have in the same affairs and causes authority higher than the king. power of spiritual dominion , therefore , is in causes ecclesiastical , that ruling authority , which neither any forraign state , not yet any part of that politick body at home , wherein the same is established , can lawfully over-rule . it hath been declared already in general , how the best established dominion is , where the law doth most rule the king ; the true effect whereof particularly is found as well in ecclesiastical as civil affairs : in these the king , through his supream power , may do sundry great things himself , both appertaining to peace and war , both at home , and by command and by commerce with states abroad , because the law doth so much permit . sometimes on the other side , the king alone hath no right to do without consent of his lords and commons in parliament : the king himself cannot change the nature of pleas , nor courts , no not so much as restore blood ; because the law is a hath unto him : the positive laws of the realm have a priviledg therein , and restrain the kings power ; which positive laws , whether by custom or otherwise established without repugnancy to the laws of god , and nature , ought not less to be in force even in supernatural affairs of the church , whether in regard of ecclesiastical laws , we willingly embrace that of ambrose , imperator bonus intrae ecclesiam , non supra ecclesiam , est . kings have dominion to exercise in ecclesiastical causes , but according to the laws of the church ; whether it be therefore the nature of courts , or the form of pleas , or the kind of governours , or the order of proceeding in whatsoever business , for the received laws an lib 〈…〉 o the church , the king hath supream authority and power , but against them never , what such positive laws hath appointed to be done by others than the king , or by others with the king , and in what form they have appointed the doing of it ; the same of necessity must be kept ; neither is the kings sole authority to alter it : yet , as it were a thing unreasonable , if in civil affairs the king , albeit the whole universal body did joyn with him , should do any thing by their absolute power for the ordering of their state at home , in prejudice of those ancient . laws of nations , which are of force throughout all the world , because the necessary commerce of kingdoms dependeth on them : so in principal matters belonging to christian religion , a thing very scandalous and offensive it must needs be thought , if either kings or laws should dispose of the law of god , without any respect had unto that which of old hath been reverently thought of throughout the world , and wherein there is no law of god which forceth us to swerve from the ways wherein so many and holy ages have gone : wherefore not without good consideration , the very law it self hath provided , that iudges ecclesiastical appointed under the kings commission , shall not adjudg for heresie anything but that which heretofore hathbeen adjudged by the authority of the cononical scriptures , or by the first four general counbels , or lysome other general council , wherein the same hath been declared heresie , by the express words of the said canonical scriptures , or such at hereafter shall be determined to be heresie by the high court of parliament of this realm , with the assent of the clergy in the convocation , an. . reg. eliz. by which words of the law , who doth not plainly see , how that in one branch of proceeding by vertue of the kings supream authority , the credit which those four first general councels have throughout all churches , and evermore had , was judged by the making of the aforesaid act a just cause wherefore they should be mentioned in that case , as a requisite part of that rule wherewith dominion was to be limited ? but of this we shall further consider , when we come unto that which soveraign power may do in making ecclesiastical laws . unto which supream power in kings , two kinds of adversaries there are which have opposed themselvs one sort defending that supream power in causes ecclesiastical throughout the world , appertaineth of divine right to the bishop of rome : another sort , that the said power belongeth in every national church unto the clergy thereof assembled . we which defend as well against the one , as against the other , that kings within their own precincts may have it , must shew by what right it must come unto them . first unto me , it seemeth almost out of doubt & controversie , that every independent multitude before any certain form of regiment established , hath under god supream authority , full dominion over it self , even as a man not tyed with the band of subjection as yet unto any other , hath over himself the like power . god , creating mankind , did endue it naturally with power to guide it self , in what kind of society soever he should chuse to live . a man which is born lord of himself , may be made an others servant . and that power which naturally whole societies have , may be derived unto many , few , or one ; under whom the rest shall then live in subjection : some multitudes are brought into subjection by force , as they who being subdued , are fain to submit their necks unto what yoak it pleaseth their conquerors to lay upon them ; which conquerors by just and lawful wars do hold their power over such multitudes as a thing descending unto them ; divine providence it self so disposing . for it is god who giveth victory in the day of war , and unto whom dominion in this sort is derived , the same they enjoy according to the law of nations ; which law authorizeth conquerours to reign as absolute lords over them whom they vanquish . sometimes it pleaseth god himself by special appointment to chuse out and nominate such , as to whom dominion shall be given ; which thing he did often in the common-wealth of israel : they which in this sort receive power immediately from god , have it by meer divine right ; they by humane , on whom the same is bestowed , according to mens discretion , when they are left freely by god to make choice of their own governours . by which of these means soever it happen , that kings or governors be advanced unto their estates , we must acknowledg both their lawful choice to be approved of god , and themselves to be gods lievtenants ; and cofess their power which they have to be his . as for supream power in ecclesiastical affairs , the word of god doth no where appoint that all kings should have it , neither that any should not have it ; for which cause , it seemeth to stand altogether by humane right , that unto christian kings there is such dominion given . again , on whom the same is bestowed at mens discretions , they likewise do hold it by divine right : if god in his revealed word , hath appointed such power to be , although himself extraordinarily bestow it not , but leave the appointment of persons to men ; yea , albeit god do neither appoint nor assign the person : nevertheless , when men have assigned and established both . who doth doubt but that sundry duties and affairs depending thereupon are prescribed by the word of god , and consequently by that very right to be exacted ? for example sake , the power which romane emperors had over foreign provinces , was not a thing which the law of god did ever institute : neither was tiberius caesar by especial commission from heaven therewith invested , and yet paiment of tribute unto caesar being now made emperor , is the plain law of jesus christ : unto kings by humane right , honor by very divine right , is due ; mans ordinances , are many times proposed as grounds in the statutes of god : and therefore of what kind soever the means be , whereby governors are lawfully advanced to their states , as we by the laws of god stand bound meekly to acknowledg them for gods lieutenants ; and to confess their power his : so by the same law they are both authorized , and required to use that power as far as it may be in any state available to his honor. the law appointeth no man to be a husband : but if a man hath betaken himself unto that condition , it giveth him power & authority over his own wife . that the christian world should be ordered by the kingly regiment , the law of god doth not any where command : and yet the law of god doth give them , which once are exalted unto that place of estate , right to exact at the hands of their subjects general obedience in whatsoever affairs their power may serve to command , and god doth ratifie works of that soveraign authority , which kings have received by men . this is therefore the right whereby kings do hold their power ; but yet in what sort the same doth rest and abide in them , it somewhat behoveth further to search , where that we be not enforced to make overlarge discourses about the different conditions of soveraign or supream power ; that which we speak of kings , shall be in respect of the state , and according to the nature of this kingdom , where the people are in no subjection , but such as willingly themselves have condescended unto for their own most behoo● and security . in kingdoms therefore of this quality , the highest governor hath indeed universall dominion , but with dependency upon that whole entire body , over the several parts whereof he hath dominion : so that it standeth for an axiom in this case ; the king is major singulis , universis minor . the kings dependency , we do not construe as some have done , who are of opinion that no mans birth can make him a king ; but every particular person , advanced to such authority , hath at his entrance into his raign , the same bestowed on him as an estate in condition by the voluntary deed of the people , in whom it doth lie to put by any one , and to preferr some other before him , better liked of or judged fitter for the place , and that the party so rejected hath no injury done unto him ; no although the same be done in a place where the crown doth go 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by succession , and to a person which is capital and hath apparently if blood be respected the nearest right . they plainly affirm in all well appointed kingdoms , the custom evermore hath been , and is , that children succeed not their parents , till the people after a sort have created them anew , neither that that they grow to their fathers as natural and proper heirs , but are then to be reckoned for kings when at the hands of such as represent the kings majesty , they have by a scepter and a diadem received , as it were , the investure of kingly power : their very words are , that where such power is sealed into a family or kindred , the stock it self is thereby chosen , but not the twig that springeth of it . the next of the stock unto him that raigneth , are not through nearness of blood made kings , but rather set forth to stand for the kingdom , where regal dominion is hereditary , it is notwithstanding ( if we look to the persons which have it ) altogether elective : to this purpose are selected heaps of scriptures concerning the solemn coronation or inauguration of saul , of david , of solomon , and others , by the nobles , ancients , and people of the common-weal of israel ; as if these solemnities were a kind of deed , whereby the right of dominion is given . which strange , untrue , and unnatural conceits , set abroad by seeds-men of rebellion , onely to animate unquiet spirits , and to feed them with possibility of aspiring to thrones , if they can win the hearts of the people , what hereditary title soever any other before them may have . i say unjust and insolent positions , i would not mention , were it not thereby to make the countenance of truth more orient ; for unless we will openly proclaim defiance unto all law , equity , and reason we must ( there is no remedy ) acknowledge , that in kingdoms hereditary birth giveth right unto soveraign dominion ; and the death of the predecessor putteth the successor by blood in seisin . those publick solemnities before specified , do but serve for an open testification of the inheritors right , or belong unto the form of inducting him into possession of that thing he hath right unto : therefore in case it doth happen , that without right of blood a man in such wise be possessed , all these new elections and investings are utterly void ; they make him no indefeasable estate ; the inheritor by blood may disposses him as an usurper . the case thus standing , albeit we judge it a thing most true , that kings , even inheritors , do hold their right in the power of dominion , with dependency upon the whole body politick , over which they have rule as kings ; yet so it may not be understood as if such dependency did grow , for that every supream governor doth personally take from thence his power by way of gift , bestowed of their own free accord upon him at the time of his entrance into the said place of his soveraign government . but the cause of dependency is that first original conveyance , when power was derived from the whole into one ; to pass from him unto them , whom out of him nature by lawful births should produce , and no natural or legal inability make uncapable : neither cab any man with reason think , but that the first institution of kings , a sufficient consideration wherefore their power should always depend on that from which it did always flow by original influence of power , from the body into the king , is the cause of kings dependency in power upon the body . by dependency we mean subordination and subjection : a manifest token of which dependency may be this ; as there is no more certain argument , that lands are held under any as lords , then if we see that such lands is defect of heirs fall unto them by escheat : in like manner , it doth follow rightly , that seeing dominion when there is none to inherit it , returneth unto the body ; therefore , they which before were inheritors thereof , did hold it with dependency upon the body , so that by comparing the body with the head , as touching power , it seemeth always to reside in both ; fundamentally and radicially in the one , in the other derivatively ; in the one the habit , in the other the act of power . may a body politick then at all times , withdraw in whole or in part the influence of dominion which passeth from it , if inconveniencies do grow thereby ? it must be presumed , that supream governors will not in such case oppose themselves , and be stiff in detaining that , the use whereof is with publick detriment : but surely without their consent i see not how the body by any just means should be able to help it self , saving when dominion doth escheat ; such things therefore must be thought upon before hand , that power may be limited ere it be granted , which is the next thing we are to consider . in what measure . in power of dominion , all kings have not an equal latitude : kings by conquest make their own charter ; so , that how large their power , either civil or spiritual is , we cannot with any certainty define further , then onely to set them in the line of the law of god and nature for bounds . kings by gods own special appointment , have also that largeness of power which he doth assign or permit with approbation touching kings which were first instituted by agreement and composition made with them over whom they raign , how far their power may extend ; the articles of compact between them is to shew not only the articles of compact at the first beginning , which for the most part are either clean worm out of knowledg , or else known to very few ; but whatsoever hath been after in free and voluhtary manner condiscended unto , whether by express consent , ( whereof positive laws are witnesses , ) or else by silent allowance , famously notified through custome , reaching beyond the memory of man. by which means of after . agreement , it cometh many times to pass in kingdoms , that they whose ancient predecessors were by violence and force made subject , do by little and little grow into that sweet form of kingly government , which philosophers define , regency willingly sustained , and indued with chiefly of power in the greatest things . many of the ancients in their writings do speak of kings with such high and ample terms , as if universality of power , even in regard of things and not of persons , did appertain to the very being of a king : the reason is , because their speech concerning kings , they frame according to the state of those monarchs , to whom unlimited authority was given ; which some not observing , imagine , that all kings , even in that they are kings , ought to have whatsoever power they judge any soveraign ruler lawfully to have enjoyed . but the most judicious philosopher , whose eye scarce any things did escape which was to be found in the bosome of nature , he considering how far the power of one soveraign rule● may be different from another regal authority , noteth in spartan kings , that of all others they were most tied to law , and so the most restrained power . a king which hath not supream power in the greatest things , is rather intituled a king , then invested with reall soveraignty . we cannot properly term him a king , of whom it may not be said , at the least wise , as touching certain the chiefest affairs of the state , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his right in them is to have rule , not subject to any other predominancy . i am not of opinion that simply in kings the most , but the best limited power is best , both for them and the people : the most limited is that which may deal in fewest things , the ●e●t , that which in dealing is tyed unto the soundest , perfectest , and most indifferent rule , which rule is the law : i mean not only the law of nature , and of god ; but the national law consonant thereunto . happier that people whose law is their king in the greatest things , then that whose king is himself their law : where the king doth guide the state , and the law the king , that common-wealth is like an harp or melodious instrument , the strings whereof are turned and handled all by one hand , following as laws , the rules and canons of musical science . most divinely therefore archytas maketh unto publike felicity these four steps and degrees , every of which doth spring from the former , as from another cause , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the king ruling by law , the magistrate following , the subject free , and the whole society happy . adding on the contrary side , that where this order is not , it cometh by transgression thereof to pass that a king groweth a tyrant ; he that ruleth under him abhorreth to be guided by him or commanded ; the people subject unto both , have freedome under neither , and the whole community is wretched . in which respect , i cannot chuse but commend highly their wisdom , by whom the foundations of the common-wealth hath been laid ; wherein though no manner of person , or cause be unsubject unto the kings power , yet so is the power of the king over all , and in all limited , that unto all his proceedings the law it self is a rule . the axioms of our regal government are these , lex facit regem : the kings grant of any favour made contrary to the law is void ; rex nibil potest nisi quod jure potest : our kings therefore , when they are to take possession of the crown they are called unto , have it pointed our before their eyes , even by the very solemnities and rites of their inauguration , to what affairs by the same law their supream power and authority reacheth ; crowned we see they are , enthronized and annointed ; the crown a sign of a military dominion : the throne of sedentary or judicial ; the oyl of religious and sacred power . it is not on any side denied , that kings may have authority in secular affairs . the question then is , what power they may lawfully have , and exercise in causes of god. a prince , or magistrate , or a community ( saith doctor stapleton ) may have power to lay corporal punishment on them which are teachers of perverse things ; power to make laws for the peace of the church ; power to proclaim , to defend , and even by revenge to preserve dogmata the very articles of religion themselves from violation . others , in affection no less devoted unto the papacy , do likewise yield , that the civil magistrate may by his edicts and laws keep all ecclesiastical persons within the bounds of their duties , and constrain them to observe the canons of the church , to follow the rule of ancient discipline . that , if ioash was commended for his care and provision , concerning so small a part of religion , as the church-treasure ; it must needs be both unto christian kings themselves greater honour , and to christianity a larger benefit , when the custody of religion , and the worship of god in general is their charge . it therefore all these things mentioned be most properly the affairs of gods ecclesiastical causes ; if the actions specified be works of power ; and if that power be such as kings may use of themselves , without the fear of any other power superior in the same thing ; it followeth necessarily , that kings may have supream power , not only in civil , but also in ecclesiastical affairs , and consequently , that they may withstand what bishop or pope soever shall , under the pretended claim of higher spiritual authority , oppose themselves against their proceedings . but they which have made us the former grant , will never hereunto condescend ; what they yield that princes may do , it is with secret exception always understood , if the bishop of rome give leave , if he enterpose no prohibition ; wherefore , somewhat it is in shew , in truth nothing which they grant . our own reformes do the very like , when they make their discourse in general , concerning the authority which magistrates may have , a man would think them to be far from withdrawing any jot of that , which with reason may be thought due . the prince and civil magistrate ( saith one of them ) hath to see the laws of god , touching his worship , and touching all matters , and all orders of the church to be executed , and duly observed ; and to see every ecclesiastical person do that office , whereunto he is appointed ; and to punish those which fail in their office accordingly . another acknowledgeth , that the magistrate may lawfully uphold all truth by his sword , punish all persons , enforce all to their duties towards god and men ; maintain by his laws every point of gods word , punish all vice in all men ; see into all causes , visit the ecclesiastical estate , and correct the abuses thereof : finally to look to his subjects , that under him they may lead their lives in all godliness and honesty● a third more frankly prosesseth , that in case their church discipline were established , so little it shortneth the arms of soveraign dominion in causes ecclesiastical , that her gracious majesty , for any thing they teach or hold to the contrary , may no less then now remain still over all persons , in all things supream governess even with that full and royal authority , superiority , and preheminence , supremacy , and prerogative , which the laws already established do give her ; and her majesties injunctions , and the articles of the convocation house , and other writings apologetical of her royal authority , and supream dignity , do declare and explain . possidonius was wont to say of the epicure , that he thought there were no gods , but that those things which he spake concerning the gods , were only given out for fear of growing adious amongst men : and therefore that in words he left gods remaining , but in very deed overthrew them , in so much as he gave them no kind of action . after the very self same manner , when we come unto those particular effects , prerogatives of dominion which the laws of this land do grant unto the kings thereof , it will appear how these men , notwithstanding their large and liberal speeches abate such parcels out of the afore alleadged grant and flourishing shew , that a man comparing the one with the other , may half stand in doubt , lest their opinion in very truth be against that authority , which by their speeches they seem mightily to uphold , partly for the avoiding of publike obloquie , envie , and hatred , partly to the intent they may both in the cad by the establishment of their discipline , extinguish the force of supream power , which princes have , and yet , in the mean while , by giving forth these smooth discourses , obtain that their savourers may have somewhat to alleadge for them by way of apologie , and that such words only sound towards all kind of fulness of power . but for my self , i had rather construe such their contradictions in the better part , and impute their general acknowledgment of the lawfullness of kingly power , unto the force of truth , presenting it self before them sometimes above their particular contrarieties , oppositions , denyals , unto that errour which having so fully possest their minds , casteth things inconvenient upon them ; of which things in their due place . touching that which is now in hand , weare on all sides fully agreed , first , that there is not any restraint or limitation of matter for regal authority and power to be conversant in , but of religion onely ; and of whatsoever cause thereunto appertaineth kings may lawfully have change , they lawfully may therein exercise dominion , and use the temporal sword. secondly , that some kind of actions conversant about such affairs are denyed unto kings : as namely , actions of power and order , and of spiritual jurisdiction , which hath with it inseparably joyned power to administer the word and sacraments , power to ordain , to judge as an ordinary , to bind and loose , to excommunicate , and such like . thirdly , that even in those very actions , which are proper unto dominion , there must be some certain rule whereunto kings in all their proceedings ought to be strictly tyed ; which rule for proceeding in ecclesiasticall affairs and causes by regal power , hath not hitherto been agreed upon with such uniform consent , and certainty , as might be wished . the different sentences of men herein i will now go about to examine , but it shall be enough to propose what rule doth seem in this case most reasonable . the case of deriving supream power from a whole intire multitude into some special part thereof ; as partly the necessity of expedition in publick affairs , partly the inconvenience of confusion and trouble , where a multitude of equals dealeth ; and partly the dissipation which must needs ensue , in companies where every man wholly seeketh his own particular ( as we all would do , even with other mens hurts ) and haply the very overthrow of themselves , in the end also ; if for the procurement of the common good of all men , by keeping every several man is order , some were not invested with authority over all , and encouraged with prerogative-honour to sustain the weighty burthen of that charge . the good which is proper unto each man belongeth to the common good of all , as part to the whole perfection ; but these two are things different ; for men by that which is proper , are severed ; united they are by that which is common . wherefore , besides that which moveth each man in particular to seek his own private good , there must be of necessity in all publick societies also a general mover , directing unto common good , and framing every mans particular unto it . the end whereunto all government was instituted , was bonum publicum , the universal or common good . our question is of dominion , for that end and purpose derived into one ; such as all in one publick state have agreed , that the supream charge of all things should be committed unto one : they , i say , considering what inconveniency may grow , where states are subject unto sundry supream authorities , have for fear of these inconveniencies withdrawn from liking to establish many ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the multitude of supream commanders is troublesome , no nan ( saith our saviour ) can serve two masters ; surely two supream masters would make any ones service somewhat uneasie in such cases as might fall out , suppose that to morrow the power which hath dominion in justice , require thee at the court ; that which in war , at the field ; that which in religion , at the temple ; all have equal authority over thee , and impossible it is , that then in such case thou shouldst be obedient unto all : by chusing any one whom thou wilt obey , certain thou art for thy disobedience to incur the displeasure of the other two . but there is nothing for which some comparable reason or other may not be found ; are we able to shew any commendable state of government , which by experience and practice hath felt the benefit of being in all causes subject unto the supream authority of one ? against the policy of the israelites , i hope there will no man except , where moses deriving so great a part of his burthen in government unto others , did notwithstanding retain to himself universal supremacy ; iehosaphat appointing one to be chosen in the affairs of god , and another in the kings affair's , did this as having dominion over them in both . if therefore from approbation of heaven , the kings of gods own chosen people had in the affairs of jewish religion supream power , why not christian kings the like also in christian religion ? first , unless men will answer , as some have done , that the jews religion was of far less perfection and dignity then ours , our being that truth whereof theirs was but a shadowish prefigurative resemblance . secondly , that all parts of their religion , their laws , their sacrifices , and their rights and ceremonies , being fully set down to their hands , and needing no more , but only to be put in execution ; the kings might well have highest authority to see that done ; whereas with us there are a number of mysteries even in belief , which were not so generally for them , as for us necessary to be with sound express acknowledgement understood : a number of things belonging to external government , and our manner of serving god , not set down by particular ordinances , and delivered to us in writing , for which cause the state of the church doth now require , that the spiritual authority of ecclesiastical persons be large , absolute , and not subordinate to regal power . thirdly , that whereas god armeth religion iewish as christian with the temporal sword . but of spiritual punishment , the one with power to imprison , to scourge , to put to death : the other with bare authority to censure and excommunicate : there is no reason that the church which hath no visible sword , should in regiment be subject unto any other power , then only unto theirs which have authority to bind and loose . fourthly , that albeit whilst the church was restrained unto one people , it seemed not incommodious to grant their king the general chiefty of power ; yet now the church having spread it self over all nations , great inconveniences must therby grow , if every christian king in his several territory shall have the like power . of all these differences , there is not one which doth prove it a thing repugnant to the law , either of god , or of nature , that all supremacy of external power be in christian kingdoms granted unto kings thereof , for preservation of quietness , unity , order , and peace , in such manner as hath been shewed . of the title of headship . for the title or state it self , although the laws of this land have annexed it to the crown , yet so far● we should not strive , if so be men were nice and scrupulous in this behalf only ; because they do wish that , for reverence to christ jesus , the civil magistrate did rather use some other form of speech wherewith to express that soveraign authority which he lawfully hath overall , both persons and causes of the church . but i see that hitherto they which condemn utterly the name so applyed , do it because they mislike that such power should be given to civil governours . the great exception that sir thomas moor took against that title , who suffered death for denyal of it , was , for that it maketh a lay , a secular person , the head of the state spiritual or ecclesiastical ; as though god himself did not name said ; the head of all the tribes of israel ; and consequently of that tribe also among the rest , whereunto the state spiritual or ecclesiastical belonged ; when the authors of the centuries reprove it in kings and civil governours , the reason is , i st is non competit iste primatus ; such kinde of power is too high for them , they fit it not : in excuse of mr. calvin , by whom this realm is condemned of blasphemy , for intitu●ing , h. . supream head of this church under christ , a charitable conjecture is made , that he spake by misinformation ; howbeit as he professeth utter dislike of that name , so whether the name be used or no , the very power it self which we give unto civil magistrates , he much complaineth of , and protesteth , that their power over all things was it which had ever wounded him deeply : that un-advised persons had made them too spiritual ; that throughout germany this fault did reign ; that in these very parts where calvin himself was , it prevailed more than was to be wished ; that rulers by imagining themselves so spiritual , have taken away ecclesiastical government ; that they think they cannot reign unless they abolish all the authority of the cuurch , and be themselves the chief iudges , as well in doctrine , as in the whole spiritual regency . so that , in truth , the question is , whether the magistrate by being head in such sense as we term him , do use or exercise any part of that authority , not which belongeth unto christ , but which other men ought to have . these things being first considered thus , it will be easier to judge concerning our own estate , whether by force of ecclesiastical government , kings have any other kinde of prerogative that they may lawfully hold and enjoy . it is , as some do imagine , too much , that kings of england should be termed heads in relation of the church . that which we do understand by headship , is , their only supreme power in ecclesiastical affairs and causes ; that which lawful princes are , what should make it unlawful for men in spiritual stiles or titles to signifie ? if the having of supream power be allowed , why is the expressing thereof , by the title of head , condemned ? they seem in words , ( at leastwise some of them ) now at the length to acknowledge , that kings may have dominion or supream government even over all , both persons and causes . we in terming our princes , heads of the church , do but testifie that we acknowledge them such governours . again , to this it will peradventure be replyed , that howsoever we interpret our selves , it is not fit for a mortal man , and therefore not fit for a civil magistrate to be intituled the head of the church , which was given to our saviour christ , to lift him above all powers , rules , dominions , titles , in heaven or in earth . where , if this title belong also to civil magistrates , then it is manifest , that there is a power in earth whereunto our saviour christ is not in this point superiour . again , if the civil magistrate may have this title , he may be termed also the first-begotten of all creatures . the first begotten of all the dead , yea the redeemer of his people . for these are alike given him as dignities whereby he is lifted up above all creatures . besides this , the whole argument of the apostle in both places doth lead to show that this title , head of the church , cannot be said of any creature . and further , the very domonstrative articles amongst the hebrews , especially whom st. paul doth follow , serveth to tye that which is verified of one , unto himself alone : so that when the apostle doth say that christ it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the head , it is as if he should say ; christ , and none other , is the head of the church . thus have we against the entituling of the highest magistrate , head , with relation unto the church , four several arguments gathered by strong surmise out of words marvellous unlikely to have been written to any such purpose , as that whereunto they are now used and urged . to the ephesians , the apostle writeth , that christ , god had set on his right hand in the heavenly places above all regency and authority , and power , and dominion , and whatsoever name is named , not in this world only , but in that which shall be also : and hath under his feet set all things , and hath given him head above all things unto the church , which is his body , even the fulness of him which accomplisheth all in all . to the colossians in like manner , that he is the head of the body of the church , who is a first born regency out of the dead , to the end he might be made amongst them all such an one as both the chiefty : he meaneth , amongst all them whom he mentioned before , saying . by him all things that are , were made ; the things in the heavens , and the things in the earth , the things that are visible , and the things that are invisible , whether they be thrones , or dominions , or regencies , &c. unto the fore-alledged arguments therefore we answer : first , that it is not simply the title of head , in such sort understood , as the apostle himself meant it ; so that the same being imparted in another sense unto others , doth not any wayes make those others his equals ; in as much as diversity of things is usually to be understood , even when of words there is no diversity ; and it is onely the adding of one and the same thing unto divers persons , which doth argue equality in them . if i term christ and cesar lords , yet this is no equalizing cesar with christ , because it is not thereby intended : to term the emperor lord , ( saith tertullian ) i , for my part , will not refuse , so that i be not required to call him lord in the same sense that god is so termed . neither doth it follow , which is objected in the second place , that if the civil magistrate may be intituled a head , he may as well be termed the first begotten of all creatures , the first begotten of the dead , and the redeemer of his people . for albeit the former dignity doth lift him up to less than these , yet these terms are not applyable and apt to signifie any other inferior dignity , as the former term of head was . the argument of matter which the apostle followeth hath small evidence or proof , that his meaning was to appropriate unto christ , that the aforesaid title ; otherwise than only in such sense as doth make it , being so understood , too high to be given to any creature . as for the force of the article where our lord and saviour is called the head , it serveth to tye that unto him by way of excellency , which in meaner degrees is common to others ; it doth not exclude any other utterly from being termed head , but from being intituled as christ is the head , by way of the very highest degree of excellency : not in the communication of names , but in the confusion of things , there is errour . howbeit , if head were a name that could not well be , nor never had been used to signifie that which a magistrate may be in relation to some church ; but were by continual use of speech appropriated unto the onely thing it signifieth , being applyed unto jesus christ ; then , although we must carry in our selves a right understanding , yet ought we otherwise rather to speak , unless we interpret our own meaning by some clause of plain speech , because we are else in manifest danger to be understood according to that construction and sense , wherein such words are personally spoken . but here the rarest construction , and most removed from common sense , is that which the word doth import being applyed unto christ ; that which we signifie by it in giving it to the magistrate , it is a great deal more familiar in the common conceit of men . the word is so fit to signifie all kindes of superiority , preheminence , and chiefty , that nothing is more ordinary than to use it in vulgar speech , and in common understanding so to take it : if therefore christian kings may have any preheminence or chiefty above all others , although it be less than that which theodore beza giveth , who placeth kings amongst the principal members , whereunto publick function to the church belongeth ; and denyeth not , but that of them which have publick fonction , the civil magistrates power hath all the rest at command , in regard of that part of his office , which is to procure that peace and good 〈…〉 especially kept in things concerning the first table ; if even hereupon they term him the head of the church , which is his kingdom , it should not seem so unfit a thing ; which title surely we could not communicate to any other , no not although it should at our hands be exacted with torments : but that our meaning herein is made known to the world , so that no man which will understand can easily be ignorant , that we do not impart unto kings , when we term them heads , the honor which is properly given to our lord and saviour christ , when the blessed apostle in scripture doth term him the head of the church . the power which we signifie in that name , differeth in three things plainly from that which christ doth challenge . first , it differeth in order , because god hath given to his church for the head , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 farr above all principalities , and powers , and might , and dominion , and every name that is named , not in this world only , but also in that which is to come : whereas the power which others have , is subordinate unto his . secondly , again , as he differeth in order , so in measure of power also ; because god hath given unto him the ends of the earth for his possesion ; unto him , dominion from sea to sea , unto him all power both in heaven and earth , unto him such soveraignty , as doth not only reach over all places , persons , and things , but doth rest in his own only person , and is not by any succession continued ; he reigneth as head and king , nor is there any kinde of law which tyeth him , but his own proper will and wisdom , his power is absolute , the same joyntly over all which it is severally over each : not so the power of any other headship . how kings are restrained , and how their power is limited , we have shewed before ; so that unto him is given by the title of headship ever the church that largeness of power , wherein neither man , nor angel , can be matched not compared with him . thirdly , the last and greatest difference between him and them , is in the very kinde of their power . the head being , of all other parts of the body , most divine , hath dominion over all the rest ; it is the fountain of sense , of motion , the throne where the guide of the soul doth reign ; the court from whence direction of all things human proceedeth . why christ is called the head of the church , these causes themselves do yield . as the head is the chiefest part of a man , above which there is none , alwayes joyned with the body ; so christ the highest in his church , is alwayes knit to it . again , as the head giveth sense and motion unto all the body , so he quickneth us , and , together with understanding of heavenly things , giveth strength to walk therein . seeing therefore that they cannot affirm christ sensibly present , or alwayes visibly joyned unto his body the church which is on earth , in as much as his corporal residence is in heaven ; again , seeing they do not affirm ( it were intolerable if they should ) that christ doth personally administer the external regiment of outward actions in the church , but , by the secret inward influence of his grace , giveth spiritual life , and the strength of ghostly motions thereunto : impossible it is , that they should so close up their eyes , as not to discern what odds there is between that kinde of operation , which we imply in the headship of princes , and that which agreeth to our saviours dominion over the church . the headship which we give unto kings , is altogether visibly exercised , and ordereth only the external frame of the church-affairs here amongst us ; so that it plainly differeth from christ's , even in very nature and kinde . to be in such sort united unto the church as he is ; to work as he worketh , either on the whole church or upon any particular assembly , or in any one man ; doth neither agree ; nor hath any possibility of agreeing unto any one besides him . against the first distinction or difference , it is to be objected , that to entitle a magistrate head of the church , although it be under christ , is not absurd . for christ hath a two-fold superiority ; ever his , and even kingdoms : according to the one , he hath a superior ; which is his father ; according to the other , none had immediate authority with his father ; that is to say , of the church he is head and governor onely as the son of man ; head and governor of kingdoms onely as the son of god. in the church , as man , he hath officers under him , which officers are ecclesiastical persons : as for the civil magistrate , his office belongeth unto kingdoms , and to common-wealths , neither is he there an under or subordinate head , considering that his authority cometh from god , simply and immediately , even as our saviour christ's doth . whereunto the sum of our answer is , first , that as christ being lord or head over all , doth , by vertue of that soveraignty , rule all ; so he hath no more a superiour in governing his church , than in exercising soveraign dominion upon the rest of the world besides . secondly , that all authority , as well civil as ecclesiastical , is subordinate unto him . and thirdly , the civil magistrate being termed head , by reason of that authority in ecclesiastical affairs which hath been already declared that themselves do acknowledge to be lawful : it followeth , that he is a head even subordinated of christ , and to christ. for more plain explication whereof , unto god we acknowledge daily , that kingdom , power , and glory , are his ; that he is the immortal and invisible king of ages , as well the future which shall be , as the present which now is . that which the father doth work as lord and king over all , he worketh not without , but by the son , who , through coeternal generation , receiveth of the father that power , which the father hath of himself . and for that cause our saviours words concerning his own dominion , are , to me all power both in heaven and in earth is given : the father by the son did create , and doth guide all , wherfore christ hath supream dominion over the whole universal world , christ is god , christ is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the consubstantial word of god , christ is also that consubstantial word which made man. as god , he saith of himself , i am alpha and omega , the beginning and the end : he which was , and which is , and which is to come , even the very omnipotent . as the consubstantial word of god , he hath with god , before the beginning of the world , that glory , which , as he was man , he requireth to have : father , glorifie thy son with that glory which with thee be enjoyed before the world wa● . further , it is not necessary , that all things spoken of christ should agree to him , either as god , or else as man ; but some things as he is the consubstantial word of god , some things as he is that word incarnate . the works of supream dominion which have been since the first beginning wrought by the power of the son of god , are now most properly and truly the works of the son of man : the word made flesh doth sit for ever , and reign , as soveraign lord over all . dominion belongeth unto the kingly office of christ , as propitration and mediation unto his priestly ; instruction , unto his pastoral and prophetical office. his works of dominion are , in sundry degrees and kindes , according to the different conditions of them that are subject unto it : he presently doth govern , and hereafter shall judge the world , intire and wholly ; and therefore his regal power cannot be with truth restrained unto a proportion of the world only . notwithstanding , forasmuch as all do not shew and acknowledge , with dutiful submission , that obedience which they owe unto him ; therefore such as do , their lord he is termed by way of excellency , no otherwise than the apostle doth term god the saviour generally of all , but especially of the faithful ; these being brought to the obedience of faith , are every where spoken of , as men translated into that kingdom , wherein whosoever is comprehended , christ is the author of eternal salvation unto them ; they have a high and ghostly fellowship with god and christ , and saints , as the apostle in more ample manner speaketh , aggregated they are unto mount sion , and to the city of the living god ; the celestial ierusalem , and to the company of innumerable angels , and to the congregation of the first born , which are written in heaven , and to god the iudge of all , and to the spirits of just and perfect men , and to iesus the mediator of the new testament . in a word , they are of that mystical body , which we term the church of christ. as for the rest we account them aliens from the common-wealth of israel , and that live in the kingdom of darkness , and that are in this present world without god. our saviours dominion is therefore over these , as over rebels ; over them , as over dutiful and loving subjects ; which things being in holy scriptures so plain , i somewhat muse at that strange position , that christ in the government of his church , and superiority over the officers of it , hath himself a superiour which is the father ; but in governing of kingdoms and common wealths , and in the superiority which he hath over kingdoms , no superiour . again , that the civil magistrates authority commeth from god immediately , as christs doth , and it subordinate unto christ. in what evangelist , apostle , or prophet , is it found , that christ ( supream governour of the church ) should be so unequal to himself , as he is supream governor of kingdoms ? the works of his providence for the preservation of mankinde , by upholding kingdoms , not only obedient unto , but also obstinate and rebellious against him , are such as proceed from divine power ; and are not the works of his providence for safety of god's elect , by gathering , inspiring , comforting , and every way preserving his church , such as proceed from the same power likewise ? surely , if christ , as god and man , hath ordained certain means for the gathering and keeping of his church , seeing this doth belong to the government of that church : it must in reason follow , i think , that , as god and man , he worketh in church regiment ; and consequently hath no more there any superiours , than in the government of the common-wealth . again , to be in the midst of his , wheresoever they are assembled in his name , and to be with them to the world's end , are comforts which christ doth perform to his church as lord and governour ; yea , such as he cannot perform but by that very power wherein he hath no superiour . wherefore , unless it can be proved , that all the works of our saviours government in the church , are done by the mere and onely force of his human nature , there is no remedy but to acknowledge it a manifest errour , that christ , in the government of the world , is equal to the father , but not in the government of the church . indeed , to the honour of this dominion , it cannot be said , that god did exalt him otherwise than only according to that human nature , wherein he was made low . for , as the son of god , there could no advancement or exaltation grow unto him : and yet the dominion , whereunto he was in his human nature lifted up , is not without divine power exercised . it is by divine power , that the son of man , who sitteth in heaven , doth work as king and lord upon us which are on earth . the exercise of his dominion over the church militant cannot choose but cease , when there is no longer any militant church in the world. and therefore , as generals of armies when they have finished their work , are wont to yield up such commissions as were given for that purpose , and to remain in the state of subjects , and not as lords , as concerning their former authority ; even so , when the end of all things is come , the son of man ( who till then reigneth ) shall do the like , as touching regiment over the militant church on the earth . so that between the son of man and his brethren , over whom he reigneth now in this their war fare , there shall be then , as touching the exercise of that regiment , no such difference , they not warfaring any longer under him ; but he , together with them , under god , receiving the joyes of everlasting triumph , that so god may be in all ; all misery in all the wicked , through his justice ; in all the righteous , through his love , all felicity and blisse . in the mean while he reigneth over the world as king , and doth those things wherein none is superiour unto him , whether we respect the works of his providence and kingdom , or of his regiment over the church . the cause of errour in this point , doth seem to have been a misconceit , that christ , as mediatour , being inferiour to his father , doth , as mediatour , all works of regiment over the church , when , in truth , regiment doth belong to his kingly office , mediatourship to his priestly . for , as the high-priest both offered sacrifices , for expiation of the peoples sins , and entred into the holy place , there to make intercession for them : so , christ having finished upon the cross that part of his priestly office , which wrought the propitiation for our sinnes , did afterwards enter into very heaven , and doth there , as mediatour of the new testament , appear in the sight of god for us . a like sleight of judgement it is , when they hold , that civil authority is from god , but not immediately through christ , nor with any subordination to god , nor doth any thing from god , but by the hands of our lord jesus christ. they deny it not , to be said of christ in the old testament , by me princes rule , and the nobles , and all the iudges of the earth . in the new as much is taught , that christ is the prince of the kings of the earth . wherefore , to the end it may more plainly appear , how all authority of man is derived from god through christ , and must by christian men be acknowledged to be no otherwise held then of , and under him ; we are to note , that , because whatsoever hath necessary being , the son of god doth cause it to be , and those things without which the world cannot well continue , have necessary being in the world : a thing of so great use as government , cannot choose but be originally from him. touching that authority which civil magistrates have in ecclesiastical affairs , it being from god by christ , as all other good things are , cannot chuse but be held as a thing received at his hands ; and , because such power is of necessity for the ordering of religion , wherein the essence and very being of the church consisteth , can no otherwise slow from him , than according to that special care which he hath to govern and guide his own people : it followeth , that the said authority is of and under him after a more special manner , in that he is head of the church , and not in respect of his general regency over the world. all things ( saith the apostle , speaking unto the church ) are yours , and ye are christs , and christ is god's . kings are christ's as saints , because they are of the church , if not collectively , yet divisively understood . it is over each particular person within that church where they are kings : surely , authority reacheth both unto all mens persons , and to all kindes of causes also : it is not denyed , but that they may have and lawfully exercise it ; such authority it is , for which , and for no other in the world , we term them heads ; such authority they have under christ , because he in all things is lord overall ; and even of christ it is that they have received such authority , in as much as of him all lawful powers are ; therefore the civil magistrate is , in regard of this power , an under and subordinate head of christ's people . it is but idle where they speak , that although , for several companies of men , there may be several heads or governours , differing in the measure of their authority from the chiefest , who is head over all ; yet it cannot be in the church , for that the reason why head-magistrates appoint others for such several places , it , because they cannot be present every where to perform the office of an head. but christ is never from his body , nor from any part of it , and therefore needeth not to substitute any , which may be heads , some over one church , and some over another . indeed the consideration of man's imbecillity , which maketh many heads necessary , where the burthen is too great for one , moved iethro to be a perswader of moses , that a number of heads of rulers might be instituted for discharge of that duty by parts , which in whole he saw was troublesome . now , although there be not in christ any such defect , or weakness ; yet other causes there be divers , more than we are able to search into , wherefore it might seem unto him expedient to divide his kingdom into many provinces , and place many heads over it , that the power which each of them hath in particular with restraint , might illustrate the greatness of his unlimited authority . besides , howsoever christ be spiritually alwayes united unto every part of his body , which is the church : nevertheless , we do all know , and they themselves who alledge this , will , i doubt not , confess also , that from every church here visible , christ , touching visible and corporal presence , is removed as farr as heaven from the earth is distant . visible government is a thing necessary for the church ; and it doth not appear , how the exercise of visible government over such multitudes every where dispersed throughout the world , should consist without sundry visible governours , whose power being the greatest in that kinde , so farr as it reacheth , they are in consideration thereof termed so farr heads . wherefore , notwithstanding the perpetual conjunction , by vertue whereof our saviour , alwayes remaineth spiritually united unto the parts of his mystical body , heads indeed with supream power , extending to a certain compasse , are for the exercise of a visible regiment not unnecessary . some other reasons there are belonging unto this branch , which seem to have been objected , rather for the exercise of mens wits , in dissolving sophismes , than that the authors of them could think in likelyhood , thereby to strengthen their cause . for example , if the magistrate be head of the church within his own dominion , then is he none of the church : for all that are of the church make the body of christ , and every one of the church fulfilleth the place of one member of the body : by making the magistrate therefore head , we do exclude him from being a member subject to the head , and so leave him no place in the church . by which reason , the name of a body politick , is supposed to be alwayes taken of the inferiour sort alone , excluding the principal guides and governors , contrary to all mens customes of speech . the errour ariseth by misconceiving of some scripture-sentences , where christ as the head , and the church as the body , are compared or opposed the one to the other . and , because in such comparisons ooppositions , the body is taken for those only parts which are subject unto the head ; they imagine , that who so is the head of any church , he is therefore even excluded from being a part of that church ; that the magistrate can be none of the church , if so we make him the head of the church in his own dominions : a chief and principal part of the church therefore . next , this is surely a strange conclusion , a church doth indeed make the body of christ , being wholly taken together ; and every one in the same church fulfilleth the place of a member in the body , but not the place of an inferiour member , the which hath supream authority and power over all the rest . wherefore , by making the magistrate head in his own dominions , we exclude him from being a member subject unto any other person , which may visibly there rule in place of a superiour or head over him ; but so farr are we off from leaving him by this means no place in the church , that we do grant him the hief place . indeed the heads of those visible bodies , which are many , can be but parts inferiour in that spiritual body which is but one ; yea , they may from t●●s be excluded clean , who notwithstanding ought to be honoured , as possessing in order the highest rooms : but for the magistrate to be termed , in his dominions , an head , doth not barr him from being any way a part or member of the church of god. as little to the purpose are those other cavils : a church which hath the magistrate for head , is perfect man without christ : so that the knitting of our saviour thereunto , should be an addition of that which is too much . again , if the church be the body of christ , and of the civil magistrate , it shall have two heads , which being monstrous , is to the great dishonour of christ and his church . thirdly , if the church be planted in a popular estate , then , forasmuch as all govern in common , and all have authority , all shall be heads there , and no body at all , which is another monster . it might be seared what this birth of so many monsters together might portend , but that we know how things , natural enough in themselves , may seem monstrous , through misconceit ; which errour of minde is indeed a monster : and the skilful in nature's mysteryes , have used to term it the wombe of monsters ; if any be , it is that troubled understanding , wherein , because things lye confusedly mixt together , what they are it appeareth not . a church perfect without christ , i know not how a man shall imagin ; unless there may be either christianity without christ , or else a church without christianity . if magistrates be heads of the church , they are of necessity christians , then is their head christ. the adding of christ universal head over all , unto magistrates particular headship , is no more superfluous in any church than , in other societyes : each is to be both severally subject unto some head , and to have a head also general for them all to be subject unto . for so in armys , in civil corporations , we see it fareth : a body politick , in such respects , is not like a natural body ; in this , more heads than one is superfluous ; in that , not . it is neither monstrous , nor yet uncomely for a church to have different heads : for if christian churches be in number many , and every of them a perfect body by it self , christ being lord and head over all ; why should we judge it a thing more monstrous for one body to have two heads , than one head so many bodyes ? him that god hath made the supream head of the whole church ; the head , not only of that mystical body , which the eye of man is not able to discern , but even of every christian politick society , of every visible church in the world ? and whereas , lastly , it is thought so strange , that in popular states , a multitude to it self should be both body and head , all this wonderment doth grow from a little over-sight , in deeming that the subject wherein headship ought to reside , should be evermore some one person ; which thing is not necessary . for in the collective body that hath not derived as yet the principality of power into some one or few , the whole of necessity must be head over each part ; otherwise it could not have power possibly to make any one certain person head , inasmuch as the very power of making a head belongeth unto headship . these supposed monsters we see therefore are no such giants , as that there should need any hercules to tame them . the last difference which we have between the title of head when we give it unto christ , and when we give it to other governours , is , that the kinde of dominion which it importeth , is not the same in both : christ is head , as being the fountain of life and ghostly nutriment , the well-spring of spiritual blessings powred into the body of the church , they heads , as being the principal instruments for the churches outward government ; he head , as founder of the house , they , as his chiefest overseers . against this is exception especially taken , and our purveyours are herein said to have their provision from the popish shambles : for by fighius and harding , to prove that christ alone is not head of the church , this distinction , they say , is brought , that , according to the inward influence of grace , christ only is head : but , according to the outward government , the being of head is a thing common to him with others . to raise up falshoods of old condemned , and bring it for confirmation of any thing doubtful , which already hath sufficiently been proved an error , and is worthily so taken , this would justly deserve censuring . but , shall manifest truth therefore be reproached , because men convicted in some things of manifest untruth , have at any time thought or alledged it ? if too much eagerness against their adversaries had not made them forget themselves , they might remember , where being charged as maintainers of those very things , for which others before them have been condemned of heresie , yet , lest the name of any such heretick , holding the same which they do , should make them odious ; they stick not frankly to confess , that they are not afraid to consent in some points , with iews and turks : which defence , for all that , were a very weak buckler for such as should consent with jews and turks , in that which they have been abhorted and hated for in the church . but as for this distinction of headship . spiritual and mystical of jesus christ , ministerial and outward in others besides christ : what cause is there to mislike either harding , or pighins , or any other besides for it ? that which they have been reproved for , is , not because they did therein utter an untruth , but such a truth as was not sufficient to bear up the cause which they did thereby seek to maintain . by this distinction , they have both truly and sufficiently proved , that the name of head importing power and dominion over the church , might be given to others besides christ , without prejudice to any part of his honor . that which they should have made manifest , was , the name of head , importing the power of universal dominion over the whole church of christ militant , doth , and that by divine right , appertain to the pope of rome : they did prove it lawful to grant unto others , besides christ , the power of headship in a different kinde from his ; but they should have proved it lawful to challenge , as they did to the bishop of rome , a power universal in that different kinde . their fault was therefore in exacting wrongfully so great power as they challenged in that kinde , and not in making two kindes of power , unless some reasons can be shewed for which this distinction of power should be thought erroneous and false . a little they stirr , ( although in vain ) to prove , that we cannot with truth make such distinction of power , whereof the one kinde should agree unto christ onely , and the other be further communicated . thus therefore they argue , if there be no head but christ , in respect of spiritual government , there is no head but be in respect of the word , sacraments , and discipline administred by those whom he hath appointed , for as much also as it is his spiritual government : their meaning is , that whereas we make two kindes of power , of which two , the one being spiritual , is proper unto christ , the other , men are capable of , because it is visible and external : we do amiss altogether in distinguishing , they think , forasmuch as the visible and external power of regiment over the church , is onely in relation unto the word , sacraments , and discipline , administred by such as christ hath appointed thereunto , and the exercise of this power is also his spiritual government : therefore we do but vainly imagin a visible and external power in the church differing from his spiritual power . such disputes as this , do somewhat resemble the practising of well-willers upon their friends in the pangs of death , whose maner is , even their , to put smoak in their nostrils , and so to fetch them again , alhough they know it a matter impossible to keep them living . the kinde of affecton which the favourers of this laboring cause bear towards it , will not suffer them to se it dye , although by what means they should make it live , they do not see ; but thy may see that these wrestlings will not help : can they be ignorant how little it boteth to overcast so clear a light with some mist of ambiguity in the name of spiritual r●iment ? to make things therefore so plain , that henceforward a childes capacity ma serve rightly to conceive our meaning , we make the spiritual regiment of christ to ●e generally that whereby his church is ruled and governed in things spiritual . of this general we make two distinct kindes ; the one invisible , exercised by christ himself in his own person ; the other outwardly administred by them , whom christ doth allow , to be rulers and guiders of his church . touching the former of these two kindes , we teach that christ , in regard thereof , is particularly termed the head of the church of god ; neither can any other creature , in that sense and meaning , be termed head , besides him , because it importeth the conduct and government of our souls , by the hand of that blessed spirit wherewith we are sealed and marked , as being peculiarly his . him onely therefore do we acknowledge to be the lord , which dwelleth , liveth , and reigneth in our hearts ; him only to be that head , which giveth salvation and life unto his body ; him onely to be that fountain from whence the influence of heavenly graces distilleth , and is derived into all parts , whether the word , or the sacraments , or discipline , or whatsoever , be the means whereby it floweth . as for the power of administring these things in the church of christ , which power we call the power of order , it is indeed both spiritual and his ; spiritual , because such properly concerns as the spirit : his , because by him it was instituted . howbeit , neither spiritual , as that which is inwardly and invisibly exercised ; nor his , as that which he himself , in person , doth exercise . again , that power of dominion , which is indeed the point of this controversie , and doth also belong to the second kinde of spiritual government , namely , unto that regiment which is external and visible : this likewise being spiritual in regard of the manner about which it dealeth ; and being his , in as much as he approveth whatsoever is done by it , must notwithstanding be distinguished also from that power whereby he himself in person administreth the former kinde of his own spiritual regiment , because he himself in person doth not administer this , we do not therefore vainly imagine , but truly and rightly discern a power external and visible in the church , exercised by men , and severed in nature from that spiritual power of christ's own regiment ; which power is termed spiritual , because it worketh secretly , inwardly , and invisibly : his , because none doth , nor can it personally exercise , either besides , or together with him , seeing that him onely we may name our head , in regard of his ; and yet , in regard of that other power from this , term others also , besides him , heads , without any contradiction at all ; which thing may very well serve for answer unto that also which they further alledge against the aforesaid distinction , namely , that even the outward societies and assemblies of the church , where one or two are gathered together in his name , either for hearing of the word , or for prayer , or any other church-exercise , our saviour christ being in the midst of them as mediatour , must be their head : and if he be not there idle , but doing the office of a head fully , it followeth , that even in the outward societies and meetings of the church , no more man can be called the head of it , seeing that our saviour christ doing the whole office of the head himself alone , leaveth nothing to men , by doing whereof they may obtain that title . which objection i take as being made for nothing but onely to maintain argument : for they are not so farr gone as to argue this in sooth and right good earnest . god standeth ( saith the psalmist ) in the midst of gods ; if god be there present , he must undoubtedly be present as god ; if he be not there idle , but doing the office of a god fully , it followeth , that god himself alone doing the whole office of a god , leaveth nothing in such assemblies to any other , by doing whereof they may obtain so high a name . the psalmist therefore hath spoken amiss , and doth ill to call judges , gods. not so ; for as god hath his office differing from theirs , and doth fully discharge it even in the midst of them , so they are not hereby excluded from all kinde of duty , for which that name should be given into them also , but in that duty for which it was given them , they are encouraged religiously and carefully to order themselves after the self-same manner . our lord and saviour being in the midst of his church as head , is our comfort , without the abridgement of any one duty ; for performance whereof , others are termed headsm another kinde than he is . if there be of the antient fathers , which say , that thee is but one head of the church , christ ; and that the minister that baptizeth canno●●e the head of him that is baptized , because christ is the head of the whole church : and tat paul could not be head of the church which he planted , because christ is the head of the whole body : they understand the name of head in such sort as we grant , that it is o● applicable to any other , no not in relation , to the least part of the whole churh ; he which baptizeth , baptizeth into christ ; he which converteth , converteth into christ ; he which ruleth , ruleth for christ. the whole church can have but one to be head as lord and owner of all ; wherefore if christ be head in that kinde , it followeth , that no other besides can be so either to the whole or to any part . to call and dissolve all solemn assemblies about the publick affairs of the church . amongst sundry prerogatives of simons dominion over the jews , there is reckoned , as not the least , that no man might gather any great assembly in the land without him . for so the manner of jewish regiment had alwayes been , that , whether the cause for which men assembled themselves in peaceable , good , and orderly sort were ecclesiastical , or civil , supream authority should assemble them ; david gathered all israel together unto ierusalem ; when the ark was to be removed , he assembled the sons of aaron and the levites . solomon did the like at such time as the temple was to be dedicated ; when the church was to be reformed , asa in his time did the same : the same upon like occasions was done afterwards by ioash , hezekiat , iosiah , and others . the consuls of rome , polybius affirmeth to have had a kinde of regal authority , in that they might call together the senate and people whensoever it pleased them . seeing therefore the affairs of the church and christian religion , are publick affairs , for the ordering whereof more solemn assemblies sometimes are of as great importance and use , as they are for secular affairs : it seemeth no less an act of supream authority to call the one , then the other . wherefore the clergy , in such wise gathered together , is an ecclesiastical senate , which with us , as in former times , the chiefest prelate at his discretion did use to assemble ; so that afterwards in such considerations as have been before specified , it seemed more meet to annex the said prerogative to the crown . the plot of reformed discipline not liking thereof so well , taketh order , that every former assembly before it breaketh up , should it self appoint both the time and place of their after-meeting again . but , because i finde not any thing on that side particularly alledged against us herein , a longer disputation about so plain a cause shall not need . the antient imperial law forbiddeth such assemblies as the emperor's authority did not cause to be made . before emperors became christians , the church had never any general synod ; their greatest meeting consisting of bishops , and others the gravest in each province . as for the civil governor's authority , it suffered them only as things not regarded , or not accounted of at such times as it did suffer them . so that what right a christian king hath as touching assemblies of that kinde , we are not able to judge , till we come to later times , when religion had won the hearts of the highest powers . constantine , ( as pighius doth grant ) was not only the first that ever did call any general councel together , but even the first that devised the calling of them for consultation about the businesses of god. after he had once given the example , his successors a long time followed the same ; in so much that st. hierom to disprove the authority of a synod , which was pretended to be general , useth this as a forcible argument , dic , quis imperator have synodum jusserit convocari ? their answer hereunto , is no answer , which say , that the emperors did not this without conference had with the bishops : for to our purpose it is enough , if the clergy alone did it not otherwise than by the leave and appointment of their soveraign lords and kings . whereas therefore it is on the contrary side alledged , that valentinian the elder being requested by catholick bishops , to grant that there might be a synod for the ordering of matters called in question by the arians , answered , that he being one of the laity , might not meddle with such matters , and thereupon willed , that the priests and bishops , to whom the care of those things belongeth , should meet and consult together by themselves where they thought good . we must , with the emperor's speech , weigh the occasion and drift thereof . valentinian and valens , the one a catholick , the other an arian , were emperors together : valens , the governour of the east , and valentinian of the west empire . valentinian therefore taking his journey from the east , unto the west parts , and passing for that intent through thracia , there the bishops , which held the soundnesse of christian belief , because they knew that valent was their professed enemy , and therefore if the other was once departed out of those quarters , the catholick cause was like to finde very small favour , moved presently valentinian about a councel to be assembled under the countenance of his authority ; who by likelihood considering what inconvenience might grow thereby , inasmuch as it could not be but a means to incense valens the more against them , refused himself to be author of , or present at any such assembly ; and of this his denyal gave them a colourable reason , to wit , that he was , although an emperour , yet a secular person , and therefore not able , in matters of so great obscurity , to fit as a competent judge . but if they which were bishops and learned men , did think good to consule thereof together , they might ; whereupon , when they could not obtain that which they most desired , yet that which he granted unto them they took , and forthwith had a councel . valentinian went on towards rome , they remaining in consultation , till valens , which accompanied him , returned back , so that now there was no remedy , but either to incurr a manifest contempt , or else at the hands of valens himself , to seek approbation of that they had done . to him therefore they became suitors : his answer was short ; either arianism , or exile , which they would ; whereupon their banishment ensued . let reasonable men now therefore be judges , how much this example of valentinian doth make against the authority , which we say that soveraign rulers may lawfully have , as concerning synods and meetings ecclesiastical . of the authority of making laws . there are which wonder , that we should account any statute a law , which the high court of parliament in england hath established about the matters of church-regiment ; the prince and court of parliament , having ( as they suppose ) no more lawful means to give order to the church and clergy in those things , than they have to make laws for the hierarchies of angels in heaven ; that the parliament being a mere temporal court , can neither by the law of nature , nor of god , have competent power to define of such matters ; that supremacy in this kinde cannot belong unto kings , as kings , because pagan emperours , whose princely power was true soveraignty , never challenged so much over the church ; that power , in this kinde , cannot be the right of any earthly crown , prince , or state , in that they be christians , forasmuch as if they be christians , they all owe subjection to the pastors of their souls , that the prince therefore not having it himself , cannot communicate it to the parliament , and consequently cannot make laws here , or determine of the churches regiment by himself , parliament , or any other court subjected unto him . the parliament of england , together with the convocation annexed thereunto , is that whereupon the very essence of all government within this kingdom doth depend , it is even the body of the whole realm ; it consisteth of the king , and of all that within the land are subject unto him . the parliament is a court , not so merely temporal , as if it might meddle with nothing but onely leather and wool : those dayes of queen mary are not yet forgotten , wherein the realm did submit it self unto the legate of pope iulius , at which time , had they been perswaded , as this man seemeth now to be , had they thought , that there is no more force in laws made by parliament concerning church-affairs , then if men should take upon them to make orders for the hierarchies of angels in heaven , they might have taken all former statutes of that kinde as cancelled , and , by reason of nullity , abrogated . what need was there , that they should bargain with the cardinal , and purchase their pardon by promise made before-hand , that what laws they had made , assented unto , or executed , against the bishop of rome's supremacy , the same they would , in that present parliament , effectually abrogate and repeal ? had they power to repeal laws made , and none to make laws concerning the regiment of the church ? again , when they had by suit obtained his confirmation for such foundations of bishopricks , cathedral churches , hospitals , colledges , and schools , for such marriages before made , for such institutions into livings ecclesiastical , and for all such judicial processes , as having been ordered according to the laws before in force , but contrary unto the canons and orders of the church of rome ; were in that respect thought defective , although the cardinal in his letters of dispensation , did give validity unto those acts , even apostolicae firmitatis robur , the very strength of apostolical solidity ; what had all these been without those grave authentical words ? be it enacted by the authority of this present parliament , that all and singular articles and clauses contained in the said dispensation , shall remain and be reputed and taken to all intents and constructions in the laws of this realm , lawful , good and effectual to be alledged and pleaded in all courts ecclesiastical and temporal , for good and sufficient matter either for the plaintiff or defendant , without any allegation or objection to be made against the validity of them , by pretence of any general councel , canon , or decree to the contrary . somewhat belike they thought there was in this mere temporal court , without which the popes own mere ecclesiastical legate's dispensation had taken small effect in the church of england ; neither did they , or the cardinal imagine any thing committed against the law of nature , or of god , because they took order for the churches affairs , and that even in the court of parliament . the most natural and religious course in making laws , is , that the matter of them be taken from the judgement of the wisest in those things which they are to concern . in matters of god , to set down a form of prayer , a solemn confession of the articles of the christian faith , and ceremonies meet for the exercise of religion ; it were unnatural not to think the pastors and bishops of our souls a great deal more fit , than men of secular trades , and callings : howbeit , when all , which the wisdome of all sorts can do , is done for the devising of laws in the church , it is the general consent of all that giveth them the form and vigour of laws , without which they could be no more unto us than the councel of physitians to the sick . well might they seem as wholesom admonitions and instructions ; but laws could they never be , without consent of the whole church , to be guided by them ; whereunto both nature and the practise of the church of god set down in scripture , is found every way so fully consonant , that god himself would not impose , no not his own laws , upon his people , by the hand of moses , without their free and open consent . wherefore , to define and determine , even of the churches affairs by way of assent and approbation , as laws are defined in that right of power , which doth give them the force of laws ; thus to define of our own churches regiment , the parliament of england hath competent authority . touching that supremacy of power which our kings have in this case of making laws , it resteth principally in the strength of a negative voice , which not to give them , were to deny them that , without which they were kings but by mere title , and not in exercise of dominion . be it in regiment popular , aristocratical , or regal , principality resteth in that person , or those persons unto whom is given right of excluding any kinde of law whatsoever it be , before establishment . this doth belong unto kings , as kings ; pagan emperors , even nero himself had no less ; but much more than this in the laws of his own empire . that he challenged not any interest of giving voice in the laws of the church , i hope no man will so construe , as if the cause were conscience , and fear to encroach upon the apostles right . if then it be demanded , by what right from constantine downward , the christian emperors did so far intermeddle with the churches affairs , either we must herein condemn them , as being over presumptuously bold , or else judge that , by a law , which is termed regia , that is to say , regal , the people having derived unto their emperors their whole power for making of laws , and by that means his edicts being made laws , what matter soever they did concern , as imperial dignity endowed them with competent authority and power to make laws for religion , so they were thought by christianity to use their power , being christians , unto the benefit of the church of christ was there any christian bishop in the world which did then judge this repugnant unto the dutiful subjection which christians do ow to the pastors of their souls , to whom , in respect of their sacred order , it is not by us , neither may be denied , that kings and princes are as much , as the very meanest that liveth under them , bound in conscience to shew themselves gladly and willingly obedient , receiving the seals of salvation , the blessed sacraments at their hands , as at the hands of our lord jesus christ , with all reverence , not disdaining to be taught and admonished by them , nor with-holding from them as much as the least part of their due and decent honour ? all which , for any thing that hath been alleadged , may stand very well without resignation of supremacy of power in making laws , even laws concerning the most spiritual affairs of the church ; which laws being made amongst us , are not by any of us so taken or interpreted , as if they did receive their force from power , which the prince doth communicate unto the parliament , or unto any other court under him , but from power which the whole body of the realm being naturally possest with , hath by free and deliberate assent derived unto him that ruleth over them , so farr forth as hath been declared ; so that our laws made concerning religion , do take originally their essence from the power of the whole realm and church of england , than which , nothing can be more consonant unto the law of nature and the will of our lord jesus christ. to let these go , and return to our own men ; ecclesiastical governours , they say , may not meddle with making of civil laws , and of laws for the common-wealth ; nor the civil magistrate , high or low , with making of orders for the church . it seemeth unto me very strange , that these men , which are in no cause more vehement and fierce than where they plead , that ecclesiastical persons may not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be lords , should hold , that the power of making ecclesiastical laws , which thing of all other is most proper unto dominion , belongeth to none but ecclesiastical persons onely : their oversight groweth herein for want of exact observation , what it is to make a law. tully , speaking of the law of nature , saith , that thereof god himself was inventor , disceptator , lator , the deviser , the discusser , and deliverer : wherein he plainly alludeth unto the chiefest parts which then did appertain to his publick action . for when laws were made , the first thing was to have them devised ; thesecond to sift them with as much exactness of judgement as any way might be used ; the next by solemn voyce of soveraign authority to pass them , and give them the force of laws . it cannot in any reason seem otherwise than most fit , that unto ecclesiastical persons the care of devising ecclesiastical laws be committed , even as the care of civil unto them which are in those affairs most skilful . this taketh not away from ecclesiastical persons , all right of giving voyce with others , when civil laws are proposed for regiment of the common-wealth , whereof themselves , though now the world would have them annihilated , are notwithstanding as yet a part ; much less doth it cut off that part of the power of princes , whereby , as they claim , so we know no reasonable cause wherefore we may not grant them , without offence to almighty god , so much authority in making all manner of laws within their own dominions , that neither civil , nor ecclesiastical do pass without their royal assent . in devising and discussing of laws , wisdom especially is required ; but that which establisheth them , and maketh them , is power ; even power of dominion ; the chiefty whereof ( amongst us ) resteth in the person of the king. is there any law of christs , which forbiddeth kings and rulers of the earth to have such soveraign and supream power in the making of laws , either civil or ecclesiastical ? if there be , our controversie hathan end . christ , in his church , hath not appointed any such law , concerning temporal power , as god did of old unto the common-wealth of israel ; but leaving that to be at the world 's free choice , his chiefest care is , that the spiritual law of the gospel might be published farr and wide . they that received the law of christ , were , for a long time , people scattered in sundry kingdoms , christianity not exempting them from the laws which they had been subject unto , saving only in such cases as those laws did injoyn that which the religion of christ did forbid : hereupon grew their manifold persecutions throughout all places where they lived ; as oft as it thus came to pass , there was no possibility that the emperours and kings under whom they lived , should meddle any whit at all with making laws for the church . from christ , therefore , having received power , who doubteth , but as they did , so they might binde them to such orders as seemed fittest for the maintenance of their religion , without the leave of high or low in the common-wealth ; for as much as in religion it was divided utterly from them , and they from it . but when the mightiest began to like of the christian faith ; by their means , whole free-states and kingdoms became obedient unto christ. now the question is , whether kings , by embracing christianity , do thereby receive any such law as taketh from them the weightiest part of that soveraignty which they had even when they were heathens : whether , being infidels , they might do more in causes of religion , than now they can by the laws of god , being true believers . for , whereas in regal states , the king or supream head of the common-wealth , had , before christianity , a supream stroak in making of laws for religion ; he must by embracing christian religion utterly deprive himself thereof , and in such causes become subject unto his subjects , having even within his own dominions them whose commandment he must obey ; unlesse his power be placed in the head of some foreign spiritual potentate : so that either a foreign or domestical commander upon earth , he must admit more now , than before he had , and that in the chiefest things whereupon common-wealths do stand . but apparent it is unto all men which are not strangers unto the doctrine of jesus christ , that no state of the world receiving christianity , is , by any law therein contained , bound to resign the power which they lawfully held before : but over what persons , and in what causes soever the same hath been in force , it may so remain and continue still . that which , as kings , they might do in matters of religion , and did in matter of false religion , being idolatrous and superstitious kings , the same they are now even in every respect fully authorized to do in all affairs pertinent to the state of true christian religion . and , concerning the supream power of making laws for all persons , in all causes to be guided by , it is not to be let passe , that the head enemies of this headship are constrained to acknowledge the king endued even with this very power , so that he may and ought to exercise the same , taking order for the church and her affairs , of what nature of kinde soever , in case of necessity : as when there is no lawful ministry , which they interpret then to be ( and this surely is a point very remarkable , ) wheresoever the ministry is wicked . a wicked ministry is no lawful ministry ; and in such sort no lawful ministry , that , what doth belong unto them as ministers by right of their calling , the same to be annihilated in respect of their bad qualities ; their wickedness in it self a deprivation of right to deal in the affairs of the church , and a warrant for others to deal in them which are held to be of a clean other society , the members whereof have been before so peremptorily for ever excluded from power of dealing for ever with affairs of the church . they which once have learned throughly this lesson , will quickly be capable perhaps of another equivalent unto it . for the wickedness of the ministery transfers their right unto the king ; in case the king be as wicked as they , to whom then shall the right descend ? there is no remedy , all must come by devolution at length , even as the family of brown will have it , unto the godly among the people , for confusion unto the wise and the great , by the poor and the simple : some kniper doling , with his retinue , must take this work of the lord in hand ; and the making of church-laws and orders , must prove to be their right in the end : if not for love of the truth , yet for shame of grosse absurdities , let these contentions and stifling fancies be abandoned . the cause which moved them for a time to hold a wicked ministery no lawful ministry ; and in this defect of a lawful ministery , authorized kings to make laws and orders for the affairs of the church , till it were well established , is surely this . first , they see that whereas the continual dealing of the kings of israel in the affairs of the church , doth make now very strong against them , the burthen whereof they shall in time well enough shake off , if it may be obtained , that it is indeed lawful for kings to follow these holy examples ; howbeit no longer than during the case of necessity , while the wickednesse , and in respect thereof , the unlawfulness of the ministery doth continue . secondly , they perceive right well , that unlesse they should yield authority unto kings in case of such supposed necessity , the discipline they urge were clean excluded , as long as the clergy of england , doth thereunto remain opposite . to open therefore a door for her entrance , there is no remedy but the tenet must be this : that now when the ministery of england is universally wicked , and in that respect hath lost all authority , and is become no lawful ministery , no such ministery as hath the right , which otherwise should belong unto them if they were vertuous and godly , as their adversaries are ; in this necessity the king may do somewhat for the church : that which we do imply in the name of headship , he may both have and exercise till they be entered , which will disburthen and ease him of it : till they come , the king is licensed to hold that power which we call headship . but what afterwards ? in a church ordered , that which the supream magistrate hath to do , is to see that the laws of god touching his worship , and touching all matters and orders of the church , be executed and duly observed ; to see that every ecclesiastical person do that office whereunto he is appointed , to punish those that fail in their office. in a word , that which allain himself acknowledgeth unto the earthly power which god hath given him , it doth belong to defend the laws of the church ; to cause them to be executed , and to punish rebels and transgressors of the same : on all sides therfore it is confest , that to the king belongeth power of maintaining the laws made for church-regiment , and of causing them to be observed ; but principality of power in making them , which is the thing we attribute unto kings , this both the one sort , and the other do withstand . touching the kings supereminent authority in commanding , and in judging of causes ecclesiastical ; first , to explain therein our meaning , it hath been taken as if we did hold , that kings may prescribe what themselves think good to be done in the service of god : how the word shall be taught , how the sacraments administred ; that kings may personally sit in the consistory where the bishops do , hearing and determining what causes soever do appertain unto the church ; that kings and queens in their own proper persons , are by judicial sentence to decide the questions which do rise about matters of faith and christian religion ; that kings may excommunicate ; finally , that kings may do whatsoever is incident unto the office and duty of an ecclesiastical judge . which opinion , because we account as absurd , as they who have fathered the same upon us , we do them to wit , that this is our meaning and no otherwise : there is not within this realm an ecclesiastical officer , that may by the authority of his own place , command universally throughout the kings dominions : but they of this people , whom one may command , are to anothers commandement unsubject . only the kings royal power is of so large compass , that no man , commanded by him according to the order of law , can plead himself to be without the bounds and limits of that authority . isay , according to order of law , because that with us the highest have thereunto so tyed themselves , that , otherwise than so , they take not upon them to command any . and , that kings should be in such sort supream commanders over all men , we hold it requisite , as well for the ordering of spiritual , as civil affairs ; in as much as without universal authority in this kinde , they should not be able when need is , to do as vertuous kings have done . josiah , parposing to renew the house of the lord , assembled the priests and levites ; and when they were together , gave them their charge , saying : go out unto the cities of judah , and gather of israel money to repair the house of the lord from year to year , and haste the things : but the levites hastned not . therefore the king commanded jehoida , the chief-priest , and said unto him ; why hast thou not required of the levites , to bring in out of judah and jerusalem , the tax of moses , the servant of the lord , and of the congregation of israel , for the tabernacle of the testimony ? for wicked athalia , and her children brake up the house of the lord god , and all the things that were dedicated for the house of the lord , did they bestow upon balaam . therefore the king commanded , and they made a chest , and set it at the gate of the house of the lord without , and they made a proclamation through judah and jerusalem , to bring unto the lord , the tax of moses the servant of the lord , laid upon israel in the wilderness . could either he have done this , or after him ezekias the like concerning the celebration of the passeover , but that all sorts of men in all things did owe unto these their soveraign rulers , the same obedience , which sometimes iosuah had them by vow and promise bound unto ? whosoever shall rebel against thy commandments , and will not obey thy words in all thou commandest him , let him be put to death : only be strong and of a good courage . furthermore , judgement ecclesiastical we say is necessary for decision of controversies rising between man and man , and for correction of faults committed in the affairs of god : unto the due execution whereof there are three things necessary , laws , judges , and supream governours of judgements . what courts there shall be , and what causes shall belong unto each court , and what judges shall determine of every cause , and what order in all judgements shall be kept ; of these things the laws have sufficiently disposed , so that his duty who sitteth in any such court , is to judge , not of , but after the same law , imprimis illud observare debet iudex , ne aliter judicet quam legibus , constitutionibus , aut moribus proditum est , ut imperator iustinianaus ; which laws ( for we mean the positive laws of our realm , concerning ecclesiastical affairs ) if they otherwise dispose of any such thing , than according to the law of reason , and of god , we must both acknowledge them to be amiss , and endeavour to have them reformed : but touching that point , what may be objected , shall after appear . our judges in causes ecclesiastical , are either ordinary or commissionary ; ordinary , those whom we term ordinaries ; and such , by the laws of this land , are none but prelates onely , whose power to do that which they do , is in themselves , and belonging to the nature of their ecclesiastical calling . in spiritual causes , a lay-person may be no ordinary ; a commissionary judge , there is no lett but that he may be ; and , that our laws do evermore referr the ordinary judgement of spiritual causes unto spiritual persons , such as are termed ordinaries , no man which knoweth any thing of the practice of this realm , can easily be ignorant . now , besides them which are authorized to judge in several territories , there is required an universal power which reacheth over all , imparting supream authority of government , over all courts , all judges , all causes ; the operation of which power , is as well to strengthen , maintain , and uphold particular jurisdictions , which haply might else be of small effect : as also to remedy that which they are not able to help , and to redress that wherein they at any time do otherwise than they ought to do . this power being sometime in the bishop of rome , who , by sinister practises had drawn it into his hands , was , for just considerations , by publick consent annexed unto the kings royal seat and crown ; from thence the authors of reformation would translate it into their national assemblies or synods , which synods are the onely helps which they think lawful to use against such evils in the church , as particular jurisdictions are not sufficient to redress . in which cause , our laws have provided , that the kings supereminent authority and power shall serve : as namely , when the whole ecclesiastical state , or the principal persons therein , do need visitation and reformation ; when in any part of the church , errours , schismes , herusies , abuses , offences , contempts , enormities , are grown ; which men , in their several jurisdictions , either do not , or cannot help . whatsoever any spiritual authority and power ( such as legates from the see of rome did sometimes exercise ) hath done or might heretofore have done , for the remedies of those evils in lawful sort , ( that is to say , without the violation of the laws of god , or nature , in the deed done ) as much in every degree our laws have fully granted , that the king for ever may do , not onely be setting ecclesiastical synods on work , that the thing may be their act , and the king their motioner unto it , for so much perhaps the masters of the reformation will grant : but by commissions few or many , who having the kings letters patents , may , in the vertue thereof , execute the premises as agents in the right , not of their own peculiar and ordinary , but of his supereminent power . when men are wronged by inferiour judges , or have any just cause to take exception against them ; their way for redress , is to make their appeal ; and appeal is a present delivery of him which maketh it , out of the hands of their power and jurisdictions from whence it is made . pope alexander having sometimes the king of england at advantage , caused him , amongst other things , to agree , that as many of his subjects as would , might have appeal to the court of rome . and thus ( saith one ) that whereunto a mean person at this day would scorn to submit himself , so great a king was content to he subject to . notwithstanding , even when the pope ( saith he ) had so great authority amongst princes which were farr off , the romans he could not frame to obedience , nor was able to obtain that himself might abide at rome , though promising not to meddle with other than ecclesiastical affairs . so much are things that terrifie , more feared by such as behold them aloof off than at hand . reformers i doubt not in some causes will admit appeals , but appeals made to their synods ; even as the church of rome doth allow of them , so they be made to the bishop of rome . as for that kinde of appeal which the english laws do approve from the judge of any certain particular court unto the king , as the onely supream governour on earth , who , by his delegates , may give a final definitive sentence , from which no farther appeal can be made : will their plat-form allow of this ? surely , forasmuch as in that estate which they all dream of , the whole church must be divided into parishes , in which none can have greater or less authority and power than another ; again , the king himself must be but a common member in the body of his own parish , and the causes of that onely parish , must be by the officers thereof determinable : in case the king had so much favour or preferment , as to be made one of those officers ( for otherwise by their positions , he were not to meddle any more than the meanest amongst his subjects , with the judgement of any ecclesiastical cause ) how is it possible they should allow of appeals to be made from any other abroad to the king ? to receive appeals from all other judges , belongeth to the highest in power of all , and to be in power over all ( as touching judgment in ecclesiastical causes ) this , as they think , belongeth onely to synods . whereas therefore , with us , kings do exercise over all things , persons , and causes supream power , both of voluntary and litigious jurisdictions● so that according to the one they incite , reform , and command ; according to the other , they judge universally , doing both in farr other sort than such as have ordinary spiritual power ; oppugned we are herein by some colourable shew of argument , as if to grant thus much to any secular person , it were unreasonable : for sith it is ( say they ) apparent out of the chronicles , that judgement in church-matters pertaineth to god ; seeing likewise it is evident out of the apostles , that the high-priest is set over those matters in gods behalf : it must needs follow , that the principality or direction of the iudgment of them , is , by gods ordinance , appertaining to the high-priest , and consequently to the ministry of the church ; and if it be by gods ordinance appertaining unto them , how can it be translated from them to the civil magistrate ? which argument , briefly drawn into form , lyeth thus : that which belongeth unto god , may not be translated unto any other , but whom he hath appointed to have it in his behalf : but principality of judgement in church-matters appertaineth unto god , which hath appointed the high-priest , and consequently the ministry of the church alone , to have it in his behalf , ergo , it may not from them be translated to the civil magistrate . the first of which propositions we grant , as also in the second that branch which ascribeth unto god principality in church-matters . but , that either he did appoint none , but onely the high-priest to exercise the said principality for him ; or that the ministry of the church may in reason from thence be concluded to have alone the same principality by his appointment , these two points we deny utterly . for , concerning the high-priest , there is , first , no such ordinance of god to be found : every high-priest ( saith the apostle ) is taken from amongst men , and is ordained for men in things pertaining to god ; whereupon it may well be gathered , that the priest was indeed ordained of god , to have power in things appertaining unto god : for the apostle doth there mention the power of offering gifts and sacrifices for sin , which kinde of power , was not onely given of god unto priests , but restrained unto priests onely . the power of jurisdiction and ruling authority , this also god gave them , but not them alone : for it is held , as all men know , that others of the laity were herein joyned by the law with them . but , concerning principality in church-affairs , ( for of this our question is , and of no other ) the priest neither had it alone , nor at all , but in spiritual or church-affairs , ( as hath been already shewed ) it was the royal prerogative of kings only . again , though it were so , that god had appointed the high-priest to have the said principality of government in those maters ; yet how can they who alledge this , enforce thereby , that consequently the ministry of the church , and no other ought to have the same , when they are so farr off from allowing so much to the ministry of the gospel , as the priest-hood of the law had by god's appointment : that we but collecting thereout a difference in authority and jurisdiction amongst the clergy , to be for the polity of the church not inconvenient ; they forthwith think to close up our mouths by answering , that the iewish high-priest , had authority above the rest , onely in that they prefigured the soveraignty of iesus christ ; as for the ministers of the gospel , it is altogether unlawful to give them as much as the least title , any syllable whereof may sound to principality . and of the regency which may be granted , they hold others even of the laity , no less capable than the pastors themselves . how shall these things cleave together ? the truth is , that they have some reason to think it not at all of the fittest for kings , to sit as ordinary judges in matters of faith and religion . an ordinary judge must be of the quality which in a supream judge is not necessary ; because the person of the one is charged with that which the other authority dischargeth , without imploying personally himself therein . it is an errour to think , that the king's authority can have no force nor power in the doing of that which himself may not personally do . for first , impossible it is , that at one and the same time , the king in person should order so many , and so different affairs , as by his own power every where present , are wont to be ordered both in peace and warr , at home and abroad . again , the king in regard of his nonage or minority , may be unable to perform that thing wherein years of discretion are requisite for personal action ; and yet his authority even then be of force . for which cause we say , that the king's authority dyeth not , but is , and worketh always alike . sundry considerations there may be , effectual to with-hold the king's person from being a doer of that which notwithstanding his power must give force unto , even in civil affairs ; where nothing doth more either concern the duty , or better beseem the majesty of kings , than personally to administer justice to their people ( as most famous princes have done ; ) yet if it be in case of felony of treason , the learned in the laws of this realm do affirm , that well may the king commit his authority to another , to judge between him and the offender ; but the king being himself there a party , he cannot personally sit to give judgement . as therefore the person of the king may , for just considerations , even where the cause is civil , be notwithstanding withdrawn from occupying the seat of judgment , and others under his authority be fit , he unfit himself to judge ; so the considerations for which it were haply no : convenient for kings to sit and give sentence in spiritual courts , where causes ecclesiastical are usually debated , can be no barr to that force and efficacy which their soveraign power hath over those very consistories , and for which we hold , without any exception , that all courts are the kings . all men are not for all things sufficient , and therefore publick affairs being divided , such persons must be authorized judges in each kinde , as common reason may presume to be most fit . which cannot of kings and princes ordinarily be presumed in causes merely , ecclesiastical ; so that even common sense doth rather adjudge this burthen unto other men . we see it hereby a thing necessary , to put a difference , as well between that ordinary jurisdiction which belongeth unto the clergy alone , and that commissionary wherein others are for just considerations appointed to joyn with them , as also between both these jurisdictions ; and a third , whereby the king hath transcendent authority , and that in all causes over both . why this may not lawfully be granted unto him , there is no reason . a time there was when kings were not capable of any such power , as namely , when they professed themselves open enemies unto christ and christianity . a time there followed , when they , being capable , took sometimes more , sometimes less to themselves , as seemed best in their own eyes , because no certainty , touching their right , was as yet determined . the bishops , who alone were before accustomed to have the ordering of such affairs , saw very just cause of grief , when the highest , favouring heresie , withstood , by the strength of soveraign authority , religious proceedings . whereupon they oftentimes , against this unresistable power , pleaded the use and custom , which had been to the contrary ; namely , that the affairs of the church should be dealt in by the clergy , and by no other ; unto which purpose , the sentences that then were uttered in defence of unabolished orders and laws , against such as did , of their own heads , contrary thereunto ; are now altogether impertinently brought in opposition against them , who use but that power which laws have given them , unless men can shew , that there is in those laws some manifest iniquity or injustice . whereas therefore against the force judicial and imperial , which supream authority hath , it is alledged , how constantine termeth church-officers , over-seers of things within the church ; himself , of those without the church : how augustine witnesseth , that the emperor not daring to judge of the bishop's cause , committed it to the bishops ; and was to crave pa●●●on of the bishops , for that by the donatists importunity , which made no end to appealing unto him , he was , being weary of them , drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs ; how hilary beseecheth the emperor constance , to provide that the governors of his provinces should not presume to take upon them the judgement of ecclesiastical causes , to whom onely common-wealth matters belonged ; how ambrose affirmeth , that palaces belong unto the emperor , churches to the minister ; that the emperor hath the authority over the common-walls of the city , and not in holy things ; for which cause he never would yield to have the causes of the church debated in the princes consistories , but excused himself to the emperor valentinian , for that being convented to answer concerning church-matters in a civil court , he came not : we may by these testimonies drawn from antiquity , if wellst to consider them , discern how requisite it is that authority should always follow received laws in the manner of proceeding . for , inasmuch as there was at the first no certain law , determining what force the principal civil magistrates authority should be of , how farr it should reach , and what order it should observe ; but christian emperors from time to time did what themselves thought most reasonable in those affairs ; by this means it cometh to passe that they in their practise vary , and are not uniform . vertuous emperors , such as constantine the great was , made conscience to swerve unnecessarily from the custom which had been used in the church , even when it lived under infidels ; constantine , of reverence to bishops , and their spiritual authority , rather abstained from that which himself might lawfully do , than was willing to claim a power , not fit or decent for him to exercise . the order which hath been before , he ratifieth , exhorting the bishops to look to the church , and promising , that he would do the office of a bishop over the common-wealth ; which very constantine notwithstanding , did not thereby so renounce all authority in judging of special causes , but that sometime he took , as st. augustine witnesseth , even personal cognition of them ; howbeit , whether as purposing to give therein judicially any sentence , i stand in doubt ; for if the other of whom st. augustine elsewhere speaketh , did , in such sort , judge , surely there was cause why he should excuse it as a thing not usually done . otherwise there is no lett , but that any such great person may hear those causes to and fro debated , and deliver in the end his own opinion of them , declaring on which side himself doth judge that the truth is . but this kinde of sentence bindeth no side to stand thereunto ; it is a sentence of private perswasion , and not of solemn jurisdiction , albeit a king , or an emperour pronounce it : again , on the contrary part , when governours infected with heresie were possessed of the highest power , they thought they might use it as pleased themselves , to further by all means that opinion which they desired should prevail , they not respecting at all what was meet , presumed to command and judge all men , in all causes , without either care of orderly proceeding , or regard to such laws and customs as the church had been wont to observe . so that the one sort feared to do even that which they might ; and that which the other ought not , they boldly presumed upon ; the one sort , of modesty , excused themselves where they scarce needed ; the other , though doing that which was inexcusable , bare it out with main power , not enduring to be told by any man how farr they roved beyond their bounds . so great odds was between them whom before we mentioned , and such as the younger valentinian , by whom st. ambrose being commanded to yield up one of the churches under him unto the arrians , whereas they which were sent on his message , alledged , that the emperour did but use his own right , forasmuch as all things were in his power : the answer which the holy bishop gave them , was , that the church is the house of god , and that those things that are gods are not to be yielded up , and disposed of it at the emperors will and pleasure ; his palaces he might grant to whomsoever he pleaseth , but gods own habitation not so . a cause why many times emperours do more by their absolute authority than could very well stand with reason , was the over-great importunity of wicked hereticks , who being enemies to peace and quietness , cannot otherwise than by violent means be supported . in this respect therefore we must needs think the state of our own church much better settled than theirs was ; because our lawes have with farr more certainty prescribed bounds unto each kinde of power . all decision of things doubtful , and correction of things amiss are proceeded in by order of law , what person soever he be unto whom the administration of judgment belongeth . it is neither permitted unto prelates nor prince to judge and determine at their own discretion , but law hath prescribed what both shall do . what power the king hath , he hath it by law , the bounds and limits of it are known , the intire community giveth general order by law , how all things publickly are to be done , and the king , as the head thereof , the highest in authority over all , causeth , according to the same law , every particular to be framed and ordered thereby . the whole body politick maketh laws , which laws gave power unto the king , and the king having bound himself to use according unto law that power , it so falleth out , that the execution of the one is accomplished by the other in most religious and peaceable sort . there is no cause given unto any to make supplication , as hilary did , that civil governors , to whom common-wealth-matters only belong , may not presume to take upon them the judgement of ecclesiastical causes . if the cause be spiritual , secular courts do not meddle with it ; we need not excuse our selves with ambrose , but boldly and lawfully we may refuse to answer before any civil judge in a matter which is not civil , so that we do not mistake either the nature of the cause , or of the court , as we easily may do both , without some better direction than can be by the rules of this new-found discipline . but of this most certain we are , that our laws do neither suffer a * spiritual court to entertain those causes which by the law are civil ; nor yet , if the matter be indeed spiritual , a mere civil court to give judgement of it . touching supream power therefore to command all men , and in all manner of causes of judgement to be highest , let thus much suffice as well for declaration of our own meaning , as for defence of the truth therein . the cause is not like when such assemblies are gathered together by suream authority concerning other affairs of the church , and when they meet about the making of ecclesiastical laws or statutes . for in the one they are onely to advise , in the other to decree . the persons which are of the one , the king doth voluntarily assemble , as being in respect of quality fit to consult withal ; them which are of the other , he calleth by prescript of law , as having right to be thereunto called . finally , the one are but themselves , and their sentence hath but the weight of their own judgment ; the other represent the whole clergy , and their voyces are as much as if all did give personal verdict . now the question is , whether the clergy alone so assembled , ought to have the whole power of making ecclesiastical laws , or else consent of the laity , may thereunto be made necessary , and the king's assent so necessary , that his sole denial may be of force to stay them from being laws . if they with whom we dispute were uniform , strong and constant in that which they say , we should not need to trouble our selves about their persons , to whom the power of making laws for the church belongs : for they are sometime very vehement in contention , that from the greatest thing unto the least about the church , all must needs be immediately from god. and to this they apply the pattern of the antient tabernacle which god delivered unto moses , and was therein so exact , that there was not left as much as the least pin for the wit of man to devise in the framing of it . to this they also apply that streight and severe charge which god soosten gave concerning his own law , whatsoever i command you , take heed ye do it ; thou shalt put nothing thereto , thou shalt take nothing from it : nothing , whether it be great or small . yet sometimes bethinking themselves better , they speak as acknowledging that it doth suffice to have received in such sort the principal things from god , and that for other matters the church had sufficient authority to make laws ; whereupon they now have made it a question , what persons they are whose right it is to take order for the churches affairs , when the institution of any new thing therein is requisite . law may be requisite to be made either concerning things that are onely to be known and believed in , or else touching that which is to be done by the church of god. the law of nature , and the law of god , are sufficient for declaration in both what belongeth unto each man separately , as his soul is the spouse of christ , yea so sufficient , that they plainly and fully shew , whatsoever god doth require by way of necessary introduction unto the state of everlasting bliss . but as a man liveth joyned with others in common society , and belongeth to the outward politick body of the church , albeit the same law of nature and scripture have in this respect also made manifest the things that are of greatest necessity ; nevertheless , by reason of new occasions still arising , which the church , having care of souls , must take order for as need requireth , hereby it cometh to pass , that there is , and ever will be , so great use even of human laws and ordinances , deducted by way of discourse as a conclusion from the former divine and natural , serving as principals thereunto . no man doubteth , but that for matters of action and practice in the affairs of god , for manner in divine service , for order in ecclesiastical proceedings about the regiment of the church , there may be oftentimes cause very urgent to have laws made : but the reason is not so plain , wherefore human laws should appoint men what to believe . wherefore in this we must note two things : . that in matters of opinion , the law doth not make that to be truth which before was not , as in matter of action is causeth that to be a duty , which was not before ; but manifesteth only and giveth men notice of that to be truth , the contrary whereunto they ought not before to have believed . . that opinions do cleave to the understanding , and are in heat assented unto , it is not in the power of any human law to command them , because to prescribe what men shall think belongeth only unto god : corde creditur , ore fit confessio , saith the apostle . as opinions are either fit , or inconvenient to be professed , so man's laws hath to determine of them . it may for publick unities sake require mens professed assent , or prohibit their contradiction to special articles , wherein , as there haply hath been controversie what is true , so the same were like to continue still , not without grievous detriment unto a number of souls ; except law , to remedy that evil , should set down a certainty , which no man afterwards is to gain-say . wherefore , as in regard of divine laws , which the church receiveth from god , we may unto every man apply those words of wisdom in solomon , my son keep thou thy fathers precepts ; conserva , fili mi , praecepta patris tui : even so concerning the statutes and ordinances which the church it self makes , we may add thereunto the words that follow , etut , dimitt as legem matris tuae , and forsake thou not thy mothers law . it is a thing even undoubtedly natural , that all free and independent societies should themselves make their own laws , and that this power should belong to the whole , not to any certain part of a politick body , though haply some one part may have greater sway in that action than the rest , which thing being generally fit and expedient in the making of all laws , we see no cause why to think otherwise in laws , concerning the service of god , which in all well-order'd states and common-wealths , is the * first thing that law hath care to provide for . when we speak of the right which naturally belongeth to a common-wealth , we speak of that which must needs belong to the church of god. for if the common-wealth be christian , if the people which are of it do publickly embrace the true religion , this very thing doth make it the church , as hath been shewed . so that unless the verity and purity of religion do take from them which embrace it , that power wherewith otherwise they are possessed ; look what authority , as touching laws for religion , a common-wealth hath simply , it must of necessity being of the christian religion . it will be therefore perhaps alledged , that a part of the verity of christian religion is to hold the power of making ecclesiastical laws a thing appropriated unto the clergy in their synods ; and whatsoever is by their only voyces agreed upon , it needeth no further approbation to give unto it the strength of a law , as may plainly appear by the canons of that first most venerable assembly : where , those things the apostle and iames had concluded , were afterwards published and imposed upon the churches of the gentiles abroad as laws , the records thereof remaining still the book of god for a testimony , that the power of making ecclesiastical laws , belongeth to the successors of the apostles , the bishops and prelates of the church of god. to this we answer , that the councel of ierusalem is no argument for the power of the clergy to make laws ; for first there hath not been sithence , any councel of like authority to that in ierusalem : secondly , the cause why that was of such authority , came by a special accident : thirdly , the reason why other councels being not like unto that in nature , the clergy in them should have no power to make laws by themselves alone , is in truth so forcible , that , except some commandment of god to the contrary can be shewed , it ought , notwithstanding the foresaid example , to prevail . the decrees of the councel of ierusalem , were not as the canons of other ecclesiastical assemblies , human , but , very divine ordinances : for which cause the churches were farr and wide commanded every where to see them kept , no otherwise than if christ himself had personally on earth been the author of them . the cause why that council was of so great authority and credit above all others which have been sithence , is expressed in those words of principal observation . unto the holy ghost , and to us it hath seemed good ; which form of speech , though other councels have likewise used , yet neither could they themselves mean , nor may we so understand them , as if both were in equal sort assisted with the power of the holy ghost ; but the latter had the favour of that general assistance and presence which christ doth promise unto all his , according to the quality of their several estates and callings ; the former , the grace of special , miraculous , rare and extraordinary illumination , in relation whereunto the apostle comparing the old testament and the new together , termeth the one a testament of the letter , for that god delivered it written in stone ; the other a testament of the spirit , because god imprinted it in the hearts , and declared it by the tongues of his chosen apostles through the power of the holy ghost , feigning both their conceits and speeches in most divine and incomprehensible manner . wherefore , in as much as the council of ierusalem did chance to consist of men so enlightened , it had authority greater than were meet for any other council besides to challenge , wherein such kinde of persons are , as now the state of the church doth stand ; kings being not then that which now they are , and the clergy not now that which then they were . till it be proved that some special law of christ hath for ever annexed unto the clergy alone the power to make ecclesiastical laws , we are to hold it a thing most consonant with equity and reason , that no ecclesiastical laws be made in a christian common-wealth , without consent as well of the laity as of the clergy , but least of all without consent of the highest power . for of this thing no man doubteth , namely , that in all societies , companies , and corporations , what severally each shall be bound unto , it must be with all their assents ratified . against all equity , it were , that a man should suffer detriment at the hands of men for not observing that which he never did either by himself , or by others , mediately or immediately agree unto . much more than a king should constrain all others no the strict observation of any such human ordinance as passeth without his own approbation . in this case therefore especially , that vulgar axiom is of force , quod omnes tangit , ab omnibus tractari & approbari debet . whereupon pope nicolas , although otherwise not admitting lay-persons , no not emperors themselves , to be present as synods , doth notwithstanding seem to allow of their presence , when matters of faith are determined , whereunto all men must stand bound : ubinam legistis imperatores antecessores vestros , synodalibus conventibus interfuisse ; nisi forsitan in quibus de fide tractatum est , quae non solum ad clericos , verum etiam ad laicos & omnes pertinet christianos ? a law , be it civil or ecclesiastical , is a publick obligation , wherein , seeing that the whole standeth charged , no reason it should pass without his privity and will , whom principally the whole doth depend upon . sicut laici jurisdictionem clericorum perturbare , ita clerici jurisdictionem laicorum non debent minuere ▪ saith innocentius , extra de judic . novit . as the laity should not hinder the clergy's jurisdiction , so neither is it reason that the laity's right should be abridged by the clergy , saith pope innocent . but were it so that the clergy alone might give laws unto all the rest , forasmuch as every estate doth desire to inlarge the bounds of their own liberties , is it not easie to see how injurious this might prove to men of other conditions ? peace and justice are maintained by preserving unto every order their rights , and by keeping all estates , as it were , in an even ballance ; which thing is no way better done , than if the king , their common parent , whose care is presumed to extend most indifferently over all , do bear the chiefest sway in the making laws which all must be ordered by ; wherefore of them which in this point attribute most to the clergy , i would demand , what evidence there is , whereby it may clearly be shewed , that in antient kingdoms christian , any canon devised by the clergy alone in their synods , whether provincial , national , or general , hath , by mere force of their agreement , taken place as a law , making all men constrainable to be obedient thereunto , without any other approbation from the king , before or afterwards , required in that behalf . but what speak we of antient kingdoms , when at this day , even the papacy it self ; the very tridentine council hath not every where as yet obtained to have in all points the strength of ecclesiastical laws ; did not philip king of spain , publishing that council in the low countries , adde thereunto an express clause of special provision , that the same should in no wise prejudice , hurt , or diminish any kinde of priviledge , which the king or his vassals a fore-time , had enjoyed , touching either possessory judgements of ecclesiastical livings , or concerning nominations thereunto , or belonging to whatsoever right they had else in such affairs . if therefore the kings exception taken against some part of the canons contained in that council , were a sufficient barr to make them of none effect within his territories , it followeth that the like exception against any other part , had been also of like efficacy ; and so consequently that no part therof had obtained the strength of a law , if he which excepted against a part , had so done against the whole : as , what reason was there , but that the same authority which limited , might quite and clean have refused that council ; who so alloweth the said act of the catholick kings for good and lawful , must grant that the canons , even of general councils , have but the face of wise-mens opinions , concerning that whereof they-treat , till they be publickly assented unto , where they are to take place as laws ; and that , in giving such publick assent , as maketh a christian kingdome subject unto those laws , the king's authority is the chiefest . that which an university of men , a company , or corporation , doth without consent of their rector , is as nothing . except therefore we make the king's authority over the clergy , less in the greatest things , than the power of the meanest governour is in all things over the colledge , or society , which is under him ; how should we think it a matter decent , that the clergy should impose laws , the supream governours assent not asked ? yea , that which is more , the laws thus made , god himself doth in such sort authorize , that to despise them , is to despise in them him . it is a loose and licentious opinion , which the anabaptists have embraced , holding that a christian man's liberty is lost , and the soul which christ hath redeemed unto himself injuriously drawn into servitude under the yoke of human power , if any law be now imposed besides the gospel of christ ; in obedience whereunto the spirit of god , and not the constraint of men , is to lead us , according to that of the blessed apostle , such as are led by the spirit of god , they are the sons of god , and not such as live in thraldom unto men . their judgement is therefore , that the church of christ should admit of no law-makers but the evangelists , no courts but presbyteries , no punishments but ecclesiastical censures : as against this sort , we are to maintain the use of human laws , and the continual necessity of making them from time to time : as long as this present world doth last ; so likewise the authority of laws , so made , doth need much more by us to be strengthened against another sort , who , although they do utterly condemn the making of laws in the church , yet make they a great deal less account of them than they should do . there are which think simply of human laws , that they can in no sort touch the conscience . that to break and transgress them , cannot make men in the sight of god culpable , as sin doth ; onely when we violate such laws , we do thereby make our selves obnoxious unto external punishment in this world , so that the magistrate may , in regard of such offence committed , justly correct the offender , and cause him , without injury , to endure such pains as law doth appoint , but further it reacheth not : for first , the conscience is the proper court of god , the guiltiness thereof is sin , and the punishment eternal death ; men are not able to make any law that shall command the heart , it is not in them to make inward-conceit a crime , or to appoint for any crime other punishment than corporal ; their laws therefore can have no power over the soul , neither can the heart of man be polluted by transgressing them . st. austine rightly desineth sin to be that which is spoken , done , or desired , not against any laws , but against the law of the living god. the law of god is proposed unto man , as a glass wherein to behold the stains and the spots of their sinful souls . by it they are to judge themselves , and when they feel themselves to have transgressed against it , then to bewail their offences with david , against thee onely o lord have i sinned , and done wickedly in thy sight ; that so our present tears may extinguish the flames , which otherwise we are to feel , and which of god in that day shall condemn the wicked unto , when they shall render account of the evil which they have done , not by violating statute-laws , and canons , but by disobedience unto his law and his word . for our better instruction therefore concerning this point , first we must note , that the law of god it self doth require at our hands , subjection . be ye subject , saith s. peter ; and s. paul , let every soul be subject ; subject all unto such powers as are set over us . for if such as are not set over us , require our subjection , we , by denying it , are not disobedient to the law of god , or undutiful unto higher powers ; because , though they be such in regard of them over whom they have lawful dominion , yet having not so over us , unto us they are not such . subjection therefore we owe , and that by the law of god ; we are in conscience bound to yield it even unto every of them that hold the seats of authority and power in relation unto us . howbeit , not all kindes of subjection , unto every such kinde of power : concerning scribes and pharisees , our saviour's precept was , whatsoever they shall tell ye , do it . was it his meaning , that if they should at any time enjoyn the people to levy an army , or to sell their lands and goods , for the furtherance of so great an enterprize ; and , in a word , that simply whatsoever it were which they did command , they ought , without any exception , forth-with to be obeyed . no , but whatsoever they shall tell you , must be understoud in pertinentibus ad cathedram , it must be construed with limitation , and restrained unto things of that kinde , which did belong to their place and power : for they had not power general , absolutely given them to command all things . the reason why we are bound in conscience to be subject unto all such power , is , because all powers are of god. they are of god either instituting or permitting them ; power is then of divine institution , when either god himself doth deliver , or men by light of nature finde out the kinde thereof . so that the power of parents over children , and of husbands over their wives , the power of all sorts of superiors , made by consent of common-wealths within themselves , or grown from agreement amongst nations , such power is of god's own institution in respect of the kinde thereof ; again , if respect be had unto those particular persons , to whom the same is derived , if they either receive it immediately from god , as moses and aaron did ; or from nature , as parents do ; or from men , by a natural and orderly course , as every governor appointed in any common wealth , by the order thereof , doth ; then is not the kinde of their power , only of god's instituting , but the derivation thereof also , into their persons , is from him . he hath placed them in their rooms , and doth term them his ministers ; subjection therefore is due unto all such powers , inasmuch as they are of god's own institution , even then when they are of man's creation , omni humanae creaturae : which things the heathens themselves do acknowledge . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as for them that exercise power altogether against order , although the kinde of power which they have may be of god , yet is their exercise thereof against god , and therefore not of god , otherwise than by permission , as all injustice is . touching such acts as are done by that power which is according to his institution , that god in like sort doth authorize them , and account them to be his ; though it were not confessed , it might be proved undeniably . for if that be acounted our deed , which others do , whom we have appointed to be our agents , how should god but approve those deeds , even as his own , which are done by vertue of that commission and power which he hath given : take heed ( saith iehosophat unto his judges ) be careful and circumspect what ye do ye do not execute the judgments of man , but of the lord , chron. . . the authority of caesar over the jews , from whence was it ? had it any other ground than the law of nations , which maketh kingdoms , subdued by just war , to be subject unto their conquerors ? by this power caesar exacting tribute , our saviour confesseth it to be his right , a right which could not be with-held without injury , yea disobedience herein unto him , and even rebellion against god. usurpers of power , whereby we do not mean them that by violence have aspired unto places of highest authority , but them that use more authority than they did ever receive in form and manner before-mentioned ; ( for so they may do , whose title to the rooms of authority , which they possess , no man can deny to be just and lawful ; even as contrariwise some mens proceedings in government have been very orderly , who notwithstanding did not attain to be made governors , without great violence and disorder ) such usurpers thereof , as in the exercise of their power do more than they have been authorized to do , cannot in conscience binde any man unto obedience . that subjection which we owe unto lawful powers , doth not onely import that we should be under them by order of our state , but that we shew all submission towards them , both by honor and obedience . he that resisteth them , resisteth god : and resisted they be , if either the authority it self which they exercise be denied , as by anabaptists all secular jurisdiction is ; or if resistance be made but only so farr forth , as doth touch their persons which are invested with power ; ( for they which said , nolumus hunc regnare , did not utterly exclude regiment ; nor did they wish all kinde of government clearly removed ; which would not at the first have david to govern ) or if that which they do by vertue of their power , namely , their laws , edicts , services , or other acts of jurisdiction , be not suffered to take effect , contrary to the blessed apostles most holy rule , obey them which have the oversight of you , heb. . . or if they do take effect , yet is not the will of god thereby satisfied neither , as long as that which we do is contemptuously , or repiningly done , because we can do no otherwise . in such sort the israelites in the desart obeyed moses , and were notwithstanding deservedly plagued for disobedience . the apostle's precept therefore is , be subject even for god's cause : be subject , not for fear , but of mere conscience , knowing , that be which resisteth them , purchaseth to himself condemnation . disobedience therefore unto laws , which are made by them , is not a thing of so small account , as some would make it . howbeit too rigorous it were , that the breach of every human law should be held a deadly sin : a mean there is between those extremities , if so be we can finde it out . to the reader . the pleasures of thy spacious walks in mr. hooker's temple-garden ( not unfitly so called , both for the temple whereof he was master , and the subject , ecclesiastical polity ) do promise acceptance to these flowers , planted and watered by the same hand , and , for thy sake composed into this posie . sufficiently are they commended by their fragrant smell , in the dogmatical truth ; by their beautiful colours , in the accurate stile ; by their medicinable vertue , against some diseases in our neighbour churches , now proving epidemical , and threatning farther infection ; by their strait feature and spreading nature , growing from the root of faith ( which , as here is proved , can never be rooted up ) and extending the branches of charity to the covering of noah's nakedness ; opening the windows of hope to men's misty conceits of their bemisted fore-fathers . thus , and more than thus , do the works commend themselves ; the workman needs a better work-man to commend him ; ( alexander's picture requires apelles his pencil ) nay , he needs it not , his own works commend him in the gates ; and , being dead , he yet speaketh ; the syllables of that memorable name mr. richard hooker , proclaiming more , than if i should here stile him , a painful student , a profound scholar , a judicious writer , with other due titles of his honor. receive then this posthume orphan for his own , yea , for thine own sake ; and if the printer bath with overmuch haste , like mephibosheth's nurse , lamed the childe with slips and falls , yet be thou of david's minde , shew kindness to him for his father ionathan's sake . god grant , that the rest of his brethren be not more than lamed , and that at saul's three sons died the same day with him , so those three promised to perfect his polity , with other issues of that learned brain , be not duried in the grave with their renowned father . farewel . w. s. the contents of the treatises following . i. a supplication made to the councel by master walter travers . ii. master hookers answer to the supplication that master travers made to the councel . iii. a learned discourse of iustification , works , and how the foundation of faith is overthrown . iv. a learned sermon of the nature of pride . v. a remedy against sorrow and fear , delivered in a funeral sermon . vi. of the certainty and perpetuity of faith in the elect : especially of the prophet habbakkuk's faith. vii . two sermons upon part of saint jude's epistle . a svpplication made to the councel by master walter travers . right honourable , the manifold benefits which all the subjects within this dominion do at this present , and have many years enjoyed , under her majesties most happy and prosperous reign , by your godly wisdom , and careful watching over this estate night and day ; i truly and unfeignedly acknowledge from the bottom of my heart , ought worthily to binde us all , to pray continually to almighty god for the continuance and increase of the life and good estate of your honours , and to be ready , with all good duties , to satisfie and serve the same to our power . besides publick benefits common unto all , i must needs , and do willingly confess my self to stand bound by most special obligation to serve and honour you more than any other , for the honourable favour it hath pleased you to vouchsafe both oftentimes heretofore , and also now of late , in a matter more dear unto me than any earthly commodity , that is , the upholding and furthering of my service in the ministring of the gospel of jesus christ. for which cause , as i have been always careful so to carry my self as i might by no means give occasion to be thought unworthy of so great a benefit , so do i still , next unto her majesties gracious countenance , hold nothing more dear and precious to me , than that i may always remain in your honours favour , which hath oftentimes be an helpful and comfortable unto me in my ministry , aud to all such as reaped any fruit of my simple and faithful labour . in which dutiful regard i humbly beseech you ? honours to vouchsafe to do me this grace , to conceive nothing of me otherwise , than according to the duty wherein i ought to live , by any information against me , before your honours have heard my answer , and been throughly informed of the matter . which , although it be a thing , that your wisdoms , not in favour , but in justice , yeld to all men , yet the state of the the calling into the ministery , whereunto it hath pleased god of his goodness to call me , though unworthiest of all , is so subject to mis-information , as , except we may finde this favour with your honours , we cannot look for any other , but that our unindifferent parties may easily procure us to be hardly esteemed of ; and that we shall be made like the poor fisher-boats in the sea , which every swelling wave and billow raketh and runneth over . wherein my estate is yet harder than any others of my rank and calling , who are indeed to fight against flesh and blood in what part soever of the lords host and field they shall stand mashalled to serve , yet many of them deal with it naked , and unfurnished of weapons : but my service was in a place where i was to encounter with it well appointed and armed with skill and with authority , whereof as i have always thus deserved , and therefore have been careful by all good means to entertain still your honours favourable respect of me , so have i special cause at this present , wherein mis-information to the lord archbishop of canterbury , and other of the high commission hath been able so farr to prevail against me , that by their letter they have inhibited me to preach , or execute any act of ministry in the temple or elsewhere , having never once called me before them to understand by mine answer the truth of such things as had been informed against me . we have a story in our books wherein the pharisees proceeding against our saviour christ , without having heard him , is reproved by an honourable counsellour ( as the evangelist doth term him ) saying , doth our law judge a man before it hear him , and know what he hath done ? which i do not mention , to the end , that by an indirect and covert speech i might so compare those , who have without ever hearing me , pronounced a heavy sentence against me , for notwithstanding such proceedings , i purpose by gods grace to carry my self towards them in all seeming duty , agreeable to their places : much less do i presume to liken my cause to our saviour christ's , who hold it my chiefest honour and happiness to serve him , though it be but among the hindes and hired servants , that serve him in the basest corners of his house : but my purpose , in mentioning it , is , to shew by the judgement of a prince and great man in israel , that such proceeding standeth not with the lavv of god , and in a princely pattern to shew it to be a noble part of an honourable counsellour , not to allow of indirect dealings , but to allow and affect such a course in justice , as is agreeable to the lavv of god. we have also a plain rule in the word of god , not to proceed any otherwise against any elder of the church ; much less against one that laboureth in the word , and in teaching : which rule is delivered with this most earnest charge and obtestation , i beseech and charge thee in the sight of god , and the lord iesus christ , and the elect angels , that thou keep those [ rules ] without preferring one before another , doing nothing of partiality or including to either part ; which apostolical and most earnest charge , i referr to your honours wisdom how it hath been regarded in so heavy a judgement against me , without ever hearing my cause ; and whethe● , as having god before their eyes , and the lord jesus , by whom all former judgements shall be tried again , and , as in the presence of the elect angels , witnesses and observers of the regiment of the church , they have proceeded thus to such a sentence . they alledge indeed two reasons in their letters , whereupon they restrain my ministry , which , if they were as strong against me as they are supposed , yet i referr to your honours wisdoms , whether the quality of such an offence as they charge me with , which is in effect but an indiscretion , deserve so grievous a punishment both to the church and me , in taking away my ministery , and that poor little commodity which it yieldeth for the necessary maintenance of my life ; if so unequal a ballancing of faults and punishments should have place in the common-wealth , surely we should shortly have no actions upon the case , nor of trespass , but all should be pleas of the crown , nor any man amerced , or fined , but for every light offence put to his ransom . i have credibly heard , that some of the ministery have been committed for grievous transgressions of the laws of god and men , being of no ability to do other service in the church than to read , yet hath it been thought charitable , and standing with christian moderation and temperancy , not to deprive such of ministry and beneficency , but to inflict some more tolerable punishment . which i write not because such , as i think , were to be favoured , but to shew how unlike their dealing is with me , being through the goodness of god not to be touched with any such blame , and one , who , according to the measure of the gift of god , have laboured now some years painfully , in regard of the weak estate of my body , in preaching the gospel , and , as i hope , not altogether unprofitably in respect of the church . but i beseech your honors to give me leave briefly to declare the particular reasons of their letter , and what answer i have to make unto it . the first is , that , as they say , i am not lawfully called to the function of the ministry , nor allowed to preach according to the laws of the church of england . for answer to this , i had need to divide the points : and first to make answer to the former , wherein leaving to shew what by the holy scriptures is required in a lawful calling , and that all this is to be found in mine , that i be not too long for your weighty affairs , i rest . i thus answer : my calling to the ministry was such as in the calling of any thereunto , is appointed to be used by the orders agreed upon in the national synods of the low-countreys , for the direction and guidance of their churches , which orders are the same with those whereby the french and scotish churches are governed , whereof i have shewed such sufficient testimonial to my lord the archbishop of canterbury , as is requisite in such a matter : whereby it must needs fall out , if any man be lawfully called to the ministry in those churches , then is my calling , being the same with theirs , also lawful . but i suppose , notwithstanding they use this general speech , they mean only , my calling is not sufficient , to de● in the ministry within this land , because i was not made minister according to that order which in this case is ordained by our laws . whereunto i beseech your honours to consider throughly of mine answer , because exception now again is taken to my ministery , whereas having been heretofore called in question for it , i so answered the matter , as i continued in my ministery , and , for any thing i discerned , looked to hear that no more objected unto me . the communion of saints ( which every christian man professeth to believe ) is such , as that the acts which are done in any true church of christs according to his word , are held as lawful , being done in one church as in another . which , as it holdeth in other acts of ministery , as baptism , mariage , and such like , so doth it in the calling to the ministery ; by reason whereof , all churches do acknowledge and receive him for a minister of the word , who hath been lawfully called thereunto in any church of the same profession . a doctor created in any university of christendom , is acknowledged sufficiently qualified to teach in any country . the church of rome it self , and the canon law holdeth it , that being ordered in spain , they may execute that belongeth to their order in italy , or in any other place . and the churches of the gospel never made any question of it ; which if they shall now begin to make doubt of , and deny such to be lawfully called to the ministry , as are called by another order than our own ; then may it well be looked for , that other churches will do the like : and if a minister called in the low-countries be not lawfully called in england , then may they say to our preachers which are there , that being made of another order than theirs , they cannot suffer them to execute any act of ministry amongst them ; which in the end must needs breed a schism , and dangerous divisions in the churches . further , i have heard of those that are learned in the laws of this land , that by express statute to that purpose , anno . upon subscription to the articles agreed upon , anno . that they who pretend to have been ordered by another order than that which is now established , are of like capacity to enjoy any place of ministry within the land , as they which have been ordered according to that which is now by law in this case established . which comprehending manifestly all , even such as were made priests , according to the order of the church of rome , it must needs be , that the law of a christian land , professing the gospel , should be as favourable for a minister of the word , as for a popish priest ; which also was so found in mr. whittingham's case , who , notwithstanding such replies against him , enjoyed still the benefit he had by his ministry , and might have done untill this day , if god had spared him life so long , which , if it be understood so , and practised in others , why should the change of the person alter the right , which the law giveth to all other ? the place of ministry whereunto i was called , was not presentative : and if it had been so , surely they would never have presented any man whom they never knew , and the order of this church is agreeable herein to the word of god , and the antient and best canons , that no man should be made a minister sine titulo : therefore having none , i could not by the orders of this church have entred into the ministry , before i had a charge to tend upon . when i was at antwerp , and to take a place of ministry among the people of that nation , i see no cause why i should have returned again over the seas for orders here ; nor how i could have done it , without disallowing the orders of the churches provided in the country where i was to live . whereby i hope it appeareth , that my calling to the ministry is lawful , and maketh me , by our law , of capacity to enjoy any benefit or commodity , that any other by reason of his ministry may enjoy . but my cause is yet more easie , who reaped no benefit of my ministery by law , receiving onely a benevolence and voluntary contribution ; and the ministery i dealt with , being preaching onely , which every deacon here may do being licensed , and certain that are neither ministers not deacons . thus i answer , the former of these two points , whereof , if there be yet any doubt , i humbly desire for a final end thereof , that some competent judges in law may determine of it ; whereunto i referr and submit my self with all reverence and duty . the second is , that i preached without license . whereunto , this is my answer : i have not presumed , upon the calling i had to the ministery abroad , to preach or deal with any part of the ministery within this church , without the consent and allowance of such as were to allow me unto it : my allowance was from the bishop of london , testified by his two several letters to the inner temple , who without such testimony would by no means rest satified in it ; which letters being by me produced , i referr it to your honours wisdom , whether i have taken upon me to preach , without being allowed ( as they charge ) according to the orders of the realm . thus having answered the second point also , i have done with the objection , of dealing without calling or license . the other reason they alledge , is , concerning a late action , wherein i had to deal with mr. hooker , master of the temple . in the handling of which cause , they charge me with an indiscretion , and want of duty , in that i inveighed ( as they say ) against certain points of doctrine taught by him as erroneous , not conferring with him , nor complaining of it to them . my answer hereunto standeth , in declaring to your honours the whole course and carriage of that cause , and the degrees of proceeding in it , which i will do as briefly as i can , and according to the truth . god be my witness , as near as my best memory , and notes of remembrance may serve me thereunto . after that i have taken away that which seemed to have moved them to think me not charitably minded to mr. hooker ; which is , because he was brought in to mr. alveyes place , wherein this church desired that i might have succeeded : which place , if i would have made suit to have obtained , or if i had ambitiously affected and sought , i would not have refused to have satisfied , by subscription , such as the matter them seemed to depend upon : whereas contrariwise , notwithstanding i would not hinder the church to do that they thought to be most for their edification and comfort , yet did i , neither by speech nor letter , make suit to any for the obtaining of it ; following herein that resolution , which i judge to be most agreeable to the word and will of god ; that is , that labouring and suing for places and charges in the church is not lawful . further , whereas at the suit of the church , some of your honours entertained the cause , and brought it to a near issue , that there seemed nothing to remain , but the commendation of my lord the archbishop of canterbury , when as he could not be satisfied , but by my subscribing to his late articles ; and that my answer agreeing to subscribe according to any law , and to the statute provided in that case , but praying to be respited for subscribing to any other , which i could not in conscience do , either for the temple ( which otherwise he said , he would not commend me to ) nor for any other place in the church , did so little please my lord archbishop , as he resolved , that otherwise i should not be commended to it . i had utterly here no cause of offence against mr. hooker , whom i did in no sort esteem to have prevented or undermined me , but that god disposed of me as it pleased him , by such means and occasions as i have declared . moreover , as i have taken no cause of offence at mr. hooker for being preferred , so there were many witnesses , that i was glad that the place was given him , hoping to live in all godly peace and comfort with him , both for acquaintance and good-will which hath been between us , and for some kinde of affinity in the marriage of his nearest kindred and mine : since his comming , i have so carefully endeavoured to entertain all good correspondence and agreement with him , as i think he himself will bear me witness of many earnest disputations and conferences with him about the matter ; the rather , because that , contrary to my expectation , he inclined from the beginning but smally thereunto , but joyned rather with such as had always opposed themselves to any good order in this charge , and made themselves to be brought indisposed to his present state and proceedings : for , both knowing that god's commandement charged me with such duty , and discerning how much on : peace might further the good service of god and his church , and the mutual comfort of us both , i had resolved constantly to seek for peace ; and though it should flye from me ( as i saw it did by means of some , who little desired to see the good of our church ) yet , according to the rule of god's word , to follow after it : which being so ( as hereof i take god to witnesse , who searcheth the heart and reins , and who by his son will judge the world , both quick and dead ) i hope no charitable judgement can suppose me to have stood evil-affected towards him for his place , or desirous to fall into any controversie with him . which my resolution i pursued , that , whereas i discovered sundry unsound matters in his doctrine ( as many of his sermons tasted of some sour leaven or other ) yet thus i carried my self towards him : matters of smaller weight , and so covertly discovered , that no great offence to the church was to be feared in them , i wholly passed by , as one that discerned nothing of them , or had been unfurnished of replies ; for others of great moment , and so openly delivered , as there was just cause of fear , left the truth and church of god should be prejudiced and perilled by it , and such as the conscience of my duty and calling would not suffer me altogether to pass over , this was my course , to deliver , when i should have just cause by my text , the truth of such doctrine as he lead otherwise taught , in general speeches , without touch of his person in any sort ; and further at convenient opportunity to conferr with him in such points . according to which determination , whereas he had taught certain things concerning predestination , otherwise than the word of god doth , as it is understood by all churches professing the gospel , and not unlike that wherewith coranus sometimes troubled his church , i both delivered the truth of such points in a general doctrine , without any touch of him in particular , and conferred with him also privately upon such articles . in which conference , i remember , when i urged the consent of all churches and good writers against him that i knew ; and desired , if it were otherwise , what authors he had seen of such doctrine ? he answered me , that his best author was his own reason ; which i wished him to take heed of , as a matter standing with christian modesty and wisdom , in a doctrine not received by the church , not to trust to his own judgment so farr , as to publish it before he had conferred with others of his profession , labouring by daily prayer and study , to know the will of god , as he did , to see how they understood such doctrine : notwithstanding , he , with wavering , replyed , that he would some other time deal more largely in the matter ; i wished him , and prayed him not so to do , for the peace of the church , which , by such means , might be hazarded ; seeing he could not but think , that men , who make any couscience of their ministerie , will judge it a necessarie dutie in them , to teach the truth , and to convince the contrarie . another time , upon like occasion of this doctrine of his , that the assurance of that we believe by the word , is not so certain , as of that we perceive by sense ; i both taught the doctrine otherwise , namely , the assurance of faith to be greater , which assured both of things above , and contrarie to all sense and human understanding , and dealt with him also privately upon that point : according to which course of late , when as he had taught , that the church of rome is a true church of christ , and a sanctified church by profession of that truth , which god both revealed unto us by his son , though not a part and perfect church ; and further , that be doubted not , but that thousands of the fathers , which lived and dyed in the superstitions of that church , were saved , because of their ignorance , which excuseth them ; mis-alledging to that end a text of scripture to prove it : the matter being ofset purpose openly and at large handled by him , and of that moment , that might prejudice the faith of christ , encourage the ill-affected to continue still in their damnable ways , and others weak in faith to suffer themselves easily to be seduced , to the destruction of their souls , i thought it my most bounden duty of god , and to his church , whilst i might have opportunitie to speak with him , to teach the truth in a general speech in such points of doctrine . at which time i taught , that such as dye , or have died at any time in the church of rome , holding in their ignorance that faith , which is taught in it , and namely , iustification in part by works , could not be said by the scriptures to be saved . in which matter , foreseeing that if i waded not warily in it , i should be in danger to be reported , ( as hath fallen out since notwithstanding ) to condemn all the fathers , i said directly and plainly to all mens understanding , that it was not indeed to be doubted , but many of the fathers were saved ; but the means ( i said ) was not their ignorance , which excuseth no man with god , but their knowledge and faith of the truth , which it appeareth god vouchsafed them , by many notable monuments and records extant in all ages . which being the last point in all my sermon , rising so naturally from the text i then propounded , as would have occasioned me to have delivered such matter , notwithstanding the former doctrine had been sound ; and being dealt in by a general speech , without touch of his particular ; i looked not that a matter of controversie would have been made of it , no more than had been of my like dealing in former time . but , far otherwise than i looked for , mr. hooker shewing no grief of offence taken at my speech all the week long , the next sabbath , leaving to proceed upon his ordinarie text , professed to preach again , that he had done the day before , for some question that his doctrine was drawn into , which he desired might be examined with all severitie . so proceeding , he bestowed his whole time in that discourse , concerning his former doctrine , and answering the places of scripture , which i had alledged , to prove that a man dying in the church of rome , is not to be judged by the scriptures to be saved . in which long speech , and utterly impertinent to his text , under colour of answering for himself , he impugned directly and openly to all mens understanding , the true doctrine which i had delivered ; and , adding to his former points some other like ( as willingly one error followeth another ) that is , that the galatians joyning with faith in christ , circumcision , as necessary to salvation , might not be saved : and that they of the church of rome , may be saved by such a faith of christ as they had , with a general repentance of all their errors , notwithstanding their opinion of iustification in part by their works and merits : i was necessarily , though not willingly , drawn to say something to the points he objected against sound doctrine , which i did in a short speech in the end of my sermon , with protestation of so doing , no : of any sinister affection to any man , but to bear witness to the truth , according to my calling ; and wished , if the matter should needs further be dealt in , some other more convenient way might be taken for it ; wherein , i hope , my dealing was manifest to the consciences of all indifferent hearers of me that day , to have been according to peace , and without any uncharitableness , being duly considered . for that i conferred with him the first day , i have shewed that the cause requiring of me the duty , at the least not to be altogether silent in it , being a matter of such consequence , that the time also being short , wherein i was to preach after him , the hope of the fruit of our communication being small , upon experience of forme . conferences , my expectation being , that the church should be no further troubled with it , upon the motion i made of taking some other course of dealing . i suppose my deferring to speak with him till some fit opportunitie , cannot in charity be judged uncharitable . the second day , his unlooked for opposition with the former reasons , made it to be a matter that required of necessity some publick answer ; which being so temporate , as i have shewed , if notwithstanding it be sensured as uncharitable , and punished so grievously as it is , what should have been my punishment , if ( without all such cautions and respects as qualified my speech ) i had before all , and in the understanding of all , so reproved him offending openly , that others might have feared to doe the like ? which yet , if i had done , might have been warranted by the rule and charge of the apostle , them that offend openly , rebuke openly , that the rest may also fear ; and by his example , who , when peter in this very case which is now between us , had ( not in preaching ) but in a matter of conversation , not gone with a right foot , as was fit for the truth of the gospel , conferred not privately with him , but , as his own rule required , reproved him openly before all , that others might hear , and fear , and not dare to do the like . all which reasons together weighed , i hope , will shew the manner of my dealing to have been charitable , and warrantable in every sort . the next sabbath day after this , mr. hooker kept the way he had entred into before , and bestowed his whole hour and more onely upon the questions he had moved and maintained ; wherein he so set forth the agreement of the church of rome with us , and their disagreement from us , as if we had consented in the greatest and weightiest points , and differed onely in certain smaller matters : which agreement noted by him in two chief points , is not such as he would have made men believe . the one , in that he said , they acknowledge all men sinners , even the blessed virgin , though some of them freed her from sinne , for the council of trent holdeth , that she was free from sinne . another , in that he said , they teach christ's righteousness to be the onely meritorious cause of taking away sinne , and differ from us onely in the applying of it : for thomas aquinas their chief schoolman , and archbishop catherinus teach , that christ took away onely original sinne , and that the rest are to be taken away by our selves ; yea , the council of trent teacheth , that righteousness whereby we are righteous in god's sight , is an inherent righteousness : which must needs be of our own works , and cannot be understood of the righteousness inherent onely in christ's person , and accounted unto us . moreover he taught the same time , that neither the galatians , nor the church of rome , did directly overthrow the foundation of iustification by christ alone , but onely by consequent , and therefore might well be saved ; or else neither the churches of the lutherans , nor any which bold any manner of errour could be saved ; because ( saith he ) every errour by consequent overthroweth the foundation . in which discourses , and such like , he bestowed his whole time and more ; which , if he had affected either the truth of god , or the peace or the church , he would truly not have done . whose example could not draw me to leave the scripture i took in hand , but standing about an hour to deliver the doctrine of it , in the end , upon just occasion of the text , leaving sundry other his unsound speeches , and keeping me still to the principal , i confirmed the believing the doctrine of justification by christ onely , to be necessary to the justification of all that should be saved , and that the church of rome directly denieth , that a man is saved by christ , or by faith alone , without the works of the law. which my answer , as it was most necessary for the service of god , and the church , so was it without any immodest or reproachful speech to mr. hooker : whose unsound and wilful dealings in a cause of so great importance to the faith of christ , and salvation of the church , notwithstanding i knew well what speech it deserved , and what some zealous earnest man of the spirit of iohn and iames , ●irnamed boanerges , sons of thunder , would have said in such a case ; yet i chose rather to content my self in exhorting him to revisit his doctrine , as nathan the prophet did the device , which , without consulting with god , he had of himself given to david , concerning the building of the temple ; and with peter the apostle , to endure to be withstood in such a case , not unlike unto this . this is effect , was that which passed between us concerning this matter , and the invectives i made against him , wherewith i am charged : which rehearsal , i hope , may clear me ( with all that shall indifferently consider it ) of the blames laid upon me for want of duty to mr. hooker , in not conferring with him , whereof i have spoken sufficiently already ; and to the high-commission , in not revealing the matter to them , which yet now i am further to answer . my answer is , that i protest , no contempt not wilful neglect of any lawful authority , stayed me from complaining unto them , but these reasons following : first , i was in some hope , that mr. hooker , notwithstanding he had been ovencarried with a shew of charity to prejudice the truth , yet when it should be sufficiently proved , would have acknowledged it , or at the lest induced with peace , that it might be offered without either offence to him , or to such as would receive it ; either of which would have taken away any cause of just complaint . when neither of these fell out according to my expectation and desire , but that he replied to the truth , and objected against it , i thought he might have some doubts and scruples in himself , which yet , if they were cleared , he would either embrace sound doctrine , or at lest suffer it to have its course : which hope of him i nourished so long , as the matter was not bitterly and immodestly handled between us . another reason was the cause it self , which , according to the parable of the tares ( which are said to be sown among the wheat ) sprung up first in his grass : therefore , as the servants in that place , are not said to have come to complain to the lord , till the tares came to shew their fruits in their kinde : so , i thinking it yet but a time of discovering of it what it was , desired not their fickle to cutt it down . for further answer , it is to be considered , that the conscience of my duty to god , and to his church , did binde me at the first , to deliver sound doctrine in such points , as had been otherwise uttered in the place , where i had now some years taught the truth ; otherwise the rebuke of the prophet had fallen upon me , for not going up to the breach , and standing in it , and the peril for answering the blood of the city , in whose watch-tower i sate ; if it had been surprized by my default . moreover , my publick protestation , in being unwilling , that if any were not yet satisfied , some other more convenient way might be taken for it . and lastly , that i had resolved ( which i uttered before to some , dealing with me about the matter ) to have protested the next sabbath day , that i would no more answer in that place , any objections to the doctrine taught by any means , but some other way satisfie such as should require it . these , i trust , may make it appear , that i failed not in duty to authoritie , notwithstanding i did not complain , nor give over so soon dealing in the case : if i did , how is he clear , which can alledge none of all these for himself ; who leaving the expounding of the scriptures , and his ordinarie calling , voluntarily discoursed upon school-points and questions , neither of edification , nor of truth ; who , after all this , as promising to himself , and to untruth , a victory by my silence , added yet in the next sabbath day , to the maintenance of his former opinions , these which follow ? that no additament taketh away the foundation , except it be a privative ; of which sort , neither the works added to christ by the church of rome , nor circumcision by the galatians were : as one denieth him not to be a man , that saith , he is a righteous man , but he that saith he is a dead man : whereby it might seem , that a man might , without hurt , adde works to christ , and pray also that god and saint peter would save them . that the galatians case is harder than the case of the church of rome , because the galatians joyned circumcision with christ , which god had forbidden and abolished ; but that which the church of rome joyned with christ , were good works which god hath commanded . wherein he committed a double fault , one , in expounding all the questions of the galatians , and consequently of the romans , and other epistles , of circumcision onely , and the ceremonies of the law ( as they doe , who answer for the church of rome in their writings ) contrary to the clear meaning of the apostle , as may appear by many strong and sufficient reasons : the other , in that he said , the addition of the church of rome was of works commanded of god. whereas the least part of the works whereby they looked to merit , was of such works ; and most were works of supererogation , and works which god never commanded , but was highly displeased with , as of masses , pilgrimages , pardons , pains of purgatory , and such like : that no one sequel urged by the apostle against the galatians for joyning circumcision with christ , but might be us well enforced against the lutherans ; that is , that for their ubiquity it may be as well said to them , if ye hold the body of christ to be in all places , you are fallen from grace , you are under the curse of the law , saying , cursed be he that fulfilleth not all things written in this book ; with such like . he added yet further , that to a bishop of the church of rome , to a cardinal , yea to the pope himself , acknowledging christ to be the saviour of the world , denying other errours ; and being discomforted for want of works whereby he might be justified , he would not doubt , but use this speech ; thou holdest the foundation of christian faith , though it be but by a slender thred ; thou holdest christ , though but by the hem of his garment ; why shouldst thou not hope that vertue may pass from christ to save thee ? that which thou holdest of iustification by thy works , overthroweth indeed by consequent the foundation of christian faith ; but be of good chear , thou hast not to do with a captionus sophister , but with a merciful god , who will justifie thee for that thou holdest , and not take the advantage of doubtful construction to condemn thee . and if this , said he , be an errour , i hold it willingly ; for it is the greatest comfort i have in this world , without which i would not wish either to speak or to live . thus farr ; beng not to be answered in it any more , he was bold to proceed , the absurdity of which speech i need not to stand upon . i think the like to this , and other such in this sermon , and the rest of this matter , hath not been heard in publick places within this land , since queen mary's days . what consequence this doctrine may be of , if he be not by authority ordered to revoke it , i beseech your h h. as the truth of god and his gospel is dear and precious unto you , according to your godly wisdome to consider . i have been bold to offer to your h h. a long and tedious discourse of these matters ; but speech being like to tapestry , which if it be folded up , sheweth but part of that which is wrought ; and being unlapt and laid open , sheweth plainly to the eye all the work that is in it , i thought it necessary to unfold this tapestry , and to hang up the whole chamber of it in your most honourable senate , that so you may the more easily discern of all the pieces , and the sundry works and matters contained in it . wherein my hope is , your h h. may see i have not deserved so great a punishment , as is laid upon the church for my sake , and also upon my self , in taking from me the excercise of my ministerie : which punishment , how heavy it may seem to the church , or fall out indeed to be , i referr it to them to judge , and spare to write what i fear ; but to my self it is exceeding grievous , for that it taketh from me the excercise of my calling . which i do not say is dear unto me , as the means of that little benefit whereby i live ( although this be a lawful consideration , and to be regarded of me in due place , and of the authority under whose protection i most willingly live , even by god's commandment both unto them , and unto me : ) but which ought to be more precious unto me than my life , for the love which i should bear to the glory and honour of almighty god , and to the edification and salvation of his church , for that my life cannot any other way be of like service to god , nor of such use and profit to men by any means : for which cause , as i discern how dear my ministery ought to be unto me , so it is my hearty desire , and most humble request unto god , to your h h. and to all the authority i live under , to whom any dealing herein belongeth , that i may spend my life according to his example , who in a word of like sound , of fuller sense , comparing by it the bestowing of his life to the offering poured out upon the sacrifice of the faith of god's people , and especially of this church , whereupon i have already poured out a great part thereof in the same calling , from which i stand now restrained . and , if your h h. shall finde it so , that i have not deserved so great a punishment , but rather performed the duty , which a good and faithful servant ought , in such case , to do to his lord , and the people he putteth them in trust withal carefully to keep : i am a most humble suiter by these presents to your h h. that , by your godly wisdom , some good course may be taken for the restoring of me to my ministery and place again . which so great a favour , shall binde me yet in a greater obligation of duty ( which is already so great , as it seemed nothing could be added unto it to make it greater ) to honour god daily for the continuance and encrease of your good estate , and to be ready with all the poor means god hath given me , to do your h h. that faithful service i may possibly perform : but if , notwithstanding my cause he never so good , your h h. can by no means pacifie such as are offended , nor restore me again , then am i to rest in the good pleasure of god , and to commend to your h h. protection , under her majesties , my private life , while it shall be led in duty ; and the church to him , who hath redeemed to himself a people with his precious blood , and is making ready to come to judge both the quick and the dead , to give to every one according as he hath done in this life , be it good or evil , to the wicked and unbelievers . justice unto death ; but to the faithful , and such as love his truth , mercy and grace to life everlasting . your honours most bounden , and most humble suppliant walter travers , minister of the gospel . mr. hooker's ansvver to the supplication that mr. travers made to the council . to my lord of canterburie his grace . my duty in my most humble wise remembred : may it please your grace to understand , that whereas there hath been a late controversie raised in the temple , and pursued by mr. travers , upon conceit taken at some words by me uttered , with a most simple and harmless meaning : in the heat of which pursuit , after three publick invectives , silence being enjoyned him by authority , he hath hereupon , for defence of his proceedings , both presented the right honourable lords , and others of her majesties privy councel with a writing ; and also caused or suffered the same to be copied out , and spread through the hands of so many , that well nigh all sorts of men have it in their bosomes : the matters wherewith i am therein charged , being of such quality as they are , and my self being better known to your grace , than to any other of their honors besides , i have chosen to offer to your grace's hands a plain declaration of my innocence in all those things wherewith i am so hardly , and so heavily charged , lest , if i still remain silent , that which i do for quietness sake , be taken as an argument , that i lack what to speak truly and justly in mine own defence . . first , because m. travers thinketh it an expedient to breed an opinion in mens mindes , that the root of all inconvenient events which are now sprung out , is , the surly and unpeaceable disposition of the man with whom he hath to do ; therefore the first in the rank of accusations laid against me , is , my intorformity , which have so little inclined to so many , and so earnest exhortations and conferences , as my self , he saith , can witness , to have been spent upon me , for my better fashioning unto good correspondence and agreement . . indeed , when at the first , by means of special well-willers , without any suit of mine , as they very well know ( although i do not think it had been a mortal sinne , in a reasonable sort , to have shewed a moderate desire that way ) yet when by their endeavour , without instigation of mine , some reverend and honourable , favourably affecting me , had procured her majesties's grant of the place ; at the very point of my eptring thereinto , the evening before i was first to preach , he came , and two other gentlemen joyned with him : the effect of his conference then was , that he thought it his duty to advise me , not to enter with a strong hand , but to change my purpose of preaching there the next day , and to stay till he had given notice of me to the congregation , that so their allowance might seal my calling . the effect of my answer was , that , as in a place where such order is , i would not break ; so here , where in never was , i might not , of my own head , take upon me to begin it : but liking very well the motion of the opinion which i had of his good meaning who made it , requested him not to mislike my answer , though it were not correspondent to his minde . . when this had so displeased some , that whatsoever was afterwards done or spoken by me , it offended their taste , angry informations were daily sent out , intelligence given farr and wide , what à dangerous enemy was crept in ; the worst that jealousie could imagine , was spoken and written to so many , that at the length some knowing me well , and perceiving how injurious the reports were , which grew daily more and more unto my discredit , wrought means to bring mr. travers and me to a second conference . wherein , when a common friend unto us both , had quietly requested him to utter those things wherewith he found himself any way grieved : he first renewed the memory of my entring into this charge , by vertue only of an humane creature ( for so the want of that formality of popular allowance was then censured ) and unto this was annexed a catalogue , partly of causeless surmises , as , that i had conspired against him , and that i sought superiority over him ; and partly of faults , which to note , i should have thought it a greater offence than to commit , if i did account them faults , and had heard them so curiously observed in any other than myself , they are such silly things , as , praying in the entrance of my sermon onely , and not in the end ; naming bishops in my prayer , kneeling when i pray , and kneeling when i receive the communion , with such like , which i would be as loath to recite , as i was sorry to hear them objected , if the rehearsal thereof were not by him thus wrested from me . these are the conferences wherewith i have been wooed to entertain peace and good agreement . . as for the vehement exhortations he speaketh of , i would gladly know some reason , wherefore he thought them needful to be used . was there any thing found in my speeches or dealings that gave them occasion , who are studious of peace , to think that i disposed my self to some unquiet kinde of proceedings ? surely , the special providence of god i do now see it was , that the first words i spake in this place , should make the first thing whereof i am accused , to appear not onely untrue , but improbable , to as many as then heard me with indifferent ears ; and do , i doubt not , in their consciences clear me of this suspition . howbeit , i grant this were nothing , if it might he shewed , that my deeds following were not suitable to my words . if i had spoken of peace at the first , and afterwards sought to molest and grieve him , by crossing him in his function , by storming , if my pleasure were not asked , and my will obeyed in the least occurrences , by carping needlesly sometimes at the manner of his teaching , sometimes at this , sometimes at that point of his doctrine : i might then with some likelihood have been blamed , as one disdaining a peaceable hand when it had been offered . but if i be able ( as i am ) to prove that my self have now a full year together , born the continuance of such dealings , not onely without any manner of resistance , but also without any such complaint , as might lett or hinder him in his course , i see no cause in the world , why of this i should he accused , unlesse it be , lest i should accuse , which i meant not . if therefore i have given him occasion to use conferences and exhortations to peace , if when they were bestowed upon me i have despised them , it will not be hard to shew some one word or deed wherewith i have gone about to work disturbance : one is not much , i require but one . onely , i require if any thing be shewed , it may be proved , and not objected onely as this is , that i have joyned to such as have alwayes opposed to any good order in his church , and made themselves to be thought indisposed to the present estate and proceedings . the words have reference , as it seemeth , unto some such things as being attempted before my comming to the temple , went not so effectually ( perhaps ) forward , as he that devised them would have wished . an order , as i learn , there was tendred , that communicants should neither kneel , as in most places of the realm ; nor sit , as in this place the custom is ; but walk to the one side of the table , and there standing till they had received , pass afterwards away round about by the other . which being on a sudden begun to be practised in the church , some sate wondering what it should mean , others deliberating what to do : till such time as at length by name one of them being called openly thereunto , requested that they might do as they had been accustomed , which was granted ; and as mr. travers had ministred this way to the rest , so a curate was sent to minister to them after their way . which unprosperous beginning of a thing ( saving onely for the inconvenience of needless alterations , otherwise harmlesse ) did to disgrace that order , in their conceit who had to allow or disallow it , that it took no place . for neither could they ever induce themselves to think it good , and it so much offended mr. travers , who supposed it to be the best , that he since that time , although contented to receive it as they do , at the hands of others , yet hath not thought it meet they should ever receive out of his , which would not admit that order of receiving it , and therefore in my time hath been always present not to minister , but only to be ministred unto . . another order there was likewise devised , but an order of much more weight and importance . this soil in respect of certain immunities and other specialties belonging unto it , seemed likely to bear that which in other places of the realm of england doth not take . for which cause , request was made to her majesties privy councel , that whereas it is provided by a statute , there should be collectors and sidemen in churches , which thing , or somewhat correspondent unto it , this place did greatly want ; it would please their honours to motion such a matter to the antients of the temple . and , according to their honourable manner of helping forward all motions so grounded , they wrote their letters , as i am informed to that effect . whereupon , although these houses never had use of such collectors and sidemen as are appointed in other places , yet they both erected a box to receive mens devotions for the poor , appointing the treasurer of both houses to take care for bestowing it where need was , and granting further , that if any could he entreated ( as in the end some were ) to undertake the labour of observing mens slacknesse in divine duties , they should be allowed , their complaints heard at all times , and the faults they complained of , if mr. alveyes private admonition did not serve , then by some other means to be redressed ; but according to the old received orders of both houses . whereby the substance of their honors letters were indeed fully satisfied . yet , because mr. travers intended not this , but , as it seemed another thing ; therefore , notwithstanding the orders which have been taken , and , for any thing i know , do stand still in as much force in this church now , as at any time heretofore , he complaineth much of the good orders which he doth mean have been withstood . now it were hard , if as many as did any ways oppose unto these and the like orders , in his perswasion good , do thereby make themselves dislikers of the present state and proceeding . it they , whom he aimeth at , have any other wayes made themselves to be thought such , it is likely he doth known wherein , and will , i hope , disclose wherein it appertaineth , both the persons whom he thinketh , and the causes why he thinketh them so ill-affected . but whatsoever the men be , doe their faults make me faulty ? they doe , if i joyn my self with them . i beseech him therefore to declare wherein i have joyned with them . other joyning than this with any man here , i cannot imagine : it may be i have talked , or walked , or eaten , or interchangeably used the duties of common humanity with some such as he is hardly perswaded of . for i know no law of god or man , by force whereof they should be as heathens and publicans unto me , that are not gracious in the eyes of another man , perhaps without cause , or if with cause : yet such cause as he is privy unto , and not i. could he , or any reasonable man think it is a charitable course in me , to observe them that shew by external courtesies a favourable inclination toward him , and if i spy out any one amongst them , of whom i think not well , hereupon to draw such an accusation as this against him , and to offer it where he hath given up his against me ? which notwithstanding , i will acknowledge to be just and reasonable , if he or any man living shall shew that i use as much as the bare familiar company but of one , who , by word , or deed hath ever given me cause to suspect or conjecture him , such as here they are termed , with whom complaint is made that i joyn my self . this being spoken therefore , and written without all possibility of proof , doth not mr. travers give me over-great cause to stand in some fear , lest he make too little conscience how he useth his tongue or pen ? these things are not laid against me for nothing ; they are to some purpose if they take place . for in a minde perswaded that i am , as he deciphereth me , one which refuses to be at peace with such as embrace the truth , and side my self with men sinisterly affected thereunto , any thing that shall be spoken conferring the unsoundness of my doctrine , cannot choose but he favourably entertained . this presupposed , it will have likelihood enough , which afterwards followeth , that many of my sermons have tasted of some sour leaven or other , that in them he hath discovered many unsound matters . a thing much to be lamented , that such a place as this , which might have been so well provided for , hath fallen into the hands of one no better instructed in the truth . but what if in the end it be found , that he judgeth my words , as they do colours , which look upon them with green spectacles , and think that which they see is green , when indeed that is green whereby they see . . touching the first point of this discovery , which is about the matter of predestination , to set down that i spake ( for i have it written ) to declare and confirm the several branches thereof , would be tedious now in this writing , where i have so many things to touch , that i can but touch them onely . neither is it herein so needful for me to justifie my speech , when the very place and presence where i spake , doth it self speak sufficiently for my clearing . this matter was not broached in a blinde alley , or uttered where none was to hear it , that had skill with authority to controll , or covertly insinuated by some gliding sentence . . that which i taught was at pauls cresse ; it was not hudled in amongst other matterr , in such sort that it could passe without noting ; it was opened , it was proved , it was some reasonable time stood upon . i see not which way my lord of london , who was present and heard it , can excuse so great a fault , as patiently , without rebuke or controlment afterwards , to hear any man there teach otherwise than the word of god doth ; nor as it is understood by the private interpretation of some one or two men , or by a special construction received in some few books , but , as it is understood by al● churches professing the gospel , by them all , and therefore even by our own also amongst others . a man that did mean to prove that he speaketh , would surely take the measure of his words shorter . . the next thing discovered , is an opinion about the assurance of mens perswas●sions in matters of faith. i have taught , he saith , that the assurance of things which we believe by the word , is not so certain as of that we perceive by sense . and , is it as certain ? yea , i taught as he himself , i trust , will not deny , that the things which god doth promise in his word , are surerunto us , than any thing which we touch , handle , or see . but are we so sure and certain of them : if we be , why doth god so often prove his premises unto us , as he doth by argument taken from our sensible experience ? we must be surer of the proof , than of the thing proved , otherwise it is no proof . how is it , that if ten men doe all look upon the moon , every one of them knoweth it as certainly to be the moon as another ; but many believing one and the same promise , all have not one and the same fulnesse of perswasion ? how falleth it out , that men being assured of any thing by sense , can be no surer of it than they are ; whereas the strongest in faith that liveth upon the earth , hath always need to labour , and strive , and pray , that his assurance concerning heavenly and spiritual things , may grow , encrease , and be augmented ? . the sermon wherein i have spoken somewhat largely of this point , was long before this late controversie rose between him and me , upon request of some of my friends , seen and read by many , and amongst many , some who are thought able to discern : and i never heard that any one of them hitherto , hath condemned it as containing unsound matter . my case were very hard , if as oft as any thing i speak displeasing one man's taste , my doctrine upon his onely word should be taken for sour leaven . . the rest of this discovery is all about the matter now in question ; wherein he hath two faults predominant , would tire out any that should answer unto every point severally : un apt speaking of school-controversies , and of my words so untoward a reciting , that he which should promise to draw a man's countenance , and did indeed expresse the parts , at leastwise most of them , truly , but perversely place them , could not represent a more offensive visage , than unto me my own speech seemeth in some places , as he hath ordered it . for answer whereunto , that writing is sufficient , wherein i have set down both my words and meaning in such sort , that where this accusation doth deprave the one , and either mis-interpret , or , without just cause , mis-like the other , it will appear so plainly , that i may spare very well to take upon me a new needlesse labour here . . onely at one thing which is there to be found , because mr. travers doth here seem to take such a special advantage , as if the matter were unanswerable , he constraineth me either to detect his oversight , or to confesse mine own in it . in settling the question between the church of rome and us , about grace and justification , lest i should give them an occasion to say , as commonly they doe , that when we cannot refute their opinions , we propose to our selves such instead of theirs , as we can refute ; i took it for the best and most perspicuous way of teaching , to declare first , how far● we doe agree , and then to shew our disagreement : not generally ( as mr. travers his a words would carry it , for the easier fastning that upon me , wherewith , saving onely by him , i was never in my life touched ; ) but about the matter onely of justification : for further i had no cause to meddle at this time . what was then my offence in this case ? i did , as he saith , so set it out , as if we had consented in the greatest and weightiest points , and differed onely in smaller matters . it will not be found , when it commeth to the balance , a light difference where we disagree , as i did acknowledge that we doe , about the very essence of the medicine whereby christ cureth our disease . did i goe about to make a shew of agreement in the weightiest points , and was i so fond as not to conceal our disagreement about this ? i doe with that some indifferency were used by them that have taken the weighing of my words . . yea , but our agreement is not such in two of the chiefest points , as i would have men believe it is ? and what are they ? the one is , i said , they acknowledge all men sinners , even the blessed virgin , though some of them free her from sin . put the case i had affirmed , that onely some of them free her from sin , and had delivered it as the most current opinion amongst them , that she was conceived in sin : doth not bona● tature say plainly , omnesfere , in a manner all men do bold this ● doth he not bring many reasons wherefore all men should hold it ? were their voyces since that time ever counted , and their number found smaller which hold it , than theirs that hold the contrary ? let the question then be , whether i might say , the most of them acknowledged all men sinner , even the blessed virgin her selfe . to shew , that their general received opinion is the contrary , the tridentine council is alledged , peradventure not altogether so considerately . for if that council have by resolute determination freed her , if it held as mr. travers saith it doth , that she was free from sin ; then must the church of rome needs condemn them that hold the contrary : for what thee council holdeth , the same they all doe and must hold , but in the church of rome , who knoweth not , that it is a thing indifferent to think and defend the one or the other ? so that , by this argument , the council of trent holdeth the virgin free from sinne ; ergo , it is plain that none of them may , and therefore untrue , that most of them do acknowledge her a sinner , were for able to overthrow my supposed affection , if it were true that the council did hold this . but to the end it may clearly appear , how it neither holdeth this not the contrary , i will open what many do conceive of the canon that concerneth this matter . the fathers of trent perceived , that if they should define of this matter , it would be dangerous howsoever it were determined . if they had freed her from her original sinne , the reasons against them are unanswerable , which bonave●ture and others do alledge , but especially thomas , whose line , as much as may be , they follow . again , if they did resolve the other way , they should control themselves in another thing , which i● no case might be altered . for they profess to keep no day holy in the honour of an ●●●●holy thing ; and the virgin conception they honour with a * feast , which they could not abrogate without cancelling a constitution of ●ystem quo●●●● . and , that which is worse , the world might parhaps suspect , that if the church of rome did● amisse before in this , it is not impossible for her to fail in other things . in the end , they did wisely quo●● out their canon by a middle thred establishing the feast of the virgin 's conception , and leaving the other question doubtful as they found it , giving onely a cavent , that no man should take the decree , which pronounceth all mankinde originally sinfull , for a definitive sentence concerning the blessed virgin. this in my sight is plain by their own words , declarat hac ipsa sancta synod●● , &c. wherefore our country-men at rhe●●s , mentioning this point , are marvellous wary how they speak , they touch it as though it were a hot coal : many godly devout men judge , that our blessed lady was neither burn not cou●●●d in sin . is it their wont to speak ainely of things definitively set down in that councell ? in like sort , we finde that the rest , which have since that time of the tridentine synod written of original sin , are in this point , for the mostpart , either silent , or very sparing in speech : and , when they speak , either doubtful what to think , or whatsoever they think themselves ; fearfull to set down any certain determination . if i be thought to take the canon of this council otherwise than they themselves doe , let him expound in , whose sentence was neither last asked , not his penne least occupied in setting it down ; i mean androdius , whom gregory the thirteenth hath allowed plainly to confest , that it is a matter which neither expresse evidence of scripture , not the tradition of the fathers , nor the sentence of church hath determined ; that they are too surly and self-willed , which defending their opinion , are displeased with them by whom , the other is maintained : finally , that the father of trent have not set down any certainty about this question , but lest it doubtful and indifferent . now whereas my words , which i had set down in writing , before i uttered them , were indeed these , although they imagine , that the mother of our lord iesus christ , were , for his honour , and by his special protection , preserved clean from all sinne ; yet concerning the rest , they teach as we do , that all have sinned . against my words they might , with more pretence , take exception , because so many of them think she had sinne : which exception notwithstanding , the proposition being indefinite , and the matter contingent , they cannot take , because they grant , that many whom they account grave and devout amongst them , think , that she was clear from all sinne . but , whether mr. travers did note my words himself , or take them upon the credit of some other man's noting , the tables were faulty wherein it was noted : all men sinners , even the blessed virgin. when my second speech was rather , all men , except the blessed virgin. to leave this ; another fault he findeth , that i said , they teach christs righteousnesse to be the onely meritorious cause of taking away sinne , and differ from us onely in the applying of it . i did say , and doe , they teach as we do , that although christ be the onely meritorious cause of our iustice , yet as a medicine which is made for health , doth not heal by being made , but by being applyed : so , by the merits of christ , there can be no life nor iustification , without the application of his merits : but about the manner of applying christ , about the number and power of means whereby he is applyed , we dissent from them . this of our dissenting from them is acknowledged . . our agreement in the former is denied to be such as i pretend . let their own words therefore and mine concerning them , be compared . doth not andradius plainly confess , our sins do shut , and onely the merits of christ open the entring unto blessedness ? and so to ; it is put for a good ground , that all , since the fall of adam , obtained salvation onely by the passion of christ : howbeit , as no cause can be effectual without applying , so neither can any man be saved , to whom the suffering of christ is not applied . in a word , who not ? when the council of trent , reckoning up the causes of our first justification , doth name no end , but god's glory , and our felicity ; no efficient , but his mercy ; no instrumental , but baptism ; no meritorious , but christ ; whom to have merited the taking away of no sin but original , is not their opinion : which himself will finde , when he hath well examined his witnesses , catharinus and thomas . their jesuites are marvellous angry with the men out of whose gleanings mr. travers seemeth to have taken this , they openly disclaim it ; they say plainly , of all this catholicks , there is no one this did ever so teach ; they make solemn protestation , we believe and profess , that christ upon the cross hath altogether satisfied for all sins , as well original as actual . indeed they teach , that the merit of christ doth not take away actual sinne , in such sort as it doth original ; wherein , if their doctrine had been understood , i for my speech had never been accused . as for the council of trent , concerning inherent righteousness , what doth it here ? no man doubteth , but they make another formal cause of justification than we do . in respect whereof , i have shewed you already , that we disagree about the very essence of that which cureth our spiritual disease . most time it is which the grand philosopher hath , every man judgeth well of that which he knoweth ; and therefore till we know the things throughly , whereof we judge , it is a point of judgment to stay our judgment . . thus much labour being spent in discovering the unsoundness of my doctrine , some pains he taketh further to open faults in the manner of my teaching , as that , i bestowed my whole hour and more , my time and more than my time , in discourses utterly impertinent to my text. which , if i had done , it might have past without complaining of to the privy council . . but i did worse , as he saith , i left the expounding of the scriptures , and my ordinary calling , and discoursed upon school-points and questions , neither of edification , nor of truth . i read no lecture in the law , or in physick . and except the bounds of ordinary calling may be drawn like a purse , how are they so much wider unto him than to me , that he which in the limits of his ordinary calling , should reprove that in me which he understood not ; and i labouring that both he and others might understand , could not do this without forsaking my calling ? the matter whereof i spake was such , as being at the first by me but lightly touched , he had in that place openly contradicted , and solemnly taken upon him to disprove . if therefore it were a school-question , and unfit to be discoursed of there , that which was in me but a proposition onely at the first , wherefore made he a probleme of it ? why took he first upon him to maintain the negative of that , which i had affirmatively spoken , onely to shew mine own opinion , little thinking that ever it would have been a question ? of what nature soever the question were , i could doe no lesse than there explain my self to them , unto whom i was accused of unsound doctrine ; wherein if to shew , what had been through ambiguity mistaken in my words , or misapplied by him in this cause against me , i used the distinctions and helps of schools ; i trust that herein i have committed no unlawful thing . these school-implements are acknowledged by grave and wise men not unprofitable to have been invented . the most approved for learning and judgement do use them without blame , the use of them hath been well liked in some that have taught even in this very place before me : the quality of my hearers is such , that i could not but think them of capacity very sufficient , for the most part , to conceive harder than i used any ; the cause i had in hand did in my judgment necessarily require them which were then used : when my words spoken generally , without distinctions had been perverted , what other way was there for me , but by distinctions to lay them open in their right meaning , that it might appear to all men , whether they were consonant to truth or no ? and , although mr. travers be so inured with the city , that he thinketh it unmeet to use any speech which savoureth of the school , yet his opinion is no canon : though unto him , his minde being troubled , my speech did seem like fetters and manacles , yet there might be some more calmly affected , which thought otherwise ; his private judgment will hardly warrant his bold words , that the things which i spake , were neither of edification nor truth . they might edifie some other for any thing he knoweth , and be true for any thing he proveth to the contrary . for it is no proof to cry : absurdities , the like whereunto have not been heard in publick places within this land since queen marie's days ! if this came in earnest from him , i am sorry to see him so much offended without cause ; more sorry , that his fit● should be so extream , to make him speak he knoweth not what . that i neither affected the truth of god , nor the peace of the church ; mihi pro minimo ●est , it doth not much move me , when mr. travers doth say that , which i trust a greater than mr. travers will gainsay . . now let all this which hitherto he hath said be granted him ; let it be as he would have it , let my doctrine and manner of teaching be as much disallowed by all men's judgements as by his , what is all this to his purpose ? he alledgeth this to be the cause why he bringeth it in . the high-commissioners charge him with an indiscretion and want of duty , in that he inveighed against certain points of doctrine , taught by me as erroneous , not con●erring first with me , nor complaining of it to them . which faults , a sea of such matter as he hath hitherto waded in , will never be able to scoure from him . for the avoiding schism and disturbance in the church , which must needs grow , if all men might think what they list , and speak openly what they think ; therefore by a * decree agreed upon by the bishops , and confirmed by her majesties authority , it was ordered , that erroneous doctrine , if it were taught publickly , should not be publickly refuted ; but that notice thereof should be given into such as are by her highness appointed to hear , and to determine such causes . for breach of which order , when he is charged with lack of duty , all the faults that can be heaped upon me , will make but a weak defence for him : as surely his defence is not much stronger , when he alledges for himself , that he was in some hope his speech in proving the truth , and clearing those scraples which i had in my self , might cause me either to embrace sound doctrine , or suffer it to be embraced of others ; which , if i did , he should not need to complain : that , it was meet he should discover first what i had sown , and make it manifest to be tares , and then desire their sithe to cutt it down : that , conscience did binds him to doe otherwise , than the foresaid order requireth ; that , he was unwilling to deal in that publick manner , and wished a more convenient way were taken for it : that , he had resolved to have protested the next sabbath day , that he would some other way satisfie such as should require it , and not deal more in that place . be it imagined , [ let me not be taken as if i did compare the offenders , when i do not , but their answers onely ] that a libeller did make this apology for himself , i am not ignorant , that if i have just matter against any man , the law is open , there are judges to hear it , and courts where it ought to be complained of ; i have taken another course against such or such a man , yet without breach of duty ; forasmuch as i am able to yield a reason of my doing , i conceive some hope , that a little discredit amongst men would make him ashamed of himself , and that his shame would work his amendment ; which if it did , other accusation there should not need ; could his answer he thought sufficient , could it in the judgement of discreet men , free him from all blame ? no more can the hope mr. travers conceived , to reclaim me by publick speech , justifie his fault against the established order of the church . . his thinking it meet ; he should first openly discover to the people the tares that had been sown amongst them , and then require the hand of authority to mow them down , doth onely make it a question , whether his opinion that this was meet , may be a priviledge or protection against the lawful constitution which had before determined of it as of a thing unmeet . which question i leave for them to discusse whom it most concerneth . if the order be such , that it cannot be kept without hazarding a thing so precious as a good conscience , the peril whereof could be no greater to him , than it needs must be to all others whom it toucheth in like causes ; then this is evident , it will be an effectual motive , not onely for england , but also for other reformed churches , even geniva it self [ for they have the like ] to change or take that away which cannot but with great inconvenience be observed . in the mean while the breach of it may , in such consideration , be pardoned [ which truly i wish howsoever it be ] yet hardly defended as long as it standeth in force uncancelled . . now , whereas he confesseth another way had been more convenient , and that he found in himself secret unwillingnesse to doe that which he did , doth he not say plainly , in effect , that the light of his own understanding , proved the way that he took perverse and crooked ; reason was so plain and pregnant against it , that his minde was alienated , his will averted to another course ? yet somewhat there was that so farr over-ruled , that it must needs be done even against the very stream , what doth it bewray ? finally his purposed protestation , whereby he meant openly to make it known , that he did not allow this kinde of proceeding , and therefore would satisfie men otherwise , and deal no more in this place , sheweth his good minde in this , that he meant to stay himself from further offending ; but it serveth not his turn . he is blamed because the thing he hath done was amisse , and his answer is , that which i would have done afterwards had been well , if so be i had done it . . but as in this he standeth perswaded , that he hath done nothing besides duty , so he taketh it hardly , that the high commissioners should charge him with indiscretion . wherefore , as if he could so wash his hands , he maketh a long and a large declaration concerning the carriage of himself : how he waded in matters of smaller weight , and how in things of greater moment ; how wary he dealt ; how naturally he took his things rising from the text ; how closely he kept himself to the scriptures he took in hand ; how much pains he took to confirm the necessity of believing iustification by christ onely , and to shew how the church of rome denieth that a man is saved by faith alone , without works of the law ; what the sons of thunder would have done , if they had been in his case ; that his answer was very temperate , without immodest or reproachful speech , that when he might before all have reproved me , he did not , but contented himself with exhorting me before all , to follow nathan's example , and revisit my doctrine ; when he might have followed saint paul's example in reproving peter , he did not , but exhorted me with peter , to endure to be withstood . this testimony of his discreet carrying himself in the handling of his matter , being more agreeably framed and given him by another than by himself , might make somewhat for the praise of his person ; but for defence of his action unto them by whom he is thought undiscreet , for not concerning privately before he spake , will it serve to answer , that when he spake , he did it considerately ? he perceiveth it will not , and therefore addeth reasons , such as they are : as namely , how he purposed at the first to take another course , and that was this , publickly to deliver the truth of such doctrine as i had otherwise taught , and at convenient opportunity to conferr with me upon such points . is this the rule of christ ? if thy brother offend openly in his speech , controll it first with contrary speech openly , and conferr with him afterwards upon it , when convenient opportunity serveth ? is there any law of god or man , whereupon to ground such a resolution ? any church extant in the world , where teachers are allowed thus to doe , or to be done unto ? he cannot but see how weak an allegation it is , when he bringeth in his following this course , first in one matter , and so afterwards in another , to approve himself , now following it again . for if the purpose of doing of a thing so uncharitable be a fault , the deed is a greater fault ; and doth the doing of it twice , make it the third time fit and allowable to be done ? the weight of the cause , which is his third defence , relieveth him as little . the weightier it was , the more it required considerate advice and consultation , the more it stood him upon to take good heed , that nothing were rashly done or spoken in it . but he meaneth weighty , in regard of the wonderful danger , except he had presently withstood me without expecting a time of conference . this cause being of such moment that might prejudice the faith of christ , encourage the ill-affected to continue still in their damnable wayes , and other weak in faith , to suffer themselves to be seduced , to the destruction of their souls , he thought it his bounden duty to speak before he talked with me . a man that should read this , and not know what i had spoken , might imagine that i had at the least denied the divinity of christ. but they which were present at my speech , and can testifie , that nothing passed my lips more than is contained in their writings , whom , for soundnesse of doctrine , learning , and judgment , mr. travers himself doth , i dare say , not onely allow , but honour ; they which heard , and do know , that the doctrine here signified in so fearful manner , the doctrine that was so dangerous to the faith of christ , that was so likely to encourage ill-affected men to continue still in their damnable wayes ; that gave so great cause to tremble for fear of the present destruction of souls , was onely this , i doubt not but god was merciful to save thousands of our fathers , living heretofore in the popish superstition , in as much as they sinned ignorantly ; and this spoken in a sermon , the greatest part whereof was against popery , they will hardly be able to discern how christianity should herewith be so grievously shaken . . whereby his fourth excuse is also taken from him . for what doth it boot him to say , the time was short wherein he was to preach after me , when his preaching of this matter perhaps ought , surely might have been either very well omitted , or at least more conveniently for a while deferred ; even by their judgements that cast the most favourable aspect towards these his hasty proceedings . the poyson which men had taken at my hands , was not so quick and strong in operation , as in eight dayes to make them past cure ; by eight dayes delay , there was no likelihood that the force and power of his speech could dye ; longer meditation might bring better and stronger proofs to minde , than extemporal dexterity could furnish him with : and , who doth know whether time , the onely mother of sound judgement and discreet dealing , might have given that action of his some better ripeness , which , by so great festination hath , as a thing born out of time , brought small joy unto him that begat it ? doth he think it had not been better , that neither my speech had seemed in his eyes as an arrow sticking in a thigh of flesh ; nor his own as a childe whereof he must needs be delivered by an hour ? his last way of disburthening himself , is by casting his load upon my back , as if i had brought him by former conferences out of hope , that any fruit should ever come of conferring with me . loth i am to rip up those conferences , whereof he maketh but a slippery and loose relation . in one of them the question between us was , whether the perswasion of faith concerning remission of sinnes , eternal life , and whatsoever god doth promise unto man , be as free from doubting , as the perswasion which we have by sense concerning things tasted , felt , and seen ? for the negative , i mentioned their example , whose faith in scripture is most commended , and the experience which all faithful men have continually had of themselves . for proof of the affirmative , which he held . i desiring to have some reason , heard nothing but all good writers oftentimes incul●a●ed . at the length , upon request to see some one of them , peter martyr's common places were brought , where the leaves were turned down , at a place sounding to this effect . that the gospel doth make christians more vertuous ; than moral philosophy doth make heat hens : which came not near the questions by many miles . . in the other conference he questioned about the matter of reprobation , misliking first , that i had termed god a permissive , and no positive cause of the evil , which the schoolmen do call malum cuspae . secondly , that to their objection who say , if i be elected , do what i will , i shall be saved , i had answered , that the will of god in this thing is not absolute , but conditional , to save his elect believing , fearing , and obediently , serving him . thirdly , that to stop the mouths of such as grudge and repine against god for rejecting cast aways , i had taught that they are not rejected , no not in the purpose and counsel of god , without a foreseen worthinesse of rejection going , though not in time , yet in order● before● for if god's electing do in order● ( as needs it must ) presuppose the foresight of their being that are elected , though they be elected before they be ; nor onely the positive foresight of their being , but also the permissive of their being miserable , because election is through mercy , and mercy doth always presuppose misery : it followeth , that the very chosen of god acknowledge to the praise of the riches of his exceeding free compassion , that when he in his secret determination set it down , those shall live and not dye , they lay as ugly spectacles before him , as lepers covered with dung and mine , as ulcers putrified in their fathers ●oyns , miserable , worthy to be had in detestation ; and shall any forsaken creature be able to say unto god , thou didst plunge me into the depth , and assign me unto endless torments , onely to satisfie thine own will , finding nothing in me for which i could seem in thy sight so well worthy to feel everlasting flames ? . when i saw that mr. travers carped at these things , onely because they lay not open , i promised at some convenient time to make them clear as light both to him and all others . which , if they that reprove me will not grant me leave to doe , they must think that they are for some cause or other more desirous to have me reputed an unsound man , then willing that my sincere meaning should appear and be approved . when i was further asked what my grounds were ? i answered , that saint paul's words concerning this cause were my grounds . his next demand , what author i did follow in expounding saint paul , and gathering the doctrine out of his words , against the judgement ( he saith ) of all churches , and all good writers . i was well assured , that , to control this over-reaching speech , the sentences which i might have cited out of church-confessions , together with the hast learned monuments of former times , and not the meanest of our own , were tho i● number than perhaps he would willingly have heard of : but what had this booted me ? for , although he himself in generality do much use those formal speeches , all churches and all good writers : yet , as he holdeth it , in pulpit , lawful to say in general , the pa●uims think this , or the heathens that , but utterly unlawful to cite any sentence of theirs that say it : so he gave me at that time great cause to think , than my particular alledging of other mens words , to shew their agreement with mine , would as much have displeased his minde , as the thing it self for which it had been alledged ; for he knoweth how often he hath in publick place bitten me for this although i did never in any sermon use many of the sentences of other writers , and do make most without any ; having always thought it meetest , neither to affect nor contemn the use of them . . he is not ignorant , that in the very entrance to the talk , which we had privately at that time , to prove it unlawful altogether in preaching , either for confirmation , declaration , or otherwise , to cite any thing but mere canonical scripture , he brought in , the scripture is given by inspiration , and is profitable to teach , improve , &c. urging much the vigour of these two clauses ; the man of god and every good work . if therefore the work were good which he required at my hands , if privately to shew why i thought the doctrine i had delivered to be according to saint paul's meaning , were a good work , can they which take the place before alledged for a law , condemning every man of god , who● in doing the work of preaching any other way useth human authority , like it in me , if , in the work of strengthening that which i had preached , i should bring forth the testimonies and the sayings of mortal men ? i alledged therefore that which might under no pretence in the world be disallowed , namely reasons , not meaning thereby mine own reason , as now it is reported , but true , sound , divine reason ; reason whereby chose conclusions might be out of saint paul demonstrated , and not probably discoursed of onely ; reason , proper to that science whereby the things of god are known ; theological reason , without principles in scripture that are plain , soundly deduced more doubtful inferences , in such sort that being heard they cannot be denied , not any thing repugnant unto them received , but whatsoever was before otherwise by miscollecting gathered out of dark places , is thereby forced to yield it self , and the true consonant meaning of sentences not understood , is brought to light . this is the reason which i intended . if it were possible for me to escape the ferula in any thing i do or speak , i had undoubtedly escaped in this . in this i did that which by some is enjoyned as the only allowable , but granted by all as the most sure and safe way , whereby to resolve things doubted of in matters appertaining to faith and christian religion . so that mr. travers had here small cause given him to be weary of conferring , unlesse it was in other respects , than that poor one which is here pretended , that is to say , the little hope he had of doing me any good by conference . . yet behold his first reason of not complaining to the high commission , is , that sith i offended onely through an over-charitable inclination , he conceived good hope , when i should see the truth cleared , and some scruples , which where in my minde , removed by his diligence , i would yield . but what experience soever he had of former conferences , how small soever his hope was , that fruit would come of it , if he should have conferred , will any man judge this a cause sufficient , why to open his mouth in publick , without any one word privately spoken : he might have considered the men do sometimes reap , where they sow but wish small hope ; he might have considered , that although unto me ( whereof he was not certain neither ) but if to me his labour should be as water spilt or poured into a torne dish , yet to him it could not be fruitlesse to do that , which order in christian churches , that which charity amongst christian men , that which at many men's hands , even common humanity it self , at his , many other things besides , did require . what fruit could there come of his open contradicting in so great haste , with so small advice , but such as must needs be unpleasant , and mingled with much ace●bity ? surely , he which will take upon him to defend , that , in this , there was no over-sight , must beware , left , by such defences , he leave an opinion dwelling in the mindes of men , that he is more stiff to maintain what he hath done , then careful to doe nothing but that which may justly be maintained . . thus have i , as near as i could , seriously answered things of weight : with smaller i have dealt , as i thought their quality did require . i take no joy in striving , i have not been nuzled or trained up in it . i would to christ they which have at this present enforced me hereunto , had so ruled their hands in any reasonable time , that i might never have been constrained to strike so much as in mine own defence . wherefore to prosecute this long and redious contention no further , i shall wish that your grace and their honours ( unto whose intelligence the dutiful regard , which i have of their judgments , maketh me desirous , that as accusations have been brought against me , so that this my answer thereunto may likewise come ) did both with the one the other , as constantine with books containing querulous matter . whether this be convenient to be wished or no , i cannot tell : but sith there can come nothing of contention , but the mutual waste of the parties contending , till a common enemy dance in the ashes of them both , i do wish heartily that the grave advice which constantine gave for re-uniting of his clergy so many times , upon some small occasions , in so lamentable sort divided ; or rather the strict commandment of christ unto his , that they should not be divided at all ; may at the length , if it be his blessed will , prevail so farr , at least in this corner of the christian world , to the burying and quite forgetting of strife , together with the causes that have either bred it , or brought it up , that things of small moment never disjoyn them , whom one god , one lord , one faith , one spirit , one baptism , bands of so great force have linked ; that a respectively eye towards things wherewith we should not be disquieted , make us not , as through infirmity the very patriarchs themselves sometimes were , full gorged , unable to speak peaceably to their own brother . finally , that no strife may ever be heard of again , but this , who shall hate strife most , who shall pursue peace and unity with swiftest paces . to the christian reader . whereas many desirous of resolution in some points handled in this learned discourse , were earnest to have it copied out ; to case so many labours , it hath been thought most worthy and very necessary to be printed : that not onely they might be satisfied , but the whole church also hereby edified . the rather , because it will free the author from the suspition of some errors , which he hath been thought to have favoured . who might well have answered with cremutius in tacitus , verba mea arguuntur , adeò factorum innocens sum . certainly , the event of that time wherein he lived , shewed that to be true , which the same author spake of a worse , cui deerat inimicus , per amicos oppressus ; and that there is not minus periculum ex magna fama , quàm ex mala . but he hath so quit himself , that all may see how , as it was said of agricola , simul suis virtutibus , simul vitiis aliorum , in ipsam gloriam praeceps agebatur . touching whom i will say no more , but that which my author said of the same man , integritatem , &c. in tanto viro referre , injuria virtutum fuerit . but as of all other his writings , so of this i will adde that which velleius spake in commendation of piso , nemo fuit , qui megis quae agenda erant curaret , sine ulla ostentatione agendi . so not doubting , good christian reader , of thy assent herein , but wishing thy favourable acceptance of this work ( which will be an inducement to set forth others of his learned labours ) i take my leave , from corpus christi colledge in oxford , the sixth of july , . thine in christ jesus , henry iackson . a learned discourse of justification , works , and how the foundation of faith is overthrown . habak. . . the wicked doth compass about the righteous : therefore perverse iudgement doth proceed . for the better manifestation of the prophets meaning in this place we are first to consider the wicked , of whom he saith , that they compass about the righteous : secondly , the righteous , that are compassed about by them : and thirdly , that which is inferred ; therefore perverse judgement proceedeth . touching the first , there are two kinds of wicked men , of whom in the fist of the former to the corinthians , the blessed apostle speaketh thus : do ye not judge them that are within ; but god judgeth them that art without . there are wicked therefore whom the church may judge , and there are wicked whom god onely judgeth : wicked within , and wicked without the walls of the church . if within the church , particular persons be apparently such , as cannot otherwise be reformed ; the rule of the apostolical judgment is this , separate them from among you : if whole assemblies , this : separate your selves from among them : for what society hath light with darkness ? but the wicked ; whom the prophet meaneth , were babylonians , and therefore without . for which cause we heard at large heretofore in what sort he urgeth god to judge them . . now concerning the righteous , their neither it , nor ever was any meer natural man absolutely righteous in himself , that is to say , void of all unrighteousness of all sin . we dare not except , no not the blessed virgin her self , of whom although we say with st. augustine , for the honour sake which we owe to our lord and saviour christ , we are not willing in this cause , to move any question of his mother : yet for asmuch as the schools of rome have made it a question ; we may answer with a eusebius emissenus , who , speaketh of her and to her in this effect : thou didst , by special prerogative nine months together entertain within the closet of the flesh , the hope of all the ends of the earth , the honour of the world , the common joy of men. he , from whom all things had their beginning , had his beginning from thee ; of the body he took the blood , which was to be shed for the life of the world ; of thee he took that which even for thee be payed . a peccati enim veteris nexu , per se non est immunis ipsa genitrix redemptoris : the mother of the redeemer himself , is not otherwise loosed from the bond of antient sinne , than by redemption : if christ have paid a ransom for all , even for her , it followeth , that all , without exception , were captives . if one have died for all , then all were dead in sinne ; all sinful therefore , none absolutely righteous in themselves ; but we are absolutely righteous in christ. the world then must shew a righteous man , otherwise not able to shew a man that is perfectly righteous : christ is made to us wisdome , iustice , sanctification , and redemption : wisdom , because he hath revealed his fathers will : iustice , because he hath offered up himself a sacrifice for sin : sanctification , because he hath given us his spirit , redemption , because he hath appointed a day to vindicate his children out of the bonds of corruption into liberty which is glorious . how christ is made wisdom , and how redemption , it may be declared , when occasion serveth . but how christ is made the righteousness of men , we are now to declare . . there is a glorifying righteousness of men in the world to come : as there is a justifying and sanctifying righteousness here . the righteousness , wherewith we shall be clothed in the world to come , is both perfect and inherent . that whereby here we are justified is perfect ; but not inherent . that whereby we are sanctified , is inherent , but not perfect . this openeth a way to the understanding of that grand question , which hangeth yet in controversie between us and the church of rome , about the matter of justifying righteousness . . first , although they imagine , that the mother of our lord and saviour jesus christ , were , for his honour , and by his special protection , preserved clean from all sinne : yet touching the rest , they teach as we doe , that infants that never did actually offend , have their natures defiled , destitute of justice , averted from god ; that in making man righteous , none do efficiently work with god , but god. they teach as we do , that unto justice no man ever attained , but by the merits of jesus christ. they teach as we do , that although christ as god , be the efficient ; as man , the meritorious cause of our justice ; yet in us also there is some thing required . god is the cause of our natural life , in him we live : but he quickneth not the body without the soul in the body . christ hath merited to make us just : but , as a medicine , which is made for health , doth not head by being made , but by being applied ; so , by the merits of christ there can be no justification , without the application of his merits . thus farr we joyn hands with the church of rome . . wherein then do we disagree ? we disagree about the future and offence of the medicine , whereby christ cureth our disease ; about the 〈…〉 of applying it ; about the number , and the power of means , which god requireth in as for the effectual applying thereof to our souls comfort . when they are re 〈…〉 that the righteousness is , whereby a christian man is justified : they a answer , that it is a divine spiritual quality ; which quality received into the soul , doth first make it to be one of them , who are born of god ? and secondly , indue it with power , to bring forth such works , as they do that are born of him , even as the soul of man being joyned to his body , doth first make him to be of the number of reasonable creatures , and secondly , inable him to perform the natural functions which are proper to his kinde ; that it maketh the soul amiable and gracious in the sight of god , in regard whereof it is termed grace ; that is purgeth , purifieth , and washeth out all the stains , and pollutions of sins , that by it , through the merit of christ we are delivered as from sin , so from eternal death and condemnation , the reward of sin . this grace they will have to be applied by infusion , to the end , that as the body is warm by the heat which is in the body , so the soul might be righteous by inherent grace : which grace they make capable of increase ; as the body may be more and more warm , so the soul more and more justified , according as grace should be augmented ; the augmentation whereof is merited by good works , as good works are made meritorious by it . wherefore , the first receit of grace in their divinity , is , the first justification ; the increase thereof , the second justification . as grace may be increased by the merit of good works : so it may be diminished by the demerit of sins venial , it may be lost by mortal sin . in as much therefore as it is needful in the one case to repair , in the other to recover the loss which is made : the infusion of grace hath her sundry after-meals ; for the which cause , they make many ways to apply the infusion of grace . it is applyed to infants , through baptism , without either faith or works , and in them really it taketh away original sinne , and the punishment due unto it ; it is applied to infidels and wicked men in the first justification , through baptism without works , yet not without faith ; and it taketh away both sinnes actual and original together , with all whatsoever punishment , eternal or temporal , thereby deserved . unto such as have attained the first justification , that is to say , the first receit of grace , it is applied farther by good works to the increase of former grace , which is the second justification . if they work more and more , grace doth more increase , and they are more and more justified . to such as diminished it by venial sinnes , it is applied by holy-water . ave marie's , crossings , papal salutations , and such like , which serve for reparations of grace decayed . to such as have lost it through mortal sinne , it is applied by the sacrament ( as they term it ) of penance : which sacrament hath force to conferr grace anew , yet in such sort , that being so conferred , it hath not altogether so much power , as at the first . for it onely cleanseth out the stain or guilt of sinne committed ; and changeth the punishment eternal into a temporal satisfactory punishment here , if time doe serve ; if not , hereafter to be endured , except it be lightned by masses , works of charity , pilgrimages , fasts , and such like ; or else shortned by pardon for term , or by plenary pardon quite removed , and taken away . this is the mystery of the man of sinne . this maze the church of rome doth cause her followers to tread , when they ask her the way to justification . i cannot stand now to untip this building , and to si● it piece by piece ; onely i will passe by it in few words , that that may befall b●… in the presence of that which god hath builded , as hapned unto dagon before the ark. . doubtless , saith the apostle , i have counted all things loss , and judge them to be doing , that i may win christ ; and to be found in him , not having my own righteousness , but that which is through the faith of christ , the righteousness which is of god through faith. whether they speak of the first or second justification , they make it the essence of a divine quality inherent , they make it righteousnesse which is in us . if it be in us , then is it ours , as our souls are ours though we have them from god , and can hold them no longer than pleaseth him ; for if he withdraw the breath of our nostrils , we fall to dust : but the righteousness wherein we must be found , if we will be justified , is not our own , therefore we cannot be justified by any inherent quality . christ hath merited righteousness for as many as are found in him . in him god findeth us , if we be faithful , for by faith we are incorporated into christ. then , although in our selves we be altogether sinful and unrighteous , yet even the man which is impious in himself , full of iniquity , full of sin ; him being found in christ through faith , and having his sinne remitted through repentance ; him god upholdeth with a gracious eye , putteth away his sinne by not imputing it , taketh quite away the punishment due thereunto by pardoning it , and accepteth him in jesus christ , as perfectly righteous , as if he had fulfilled all that was commanded him in the law : shall i say more perfectly righteous than if himself had fulfilled the whole law ? i must take heed what i say : but the apostle saith , god made him to be sin for us who knew no sin : that we might be made the righteousness of god in him . such we are in the sight of god the father , as is the very son of god himself . let it be counted folly or frensie , or fury , whatsoever ; it is our comfort , and our wisdom ; we care for no knowledge in the world but this , that man hath sinned , and god hath suffered ; that god hath made himself the son of man , and that men are made the righteousness of god. you see therefore that the church of rome , in teaching justification by inherent grace , doth pervert the truth of christ , and that by the hands of the apostles we have received otherwise than she reacheth . now concerning the righteousness of sanctification , we deny it not to be inherent : we grant , that unless we work , we have it not : onely we distinguish it as a thing different in nature from the righteousness of justification : we are righteous the one way , by the faith of abraham ; the other way , except we do the works of abraham , we are not righteous . of the one st. paul , to him that worketh not , but believeth , faith is counted for righteousness . of the other , st. iohn , qui facit iustitiam , justus est ; he is righteous which worketh righteousnesse . of the one , st. paul doth prove by abrahams example , that we have it of faith without works . of the other , st. iames by abrahams example , that by works we have it , and not onely by faith. st. paul doth plainly sever these two parts of christian righteousness one from the other . for in the sixth to the romans thus he writeth , being freed from sin ; and made servants to god , ye have your fruit in holinesse , and the end everlasting life . ye are made free from sin , and made servants unto god ; this is the righteousness of iustification : ye have your fruit in holiness ; this is the righteousness of sanctification . by the one , we are interessed in the right of inheriting ; by the other we are brought to the actual possession of eternal bliss , and so the end of both is everlasting life . . the prophet habakh , doth here term the jews righteous men , not onely because being justified by faith they were free from sin : but also because they had their measure of fruits in holiness . according to whose example of charitable judgement , which leaveth it to god to discern what we are , and speaketh of them according to that which they do profess themselves to be , although they be not holy men , whom men do think , but whom god doth know indeed to be such : yet let every christian man know , that in christian equity , he standeth bound for to think and speak of his brethren , as of men that have a measure in the fruit of holinesse , and a right unto the titles , wherewith god , in token of special favour and mercy , vouchsafeth to honour his chosen servants . so we see the apostle of our saviour christ , do use every where the name of saints ; so the prophet the name of righteous , but let us all be such as we desire to be termed : reatus impii est pium nomen , saith , salvianus ; godly names do not justifie godless men . we are but upbraided , when we are honored with names and titles , whereunto our lives and manners are not suitable , if indeed we have our fruit in holiness , notwithstanding we must note , that the more we abound therein , the more need we have to crave that we may be strengthened and supported : our very vertues may be snares unto us . the enemy , that waiteth for all occasions to work our ruine , hath found it harder to overthrow an humble sinner , than a proud saint . there is no man's case so dangerous , as his whom sathan hath perswaded , that his own righteousness shall present him pure and blamelesse in the sight of god. if we could say , we were not guilty of any thing at all in our consciences ( we know our selves farr from this innocency ; we cannot say , we know nothing by our selves ; but if we could ) should we therefore plead not guilty before the presence of our judge , that sees further into our hearts than we our selves can do ? if our hands did never offer violence to our brethren , a bloody thought doth prove us murtherers before him : if we had never opened our mouth to utter any scandalous , offensive , or hurtful word , the cry of our secret cogitations is heard in the ears of god. if we did not commit the sins , which daily and hourly either in deed , word , or thoughts we do commit ; yet in the good things which we doe , how many defects are these intermingled ! god , in that which is done , respecteth the minde and intention of the doer . cutt off then all those things wherein we have regarded our own glory , those things which men do to please men , and to satisfie our own liking , those things which we do for any by-respect , not sincerely and purely for the love of god : and a small score will serve for the number of our righteous deeds . let the holiest and best things which we do be considered : we are never better affected unto god than when we pray ; yet when we pray , how are our affections many times distracted ! how little reverence do we shew unto the grand majesty of god , unto whom we speak ! how little remorse of our own miseries ! how little taste of the sweet influence of his tender mercies do we feel ! are we not as unwilling many times to begin , and as glad to make an ends ; as if in saying , call upon me , he had set us a very burthensome task ? it may seen somewhat extream , which i will speak ; therefore let every one judge of it , even as his own heart shall tell him , and no otherwise ; i will but onely make a demand : if god should yield unto us , not as unto abraham , if fifty , forty , thirty , twenty , yea , or if ten good persons could be found in a city , for their sakes that city should not be destroyed : but , and if he should make us an offer thus large ; search all the generations of men , sithence the fall of our father adam , finde one man , that hath done one action , which hath past from him pure , without any strain or blemish at all , and for that one man's onely action , neither man nor angel shall feel the torments which are prepared for both . do you think that this ransome , to deliver men and angels , could be found to be among the sons of men ? the best things which we do , have somewhat in them to be pardoned . how then can we do any thing meritorious , or worthy to be rewarded ? indeed , god doth liberally promise whatsoever appertaineth to a blessed life , to as many as sincerely keep his law , though they be not exactly able to keep it . wherefore we acknowledge a dutiful necessity of doing well , but the meritorious dignity of doing well , we utterly renounce . we see how farr we are from the perfect righteousness of the law , the little fruit which we have in holiness , it is , god knoweth , corrupt and unfound : we put no confidence at all in it , we challenge nothing in the world for it , we dare not call god to reckoning , as if we had him in our debt-books : our continual suit to him , is , and must be , to bear with our infirmities , and pardon our offences . . but the people of whom the prophet speaketh , were they all , or were the most part of them such as had care to walk uprightly ? did they thirst after righteousness ? did they with ? did they long with the righteous prophet ? oh that our ways were so direct , that we might keep thy statutes ? did they lament with the righteous apostle ? oh miserable men , the good which we wish and purpose , and strive to do , we cannot ? no , the words of the other prophet concerning this people , do shew the contrary . how grievously hath esay mourned over them ! o sinful nation , laden with iniquity , wicked se●d , corrupt children ! all which notwithstanding , so wide are the bowels of his compassion enlarged , that he denieth us not , no , not when we were laden with iniquity , leave to commune familiarly with him , liberty to crave and intreat , that what plagues soever we have deserved , we may not be in worse case than unbelievers , that we may not be hemmed in by pagans and infidels . ierusalem is a sinful polluted city : but ierusalem compared with babylon , is righteous and shall the righteous be over-born ? shall they be compass'd about by the wicked ? but the prophet doth not onely complain ; lord how commeth it to passe , that thou handlest us so hardly , of whom thy name is called , and bearest with the heathen-nations , that despise thee ? no , he breaketh out through extremity of grief , and inferreth violently : this proceeding is perverse , the righteous are thus handled ; therefore perverse judgment doth proceed . . which illation containeth many things , whereof it were better much both for you to hear , and me to speak , if necessity did not draw me to another task . paul and barnabas being requested to preach the same things again which once they had preached , thought it their duty to satisfie the godly desires of men , sincerely affected to the truth . nor may it seem burdenous for me , nor for you unprofitable , that i follow their example , the like occasion unto theirs being offered me . when we had last the epistle of st. paul to the hebrew ; in hand , and of that epistle these words : in these last dayes he hath spoken unto us by his son : after we had thence collected the nature of the visible church of christ ; and had defined it to be a community of men sanctified through the profession of the truth , which god hath taught the world by his son ; and had declared , that the scope of christian doctrine is the comfort of them whose hearts are over-charged with the burden of sinne ; and had proved that the doctrin professed in the church of rome , doth bereave men of comfort , both in their lives , and in their deaths : the conclusion in the end , whereunto we came , was this , the church of rome being in faith so corrupted , as she is , and refusing to be reformed , as she doth , we are to sever our selves from her ; the example of our fathers may not retain us in communion with that church , under hope that we so continuing , may be saved as well as they . god , i doubt no● , was merciful to save thousands of them , though they lived in popish superstitions , inasmuch as they sinned ignorantly : but the truth is now laid before our eys . the former part of this last sentence , namely , these words : i doubt not , but god was merciful to save thousands of our fathers living in popish superstitions , inasmuch as they seemed ignorantly : this sentence , i beseech you to mark , and to fist it with the severity of austere judgement , that if it be found to be gold , it may be suitable to the precious foundation whereon it was then laid , for i protest , that if it be hay or stubble , my own hand shall see fire on it . two questions have risen by this speech before alledged : the one , whether our fathers , infected with popish errours and superstitions , may be saved ? the other , whether their ignorance be a reasonable inducement to make us think they might ? we are then to examine , first , what possibility ; then , what probability there is , that god might be merciful unto so many of our fathers . . so many of our fathers living in popish superstitions , yet by the mercy of god be saved ? no ; this could not be : god hath spoken by his angel from heaven , unto his people concerning babylon ( by babylon we understand the church of rome ; ) go out of her my people , that ye be not partakers of her plagues . for answer whereunto ; first , i do not take the words to be meant onely of temporal plagues ; of the corporal death , sorrow , famine and fire , whereunto god in his wrath had condemned babylon ; and that to save his chosen people from these plagues , he saith , go out , with like intent , as in the gospel , speaking of ierusalem's desolations , he saith , let them that are in judea , flye unto the mountains , and them that are in the midst thereof depart one : or , as in the former times to lot , arise , take thy wife and thy daughters which are there , lest thou be destroyed in the punishment of the city : but forasmuch as here it is said , go out of babylon ; we doubt , their everlasting destruction , which are partakers therein , is either principally meant , or necessarily implyed in this sentence . how then was it possible for so many of our fathers to be saved , since they were so farr from departing out of babylon , that they took her for their mother , and in her bosome yielded up the ghost ? . first , for the plagues being threatned unto them that are partakers in the sins of babylon , we can define nothing concerning our fathers , our of this sentence : unless we shew what the sins of babylon be ; and what they be which are such partakers of them , that their everlasting plagues are inevitable . the sins which may be common both to them of the church of rome , and to others departed thence , must be severed from this question . he which saith , department of babylon , lest ye be partakers of her sons : sheweth plainly , that he meaneth such sins , as , except we separate ourselves , we have no power in the world to avoid ; such impieties , as by their law they have established , and whereunto all that are among them , either do indeed assent , or else are , by powerful means , forced in shew and appearance , to subject themselves . as for example , in the church of rome it is maintained . that the same credit and reverence that we give to the scriptures of god , ought also to be given to unwritten verities , that the pope is supream head ministerial over the universal church-militant ; that the bread in the eucharist is transubstantiated into christ ; that it is to be adored , and to be offered up unto god , as a sacrifice propitiatory for quick and dead ; that images are to be worshipped ; saints to be called upon as intercessors , and such like . now , because some heresies do concern things only believed , as , the transubstantiation of the sacramental elements in the eucharist ; some concern things which practised and put in ure , as , the adoration of the elements transubstantiated : we must note , that erroneously the practice of that is sometime received , whereof the doctrine , that teacheth it , is not heretically maintained . they are all partakers of the maintenance of heresies , who by word or deed allow them , knowing them , although not knowing them to be heresies ; as also they , and that most dangerously of all others , who knowing heresie to be heresie , do notwithstanding in worldly respects , make semblance of allowing that , which in heart and judgment they condemn : but heresie is heretically maintained , by such as obstinately hold it , after wholsome admonition . of the last sort , as of the next before , i make no doubt , but that their condemnation , without an actual repentance , is inevitable . lest any man therefore should think , that in speaking of our fathers , i should speak indifferently of them all : let my words i beseech you be well marked : i doubt not , but god was merciful to save them sands of our fathers : which thing , i will now , by god's assistance , set more plainly before your eyes . . many are partakers of the error , which are not of the heresie of the church of rome . the people , following the conduct of their guides , and observing as they did , exactly , that which was prescribed , thought they did god good service , when indeed they did dishonour him . this was their error : but the heresie of the church of rome , their dogmatical positions opposite unto christian truth , what one man amongst ten thousand , did ever understand ? of them , which understand roman heresies , and allow them , all are not a like partakers in the action of allowing . some allow them as the first founders and establishers of them : which crime toucheth none but their popes and councels ; the people are dear and free from this . of them which maintain popish heresies , not as authors , but receivers of them from others , all maintain them not as masters . in this are not the people partakers neither , but onely the predicants and schoolmen . of them which have been partakers in this sin of teaching popish heresie , there is also a difference ; for they have not all been teachers of all popish heresie . put a difference , saith s. iude , have compassion upon some . shall we lap up all in one condition ? shall we cast them all headlong ? shall we plunge them all into that infernal and everlasting flaming lake ? them that have been partakers of the errors of babylon , together with them which are in the heresie ? them which have been the authors of heresie , with them that by terror and violence have been forced to receive it ? them who have taught it , with them whose simplicity hath by slights and conveyances of false teachers , been seduced to believe it ? them which have been partakers in one , with them which have been partakers in many ? them which in many , with them which in all ? . notwithstanding i grant , that although the condemnation of them be more tolerable then of these : yet from the man that laboureth at the plough , to him that sitteth in the vatican ; to all partakers in the sins of babylon ; to our fathers , though they did but erroneously practise that which the guide heretically taught ; to all without exception , plagues were due . the pit is ordinarily the end , as well of the guide , as of the guided in blindness . but wo worth the hour wherein we were born , except we might promise our selves better things ; things which accompany mans salvation , even where we know that worse , and such as accompany condemnation are due . then must we shew some way how possibly they might escape . what way is there that sinners can find to escape the judgement of god , but only by appealing to the seat of his saving mercy ? which mercy , with origen , we do not extend to divels and damned spirits . god hath mercy upon thousands , but there be thousands also which he hardneth . christ hath therefore set the bounds , he hath fixed the limits of his saving mercy within the compass of these termes : god sent not his own son to condemn the world , but that the world through him might be saved . in the third of s. iohns gospel mercy is restrained to believers : i le that believeth shall not be condemned ; i le that believeth not , is condemned already , because he believeth not in the son of god. in the second of the revelation , mercy is restrained to the penitent . for of iezabel and her sectarics , thus he speakth : i gave her space to repent , and she repented not . behold , i will cast her into a bed , and them that commit fornication with her into great affliction , except they repent them of their works , and i will kill her children with death . our hope therefore of the fathers is , if they were not altogether faithless and impenitent , that they are saved . . they are not all faithless that are weak in assenting to the truth , or stiff in maintaining things opposite to the truth of christian doctrine . but as many as hold the foundation which is precious , though they hold it but weakly , and as it were with a slender thred , although they frame many base and unsuitable things upon it , things that cannot abide the tryal of the fire ; yet shall they pass the fiery tryal and be saved , which indeed have builded themselves upon the rock , which is the foundation of the church . if then our fathers did not hold the foundation of faith , there is no doubt but they were faithless . if many of them held it , then is therein no impediment , but many of them might be saved . then let us see what the foundation of faith is , and whether we may think that thousands of our fathers being in popish superstitions , did notwithstanding hold the foundation . . if the foundation of faith do import the general ground whereupon we rest when we do believe , the writings of the evangelists and the apostles are the foundation of the christian faith : credimus quia legimus , saith s. ierome : oh that the church of rome did as a soundly interpret these fundamental writings whereupon we build our faith , as she doth willingly hold and imbrace them . . but if the name of foundation do note the principal thing which is believed : then is that the foundation of our faith which st paul hath to timothy : b god manifested in the flesh , justified in the spirit , &c. that of nathaniel , c thou art the son of the living god : thou art the king of israel : that of the inhabitants of samaria , d this is christ the saviour of the world : he that directly denieth this , doth utterly raze the very foundation of our faith. i have proved heretofore , that although the church of rome hath plaid the harlot worse then ever did israel , yet are they not , as now the synagogue of the iews which plainly deny christ jesus , quite and clean excluded from the new covenant . but as samaria compared with ierusalem is termed aholath , a church or tabernacle of her own ; contrariwise , ierusalem aholibath , the resting place of the lord : so , whatsoever we term the church of rome , when we compare her with reformed churches , still we put a difference , as then between babylon and samaria , so now between rome and the heathenish assemblies : which opinion i must and will recall ; i must grant and will , that the church of rome together with all her children , is clean excluded . there is no difference in the world between our fathers and saracens , turks and painims , if they did directly deny christ crucified for the salvation of the world. . but how many millions of them were known so to have ended their lives , that the drawing of their breath hath ceased with the uttering of this faith , christ my saviour , my redeemer iesus ? answer is made , that this they might unfainedly confess , and yet be far enough from salvation . for behold , saith the apostle , i paul say unto you , that if ye be circumcised , christ shall profit you nothing . christ in the work of mans salvation is alone : the galathians were cast away by joyning circumcision and the other rites of the law with christ : the church of rome doth teach her children to joyn other things likewise with him ; therefore their saith , their belief doth not profit them any thing at all . it is true that they do indeed joyn other things with christ : but how : not in the work of redemption it self , which they grant , that christ alone hath performed sufficiently for the salvation of the whole world ; but in the application of this inestimable treasure , that it may be effectual to their salvation : how demurely soever they confess , that they seek remission of sins no otherwise then by the blood of christ , using humbly the means appointed by him to apply the benefit of his holy blood ; they teach indeed , so many things pernicious in christian faith , in setting down the means whereof they speak , that the very foundation of faith which they hold is thereby e plainly overthrown , and the force of the blood of jesus christ extinguished . we may therefore disputing with them , urge them even with as dangerous sequels , as the apostle doth the galatians . but i demand , if some of those galatians heartily embracing the gospel of christ , sincere and sound in faith ( this one only error excepted ) had ended their lives before they were ever taught how perillous an opinion they held ; shall we think that the danger of this error did so over-weigh the benefit of their faith , that the mercy of god might not save them ? i grant they overthrew the foundation of faith by consequent ; doth not that so likewise which the f lutheran churches do at this day so stifly and so firmly maintain ? for mine own part i dare not here deny the possibility of their salvation which have been the chiefest instruments of ours , albeit they carried to their grave a perswasion so greatly repugnant to the truth . forasmuch therefore as it may be said of the church of rome , she hath yet a little strength , she doth not directly deny the foundation of christianity : i may , i trust without offence , perswade my self that thousands of our fathers in former times living and dying within her walls , have found mercy at the hands of god. . what , although they repented not of their errors ? god forbid that i should open my mouth to gain-say that which christ himself hath spoken : except ye repent , ye shall all perish . and if they did not repent they perished . but withall note , that we have the benefit of a double repentance : the least sin which we commit in deed , thought , or word , is death without repentance . yet how many things do escape us in every of these , which we do not know ? how many , which we do not observe to be sins ? and without the knowledge , without the observation of sin , there is no actual repentance . it cannot then be chosen , but that for as many as hold the foundation , and have holden all sins and errors in hatred , the blessing of repentance for unknown sins and errors is obtained at the hands of god , through the gracious mediation of jesus christ , for such suiters as cry with the prophet david : purge me , o lord , from my secret sins . . but we wash a wall of lome , we labour in vain , all this is nothing ; it doth not prove ; it cannot justifie that which we go about to maintain . infidels and heathen men are not so godless , but that they may no doubt , cry god mercy , and desire in general to have their sins forgiven them . to such as deny the foundation of faith there can be no salvation ( according to the ordinary course which god doth use in saving men ) without a particular repentance of that error . the galathians thinking that unless they were circumcised , they could not be saved , overthrew the foundation of faith directly : therefore if any of them did die so perswaded , whether before or after they were told of their errors , their end is dreadful ; there is no way with them but one , death and condemnation . for the apostle speaketh nothing of men departed , but saith generally of all , if ye be circumcised , christ shall profit you nothing . ye are abolished from christ , whosoever are justified by the law ; ye are fallen from grace , gal. . of them in the church of rome the reason is the same . for whom antichrist hath seduced , concerning them did not s. paul speak long before , they received not the word of truth , that they might not be saved ? therefore god would send them strong delusions to beleeve lies , that all they might be damned which believe not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousness . and s. iohn , all that dwell upon the earth shall worship him , whose names are not written in the book of life , apoc. . indeed many in former times as their books and writings do yet shew , held the foundation , to wit , salvation by christ alone , and therefore might be saved . god hath always had a church amongst them , which firmly kept his saving truth . as for such as hold with the church of rome , that we cannot be saved by christ alone without works ; they do not only by a circle of consequence , but directly deny the foundation of faith ; they hold it not , no not so much as by a thred . . this to my remembrance , being all that hath been opposed with any countenance or shew of reason , i hope , if this be answered , the cause in question is at an end . concerning general repentance therefore : what ? a murtherer , a blasphemer , an unclean person , a turk , a iew , any sinner to escape the wrath of god by a general repentance , god forgive me ? truly , it never came within my heart , that a general repentance doth serve for all sins : it serveth only for the common over-sights of our sinful life , and for the faults which either we do not mark , or do not know that they are faults . our fathers were actually penitent for sins , wherein they knew they displeased god ; or else they fall not within the compass of my first speech . again , that otherwise they could not be saved , than holding the foundation of christian faith , we have not only affirmed , but proved . why is it not then confessed , that thousands of our fathers which lived in popish superstitions , might yet by the mercy of god be saved ? first , if they had directly denied the very foundations of christianity , without repenting them particularly of that sin , he which saith , there could be no salvation for them , according to the ordinary course which god doth use in saving men , granteth plainly , or at the least closely insinuateth , that an extraordinary priviledge of mercy might deliver their souls from hell , which is more then i required . secondly , if the foundation be denied , it is denied for fear of some heresie which the church of rome maintaineth . but how many were there amongst our fathers , who being seduced by the common error of that church , never knew the meaning of her heresies ? so that although all popish hereticks did perish ; thousands of them which lived in popish superstitions might be saved . thirdly , seeing all that held popish heresies , did not hold all the heresies of the pope : why might not thousands which were infected with other leaven , live and die unsowred with this , and so be saved ? fourthly , if they all held this heresie , many there were that held it , no doubt ; but onely in a general form of words , which a favourable interpretation might expound in a sense differing far enough from the poysoned conceit of heresie . as for example ; did they hold , that we cannot be saved by christ without good works ? we our selves do , i think , all say as much , with this construction , salvation being taken as in that sentence , corde creditur ad justitiam , ore fit confessio ad salutem , except infants and men , cut off upon the point of their conversion ; of the rest none shall see god , but such as seek peace and holiness , though not as a cause of their salvation , yet as a way which they must walk which will be saved . did they hold , that without works we are not justified ? take justification so as it may also imply sanctification , and st. iames doth say as much . for except there be an ambiguity in the same term , st. paul and st. iames do contradict each the other : which cannot be . now there is no ambiguity in the name either of faith , or of works , being meant by them both in one and the same sense . finding therefore , that justification is spoken of by st paul , without implying sanctification , when he proveth that a man is justified by faith without works ; finding likewise that justification doth sometime imply sanctification also with it : i suppose nothing to be more sound , then so to interpret st iames , speaking not in that sense , but in this . . we have already shewed , that there be two kinds of christian righteousness : the one without us , which we have by imputation ; the other in us which consisteth of faith , hope , and charity , and other christian vertues : and s. iames doth prove that abraham had not onely the one , because the thing believed was imputed unto him for righteousness ; but also the other , because he offered up his son. god giveth us both the one justice and the other ; the one by accepting us for righteous in christ , the other by working christian righteousness in us . the proper and most immediate efficient cause in us of this latter is the spirit of adoption we have received into our hearts . that whereof it consisteth , whereof it is really and formally made , are those infused vertues , proper and peculiar unto saints , which the spirit in the very moment when first it is given of god bringeth with it : the effects whereof are such actions as the apostle doth call the fruits of works , the operation of the spirit : the difference of the which operations from the root whereof they spring , maketh it needful to put two kinds likewise of sanctifying righteousness , habitual , and actual . habitual , that holiness , wherewith our souls are inwardly indued , the same instant , when first we begin to be the temples of the holy ghost . actual , that holiness , which afterwards beautifieth all the parts and actions of our life , the holiness for which enoch , iob , zachary , elizabeth , and other saints , are in the scriptures so highly commended . if here i● he demanded , which of these we do first receive : i answer , that the spirit , the vertue of the spirit , the habitual justice , which is ingrafted , the external justice of jesus christ , which is imputed ; these we receive all at one and the same time ; whensoever we have any of these , we have all , they go together : yet sith , no man is justified except he believe , and no man believeth except he hath faith , and no man except he hath received the spirit of adoption , hath faith : forasmuch as they do necessarily infer justification , and justification doth of necessity presuppose them : we must needs hold that imputed righteousness , in dignity being the chiefest , is notwithstanding in order to the last of all these ? but actual righteousness , which is the righteousness of good works succeedeth all , followeth after all , both in order and time . which being attentivly marked , sheweth plainly how the faith of true believers cannot be divorced from hope and love● how faith is a part of sanctification , and yet unto justification necessary ; how faith is perfected by good works , and not works of ours without faith : finally , how our fathers might hold , that we are justified by faith alone , and yet hold truly that without works we are not justified . did they think that men do merit rewards in heaven , by the works they perform on earth ? the ancients use meriting for obtaining , and in that sense they of wittenberg have it in their confession ; we teach that good works commanded of god , are necessarily to be done , and by the free kindness of god they merit their certain rewards . therefore speaking as our fathers did , and we taking their speech , in a ●ound meaning , as we may take our fathers , and might for as much as their meaning is doubtful , and charity doth always interpret doubtful things favourably : what should induce as to think that rather the damage of the worst construction did light upon them all , then that the blessing of the better was granted unto thousands ? fiftly , if in the worst construction that may be made , they had generally all imbraced it living , might not many of them dying utterly renounce it ? howsoever men when they sit at ease , do vainly tickle their hearts with the vain conceit of i know not what proportionable correspondence , between their merits and their rewards , which in the trance of their high speculations they dream that god hath measured , weighed , and laid up , as it were in bundles for them : notwithstanding , we see by daily experience , in a number even of them , that when the hour of death approacheth , when they secretly hear themselves summoned forthwith to appear , and stand at the bar of that judge , whose brightness causeth the eyes of the angels themselves to dazel , all these idle imaginations do then begin to hide their faces ; to name merits then , is to lay their souls upon the rack , the memory of their own deeds is lothsome unto them , they forsake all things , wherein they have put any trust or confidence ; no staff to lean upon , no ease , no rest , no comfort then , but onely in jesus christ. . wherefore if this proposition were true : to hold in such wise , as the church of rome doth , that we cannot be saved by christ alone without works , is directly to deny the foundation of faith ; i say , that if this proposition were true : nevertheless so many ways i have shewed , whereby we may hope that thousands of our fathers which lived in popish superstition , might be saved . but what if it be not true ? what if neither that of the galathians , concerning circumcision ; nor this of the church of rome by workes be any direct denial of the foundation as it is affirmed , that both are ? i need not wade so far as to discuss this controversie , the matter which first was brought into question being so clear , as i hope it is . howbeit because i desire , that the truth even in that also should receive light , i will do mine indeavour to set down somewhat more plainly ; first , the foundation of faith , what it is : secondly , what is directly to deny the foundation : thirdly whether they whom god hath chosen to be heirs of life , may fall so far as directly to deny it : fourthly , whether the galathians did so by admitting the error about circumcision and the law ; last of all , whether the church of rome for this one opinion of works , may be thought to do the like , and thereupon to be no more a christian church , than are the assemblies of turks and jews . . this word foundation being figuratively used , hath always reference to somewhat which resembleth a material building , as both that doctrine of laws and the community of christians do . by the masters of civil policy nothing is so much inculcated , as that commonweals are founded upon laws ; for that a multitude cannot be compacted into one body otherwise then by a common acception of laws , whereby they are to be kept in order , the ground of all civil laws is this : no man ought to be hurt or injured by another : take away this perswasion , and yet take away all the laws : take away laws , and what shall become of common-weals ? so it is in our spiritual christian community : i do not mean that body mystical , whereof christ is onely the head , that building undiscernable by mortal eyes , wherein christ is the chief corner stone : but i speak of the visible church ; the foundation whereof is the doctrine which the prophets and the apostles profest . the mark whereunto their doctrine tendeth , is pointed at in these words of peter unto christ. thou hast the words of eternal life : in those words of paul to timothy , the holy scriptures are able to wake thee wise unto salvation . it is the demand of nature it self , what shall we do to have eternal life ? the desire of immortality and the knowledge of that , whereby it may be obtained , is so natural unto all men , that even they who are not perswaded , that they shall , do notwithstanding wish , that they might know a way how to see no end of life . and because natural means are not able still to resist the force of death : there is no people in the earth so savage , which hath not devised some supernatural help or other , to fly for aid and succour in extremities , against the enemies of the laws . a longing therefore to be saved , without understanding the true way how , hath been the cause of all the superstitions in the world. o that the miserable state of others , which wander in darkness , and wot not whither they go , could give us understanding hearts , worthily to esteem the riches of the mercy of god towards us , before whose eys the doors of the kingdom of heaven are set wide open● should we offer violence unto it ? it offereth violence unto us , and we gather strength to withstand it . but i am besides my purpose , when i fall to bewail the cold affection which we bear towards that whereby we should be saved ; my purpose being only to set down , what the ground of salvation is . the doctrine of the gospel proposeth salvation as the end : and doth it not teach the way of attaining thereunto ? yet the damosel possest with a spirit of divination , spake the truth : these men are the servants of the most high god , which shew unto us the way of salvation : a new and living way which christ hath prepared for us , through the vail , that is , his flesh ; salvation purchased by the death of christ. by this foundation the children of god before the written law were distinguished from the sons of men ; the reverend patriarks both possest it living , and spake expresly of it at the hour of their death . it comforted iob in the midst of grief : as it was afterwards the anker-hold of all the righteous in israel , from the writing of the law , to the time of grace . every prophet making mention of it . it was famously spoken of about the time , when the comming of christ to accomplish the promises , which were made long before it , drew near , that the sound thereof was heard even amongst the gentiles . when he was come , as many as were his , acknowledged that he was their salvation ; he , that long expected hope of israel ; he , that seed , in whom all the nations of the earth shall be blessed . so that now he is a name of ruine , a name of death and condemnation , unto such as dream of a new messias , to as many as look for salvation by any other but by him . for amongst men there is given no other name under heaven whereby we must be saved . thus much s. mark doth intimate by that , which he doth put in the front of this book , making his entrance with these words : the beginning of the gospel of iesus christ , the son of god. his doctrine he termeth the gospel , because it teacheth salvation ; the gospel of jesus christ the son of god , because it teacheth salvation by him . this is then the foundation , whereupon the frame of the gospel is erected ; that very jesus whom the virgin conceived of the holy ghost , whom simeon imbraced in his arms , whom pilat condemned , whom the iews crucified , whom the apostles preached , he is christ , the lord , the onely saviour of the world : other foundation can no man lay . thus i have briefly opened that principle in christianity , which we call the foundation of our faith . it followeth now that i declare unto you , what is directly to overthrow it . this will be better opened , if we understand , what it is to hold the foundation of faith. . there are which defend , that many of the gentiles , who never heard the name of christ , held the foundation of christianity , and why ? they acknowledged many of them , the providence of god , his infinite wisedom , strength , power ; his goodness , and his mercy towards the children of men ; that god hath judgment in store for the wicked , but for the righteous , which serve him , rewards , &c. in this which they confessed , that lyeth covered which we believe ; in the rudiments of their knowledge concerning god , the foundation of our faith concerning christ , lyeth secretly wrapt up , and is vertually contained : therefore they held the foundation of faith , though they never had it . might we not with as good a colour of reason defend , that every plowman hath all the sciences , wherein philosophers have excelled ? for no man is ignorant of their first principles , which do vertually contain , whatsoever by natural means is or can be known . yea , might we not with as great reason affirm , that a man may put three mighty oaks wheresoever three akoms may be put ? for vertually an akom is an oak . to avoid such paradoxes , we teach plainly , that , to hold the foundation , is , in express terms to acknowledg it . . now , because the foundation is an affirmative proposition , they all overthrow it , who deny it ; they directly overthrow it , who deny it directly ; and they overthrow it by consequent , or indirectly , which hold any one assertion whatsoever , whereupon the direct denial thereof may be necessarily concluded , what is the question between the gentiles and us , but this , whether salvation be by christ ? what between the iews and us , but this , whether by this iesus , whom we call christ , yea or no ? this is to be the main point whereupon christianity standeth , it is clear by that one sentence of festus concerning pauls accusers : they brought no crime of such things as i supposed , but had certain questions against him of their superstition , and of one iesus , which was dead , whom paul affirmed to be alive . where we see that jesus , dead and raised for the salvation of the world , is by iesus denied , despised by a gentile , by a christian apostle maintained . the fathers therefore in the primitive church when they wrote ; tertullian , the book which he called apologeticus ; minutius faelix , the book which he intitleth octavius , arnobius ; the seventh books against the gentiles ; chrysostom , his orations against the jews ; eusebius , his ten books of evangelical demonstration : they stand in defence of christianity against them , by whom the foundation thereof was directly denied . but the writings of the fathers against novatians , pelagians , and other hereticks of the like note , refel positions , whereby the foundation of christian faith was overthrown by consequent onely . in the former sort of writings the foundation is proved ; in the latter , it is alledged as a proof , which to men that had been known directly to deny , must needs have seemed a very beggerly kind of disputing . all infidels therefore deny the foundation of faith directly ; by consequent , many a christian man , yea whole christian churches have denied it , and do deny it at this present day . christian churches , the foundation of christianity : not directly , for then they cease to be christian churches ; but by consequent , in respect whereof we condemn them as erroneous , although for holding the foundation we do and must hold them christians . . we see what it is to hold the foundation ; what directly , and what by consequent to deny it . the next thing which followeth , is , whether they whom god hath chosen to obtain the glory of our lord jesus christ , may once effectually called , and through faith justified truly , afterwards fall so far , as directly to deny the foundation , which their hearts have before imbraced with joy and comfort in the holy ghost ; for such is the faith , which indeed doth justifie . devils know the same things which we believe , and the minds of the most ungodly may be fully perswaded of the truth ; which knowledge in the one , and in the other , is sometimes termed faith , but equivocally , being indeed no such faith as that , whereby a christian man is justified . it is the spirit of adoption , which worketh faith in us , in them not : the things which we believe , are by us apprehended , not onely as true , but also as good and that to us : as good , they are not by them apprehended ; as true , they are . whereupon followeth the third difference ; the christian man the more he encreaseth in faith , the more his joy and comfort aboundeth : but they , the more sure they are of the truth , the more they quake and tremble at it . this begetteth another effect , where the hearts of the one sort have a different disposition from the other . non ignoro plerosque conscientia meritorum , nihil se esse per mortem magis optare quam credere , malunt cuim extingui penitus , quam ad supplicia reparari . i am not ignorant , saith minutius , that there be many , who being conscious what they are to look for , do rather wish that they might , then think that they shall cease , when they cease to live ; because they hold it better that death should consume them unto nothing , then god revive them unto punishment . so it is in other articles of faith , whereof wicked men think , no doubt , many times they are too true : on the contrary side , to the other , there is no grief or torment greater , then to feel their perswasion weak in things● whereof when they are perswaded , they reap such comfort and joy of spirit : such is the faith whereby we are justified ; such , i mean , in respect of the quality . for touching the principal object of faith , longer then it holdeth the foundation whereof we have spoken , it neither justifieth , nor is , but ceaseth to be faith ; when it ceaseth to believe , that jesus christ is the onely saviour of the world. the cause of life spiritual in us , is christ , not carnally or corporally inhabiting , but dwelling in the soul of man , as a thing which ( when the minde apprehendeth it ) is said to inhabite or possess the minde . the minde conceiveth christ by hearing the doctrine of christianity , as the light of nature doth the minde to apprehend those truths which are meerly rational , so that saving truth , which is far above the reach of humane reason , cannot otherwise , then by the spirit of the almighty , be conceived , all these are implied , wheresoever any of them is mentioned as the cause of the spiritual life . wherefore if we have read , that a the spirit is our life ; or , b the word our life ; or , c christ our life : we are in very of these to understand , that our life is christ , by the hearing of the gospel , apprehended as a saviour , and assented unto through the power of the holy ghost . the first intellectual conceit and comprehension of christ so imbraced , st. peter calleth the seed whereof we be new born : our first imbracing of christ , is our first reviving from the state of death and condemation . he that hath the son , hath life , saith st. iohn , and he that hath not the son of god hath not life . if therefore he which once hath the son , may cease to have the son , though it be for a moment , he ceaseth for that moment to have life . but the life of them which have the son of god , is everlasting in the world to come . but because as christ being raised from the dead dyed no more , death hath no more power over him : so justified man , being allied to god in jesus christ our lord , doth as necessarily from that time forward always live , as christ , by whom he hath life , liyeth always , i might , if i had not otherwhere largely done it already , shew by many and sundry manifest and clear proofs , how the motions and operations of life are sometime so indiscernable , and so secret , that they seem stone-dead , who notwithstanding are still alive unto god in christ. for as long as that abideth in us , which animateth , quickneth , and giveth life , so long we live , and we know , that the cause of our faith abideth in us for ever . i. christ the fountain of life , may flit and leave the habitation , where once he dwelleth what shall become of his promise , i am with you to the worlds end ? if the seed of god , which containeth christ , may be first conceived , and then cast out : how doth s. peter term it immortal ? how doth st. iohn affirm , it abideth ? if the spirit , which is given to cherish , and preserve the seed of life , may be given and taken away , how is it the earnest of our inheritance until redemption ? how doth it continue with us for ever ? if therefore the man which is once just by faith , shall live by faith , and live for ever , it followeth , that he which once doth believe the foundation , must needs believe the foundation forever . if he believe it for ever , how can he ever directly deny it ? faith holding the direct affirmation ; the direct negation , so long as faith continueth , is excluded . object . but you will say , that as he that is to day holy , may to morrow forsake his holiness , and become impure , as a friend may change his minde , and be made an enemy ; as hope may wither : so saith may dye in the heart of man , the spirit may be quenched , grace may be extinguished , they which believe may be quite turned away from the truth , sol. the case is clear , long experience hath made this manifest , it needs no proof . i grant we are apt , prone , and ready to forsake god ; but is god as ready to forsake us ? our mindes are changeable ; is his so likewise ? whom god hath justified hath not christ assured , that it is his fathers will to give them a kingdom ? notwithstanding , it shall not be otherwise given them , than if they continue grounded and stablished in the faith , and be not moved away from the hope of the gospel ; if they abide in love and holiness . our saviour therefore , when he spake of the sheep effectually called , and truly gathered into his fold , i give unto-them eternal life , and they shall never perish , neither shall any pluck them out of my hands ; in promising to save them , he promised , no doubt , to preserve them in that , without which there can be no salvation , as also from that whereby it is irrecoverably lost . every errour in things appertaining unto god , is repugnant unto faith ; every fearful cogitation , unto hope ; unto love , every stragling inordinate desire ; unto holiness , every blemish wherewith either the inward thoughts of our mindes , or the outward actions of our lives are stained . but heresie , such as that of ebion , gerinthus , and others , against whom the apostles were forced to bend themselves , both by word , and also by writing ; that repining discouragement of heart , which tempteth god , whereof we have israel in the desart for a pattern ; coldness , such as that in the angels of ephesus ; soul sins , known to be expresly against the first , or second table of the law , such as noah , monasses , david , solomon , and peter committed : these are each in their kind so opposite to the former vertues , that they leave no place for salvation without an actual repentance . but infidelity , extream despair , hatred of god and all goodness , obduration in sin cannot stand where there is but the least spark of faith , hope , love and sanctity , even as cold in the lowest degree cannot be , where heat in the highest degree is found . whereupon i conclude , that although in the first kind , no man liveth , which sinneth not ; and in the second , as perfect as any do live , may sinne : yet sith the man which is born of god , hath a promise , that in him the seed of god shall abide ; which seed is a sure preservative against the sinnes that are of the third suit : greater and clearer assurance we cannot have of any thing , than of this , that from such sinnes god shall preserve the righteous , as the apple of his eye for ever . directly to deny the foundation of faith , is plain infidelity ; where faith is entred , there infidelity is for ever excluded : therefore by him which hath once sincerely believed in christ , the foundation of christian faith can never be directly denied ? did not peter ? did not marcellinus ? did not others both directly deny christ , after that they had believed ; and again believe , after they had denied ? no doubt , as they confesse in words , whose condemnation is nevertheless their not believing : ( for example we have iudas : ) so likewisewise , they may believe in heart , whose condemnation , without repentance , is their not confessing . although therefore , peter and the rest , for whose faith christ hath prayed , that it might not fail , did not by denial , sinne the sinne of infidelity , which is an inward abnegation of christ ; ( for if they had done this , their faith had clearly failed : ) yet , because they sinned notoriously and grievously , committing that which they knew to be expresly forbidden by the law , which saith , thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him onely shalt thou serve , necessary it was , that he which purposed to save their souls , should , as he did touch their hearts with true unfeigned repentance , that his mercy might restore them again to life , whom sinne had made the children of death and condemnation . touching the point therefore , i hope i may safely set down , that if the justified erre , as he may , and never come to understand his errour , god doth save him through general repentance : but if he fall into heresie , he calleth him at one time or other by actual repentance ; but from infidelity , which is an inward direct denial of the foundation , he preserveth him by special providence for ever . whereby we may easily know , what to think of those galatians , whose hearts were so possest with the love of the truth , that , if it had been possible , they would have pluckt out their eyes to bestow upon their teachers . it is true , that they were greatly * changed , both in perswasion and affection : so that the galatians , when saint paul wrote unto them , were not now the galatians which they had been in former time , for that through errour they wandred , although they were his sheep , i do not deny , but that i should deny , that they were his sheep , if i should grant , that through errour they perished . it was a perilous opinion that they held , perilous even in them that held it only as an errour , because it overthroweth the foundation by consequent . but in them which obstinately maintain it , i cannot think it less than a damnable heresie . we must therefore put a difference between them which erre of ignorance , retaining neverthelesse a mind desirous to be instructed in truth , and them , which after the truth is laid open , persist in the stubborn defence of their blindness . heretical defenders , froward and stiff-necked teachers of circumcision , the blessed apostle calls doggs : silly men , who were seduced to think they taught the truth , he pitieth , he taketh up in his arms , he lovingly imbraceth , he kisseth , and with more than fatherly tenderness doth so temper , qualifie , and correct the speech he useth towards them , that a man cannot easily discern , whether did most abound , the love which he bare to to their godly affection , or the grief which the danger of their opinion bred him . their opinion was dangerous ; was not theirs also , who thought the kingdome of christ should be earthly ? was not theirs , which thought the gospel onely should be preached to the jewes ? what more opposite to prophetical doctrine , concerning the comming of christ , than the one ? concerning the catholick church , than the other ? yet they which had these fancies , even when they had them , were not the worst men in the world. the heresie of free-will was a milstone about the pelagians neck ; shall we therefore give sentence of death inevitable against all those fathers in the greek church , which being mis-perswaded , dyed in the errour of free-will ? of these galatians therefore , which first were justified , and then deceived , as i can see no cause , why as many as dyed before admonition , might not by mercy be received , even in errour ; so i make no doubt , but as many as lived till they were admonished , found the mercy of god effectual in converting them from their a errour , lest any one that is christ's should perish . of this i take it , there is no controversie : only against the salvation of them that dyed , though before admonition , yet in errour , it is objected ; that their opinion was a very plain direct denial of the foundation . if paul and barnabas had been so perswaded , they would haply have used the terms otherwise , speaking of the masters themselves , who did first set that errour abroach , b certain of the sect of the pharisees which believed . what difference was there between these pharisees , and other pharisees , from whom , by a special description they are distinguished , but this ? these which came to antioch , teaching the necessity of circumcision , were christians ; the other , enemies of christianity . why then should these be tenned so distinctly believers , if they did directly deny the foundation of our belief ; besides which , there was no other thing , that made the rest to be no believers ? we need go no farther than saint paul's very reasoning against them , for proof of this matter ; seeing you know god , or rather are known of god ? how turn you again to impotent rudiments ? the c law engendreth servants , her children are in bondage : d they which are begotten by the gospel , are free . e brethren , we are not children of the servant , but of the free-woman , and will ye yet be under the law ? that they thought it unto salvation necessary , for the church of christ to f observe dayes , and months , and times , and years , to keep the ceremonies and sacraments of the law , this was their errour . yet he which condemneth their errour , confesseth , that , notwithstanding , they knew god , and were known of him ; he taketh not the honour from them to be termed sonnes , begotten of the immortal seed of the gospel . let the heaviest words which he useth , be weighed ; consider the drift of those dreadful conclusions : if ye be circumcised , christ shall profit you nothing : as many as are justified by the law , are fallen from grace . it had been to no purpose in the world so to urge them , had not the apostle been perswaded , that at the hearing of such sequels , no benefit by christ , a defection from grace , their hearts would tremble and quake within them : and why ? because that they knew , that in christ , and in grace , their salvation lay , which is a plain direct acknowledgement of the foundation . lest i should herein seem to hold that which no one learned or godly hath done , let these words be considered , which import as much as i affirm . surely those brethren , which in saint pauls time , thought that god did lay a necessity upon them to make choyse of dayes and meats , spake as they believed , and could not but in words condemn the liberty , which they supposed to be brought in against the authority of divine scripture . otherwise it had been needlesse for saint paul to admonish them , not to condemn such as eat without scrupulosity , whatsoever was set before them . this errour , if you weigh what it is of it self , did at once overthrow all scriptures , whereby we are taught salvation by faith in christ , all that ever the prophets did soretell , all that ever the apostles did preach of christ , it drew with it the denial of christ utterly : insomuch , that saint paul complaineth , that his labour was lost upon the galatians , unto whom this errour was obtruded , affirming , that christ , if so be they were circumcised , should not profit them any thing at all . yet so farr was saint paul from striking their names out of christ's book , that he commandeth others to entertain them , to accept with singular humanity , to use them like brethren : he knew man's imbecillity , he had a feeling of our blindnesse which are mortal men , how great it is , and being sure that they are the sonnes of god whosoever be endued with his fear , would not have them counted enemies of that whereunto they could not as yet frame themselves to be friends , but did ever upon a very religious affection to the truth , willingly reject the truth . they acknowledged christ to be their onely and perfect saviour , but saw not how repugnant their believing the necessity of mosaical ceremonies was to their faith in jesus christ. hereupon a reply is made , that if they had not directly denied the foundation , they might have been saved ; but saved they could not be , therefore their opinion was , not onely by consequent , but directly ; a denial of the foundation . when the question was about the possibility of their salvation , their denying of the foundation was brought to prove , that they could not be saved : now , that the question is about their denial of the foundation , the impossibility of their salvation is alledged to prove , they denied the foundation . is there nothing which excludeth men from salvation , but onely the foundation of faith denied ? i should have thought , that , besides this , many other things are death unto as many as understanding that to cleave thereunto , was to fall from christ , did notwithstanding cleave unto them . but of this enough . wherefore i come to the last question , whether that the doctrin of the church of rome , concerning the necessity of works unto salvation , be a direct denial of our faith ? . i seek not to obtrude unto you any private opinion of mine own ; the best learned in our profession , are of this judgement , that all the corruptions of the church of rome , do not prove her to deny the foundation directly ; if they did , they should grant her simply to be no christian church . but , i supopose , saith one , that in the papacy some church remaineth , a church crazed , or , if you will , broken quite in pieces , forlorn , mishapen , yet some church : his reason is this , antichrist must sit in the temple of god. lest any man should think such sentences as these to be true , onely in regard of them whom that church is supposed to have kept by the special providence of god , as it were , in the secret corners of his bosome , free from infection , and as sound in the faith , as we trust , by his mercy , we our selves are ; i permit it to your wise considerations , whether it be more likely , that as frenzy , though it take away the use of reason , doth notwithstanding prove them reasonable creatures which have it , because none can be frantick but they : so antichristianity being the bane and plain overthrow of christianity , may neverthelesse argue , the church where antichrist sitteth , to be christian , neither have i ever hitherto heard or read any one word alledged of force to warrant , that god doth otherwise , than so as in the two next questions before hath been declared , binde himself to keep his elect from worshipping the beast , and from receiving his mark in their foreheads : but he hath preserved , and will preserve them from receiving any deadly wound at the hands of the man of sinne , whose deceit hath prevailed over none unto death , but onely unto such as never loved the truth , such as took pleasure in unrighteousnesse : they in all ages , whose hearts have delighted in the principal truth , and whose souls have thirsted after righteousness , if they received the mark of errour , the mercy of god , even erring , and dangerously erring , might save them ; if they received the mark of heresie , the same mercy did , i doubt not , convert them . how farr romish heresies may prevail over god's elect , how many god hath kept falling into them , how many have been converted from them , is not the question now in hand : for if heaven had not received any one of that coat for these thousand years , it may still be true , that the doctrine which this day they do professe , doth not directly deny the foundation , and so prove them simply to be no christian church . one i have alleadged , whose words , in my ears , sound that way : shall i adde another , whose speech is plain ? i deny her not the name of a church , saith another , no more than to a man the name of a man , as long as he liveth , what sicknesse soever he hath . his reason is this , salvation is iesus christ , which is the mark which joyneth the head with the body , iesus christ with the church , is so cut off by many merits , by the merits of saints , by the popes pardons , and such other wickednesse , that the life of the church boldeth by a very thred , yet still the life of the church holdeth . a third hath these words , i acknowledge the church of rome , even at this present day , for a church of christ , such a church as israel did jeroboam yet a church . his reason is this , every man seeth , except he willingly hoodwink himself , that as alwayes , so now , the church of rome holdeth firmly and stedfastly the doctrine of truth concerning christ ; and baptizeth in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost ; confesseth and avoucheth christ for the onely redeemer of the world , and the iudge that shall sit upon quick and dead , receiving true believers into endless joy , faithless and godless men being cast with satan and his angels into flames unquenchable . . i may , and will , rein the question shorter than they doe . let the pope take down his top , and captivate no more mens souls by his papal jurisdiction ; let him no longer count himself lord paramount over the princes of the world , no longer hold kings as his servants paravaile ; let his stately senate submit their necks to the yoke of christ , and cease to die their garments , like edom , in blood ; let them from the highest to the lowest , hate and forsake their idolatry , abjure all their errours and heresies , wherewith they have any way perverted the truth ; let them strip their churches , till they leave no polluted ragg , but onely this one about her , by christ alone , without works we cannot be saved : it is enough for me , if i shew , that the holding of this one thing , doth not prove the foundation of faith directly denied in the church of rome . . works are an addition : be it so , what then ? the foundation is not subverted by every kinde of addition : simply to adde unto those fundamental words , is not to mingle wine with water , heaven and earth , things polluted with the sanctified blood of christ : of which crime , indict them which attribute those operations in whole or in part to any creature , which in the work of our salvation wholly are peculiar unto christ ; and if i open my mouth to speak in their defence , if i hold my peace , and plead not against them as long as breath is within my body , let me be guilty of all the dishonor that ever hath been done to the son of god. but the more dreadful a thing it is to deny salvation by christ alone , the more slow and fearful i am , except it be too manifest , to lay a thing so grievous to any man's charge . let us beware , lest if we make too many ways of denying christ , we scarce leave any way for our selves truly and soundly to confess him . salvation only by christ is the true foundation whereupon indeed christianity standeth . but what if i say , you cannot besaved only by christ , without this addition , christ believed in heart , confessed with mouth , obeyed in life and conversation ? because i adde , do i therefore deny that which i did directly affirm ? there may be an additament of explication , which overthroweth not , but proveth and concludeth the proposition , whereunto it is annexed . he which saith , peter was a chief apostle , doth prove that peter was an apostle : he which saith , our salvation is of the lord , through sanctification of the spirit , and faith of the truth , proveth that our savation is of the lord. but if that which is added be such a privation as taketh away the very essence of that whereunto it is added , then by the sequel it overthroweth it . he which saith , iudas is a dead man , though in word he granteth iudas to be a man , yet in effect he proveth him by that very speech no man , because death depriveth him of being . in like sort , he that should say , our election is of grace for our works sake , should grant in sound of words ; but indeed by consequent deny that our election is of grace ; for the grace which electeth us , is no grace , if it elect us for our works sake . . now whereas the church of rome addeth works , we must note further , that the adding of * works is not like the adding of circumcision unto christ , christ came not to abrogate and put away good works : he did , to change circumcision , for we see that in place thereof , he hath substituted holy baptism . to say , ye cannot be saved by christ , except ye be circumcised , is to adde a thing excluded , a thing not only not necessary to be kept , but necessary not to be kept by them that will be saved . on the other side , to say , ye cannot be saved by christ without works , is to add things , not only not excluded , but commanded , as being in their place , and in their kinde necessary , and therefore subordinated unto christ , by christ himself , by whom the web of salvation is spun : a except your righteousness exceed the righteousness of the stribes and pharisees , ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven . they were b rigorous exacters of things not utterly to be neglected , and left undone , washing and tything , &c. as they were in these , so must we be in judgement and the love of god. christ , in works ceremonial giveth more liberty , in c moral much less , than they did . works of righteousness therefore are added in the one proposition ; as in the other , circumcision is . . but we say , our salvation is by christ alone ; therefore howsoever , or whatsoever we adde unto christ in the matter of salvation , we overthrow christ. our case were very hard , if this argument , so universally meant as it is proposed , were sound and good . we our selves do not teach christ alone , excluding our own faith , unto justification ; christ alone , excluding our own works , unto sanctification ; christ alone , excluding the one or the other unnecessary unto salvation . it is a childish cavil wherewith in the matter of justification , our adversaries do so greatly please themselves , exclaiming , that we tread all christian vertues under our feet , and require nothing in christians but faith , because we teach that faith alone justifieth : whereas by this speech we never meant to excluded either hope or charity from being always joyned as inseparable mates with faith in the man that is justified ; or works from being added as necessary duties , required at the hands of every justified man : but to shew that faith is the onely hand which putteth on christ unto justification ; and christ the onely garment , which , being so put on , covereth the shame of our defiled natures , hideth the imperfection of our works , preserveth us blameless in the sight of god , before whom otherwise , the weaknesse of our faith were cause sufficent to make us culpable , yea , to shut us from the kingdom of heaven , where nothing that is not absolute can enter . that our dealing with them he not as childish as theirs with us : when we hear of salvation by christ alone , considering that [ alone ] as an exclusive particle , we are to note what it doth exclude , and where . if i say , such a iudge onely ought to determine such a case , all things incident to the determination thereof , besides the person of the judge , as laws , depositions , evidences , &c. are not hereby excluded ; persons are not excluded from witnessing herein , or assisting , but onely from determining and giving sentence . how then is our salvation wrought by christ alone : is it our meaning , that nothing is requisite to man's salvation but christ to save , and he to be saved quietly without any more adoe ? no , we acknowledge no such foundation . as we have received , so we teach , that besides the bare and naked work , wherein christ without any other associate , finished all the parts of our redemption , and purchased salvation himself alone ; for conveyance of this eminent blessing unto us , many things are of necessity required , as to be known and chosen of god before the foundation of the world ; in the world to be called , justified , sanctified ; after we have lest the world , to be received unto glory ; christ in every of these hath somewhat which he worketh alone . through him , according to the eternal purpose of god , before the foundation of the world , born , crucified , buried , raised , &c. we were in a gracious acceptation known unto god , long before we were seen of men : god knew us , loved us , was kinde to us in jesus christ , in him we were elected to be heirs of life . thus farr god through christ hath wrought in such sort alone , that our selves are mere patients , working no more than dead and senseless matter , wood , stone , or iron , doth in the artificers hands ; no more than clay , when the potter appointeth it to be framed for an honourable use ; nay , not so much : for the matter whereupon the craftsman worketh he chuseth , being moved by the fitness which is in it to serve his turn ; in us no such thing . touching the rest which is laid for the foundation of our faith , it importeth farther , that a by him we are called , that we have b redemption , c remission of sins through his d blood , health by his e stripes , justice by him ; that f he doth sanctifie his church , and make it glorius to himself , that g entrance into joy shall be given us by him ; yea , all things by him alone . howbeit , not so by him alone , as if in us to our h vocation , the hearing of the gospel ; to our justification , faith ; to our sanctification , the fruits of the spirit ; to our entrance into rest , perseverance in hope , in faith , in holinesse , were not necessary . . then what is the fault of the church of rome ? not that she requireth works at their hands which will be saved : but that she attributeth unto works a power of satisfying god for sinne ; yea , a vertue to merit both grace here , and in heaven glory . that this overthroweth the foundation of faith , i grant willingly ; that it is a direct elenyal thereof , iutterly deny : what it is to hold , and what directly to deny the foundation of faith. i have already opened . apply it particularly to this cause , and there needs no more adoe . the thing which is handled , if the form under which it is handled be added thereunto , it sheweth the foundation of any doctrine whatsoever . christ is the matter whereof the doctrin of the gospel treateth ; and it treateth of christ , as of a saviour . salvation therefore by christ is the foundation of christianity : as for works , they are a thing subordinate , no otherwise than because our sanctification cannot be accomplished without them : the doctrine concerning them is a thing builded upon the foundation ; therefore the doctrin which addeth unto them the power of satisfying , or of meriting , addeth unto a thing sabordinated , builded upon the foundation , not to the very foundation it self ; yet is the foundation by this addition consequently overthrown , forasmuch as out of this addition it may be negatively concluded , he which maketh any work good , and acceptable in the sight of god , to proceed from the natural freedom of our will ; he which giveth unto any good works of ours , the force of satisfying the wrath of god for sinne , the power of meriting either earthly or heavenly rewards ; he which holdeth works going before our vocation , in congruity to merit our vocation . works following our first , to merit our second justification , and by condignity our last reward in the kingdom of heaven , pulleth up the doctrin of faith by the roots , for out of every of these , the plain direct denial thereof may be necessarily concluded . not this onely , but what other heresie is there , that doth not raze the very foundation of faith by consequent ? howbeit , we make a difference of heresies ; accounting them in the next degree to infidelity , which directly deny any one thing to be , which is expresly acknowledged in the articles of our belief ; for out of any one article so denied , the denial of the very foundation it self is straightway inferred . as for example , if a man should say , there is no catholick church , it followeth immediately thereupon , that this iesus whom we call the saviour , is not the saviour of the world ; because all the prophets hear witnesse , that the true messias should shew light unto the gentiles ; that is to say , gather such a church as is catholick , not restrained any longer unto one circumcised nation . in the second rank we place them , out of whose positions , the denial of any the foresaid articles may be with like facility concluded : such as are they which have denied , with hebion , or with maercion , his humanity ; an example whereof may be that of cassianus , defending the incarnation of the son of god , against nestorius bishop of antioch , which held , that the virgin , when she brought forth christ , did not bring forth the son of god , but a sole and mere man : out of which heresie , the denial of the articles of the christian saith he deduceth thus , if thou dost deny our lord iesus christ , in denying the son , thou canst not choose but deny the father ; for , according to the voyce of the father himself , he that hath not the son , hath not the father . wherefore denying , him which is begotten , thou deniest him which doth beget . again , denying the son of god to have been born in the flesh , how canst thou believe him to have suffered ? believing not his passion , what remaineth , but that thou deny his resurrection ? for we believe him not raised , except we first believe him dead : neither can the reason of his rising from the dead stand , without the faith of his death going before . the denial of his death and passion , inserreth the denial of his rising from the depth . whereupon it followeth , that thou also deny his ascension into heaven . the apostle affirmeth , that he which ascended , did first descend ; so that , as much as lieth in thee , our lord iesus christ hath neither risen from the depth , nor is ascended into heaven , nor sitteth on the right hand of god the father , neither shall be come at the day of the final account which is looked for , nor shall judge the quick and the dead . and darest thou yet set foot in the church ? canst thou think thy self a bishop , when thou hast denied all those things whereby thou dost obtain a bishoply calling ? nestorius confessed all the articles of the creed , but his opinion did imply the denial of every part of his confession . heresies there are of the third sort , such as the church of rome maintaineth , which be removed by a greater distance from the foundation , although indeed they overthrow it . yet because of that weakness , which the philosopher noteth in mens capacities , when he saith , that the common sort cannot see things which follow in reason , when they follow , as it were , afar off by many deductions ; therefore the repugnancy of such heresie and the foundation , is not so quickly , or so easily found , but that an heretick of this , sooner than of the former kinde , may directly grant , and consequently nevertheless deny the foundation of faith. . if reason be suspected , tryal will shew that the church of rome doth no otherwise , by teaching the doctrine she doth teach concerning good works . offer them the very fundamental words , and what man is there that will refuse to subscribe unto them ? can they directly grant , and directly deny one and the very self-same thing ? our own proceedings in disputing against their works satisfactory and meritorious , do shew not onely that they hold , but that we acknowledge them to hold the foundation , notwithstanding their opinion . for are not these our arguments against them ? christ alone hath satisfied and appeased his fathers wrath : christ hath merited salvation alone . we should do fondly to use such disputes , neither could we think to prevail by them , if that whereupon we ground , were a thing which we know they do not hold , which we are assured they will not grant . their very answers to all such reasons as are in this controversie brought against them , will not permit us to doubt , whether they hold the foundation or no. can any man that hath read their books concerning this matter , be ignorant how they draw all their answers unto these heads ? that the remission of all our sins , the pardon of all whatsoever punishments thereby deserved , the rewards which god hath laid up in heaven , are by the blood of our lord iesus christ purchased , and obtained sufficiently for all men : but for no man effectually for his benefit in particular , except the blood of christ be apply'd particularly to him , by such means as god hath appointed that to work by . that those means of themselves , being but dead things , onely the blood of christ is that which pu●teth life , force , and efficacy in them to work , and to be available , each in his kinde , to our salvation . finally , that grace being purchased for us by the blood of christ , and freely without any merit on desert at the first bestowed upon us , the good things which we doe , after grace received , be thereby made satisfactory and meritorious . some of their sentences to this effect , i must alledge for mine own warrant . if we desire to hear foreign judgements , we finde in one this confession , he that could reckon how many the vertues and merits of our saviour iesus christ hath been , might likewise understand how many the benefits have been that are to come to us by him , forsomuch as men are made partakers of them all by means of his passion : by him it given unto us remission of our sinnes , grace , glory , liberty , praise , salvation , redemption , iustification , iustice , satisfaction , sacraments , merits , and all other things which we had , and were behoveful for our salvation . in another , we have these oppositions and answers made unto them : all grace is given by christ iesus : true , but not except christ iesus be applied . he is the propitiation for our sinne ; by his stripes we are healed , he hath offered himself up for in : all this is true , but apply it . we put all satisfaction in the blood of iesus christ ; but we hold , that the means which christ hath appointed for us in the case to apply it , are our penal works . our countrey-men in rhemes make the like answer , that they seek salvation no other way than by the blood of christ ; and that humbly they doe use prayers , fastings , almes , faith , charity , sacrifice , sacraments , priests , onely as the means appointed by christ , to apply the benefit of his holy blood unto them : touching our good works , that in their own natures they are not meritorious , nor answerable to the joyes of heaven ; it commeth by the grace of christ , and not of the work it self , that we have by well doing a right to heaven , and deserve it worthily . if any man think that i seek to varnish their opinions , to set the better foot of a lame cause formost ; let him know , that since i began throughly to understand their meaning , i have found their halting greater than perhaps it seemeth to them which know not the deepnesse of satan , as the blessed divine speaketh . for , although this be proof sufficient , that they doe not directly deny the foundation of faith , yet , if there were no other leaven in the lump of their doctrine but this , this were sufficient to prove , that their doctrine is not agreeable to the foundation of christian faith. the pelogians being over-great friends unto nature , made themselves enemies unto grace , for all their confessing , that men have their souls , and all the faculties thereof , their wills , and all the ability of their wills from god. and is not the church of rome still an adversary unto christ's merits , because of her acknowledging , that we have received the power of meriting by the blood of christ : sir thomas moor setteth down the odds between us and the church of rome in the matter of works , thus . like as we grant them , that no good work of man is rewardable in heaven of its own nature , but through the meer goodnesse of god , that lists in set so high a price upon so poor a thing ; and that this price god setteth through christ's passion , and for that also they be his own works with us ; for good works to god-word worketh no man , without god work in him : and as we grant them also , that no man may be proud of his works , for his imperfect working ; and for that in all that man may doe ; he can doe god no good , but is a servant unprofitable , and doth but his bare duty : as we , i say , grant unto them these things , so this one things or twain doe they grant us again , that men are bound to work good works , if they have time and power ; and that whose worketh in true faith most , shall be most rewarded : but then set they thereto . that all his rewards shall be given him for his faith alone , and nothing for his works at all , because his faith is the thing , they say , that forceth him to work well . i see by this of sir thomas moor , how easie it is for men of the greatest capacity , to mistake things written or spoken , as well on the one side as on the other . their doctrine , as he thought , maketh the work of man rewardable in the world to come , through the goodnesse of god , whom it pleased to set so high a price upon so poor a thing : and ours , that a man doth receive that eternal and high reward , not for his works , but for his faiths sake , by which he worketh : whereas in truth our doctrine is no other than that we have learned at the feet of christ ; namely , that god doth justifie the believing man , yet not for the worthinesse of his belief , but for the worthinesse of him which is believed ; god rewardeth abundantly every one which worketh , yet not for any meritorious dignity which is , or can be in the work , but through his mere mercy by whose commandment he worketh . contrariwise , their doctrine is , that as pure water of it self hath no savour , but if it passe through a sweet pipe , it taketh a pleasant smell of the pipe through which it passeth : so , although before grace received , our works doe neither satisfie nor merit ; yet after , they doe both the one and the other . every vertuous action hath then power in such to satisfie ; that if we our selves commit no mortal sinne , no hainous crime , whereupon to spend this treasure of satisfaction in our own behalf , it turneth to the benefit of other mens release , on whom it shall please the steward of the house of god to bestow it ; so that we may satisfie for our selves and others ; but merit onely for our selves . in meriting , our actions do work with two hands ; with one they get their morning stipend , the encrease of grace ; with the other their evening hire , the everlasting crown of glory . indeed they teach , that our good works doe not these things as they come from us , but as they come from grace in us ; which grace in us is another thing in their divinity , than is the mere goodnesse of god's mercy towards us in christ jesus . . if it were not a long deluded spirit which hath possession of their hearts ; were it possible but that they should see how plainly they doe herein gain-say the very ground of apostolick faith ? is this that salvation by grace , whereof so plentiful mention is made in the scriptures of god ? was this their meaning , which first taught the world to look for salvation onely by christ ? by grace , the apostle saith , and by grace in such sort as a gift : a thing that commeth not of our selves , nor of our works , lest any man should boast , and say , i have wrought out my own salvation . by grace they confesse ; but by grace in such sort , that as many as wear the diadem of blisse , they wear nothing but what they have won . the apostle , as if he had foreseen how the church of rome would abuse the world in time , by ambiguous terms , to declare in what sense the name of grace must be taken , when we make it the cause of our salvation , saith , he saved us according to his mercy : which mercy , although it exclude not the washing of our new birth , the renewing of our hearts by the holy ghost , the means , the vertues , the duties which god requireth of our hands which shall be saved ; yet it is so repugnant unto merits , that to say , we are saved for the worthiness of any thing which is ours , is to deny we are saved by grace . grace bestoweth freely ; and therefore justly requireth the glory of that which is bestowed . we deny the grace of our lord jesus christ ; we abuse , disanul , and annihilate the benefit of his bitter passion , if we test in these proud imaginations , that life is deservedly ours , that we merit it , and that we are worthy of it . . howbeit , considering how many vertuous and just men , how many saints , how many martyrs , how many of the antient fathers of the church , have had their sundry perilous opinions : and amongst sundry of their opinions this , that they hoped to make god some part of amends for their sinnes , by the voluntary punishment which they laid upon themselves , because by a consequent it may follow hereupon , that they were injurious unto christ : shall we therefore make such deadly epitaphs , and set them upon their graves , they denied the foundation of faith directly , they are damned , there is no salvation for them ? saint austin saith of himself , errare passum , hareticus isse nolo . and , except we put a difference between them that erre , and them that obstinately persist in errour , how is it possible that ever any man should hope to be saved ? surely , in this case , i have no respect of any person either alive or dead . give me a man , of what estate or condition soever , yea , a cardinal or a pope , whom in the extreme point of his life affliction hath made to know himself , whose heart god hath touched with true sorrow for all his sinnes , and filled with love towards the gospel of christ , whose eyes are opened to see the truth , and his mouth to renounce all heresie and errour , any wise opposite thereunto : this one opinion of merits excepted , he thinketh god will require at his hands , and because he wanteth , therefore trembleth , and is discouraged ; it may be i am forgetful , and unskilful , not furnished with things new and old , as a wise and learned scribe should be , nor able to alledge that , whereunto , if it were alledged , he doth hear a minde most williing to yield , and so to be recalled , as well from this , as from other errours : and shall i think , because of this onely errour , that such a man toucheth not so much as the hem of christ's garment ? if he do , wherefore should not i have hope , that vertue may proceed from christ to save him ? because his errour doth by consequent overthrow his faith , shall i therefore cast him off , as one that hath utterly cast off christ ? one that holdeth not so much as by a slender thred ? no , i will not be afraid to say unto a pope or cardinal in this plight , be of good comfort , we have to do with a merciful god , ready to make the best of a little which we hold well , and not with a captious sophister . which gathereth the worst out of every thing wherein we erre . is there any reason , that i should be suspected , or you offended for this speech ? is it a dangerous thing to imagine that such men may finde mercy ? the hour may come , when we shall think it a blessed thing to hear , that if our sinnes were the sinnes of the pope and cardinals , the bowels of the mercy of god are larger . i do propose unto you a pope with the neck of an emperour under his feet ; a cardinal , riding his horse to the bridle in the blood of saints : but a pope or a cardinal sorrowful , penitent , dis-robed , stript , not onely of usurpec ' power , but also delivered and recalled from error and antichrist , converted and lying prostrate at the foot of christ : and shall i think that christ shall spurn at him ? and shall i cross and gain-say the merciful promises of god , generally made unto penitent sinners , by opposing the name of a pope or cardinal ? what difference is there in the world between a pope and a cardinal , and iohn a stile in this case ? if we think it impossible for them , if they be once come within that rank , to be afterwards touched with any such remorse , let that he granted . the apostle saith , if i , or an angel from heaven preach unto , &c. let it be as likely , that s. paul , or an angel from heaven should preach heresie , as that a pope or cardinal should be brought so farr forth to acknowledge the truth : yet if a pope or cardinal should , what finde we in their persons why they might not be saved ? it is not the persons you will say , but the errour wherein i suppose them to dye , which excludeth them from the hope of mercy , the opinion of merits doth take away all possibility of salvation from them . what if they hold it onely as an errour ? although they hold the truth truly and sincerely in all other parts of christian faith ? although they have in some measure all the vertues and graces of the spirit , all other tokens of god's elect children in them ? although they be farr from having any proud presumptuous opinion ; that they shall be saved by the worthiness of their deeds ? although the onely thing which troubleth and molested them , be but a little too much dejection , somewhat too great a fear , rising from an erroneous conceit , that god would require a worthinesse in them , which they are grieved to finde wanting in themselves ? although they be not obstinate in this perswasion ? although they be willing , and would be glad to forsake it , if any one reason were brought sufficient to dispove it ? although the onely lett , why they doe not forsake it ere they dye , be the ignorance of the means , by which it might be disproved ? although the cause why the ignorance in this point is not removed , be the want of knowledge in such us should be able , and are not , to remove it ? let me dye , if ever it be proved , that simply an errour doth exclude a pope or a cardinal in such a case , utterly from hope of life . surely , i must confesse unto you , if it be an errour , that god may be merciful to save men even when they erre , my greatest comfort is my errour ; were it not for the love i bear unto this errour . i would never wish to speak , nor to live . . wherefore to resume that mother-sentence , whereof i little thought that so much trouble would have grown , i doubt not but that god was merciful to save thousands of our fathers , living in papish . superstitions , inasmuch as they sinned ignorantly . alas ! what bloody matter is there contained in this sentence , that it should be an occasion of so many hard censures ? did i say , that thousands of our fathers might be saved ? i have shewed which way it cannot be denied . did i say , i doubt not but they were saved ? i see no impiety in this perswasion , though i had no reason for it . did i say , their ignorance did make me hope they did finde mercy , and so were saved ? what hindreth salvation but sinne ? sinnes are not equal ; and ignorance , though it doth not make sinne to be no sinne , yet seeing it did make their sinne the less , why should it not make our hope concerning their life , the greater ? we pity the most , and doubt not but god hath most compassion over them that sinne for want of understanding . as much is confessed by sundry others , almost in the self-same words which i have used . it is but onely my evil hap , that the same sentences which savour verity in other mens books , should seem to bolster heresie , when they are once by me recited . if i be deceived in this point , not they , but the blessed apostle hath deceived me . what i said of others , the same he said of himself , i obtained mercy for i did it ignorantly . construe his words , and you cannot misconstrue mine . i spake no otherwise , i meant no otherwise , than he did . . thus have i brought the question concerning our fathers , at length , unto an end . of whose estate , upon so fit an occasion as was offered me , handling the weighty causes of separation between the church of rome and us , and the weak motives which are commonly brought to retain men in that society ; amongst which motives , the examples of our fathers deceased is one ; although i saw it convenient to utter the sentence which i did , to the end that all men might thereby understand , how untruly we are said to condemn as many as have been before us otherwise perswaded than we our selves are ; yet more than that one sentence , i did not think it expedient to utter , judging it a great deal meeter for us to have regard to our own estate , than to sift over-curiously what is become of other men . and fearing , left that such questions as these , if voluntarily they should be too farr waded in , might seem worthy of that rebuke , which our saviour thought needfull in a case not unlike , what is this unto thee ? when i was forced , much beside my expectation , to render a reason of my speech , i could not but yield at the call of others , and proceed so farr as duty bound me , for the fuller satisfying of mindes . wherein i have walked , as with reverence , so with fear : with reverence , inregard of our fathers , which lived in former times ; not without fear , considering them that are alive . . i am not ignorant , how ready men are to feed and sooth up themselves in evil . shall i ( will the man say , that loveth the present world , more than he loveth christ ) shall i incurr the high displeasure of the mightiest upon earth ? shall i hazard my goods , endanger my estate , put my self into jeopardy , rather than to yield to that which so many of my fathers imbraced , and yet found favour in the sight of god , ? curse ye meroz , saith the lord , curse bar inhabitants , because they helped not the lord , they helped him not against the mighty . if i should not onely not help the lord against the mighty , but help to strengthen them that are mighty , against the lord ; worthily might i fall under the burthen of that curse , worthy i were to bear to bear my own judgement : but , if the doctrine which i reach , be a flower gathered in the garden of the lord ; a part of the saying truth of the gospel : from whence notwithstanding , poysonous creatures do suck-venom : i can but wish it were otherwise , and content my self with the lord that hath befallen me , the rather , because it hath not befallen me alone . saint paul taught a truth , and a comfortable truth , when he taught , that the greater our misery is , in respect of our iniquities , the readier is the mercy of god for our release . if we seek unto him , the more we have sinned , the more praise , and glory , and honour unto him that pardoneth our sinne . but mark what sewd collections were made hereupon by some : why then am i condemned for a sinner ? and the apostle ( as we are blamed , and as some affirm that we say , why doe we not evil that good may come of it ? ) he was accused to teach that which ill-disposed people did gather by his teaching , though it were clean not onely besides , but against his meaning . the apostle addeth , their condemnation ( which thus doe ) is just . i am not hasty to apply sentences of condemnation . i wish from mine heart their conversion , whosoever are thus perversly affected . for i must needs say , their case is fearful , their estate dangerous , which harden themselves , presuming on the mercy of god towards others . it is true , that god is merciful , but let us beware of presumptuous sinnes . god delivered ionah from the bottome of the sea , will you therefore cast your selves head-long from the tops of rocks , and say in your hearts , god shall deliver us ? he pitieth the blinde that would gladly see ; but will he pity him that may see , and hardeneth himself in blindenesse ? no , christ hath spoken too much unto you , to claim the priviledge of your fathers . . as for us that have handled this cause concerning the condition of our fathers , whether it be this thing or any other , which we bring unto you , the counsel is good which the wise man giveth , stand thou fast in thy sure understanding , in the way and knowledge of the lord , and have but one manner of word , and follow the word of peace and righteousnesse . as a loose tooth is a grief to him that eateth : so doth a wavering and unstable word in speech , that tendeth to instruction , offend . shall a wise man speak words of the winde , saith eliphaz , leight , unconstant , unstable words ? surely the wisest may speak words of the winde , such is the untoward constitution of our nature , that we doe neither so perfectly understand the way and knowledge of the lord , nor so stedfastly imbrace it when it is understood ; nor so graciously utter it , when it is imbraced ; not so peaceably maintain it , when it is uttered ; but that the best of us are over-taken sometime through blindenesse , sometime through hastinesse , sometime through impatience , sometimes through other passions us the minde , whereunto ( god doth know ) we are too subject . we must therefore be contented both to pardon others , and to crave that others may pardon us for such things . let no man , that speaketh as a man , think himself , while he liveth , alwayes freed from scapes and over-sights in his speech . the things themselves which i have spoken unto you are sound , howsoever they have seemed otherwise unto some : at whose hands i have , in that respect , received injury . i willingly forget it : although indeed , considering the benefit which i have reaped by this necessary speech of truth , i rather incline to that of the apostle , they have not injured me at all . i have cause to wish them as many blessings in the kingdom of heaven , as they have forced me to utter words and syllables in this cause ; wherein i could not be more sparing of speech than i have been . it becommeth no man , saith saint ierom , to be patient in the crime of heresie . patient , as i take it , we should be alwayes , though the crime of heresie were intended ; but silent in a thing of so great consequence i could not , beloved , i durst not be ; especially the love which i bear to the truth of christ jesus , being hereby somewhat called in question . whereof i beseech them in the meeknesse of christ , that have been the first original cause , to consider that a watch-man may cry ( an enemy ) when indeed a friend commeth . in which cause , as i deem such a watch-man more worthy to be loved for his care , than mis-liked for his errour : so i have judged it my own part in this , as much as in me lyeth , to take away all suspition of any unfriendly intent or meaning against the truth , from which , god doth know , my heart is free . . now to you , beloved , which have heard these things , i will use no other words of admonition , than those that are offered me by st. iames , my brethren , have not the faith of our glorious lord iesus , in respect of persons . ye are not now to learn. that as of it self it is not hurtful , so neither should it be to any scandalous and offensive in doubtful cases , to hear the different judgments of men . be it that cephas hath hath one interpretation , and apollos hath another ; that paul is of this minde , and barnabas of that ; if this offend you , the fault is yours . carry peaceable mindes , and you may have comfort by this variety . now the god of peace , give you peaceable mindes , and turn it to your everlasting comfort . a learned sermon of the nature of pride . habak. . . his mind swelleth , and is not right in him : but the iust by his faith shall live . the nature of man being much more delighted to be led than drawn , doth many times stubbornly resist authority , when to perswasion it easily yieldeth . whereupon the wisest law-makers have endeavoured always , that those laws might seem most reasonable , which they would have most inviolably kept . a law simply commanding or forbidding , is but dead in comparison of that which expresseth the reason wherefore it doth the one or the other . and surely , even in the laws of god , although that he hath given commandment , be in it self a reason sufficient to exact all obedience at the hands of men ; yet a forcible inducement it is to obey with greater alacrity and chearfulnesse of minde , when we see plainly , that nothing is imposed more than we must needs yield unto , except we will be unreasonable . in a word , whatsoever be taught , be it precept for direction of our manners ; or article for instruction of our faith ; or document any way for information of our mindes , it then taketh root and abideth , when we conceive not onely what god doth speak , but why . neither is it a small thing , which we derogate as well from the honour of his truth , as from the comfort , joy and delight which we our selves should take by it , when we loosely slide over his speech , as though it were as our own is , commonly vulgar and trivial : whereas he uttereth nothing but it hath , besides the substance of doctrine delivered , a depth of wisdom , in the very choice and frame of words to deliver it in : the reason whereof being not perceived ; but by greater intention of brain , than our nice mindes for the most part can well away with , fain we would bring the world , if we might , to think it but a needless curiosity , to rip up any thing further than extemporal readness of wit doth serve to reach unto . which course , if here we did list to follow , we might tell you , that in the first branch of this sentence , god doth condemn the babylonian's pride ; and in the second teach , what happiness of state shall grow to the righteous by the constancy of their faith , notwithstanding the troubles which now they suffer ; and after certain notes of wholsome instruction hereupon collected , pass over without detaining your mindes in any further removed speculation . but , as i take it , there is a difference between the talk that beseemeth nurses among children , and that which men of capacity and judgment do or should receive instruction by . the minde of the prophet being erected with that which hath been hitherto spoken , receiveth here for full satisfaction a short abridgement of that which is afterwards more particularly unfolded . wherefore as the question before disputed of doth concern two sorts of men , the wicked flourishing as the bay , and the righteous like the withered grass , the one full of pride , the other cast down with utter discouragement : so the answer which god doth make for resolution of doubts hereupon arisen , hath reference unto both sorts , and this present sentence containing a brief abstract thereof comprehendeth summarily as well the fearful estate of iniquity over-exalted , as the hope laid up for righteousness opprest . in the former branch of which sentence , let us first examine what this rectitude or straitness importeth , which god denieth to be in the minde of the babylonian . all things which god did create , he made them at the first , true , good , and right . true , in respect of correspondence unto that pattern of their being , which was eternally drawn in the counsel of god's fore-knowledge ; good , in regard of the use and benefit which each thing yieldeth unto other ; right , by an'apt conformity of all parts with that end which is outwardly proposed for each thing to tend unto . other things have ends proposed , but have not the faculty to know , judge , and esteem of them , and therefore as they tend thereunto unwittingly , so likewise in the means whereby they acquire their appointed ends , they are by necessity so held , that they cannot divert from them . the ends why the heavens do move , the heavens themselves know not , and their motions they cannot but continue . only men in all their actions know what it is which they seek for , neither are they by any such necessity tyed naturally unto any certain determinate mean to obtain their end by , but that they may , if they will , forsake it . and therefore in the whole world , no creature but onely man , which hath the last end of his actions proposed as a recompence and reward , whereunto his minde directly bending it self , is termed right or strait , otherwise perverse . to make this somewhat more plain , we must note , that as they which travel from city to city , enquire ever for the straightest way , because the streightest is that which soonest bringeth them unto their journeys end : so we having here , as the apostle speaketh , no abiding city , but being always in travel towards that place of joy , immortality , and rest , cannot but in every of our deeds , words , and thoughts , think that to be best , which with most expedition leadeth us thereunto , and is for that very cause termed right . that soveraign good , which is the eternal fruition of all good , being our last and chiefest felicity , there is no desperate despiser of god and godliness living , which doth not wish for . the difference between right and crooked mindes , is in the means which the one of the other eschew or follow , certain it is , that all particular things which are naturally desired in the world , as food , rayment , honor , wealth , pleasure , knowledge , they are subordinated in such wise unto that future good which we look for in the world to come , that even in them there lyeth a direct way tending unto this . otherwise we must think , that god making promises of good things in this life , did seek to pervert men , and to lead them from their right minds . where is then the obliquity of the minde of man ? his minde is perverse , cam , and crooked , not when it bendeth it self unto any of these things , but when it bendeth so , that it swerveth either to the right hand or to the left , by excess or defect , from that exact rule whereby human actions are measured . the rule to measure and judge them by , is the law of god. for this cause , the prophet doth make so often and so earnest suit , o direct me in the way of thy commandments : as long as i have respect to thy statules , i am sure not to tread amiss . under the name of the law ; we must comprehend not only that which god hath written in tables and leaves , but that which nature also hath engraven in the hearts of men . else how should those heathens which never had books , but heaven and earth to look upon , be convicted of perverseness ? but the gentiles which had not the law in books , had , saith the apostle , the effect of the law written in their hearts . then seeing that the heart of man is not right exactly , unless it be found in all parts such , that god examining and calling it unto account with all severity of rigour , be not able once to charge it with declining or swarving aside , ( which absolute perfection when did god ever finde in the sons of mere mortal men ? ) doth it not follow , that all flesh must of necessity fall down and confess , we are not dust and ashes , but worse , our mindes from the highest to the lowest are not right ? if not right , then undoubtedly not capable of that blessedness which we naturally seek , but subject unto that which we most abhorr , anguish , tribulation , death , wo , endless misery . for whatsoever misseth the way of life , the issue thereof cannot be but perdition . by which reason , all being wrapped up in sinne , and made thereby the children of death , the mindes of all men being plainly convicted not to be right , shall we think that god hath indued them with so many excellencies , more not onely than any , but then all the creatures in the world besides , to leave them in such estate , that they had been happier if they they had never been ? here commeth necessarily in a new way unto salvation , so that they which were in the other perverse , may in this be found strait and righteous . that the way of nature , this the way of grace . the end of that way , salvation merited , presupposing the righteousness of mens works ; their righteousness , a natural hability to do them ; that hability , the goodness of god which created them in such perfection . but the end of this way , salvation bestowed upon men as a gift , presupposing not their righteousness , but the forgiveness of their unrighteousness , justification ; their justification , not their natural ability to do good , but their hearty sorrow for their not doing , and unfeigned belief in him , for whose sake not-doers are accepted , which is their vocation ; their vocation , the election of god , taking them out from the number of lost children ; their election a mediator in whom to be elect : this mediation , inexplicable mercy ; his mercy , their misery , for whom he vouchsafed to make himself a mediator . the want of exact distinguishing between these two wayes , and observing what they have common , what peculiar , hath been the cause of the greatest part of that confusion whereof christianity at this day laboureth . the lack of diligence in searching , laying down , and inuring mens mindes with those hidden grounds of reason , whereupon the least particular in each of these are most firmly and strongly builded , is the onely reason of all those scruples and uncertainties wherewith we are in such sort intangled , that a number despair of ever discerning what is right or wrong in any thing . but we will let this matter rest , whereinto we stepped to search out a way how some mindes may be , and are right truly , even in the sight of god , though they be simply in themselves not right . howbeit , there is not onely this difference between the just and impious , that the minde of the one is right in the sight of god , because his obliquity is not imputed ; the other perverse , because his sin is unrepented of : but even as lines that are drawn with a trembling hand , but yet to the point which they should , are thought ragged and uneven , nevertheless direct in comparison of them which run clean another way ; so there is no incongruity in terming them right-minded men , whom though god may charge with many things amiss , yet they are not as those hideous and ugly monsters , in whom , because there is nothing but wilful opposition of minde against god , a more than tolerable deformity is noted in them , by saying , that their mindes are not right . the angel of the church of thyatyra , unto whom the son of god sendeth this greeting , i know thy works , and thy love , and service , and faith , notwithstanding , i have a few things against thee , was not as he unto whom saint peter , thou hast no fellowship in this business , for thy heart is not right in the sight of god. so that whereat the orderly disposition of the minde of man should be this ; perturbation , and sensual appetites all kept in awe by a moderate and sober will , in all things frained by reason ; reason , directed by the law of god and nature ; this babylonian had his minde , as it were , turned upside down : in him unreasonable cecity and blindnesse trampled all laws both of god and nature under seet ; wilfulness tyrannized over reason ; and brutish sensuality over will : an evident token , that his out-rage would work his overthrow , and procure his speedy ruine . the mother whereof was that which the prophet in these words signified , his minde doth swell . immoderate swelling , a token of very eminent breach , and of inevitable destruction : pride , a vice which cleaveth so fast unto the hearts of men , that if we were to strip our selves of all faults one by one , we should undoubtedly finde it the very last and hardest to put off . but i am not here to touch the secret itching humour of vanity wherewith men are generally touched . it was a thing more than meanly inordinate , wherewith the babylonian did swell . which that we may both the better conceive , and the more easily reap profit by the nature of this vice , which setteth the whole world out of course , and hath put so many even of the wisest besides themselves , is first of all to be inquired into . secondly , the dangers to be discovered , which it draweth inevitably after it , being not cured . and last of all , the ways to cure it . whether we look upon the gifts of nature , or of grace , or whatsoever is in the world admired as a part of man's excellency , adorning his body , beautifying his minde , or externally any way commending him in the account and opinion of men , there is in every kinde somewhat possible which no man hath , and somewhat had which few men can attain unto . by occasion whereof , there groweth disparagement necessarily ; and by occasion of disparagement , pride through mens ignorance . first therefore , although men be not proud of any thing which is not , at lest in opinion good , yet every good thing they are not proud of , but onely of that which neither is common unto many , and being desired of all , causeth them which have it , to be honoured above the rest . now there is no man so void of brain , as to suppose that pride consisteth in the bare possession of such things ; for then to have vertue were a vice , and they should be the happiest men who are most wretched , because they have least of that which they would have . and though in speech we do intimate a kinde of vanity to be in them of whom we say , they are wise men and they know it , yet this doth not prove , that every wiseman is proud which doth not think himself to be blockish . what we may have and know that we have it without offence , do we then make offensive , when we take joy and delight in having it ? what difference between men enriched with all aboundance of earthly and heavenly blessings , and idols gorgeously attired , but this , the one takes pleasures in that which they have , the other none ? if we may be possest with beauty , strength , riches , power , knowledge , if we may be privy to what we are every way , if glad and joyful for our own wel-fare , and in all this remain unblameable ; nevertheless some there are , who granting thus much , doubt whether it may stand with humility to accept those testimonies of praise and commendation , those titles , rooms , and other honours which the world yieldeth , as acknowledgements of some mens excellencies above others . for inasmuch as christ hath said unto those that are his ; the kings of the gentiles raign over them , and they that bear rule over them are called , gracious lords ; be ye not so : the anabaptist hereupon urgeth equality amongst christians , as if all exercise of authority were nothing else but heathenish pride . our lord and saviour had no such meaning . but his disciples feeding themselves with a vain imagination for the time , that the messias of the world should in ierusalem erect his throne , and exercise dominion with great pomp and outward statelinesse , advanced in honour and terrene power above all the princes of the earth , began to think how with their lord's condition , their own would also rise : that having left and forsaken all to follow him , their place about him should not be mean : and because they were many , it troubled them much , which of them should be the greatest man. when suit was made for two by name , that of them one might sit at his right hand , and the other at his left , the rest began to stomack , each taking it grievously , that any should have what all did affect ; their lord and master , to correct this humour , turneth aside their cogitations from these vain and fansieful conceits , giving them plainly to understand , that they did but deceive themselves . his coming was not to purchase an earthly , but to bestow on heavenly kingdom , wherein they ( if any ) shall be greatest , whom unfeigned humility maketh in this world lowest and least amongst others : ye are they which have continued with me in my temptations , therefore i leave unto you a kingdom , as my father hath appointed me , that ye may eat and drink at my table in my kingdom , and sit on seats , and judge the twelve tribes of israel . but my kingdom is no such kingdom as ye dream of . and therefore these hungry ambitious contentions are seemlier in heathens , than in you . wherefore from christ's intent and purpose nothing is further removed , than dislike of distinction in titles and callings annexed for order's sake unto authority , whether it be ecclesiastical or civil . and when we have examined throughly what the nature of this vice is , no man knowing it , can be so simple , as not to see an ugly shape thereof apparent many times in rejecting honours offered , more than in the very exacting of them at the hands of men . for as iudas his care for the poor was meer covetousness ; and that frank-hearted wastfulness spoken of in the gospel , thrift● so , there is no doubt , but that going in raggs may be pride , and thrones be cloathed with unfeigned humility . we must go further therefore and enter somewhat deeper , before we can come to the closet wherein this poyson lyeth . there is in the heart of every proud man , first , an errour of understanding ; a vain opinion whereby he thinketh his own excellency , and by reason thereof ; his worthiness of estimation , regard and honour , to be greater than in truth it is . this maketh him , in all his affections , accordingly to raise up himself , and by his inward affections his outward acts are fashioned . which , if you list to have exemplified , you may either by calling to minde things spoken of them , whom god himself hath in scripture specially noted with this fault ; or , by presenting to your secret cogitations that which you daily behold in the odious lives and manners of high-minded men . it were too long to gather together so plentiful an harvest of examples in this kinde as the sacred scripture affordeth . that which we drink in at our ears , doth not so piercingly enter , as that which the minde doth conceive by sight . is there any thing written concerning the assyrian monarch in the tenth of esay , of his swelling minde , his haughty looks , his great and presumptuous taunts : by the power of mine own hand i have done all things , and by mine own wisdom i have subdued the world ? any thing concerning the dames of sion , in the third of the prophet esay , of their stretched-out necks , their immodest eyes , their pageant-like , stately , and pompous gate ? any thing concerning the practises of corah , dathan , and abiram , of their impatience to live in subjection , their mutinies , repining at lawful authority , their grudging against their superiours ecclesiastical and civil ? any thing concerning pride in any sort of sect , which the present face of the world doth not , as in a glass , represent to the view of all mens beholding ? so that if books , both prophane and holy , were all lost , as long as the manners of men retain the estate they are in : for him that observeth , how that when men have once conceived an over-weening of themselves , it maketh them in all their affections to swell , how deadly their hatred , how heavy their displeasure , how un-appeaseable their indignation and wrath is above other mens , in what manner they compose themselvs to be as heteroclits , without the compass of all such rules as the common sort are measured by ; how the oaths which religious hearts do tremble at , they affect as principal graces of speech ; what felicity they take to see the enormity of their crimes above the reach of laws and punishments ; how much it delighteth them when they are able to appale with the cloudiness of their looks ; how far they exceed the terms wherewith man 's nature should be limited ; how high they bear their heads over others ; how they brow-beat all men which do not receive their sentences as oracles , with marvellous applause and approbation ; how they look upon no man , but with an indirect countenance , nor hear any thing saving their own praise , with patience , nor speak without scornfulness and disdain ; how they use their servants , as if they were beasts , their inferiors as servants , their equals as inferiors , and as for superiors they acknowledg none ; how they admire themselves as venerable , puissant , wise , circumspect provident , every way great , taking all men besides themselves for cyphers , poor , inglorious , silly creatures , needless burthens of the earth , off-scowrings , nothing : in a word , for him which marketh how irregular and exorbitant they are in all things , it can be no hard thing hereby to gather , that pride is nothing but an inordinate elation of the minde , proceeding from a false conceit of mens excellency in things honored , which accordingly frameth also their deeds and behaviour , unless they be cunning to conceal it ; for a foul scarr may be covered with a fair cloath : and , as proud as lucifer , may be in outward appearance lowly . no man expecteth grapes of thistles ; nor from a thing of so bad a nature , can other than suitable fruits be looked for . what harm soever in private families there groweth by disobedience of children , stubbornness of servants , untractableness in them who although they otherwise may rule , yet should , in consideration of the imparity of their sex , be also subject ; whatsoever , by strife amongst men combined in the fellowship of greater societies , by tyranny of potentates , ambition of nobles , rebellion of subjects in civil states ; by heresies , schisms , divisions in the church ; naming pride , we name the mother which brought them forth , and the onely nurse that feedeth them . give me the hearts of all men humbled ; and what is there that can overthrow or disturb the peace of the world ? wherein many things are the cause of much evil ; but pride , of all . to declaim of the swarms of evils issuing out of pride , is an easie labour . i rather wish , that i could exactly prescribe , and perswade effectually the remedies , whereby a sore so grievous might be cured , and the means how the pride of swelling mindes might be taken down . whereunto so much we have already gained , that the evidence of the cause , which breedeth it , pointeth directly unto the likeliest and fittest helps to take it away : diseases that come of fulness , emptiness must remove . pride is not cured , but by abating the errour which causeth the minde to swell . then seeing that they swell by mis-conceit of their own excellency ; for this cause , all which tend to the beating down of their pride , whether it be advertisement from men , or from god himself chastisement ; it then maketh them cease to be proud , when in causeth them to see their errour in over-seeing the thing they were proud of . at this mark iob , in his apology unto his eloquent friends , aimeth . for perceiving how much they delighted to hear themselves talk , as if they had given their poor afflicted familiar a schooling of marvellous deep and rare instruction , as if they had taught him more than all the world besides could acquaint him with : his answer was to this effect : ye swell , as though ye had conceived some great matter ; but as for that which ye are delivered of , who knoweth it not ? is any man ignorant of these things ? at the same mark the blessed apostle driveth : ye abound in all things , ye are rich , ye raign , and would to christ we did raign with you : but boast not . for what have ye , or are ye of your selves ? to this mark , all those humble confessions are referred , which have been always frequent in the mouths of saints , truly wading in the tryal of themselves : as that of the prophet's , we are nothing but soreness and festered corruption : our very light is darkness , and our righteousness is self unrighteousness ; that of gregory , let no man ever put confidence in his own deserts : sordet in conspectu iudicis , quod fulget in conspectu operantis , in the sight of the dreadful judge , it is noysom , which in the doer's judgment maketh a beautiful shew : that of anselm , i adore thee , i bless thee , lord god of heaven , and redeemer of the world , with all the power , ability , and strength of my heart and soul , for thy goodness so unmeasurably extended ; not in regard of my merits , whereunto onely torments were due , but of thy mere unprocured benignity . if these fathers should be raised again from the dust , and have the books laid open before them , wherein such sentences are found as this : works no other than the value , desert , price , and worth of the joyes of the kingdom of heaven ; heaven , in relation to our works , as the very stipend , which the hired labourer covenanteth to have of him whose work he doth , as a thing equally and justly answering unto the time and waight of his travels , rather than to a voluntary or bountiful gift . if , i say , those reverend fore-rehearsed fathers , whose books are so full of sentences , witnessing their christian humility , should be raised from the dead , and behold with their eyes such things written ; would they not plainly pronounce of the authors of such writs , that they were fuller of lucifer than of christ ; that they were proud-hearted men , and carried more swelling mindes than sincerely and feelingly known christianity can tolerate ? but as unruly children , with whom wholsom admonition prevaileth little ; are notwithstanding brought to fear that everafter , which they have once well smarted for ; so the mind which falleth not with instruction , yet under the rod of divine chastisement ceaseth to swell . if therefore the prophet david , instructed by good experience , have acknowledged : lord , i was even at the point of clean forgetting my self , and so straying from my right minde : but thy rod hath been my reformer ; it hath been good for me , even as much as my soul is worth , that i have been with sorrow troubled : if the blessed apostle did need the corrosive of sharp and bitter strokes , left his heart should swell with too great abundance of heavenly revelations , surely , upon us whatsoever god in this world doth , or shall inflict , it cannot seem more than our pride doth exact , not only by way of revenge , but of remedy . so hard it is to cure a sore of such quality as pride is , in as much as that which rooteth out other vices , causeth this , and ( which is even above all conceit ) if we were clean from all spot and blemish both , of other faults ; of pride , the fall of angels doth make it almost a question , whether we might not need a preservative still , left we should haply wax proud that we are not proud . what is vertue , but a medicine , and vice , but a wound ? yet we have so often deeply wounded our selves with medicine ; that god hath been fain to make wounds medicinable ; to cure by vice where vertue hath strucken ; to suffer the just man to fall , that being raised , he may be taught what power it was which upheld him standing : i am not afraid to affirm it boldly with st. augustin , that men puffed up through a proud opinion of their own sanctity and holiness , receive a benefit at the hands of god , and are assisted with his grace , when with his grace they are not assisted , but permitted , and that grievously to transgress ; whereby , as they were in over-great liking of themselves supplanted , so the dislike of that which did supplant them , may establish them afterwards the surer . ask the very soul of peter , and it shall undoubtedly make you it self this answer ; my eager protestations , made in the glory of my ghostly strength , i am ashamed of● but those crystal tears wherewith my sin and weakness was bewailed , have procured my endless joy ; my strength hath been my ruine , and my fall my stay. a remedy against sorrow and fear , delivered in a funeral sermon . john . . let not your hearts be troubled , nor fear . the holy apostles having gathered themselves together by the special appointment of christ , and being in expectation to receive from him such instructions as they had been accustomed with , were told , that which they least looked for , namely , that the time of his departure out of the world was now come . whereupon they fell into consideration : first , of the manifold benefits which his absence should bereave them of ; and secondly of the sundry evils which themselves should be subject unto , being once bereaved of so gracious a master and patron . the one consideration over-whelmed their souls with heaviness : the other with fear . their lord and saviour , whose words had cast down their hearts , raiseth them presently again with chosen sentences of sweet encouragement . my dear , it is for your own sakes i leave the world. i know the affections of your hearts are tender , but if your love were directed with that advised and staid judgment which should be in you , my speech of leaving the world , and going unto my father , would not a little augment your joy . desolate and comfortless i will not leave you ; in spirit i am with you to the worlds end , whether i be present or absent , nothing shall ever take you out of these hands : my going is to take possession of that , in your names , which is not only for me , but also for you prepared ; where i am , you shall be . in the mean while , my peace i give , not as the world giveth , give i unto you : let not your hearts be troubled , nor fear . the former part of which sentence having otherwhere already been spoken of , this unacceptable occasion to open the latter part thereof here , i did not look for . but so god disposeth the wayes of men . him i heartily beseech , that the thing which he hath thus ordered by his providence , may , through his gracious goodnesse turn unto your comfort . our nature for coveteth preservation from things hurtful . hurtful things being present , do breed heaviness ; being future , do cause fear . our saviour to abate the one , speaketh thus unto his disciples : let not your hearts be troubled , and , to moderate the other , addeth fear not . grief and heaviness in the presence of sensible evils cannot but trouble the mindes of men . it may therefore seem that christ required a thing impossible . be not troubled . why , how could they choose ? but we must note this being natural , and therefore simply not reproveable , is in us good or bad , according to the causes for which we are grieved , or the measure of our grief . it is not my meaning to speak so largely of this affection , as to go over all particulars whereby men do one way or other offend in it , but to teach it so farr onely as it may cause the very apostles equals to swerve . our grief and heaviness therefore is reproveable , sometime in respect of the cause from whence , sometime in regard of the measure whereunto it groweth . when christ , the life of the world , was led unto cruel death , there followed a number of people and women , which women bewayled much his heavy case . it was a natural compassion which caused them , where they saw undeserved miseries , there to pour forth unrestrained tears . nor was this reproved . but in such readiness to lament where they less needed , their blindness in not discerning that for which they ought much rather to have mourned ; this our saviour a little toucheth , putting them in minde that the tears which were wasted for him , might better have been spent upon themselves . daughters of ierusalem , weep not for me , weep for your selves , and for your children . it is not , as the stoicks have imagined , a thing unseemly for a wise man to be touched with grief of minde : but to be sorrowful when we least should ; and where we should lament , there to laugh , this argueth our small wisdom . again , when the prophet david confesseth thus of himself , i grieved to see the great prosperity of godless men , how they flourish and go untoucht , psal. . himself hereby openeth both our common and his peculiar imperfection , whom this cause should not have made so pensive . to grieve at this , is to grieve where we should not , because this grief doth rise from errour . we erre when we grieve at wicked mens impunity and prosperity , because their estate being rightly discerned , they neither prosper nor go unpunished . it may seem a paradox , it is truth , that no wicked man's estate is prosperous , fortunate , or happy . for what though they bless themselves , and think their happinesse great ? have not frantick persons many times a great opinion of their own wisdome ? it may be that such as they think themselves , others also do account them . but what others ? surely such as themselves are . truth and reason discerneth far● otherwise of them . unto whom the jews wish all prosperity , unto them the phrase of their speech is to wish peace . seeing then the name of peace containeth in it all parts of true happiness , when the prophet saith plainly , that the wicked have no peace , how can we think them to have any part of other than vainly imagined felicity ? what wise man did ever account fools happy ? if wicked men were wise , they would cease to be wicked . their iniquity therefore proving their folly , how can we stand in doubt of their misery ? they abound in those things which all men desire . a poor happinesse to have good things in possession , a man to whom god hath given riches , and treasures , and honour , so that he wanteth nothing for his soul of all that it desireth , but yet god giveth him not the power to eat thereof ; such a felicity solomon esteemeth but as a vanity , a thing of nothing . if such things adde nothing to mens happiness , where they are not used , surely wicked men that use them ill , the more they have , the more wretched . of their prosperity therefore we see what we are to think . touching their impunity , the same is likewise but supposed . they are oftner plagued than we are aware of . the pangs they feel are not always written in their forehead . though wickedness be sugar in their mouths , and wantonness as oyl to make them look with chearful countenance , nevertheless if their hearts were disclosed , perhaps their glittering state would not greatly be envied . the voyces that have broken out from some of them , o that god had given me a heart sensless , like the flints in the rocks of stone ? which as it can taste no pleasure , so it feeleth no wo ; these and the like speeches are surely tokens of the curse which zophar in the book of iob poureth upon the head of the impious man , he shall suck the gall of asps , and the viper's tongue shall slay him . if this seem light , because it is secret , shall we think they go unpunished , because no apparent plague is presently seen upon them ? the judgments of god do not always follow crimes , as thunder doth lightning ; but sometimes the space of many ages coming between . when the sun hath shined fair the space of six dayes upon their tabernacle , we know not what clouds the seventh may bring . and when their punishment doth come , let them make their account , in the greatness of their sufferings to pay the interest of that respite which hath been given them . or if they chance to escape clearly in this world , which they seldome do ; in the day when the heavens shall shrivel as a scrowl , and the mountains move as frighted men out of their places , what cave shall receive them ? what mountain or rock shall they get by intreaty to fall upon them ? what covert to hide them from that wrath , which they shall neither be able to abide or avoid ? no man's misery therefore being greater than theirs whose impiety is most fortunate ; much more cause there is for them to bewail their own infelicity , than for others to be troubled with their prosperous and happy estate , as if the hand of the almighty did not , or would not touch them . for these causes , and the like unto these , therefore , be not troubled . now , though the cause of our heaviness be just , yet may not our affections herein be yielded unto with too much indulgency and favour . the grief of compassion , whereby we are touched with the feeling of other mens woes , is of all other least dangerous : yet this is a le●● unto sundry duties , by this we are apt to spare sometimes where we ought to strike . the grief which our own sufferings do bring , what temptations have not risen from it ? what great advantage satan hath taken even by the godly grief of hearty contrition for sins committed against god , the near approaching of so many afflicted souls , whom the conscience of sinne hath brought unto the very brink of extreme despair , doth but too abundantly shew . these things , wheresoever they fall , cannot but trouble and molest the minde . whether we be therefore moved vainly with that which seemeth hurtful , and is not ; or have just cause of grief , being pressed indeed with those things which are grievous , our saviour's lesson is , touching the one , be not troubled ; not over-troubled for the other . for , though to have no ●eeling of that which meerly concerneth us , were stupidity , nevertheless , seeing that as the authour of our salvation was himself consecrated by affliction , so the way which we are to follow him by , is not strewed with rushes , but set with thorns ; be it never so hard to learn , we must learn to suffer with patience , even that which seemeth almost impossible to be suffered , that in the hour when god shall call us unto our trial , and turn this honey of peace and pleasure wherewith we swell , into that gall and bitterness which flesh doth shrink to taste of , nothing may cause us in the troubles of our souls to storm , and grudge , and repine at god , but every heart be enabled with divinely-inspired courage , to inculcate unto it self , be not troubled ; and in those last and greatest conflicts to remember , that nothing may be so sharp and bitter to be suffered , but that still we our selves may give our selves this encouragement , even learn also patience , o my soul. naming patience , i name that vertue which onely hath power to stay our souls from being over-excessively troubled : a vertue , wherein , if ever any , surely that soul had good experience , which extremity of pains , having chased out of the tabernacle of this flesh , angels , i nothing doubt , have carried into the bosom of her father abraham . the death of the saints of god is precious in his sight . and shall it seem unto us superfluous at such times as these are , to hear in what manner they have ended their lives ? the lord himself hath not disdained so exactly to register in the book of life , after what sort his servants have closed up their dayes on earth , that he descendeth even to their very meanest actions , what meat they have longed for in their sicknesse , what they have spoken unto their children , kinsfolks , and friends , where they have willed their dead carkasses to be laid , how they have framed their wills and testaments : yea , the very turning of their faces to this side or that , the setting of their eyes , the degrees whereby their natural heat hath departed from them , their cryes , their groans , their pantings , breathings , and last-gaspings , he hath most solemnly commended unto the memory of all generations . the care of the living both to live and dye well , must needs be somewhat encreased , when they know that their departure shall not be foulded up in silence , but the ears of many be made acquainted with it . again , when they hear how mercifully god hath dealt with others in the hour of their last need , besides the praise which they give to god , and the joy which they have , or should have , by reason of their fellowship and communion of saints , is not their hope also much confirmed against the day of their own dissolution ? finally , the sound of these things doth not so passe the ears of them that are most loose and dissolute of life , but it causeth them sometime or other to wish in their hearts , oh , that we might dye the death of the righteous , and that our end might be like his ! howbeit , because to spend herein many words , would be to strike even as many wounds into their mindes , whom i rather wish to comfort : therefore concerning this vertuous gentlewoman , onely this little i speak , and that of knowledge , she lived a dove , and dyed a lambe . and , if amongst so many vertues , hearty devotion towards god , towards poverty tender compassion , motherly affection toward servants ; towards friends even serviceable kindness , milde behaviour , and harmless meaning towards all , if where so many vertues were eminent , any be worthy of special mention , i wish her dearest friends of that sex to be her nearest followers in two things : silence , saving only where duty did exact speech ; and patience , even then when extremity of pains did enforce grief . blessed are they that dye in the lord. and concerning the dead which are blessed , let not the hearts of any living be over-charged , with grief over-troubled . touching the latter affection of fear , which respecteth evil to come , as the other which we have spoken of doth present evils ; first , in the nature thereof it is plain , that we are not of every future evil afraid . perceive we not how they , whose tendernesse shrinketh at the least rase of a needle 's point , do kisse the sword that peirceth their souls quite thorow ? if every evil did cause fear , sinne , because it is sinne , would be feared ; whereas properly sinne is not feared as sinne , but onely as having some kinde of harm annexed . to teach men to avoid sinne , it had been sufficient for , the apostle to say , flye it . but to make them afraid of committing sinne , because the naming of sin sufficed not , therefore he addeth further , that it is as a serpent which stingeth the soul. again , be it that some nocive or hurtful thing be towards us , must fear of necessity follow hereupon ? not , except that hurtful thing doe threaten us either with destruction or vexation , and that such as we , have neither a conceit of ability to resist , nor of utter impossibility to avoid . that which we know our selves able to withstand , we fear not ; and that which we know are unable to deferr or diminish , or any way avoid , we cease to fear ; we give our selves over to bear and sustain it . the evil therefore which is feared , must be in our perswasion unable to be resisted when it cometh , yet not utterly impossible for a time in whole or in part to be shunned . neither doe we much fear such evils , except they be imminent and near at hand ; nor if they be near , except we have an opinion that they be so . when we have once conceived an opinion , or apprehended an imagination of such evils prest , and ready to invade us ; because they are hurtful unto our nature , we feel in our selves a kinde of abhorring ; because they are thought near , yet not present , our nature seeketh forthwith how to shift and provide for it self ; because they are evils which cannot be resisted , therefore she doth not provide to withstand , but to shun and avoid . hence it is , that in extream fear , the mother of life contracting herself , avoiding as much as may be the reach of evil , and drawing the heat together with the spirits of the body to her , leaveth the outward parts cold , pale , weak , feeble , unapt to perform the functions of life ; as we see in the fear of balthasar king of babel . by this it appeareth , that fear is nothing else but a perturbation of the minde , through an opinion of some imminent evil , threatning the destruction or great annoyance of our nature , which to shun , it doth contract and deject it self . now because , not in this place onely , but otherwhere often , we hear it repeated , fear not ; it is by some made a question , whether a man may fear destruction or vexation without sinning ? first , the reproof wherewith christ checketh his disciples more than once , o men of little faith , wherefore are ye afraid ? secondly , the punishment threatned in revelat. . viz. the lake , and fire , and brimstone , not onely to murtherers , unclean persons , sorcerers , idolaters , lyers , but also to the fearful and faint-hearted : this seemeth to argue , that fearfulness cannot but be finne . on the contrary side we see , that he which never felt motion unto sinne , had of this affection more than a slight feeling . how clear is the evidence of the spirit , that in the days of his flesh be offered up prayers and supplications , with strong cryes and tears , unto him that was able to save him from death , and was also heard in that which he feared , heb. . . whereupon it followeth , that fear in it self is a thing not sinful . for , is not fear a thing natural , and for mens preservation necessary , implanted in us by the provident and most gracious giver of all good things , to the end , that we might not run head-long upon those mischiefs wherewith we are not able to encounter , but use the remedy of shunning those evils which we have not ability to withstand ? let that people therefore which receive a benefit by the length of their prince's days , the father or mother which rejoyceth to see the off-spring of their flesh grow like green and pleasant plants , let those children that would have their parents , those men that would gladly have their friends and brethrens dayes prolonged on earth ( as there is no natural-hearted man but gladly would ) let them bless the father of lights , as in other things , so even in this , that he hath given man a fearful heart , and settled naturally that affection in him , which is a preservation against so many ways of death . fear then , in it self , being meer nature , cannot , in it self , be sin , which sin is not nature , but thereof an accessary deprivation . but in the matter of fear we may sin , and do , two wayes . if any man's danger be great , theirs is greatest that have put the fear of danger farthest from them . is there any estate more fearful than that babylonian strumpet's , that sitteth upon the tops of seven hills , glorying , and vaunting , i am a queen , &c. revel . . . how much better and happier are they , whose estate hath been always as his who speaketh after this sort of himself , lord , from my youth have i born thy yoke : they which sit at continual ease , and are settled in the lees of their security ; look upon them , view their countenance , their speech , their gesture , their deeds , put them in fear , o god , saith the prophet , that so they may know themselves to be but men ; worms of earth , dust and ashes , frail , corruptible , feeble things . to shake off security therefore , and to breed fear in the hearts of mortal men , so many admonitions are used concerning the power of evils which beset them , so many threatnings of calamities , so many descriptions of things threatned , and those so lively , to the end they may leave behind them a deep impression of such as have force to keep the heart continually waking . all which doe shew , that we are to stand in fear of nothing more than the extremity of not fearing . when fear hath delivered us from that pit , wherein they are sunk that have put farr from them the evil day ; that have made a league with death , and have said , tush , we shall feel no harm ; it standeth us upon to take heed it cast us not into that , wherein souls destitute of all hope are plunged . for our direction , to avoid , as much as may be , both extremities , that we may know , as a ship-master by his card , how farr we are wide , either on the one side , or on the other ; we must note , that in a christian man there is , first , nature : secondly , corruption perverting nature : thirdly , grace , correcting and amending corruption . in fear , all these have their several operations : nature teacheth simply , to wish preservation and avoidance of things dreadful ; for which cause our saviour himself prayeth , and that often , father , if it be possible . in which cases , corrupt nature's suggestions are , for the safety of temporal life , not to stick at things excluding from eternal ; wherein how farr , even the best may be led , the chiefest apostle's frailty teacheth . were it not therefore for such cogitations as , on the contrary side , grace and faith minisheth , such as that of iob , though god kill me ; that of paul , scio cui credidi , i know him on whom i do rely ; small evils would soon be able to overthrow even the best of us . a wise man , saith solomon , doth see a plague coming , and hideth himself . it is nature which teacheth a wise man in fear to hide himself , but grace and faith doth teach him where . fools care not to hide their heads : but where shall a wise man hide himself , when he feareth a plague coming ? where should the frighted childe hide his head , but in the bosom of his loving father ? where a christian but under the shadow of the wings of christ his saviour ? come my people , saith god in the prophet , enter into thy chamber , hide thy self , &c. isa. . but because we are in danger ; like chased birds , like doves , that seek and cannot see the resting holes , that are right before them ; therefore our saviour giveth his disciples these encouragements before-hand , that fear might never so amaze them , but that always they might remember , that whatsoever evils at any time did beset them , to him they should still repair for comfort , counsel , and succour . for their assurance whereof , his peace he gave them , his peace he left unto them , not such peace as the world offereth , by whom his name is never so much pretended , as when deepest treachery is meant ; but peace which passeth all understanding , peace that bringeth with it all happinesse , peace that continueth for ever and ever , with them that have it . this peace , god the father grant , `for his son's sake ; unto whom , with the holy ghost , three persons , one eternal , and everliving god , be all honour , and glory , and praise , now and for ever , amen . a learned and comfortable sermon . of the certainty and perpetuity of faith in the elect : especially of the prophet habakkuk's faith . habak. . . whether the prophet habakkuk , by admitting this cogitation into his minde , the law doth fail , did thereby shew himself an unbeliever ? wee have seen in the opening of this clause , which concerneth the weakness of the prophet's faith ? first , what things they are whereunto the faith of sound believers doth assent : secondly , wherefore all men assent not thereunto : and thirdly , why they that doe , doe it many times with small assurance . now , because nothing can be so truly spoken , but through mis-understanding it may be depraved ; therefore to prevent , if it be possible , all mis-construction in this cause ; where a small errour cannot rise but with great danger , it is perhaps needful ere we come to the fourth point , that something be added to that which hath been already spoken concerning the third . that meer natural men do neither know nor acknowledge the things of god , we do not marvel , because they are spiritually to be discerned : but they in whose hearts the light of grace doth shine , they that are taught of god , why are they so weak in faith ? why is their assenting to the law so scrupulous ? so much mingled with fear and wavering ? it seemeth strange , that ever they should imagin the law to fail . it cannot seem strange if we weigh the reason . if the things which we believe be considered in themselves , it may truly be said , that faith is more certain than any science : that which we know , either by sense , or by infallible demonstration is not so certain as the principles . articles , and conclusions of christian faith. concerning which we must note , that there is a certainty of evidence , and a certainty of adherence . certainty of evidence we call that , when the minde doth assent unto this or that , not because it is true in it self , but because the truth is clear , because it is manifest unto us . of things in themselves most certain , except they be also most evident , our perswasion is not so assured , as it is of things more evident , although in themselves they be lesse certain . it is as sure , if not surer , that there be spirits as that there he men : but we be more assured of these than of them , because these are more evident . the truth of some things is so evident , that no man which heareth them can doubt of them : as when we hear that a part of any thing is less than the whole , the minde is constrained to say , this is true . if it were so in matters of faith , then , as all men have equal certainty of this , so no believer should be more scrupulous and doubtful than another . but we finde the contrary . the angels and spirits of the righteous in heaven , have certainty most evident of things spiritual : but this they have by the light of glory . that which we see by the light of grace , though it he indeed more certain , yet it is not to us so evidently certain , as that which sense , or the light of nature , will not suffer a man to doubt of . proofs are vain and frivolous , except they be more certain than is the thing proved : and do we not see how the spirit every where in the scripture proving matters of faith , laboureth to confirm us in the things which we believe by things whereof we have sensible knowledge ? i conclude therefore , that we have less certainty of evidence concerning things believed , than concerning sensible or naturally perceived . of these , who doth doubt at any time ? of them , at somtime , who doubteth not ? i will not here alledge the sundry confessions of the perfectest that have lived upon earth , concerning their great imperfections this way ; which , if i did , i should dwell too long upon a matter sufficiently known by every faithful man that doth know himself . the other , which we call the certainty of adherence , is , when the heart doth cleave and stick unto that which it doth believe : this certainty is greater in us than the other . the reason is this , the faith of a christian doth apprehend the words of the law , the promises of god , not onely as true , but also as good ; and therefore even then when the evidence which he hath of the truth is so small , that it grieveth him to feel his weakness in assenting thereto ; yet is there in him such a sure adherence unto that which he doth but faintly and fearfully believe , that his spirit having once truly tasted the heavenly sweetness thereof , all the world is not able quite and clean to remove him from it : but he striveth with himself to hope against all reason of believing , being setled with iob upon this unmoveable resolution , though god kill me , i will not give ever trusting in him . for why ? this lesson remaineth for ever imprinted in him , it is good for me to cleave unto god , psal. . now the mindes of all men being so darkned , as they are with the foggy damp of original corruption , it cannot be that any man's heart living should be either so enlightned in the knowledge , or so established in the love of that wherein his salvation standeth , as to be perfect , neither doubting nor shrinking at all . if any such were , what doth lett why that man should not be justified by his own inherent righteousness ? for righteousness inherent , being perfect , will justifie . and perfect faith is a part of perfect righteousness inherent ; yea , a principal part , the root and the mother of all the rest : so that if the fruit of every tree be such as the root is , faith being perfect , as it is , if it be not at all mingled with distrust and fear , what is there to exclude other christian vertues from the like perfections ? and then what need we the righteousness of christ ? his garment is superstuous ? we may be honourably cloathed with our own robes , if it be thus . but let them beware who challenge to themselves a strength which they have not , left they lose the comfortable support of that weakness which indeed they have . some shew , although no soundness of ground , there is , which may be alledged for defence of this supposed-perfection in certainty touching matters of our faith : as first that abraham did believe , and doubted not : secondly , that the spirit which god hath given us to no other end , but only to assure us that we are the sons of god ; to embolden us to call upon him as our father , to open our eyes , and to make the truth of things believed evident unto our mindes ; is much mightier in operation than the common light of nature , whereby we discern sensible things : wherefore we must needs be more sure of that we believe , than of that we see ; we must needs be more certain of the mercies of god in christ jesus , than we are of the light of the sun when it shineth upon our faces . to that of abraham , he did not doubt : i answer that this negation doth not exclude all fear , all doubting ; but onely that which cannot stand with true faith. it freeth abraham from doubting through infidelity , not from doubting through infirmity ; from the doubting of unbelievers , not of weak believers ; from such a doubting as that whereof the prince of samaria is attainted , who hearing the promise of sudden plenty in the midst of extream dearth , answered , though the lord would make windows in heaven , were it possible so to come to pass ? but that abraham was not void of all doubting , what need we any other proof than the plain evidence of his own words ? gen. . . the reason which is taken from the power of the spirit were effectual , if god did work like a natural agent , as the fire doth inflame , and the sun enlighten ; according to the uttermost ability which they have to bring forth their effects . but the incomprehensible wisdom of god doth limit the effects of his power , to such a measure as seemeth best unto himself . wherefore he worketh that certainty in all , which sufficeth abundantly to their salvation in the life to come ; but in none so great as attaineth in this life unto perfection . even so , o lord , it hath pleased thee ; even so it is best and fittest for us , that feeling still our own infirmities , we may no longer breathe than pray , adjuva domine , help lord our incredulity . of the third question , this , i hope , will suffice , being added unto that which hath been thereof already spoken . the fourth question resteth , and so an end of this point . that which cometh last of all in this first branch to be considered concerning the weakness of the prophet's faith , is , whether he did by this very thought , the law doth fail , quench the spirit , fall from faith , and shew himself an unbeliever or no ? the question is of moment ; the repose and tranquillity of infinite souls doth depend upon it . the prophet's case is the case of many ; which way soever we cast for him , the same way it passeth for all others . if in him this cogitation did extinguish grace ; why the like thoughts in us should not take the like effect , there is no cause . forasmuch therefore as the matter is weighty , dear and precious , which we have in hand ; it behoveth us with so much the greater chariness to wade through it , taking special heed both what we build , and whereon we build , that if our building be pearl , our foundation be not stubble ; if the doctrine we teach be full of comfort and consolation , the ground whereupon we gather it be sure : otherwise we shall not save , but deceive both our selves and others in this we know we are not deceived , neither can we deceive you , when we teach that the faith whereby ye are sanctified , cannot fail ; it did not in the prophet , it shall not in you . if it be so , let the difference be shewed between the condition of unbelievers and his , in this or in the like imbecillity and weakness . there was in habakkuk , that which saint iohn doth call the seed of god , meaning thereby , the first grace which god powreth into the hearts of them that are incorporated into christ ; which having received , if because it is an adversary to sinne , we do therefore think we sinne not both otherwise , and also by distrustful and doubtfull apprehending of that which we ought stedfastly to believe , surely , we do but deceive our selves . yet they which are of god , do not sinne either in this , or in any thing , any such sinne as doth quite extinguish grace , clean cutt them off from christ jesus : because the seed of god abideth in them , and doth shield them from receiving any irremediable wound . their faith when it is at strongest is but weak ; yet even then , when it is at the weakest , so strong , that utterly it never faileth , it never perisheth altogether , no not in them who think it extinguished in themselves . there are , for whose sakes i dare not deal slightly in this cause , sparing that labour which must be bestowed to make it plain . men in like agonies unto this of the prophet habakkuk's , are , through the extremity of grief , many times in judgement so confounded , that they finde not themselves in themselves . for that which dwelleth in their hearts they seek , they make diligent search and enquiry . it abideth , it worketh in them , yet still they ask where ? still they lament as for a thing which is past finding : they mourn as rachel , and refuse to be comforted , as if that were not which indeed is ; and , as if that which is not , were ; as if they did not believe when they doe ; and , as if they did despair when they do not . which , in some , i grant , is but a melancholly passion , proceeding onely from that dejection of minde , the cause whereof is in the bod● , and by bodily means can be taken away . but where there is no such bodily cause , the minde is not lightly in this mood , but by some of these three occasions : one , that judging by comparison , either with other men , or with themselves at some other time more strong , they think imperfection to be a plain deprivation , weakness to be utter want of faith. another cause is : they often mistake one thing for another . saint paul wishing well to the church of rome , prayeth for them after this sort : the god of hope fill you with all joy of believing . hence an errour groweth , when men in heaviness of spirit , suppose they lack faith , because they finde not the sugred joy and delight which indeed doth accompanie faith , but so as a separable accident , as a thing that may be removed from it ; yea , there is a cause why it should be removed . the light would never be so acceptable , were it not for that usual intercourse of darkness . too much honey doth turn to gall , and too much joy even spiritual , would make us wantons . happier a great deal is that man's case , whose soul by inward desolation is humbled , than he whose heart is through abundance of spiritual delight lifted up , and exalted above measure . better it is sometimes to go down into the pit with him , who beholding darkness , and bewailing the loss of inward joy and consolation , cryeth from the bottom of the lowest hell , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? than continually to work arm in arm with angels , to fit , as it were , in abraham's bosom , and to have no thought , no cogitation , but , i thank my god it is not with me as it is with other men . no ; god will have them that shall walk in light , to feel now and then what it is to sit in the shadow of death . a grieved spirit therefore is no argument of a faithless minde . a third occasion of mens mis-judging themselves , as if they were faithless when they are not , is ; they fasten their cogitations upon the distrustful suggestions of the flesh , whereof finding great abundance in themselves , they gather thereby ; surely , unbelief hath full dominion , it , hath taken plenary possession of me ; if i were faithful it could not be thus . not marking the motions of the spirit , and of faith , because they lye buried and over-whelmed with the contrary : when notwithstanding , as the blessed apostle doth acknowledge , that the spirit groaneth , and that god heareth when we do not ; so there is no doubt , but that our faith may have , and hath her private operations secret to us , yet known to him by whom they are . tell this to a man that hath a minde deceived by too hard an opinion of himself , and it doth but augment his grief : he hath his answer ready , will you make me think otherwise than i finde , than i feel in my self ? i have throughly considered , and exquisitely sifted all the corners of my heart , and i see what there is ; never seek to perswade me against my knowledge , i do not , i know i do not believe . well , to favour them a little in their weakness : let that be granted which they do imagine ; be it that they be faithless and without belief . but are they not grieved for their unbelief ? they are . do they not wish it might , and also strive that it may be otherwise ? we know they do . whence commeth this , but from a secret love and liking which they have of those things that are believed ? no man can love things which in his own opinion are not . and if they think those things to be , which they shew that they love when they desire to believe them ; then must it needs be , that by desiring to believe , they prove themselves true believers : for without faith , no man thinketh that things believed are . which argument all the subtilty of infernal powers will never be able to dissolve . the faith therefore of true believers , though it hath many and grievous down-falls , yet doth it still continue invincible ; it conquereth , and recovereth it self in the end . the dangerous conflicts whereunto it is subject , are not able to prevail against it . the prophet habakkuk remained faithful in weakness , though weak in faith. it is true , such is our weak and wavering nature , we have no sooner received grace , but we are ready to fall from it ; we have no sooner given our assent to the law that it cannot fall , but the next conceit which we are ready to embrace , is , that it may , and that it doth fail . though we finde in our selves a most willing heart to cleave unseparably unto god , even so farr as to think unfeignedly with peter , lord , i am ready to go with thee into prison and to death : yet how soon , and how easily , upon how small occasions are we changed , if we be but a while let alone , and left unto our selves ? the galatians to day , for their sakes which teach them the truth of christ , are content ; if need were , to pluck out their own eyes , and the next day ready to pluck out theirs which taught them . the love of the angel to the church of ephesus , how greatly enflamed , and how quickly slacked ? the higher we flow , the nearer we are unto an ebb , if men be respected as mere men , according to the wonted course of their alterable inclination , without the heavenly support of the spirit . again , the desire of our ghostly enemy is so incredible , and his means so forcible to over-throw our faith , that whom the blessed apostle knew betrothed and made hand-fast unto christ , to them he could not write but with great trembling : i am jealous over you with a godly jealousie , for i have prepared you to one husband , to present you a pure virgin unto christ : but i fear , lest at the serpent beguiled eve through his subtilty , so your mindes should be corrupted from the simplicity which is in christ. the simplicity of faith which is in christ , taketh the naked promise of god , his bare word , and on that it resteth . this simplicity the serpent laboureth continually to pervert , corrupting the mind with many imaginations of repugnancy and contrariety between the promise of god and those things which sense or experience , or some other fore-conceived perswasion hath imprinted . the word of the promise of god unto his people , is , i will not leave thee , nor forsake thee : upon this the simplicity of faith resteth , and is not afraid of famine . but mark how the subtilty of satan did corrupt the mindes of that rebellious generation , whose spirits were not faithful unto god. they beheld the desolate state of the desart in which they were , and by the wisdom of their sense concluded the promise of god to be but folly : can god prepare a table in the wildernesse ? the word of the promise to sarah , was , thou shalt bear a son. faith is simple , and doubteth not of it : but satan , to corrupt this simplicity of faith , entangleth the mind of the woman with an argument drawn from common experience to the contrary : a woman that is old ; sarah , now to be acquainted again with forgotten passions of youth ! the word of the promise of god by moses and the prophets , made the saviour of the world so apparent unto philip , that his simplicity could conceive no other messias than iesus of nazareth the son of ioseph . but to stay nathaniel , left being invited to come and see , he should also believe , and so be saved , the subtilty of satan casteth a mist before his eyes , putteth in his head , against this , the common conceived perswasion of all men concerning nzaareth ; is it possible that any good thing should come from thence ? this stratagem he doth use with so great dexterity , that the minds of all men are so strangely bewitched with it , that it bereaveth them for the time of all perceivance of that which should relieve them and be their comfort ; yea , it taketh all remembrance from them , even of things wherewith they are most familiarly acquainted . the people of israel could not be ignorant , that he which led them through the sea , was able to feed them in the des●rt : but this was obliterated , and put out by the sense of their present want . feeling the hand of god against them in their food , they remember not his hand in the day that he delivered them from the hand of the oppressour , sarah was not then to learn , that with god all things were possible . had nathaniel never noted how god doth chuse the base things if this world to disgrace them that are most honourably esteemed ? the prophet habakkuk knew , that the promises of grace , protection and favour which god in the law doth make unto his people , do not grant them any such immunity as can free and exempt them from all chastisements , he knew , that , as god said , i will continue for ever my mercy towards them ; so he likewise said , their transgressions i will punish with a rod : he knew , that it could not stand with any reason , we should set the measure of our own punishments , and prescribe unto god how great , or how long , our sufferings shall be ; he knew , that we were blind , and altogether ignorant what is best for us ; that we sue for many things very unwisely against our selves , thinking we ask fish , when indeed we crave a serpent : he knew , that when the thing we ask is good , and ye : god seemeth slow to grant it ; he doth not deny , but deferr our petitions , to the end we might learn to desire great things greatly : all this he knew . but beholding the land which god had severed for his own people , and seeing it abandoned unto heathen nations ; viewing how reproachfully they did tread it down , and wholly make havock of it at their pleasure ; beholding the lords own royal seat made an heap of stones , his temple defiled , the carkasles of his servants cast out for the fowls of the air to devour , and the flesh of his meek ones for the beasts of the fields to feed upon ; being conscious to himself how long and how earnestly he had cryed , succou●●● , o god of our well-fare , for the glory of thine own name ; and feeling that their sore was still encreased ; the conceit of repugnancy between this which was objected to his eyes , and that which faith , upon promise of the law , did look for , made so deep an impression , and so strong , that he disputeth not the matter , but without any further inquiry or search , inferreth as we see : the law doth fail . of us who is here , which cannot very soberly advice his brother ? sir , you must learn to strengthen your faith by that experience which heretofore you have had of god's great goodness towards you , per ea quae agnoscas praestita , discas sperare promissa ; by those things which you have known performed , learn to hope for those things which are promised . doe you acknowledge to have received much ? let that make you certain to receive more : habenti debitur , to him that hath , more shall be given . when you doubt what you shall have , search what you have had at god's hands . make this reckoning , that the benefits which he hath bestowed , are bills obligatory and sufficient sureties that he will bestow further . his present mercy is full a warrant of his future love , because whom he loveth , he loveth unto the end . is it not thus ? yet if we could reckon up as many evident , clear , undoubted signs of god's reconciled love towards us , as there are years , yea dayes , yea hours past over our heads ; all these set together have no such force to confirm our faith , as the loss , and sometimes the onely fear of losing a little transitory goods , credit , honour , or favour of men , a small calamity , a matter of nothing to breed a conceit , and such a conceit as is not easily again removed ; that we are clean crost out of god's hook , that he regards us not , that he looketh upon others , but passeth by us like a stranger , to whom we are not known . then we think , looking upon others , and comparing them with our selves ; their tables are furnished day by day , earth and ashes are our bread : they sing to the lute , and they see their children dance before them ; our hearts are heavy in our bodies as lead , our sighs beat as thick as a swift pulse , our tears do wash the beds wherein we lye : the sun shineth fair upon their fore-heads ; we are hanged up like bottles in the smoak , cast into corners like the sherds of a broken pot : tell not us of the promises of god's favour , tell such as do reap the fruit of them ; they belong not to us , they are made to others : the lord be merciful to our weakness , but thus it is . well , let the frailty of our nature , the subtilty of satan , the force of our deceivable imaginations be , as we cannot deny , but they are things that threaten every moment the utter subversion of our faith ; faith notwithstanding is not hazarded by these things . that which one sometimes told the senators of rome , ego sic existimabam , p. c. ●ntipatrem sape meum praedicantem eudiveram , qui vestram amicitia●s diligenter colerent , cos multum laborem suscipere , caeterùm ex omnibus maxime tutos esse : as i have often heard my father acknowledge , so i my self did ever think , that the friends and favourers of this state charged themselves with great labour , but no man's condition so safe as theirs ; the same we may say a great deal more justly in this case : our fathers and prophets , our lord and master hath full often spoken , by long experience we have found it true ; as many as have entred their names in the mystical book of life , cos maximum si laborem suscipere , they have taken upon them a laboursome , a toylsome , a painful profession , sed omnium maximè tutos esse , but no man's security like to theirs . simon , simon , satan hath desired to win now thee as wheat ; here is our toyl : but i have prayed for thee , that thy faith fail not , this is our safety . no man's condition sure as ours : the prayer of christ is more than sufficient both to strengthen us , be we never so weak : and to overthrow all adversary power , be it never so strong and potent . his prayer must not exclude out labour : their thoughts are vain , who think that their watching can preserve the city which god himself is not willing to keep . and are not theirs as vain , who think that god will keep the city , for which they themselves are not careful to watch ? the husband-man may not therefore burn his plough , nor the merchant forsake his trade , because god hath promised , i will not forsake thee . and do the promises of god concerning our stability , think you , make it a matter indifferent for us , to use , or not to use the means whereby to attend , or not to attend to reading ? to pray , or not to pray , that we fall not into temptations ? surely , if we look to stand in the faith of the sons of god , we must hourly , continually be providing and setting our selves to strive . it was not the meaning of our lord and saviour in saying , father keep them in thy name , that we should be careless to keep our selves . to our own safety , our own sedulity is required . and then blessed for ever and ever be that mothers child , whose faith hath made him the child of god. the earth may shake , the pillars of the world may tremble under us : the countenance of the heaven may be appaled , the sun may lose his light , the moon her beauty , the stars their glory : but concerning the man that trusteth in god , if the fire have proclaimed it self unable , as much as to singe a hair of his head ; if lyons , beasts ravenous by nature , and keen with hunger , being set to devour , have , as it were , religiously adored the very flesh of the faithful man , what is there in the world that shall change his heart , over-throw his faith , alter his affection towards god , or the affection of god to him ? if i be of this note ; who shall make a separation between me and my god ? shall tribulation , or anguish , or persecution , or famine , or nakedness , or peril , or sword ? no , i am perswaded , that neither tribulation , nor anguish , nor persecution , or famine , nor nakedness , nor peril , nor sword , nor death , nor life , nor angels , nor principalities , nor powers , nor things present , nor things to come , nor height , nor depth , nor any other creature , shall ever prevail so far over me . i know in whom i have believed ; i am not ignorant whose precious blood hath been shed for me ; i have a shepheard full of kindness , full of care , and full of power , unto him i commit my self , his own finger hath engraven this sentence in the tables of my heart : satan hath desired to winnow thee as wheat , but i have prayed that thy faith fail not : therefore the assurance of my hope i will labour to keep as a jewel unto the end ; and by labour , through the gracious mediation of his prayer , i shall keep it . to the worshipful mr. george summaster , principal of broad-gates hall in oxford , henry iackson wisheth all happiness . sir , your kinde acceptance of a former testification of that respect i owe you , hath made me venture to sh●w the world these godly sermons under your name . in which , as every point is worth observation , so some especially are to be noted , the first , that , as the spirit of prophesie is from god himself , who doth inwardly heat and enlighten the hearts and mindes of his holy pen-men , ( which if some would diligently consider , they would not puzzle themselves with the contentions of scot , and thomas , whether god only , or his ministring spirits , do infuse into men's mindes prophetical revelations , per species intelligibiles ) so god framed their words also . whence he holy father st. augustine religiously observeth , that all those who understand the sacred writers , will also perceive , that they ought not to use other words than they did , in expressing those heavenly mysteries which their hearts conceived , as the blessed virgin did our saviour , by the holy ghost , the greater is castell-o his offence , who hath laboured to teach the prophets to speak otherwise than they have already . much like to that impious king of spain , alphonsus the tenth , who found fault with god's works , si , inquit , creationi assuissiem . mundum melius ordinassem , if he had been with god at the creation of the world , the world had gone better than now it doth . as this man found fault with god's works , so did the other with god's words ; but , because we have a most sure word of the prophets , to which we must take heed , i will let his words pass with the winde , having elsewhere spoken to you more largely of his errours , whom notwithstanding for his other excellent parts , i much respect . you shall moreover from hence understand , how christianity consists not in formal and seeming purity ( under which , who knows not notorious villany to m●sk ? ) but in the heart root . whence the author truly teacheth , that mockers , which use religious as a cloak , to put off and on ; as the weather serveth , are worse than pagans and infidels . where i cannot omit to shew , how justly this kinde of men hath been reproved by that renowned martyr of jesus christ , e. latimer , both because it will be opposite in this purpose , and also free that christian worthy from the slanderous reproaches of him , who was , if ever any , a mo●ker of god , religion , and all good men . but first i must desire you , and in you all readers , not to think lightly of that excellent man , for using this and the like witty similitudes in his sermons . for whosoever will call to minde , with what riff-raff god's people were fed in those days , when their priests , whose lips should have preserved knowledge , preached nothing else but dreams and false miracles of counterfeit saints , enrolled in that s●ttish legend coyned and amplified by a drousie head , between sleeping and waking . he that will consider this , and also how the people were delighted with such toys ( god sending them strong delusions that they should believe lyes ) and how hard it would have been for any man , wholly , and upon the sudden , to draw their mindes to another bent , will easily perceive , both how necessary it was to use symbolical discourse , and how wisely and moderately it was applied by the religious father , to the end he might lead their understanding so far , till it were so convinced , informed , and setled , that it might forget the means and way by which it was led , and think only of that it had acquired far in all such mystical speeches who knows not that the end for which they are used is only to be thought upon ? this then being first considered ▪ let us hear the story , as it is related by mr. fox : mr. latuner ( saith he in his sermon gave the people certain cards out of the fifth , sixth , and seventh chapters of matthew . for the chief triumph in the cards be limited the heart , as the principal thing that they should serve god withal , whereby he quite overthrew all hypocritical and external ceremonies , not tending to the necessary furtherance of god's holy word and sacraments . by this , he exhorted all men to serve the lord with inward heart , and true affection , and not with outward ceremonies ; adding moreover to the praise of that triumph , that though it were never so small , yet it would take up the best coat-card beside in the bunch , yea , though it were the king of clubs , &c. meaning thereby , how the lord would be worshipped and served in simplicity of the heart , and verity , wherein consisteth true christian religion , &c. thus master fox . by which it appears , that the holy man's intention was to lift up the peoples hearts to god , and not that he made a sermon of playing at cards , and taught them how to play at triumph , and plaid ( himself ) at cards in the pulpit , as that base companion a parsons reports the matter , in his wonted scurrilous vein of railing , whence he calleth it a b christmas-sermon . now he that will think ill of such allusions , may , out of the abundance of his folly , jest at demosthenes for his story of the c sheep , wolves , and doggs ; and d menenius , for his fiction of the belly . but , hinc illae lacrymae , the good bishop meant that the romish religion came not from the heart , but consisted in outward ceremonies : which sorely grieved parsons , who never had the least warmth or spark of honesty . whether b. latimer compared the bishops to the knave of clubs , as the fellow interprets him , i know not : i am sure parsons , of all others , deserved those colours ; and so i leave him . we see then , what inward purity is required of all christians , which if they have , then in prayer , and all other christian duties , they shall lift up pure hands , as the e apostle speaks , not as f baronius would have it , washed from sins with holy water ; but pure , that is , holy , free from the pollution of sin , as the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signifie . you may also see here refused those calumnies of the papists ; that we abandon all religious rites , and godly duties , as also the confirmation of our doctrine touching certainty of faith ( and so of salvation ) which is so strongly denied by some of that faction , that they have told the world , g s. paul himself was uncertain of his own salvation . what then shall we say , but pronounce a wo to the most strict observers of st. francis rules , and his canonical discipline ( though they make him even h equal with christ ) and the most meritorious monk that ever was registred in their kalender of saints ? but we , for our comfort , are otherwise taught out of the holy scripture , and therefore exhorted to build our selves in our most holy faith , that so , when i our earthly house of this tabernacle shall be destroyed , we may have a building given of god , a house not made with hands , but eternal in the heavens . this is that which is most piously and feelingly taught in these few leaves , so that you shall read nothing here , but what , i perswade my self , you have long practi●ed in the constant course of your life . it remaineth only , that you accept of these labours tendred to you by him , who wisheth you the long joys of this world , and the eternal of that which is to come . oxon. from corp. christi colledge , this . of ianuary , . two sermons upon part of saint judes epistle . the first sermon . epist. jude , verse , , , , . but ye , beloved , remember the words which were spoken before of the apostles of our lord iesus christ : how that they told you , that there should be mockers in the last time , which should walk after their own ungodly lusts . these are makers of sects , fleshly , having not the spirit . but ye , beloved , edifie your selves in your most holy faith , praying in the holy ghost . and keep your selves in the love of god , looking for the mercy of our lord iesus christ , unto eternal life . the occasions whereupon , together with the end wherefore , this epistle was written , is opened in the front and entry of the same . there were then , as there are now , many evil and wickedly disposed persons , not of the mystical body , yet within the visible bounds of the church , men which were of old ordained to condemnation , ungodly men , which turned the grace of our god into wantonness , and denyed the lord jesus . for this cause the spirit of the lord is in the hand of iude , the servant of iesus , and brother of iames , to exhort them that are called , and sanctified of god the father , that they would earnestly contend to maintain the faith , which was once delivered unto the saints . which faith , because we cannot maintain , except we know perfectly ; first , against whom ; secondly , in what sort it must be maintained ; therefore in the former three verses of that parcel of scripture which i have read , the enemies of the crosse of christ are plainly described ; and in the latter two , they that love the lord jesus , have a sweet lesson given them , how to strengthen and stablish themselves in the faith. let us first therefore examine the description of these reprobates concerning faith ; and afterwards come to the words of the exhortation ; wherein christians are taught how to rest their hearts on god's eternal and everlasting truth . the description of these godless persons is two-fold , general , and special . the general doth point them out , and shew what manner of men they should be . the particular pointeth at them , and saith plainly , these are they . in the general description , we have to consider of these things : first , when they were described , they were told of before . secondly , the men by whom they were described , they were spoken of by the apostles of our lord iesus christ. thirdly , the days , when they should be manifest unto the world , they told you , they should be in the last time . fourthly , their disposition and whole demeanour , mockers , and walkers after their own ungodly lusts . . in the third to the philippians , the apostle describeth certain : they are men , ( saith he ) of whom i have told you often , and now with tears i tell you of them , their god is their belly , their glory and rejoycing is in their own shame , they minde earthly things . these were enemies of the crosse of christ , enemies whom he saw , and his eyes gusht out with tears to behold them . but we are taught in this place , how the apostles spake also of enemies , whom as yet they had not seen , described a family of men as yet unheard of , a generation reserved for the end of the world , and for the last time ; they had not only declared what they heard and saw in the days wherein they lived , but they have prophesied also of men in time to come . and you do well ( said st. peter ) in that ye take heed to the words of prophesie , so that ye first know this , that no prophesie in the scripture cometh of any man 's own resolution . no prophesie in scripture cometh of any man 's own resolution : for all prophesie , which is in scripture , came by the secret inspiration of god. but there are prophesies which are no scripture ; yea , there are prophesies against the scripture . my brethren , beware of such prophesies , and take heed you heed them not . remember the things that were spoken of before ; but spoken of before by the apostles of our lord and saviour jesus christ. take heed to prophesies , but to prophesies which are in scripture ; for both the manner and matter of those prophesies do shew plainly , that they are of god. . touching the manner , how men , by the spirit of prophesie in holy scripture , have spoken and written of things to come , we must understand , that , as the knowledge of that they spake , so likewise the utterance of that they knew , came not by these usual and ordinary means , whereby we are brought to understand the mysteries of our salvation , and are wont to instruct others in the same . for whatsoever we know , we have it by the hands and ministry of men , which lead us along like children , from a letter to a syllable , from a syllable to a word , from a word to a line , from a line a to a sentence , from a sentence to a side , and so turn over . but god himself was their instructor , he himself taught them , partly by dreams and visions in the night , partly by revelations in the day , taking them aside from amongst their brethren , and talking with them , as a man would talk with his neighbour in the way . this they became acquainted even with the secret and hidden counsels of god , they saw things , which themselves were not able to utter , they behold that whereat men and angels are astonished . they understood in the beginning , what should come to passe in the last dayes . . god , which lightned thus the eyes of their understanding , giving them knowledge by unusual and extraordinary means , did also miraculously himself frame and fashion their words and writings , in so much that a greater difference there seemeth not to be between the manner of their knowledge , than there is between the manner of their speech and ours . when we have conceived a thing in our hearts , and throughly understand it , as we think , within our selves ; ●re we can utter in such sort , that our brethren may receive instruction or comfort at our mouths , how great , how long , how earnest meditation are we forced to use ? and after much travail , and much pains , when we open our lips to speak of the wonderful works of god , our tongues do faulter within our mouths , yea many times we disgrace the dreadful mysteries of our faith , and grieve the spirit of our hearers by words unsavoury , and unseemly speeches : shall a wise-man fill his belly with the eastern winde , saith eliphaz ? shall a wise-man dispute with words not comely ? or with talk that is not profitable ? yet behold , even they that are wisest amongst us living , compared with the prophets , seem no otherwise to talk of god , than as if the children which are carried in arms , should speak of the greatest matters of state. they whose words do most shew forth their wise understanding , and whose lips do utter the purest knowledge , so long as they understand and speak as men , are they not fain sundry ways to excuse themselves ? sometimes acknowledging with the wise-man , hardly can we discern the things that are on earth , and with great labour finde we out the things that are before us . who can then seek out the things that are in heaven ? sometimes confessing with iob the righteous , in treating of things too wonderful for us , we have spoken we wist not what . sometimes ending their talk , as doth the history of the macchabees ; if we have done well , and as the cause required , it is that we desire ; if we have spoken slenderly and barely , we have done we could . but god hath made my mouth like a sword , saith esay . and we have received , saith the apostle , not the spirit of the world , but the spirit which is of god , that we might know the things that are given to us of god , which things also we speak , not in words , which man's wisdom teacheth , but which the holy ghost doth teach . this is that which the prophets mean by those books written full within , and without ; which books were so often delivered them to eat , not because god fed them with ink and paper , but to teach us , that so oft as he imployed them in this heavenly work , they neither spake nor wrote any word of their own , but uttered syllable by syllable as the spirit put it into their mouths , no otherwise than the harp or the lute doth give a sound according to the discretion of his hands that holdeth and striketh it with skill . the difference is only this : an instrument , whether it be a pipe or harp , maketh a distinction in the times and sounds , which distinction is well perceived of the hearer , the instrument it self understanding not what is piped or harped . the prophets and holy men of god , not so : i opened my mouth , saith ezekiel , and god reached me a scroul , saying , son of man , cause thy belly to eat , and fill thy bowels with this i give thee ; i ate it , and it was sweet in my mouth as honey , saith the prophet . yea sweeter , i am perswaded , than either honey or the honey comb . for herein they were not like harps or lutes , but they felt , they felt , the power and strength of their own words . when they spake of our peace , every corner of their hearts was filled with joy . when they prophesied of mournings , lamentations , and woes to fall upon us , they wept in the bitterness and indignation of spirit , the arm of the lord being mighty and strong upon them . . on this manner were all the prophesie of holy scripture . which prophesies , although they contain nothing which is not profitable for our instruction , yet as one star differeth from another in glory , so every word of prophesie hath a treasure of matter in it , but all matters are not of like importance , as all treasures , are not of equal price . the chief and principal matter of prophesie is the promise of righteousness , peace , holiness , glory , victory , immortality , unto every soul which believeth , that jesus is christ , of the iew first , and of the gentile . now because the doctrine of salvation to be looked for by faith in him , who was in outward appearance as it had been a man forsaken of god ; in him who was numbred , judged , and condemned with the wicked ; in him whom men did see busseted on the face , scofft at by souldiers , scourged by tormentors , hanged on the cross , pierced to the heart ; in him whom the eyes of many witnesses did behold , when the anguish of his soul enforced him to roar , as if his heart had rent in sunder ; o my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? i say , because the doctrine of salvation by him , is a thing improbable to a natural man , that whether we preach to the gentile , or to the jew , the one condemneth our faith as madnesse , the other as blasphemy ; therefore to establish , and confirm the certainty of this saving truth in the hearts of men , the lord , together with their preachings , whom he sent immediately from himself to reveal these things unto the world , mingled prophesies of things , both civil and ecclesiastical , which were to come in every age from time to time , till the very last of the latter dayes , that by those things wherein we see daily their words fulfilled and done , we might have strong consolation in the hope of things which are not seen , because they have revealed as well the one as the other . for when many things are spoken of before in scripture , whereof we see first one thing accomplished , and then another , and so a third , perceive we not plainly , that god doth nothing else but lead us along by the hand , till he have settled us upon the rock of an assured hope , that not one jot or tittle of his word shall pass till all be fulfilled ? it is not therefore said in vain , that these godless wicked ones were spoken of before . . but by whom ? by them whose words , if men or angels from heaven gainsay , they are accursed ; by them , whom whosoever despiseth , despiseth not them , but me , saith christ. if any man therefore doth love the lord jesus ( and wo worth him that loveth not the lord jesus ! ) hereby we may know that he loveth him indeed , if he despise not the things that are spoken of by his apostles ; whom many have despised even for the baseness and simpleness of their persons . for it is the property of fleshly and carnal men to honour and dishonour , credit and discredit the words and deeds of every man , according to that he wanteth or hath without . if a man with gorgeous apparel come amongst us , although he be a thief or a murtherer ( for there are thieves and murtherers in gorgeous apparel ) be his heart whatsoever , if his coat be of purple , or velvet , or tissue , every one riseth up , and all the reverend solemnities we can use , are too little . but the man that serveth god , is contemned and despised amongst us for his poverty . herod speaketh in judgement , and the people cry out , the voyce of god , and not of man. paul preacheth christ , they term him a trifler . hearken , beloved : hath not god chosen the poor of this world , that they should be rich in faith. hath he not chosen the reffuse of the world to be heirs of his kingdom , which he hath promised to them that love him ? hath he not chosen the off-scowrings of men to be the lights of the world , and the apostles of jesus christ ? men unlearned , yet how fully replenished with understanding ? few in number , yet how great in power ? contemptible in shew , yet in spirit how strong ? how wonderful ? i would fai●● learn the mystery of the eternal generation of the son of god , saith hilary . whom shall i seek ? shall i get me to the schools of the grecians ? why ? i have read , ubi sapiens ? ubi scriba ? ubi conquisitor hujus saculi ? these wise-men in the world must needs be dumbe in this , because they have rejected the wisdom of god. shall i beseech the scribes and interpreters of the law , to become my teachers ? how can they know this , sith they are offended at the cross of christ ? it is death for me to be ignorant of the unsearchable mystery of the son of god : of which mystery notwithstanding i should have been ignorant , but that a poor fisher-man , unknown , unlearned , new come from his boat , with his cloaths wringing-wet , hath opened his mouth and taught me , in the beginning was the word , and the word was with god , and the word was god. these poor silly creatures have made us rich in the knowledge of the mysteries of christ. . remember therefore that which is spoken of by the apostles ; whose words , if the children of this world do not regard , is it any marvail ? they are the apostles of our lord jesus ; not of their lord , but of ours . it is true which one hath said in a certain place , apostolicam sidem seculi homo non capit , a man sworn to the world , is not capable of that faith which the apostles do teach . what mean the children of this world then to tread in the courts of our god ? what should your bodies do at bethel , whose hearts are at bethaven ? the god of this world , whom ye serve , hath provided apostles and teachers for you , chaldeans , wizzards , sooth-sayers , astrologers , and such like : hear them . tell not us , that ye will sacrifice to the lord our god , if we will sacrifice to ashtaroth or melcom ; that ye will read our scriptures , if we will listen to your traditions ; that if ye may have a mass by permission , we shall have a communion with good leave and liking ; that ye will admit the things that are spoken of by the apostles of our lord jesus , if your lord and master may have his ordinances observed , and his statutes kept . solomon took it ( as he well might ) for an evident proof , that she did not bear a motherly affection to her childe , which yielded to have it cut in divers parts . he cannot love the lord jesus with his heart , which lendeth one ear to his apostles , and another to false apostles : which can brook to see a mingle-mangle of religion and superstition , ministers and massing-priests , light and darkness , truth and error , traditions and scriptures . no ; we have no lord , but jesus ; no doctrine , but the gospel ; no teachers , but his apostles . were it reason to require at the hand of an english subject , obedience to the laws and edicts of the spaniards ? i do marvel , that any man bearing the name of a servant of the servants of jesus christ , will go about to draw us from our allegiance . we are his sworn subjects ; it is not lawful for us to hear the things that are not told us by his apostles . they have told us , that in the last days there shall be mockers ; therefore we believe it ; credimus quia legimus , we are so perswaded , because we read it must be so . if we did not read it , we would not teach it : nam qua libro legis non continentur , ea nec nosse debemus , saith hilary : those things that are not written in the book of the law , we ought not so much as to be acquainted with them . remember the words which were spoken of before , by the apostles of our lord iesus christ. . the third thing to be considered in the description of these men of whom we speak , is the time , wherein we should be manifested to the world. they told you , there should be mockers in the last time . noah at the commandement of god , built an ark , and there were in it beasts of all sorts , clean and unclean . a husbandman planteth a vineyard , and looketh for grapes , but when they come to the gathering , behold , together with grapes there are found also wilde grapes . a rich man prepareth a great supper , and biddeth many , but when he sitteth him down , he findeth amongst his friends here and there a man whom he knoweth not . this hath been the state of the church ●it hence the beginning . god always hath mingled his saints with faithless and godless persons , as it were the clean with the unclean , grapes with sowre grapes , his friends and children with aliens and strangers . marvel not then , if in the last dayes also ye see the men , with whom you live and walk arm in arm , laugh at your religion , and blaspheme that glorious name , whereof you are called . thus it was in the days of the patriarks and prophets ; and are we better than our fathers ? albeit we suppose , that the blessed apostles , in foreshewing what manner of men were set out for the last dayes , meant to note a calamity special and peculiar to the ages and generations , which were to come : as if he should have said ; as god hath appointed a time of seed for the sower , and a time of harvest for him that reapeth , as he hath given unto every herb and every tree his own fruit , and his own season , not the season nor the fruit of another ( for no man looketh to gather figgs in the winter , because the summer is the season for them ; nor grapes of thistles , because grapes are the fruit of the vine ) so the same god hath appointed sundry for every generation of them , other men for other times , and for the last times the worst men , as may appear by their properties , which is the fourth point to be considered of in this description . . they told you , that there should be mockers : he meaneth men that shall use religion as a cloak , to put off , and on , as the weather serveth ; such as shall , with herod , hear the preaching of iohn baptist to day , and to morrow condescend to have him beheaded ; or with the other herod , say , they will worship christ , when they purpose a massacre in their hearts , kiss christ with iudas , and betray christ with iudas . these are mockers . for ishmael the son of hagar laughed at isaac , which was heir of the promise ; so shall these men laugh at you as the maddest people under the sun , if ye be like moses , choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of god , than to enjoy the pleasures of sinne for a season . and why ? god hath not given them eyes to see , nor hearts to conceive that exceeding recompence of your reward . the promises of salvation made to you are matters wherein they can take no pleasure , even as ishmael took no pleasure in that promise , wherein god had said unto abraham , in isaac shall thy seed be called ; because the promise concerned not him , but isaac . they are termed for their impiety towards god , mockers ; and for the impurity of their life and conversation , walkers after-their own ungodly lusts . saint peter , in his second epistle , and third chapter , soundeth the very depth of their impiety : shewing , first , how they shall not shame at the length to profess themselves prophane , and i●●eligious , by flat denying the gospel of jesus christ , and de●ding the sweet and comfortable promises of his appearing : secondly , that they shall not be onely de●iders of all religion , but also disputers against god , using . truth to subvert the truth : yea , scriptures themselves to disprove scriptures . being in this sort mockers , they must needs be also followers of their own ungodly lusts . being atheists in perswasion , can they choose but be beasts in conversation ? for why remove they quite from them the feat of god ? why take they such pains to abandon , and put out from their hearts all sense , all taste , all feeling of religion ? but onely to this end and purpose , that they may without inward remorse and grudging of conscience give over themselves to all uncleanness . surely the state of these men is more lamentable , than is the condition of pagans and turks . for at the bare beholding of heaven and earth , the infidel's heart by and by doth give him , that there is an eternal , infinite , immortal , and ever-living god ; whose hands have fashioned and framed the world ; he knoweth , that every house is builded of some man , though he see not the man which built the house ; and he considereth , that it must be god , which hath built and created all things ; although , because the number of his days be few , he could not see when god disposed his works of old , when he caused the light of his clouds first to shine , when he laid the corner-stone of the earth , and swadled it with bands of water and darkness , when he caused the morning-star to know his place , and made bars and doors to shut up the sea within his house , saying , hitherto shalt thou come , but no further : he hath no eye-witnesse of these things : yet the light of natural reason hath put this wisdom in his re●ns , and hath given his heart thus much understanding . bring a pagan to the schools of the prophets of god ; prophesie to an infidel , rebuke him , lay the judgements of god before him , make the secret sinnes of his heart manifest , and he shall fall down and worship god. they that crucified the lord of glory , were not so farr past recovery , but that the preaching of the apostles was able to move their hearts , and to bring them to this . men and brethren , what shall we doe ? agrippa , that sate in judgement against paul for preaching , yielded notwithstanding thus farr unto him , almost thou perswadest me to become a christian. although the jews for want of knowledge have not submitted themselves to the righteousnesse of god ; yet i bear them record , saith the apostle , that they have a zeal . the athenians , a people having neither zeal , nor knowledge , yet of them also the same apostle beareth witnesse , ye men of athens , i perceive ye are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some way religious : but mockers , walking after their own ungodly lusts , they have smothered every spark of that heavenly light , they have stifled even their very natural understanding . o lord , thy mercy is over all thy works , thou savest man and beast ! yet a happy case it had been for these men , if they had never been born : and so i leave them . . saint iude having his minde exercised in the doctrine of the apostles of jesus christ , concerning things to come in the last time , became a man of wise and staid judgement . grieved he was , to see the departure of many , and their falling away from the faith , which before they did professe : grieved , but not dismayed . with the simpler and weaker sort it was otherwise : their countenance began by and by to change , they were half in doubt they had deceived themselves in giving credit to the gospel of jesus christ. saint iude , to comfort and refresh these silly babes , taketh them up in his armes , and sheweth them the men at whom they were offended . look upon them that forsake this blessed profession wherein you stand : they are now before your eyes ; view them , mark them , are they not carnal ? are they not like to noysom carrion cast out upon the earth ? is there that spirit in them which cryeth abba father in your bosoms ? why should any man be discomforted ? have you not heard , that there should be mockers in the last time ? these verily are they , that now do separate themselves . . for your better understanding , what this severing and separating of themselves doth mean , we must know , that the multitude of them which truly believe ( howsoever they be dispersed farr and wide each from other ) is all one body , whereof the head is christ ; one building , whereof he is the corner-stone , to whom they as the members of the body being knit , and as the stones of the building , being coupled , grow up to a man of perfect stature , and rise to an holy temple in the lord. that which linketh christ to us , is his mere mercy and love towards us . that which tyeth us to him , is our faith in the promised salvation revealed in the word of truth . that which uniteth and joyneth us amongst our selves , in such sort that we are now as if we had but one heart and one soul , is our love . who be inwardly in heart the lively members of this body , and the polished stones of this building , coupled and joyned to christ , as flesh of his flesh , and bones of his bones , by the mutual bond of his unspeakable love towards them , and their unseig●ed faith in him , thus linked and fastned each to other by a spiritual , sincere , and hearty affection of love , without any manner of simulation ; who be jewes within , and what their names be ; none can tell , save he whose eyes do behold the secret disposition of all mens hearts . we , whose eyes are too dim to behold the inward man , must leave the secret judgement of every servant to his own lord , accounting and using all men as brethren , both near and dear unto us , supposing christ to love them tenderly , so as they keep the profession of the gospel , and joyn in the outward communion of saints . whereof the one doth-warrantize unto us their faith , the other their love , till they fall away , and forsake either the one , or the other , or both ; and then it is no injury to term them as they are . when they separate themselves , they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not judged by us , but by their own doings . men do separate themselvs either by heresie , schism , or apostasie . if they lose the bond of faith , which then they are justly supposed to do , when they frowardly oppugn any principal point of christian doctrine , this is to separate themselves by heresie . if they break the bond of unity , whereby the body of the church is coupled and knit in one , as they doe which wilfully forsake all external communion with saints in holy exercises purely and orderly established in the church , this is to separate themselves by schism . if they willingly cast off , and utterly forsake both profession of christ , and communion with christians , taking their leave of all religion , this is to separate themselves by plain apostasie . and saint iude , to expresse the manner of their departure , which by apostasie fell away from the faith of christ , saith , they separated themselves ; noting thereby , that it was not constraint of others , which forced them to depart , it was not infirmity and weaknesse in themselves ; it was not fear of persecution to come upon them , whereat their hearts did fail ; it was not grief of torment , whereof they had tasted , and were not able any longer to endure them : no , they voluntarily did separate themselves with a fully settled , and altogether determined purpose , never to name the lord jesus any more , nor to have any fellowship with his saints , but to bend all their counsel , and all their strength , to raze out their memorial from amongst them . . now , because that by such examples , not onely the hearts of infidels were hardned against the truth , but the mindes of weak brethren also much troubled , the holy ghost hath given sentence of these backsliders , that they were carnal men , and had not the spirit of christ jesus , lest any man having an overweening of their persons , should be overmuch amazed and offended at their fall . for simple men , not able to discern their spirits , were brought by their apostasie , thus to reason with themselves , if christ be the sonne of the living god , if he have the words of eternal life , if he be able to bring salvation to all men that come unto him , what meaneth this apostasie , and unconstrained departure ? why do his servants so willingly forsake him ? babes , be not deceived , his servants forsake him not . they that separate themselves were amongst his servants , but if they had been of his servants , they had not separated themselves . they were amongst us , not of us , saith iohn ; and saint iude proveth it , because they were carnal , and had not the spirit . will you judge of wheat by chaff , which the winde hath scattered from amongst it ? have the children no bread , because the doggs have not tasted it ? are christians deceived of that salvation they look for , because they were denyed the joys of the life to come , which were no christians ? what if they seemed to be pillars and principal upholders of our faith ? what is that to us , which know that angels have fallen from heaven ? although if these men had been of us indeed ( o the blessedness of a christian man's estate ! ) they had stood surer than the angels that had never departed from their place . wherein now we marvel not at their departure at all , neither are we prejudiced by their falling away , because they were not of us , sith they are fleshly , and have not the spirit . children abide in the house for ever ; they are bond-men , and bond-women , which are cast out . . it behoveth you therefore greatly every man to examine his own estate , and to try whether you be bond or free , children or no children . i have told you already , that we must beware we presume not to sit as gods in judgement upon others , and rashly , as our conceit and fancy doth lead us so to determine of this man , he is sincere , or of that man , he is an hypocrite , except by their falling away they make it manifest and known that they are . for who art thou that takest upon thee to judge another before the time ? judge thyself . god hath left us infallible evidence , whereby we may at any time give true and righteous sentence upon our selves . we cannot examine the hearts of other men , we may our own . that we have passed from death to life we know it , saith st. iohn , because we love the brethren : and know ye not your own selves , how that iesus christ is in you , except you be reprobates ? i trust , beloved , we know that we are not reprobates , because our spirit doth bear us record , that the faith of our lord jesus christ is in us . . it is as easie a matter for the spirit within you to tell whose ye are , as for the eyes of your bodie to judge where you sit , or in what place you stand . for , what saith the scripture ? ye which were in times past strangers and enemies , because your mindes were set an evil works , christ hath now reconciled in the body of his flesh through death , to make you holy , and umblameable , and without fault in his sight : if you continue grounded and established in the faith , and be not moved away from the hope of the gospel , collos. . and in the third to the colossians , ye know , that of the lord ye shall receive the reward of that inheritance , for ye serve the lord christ. if we can make this account with our selves , i was in times past dead in trespasses and sinnes , i walked after the prince that ruleth in the ayr , and after the spirit that worketh in the children of disobedience , but god , who is rich in mercy , through his great love , wherewith he loved me , even when i was dead , hath quickned me in christ. i was fierce , heady , proud , high-minded ; but god hath made me like the childe that is newly weaned : i loved pleasures more than god , i followed greedily the joyes of this present world ; i esteemed him , that erected a stage or theatre , more than solomon , which built a temple to the lord ; the ha●p , viol , timbrel , and pipe , men-singers , and women-singers were at my feast ; it was my felicity to see my children dance before me : i said of every kinde of vanity , o how sweet art thou in my soul ! all which things now are crucified to me , and i to them : now i hate the pride of life , and pomp of this world ; now i take as great delight in the way of thy testimonies , o lord , as in all riches ; now i finde more joy of heart in my lord and saviour , than the worldly-minded-man , when his wheat and oyl do much abound : now i taste nothing sweet , but the bread which came down from heaven , to give life unto the world : now mine eys see nothing , but jesus rising from the dead : now my ears refuse all kinde of melody , to hear the song of them that hath gotten victory of the beast , and of his image , and of his mark , and of the number of his name , that stand on the sea of glass , having the harps of god , and singing the song of moses the servant of god , and the song of the lamb , saying , great and marvellous are thy works , lord god almighty , just and true are thy wayes , o king of saints . surely , if the spirit have been thus effectual in the secret work of our regeneration unto newness of life ; if we endeavour thus to frame our selves anew , then we may say boldly with the blessed apostle in the tenth to the hebrews , we are not of them which withdraw our selves to perdition , but which follow faith to the conservation of the soul. for they which fall away from the grace of god , and separate themselves unto perdition , they are fleshly and carnal , they have not god's holy spirit . but unto you , because ye are sons , god hath sent forth the spirit of his son into your hearts , to the end ye might know , that christ hath built you upon a rock unmoveable ; that he hath registred your names in the book of life ; that he hath bound himself in a sure and everlasting covenant , to be your god , and the god of your children after you , that he hath suffered as much , groaned as oft , prayed as heartily for you , as for peter , o father keep them in thy name ! o righteous father , the world hath not known thee , but i have known thee , and these have known that thou hast sent me . i have declared thy name unto them , and will declare it , that the love wherewith thou hast loved me , may be in them , and i in them . the lord of his infinite mercy give us hearts plentifully fraught with the treasure of this blessed assurance of faith unto the end . . here i must advertise all men , that have the testimony of god's holy fear within their breasts , to consider how unkindly and injuriously our own countrey-men and brethren have dealt with us by the space of four and twenty years , from time to time , as if we were the men of whom st. iude here speaketh ; never ceasing to charge us , some with scism , some with heresie , some with plain and manifest apostasie , as if we had clean separated our selves from christ , utterly forsaken god , quite abjured heaven , and trampled all truth and religion under our feet . against this third sort , god himself shall plead our cause in that day , when they shall answer us for these words , nor we them . to others , by whom we are accused for schism and heresie , we have often made our reasonable , and , in the sight of god , i trust , allowable answers . for in the way which they call heresie , we worship the god of our fathers , believing all things which are written in the law and the prophets . that which they call schism , we know to be our reasonable service unto god , and obedience to his voyce , which cryeth shrill in our ears , go out of babylon my people , that you be not partakers of her sinnes , and that ye receive not of her plagues . and therefore when they rise up against us , having no quarrel but this , we need not seek any farther for our apology , than the words of abiah to iereboam and his army , chron. . o ieroboam and israel , hear you me , ought you not to know , that the lord god of israel hath given the kingdom over israel to david for ever , even to him , and to his sons , by a covenant of salt ? that is to say , an everlasting covenant . jesuits and papists , hear ye me , ought you not to know , that the father hath given all power unto the son , and hath made him the onely head over his church , wherein he dwelleth as an husband-man in the midst of his vineyard , manuring it with the sweat of his own brows , not letting it forth to others ? for , as it is in the canticles , solomon had a vineyard in baalhamon , he gave the vineyard unto keepers , every one bringing forth the fruit thereof a thousand pieces of silver ; but my vineyard , which is mine , is before me , saith christ. it is true , this is meant of the mystical head set over the body , which is not seen . but as he hath reserved the mystical administration of the church invisible unto himself , so he hath committed the mystical government of congregations visible to the sonnes of david , by the same covenant ; whose sons they are , in the governing of the flock of christ , whomsoever the holy ghost hath set over them , to go before them , and to lead them in several pastures , one in this congregation , another in that ; as it is written , take heed unto your selves ; and to all the flock , whereof the holy ghost hath made you overseers , to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with his own blood . neither will ever any pope or papist , under the cope of heaven , be able to prove the romish bishop's usurped supremacy over all churches , by any one word of the covenant of salt , which is the scripture . for the children in our streets do now laugh them to scorn , when they force , thou art peter ; to this purpose . the pope hath no more reason to draw the charter of his universal authority from hence , than the brethren had to gather by the words of christ , in the last of st. iohn , that the disciple , whom jesus loved , should not dye . if i will that he ●arry till i come , what is that to thee ? saith christ. straitways a report was raised amongst the brethren , that this disciple should not dye . yet jesus said not to him , he shall not dye ; but , if i will that he ●arry till i come , what is that to thee ? christ hath said in the sixteenth of st. matthew's gospel , to simon the son of ionas , i say to thee , thou art peter . hence an opinion is held in the world , that the pope is universal head of all churches . yet jesus said not , the pope is universal head of all churches ; but , ta es petrus , thou art peter . howbeit , as ieroboam , the son of nebat , the servant of solomon , rose up and rebelled against his lord , and there were gathered unto him vain men and wicked , which made themselves strong against roboam , the son of solomon , because roboam was but a childe , and tender-hearted , and could not resist them : so the son of perdition , and man of sin , being not able to brook the words of our lord and saviour jesus christ , which forbad his disciples to be like princes of nations , they bear rule that are called gracious , it shall not be so with you , hath risen up and rebelled against his lord ; and to strengthen his arm he hath crept into the houses almost of all the noblest families round about him , and taken their children from the cradle , to be his cardinals : he hath fawned upon the kings and princes of the earth , and by spiritual cozenage hath made them sell their lawful authority and jurisdiction , for titles of catholicus , christianissimus , defensor fidei , and such like ; he hath proclaimed sale of pardons , to inveigle the ignorant ; built seminaries to allure young men , desirous of learning ; erected stews , to gather the dissolute unto him . this is the rock whereupon his church is built . hereby the man is grown huge and strong , like the cedars , which are not shaken with the winde , because princes have been as children , over-tender hearted , and could not resist . hereby it is come to pass , as you see this day , that the man of sinne doth war against us , not by men of a language which we cannot understand , but he cometh as iereboam against iudah , and bringeth the fruit of our own bodies to eat us up , that the bowels of the childe may be made the mother's grave ; and hath caused no small number of our brethren to forsake their native countrey , and with all disloyalty to cast off the yoke of their allegiance to our dread soveraign , whom god in mercy hath set over them ; for whose safeguard , if they carried not the hearts of tygers in the bosomes of men , they would think the dearest blood in their bodies well spent . but now , saith abiah to ieroboam , ye think ye be able to resist the kingdom of the lord , which is in the hands of the sonnes of david . ye be a great multitude , the golden calves are with you , which ieroboam made you for gods : have ye not driven away the priests of the lord , the sons of aaron , and the levites , and have made you priests like the people of nations ? whosoever cometh with a young bullock , and seven rams , the same may be a priest of them that are no gods . if i should follow the comparison , and here uncover the cup of those deadly and ugly abominations wherewith this ieroboam , of whom we speak , hath made the earth so drunk , that it hath retled under us , i know your godly hearts would loath to see them . for my own part , i delight not to take in such filth ; i had rather take a garment upon my shoulders , and go with my face from them , to cover them . the lord open their eyes , and cause them , if it be possible , at the length to see , how they are wretched , and miserable , and poor , and blinde , and naked ! put it , o lord , in their hearts , to seek white rayment , and to cover themselves , that their filthy nakednesse may no longer appear ! for , beloved in christ , we bow our knees , and lift up our hands to heaven in our chambers secretly , and openly in our churches we pray heartily and hourly , even for them also : though the pope hath given out as a judge , in a solemn declaratory sentence of excommunication against this land , that our gracious lady hath quite abolished prayers within her realm ; and his scholars , whom he hath taken from the midst of us , have in their published writings charged us : nor onely nor to have any holy assemblies unto the lord for prayer , but to hold a common school of sinne and flattery ; to hold sacriledge to be god's service ; unfaithfulnesse , and breach of promise to god , to give it to a strumpet , to be a vertue ; to abandon fasting , to abhor confession , to mislike with penance ; to like well of usury ; to charge none with restitution ; to finde no good before god in single life ; not in no well-working , that all men , as they fall to us , are much worse , and more , than afore , corrupted . i do not add one word , or syllable , unto that which mr. bristow , a man both born and sworn amongst us , hath taught his hand to deliver to the view of all . i appeal to the conscience of every soul , that hath been truly converted by us , whether his heart were never raised up to god by our preaching ; whether the words of our exhortation never w●●●g any tear of a penitent heart from his eys ; whether his soul never reaped any joy , and comfort , any consolation in christ jesus by our sacraments , and prayers , and psalms , and thanksgiving ; whether he were never bettered , but always worsed by us . o merciful god! if heaven and earth in this case do not witness with us , and against them , let us be razed out from the land of the living ! let the earth on which we stand , swallow us quick , as it hath done corah , dathan , and abiram ! but if we belong unto the lord our god , and have not forsaken him : if our priests , the sons of aaron , minister unto the lord , and the levites in their office : if we offer unto the lord every morning and every evening the burnt-offerings , and sweet incense of prayers , and thanksgiving ; if the bread be set in order upon the pure table , and the candlestick of gold , with the lamps thereof , burn every morning ; that is to say , if amongst us god's blessed sacraments be duly administred , his holy word sincerely and daily preached ; if we keep the watch of the lord our god , and if ye have forsaken him : then doubt ye not , this god is with us as a captain , his priests with sounding trumpets must cry alarm against you ; o ye children of israel , fight not against the lord god of your fathers , for ye shall not prosper . the second sermon . epist. jude , verse , , , , . but ye , beloved , remember the words which were spoken before of the apostles of our lord iesus christ : how that they told you , that there should be mockers in the last time , which should walk after their own ungodly lusts . these are makers of sects , fleshly , having not the spirit . but ye , beloved , edifie your selves in your most holy faith , praying in the holy ghost . and keep your selves in the love of god , looking for the mercy of our lord iesus christ , unto eternal life . having otherwhere spoken of the words of saint iude , going next before , concerning mockers , which should come in the last time , and backsliders , which even then should fall away from the faith of our lord and saviour jesus christ ; i am now by the aide of almighty god , and through the assistance of his good spirit , to lay before you the words of exhortation , which i have read . . wherein first of all , whosoever hath an eye to see , let him open it , and he shall well perceive , how careful the lord is for his children , how desirous to see them profit and grow up to a manly stature in christ , how loath to have them any way mis-led , either by examples of the wicked , or by inticements of the world , and by provocation of the flesh , or by any other means forcible to deceive them , and likely to estrange their hearts from god. for god is not at that point with us , that he careth not whether we sink or swim . no , he hath written our names in the palm of his hand , in the signet upon his finger are we graven ; in sentences not onely of mercy , but of judgement also , we are remembred . he never denounceth judgments against the wicked , but he maketh some proviso for his children , as it were for some certain priviledged persons . touch not mine anointed , do my prophets no harm : hurt not the earth , nor the sea , nor the trees , till we have sealed the servants of god in their foreheads . he never speaketh of godless men , but he adjoyneth words of comfort , or admonition , or exhortation , whereby we are moved to rest and settle our hearts on him . in the second to timothy , the third chapter , evil men ( saith the apostle ) and deceivers shall wax worse and worse , deceiving , and bring deceived . but continue thou in the things which thou hast learned . and in the first ●● timothy , the sixt chapter , some ●●●● lusting after man ●● , have erred drown he faith ; and pearced , themselves thorg● with many ●●rrows ●●●● thou , o man of god , ●●y these ●●● things , and follow after righteousnesse , godlinesse , faith , love , patience , meeknesse . in the second to the thessalonians , the second chapter , they have not deceived the love of the truth , that they might be saved , god shall send them strong delusions , that they may believe lies . but we ought to give thanks alway to god for you , brethren , beloved of the lord , because god hath from the beginning chosen you to salvation , through sanctifications of the spirit , and faith in the truth . and in this epistle of st. iude , there shall come mockers in the last time , walking after their own ungodly lusts . but believed , edifie ye your selves in your most holy faith. . these sweet exhortations , which god putteth every where in the mouths of the prophets and apostles of jesus christ ; are evident tokens , that god sitteth nor in heaven carelesse and unmindful of our estate . can a mother forget her childe ? surely , a mother will hardly forget her childe . but if a mother be haply found unnatural and do forget the fruit of her own womb , yet god's judgements shew plainly , that he cannot forget the man whose heart he hath framed and fashioned a new , in simplicity and truth to serve and fear him . for when the wickednesse of man was so great , and the earth so filled with cruelties , that it could not stand with the righteousness of god any longer to forbear , wrathful sentences brake out from him , like wine from a vessel that hath no vent : my spirit ( saith he ) can struggle and strive no longer , an end of all flesh is come before me . yet then did noah finde grace in ● of the lord , i will establish my covenant with thee ( saith god ) thou shots go into the ark ; thou , and thy sons , and thy wife , and thy sons wives with thee . . do we not see what shift god doth make for lot , and for his family , in the ●● of genesis , lest the fiery destruction of the wicked should overtake him . over-night the angels make enquiry , what sons and daughters , or sons in law , what weal●● and substance he had . they charge him to carry out all , whatsoever thou hast in the city , bring it out . god seemeth to stand in a kinde of fear , lest some thing or other would be left behinde . and his will was , that nothing of that which he had , nor an hoof of any beast , not a thred of any garment , should be findged with that fire . i● the morning the angels fail not to call him up , and to hasten him forward , arise , take thy wife , and thy daughters which are here , that they be no● destroyed in the punishment of the city . the angels having spoken again and again . lot for all this lingereth out the time still , till at the length they were forced to take both him , and his wife , and his daughters by the arms , ( the lord being merciful unto him ) and to carry them forth , and set them without the city . . was there ever any father thus careful to save his childe from the ●lame ? a man would think , that now being spoken unto to escape for his life , and not to look behind him , nor to ●arry in the plain , but to hasten to the mountain , and there to save himself , he should do it gladly . yet behold , now he is so far off from a chearful and willing heart to do whatsoever is commanded him for his own weal , that he beginneth to reason the matter , as if god had mistaken one place for another , sending him to the ●● , when salvation was in the city . not , so , my lord , i beseech thee , behold , thy servant hath found grace in thy sight , and thou hast magnified thy mercy which thou hast shewed unto me in saving my life . i cannot escape in the mountain , lest some evil take me , and i dye . here is a city hard by , a small thing ; o , let me escape thither ( is it not a small thing ? ) and my soul shall live . well , god is contended to yield to any conditions , behold , i have recived thy request concerning this thing also , i will spare this city for which thou hast spoken ; haste thee ; save thee there ; for i can do nothing till thou come thither . . he could do nothing ! not because of the weaknesse of his strength ( for who is like unto the lord in power ? ) but because of the greatness of his mercy , which would not suffer him to lift up his arm against that city , nor to pour out his wrath upon that place ; where his righteous servant had a fancy to remain , and a desire to dwell . o the depth of the riches of the mercy and love of god! god is afraid to offend us , which are not afraid to displease him ! god can do nothing till he have saved us , which can finde in our hearts rather to do any thing than to serve him . it contenteth him not to exempt us , when the pit is digged for the wicked ; to comfort us at every mention which is made of reprobates and godlesse men ; to save us as the apple of his own eye , when fire cometh down from heaven to consume the inhabitants of the earth ; except every prophet , and every apostle , and every servant whom he sendeth forth , do come loaden with these or the like exhortations , o beloved , edifie your selves in your most holy faith , give your selves to prayer in the spirit , keep your selves in the love of god ; look for the mercy of our lord iesus christ unto eternal life . . edifie your selves . the speech is borrowed from material builders , and must be spiritually understood . it appeareth in the sixth of saint iohn's gospel by the jews , that their mouths did water too much for bodily food , our fathers , say they , did eat manna in the desart , as it is written , he gave them bread from heaven to eat ; lord , evermore give us of this bread ! our saviour , to turn their appetite another way , maketh them this answer , i am the bread of life ; he that cometh to me shall not hunger ; and he that believeth in me , shall never thirst . . an usual practice it is of satan , to cast heaps of worldly baggage in our way , that whilst we desire to heap up gold as dust , we may be brought at the length to esteem vilely that spiritual blisse . christ , in matth. . to correct this evil affection , putteth us in minde to lay up treasure for our selves in heaven . the apostle , ● tim. chapter . misliking the vanity of those women which attired themselves more costly than beseemed the heavenly calling of such as professed the fear of god , willeth them to cloath themselves with shamefastnesse , and modesty , and to put on the apparel of good works . taliter pigmentata , deum habehitis amatorem , saith tertullian . put on righteousnesse as a garment ; instead of civit , have faith , which may cause a savour of life to issue from you , and god shall be enamoured , he shall be ravished with your beauty . these are the ornaments , and bracelets , and jewels which inflame the love of christ , and set his heart on fire upon his spouse . we see how he breaketh out in the canticles at the beholding of this attire , how fair art thou , and how pleasant art thou , o my love , in these pleasures ! . and perhaps st. iude exhorteth us here not to build our houses , but our selves , foreseeing by the spirit of the almighty , which was with him , that there should be men in the last days like to those in the first , which should encourage and stir up each other to make brick , and to burn it in the fire , to build houses huge as cities , and towers as high as heaven , thereby to get them a name upon earth ; men that should turn out the poor , and the fatherless , and the widow , to build places of rest for dogs and swine in their rooms ; men that should lay houses of prayer even with the ground , and make them stables where god's people have worshipped before the lord. surely this is a vanity of all vanities , and it is much amongst men ; a special sicknesse of this age . what it should mean , i know not , except god have set them on work to provide fewel against that day when the lord jesus shall shew himself from heaven with his mighty angels in flaming fire . what good cometh unto the owners of these things , saith solomon , but onely the beholding thereof with their eyes ? martha , martha , thou busiest thy self about many things , one thing is necessary . ye are too busie , my brethren , with timber and brick ; they have chosen the better part , they have taken a better course that build themselves . ye are the temples of the living god , as god hath said , i will dwell in them , and will walk in them ; and they shall be my people , and i will be their god. . which of you will gladly remain , or abide in a mishapen , a ruinous , or a broken house ? and shall we suffer sinne and vanity to drop in at our eyes , and at our ears , and at every corner of our bodies , and of our souls , knowing that we are the temples of the holy ghost ? which of you receiveth a guest whom he honoureth , or whom he loveth , and doth not sweep his chamber against his coming ? and shall we suffer the chambers of our hearts and consciences to lye full of vomiting , full of filth , full of garbidge , knowing that christ hath said , i and my father will come and dwell with you ? is it meet for your oxen to lye in parlors , and your selves to lodge in cribs ? or is it seemly for your selves to dwell in your seiled houses , and the house of the almighty to lye waste , whose house ye are yourselves ; do not our eys behold , how god every day overtaketh the wicked in their journeys , how suddenly they pop down into the pit ? how god's judgements for their crimes come so swiftly upon them , that they have not the leisure to cry , alas ? how their life is cutt off like a thred in a moment ? how they passe like a shadow ? how they open their mouths to speak , and god taketh them even in the midst of a vain or an idle word ? and dare we for all this lye down , take our rest , eat our meat securely and carelesly in the midst of so great and so many ruines ? blessed and praised for ever and ever be his name , who perceiving of how senseless and heavy metal we are made , hath instituted in his church a spiritual supper , and an holy communion , to be celebrated often , that we might thereby be occasioned often to examine these buildings of ours , in what case they stand . for , sith god doth not dwell in temples which are unclean , sith a shrine cannot be a sanctuary unto him ; and this supper is received as a seal unto us , that we are his house and his sanctuary ; that his christ is as truly united to me , and i to him , as my arm is united and knit unto my shoulder ; that he dwelleth in me as verily , as the elements of bread and wine abide within me ; which perswasion , by receiving these dreadful mysteries , we profess our selves to have : a due comfort , if truly ; and if in hypocrisie , then wo worth us . therefore ere we put forth our hands to take this blessed sacrament , we are charged to examine and to try our hearts , whether god be in us of a truth or no : and if by faith and love unfeigned we be found the temples of the holy ghost , then to judge , whether we have had such regard every one to our building , that the spirit which dwelleth in us hath no way been vexed , molested and grieved ; or if it have , as no doubt sometimes it hath by incredulity , sometimes by breach of charity , sometimes by want of zeal , sometimes by spots of life , even in the best and most perfect amongst us ; ( for who can say his heart is clean ? ) o then to fly unto god by unfeigned repentance , to fall down before him in the humility of our souls , begging of him whatsoever is needful to repair our decays , before we fall into that desolation whereof the prophet speaketh , saying , thy breach is great like the sea , who can heal thee ? . receiving the sacrament of the supper of the lord after this sort ( you that are spiritual , judge what i speak ) is not all other wine like the water of merah , being compared to the cup , which we bless ? is not manna like to gall , and our bread like to manna ? is there not a taste , a taste of christ jesus , in the heart of him that eateth ? doth not he which drinketh , behold plainly in this cup , that his soul is bathed in the blood of the lamb ? o beloved in our lord and saviour jesus christ , if ye will taste how sweet the lord is , if ye will receive the king of glory , build your selves . . young men , i speak this to you ; for ye are his house , because by faith ye are conquerors over satan , and have overcome that evil . fathers , i speak it also to you ; ye are his house , because ye have known him , who is from the beginning . sweet babes , i speak it even to you also ; ye are his house , because your sinnes are forgiven you for his names sake . matrons and sisters , i may not hold it from you , ye are also the lord's building ; and as saint peter speaketh , heirs of the grace of life as well as we . though it be forbidden you to open your mouths in publick assemblies , yet ye must be inquisitive in things concerning this building , which is of god , with your husbands and friends at home ; not as delilah with sampson , but as sarah with abraham ; whose daughters ye are , whilst ye do well , and build your selves . . having spoken thus farr of the exhortation , as whereby we are called upon to edifie and build our selves ; it remaineth now , that we consider the things prescribed , namely , wherein we must be built . this prescription standeth also upon two points , the thing prescribed , and the adjuncts of the thing . and that is , our most pure and holy faith. . the thing prescribed is faith. for , as in a chain which is made of many links , if you pull the first , you draw the rest ; and , as in a ladder of many staves , if you take away the lowest , all hope of ascending unto the highest will be removed : so , because all the precepts and promises in the law , and in the gospel do hang upon this , believe ; and because the last of the graces of god doth so follow the first , that he glorifieth none , but whom he hath justified , nor justifieth any , but whom he hath called to a true , effectual , and lively faith in christ jesus ; therefore st. iude exhorting us to build our selves , mentioneth here expresly onely faith , as the thing wherein we must be edified ; for that faith is the ground and the glory of all the welfare of this building . . ye are not strangers and foreigners , but citizens with the saints , and of the houshold of god ( saith the apostle ) and are built upon the foundation of the prophets and apostles , iesus christ himself being the chief corner-stone , in whom all the building being coupled together , groweth unto an holy temple in the lord , in whom ye also are built together to be the habitation of god by the spirit . and we are the habitation of god by the spirit , if we believe ; for it is written , whosoever confesseth , that iesus is the sonne of god , in him god dwelleth , and he in god. the strength of this habitation is great , it prevaileth against satan , it conquereth sinne , it hath death in cerision ; neither principalities nor powers can throw it down ; it leadeth the world captive , and bringeth every enemy , that riseth up against it , to confusion and shame , and all by faith ; for this is the victory that overcommeth the world , even our faith. who is it that overcommeth the world , but he which believeth that jesus is the son of god ? . the strength of every building , which is of god , standeth not in any man's arms or leggs ; it is onely in our faith , as the valour of sampson lay only in his hair . this is the reason , why we are so earnestly called upon to edifie our selves in faith. not as if this bare action of our mindes , whereby we believe the gospel of christ , were able in itself , as of it self , to make us unconquerable , and invincible , like stones , which abide in the building for ever , and fall not out . no , it is not the worthiness of our believing , it is the vertue of him in whom we believe , by which we stand sure , as houses that are builded upon a rock . he is a wise-man , which hath builded his house upon a rock ; for he hath chosen a good foundation , and no doubt his house will stand ; but how shall it stand ; verily , by the strength of the rock which beareth it , and by nothing else . our fathers , whom god delivered out of the land of egypt , were a people that had no peers amongst the nations of the earth , because they were built by faith upon the rock , which rock is christ. and the rock ( saith the apostle , in the first to the corinthians , the tenth chapter ) did follow them . whereby we learn not onely this , that being built by faith on christ , as on a rock , and grafted into him as into an olive , we receive all our strength and fatness from him ; but also , that this strength and fatnesse of ours ought to be no cause why we should be high-minded , and not work out our salvation with a reverent trembling , and holy fear . for if thou boasteth thy self of thy faith , know this , that christ chose his apostles , his apostles chose not him ; that israel followed not the rock , but the rock followed israel ; and that thou bearest not the root , but the root thee . so that every heart must thus think , and every tongue must thus speak , not unto us , o lord , not unto us , nor unto any thing which is within us , but unto thy name onely , onely to thy name belongeth all the praise of all the treasures and riches of every temple which is of god. this excludeth all boasting and vaunting of our faith. . but this must not make us careless to edifie our selves in faith. it is the lord that delivereth mens souls from death , but not except they put their trust in his mercy . it is god that hath given us eternal life , but no otherwise than thus , if we believe in the name of the sonne of god ; for he that hath not the sonne of god , hath not life . it was the spirit of the lord which came upon sampson , and made him strong to tear a lyon , as a man would rend a kid ; but his strength forsook him , and he became like other men , when the razor had touched his head. it is the power of god whereby the faithful have subdued kingdoms , wrought righteousness , obtained the promises , stopped the mouths of lyons , quenched the violence of fire , escaped the edge of the sword : but take away their faith , and doth not their strength forsake them ? are they not like unto other men ? . if ye desire yet farther to know , how necessary and needful it is that we edifie and build up our selves in faith , mark the words of the blessed apostle , without faith it is impossible to please god. if i offer unto god all the sheep ●●d oxen that are in the world , if all the temples that were builded since the dayes of adam till this hour , were of my foundation ; if i break my very heart with calling upon god , and wear out my tongue with preaching ; if i sacrifice my body and my soul unto him , and have no faith , all this availeth nothing . without faith it is impossible to please god. our lord and saviour therefore being asked in the sixth of st. iohn's gospel , what shall we do that we might work the works of god ? maketh answer , this is the work of god , that ye believe in him whom he hath sent . . that no work of ours , no building of our selves in any thing can be available or profitable unto us , except we be edified and built in faith , what need we to seek about for long proof ? look upon israel , once the very chosen and peculiar of god , to whom the adoption of the faithful , and the glory of cherubims , and the covenants of mercy , and the law of moses , and the service of god , and the promises of christ were made impropriate , who not onely were the off-spring of abraham , father unto all them which do believe , but christ their off-spring , which is god to be blessed for evermore . . consider this people , and learn what it is to build your selves in faith. they were the lord's vine : he brought it out of egypt , he threw out the heathen from their places , that it might be planted ; he made room for it , and caused it to take root , till it had filled the earth ; the mountains were covered with the shadow of it , and the boughs thereof were as the goodly cedars ; she stretched out her branches unto the sea , and her boughs unto the river . but , when god having sent both his servants and his son to v●si●s this vine ; they neither spared the one , nor received the other , but stoned the 〈…〉 s , and crucified the lord of glory which came unto them ; then began the curse ●● god to come upon them , even the curse whereof the prophet david hath spoken , saying , let their table be made a snare , and a net , and a stumbling block , even for a recompence unto them : let their eyes be darkned , that they do not see , how down their backs for ever , keep them down . and sithence the hour that the measure of their infidelity was first made up , they have been spoiled with warrs , eaten up with piagues , spent with hunger and famine ; they wander from place to place , and are become the most ●ase and contemptible people that are under the sun. ephraim , which before was a terrour unto nations , and they trembled at his voyce , is now by infidelity so vile , that he seeme●h as a thing cast out to be trampled under mens feet . in the midst of these desolations they cry , retur● , we beseech thee , o god of hosts , look down from heaven , behold and visit their vine : but their very prayers are turned into sin , and their crys are no better than the lowing of ●easts before him . well , saith the apostle , by their anbelief they are broken off , and thou dost standby thy faith : behold therefore the bountifulness , and severity of god ; towards them severity , because they have fallen ; bountifulness towards thee , if thou continue in his bountifulness , or else thou shalt be cut off . if they forsake their unbelief ; and be grafted in again , and we at any time for the hardness of our hearts be broken off , it will be such a judgment as will amaze all the powers and principalities which are above . who hath searched the counsel of god concerning this secret ? and who doth not see , that infidelity doth threaten lo-ammi unto the gentiles , as it hath brought lo-ruchama upon the jews ? it may be that these words seem dark unto you . but the words of the apostle , in the eleventh to the romans , are plain enough , if god have not spared the natural branches , take heed , take heed lest he spare not thee : build thy self in faith. thus much of the thing which is prescribed , and wherein we are exhorted to edifie our selves . now consider the condition and properties which are in this place annexed unto faith. the former of them ( for there are but two ) is this , edifie your selves in your faith. . a strange , and a strong delusion it is wherewith the man of sin hath bewitched the world ; a forcible spirit of errour it must needs be which hath brought men to such a senseless and unreasonable perswasion as this is , not onely that men cloathed with mortality and sinne , as we our selves are , can do god so much service as shall be able to make a full and perfect satisfaction before the tribunal seat of god for their own sinnes ; yea , a great deal more than is sufficient for themselves : but also , that a man at the hands of a bishop or a pope , for such or such a price , may buy the over-plus of other mens merits , purchase the fruits of other men's labours , and build his soul by another man's faith . is not this man drowned in the gall of bitterness ? is his heart right in the sight of god ? can he have any part or fellowship with peter , and with the successors of peter , which thinketh so vilely of building the precious temples of the holy ghost ? let his money perish with him ; and he with it , because he judgeth that the gift of god may be sold for money . . but , beloved in the lord , deceive not your selves , neither suffer ye your selves to be deceived : ye can receive no more ease nor comfort for your souls by another man's faith , than warmth for your bodies by another man's cloaths ; or sustenance by the bread which another man doth eat . the just shall live by his own faith. let a saint , yea a martyr , content himself , that he hath cleansed himself of his own sins , saith tertullian : no saint or martyr can cleanse himself of his own sins . but if so be a saint or a martyr can cleanse himself of his own sins , it is sufficient that he can do it for himself . did ever any man by his death deliver another man from death , except onely the sonne of god ? he indeed was able to safe-conduct a thief from the cross to paradise : for to this end he came , that being himself pure from sinne , he might obey for sinners . thou which thinkest to do the like , and supposest that thou canst justifie another by thy righteousness , if thou be without sinne , then lay down thy life for thy brother ; dye for me . but if thou be a sinner , even as i am a sinner , how can the oyl of thy lamp be sufficient both for thee and for me ? virgins that are wise , get ye oyl , while ye have day , into your own lamps : for out of all peradventure , others , though they would , can neither give nor sell. edifie your selves in your own most holy faith . and let this be observed for the first property of that wherein we ought to edifie our selves . . our faith being such , is that indeed which st. iude doth here term faith ; namely , a thing most holy . the reason is this , we are justified by faith : for abraham believed , and this was imputed unto him for righteousness . being justified , all our iniquities are covered ; god beholdeth us in the righteousness which is imputed , and not in the sins which we have committed . . it is true , we are full of sin , both original and actual ; whosoever denieth it , is a double sinner , for he is both a sinner and a lyar. to deny sin , is most plainly and clearly to prove it , because he that saith he hath no sin , lyeth , and by lying proveth that he hath sin . . but imputation of righteousness hath covered the sins of every soul which believeth ; god by pardoning our sin , hath taken it away : so that now , although our transgressions be multiplied above the hairs of our head , yet being justified , we are as free , and as clear , as if there were no one spot or stain of any uncleanness in us . for it is god that justifieth ; and who shall lay any thing to the charge of god's chosen ? saith the apostle , in rom. . . now sin being taken away , we are made the righteousness of god in christ : for david speaking of this righteousness , saith , blessed is the man whose iniquities are forgiven . no man is blessed , but in the righteousness of god. every man whose sin is taken away , is blessed . therefore every man whose sin is covered , is made the righteousness of god in christ. this righteousness doth make us to appear most holy , most pure , most unblameable before him . . this then is the sum of that which i say , faith doth justifie , justification washeth away sin ; sin removed , we are cloathed with the righteousness which is of god ; the righteousness of god maketh us most holy . every of these i have proved by the testimony of god's own mouth . therefore i conclude , that faith is that which maketh us most holy , in consideration whereof , it is called in this place , our most holy saith . . to make a wicked and a sinful man most holy through his believing , is more than to create a world of nothing . our faith most holy ! surely , solomon could not shew the queen of sheba , so much treasure in all his kingdom , as is lapt up in these words . o that our hearts were stretched out like tenis , and that the eyes of our understanding were as bright as the sun , that we might thoroughly know the riches of the glorious inheritance of the saints , and what is the exceeding greatness of his power towards us , whom he accepteth for pure , and most holy , through our believing . o that the spirit of the lord would give this doctrine entrance into the slony and brazen heart of the jew , which followeth the law of righteousness , but cannot attain unto the righteousness of the law ! wherefore , saith the apostle , they seek righteousness , and not by faith ; wherefore they stumble at christ , they are bruised , shivered to pieces as a ship that hath run herself upon a rock . o that god would cast down the eyes of the proud , and humble the souls of the high-minded ! that they might at the length abhor the garments of their own flesh , which cannot hide their nakedness , and put on the faith of christ jesus , as he did put it on which hath said , doubtless i think all thing ; but loss , for the excellent knowledge-sake of christ iesus my lord , for whom i have counted all things loss , and do judge them to be dung , that i might win christ , and might be found in him , not having mine own righteousness , which is of the law , but that which is through the saith of christ , even the righteousness which is of god through faith . o that god would open the ark of mercy , wherein this doctrine lyeth , and set it wide before the eys of poor afflicted consciences , which fly up and down upon the water of their afflictions , and can see nothing but onely the gulf and deluge of their sinnes , wherein there is no place for them to rest their feet . the god of pity and compassion give you all strength and courage , every day , and every hour , and every moment , to build and edifie your selves in this most pure and holy faith . and thus much both of the thing prescribed in this exhortation , and also of the properties of the thing , build your selves in your most holy faith . i would come to the next branch , which is of prayer , but i cannot lay this matter out of my hands , till i have added somewhat for the applying of it , both to others , and to our selves . . for your better understanding of matters contained in this exhortation , build your selves , you must note , that every church and congregation doth consist of a multitude of believers , as every house is built of many stones . and although the nature of the mystical body of the church be such , that it suffereth no distinction in the invisible members , but whether it be paul or apollos , prince or prophet , he that is taught or he that teacheth , all are equally christ's , and christ is equally theirs : yet in the external administration of the church of god , because god is not the author of confusion , but of peace ; it is necessary that in every congregation there be a distinction , if not of inward dignity , yet of outward degree ; so that all are saints , or seem to be saints , and should be as they seem : but are all apostles ? if the whole body were an eye , where were then the hearing ? god therefore hath given some to be apostles , and some to be pastors , &c. for the edification of the body of christ. in which work , we are god's labourers ( saith the apostle ) and ye are god's husbandry , and god's building . . the church , respected with reference unto administration ecclesiastical , doth generally consist but of two sorts of men , the labourers , and the building ; they which are ministred unto , and they to whom the work of the ministery is committed ; pastors , and the flock over whom the holy ghost hath made them overseers . if the guide of a congregation , be his name or his degree whatsoever , be diligent in his vocation , feed the flock of god which dependeth upon him , caring for it , not by constraint , but willingly ; not for filthy lucre , but of a ready minde ; not as though he would tyrannize over god's heritage , but as a pattern unto the flock , wisely guiding them : if the people in their degree do yield themselves frameable to the truth , not like rough stone or flint , refusing to be smoothed and squared for the building : if the magistrate do carefully and diligently survey the whole order of the work , providing by statutes and laws , and bodily punishments , if need require , that all things may be done according to the rule which cannot deceive ; even as moses provided , that all things might be done according to the pattern which he saw in the mount ; there the words of this exhortation are truly and effectually heard . of such a congregation every man will say , behold a people that are wise , a people that walk in the statutes and ordinances of their god , a people full of knowledge and understanding , a people that have skill in building themselves . where it is otherwise , there , at by sloathfulness the roof doth decay ; and as by idleness of bands the house droppeth thorow , as it is in eccles. . . so first one piece , and then another of their building shall fall away , till there be not a stone left upon a stone . . we see how fruitless this exhortation hath been to such as bend all their travel onely to build and manage a papacy upon earth , without any care in the worl● of building themselves in their most holy faith . god's people have enquired at their mouths , what shall we do to have eternal life ? wherein shall we build and edifie our selves ? and they have departed home from their prophets , and from their priests , laden with doctrines which are precepts of men : they have been taught to tire out themselves with bodily exercise : those things are enjoyned them , which god did never require at their hands , and the things he doth require are kept from them ; their eyes are fed with pictures , and their ears are filled with melody , but their souls do wither , and starve , and pine away ; they cry for bread , and behold stones are offered them ; they ask for fish , and see they have scorpions in their hands . thou seest , o lord , that they build themselves , but not in faith ; they feed their children , but not with food : their rulers say with shame , bring , and not build . but god is righteous ; their drunkenness stinketh , their abominations are known , their madness is manifest , the wince hath bound them up in her wings , and they shall be ashamed of their doings . ephraim , saith the prophet , is joyned to idols , let him alone . i will turn me therefore from the priests which do minister unto idols , and apply this exhortation to them , whom god hath appointed to feed his chosen in israel . . if there be any feeling of christ , any drop of heavenly dew , or any spark of god's good spirit within you , stir it up , be careful to build and edifie , first , your selves , and then your flocks , in this most holy faith. . i say , first , your selves ; for , h● which will set the hearts of other men on fire with the love of christ , must himself burn with love . it is want of faith in our selves , my brethren , which makes us * wretchless in building others . we forsake the lords inheritance , and feed it not . what is the reason of this ? our own desires are settled where they should not be . we our selves are like those women which have a longing to eat coals , and lime , aud filth ; we are fed , some with honour , some with ease , some with wealth ; the gospel waxeth loathsom and unpleasant in our taste ; how should we then have a care to feed others with that , which we cannot fancy our selves ! if faith wax cold and slender in the heart of the prophet it will soon perish from the ears of the people . the prophet amos speaketh of a famine , saying , i will send a famine in the land , not a famine of bread , nor a thirst of water ; but of hearing the word of the lord. men shall wander from sea to sea , and from the north unto the east shall they ran to and fro , to seek the word of the lord , and shall not finde it . iudgement must begin at the house of god , saith peter . yea , i say , at the sanctuary of god , this judgement must begin . this famine must begin at the heart of the prophet . he must have darkness for a vision , he must stumble at noon day , as at the twi-light ; and then truth shall fall in the midst of the streets ; then shall the people wander from sea to sea , and from the north unto the east shall they run to and fro , to seek the word of the lord. . in the second of haggai , speak now , saith god to his prophet , speak now to zerubbabel , the son of shealtiel , prince of iudah , and to iehoshua , the son of iehosadak the high-priest , and to the residue of the people , saying , who is left among you , that saw this house in her first glory , and how do you see it now ? is not this house in your eyes , in comparison of it , is nothing ? the prophet would have all mens eyes turned to the view of themselves , every sort brought to the consideration of their present state . this is no place to shew what duty zerubbabel or iehoshuah doth owe unto god in this respect . they have , i doubt not , such as put them hereof in remembrance . i ask of you , which are a part of the residue of god's elect and chosen people , who is there amongst you that hath taken a survey of the house of god , as it was in the days of the blessed apostles of jesus christ ? who is there amongst you , that hath seen and considered this holy temple in her first glory ? and how do you see it now ? is it not in comparison of the other , almost as nothing ? when ye look upon them which have undertaken the charge of your souls , and know how far these are , for the most part , grown out of kind , how few there be that tread the steps of their antient predecessors , ye are easily filled with indignation , easily drawn unto these complaints , wherein the difference of present , from former times , is bewailed ; easily perswaded to think of them that lived to enjoy the days which now are gone , that surely they were happy in comparison of us that have succeeded them : were not their bishops men unreproveable , wise , righteous , holy , temperate , well-reported of , even of those which were without ? were not their pastors , guides , and teachers , able and willing to exhort with wholsome doctrine , and to reprove those which gain-said the truth ? had they priests made of the reffuse of the people ? were men , like to the children which were in niniveh , unable to discern between the right hand and the left , presented to the charge of their congregations ? did their teachers leave their flocks over which the holy ghost had made them overseers ? did their prophets enter upon holy things as spoils , without a reverend calling ? were their leaders so unkindly affected towards them , that they could finde in their hearts to sell them as sheep or oxen , not caring how they made them away ? but , beloved , deceive not your selves . do the faults of your guides and pastors offend you ? it is your fault if they be thus faulty . nullus quimalum rectorem patitur , cum accuset ; quia sai fuit meriti , perversi pastoris subjacere ditioni , saith st. gregory , whosoever thou art , whom the inconvenience of an evil governor doth press , accuse thy self , and not him ; his being such , is thy deserving . o ye disobedient children , turn again , saith the lord , and then will i give you pastors according to mine own heart , which shall feed you with knowledge and understanding . so that the onely way to repair all ruines , breaches , and offensive decays in others , is to begin reformation at your selves . which that we may all sincerely , seriously , and speedily do , god the father grant for his son our saviour jesus sake , unto whom , with the holy ghost , three persons , one eternal , and everlasting god , be honour , and glory , and praise for ever . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * this you may find in the temple reconds . will. ermstead was master of the temple at the dissolution of the priory , and di●d . eliz. richard alvey bat. l. ivinity . pa● . . fe● . eliz. magister sive cujtos demūs & ecclestae nevi templle died bez. richard hooker succeeded that year by patent in termini● as alvy had ●● and he left it eliz. tint year dr. belgey succeeded richard hooker . * mr. dering . † see bishop spotswoods history of the church of scotland . * in his annals of el●● . notes for div a -e * iohn whitgift , the archbishop . * h●●e● and cappergot . notes for div a -e the cause of writing this general discourse . greg. nat. sulp. seve●● . epist. hist. eccles. leg. carol. mag. fol. . judg. . . notes for div a -e the cause and occasion of handling these things ; and what might be wished in them , for whose sakes so much pains is taken . jam. . . the first establishment of new discipline by mr. calvins industry , in the church of geneva ; and the beginning of strife about in amongst ourselves . epist. cal. . luk. . . an. dom. . epist. : quod cam urbem videret omnino his fro●nis indigere . by what means so many of the people are trained into the liking of that discipline . cor. . . & . . luk. , . acts . . rom. . . galen de ope . docen . gen . mal. . . greg. nazian . orat. qua se excusat . matth. . . mal. . . jude v. . pet. . . calvin . instit. lib. cap. . sect . . the author of the petition directed to her majesty , pag. . ● joh. . . ● thes. . . tim. . . joh. . . cor. . . acts . . ●ap . . . we yools thought his life madness . marc. tris. ad asc●lap . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vide lactaut . de justi● . lib. . cap. . august . epist. . what hath caused so many of the learneder so●t , to approve the same discipline . t. c. lib. . p. . euseb. . l . lib. stram . somewhat after the beginning . lib. . cap. . phil. . . a antiquitas ceremoniis arque fanis tantum sanctitatis tribuere consue vir , quan●um adstruxerit verustatis . a●● . p. . b rom. . . cor. . . thes. . . pet. . . in their meetings to serve god , their manner was , in the end to salute one another with a kiss ; using these words , peace be with you . for which cause , tertullian doth call it , signaculum orationis , the seal of prayer , lib. de orat . c epist. jud. vers . . concerning which feasts saint chrysostom saith , statis diebus men●a● facieba●t communes , & peracta synaxi post sacromentorum communionem inibant convivium divitibus quidem cibos afferentibus , pauperibus aurera & qui nihil habebant enam vocatis , in cor. . rom. . of the same feasts is like sort , tertullian . c●● . in no● re de num●ne rationem sui 〈…〉 . vocatur enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id quod est pene● gracol dilectio . q●an●isconque sumptibus constet , lucru●● est ple●ath nomli● better 〈…〉 april cap. . galen . clas . . lib. de cujusque anim . peccat . notitia arque medela . petition to the q. mary , pag. . eccles. . . their calling for tryal by disputation . no end of contention , without submission of both parts , unto some definitive sentence . rom. . . deut. . . acts . pref. tract . de excom . presbyt . matth. . . t. c lib. . p. . the matter contrained in these eight books . how just cause there is to fear the manifold dangerous events , likely is ensue upon this intended reformation , if it did take place . pet. . . psal. . : pref. against dr. baner . matth. . . sap. . . eccles. . . hum. 〈…〉 to the 〈…〉 p. ● . acts . . humb. motio● page . counterp . pag. . mat. . . guy de bres c●ner . lerreur des anabapristes , page . page . page . pag. , . pag. , . page . luk. . . pag. . page . jere. . . page . page . tim. . . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . i actant . de justir . lib. . cap. . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . matth. . ● . exod. . . mart. in his third libel , pag. . demons●r . in the pref. the conclusion of all . job . . greg. naz. in apol. notes for div a -e the cause of writing this general discourse . of that law which god from before the beginning hath set for himself to do all things by . john . , , . a iupiters counsel was accomplished . b the creator made the whole world not with hands , but by reason . sub. in ecleg . phys. c proceed by a certain and a set way in the making of the world. john . . gen. . ● . sapi. . . sapi. . . ephes. . . phil . . col. . . prov. . . ephes. . . rom . prov. ● . ● . rom. . . boet. lib. . de consol. philos. tim. . . heb. ● . . the law which natural agents have given them to observe , and their necessary manner of keeping it . d id omne quod in rebus creatis sir , est materia legis aeternae . th. l. , . ● . art . , , . nullomondo aliquid legibus summi creatoris ordinationique subtrahitor , à quo pax univerlitatis administratur . august . de civit. dei , lib. . c. immo & pecca●um , quateni● à deo justè permirrkur , cadit in legem aternam . etiam legi aterna subjicitur peccatum ; quateous voluntaria legis transgressio paenal● quoddam incommedum anime inserit , juxtaillud augustini . jutin●i domine , & sic est , in poena sua sihi sit omnis animus in ordinatus . confes. lib. . cap. . nec male scholastic● . quemadmodum inquiunt videraus res naturales cunningentes , hoc ipso quod à sine particulari suo , atque ad●o à lege aterna exorbiran ; in candem legem arternam incidere quatenus consequuntur alium ●inem à lege etiam aternà ipsis in casu particulari constiturum : sic verisimile est homines etiam cùm peccant & desciseunt à lege aeternā ut praecipiente , reincidere in ordinem aeternae legis ut punientis . psal. . . theophrast . in metaph. arist. rhet. . cap. . this an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acts . ●● . e form in other creatures is a thing proportionable n●● the si●ul in living creatures . : asi●e it is nor , nor other . wise di●ernable then onely by effects . according to the diversity of inward forms , things of the world are distinguished into their kindes . vide yh●m . in compend . theol. cap. . o●●ne quod u●ove●ur ab aliquo , est quast instrumentum quod dam primi moventis , ride●alum est au●m eriam apud inductos ponere instrumentum moverinum ab aliquo principali ageme . the law which angels on work by . psal. ● . . heb . . eph. . . dan. . . matth. ● . ● . heb. . . luk. . . matth. . . & . . psal p. . , luk. . . heb. . . acts. . . dan. . . matth. . . dan. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. metaph. . cap. . jo● . . matth. . . psal. . . heb. . . ●ai . . ● . th's is intimated wheresoever we finde them termed the sons of god , as job . . & . . pet. . . jude , vers . psal. . . luk. . . matth. . . psal. . . heb. . . apoc. . . joh. . ● . pet. . . apoc. . . gen . . chro . . job . de . . joh. . . acts . . apoc. . . the law whereby man is in his actions directed to the imitation of god. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. de an. lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist de coct . cap. matth. . . sap. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mens first beginning to grow to the knowl die of that law which they are to observe . vide isal. . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 merc. tris. aristotelical demonstration . ramistry . of mans will , which is the thing that laws of action are made to guide ephes. ● . . salust . matth. . . deut. . . o mihi praeteritos referat si iupiter annos ! 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alcin. de deg. plat. a cor. . . b luke . . c matth. . * sap. . . a corruptible body is heavy unto the soul , and the earthly mansion keepet't down the mind that is full of cares . and hardly can we discern the things that are upon earth , & with great labor finde we out the things which are before us . who can then seek out the things that are in heaven ? ephes. . heb. . . . cor. . . prov. . . luk. . . of the natural way of finding out laws by reason , to guide the will unto that which is good . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. de an lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b non potest er●●● contin● gare uhi omnes idem oplnamor . mta. ticat . in pol , quiequid in omnibus inlid viduis uniue speciei communite● mess id causam communew habext oporiet , quae est en●um individuorum species & na : u●● . lilem . quod & tora aliquia specie hr , universalis parrienlari qe naturae sir instinctu , fleia , de christ. rel. si proficere cup● , primo ●●e●● id ve , rum pura qu●l sana mens cumn●um ho●●ian● atrestatur , ●us● la compend . cap. . c rom. . ● . non licet naturale universaleque hominum judicium sals●● van unique existimare . ides . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 theoph. in metaph. cor. . . matth . . arist. polit. . cap. . arist polit. . cap . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 piat . in th●at . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ar●st . metaph. lib. . cap. . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plat. in tim. d arist. ethic. lib. . cap. ult . e deut. . . f matth. ● . . g quod qu● in se approba● , ●n alio reprubare non posse . lib. in arenam c. de inos . teft . quod quisque juris in allum slatuerer , ipsum quoque codem u l debere . lib. quod qui●que . an omni peni : di injuril arque vl abslinendum , lib. . sect . . qued vi , out clain . matth. . . on these two commandments hanseth the whole law. gen. . . mark . . acts . . & . . thes . ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 soph. auti. th. , . q. : art . . omaeia peccara sunt in universum contra rationem & naturae legem . aug. de civie del , . ●a . cap. . omne titlum naturae nocer , ac per hoc contra naturam est . de doct chr. lib. ● . cap. . psal. . . wisd. . . wisd. . . ephes. . . isai. . . . the benefit of keeping that law which reason teacheth . voluntate sublarâ , omnem actum parem esse ; lib. soedis . simam , de adult . bonam voluntatem plerunque pro sacto reputari l. si quis in testament . divos castè adeunto , pietatem adhi bento . q●i secus faxit , deun ipse vindex crit . how reason doth lea● men unto the making of humane laws , whereby politick societies are governed , and to agreement about laws , whereby the fellowship or communion of independent society standeth . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist. rhher . . tim. . . gen. . . & . . & . . & . . matth. . . gen. . , , . isai. g● . tim. . . gen. . . gen. . . gen. . . gen. . pet. . . arist. polit. lib. . & . arist. polit. lib. . cap. . vide & latonem in . de legibus . a cum premeretur ini●io multitudo ab jis qui majores opes habebant , a●l unum aliquem consugieban virtute prastantem ; qui cum prohiberet injeria renuiores aequitate consti ● uendô summos cum intimis parijure retinehar . cum id minùs cantingeret . leges sunt inventae cic. ossic. lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. rher . ad alex. b tanta est enim vis voluptatum , ut & ●ignorantiam protelet in occasionem , & conscientiam cer●rampat in dissimulationem . ter●ul . lib. de spectacul . arist. polit. lib. . cap. ●t . staundf . p●c . ●ice to the pleas of the crown . jude , vers . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. eth. lib. . cap. ● . isa. . . arist. p. lit . . cap gen. . . cic. tu●● . & de legib. king . c●r●n . g. . matth. . luke . joseph . lib. . ●● n●●a . ra appl. ●n . t●●● . lib. . de sa●nd . ● . ●● . ass●ct . ephe. . . acts . . joh. . . wherefore god hath by scripture further made known such supernatural laws , as do serve for mens direction . gal. . . he that soweth to the spirit , shall of the spirit reap life everlasting . vide arist. ethic . lib. . c. . & metaph. l. . cap. . & cap. & cap. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . merc. tris. matth . the just shall go into life everlasting . matth. . they shall be as the angels of god. tim . . pet. . . psal. . comment in procaem . . metaph. phil. . . a matth. . . rejoyce and be glad , for great is your reward in heaven . aug. de doct. christ. cap. . summa merces est ut isto persruamur . b ambros. contra ●ym . c magno & excellenti ingenio viri , com se doctrinae penitus dididissent q●iquid laboris poterat impendi ( contemptis omnibus & privatis & publicis actionibus ) ad inquirendea veritatis studium contulerunt , existimantes 〈…〉 esse p●● larius humanarum divina● uacute ; m que recum in vestigare ac scire rationem . quà●n struendes pibus aut cumulandis hogoribus inhirete . sed neque adepti sunt id quod volehant , & operam s●mul u●que indusiriam perdiderun : ● qu'a veritas id est . arcanum summi dei qui fecir omnia , ingenio ac propriis sensibus non potest comprehendi . aliequi nihil inter deum homine●●que distarer , si consilla & diiposi●●o● illies majestatis aeternae cogitatio assequeretur huma● . quod quia fieri non peruit ut homini per seipsum ratio divina notesceternon est past●● hominem deus lumen sapientiae requirentem diu●●s abbera●e , a● fine ullo ●ris effectu vagari per tenebras inextric●●illes . aperuit oculos ejus aliquando & notionem veritatis munus ●●um secie , ut & humanim sapientiam nullam esse mo●nstraret , & erranci ac vago viam consequendae immortalitatis ostenderet , lerer . laclant lib. . cap. . d se●t . lib. . sent dist . . . loueendo de s●rida justitiâ , deus nulli nostrum propter qua cun que merira est debitor perfectionis reddendae tam inteniae , propter i●moderatum excessum ililus perfectionis ultra illa me●ica . sesed esto quod ex liberatiate s●d determin●sser meritis conferre actum tam perfectum tanquam praemium tali quidem justitiâ qualis decer eum , scillicet supererogantis in pramis : tatnen non sequitur ex h●c neccessario , quo . l per ilam just tia● si● reddenda perfectio perennis anquam ●●●nium , imo a●undans secret retributio in beatirudine un●us momenti . john . . john . . the cause why so many natural or rational laws are set down in holy scripture . * jus naturale est quod in lege & evangelio con●inetur , pag ●● . . * ioseph lib. secun●o contra appi● . lacedamenii quomoto non sunt ob inhespitalitatem reprehendendi , ●●lumque neglectum nupriaru● ? elienses verò & thebaui ●b coi●●um cum masculis pla● & impu●entem & contra na●uram : qu●m recti & u●lites exercre putahant ? cum. que hic omnino perpecroreni , etiam suis legibus miscucre . vide th. . q. . . . lex naturae sic currupta suit apul germanos , ur larrocinium non reputar●nt peo●● arum . august auc quisquiro author est , lib. de quaest . nor . & ver . rest . quis nes●●t quid ho●●● vitae contrairae , au● ignorer quia quod sibi heri non vult , al●s manime debeat lacere ? at verò naturalis lex eva ●●●● oppressa consuen●●lin : delinque●di , ●une oppreti matise●●ari sereptis ut dei jedicium omnes audirent : non qub●●enires obllrerate est , ●ed quia maxius elup aurho h●●●●e carebat , idolatriae ●udebitur , timog dei ●a terris non erat , ●●●●icatio operabatur , circa rem proximi avids e●ar concupisce●ia . data ergo lex est , ut quae debantur authoritatem inherent , & quae latere cooperat , manifestarentur . the benefit of having divine laws written . exod. . . hos. . . apoc. . . & . . august . lib. . de cons. evang . cap. ult . * i mean those historical matters concerning the ancient state of the first world , the deluge , the sons of noah , the children of israels deliverance one of egypt , the life and doings of moses their captain , with such like : the certain truth whereof delivered in holy scripture , is of the heathen which had them onely by report , so in ermingled with fabulous vanities , that the most which remaineth in them to be seen , in the shew of dark and obscure steps , where some part of the truth hath gone . the sufficiency of scripture unto the end , for which it was ins●●cured u●rum cognitio supernaturalis necessarie ●i●tori , sit sufficienter tralita in sacra scriptura ? this question proposal by se●●●u● , is affirmatively concluded . or no. a ephes. . . b tim. . c ti● . . . d pet. . . john . . tim. . . tim. . . vers. . whitakerus adverius bellarmen . quast . . cap ● . of laws posisitive contained in scripture ; the mutability of certain of them , and the general use of scripture . isai. . . their fear towards me , was taught by the precept of men . apoc. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plaro in sine . polir . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 geogr. lib. . b psal. ● . . c vid● . orphei carmin● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 philo de mos. a conclusion , shewing how all this belongeth to the cause in question . jam. . . arist. phys. . . cap. . arist. ethic. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intelligie de legum qualitate judicium . prov. . . ephes. . . apoc. . . pet. . . ephes. . . tim . . cor. . . psal. . , , . rom. . ● . rom. . . rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. ethic. lib. . cap. . iob . . psal. . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zonarin can. apust . . acts . . notes for div a -e t. c. l. . p. , . the first pretended proof of the first position out of scripture . prov. . . t. c. lib. . p. . i say , that the word of god containeth whatsoev●r things can fall into any part of mans life . for in solomon saith in the second chapter of the proverbs , my son , if thou receive my words , &c. then they shalt understand iustice , and iudgement● and equity , and every good way . psal. . . a tim. . . the whole scripture is given by inspiration of god , and is profitable to teach , to improve , to correct , and to instruct in righteousness , that the man of god may be absolute , being made perfect unto all good works . he meaneth all and only those good works which belong unto us as we are men of god , and which unto salvation are necessary . or if we understand by men of god. god's ministers , there is not required in them an universal skill of every good work or way , but an hability to teach whatsoever men are bound to do that they may be saved : and with this kinde of knowledge the scripture sufficeth to furnish them as touching matter . the second proof out of scripture , cor. . . t. c. l. p. . s. paul saith , that whether we eat or drink or whatsoever we do , we must do it to the glory of god ; but no man can glorifie god in any thing but by obedience ; and there is no obedience but in respect of the commandment and word of god therefore it followeth that the word of god directeth a man to all his actions . pet. . . rom. . . cor. . . rom. . . the first scripture proi . tim. . . and thirds which s. easil said at moves and drinks , that they are cause tight into us by ●●●●● of god ; the same is do desynd ersloted of all things lesse whenever we have the used of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the forth scripture prof . tim. . . t. c. l. . p. . psal. . . apoc. . . cor. . . john . . john . . a and if any will say , that s. paul meaneth there a full 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●● and perwasion that that which he doth is well it is granted that s. paul doth is well done , i grant it : but from whance can that spring but from faith ? how can we perswade and assure our selves that we do well , but whereas we have the word of god for our warrant ? t. c. l. . c. . b what also that so me even of those heathen men have taught , that nothing wight to be done , whereof thou douhtest whether it be right or wrong ? whereby if appeareth , that even those which has no knowledge of the word of god , did see much of the equity of this which the apostle requireth of a christian man : aut that the chiefest diffarence is , that where they seat men for the difference of good and evil to the light of reason , in such things the apostle se●deth them to the school of christ in his word , which only is able through faith to give them assurance and resolution in their doings , t. c. l. . p. . john . . t.c. . . p. . acts. . exod. . . levit. . cor. . . job . . arist. pal. august . ep. . the first assertion endeavoured to be proved by the use of taking arguments negatively from the authority of scripture : which kinde of disputing is mual in the fathers . aug cont . liter . peril . l. . c. . tertul. de praescript . advers t.c. l . p. . augustine saith , whether it be question of christ , or whether it be question of his church , &c. and lest the answer should restrain the general saying of augustine , unto the doctrine of the gospel , so that he would thereby save out the discipline ; even tertullian himself , before he was embrued with the heresie of montanus , giveth testimony unto the discipline in these world . we may not give our selves , &c. hierom. centra helvid . hilar. in psal. . t. c. l. r. p. . let him hear what cyprian saith , the christian religion ( saith he ) shall finde , that , &c verè hee mandatum legem comptectitur & prophetas , & in hee verbo ownium scripturarum volumina coarctantuo . hot natura , hac ratis , hac demine , verbi tui clam at authoritas , hee exore two andivinus , hieinvenit consummationem nem omnis religio . prinum of hocmandatum & ultimum . hot it librovita cens●●t : um indeficiencie & haminibus & argella exhibes lessiemen . legat hoc unum verbum & in hot mandato medietur christiana religio . & inseriet ex hoc scripunta omulum dotle marum regelas emarisse . & bine naset & but reveral quicquid ecclesiastica con●●●● disciplina . & in omalous irthamessis & frivolum quaiquid dileetio non confirmal men confirmat . tertul. lib. de monog . t. c. l. . p . and in another place tertullian saith , that the scripture deniest that when it noteth nor . t. c. l. . p. . and that in indifferent things it is not enough that they be not against the word but that they be according to the word , it may appear by other place , where he saith , that whatsoever pleaseth not the lord , displeaseth him , and with hurt is received , liv . . ad uxorem . quae domino non plarent , utique effendnt utique malo se inserunt . t. c. l. l. . and to come yet neerer , where he disputeth against the wearing of crown or garland ( which is indifferent in it self ) to those which objecting asked . where the scripture saith , there man might nor wear a crown ? he answereth , by asking where the scripture saith that they may wear ? and unto them replying that it is permitted , which is not forbidden , he answereth , that it is forbidden , which is not permitted . whereby appeareth , that the argument of the scriptures negatively holdeth nor only in the doctrine and ecclesiastical discipline , but even in matters arbitrary and variable by the advice of the church . where it is not enough that they be not forbidden , unless there be some word which doth permit the use of them : it is not enough that the scripture speaketh one against them , unless it speak for them ; and finally , where it displeaseth the lord which pleaseth him not , we must of necessity have the word of his mountain declare his pleasure . tent de 〈…〉 . the first assertion endeavoured to be confirmed by the scripture● custom of disputing from divine authority negatively , iob. a. . god is light and there is in him no darkness at all . hebr. . ● . it is impossible that god should ●e . num. . . god is not as man , that he should fve , t. c. l . p. . it is not hard to shew that the prophets have reasoned negatively . as when in the person of the lord the prophet saith , whereof i have not spoken , jer. . . and which never eatred into my heart , jer. . , . and where he condemneth them , because they have not asked counsel at the mouth of the lord , isai. . . and it may be shewed , that the same kinde of argument hath been used in things which are not of the substance of salvation or damnation , and whereof there was no commandment to the contrary ( as in the former there was , levit. . . and , . deut. . . ) in ioshua the children of israel are charged by the prophet , that they asked not counsel at the mouth of the lord , when they entred into covenant with the gibeanites , ioshua . . and yet that covenant was not made contrary unto any commandment of god. moreover , we read that when david had taken this counsel , to build a temple unto the lord , albeit the lord had revealed before in his word , that there should be such a standing place , where the ark of the covenant and the service should have a certain abiding : and albeit there was no word of god which forbad david to build the temple ; yet the lord ( with commendation ●● his good affection and zeal he had to the advancement of his glory ) concludeth against davids resolution to build the temple , with this reason : namely , that he had given no commandment of this who should build it . chron. ● . . levit. . and . . deut. . . chron. . . isai. . . josh . . num. . chron . t. c. l. . p. mr. harding reproacheth the bishop of salisbury with this kinde of reasoning : unto whom the bishop answereth , the argument of authority negatively , is taken to be good , whensoever proof is taken of gods word , and is used not only by us , but also by many of the catholick fathers . a little after he sheweth the reason why the argument of authority of the scripture negatively is good ; namely for that the word of god is perfect . in another place unto m. harding , casting him in the teeth with negative arguments , he allulgeth places out of irenaeus chrysostome , le● , which reasoned negatively of the authority of the scriptures . the places which he alledgeth be very full and plain in generality , without any such restraints as the answeres imagined , as they are there to be seen . a vest. patere . iugurtha ac marius sub codem africana milna●ies , in iisdem castris didir●re quae rested in cotrariis facerent . art. . divis. . gal. . orig in levit , ●●m . . matth. . matth. . desent . par . ed. . divis . lib. . cap. . de incomp●na● . de● . ●om . . epist . c. . epist. . . . epist. . lib . e● . . their opinion concerning the force of arguments , taken from humane authority for the ordering of mens act●o● or perswasions . t. c. l. p. . when the question is of the authority of a man , it heldeth not th●r affirmatively not negatively . the reason is , because the infirmity of man can never attain to the perfection of any thing whereby he might speak all things that are to be spoken to it ; neither yet be free from error in those things which he speaketh or giveth out . and therefore this argument neither affirmatively nor negatively compelleth the hearer , but only induceth him to some liking or disliking of that for which it is brought , and is rather for an orator to perswade the simpler sort , then for a disputer to enforce him that is learned . cor. . ● . ioh ● . . deut. . . matth. . . t. c. la. p. . although this kinde of argument of authority of men is good neither in humane n●r divine sciences yet it hath some small force in humane sciences , for if such as naturally , and in that he is a man , he may come to some ripeness of judgement in those s●●ences , which in divine maturi hath no force at all ; as of him which naturally , and as he is a man , can no more judge of them then a blinde man of colours ; yea , so far is it from drawing crolit , if it be barely spoken , w●thout reason and testimony of scripture , that it ea●rieth also a su●pition of untruth whatsoever proceedeth from him ; which the apostle did well note , when to signifie a thing corruptly spoken , and against the truth , he saith , that it is spoken according to man , rom. . he saith not as a wicked and flying man , but simply as a man : and although this corruption be reformed in many , yet for so m●ch as in whom the knowledge of the truth is most advanced , there remaineth both ignorance and disordered aff●ctions ( whereof either of them turneth him from speaking of the truth ) no mans authority , with the church especially and those that are called and perswaded of the authority of the word of god , can bring any assurance unto the conscience . t. c. l. . p. . of divers sentences of the fathers themselves ( whereby some have likened them to brute beasts without reason , which suffer themselves to be led by the judgement and authority of others , some have preferred the judgement of one simple rude man , alledging reason , unto companies of learned men ) i will conte● my self at this time with two or three sentences . ir●neuo saith , whatsoever is to be shewed in the scripture , cannot be shewed but out of the ●cripture themselves , l. cap. ierome saith , no man , ●s he never so holy or eloquent , hath any authority after the apostles , in psal. . augustin● saith , that he will believe none , how godly and learned soever he be , unless he confirm his sentence by the scriptures , or by some reason nor contrary to them , ep. . and in another place , hear this . the lord saith ; hear not this , don●ius saith , ●●gatus saith , vincentius saith , hilarius saith , ambrose saith , augustine saith , but hearken unto th● , the lord saith , ep . and again , having to do with an arrian , he affirmeth , that neither he ought to bring forth the council of ni●e , nor the other the council of arimi●e , thereby to bring prejudice each to other ; neither outh● the arrian to be holden by the authority of the one , nor himself by the authority of the other , but by the scriptures , which are witnesses proper ●● neither , but common to both , matter with matter , cause with cause , reason with reason ought to be debated , cont. max. atrian . p. . cap. and in another ●●ce against petil. the donarist , he saith , let not these words he heard between us , i say ; you say , let us hear this , thus ●aith the lord. and by and by speaking of the scriptures he saith , there let us seek the church , there let us try the cause . de unit . eccles. cap. . hereby it is manifest that the argument of the authority of man affirmatively in nothing worth . matth. . . t. c. lib. . ● . it at any time it hapned unto augustine ( as it did against the donatists and others ) to alledge the authority of the ancient fathers , which had been heiu●e him ; yet this was not done before he had laid a sure foundation of his cause in the scriptures , and that also being provoked by the adversaries of the truth , who hare themselves high of some council , or of some man of name that had ●avorcil that part . a declaration what the truth is in this matter . matth. . . ephis . . . matth . . ●ian . . . matth. ● . . acts . . thes. . , . t. c. lib. p. . where this doctrine is accused of bringing men to despair , it hath wrong . for when doubting is the way to despair , against which this doctrine offereth the remedy ; it must need● be that it bringeth comfort and joy to the conscience of man. luke . ● . notes for div a -e what the church is , and in what respect laws of pulky are thereunto necessarily required . john . . and . . and . . tim. . a ephes. . . that he might r. o n cise both unto god in one body . ephes. . . that the genries should be in their ●● . also , and of the ●●●●b●d● . ●ile t. p. . . art . : cor. . . ephes. . . acts. . . john . col. . . and . . b cer. . . vide & tanilum lib. an sal . . not qussitissturis ●●●it ass●●i● , quos per flagiria invites vulgus christianes appellabat . au●ior nominis ejus christus qui tiberio 〈…〉 p●●●●●●rem p●ntion pilatum 〈…〉 ●rat . repress●g ; in p●esers exitiabilu superstitio r●●s●●● erumpehat , ●●● and per iudsam , originem ejus , mali , jed per urhem ●●i●m , quo cu●cta undique atrocia aus p●denda ●●●●●● : ●●l . bro●●●●● . john . . ●●d . . . apec . . . t●cul . de virgin . veland . iter. advers . ha●es . lib. ● . . cap. . &c. acts . . & . . & . . matth. . . & . . exod. . ●● . . , . kings . jere . . kings . . l●i . . . & . . & . . jere. . . kings . . jere. . . kings . . ●●●u●a . in concil . car. matth . . & . . & ●● . . s●●●●●ium in ●●●● con. il . matth. . . in con●i●● 〈…〉 . vide h●●●● dial. at●●● . lucif●●●a . chre. . hos. . , & . josh. . . rom. . . calvin . epish . . epist. . epist. . tertul. exhort . ad caslie . ubi tres , ecclesia est , licet laici . acts. . . whether it be necessary that some particular form of church-polity be set down in scripture , sith the things that belong particularly unto any such form , are not of necessary to salvation . tertul. de hibitu mul. aerouli sine necesse : est , quae del non lunt . rom. . . lact. lib. . c. . ille legis hujus inventor , disceptater , lator . cic. . de repub . * two things misliked ; the one , that we distinguish matters of discipline or church government from matters of faith , and necessary unto salvation : the other , that we are injurious to the scripture of god , in abridging the large and rich continks thereof . their words are these : you which distinguish between these , and say , that matters of faith and necessary unto salvation , may not be tolerated in the church , unless they be expresly contained in the word of god , or manifestly gathered ; but that ceremonies , order , discipline , government in the church , may not be received against the word of god , and consequently may be received if there be no word against them , although there be none for them . you ( i say ) distinguishing or dividing after this sort , do prove your self an evil divider . as though matters of discipline and kinde of government , were not matters necessary to salvation , and of faith. it is no small injury which you do unto the word of god , to pin it in so narrow room , as that it should be able to direct us but in the principal points of our religion ; or as though the substance of religion , or some rude and unfashioned matter of building of the church were uttered in them ; and those things were left out that should pertain to the form and fashion of it ; or , as if there were in the scriptures onely to cover the churches nakedness , and not also chains , and bracelets , and rings , and other jewels to adorn her and set her out : or that to conclude , there were sufficient to quench her thirst , and kill her hunger , but not to minister unto her a more liberal , and ( as it were ) a more delicious and dainty diet . these things you seem to say , when you say , that matters necessary to salvation , and of faith , are contained in scripture , especially when you oppose these things to ceremonies , order , discipline , and goverment . t. c. lib. . pag. . that matters of discipline are different from matters of faith and salvation ; and that they themselves so teach which are our reprovers . t. c. lib. . pag. we offer to shew the discipline to be a part of the gospel . and again , p. . i speak of the discipline as of a part of the gospel . if the discipline be one part of the gospel , what other part can they assign ●●● doctrine , to answer in division to the discipline ? matth . . * the government of the church of christ granted by fenner himself , to be thought a matter of great moment , yet not of the substance of religion . against doctor bridges , p. . if it be fenner which was the author of that book . that we do not take from scripture any thing which may be thereunto given with soundne●s of truth . arist. pol. lib. . cap. &c. plato in menex . arist. lib. . de anima , c. . their meaning who first did plead against the polity of the church of england , urging that , nothing ought to be established in the church , which is not commanded by the word of god ; and what scripture they thought they might ground this assetion upon deut. . . & . . whatsoever i command you , take heed you do it . thou shalt ●ut nothing theirto , not take ought there from . the same asse●●ion we cannot hold , without doing wrong unto all churches . i ●●● . caenaterium : de que matth. . . ibide caeral●●● nuptiali . acts. . a shi●t to maintain , that nothing ought to be established in the church , which is not commanded in the word of god , namely , that commandments are or two sorts ; and that all things lawful in the church are commanded , if not by special i recep● ; yet by general rules in the word . cor. . & . . & . . rom. . . . t.c. l. p . another answer in defence of the former assertion , whereby the meaning thereof is opened in this sort . all church orders must be commanded in the word , that is to say . grounded upon the word , and made according , at the least wise unto the general rules of holy scripture . as for such things as are found out by any star or light of reason , and are in that respect received , so they be not against the word of god , all such things it holdeth unlawfully received . * cor . arist. polit. . apoc. . . cor . col . cor. . . cor. . . rom. . . . acts . . acts . . i cor. . col. . . tit. . , . tert. de retur . carnis . th. ● . acts . . dan. . . kings . , . acts . . matth. . . heb. . . cor. . cor. . . acts . . . reb. . . cor. . ● . acts ● . . acts . . & . . pet. . . matth. . . acts . . acts . violatores , cap. ●… q . how laws for the regiment of the church may be made by the advice of men , following therein the light of reason , and how those laws being not repugnant to the word of god , are approved in his sight . luminis naturalis dictatum repellere , non modo stultum est , sed & impium , august . lib. . dle trin. cap. . tho. aqui. . q. . art . ex pracepris legis na●●ra . lit , qu●li ex quibusdam principii● communibus , & indemonstrabilibus , necesse est quod ratio humana procedat ad aliqua magis particulariter disponenda . et istae particular di●● dispositiones adinventae secundum rationem humanam , dicuntur leges humana , observatis aliti conditionibus quae pertinent ad rationem legis . . . quest . act . cor. . ●● prov. . . rom. . . john . . rom. . . & . that neither gods being the author of laws , nor his committing them to scripture , nor the continuance of the end for which they were instituted , is any reason sufficient to prove that they are unchangeable . deut. . , . quod pro necesirate temporis slatutum est . ressante nece . litate debet cessare pariter quod urgebar . . q . . quod pronecessit . act. . countery . p. . we offer to shew the discipline to be a part of the gospel , and therefore to have a common cause ; so that in the repulse of the discipline , the gospel receives a check . and again , i speak of the discipline as of a part of the gospel ; and therefore neither under nor above the gospel , but the gospel . t. c. l. . p. . tert. de veland . virg. mart. n . sam. . acts . acts . * disciplina est christianae ecclesae politia , à den cius re● è admitisican . ● . ● causa constituta , ●● proprerea es eius verbo petenda , & ob eandem causam omnium ecclesiarum communi . & omnium temponim . lib. . de eccles. duscip . in anala . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. ethic. lib. . cap. . whether christ have forbidden all change of those laws which are set down in scripture . a heb. . . either that commendation of the son , before the servant is a false testimony , or the son ordained a permanent government in the church . if permanent , then not to be chang'd . what then do they that hold it may be changed at the magistrates pleasure , but advise the magistrate by his positive laws , to proclaim , that it is his will ; that if there shall be a church within his dominions , he will mai● and deform the same ? m. m. pag ● . he that was as faithful as moses , left as clear instruction set the government of the church : but christ was as faithful as moses . e●g● . demensir . of discip. cap. . b john . either god hath left a prescript form of government now , or else he is less careful under the new testament , then under the old. demonst. of dist. cap. . c ecclesiast . dist. lib. . rom. . . ephes. . , ● . deut. . . vers. , , . deut. . . vers. . vers. , , , . * t. c. lib. . p. . whereas you say , that they ( the jews ) had nothing , but was determined by the law , and we have many things undetermined and left to the order of the church . i will offer for one that you shall bring that we have lest ●o the order of the church , to shew you they that had twenty which were undecided of by the express word of god. t. c. in the table to his second book . t. c. lib. . p. . if he will needs separate the worship of god from the external polity ; yet as the lord set forth the one , so he left nothing undescribed in the other . levit. . numb . . ● . numb . . numb . . gen. . . gen. . . t. c. lib. . p. . tim . . job . . . job . . ● . acts . . tim . . tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tim. . . tim. . . t. c. lib . p. . my reasons do never conclude the unlawfulness of these ceremonies of burial , but the inconvenience and inexpedience of them . and in the table . of the inconvenience , nor of the unlawfulness of popish apparel and ceremonies in burial . t. c. lib. . pag. . upon the indefinite speaking of mr. calvin , saying , ceremonies and external disciple , without adding all or some , you go about subtilly to make men believe , that mr. calvin had placed the wh●le external discipline in the power and arbitrement of the church . for it all external discipline were arbitrary , and in the choice of the church . excommunication also . ( which is a part of it ) might be cast away ; which i think you will not say . and in the very next words before . where you will give to understand , that ceremonies and external discipline are not prescribed particularly by the word of god ; and therefore lest to the order of the church : you must understand , that all external discipline is not lest to the orders of the church , being particularly prescribed in the scriptures , no more then all ceremonies are less to the order of the church , as the sacraments of baptism , and the supper of the lord. t. c. lib. . p. . t c. lib. . p. . we deny not but certain things are lest to the order of the church , because they are of the nature of those which are varied by times , places , persons , and other circumstances , and so could not at once be set ●●wn and established forever . ●sa● . ●● . col. . ● . august . epist. ●● iosh. . jude . . ● . j●●●● . ● . ioh. . ● . * nisi reip. suae statu in omnem constitu 〈…〉 , magistratus ordinarie , singulorum m●nera potes●●tem que de cripse ●it , quae judi cio●um fer●q : ratio habenda● quomodo civium finiendae ●ieris ? ●●a solum minus ecclesiae christianae provi lit , quam moses olim judaicae , sed quàm à lycurgo solone , numa . civitati● , suis prospectum si● . ●ib . de ecclesiast . discip. the defence of godly ministers against dr. bridges , . luk. . . matth. . . rom. . . notes for div a -e now great use ceremonies have in the church . matth. . . the doctrine and discipline of the church , as the weighiust things , ought especially to be looked unto : but the ceremonies also , as mint and cummin ought not to be neglected . t.c. l p. ● . gen. . . ruth . . exod. . . a dionys. p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b liv. lib. ● . maru ad digitor usque , involutā rem divinam facere , significantes fidem in●andam , sedemque ej●s etiam indexivis sucratam esse . c eccles. disc . fol. . fol. . the first thing they blame in the kinde of our ceremonies , is , that we have not in them ancient apostolical simplicity , but a greater pomp and stateliness . lib. eccles. disc . & t. c. l. . p. . t●m . . de hapt . ●atra donatist . lib. ● . a● . . t. c. l. . p. . if this judgement of s. augustine be a good judgement ●● found ; than there he some things commanded of god , which are not in the scripture ; and therfore there is no sufficient doctrine contained in scripture , whereby we may be saved . for all the commandements of god , and of the apostles , are needful for our salvation . vide ep ●●a . 〈…〉 . . . chron. . . our orders and ceremonies blamed , in that so many of them are the same whi●h the church of rome useth . eccles. discipl . sol . . t. c. lib. . p. . t. c. l. . p. . c.l. . p . t. c. lib. p. ● . t. c. l. . p. . t. c. l. . p . t. c. l. p. . tom. . graca . ● . con. africa . cap. . lib. de idolat . he seemeth to mean the feast of easter day , celebrated in the memory of our saviours resurrection , and for that cause earned the lords day . lib. de anima . a t. c. l. . p. . b t. c. l. . p. . t. c. l. . p. . that whereas they who blame us in this behalf , when reason evicteth that all such ceremonies are not to be abolished , make answer , that when they condemn popish ceremonies , their meaning is of ceremonies unprofitable , or ceremonies , instead whereof as good or better may be devised : they cannot hereby get out of the bryars , but contradict and gainsay themselves : in asmuch as their usual manner is to prove , that ceremonies uncommanded in the church of god , and yet used in the church of rome , are for this very cause unprofitable to us , and not so good as others in their place would be . t. c. l. . p. . what an open untruth is it , that this is one of our principles not to be lawful to use the same ceremonies which the papists did , when as i have both before declared the contrary , and even here have expresly added , that they are not to be used when as good or better may be established ? eccles. discip . sol . . t. c. l. . p. . as for your often repeating that the ceremonies in question are godly , comely , and decent : it is your old wont of demanding the thing in question , and an undoubted argument of your extream poverty . t. c. l. . p. . t. c. l. . p. . and that this complaint of ours is just , in that we are thus constrained to be like unto the papists in any their ceremonies ; and that this cause only ought to move them to whom that belongeh , to do their , away , forasmuch as they are their ceremonies , the ●eal ●●r may further see in the bishop of salisbury , who brings divers pro●is thereof . that our allowing ●he customs of our fathers to be followed is no proof that we may not allow some customs which the church of rome hath , alth ●i●h we do not account of them as of our fathers . that the ●●u●e which the wisdom of god doth ●●ach , maketh not against our ●●●u ●ity with the church of rome in such things . t. c. l. ● . p. . & . levit. . . and . . deut ●● and . . & levit. . ephes. . . levit. ● . . levit. . levit. . . deut. . . thes. . . levit. . . deut. . . deut. . . levit. . levit. . . deut. . levit. . ephes. . . that the example of the eldest churches is not herein against us . t. c. l. . p. . the councels although they did not observe themselves always in making of decrees this rule , ye● have kept this consideration continually in taking of their laws , that they would have the christians differ from others in their ceremonies . tom. ● . ●sal . faust. manich. lib. . cap. . t. c. l. . p. also it was decreed in another council that they should not deck their houses with bay leaves and green houghs , because the pagangs did use so ; and that they should not rest their labour those days that the pagans did , that they should not keep the first day of every month as they did . t. c. l. p. . tertul. saith , o , saith he , better is the religion of the heathen : for they use no solemnity of the christians , neither the lords day , neither , &c. but are not afraid to called hea. t. c. l. . p. . but having she wed this in general to be the god first , and of his people afterwards , to pue as much difference as can be commodiously between the people of god and others which are not , i shall not , &c. that ●● is not ou●●est policy for the establishment of found religion , to have in these things no agreement with the church of rome being unfound . t. c. l. p. . comment reason also doth ●each that contraries are cured by their contraries . now christianity and antichristianity , the gospel and popery , be contraries : and therefore antichristianity must be cured , not by it self , but by that which is ( as much as may be ) contrary unto it . t. c. l. . p. . if a man would bring a drunken man to sobriety , the best and necceest way is to carry him as far from his excess in drink as may be : and if a man could not keep a mean , it were better to fault in prescribing thing le●e then he should drink , then to fault in giving him more then he ought . as we see , to bring a stick which is crooked to be straight● we do not onely bow it so far until it come to be straight , but we bend it so far until we make it to be so crooked on the other side , as it was before of the first side , to this end that ●● the last it may bend straight , and as it were in the mid-way be● with hoth the crooks . that we are not to abol●sh our ceremonies either because papists upbraid us as having taken from them or for that they are said hereby to conceive i know not what great hopes . t. c. l. . p. ● . by using of these ceremonies , the papists take occasion to blaspheme , saying that one religion cannot stand by it self , unless it lean upon the staff of their ceremonies . t●●● . . p. . to prove the papists triumph and joy in these things i alledged further that there are none which make such clamours for these ceremonies , as the papists and those which they suborn . 〈…〉 t.c. . . p. . thus they conceiving hope of having the rest of their popery in the end , it causeth them to be more frozen in their wickedness , &c. for not the cause but the occasion also ought to be taken away , &c. although let the reader judge , whether they have cause given to hope , that the tale of popery yet remaining , they shall the easilier hale in the whole body after : considering also that master bucer noteth , that where these things which have been lest , there popery hath returned : but on the other part● in places which have been cleansed of these ●lreg● , it hath not been seen that it hath has any entrance . eccl. ● . dis . ● . the ●rief which , they say , godly brethren conceive in regard of such ceremonies as we have common with the church of rome . t.c. ● . . p. . there be numbers which have antichristianity in such de●●station , that they cannot without grief of mind behold them . and afterward , such godly brethren are not easily to be grieved , which they seem to be , when they are thou marryred in their minds , for ceremonies , which , ( to speak the best of them ) are unprofitable . t. c l. . p. . although the corruptions in them strike no : straight to the heart , yet or gentle poysons they consume by little and little . their exception against such ceremonies a , we have received from the church of rome , that church having taken them from the jews . sol● ● . and t c l. p. . many of these popish ceremonies fault by reason of the pomp in them : where they should be agreeable to the simplicity of the gospel of christ crucified . t.c.l. . p. . ●●seb . . . ● . . sae●●● . ● . . ●● c●●●il . ●nd 〈…〉 . acts . , . vi●le nicep● . lib. p. cap. . & sulpie . s●ver . p. . in eli● . ●lan● . acts . acts . . acts. . . acts. . . acts . . rom. . . lib. qui seder olam inscribitur . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heb. . . cor. . . gal. . . lev●e . . cor. . . leo in jejun . mens . sept . ser. . tertul. de prascript advers . haeret . t.c. lib. . p. . what an abusing also is it to affirm , the mangling of the gospels and epistles to have been brought into the church by godly and learned men ? t. c. lib. . p. . seeing that the office and function of priests was after our saviour christs ascension naught and ungodly ; the name whereby they were called , which did exercise that ungodly function , cannot be otherwise taken , then in the evil part . concil . laod. can. , ● . t. c. lib. . p. . t. c. lib. . p. . ● concil . constantinop . . cap. . cypr. ad pompei . lib. cont . epist. stephani . * sur. eccle. first . hist. lib . cap. . flerique in asia minore , antiqui●us die mensis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratione dict sahbati habit● hoc festum observaruar . quod dum facitbeur cum alūs qui aliam rationem in codem festo agendo sequehaneur , usque to nequaquam dissenseruat , quoud victor episcopus romanus supra modum iracundi● inflamnaths , om●cs in asiā quetant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appella●i , excommunicaverit . ob quod ●ictum ire●●no episcopus lugdunt in victorem per epelosem graviter invectus est . euseb. de vira constant. lib. . cap. . quid preslabilias , quidve augustius esse poterat , quam u● hoc sestum per quod shem immortalicatis noble essentar●m h●bemu● , uno moilo & ratione apud omnes integre slace●eque observaretur ? ac primum omnium indignum plane videbettir ut ritum & con●erudinem imicantes iurizoruin ( qui quoniam su●s ipsorum manus im●●al scelete polluerua●r , me●iro , ut seelēstos ●ecet , caeco animorum errore tenent●r irretiti ) islud s●slum sanctissimum ageremus . in nostra enim situt● est poteflare ut , illorum more rejec●o , verio●e ac m●gi●●●ncero institute ( quod quidem usque à passionis die hactenus recoluimus ) hujus festi celebrationem ad posterorum seculorum memoriam propagemus . nistil igitur si● nobis cum judeorum turba ; omne●●● odlusa maxime . their exception against such ceremonies as have been abused by the church of rome , and are said in that respect to be scandalous . matth. . . pet. . . sam. . . rom. . . ezek. . . tertul. lib. de virgin. veland . epist. a● le●ndrum hisp. hon. . de pasch. idolatriae consuetudo in rantum homini● occoec●verat ; ut solis , lunae , martis atque mercurii , jovis , veneris , saturni , & divers●s elementorum ac daemonum appellationibus dies voci●a●ent , & luci tenebrarum nomen imp●nerent . ●●da de ratione temp . cap. . octavus dits idem primus est . ad quem reditur , indeque rutius hehdemada incho●tur . his nomina ● planetis gentilitas indidi● , ha bere se credentes à sole spiritum , à luna corpus . à marte sangulnem , à mercurlo ingenium & linguam à ●o●e temperanuam , à venere voluptatem , à saturno ●ardita●em . isid. hisp. lib. . reymol . cap. . dies dicti à diis , quorum nomina romani quibuscam syderibus sactave●uni . cor. . . rom. . & . ● . vile harme . nop . lib. . cit . . sect . . t. c. lib. . p. . * t. c. lib. . p. . it is not so convenient , that the minister having so many necessary points to bestow his time in , should be driven to spend it in giving warning of not abusing them , of which ( although they were used to the best ) there is no probe . our ceremonies excepted against , for that some churches , reformed before ours , have cast cut those things , which we , notwithstanding their example to the contrary , do retain still . a t. c. lib . p. . b cor. . . c can. ●● . the canon of that council which is here cic●● , doth provide against ●neeling as prayer on sundays , or for fifty days after easter , on any day , and not at the feast of pentecost onely . d t. c. lib . ●● . . . e rom. . . f cor. . . respon . ad med. a t. c. lib. . p. . and therefore st. paul , to establish this order in the church of corinth , that they should make their gatherings for the poor upon the first day of the sabbath ( which is our sunday , ) alledgeth this for a reason , that he had so ordained in other churches . b cor. . . t. c. lib. . p. . so that as children of one father , and servants of one master , he will have all the churches , not onely have one ●ict , in that they have one word , but also wear as it were one livery , in using the same ceremonies . t. c. lib. . p. . this rule did the great council of nice f●llow , &c. die domini ● & per omnem pentecestem ; nec de genien be adorare , & jejunium solvere , &c. de cir● milu●s . t. c. lib. . p. . if the ceremonies be alike commodious , the latter churches shou'd conform themselves to the first , &c. and again , the fewer ought to conform themselves unto the more . rom. . cor. . t. c. lib. . p. . our church ought either to shew that they have done evil , or else she is sound to be insault , that doth not conform her self in that which she cannot deny to be well abrogated . a declaration of the proceedings of the church of england , for establishment of things as they are . t. c. lib. . p. . it may well be , their purpose was by that temper of popish ceremonies with the gospel , partly the easilier to drew the papists to the gospel , &c partly to redeem peace thereby t.c. lib. . p. . t.c. lib. . p. . august . epist. . t. c. lib. . p. . for indeed it were more sase for us to conform our indifferent ceremonies to the turks which are far off , then to the papish which are so near . notes for div a -e true religion is the root of all true vertues , and the stay of all wel-ordered commonweal● . a psal. . . c. th. lib. . lit . gaudere &c gioriare e● fide semper volumus , scient ● magio rel●gionibus quaim officiio is labore corporis , ●el sudore sos●ram rempublicam concineri . b est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. mag● . moral . lib. . cap. . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 philo de dec. precept . d chro. ● . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. ethic. lib. . cap. . eccles. . . wisd. . . psal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. ethic. lib. . cap. . cas. de bell. g●● . lib. . . wisd. . . chro. . . the most extream opposite to true religion , is affected atheism . wisd. . . such things they imagine , and go astray , because their own wickedness hath blinded them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. ethic. lib. . cap. . sus●n . vers . . they turned away their minde , and cast down their eyes , that they might not see heaven , nor remember iust iudgments . hat est summa delicti , nolle agnoscere quim ignorare non possi● . cy●● . de idol . vanit . pet. . . jude , vers . . ●●● . . . vos ●relera ●●m sli puustis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nos &c cogitare p●ecor● est ● vos conscios rimetis , nos etiam co●●cientiam sol●m , sine qua esse non possumus . minu. fel. in or●av . summum presidium regni est justi●io ob apertos tumaltus , & religio o● occultos . carda . de sapien. lib. . of superstition and the roo● thereof , either misguided zeal or ignorant feat of divine glory . chron. . . abraham thy friend . wisd. . . mark . . of the redress of superstition in gods church and concerning the question of this book . a rom. . b luke . . four general propositions demanding what which may reasona●ly be granted concerning matters of outward form in the exercise of true religion . and fiftly , of a rule not use nor reasonable in those cases . the first proposition touching judgment , what things are convenient in the outward publick ordering of church affairs . iohn . . . wisd. . . chron. . . chron. ● . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 delectatio domini in ecclesia est . ecclesia ver● est imago coelestium ambros . de interpel dan. faci● in terris opera coelorum , sidon apol. epist. lib. . the second proposition . wisdom . . job . deut ● . . arist. eth. . cep . ● . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 greger . n●z . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bas● de spirit . sanct. cap. . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bas● de spirit sanct. cap . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. ethie . . c . modici nulla sere ratio haberi soler . tiraquel de jud . in reb . exig cap. . the third proposition . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 philo. pag. . t. c. lib. . pag. . a eccles. . . b basil. ep. . ● . . c. quae contra. turpis est omnis pa●s u●iverio suo non congraca● . c r. ismael in cap. pa● . d cassian de incarn . l. . c. ● . the fourth proposition . numb . . ●● . necessitas , quicqaul coegit defen●it ●ence . con●ro● . lib. . acts . . luke . . cause necessitatis & 〈…〉 aequipa . ●●n●ur injure . ab paner . ad ●●w super . nu . de● eb . eccles. non a●●cu . 〈…〉 arist. ech. l. . c. . the rule of mens in state spirits not safe in these cases to be followed . places for the publick service of god. a gen. . . b gen. . . c gen. . d . . e . . f exod. ● . g deut. . . h chron. . . i chron. ● . . psalm . . chron. . . chron. . . ier. ● . . agg● . . act. ● . . & . ● . & . . chron. . . . the solemnity of erecting churches condemned by ●a● . p. . the hollowing and dedicating of them scorned , p. . dur●n● l. rational . lib. . cap. . & de conseer . d. . c. tabernaculum greg. mog . lib. . epist. . & lib. ● . epist. . & . ● epist. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 greg. nazia● . orat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b vide euseb. de vitu constant . l. . c. . . c athanasius apol ad constanti●● . exod. . . ●eg . . . exod . . reg. . levit. . . the place named holy . ezr. . . matth. . . ier. ●● . . mark. . . levit. . ● . cor. . . per ●unia● of the names whereby we distinguish our churches . ● from k●●●n and kyre , and by adding letters of aspiration , chyich . (h) vid. sac. l c. . ecclis . . . mist. trip. l. . . v. aug. l ● . de civ . dei , c. . l. c. . epi. . at deogr● . the duty which christian men performed in keeping ●●stvaldodicariuns s. basil termeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acknowledging the sence to have been withall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 basil. in pi● . . acts . . dan. . . vide scal. de emendar . temp . l. . p. . of the fashion of our churches . the sumptuousness of churches . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. eth. l . c . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 philo. jud. a folis , ●hesaari im perialis quarto● , compica●us sacrorum vasorum pr●●la ; en inqui● qualibus vasis ministrative ha ●i● alios the●●a er . h●l . eccles l. . c. . b eccles. . . c ●gge . . . d minu● . ●●● in oc●a● . euseb. l. . c. ● . euseb. l. . c. . euseb. l. . c. ● . chron. . . chron. . ● . matth . . malac. ● . . ad nepotian . de vira cle●● . ad demetr . epist. . ad gaudentium . what holiness and vertue we ascribe to the church , more than other places . exhort . ad bap● . ● p●enitent . psal. . . their pretence that would have churches utterly rozed . a psal. . . b deut. . . c chron. . . chron. . . chron. . a isa. . . . . hos. . . isa. . . b psal. . ● . ● . . rom. . . c judic . . . d apoc. . . isa. ● . . e acts . . f deut. . . g jer. . . deut. . . deut. ● . , . of publick teaching , or preaching , and the first kind thereof , catechising . a contraria for●a in quibut homines sibi intecem oppunannar secundum exercitia & desideria & opiniones ●unla provenlunt exignoranth : sicut c●cus ex p●●vatione sui visu● vagatur ubique & laeditur . scientio veriratis rollit hominum iaimidria● & adlum . hee promisit sancte theologia dicens , habitabit agnus cum lupo . et olsig●at rarionem , ●eple●a est terra sapiendo domini . ●●set aegpt , in mo● . honnebuch . lib. . cap. . luc. . . vide terrol . de praset . advers her . the jews , catech. called letach , tob. b inciplen●ibus brev . ùs . ac simpliciàs tradi praecepra ●●gs convenit . aut enim difficaltate institutionis tam numeros● at que per●lexe dete●reri solenu aureo rempore quo praecipuè alenda ingenia atque indulgentis quadam enutrienda sunt , asperiorum rerum tractaru atter antur . fab. proam l. . inci●ienrihon no●●is exponers in●o populi romani , i●a videntur posse ●r adi commodissum● , si primo leri aesimplici vi● , post deinde ●digentissima arque exoctissima interpretatione singula tralantar . alinqui si station ah laitio rudem ad huc & infermu●●ni●●g●o lahore ej● , supe etiam dissien●ia ( quae pletumque juvenes averti● ) ●en●● ad ●●● perdutemus , ad quod leviore via ductus sine magno lahore & sine ulla diffidentia me●rius perduci pornif●et . institus . impur . l. ● . ●it . vide ●●uff . in symb. tert. de poeniteur . a● alius est ti●ctis christus ? alius audientibus ? audientes optare intinctionem 〈…〉 pr●●sumere apor●●re . cyprian . epist. . l. . audientibus vigilantia vestea non di sit . rupert de divin . offic . lib. . cap. . audiens quisqueregulam filei . catechumenus dicitur . catechumenus namque auditor interpretatur . of preaching , by reading publickly the books of holy scripture ; and concerning supposed untru hs in those translations scripture which we allow to be read , as also of the choyce which we make in reading . a acts . . psal. . k luke . , . l john ● . . a matth. . b matth. . . c exod. . . d the gospel as the second sunday after easter , and on the twentieth after trinity . e john . ● . matth. . f t. c. l. . p. . although it be very convenient which is used in some churches , where before preaching time the church assembled hath the sorpreres read ; yet neither is this , nor any other o●ler●● bare publick reading in the church necessary had . g aug. de civ . dei. l. . c. . f●●o silentio , scriprorarum suat lecta divine solennia . that for several times several pieces of scripture were read as part of the service of the greek church and fathers thereof in their sundry homilles and other writings do all testifie the like order in the syrian churches , is clear by the very inscriptions of chapters throughout their translation of the new testament . see the edition at vienna , par● and a●thrup . of preaching by the publick reading of other profitable instructions ; and concerning books apocryphal . a t. c. l. . p . neither the homiles nor the apocrypha are at all to be read in the church . wherein , first , it is good to consider the order which the lord kept with his people in times past , when he commanded , exod. . . that no vessel nor no instrument , either besome or flesh-hook , or pan , should once come into the temple , but those only which were sanctified and set apart for that use . and in the book of numbers he will have no other trumpets blown to call the people together , but those only which were set apart for that purpose . numb . . . * t. c. l. p. . besides this , the policy of the church of god is times past is to be followed , &c. b acts . . acts . . c justin apol. . origen . hom. . super exod. ● in judie . d concil . la●d . c. ● . e concil . vasens . . f concl. co●on . par . . g ex. . . . h exod. . i numb . . . k exod. . . & . , , . l t. c. l. . p. . the lord would by these rudiments and p●dagogies teach , that he would have nothing brought into the church but that which he had appointed . m esias thesh . in veron pat●r . n acts . . o acts . p t. c. l. . . this practice continued still in the churches of god after the apostles times , as may appear by the second apology of iustin martyr . idem , p. . it was decreed in the councel of laodicea , that nothing should be read in the church but the canonical books of the old and new testament . afterwards , as corruptions grew in the church , the reading of homilies and of martyrs lives was permitted . but , besides the evil success thereof , that use and custom was controlled , as may appear by the councel of collin , albeit otherwise popish . the bringing in of homilies and martyrs lives , hath thrust the bible clean out of the church , or into a corner . the apocalyps . a t. c. l. . p. . it is untrue , that simple reading is necessary in the church . a number of churches which have no such order of simple reading , cannot be in this point charged with the breach of god's commandment , which they might be , if simple reading were necessary . [ by simple reading he meaneth the custom of bare reading more than the preacher at the same time expoundeth unto the people . ] b colmus ad divinarum literarum commemorationem . tertul. apol. p. . c judaicorum historiarum libri readiri sunt ab apostolis legendi in ecclestis . orig. in jos. hom. . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iustin. apol. . p. . factum est ut iste die dominica , prophetica lectione jam lecta , ante astate adslance , qui lectionem s. pauli proferret , be●isimus autistes ambrestus , &c. sulp● . sever. l. . de vita s. mart. e vide concil . v●s . ● . habitum an . dom. . tom . concil . . p. . item synod . la●d . c. . cypr. l. . epist. . & l. . epist. . amb. l. . offic c. ● . & epist. . & lib. de helio arque jejunio , cap. . just. quaest . . august . quaest . . in num. w●s . st●ab . de rebes ecsiast . cap. . ●eron . in ●rol●g . galeat . ruffinus in symbol . apost . apud cypr. a v●le gelas. decree . non . concil . . p. . b cires an. dom. . c concil car●●ag . . c. . prae●e● s●ip●● as cano●● c●s nihil in ecclesis ligatur su● nomine divinarum scriprerarum cire● an. dom. . d concil . vasen . ● habitum an. dom. . tom . concil . p. . si presbyter , ali qua infirmiraprehibente , pee se●psum non potuerit praeli●are : ●anctorum partum homilly à diaconibus recitentur . e concil . car●tlug . . can. . & greg. tu●on de gloris in●e● . ca. . & ●adria epist. ad coral . magu . f gelas. c●e● an. do. . to concil . p. . g concil . co●on . celebra● . an. dom. pa●●a . cap. . melch. can. ●ocor . theol . lib. ● . vir. de tr●d . ●●se . lib. . h in cremum ●ar●a●heum sicliterrum● qui conceptus propitus ●atrum desiai●i onibus antepodunt . c. ●nde relig●o . in extra . hieron . praes . ad libros ●alom . aug de p●●●d . sanct. l. . c. . praefat. gloss . ord . & lyr. ad pr●● . hieron . in iob. t. c. l. . p. , . ●●arm . conses . sect . . ●d . con . art . . lubert . de pincip . christ. doug● . l●●●● . a the lib●● of metaphys . school p. art . . b joseph . cent . app. lib. . c epist. in an●y●or . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prael . ad lib. eccles. of preaching by sermons● and whether sermons be the only u●●llnary way of teaching , whereby men are brought to the saving knowledge of gods truth . a paraenet . ad gent. p. . b concil va●i● . . c . c concil . tol. cap. . d rupert . de divin . offic. l. . c. , . isid. de eccles . offic. l. . c. . e the libel of school . part . t. c. lib. . pag. . saint paul's writing is no more preaching , than his pen or his hand is his tongue : seeing they cannot be the same , which cannot be made by the same instruments . f evangelizo manu & scriptione . rainol . de rom. eccles . idolola . praef . ad co. essex . g john . . mat. . cor. . . cor. . ● acts . . what they attribute to sermons only , and what we to reading also . thes. ● . colos. ● . . john. . . isa. . . a t. c. l. . p. , , . b pag. . . c pag. . chro. ●● . chro. . . deut. . . luke . . exod. . . john . . prov. . , , . rom. . . tim. . . t. c. l. . p. . a t. c. l. r. p. . b cor. . . c rom. . . d apologet. c. . in finc . e this they did in a tongue which to all learned men amongst the heathens , and to a great part of the simplest was familiarly known : as appeareth by a supplication offered unto the emperor iustinian , wherein the jews make request that it might be lawful for them to read the greek translations of the . interpreters in their synagogues , as their custom before had been . anthem . . cel. . incipit . aeqaum sanc . f i● the apostle u●eth the went 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a ● . c. ● . ● . p. . this sayle of readers . the bishops more than beggerly prese●ts . those rascal ministers . b t c. l. a. p. . c john . . d gal. . . . tim. . heb. . . a t. c. l . p. . b prov. . . c t. c. l. a. p. . d cor. . . e tim. . f matth . . g cor. . . h t. c. l. . p. . no salvation to be looked for , where no preaching is i ● c. c. l. . p. . t. c. l. . p. . deut. . . a de eccles. offic l. . c. . b psal. . . c psal. . . d aug. in ps. ● . e cyprian , . . epist. . lector personat verba sublimia evangelium christi . g's a frottibus conspieitur , cum giudio fraternitatis auditur . f psal. . , . t. c. l. . p. . , . acts. ● . . apoc. . t. c. l. . p. . p. . pag. . . , , . pag. . pag. . a ecclus . . . matth. . ●● . b tim. . . rom. . . thes. . . c matth. . . d phil. . . pet. . . matth. . . e thes. . . pet. . ● . jude vers . . per. . . f luke . . t. c. l. . p. . t. c. l. . p. . a t. c. l. . p. . b complaint of the commin●●● . c dr. som●● , painter . p. . d t. c. lib. . pag. . of prayer . a ose. . . b revel . . . c acts. . . rom. . . thes. . . luke . . sam. . . dan. . . acts . . of publick prayer . psal. . . dan. . . acts . . matth. . . cor. . . jonah . . apolog. . . ambros. l. de poen . multi minimi dum congregantur unanimes , sunt magni . & multorum preces impossibilest contemni . psal. . ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 basil. epist. ●● psal. . . . . ps. . & . . psal. . . & . . & . . of the form of common-prayer . matth. . , . mat. . . chrys. hom. . ad hebra & . in act. cor. . . psal. . . power and beauty are in his sanctuary . ad domos sletim dominicas currimus corpora humisternimus , mixtis cum sletu gaudija supplicamus . salvia de prov. l. . num. . . chron. , . col. l. ●●●● . de epi. & cler. & . saepe . . tim. . . john . . jer. . . ezech. . . psal. . . chron. . . joel . . . chron. . . of them which like not to have any set form of common prayer . num. . . a mat. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having sung the psalmes which were unto at that feast those psalms which the jews call the great hallelujah beginning at the and conti●●●●ing to the ●a . l. of the ll . s●e paul bar●●●s . in ps. ●●●●●●● and 〈…〉 de 〈…〉 . cor. . . eph●s . . . of them who allowing a set form prayer y●t allow ●er●●● . a t. c. l. . p. ● afterwards , p. . whereas ●● do●●er ●●●●meth that the●e can ●e nothing shewed in the whole book which is not agreeable unto the word of god : i am very ●●●●h &c. notwithstanding , my duty of defening the truth and love which i have first towards god , and then towards my countrey const . 〈…〉 an● be in●t●u●● pro●e●●● speak a few words more particularly of the form of prayer , that when the blemishes thereof do appear , it may please the queens majesty , and her honourable council , with ●ho●c of the parliam●nt , &c. the form of our liturgy too near the papists , too far different from that of or her reformed churches , as they pretend . t. c. l. . p. . a bo●k of the form of common prayer tendered to the parliament , p. . pag. . pag. . a●te be●enging to the service of god. t. c. l. . p. ● . we think the surplice especially unmeet for a minister of the gosp. ● to ●ear , p. . ●● is easily seen by solomo n eccles. . . th●● to wear a white garment was highly esteemed in the e●st parts , and was ordinary to those that were in any elimination , as black with us , and therefore was no several apparel for the ministers to execute their ministry in ● hierom in . ezech. p●iero . adver . pelag. l. . c. . t. c. l. . p. . be a white garment is meant a comely apparel , and not slovenly . chrysost. ●● popul . antioch ●om . . serm. . t. c. l. . p. . it is true , chrysostom maketh mention of a white garment , but not in commendation of it , but rather to the contrary : for he sheweth that the dignity of their ministery was in taking h●d that none unmeet were admitted to the lords supper , not in going about the church with a white garment . eccles. . . t. c. l. . p. ● . . . ● . t. c. l. p . l● . p. ● ● . l. ● . p. . lib. . p. . page . . page . . esay . . . a exod. . . b exod. . . c psal. . apoc. . . mar. . . t c. l. . p. ● . & . . p . index . l . c . . l. . p. , . lib. . p. . page . . basil. asect . ●●●pent . l in●er . . of gesture in praying , and of different places chosen to that purpose . t c. l. . p. . t. c. l. . p. . mark . . t c l. p. . t. c. l. . p ● . t. c. l . p . ● . . p. . acts . . t. c. l. . p. . l. p. . easiness of praying alter our form . t.c.l. . p. . & l. . p. . another fault in the whole service or liturgy of england , is , for that it maintaineth an unpreaching ministry in requiring nothing to be done by the minister , which a child of ten years old cannot do as well , and as lawfully , as that man wherewith the book contenteth it self . the length of our service . t c l. . p. . & l. . p. . aug. ep. . luke . . tim. . . t. c. l. . p. . neh. . . acts . . instead of such prayers at the pr●mitive churches have used and those that be reformed now use ; we have ( they say ) divers short cuts or shreddings , rather wishes than prayers . t. c. l. . p. . & l. . p. , . lessons intermingled with our prayers . * we have no such forms in scripture as that we should pray in two or three lines , and then after having read a while some other thing , come and pray as much more , and so the . or the . time , with pauses between . if a man should come to a prince , and having very many things to demand ; after he had demanded one thing , would stay a long time , and then demand another , and so the third , the prince might well think that either he came to aske before he knew what he had need of , or that he had forgotten some piece of his suit , or that he were distracted in his understanding , or some other like cause of the disorder of his supplication . t. c. l. . p. . this kinde of reason the propher in the matter of sacrifices doth use . t. c. . . p. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. rhet. lib. . cap. . mal. . . . the number of our prayers for earthly things , and our oft rehearsing of the lords prayer . i can make no geometrical and exact measure ; but verily i believe there shall be found more than a third part of the prayers , which are not psalms and texts of scripture , spent in praying for , and praying against the commodities and incommodities of this life , which is contrary to all the arguments or contents of the prayers of the church , sit down in the scripture , but especially of our saviour christs prayer , by the which ours ought to be directed . t. c. l. . p. . what a reason is this , we must rep at the lords prayer oftentimes , therefore oftentimes in half an hour , and one in the neck of another ? our saviour christ doth not there give a prescript forme of prayer whereunto he bindeth us : but giveth us a rule and squire to frame all our prayers by . i know it is necessary to pray , and pray often . i know also that in a few words it is impossible for any man to frame so pithy a prayer , and i confess that the church doth well in concluding their prayers with the lords prayer : but i stand upon this , thee there is no necessity laid upon us to use these very words and no more . t. c. lib. . pag. . praemisse legitima & ordinaria oratione , quasi fundamento , accidentium jus est desideriorum , jus est superstruendi extrinsecus petitioner . ter●ol . de orat . luke . . cypr. in orat . dom. the peoples trying after the minister . another fault is , that all the people are appointed in divers places to say after the minister , whereby not only the time is unprofitably wasted , and a confused noise of the people ( one speaking after another ) caused , but an opinion bred in their hearts that those only be their prayers which they pronounce with their own mouths after the minister , otherwise than the order which is left to the church doth bear . cor. . . and otherwise than iustin martyr sheweth the custom of the churches to have been in his time . t. c. l. p. . & l. . p. , , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 basil. p●●s . in pral . cor. . . our manner of reading the psalms otherwise then the rest of the scripture . they have always the same profit to be stu●ied in , to be read , and preached upon , which ether scriptures have , and this above the rest , that they are to be sung . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 di●nys . hierar . eccles. cap. . but to make daily prayers of them hand-over-head , or otherwise then the present estate wherein we he , doth agree with the maner contained in them , is an abusing of them . t. c. l● . . pag. . of musick with psalms . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 basil. in psal. of singing or saying psalms and other parts of common prayer , wherein the people and minister answer one another by course . for the singing of psalms by course , and side after side , although it be very ancient , yet it is not commendable ; and so much the mere to be suspected , for that the devil hath gone about to get it so great authority , partly by deriving it from ignatius time , and partly in making the world believe that this came from heaven , and that the angels were heard to sing after this sort . which as it is a meer fable , so is it confuted by historiographers , whereof some ascribe the beginning of this to damasus , some other unto flavianus and diodorus . t. c. lib. . p. . a exod. . ● . is . . deut. . . & . . josh. . . b socrat. hist. eccles. lib. . cap. . a theod. lib. cap. . b plat. in vit● damasi . c bene mari plerunque comparatur ecclesia , quae primo ingredientis populi agmine totis vestibulis undas comit ; deinde in oratione totius plebis tanquam undis ●efl . ●ensib●s strides ; cum responsuriis psalmorum , canruvinocura mulierum , virginum , parvulorum consonus undatum stragor resulta : . hexam . lib. . cap. . d basil. epist. . e plin. secund . epist lib. . cp . . exod . . . isai. . . * from whence soever it came , it cannot he good , considering , that when it is granted , that all the people may praise god ( as it is in singing of psalms ) then this ought no : to be restrained unto a few ; and where it is lawful , both with heart and voice , tosing the whole psalm ; there it is not meet , that they should sing but the one half with their heart and voice , and the other with their heart onely . for where they may , both with heart and voice sing , ●i●e● the heart is not enough . therefore besides the incommodity which cometh this way , in that being tossed after this sort , men cannot understand what is sung , those other two inconveniences come of this form of singing , and therefore it is vanished in all reformed churches t. c. lib. . p. . ephes. . . of magnificat , benedictus , and nunc dimittis . these thanksgivings were made by occasion of certain particular be●●●●e , and are no more to be used for ordinary prayers , then the ave-maria . so that both for this cause , and the other before alledged of the psalms , it is not convenient in make ordinary prayers of them . t. c. lib. . p. . chro. . . of the le●any . a we pray for the avoiding of those dang●●● which are nothing near us ; as from lightning and thundring in the midst of winter ; from storms ; and tempest , when the weather is most fair , and the seas most calm . it is true . that upon some urgent calamity , a prayer may , and ought to be framed , which may beg , either the community , for want whereof the church is in distress , ●● the turning away of that mischief , which either approacheth , or is already upon it . but to make those prayers which are for the present time and danger , ordinary and daily prayers ; i cannot hitherto see any , either scripture , or example of the primitive church . and here , for the simples sake , i will set down after what ●ur● this abuse crept into the church . there was one mamericus , bishop of vienna , which in the time of great earth-quakes , which were in france , instituted certain supplications , which the grecians ( and we of them ) call the letany , which concerned ●hat matter : there is no doubt , but as other discommodities rose in other countries , they likewise had prayers accordingly . now pope gregory either made himself , or gathered the supplications that were made against the calamities of every country , and made of them a great letany or supplication , as platina calleth in , and gave it to be used in all churches : which thing albeit , all churches might do for the time , in respect of the case of the calamity which the churches suffered , yet there is no cause , why it should be perpetual , that was ordained but for a time ● and why all lands should pray to be delivered from the incommodities that some land hath been troubled with . t. c. lib . pag. . ● exod. . . wild. . . sam. . . chron. . . chron. . . joel . ● . b tertul. lib. ● . ad exor . c terent. andr. d hier. epist. . ad eust. martyres tibi quaerantur in cubiculo tuo . nunquam causa decrit procedendi , & ●emper quando ●ecesse est , progressura sis . a socrat. lib. . cap ● . s●●om . lib. ● . cap. . thess. lib. . li● . ●●b . . cap. novel . . ● . b basil. epist. . wheph . lib. ● . cap . codem . in theodis . sidon lib. . epist. ● . concii . tom . . pag. . concil . rom . . anno . of athanasius cre●● , and gloria pa●ri . a ir●n . lib. . cap. b pertu● . de prae●● . advers . haeres . & advers . prax. c the like may be said of the gloria patri , and the athanasius creed . it was first brought into the church to the end , that men thereby should make an open profession in the church of the divinity of the son of god , against the de●●stible opinion of arius and his disciples , wherewith at that time marvelously swarmed almost the whole christendom . now that it hath pleased the lord to quench that fire , there in no such en●e way these things should be used in the church , at the least , why that gloria patri should be so often repeated t. c. lib. . p. . mac. . . major centenario . sulpit. sever. hist. l. ● . ● a ex parte nostra leguntur homines ad lescentes , pardon docti pardon cauti●● , ar●anis autem missi ●nes , callidi & ingenio valentes vetes ano , perfidia imbuti , qui apud regem facile superiorese ●●nirunt . sulpit. lib. . b est temque conscri●●● ab improbit sidem tradie verbis fallentibus involutam , quae catholicano disciplinam persidia latente inqueretur . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 greg. nazia● . de atha . that creed which in the book of common prayer , followeth immediately after the reading of the gospel . hilar. arela . epist. id a●g . cor. . . exod. . ● . heb. . . matth. . . josh . . psal. ● . . basil. ep. ● . fabad . lib. cont● . arian . theod. lib. . cap. . sozom lib. . cap. . cor. . . cor. . . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contra ar. our want o● particular thank giving . ●● such prayers are needful , whereby we beg release from o distresses ; so there ought to be as necessary prayers of thanksgiving , when we have received those things at the lords hand which we asked . t. c. lib . pag. ● . i do not simply require a solemn and express thanksgiving for such benefits ; but onely upon a supposition , which is , that is it be expedi●nt that there should be experts prayers against so many of their earthly miseries , that then al●o it is meet that upon the deliverance , there should be an express thanksgiving . t. c. lib. . pag. . * the default of the book , for that there are no forms of thanksgiving for the release from those common calamities from which we have petitions to be delivered . t. c. lib. . p. ● . ● ph●●● . p c●●la . . t. c. lib. . pag. . in some things the matter of our prayer , as they affirm , unsound . when thou hadst overcome the sharpness of death , thou didst open the kingdom of heaven unto all believers . john . . & . . ierem contra helvid . august . haer. ● . sqv . super . gen. . th. p. . ● . . leo. re● . . de ascens . touching prayer for deliverance from sudden death . job . . heb. . . deut. josh. . king. . cypr. de mortal . prayer that those things which we for our unworthiness dare not ask , god for the worthiness of his son would vouchsafe to grant . this request car●ieth with it still the note of the popish servile fear , and ●avoreth not of that confidence and reverent familiarity that the children of god have , through christ , with their heavenly father . t. c. lib. . pag. . * psal. . . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 philo. de sacrif . abel . & cain . job . amongst the parts of hom . . aristotle reckoneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rhet. lib. . cap. ● . * job . . the publican did indeed not lift up his eyes : so that if by his example we should say , we dare ask nothing , we ought also to ask nothing ; otherwise instead of reaching true humility , we open a school to hypocrisie , which the lord detesteth . t. c. lib. . p. . * rom. §. . ● . . heb. ● . . prayer to be evermore delivered from all adversity . for as much as there is no promise in the scripture , that we should be free from all adversity , and that evermore ; it seemeth that this prayer might have been better conceived , being no prayer of faith , or of the which we can assure our selves , that we shall obtain it . t. c. lib. . p. . oratio , quae non sit per christum , non solum non potest delere peccatum , sed etiam ipsa fit pe●catum . aug. e●ar . . in psal. . numb . ● ● . sam. . . job . . & ● . luk. . . cor. ● . , , . aug. ep. . ad pro●am vid. aen . psal. . ● . john . , . matth. . mark . . luke . . neither did our saviour christ pray without promise ; for as other the children of god , in wh●se condition he had humbled himself have , so had be a promise of deliverance in far , as the glory of god that acomplishment of his vocation would suff●r . t. c. lib. . pag ● . a deut. . . b deut. . . c psal. . . d psal. , . e t. c. lib. . pag . f we ought not to desire to be free from all adversity , if it be his will , considering that he hath already declared his will therein . t. c. lib. . pag. . t. c. lib. p. . john . . psal. . . joh. . . a matth . . non potuit divinitas humanitatem , & secundum aliquid deseruisse , & secundum ali quid non deseruisse ? subtraxit prefectionem , sed non separa it unionem sce●go da●diquit ut non adjuvaret , sed non direliqunt ut ●eredeter . sic ●●gu humanitas à d visitate in passione derelicta est . quam tamen ●●ngtem quia non pro sua iniquitare , sed pro nostra redemptione sustinuit , quare sae derelicta requirit non quasi adversus deum de ●oena murmura●e , sed nobis innocentiam suam in ●una demensir●ra . hug. de sacra . lib. . put . . cap. . deus meus , unquis dereliquisti me ? vox est nec ignorantiae , nec diffidentia , nec querel● , sed admirationis ●anrum , quae aliis investigandae causae ardorem & diligentiam actua● . b job ● . isa. . ● . job . . luke . . cor. . we may not pray in this life , to be free from all sin , because we must always prays . forgive in our sins . t. c. lib. . pag. ● . psal. . . tim. . . to pray against persecution , is contrary to that word which saith . that every one which will live godly in christ jesus , must suffer persecution . t. c. lib. . p. . a jam. . . b psal. . . c aug epist. ● cap. . prov. . ● . prayer , that all men may finde mercy , and of the will of god. that all men might be saved . * tim. . . sid●n . ● p ●● lib. ● epist. cor. . . rom ● . & . . matth. . , . jere. . . propterea nihil contrarietatis erat , si christus homo secundum affectum pietatis quam in humanitate sui assumpserat aliquid volebat , quod tamen secundum voluntatem divinam , in qua cum fatre ot●n a d●siponebat securum non esse praesciehat , quia & hoc ad veram humaniratem pertinebar , ut pietate moveretur , & hoc ad veram divnitatem , ut & sua dispeditione , non moveretur , hug. de quae christi volunt . * prosp. de vocat . g●n . lib . cap. . inter opera ambros. of the name , the author , and the force of sacraments , which force consisteth in thi● , the● god , hath ordained them as means to make us partakers of him in christ , and of life through christ. * gal. . . isai. . * oportebat d●um carnem fieri uein semitipso concu●●●a● consi●ulare : ter●●urum pariter asque coelestiur , dum utriusque partisinse connectens pignora , & deum pariter homini , & hominem deo copularet . t●●tul . de tri●●● . that god is in christ by the personal inc. r●aeion of the son , who is very god. isai. . . jere. . . rom. . . john . . & . . col. . . joh. ● . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 damase . de orthod . fide , lib. . cap. . matth. . . joh. . . ignat. ● epist. ad magnes . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 damase . c ● cor. . in il●● divinitus est unigenici facta particeps mortalintis nostrae , ●● & ora participes eius immorialitatis essemus . aug. epist. . d heb. . . heb. . . the misinterpretations which heresie hath made of the manner , l●w god an● man are united in one christ. an. dom. ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●ui● . an. d●m . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cyril . epist ad ●u●g . 〈…〉 at le●●● . de sect. a john . . b heb . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the●d . dial. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pasch lib. de spir. sanct. an. dom. . an. dom. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theodor. di●l . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that by the union of the one , with the ●●her nature in christ , there groweth neither gain nor loss of essential properties to either . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ●●er . lib. . advers . haeres . christ did all these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 greg. nazlant . orat. a de●tilo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * greg. esse . epist. . thess. ibid. alexandr . milar . de trin. lib. . cypr. epist. ad ●est . salva propriera●e ●●●ns●ue naturae , susceptra est a majestate humilitas , a briure infirmitas , ab eccernitare mortalitas , leo epist. ●●t flav. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . damasc. de orrbed . ●●● lib. . cap . verem est riaarum in christu naturarum alteram sua● alteri proprietates impartire , enuncian so videlicer . idque non in abstract sed in concreto soluta , divinas liembat non humanitati , humanas non de●●a●● sed deo tribul . cujus haec est ratio , q●●● , cum supp●ss●um praeticationis sit cjasmodi ut utramque naturam in se continear , sive ab una sive ab altero denomineretur nihil refere . cor. . . john . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . greg. wyss . de secta●or . apollinar . epist . ● . ● . flav. what christ hath obtained according to the flesh● by the ●●ion of his flesh with d●ry . a nativi●●s dei non potest non cam ex qua prosecta est tenere naturam . neque enim aliud quà● deus su ●●●●● qui non assunde quàm ex deo deos subsistir . milar . de trin. lib. . cum sit gloria , sem●inernitate , virtute , regno , potesta●e hoc quod pa●er est , omnia tamen haec non sine auct●ire ●out pave●●● , s●u●ex po●●e an quare silius sine iuitio & aequalis habet , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . haber . ●●●●●● . in symb apost cap. ●ilium aliunde non de substantis patris omnem à pa●re consecatum porestatem . t●rtul . contra prax. b ephes. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quicquid alteri quovis . m●do dat esse . . jam. . . pater luminum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pachym . in dionys. de coel. hierar . cap. . pater est principium totias divinitatis , quis ipse à nullo est . nos enim habet de quo procedat , fest ab eo & . filius est genitus & spicius sanctus procedit . aug. de trinit . lib. . cap. . hinc christus ●clea●ls loco nomen ubique patris usurpit , quis pates nimirum est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d pares ●o●a substantia est , filius vero derivatio totius & propagatio . tertul. contra prix . e quod entra u●●s est . ex deo es● . hilar. de trin. lib. . nihil nisi narum habet filius . hilar. lib. . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heb. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sap . . . . g nihil in se diversum ac dissimile habene natus & generans . hilar. de synod . advers . aria . in trivliae alium atque alias , non aliud arque ali●● . vincem . lyr. cap. . h ubi author aeternus est ibi & nativitatis aeternitas est : quia sicut ●●●ivitas ab authore est , ita ●● ab aeterno authore aeterna nativitas est . hilar. de trin. lib. . sicut naturam praestat fillo fine initio graetatio : i● spiritus sancti praestat essentiam sine initio processio . aug. de trini . lib. . cap. . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. sol . . & ex greg nazian . orat. . de fil. ibid. . k john . . l ephes. . m phil. . . n john . . o joh . hic est verus deus . & with 〈…〉 . p john . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. di●l . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 periculum status sui deo nulium est . tertul. de car. chr. majestati v●● dei corporate no●irus ●●l●l con●●l● , nihil abstuit , leo de nativit . ser. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thesphil . in sormam servi transisse non est natura● perdib●isse dei. h●la● . de trin. lib. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 theod. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 greg●● . nyss. apud th●od 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chrys. in pi●l . . luk. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 theod. & tren . lib. . advers . haeres . matth. . . a col . . b isai. . . c isai. . . luk . acts . . d heb. . ● . e cor. . . joh. . , . f john . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 theod. fol. . of the perso●●● presence of christ every where , and in what sense it may be granted , be is crazy where present sce●nling to the 〈…〉 . a psal. . . ● jere. . . b ideo deus ubique esse asi●●r , quia , nulli parti irr●m absers est ; ideo●ns , quia non parti rerum partem sui piaesenum praebet , & alteri parti alceram partem , sed non inlum universtati creaturae , verum etiam e●libet parti ejus colut pariter adest . aug. epist. . c quod id cero bu● animer , crea●orest ; quoda ●hon inen , creatura est . aug. epist. . deus qui semper est . & semper erat , sit creatura , le● . de nativ . multi timore screpisant ire christum esse , creatam dicere compellanter ; nos proclamimus non esse periculum dicere , christum esse creaturam . hier. in epist. ad epist. . tertul. de cir. chr. aug. epist. ● . matth. . rom. . . psal. . heb. . . revel . . luk. . . acts . . ephes. . . ephes . . psal. . . heb. . . cor. . the union or mutual participation which is between christ and the church of christ , in this person● world. in the bosome of the father , joh. . . ecce dica ali um esse patrem , & alium filium ; non chretone alium , sed ● stincti or , tertul. 〈…〉 prax. ●●e in tumetum pluraiem desitur incor●nea generatio , nec in divisionem cadit , ubi qui nascitur nequaquam á generante separa ●● . ●●ssin in symbol . luke . joh . . . & . & . & . . & . . wisd. . . heb. . . john . . acts . , . joh. . . & . . isai. . . cor. . . ephes. . , . joh. . . rom. . . cor. . . pet. . . gal. . . cor. . . ephes. . . john . . john . . john . . . john . . ephes. . . john . . & . . cor. . . john . & . . heb. . . cor . ● . . heb. . . cypr. de coena dom. cap. . cy●in iiar . lib. . cap . a nostra quippe & ipsius conjunctio n●c mi●cet person ●s nec nai● substance as , sed aff . ●us consocist & consoe lerat voluntates . cypr de co●● . dam. b quomodo dicunt carnem in corruptionem devenice , & non percipe● c vi●am , qua à corpore domini & sanguine ali●● ? iran . lib. . advers . haeres . cap. . unde cons●erandum est non solum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sea conformitate affectionum , christum in nobis esse ; verum enam participatione naturali ( id est , p●ali & vera : ) quamadm●dum & quis igne liquefactan cetam a●●i cere si●lliter lique●actae i● a miscu●●i●u●●num quid ex ●tris ; suctum videatus ; sie communicatione corporis & sanguinis christi ipse in nobis est , & no● in ipso . cyril . in io●n . lib. . cap. . a eph. . . ecclesi● complementam ejus qui implet omnia in omnibus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b aug. ep . gal. . ●● isa. . eph. . . rom. ● . . gal. . . john . . eph. . . rom. . . cor. . . eph. . . rom. . . eph. . . the necessity of sacraments unto the participatien of christ. exod . ● . j●hn . . acts . . a wisd. . . sp●●itus sancti munus est gratiam imp●ete mysterii . ambr. in luc. cap. . sanctificatus elementis effectum non propria ipsarum natura praebet , sed virtus divina potentius operatur . cypr. de chri●● . b dum homini bonum inv●sibile redd●tur , foris ei ejusdem significatio per species visibiles adhibetur : ut foris excitetur & intus reparetur . in ipsa vasis specie virtus exprimitur medicinae . hugo de sacram. lib. . cap. . si ergo vasa sunt spiritualis gratiae sacramenta , non ex suo sanant , quia vasa aegrotum non curant , sed medicina . idem . lib. . cap. . the substance of raptism : the ●zes et solemnites thereunto belonging , and that the substance thereof being kept , other things in ●ap ti●m may give place to necessity . a eucharistia dub●● ex r●laws constat , tenere & coel●●●● . ●●uss . 〈…〉 cap. 〈…〉 . b sacramentum est , cum res g●sta visibilis longé alid : invisibile intas reperatur . isid erem . lib. . sacramentum per quod su●●●gumento rerum visi●●le ●en divina virtus s●lutem serecitus opela●● . greg. mi● . sacramentum of signum significans ●…circe eff●ctum dei g●a●i●um . ce●ca . sent . lib. d. . sacramentum propri● non ●●●●●●●●●●lther rei sac●● . ●●● tan●um rei sacrae sancti 〈…〉 . tho . . q. . . & q. . . sacramentum est signam passe ni christi gratiae & gloriae . ideo est commemoratio praete●iti , demonstratis praesentis , & prognodi●en ●uturi . tho. . q. . . sacramenta sunt signa & symbols visibilia rerum , insernatura & invisibilium , per quae , set per me li● . deus virtuce spiritus sancti in nobis agit . cons. belg. art. . item beb●●n . cons. cap. . c sacramen●●a constant verbo , signis , & rebus significatio . confess . helen . post. c. ● . d si ●●iquid ministri agere incendant , purà sacris illudere mysteriis , vel ali●● quod ecclesiae non consentiat . nihil agitur ● sine fi●e enim spi●●●●als potestae exerceti quidem potest , sine ecclesiae intentione non potest . laurel . insi . jar. can. lib. . ti● . . . hoc tamen e accessonium non regular principle sed ab eo regulatur . . de stegul . jar. in sex● . lib. . if quod iustu . f e●ns● nihil facile mutandu●● est ex solennibus , canen ubi aequie as evidens poseit subveniendum est . lib. . de reg. jur. the grounds in scripture , whereupon a necessity of outward ● baptism hath been hunt . t. c. lib. . p. . invate baptism first ●ose upon ● fal● in ●● relation of the place of st. iohn . clap. ● . . unless a man be son again of water , and of the s●ri● , &c. where , certain do interpret the wo● i● water , se● the material , and elemental water , when as our saviour christ coheth water there by a borrowed speech , for the spirit of god , he effect whereof it shadoweth our . nor even as in another place , ●●●a●ith . . . ● ●y●●●●e and the spirit , he meaneth nothing but the spirit of god , which purgeth and purifieth as ●ire doth : so●a this place , by water and the spirit , he meaneth nothing else but the spirit of god which cleanseth the silth of sin , and cooleth the boiling heir of an unquiet conscience ; as water washeth the thing whi●h ●● is foul , and quencheth the heat of the fire . a mini●e sunt muianda quae interpretationem certain semper habuērant . d. lib. ti● . . lib. . b acts . iohn baptized with water , but you shall within few days be baptized with the holy ghost . c acts . what kinde of necessity in outward baptism hath been gathered by the words of our saviour christ , and what the true necessity thereof indeed is . t. c. lib. . pag. . secondly , this error ( of privo●● baptism ) came by a false and unnecessary conclusion drawn from that place . for , although the scripture should say , that none can be saved , but those which have the spirit of god , and are baptized with material and elemental water ; yet ought it to be understood of those which can conveniently and orderly be brought to baptism ; as the scripture , saying , that who so doth not believe the gospel , is condemned already , iob. . . meaneth this sentence of those which can hear the gospel , and have discretion to understand it when the hear it ; and cannot here shut under this condemnation , either those that he born deaf and so remain , or little infants , or natural fools that have no wit to couceive what is preached . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . necessarium i● dicitur , sine quo ut concaus● , fieri non potest ut viratur : et es sinc quibus neri nequis ut bonum aut sit aut fiat ; vel malum aliquod amovea●●r , aut non ●●lsi● . arist. metaph. . cap. . b joh . . c vers. . d ephes. . ● . e tit. . . f am● . . . g fidelet salutem ex istis elementis non quaerunt , e●iam●i in isus a●erunt . n●● enim ista tribuunt quod per ista tribuitur . huge de sacram lib. . cap. . h susceptus à christo , christumque suscipiens , non idem fir post lavacrum qui ante baptismum sui●sed corpus vegenerati sic caro crucifixi . lev. scam . . de pas. dom. j caro abluitur ut anima emaculetur . tert. de caro. re●●r . romo per aquam baptist millet à suis l●em esse vidratur , intus tamen alter efficitur ; cum peccato natus fine peccato renasciru : priuribus petir , succedentibus proficis ; detericribus exuiour ; in mellora innova●u● persons tingitur , & natura matatur . euseb. emis . de epiphan . homil. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gregor . hemil. de sanct. bapt. k unde genitali● auxilio superioris ●ei l●b● de●●ria in expi●to●● pectus ac p●●●um desuper se lomen insundit . cypr. epist. ad domet . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theodore● . epito . divin . dogunat . baptisari . est purgari & s●ntibus peccatorum , & domari ●atia dei grati : ad ritam novam & innocentem . confess . helvet . cap. . l eph. . . m eph. . . n eph. . . . o rom. . . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . basil. de scit . sanct. cap. . t. c. lib. . pag. . . ●● which is not a christian before he come to rese●●●●●●●● cannot b●e made caraside by baptism ; which is onely the seat of the grace of god ●tio ● receiv●● . r iven contra haeres . lib. . cap. . s hic sceld●i●imi illi provocant quastiones . adeo ●●●● , esptimus non est necessarius quibus sides satis est . tert. de baptis . huic ●alla pro●ter it s●iet , qui , cum possit non percipie sacramentum . sern . epist. t ad hugon . kings . . u numb . . . x mark . . y inssuci● sacramentorum quantum ad deum authorem , dispensatio●is est , quantum were a● hontinem obedientem , necesstatis , quoniam in potestate dei est prae●●r ista hominea● salvare , led in potesta●e haminis neu est sine idis a● satutem pervenire . hugo . de sacra . lib. . cap . z pelagi●● al●etere arrepta impietare praesion● non propter vicani . sed propter regnum coelorum baptismum parvulis conferendum . euseb. emiss . hom. . de pas. ● . a benignius leges interpretandur sunt , quò voluntas carum corservetur . l. benign . d. de legib . & sen●use . b t. c. lib. . pag. . c b●n . epist. ● . ad hugonem . quid ad rolerandam omnem pro dei gloria injuriam semel dicavie animum in martyrium mihi videter implesse . suarmi ergo meriti est temel fixisse seure●tiam , ocque ideo , ut dixi , ratio principarum obtinet passionis , & si sora perpetiendi deneget facultatem , pertulit tamen , cuncta quae voluit pati . ioseph . lib. de imper. ration . a gers. serm. in nativit . beatae mar. cajetan . in . tho. . . art. . & . ●iel . in . sentes . ● . . q . tilman . segeberg . de sacr. cap. . elisius neapol . in clyp . advers . haeres . cap. de baptis . b cor. . ● . c t. c. lib. . pag. . it is in question , whether there be any such necessity of baptism , as that for the ministring thereof , the common deccur order● should be broken . psal. ●● . * in omnibus obligationibus in quibus dies non ponitu● , praesenti dic dehe●● . lib. . d. de reg. sur . what things in baptism have been dispeaced with by the fathers , ●●specting necessity . a t. c. lib. . pag ● . the ●urthers themselves of that error , that they cannot be saved which are ●●● baptized , did never seek a remedy of the mischief . in women● or private dip. . . t. c. lib . p. . what plaines testimony can there be then that of augustine ; which noteth the use of the church to have been , to come to the church with their children in danger of death , and that when some had opinion , that their children could not be saved , if they were not baptized , cum. lit. parm. lib. . cap. . i would also know of him what he will answer to that , which is noted of a christian jew desperately sick of the palsie , that was with his bed caused on the place of baptism . sect. lib. . c. . what will he answer to this , that those which were baptized in their beds , were thereby made unapt to have any place amongst the clergy ( as they call them ? ) doth it not leave a note of inf●my in those , which had procured that baptism should be ministred in private houses ? euseb. lib. . cap. . what unto the emperors decree , which upon authority of the ancient laws , and of the apostles , forbiddeth . that the holy lungs should be administred in any mans house ? ioh. ●●●l . . b ●●● epist. ● . an epiic . cicit . c vict. epist. ad theop● . alexand. in pentis . damasc. leo. con●t . . idem . co●st . . a t. c. lib. . pag. . to allow of womens baptising , is not onely contrary to the learned writers ●ow , but also contrary to all learned antiquity , and contrary to the practise of the church whilest there was any tolerable estate . tertul. de virgin. veland . & lib. de baptis . epipha . lib. . & lib. . cont . haeres s. augustine although he seem to a●low of a laymans baptism in time of necessity . cour. epist. parmen . lib. . cap. . yet there he mentioneth no● womens baptism ; and in the fourth council of carthage , cap. . it is simply , without exception decreed , that a woman ought not to baptize . tertul. de baptis . b subjectum est generall speciale . in ipso significante , quia in ipso continerus . ter●●●l . de veland . virg. post. genere , supponirur species . aug. in lib. . cap. de transact . b subjectum e●t generali speciale . ●a ipso significa●te , quia in ipso contine●ut . tertul. de veland . virg. posit . gene●● , supponi●ur species . aug. in ●●● . cap. de transact . c non per●i●i●●● mulieri in ecclesia loqui , sed nee docere , now ringere , nec offerre , non dibus virilis muneris ●edum sacerdotalis officii sortem sibi vendicare . tertul. de velund . virg. d t. c. lib. . pag . the substance of the sacrament dependeth chiefly of the institution and word of god , which is the form , and , as it were , the life of the sacrament . t. c. lib. . pag. . although part of the institution be observed , yet if the whole institution be ●●t , it is no sacrament . t. c. lib. . pag. . the orders which god hath set , are , that it should be done in the congregation , and by the minister . t. c. lib. . pag. . and i will further say , that although the infants which die without baptism , should be assuredly damned ( which is most false , ) yet ought not the orders which god hath set in his church , be broken ●ke● this sort . nostro p●o●● alterius salu●i consulere non debemus . aug. lib. cont . ●end . cap. . matth. . . matth. . ● . whether baptism by women , be ●●● baptism , go●● and effectual to them that receive it . a t. c. lib. . pag. . o●dus polar , whether he ●e a minister , or so , dependeth not onely the dignity , but also the being of the sacrament . so that i take the baptism of women to be ●o more the holy sacrament of baptism , than any other daily or ordinary washing of the childe . b tim. . . c tim. . . clem. const. apostol . lib. ● cap. ● . t. c. lib. . pag. . a l●●i● prelibentur , ne , si permitterentar , eorum occasione perveniatur ad illicita . lib. neque tamen . iust. de asuth . t●e . lib. offici●● . d. de rei vind. b ephes. . ● . c una est nativi●as de ti●ri● , alia de ●oelo ; una de cainc , alia de spiritu ; una de ●ie●mitate alia de mortalitate ; una de masculo & foemina , alia de deo & ecclesia . sed ip ae du● singulares sunt . quo modo enim ●terus non potest repeti , sie nec baptismus ●●e●ari . prosp. senten . ● . eia fra●res lacteum genitalis sont●s ad laticem con●olate , ut se●●per robia aqua sufficiar , hoc ante omnia scient●s quia hanc nec●ssandere lioet nec turfes haurire . zene●h . invit . ad fent . august . de eap● . ● don. lib. . cap. . t●●t . de bap● . cypr. epist. . euseb. lib. . cap. , , . cypr epist , , , , , . a illi ips : episcopi qui rebap●zandes haeret● : ●● cum cyprians statuerant , ad an●iquem consuerudinem revo●●ti ne●um ●●misere decretum . hierim . cont . lucifer . vide & august . cunt . crescon . lib. . cap ● , ● . & epist. . b di●●lti ●eri nun p●sse ut in ●als● baptisi●are inquinatus ab●uar , immundus ●munlet , supplantator ●rigat perilkus liberer , reus veniam tribnar , damu●tus abtolvar . ●●ne haec ●innia poter●●●● ad sulos h●re●le●● pertinete , qui sahave●unt sy●bolum , dum alter dixe●it duos deos cum deus anus s● , alter ●atrem rule in persona filil cog●osei , alter catnem sub lucins fili● dei per quam deo reconci●●●tus est ●aundus : er ●●ereil i●●usm●● , qui sacramenns catholicis alteri , moseuatus . op●●i . lib. . c synod . nico. cap. . d syno● . . ar●●at . cap. . e euseb. eccles. hist lib. . cap ● . circa an. ● circa an . vi●●ent lyren . adve●s . ●●res . cap . * vide c. the●● lib. . ●● . ●●b . adve●●● . ●●s se lib. ●ullus dica an●●● . si quis c. ne. sin ●● . baptis . circa an. ● . numb . . . levit. . . sam. . . sam. ● . . chro. . . heb. ● . . * sect. . lugdunentis ex lireria decret . de manim , ●n●rast . dunase , ea●ciur reg. ● . prohibita neri si sians non tenent . in prohibitionibus , antemcirca re● favorables contratiom obtin●r . a t. c. lib. ● . pag. . as st. paul saith , that a man cannot preach which is not sent rom. . . no not although he speak the words of the scripture , and interpret them : so i cannot see how a man can baptize unless he be sent to that end , although he pour witer , and rehearse the words which are to be rehearsed in the ministry of baptism . b t. c. lib. . pag. ● . if either the matter of the sacrament , or the form of it , which is the institution ( which things are onely substantial parte ) were wanting , there should then have been no sacrament at all ministred . but they being retained , and yet other things used which are not convenient , the sacrament is ministred , but not sincerely . c t. c. lib. . pag. ●● . d t. c. lib. . pag. . e t. c. lib. . pag. . the minister is of the substance of the sacrament , considering that it is a principal part of christ● institution . faza , epist. . desir aqua , & tamen baptismu● alicujus diff . tri cum aedificasione non pessit nec debear , ego●●●t● quo● is ali● liquere non minus tire● quam aqua bapti●●arim . f t. c. lib. . pag. . shew me why the breach of the institution in the form should make the sacrament unavailable , and not the breach of this part ( which concerneth the minister ) t. c. ibid. howsoever some learned and godly give some liberty in the change of the elements of the holy sacrament ; yet i do notice how that can stand . idem , pag. . i would rather judge him baptized , who is baptized into the name of christ , without adding the father and the holy ghost , when the element of water is added , then when the other words being duty kept , some other liquor is used . * factu● alterins alil nacer● non deber . vl● lib. de tupille , ●●ct , s. plurimum . item . a●pier . lib pater familias . de here . irs●● . ● . a●●ficia renent authores in●s . non ali●● . lib. sancmus c. de l●oen . august . epist. . t. c. lib. . pag . augustine standeth in doubt , whether baptism by a lay-man he available , or no. conr. lit. pat● . lib. . ● . . where , by all likelihood he was out of doubt , that that which was ministred by a woman , whose unaptness herein is double to that of a layman , was of no esse . . t. c. lib. . pag. . the sacriledge of private persons , women especially , in administring the holy sament of baptism . * t. c. lib. . pag. . as by the seal which the prince hath set apart to seal his grants with , when it is sloin and set to by him that hath no authority , there groweth as assurance to the party that hath it . so if it were possible to be the seal of god , which a woman should set to , yet for that , she hath f●ola i● , and put it to not onely without , but contrary to the commandment of god ; i see not how any can take any assurance by reason thereof . ● exod. . . t. c. lib. . pag. . i say , that the unlawfulness of that sect , doth appear , sufficiently , in that she did it before her husband moses , which was a prophet of the lord , to whom that office of circumcision aid appertain besides , that she did cut off the fore-skin of the insane , not of minde to they the commandment of god , or for the salvation of the childe ; but in a choser only , to the end . that her husband might be eased , and have release : which minde appeareth in her , both by her words , and by casting away in anger , the fore-skin which she had cut off . and if it be said . that the event declared , that the act pleased god , because , that moses forthwith wanted batter , and was recovered of his sickness . i have showed before , that if we measure things by the event , we shall oftentimes justifie the wicked , and take the righteousness of the righteous from them . a mala passis non ●ascimer , sed compatmur , b●et de consol. b where the usual translation h●th , exod. . . she cut away the fore-skin of her son , and cast it at his feet , and said , thou art indeed a bloody husband unto me . so he departed from him . then she said , o bloody husband , because of the circumcision . the words as theylle in the original , are rather thus to be interpreted : and she cut off the fore-skin of her son . which being done , she touched his fact , ( the feet of moses ) and said . thou art to we an husband of blood ( in the plural number , thereby signifying i●●usion of blood. ) and the lord withdrew from him or the very time , when she said , a husband of blood , in regard of circumcisor . psal. ●c . . t. c. lib. . pag. . seeing they onely are t. ●●l ten in the scripture to administer the sacraments , which are bidden to preach the word . and that the publick ministers have onely this charge of the word ; and seeing that the administration of both these are so linked together , that the denial of licence to do out , is aden●al to do the other ; as of the contrary part , licence to one , is licence to the other ; considering also . that to minister the sacraments , is an honor in the church . which none can take unto him , but he which is called unto it , i● was aaron : and further , for as much as the baptising by private persons , and by women especially . confirmeth the dangerous terror of the cumile●●ra●… of young children , which ●●ie without baptism : l●●t of all , seeing we have the consent of the godly learned of all times against the baptism by women , and of the reformed churches now , against the baptism by private men ; we conclude . that the administration of this sacrament by private persons , and especially by women ; is meerly both unlawful and void . interrogatories is baptism touching faith , and the purpose of a christian life . aposto●ae ma●ulictum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 na● . otar contr. iuli● . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 just marc. expos. ●●● .. matth. . . john . spiritus sanct●● habitatoc ejus templi non effecti●● , quod antistitem non haber veram fidem . ierom. adv. lucifer . cap. . isid. de offic. eccles. lib. cap. . ambros. mennen . lib. . cap. . tertul. de spectac . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pustin . apol. b pet. . . interrogatories proposed on● infants in baptism , and answered as it their names by god fathers . they pensa●●e iuly baptism in toyne foolish ; for that they ask questions of an infant which ca●ace answer , and speak unto them , as was went to be spoken unto ●●● , ●● unto such as being converted answered it to mo●● , ●●●l were baptized . which is but a mockery of god , and therefore against the holy scriptures . gal. . admonition to the parliament ●●e tante desend c● in t. c. lib. . pag. ●●● . * aug. pti . ● . 〈…〉 lipsius res ●●●●●mentum percirtialo . aug. a voltum mirabi is les est . quemad : uncum quorundam nondum cognoscenu●●n ●cum sir intrabitator deus ; & quo●●●m cognescen●inan , non sit . n●c illi . nim a. l ●cmplum dei pertinene , qai cogn●icenc● ; d●un , non ec●t deum ●thieavetunt : & od remphius ●●l ●●erinen : parvali sanctisicati , sacraments cini●● regenetri spoiu sancto qat per aeuu●●mu●dum ●●stunt cognoscere deum . ilade quem po●uerunt i li nosse ●●● haberc , illi potuerunt habere antequ . un nosse . aug. epist. . b t.c. lib. ● . pag. ; if children could have faith , yet they ●●at present the childe cannot precisely ●ell whether this particular childe hath faith , or no ; we are to think charitably , and to hope i● is one of the church ; but it can be no more predicly said , that is hath faith , then it may be said precisely elected . c john . d gal. . . e stipu●a●o est verborum conceptio , quib●● is qui lateringatur denurum sactummre se quod inrterogatus est respondet , lib. . sect. . ff de obilg . & act. in haec re alim talis ver●oa tradita fuerunt . spanies ? spondeto , promitto . fide prominis ? fide prumitris promitto . fide jubeo . dabia ? dabo . vacies ? faciam . ●as●it . de verb. oblig . lib. . tit . . f gen. . . ● . accommodat i lis nuter ecclesia a i rum pedes ut venient , alloram eo ut credant , ●●os ●● : ●ngum ut fateantur , ut quoniam quod agri sunt alio peccante ut praegravantur , sic cum familiar alio p●nio conscience falvantur . aug. serm. . de verb. apest. t.c. lib. . pag . ●li enim qni pro rep. cec●l p●nt , in perpertinum per glotian vivcet intelligun●ur inflit lib. ● tit . as sects . osteruatur ●pliyp● percipiendam spiritualem gratiam von ram a●●cis qucium ges●●urut ●●nibus quamvia & a● ipsis si & ipsi hor. . & ●●deles sint , qua ●● unit r●● socierate santorum argusid lin v. aug. in epst. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iustin reip. al orth●● . a si arrianae aut sabelliane herese●● & 〈◊〉 esses , & non tuo ipsius symbolo tecum uterer , convincerem re tamen testimoniorum sacrorum auctoritate . quid tantem si sic apud ee agerem , quid diceres ? quid responderes ? nonne obsecro illud , in eo re baptisatum , in eo te renatum esse ? ec verè , in negotio quamvis improbo non importuna defensio , & quae non absurdè causam erroris diceres , so pertinaciam non sociares errori . nunc autem cùm in catholica urbe natus , catholica fide institutus , catholico baptismare regeneratus sis , nunquid agere tecum quasi cum arriano aut sabelliano possim ? quod utinam fuisses . minus dolerem in malis editum quàm de bonis laps●m , minus fidem non ha●itam quàm amissam . non ●iquum aurem , heretice , non iniquum aut grave aliquid postulo . hoc fac in catholica fide editus quod fueras pro perversitate facturus . cassieod . de incarn lib. . cap. . b tertul. . lib. de spectac . of the cross in baptism . tertul. de c●ro . militi● . c traditiones non scriptas , si doctrinam respiciant , cum doctrina scrip●a convenire debere dicimus . quod ad rituales & ecclesiasticas attinet , ordinis & aedificationis ecclesiarum in his semper habend● ratio est ; inutiles autem & noxias , nempe ineptas & supersticiosas patronis suis relinquamus , goulart , genevens . annot. in epist. cypr. . d t.c.l. ● . pa . they should nor have been to hold as to have brought it into the holy sacrament of baptism and so ●ingle the ceremonies and inventions of men● with the sacraments and institutions of god. t.c. lib . pag. . the profitable signification of the cross maketh the thing a great deal worse , and bringeth in a new word ●neu the church ; whereas there ought to ●e no doctor li●ard in the church , but onely our saviour christ , for al hough t● be the word of god , that we should ●● be ashamed of the cross of christ , yet is it not the word of god , that we should be kept in remembrance of that , by ●●●n lines drawn across one over another in the childes forehead . * luk. . a t. c. lib. ● . pag. . it is known to all that have real the ecclesi●ssical sieries , that the heathen did ●●●●● in christians in ●●●●s , all , in reproach . thu● the god which ●ry believed on , was hanged upon a cross. and they thought go●d to r●th , that they were not ashamed therefore of the sun of god , by the often using of the sign of the crist. which carefulness and goul minde , to keep amongst them an open prose●●●n of christ crucified , althrough it be to be commended , yet is not this means so . and they might otherwise have kept it , and with less danger then by this use of crossing . and as it was brought in upon no good ground , so the lord left a mark of his curse of it , and whereby it might be perceived to c●mour of the forat of men brain , is that it began forthwith , while it was yet in the swalling ciours , to be supersti●iuosly abused . the christians had such a superstition in it , that they would do nothing without crossing : but if it were gramed , that upon this consideration which i have before mentioned , the ancient christians did well ; yet it followeth not , that we should to do . for we live not amongst those nation ; which do cast us in the ●●th , or reproach us with die cross of christ. now that we live amongst papist : that do not concern the cros of christ , but which esteem more of the word in cross , thru of the tene ●as , w●●● is his sufferings , we ough now to do clean con●●riwile to thrill christians , and abolish a●l use of that cross to . for contrary theas●● must have contrary remedie . if therefore th●o'd t christians to deliver the cross of christ sunt now 〈…〉 , all senue the cross ; the christians now to take away the superstitions estimation of it , ought to take away ●e use of it . b ephe● . . . rom. . c sen. epist. ● . lib. . d t●●oin 〈…〉 . e frons honinies cristitiae . islortatis , clementia , severitatis index est , plin. lib. . ez. k . apoc. . . ● p . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist eth. . c. . a caro signatur u● &c anima muniatur , tertul de resur . car. cypr. epist . ●d thim●●●●● . cypr. de laps . erant enim supplices corona ; li. tetilib . de core●il . in the service of ●lo● , the donors of their temples , the sacrifices , the al●●● , the priests , and the suppliants that wore present , were garlands . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . ● her . i. . cap. . b oziar rex leprae varielate in fronte macularu● est , co porie corporis norarus est . nso domino ubi sig●●●cur qui domin● prometentur . cypr. de unit . eccles . cap. . c ginlart . am not . in cypr. lib. ad demerr cap. . quamvis veteres christiani externo signo cruds un sumi , lil ●amen suit sinc superstitione , &c ductrias de christi merito ab cr●●e qui postea l●●●epsie pios servant ; immunes . d idem an. not . in cypr. epist. . . dist. . . cap. quid. ●izon . lib . cap. . the. pag. . q. . art . . resp. ad tert. a ioseph . antiq lib. . cap. . & lib. . cap. . & de bell. lib. . cap. . b their eagles their ensigns , and the images of their princes , they carried with them in all their armies , and had always a kinde of chappel wherein they places and adored them is their gods . ●● . l. . heredian . lib. . c matth. . . d chro. . . e exod. ● . ● . f chro. . g josh. . . king. . ● . king. . . king. , . & . . king. . . of confirmation after baptism . * caro manus impositione adumbeatur , ●t & anima spiritu illumine●ur . tertul de reser . ca● . gen. . . king . . num. . . matth. . . mark . . . . matth. . . mark . . luk. . . mark . . a●● ● . ● . act , . 〈…〉 august de ● er ●k ●● cap. . tertul. de baptis . cypr. epist. . ad donat. c. ● . euseb emis . ser. de vents . aug. de trin. li● cap. . l●●● . . acts . , . ier. advers . ●ucif . cap. . cypr. epist. . ad iubajenum . heb. . . psal. . , , . * t c. lib. . pag. ● . tell me why there should be any such confirmation in the church , being brought in by the seigned decretal epistles of the popes ( this is ●e●●acted by the same t.c. lib. . pag. that it is ancienter then the seigned decretal epistles , i yield unto ) and no one tittle thereof , being once found in the scripture , and seeing that it hath been so horribly abused , and not necessary , why ought it ●●● to be utterly abolished ? and thirdly , this confirmation hath many dangerous points in it . the first step of popery in this confirmation , is the laying on of hands upon the head of the childe , whereby the opinion of it that it is a sacrament , is confirmed , especially when as the prayer doth say , that it is done according to the example of the apostles , which is a manifest unw●t● , and taken indeed from the popish confirmation . the second is , for that the bishop , as he is called , must be the onely minister of it , whereby the popish opinion , which esteemeth it above baptism , is confirmed . for whilest baptism may be ministred of the minister , and not confirmation , but onely of the bishop ; there is great cause of suspition given to think that baptism is not so precious a thing as confirmation , seeing this was one of the principal reasons whereby that wicked opinion was established in popery . i do not here speak of the inconvenience , that men are constrained with charges to bring their children oftentimes half a score miles for that , which , if it were needful , might be as well done at home in their own parishes . the third is , for that the book saith , a cause of using confirmation is , therby imposition of hands and prayer , the children may receive strength and defence against all temptations , whereas there is no promise , that by the laying on of hands upon children any such gift shall be given ; and it maintaineth the popish distinction , that the spirit of god is given at baptism , unto remission of sins ; and in confirmation , unto strength . heb. . . act. . , . ephes. . . john . . acts . . of the sacrament of the body and blood of christ. john . ● . john . . mark . . a acceprum panem & distributum discipulis corpus suum illum secit , hoe est . corpus meum dicendo , id est , figura corpori●mei . figura autem non suisset nisi veritatis esset corpus , cum vacua res quod est phateasma figuram capere non posset . tertul. contra marc. lib. . cap. . b secundum haec ( that is to say , if it should be true which hereticks have taught , denying that christ took upon him the very nature of man ) nec dominus sanguine suo redemit nos , neque colix eucharistiae communicatio senguinis ejuserit , ne● panis quem frangimus communicatio corporis ejus est . sanguis enim non est , nisi à venis & carnibus & à reliqua quae , est secondum hominem substantia , iren. lib. . cap. . c es 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 theod. dialog . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d sacramenta quidem quantom in se est sine propri● virture esse non possunt , nec ullo modo ●● absentat majestas mysteriis . cypr. de coen . cap. . e sacramento visibili inesfabiliter divina se insundit essentia ut esset ● religioni circa sacramenta devotio . idem , cap. . invisibilis ●● . cerdos visibiles creaturas in substantiam corporis & sanguinis , sui verbo suo secreta poiestare convercit . in spiritualibus sacramentis , verbi praecipit virtus & servit effectus , euseb. emissen . hom. de pasch. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 theodor. ex quo à domino dictum est , hoc facite in meam commemorationem , haec est caro mea , & hic est sanguis meus ; quotiescunque his verbis & hac fide actum est , panis isle supersubstantialis , & calix benedictione solenni sacrarus , ad totius hominis vitam , salumtemique proficit , cypr. de coen . cap. . immortalitatis alimonia datur . à communibus cibis differens , corporalis substantiae retinens speciem , sed virtutis divinae invisibili efficientia probans adesse praetentiam . ibid. cap. ● . g sensibilibus sacramentis inest vitae aeternae effectus , & non tam corporali quam spirituali trans●ione christo unimor . ipse enim , & ponis & caro , & sanguis idem cibus , & substantia & vita factus est ecclesiae suae quam corpus suum appellat dans ei participationem spiritius , ibid. cap. . nostra & ipsius conjunctio nec miscet personas , nec unit substan●i●s , sed effectus consaciar & confoederat voluntares . ibid. cap. . mansio nostra in ipso est manducatio , & potus quasi quaedam incorporatio , ibid. cap. . ille est in patte per naturam diu●nitaris , nos in eo per corporalem ejus nativitatem , ille rursus in nobis per sacramentorum mysterium . hilar , de trin lib. . h panis hic azymus , cibus verus & fincerus per speciem & sacramentum nos ractu sanctificat , side illuminat , veritate christo conformat . cypr. de coen . cap. . non aliud agit participatio corporis & sanguinis christi , quàm ut in id quod sumimus transeamus , & in quo mor●ui & sepulti & corresuscirati sumus , ipsum per omnia & spiritu & carne gestemus , leo de pasch. serm. . quemadmodum qui est à terra panis percipiens dei vocationem ( id est facta invocatione divini numinis ) jam non communis pajo est , sed eucharistia ex duabus rebus constans , terrena & coelesti : sic & corpora nostra percipientia eucharistiam , jam non sunt corruptibilia spem ressurectionis habentia iren. lib. . cap. . quoniam salutaris caro verbo dei quod naturaliter vita est conjuncta , vivifica effecta est : quindo eam comedimus , tune vitam habemus in nobis : illi carni conjuncti , quae vita effecta est , cyril . in io●an . lib. . cap. . of faults noted in the form of administring the holy communion . chro. ● . ● . cor. . . a numb . . c●n. . apost . concil . . brac. cap. . b t.c. lib. . pag. . be●ules that , it is good to leave the p●pish 〈…〉 in those things , which we may so conveniently do , it is b●st to co●●t as near ●he manner of celebration of the supper which our saviour christ used , as may be . and if it be a good argument to pro●e that therefore we must rather sa● , take th●● , th●n take ●● because the sacrament is as application of the benefits of christs , it be hoveth , that the preacher should direct his admonitions particularly one after another , unto all those which hear his sermon , which is a thing absurd . t. c. lib. . p. . kneeling carrieth a shew of worship . sitting agreeth better with the action of the supper , christ and his apostles kneeled not . a t. c. lib. . pag. . all things necessary were used in the churches of god in the apostles times ; but examination was a necessary thing , therefore used . in the book of chronicles , ● chro . the levites were commanded to prepare the people to the receiving of the passover , in place whereof we have the lords supper now examination being a part of preparation , it followeth that here is commandment of the examination . b cor ● . t. c. lib. . pag ● . c although they would receive the communion , yet they ought to be kept back , until such time , as by their religious and gospel-like behavior , they have purged themselves of that suspition of popery , which their former life and conversation hath caused to be conceived . t. c. lib . pag. . rom. . . cor. . . john ● . . tim. . matth. . ● , . * t. c. lib. . pag. . if the place of the fifth to the corinthians , do forbid that we should have any familiarity with notorious offenders , it doth more forbid , that they should he received to the communion : and therefore papists being such , as which are notoriously known to hold heretical opinions , ought not to be admired , much less compelled to the supper . for seeing that our saviour christ did i●stitute his supper amongst his disciples , and those onely which were , on st. paul speaketh , within ; it is evident , that the papists , being without , and foreigners and strangers from the church of god , ought not to be received , if they would offer themselves : and that minister that shall give the supper of the lord to him , which is known to be a papist , and which hath a 〈…〉 made any clear renouncing of popery , with which he hath been defil●d ; do●h profane the table of the lord , and doth give the meat that is prepared for the children , unto dog ; and he bringeth into the pasture which is provided for the sheep , swine and unclean beasts , contrary to the faith and trust that ought to be in a steward of the lords house , as he is . for albeit , that i doubt not , but many of those which are now papists , pertain to the election of god , which god also in his good time will call to the knowledge of his truth : yet notwithstanding , they ought to be unto the minister and unto the church , touching the ministring of sacraments , as strangers , and as unclean beasts . the ministring of the holy sacraments unto them , is a declaration and seal of gods favor and reconciliation with them , and a plain preaching , partly , that they be wash●d already from their sin , partly , that they are of the houshold of god , and such as the lord will feed to eternal life ; which is not lawful to be done unto those which are not of the houshold of faith. and therefore i conclude , that the compelling of papists unto the communion , and the dismissing and letting of them go , when as they be to be punished for their stubbornness in popery ( with this condition , if they will receive the communion ) is very unlawful ; when as , although they would receive it , yet they ought to be kept back , till such time as by their religious and gospel-like behavior , &c. t. c. lib. . pag. . chro. . . psal ● . . luk. . . t. c. lib . pag. . a cor. . . b phil. . . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 theophyl . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ammon . vide thes. . . d maturatae resurrection 's laethunila solemnia , cypr. de coea . deut. cap. ● . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignat. epist. ad ephes . iren. lib. . cap. . f e●st ●ih i serile murandum est ex solemnibus , tamen ubi aequiras evidens praser s●●ir●iendum est . lib. . ff . de reg. jur. of festival days , and the natural cause of their convenient institution . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hipp●● . l. qua praterpro●● in ●●abitur . exod. . . psal. . ecclus. . . the manner of celebrating festival days . a grande vialr●●cer octiciurn , seces se choros in pub . licurn endurete vicatim epuia● ebitatem ta●●rna ●alun ●ole ●●● vino luc●● cugr●e , catervarim cursirare ad injurias , ad iniurin , ad impu●●citias , ad i●bi●inis illecebras . siccine exprimi●● publicum qan●inst per publicum dedecus ? tert. apol. ●p . . dies sellos majestiri alti●same dedicar●s ●ulli . ●●●●●us voluptati●●tes accup●ri . ●l . tit . . lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thess. ●●●ira● . li●i● . ser. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 philo. lib. de ab●aba . deut. . . nehe . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. chro. . . es●h . . joh. . . mac. . ● . gal . . si omnem la torum devotionem temporum & dierum & menlium & annorum eralis apostolus ear p●neta celebramus nanca cire●● in mense primo ? cur quinquagi●ta . ●xinde ●●●bus in omai exulrainne decu●rimi● ? lib adver . psyth aug. de civir . dci . lib . cap. . luk . . luk. . . exceptions against our keeping of other festival days , besides the sabbath . t. c. lib. . pag. . if they had been never abused , neither by the papists , nor by the jews , as they have been , and are daily ; yet such making of holidays , is never without some great danger of bringing in some evil and currupt opinions into the mindes of men . i will use an example in one , and that the chief of holidays , and most generally , and of longest time observed in the church , which is the feast of easter , which was kept of some more days , of some sewer . how many thousands are there , i will not say of the ignorant papists , but of those also which profess the gospel , which when they have celebrated those days with diligent heed taken unto their life ; and with some earnest devotion in praying , and hearing the word of god , do not by and by , think that they have well celebrated the feast of easter ; and yet have they thus notably deceived themselves . for saint paul reacheth , cor. . . that the celebrating of the feast of the christians easter , is not , as the jews was for certain days , but sheweth , that we must keep this feast all the days of our life in the unleavened bread of sincerity and of truth . by which we see , that the observing of the feast of easter , for certain days in the year , doth pull out of our mindes , ere ever we he aware , the doctrine of the gospel , and causeth us to rest in that near consideration of our duties , for the space of a few days , which should be extended in all our life . * t. c. lib. . pag. . i confess that it is in the power of the church to appoint so many days in the week , or in the year ( in the which , the congregation shall assemble to hear the word of god , and receive the sacraments , and offer up prayers unto god ) as it shall ●hink s●●l according to the rules which are before alledged . but that it hath power to make so many holidays as we have , wherein men are commanded to ●●●se from their daily vocation of● l●ughing , and exercising their malie●●●s , ●●● d●ny to be in the power of the church for proof whereof , i will take the fourth commandment and no other interpretation of it , then mr. doctor alloweth of , which is . that god lir●●o●●th and lea●eth it at the liberty of every man , to work six days in the week , so that he rest the seventh day . seeing therefore , that the lord hath lest it to all men at liberty , that they might labor , if they think good , six days : i say , the church nor no man can take this liberty away from them , and drive them to a necessary rest of the ●●●ly . and if it be lawful to abridge the liberty of the church in this point ; and instead , that the lord saith , six days thou ●●ist labor , if thou wilt to say . thou shalt not labor six days : i do not see , why the church may not as well , whereas the lord saith , thou shalt rest the seventh day , command , that thou shalt not rest the seventh day . for , if the church may ●● strain the liberty which god hath given them , it may take away the yoke also , which god hath put upon them . and whereas you say , that notwithstanding this fourth commandment the jews has certain other feast which they observed ; indeed , the lord which gave this general law , might make as many exceptions as he thought good , and so long as he thought good . but it followeth not , because the lord did it , that therefore the church may do it , unless it hath commandment and authority from god so to do . as when there is any general plague or judgment of god , either upon the church , or coming towards it , the lord commandeth in such a case , ioel . . that they should sanctifie a general ●a●● , and proclaim g●matisa●a● , which sign ; fieth a prohibition , or forbidding of ordinary works ; and is the same hebrew word wherewith those feasts days are noted in the law , wherein they should rest . the reason of which commandment of the lord was , that they abstained that day as much as might be conveniently from meats ; so they might abstain from their daily works , to the end they might bestow the whole day in hearing the word of god , and humbling themselves in the congregation , confessing their faults , and desiring the lord to turn away from his fierce wrath . in this case the church having commandment to make a holiday , m●y , and ought to do it , as the church which was in babylon , did during the time of their captivity ; but where it is destitute of a commandment , it may not presume by any decree to restrain that liberty which the lord hath given . jo●l . . exod. . esib. . t. c. lib. . pag . the example out of esther is no sufficient warrant for these feasts n question . for first , as in other cases , so in this case of days , the estate of christians , under the gospel , ought not to be so ceremonious , as was theirs , under the law. secondly , that which was done there , was done by a special direction of the spirit of god , either through the ministry of the prophets , wh●ch they had , or by some other extraordinary means , which is not to be followed by us . this may appear by another place , za●h . where the jews changed their fasts into feasts , onely by the mouth of the lord , through the ministry of the prophet . for further pr●ol whereof , first , i take the ●● . verse , where it appeareth , that this was an order to en●ure always , even as long as the other feast days , which were instituted by the lord himself . so that what abuses soever were of that feast , yet as a perpetual decree of god , it ought to have remained ; whereas our churches can make no such decree , which may not upon change of times , and at her circumstances , be altered . for the other proof hereof . i take the last verse : for the prophet contenteth not himself with that , that he had rehearsed the decree , as he doth sometimes the decree of propane kings , but oditeth precisely , that as soon as ever the decree was made , it was registred in this book of esther , which is one of the b●oks of canonical scripture , declaring thereby in what esteem they had it . if it had been of no further authority , then on decree , or then a canon of one of the councils , it had been presumption to have brought it into the library of the holy ghost . the sum of my answer is , that this decree was divine , and not ecclesiastical onely . mac. . ● mac. . . a commemoratio apostolica passionis , to●las christianitatis magistra à cunctis jure celebratur . cod. l. . ti● . . l. . b t. c. lib. . pag. . for so much as the old people did never keep any feast or holiday for remembrance , either of moses , &c. c t. c. lib. . pag. . the people wh●n it is called st. pauls day , or the blessed virgin maries day , can understand nothing thereby , but that they are instituted to the honor of st. paul , or the virgin mary , unless they be otherwise taught . and if you say let them to be taught , i have answered . that the teaching in this land , cannot by any other which is yet taken , come to the most part of those which have drunk this poyson , &c. d scilicet ignorant nos nec christum unquam relinquere , qui pro totius servandorum mundi salu●e passus est , nec alium quempiam colere posse . nam hunc quidem tanquam filium dei a loramus , martyres verò tanquam discipulos & imitatores domini digne proptet insuperabilem in regem ipsorum ac praeceprorem benevolenuam diligismus , quorum & nos consories & dicipulos fieri optamus . euseb. hist. eccles. lib. . cap. . e t. c. lib. . pag. . as for all the commodities , &c. f t. c. lib. . pag. . g t. c. lib. . pag. . we condemn not the church of england neither in this , nor in other things . which are meet to be reformed . for it is one thing to mislike , another thing to condemn ; and it is one thing to condemn something in the church , and another thing to condemn the church for it . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de clau●io dictum apud dionys. lib. . mark . . numb . . . a hi vacare consueti sunt seprima die , & neque a●ma porta●e in praedictis dieb●s , neque terrae culturam contingere neque alterius cujuspiam curam habere parluntur , sed ●● templis extenden●es mano● adorare usque ad vesperam solitisunt . ingrediente verb in civi●a●em lago●um ●um exerci● & mul●is hominibus , cum custodi●e dobueri●t civi●a●em , ipsis ●●●titiam observantibus , provinci● quidem dominum suscepit amarissimum , lex verò manifes●●ta est , mala●● habere solennitatem . agath●r●bid . apu● ioseph . lib. . co●●r . appi●● . vide & dionys. lib. . b mac. . . c nehe. . . d co● . l. . ●● . . l. . e leo consti● , . f t. c. lib. . ●● . ● . dies ses●o● . a matth. . . mark . . luke . . john . . cor. . . apoc. . . b apostolis pr●●csi●om sui● . ●on u● beges de sestis diebus celebr●nd ; sancirent ; ied u●recte vivendi ca●io●●●●● & pie 〈…〉 bis authores essent . socra . hill. lib. cap. . c quae toto tertarum or he servantur . vel db ips●s apostolis vel consilus g●neralibus quorum 〈…〉 rimain in ecclesia authoritas ●●● stratuts est ; ntelligere lice●● sicu●● , qu●d domini passio & resurrectio , & in coelum ascensus , & adventus spiritus sancti , anniversaria solemnita●e celebrarenu● august . epist. . d luk . of days app●inted as well for ordinary , as for extraordinary fasts in the church of god. t. c. lib. . pag. . i will not enter now to discuss . whether it were well done to fast i● a●l places according to the custom of the place . you oppose ambrose and augustine , i could oppose ignatius and tertullian whereof the one saith , it is aefos , a de●●●ble thing to fast upon the lords day , the other , that it is to kill the lord , tertul● the coron . il ignatius : epist de phillips . and although ambese and augustine , being private men at rome , would have so done ; yet it followeth not , that if they had been citizens and ministers there , that they would have done and if they had done so , yet it followeth 〈…〉 but they would hase spoken against that appointment of days , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of fasting , whereof eusebius saith , that mo●ta●●● was the first author . i speak of that which they ought to have done . for otherwise i know , they both thought corruptly of fastings : when as the one saith , it was a remedy or reward to fast other days . ● in 〈…〉 not in fast , was in and the others asketh , what salvation we can obtain , if we blot not our ●●● sins by fasting , seeing ●hat the scripture saith , that fasting and amis , d●th deliv●r from sin ; and therefore calleth them new teachers , they that out the merit of fastings . august . de temp. . ●●m . aub. lib. . epist. a tertul. de ●ejun . neque enim c●bi tempus in periculo : semper inedia mo●●ori● sequela est . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 philo. . de abrah . c john . . d rom. . . matth. . . a chro. . jere. . ezra . . ● sam. . b julg. . . c mac . d sam. . . chro . . e le●it . ● . levit. . philo d hujus festit jejuniosra loquitur . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. ● . f zach. . ● . exod. . numh. . g vide riber . lib. . cap. . dan. . . h puram & sine animalibus coenam . apu● . in aselep . in sine . pastum & potum pura nosse . non ventris scilicet sed animae cause . tertul. de poenit. vide phil. lib. de veta contempl . rom. . . hieron . lib. ● . cont● . ievinian . judith . a. ●os . in ●isne . tora . lib. . quiest de tempor . cap. de s●b . & cap. de je●us . a neh. . . . hora si●●●a qu● 〈…〉 t is nos●● is ad prandium voca●e soler , supervenit . ioseph . lib. de vira 〈…〉 . b sabbat● juda●oram à mose in umne x●um jejunio dicara . iusti● . lib. . ne ju●aus quidem , mi t●●eri , ●om libenter sabbat●● junium i●●●a quàm eg● hostie ●e●ravi . sueton. in octav. c. . c act● . . d cor. ● . cor. ● & . . col. . ignat. epist. ad philip. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad . philip. * vide ire●● . lib. . cap. , . ● . . . . epiph. ●aeres . . . , , ● . &c. . . vide canon . ap●st . . epiph. ●●res . . con. land. c. ● . . vetot n●tali●ia mar●●su a in qua●agesima cei bro● . a ● o● . . b isai. . c tim. . . d eccles. . . i●ai , ●● . , . rom. . ● . sam. . . heb. . ●●● . e ●useb . eccle. ●● . ● lib. . ● f matth. ● . . col. . . mat. . . eccles. . . job . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. eth. . cap. . eccles. . . psal. . ● . d valde absurdum est nimia sito●itate ●el●e honora re mar●ytem quem scias deo placuisse jejunus , hier. epist. ad eust. psal. ● . ● psal. . . the celebration of matrimony . t.c.l. . p. . a tus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dionys. a●● . l. . b ki●l●oshin . in ri●uili heb. de benedictio . ●e nuptiarum eccles. . . joel . . cor. . ● . a mulieres antiquo jure tutela perpetua continebat . recedebant vero & tutoris potestate , quae in manum , convenissent . boet. in topic. ci● . b nullam eo privatam quidem rem foeminas sine auctore agere , majores nost●i voluerunt . liv. l. . the reason yielded by tully this , propter infirmitatem consilii . cic. pro mur. vide leg . saxon . tit . . & . c aurum nulla norat praeter unico digiro quem sponsus oppignorasset pro nubo annulo tertul. apol. c. . d isidor . de . eccles . offic , l. . c. . e elias thesb . in dict . hupha . f in ritual . de benedict . nuptiarum . g rom. . . cor. . . h l. penul●● , de concub . i l. item legato sect . penult . d de leg . . j l. donationes d. donationibus . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dionys. hal. anriq . lib. . tertul. lib. . ad lixorem . churching of women t c. lib. pag. . a dict. . cap. haec quae . in legs praecipicbatur , ut mulier si mas●ulum pare●er so soeminam . diebus à ●e●● . pli cessarer ingre●●i● . nunc autem st●rim post partum , ecclesiam ingredi non prohibetur . b leo. const. . quod prof●cto non ram propter muliebrem immunditiem , quam ob alias causas in incima legis ratione recondiras , & vere●i prohibitum esse lege , & gratiae tempus traditionis loco suscepisse pu●● . existimo siquidem sacram legem id praescripsisse , quo prote●vam eorum qui intemperanter viverent concupiscentiam castigarer , quem●admodum & alia multa per alia praecepta ordinantur & praescribuntur , quo indomitus quorundam in mulleres stimolus ●e●uandatur . quin & haec providentiae quae legem constituit velu●as esto ut parius à depravatione liberi sint . quia enim quicquid natura supervacan●um est , idem corruptivum est & in●tile , quod hic sangius superfluus fit , quae illi obnoxi● essen● in immunditie ad id temporis vivere illa lex jubet , quo ipso etiam nominis sono lascivi concupiscentia ad temperantim redigatur , es est inutili & corrupta materi● ipsum animans coagmentetur . of the ●ite● of burial . t. c. lib. . pag. . john . . sam. ● . . eccles. . ● . luke . ● . psal. ● . . john . . matth. ● . sam. . . jere. . . prov. . . chron. . . job . . of the na●●●● of that ministry , what s●●veth the performance of divine duties in the church of go●●●● 〈…〉 happiness , not eternal onely , but also re●●poral , do●h , depend upon it . a si creature dei , merito & dispensatio dei sum●● : qui● enim magis diligit , quom ille qui fecit ? quis autem ordinatius regit quam is qui & fec● & di● . 〈…〉 quis vero sapi●●tius & fo●tiur ordinare & regere facta potest , quam qui & fa●ienda providit & provisa perfecit ? quapi op●er omnem potestarem à deo esse omnemque ordinationem . & qui non ●e●eruat sentin●e , & quilegerunt cognoscunt . paul o●●s . ●●s . advers . pagan . lib. ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eurip. phoenis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eurip. heracl . psal. . . deut . . prov. ● . prov. . ● . ante tuinam clatio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 harodor . lib. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eurip. phoenis . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 greg. nazian : apol. ●● . they may haply the most deject , but they are the wisest for their own safety , which fear claming , no less then f●lling . arist. polit. lib. ● . c. ● . luke . ●● cor. . . tir. . . pet. , , ephes . . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad philem. of power given unto men to execute that heavenly office , of the gift of the holy ghost in ordinarion ; and whether conveniently the power of order may be sought o● sued for . tertul. de adhort . castit . heb. . . matth. . a in ● . tabul●● caucum est , or idom juris offet sana●tibus quod so●●bus , id est bonis ●e qui ●u●quam desecrun● il populo romano . fest. in der satanites b ● usses . 〈…〉 e●ccl . lib. e. ● . a papisticus quidam virtue , stoled quidemoh illis be fine ●llo scripture fundamento inflicutas & ● diciplina nostrate autoribus ( pce illorum dixerim ) non magno primùm judicio accoptus , mimora adhuc in ecclesia nostra ret●enur . eecclesiast . discrip . p. . b ecceles . discrip . sol . ●● , p. . l. . matth. . . john . . john . . it si necessarium est ●repidare de mo●ito , religio●ism est tamen gaudere de dono : quonium qui mihi oneru est ●● tor , ipse ster administrationis adjuron ; & the magnitudi ne gratiz a●ccumbat infirrano , dabir virtorem qui conulic dignitatem . l●●●ev . . in anniver . dia a. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nazian . num. . . author . libei . discripl . ecclesiast . tim. . . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , greg. nazian . apolog●● . esay . . heb. . . heb. . . eccles. . . a mi●es●●iui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 greg. nazian . apologe● . * of degrees , whereby the power of order is distinguished ; and concerning the attire of ministers . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 philo. p. ● . a t. c. l. . p. . for so much as the common and usual speech of england is to note by the word priest not a minister of the gospel , but a sacrificer , which the minister of the gospel is not , therefore we ought not to call the ministers of the gospel pri●sts . and that this is the english speech , it appeareth by all the english translations , which translate always isque . which were sacrificers , priests , and do not on the other fute , for any that ever i read , translate we●● ci●nen a priest. seeing therefore a priest with us , and in our tongue , doth signifie both by the papists judgement , in respect of their abominable ma●● , and also by the judgement of the protestants , in respect of the peasts which were offered in the law , a sacrificing office , which the minister of the gospel neither doth nor can execu●es ; it is manifest , that it cannot be without great essence so used . e●●m . magn . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b hesy . chriflus homo dicitur , quia notus est ; propheta quia sutura ●evelarit ; sacerdos . quia pro nobis hossiam se ob●● . lit . isid. orig. l. . c. ● . c cor. . . d eyes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. de anim . ● . . c. ●● . esay . . revel . . . rev. . . mat. . . per. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dio● . ys . areep p. . acts . , . cypr. ep. . . ad rogatianum . ●●● . ●ylst . ad tral . rom. ● . . epiph. l. . c. . acts . . acts . . a acts . . b acts . . c tim. . . . tim. . . . . . . euseb. eccles. hit● . l. . c. . cor. . . ephes. . . psal. . . t.c.l. . p. tim. . . tertul. de persecur . of oblations , foundations , endow . ments , tithes , all intended for perpetury of religion , which purpose being chi●fly fulfilled by the clergies cerr●in and suffici●nt maintenance , must needs by alieration of church . it was be made for state . par●m , probam , profan●m , saun , ●est . lib. . num. . ● . . chron. . exod. . , & . . ezra . ● , . hag. . . ezra . . nehem. . . nehem. . a cic. oral . pro l. flac. cum aurum julaorum n●mine quotannis ex italia●● ●● an omnibus vestrio provincils h●erosely . mam expartal soleret flaccus sanxie edicto , ne est asia exporta ●●licertes . b joseph . anti. l. . c. . every ruicat in value . crown : num. . levit. . . & . . gen. . . gen. . . deut. . . plin. hist. nur . l. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a●u● . b massoreth sepes est legis divitiarum sepes decimae . r. aquiba in pirk. aboth . mal. . nemo libenter dedit quod non accepit sed expressit . sen. de benef , l. . c. . levit. . . a lib. . de reg. jur. b cujus per errorem deci repetitio est , ejus coas●lio dari donatio est , l. . d. de con . . indeb . this is the ground of consideration in alienations from man to man. c nemo petest mutare consi lium s●um in alteius praejudiciam , l. . de reg. jur. acts. . exod. . . . matth. . . mal . . d non vusentur rem atmi●t●ere quibus propria non suit . l. dg . de reg. jur. ezech. . . . ●●g . char. ● . capit. ca●d . l. . c. . e nullins a●tem farre ; ●ae & relig●o & ●a● &c. quod enam evini juris est , ad nu ●● in b●●erf . , inst. l. . tit . . f ● li cum d●s sedilegi pugnant curt. l. . sacrum sacreve c●minen●●cum qui dempset it ●a●●ave , pur ie daci● , leg ●g . ●ab . ca●●● , catul. l . c ● . g dep. led puer in . t●rul . apologet. prudent . perd●eph . a novimen mulio tegra , & viges corum , propecrea cecki ●● quia ecclesias spolia●●tuat , resque earum vestaverunt , abendtetunc vel di ipucrunt , episcopis●ue & socerdoribus , oiq ie , quod magi● est , eccless . eorum ●●uletuer , & pugnanthus dedetuat . quapropter nee forces in bello , ●re in fide fiabiles suount , nec victores exticerunt , sed reegs multi vulnerati , & plures interlecti v●rterunt , reg●aq & regiones , & quod pejus est , regno co●lectia perd●lerunt , arquc proptiis ●●tediratibus corurrunt , & ha●er●● corent . verba carol , ma. in cajira . ca al. l. . c. ● . b turno rempus erie magoo cum● opeaverk emptum lotactum pallen●o , & cum spolia ista d●●eluque o●erk . virg. ae● lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 demost. poenam non dico legum quas saepe perrumpunt , sed ipsius turpitud●ni● quae acerbissima est est mon vident cir. ofical . . imponita tu credes else quae invisasent ? six ullem supplicium gravius existimas publico odio ? sen. de benes . l. . c. . iren. l. c. . orig. in . num. hom . psal. ● . . of ordination lawful without title and without any popular election precedent , but in no case without regard of due information what their quality is , that cross into holy orders . a acts ● . apte . . ● . b t●e . . . c acts . iust. lib. tir . . sect . . unlawful to ordain a minister without a title . abs●●a pag. . & pag. . the law requireth , that every one admitted unto orders , having for his present relief some ecclesiastical ●●eached , should also have some other title unto some annual renter persian whereby he might be relieved in case he were not able through infirmity , sickness , or other lawfull impediment to execute his ecclesiastical office and function . of the leo ●●ing in ministers , their residence , and the number of their livings . a t. c l. . p. ● . b . c . tim. . . titus . . tim. . . hosea . . mar. . . luke . . acts . . sam. . , tim. . . john . . peter . . acts . , thess. . . concil . nic. cap. . matth. . . cor. . . acts . . jer. . . ezek. . . abstract . p jussingulare est , quod contra tenorem gationis propter aliquam scilitatem authoritate constiruentinus introductum est . paulus●● ●● . de leg●b . privilegium personale cum persona extinguitur , & , previlēgium ditum a●ioal granlit cum actione . op. de regulis . part . . . tit. . . chrysost. de sacerd . l. . c. . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. p● . . c. b act. . ● . cor. . . thess. ● . thess . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist. et● . l. . c. ● . valer. l. . c. . ox. men . p. . the author of the abstract . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ari●ot . polit. . c. . b nec ign●eo maximo● honores ad parum diguo● penu●la ●●liorum solire deferri . mamerrio puneg . ad iulian. c neque enim aquam visum est absentem reipub . racsa lo●er r●os rek●●t dua● reip●b . operatur . vlpian . l. . si maricus a● legem . iulian de adulter . d arist. polk . l. . c. . see the like prean his , ●ramed by the author of the abstract , where he saneleth ● bishop deposing one vnapt to preach , whom himself had before ordained . dionys hali●ar rom. ●nt ● . . . for the main hypothesis or foundation of these conclusions , let that before ser down in the . be read together with this last the ● . paragraph . notes for div a -e the question between u●● whether all congregation , or varishes ought to have lay-elders invested with power of jurisdiction in spiritual causes . lib. . lib. . lib. ● . numb . ● . ●cts . . tim. . . marc. . . mat. . . cor. . . paenitentiae secundae , & ●nius , quinio in actu negotium est , tanto potior probatio eshut non soia conscientia proferatur , sed aliquo etiam actu administretur . second penitency , following that before baptism , and being not more then once admitted in one man , requireth by so much the greater labour to make it manifest , for that it is not a work which can come again in royal , but must be therefore with some open solemnity executed , and not left to be discharged with the privity of conscience alone . tertul. dep● . b basil. epist. selene . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chrys. in cor. hom. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 marc. erem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ful. de remi . peccat . lib . cap. . jon. c. . . mat. . . mat. . ● mat. ● . ● . job . . ●● . cor . . cor. . tim. . . scotoin ● . sene d. . ● . . art . . in easl . dist . ● . . art . . sont . lent . l. . d. ●● . . sect. e. . docer sancta synolus sacramemi poenite ●tie formam , in quo praeripue ipsius vis stra est . in illis ministri verbis postram esse , ego te absolva . sunc sutem quasi materia huiui sacramenti ipsus paenitentis actus nempe contritio , confessio &c. satisfactio . luk. ● . . tantum relevat confessio delictorum , quantum dessimulatio exaggerat . confessio autem satisfactioni● consi●un est , di●●mulirdo con●●maciae . ter. de ●e●m . ●h●y hom . . in epist. . l. 〈…〉 . le●● . ●● . ● all israel is bound on the day of expiation to repent and confess . ●● . mos. in lib. mi●●words haggadni . par . pet . ● . num. . . lev. ● . . mis●e tora tractan● te straba cap. . & k. m in . lib. misnoch . par . . chap. . mos. in mis. ●oth , par . par . . to him which is sick and draweth towards death , they say . c●●●si idem . mat. . . act. . . jam. . . mat. . ● . act. . . amb. de p●em . l. . c. ● . an●o . rhem. in jac. . john. . . pl●●o ●que hae 〈…〉 . o● nec●sitate in sacrineandi pecuris ● pul magistra cem redimehanc ac●epta sermitath sta●aphs unellarus dice ●●thur . hom. ●de initio quadriges●●m●r . hom. . ● . n●nach●s . graviores & acriores , & publicaes , cuta● requirunt . hom. . at monach. lib. . de poe● . cap. . cypr. epist. . inspecta ●●●a . ●●●s qui agit poe●i ●●●tiam . con. nic par . a. c. . profi●●●● & conversatione poenitentium n. de poen . list . cap. mensuram ambor . de poen . lib. . c . . greg niss erat in era qui slios ac●rbe fu licant . orig. in psal. . amb. . . de poen . c. . s. n●n ram se solvere cupiunt quam sac●rlot are ligare . aug in hom . de poen . h●m . de paen . niniv . aug hom de poen . citatu a gra●dis● . . c . indlces . v praepolitis sacrament orum accipiet satisfactionis sue mosum . jam. . . cassiq c●l . . c. & . greg. niss oratione in ●os pui a●ios acerbe iudicant . leo. . ep. . ad epis. cam. pan eirat . a grarale poen . d. . e. suffien . ambr. l. a. de poen c. . terral . de poea . leo. ep. . tanta haec socrati restanti praestande est sides ; quanta caeteria herecide de suis dogmatibus tractandbus ; quippe novarianus , sectista cum surrir , quam vere ac syncere haec scripscrit adversus poenitentiam in ecclesia administrari solleam . quemlihet credo posse facile judicare , barwn . . ann . chr. . sozomenum eandem prorsus causem sovisse certum est . nee eudaemonen illum allium quom novarianae sectae hominem sasse enlendum est . ibidem . sacerdos ille merito à nectario est gradu amous officioque depositus , quo sacto novationi ( ut mo●est haer eti corum ) quamcunque licet levem , ur syncer is dogmatibus detrahant , accipete ausi occasionem , non tantum presbyterum poenitenstarium in ordinem redaectum , sed & poenitentiam ipsam unù cum co suiffe proscripram , calumniose admodum coaclamarunt , cum tamem illa potius theacralis sieri interdum solits peccatorum so●ist abrogera . ibidem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fab. decret . ep. . tom. . conc. p. . nec est quod sibi blandiantur illi de facto nectarii cum id potius secretorum peccatorum confessionem comprobet , & non aliud quam presbyterum panitentialem illo officio suo moverit , uti amplissirme deducit d. johannes hasselus paniel . in cypr. lib. de anno● . . & in lib. tertul. de poen . annor . . sa●erdos impo●● ma●●● subjecto , redi un spiritus sancti lav●cit , arque ira cum qui maitus suerat satane ●inrecima● carnis , ut spiri us salvus fierce indicta in p●npu um oratione , ahavi reconcillas . hier ad●est . luci● . amlr. de poen . l. . c. . chryst. hom . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cassian . col. lat . . c. . pro●per . de de vira cont . mpl . l . c. . cal● . inst l. . c. . sect . . sed●ant●n ut ecclesiae in aliqua ratione satisfactum . &c omnes unius poea●ntia confirmentur , qui suerant unius peccath & scandalis vulnerati . sadeel , in psal. . v. . harm con●ess . sect. . ex . . cap. confess . bohem. cap. . confes . bohem. as for ●rivate confession , abuses and errors set apart , we condemn it not , but leave it at liberty . iewel desen . part . . nos à communione quenqu●m prohibere non pessumus , quamvis hue prohibido ●o●d●m sic mortalis , sed medicinalis , nisi aut sponte confessum , aut aliquo sive seculari , sive ecclesiastico j●dicio ●ccusatum ●●que convictum . quis enim sibi utrumque audet allumere , at cuiqu●m ipse sit ●e ●ccuintor le jude● . non enim ●emere , & quodanimo●o siber , sed propter judicium , ab ecclesiae communione separandi sune mali , ut a propter judicium anserri non possine , tolerantur potido . velut palcae cum ruitice . multi corrigantur , ut petrus ; mul●i tolerantur , ut judas ; multi neseluntur , donce veni●t dominus , se illuminable obscondito renebrarun . rhenan . admonit de dogmat . tertul. lib. . de poen . non dico tibi , ut te prodas in publicum , neque ut te apud abosaccuses , sed obedire se volo prophetae dicenti , revela domino viam tuam . anie deum constere peccata rua ; pecca●a rua dicito ut en delean , si confonderis alie ●i dicere quae peceasti , dirito ea quetidie in anima : non d●co ut confiscaris conservo qui exp●●bici ; deo dicien qui ea curar ; non necesse est praesenibus , ●●tibus confiteri , solus te deus consirentem videat . ●ogo & oro ut crebrius deo immorrali confiteam●ni , & enumeratis vestrical● lictis veniem petatis . non te in theatrum conservoram duco , non hominibus pecu●a tue conor deregers . repete coram deo consceuriam tuam , te explica , ostense medico . praestantisimo vulcera tus , & pere ah co medicamentum , chrysast , hom . . ad hebr. & in psal. . hom. de poen , ●e confess . & horn . . de incara . dei natura , ho●mi ●remque de lazaro . tertul. de poenit . chrysost. in cor. hom . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cypr. est . & ep. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dis . . apoc. . . casia . col. . c. ● . basil hom . in psalme . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum deus irascirur non ejus significatur perturbatio qualis est in animo irascenris hominis sed ex humanis moribus translato vocabulo , vindictae ejus , quae non nisi justa est , irae nomem ecepit . augustin . tom . . ench. cap. . poenitensiae compensacione redimeadam proponit impunitarem deus , tertullian . de poenitentia . a numb . . . b numb . . . c num. . d sam. ● . . e cui deus vese propitius est non solum consonat peccara ne noceant ad suturum feculum , sed etiam caffigat , nesemper peccare delicter . aug. in psal. . f plectumur quidam que cereri corrigantur ; exemple sunt omalius , tormenta paucorum . cypr. de lapsis . ezech. . rom. . . esay . ● . g sitexit deus peccato , noliutadverter●● sinoluie alviriere , no●uit animad-verrere . aug. de pecomer . & ren● . lib. ● . cap. . mirandum non est . & mortem corporis non suisse eventurum homini , nuī praecessiser precatum , cujus tiam talis poe●e enasequeretur , & pest temissionem peccamrum eam fidelibus evenire , ur ejua ●●inore vmcendo excerceretur fortitudo justitiae . sic de mortem corp . ●● propter hoc peccarum deus homini inflixer , & post pessarorum remissionem propter exerc●ndam justiriam non ademit . an●c r missicnem ess illa supplicia pecc●●orum pes● remilsiorem autem certamina exercitationesque justo● um . cypr. epist. ●● . . cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chrys. hom . . in ep. ad . heb. cypr. de lapsi . salv. ad . eccl. coth . lib. . levit. . . numb . . quamdiu enim res propter quam peccatum est , non redditur . si reddi potest , non agitur poenitentia sed singitur . sent. . d. . cypr. ep.l. . basil. ep. ad amphi. c. . concil . ny●en . can . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . can. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est manifestis indiciis deprehensa peccatoris seria conversione ad deum . can. . jacens stantibus , & integris vulneratus , minatur . ex. . . jer. . . ezech. . . cor. . . the end of satisfaction . the way of satisfying by others . mat. . mark. . . luc. . . ipsus poenitentis actio non est pars sa. ●amenti , nisi quatenus potestati sacentorali subjucitur , & à sacerdore dirig●ur vel jubetur . bell , de poen ● . . c. . christus instiruit sacerdotes judices super cerram cum es potestate , ut sine ipsorum sententis , nemopest b●prismum lapsus reconciliari pessit . bell. l. . ● . de poenit. quod si posset ii sine sacerdutum ●ententia absolvi , non esset vera christi promissio . quaecutque &c. bellarm. ibid. christus ordinarium suam parellarum in apostolos translusit , ex●ran●linariam sibi rese ravir . ordinaria enim remedia in ecclesia ad remittenda peccara sune ab eo institura , sacramenta : sine quibus peceara remittere christus potest , sed extraordinari● & musto rarius hoc facit , quam per sacramenta . noluit igitur eos extraordinariis remissionis peccaterum considere , quae , & rara sunt & incerta , sed ordinaria , ut ira di cam , visibilia sacramentorum quant ere remedia . maldon . in mat. . . mat. . . mat. . . luc. . . cypr. de saps . c. . clem. alex. paedag li. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . esa. . veniam peccatis quae in ipsum commissa sunt solus potest ille largiri , qui peccara nostra potravir , qui pro nobis doluit , qoem deus tralidir pro peccatis nostris . victor de persecut . van. dal . securitas delicti etiam libido di cju● . concil . nor caesar . c. . secrat . l. . c. . concil . nuen . c. . secrat . l. . c. . in peccaro , cria sunt ; actio mala , interior moculo , & sequela . bon. seut . l. ● . al. . q. . joh. . . mat. . . acts. . . prov. . . sacerdote opus justifiae exerte●s in peccator●s cum eos just● poena ligaor , opus miserie●ediaecum de ea aliquod relaxant , vel sacramentorum communioni concilia●r ; alia opera in peccatores exercere nequ●unt . ●●●r . l. . dis . . acts. . . mich. . . cor. . . tit. . ● . luc. . . mat. . . sam. . . luc. . malach. . . sent. l. . li● . . hier. rom . . comment . in . ma● . scot. sent . l. . s●lui . ad . . quaest . & quintam . occam in . qe q●ant . alias . quaest . . in . sent . a lutherani de hae re interdum irascribunt , ut vilcantur à catholick non dissentire ; interdum aurem aperissime sci ibunt contraris : at semper in eadem sententia maneut . sacraments non habere immediate il●am efficientiam respecta gratiae , sed esse muda signa , ●amen mediore aliquid efficere quatemus excitant & alunt fidem , quod ipsum non faciunt nisi repraesentando , ut sacramenta per visum excitent fidem , quemadmodum praedicatio verbi per audirum . bellar● . de sacr. in genere . l. . c. . quaedam signa sunt theories , non ad alium sinem instituta , quam ad significandum ; alia ad significandum & efficiendum , quae ali●● practica dici possunt . controrersia est inter nos & hare●eo● , quod illi faciant sacramenta signae prioris generis . quare si ostendere poterimus esse signa posterioris generis , obtinuianns ●causam , cap. . b s●mper memoria reperendum est sacramenta nihil aliud quam instrumentales esse conserendae nobis graine causas . calv. in ant. coa . ●ribl . sc. . c. . ●iqui sine qui ●egent sacramentis con●i●eri gratiam quam figurane , illos inprobu●tur , ibid. can . ● . c isle modus non transcendit ●ationem signi , cum sacramentum norae legis non solum sigficent , sed ca●isent gratiam . part . . q. . act . . alexan. par●● . q. . memb . . act . . . . & . th●de vetir . q. . act . . alliac . in quant . sent . . . capt. in . d. . q. . palud . ●●n . perrar . lib. . cont . gent. c. . necesse est pon●te aliquam virturem supernaturalem in sacramentis . sers . . d. . q. . act . . sacramentum consequirer spiritualem virtutem cum benedictione christi , & applicatione ministri ad usu● sacrament . par . . q. . art . . concil . vistus sacramentalis habet es●e t●arsiens ex uno in aliud & incomple●um , ibidem . ex sacramentis duo consequntur in anima , unium est character . five aliquid ornarus ; aliud , est gratis . respectu primo , sacramenta sunt c●●tr aliquo modo efficientes , respecta sc●undo , sunt dispan●ntes sacramenta e●uiam dispositionem al form●m ultimam , sed ultimam periectionem non inducunt . sent. ●●l . . art . ● . ●●lus deus effie●t gratiam adeò quod nec angelis , qui sum n●●●liores sensibilim● creaturis , hec emmunies , ●ur . sent. . d. . q. . art . . eph. . cir●n●um enim ne dunt n●●is datu● corporalibus si●●is ad laudeu● , sub●●a h●mus h●norem causae curanti & animae suscipienti . ●●l . . io. . bel. de sacr. in gen . l. . c. . dicimus grati●m nan ●reari à ●eo , sed produci c● api●u ●ine & poten●ia naturall animae , sicut ca●er e●atia quae pen●●ca ●ur in s●●j●ct ● talibus quae ●uet apra n●ra ad sa cip endium acridem ●● . allen de sacr. in gen . c. . tho. de verit. q. . art . . resp . ad . acts . . quod ad circumcisionem sequebatur remissio , siebat ratione rei adjunctae , & ratione pacti divini , eodem plane modo quo non solum haeretici , sed etiam aliquot verustieres scholastici voluerunt nova sacramenta conferre gratiam . allr de sacr. in gen . c. . bonaventura , scotus , durandes , richardus , occamus , marcillus , gabriel , volunt solum ●cum producere gratiam ad praesentiam sacramentorum . bellarm. de sacr. in gen . lib. . cap. . purol nge probatiotem & tntiorem sententiam quae dat sacramentis veram efficientiam . primò , quia dectores passim docent . sacramenta nor agere nisi priùs à deo virtutem seubenedictionem seu sanctificationem accipiant , & reserunt , effectum sacramentorum ad omnipotentiam dei. & conserunt cum veris causis efficientibus . secundò , quia non esset . diffe entia inter modum agendi sacramentorum , & signorum magicorum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quia tunc nonesset homo . dei minister , in ipia actione sacramenti , sed ho nu praeberet signum actionesua , & deus sua actione viso eo signo infunderet grat●●n , ●t e●●● unus oftendisua syngrapham mercatoci , & ille dat pecunias . at scriturae docent , quod dews baptizae per hominem . bellarm lib. . cap. ● . corc. t●id . sess. . c. . b●llarm de poenit l. . c. . ha●c expositio , ego re ●lai●●vo , id est . absolutum ostendo partim quidem vera est , non tamen perfecta . sacramenta quippe nova legis non iclum significant , sed . efficiunt quod significant . soto . sent . l. . dist . . q. . art . . atritio solum dicit dolorem propter poenas inferni ; dum quis accedit attritus per gratiam sacramentalem , sit contritus . soto . sent . . dist . . q. . art . . dum accedit vere contri●us propter deum , illa etiam contritio non est contritio , nisi quarenits prius natura informetur gratia per sacramentum in voto . soto , sent . . dist . . q. . art . . legitima contritio votum sacramenti pro suo tempore debet inducere , atque ad● ò in virtute futuri sacramenti peccata remittir . id. art . . tunc sententia sacerdotis judicio dei & torius coeiertis curiae appro●atur , & confimatur , cum ita ex ●iscretione procedit , ut reorum m●rita non contradicant . sent. l. . d. . non est periculosem sacerdoti dicere . ego reabsolvo , illis so quibus sign● contritionis videt , quae sunt dolor de praeteritis , & proposirum de caetero non peceandi ; alike , absol●●re non debet . tho. opuse . . cypr. de lapsis . a reatu mortis aeterae absolvitur homo à deo per contritionem ; manet autem reatus ad quandam poenam temporalem , & minister eccles●● quicunque virtute clavium tollit reatum cui●●dam partis poenae illius . abul . in desens . per. . ● . . signum hujas sacramenti est causa effectiva gratiae five remisstonis peccatorum , non simpliciter sicut ipta prima poenitentia , sed s●cundum quid ; quia est causa efficaciae gratiae quà sit remissio peceati , quantum ad aliquem effectum in poenitente , ad minus quantum ad remissionem sequelae ipsius peccati , scillcet poenae . alex. p. . ● . . memb . porestas clavium propriè loquendo non se extendit supra culpam ; ad illud quod obj●ct●●s , to. . quorum remiseritis pecatta : dicendum , quod vel illud de remissione dicitur quantum ad offensionem , vel solum quantum ad ●●enam . bon se●t . l. ●●●t . ●●● . . ab aetema poena nul●o mul● solvit sac●●dos , sed à purgatoria●ueque hoc per se , sed per acciden● . quad cum in poenitente , virtute clarium , minu ; tur ●leb●cum poenae temporalis , non i●a acriter punie●ur in purgatorio sicur , si non esset absolutu● . sent. l. . d. ● . ● . . mat. . . mar. . . acts . . heb. ● . . heb. . ● . jer. . ● . mich. .c. , ● lameat . . . quam magna deliquimus , tam granditer 〈…〉 mus . a●to vu●neri diligens & longa medicina non desit ; poenitentia crimine minor non sit . cypr. de lapsis . non levi agendum est contritione , ut debita illa redimantur , quibus mors aeterna debetur ; nec transitoria opus est satisfactione pro malis illis , propt●r quae paratus est ignis aeternus . euseb. emissenus , vel potius salv. f. . psal. . . mat. . . acts. ●● . . jer. ● . . joel . . chrys. de repar . laps . lib. ad theodor. deposit . dist . . c. talis . aug. in ps. l. ● . notes for div a -e the state of bishops although somtime oppugned , and that by such as therein would most seen to please god , ye● by his providence upheld hitherto , whose glory it is to maintain that whereof himself is the author . cyp. l. . ep . . sulpit. severe . lb. . beda eccl. hist. l. . c. . a an. . b alfredus eborac asis archie● iseopus galieimum cognome●to northum spirantem adhue minesua & caelis in pe●ulum , mitem red●lia●● & religi●sis in pro conservands repub . tuerd que ecclesiast . also . sacramento asiiuxit . nub. i● . l. ● . c. ● . what a bishop is , what his name doth import , and what doth belong to his office as he is a bishop . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dionys. haltar . de numa pompili , antiq. lib. . vult ●● pompeius esse quem tora ●re campania & maricima ora habear 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad quem delectus & negotii summa referatur . cic. ad attie , lib. . epist. . b acts . phil. . . and god brought them unto adam , that adam might see or consider what name it was meet he should give unto them , gen. . . so also the name deacon , a minister , appropriated to a certain order of ministers . the name likewise of a minister was common to divers degrees , which now is peculiarly among our selves given only to pastors , and not as anciently to deacons also . in bishops two things traduced ; of which two the one their authority , & in it the first thing condemned , the ; superiority over other ministers : what kind of superiority in ministers is it which the one part holdeth and the other denieth lawful . from whence it hath grown that the church is governed by bishops , meminise diaconi debent quoniam apostolos id est episcopos & praepo●●os dominus elegic . cyp. l. cp . . rom. . , . cor. . . joh. . , ● . gal. . . a him eusebius doth name the governor of the churches in asia , lib . hist. eccles. cap. . tertujian calleth the same churches st. lohns foster , daughters , lib. . advers . marcion . b iacobus qui appe latur frarer domini cognomento justus pest pathonem domini flatim ab apostiolis , hierosolymerum episeopus ordinatus est . hierom de script . eccles . eodem tempore jacobum primumu fedem episcopaslem ecclesiae quae est hierosolymis obtinuisse memoriae traditur . euseb. hist. eclces . lib. . cap. . the same seemeth to be intimated acts . and acts . . c acts . . d acts . . e tit. . . f this appeareth by those subscriptions which are set after the epistle to titus , and the second to timothy , and by euseb. eccles . hist. lib. . c. . g irem lib. . c. . h in ep. ad antioch . hi●ron . ep . . cypr. ep . ad plorent . * theed . in tim . a ipsius apostolates nulla successio pinitur enim legatio cum legoto nec a●l successores ipslus transit . srgpl. doct . prin . con . b act. . , . john . . c gal. . . d apoc. . . e mar. . . the time and cause of instituting every where bishops with restraint . acts . , acts . . as appeareth both by his sending to call the presbyters of ephesus before him as far as to milituch . acts . , which was almost fifty miles , and by his leaving timothy in his place with his authority and i●sh uffions for ordaining of ministers there . tim. . . and for proportioning their maintenance , verse . . and for judicial hearing of accusations brough● against estem , verse . and for holding them in an uniformity of doctrine , chap. , vers . . revel . cypr. l. . epist. . hi●ren . ep. ad e●ag . exod. . epist. ad jan. ep. ad evag. t. c. a. p li. it is to be observed that ierom saith , it was so in alexandria . sign sung that in other churches it was not so . socrat. l. . c. . a unto ignatius bishop of an●●uh , her● a deacon there , was made successor . chrysostom being a presbyter of anfi●ch we chosen to succeed nictarius in the bishop rick of constantinople . a bishops he meaneth by restraint ; for episcopal power was always in the church instituted by christ himself , the apostles being in government bishops at large , as no man will deny , having received from christ himself that episcopal authority . for which cause cyprian hath said of them . meminisse diaconi debent quoniam apostolos , id est , episcopos & praepos●ros dominus elegit : diaconol aurem posla ●censum domini in co●los , apostoli sibi constiruerunt , episcopatus sui & ecclesia ministros . lib . ep. . lib. a. ●o ● . h●●res ● . de prescr● p. o●●● r● . here● . acts. . acts. ● . acts. . tim. . ● . what manner of power bishops from the first beginning have had aug. ep. . ●d hierom. & de haeres . . cor. . tim. . . tettul . de r●● . vi●g . epiph. . l. ● . haer . . acts. . ● . . tim. . . tim. . . a pud aegyptum presbyteri consir mans si ● raesens non fit eps. copus comq . vulgo amb. dic . in . ep. ad ephes. numb . . . numb . . chron. . . joseph . atnig . p. ● . cypr. l. . ep . . ad rogatianum . h●erom . ep. ● . ep. ad smyr . tim. . . against a presbyter receive no accusation under two or three witnesses . ignat epist. ad antioch apud cypr , ep. . ep. . tertul advers psychic . episcopi universae ple bi r mandare jejunia assoleni . cypr. ep. . cypr. ep. . vide ignat. ad magnes a quod aaron & tilios ejus , hoc episcojum & presbyteros esse noverimns . hier. ep. . of neporia●um . b ita est ut in episcopis hominem , in presbyteris apostolos recognoscas auctor opuse , de ordinib eccl. inter opera hieron . c ignat. ep. ad tra. d inslit . l. . cap. . sect. ●● hiere n. epist. od eu●gr . . chrysostom lo in tim. . a velut in a qua sublimi specula 〈…〉 dignantur videre mo●tales & alloqui con●er●os suos in a. ● . epist. ad gal. a nemo peccantibus episcopis audet contradicere : nemo audet accusare majorem , propteres quasi sancti & beati & in praerptis domini ambulantes augent peccata peecatis . dissicilis est accusa●io in epise●pum . si ●●ha p●ecaverit , non creditur , & si convictus suerit ron punirur . in cap. . ecclesiast . b pessimae consuetudi●● , est in qui●usdam eccles●● tacere presbyteron & praesentibus episcopis non loqui ; quasi a●● invideant aut non dignentur audice . ep. . ad nepotian . c ep. . ad rip●r . d hieron . ad . nepo● . e no bishop may be a lord in reference unto the presbyters which are under him , if we take that name in the worse part , or ierom here doth . for a bishop is no rule his prebyters , not as lords do their slave● but as fathers do their children . in vira chrys. per ca●●od . sen. pallad in vita chrysostom . after what sort bishop● together with presbyters have used to govern the churches which were under them . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zon in can. apost . cum episcopa presbyteri sace●lat . li ho●●re conjeusti . ep. ● g ● compresbyteri p●striq●i nolas a●tide bant , ●p . . cyp. ep. cyp. e● . ●● * ●●● such as or was that ●eter wha●● all cussiator writeth the life of chrysostom doth call the accepresbyter of the church of alexandriae under troj ●●●● that time ●●● . psal. how sirr the lower of bishops hath reached from the beginning in respect of territory or lu●● compass . i. ● . p. de epise . ad cler. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 resides . cypr. ep. . cum jampridem per omnes provin●as & per urbes singulas ordinari sunt episcopi . u●● ecclesiastici ordinis non est c●n●●●s , & osser● & ●ngit ●sierailos● qui est in solus , tert. exhor● , ad castir . cypr. ep. ● . heron , advers . lucifer . cypr. ep. ● . * cou. antioch cap. . ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cone . constant. c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. . cap. . a cor. . as i have ordained in the churches of galatia , the same do ye also . b cor. . chrys. in ● . ad ti● . ●palial● in●●ia chr●●●●● . ●cane l antioch ca● . . ● a cic. fam. ep. . si quid na 〈…〉 um aliquo helle●●●●●io controversiae ut in ill●m 〈◊〉 rejicias . the suit which tully maketh w●s this , that the party in whose behalf he wrote to the propraetor , might have his causes put over to that court which was held in the diocess of hellespont , where the man did abide , and not to his trouble be forced to fo●low them at ephesus , which was the chiefest court in th●t province . b cic. ad attic . lib. . ep. . item . . observ . d. de officio proconsulis & legati . c lib. . tit. . l. . sect . . & . sancimus ut sicut oriens atqu● illyricum , ita & africa praetoriana maxima potestate specialiter à nostra elementia decoretur . cujus sedem jubemus esse carthaginem & ab ea , auxiliante deo. septem pro●inciae cum suis judicious disponantur . d psal. . , . concil . antiochen , c. ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vilierius de fla●u primitivae eccl●… . socr. l. . c. ● . c●n. . can. ● . novel . . concil . nic. c. . ejusd . con. cap. ● . t. c. l. t. ●● . what ? no mention of him in theophibus , bishop of antioch ? none in clemens alexandrinus ? none in ignatius ? no●●●● in iustin martyr ? in irenaeus . in tert●l in o●igen , in cyprian ? in tho●e old historiographers , ou● of which eusebius gathered his story ? was it for his baseness and smalness that he could not be seen amongst the bishops , elders and deacons , being the chief and principal of them all ? can the cedar of lebanon be hidden amongst the box-trees ? t. c. l. ● . ubi supra . a metropolitan bishop was nothing el●e but a bishop of that place which is pleased the emperor or magistrate to make the chief of the diocess or shire , and as for this name it makes no more difference between a bishop and a bishop , than when i say a minister of london , and a minister of newington . con. nicen. c. . illui autem amnino manifestum , quod siqus absque m●tro politani sententia sactus fl●● p s● . hune magna ●vno de lefin vit epis● . ess . no●n portere . can. . a n●vel . . can . b now. . c. c now l. . . d novel . . can . . e novel . . . a. . f can. . can. . can. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . can. . can. . callind . in vita chrysost. hieron . ep. . in what respects episcopal regiment hath been gainsaid of old by aerius . aug. de haen . ad quod vult deu . aeriani ab aerio quodam sunt nominari qui qinum e●●er presbyter , docuisse sen●ur , quad episcopus non potest ordioare . dicibo : episcopum a presbytero nulla ratione debere diseerni . aug. de haer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a as in that he saith , the apostle doth name sometimes presbyters and not bishops , ● tim. . . sometime bishops and not presbyters , phil ● . ● . because all churches had not both , for want of able and sufficient men . in such churches therefore as had but the one , the apostle could not mention the other . which answer is nothing to the l●t●er place above mentioned : for that the church of philippi should have more bishops than one , and want a few able men to be presbyters under the regiment of one bishop , how shall we think it probable or likely ? b tim. . . with the impesition of the presbyteries hand . of which presbytery s paul was chief . tim. . . and i think no man will deny that s. paul need more than a simple presbyters authority . phil. . . to all the saints at philippi , with the bishops and deacons . for as yet in the church of philippi , there was no one which had authority besides apostles , but their presbyters or bishops were all both in title and in power equal . in what respect episcopal is gain-fall by the authors of pretended reformation at this day . their auguments in disgrace of regiment by●●heps , as being a meer invention of man , and nor sound in scripture , answered . titus . . timothy . . philippians ● . . peter . . . t. c. l. ● . p. . so that it appeareth that the ministery of the gospel , and the functurions thereof , ought to be from heaven : from heaven , i say , and heavenly , because although it the exce●red by earthly men , and ministers are chosen also by men like unto themselves , yet because it is done by the word and institution of god , it may well be accounted to come from heaven , and from god. answer . acts . . revel . . tim. . . tit. . . they of walden , acn. syl. hist. boem . norsilius . defens . pac nici . thum. wakl . c. . l. . cap. calvin , coment in ad id lit. bulhtiger , decad ● . ser. . juel defens , apol , par . . c. ● . ●●t . folk . answ. to the test. tic. ● . . john . . mat. . . lib. . rom. . . luke . . confes. . epist. . the arguments to prove there was no necessity of instituting bishops in the church . ep. . lb. . the sort-alledged argument , answered . t. c. l. . p. ● . & ●on . the bishop which cyprian speaketh of , is nothing else but such as we call pastor , or as the common n●m● : with us is , pastor ; and his church whereof he is bishop is neither di●ces● nor province but a congregation which met together in one place , and to he taught of one man. * etsi frarres pro dilectione iua cupoli sunt ad conven endum & visiandum censissires boars quos illustravit ja●● gloriosis initiis divina degnati ; ramen caur-hoc & non glomeratim nee pre multitudinem simull iunctain pure ●●●saciendum ne ex hor ipsu invidi● conciten ur , & in evened ●alive denegenar , & ilum inferiabiles multum volumus , ●●m perdamus is ; consulite ergo & providere ut cum temperamento bee egi ruids poth : ira ur presbyteri queque qui ille apud consessores offer ant sinu●h cum singulls , diaconis pervices acc●rum , qua & metatio personarum , & vecitiirudo converient um minuis invidiam ep. . cypr. lib. . ep. . acts. . an answer unto those things which are objected , concerning the difference between that power which bishops now have , and that which antient bishops had more than other presbyters . liv. lib. . d●c● quando epis. sect igitur . eccl dis p eccl. discipl . fol. . eccles. discip. p. . neque enim sas crae aut licebat ut interior ordinater major in : coment , q. ambros. til . hutio●ur , in tim. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cencil . carth●e . . c. . cypr ● ep . & . l. ● . ep. . concerning the civil power and authority which our bishops have . jer. . ● . cor. . v●l. birnah , e●sson , ane●● . jer , lib. . c. . aug. de oper . monarch . c. ● tim. . . convenit huju●modi eligi & ordinari sacerdotes , quibus nec liberi sunt nec nepotes , etenim fieri vix potest ut vacans hujus vitae quoti●●ae curis quae liberi creant parentibus maximè ▪ omne studium omnemque cogitationem circa divinam litugiam & res ecclesiasticas consumat . l. sect . c de episc. & cles . a cum multa divinitus , pontifices , à majoribus nostris invenia atque instituta sunt , tum nihil praeclarius quam quod vos eo●dem & religionibus , deorum immortalum & summae reipub. praesse voluerunt . cic. pro domo sua ad pontif. b honor sacerdotii firmamentum porentiae assumebatur , tacit. hist. lib. . he sheweth the reason wherefore their rulers were also priests . the joyning of these two powers , as now , so then likewise profitable for the publick state but in respect clean opposite and contrary . for , whereas then divine things being more esteemed , were used as helps for the countenance of secular power , the case to these latter ages is turned upside down , earth hath now brought heaven under foot , and in the course of the world , hath of the two the greater credit ▪ priesthood was then a strengthening to kings , which now is forced to take strength and credit from farr meaner degrees of civil authority , hic mos apud judaeos fuit , ut eosdem reges & sacerdotes haberent , quorum justitia religioni permixta incredibile quantum evaluere . just. hist l. . lib. . sect . . c. de episc. t. c. l. . p. . the arguments answered , whereby they would prove , that the law of god , and the judgment of the best in all ages , condemneth the ruling superiority of one minister over another . t. c. l. . p. . t.c. l. . p. . pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . can. . concil . carthag . de haer . baptizandis . lib. . ep. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t. c. l. . p. . theod. hist. eccles. l. . c. ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . heronymus contra lucifer . saluccin ecclesiae pemdere d●cira summi sacer●uris digmiate id est . episcop● idem est is hieronymo summos sacerdo● quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in carthaginensi concilio . vide c. o●nes . dist . i●em c. de conseq . dist . . the second main thing wherein the state of bishops suffereth 〈…〉 their honor. numb . . . pet. . . ecclus. . . levit. . . ecclus. . . prov. . . pet. . . psal. . . what good doth publickly grow from the prelacy . a quis est ea●● vecors . qui ●u●●um suspect cri● in coelum deos e●e non sen●a● , & en qu●●●anca mea●● siunt ut vix quis quam arte ulla ondinem rerum ac vicissicudinem perse qui possi● . ca●● sieri poter● our . cum deos esse intell exerit . non intelli●a● eorem nural●ne hoc tantum imperium esse narum & a●ctum & rerentum ● cie . orat. de haru● respon● . b tit. . l. . c. de summatri ● nit . c l. . c. de episc. ●● cler. d l. . c. de episc. audiend . psal. ● . ● ● qui sacerdotes in veteri restamento vocabantur , hi sont qui nunc l'resbyteri appell antur : & qui tune princep● sacerdocum , nunc episco●m vocatur . roba . maur. de . ●ss . t . cler. . .c . ● . tim. . . rom. . . deut. . . mat. . . petr. d'efens . ep. . psal. . . isa. . . what kindes of honor be due unto bishops psal. l . ● . . ●●●●e in title . place , ornaments , acren●ancy and privilledge . 〈…〉 lib. . c. ● . h●stor . eccles. l. . c. ●ls summa trinit l. . c de epist. & cler. l. . c. de sacrol . eccles. mor. . . . they love to have the chief scars in the assemblies , and to be called of men , rabbi . ecclus. . . novel . . t. c. l. . p. . out of jos. l. . c. . l. ● . c. de sacr . eccles. l. . c. de sacr . eccles. l. a. c. de epise . & cler. l. c. de epise & cler. honor by endowncer with lords and livings . psal. . ● . that of ecclesiastical goods , and consiquently of the lands and livings which bishops enioy , ●●● propt 〈…〉 longeth a ● god done . a hos . . b psal. . ● . c job ● . . mat. . . prov. . . seneca . mat. . . ● a because ( saith david ) i have a delight in the house of my god , therefore i have given the eunio of my own both gold and silver to adorn it with . a chron. . . b ps. . , . phil. . . psal. ● . ● math. . . matth. . . joh. . . ans. cap. . de ●●nca . c. . c. cap. & . prov. . . m●l . . chro. . t● . wald. tum . . lib● . c. . gen. . . that ecclesiastical persons are receivers of god's ●●enr●● and that the honor of prelates is , to be thereof his chief receivers ; not without liberty from him gra●ted , of converting the same unto their own use , even in large manner . a num. . b num. . c num● . . d heb. . . e acts ● . . cor. . . acts . . acts . . & . . cap. . et concil . antioch c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 john . . heb. . ● . a num. . . b num. . c num. . d verse ● . e verse . f le● . . . verse num● ● . . vers. . , ● . . chron. . ● gen. . ● . numb . . josh. . . deut. . . lev. . . . ●●● . . . i●…th . . . numb . . . verse . cor. . . tim. . . cor. . . vide ● ● . . art . . tim . . acts . . acts . . a ditp●●ns . prosp. de vita contemp . l. . c. . oc●●n . l. . c de sa●r . ●erl●s . & novel . . in princip . b prosp. de vi●● cortempl . lib. cap. ● . a cypr. lib. . ep. . presbyterii honorem defiguasse nos ill●s jam seiatis de ●● sportulis eisdem cum presbyteris honorentur , &c divisioner menfurnai aequaris quantitatibus parti●ntur , sensuri nobiscum provectis & corr●horatis anuis suis. which words of cyprian do shew , that every presbyter had his standing allowance out of the church treasury ; that besides the same allowance called sportula , some also had their portion in that dividend which was the remainder of every months expence ; thirdly that out of the presbyters under● him , the bishop as them had a certain number of the gravest , who lived and commoned always with him . b prosp. de vita contempl . l. . c ● . pont. diacon . in vita cypr. lact. de vera . sap . l. . c. . cor. . . phil. . ● . that for their unworthiness , to deprive both them and their encres●ors of such go●ds , and to ●●nves the same unto men of secular calling , were extreme sacral●gious injus●e . psal. . . epiph. contra hares . l. . . baer . . a ammian . marcel . lib. b vide in vita greg. naz. c nemo gradum sacerdoti precii venalitate mercetur quantum quisque mercatur non quantum dare sufficiat , aestimetur . profecto enim , quis locus tutus & quae causa esse poterit excusata , si veneranda dei templa pecuniis expugnentur ? quem murum integritaris aut vallum providebimus , si auri sacra fames in penetralia veneranda proserpat ●quid denique cantum esse poterit aut securum , si sanctitas incorrupta corrumpatur ? cesser altaribus imminere profanus ardor avaritiae , & à sacris a●ytis repellatur pi●culare flagitium . iraque castus & humilis nostris temporibus eligatur episcopus , ut quocunque loc●rum pervenitit , omnia vita propriae integritate purificet . nec pretio sed precibus ordinetur antistes . l. . c. de epis. & cler. can. apost . ● egisip . l. ● . c. . . sam. . plat in phaed●● m. 〈…〉 in pimandro . ●●al . ● . mal. . . acts. . . gen . . numb . ● . . levit. . ezek. ● . . habak . . . mal. . . prov. . . . chron. . chap. . psa. ● , lib. . ep. . ddd . valent theodof . ●e archad . l. c. de sicros eccles . a podet dicere , sacerdotes idolorum . a● . rigae ; mimi ecscorte haereditates capient , toris clericis & ●●●achis ●● lege prohibetur & prohibetur non ● persecu●ori●us sed principibus cheisti●●is . nec de lege conquero● sed doleo quod meruerimus hane legem . ad nepot . . b obad. vers . ●lor . lib. . c. . deut. . , . notes for div a -e maccab. ● . arist. pol. l. . cap. . maccab. arist. pol. lib. ● cap. . liv. lib. . three kinds of their proofs are stakes from the difference of affairs and offices . chron. . , . hebr. . . allum . lib. p. . ● . taken from the speeches of the fathers opposing the one to the other . euseb. de vita constan. lib. . aug. epist. . isai. . . mal . ● . chron . ● nehem. . ● . acts . . . taken from the effect of punishment inflicted by the one or the other . luke ●● . cor ● . the right which men give . god ratifies . conrora est poresiat dele●a●a de●●raction . iunies bru●iel vindie , pag. ● . pag. ● . tully de office. arist. fol. lib. ● . cap. ● . pythag●rae● . pad eccless . de reg●o . stipl . de ●●● princip . i●s . ● . , . t. c. l. . p. . farmen●●ef●of the godly magistrate . cicero lib. . de ma● decr. kinds . by what●e●●● . ob 〈◊〉 publica per 〈◊〉 consu 〈…〉 l.c. . ● de origine . i●ris civilis . according to what example . stapl. de prin . doct. pag. . stapl. . idem ib. rasiensis , epist . p. . . pres. cont . . calvin . in com . . amos . . t. c. l. . p. . ephes. . ● . col. . ● . ephes. . . . . . col. . ● . col. . esay . . teka● is termed the head of samaria . ephes. . . psal. . ● . t. c. l. . p. ● ● . t. c. l. . p. ● . ●poc . ● . ● . john. . . heb. . . t.c. l. . p. ● t.c. l. . p. . heb. . . esay . . rom. . prov. . . humble motion . p. . rev. . . cor. . . t. c. l. p. . t. c. l. p. . lk hen. . . . t. c. l. . p. ● . t. c. l. . p. . . t. c. . p. . t. c. l. ● . p. . polyb. l. . demilit . ac domis●t . rom. discipl . lib. . de cul. illisid . & do conventiculis , cap de ephe. & presbyt . hierarch . lib. . cap. . constant. concil . à rheedasio . sardicen . coosi● à con. hieron . cont . ●ussinum . l. . sea omen . l. . cap. . ambros. epist . ● . a● . . & phil & mar. cap. . i●dem quod principi placult , legis habet vigorem . inst. ●● j. n. g. & c. t.c. l. . p. . t.c. l. . p. . t.c. l. . p. . apol. ● . . p. power to command all persons , and to be over all judges in causes ecclesiastical . chron . , , , , . ● chron. . ● . jos. . . just. de o●f . c. ●ud . eliz cap. . mach●avil . hist. florent . . ● . hen. ● c. t.c. l . p. ● . chron. . . heb. . . stanf. pleas of the crown , l. . c. . t. c. l. . p. . euseb. de vita constant. l. . ep. , . lib. . ep . . * see the secture of edw. . and edw. . and nat. brev. touching prohibition . see also in bracton these sentences , l. ● . c. . est jurisdictio onlinaria quae lam delegata , quae pertinet ad sacer dotium , & forum ecclesiasticum , sicut in causi● spiritualibus & spiritualitari annexis . est etiam alia jurisdictio o●linaria vel delegata quae pertinet a coronam , & dignitatem regis & ad regnum in causis & placitk rerum temporalinm ●●o seculari . again , cum diversae sint hinc inde jurisdictiones , & diversi judices , & diversae causae . debet quibber ipsorum inprim ● aestimare , an sua sit jurisdictio , ne falcem videatur ponere in mestem altenam . again , non pertinet ad regem injungere : poenicentias nic adjudicem secularem , necetiam ad cos pertinet cognoscire de lis quae lunt spiritualibus annexa , sicut de decimis & aliis ecclesiae proven●ionibus . again , non est lacins conveniendus coram judiae ecclesiastico de aliquo quo lin soro seculari terminari possit & de beat . what laws may be made for the affairs of the church and to whom the power of making them appertaineth . deut. . . and . . josh. . . thom. l. . quael . . ●●● . . prov. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 archit . de leg . & instit. that is ; it behoveth the law first to so establish or settle those things which belong to the gods , and divine powers , and to our parents , and universally those things which be vertuous and honourable . in the second place , those things that be convenient and profitable ; for it is fit , that matters of the less weight should come after the greater . acts . , , . acts . . mat. , mat. ult . cor. . cap. delicta . de excess . praelator l. per fundum rusticor ▪ praed & sect . religiosum de rerum divis . gless . dict . . c. ●●inam . boer . fyod . hercoic . quast . l. . sect . . verum ac proprium civis à peregrino discrimen est . quò d alter imperio ac potestate vili obliganur , alter justs principis alient resputre potest : illum princips ab hostium aeque ac civium injuria tueri re●ttur , hune non leem nisi rogatus & humaniraus officiis , impulsus , saith bodinde repub. l . c. . non mulrum à fine . p. . e●ir . lug. l. e. in fol. . hom. . . . a scepter . swaying king , to whom even iupiter himself hath given honor , and commandment . notes for div a -e tim. . . mark . . sam. . , , , . gal. . . . ezek. . . ez. . . notes for div a -e a mere formality it had been to me in that place ; where , as no man had ever used it before me , so it could neither further me if i did use it , nor hinder me if i did not . a his word● be these , the next sabbath day after this , mr. hisker kept the way he entred into before , ●●● bestowed his whole hour and more , onely upon the questions he had moved and maintained . wherein he so set the agreement of the church of rome with us , and their disagreement from us , as if we had consented in the greatest and weightiest points , and differed onely in certain smaller matters . which agreement noted by him in two chief points , is not such as he would have made men believe : the one , in that he said they acknowledge all men siners , even the blessed virgin , though some of them freed her from sinne : for the council of trent holdeth , that she was free from sinne : another , in that he said , they reach christ's righteousnesse to be the onely meritorions cause of taking away sinne , and differ from as onely in the applying of it . for , thomas aquinas , their chief schoolman , and archbishop catherinus , teach . the christ took away onely original sinae , and that the rest are to be taken away by our selves : yea , the council of trent teacheth . that the righteousness whereby we are righteous in god's sight . is inherent righteousnesse , which must needs be our own works , and cannot be understood of the righteousnesse inherent onely in christ's person , and accounted unto us . * this doth much trouble thomas , holding her conception stained with the natural blemish inherent in mortal seed . and ●●e●e ●●●● he putieth it est with two answers ; the one , i h●t● her church of rome doth not allow , but tolerate the feast ; which answer now will not serve : the other , that being sort she was sanct fi●e● before birth , but on sure how long a while ●her her conception , therefore under the names of her conception-day , they honor the ●it●● of her sanctification . so that besides this , they have ne●●r no soder . make the certain allowance of their feast , and their uncertain sentence concerning her sin , to cleare together , h●● . ●●orl● quast . on . . ab . . & . annot in rom. . sect . . lib. . deleas . fidei . orthod . lib. ● in sent. dist . . quaest . . art . . bellarm. judic . de lib. concor . mend● . . nemo catholicorum unquam sic docuit , sed credimus & profitemur christum in cruce pro omnibus omnino peccatis satisfecisse , tam originalibus quàm actualibus . cal● . l●st . l. ● . c. . sect . . * in the advertisments published in the seventh year of her majesties reign : if any preacher , or parson , vicar , or cura●e so licensed , shall fortune to preach any matter tending to dissention , or to decoration of the religion and doctrine received , that the hearers denounce the same to the ordinary , or to the next bishop of the same place , but not openly to co●trary , or to impugn the same speech so disorderly uttered , whereby may grew offence , and disquiet of the people , but shall be convinced and reproved by the ordinary , after such agreeable order as shall be seen to him , according to the gravity of the offence : and that it be presented within one month after the words spoken . notes for div a -e lib. . ann. lib. . hist. in vita agricolae . lib. ● . notes for div a -e cor. . . cor. . . a or whosoever it be , that was the author of those homilies that go under his name . knowing how the schoolmen hold this question , some critical wits may perhaps half suspect that these two words , per se , are inmates . but ●l the place which they have , be their own , their sense can be none other than that which i have given them by a paraphrastical interpretation . they teach as we do , that god doth justifie the soul of man alone , without any co-effective cause of justice . deus si●e ●eido co-effectvo animam justificat . ca. sal . de qundripart just . l. . c. idem lib. . c. . the difference between the parish and on about justification . a tho. aq●a . . . quaest . . gratia gratum facieus , ●● est . justificam , est in animo quiddam gerle & pusitiv● , qualites quaedam ( art . concl . ) supernaturali , non eadem cum virtute insula , ut magister ; sed eliquid ( art . . ) praeter virtates , insuse● ; sidem , spem , charitatem , hablurdo cuaedem ( art . . ad . . ) que presuppomitur in virturibos asba sicur earuin principium & rador , essentiam anima tanquam subjectum occupat non potentias , sed ob ipsa ( art . ad . ) effluence vi● tutis in potentias animae , per quas potentiae morentur ad actus phar . vid. quasi . . de justificarione . cor. . . rom. . rom. . rom. . . acts . ; . heb. . . by sanctification , i mean a separation from others not professio● as they do ; for true holiness consisteth not in professing , but in obeying the truth of christ. apoc. . . matth. . . gen. . . verse . john . . a they misinterpret , not only by making false and corrupt glosses upon the scripture , but also by forcing the old vulgar translation as the only authentical : howbeit , they refuse ●o book which is canonical , though they admit sundry which are not . b tim. . . c john . . d john . gal. . . e plainly in all mens sight whose eyes god hath inlightned on behold this truth . for they which are in error , are in darkness , and see not that which in light is plain , in that which they reach concerning the natures of christ● they held the same with nestorius fully , the same with ●●●●he● about the proprieties of his nature . f the opinion of the lutherans though it be no direct denial of the foundation , may notwithstanding be damnable unto some ; and i do not think but that in many respects it is less damnable , as at this day some maintain it , than it was in them which held it at first ; as luther and others , whom i had an eye unto in this speech . the question is not , whether ●o error with such and such circumstances : but simply , whether an error overthrowing the foundation , do exclude all possibility of salvation , if it be not r●enated , and expresly repented of . thes. . . apoc. . v. ● . for this is the only thing alledged to prove the impossibility of their salvation : the church of rome joyneth works with christ , which is a denial of the foundation , and unless we hold the foundation , we cannot be saved . they may cease to put any confidence in works , and yet never think living in popish superstition they did amiss pighius dyed popish , and yet denial popery in the article of justification by works long before his death . what the foundation of saith is : v●caeto ad con●ionem multitudine , quae coalesecre in populi unial corpus nu●a et pra●erquam i legibus poterat , liv. de rom. lib. . ephes. . . & . ● . ephes. . . john . . tim. . . acts . . heb. . . gen. . job . . acts . . luke . . cor. . a rom. . . b phil. . . c col. . . pet. . ephes. . . john . . john . . perpetuity of saith . rom. . . john . . pet. . . john . . ephes. . . . john . . coll. . . tim. . . john . john . ● . * howsoever men be changed ( for changed they may be , even the best amongst men ) if they that have received , as it seemeth some of the galatians which fell into errour , not received the gifts and graces of god , which are called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as faith , hope , and charity are , which god doth never take away from him , to whom they are given , as less repented him to have given them ; if such might be so farr changed by errour , as that the very root of faith should be quite extinguished in them , and so their salvation utterly lost : it would shake the hearts of the strongest and stoutest of us all . see this contrary in beza his observations upon the harmony of confessions . a error convicted , and afterwards maintained , ●● more than errour ; for although opinion be the same it was , in which respect i still call it errour , yet they are not now the same they were when they are taught what the truth is , and plainly raught . b acts . . c gal. . . . d vers. . e vers. . f vers. . ●●er . de unit. eccles. servants . calr . ey . . morn . de eccles. za●ch . pra●●ar . de relig. thess. . . rom. . . * i deny not but that the church of rome requireth some kinde of works which she ought not to require at mens hands . but our question in general about the adding of good works , not whethere such or such works be goed . in this comparison , it is enough to touch so much of the matter in question between st. paul and the galatians , as inferreth those conclusions . ye are fallen from grace , christ can profit you nothing : which conclusions will fo●low circumcision and rites of the law ceremonial , if they be required as things necessary to salvation . this only was a ledged against me ? and need i touch more than was all edged ? a mat. . . b luke . . c mat. . . eph. . . . a gal . . b pet. . . and . c ephes. . . d isa. . . jer. . . e eph. . . f mat. . . g thess. . . h gal. . . end . . thess. . . hac ●a●io ecclesiastici sacramenti & catholicae f●ici est , vt qui par●em ●ivini sacrimenti negar , partem ●●●al●at cu●sir●● , iratuim sibi ●onn●●a & cuncorp●●ata sunc omnia , ●t aliud ●●ae a●io sta●e non possie , & quiunum ex omnibus denegaveri●● alia●● emnia tradid●ss : non presir , cassian . lib. . de incarnat . dom. if he obst●a●cly stand in denial . pag . acts . . lib . ●e in car . dem. cap. . levis of orane● . l. merlit . cap. last . ● . paulgarola let . . anno● . in john . in his book of consolation . works of superetogation . let all affection be laid aside● let the matter indifferently be considered . notes for div a -e ecclus. . . notes for div a -e lib . cap. . de d●ct . chr . rob. tol●● . lib. . cap. . pet. . p●i●● in orit . d. a●nold . parsons in . convers . mal. . . canus locur . l. . c. . vi● ver . lib. . de corrupt . art hard. lib. . pac. . edit . . a in the third part of the . conversions of england ; in the examination of foxes saints , c. . sect . . . p. . b sect. . c plut. in demosthen . d liv. dec. . l. . an . v.c. e tim. . . f annal. tom . ● . an. . n. , & tom . . an. . num . g s. paulus de sua salute incertus kicheom jesuit . . . c. . idolat . huguen . p. . in marg edit . lat. mogunt . . interpret . marcel . bomper . jesuita . h witness the verses of horatius a jesuite . recited by posse . biblioth . select . part . . l. . c. . exue franciscum tunica laceroque cucul●o . qui franciscus erat , jam tibi christus eri● . francisci exuri●s ( si quà licet ) indue christium : jam francisco ; erit , qui modo christus erat , the like hath bencius another jesuite . i cor. . . notes for div a -e of the spirit of prophesie received from god himself . of the prophers manner of speech . job . , . wisd. . . esay . . ezekiel . a natural 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perceiveth nor heavenly things . james . acts . acts . we must not halt between two opinion : . nocker● in the last time . mockers . mockers worse than pagans and infidel● . rom. . iudas vit sapien● & certi usic● . three fold separation : . heresie . . scism . . apostasie . infallible ev●dence in the faithful , that they are gods children . the papists falsly accuse● us of heresie and apostasie . acts ● . apoc. . ca●t . . . acts ●● . the popes usurped supremacy . concil delector . cardin. laurent soriu● coun. de reb . gest . pio ● . urancise . sans●vi● de guherm rerum , ●●h . l. ● cap. de jud. are scal . & ●oldap . chron. . verse . gen. . . & . gen. . ● & ● . gen. . . gen. . . verse ● . the sacrament of the lords supper . lam. . . ephes. . john . john . mat. . rom. . john . no pleasu●● of god without faith. psal. . rom. . psal. . ● . verse ● . hosea . . nor my people . verse . not obtaining mercy . * careless . amos ● . , pet. . . jer. . , . the meanes and method of healing in the church. set forth in a sermon. preached before the right honourable the house of peers in westminster abby, april . . being a day of solemn humiliation to seek god for his blessing on the counsels of the parliament. by edward reynolds, d.d. and dean of christ-church. reynolds, edward, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing r thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the meanes and method of healing in the church. set forth in a sermon. preached before the right honourable the house of peers in westminster abby, april . . being a day of solemn humiliation to seek god for his blessing on the counsels of the parliament. by edward reynolds, d.d. and dean of christ-church. reynolds, edward, - . [ ], p. printed by tho. ratcliffe, for george thomason at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard, london : . running title reads: the means and method of healing in the church. bound with thomason tract items dated . annotation on thomason copy: "may ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng sermons, english -- th century. fasts and feasts -- church of england -- early works to . church polity -- sermons -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no the meanes and method of healing in the church.: set forth in a sermon. preached before the right honourable the house of peers in westmins reynolds, edward c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - angela berkley sampled and proofread - angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the meanes and method of healing in the chvrch . set forth in a sermon . preached before the right honourable the house of peers in westminster abby , april . . being a day of solemn humiliation to seek god for his blessing on the counsels of the parliament . by edward reynolds , d. d. and dean of christ-church . london , printed by tho. ratcliffe , for george thomason at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard , . nobilissimis , honoratissimis , amplissimis , dominis , in superiori domo parliamentorum ardua regni negotia tractantibus , concionem hanc coram ipsis habitam , ipsorumque jussu pvblici jvris factam , in summi honoris humillimique obsequii testimonivm , dat , dicat , consecrat . e. r. cron. . , . if i shut up heaven that there be no rain , or if i command the locusts to devour the land , or if i send pestilence among my people : if my people , which are called by my name , shall humble themselves , and pray , and seek my face , and turn from their wicked wayes , then will i hear from heaven , and will forgive their sin , and will heal their land . the words are a gracious promise made by the lord unto solomon after he had dedicated the temple by fasting and prayer ; for though there be no mention of fasting , yet if we consult the time , we shall find that it was in the seventh moneth , chron. . . and that the solemnity continued from the . to the . day of that moneth , chron. ▪ , . and the . day was by a statute for ever appointed to be a day wherein to afflict their souls , levit. . . the parts are three . . a supposition of judgements , vers. . where , by the enumeration of three , any others may synechdochically be understood . . a direction unto duties : wherein are two things to be taken notice of . . the quality of the persons who are to perform them , my people called by my name . . a specification of the duties , which are these four , humiliation , supplication , reconciliation , conversion . . a gracious promise of mercy , wherein are very remarkable four signal returns of grace in conformity to their duties . . they humble themselves under gods holy hand , and he humbleth himself to look down from heaven . . they pray , and god hears their prayer . . they seek the favour and the face of god , and god forgives their sin , and is reconciled unto them . . they turn from their wicked wayes , and god heals those evils which those wicked wayes had brought upon the land ; no duty undertaken in vain , but a sutable and correspondent mercy promised to encourage them thereunto . it may here not impertinently be asked , why these three judgements of shutting up heaven , sending locusts and pestilence , are rather mentioned than any other , since doubtless the promise doth extend it self further ? i take the reason to be , . because these are irresistable , no counsel , no policy , no strength can prevent them . . because they are inflicted by god alone , no second causes immixed in them , if i shut up heaven , if i command the locusts , if i send pestilence . . if an enemy come , counsel may hinder , strength may vanquish , treasure may bribe , and divert him . our own polices and provisions may seem to contribute towards our help . but against an army of locusts , no policy , wisdome , srength , embassie can prevail . no power of man can open or shut the clouds , no gates or barres can keep out a famine , or a pestilence from a place . . if an enemy come , we are apt to ascribe that to the malice of men , to look outward to second causes , and not inward to our own sins , or upward to the justice of god , though it be certain , that there is no humane hostility without a divine commission . men are gods rod , and sword , and staffe , psal. . . isa. . , . ezek ▪ . , , . he by his secret and holy providence edgeth the spirits of men against one another , ( as he sent an evil spirit between the men of shechem and abimelech ) judg. . . and stirreth up adversaries against those that provoke him , as he did against solomon , reg. . , and when he pleaseth to return in mercy , he rebuketh the sword , and breaketh the bow , and cutteth the spear in sunder , psalm . . isa. . . these things i say are certain . but we are too apt to bite the stone that hurts us , and not mind the hand that threw it . whereas when wrath is from heaven only , we are forced to see god , we have no second causes to ascribe it unto . so the meaning is ; if ▪ i send judgments immediately from my self , such as no humane wisdome can prevent , or power remove , if then the people shall bethink themselves , and return , and seek my face , they shall find that when wisdome , policy , treasures , walls , armour , munition are nothing worth , prayer and repentance shall avail for healing . so here is a double combate between god and man . . man provokes god with sin , and god overcomes sin with judgement . . man wrestleth with prayer and humiliation , and god yieldeth in mercy and compassion . i begin with the first general , the supposition of judgements , and from thencemake two observations . i. judgements light not on a people casually , or by chance , but by the over-ruling and disposing power and justice of the command and commission of god . it hath not an earthly original ; it growes not out of the dust , job . , . but it comes from heaven , and is sent from god to signifie something of his mind unto us . . sometimes indeed by way of dominion and absolute power , he destroyeth the perfect and the wicked , he laugheth at the trial of the innocent , job . , . sometimes as a preparation unto intended mercy , as men plow the ground which they mean to inrich with precious seed , and carve the stone which they mean to put in the top of the building . josephs iron chain made way to his golden chain , and davids troubles season'd him for his crown . as men put forth longest into wind and sun that great timber which must bear the greatest burden and stress of the building . no such school to learn in as the school of affliction . but most usually in a way of justice , because thy sins were increased , i have done these things unto thee , jer. . . thou hast done right , we have done wickedly , neh. . . i have not done without cause all that i have done , ezek. . . personal chastisements may be for tryal and exercise of faith and patience , but general and publick judgements are ever in wrath and displeasure . such have been the dealings of god in this nation ; the cup of affliction hath been given to all orders of men ; we have seen princes on scaffolds , and in banishment ; parliaments broken in pieces by their servants , peers and patriots devested of their honours , and secluded from their trust ; dishonours poured upon the city , poverty on the countrey , blood on the land , scorn on ministers , threats on vniversities , consternation on souldiers , there is not any order or degree of men , which have not been shaken with these earth-quakes . o how deep is our stupidity , if we do not all of us analyze and resolve our sufferings into their proper principles , ours sins and gods displeasure ? if we have only howled vnder them , and see not gods providence in them , ordering the sins of men unto our humiliation ? if we know them only naturally by their smart to the flesh , and not spiritually by their influence on the conscience ? if we censure others , and absolve our selves ; if our sufferings harden and enrage us in animosities against men , but do not meeken and melt us under the holy tryals of god ? let us therefore labour to find out our sins by our sufferings , the cloud of wrath rising out of the sea of lust . let us search and try our wayes , and since we are living men , not complain of the punishment of our sins , be not as adamants , rocks , oakes , which blowes , waves , winds , break not , move not , bend not . make use of our sufferings to review our sins , and to know our duty , what we should haply have done , and did not in the day of our prosperity , before god laid us aside , what the controversie was which god had against us in our sufferings , what the duties are which he requireth of us in our restitution . the prophets staffe did no good to the dead child till he came himself . judgements do nothing , till god follow them with his craces . chastisements never mend us till they teach us . blessed is the man whom thou chastenest , o lord , and teachest him out of thy law , psalm . . till we see his name , and hear his voice in them , mic. . . till we take notice of his justice preparing the whale that hath s . vallowed us , jon . . bidding s●imei curse , sam. . . giving a charge to the assyrian , isa. . . this will make us dumb , when we consider that it is god that doth it , psalm . . and now that the cup hath gone round , and god hath by his righteous providence prevented our revenge , and done that by the strange vicissitudes of his justice in a wise and holy manner , which if he had left us to do in our owne , cases would possibly have been done with folly and fury : let us conclude that the lord having judged us all himselfe , we should make it our work not so much to look back with revengefull , as to look forward with healing and closing resolutions . we have been like wanton children which fall out in a family , now our father hath whipped us round , that should make us returne to our fraternal agreements againe . . the lord hath variety of judgements whereby to reduce froward and stubborn sinners , can punish them in the heavens over them , in the earth under them , in their bowels within them , can beset them upward , downward , outward , inward , and make a net , and chain , and hedge of afflictions to shut them in , and to fence up their way that they cannot pass , job . . job . . when he will plead , he will take away all refuge , and make every region , towards which we look , minister despair . they shall look upward , and they shall look unto the earth , and behold trouble , and darkness , and dimness of anguish , isa. . , . if they look without , behold a sword ; if within , behold famine and pestilence , levit. , . jer. . . ezek. . . evil , which they shall not be able to escape , or go forth of , jer. . . when men multiply sins , the lord usually multiplyeth judgements , till he either bend by repentance , or break by destruction . when cleanness of teeth , blasting and mildew , pestilence and sword , the judgements of sodome and gomorah , did not prevail with israel to return , then he threathneth final wrath , therefore thus will i do unto thee , amos . . — . which thus , in the prophet amos , seemeth to me , to be the same with lo ammi , in the prophet hosea , an utter rejection of them from being the lords people , hos. . . four times after one another doth the lord threaten to punish his people seven times more for their sins , if they walk contrary unto him , levit. . , , , . philosophers use to reckon but eight steps to the highest , and most intense degree of a quality , but the wrath of god is represented by eight and twenty degrees unto us . . the methode of god in these various judgements usually is . . he begins at the outward man , exercising a people many times with change of rods , which is ever a sign of anger in the father , and of stubbornness in the son . . he proceeds to the soule by smiteing that , revealing his wrath , subducting his peace , implanting his terrors , causing guilt and fear to gripe and seize on the conscience , called breaking of bones , psal. . . drinking up of spirits , iob. . . a wounded spirit , prov. . . if the lord should give a secure sinner , who now haply thinks himself alive , and safe , upon the mistaken apprehensions of mercy , a full view of the filthiness , and sense of the heaviness of any one atrocious sin whereof he stands guilty , it would make him a terrour to himself , willing to exchange his burden for the weight of a rock or mountain . o my broken bones , saith one , psalm . . o my withered heart , saith another , psalm . , . o the distracting terrours of god , saith a third , psalm . . o the intoxicating arrows of the almighty , saith a fourth , job . . thus the lord can make a man a magor missabib , a very fury and fiend unto himself , by arming his own conscience against him . and if the sergeant be so formidable , what a fearfull thing is it to fall into the hands of the living god ? against whose wrath all the honours of the world , all the wealth and greatness , which a thousand kingdomes could heap upon a man , could be no more a protection , than a robe of beaten gold , could be to one that is cast into a furnace of fire . knowing therefore the terrour of the lord , let us be perswaded to be beware of provoking his wrath by any presumptuous sin . . towards obdurate sinners , the lord many times deals in a more fearfull manner , sealing them up under hardness of heart , a spirit of slumber , a reprobate sense , a seared conscience , to be led blind-fold by satan till destruction unawares overtake them . so it is said of the old world , that notwithstanding the preaching of noah , who by preparing an ark condemned the world , they yet knew not till the flood came , and took them all away , mat. . . because i have purged thee , saith the lord , and thou wast not purged , thou shalt not be purged from thy filthiness any more , ezek. . . ephraim is joyned to idols , let him alone , hos. . . let him that is filthy be filthy still , rev. . . now since the lord hath such variety of judgements , that we can never out-sin his wrath , let us be deeply humbled for our pride , who have pharaoh-like put god to so many changes of rods , and variety of judgements , as we in this nation have felt . let us yield betime unto him , for he will overcome when he judgeth . let us take heed of flattering our selves when one rod is worn out ▪ or laid a side , as if the bitterness of death were past , god can make every creature about us , every faculty within us , a rod and a scourge against us . and therefore having received such deliverances as we lately have done , let us make holy ezra's conclusion , should we again break thy commandments ? ezra . , should we not take heed of sinning any more , lest a worse thing come unto us ? joh. . . should we not consider for what it is that god restored us to our stations , namely , that we should in our places study how to honour him , to be zealous for his truth , and pure religion , tender of the liberties , properties , and equal rights of all the people in the land , to restore all oppressed innocents , to loose the bonds of violence , and to settle these so long shaking and discomposed nations upon the firm foundations of truth , peace and righteousness againe ? thus much for the first general . the supposition of judgements , various , and such as come immediately from god , and admit of no possible prevention by humane wisdome , or removal by humane power . ii. we proceed to the direction unto duties , wherein comes first to be considered the quality of the persons who are to perform them , my people that are called by my name . all men are his creatures , only a select and peculiar inheritance , that bear his name , enjoy his peace , promises and protection , and are in covenant with him , are called his people . i entred into covenant with thee , and thou becamest mine , saith the lord , ezek. . . this people have i formed for my self , isa. . . the lord hath set apart him that is godly for himselfe , psalm . . they are the people of his holiness , isa. . . a people for his name , taken out from among others , acts . . to be called by his name , noteth to be his adopted children , as josephs children were made the children of jacob , genesis . , . we are gods people two wayes . . by visible profession or sacramental separation from the world , as the whole nation of the jewes are called his people . a peculiar treasure unto him above all people , exod. . . a nation , nigh unto him , deut. . . his people even then when they rebelled against him , isa. . , . . by spiritual sanctification , and internal dispositions . thine they were , and thou gavest them me , and they have kept thy word , john . . jews inwardly by the circumcision of the heart , rom. . . the israel of god , gal. . . the children of the promise , rom. . . the remnant according to the election of grace , rom. . . the circumcision which worship god in the spirit , phil. . . these are his people by a price of redemption , cor. . , . by a peculiar designation unto his service , tit. . . by an intimate relation of love and dearness , ezek. . . by an high valuation of them as treasures , jewels , vessels of honour , mal. . . pet. . . tim. . . by destination to a more glorious end , eph. . . the duty extends to both . the whole body of a visible church are in judgements to humble themselves , and as to temporal deliverances the lord doth respect the humiliations of the worser members of the church , as we see in the cases of ahab and rehoboam , reg. . , . chron. . , . but to do this so effectually as to attain all the annexed promises , is the work of the israel of god by spiritual sanctification . now from this qualification we gather these two useful observations . i. the sins of gods own people , who are in covenant with him , may provoke and procure judgements ; their pride , and security , worldly love , conformity to the corruptions of the times , coldness and formality in duty , uneven and unfaithfull walking , acting by divided interests from the rest of the lords people , may provoke god severely to punish a land , and we may justly fear hath done so amongst us . a good man , though a son may yet be silius sub ira , under paternal displeasure . if moses and aaron do not by believing glorifie god , they must both die in the wilderness , num. . . if david grow proud of victories , and number the people , god will send a plague which shall lessen their number and his pride , sam. . . if solomon turn from god to women , and to idols , though he be a son , he shall be chastized with the rods of men , sam. . . if asa grieve the prophet , and oppress the people , he shall be vexed with warrs and diseases , chron. . , . if jehoshaphat help the ungodly , his life shall be endangered , and his ships broken , chron. . . god will have judgement begin at his own house , peter , . . their sins have some aggravations in them which other mens have not ; these are committed against special light and more glorious convictions , as those of solomon , after god had appeared unto him twice , reg. . . against special love , and experiences of divine favour , samuel . . — . against special relations , the honour of a father , a lord , an husband , isa. . . against special grace , and assistance of the holy spirit , ephes , . . against special covenants and engagements , after a vouching god for theirs , psalm . . against special deliverances from greatest dangers , ezra . , . against special hopes , and more special promises which should have ! perswaded them unto holiness , cor. . . john . . . against special peace and glorious comforts , as david sinned against the joy of gods salvation , psalm . . peter denied christ after he had seen his transfiguration . and this may teach the holiest of men ; . to take heed of playing the wantons with the grace of god : though god be a tender , yet he may be an angry father : and who knoweth the power of his anger ? psalm . . . to be more carefull to stand in the breach against publick judgements , having by their sins contributed to the bringing of them upon the land . . it is not our doing of duty , but gods being in covenant with us , which is the ground of his mercy to us . property doth stir up compassion , though they have provoked me , yet i will spare them , because they are mine , malachy . . whence we learn ; . in what manner to go to god , and to plead with him , not in confidence of our duty , but of our relation to him as his , thou art our father , we are thine , isa. . , — . the church in affliction seldome useth any other argument , why doth thy wrath wax hot against thy people ? exod. . . art not thou our god ? chron. . . we are called by thy name , leave us not , jer. . . spare thy people , o lord , give not thine heritage to reproach , joel . . and the lord when there is no motive else , is marvellously wrought on by this argument , is ephraim my dear son ? is he a pleasant child ? for since i spake against him , i do earnestly remember him still , therefore my bowels are troubled for him , i will surely have mercy upon him , saith the lord , jer. . . in confession we must say , thus and thus have we done . josh. . . in petition we must say , thus and thus hast thou promised . we may argue much better from relations then performances . lord , we are thy children ; when we deserved wrath thou didst adopt us ; though we deserve it still , do not reject us . when thou didst adopt us , thou didst adopt enemies : if thou shouldst reject us , thou shouldst reject children . our unworthiness could not prevent thy mercy , let it not remove it . . in what manner to do duty . none can do duty aright , but as one of his , and in covenant with him . in christ by faith both our persons , and our services are accepted , ephe. . . pet. . . the altar sanctifieth the gift , and he is our altar . out of him we can do nothing . duties are not done aright , but in the vertue of the covenant of grace . jehu did a work materially good , but carnal policy turned it into sin , hos. . . to pray , and yet hold fast cruelty ; to fast , and to take pleasure in wickedness ; to bring offerings and flocks to gods house , and still delight in violence and oppression ; if any thing be to mock god , and provoke wrath , certainly this is , to make religion , like samuels mantle , a cloak for the devil . . in what manner to escape judgements , and secure mercy . be his people , and you are sure to be spared , mal. . . ezek. . . he hath an ark for noah , a zoar for lot , a basket for paul , a gath for david , chambers and hiding places for his people , untill calamity be over-past , isa. . . psalm . . zeph. . . when jesus was neer his own suffering , and in the midst of dangers himself , he took care of his poor disciples . let these go , joh. . . the less protection they find amongst men , the more they shall have from him . since therefore the lord is tender of the interests of his people , and takes special care of hearing , forgiving , and healing them , let it be your care , right honourable , likewise to take them into your protection : they who hurt them , hew at the bough whereon they stand , dig under the foundation which holds them up . this for the qualifications of the persons of whom these duties are required ; the duties themselves required for the removal of judgements , follow . . if they shall humble themselves , and be cast down under my holy hand in the sense of my displeasure . but that is not enough , ahab did so , reg. . . who for ought we read , did not pray unto god . . if they shall pray , and cry for help , as ninivie did , jonah . . but that is not enough neither . hypocrites in distress will say , arise and save us , jer. . . they will spread forth their hands , and make many prayers , isa. . . and cry in the ears of the lord with a loud voice , ezek. . . and enquire early after him , psalm . . . if they shall seek my face , be grieved more for my displeasure than my rod , pray first for mercy , and then for healing , as david , psalm . . it was christs method first to forgive , and then to heal , mat. . , . and it must be ours in praying for it . but neither is this enough , pharoah can be contented to have his sin forgiven , though he will not let it goe , exodus . . . if they shall turn from their evil wayes , and so lift up holy hands unto god , first wash their hands in innocency , and then compass the lords altar , psalm . . put iniquity far away from their hands , and then stretch them forth towards god , job . , . lift up pure hands , tim. . . put away the evil of their doings , and then come and reason together with the lord , isaiah . , , . . then , if they shall humble themselves . a duty called for by prophets and apostles , mic. . . jam. . . pet. . . specially respected by god , as we find in the case of josiah , reg. . . and gracious promises made thereunto , leviticus . . . it emptieth the heart of self-confidence , is the root of that fundamental duty of self-denial . it fits for approach to god , because the more humble , the more welcome : the more we tremble at his threatnings , the more we shall supplicate for his grace , isa. . . job . . it disposeth to a confession of sin , as we see in the poor prodigal and publican , luke . , , . luke . . it prepares the heart for the entertainment of mercy , though the proclamation be made , and the court of mercy be open to all , rev. . . yet while men love sin , they forsake mercy , jon. . . but when the soul is humbled , it opens to god , and his grace . weary souls are glad to be satiated , jer. . . it makes way to the forsaking of sin ; the more a soul is humbled for it , the more it is fearfull of it , and watchfull against it . humiliation is two-fold . . a passive , when god breaks the heart by the hammer of the word , as it is called , jer. . . or by some sore affliction . . active , when the soul humbleth it self under sin and wrath ; when a man-afflicts his own soul , levit. . . again , this is two-fold : . legal , proceeding from a spirit of bondage , when the heart roars on a rack , or melts in a furnace , is fill'd with consternation and anguish under the weight of sin and wrath : which was the case of pharaoh , ahab , belshazzar , felix , the jaylor , the murtherers of christ . . evangelical , when the soul is not only broken and batter'd with the horror and dread of wrath ( this it may be , and remain hard , as every piece of a broken flint is hard still . ) but when it is kindly melted and softned with apprehensions of gods goodness and free grace . a compounded duty made up of love and sorrow , the humiliation of hezekiah , jer. . . and of josiah , chron. . . this is a perpetual duty ; as long as sin remains , there must be a sense of it , and sorrow for it . but in some times and cases it is specially to be renewed ; as in time of extraordinary sins and provocations , of publick dangers and distresses , of great enterprizes attempted , or successes and blessings desired : which was the case of exra , . . the great sins , the sad divisions , the dis-joynted affections , the contrary interests , the dolefull errors and distempers in the church , the miserable fluctuations and discomposures which have been in the state , the horrid violations of order and justice , the wofull staines which have been upon the land , by the irregular and prodigious effusion of the blood of princes , peers and prophets , the affronts and dissipations which have been put upon parliaments , the contempts which have been poured outon ministers , and at tempts against their maintenance ; the great difficulties which lie before the noble houses at this time , in their endeavours of healing and setling the land , and putting the broken bones and dislocated joynts into due order again ; the allaying of animosities , the moderating of extremities , the reconciling of differences , the satisfying of interests , the preservation of pure religion , and the great concernments of christ and his people ; the restoring of collapsed honour to the nations , and of just rights to all orders therein ; ( which have been so many years obstructed ) the reviving of trade , the easing of pressures , the reducing of these wofully tossed and naufragated kingdoms unto calmness and serenity again , do call aloud for these duties in the text , that so the lord may be pleased to hear , forgive , and heal us himself ; and shine upon the counsels , and bless the whole undertakings of his servants that they may be instruments of healing us likewise . for your better performance hereof , i shall propose two expedients . i. to take a view of god in himself , and in his relations unto you , and dealings with you . ii. to take a view of your selves in the glass of his pure and holy law . . set the lord before you as david did , psalm . . consider what a god he is with whom we have to do . consider him , . in himself . his searching eye , humble your selves in his sight , jam. . . his mighty hand , humble your selves under his hand , pet. . . his eye can search us , we cannot hide from him ; his hand can reach us , we cannot escape him . every attribute of god may serve to humble us . his majesty and glory , dreadfull to the angels , isa. . . cujus participatione justi ejus comparatione nec justi . he is a great god , and therefore greatly to be feared , psalm . , . his holiness , wherein he is glorious , exodus . . so holy that he cannot be served , josh. . . of purer eyes than to behold iniquity . his jealousie and justice : a god to whom vengeance belongeth , who will not be mocked or provoked , nahum . . his mercy and goodness which should lead us to repentance , and melt the heart into a filial fear of him , hosea . . rom. . . his omniscience , who searcheth and trieth the heart and the reins , hath all things naked and open before him . if we know enough by our selves , to humble and abase us , how should we reverence the eye of god who knoweth all things ? such considerations greatly humbled the holiest of men . moses is afraid to look upon god , exod. . . job abhors himself , job . . elijah hides his face in a mantle , reg. , . isaiah cries out , i am undone , isa. . . ezra cannot stand before god , ezra . . peter bids christ depart from him , because he is a sinfull man , luke . . . in his relations to us : he our maker , we the clay ; he our king , we vassals ; he our judge , we malefactors ; he our father , we undutifull sons ; he our master , we unprofitable servants . all arguments unto humiliation . . in his dealing with us . our humiliation melts him all into mercy , when israel confessed , submitted , prayed , reformed , the soul of the lord was grieved for their misery , judg. . , . when ephraim smote on his thigh , the lords bowels were troubled for him , jer. . , . but our stubborness will seal and shut up his compassions against us , levit. . . consider him ; . in his iudgements and various providences : by which we should learn righteousness , isa. . . the lords cup hath passed through all orders of men , princes , peers , gentry , ministers , people , souldiers themselves ; we have felt his judgements in our houses , our honours , our names , our estates , by wars on land , by dangers on sea , by divisions in church , by confusions in state , by more evils and sorrows then can be well enumerated . and should we not turn unto the lord that smites ? isa. . . should we be like ahaz , the worse for our sufferings ? chron. . . be set on fire , and not know it ; be burnt , and not lay it to heart ? isa. . . . in his mercies which have shined upon us through all our clouds . we have no reason to complain , for we are living men . he hath remembred mercy in the midst of wrath , quenched the flame of war , frustrated the attempts of those who would have kindled it again , rebuked the rage of the sea , the beast of the reeds , as the psalmist speaks , put a stop to the career of those who had in hope and design swallowed up our churches , our vniversities , our ministry , our jordan into their dead sea . continued his gospel , and the means of grace in plenty and liberty amongst us , ( blessed be his name for ever , never may this blessing be removed from us ) restored our parliaments ( the great bulwarks under god of our religion , liberties , properties , interests , all our endearments ) towards their ancient honour and splendor again . and this goodness of god calls for our humiliation , i will accept you , and gather you out of the countries , and then you shall remember your wayes , and loath your selves , ezek. . — , . with an hard and a soft , stone and mortar , we build a wall ; with an hard and an soft , an hammer and a pillow , we break a flint ; with an hard and a soft , the seal and the wax , we make an impression . hard judgements and soft mercies , should build us up in holiness , break our stubborn hearts , and make impressions upon them . ii. take a view of your selves , of your own hearts and lives ; we are apt to forget our selves , iam. . . to mistake our selves , prov. . . rev. . . and therefore we are bid to search and try our selves , cor. . . as a means to silence our complaints against god , lam. . , . when the prodigal son once came to himself , and took a surveigh of his own condition , he was quickly brought to acknowledge his unworthiness , luke . , . this is a duty of singular use and benefit . it enlargeth the heart in godly sorrow for sin past , upon the discoveries which this scrutiny maketh . when we remember our doings , we shall loath our selves , ezek. . . it worketh caution and circumspection for the time to come ; we shall take heed of breaking the commandments , having provoked the lord so much already , ezra . . it will cause us to magnifie divine mercy , as paul did , when he called to mind , that he had been a persecutor and blasphemer , tim. . , . if any one should do us the thousanth part of the wrong which we have done god , could we humble our selves to feed , to cloath , to enrich , to adopt such a person unto our own family , and provide an ample inheritance for him ? it would make us relie only on free grace , and not on any strength of our own , when we consider how much god requires , and how little we perform . i will go in the strength of the lord , i will make mention of thy righteousness , of thine only , psal. . . ashur shall not save us , we will not ride upon horses , nor say to the work of our hands , ye are our gods , for in thee the father less findeth mercy , hos. . . isa. . , . it will make us exceeding meek and patient in afflictions . it is nothing but ignorance of our selves , which makes us swell and fret against god . if we be living men , we have no reason to complain , for we suffer less than our iniquity deserves , lam. . , . job . . psal. , . ezra . . and that we may have the better and fuller view of our selves , of our hearts and lives , let us look upon the holy law of god . it is exceeding broad , and reacheth to the smallest corruption , psalm . . exceeding spiritual , and searcheth the inmost corners of the soul , rom. . . exceeding pure , and cannot away with the least pollution , psalm . . exceeding perfect , and will not dispence with any defect , psalm . . exceeding right and strait , and cannot endure any guil of spirit , psalm . . upon the exceeding great and precious promises of the gospel , which are the portion and dowry of the church here below , upon the holy spirit of love and grace , which sealeth believers unto the day of redemption . upon the free love whereby we were elected , upon the precious blood whereby we were redeemed , upon the glorious inheritance whereunto we are reserved , upon the gracious image after which we are renewed . this holy law we have violated , these precious promises we have undervalued , this blessed spirit we have grieved , this grace we have abused , this image defiled , this free love , this inestimable blood , this glorious inheritance we have deprized , and miserably neglected ●ad disesteemed . what remains , but that we cry out all with the leaper in the law , unclean , vnclean . lastly , let us take off our sins ; if we be not rocks and adamants , that will humble us . we were made to converse with god , and sin hath shut him out of all our thoughts . we use to lament sad alterations , when a garden of eden is made a wilderness , cities turned into ruinous heaps , they that wear scarlet , embracing dung-hils . how should we bewail the sad change which sin hath wrought in our nature and lives ? that a creature stamped with the impress of the divine image , made for high and honourable imployments , should so far degenerate , as to be a child of darkness , a vassal of hell , a vessel of lust . that a soul made of a kind of angelical substance , should sink it self into the balance , with sordid pleasures , with perishing profits , with noisome lusts , should barter , and sell away its self , and its salvation , for wind ; for shame , for vanity , for rottenness , and change its glory for that which doth not profit . that a tongue which was made to glorifie god , and to be our glory , made for prayers , and praises , and gracious communication , should belch out blasphemy and profaneness , oaths and curses , ribaldrie and reviling , and all kind of rotten speeches , like an open sepulcher . that an heart which was made for heavenly meditations , and for intimate communion and converse with god , should now entertain none but hellish affections , and be a sink and charnel house of impure lusts . if we should here descend to a more particular disquisition , and consider , the uncleanness of our original from fallen-adam , by whom we have been sold as bond-men under sin , rom. . . for none can bring a clean thing out of an unclean ? job . . job . . the uncleanness of our nature and constitution , by nature children of wrath , no good thing dwelling in us . as contrary to the holy will of god , as darkness to light ; as full of evil , as the sea of water ; set on fire by a hell of corruption , james . . exactly contrary to the law of god , as appeareth by comparing the strict demands of the one , gen. . . with the thorow depravation of the other , gen. . . the uncleanness of our thoughts , and secret affections which arise continually , as sparkles out of a stirred furnace : vain thoughts , which tend to no good , jer. . . wicked impure thoughts , very gall and bitterness , acts . , . the uncleanness of our words , not only idle words , mat. . . but rotten and unsavory , eph. . . the uncleanness of our actions , that immense colluvies of impieties against god , unrighteousness against men , intemperance against our selves , hainous in quality , measureless in quantity , sands for number , mountains for weight , attended with multitudes of dolefull aggravations ; the uncleanness of our services , and iniquity of our holy things ; such considerations as these sanctified by evangelical grace , would much conduce to our humiliation , and work in us these three fruits and evidences thereof . . a godly sorrow , so called by the apostle , because it sets the soul god-ward . cain , judas , felix sorrowed , but they ran from god . but godly sorrow carries the soul closer unto god . as a ship in a tempest ventures not to any shore , but gets further into the sea ; so the soul when it is humbled by god , betakes not it self unto any carnal shore , but still runs closer into him . . a justifying of god , ascribing to him the glory of his righteousness , if he should condemn us ; and of his mercy , that he doth absolve us , psalm . . daniel . , , . . a self-judging and subscribing to our condemnation , saying amen unto the curse , deut. . . if i judge my selfe , god can reverse my judgement , as the superiour judicatory can the act of the inferiour : but if i stay till god judge me , all the world cannot null or avoid his . as st. austin saith of the poor publican , ipse sibi judex erat , ut deus liberaret ; ipse accusabat , ut ille defenderet . he judged and accused himself , that god might deliver and defend him . bonum judicium , saith bernard , quod me illo districto divinoque judicio subducit & abscondit : volo vultui irae judicatus praesentari non judicandus . this is a good judgement indeed which withdraws and hides me from the severe judgement of god . i tremble to fall into the hands of the living god , let me be presented before his wrath as judged already , not as to be judged by him . ii. the next duty is prayer , without which humiliation is but a sinking under god , not a seeking unto him . the very heathen betook themselves unto this sanctuary in times of trouble , ut pacem dei exposcerent ▪ by this mighty engine god hath been moved to hold his hand , to repent of purposed , to revoke denounced judgements ; vincit invincibilem , ligat omnipotentem . . by this we honour god in acknowledging him the fountain of all our good , the inflicter of all evill , the avenger ▪ of all sin , that we have to do with him in all our sufferings , creatures but the rod , he the father that holds it : that no other means can do us good , except he sanctifie them , that his displeasure none can remove : as a diamond is cut only by a diamond , so god is pacified only by himself : the sting of the scorpion cured by the powder of the scorpion ; the anger of god by the favour of god . . by this we ease our selves , prayer lightneth affliction where it doth not remove it . nature is strengthned to bear the pain , conscience is strengthned to withstand the temptation and snare of it . the heart is meekned to accept the punishment of sin , as wool or mud deads the force of a bullet , so the heart meekned by prayer , doth obtund the edge of an affliction , that it cannot get so deep into the heart to hurt it . iii. in prayer we must seek the face of god ; his favour to comfort us , and his counsell to direct us . . in judgements and difficulties we should more seek gods favour than our own deliverance ; the recovery of his love , than the removal of his rod . others griefs press nature , his displeasure wounds the spirit . in other griefs , gods favour upholds the soul , psa. . . & . , . but when gods favour is withdrawn , the soul hath nothing else left to lean to , nothing can comfort when god frownes . armour can protect against a sword or a bullet , but not against fire . when god is angry , no refuge but unto god . . in difficulties we must likewise seek gods face as david did , sam. . . not lean on our own understanding , nor sacrifice to our net , but have our eyes upon him , who is the father of lights , who when he will , maketh wise the simple ; and when he will , infatuateth the counsel of the wise , and maketh it brutish . iv. after all these preparatory duties , that which is the substantial duty , and the end of all the rest , must follow , turning from our wicked wayes : not from sin to sin , that is , mutatio in aliud only , not in melius : not from sin to secular interest , that is not a conversion from sin to god , but to the world : not from sin to the meer dictates of nature and right reason ; that is not a conversion from sin to god , but from sin to our selves ; a philosophical , not a spiritual conversion : not from sin only to the natural conscience , to gratifie and prevent the terrors of that ; that is a servile , not a filial conversion . but from sin to god , not fainedly and hypocritically , jer. . . with a divided heart , but sincerely in our thoughts from the love and allowance of all sin , in our wayes from the practise willingly of any sin ; but especially from those sins which have most prevailed ▪ against us and wherewith we have most dishonoured god , as isaiah ▪ . , . . . hoseah . . these are the duties here prescribed in order to the answering of solomons prayer . the answer followes exactly commensurate to these duties in four gracious promises . . a promise of gracious condescention intimated in the word from heaven , though he dwell on high , he will humble himself to revive the spirit of contrite and humble sinners , psa. . , . isa. . . he will come down to work deliverance for them , exod. . . . promise of gracious audience , i will hear . it is a● dolefull ▪ affliction to gods servants● , when he is angry with their prayers , and shuts them out , psalm . . lam. . . and on the other side , this is one of the most radiant and glorious comforts of gods people , that in all difficulties they have a throne of grace to betake them to , with a promise , you shall pray , and i will hearken , as a man doth to what he delighteth in : for the prayer of the righteous is his delight , jer. . . . prov. . . . a gracious promise of forgiveness , to serene his countenance , and lift up the light thereof upon them ▪ for even when we do his will , and when we are his people , we want pardoning mercy . there is need of pardon not only for the ungodly unto their justification , but also for his own people and children into a restitution to paternal favour , the sense and fruition whereof they may forfeit by their sins . and this is gods method in hearing prayers , to forgive sin before he cures pain , mat. . . for indeed when sin is pardoned , the sickness is cured at the root , for sin is the sting of every affliction , as well as of death . . a promise of healing , healing of the land , the humiliations and prayers of gods peculiar people are beneficial to the whole land ; the innocent shall deliver the island , job . . a joseph in egypt , an eliah in israel is the chariots and horsemen thereof . an humbled , praying , converting people , shall certainly be an healed people : and if ever we hope to be healed to purpose , this must be our method to it . now touching these promises there is this worthy our observation . . that when god comes down to deliver , and looks from heaven , he doth it by no other way , then by the incarnation of his son , the efficacy of his spirit , the operation of his providence , or the ministry of angels . . when he hears prayers , it is only by the intercession and mediation of christ . . when he forgives sins , it is only by the merits and righteousness of christ . . but when he heals a land , he often useth in that work the ministry of men . magistrates are healers and repairers , isa. . : ministerrs are healers of the sick , ezek. . . and therefore i shall here in all humility implore of you , right honourable , who are instruments for healing in the lords hand unto these long and wofully sick nations , that you would with all your vigour call together all the graces of god , all the abilities of nature in you unto this most necessary work . you have the lords promise to be with you in i● ▪ if you set about it in his way . and his way to heal a land , is , . when the people thereof are his people , called by his name . . when they are an humbled , penitent , praying , reforming people . your greatest care therefore must be , . that the people of the land be gods people , that his name be owned , his truths , worship , interests preserved pure and inviolate amongst us . it is to those that fear gods name that the promise of healing is made , mal. . . . in as much as even the sins of such may provoke the lord , your zeal for god , and love to the nation should appear , in awakening them and all others to remember from whence they are fallen ; many of them through pride , wantonness , interests and carnal designs , from wholesome truths , from holy ordinances ; from the love of a faithfull ministry , from brotherly love , from christian ▪ communion , to many errours and vain janglings , to contempt of magistracy , to affronting authority , to violating publick order and peace , to such an excess of licentiousness under the pretense of freedome , that religion scarce ever was more endangered under the straights of persecution , than under the lasciviousness and wantonness of an abused liberty . though therefore there ought to be all tenderness to preserve for gods people the liberty wherewith the lord hath made them free , god forbid any restraint or abridgement should be upon that ; yet since the same lord hath commanded that we must not use our liberty as a cloak of maliciousness ; it is necessary that great prudence be used to prevent the exorbitances of wanton minds , who make use of liberty to the dishonour and assaulting of publique authority , to the kindling of flames , animating the discontented peopleunto insurrections , enervating the peace and concord of the people of the land , by dis-joynting them in that which is the main bond of unity , the truths of religion : wherein when they are once universally broken , who sees not how wide a door is opened for rome or munster , not only to enter in , butto be welcomed amongst us . the way therefore unto healing , is to endeavour to bring us all home to be gods people , and as his people to be compacted within our selves , to lay aside all dividing distinguishing , invidious titles , & with fraternal affections to coalesce , as far as may be in judgement , however throughly in affection , and so to keep our difforing opinions to our selves , as that the consciences of our brethren may not be grieved , nor the peace of the church of christ endangered thereby . i conclude all , with beseeching you , that since the lord hath taken it as one of his titles to be called the lord that healeth us , exod. . . that without him , the builder worketh , the watchman keepeth , the statesman counselleth , the physician healeth all in vain , you would ever by prayer and attendance upon god for counsel , so seek his face , and guidance in this weighty work , that when it is finished , and the head-stone of our settlement laid , we may say , it was the lords doing , and marvelous in our eyes ; and may with shoutings cry , grace , grace unto it . finnis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- mat. . . heb. . . joh. . , . isa. . . isa. . . amos. . . aug. in p●● . ber. in can. s●r . . bris. de . fo●m . l. . p. . vindiciæ veritatis: truth vindicated against calumny. in a briefe answer to dr. bastwicks two late books, entituled, independency not gods ordinance, with the second part, styled the postscript, &c. / by henry burton, one of his quondam-fellow-sufferers. burton, henry, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing b thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) vindiciæ veritatis: truth vindicated against calumny. in a briefe answer to dr. bastwicks two late books, entituled, independency not gods ordinance, with the second part, styled the postscript, &c. / by henry burton, one of his quondam-fellow-sufferers. burton, henry, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by m.s. for gyles calvert, and are to be sold at his shop at the west end of pauls., london, : . a reply to "independency not gods ordinance" by john bastwick, published in two parts. the last leaf is blank. annotation on thomason copy: " bre " [i.e. september ]. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng bastwick, john, - . -- independency not gods ordinance -- early works to . congregationalism -- early works to . dissenters, religious -- england -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . great britain -- religion -- th century -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no vindiciæ veritatis:: truth vindicated against calumny. in a briefe answer to dr. bastwicks two late books, entituled, independency not gods burton, henry d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vindiciae veritatis : truth vindicated against calumny . in a briefe answer to dr. bastwicks two late books , entituled , independency not gods ordinance , with the second part , styled the postscript , &c. by henry burton , one of his quondam-fellow-sufferers . levit. . . thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart : thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sinne upon him . tim. . . them that sin rebuke before all , that others also may feare . and ( tit. . . ) rebuke them sharply , that they may be sound in the faith . zach. . . love the truth and peace . london , printed by m. s. for gyles calvert , and are to be sold at his shop at the west end of pauls . . ❧ to the ingenuous reader . christian reader ; thi● answer was long agoe so conceived and formed in the wombe , as the slow birth may seeme to have outgone its due time . it waited for the postscript ; which comming forth , proved such a strange creature , as some friends would not have mee foul my fingers with it . hezekiah's word to his people was , in such a case ; answer him not . but finding , that he still pursued me with his incessant provocations in more books since , i thought of salomons counsell , answer not ; and yet , answer . for i perceived , that no answer coming , a tumor began to grow , which needed timely lancing , to prevent some extreame inflamation hastening to a head , while the humour flowed in so fast : therefore i hastened at length as fast , as before i was slow , if possible to recover our brother . so as if i be quick and short with him it is to saye him with feare , plucking him out of the fine . i am plaine , and that 's all . farewell . a briefe answer to dr. bastwicks two late bookes , intituled , independency not gods ordinance , &c. first and second part , or postscript : by one of his quondam-fellow-sufferers . brother bastwicke , i had resolved for a time at least ( as i have done ) to have been silent in these controversies , though provoked not a little ▪ but now your two books you lately sent me as also your late triumphing at westminster , that the man in friday-street had not yet answered your booke , as was given out provoked me afresh in arenam descendere , to take them both to taske , and so vna fidelia duos parietes . and if the perusall of them be not enough in lieu of thankes , i have returned you a compendious answer ; wherein you have bound me by a double ingagement : the one , for the cause ; the other , for my person . but you will say , you have not named me in either of your two books . 't is true indeed . but give me leave to tell you , you have vellicated me , plucked me by the very beard . i will not say , as joab tooke amasa by the beard ; and , withall smote him in the fift rib . what ? use a brother so ? and a quondam-fellow-sufferer too ? yea , & to take him so disgracefully by his white beard too , & that with a scurrilous epithet , calling it * a great white ba●ket-hilted beard ? parcius ista . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( as said the old poet ) pittying his white head , and his white chin . and the wise man saith , the beauty of old men is the gray head , yea a crowne of glory ▪ being found-in the way of righteousnesse . i remember when the g●●●es by force entred rome-gates , where they found the grave senators sitting in the gate in their senatorian robes , and their white staves in their hands , thinking thereby to strike some reverence into those harbarous gaules , and one of them redely taking one of the senators by his white beard , the good old senator , ( though in that condition ) not brooking such an affront , struck the gaul over the pate with his white rod ; though this cost him , and the rest their lives , the barbarians instantly falling a butchering of them . but for all your provocations throughout your books , brother , you shall not finde with me so much as a white staffe to lift up against you , though you charge us ( but how justly ) ▪ we have the sword in our hands . nor doe i purpose to retort , or retaliate your little expected , and lesse deserved calumnies , lest i should therein be like unto you : but i shall answer you in the words of truth and sobernesse , and in the spirit of meeknesse and love . but how comes it to passe , that my two fellow-sufferers , and my selfe , should fall at this odds ? was it by any divine providence ominated or presaged , by your two standings on one pillary , and mine alone in the other , that wee should now come upon one ▪ theatre to become spectacles to the world , by mutuall digladiations , as if the one pillary should contend with the other ? or did the distance of the two pillaries boad any such distance in our present judgements ? but yet , o! o , never be such a distance in our affections ! but , herein at least ever be we a threefold coard , not easily broken . but the will of the lord be done , who is onely wise , and will cause all things to co-operate for good to them that love him . but brothers , we expected , that ( according to your own words , pag. . ) you would have acted the part of a moderator between us . but instead thereof we find you a judge , and that a severe one too ; but how justly , i leave to others to judge . for in your promised , or rather menaced postscript , which ( to forestall your readers with a prejudicate opinion of us ; and old piece of rhetoricke , as that of tertullus before felix , telling him of paul ; wee have found this man a pestilent fellow , and a mover of sedition , &c. which he was not able to prove , his best rhetoricall argument being calumnidre audacter , aliquid haerebit , calumniate boldly , some thing will sticke ) you both prefix , and for surenesse , affix to your booke ; you fasten upon us uncharitable dealing , fraud and jugglings of many of our pastors and ministers , as misleaders and troublers of church and state , &c. all which * ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) hard and harsh termes , wee can no lesse then spread before the lord the righteous judge . i now come to your first booke . and first for those two scriptures which you face your frontispice withall , i desire it may appeare to all men in the conclusion , whether you or i have the better right to them , cor. . . and thes. . . pag. . brother , that which you intreat of us , you shall finde of your brother ; onely give us leave in your owne words to intreat you to lay aside all passion , and all vaine-glory , and bitternesse , which not onely this your booke , but your threatned postscript breaths out against us . pag. . you methodize and modell your booke into two questions : first , concerning the government of the church , whether it be presbyterian dependent , or presbyterian independent : secondly , concerning gathering of churches . now for the first of these , before wee come to your arguments , give me leave to except against your termes , dependent and independent , whereupon as upon a foundation you state your question . and if the foundation be not sure , the superstructure cannot be secure . now brother , doe you set these two termes , dependent , and independent , at such odds , as if there were a great gulfe betweene them , never to come together , and become one ? you hold of dependent onely : we hold not onely of independent , but dependent also . i shall make this cleare : your church dependent is so called in a two-fold relation : first , because it depends for its forme of government upon the lawes of civill states , and so ( as the cha●●leon ) receives impressions of sundry formes , changeable according to the present condition of the civill power , whether protestant , or papist , christian , or antichristian ( as our brother hath set forth ) so as by this meanes , christs church and kingdome ; his spouse , that woman clothed with the sunne , and having on her head , a crowne of twelve starres , and the moone under her feete , should her selfe be turned into the moone , as being subject to continuall changes . secondly , because your church dependent , depends necessarily upon a combination of presbyters of many churches , as councels , synods , assemblies , classes , without whose counsell ( say you ) nothing is to be done in any particular church , of which more hereafter on the other side ; the churches which you call independent , are also dependent . first , they are not otherwise independent , then first , that they are not , nor ought ( in respect of doctrine , discipline , worship , church-government ) to depend upon humane lawes , canons , decrees , customes ; but onely upon christ and his lawes ; as wherein they assert and hold forth christs kingly office and government over them ; and doe affirme , that to set up humane formes of worship and church-government , unto which the consciences and soules of gods people must necessarily conforme and be subject , is a dethroning of the lord jesus christ , and a denying him to be the onely king of his church secondly , independent in this respect , because every particular visible church , rightly constituted according to the word of god , depends not directly and necessarily upon any other church or churches , as without whose jurisdiction ( call it presbyterian , or what you will ) it may not exercise all that power , which christ hath given to every particular church , as touching all the offices and ordinances thereof , and that in as ample manner , as if there were besides that one , no other churches in the world . and yet secondly , this church thus independent , is also dependent . for , as it depends absolutely upon christ , as the onely head of this body ; so as it is a member-church of the catholick , and a sister-church of all particular churches , with which it makes up one body , and one spouse of christ her head and husband : so it hath a mutuall dependence upon all true churches , for communion , for consociation , for consultation , for comfort , for support ; though alwayes saving and retaining to it selfe all those church-priviledges , which by christs charter are peculiar to every particular church , and body of jesus christ . and in case this particular church doe any act of censure upon any , who thereby shall thinke himselfe wronged , and shall addresse himselfe to other churches , by way of complaint , and they shall thereupon desire of that church an account of their proceedings therein , this church will not refuse , but as in christian duty bound , will to those churches render a reason of that , or any other their doings , if questioned , and lawfully required . and all this in a sweet and loving way , with meeknesse and feare , pet. . . so as none is debarred of any such appeale . nor is any well constituted church of christ to be conceived so brutish , or so conceited of her selfe , as to thinke shee may not erre , or her selfe so wise , as in many difficult cases not to need the counsell of others , or so inflexible , as with the stoicks , sententiam mutare nunquam ; nullius rei poenitere ; never to change their minde or judgement , of nothing to repent , when convinced of an error . but what if one particular church will not , after all due meanes used , ( which yet no rationall man can imagine will ever come to passe ) hearken to the unanimous judgement and counsell of the other churches ? what is to be done ? surely they may upon just cause withdraw communion from that church , which , in that case , is the highest censure the churches can proceed to . and if the party aggrieved complaine to the civill magistrate , the church being called is accountable to the power . thus have i plainely , clearely , and fully , as i conceive , stated these two termes dependent and independent : whereby is sufficiently cleared to the view of all unpartiall judges , not possessed with prejudice , our dependent independency , or independent dependency , from your manner of stating . and for your simile ; wherein you propound it for better understanding ( as you say ) it halteth down-right of all foure , as being altogether ab-simile , and heterogeneous , of another nature . there is a vast disproportion between a civill government , and ecclesiasticall : the one established upon mans lawes , the other on gods ; the one various , and variable , according to severall civill states , kingdomes , and lawes : the other one and the same , ( or should be , if right ) in all the churches of the saints , having one rule , one law to walke by , immutable : and , brother , for your paralleling of your many severall congregations in one citie , or one division , or hundred , or within such a circuit , with a great corporation , as of london , where is one lord major , and aldermen and common councell , and so reducing so many churches into one corporation , as so many companies making upone citie : i suppose you meane not that one provinciall , with his diocesans , and priests under them , should make up this parallel . but this of necessitie you must doe , if you will have all the congregations in their severall divisions , or weapontacks , to be governed by their severall presbyteries respectively . reason requires , that first you set up such presbyters over every one of your congregations , as may be for the greatest part of them good , pious , learned , orthodox : or otherwise , if the greater party be malignant , and ill affected , prophane and haters of the power of godlinesse , they will over-vote the good party ; and so what a hard yoake will you put upon the necks of all such , as be truly godly , when they shall be cast out by a malignant parochiall congregation ? and going to complaine to your presbytery , they shall finde as cold comfort , as formerly they have done in the prelates consistory . but there will be a better care had of placing good presbyters . but brother , let us first see it , that so your presbyterian government may shew us a face the more amiable , and lesse formidable to all truly godly , and most conscientious men . but if you cannot doe this , whither shall the poore soules goe , which live under a prophane presbyter , or one that admits all sorts tag rag to the lords table , with whom godly soules can no more converse , then with heathen ; and much lesse at that holy ordinance , where they must be made companions with such kinde of saints , as job would not set with the dogs of his flocke : and if any whose conscience is not so strong to digest such hard bits , as others of the common multitude are , who either see no difference at all between the precious and the vile ; ( but account all alike saints at least , when but at the sacrament ) or have such sepulchre-wide throats , as they can swallow a camell , when a tender and more narrow conscience is apt to be choaked with every gnat : what shall this poore soule doe ? doth he rather withdraw from the ordinance , then he can endure to see it so prophaned , and so partake with the prophaners ? then he heares , a schismaticke . now if you have not a good presbytery , where shall he goe to complaine ? he may goe and appeale higher , you will say . and what if the higher the worse ? good brother , either provide the people of the land an honest godly presbytery , that may be as so many angels to gather out of christs kingdome every thing that offends : or else let there be a tender care of tender consciences , and some provision made for them , that they may not be scandalized , by being forced to be the companions of the scandalous . and therefore brother , you that professe so much solicitous care to poore bodies , let some drops of your charity fall upon their soules . and at the least , and last extremity , call in that postscript of yours , and suppresse it in the presse , that it may never see the sunne ; as wherein you proscribe all those , that are not of your dependent presbytery : for you tell us , it is to come forth a fortnight hence , in the which it will be proved , that it is the duty of all christian magistrates , parents , masters of families , and all such as truly feare god , to yeeld their hand for the suppressing of heresies , and all novelties in religion , if they really desire the glory of god , &c. and what you meane by your heresies and novelties in religion , is obvious to all by this your booke already come forth , independency is heresie , and novelty in religion , and what not , that nought is ? now did ever proceed out of the mouth of a quondam-martyr , and one newly brought out of a balefull prison , such a fiery breath as this ? oh brother , remember thy selfe , and repent ; and let the world know , that thou hast made a better use of afflictions , then so fiercely to run on in such a course , as to wreck the malignity of a prison upon thy best friends , the seed of whose love , so liberally sowne upon thee and thine , expected another-gates harvest , then nettles , bryars , and thornes . but you bring the scripture for you . come on , brother , let you and me try it out by the dint of this sword . and truly , i shall by the helpe of my god make no long worke of it . you spend above eleven sheets , wherein you have woven sundry long threaden arguments , to measure out your dependent presbytery , as holding parallell with the line of scripture . now you must pardon me , if i shall assay ( according to an old proverbe ) with one stroake of phocions hatchet , to cut in two the long thread of your alcibiadian fluent and luxuriant rhetorications . for answer . first , let me aske you a question : whether those many congregations you so call , you doe not understand to be so many distinct , and particular intire church-bodies , or churches respectively . if they be , tell us , if each of these churches be 〈◊〉 its prime and proper notion an intire church , without or before it be united in such a presbyterian combination , and government , as you speake of . and if so , whether it be de esse , or de bene esse , of the being , or onely well-being of each particular church , so to be united , and combined into a church-collective , of many churches into one . if you say , it is of the being of a church , to be yoaked with other churches , as into one , then what being had that church in abrahams family , seeing there were then no other churches in the world , but that ? and if that were extraordinary , ( as perhaps you will say ) then say i , when churches are multiplied , and combined into one , whether is this church collective dependent , or independent ? if dependent , then not an entire church , but subordinate unto , or depending upon some greater assembly . but come we to the highest of all , a generall counsell of all the churches in the world : is this now , a church dependent , or independent ? if independent , then there may be a church independent in the world ; and so the first particular church in the world , was no lesse an independent church , in reference to other churches . and if all churches in one oecumenicall councell , as one church , be dependent , then whereupon dependent ? or is it a dependent on it selfe ? that were blasphemy to say it . whereon then ? surely on the scripture or nothing . all churches then are dependent upon the scripture necessarily : not so necessarily one church upon another , whether particular or generall . ergo , all particular churches being not necessarily dependent one upon another , nor one upon many , but absolutely dependent upon the scripture for their ultimate or finall resolutions , are no lesse independent upon other churches ; because all the churches in the world put together , cannot of themselves give forth an infallible oracle ; as to say , this wee command to be beleeved and observed . this is antichrists voyce , volumus & jubenius . the church , or churches may shew their reasons from scripture , and labour to perswade , but cannot binde them upon faith or conscience ; this the holy ghost and scripture can onely doe . but i come briefly to your arguments , whereby you would prove your classicall presbyterian government , and so upward . the patterne hereof you take from the christian church at jerusalem . hereof many arguments , or rather words , and tantologies you multiply , and toyle your selfe and vex your reader withall , which you might have reduced to one . it is in summe , this : in jerusalem were many christian congregations , and all these made but one church , and so were governed by one presbytery . but that church at jerusalem , being the prime apostolicke church , is a patterne for all succeeding churches : ergo , all church-government ought to be regulated by that , and consequently by a presbytery over many congregations . for as for your indefinite enumeration of those multitudes baptized by john baptist , and by christs disciples , we take no notice of them , unlesse formed into a church , or churches : but following the expresse scripture , the first formed church wee finde in act. . which though consisting of five thousand , yet it was one intire particular church , and not churches ; and they continued daily {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , with one accord in one place together , ( ver. . ) and in the temple , ( ver. . . ) growing from a hundred and twenty ( act. . . ) to three thousand more , ( chap. . . ) and then in all five thousand ( chap. . . ) and all these but one church , which assembled together to heare the word in the temple ; and though they wanted a convenient place so spacious , as wherein to breake bread , or receive the lords supper all together , so as they were constrained to sever themselves into divers companies , in severall private houses to communicate , yet this severing was not a dividing of the church into so many distinct formall churches , or church-bodies , being but so many branches of one and the same particular church ; which though you call so many congregations , yet properly so many churches they were not . and therefore you never read , the churches at or in jerusalem , but , the church at jerusalem . and this no nationall church neither , witnesse those churches in judea , gal. . . whereupon i answer to your argument ; and first to your proposition . i deny that those congregations you name , are so many churches , properly so called , having their distinct officers and members , united into one church-body respectively . this i put you to prove . and without proving it , your or shee●… spent about this argument prove to be meere wast paper . and for your assumption , that the church at jerusalem , as being a prime apostolicke church , is therefore a patterne for all succeeding churches , and therefore for a classicall presbytery over many churches ▪ you must first prove your proposition , as before , that there were many churches in jerusalem constituted in their distinct formes , and bodies . secondly , it being no more , then one entire particular church ( and not any diocesan , or provinciall church , or the presbytery thereof classicall , ( as you would beare us in hand ) it is a patterne for all particular churches in succeeding ages ; and yet ( by your favour ) not so perfect a patterne , as no apostolicke church besides it should also come in , to make up the patterne compleat . for we are necessarily to take all the churches in the new testament together , to make up one entire & perfect church patterne . for in the church at jerusalem , we finde election of officers , but we finde not expressed that part of discipline ; for casting out of corrupt members , as in the church of corinth , and so in the rest . for the churches were not brought forth to full perfection in one day . their very constitution had a graduall growth . the church at jerusalem had not at first deacons , till there was a necessitie ; and the largenesse of the church required seven deacons ; which is no patterne for every church to have seven deacons . the summe is , to make up a compleat patterne , not onely the church at jerusalem , but that of corinth , of ephesus , those of gal●tia , that of philippi , and the rest ; are to be conferred together , that each may cast in its shot to make up the full reckoning , that so what is not expressed in one , may be supplied by the rest , to make one entire platforme . for the scripture consists of many books , as so many members in one body ; one member cannot say to another , * i have no need of thee . againe , the church at jerusalem , if it must be a patterne for all other churches , then in this , that all other churches must be subject to some one church , because ( act. . ) things in question were there debated , and determined , and sent to other churches to be observed . but for as much as that church at that time in those things was infallibly guided by the holy ghost , wherewith the apostles there were inspired , in which respect their resolutions were with authoritie , it pleased the holy ghost and us , ( that which no particular church since the apostles could ever say ) it followeth that the church then at jerusalem remaines not in all things a patterne for other churches ; for a patterne must be in all things imitable , and perfect . lastly , for appeales , so much agitated , and pressed , i have said enough before , and elsewhere ( as in my vindication ) to vindicate the right use of that in point of church matters . and so i passe briefly from your first question to your second ; which is concerning the manner of gathering of churches , and admitting members and officers : viz : whether ministers of the gospel may , out of already congregated assemblies of believers , select and choose the most principall of them into a church-fellowship peculiar unto themselves , and admit of none into their societie , but such as shall enter in by a private covenant , and are allowed of by the consent and approbation of all the congregation . this is your generall stating of your question ; and out of the wombe thereof , there doth issue a numerous brood , no lesse then six queries , or if you will ( to usurpe your owne usuall expression ) so many sucking questions , hanging at the dugs of their damme , your generall question . for answer to all in their order : but before i answer , let mee premise thus much : brother , i well see ( and that without spectacles ) that among all those independents whom you so familiarly hurle stones at , and cast up dust , yea durt in their faces , i am not the least object in your eye , as by many palpable passages in your booke doth appeare . and therefore i shall crave leave , that i may have the favour to represent and personate all those my brethren the ministers , whom giantlike you revile and challenge , and warre against under the name of independents , as taking this take upon my selfe alone , in answering this your question about gathering of churches . first then to your generall stating of the question . you say , it concernes the manner of gathering . do you imply here the lawfulnesse of the matter of gathering , by questioning onely the manner ? your words may seeme to import so much . but i will not quarrell a word . i come to your question , viz. whether ministers of the gospel , &c. surely if any , then ministers of the gospel may gather churches : and that for two reasons ; first , because by the gospel , & the ministry thereof , churches are gathered to christ . secondly , because we read , that the apostles ▪ and other ministers of the gospel have by their ministry gathered churches . therefore no question , but if any , then ministers of the gospel may gather churches to christ . i , but out of already congregated assemblies of believers , to select and choose the most principall of them . indeed this is something to purpose . but tell me , brother ▪ who is it ▪ that doth this ? you apply it to us all , and to me in particular . but i deny that i so doe , and i dare say the like for others . and can you prove all those parishes , out of which churches are so gathered , as you say , to be assemblies of believers ? but they all professe to be christians . true , so doe all papists . ergo , are all popish parishes , assemblies of believers ? so as if ministers of the gospel should by their preaching convert sundry papists of severall popish parishes to become a church of christ , should they gather such a church out of so many assemblies of believers ? but ( say you ) wee gather churches out of assemblies of believing protestants . why brother , doe you not know this to be a time of reformation ? and have we not all taken the solemne covenant to reform our selves and others , according to the word of god ? and to endeavour to our power , to extirpate and roote out all popery , prelacy , idolatry and superstition out of this kingdome ? and the time of this first gathering , was it not then , when the old service and ceremonies were in use ? and who hath gathered these churches ? wee . who are we that you should thus charge us ? as peter and john answered , why looke yee so on us ? so , why doe yee impute that to us , which is onely to be attributed to the gospel of the grace of god , whereby our very protestants are wonne from their old superstitions , and will-worship , and from under the yoake of humane formes in the matters of christs kingdome ? so as when they heare , christ is the onely king of his kingdome , the onely law-giver of his church , and his word the onely law and rule of all church-government , and all this demonstrated in the word of god , which they have taken a solemne covenant in all things to follow : doe you reproach us , for being a people who are ready to obey christ , so soone as wee heare of him , who alone is to be heard in all things , whatsoever he shall say unto us ? and for churches , doe you , brother , limit churches to parishes ? what if you finde so many hundred parishes in england , whose inhabitants both ministers and people are all malignants , or popishly-affected ? will you have those parishes to be so many churches , and those popish malignants , so many believers ? were not this to set up ecclesiam malignantium , or churches malignant , which are no way militant , but against the power of religion , and the peace of the civill state ? or if there be found some one or two in each of those parishes , that have the love of christ in them , and are truly godly , and whose soules are grieved to communicate with sodome : will you not allow god to send an angel , his messenger , with a word to call them forth ? and doe you not know , that the ancient church of the jewes was then a church , when the apostles by their preaching gathered a church out of it ? a christian church out of the jewes synagogue ? i , say you , but we gather christian churches out of christian churches . surely then it is gods word that calleth christians to come into a more reformed church-way , out of wayes more corrupt and lesse reformed . nor doe wee separate from the churches as christian , as you call them , but from their corruptions , * separating the precious from the vile , as from something antichristian . but you will say , now are the parishes and churches purged , no service-book now , no hierarchy , no such thing , and yet wee select and choose the most principall into a church-fellowship peculiar unto our selves . to which i answer : though the service-book , hierarchy , &c. be taken away , yet the parishes are not so purged of them , but that most mens hearts are still hankering after that egyptian-service and task-masters . again , all those that professe to be come off from those things , yet are not resolved what religion to take to , but are ready to take up ( as themselves say , and do ) what religion men will set up over them , not looking to what the scripture prescribes and commands ; so as it remains , that those who embrace the word , and preferre christs decrees before mans , are those principall men , whom not we , but the word of christ doth call forth , select and choose voluntarily to joyn in church-fellowship ; and this not so peculiar to our selves , but that when a right reformation is set up in the severall places where they dwell , they may enjoy the pure ordinances there , as i have shewed in my vindication . and if you examine who they be that have joyned themselves unto the lord , either of this parish , or of other , you shall find them to be for their outward estate , ( in comparison of others ) none of those principall men you speak of . but say you , wee admit of none into our society , but such as shall enter in by a private covenant . now the very name of covenant is become a bug-bear to many . but it is mightily mistaken , as i have shewed in my vindication : for it is nothing else , but a declaration of a free assent , and voluntary agreement to walk in the wayes of christ with the church , whereof they are members , and to perform all service of love one to another , submitting themselves to the order and ordinance of christ , in that church respectively . so that it is not the name of covenant that is so terrible , but the order of church-communion ; and this to those only , that having used to walk without a yoak ( as the scripture calls sons of belial ) love not to come under the yoak of christ , then which to a willing bearer nothing is more easie and sweet . but lastly , you say , they must be allowed of by the consent and approbation of all the congregation . and ( i pray ) what harm in that ? nay , doth it not stand with very good reason , that they who are to walk together , should first be agreed together ? as amos . . can two walk together , except they be agreed ? if therefore any one of the congregation can object any thing , as a just cause of non-admittance of a member , he ought to shew it , not only for his own peace , but the peace of the church . therefore , to object such things as these , doth it argue a spirit favouring of such a holy humility , as becomes those who affect the society of saints ? and when the whole church gives approbation in this kind , it is both to the church and the member admitted , a comfort , and withall , a discharge of their duty in a provident care for preventing inconveniences and scandals ; seeing it is easier for a guest to be kept out , then to be cast out . thus much of your question in generall ; which because i have met with it in the severall branches , i shall need to say the lesse to those queries which you derive from it . and in truth they are rather captions then queries ; and the first is answered in my former stating of the question . for the second , to know those well , that are to be admitted , abundans ca●tela non nocet : in things weighty , we cannot be too wary ; nor do we so much look at circumstances in conversion , as the substance . the third , for the consent of the congregation , it is answered before : so also the fourth , about the covenant . the fifth , for the power of the keys , wee tie it not to womens girdles . the sixth , and last , i answer , that those churches , which are for matter and form , true churches , and are governed according to christs word , do set up christ as king upon his throne . and for such as are otherwise , let them consider , whether they do as they ought , set up christ as king upon his throne . you proceed , i have ( say you ) specified the things without any spirit of bitternesse . in deed , this your first book ( as we finde by tracing your steps in other tracts ) is a summary collection of what they have gone before you in , whose thread hath led you all the way through this maze : but when you come ( as in your postscript ) to minister your own dosis , and to show your self in your own element , there wee finde the main ingredient to be the very gall of bitternesse , which yet your first book is not altogether free of . pag. . you say , the apostles , and other ministers of the gospell were to receive all such as believed , and were baptized , and that upon the profession of their faith and repentance , without any further testimony of others , unlesse they had been formerly known to be open enemies , and then they were justly to be suspected , till they had given publique evidence by witnesse to the apostles and ministers of their true conversion , as concerning paul , acts . , . now here i observe : . a notable contradiction to what you say , pag. . as gods command to all ministers was , that they should admit all such into the church , as believed and were baptized , upon their desiring it , without any confession , either private or publique . here i leave you to reconcile your own contradiction . vpon their profession , and without any confession . . i answer , that in these dayes of professed , and covenanted-for reformation , there is required the profession or confession of one speciall point of faith ▪ ( which in words ; none dare , but in practice most do deny ) touching christs kingly office , formerly suppressed by antichristian tyrannie , but now breaking forth from under the cloud in its native light , concerning his absolute , sole soveraignty over our consciences and churches , without dependence upon humane ordinances , or nationall lawes to prescribe such forms of church-government , as are most serviceable to the politicall ●nd● of severall states ; which point of faith is ( though not alwayes explicitly , yet ) implicitly confessed by all those , which ●ender themselves to be admitted into such churches , as are of a constitution most agreeable to the law and rule of christ . and withall , an implicit profession at least of their repentance is included , as having formerly lived under an antichristian government , and inventions of will-worship , all which is implicitly professed and repented of , by their very entrance into church-fellowship ; and so much the more is repentance herein needfull , because many , yea most of such conformists , if not all , have had their hands , lesse or more , either by acting , or assenting , or by silence and connivence in the persecution of those godly ministers and people , which stood out against that antichristian usurpation over their consciences , refusing conformity to their canons . so as in this case , you confesse , that our people ( formerly conformists , and now , for the greater part , but newly crope out of the shell of their bondage , being brought off from their old ceremoniall service , and this more by humane authority in generall so ordering , then of conscience ) ought not only to approve themselves by the profession of their faith , and repentance , but to have the testimony of others also , as having been formerly known to be either prest and sworn vassals , or voluntiers in the prelaticall militia , which what is it else , but a continuall war against the true church and kingdome of jesus christ ? but you adde ( pag. . ) that commission was delivered to the apostles and ministers of the gospel , as whose place only it was by the keyes to open and shut the doors of the church , and so to admit , or refuse , as they found men fitted or qualified , to be made members ; and this you labour to prove by the practice of john baptist . now , as for john baptist ( about whose gathering you have so bestirred your selfbefore , and to as little purpose ) you may observe , that those believers in christ then to come , according to the papists doctrine , were not formed into a christian church , or churches , as after christs resurrection the believers were . and when you come to visit those christian churches once constituted in their gospel-form by the apostles , you shall finde , that the power of admitting or rejecting , or casting out of members , was not in the apostles or ministers alone , but in the churches . for this , read cor. . where the whole church of the saints in corinth , to whom paul wrote , were to cast out the incestuous person ; as also afterward upon his repentance , to re-admit him , cor. . , . this one instance is a sufficient president for all churches . but you alledge that of cornelius sending to joppa for peter , he sent not ( say you ) to the church of corinth ; true , and what then ? ergo , none but the minister of the gospel hath power to admit members . it is one thing to preach , and instrumentally to convert souls , which chiefly pertains to those that are called thereunto : but in the case of church-government , of admitting ▪ or casting out , it is otherwise . and here let peter himself ( whose words you alledge ) resolve us ; who , when the holy ghost so wonderfully fell on all them that heard the word , said , can any man forbid water , that these men should not be baptized , &c. which words imply , that ifany exceptions could have ben made , it was in those jewes present , to give forth their allegations , why those believing gentiles should not be admitted to become one church with the believing jewes . so as your observations thereupon fall to the ground ; as that , first , peter was sent to , and not the church ; and , secondly , peter commanded them to be baptized : again , this example was extraordinary in all the circumstances of it ; and when you have said all , you can conclude nothing . your instance of the eunuch , acts . . of lydia , acts . as many other , are meer extravagants . we speak of churches constituted , not of single converts , here and there one , not yet joynted into a particular church-body . i passe by your impertinent declamatious against different opinions in the same house . do you reconcile them ; for christ himself foretold of them , as wee shall tell you when wee come to your postscript ; which when i mention here , doth not your minde misgive you ? but of this in due place . and where you say , all that believe , and are baptized , are by gods command to be admitted , desiring it , without any confession , or covenant : but what if they do not believe aright ? what if they not only not believe , but deny and disclaime christs kingly prerogative ? and so , what if they stiffly maintain a most damnable and destructive herefie , which overthroweth a main principall and fundamentall of faith ? if such a one , as dr. bastwick with all his ●air flourishes of holinesse , should desire to be admitted into church-fellowship , being known to be an adversary to christs kingly government over his churches , according to the gospel : might not the doctors own words satisfie , in case of refusall ( pag . ) as having been formerly known for an open enemy and persecutor of the church , and so justly to be suspected , till publique evidence by witnesse given ? although it cannot be imagined that the ba●e desiring of admittance into church-fellowship could stand with the deniall , but necessarily implies a confession of christs kingly office in its highest degree . pag. . you tell us , that our gathering of churches hath no example in scripture , and as for christs disciples , they were all sent to gather in the lost sheep of the house of israel , they went not to gather in converted amongst converted men , &c. now wee cannot have a more pregnant and more warrantable example in all scripture then this , which you here alledge against us . christs disciples gathered christian churches out of the church of the jews ; nor can you deny , but the jews were a church , when the disciples gathered churches out of it . those churches in judea ( gal. . . ) were gathered out of the church of the jewes ; and that church of the jewes generally believed that the messias , or christ , was to come . and if they were a church when many being converted , were gathered out of it , then much more churches may be gathered out of nations or kingdomes of the world , though for their generall profession of christianity , every such nation or kingdome be respectively called a church , though the new testament knowes no such church , and then not of divine constitution , as that of the jews was , even when churches christian were gathered out of it . and brother , prove unto us , that such as you call a nationall church , is a church of divine institution ; shew us an example of a nationall church in all the new testament , otherwise you do but weave the spiders web . but wee ( say you ) gather converted men from among converted men , and so pick out of others folds and flocks the best and fattest sheep . this you do familiarly cast in our dish , and yet it is never the fatter . now in this wee may justly demand of you , to prove , that those whom you call converted men , from among whom wee gather churches , be indeed so converted as they should be , when as yet they come not up close to the rule of reformation , gods word , as thereby to endeavour the setting up of christ , without waiting on men , as without whom gods word is not a sufficient rule , and as on whom wee must necessarily depend for the form and law of reformation : and yet wee deny not but many such may be godly , though otherwise they are not as yet throughly convinced of this kingly government of christ , which we endeavour after ; nay , let me go a little higher ; for as much as this is an undeniable , yea , and prime principle in divinity , that the scripture is the only rule of faith , and of worship , and church-government , and this rule is no monopoly to one man , but that all and every man hath a power and priviledge to repair to this law and testimony , to do all things according to this word : and seeing wee have all bound our selves by solemn covenant to reform our selves , and those under our charge , according to the word of god ; yea , and every one to go before other in this reformation : tell mee now , brother , were it not a matter worth the while , for our reverend and learned assembly , seriously to take it into debate , whether the generall tying up of men , to wait necessarily on the synod for its finall resolution about church-government , be not an usurpation upon our christian liberty , and a diminution , at least of the authority and sufficiency of scripture , and so consequently be not a trenching upon a fundamentall heresie ; as also an inhibition , restraining every man in his place , ministers , masters , &c. from setting upon the work of reformation , and so necessitating a violation of our covenant , or a dangerous retarding of the work , bringing in a sleepy carelesnesse upon mens spirits , to inquire at gods oracle , and so preparing a way for blind obedience ; i leave to the consideration of the wisest . but in the interim , to return to your converts ; do you hold all them to be converts , from among whom churches are gathered ? do you not allow of a difference to be put ? are there not a number of both ignorant and scandalous , that are not fit to come to the lords table ? see the directory : or do you take the greatest number in england to be godly , and truly converted ? or are there not ( trow you ) many parishes in england , where , perhaps but a few true converts are to be found ? and how few ( in comparison ) truly godly and faithfull ministers are to be found for every parish , under who●e pastorall charge , two or three sheep may safely and comfortably feed among so many goats , yea , perhaps , wolves ? or do you make every parish to be a church ? you may do well herein to deal plainly with us , whether you would have so many inhabitants as are in every parish , to be so many communicants . for so it seems you would have it : for ( pag. . ) you say , in the churches of corinth , galatia , colosse , were many that walked disorderly , taught false doctrine and heresies , and made schismes ; yet the apostles did not bid the christians to separate themselves from the communion and assemblies of the saints , and from the ordinances , for these mens causes , &c. but you may know , those churches , though in part accidentally corrupt , yet were essentially , and in their originall constitution pure and holy churches ; and so were never your parochiall churches , they never had a right divine constitution , but meerly humane and politicall . and therefore all your argumentation a dispari , falls to ground , and beats it self into a meer spume . but ( pag. . ) you plead , such ministers and churches to be true , where the truth of christ is preached , received and professed . if you mean the whole truth of christ , it is well . but do not you know , that there are three speciall visible marks of a true visible church , the gospel purely preached , the sacraments duly administred , and discipline rightly practised ? all which marks together , the church of england ( for ought i know ) is yet to seek . for ( to speak nothing here of the materialls of a true particular visible church : as visible saints ; nor of the form of it , so many members united into one church-body and fellowship , according to the gospel , which you can handly shew us in any of your parochiall congregations ) i will only ask you , what particular visible church you are a member of ( you may choose what parish you please in england ) : next , i ask you , what discipline you have in that your church ; and whether a man complaining of you to your congregation , or to your minister , for wrongs done by you , and for your scandalous walking , he shall find so much discipline there as to convent you before them , and justly charging you for walking scandalously , to the great offence and shame of the very name of christian religion , you shall thereupon be brought under ecclesiasticall censure , so as to have the scandall removed , and the offence satisfied ? good now tell me , what church either parochiall , or classicall , i should go unto ? for , suppose i have a complaint against you , for which i demand satisfaction , at the least , so as by the means of your church-censure you may be brought to a contrite acknowledgement of the wrong you have done mee . but if you cannot shew me such a church in any of your parishes , b●… is it that you affirm * christ to be set up as king in his throne in mens hearts , swayed and guided by the scepter of his word and spirit in your parochiall congregations : when as you cannot shew us ( i say ) in any one of those congregations * the name and power of our lord jesus christ to be so set up , as authoritatively and judicially to deliver over to satan , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or otherwise condignly to censure such a one , as whose brother complains of to that congregation , for unsufferable wrongs , and most base and barbarous usage , unbeseeming a naturall heathen , much lesse a professed christian ? and here i challenge our brother for taking christs name in vain , when in stead of finding christ set upon his throne in their congregations , wee finde there no more but an image , such as michal had made up in stead of king david ; or as those , that in mockery , made of christ a pageant-king , stripping him , and putting on him a scarlet robe , and on his head a crown of thornes , and in his hand a reed , saluting him with , hail king of the jewes , with which title over his head they crucified him . and therefore those passages which ( page , . ) he quotes of his brother ( though not named ) will stand good against their opposers ▪ the summe of which is this : that all that depend upon men for church-government , and not upon christ and his word alone , doe deny christs kingly government over consciences and churches : that all that receive not christs kingly office in the full extent of it , but after manifestation , doe reject it , are at the best converted but in part , and so in a worse condition , then those who though they believed , yet they had not so much as heard there was a holy ghost , but hearing , they received him : that such as refuse to be in covenant with christ , or to make profession or confession thereof before men , want their evidence of their being gods people , and so quantum in se , as much as in them lyeth , cut off their children from having interest in baptisme , the externall seale of the covenant . and therefore seeing such things are objected , how doth it concerne both ministers and people to looke to their evidences ? to omit his tedious tautologies all along ( being the bombast of the booke ) to pag. . there he saith , when the ministers of england teach this doctrine in their preachings and writings , how can they be truly said to deny , disclaime , and preach against christs kingly government over mens consciences and churches ? it were well if they did truly indeed preach it , which few or none of them doe . or if they doe truly preach it , why doe they not practise it , and perswade the people to depend upon christ for it , and not upon men ? but ( pag. . ) the ministers of england set up a presbytery after gods word . this you can never yet prove unto us , untill wee may see it . but the independents themselves are presbyterians ( say you ) and labour ●o set up a presbytery of their own . thus here , and all along you carry it with a torrent of words , and that is all . wee set up that presbytery , which wee finde in gods word , and none other . then ( pag. . ) you fall againe upon the strictnesse used in admission of members , which ( say you ) the apostles used not . but wee know , that all those who were admitted by them , did first make confession of their faith and repentance , as mat. . . acts. . . act. , . act. . . and the apostles feared to receiv●paul , as their fellow-apostle , untill they had examined the truth thereof . and ( pag. . ) you charge us with making schismes , &c. surely we are commanded to separate our selves from all corruptions of the world , and humane inventions ; as cor. . . acts . . and this , when a christian church began to be gathered out of that of the jewes . pag. . you inveigh against new truths , and new lights , as you every where nauseously call them : and say , where was it ever heard of , either in the christian or pagan world , that it was ever permitted to any minister or preacher , to have all the pulpits in any nation to preach a diverse doctrine to that whi●h is set up by authoritie , and such as tends to make a faction and division amongst the people ? i doe most assuredly beleeve , that there cannot the like precedent be produced . so you . no ? what say you of that precedent of the apostles , who in the temple daily preached a diversed doctrine , to that of the pharisees ? so of john baptist . so of christ . and this in judea , which was a parallel at least to a nationall christian church , onely that was originally founded upon divine institution , but this not so . and for the pagan world , what innumerable precedents are there , of preaching the gospel , and constituting of churches , even throughout the pagan world ? and all this divers to that which was set up by mans authoritie , whether jewish , or paganish . and as our brother here , so did the high priests in their counsells charge the apostles , saying , * yee have filled jerusalem with your doctrine . a new doctrine , a new truth , a new light . so act. . . tertullus , with his rhetoricke , being feed by the high priest and the elders , makes a declamation against paul , saying , wee have found this m●m●… pestilent fellow , and a mover of sedition among all the jewes throughout the world , and a ringleader of the sect of the nazarens . and this word nazarens , signifies the sect of saparatists , of whom the apostle is there maliciously marked , as the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ the ring-leader . the like out-cry we have , act. . . men of israel , helpe : this is the man , that teacheth all men every where against the people , and the law , and this place , &c. nor want wee a pagan precedent , act. . where diana's silver-shrine-maker , what a dust he raiseth in the whole citie , saying ; yee see and heare , that not alone at ephesus , but almost throughout all asia , this paul hath perswaded and turned away much people , saying , that they be no gods which be made with hands . thus you see paul , and the other apostles , and evangelists , found pulpits every where , both among the jewes and gentiles , though they preached a divers doctrine , to that set up by authoritie . and must christ have no other doctrine or church-government in the world , then that which is set up by the worlds authoritie ? surely , this is a new light indeed , if a light at all ; a new doctrine , diverse to that which christ hath set up by his divine authoritie . but this doctrine ( say you ) tends to make a faction and division among the people . and did pauls , and the apostles doctrine escape the scourge of this whip ? note all the places forecited , with many more throughout the new testament , and all ages , where the gospel in its purity and power is preached . but one thing more i must not passe , without a note . how doth our brother make good his exclamation : was it ever beard of either in the christian or pagan world , that it was ever permitted to preachers , to have all the pulpits in a nation to preach a divers doctrine , & c ? and is it so indeed ? have we all the pulpits in the kingdome ? i hope your brother t. e. by his pen and preaching , and you by your pen , will take an order for that , that wee shall not have all the pulpits , no nor any at all with your good will witnesse that late mis-●ule at your towne of colchester , upon your books , and t. e. his preaching . and therefore this may be placed among your grolleries . and for the jewish synagogues tolerated among the heathen , if we may not have the pulpits , good now envie us not our synagogues . be not worse to us , then the heathen were , and are , as you give us sundry examples , pag. ibid. . page you call the people of the presbyterian independent congregation , a company of wild geese . but wee are not yet come to your postscript ; where pag. . you call them silly goslings following the old goose . yet here you acknowledge that the elders have oftentimes great abilities of wit , and scholarship , learning and eloquence : which in your postscript you universally strip them of , except onely two for breed . the rest of your booke to the end , being all along overgrowne with nettles , stinging upon every touch , and the sharper still , the neerer it drawes to the postscript , ( as , worse then * diotrephes , or the pope ▪ * most diabolicall tyranny , lording it over gods clergies , * fellows of gotham colledge , not knowing their prim●r in politicks , nor their catechisme in divinitie , and the like ) we gladly passe ove● untouched , as being all prickles , and no pith . onely one sharper then all the rest , i may not be unaware of , which you call , the weapon of the left hand , namely , the sword , which you would have the magistrate to take up to suppresse our brethren the independents ( as you style them ) calling that man a ninny , and a man unworthy to sit in counsell in any state , that should say with gamaliel , refraine from these men , for if their worke , or counsell be of god , yee cannot overthrow it , lest yee be found fighters against god ; and so let them goe on to doe mischiefe . for herein ( say you ) gamaliel spake neither as a wise man , nor as a christian . thus our brother drawing neere the end of this his booke , hath drawne it so low neere the bottome , that the very lees of it begin to run atilt , and that remaines , is reserved to be powred forth in the postscript . the postscript . this whole postscript is a very c●nto & farrago , or hodge-podge of invectives , sarcasmes , scurrilous scoffs , incendiary incentives to stirre up the state , and all sorts of people , to root out , and cut off all those that are of the independent way , as they call it . i shall onely note some of his passages all along , to prevent ( if it may be ) the nauseousnesse of the reader by brevitie . and first in his defence against calumnies , being in way of a preface to his postscript . page . they affirmed ( saith he ) that i was the greatest incendiary in the kingdome , and that they would prove it ; and page . they calumniate me as the greatest incendiary of the kingdome , which they accused me of before they had seene my booke ; and i have been freed from that reproach by both houses of parliament , who adjudged all my sufferings unjust . answ. but now they may bring your booke for a proofe and witnesse , whether you be not one of the greatest incendiaries in the land . and for this i shall quote but two places , as two witnesses for confirmation hereof . the first is in your preface , pag. . they ( alwayes meaning the independents ) have the sword now in their hand , and they thinke their party strong enough to encounter any adverse and opposing party , and they professe they care not how soone they come to cutting of throats , and speake of nothing but the slanghtering and butchering of the presbyterians . and therefore there is just cause given us to thinke we may expect better quarter from the very enemies , then from the independents . the second witnesse is ( postscript pag. . ) that they were all resolved to have the liberty of their consciences , or else they would make use of their swords , which they have already in their hands . now these two witnesses of your owne , want but a judge , judicially to pronounce sentence , whether these words be not of an incendiary nature , and that in a high degree . for who so blind , as doth not cleerly see these fiery flashes and flames to fly in the face of that army , which god hath honoured with many crownes of admirable victories , both at yorke , at nasby , and at lamport , with the recovery of leicester , bridgewater , bath , &c. so as god hath made this despised army the preservative of citie and countrey , the * repairer of the breach , the restorer of the paths to dwell in . but doe they professe the butchery of the presbyterians ? produce them ; bring your witnesses . these words are not to be borne . but i leave the judgement thereof to the wisdome and justice of the parliament , whose former freeing of you , extends not to cleare your words from being incendiary . and further to discover your spirit against those worthies in the army , you goe about to eclipse the glory of that famous victory at marston m●ore . for , speaking contemptuously of it , you say , some of the independents stood to it in the battle of yorke , when other of them run away ; for they ran as well as others ; and if they be not lyers , all the other independents had run away too , and left the field , if they had known what had happened in the other parts of the army . so you , with many other words of elevation , and slighting that party , by whose noble prowesse , and undaunted courage , god was pleased to give the victory , and even then when a great body of the army deserted the field . and whereas you say , they saw not the flight , else they would have fled too for company , if ( say you ) they be not lyers ; or if you say true . but i can produce those that were actors in that battle , and are no independents , that affirme , there was no running away at all , of those whose valour you so vilifie ; yea , though they did perceive how the matter went with some , as when a whole body flies , a thing with no great difficulty to be discerned . the rest of your vilifications so much exaggerated upon these men , are so nauseous , as every ingenuous reader will loath them . and notorious is that you say , as by experience , i know not any independent in england ( two onely excepted ) that doe not as maliciously and impla●ably hate the presbyterians , as the mortallest enemies they have in the world . now surely were all the presbyterians in england of your spirit , though the independents would not maliciously hate you , as presbyterians , yet cause you would give them sufficient to beware of you , as of their mortallest enemies in the world . and you boldly conclude , saying ; it is a meere faction , and the most pharisaicall , proud , envious , and malicious sect , that ever sprung up ; doing all out of an arrogant faction ; as cunning as gypsies , &c. now the lord rebuke the rayling rabshakees . pag. . he commends the kings cavaliers for brave gentlemen ; and he found more favour ( which he doth ever acknowledge for a singular courtesie ) then ever he found from protestant gaolers . was it that you discovered unto them some of that bitternesse of spirit against the independents , or some courtly compliance with papists , preferring them before independents or protestants , that made those popish cavaliers so much to applaud you ? but doe the independents accuse your booke , as worthy to be burnt by the common hangman , and that you are crased in your braine ? surely , there is so much fire in the bowels of your booke , ( as in the trojan horse ) that a wonder it is , it hath not all this while set it selfe on fire , & with it selfe ( like that tongue in james . ) the whole frame of nature . and for your braine , you may doe well to use your physicall inspection . page . neither have i ( say you ) forgot , that i was a sufferer , or am now a persecutor of the saints , as they calumniate mee . it were well if you would forget & forgoe to be a persecutor of the saints , and that upon your repentance god would forgive you , as those saints are ready to doe . there is no greater persecution , then that of the tongue and pen , sharper then swords and speares . no sorer persecution then esaus scoffs , and the jewes tongue-smitings . but most transcendent from a brother , a companion in tribulations , a familiar friend . et tu brute ? and yet all your scoffs and hard speeches , and bitter reproachings of those , whom you must needs confesse to be saints , will not amount to the least item of persecution . that were pitie . what thinke you of the like speech the late prelate of canterbury used in his * booke to the king ? god forbid ( saith he ) that i should perswade persecution in any kinde , or practise it in the least . did this protestation ( trow you ) cleare him from being a notorious , yea , unparalleld persecutor ? witnesse both your eares and mine . but you doe but oppose the saints heresies and novelties in religion . but must that needs be heresie , which you account heresie ? or that noveltie , which appeares so to those that measure things rather by custome , then truth ? and doe you not no lesse oppose , vilifie , disgrace , jeare , and scoffe at their persons ? doe you not call them * beasts ? * grolls ? puffoists ? wild geese ? old geese ? a company of jugglers ? sticklers against parliament and presbytery ? a generation of cunning and crafty jugglers ? cunning deceivers ? and fighters against god ? violaters of all the lawes of god and nature ? the most dangerous sect that ever yet the world produced ? a company of ratts among joyn'd stooles ? despisers of magistracy ? a generation of men , not worthy to give guts to a beare ? moone-calves ? all the independents put together , have not so much learning as any one of a thousand other ministers ? a wheele-barrow ( such as they trundle white-wine-vinegar on ) fitter for them then a coach ? stirring up all along magistrates and people to cut them off ? making them odious to the scots ? speaking nothing but daggers , and daring ? and what not ? now is all this no opposing of the persons of those you call independents ? to conclude all : you tell us a story of some that fight against their christian brethren ; and to that end in the frontispices of their books set downe christs words , mat. . , , . thinke not that i am come to send peace on the earth ; i came not to send peace , but a sword , &c. well : what of this ? out of which words , misunderstood ( say you ) they would perswade the people , and make them believe , that they have good warrant and ground to fight against their christian brethren , for the maintenance of their owne whimsies . but brother , who is this you speake of ? who hath done thus ? they ? what they ? you put it in the plurall , in their frontispices . you know , dolosus v●rsatur in universalibus . but is it in any more then one onely frontispice ? and have more then one done it ? and what one ? you describe him ( pag. . ) as not knowing his name , but one who is no novice , younker , and fresh-water souldier , but a grave man with a great white basket-hilted beard . why , brother , what needed all these periphrases and circumlocutions ? you might much more honestly , ingenuously , and candidly have said , my brother burton , then thus slily and disgracefully to take him by the beard , or serpent-like , to come behind him , and bite him by the heele . but this is not all . how comes it , that you fasten upon your brother such a false glosse , as that he should perswade the people , and make them believe , that from christs words , they have good warrant and ground to fight against their christian brethren ? brother , i must needs here challenge you of extreame violation , not onely of brotherly charitie , but even of the lawes of common humanitie . doe you ( out of no other ground but meere malice , as all the world must needs judge ) hatch a cockatrice-egge , a senselesse , whimsie in your own braine , and then lay your dead childe by mee , and take my living childe from mee , as you have done , in framing your own false sense , and putting it for mine , and taking my true sense , and making it your owne ? brother , what 's become , i say not of your brotherhood , but of your manhood ? or did you thinke to cover your selfe with your owne cobweb , that the palpable nakedness of your shiftless and shameless affront should not be seene ? surely , this is enough , not onely to discover the hollow of your heart , but the shallow of your braine , and to bring in the verdict of the whole universe , that you are a man , not onely whose heart is divided , but whose head is , &c. salve it as you can . now the lord jesus christ reprove you for this , and give you repentance for this your more then unnaturall dealing , that i may not say diabolicall , certainly not christian , even your best friends being judges . and for the grollery and dotage you put upon your brother , ( ibid. and pag. . ) as abusing the scripture , when your self most grossely abuse both it and him ; assure your self , your brother is not yet come to that dotage , but for all your vauntings on your part , and vilifying of his , he dare , through the help of christ , deale with dr. bastwick hand to hand , as neither admiring your learning , nor envying your roman buff , wherein your chief strength most lyeth , except in your scoffing , scurrilous , malicious bitter biting ; yea , bloody language , in which faculty , as facile princeps , you do so tripudiate and glory . but in your last book , which you style ( but how justly ) a just defence , &c. you would seem to teach us another rule to walk by , which it seems you had not then learned , when you writ your postscript : we ought not ( say you ) per latus unius totam gentem perstringere ▪ you tel the liev. colonel , that he should not have condemned the whole councel for a few , but should have singled them out , and by name have aspersed them ▪ and why did not you then rather call me by my name , as your brother burton ( as our brother prynne hath done ) then to hale me out by my great white basket-hilted beard , as some hideous monster , or ridiculous spectacle to the world ? and whereas ( ibid. ) you adde , that you have written nothing in your books against the independents , wherein you can be convinced of a lie : for ( say you ) i write nothing in my books against the independents , but what upon my own knowledge i can affirm to be true , yea , depose it too . now to go no further then this one instance of your dealing with mee ( aliâs your brother ) in fathering upon mee such a damnable and diabolicall glosse , being the spurious brat of your own brain ; what say you ? do you know it of your own knowledge to be so , that because i set that scripture in the front of my book , therefore my meaning was , hereby to perswade the people , and make them believe , that they have good warrant and ground to fight against their christian brethren for the maintenance of their own whimsies ? they be your own words , and you may take the whimsies in to boot . now , did i ever so perswade the people , or make them believe so ? nay , i will put it to your own conscience ( as hoping you have so much left ) whether in your conscience you can so much as once imagine , that your brother could ever have the least thought that way , or the least word tending thereunto ; wherein i challenge that , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the accuser of the brethren himself , whose scholar i wish not you to be . as for that other passage of your said book ( pag. . ) to let passe many other ; as touching your independent-pastor , it is as false as slie , do you and your reverend brother try it when you will . an appendix . wherein is touched the main point of difference between the two parties , classicall or nationall , and congregationall : our brother , mr. william pryn , whose latter books ( truth triumphing , &c. and a fresh discovery , &c. ) i have meerly ( god is my record ) out of tendernesse to the present state of things , forborn to answer , hath sundry times in those books objected principally those words in my vindication , concerning christs kingly office over the churches and consciences of his people : as in truth triumphing , pag. , . and in his fresh discovery , pag. . in these words , mr. henry burton , in his vindication of churches , commonly called independent , &c. the church is a spirituall kingdome , whose only king is christ , and not man ; it is a spirituall republique , whose only law-giver is christ , and not man : a spirituall house , whose only builder and governour is christ : a spirituall corporation , whose only head is christ , and not man . no man , or power on earth , hath a kingly power over this kingdome ; no earthly law-giver may give lawes for the government of this republique ; no man can , or ought , to undertake the government of this communion of saints ; no humane power or law may intermeddle to prescribe rules for the government or form of this spirituall house , not covncels , not senates . this is christs royall prerogative , which is uncommunicable to any , to all the powers on earth . he addes my words , pag. , . wee challenge you to shew us any parliament , councel , synod , ever since the apostles , that could , or can say thus , it seemed good to the holy ghost and us , so to determine controversies of religion , to make and impose canons to bind all men , &c. shew this to us at this time , and wee will obey . but if you cannot , as you never can , never let any man presse upon us that scripture , that synod , ( acts . ) which hath no parallel in the whole world ; and so is no precedent or pattern for any councels , synods , parliaments . thus our brother sees down the words , here and there with capitalls , as if so many capitall crimes . but the worst of all is , that he ranks them under the head of his first section , containing divers seditious , scandalous , libellous passages against the authority and jurisdiction of parliaments , synods , and temporall magistrates in generall , in ecclesiasticall affaires , in the late writings of severall independent new-lights , and firebrands ; so runs the title of the section , under which hee marshals those my words , as if christ could not be sole king , lord , and law-giver over his own spirituall kingdome in the soules and assemblies of his saints , but this doctrine must needs be seditious , scandalous , and the writers thereof libellous , against civill authority , yea , firebrands , and what not ? how more equall was the heathen emperor domitian , though the author of the second persecution , who though he laboured utterly to extirpate and extinguish all the naturall kindred of christ , because hee heard that christ was a king , fearing thereby the overthrow of his empire ; yet understanding afterward , by two of christs neerest kinsmen brought before him , being but poor men , and who got their living by hard labour in husbandrie , how that christ was a king indeed , but his kingdome was not of this world , but heavenly : the emperor hereupon , ( as the story saith ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ceased the persecution against the church , by calling in his imperiall decree . i wish our brother would more seriously consider , not only of this famous example of an heathen emperour , but also upon what sound reason it is grounded : as namely , upon such a distinct specificall difference between these two kingdomes , the celestiall and the terrestriall , as that in no sort they may be confounded , or compounded into one terrene kingdome , unlesse you will set up a papall power , an harmophrodite-government , with ecce duo gladii hîc , behold here two swords , which the pope caused to be carryed before him in solemn procession the two first dayes of his new erected jubilee . and for my challenge alledged by him , it stands good still , till hee can prove those words , in the end of his truth triumphing , true , where your words are , we cannot but in christian charity expect and believe , that all the assembly and parliament resolve on , may have inscribed on its front , it seemed good to the holy ghost and vs . and then again , you must prove your reason good , whereupon you inferre this conclusion ; namely , because there be in the parliament and assembly , at least some true nathaniels and stephens , filled with the holy ghost , and so many armies of prayers in the spirit daily sent up to heaven , to bring down that spirit of truth upon them . but can a few , at least some nathaniels , among so many , carry the matters by vote , if they be many that contra-vote ? you know things go sometimes in councels , rather by number then weight , rather by tale , then truth . i doubt , whether if the true nathaniels and zealous stephens should bear the sway , it would not well please , at least our brother bastwicks palate , who altogether condemneth gamaliel and his counsell , whereby hee perswaded and swayed the whole synedrion to refrain from peter and john , for peaching christ , saving only that they escaped not a scourging . for further answer to my dear brother , i shall forbeare till a fitter season . in the mean time , i shall conclude with the words of my brother bastwick , which hee delivers as the confession of the faith of the church of england , concerning christs kingly office ; and so consequently of his own faith . that jesus christ is the only and sole king , and governour of the whole universe , to whom all power in heaven and earth is given , matth. . but more especially of his church , who by god himselfe was set king over his holy mountain , psal. . . and that hee is king of righteousnesse , hebr. . the king eternall , isai. . the king of kings , and lord of lords , apoc. . and that he doth by his mighty power and wisdome , uphold and govern all things , but with a more peculiar care , and a more speciall manner preserve and defend his church , tim. . . as that which hee hath purchased with his precious blood , and by his power redeemed out of the captivity and slavery of satan ; and that he is the head of his church , which is the body , who infuseth life into it ; righteousnesse , peace , joy , happinesse , and all the graces of wisdome and knowledge of god with certainty and assurance of his love ; and that his kingdome and empire is a spirituall and heavenly kingdome , no terrene and fading monarchy , joh. . . luke . . and is upheld and governed only by the scepter of his spirit and word , and not by the authority , vertue or wisdome of any humane power . thus dr. bastwick , and that after all his bitter reproaches cast upon his independents , who hang all that which he calls independency upon this sole hinge ; namely , that christs kingdome and empire , is a spirituall and heavenly kingdome , no terrene and fading monarchy ; and is upheld and governed only by the scepter of his spirit and word , and not by the authority , vertue or wisdome of any humane power . now if dr. bastwick will hold to his words and writing , he must needs confesse , that christ is no titular or pageant prince ( as before ) but reall and indeed : and therefore his kingdome is not to be governed according to the various and variable laws and customes of earthly kingdomes , common-wealths , countries ; but by the only scepter of his spirit and word ; otherwise the spirituall kingdome and the temporall must be confounded together , and become one kingdome , and then must either the spirituall become terrene and transitory , or else the temporall become eternall , and so make up one babylan , roma aetern● , confusion and blasphemy . and for a close , to satisfie my brother prynnes question , what i mean by so much asserting christs kingly office , as sole head , governour , law-giver of his churches , i mean , hee is the sole immediate king . and the proofs are from solid scripture , the sole rule of faith : as isai. . . and . . hos. . . matth. . , , , . mar. . . and our brother confesseth these scriptures but in part , by joyning thereto the laws and customes of kingdoms and common-weals , as a partiall rule , if not rather paramount to the sacred , canon ; as rome acknowledgeth the scripture to be the rule of faith , but partiall , joyning thereto her own traditions ; and so ● thereby , as the pharisees of old , make the word of god of no effect , through humane traditions , lawes , decrees , customes , manners of men , prince and people , protestants and papists , as well under queen mary and her parliament , as under queen elizabeth and hers ; and so regis ad exemplum : as the prince and pope , or state is affected , well or ill , christs kingdome , must chameleon-like , change both complexion and constitution . and if this satisfie not my brother , let him be pleased to reade over my vindication once again , wherein he may cleerly see , how the scripture all along sets up christ as the only governour and law-giver of his church , excluding all humane wisdome and power , from intermeddling in the regulating of his kingdome , by mans lesbian rule . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- sam. . , . * see the postscript , pag. . prov. . . & . . * jude . rev. . . pag. . pag. . cicer. orat. pro l. murena . act. . , joh. . . mat. . , pag. . cor. . ▪ platina : in vita bonifacii . * . cor. . page . to the second question . page . psal. . acts . ▪ acts . * esa. . . turpius ejicitur , quàm non admittitur bospes . page cor. . . page . acts . page . homily , second sermon for whitsunday . page . * cor. . . sam. . acts . . * act. . . ibid. * page . * page . * page . page . * isa. . . postsc . page . ibid. pag. . ibid. ibid. psal. . . jer. . . gal. . * relation of a conference . epist. dedic. ibid. defence , pag . * postsc . . * postsc . . . . . . page . ibid. . defence p. postsc . . pag. . . pag. , , . page . page ibid. postscript , pag. , . rev. . . eusebius eccles. hist. bon face . acts . * d. b. in his independency not gods ordinance , p. . acts . , , , . an husbandmans harrow to pull down the ridges of the presbyteriall government and to smooth, a little, the independent ... containing divers new and unanswerable arguments ... / written by ellis bradshavv ... bradshaw, ellis. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an husbandmans harrow to pull down the ridges of the presbyteriall government and to smooth, a little, the independent ... containing divers new and unanswerable arguments ... / written by ellis bradshavv ... bradshaw, ellis. [ ], p. printed for the author ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism. congregationalism. church polity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an husbandmans harrow to pull down the ridges of the presbyteriall government and to smooth , a little , the independent . that they and others may walk together upon plain scripture grounds , without stumbling on the ridgedness of either , or both . containing divers new and unanswerable arguments , properly deduced from sacred scriptures to this purpose , that have never yet been proposed by any on either partee , which induceth the husbandman to make thus bold whether welcome or no. and having prooved also the said scripturall arguments , that like teeth of steel , they will pull down the ridges , before they break or bend ; having been forced to try them upon ridged lands : because he could not walk upon either of their grounds without stumbling on the ridges . written by ellis bradshavv of the parish of bolton , in the county of lancaster , husbandman . london , printed for the author , and are to be sold at the black spread eagle at the west end of pauls . . to the reader . beloved brethren ; who ever you be that shall read or hear , and understand those things that are here exprest . i desire briefly in the name of god , and the lord jesus christ , to admonish and exhort , yea , to kindle , and incourage you in the ways of truth , of meekness , and of righteousnesse , as psal . . & hebr. . but to danke , and daunt , and discourage the adversaries in every respect , wherein they doe oppose , or exalt themselves against the lord jesus , or against his scepter ; yea , against his kingdom , against his truth , and meekness , and righteousnesse , as hebr. . , , &c. for the time is come , that he hath taken to himself ( even ) his great power , and hath in ( measure ) raigned , as revel . . . nay , there is heard ( already , even ) a loud voyce , saying in heaven ; ( to wit , in the church ) now is salvation , and strength , and the kingdome of our god , and the power of his christ ; for the accuser of our brethren , ( to wit , sathan ) is already cast down , which accused them before our god day and night , as revel . . , , . and they have ( in measure alredy ) overcom by the bloud of the lamb , and by the word of their testimony . and if you aske ( who ) that have thus overcome . they are plainly noted what stamp they are [ of ; ] for they are of such , as have not loved their lives unto the very death . this is their stamp , and let it be their motto , for there is none more proper , neither any more precious , or truly honourable amongst the sons of men . and therefore rejoyce ye heavens , ( to wit , yee churches ) and ye that dwel in them . but wo be to the inhabitants of the earth , and of the sea , for the devil himself is come down unto you , [ and that ] having great wrath , knowing that he hath but a short time , till he must be inclosed , and chained up , in the bottomless pit , for a thousand years , as chap. . , , . for he must be shut up , and a seale set upon him , that he shall deceive the nations no more , till the thousand years shall be fulfilled : though after that , he must be loosed , for a little season . and therefore to dank , and dant , and discourage the adversaries ; and for terror and amazement , even to the people of god ; yea , such as fear his name , whether they be small or great . lest they should be ingaged on the adversaries part ; against michael , and against his angels , as revel . . . even against him , i meane , that is the first and the last , that liveth , and was dead , but that is now alive for evermore , amen : who hath the keys of hell and of death , chap. . , . yea , for terror unto such , as shall ingage against him ; i might write a book , not only within , but on the backside ; like that spoken of in ezekiel ; and all full , even of bitter lamentations , and mournings , and woes . though it is doubtful , it should but be in ( vain to the most part . ) for even the people of god , that are his elect and precious , are many of them grown , even secure and careless ; yea , dull and uncapable of any deep impressions , either of fears , or hopes : and they are too apt , either not to [ hear , ] or when they have heard , to let the wordsslip , as heb. . , , . and so incur to themselves so much greater judgements , unless they repent . and therefore , woe , woe , and alass for ever , to all that do but neglect ; much more , that despise so great salvation , hebr. . , , to . yea , woe , woe , and alass for ever , to the inhabitants of the earth that forget god. and above all , unto them , that in measure know god , and yet in no measure will glorifie him as god , neither are thankful ; but become vaine in their imaginations , &c. as rom. . . yea , who have changed the truth of god into a lye : and worshipped , and served the creature ( yea any creature ) more then the creator , who is god indeed , blessed for ever , amen . yea , woe , woe , and alass for ever , unto those , who not likeing to retaine god in their knowledge , nor in their minds and thoughts , he shall give them over to a reprobate minde , to doe those things which are not convenient , being filled with all unrighteousness , &c. as the particulars are enumerated , rom. . , , , , . yea , woe unto the world because of offences : and though it must needs be , that offences shall come , yet woe unto such , by whom they come : it were better for them that a mill stone were hanged about their necks ; and they were cast into the sea , then that they should offend but one of the least of those little ones , ' that beleeve in christ , as matth. . & . to . and what ever men thinke , yea , though they care not to despise or offend , and reproach , yea even murther and destroy , and seek to root out , even the very names and posterities of any such little ones , that beleeve in christ ; making no more account of the killing of such , then of so many fleas . yet , it is not the will of their heavenly father , that so much as one of these little ones should perish , as vers . . and therefore it is , that he doth admonish us , how to deale with such , if they trespass against us , vers . , &c. for precious in the sight of the lord is the death of his saints . and he will doubtless preserve their souls , though cruel cains , shall destroy their bodies : yea , he will doubtless , preserve the faithful , and plenteously reward every proud doer . but let it admonish such who are faithful , and that obey his voyce , to take heed unto themselves ; and if their brethren sin against them , tell them of their faults ; and if they repent , forgive them , &c. yea , though seven times over in one day , as mat. . for we are not allowed to hate our brethren in our hearts ; but to tel them of their faults plainly . neither is it lawful to judg and censure them , as rom. . . , , , , , . & chap. . , , , , , . according to appearance , but righteous judgement ; we are not allowed to account them as enemies , but to admonish them as brethren ; yea though they so far disobey , even the apostles sayings , as that we are necessarily ingaged , to withdraw from them , as thes . . . and therefore woe unto such , what ever they be , whether presbyterians , or independants , that shall resist the truth , of which they are convinced , and shal , through partial respects to their own parts , seek the destruction either of other , and remain implacable , and malign , and hate , and despise their brethren , because in every respect they cannot accord to be of their minds , nor walk with them just in their ways , when yet not withstanding if partiallity do not blind their eyes , they may both see faults in their own ways , in which they are engaged , which no engagement ought to bind them to maintain or abide in after they are discovered , but they ought freely to confess their faults each to others , as james . . . & chap. . . being convinced of them , and both of them ought to consent freely to the wholesom words of our lord and saviour even jesus christ , and to the doctrine which is according to godliness , & not to teach otherwise ; but if any do , the apostle telleth us plainly , ( and we are apt to beleeve it , ) that such are puft up , and know nothing , but dote about questions and strifes of words , whereof cometh envy , strife , railing , evil surmisings , perverse disputings , of men , of corrupt minds , and destitute of the truth , supposing that gain is godliness : and biddeth timothy , from such to withdraw himself , as tim. . , , . and we are apt to do as he advised timothy , for if it was good for timothy , it is in all liklihood good for us also ; and how shall we think such men honest , that will not approve of the things that are honest , as the apostle injoyneth them in another place ? for it is not enough not to oppose , or resist , and speak against such things , but they ought to approve them , and testifie their assent and agreement thereunto , so far forth as they are apparently honest or true , &c. else they do implicitely oppose and resist them , or shew their unwillingness to embrace and obey them , and that they are stubborn and rebellious , and even at enmity with god in those respects , because he crosseth them even in their own devices and ways , &c. and doubtless many good men in these our days are deeply engaged in this very sin , and yet we are not allowed to judg and censure them as enemies and apostates , but should love , and pity , and pray for them , considering our selves as also subject to the same failings . beloved brethren , the scripture is clear concerning jonas , that he was a prophet of the lord , and was immediately called and sent of god , as a choyce and famous man , to prophesie against nineve , and yet because that he knew the goodness and mercy of god , and that upon repentance he would pardon ; he was unwilling even to preach the preaching which the lord commanded him , in all likelihood , lest his future prophecying should be the worse credited ; and how rebelliously he carryed and demeaned himself , till he was forced through extremity , by the power of god , to submit unto him , and humble himself , and out of the belly of hell even to cry unto him : and after all that , being but a little afflicted for want of the gourd , how passionately angry and teeny he was , and durst profess stubbornly , even in the presence of god , speaking it vocably unto him , that he did well to be angry , even to the very death ; like a man desperate , and as he had been at enmity even with god himself ; and yet he was , doubtless , a man inspired with the spirit of god , and very intimate and familiar with him : look for this jonas . and therefore strange is the temper , and natural frailties and dispositions ( by nature ) of some good men : nay , who can we read of almost in scripture , though never so holy and fully inspired , but we may read likewise of their failings and infirmities , and of some of their gross and notorious sins ; as david in the matter of uriah ; peter in his dissimulation , and building up that by his practise , which he destroyed by his doctrine : and paul had his infirmities and pricks in the flesh after his conversion and calling to the ministry . elias also was a man subject to like passions , as the apostles were , who confessed themselves subject to like passions as others , acts . . and yet they were men full of faith , and of the holy ghost ; so was barnabas , so was peter , so were all the apostles , and many others , in whom we might instance ; and it would be useful to determine from murder , or [ hating ] of their brethren , which is no better then [ man-slaughter , ] as john . . which many are too apt to take liberty to do , ( because they see some faults and miscarriages in them , ) as if it were a ground fully sufficient to excuse their malice , because they have some spots , yea some flesh , as well as spirit : and they will not beleeve , that any such have the spirit of god , because they have also a spirit of flesh , a law in their members , by which they are led captive , against the law of their minds ; for they will not consider that they have but the spirit of god in measure : and that it is needful they be sometimes left to their own strength , that they might remember , and freely acknowledg , by whose strength they stand , and give the glory to god ; for who is there , but is apt to think , that their mountains are made strong , so that they shall never be moved , and to judg , and censure , and condemn their brethren , and say of themselves like the proud pharisee , [ we are not like other men ? ] if they should not sometimes have pricks in the flesh , and messengers of satan sent to buffet them , a little matter will puss us up ; and therefore it is that the apostle admonisheth , that he that thinketh he standeth , should take ( special ) heed lest he fall . for by how much the more confident any man is in his own strength , by so much the more likely he is to fall : and by how much the more severe , rigorous , censorious , or uncharitable , any man is in judging of others ; by so much the more likely and sure he is so to fall himself , as to be justly culpable of the same , or worse then those whom he judged , condemned and censured . and therefore it is , that christ himself hath admonished us , judg not , that you be not judged , mat. . , , &c. rom. . , to the end . chap. . and chap. . and should not they that are strong bear the infirmities of the weak , but they must please themselves ? should not every one of us please his neighbor in that which is good to edification , as christ himself also did ? rom. . , , . and chap. . and cor. . . is it not the advice even of the holy ghost ? is it not the will of our heavenly father , that we should study the things that make for peace , and that might provoke unto love ? not unto wrath , nor to enmity nor hatred , but that which is the end of the commandment , and the very life and strength of all community , and of the commonwealth ; yea , the happiness and felicity of all kingdoms , yea governments , whatsoever , civil or ecclesiastical , and the subjects thereof . and it is the onely , or at least the chief sign of the dwelling of god , either in or amongst us : if we love one another , god dwelleth in us , and his love is perfect in us ; for god is love , and he that dwelleth in love , dwelleth in god , and god in him , joh. . , , , . and not onely so , but it is a token of his blessing likewise , for there the lord commandeth the blessing , yea , even permanent blessing , and that the chief of all , to wit , [ life ] for evermore , that is to say , where there is unity of brethren , and that they dwell so together , psa . . and continue in their love . and though it be true that in some good measure the spirit of life from god is already entred into the two witnesses , and they are creeping up to stand upon their feet ; so that great fear is ( in measure ) faln upon them that saw ( and insulted over ) them , as rev. . , . yet , let us never expect the approbation of god , and to be called up to heaven , nor to ascend in a cloud to such eminent respect in the [ church universal ] which is meant by [ heaven ] vers . . till faith and love , which are the two proper and essential [ witnesses ] that are here meant , be inspired into us by the spirit of life from god , and shall raise and advance us , who are but the subjects in whom they recide , and who are but the instruments in whom they act , as a visible express of their invisible power and nature , &c. for the glory of god , and the terror and amazement of all his adversaties : for it is by faith , if we prevail with god , or do any thing worthy of respect with him , or in the sight of men , as heb. . and faith worketh by love ; and he that beleeveth hath the witness in himself : see john . , . so that if these two witnesses be inspired into us , and we be acted by them , it will be indeed to the terror and amazement of all our enemies , that are enemies of god. and there shall be such an earthquake in the same hour as shall affright a remnant , who shall give glory to the god of heaven ; and we shall bear a part in that triumphant song , vers . . to . and therefore edifying one another in faith and love , which are in christ jesus , ought to be the end and chief endeavor of all our business in church affairs , as it is the end of the whole law , and as i hope in god it shall be mine , who am , your brother in the lord jesus , ellis bradshaw . the contents . containing by way of preambulation , the grounds and rules , according to which the following discourse is held forth , drawn from the end of the commandment , which is love out of a pure heart , and a good conscience , and of faith unfeigned . pag. . . . . first , shewing the end of the commandment to be better in value , and more to esteemed then the means to accomplish it , and therefore ought to be chiesly eyed in all the way that leadeth thereunto . . secondly , the illustration and application of the foresaid end of the commandment , prescribed as foure rules , to try all laws , arguments , doctrines , & motives by , ●hether they lead properly to the end of the commandment , yea or no , that so we might embrace , or avoid them as we ought to do . pag. . . . . . thirdly , four grounds and arguments drawn from scripture , as intending , and tending to a reconciliation of the churches of god , in respect of the government and discipline there of , pa. . . the first from the lawfulness of chastity or marriage . pag. . . . the second from the lawfulness of community of goods , amongst such who can so agree , or the claiming of propriety amongst such who cannot . pag. . . . the third from the lawfulness of fasting , and prayer ; or of eating and drinking . pag. . . . and the fourth from the lawfulness of such , who think they ought , of being of the strictest sect of the true religion , such as were the pharisecs , or one more remisse , such as was the scribes . pag. . intending chiefly hereby to clear , that no man ought to blame anoother , for being more strict and conscientious , then he himself 〈◊〉 , or it may be [ needs ] or ought to be ; his calling of god , not ingaging him to it , as it doth the other , being bound in spirit to the quite contrary , and in conscience both . pag. . and one the other part , that those that are stricter ought not to blame such as are more remiss in some respects ; because for ought they know , they are so ingaged , and called of god , and either bound in conscience , or bound in spirit , within their own sphere . pag . conseq . the consequence where of being to this purpose , that they ought not therefore to compel each other , unto conformity , either to the strictness of the one , or the remisness of the other : proving that the magistrate ought to tollerate , or suffer both , and not to ingage them one against the other . pag. . . fourthly , the application of the aforesaid grounds , and arguments to the matter in hand ; to wit , to the churches , and the government thereof . pag. . . . . fiftly , first the application of the aforesaid grounds and conclusions by way of just reproofe unto both parties , because they do not agree , and live , and love , and carry as brethren . pag. . for which end the rule of charity is proposed , and a little proscsecuted pag. . . . . the punctual application of the precedent conclusions are briefly asserted ; first to the one , and secondly to the other , and a general consequence concluded thence . pag. . . an objection proposed and answered at large ; to wit , that seeing presbyteries plead that independents rules and ways of discipline , are not more strict , but more remisse , and loose in many respects , giving way for liberty of all religious without controule by the civil state , as so they speak of them : pag. . it is answered at large , that the rules and principles , according to which they engage to act , are manifestly stricter , and lawfully too , in divers particulars , which are held forth in several assertions , wherein likewise they are engaged , in duty and conscience , so to do : though it is not denyed , but many presbyterians are engaged in conscience to do the contrary , and are fully perswaded that they ought so to do for the time present . p. . . it is asserted , that they are justly stricter with whom they do incorporate and joyn themselves in church policy , because that , so far forth as their joyning together hath respect to the policy and government of the church , no church can be too strict . pag. . though , in other respects , they ought to joyn according to the rule of charity , and not of certainty , as in administration of the word and sacraments , as cor. . . chap. . & chap. . , . . it is asserted , that ( for the same ends , and reasons , and respects , alledged in the former ) they are justly strict and conscientious , and teach it as a duty , that all that are found , and known to be men of approved fidelity , within convenient bounds , should thus incorporate and joyn themselves ; and to engage themselves in covenant unto god , for better security and deeper engagement unto all brotherly and christian duties , and to deal impartially in all such business , as concerns them all , for the glory of god , and the churches good ; and to be wise as serpents , though innocent as doves . p. , . . it is asserted , and proved at large , that the principles of independents are stricter , and neerer to the scripture rules , for edifying of the church , in that they do not limit the holy one of israel to speak in publique by the learned onely . p. to for proving whereof , . it is asserted from cor. . , to . that naturally and manifestly flows from hence ; that to whomsoever the manifestation of the spirit is given , it is given to such to profit withall . pag. . . it is proved against an objection to the contrary , that such who have the spirit of god , and are spiritualiz'd thereby , may discern all things , yea , the deep things of god , as cor. . . . yea , though they be unlearned in the tongues ; and that the manifestations of the spirit may be evident and demonstrable , even in these our days , to such who are spiritual , though not unto others , as vers . , , , , . pag. . . . the particular gifts , or notes , or qualifications , or operations , or administrations , are the chief of them produced from sacred scripture , whereby the manifestation of the spirit of god , and of power , &c. may be evident and demonstrable in such as are not of those that are learned in the tongues , nor graduates in the schools , even in these our days , yea , and that in such who do no miracles . pag. . . it is asserted and proved against an objection , that these particular gifts and administrations , which are reckoned up by the apostle paul , cannot be so counterfeited by the carnal , but they may easily be discerned by those that are spiritual p. , . and to that purpose there is divers notes from sacred scripture , which ( being found in any ) do prove for certain , and do evidently demonstrate , that it is indeed even the spirit of god that speaketh in them , yea though they do no miracles . pag. . . the first from john . . ibid. . from john . . . pag. . . from james . , . ibid. . from john . . ibid. . from cor. . . & chap. . , . ibid. . from john . . ibid. . from phil. . , . & ephes . . , . ibid. but that the chiefest of all these particulars , or any that can be exhibited , is a clear understanding and knowledg of god , and of the sacred scriptures , and the secrets thereof , and of the secrets and mysteries of his sacred kingdom : because without all controversie , great is the mysterie of godliness , as the apostle saith , col. . . , . rom. . . ephes . . . tim. . . titus . . pag. . to which a reason is rendred , drawn from the contrary , luke . . mark . , . mat. . ibid. and a consequence gathered , backed with cor. . . & matth. . . ibid. and an objection answered , to satisfie such who count it immodesty . pag. . . and another to satisfie such who object , that speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , is not properly to prophecy , because prophecying is foreshewing of things to come ; which is fully answered , and clearly vindicated , that it is properly prophecying , as the apostle asserteth it from heb. . . & john . . & john . , , . cor. . , , . and the chief of all for the perfecting of the saints , and for the work of the ministry , and for the edification of the body of christ , ephes . . , , , , , . pag. . . and secondly , that it is a more present evidence and demonstration of the spirit then shewing of things to come , as agabus did ; for till the things be come , they do not manifest the spirit of god. pag. , . . and thirdly , the danger is shewed to those that despise , or resist , and disparage these things or ways , &c. or them that use them ; or to any authority that will not suffer it , and give liberty to all them , whose spirit god hath raised , to build up the churches in their most holy faith , lest wrath be upon them from the lord , as ezra . , . & chap. . , . & chap. . , . & psal . . pag. . , . yea , that it is matter of dangerous consequence , either to act , or comply with such ; shew'd by many reasons , and all objections answered fully , which are too many , and too large to abreviate . pag. . assertion is , concerning their independency , in respect of other churches , whiles they do well , as rom. . , . & pet. . to the . & chap. . , . & . with the reasons that necessarily engage them so to stand , which are unanswerable . pag. . to . assertion is , concerning their maintaining the power , and kingdom , and supremacy of christ ; in which it is shewed , that they necessarily assume democracy to maintain his monarchy against antichristian tyranny and usurpation . pag. . to . assertion is , that they are justly stricter in keeping themselves within their own sphere , in not judging those that are without in the apostles sense , cor. . . in a spiritual way , as mat. . . to . pag. . , . having done with the presbyterians for the time present , here is three grand particulars instanced in against the independents , and punctually argued from scripture grounds . . first , concerning ordination of ministers , and other officers . pag. . to . . secondly , concerning the authoritative acting of an assembly of churches in the name of god , and the lord jesus christ , wherein is proved , that withdrawing of communion is not sufficient , but they ought to proceed even to excommunication , yea even to execration , if their sin so deserve , as for toleration of idolatry , blasphemy , and such haynous sins in their church-members or officers . pag. . to . . thirdly , concerning their strictness in tryal of all whom they admit to partake of the sacraments , which is named pag. . but prosecuted and argued against them from pag. . to the end of the book . but betwixt pag. . and pag. . the authors apprehensions , partly abreviating what hath formerly been said , are proposed briefly by way of result ; and then objections answered concerning this main difference about admission to the sacraments , and other particulars before named , to the end of the book . forasmuch as the author doth in all things hold forth charity , which is the bond of perfectness , col. . . and that we are bound to prove all things , hold fast that which is good , thes . . . therefore , i say unto the ensuing treatise , imprimatur theodore jennings . august . . an husbandmans harrow to pull down the ridges of the presbyteriall government , and to smooth a little the independent ; that both they and others might walk together upon plaine scripture grounds without stumbling on the ridgeness of either or both . the end of a thing ( saith wise solomon ) is better then the beginning thereof . therefore it follows , that the end of a thing ought chiefly to be eyed as a mark to shoot at , yea , as the complement , and perfection of all endeavours , and means , and waies to attain such end . and so likewise the apostle paul , by the spirit of god , giveth us clearely to understand , that the end of the commandement is love , out of a pure heart , and a good conscience , and faith unfained , tim. . . from which we may justly argue ; that if love , &c. be the end of the commandement : and if the end be better , then the means , to attain it . cons . then the means for the accomplishment , ( and that should lead unto , or acquire such an end , ) ought not to be pleaded , or set against ; nor valued and esteemed above the end . reas . for then it utterly frustrates , and makes the meanes void , if we rob or spoile it of its proper end ; and so both end and means are utterly vain . instan . as for instance he that pleadeth the law against justice or legality of proceedings in matter of state , against the good , and peace , and safety of the people . he pleadeth against both the law , and justice , and against the good and safety of the people : and not only so , but he disparageth the law , and legall proceedings . as if they intended not , or at least , were not able to attaine their end , but were made on purpose to obstruct such justice , as ought to be their end , for which they are made . and though it is true , that the law of god , being of absolute perfection , can never properly be so pleaded ; yet unjustly , and improperly , it both may , and is ; though it ought not so to be , but the quite contrary , as hath been said . but how much more ought the lawes of men , ( being not absolutely perfect , nor sufficently wise to attain their end ) never to be pleaded ; but with chief reference , and cleare respect to the end thereof . so that he that objects , or pleads them at all ; should hold forth with them , even the end it self ; and should make it manifest , how the law he pleadeth , tendeth as a means , to acquire unto , or bring about such end : lest he plead the law against justice , as some have done ; though deeply learned in the laws of the land ; endangering thereby , to establish arbitrary , tyrannicall power , greater then before : concerning which , there is enough already , and at large exprest to the whole kingdom . only this i add , that i cannot but wonder , how any rationall man can ever desire such enslaving power ; or delight to use it , if he had it granted , considering . first , they can never rationally , nor justly expect , nor be certainly assured , of the cordial affection of any such subjects , who are but subjected by arbitrary , cruel and tyrannical power . for all subjection , that is but meerly enforc'd , is evidently clear , to be defective in love . . secondly all meer force by power , &c. is so far short of provoking unto love , or any cordial affection , or honor indeed ; as that it dis-ingageth and repels the affection , and force of love , and of all proper uniting principles ; and quite diverteth them into enmity and hatred , and dis-esteem : especially , in case , when the honor and service which is forc'd unto , is not just and proper ; but undue , unsuitable , and more then just , and without desert . . thirdly , as the scripture speaks , for a man to seek his own glory , is not glory , no , it is his shame ; for when pride commeth , then cometh shame : and it is not only lawful but even the bounden duty of them that love the lord , to hate evil , as pride , and arrogancie , and the evill way . and even the mouth that speaketh proud things , they ought to hate . . fourthly , what honor is it , or what glory , or renown , for a man to rule and have the command ; yea , or to sway a scepter over a kingdom of slaves ? were it not his shame amongst kingdoms of men ? and what renown could he possibly get in time of wars , by leading forth his slaves to battel , to engage them in service against armies of men ? would they not cowardly desert him , and leave him naked , rather then lose their lives , which are alwaies deare unto slavish men ? they are alwaies so ignoble , and of such timorous spirits , in case of danger . and then also , in regard they are not ingaged , nor bound cordially unto him , through personall love , and of their voluntary accord , but enslav'd through force ; they will not care , if they find an opportunity for their owne safety , and release from him , if they sell him into the hands of their greatest enemies , or lay violent hands on his person themselves , as it often is ; yea , and for the most part , there is few tyrants that escape murther , or just execution , but it is their end . by the just judgement of the merciful god , who loveth mercy , but hateth cruelty , wrong , and tyranny , and will avenge it , though justice faile in the hands of men , one time or other , look isai . . , , , , , . look also vers . , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . for the same measure , that men mete unto others ; the same shall be measured unto them again . but why should i wonder , to see us all prone to be ambitious , proud , haughty ; seeing we are not fully and throughly rational , but in a great measure lead with sensuality . but were we throughly rational , how could we be proud , that are dust and ashes , and know our selves such , and that we are but mortal ? seeing he alone , who is the only potentate , the king of kings , and lord of lords , hath immortality , and dwelleth in light which is inaccessible , which no man can approach unto , whom no man hath seen , nor can see ; to whom alone be ascribed , honour and power everlasting , amen , amen . but thus much briefly , by way of introduction , or preambulation , to what i chiefly intend to fall upon , as of all points most meet and necessary , to be insisted on in these contentious , quarrellous , and perillous times : i mean , in regard of that great dissention , that is now amongst us , about the churches government , and discipline , &c. concerning which , i shall endeavour , through the grace of god , to keep close to the principles that i have premised , and that as briefly as may be . and shall cast in also even this poor mite into the churches treasury , and that by way of proposal , as ayming chiefely at the proper end , which is the end of the commandement , as hath been said . for without all controversie , that which is the end of all the commandements , should be all our ends , in all our endeavours , and undertakings . but the undoubted end of all the commandements , is doubtless , [ love ] out of a pure heart , and good conscience , and faith unfeigned . this therefore being the proper end ; i shall hold it forth in all the means , that i shall propose , from the law of god ; and shall carry it along in my own intention ; and also make it manifest , as much as possible , how such meanes , properly tendeth to atchieve that end ; and how useful and necessary such means is , to attain there unto , the lord assisting : who is able to do it , and to make it clear . . and first then , because it do appeare to be against [ love ] to god above all , and our neighbours as our selves . it is worthy to be rejected ; for even the whole law is contained in this ; yea , what ever it be that is against love , is against god ; for god is love , and love cometh of god ; and is shed abroad in our hearts by the holy ghost ; and if we be partakers of this divine love which is shed in our hearts , by the holy ghost ; we are made partakers of the godly nature ; and it is of all others , the first and chiefest of those fruits of the spirit , and the most essentiall , joh. . , , , , , . and so is a clear evidence , that god dwelleth in us , and we in him ; for the love of god is essentially of god , such love , i meane as cometh of god. . and secondly , if it do appear to be against this love , out of a pure heart ; it is also worthy to be rejected ; for what ever law , doctrine , or argument shall be proposed , to oblige men to in purity , either in heart , or life , it is without all controversie against the law of god ; for blessed are the pure in heart , for they shall see god , and men ought to keep themselves pure , mat. . . tim. . . especially in heart , for thereout cometh the issues of life . . thirdly , if it be propos'd against a good conscience , it is worthy to be rejected , as not included in the law of god. for all laws , doctrines , or arguments , whatsoever they are that would ingage us against a good conscience , manifestly grounded on the word of god , and of sound doctrine , that cannot be reproved ; we ought to reject them , and yeeld no obedience , nor approbation thereunto , either in obedience unto men , or to please them , &c. for we must not be men pleasers , nor servants of men , but obey god rather then men ; and ought to love , and therefore serve , and honor , and please him , rather then men . for all the men in the whole universe , cannot by any meanes give men liberty of conscience to commit sinne ; if their conscience tell them , and be convinced from the law of god , that they ought not to do it , as rom. . , , , , . but their consciences , will accuse , and condemne them also ; and that in the day of judgement , when god shall judge the secrets of men , by jesus christ , according to the gospel . therefore , as they cannot properly give men liberty of conscince , no more then save , and exempt men from punishment due for their sinnes against conscience ; they ought not to binde , or engage men to obedience unto any law , against a good conscience , rightly grounded on the law of god , as hath been said ; but should give men libertie , to be as strict and severe , and as carefull , and watchful , and as inquisitive is they please , how to keep a good conscience , voyd of offence both to god and men . . fourthly , if any law , or argument , or motion whatsoever , shall be made against faith ; to wit , unfaigned faith , as that we should not beleeve or trust in god , but in something else ; or that we should beleeve , or put hope and confidence in any thing else ; or that we should not beleeve whatsoever he saith , or proposeth to us in his sacred word , or biddeth us beleeve , &c. we ought to reject it ; yea , though all the men and churches in the world , would ingage us to beleeve , what they assert and resolve upon , as being most able , because wise and learned ; and because a multitude of counsellors to determine and resolve , what ought to be beleeved in such a case . yet if we certainly know , that the word of god affirmeth the contrary ; we ought to beleeve it , and to reject their resolves , and counsels and assertions , be they what they will ; and must not conform , nor comply with them , nor approve the same . but if an angel from heaven , or the whole world being become an arrian , should decree , or teach us , the arrian heresie , we should let him be accursed ; and so also for any other doctrine , then may be made manifest , as it ought to be , from sacred scripture . there is a time spoken of zach. . when men shall be so zealous against false prophets , and false prophesying , that a mans father and his mother that begat him , shall say unto him , thou shalt not live ; for thou speakest lyes in the name of the lord ; and his father and his mother , that begat him , shall thrust him through , when he prophesie , zach. . , , , , , . we must therefore resolve , to let god be true , and every man a lyar , and therefore rather to beleeve him , then all , and every , or any man in the whole world . and also we must and ought to draw neer unto god , in full assurance of faith , not casting away our confidence in god , which hath great recompence of reward ; for faith in god is of all other graces , love excepted , the most chief and principal , and the most essential ; for it is said of faith and love , that they are in christ jesus ; yea , though now in heaven . it is not said , that they were in christ ▪ to wit , when he was on earth , but that they are in christ jesus ; for when the apostle writ so of him , he was ascended already into heaven ; yea , and though he be in heaven , yet he is said to dwel in mens hearts by faith. and therefore such faith may well be called a precious faith , being so properly essential to the spirit of christ ; as that where faith dwelleth , christ also dwelleth properly and essentially , even by his holy spirit : for faith and love , which are in christ jesus , are not onely fruits , but they are essentiall witnesses of his holy spirit abiding in us : he that beleeveth ( saith the apostle ) hath the witnesse in himself : joh. . . and so he that loveth , it is also a witness that he is born of god , and knoweth god , chap. . . and that he also dwelleth in us , vers . . and that he hath given us of his spirit , vers . . and so that we are made partakers of the godly nature , pet. . . and have in some measure , even the mind of christ , and the spirit of christ , though yet but in measure , because of our finite capacities : whereas in christ , even the fulness of the godhead dwelleth bodily , or rather essentially . therefore it follows , that what ever arguments , or laws , or doctrines , make against faith , or that but tend to the weakning thereof , or that would hinder our edifying , and being built up in faith and love , which are in christ jesus ; should utterly be rejected , as ungodly , unjust , untrue , opposite , and contradictory to the law of god , and to his sacred word , which is one , and cannot be broken , nor alleged properly for such an end ; and therefore these foure rules may stand as cautions , that we admit not any thing , contrary hereunto ; though it should be urged , and presented to us , or proposed , or commanded , in the name of god ; or as being grounded on his sacred word : for it it crosse , or oppose , or would deprive us , or make void to us this end of the commandement , to wit , love out of a pure heart , and good conscience , and faith unfained ; it is false , and wicked , and that which will not stand with the law it self , and therefore ought to be rejected of all good men : and therefore with full purpose to keep to these rules , as the end also of what i do intend , i shall further propose these ensuing grounds and arguments , both as intending and tending to a reconciliation , and full agreement of the church of god , in respect of government , and the discipline thereof , as hereafter follows . ground is , that it is lawful , yea , and the bounden duty of some men , and of some women , to be more abstenious from things lawful in themselves , and to bind themselves to a stricter discipline then others need to engage themselves , or be bound unto , or be absteni●us from . reas . for it is the duty of some men , and of some women , to make themselves chaste for the kingdom of heavens sake , mat. ●● . & cor. . for the kingdom of heavens sake , that is to say , that they might be more free , both from the cares of this life , and from all carnal engagements , or disturbances , or distractions , and inducements whatsoever ; that might either trouble , or molest them , or engage their mindes , or withdraw their affections , or hinder their devotions , both of bodies and spirits , in respect of god. but that they might fully consecrate , and devote themselves , both soules and bodies , to the sacred government of his grace and spirit ; that the kingdom of god , by his grace and spirit , might have full scope and dominion in them , both of their soules and bodies ; and that they might more freely attend , and waite on the lord , without separation , or without disturbance , or cumber , or distraction , by any meanes : but might glorifie god both in their bodies and spirits : and that with all their hearts , with all their souls , with all their minds , and with all their strength , as so the law of god requires they should . for this is the measure of our love to god , that the law requires , and that christ exemplified , and commanded likewise , that he that can receive this , should receive it . and it is also the apostle pauls advice , by the spirit of god , as better for such , who can abstain that they should not marry , if they had power over their own wills ; that is to say , had they gift of continency , as matth. . , . cor. . , , . . and this also the apostle exemplified , and wished that all men were even as he himself in that particular . and thus therefore , i hope that no man will deny , but that it were better for some , both men and women ; such especially , who have the gift of continencie , to abstain from marriage , and make themselves chaste , for the kingdom of heavens sake , but that they may thus doe , it is good for such not to touch a woman , as cor. . . and yet for all this , marriage is honourable amongst all men , and is ordained of god , and some are called of god to that estate ; and do in that estate , live a holy and a blameless life . enoch walked with god , after he begat methuselah , three hundred years , and begat sons and daughters , gen. . . of whom it was witnessed , that he had pleased god , and that he was therefore translated , that he should not see death , hebr. . . and it was lawfull for peter to lead about a wife , a sister , and so for the brethren of the lord , and cephas . and zachary and elizabeth were both righteous before the god , walking in the commandements , and ordinances of the lord blameless , as luke . , . and david was a man after gods own heart , save in the matter of vriah : and yet had many wives , and concubines : and adam in innocency , before he sinned , had his wife , and was commanded to be fruitfull , and multiply , and replenish the earth , &c. and how else should men be multiplied , and succeed , &c. but by means of procreation , as god hath ordained , and appointed , and called men ; as doubtless , he hath , some after this manner , and some after that : for it were a wicked antichristian doctrine , to forbid to marry , or to command to abstaine from meats , which god hath commanded , to be received with thanks-giving , tim. . , , . but such who are so called , and inclin'd for marriage , are not very suitable for consociation with such-as make themselves chaste , nor they for them , in these respects . . and secondly , it is lawful for some , to give all their goods unto the poor , and to give their bodies to be burned , cor. . . and in case , when called of god , and required so to do , it is their duty . for the young man in the gospel , ought to have done so , as christ advised him , that he might be perfect . and it had been good for him so to have done ; for in consideration thereof , he might have had treasure in heaven , and have followed christ , math. . . and also , whosoever will save his life , ( when christ calleth him to part with it ) shall lose it ; but whosoever shall lose it for his sake , shall finde it , math. . , , . and math. . , , , , , , , . and it is lawfull for such , who are of one heart , and of one soul , to have all things common , and not to title , or claime any thing , that any of such possesseth as his own , acts . . but such , amongst such , as are possessors of lands , may lawfully sell them , and bring the price thereof , and lay it down at the ministers feet ; that distribution may be made unto every man , ( amongst them ) according as he hath need ; as vers . . . . but this community is only proper amongst such as are of one heart . and yet for all this , he that provideth not for his own , especially them of his houshold , he is worse then an infidel . and riches are given to some , as great blessings ; as to abraham , and david , and salomon , and joab , &c. and it is a more blessed things to be a giver , then a receiver . and men have a true and just propertie in their own goods , or estates , as acts . . and it is in their own power , neither ought any to be compelled to such community of goods , and estates ; nor to distribute and communicate , but as they doe it freely , of their own voluntary minds without grudging , or any impulsion , as of necessity , either to the poor , or to the ministery , as gal. . , , , , . and cor. . , , , , , &c. and the apostle moved them ; not as speaking by commandement , but by reason of the forwardness of others , and the example of christ , who being rich , for their sakes became poor ; that they through his poverty might be rich , as chap. . , , , , , , , . and that supplying each others , there might be equallity , as vers . . . as doubtless , to such who are mutually affected , it is no more , but equal , and therefore a duty , but otherwise not , but were a sin . . it is lawful for a man to beat down his body , and to bring it in subjection , by fasting , and by labour and travaile night and day , as cor. . , , , , , &c. it is not unlawfull to fast often ; yea , twice in the week , like the scribes and pharisees . yea , it is lawful for man and wife to defrande one another , with consent , for a time ; that they may give themselves unto fasting and prayer , so they come together again ; that satan tempt them not , for their incontinency , as cor. . . and they that do thus , doubtless may see cause for it , why they should fast ( sometimes ) when they give themselves unto prayer . as first , because when the stomack is empty , the whole strength of the soul , and spirit , is set at liberty ; ( it not being bent and imployed in digestion of meat . ) that with full bent of all the powers , and faculties , both of soul and body , they may strive and wrestle with god in prayer , and be the more faithfull and confident ; and the more capable and apprehensive of spiritual understanding : for when the stomach is burthened and cloyed with meat , the strength of the spirit is necessarily engaged , for digestion of the same ; and makes the minde drowsie , and dull , and the more uncapable , and unfit for communion and fellowship with god , and for the presence and power of his holy spirit , working therein , and acting , and exercising , and inlarging the same , according to his will ; making request for the saints , according to the will of god , even with sight , and groans , that canned be expressed . it is therefore meet , upon serious occasions , of seeking unto god , that we fast and pray , with fulness of devotion , and fervencie of spirit , if we would obtain . and secondly , in regard that some things are not attainable ; some kind of devils not cast out , but by fasting and prayer , mar. . . which cleerly implies , that fasting and prayer jointly , are more powerfull and prevalent with god , then when severed , as prayer only . and yet for all this , it was lawful for peter , and the rest of the apostles to eat and drink , &c. and who could eat , or who else could hasten unto outward things , more then wise salomon , who seriously concludes ; that there is nothing better for a man , then that he should eat and drink , and he should make his soul to enjoy the fruit of his labour ; and this he saw , that it was of the hand of god. for god giveth to a man that is good in his sight , wisdom , and knowledge , and joy ; but to the sinner , he giveth travaile ; to gather , and to heap up , that he may give to him , that is good before god , eccles . . , , . and the lord jesus , even christ himselfe , as his own words do plainly declare ; that contrary to the practice of john the baptist , he the son of man came eating , and drinking , eating bread , and drinking wine ; insomuch that they said of him , behold a gluttenous man , and a wine-bibber , a friend of publicans and sinners , luke . . and the disciples of john fasted often , but his disciples fasted not whiles he was with them . and therefore it follows ; that as there is diversities of gifts , and of administrations , and operations given out by the self same spirit , dividing to every man severally as he will. even so accordingly , men are called of god , one after this manner , and another after that ; and have so also their proper gifts of god , as cor. . . and as god hath distributed to every man , as the lord hath called every one , so he ought to walk , for so the apostle ordained in all churches , as vers . . and therefore it follows , that it must not be expected , that every man should be alike absteneous from the things of this life ; not bind themselves to so strict a discipline , both over their bodies and minds , &c. as some others , both will , and can , and ought , to doe . . the apostle paul , after the most strict sect of the jewish religion , he lived a pharisee ; which clearly implies , that at least , there were three that were several sects of the jewish religion ; of which the pharisees were the strictest ; and yet they were all religious men , and of the true religion too : there were scribes , and pharisees , and saduces , and all religious and zealous also in their own wayes , and according to their own traditions , and doctrines ; though they something differed amongst themselves ; yet they were all tolerated by the civil state ; and the civil state was not reprehended either by john the baptist , or by christ himself , for such toleration : but their false doctrines , and covetousness , and hypocrisie , were reproved , and sharply too . . consequence , and therefore it follows , that all ought not to be compell'd to engage themselves , to so strict , and holy , and severe a discipline , as ought to be tolerated , and practised by others who can embrace , and freely engage to endure the same , considering these grounds before named . . and secondly it follows , that a stricter discipline ought to be tolerated by the civil magistrate ; that such who please , and can freely accord , to engage themselves to the exercise thereof , ( amongst themselves ) may have liberty to doe it : provided they offer not to inforce their way . then ought to be imposed , or made as a general , and binding rule , or way of government , to which all must necessarily be ingaged in or bound unto . reason . for it is the duty of some men , as hath been said , to bind themselves to a stricter discipline then others need , or ought to doe . the one being qualified , through the grace of god , and fitted for it ; and so manifestly ingaged and called of god , so to doe : but the other not qualified ; nor so disposed , through the grace of god , are manifestly , engaged , and called of god , to the quite contrary , as in these foure instances , above written . . concerning chastity or marriage . . concerning community of goods , or claiming of propriety . . concerning fasting , or eating and drinking . . concerning being of the strictest sect of the true religion , such as was the pharsees ; or of one more remiss , such as was the scribes . but it will be demanded , how these may be applicable to the matter in hand ? i answer , that as the case stands betwixt man and man in these particulars ; so it doth also betwixt church and church : for they are all governed by the same law , and by the same spirit , and the case is the same in every respect ▪ . for such who make themselves chaste for the kingdom of heavens sake , it is good for such not to touch a woman , as cor. . . and therefore they ought to be carefull how they carry themselves in such respects . and it is not lawful for such to marry , if they so resolve , and know they have power over their own wills , as hath beer said before . even so a church being rightly constituted , and having divine power , and authority given her , through faith in god , and the lord jesus christ : and that desires to be presented , as a chaste virgin onely unto christ , and to be governed by him . it is not lawful , for such a church , or at least , not good for her , to binde her selfe , to be subject to the vote , or power and jurisdiction of other churches that are not constituted as a chaste virgin onely unto christ ; and to be ruled by him , and by his word and spirit . or if they be not resolved , to be as chast as she , and as fully subject to the rules , and laws , and waies of christ , but think they ought to consociate with such , who are more loose in their doctrine , and government , and ways , &c. which as yet she cannot resolve to do , upon any principles she hath yet received from christ her head . and there is a resemblance nto a little remarkable , held forth to us by the holy ghost , betwixt the husband and wife , and christ and his church , ephes . . . &c. both of them , being bound to be subject alike , though yet in the lord. and as it is so , that there is cause of jealousie , that some women will not continue chaste . so there is cause of jealousie , that some churches will not be espoused unto one husband : that they may be presented , as a chaste virgin to christ ; but their minds will be corrupted from the simplicity that is in christ , as cor. . , , . secondly , as it is with a man , as hath been said , so it is with a church , in the second particular : for , if a particular church shall amongst themselves , being of one heart , and of one minde , have all things common , and none of them claime propriety of goods , as meerly his own ; but that they may be distributed , as every one hath need . as so it is lawful , if they can so agree , and do it freely without grudging , or repining : yet it were unlawful , and a folly , and madness , to joyne themselves so in community of goods , to such in whom they could not expect the like community , they being quit of a contrary minde , and heart , &c. like ananias and saphirah , covetous and hypocritical , and only ayming at carnal ends . thirdly , and so likewise , as it lawful for a particular man , to give themselves much unto fasting and prayer , as hath been said . even so it is likewise , for a particular church , if they so agree amongst themselves , to give themselves much unto fasting and payer , as in their apprehension , they shall think they have cause ; for the good of their soules , in general or particular . where it may be on the contrary , some other churches , in their apprehensions , have more cause of thankfulness ; finding for the present , that the bridegroom is with them . as so for this reason , the disciples of christ fasted not , whereas the disciples of john fasted often . and why then , should churches of different judgments , in these respects , be bound by authority , all to rejoyce , or all to mourn , and fast , and pray , at the same times , and no more frequently ; but as all can agree , so to humble themselves . and how should it chuse , but ingage men to hypocrisie , save only in case of some general judgment , of which we are certain , that all are sencible and affected with it . and fourthly , and lastly , as it is lawful for a particular man , to be of the strictest sect of the true religion , such as were the pharisees . so it is lawful for a particular church , to be of the strictest way , in respect of government , doctrine , and discipline , that can be devised , or made good from scripture , as lawful , &c. and the magistrate ought not to enforce her , to conform unto any churches , that are more remisse and loose , or careless , or not so strict , or careful , and conscientious , as they ought to be . though i will not deny , but the magistrate ought to tollerate , such who think they ought not to be so strict , as well as the other . for as all good men whose general bent , is the glory of god ; cannot attain such measures , or degrees of grace , and wisdom , as of faith and holiness , and of zeal , &c. one as another . even so all churches , though they be true churches , cannot possibly attain , to be so rightly constituted , and so severe , and strict , in discipline , and government , and doctrine , &c. as others can , though the stricter , the better , in some respect , as i shall hereafter shew ; though in some things to be over strict is a foule fault . the one conceiving , that they ought to proceed , according to the rule of charity , and the other of certainty . the one expecting , but faith historical , in their admissions ; but the other searching , for faith justifying , such as appeares by works , in all such whom they doe approve . as there is strong arguments , that might easily be produced on both patties , even from sacred scripture , that it is not easie to reconcile . i hope , they will not say , that either of them yet , have clearly demonstrated , from sacred scriptures , their owne resolves concerning baptisme : i shall therefore , it may be , propose betwixt them ; something of that . but from these precedent grounds , first , it is clear , that these conclusions , will justly reprove , and , i hope , convince , both the independents , and presbyterians ; in that they do not labour to accord , and love , and strive to live and carry as bretheren , and communicate together in all the ordinances , as bretheren ought , and as occasion serves . but the one striving to enforce conformity to their wayes , and rules , and principles , &c. to which ( in conscience ) they , it may be , are engaged . and the other , blaming , and condemning them , as too remisse , and not so upright and conscientious , nor walking by so just and strict a rule , in constitution , government , and discipline of the congregations , as they ought to do , and as they are resolved to engage themselves , and therefore seek for liberty so to do . by this means they fall at varience , and fall out by the way , and about the way , though they be bretheren , and so doe know , and acknowledge each other . and first then , let them both consider , this falling out by the way , is not ( like ) as they were bretheren , for by this saith christ , all men shall know that ye are my disciples ; if ye love one another . is this like love , which is the end of the commandement , as is before proposed , even thus to bite , and devoure , and destroy one another ? and all because that both parties , but seeing in part , and knowing in part , and understanding in part , are of different judgements . as so they are likely as yet to be in some thing or other , whiles it is so with them , as that they are not perfect , till that which is in part shall be done away . and what then , will they never agree , till they all be perfect ? will they never love , till in every particular , they be of one judgment ? but it will be objected , that men who think themselves in a right way , and others wrong ; and holding forth their arguments from cleare scripture grounds that are sufficient to convince themselves : they are apt to think that the other are obstinate , and that they see , and will not see , nor acknowledge the truth : so that they cannot chuse but be in a great measure out of charity with them : as accounting them perverted , and men that sin , being damned of their own consciences . answ . i answer , that if we can know for certain , after once or twice admonition , that men sinne , being damned of their own consciences , it is a foule thing , such ought to be rejected , tit. . , . but such must be known to be hereticks , and obstinate , &c. and therefore observe the nature of love in this kind , that we be not censorious , and too too injurious , in judging our bretheren in this kind . for charity , ( saith the apostle ) suffereth long , and is kind : charity envieth not , nor vanteth not it self , nor 〈◊〉 it pufft up : doth not behave it self unseemly ; seeketh not her own , is not easily provoked , thinketh no evill : rejoyceth not in iniquity , but rejoyceth in the truth ; beareth all things , beleeveth all things , hopeth all things , endureth all things , &c. cor. . , , , . and seeing that all these are natural properties of that love which is the end of the commandment : let us try our selves by all these properties , whether we have behaved , and carried our selves accordingly towards such , before we censure , and let our hearts loose , to reject and oppose , and deal with them as enemies of god. we ought not to hate , nor to deal with such as enemies at all ; but to love , and pitty , and pray for them ; and acknowledge them brethren , and admonish them as brethren , though they seem to walk disorderly , and obey not the word even of god himselfe in some things , thess . . , . and mat. . , , , , . though i doe confesse , that if any man love not the lord jesus christ , he ought to be held even in execration , if it manifestly appear . and we ought to contend earnestly for the faith which was once delivered to the saints , jud. . and we should stand fast to our christian liberty wherewith christ hath made us free , and not be entangled again with yokes of bondage , nor suffer men to rule over us at their pleasure , according to their own fancies , or arbitrary wills , not submitted to the laws of god ; nor holding to the head , and to the foundation , &c. coloss . . . and chap. . , , , , , , , , , &c. but still always , with due respect to their persons ; as pittying their ignorance , weakness , infirmities , failings , and imperfections that we discover in them . as considering our selves , lest we also be tempted , and that we also have been in like condition , in one particular respect or another ; having been erronious , and misapprehensive , and offensive unto others , in such respects : for who that lives , but if he will examine , he may remember that he hath erred from the truth , in some thing or other : and been reduced and convinced by others ; or by searching of the scriptures have seen our selves ( as of our selves ) subject to all , or to any error . and that we ought to acknowledge , that it is of grace , and the gift of god ; that we are sufficient , or able to know or understand any thing of the things of god. and why then should we be high minded , and not rather fear , least we also fall , or fail , &c. of the grace of god ? or why then should we be too confident , either that we do not , or that we cannot err ? and if we do not expect , that men should think so of us , why are we so angry , that all men are not just on our minds ? and that they will not follow us , nor conforme unto us , just in our wayes ? doth it not imply , that we think of our selves above that which is meet ? to wit , that we cannot erre , and expect that others should thinke so likewise . and what is this lesse then the pope , that antichrist , and the church of rome challenge to themselves ; and by reason thereof exalt themselves above the magistrates , above all that is called god , or that is worshipped ▪ &c. whereas on the contrary part , it is manifest , that the generality of the whole christian world , hath erred iexceedingly : was it not once said , that the whole world was become an arrian ? nay , were not all the opposers of the arrian heresie , in an error likewise , both one and another ? to wit , those that maintained , that the trinity of persons was one substance . for though the trinity of persons be one and the same in essence , yet they are not one substance , for the blessed deity is all essence , as the scripture is clear , exod. . . i am that i am : to wit , that he [ is , ] is all essence . but no proof can be made from scripture ground ; that the invisible god is any substance at all , but an infinite essence , and not locally circumscriptible , as all substance is : but unlimitably existent ; filling both all place , and every substance , both in heaven and earth , and infinitely beyond them on every side : circumventing all things , and filling all things , even from the very top of the highest heavens , to the middle , and bowels or center of the earth : and yet he himself is not cirumvented , with any thing at all ; no , not with [ place ] it self : in which , as phylosophers speak , all things stand : but is infinite and unlimitable , without circumference , and without center ; the heavens of heavens are not able to containe him , but he filleth all things : as the scripture is clear , and as might evidently and convincingly also be made to appeare to any rational man , by reasons and arguments , drawn from the motion and government of all things , and constant course , and subsistence of the heavens , and of the earth , and waters , and all visible creatures : for who else is the efficient cause of their being , and subsistence , and of their motion , &c. look rom. . , , , . and psalm . . , &c. but if all may erre , and every one hath erred ; and it may be doth erre in some thing or other : then all and every particular man , ought to fear himself , lest he also do erre , and that in such particulars , wherein he thinketh , that he justly opposeth , and condemneth others : and ought to search the scriptures , and to search the meaning of the spirit , even in the scripture it self : and to be sure of that , before he be too confident , and surious in opposition , or judging of others , as hereticks , &c. he that thinketh he standeth , take heed lest he fall . he that thinketh he knoweth any thing , knoweth nothing yet as he ought to know , saith the spirit of god. then we ought therefore to put on charity , which is the bond of perfectness : and not to break off love , but upon sure grounds , that they are enemies of god , whom we so judge , and censure , &c. but for more punctuall applycation of these precedent conclusions unto both parties , to wit , to the independents and presbyterians , i shall briefly assert these cleare consequences from the aforesaid grounds : first to the one , and then to the other . and first then , to the presbyterians i assert as followeth , in behalf of the independents . . that it is lawful yea and the bounden duty of some men , to binde themselves to a stricter discipline , then others need or ought to do : the one being quallified , through the grace of god , and fitted for it , and so manifestly ingaged , and called of god so to do , for the time present , whiles they think they ought . . to the independents , that the presbyterians not being so qualified , or disposed , or called , through the grace of god ; but manifestly ingaged , to the quite contrary ; and as is it were bound in spirit , within their own sphere , or place , or calling , or way , &c. ought so to continue , whiles they think they ought , till they be convinced from scripture grounds that it is their duty ; and that they are called of god , to a stricter rule , and way of discipline , then they yet do practise ; or can freely embrace , or engage to indure , as witness the foure precedent examples . consiqu . and therefore it followes , that a stricter discipline ought to be tollerated , by the civil state ; that such who please , and can freely accord , to engage themselves to the exercise thereof amongst themselves , may have liberty to do it : provided alwaies , that they do not offer to inforce others unto their way : but only the freedom , and liberty of themselves , and of their own , &c. then ought to be imposed , and made as a general , and binding rule , and way of government ; to which all must necessarily be ingaged in , or bound unto : as hath been said before . object . but it will be objected , seeing i propose this assertion to the presbyterians , in behalf of independents ; that it will be necessary , that i shew wherein the independents rules , and ways of discipline , are stricter then theirs ; for they are generally accounted , by the presbyterians , more remiss and loose in many respects ; giving way for libertie of all religions , without controule by the civil state , as so they speak of them . answ . i answer that their rules and principles , according to which they engage to act , are manfestly stricter , and lawfully too , in divers particulars , wherein i shall briefly instance : and wherein i thinke they are likewise ingaged , in duty and conscience so to do , though i will not deny , but many presbyterians are ingaged in conscience , to do the contrary , and are fully perswaded , that they ought so to do for the time present . . and first , they are stricter with whom they incorporate , and joyn themselves in church policy : and so far forth , as any particular church is politically joyned , for the government thereof , and for the good of the body in every respect . a church can never be too strict , but the stricter the better : and the more likely it is , to be well ordered and governed , and built both in faith and love , and all other graces and vertues whatsoever ; that may tend for the benefit and good of the whole . and therefore , their principles are to admit none to be incorporated with them , but men of approved fidelity : because according to their princples , they having liberty , and power in all church affairs , that are of joynt concernment , and that respect them all , as in elections , or ejections , admissions , or deprivations , receptions , or rejections ; receiving in , or casting out , from amongst themselves , they all having interest , as members of the body , have liberty , and power , for vote , or sufferage , as they are bound in conscience , and can see just cause , and render a reason of their faith , hope , or desires therein ; grounded upon scripture evidence , as so they ought to have . they , i say , according to their principles , having this power and liberty , &c. are bound to be strict , with whom they incorporate and joyn themselves : lest by sway of vote ; things should be carryed antichristian-wise , to the dishonour of god , and of the church , &c. by male administration of all the ordinances that concern them all , to be carefull of in the sight of god. for if men be admitted to have vote in election of ministers , and elders , and deacons , &c. that are not approved , for ficelity and fitness , to discern , in some good measure , whether they be men of good and honest report , and full of the holy ghost , and of wisdom , suitable for such a place ; they may cause the election and approbation of such as will defile the church with corrupt doctrine , and unsound principles , and ways , and manners , to their own destruction . and therefore all that are accounted to be truly religious , are not fit to be incorporated , as members of the body , to have liberty and power in such respects , till they come to ripeness and maturity of judgment in spiritual respects : in like case , as the levites , though they all were given as a gift unto aaron and to his sons , to do the service of the tabernacle of the congregation , yet they were not to administer and wait on the service of the tabernacle , but from twenty and five years old , and up wards : and from the age of fifty years they were to cease waiting on the service thereof , and should serve no more , as numb . . , , . clearly implying , that onely in case of ripeness of judgment , and ableness , and fitness , for such a business , they ought to be used , and admitted , &c. but not otherwise , least they spoyl the government , of discipline , and service , that belongs unto them : however , notwithstanding , all that are accounted to be truly religious , ought to be admitted unto all the ordinaces , yea , even to the sacrament of the lords supper , though never so weak in understanding and knowledg , as all the levites , even during their minority ; yet aaron was appointed to bring them with him , for they might be present , though they did no service : and through they might not administer , and do the service of the tabernacle , yet they might be admitted to come neer with the rest , and to offer for themselves , though not for others , as the rest of the priests , as numb . . , , , , , & chap. . . so that whatsoever concerned but themselves onely , they might come neer , and approach to do it , ( whereas no stranger might intermeddle ) though they might do no service that concerned the tabernacle , till they came to years : but of this more fully in another place . . and secondly , as they are stricter with whom they do incorporate , and joyn themselves , for these respects : even so , for the same ends and respects , they are very strict and conscientious , and ought so to be , that all that are found , and known to be men of approved fidelity , should thus incorporate and joyn themselves ; i say , their principles are , that all ought so to do , that live not too remote , but within convenient bounds , and in convenient numbers , for frequent assembling of themselves together : and to engage themselves in covenant unto god , in these respects , and unto all brotherly and christian duties , for better security , and deeper engagement , both to god and men , not to deal unfaithfully in all such business , as concerns them all , but without partiality , or respect of persons , as before god , and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels . and all the account will be little enough , in things that concern the good of their souls , and the souls of posterities , that may yet succeed , to the end of the world ; for whom they ought to provide , and be careful for , that the gospel of peace , and of glad tydings , and all the ordinances , might be preached and administred , when they are gone in power and purity , as well as to themselves : and to beware of dogs , and evil workers , and wolves , &c. and as much as possible , to keep them out , least ungodly men , being crept in , should turn the grace of god into wantonness &c. and this gospel of peace , being a pearl so invaluable , as it were easie to shew , in every respect , can never be guarded with too great security , or deep engagement , nor too strictly kept from being soyled or defiled with the hands of men and though it be true , that the men of this world are wiser in their generations , ( and for conservation of their own liberties , priviledges , pearls and estates , and to confirm and secure them , even to their posterities after them , if possible for ever , ) then the children of light , as luk. . . mat. . , . and may justly also rise up in judgment , and condemn our folly and carelessness herein : yet no man will say but that the children of light ought to be as wise in their generations , and in their precious things , and in the things of god , and that concern their souls , for so we ought , even to be wise as servants , though innocent as doves . and therefore to incorporate such as stand approved , and are men of fidelity , within convenient bounds , is doubtless the duty of all , and every such , in times of liberty , for publique administration of the ordinances of god , and for government and discipline : and in times of persecution , at the least privately , they ought so to do , without being restrained by the civil state , and limited , and kept within parochial bonds , against their christian liberties , and duties also , both to god , and men . . and thirdly , the principles of independents are stricter and neerer to the scripture rules for edifying of the church ; they do not limit the holy one of israel to speak in publike by the learned onely : for first , as the apostle saith , the manisestation of the spirit is given to every man to profit withal . cor. . . assertion . from whence it naturally and manifestly flows , that to whomsoever the manifestation of the spirit is given , it is given to such to profit withal . it is objected . that the manifestation of the spirit are not so evident and perspicuous in these days , as in the primitive times ; and the witnessing thereunto by miracles is ceased , and therefore we may easily be deceived ; especially such who are unlearned and unstable , are easily deceived . ans . . i answer first , whether any now adays hath the manifestations of the spirit , yea , or no ; yet this assertion is true , for it doth not assert either . ans . . secondly , i answer , that if the manifestations of the spirit be not evident and demonstrable in these days , how can even the learned ministers preach as they ought , and as the apostles did , in the clear evidence and demonstration of the spirit , and of power , that so mens faith might not need to stand in the wisdom of men , but in the power of god , cor. . . . ans . . thirdly , though for want of the witnessing thereunto by miracles , those who are carnal and do not beleeve , cannot discern the manifestations of the spirit , and the power of god , whereby men speak , as vers . , . yet for all that , they may speak wisdom among them that are perfect ; yea , even the wisdom of god in a mystery , even the hidden wisdom , which god hath ordained before the world unto their glory ; and those secret mysteries , which eye hath not seen , neither ear heard , &c. which god hath prepared for them that love him , he doth reveal unto such by his spirit , vers . , , , to . consequence . such therefore , though they be unlearned in the tongues , ( i mean ) who having received the spirit of god , are thereby spiritualiz'd , may discern all things , as vers . , . yea , even the deep things of god. therefore it follows , that the manifestations of the spirit may be evident and demonstrable , even now in these days , to such who are spiritualiz'd through faith in god , though not to the carnal or worldly &c. who do account these spiritual things foolishness , as vers . . and wanting an eye of faith , cannot discern them ; because they are invisible : for as the light of the body is the eye , matth. . , . so the light of the soul , whereby , and where-through it understandeth , or discerneth spiritual and invisible things , is the eye of faith. for as god himself being invisible , is only seen , or comprehended , and known through fatih : so are also the things of god , undiscernable without faith , heb. . quest . . but in what particular gifts , or qualifications , or administrations , or operations , are the manifestations of the spirit of god , and of power , evident and demonstrable in any that are not learned in the tongues , now in these days ? answ . i answer , that many of those , yea , and the chief of all those , that are reckoned up by the apostle , and are by him asserted , as manifestations of the spirit , cor. . , , . and chap. . . are doubtless evident , and demonstrable in some unlearned in the tongues , even in these days . as . the word of wisdom . . the word of knowledg . . faith. . prophesying ; to wit , in speaking unto men , to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , which is the chief of all . . discerning of spirits . . interpretation of scriptures , that are dark and mysterious , and generally not understood . quest . . but may not some men , by means of good education , attain to a great measure of wisdom and knowledge , even in spiritual things : and so to the word of wisdom , and of knowledge , and to speak unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort ; and yet not have the spirit of god , nor his power evidently demonstrable , as is asserted ? answ . i answer , no : for the natural man perceiveth not the things of god , neither [ can ] he know them , saith the apostle , because they are spiritually discerned . and therefore he neither can know them , nor speak of them feelingly , and apprehensively : but only theoretically ; according to the largeness and capacity of his memory : as he hath learned , and is grounded in the principles of religion , and of faith , and doctrine ; as it were in a catachetical child-like manner ; who can keep to the words , but know not the sence ; and doe by art of memory , speak in the same words , and phrases , and manner , and form of doctrine with others . but as for feeling apprehension , and spiritual understanding , and knowledge [ indeed , ] of what they speak ; they are utterly uncapable , whiles they want faith . and this is easie to discern , by their coldness on the one hand , or their zeal on the other , in delivery thereof : and by their emphatical , or loose and light expressions , and arguments , and motives , and meanes &c. it is easie to discern , whether a man speak in spirit , that is to say , whether it come from the heart , and affection ; or but from the brain only . neither is it easie to counterfeit hearty affection , but it may easily be discern'd , that it is but forc'd . a very ideot may , by strength of memory , speak the bare words of a sermon , and rabble them over ; but he cannot keep to the distinct sense of every period , according to the proper intended emphasis , or meaning thereof ; but may by improper periods and interceptions , make the sence seem quite contrary to what it is indeed : but a man that understands it , and is apprehensively affected , according to it , can expresse it suitable to the true intent and meaning thereof . even just so it is , betwixt men that are spiritual , through faith in god ; and such as are carnal in all their expressions , concerning spiritual things . obj. but though it be difficult , and hard to counterfeit , yet it may be done ; so as few , or none , can discern , but they are as spiritual and as sound as others . qu. what notes therefore is there to prove , for certain , and that will evidence , and demonstrate indeed , that it is the spirit of god , that speaks in such , miracles excepted ? ans . there is many notes , by which men may be known , to speak in the spirit , and by the spirit of god. but some are more certain and infallible then others . i shall therefore instance , in some of the most certain : and those that on purpose are given out , by the spirit of god , as evident demonstrations , of the same spirit , and of power , &c. . and first , that note given out by the lord jesus christ himself , is an evident demonstration , that men are sent of god , and come not of themselves ; to wit , seeking his glory , ( if that do appeare ) for saith christ , he that commeth of himself , seeketh his owne glory ; but he that seeketh his glory that sent him , the same is true , and no unrighteousnesse is in him , joh. . . their zeal therefore for the glory of god , and self-denial , is a manifestation of the spirit of god. . that , joh. . . the thief commeth not , but for to steale , and to kill , and to destroy . but the good shepherd 〈◊〉 that they might have life , and have it more abundantly , to wit , spiritual life ; so that a desire will appear in the good shepherds ; that the sheep of christ might have a spiritual life , through faith , and that they might be edified and built up further in the same faith , even from strength to strength . and rather then saile of this their ends , they will not stick to lay down , even their lives for the good of their sheep , as vers . . but will continue to build them up further in faith , and love , which are in christ jesus : as vers . . . the wisdom which is from above , is first , pure ; not dark , and confused , darkning the councell with words without knowledge , but pure words , psalm . . . . it is peaceable ; not wrangling , and froward , angry , and contentious . . it is gentle and meeke ; not sowre , and proud , and harsh , and furious . . it is easie to be intreated ; not self-willed , and obstinate , obdurate and implacable , but ingenious , and tractable . . it is full of mercy , and good fruits , both in word and deed : and not cruel , and unmerciful , pittiless , and careless of doing good ; neither to the just , nor unjust . look jam. . . . it is the property of the holy ghost , when he cometh , or by whomsoever he speaketh , to convince the world of sin , of righteousness , and of judgement , joh. . . . and to lighten things that are hid in darknesse : and make the councels of the hearts manifest ; as cor. . . and chap. . , . the first , by a clear unfolding , and interpreting of sacred scriptures , that are dark , unto others , and not formerly opened : and this of all others , is the most manifest evidence of the spirit of god. and secondly , a speaking to the heart , and to the souls and consciences of men ; discovring their very thoughts , and councels : and approving themselves , to every mans conscience in the sight of god. . their comming to the light that their deeds might be made manifest , that they are wrought in god , is a cleare evidence , that they do truth , as john. . . their end appearing to be such , that they meane no falshood . . their shining forth as lights in the world ; and holding forth the word of life , phil. . . . yea , even the faithful word , that cannot be reproved : and making it manifest ; as they ought to do : for therefore they are called , the light of the world : marth . . . for all things that are reproved , are made manifest by the light : for whatsoever doth make manifest , is light , ephes . . , . but the chief of all these particulars , is a cleare understanding , and knowledge of god , and of the sacred scriptures , and of the secrets and miseries of the kingdom of god ; for without all controversie , great is the mystery of godlinesse , as the apostle saith , coloss . . . , . rom. . . ephes . . . tim. . . tit. . . . pet. . . reas . for to them that are without , and unbeleeving , all things ( saith christ ) are done in parables , luke . . and mar. . , . matth. . , , to . how much more then are the secret mysteries of god , and of christ , and of our spirituall union , and communion with him ( which is onely spiritual , through faith and love ) parables and misteries unto all such , who have no knowledge of god at all ; but only as they have heard of him , by the hearing of the eare ; or barely theorettical , without an eye of faith. consiq . therefore it follows ; that he that speaketh understandingly , and apprehensively of these secret mysteries ; doth evidently demonstrate , that he speaketh by the spirit , through the power and grace of the spirit of god ; who onely revealeth , and giveth understanding of the things of god ; as hath been said : so that it is manifest , that it is not they that speak , but the spirit of their father that speaketh in them . and by how much more they shall lighten things , that are hid in darkness ; and make the councels of the hearts manifest , as cor. . . by the cleare unfolding , or interpretation of sacred scripture , and of the secrets thereof ; especially such as are dark and mystical , and hid from others ; or that have not formerly been explained , and opened ; or not convincingly , as a cleer result , producing an infallible assent . by so much the more evident , and demonstrable it is ; that it is not they that speak ; but the spirit of their father that speaketh in them , matth. . . . yea , that they are sent to speak , or to declare those things , being thrust forth , even by the spirit of christ who dwelleth in them ; and being lord of the harvest thrusteth forth labourers into his hanvest . for how is it is possible , that things that are hid from the wise and learned , should be revealed even unto babes , and to the foolish , &c. ( in respect with this world , ) if they were not inspired , and revealed unto them by the spirit of god , seeing they have not learned them by humane documents , but from god onely . object . but it will be objected , that it were immodesty , yea presumption , and a tok●n of spiritual pride in men , if they should so much as acknowledg , much less affirm , that they are taught of god , and that immediatly , by the inspiration of his blessed spirit ; and that it is not they that speak , but the spirit of their father that speaketh in them : but especially for unlearned men , that are but as babes , compared with the wise and learned , it were a shameful thing in them to do it , above all compare . answ . i answer , if they understand and know such things as have been said , even the secrets and mysteries of the kingdom of god , which they have not learned , not bin taught of men . to whom then should they ascribe the glory ? ought they to ascribe it to their own wisdom ? dare the learned ascribe their spiritual understanding , and knowledge of god , and of the things of god , either to their own wisdom , or their learnedness in the tongues , which a carnal man may attain unto , that can know nothing of the things of god , as hath been said ? were this to give god the glory , and to do it as of the ability that god administreth , that in all things god might be glorified ? were this to speak as the oracle of god , and in his name ? pet. . . might not such justly expect the judgment of herod , to be struck with an angel of the lord , and to be eaten up of worms , because they give not the glory unto god of what they do or speak , in his sacred name , that is good , or excellent , and true &c. and it is doubtful , at least , that such who utterly exclude all that are not learned in the tongues , i mean , from speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , or from any ministration in the name of god in publique , especially that they thereby intimate , that their abilities for spiritual ministration are onely attained through learnedness in the tongues ; for how else durst they be so bold , as to limit the holy one of israel , that he shall not speak but by the learned onely ? object . but it will be objected , that speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , is not properly to prophecy ; for prophecying is properly foreshewing of things to come , though such who prophecy , do ordinarily also speak unto men to edification , &c. as well as prophecy of things to come . ans . . i answer , first , that they that edifie the church , build them up in faith ; and faith is of things invisible , and chiefly of things to come ; for faith is the ground of things hoped for , and the evidence of things not seen , heb. . . and therfore edifying , or building men up further in the true faith , and giving them better evidences and grounds of things hoped for from sacred testimonies , is , of all other , the chiefest prophecying , and most useful , powerful , and comfortable , for giving life to the souls of men , both in this life , and in the life to come , spiritual life i mean , even joy and comfort unspeakable and full of glory , see joh. . . . and joh. . , , . yea , for perfecting of the saints , as eph. . . to . . and as for the other , as of foreshewing new things to come , as agabus prophecyed of the dearth and famine over all the world . though it be a part of prophecying not so ordinarily attainable , and more difficult in these days , yet it is not so needful nor useful as the other : and though it be a more certain and evident demonstration of the sacred spirit inspired into such , when the thing is accomplished and come to pass ; yet that part of prophecying which the apostle commends as the chief of all , to wit , speaking unto men to edification , &c. is both far more profitable , and a clearer evidence ( for the time present ) of the spirit of god , then the other is . and therefore i say , first , it is the most present evidence , and most immediate demonstration of the spirit , and of power , because foreshewing of things to come is no present and immediate evidence of it self , till the things be come to pass that are in truth foreshewed ; though it is true , that foreshewing of things to come , is the very complement and perfection of prophecying , and the most visible demonstration of the spirit of god , as deut. . . and joh. . . when the things are accomplished . . but , secondly , yet this prophecying intended by the apostle , is the most useful , and the most profitable of all other gifts , for the edifying of the church : and therefore saith the apostle , follow after charity , and desire spiritual gifts , but chiefly that ye may prophecy . cor . . and the reason is rendered vers . . because he that prophecyeth , speaketh unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort : which is the chief end of all gifts ▪ for all that are zealous of spiritual gifts , should seek that they might excel to the edifying of the church , as vers . . although the gift of tongues , and so also foreshewing of things to come , is a more evident demonstration to convince them that beleeve not , as vers . . yet look the end of all gifts , as cor. . . ephes . . . pet. . , . rom. . , , . for [ that ] should be our end . but prophecying , saith the apostle , serveth not for them that beleeve not , but for them that beleeve , vers . . and therefore is of greater and more profitable use for the edifying of the church . but wherefore , or wherein is it more useful ? the apostle answers , and brings it in as a reason , to wit , for he that prophecyeth , speaketh unto men to edification , exhortation , and comfort . consequ . and therefore it follows , that speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , is of all other gifts the most useful , and most to be desired and sought after , and to be most esteemed , and accounted of by the church of god : and so are all such who have that gift , and do not hide it in a napkin , but use it accordingly for the same end for which it is given , whiles they keep unto sound doctrine that cannot be reproved ; and speak but according to the law and testimony , and seek but onely and chiefly hi glory that sent them ; and that they might excel to the edifying of the church , and to convince the world of sin , of righteousness , and of judgment : and if they contend earnestly , if it be but for the faith that was once delivered to the saints ; or do but stand and fast to the christian liberty where with christ hath made us free , and that they might not be entangled with yokes of bondage , not be as men pleasers or servants of men , after they are bought with a price , provided they preach nor seek any liberty at all to do any evil , either in word or deed ; nor to be contentious and disobedient to the truth of god ; i say of such , they are sent of god : and whosoever resuseth , resisteth , disparageth , disgraceth , or despiseth such , doth even the same to him that sent them : and such , of all others , ought to be hon●red , even with double honor , that both rule well , and also labor in the word and doctrine by speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , as hath been said . and therefore all that are in authority ought to give liberty to all them whose spirit god hath raised to build up the churches in their most holy faith , lest wrath be upon them from the lord , as ezra . , . and chap. . , , . and chap. . , . and psa . . it is therefore a matter of dangerous consequence , either to act , or so much as seem to act , or comply with such , who doc exclude all from any spiritual ministration , in the name of god , and of the lord jesus christ , yea even in publique , ( i mean ) that are not learned in the tongues ; for they exclude , it may be , such as peter and john and all the church which was at jerusalem , who were all scattered abroad , and went every where preathing the word , see acts . , . psa . . throughout . and the apostle speaking to the hebrews , tells them , that when for the time they ought to have been [ teachers , ] yet they had need to learn , &c. heb. . . reas . for what is it else , but to limit the holy one of israel , that he shall not speak , but by the learned onely , either in private or publique ? who hath told us plainly , that he hideth things from the wise and learned , that he revealeth unto babes , luk. . . reas . and what is it else , but clearly to oppose the apostles rules , given out for direction in such cases , to wit , . as every man hath received the gift , so let him administer the same , as good disposers of the manifold grace of god. and . let every man administer according to the measure or proportion of his faith. . and how dangerous is it to advise , much less to compel any man to hide his talent in a napkin , and not to suffer him to occupy with it for his masters advantage , least it be taken from him ? yea , though it be that [ man ] that hath but one poor talent , who doubtless ought to put it forth in his place and calling , as well as those that have five or more , see heb. , , to , &c. heb. . , to . &c. . and how shall those things be made known to the church that are on purpose hid from the wise and learned , and onely revealed unto babes , &c. if we cannot be content to learn them at babes , as good old eli both did , and was glad to do , at the child samuel ? and hath not god on purpose done it ; and chosen the base and foolish things of this world , to confound the wise and the mighty , &c. as cor. . , , . . and chap. . , , , on purpose i say . yea , that no flesh should rejoyce in his presence , but that he that glorieth , might glory in the lord. was not the word of the lord , revealed unto the childe samuel , rather then to good old eli : and did not eldad and midad prophesie in the camp , as well as the rest , and as lawfully too ; the spirit of the lord coming upon them : did moses forbid them till he had blessed them ; or till their callings of god should be evidenced by miracles ; as moses was , and as some do expect ; or they will not heare an unlearned man ; see john . , , . john did no miracle , though all men held john as a prophet . or shall we charge them with immodestie , for offering to preach , without ordination ? was no prophet accounted a prophet , but that wrought miracles , or was ordained by men : and learned in the tongues ? look joh. . . was not amos an herdman , and a gatherer of sacamore fruit ; when the lord took him , and sent him to prophesie ? and do not his words good , to them that walk uprightly , by whomsoever he sendeth them ? is it not lawful for the lord jesus christ , to thrust forth labourers into his harvest ; without licence from the learned in the tongues ? or doe not they that refuse , whomsoever he sendeth , refuse him ? or is it lawful to forbid any , whom he sendeth ; to preach unto men , that they might be saved ? like the wicked jewes , the salvation of souls being their chief end , as the drift of their doctrine will easily shew . is it not lawfull , for them that know the terror of the lord , to perswade men ? and should not every man administer according to the measure of his faith ; and be as good stewards of the manifold grace of god ; as hath been said , without licence , from the learned in the tongues ? and must they but only be suffered , to administer according to the measure , and degrees of their learnedness , and knowledge in the tongues meerely ? have none the manifestation of the spirit , but the learned in the tongues ? or dare we cross the apostle , and say , that the manifestation of the spirit , is not given to every man , to profit withal ? or that the chief grace and gift of the spirit , and that which is most profitable , and usefull to the church for edification ; and therefore most chiefly to be desired , is [ not ] that men might prophesie ? or what is this prophesying , that is so much to be desired , above all other gifts ; yea , above the gift of tongues ? is it not speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort ? cor. . , . is is not preferred before the gift of tongues ? how much more then is it to be prefer'd before [ learnedness ] in the tongues ; which is onely taught by humane document ; and is not given as a manifestation of the spirit : but is that which a carnal man , that knoweth nothing , neither can know any thing , concerning spiritual things , may attain unto , cor. . . therefore learnedness in the tongues , being no manifestation of the spirit at all ; is therefore no signe , that men are called of god , and sent to preach . but he that hath prophesie , let him prophesie according to the proportion of faith . but who is this [ he ] that hath prophesie , in the apostles sence in this place ? but he that speaketh unto men ; to edification , and exhortation , and comfort . and yet further by way of directory , he giveth forth a most exact rule , to wit : quest . but how , and what order must be used ? answ . let the prophets speak , two or three , and let the rest judge : and if any thing be revealed to another that sitteth by , let the first hold his peace . quest . but why so ? answ . for ye may all speake one by one , that all may learn , and all may be comforted , vers . , , . quest . but where , and when , and in what company must this be , that the prophets may all speak one by one ? answ . when the whole church of the corinthians was come together , as vers . , , , , . and therefore also , when any whole church , rightly constituted ; as the corinthians was , are come together , they may do the like , quest . but were not this immodesty , in these dayes , when the whole church is come together in some place ; and every one hath a psalme , hath doctrine , hath a tongue , hath revelation , hath an interpretation ; that all these one by one , should be communicated for the good of the whole , as vers . , , , . all that are prophets i meane , for so is the directory ? vers . . . answ . was this the practise of the churches in the primitive times , by the apostles direction ? might all that were zealous of spiritual gifts , seek that they might excell , to the edifying of the church ? as vers . . and must it therefore now , be accounted immodesty , because it is not the custome in our churches , before these times ? yea , must it be accounted immodesty , to use the same liberty in those churches ; which are of purpose so constituted ; that the gifts of al that are so qualified , may be most useful and profitable unto all : that all might learne , and all might be comforted , and all might be edified ; as vers . . . and might grow in grace , from faith to faith , and from strength to strength , till they come to be tall men and women , in jesus christ : as psal . . . yea , that holding the head , from which all the body by joynts and bands , having nourishment , ministred and knit together , might the more increase , with the increase of god ? as coloss . . . and chap. . , . to . and why should any member of the mystical body of jesus christ , be therefore despised as uselesse , and unprofitable , because unlearned in the tongues ? hath not god himself , on purpose , so provided and tempered the body together , and given more honour to that part which lacked : that there might be no schisme in the body : but that the members might learn , to have the same care one of another : seeing the heat cannot say to the feet , i have no need of you : as chap. . . &c. to the end . proposing the usefulnesse , and propriety and necessity of every member of our natural bodies ; to be as patterns unto bodies spiritual : that all the members , in their several places , might be accounted of , incouraged , honoured , comforted , edified , and esteemed of , as they ought to be , necessary and useful for the good of the whole ; shewing that the most feeble members ought not to be despised , but , as much as in us lieth , honored and clothed with more abundant comeliness : and every one called forth , employed , desired , and deputed ( by such who can discern their proper gifts , or fitness and abilities , for the necessary use and good of the whole , or of any other parts or members of the body ) to such employments as they are fittest for : and this calling and deputation would take away all appearance or suspition of immodesty in any such members , to what ever employment they are called unto . but while it is otherwise , and that the very constitution of our presbyterian churches require , that none be admitted , but that is so and so learned ( and that enters in by the learned's door ) it were immodesty to observe the apostles rules in such presbyterian churches . and it is no marvel if such who do it ( yea though in other churches ) be accounted silly fellows , and tubpreachers by the rude people , who it may be account them , as they did paul and others , no better then mad , as vers . . for they are so accounted , and spoken of too , and that by our grave divines , so reverendly they esteem of the gifts of god , and of the graces of his spirit , which are the more perspicuous , by how much more they are unlearned in the tongues . and therefore it is no marvel if it be so unto them all , as is spoken in these scriptures , isa . . from the , to the end , micab . , , , . hosea . . let them look to it that despise prophecying , that resist and spirit ; yea , that like jannes and jambres resist the truth , and that despise but the least of those little ones that beleeve in christ ; for they do despise , and resist him and his sacred truth . and it is to be feared , that many are guilty even of speaking [ words ] against the holy ghost ; a dangerous sin ( as it needs must be ) that shall never be forgiven either in this life , or in the life to come , as mat. , , , . it is no marvel , if such ministers , yea though the chiefest of all on the face of the earth , have no manifest vision , as once it was in the days of eli , when they caused the people to despise the offering of the lord ; even so i mean , they cause the people to despise such service , and offerings , and sacrifice , as god now requires , as rom , . ● . rev. . . pet. . , , , . for they that despise these things , despise not men , but god. it is no marvel , if they must be content either to learn it at babes , or to be without , and dye without knowledg , as sam. . , , . hos . , . object . but it will be objected , that the like ways for edifying of the church in these days , that were practised in the apostles times , are not suitable now , because that those extraordinary gifts are ceased . ans . . i answer , that the chief and most profitable of all those gifts , for edifying of the church , is still on foot , to wit , prophecying , speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , as hath been said , cor. , , , . secondly , i answer , that the same spirit worketh also now , in them that beleeve , and is as full of power , and as willing also to edifie the church ; for it is not changeable : and what know we , but some now adays are full of matter ? the spirit within them constraining them to speak , job , , to . so it was with elihu , who had not another , but even the self-same spirit ; who divideth to every man severally as he will : and so it was with david , and paul , and jeremiah , and others , as a fire within them . but it is to be feared , as least , if not a thing obvious and manifest , that there is some , even now adays , as in the days of old , that shut the doors of the kingdom of god , and neither enter in themselves , nor suffer them that would , as christ himself told them . yea , light is wanting , and vision faileth them , and they walk in darkness , and yet despise the help of any new lights , though many old lights ( that are publique and clear , and manifest unto others , and that of old likewise , ) would be new lights unto them , if they could discover them , joh. . , . but they are in darkness , and walk in darkness , and know not whither they go ; nor what they speak , nor whereof they affirm , but even speak evil of the things they know not , pet. . . and yet , for all that , would be accounted , and expect to be followed , and obeyed of all , as if they were omniscient , like god himself , and could not possibly err , vers . . but all have not the knowledg of god ; this may be spoken to all our shame : else they would know , that he that thinketh he knoweth any thing , knoweth nothing yet as he ought to know . object . but there is ordinarily scriptural examples alledged against this which hath been said , concerning preaching of unlearned men that are not learned in the tongues , nor graduates in the schools , to deter men from presumption in such respects , to wit , the examples of vzza , and vzziah , and of korah and his company . but they are mis-applyed for the most part , as i shall make it manifest from sacred scripture . . for first , whereas they are applyed against all unlearned men that take upon them the priests office ; they apply them also against peter and john , as acts . . & , , . . and secondly , it is manifest in scripture , that in some sence , all the elect are truly and properly called priests , and both do , and ought to offer sacrifice , and to take upon them so far forth , even a priest-like office . reas . for the apostle peter , writing to the strangers , scattered through pontus , galatia , cappadocia , asia , and bithynia , that were elect , &c. pet. . , . calleth them a chosen generation , a royal priesthood , &c. chap. . . and a holy priesthood , vers . . and that also to offer up spiritual sacrifice , acceptable to god by jesus christ . and that they might shew forth the praises of him who hath called them out of darkness into his marvellous light . and rev. . . it is said of christ , that he hath made us kings and priests unto god and his father . i hope therefore , that none will deny but all the elect may offer these sacrifices , to wit , these spiritual sacrifices of prayers , praises , and virtuous living , to shew forth the virtues , and praises of him that hath called us , &c. and that also , without danger of being struck with leprosie , or death , or being swallowed up of the earth , like korah and his company , or being destroyed with fire , or any such judgment , if they do it in sincerity , and offer not strange fire , like nadab and abihu ; and if they charge not others with taking too much upon them , that are called of god and precious , &c. like korab and his company . object . but it will be objected , but what , is there no difference then , but all that are elect may take upon them to preach ? i answer , yes , there is diversities of gifts , and diversities of operations , &c. and there is degrees and measures given out of the same spirit : it is onely true of the lord jesus christ , that to him was not given the spirit by measure : and as all members of the body are not fit for , neither have the same office ; so it is also in the body spiritual , that one and the self-same spirit giveth out to every one severally and variously as it pleaseth him : there is and ought to be feet and hands , as well as eyes and mouth , which are most properly placed in the head . and though it be true . that if any man have not the spirit of christ , the same is none of his . yet it therefore follows not , that all that are his have the manifestations of the spirit . it is one thing to have the spirit , and another thing to have the manifestations of the spirit . but where ever the manifestation of the spirit is given to any man , it is given ( saith the apostle ) to prosit withal , in their several places and degrees , according to the measure , or nature , or property of their gifts , and calling ; and qualifications : for , to one is given by the spirit , the word of wisdom ; to another the word of knowledg , by the same spirit : and to another faith , by the same spirit : to another the gifts of healing , by the same spirit : to another the working of miracles , to another prophecy , to another discerning of spirits to another divers kindes of tongues , to another the interpretation of tongues . as cor. . , , , , , &c. i shall therefore compare such , who ( in any of these particulars mentioned by the apostle ) have the manifestation of the spirit , to the sons of aaron ; to whom belonged the priesthood in a peculiar manner , above the rest of the sons of levi : for such , who have ( in any of these particulars ) the manifestations of the spirit , they have , as it were , a visible unction from the holy one , joh . . , according as aaron was anointed , and his sons also with him , and sprinkled with holy oyl , levit. . , . and so were consecrated , and appointed to their charge at the lords appointment , as vers . , , &c. and as aaron was above his sons , and wore the brest-plate , and other ornaments that were peculiar unto him , as vers . , , . and to him onely as the chief priest ; so the ministers of the word are chief , and ought to be so accounted and esteemed in the church ; and all other officers , as elders and deacons , who are resembleable to the sons of aaron , ( if such as they ought , ) ought to be chosen and consecrated likewise , as well as the ministers : and they should be known approved , as men full of the holy ghost , and wisdom , and of honest report likewise , or else they are not suitable to be joyned with the ministers , nor consecrated by them , unto any office in the church of god , as appeares , act. . . but all that are such , having the manifestation of the spirit , both lawfully may , and ought to desire the office of bishop , as a worthy work ; or any such office , or liberty in the church : whereby they might be useful or profitable to the same any kind of way . for as the manifestation of the spirit is given to every man to profit withall ; so , to profit the church ought likewise to be their end , and the desire , and endeavour of all that have such gifts : and they may and ought , even to seek occasions , that they might doe good , and desire of god that they might be sent : as the good prophet isaia , when his lips had been touched with a coal from the altar , and that his iniquity was taken away , and his sin purged : he readily answered the lord , even before he had his message ; here am i , send me , isai . . , , , . and they that are zealous of spiritual gifts , ought to seek , that they might excel , to the edifying of the church . and such , whose end is only the edifying of the church , ought not to be restrained , but rather put on and encouraged , and called forth ( by such who can , and do discerne their proper gifts and abilities for the same ) to such employments and ministrations , as they are fittest for ; and might be most useful in : for the good of all , or any part thereof . . i say therefore , we may justly compare all such who have the manifestations of the spirit , to aaron , and his sons ; and they are all fitted and qualified on purpose for spiritual ministration , or profit to the church in one kinde or other , as their gifts and abilities are fittest for ; and ought to be called and consecrated thereunto , and suffered to administer , as occasion serves , and as need requires . he that hath prophesie , ought to prophesie according to the proportion of faith ; or ministry , should wait on his ministry ; or he that teacheth , on teaching ; or he that exhorteth , on exhortation ; he that giveth , should do it with simplicity ; he that ruleth , with diligence ; and he that sheweth mercy , with cheerfulnesse , rom. . , , . one way or other , such who have the gifts , though differing one from another , ought to use them , for the edifying , and good , and benefit of the church : and ought not to hide their talents in napkins ; but to occupy with them for their masters profit . and he whomsoever , that despiseth these things , despiseth not man but god , who hath given unto some , that are unlearned in the tongues , even his holy spirit , thess . . . . and secondly , we may justly compare all the rest of beleevers ( that as yet , for the present , have no such gifts , or manifestations of the spirit ) to all the rest of the tribe of levie , who thought they did not beare the iniquity of the sanctuary , and the iniquity of their priesthood , nor minister before the tabernacle of witness , nor might not come nigh the vessels of the sanctuary , and the altar , lest they should die : yet aaron was appointed to bring them with him , that they might be joyned unto him , and minister unto him ; and keep his charge , and the charge of all the tabernacle of the congregation , for all the service of the tabernacle . whereas a stranger might not come neer unto them . but aaron and his sons must keep the charge of the sanctuarie , and the charge of the altar , that there might be no wrath any more upon the children of israel : as there had formerly been occasioned by the rebellion of corah , and in part of all the congregation , numb . . , , , , and chap. . . for as the lord told aaron , that behold he had taken their brethren , the levites , from among the children of israel ; to them they were given as a gift for the lord , to doe the service of the congregation . but he , and his sons with him , should keep the priests office , for every thing of the altar , and within the vaile ; and that they should serve ; for he had given their priests office unto them , as a service , or gift ; and the stranger that came nigh should be put to death : as chap. . , . even so we may justly say , behold , the lord hath taken all true beleevers , from amongst their neighbours , and give them as a gift of the lord , to be joyned with the ministers , and other officers in the church of god , to do the services of the congregation , and to keep all the charge of the church , in all outward respects , as for receiving in or shutting out from the publike assembly , joyntly with them . but the ministers , and officers are to keep the charge of all within the vaile ; as of the word , and sacraments , which they are to administer , in the name of god , and of the lord jesus christ ; and to take care , that none be admitted , but such who are outwardly , or at least , professedly clean ; having their hearts purified through faith , and repentance , &c. though yet , this always provided , that as the levites , levit. . , , , , . thought they all were given as a gift unto aaron , and his sons , to do the service of the tabernacle of the congregation : ( yet ) they were not admitted , to administer and wait on the service of the tabernacle of the congregation , but from years old , and upwards ; and from the age of years they should cease waiting on the service thereof , and should serve no more , but should minister with their brethren in the tabernacle of the congregation , to keep the charge , as numb . . , , . even so also , though all beleevers are given as a gift to the ministers , and officers of the church , to be joyned with them , in opening , and shutting ; in binding and loosing ; in all such respects as concern the whole church , for the good of all , as when all must receive , or all reject ; all approve , or dis-allow ; all elect , or eject , &c. because that all are accessary , or joyntly ingaged in such generall business , as members of the body , cor. . , . yet they are not admittable , in this respect , neither , till they come to ripeness , and maturity of judgement in christianity ; and be established in the faith , and in the trade and practise of christianity , in all duties belonging thereunto : for there is a childhood and minority , as well in grace , as nature , cor. . , . and therefore saith the apostle , receive the weak , but not unto doubtful [ disputations : ] rom. . even so say i , the weake ought to be received , but not to intermeddle in doubtful [ elections ; ] or ejections , &c. in which they have no skill , nor judgement , and experience in . for so the wisdom of god accounted fit , to appoint the levites , in such like service , and respects , that belonged to their charge : lest by any means , their service and office should be despised , through male-administration , or childish ignorance or defection , and therefore they must not administer , till they came to the age of . years , &c. and therefore to conclude , an abrevate , from all these comparisons ; it is thus much in effect . abrev. to wit , all the elect , that are built upon christ by a lively faith , are lively stones , built up a spiritual house , yea , an holy priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifice , acceptable to god by jesus christ , pet. . . and chap. . . so that all beleevers are accounted as priests , even from their first ingrafting into christ by faith , ( in some respects ) as is before specified . but as there was priests of divers orders ; so also ought the true beleevers to be distinguished . i compare therefore the newly converted to the levites in their minority , till they came to years : and all the grown christians , that are approved and experienced in the trade and practise of christianity , to the levites when they came to years of discretion . and all the elders and officers elected by the church , or that are full of the holy ghost and of wisdom , i compare to the priests , the sons of aaron , yea , though they be of such as are not learned in tongues , if they have such gifts , and qualifications , as are manifestations of the spirit of god. and so the ministers of god , i compare to aaron , who in many things was above his sons , as hath been said . and who knoweth , but the lord jesus christ , upon whose shoulder the government lieth , will govern his church after these examples , seeing the apostle peter doth thus compare them , as resembling the priesthood , and not as resembling the jewish nation , both priests and people ? for that he doth not , see also , mal. . . and then the danger lieth not against men unlearned , that have the manifestation of the spirit , and of power , least they should perish in the gainsaying of korah , because they take upon them , being called by the church , to preach and administer in the name of god. but the danger lies against such who are sensual , having not the spirit , and yet will take upon them ministerial functions in the name of god , because they are learned in the tongues , and graduates in the schools , jude , , , . see zech. , . chap. these are strangers that may not come nigh , &c. as numb . . , . but it will be objected , that if unlearned men be suffered to preach , they that are unlearned , and unstable , may wrest the scriptures to their own destruction , as pet. . , . and may lead others into errors and schisms , and cannot be hindered , nor supprest ; neither can it otherwise be avoyded ; but men that know not the originall , should ordinarily mis-understand dark places of scripture , and so like blinde guides lead men into the ditch . answ . i answer that it is true , that men that are both unle arned and unstable , do , and will wrest some places of scripture ; and it cannot be avoyded , but there will be false teachers , even amongst us in these days , as well as there was false prophets in the days of old , as pet. . . and such also , it may be as shall privily bring in damnable heresies , even denying the lord that bought them , and shall bring upon themselves swift destruction : and there is no security given out in scripture , that none that is learned in the tongues should be of the number of these false teachers : for men that are learned in the tongues , may be unstable , and wrest the scriptures : and by how much the more they , that are unstable , are learned in the tongues , they are even so much the more dangerous , if they should be suffered . and therefore unstableness is a greater fault , and more dangerous then unlearnedness in the tongues : and men may he learned in the scriptures , or unlearned either , and yet learned in the tongues . men ought not therefore to be inhibited to preach , ( lest they should be unstable , and wrest the scriptures ) for then the learned , as well as the unlearned , should both be inhibited . but such , who ( being proved ) are found unstable , and that they do wrest the scriptures , no man will deny , but such may , and ought to be inhibited , when they are found out , and convicted of error , or of schism , &c. yea , though they be of the learned . but to inhibit men before , were to censure and condemn men before they be heard . and see ezek , . . the righteousness of the righteous ought to be upon him , as a badg of honor ; but the wickedness of the wicked should but be upon himself . but the best and surest way to prevent the sowing and spreading of errors , or schisms , is to give liberty , that any whomsoever , that preacheth in publique , may in publique also be reprehended ( be they learned or unlearned ) if they preach erroneously in any congregation ; that so the same auditory , that hears them preach any error , or schism , or false doctrine , may , by just reprehension from clear scripture-evidence , be satisfied to the contrary ; and have such evil seed purged out quickly , before it grow up , or be spread any further ; for so it ought to be : and those churches are not rightly constituted , where this liberty is either wanting , or not in use , when the truth of god is wronged , and wrested , and turned into a lye ; and when his sacred word is handled deceitfully , and mis-applyed , as it often is , even by the learned in the tongues , that are unstable &c. and yet no man allowed to reprehend them for it , nor convince them of it , at least not in publique : and how then shall the same auditory be purged from it , if their reprehension be not as publique , as the doctrine is preached ? for who knows that all the congregation shall every one of them be assembled again ? and the doctrine may be such , as may lead them to perdition and destruction , both of their souls and bodies . and this liberty being in use , will doubtless make both the learned and unlearned a great deal more careful , to keep unto sound doctrine that cannot be reproved . and they that plead so much against liberty of preaching of men unlearned in the tongues , for fear of the spreading of errors and schisms , and yet will not allow this publique liberty of reprehension ( as hath been said ) to prevent , and avoyd , and purge the same . i can hardly beleeve that the spreading of errors and schisms is the chief cause that makes them zealous therein , but some other by , or self-respects , which they will not own . for no man , that is zealous against such spreading gangrenes , but he will allow , and justifie , and approve all possibe means to avoyd or stay them , else he is not cordial in that respect : and what means possibly can be more awful , and more suitable , and even necessary , then publique reprehension of publique errors ? the apostle paul reprehended peter before them all , gal. . . and them that sin ( saith the apostle ) rebuke before all , that others also may fear , tim. . . but it will be objected , that it were an immodest part for any man to implead his minister in the publique congregation ; and might disgrace , and disparage , and dishonor him for ever . ans . i answer , that it is far greater immodesty in such ministers to need to it , and to give just occasion by dealing immodestly with the truth of god , to the disgrace , and disparagement , and dishonor of god ; in respect of whom , and for maintenance of whose truth , we must not know either father or mother , son or daughter , minister or master , brother or friend ; but to undervalue , disgrace , dishonor , disparage , yea , and even hate them , in comparison thereof ; and rather then baulk the truth , that concerns the good of immortal souls , especially in case , when it may endanger the loss of souls , so precious is the redemption of souls , and their continuance for ever : and of so high esteem ought the glory of god to be valued of us . he that valueth himself , or his own honor , or grace and glory , yea , or his own life , better then the truth and the glory of god , deserveth no better , but shame and dishonor for his self-ish ends and pride , &c. and he that doth truth , and cometh to the light , that his deeds may be made manifest that they are wrought in god , he will be desirous to be tryed by the touchstone , even the truth it self ; and will love him better that lets him see his error ( in such a case ) then him that flattereth with his lips , or holdeth his tongue , and lets him run on in erroneous paths , either in life or doctrine . and it is a sign , that such men do [ evil ] that hate the light , and that will not abide the tryal by the touchstone , in as open and publique a place , as they have held forth doctrine , provided always that it be done with meekness , in a loving way , as it ought to be ; for so saith the apostle , let all your things be done in love . and that there be also a free acknowledgment , by them that do it , of their own weaknesses , and subjection of themselves to all or any error , and to be likewise tempted and drawn aside ; and that they onely stand , and are upheld by the grace of god , of his free accord ; and with a clear manifestation of such material and weighty causes , and considerations , moving them thereunto , as are of greater value and consequence , then the credit , and reputation , and honor due unto such a minister ; for it ought not to be done upon slight occasion , but matters of weight , and such as will over-ballance all the shame and disgrace that may possibly fall upon such a minister . and it is a signe , that men come of themselves , ( and are not sent of god ) if they seek their own glory : or if their own glory be so near and dear unto them , that they cannot be content to undervalue it , to the glory of god , or to his sacred truth ; if they cannot be content to let god be [ true ] and every man a lyar ; but will rather oppose the truth of god , then acknowledg themselves to have erred from the truth , jam. . , . it is a shrewd sign , that there is in such men , a spice of that pride , that exalteth the pope , above all that is called god , or that is worshipped : who arrogateth power , and dominion to himself , as if he could not erre ; for all men must beleeve , what he asserteth ; and punctually obey his commands , and decrees , though never so untrue , or unjust &c. yea , though quite contrary to the word of god , and to the light of reason : or else they must be excommucate , out of their churches : oh horrible pride ! and yet a spice thereof , is doubtlesse to be found in all men by nature : and in the natures of many , that yet notwithstanding have the grace of god ; for they are partly flesh , and partly spirit ; and it is rare to finde out such a man , as can deny himself , and take up his crosse , and follow christ [ fully : ] that can endure the cross , and despise the shame ; for men can very hardly endure to be [ crost ; ] yea , though they cross and oppose , even the truth of god ; how much lesse then , would they endure the cross , and the shame , and spitting ? and they cannot endure to be despised , and dishonoured , when they doe despise , and dishonour god. how much less then , can they despise the shame , in respect of the honour and glory of god ? but it will be objected , that if this were suffered , any man ( that would ) might implead the minister , if he think he erre , even when he hath preached the truth of god. and so many raise controversies of disputation , when ever they please , to disturbe and trouble the congregations ; amongst which , there are some that are weake , that ought to be received , but not unto controversies of disputation . i answer , as before , that it ought not to be done , but in matters of weight , that may be clearly evinced from the word of god. and if any oppose , or contradict the truth , either through malice , or ignorance ; it may minister occasion to such a minister , to convince gain-sayers ; and then the shame , and dishonour , will light on them , and the truth of god be the more splendorous , in that respect ; and if it be done of malice , his malice that doth it will be discovered ; and if it be through ignorance , he may be convinced , and better informed ; and will have cause of thankfulness , both to god , and the minister , that hath converted him , and resolved his doubts . but if it were the custom , that judicious men might not ( onely in case of erronious doctrine , but of things dark and mysterious , that are not fully cleared in their ministration ) put them on by way of question ; or desire them to illustrate , or clear such a point ; or inlarge themselves in profitable points , and confirm them better ; it might be very profitable to the church of god : for the people will more regard and consider better , of such particular points , as have been the subject of such discourse , and are , as it were , vindicated , and concluded upon ( and so confirmed against all objections , or obscurities whatsoever , even in the publike congregation , and by the most judicious in reputation amongst them ) then of other particulars . and this also would be a meanes , to debar all such from usurping the ministry , that are not able for it : and to convince gainsayers , and stop their mouths ; and to maintain also , and vindicate the truth . yea , it would be a means to seclude all such , as are not men of self-denying spirits , such as the lord jesus requires ; that such should be ( if they would attaine to be his disciples ) especially , his ministers . . the independent principles are likewise stricter , in standing fast to such christian liberties ( in other respects ) wherewith jesus christ hath made us free ; then the ways and principles , or at least , the practises of presbyterians will suffer . . as first , concerning their independency , in respect of other churches whiles they do well , as rom. . , . & pet. . to . & chap. . , . & , &c. for as it is granted by [ all : ] that in case of necessitie , as when a church liveth where it cannot govern in a presbyterial way , in a classical , and synodical manner ; because there is no churches to combine with , within convenient bonds : or at least , none that are willing . they allow them power within themselves , both for constitution , and dissolution of such a church , as they see occasion , for the benefit of the same ; and the glory of god , and their souls health . and therefore seeing all power both for government , and discipline , is necessarily allowed them in such a case . though they are not against the consociation of true christian churches , for the mutuall advice , and edification , and help , and comfort of one another ; or in case of admonition , &c. yet they utterly deny , to submit themselves , as under the jurisdictive authority of any such churches , save only in case of advice or councel , or admonition ; or at most , as sister churches in every respect , and as they shall convince them from scripture grounds ; that their decrees , or results , are according to god , and to his laws and testimonies , concerning them , either in doctrine , or government . and therefore will not submit , to binde themselves to be ordered or governed , by the votes of such , in any respect , till they first know , what their votes are that they submit unto ; lest they should be enslaved to the wills of men , against their consciences ; which are , or ought to be onely bound by scriptural decrees , or loosed either : and therefore ought not to be submitted to the decrees of men , not infallibly guided , though never so numerous , or wise and learned ; who all may erre , and often do : and therefore ought not to challenge any binding authority , or power whatsoever , or loosing either , but onely in case , and so far forth as they can and doe , even convince the conscience , from scripture evidence , in the name of god , and of the lord jesus christ ; that their decrees are just , and ought to be obeyed , and submitted to : and it is lawfull as well for a church , as a particular man , to goe to the law and to the testimony , as they are injoyn'd . and to search the scriptures dayly , whether those things be so , that are decreed , or taught us ; or that are preached unto us , yea , though by an angel from heaven : and if we finde they teach us another gospel then what we have received , we must let them be accursed . and it is evident , that the apostles , and elders , and the whole church being assembled with one accord ; resolved of nothing , till it was cleared from scripture ; that all assented , and agreed to it , even the whole church , as acts . , . and it is certaine , that either a particular man , or particualar church , having scriptural grounds , may say as [ they , ] it seemed good to the holy ghost , &c. for what the scripture decrees , the holy ghost decrees . and therefore all assemblies , congregational , presbyterial , classical , synodical , national , or oecumenical , should onely be as this in the acts , to consider of such matters , as vers . . and to resolve them from scripture ; that all being assured from scripture ground , may with one accord , passe sentence with them , being fully assured , that it seemeth good to the holy ghost , as well as unto them , what ever is resolved , or decreed , or done in his sacred name . else they are presumptuous and self-willed , and do usurp authority over the church of god ; if they take upon them to binde and loose , and do not make it manifest , as they ought to do , from scripture evidence ; that it seemeth good to the holy ghost , as well as them , coloss . . . and though it is true , that we ought to obey them that have the oversight of us , and that have the rule over us , and to follow their faith , as hebr. . , . yet it must be in case , when we know them to be such , as watch for our souls , as they that must give account ; that they may do it with joy , and not with grief . and it must be upon consideration of the end of their conversation : that it is jesus christ yesterday , and to day , and the same for ever . for they that preach unto us the word of god , should not be changeable ; least they carry us about with divers and strange doctrines , as vers . . . which we must not be , to follow their faith ; nor in obedience unto them , that turne away their ears from the truth , and are turned unto fables , as tim . , . tim. . . . . & tim . , . thes . . . , . and if any come unto us , and bring not the true doctrine , we must not receive him to house , neither bid him god speed , as joh. . how much lesse , may such be received as ministers of god ; and maintan'd either by tythes , or other maintenance . and how unlawful is it ( therefore ) either for magistrates , or others , to force maintenance , of any such ; or to limit men by parochiall bounds ; that in case a parish , shall heap to themselves teachers after their owne hearts , having itching ears , that turn from the truth : yet men must be inforced , to maintain such teachers , and to heare them likewise ; and must not withdraw themselves , as the apostle injoynes us ; nor go elsewhere , unless we can remove our habitations also ; which cannot chuse but be sometimes inconvenient ; and to our utter overthrow in wordly respects . all which bondage , is a great infringement to our christian liberty , in them that do it , and ought not to be approved nor assented to , by any that desires to keep a good conscience voyd of offence , both to god and man. reas . for how many thousand parishes , both have been , and are , not onely here , but in other kingdoms , by this means , kept utterly destitute of any spiritual food , for the good of their souls : and that sometimes , even for a whole age together , during the parsons or vicars life , who once enstall'd , can never be removed , if he be conformable , to the government on foot , and can please the greater , or most of the parish ; yea , and though he be never so carnal ; if he have but learning , and an outward form of doctrine and profession , in respect of religion , like the generality of the congregation : though he utterly deny the power of godlinesse ; yet all his parishoners , ( though never so godly and conscientious ) must hold them contented , during such a mans life , for they must allow him his tythes , or maintenance ; and they must not obey the apostles direction , to wit , from such turn away . but they must keep to their own church , and be bound to submit to their own minister , unless they can remove out of such a parish . and so in all likelihood , famish the souls of their whole families ; if god be not mercifull , in stretching forth his immediate hand in an extraordinary unexpected way : [ for the ordinary way ] is by the foolishness of preaching , ( as so the world accounts i● ) to save them that beleeve . and therefore let men say what they will , but there is no other way , to keep such men out , for intruding themselves , and being intruded upon them ; but to let all that are godly , and consciencious , have free liberty , to approve , and receive , or admic , and in stall , whom they generally allow off ; or to dis-approve , reject , turn from , dis-install , or eject , whom they dissavow . for how else can they , in such respects , obey the apostles direction ; and keep a good conscience , void of offence both towards god and man , heb. . , . tim. . , . tim. . , . thess . . , , . joh. . & joh. . , , , , , to . let any man tell me but [ how ] and i shall silence for ever in that respect . how , i mean , they shall answer these scriptures as they ought to do . if it be promised that the presbyterial govenment will so provide , that none shall be admitted , and approved off , but such as are truly spiritual , and of the most able , and fit for the ministry , that can be found ; and then it need not to trouble the conscience of any man in that respect . i answer , that i cannot beleeve it , till i see it done , or by what means it should be effected ; whiles [ all ] have vote , and power in election , and may , either chuse whom they think good , or be without , all ( i meane ) that have taken the covenant , many of whom , have so little understanding in spiritual things , that they are not thought worthy to receive the sacrament . and how then can such discern , whether men be spiritural and able for the ministy ; or they be but carnal , and such as can know nothing of spiritual things , to wit , of the things of god. as a corinthians , . . the natural man perceiveth not the things of god , neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discern'd ; to wit , through an eye of faith . but the spiritual man , to wit , a man throughly spiritualized , through faith in god ; discerneth all things , yea , even the deep things of god object . it will be objected , that all that are godly , and truely conscientious , are not able to discern of the fitness of men , for spirituall imployment . and therefore it is more wisdom , to commit the apporveal of all spiritual men , to the wise and learned , and to the elderships , &c. answ . i answer , that he that entreth in by the door , ( which is christ himself , our archbishop , is the shepherd of the sheep ; ) as joh. . . . and to him the porter openeth , and the sheep hear his voice , and he calleth his own sheep by name , and leadeth them out : and when he putteth forth his own sheep , he goeth before them ; and the sheep follow him , for they know his voice . and a stranger will they not follow , but will fly from him ; for they know not the voice of strangers , as vers . . , . this is the promise , and the plain assertion of christ himself ; that his sheep know his voice , by whomsoever he sendeth it ; for the porter , to wit his ( holy spirit ) openeth their hearts , as he did the heart of lydia , even to hear , and obey , and to follow , and doe ; to imbrace , and to receive , yea , to love , and honour ; even such , who bring them such glad tydings , of life , and peace , and of truth , &c. and therefore , though they be not able to discern , and discover , and judge who is fittest , and the most able ; for such , and such imployment ; yet they can discern , who are sent of god , and bring his message ; so far , at least , as not to follow a stranger : for the voyce of strangers , is strange unto them ; and such as they will not follow : so that the general approbation , of the sheep of christ ; such especially , who are known to be his , is the note of a shepherd that is called of god , and sent to preach ; or that is called to officiate in any place about spiritual things . and though they cannot discern who is fit for office ; yet if the wise , and learned , should appoint them a stranger , or an hireling , and that careth not for them ; or such whose voice they know not , or to whom the porter openeth not : they ought not to follow , but to fly from them , as from thieves and robbers : yea , as sheep from wolves , that would murder , and destroy , and devoure their souls : as vers . . . . , . but if this be their duty , as doubtless it is ; if they once discern who are such or such : then it necessarly follows , that they ought not by authority to be otherwise impelled ; but that in such respects , ( as do so highly concern the good of their souls , and the souls of their housholds , and their posterities after them , till the world determine , ) they might have liberty of conscience , as they dare answer it , at the great tribunal ; to deale impartially in all such cases , of such concernment , to approve , or reject , as they think they ought . and as considering themselves , even now already in whatever they doe ; to be before god , and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels : as tim. . . and this is a liberty , wherewith jesus christ hath made us free ; to which it is our duty to stand fast . and to beware of such as shall come unto us , in sheeps cloathing , that yet inwardly are ravening wolves . and he hath promised , that we shall know them by their fruits , mat . , to . and they that would spoil us of any such liberties , are in that respect , to be accounted no better then theeves and robbers : yea , spirituall theeves , that would spoile our soules . and such therefore we ought not to receive , nor to bid them god speed , where they teach such doctrine ; unless in hope that they do it ignorantly : and that we onely receive them , in hope to reduce them , from such dangerous error . if it be objected , that men will not allow any maintenance to such whom they may not have vote in election of ; unless it be compelled or forced from them , which is not warrantable , as hath been said , and proved by some . i answer briefly , that whatever others that are malignant , and enemies to the church of god , will do or refuse , give or with-hold in such a case , that doth not exempt thosewho are godly and conscientious form doing their duties , and from being impartial in such weighty business that concerns the good of their immortal souls ; in which cases all things should be done without partiality or respect of persons . and they ought rather so to joyn themselves , as to maintain a ministry upon their own charges , then to give their sufferage or vote for such to be installed in a place , as ought not to preach . and if it were so , that the truly religious would joyn themselves , and engage in covenant each to others , for this end , that all of them might speak even the same thing , without partiality or respect of persons . there would scarce any accept of a place , but that were either called or approved by them ; nor would they continue against their wills , nor act contrary to their general results from scripture grounds . but whiles they sit loose , and are partially engaged , and do not assemble themselves ( even their own selves ) for these and such like business that concerns them all ; how is it possible that they should know the mindes each of others , or the grounds or reasons upon which they act ? or how to resolve fully , so as all may assent , and be satisfied in conscience from sacred scripture , that so they ought to resolve in such and such cases . and therefore they ought thus to joyn and assemble themselves , and be engaged deeply each unto others , that things of this nature might be justly carried , without partiality or respect of persons , yea , at least in private , if authority will not suffer them to engage in publique ; if there be so many within convenient bounds , as may in any possibility do good this way . . they are stricter in maintaining the power , and kingdom , and supremacy of christ , then the presbyterian government ( as in now stands ) will allow or suffer . reas . for though they do allow , that the body of the church should be obedient and subject to the ministers and elders of the same , so far forth as they hold forth the word and voyce of christ , as joh. . . and do make it manifest ( as they ought to do ) from the law and testimony , that their ways and words , or judgments , and censures , or proceedings , are right , as in the way of the churches of new england , appers pag. . chap. . yet in case , when the officers of a church shall err , and commit an offence , or miscarry the business that concerns them all , or that in any respect concerns the glory of god. they make bold to over rule them , and to maintain the truth , and rescue the innocent , or condemn the guilty , and to elect , or eject , receive , or refuse ; yea , to remit or retain , as they finde cause and ground form scripture ; yea , though quite contradictory to the judgments , and decrees , and results of their elders ; and in case of obstinacy , even to proceed to censure and to cast them out , as unsavory salt , if their sin so deserve . and this democracy is necessarily assumed and exercised by the church , in choosing their officers , and joyntly with them in admitting members ; and in censuring , or acquitting , and remitting offenders : and that to preserve the monarchy of christ from antichristian usurpation , lest they should be in forced to let men at their pleasure bear rule over them , and become as men pleasers , and servants of men , as many have done ; and that without all remedy , or hope of remedy , whiles their officers live , as hath been said before , in the like case : and all , because that they had not power within themselves to censure and remove them ; but having their power to seek ( form other churches , or from without their own , ) could never finde it to remove them by , as in conscience they ought . but were forced to yeeld even blinde obedience , and to submit themselves to what ever decrees were imposed on them , whether right or wrong , truth or falshood , good or evil . and what else can be justly expected form the presbyterial government , if they require obedience to what ever they decree or determine by vote , in classis or synod , or congregational presbytery , when they make it not manifest as they ought to do ; from sacred scripture , that such decrees are just , and ought to be executed and obeyed , &c. by all or any whom they do concern , that are under the government , and of the kingdom of christ ? for what is this but to give them liberty for the absolute exercise of arbitary power , after men are chosen to such anoffice ? for what is it but arbitrary power ( in spiritual respect : ) that is not submitted to the word of god , to the lord jesus christ , and to his law and testimony , as well as such is accounted arbitrary power ( in civil respects ) that is not submitted to the laws of the land ? and this cannot chuse but at least sometimes engage or enforce us unto blinde obedience ( if we submit thereto , ) and that unto men , as if we were necessitated to account of them , as if they could not err . and therefore doubtless such ( whoever they are ) that either claim ( as due ) or expect such obedience , do extol themselves even above the apostles , and expect more obedience , and honor , and service , then they ever required , who were ( notwithstanding ) more infallibly guided . for they rather commend , then blamed the bereans , for searching of the scriptures , whether those things were so , that were preached by them . and what may this prove , but not onely the infringement of the churches liberties , but even the just rights and liberties of the subjects , yea , and the priviledg of parliament : for if the parliament were bound , as in duty to god , to establish and confirm what ever a synod , or an assembly of divines , should conclude , or decree amongst themselves , to be just and right in the sight of god , and that without evidence form sacred scripture , what a gross slavery might even their very consciences be subjected to ? for was not this the means of introduction of popery and all superstition that ever was establisht in the christian world ; to wit , obedience unto synods , as if they could not err ? and is it not as dangerous now , lest men should yet err , and mislead the parliament , and the whole kingdom , yea , and all the churches ? are we sure that they are more infallible , then in former ages ? doubtlesse , i say , they ought not to challenge , nor expect or plead for any such obedience , nor that they either do or can do any thing authoritatively indeed , but what they make good and manifest from scripture ; for then onely , and onely so far forth , they may authoritatively say , it seemed good unto the holy ghost and us ; as hath been said before : for even the apostles were but drawn together to consult and consider of those things , neither did they decree , till james stood up and resolved the matter from sacred scripture , by concluding such a result , as to which they all assented : it was not carryed by multiplicity and majority of votes , what should be decreed ; but by the best scripture evidence . neither are any such either fit or worthy to be members of an assembly , synod , or classis , or congregational presbytery , that can be content to let things pass upon slender debate , and without result from scripture grounds upon bare votes , it may be inconsiderately gathered , to be made as decrees , for the churches government , and that about matters in controversie , concerning faith and doctrine , or ways and manners , or any such like . considering that the eyes of the chief seers , in a whole kingdom or nation , yea in the whole universe , may be covered : and the sacred scriptures may be unto them all as a sealed book ; yea , they may account even the great things of gods own law as a strange thing ; as isai . . vers . . to the end . micah . , . , . hosea . . and yet may think it strange , that such men as they should either be , or be accounted blinde ; as those that said unto christ , are we blinde also ? and therefore it behoves the magistrates , and all in authority , to restrain and limit them in these respects that so highly concern even the life and death of their immortal souls , and of posterities after them , unto all ages : i say , to restrain and limit them to the law and testimony in what ever decrees they decree to establish : else they are guilty even of the blood of souls , which they lay open to be bought and sold at the will and pleasure of presumptuous men , that are self-willed , and lovers of their own selves , covetous , boasters , proud , &c , of which sort there is many in these last days . . they are stricter , and justly too , in keeping themselves within their own sphere , in that they require not obedience from all the inhabitants within parochial , no nor local bonds ; to the decrees of synods , classis , and presbyteries , as jure divino ; for that can never be proved from scripture grounds , to be either duty or lawful , but onely so far forth as their decrees are just , and held forth also from scripture grounds , in the name of god , and the lord jesus christ : to be obeyed , or disobeyed ; not as they tender the displeasure of men , in what ever authority , place , or power , ecclesiasticall , or civil ; but as they [ tender ] the breach of the law of god , or their obedience unto him , or as they fear his wrath , or expect his love , and blessing , &c. neither do they resolve , to deal with all indefinitely , in a spiritual way ; as they are admonished to deal with brethren , matth. . to . by way of private reproof and admonition ; and after that , to tell it to the church ; before they be unto us as heathens , and publicans ; for many are so to us , even as heathens and publicans ; even in the judgement of charity , and certainty both : being yet without in the apostles sense , cor. . . and what have we to do with them that are without ; to whom all things ( as yet ) are done in parables , what have we , therefore , to do to judge them , the apostle knew not , that we had any occasion , nor proper interest or power so to do , save only in general in the publike ministry . neither are we injoyned , ( for altogether ) not to company with such ; nor not to eate with such ; if they be but ( fornicators , or covetous , or extortioners , or idolaters of this world , ) as cor. . , . & chap. . . for we are not bound to rebuke scorners , and deale with them as brethren , in spiritual respects ; we are only bound to deale with breathren , such who are so called , and accounted of , through their visible profession of christianity : ( not of atheisme , and grosse prophanness ; ) such , who never yet thought themselves fit to receive the sacrament of the lords supper : for how are they within , or in fellowship with us , or in company together , who abhor and hate , and had rather almost be in company with devils , then with such , whose waies are a rebuke unto theirs . and how then shall we in any respect , withdraw from such , who never yet were in company with us , but against their wills ; thes . . . and how is it proper , to judge , or censure ; or to remit , and pardon , ( as cor. . , . cor. . , . joh. . . ) such who are utterly uncapable of any proper impression , or sence , or dinte of a divine rod ; a spiritual censure , or admonition , or rebuke , &c. yea , or of being remitted , though they outwardly reform , till they inwardly repent , and be at peace with god , not only for open , but for all their sins , open , and secret ; unless men purposely intended to delude their souls : for though for trespass against man , he that is injur'd , upon repentance may forgive it ; as mat. . but sins against god , he only can pardon , who sees the heart , and whether they repent indeed . and men can only do it , declaratively and effectually , in his sacred name ; according to the appearance or visibility of their cordiall repentance ( in their apprehension ; ) not for one onely , but for for all their sins , jam. . , . & sam. . . and thus much briefly against the presbyterians , for the time present , though i have more particulars to have instanced in ; yet if in these particulars , a reconcilement were made , the rest would follow with more ease . but these things being true , as i am confident that any rational man ( that will but seriously consider of these particulars , with the grounds and reasons , that are here alledged , with an impartial eye ) will freely confess , that the independents are justly stricter , and ought so to be , in these particulars ; and that their grounds and reasons are sound and substantiall for so doing , and that the magistrate ought not to restrain or limit them , in the prosecution of these just , and lawful , and godly ends : but to tollerate , and protect them , and incourage them hereunto , by all possible means : yea , though in these respects , they be manifestly stricter then the presbyterial government , as it now stands , will permit and suffer . and now having done with the presbyterians , for the time present , in behalf of the independents : i shall turn my hand to the independents , in behalf of presbyterians ; for though i cannot charitably conceit them , in respect of their ends ; to wit , that they are not good ; yet , i have something against them , in respect of their ways , and dare not be partial in the things of god ; but must speak out , according to my apprehension , as well against them , as the presbyterians ; for it is dangerous to be partial in the law , or respect persons . job . . . . and first then , though it is not denyed , but that in case of necessity such a congregation so incorporated , ( being men of fidelity ; faithful men ) may ordain themselves pastors , elders , and deacons , as they stand in need , and exercise all spiritual jurisdictive power amongst themselves , as they see cause , for the glory of god , and the churches good . for in case , when no other pastors of other churches can conveniently be obtained to assist them therein , to whom it more fitly and properly appertains , being called by the church so to do ; it is confessed they may doe it themselves . reas . but in ordinary propriety , as the apostle saith , the lesse is blessed of the greater ; for he so concludes , hebr. . . that it is so without contradiction , proving that melchisedec was greater then abraham , because he blessed him , vers . . . argu. but ordination by imposition of hands , is an act of blessing ; and is effectual to confer a blessing in the name of god , if administred in faith , matth. . . though otherwise not , as jam. . , , . conseq . . and therefore by consequence , the more faithful that men are , and the more likely , such their blessing is to be effectual , and to be conferred indeed ; as many instances mght easily be produced . conseq . . and therefore it follows , that the most faithful that can be obtained , is the most fit for such an act ; because it is most likely , that such their blessing will be effectuall , the more and rather . reas . and therefore it was , that john the baptist did , according to modesty , object against christ , when he came to his baptisme , i have need ( saith he ) to be baptized of thee , and commest thou to me ? but our saviour answered , that he should let be now , because that thus it became them , to fulfil all righteousnesse . and the reason was , because in common reputation ( at that time ) iohn was greater then he : for all men held that iohn was a prophet : but christ as yet had not shewed forth his glory , in so eminent a manner , as to be so esteemed . object . but it is objected , that a [ church of beleevers ] or a company of the [ presbytery ] are , in comon reputation , greater then [ one , ] to wit , any [ one ] man whom they may ordain , and so in that respect , the lesse is blessed of the greater , as hebr. . . for two , ( saith solomon ) are better then one . and the promise is made unto two or three . mat. . therefore it follows , if two or three be preferred to one , that a whole church of faithful men are better then two or three , and greater in esteem , and their prayers , or blessings , are the more likely to be valide and effectual . and therefore it is not unfit in that respect , but proper and comely , and so much the more hopeful , that such their blessing , through faith in god , will be effectual , though they want the assistance of some more eminent men ( then such yet are ) whom they do ordain : the prayer of a righteous man availeth much , saith james , if it be fervent , jam. . . and how much more available may we expect the prayers of a whole church will be with god , as it was when peter was in prison ? act. . . ans . i answer briefly , that it is not unlawful , but may be done , and not improperly , in case of necessity , as hath been said . but , first , observe , that the addition of some more eminent men to be , as it were , the mouth and hands of such a whole church , doth not deminish , but encrease their number of faithful men , if such can be obtain'd to assist them therein , and so by their own argument so much greater blessings are likely to be conferred at their request . and it may he sometimes that the prayers of some one man being more earnest then the rest , may obtain the blessing , or some particular request , rather then all the rest ; as it is said of elias , james . . . and kings . . the charrets and horsemen of israel . reas . for it is not because of the number of intercessors , nor because of the righteousness [ only ] of such , or so many as shall pray unto him , that he grants their request ; but it is rather because of their faithfulness and fervency in such very particular for which they pray , as jam. . , , . & chap. . . for it sometimes falls out , that men that are the most faithful ordinarily , yet may in some particulars be more diffident then the weakest , so that their faith failing them , they begin to sink ; as peter on the water , though he had walked already , through the power of god , yet the sight of a storm struck him into doubts ; and you know the place where it is said of christ himself , that he [ could ] do no great works there , because of their unbelief . and therefore it is not the bare form of ordination , though administred by never so many , or never so eminent men , that can prevail for a blessing on such or such a man ; but it is the fervency and faithfulness of such who do ordain them that obtains the blessing ; for by how much stronger men are in faith in that very particular , so much the more powerful they are with god to obtain his blessing , and the presence and power of the holy ghost to be in greater measure conferred upon him to enlarge and enable him for such a work , and for service to his name in such an office . and therefore such men , who in the general apprehension of such a church , are the most faithful and fervent in spirit that can be obtain'd , and the most inward and familiar with god , ought to be requested , and sought unto by such a church to assist them in ordination of any such officer , and to be their mouth and hands unto god , even the mouth and hands of the whole church , who ( as it is granted ) ought to be present , and to joyn in prayer together with them . and thus to do , is not to [ aliene ] their own liberties in that respect , for they may do it themselves in case of necessity , as hath been said , when there is not to be had more eminent and faithful men then is amongst themselves , or if they cannot obtain them : for it doth not take such liberties from them , nor power to use them , in case of necessity , because that others assist them at their request , no more then another minister , praying or preaching together with them at their request , takes away from them their proper liberty of praying themselves . and therefore i shall much wonder if any godly consciencious man shall oppose this doctrine , though the custom hath been ( as they were instructed by some of their ministers ) to practise otherwise : yea , and though i also speak it in behalf of those of the presbyterial way , for i do not speak it in behalf of men ; but in behalf of the truth , which i ought to esteem before all the men on the face of the earth ; i therefore speak it , because i beleeve , that thus it becometh them , to fulfil all righteousness : for greatness in reputation ought to be preferred in such publike ministrations above greatness in deed , for christ was greater [ in deed ] then john the baptist , though not in [ reputation ] at the time of his baptism , and therefore so it became them ; to fulfill all righteousness , mat. . , . for without all contradiction the less is blessed of the greater in ordinary ways , at least of the greater in reputation : john had need to be baptized of christ , the less of the greater , to this christ assents ; but john was greater in reputation at that present time , therefore it became them rather to follow the general reputation , then the inherent power for baptization , wherein subsisted the greatness in deed in respect of power . for the original of power is only in god , cor. . . not not in him that planteth , nor in him that watereth : and is but apprehended , or fetched out by faith , as by an immediate hand , and accordingly administred , according to the strength or measure of faith , in such an instrument , by whom such blessing or benefit whatsoever is mediately administred . it was not properly the spirit of moses that was put upon the elders , numb . . though it was so called , vers . . even the spirit that was on him ; but it was more properly even the spirit of the lord , as vers . . that rested on the elders , and on moses both ; and in that respect only it is properly said , that the lord took off the spirit that was on him , and put it upon them , as vers . . , . for it was no other but the self-same spirit , even the spirit of god , though measured out as it pleased him , as cor. . we must not therefore expect the blessing , because administred in such a way , or in such a manner , no , nor by faithful men , ( though we may the rather , ) but because administred through faith indeed , in the name of god , whom we ought to acknowledg as the onely fountain and original spring from whence it is derived , and variously disperst , as it pleaseth him , as jam. . , , . and is not in the power or custody of men to give the encrease , or blessing indeed , as cor. . . and therefore all the ordinances ( though never so purely and properly administred , in respect of order , and forms of government or administrations ) will be utterly vain , invalid , empty , fruitless , and unprofitable , unless ministred in faith , yea , through faith in god , and the lord jesus christ , and that in every particular : for it is not sufficient that such administrators have faith in god for the saving of their souls , but they must have faith to apprehend his promises , concerning such particulars , whatever they administer , or desire of god to be done for them upon such occasions ; or else they may not expect to receive such things , as jam. . , . and therefore the most faithful is weak enough for the meanest administration in the church of god. and therefore the end of ordination being the blessing , the means to attain it should be so ordered , as is most likely to attain unto , or acquire this end : we should so run , that we might obtain : for , in such publique cases , men often take gods name in vain for want of ayming chiefly at the proper end of any service , duty , or ordinance that men take in hand . but thus much briefly for this particular , because i hope no man will contradict what is here asserted . . a second thing that i have against the independent government , is briefly this , to wit , that though they do allow of consociation of churches for advice and counsel , and for the help and encouragement , resolving , comforting , &c. or for the discouragement , forsaking , and conviction , or withdrawing from , as need requires : yet they do not allow of any authoritative acting , by an assembly of such churches , either for , or against any particular church , though need require so to do ; but do account it sufficient to withdraw communion , if they so deserve , according to mat. . as the direction is , to deal with a brother in case of trespass , not considering that this directory is onely given out , how we ought to deal , in case of trespass , against man , one brother against another , and that in such trespasses as deserve not excommunication out of such a church , but a private withdrawing of brotherly fellowship by that particular man against whom the trespass is committed , to wit , let him be unto thee as an heathen man , and as a publican , vers . . it is not said , that either such a man , or any other , for trespass properly against man , should be excommunicated from the publique ordinances ; but they are first admonished to note such by a letter , and have no company with them , that they might be ashamed , to see how that will work to bring them to repentance ; but they must not for such faults account them as enemies , but admonish them as brethren , as thess . . , . and bear them patiently , yea , though we think of them , that they are evil men , tim. . , , . for we may easily be deceived , especially in our own cause , and be apt to judg and censure without moderation : and excommunication ought onely to be administred in case of sin against god , when we can scarce , in the judgment of charity , think any better of them , but that they are wicked men , cast out from amongst your selves : that [ wicked man ] saith the apostle , cor. . . and of this sort also were hymeneus and alexander , who had made shipwrack of faith , and fell to blasphemy ; besides which , or for such like gross and notorious sins , and that against god , we read not of any that were delivered unto satan like those , tim. . , . argu. but this directory of our blessed saviour , going no further but to private withdrawing , in case of trespass , brother against brother , is not sufficient to direct the church how she ought to deal , in case of sins deserving that dreadful sentence of excommunication : but we must likewise take in , for further direction , that cor. . and many other scriptures , as you shall hear anon . consequ . therefore it follows , that as a particular church is bound as well to deal with offendors ( if they so deserve ) by that heavy sentence of excommunication , as withdraw their communion and fellowship from them in case of lesser sins : even so in like case , churches consociated ought to deal with offending churches ( if they so deserve ) by that heavy sentence of excommunication , as well as withdraw their communion from them in case of lesser sins : and the churches censures of excommunication ought not to be bounded within the verge of particular churches against particular persons ; but ought to be executed against whole churches by the sister churches ( consociated and assembled for that very end ) if their sin so deserve ; as in case of toleration of blaspemy , or idolatry , or sabbath-breaking , or adultery , and such like gross prophaness in the members of the church , as cor. . , , . and do not censure them for it . and take notice by the way , that i therefore say [ in the members of the church ] because such who are profane , and never professed repentance , nor faith in god , and the lord jesus christ , though they come to the church , yet they are not capable of excommunication , because that even in the judgment of charity they are as yet without , in the apostles sence , and are not of such as are called brethren ; but being already without , and in the power , and slavery , and captivity of satan , need no more casting out , nor delivering unto him : but it were gross foolery to spend the churches censures upon such wicked men , neither could it be expected to be effectual against them , nor take impression on them ; and therefore the apostle doth not for altogether inhibit our companying together with such , as vers . . but with such ( amongst such ) as are called brethren ; with such a one , that they should not eat : whereas in another place , if any man that beleeved not invited them to a feast , if they were disposed to go , they might go ; for he giveth them no inhibition in that case , but onely a directory how to carry themselves , as cor. . . and it is but a foolish thing to bring men to the stool of repentance for some one particular notorious sin , till they can also profess and seriously too , as before god , that they repent for all , both secret and open , and do hope for pardon . and it is but a deluding of mens consciences , to put them in hope of pardon for one , till they repent for all , and do resolve to forsake them , jam. . . . and thus much by the way ; i do now come to the point , and do briefly assert : assert . that it is the duty of true christian chuches , joyntly consociate , or assembled together , not only to admonish , and withdraw communion , as hath been said ; and as it is granted by mr. cotton , in the way of the churches of n. e. pag. . sect. . to wit , that they look at it , as their duty , to be faithfull one church to another ; in like sort , as the brethren of one church are called to be faithful one towards another ; in regard that churches enjoy , and professe communion one with another , as well as brethren of a particular church ; alledging cant. . . & cor. . . look also sect. . but that therefore , it likewise follows , even from their own argument ; that an assembly of churches , is also bound to deliver unto satan , in the name of god , and the lord jesus christ , and by his power &c. any such church , as shall so deserve ; or the officers , or ministers of any such church , who shall so deserve , if their own church shall neglect to do it ; else , they deal not faithfully with such ministers , or brethren , not with such a church , as in duty they are bound , cor. . after the apostles doctrine and example , tim. . . . as hath been said : nay , if they but call themselves brethren , or ministers of christ , rev. . , . . or churches of christ , as chap. . . yea , jews and are not . they ought , i say , to be dealt with , by divine authority , in the name of christ , as synagogues of satan , as false apostles , as wicked iezebels , as lying brethren ; and so proclaimed ( joyntly ) by the churches , with one consent , and delivered to satan , that they might learn , not to blaspheme , or not to seduce , and deceive the servants , and people of god ; nor call themselves apostles and ministers of christ , when they are not ; or his ministers and embassadors , in such things and messages , wherein they are not ; as revel . . , . or call themselves jews , or of the people of god , and are nothing so , as chap. . . but do lye notoriously , and that in the name of christ . i say , the censures of the church ought to pass upon them , in as publike and declarative a way and manner , acco●ding to their sin , as their sin shall deserve ; and that in the name of god , and the lord iesus christ ; whose judgement it is , that ought to be administred , and publikely held forth in his sacred name , with the grounds thereof , from the law and testimony , if men so deserve , even to execration . reas . for the like care , and the like meanes in every respect , is to be used , held forth , and exercised over such sister churches ; whether false or true , if they be so deemed , through their own profession , as is , and ought to be used over particular brethren , by a particular church ; whether such brethren be false or true , that through their own profession , are deemed brethren , or called brethren , as cor. . . and if admonition , and in some cases excommunication , be ordinances of god , sanctified for the healing of the soules of gods people gone astray ; it were a sacrilegious injury , either to the ministers , or elders , or to whole churches , when they goe astray , to deprive them of the benefit of such wholesome medicines , when the estate of their souls stand in need thereof : as so their own arguments doth plainly resolve , in the way of the churches of n. eng. pag. . chap. . sect. . but it cannot be denyed , but even whole churches may so far apostatize , and go astray , either in life , or doctrine , or government , &c. as well as particular members of a congregation . reas . for suppose all the congregation do not act so wickedly , as to be fornicators , idolaters , or adulterers , &c. yet they may be induced to connive , and indulge , and be accessary with such in a great measure , as the corinthians were , with the incestious person , and therefore were sharply reprehended by the apostle paul. and if after admonition in such cases , as are proper for such gradual proceedings , there follow not repentance , and reformation ; or if any church shall tollerate idolatry , blasphemy , or prophaness , all sister churches ought in such cases , to proceed roundly against them . look in the way of the church of new eng : pag. . but for more certain testimony , examine and compare these scriptures following , to wit , cor. . . cor. . . deu. . , , &c. to the end . exod. . . acts . , . iudg. . iosh . . , , , . deut. . , &c. ioshua . , &c. iere. . , mal. . . and such like many prophetical , popular , and national curses , which are exemplary for us to use in like cases : and they are no other , but the express mind and will of god ; which being unchangeable , ought to be published , and declaratively held forth , as occasion requires ; and the more publike , and the more visible and general that it is , and the more faithfully , and emphatically that it is exprest , and the better it is , and the more likely that it should be effectual for the end thereof ; yea , the more voyces that proclaim it , or assent unto it , with affection of minde , and faith in god , sutable thereunto ; and it is the more available , and acceptable with god , and efficacious and operative on the hearts of men , to deter , and restrain them from any such wickedness . and what need we any more , or more plaine injunction , then the apostle hath given us : to wit , if any man love not the lord jesus christ , let him be had in execration , yea maranatha : cor. . . tim. . , . they had once occasion to have used these curses in the name of god , against some members of famous churches in new england ; and some it may be , might finde occasion to use them here , against such spies as bring an evill report upon the land of canaan ; the [ spiritual ] i mean. and doubtless , if used in faith , as they ought , they would be effectual ; for many such spies are culpable of judgement from the hand of god , as wel as these , who dyed of the plague before the lord ; as numb . . , . yea , good men , whose souls shall be saved , may yet deserve to be made exemplary by the hand of god , in such a case , for the terror of others ; as so ( no doubt ) were nadab , and abihu , and vzza , and others , as we may well hope ; for even aaron himself , was admonished by moses , how to carry himself , lest he also should dye before the lord , if he were provoked , numb . . and this kinde of divine authority is far more awful , and fit to be used in all such cases ; then carnal , worldly , and humane authority ; as the effects would prove , if ministred in faith , as james . , , , . and by the power of our lord jesus christ , as cor , . . to wit , through faith in his name ; confidently beleeving , that according to his promise , he will make it effectual ; and ratifie in heaven , what ever they agree on , or binde on earth or denounce , &c. as matth. . for if a man have faith in god , yea though never so little , if it be but as a graine of mustard-seed , provided it be concerning such very particulars , is he prayeth for , or desireth to be done ; yea , though it were for removing trees , and planting them in the middest of the sea , it should doubtlesse be effectual , matth. . . yea , what ever yee aske of god in prayer , beleeve that ye shall receive it , and it shall be given you , saith our savior christ , mar. . , , . mat. . . luk. . . and this divine authority , this power through faith , being ministred in his name , as it ought to be , is a far greater , and more awful authority , then any humane power , or carnal authority , that can be given by men , in what place soever ; for it is indeed the power of our lord and saviour jesus christ , spoken of , cor. . . it is the power god. mat. . , , . fetched down from heaven , by the hand of faith . . a third thing that i have against the independent government , is their strictness in trial of all , whom they admit to partake of the sacraments . but lest i should be over-tedious , and there being many arguments , which have long been opposed each against other , concerning this maine difference , which if once reconciled , all other differences , would easily be agreed . i shall therefore propose my own apprehensions , partly abreviating what hath formerly been said in some particulars , by way of result , and then shall answer some objections concerning this main difference , and shall so conclude , lest my book should swell to a tedious volumn . after that a particular church is constituted and organiz'd , for administration of all the ordinances they ought to observe ; these ensuing rules , as most consonant with the practice of the apostles , and of all the churches in the primitive times , and most sutable to the word of god , and the rule of charity therein contained ; and to his own ways , held forth to us for our imitation , who profess oour selves to be followers of god as his dear children , and to walke in love , as christ hath loved us ; and do account the end of the commandment to be love , out of a pure heart , and a good conscience , and of faith unfeigned . . first , it ought to be their chief care and endeavour , that the preaching of the word ( which is the chief means that god hath appointed for the saving of souls ) be with all diligence , publickly administred , both to beleevers and infidels , even to all comers , with this end , and respect chiefly , that such who are already beleevers , might be edified in faith and love , which are in christ jesus , and that others might be convinced , and converted , and turned to the faith , yea , and that even all such whom god hath ordained to eternal life through jesus christ : for care should be taken , that non should be lost , nor go astray , nor be offened in any respect , that neither bruisedreeds should be broken off , nor smoking flax extinct , or quenched ; nor that which is halting be turned out of the way , but rather healed , and restored , yea blown and kindled , and bound up , and mollified , and helped , and strengthned , by all possible means that god hath appointed in his holy word . . secondly , as saving of soul , and edifying of the church , is the chief business to be cared for , and indeavoured by the church , and as the ministry of the word is the chief means tending thereunto : so it necessarily follows , that not only for the present , but for future likewise , provision be made , that none be elected , nor admitted into office , as minister of the word , to labour in the word and doctrine , nor to rule and govern , or minister to the poor , as deacons , &c. but such who are so qualified , as the word of god requires they should ; that so they might not be lead , either by blind guides , or idol shepherds , dumb dogs , devouring wolves , soul-murtherers , false prophets , that sew pillows under all armholes ; and flatter men into a fools paradise , being partial in the law , or profane and scandalous in any respect : as the scripture is large for direction herein , how they ought to be qualified , through faith , and love , which are in christ jesus , act. . . not any officer , no not the deacons , but care should be taken , that they should be men of honest report , full of the holy ghost and wisdom . . thirdly , that in any possibility , this might be secured , and provided for , not only for the present , but for future generations ( as much as possible ) it ought to be the care of every member of that body corporate , that visible church so joyned , and constituted ; that none be admitted , and joyned , or incorporated together with them , either first , or last , either for the time present , or for future generations : but such only , in whom all the members of the said body ( in the judgment of charity ) may justly confide , that they will not , to their knowledge ( either in elections , or ejections , approbations , or results , in any church-busness , either for receiving in , or casting out , or any matter wherein their voice or sufferage is justly requisite , as a member of the body ) deal unjustly or impartially , perfidiously or unfaithfully , but as before god , and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels ; lest in after times , by means of ungodly men , which might be crept in , if care be not taken , and provision made , to keep such out , they that are ungodly might heap to themselves teachers after their own hearts , such as have been mentioned : and therefore so far forth as such body corporate is in any respect politically joyned , for the good of the whole , every member being part of the whole , and therefore having interest in the whole it self , and that not onely for the good of the rest , but for it self likewise ; and therefore ought in conscience to have vote and sufferage amongst the rest , in all such cases as concern the whole , for the good of all . so every member ought to be careful , that none be admitted as joynt members , and incorporated with them , as a body politique , but such in whom they do and can confide ; that they will not , to their knowledg , in any such case , either deal unfaithfully concerning the whole , or any particular member , in any such respect ; but , as hath been said , for the glory of god , and the good of the body . and not onely so , but tryal should be had concerning their knowledg and spiritual understanding , both in the things of god , and that concern the church , in respect of government and discipline thereof , that they be both sound , and able to discern even of things that differ , in some good measure ; and be likewise conscientious , suitable thereunto . for , as they that are weak ought to be received , though not unto doubtful disputations : so , they that are weak ought to be received , but not unto doubtful elections , and such like business , as necessarily require , that men should understand and know , what they do , when they act therein . and therefore it was , that though all the levites were accepted of god , and taken for all the first born of the children of israel : and given as a gift to aaron and to his sons , from among the children of israel , to do the service of the children of israel in the tabernacle of the congregation : and to make an attonement for the children of israel , that there be no plague among the children of israel : when the children of israel came nigh unto the sanctuary , &c. yet they were not required , as called of god , to go in , and wait on the service of the tabernacle of the congregation , but from twenty five years old and upwards ; and so but to continue till they came to fifty years old , and were then to cease waiting on the service thereof , and should serve no more , as levit. . , , , . so that it evidently appears , that till they came to ripeness of years , and to a suitable discretion and gravity , for such holy service , it did not appertain unto them to administer in such a service . and so no more it doth to men that are true beleevers , and truly faithful , till they come to maturity and ripeness in knowledg , and have their wits exercised , as the apostle saith , to discern both good and evil . for it is all one , to be led by others that are blinde guides , as to act of our selves ignorantly and blindly ; not knowing what we do , or speak , or whereof we affirm ; for we may speak evil or good , and that injuriously , of the things we know not : and so , through blinde guidance , perish in the ditch . . and fourthly , this being so , and that such church affairs are of such weighty consequence and concernment to every member , and for the good of all , and for the saving of souls ; that it is not possible men should be too provident and circumspect in these respects . it is therefore requisite , and that which is the duty of every member of such a body , to take care , that none be admitted to be incorporated , and joyned with them , to have power and vote in the general business , but such onely as are known and approved for faithfulness and sincerity in true christianity , in the practise of piety and of religious service and worship of god in all such duties both private and in publique , as god requires . and though they be thus known and approved by some that are officers and members of such body politique , yet for fuller satisfaction unto all the rest , it will be needful that they should openly and publiquely , before all the church , not onely profess their faith in god , and the lord jesus christ , and their repentance and resolution through the grace of god , to forsake all their sins , and to carry themselves suitable unto such profession both before god and men . but , for further security and satisfaction to all the church , they ought to be engaged , by entering into covenant both with god and the church , to continue faithful and just , and to deal impartially in all such respects , according to their knowledg , as god shall assist and strengthen them so to do ; and thus far , and in these respects , such particular body can never be too careful , nor take too strict tryal of such who are admitted to be members of the same . but if they be not careful and strict herein , the men of this world shall rise up in judgment against them , and condemn them herein ; who in civil corporations are careful and strict , that none be admitted to have vote amongst them , in election of officers , for the government thereof , but such only as ( having served an apprenticeship some certain time ) are experienced amongst them , and practised in their trades , and are so made free ; and that saying of christ is justly verified against all such , that the men of this world are wiser in their generation , then the children of light , and will be applyed in displeasure against them , if they know these things , and will not obey and do accordingly ; yea , even the blood of souls will one day be required even at their hands , if they will not be careful and faithful , and provident in the use of means , which properly tend to the saving or damning of immortal souls . . and fifthly , on the other part , for the administration of the sacrament of baptism , and of the lords supper , such particular church ought not to be strict , nor ridged and severe , but with all charity , meekness and patience , bear the infirmities and burdens of others , and may not please themselves ; as these scriptures hold forth unto us , cor. . . & chap. . & chap. . , . & acts . . . chap. . . chap. . . cor. . . mat. . , , , , , , . and therefore , first , the sacrament of baptism ought to be administred unto all such children , one or both of whose legitimate parents are true beleevers , i mean , beleevers of the true christian faith , though yet for the present their faith is not justifying , in respect of themselves , but meerly historical , as acts . . if they be not dogs or swine , scorners of , or barkers against the ways of god , and his church and people . and this also is but only to be expected to be held forth or manifested to the church in the serious and publike profession and acknowledgment thereof in the publike congregation . for it was no more that philip required of the eunuch , and peter of the jaylor , whose whole houshold was baptized of him upon such profession : yea , though they be such men who are not admittable to the blessed sacrament of the lords supper , by reason of scandal , which may lie upon them , yet if they earnestly desiring the salvation of their children , and being such who , in their minority , were baptized likewise , and professing a purpose to amend their ways , and turn unto god , they ought not to be put back , but to be baptized , and their parents admonished how they ought to instruct them and bring them up , and that they themselves also should bring forth fruits meet for repentance , as the covenant of god made with them in baptism in their minority requireth of them , if they will not be accounted coveant-breakers both with god and man ; and so their charge lyeth even at their own doors , and the minister is clear , and the church satisfied , if it be serious and in publike , &c , for all outward ordinances ought to be administred according to the judgment of charity , and ought not to be restrained to the judgment of certainty , but according to love or charity , the properties whereof are not to think evil , but to beleeve all things , hope all things , and to take all things in the better part , and not to judg or censure according to the appearance , but righteous judgment , and as we can make it manifest that we ought so to judg . . and secondly , in like manner for administration of the blessed sacrament of the lords supper , it is only needful that such who would be admitted to partake of it , should in the publike congregation make open profession of the true christian faith , and confession of , and repentance for their sins , with a resolution to abandon and forsake them , and to walk worthy of that vocation whereunto they are called of god , and of such communion and fellowship with the church of god whereto they are admitted . provided always , that they be admonished beforehand of the danger and judgment that they are liable unto ( if they either for the present shal deal hypocritically with the church of god in such publike profession , & do but lye and dissemble before god & men ) as did but justly befall ananias and sapphirah : and likewise of the judgment and censure that the church is bound publikly to denounce & pronounce against them in suspending them again from such communion ; if they turn again with the dog to his vomit , and with the sow that was washed to her wallowing in the mire , and will not be reclaimed by gentle means to forsake their sins , and so the fault shall lie at their own doors , if they do dissemble , or turn again ; and both the minister and the church is guiltless herein before god and men , for they cannot justly deny them the ordinance , though they have sinned notoriously , if they freely confess such their notorious sins , and profess repentance , and a full purpose of amendment of life , and that they are perswaded that god hath pardoned , and doth and will accept them in jesus christ , and save their souls . for what know the ministers , or the whole church , but that they are converted , and truned unto god with all their hearts , if they so profess ? and upon what grounds can they lawfully deny to administer the same unto any such , though their sins aforetime have been as scarlet or crimson dye in the sight of men ? and who knoweth but such publike engagement may oblige them in conscience for future time , and for fear of the judgment of god against them , to keep their covenant , & amend their lives , and turn unto god , and cleave unto him even with all their hearts , and find mercy with him ; whereas on the contrary , if they should be rejected , or deferred and rebuked , and not accepted and beleeved , when they so profess , they should do as much as in them lyeth , even to destroy their weak faith , and to quench the sparkles of their smoaking flax , and break in peeces such broken reeds , whom , for ought we know , god hath freely accepted and received unto mercy , and for whom christ hath dyed , and ordained such ordinances to encrease and strengthen their feeble faith , as well as for the strong and most faithful members of the church of god : for who would have thought that christ should have called zachous , the publican , and dined with him , rather then any of the faithful and godly people of the jews at jerusalem , who doubtless beleeved as well as he , and to have eaten and drunken with publicans and sinners ? but he gives the reason , for he came not to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance , &c. but it will be objected , . that these are novel distinctions and divisions , that some should be admitted to have their children baptized , and neither of the parents admitted as yet to the sacrament of the lords supper . . and again secondly , that some should be admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper , and yet not be admitted to be incorporated members of that particular church , nor have votes in elections , and admissions or ejections , and censures , &c. as the members have ; this is novel and strange . i answer , that it is no more novel , then the sacred scripture and primitive examples , as i nothing doubt , but to make it manifest ; and that these distinctions and divisions are of absolute necessity in a church rightly constituted , and governed , and disciplined ; and the ordinances of god rightly administred , both to the weak and strong , as they ought to be . . and first then , i shall endeavor to make it good , that the children of such have been baptized by the apostles themselves , upon bare profession of historical faith , without either confession of their sins , or profession of their repentance , and a resolution of amendment of life , that we read of in scripture . and in my apprehension , this is either clear form the baptism of the iaylors houshold , and from the ordinary tender of baptism to the whole housholds of all that professed bare historical faith , to wit , that jesus christ is the son of god ; or else our grounds are to seek for the baptism of infants , acts . , , to . and acts . and if they be such parents , who have been baptized in their minority , their childrens case is no other , but in equal respect with the grand children of such parents whose grand-fathers are holy , but their own parents profane , who yet ordinarily are accounted admitable . . and secondly , concerning admittance of all to the sacrament of the lord supper , that do desire admittance , and will in the publique congregation profess a true justifying , and lively faith in jesus christ ; and if their sins have been notorious , do freely confess them , and profess repentance , and a resolution of amendment of life : i cannot see how any church can deny to admit them , whatever they have been in former times ; but that they ought to administer the outward ordinance upon that ground , without any further tryal or examination ; and ought not to defer the acceptance of them , with all brotherly love , and kinde respects , as dear brethren ; for so in the judgment of charity ( seeing they cannot know the contrary of certainty ) they ought to judg , as hath been said before : and there was never more required of any in the primitive times , as cor. . . & chap. . & chap. . , . & acts . , . i shall therefore engage any that oppose this doctrine , to shew a scriptural example on the one hand , as there is many on the other . . but thirdly , that all these should , at their first admission to the outward ordinances , being but babes in christ , be likewise admitted as visible saints , and members of a visible church , and should so be approved of by such a church and every member thereof , and incorporated with them politically to have power and vote in elections , &c. ( in my apprehension ) were very absurd . . for , first , till their sanctification be visible indeed unto such a church , how can they approve them as visible saints ? this were deeply to engage the members of the church to dissemble their judgments , which is not lawful , for they must lay aside all guile and dissimulation , as well as all uncharitableness , in judging of one another , as pet. . . . and secondly , they ought not to make any judgment at all , but leave it to god , whether they stand or fall to their own masters ; but in cases of certainty , in which they have good ground for a full perswasion this way or that way , lest by any means , they should wrong their brethren , or the church of god ; for they should sometimes quench the smoking flax , and break also the bruised reed ; and sometime again disparage and disgrace the judgment of the church by approving such as do but deal hypocritically . . and thirdly , this were as much as if the levites should all have been admited to attend on the service of the tabernacle of the congregation from their very childhood , as well as after that they were come to years of discretion : for the case is justly paralel , as these scriptures will prove , levit. . , . , . and pet. . , . rev. . . reas . for thus i compare them , all the elect that are built upon christ by a lively faith , are lively stones built up a spiritual house , an holy priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifice , acceptable to god by jesus christ , pet. . . & chap. . . so that all beleevers are accounted as priests , even form their first ingrafting into christ by faith. but as there was priests of divers orders ; so also ought the true beleevers to be distinguished ; i compare therefore the newly converted to the levites in their minority , till they came to years ; and all the grown christians , that are experienced in the trade and practise of christianity , to the levites , when they came to years of discretion : and all the elders and officers , elected by the church , i compare to the priests , the sons of aaron ; and so the ministers to aaron himself ; and who knoweth but that the lord jesus christ will govern his church after these examples paralel hereto , seeing the apostle peter doth thus compare them as resembling the priesthood ? pet. . , . & chap. . . as hath been said before . . and fourthly , this double reception is clear also , in my apprehension , from the apostles own words ; them that are weak ( saith he ) receive , but not unto doubtful disputations ; and therefore by consequence not to act , or vote , or exercise power in doubtful elections , and intricate business , which , for want of understanding , they are not able for , till their wits be exercised in spiritual things to discern both good and evil . it is not proper to admit them , or approve them as joynt members of such body politick , till all the rest of the members be in some good measure satisfied , both of their abilities sutable , and of the sincerity of their hearts and intentions for the good of the same . but for further satisfaction , that these are no novel distinctions or divisions of the church , but of ancient use in the policy of the churches in the primitive times : consider the words of origen , alledged against the remonstrant , who recites the words of origen to be these , to wit , that it was the custom of the christian teachers first to examine such as desired to hear them , of whom there were two orders . the first were catechumeni , or beginners . the other was of such as were more perfect . among whom there were some or dained to enquire into the life and manners of such as are admitted into the church . that they may banish such from the publike assembly , that perpetrate scandalous acts . i say , let it be considered , whether the policy of the church in those times was not justly paralel to that which hath been said , and whether it be not also sutable to the policy of some civil corporations , who ought to be followed in all wise policies , that may tend for good of a body spiritual , as hath been said . consider therefore whether those 〈◊〉 or [ beginners ] of which origen spake , were not like [ appren●io●● ] that had not served out their time in a city or corporation , and therefore had no voyce in election of officers as majors and aldermen , and those of the common counce : and secondly , whether those whom he speaketh of , that were more perfect , were not like free-men of a city , who have a vote in election of officers for the government of the whole , and of a common-councel , &c. and thirdly , whether those that were chosen and ordained out of that order , which they accounted more perfect , whose office , to which they were ordained , was to enquire into the life and manners of the people , and to banish , &c. were not like the aldermen and common-councel of a city , to whom all is committed ? and fourthly , whether the christian teachers of those times were not over all , as majors of cities , who are chosen by vote of all the freemen , and of none but freemen ; for apprentices have no vote , till their freedom be examined , and approved likewise ? and the children of light ought to be as wise in their generation as the men of this world ; and the church is compared to a city or corporation : so that the paralels in every particular do hold correspondency both with the levitical priesthood , to whom the apostle compares the church , and to the practise of the churches in the primitive times , is origen relates them , and to the civil government of bodies corporated , and to the reason and end of all policy civil and ecclesiastick , to wit , the good , and benefit , and safety of the whole . . as first , those that upon profession of the true christian faith , and repentance for their sins , and or a resolution to amend their lives , are admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper ; are justly paralel to all the levites , that , during their minority , were not admitted to attend upon the service of the tubernacte : and they are justly paralel to those that , in the primitive times , were called cateemement or beginners : and they are justly paralel to apprentices in a city that have not served out their time : and they hold correspondency with the reason and end of all government and policy , which is the good of the whole : for as the heir , so long as he is a child , differeth nothing from a servant , though he be lord of all , but is under tusors and governors , till the time appointed of the fat , her , as the apostle saith in a case not unsutable ; so for the veny same reason , there being a childhood and minority in [ grace ] as well as [ nature , ] reason tells us , that it is not fit , nor good , nor safe , nor likely to tend for the good of the body ; that power of government , or vote in elections should be committed unto such , who are not yet capable of such a business , or are doubted of , whether they do intend the good of the whole , no more then women are to have vote amongst them , nor any specified in these parallels instanced in . . and secondly , those who are admitted , not only to the sacrament , but to be incorporated as joynt members , of a particular church , upon such trial and approbation , as hath heerv said , and justly parallel to all the levites , that being come to yeare of discretion , and gravity , were admitted to attend on the service of the tabernacle , if without blemish . and they are justly parrallel , to those in the primitive times , that were more perfect then the beginners . and they are justly parallel , to the freemen of a citie , who have votes in elections , and out of whom the common councel is chosen , as their representatives ; and to act for them as neeed requires . . and thirdly , the elders chosen , by all the joynt members of such a particular church , and ordained ; &c. are justly parallel to the sons of aaron , to whom belonged the priesthood , in a peculiar manner , above the rest of the sons of levi , for they were anointed with the holy oyle , as well as aaron , levit. . , . and were ordained , and consecrated to the priests office . and they are justly parallel , to those that were chosen and ordained in the primitive times , to look into the lives , and manners of such as were admitted into the church , and to banish , &c. and they are justly parallel , to the aldermen of a citie or corporation . . and fourthly , the ministers of the churches , that are chosen by the eldens , and all the rest of the body , numb . . , , , , , . are justly parallel , to aaron the chief priest , who figuratively represented the lord jesus christ , and governed , and ministred in his sacred name , and was above his sons . and they are iustly parallel , to the teachers in the primitive times , who were chief in government , as well as in all other ministrations , in the name of god , and the lord jesus christ ; and therefore are called angels . revel . . and they are also parallel , the to majors of cities ; who though they are chief in power and command , yet it is by consent , and according to the agreement ; both of the aldermen , and of the common councel , who are chosen by the freemen as well as the major , for the agitation and transaction of all their businesse , for the good of all . but it will be objected on the other part , that this publique profession of faith , and repentance , and of a resolution to amend our lives , and to walke worthy of such vocation , will be thought too much , considering that many both men and women , are bashfull , and timorous , and unfit to speak , and declare themselves in the open congregation . answ . i answer briefly , that they may come before hand to the ministers and elders , and signifie their minds and desires unto them , and desire them to express so much in publike on their behalf , to satifie the congregation of their desires and resolutions , and of their repentance , and hope in these respects , and it will be sufficient , that they testifie their assent to what they express for them , and in their names and behalf . and how can the whole congregation be more easily satified in these respects , that men are cordial and sincere in such desires , then by doing it publikely in the open congregation , who may all beare witness of such profession ? and if they turn back , and live not sutable in some good measure , they may all joyne in their publike censure , in like manner , as in their admittance . and it cannot be denyed , but that which is the duty of every man and woman to beleeve , and do , before he approach to receive the sacrament ; that he ought not to deny , to profess in publike before all the congregation , that are of that profession , with whom he desires communion . and no man will deny , but that these ensuing duties are requisite , and necessary to be beleeved and done , before we approach to this ordinance . . first , repentance for all our sins , with confession of them , such as have been notorious and publike , if they be objected against us , even in the publike congregation ; with a resoltuion to forsake them , and amend our lives , &c. . faith is a necessary duty , before we approach to receive the sacrament of the lords supper ; for without faith we cannot receive the things signified ; we cannot eate the flesh , and drinke the blood of the lord jesus christ , but by a lively faith. for the outward bread and wine , being but the sacrament or signe thereof , is not the thing it self , that is thereby signified ; for the one may be eaten by dogs and swine , but the other cannot , but by him onely that hath true justifying and saving faith. and therefore this faith must at least be [ professed , ] else the most charitable judgement cannot think them prepared for this ordinance , if they deny to profess it before the whole church . . thirdly , love is also a necessary duty ; love unto god , and the lord jesus christ . and love to our brethren , and neighbours , and the whole church of god. for a true faith worketh by love ; and he that loveth not , knoweth not god ; for god is love , and he that loveth not his brother , abideth in death , &c. and therefore no man is fit to receive the sacrament , that is not reconciled , both to god and men , and in charity with all , as these scriptures shew . but it will be objected , that if all children of such beleeving parents , who outwardly profess , that jesus christ is the son of god , must be admitted to the christian baptism ; then , all must be admitted without distinction : for all will profess , that they so beleeve , though they be never so wicked and malicious enemies to the church of god , and even unto christ himself ; but our holy things must not be given unto dogs and swine , mat. . . i answer . true , if they be dogs or swine ; that is to say , if they be such , as bark against , and speake evill of the waies of god , and of his name and truth , or of his ministers , or disciples , and children , &c. for righteousness sake : they may , and ought to be excluded from all such priviledges , and their children likewise . or if they be despisers and scorners of such holy things ; turning with the dog to his vomit , and with the saw that was washed to her wallowing in the mire ; they may be excluded , and ought so to be , if they can be proved apparently to be such . but as the lord inhibited the condemning of any man , or putting him to death under two or three witnesses : yea , though one witness , might never so fully assert and assure it to the judgements of men , yet it must not stand . even so also , it must either be apparent , and clearly witnessed . or it is not sufficient to exclude their children from their outward ordinance ; they themselves being such , who have been baptized in their minority : for they are no other but in like condition with grandchildren of godly parents , who are not approved as actuall beleevers , and yet their children are admitted unto baptisme ; if they be not so profane , as to account them dogs , or swine , &c. as hath been said . if they turn not to be enemies to the church of god. he that is not against us , is with us , saith christ . object . but it will be objected ; if the root be not holy , how may we expect that the branches should . but the apostle plainly asserteth it , that such , whose parents are both of them unbeleeving , are unclean . now this he only meaneth , that they are outwardly to be accounted unclean ; for he doth not so judge , as if all were reprobates , that are borne of such parents , but that they are not to be admitted , as the children of the church , to the outward priviledges , till their hearts be purified through faith in god , when they come to years : and therefore this doctrine , is quite contrary to the apostles assertion . i answer briefly , that i list not to be contentious in this matter ; for in this case , as no man ought to be compell'd to bring his children unto christian baptisme ; so no man ought to be compell'd to baptize any ; but to doe in these things , as their charitable judgments shall engage them in conscience of their duty unto god , and to their christian neighbours , and to the church , &c. for there is strong arguments on both sides , the quintessence whereof , i shall briefly propose on both parties , and leave them to their consciences , to engage them to either , as they think best : and first then , for answer to this precedent objection , i do confesse that this argument were unanswerable , if it were certain that the apostle spak it , of such beleevers , as have true visible , saving , and justifying faith : and that such as they can likewise demonstrate for satisfying of the church that they are such beleevers . but if the apostle only mean it , of such a faith , as upon profession whereof , the ennuch was admitted ; to wit , a beleeving that jesus christ is the son of god. and that there is no name given under heaven , by which we can be saved , but the name of jesus christ. if such as these , i say , be the beleevers , intended by the holy ghost in this place , then we remain still , in the same dubitations as we were before . and so all that profess ; yea , or do but confess , that jesus christ is the son of god , must be accounted in the judgement of charity , as born of god , because that flesh and bloud could never have revealed so much unto them , as john . . as christ said unto peter . provided always , that such their profession be serious and cordial , at the least , outwardly . object . but it will be objected , that abraham recived the signe of circumcision a seal of the righteousness of faith , which he had when he was uncircumcised , rom. . . conseq . therefore it followes , that their seal of the now covenart , to wit , baptisme , should not be administred unto any but such , or to their seed , that have faith before , as abraham had , to set this seal to . answ . i answer , that this argument migh likewise hold the better ; if the faith here spoken off , vers . . were beleeving in god , to justification . but it is but as the other before spoken off : it is but said ; abraham beleeved god , and it was imputed to him for righteousness . now beleeving god , that what ever he promiseth shall come to passe . and beleeving in god unto justification , are far different ; for the devils had the first but only the elect do attain to the second . for even abraham himself , as the apostle saith , was justified declaratively by works , and not by faith onely ; namely , when he had offered his sonne upon the altar , james . , , , , , . conseq . therefore it follows , that this faith also , though it was imputed unto him for righteousness , and shall also be imputed to all that so beleeve god. yet it is of it self but a bare historical , and only an outward historical profession in the sight of men , and it is no more but such as the devils have , and therefore tremble ; but it is not saving and justifying faith , till men can apply the promises of god , through jesus christ , peculiarly to themselves , as to beleeve that god is [ their god , ] and that christ is [ their saviour , ] which many of the elect can hardly attain to till their death beds , their faith is so weak ; but we must not destroy their weak faith , for whom christ dyed ; we must not quench any smoaking flax , nor break asunder the brused reeds , nor turn aside that which yet halteth out of the way ; but it should rather be healed , or bound up , or blown , and kindled by all such ordinances , as might incourage them to hold on , or that might strengthen their faith , for they ought to be dealt with as [ children , ] by such doctrines and principles as are accounted the first principles of the oracles of god , because they have need of milk , more then of strong meat ; and what is baptism , but one of the first principles ? as heb. . , , . & chap. . , . yea , baptism is such an ordinance as the apostle paul asserteth plainly , that he was not sent to baptize , but to preach the gospel ; accounting baptism a more inferior ordinance then preaching of the word , though they sometimes minister it . for the ministry of the word is a more spiritual ordiance and ministration , for it is not baptism that now saveth us , to wit , not the putting away of the filth of the flesh , ( which is but the outward sign ) but the answer of a good conscience , when our hearts are purified through faith by the holy ghost . and the word is called , the word of faith which the apostles preached , and they did attend more constantly on the word , and commanded others to administer baptism that were of less esteem for the ministry of the word , that they might not be hindred neither by that , nor by serving of tables , from that spiritual ordinance for the saving of souls . and it is plain from john the baptists confession , that even his baptism was far inferior to that of christs by his holy spirit ; and it is plainly said , that there went out unto him jerusalem , and all judea , and all the region round about jordan , confessing their sins ; yea , such whom he accounted generations of vipens were likewise baptized of him ; for by a continued discourse by way of admonition he speaketh ( even to them ) saying , vers . . indeed baptize [ you ] with water to repentance , &c. i mat. . , , &c. but it may be objected , that even john the baptist prophesied of christ , that he should baptize them with the holy ghost , and with fire , and so he also did within a few days after his ascension ; and that his fan is in his hand , and that he will throughly purge his floor , and gather his wheat into his garner , but will burn up the chaff with unquenchable fire , as vers . . and therefore it follows , that though john admitted all that came in a promiscuous manner , yet christ will purge more throughly , and blow away the chaff , when he hath gathered his wheat ; and therefore it appears , that it is his mind that his floor should be throughly purged , and all his wheat garner'd . i answer true , but heed must be taken , that none of the wheat be lost ; it were better to retain the chaff and all , then lose any wheat ; and there is sometimes wheat so clothed with the chaff , that it cannot be unclothed by the threshing instrument , but it will appear like the other chaff ; and again , there is some other chaff that is so like wheat , that you can hardly discern it , till you know it by the weight ; and so it is likewise with men not infallibly guided , they cannot discern to judg at all by the rule of certainty , and therefore of necessity they must only judg by the rule of charity ; till the lord himself shall come , and sit as a refiner and purifier of siver , and shall restore all things , as mal. . . & chap. . . . i mean , in spirit , first , to restore all things before that great and fearful day of the lord , for every mans work shall be tryed by fire , to wit , [ the fire of his spirit , ] of what sort it is ; and this day of the lord is near at hand ; the fire is a little already kindled , and the light thereof doth a little shine , but our gross combustibles are long in kindling , and there is much water cast upon them by such who should blow them to make them flame , yet such waters shall be dryed up to their prejudice and loss , though they may be saved themselves . it will be objected , that the promise runs both to abraham and his seed , and therefore the seal of circumcision must needs be applyed to all abrahams seed in their generations , till the coming of christ , who was that peculiar seed , in which all nations , yea all families of the earth should be blessed : but now the promise , and so the covenant runs , but to them and their seed that are of the faith of abraham , who , in that respect , is the father of us all ; they that are of faith , the same are the children of abraham ; but not the other . argu. but wicked men that have lived all their life long where the gospel hath been preached , and yet live not only as infidels , but rather like athists : how is the promise and covenant properly sealed unto them , or to their seed , save only so many of them as the lord our god shall call ? how shall it so , so much as seem 〈◊〉 , to apply it to their children , especially considering they do it but of custom , more then conscience , when they bring their children ? and this custom was , it may be , chiefly incur'd by the laws and canons of the church formerly in use , to which impulsive means was adjoyned ; so that if they had not brought them , they might , for ought they knew , have been excommunicate both out of church and markets , for so far the excommunications , after aggravations , were extended ; and how then shall we know their desires to have them baptized now are so much as cordial , much less can it be known that they are so much as meer historical believers , that continue so obstinately prophane after so much preaching , which they have long heard , and the gospel read , which all that were ordined to eternal life , believed at the first preaching of it in the primitive times , and how then shall we so much as think that they believe the scripture , or any such thing , as salvation in christ , either temporal or eternal ? ans . i answer , what know we but their children are elected , and are of those to which god will shew mercy : what know we , but some of their predecessors were such as loved god , and kept his commandments , and therefore the promise of shewing mercy unto thousands in them that so do is ground of hopes unto them , exod. . and besides , the promise runs but to the children of believers , that are of faith , for those only are the children of abraham ; and then it will necessarily follow , that so many of those children of believers that prove not believers , but prophane , must not have their children baptized , no more then the other , till they come to years , and do desire it themselves being believers also , which will condemn some independents practise , and enforce them to yield , either to the one or the other ; or at least wise , that if such as bring their children to be baptized , can but prove that any of their predecessors , even to a thousand generations , have loved god , and kept his commandments , they must bantize them , as well as such children of prophane parents , that were both born , and educated under faithful parents : for their profanness is so much the more gross , and obstinate , and incorrigible , by how much better means , and cause they have had of amendment of life ; and therefore grant the one , and you lose the other . object . but it will be objected , that all that were baptized in the primitive times , as act. . . were admitted likewise unto all ordinances , if at years of discretion , as act. . , . it is said , that they that were baptized , as vers . . continued stedfastly in the apostles doctrine and fellowship ; and in breaking of bread , and in prayers , as vers . , &c. conseq . now then it will necessarily follow , that none were admitted unto baptisme but that were likewise admittable unto all ordinances , if at years of discretion , and therefore none ought now to have their children baptized , but that are admitted one or both parents to the sacament of the supper . considering both ordinances are alike sacred , as appeares from these primitive examples . ans . i answer , true ; and so we ought to account them , in respect of administring them to any at years of discretion . and as for the childen of such ; if you grant the one , the other is confessed . but the difference still doth hold , as before , whether men should be admitted , and their children likewise , upon profession of faith meerly historical , or upon the holding forth of justifying faith , as visible beleever concerning which , i am of opinion as is before shewed , but desire that both parties , might in this respect , without offence , or hart-burnings each unto others , walk in love , and by the rule of charity , without judging or censuring each other , as every man thinketh , and is fully perswaded in his own heart , as before god , and not as following men though never so eminent in other respects ; for they are not infallible . and this is certain , that we read not in scripture , of any at all , that desired baptisme that were put put back ; and it is not safe to act on principles , that are not grounded there ; but on the other part , all that gladly received the word , without any more trial , even three thousand souls were added to the church in one day , act. . they had no time for any great trial of so many . but the the arguments being so strong on both sides , especially concerning baptisme , so that many godly and grave divines , and holy men , are fully perswaded in their very souls and consciences , that they ought to doe the quite contrary one to the other in this respect . it therefore followes , that neither of them ought to compel each other to their own principles nor ways herein , neither ought the magistate to authorize the one against the other , but leave them both at liberty in these respects , to be stricter or remisser , as they think they ought ; seeing a full , and clear , and satisfactory result , cannot easily be produced from sacred scripture , to which all must necessarily assent unto . for to impel unto either , by civil power , were manifest tyranny over the very consciences of the one , or the other ; and therefore ought not to be done ; but as they tender the wrath and displeasure of god , and will expect his judgement who having begun , will also make an end , deut. . , to . & sam. . , , , & ps . . if such be of the seed of the jews ( spiritual jews i mean ) see ester . . for he is not a jew that is one outward , as rom. . , . i have more particulars to propose betwixt them , tending to unity , concerning other points wherein they are at variance , which i could not conveniently include in one volumne ; as the case stands with me at this time : but i purpose ( god willing ) with all possible speed , to put them forth ; proposing them as ( in my apprehension ) an infallible result from sacred scriptures , clearly deduced ; by unanswerable arguments . . what kind of civil government was commended to the jews , by the lord himself , as the best form , or way of government for them to establish in their common-wealth , of all other , who were his peculiarly beloved people above all the nations under heaven . . how far forth the magistrate ought to compel by force and power , to the keeping of the law ; to wit , the moral law of god. and how far forth it is not lawful to use any force in that respect . . what is the best rule to observe , and use , and the most proper and warrantable , to assure an honourable , and liberal maintenance to all godly and faithful ministers of the gospel of christ . finis . an answer to dr. stillingfleet's irenicum by a learned pen. rule, gilbert, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing r estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an answer to dr. stillingfleet's irenicum by a learned pen. rule, gilbert, ?- . [ ], p. printed for richard janeway ..., london : . pages - lacking. best copy available for photographing. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng stillingfleet, edward, - . -- irenicum. church polity. church and state. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion answer to dr. stillingfleet's irenicum : by a learned pen. sed hoc quidem affirmare non vereor , quod heu nimium tristis experientia jampridem docuit , sensim inter eodem & pari munere sacro fungentes , ordinem divinum , in gradum humanum , & hunc gradum , ruptis verorum purorum canonum vinculis , in tyrannidem manifestam , & , si restitutam ecclesiam malumus , abolendam evasisse . theod. bezae resp. sarav . de ministr . evang. grad . cap. . à calce . london , printed for richard janeway in queens-head ▪ alley in pater-noster row. . to the reader . the world may know , that this treatise , however little in bulk , and as little in it's own eyes , yet presumes not to walk abroad , after so long confinement , without the perusal and approbation of several very learned and judicious men , as skilfull in the controversies of church-government as most of their age. if any demand why a posthumous piece shall need to be anonymous too ? it s answered , that though the worthy and much lamented author hath been a dead man ever since . yet there may be reasons which concern the living why it should be so . if another ask , why the lists are entered so late , after years silence ? ans. better late than never . and as diogenes said of dineing , a rich man when he will , and a poor man when he may ; so say i of printing . the hebrew servant who refused his liberty in that year of jubilee , when he might have had it , was to be a slave for ever . but the greatest question is yet behind , and it is about the seasonableness of this work. wherefore , if any shall say with paul to the priest , withdraw thine hand : this is not a time to plead for a jus divinum of church-government , when the church it self , is like to be swallowed up of popery ; even the holy city trod under foot of the gentiles ; and our common enemy be glad to see protestant against protestant ( that they may divide the spoil ) and so great a champion of the protestant cause assailed . to this several things must be said : . as some may write for their way , when they will , ( as i have said ) why should others neglect the year of release , which falls out but once in an age ? . but if you would know why we venture on offending episcopacy , by asserting the principles of presbytery , when popery so pretends to be the ascendant . truly , there 's but little reason to stick at this ; partly because the reformed churches generally look on prelacy as a limb of popery ; and partly to the grief of our hearts we see many of those men fallen in so kindly with that interest , that it causeth great thoughts in heart : i mean , not so much by the popish doctrines that many of them vent , as by a more general palliating of the late hellish , popish plot , to murther our king , and introduce the romish religion into these nations . there being no person more ingrateful to some of them than dr. oates , the first and great discoverer of the plot ; no discourse more unsavoury to them than the discovery it self , and no parliament so dreaded by them as one likeliest to prosecute the discovery of the plot , and punish the papists . and let the world judg whether we have cause to be tender in offending such protestants in this controversie , who had rather the plot should be stifled and the papists go unpunished , than poor dissenting protestants should have any favour shewed them . now the good lord forgive these men , and turn their hearts from hating of their brethren to love the truth . . as for dr. stillingfleet ( whom this author deals with about church-government ) i am far from placing him , dr. tillotson , and several of his worthy brethren in that category , they have done so worthily in our israel ; especially , himself hath writ so learnedly against the papists , that he deserves well of all good protestants . but yet , seeing the learned dr. seems to have repented of his writing against the jus divinum of episcopacy ( having since his irenicum , much applauded and congratulated the happy restitution of the church of england to its wonted lustre and grandeur ( far enough from his formerly desired reduction to primitive presbyteries : ) i know not but he may find as good reason here , for his repenting to write against the jus divinum of presbyterie . for the end of his epistle to the irenicum , about this matter , may be recanted , but never reconciled to the beginning of his epistle to arch-bishop laud's defence against fisher. what pity so grave and great a man should thus expose himself by a contest too palpable between principle and preferment . now though this hath the last word , and carries it with the world ; yet the elder brother will be accounted the honester with the wise , because born of the free-woman , while the after-seed was conceived and brought forth in bondage . . it may be judged a fit season of asserting the kingly power of christ in setling the government of his own house , when men so liberally give away the lord's prerogative ; not a coal of the altar , almost , which they are not willing to carry to the eagles nest . pray god they fire it not . our pulpits now so ring with a catholick jus civile , that there is scarce any jus divinum left , but of tythes , which i hope they will hold to the last , being good church-men . those prodigal sons of the church , are like to prove the profusest spenders of her patrimony , that ever she brought forth : and , which is worst of all , they are like to promote a divorce from her husband , by cutting her off from subjection unto , and communication with the true head. a fair charter hath christ sealed to his church with his own blood , giving her officers , ordinances , and free courts within her self ; all which unfaithful children , with profane esau often sell for morsels of meat , and by base compoundings alienate the churches good 's from her self ( the greatest of sacrileges ) and put them into the hands of strange children , to the unspeakable detriment of religion , and disgrace of christianity . now could men let christ alone , to govern his own house in his own way , by his own officers and ordinances ; how happy were we ! who can better reprove the atheism of the world in setting up mans post by christ's , than dr. stillingfleet hath done in his other works , while he sayeth that to say a man may be of any religion , according to the laws of men , is to take it for granted , that there is no such thing as religion in the world. and again , that no men do so dangerously undermine the foundations of civil government , as those who magnifie it to the contempt of religion . fear , i. e. religion , and particularly worship and the ordinances of christs house must not be taught more by the precepts of men , than by the truths of god. nor may polititians and court-parasites dare to form a religion in the flexible mould of state. a municipal religion would many fain promote , following reasons of state more than rules of conscience , like the heathens , who first built cities , and then instituted a religion fit for the inhabitants . the roman empire flourished while virtue was nourished , to shew , says austin , how happy they should be , who should have religion superadded . and indeed they had no better subjects than christians : for none can give unto caesar the things that are caesar's , upon any valuable or holding account , who make no conscience of giving unto god the things that are god's . now this innocent and learned book can hardly offend any , that are not adiaphorists on erastians : pleading in thesi the faithfulness of christ in setling a form of church-government in his fathers house , which he is set over : and the hypothesis of presbyterie , or a parity of governours , is not so much asserted positively ( further than the dr's concessions give ground to build on ) as arguments are answered , being brought against its divine right . so that the design is meerly to set it as right as it was before the dr. imployed his ordinance against presbyterie and episcopacy as to divine right , with equal force . and how the learned , and unprejudiced , ( if it fall into such hands ) shall find this defence managed , judicium sit penes lectorem . sed frustra ferit aures orator , si cor non reserat creator , says great calvin like himself . if men could come with a prepared mind to read books , i. e. with some sense of their own blindness at best , looking to god for more light , supposing that clear scripture and strong reason may be brought against some things they hold , there were some hope of getting good , and truth 's taking place . how may the most high , after all the antichristian encroachments on the scepter of his son , bring back the hearts of this people to himself , making them yield to the internal government of his spirit , and the true , apostolick , and ancient external government of his house : that the glory of the latter house may be greater than the glory of the former , even a spiritual glory of the powerful presence of the lord may appear among us ; and the pleasure of the lord may prosper by his own ordinances in the hands of his own appointed servants as the beauty of his house , and the blessing of his chosen . amen . even so lord jesus , let thy kingdom come ! feb. . / . animadversions on dr. stillingfleet's irenicum , &c. chap. i. this book , though set off with the specious title of an irenicum , and carrying in its face the pretence of a laudable design , viz. the healing of the dangerous wounds and sad divisions of the church at this time prevailing , will , upon due examination , i suppose , be found an unsuitable salve for these sores , and to mend our rents , as they say tinkers do , by making a greater rent instead of mending a lesser . for instead of a debate about particular forms of government , it bringeth in another debate , whether there be any form instituted of christ , whether we must search the will of christ about managing church-affaires in his word , or be content with what is the will of man ? which controversie is like to be harder in determining , and more stiffly agitated than the other ; for sure it is harder to perswade them , who would take the word of god for their rule , that christ hath not appointed any one form of government in his house , than that he hath not appointed this or that . by this device we are cast loose of all hold where we may fix , and there shall be no end of contention , at least among them , who consult so as to determine some one form of all these , which are thought to be lawful ; and when they have determined , the people , on whom they impose it , have a very unsure bottom to settle their consciences upon in this matter , that doth so nearly concern religion , to wit , nothing but the judgment and will of man , which is often wrong , and led by interest , and at best is fallible and cannot guide us certainly in that , which pleaseth god. wherefore this authors opinion seems to be a cutting of the knot with alexander , and casting all loose , when he cannot so untie it , as to hold fast the exercise of christ's kingly power in governing his church . neither is this opinion new , as the author seemeth to imply ; for it was long since maintained , and largely propugned by mr. hooker in his ecclesiastical polity , and solidly refuted by mr. rutherford in his divine right of church-government ; and indeed hath always been and still is the main pillar to uphold episcopacy in these nations , it being the most ready and plausible way for them , who would wreath this iron yoke on the necks of their brethren , when they cannot shew them christ's authority for it , to take the determining of the case out of his hand , and to put it in the hand of the king , and then to press it from his authority with fire and sword. and indeed this opinion is a most colourable excuse for the unfaithful complyance of them , who would fain hold their places under any form of church-government , that shall lye uppermost ; for so they shall be sure never to cross authority , and not to cross the interest of their own back and belly ; and how much mischief this piece hath done this way , is too evident ; seeing men , that incline to comply , are satisfyed with shadows instead of substantial reason , to put off troublesome conscience . yet among them , who are conscientiously zealous for any one way of government , i suppose , the lot of this author will be that , which is ordinary to such unhappy peace-makers , as sell truth , or some part of it by an over-reach of condescendency , and that in gods matters , not their own , ( in which we must bargain as hard merchants do in worldly things , ) to redeem peace ; for i suppose men of all perswasions will be about his ears : for that which i am perswaded to be the truth of god in point of church-government , viz ▪ government by ministers acting in parity , and ruling elders met in congregational , classical , provincial and national presbyteries or assemblies ; it is more easily upheld against his undermining engines , than any of the other forms ; for the least of his book is levelled against it in particular and what he saith against it , i hope , will appear not to have great strength ; yea , i believe , that out of what he hath said , this truth may be strongly confirmed ; which i shall thus essay in a word . he acknowledgeth and stifly maintaineth , that christ hath given power , not only of teaching , but of ruling his church , to all and every one of his ministers ; and that he hath not given more power to one of them than another , nor made them subject or subordinate to one another . whence it clearly followeth that presbyterian government ( i mean the parity of ministers and their association ) is jure divino , ex confesso ; and that prelacy is an addition to it , made jure humano . and hence it followeth , that this addition is unlawful , except he can prove that christ hath given a power to men to make them unequal , whom he hath made equal ; to subject one to another of them , to whom christ hath given equal power ; to restrain , yea and take quite away the exercise of ruling power in some of them , to whom christ hath given it as much as to others ; and to enlarge that power in some , to whom christ hath given no more than to others . which i am sure he will never be able to do : yea further it 's confessed by him , that christ hath instituted the office of presbyters ; and that he hath not instituted the office of prelates , ruling over presbyters : wherefore he must either say , that the church hath power to institute new offices , which i hope he will not assert , and i am sure he cannot prove ; or that prelacy is unlawful . for , that a prelate is another officer than a presbyter , is undeniable , because the one is ruled by the other . now these of the same office cannot be ruled by or subordinate to one another ; as common sense and reason will teach . § . . but to come to the book it self . my design is not a full refutation , but some brief animadversions for private satisfaction , and mine own establishment in these truths , that he endeavoureth to shake : neither do i intend to meddle with the whole , but only to cull out these passages , that relate to presbyterian government , and any that might infer the unsetling of that or any part of it . § . . the first thing , that i meet with , to be disproved , is p. . where he asserteth a principle , that will not only shake our faith ( if it be received ) in the point of church-government ; but ( which i hope he doth not intend ) will unsettle us in most points of christian religion . his principle is this , that difference in opinion about a point , and probable arguments brought on both hands by wise and able men ; if it be not a matter of necessity to salvation , gives men ground to think , that a final decision of the matter in controversie was never intended as a necessary means for the peace and vnity of the church of god. his opinion in this he setteth down in fewer and clearer words in the contents of ch . . things , saith he , necessary for the churches peace must be clearly revealed ; the form of church government is not so , as appears by the remaining controversie about it . i shall first shew the danger and falsehood of this principle , and then try the strength of what he saith for the establishment of it . and . i argue thus : this assertion destroyeth it self ; for if no point , not necessary to salvation , be so sure , that we must necessarily hold it , in order to peace ; then this his assertion falleth under the same condition , and needeth not to be maintain'd , for it is not needful to salvation ; i hope , they will go to heaven , that are not of his mind in this ; and i am confident he doth not think it so clear , that no wise and able men will controvert with him about it ; and if it be needless in order to the churches peace , why is it here laid down as the first stone of the foundation , on which he buildeth his irenicum ? but it fareth here with our author , as it doth with all other abetters of scepticism ; they attain at least so far their end , as they make men question that opinion , that they labour to establish , by perswading them to question every thing . § . . secondly , there is no cause at all , why the author should except from the uncertainty , here asserted , things , that are of necessity to salvation ; for , if we are to think , that the lord hath so clearly revealed things not needful to salvation , which are needful to peace in the church ; much rather are we to think so of things needful to salvation ( which also cannot but be necessary to peace ; for we can have no peace with them , that destroy the foundation . ) for it hath hitherto been a received principle , that things of necessity to salvation are revealed with more clearness , than other things . and , though papists have laboured to cast a mist upon scripture discovery in both sorts of things , that they might take all power to themselves over the truths of god , and consciences of men , in determining what is truth ; ( as dr. stillingfleet would darken the discovery of the circa-fundamentals of religion , that he might put the power of determining these things in the hand of the magistrate ) yet protestants have ever firmely maintained , that however the scripture speaketh darkly in some things , not essential ; yet that the light of it is most clear in things necessary to salvation . they are not then of this mans mind , who will have the things , that do not so nearly relate to salvation , but are needful to peace , so clearly revealed , that there can remain no controversie about them among wise and able men , but excepteth from this necessity , things of necessity to salvation . from what hath been said , i argue thus against dr. stillingfleet's principle : if any things not necessary to salvation be so necessary to be clearly revealed , that we are to look upon them as not christ's truth , if there remain a controversie about them , managed with specious arguments on both sides among wise and able men , much more things necessary to salvation must be thus clearly revealed ; so that there is no truth in them , if they be so controverted ; but the consequent is most false and absurd , and overturneth all the foundations of our religion : for have not the arrian , soecinian , arminian , and popish controversies been managed , yea and are they not managed by the adversaries of truth , with learning even to admiration . we must then , according to this principle , not take either part of these debates for truth , but think that the lord hath determined nothing in them , and we must leave it to men to determine in them what they please , and must embrace that . is not this a fine device to cast loose all , to bring in scepticism instead of faith , to make way for a subtle sophister to nullifie any truth , by disputing speciously against it ? yet this we are to bless the lord for , that the overturners of the government of christ's house , have no other means to cast it loose by , but these , that do also cast loose all our religion : which i hope will be a consideration to fix this truth the better in the minds of them , who are serious and intelligent . § . . thirdly , if these things not necessary to salvation , that speciously on both hands are controverted , be not needful to be determined in our consciences , in order to the churches peace , i ask the author of this assertion , what things of that nature are needful to the churches peace , that we hold an opinion about them ? or are there any things such ? or must we hesitate about all the circa-fundamentals in religion , and look on them as indifferences determinable by men , if we will not be guilty of disturbing the peace of the church ? i hope this good man will not say so : and yet it would necessarily follow out of this principle maintained by him ; for i believe he cannot instance in many things ( scarce if any ) that are not of necessity to salvation , which are not controverted , and that with specious pretexts . for learned men , when they erre , use not to come off so bluntly , as barely to say , it is so , or i think so ; but they bring plausible reasons , and those often pretended to be drawn from scripture , for their foulest errours . if then we receive this principle , we must not think it needful to the churches peace , to determine whether there be two sacraments or seven ; whether there be purgatory ; whether we are to pray to saints departed ; whether there be power of censure in church-men ; or if all church-power be in the magistrate ; whether the pope be the head of the church ; &c. for all these , and such-like , are controverted ; and there are colourable arguments for the errours , that men maintain in these points . if this , our author will not assert , what reason is there , that he should maintain , that the form of church-government is not determined by men for the churches peace ; and that because there are controversies about what is the form appointed by christ. § . . but i come now to examine what the author hath to say for this assertion of his . we cannot , saith he , with any shew of reason imagine , that christ , who hath made it a necessary duty for all the members of the church to endeavour the peace and vnity of it , should suspend the performance of that duty upon a matter of opinion , which when many have used their utmost endeavour to satisfie themselves about , they yet find , that those very grounds , which they are most inclinable to build their judgments upon , are either wholly rejected by others as wise and able as themselves , or else , it may be , they erect a far different fabrick upon the very same foundations . ans. . the weakness , if not wickedness of this argument will easily appear , by making an assumption to the proposition here set down , and considering what will necessarily follow , which i shall thus perform . that christ is true god , is a matter of opinion , which , when we have used our utmost endeavours to satisfie our selves about it , we yet find that those very grounds , which we are most inclinable to build our judgments upon , are either wholly rejected by others , as wise and able as we , or else that they erect on them a far different fabrick ; for it 's well known that the socinians , who are men of wisdom and ability , though it be unsanctifyed ; and especially grotius ( the wonder of his age for learning ) though yet he profess the truth in this point : that , i say , they do wholly reject all the grounds , on which we do build our faith in this point ; and that on many of them they endeavour to erect a contrary fabrick . it doth then follow vi syllogisticâ ( supposing our author's proposition ) that we cannot with any shew of reason think that christ would have us suspend the performance of our duty in endeavouring the peace of the church on this , that christ is true god ; and so we must by this argument yield this truth as a matter determinable by men , rather than hold an opinion in it with the loss of peace in the church . i hope the author will not own this conclusion ; wherefore he ought not to own that his assertion , out of which it is clearly deducible . § . . ans. . there is very great reason for that , for which he denyeth all shew of reason ; for some matters of opinion of that condition , which he describeth , are the truths of god , as is clear from what hath been said ; but we are to suspend the endeavouring of the churches peace , rather than part with any truth of god , or then we should yield it upto men's determinations , as if it were none of his truths . ans. . when we are to judge of the validity of the grounds , on which we build our opinion about truth ▪ it is not the thoughts of men as wise and able as we , that must determine us ; for , we know , the wisest may mistake , when they , who are less wise , may hit the truth through the grace of god : but we must consider whether these grounds be the dictates of the spirit of god in his word : and if they be , we must not be shaken in mind by the contrary assertions of men , though never so wise , yea and holy too . i grant the opinions of such should make us search carefully ; but they must not hinder our assent to the truth of god. and this is a valid reason , why we are to suspend our endevours of peac on some matters of opinion , though contradicted by wise and able men . § . . he addeth , that it is not consistent with christs wisdom to leave the peace of his church at the mercy of men's private opinions ; which are most uncertain ; for it is not expected , that all men should be of the same mind . ans. . it is too great rashness to think that christ cannot be a wise governour of his church , unless he take courses for its setlement , that our wisdom thinketh meet . i hope christ may wisely govern his church and yet not leave it to men to determine , what shall be the form of it's government , which yet cannot be , if this reason prove that , which it is brought for . . we may easily grant the conclusion of this argument , without giving the least advantage to the assertion , which it is brought to prove . it is true , christ hath not left the peace of his church at the mercy of men's private opinions ; viz. so as that there can be no peace in the church , except all men agree in opinion about all things : for peace may be maintained among dissenting brethren , by harmony of affection , mutual forbearance , and a prudent managing and concealing of our opinion , so far , as it may be without sin : and all this may be done without denying that , which we differ about , to be determined by christ ; and asserting it to be a thing left indifferent . and if this be not particable , either through the nature of the truth , that we dissent about ; in that it is practical , or so important that it cannot be concealed ; or through the obstinacy , or wrong zeal of dissenters ; the lord hath not left his church without a remedy even in this case , viz. they who do unreasonably dissent must be censured , or shunned : and if this cannot be done without breach of peace , it is our lords wisdom to provide , that we should rather loose peace then truth . . all that is here said will as well prove , that there is no fixed trnth in any controverted point , though of never so great concernment : for it may be said also in these , that christ hath not left the peace of his church at the mercy of men's private opinions , which are not the same in the most fundamental points . but of this enough . § . . from what hath been said , we may see what fit advice this healer giveth , while he thus saith , p. . the only way left for the churche's setlement and peace , under such variety of apprehensions , concerning the means and method in order to it , is to pitch upon such a foundation , if possible to be found out , whereon the different parties , retaining their private apprehensions , may yet be agreed to carry on the same work in common , in order to the peace and tranquillity of the church of god. hitherto we consent with him , and wish he would help us to such a foundation , so as it self be founded on the word of god and not contrary to it . but he goeth on . which , saith he , cannot be by leaving all absolutely to follow their own ways ; for that were to build a babel instead of salem . this also we grant : but that which follows we cannot agree to . it must be then , saith he , by convincing men , that neither of these ways to peace and order , which they contend about is necessary by way of divine command ( though some be as a means to an end ) but which particular way or form it must be , is wholly left to the prudence of those , in whose power and trust it is to see the peace of the church secured on lasting foundations . if this be a fit way of healing church-rents , then those churches are in the best way to peace , who cast away the bible , and will not look there what god hath commanded : because some may say , he hath commanded this , and others , he hath commanded that : and so refer all controversies to be determined by men , as supposing nothing to be determined by god. and indeed this is the basis that the peace of the popish church standeth upon : and i believe no jesuit would have given another advice , than this , toward the setling of our divided condition . what ? must we say that neither way is commanded of god , whether it be so or not ? when we can prove from scripture that this is christ's institution , that not , but a device aud usurpation of men ; must we yield this our ground ? and leave the whole matter to men's wills , as being the readiest way to peace . if this be his cure for church-divisions , i believe they , who take the word of god for their rule , especially in church-matters , will think it worse than the disease . every way to peace is not a good way , otherwise there were no duty at any time to contend for the truth , once delivered to the saints , jude . § . . i do not dissent from the learned author in his determinations about the nature of right and divine right , but must examine some of the principles , from which he will have a divine right to be inferred . wherefore as to the rest of the first chapter , i first take notice , that what he largely discourseth from p. . to p. . concerning the lawfulness of that , which is not forbidden by god ; however it may be granted sano sensu ( on which i now insist not ; ) yet it doth not reach his point , unless he prove that christ hath determined no species of government ; for if he hath determined one , then all other inconsistent with it are eo ipso prohibited : wherefore , though we grant to him , that ratio regiminis ecclesiastici is juris naturalis ; yet we cannot grant , except he proves it , that the modus of it is juris divini permissivi ; that is to say , it is juris humani ; but we assert it to be juris divini , partim naturalis , partim positivi , viz. in respect of the divers parts , of which that form is made up , which are approved of god. § . . to make up an obligation , whereby we are bound to a thing as duty , we assert with him , that there is required legislation and promulgation of it . but what he saith of the way of promulgation of divine positive laws , that is necessary to lay an obligation on us , i cannot fully agree to . p. . he asserteth that whatsoever binds christians as an universal standing law , must be clearly revealed as such , and laid down in scripture in such evident terms , as all who have their senses exercised therein , may discern it to have been the will of christ , that it should perpetually oblige all believers to the worlds end ; as is clear in the case of baptism and the lords supper . but because the learned author could not but see , how obvious it was to every one to argue against this assertion from the instances of the change of the sabbath , and infant baptism , which he acknowledgeth to be christs will and law established , and yet not thus revealed ; therefore he laboureth to obviate that argument by this exception ; ( to wit ) that there is not the same necessity for a particular and clear revelation in the alteration of a law unrepealed in some circumstances of it , as there is for the establishing of a new law : the former ( saith he ) may be done by a different practice of persons infallibly guided ; as in the case of the change of the sabbath and infant baptism ; not so the latter . to this i reply a few things . . it had been good , if , in an assertion so fundamental to his whole discourse , and so positive for the clearness of divine laws , he himself had used more clearness ; there is no small muddiness and ambiguity in his expressions , which i must a little remove . and first , when he saith , that christs laws must be revealed clearly as such ; either he meaneth ( as hooker , eccles. polit . defending this opinion of our author's , expresseth it ) that they must be set down in the form of laws . but it is too great presumption to prescribe to him , how he should word the intimations of his will to his people ; or in what mode or form he should speak to them : his will manifested to us is that which obligeth us ; and this may be without such a form. or he meaneth , that christs laws must be so clearly revealed , as that we may come to know , that this we are to do , and that to forbear , and that he would have us to take notice of it as his will ; and this we agree to , and do maintain , that the form of church-government is thus revealed . another ambiguity is , that he requireth them to be laid down in such evident terms as all who have their senses exercised therein , may discern them to be his will to oblige us . if he mean that they , who have competent understanding and means , and do seriously search the truth in these things ( which , i suppose , is the meaning of having their senses exercised in them ) may for the objective evidence of the things come to know them ; this we do not deny ; if he mean , that such will certainly be convinced of them , and that there can be no impediment insuperable by them , neither in the object , nor in their blindness or prejudice , or other infirmity or disadvantage that they lye under , which may make them , that they cannot see that to be the will of christ , which is so revealed ; this we utterly deny . now this latter , not the former , must be his meaning , because it is nothing to the purpose , which i will not impute to so learned a man ; for what is not so revealed , is not revealed at all , seeing it is unintelligible by defect of objective light ; now , to say that christ's laws must be thus revealed , is to say that they must be promulgated , some way or other ; which was never questioned by any ; and maketh nothing for his design , viz. that christs laws must be so revealed , as that the disputes about them shall be taken away . yea , he cannot mean this , for the change of any circumstance of an old law must at least be thus revealed , else it is not revealed at all ; and yet he requireth another sort of revelation of new laws , as appeareth from what hath been said . § . . . if this assertion thus explained were true , there should remain no more controversie among serious and learned men about any of the laws of christ ; for such have their senses exercised in these things : wherefore they may ( if we believe this author ) know such to be christs laws , and therefore cannot be in an errour about them . but how absurd this is , sad experience maketh too evident : is it not a controversie whether christ hath appointed seven or but two sacramentst ? whether he hath commanded us to pray to saints departed ? whether excommunication be by his law , &c. we must then either say , that christ hath made no law in these things ; or that men cannot mistake in them ; but that they who oppose the truth herein , do oppose that which they know to be christ's law , or that christ hath made and revealed a law about these things , but these men cannot see it , which is contrary to the author's assertion . . is it not enough to bind the conscience of any , who soberly seek to know what is the good , and perfect , and acceptable will of god , that the lord in his word hath given some intimation , from which we may gather , that such a thing is his will : sure , seeing it is his will , that bindeth the conscience , whatever way we come to the knowledge of this will , we are obliged by it to our duty . now we may be able , in some cases , to deduce from scripture such a thing to be the will of god , though it be not set down in such evident terms as are here mentioned , as is clear to any who do consider . . there are many points of truth , or many credenda , in the scripture , which want such an evidence of revelation , as is here required ; which yet we are to believe as the truths of god ; for it is clear , that the lord hath taught us many things in the bible , as it were on the bye , and left them to be gathered from scripture assertions : yea many times truths are couched in duties commanded , as commands also are comprehended in assertions and promises . now if this clearness of terms in the revelation of the credenda of religion be not necessary to bind the conscience to believe , how is it imaginable , that it should be necessary in the revelation of the agenda , to bind the will to act ? seeing the lord doth as peremptorily require us to believe what he hath said , as to do what he hath commanded . . for the exception that he maketh of the changing some circumstances of old laws ; i see not on what foundation of reason , the difference between these and new laws can stand ; but that this shift serveth his purpose : for ( to take his own instance ) supposing a standing law for a sabbath , and that the seventh day must be kept : this circumstance ( as he is pleas'd to call it ) that not the seventh , but the first day be kept , is really a new law : yea there are here two new laws ; one abrogating what was before , and making it no duty to keep the seventh day : another establishing a new , which was not before , and making it a duty to keep the first day . now if this may be thought no obliging law of christ without that evidence of revelation , which he talks of , why may not another thing , that was not such before ? if we are to look to apostolick practice as ground sufficient why we should think it christs will , that we should keep the first day of the week to the lord ; which was not done before ; why should we not think the same ground sufficient , why ministers should rule the church by a parity of authority ? yea , reason would say , that there is need of more clearness , in the revelation of christ's will for altering a standing law in such of it's circumstances as doth annul one duty , and establish another , than for setling that as duty which is altogether new , seeing in the former , we must both know the will of god in abrogating and establishing : in the later we are to know only , that he will stablish such a thing . § . . in his examination of what maketh an unalterable divine right , i agree to most that he teacheth ; only his postulatum p. . one which he buildeth all his assertions , needeth to be a little cleared . he asserteth that nothing can be founded on divine right , nor bind believers as a positive law , but what may be certainly known to have come from god , with an intention to bind believers to the worlds end . where i only take notice that , though plerophory in that case be very desirable ; yet such certainty is not necessary to our obligation : but so much knowledge of the will of god as may satisfie the conscience , by jnclining it to the one hand , and not leaving it absolutely in suspence . if this be not sufficient , we shall take off all obligation of gods positive laws from most men : for few have plerophorie in most things . i agree with him , that a divine right is built on the law of nature , and on the immutable positive laws of god : also , that these are three good marks of the immutability of divine positive laws , which he bringeth : viz. when the reason of the law remains : when god hath declared such a law never to be changed : when it conduceth to the being of a society , that he would have to continue . only i cannot see how these ( espeeially the former two marks ) do consist with the mutability of that church government , ( in these things we controvert about ) which the apostles practised ( no doubt , as being christs will and law ) seeing there is the same reason for parity now , that then was : and christ hath not said , that he will have it altered in after ages . § . . page . he comes to examine some pretences ( as he is pleased to call them ) for a divine right . and first , he laboureth to enervate the argument for the divine right of church-government , taken from apostolical practice : of which he promiseth to say more after : but what he here saith , we shall examine . i yield to him , that all scripture examples do not bind ; neither doth any example bind as an example : also , that the rule , whereby we know what examples do bind , is not immediately obligatory , but directive . i grant likewise that in such examples , that which bindeth us , is either the moral nature of the action , or the law commanding us to follow the example . and yet all these concessions yield him no advantage , neither bring our cause any loss : for when he requireth us , who plead for the divine right of a particular form of church-government from apostolical example , to shew either the morality of their actions ; or a law commanding us to follow them : i answer , as to the first , there needeth no particular demonstration of the morality of apostolick actions : but this we can say for them , the nature and condition of the actions , and the apostles doing of them , being considered ; reason will not suffer us to question the morality of them . i mean it is certain that they are the will of christ : for we must think that in matters not light and occasional , but weighty and of great concernment whether they be well or ill done ; and which were done on mature deliberation ; as the administration of the affairs of christ's house : in matters , i say , of this nature , we are to think that the apostles did that which was best and most approved of god ; they being infallibly guided by his spirit . now that , which was best to them , must certainly be best to us also , we managing the same affairs ; except some diversity of our case from theirs can be shewn : wherefore we are obliged to think that the parity of ministers in ruling the church , is christ's will , and so a moral duty ; ( not a thing indifferent ) seeing it was so in the apostolick churches ; as , i suppose , is proved by the maintainers of that way : and there is no reason why it should be otherwise with us than with them . for the second , we have also a law for following apostolical example ( as we have for following christ's example ; which , our author saith , maketh it our duty ) viz. cor. . . wherefore i beseech you be ye followers of me . cor. . . be ye followers of me , even as i am of christ. and lest any think that this command of imitation is only in reference to duties otherways known to be such , as faith , love , &c. it is evident that this last place relateth to church administrations ; for he prefixeth this exhortation to the doctrine of decency and purity in their worship . beside , that the exhortation being general , can suffer no exception , but where imitation would not have the same morality in us , that giving example had in them , viz. where the case is different . other scriptures to the same purpose are phil. . . heb. . . and this is commended ( which clearly supposeth a command ) thes. . . and . . thes. . . ja. . . wherefore , if we can shew apostolical practice for our way of church-government ( as i know we can ) it is incumbent on our adversaries to shew a reason why they did such things , which doth not agree to our case ; or else to submit to that way , as that which is christ's law . for the other grounds of divine right , that he examineth , we insist not on them , as not being necessary to the defence of that truth which we maintain . wherefore i wave what might be said against what he there disputeth . chap. ii. § . . in the second chapter of the first part of his irenicum he layeth some hypotheses for a foundation of his following discourse : where i shall pass over in silence , these things that have truth in them ; and these also , the examining of which is not needful to the present purpose , viz. defending presbyterial government to be juris divini . only , i take notice , that here , and through his whole book , he spendeth most of his pains and learning , in proving these points , which are either digressions from the present business , or are not denied by any of his opposites : which is magno conatu nihil agere . § . . in his fourth hypothesis , p. . some things need our remark : he setteth it down thus : in things which are determined both by the law of nature and divine positive laws , as to the substance and morality of them , but not determined as to all circumstances belonging to them , it is in the power of lawful authority in the church of god to determine them so far as they judge them tend to the promoting of the performance of them in due manner . two things in this hypothesis i condemn . . that he warranteth men to determine things undetermined in the church , so far as they judge needful : he should have said , so far as is needful : for if we hold this his assertion in terminis , superstitious men in lawful authority may bind us in all things where christ hath left us free ; so that it shall not be lawful to speak , look or act in the church , but as they think fit . and indeed here is a foundation for almost all the ceremonies that either popes or prelates ever burthened the church of god with : they are nothing but determinations of what is left undetermined ; and they judge them to tend to promote worship : as , it is not determined , what garment a minister shall wear , the church judgeth a surplice to tend to promote worship : then by this hypothesis , the church may determine this : which is not only against truth , as might easily be shewed , if that were now my work , but also against this author , who declareth himself against ceremonies of mens appointing . . that he extendeth this determining power so far , that not only things undetermined , and that must be determined , otherwise the ordinances cannot be gone about without defect or sin , may be determined by lawful authority ( for this we grant , and therefore do close with his example of appointing the place ▪ and hour for worship ) but also things that they judge tend to promote the due manner of the ordinances , may be thus determined ; which a little after he expoundeth of the decency and solemnity of worship . this we cannot assent to : for there is no pompous ceremony that ever man devised , but they judged it fit to promote the solemnity of worship . and indeed the scripture condemning the pompousness and gaudiness of worship , and commending the simplicity of it , saith plainly , that it is not left to men to add their determinations to god's , to make the worship as solemn as they judge meet ; but that we ought to be content with that solemnity , which is made in worship by god's institutions , and the needful determination of circumstances . neither can this blow to his hypothesis be evited , by saying , that he speaketh only of circumstances ; which we confess may be determined by the church . for . all ceremonies are also circumstances ; and he doth not here mention meer circumstances , to exclude ceremonies from the determing power of authority in the church . . though he should be understood of meer circumstances , viz. which are such before they be determined ; as the habit in which we are to worship : yet even such , when they are determined by men without necessity , only , that they may add to the worship a decency , which is not needful by nature , civil custom , nor divine institution , they become religious ceremonies ; their end being religious , and they being peculiar to religion : as i have shewn in another piece . § . . it seemeth to me very strange , and not to be passed over in our animadversions ; that in the prosecuting of this his hypothesis , wherein he had ascribed a determining power to lawful authority in the church ; he taketh notice of no power or authority seated in church-men ; but speaketh only of the magistrate : for p. . shewing why there is need to prove this hypothesis , he tells us of some that give no power , and some that give little power to the magistrate about religion : and then falleth upon a large debate of the magistrate's power in church-matters . which is an evident supposing , that all church-power is in the magistrate , and in none else : otherwise this discourse should be very impertinent to his hypothesis . but this supposition is a gross falshood , as is fully proved by many worthy men against erastus and his followers . i shall not now ingage in that large debate . if we should grant a determining power to any authority about the things in hand , it should not be to the civil magistrate ; but to the guides of the chnrch met in a lawful assembly . and it is not only contrary to truth , but a contradiction to what this author writeth elsewhere , in his appendix about excommunication ; where he taketh much pains to assert a power of discipline in the church-guides : and if so , certainly the magistrate is not the lawful authority in the church : for that implyeth church authority . i hope he will not say , that ministers have lawful authority in the state ; because they have no civil authority : why then should we say , or suppose , that the magistrate hath lawful authority in the church ; except he think that the magistrate hath church-authority ? against which he there disputeth ; especially seeing respublica non est in ecclesia , sed ecclesia in republica ; he that hath only civil power , hath no power in the church , whatever he hath about church-matters , and over church-men . § . . in asserting the magistrates power in these things , he professeth , that he will not so much make his way through any party , as strive to beget a right understanding among them that differ : how well he keepeth his promise may be seen , by examining what he saith ; on which i will not much insist , ( intending to meet with this his doctrine elsewhere ) but only mark what is amiss , with a short ground of our censure of it : for this debate is somewhat extrinsecal to the indifferency of church-government : it rather supposeth it , than asserteth or proveth it . in explicating his second distinction about the magistrate's power , p. . the internal , formal , elicitive power of order , saith he , lies in the authoritative exercise of the ministerial function , in preaching of the word , and administration of the sacraments ; but the external , objective , imperative power of jurisdiction lies in a due care and provision for the defence , protection , and propagation of religion . the former is only proper to the ministry , the later to the supream magistracy . here several things are to be noted . . that he maketh the power of order to be all one with internal , formal , elicitive power about church affairs ; and the power of jurisdiction the same with external , objective and imperative power about them . this is instead of distinguishing to confound things most different : for , i hope , he is not ignorant that all the assertors of church-power against the erastians , do distinguish church-power , or the keys of the kingdom of heaven ( for so is this power designed by christ ) in the power or key of order ; and the power or key of jurisdiction . let the author shew us one ( not erastian ) who before himself did ever make the power of order in the church to comprehend all formal and elicitive church-power . yea , he doth by this most evidently contradict himself ( which i wonder to meet with so often in such a learned man ) for in his appendix he maketh the power of discipline to be in the church ; and so to be formal , internal and elicitive church-power : and sure the power of discipline is the power of jurisdiction , not of order : not only because all that speak of this distinction do so understand it : but also our author doth here make the power of order to respect only the word and sacraments ; and so the power of discipline must belong to jurisdiction , according to him : now whereas he maketh the power of jurisdiction there to be internal only in the church : and here to be external in the magistrate only ; if this be not a contradiction , let any man judge . . another thing , that here i take notice of , is , that the power which he ascribeth to the ministry is only administration of the word and sacraments . then they have no power of discipline , for every one knoweth that that is some other thing than the word and sacraments . now this is contradictory to the whole of his own appendix : and also to scripture , which giveth to church-officers power of binding and loosing , mat. . . jo. . . and of ruling the lord's people , thes. . . heb. . . but i insist not on this , it having been made evident by so many against the erastians . . he ascribed all power about church affairs to the magistrate , except that of administring the word and sacraments ; and so to the magistrate as it is only belonging to him : for he giveth him that which he called the power of jurisdiction , and that is to him all power but that of word and sacraments . now there was never any erastian that gave more to the magistrate than this : for by this means , he hath all the power of deciding controversies in synods ( for that is not preaching of the word ) of ordination , the exercise of discipline , &c. and none but he hath any share in it . behold unto what absurdities this man runneth unawares , while he maketh it his business to unhinge that government which christ hath setled in his church . and indeed i cannot but take notice of a necessary connexion between this putting all church-power in the hands of the magistrate , and denying it to be juris divini . for he knew well , that if it had been left to be decided by church-men among themselves ; it had not been easily determined amidst the interest of men clashing one with another ; the more conscientious and self-denied sort being ever the fewest . § . . page . speaking of the subordination or co-ordination of the magistracy and ministry , there be some mistakes worthy of our notice . though he acknowledgeth the person of the magistrate to be subject to the word of god , yet he denieth it to be subject to the power of the ministers . this is the doctrine of court-preachers , who love to flatter rather than speak truth . but consider . it is to me an inconsistency , that ministers have power or authority of preaching the word ; and the magistrate's person is subject to this word , and yet he is not subject to the power of ministers . when they teach , rebuke , exhort with all authority and command in the name of the lord ; doth not this reach magistrates as well as others , if they be subject to the word of god ? i see not how they are subject to it , if they be not subject to it as declared by christ's embassadors , which is the ordinary way of dispensing it : and if so , then are they subject to the preaching power of ministers at least . . magistrates are also subject to the ruling power of ministers : for they rule over christ's flock ; the members of the church , of which number , if the magistrate be , i see no ground in scripture for exempting him from the power of their jurisdiction . when christ said , whosesoever sins ye remit , they are remitted , and whosesoever sins ye retain , they are retained ; he did not add , except the supream magistrates . may not , i pray , the pastors of the church debar him , if he be a flagitious man , from the lord's table , as ambrose did to theodosius ? and if they may , certainly the magistrate personally considered is subject to the ruling power of pastors in spiritual things ; as they are subject to him in civil things . and to deny this , what is it , but to make the supream magistrate head of the church and not a member of it ? much more worthy to be received is the opinion of crysostome , who speaketh thus to ecclesiastical persons , in reference to abstention from the lord's supper ; si dux igitur quispiam , si consul ipse , si , qui diademate ornatur , indigne adeat , cohibe ac coerce ; majorem ●u illo habes authoritatem . § . . he cometh afterward , p. . to ascribe to the magistrate not only a political power , which he maketh to lie in the execution and administration of laws for the common good : but also an architectonical and nomothetical power ( though not absolute and independent ) whereby he may make laws in things that belong to the church . his meaning in this he expresseth more fully in the end of p. . in matters , saith he , undetermined by the word of god concerning the external policy of the church of god , the magistrate hath the power of determining things , so they be agreeable to the word of god. and because he knew that the church-guides would put in for this power , that here he giveth to the magistrate , therefore , p. . he laboureth to reconcile these parties , by a distinction or two , viz. between declaring christ's laws , and making new laws : and between advising what is fit , and determining what shall be done . the declaring and advising power is given by him to the church ; the authoritative determining power to the magistrate . for p. . the great use , saith he , of synods and assemblies of pastors of the church is , to be as the council of the church unto the king ; as the parliament is for matters of civil government . and p. . but yet , saith he , when such men thus assembled have gravely and maturally advised and deliberated what is fittest to be done ; the force , strength , and obligation of the thing so determined doth depend on the power and authority of the civil magistrate . against this doctrine ( before i come to examine the reasons that he bringeth for it ) i have these things to say . . it must be noted ( by passing over which in silence our author hath confounded the matter ) that we are not here speaking of things that are properly civil , though belonging to the church , viz. as it is a society , and in the common-wealth ; such as church-rents , meeting-places , liberty of the use of them , &c. but of the government of the church , as it is a church , of its discipline ; which things are properly the external policy of that church , as our author termeth that which he speaketh of . now the question is , whether the power of determining these , be in the church-guides or the magistrate . . that which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the ground of most of this author's mistakes , is , he supposeth that some things of this church-policy are so left undetermined by the word , that they are capable of a determination by men's legislative power , and that new laws may be made about them . this is not truth ; for , if we speak of the substantials of church-government , even of a particular form , it is determined in the word , and so not subject to men's nomothetical determinations ; if of the circumstances of it , neither are these left for men to make laws about them , but they are determined by the lord , in the general rules that are in the word , and the dictates of right reason compared with them ; and the obligation , that lyeth on our consciences in these things , is not from the magistrates law ( though we do not deny but he may add his sanction to both sorts of things , and make them the law of the nation , as dr. stillingsleet saith well , that he may with any thing in religion ) but from the will of god , which ought to be searched out , and held forth authoritatively by the guides of the church , that are acting in the name of christ. . it is false then that the magistrate hath power in determining what of the external policy of the church is undetermined in the word . for if we speak of that which is not determined at all , neither by particular praecepts , or examples , or otherwise , signifying particularly the mind of christ about such a thing , viz. by the general rules of the word compared with right reason , is not held forth to be the mind of christ ; such things ought not to be determined by any man or men , but are left to christian liberty ; for such things must be determined meerly by mans will , but the lord hath not left the matters of his church to that crooked rule . but if we speak of things not determined by particular praecepts , &c. yet in which the mind of christ is deducible by general rules : neither here hath the magistrate the determining power , but they , whom the lord hath made the guides and eyes of his church ; they must declare what is the will of christ , not impose what is their own will or law. and here the obligation is from the will of christ , not the authority of the church , nor the magistrate neither ; the declaration of it from them , whom christ hath made his embassadors . for what i have said , i give this brief reason , the affairs of the church are to be managed by a ministerial power , the farthest extent of which is to declare christ's laws , and apply them ; as is generally confessed by protestants against papists : but the magistrate's power is not ministerial , but magisterial : ergo , it is not his part to manage or determine the affairs of the church , of which doubtless her external policy is no small part , which may be further enforced thus ; church-determinations must be the declarations of the will of christ , but not the magistrate , but the pastors are the embassadors of christ , whose it is to decalre his will : ergo , it is not his , but their part to make such determinations . we speak not of the judgment of discretion , which the magistrate hath in these things , in order to the adding his sanction to them ; and that not only as others have , theirs being private , and his publick and with authority : bnt we speak of that determination of things , which is the ordinary means of promulgating to us the mind of christ in church-matters . . it is most false that the great use of synods is to be the king's church-council , as the parliament is his civil council ▪ for , . himself acknowledgeth another use of them , while he ascribeth to the church , a power of declaring christ's laws ; is not this of great use ? but contradictions are no rarity in this author . . hence it followeth , that as parliamentary acts have no force without the king's sanction , so likewise church-determinations have none without it ; and if the church excommunicate any person , it is not valid , nor his sins bound in heaven , till the king put his seal to it ; for that such a person be excommunicated , is not determined in scripture . . the council at jerusalem , act. . and all the councils before constantine's time , were of no great use ; for they had not this use , there being no magistrate to own them as his council . . this destroys that received axiom among all them , who are not the avowed followers of erastus , viz. that the magistrate's power is cumulative to the church , not privative ; for it maketh his to swallow it up , there being no authority , nor great use of synods , without the magistrate . . this taketh away from the church entireness of power in her self , in things that do concern her as such a society , and a capacity to subsist without the magistrate ; which i hope this author , when better advised , will not own . . it is also false , that when church-guides assembled , have deliberated and determined , the force , strength , and obligation of the things of determined , doth depend on the magistrate ; for it dependeth on the reason of them containing the will of christ , and not on the authority of men . § . . i come now to see what arguments he bringeth for what he hath asserted . . saith he , taking the church as incorporated into the civil state , though the object of these things , the matter of them , and persons determining them be ecclesiastical , yet the force and ground of the obligation of them is wholly civil . ans. that the church is in the republick we do not deny : yet that must not be so understood as if either these two were not distinct corporations , or the power of the one were subordinate to , or swallowed up the other . the saying of optat milev : ( which he citeth ) that ecclesia est in republica , non respublica in ecclesia ; will not bear that : but the meaning is , that either the church is in the rep. as the lesser society in the greater , as a few parishes are in a county ; so the primitive churches were in rome , corinth , &c. or when the church is aeque late patens with the nation , that the church is in protection of the civil state , not e contra ; seeing kings must be nursing fathers to her , and as it were keep house for her to be nursed in . or speaking of a national church , that it 's being a nation is prior in order of nature than it 's being a church ; because it might be a nation , and not a church ; but it cannot be a church and not a nation . now , none of these do infer that the obligation of determinations made by church men , about church affairs is civil ; but it may be and is ecclesiastical , viz. from the will of christ , which the church holdeth forth as his embassadors . wherefore this ratiocination is altogether inconsequent . but he cometh to authority , to see if that will help him . he citeth p. martyr . lo. com . clas : fig. . c. . s. . and in sam. . nam quod ad potestatem ecclesiasticam attinet , satis est civilis magistratus : is enim curare debet ut omnes officium faciant . what he meaneth for citing both these places for these words , i know not , unless it be that they are to be found in them both . but i am sure neither they , nor any thing like them is in the former place ( for the later i have not that part of his works ) but the contrary of what this author intendeth , is there clearly and fully taught , viz. he is refuting them who would have the power of discipline in the church to cease , now when the magistrate is christian , and he asserteth ecclesiastical power and civil as distinct : and only says that the magistrate should correct ministers if they do not carry as they ought : but this is far from that , quod ad potestatem ecclesiae attinet , satis est civilis magistratus . he refers , for the judgment of the reformed divines in this to vedel . de episc. const. mag. et offic. magistratus , annexed to grot. de imper. sum . pot . circa sacra . but it is well known that vedelius was an erastian and ( as this author doth ) did fowly abuse the reformed divines making them speak what they never thought ; wherefore i refer to apol. triglandius , revius ; who have refuted that seducing pamphlet of vedelius . for the other author , let his citations be weighed , they will never prove that any of the reformers gave the power of determining church-affairs to the magistrate . he addeth three reasons of his allegation , yet they are but two , for the two former do coincide , and the strength of them is ; that it is from the authority of the magistrate , that obligation to obedience or penalty is ; or ( which is the same ) it is from him that the sanction , or annexing of penalties to the constitutions , is ; that it is from him only that the force of obligation is in matters determined by advice of the church and which do concern the church . ans. all this is easily taken away by a well known distinction in things that are commanded by christ , and by his church declared to be such ; and also , are ratified by the sanction of the magistrate , there is a twofold obligation : one spiritual ; this is from christ as law-giver ; and is laid on by the instrumental intervention of the church as his herald proclaiming his will : another civil , whereby we are bound to external punnishment if we contravene such a constitution ; this is from the magistrate : of this , not of the former the author's assertion is to be understood ; otherwise it is false : for that obligation is no way from the magistrate . his third reason is , the magistrate can null any obligation laid on by the church representative : as if they do prescribe some indifferent rites and ceremonies to be observed by all ; he forbidding them the former supposed obligation is null ; otherwise these absurdities would follow . . that there are two supream powers in a nation at once . . that a man lyeth under different obligations to the same thing . . the same action may be a duty and a sin , viz. being forbidden by the one power and commanded by the other . ans. . he supposeth ( which we will never yield to him ) that ceremonies may be indifferent and imposeable by men . nay , all the ceremonies of god's worship , being worship themselves , are christ's institution ; otherwise but will-worship : and so himself understandeth ceremonies p. . it is like forgetting what he here said . . it concerneth the author as much as it doth us to answer his own objection , for he ascribeth to the church an intrinsecal power of discipline : now suppose one be excommunicated ; the church commandeth it , the magistrate forbiddeth it ; if his prohibition doth not null the former obligation , the same absurdities follow , that are mentioned in his reason ; if it doth , then this doth as much destroy the power of discipline in that church , which he asserteth ; as it destroyeth the power of determining about other church-matters , which we assert . . we deny that the magistrate by his power can destroy the obligation to any church-act ( being otherwise warrantable ) laid on by the church , or rather by christ , the church declaring his will ( for so the church only commandeth ) otherwise we might as well say ( and it must needs be this man's opinion , if he believe what here he writeth ) that when the church ordaineth a minister and commandeth him to preach christ , the magistrate by forbidding him to speak any more in that name , maketh null the former obligation . 't is true the magistrate may , in some cases , restrain the outward exercise of what we are so obliged to , and also when he doth injuriously forbid such exercise , we may be , in some cases , obliged to cede to this violence : but neither of these destroyeth our obligation to our duty ; neither the power by which it is laid on ; more than the magistrate doth destroy my obligation to obey my father , or his power over me , when he putteth me in prison , and so i cannot do what my father commandeth . the absurdities that he would fright us with , do not follow from our opinion , but from his own false supposition . for the first , it is not absurd that there should be two supream powers about things so different that one power cannot have them both for it's formal object . will not the author grant that ministers have the supream preaching power , that is not subordinate to the magistrate : and the magistrate the supream civil power ? why not then , that they have the supream ruling power in church affairs ? these powers need not clash , though they be not subordinate , being about things so different as are this world and that which is to come , the soul and the body : but this man feareth that caesar be dethroned , if we confess christ to be a king ; and so would have christ's kingdome subordinate to caesar's . for the second , there cannot be two obligations here ; for if the church keep within her limits , her command is christ's . and so any contrary obligation must be null : if not , her authority layeth on no obligation . for the third , it is the same argument , and it admitteth of the same answer . § . . having made the magistrate the sole judge and determiner in the matters of the church even ceremonies themselves : our author proceedeth p. . to examine the extent of his power , asserted in his former hypothesis , and here he proceedeth by three steps . . that there are some things left undetermined by the word . this we assent to , as it is here set down ; but cannot understand it ( as he doth , which appeareth a little after ) of ceremonies : but rather of bare circumstances of the worship of god ( if he take these for one , he is very ignorant of the nature of both ) neither of the species of church-government , for which this indifferency of things is here asserted . what he discourseth here of the nature of indifferency , i shall not insist upon , intending to meet with it elsewhere . only i take notice of his concession p . that in things wholly indifferent both in respect of their common nature and their use and end ; that are neither commanded nor tend to the peace and order of the church , there can be no reason why the nature of these things should be altered by humane laws : wherefore matters that are indifferent as to a command , but are much conducing to the peace and order of the church are the proper matter of humane constitutions concerning the churches policy . let it be here considered that these things are not properly indifferent , but commanded , viz. where the peace and order of the church is injoyned : and if it be so , it is the part of the church representative , not of the magistrate , to judge what things are thus conducible to peace and order ; and to hold forth the doing of these , as the laws of christ. § . . his second step is , that matters of this nature may be determined and restrained ; and that it is not to the wronging of christians liberty , so to do : and this he doth very largely prove against some as he pretendeth of great note and learning ; i wonder who they are : for i never met with any who do deny what he asserteth : it is true that many do , and that warrantably , maintain ; that where christ hath left us free , man hath no power by his meer will to restrain us ; especially in things that belong to the worship of god : but all do acknowledge so far as i know , that in things ( though not expresly commanded ) which by their nature or circumstances are made conducible to the ends that christ hath enjoyned us to endeavour , the church may enjoyn us ; and that without making any new laws ; but by declaring the will of god. this and no more do all the arguments , which the author with much pains hath set down , conclude . and indeed , if our author had once proved the species of church government to be indifferent , we should not deny it to be determinable and imposeable ( not by the magistrate , but ) by the church . in the prosecution of his arguments , there occur several things that i cannot assent to ; but they not being to the question in hand , and intending to touch some of them in a treatise else-where , i pass them here ; he hath some greedy hints after obeying whatever is commanded , though unlawful ; the non-obligation of the covenant , &c. which do discover his spirit . though the author doth state the question as hath been said , yet all his reasons whereby , from p. . he proveth the determination of indifferent things , not to take away our liberty , doth prove as much , that determination grounded on mans meer will doth not take it away ; for in that case there may be left a liberty of judgment ; and there may be no necessity antecedent to the command ; as he saith in his first argument ; also in that case , the determining of the things supposeth them to be matters of liberty , which is a second medium , and the obligation in that case , is only in respect of contempt and scandal , which is his third argument ; and the repealing of the law or ceasing of the authority commanding , may free us of impositions made by meer will , which is his fourth argument . wherefore these arguments prove that which the author doth not own , if they prove any thing , which is a token that they prove nothing at all . but that i may shortly answer them . the first argument is inconcludent ; for though radical liberty , ( i. e. a right to do or not do ) be consistent with such commands , as men , without warrant from god , lay on us , ( their authority never being able to destroy that right given to us which is founded on the will of god ) yet these commands are an unlawful taking away of the exercise of our liberty : for where neither scripture nor reason ( which are gods law ) do bind , mans will ought not to bind ; especially in the things of religion . he hath here , p. . a gird by the way at them who hold one posture of receiving the lords supper to be necessary , as more destroying liberty , than doth the command of the magistrate imposing one posture . answ. if they hold this without warrant from the word of the lord ; i yield to what he saith ; but if they can prove that we ought in this to imitate christ , and keep a table-gesture as he did ; it is no destroying our liberty , unless he think it less liberty to be bound to the will of christ , declared by his example , than it is to be bound to the will of men . other falshoods i pass over ( it not being my intention to touch every thing ) but i wonder at a gross aspersion that he layeth on the apostle paul , viz. that he did use the jewish ceremonies , ( as that he circumcised timothy ) when they were not only mortuae but mortiferae , and that , where there was no opinion of their necessity . what is it i pray to say they were mortiferae , but that it was sin to use them ? ( for when they were mortuae , they were indifferent , not as to the opinion of their necessity , but as to their use ) then paul used them when it was sin to use them . i hope the author will not own this when he is better advised : but we see whither zeal for an errour will lead men . his other arguments run on the same mistake , viz. they prove that radical liberty is not taken away whatever be commanded : but they prove not that when men command without warrant from the lord , they hinder that exercise of liberty that the lord alloweth us . wherefore i need not insist on any further answer to them . p. . he maketh this difference between laws concerning ecclesiastical and civil things ; that these bind extra casum scandali & contemptus , those not so ; whether this doth consist with his opinion that both these laws are from the magistrate , let it be considered . i thought that the different way of obligation had been from the different authorities , not from the things about which the laws do converse : and that violation of all the magistrates laws , had been alike opposite to his authority . i mean , where the things are of equal moment , as certainly may be in things civil , and ecclesiastical . the wise advice of ambrose to augustine ( which he citeth p. , . ) i do with augustine reverence as coeleste graculum : so it be understood of customes truly indifferent : but that the things we plead about , and that the author would permit to the will of the magistrate ; are such , we cannot yield : wherefore all this his pains about indifferent things , is to small purpose . what he saith , p. . of superstition in the imagined necessity of things really indifferent , i will elsewhere examine ; and what others also have alledged to that purpose . § . . his third step is to set bounds to the restraint of christian liberty , where his first rule is , that nothing be imposed as necessary , but what is clearly revealed in the word of god. but what if it be revealed , so as it is visible to them who read and search attentively ; though it be not clearly revealed ? must such things be slighted , as no part of gods will ? but of this we have said enough before . the second rule is , that nothing be determined but what is sufficiently known to be indifferent in its own nature . the way to know what is such , he maketh to be , by taking the primitive church , and the reformed churches to be judges in this . i confess , their decision should have much weight ; but we dare make none judge , but god speaking in the scriptures . what if christ hath in scripture signified his will in a point , and yet these churches looked on it , and used it as a thing indifferent ? must we then think it indifferent ? i hope not . this is to lay too much weight on men : especially considering that the mystery of iniquity ( which did prostitute all or most of christs institutions to mens will ; as if they had been indifferent things ) began early to work in the primitive church , thes. . . and few reformed churches want their own lees ; from which the lord is yet daily purging them . wherefore i think ( with submission to better judgments ) a surer standard , to know what is indifferent , to be this ; what cannot be proved to be determined by the lord in scripture , and is not of the law of nature , neither primarily nor secondarily ; that is to be thought indifferent . passing his other rules ; in prosecuting the last , he openeth a door to humane ceremonies , ( though he seem to speak against them ) by approving the feast of dedication , the jewish ceremonies in the passover : sure these were some more than ordinary decency ; neither were to be esteemed of the same rank ( as he doth ) with building of synagogues , hours of prayer , which are meer order : the continuation of the passover by hezekiah which was transient ; no recurrent fast ; and had a reason then urgent ; and the feast of purim which was a civil solemnity : and the fasts of the th , th , and th months ; which were occasional for the captivity , and expired with it . but of this matter i treat at large elsewhere . § . . in his th hypothesis , there is an unwary expression , viz. that things determined , as aforesaid , by lawful authority in the church ( which to him is the magistrate ) do bind the conscience . i suppose he meaneth , that we are bound to obey for conscience sake ; and not that civil authority by it self doth reach the conscience , which protestants with good reason deny against the papists . the rest of his first part needeth not our animadversions , seeing it containeth nothing contrary to presbyterial government ; but rather asserteth several parts of it : wherefore i shall only set down briefly his assertions , many of which are so many concessions to us . he asserteth , ( cap. . ) that the law of nature dictates that there must be a society of men for the worship of god ; that is a church . and ( cap. . ) that there must be a government in this society . where he maketh things in this government to be juris naturalis ; . that there be a distinction of persons , and a superiority both of power and order in some over the rest . . that the persons so above others have respect paid them sutable to the nature of their imployment . ( cap. . ) the third thing is , that all things either pertaining to the immediate worship of god , or belonging to the government of the church be performed with the greatest solemnity and decency that may be , ( cap. . ) fourthly , that there be a way agreed upon to determine and decide all the controversies arising in the church , which immediately tend to the breaking of the peace and unity of it . where he pleadeth for the definitive sentence in the major part , where power is equal ; and for liberty of appeals , where there is subordination ; as being of natural right : and that this subordination must be in a society consisting of many companies or congregations . ( cap. . ) fifthly , that all who are are admitted unto this society , must consent to be governed by the laws of that society . ( cap. . ) sixthly , that in a well-ordered society , ( and so in the church ) every offender against the rules of that society , must give an account of his actions to the governours of that society ; and submit to the censures of it , according to the judgment of the officers of it . all this we accept of as truth , but how this last doth consist with his putting all power of jurisdiction in the hand of the magistrate , and leaving the church-officers only power of preaching and administring the sacraments , ( of which before ) i cannot understand . so much for the first part of his irenicum . part ii. cap. , . § . . in his second part we have also some concessions to be taken notice of , as cap. . p. . that there must be a form of government , as necessary , not by nature only , but by a divine law. this we receive as truth , and do thus improve it ad hominem : the author cannot shew us any express law in scripture , commanding that there be a form of government in the church ; neither can any scripture ground of this truth be brought , but what is drawn from apostolick practice ; they had a form of government , ergo , so must we ; seeing it is as needful to us as it was to them . now if this be so , why doth the author dispute so much against our reasoning from apostolick practice ( where the case is alike ) for this particular form of government , as being established by divine law ? if their practice be a sufficient evidence of a divine law ( beside the law of nature ) for this , that there be a form : why is it not as significant of a divine law for this , that this is the form ; where the case of them and us is alike . § . . we receive also as a concession , p. . that there is a divine warrant for a national church ; and for a national form of church-government . also , cap. . he concedeth that the government of the church ought to be administred by officers of divine appointment , is of divine right . where , in one word , he destroyeth ( unawares ) all that he saith for maintaining the lawfulness of episcopal government ; for he doth not deny that bishops as ruling over presbyters , and having more power than their brethren , are of humane constitution ; and so they cannot be officers of divine appointment : if so , then by this concession the church ought not to be ruled by them ; and so episcopal government is unlawful . i know not , if he did foresee this argument taken out of himself : but in explaining his concession he would fain seem to say some other thing than he hath indeed said : for he saith , that he here taketh the church for the members of the church : so that his meaning is , there must be a standing perpetual ministry : and this he proveth largely . this doth no ways explain what he hath said : for it is one thing that it be divine appointment that there are officers ; and another thing that these officers be such as god hath appointed . jeroboam when he made priests of the lowest of the people , kept divine institution so far , that he made priests ; and did make that work common to all : and yet his priests were not officers of divine appointment : so neither is the church ruled by officers of divine appointment , though there be officers who rule , which is divine appointment ; except these officers be such as god hath instituted , and not such as men have devised . and besides this , the law of nature dictateth that there should be rulers in the church , distinct from the ruled , as he had formerly observed : wherefore he must here either trifle , or say some more , viz. that the lord must appoint these sorts of officers that should govern his church : for the author is here speaking of what is of divine positive right ; having formerly shewed what is of divine natural right . § . . in the third chap. we have the question stated ; in speaking of the church as comprehending many particular congregations , ( and so excluding the independent way from this competition ) he compareth these two forms of government , viz. . the particular officers of several churches , acting in equality of power , called a colledge of presbyters . . a superiour order above the ministry , having the power of jurisdiction and ordination belonging to it . now the question is not whether of these cometh nearest to the primitive pattern : but whether either of them be setled by divine right ; so as that the church is bound to obseeve it . he holds the negative : we the affirmative : and we say , that the former of these two is juris divini . § . . for proving his opinion , he undertaketh to enervate all the pleas which are made for the divine right of either of these : five he proposeth , viz. . a former law standing in force under the gospel . . some plain institution of a new law under the gospel . . the obligatory nature of apostolical practice . . the general sence of the primitive church . . the judgement of the chief divines and churches since the reformation . of these he discourseth severally : and we shall give our sence of them as in following him we come at them . but first i must here note a few things . . it is an injurious way of stateing the question about this divine right , to exclude any who put in for it , from the liberty of competition : now he knoweth that others besides these plead a divine right of their way ; as erastians will have the keys given by christ to the magistrate : independents , to the community , or at least the officers of a particular church ( popery is not excluded , seeing it standeth on the same bottom with episcopacy ) though i think the resolution of the question about divine right , might have laid both these aside ; yet i think the stating of it might have taken them in ; and they might have a fair hearing ; lest some by seeing presbytery and episcopacy laid aside as of no divine stamp , might be tempted to take of either of the other two for christs government , rather than leave the matter wholly at an uncertainty , and the will of men . but i observe that though the one of these he doth altogether slight ; yet the other he doth not pass , out of any misregard to it ; for he laboureth to take all power by christ's gift , out of the hands of presbyters and bishops , that the magistrate might have it , in solidum . § . . . i observe , for further clearing the state of the question , that all other parts of these two forms of government , are confessed to be juris divini , vel naturalis , vel positivi , ( as from his concessions have been manifest , and will yet more appear ) only the matter of parity or superiority of ministers is in question : and it being so , i propose this to be considered : that parity be of divine right , it is sufficient , . that christ hath given power to all ministers to rule the church . . that he hath not given a greater share of it to some than to others . . that it is his will that as he hath distributed this power equally , so that no man make it unequal ; seeing that cannot be but by taking from the rest what christ hath given them , and giving to one what he hath not given him . if these three be granted , parity of power is christs will , and so of divine right . now our author agreeth to the first two as truth : for the first he asserteth in terminis ; the second he cannot deny , while he asserteth superiority not to be juris divini ; the question then is only about the third , viz. when christ hath given equal power to his ministers , whether men may make it unequal , by subjecting one of them to another ; abridging the power of one , and inlarging the power of another : or which is all one ; whether it be in the power of men , when christ hath made but one officer : to set up another of their own devising , who shall have a power that christ never gave to any officer in his church ? i am sure , we have this clear advantage ; that presbyters acting in parity , do keep themselves within the bounds of christs institution ; and can shew his warrant for so doing ; whereas setting up a bishop over them is without that line , and can be warranted by no divine institution . let it then be considered whether of these is the safest way for us to take . § . . . i take notice that the pleas that he ennumerateth for a particular form of government , are not all which may be alledged ; there may be many significations of the will of god in scripture , that are neither set down in the plain terms of a law , nor expressed by apostolical practice . we draw good consequences from promises , reproofs , &c. which may shew us what is our duty . . let it be minded that it is not needful for asserting of divine right , that we prove it from all these topicks : one demonstration that it is the will of god that such a thing be , is sufficient . . the question being stated as before , the probation will be incumbent upon him , who asserteth that it is lawful for men to make them unequal in power , whom christ hath made pairs : we assert that the power of ministers that is of divine right , is equal ; which the author doth not deny : he asserteth further , that men may restrain this power in some , and enlarge it in others ; for this he must shew warrant ; for affirmant , incumbit probatio : we deny it ; and here we might rest , till it can be shewed that christ hath given such power to men , to cut and carve on his institutions . the divine right of parity is built on the want of divine right of imparity . notwithstanding we hope , ( ex abundanti ) to make other pleas for it stand good , which he laboureth to make void . § . . the first plea from a standing law in the jewish church we do not insist on , knowing that in matters of institution , the old testament is no pattern for the new. neither are we obliged to insist on this plea , as he alledgeth , because some of ours do some times make use of their example , as in proving a subordination of courts : for . it is not instituted , but of the law of nature ; supposing once the unity of more congregations : now what is taught by nature may well be confirmed to us by the law of god to the jews ; though we be not bound by that law , where there is not that reason . again , jewish example should have weight with us , where their case is not peculiar ; seeing their practice came from an infinitely wise lawgiver : but this holdeth not in imparity , or subordination of officers : it is known that the high priest was typical : that the priesthood was annexed to one tribe , for a peculiar reason : these things do not concern us . chap. iv. he cometh to the second plea for a particular form of government , viz. christs instituting it by a new law , where he alledgeth , that it is more hotly pleaded by many , that christ must do it , than that he hath done it . this is a mis-representation , to say no worse . if it be not proved by the assertors of presbyterial government that christ hath instituted that form of government , let their cause fall to the ground . we are ready to acknowledge that it were rashness , and a limiting of the holy one , to say that he must institute a particular form : if we were not otherwise satisfied that he hath done it . but being convinced of that ; we may be very much confirmed in our opinion , by the consideration of these arguments , that hold forth , how fit , and how sutable to the wisdom of god , and the administration of christs gospel kingdom it is , that he should take this course ; and not leave the affairs of his house to mans will , or lust rather . this is not prescribing to him ; but a declaring of the fitness of what he hath done . moreover , we do not , neither ever did we argue barely from the necessity of a particular form to be instituted by christ , considering the thing it self only : but from some scripture ground holding forth the necessity of it . now if the lord in the contrivance of the gospel hath made it necessary to his design that there be a form of his appointment , and hath signified this to us by his word : it is no rashness to assert the necessity of it ; even though we could not ( through our darkness ) certainly determine what is that form , in all the particulars of it . but i come to examine what he hath said against the reasons that our authors do bring for the fitness of a particular form of christs instituting . § . . the first of them is taken from comparing christ the lawgiver under the new testament , with moses under the old testament ; and it is thus instituted , heb. . , , . that as moses was faithful in that house , as a servant ; much more was christ as a son ; if then moses was so faithful as to declare the will of god concerning the government of the church , and that particularly what form should be used , we must not think that christ hath left this undone . to this he answereth , . faithfulness is the discharge of a trust : so that the faithfulness of christ and moses lyeth in doing the work that the lord laid on them : and this was to be mediators , the one typical the other true. moses had the pattern shewed him in the mount , and therefore faithfulness required that he should settle that form , and no other : but it cannot be made appear that christ hath any command from his father of setling one form of government . so he , p. . to which i reply , . our argument may be so laid , as this answer doth not at all touch it , thus ; it is the will of god ( and so entrusted to the care of christ ) that there should be a government in the church ; as is confessed by our author : this government must be managed , hic & nunc , in some particular form , as sense and reason teacheth : now that christ might be faithful as moses was in the discharge of this trust , it was needful that he should set down a particular form to be used by all ; or appoint some who should determine what the particular form should be . but according to this mans opinion , he hath done neither of these : not the first , for that he pleadeth against : nor the second , for our author can shew us no scripture where it is intrusted to any : and if we should require a plain and direct law for this , in express and formal terms , as he doth of us in the like case ; he would find it a hard task : besides , if we consult scripture , there is far more to be said for the power of the church , than for the power of the magistrate in such a determination : and reason also may , at least , set them in equal competition , if not cast the scales in the favour of the church , it being a matter purely ecclesiastical , that is contended about ; and yet this man giveth the deciding power in this to the magistrate . it is strange if the government of the church under the old testament be so plain , and that under the new be left at such uncertainty . § . . . that moses and christ are compared as mediators , i do not deny : but this maketh nothing for , but against what he intendeth : for their mediatory work taketh in the management of all the dealings that are between god and his people ; and ( as it is here spoken of ) is chiefly meant of outward administrations , of teaching and ruling : for the inward administrations of satisfaction for sin , and communicating the spirit to believers , are not applicable to moses : now the setling the government of the church cannot but be a part of this mediatory work , it being of so much and so near concernment to the spiritual good of believers : wherefore christ and moses are here compared in their faithfulness , in setling of church-government as well as in other things . this is clearly confirm'd out of the th v. of that chap. where it is said , that moses was faithful in all his house : then the law of comparison saith that christ is also there said to be faithful in all his house , i. e. in all the matters of the church : now it cannot be denyed , but church-government is one , and that a main one , of the matters of the church . wherefore christ and moses are here compared in their faithfulness , in this administration . . his answer doth not well hang together , when first he will have them here compared as mediators , as if the matter of church-government were impertinent to that wherein they are compared ; and yet subjoyneth , that moses his faithfulness lay in keeping close to the pattern shewed him : whereas christ had no such command laid on him , nor pattern shewed him . if the faithfulness of moses did ly in keeping gods command , about church-government ; how is he only spoken of as a typical mediator ? and how is christ's faithfulness compared with this faithfulness of moses , seeing he received no such command ? § . . 't is false , that christ received no command about the government of the church : for the scripture is clear that he is made head of the church ; hath the government laid on his shoulders ; hath received all power in heaven and in earth , &c. if he be by his office king of the church , sure it is his office and trust to settle the government of his church . this reply he maketh to himself , and answereth to it ( p. . ) in two or three things : first , he granteth that christ is king of his church , and doth govern it outwardly by his laws , and inwardly by his spirit ; but we must not therefore say that one form of government is necessary , whether it be contained in his laws , or dictated by his spirit or not . to this i reply , . neither do we make any such inference : if we prove not one form to be contained in his laws , we shall pass from this argument . that which we say is , that because he is king , and a faithful king , as moses was , who setled a form of government , therefore a form is contained in his laws : not that it is necessary whether it be contained in his laws or not . . if christ be king and governs the church by his laws , and that outwardly ; how can it be that the particular form of its government is what many may think fit , and not of christs institution ? for the church is governed by a particular form , not by a general notion of a government ( for universale non existit nisi in suis singularibus ) if then the particular form be of mans appointing , the church is not outwardly governed by christs laws , but by mens ; for men make the laws , or rule of its government . if a king should send a deputy to govern a nation , and give him leave to choose what form of government he would , either by himself , or by a council where he should have but equal power with the rest : it could not be said in proper speech , that that nation is governed by the kings laws ( for he makes not the laws of its government ) but by the laws of them who determines the particular form of government . yea , suppose the king should make some laws about it , as that nothing should be acted contrary to his will , or interest , that there should be government , and not anarchy , that there should be rulers , and ruled , &c. yet the nation may rather be said to be governed by the laws of him who determineth the particular form : seeing the government doth essentially consist in the management of a particular form , and not in some general directions . this is easily applicable to our case : for our author will have christ to give some general directious about church-government ; and men to determine and contrive the form : now let any judge then , whether the church in that case be governed by the laws of christ , or the laws of men ? wherefore i conclude that this answer destroys it self , while it denyeth a particular form instituted by christ , and yet will have the church outwardly governed by his laws . . he saith , the main original of mistakes here , is the confounding of the external and internal government of the church of christ : and thence , whensoever men read of christs power , authority and government , they fancy it refers to the outward government of the church of god , which is intended of this internal mediatory power over the hearts and consciences of men . reply . we are willing to distinguish these ; and i believe he cannot shew any of ours who do confound them : yea , we will go further in distinguishing the outward and inward government of the church than he doth : and i may retort this charge on himself , hoping to make it appear that he confoundeth these two , and that this is the ground of his mistakes . the government of the church is then two-fold : inward , and outward : both these may be distinguished according to divers objects of this government : for inward government is either that which is exercised in the conscience ; and so is invisible : or that which is exercised in the church , or in matters that are properly spiritual and not civil ; though they be visible to men , and so outward in respect of the conscience . so outward government is either such in respect to the conscience , and it is that we have now described ; or outward in respect to the church , viz. that that which is exercised in matters relating to the church , and yet are not properly spiritual but civil , and concern the church , not as it is a church but as it is a society . or we may distinguish thus , the government of the church is either invisible , viz. in the conscience ; or visible ; and this is either in things that are ecclesiastical , and so it is inward in respect to the church : or in things that are civil , and so it is outward . the first of these is immediately exercised by christ ; the second mediately , and that by the guides of the church , as his deputies ; the third by the magistrate as a servant of christ in his kingdom that he hath over all the world. i hope now the outward and inward government of the church of christ is sufficiently distinguished , and not so confounded as to be the cause of mistakes about it . but now let us see whether he himself , who chargeth others with this confounding , be not guilty of it ; and doth not here mistake the truth by confounding the internal and the external government of the church . it is very evident that it is so : for , . he setteth down the bare terms of a distinction between internal and external government ; but doth not tell what he meaneth by either of them : whether the distinction be to be applyed to the conscience , and so be meant of invisible and visible government : or to the church , and so be understood of ecclesiastical and formal , or of civil and objective government of the church : we are to seek in this , for all his distinction . . he seemeth confusedly to refer to both these , as he here manageth the distinction ; or at least , some things seem to draw the one way , and some the other : for when he denyeth christs power and authority , spoken of in the scripture , to refer to the outward government of the church , this must be meant of that government which is civil , not of visible ecclesiastical government . i hope he will not deny that to be a part of christs authority . again , where he granteth christs internal mediatory power over the conscience ; this must be meant of his invisible government ; both because it is certain christ hath such a power , and our author here denyeth all other power of government to him : also because no other power is internal over the conscience but this . but what-ever be his meaning , this answer doth not take away the force of our argument , for if he deny the scriptures , that speak of christs power , kingdom , and authority , to be meant of civil power , but to be meant of visible internal power in the church ; this is all we desire ; for if christ hath such a kingdom ; then the management of the visible government of the church is his trust ; in which his faithfulness would make him settle a particular form as moses did . only i take notice how inconsistent this is with his principles , seeing he denyeth any visible power in the church ( save that of word and sacraments , as it followeth immediately ) and putteth all other power in the hand of the magistrate , as do all the rest of the erastians . if he deny the scriptures , that speak of christ's authority and kingdom , to be meant of visible ecclesiastical government , and make them speak only of an invisible government over the conscience ; which is exercised by his word and spirit ; in this first he is contrary to all men , for even erastians themselves do grant that christ hath such a kingdom ; but they would have it managed by the magistrate ; whom they make christ's vicegerent in his mediatory kingdom : and others do hold such a kingdom of christ , and that it is managed by the officers of his church . secondly , he derogateth from the kingdom of christ , denying that which is a considerable part of the exercise of his kingly office : what ? is christ a king , not only of angels , but of men , united in a visible society , the church ; and yet hath no visible government exercised in his name among them ? this is a ridiculous inconsistency . thirdly , he is contrary to many scriptures which speak of christs kingdom and authority ; and must be understood of a visible authority exercised in a visible government ; such as eph. . , . setting up of pastors there mentioned is a visible act : and it is made an act of his authority , cor. . . christ's headship is mentioned with a reference to the ordering the visible decency of his worship . also , psal. . . psal. . . psal. . . col. . . and many other places ; which it is strange daring to restrict to the invisible exercise of christs authority in the soul. fourthly , this is contrary to all these scriptures which speak of the several outward acts of the exercise of christs government ; as gathering a people to him , isa. . , . acts . , , , . giving them laws , isa. . . mat. . . mat. . , . verses , &c. setting up officers , eph. . . . giving them power of discipline , mat. . . mat. . , . john . . fifthly , it is contrary to himself ; for preaching and administring sacraments are visible acts : if then christ as king hath invested his servants with this power ( which he confesseth p. . where also he confesseth that he governeth the church outwardly by his laws ) he must have a visible government as he is king of his church . that which he addeth , viz. that this is made known to us in the word , but not the other ; viz. that he hath appointed a particular form : this i say , . beggeth the question . . destroyeth his answer , wherein he denyeth christ's visible government ; for this is a part of it , which he granteth . § . . another answer he frameth to our argument from christ and moses , p. . that if the comparison of christ and moses infer an equal exactness of disposing every thing in the church ; then we must be bound to all circumstances as the jews were : but there is this difference between the old and new testament ; that there all ceremonies and circumstances were exactly prescribed ; here there are only general rules for circumstantial things ; there , the very pins of the tabernacle were commanded ; here it is not so , but a liberty is left for times , place , persons , &c. reply , . we do not plead for an equal exactness in determining all things : we know the old and new testament state of the church requireth a diversity here : but we plead for the equal faithfulness of christ with moses ; now christ was intrusted with setting up a government in the church as well as moses ; whence it followeth that he behoved to enjoyn the particular form of it as moses did : seeing without this , great matters in the church , even that whereon its union and being , as a society , do hang , are left at a great uncertainty , and exposed to the will of man , who may and readily will erre . . the difference that he maketh between the law and the gospel is most false , viz. that there all circumstances of worship were determined , here not so : yea , it is with more truth observed by some that more circumstances of worship , were left to the prudence of men under the law , then now under the gospel : for every one of their actions imposed ; as sacrifices , washings , &c. had of necessity abundance of circumstances attending them ; as when , how , with what instruments , &c. wherefore the more ordinances there were , the more circumstances undetermined . there is indeed this difference ; that god under the law did by his command place religion in many natural circumstances of worship ; as in the day of circumcision , of killing the passover , &c. and so set them above the degree of meer circumstances , which he hath not done under the gospel : but it doth not follow that all things , even of greatest moment to church-order , and the worship of god are now left free , because we have not so many ceremonies as the jews had ; for those circumstances , which are of civil and common concernment to religion , and other actions , be left to prudence , and matters relating to the government of the church , which are of that nature , be also left free : yet we must not for that , think that the government it self , as managed , even the substance of it ( which must lie in a particular form , seeing a general notion of government is not practicable ) is left to the will of men . i hope our author will not say that the form of government is a circumstance , neither ought he to say that it is a thing of common concernment to the church and other societies : the church is a society singular , and of another nature than others , cant. . . she is but one , the only one of her mother , therefore her government must be sutable ; wherefore it ought not to be put in , in the same case with the natural circumstances that accompany all our actions ; which here the author most unwisely doth . § . . for a third answer he bringeth reasons why all punctillio's ( as he is pleased to speak ) should not be now determined as they were under the law. in this we do not contradict him , as appeareth from what is now said : quere non respondes ad rem ? neither is it savoury to account the form of government , by which the visible being of the church doth stand , a punctillio : such a diminutive expression is not without contempt . but let us hear his reasons : the first , p. . is taken from the perfection of the gospel-state above the jewish : that church needed the fescues of ceremonies to direct her , and must have every part of her lesson set her : this must not be still sub ferula , and not dare to vary in any circumstance which doth not concern the thing it self . as boy a at school hath his lesson and the manner of learning it prescribed : at the vniversity , more general directions do serve . in that church every circumstance was determined ; in this things moral remain in force , but circumstantials are left more at liberty . ans. . the point in question is not here touched : 't is not questioned whether the gospel-church should be loaded with ceremonies as was the jewish ; nor whether in every circumstance she be bound by a law ( though he doth falsly suppose that the jewish church was bound in every circumstance , as i have already shewed ) but rather whether she be bound in any thing besides the moral law : and particularly whether she be bound to a form of church government . such loose declamations as this , aggravating some absurdities impertinent to the thing in hand , are no solid refutations . i hope the church may be bound to a particular form of government , viz. to parity of ministers , and yet have liberty in abundance of circumstances . his example of a school-boy , and one at the vniversity ; of a son when a child , and when at age , makes nothing against us : for in both cases they are in subjection to some positive commands of the master or father : so is the gospel-church under some such commands , though not so many as the jews were . . is it contrary to gospel-perfection to be under the commands of christ as to a form of church goment , and to be ruled by a way of his contriving ? this must be a strange kind of perfection that he dreameth of . we believe that the church is yet so imperfect , and will be while on earth , that she hath need to be governed by christs laws ; and is far happier in that case , then if she were left to chuse her own way in matters of so great concernment as is the form of church government . . is it not as contrary , and far more , to the perfection of the gospel-church to be under a form of government , imposed by the magistrate ( as this man would have us ) then if it be imposed by christ ? sure christs yoke is easier then mens ; and his device must be better then theirs . indeed in things that concern one church and not another , it is better that the prudence of governours doth determine , then that there be an universal law binding all : but in things that are equally good to all ; it is better to be under christs general , then mans particular law. now the thing in debate , parity or imparity among ministers is attended with the same conveniences , or inconveniences , in all countries and conditions , and while men are prone to tyranny on the one hand and to divisions on the other : wherefore it is no ways unfit that christ should here decide the matter by a general law. 't is not like the time or place of meeting , which must vary in divers places : neither can he shew us any reason , why it should be one way in one church , and another way in another , except mans pleasure , which is a bad rule in the matters of christ. . whereas he saith that in the gospel church things moral remain in their force ; but circumstantials are left at more liberty : i suppose he meaneth natural morality , or things contained in the moral law ; and not things that have any morality , or goodness by any law of god : for if he meant this latter , he doth but trifle ; for his meaning must be , that things which are not determined by any command , and have neither good nor evil in them , are left at liberty ; which who doth not know ? neither can he say that it was otherwise in the jewish church as this his assertion must imply , if that be his meaning . if he mean the former ( as certainly he doth ) then , . it is an ill division of things that belong to the church , in morals and circumstantials : be there not christs positive institutions which belong to neither of these kind ? the lord's supper is no moral thing in this sence ; neither , i hope , is it a circumstantial thing that is left at liberty . . if he call all things circumstantial which are not thus moral ; and assert them to be left at liberty ; he doth at one blow cut of all the institutions of christ , and will have the gospel-church so perfect as to be under no law of god , but the moral law , and what laws men please to add unto it . this i hope he will retract when he considereth what he hath here asserted : for i perceive , that even learned men can say sometimes they know not what . § . . his second reason , p. . is this , the form of government among the jews in the tribe of levy was agreeable to the form of government among the other tribes ; and their ecclesiastical government was one of their judicial laws : wherefore , if in this we compare christ with moses we must hold it needful that he prescribe also a form of civil government . ans. . when we compare christ with moses , we have very good cause to make an exception where the scripture hath evidently made it . we compare them then as two mediators , entrusted with managing the affairs which concern mens eternal salvation ; among which are church administrations : hence there is warrant for stretching that comparison made of them in scripture to their faithfulness in appointing church government ; but as to civil government the scripture maketh a plain exception , when it evidently holdeth forth moses a state law-giver as , well as a church law-giver ; and it doth as evidently testifie that christ was not such ; when he denieth his kingdom to be of this world , joh. . . and that he is a judge and divider of inheritance among men , luk. . . and his mean condition in the world ( unlike to moses ) maketh this farther appear . wherefore there is no necessity of comparing them in civil , though we compare them in church-administrations . the lord was pleased to make the government of israel , in respect of church and state both , to be theocratia ; to give them both kinds of laws immediately from himself : that seeing he hath under the gospel done otherwise , as to state-government , he hath also done otherwise as to church-government ; what a mad kind of consequence is this ? and there is evident reason of this differing dispensation under the law , and under the gospel . i suppose if the difference of cases that arise from variety of circumstances did permit ; it were the happiest case for god's people to have all their actions and concernments particularly determined by the lord , who is wiser then men : now the lord doth thus with them , so far as it hinders not their happiness , by a load of multiplicity of laws : wherefore , seeing the church and state of the jews were commensurable , being in one nation , it was as easie for them to have their state-laws determined by the lord as their church-laws : but it is far otherwise under the gospel , where the church is spread over so many different nations , of divers dispositions and manners ; to have determined all things for the civil good of all these nations , which must be superadded . to the determinations of natures law , would have made the bible a burthen to men . but it is not so in ecclesiastical matters , there is nothing peculiar to the church as a church , or religious society , but ( supposing what nature dictates ) may without burthening people with many laws , be determined and imposed upon all . hence is it that the lord saw it for the good of the jewish church , to give them both civil and church-laws , and for the good of the gospel church to give them church-laws ; but to leave civil-laws to prudence guided by the general rules of scripture and nature . neither do i think ( as our author seemeth sometime to think ) that it was any part of legal bondage to have laws from god , even in the least matters : and that which is christian liberty to be free from gods laws in these things , when we are bound to the same by the laws of men : i should rather prefer their state to ours , thus far : but their bondage was , to have many things determined and imposed upon them which were naturally indifferent , and so free : which the lord hath now left free under the gospel . answ. . it is not to the purpose to tell us , that the government of the tribe of levy was like that of the other tribes : for church-government was very different from civil government for all that , viz. in this , that it was in the hand of the tribe of levy , and no other tribe , which was a positive institution of god : that it did cognosce of other matters than civil government did : that it did inflict other censures . but let it be never so co-incident with civil government , yet it was of gods institution , which is all that is needful to our purpose . that the form of ecclesiastical government took place among them , as one of their judicial laws , is a groundless assertion : yea , it is a begging of the question , and also taking away the distinction of church and state among the jews , which is not needful here to be insisted upon , till some man answer what mr. gillespie in his aarons-rod hath written to this purpose . § . . his third reason , ib. is , the people of the jews were an entire people when their church-government was setled : the gospel church was but in forming in christs and the apostles times : they settled what was for the present need of the church in her first constitution , as in appointing officers ; this will not serve when the church is grown , and spread : her coat cut out for her infancy must not be urg'd on her when grown . answ. . this doth no way satisfie the comparing of christ's faithfulness with moses ; for moses gave laws in the wilderness , not only for that wandring condition , but for their setled state in the land of canaan . must we then think that christ took care that the church in infancy should have his laws to be guided by , but afterward to be left to the dictates of men ? sure our lord was as careful to foresee future needs of his people , as to provide for present wants . . the church in the apostles days , though not so far spread as now , yet was so multiplyed and setled , as that she was capable to be ruled by parity or primacy : might there not be a bishop in ephesus , corinth , &c. and especially in galatia , a national church ? might there not be a college of presbyters then as well as now ? wherefore , if the apostles provided for present need , they behoved either to determine either of these two , ex ore tuo . . what is there in our case that maketh another kind of government needful , then what was needful in the apostles times ? we have many congregations which all need their several officers , and must be ruled in common ; either by all these officers , or by some set above the rest : was not this their case too ? i would fain know where lyeth the difference : may be in this , there could not then be one head over all the churches ; which now may , seeing the powers of the world profess christ. it is true , there was a time when government could not be setled , viz. when first a church was planted , and believers very few : but i am sure it was otherwise in many places before the apostles departed this life . . must we say then that the directions in the epistles to tim. and pet. and elsewhere , concerning church-administration , do not concern us ; but their force expired with that time ? i must see stronger arguments than any that this author hath brought , ere i be perswaded of this : and yet it doth clearly follow , out of what he he saith . yea , we must say that these scriptures which tell us what officers should be in the church , as , eph. . . cor. . . rom. . , , . do not reach us : but it is lawful for the magistrate ( in this mans opinion ) to appoint what church-officers he thinketh fit for this time , as the apostles did for their time . for he saith , p. . the apostles looked at the present state of the church , in appointing officers . this i hope sober men will not readily yield to : yea , he is against himself , as we have seen before , and may have occasion further to shew afterward . § . . his fourth and last reason is , p. . the jews lived under one civil government , according to which the church government was framed and contempered : but christians live under different civil governments ; therefore if we compare christ with moses in this , we must say that christ did frame the church government according to the civil ; and so it must not be one but divers . ans. it is here boldly supposed , but not proved that the form of the jewish church government , was framed according to the civil , which we deny , and so raze the foundation of this reason . and whereas his assertion wants proof ; our denial shall stand on surer ground : for the civil government among the jews was often changed : they had judges , kings , governors under their conquerors : but we read not of changing their church government , which behoved to have been , had it been framed according to the civil . wherefore neither must christian church-government be formed by the civil , but by christs institution . § . . to these answers to our argument , he addeth , ex abundanti , as he speaketh , some arguments to prove the antithesis , viz. that christ did never intend to institute any one form of government . he might have spared this his supererrogation , except he had had more to say for taking off the strength of our argument then we have met with . but to his arguments , the first p. and . he frameth thus ; what binds the church as an institution of christ , must bind as an universal standing law : one form of government cannot so bind , ergo , prob . min. what binds as a law must either be expressed as a law in direct terms ; or deduced by necessary consequence , as of an universal binding nature : the first cannot be produced ; the second is not sufficient ; except the consequence be necessary , and also the obligation of what is drawn by consequence be expresly set down in scripture ; for consequences cannot make institution , but apply it to particular cases : because positives being indifferent , divine institution must be directly brought for their binding ; so that no consequence can bind us to them , without express declaration that it shall so bind . this is no new argument , it is proposed by him p. . and answered by us p. — to what is said there , i shall add a little applyed to his argument , as here framed , his major is not so evident but that it needeth a distinction to clear it . what bindeth as christs institution must bind as an universal law , i. e. in all times and places , negatur , for there are cases in which the lord will admit , and necessity will impose a dispensation with some of god's institutions , as i exemplified before in the case of hezekiah keeping the passeover ; i. e. in all times where god or nature doth not make a clear exception ; or where the present case doth not exempt it self from the intent of that , as being given in a far different condition , conceditur . hence there were some of christs laws for the church , temporal ; some peculiar to some cases : these do not bind us , all the rest do , where they are possibly practicable . that the laws for parity of offices in the church are of the latter sort , we maintain . for his miner , we deny it , and for the disjunctive proof of it we are ready to maintain both the parts which he impugneth . and , first , that there is express law of christ for parity : which i wonder he should so barely deny that it can be produced ; when he knoweth or might know that it is brought by our writers out of mat. . , . lu. . , . but what he hath to say against the evidence brought from these and other places , we shall examine ; when we come at them . . though there were no express law for it , we maintain that there is abundant evidence drawn by consequence from scripture to shew that this is the will and law of christ : as for these two conditions that he requireth in such a consequence ; the first we own and maintain , that it is inferred by clear consequence from scripture that there ought to be a parity among ministers , thus ; what was the practice of the apostles in framing church government , should be ours also , except the case be different ; but the apostles did settle the ministers in equal power , without a bishop over them : neither is there any difference in our case that should cause us to do otherwise ; ergo , we ought so to practice . it is not needful to insist here on the confirmation of this argument , seeing we are here only asserting that this conclusion may be proved ; not undertaking the proof of it : which is fully done by presbyterian writers , and which we are ready to defend against what this author will object . for the second condition , viz. that what is drawn by consequence be expresly set down in scripture as binding : this is unlike mr. stillingfleet's ability to require such a ridiculous condition ; for if it be expresly set down in scripture as binding , then it is not a consequence but an express law ; and so belongs to the former part of his disjunction . and besides , it is a hard task to put any one upon , to find out a consequence so deduced in scripture : what if anabaptists , who deny consequences from scripture in the point of institution , should put mr. stillingfleet to prove infant baptism by such a consequence as this : where something is said in scripture , from which the duty of baptizing infants doth clearly follow ; and where it is expresly said in scripture , that it doth follow from this , that infants must be baptized ; he would find this an hard task , and yet he requireth the same of us . what he saith for the warranting of this strange doctrine , wanteth force . it is true consequences cannot make an institution , yet they may declare an institution : we may gather the will of christ in matters of institutions by scripture consequences as well as in points of truth . and though positives be indifferent , it is not needful that divine institution be directly declared ; for their binding ; seeing it is the will of god revealed that bindeth us , not his will revealed in such or such terms . he were a bad servant that would do nothing of his masters will , but what he declareth to him directly , and in the imparative mood : such servants to god this author would have us , that so we may have the greater latitude to be the servants of men ; taking their will instead of divine institution . § . . his second argument , p. . is this ; all the standing laws for church government in scripture may be applyed to several forms , ergo , there is no one form prescribed . for proof of this , he reduceth all the laws about church government to these three heads . . such as set down the qualification of officers . . such as require a right managing of their office. . such as lay down rules for the managing their office. on these he insisteth distinctly . before i come to what he saith on these three heads ; let me answer generally to the argument . and first by standing laws , i suppose he meaneth such as are expresly set down in the form of laws : and then we deny his consequence , for though these do only respect government , in its more general consideration , yet that doth not hinder but the species of it may be determined another way , viz. by apostolick practices , or consequences drawn from scripture . . though we should grant that all the laws set down in scripture are equally applicable to either form , yet the one form , viz. parity may be determined in scripture thus . parity and episcopacy do agree in many things ; suppose then they agree in all that is commanded in scripture ; and that episcopacy be so far warrantable : no wonder that they be not discriminated by these laws ; but then here comes the differences ; parity requireth no more for its establishment , but these scripture laws : and so it holdeth it self within the bounds of divine institution ; but episcopacy goeth beyond this boundary , by setting up a new officer in the church which the scripture knoweth not ; and so one form is determined , though not by any law condemning the other expresly ; yet by the laws that warrant it ; and the want of any law to warrant the other . . we deny that all the scripture laws reducible to these three heads , do relate to either form , in that wherein they differ . but let us hear his proofs . he beginneth with the first head , p. . where , i confess , that all the qualifications of persons which he mentioneth may be applied to either bishop or presbyter . but then , . this is an argument that bishop and presbyter are one , or rather that there is no such distinction by the will of christ ; for sure there are distinct qualifications required , the one being to rule , the other to obey : wherefore if the apostles had thought there might be both bishops and presbyters in the church ; surely he would have set down the qualities of a bishop as he is distinguished from a presbyter , as well as he setteth down the qualities of a presbyter . confirmatur , a man may be a well qualified presbyter acting under a bishop , and yet not qualified to be a bishop : wherefore if the apostle had thought it lawful to set the one over the other , his qualifications of church officers are very lame , seeing he doth not shew us who among the presbyters is fittest to be made my lord bishop ; as well as he sheweth who among the people are fit to be presbyters . . the laws concerning qualifications do require in all presbyters an ability to rule the church , and do suppose them to be rulers of the church ; as is clear , tim. . , . this is not applicable to episcopacy , for in episcopacy it is not needful that presbyters be able to rule , seeing they have no exercise of that faculty : as god createth nothing in vain , so he doth not require any qualifications of men in vain . is it imaginable that if a man be well qualified to preach , &c. and yet unfit to rule ; that the lord will have that man kept out of the ministry for that want of a ruling ability , seeing he should have no use of that faculty if he had it ? ergo , these qualifications are not applicable to episcopacy , where the bishop alone ruleth . if it be said , that this maketh the sole jurisdiction of bishops unlawful , not their being rulers together with the presbyters ; ans. if bishops be set over presbyters , they must either be only praesides , which is not contrary to parity ( for we speak of parity or imparity of jurisdiction ) or they must have authority above and over their brethren ; and if so they may rule without their brethren ; seeing they may command them and make that power void which christ hath given his servants ; and so the force of what i have said doth return . again , if presbyters under a bishop have ruling power , either they may determine without , or against his consent , or not ; if so , the bishop is but a president ; if not , the presbyters are but cyphers , seeing the bishop may do in the church what he pleaseth . sect. . he cometh p. . to the laws concerning a right managing of their work , which i do not deny to be applicable to either form ; and no wonder , for faithfulness is a commanded duty in what ever station god putteth a man : but our author taketh occasion here to infer the indifferency of either form . . because paul did not determine in his epistles to tim. and tit. ( which chiefly concern church-government ) whether any should succeed to timothy and tit. in ephesus and creet . ans. it is a bad consequence , for the thing did determine it self , for they were extraordinary officers , immediately called by god , being evangelists ; therefore they were to have no successors , unless the lord did so call them . further , they were not fixed in these places , but for a time : they did not live and die there ; which shewed that there was no need of successors to them in that office . again he argueth , that the apostle did not determine how the pastors of several churches should order things of common concernment ; which , considered with the former , would seem a strange omission , were either of these forms necessary . ans. this is no strange omission , nor should it so be esteemed by this author , who maketh all that is requisite for the right managing of affairs by the pastors of several churches , to be of the law of nature , viz. that they should meet , that one should moderate , that there should be appeals , &c. as i observed out of him before . . we deny that it is omitted : yea , this author in saying otherwise , contradicteth himself ; for he will not deny , but there are directions in these epistles for church-government ; and he affirmeth , that they are applicable to either form , ergo , to pastors acting in parity ; neither was it needful that there should be directions to them , which are not applicable to bishops governing , because the managing of the work is the same in both ways , except what nature maketh necessary to a society , or a single person governing , which also it doth teach . . the matter is determined even in these epistles , viz. tim. . . where it is not obscurely held forth , that tim. was ordained by a presbytery ; which inferreth , that presbyters ought so to be ordained , and not by a bishop alone . . though the matter were not determined in these epistles , it is no wonder , they being written to particular men , but it is determined in other scriptures , viz. where christ giveth the keys , not to one , but to all the apostles then , the only church officers ; and where paul committeth the care of the church of ephesus , not to one bishop , but to the elders in common , act. . . of this he saith , p. . it is equally a duty , whether we understand by overseers some acting over others , or all joyning in equality . but by his leave , when the apostle giveth this charge peremptorily to all the elders of ephesus ( for to them he speaketh , not to these of other churches of asia , as he dreameth the text may be understood , upon what ground i know not ) there is no doubt left , whether he maketh it the duty of them all in common , or of some one set over the rest : and may we not think that this command is a standing rule , reaching even to us , as he himself saith , ( p. . ) of what is contained in the epistles to tim. and tit. ? and if so , then all pastors are bishops or overseers , not one over the rest by apostolick authority . he argueth thus , p. . tim. is charged to commit the things he had heard of paul to faithful men , who might be able also to teach others , tim. . . had it not been as requisite to have charged him to have committed his power of government to them , & c. ? ans. . yea , he doth here commit power of preaching , and of governing , joyntly to timothy , to be transferred by him to others ; for of both these , i suppose , tim. had heard from paul : why then must we here understand the one , rather then the other ? in that he mentioneth teaching , not ruling , it is because teaching is the main business , and hath the other power necessarily joined with it , by divine institution . . it is not always needful to mention governing power , where ever the power of a minister is mentioned , and here , it cannot be deemed needful , because the apostle had formerly instructed tim. that he choose none to be pastors , but they who are able to rule too , whence it followeth , that when he biddeth him commit to them the pastoral charge , he intendeth ruling power as a part of it ; else to what purpose should he require ability to rule in them ? to the same purpose is what he saith of tit. that he bid him ordain elders , but told not what power did belong to them ; a negative argument from one place of scripture , is in concludent , such as this is : from the superiority of tim. and tit. ( i pass his clearing of it , from being an argument for episcopacy ) he inferreth two things , p. . . first that the superiority of some church officers ( he should have said presbyters , for of officers it is not questioned on either hand ) over others , is not contrary to the rule of the gospel . . that it is not repugnant to the constitution of the church in apostolical times for men to have power over more then one particular congregation . these saith he follow , though their office be supposed extroardinary ; and that they acted as evangelists . ans. it will follow indeed from these examples , that superiority is not contrary to nature , nor to the nature of a gospel church : also it will follow , that it is not contrary to gospel institution , that the lord should immediately , when he seeth cause , appoint such superiority ; and what if we say it followeth , that it is not contrary to gospel institution , that in some extraordinary cases , that superiority may be allowed for a time . but none of these are the thing in question : for this doth not follow , that because the lord did immediately call these men , and gave them extroardinary power over others ; therefore he hath not instituted , that the ordinary way of church government shall be by pastors acting in purity , which is here disputed . his third head of laws , formerly mentioned , he toucheth , p. . and bringeth instances of some general rules for church government , which i confess are not peculiar to one form : but this doth not hinder that there may be other rules which are such ; which himself instanceth ; as , that complaints be made to the church : it is an odd exposition to say , i. e. tell the bishop . the church implieth clearly a plurality . p. . had it been the will of christ , saith he , that there should be no superiority of pastors , there would have been some express and direct prohibition of it . ans. . might not a prohibition by consequence serve turn ? this is very peremptorily spoken . . what needeth any prohibition , when christ had instituted a way inconsistent with it ; this was a prohibition of it : now this he did by giving ruling power to all presbyters , as hath been already shewed . sect. . he bringeth another argument of his opposites , p. . viz. that it is of equal necessity , that christ should institute a certain form , as that any other legislator that moderates a commonwealth should do . his first . ans. to this is , that christ hath instituted such an immutable government in his church as is sufcient for the succession and continuance of it ; which is all that founders of republicks looked after , viz. that there be such an order and distinction of persons , and subordination , that a society may be preserved among them . till then it be proved that one form is necessary for the being of a church , this argument can prove nothing . reply , it is false , that legislators looked after no more but that , we find none of them , who setled not a particular form : yea this was necessary ; for these generals could not be practised , but in some particular form , this or that : and of these we find they choosed what they thought fittest : even so christ not only appointed generals , but knowing a particular form is only practicable , he chose that which he thought fittest ; mans choise in this is alterable , because other men may have as much wisdom and authority as they ; christs choise is not so , for the contrary reasons . his second ans. p. . is , what is not absolutely necessary to the being of a church , is in christs liberty , whether he will determine it or not : even as when i hear , that lycurgus and others did form a republick ; i conclude there must be government : but not that they institute monarchy , &c. this must be known by taking a view of their laws . reply , we acknowledge that form of government to be in christs liberty whether he will determine it , or not ; but we think it like , that he hath determined it : as for other reasons , so because even men have not appointed the generals of government , without a form in which they should subsist : much less would the wise god do so ; if they being wiser then others , did think it fitter to choose the form then to leave it at other mens will , much more would he . what he saith , of inferring , that they did appoint this or that form , from their modelling a common wealth ; is not to the purpose : for that they did appoint a form we know by history ; and , i suppose , that every one thinketh that they did wisely in so doing ; and that their doing so was for the good of the republick : hence we infer that it is like christ did so , seeing he sought his peoples good more then they ; and the church is less able to choose for her self , then those republicks were ; seeing church matters are of spiritual concernment , and so lie further out of the road of mens wit then the affairs of state do . i yield to him that we could not know , what form christ hath instituted , but by looking into his laws ; yea , and but that way , we could not certainly know that he hath determined any one form ; yet this doth not hinder , but such arguments as this may have their own weight . the testimony he bringeth out of mr. hooker , is answered from what hath been said , and i am to meet with it elsewhere : he mistaketh our intent in such arguments , and falsly supposeth that the form we plead for is not found in the bible . sect. . he bringeth another argument , p. . from the similitude of a vine which must have its dressers ; and a house , and a city , which must have government : it was very easie for him to answer the argument thus propounded ; i know not who ever did so manage it : but it might have been thus improved , a wise master of a vineyard will not let his servants do what they please , but will appoint them his work in his vineyard ; and a master of a family , or a king in a country or city , will not let the servants or subjects chuse in what they shall be governed ; ergo , if the church be a vine , a house , a city , and christ be the head and ruler of it , it is not like that he hath left the choise of the way of governing it to men , but hath appointed it himself : if he had thus propounded the argument , it had not been so easily answered . the same way he useth the next argument , p. . taken from the difference of civil and ecclesiastical government ; the one of which is called the ordinance of man , and the other is gods ordinance ; therefore though that be mutable , this is not . i chuse rather to frame the argument otherwise , out of his own concession he maketh difference between these two governments , the one is for a political , the other for a spiritual end ; the one for a temporal , the other for an eternal end ; the one given to men as men , the other to men as christians ; the one to preserve civil right , the other to preserve an eternal interest , &c. then , however the lord let men chuse the way of attaining political and temporal ends , and provide for their own standing as men , and preserve their civil rights ; yet it is strange to think , that he hath left it to mens choise to take this or that way for attaining their spiritual and eternal end , for procuring their standing as christians , for preserving their spiritual rights : though the one be the ordinance of man , sure the other must be the ordinance of god : but the form of church-government is the way to attain these , because church-government is the mean , as is confessed , and it cannot be acted but in a particular form , and the form is the way of managing that mean , and so attaining the end ; yea , it is such a way as hath exceeding influence upon attaining these ends , seeing a wrong form may more hinder than promote them ; man , i suppose , may chuse a way that may do more hurt than good ; it is strange then if christ hath left this which is of such high concernment , to such high ends , to the will of corrupt men : and this argument may have the more weight ad hominem , because this author is often endeavouring to shape church-government according to the civil , which is very unsuitable to what he asserteth of their differences . sect. . another argument p. . is , if the form of church-government be not in scripture determined immutably , then it is in the power of the church to make new officers which christ never made . to this he answereth : . these officers are only said to be new which were never appointed by christ , and are contrary to the first appointment of christ , but one set over many pastors is not such ; for besides the general practice from the first primitive times , christ himself laid the foundation of such an office , in appointing apostles . reply . here are many things hudled together , to excuse episcopacy from novelty , which we must examine ▪ severally . . they are not a new office , would he say , because christ instituted such an office , viz. apostles . reply . i hope he will not say , that the office of an apostle , and of a diocesan bishop , is the same office ; for the apostles had much power , which bishops have not , and were extraordinary officers , immediately called by god , so are not bishops : and however there may be some resemblance between them , yet if they be not the same office , it must be a new office from what christ appointed : it is not the want of similitude , but the want of identity , with what hath been before , that maketh a thing new ; neither need we enter the dispute with him , what way extraordinary , and what not , in the apostolick office , nor doth the question lie in that , as he alledgeth ; for we maintain ( and i think it will not be deni'd by him ) that the office in complexo , viz. as it did subsist in rerum naturâ , was extraordinary , and is ceased ; and therefore whatever office is made up of some part of the power they had , without the rest of it , must be a different office from that , and so new . indeed if christ had given them their power by halves , and made the one half of it common to some officer appointed by him to continue in the church , viz. power over presbyters , and the other half of it peculiar to them , then bishops having power over presbyters , though they had been a new office from the apostles , and not the same , yet should they have had the same office with these others that we supposed , and so had not been new simply ; but there being no such thing , they must be in another office than christ ever appointed , and so simply new . wherefore it is an unreasonable demand of the author , p. . that we must prove power over presbyters to be extraordinary , before we say it must cease : for it is enough that the whole office be extraordinary , that it be not a patern for any other office that should be the same : yea , we can easily prove that that power , as in the apostles , and making up the complex of their office , was extraordinary , because it cannot survive the office it self under that notion ; and we can also prove , that christ never instituted any such power by it self , and without the other parts of the apostolick office : whence it clearly followeth , that such a power by it self ( which is a clear description of the episcopal office ) is divers from all the offices iustituted by christ , and so is a new office : what he saith of the ceasing of this power with the apostles , as to its necessity , but not as to its lawfulness , is most impertinent , and a begging of the question ; for the conclusion of the argument is , that it is unlawful , because it hath no institution , that institution which it had in the apostles being ceased . his confirmation of this his distinction containeth a manifest falshood , viz. to make a thing unlawful , saith he , which was before lawful , there must be an express prohibition forbidding the use of such a thing : this , i say , applied to the matter in hand , is most false , for we speak of things which have their lawfulness only from institution , viz. authority given to one over others : now that which is thus lawful , becometh unlawful , meerly by the withdrawing of the institution , though no express prohibition of it be made . as is evident from the like case among men , when a king giveth a commission to a judge , it is lawful for him to act in that capacity : now if the king shall call in his commission , though there be no express forbidding of the man , i suppose it is now become unlawful for him to act . just so is our case ; one pastor can have no authority over another , unless it be given him by christ , who ascended up on high , and received these gifts for men , eph. . now christ had given once such a power to men , viz. the apostles , this he hath now withdrawn , by not giving such commission to any others , but the apostles ; for i suppose ( to follow the former example ) that when a judge which had a commission dieth , it is a sufficient withdrawing of his commission , that the king doth not give it to any other who may succeed him : wherefore any who take that power to them , do it without commission from christ , which is unlawful . sect. . another answer he bringeth to this argument , p. . on which he insisteth much , as a foundation tending to establish his whole cause , but i hope it shall prove a ruinous foundation . the answer is this ; the extending of any ministerial power , is not the appointing of any new , but a determining the extent of that in actu secundo , which every minister hath in actu primo . for clearing this , he undertaketh two things . . to shew that the power of every minister doth primarily and habitually respect the church in common , which i do freely yield to him . . p. . that the officers of the church may in a peculiar manner attribute a larger and more extensive power to some particular persons , for the more convenient exercise of their common power . before i come to examine what he saith to this purpose , let me note : . that he speaketh here in a new strain , before he had attributed this power of determining to the magistrate , now the officers of the church must have it , which i confess is more fit : but he soon repenteth , and in the end of the same page maketh it lye between the pastors and magistrate , whether he please . it is strange to see how those who loose hold of the truth , hang as meteors , and know not where to fix . i take notice ; . that whereas the former part of his undertaking ( which he knew to be out of controversie among them against whom he disputeth ) he establisheth by five strong arguments ; but for that part where the stress of the matter lieth , he hath not brought so much as one reason to evince what he saith , but some few bare assertions for the clearing of it ; and indeed it is sometimes easier to prove the thing that is not , than the thing that is denied , even to such able men as mr. stillingfl . but let us now attend to what he saith for his opinion : we have seen , saith he , that their power extendeth to the care of the churches in common ; that the restraint of this power is a matter of order and decency in the church . here are two things , the former of which we have heard , and seen solidly proved ; but the latter i have not yet seen , where he hath done any thing but asserted it , as he here doth : but sure , it being a matter of such concernment and controversie , needed some more proof ; wherefore i cannot pass it so slightly as he hath done . we may distinguish a twofold restraining ( the same holdeth in enlarging ) of the exercise of the power of church-officers , viz. in respect of the object of it , and in respect of the acts of it . restraint , in respect of the object of this power , may be subdivided : first , when that power is permitted or appointed to be exercised over more or fewer objects of the same kind , which it doth respect by the appointment of christ ; as that a minister should have a narrower or larger bounds for his parish , or more or fewer people to watch over ; and so of the limiting of presbyteries , synods , &c. this restraint , or enlargement of power in its exercise , we acknowledge to be a matter of order and decency , and may be determined by the prudence of the church . secondly , when it is extended to the objects of another kind , or restricted from the whole species of these objects that christ hath appointed it for ; as when a bishop by himself , who by christs institution hath only power over the people , getteth power , given him by man , over his fellow pastors ; and when a presbyter , who by christs institution hath a power over the flock to rule them , is hindred from the exercise of this power altogether , and is set only to feed , and this ruling power , as to its exercise , is wholly devolved upon another : this we deny to be a matter of order and decency committed to the churches prudence . restraint and enlargement , in respect of acts of power , is when some acts which may be by christs institution exercised by all presbyters , are only permitted to be exereised by some , and not by others ; as ordination , church-censures : and when some are authorized to do some acts of power that christs institution giveth them no commission unto ; this , together with that restraint mentioned in the second member of the subdivision , we prove , not to be matters of order , left to the prudence of the church , but to be the setting up of a new office in the church . . order that the church is commanded to look after , requireth the right circumstantiating of these acts which christ hath appointed to be done in his church ; as that they be done in fit time , place , method , &c. neither can this ordering of things reach beyond the determination of circumstances , for whatever is more than this , is not an ordering of that action unto which the circumstances do belong , but an instituting of a new action ; because ( for example ) the right order of reading doth not require prayer , or singing to be joyned with it , but respecteth only the circumstances of reading it self : now , such restraining or enlarging of the exercise of power , is no right circumstantiating of it , but some other thing ; it being no circumstance of the exercise of pastoral power , whether he shall rule or not , but an essential part ( i mean as to the integrality , it being an integral part ) of that power which christ hath given him , as is confessed : also , giving the exercise of that power to one which belongeth to many , is not adding of a circumstance , but a supernumerary part of power ( as to its exercise ) above these parts that christ hath given them ; ergo , this is no ordering of the exercise of power , but setting up of it a new . . order that belongeth to the prudence of the church , is that unto which confusion is opposite ; then is that order obtained , when all confusion is avoided ; but confusion may be avoided , without this restraining and enlarging of church-power by men , else it were in no case lawful to let power be exercised as it is instituted by christ , because we must always be careful to avoid confusion ; ergo , i confess restraining of the exercise of power , as to objects of the same kind , as fixing of parishes , is necessary to avoid confusion : but this cannot be said of taking power of ruling out of the hands of presbyters , and giving it to bishops ; else we must say that episcopacy is necessary , which destroyeth this mans hypothesis . if it be said that sometimes it falleth out that this is necessary to avoid confusion , and then episcopacy is necessary . ans. if we should grant that it is sometimes useful to avoid confusion , as that which may be the fruit of parity , yet it cannot be said that parity it self is confusion : now , it is not in the churches power to take her own way , to avoid whatever may have a bad effect ( for the best things may be such ) but she must shun that which is evil by a right managing , not by laying aside that which is good : wherefore seeing order is consistent with parity , and parity with the institution of christ , and imparity goeth at least a step beyond the institution , and taketh that from men which christ gave them , and giveth it to some to whom he gave it not , this cannot be a right ordering of his institution , but rather setting up some other thing in the place thereof . . the right ordering of the exercise of that power which christ hath given to men , must consist in determining of these things which he hath not determined , and yet are necessary to be determined , as time , place , extent of parishes , &c. for if men either take upon them to determine in these matters , which he hath already determined by his institution , or to determine things that he hath left at liberty , because the determination was not needful to his design , they then , would be wiser then he , and do not order his institutions , but set up their own . now this which our author calleth ordering is guilty of both these ; for christ by giving ruling power to all presbyters hath declared his will that they shall all rule , and especially by requiring an ability for this , as a necessary qualification of them , who should be put unto that office : do not men then , by appointing who should rule , pass their determination on what he hath already determined , and that contrary to what he hath appointed . again , christ hath not appointed any superiority and inferiority among presbyters ; neither is it needful this be , the church may be without it , and yet men take upon them to appoint it . is this then to order that government that christ hath appointed , and not rather to set up new officers that men have devised . sect. . next he subjoyneth a strange assertion . now , saith he , in matters of common concernment , without all question , it is not unlawful , when the church judgeth it most fit for edification , to grant to some the executive part of that power , which is originally and fundamentally common to them all . answ. if it be so , all this pains that our author is at , is needless , and his book to no purpose : for i mistake much , if the main business in it be not to prove the lawfulness of this , which here he asserteth to be unquestionably lawful . for he confesseth that ruling power is given by christ to all presbyters : then , we must either say that it is his institution that they all exercise it and so parity is his institution : or , that the executive part of it may be given to some , or may be common to them all ; and so the form of government may be left indifferent is the scope of this book . now if it be unquestionable , what needeth all this pains about it . but i conceive , this confident assertion is put instead of the arguments , whereby this undertaking of his should have been confirmed : it is an easie thing , when one cannot find proofs for their opinion to say , it is out of question , but it is an unhandsome way of disputing , especially unbeseeming the person , who could not but know that this is denied by his opposites , and is the main hinge of the controversie in hand . we do maintain this antithesis , that it is the question between us and them who are for the indifferency of church government , whether the exercise of ruling power may be taken out of the hands of ministers , and given unto one , to be bishop over them : and we maintain the negative as that which should be out of question : and this we shall not barely assert , as mr. stilling f. hath done his opinion . . then , this taking the exercise of that power from men , which christ hath given them is unwarrantable ; ergo , it is unlawful ; i hope , the consequence will not be denied : for what we lawfully do must be some way warranted , either by a command or a permission . the antecedent i prove , because a warrant for such a practice cannot be shewed , and further , if there were any warrant for it , it must either be from christs command , or . from his express permission , or . from the law of nature , or . from want of a law forbidding it : but none of these do warrant it , not the first nor second , for our opposite cannot produce such command or permission , either directly let down or drawn by consequence from it . nor the third , for then they must produce some dictate of the law of nature which giveth leave to do this ; but what that shall be i understand not . nature indeed teacheth , that a society may use means , for its own peace and order : but this may be without hindering the exercise of that power , the supreme governour giveth to any of his officers : there may be this in the church where presbyters rule in common . nature also teacheth that when more have a common power , they may consult about the best way of managing it ; but it doth not teach that they may mannage it otherwise then it is committed to them by him who gave it ; which they must do if they put it into the hands of one , which is given to more : especially , when it may be managed well without such crossing the institution of it . besides all this , nature can never warrant this alienation of the power that christ hath given to his servants ; because nature doth only warrant us to step beside christs institution ( in his matters ) where institution is not sufficient to attain that which is naturally necessary ; or when the acting only by institution would cross nature : but there is no natural necessity of giving all power to a bishop , which christ hath given to presbyters : neither doth leaving the exercise of it in common cross nature : ergo nature doth not warrant this practice . neither can the fourth warrant it , for then it should be in the power of men to take all the power that ministers have from christ out of their hands and give it to one , so that only my lord bishop might preach , baptise , &c. as well as that he only may rule ; for their is no law forbidding the church , to lay all the parts of pastoral power on one , more then forbidding to lay one part of it on one . sure sobriety and due reverence to the institutions of christ would teach us to think , that while he hath given equal power to many it should be a sufficient forbidding , that any be so bold as to lay the exercise of that power on one , taking it from the rest . sect. . . i prove it thus . when christ giveth a power to his servants to manage the affairs of his church , it is not only a licence , whereby they are authorized to do such work , if they think fit , but it is a trust : they get it as a charge that they must give account of , as is evident from the command to this purpose given them , act. . . take heed to the flock over which the holy ghost hath made you overseers : here is a command to overseers to do that work , and they must give an account of this their charge , heb. . . rulers who must be obeyed are such who must give an account . now it is not lawful for one , who getteth such a trust , to lay it on another : neither may any take it out of his hands to bestow it upon another without his leave , who gave that trust : when christ hath commanded ministers to rule , and will seek account of them , may they lay their work on a bishop ? will it be well taken in the day of account , to say , they committed their flock to another to keep , who left them to the wolf , or scattered , and slew them : will not the lord say to them why did not ye feed them your selves ? sure christ will require account of them to whom he gave the charge , and that is of pastors , neither will he ask account of bishops , except for their usurpation . ergo it is not lawful , to take the exercise of church power out of the hands of ministers , and give it to a bishop . . proof . if presbyters , who have received power from christ may put the exercise of it into the hands of a bishop alienating it from themselves ; why may not bishops devolve their power on one who shall be over them , and so we shall have an universal bishop the pope ; in whom shall rest all church power , and at whose direction it shall be exercised ? if that may be done , there is no shadow of reason why this may not be done , for if once the power be taken out of the hand of them to whom christ hath given it , then prudence must be the only director to teach us who must have it : now prudence will as well say , that bishops must have one over them to keep them in order and peace , as that presbyters must have one over them . neither is there here any inconvenience that is not there ; for that one may turn to tyranny as well as the other : and a bishop cannot oversee his charge , without substitutes , more then the pope can do : the one may substitute bishops , cardinals , &c. as well as the other may substitute dean , prebends , archdeacon , &c. now , i hope , mr. stillingfleet is not come to that , to think the papal office an indifferent ceremony . ergo . neither should he think so of episcopacy . . if presbyters may devolve the exercise of that power that christ hath given them into the hands of a bishop , then they may also give away with their power the very office that christ hath given them : but this they may not . ergo i prove the major , for when they devolve the exercise of their ruling power on the bishop , they not only consent , that they shall rule the people , which they might do : but they make it unlawful for themselves to rule , yea , they give up themselves to be ruled and commanded by them , so that he is their judge and cannot be judged by them , in case of male-administration ( at least this is true de singulis if not de omnibus ) but this is to give away the very power ; for if i may not act , how have i a power to act ; if both i and the people be under the command of another , so that i may not act any thing in reference to the people but by his authority , how have i power to rule ? sure a power is the possibility of the act ( quantum est ex parte causae ) and a moral power is such a lawfulness of the act , but in this case presbyters want that possibility , or lawfulness of that exercise of ruling ; and that so , as the defect or hindrance ex parte causae , is in themselves , who should put forth the acts , ergo , they want not onely the exercise but the very power of ruling , which christ gave them , in such a case . the minor of the argument is evident ; for such an alienation were a clear contradicting of christ : he saith it shall be lawful for you ( such a one being lawfully put into the ministry ) to rule : he by this alienating saith , it shall not be lawful for me to rule . if it be said , that christs gift maketh it lawful for such a one to rule , but not in all cases ; as suppose the good of the church requires that this power be taken from him ; his alienating maketh it onely unlawfull in this case , when for the good of the church , he hath quit his right : so that here there is no opposition ; christ giveth him a jus in actu primo , he alienateth onely this jus in actu secundo , as mr. stillingfleet doth express it . answ. . however there may be some colour of reason why this may be done in some extraordinary cases ; when christs institution ( which is calculated to ordinary cases , and must ordinarily take place ) cannot reach the end of government : yet to say that it may be done ordinarily , cannot but clash with christs institution : for when christ giveth ruling power to presbyters , though we may think that it is not his will , that they must needs exercise it in all cases , yet must we think that he intendeth they should exercise it ordinarily : for why giveth he them a power , which they as readily never as ever act , and that as men please to determine ? we must not think that it is the intent of christs commission to his servants , that men may without the force of necessity laid on by an extraordinary providence ( and then god doth it and not men ) hinder the acts of it as as they will. . it is supposed without ground that the good of the church can ordinarily require the restraining power given by christ ; for if we speak of what is ordinarily good for the church , how can we better discern that than by looking into christs institution ? wherefore , seeing by this equal power , at least in actu primo is given to presbytery ; we are to think , that the exercise of this power is best for the church ; though ambitious men , and they who would flatter the magistrate , think otherwise ; yea though the best of men should dissent , sure christs giving such a power saith more for the goodness of the exercise of it then mens opinions , though seeming to have a foundation on some inconveniencies of it can say against it : especially considering , what ever way beside , men devise , is attended with as great , if not greater inconveniencies of another nature . . i have already made it appear , that this alienation of power given by christ doth not only reach the actus secundus of it , but even the actus primus ; seeing a man is not in capacity to recal his deed , and reassume the exercise of his power , though it were improved never so much against the end of christs giving , and his alienating of it . sect. . . proof ( which is directly against enlarging the exercise of church power in the hands of any beyond what christ hath given them ) if the exercise of that power , which christ hath given to all , may be taken from the rest and given to one , then that one getteth a power both in actu primo & in secundo , which he had not from christ , but this is unlawful , ergo the major i prove : for it is clear he getteth power in actu secundo , which he had not from christ , ergo he getteth such power in actu primo , seeing actus secundus cannot be without primus , nor lawful exercise of power without the jus or power it self . if it be said , that christ giveth only the actus primus , and that so as it extendeth to the whole church : and therefore no actus secundus of power can be given to one , which doth extend further than this . answ. . it is true , he giveth formally only the actus primus , but the actus secundus doth result from it , and therefore he giveth both . . it is true , the power that christ giveth doth extend to the whole church , but this must be understood with a twofold distinction . dist. . disjunctive it is true , that is , every minister hath a power to rule whatever part of the church , this , or that , or another ; so that no part of it is without his commission , as that he should go beyond his bounds in being set over it . conjunctive , it is false , that is , christ hath not given so much of the actus primus of power to rule all , or many congregations . dist. . when christ giveth the actus primus of power to a minister , extending to the whole church ; it is to be understood in adequate , i. e. that he hath a share in that power so extended ; and may in conjunction with other rule the whole church : not adequate , i. e. christ hath not given to any such a power , as that he by himself or with a few excluding the rest , who are also in the commission , rule the whole church . so that when ever any one exerciseth authority by himself , or excluding others , who have the same power granted by christ , over more than his particular congregation , over which he may have personal inspection ; he taketh a power in actu secundo , where christ hath given him no jus , nor actus primus of power . the minor of the argument is manifest ; for when both power and exercise of it is given to a man , which christ hath not given ; this is setting up a new office , which christ hath not set up : for what is an office in the church , but a power and a lawful exercise of it ? but this our author confesseth to be unlawful , ergo . proof . 't is presumption even among men for a servant to commit that work to another to do , which his master hath given him to do , except he know , that he hath his masters leave so to do : this is so well known , that i need not insist on it , ergo it is much presumption , when christ hath committed the ruling of his house to every minister , that some should devolve that work on a bishop to do it for them , unless they could shew christs warrant for this , which if mr. stillingfleet or any other will do , we shall acquiesce . if there be any disparity in this comparison , i am sure it will tend to the strengthening , not the weakening of our argument , for we are more absolutely under christs command , than servants are under their masters ; his commands are more perfect and effectual to compass their end , without our taking our own way in managing obedience to them , then mens are : also , the there is a greater tie to cleave scrupulously to his injunctions than to mens : also the matters about which they are , be of more weight , and miscarriage in them more dangerous , then mens commands . all which make it more absurd to commit the exercise of our power , that he giveth to others , than for servants to do so with their masters work . sect. . for better understanding of what he had said , our author subjoyneth a distinction of a twofold power belonging to church officers , viz. a power of order in preaching the word , visiting the sick , administring the sacraments , &c. this he maketh to be inseparably joyned to the function ; and to belong to every ones personal capacity , both in actu primo , and actu secundo , and a power of jurisdiction , in visiting churches , overseeing particular pastors , ordination , church censures , making rules for decency : this he maketh to be in every presbyter quoad aptitudinem and habitually , so as he hath a jus to it in actu primo ; but the exercise and limitation of it , and some further power of choise and delegation to it , and some further authority besides the power of order . and when this power , either by consent of the pastors of the church , or by the appointment of the christian magistrate , or both , is devolved to some particular persons ; though quoad aptitudinem , the power remain in every presbyter ; yet quoad executionem , it belongs to them who are so appointed . to this , i reprove a few things briefly . . i take notice here of a contradiction in terminis , to what he taught , part. . c. . p. . and we refuted p. there he made the power of order peculiar to ministers and power of jurisdiction peculiar to the magistrate , describing both powers no otherwise then he doth here , and yet here he giveth the power of jurisdiction as well as of order to ministers . . seeing he acknowledgeth both powers quoad jus to be equally given by christ to all ministers ; it is strange that he should deny that men may restrain the one ( for he confesseth the actus secundus of it to be inseparably joined to the office ) and yet doth boldly affirm that they may restrain the other ; without giving the least shew of permission that they have from christ who gave both powers , so to tamper with the one more then with the other . if christ hath made no difference between these ( and if he hath it should have been produced ) how dare men do it ? i confess , nature maketh a necessity of restricting the power of jurisdiction : for if every one should rule , when and where he pleased , there would be confusion ; and therefore it is needful that every one have their own charge which they exercise this power over : but this is common to the power of order also ( though with some difference ) for it is not fit that every minister should preach and baptize where and when he pleaseth , without any limitation . neither could this be without confusion . also christ hath made a limitation of the exercise of the power of jurisdiction ; for by giving it to many , and making it relate to things of common concernment , he hath , eo ipso , determined , that none of these who have it , shall exercise it by himself nor without the concurrence and consent of them , who are equal in commission with him . this limitation of the exercise we confess to be warrantable : but what reason there is , i cannot understand , why men should take away the exercise of ruling power from many , and give it to one , more than they can take away the exercise of preaching power , and so give it to some , as it shall not be lawful for them to preach , but only to rule , more than they can take away the exercise of both powers , seeing christ hath equally given them . sure it is an impregnable argument that our author here furnisheth us with against himself ; men may not restrain the exercise of the power of order , further than nature maketh it necessary ; ergo , they may not any further restrain the exercise of the power of jurisdiction , because christ hath not made such a difference in his giving these powers to men . if it be said , that the restraint of the power of jurisdiction is sometimes necessary , because parity breeds factions , and many are unfit to rule . ans. even so , letting all preach , doth often breed heresie , many preach false doctrine , and many are unfit to preach . so this argument must either plead for the restraint of both powers , or of neither . let us then see what must be the remedy of this abuse of the power of order , and the remedy of the abuse of the other must be proportionable : sure the remedy is not to restrain the exercise of the power of preaching ( except it be for a time , in expectation of their amendment , which holdeth also with reference to ruling power ) but to put such unfit men out of the ministry . were it fit to lay the work of an heretical preacher upon a curate , and let him still have the charge of the flock , though his curate doth the work for him ? no , but he should be removed , and another put in his place : even so , they who are unfit to rule , must not have a bishop do it for them , but be removed , that other fit men may be put in their place ; seeing ruling abilities are a necessary qualification of a minister , as well as preaching abilities , as was shewed before . if parity breed factions , we must censure the guilty , not cross christs institutions in the exercise of that power he hath given . sect. . . it is not good sense that he saith , ( speaking of the power of jurisdiction ) that though it belong habitually , and in actu primo to all , yet in a constituted church , some further authority is necessary , besides the power of order . whether this be the printers fault , or the authors , i know not : but sure , the power of order is no part of that authority by which the power of jurisdiction is exercised . . he leaveth us in suspence about the power of restraining the exercise of the power of jurisdiction ; for he implieth , that it may be done by the consent of the pastors , or by the appointment of the magistrate , or both . if this power that christ hath given his servants may be taken from them in its exercise , it is very fit we should know to whom the lord hath given leave to do this . i believe , and have proved that no man may do it ; but if it may be done , sure it is not thus left at randome , that it should be primi occupantis : pastors themselves cannot do it , for they have got the charge ; and they , not the bishop whom they entrust , must give an account : the magistrate may not do it , for he is no ruler of the church ; but this is the highest act of ruling the church , and of ruling and disposing of the rulers of it as he pleaseth ; and if neither may do it , both may not do it , seeing the reasons brought exclude both from any measure of power in that thing . i do not stand on the authority of camero ( which is all the proof he hath for his opinion ) cited p. . viz. ordinatio non fit à pastore quatenus pastor est , sed quatenus ad tempus singulare authoritatem obtinet : neither shall i strive to strain it to a sound sense ; but be satisfied with the truth , that we have upon better grounds than camero's authority established , viz. that ordination , and other acts of church-power , are done by pastors , not by virtue of any superadded power , or delegation that they have from men , above what christ hath given them in their pastoral office , but by vertue of that power he hath given to all pastors , though the conveniency of exercising it , hic & nunc , requires the concurring of some more circumstances : ergo , that other pastors joyn in ordination ; that it be not without the limits which are fixed ( for order ) for the inspection of that society of pastors , whereof such an one is a member ; or if it be without these limits , that it be not without a special call from them , who should there exercise their authority . the conclusion of our author needeth small animadversion , supposing what hath been already said : by this , saith he , we may already understand how lawful the exercise of an episcopal power may be in the church of god ( yea , by what we have said may be seen how unlawful it is ) supposing the equality of the power of order : ( but we must also suppose ( and it hath been yielded ) the equality of the power of jurisdiction , at least in actu primo ; and that may shew us the unlawfulness of episcopacy ▪ ) and how incongruously they speak , who supposing an equality in the presbyters of the church at first , do cry out that the church takes upon her the office of christ , if she delegates any to a more peculiar exercise of the power of jurisdiction : yea , we have made it appear , that they speak most congruously to the thing ; for it is christs office to give the exercise of power to such men , by giving them the office on which it followeth ; and therefore they who take it from them , and give it to them to whom he gave it not , do take his office. but it is a mincing of the matter , to talk of a more peculiar exercise of the power of jurisdiction ; when indeed , setting up of a bishop , is a laying others aside from the exercise of it at all , and suffering them to do nothing that way , but by his authority : yea , that which we have all this while disputed against , is yet less intollerable than is our case , where bishops have most absolute and lordly powers , and delegate it to whom they will , lay-men or others , and presbyters have no power at all . sect. . another argument he propoundeth , p. . from the perfection of scripture , from which it doth much derogate , to say , that in it christ hath not laid down an immutable form of church-government . this argument he almost tusheth at ; but that is easier than to answer it solidly : unto it he bringeth three answers , all which will not make up a satisfactory one . the first is the perfection of the scripture here meant , is in reference to its end ( this i grant ) which is to be an adequate rule of faith and manners , and sufficient to bring men to salvation ; which is sufficiently acknowledged to be , if all things necessary to be believed or practised , be contained in the word of god : now that which we assert , not to be fully laid down in scripture , is not pleaded to be any ways necessary , nor to be a matter of faith , but something left to the churches liberty . reply . i perceive it to be ordinary with this author ( i observed it before ) to slight with confidence that which he hath little to say against in reason . what a pittiful come off is this ? that the not determining the form of government is not against the perfection of the scripture , because it is not a thing necessary , but left to the churches liberty : what it is to beg the question , if this be not , i know not ; for the question is , whether the form be determined in scripture , or left to the churches liberty : the latter he maintaineth , we assert the former , and prove it , because otherwise the scripture were imperfect : he answereth , it doth not follow that the scripture is imperfect , because the form of government is left to the churches liberty . is this the easie dispatch of this argument which was promised ? . if the end of scripture be to be an adequate rule of faith and manners ; then sure , in a special way , of religious manners or practises , among which is the way of managing church-government , being a religious thing ; for we speak of government as it is peculiar to the church : hence then it must belong to its perfection to lay down this , especially seeing the scripture hath told us , that this is one of its particular ends , to direct the pastors of the church how to behave themselves in the house of god , tim. . . but this it cannot do compleatly , without setting down a form of government , for general rules will not tell a pastor whether he must exercise his ruling power with others , or lay it over on my lord bishop ; ergo , the want of this form in scripture doth derogate from that perfection which our author confesseth to be in it . . by things necessary , i hope he doth not mean only necessary to salvation , but necessary to these particular ends propounded in the scripture , one of which is the right managing of church-government . now if all things necessary to this be laid down in scripture , there cannot want a form of government in it , for without that government cannot be managed . his second answer is , that the doing of a thing not contained in scripture , with an opinion of its necessity , doth destroy the scriptures perfection ; and so in that sense every additio perficiens is corrumpens ; such are the popish traditions ; but the doing of a thing without the opinion of its necessity doth not destroy it . reply . this is a poorer shift than the other : for . it is not the adding of a form of government to what is in scripture that we make unlawful , or against the scriptures sufficiency ; for sure if it be not in scripture , it must be added , seeing nature maketh it necessary : but it is the opinion of its not being in scripture that we plead against ; and therefore this answer doth not at all touch the argument , neither is the example of popish traditions to the purpose ; for we do not say that they are against scripture perfection , because they are held not to be found in it , ( for that is most true ) but because they are thought needful to be added to it . . it is against the perfection of scripture to say any addition to it is necessary for attaining its end ; whether that particular thing added to it be necessary , or its defect may be as well supplied by another thing of that kind ; as if any should maintain that we must have more sacraments than are in scripture , and should not think this in particular necessary , but leave it to the churches liberty , what particular sacrament should be superadded : but master stillingfleet's opinion maketh an addition necessary , viz. that there be a form of government which is not in scripture , though it leave the particular form to the churches liberty ; ergo , it is against the perfection of scripture ; and this addition being of a thing in its general nature necessary to an end that the scripture aimeth at , viz. the right governing of the church , and not being found in scripture , so much as that men may determine it , it is such an additio perficiens as the author confesseth to be corrumpens . . by this answer , none of the popish traditions are additions to the scripture , or imply its imperfection ; for though they be held necessary in the general , yet in particular they cannot so be held ; for either they were freely determined by the church , and so they might not have been , and therefore are not necessary , or the church was necessitated to determine them by some antecedent objective truth in the things : if so , they must be the dictates of nature , which are no additions to scripture ; wherefore this answer destroyeth it self . . at least , by this answer , all the popish and prelatical ceremonies , and whatsoever superstitious men can devise to bring into the worship of god , is no addition to the scripture , nor a blot upon its perfection ; for these are not held for necessary things , but indifferent , and only necessary when commanded by authority ; which necessity , i suppose , mr. stilling . will plead for to his form of government . now this consequence i hope he will not own ; wherefore he may be ashamed to own that from which it doth so clearly follow . his third answer is yet of less weight , viz. that the essentials of church-government are in scripture , not the circumstantials . reply . if he meaneth , as sure he doth , the essentials of government in its general and abstract notion , in which it is not practicable without a particular form , he saith nothing to the purpose : the scripture may be an imperfect rule for church-government , though it have these ; if he mean the essentials of a particular form , he destroyeth his own cause . now we maintain , that to the perfection of scripture there is required not only a general notion of government , but so much as is sufficient light to direct the practice of government : this cannot be without the institution of a particular form , for government otherwise is not practicable . if it be said , that the general rules in scripture about government want nothing requisite for the compleat practise of government , but the determination of circumstances , which cannot belong to scripture perfection . ans. this we deny ( if by general rules he means , as sure he doth , such as do not determine a particular form ) it is some more than a circumstance , whether pastors exercise that power christ hath given them , or commit it to a bishop . i hope it is more than a bare circumstance in civil government , whether the power be in the hand of one , or a few , or all the people , even so 't is here : yea , herein lieth the very essence of a form of government ; if this then be not found in scripture , the essentials of a form are wanting ; but a form is essential to government , considered as practicable ; ergo , some of the essentials of government are wanting . chap. v. having refuted as he supposed the general arguments , for a particular form of church-government to have been laid down in scripture ; he cometh now to particular arguments , which are brought for some one form , and many he taketh much pains to refute in this chapter , which i am confident never any did make use of to prove what he opposeth . we shall let him pass with his supposed victory over these , and only take notice of what opposeth the truth we hold , or the arguments by which it is established . i shall only note , not insist upon his large harangue , by which in the beginning of this chapter , he chargeth all who are not as sceptical about church-government as himself , with prejudice , and following custome and education , rather than truth , and being loth to quit that opinion , though false , which once they have been engaged in . to which i say nothing , but let every one search his own conscience , and see what grounds is perswasion standeth upon . i hope the sincerity of many will be able to bear them out before god , and the solid reasons they are able to produce will make them stand before men , against such reproaches of this adversary . neither shall i retaliate this his charity with the jealousies of many who fear that they who cast church-government thus loose , that the magistrate may dispose of it at his pleasure , do fetch the strength of their arguments , and the life of their perswasion , from no better topicks then design to please them who can reward this their pains , or to hold fast that which is good ( as some have spoken of their fat beneficts ) what ever side of the world be uppermost , to which end this opinion is a notable mean. i desire to judge no man , the lord will ere long judge our opinions and motives too : but this i am sure of , we have no worldly baits to allure us at this time , to plead for the divine right of presbyteral government , and if the interest of christ did not more move us than our own ; we might with much worldly advantage yield the cause . we do not insist on any of christs acts towards the apostles in calling them , sending them out either first or last , as arguments for the form of church-government ; knowing that their office being extraordinary and temporal , can be no rule for the ordinary cases of the church . wherefore i pass over all that he writeth in this chap. till p. . where he undertaketh to vindicate two places of scripture from determining parity or imparity in the church . the first is mat. . . to which is parallel luk. . . the kings of the gentiles exercise authority over them , and they that exercise authority over them , are called benefactors ; but ye shall not be so . though i confess , there be other places more unquestionable to our purpose ; yet i see not the weight of what he hath said against this place , being brought as an argument against imparity . his answer is made up of two , first , he asserteth , and solidly proveth against papists , that it is not the abuse of power that is here forbidden , but that the power it self spoken of is forbidden , as incompetent to church-officers ; his proofs for this i need not repeat , i accept it of him as a concession . secondly , he saith it is only civil power that is here forbidden ; and so it doth not make against imparity in church-officers , reply . he keepeth his wonted way here , which is to take much pains , to prove what is least in debate with the adversaries he dealeth with : we do not question but the power it self , not the abuse of it is here spoken against : but that it is civil power only we question ; and that he hath not spent one word to prove . we affirm that christ is here making a difference between his apostles and civil governors in this ; that one of them should not have authority over another , as it is among rulers of states and kingdoms ; and so that there should be no imparity of power among them ; to prove this , i borrow the d reason by which mr. still . militateth against the abuse of power being here meant , viz. this only can answer the scope of the apostles contention , which was about primacy . the sons of zebedee would have been set over the rest , mat. . and their strife was , which should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( so drusius cited by leigh crit. sac. ) that is , who should be pope over the rest : now , though we deny not but theirs might be upon a civil and coactive power , they dreaming of an earthly kingdome of christ , yet sure , this was neither mainly nor only in their design : not only , because they could not but know that christs kingdome , in which they were to be officers , should be spiritual , and conversant about the things of another life though , they thought it might be worldly to , and therefore it could not be ; but they designed a supremacy in that respect also , not mainly , both because they could not but know that their main work both in teaching and ruling , was to be about the things of eternity : as also it is evident from luk. . . that their contention was about supremacy in a power that then they had begun to be partakers of , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but they knew very well that yet they had not civil power : seeing then they contended about ecclesiastical supremacy , and christs answer is suted to their intention , and doth wholly discharge that power whereof it speaketh : the first of which i have proved ; the two latter mr. still . hath confessed : it followeth , that christ doth here forbid all superiority of the apostles , one over another : so that not only christ had not set one over the rest , but he will not permit themselves to do it if they would : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a simple forbidding of it . hence i inferre the argument to our purpose thus , if the apostles who had received equal power from christ , might not delegate that power to one whom they might set up as chief ; then presbyters may not do this neither , ergo imparity of presbyters is unlawful . the consequence is evident , the antecedent i prove from parity of reason : it is not immaginable that presbyters may set one of themselves over themselves : and that bishops may not do the like , and apostles the like ; seeing order may require the one as well as the other . yea , secondly , if there be a disparity of reason it maketh much for us , for sure the apostles had more liberty of managing that power , they had received from christ , by prudence , than pastors now have ; wherefore they might far rather restrain the exercise of it in themselves , if they saw cause , than we may do . . i hope it will not be denied , that what is here said to the apostles is not said to them as apostles ; but as officers of the church , who have received the same power from christ : that it is no temporary , but an abiding precept : and therefore if it forbid superiority among the apostles , so doth it among presbyters , mr. still . p. . objecteth thus ; `this place doth no waies imply a prohibition of all inequality among governours of the church ; for then the apostles power over ordinary pastors should be forbidden . ans. concedo totum : we also grant inequality among pastors and elders . but that which we plead is , that here is forbidden an inequality among them who are of the same order : that when christ hath given men the same power and office , as he did to the apostles ; they may not usurp power one over another , nor take it though others would give it them . this is clearly proved from what hath been said . and further , it may be hence also concluded , that the inequality which is among church-officers ought not to be such as is among the governours of the world , where a single person may have his under-officers at his command : but that inequality must be of one order above another in place and rank , both which do concur jointly to the ruling of the church ; and thus also episcopacy is here made unlawful . that pride and ambition is here forbidden , i readily grant him : but that these are not only forbidden , is clear from what hath been said . sect. . the next place that he considereth is mat. . , , . where , after private admonition is used in vain , we are commanded to tell the church , and they who do not hear the church , are to be counted as heathens and publicans . that which he first bringeth for an answer to this place is , that because men of all opinions about church-government make use of it to establish their opinions , therefore no argument may be drawn from it for any opinion . this unhappy way of reasoning i have met with before and insist not now on it . it is the devils way , i perceive , to raise contentions about truth among some ; and having done this , to tempt others by these contentions to schism and slighting of truth . but we must not quit the light held forth in this scripture , because men have darkened it , by their raising dust about it : let us search the more soberly and carefully , not cast away the truth for this . yet for all divers opinions that have been broached about this place , mr. stilling . hath a new one of his own , which i shall briefly examine . the difficulty of the place ( he saith well ) lyeth in these two . . what are the offences here spoken of . . what is the church mentioned . for the first , he asserteth ( with more confidence than strength of reason , when he saith , it is evident to any unprejudicated mind , ) that the matters are not of scandal ; but of private offence and injurie : this he proveth p. . ( his arguments we shall consider after . ) for the church , he proposeth at length the erastian opinion , as very plausible : yet at last rejecteth it p. , . and returns to the offences p. . which though he makes to be private differences and quarrels ; yet he will not have them to be law-suits , nor civil causes ; but such differences as respect persons , and not things . and then he determineth p. . that the church is not here any juridical court acting by authority ; but a select company , who by arbitration may compose and end the difference : and so concludeth p. . that here is nothing about church-government ; though by analogie some things about it may be hence drawn . this is the sum of this opinion , which i shall first refute and then consider his grounds for it . sect. . and first of all i cannot but wonder that this learned author should with so much cofidence deny this place to speak of church-government ; and not say something in answer to the many arguments for establishing a form of government , which are drawn from it by many learned men ; as gillespy in his aarons rod. rutherford in his jus divin reg. eccles. beza de excom . & presbyt . cawdry of church-reformation ; and other presbyterians : beside many authors of other judgments . what ? are all their arguments unworthy to be taken notice of , and easily blown away with mr. still . his bare assertion ? for what he saith of the matters of offence spoken of in this place , he seemeth to aim at a new opinion , but i cannot see wherein it differeth from what the erastians hold , save in its obscurity : for when he hath with them , made them to be no scandals , nor sins against god , but private injuries against our neighbours , he will not have them to be civil causes , or law-suits ; but such differences as respect persons , not things . what these can be i cannot understand , for what wrong can i do to my neighbour besides scandalising him by sin against god , for which he may not sue me at law ? if he mean not matters of money or meum & tuum , but other injuries against ones person , as beating , reproaches , slanders &c. ( as i guess he doth , so far as i can see his opinion through the midst of his words ) these are yet civil causes , and matters of law-suit : and this is the one part of what the erastians here understand : neither do i see any reason for understanding these here , and not other private injuries , as the erastians do : for is it imaginable that christ would prescribe this course for redress of wrongs in our own persons and names , and not also for wrongs in our estates ? but it may be he meaneth that though the injuries here meant , be in matters civil ; yet the design of the place is not to prescribe a way of making up the injury , but of taking away the animosities , and quarrels that these injuries breed among christians ; but this cannot hold ; for sure the best way of allaying the animosities that arise about injuries done by one to another , must be by determining what is the due of each , and who doth , and who sustaineth the wrong , and so making reparation of the injury done . we must not then think that christ hath appointed one course for repairing the wrong ; and another for taking away contention about it : but it is his will that christians in such cases , either let their wrongs be judged by the arbitration of friends ; or if that cannot be , by that law : and whethersoever of these waies the matter be determined ; that they should acquiesce , and not contend any more . besides this , when i receive a private injurie from another , it is my duty to lay aside all grudge and animosity against him , which if i be willing to do , why should the matter be brought before others , or to the church ? if i be not willing to do it , it is not like that i will bring it thus to others , who may persuade me to lay aside animosity against him . i cannot understand how i can bring a matter of private wrong to be judged by others , except it be in reference to the getting of some reparation of that wherein i conceive my self to be wronged . if he mean that i should bring the matter before others , not that my animosity may be laid aside ( that being my duty without such adoe ) but that they may persuade him who hath wronged me to lay aside his grudg , and be reconciled to me : sure this cannot be the scope of the place , both because christ giveth another rule in that case , which will sooner attain that end , viz. forgive him , lu. . . and indeed it is a more compendious way to allay his fury , to carry it dutifully , friendly and kindly to him , than to convent him before others . also because it is a strange reflection of the sence of the expression , trespass against thee i. e. refuse to be reconciled to thee : sure there is no warrant in scripture or reason from the notation of the word , thus to expound it . and besides all this , this exposition destroys the authors opinion , viz. that this place is not meant of scandals ; for when one hath wronged me , and i am willing to forgive him and be at peace with him , and he refuseth to be reconciled to me ; this is a sin against god , and a scandal of an high nature . now why the place should be meant of taking away this sort of scandal and no other ( seeing other scandals also are sins against the scandalized , as is clear cor. . . ) i think it is hard to conjecture except mr. still . must say so to make up the opinion that he intendeth to defend . sect. . but i shall now prove that this place speaketh purposely of scandals , or sins against god , whereby the consciences of others are offended ; and not of private injuries . and that briefly because this is largely and fully performed by all our authors who write against erastians . . our lord had spent the former part of the chapter about scandals , especially in pressing your shunning to give offence , and in shewing the danger of offences ; both to the offended , and especially to the offender , vers . . now in all this discourse he had said nothing of the means of taking away of scandals : wherefore seeing he joyneth these words we dispute about , to the former discourse of scandal ; it may be out of question that he is here laying down that way of removing these scandals when they should arise in his church , that the evils he had spoken of may not ensue upon them . . the design of this remedy here prescribed is to gain the faulty person : now this expression of gaining men from that which is evil , is in scripture only used in reference to sins against god , which are apt to destroy men , and whereby they are lost . . this evil from which the person is to be gained , is sin or scandal . if it be said that it is gaining of a brother , when he is persuaded to lay aside animosity against a brother , and to be reconciled to him : this is true only and so far as such animosity is sin : for on no other account , freeing of one from it can be called gaining him in scripture-phrase ; and if there animosities be here spoken of only as they are scandals , then the scope of the place is to redress scandals ; for à quatenus ad omne valet consequentia . . to sin against a brother is ( in the phrase of the new testament ) mainly , if not only , to wrong his conscience or spiritual estate by scandal . cor. . . or to be guilty of sin against god in his sight or conscience luk. . , . so luk. . , . neither can any instance be brought where it signifies a private injury as such ; therefore it must be meant of scandal . . in redressing of private injuries in a charitable way , it is not usual to lead witnesses : but these belong to a judicial proceeding ; but here the matter is to be established by witnesses , ergo it is a matter not to be transacted in such a way as this author would have these private injuries . . it is unimaginable that christ would have us count our brother a heathen or a publican , and would have him bound in heaven for persisting in a fact that either is no sin against god , or which is not considered as a sin against god : doth the holy ghost any where speak so of private injuries , considered as such ? no sure ; but if private injuries are to be thus noted with censure by god and men , it is under the notion of heinous sins as they offend god and scandalize his people , and if so : then scandals are here meant ; for if such injuries be here spoken of for that which is common to other scandals , and especially private injuries not particularly mentioned , but set down under the general name of sin ; what a boldness is it to exclude other sins , and make these only to be here spoken of ? sect. . next , i come to consider his notion about the church , to which these offences must at last be brought for remedy : it is , saith he , no juridical court , but a select company called together by the party offended , who by arbitration may compose and end the difference . against this conceit i bring these reasons : . this company is to be called together by the offended party ; for the text carrieth the whole managing of the business to be by him ; and it is very like the stubborn offender will not be active in this : now , is this a way that our lord would prescribe for taking away the distemper of a galled mind , that his adversary ( so the stubborn offender looketh upon the other ) should chuse the persons before whom he is to be convented , and who should judg him ? this i cannot be induced to believe , except i see more proof of it than our author 's bare saying it is so . . we must conceive that these three steps of proceeding here prescribed , have some notable difference one from another , and are remedies of different vertues and operations applyed to this stubborn disease . now the first step is secret admonition : the second is private and charitable , not judicial ; the third then must be different from both : which i cannot conceive how it is , if it be not authoritative . in this authors opinion , it is no more but this , when two or three friends cannot accommodate the matter , then take a few more , having no more but the same power the former two or three had : now what great influence can , or , or have to persuade a stiff offender , more than or or using the same motives ? 't is not to be imagined that the difference can be such as christ intendeth when he prescribeth this as a remedy of that evil the other could not cure . . when christ is here prescribing a cure for offences which may fall out among his people , and is so exact in describing all the steps of it and final result thereof ; we must conceive that his last cure will be such as will effectually root out that evil so , as , that it do not any more hurt his church or those who are harmed by it . now if the last mean be only arbitration , and no juridical authoritative act , this end can never be attained : for neither is the stubborn offender gained , nor is he taken away that he may not the same way trouble the other party as before . what great matter is gained if the wilful party will not hear this advising church our author dreameth of ? he is still a church-member , enjoying the publick fellowship of the people of god , for all that these arbitrators can do : and suppose some do withdraw private intimacy with them , yet we cannot think that all are obliged to it by the authority of private arbitrators declaring him stubborn , when all do not know the causes which made them so determine , nor the proofs that did convince them of the truth of what was alledged against him . it is then evident that this last remedy of the miscarriage ( be what it will ) of a stubborn offender which christ here prescribeth , is an authoritative act , and therefore the church here is no company of private men for arbitration . . though we grant that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth any company called together , yet here it must be of more restricted signification ; and must needs signify a company called out of the world by the gospel to worship god , and to serve him in the managing of his affairs and institutions ; which is not applicable to a company of arbitrators called by a man , not by the gospel , to agree contending parties , which is a work of duty common to all the world , and none of the special works of the church as distinguished from other societies . now that the word church must be thus understood , and not as mr. stilling . would have it , i prove dly ; it is constantly so used by the writers of holy scripture ; neither can an instance be brought in all the new testament where any ever put ecclesia for a company met about any business , save that the town-clerk of ephesus used it otherwise , acts . . and luke , speaking of him in his own dialect , useth it as he did , ver . . but when christ here speaketh of a church to which he sendeth his offended people by a standing law for the redress of their grievances , we must certainly conceive that he will have them by the church , to understand that which is ordinarily known by that name in the new testament ; for how should they know the meaning of an ambiguous word , but by the constant use of it in the scripture ? . the demonstrative article added in the greek putteth the matter beyond all question , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a particularly designed church , which they to whom it is said , have pointed out unto them : not any church , this or that , an individuum vagum , or such a church as themselves may particularize or pitch upon : it is not [ a ] church , but [ the ] church , now a company of arbitrators chosen ad libitum by the grieved party , are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ the ] church particularly , as individuum determinatum designed by christ ; they are at best but [ a ] church , and should be here designed only confusè , or vage , huic aut illi ecclesiae , which the word cannot bear . now if we take it for a ruling-church , or whatever church in scripture-sense , it is here determined what church we should bring the matter to , viz. that particular church we live in ( at least in prima instantia ) and it is not left to our liberty to chuse what church of many particulars we will complain unto . or if we take the article here prefixed to denote the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that church here spoken of , and to determine the word to its famosius significatum ; it hath the same strength of an argument : for , not a company of private arbitrators , but christians , or their representatives met for the worship of god , or administration of the affairs of his house , are that church . sect. . i come now to examine what mr. stilling . hath to say against this interpretation of the place , or for that which himself hath devised . p. . he undertaketh to prove that the offence here spoken of is not any scandal or sin against god , but a private injury . his arguments are , . from the parallel place , luke . . if thy brother trespass againts thee , rebuke him ; and if he repent , forgive him ; this is private injury , because a private brother may forgive it , which is not in his power were it a scandal to the whole church , unless we make every private person to excommunicate and release one another . answ. that luke . , . is parallel to matth. . , , . i do not question ; and indeed all the commentators that i have met with , make them relate to the same passage of christs preaching : but this ( if we may lay any weight on the judgment of men ) doth make much against mr. still . for he understandeth matth. . not of scandals , but of the bare injury , so then must this place also , but the text and context both do make it evident , as i conceive , that this place , is not meant of private injuries ( but in so far as they are scandals ) but of scandalous sins : i say the context doth prove it ; because our lord is there speaking of scandals : it is the very purpose that he is upon ver . , . the text also proveth it , for the first remedy to be applyed to this evil , is rebuke : which is known to be a more proper remedy for scandal than private wrong : and then , the fruit of this remedy , repentance , doth relate to scandals rather than to private wrongs . neither doth it follow that it is private injury , because a private person may forgive it ; for we must understand it of private scandal , not such as is publick , and a scandal to the whole church , as mr. still . supposeth . now when the offender repenteth upon private rebuke , the rebuker may forgive him ways : . by not charging him any more with guiltiness , but looking on him , as one whom the lord hath pardoned . that this is called forgiveness in scripture , is clear , cor. . , . where the whole church is commanded thus to forgive the excommunicated man who had repented . . by exercising that christian familiar love toward him , which we ought not to exercise towaad them who live in sin . . by forbearing to bring the matter to any more publick hearing , which , had not the party repented , had been his duty . now this giveth not a power of excommunicating and releasing to a private person ; but only a power of the prudent use of our own charity . his second answer is the same , only built on another scripture , matth. . . where christ in answer to peter's question , bids us forgive our brother as oft as he repenteth . the answer is also the same ; for we must forgive a scandalous brother ( in the way but now laid down ) as oft as he repenteth ; and not bring him to publick rebuke , but in case of obstinacy . his d. argument is this , if this be matter of scandal that is here spoken of ; then might a matter of scandal be brought before the church when there is no way to decide it , there being but one privy to it , who is the accuser , he affirmeth , and the offender denyeth . answ. . doth not this same inconvenience follow if the matter be a private injury ? may there not in that case be no way for the arbitrators to decide the matter , the offender denying , and the injured party affirming , and that where himself is the party ? the objecter then is as much obliged to answer this argument as we are . but dly , this inconvenience is easily avoided thus : if the grieved person be the only witness of the fact , and the offender deny the fact , it ought not to come before the church , neither is this injunction to be understood of such cases : but where either the fact is known to more than one ( for even so it may be a private and no publick offence ) or where the offender doth not deny the fact ; but denyeth that it is wrong : in that case , first two or three , then the whole church must endeavour to convince him . it is a bad consequence ; some works of darkness , for want of witness , cannot be decided by the church ; ergo , we are not commanded to bring scandals before the church . that which he addeth p. . that christ here speaketh as to an ordinary case , and in allusion to what was then in use among the jews ; which was to reprove one another , commanded lev. . . and for neglect of which , jerusalem was thought to be destroyed by r. chamna . this i say , is nothing to the purpose ; for i suppose these reproofs , lev. . . and which are mentioned by that rabby , were not only for private injuries , but mainly for sin against god : wherefore this consideration maketh not a little against the design for which it was brought . p. . he will not have the church here spoken of to be the christian church ; because , saith he , christ is speaking to a present case , and layeth down a present remedy . now if he lay down rules for governing his church ; this could not be , because there were yet no ecclesiastical courts for them to appeal to : if then the case had presently fallen out , they were left without a redress , having no church to tell it unto . ans. it cannot be proved that christ here layeth down rules for a case presently practicable , more than he doth when he impowereth his apostles , and chargeth them concerning their work , matth. . . john . . mal. . . and yet will have them to delay a while before they should put all that power in act . luke . . and indeed we have far better cause to think that he is telling his people what to do in the after and ordinary times of his church , than what they should do in that present and extraordinary case , when the church was not yet framed , and when they had himself personably to go to for direction . dly , however we maintain that this rule , as it serveth for our times , so might it serve for that time in which it was spoken : for if the case had then fallen out , though there were not the ordinary ecclesiastical courts to go to , that now ought to be , yet there wanted not a visible church-power residing in the person of christ , and after in the apostles , to whom did succeed the ordinary judicatures : so that the offended party wanted never a church to make his complaint unto . i do not say that [ tell the church ] doth directly signifie any other to which the complaint was to be made , but the ordinary guides of the church ; for our lord accommodateth his terms he useth to the ordinary cases in which this law was to take place ; but by analogie , it is applicable to any who in extraordinary cases act the part of the ordinary guides of the church . sect. . i agree to the argument of mr. gillespy , cited by the author , that unless we understand the word church as usually , it would be no easie matter to know what christ here meaneth by the church ; for seeing this was to be a standing law in all ages , 't is not imaginable that the lord would have us otherwise understand the terms of it than they are ordinarily used in the bible , which he intended should constantly be in his peoples hands . neither is that of any weight which our author opposeth to this ; that such as so argue would do well to consider , how those to whom christ spake , should apprehend his meaning , if he spake in a sense they never heard of before . we consider that they may easily understand christs words , because he had often before spoken to them of the gospel-church that was to be set up , and even in this very term of a church , as matth. . . and frequently under the notion of the kingdom of heaven ; which they might easily apprehend to be meant by the church . wherefore the author did not well consider what he said , when he supposed this language to be unknown to the disciples . hence all that he saith of the way of understanding scripture in the sence of the words then common , is not to the purpose ; for , christ had made this sense common among them . neither must we understand the word as it was then commonly apprehend among the jews , but as it was apprehended among christs ordinary hearers , who were in expectation of another church , and another way of government in it to be set up , than was then among the jews . i find no more in the author that is argumentative either against our opinion of this text , or for his own . he concludeth p. . that this place , though it speaks not of church-government , yet it may have some influence on it by way of analogy , viz. in proving , . gradual appeals , . church-censures , . the lawfulness of excommunication . this he yieldeth at least , that something of church-government may be inferred from this place : then ex concessis , it is not so impertinent to this purpose as he would have made us believe in the beginning of this chapter . sect. . but let us see if we can draw any more out of it than he will yield us . we have already proved it to be directly meant of church-government , and to give rules for the right managing of it : now i assert , that it doth implicitly determine the form of church-government , viz. that it ought to be by parity , not episcopacy ; which i thus make out : the first authority before which the complaint of the grieved party is to be brought , is the church , ( and it is also the last : ) but if the church were governed by bishops , this should not be , ergo , the church ought not to be governed by bishops . the major is clear ; for after secret and private admonition ( which are not authoritative ) immediately succeedeth [ tell the church : ] sure this church must be that authority which we must go to prima instantia , and also that which must finally decide the matter ; seeing excommunication doth immediately so low upon disobliging this authority . the minor i prove thus : in the episcopal way , the complaint must be brought to the bishop or to his delegate or delegates ( which is all one as to the matter of authority ) and he must be the last that must determine , and on disobedience to him followeth excommunication : but the bishop is not the church , ergo , in the episcopal way complaints cannot be made to the church , nor doth the church finally decide the matter . the minor of this last syllogism is evident ; for neither the na●ure of the word , nor scripture-use will bear , that one man shall be called the church . if it be said that episcopacy be so modelled , as the bishop with the presbyter may judg of the offence , and they may well be called the church . answ. in that case , either the presbyters have a decisive vote as well as the bishop , or they be only his advisers . in the first case the bishop is only a praeses : which is not that episcopacy pleaded against , though we judg it inconvenient . in the d , the bishop is the only power , and therefore there is no such church as here meant , for the church here is a church cloathed with authority , whom the party ought to hear , i. e. obey , and for contumacy against which he is excommunicated : but the bishop and his counsel is not such a church ; for his counsel hath no authority , and himself cannot make a church ; and therefore both taken together , make no church having authority . chap. vi. here mr. stilling . doth undertake to lay aside apostolical practice from being a pattern for us in the matter of church-government ; what success he hath in this attempt we now examine . his two main scopes in this chapter , are , that it cannot be known what the practice of the apostles was in this ; and that if it were known , it is no binding example to us ; which desperate assertions do , not a little , reflect upon the scripture and tend to the casting loose the government of the church . the latter of them i have spoken to before , and purpose to examine what he saith for it . concerning the former , i shall premise but this to our trying of his proofs , that it is very strange the spirit of god in scripture hath written so much of their practice , both historically , and implied it in doctrinal assertions and precepts , if for all this we cannot know what it was ; which if it do not accuse the scripture-relation of things of great imperfection , i know nothing : for i am sure the scripture doth purposely set down much of their practice , both in preaching , administration of sacraments , ordination of officers , directing these officers in their behaviour in the house of god , censures and other parts of government : if yet we cannot know by scripture what was their way in ruling ; the account given of these things must be very imperfect . i believe it would be imputed to any writer of the history of a church , if out of his history could not be gathered what was the government of that church : shall we then think that the sacred writers , who have undertaken to give us an account of the acts of the apostles , are so deficient ? especially many of the writings of the apostles themselves being added by the same spirit ; out of which much may be gathered to this purpose . but let us hear how he makes out this his strange opinion . i insist not on what he writeth of the apostles commission ; i confess the form of government is not expressed in it : though we have ground to think , that when christ chargeth them to teach his people to observe all he commanded them , matth. . . that it was his will that they should not leave so great a matter as is the form of church-government to mens will ; but that his institution should be observed in this : especially seeing he spent days with them before his ascension , acts . . speaking of the things pertaining to the kingdom of god , that is the gospel-church : it is hard to think that among all his instructions to them then , he told them nothing of his will about the way of governing his church . neither do i take notice of his large discourse about the division of provinces among the apostles : nor of his too true observation , that looking on ancient practice through the glass of our own customs , hath bred many mistakes : only i wonder at his bringing that for an instance , that lay-elders are proved from the name presbyters : i believe there was never any that used such an argument , seeing the name is common to them and preaching-elders . he will find stronger arguments than this for that order of church-officers , if he please to read the assertors of it . sect. . for clearing what was apostolical practice he layeth down this as a foundation , p. , &c. that the apostles in the forming churches did observe the custom of the jewish synagogue . about this notion he spendeth a huge deal of pains , as if the strength of his cause lay here ; but to what purpose it is , except to shew his reading and skill in antiquity , i know not . doth it follow , the apostles imitated the jews in the matter of church-government , ergo , we are not obliged to imitate the apostles ? i should think that the contrary consequence might rather be inferred ; but whatever be of that , this we are sure of , that whether there was any coincidency or similitude between the apostolical and the jewish way , or not ; whether the apostles in what they did had an eye at the jewish example , or not : they were acted by an infallible spirit , which did both guide them unerringly , and warrant them unquestionably to do what they did in the management of church-government , so that it is not the occasion of their taking such or such a way that we are to look to , but the morality of it , that should determine us to follow it , because we know it is the will of christ. wherefore i might pass without any more notice all that he writeth in many sheets of the modelling the government of the church by that of the synagogue . yet for further clearing the matter , i shall lay down a few considerations . sect. . first , i take notice how inconsistent this author is with himself in this point ; for p. . he asserteth , that the apostles did not observe ( in probability ) one fixed course of setling the government of churches , but setled it according to the several circumstances of places and persons which they had to deal with . i hope he will not deny , but the jewish way of government was one and the same every where : how then did the apostles imitate that , if they were so various in their setling of government ? sure if they did not stick to one form , they did not stick to the jewish form . but i perceive he would fain say any thing that might cast church-government at an uncertainty ; however the ways he taketh to this end , do clash one with another . . all this pains he taketh , tendeth either to prove nothing , or to prove that which himself will not own : for suppose that he had evinced that the apostles did imitate the jews in their church-administrations : if any thing follow , it must be this , that these things which were done by the apostles on such an account are not now binding , but are indifferent and determinable by men : and that as the apostles had their liberty in imitating the jews , or not , so we have our liberty in imitating the apostles , or not , in them . now this i am sure he dare not own in most of these things which he maketh to have been taken up from the jewish customs : for he speaketh , p. . of christs taking many rites of the lords supper from the postcoenium among the jews , and the use of baptism from the baptisms used in initiating proselytes , and excommunication from their putting out of the synagogue ; and afterward he maketh building of churches , to be taken from the synagogues : publick reading of the scripture , and pastors from the archisynagogi : ordination from that used among the jews : will then mr. stilling . say that all these are now indifferent . that baptism , excommunication , pastors , nay ordination are no institutions of christ ; and that as the apostles took them from the jews ad placitum ; so we may take them from the apostles , or leave them , as we list . sure he will not say it : and if he saith not this , he saith nothing , but magno conatu nihil agit : parturiunt montes : nascetur ridiculus mus . . it is needful to distinguish the things that the apostles did by imitation take from the jews , by confounding of which mr. stilling . hath mired himself and his reader too . there are . somethings that are the dictates of nature and reason : as that publick assembling be ordinarily in some one convenient place : that in a society there be rulers and ruled : that where many rule they meet together for that end : that in their meeting one preside , to avoid confusion , &c. . there are other things which be the commandments of god concerning his moral worship ; as that prayers , praises , pulick reading of his word , with opening of it , that his people may know his will , be performed in the solemn meetings of his people . . god's ceremonial worship , which consisteth in the observance of rights sacred , or peculiar to religion , without which all that worship of god might well be performed , which is , and hath been of moral and perpetual obligation . . such things as receive their usefulness and fitness from custom : as words , habits , gestures , &c. now for the first two sorts , though there was co-inciding in them , between the jewish and apostolical way ( and indeed it could not be otherwise , nature and what is of moral obligation being the same unto all ) yet that the apostles were determined in these by the jewish example , we deny . for the d , it is clear , that the apostles used no such things with the jewish church , except a few for a time to avoid scandal , acts . . . yea , they are declared unlawful to be used , gal. . , . and . , . col. . , . which i am elswhere to shew more at length . the th sort of things we hold to be in themselves indifferent , and determinable by the laudable custom of every place . neither do we deny the apostles to have in many of these imitated the jewish church ; and no wonder , because they lived among them . now church-government having in it some things of all these sorts , it is clear from what hath been said , how far we confess the apostles to have followed the jews in it ; and how far not . that wherein we are likest to controvert with mr. still . is , about things of the third sort , which i must yet distinguish : they were either such as the lord had commanded to the jews , or such as they without his command did take up . the former , he doth not alledg that the apostles followed the jews in . the latter he asserteth , and we deny it ; and shall anon hear what he bringeth for his assertion . but for further clearing this and the whole matter , i lay down a fourth consideration , viz. to make it out , that the apostles did imitate the jews , there are two things required . . to shew the co-incidency of their practice . . to shew that this co-incidency did proceed from a design of conformity , viz. that the apostles were determined in such things by the jewish example : for the former without the other is no imitation , because in imitation , the former practice must have some influence on that which followeth ; such as the exemplary cause hath on the exemplatum . now if the apostles did ( in some of these ) the same things with the jewish church , only accidentally , or upon other motives ; and did not ( as mr. stilling . phraseth it ) copy out the jewish way of government , 't is no imitating of them . sect. . from what hath been said , it will be easie to maintain against mr. stilling . large discourse , that the apostles did not in the government of the church imitate the jewish synagogue as their pattern ; i shall touch such things in his discourse as seem to prove it . and . i take notice of that which was occasionally touched before , p. , viz. that christ delighted to take up the received practices among the jews , as the postcoenium he turned to the lords supper , baptism of proselytes , imitated to christian baptism , casting out of the synagogue to excommunication . and this he saith he did with rites , not which were originally founded on moses's law ; but which were brought in by a confederate discipline among themselves . this , saith he , hath been abundantly manifested by many learned men ; of which he cited some in his margin . i confess , many learned men , especially such as have spent their pains in critical learning , have done but bad service to christ and his institutions , while to serve their phoenomena , and make their critical conjectures the more plausible , they have made mens devices like maezentius his bed to curtail or stretch out christs institutions by them at their pleasure . but the authority of such men , though never so learned , shall not perswade me ( what their reasons may do i say not , till i hear and consider them ) to think that christ had such delight in mens inventions in the worship of god , as to make them the pattern of his gospel-institutions ; and that rather than the ceremonies , which of old were of divine authority : shall we think that he who condemneth mens doctrines in gods worship , as vain , mal. . . and especially in that chapter , condemneth a ceremony brought in by confederate discipline , which in it self was as harmless as any of these mentioned , viz. often washing : shall we think , i say , that he had such pleasure in these things ? sure he cannot be so unlike himself . neither i am sure can the assertors of this paradox , shew any such difference between that ceremony and these here instanced , as that christ should hate the one , and delight in the other . for that often alledged , that the pharisees placed much religion in their often washings ( besides that the thing simply , not their opinion , is condemned in the place cited ) it cannot be made out , that they placed more religion in this , than they did in their postcoenium , washing of proselytes , &c. for further answer to this assertion of our authors , i add , that supposing christ did make his institutions to consist of some material acts , like to these of the jewish uncommanded observations ( for this is the furthest , that the authors consideration can pretend to prove ) it doth not follow that he approved of these inventions : neither that we may mould the affairs of the church by our reason and skill without scripture ; and that for these reasons : . from christs wisdom . . from his authority which did warrant him to do such things , and doth not make it lawful for the church now to do them . . i say , from his wisdom : he is an able and competent judg of what is suted to gospel-worship , and what not : and therefore of these unwarranted observations in use among the jews , he could chuse what was fittest for his designs ( the things being indifferent in themselves ) and appoint them in his church : we cannot so well judg of the fitness of a thing to his design in the gospel-model of affairs ; and therefore must not take such liberty in doing what man hath done without a special institution of christ. moreover , he knew well how in the depth of his wisdom to make such a choice in his institutions serve unto two great ends , viz. the gaining of the jews , by making as little diffrrence between the old way ( to which they were wedded ) and the new gospel-way , as could be : and the adorning of his gospel-service with most fit and excellent ceremonies : this cannot be pretended for devices of men in gods worship , whether found out by themselves , or wherein they imitate others . . for his authority , however these observations being uncommanded were on that account unlawful to the jews ; yet the things materially considered being indifferent , and christ having absolute authority to institute particulars in his church , he might well chuse these , and seal them with his authority , and so make them both lawful and duty to us : this no man can do ; they must have his command for institution ; and not make them by their own authority . wherefore christ taking the jewish customs for patterns to his institutions ( if he did so ) maketh nothing for men's setting up their institutions in the church ; or for the indifferency of things belonging peculiarly to the church . sect. . that which he saith ibid : maketh little to his purpose , viz. that even when god did determine the positives of worship , he left the morals to the wisdom and discretion of his people : which he instanceth in building and ruling synagogues . ans. this is true of such things as are of common concernment to religion and other actions ; we also allow such parts of church-government to be managed by christian prudence : his instance proveth no more ; for we permit also the building of churches to prudence . but the question is about things proper to the church as it is a religious society : these things we deny to have been left to prudence among the jews , or to be now so left among christians . i cannot yield to what he seemeth to aim at , when he saith , that though the reason of erecting synagogues was builded on a command , viz. of having holy convocations , yet they were not built for a long time after they came to the land : i cannot think that the building of synagogues was indifferent though the place and manner was : for the same command that requireth holy convocations , requireth that there be a place fit for them . if they were at first long of building , it was either from some impediment , or from inexcusable negligence . much less do i agree to what followeth , viz. although moses requireth the duty of assembling , yet he prescribes no orders for the place of meeting , nor for the manner of spending these dayes in gods service , nor for the persons who were to superintend the publick work . ans. the first of these , as to the circumstances of it , is left to prudence , it being meerly a natural circumstance of worship , the second for substance is in the law , viz. what duties they should spend the day with , viz. sacrificing in the temple , reading the law , and teaching the people in other places : the natural circumstances of this are also left to prudence . the third is falsly asserted : are not the levites appointed to superintend that work when they are made the publick teachers of the people ? wherefore all this maketh nothing for his design , viz. that the jewish church-government was left to prudence , and that the christian should be so . their reading of the law we approve ; but deny it to have been voluntary but commanded ; their curious dividing of it , and leaving out some of it we disprove , as the fruit of the superstitions of the latter ages of that church : and indeed it may be compared with the frame of our service-book , though it was not so bad by far . i insist not on his guesses about the government of synagogues , which he taketh much pains to make appear to be like the government in the apostolick church , that he might make us believe , that this was taken from that . i only observe that the product of all his pains is not operae pretium : both because of the uncertainty of the matter of fact , that there were such officers so employed in the synagogues : as also the far off resemblances that are between them and officers in the christian church ; as any attentive reader may observe . and so i pass to p. . where he sheweth how far the apostles in forming christian churches did follow the jewish pattern . sect. . i smile indeed to consider how mr. still . magnifies this his notion , and judgeth this birth of his own brain , as that which with his improvement ( such as it hath yet received from no other ) will be more conducible than any he knoweth to the happy end of composing our differences about church-government . i hope i have said as much of this notion . p. . &c. as will make it to be of less esteem with unbyassed men . i profess i cannot yet understand , for all that i have meet with in this author about it , how this notion should have any such effect , for the question is not what pattern the apostles followed , so much , as whether what they did was the institution of christ , and whether we ought to follow them as our pattern : and to the determining of this i see very little or no use of this notion which he so much crieth up . but to make it get entertainment he taketh much pains . first , he promiseth some general considerations to make it probable : and sheweth next how the apostles did imitate the synagogue in particulars . let us hear what probability it getteth from his considerations . the is , that christ and his disciples , and christians afterward went under the name of jews ; that they kept communion with the jews , and observed their customes , not only which were commanded of god , but which they had taken up themselves , if they were not contrary to gods commands . here are or considerations jumbled together , some of which are false , others true , but prove not the point . i shall answer them more distinctly than he hath set them down . and first for the name , it is no wonder they were called jews , for they were so by nation : if at any time they owned themselves as of the jewish religion , that proveth nothing ; for this they might do , because the jewish religion , as commanded of god , was the same in substance with the christian , see act. . . it doth not from this follow that there were the same administrations in the jewish and christian-church . and if in after-times the jews and christians were both reckoned as one body by the heathens ( for which he bringeth some proof p. . and . ) yet it doth not follow , which he there inferreth , viz. that they observed the same rites and customes ▪ for this mistake of the heathens did proceed partly from the agreement that was between jews and christians , as to most great points of religion : partly from the agreement of their rites in this , that both were very unlike the heathen rites . neither did the heathens understand the difference between jews and christians , though wise men among them knew that there was a difference : this may be gathered from act. . . and act. . , . it doth not follow from this , that the rites were the same . . for their keeping communion with the jews , this doth far less prove the point : and that because , . the time when they kept communion with the jews was when the jewish church was yet standing , and the christian not framed nor erected : our author cannot prove that they kept communion with them after the christian churches were set up : for their going to the temple and the synagogues to pre●ch , proveth nothing . for that they did because the people were there met , not because they would join in their service . . because it was fit for that time to yield to the jews so far as was possible , that they might be gained to the gospel : hence they observed even some of the legal ceremonies , they being then indifferent : but it followeth not that they did settle the ordinance and abiding practices of the church by the pattern of the synagogue . paul's being freely admitted into the synagogue to preach , proveth no more than we have granted : his condescending to them did procure this , not his framing gospel-churches according to their mould , much less is this his design proved by the mistake of the believing jews about the conversion of the gentiles , and their being zealous for observing the law of moses ; yea and grant that they were zealous for the uncommanded customes of their father , a● he alledgeth . for this proceeded from their being bred up in these things , and their ignorance of the mind of god in abolishing them , and in calling of the gentiles : and the apostle's yielding to the jews as far as might be for a time , was because he had not yet shewed the difference between the gospel and jewish church , because they could not then bear it : but with what shaddow of consequence doth it follow from this that the apostles did afterwards frame the christian church after the model of the jewish ? for the d. it is a bold and most false assertion , that christ and his disciples conformed to the uncommanded customes of the jews : yea they are accused for non-conformity in this point matth. . . and christ defendeth them in it , and meerly on this account , that these customs were the traditions of men , and humane doctrines : which is true of all uncommanded customes in religion . but how proveth he this assertion ? he bringeth instances ; christ observed the feast of dedication : this is impudently said ; he walked in solomons porch jo. . , . that he might have occasion to teach the people : but did he offer a sacrifice , or observe any other rite or custome of the feast ? we read no such thing , going to their synagogues and teaching there was no uncommanded custome . washing the disciples feet a custom used by the jews before the passover ( saith mr. still . but others say it was done between the courses of the passover ) this christ did , and giveth a mystical reason for it . jo. . . but that he did it in conformity to the jewish custome ( if any such there was ) let it be proved , appointing baptism i hope hath a better foundation than the jewish custome , but of this before ; thus what he saith in prosecuting his first consideration , is answered : neither is it as yet probable that the apostles imitated the jewes in framing the gospel-church . sect. . his d consideration p. . is that the apostles framed christian churches out of jewish synagogues : what solid proof for this he bringeth let us hear . we see saith he , how fearful the apostles were to offend the jews , and how ready to condescend to them in any thing that might be ; and if paul would yield to them in circumcising tim. ( a thing which might seem to cross the design of the gospel ) would he scruple to retain the old model the synagogue , when there was nothing in it repugnant to the doctrine of the gospel ? answ. the apostles at first did yield very far to the jews , because they could not at the beginning digest the taking down of the old frame of worship , and setting up a new ; hence they did conform to the jews , for that time , as much as might be in their transient and occasional practices : but this reason did no way oblige them to frame their constitutions and practices of the church that were to abide afterward , by the jewish patern , because then the gospel was fully promulgated , and the will of christ known to the new gospel-church , differing from the old ; and in this case we are rather to think that the apostles did not conform to the jewish way in things not necessary ; because as at first , their work was to bring them to christ , and so they yielded to them as much as might be ; so afterwards now their work was tobring them from moses , and to this end it was fit to bring them off all those customes and waies which might keep that their idol yet in their minds , as sure the jewish customes might do ; here is more then a shew of reason ( which our author requireth ) why the apostle should slight the constitution of the jewish synagogues ; and besides , it is reason enough why they should do this , if it be not proved that they did otherwise , seeing they were guided by an infallible spirit , not led by mens customes in their actions . i find no further proof of this consideration , but that they did not only gather churches out of synagogues , but that in probability whole synagogues in some places were converted . what ground there is for this probability i know not ; we read nothing of it , as we read of whole houses converted : neither see i any reason to think that the apostles did respect synagogues in their reforming churches : they made the churches of them who had before been in the synagogues ; and that i believe they did according to the peoples best conveniency for partaking of ordinances together : but that their synagogues were their pattern i see not . another argument from the jewish and gentiles coetus , he would fain be helped by ; but finding it weak , disputeth against it : wherefore we lay it aside , and come to his d consideration p. . viz. the synagogue-model was most agreable to the state of the churches in apostolick times ; because it was so ordered , as that it needed not depend on the secular power for attaining the end of government . answer . wherein the synagogue-model was , in the nature of the thing fitted to the state of the gospel , we do not say that the apostles would reject such a good thing because used by the synagogue ; only we deny that they used it because the synagogue used it : so this proveth nothing . further it proveth only co-incidency between the church and synogogue-government in this general that both were such as might consist without secular power : but divers particular forms may be of this nature ; so that there is no need from this consideration that the church and the synagogues be governed by the same model . sect. . we see how probable he hath made this his assertion : he cometh p. . to shew what particular practices of the synagogue , the apostles did take up and follow ; and first he speaketh of their publick service in the church : where all that he can attain to is this , that there was in the church , as there had been in the synagogue , solemn prayers , praises , reading of scripture , and t●aching of the people out of it : all which are parts of moral worship ; and would have been in the church though there had never been a synagogue to take example by ; he is forced to acknowledge a considerable difference , viz. omitting the reading the sections of the law as was done in the synagogue , and celebrating the lords supper , which was not in it : which one consideration destroyeth all that he is at so much pains to establish : for if christ and his apostles had made the synagogue their pattern , they might easily have conformed to them in reading the sections of the law and taking the lords supper , from some of their customes as well as they did baptism , as this author alledgeth . next he cometh p. . to ordination : about which he maketh a great deal of do , but to no purpose : for ordination i. e. a solemn setting of men apart for the office of the ministry , doth naturally follow as necessary to order ; supposing that some should be in that office and the work be not common to all , which i believe should have been in the church whatever had been done in the synagogue ; as for the rite of it ; laying on of hands , whether it was used in the synagogue or not is not worth our enquiry , for it will not thence follow that the apostles took it from the confederate discipline of the synagogue ( i. e. from their men-devised customes ) as our author confidently asserteth : but all that he discourseth proveth not this , but only , if it prove any thing , that it was used in the synagogue . i assert with more warrant that it was taken up both by the synagogue and by the apostles from the ancient custome of blessing , or dedicating any thing to god by this ceremony : of this judgment is calv. inst. lib. cap. . sect. hunc autem ritum fluxisse arbitror ab hebraeorum more , qui quod benedictum aut consecratum volebant , manuum impositione deo quasi repraesentabant : sic jacob benedicens ephraim & manasse , eorum capitibus manus imposuit : quod sequutus est dominus noster , cum super infantes precationem faceret : eodem ut arbitror significatu judaei ex legis praescripto suis sacrificiis manus imponebant : quare apostoli per manuum impositionem eum se deo offerre significabant quem initiabant in ministerium : quanquam usui sit etiam super eos , quibus visibilis spiritus gratias conferebant . we see then it was not the practice in synagogue-ordination only : but in many things else , and it is most probable that this rite so constantly used in all ages of the church , in all cases of blessing or consecration hath something more in it then humane institution in the synagogue : the constant use of it by men infallibly guided , as abraham , the apostles , christ himself ; the commanding of it in the like case of consecration under the law cannot but give it a stamp of divine authority . yea we find the levites thus ordained num. . . wherefore all this his pains doth not prove that gospel-ordinance was taken up from the humane custome of the synagogue . a few things in this his discourse . i shall further shortly take notice of . p. , . he will have gospel-ministers not to succeeed ( no not by analogie ) to the priests and levites , but rather to the officers in the synagogues : for the priests were not admitted by solemn ordination ; but judged of their fitness , as to birth and body by the same ordination : but the rulers of the synagogues were admitted by ordination : and if any of the priests came to that office , they as well as others had their peculiar designation and appointment to it . here i reply . . i believe that gospel-ministers did not properly succeed to either of these ; but stand upon another foundation , viz. christs institution : and so it is needless to enquire which of them they should succeed to . i yield also , that the name of priests under the gospel hath brought in the thing it self , and even the mass : which ought not to be . . what can he design by this discourse ? would he make the office of the ministry stand on no other bottom but imitation of the synagogues rulers ; and these rulers to be brought in by a confederate discipline , i. e. to be a humane invention ? if he say not this , he saith nothing to the purpose ; but i hope he will not say it . . it is false , that the priests were not solemnly set apart for their office ; though they had it by birth , yet they behoved to be solemnly initiated to it ; and i am sure mr. still . would not have said , that they were no otherwise set apart but by the judgment of the sanhedrim , of their birth and body ; if he had not in this so consulted antiquity , as that he forgot to look into the bible . i do not deny but there was such a judgment to pass on them , ( neither ought ministers be now admitted without tryal ) yea the scripture ( which is surer than the talmud ) telleth us so much . ezr. . , . yet we find also their solemn setting apart to the office described , exod. . . and . . lev. . , &c. and spoken of , chron. . . yea the very idol-priests would not want this solemn setting apart , chron. , . jud. . , . yea , our authors opinion everteth it self ; for to what purpose was a publick judging of them before their entry on the exercise of their office , if there was no solemn admission of them to it ; sure a solemn declaring them such as god had appointed his priests to be ( if there had been no more , they being kept from exercising the office till this was done ) was a solemn admission . . i would know who these others were who were rulers of the synagogue , and so teachers of the people ; at least superintenders over gods publick worship ( as he elswhere phraseth it ) beside the priests ? if they were only levites , or others also , as he seemeth to imply : and if any other but priests and levites were admitted to that office , i would know quo warranto : sure the scripture speaketh of these as old testament-teachers , neh. . . chron. . , . and of none else , but immediately inspired prophets . but i see mr. stilling . looketh more to rabinical stories in these matters , than to the bible : and to the customs of the synagogue in the days of the apostacy than to the commands of god , as he gave them , though they be rare who are made mad by too much learning ; yet there are whom too much reading ( without holding to the scripture as the rule ) maketh to dote . i need not insist on what he writeth , p. , &c. of the rite of laying on of hands ; enough hath been said , to shew that it proveth not what he intendeth : nor on the persons ordaining in the synagogue and in the church ; of which he , pa. , &c. for in both he confesseth abomination to have been done in common by those in power ; and afterward without divine warrant restrained to one : if christ hath given power to all presbyters to do it ; we must have some warrant to restrain this power ere we dare do it ; but of this enough before . sect. . in his further prosecuting the correspondence of the apostolick church with the synagogue : he speaketh p. . of the order setled by the apostles in the churches planted by them , for ruling of them : and first he maketh a work about the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the synagogue ; but from his own discourse it 's clear how little weight is to be laid on this consideration , as to what he intendeth : seeing that name was ever used to denote power and dignity , whether in church or state , and so doth no more belong to the synagogue than other things . i take notice of what he saith in the end of p. . if his design is not to dispute the arguments of of either party , ( viz. those who conceive the apostles setled the government of the church in absolute purity , or else by superiority and subordination among the setled officers of the church ) but to lay down these principles , which may equally concern both , in order to accommodation . but i humbly conceive , it was very incumbent upon him to answer the arguments of both parties : and they must be answered to us before we be obliged to receive his doctrine ( of which anon ) that we cannot know what form the apostles setled , and that they setled not any one form . for as long as arguments brought by either of the controverting parties do stand untaken away ; to prove that the apostles setled this or that form : the judgment can never acquiesce in his opinion , that they setled none ; or that we cannot know what they setled . this is a strange way of disputing , especially when the design is to satisfie the conscience in order to peace , and yielding up its opinion : to lay down such principles to this end , with strong arguments standing against them , untouched or answered . 't is like mr. stilling . thinketh that when he hath furnished men with some probabilities , that may encourage them to comply with what government shall be set up in the church ; their interest and maintenance should resist the strength of all arguments against it : for he will furnish them with no help in this ; but they must have very pliable consciences , if will be furnished to an opinion so maintained . his principles in order to accommodation , or all that he will say of the apostles government , he draweth into propositions , p. . which in sum are these : that we cannot know what was the apostles practice : that it was not always the same : that whatever it was , we are not obliged to observe it . let us hear how he maketh these out . sect. . his first proposition he setteth down thus : that we cannot arrive to such an absolute certainty what course the apostles took in governing churches , as to infer from thence the only divine right of that one form which the several parties imagine come nearest to it . this proposition is not so ingenuously nor clearly set down as need were ; wherefore i shall a little remove the mist cast on the truth by his words , which may make simple souls mistake it . and . there is some ambiguity in [ absolute certainty ] if he mean so much certainty as amounteth to plerophory , and doth dispell all degrees of darkness and doubting , this we assert , not that every one may attain ( such is the darkness of mens minds ( neither is it needful to this that we look upon what the apostles did , as being juris divini . if we mean , so much certainty as doth incline the mind to the one part , and not leave it in suspence : we assert , that this may be attained in reference to what is in question . . the matter in debate , is very obscurely , if not fraudulently expressed by these words [ what course the apostles took in governing churches ] the question is not , whether we can know every thing that they did in this , ( for many particulars are comprehended in this general expression ) but whether we can know if the setled presbyters acting in parity , or bishops acting with authority over presbyters , as the ordinary officers of the church ▪ . it is not fair dealing to imply ( as this proposition doth ) that we infer the only divine right of one form from bare apostolical practice : he knows that we walk upon other grounds , viz. we take christs command of imitating the apostles : the parity between our case and theirs , which may make the morality of our practice to be the same with theirs . . it is not the one form which several parties imagine to come nearest to apostolical practice : but that which is proved to be really the same with it , we plead for : it 's not mans imaginations , but scriptural grounds which we establish that correspondency upon , we are asserting between apostolical practice , and what we would have to be now in the church . the antithesis then which we maintain against this his proposition , is this , that they who search the scripture may come to be satisfied on good grounds , whether the apostles in planting churches did setle presbyters acting in parity , or bishops ruling over presbyters as their ordinary officers : so as they may ( considering the duty laid on us to follow them , and the parity of our case with theirs ) infer the divine right of that one form ( of these two ) which was used by the apostles . for proof of this our antithesis i refer to the consideration laid down , p. , . about the perfection of scripture-history , and its design to instruct us in this point : which doth so far prevail with me , that i look upon the authors proposition as such a reflexion on scripture , that any but a papist may be ashamed of . to this i add , that the arguments brought for presbyterial government by the assertors of it , do evidently destroy the authors proposition , and do establish our antithesis : which seeing he doth not intend nor endeavour to answer , we need not insist upon . a further confirmation of our antithesis , shall be to take off the arguments that he hath brought for his proposition , which i now come to . sect. . his first argument is , p. . from the equivalency of the names and doubtfulness of their signification , from which the form of government used in the new testament , should be determined . he saith , that it is hotly pleaded on both sides , that the form of government must be derived from the importance of the names [ bishop and presbyter ] and that there can be no way to come to a determination what the certain sense of these names is in scripture . he maketh out the uncertainty , by laying down four opinions about the signification of these names : and from this variety of interpretation , inferreth that we cannot know what sense they are to be taken in . ans. . when he saith that it is pleaded on both sides , that the form of government must be derived from the names of bishop and presbyter ; this is a misrepresentation ; for . there be arguments from which it might well be derived , though these names should never be mentioned . . when we dispute from these names , it is not from the bare force of the word ; but from this , that the scripture doth often apply these names to the same thing , never to divers officers in the church : and therefore , there is no ground for asserting the difference of bishop and presbyter . this is a surer argument , than what can be drawn from the importance of names . answ. . it is most false and injurious to the spirit of god speaking in his word , to say , that there can be no way to determine what is the certain sense of these names in scripture . we must then say , that the spirit of god speaketh that which cannot be understood , if he use names and words to express some thing to us , and it is impossible to know what is meant by them . when we hear of bishops and presbyters in any place of scripture ; either we must say , that these words signifie nothing , or that they mean somewhat , but no man can know what it is , or that we may come to know what is meant by them . the former two are foul reflexions on the author of holy scripture : yea , it were a reflexion on a man to speak or write ( in a book designed for instruction ) that which either hath no meaning , or such as cannot be known . the d , contradicteth our authors assertion . his proof of the uncertainty of the signification of these names , we have met with before in the like case : it is a most unhappy and inconsequential reason ; men have divers ways understood these words of the holy ghost , ergo , they cannot be understood at all . they must have a meaning , and it is our duty to search it out , however men differ about it . there are better reasons brought by presbyterians , to prove that these two names signifie the same thing ; which was incumbent on this author to answer , and not to shift the matter with saying , that other men think otherwise . i shall give but this instance , or hint , which may satisfie any what is the meaning of these words in scripture . tit. . the apostle leaveth in crete titus to ordain elders or presbyters , verse . and telleth him how they must be qualified , verse and giveth this reason , why they must have such qualifications , verse . for a bishop must be blameless : if a bishop were another thing than a presbyter , to what purpose were this reason here brought ? ergo , they are one and the same thing . and if any affirm , that these words signifie different things in any place of scripture , let him prove it , and we shall yield the cause . i might also shew , that the same office and work is every where in scripture laid on both these ; and that never any thing is given to the one , but what is given to the other : but this hath been done , and other arguments managed fully by our writers against episcopacy ; neither hath mr. stilling . had the confidence to answer them , though destroying this his assertion , and therefore i shall supersede this labour . for the name of [ angels of the churches ] the argument brought from it is not ours , but our opposites . sect. . his d . argument for the uncertainty of apostolical practice , p. . is , that the places of scripture most in controversie about the form of government , may be without any incongruity understood of either of the different forms , which he maketh out by going through the several places . the first is , acts . . where it is said , that the relief for the brethren of judea was sent to the elders . there is nothing here , saith he , to shew whether there were the local elders of jerusalem , or the bishops of the several churches of judea . answ. i wonder why he should have brought this as the first , or as one of these few scriptures that he undertaketh to answer , ( for , the most part of the most pungent scriptures against his design , he doth not so much as mention ) for , i think , it is very little insisted on by either party : nor can i remember that i have met with it ; as brought to prove either parity or imparity . yet i do not doubt but at least some probability may be hence brought , that the apostolick churches were governed by the parity of elders ; for which i lay down briefly these grounds , first , the elders here spoken of , are the governors of the church ; this he doth not deny . dly , they were the governors of the church of jerusalem . this he saith , is not sure ; for they might be the bishops of the churches of judea . but against this i argue ; . it is not enough to say , they might be ; but what ground is there to think that they were the bishops of judea , we bring probable grounds for what we assert ; but what can be said for the contrary ? it is a bold way of expounding scripture , to say such a sense it may have , when there is no ground to think that it hath such a sense ; but some ground to the contrary . . however , the relief ought to be sent to all the churches of judea , yet it is delivered at jerusalem to be sent abroad : for it is delivered to these elders by barnabas and paul ; whom it is not like they sent through the several churches of judea : 't is spoken of as one single act of theirs , delivering the others to a company of elders met together . now it is not imaginable , that all the bishops of judea were met together on this occasion : for what needed such a convention for receiving alms ? yea , we have no ground to think that it was so natural to them before-hand , as that they could meet about it . neither hath that conceit of some , any probability ; that these bishops did reside at jerusalem : such men did not begin so soon to slight their particular charge , but of this after ; these elders then were the elders of jerusalem . . we find a company of elders ordinarily at jerusalem , not only acts . . which might be upon the solemn occasion of the council ; but act. . . that these were the elders of judea , come up with their flocks to keep the feast of pentecost ( as mr. still . guesseth ) is a most irrational conceit : for though many of the jews were zealous of the law ; shall we think that the apostles had set teachers over them , who were no better instructed in the gospel than so ? and besides , these believing jews , ver . . who are said to be zealous of the law , can neither be proved to have been then present at jerusalem ; for they might hear of paul's condescendency to their customs , though they were not there : neither that they were those of the country of judea ; they might be of jerusalem it self : but i incline rather to the first . now we find not any other company of all the elders of judea met in one place : these were then the elders of jerusalem . . it is then observed , both by the ordinary gloss , and by lyra in loc . that this famine was mainly like to be in jerusalem : the believers there being spoiled of their movable goods in the persecution about stephen ; and therefore this relief was chiefly to them : ergo , they are the elders of jerusalem , which here received it . now from these grounds it easily followeth what we intend , viz. if there was a company of elders who were rulers of the church at jerusalem : then this church ( of the rest there is the same reason ) was not governed by a bishop , but by presbyters acting in parity . it is strange , if the elders of the church should be spoken of , and no notice taken of my lord bishop ( if there were any such person ) in such a matter . sect. . the d place is act. . , when they had ordained them elders in every church , to which he joineth the d , tit. . . that thou shouldest ordain elders in every city . of which places he saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie no more but ecclesiatim and oppidatim ; so that the places may well be understood of ordaining one elder in every church and city , or of more , but doth not determine whether one or more were ordained in them . but granting all that he alledgeth , a strong argument for our purpose may be brought from these places , thus : there was at least in every church one elder , in the apostles times , and such an elder as was also a bishop and had governing power over the church , as appeareth by comparing vers . . of tit. . with this vers . but there could not be in every church a diocesan bishop ruling over presbyters : for one of these are over many churches , ergo. the church was then governed by the elders of the several churches acting in parity : for if every church had its elder , or elders , and these all were rulers , then the rule was not in the hand of one superiour over many churches . nothing can be questioned in this argument , except it be said that every church here is not every congregational but diocesan church . but this can in no wise be , for there was a necessity of an elder or elders in every congregational church for the peoples instruction : if these then did rule , the church was ruled by the elders of congregational churches . the next place is act ▪ . . and from miletus paul sent and called the elders of the church . these , say we , were elders of the church of ephesus , to whom in common paul committeth the ruling of the church , vers . . not to one bishop over the rest , so that church was governed by parity of elders . to this place he answereth by shewing some probabilities for both meanings , viz. that these were the elders of ephesus ; and that they were the bishops of asia : but taketh no pains to answer what is said on either hand , only concludeth , that because there is probability on both hands there is no fixed truth on either ; which is most detestable scepticism : for if there be arguments for both parts , sure both cannot be true , seeing they are contradictory , neither can both be false for the same reason , for contradictoriarum altera semper est vera , altera semper est falsa : then it was his part either to shew that neither of the arguments prove any thing , by answering to them , or to hold to the one as true , and not to hang between two . but i prove that these elders were the elders of ephesus , not the bishops of asia . . ( which argument he mentioneth but he answereth not ) the article in the greek maketh it clear , it being demonstratory doth apply his speech to the church which he had mentioned in particular : where when it 's said that he sent to ephesus and called for the elders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it might well be translated [ of that church : ] it pointeth out that church and no other . it is an unheard of way of speaking when a particular thing or person is mentioned , and the demonstrative article joined to it , that that speech should be understood of any other but that . . paul sent to ephesus for these elders , not through the several parts of asia . ergo. they were at ephesus not in other churches . that he did not send through other places to gather them together is evident both because the text mentioneth sending to ephesus , not other places ; and it is strange if he sent through all asia and mention be only made of sending to one place not to any other : also because paul was then in hast passing by them vers . . wherefore 't is not like that he could stay for the convening of a synod of bishops from many remote parts . that which is alledged by some , that the bishops of asia did reside at ephesus , and thence were sent for by paul , is most absurd ; for . there is not the least shaddow or reason to think that non residence of fixed officers did so soon creep into the church . let us see any instance or warrant to think that any who had a fixed charge did leave it long , or often , or at all , but upon some weighty and extraordinary emergent . . what could be their business at ephesus : their work lay elsewhere , and there they could do nothing except to meet and consult about matters of common concerment : which will not infer ordinary residence there . . the work of these elders was particular inspection over their flocks ; vers . . [ over all the flock ] which they could not have if they resided at ephesus , and had their charges lying up and down asia , for that probability which he bringeth for the contrary , it is none at all , viz. it is said vers . . that he had been with them at all seasons ; but he was not all the time in ephesus , but abroad in asia as act. . , , . answ. [ at all seasons ] must not be taken in such rigour as if he had never stirr'd a foot out of ephesus ; but that he had his residence and preached most th●re , which is evident from act. . , . . he disputed daily in the school of tyrannus ; this was at ephesus : and it is said that it continued years , i. e. for the most part of the time he was there , and yet might sometimes preach elsewhere . for the humane testimonies he bringeth for either part , i we●e then in the same ballance with him and shall be content to lay no stress upon them . as for the tim. ▪ . which is his other place , we make no argument from it ▪ but maintain that it speaketh not of a diocesan bishop : let them who assert the con●rary prove it . his discourse p. . is a very unsavory comparing of some philosophical problems which cannot well be determined ( and therefore we may hesitate about them ) with points of truth revealed in scripture ; as if we might also be sceptick in these . but sure the comparison is miserably lame , for . these do not concerne our faith or duty as these other do , and therefore there is much less hazard in scepticism about the one than the other . . even in those points the motion of the earth or heaven , the flux and reflux of the sea , there is some truth in them , though men through darkness cannot see it : neither must we say that nothing there is , because there is nothing certain to us in these things ; or that men may impose on our belief what they please in them : hence men are the more studious in searching out these secrets and give them not over as being destitute of all objective truth . but he dealeth worse with the things of church-government ; he will have no objective truth in it , and no duty to lye on us in searching out the truth , but that we must believe what men say of it . for conclusion of what i would say to this ground of his scepticism about church-government , i will but mention several scriptures . on which the truth in this is built viz. that the apostolick form was parity , which mr. still . hath not so much as touched : neither need i insist on them , seeing arguments from them are established by our writers , and not enervated by him . one place is tim. . . where tim. is said to be ordained by a presbytery or company of elders joyning with paul in that action : this could not have been if elders had not had a parity of power . another is , cor. . , . where excommunication is transacted by the authority of a community , not of a single person : and so is the relaxing of that sentence cor. . . . also thess. . . they who ruled that church , who were over them , and must be obeyed , were many ; not one person : yea that work and the work of labouring among the people and admonishing them are made to be the business of the same persons ; which is a demonstration that the presbyters of that church did rule in common and not a bishop over them . heb. . , . proveth also the same thing most clearly . other places might be brought , but these instances may shew that mr. stilling . undertaking to shew that no place in scripture determineth what was the form of government in the apostolick church , doth not touch the most considerable places commonly brought to that purpose : but hath mentioned a few , and those which are least insisted on by them whom he opposeth ; and even to them he hath said nothing to scare any from using them as arguments afterward . his third argument for the uncertainty of the primitive or apostolical form of government , taken from the insufficiency of the testimony of antiquity , is this ; i pass it , because we have ground enough for the certainty of it from scripture , and what he saith proveth no more but that antiquity is not sufficient to bear witness to it : also because all or most that he there discourseth proveth that it cannot be gathered from ancient records that episcopacy was the apostolical form , which we willingly yield . sect. . i come then to his d proposition mentioned before , which he layeth down p. . thus , that the apostles in probability did not observe any one fixed course of setling the government of churches ; but settled it according to the several circumstances of places and persons which they had to deal with . this assertion he layeth down ex abundanti , not as a foundation of his opinion but a doctrine of probability , which may tend to compose differences about church-government . to clear our way in this dispute with him , let it be observed , . that the question being only about parity and imparity of pastors , all other differencies in apostolick practices that may be alledged are impertinent to this purpose . . it helpeth not him , nor harmeth our cause , if we should grant , that the apostles did in some extraordinary cases vary from their ordinary course : for it is what they did ordinarily , and where no extraordinary cause moved them to do otherwise , that we inquire about . . our question is not about the government of the church that was for a time exercised by extraordinary officers immediately sent of god : but what was the way the apostles settled that the church should be governed in by her ordinary and abiding officers . wherefore it maketh nothing for his purpose if it be made out that the church was some times governed one way by extraordinary officers , at other times or places another way by ordinary officers . taking these considerations along with us , i come to hear the proofs of this his proposition . the first is taken p. . from the different state , condition and quantity of the churches planted by the apostles , and here he premiseth things , viz. that god did not give the apostles equal suceess of their labours in all places , that a small number of believers did not require the same number of officers to teach and govern them that a greater church did . . that the apostles did settle church-officers according to the probability of increase of believers , and in order thereto , in some great places . about these i shall not controvert with him ; only the d must be understood with this distinction , else we cannot grant it ; that a fewer number , if formed into a church-society , though it did not need as great a number of officers of every kind , as teachers , elders , deacons ; yet would it need as many sorts of officers ; and the reason is because all those acts are needful to be done to them which must be done to greater congregations : they must be taught , ruled , and their poor cared for ; and therefore they must not want any of these sorts of officers whose work these acts were : i mean where such officers could be had : for christs institutions tye not to impossibilities . from these premisses he inferreth these two conclusions to make out his proposition ; the first is p. . that in churches consisting of a small number of believers where there was no great probability of increase afterwards , one single pastor with deacons under him were only constituted by the apostles for the ruling of these churches . on this conclusion ( before i come to his proofs of it ) i shall make these remarques . . here is nothing here for the imparity of presbyters , or the authority of a bishop over presbyters ; if where more presbyters could not be had , one was to do the work , this doth not at all say that the apostles ever did , or that we may set one over the rest , where many may be had to rule the church . this conclusion then proveth nothing . . these deacons that here he speaketh of either had ruling power or not : if he say the first i doubt , if he can prove that ever any such deacons were in the apostolick churches , where the deacons work was to serve , not to rule that church : and if they had ruling power they were not only deacons but ruling elders , both works being laid on the same persons for want of men to exercise them distinctly ; which maketh nothing against presbyterians . if the second , first i question if any instance can be given of a church so constituted by the apostles . . if it was so , it was necessity , not choice that made them be without ruling elders . sect. . but how proveth he this his conclusion ? by or testimonies out of clement , epiph. and others . what ? hath he so soon forgot himself ? he had immediately before spent about pages in proving that the testimony of the fathers is not sufficient to prove what was the apostles practice ; and that by making out the defectiveness ambiguity , partiality and repugnancy of the records of the succeeding ages : it is strange then that to prove this his assertion concerning apostolick practice , he should bring no other argument at all but such as he had set that nigrum theta upon . neither see i what those testimonies prove contrary to us . the testimony of clement saith no more than what is implyed , phil. . . that the apostles ordained bishops and deacons : and our author himself maintaineth that those were not by their constitution any more than presbyters : whatever they might after get by mens institution proveth not what was apostolick constitution . for the testimony of epiphanius he confesseth its intricacie and obscurity , and therefore ( by his own argument , of which before ) it is not to be laid weight upon : but he taketh a great deal of pains to explain it and make it speak this , in sum : that at first there were only bishops and deacons ( by bishops he meaneth presbyters , as appears from his subjoyning immediately that there was necessity for presbyters and deacons ) and that by these all ecclesiastical offices might be performed : but afterward where there was need and there were found any worthy of it , there was a bishop appointed : but where there were not many to be presbyters ; they were content with a bishop and deacons . here are cases ; presbyters and deacons ; a bishop and deacons ; this in case of necessity where more presbyters could not be had : this bishop , as hath been shewn before , could be nothing above a presbyter ; none of those cross our design : for the third , viz. a bishop set over presbyters , first epiphanius doth not say it was so appointed by the apostles , but [ it was done ] it is like he meaneth by succeeding ages . . he doth not say that this bishop was set over presbyters with jurisdiction ; he might be meerly a praeses , so there is nothing here to prove that the apostles ever setled any thing contrary to parity of presbyters . the testimony out of clem. alexan. even with salmasius his commentary proveth no more but that in some places were more presbyters , in some fewer , in some but one . his last testimony saith nothing at all to the purpose : only that the apostles settled things by degrees , not that ever they set up bishops . sect. . the d conclusion that he inferreth , p. . that in churches consisting of a multitude of believers , or where there was a probability of a great increase by preaching the gospel , the apostles did settle a college of presbyters , whose office was partly to govern the church already formed , and partly to labour in converting more . this we close with , and from it , and the former conclusion which make up his whole argument , infer the quite contrary to his design , viz. that the apostles kept a most uniform course , ( so far as necessity did permit ) in setling the government of churches : and that they setled the government in the hands of presbyters acting in a society where they could be had , and singly where more could not be : and that they never setled it in the hand of a bishop ruling over presbyters . all this is evident from what hath been said . he taketh occasion , p. , &c. to speak against the office of ruling-elders in the church : in which dispute he toucheth not any ( except one scripture ) of those arguments which are brought by the defenders of that office : which is but a slight way of disputing against any opinion . it is not needful to our design to handle this debate fully , till that be answered which is writen by the author of the assertion of the government of the church of scotland : by the author of the treatise of ruling-elders and deacons : by the london ministers in their jus divinum reg. eccles. and in their vindication of pres. gov. by smect . by calv. just. lib. . c. . sect . . and lib. . c. . sect . . by peter martyr , loc. com . clas . . c. . num . . and many others . wherefore i shall only answer what this author hath said against the truth in this point . whereas among many other scriptures proving this office , tim. . . is brought as one , there being implied there a distinction of elders that rule well , and are to be honoured with double honour ; into such as labour in the word and doctrine , and another member of the distinction not expressed , which can be none else but elders who rule and do not labour in the word and doctrine , i. e. whose office it is only to rule , not to teach publickly , as pastors . of this scripture he pretendeth to bring a full , clear and easie understanding , viz. that of the elders that were ordained in great churches , ( who had power to discharge all pastoral acts , but did not all attend equally the same part of the work ) some did most attend the ruling of the flock already converted ; others laboured most in converting others by preaching ; and that according to their several abilities : now these last deserved greater honour , both because their burthen was greater , and their sufferings more . this is no new , though it be a false interpretation : for the author of asser. govern. ch. of scotl. p. , . bringeth it as one of dr. fields answers to the same place : or rather two of them which by our author are put together . but against this exposition of the text , i thus argue : . this gloss supposeth that there were elders , whose office it was to teach and to rule : and yet they did ordinarily neglect the one part of this their work , and contented themselves with doing the other : is it imaginable that the lord allows any honour at all upon such ? and yet the text alloweth double honour , even on unpreaching elders , though the preachers have it more especially . this reason is strongly enforced , if we consider that church-power communicated by christ to the officers of his house , is not only a licence or permission ( as we noted before ) but a charge of which they must give an account : as it is said of church-rulers heb. . . neither do i see how any who by their office are preachers of the gospel , can free themselves of that wherewith the apostle chargeth himself , cor. . necessity is laid upon me , yea wo is unto me if i preach not the gospel , and of that charge laid on timothy ( who was as much taken up with ruling as any ) . tim. . . that he should preach the word , be instant in season , out of season : may men when christ hath put them in office and given them a charge ; choose what part of the work of that office and charge they will do , and what not ? but i perceive , this man's principles lead him to subject all christs institutions to mens will , to cut and carve of them as they please : christ hath given pastors a charge that they should teach and rule his church . he had pleaded before the ruling-power may be taken from some , and laid on others ; now he affirmeth the same of teaching-power : this is intolerable boldness . . we have no better ground for judging of the diversity of officers in the church , than by considering divers sorts of work which some did ordinarily with the lord's approbation , that others did not , but were employed in other work . what better note can we have to know what is a mans office ; than his work which he is ordinarily employed in , and that with god's own approbation ? wherefore , if some elders preached , others preached not , but ruled ; we must think that these were distinct officers , and that their office led them only to do what they did . . this learned author should have brought some reason for what he alledgeth , viz. that these unpreaching eledrs , who ruled , had power to preach ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shall not persuade us of it : neither is there the least shew of warrant for such an assertion . if it be said that they preached sometimes , and therefore could not be without preaching-power . answ. it cannot be proved that there were any officers in the apostolick church , who had preaching-power , or did sometimes preach , and yet were so taken up with ruling , that they did not ordinarily preach . . we may with as much ( yea the same ) reason say , that every officer in the church had all church-power , and might occasionally exert it ; though some according to their gift did ordinarily exert one part ; others , another : and that deacons might preach , and do all the work of the pastors , though ordinarily , being better gifted for that , they served tables : but this is to jumble together what the lord hath made an ordinary separation of . . this opinion maketh the different work that church-officers are employed in , not to proceed from distinct office or power , but from different gifts , which would bring a babel of confusion into the church ; for . as men think they are gifted , so will they take up their work ; and so most will readily incline to the easiest work , and think their gift lieth that way , to the great neglect of the difficult and main business ; and because ruling is sweet to an ambitious mind , and laborious preaching is painful ; we shall have abundance of rulers , but few teachers . . by the same reason one may neglect all the parts of his work , that he may neglect one : pretending that his gift is not for this , nor for that , and that they may be done by others . if it must be said ▪ the church must appoint them their work , and not leave it to their choice . answ. if the church appoint timothy's work to be to rule , and exempt him from preaching ordinarily ; i see not how he differeth from the ruling-elders , which this author disputeth against , notwithstanding his supposed power to preach ; which to him is an idle talent ( i mean , if this be done warrantably : otherwise it is not done ) especially , if the church give him no more power than christ hath given to every pastor , that is , to rule over the flock with the equal concurrence of his fellow-presbyters ; not to rule over presbyters by himself singly : for that they cannot give him this power , i have before proved . . if the elders that preach , because of the greatness of their work and sufferings , have more honour than they who only rule ; then the bishop being of this last sort , must be inferiour in honour to those other presbyters : especially this must hold in the opinion of this author , who holdeth , that bishop and presbyter differ not jure divino : but this i suppose will not well please his lordship and indeed is very unsuitable to the dignity of one who ruleth over others : sure the dignity of church-officers is to be reckoned by the dignity of their place ; where it is different : as it is by the discharge of their work where their place is the same . sect. . to strengthen this his conceit , he brings a testimony out of chrysost. affirming , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the fixed officers of particular churches , who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were inferiour to them , who preaching the gospel , travelled abroad into divers places . answ. this is not at all to the purpose : for they who so travelled abroad , were evangelists ; no fixed officers : but of the former , the apostle doth not at all speak here ; it rather appeareth ( saith the author , asser. . gover. ch. scotl. ) that elders were ordained in every city , there to abide with their particular charges , acts . . tit. . . he argueth also thus against ruling-elders : these elders are not the bishops paul speaketh of , tim. . for these must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , verse . l. answ. the author now cited , answereth this argument brought by dr. field , and citeth beza , answering to sarav . who had used it . passing his first answer , i make use of the d , which is beza's , that the ruling-elder , though he ought not to teach publickly as a pastor , yet he ought to teach privately , and occasionally , according as the need of every one requireth : it is his part to oversee the manners of the people , and to bring miscarriages to the church , to be censur'd ; but first he is to labour to reclaim the offender by private admonition , according to christ's rule , matth. . , , . and that not only ex charitate , as every christian ought to do ; but virtute officii and authoritatively : and for this cause he ought to be a man of understanding above the common sort , both able and willing to teach ( so the word beareth ) so far as his place requireth . again , he argueth from act. . . all the elders of ephesus had a pastoral charge , for they are bid take heed to the flock as overseers : but this is inconsistent with the notion of a lay-elder , ergo , there were none such at ephesus . answ. the major is false : they had a charge and oversight : but every oversight is not pastoral . ruling also falleth under this notion , which is the office of the elder we plead for . he confesseth , p. . the weakness of that argument from maintenance , which he saith brought blondel quite off from ruling-elders , in that place of tim. ▪ . it is true , blondel de jur . pleb . in reg. eccl. p. , &c. alledgeth , that these elders are not there meant , because maintenance ( implied in double honour , as is clear from ver . . compared ) is due to these , but not to ruling-elders . yet the argument , with all the enforcements of that learned author , will not prove what he designeth . for . some famous interpreters understand this double honour , only of a degree of honour beyond these spoken of before , viz. widows , so calv. in loc . . how shall it be proved , that maintenance is not due to ruling-elders , or the seniores plebis , as blondel calleth them ? his arguments taken from the difuse of it , will not conclude this : neither what he saith of the want of power in any to remit it : for where it cannot be had for them , necessity excuseth the withholding of it : where it cannot be had , let the inhauncers of church-rents answer for it , if such necessaries be not supplied to the church : neither do i blame him for blaming ( p. . ) these protestant nations , who have cast out abbacies which abounded in riches , have rather taken the revenues into the state-treasury , than allowed it for such good uses as this . i add for further answer out of asser. gover. ch. scotl. p. . that a stipend , though due , is not essential to the office , either of elders or ministers ; and therefore the want of the one , can be no argument against the other ; but neither is blondel against the office of ruling-elders ( though he deny them to be spoken of in tim. . . but disputeth strongly for it , yea , and groundeth it on the apostles practice , p. , which is an evidence of divine right . the next thing mr. stilling . saith against ruling-elders , is , that if we remove from the scripture to the primitive church , we shall find the greatest difficulty to trace the footsteps of a lay-elder through the records of authority for the first centuries especially . answ. . we look on the scripture as a surer word of prophecy , and therefore are unwilling to pass from it , to that which mr. stilling hath above proved , to be utterly so insufficient to determine in matters of church-government . . others are of another mind that this author . blondel . de jur . pleb . in reg. eccl. p. . aliis igitur , saith he , firmamentis , iis nimirum , qui nobis apostolorum primamque per trium saeculorum culorum periodum antiquitatis , praxin stravit , seniorum plebis institutio & functio ( ut sic dicam ) vitae à protestantibus per gallias , scotiam , belgiam instituta statuminanda est . and asser. grov . ch. scot. par . . c. , . unpregnable and abundant testimonies out of antiquity are brought for this office , which seeing mr. stilling . hath not answered , it is needless to insist on them . . but , and if in many places in the primitive times this office was difused , it was their fault , and taken notice of by the better sort , calv. in tim. . . speaking of this office , saith , hunc morem ambrosius absolevisse conqueritur doctorum ignavia , vel potius superbia dum soli volunt eminere . see testimonies for the antiquity of it , smect . sect . . sect. . his second proof of his second proposition , viz. that the apostles took diverse courses in ruling churches , is p. . from the multitude of unfixed officers residing in some places , who managed the affairs of the church in chief , during their residence : such were apostles and evangelists . in some places , saith he , these were , others not , and in some places no officers but these . answ. this is obviated by our d observ. for the question is only about government by ordinary and abiding officers , and that only where they could be had , of whom this proof doth not speak . his d proof , ibid. is from the different customs observed in the church after the apostles times . this is most inconsequent : yea , one might as well reason thus : in after-times they set up metropolitans , and at last a pope , ergo , it was so in the apostles times . we say then , that diversity in after ages flowed from this ; that men ( following mr. stilling . principles ) did not follow divine institution , or apostolick practice , but their own wit and reason . beside , the diversities he here instanceth in , are not to the purpose ; for he doth not shew us that parity was in one place , and imparity in another ; but that in one place the presbyters chused their bishop , in another not . sect. . we come at last to his d proposition about apostolick practice p. . viz. that a meer apostolical practice being supposed , is not sufficient of it self for the founding of an unalterable and perpetual rite for the form of government in the church which is supposed to be founded on that practice . this doctrine he laid down before par . c. . p. . and we examined p. _____ where i stated that question far otherwise than he seemeth here to do ; and indeed th●s proposition , as here laid down , might be yielded by us : neither doth it nor his arguments for it touch th● controversie , which is andabatarum more pugnare . we lay no obligation on any by a meer apostolical practice ; but by their practice considered as done in the same case that we are in . neither . do we say that such practice is sufficient of it self to bind us , for it hath gods command of imitation , of which before ; and equal morality of that action to us and then to concur with it in this . neither do we say . . that their practice doth found a riet : it doth but declare what is founded on the will of christ as that which we must do . most of all his arguments are obviated by what is already said . the first , that they did many things without intention of obliging others , as going abroad to preach the gospel unprovided ; pauls not taking wages &c. this doth not touch the point , seeing these things were for a peculiar reason . to the same purpose is the d argument p. . ( which indeed is but the same argument ) that they did many things on particular occasions , emergencies and circumstances ; as pauls celebate , community of goods , preaching in private houses , fields , &c. that which only is worth the noticing in this argument is p. . that he requireth , before apostolical practice be obligations , that it be made appear that what they did was not according as they saw reason depending on the several circumstances of time , place and persons , but from some unalterable law of christ. answer . this we are able to prove , as to ruling the churches by a parity of elders , for they did ordinarily so practice , and that where the place , persons and times were not the same : neither can it be shewed that ever they did otherwise , i. e. set up a bishop over presbyters : is not this sufficient ground der ) this mystery of iniquity had begun to work , thes. . . it is no wonder then , that soon after it began to appear : and when some had thus miscarried , and others stuck to the apostolical frame of things , this might quickly breed a diversity . . it will easily appear to any who readeth this chap. that all the authours discourse tendeth to prove that the ancient churches thought not episcopacy to be jure divino : let them who are concerned answer him in this if they can ; i am convinced of the truth of what he saith . but let us take a short view of the grounds on which he establisheth what he asserteth in this chap. sect. . the first is , that the extent of the power of church-officers did increase meerly from the enlargment of the bounds of churches : which he maketh out in steps or periods . the first is , when churches were the same with christians in a whole city . and here he handleth things , first he sheweth that the primitive constitution of churches was in a society of christians in the same city : where he will have the name [ church ] in scripture to be only given to that , not a particuler congregation meeting in one place . i do not deny but the name is given as he saith , because of that confederacy in discipline among divers congregations in one city : yet neither the name nor the nature of a church must be denied to a single congregation ; for a church in scripture-language is a company met together to serve god : now this agreeth well to a single congregation ; seeing in it not only word and sacraments are administred , but also discipline is exercised , as shall anon appear . all that he saith proveth the former use of the word ; but nothing against this latter . . he speaketh of the government of these churches p. . and that . before parishes , or distinct congregations were settled . . after they were settled ( about which he largely disputeth when it began , which is not to our purpose ) in both cases , he saith , they were ruled in common ; and p. . that it is a weak conceit to think that after the setling of congregations , every one had a distinct presbytery to rule it , and p. . this crumbling saith he , of church-power into every congregation is a thing absolutely disowned by the greatest and most learned patrons of presbytery beyond the seas , as may be seen in calv. beza , salmasius , blondel , gerson , bucer and others . i do readily yield to him , that it is most probable that in times of persecution , particular congregations could not be soon settled : and than then , where there were in one city more christians then could meet in one place , they were ruled only in common , yea and had their meetings for worship occasionally as they could . also we grant that when congregations were settled , the several congregrations in one city were ruled by one common presbytery made up of the officers of them all : but that they had not their distinct presbyters that ruled them severally in subordination to this superior presbyters we utterly deny ; and i look upon it as a too supercilious assertion , to call this a weak conceit-seeing it is well known that it hath been the judgment of men with whom , for ability , i think mr. still . modesty will not suffer him to compare himself . but what ever be of the ability of them who own it ; there is reason for it so weighty , as may excuse it from weakness ; which is this : single congregations meeting ordinarily together for the worship of god , cannot but have many affairs that do only concern them , not the other churches or congregations in the same city ; as admission or exclusion of their members from the lords supper , rebuking them , consulting about the time and ordering of their administration &c. 't is very unfit to bring all these things , in prima instantia , to the presbytery that ruleth in common . this i confirm out of what himself hath written , p. . he saith that country churches had their own rulers who ruled them , though with subordination to those in the city : is there not the same reason why particular congregations , though in city should have their rulers ? 't is as really inconvenient to bring every matter of a city-congregation , at the first hand , to the common presbyters , as it is to bring the matters of a country parish to it . yet we acknowledge that it is to be ordered according as it conduceth most to the good of the church : neither if we should yield all that he saith , is it any thing against the divine right of parity . what he saith of these worthy divines disowning this power of particular congregations , we have cause to suspend our belief of it , till he bring some testimony of their own writings to prove it , which he hath not so much as essaid . it is like they were against independent power of particular congregations ; not their subordinate power : for the testimonies that he bringeth they prove no more than what we have granted , viz. that the congregations were ruled in common : not , that they had no particular government in each of them ; as any may easily see by considering them . neither is it any wonder that the records of antiquity speak of the acts of those greater , not of the lesser and congregational presbyteries : seeing matters coming before the latter were of so private concernment ; such as use not often to be so much taken notice of . the d thing he speaketh of in this first step of the growth of churches , is , what relation the churches in several cities had one to another , and to the lesser city , that were under them : and here he maintaineth that metropolitans are not of divine right ; to which we agree : i add , that in the first and more pure primitive times they had no being at all , as is clearly made out by diocl. altar . damasc. c. . where he sheweth that justine and jreneus have nothing of the different degrees of bishops : and that cyprian in the middle of the third century doth often assert their parity . the second step is , p. . when churches took in the villages and territories adjoining to that citie : he saith , that the city-presbyters did preach in these places , and adjoined the converts to the city-church ▪ till after , when they were increased in villages they got peculiar officers set over them , who did rule them , yet with subordination to the city-church . this last i only dislike : neither do i see it proved by him , for the titles of matrix ecclesia , et cathedra principalis signifie no more but a greater dignity and primacy of order , not of jurisdiction . what he saith of that eulogie , sending abroad consecrated pieces of bread , doth not prove the point : and also it was a superstitious custome : the bad improvement of it appeareth in the popish adoration of their hostia . his next step is p. . when churches did associate in one province : where he speaketh of provincial synods once a year , and sheweth that no bishop had power over another , but that their honour depended on their sees . thence he cometh to the last step , when the whole world became christians , and the bishops of rome and constantinople did strive for the place of universal bishop . i hope it appeareth to any who consider , that there is nothing yet said by him which can overturn the divine rite of parity , even to have been maintained in the primitive times ( i mean not of the last step he speaketh of , when papacy it self began to appear ) for all that hath been said sheweth that imparity was never judged of necessity ; and that the imparity which was used was rather of order than of jurisdiction , which is nothing against the divine rite of that parity we plead for . sect. . his d argument p. . is , that the same form was not of old observed in all churches : where he sheweth that in many places , there were no bishops ; as he proveth of scotland and other places . this we accept of , and add , that where there were bishops , it is not , nor cannot be by him proved , that they had any superior jurisdiction , but only precedency : and so the divine rite of parity may stand for all this . his d argument p. . is , that the government of the church was conform to the civil government , which he saith is insisted on by learned persons on all sides ; especially after the division of the roman empire . and he giveth some instances of it in the correspondency of civil prefects and arch-bishops in several places . to all this let me say a few words . . this argument destroyeth it self : for in the first antiquity which was the surest , the powers of the world were not christian , and so the church could not conform to the state in her offices . . it is here confessed , that this conformity was especially ( i believe it may be said only ) after that division of the roman empire : but those were the times when the man of sin had almost got into his chair ; and therefore their practice can prove nothing of the mind of the primitive church . . if this notion hold , then it must be looked upon as a lawful and prudent expedient , that there be one pope as there was one emperor . this mr. still . must maintain , or he saith nothing . . if this was their rite of old , then the church behoved to be under two chief bishops when the roman emperor was divided into two . but this he doth not alledge , but rather sheweth how it was divided into diocesses . . if we receive this opinion , then in a kingdome there must be one head , who must have his councel of bishops , without a charge of the several diocesses ( for the kings council hath not precedency of several parts of the country ) and they must authorize their deputies , like sheriffs , yearly &c. and in a common-wealth there must be independant government : but this i hope the author will not own . . it is most unreasonable to say that the church-government should be conform to the civil ; because they are conversant about things and aim at ends so different : the one respecteth things that are most different in several nations , viz. mens civil interest , and customes and inclinations : the other respecteth that which ought to be every where the same , viz. religion . his . argument p. . is , that other episcopal government was settled in the church , yet presbyterian ordination was looked on as valid . this is not againt us . his last argument p. . is , that several restraints were laid on by councils about the observation of rites and customes and something of church-discipline ; but what is this i pray to parity or imparity ? we are not against determinations of indifferent things that concern order and decency : though we think that the form of government is determined by christ , not left to the will of man. chap. viii . in this chapter our author would make us believe , that all the world was ever of his opinion : and indeed this is so common for men to alledg , whatever be their singular notions of things , that we are not to lay much weight upon it . videlius took as much pains to make all reformed divines to speak for erastianism . i might excuse my self from medling any further with this last chapter of his . . from the needlesness of the thing ; because we do not build the divine right of presbytery on mens opinions , who we know can err , and therefore if all the world were against it , if the scripture be for it so must we . . from the disadvantage i lie under as to this part of the dispute with him . if i had been of mr. still . opinion in this point in controversie , i might through compliance with courses have been furnished with a good library and other conveniencies of studying , the want of which doth incapacitate me to search into the opinions of those worthy men which he citeth : in doing whereof , i hope it would not be difficult to shew that some of their testimonies are made to speak otherwise than they thought ; and others of them are irreconcilable with what themselves have elsewhere written . sect. . notwithstanding we shall essay briefly to say as much to his allegations , as may take off that edge they seem to have , for cutting asunder the cause which we maintain . p. . he hath a confident assertion . i believe , saith he , there will upon the most impartial survey , scarce be one church of the reformation brought which doth embrace any form of government , because it looked upon that form as only necessary by an unalterable standing law : but every one took up that form of government which was judged most sutable to the state and condition of the several churches . i wonder to see this so confidently asserted , without proof . it had been incumbent on mr. still . for confirming this his dream , to have gone through the confession of the several reformed churches ; and let us see on what ground they then built their church-government ; for it will not sufficiently prove what was the judgment of these churches , that some eminent men in them did assert such things : which latter of the two he only insisteth on , and that to little purpose too , as i hope shall appear . but the falsehood of this allegiance i will make appear afterwards , when i have tried the strength of the testimonies he bringeth for his opinions . sect. . he beginneth with them who have asserted the mutability of the form of government in thesi where he maketh it his chief business to shew , that the church of england of old was of this opinion . to which i answer , that those worthy men having nothing in their eye but episcopacy ; their work was to oppose the divine right of that : there was never an other form brought in competition with it , nor much minded by them : and therefore we agree with them in their design . of foreign divines , his first testimony is of chemnitius : to which i cannot give a particular answer , because not having his book i cannot try it : only this consideration i shall lay down , to take off the strength of it . neither mr. still , nor any man else ought to lay weight on this testimoney to the purpose it is brought for : for either he meaneth that the degrees of church-officers in respect of precedency are left free , or in respect of jurisdiction : if the first , it is nothing contrary to what we hold , for we acknowledg it indifferent , whether there be a standing precedent 〈◊〉 presbytery or not . if the second , he is directly contrary to mr. stillingfleet , who maintains , that the church may set up no new officers but what christ hath instituted ; as we have seen before : now an order of officers with jurisdiction above what christ hath instituted , cannot but be a sort of officers that he hath not instituted : wherefore mr. still . could not make use of this testimony , neither ought any else , for it crosseth the scripture ; which ( rom. . , , . ephes. . . cor. . . ) doth on purpose enumerate the officers of the church in all their degrees . i dispute not now what they are ; but sure they are not left at liberty ; seeing the lord hath so often declared his mind in this point : to what purpose is it said that the lord hath in his church such and such officers ; if men may at their pleasure set these or others , more or fewer of them in the church . sect. . his next testimony is the centuriators of magdeburge , but it containeth an answer in its forehead , viz. that it speaketh not to the thing ; for they say no more but that it is neither recorded , nor commanded , how many ministers should be in each church ; but that their may be more or fewer , according to the number of the church . what is this to their parity or imparity ? 't is a token that he is very scant of witnesses , when he calleth in them who say so little to his purpose . the next testimony is of zanchy , which he maketh to speak very fair for him : but he hath unhandsomly concealed that which is the key to understand the meaning of this author ; for the reader may evidently see his drift , if he first look into sect. . ( de relig. c. . ) where he asserteth that christ hath only given to his church two sorts of ordinary teachers , viz. pastors and doctors : the same he asserteth , sect. . and yet ( which is his modesty ) he will not condemn the fathers who had other orders of officers : but what his meaning is , in this his condescendency , he explaineth sect. . that whereas in after ages , one pastor was set over the rest ( non ut dominus , sed ut rector in academia reliquis collegis , ) this he thinketh was lawful , and yet setteth this note upon that practice in the same sect. qua de re hieronymi tum alibi , tum in epist. ad evagr. & in commentar . epist. ad tit. c. . narratio & sententia nobis probatur , dicentis totum hoc magis ex consuetudine quam ex dominicae dispositionis veritate profectum esse . which is as much as to say , he thought it rather somewhat tolerable through necessity , than allowable . which small glance at the tolerableness of a precedency in the church ( if it may pass for so much ) was not well taken by other worthy divines ; as appeareth by zanchius's own observations on this his confession ( which mr. stilling . taketh notice of , but passeth what might make against him ) for magnus quidem vir , as zant. calleth him : who was well satisfied with the rest of his confession , excepteth this which he had said of the arch-bishops and hierarchie ; and that not only as what did dispease himself , but was unsutable to the harmony of confessions that the protestant churches were then drawing up : as appeareth by a part of an epistle of that magnus vir , to zan. which he inserteth to the preface to his observations . so that it seems , this was generally disliked by protestant divines , contrary to what mr. stilling . would make us believe , viz. that all the protestant churches thought the form of government indifferent . all which being laid together , let any then judg what great advantage mr. stilling's cause hath received from this testimony of zanchie . especially , if we consider with what weapon zan. defendeth this his opinion , viz. that it was generally practised by the ancient church ; and he would not take upon him to disallow them : as may be seen in his observations on chap. . of his confessions . we see he bringeth no better warrant than the practice of men who might , and did in many things err . but mr. stilling . telleth us of the same opinion of zan. de to praec . loc . . qu. . p. , &c. and indeed he teacheth the same thing ▪ but with some advantage to our design : for , after he had made the ordinary officers to be of three sorts , viz. pastors , and doctors , and ruling-elders ( whose office he proveth from scripture , and asserteth as the opinion of the reformed divines generally ) and deacons : and had proved at length p. , , . presbyters and bishops to be the same in scripture : he sheweth p. , . that in after-ages one of the presbyters was set over the rest : but addeth , to qualifie it p. . idcirco damnari haec , piae vetustatis ordinatio & consuetudo non potest , modo plus sibi authoritatis non usurpet episcopus quà habent reliqui ministri , ut recte monet hieronymus . here he overturneth all mr. stilling's design , for such a bishop is but a meer president . he thinks he hath gain'd another testimony from m. bucer , whom zan. in those his observations citeth : but mr. stilling ▪ hath not told us wherein bucer speaketh to his purpose ; wherefore take this account of bucer's opinion out of zanch. he citeth two large testimonies of bucer : the first is out of his commentary on the ephes. where he speaketh of seven kinds of teaching , viz. by reading , interpretation , instruction , ( doctrina ) exhortation , catechisms , disputing , private admonition : from which he saith , that in the ancient church they brought in seven kinds of teachers . now what is this to the parity or imparity of ministers ? he speaketh nothing here of setting a lord-bishop over his brethren , as a thing lawfully practised in the ancient church . yea , if we consider his discourse well , we shall find that these were not divers offices , but the work of the pastors divided among more , where there were many officers in one church : yet so as all might exercise ▪ all these duties ; and so here is no multiplication of offices beyond christ's institution . though i do not deny , that this distributing of the work of ministers did afterwards begin to be looked upon , as making several orders of officers : but this he doth not approve of . the second testimony of bucer is out of his de discipl . clerical . the sum of which is this ( for the words are too long to be transcribed ) ▪ that in the ancient church they set up a bishop among the presbyters ; vt consul inter senatores , ( this is devolving their power into his hands , which mr. still . pleadeth for ) that these bishops and presbyters did meet when occasion required , in synods ; that one was over the synod to convocate and moderate it , ( this is not to have jurisdiction over the rest ) who was called metropolitan , from the chief city , where he used to reside : then over the metropolitans were set up patriarchs ( but behold how careful he is to protest against imparity , as to jurisdiction ) of whom he saith , his tamen primatibus episcopis nihil omnino juris erat in alios episcopos aliasve ecclesias , ultra quod dixi cuique metropolitae in ecclesias atque episcopos suae provinciae : which , we took notice before , was to convocate and moderate the synod . at last he sheweth how among these patriarchs the bishop of rome was set up as chief : and then how all good order went to ruine . now let this testimony be considered , and we shall hope for more advantage by it , than mr. stilling . could expect . from it we draw these two conclusions : . that bucer looked upon setting up a precedent over presbyters , as the greatest length that the primitive church did or could go towards the making of imparity among ministers . . that even this their practice , though not unlawful in it self ; yet is so inconvenient , that it was the method and mean that antichrist got into his chair by . sect. . he cometh next to the french divines , and beginneth with fregevile , whose testimony we think not worth the answering , seeing as mr. still . confesseth , he was episcopal . his opinion did not suit well with the principles of that church he lived in , as we shall see after . the next is blondel , that learned writer for presbyters , as he is called : whose words cited by mr. still . are not at all to the purpose ; as any may see at first view ; seeing he saith no more , but , that it is in the churches power to make a perpetual precedent or not . for bochartus his opinion , that neither presbyterialis nor episcopalis ordo is juris divini : if he mean the difference between them in jurisdiction , and not only in precedency : i see not how it can be defended , and not having his book i cannot determine how consistent it is with his own principles . for amiraldus , whom he bringeth next , his design of union with the lutherans , i believe , did either stretch his opinion or made him stretch his affections to an excess of condescendency ; which cannot be excused but from his good intention . sect. . our author cometh next to those who look on parity as the primitive form , and yet allow episcopacy as a very lawful and usefull constitution . concerning those , i premise general remarques . . that what these worthy divines say to this purpose is to be understood , not of episcopus princeps , but praeses , according to that distinction very common among them . this we must hold as only consistent with their principles , till the contrary be proved out of their own writings . . that many things said by them to this purpose were the over reaches of their desire to be one with them who differed from them in this , but agreed in most things as the lutherans and some english divines : they did often ( as smect . saith of spanhem to the same purpose , p. . ) deliver a complement rather than their judgment . but to come to particulars : he beginneth with cracanthorp , who excuseth all the reformed churches from aerianism , because they held not imparity to be unlawful . but this man was a son of the church of england ( as they speak ) and wrote in her defence against ant. de domin . wherefore his testimony of the opinion of the reformed churches is not to be taken , being willing to have them all think as he did . they are better defended from siding with aerius by smect . p. . where it is proved , that aerius was condemned for his arianism and other errors , but not for holding the divine right of parity : and that jerome , augustus , sedulius , primatius , chrisostome , theodoret , oecumenius , theophylact , were of the same opinion with aerius in this . next he bringeth the augustane confession : of the testimony of which i have these things to say . . this was not a confession of them who are ordinarily called the reformed churches ; but of the lutherans ; for at the same meeting at augusta did zuinglius and the helvetians give in their confession apart , by themselves : wherefore it is no wonder , if these worthy men , who were a reforming , but had not attained to that pitch of it which others had , did retain some small tincture of the way according to which they had been bred in this point . . luther himself was not well pleased with this confession , as appeareth by the relation of pezelius , who ( mellifie . histor. par . . p. . ) saith thus . autor vero confessionis cum luthero qui in pontifioiis concessum stomachabatur confessionem rudem magis magisque ne spiritum extingueret , limabat , poliebat , et duriuscula , fermentumque vetus redolentiaexpurgabat : via enim justi sicut aurora lucere pergit usque ad meridiem , id quod ex ipsa apologia apparet . . all that is said in this confession , is no more but an expression of their desire to conform and condescend to the papists in the primitive order of the church : but this was no more but the precedency of bishops ; the confession speaketh not of the lordly power of bishops as it then stood ; that they could yield to that : so that even the furthest they go , in their complemental condescendency , doth not help mr. still 's cause ; who pleadeth for the sole jurisdiction of bishops as lawful . sect. . in the next place , he is not ashamed to force calvin to speak for the lawfulness of episcopacy , which he could never comport with while he lived . he bringeth his instit. lib. . c. . sect . . & . in both which sections he alledgeth no more out of him but this ; that the ancient bishops had almost nothing in their canons which was beside the word of god : and that they used no other form of governing the church , than was prescribed in the word . what doth this help his cause ? the ancient bishops in calvins judgment , were no more but praesides : these , he saith , were not constituted beside the word of god. this is nothing to the scope of our authors discourse . i hope after to shew that calvin was far from his mind . at present let it suffice to observe , that the very words cited by mr. still . do make against him . for when calvin saith , si rem omisso vocabulo , intuemur , reperiemus veteteres episcopos non aliam regendae ecclesiae formam voluisse fingere ab ea , quam deus verbo suo praescripsit : it is not evident , that he supposeth god in his word to have prescribed a form of church-government . and dly , that he asserteth , that the ancient bishops ( if we look to the thing , and do not understand the name [ bishop ] as now it is used for the prelate ) did stick close to this form ; what could be more directly against mr. still . ? neither is he more happy in the citing of beza for him : for beza's distinction of bishop is well known , in divinus , i. e. presbyter ; humanus , i. e. &c. a president or constant moderator ; & diabolicus , i. e. a prelate with sole jurisdiction . the indifferency of the d he asserteth , and will not prescribe that form used at geneva ( which was without such a fixed president ) to other churches : but what is this to the purpose ? it is a pity to see a learned man at so much pains , and lose his labour . it being so as hath been shewed . mr. still . doth fouly misrepresent the state of the controversie about church-government , that was between the church of england and of geneva in queen elizabeths time : it was not , as he alledgeth , whether parity or episcopacy were more convenient : but whether prelacy putting sole jurisdiction in the hand of a bishop , or giving him power over his brethren , were lawful . sect. . next he bringeth george prince of anhalt , luther , melancton , and calvin , professing their readiness to submit to bishops , if they would do the duty of bishops . all which amounts to no more than this , that if bishops would keep within bounds , not usurp authority over their brethren , nor use it to the destruction of religion , they might be born with ; but this maketh nothing for the lawfulness of prelacy , which these men did ever detest . for jacobus heerbrandus , i am not acquainted with his principles , nor his book . hemingius ( who cometh next ) speaketh expresly of dispares dignitatis ordines , not authoritatis ; and so cometh not up to the thing in question . for zepper his judgment of the necessity of a superintendent , it destroyeth our authors hypothesis ; for if it be necessary , it is not indifferent . if in any case such a thing be necessary , it is in that case lawful , ( nam necessitas quicquid coegit defendit ) in other cases it is unlawful . what he saith of bishops in some lutheran churches , as sweden , denmark , &c. doth not weigh with us , knowing that they err in greater matters also . what he saith of other churches that have their praepositi or seniores enjoying the same power with ancient bishops ; proveth nothing of the lawfulness of prelacy ; we think their way lawful : and whether it be convenient to them , or not , we judg not , but to us , sad experience hath proved it most inconvenient . the next thing that he insisteth on , viz. episcopal divines , holding episcopacy not necessary , it doth not concern us to answer , and so we see to what amounteth the strength of these testimonies , which he would fright us with , as if all men were of his judgment . sect. . having now seen of what force are our authors witnesses , brought for the indifferency of the form of church-government ; let us see if there can be more pregnant authority brought for the divine right of it . i do not question but many sheets may be filled with pertinent citations to this purpose , by one better stored with writings of our reformed divines , and having leisure to search them . i shall give some instances , such as my poor library doth afford , both of churches and of particular divines . and before the restorers of the truth , i shall mention those famous conservators of it in the darkest times of antichristianism , the waldenses , whom some of our divines call majores nostros : their opinion in this may be seen in waldensiâ confes. taboritarum per joa . lukawitz . cap. . p. . lex evangelica jesu christi — per se sufficientissima ad regimen ecclesiae militantis , &c. . p. . nos qui pro lege liberrima jesu christi per se sufficienti , ad regimen ecclesiae militantis , sine ceremoniis legis veteris & ritibus humantis post adjectis , scientes , quia securissimum est & optimum magisterium ecclesiae primitivae , quam regebant apostoli , actus imitari . we see here the sufficiency of scripture for church-government asserted , and that without new laws or humane devices ; which could not be if the particular form were not determined in it , but left to mens devising : also , that apostolick practice is in this a rule to us ; both which militate against mr. stilling's discourse . i shall next bring the opinion of the french and the dutch churches , held forth in their confessions : which i have out of smect . sect . . the french church artic. . . speaketh thus : credimus veram ecclesiam gubernari debere , eâ politiâ quam dominus noster jesus christus sancivit ( then it may not be such as men think fit , nor is it indifferent ) ita , viz. aut sui in ea pastores , presbyteri , sive seniores & diaconi ( then christs institution is against bishops , seeing he appointeth the rest , and leaveth them out ) ut doctrinae puritas retineatur . credimus omnes pastores ubicunque collocati sint , eadem & aequali potestate inter se esse praeditos ( then there can be no imparity of power ) sub uno illo capite & solo universali episcopo jesu christi . the dutch church , art. . thus : credimus veram hanc ecclesiam debere regi ac gubernari , spirituali illa politia quam nos deus ipse in verbo suo edocuit , ita ut sint in ea pastores ac ministri , qui purè & concionentur & sacramenta administrent , sint etiam seniores & diaconi , qui ecclesiae senatum constituant ; ut his veluti mediis vera religio conservari , hominesque vitiis dediti spiritualiter corripi , & emendari possint . tunc enim rite & ordinate omnia fiunt in ecclesiâ , cum viri fideles & pii ad ejus gubernationem deliguntur , juxta pauli praescriptum tim. . caeterum ubicunque locorum sint verbi dei ministri , eandem atque aequalem omnes habent tum potestatem tum authoritatem : ut qui sint aequè omnes christi unici illius universalis episcopi & capitis ecclesiae ministri . what hath ever been the opinion of the church of scotland about the divine right of presbyterial government , is so well known , that i need not mention it : also what hath been the judgment of the presbyterian ministers of england , both in the national synod of famous memory , and the provincial assembly of london , who have written for the jus divinum of it . sect. . to this truth also , the famous professors of london bear their joint testimony . synops. pur. theol. disp. . thes. . nec tamen propterea concedimus à solo aliquo episcopo , sive romano , sive eugobino , ex motu proprio aut plenaria authoritate , ut loquimur , hanc potestatem posse vendicari : sed rectorum ac presbyterorum ecclesiae , concilium , totiusque adeo ecclesiae aut apertum , aut tacitum consensum , adhibendum esse ; ex praescripto christi ac purioris ecclesiae praxi asserimus . and this they prove , thes. . because that [ tell the church ] cannot be understood of one bishop . calvin is clear for us ; for he maketh the officers of the church to be by christs institution ; and sheweth who they are that he hath instituted . instit. lib. . c. . sect . . also , c. . sect . . he sheweth how in the primitive church , they studied carefully to adhere to god's institution in the government of the church . and on phil. . . reproving the usurpation of bishops , he saith , perinde ac si non omnes presbyteri collegae essent ad eandem vocati functionem , unus sibi , praetextu novae appellationis dominium in alios arripuit . sect. . i close with a short answer ( such as it deserveth ) to his last assault ; which is p. . if prudence must be used in setling church-government , as he saith is confessed by independents in their elective synods : by presbyterians in their subordination of courts , classical-assemblies : episcopal men in several things . ans. all this is nothing of the particular form of government , parity or imparity , and so nothing to the purpose . we absolutely deny that that is to be setled by prudence ; but by the institution of christ ; though many circumstances in government must be determined by prudence , guided by scripture-light . for his advice in order to peace , it containeth many good things ; yet cannot we fully close with it , till he establish on better grounds than we have yet seen , the basis of it , viz. the indifferency of the particular form of church-government . finis . an advertisement of several books lately printed , and sold by richard janeway . moral reflections on the number of the elect , plainly proving from scripture-evidence , &c. that not one of an hundred thousand ( nay probably not one of a million ) from adam down to our days , shall be saved . price d. an appeal of all the nonconformists in england , to god and all the protestants of europe , in order to manifest their sincerity in point of obedience to god , and the king. to which is added a sober and unpassionate reply to the author of the lively picture of lewis dumonlin , both written by dr. l. du moulin , late history-professor of oxford . price d. the last speeches of mr. john kid , and mr. john king , the two ministers that were executed at edenburgh the th of august . price d. a letter to a friend about the proclamation for proroguing the parliament to november . a catalogue of the names of all the martyrs that were executed in queen maries days , with the particular time when , and places where . price d.